A
Collection
of
Papers
Relating
to
the
Present
Juncture
of
Affairs
in
England
.
VIZ.
-
1.
The
Humble
Petition
of
Seven
Bishops
to
his
Majesty
.
-
2.
Articles
recommended
by
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
,
to
all
the
Bishops
and
Clergy
within
his
Jurisdiction
.
-
3.
Proposals
of
the
Arch-Bishop
,
with
some
other
Bishops
,
to
his
Majesty
.
-
4.
Petition
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
for
Calling
a
Free
Parliament
;
With
his
Majesty's
Gracious
Answer
.
-
5.
Vindication
of
the
aforesaid
Petition
.
-
6.
Extract
of
the
States
General
their
Resolution
.
-
7.
Prince
of
Orange
his
Letter
to
the
English
Army
.
-
8.
Account
of
a
Design
to
Poison
the
Prince
of
Orange
before
he
came
out
of
Holland
.
-
9.
A
Relation
of
a
Strange
Meteor
,
representing
a
Crown
of
Light
,
seen
in
the
Air
near
the
City
of
Orange
.
-
10.
Lord
Del
—
r's
Speech
to
his
Tenants
.
-
11.
Prince
of
Denmark's
Letter
to
the
King.
-
12.
The
Lord
Churchil's
Letter
to
the
King.
-
13.
Princes
Ann's
Letter
to
the
Queen
.
-
14.
A
Memorial
of
the
Protestants
of
England
,
to
the
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
.
-
15.
Prince
of
Orange
his
Declaration
of
Novemb.
28.
1688.
from
Sherborn-Castle
.
Printed
in
the
Year
1688.
To
the
King
's
most
Excellent
Majesty
.
The
Humble
Petition
of
William
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
,
and
divers
of
the
Suffragan
Bishops
of
that
Province
,
(
now
present
with
him
)
in
behalf
of
themselves
,
and
others
of
their
absent
Brethren
,
and
of
the
Clergy
of
their
respective
Diocesses
.
Humbly
sheweth
,
THAT
the
great
averseness
they
find
in
themselves
to
the
distributing
and
publishing
in
all
their
Churches
your
Majesty's
late
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
proceeds
neither
from
any
want
of
Duty
and
Obedience
to
your
Majesty
,
(
our
Holy
Mother
the
Church
of
England
,
being
both
in
her
Principles
and
in
her
constant
Practice
unquestionably
Loyal
;
and
having
,
to
her
great
Honour
,
been
more
than
once
publickly
acknowledg'd
to
be
so
by
your
Gracious
Majesty
;
)
Nor
yet
from
any
want
of
due
tenderness
to
Dissenters
,
in
relation
to
whom
they
are
willing
to
come
to
such
a
Temper
as
shall
be
thought
fit
,
when
that
Matter
shall
be
considered
and
settled
in
Parliament
and
Convocation
.
But
among
many
other
Considerations
,
from
this
especially
▪
because
that
Declaration
is
founded
upon
such
a
Dispensing
Power
as
has
been
often
declared
Illegal
in
Parliament
,
and
particularly
in
the
Years
1662
,
and
1672
,
and
in
the
beginning
of
your
Majesty's
Reign
;
and
is
a
Matter
of
so
great
Moment
and
Consequence
to
the
whole
Nation
,
both
in
Church
and
State
,
that
your
Petitioners
cannot
in
Prudence
,
Honour
,
or
Conscience
,
so
far
make
themselves
Parties
to
it
,
as
the
distribution
of
it
all
over
the
Nation
,
and
the
solemn
publication
of
it
once
and
again
,
even
in
God's
House
,
and
in
the
Time
of
his
Divine
Service
,
must
amount
to
in
common
and
reasonable
Construction
.
Your
Petitioners
therefore
most
humbly
and
earnestly
beseech
your
Majesty
,
that
you
will
be
graciously
pleased
,
not
to
insist
upon
their
distributing
and
reading
your
Majesty's
said
Declaration
.
And
Your
Petitioners
,
as
in
Duty
bound
,
shall
ever
pray
.
-
Will
.
Cant.
-
Will
.
Asaph
.
-
Fr.
Ely.
-
Jo.
Cicestr
.
-
Tho.
Bathon
.
&
Wellen.
-
Tho.
Peterburgen
.
-
Jonath
.
Bristol
.
His
Majesties
Answer
was
to
this
effect
.
I
Have
heard
of
this
before
,
but
did
not
believe
it
.
I
did
not
expect
this
from
the
Church
of
England
,
especially
from
some
of
you
.
If
I
change
my
Mind
,
you
shall
hear
from
me
;
if
not
,
I
expect
my
Command
shall
be
obeyed
.
THE
ARTICLES
Recommended
by
the
ARCH-BISHOP
of
CANTERBURY
To
all
the
Bishops
within
his
Metropolitan
Iurisdiction
,
the
16
th
of
Iuly
,
1688.
SIR
,
YEsterday
the
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
delivered
the
Articles
which
I
send
you
inclosed
,
to
those
Bishops
who
are
at
present
in
this
place
;
and
ordered
Copies
of
them
to
be
likewise
sent
in
his
Name
to
the
absent
Bishops
.
By
the
Contents
of
them
you
will
see
that
the
Storm
in
which
he
is
,
does
not
frighten
him
from
doing
his
Duty
;
but
rather
awakens
him
to
do
it
with
so
much
the
more
vigor
:
and
indeed
,
the
Zeal
that
he
expresses
in
these
Articles
,
both
against
the
Corruptions
of
the
Church
of
Rome
on
the
one
hand
,
and
the
unhappy
Differences
that
are
among
Protestants
on
the
other
,
are
such
Apostolical
Things
,
that
all
good
Men
rejoyce
to
see
so
great
a
Prelate
at
the
Head
of
our
Church
,
who
in
this
Critical
Time
has
had
the
Courage
to
do
his
Duty
in
so
signal
a
manner
.
I
am
,
Sir
,
Yours
.
London
,
Iuly
27
,
1688.
Some
Heads
of
Things
to
be
more
fully
insisted
upon
by
the
Bishops
in
their
Addresses
to
the
Clergy
and
People
of
their
respective
Diocesses
.
I.
THat
the
Clergy
often
reade
over
the
Forms
of
their
Ordination
;
and
seriously
consider
,
what
Solemn
Vows
and
Professions
they
made
therein
to
God
and
his
Church
,
together
with
the
several
Oaths
and
Subscriptions
they
have
taken
and
made
upon
divers
Occasions
.
II.
That
in
Compliance
with
those
and
other
Obligations
,
they
be
Active
and
Zealous
in
all
the
Parts
and
Instances
of
their
Duty
,
and
especially
strict
and
exact
in
all
Holy
Conversation
,
that
so
they
may
become
Examples
to
the
Flock
.
III.
To
this
end
,
that
they
be
constantly
Resident
upon
their
Cures
in
their
Incumbent
Houses
;
and
keep
sober
Hospitality
there
according
to
their
Ability
.
IV.
That
they
diligently
Catechise
the
Children
and
Youth
of
their
Parishes
(
as
the
Rubrick
of
the
Common-Prayer-Book
,
and
the
59th
Canon
injoyn
)
and
so
prepare
them
to
be
brought
in
due
time
to
Confirmation
,
when
there
shall
be
Opportunity
;
and
that
they
also
at
the
same
time
expound
the
Grounds
of
Religion
and
the
Common
Christianity
,
in
the
Method
of
the
Catechism
,
for
the
Instruction
and
Benefit
of
the
whole
Parish
,
teaching
them
what
they
are
to
believe
,
and
what
to
do
,
and
what
to
pray
for
;
and
particularly
often
and
earnestly
inculcating
upon
the
Importance
and
Obligation
of
their
Baptismal
Vows
.
V.
That
they
perform
the
Daily
Office
publickly
(
with
all
Decency
,
Affection
and
Gravity
)
in
all
Market
and
other
Great
Towns
,
and
even
in
Villages
,
and
less
populous
Places
,
bring
People
to
Publick
Prayers
as
frequently
as
may
be
;
especially
on
such
Days
and
at
such
Times
as
the
Rubrick
and
Canons
appointed
on
Holy
Days
,
and
their
Eves
,
on
Ember
and
R●gation
Days
,
on
Wednesdays
and
Fridays
in
each
Week
,
and
especially
in
Advent
and
Lent.
VI.
That
they
use
their
utmost
Endeavour
,
both
in
their
Sermons
and
by
private
Applications
,
to
prevail
with
such
of
their
Flock
as
are
of
competent
Age
,
to
receive
frequently
the
Holy
Communion
:
and
to
this
end
,
that
they
administer
it
in
the
greater
Towns
once
in
every
Month
,
and
even
in
the
lesser
too
,
if
Communicants
may
be
procured
,
or
how-ever
as
often
as
they
may
:
and
that
they
take
all
due
Care
,
both
by
Preaching
and
otherwise
,
to
prepare
all
for
the
worthy
receiving
of
it
.
VII
.
That
in
their
Sermons
they
teach
and
inform
their
People
(
four
times
a
Year
at
the
least
,
as
what
the
Canon
require
)
that
all
Vsurp'd
and
Foreign
Jurisdiction
is
for
most
Just
Causes
taken
away
and
abolish'd
in
this
Realm
,
and
no
manner
of
Obedience
or
Subjection
due
to
the
s●me
,
or
to
any
that
pretend
to
act
by
virtue
of
it
:
but
that
the
King's
Power
being
in
his
Dominions
highest
under
God
,
they
upon
all
Occasions
perswade
the
People
to
Loyalty
and
Obedience
to
his
Majesty
in
all
things
Lawful
,
and
to
patient
Submission
in
the
rest
;
promoting
(
as
far
as
in
them
lies
)
the
publick
Peace
and
Quiet
of
the
World.
VIII
.
That
they
maintain
fair
Correspondence
(
full
of
the
kindest
Respects
of
all
sorts
)
with
the
Gentry
and
Persons
of
Quality
in
their
Neighbourhood
,
as
being
deeply
sensible
what
reasonable
Assistance
and
Countenance
this
poor
Church
hath
received
from
them
in
her
Necessities
.
IX
.
That
they
often
exhort
all
those
of
our
Communion
,
to
continue
stedfast
to
the
end
in
their
most
Holy
Faith
,
and
constant
to
their
Profession
;
and
to
that
end
,
to
take
heed
of
all
Seducers
,
and
especially
of
Popish
Emissaries
,
who
are
now
in
great
numbers
gone
forth
amongst
them
,
and
more
busie
and
active
than
ever
.
And
that
they
take
all
occasions
to
convince
our
own
Flock
,
that
't
is
not
enough
for
them
to
be
Members
of
an
Excellent
Church
,
rightly
and
duly
Reformed
,
both
in
Faith
and
Worship
,
unless
they
do
also
reform
and
amend
their
own
Lives
,
an
so
order
their
Conversation
in
all
things
as
becomes
the
Gospel
of
Christ
.
X.
And
forasmuch
as
those
Romish
Emissaries
,
like
the
Old
Serpent
,
Insidiantur
Calcaneo
,
are
wont
to
be
most
busie
and
troublesome
to
our
People
at
the
end
of
their
Lives
,
labouring
to
unsettle
and
perplex
them
in
time
of
Sickness
,
and
at
the
hour
of
Death
;
that
therefore
all
who
have
the
Cure
of
Souls
,
be
more
especially
vigilant
over
them
at
that
dangerous
Season
;
that
they
stay
not
till
they
be
sent
for
,
but
enquire
out
the
Sick
in
their
respective
Parishes
,
and
visit
them
frequently
:
that
they
examine
them
particularly
concerning
the
state
of
their
Souls
,
and
instruct
them
in
their
Duties
,
and
settle
them
in
their
Doubts
,
and
comfort
them
in
their
Sorrows
and
Sufferings
,
and
pray
often
with
them
and
for
them
;
and
by
all
the
Methods
which
our
Church
prescribes
,
prepare
them
for
the
due
and
worthy
receiving
of
the
Holy
Eucharist
,
the
Pledg
of
their
happy
Resurrection
:
thus
with
their
utmost
Diligence
,
watching
over
every
Sheep
within
their
Fold
(
especially
in
that
critical
Moment
)
lest
those
Evening
Wolves
devour
them
.
XI
.
That
they
also
walk
in
Wisdom
towards
those
that
are
not
of
Our
Communion
:
and
if
there
be
in
their
Parishes
any
such
,
that
they
neglect
not
frequently
to
confer
with
them
in
the
Spirit
of
Meekness
,
seeking
by
all
good
Ways
and
Means
to
gain
and
win
them
over
to
our
Communion
:
More
especially
that
they
have
a
very
tender
Regard
to
our
Brethren
the
Protestant
Dissenters
;
that
upon
occasion
offered
,
they
visit
them
at
their
Houses
,
and
receive
them
kindly
at
their
own
,
and
treat
them
fairly
where-ever
they
meet
them
,
discoursing
calmly
and
civilly
with
them
;
perswading
them
(
if
it
may
be
)
to
a
full
Compliance
with
our
Church
,
or
at
least
,
that
whereto
we
have
already
attained
,
we
may
all
walk
by
the
same
Rule
,
and
mind
the
same
thing
.
And
in
order
hereunto
that
they
take
all
Opportunities
of
assuring
and
convincing
them
,
that
the
Bishops
of
this
Church
are
really
and
sincerely
irreconcileable
Enemies
to
the
Errors
,
Superstitions
,
Idolatries
and
Tyrannies
of
the
Church
of
Rome
;
and
that
the
very
unkind
Jealousies
which
some
have
had
of
us
to
the
contrary
were
altogether
groundless
.
And
in
the
last
place
,
that
they
warmly
and
most
affectionately
exhort
them
,
to
joyn
with
us
in
daily
fervent
Prayer
to
the
God
of
Peace
,
for
an
Universal
Blessed
Vnion
of
all
Reformed
Churches
,
both
at
Home
and
Abroad
,
against
our
common
Enemies
,
and
that
all
they
who
do
confess
the
Holy
Name
of
our
dear
Lord
,
and
do
agree
in
the
Truth
of
his
Holy
Word
,
may
also
meet
in
one
Holy
Communion
,
and
live
in
perfect
Unity
and
Godly
Love.
An
Account
of
the
late
PROPOSALS
of
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
,
with
some
other
Bishops
,
to
his
Majesty
:
In
a
LETTER
to
M.
B.
Esq
SIR
,
I
Am
much
surprized
at
the
ill
Constructions
some
People
make
of
the
Actions
of
those
Bishops
,
who
have
lately
waited
upon
the
King
;
especially
considering
that
most
of
them
are
the
very
Men
,
who
not
many
Months
ago
appeared
so
publickly
and
so
courageously
,
even
to
the
hazard
of
all
the
Interests
they
had
in
this
World
,
in
Defence
of
our
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Laws
of
the
Land
.
In
order
to
the
removing
all
groundless
Jealousies
,
and
unreasonable
Surmises
,
in
an
Affair
of
so
great
Consequence
,
which
our
Popish
Enemies
will
,
I
am
sure
,
be
very
ready
to
foment
and
keep
up
,
I
have
here
sent
you
the
Heads
of
those
Matters
which
were
proposed
by
them
to
the
King.
They
waited
upon
Him
,
not
as
a
Party
separate
either
from
the
Nobility
or
Gentry
,
whom
they
could
(
I
believe
)
have
wished
his
Majesty
would
rather
have
called
for
at
this
Juncture
;
or
from
the
rest
of
the
Bishops
or
Clergy
of
England
;
but
as
Persons
whom
the
King
was
pleased
,
upon
Reasons
known
only
to
his
Royal
Breast
,
to
command
to
attend
upon
Him.
The
Heads
which
I
send
you
,
are
not
taken
from
any
Copy
of
the
Paper
which
my
Lords
the
Bishops
presented
to
the
King.
I
understand
that
all
their
Lordships
have
been
extreamly
careful
to
prevent
the
publishing
of
any
Copies
,
and
that
they
still
refuse
to
communicate
any
,
tho
they
now
lie
under
no
Obligations
to
the
contrary
.
However
,
I
do
assure
you
with
all
faithfulness
,
that
these
Heads
which
I
am
now
sending
you
,
are
true
Contents
,
obtain'd
by
another
Method
,
which
in
prudence
you
will
imagine
not
fit
for
me
to
disclose
.
You
have
already
been
told
from
me
,
that
every
one
of
these
Bishops
were
sent
for
up
out
of
their
Diocesses
by
Expresses
from
his
Majesty
,
whom
they
first
waited
on
in
a
Body
,
on
Friday
the
28
th
of
September
.
I
cannot
,
upon
the
strictest
inquiry
,
find
that
any
thing
passed
betwixt
the
King
and
them
,
at
that
first
attendance
upon
Him
,
besides
general
Expressions
of
Favour
and
Protection
from
his
Majesty
,
and
general
returns
of
Duty
and
Loyalty
from
the
Bishops
.
This
was
matter
of
Admiration
to
us
all
here
,
who
could
not
believe
but
that
the
King
had
other
Intentions
of
a
nearer
and
more
particular
Concern
,
when
he
first
resolved
to
send
so
far
for
some
of
these
Bishops
:
but
these
Alterations
in
Councils
are
Things
not
sit
for
you
or
I
to
meddle
with
.
However
,
my
Lords
the
Bishops
were
not
satisfied
herewith
,
concluding
(
as
I
suppose
)
that
his
Majesty
would
not
have
sent
for
them
so
far
,
if
he
had
not
intended
to
have
advised
with
them
in
this
Juncture
,
and
to
give
them
the
liberty
of
offering
Him
such
Counsels
as
they
thought
necessary
at
this
Time
:
And
therefore
when
his
Grace
my
Lord
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
waited
on
the
King
alone
the
first
time
,
on
Sunday
morning
,
Sept.
30.
being
indisposed
when
the
other
Bishops
attended
on
Friday
,
their
Lordships
did
,
by
my
Lord
of
Canterbury
,
intimate
their
Thoughts
about
that
Affair
,
and
their
readiness
to
the
King
;
who
was
pleased
not
only
to
permit
them
to
give
him
the
best
and
most
particular
Advices
,
but
to
encourage
them
to
do
it
with
all
the
freedom
that
was
necessary
for
the
present
Occasion
.
Upon
this
Royal
Invitation
their
Lordships
assembled
together
the
next
day
at
my
Lord
of
Canterbury's
Palace
,
and
prepared
,
upon
the
most
mature
deliberation
,
such
Matters
as
they
judged
necessary
for
hi●
Majesty's
Knowledg
and
Consideration
:
And
on
the
Wednesday
after
waited
on
the
King
in
a
Body
,
when
his
Grace
in
his
own
,
and
in
the
name
of
the
rest
of
the
Bishops
then
present
,
did
,
in
a
most
excellent
Speech
,
represent
to
his
Majesty
such
things
as
were
thought
by
them
absolutely
necessary
to
the
Settlement
of
the
Nation
,
amidst
the
present
Distractions
,
and
to
the
publick
Interest
of
Church
and
State.
I
am
assured
that
his
Grace
delivered
himself
upon
this
Critical
Occasion
,
as
with
all
dutifulness
to
his
Majesty
,
so
with
all
the
readiness
and
the
courage
that
did
become
such
an
Apostolical
Arch-Bishop
as
God
hath
blest
our
Church
of
England
with
at
this
Time.
You
must
not
expect
here
his
excellent
Words
,
but
an
Abridgment
of
them
,
according
to
my
Talent
,
in
a
meaner
Stile
.
I.
First
,
the
Bishops
thought
fit
to
represent
in
general
to
his
Majesty
,
That
it
was
necessary
for
Him
to
restore
all
things
to
the
state
in
which
He
found
them
when
He
came
to
the
Crown
,
by
committing
all
Offices
and
Places
of
Trust
in
the
Government
,
to
such
of
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
as
were
qualified
for
them
according
to
the
Laws
of
this
Kingdom
;
and
by
Redressing
and
Removing
such
Grievances
as
were
generally
complain'd
of
.
II.
Particularly
,
That
his
Majesty
would
Dissolve
the
Ecclesiastical
Commission
,
and
promise
to
His
People
never
to
Erect
any
such
Court
for
the
future
.
III.
That
He
would
not
only
put
an
effectual
stop
to
the
issuing
forth
of
any
Dispensations
,
but
would
Call
in
,
and
Cancel
all
those
which
had
since
his
coming
to
the
Crown
been
obtained
from
Him.
IV.
That
he
would
Restore
the
Vniversities
to
their
Legal
State
,
and
to
their
Statutes
and
Customs
,
and
would
particularly
Restore
the
Master
of
Magdalen
Colledge
in
Cambridge
,
to
the
Profits
of
his
Mastership
,
which
he
had
been
so
long
Deprived
of
,
by
an
Illegal
Suspension
;
and
the
Ejected
President
and
Fellows
of
Magdalen
Colledge
in
Oxford
,
to
their
Properties
in
that
Colledge
:
And
,
that
He
would
not
permit
any
Persons
to
enjoy
any
of
the
Preferments
in
either
Vniversity
,
but
such
as
are
qualified
by
the
Statutes
of
the
Vniversities
,
the
particular
Statutes
of
their
several
Foundations
,
and
the
Laws
of
the
Land
.
V.
That
He
would
suppress
the
Iesuits
Schools
opened
in
this
City
,
or
elsewhere
,
and
grant
no
more
Licenses
for
such
Schools
as
are
apparently
against
the
Laws
of
this
Nation
,
and
His
Majesty's
True
Interest
.
VI.
That
He
would
send
Inhibitions
after
those
Four
Romish
Bishops
,
who
under
the
Title
of
Apostolick
Vicars
,
did
presume
to
Exercise
within
this
Kingdom
such
Iurisdictions
as
are
by
the
Laws
of
the
Land
Invested
in
the
Bishops
of
the
Church
of
England
,
and
ought
not
to
be
Violated
or
Attempted
by
them
.
VII
.
That
He
would
suffer
no
more
Quo
Warranto's
to
be
issued
out
against
any
Corporations
,
but
would
restore
to
those
Corporations
which
had
been
already
disturbed
,
their
ancient
Charters
,
Priviledges
,
Grants
,
and
Immunities
,
and
Condemn
all
those
late
Illegal
Regulations
of
Corporations
,
by
putting
them
into
their
late
Flourishing
Condition
,
and
Legal
Establishment
.
VIII
.
That
He
would
fill
up
all
the
Vacant
Bishopricks
in
England
and
Ireland
,
with
Persons
duly
qualified
according
to
the
Laws
:
and
would
especially
take
into
His
Consideration
the
See
of
York
,
whose
want
of
an
Archbishop
is
very
prejudicial
to
that
whole
Province
.
IX
.
That
He
would
Act
no
more
upon
a
Dispensing
Power
,
nor
insist
upon
it
;
but
permit
that
Affair
at
the
first
Session
of
a
Parliament
to
be
fairly
Stated
and
Debated
,
and
Settled
by
Act
of
Parliament
.
X.
That
upon
the
Restoration
of
Corporations
to
their
Ancient
Charters
,
and
Burroughs
to
their
Prescriptive
Rights
,
He
would
Order
Writs
to
be
issued
out
for
a
fair
and
free
Parliament
,
and
suffer
it
to
Sit
to
Redress
all
Grievances
,
to
Settle
Matters
in
Church
and
State
upon
just
and
solid
Foundations
,
and
to
Establish
a
due
Liberty
of
Conscience
.
XI
.
Lastly
,
and
above
all
,
That
His
Majesty
would
permit
some
of
His
Bishops
,
to
lay
such
Motives
and
Arguments
before
him
,
as
might
by
the
Blessing
of
GOD
,
bring
back
His
Majesty
unto
the
Communion
of
Our
Holy
Church
of
England
,
into
whose
Catholick
Faith
He
had
been
Baptized
,
in
which
He
had
been
Educated
,
and
to
which
it
was
their
earnest
and
daily
Prayer
to
Almighty
GOD
,
that
His
Majesty
might
be
Reunited
.
All
these
Counsels
were
concluded
with
a
Prayer
to
GOD
,
in
whose
Hands
the
Hearts
of
Kings
are
,
for
a
good
Effect
upon
them
;
especially
the
last
,
about
bringing
the
King
back
to
the
Protestant
Religion
.
And
now
,
Sir
,
I
cannot
but
ask
you
,
What
grounds
there
are
for
any
Mens
Jealousies
of
the
Bishops
Proceedings
?
Pray
shew
this
Letter
to
all
your
Friends
,
that
some
may
lay
down
their
Fears
,
and
others
may
have
this
Antidote
against
taking
any
up
.
I
do
assure
you
,
and
I
am
certain
I
have
the
best
grounds
in
the
World
for
my
assurance
,
That
the
Bishops
will
never
stir
one
Jot
from
their
PETITION
;
but
that
they
will
,
whenever
that
happy
Opportunity
shall
offer
itself
,
let
the
Protestant
Dissenters
find
that
they
will
be
better
than
their
Word
given
in
their
Famous
PETITION
.
In
the
mean
time
let
You
and
I
,
Commend
the
Prudence
of
these
Excellent
Bishops
,
Admire
their
Courage
,
and
Celebrate
their
just
Praises
,
and
never
forget
to
offer
up
most
fervent
Thanks
to
GOD
,
for
his
Adorning
the
Church
of
England
,
at
this
Juncture
,
with
such
Eminent
Apostolical
Bishops
.
I
am
with
all
Respect
.
Yours
,
N.
N.
The
PETITION
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
for
the
Calling
of
a
Free
Parliament
:
Together
with
his
Majesty's
Gracious
Answer
to
their
Lordships
.
To
the
KING
's
most
Excellent
Majesty
,
The
Humble
Petition
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
Whose
Names
are
Subscribed
.
May
it
please
your
Majesty
,
WE
your
Majesty's
most
Loyal
Subjects
,
in
a
deep
Sense
of
the
Miseries
of
a
War
now
breaking
forth
in
the
Bowels
of
this
your
Kingdom
,
and
of
the
Danger
to
which
your
Majesty's
Sacred
Person
is
thereby
like
to
be
Exposed
,
and
also
of
the
Distractions
of
your
People
,
by
reason
of
their
present
Grievances
,
do
think
our selves
bound
in
Conscience
of
the
Duty
we
owe
to
God
,
and
our
Holy
Religion
,
to
your
Majesty
,
and
our
Country
,
most
humbly
to
offer
to
your
Majesty
,
That
in
our
Opinion
,
the
only
visible
Way
to
preserve
your
Majesty
,
and
this
your
Kingdom
,
would
be
the
Calling
of
a
Parliament
,
Regular
and
Free
in
all
its
Circumstances
.
And
Your
Petitioners
shall
ever
pray
,
&c.
-
W.
Cant.
-
Grafton
.
-
Ormond
.
-
Dorset
.
-
Clare
.
-
Clarendon
.
-
Burlington
.
-
Anglesey
.
-
Rochester
.
-
Newport
.
-
Nom.
Ebor.
-
W.
Asaph
.
-
Fran.
Ely.
-
Tho.
Roffen.
-
Tho.
Petriburg
.
-
Tho.
Oxon.
-
Paget
.
-
Chandois
.
-
Osulston
.
We
therefore
do
most
earnestly
beseech
your
Majesty
,
That
you
would
be
graciously
pleased
,
with
all
speed
,
to
Call
such
a
Parliament
,
wherein
we
shall
be
most
ready
to
promote
such
Counsels
and
Resolutions
of
Peace
and
Settlement
in
Church
and
State
,
as
may
conduce
to
your
Majesty's
Honour
and
Safety
,
and
to
the
quieting
the
Minds
of
your
People
.
We
do
likelise
humbly
beseech
your
Majesty
,
in
the
mean
time
,
to
use
such
means
for
the
preventing
the
Effusion
of
Christian
Blood
,
as
to
your
Majesty
shall
seem
most
meet
.
His
Majesty's
most
Gracious
Answer
.
My
LORDS
,
WHAT
You
ask
of
Me
,
I
most
passionately
desire
:
And
I
promise
You
,
upon
the
Faith
of
a
King
,
That
I
will
have
a
Parliament
,
and
such
an
One
as
You
ask
for
,
as
soon
as
ever
the
Prince
of
Orange
has
quitted
this
Realm
:
For
,
How
is
it
possible
a
Parliament
should
be
Free
in
all
its
Circumstances
,
as
You
Petition
for
,
whil'st
an
Enemy
is
in
the
Kingdom
,
and
can
make
a
Return
of
near
an
Hundred
Voices
?
The
Lords
Petition
,
with
the
King's
Answer
,
may
be
printed
,
Novemb.
20.
1688.
A
Modest
Vindication
of
the
Petition
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
for
the
Calling
of
a
Free
Parliament
.
THIS
D●fence
is
grounded
upon
three
Fundamental
Principles
:
-
I.
The
Right
of
Petitioning
.
-
II.
The
Necessity
.
-
III.
The
Duty
.
I.
It
is
the
undoubted
Right
of
the
Subjects
to
Petition
,
being
founded
upon
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
and
the
highest
Reason
in
the
World
;
for
that
is
a
very
monstrous
Government
,
where
the
People
must
not
approach
their
King
,
and
acquaint
him
with
their
Grievances
.
The
People
have
the
greatest
Property
in
the
Land
,
and
therefore
the
most
concern'd
when
a
Foreign
Enemy
is
upon
it
;
their
Welfare
is
the
Supream
Law
,
and
yet
they
must
not
desire
to
meet
in
order
to
consult
their
own
Preservation
.
The
Jesuits
(
the
sworn
Enemies
to
the
English
Nation
)
will
take
care
of
us
,
and
our
Posterity
;
therefore
why
should
we
trouble
our selves
at
this
Juncture
?
They
can
levy
Mony
with
a
Proclamation
,
they
can
dispense
with
all
Laws
,
and
what
should
we
do
with
a
Parliament
,
when
the
whole
Statute-Book
serves
for
no
other
End
but
to
wipe
the
Tails
of
these
Reverend
Satyrs
,
who
fly
into
their
Dens
and
Thickets
,
at
the
very
sound
of
a
House
of
Commons
?
II.
The
Necessity
,
and
that
an
indispensible
one
:
The
Government
turn'd
Topsy-Turvy
,
no
Law
,
no
Rule
,
all
in
a
state
of
War
;
all
Treaties
broken
,
all
Obligations
ceas'd
;
and
yet
the
People
must
not
come
together
to
know
why
or
wherefore
they
Fight
,
or
how
they
may
avoid
destroying
one
another
;
they
must
hack
and
cut
one
another
to
pieces
blindfold
,
and
to
no
other
End
,
but
to
save
the
Iesuits
,
and
the
Knaves
,
and
to
ruin
themselves
:
But
the
most
Reverend
Bishops
are
told
,
that
they
shall
have
a
Free
Parliament
as
soon
as
ever
the
Prince
of
Orange
has
quitted
this
Realm
;
that
is
,
such
a
Free
Parliament
as
they
were
like
to
have
had
before
the
Prince
came
hither
,
shuffl'd
,
cut
,
and
pack'd
,
by
Mr.
Brent
and
his
Missionaries
;
or
perhaps
ten
times
worse
,
or
rather
none
at
all
:
for
the
Church
of
Rome
is
grown
such
an
infamous
Bankrupt
,
that
no
Body
will
trust
her
further
than
they
can
command
her
:
She
may
be
compar'd
to
the
Tyger
,
which
fawns
,
sneaks
,
and
lurks
,
as
long
as
the
Hunter
is
arm'd
with
his
Spear
and
his
Gun
;
but
when
once
the
Weapons
are
laid
down
,
the
Beast
flies
upon
the
unwary
Forester
,
tears
and
devours
him
.
III.
The
Duty
:
For
what
better
Office
could
those
pious
Prelats
and
Patriots
of
their
Country
do
for
the
Publick-Good
,
than
to
make
all
People
Friends
,
to
save
the
Lives
of
many
Thousands
,
and
to
heal
all
our
Wounds
and
Sores
,
which
they
of
the
Roman
Faith
have
inflicted
upon
a
People
too
kind
and
good
natur'd
for
such
ravenous
Monsters
,
who
go
about
seeking
whom
they
may
devour
.
France
,
Ireland
,
Hungary
,
and
the
Valleys
of
Piedmont
are
still
reeking
with
the
Blood
of
their
poor
innocent
Preys
,
and
ecchoing
with
the
Lamentations
of
a
People
ruin'd
,
by
trusting
these
Crocodiles
too
much
;
and
if
God
in
his
infinite
Mercy
had
not
watch'd
over
these
Kingdoms
,
and
sent
a
Gabriel
to
guard
them
,
they
had
certainly
fallen
a
Victim
to
the
intollerable
Pride
,
the
lawless
Fury
,
and
untractable
Barbariety
of
a
sort
of
Animals
,
call'd
Catholicks
,
subtile
and
treacherous
by
Custom
and
Discipline
,
not
to
be
chain'd
by
any
Law
,
either
of
God
or
Man
;
and
therefore
every
Body
knows
how
far
we
may
rely
upon
them
,
when
the
Arch-Angel
leaves
us
.
Exeter
,
Nov.
21.
1688.
Extract
of
the
States
General
their
Resolution
.
Thursday
,
28th
October
,
1688.
UPon
mature
Deliberation
,
it
is
found
sit
,
and
resolved
,
that
notice
be
given
to
all
their
Ministers
abroad
,
of
all
the
Reasons
which
induce
their
H.
and
M.
to
assist
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
going
over
to
England
in
Person
with
Ships
and
Forces
,
with
Orders
to
the
said
Ministers
to
make
use
thereof
in
the
several
Courts
where
they
reside
,
as
they
shall
think
most
convenient
;
and
that
it
be
also
writ
to
the
said
Ministers
,
that
it
is
known
to
all
the
World
that
the
English
Nation
hath
a
good
while
very
much
murmured
and
complained
,
that
the
King
(
no
doubt
with
the
Evil
Counsel
,
and
Inducement
of
his
Ministers
)
had
gained
upon
their
Fundamental
Laws
,
and
laboured
through
the
violation
thereof
;
and
by
the
bringing
in
the
Roman
Catholick
Religion
,
to
oppress
their
Liberty
,
and
to
ruine
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
to
bring
all
under
an
Arbitrary
Government
:
That
as
this
inverted
and
unjust
Conduct
was
carried
on
more
and
more
,
and
the
Apprehensions
thereupon
were
still
greater
,
and
that
thereby
such
Diffidence
and
Aversion
was
stirred
up
against
the
King
,
that
nothing
was
to
be
expected
in
that
Kingdom
but
general
Disorder
and
Confusion
.
His
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
upon
the
manifold
Representations
,
and
the
reiterated
and
earnest
Desire
which
was
made
to
His
Highness
by
several
Lords
,
and
other
Persons
of
great
Consideration
in
that
Kingdom
;
as
also
upon
the
account
that
Her
Royal
Highness
,
and
His
Highness
Himself
,
are
so
highly
concerned
in
the
Welfare
of
that
Kingdom
,
could
not
well
endure
that
through
Strife
and
Disunion
they
should
run
the
danger
,
however
it
went
,
of
being
excluded
from
the
Crown
,
held
himself
obliged
to
watch
over
the
Welfare
of
that
Kingdom
,
and
to
take
care
thereof
;
and
also
had
the
thoughts
of
assisting
the
Nation
,
and
giving
them
a
helping-hand
,
upon
so
many
just
and
good
Grounds
,
against
the
Government
that
oppressed
them
in
all
manner
of
ways
that
lay
in
his
Highness's
Power
,
for
that
His
Highness
was
perswaded
that
the
Welfare
of
this
State
(
the
Care
whereof
is
also
entrusted
to
him
)
was
in
the
highest
manner
concerned
,
that
the
said
Kingdom
might
continue
in
Tranquillity
,
and
that
all
misunderstanding
between
the
King
and
the
Nation
might
be
taken
away
.
That
His
Highness
well
knowing
,
that
to
succeed
in
so
Important
and
Laudable
a
Cause
,
and
not
to
be
hindred
and
prevented
by
those
that
were
evil
inclined
towards
it
,
it
was
necessary
to
pass
over
into
that
Kingdom
accompanied
with
some
Military
Forces
,
hath
thereupon
made
known
his
Intentions
to
their
Highnesses
,
and
desired
Assistance
from
their
Highnesses
,
that
their
Highnesses
having
maturely
weighed
all
things
,
and
considered
that
the
King
of
France
and
Great
Britain
stood
in
very
good
Correspondence
and
Friendship
one
with
the
other
,
which
their
Highnesses
have
been
frequently
very
well
assured
of
,
and
in
a
strict
and
particular
Alliance
;
and
that
their
Highnesses
were
informed
and
advertised
,
that
their
Majesties
had
laboured
upon
a
Concert
,
to
divide
and
separate
this
State
from
its
Alliances
;
and
that
the
King
of
France
hath
,
upon
several
occasions
,
shew'd
himself
dissatisfied
with
this
State
,
which
gave
cause
to
fear
and
apprehend
that
in
case
the
King
of
Great
Britain
should
happen
to
compass
his
Aim
within
his
Kingdom
,
and
obtain
an
absolute
Power
over
his
People
,
that
then
both
Kings
,
out
of
Interest
of
State
,
and
Hatred
and
Zeal
against
the
Protestant
Religion
,
would
endeavour
to
bring
this
State
to
Confusion
,
and
if
possible
,
quite
to
subject
it
,
have
resolved
to
commend
His
Highness
in
his
undertaking
of
the
above
said
Designs
,
and
to
grant
to
him
for
his
Assistance
,
some
Ships
and
Militia
,
as
Auxiliaries
;
that
in
pursuance
thereof
,
His
Highness
hath
declared
to
their
Highnesses
,
that
he
is
resolved
,
with
God's
Grace
and
Favour
,
to
go
over
into
England
,
not
with
the
least
insight
or
intention
to
invade
or
subdue
that
Kingdom
,
or
to
remove
the
King
from
his
Throne
,
much
less
to
make
himself
Master
thereof
,
or
to
invert
or
prejudice
the
Lawful
Succession
,
as
also
not
to
drive
thence
,
or
persecute
the
Roman
Catholicks
,
but
only
and
solely
to
help
that
Nation
in
re-establishing
the
Laws
and
Priviledges
that
have
been
broken
,
as
also
in
maintaining
their
Religion
and
Liberty
;
and
to
that
end
,
to
further
and
bring
it
about
,
that
a
free
and
lawful
Parliament
may
be
call'd
in
such
manner
,
and
of
such
Persons
,
as
are
regulated
and
qualified
by
the
Laws
and
Form
of
that
Government
;
and
that
the
said
Parliament
may
deliberate
upon
,
and
establish
all
such
Matters
as
shall
be
judged
necessary
to
assure
and
secure
the
Lords
,
the
Clergy
,
Gentry
,
and
People
,
that
their
Rights
,
Laws
and
Priviledges
,
shall
be
no
more
violated
or
broken
,
that
their
High
and
Mightinesses
hope
and
trust
,
that
with
God's
Blessing
,
the
Repose
and
Unity
of
that
Kingdom
shall
be
re-established
,
and
the
same
be
thereby
brought
into
a
Condition
to
be
able
,
powerfully
to
concur
to
the
common
benefit
of
Christendom
,
and
to
the
restoring
and
maintaining
of
Peace
and
Tranquillity
in
Europe
.
That
Copies
hereof
be
delivered
to
all
their
Foreign
Ministers
residing
here
,
to
be
used
by
them
as
they
shall
see
occasion
.
The
P.
O's
Letter
to
the
English
Army
.
Gentlemen
and
Friends
,
WE
have
given
you
so
full
,
and
so
true
an
Account
of
our
Intentions
,
in
this
Expedition
in
our
Declaration
,
that
as
we
can
add
nothing
to
it
,
so
we
are
sure
you
can
desire
nothing
more
of
us
.
We
are
come
to
preserve
your
Religion
,
and
to
restore
and
establish
your
Liberties
and
Properties
;
and
therefore
we
cannot
suffer
our selves
to
doubt
but
that
all
true
English-Men
will
come
and
concur
with
us
,
in
our
desire
to
secure
these
Nations
from
POPERY
and
SLAVERY
.
You
must
all
plainly
see
,
that
you
are
only
made
use
of
as
Instruments
to
enslave
the
Nation
,
and
ruine
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
when
that
is
done
,
you
may
judg
what
ye
your selves
ought
to
expect
,
both
from
the
cashiering
of
all
the
Protestant
and
English
Officers
and
Souldiers
in
Ireland
,
and
by
the
Irish
Souldiers
being
brought
over
to
be
put
in
your
places
;
and
of
which
you
have
seen
so
fresh
an
Instance
,
that
we
need
not
put
you
in
mind
of
it
.
You
know
how
many
of
your
fellow-Officers
have
been
used
for
their
standing
firm
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
to
the
Laws
of
England
,
and
you
cannot
flatter
your selves
so
far
as
to
expect
to
be
better
used
,
if
those
who
have
broke
their
word
so
often
,
should
by
your
means
be
brought
cut
of
those
Straits
to
which
they
are
reduced
at
present
.
We
hope
likewise
,
that
you
will
not
suffer
your selves
to
be
abused
by
a
false
Notion
of
Honour
,
but
that
you
will
in
the
first
place
consider
,
what
you
owe
to
Almighty
God
and
your
Religion
,
to
your
Country
,
to
your Selves
,
and
to
your
Posterity
,
which
you
,
as
Men
of
Honour
,
ought
to
prefer
to
all
private
Considerations
and
Engagements
whatsoever
.
We
do
therefore
expect
,
that
you
will
consider
the
Honour
that
is
now
set
before
you
,
of
being
the
Instruments
of
serving
your
Country
,
and
securing
your
Religion
,
and
we
will
ever
remember
the
Service
you
shall
do
Us
upon
this
Occasion
,
and
will
promise
unto
you
,
that
We
shall
place
such
particular
Marks
of
our
Favour
on
every
one
of
you
,
as
your
Behaviour
at
this
time
shall
deserve
of
Us
,
and
the
Nation
;
in
which
we
will
make
a
great
Distinction
of
those
that
shall
come
seasonably
to
joyn
their
Arms
with
Ours
,
and
you
shall
find
us
to
be
Your
Well-wishing
,
and
Assured
Friend
,
W.
H.
P.
O.
An
Account
of
a
wicked
Design
of
Poysoning
the
PRINCE
of
Orange
before
he
came
out
of
Holland
.
ALSO
A
Relation
from
the
City
of
Orange
of
a
strange
METEOR
,
representing
a
Crown
of
Light
,
that
was
there
seen
in
the
Air
,
May
the
6
th
,
1688.
In
a
Letter
from
a
Gentleman
in
Amsterdam
,
to
his
Friend
in
London
,
Octob.
1.
1688.
SIR
,
THE
two
inclosed
Relations
are
sent
me
from
an
Eminent
Divine
,
now
at
the
Hague
,
you
will
do
well
to
make
them
publick
:
The
poysoning
Business
I
doubt
not
but
was
contriv'd
by
a
sort
of
Men
that
in
all
Ages
stick
at
nothing
to
carry
on
their
Bloody
Religion
.
An
Account
of
a
Design
of
Poisoning
the
PRINCE
of
ORANGE
.
THere
is
a
Man
of
Lunenburg
Wolfenbuttel
,
who
being
fallen
in
Debt
in
Amsterdam
,
upon
his
Father's
Death
,
his
Brother
taking
no
Care
of
him
,
was
put
in
Prison
and
brought
extream
low
;
yet
he
was
brought
out
by
the
means
of
a
Friend
:
And
soon
after
a
Man
who
pretended
to
know
him
,
and
to
have
seen
him
before
,
(
though
the
German
believes
he
never
saw
him
)
seem'd
to
take
pitty
on
him
,
seeing
him
in
a
Coffee-House
,
and
gave
him
a
Ducatoon
,
and
promised
he
should
never
want
;
so
he
entred
into
a
great
familiarity
with
him
,
but
would
never
let
him
know
where
he
lodged
,
only
he
gave
him
Appointments
in
Coffee-Houses
,
and
Taverns
,
and
fed
him
from
time
to
time
with
Mony
:
At
last
,
after
some
weeks
,
he
drew
him
into
a
secret
Walk
in
the
Grounds
that
are
not
yet
built
,
and
ask'd
him
if
he
had
a
Heart
to
do
a
bold
Thing
?
The
German
said
he
had
,
if
it
were
not
such
a
Thing
as
might
bring
him
to
a
Scaffold
.
The
other
said
,
There
was
no
Danger
,
only
it
would
require
a
little
hardiness
.
Then
he
ask'd
an
Oath
of
the
German
,
That
he
would
either
do
that
which
he
was
to
propose
to
him
,
or
presently
go
out
of
the
Country
.
The
German
said
,
He
could
not
go
out
of
the
Country
,
for
he
had
no
Mony
:
And
then
he
gave
him
eight
Ducats
in
Gold
,
and
then
he
he
swore
the
Oath
:
So
the
other
proposed
to
him
the
poysoning
the
Prince
of
Orange
:
that
startled
him
,
but
apprehending
he
should
be
killed
if
he
refused
it
,
he
undertook
it
.
The
other
told
him
,
That
in
the
last
Age
Men
had
tried
Stabbing
or
Shooting
,
but
these
were
dangerous
Things
,
Poisoning
was
a
safe
and
sure
way
:
He
added
,
That
he
should
have
3000
Pistols
in
hand
,
and
a
Fortune
besides
.
The
German
ask'd
,
From
whom
?
The
other
,
who
called
himself
Corne
,
and
spoke
French
like
a
Stranger
,
but
the
German
cannot
judg
what
Nation
he
was
of
;
the
other
,
I
say
,
said
to
him
,
That
if
he
had
the
Mony
,
he
was
not
concern'd
to
know
from
whence
it
came
.
In
short
,
he
made
a
Proposition
to
the
German
,
giving
him
a
Quill
with
a
Water
in
it
,
carefully
stop'd
,
and
told
him
,
that
he
(
the
German
)
lodged
in
the
House
of
an
inconsiderable
Man
,
of
whom
no
regard
would
be
had
;
and
if
he
would
cut
the
Quill
,
so
that
one
drop
of
the
Liquor
fell
into
any
thing
that
his
Landlord
was
to
drink
,
he
would
be
certainly
dead
before
to
Morrow
;
and
if
he
would
begin
with
him
,
one
should
come
to
him
to
such
a
place
to
Morrow
,
having
a
white
Feather
in
his
Hat
,
who
should
deliver
him
1500
Pistols
,
and
instruct
him
how
to
manage
the
Poisoning
the
Prince
,
which
he
should
find
would
be
easy
and
safe
;
then
upon
his
going
on
he
should
have
the
rest
of
the
Mony.
The
German
went
Home
,
but
was
struck
with
Horror
,
and
so
resolved
to
keep
that
part
of
his
Oath
of
going
out
of
the
Country
;
yet
he
shew'd
another
his
Gold
,
and
told
him
of
his
going
Home
:
But
from
Osnaburgh
he
writ
to
one
about
the
Prince
;
this
happned
in
the
beginning
of
March
last
.
So
he
was
desired
to
come
back
,
which
he
did
,
and
the
Matter
being
brought
into
the
Court
of
Holland
,
upon
an
Oath
of
Secresy
,
Mr.
Halewyn
Deputy
of
Dort
,
and
another
,
were
sent
with
him
to
Amsterdam
;
they
found
many
collatoral
Confirmations
of
part
of
his
Story
;
but
no
such
Man
could
be
seen
in
all
the
Places
where
he
had
met
with
him
formerly
;
the
German
came
to
the
Hague
,
and
being
in
the
Fair
,
seeing
one
of
the
Shews
,
and
a
Dane
with
him
▪
as
they
came
out
in
a
huge
Crowd
,
the
German
complain'd
that
one
struck
him
on
the
Breast
with
a
Battoon
:
But
this
was
not
minded
till
they
were
quite
out
,
and
he
found
one
had
struck
at
him
,
as
it
seems
,
with
a
Stilletto
under
the
left
Pap
,
his
Cloak
and
Coat
were
cut
,
and
the
Wound
proved
but
a
slight
Scratch
:
the
Quill
with
the
Poison
in
it
sealed
,
is
in
the
Court.
It
seems
,
a
German
was
thought
a
fit
Tool
,
being
of
a
Nation
that
would
not
be
easily
suspected
;
and
the
putting
it
on
a
Lutheran
would
have
been
thought
a
Master-piece
.
I
give
you
this
Account
,
which
I
will
Answer
for
,
to
satisfy
some
of
your
Friends
,
both
Here
and
in
England
,
who
will
perhaps
desire
to
know
the
Certainty
of
this
Matter
.
A
Relation
from
the
City
of
Orange
,
of
a
Crown
of
LIGHT
that
was
there
seen
in
the
Air
,
the
6
th
of
May
,
1688.
ON
the
6
th
of
May
,
1665
,
when
his
Royal
Highness
,
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
took
Possession
of
that
Principality
,
and
whilst
his
Deputy
Mr.
Ziulechem
was
taking
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
of
all
the
People
in
the
Prince's
Name
;
which
was
done
in
the
Fields
,
in
the
Enclosure
of
the
old
Roman
Cirque
that
yet
remains
;
over
the
Chair
of
State
that
was
set
there
for
the
Prince
,
a
Crown
of
Light
appear'd
in
the
Air
,
and
hover'd
over
the
Chair
above
an
hour
:
And
now
this
Year
,
1688
,
the
same
day
of
the
Month
,
in
the
same
place
,
the
like
Crown
appear'd
and
continued
there
three
Hours
,
all
the
People
of
Orange
looking
on
;
all
the
difference
between
this
Years
Crown
,
and
that
of
1665
,
being
,
that
this
had
an
Edg
of
Red
about
it
.
This
is
written
from
Orange
by
an
Old
Professor
of
Physick
,
that
is
past
sixty
,
and
not
apt
to
take
Things
upon
Trust
;
he
writes
,
that
he
himself
,
as
well
as
all
the
Town
,
look'd
on
it
for
above
two
Hours
with
great
admiration
of
that
strange
Meteor
.
An
Account
of
that
strange
Meteor
in
1665
,
is
relat●d
by
Aitrema
in
his
5
th
Tome
,
fol.
595.
well
attested
,
and
he
is
a
good
Author
.
Lord
Del
—
r's
Speech
.
THE
occasion
of
this
,
is
to
give
you
my
Thoughts
upon
the
present
Conjuncture
,
which
concerns
not
only
you
,
but
every
Protestant
,
and
Free-born
Man
of
England
,
I
am
confident
,
that
wishes
well
to
the
Protestant
Religion
and
his
Country
;
and
I
am
perswaded
,
that
every
Man
of
you
thinks
both
in
danger
,
and
now
to
lie
at
stake
.
I
am
also
perswaded
,
that
every
Man
of
you
will
rejoice
to
see
Religion
and
Property
settled
;
if
so
,
then
I
am
not
mistaken
in
my
Conjectures
concerning
you
.
Can
you
everhope
for
a
better
Occasion
to
root
out
POPERY
and
SLAVERY
,
than
by
joining
with
the
P.
of
O.
whose
Proposals
contain
and
speak
the
Desires
of
every
Man
that
loves
his
Religion
and
Liberty
?
And
in
saying
this
,
I
will
invite
you
to
nothing
but
what
I
will
do
my self
;
and
I
will
not
desire
any
of
you
to
go
any
further
than
I
will
move
my self
;
neither
will
I
put
you
upon
any
Danger
where
I
will
not
take
share
in
it
.
I
propose
this
to
you
,
not
as
you
are
my
Tenants
,
but
as
my
Friends
,
and
as
you
are
Englishmen
.
No
Man
can
love
fighting
for
its
own
sake
,
nor
find
any
Pleasure
in
Danger
.
And
you
may
imagine
,
I
would
be
very
glad
to
spend
the
rest
of
my
Days
in
Peace
,
I
having
had
so
great
a
share
in
Troubles
;
but
I
see
all
lies
at
Stake
,
I
am
to
chuse
whether
I
will
be
a
Slave
and
a
Papist
,
or
a
Protestant
and
a
Freeman
;
and
therefore
the
Case
being
thus
,
I
shall
think
my self
false
to
my
Country
,
if
I
sit
still
at
this
time
.
I
am
of
Opinion
,
that
when
the
Nation
is
deliver'd
,
it
must
be
by
Force
or
by
Miracle
:
It
would
be
too
great
a
presumption
to
expect
the
latter
,
and
therefore
our
Deliverance
must
be
by
Force
,
and
I
hope
this
is
the
Time
for
it
;
a
Price
is
now
put
into
our
Hands
,
and
if
it
miscarry
for
want
of
Assistance
,
our
Blood
is
upon
our
own
Heads
;
and
he
that
is
passive
at
this
Time
,
may
very
well
expect
that
God
will
mock
when
the
Fear
of
Affliction
comes
upon
him
,
which
he
thought
to
avoid
by
being
indifferent
.
If
the
K.
prevails
,
farewel
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
which
has
hitherto
been
allowed
,
not
for
the
sake
of
the
Protestants
,
but
in
order
to
settle
Popery
.
You
may
see
what
to
expect
if
he
get
the
better
;
and
he
hath
lately
given
you
,
of
this
Town
,
a
taste
of
the
Method
whereby
he
will
maintain
his
Army
.
And
you
may
see
of
what
sort
of
People
he
intends
his
Army
to
consist
;
and
if
you
have
not
a
mind
to
serve
such
Masters
,
then
stand
not
by
and
see
your
Country-men
perish
,
when
they
are
endeavouring
to
defend
you
.
I
promise
this
on
my
Word
and
Honour
,
to
every
Tenant
that
goes
along
with
me
,
That
if
he
fall
,
I
will
make
his
Lease
as
good
to
his
Family
,
as
it
was
when
he
went
from
home
.
The
thing
then
which
I
desire
,
and
your
Country
does
expect
from
you
,
is
this
,
That
every
Man
that
hath
a
tollerable
Horse
,
or
can
procure
one
,
will
meet
me
on
Boden-Downs
to
morrow
where
I
Randezvouz
:
But
if
any
of
you
is
rendred
unable
by
reason
of
Age
,
or
any
other
just
Excuse
,
then
that
he
would
mount
a
fitter
Person
,
and
put
five
Pounds
in
his
Pocket
.
Those
that
have
not
,
nor
cannot
procure
Horse
,
let
them
stay
at
home
and
assist
with
their
Purses
,
and
send
it
to
me
with
a
particular
of
every
Man's
Contribution
.
I
impose
on
no
Man
,
but
let
him
lay
his
Hand
on
his
Heart
,
and
consider
what
he
is
willing
to
give
to
recover
his
Religion
and
Liberty
;
and
to
such
I
promise
,
and
to
all
that
go
along
with
me
,
that
if
we
prevail
,
I
will
be
as
industrious
to
have
him
recompenced
for
his
Charge
and
Hazard
,
as
I
will
be
to
seek
it
for
my self
.
This
Advice
I
give
to
all
that
stay
behind
,
That
when
you
hear
the
Papists
have
committed
any
Out-rage
,
or
any
Rising
,
that
you
will
get
together
;
for
it
is
better
to
meet
your
Danger
than
expect
it
.
I
have
no
more
to
say
,
but
that
I
am
willing
to
lose
my
Life
in
the
Cause
,
if
God
see
it
good
,
for
I
was
never
unwilling
to
die
for
my
Religion
and
Country
.
Prince
GEORGE'S
LETTER
TO
THE
KING
.
SIR
,
WIth
a
Heart
full
of
Grief
am
I
forced
to
write
,
that
Prudence
will
not
permit
me
to
say
to
your
Face
.
And
may
I
e'er
find
Credit
with
your
Majesty
,
and
Protection
from
Heaven
,
as
what
I
now
do
,
is
free
from
Passion
,
Vanity
or
Design
,
with
which
Actions
of
this
Nature
are
too
often
accompanied
.
I
am
not
ignorant
of
the
frequent
Mischiefs
wrought
in
the
World
by
factious
Pretences
of
Religion
;
but
were
not
Religion
the
most
justifiable
Cause
,
it
would
not
be
made
the
most
specious
Pretence
.
And
your
Majesty
has
always
shewn
too
uninterested
a
Sense
of
Religion
,
to
doubt
the
just
Effects
of
it
in
one
whose
Practices
have
,
I
hope
,
never
given
the
World
cause
to
censure
his
real
Conviction
of
it
,
or
his
backwardness
to
perform
what
his
Honour
and
Conscience
prompt
him
to
:
How
then
can
I
longer
disguise
my
just
Concern
for
that
Religion
in
which
I
have
been
so
happily
educated
,
which
my
Judgment
throughly
convinces
me
to
be
the
best
;
and
for
the
Support
of
which
I
am
so
highly
interested
in
my
Native
Country
?
and
is
not
England
now
by
the
most
endearing
Tie
become
so
?
Whilst
the
restless
Spirits
of
the
Enemies
of
the
REFORMED
RELIGION
,
back'd
by
the
cruel
Zeal
and
prevailing
Power
of
France
,
justly
alarm
and
unite
all
the
Protestant
Princes
of
Christendom
,
and
engage
them
in
so
vast
an
Expence
for
the
support
of
it
,
can
I
act
so
degenerous
and
mean
a
part
,
as
to
deny
my
Concurrence
to
such
worthy
Endeavours
for
disabusing
of
your
Majesty
by
the
Reinforcement
of
those
Laws
,
and
Establishment
of
that
Government
,
on
which
alone
depends
the
well-being
of
your
Majesty
,
and
of
the
PROTESTANT
RELIGION
in
Europe
.
This
,
Sir
,
is
that
irresistable
and
only
Cause
that
cou'd
come
in
Competition
with
my
Duty
and
Obligations
to
your
Majesty
,
and
be
able
to
tear
me
from
you
,
whilst
the
same
Affectionate
Desire
of
serving
you
continues
in
me
.
Could
I
secure
your
Person
by
the
Hazard
of
my
Life
;
I
should
think
it
could
not
be
better
emploied
:
And
wou'd
to
God
these
your
distracted
Kingdoms
might
yet
receive
that
satisfactory
Compliance
from
your
Majesty
in
all
their
justifiable
Pretensions
,
as
might
upon
the
only
sure
Foundation
,
that
of
the
Love
and
Interest
of
your
Subjects
,
establish
your
Government
,
and
as
strongly
unite
the
Hearts
of
all
your
Subjects
to
You
,
as
is
that
of
,
SIR
,
Your
Majesty's
most
Humble
,
and
most
Obedient
Son
and
Servant
.
The
Lord
CHURCHIL'S
LETTER
to
the
KING
.
SIR
,
SInce
Men
are
seldom
suspected
of
Sincerity
,
when
they
act
contrary
to
their
Interests
;
and
though
my
dutiful
Behaviour
to
your
Majesty
in
the
worst
of
Times
,
(
for
which
I
acknowledg
my
poor
Services
much
over-paid
)
may
not
be
sufficient
to
incline
You
to
a
charitable
Interpretation
of
my
Actions
,
yet
I
hope
,
the
great
Advantage
I
enjoy
under
Your
Majesty
,
which
I
can
never
expect
in
any
other
Change
of
Government
,
may
reasonably
convince
Your
Majesty
and
the
World
,
that
I
am
acted
by
a
higher
Principle
,
when
I
offer
that
violence
to
my
Inclination
and
Interest
,
as
to
desert
Your
Majesty
at
a
time
when
your
Affairs
seem
to
challenge
the
strictest
Obedience
from
all
Your
Subjects
,
much
more
from
one
who
lies
under
the
greatest
personal
Obligations
imaginable
to
Your
Majesty
.
This
Sir
,
could
proceed
from
nothing
but
the
inviolable
Dictates
of
my
CONSCIENCE
,
and
a
necessary
concern
for
my
RELIGION
(
which
no
good
Man
can
oppose
)
and
with
which
I
am
instructed
nothing
ought
to
come
in
Competition
;
Heaven
knows
with
what
partiality
my
dutiful
Opinion
of
Your
Majesty
hath
hitherto
represented
those
unhappy
Designs
,
which
inconsiderate
and
self-interested
Men
have
framed
against
Your
Majesty's
true
Interest
and
the
Protestant
Religion
.
But
as
I
can
no
longer
joyn
with
such
to
give
a
pretence
by
Conquest
to
bring
them
to
effect
,
so
will
I
always
with
the
hazard
of
my
Life
and
Fortune
(
so
much
Your
Majesty's
due
)
endeavour
to
preserve
Your
Royal
Person
and
Lawful
Rights
,
with
all
the
tender
Concern
and
dutiful
Respect
that
becomes
,
SIR
,
Your
Majesty's
most
dutiful
and
most
obliged
Subject
and
Servant
.
The
Princess
ANNE
of
Denmark's
LETTER
to
the
QVEEN
.
MADAM
,
I
Beg
your
pardon
if
I
am
so
deeply
affected
with
the
surprising
News
of
the
Princes
being
gone
,
as
not
to
be
able
to
see
You
,
but
to
leave
this
Paper
to
Express
my
humble
Duty
to
the
King
and
your Self
;
and
to
let
You
know
that
I
am
gone
to
absent
my self
to
avoid
the
King's
Displeasure
,
which
I
am
not
able
to
bear
,
either
against
the
Prince
or
my self
:
and
I
shall
stay
at
so
great
a
distance
,
as
not
to
return
before
I
hear
the
happy
News
of
a
Reconcilement
:
And
as
I
am
confident
the
Prince
did
not
leave
the
King
with
any
other
Design
,
than
to
use
all
possible
means
for
his
Preservation
;
so
I
hope
You
will
do
me
the
Justice
to
believe
that
I
am
uncapable
of
following
him
for
any
other
End.
Never
was
any
one
in
such
an
unhappy
Condition
,
so
divided
between
Duty
and
Affection
,
to
a
Father
,
and
a
Husband
;
and
therefore
I
know
not
what
to
do
,
but
to
follow
one
to
preserve
the
other
.
I
see
the
general
falling
off
of
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
who
avow
to
have
no
other
End
,
than
to
prevail
with
the
King
to
secure
their
Religion
,
which
they
saw
so
much
in
danger
by
the
Violent
Counsels
of
the
Priests
;
who
to
promote
their
own
Religion
,
did
not
care
to
what
Dangers
they
exposed
the
King
:
I
am
fully
perswaded
that
the
Prince
of
Orange
designs
the
King's
Safety
and
Preservation
,
and
hope
all
things
may
be
composed
without
more
Bloodshed
,
by
the
Calling
a
Parliament
.
God
grant
a
happy
End
to
these
Troubles
,
that
the
King's
Reign
may
be
prosperous
,
and
that
I
may
shortly
meet
You
in
perfect
Peace
and
Safety
;
till
when
,
let
me
beg
You
to
continue
the
same
favourable
Opinion
that
you
have
hitherto
had
of
,
Your
most
Obedient
Daughter
and
Servant
,
ANNE
.
A
MEMORIAL
OF
THE
Protestants
of
the
Church
of
England
Presented
to
their
Royal
Highnesses
the
Prince
and
Princess
of
ORANGE
.
YOur
Royal
Highnesses
cannot
be
ignorant
that
the
Protestants
of
England
,
who
continue
true
to
their
Religion
,
and
the
Government
established
by
Law
,
have
been
many
ways
troubled
and
vexed
by
restless
Contrivances
and
Designs
of
the
Papists
,
under
pretence
of
the
Royal
Authority
,
and
things
required
of
unaccountable
before
God
and
Man
;
Ecclesiastical
Benefices
and
Preferments
taken
from
them
,
without
any
other
Reason
but
the
King's
Pleasure
;
that
they
have
been
summoned
and
sentenced
by
Ecclesiastical
Commissioners
,
contrary
to
Law
,
deprived
of
their
Birth-Right
in
the
free
Choice
of
their
Magistrates
and
Representatives
;
divers
Corporations
dissolved
;
the
Legal
Security
of
our
Religion
and
Liberty
,
established
and
ratified
by
King
and
Parliament
,
annull'd
and
overthrown
by
a
pretended
Dispensing
Power
;
new
and
unheard-of
Maxims
have
been
preached
,
as
if
Subjects
had
no
Right
but
what
depends
on
the
King's
Will
and
Pleasure
.
The
Militia
put
into
the
Hands
of
Persons
not
qualified
by
Law
;
and
a
Popish
Mercenary
Army
maintained
in
the
Kingdom
in
Time
of
Peace
,
absolutely
contrary
to
Law
:
The
Execution
of
the
Law
against
several
high
Crimes
and
Misdemenours
superceded
and
prohibited
;
the
Statutes
against
Correspondence
with
the
Court
of
Rome
,
Papal
Jurisdiction
,
and
Popish
Priests
,
suspended
;
that
in
Courts
of
Justice
those
Judges
are
displaced
who
dare
acquit
them
whom
the
K.
would
have
condemned
,
as
happened
to
Judg
Powel
and
Holloway
for
acquitting
the
seven
Bishop●
:
Liberty
of
chusing
Members
of
Parliament
(
notwithstanding
all
the
Care
taken
,
and
Provision
made
by
Law
on
that
behalf
)
wholly
taken
away
by
Quo
Warranto's
served
against
Corporations
,
and
the
three
known
Questions
.
All
things
carried
on
in
open
view
for
the
Propagation
and
Growth
of
Popery
;
for
which
the
Courts
of
England
and
France
have
so
long
jointly
laboured
with
so
much
Application
and
Earnestness
.
Endeavours
used
to
perswade
your
Royal
Highnesses
to
consent
to
Liberty
of
Conscience
and
abrogating
the
Penal
Laws
and
Tests
,
wherein
they
fell
short
of
their
Aim
.
That
they
most
humbly
implore
the
Protection
of
your
Royal
Highnesses
,
as
to
the
suspending
and
Incroachments
made
upon
the
Law
for
maintenance
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
our
Civil
and
Fundamental
Rights
and
Priviledges
;
and
that
your
Royal
Highnesses
would
be
pleased
to
insist
,
that
the
Free
Parliament
of
England
,
according
to
Law
,
may
be
restored
,
the
Laws
against
Papists
,
Priests
,
Papal
Jurisdiction
,
&c.
put
in
Execution
,
and
the
Suspending
and
Dispensing
Power
declared
null
and
void
;
the
Rights
and
Priviledges
of
the
City
of
London
,
the
free
Choice
of
their
Magistrates
,
and
the
Liberties
as
well
of
that
as
other
Corporations
restored
,
and
all
things
returned
to
their
ancient
Channel
,
&c.
THE
PRINCE
of
ORANGE
HIS
DECLARATION
of
Novemb.
28.
1688.
WE
have
in
the
course
of
our
whole
Life
,
and
more
particularly
by
the
apparent
Hazards
both
by
Sea
and
Land
,
to
which
We
have
so
lately
exposed
our
Person
,
given
to
the
whole
World
so
high
and
undoubted
Proofs
of
our
fervent
Zeal
for
the
Protestant
Religion
,
that
we
are
fully
confident
no
true
English-man
,
and
good
Protestant
,
can
entertain
the
least
Suspicion
of
our
firm
Resolution
,
rather
to
spend
our
dearest
Blood
,
and
perish
in
the
Attempt
,
than
not
carry
on
the
blessed
and
glo●ious
.
Design
,
which
by
the
Favour
of
Heaven
we
have
so
successfully
begun
,
to
rescue
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
from
Slavery
and
Popery
,
and
in
a
Free
Parliament
to
establish
the
Religion
,
the
Laws
and
the
Liberties
of
those
Kingdoms
,
upon
such
a
sure
and
lasting
Foundation
,
that
it
shall
not
be
in
the
Power
of
any
Prince
for
the
future
to
introduce
Popery
and
Tyranny
.
Towards
the
more
easy
Composing
this
great
Design
,
We
have
not
been
hitherto
deceived
in
the
just
Expectation
we
had
of
the
Concurrence
of
the
Nobility
,
Gentry
,
and
People
of
England
with
Us
,
for
the
Security
of
their
Religion
,
the
Restitution
of
the
Laws
,
and
Re-establishment
of
their
Liberties
and
Properties
:
Great
Numbers
of
all
Ranks
and
Qualities
having
joined
themselves
to
us
;
and
others
at
great
Distances
from
Us
,
have
taken
up
Arms
and
declared
for
Us.
And
,
which
we
cannot
but
particular
mention
,
in
that
Army
which
was
raised
to
be
the
Instrument
of
Slavery
and
Popery
,
many
(
by
the
special
Providence
of
God
)
both
Officers
and
Common
Souldiers
,
have
been
touched
with
such
a
feeling
Sense
of
Religion
and
Honour
,
and
of
true
Affection
for
their
Native
Country
,
that
they
have
already
deserted
the
Illegal
Service
they
were
ingaged
in
,
and
have
come
over
to
Us
;
and
have
given
Us
full
Assurance
,
from
the
rest
of
the
Army
,
that
they
will
certainly
follow
this
Example
,
as
soon
as
with
our
Army
we
shall
approach
near
enough
to
receive
them
,
without
the
Hazard
of
being
prevented
and
betray'd
.
To
which
End
,
and
that
We
may
the
sooner
execute
this
just
and
necessary
Design
We
are
ingaged
in
for
the
Publick
Safety
and
Deliverance
of
these
Nations
,
We
are
resolved
,
with
all
possible
Diligence
,
to
advance
forward
,
that
a
Free
Parliament
may
be
forthwith
called
,
and
such
Preliminaries
adjusted
with
the
King
,
and
all
Things
first
settled
upon
such
a
Foot
according
to
Law
,
as
may
give
Us
and
the
whole
Nation
just
Reason
to
believe
the
King
is
disposed
to
make
such
necessary
Condescentions
on
his
part
,
as
will
give
intire
Satisfaction
and
Security
to
all
,
and
make
both
King
and
People
once
more
Happy
.
And
that
we
may
effect
all
this
,
in
the
way
most
agreeable
to
our
Desires
,
if
it
be
possible
,
without
the
Effusion
of
any
Blood
,
except
of
those
execrable
Crimin●als
who
have
justly
forfeited
their
Lives
for
betraying
the
Religion
,
and
Subverting
the
Laws
of
their
Native
Country
,
We
do
think
fit
to
declare
,
that
as
we
will
offer
no
Violence
to
any
but
in
our
own
Necessary
Defence
;
so
we
will
not
suffer
any
Injury
to
be
done
to
the
Person
even
of
a
Papist
,
provided
he
be
found
in
such
Place
,
and
in
such
Condition
and
Circumstances
as
the
Laws
require
.
So
we
are
resolved
and
do
declare
that
all
Papists
,
who
shall
be
found
in
open
Arms
,
or
with
Arms
in
their
Houses
,
or
about
their
Persons
,
or
in
any
Office
or
Imployment
Civil
or
Military
,
upon
any
Pretence
whatsoever
,
contrary
to
the
known
Laws
of
the
Land
,
shall
be
treated
by
Us
and
our
Forces
not
as
Souldiers
and
Gentlemen
,
but
as
Robbers
,
Free-Booters
and
Banditti
;
they
shall
be
incapable
of
Quarter
,
and
intirely
delivered
up
to
the
Discretion
of
our
Souldiers
.
And
We
do
further
declare
that
all
Persons
who
shall
be
found
any
ways
aiding
and
assisting
to
them
,
or
shall
march
under
their
Command
,
or
shall
joyn
with
or
submit
to
them
in
the
Discharge
or
Execution
of
their
Illegal
Commissions
or
Authority
,
shall
be
looked
upon
as
Partakers
of
their
Crimes
,
Enemies
to
the
Laws
,
and
to
their
Country
.
And
whereas
we
are
certainly
informed
that
great
Numbers
of
Armed
Papists
have
of
late
resorted
to
London
and
Westminister
,
and
parts
adjacent
,
where
they
remain
,
as
we
have
reason
to
suspect
,
not
so
much
for
their
own
Security
,
as
out
of
a
wicked
and
barbarous
Design
to
make
some
desperate
Attempt
upon
the
said
Cities
,
and
their
Inhabitants
,
by
Fire
,
or
a
sudden
Massacre
,
or
both
;
or
else
to
be
the
more
ready
to
joyn
themselves
to
a
Body
of
French
Troops
,
designed
,
if
it
be
possible
,
to
land
in
England
,
procured
of
the
French
King
,
by
the
Interest
and
Power
of
the
Jesuits
in
Pursuance
of
the
Engagements
,
which
at
the
Instigation
of
that
pestilent
Society
,
his
most
Christian
Majesty
,
with
one
of
his
Neighbouring
Princes
of
the
same
Communion
,
has
entred
into
for
the
utter
Extirpation
of
the
Protestant
Religion
out
of
Europe
.
Though
we
hope
we
have
taken
such
effectual
care
to
prevent
the
one
,
and
secure
the
other
,
that
by
God's
Assistance
,
we
cannot
doubt
but
we
shall
defeat
all
their
wicked
Enterprises
and
Designs
.
We
cannot
however
forbear
,
out
of
the
great
and
tender
Concern
we
have
to
preserve
the
People
of
England
,
and
particularly
those
great
and
populous
Cities
,
from
the
cruel
Rage
and
bloody
Revenge
of
the
Papists
,
to
require
and
expect
from
all
the
Lord-Lieutenants
,
Deputy-Lieutenants
,
and
Justices
of
Peace
,
Lord-Mayors
,
Mayors
,
Sheriffs
,
and
all
other
Magistrates
,
and
Officers
Civil
and
Military
,
of
all
Counties
,
Cities
Towns
of
England
,
especially
of
the
County
of
Middlesex
,
and
Cities
of
London
and
Westminster
,
and
Parts
adjacent
,
that
they
do
immediately
Disarm
and
Secure
,
as
by
Law
they
may
and
ought
,
within
their
respective
Counties
,
Cities
,
and
Jurisdictions
,
all
Papists
whatsoever
,
as
Persons
at
all
Times
,
but
now
especially
most
dangerous
to
the
Peace
and
Safety
of
the
Government
,
that
so
not
only
all
Power
of
doing
Mischief
may
be
taken
from
them
,
but
that
the
Laws
,
which
are
the
greatest
and
best
Security
,
may
resume
their
Force
,
and
be
strictly
Executed
.
And
We
do
hereby
likewise
declare
,
that
We
will
Protect
and
Defend
all
those
who
shall
not
be
afraid
to
do
their
Duty
in
Obedience
to
these
Laws
.
And
that
for
those
Magistrates
and
others
,
of
what
condition
soever
they
be
,
who
shall
refuse
to
assist
Us
,
and
in
Obedience
to
the
Laws
,
to
Execute
vigorously
what
We
have
required
of
them
,
and
suffer
themselves
at
this
Juncture
to
be
cajoled
or
terrified
out
of
their
Duty
,
We
will
esteem
them
the
most
Criminal
and
Infamous
of
all
Men
,
Betrayers
of
their
Religion
,
the
Laws
,
and
their
Native
Country
,
and
shall
not
fail
to
treat
them
accordingly
;
resolving
to
expect
and
require
at
their
Hands
the
Life
of
every
single
Protestant
that
shall
perish
,
and
every
House
that
shall
be
burnt
or
destroyed
by
their
Treachery
and
Cowardise
.
William
Henry
,
Prince
of
Orange
.
By
his
Highness
special
Command
,
C.
HUYGENS.
Given
under
our
Hand
and
Seal
,
at
our
Head-quarters
at
Sherburn-Castle
,
the
28
th
day
of
November
,
1688.
FINIS
.
A
SECOND
Collection
of
Papers
Relating
to
the
Present
Juncture
of
Affairs
in
England
.
VIZ.
-
I.
An
Enquiry
into
the
Measures
of
Submission
to
the
Supreme
Authority
;
and
of
the
Grounds
on
which
it
may
be
lawful
or
necessary
for
Subjects
to
defend
their
Religion
,
Lives
,
and
Liberties
.
-
II.
An
Answer
to
a
Paper
,
intituled
,
Reflections
on
the
Prince
of
Orange's
Declaration
.
-
III.
Admiral
Herbert's
Letter
to
all
Commanders
of
Ships
and
Seamen
in
his
Majesty's
Fleet.
-
IV.
An
Engagement
of
the
Noblemen
,
Knights
and
Gentlemen
at
Exeter
,
to
assist
the
Prince
of
Orange
in
the
Defence
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
People
of
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
.
-
V.
The
Declaration
of
the
Nobility
,
Gentry
,
and
Commonalty
at
the
Rendezvous
at
Nottingham
,
Novemb.
22.
1688.
-
VI.
The
Duke
of
Norfolk's
Speech
to
the
Mayor
of
Norwich
on
the
first
of
December
instant
,
in
the
Market-place
of
Norwich
.
-
VII
.
The
Address
of
the
Lord
Dartmouth
,
and
the
Commanders
of
his
Majesty's
Fleet
,
giving
his
Majesty
hearty
Thanks
for
calling
a
Parliament
to
settle
the
Realm
both
in
Church
and
State.
Printed
in
the
Year
,
1688.
AN
ENQUIRY
Into
the
Measures
of
SUBMISSION
TO
THE
SUPREAM
AUTHORITY
:
And
of
the
Grounds
upon
which
it
may
be
lawful
or
necessary
for
Subjects
to
defend
their
Religion
,
Lives
,
and
Liberties
.
THis
Enquiry
cannot
be
regularly
made
,
but
by
taking
in
the
first
place
,
a
true
and
full
view
of
the
nature
of
Civil
Society
,
and
more
particularly
of
the
nature
of
Supream
Power
,
whether
it
is
lodged
in
one
or
more
Persons
?
1.
It
is
certain
,
That
the
Law
of
Nature
has
put
no
difference
nor
subordination
among
Men
,
except
it
be
that
of
Children
to
Parents
,
or
of
Wives
to
their
Husbands
;
so
that
with
Relation
to
the
Law
of
Nature
,
all
Men
are
born
free
:
and
this
Liberty
must
still
be
supposed
entire
,
unless
so
far
as
it
is
limited
by
Contracts
,
Provisions
and
Laws
.
For
a
Man
can
either
bind
himself
to
be
a
Servant
,
or
sell
himself
to
be
a
Slave
,
by
which
he
becomes
in
the
power
of
another
,
only
so
far
as
it
was
provided
by
the
Contract
:
since
all
that
Liberty
which
was
not
expresly
given
away
,
remains
still
entire
:
so
that
the
Plea
for
Liberty
always
proves
it self
,
unless
it
appears
that
it
is
given
up
or
limited
by
any
special
Agreement
.
II.
It
is
no
less
certain
,
that
as
the
Light
of
Nature
has
planted
in
all
Men
a
Natural
Ptinciple
of
the
Love
of
Life
,
and
of
a
desire
to
preserve
it
;
so
the
common
Principles
of
all
Religion
agree
in
this
,
that
God
having
set
us
in
this
World
,
we
are
bound
to
preserve
that
Being
,
which
he
has
given
us
,
by
all
just
and
lawful
ways
.
Now
this
Duty
of
Self-preservation
is
exerted
in
Instances
of
two
sorts
;
the
one
are
,
in
the
resisting
of
violent
Aggressors
;
the
other
are
the
taking
of
just
Revenges
of
those
,
who
have
invaded
us
so
secretly
,
that
we
could
not
prevent
them
,
and
so
violently
that
we
could
not
resist
them
:
In
which
cases
the
Principle
of
self-Preservation
warrants
us
,
both
to
recover
what
is
our
own
,
with
just
Damages
,
and
also
to
put
such
unjust
Persons
out
of
a
Capacity
of
doing
the
like
Injuries
any
more
,
either
to
our selves
,
or
to
any
others
.
Now
in
these
Instances
of
Self-Preservation
,
this
difference
is
to
be
observed
;
that
the
first
cannot
be
limited
by
any
slow
Forms
,
since
a
pressing
Danger
requires
a
vigorous
Repulse
,
and
cannot
admit
of
Delays
;
whereas
the
second
,
of
taking
Revenges
,
or
Reparations
,
is
not
of
such
haste
,
but
that
it
may
be
brought
under
Rules
and
Forms
.
III.
The
true
and
Original
Notion
of
Civil
Society
and
Government
,
is
,
that
it
is
a
Compromise
made
by
such
a
Body
of
Men
,
by
which
they
resign
up
the
Right
of
demanding
Reparations
,
either
in
the
way
of
Justice
against
one
another
,
or
in
the
way
of
War
,
against
their
Neighbours
;
to
such
a
single
Person
,
or
to
such
a
Body
of
Men
as
they
think
fit
to
trust
with
this
.
And
in
the
management
of
this
Civil
Society
,
great
distinctions
is
to
be
made
,
between
the
Power
of
making
Laws
for
the
regulating
the
Conduct
of
it
,
and
the
Power
of
executing
those
Laws
:
The
Supream
Authority
must
still
be
supposed
to
be
lodged
with
those
who
have
the
Legislative
Power
reserved
to
them
,
but
not
with
those
who
have
only
the
Executive
;
which
is
plainly
a
Trust
,
when
it
is
separated
from
the
Legislative
Power
;
and
all
Trusts
,
by
their
nature
import
,
that
those
to
whom
they
are
given
,
are
accountable
,
even
though
that
it
should
:
not
be
expresly
specified
in
the
words
of
the
Trust
it self
.
IV.
It
cannot
be
supposed
,
by
the
Principles
of
Natural
Religion
,
that
God
has
authorised
any
one
Form
of
Government
,
any
other
way
than
as
the
general
Rules
of
Order
,
and
of
Justice
,
oblige
all
Men
not
to
subvert
Constitutions
,
nor
disturb
the
Peace
of
Mankind
,
or
invade
those
Rights
with
which
the
Law
may
have
vested
some
Persons
:
for
it
is
certain
,
that
as
private
Contracts
lodg
or
translate
private
Rights
;
so
the
Publick
Laws
can
likewise
lodg
such
Rights
,
Prerogatives
and
Revenues
in
those
under
whose
Protection
they
put
themselves
,
and
in
such
a
manner
,
that
they
may
come
to
have
as
good
a
Title
to
these
,
as
any
private
Person
can
have
to
his
Property
:
so
that
it
becomes
an
Act
of
high
Injustice
and
Violence
to
invade
these
:
which
is
so
far
a
greater
Sin
than
any
such
Actions
would
be
against
a
private
Person
,
as
the
publick
Peace
and
Order
is
preferrable
to
all
private
Considerations
whatsoever
.
So
that
in
Truth
,
the
Principles
of
Natural
Religion
,
give
those
that
are
in
Authority
no
Power
at
all
,
but
they
do
only
secure
them
in
the
Possession
of
that
which
is
theirs
by
Law.
And
as
no
Considerations
of
Religion
can
bind
me
to
pay
another
more
than
I
indeed
owe
him
,
but
do
only
bind
me
more
strictly
to
pay
what
I
owe
;
so
the
Considerations
of
Religion
do
indeed
bring
Subjects
under
stricter
Obligations
to
pay
all
due
Allegiance
and
Submission
to
their
Princes
,
but
they
do
not
at
all
extend
that
Allegiance
further
than
the
Law
carries
it
.
And
though
a
Man
has
no
Divine
Right
to
his
Property
,
but
has
acquired
it
by
human
means
,
such
as
Succession
,
or
Industry
,
yet
he
has
a
Security
for
the
Enjoyment
of
it
,
from
a
Divine
Right
;
so
tho
Princes
have
no
immediate
Warrants
from
Heaven
,
either
for
their
Original
Titles
,
or
for
the
extent
of
them
,
yet
they
are
secured
in
the
Possession
of
them
by
the
Principles
and
Rules
of
Natural
Religion
.
V.
It
is
to
be
considered
,
that
as
a
private
Person
can
bind
himself
to
another
Man's
Service
,
by
different
degrees
,
either
as
an
ordinary
Servant
for
Wages
,
or
as
one
appropriate
for
a
longer
time
,
as
an
Apprentice
;
or
by
a
total
giving
himself
up
to
another
,
as
in
the
case
of
Slavery
:
in
all
which
cases
the
general
Name
of
Master
may
be
equally
used
,
yet
the
degrees
of
his
Power
,
are
to
be
judged
by
the
nature
of
the
Contract
:
so
likewise
Bodies
of
Men
can
give
themselves
up
in
different
degrees
to
the
Conduct
of
others
:
and
therefore
though
all
those
may
carry
the
same
Name
of
King
,
yet
every
ones
Power
is
to
be
taken
from
the
measures
of
that
Authority
which
is
lodged
in
him
,
and
not
from
any
general
Speculations
founded
on
some
Equivocal
Terms
,
such
as
King
,
Sovereign
,
or
Supream
.
VI.
It
is
certain
,
that
God
,
as
the
Creator
and
Governour
of
the
World
,
may
set
up
whom
he
will
to
rule
over
other
Men
:
But
this
Declaration
of
his
Will
must
be
made
evident
by
Prophets
,
or
other
extraordinary
Men
sent
of
him
,
who
have
some
manifest
proofs
of
the
Dvine
Authority
that
is
committed
to
them
on
such
occasions
,
and
upon
such
Persons
declaring
the
Will
of
God
in
favour
of
any
others
,
that
Declaration
is
to
be
submitted
to
and
obeyed
.
But
this
pretence
of
a
Divine
Delegatation
,
can
be
carried
no
further
than
to
those
who
are
thus
expresly
marked
out
,
and
is
unjustly
claimed
by
those
who
can
prove
no
such
Declaration
to
have
been
ever
made
in
favour
of
them
or
their
Families
.
Nor
does
it
appear
reasonable
to
conclude
from
their
being
in
Possession
,
that
it
is
the
Will
of
God
that
it
should
be
so
,
this
justifies
all
Usurpers
when
they
are
successful
.
VII
.
The
measures
of
Power
,
and
by
consequence
of
Obedience
,
must
be
taken
from
the
express
Laws
of
any
State
or
Body
of
Men
,
from
the
Oaths
that
they
swear
,
or
from
immemorial
Prescription
,
and
a
long
Possession
,
which
both
give
a
Title
,
and
in
a
long
Tract
of
Time
make
a
bad
one
become
good
,
since
Prescription
,
when
it
passes
the
Memory
of
Man
,
and
is
not
disputed
by
any
other
Pretender
,
gives
by
the
common
Sense
of
all
Men
a
just
and
good
Title
:
so
upon
the
whole
matter
,
the
degrees
of
all
Civil
Authority
are
to
be
taken
either
from
express
Laws
,
immemorial
Customs
,
or
from
particular
Oaths
,
which
the
Subjects
swear
to
their
Princes
:
this
being
still
to
be
laid
down
for
a
Principle
,
that
in
all
the
Disputes
between
Power
and
Liberty
,
Power
must
allways
be
●roved
,
but
Liberty
proves
it self
;
the
one
being
founded
on●y
upon
a
Positive
Law
,
and
the
other
upon
the
Law
of
Nature
.
VIII
.
If
from
the
general
Principles
of
Human
Society
,
and
Natural
Religion
,
we
carry
this
matter
to
be
examined
by
the
Scriptures
,
it
is
clear
that
all
the
Passages
that
are
in
the
Old
Testament
,
are
not
to
be
made
use
of
in
this
matter
of
neither
side
.
For
as
the
Land
of
Canaan
was
given
to
the
Iews
by
an
immediate
Grant
from
Heaven
;
so
God
reser●●●
still
this
to
himself
,
and
to
the
Declarations
that
he
shoul●●●●●ke
from
time
to
time
,
either
by
his
Prophets
,
or
by
the
Answers
that
came
from
the
Cloud
of
Glory
that
was
between
the
Cherubims
,
to
set
up
Judges
or
Kings
over
them
,
and
to
pull
them
down
again
as
he
thought
fit
.
Here
was
an
express
Delegation
made
by
God
,
and
therefore
all
that
was
done
in
that
Dispensation
,
either
for
or
against
Princes
,
is
not
to
be
made
use
of
in
any
other
State
that
is
founded
on
another
Bottom
and
Constitution
,
and
all
the
Expressions
in
the
Old
Testament
relating
to
Kings
,
since
they
belong
to
Persons
that
were
immediately
designed
by
God
,
are
without
any
sort
of
Reason
applied
to
those
who
can
pretend
to
no
such
Designation
,
neither
for
themselves
nor
for
their
Ancestors
.
IX
.
As
for
the
New
Testament
,
it
is
plain
,
that
there
are
no
Rules
given
in
it
,
neither
for
the
Forms
of
Government
in
general
,
nor
for
the
degrees
of
any
one
Form
in
particular
,
but
the
general
Rules
of
Justice
,
Order
and
Peace
,
being
established
in
it
upon
higher
Motives
,
and
more
binding
Considerations
,
than
ever
they
were
in
any
other
Religion
whatsoever
,
we
are
most
strictly
bound
by
it
to
observe
the
Constitution
in
which
we
are
;
and
it
is
plain
,
that
the
Rules
set
us
in
the
Gospel
can
be
carried
no
further
.
It
is
indeed
clear
from
the
New
Testament
,
that
the
Christian
Religion
as
such
,
gives
us
no
grounds
to
defend
or
propagate
it
by
force
.
It
is
a
Doctrine
of
the
Cross
,
and
of
Faith
,
and
Patience
under
it
:
And
if
by
the
order
of
Divine
Providence
,
and
of
any
Constitution
of
Government
,
under
which
we
are
born
,
we
are
brought
under
Sufferings
for
our
professing
of
it
,
we
may
indeed
retire
and
fly
out
of
any
such
Country
if
we
can
;
but
if
that
is
denied
us
,
we
must
then
,
according
to
this
Religion
,
submit
to
those
Sufferings
under
which
we
may
be
brought
,
considering
that
God
will
be
glorified
by
us
in
so
doin●
,
and
that
he
will
both
support
us
under
our
Sufferings
,
and
glo●iously
reward
us
for
them
.
This
was
the
State
of
the
Christian
Religion
,
during
the
three
first
Centuries
,
under
Heathen
Emperors
,
and
a
Constitution
in
which
Paganism
was
establish'd
by
Law.
But
if
by
the
Laws
of
any
Government
,
the
Christian
Religion
,
or
any
Form
of
it
,
is
become
a
part
of
the
Subjects
Property
,
it
then
falls
und●●●●other
Consideration
;
not
as
it
is
a
Religion
,
but
as
it
is
become
one
of
the
principal
Rights
of
the
Subjects
to
believe
and
profess
it
:
and
then
we
must
judg
of
the
Invasions
made
on
that
,
as
we
do
of
any
other
Invasion
that
is
made
on
our
other
Rights
.
X.
All
the
Passages
in
the
New
Testament
that
relate
to
Civil
Government
,
are
to
be
expounded
as
they
were
truly
meant
,
in
opposition
to
that
false
Notion
of
the
Iews
,
who
believed
themselves
to
be
so
immediately
under
the
Divine
Authority
,
that
they
could
not
become
the
Subjects
of
any
other
Power
,
particularly
of
one
that
was
not
of
their
Nation
,
or
of
their
Religion
;
therefore
they
thought
they
could
not
be
under
the
Roman
Yoke
,
nor
bound
to
pay
Tribute
to
Cesar
,
but
judged
that
they
were
only
subject
out
of
Fear
,
by
reason
of
the
force
that
lay
on
them
,
but
not
for
Conscience
sake
:
And
so
in
all
their
Dispersion
,
both
at
Rome
and
elsewhere
,
they
thought
they
were
God's
Freemen
,
and
made
use
of
this
pretended
Liberty
as
a
Cloak
of
Maliciousness
.
In
opposition
to
all
which
,
since
in
a
course
of
many
Years
,
they
had
asked
the
Protection
of
the
Roman
Yoke
,
and
were
come
under
their
Authority
,
our
Saviour
ordered
them
to
continue
in
that
,
by
his
saying
,
Render
to
Cesar
that
which
is
Cesar
's
;
and
both
St.
Paul
in
his
Epistle
to
the
Romans
,
and
St.
Peter
in
his
general
Epistle
,
have
very
positively
condemned
that
pernicious
Maxim
,
but
without
any
formal
Declarations
made
of
the
Rules
or
Measures
of
Government
.
And
since
both
the
People
and
Senate
of
Rome
had
acknowledged
the
Power
that
Augustus
had
indeed
violently
usurped
,
it
became
Legal
when
it
was
thus
submitted
to
,
and
confirmed
both
by
the
Senate
and
People
:
and
it
was
established
in
his
Family
by
a
long
Prescription
,
when
those
Epistles
were
writ
:
So
that
upon
the
whole
Matter
,
all
that
is
in
the
New
Testament
upon
this
Subject
,
imports
no
more
,
but
that
all
Christians
are
bound
to
acquiesce
in
the
Government
,
and
submit
to
it
,
according
to
the
Constitution
that
is
setled
by
Law.
XI
.
We
are
then
at
last
brought
to
the
Constitution
of
our
English
Government
:
so
that
no
general
Considerations
from
Speculations
about
Sovereign
Power
,
nor
from
any
Passages
,
either
of
the
Old
and
New
Testament
,
ought
to
determine
us
in
this
Matter
;
which
must
be
fixed
from
the
Laws
and
Regulations
that
have
been
made
among
us
.
It
is
then
certain
,
that
with
Relation
to
the
Executive
part
of
the
Government
,
the
Law
has
lodged
that
singly
in
the
King
;
so
that
the
whole
administration
of
it
is
in
him
;
but
the
Legislative
Power
is
lodged
between
the
King
and
the
two
Houses
of
Parliament
;
so
that
the
Power
of
making
and
repealing
Laws
,
is
not
singly
in
the
King
,
but
only
so
far
as
the
two
Houses
concur
with
him
.
It
is
also
clear
,
that
the
King
has
such
a
determined
extent
of
Prerogative
,
beyond
which
he
has
no
Authority
:
As
for
Instance
,
If
he
levies
Mony
of
his
People
,
without
a
Law
impowring
him
to
it
,
he
goes
beyond
the
Limits
of
his
Power
,
and
asks
that
to
which
he
has
no
Right
:
So
that
there
lies
no
Obligation
on
the
Subject
to
grant
it
;
and
if
any
in
his
Name
use
Violence
for
the
obtaining
it
,
they
are
to
be
looked
on
as
so
many
Robbers
,
that
invade
our
Property
;
and
they
being
violent
Aggressors
,
the
Principle
of
Self-Pres●rvation
seems
here
to
take
place
,
and
to
warrant
as
violent
a
Resistance
.
XII
.
There
is
nothing
more
evident
,
than
that
England
is
a
Free
Nation
,
that
has
its
Liberties
and
Properties
reserved
to
it
,
by
many
positive
and
express
Laws
:
If
then
we
have
a
Right
to
our
Property
,
we
must
likewise
be
supposed
to
have
a
Right
to
preserve
it
:
for
those
Rights
are
by
the
Law
secured
aginst
the
Invasions
of
the
Prerogative
,
and
by
consequence
we
must
have
a
Right
to
preserve
them
against
those
Invasions
.
It
is
also
evidently
declared
by
our
Law
,
that
all
Orders
and
Warrants
that
are
issued
out
in
opposition
to
them
,
are
null
of
themselves
;
and
by
consequence
,
any
that
pretend
to
have
Commissions
from
the
King
for
those
Ends
,
are
to
be
considered
as
if
they
had
none
at
all
;
since
those
Commissions
being
void
of
themselves
,
are
indeed
no
Commissions
in
the
Construction
of
the
Law
;
and
therefore
those
who
act
in
vertue
of
them
,
are
still
to
be
considered
as
private
Persons
who
come
to
invade
and
disturb
us
.
It
is
also
to
be
observed
,
that
there
are
some
Points
that
are
justly
disputable
and
doubtful
,
and
others
that
are
so
manifest
,
that
it
is
plain
that
any
Objections
that
can
be
made
to
them
,
are
rather
forced
Pretences
,
than
so
much
as
plausible
Colours
.
It
is
true
,
if
the
Case
is
doubtful
,
the
Interest
of
the
publick
Peace
and
Order
ought
to
carry
it
;
but
the
Case
is
quite
different
,
when
the
Invasions
that
are
made
upon
Liberty
and
Property
,
are
plain
and
visible
to
all
that
consider
them
.
XIII
.
The
main
and
great
Difficulty
here
,
is
,
that
though
our
Government
does
indeed
assert
the
Liberty
of
the
Subject
,
yet
there
are
many
express
Laws
made
,
that
lodg
the
Militia
singly
in
the
King
,
that
make
it
plainly
unlawful
,
upon
any
Pretence
whatsoever
,
to
take
Arms
against
the
King
,
or
any
Commissioned
by
him
:
And
these
Laws
have
been
put
in
the
Form
of
an
Oath
,
which
all
that
have
born
any
Employment
,
either
in
Church
or
State
,
have
sworn
;
and
therefore
those
Laws
for
the
assuring
our
Liberties
,
do
indeed
bind
the
King's
Conscience
,
and
may
affect
his
Ministers
;
yet
since
it
is
a
Maxime
of
our
Law
,
that
the
King
can
do
no
wrong
,
these
cannot
be
carried
so
far
as
to
justify
our
taking
Arms
against
him
,
be
the
Transgressions
of
Law
ever
so
many
and
so
manifest
.
And
since
this
has
been
the
constant
Doctrine
of
the
Church
of
England
,
it
will
be
a
very
heavy
Imputation
on
us
,
if
it
appears
,
that
though
we
held
those
Opinions
,
as
long
as
the
Court
and
Crown
have
favoured
us
,
yet
as
soon
as
the
Court
turns
against
us
,
We
change
our
Principles
.
XIV
.
Here
is
the
true
Difficulty
of
this
whole
Matter
,
and
therefore
it
ought
to
be
exactly
considered
:
First
,
All
general
Words
,
how
large
soever
,
are
still
supposed
to
have
a
tacit
Exception
and
reserve
in
them
,
if
the
Matter
seems
to
require
it
.
Children
are
commanded
to
obey
their
Parents
in
all
things
:
Wives
are
declared
by
the
Scripture
,
to
be
subject
to
their
Husbands
in
all
things
,
as
the
Church
is
unto
Christ
:
And
yet
how
comprehensive
soever
these
words
may
seem
to
be
,
there
is
still
a
reserve
to
be
understood
in
them
;
and
though
by
our
Form
of
Marriage
,
the
Parties
swear
to
one
another
till
Death
them
do
part
,
yet
few
doubt
but
that
this
Bond
is
dissolved
by
Adultery
,
though
it
is
not
named
;
for
odious
things
ought
not
to
be
suspected
,
and
therefore
not
named
upon
such
occasions
:
But
when
they
fall
out
,
they
carry
still
their
own
force
with
them
.
2.
When
there
seems
to
be
a
Contradiction
between
two
Articles
in
the
Constitution
,
we
ought
to
examin
which
of
the
two
is
the
most
Evident
,
and
the
most
Important
,
and
so
we
ought
to
fix
upon
it
,
and
then
we
must
give
such
an
accommodating
sense
to
that
which
seems
to
contradict
it
,
that
so
we
may
reconcile
those
together
.
Here
then
are
two
seeming
Contradictions
in
our
Constitution
;
The
one
is
the
Publick
Liberty
of
the
Nation
;
the
other
is
the
Renouncing
of
all
Resistance
,
in
case
that
were
invaded
.
It
is
plain
,
that
our
Liberty
is
only
a
thing
that
we
enjoy
at
the
King's
Discretion
,
and
during
his
Pleasure
,
if
the
other
against
all
Resistance
is
to
be
understood
according
to
the
utmost
extent
of
the
Words
.
Therefore
since
the
chief
Design
of
our
whole
Law
,
and
of
all
the
several
Rules
of
our
Constitution
,
is
to
secure
and
mai●tain
our
Liberty
,
we
ought
to
lay
that
down
for
a
Conclusion
,
that
it
is
both
the
most
plain
and
the
most
important
of
the
two
.
And
therefore
the
other
Article
against
Resistance
ought
to
be
so
softned
as
that
it
do
not
destroy
us
.
3.
Since
it
is
by
a
Law
that
Resistance
is
condemned
,
we
ought
to
understand
it
in
such
a
sense
as
that
it
does
not
destroy
all
other
Laws
:
And
therefore
the
intent
of
this
Law
,
must
only
relate
to
the
Executive
Power
,
which
is
in
the
King
,
and
not
to
the
Legislative
,
in
which
we
cannot
suppose
that
our
Legislators
,
who
m●de
that
Law
,
intended
to
give
up
that
,
which
we
plainly
see
they
resolved
still
to
preserve
entire
,
according
to
the
Ancient
Constitution
.
So
then
,
the
not
resisting
the
King
,
can
only
be
applied
to
the
Executive
Power
,
that
so
upon
no
pretence
of
ill
Administrations
in
the
Execution
of
the
Law
,
it
should
be
lawful
to
resist
him
;
but
this
cannot
with
any
reason
be
extended
to
an
Invasion
of
the
Legislative
Power
,
or
to
a
total
Subversion
of
the
Government
.
For
it
being
plain
,
that
the
Law
did
not
design
to
lodg
that
Power
in
the
King
,
it
is
also
plain
,
that
it
did
not
intend
to
secure
him
in
it
,
in
case
he
should
set
about
it
.
4.
The
Law
mentioning
the
King
,
or
those
Commissioned
by
him
,
shews
plainly
,
that
it
only
designed
to
secure
the
King
in
the
Executive
Power
:
for
the
word
Commission
necessarily
imports
this
,
since
if
it
is
not
according
to
Law
,
it
is
no
Commission
;
and
by
Cons●quence
,
those
who
act
in
virtue
of
it
,
are
not
Commissionated
by
the
King
in
the
Sense
of
the
Law.
The
King
likewise
imports
a
Prince
clo●hed
by
Law
with
the
Regal
Prerogative
;
but
if
he
goes
to
subvert
the
whole
Foundation
of
the
Government
,
he
subverts
that
by
which
he
himself
has
his
Power
,
and
by
consequence
he
ann●ls
his
own
Power
;
and
then
he
ceases
to
be
King
,
having
endeavoured
to
destroy
that
upon
which
his
own
Authority
is
founded
.
XV.
It
is
acknowledged
by
the
greatest
Assertors
of
Monarchial
Power
,
that
in
some
Cases
a
King
may
fall
from
his
Power
,
and
in
other
Cases
that
he
may
fall
from
the
Exercise
of
it
.
His
Deserting
his
People
;
his
going
about
to
enslave
,
or
sell
them
to
any
other
;
or
a
furious
going
about
to
destroy
them
,
are
in
the
opinion
of
the
most
Monarchial
Lawyers
,
such
Abuses
,
that
they
naturally
divest
those
that
are
guilty
of
them
,
of
their
whole
Authority
.
Infancy
or
Phrenzy
do
also
put
them
under
the
Guardianship
of
others
.
All
the
Crowned
Heads
of
Europe
have
,
at
least
secretly
,
approved
of
the
putting
the
late
King
of
Portugal
under
a
Guardianship
,
and
the
keeping
him
still
a
Prisoner
for
a
few
Acts
of
Rage
,
that
had
been
fatal
to
a
very
few
Persons
:
And
even
our
Court
gave
the
first
countenance
to
it
,
though
of
all
others
the
late
King
had
the
least
reason
to
have
done
it
,
at
least
last
of
all
,
since
it
justified
a
younger
Brother's
supplanting
the
Elder
;
yet
the
Evidence
of
the
Thing
carried
it
even
against
Interest
.
Therefore
if
a
King
goes
about
to
subvert
the
Government
,
and
to
overturn
the
whole
Constitution
,
he
by
this
must
be
supposed
,
either
to
fall
from
his
Power
,
or
at
least
from
the
Exercise
of
it
,
so
far
as
that
he
ought
to
be
put
under
Guardians
;
and
according
to
the
Case
of
Portugal
,
the
next
Heir
falls
naturally
to
be
the
Guardian
.
XVI
.
The
next
Thing
to
be
considered
,
is
to
see
in
Fact
whether
the
Foundations
of
this
Government
have
been
struck
at
,
and
whether
those
Errors
that
have
been
perhaps
committed
,
are
only
such
Maleversations
as
ought
to
be
imputed
only
to
human
Frailty
,
and
to
the
Ignorance
,
Inadvertencies
,
or
Passions
to
which
all
Princes
may
be
subject
,
as
well
as
other
Men.
But
this
will
best
appear
,
if
we
consider
what
are
the
Fundamental
Points
of
our
Government
,
and
the
chief
Securities
that
we
may
have
for
our
Liberties
.
The
Authority
of
the
Law
is
indeed
all
in
one
word
,
so
that
if
the
King
pretends
to
a
Power
to
dispense
with
Laws
,
there
is
nothing
left
upon
which
the
Subject
can
depend
;
and
yet
as
if
the
Dispensing
Power
were
not
enough
,
if
Laws
are
wholly
suspended
for
all
Time
coming
,
this
is
plainly
a
repealing
of
them
,
when
likewise
the
Men
,
in
whose
Hands
the
Administration
of
Justice
is
put
by
Law
,
such
as
Judges
and
Sheriffs
,
are
allowed
to
tread
all
Laws
under-foot
,
even
those
that
infer
an
Incapacity
on
themselves
if
they
violate
them
;
this
is
such
a
breaking
of
the
whole
Constitution
,
that
we
can
no
more
have
the
Administration
of
Justice
,
so
that
it
is
really
a
Dissolution
of
the
Government
;
since
all
Trials
,
Sentences
,
and
the
Executions
of
them
,
are
become
so
many
unlawful
Acts
,
that
are
null
and
void
of
themselves
.
The
next
Thing
in
our
Constitution
,
which
secures
to
us
our
Laws
and
Liberties
,
is
a
Free
and
Lawful
Parliament
.
Now
,
not
to
mention
the
breach
of
the
Law
of
Triennial
Parliaments
,
it
being
above
three
Years
since
we
had
a
Session
that
enacted
any
Law
;
Methods
have
been
taken
,
and
are
daily
a
taking
,
that
render
this
impossible
.
Parliaments
ought
to
be
chosen
with
an
entire
Liberty
,
and
without
either
Force
or
Preingagements
:
whereas
if
all
Men
are
required
before-hand
to
enter
into
Engagements
how
they
will
vote
if
they
are
chosen
themselves
,
or
how
they
will
give
their
Voices
in
the
Electing
of
others
?
This
is
plainly
such
a
preparation
to
a
Parliament
,
as
would
indeed
make
it
no
Parliament
,
but
a
Cabal
,
if
one
were
chosen
,
after
all
that
Corruption
of
Persons
who
had
preingaged
themselves
,
and
after
the
Threating
and
Turning
out
of
all
Persons
out
of
Imploiments
who
had
refused
to
do
it
:
And
if
there
are
such
daily
Regulations
made
in
the
Towns
,
that
it
is
plain
those
who
manage
them
,
intend
at
last
to
put
such
a
number
of
Men
in
the
Corporations
,
as
will
certainly
chuse
the
Persons
who
are
recommended
to
them
.
But
above
all
,
if
there
are
such
a
number
of
Sheriffs
and
Mayors
made
over
England
,
by
whom
the
Elections
must
be
conducted
and
returned
,
who
are
now
under
an
Incapacity
by
Law
,
and
so
are
no
legal
Officers
,
and
by
cons●quence
those
Elections
that
pass
under
their
Authority
are
null
and
void
:
If
,
I
say
,
it
is
clear
that
things
are
brought
to
this
,
then
the
Government
is
dissolved
,
because
it
is
impossible
to
have
a
Free
and
Legal
Parliament
in
this
state
of
things
.
If
then
both
the
Authority
of
the
Law
,
and
the
Constitution
of
the
Parliament
are
struck
at
and
dissolved
,
here
is
a
plain
Subversion
of
the
whole
Government
.
But
if
we
enter
next
into
the
particular
Branches
of
the
Government
,
we
will
find
the
like
Disorder
among
them
all
.
The
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Church
of
England
make
a
great
Article
of
our
Government
,
the
latter
being
secured
,
not
only
of
old
by
Magna
Charta
,
but
by
many
special
Laws
made
of
late
;
and
there
are
particu●ar
Laws
made
in
K.
Charles
the
First
,
and
the
late
King's
Time
,
securing
them
from
all
Commissions
that
the
King
can
raise
for
●udging
or
Censuring
them
.
If
then
in
opposition
to
this
,
a
Court
so
condemned
is
ercted
,
which
proceeds
to
Judg
and
Censure
the
Clergy
,
and
even
to
disseise
them
of
their
Free-holds
,
without
so
much
as
the
form
of
a
Trial
,
though
this
is
the
most
indispensable
Law
of
all
those
that
secures
the
Property
of
England
;
and
if
the
King
pretends
that
he
can
require
the
Clergy
to
publish
all
his
Arbitrary
Declarations
,
and
in
particular
one
that
strikes
at
their
whole
Settlement
,
and
has
ordered
Process
to
be
begun
against
all
that
disobey'd
this
illegal
Warrant
,
and
has
treated
so
great
a
number
.
of
the
Bishops
as
Criminals
,
only
for
representing
to
him
the
Reasons
of
their
not
obeying
him
;
If
likewise
the
King
is
not
satisfied
to
profess
his
own
Religion
openly
,
though
even
that
is
contrary
to
Law
,
but
has
sent
Ambassadors
to
Rome
,
and
received
Nuncio's
from
thence
,
which
is
plainly
Treason
by
Law
;
If
likewise
many
Popish
Churches
and
Chappels
have
been
publickly
opened
;
if
several
Colledges
of
Iesuits
have
been
set
up
in
divers
parts
of
the
Nation
,
and
one
of
the
Order
has
been
made
a
Privy
Counsellor
,
and
a
principal
Minister
of
State
:
And
if
Papists
,
and
even
those
who
turn
to
that
Religion
,
though
declared
Traitors
by
Law
,
are
brought
into
all
the
chief
Imploiments
,
both
Military
and
Civil
;
then
it
is
plain
,
That
all
the
Rights
of
the
Church
of
England
,
and
the
whole
Establishment
of
the
Protestant
Religion
are
struck
at
,
and
design'd
to
be
overturned
;
since
all
these
Things
,
as
they
are
notoriously
illegal
,
so
they
evidently
demonstrate
,
That
the
great
Design
of
them
all
,
is
the
rooting
out
of
this
Pestilent
Heresy
,
in
their
stile
,
I
mean
,
the
Protestant
Religion
.
In
the
next
place
,
If
in
the
whole
course
of
Justice
,
it
is
visible
that
there
is
a
constant
practising
upon
the
Judges
,
that
they
are
t●rned
out
upon
their
varying
from
the
Intentions
of
the
Court
;
and
if
Men
of
no
Reputation
nor
Abilities
are
●ut
in
their
places
;
If
an
Army
is
kept
up
in
time
of
Peace
,
●●d
Men
who
withdraw
from
that
illegal
Service
,
are
hanged
up
as
Criminals
,
without
any
colour
of
Law
,
which
,
by
consequence
,
are
so
many
Murders
;
and
if
the
Souldiery
are
connived
at
and
encouraged
in
the
most
enormous
Crimes
,
that
so
they
may
be
thereby
prepared
to
commit
greater
ones
,
and
from
single
Rapes
and
Murders
proceed
to
a
Rape
upon
all
our
Liberties
,
and
a
Destruction
of
the
Nation
:
If
,
I
say
,
all
these
things
are
true
in
Fact
;
then
it
is
plain
,
that
there
is
such
a
Dissolution
of
the
Government
made
,
that
there
is
not
any
one
part
of
it
left
sound
and
entire
:
And
if
all
these
things
are
done
now
,
it
is
easie
to
imagine
what
may
be
expected
,
when
Arbitrary
Power
,
that
spares
no
Man
,
and
Popery
that
spares
no
Heretick
,
are
finally
established
:
Then
we
may
look
for
nothing
but
Gabelles
,
Tailles
,
Impositions
,
Benevolences
,
and
all
sorts
of
Illegal
Taxes
;
as
from
the
other
we
may
expect
Burnings
,
Massacres
,
and
Inquisitions
.
In
what
is
doing
in
Scotland
we
may
gather
what
is
to
be
expected
in
England
;
where
if
the
King
has
over
and
over
again
declared
,
that
he
is
vested
with
an
Absolute
Power
,
to
which
all
are
bound
to
obey
without
reserve
,
and
has
upon
that
annulled
almost
all
the
Acts
of
Pa●liament
that
passed
in
K.
Iames
I.
Minority
,
though
they
were
ratified
by
himself
when
he
came
to
be
of
Age
,
and
were
confirmed
by
all
the
subsequent
Kings
,
not
excepting
the
present
.
We
must
then
conclude
from
thence
,
what
is
resolved
on
here
in
England
,
and
what
will
be
put
in
Execution
as
soon
as
it
is
thought
that
the
Times
can
bear
it
.
When
likewise
the
whole
Settlement
of
Ireland
is
shaken
,
and
the
Army
that
was
raised
,
and
is
maintained
by
Taxes
that
were
given
for
an
Army
of
English
Protestants
,
to
secure
them
from
a
new
Massacre
by
the
Irish
Papists
,
is
now
all
filled
with
Irish
Papists
,
as
well
as
almost
all
the
other
Imployments
;
it
is
plain
,
that
not
only
all
the
British
Protestants
inhabiting
that
Island
,
are
in
daily
danger
of
being
butchered
a
second
time
,
but
that
the
Crown
of
England
is
in
danger
of
losing
that
Island
,
it
being
now
put
wholly
into
the
Hands
and
Power
of
the
Native
Irish
▪
who
as
they
formerly
offered
themselves
up
sometimes
to
the
Crown
of
Spain
,
sometimes
to
the
Pope
,
and
once
to
the
Duke
of
Lorrain
,
so
are
they
perhaps
at
this
present
treating
with
another
Court
for
the
Sale
and
Surrender
of
the
Island
,
and
for
the
Massacre
of
the
English
in
it
.
If
thus
all
the
several
Branches
of
our
Constitution
are
dissolved
,
it
might
be
at
least
expected
that
one
〈◊〉
should
be
left
entire
,
and
that
is
the
Regal
Dignity
:
But
●●●cer●●ng
the
Birth
of
the
supposed
Prince
of
Wales
,
no
Proofs
●●re
ever
given
either
to
the
Princess
of
Denmark
,
or
to
any
oth●●
Protestant
Ladies
,
in
whom
we
ought
to
repose
any
Con●●●●●ce
that
the
Queen
was
ever
with
Child
;
that
whole
Matter
b●●●g
managed
with
so
much
Mysteriousness
,
that
there
were
violent
and
publick
Suspicions
of
it
before
.
But
the
whole
Contrivance
of
the
Birth
,
the
sending
away
the
Princess
of
Denmark
,
the
sudden
shortning
of
the
Reckoning
,
the
Queen
's
sudden
going
to
St.
Iames's
,
her
no
less
sudden
pretended
Delivery
;
the
hurrying
the
Child
into
another
Room
without
shewing
it
to
those
present
,
and
without
their
hearing
it
cry
;
and
the
mysterious
Conduct
of
all
since
that
time
;
no
Satisfaction
being
given
to
the
Princess
of
Denmark
upon
her
Return
from
the
Bath
,
nor
to
any
other
Protestant
Ladies
,
of
the
Queen's
having
been
really
brought
to
Bed.
These
are
all
such
evident
Indications
of
an
Imposture
in
this
Matter
,
that
as
the
Nation
has
the
justest
Reason
in
the
World
to
doubt
of
it
,
so
they
have
all
possible
Reason
to
be
at
no
quiet
till
they
see
a
Legal
and
Free
Parliament
assembled
,
which
may
impartially
,
and
without
either
Fear
or
Corruption
,
examine
that
whole
Matter
.
If
all
these
Matters
are
true
in
Fact
,
then
I
suppose
no
Man
will
doubt
,
that
the
whole
Foundations
of
this
Government
,
and
all
the
most
sacred
Parts
of
it
,
are
overturned
.
And
as
to
the
Truth
of
all
these
Suppositions
,
that
is
left
to
every
Englishman's
Judgment
and
Sense
.
An
ANSWER
to
a
PAPER
,
intituled
,
Reflections
on
the
Prince
of
ORANGE's
Declaration
.
IT
seems
a
strange
piece
of
Arrogance
that
any
Man
should
reflect
on
a
Declaration
,
because
it
does
not
begin
as
he
would
have
it
;
that
is
,
with
a
Manifestation
of
our
Clandestine
League
with
France
,
whereby
an
Army
of
Frenchmen
,
together
with
our
Papists
,
Irish
,
and
other
Mercenaries
,
might
establish
Popery
in
England
.
The
Reflector
ought
to
have
consider'd
,
that
a
Clandestine
League
,
tho'
it
may
be
very
notorious
to
its
Existence
and
Effects
,
may
likewise
be
very
difficult
to
prove
,
according
to
the
meaning
of
the
word
Clandestine
.
But
that
there
is
such
a
one
,
we
have
the
Testimony
of
the
King
of
France
,
in
a
Memorial
delivered
to
the
States
of
Holland
;
and
though
it
has
been
since
disowned
by
our
Court
,
and
Mr.
Skelton
upon
it
committed
to
the
Tower
;
his
short
Confinement
,
and
sudden
Advancement
to
a
Regiment
,
shews
that
his
Disgrace
was
but
a
trick
of
State
:
It
is
also
an
inconsequential
way
of
Arguing
,
that
because
the
Prince
does
not
begin
his
Declaration
with
it
,
therefore
there
is
no
such
League
,
things
of
that
high
consequence
being
easier
and
better
carried
on
by
secret
Messages
,
than
Writings
under
Hand
and
Seal
.
2.
In
his
second
Reflection
,
he
tells
us
the
Prince
had
needed
less
Apology
,
if
he
had
pretended
only
to
have
come
to
deliver
the
King
from
Evil
Counsellours
,
and
to
ingage
him
further
in
the
Interest
of
Europe
;
forgetting
the
Prince
does
declare
to
us
he
comes
for
that
end
,
tho'
not
singly
,
and
brought
over
his
Army
to
secure
him
from
the
Rage
and
Fury
of
those
Evil
Counsellours
.
His
next
Quarrel
is
,
that
the
Prince
uses
the
Stile
,
Of
We
and
Vs
within
His
Majesties
Dominions
;
a
thing
,
I
believe
,
ordinary
enough
in
Great
Princes
,
when
they
speak
,
or
write
to
their
Inferiours
.
The
Prince
of
Orange
is
General
of
a
great
&
numerous
Army
,
Admiral
of
a
vast
Fleet
,
State-holder
to
a
High
and
Mighty
Common-wealth
,
and
consequently
,
too
great
to
speak
in
the
Stile
of
a
Private
Person
;
so
that
Rewarding
,
Punishing
,
Commanding
,
Advancing
,
may
very
naturally
fall
within
his
Power
.
Nor
is
it
any
Crime
to
endeavour
the
calling
of
a
Free
Parliament
,
and
settling
the
Nation
,
tho
by
ways
and
methods
unusual
in
our
days
,
nothing
being
more
frequent
in
our
Histories
,
than
for
our
Barons
,
with
Arms
in
their
Hands
,
to
compel
their
Kings
to
call
and
hearken
to
their
Parliaments
:
But
now
there
being
a
standing
Army
of
fourty
thousand
Mercenaries
in
the
Land
,
it
was
grown
a
Crime
to
petition
for
a
Parliament
,
and
a
Folly
to
expect
a
free
one
,
new
Charters
and
Corporations
,
and
a
general
Nomination
of
incompetent
Magistrates
,
having
taken
the
Election
of
Members
for
Parliament
out
of
those
Hands
,
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
and
Memorial
Custom
,
had
intrusted
with
them
.
According
to
the
new
Scheme
designed
by
those
Upstart
and
Popish
Counsellours
,
no
Man
was
to
Elect
,
or
be
Elected
for
Parliament
,
that
would
not
ingage
,
as
far
as
in
them
lay
,
to
take
away
the
Penal
Laws
and
Test
;
nay
,
those
wicked
Counsellors
prevailed
yet
farther
upon
his
Majesty
;
and
he
that
pardoned
so
many
of
his
Enemies
,
was
not
suffered
to
forgive
his
best
Friends
,
and
most
Loyal
Subjects
a
Refusal
or
Excuse
in
that
particular
.
That
the
Prince
will
send
back
his
Army
,
seems
to
some
a
strong
presumption
that
he
will
not
stay
behind
,
since
even
our
own
lawful
King
thinks
himself
not
safe
without
an
Army
of
Mercenaries
in
his
own
Kingdom
.
From
a
strain'd
Phrase
or
two
,
Of
We
and
Vs
,
Require
and
Command
,
sometimes
used
in
his
Declaration
,
to
infer
,
That
the
Prince
of
Orange
intends
to
make
himself
King
of
England
,
seems
to
all
rational
Men
a
very
captious
and
unsatisfactory
way
of
arguing
,
and
a
very
unjust
Calumny
cast
upon
so
great
a
Prince
,
since
more
than
once
in
express
terms
,
he
declares
he
has
no
design
upon
his
Majesty's
Crown
or
Person
,
so
that
all
that
Reproach
falls
to
the
Ground
.
3.
In
his
third
Reflection
,
he
tells
us
the
Prince
wants
a
clear
Call
,
and
that
a
Son
against
a
Father
,
a
Nephew
against
and
Unkle
,
a
Neighbour
against
a
Neighbour
,
cannot
be
such
:
That
he
is
a
Son-in-Law
,
and
a
Nephew
to
his
Present
Majesty
,
gives
the
Prince
a
fair
and
just
pretence
to
interpose
in
our
Affairs
:
had
he
been
a
Foreigner
,
as
our
Reflector
terms
him
,
it
might
have
look'd
like
an
intended
Conquest
;
had
he
not
been
a
Neighbour
,
it
had
been
Impossible
for
him
to
have
afforded
us
this
seasonable
Assistance
.
But
some
think
,
that
where
Attempts
are
made
to
introduce
the
Catholick
Religion
,
by
a
Conspiracy
against
the
Laws
that
secure
and
establish
the
Protestant
Religion
and
the
Test
,
that
only
can
keep
the
Papists
out
of
the
Government
:
And
to
carry
on
this
Conspiracy
the
better
,
the
old
Charters
are
taken
away
under
pretence
of
Forfeiture
and
Surrender
;
new
ones
granted
,
such
as
might
bring
Elections
within
the
Power
of
those
Evil
Counsellors
;
Papists
upon
the
Bench
,
a
Jesuit
in
the
Council
,
and
whole
Troops
of
them
in
the
Army
:
'T
was
high
time
for
a
Protestant
Prince
,
that
had
so
near
relation
to
the
Crown
of
England
,
to
look
about
him
,
and
choose
rather
to
be
censured
by
our
Reflector
,
and
such
as
he
,
for
entering
upon
the
Stage
a
little
before
his
time
,
than
be
justly
reproach'd
and
curs'd
to
the
End
of
the
World
,
by
all
such
as
love
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
ancient
Government
of
England
,
for
appearing
too
late
in
their
Defence
.
The
Example
of
Henry
the
Fourth
of
France
,
may
teach
us
how
hard
it
is
for
a
Protestant
Prince
to
obtain
his
Right
,
where
the
Catholick
Religion
is
predominant
;
nor
was
the
new
Armour
of
Popery
he
put
on
at
last
,
sufficient
to
defend
the
old
Protestant
against
the
Stab
of
a
Jesuited
Novitiate
.
4.
His
fourth
Reflection
acquaints
us
,
the
Protestant
Religion
is
at
once
expos'd
and
hazarded
;
for
if
the
King
prevail
,
what
can
the
Prince
of
Orange's
sort
of
Protestants
expect
at
his
Hands
,
which
are
indeed
all
sorts
of
Protestants
that
I
know
of
,
for
the
Presbyterians
,
Independants
,
Phanaticks
,
Church-of-England
-
Men
,
are
in
his
Army
:
'T
is
fair
warning
,
and
I
hope
God
will
give
the
Protestants
Grace
to
make
the
right
use
of
it
:
As
for
their
changing
Masters
,
't
is
a
Chimera
of
his
own
,
and
utterly
foreign
to
the
Declaration
he
pretends
to
reflect
upon
.
Lest
we
should
forget
,
he
remind●
us
with
that
admirable
Demonstration
of
,
I
say
,
that
the
whole
Protestant
Religion
is
at
stake
;
for
which
I
heartily
thank
our
worthy
Reflector
,
for
tho
it
be
very
true
,
we
had
not
seen
it
in
Print
but
for
him
.
5.
In
his
fifth
Reflection
,
he
tells
us
that
some
Laws
are
better
broken
than
kept
,
which
will
not
be
easily
granted
;
't
is
indeed
true
,
that
some
Laws
were
better
be
repealed
than
continued
:
But
then
they
must
be
null'd
by
the
same
Power
they
were
constituted
,
and
not
by
any
part
of
it
in
contradiction
to
the
whole
.
His
instance
is
,
That
Christianity
could
not
have
been
introduc'd
had
the
Pagan
Laws
been
executed
;
by
which
Parallel
he
would
warrant
Popery
to
be
the
true
Christianity
,
and
the
Protestant
the
Heathen
Persecutors
;
Laws
for
Idolatry
cannot
bind
,
therefore
Laws
against
it
cannot
;
a
very
strange
Inference
,
and
I
allow
that
a
Lawful
Authority
by
exceeding
their
just
Bounds
,
may
act
unlawfully
,
but
the
Legislative
Power
cannot
,
since
all
over
the
World
the
Supream
Power
ever
was
absolute
,
be
it
in
one
or
more
.
He
says
,
no
Man
is
obliged
to
maintain
a
Religion
that
is
not
true
,
be
it
never
so
legally
established
:
So
that
it
is
but
saying
the
Protestant
Religion
is
not
true
,
and
His
Majesty
,
notwithstanding
his
repeated
Ingagements
,
is
no
longer
bound
to
protect
it
.
For
in
the
words
of
our
Reflector
't
is
an
Absurdity
and
Impiety
to
do
so
.
6.
The
sixth
thing
considerable
in
our
Reflector
is
,
his
Defence
of
the
Dispensing
Power
,
and
the
use
His
Majesty
,
seduc'd
by
his
Evil
Councellors
,
makes
of
it
;
which
is
no
other
than
the
setting
aside
of
all
our
Laws
made
for
the
Security
of
the
Protestant
Religion
;
but
sure
such
a
Prerogative
can
never
be
legally
vested
in
the
Crown
,
which
,
if
admitted
,
were
the
destruction
of
all
Law.
Had
those
Evil
Counsellors
only
prevailed
with
his
Majesty
,
to
have
dispensed
with
the
Penalties
inflicted
on
Catholicks
and
other
Dissenters
,
for
serving
of
God
according
to
their
particular
Consciences
,
though
perhaps
contrary
to
Law
,
the
matter
had
never
been
complained
of
:
But
to
put
them
into
Places
of
the
highest
Trust
,
to
make
one
Lieutenant
of
Ireland
,
another
President
of
the
Council
,
a
third
Lieutenenant
General
of
the
Tower
,
a
fourth
a
Judg
;
imploying
numbers
of
them
in
the
Army
,
Court
,
&c.
is
a
Transgression
of
the
Law
,
which
is
certainly
very
dangerous
,
if
not
immediately
,
yet
inevitable
in
its
Consequences
to
the
Protestant
Religion
and
Government
,
and
therefore
a
Mischief
remote
only
(
as
an
Egg
is
from
a
Chicken
)
from
the
worthy
Reflector's
Malum
in
se
,
which
he
acknowledges
this
Dispensing
Power
extends
not
to
.
And
the
particular
Catholicks
breaking
the
Law
in
these
Points
,
are
without
Excuse
:
For
no
Man
is
obliged
in
Conscience
to
be
a
Judg
,
a
Priest
,
a
Minister
,
a
Privy-Councellor
,
a
Courtier
,
or
a
Souldier
in
time
of
Peace
,
contrary
to
the
Laws
of
the
Land
.
Nor
do
those
Laws
deprive
the
King
of
the
Service
of
any
of
his
Subjects
absolutely
;
since
all
Men
,
if
they
please
,
may
capacitate
themselves
for
Imployment
.
If
the
High-Commission-Court
be
at
an
end
,
Magdalen-Colledge
and
the
Bishop
of
London
restored
,
we
may
in
all
appearance
thank
the
Honesty
and
Caution
of
some
of
its
worthy
Members
,
and
the
Noise
of
what
our
Reflector
calls
the
Prince
of
Orange's
Invasion
;
though
some
will
say
,
a
Descent
upon
England
made
by
a
Prince
of
the
Blood
,
Married
to
the
Eldest
Daughter
of
the
present
King
,
upon
the
Invitation
of
many
Lords
both
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
of
the
considerable
Gentry
,
Commonalty
of
all
Counties
,
might
have
deserved
a
fairer
Name
.
Nor
ought
any
Man
to
complain
if
his
honest
Neighbour
break
violently
into
his
House
at
a
time
when
his
Family
cry
out
Fire
or
Murther
;
the
common
Obligation
of
Humanity
,
and
a
due
care
of
their
own
Preservation
,
exact
no
less
of
them
.
But
this
Paper
is
not
intended
for
a
Vindication
of
the
Prince
,
I
will
therefore
return
to
my
Reflector
again
,
who
undertakes
for
all
good
Protestants
that
they
only
refus'd
to
repeal
the
Test
,
by
reason
of
the
Security
it
affords
to
their
Religion
.
As
if
they
had
cast
off
all
care
of
their
Civil
Concerns
,
and
were
only
intent
upon
Religious
Affairs
,
so
as
to
consent
to
give
his
Majesty
a
Majority
of
Papists
in
the
House
of
Lords
;
by
which
he
might
have
two
Negative
Voices
upon
all
Laws
to
be
offer'd
:
and
an
House
of
Pears
ready
to
repeal
the
Habeas
Corpus
Bill
,
and
such
Statutes
as
any
ways
seem
to
incumber
what
Papists
think
his
Majesties
Prerogative
,
of
which
they
maintain
the
Dispensing
Power
to
be
an
Essential
Part
;
and
well
they
may
,
since
it
is
the
very
Power
,
by
which
he
maintains
them
in
Places
and
Imployments
:
So
that
by
leave
of
my
worthy
Reflector
,
the
Considerations
of
Religion
,
tho
they
are
the
principal
,
are
not
the
only
Reasons
,
that
have
determined
all
good
Protestants
to
a
Non-concurrence
with
his
Majesty
in
the
Repeal
of
the
Test.
8.
In
his
eighth
Reflection
he
tells
us
,
That
Chappels
are
places
of
Devotion
;
so
are
Turks
Mosques
,
and
the
Iews
Synagogues
,
yet
no
good
Christian
but
would
be
offended
to
see
them
multiply'd
and
encouraged
,
either
in
his
own
,
or
his
Neighbours
Country
.
9.
In
his
ninth
he
tells
us
,
The
King
was
content
the
Test
should
remain
.
I
answer
,
These
Evil
Counsellors
were
not
content
the
Test
should
remain
,
but
sent
their
Regulators
and
other
Agents
,
to
threaten
,
promise
,
remove
and
change
the
Magistrates
in
all
Corporations
in
order
to
the
procuring
Members
of
Parliament
,
such
as
were
to
enter
the
House
under
solemn
Promises
,
and
firm
Resolutions
,
to
take
off
the
Penal
Laws
and
Test
,
notwithstanding
all
the
weighty
,
nay
,
convincing
Arguments
they
might
meet
with
there
to
the
contrary
:
A
desperate
sort
of
Senators
,
and
fitter
for
Catalines
Conspiracies
than
an
English
Parliament
.
Nor
did
these
Evil
Counsellors
cease
to
sollicit
even
Knights
of
the
Shire
,
till
the
general
Indignation
their
Proposals
met
with
,
together
with
the
Noise
of
the
Prince
of
Orange's
Preparations
,
frightned
them
from
a
further
prosecution
of
their
enormous
Attempts
.
He
ingenuously
confesses
the
seizing
of
Charters
to
have
been
a
fault
,
so
there
is
no
Contest
between
us
on
that
Point
;
but
he
adds
,
That
the
Prince
of
Orange
has
nothing
to
do
with
it
;
now
others
think
him
highly
concern'd
in
it
;
for
if
,
according
to
Sir
Thomas
Moore
,
Rex
Potest
Iuriper
Parta
mentem
&
potest
&
destrui
;
or
according
to
the
Opinion
of
latter
Times
,
a
Parliament
may
make
a
Bill
of
Exclusion
;
a
Prince
that
has
so
near
a
Relation
to
the
Crown
of
England
,
ought
not
to
suffer
any
foul
play
in
the
calling
together
such
an
Assembly
as
may
null
his
Title
,
or
preclude
him
of
his
Right
to
the
Crown
in
time
to
come
.
'T
is
true
,
the
Counsel
for
seizing
Charters
was
given
in
the
last
King's
Reign
,
and
most
of
them
then
seized
,
but
no
Man
can
deny
but
some
have
been
condemned
and
seized
in
the
Reign
of
his
present
Majesty
,
and
restored
not
till
the
Apprehension
of
the
aforesaid
Invasion
;
so
that
we
are
promised
a
Free
Parliament
,
only
because
they
cannot
put
one
of
their
own
framing
upon
us
.
10.
His
tenth
Paragraph
needs
no
answer
.
11.
In
his
eleventh
,
he
tells
us
there
were
but
two
Papist
Judges
,
as
if
the
Laws
were
not
broken
unless
the
Judges
were
all
Papists
;
or
that
Judges
sitting
contrary
to
Law
could
give
a
Legal
Sentence
.
Both
these
defects
he
supposes
supplied
by
the
Dispensing
Power
,
a
Power
sufficiently
baffled
by
those
Gentlemen
of
the
long
Robe
of
Counsel
for
the
Bishops
,
and
not
defended
by
either
Judges
or
Counsel
on
the
other
side
;
for
which
two
of
the
Judges
,
Iones
and
Holloway
,
lost
their
places
on
the
Bench.
12
,
13.
His
twelfth
and
thirteenth
concern
Ireland
and
Scotland
,
and
therefore
I
will
leave
them
untouch'd
,
to
the
Gentlemen
of
those
Nations
,
who
best
understand
,
and
are
most
sensible
of
the
Oppressions
they
are
under
.
14.
In
his
fourteenth
,
he
pleads
the
Validity
of
the
King's
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
tho'
that
pretended
Prerogative
has
been
discuss'd
and
baffled
in
Parliament
,
within
these
few
years
,
and
deserted
as
such
by
His
late
Majesty
;
he
affirms
,
that
the
King
,
as
Head
of
the
Church
,
might
oblige
the
Bishops
to
cause
the
Declaration
to
be
read
in
the
Churches
,
which
if
they
had
complied
with
,
in
the
Opinion
of
many
good
Protestants
,
they
had
precluded
themselves
of
their
Votes
in
Parliament
against
it
;
for
with
what
Forehead
could
they
Vote
against
the
Declaration
,
when
they
caused
it
to
be
read
in
their
Churches
?
An
Act
amounting
to
no
less
than
maintaining
,
or
owning
,
the
Dispensing
Power
.
15.
In
his
fifteenth
,
he
allows
the
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
,
have
,
in
terms
full
of
respect
,
signified
to
the
King
their
deep
regret
which
all
these
things
have
given
them
,
and
their
Thoughts
abour
Repealing
the
Test
and
Penal
Laws
as
an
Expedient
of
Peace
;
but
blames
him
,
it
seems
,
for
doing
all
this
so
respectfully
and
privately
,
and
would
rather
had
it
done
by
a
Manifesto
,
that
some
of
the
Prince's
Friends
might
be
imprisoned
for
delivering
it
,
as
Captain
Lenham
is
for
bringing
over
the
Declaration
.
He
tells
us
next
,
the
King
has
come
up
almost
to
Fagel's
Letter
,
which
was
the
Declaration
of
their
Minds
,
viz.
The
Church-of
-
England-Test
,
and
Laws
of
Supremacy
to
remain
;
then
urging
the
King's
Concessions
,
which
may
be
observ'd
to
bear
date
only
from
the
report
of
the
Prince's
Preparations
for
England
.
16.
He
tells
us
in
his
sixteenth
,
That
the
Prince
thinks
a
Free
Parliament
to
be
the
last
and
great
Remedy
for
these
Evils
▪
but
complains
these
Wicked
Counsellors
are
against
it
,
for
fear
of
being
called
to
Account
,
that
they
had
preingaged
Voices
to
take
off
the
Penal
Laws
and
the
Test
;
and
regulated
Corporations
and
Burroughs
,
that
so
they
might
assure
themselves
of
the
Members
of
Parliament
.
He
allows
the
Charge
,
but
says
,
What
has
all
this
to
do
with
the
King
?
No
Man
says
it
has
,
and
the
Prince
only
requires
the
removal
and
punishment
of
those
Evil
Counsellors
in
a
Free
Parliament
.
17.
Next
our
Reflector
tells
,
That
there
never
was
a
Parliament
absolutely
Free
,
but
that
Drink
,
Mony
,
and
other
Evil
Arts
,
have
had
a
great
sway
in
Elections
.
This
is
true
,
but
no
reason
that
we
should
consent
to
a
General
or
Fundamental
Corruption
of
our
Elections
,
because
we
cannot
avoid
some
few
and
casual
Ones
.
Then
he
would
have
had
the
Prince
have
desired
the
King
to
have
laid
aside
those
Evil
Counsellors
,
as
if
it
were
not
Notorious
,
that
the
Princes
dislike
of
some
Men
has
been
their
ready
way
to
Preferment
in
our
Court
;
and
Embassadors
for
Holland
have
been
,
of
late
,
chosen
out
of
those
he
has
most
aversion
for
;
as
if
these
Wicked
Counsellors
feared
nothing
so
much
as
a
good
Understanding
between
His
Majesty
and
the
Prince
of
Orange
.
19.
In
the
nineteenth
he
tells
,
The
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange's
Question
concerning
the
Birth
of
the
Prince
of
Wales
,
saying
,
That
during
the
Queen's
pretended
Bigness
,
and
in
the
manner
in
which
the
Birth
was
managed
,
there
have
appear'd
so
many
just
and
visible
grounds
of
Suspicion
,
that
not
only
the
Prince
himself
,
but
all
good
Subjects
in
England
,
do
vehemently
suspect
that
the
pretended
Prince
of
Wales
was
not
born
of
the
Queen
.
20.
Next
our
Reflector
tells
us
,
That
the
Prince
ought
to
have
writ
to
the
King
for
a
private
satisfaction
in
this
Matter
,
which
the
King
would
no
doubt
have
given
in
the
manner
that
all
reasonable
Men
do
when
they
are
examined
against
themselves
.
All
Men
allow
the
imputation
of
such
an
Imposture
,
to
be
a
great
Reflection
on
their
present
Majesties
.
But
some
think
they
have
in
a
great
measure
drawn
it
upon
themselves
,
by
omitting
to
have
those
Witnesses
by
,
and
those
Methods
observed
,
that
our
Laws
require
to
prove
the
Birth
of
a
Legitimate
Prince
of
Wales
:
'T
is
not
perhaps
enough
to
say
,
that
there
were
as
many
Witnesses
,
and
as
good
Proof
of
it
as
the
Law
exacts
;
still
the
Question
returns
,
Why
not
the
same
Persons
?
a
Legal
Proof
admits
of
no
Equivolent
.
Our
Reflector
will
not
deny
,
but
that
there
has
been
common
Fame
all
over
Europe
,
that
this
Prince
of
Wales
was
not
Born
of
the
Body
of
her
Majesty
,
and
common
belief
of
it
among
Protestants
;
this
of
it self
were
enough
to
make
the
next
Heir
to
the
Crown
look
about
,
and
move
every
Stone
that
the
Matter
might
be
examined
by
impartial
Methods
in
a
Free
Parliament
,
which
is
all
that
the
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
aims
at
;
for
their
Proofs
to
the
contrary
,
't
is
not
to
expected
they
should
acquaint
the
World
with
them
before
the
Trial.
22.
In
his
two
and
twentieth
Reflection
on
the
eighteenth
Paragraph
,
where
the
Prince
says
,
He
was
invited
to
this
Expedition
by
many
Lords
,
both
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
many
Gentlemen
,
and
Subjects
of
all
Ranks
:
Our
Reflector
is
pleased
to
tell
him
he
is
mistaken
,
as
Monmouth
was
.
Notwithstanding
those
eminent
Peers
,
Gentry
and
Commonalty
of
all
sorts
that
are
already
in
his
Camp
,
and
such
as
are
going
daily
,
as
well
Souldiers
as
others
;
nor
considering
the
great
number
of
the
Nobility
that
are
in
the
Country
and
have
not
been
examin'd
,
and
that
such
as
were
examin'd
here
in
Town
,
did
no
more
than
answer
,
Not
Guilty
to
the
Charge
of
High-Treason
:
So
that
there
are
more
Nobility
and
Gentry
with
him
than
with
his
Majesty
.
In
his
three
and
twentieth
Reflection
on
the
19
th
and
20
th
Paragraph
,
where
the
Prince
refers
all
to
a
free
Parliament
;
our
Reflector
says
it
belongs
not
to
him
,
to
refer
other
Mens
business
;
as
if
the
Prince
had
no
relation
to
the
Crown
:
Then
tells
us
we
are
already
in
possession
of
what
the
Prince
promises
us
;
as
if
the
Catholicks
were
all
out
of
imployment
,
the
Dispensing
power
given
up
,
no
standing
Army
,
no
apprehensions
of
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
,
and
a
Free
Parliament
for
redressing
of
Grievances
of
all
kinds
in
being
.
24.
In
the
twenty
fourth
Reflection
on
the
three
last
Paragraphs
of
the
Princes
Declaration
,
he
tells
us
,
The
Prince
has
a
manifest
design
upon
the-
crown
,
because
he
summons
the
Nobility
,
Gentry
and
People
of
England
to
his
Standard
:
And
if
so
,
who
must
stay
with
the
King
?
To
that
may
be
answered
,
All
such
as
believe
the
Prince
of
Orange
has
brought
this
Army
,
and
intends
to
make
War
upon
England
to
subdue
it
to
his
meer
will
and
pleasure
,
trample
all
Laws
,
both
Divine
and
Humane
,
under
his
Fleet
,
dethrone
his
present
Majesty
,
and
make
himself
King
;
they
will
stay
and
fight
for
him
,
or
at
least
to
the
best
of
their
power
,
in
some
other
manner
assist
and
help
him
:
On
the
contrary
part
,
such
as
believe
the
Prince
means
nothing
of
all
this
,
but
brought
over
his
Army
only
the
better
to
assist
the
Nobility
,
Gentry
,
and
People
of
England
,
upon
their
earnest
desires
,
and
frequent
solliciations
,
and
reiterated
complaints
,
in
the
recovering
of
the
old
Legal
way
of
choosing
Members
for
Parliament
,
which
by
Illegal
new
Charters
,
on
pretended
Forfeitures
,
was
in
a
ready
way
to
be
for
ever
lost
;
in
rescuing
all
the
Laws
of
England
from
the
devouring
Jaws
of
a
Dispensing
Power
;
in
reducing
Popery
within
those
bounds
the
Law
has
prescribed
it
,
which
,
like
an
Inundation
,
had
so
over-flowed
its
Banks
,
that
our
Religion
and
Government
were
in
peril
to
be
swallowed
up
by
it
;
and
finally
,
to
redress
these
and
all
other
grievances
,
if
for
these
and
no
other
ends
or
concerns
Men
think
the
Prince
has
landed
here
,
such
Men
will
take
his
part
,
espouse
his
quarrel
,
and
contribute
to
his
success
:
and
in
these
cases
every
Man
will
judg
for
himself
,
as
they
did
in
our
late
Civil
Wars
.
Again
,
he
charges
the
Prince
with
a
design
of
Conquest
;
which
not
only
the
Prince
himself
disclaims
throughout
his
Declaration
,
and
will
hereafter
disown
in
all
his
Manifesto's
;
but
the
States
of
Holland
,
who
have
so
vigorously
assisted
,
and
engaged
themselves
with
all
their
Power
and
Credit
,
to
maintain
him
in
this
Attempt
,
have
assur'd
us
he
left
Holland
under
high
and
solemn
Protestations
to
the
contrary
.
All
this
is
,
I
hope
,
sufficient
to
dash
the
strain'd
inferences
of
an
inconsiderable
Reflector
.
As
for
that
impudent
Calumny
of
Perjury
he
endeavours
to
fix
upon
the
Prince
,
it
needs
no
other
refutation
than
a
serious
consideration
of
the
Charge
it self
;
his
Words
are
,
The
Prince
of
Orange
swore
to
the
States
of
Holland
never
to
be
their
State-holder
,
tho'
it
were
offered
him
,
and
yet
is
now
that
very
State-holder
he
swore
never
to
be
on
any
terms
.
Now
let
any
reasonable
Man
consider
,
whether
it
be
possible
a
Wise
State
should
by
an
Oath
given
him
,
disable
the
Prince
of
Orange
from
being
their
State-holder
,
tho'
Circumstances
and
times
should
so
change
,
that
their
immediate
preservation
and
very
existence
of
their
State
should
require
him
to
accept
,
and
execute
that
Office.
For
his
personal
Reflections
towards
the
latter
end
,
I
think
very
Impertinent
,
and
only
fit
to
be
buried
in
Contempt
.
Thus
having
followed
my
tedious
Reflector
through
his
twenty
four
Reflections
,
I
take
my
leave
of
him
,
reserving
the
Princes
farther
Vindication
to
some
time
when
I
shall
be
more
at
leisure
to
write
,
and
people
willinger
to
read
,
than
they
can
be
under
the
present
surprize
,
hourly
expectation
,
and
continual
anxiety
,
for
the
event
of
this
Heroick
Enterprise
.
Admiral
HERBERT's
Letter
to
all
Commanders
of
Ships
and
Sea-men
in
His
Majesty's
Fleet.
Gentlemen
,
I
Have
little
to
add
to
what
his
Highness
has
express'd
in
general
Terms
,
besides
laying
before
you
the
dangerous
Way
you
are
at
the
present
in
,
where
Ruin
or
Infamy
must
inevitably
attend
you
if
you
don't
join
with
the
Prince
in
the
Common
Cause
,
for
the
Defence
of
your
Religion
and
Liberties
;
for
should
it
please
God
,
for
the
Sins
of
the
English
Nation
,
to
suffer
your
Arms
to
prevail
,
to
what
can
your
Victory
serve
you
,
but
to
enslave
you
deeper
,
and
overthrow
the
True
Religion
,
in
which
you
have
liv'd
,
and
your
Fathers
dy'd
?
Of
which
,
I
beg
you
,
as
a
Friend
,
to
consider
the
Consequences
,
and
to
reflect
on
the
Blot
and
Infamy
it
will
bring
on
you
,
not
only
now
,
but
in
all
After-Ages
,
That
by
Your
means
the
Protestant
Religion
was
destroy'd
,
and
your
Country
depriv'd
of
its
Ancient
Liberties
:
And
if
it
pleases
God
to
bless
the
Prince's
Endeavours
with
Success
,
as
I
don't
doubt
but
he
will
,
consider
then
what
their
Condition
will
be
that
oppose
him
in
this
so
good
a
Design
,
where
the
greatest
Favour
they
can
hope
for
,
is
,
their
being
suffer'd
to
end
their
Days
in
Misery
and
Want
,
detested
and
despised
by
all
good
Men.
It
is
therefore
,
and
for
many
more
Reasons
too
long
to
insert
here
,
that
I
,
as
a
true
English-man
and
your
Friend
,
exhort
you
to
join
your
Arms
to
the
Prince
for
the
Defence
of
the
Common
Cause
,
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Liberties
of
your
Country
.
It
is
what
I
am
well
assured
the
major
and
best
part
of
the
Army
as
well
as
the
Nation
will
do
so
soon
as
convenience
is
offered
.
Prevent
them
in
so
good
an
Action
whilst
it
is
in
your
Power
,
and
make
it
appear
,
That
as
the
Kingdom
hath
always
depended
on
the
Navy
for
its
Defence
,
so
you
will
yet
go
further
by
making
it
,
as
much
as
in
you
lies
,
the
Protection
of
her
Religion
and
Liberties
;
and
then
you
may
assu●●
your selves
of
all
Marks
of
Favour
and
Honour
suitable
to
the
Merits
of
so
great
and
glorious
an
Action
.
After
this
I
ought
not
add
so
inconsiderable
a
thing
,
,
as
that
it
will
for
ever
engage
me
to
be
in
a
most
particular
manner
,
Your
faithful
Friend
,
and
humble
Servant
,
AR.
HERBERT
.
Abord
the
Leyden
,
in
the
Gooree
.
AN
ENGAGEMENT
OF
THE
Noble-men
,
Knights
,
and
Gentlemen
at
EXETER
,
to
Assist
the
Prince
of
ORANGE
in
the
defence
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
People
of
England
,
Scotland
and
Ireland
.
WE
do
ingage
to
Almighty
God
,
and
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
and
with
one
another
,
to
stick
firm
to
this
Cause
,
and
to
one
another
in
the
Defence
of
it
,
and
never
to
depart
from
it
until
our
Religion
,
Laws
,
and
Liberties
are
so
far
secured
to
us
in
a
Free
Parliament
,
that
we
shall
be
no
more
in
danger
of
falling
under
Popery
and
Slavery
.
And
whereas
We
are
ingaged
in
the
Common
Cause
under
the
Protection
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
by
which
means
his
Person
may
be
exposed
to
Danger
,
and
to
the
desperate
and
cursed
Designs
of
Papists
,
and
other
Bloody
Men
,
We
do
therefore
solmnly
ingage
to
God
and
to
one
another
,
That
if
any
such
Attempts
be
made
upon
Him
,
We
will
pursue
not
only
those
that
made
them
,
but
all
their
Adherents
,
and
all
we
find
in
Arms
against
Us
,
with
the
utmost
Seve●●ty
of
just
Revenge
in
their
Ruine
and
Destruction
;
and
that
the
executing
any
such
Attempt
(
which
God
of
his
Infinite
Mercy
forbid
)
shall
not
deprive
us
from
pursuing
this
Cause
which
we
do
now
undertake
,
but
that
it
shall
encourage
Us
to
carry
it
on
with
all
the
Vigor
that
so
barbarous
Approach
shall
deserve
.
The
Declaration
of
the
Nobility
,
Gentry
,
and
Commonalty
at
the
Rendezvous
at
Nottingham
,
Nov.
22.
1688.
WE
the
Nobility
,
Gentry
,
and
Commonalty
of
these
Northern
Counties
assembled
together
at
Nottingham
,
for
the
defence
of
the
Laws
,
Religion
,
and
Properties
,
according
to
those
free-born
Liberties
and
Priviledges
,
descended
to
us
from
our
Ancestors
,
as
the
undoubted
Birth-right
of
the
Subjects
of
this
Kingdom
of
England
,
(
not
doubting
but
the
Infringers
and
Invaders
of
our
Rights
will
represent
us
to
the
rest
of
the
Nation
in
the
most
malicious
dress
they
can
put
upon
us
)
do
here
unanimously
think
it
our
Duty
to
declare
to
the
rest
of
our
Protestant
Fellow-Subjects
the
Grounds
of
our
present
Undertaking
.
We
are
by
innumerable
Grievances
made
sensible
,
that
the
very
Fundamentals
of
our
Religion
,
Liberties
,
and
Properties
are
about
to
be
rooted
out
by
our
late
Jesuitical
Privy-Council
,
as
hath
been
of
late
too
apparent
.
1.
By
the
King's
dispensing
with
all
the
Establish'd
Laws
at
his
pleasure
.
2.
By
displacing
all
Officers
out
of
all
Offices
of
Trust
and
Advantage
,
and
placing
others
in
their
room
that
are
known
Papists
,
deservedly
made
inc●pable
by
the
Establish'd
Laws
of
our
Land
.
3.
By
destroying
the
Charters
of
most
Corporations
in
the
Land
.
4.
By
discouraging
all
persons
that
are
not
Papists
,
preferring
such
as
turn
to
Popery
.
5.
By
displacing
all
honest
and
conscientious
Judges
,
unless
they
would
,
contrary
to
their
Consciences
,
declare
that
to
be
Law
which
was
meerly
arbitrary
.
6.
By
branding
all
Men
with
the
name
of
Rebels
that
but
offered
to
justify
the
Laws
in
a
legal
Course
against
the
arbitrary
proceedings
of
the
King
,
or
any
of
his
corrupt
Ministers
.
7.
By
burthening
the
Nation
with
an
Army
,
to
maintain
the
Violation
of
the
Rights
of
the
Subjects
.
8.
By
discountenancing
the
Establish'd
Reformed
Religion
.
9.
By
forbiding
the
Subjects
the
benefit
of
Petitioning
,
and
construing
them
Libellers
;
so
rendring
the
Laws
a
Nose
of
Wax
,
to
serve
their
Arbitrary
Ends.
And
many
more
such
like
,
too
long
here
to
enumerate
.
We
being
thus
made
sadly
sensible
of
the
Arbitrary
and
Tyrannical
Government
that
is
by
the
Influence
of
Jesuitical
Counsels
coming
upon
us
,
do
unanimously
declare
,
That
not
being
willing
to
deliver
our
Posterity
over
to
such
a
condition
of
Popery
and
Slavery
,
as
the
aforesaid
Oppressions
inevitably
threaten
;
we
will
,
to
the
utmost
of
our
Power
,
oppose
the
same
,
by
joining
with
the
Prince
of
Orange
(
whom
we
hope
God
Almighty
hath
sent
to
rescue
us
from
the
Oppressions
aforesaid
)
will
use
our
utmost
Endeavours
for
the
recovery
of
our
almost
ruin'd
Laws
,
Liberties
,
and
Religion
;
and
herein
we
hope
all
good
Protestant
Subjects
will
with
their
Lives
and
Fortunes
be
assistant
to
us
,
and
not
be
bugbear'd
with
the
opprobrious
Terms
of
Rebels
,
by
which
they
would
fright
us
,
to
become
perfect
Slaves
to
their
tyrannical
Insolencies
and
Usurpations
;
for
we
assure
our selves
,
that
no
rational
and
unbyassed
Person
will
judg
it
Rebellion
to
defend
our
Laws
and
Religion
,
which
all
our
Princes
have
sworn
at
their
Coronations
:
Which
Oath
,
how
well
it
hath
been
observed
of
late
,
we
desire
a
Free
Parliament
may
have
the
consideration
of
.
We
own
it
Rebellion
to
resist
a
King
that
governs
by
Law
,
but
he
was
always
accounted
a
Tyrant
that
made
his
Will
the
Law
;
and
to
resist
such
an
one
,
we
justly
esteem
no
Rebellion
,
but
a
necessary
Defence
;
and
in
this
Consideration
we
doubt
not
of
all
honest
Mens
Assistance
,
and
humbly
hope
for
,
and
implore
the
great
God's
Protection
,
that
turneth
the
Hearts
of
his
People
as
pleaseth
him
best
;
it
having
been
observed
,
That
People
can
never
be
of
one
Mind
without
his
Inspiration
,
which
hath
in
all
Ages
confirmed
that
Observation
,
Vox
Populi
est
Vox
Dei.
The
pesent
restoring
of
Charters
,
and
reversing
the
oppressing
and
unjust
Judgment
given
on
Magdalen
Colledge
Fellows
,
is
plain
,
are
but
to
still
the
people
,
like
Plums
to
Children
,
by
deceiving
them
for
a
while
;
but
if
they
shall
by
this
Stratagem
be
fooled
,
till
this
present
storm
that
threatens
the
Papists
,
be
past
,
assoon
as
they
shall
be
resetled
,
the
former
Oppression
will
be
put
on
with
greater
vigour
:
but
we
hope
in
vain
is
the
Net
spread
in
the
sight
of
the
Birds
;
For
(
1.
)
The
Papists
old
Rule
is
,
That
Faith
is
not
to
be
kept
with
Hereticks
,
as
they
term
Protestants
,
tho'
the
Popish
Religion
is
the
greatest
Heresy
.
And
(
2.
)
Queen
Mary's
so
ill
observing
her
promises
to
the
Suffolk-men
that
help'd
her
to
her
Throne
.
And
above
all
,
(
3.
)
the
Popes
dispensing
with
the
breach
of
Oaths
,
Treaties
,
or
Promises
at
his
pleasure
,
when
it
makes
for
the
service
of
Holy
Church
,
as
they
term
it
.
These
,
we
say
,
are
such
convincing
Reasons
to
hinder
us
from
giving
Credit
to
the
aforesaid
Mock-Shews
of
Redress
,
that
we
think
our selves
bound
in
Conscience
to
rest
on
no
Security
that
shall
not
be
approved
by
a
freely
Elected
Parliament
,
to
whom
,
under
God
,
we
refer
our
Cause
.
His
Grace
the
Duke
of
NORFOLK's
Speech
to
the
Mayor
of
NORWICH
on
the
First
of
December
,
in
the
Market-place
of
Norwich
.
Mr.
MAYOR
,
NOT
doubting
but
you
and
the
rest
of
your
Body
,
as
well
as
the
whole
City
and
Country
,
may
be
allarmed
by
the
great
Concourse
of
Gentry
,
with
the
numerous
Appearance
of
their
Friends
and
Servants
,
as
well
as
of
your
own
Militia
,
here
this
Morning
,
I
have
thought
this
the
most
proper
place
,
as
being
the
most
publick
one
,
to
give
you
an
account
of
our
Intentions
.
Out
of
the
deep
sense
we
had
that
in
the
present
unhappy
Juncture
of
Affairs
,
nothing
we
could
think
of
was
possible
to
secure
the
Laws
,
Liberties
and
Protestant
Religion
,
but
a
Free
Parliament
;
WE
ARE
HERE
MET
TO
DECLARE
,
that
we
will
do
our
utmost
to
defend
the
same
by
declaring
for
such
a
Free
Parliament
.
And
since
His
Majesty
hath
been
pleased
(
by
the
News
we
hear
this
day
)
to
order
Writs
for
a
Parliament
to
sit
the
15
th
of
Ianuary
next
,
I●
can
only
add
in
the
Name
of
my Self
and
all
these
Gentlemen
,
and
others
here
met
,
That
we
will
ever
be
ready
to
support
and
defend
the
Laws
,
Liberties
and
Protestant
Religion
:
And
so
GOD
SAVE
THE
KING
.
To
this
the
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Corporation
,
and
a
numerous
Assembly
did
concur
with
his
Grace
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Gentry
.
His
Grace
at
his
lighting
from
his
Horse
,
perceiving
great
numbers
of
Common
People
gathering
together
,
called
them
to
him
,
and
told
them
,
He
desired
they
would
not
take
any
occasion
to
commit
any
Disorder
or
Outrage
,
but
go
quietly
to
their
Homes
;
and
acquainted
them
that
the
King
had
ordered
a
Free
Parliament
to
be
called
.
TO
THE
KING's
Most
Excellent
Majesty
,
The
Humble
Address
of
GEORGE
Lord
DARTMOUTH
,
Admiral
of
Your
Majesties
Fleet
for
the
present
Expedition
,
and
the
Commanders
of
Your
Majesties
Ships
of
War
now
actually
at
the
Spitehead
in
Your
Majesties
Service
under
his
Lordships
Command
.
Most
Dread
Sovereign
,
THE
deep
sense
we
have
had
of
the
great
Dangers
your
Majesties
Sacred
Person
has
been
in
,
and
the
great
Effusion
of
Christian
Blood
that
threatned
this
your
Majesties
Kingdoms
,
and
in
probability
would
have
been
shed
,
unless
God
of
his
infinite
Mercy
had
put
it
into
your
Majesties
Heart
to
call
a
Parliament
,
the
only
means
,
in
our
opinion
,
under
the
Almighty
,
left
to
quiet
the
Minds
of
your
People
;
We
do
give
your
Majesty
our
most
humble
and
hearty
Thanks
for
your
gracious
Condescension
,
beseeching
God
to
give
your
Majesty
all
immaginable
Happiness
and
Prosperity
,
and
grant
that
such
Counsels
and
Resolutions
may
be
promoted
,
as
conduce
to
your
Majesties
Honor
and
Safety
,
and
tend
to
the
Peace
and
Settlement
of
this
Realm
both
in
Church
and
State
,
according
to
the
Establish'd
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
.
Dartmouth
.
Berkley
.
Ro.
Strickland
.
-
I.
Berry
.
-
Io.
Beverley
.
-
Iohn
Leake
.
-
George
S.
Lo.
-
Iohn
Lacon
.
-
Fr.
Wicell
.
-
Will
.
Davis
.
-
Iohn
Munden
.
-
Tho.
Legg
.
-
Tho.
Leighton
.
-
St.
Akerman
.
-
W.
Cornwal
.
-
W.
Ienning
.
-
Ioh.
Clements
.
-
Io.
Ashby
.
-
Rob.
Wiseman
.
-
Iohn
Ieniper
.
-
Will
.
Booth
.
-
Tho.
Coale
.
-
R.
D'Lavall
.
-
Tho.
Iohnson
.
-
M.
Aylmer
.
-
Fr.
Frowde
.
-
Tho.
Skelton
.
-
Ab.
Potter
.
-
A.
Hastings
.
-
Io.
Montgomery
.
-
M.
Tennant
.
-
Clo.
Shovell
.
-
E.
Dover
.
-
R.
Weston
.
-
W.
Botham
.
-
I.
Tyrrel
.
-
St.
Fairborne
.
-
Henr.
Botler
.
-
William
Pooley
.
-
Io.
Fraseby
.
-
Ba.
Wild.
On
board
the
Resolution
,
at
Spitehead
,
Decemb.
1.
1688.
FINIS
.
A
THIRD
Collection
of
Papers
Relating
to
the
Present
Juncture
of
Affairs
in
England
.
VIZ.
-
I.
The
Expedition
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
for
England
;
giving
an
Account
of
the
most
Remarkable
Passages
thereof
,
from
the
Day
of
his
setting
Sail
from
Holland
,
to
the
first
Day
of
this
Instant
December
.
-
II.
A
further
Account
of
the
Prince's
Army
,
in
a
Letter
from
Exon
,
Novemb.
24.
-
III.
Three
Letters
.
1.
A
Letter
from
a
Jesuit
of
Leige
,
to
a
Jesuit
at
Friburg
,
giving
an
Account
of
the
happy
Progress
of
Religion
in
England
.
2.
A
Letter
from
Father
Petre
to
Father
La
Cheese
.
3.
The
Answer
of
Father
La
Cheese
to
Father
Petre.
-
IV.
Popish
Treaties
not
to
be
rely'd
on
:
In
a
Letter
from
a
Gentleman
at
York
,
to
his
Friend
in
the
Prince
of
Orange's
Camp.
Addressed
to
all
Members
in
the
next
Parliament
.
Licensed
and
Entred
according
to
Order
.
London
printed
,
and
are
to
be
sold
by
Rich.
Ianeway
in
Queen's-head
Court
in
Pater-Noster
Row
,
1688.
THE
EXPEDITION
Of
His
HIGHNESS
the
Prince
of
ORANGE
For
ENGLAND
.
Giving
an
Account
of
the
most
remarkable
Passages
thereof
,
from
the
Day
of
his
setting
Sail
from
Holland
,
to
the
first
Day
of
this
instant
December
,
1688.
HIS
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
set
Sail
from
Holland
with
51
Men
of
War
,
18
Fire-ships
,
and
about
330
Tenders
,
being
Ships
hired
of
Merchants
for
the
carriage
of
Horse
and
Foot
,
Arms
,
Ammunition
,
&c.
The
Fleet
stood
out
at
Sea
to
the
Norward
,
which
met
with
horrid
Storms
for
two
Days
and
two
Nights
together
,
in
which
bad
Weather
there
were
lost
above
500
Horse
,
and
a
Vessel
parted
from
the
Fleet
,
wherein
were
400
Foot
,
supposed
to
be
lost
,
but
now
known
to
be
arrived
safe
at
the
Texel
,
but
grievously
shatter'd
and
torn
by
the
Storms
;
two
of
the
Prince's
principal
Men
of
War
were
forced
to
new
Rigg
at
Helversluse
.
The
Prince
immediately
,
on
his
return
back
,
inform'd
the
States
of
the
condition
of
the
Fleet
,
(
which
was
not
so
damnified
as
was
represented
by
the
Vulgar
and
Ignorant
)
who
thereupon
,
to
lull
a
great
Man
asleep
,
the
States
,
or
some
one
employed
by
them
,
order'd
,
That
the
Harlem
and
Amsterdam
Courantier
should
make
a
dismal
Story
of
it
,
by
representing
to
the
World
,
that
the
Prince
returned
with
his
Fleet
miserably
shatter'd
and
torn
,
having
lost
nine
Men
of
War
,
and
divers
others
of
less
Concern
;
1000
Horse
ruin'd
;
a
Calenture
among
the
Sea-men
;
the
loss
of
Dr.
Burnet
,
and
the
chief
Ministers
under
the
Prince
;
the
ill
Opinion
the
States
had
of
the
Expedition
:
In
short
,
that
a
100000
l.
would
not
repair
the
Dammage
sustained
;
and
,
almost
next
to
an
impossibility
,
that
the
Prince
should
be
in
a
condition
to
pursue
his
Design
till
the
Spring
.
And
yet
at
the
same
time
all
hands
were
at
work
to
repair
the
damaged
Ships
,
which
were
inconfiderable
;
so
that
in
eight
days
time
they
were
all
re-fitted
.
The
Signal
being
given
by
the
discharge
of
a
Gun
,
all
the
Fleet
immediately
weigh'd
Anchor
and
stood
out
at
Sea
,
steering
their
Course
Norward
all
that
Night
;
next
day
,
upon
Tide
of
Ebb
,
they
made
a
Stretch
,
and
made
a
Watch
above
a
League
,
and
then
stood
Westward
,
and
lay
all
Night
in
the
same
posture
,
not
making
two
Leagues
of
Watch.
In
the
middle
of
the
Night
,
an
Advice-Boat
brought
us
an
Account
,
that
the
English
Fleet
,
consisting
of
33
Sail
,
lay
to
the
Westward
of
ours
.
Upon
which
the
Prince
fired
a
Gun
,
which
caused
a
great
Consternation
in
the
whole
Fleet
,
we
having
a
brisk
Easterly
Wind
,
concluded
themselves
to
be
all
ruin'd
:
But
the
small
Advice-Boats
crusing
for
a
more
certain
Account
of
the
English
,
brought
us
back
word
,
That
instead
of
the
English
Fleet
,
which
the
former
Advice
had
alarm'd
us
with
,
it
was
Admiral
Herbert
with
part
of
our
Fleet
,
which
had
been
separated
some
hours
from
the
Body
of
the
Fleet
:
Upon
whose
arrival
,
great
rejoicing
was
among
us
all
,
and
a
Signal
of
Joy
was
given
for
it
by
the
Prince
.
In
the
Morning
,
about
Eight
,
the
Prince
gave
a
Signal
,
that
the
Admirals
should
come
aboard
him
:
Immediately
after
the
whole
Fleet
was
got
into
the
North-foreland
,
upon
which
the
Prince
gave
the
usual
Sign
of
Danger
,
(
according
to
the
printed
Book
)
and
ordered
that
the
Fleet
should
all
come
up
in
a
Body
,
some
fifteen
or
sixteen
deep
,
his
Higness
leading
the
Van
,
in
the
Ship
Brill
,
(
in
English
,
Spectacles
)
:
His
Flag
was
English
Colours
;
the
Motto
impailed
thereon
,
is
,
THE
PROTESTANT
RELIGION
,
AND
LIBERTIES
OF
ENGLAND
;
and
underneath
,
instead
of
Diu
&
Mon
Droit
,
AND
I
WILL
MAINTAIN
IT
.
The
Council
of
War
,
from
aboard
the
Prince
,
sent
three
small
Frigats
into
the
Mouth
of
the
Thames
,
viz.
the
Porpus
,
Postilion
,
and
Mercury
;
who
on
their
return
,
brought
us
word
,
That
the
English
Fleet
lay
in
the
Buoy
of
the
Nore
,
consisting
of
34
Sail
,
and
three
more
which
lay
in
the
Downs
.
The
Wind
continuing
at
E.
N.
E.
The
Prince
immediately
thereupon
,
gave
another
Signal
of
stretching
the
whole
Fleet
in
a
Line
,
from
Dover
to
Callis
,
twenty
five
deep
:
So
that
our
Fleet
reached
within
a
League
of
each
place
;
the
Flanks
and
Reer
were
guarded
by
our
Men
of
War
.
This
sight
would
have
ravish'd
the
most
curious
Eyes
of
Europe
.
When
our
Fleet
was
in
its
greatest
splendour
,
the
Trumpets
and
Drums
playing
various
Tunes
to
rejoyce
our
Hearts
;
this
continued
for
above
three
hours
.
Immediately
after
the
Prince
gave
us
a
Sign
to
close
,
and
we
sailed
that
night
as
far
as
Beachy
,
and
commanded
us
to
follow
the
Signal
by
Lights
he
had
hung
out
to
us
,
viz.
all
the
small
Sail
should
come
up
to
him
by
morning
.
By
the
morning-day
we
espied
the
Isle
of
Wight
,
and
then
the
Prince
ordered
the
Fleet
to
be
drawn
into
the
same
posture
as
before
related
:
yet
not
stretching
above
half
Channel
over
in
this
place
.
About
five
in
the
morning
we
made
the
Start
,
the
Wind
chopping
about
to
the
Westward
;
upon
which
we
stood
fair
by
Dartmouth
,
and
so
made
for
Tor-bay
,
where
the
Prince
again
ordered
the
whole
Fleet
into
the
same
posture
as
at
Dover
and
Callis
.
Upon
his
arrival
at
Tor-bay
,
the
People
on
Land
,
in
great
numbers
,
welcom'd
his
Highness
with
loud
Acclamations
of
Joy.
Immediately
after
the
Prince
gave
two
Signals
,
that
the
Admirals
should
come
aboard
him
,
which
they
did
;
and
then
order'd
,
that
the
whole
Fleet
should
come
to
an
Anchor
,
and
immediately
Land
;
and
further
order'd
,
that
the
Admirals
should
stand
out
at
Sea
as
a
Guard
,
as
well
as
the
smaller
Men
of
War
to
Attend
and
Guard
their
Landing
;
and
also
order'd
six
Men
of
War
to
run
in
to
Guard
Tor-bay
.
The
Prince
then
put
out
a
Red
Flag
at
the
Misen-yard-arm
;
and
provided
to
land
in
sixty
Boats
,
laid
ready
for
that
purpose
:
Upon
which
the
Prince
signified
,
that
General
Mackay
with
his
six
Regiments
of
English
and
Scots
should
first
Land
;
and
also
,
that
the
little
Porpus
with
eighteen
Guns
should
run
a-ground
to
secure
their
Landing
:
But
there
was
no
Opposition
;
for
the
People
bid
us
Heartily
Welcome
to
England
;
and
gave
us
all
manner
of
Provisions
for
our
Refreshment
.
The
fifth
of
November
(
a
Day
never
to
be
blotted
out
of
the
English-man's
Heart
)
the
Prince
caused
to
be
landed
about
2000
:
The
Country
bringing
in
all
manner
of
Provision
both
for
Man
and
Horse
,
and
were
paid
their
Price
honestly
for
it
.
The
Prince
the
same
Day
commanded
Captain
M
—
to
search
the
Lady
C—'s
House
,
at
Tor-Abby
,
for
Arms
and
Horses
;
and
so
all
other
Houses
which
were
Roman
Catholicks
.
The
Lady
entertained
them
civilly
,
said
her
Husband
was
gone
to
Plymouth
:
They
brought
from
thence
some
Horses
,
and
a
few
Arms
,
but
gave
no
further
Disturbance
to
the
Lady
or
her
House
.
Nor
shall
it
be
forgotten
,
what
was
faithfully
acted
at
this
Lady's
House
,
immediately
on
our
arrival
at
Torbay
:
There
was
a
Priest
,
and
some
others
with
him
were
upon
a
Watch-Tower
to
discover
what
our
Fleet
was
,
whether
French
or
Dutch
:
At
last
they
discovered
the
White
Flags
on
some
of
our
Men
of
War
;
the
ignorant
Priest
concluded
absolutely
we
were
the
French
Fleet
,
which
with
great
impatience
they
had
so
long
expected
;
and
having
laid
up
great
Provisions
for
their
Entertainment
,
the
Priest
ordered
all
to
the
Chappel
to
sing
Te
Deum
for
the
arrival
of
their
supposed
Forces
;
but
being
soon
deceived
,
on
our
Landing
,
we
found
the
benefit
of
their
Provisions
;
and
instead
of
Vostre
Serviture
Monsieur
,
they
were
entertained
with
Yeen
Mijnheere
,
Can
you
Dutch
spraken
?
Upon
which
they
all
ran
away
from
the
House
,
but
the
Lady
and
a
few
old
Servants
.
Presently
after
the
Prince
of
Orange's
Landing
,
he
sent
a
Quince
to
the
Earl
of
Bath
,
which
was
supposed
to
intimate
his
coming
in
to
him
.
The
whole
Army
,
to
the
best
of
my
knowledg
,
consisted
of
about
30000
Horse
and
Foot
,
Volunteers
,
&c.
The
News
of
the
Prince's
landing
was
brought
to
the
City
of
Exeter
by
several
Expresses
to
the
Earl
of
Bath
:
they
landed
all
their
Horse
first
of
all
,
and
after
that
the
Foot
,
all
the
Army
being
ashore
by
Tuesday
Three
of
the
Clock
in
the
Afternoon
,
all
their
Baggage
,
Provisions
,
and
Ammunition
being
sent
about
for
Topsham
,
where
they
were
brought
up
by
Water
to
this
City
,
there
was
abundance
landed
with
the
Prince
at
Torbay
for
present
Service
in
case
they
should
need
it
.
The
Wednesday
,
being
the
7
th
currant
,
one
Captain
Hicks
came
to
Town
(
who
is
the
Son
of
that
worthy
Divine
Mr.
Iohn
Hicks
the
N.
C.
deceased
)
and
as
soon
as
he
came
,
the
Mobile
in
very
great
numbers
flocked
to
him
to
list
themselves
in
the
Service
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
which
the
Mayor
hearing
of
,
sent
for
him
and
questioned
with
him
,
whether
he
had
a
Commission
for
what
he
did
?
but
he
would
produce
none
,
nor
give
any
account
of
the
Prince's
Design
,
upon
which
he
was
committed
to
Prison
;
but
the
Concourse
of
People
was
so
great
about
the
Guild-Hall
,
that
they
would
not
suffer
him
to
be
carried
away
,
so
he
remained
there
till
next
day
in
the
Custody
of
two
Constables
,
and
was
very
nobly
provided
for
by
the
Mayor
;
Thursday
the
Lord
Mordant
with
three
or
four
Troops
of
Horse
came
to
Town
,
and
Dr.
Burnet
with
him
,
and
when
they
came
to
the
Gate
of
this
City
it
was
shut
against
them
,
upon
which
the
Lord
Mordant
commanded
the
Porter
to
open
the
Gate
on
pain
of
Death
,
which
was
presently
set
open
,
and
being
open
,
required
him
on
the
same
Penalty
not
to
shut
it
again
:
as
soon
as
they
were
entred
,
the
Lord
M.
went
to
the
Hall
,
and
set
Captain
Hicks
at
liberty
,
and
inquired
of
his
Usage
,
who
gave
the
Lord
M.
a
very
large
Character
of
the
Mayor's
Civility
&
Respect
to
him
,
upon
which
there
was
a
Guinea
given
those
that
waited
on
him
;
that
Afternoon
the
Lord
M.
and
Dr.
Burnet
waited
on
the
Mayor
to
know
if
he
would
meet
the
Prince
at
the
Gate
,
and
govern
the
City
under
him
?
which
he
excused
,
and
told
them
he
was
under
the
Obligation
of
an
Oath
to
his
Majesty
,
and
therefore
desired
the
Prince
would
lay
no
Commands
on
him
that
should
be
prejudicial
to
his
Conscience
,
and
after
some
debate
of
the
Matter
they
departed
,
all
the
Thursday
they
kept
coming
to
Town
;
the
Friday
the
Prince
came
with
his
Guards
,
and
were
marching
into
,
and
some
through
the
City
to
places
adjacent
about
three
hours
without
ceasing
,
and
more
or
less
they
came
in
still
until
Night
;
Men
better
hors'd
I
never
saw
in
all
my
Life
.
The
Prince's
Entry
was
in
this
manner
:
1.
The
Right
Honourable
the
Earl
of
Macklesfield
with
200
Horse
,
the
most
part
of
which
were
English
Gentlemen
richly
mounted
on
Flanders
Steeds
,
(
managed
and
used
to
War
)
in
Head-Pieces
,
Back
and
Breast
,
bright
Armour
.
2.
200
Blacks
,
brought
from
the
Plantations
of
the
Netherlands
in
America
,
having
on
Imbroider'd
Caps
lin'd
with
white
Fur
,
and
Plumes
of
White
Feathers
,
to
attend
the
Horse
.
3.
200
Finlanders
or
Laplanders
,
in
Bears
Skins
,
taken
from
the
Wild
Beasts
they
had
slain
,
the
common
Habit
of
that
cold
Climate
,
with
black
Armour
,
and
broad
flaming
Swords
.
4.
50
Gentlemen
,
and
as
many
Pages
to
attend
and
support
the
Prince's
Banner
,
bearing
this
Inscrption
,
GOD
and
the
PROTESTANT
RELIGION
.
5.
50
Led-Horses
,
all
manag'd
and
brought
up
to
the
Wars
,
with
two
Grooms
to
each
Horse
,
and
two
Coaches
of
State.
6.
After
these
Rid
the
Prince
on
a
Milk-white
Palfrey
,
armed
Cap-a-Pee
,
a
Plum
of
White
Feathers
on
his
Head
,
all
in
bright
Armour
,
and
forty
two
Foot-men
running
by
him
.
7.
After
his
Highness
followed
likewise
on
Horseback
200
Gentlemen
and
Pages
.
8.
300
Switzers
with
Fuzees
.
9.
500
Volunteers
,
each
two
led-Horses
.
10.
His
Captain
and
Guards
600
armed
Cap-a-Pee
.
The
rest
of
the
Army
brought
up
the
Reer
.
Saturday
most
part
of
the
day
,
and
Sabbath-day
,
and
Monday
,
and
Tuesday
the
main
Body
of
the
Army
came
,
and
most
of
them
,
only
some
few
Regiments
of
Foot
,
marched
to
Tiverton
,
Collumpton
,
Honiton
,
&c.
and
to
the
Neighbouring
Parishes
,
and
the
Foot
to
Clist-beath
,
where
they
incamped
and
pitch'd
their
Tents
.
The
Bishop
fled
,
and
is
come
for
London
,
and
we
hear
is
made
Arch-bishop
of
York
;
the
Dean
likewise
withdrew
,
whose
House
the
Prince
took
for
his
Lodgings
.
The
Lord's-day
Dr.
Burnet
preach'd
at
the
Cathedral
on
the
last
Verse
of
107
th
Psalm
,
wherein
he
observed
the
wonderful
Providence
of
God
towards
them
in
the
whole
Conduct
of
Affairs
in
this
Undertaking
,
and
how
they
intended
to
have
landed
the
4
th
of
November
if
it
had
been
possible
,
it
being
the
Prince's
Birth-day
,
and
the
Day
of
his
Marriage
to
the
Princess
,
but
they
could
not
possibly
make
the
Land
,
and
so
could
not
get
the
Shoar
till
the
5
th
,
that
England's
Deliverance
might
be
begun
on
the
same
Day
that
it
was
formerly
designed
for
Ruin
and
Destruction
.
On
Monday
all
the
Canons
that
were
in
Town
were
summoned
to
appear
in
the
Quire
,
and
likewise
the
Singing-Men
,
when
after
they
had
sung
Te
Deum
,
Dr.
Burnet
read
the
Prince's
Declaration
,
and
after
the
Declaration
,
a
short
Prayer
for
the
Success
of
the
Prince
,
and
so
departed
.
There
was
not
one
of
the
Canons
appeared
;
and
when
the
Declaration
was
reading
the
Singing-Men
went
away
,
they
being
commanded
in
the
Service
to
forbear
praying
for
the
Prince
of
Wales
.
Monday
Captain
Burrington
,
who
lives
by
Crediton
,
came
to
the
Prince
and
offered
him
his
Service
,
who
was
very
kindly
received
by
Him
;
after
that
every
day
the
Gentry
from
all
parts
of
Devonshire
,
Somersetshire
,
&c.
flocked
to
him
in
great
numbers
,
it
would
take
up
too
much
time
to
name
them
,
few
absenting
themselves
,
and
those
that
did
,
there
is
great
notice
taken
of
them
;
they
have
entered
into
an
Association
to
stand
and
fall
with
the
Prince
;
several
Lords
came
to
him
while
here
,
as
the
Lord
Colchester
,
the
Lord
Abbington
,
the
Lord
Cornbury
,
the
Lord
Shrewsbury
,
&c.
It
is
incredible
to
tell
you
what
they
have
brought
with
them
,
except
you
saw
it
,
there
being
200
of
their
Ships
come
into
the
River
of
Topsham
.
Plymouth
Fort
is
surrendered
to
the
Prince
by
the
Lord
of
Bath
,
and
the
Lord
Huntington
,
and
the
Popish
Officers
that
were
therein
with
Father
Turner
are
seized
and
secured
,
and
the
Popish
Souldiers
discharged
;
and
coming
hither
and
owning
themselves
such
,
are
committed
by
Mr.
Seamour
,
who
is
made
our
Governour
,
and
one
Major
Gibson
Deputy-Governour
.
Here
are
several
thousands
of
Souldiers
that
have
listed
themselves
,
and
many
thousands
more
would
have
done
the
same
,
but
the
Marschal
de
Schomberg
told
the
Prince
there
was
no
need
of
them
,
so
were
dismist
again
.
They
have
a
vast
Treasure
with
them
,
I
am
certainly
informed
of
50
Waggons
loaded
with
Cash
.
They
have
landed
about
120
Field-Guns
,
several
of
which
remain
still
here
,
the
other
are
gone
with
the
Prince
.
The
last
News
we
had
was
,
that
the
Prince
was
at
the
Earl
of
Bristol's
,
which
is
by
Sherborn
,
where
we
are
informed
that
Prince
George
,
the
Duke
of
Grafton
,
the
Lord
Churchill
,
and
Colonel
Trelawny
met
him
,
and
that
the
Prince
saluted
them
in
the
words
of
David
to
the
Men
of
Iudah
and
Benjamin
,
1
Chron.
12.17
.
If
ye
be
come
peaceably
unto
me
to
help
me
,
mine
Heart
shall
be
knit
unto
you
;
but
if
ye
be
come
to
betray
me
to
mine
Enemies
,
seeing
there
is
no
Wrong
in
my
Hands
,
the
God
of
our
Fathers
look
thereon
,
and
rebuke
it
.
And
they
replied
in
the
words
of
Amasai
in
the
18
th
Verse
,
Thine
are
we
,
David
,
and
on
thy
side
,
thou
Son
of
Jesse
:
Peace
,
Peace
be
unto
thee
,
and
Peace
be
unto
thine
Helpers
,
for
thy
God
helpeth
thee
.
Then
David
received
them
,
and
made
them
Captains
of
the
Band.
The
Prince
at
his
going
from
hence
,
gave
the
Mayor
this
Character
,
That
he
was
worthy
to
be
trusted
,
for
being
faithful
to
his
Trust.
A
further
Account
of
the
Prince's
Army
,
in
a
Letter
▪
sent
from
Exon
,
dated
Nov.
24.
HAD
I
not
insensibly
over-slipt
my
Time
the
last
Post
,
you
had
received
this
then
:
When
I
came
here
,
I
endeavoured
to
inform
my self
,
after
the
best
manner
I
could
,
as
to
the
Number
and
Quality
of
the
Prince's
Army
,
and
all
generally
concluded
them
to
be
about
30000
,
all
pick'd
Men
,
and
many
of
them
personally
present
at
the
Siege
of
Buda
.
This
I
am
certain
of
,
that
they
appeared
to
be
Men
resolute
,
well
Disciplined
,
and
Stout
,
and
of
an
extraordinary
Stature
,
and
their
Arms
suitable
,
Musquets
,
Swords
,
and
Pikes
,
being
far
larger
than
ever
I
yet
saw
;
and
notwithstanding
the
Streets
were
thronged
,
almost
as
thick
as
yours
on
a
Lord-Mayor's
Day
,
yet
was
it
even
a
rarity
to
see
one
of
them
shorter
than
six
Foot
,
and
some
of
them
were
,
I
am
confident
,
six
foot
and
a
quarter
,
if
not
six
foot
and
an
half
in
Height
:
So
that
were
it
lawful
to
trust
in
an
Arm
of
Flesh
,
they
might
have
some
cause
to
presume
;
but
the
tenour
of
their
words
were
otherwise
,
their
civil
deportment
,
and
their
honesty
of
paying
for
what
they
have
,
(
and
the
strictness
of
their
Discipline
hinders
them
from
being
otherwise
)
winning
not
a
little
the
Affections
of
the
Country-men
,
who
daily
resort
hither
,
forty
or
fifty
in
a
Gang
,
to
be
Listed
.
My
Lord
Mordent's
Regiment
was
soon
compleated
,
which
with
two
others
,
was
raised
and
maintained
at
the
Charge
of
the
Gentry
in
this
County
,
of
which
Edward
Seymour
Esq
is
by
the
Prince
made
Governour
.
During
his
Highness
stay
here
,
which
was
till
last
Wednesday
,
there
appeared
a
Court
most
splendid
,
composed
,
not
only
of
Foreign
,
but
of
many
of
the
English
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
which
came
hither
to
wait
on
his
Highness
since
his
Arrival
,
of
both
Ranks
,
upwards
to
the
number
of
Sixty
,
all
mighty
Gallant
in
their
Equipage
,
each
striving
thereby
to
add
to
the
Glory
of
their
Design
.
The
Gentry
of
these
Parts
first
seemed
slow
in
their
Advances
to
serve
the
Prince
;
but
as
soon
as
the
Ice
was
broke
by
Capt:
Burrington
,
the
majority
soon
followed
his
steps
,
and
have
entred
into
an
Association
.
It
is
to
admiration
to
consider
the
vast
Magazine
of
all
Warlike
Utensils
brought
hither
by
the
Prince's
Army
,
their
Baggage
having
for
a
Fortnight
together
been
continually
Landing
,
and
yet
not
fully
ended
:
Were
it
not
for
the
badness
of
the
Roads
,
as
I
was
informed
by
a
private
Sentinel
,
they
could
draw
into
the
Field
an
Artillery
of
above
200
Pieces
:
But
the
greatest
Curiosity
I
yet
saw
,
was
a
Bridg
of
Boats
,
such
as
I
conceive
the
Imperialists
use
to
pass
over
the
Danube
and
Save
with
,
which
was
for
the
speedy
conveyance
of
their
Carriages
,
laid
over
the
River
in
two
or
three
Hours
,
and
afterwards
as
soon
removed
;
not
to
mention
a
Smith's
Shop
or
Forge
,
curiously
contrived
in
a
Waggon
;
or
another
Contrivance
the
Foot
carry
with
them
to
keep
off
the
Horse
,
which
in
their
manner
may
well
yield
the
Service
of
a
Pike
.
There
hath
been
lately
driven
into
Dartmouth
,
and
since
taken
,
a
French
Vessel
loaden
altogether
with
Images
,
and
Knives
of
a
very
large
proportion
,
in
length
nineteen
Inches
,
and
in
breadth
two
Inches
and
an
half
;
what
they
were
designed
for
God
only
knows
.
THREE
LETTERS
.
I.
A
Letter
from
a
Iesuit
of
Liege
,
to
a
Iesuit
at
Friburg
,
giving
an
Account
of
the
Happy
Progress
of
Religion
in
England
.
IT
cannot
be
said
what
great
Affection
and
Kindness
the
K.
hath
for
the
Society
,
wishing
much
Health
to
this
whole
Colledg
by
R.
P.
the
Provincial
,
and
earnestly
recommending
himself
to
our
Prayers
.
The
Provincial
,
Alexander
Regnes
,
being
come
back
for
England
,
the
K.
was
graciously
pleased
to
send
for
him
;
(
several
Earls
and
Dukes
waiting
his
coming
at
the
hour
appointed
)
the
Q.
being
present
,
the
King
discoursing
familiarly
with
him
,
asked
him
,
How
many
young
Students
he
had
,
and
how
many
Scholasticks
?
To
which
(
when
the
Provincial
had
answered
,
That
of
the
latter
he
had
Twenty
,
of
the
former
more
than
Fifty
)
he
added
,
That
he
had
need
of
double
or
treble
that
number
to
perform
what
he
in
his
Mind
had
designed
for
the
Society
;
and
commanded
that
they
should
be
very
well
exercised
in
the
Gift
of
Preaching
;
for
such
only
(
saith
he
)
do
we
want
in
England
.
You
have
heard
,
I
make
no
doubt
,
that
the
K.
hath
sent
Letters
to
Father
Le
Cheese
,
the
French
King's
Confessor
,
about
Wadden-house
,
therein
declaring
,
that
he
would
take
in
good
part
from
him
,
whatsoever
he
did
or
was
done
for
the
English
Fathers
of
the
Society
.
Father
Clare
Rector
of
the
said
House
going
about
those
Affairs
at
London
,
found
an
easy
access
to
the
King
and
as
easily
obtained
his
Desires
.
He
was
forbid
to
kneel
and
kiss
the
King's
Hand
(
as
the
manner
and
custom
is
)
by
the
K.
himself
,
saying
,
Once
indeed
your
Reverence
kissed
my
Hand
;
but
had
I
then
known
you
were
a
Priest
,
I
should
rather
have
kneeled
and
kissed
your
Reverences
hand
.
After
the
Business
was
ended
,
in
a
familiar
Discourse
,
the
K.
declared
to
this
Father
,
That
he
would
either
Convert
England
,
or
die
a
Martyr
;
and
that
he
had
rather
die
to
morrow
,
that
Conversion
wrought
,
than
reign
fifty
Years
without
that
in
Happiness
and
Prosperity
.
Lastly
,
He
called
himself
a
Son
of
the
Society
,
the
Welfare
of
which
,
he
said
,
he
as
much
rejoiced
at
as
his
own
:
And
it
can
scarce
be
said
how
joyful
he
shewed
himself
when
it
was
told
him
,
That
he
was
made
partaker
,
by
the
most
Reverend
Father
N.
of
all
the
Merits
of
the
Society
;
of
which
number
he
would
declare
one
of
his
Confessors
:
Some
report
R.
P.
the
Provincial
will
be
the
person
,
but
whom
he
designs
is
not
yet
known
.
Many
do
think
an
Archbishoprick
will
be
bestowed
on
Father
Edmond
Petre
,
(
chiefly
beloved
)
very
many
a
Cardinals
Cap
,
to
whom
,
(
within
this
Month
or
two
)
that
whole
part
of
the
K.
Palace
is
granted
,
in
which
the
K.
when
he
was
Duke
of
York
used
to
reside
;
where
you
may
see
I
know
not
how
many
Courtiers
daily
attending
to
speak
with
his
Eminency
,
(
for
so
they
are
said
to
call
him
)
upon
whose
Counsel
,
and
also
that
of
several
Catholick
Peers
,
highly
preferred
in
the
Kingdom
,
the
K.
greatly
relyes
,
which
way
he
may
promote
the
Faith
without
violence
.
Not
long
since
some
Catholick
Peers
did
object
to
the
K.
that
he
made
too
much
haste
to
establish
the
Faith
,
to
whom
He
answered
,
I
growing
old
,
must
make
great
steps
,
otherwise
,
if
I
should
die
,
I
shall
leave
you
worse
than
I
found
you
.
Then
they
asking
him
,
why
therefore
was
he
not
more
sollicitous
for
the
Conversion
of
his
Daughters
,
Heirs
of
the
Kingdom
?
He
answered
,
God
will
take
care
for
an
Heir
;
leave
my
Daughters
for
me
to
Convert
;
do
you
by
your
example
reduce
those
that
are
under
you
,
and
others
to
the
Faith.
In
most
Provinces
he
hath
preferred
Catholicks
;
and
in
a
short
time
we
shall
have
the
same
Justices
of
the
Peace
(
as
they
are
called
)
in
them
all
.
At
Oxford
we
hope
Matters
go
very
well
;
one
of
our
Divines
is
always
Resident
therein
;
a
publick
Catholick
Chappel
of
the
Vice-Chancellor's
,
who
hath
drawn
some
Students
to
the
Faith.
The
Bishop
of
Oxford
seems
very
much
to
favour
the
Catholick
Cause
:
He
proposed
in
Council
,
Whether
it
was
not
expedient
,
that
at
least
one
Colledg
in
Oxford
should
be
allowed
Catholicks
,
that
they
might
not
be
forced
to
be
at
so
much
Charges
,
by
going
beyond
Seas
to
Study
?
What
Answer
was
given
,
is
not
yet
known
.
The
same
Bishop
inviting
two
of
our
Noblemen
,
with
others
of
the
Nobility
,
to
a
Banquet
,
drank
the
King's
Health
to
an
Heretical
Baron
there
,
wishing
a
happy
Success
to
all
his
Affairs
;
and
he
added
,
That
the
Faith
of
Protestants
in
England
,
seemed
to
him
to
be
little
better
than
that
of
Buda
was
before
it
was
taken
;
and
that
they
were
for
the
most
part
mere
Atheists
who
defended
it
.
Many
do
embrace
the
Faith
,
and
four
of
the
chiefest
Earls
have
lately
posfessed
it
publickly
.
The
Reverend
Father
,
Alexander
Regnes
,
Nephew
to
our
Provincial
,
to
whom
is
committed
the
Care
of
the
Chappel
of
the
Ambassador
of
the
most
Serene
Elector
Palatine
,
is
whole
days
busied
in
resolving
and
shewing
the
Doubts
or
Questions
of
Hereticks
,
concerning
their
Faith
,
of
which
number
you
may
see
two
or
three
continually
walking
before
the
Dores
of
the
Chappel
,
disputing
about
Matters
of
Faith
amongst
themselves
.
Prince
George
,
we
can
have
nothing
certain
what
Faith
he
intends
to
make
profession
of
.
We
have
a
good
while
begun
to
get
footing
in
England
.
We
teach
Humanity
at
Lincoln
,
Norwich
,
and
York
.
At
Warwick
we
have
a
publick
Chappel
,
secured
from
all
Injuries
by
the
King's
Souldiers
.
We
have
also
bought
some
Houses
of
the
City
of
Wigorn
in
the
Province
of
Lancaster
.
The
Catholick
Cause
very
much
increaseth
.
In
some
Catholick
Churches
,
upon
Holy
Days
above
1500
are
always
numbred
present
at
the
Sermon
.
At
London
,
likewise
,
things
succeed
no
worse
.
Every
Holy
Day
,
at
preaching
,
People
so
frequent
,
that
many
of
the
Chappels
cannot
contain
them
.
Two
of
ours
,
Darmes
and
Berfall
do
constantly
say
Mass
before
the
King
and
Queen
,
Father
Edmund
Newil
before
the
Queen
Dowager
,
Father
Alexander
Regnes
in
the
Chappel
of
the
Ambassador
aforesaid
,
others
in
other
places
.
Many
Houses
are
bought
for
the
Colledg
in
the
Savoy
(
as
they
call
it
)
nigh
Somerset-house
,
London
,
the
Palace
of
the
Queen
Dowager
,
to
the
value
of
about
eighteen
thousand
Florins
,
in
making
of
which
,
after
the
Form
of
a
Colledg
,
they
labour
very
hard
that
the
Schools
may
be
opened
before
Easter
.
In
Ireland
shortly
there
will
be
a
Catholick
Parliament
,
seeing
no
other
can
satisfy
the
King's
Will
to
Establish
the
Catholick
Cause
there
.
In
the
Month
of
February
,
for
certain
,
the
King
hath
designed
to
call
a
Parliament
at
London
:
1.
That
by
a
Universal
Decree
,
the
Catholick
Peers
may
be
admitted
into
the
Upper
House
.
2.
That
the
Oath
or
Test
may
be
annulled
.
3.
Which
is
the
best
or
top
of
all
,
That
all
Penal
Laws
made
against
Catholicks
,
may
be
Abrogated
;
which
that
he
may
more
surely
obtain
,
he
desires
every
one
to
take
notice
,
that
he
hath
certainly
determined
to
dismiss
any
from
all
profitable
Imployments
under
him
,
who
do
not
strenuously
endeavour
the
obtaining
those
things
;
also
that
he
will
Dissolve
the
Parliament
:
with
which
Decree
some
Hereticks
being
affrighted
,
came
to
a
certain
Peer
to
consult
him
what
was
best
to
be
done
:
to
whom
he
said
,
the
Kings
pleasure
is
sufficiently
made
known
to
us
;
what
he
hath
once
said
,
he
will
most
certainly
do
:
if
you
love
your selves
,
you
must
submit
your selves
to
the
Kings
Will
.
There
are
great
preparations
for
War
at
London
,
and
a
Squadron
of
many
Ships
of
War
are
to
be
fitted
out
against
a
time
appointed
;
what
they
are
designed
for
is
not
certain
.
The
Hollanders
greatly
fear
they
are
against
them
,
and
therefore
begin
to
prepare
themselves
.
Time
will
discover
more
.
Liege
,
2.
Feb.
1688.
II.
A
Letter
from
the
Reverend
Father
Petre
,
Iesuit
,
Almoner
to
the
Ki●g
of
England
,
written
to
the
Reverend
Father
la
Cheese
,
Confessor
to
the
most
Christian
King
,
touching
the
present
Affairs
of
ENGLAND
.
Translated
from
the
French.
Most
Reverend
Father
,
IF
I
have
fail'd
,
for
the
last
few
days
,
to
observe
your
Order
,
it
was
not
from
want
of
Affection
,
but
Health
,
that
occasion'd
the
neglect
;
and
for
which
I
shall
endeavour
to
make
amends
by
the
length
of
this
.
I
shall
begin
where
my
former
left
off
,
and
shall
tell
you
,
That
since
the
appearing
of
a
Letter
in
this
Town
,
written
by
the
Prince's
Minister
of
Holland
,
which
declares
the
Intentions
of
the
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
,
relating
to
the
Repealing
the
Test
,
or
to
speak
more
properly
,
their
Aversion
to
it
:
This
Letter
has
produc'd
very
ill
Effects
among
the
Hereticks
;
whom
,
at
the
return
of
some
of
our
Fathers
from
those
Parts
,
we
had
perswaded
,
that
the
Prince
would
comply
with
every
thing
relating
to
the
Test
that
the
King
should
propose
to
the
next
Parli●ment
,
in
case
he
should
call
one
;
to
which
I
do
not
find
his
Majesty
much
inclin'd
.
But
the
coming
of
this
Letter
(
of
which
I
have
inclos'd
a
Copy
)
has
serv'd
for
nothing
but
to
incourage
the
Obstinate
in
their
aversion
to
that
Matter
.
The
Queen
,
as
well
as
my self
,
were
of
Opinion
,
against
the
sending
of
any
such
Letter
to
the
Hague
upon
that
Subject
,
but
rather
that
some
Person
able
to
discourse
and
perswade
,
should
have
been
sent
thither
:
for
all
such
Letters
,
when
they
are
not
grateful
,
produce
bad
Effects
.
That
which
is
spoken
Face
to
Face
,
is
not
so
easi●y
divulg'd
,
nor
any
thing
discover'd
to
the
People
,
but
what
we
have
a
raind
the
Vulgar
should
know
:
And
,
I
believe
,
your
Reverence
will
concur
with
me
in
this
Opinion
.
This
Letter
has
extreamly
provok'd
the
King
,
who
is
of
a
temper
not
to
bear
a
refusal
,
and
who
has
not
been
us'd
to
have
his
Will
contradicted
:
And
,
I
verily
believe
,
this
very
affront
has
hastned
his
Resolution
of
re-calling
the
English
Regiments
in
Holland
.
I
shew'd
his
Majesty
that
part
of
your
Letter
,
that
relates
to
the
Opinion
of
his
Most
Christian
Majesty
,
upon
this
Subject
,
which
his
Majesty
well
approves
of
.
We
are
interested
to
know
the
Success
of
this
Affair
,
and
what
Answer
the
States
will
give
.
The
King
changes
as
many
Heretick
Officers
as
he
can
,
to
put
Catholicks
in
their
places
;
but
the
Misfortune
is
,
that
here
we
want
Catholick
Officers
to
supply
them
:
And
therefore
,
if
you
know
any
such
of
our
Nation
in
France
,
you
would
do
the
King
a
pleasure
to
perswade
them
to
come
over
,
and
they
shall
be
certain
of
Employments
,
either
in
the
old
Troops
,
or
the
New
that
are
speedily
to
be
rais'd
;
for
which
,
by
this
my
Letter
,
I
pass
my
Word
.
Our
Fathers
are
continually
employ'd
to
convert
the
Officers
;
but
their
Obstinacy
is
so
great
,
that
for
one
that
turns
,
there
are
five
that
had
rather
quit
their
Commands
.
And
there
are
so
many
Male-contents
,
whose
Party
is
already
but
too
great
,
the
King
has
need
of
all
his
Prudence
and
Temper
to
manage
this
great
Affair
,
and
bring
it
to
that
Perfection
we
hope
to
see
it
in
ere
long
.
All
that
I
can
assure
you
is
,
That
here
shall
be
no
neglect
in
the
Queen
,
who
labours
night
and
day
with
unexpressible
Diligence
for
the
propation
of
the
Faith
,
and
with
the
Zeal
of
a
holy
Princess
.
The
Queen
Dowager
is
not
so
earnest
,
and
Fear
makes
her
resolve
to
retire
into
Portugal
▪
to
pass
the
remainder
of
her
days
in
Devotion
:
she
has
already
ask'd
the
King
leave
,
who
has
not
only
granted
it
,
but
also
promised
that
she
should
have
her
Pension
punctually
paid
;
and
that
during
her
Life
,
her
Servants
that
she
leaves
behind
her
,
shall
have
the
same
Wages
,
as
if
they
were
in
waiting
.
She
stays
but
for
a
proper
Season
to
imbark
for
Lisbon
,
and
to
live
there
free
from
all
Stories
.
As
to
the
Queen's
being
with
Child
▪
that
great
Concern
goes
as
well
as
we
could
wish
,
notwithstanding
all
the
Satyrical
Discourses
of
the
Heriticks
,
who
content
themselves
to
vent
their
Poyson
in
Libels
,
which
by
night
they
disperse
in
the
Street
,
or
fix
upon
the
Walls
.
There
was
one
lately
found
upon
a
Pillar
of
a
Church
,
that
imported
,
That
such
a
day
Thanks
should
be
given
GOD
for
the
Queen
's
being
great
with
a
Cushion
.
If
one
of
these
Pasquil-makers
could
be
discover'd
,
he
would
but
have
an
ill
time
on
't
,
and
should
be
made
to
take
his
last
Farewel
at
Tyburn
.
You
will
agree
with
me
(
most
Reverend
Father
)
that
we
have
done
a
great
thing
,
by
introducing
Mrs.
Celier
to
the
Queen
:
this
Woman
is
totally
devoted
to
our
Society
,
and
zealous
for
the
Catholick
Religion
.
I
will
send
you
an
account
of
the
progress
of
this
Affair
,
and
will
use
the
Cypher
you
sent
me
,
which
I
think
very
admirable
.
I
can
send
you
nothing
certain
of
the
Prince
and
Princess
of
Denmark
;
he
is
is
a
Prince
with
whom
I
cannot
discourse
about
Religion
;
Luther
was
never
more
earnest
than
this
Prince
.
It
is
for
this
reason
that
the
King
(
who
does
not
love
to
be
denied
)
never
yet
press'd
him
in
that
matter
,
his
Majesty
thinking
it
necessary
that
the
Fathers
should
first
prepare
things
,
before
he
undertake
to
speak
to
him
.
But
this
Prince
,
as
all
of
his
Nation
,
has
naturally
an
Aversion
to
our
Society
;
and
this
Antipathy
does
much
obstruct
the
progress
of
our
Affairs
;
and
it
would
be
unreasonable
to
complain
hereof
to
the
King
,
at
present
to
trouble
him
,
tho
he
has
an
intire
Confidence
in
us
,
and
looks
upon
our
Fathers
,
as
the
Apostles
of
this
Land
.
As
for
Ireland
,
that
Country
is
already
all
Catholick
;
yea
,
all
the
Militia
are
so
.
The
Vice-Roy
merits
great
Praise
;
we
may
give
him
this
Honour
,
That
he
is
a
Son
worthy
our
Society
;
and
I
hope
will
participate
of
the
Merits
of
it
.
He
informs
me
,
he
has
just
writ
to
your
Reverence
of
these
matters
,
how
things
go
there
.
Some
Catholick
Regiments
from
those
parts
will
speedily
be
sent
for
over
for
the
King's
Guards
;
his
Majesty
being
resolv'd
to
trust
them
,
rather
than
others
;
and
may
do
it
better
in
case
of
any
popular
Commotion
,
against
which
we
ought
to
secure
our selves
the
best
we
can
.
His
Majesty
does
us
the
Honour
to
visit
our
Colledg
often
,
and
is
most
pleas'd
when
we
present
him
some
new
Convert-Scholars
,
whom
he
incourages
with
his
gracious
Promises
.
I
have
not
Expression
sufficient
to
let
you
know
with
what
Devotion
his
Majesty
communicated
the
last
Holy-days
;
and
a
Heretick
cannot
better
make
his
Court
to
him
,
than
by
turning
to
the
Catholick
Faith.
He
desires
that
all
the
Religious
,
of
what
Order
soever
they
be
,
make
open
Profession
as
he
does
,
not
only
of
the
Catholick
Religion
,
but
also
of
their
Order
;
not
at
all
approving
that
Priests
,
or
Religious
should
conceal
themselves
out
of
Fear
;
and
he
has
told
them
,
That
he
would
have
them
wear
the
Habit
of
a
Religious
;
and
that
he
will
take
care
to
defend
them
from
Affronts
.
And
the
People
are
already
accustomed
to
it
;
and
we
begin
to
celebrate
Funerals
with
the
same
Ceremony
as
in
France
;
but
it
is
almost
a
Miracle
to
see
that
no
body
speaks
one
word
against
it
,
no
not
so
much
as
the
Ministers
in
their
Pulpits
;
in
so
good
order
has
the
King
managed
these
Matters
.
Many
English
Hereticks
resort
often
to
our
Sermons
;
and
I
have
often
recommended
to
our
Fathers
to
preach
now
in
the
beginning
,
as
little
as
they
can
of
the
Controversy
,
because
that
provokes
;
but
to
represent
to
them
the
Beauty
and
Antiquity
of
the
Catholick
Religion
,
that
they
may
be
convinc'd
,
that
all
that
has
been
said
and
preach'd
to
them
,
and
their
own
Reflections
concerning
it
,
have
been
all
Scandal
:
For
I
find
(
as
the
Apostle
says
)
they
must
be
nourished
with
Milk
,
not
being
able
to
bear
strong
Meat
.
Many
have
desir'd
me
to
give
them
some
of
our
Prayers
,
and
even
the
holy
Mass
in
English
:
which
I
mean
to
do
,
to
satisfy
the
meanest
sort
,
of
which
the
greatest
part
do
not
understand
Latin
,
but
not
to
take
away
from
the
new
Converts
their
Testaments
,
which
is
a
matter
of
moment
;
and
,
that
we
may
not
disgust
them
at
the
beginning
,
we
must
permit
th●m
to
have
them
for
a
time
,
till
they
part
with
them
of
themselves
.
I
had
need
of
C.
H's
Counsel
upon
this
Point
,
and
not
in
this
only
,
but
also
in
a
great
many
other
matters
that
daily
press
me
:
for
you
may
easily
believe
,
that
I
have
often
more
business
than
I
can
well
dispatch
;
and
we
must
work
with
so
much
Circumspection
and
Precaution
,
that
I
have
often
need
of
your
Paternity's
wise
Counsel
.
But
the
Lord
and
the
good
Virgin
do
strengthen
me
as
there
is
occasion
.
The
Bishop
of
Oxon
has
not
yet
declar'd
himself
openly
;
the
great
Obstacle
is
his
Wife
,
whom
he
cannot
rid
himself
of
:
His
design
being
to
continue
Bishop
,
and
only
change
Communion
;
as
it
is
not
doubted
but
the
King
will
permit
,
and
our
holy
Father
confirm
:
tho
I
do
not
see
how
he
can
be
farther
useful
to
us
in
the
Religion
in
which
he
is
,
because
he
is
suspected
,
and
of
no
esteem
among
the
Hereticks
of
the
English
Church
:
nor
do
I
see
that
the-
example
of
his
Conversion
is
like
to
draw
many
others
after
him
,
because
he
declar'd
himself
so
suddenly
.
If
he
had
believ'd
my
Counsel
,
which
was
to
temporize
for
some
longer
time
,
he
would
have
done
better
;
but
it
is
his
Temper
,
or
rather
Zeal
that
hurried
him
on
.
There
are
two
other
Prelates
that
will
do
no
less
than
he
;
but
they
hold
off
alike
,
to
see
how
they
may
be
serviceable
to
the
Propagation
,
and
produce
more
Fruits
,
while
they
continue
undiscover'd
.
That
which
does
us
most
harm
with
the
Lords
and
great
Men
,
is
the
apprehension
of
a
Heretick
Successor
:
For
(
as
a
Lord
told
me
lately
)
assure
me
of
a
Catholick
Successor
,
and
I
will
assure
you
,
I
and
my
Family
will
be
so
too
.
To
this
happy
purpose
,
the
Queen
's
happy
Delivery
will
be
of
very
great
moment
.
Our
zealous
Catholicks
do
already
lay
two
to
one
that
it
will
be
a
Prince
:
God
does
nothing
by
halves
;
and
ever
day
Masses
are
said
upon
this
very
occasion
.
I
have
gain'd
a
very
great
point
,
in
perswading
the
King
to
place
our
Fathers
in
Madalen-Colledg
in
Oxon
;
who
will
be
able
to
tutor
the
young
Scholars
in
the
Roman
Catholick
Religion
.
I
rely
much
on
Father
Thomas
Fairfax
,
to
whom
I
have
given
necessary
Instructions
how
to
govern
himself
with
the
Heretick
People
;
and
to
take
care
in
the
beginning
,
that
he
speak
not
to
them
any
thing
that
may
terrify
.
And
,
as
I
tell
you
,
a
Religious
has
need
here
of
great
Prudence
at
this
time
,
that
the
King
may
hear
of
no
Complaints
that
may
displease
him
;
and
therefore
we
dare
not
at
present
,
do
all
we
shall
be
able
,
and
bound
to
do
hereafter
,
for
fear
of
too
much
haring
the
Mobile
.
I
like
well
that
Father
Hales
goes
to
stay
some
time
at
the
Hague
incognito
,
on
pretence
of
solliciting
for
a
Place
,
which
is
not
soon
to
be
got
there
;
and
I
have
given
him
a
Letter
to
some
of
that
Court
:
Father
Smith
that
is
there
now
,
by
reason
of
his
great
Age
,
not
being
able
to
do
all
he
ought
and
wishes
to
do
,
and
is
also
too
well
known
there
.
And
I
shall
often
impart
to
you
what
I
shall
learn
from
those
Quarters
:
from
whence
I
shall
weekly
receive
something
of
moment
,
so
long
as
the
two
Courts
are
in
so
bad
Intelligence
together
,
as
at
present
they
are
.
For
my
part
,
to
speak
freely
on
this
Topick
to
your
Reverend
Fatherhood
,
I
am
of
opinion
,
we
should
rather
endeavour
to
moderate
,
than
aggravate
the
Difference
between
them
;
tho
I
know
I
do
not
in
this
matter
altogether
concur
with
the
Sense
of
the
French
Ambassadour
,
who
considers
only
his
Master's
Interest
:
But
we
are
necessitated
to
take
other
Measures
,
and
such
as
perhaps
may
not
always
agree
with
the
Interest
of
France
in
this
matter
.
And
I
think
aggravating
this
Breach
at
present
,
to
be
also
prejudicial
to
the
Catholick
Religion
it self
.
The
great
Design
we
have
so
long
aimed
at
,
is
applying
to
the
King
of
France
to
take
from
the
Hereticks
all
hopes
of
a
Head
,
or
any
other
Protection
,
than
what
they
must
expect
from
their
own
King
;
whereby
they
finding
themselves
expos'd
to
his
Pleasure
,
will
the
more
readily
subscribe
to
his
Will
.
But
this
misunderstanding
between
us
,
will
occasion
an
opportunity
to
the
Hereticks
to
set
up
the
Prince
of
Orange
for
their
Chief
:
And
let
me
assure
you
not
to
deceive
your selves
,
The
Religious
of
England
,
as
well
as
the
Presbyterians
themselves
,
regard
the
Prince
of
Orange
as
their
Moses
;
and
his
Party
is
already
so
powerful
in
both
these
Kingdoms
,
that
it
will
appear
terrible
to
any
thinking
Person
,
should
things
come
to
extremity
;
as
may
never
happen
,
if
matters
are
not
push'd
on
too
far
,
but
managed
with
Moderation
.
And
I
desire
therefore
,
with
great
deference
to
you
better
Judgment
,
that
this
matter
might
be
hinted
to
his
Most
Christian
Majesty
,
as
opportunity
shall
serve
,
and
am
sensible
it
must
be
done
with
very
great
caution
.
I
can
tell
you
nothing
at
present
concerning
the
certainty
of
calling
a
Parliament
;
it
requires
so
many
things
to
be
consider'd
of
,
and
measures
to
be
taken
,
that
his
Majesty
ought
to
be
well
assur'd
of
the
success
,
before
he
convenes
them
together
.
I
am
not
of
opinion
with
many
other
Catholicks
,
who
say
,
That
by
calling
them
the
King
hazards
nothing
;
for
,
if
they
will
not
answer
his
Ends
,
he
need
only
prorogue
them
,
as
is
usually
done
:
But
it
is
my
Opinion
,
and
the
Sense
of
many
others
,
That
his
Majesty
hazards
much
;
for
if
it
should
unfortunately
happen
,
that
they
should
in
their
Assembly
refuse
to
comply
with
his
Majesty's
Desires
,
it
may
be
long
enough
ere
he
compass
his
Ends
by
way
of
a
Parliament
,
and
perhap●
never
:
and
then
there
rests
no
Expedient
,
or
other
Means
but
by
Violence
,
to
execute
the
Orders
of
his
secret
Council
,
which
must
be
suppos'd
by
his
Army
;
who
,
upon
a
pretence
of
Incamping
,
may
be
called
together
with
the
less
Jealousie
or
Suspicion
.
So
,
you
may
see
(
most
Reverend
Father
)
that
we
do
not
want
work
in
these
Quarters
;
and
I
must
be
supported
by
your
Prayers
,
which
I
beg
of
you
,
and
from
all
those
of
our
Society
.
His
Majesty
is
so
desirous
that
things
may
be
done
in
order
,
and
upon
a
sure
Fund
,
so
as
to
be
the
more
lasting
,
that
he
makes
great
application
to
the
Shires
and
Corporations
,
to
get
such
Persons
chosen
f●r
the
Parliament
,
as
may
be
favourable
to
his
Ends
,
of
which
he
may
be
sure
,
before
they
come
to
debate
:
And
the
King
will
make
them
promise
so
firmly
,
and
exact
such
Instruments
from
them
in
writing
,
that
they
shall
not
be
able
to
go
back
,
unless
they
will
thereby
draw
upon
themselves
his
Majesty's
utmost
Displeasure
,
and
make
them
feel
the
weight
of
his
Resentment
.
And
I
have
here
inclos'd
some
Effects
of
his
Majesty's
Endeavours
in
this
matter
,
which
is
an
Address
which
the
Mayor
,
Sheriffs
and
Burgesses
of
New-Castle
in
the
County
of
Stafford
,
have
presented
to
the
King
[
see
the
Gazette
,
where
this
Corporation
,
as
well
as
Glocester
and
Teuxbury
,
and
others
,
in
their
Addresses
,
promise
to
chuse
such
Members
as
shall
comply
with
his
Majesty's
Desires
.
]
If
all
Towns
were
in
as
perfect
Obedience
as
these
,
we
should
certainly
have
a
Parliament
call'd
,
which
the
Catholicks
and
Nonconformists
expect
with
great
Impatience
.
But
since
this
cannot
be
said
of
many
of
them
,
the
King
's
secret
Council
think
good
to
wait
for
the
Queen's
Delivery
,
that
they
may
see
a
Successor
,
who
may
have
need
of
the
whole
Protection
of
the
Most
Christian
King
to
support
him
,
and
maintain
his
Rights
.
And
,
by
the
Grace
of
God
,
we
hope
,
that
that
Prince
,
treading
in
his
Father's
steps
,
may
prove
a
worthy
Son
of
our
Society
,
like
his
Father
,
who
thinks
it
no
Dishonour
to
be
so
call'd
.
As
to
other
things
(
most
Reverend
Father
)
our
Fathers
with
me
,
as
well
as
generally
all
the
Catholicks
,
with
what
grief
do
we
hear
of
the
Disunion
that
arises
between
his
Holiness
and
the
Most
Christian
King
!
How
does
my
Head
,
in
imitation
of
the
Prophet's
,
become
a
Spring
of
Tears
to
lament
night
and
day
the
Schism
that
I
fores●e
coming
into
the
Church
!
Is
is
possible
that
our
holy
Society
should
not
stand
in
the
Breach
,
and
prevent
the
Mischiefs
that
this
difference
may
occasion
in
the
Church
?
And
that
no
body
can
reconci●e
Levi
and
Iudah
,
the
Priesthood
and
the
Scepter
,
the
Father
and
the
Son
,
the
eldest
Son
of
the
Church
with
the
Vicar
of
Christ
upon
Earth
?
And
what
a
Desolation
,
and
what
Advantage
to
the
Hereticks
must
this
occasion
?
They
begin
already
to
bid
us
convert
the
Children
of
the
Family
,
before
we
begin
to
convert
Strangers
.
And
I
must
with
grief
confess
,
they
have
but
too
much
reason
for
what
they
say
;
and
if
there
does
not
come
some
present
Assistance
from
above
,
I
foresee
this
Affair
will
occasion
great
Prejudices
in
the
North
:
Nor
have
we
any
hope
that
his
British
Majesty
will
interpose
herein
openly
,
he
receiving
so
little
Satisfaction
from
his
Holiness
in
some
Demands
made
by
his
Ambassadour
at
Rome
,
which
(
morally
speaking
)
ought
not
to
have
been
denied
so
great
a
King
,
who
first
made
this
step
(
which
his
Predecessors
for
a
long
time
were
not
willing
to
undertake
)
in
sending
his
Ambassadour
of
Obedience
to
Rome
:
And
yet
for
all
this
our
holy
Father
had
not
any
particular
Consideration
of
this
Submission
and
Filial
Obedience
:
so
that
I
dare
not
mention
this
matter
but
by
way
of
Discourse
,
daily
expecting
that
of
himself
he
will
be
pleased
to
make
some
Proposal
therein
.
I
doubt
not
(
Reverend
Father
)
of
your
constant
Endeavour
to
accommodate
this
matter
,
thereby
to
take
away
from
the
Hereticks
,
especially
the
Hugonots
of
France
,
this
occasion
to
laugh
and
deride
us
:
and
we
should
think
the
Ch●nge
much
for
the
worse
,
if
,
instead
of
the
French
King
's
going
to
Geneva
,
he
should
march
to
Rome
:
What
may
not
all
this
come
to
?
especially
since
the
Marquess
de
Lavardin
has
been
so
passionate
in
his
Discourse
to
the
Cardinal-Chancellor
,
as
to
call
him
Impertinent
;
and
so
far
to
forget
his
Duty
and
Reverence
toward
our
Holy
Father
,
the
Pope
himself
,
as
to
say
he
Doted
:
as
the
Hereticks
do
confidently
discourse
in
these
parts
.
I
have
caused
some
Masses
of
the
Holy
Ghost
to
be
said
,
That
God
would
please
to
inspire
the
discontented
Parties
with
a
Spirit
of
Peace
and
Concord
.
You
did
acquaint
me
some
time
since
,
That
Madam
Mainteron
did
take
upon
her
the
Title
of
Daughter
of
the
Society
;
by
virtue
whereof
,
you
may
command
her
,
by
virtue
of
Obedience
,
to
use
her
Credit
and
Eloquence
with
the
King
,
to
incline
him
to
an
Accommodation
in
this
matter
.
In
the
mean
time
,
I
hear
that
at
Rome
,
many
eminent
Persons
endeavour
the
same
with
his
Holiness
,
who
says
,
He
cannot
,
nor
ought
not
to
recede
from
what
he
has
done
;
otherwise
it
were
in
effect
to
submit
to
the
Articles
made
in
France
by
the
Clergy
in
1682
,
and
consequently
of
too
great
moment
to
recant
:
and
therefore
Submission
ought
to
come
from
the
Son
,
and
not
from
the
Father
.
I
recommend
my self
(
Reverend
Father
!
)
to
your
Prayers
and
Blessing
,
desiring
you
would
continue
to
assist
me
with
your
Salutal
Counsels
,
and
rest
for
ever
.
Yours
,
&c.
St.
Iame's
,
Feb.
9.
III.
The
Answer
of
the
Reverend
Father
la
Chese
,
Confessor
to
the
Most
Christian
King
,
to
a
Letter
of
the
Reverend
Father
Petre
,
Iesuit
,
and
Great
Almoner
to
the
King
of
England
,
upon
the
Method
or
Rule
he
must
observe
with
His
Majesty
,
for
the
Conversion
of
His
Protestant
Subjects
.
Most
Reverend
Father
,
WHen
I
compare
the
Method
of
the
French
Court
(
which
declares
against
all
Heresies
)
with
the
Policy
of
other
Princes
,
who
had
the
same
Design
in
former
Ages
;
I
find
so
great
a
difference
,
that
all
that
passes
now
a
days
in
the
King's
Council
is
an
impenetrable
Mystery
:
and
the
Eyes
of
all
Europe
are
opened
to
see
what
happens
;
but
cannot
discover
the
Cause
.
When
Francis
the
First
,
and
Henry
the
Second
his
Son
,
undertook
to
ruine
the
Reformation
,
they
had
to
struggle
with
a
Party
which
was
but
beginning
and
weak
,
and
destitute
of
Help
;
and
consequently
easier
to
be
overcome
.
In
the
time
of
Francis
the
Second
,
and
Charles
the
Ninth
,
a
Family
was
seen
advanc'd
to
the
Throne
by
the
Ruine
of
the
Protestants
who
were
for
the
House
of
Bourbon
.
In
this
last
Reign
many
Massacres
hapned
,
and
several
Millions
of
Hereticks
have
been
sacrificed
,
but
it
answer'd
otherways
:
and
his
Majesty
has
shew'd
(
by
the
peace
and
mild
ways
he
uses
)
that
he
abhors
shedding
of
Blood
;
from
which
you
must
perswade
his
Britannick
Majesty
,
who
naturally
is
inclin'd
to
Roughness
,
and
a
kind
of
Boldness
,
which
will
make
him
hazard
all
,
if
he
does
not
politickly
manage
it
;
as
I
hinted
in
my
last
,
when
I
mentioned
my
Lord
Chancellor
.
Most
Reverend
Father
,
to
satisfy
the
desire
I
have
to
shew
you
by
my
Letters
the
Choice
you
ought
to
make
of
such
Persons
fit
to
stir-up
,
I
will
in
few
words
(
since
you
desire
it
)
inform
you
of
the
Genius
of
the
People
of
our
Court
,
of
their
Inclinations
,
and
which
of
them
we
make
use
of
;
that
:
by
a
Parallel
which
you
will
make
between
them
and
your
English
Lords
,
you
may
learn
to
know
them
.
Therefore
I
shall
begin
with
the
Chief
:
I
mean
our
Great
Monarch
.
It
is
certain
he
is
naturally
good
,
and
loves
not
to
do
Evil
,
unless
desired
to
do
it
.
This
being
so
,
I
may
say
,
he
never
would
have
undertaken
the
Conversion
of
his
Subjects
,
without
the
Clergy
of
France
,
and
without
our
Societies
Correspondence
abroad
.
He
is
a
Prince
enlightned
;
who
very
well
observes
,
that
what
we
put
him
upon
,
is
contrary
to
his
Interest
,
and
that
nothing
is
more
opposite
to
his
Great
Designs
,
and
his
Glory
;
he
aiming
to
be
the
Terror
of
all
Europe
.
The
vast
number
of
Malecontents
he
has
caused
in
his
Kingdom
,
forces
him
in
time
of
Peace
to
keep
three
times
more
Forces
,
than
his
Ancestors
did
in
the
greatest
Domestick
and
Foreign
Wars
:
which
cannot
be
done
without
a
prodigious
Expence
.
The
Peoples
Fears
also
begin
to
lessen
,
as
to
his
aspiring
to
an
Universal
Monarchy
:
and
they
may
assure
themselves
he
has
left
those
Thoughts
;
nothing
being
more
opposite
to
his
Designs
,
than
the
Method
we
enjoyn
him
.
His
Candor
,
Bounty
,
and
Toleration
to
the
Hereticks
,
would
undoubtedly
have
open'd
the
Doors
of
the
Low
Countries
,
Palatinate
,
and
all
other
States
on
the
Rhine
,
and
even
of
Switzerland
:
whereas
things
are
at
present
so
alter'd
,
that
we
see
the
Hollanders
free
from
any
fear
of
danger
;
the
Switzers
and
City
of
Geneva
,
resolv'd
to
lose
the
last
drop
of
their
Blood
in
their
Defence
;
Besides
,
some
Diversion
we
may
expect
from
the
Empire
,
in
case
we
cannot
hinder
a
Peace
with
the
Turks
,
which
ought
to
hasten
his
Britannick
Majesty
,
while
he
can
be
assured
of
Succors
from
the
most
Christian
King.
Sir
,
his
Majesty's
Brother
is
always
the
same
;
I
mean
,
takes
no
notice
of
what
passes
at
Court.
It
has
sometimes
happen'd
,
that
the
King's
Brothers
have
acted
so
,
as
to
be
noted
in
the
State
;
but
this
we
may
be
assur'd
will
never
do
any
thing
to
stain
the
Glory
of
his
Submission
and
Obedience
:
And
is
willing
to
lend
a
helping-hand
for
the
Destruction
of
the
Hereticks
;
which
appears
by
the
Instances
he
makes
to
his
Majesty
,
who
now
has
promised
him
to
cause
his
Troops
to
enter
into
the
Palatinate
the
next
Month.
The
●auphin
is
passionately
given
up
to
Hunting
,
and
little
regards
the
Conversion
of
Souls
;
and
it
does
not
seem
easy
to
make
him
penetrate
into
Business
of
Moment
;
and
therefore
we
do
not
care
to
consult
him
which
way
,
and
how
the
Hereticks
ought
to
be
treated
.
He
openly
laughs
at
us
,
and
slights
all
the
Designs
,
of
which
the
King
his
Father
makes
great
account
.
The
Dauphiness
is
extreamly
witty
,
and
is
,
without
doubt
,
uneasy
to
shew
it
in
other
Matters
besides
Complements
of
Conversation
.
She
has
given
me
a
Letter
for
the
Queen
of
England
;
wherein
after
her
expression
of
the
part
she
bears
of
the
News
of
her
Majesty's
being
with
Child
,
she
gives
her
several
Advices
about
the
Conversion
of
her
Subjects
.
Most
Reverend
Father
,
She
is
undoubtedly
born
a
great
Enemy
to
the
Protestants
,
and
has
promoted
all
she
could
with
his
Majesty
,
in
all
that
has
been
done
,
to
hasten
their
Ruin
;
especially
having
been
bred
in
a
Court
of
our
Society
,
and
of
a
House
whose
hatred
against
the
Protestant
Religion
is
Hereditary
,
because
she
has
been
raised
up
by
the
Ruin
of
the
German
Protestant
Princes
,
especially
that
of
the
Palatinate
.
But
the
King
having
caused
her
to
come
to
make
Heirs
to
the
Crown
,
she
answers
expectation
to
the
utmost
.
Monsieur
Louvois
is
a
Man
who
very
much
observes
his
Duty
,
which
he
performs
to
admiration
;
and
to
whom
we
must
ack●owledg
France
owes
part
of
the
Glory
it
has
hitherto
gained
,
both
in
regard
of
its
Conquests
,
as
also
the
Conversion
of
Hereticks
;
to
which
latter
I
may
say
,
he
has
contributed
as
much
as
the
King
:
he
has
already
shewed
▪
himself
Fierce
,
Wrathful
,
and
Hardhearted
in
his
Actions
towards
them
;
though
he
is
not
naturally
inclin'd
to
Cruelty
,
nor
to
harrass
the
People
.
His
Brother
,
the
Arch-bishop
of
Rheims
,
has
Ways
which
do
not
much
differ
from
those
of
his
Soul
;
and
all
the
difference
I
find
between
them
is
,
That
the
Arch-bishop
loves
his
own
Glory
,
as
much
as
Monsieur
de
Louvois
loves
that
of
,
his
Majesty
.
He
is
his
own
Idol
;
and
give
him
but
Incense
,
and
you
may
obtain
any
thing
.
Honour
is
welcome
to
him
,
let
it
come
which
way
it
will
.
The
least
Thing
provokes
this
Prelate
;
and
he
will
not
yield
any
thing
derogatory
to
his
Paternity
.
He
will
seem
Learned
;
he
will
seem
a
great
Theologian
,
and
will
seem
to
be
a
good
Bishop
,
and
to
have
a
great
care
of
his
Diocess
;
and
would
heretofore
seem
a
great
Preacher
.
I
have
hinted
in
my
last
,
the
Reasons
why
I
cannot
altogether
like
him
;
which
are
needless
to
repeat
.
The
Arch-bishop
of
Paris
is
always
the
same
,
I
mean
,
a
gallant
Man
;
whose
present
Conversation
is
charming
,
and
loves
his
Pleasures
,
but
cannot
bear
any
thing
that
grieves
or
gives
trouble
,
though
he
is
always
a
great
Enemy
of
the
Iansenists
,
which
he
lately
intimated
to
Cardinal
Camus
.
He
is
always
with
me
in
the
Council
of
Conscience
,
and
agrees
very
well
with
our
Society
,
laying
mostly
to
Heart
the
Conversion
of
the
Protestants
of
the
three
Kingdoms
.
He
also
makes
very
good
Observations
and
Designs
,
to
give
some
Advice
to
your
Reverence
,
which
I
shall
convey
to
you
.
I
do
sometimes
impart
to
him
what
you
write
to
me
.
My
Lord
Kingston
has
embrac'd
our
good
Party
:
I
was
present
when
he
Abjur'd
in
the
Church
of
St.
Denis
;
I
will
give
you
the
Circumstances
some
other
time
.
You
promised
to
send
me
the
Names
of
all
Heretick
Officers
who
are
in
his
Majesty's
Troops
;
that
much
imports
me
,
and
you
shall
not
want
good
Catholick
Officers
to
fill
up
their
places
.
I
have
drawn
a
List
of
them
who
are
to
pass
into
England
,
and
his
most
Christian
Majesty
approves
thereof
:
Pray
observe
what
I
hinted
to
you
in
my
last
,
on
the
Subject
of
the
Visits
,
which
our
Fathers
must
give
to
the
Chief
Lords
,
Members
of
the
next
Parliament
;
those
Reverend
Fathers
who
are
to
perform
that
Duty
,
must
be
middle-aged
,
with
a
lively
Count●nance
,
and
fit
to
perswade
.
I
also
advised
you
in
some
of
my
other
Letters
,
how
the
Bishop
of
Oxford
ought
to
behave
himself
,
by
writing
incessantly
,
and
to
insinuate
into
the
People
the
putting
down
the
Test
;
and
at
the
same
time
calm
the
Storm
,
which
the
Letter
of
Pentionary
Fagel
has
raised
.
And
his
Majesty
must
continue
to
make
vigorous
Prohibitions
to
all
Booksellers
in
London
,
not
to
print
any
Answers
;
as
well
to
put
a
stop
to
the
Insolency
of
Heretick
Authors
,
as
also
to
hinder
the
People
from
reading
them
.
In
short
,
you
intimate
to
me
,
That
his
Majesty
will
follow
our
Advice
:
It
's
the
quickest
way
,
and
I
cannot
find
a
better
,
or
fitter
,
to
dispossess
his
Subjects
from
such
Impressions
as
they
have
received
.
His
Majesty
must
also
,
by
the
same
Declaration
,
profess
in
Conscience
,
that
(
if
complied
with
)
he
will
not
only
keep
his
Word
,
to
maintain
and
protect
the
Church
of
England
;
but
will
also
confirm
his
Promises
by
such
Laws
,
as
the
Protestants
shall
be
contented
with
.
This
is
the
true
Politick
way
;
for
by
his
granting
all
,
they
cannot
but
consent
to
something
.
His
most
Christian
Majesty
has
with
great
success
experienced
this
Maxim
:
And
though
he
had
not
to
struggle
with
Penal
Laws
and
Tests
,
yet
he
found
it
convenient
to
make
large
Promises
,
by
many
Declarations
;
for
,
since
we
must
dissemble
,
you
must
endeavour
all
you
can
to
perswade
the
King
it
is
the
only
Method
to
effect
his
Design
.
I
did
also
in
my
last
,
give
you
a
hint
of
its
Importance
,
as
well
as
the
ways
you
must
take
to
insinuate
your selves
dexterously
with
the
King
,
to
gain
his
good
Will
.
I
know
not
whether
you
have
observed
what
passed
in
England
some
Years
since
;
I
will
recite
it
,
because
Examples
instruct
much
.
One
of
our
Assisting
Fathers
of
that
Kingdom
,
(
which
was
Father
Parsons
)
having
written
a
Book
against
the
Succession
of
the
King
of
Scots
to
the
Realm
of
England
.
Father
Creighton
,
who
was
also
of
our
Society
,
and
upheld
by
many
of
our
Party
,
defended
the
Cause
of
that
King
,
in
a
Book
Intituled
,
The
Reasons
of
the
King
of
Scots
,
against
the
Book
of
Father
Parsons
:
And
though
they
seem'd
divided
,
yet
they
understood
one
another
very
well
;
this
being
practised
by
order
of
our
General
,
to
the
end
,
that
if
the
House
of
Scotland
were
Excluded
,
they
might
shew
him
who
had
the
Government
,
the
Book
of
Father
Parsons
;
and
on
the
other
Hand
,
if
the
King
happened
to
be
restored
to
the
Throne
,
they
might
obtain
his
good
Will
,
by
shewing
him
the
Works
of
Father
Chreighton
:
So
that
which
way
soever
the
Medal
turn'd
,
it
still
prov'd
to
the
advantage
of
our
Society
.
Not
to
digress
from
our
Subject
,
I
must
desire
you
to
read
the
English
Book
of
Father
Parsons
,
Intituled
,
The
Reform
of
England
;
where
,
after
his
blaming
of
Cardinal
Pool
,
and
made
some
observations
of
Faults
in
the
Council
of
Trent
,
he
finally
concludes
,
That
suppose
England
should
return
(
as
we
hope
)
to
the
Catholick
Faith
in
this
Reign
,
he
would
reduce
it
to
the
State
of
the
Primitive
Church
:
And
to
that
end
all
the
Ecclesiastical
Revenue
ought
to
be
used
in
common
,
and
the
Management
thereof
committed
to
the
care
of
Seven
Wise
Men
,
drawn
out
of
our
Society
,
to
be
disposed
of
by
them
as
they
should
think
fit
.
Moreover
,
he
would
have
all
the
Religious
Orders
forbidden
on
Religious
Penalties
,
not
to
return
into
the
Three
Kingdoms
,
without
leave
of
those
Seven
Wise
Men
;
to
the
end
it
might
be
granted
only
to
such
as
live
on
Alms.
These
Reflections
seem
to
me
very
judicious
,
and
very
suitable
to
the
present
State
of
England
.
The
same
Father
Parsons
adds
,
That
when
England
is
reduced
to
the
True
Faith
,
the
Pope
must
not
expect
,
at
least
for
Five
Years
,
to
reap
any
benefit
of
the
Ecclesiastical
Revenue
;
but
must
leave
the
whole
in
the
hands
of
those
Seven
Wise
Men
,
who
will
manage
the
same
to
the
Benefit
and
Advancement
of
the
Church
.
The
Court
goes
this
day
for
Marli
,
to
take
the
Divertisements
which
are
there
prepared
:
I
hope
to
accompany
the
King
,
and
will
entertain
him
about
all
Business
;
and
accordingly
as
he
likes
what
you
hint
to
me
in
your
Letter
,
I
shall
give
you
notice
.
I
have
acquainted
him
with
his
Britannick
Majesty's
Design
of
building
a
Citadel
near
Whitehal
;
Monsieur
Vauban
,
our
Engineer
,
was
present
:
After
some
Discourse
on
the
Importance
of
the
Subject
,
his
Majesty
told
Monsieur
Vauban
,
that
he
thought
it
convenient
he
should
make
a
Model
of
the
Design
,
and
that
he
should
on
purpose
go
over
into
England
to
see
the
Ground
.
I
have
done
all
I
could
to
suspend
the
Designs
of
our
Great
Monarch
,
who
is
always
angry
against
the
Holy
Father
;
both
Parties
are
stubborn
:
the
King
's
natural
Inclination
is
,
to
have
all
yield
to
him
;
and
the
Pope's
Resolution
is
unalterable
.
All
our
Fathers
most
humbly
salute
your
Reverence
.
Father
Roine
Ville
acts
wonderfully
about
Nismes
amongst
the
New
Converts
,
who
still
meet
,
notwithstanding
the
Danger
they
expose
themselves
to
.
I
daily
expect
News
from
the
Frontiers
of
the
Empire
,
which
I
shall
impart
to
your
Reverence
,
and
am
with
the
greatest
Respect
,
Yours
,
&c.
Paris
,
March
7.
1688.
Popish
Treaties
not
to
be
rely'd
on
:
In
a
Letter
from
a
Gentleman
at
York
,
to
his
Friend
in
the
Prince
of
ORANGE's
Camp.
Addressed
to
all
Members
of
the
next
Parliament
.
THE
Credulity
and
Superstition
of
Mankind
hath
given
great
Opportunities
and
Advantages
to
cunning
Knaves
to
spread
their
Nets
,
and
lay
their
Traps
in
order
to
catch
easie
and
unwary
Creatures
;
these
being
led
on
by
Ignorance
or
Stupidity
,
they
by
Pride
or
Ambition
,
or
else
a
Vile
and
Mercenary
Principle
;
therefore
seeing
we
are
in
this
State
of
Corruption
,
bred
up
to
believe
Contradictions
and
Impossibilities
,
led
by
the
Nose
with
every
State
Mountebank
,
and
Monkish
Iugler
,
moved
like
Puppets
by
Strings
and
Wires
;
it
seems
high
time
to
vindicate
Human
Nature
,
and
to
free
her
from
these
Shakles
laid
upon
her
in
the
very
Cradle
;
for
Man
(
who
ought
to
be
a
Free
and
Rational
Animal
)
in
his
present
State
is
only
an
Engine
and
Machine
,
contriv'd
for
the
Vanity
and
Luxury
of
Priests
and
Tyrants
,
who
claim
to
themselves
,
and
seem
to
monopolize
the
Divine
Stamp
,
tho
we
are
all
made
of
the
same
Materials
,
by
the
same
Tools
,
and
in
the
same
Mould
,
equal
by
Nature
,
met
together
and
link'd
in
Societies
by
mutual
Contracts
,
plac'd
by
turns
one
above
another
,
and
entrusted
for
some
time
with
the
Power
of
executing
our
own
Laws
,
and
all
by
general
consent
for
the
Publick
Good
of
the
whole
Community
;
this
is
the
genuine
Shape
and
Figure
of
Primitive
and
Sound
Government
,
not
distemper'd
and
fatally
infected
with
the
monstruous
Excrescences
of
Arbitrary
Power
in
one
single
Member
above
all
the
Laws
of
the
whole
;
Infallibility
,
Divine
Right
,
&c.
started
by
Knaves
and
Sycophants
,
believ'd
by
Fools
,
who
scarce
ever
heard
of
the
Greek
and
Roman
Histories
,
and
never
read
their
own
.
I
shall
therefore
give
some
Examples
(
out
of
an
infinite
number
)
of
People
ruin'd
and
utterly
destroy'd
by
their
easie
Credulity
,
and
good
Nature
,
matter
of
Fact
being
a
stronger
Proof
,
and
better
Rule
to
steer
Mankind
,
than
the
empty
Notions
of
the
Schools
,
invented
only
to
perplex
and
confound
our
Ratiocination
,
lest
it
should
discover
the
naked
Truth
of
things
.
The
present
Letter
will
confine
it self
only
to
Publick
Promises
,
Oaths
,
and
Solemn
Contracts
,
scandalously
violated
by
the
Roman
Catholicks
,
not
with
Heathens
and
Hereticks
only
,
but
amongst
themselves
:
We
will
begin
with
the
more
remote
Countries
.
The
Spaniards
and
Portugueses
have
acted
so
treacherously
with
the
Africans
,
and
the
Natives
of
both
Indies
,
that
the
Cruelty
of
the
History
would
be
incredible
,
if
it
was
not
related
by
their
own
Historians
;
their
Leagues
and
Treaties
(
the
most
sacred
Bonds
und●r
Heaven
)
were
soon
neglected
,
and
the
Spirit
of
their
Religion
broke
all
before
it
;
how
many
Millions
of
those
innocent
Creatures
were
murder'd
in
cold
Blood
,
and
for
Pastime
sake
,
with
all
the
variety
of
Torments
that
the
Devil
could
inspire
into
them
;
how
soon
were
the
vast
Regions
of
Mexico
,
New
Spain
,
Peru
,
Hispaniola
,
Braseel
,
&c.
depopulated
,
above
twenty
Millions
of
the
poor
harmless
Inhabitants
being
put
to
death
in
full
Peace
,
and
they
the
best
natur'd
People
in
the
World
,
and
very
ingenious
;
tho
they
may
seem
Savages
to
a
sort
of
Men
,
who
think
all
Barbarians
that
differ
from
them
in
Habits
,
Manners
,
Customs
,
Diet
,
Religion
,
Language
,
&c.
not
considering
that
all
wise
Nature
hath
contriv'd
a
different
Scene
of
things
for
various
Climates
;
Nay
,
such
is
the
Inhumanity
of
these
Catholick
Nations
here
at
home
,
that
they
will
frequently
bring
Strangers
(
settled
amongst
them
by
the
Laws
of
Commerce
)
and
their
own
fellow-Subjects
into
the
Inquisition
,
especially
if
they
are
Rich
,
upon
a
pretence
of
some
Heretical
Opinion
,
tho
they
themselves
at
first
protect
and
license
the
Opinion
;
as
in
the
case
of
Molino
,
whose
Book
had
receiv'd
an
Imprimatur
from
most
of
the
Inquisitors
of
Spain
and
Italy
,
and
even
from
the
Infallible
Head
of
the
Church
,
yet
afterwards
it
was
burnt
,
and
he
himself
together
with
many
of
his
Followers
miserably
tortur'd
;
the
Pope
scarce
escaping
the
Punishment
.
The
Generous
Marshal
Schomberg
(
driven
out
of
France
for
his
great
Services
)
who
had
won
many
Battels
for
the
Portugueses
,
and
s●v'd
their
C●untry
,
could
not
be
suffer'd
to
end
his
Old
Age
amongst
them
,
but
was
forc'd
in
the
midst
of
Winter
to
commit
himself
to
the
Sea
,
and
fly
to
an
inhospitable
Shoar
.
The
present
French
King
renounced
all
his
Pretences
on
Flanders
,
concluded
the
Pyrenean
Treaty
,
and
swore
at
the
Altar
not
to
meddle
with
that
Country
:
but
how
well
he
observ'd
that
Sacred
Covenant
,
Baron
D'Isola
will
best
inform
you
in
his
Bouclier
d'Etat
,
for
which
he
was
thought
to
be
poison'd
.
Neither
hath
the
French
Monarch
been
contented
to
break
all
Faith
and
Measures
with
the
Spaniard
,
but
he
hath
gone
about
to
deceive
and
ruine
t●e
Pope
,
Emperour
,
and
all
the
Princes
and
Electors
of
the
Empire
,
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
Duke
of
Lorrain
,
the
Switzers
,
the
Dutch
,
and
the
English
,
and
not
only
these
his
Neighbours
and
Allies
,
but
his
own
Protestant
Subjects
,
who
had
all
the
Security
that
Solemn
Edicts
,
Oaths
and
Promises
could
afford
them
,
besides
many
other
Obligations
upon
the
Crown
for
bringing
the
King
to
the
Throne
;
yet
all
of
a
sudden
they
found
themselves
oppress'd
and
destroy'd
by
his
Apostolical
Dragoons
,
their
Temples
razed
,
their
Wives
and
Children
taken
away
,
their
Goods
and
Estates
confiscated
,
themselves
cast
into
Prisons
,
sent
to
the
Gallies
,
and
often
shot
at
like
Birds
:
His
seising
of
Lorrain
,
France
,
Compte
,
Alsace
,
Strasburgh
,
Luxem●urgh
,
the
Principality
of
Orange
,
the
County
of
Avignon
,
Philipsbourg
,
the
whole
Palatinate
,
the
Electorates
of
Mentz
,
Treves
,
and
Cologn
,
his
building
of
Cittadels
in
the
Empire
and
in
Italy
,
&c.
are
so
contradictory
to
National
Agreements
,
and
Publick
Treaties
,
that
scarce
a
Iesuit
or
a
French-man
can
have
Impudence
enough
to
defend
them
;
a
Banditto
,
a
Pyrate
,
or
a
Pick-pocket
would
be
asham'd
of
such
Actions
;
and
an
ordinary
Man
would
be
hang'd
for
a
Crime
a
Million
times
less
.
His
seising
upon
Hudson's
Bay
,
and
leading
the
English
into
Slavery
;
the
French
Treachery
in
the
Engagement
at
Sea
between
us
and
the
Dutch
,
their
frequent
seizing
of
our
Ships
,
are
light
things
,
not
worthy
our
Resentment
,
being
under
the
Conduct
of
a
Monsieur
whom
the
World
so
justly
vilifies
and
despises
.
The
Emperour
can
have
no
good
Pretence
to
condemn
the
King
of
France
,
or
any
other
Catholick
Prince
for
breach
of
Common
Faith
and
Honesty
,
since
he
himself
hath
plaid
the
same
Game
with
his
Protestant
Subjects
,
inviting
some
of
the
Chief
of
the
Hungarian
Nobility
to
Vienna
,
under
the
colour
of
Treaty
and
Friendship
,
and
then
cutting
off
their
Heads
,
seiz●ng
their
Estates
and
Properties
,
destroying
their
Pastors
and
Churches
,
and
extirpating
the
whole
Reform'd
Religion
,
after
he
had
promis'd
and
stipulated
to
protect
and
give
them
the
Liberty
of
their
Consciences
.
The
Parisian
Massacres
were
carried
on
and
executed
under
a
Mask
of
Friendship
,
all
the
principal
Protestants
of
France
being
invited
to
the
Healing-Marriage
,
to
revel
and
caress
,
were
barbarously
butcher'd
in
their
Beds
at
the
Toll
of
a
Bell
,
when
they
dream'd
they
sl●p
securely
.
The
Irish
Massacre
of
above
200000
Protestants
was
no
less
treacherous
,
it
was
a
Copy
of
the
Spanish
Cruelty
i●
the
West
Indies
,
to
whom
the
Irish
are
compar'd
by
Historians
for
their
Idleness
and
Inhumanity
,
tho
not
for
their
Wit
.
The
Persecutions
of
the
Protestants
in
the
Vallies
of
Piedmont
,
are
another
instance
of
Popish
Immanity
and
Baseness
;
they
were
under
the
common
shelter
of
publick
Pactions
and
Treaties
,
and
had
been
solemnly
own'd
by
the
Dukes
of
Savoy
,
to
be
the
most
Loyal
and
the
most
Couragious
of
their
Subjects
.
The
present
Duke
,
who
undertook
this
last
Persecution
,
was
not
content
to
destroy
them
with
his
own
Troops
,
but
call'd
in
the
French
to
assist
at
the
Comedy
,
to
shoot
them
off
the
Rocks
,
to
hunt
them
over
the
Alps
,
and
to
sell
the
strongest
of
them
to
the
Gallies
,
that
the
very
Turkish
Slaves
themselves
might
deride
and
insult
over
them
.
Catholicks
,
who
have
not
Power
or
Opportunity
to
execute
the
same
things
,
seem
to
condemn
the
Conduct
in
Publick
,
but
sing
Te
Deum
in
Private
,
and
as
soon
as
ever
they
have
got
a
sufficient
Force
,
commit
the
like
Barbarities
,
so
essential
to
their
Religion
,
that
all
the
Instinct
of
Nature
cannot
separate
them
.
The
Holy
Father
at
Rome
(
tho
he
sets
up
for
a
moderate
and
merciful
Pontificate
)
order'd
Te
Dèum
to
be
sung
up
and
down
,
for
the
extirpation
of
Heresy
out
of
France
and
Piedmont
;
and
our
English
Catholicks
have
given
us
(
as
their
Army
and
Interest
encreas'd
)
several
Proofs
how
well
they
can
juggle
and
disguise
themselves
;
setting
up
Courts
of
Inquisition
,
turning
Protestants
out
of
all
Employs
,
and
even
out
of
their
Freeholds
,
dispensing
with
Laws
,
Ravishing
Charters
,
packing
Corporatione
,
&c.
and
all
under
a
notion
of
Liberty
or
a
Divine
Right
;
they
with
their
Accomplices
defended
illegal
Declarations
,
and
set
up
an
Authority
above
all
our
Laws
,
under
the
Cloak
of
a
sham
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
racking
at
the
very
same
time
the
Consciences
of
the
Church-of
-
England-men
,
and
undermining
the
Foundation
of
our
State.
If
Mr.
Pen
and
his
Disciples
had
condemn'd
the
unlawfulness
of
the
Declarations
and
the
Dispensing
Power
,
when
they
wrote
so
fast
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
they
had
then
shew'd
a
generous
Zeal
for
a
just
Freedom
in
Matters
of
Religion
,
and
at
the
same
time
a
due
Veneration
to
the
Legislative
Power
(
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
)
but
the
secret
of
the
Machine
,
was
to
maintain
and
erect
a
Prerogative
above
all
Acts
of
Parliament
,
and
consequently
to
introduce
upon
that
bottom
Tyranny
and
Popery
;
yet
,
notwithstanding
all
this
uncontroulable
Power
,
and
shew
of
●randeur
,
an
Easterly
Wind
,
and
a
Fleet
of
Fly-Boats
,
would
cancel
and
undo
all
again
.
Our
Monkish
Historians
relate
of
King
Iohn
,
that
being
in
some
distress
,
he
sent
Sir
Tho.
Hardington
,
and
Sir
Ralph
Fitz-Nicholas
,
Ambassadours
to
Mirammumalim
,
the
great
Emperor
of
Morocco
,
with
offers
of
his
Kingdom
to
him
,
upon
Condition
he
would
come
and
aid
him
,
and
that
if
he
prevail'd
,
he
would
himself
turn
Mahometan
and
renounce
Popery
.
I
will
not
insist
upon
the
Violations
of
Laws
and
Treaties
in
the
Low
Countries
,
or
the
Spanish
Tyranny
over
them
,
because
the
Spaniards
have
got
so
much
by
that
Persecution
and
Cruelty
,
that
they
might
be
tempted
to
practise
the
like
again
;
for
by
forcing
the
Netherlanders
to
take
up
Arms
for
their
Defence
,
and
by
necessitating
Queen
Elizabeth
to
assist
and
preserve
them
,
they
have
set
up
a
Free
and
Glorious
State
(
as
they
themselves
have
call'd
them
in
some
Treaties
)
that
hath
preserv'd
the
languishing
Monarchy
of
Spain
,
and
the
Liberty
of
Christendom
.
The
base
and
cowardly
Massacre
of
that
great
Hero
William
Prince
of
Orange
,
of
the
Renowned
Admiral
Coligny
,
and
the
Prince
of
Conde
;
the
many
Bloody
Conspiracies
for
the
Extirpation
of
the
whole
Race
of
the
House
of
Orange
;
the
Murders
of
Henry
the
Second
,
and
Henry
the
Fourth
,
are
all
Records
and
everlasting
Monuments
of
Popish
Barbarity
;
what
incredible
Effusions
of
Blood
hath
been
occasion'd
by
the
frequent
Revolts
of
the
Popes
against
the
Emperors
,
by
the
Image-Worship
and
the
Holy
Wars
?
What
Treachery
in
the
Bohemian
Transactions
and
Treaties
?
What
Inhumanity
in
burning
Ierome
of
Prague
,
and
Iohn
Hus
?
when
they
had
the
Emperor's
Pass
,
and
all
other
publick
Securities
from
the
Council
it self
,
that
put
to
Death
those
two
good
Men.
The
Reign
of
Queen
Mary
is
another
Scene
of
the
Infidility
and
Treachery
of
the
Church
of
Rome
;
what
Oaths
did
she
take
?
What
Promises
and
Protestations
did
she
make
to
the
Suffolk
Men
who
had
set
the
Crown
upon
her
Head
,
and
yet
they
were
the
first
that
felt
the
strokes
of
Persecution
from
Her
?
Read
her
History
in
Fox's
Martyrs
,
and
Dr.
Burnet's
History
of
the
Reformation
.
The
many
Conspiracies
to
destroy
Queen
Elizabeth
and
King
Iames
,
the
Gunpowder-Plot
,
the
Counsels
carried
on
in
Popish
Countries
to
take
off
King
Charles
the
First
,
and
the
many
late
Popish
Plots
are
a
continued
Series
and
Thred
,
carried
on
by
the
Church
of
Rome
,
to
break
through
all
Laws
both
of
God
and
Man
,
to
erect
an
Universal
Monarchy
of
Priest-Craft
,
and
to
bring
the
whole
World
under
their
Yoke
.
The
Swedes
have
taken
an
effectual
and
commendable
way
to
keep
Popish
Priests
and
Iesuits
(
those
Boutefeus
and
Disturbers
of
Societies
,
the
declared
Enemies
to
the
Welfare
of
Mankind
)
out
of
their
Countries
by
Gelding
them
,
and
consequently
rendring
them
incapable
of
Sacerdotal
Functions
,
tho
the
Priests
have
found
out
a
Salvo
,
and
will
say
Mass
and
Confess
,
if
they
can
procure
their
Testicles
again
,
and
carry
them
in
their
Pockets
,
either
preserv'd
or
in
Powder
:
In
Aethiopia
,
China
,
and
Iapan
,
the
Romish
Priests
have
been
so
intollerably
turbulent
,
and
such
extravagant
Incendiaries
,
that
they
have
been
often
banished
and
put
to
Death
;
so
that
now
they
disguise
themselves
all
over
the
Eastern
Nations
,
under
the
Names
and
Characters
of
Mathematicians
,
Mechanicks
,
Physicians
,
&c.
and
dare
not
own
their
Mission
to
propagate
a
Faith
which
is
grown
ridiculous
all
over
Asia
.
The
long
and
dreadful
Civil
Wars
of
France
;
the
many
Massacres
and
Persecutions
,
and
lastly
,
the
Siege
of
Rochel
,
are
living
Instances
how
far
we
may
rely
upon
Engagements
and
Laws
,
both
as
to
the
taking
of
that
Bulwark
,
and
the
promised
Relief
from
hence
.
The
Protestant
Defenders
of
it
,
refusing
to
rely
any
longer
upon
Paper
Edicts
;
and
the
Word
of
a
Most
Christian
King
,
had
this
City
granted
them
as
a
Cautionary
Town
for
their
Security
;
for
before
they
had
always
been
deluded
out
of
their
Advantages
by
fair
Promises
,
insignificant
Treaties
,
and
the
Word
of
a
King
;
yet
Lewis
the
13
th
following
the
vitious
Examples
of
Treacherous
Princes
,
fell
upon
this
Glorious
City
,
which
,
upon
the
account
of
their
Laws
and
Privileges
,
made
a
Resistance
and
brave
Defence
,
(
having
never
heard
of
Passive
Obedience
amongst
their
Pastors
)
thinking
it
more
lawful
to
defend
their
Rights
,
than
it
was
for
Lewis
to
invade
them
.
As
for
the
late
and
present
Reign
here
in
England
,
they
are
too
nice
and
tender
Things
for
me
to
touch
;
whether
the
Transactions
of
them
are
consistent
with
the
Coronation
Oaths
,
the
many
Declarations
,
Protestations
,
publick
and
solemn
Promises
,
I
am
no
fit
Judg
;
they
are
more
proper
for
the
Gravity
of
an
Historian
,
or
the
Authority
of
a
Parliament
to
handle
,
than
for
a
private
Gentleman
in
a
Letter
to
his
Friend
.
The
Bishops
Papers
,
and
the
Prince
of
Orange's
Declarations
,
are
the
best
Memoires
of
them
;
but
they
only
begin
where
the
two
parts
of
the
History
of
the
growth
of
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Government
left
off
,
and
how
far
we
may
trust
to
Catholick
Stipulations
,
Oaths
and
Treaties
,
the
Facts
of
past
and
the
present
Age
are
the
best
Criterions
and
Rules
to
guide
and
determine
us
;
for
what
happens
every
day
,
will
in
all
probability
happen
to
morrow
,
the
same
Causes
always
produce
the
same
Effects
;
and
the
Church
of
Rome
is
still
the
same
Church
it
was
an
hundred
Years
ago
,
that
is
,
a
Mass
of
Treachery
,
Barbariety
,
Perjury
,
and
the
highest
Superstition
;
a
Machine
without
any
Principle
or
setled
Law
of
Motion
,
not
to
be
mov'd
or
stop'd
with
the
weights
of
any
private
or
publick
Obligations
;
a
Monster
that
destroys
all
that
is
Sacred
both
in
Heaven
and
Earth
,
so
Ravenous
that
it
is
never
content
,
unless
it
gets
the
whole
World
into
its
Claws
,
and
tears
all
to
pieces
in
order
to
Salvation
;
a
Proteus
,
that
turns
it self
into
all
shapes
;
a
Chameleon
,
that
puts
on
all
Colours
according
to
its
present
circumstances
,
this
day
an
Angel
of
Light
,
to
morrow
a
Beelzebub
.
Amongst
all
the
Courts
of
Christendom
where
I
have
conversed
,
that
of
Holland
is
the
freest
from
Tricks
and
Falsehood
;
and
tho
I
am
naturally
jealous
and
suspicious
of
the
Conduct
of
Princes
,
yet
I
could
never
discover
the
least
Knavery
within
those
Walls
,
it
appear'd
to
me
another
Athens
of
Philosophers
,
and
the
only
Seat
of
Justice
and
Vertue
now
left
in
the
World.
As
for
the
Character
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
it
is
so
faithfully
drawn
by
Sir
William
Temple
,
Doctor
Burnet
,
and
in
a
half
sheet
lately
printed
,
that
I
,
who
am
so
averse
from
Flattery
,
that
I
can
scarce
speak
a
good
word
of
any
Body
,
or
think
one
good
thought
of
my self
,
will
not
write
any
further
Panegerick
upon
his
Highness
,
only
that
he
is
a
very
Honest
Man
,
a
Great
Souldier
,
and
a
Wise
Prince
,
upon
whose
Word
the
World
may
safely
rely
.
A
late
Pamphleteer
reviles
the
Prince
,
with
breaking
his
Oath
when
he
took
the
Stat-holder's
Office
upon
him
;
not
considering
that
the
Oath
was
impos'd
upon
his
Highness
in
his
Minority
by
a
French
Faction
,
then
jealous
of
the
aspiring
and
true
Grandeur
of
his
Young
Soul
;
that
the
States
themselves
(
to
whom
the
Obligation
was
made
)
freed
his
Highness
from
the
Bond
;
and
that
the
Necessity
of
Affairs
,
and
the
Importunities
of
the
People
forced
that
Dignity
upon
him
,
which
his
Ancestors
had
enjoy'd
,
and
he
so
well
deserv'd
,
that
he
sav'd
the
sinking
Common-wealth
,
(
their
Provinces
being
almost
all
Surpriz'd
and
Enslav'd
by
the
French
)
compared
to
the
gasping
State
of
Rome
after
the
loss
at
Cannae
;
His
Highness
was
no
more
puft
up
with
this
Success
,
than
he
had
been
daunted
with
Hardships
and
Misfortunes
;
always
the
same
Hero
,
Just
,
Serene
,
and
Unchang'd
under
all
Events
,
an
Argument
of
the
vastness
of
his
Mind
;
whereas
on
the
contrary
,
Mutability
(
sometimes
Tyrant
,
sometimes
Father
of
a
Country
,
sometimes
Huffing
,
other
times
Sneaking
)
is
often-times
a
Symptom
of
a
Mean
and
Cowardly
Soul
,
vile
and
dissolute
,
born
for
Rapine
and
Destruction
.
As
for
the
Princess
,
she
may
without
any
flattery
be
stiled
the
Honour
and
Glory
of
her
Sex
;
the
most
Knowing
,
the
most
Vertuous
,
the
Fairest
,
and
yet
the
best
Natur'd
Princess
in
the
World
;
belov'd
and
admir'd
by
her
Enemies
,
never
seen
in
any
Passion
,
always
under
a
peculi●r
sweetness
of
Temper
,
extreamly
moderate
in
her
Pleasures
,
taking
delight
in
Working
and
Study
;
humble
and
affable
in
her
Conversation
,
very
pertinent
in
all
Questions
,
charitable
to
all
Protestants
,
and
frequenting
their
Churches
.
The
Prince
is
often
seen
with
her
at
the
Prayers
of
the
Church
of
England
,
and
●he
with
the
Prince
at
the
Devotion
of
his
Church
.
She
dispences
with
the
use
of
the
Surplice
,
bowing
to
the
Altar
,
and
the
Name
of
Jesus
,
out
of
Compliance
to
a
Country
that
adores
her
,
being
more
intent
upon
the
Intrinsick
and
Substantial
Parts
of
Religion
,
Prayer
and
Good
Works
.
She
speaks
several
Languages
even
to
Perfection
;
entirely
obedient
to
the
Prince
,
and
he
extreamly
dear
to
her
.
In
a
word
,
She
is
a
Princess
of
many
extraordinary
Vertues
and
Excellencies
,
without
any
appearance
of
Vanity
,
or
the
least
mixture
of
Vice
;
and
upon
whose
Promise
the
World
may
safely
depend
.
As
for
the
many
Plots
and
Conspiracies
against
this
Royal
Couple
,
a
short
time
may
bring
them
all
to
light
,
and
faithful
Historians
publish
them
to
the
World.
Lastly
,
We
may
observe
that
whereas
it
hath
been
the
Maxim
of
several
Kings
,
both
at
home
and
abroad
of
late
Years
,
to
contend
and
outvie
each
other
in
preying
upon
and
destroying
not
only
their
Neighbours
,
but
their
own
Protestant
Subjects
,
by
all
methods
of
perfidiousness
and
cruelty
;
the
only
way
to
establish
Tyranny
,
and
to
enslave
the
natural
Freedom
of
Mankind
,
being
to
introduce
a
general
Ignorance
,
Superstition
,
and
Idolatry
;
for
if
once
People
can
be
perswaded
,
that
Statues
and
Idols
are
Divinities
and
adorable
,
and
tha●
a
Wa●er
is
the
Infinite
God
,
after
two
or
three
ridiculous
words
,
utter'd
by
a
vile
Impostor
and
impudent
Cheat
,
then
they
may
easily
be
brought
to
submit
their
Necks
to
all
the
Yokes
that
a
Tyrant
and
a
Priest
can
invent
and
put
upon
them
;
for
if
once
they
part
with
their
Reason
,
their
Liberty
will
soon
follow
;
as
we
behold
every
day
in
the
miserable
enslav'd
Countries
where
Popery
domineers
.
On
the
contrary
,
it
hath
always
been
the
steady
and
immutable
Principle
of
the
House
of
Orange
to
rescue
Europe
from
its
Oppressours
,
and
to
resettle
Governments
upon
the
Primitive
and
Immortal
Foundation
of
Liberty
and
Property
;
a
Glorious
Maxim
,
taken
from
the
Old
Roman
Common-wealth
,
that
Fought
and
Conquer'd
so
many
Nations
,
only
to
set
them
Free
,
to
Restore
them
wholsome
Laws
,
their
Natural
and
Civil
Liberties
;
a
Design
so
Generous
;
and
every
way
Great
,
that
the
East
groaning
under
the
Fetters
and
Oppressions
of
their
Tyrants
,
flew
in
to
the
Roman
Eagles
for
Shelter
and
Protection
,
under
whose
Wings
the
several
Nations
liv'd
Free
,
Safe
and
Happy
,
till
Traitours
and
Usurpers
began
to
break
in
upon
the
Sacred
Laws
of
that
vertuous
Constitution
,
and
to
keep
up
Armies
to
defend
that
by
Blood
and
Rapine
,
which
Iustice
would
have
thrown
in
their
Face
,
and
punished
them
as
they
deserved
;
the
Preservation
and
Welfare
of
the
People
being
in
all
Ages
call'd
the
Supreme
Law
,
to
which
all
the
rest
ought
to
tend
.
From
the
foregoing
Relation
of
matter
of
Fact
,
it
appears
most
plain
,
that
the
Roman
Catholicks
are
not
to
be
ty'd
by
Laws
,
Treaties
,
Promises
,
Oaths
,
or
any
other
bonds
of
Humane
Society
;
the
sad
experience
of
this
and
other
Kingdoms
,
declares
to
all
Mankind
the
invalidity
and
insignificancy
of
all
Contracts
and
Agreements
with
the
Papists
,
who
notwithstanding
all
their
Solemn
Covenants
with
Hereticks
,
do
watch
for
all
Advantages
and
Opportunities
to
destroy
them
,
being
commanded
thereunto
by
their
Councils
and
the
principles
of
their
Church
,
and
instigated
by
their
Priests
.
The
History
of
the
several
Wars
of
the
Barons
of
England
,
in
the
Reigns
of
King
Iohn
,
Henry
the
Third
,
Edward
the
Second
,
and
Richard
the
Second
,
in
Defence
of
their
Liberties
,
and
for
redressing
the
many
Grievances
(
under
which
the
Kingdom
groa●'d
)
is
a
full
representation
of
the
Infidelity
and
Treachery
of
those
Kings
,
and
of
the
Invalidity
of
Treaties
with
them
;
how
many
Grants
,
Amendments
,
and
fair
Promises
had
they
from
those
Princes
,
and
yet
afterwards
how
many
Ambuscades
,
and
Snares
were
laid
to
destroy
those
glorious
Patriots
of
Liberty
;
what
Violations
of
Compacts
and
Agreements
,
and
what
havock
was
made
upon
all
Advantages
and
Opportunities
,
that
those
false
Kings
could
take
!
Read
their
Histories
in
our
several
Chronicles
.
FINIS
.
A
FOURTH
Collection
of
Papers
Relating
to
the
Present
Juncture
of
Affairs
in
England
.
VIZ.
-
I.
The
Prince
of
Orange's
first
Declaration
from
the
Hague
,
Octob.
10.
1688.
With
his
Highnesses
Additional
Declaration
from
the
Hague
,
Octob.
24.
88.
Corrected
by
the
Original
Copy
printed
there
.
-
II.
The
Bishop
of
Rochester's
Letter
to
the
Ecclesiastical
Commissioners
.
-
III.
The
Prince
of
Orange's
Speech
to
the
Gentlemen
of
Somersetshire
and
Dorsetshire
,
coming
to
joyn
his
Highness
at
Exeter
,
Nov.
15.
88.
-
IV.
A
true
Copy
of
a
Paper
delivered
by
the
Earl
of
Devonshire
to
the
Mayor
of
Darby
,
Nov.
20.
1688.
-
V.
An
Address
of
the
Mayor
,
&c.
of
Lyn-Regis
in
Norfolk
to
the
Duke
of
Norfolk
;
And
the
Duke's
Answer
,
Decemb.
6.
88.
-
VI.
A
Declaration
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
in
and
about
the
City
,
assembled
at
Guild
hall
,
Decemb.
11.
1688.
-
VII
.
A
Paper
delivered
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
by
the
Commissioners
sent
by
his
Majesty
.
-
VIII
.
The
King's
Letter
to
the
Earl
of
Feversham
on
his
Majesties
leaving
White-hall
:
with
the
Earl's
Answer
.
-
IX
.
A
Declaration
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
to
the
Commanders
in
Chief
of
the
Dispersed
Regiments
,
Troops
and
Companies
,
to
keep
them
together
in
Order
.
-
X.
An
Address
of
the
Lieutenancy
of
London
to
the
Pr.
of
Orange
.
-
XI
.
An
Address
of
the
Lord
Mayor
,
Aldermen
and
Common-Council
of
London
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
.
-
XII
.
A
Speech
of
Sir
G.
Treby
on
delivery
of
the
City
Address
.
Licensed
and
Entred
according
to
Order
.
London
printed
,
and
are
to
be
sold
by
Rich.
Ianeway
in
Queen's-head
Court
in
Pater-Noster
Row
,
1688.
THE
DECLARATION
Of
His
HIGHNESS
William
Henry
,
By
the
Grace
of
God
,
PRINCE
of
ORANGE
,
&c.
Of
the
Reasons
inducing
him
to
appear
in
Arms
in
the
Kingdom
of
England
,
for
preserving
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
for
restoring
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
.
IT
is
both
certain
,
and
evident
to
all
Men
,
that
the
Publick
Peace
and
Happiness
of
any
State
or
Kingdom
,
cannot
be
preserved
,
where
the
Laws
,
Liberties
,
and
Customs
established
,
by
the
Lawful
Authority
in
it
,
are
openly
Transgressed
and
Annulled
:
More
especially
where
the
Alteration
of
Religion
is
endeavoured
,
and
that
a
Religion
which
is
contrary
to
Law
is
endeavoured
to
be
introduced
:
Upon
which
those
who
are
most
immediately
concerned
in
it
,
are
indispensably
bound
to
endeavour
to
preserve
and
maintain
the
established
Laws
,
Liberties
,
and
Customs
;
and
above
all
,
the
Religion
and
Worship
of
God
that
is
established
among
them
;
and
to
take
such
an
effectual
care
,
that
the
Inhabitants
of
the
said
State
or
Kingdom
,
may
neither
be
deprived
of
their
Religion
,
nor
of
their
Civil
Rights
.
Which
is
so
much
the
more
necessary
,
because
the
Greatness
and
Security
,
both
of
Kings
,
Royal
Families
,
and
of
all
such
as
are
in
Authority
,
as
well
as
the
Happiness
of
their
Subjects
and
People
,
depend
in
a
most
especial
manner
,
upon
the
exact
observation
and
maintenance
of
these
their
Laws
,
Liberties
,
and
Customs
.
Upon
these
Grounds
it
is
,
that
we
cannot
any
longer
forbear
to
declare
,
That
to
our
great
regret
,
we
see
that
those
Counsellors
who
have
now
the
chief
Credit
with
the
King
,
have
overturned
the
Religion
,
Laws
,
and
Liberties
of
those
Realms
;
and
subjected
them
in
all
Things
relating
to
their
Consciences
,
Liberties
and
Properties
,
to
Arbitrary
Government
;
and
that
not
only
by
secret
and
indirect
ways
,
but
in
an
open
and
undisguised
manner
.
Those
Evil
Counsellors
,
for
the
advancing
and
colouring
this
with
some
plausible
Pretexts
,
did
invent
and
set
on
foot
,
the
King
's
Dispensing
Power
,
by
virtue
of
which
they
pretend
,
that
according
to
Law
,
he
can
Suspend
and
Dispense
with
the
Execution
of
the
Laws
,
that
have
been
enacted
by
the
Authority
of
the
King
and
Parliament
,
for
the
Security
and
Happiness
of
the
Subject
,
and
so
have
rendred
those
Laws
of
no
effect
:
Though
there
is
nothing
more
certain
,
than
that
as
no
Laws
can
be
made
,
but
by
the
joint
concurrence
of
King
and
Parliament
;
so
likewise
Laws
so
enacted
,
which
secure
the
Publick
Peace
and
Safety
of
the
Nation
,
and
the
Lives
and
Liberties
of
every
Subject
in
it
,
cannot
be
repealed
or
suspended
but
by
the
same
Authority
.
For
though
the
King
may
pardon
the
Punishment
that
a
Transgressor
has
incurred
,
and
to
which
he
is
condemned
,
as
in
the
Cases
of
Treason
or
Felony
,
yet
it
cannot
be
with
any
colour
of
Reason
inferred
from
thence
,
that
the
King
can
entirely
suspend
the
Execution
of
those
Laws
relating
to
Treason
or
Felony
:
Unless
it
is
pretended
,
that
he
is
clothed
with
a
Despotick
and
Arbitrary
Power
,
and
that
the
Lives
,
Liberties
,
Honours
and
Estates
of
the
Subjects
,
depend
wholly
on
his
good
Will
and
Pleasure
,
and
are
entirely
subject
to
him
;
which
must
infallibly
follow
,
on
the
King
's
having
a
Power
to
suspend
the
Execution
of
the
Laws
,
and
to
dispense
with
them
.
Those
Evil
Counsellors
,
in
order
to
the
giving
some
credit
to
this
strange
and
execrable
Maxim
,
have
so
conducted
the
Matter
,
that
they
have
obtained
a
Sentence
from
the
Judges
,
declaring
that
this
Dispensing
Power
is
a
Right
belonging
to
the
Crown
;
as
if
it
were
in
the
Power
of
the
Twelve
Judges
to
offer
up
the
Laws
,
Rights
and
Liberties
of
the
whole
Nation
▪
to
the
King
,
to
be
disposed
of
by
him
Arbitrarily
and
at
his
Pleasure
,
and
expresly
contrary
to
Laws
enacted
,
for
the
Security
of
the
Subjects
.
In
order
to
the
obtaining
this
Judgment
,
those
Evil
Counsellors
did
before-hand
examine
secretly
the
Opinion
of
the
Judges
,
and
procured
such
of
them
as
could
not
in
Conscience
concur
in
so
pernicious
a
Sentence
,
to
be
turned
out
,
and
others
to
be
substituted
in
their
Rooms
,
till
by
the
Changes
which
were
made
in
the
Courts
of
Judicature
,
they
at
last
obtained
that
Judgment
.
And
they
have
raised
some
to
those
Trusts
,
who
made
open
profession
of
the
Popish
Religion
,
though
those
are
by
Law
rendred
incapable
of
all
such
Employments
.
It
is
also
manifest
and
notorious
,
that
as
his
Majesty
was
,
upon
his
coming
to
the
Crown
,
received
and
acknowledged
by
all
the
Subjects
of
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
,
as
their
King
,
without
the
least
Opposition
,
though
he
made
then
open
profession
of
the
Popish
Religion
,
so
he
did
then
promise
,
and
solemnly
swear
,
at
his
Coronation
,
That
he
would
maintain
his
Subjects
in
the
free
enjoiment
of
their
Laws
and
Liberties
;
and
in
particular
,
that
he
would
maintain
the
Church
of
England
as
it
was
established
by
Law
:
It
is
likewise
certain
,
that
there
have
been
,
at
divers
and
sundry
times
,
several
Laws
enacted
for
the
preservation
of
those
Rights
,
and
Liberties
,
and
of
the
Protestant
Religion
:
And
among
other
Securites
,
it
has
been
enacted
that
all
Persons
whatsoever
,
that
are
advanced
to
any
Ecclesiastical
Dignity
,
or
to
bear
Office
in
either
University
,
as
likewise
all
other
,
that
should
be
put
in
any
Imploiment
,
Civil
or
Military
,
should
declare
that
they
were
not
Papists
,
but
were
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
that
,
by
their
taking
of
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
,
and
Supremacy
,
and
the
Test
;
yet
these
Evil
Counsellors
have
in
effect
annulled
and
abolished
all
those
Laws
,
both
with
relation
to
Ecclesiastical
and
Civil
Emploiments
.
In
order
to
Ecclesiastical
Dignities
and
Offices
,
they
have
not
only
,
without
any
colour
of
Law
,
but
against
most
express
Laws
to
the
contrary
,
set
up
a
Commission
of
a
certain
Number
of
Persons
,
to
whom
they
have
committed
the
Cognizance
and
Direction
of
all
Ecclesiastical
Matters
:
In
the
which
Commission
there
has
been
,
and
still
is
,
one
of
his
Majesty's
Ministers
of
State
,
who
makes
now
publick
profession
of
the
Popish
Religion
,
and
who
at
the
time
of
his
first
professing
it
,
declared
,
That
for
a
great
while
before
,
he
had
believed
that
to
be
the
only
true
Religion
.
By
all
this
,
the
deplorable
State
to
which
the
Protestant
Religion
is
reduced
is
apparent
,
since
the
Affairs
of
the
Church
of
England
,
are
now
put
into
the
Hands
of
Persons
,
who
have
accepted
of
a
Commission
that
is
manifestly
Illegal
;
and
who
have
executed
it
contrary
to
all
Law
;
and
that
now
one
of
their
chief
Members
has
abjured
●he
Pro●estant
Religion
,
and
declared
himself
a
Papist
,
by
which
he
is
become
incapable
of
holding
any
Publick
Emploiment
.
The
said
Commissioners
have
hitherto
given
such
proof
of
their
submission
to
the
Directions
given
them
,
that
there
is
no
reason
to
doubt
but
they
will
still
continue
to
promote
all
such
Designs
as
will
be
most
agreeable
to
them
.
And
those
Evil
Counsellors
take
care
,
to
raise
none
to
any
Ecclesiastical
Dignities
,
but
Persons
that
have
no
Zeal
for
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
that
now
hide
their
unconcernedness
for
it
,
under
the
specious
pretence
of
Moderation
.
The
said
Commissioners
have
suspended
the
Bishop
of
London
,
only
because
he
refused
to
obey
an
Order
that
was
sent
him
to
suspend
a
Worthy
Divine
,
without
so
much
as
citing
him
before
him
,
to
make
his
own
Defence
,
or
observing
the
common
Forms
of
Process
.
They
have
turned
out
a
President
,
chosen
by
the
Fellows
of
Magdal●ne
Colledg
,
and
afterwards
all
the
Fellows
of
that
Colledg
,
without
so
much
as
citing
them
before
any
Court
that
could
take
legal
cognizance
of
that
Affair
,
or
obtaining
any
Sentence
against
them
by
a
competent
Judg.
And
the
only
Reason
that
was
given
for
turning
them
out
,
was
,
their
refusing
to
chuse
for
their
President
,
a
Person
that
was
recommended
to
them
by
the
i●●●igation
of
those
Evil
Counsellors
;
Though
the
right
of
a
free
Election
belonged
undoubtedly
to
them
.
But
they
were
turned
out
of
their
Freeholds
contrary
to
Law
,
and
to
that
express
Provision
in
Magna
Charta
,
That
no
Man
shall
lose
Life
or
Goods
,
but
by
the
Law
of
the
Land
.
And
now
these
Evil
Counsellors
have
put
the
said
Colledg
wholly
into
the
Hands
of
Papists
;
though
,
as
is
above
said
,
they
are
incapable
of
all
such
Imploiments
,
both
by
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
and
the
Statutes
of
the
Colledg
.
These
Commissioners
have
also
cited
before
them
all
the
Chancellors
and
Arch-deacons
of
England
,
requiring
them
to
certify
to
them
the
Names
of
all
such
Clergy-men
as
have
read
the
King's
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
and
of
such
as
have
not
read
it
;
without
considering
that
the
reading
of
it
,
was
not
enjoined
the
Clergy
,
by
the
Bishops
who
are
their
Ordinaries
.
The
illegality
and
incompetency
of
the
said
Court
of
the
Ecclesiastical
Commissioners
,
was
so
notoriously
known
,
and
it
did
so
evidently
appear
that
it
tended
to
the
subversion
of
the
Protestant
Rel●●ion
,
that
the
most
Reverend
Father
in
God
,
William
Arch-bishop
of
Canterbury
,
Primate
and
Metropolitan
of
all
England
,
seeing
that
it
was
raised
for
no
other
end
,
but
to
oppress
such
Persons
as
were
of
eminent
Virtue
,
Learning
,
and
Piety
,
refused
to
sit
or
concur
in
it
.
And
though
there
are
many
express
Laws
against
all
Churches
or
Chappels
,
for
the
exercise
of
the
Popish
Religion
,
and
also
against
all
Monasteries
and
Convents
,
and
more
particularly
against
the
Order
of
the
Jesuits
:
yet
those
Evil
Counsellors
have
procured
Orders
for
the
building
of
several
Churches
and
Chappels
for
the
Exercise
of
that
Religion
.
They
have
also
procured
divers
Monasteries
to
be
erected
;
and
in
contempt
of
the
Law
they
have
not
only
set
up
several
Colledges
of
Iesuits
in
divers
places
,
for
the
corrupting
of
the
Youth
,
but
have
raised
up
one
of
the
Order
,
to
be
a
Privy
Counsellor
,
and
a
Minister
of
State.
By
all
which
they
do
evidently
shew
,
that
they
are
restrained
by
no
Rules
or
Law
whatsoever
,
but
that
they
have
subjected
the
Honours
and
Estates
of
the
Subjects
,
and
the
Establish'd
Religion
,
to
a
Despotick
Power
,
and
to
Arbitrary
Government
:
In
all
which
they
are
served
and
seconded
by
those
Ecclesiastical
Commissioners
.
They
have
also
followed
the
same
Methods
with
Relation
to
Civil
Affairs
:
For
they
have
procured
Orders
to
examine
all
Lords-Lieutenants
,
Deputy-Lieutenants
,
Sheriffs
,
Justices
of
Peace
,
and
all
others
that
were
in
any
Publick
Employment
,
if
they
would
concur
with
the
King
in
the
Repeal
of
the
Test
and
Penal
Laws
;
and
all
such
whose
Consciences
did
not
suffer
them
to
comply
with
their
Designs
,
were
turned
out
,
and
others
were
put
in
their
places
,
who
they
believe
would
be
more
compliant
to
them
,
in
their
Designs
of
defeating
the
Intent
and
Execution
of
those
Laws
,
which
had
been
made
with
so
much
Care
and
Caution
for
the
Security
of
the
Protestant
Religion
.
And
in
many
of
these
places
they
have
put
professed
Papists
,
though
the
Law
has
disabled
them
,
and
warranted
the
Subjects
not
to
have
any
regard
to
their
Orders
.
They
have
also
invaded
the
Priviledges
,
and
seized
on
the
Charters
of
most
of
those
Towns
that
have
a
right
to
be
represented
by
●heir
Burgesses
in
Parliament
,
and
have
procured
Surrenders
to
be
made
of
them
,
by
which
the
Magistrates
in
them
have
delivered
up
all
their
Rights
and
Priviledges
,
to
be
disposed
of
at
the
pleasure
of
those
Evil
Counsellors
,
who
have
thereupon
placed
new
Magistrates
in
those
Towns
,
such
as
they
can
most
entirely
confide
in
;
and
in
many
of
them
they
have
put
Popish
Magistrates
,
notwithstanding
the
Incapacities
under
which
the
Law
has
put
them
.
And
whereas
no
Nation
whatsoever
can
subsist
without
the
Administration
of
good
and
impartial
Justice
,
upon
which
Mens
Lives
,
Liberties
,
Honours
,
and
Estates
do
depend
;
those
Evil
Counsellors
have
subjected
these
to
an
Arbitrary
and
Despotick
Power
:
In
the
most
important
Affairs
they
have
studied
to
discover
before-hand
the
Opinions
of
the
Judges
,
and
h●ve
turned
out
such
as
they
found
would
not
conform
themselves
to
their
Intentions
,
and
have
put
others
in
their
places
,
of
whom
they
were
more
assured
,
without
having
any
regard
to
their
Abilities
.
And
they
have
not
stuck
to
raise
even
professed
Papists
to
the
Courts
of
Judicature
,
notwithstanding
their
Incapacity
by
Law
,
and
that
no
Regard
is
due
to
any
Sentences
flowing
from
them
.
They
have
carried
this
so
far
as
to
deprive
such
Judges
,
who
in
the
common
Administration
of
Justice
,
shewed
that
they
were
governed
by
their
Consciences
,
and
not
by
the
Directions
which
the
others
gave
them
.
By
which
it
is
apparent
they
design
to
render
themselves
the
absolute
Masters
of
the
Lives
,
Honours
and
Estates
of
the
Subjects
,
of
what
Rank
or
Dignity
soever
they
may
be
;
and
that
without
having
any
regard
either
to
the
Equity
of
the
Cause
,
or
to
the
Conscience
of
the
Judges
,
whom
they
will
have
to
submit
in
all
things
to
their
own
will
and
Pleasure
;
hoping
by
such
ways
to
intimidate
those
who
are
yet
in
Imployment
,
as
also
such
others
as
they
shall
think
fit
to
put
in
the
rooms
of
those
whom
they
have
turned
out
,
and
to
make
them
see
what
they
must
look
for
,
if
they
should
at
any
time
act
in
the
least
contrary
to
their
good
liking
,
and
that
no
failings
of
that
kind
are
pardoned
in
any
Persons
whatsoever
.
A
great
deal
of
Blood
has
been
shed
in
many
places
of
the
Kingdom
by
Judges
governed
by
those
Evil
Counsellors
,
against
all
the
Rules
and
Forms
of
Law
,
without
so
much
as
suffering
the
Persons
that
were
accused
,
to
plead
in
their
own
Defence
.
They
have
also
,
by
putting
the
Administration
of
Justice
into
the
hands
of
Papists
,
brought
all
the
matters
of
Civil
Justice
into
great
uncertainties
;
with
how
much
Exactness
and
Justice
soever
that
these
Sentences
may
have
been
given
.
For
since
the
Laws
of
the
Land
do
not
only
exclude
Papists
from
all
places
of
Judicature
,
but
have
put
them
under
an
Incapacity
,
none
are
bound
to
acknowledg
or
to
obey
their
Judgments
;
and
all
Sentences
given
by
them
,
are
null
and
void
of
themselves
:
so
that
all
Persons
who
have
been
cast
in
Trials
before
such
Popish
Judges
,
may
justly
look
on
their
pretended
Sentences
,
as
having
no
more
force
than
the
Sentences
of
any
private
and
unauthorized
Person
whatsoever
.
So
deplorable
is
the
Case
of
the
Subjects
,
who
are
obliged
to
answer
to
such
Judges
,
that
must
in
all
things
stick
to
the
Rules
which
are
set
them
by
those
Evil
Counsellors
,
who
as
they
raised
them
up
to
those
Imployments
,
so
can
turn
them
out
of
them
at
pleasure
,
and
who
can
never
be
esteemed
lawful
Judges
;
so
that
all
their
Sentences
are
,
in
the
Construction
of
the
Law
,
of
no
Force
and
Efficacy
.
They
have
likewise
disposed
of
all
Military
Imployments
in
the
same
manner
;
for
tho
the
Laws
have
not
only
excluded
Papists
from
all
such
Imployments
,
but
have
in
particular
provided
that
they
should
be
disarmed
;
yet
they
,
in
Contempt
of
these
Laws
,
have
not
only
armed
the
Papists
,
but
have
likewise
raised
them
up
to
the
greatest
Military
Trusts
both
by
Sea
and
Land
,
and
that
Strangers
as
well
as
Natives
,
and
Irish
as
well
as
English
,
that
so
by
those
means
,
having
rendred
themselves
Masters
both
of
the
Affairs
of
the
Church
,
of
the
Government
of
the
Nation
,
and
of
the
course
of
Justice
,
and
subjected
them
all
to
a
Despotick
and
Arbitrary
Power
,
they
might
be
in
a
Capacity
to
maintain
and
execute
their
wicked
Designs
by
the
assistance
of
the
Army
,
and
thereby
to
enslave
the
Nation
.
The
dismal
Effects
of
this
Subversion
of
the
established
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
in
England
,
appear
more
evident
to
us
,
by
what
we
see
done
in
Ireland
:
Where
the
whole
Government
is
put
into
the
Hands
of
Papists
,
and
where
all
the
Protestant
Inhabitants
are
under
the
daily
Fears
of
what
may
be
justly
apprehended
from
the
Arbitrary
Power
which
is
set
up
there
;
which
has
made
great
numbers
of
them
leave
that
Kingdom
,
and
abandon
their
Estates
in
it
,
remembring
well
that
cruel
and
bloody
Massacre
which
fell
out
in
that
Island
in
the
Year
1641.
Those
Evil
Counsellous
have
also
prevailed
with
the
King
to
declare
in
Scotland
,
that
he
is
clothed
with
Absolute
Power
,
and
that
all
the
Subjects
are
bound
to
obey
him
without
Reserve
:
upon
which
he
has
assumed
an
Arbitrary
Power
,
both
over
the
Religion
and
Laws
of
that
Kingdom
,
from
all
which
it
is
apparent
what
is
to
be
looked
for
in
England
,
as
soon
as
matters
are
duly
prepared
for
it
.
Those
great
and
insufferable
Oppressions
,
and
the
open
Contempt
of
all
Law
,
together
with
the
apprehensions
of
the
sad
Consequences
that
must
certainly
follow
upon
it
,
have
put
the
Subj●●ts
under
great
and
just
Fears
,
and
have
made
them
look
after
such
lawful
Remedies
as
are
allowed
of
in
all
Nations
;
yet
all
has
been
without
Effect
.
And
those
Evil
Counsellours
have
endeavoured
to
make
all
Men
apprehend
the
loss
of
their
Lives
,
Liberties
,
Honours
,
and
Estates
,
if
they
should
go
about
to
preserve
themselves
from
this
Oppression
by
Petitions
,
Representations
,
or
other
means
authorised
by
Law.
Thus
did
they
proceed
with
the
Arch-bishop
of
Canterbury
,
and
the
other
Bishops
,
who
having
offer'd
a
most
humble
Petition
to
the
King
,
in
terms
full
of
Respect
,
and
not
exceeding
the
number
limited
by
Law
,
in
which
they
set
forth
in
short
the
Reasons
for
which
they
could
not
obey
that
Order
,
which
,
by
the
Instigation
of
those
Evil
Counsellors
,
was
sent
them
,
requiring
them
to
appoint
their
Clergy
to
read
in
their
Churches
the
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
were
sent
to
Prison
,
and
afterwards
brought
to
a
Trial
,
as
if
they
had
been
guilty
of
some
enormous
Crime
.
They
were
not
only
obliged
to
defend
themselves
in
that
pursuit
,
but
to
appear
before
professed
Papists
,
who
had
not
taken
the
Test
,
and
by
Consequence
were
Men
whose
Interest
led
them
to
condemn
them
;
and
the
Judges
that
gave
their
Opinion
in
their
Favours
were
thereupon
turned
out
.
And
yet
it
cannot
be
pretended
,
that
any
Kings
,
how
great
soever
their
Power
has
been
,
and
how
Arbitrary
and
Despotick
soever
they
have
been
in
the
exercise
of
it
,
have
ever
reckoned
a
Crime
for
their
Subjects
to
come
in
all
Submission
and
Respect
,
and
in
a
due
Number
,
not
exceeding
the
Limits
of
the
Law
,
and
represent
to
them
the
Reasons
that
made
it
impossible
for
them
to
obey
their
Orders
.
Those
Evil
Counsellors
have
also
treated
a
Peer
of
the
Realm
as
a
Criminal
,
only
because
he
said
that
the
Subjects
were
not
bound
to
obey
the
Orders
of
a
Popish
Justice
of
Peace
;
tho
it
is
evident
,
that
they
being
by
Law
rendred
incapable
of
all
such
Trusts
,
no
regard
is
due
to
their
Orders
.
This
being
the
Security
which
the
People
have
by
the
Law
for
their
Lives
,
Liberties
,
Honours
and
Estates
,
that
they
are
not
to
be
subjected
to
the
Arbitrary
Proceedings
of
Papists
that
are
contrary
to
Law
,
put
into
any
Employments
Civil
or
Military
.
Both
We
our selves
,
and
our
Dearest
and
most
Entirely
Beloved
Consort
,
the
Princess
,
have
endeavoured
to
signify
in
terms
full
of
Respect
to
the
King
,
the
just
and
deep
Regret
which
all
these
Proceedings
have
given
us
:
and
in
Compliance
with
his
Majesties
Desires
signified
to
us
,
We
declared
,
both
by
word
of
Mouth
to
his
Envoy
,
and
in
writing
,
what
our
Thoughts
were
touching
the
repealing
of
the
Test
and
Penal
Laws
;
which
we
did
in
such
a
manner
,
that
we
hoped
we
had
proposed
an
Expedient
,
by
which
the
Peace
of
those
Kingdoms
,
and
a
happy
Agreement
among
the
Subjects
of
all
Perswasions
might
have
been
settled
;
but
those
Evil
Counsellors
have
put
such
ill
Constructions
on
these
our
good
Intentions
,
that
they
have
endeavoured
to
alienate
the
King
more
and
more
from
us
;
as
if
We
had
designed
to
disturb
the
Quiet
and
Happiness
of
the
Kingdom
.
The
last
and
great
Remedy
for
all
those
Evils
,
is
the
calling
of
a
Parliament
,
for
securing
the
Nation
against
the
evil
Practices
of
those
wicked
Counsellors
;
but
this
could
not
be
yet
compassed
,
nor
can
it
easily
be
brought
about
.
For
those
Men
apprehending
that
a
lawful
Parliament
being
once
assembled
,
they
would
be
brought
to
an
account
for
all
their
open
Violations
of
Law
,
and
for
their
Plots
and
Conspiracies
against
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Lives
and
Liberties
of
the
Subjects
,
they
have
endeavoured
under
the
specious
Pretence
of
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
first
to
sow
Divisions
among
Protestants
,
between
those
of
the
Church
of
England
and
the
Dissenters
:
The
Design
being
laid
to
engage
Protestants
that
are
all
equally
concerned
to
preserve
themselves
from
Popish
Oppression
,
into
mutual
Quarellings
;
that
so
by
these
,
some
Advantages
might
be
given
to
them
to
bring
about
their
Designs
;
and
that
both
in
the
Election
of
the
Members
of
Parliament
,
and
afterwards
in
the
Parliament
it self
.
For
they
see
well
that
if
all
Protestants
could
enter
into
a
mutual
good
Understanding
one
with
another
,
and
concur
together
,
in
the
preserving
of
their
Religion
,
it
would
not
be
possible
for
them
to
compass
their
wicked
Ends.
They
have
also
required
all
Persons
in
the
several
Counties
of
England
,
that
either
were
in
any
Imployment
,
or
were
in
any
considerable
Esteem
,
to
declare
before-hand
,
that
they
would
concur
in
the
Repeal
of
the
Test
and
Penal
Laws
,
and
that
they
would
give
their
Voices
in
the
Elections
to
Parliament
only
for
such
as
would
concur
in
it
:
Such
as
would
not
thus
preingage
themselves
,
were
turned
out
of
all
Imployments
,
and
others
who
entred
into
those
Engagements
were
put
into
their
places
,
many
of
them
being
Papists
.
And
,
contrary
to
the
Charters
and
Priviledges
of
those
Buroughs
that
have
a
Right
to
send
Burgesses
to
Parliament
,
they
have
ordered
such
Regulations
to
be
made
,
as
they
thought
fit
and
necessary
,
for
assuring
themselves
of
all
the
Members
that
are
to
be
chosen
by
those
Corporations
;
and
by
this
means
they
hope
to
avoid
that
Punishment
which
they
have
deserved
,
tho
it
is
apparent
,
that
all
Acts
made
by
Popish
Magistrates
are
null
and
void
of
themselves
;
so
that
no
Parliament
can
be
lawful
,
for
which
the
Elections
and
Returns
are
made
by
Popish
Sheriffs
and
Mayors
of
Towns
;
and
therefore
,
as
long
as
the
Authority
and
Magistracy
is
in
such
hands
,
it
is
impossible
to
have
any
lawful
Parliament
.
And
tho
according
to
the
Constitution
of
the
English
Government
and
immemorial
Custom
,
all
Elections
of
Parliament-Men
ought
to
be
made
with
an
entire
Liberty
,
without
any
sort
of
Force
,
or
the
requiring
the
Electors
to
chuse
such
Persons
as
shall
be
named
to
them
;
and
the
Persons
thus
freely
elected
,
ought
to
give
their
Opinions
freely
upon
all
matters
that
are
brought
before
them
,
having
the
Good
of
the
Nation
ever
before
their
Eyes
,
and
following
in
all
things
the
Dictates
of
their
Consciences
,
yet
now
the
People
of
England
cannot
expect
a
Remedy
from
a
free
Parliament
legally
called
and
chosen
:
But
they
may
perhaps
see
one
called
,
in
which
all
Elections
will
be
carried
by
Fraud
or
Force
,
and
which
will
be
composed
of
such
Persons
,
of
whom
those
Evil
Counsellors
hold
themselves
well
assured
,
in
which
all
things
will
be
carried
on
according
to
their
Direction
and
Interest
,
without
any
regard
to
the
Good
or
Happiness
of
the
Nation
.
Which
may
appear
evidently
from
this
,
that
the
same
Persons
tried
the
Members
of
the
last
Parliament
,
to
gain
them
to
consent
to
the
Repeal
of
the
Test
and
Penal
Laws
,
and
procured
that
Parliament
to
be
dissolved
when
they
found
that
they
could
not
,
neither
by
Promises
nor
Threatnings
,
prevail
with
the
Members
to
comply
with
their
wicked
Designs
.
But
to
crown
all
,
There
are
great
and
violent
Presumptions
,
inducing
us
to
believe
,
that
those
Evil
Counsellors
,
in
order
to
the
carrying
on
of
their
ill
Designs
,
and
to
the
gaining
to
themselves
the
more
time
for
the
effecting
of
them
,
for
the
encouraging
their
Complices
,
and
for
the
discouraging
of
all
good
Subjects
,
have
published
that
the
Queen
hath
brought
forth
a
Son
;
tho
there
have
appeared
both
during
the
Queen's
pretended
Bigness
,
and
in
the
manner
in
which
the
Birth
was
managed
,
so
many
just
and
visible
grounds
of
Suspicion
,
that
not
only
We
our selves
,
but
all
the
good
Subjects
of
those
Kingdoms
,
do
vehemently
suspect
that
the
pretended
Prince
of
Wales
was
not
born
by
the
Queen
.
And
it
is
notoriously
known
to
all
the
World
,
that
many
both
doubted
of
the
Queen's
Bigness
,
and
of
the
Birth
of
the
Child
,
and
yet
there
was
not
any
one
thing
done
to
satisfie
them
,
or
to
put
an
end
to
their
Doubts
.
And
since
our
Dearest
and
most
Entirely
Beloved
Consort
the
Princess
,
and
likewise
We
our Selves
,
have
so
great
an
Interest
in
this
Matter
,
and
such
a
Right
as
all
the
World
knows
to
the
Succession
to
the
Crown
:
Since
also
the
English
did
in
the
Year
1672.
when
the
States
General
of
the
Vnited
Provinces
were
invaded
in
a
most
unjust
War
,
use
their
uttermost
Endeavours
to
put
an
end
to
that
War
,
and
that
in
opposition
to
those
who
were
then
in
the
Government
;
and
by
their
so
doing
they
run
the
hazard
of
losing
both
the
Favour
of
the
Court
,
and
their
Imployments
:
And
since
the
English
Nation
has
●ver
testified
a
most
particular
Affection
and
Esteem
,
both
to
our
Dearest
Consort
the
Princess
,
and
to
Our Selves
,
We
cannot
excuse
our selves
from
espousing
their
Interests
in
a
Matter
of
such
high
Consequence
,
and
from
contributing
all
that
lies
in
us
for
the
maintaining
both
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
of
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
those
Kingdoms
,
and
for
the
securing
to
them
the
continual
Enjoyment
of
all
their
just
Rights
.
To
the
doing
of
which
we
are
most
earnestly
solicited
by
a
great
many
Lords
both
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
by
many
Gentlemen
and
other
Subjects
of
all
Ranks
.
Therefore
it
is
that
we
have
thought
fit
to
go
over
to
England
,
and
to
carry
over
with
us
a
Force
sufficient
,
by
the
Blessing
of
God
,
to
defend
us
from
the
Violence
of
those
Evil
Counsellors
.
And
We
being
desirous
that
our
Intentions
in
this
may
be
rightly
understood
,
have
for
this
end
prepared
this
Declaration
,
in
which
as
We
have
hitherto
given
a
true
Account
of
the
Reasons
inducing
us
to
it
;
so
we
now
think
fit
to
declare
that
this
our
Expedition
is
intended
for
no
other
Design
,
but
to
have
a
free
and
lawful
Parliament
assembled
,
as
soon
as
possible
;
and
that
in
order
to
this
,
all
the
late
Charters
by
which
the
Elections
of
Burgesses
are
limited
,
contrary
to
the
Ancient
Custom
,
shall
be
considered
as
null
and
of
no
force
;
and
likewise
all
Magistrates
who
have
been
injustly
turned
out
,
shall
forthwith
resume
their
former
Imployments
,
as
well
as
all
the
Buroughs
of
England
,
shall
return
again
to
their
Ancient
Prescriptions
and
Charters
:
And
more
particularly
that
the
Ancient
Charter
of
the
great
and
famous
City
of
London
,
shall
again
be
in
force
;
and
that
the
Writs
for
the
Members
of
Parliament
shall
be
addressed
to
the
proper
Officers
,
according
to
Law
and
Custom
.
That
also
none
be
suffered
to
choose
or
to
be
chosen
Members
of
Parliament
but
such
as
are
qualified
by
Law
;
and
that
the
Members
of
Parliament
being
thus
lawfully
chosen
,
they
shall
meet
and
sit
in
full
Freedom
;
that
so
the
two
Houses
may
concur
in
the
preparing
such
Laws
as
they
,
upon
full
and
free
debate
,
shall
judg
necessary
and
convenient
,
both
for
the
confirming
and
executing
the
Law
concerning
the
Test
,
and
such
other
Laws
as
are
necessary
for
the
Security
and
Maintenance
of
the
Protestant
Religion
;
as
likewise
for
making
such
Laws
as
may
establish
a
good
Agreement
between
the
Church
of
England
and
all
Protestant
Dissenters
,
as
also
for
the
covering
and
securing
of
all
such
who
will
live
peaceably
under
the
Government
as
becomes
good
Subjects
,
from
all
Persecution
upon
the
account
of
their
Religion
,
even
Papists
themselves
not
excepted
;
and
for
the
doing
of
all
other
things
which
the
two
Houses
of
Parliament
shall
find
necessary
for
the
Peace
,
Honour
and
Safety
of
the
Nation
;
so
that
there
may
be
no
more
danger
of
the
Nations
falling
at
any
time
hereafter
under
Arbitrary
Government
.
To
this
Parliament
we
will
also
refer
the
Enquiry
into
the
Birth
of
the
pretended
Prince
of
Wales
,
and
of
all
things
relating
to
it
,
and
to
the
Right
of
Succession
.
And
We
for
our
part
,
will
concur
in
every
thing
that
may
procure
the
Peace
and
Happiness
of
the
Nation
,
which
a
Free
and
Lawful
Parliament
shall
determine
;
since
We
have
nothing
before
our
Eyes
in
this
our
Undertaking
,
but
the
Preservation
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
covering
of
all
Men
from
Persecution
for
their
Consciences
,
and
the
securing
to
the
whole
Nation
the
free
Enjoyment
of
all
their
Laws
,
Rights
and
Liberties
,
under
a
just
and
legal
Government
.
This
is
the
Design
that
We
have
proposed
to
our Selves
in
appearing
upon
this
occasion
in
Arms
:
In
the
Conduct
of
which
,
We
will
keep
the
Forces
under
our
Command
,
under
all
the
strictness
of
Martial
Discipline
,
and
take
a
special
care
that
the
People
of
the
Countries
through
which
we
must
march
,
shall
not
suffer
by
their
means
;
and
as
soon
as
the
State
of
the
Nation
will
admit
of
it
,
We
promise
that
We
will
send
back
all
those
Foreign
Forces
that
we
have
brought
along
with
us
.
We
do
therefore
hope
that
all
People
will
judg
rightly
of
us
,
and
approve
of
these
our
P●oceedings
;
but
We
chiefly
relie
on
the
Blessing
of
God
for
the
Success
of
this
our
Undertaking
,
in
which
We
place
our
whole
and
only
Confidence
.
We
do
in
the
last
place
invite
and
require
all
Persons
whatsoever
,
all
the
Peers
of
the
Realm
,
both
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
all
Lords-Lieutenants
,
Deputy-Lieutenants
,
and
all
Gentlemen
,
Citizens
,
and
other
Commons
of
all
Ranks
,
to
come
and
assist
us
in
order
to
the
executing
of
this
our
Design
,
against
all
such
as
shall
endeavour
to
oppose
us
,
that
so
we
may
prevent
all
those
Miseries
which
must
needs
follow
upon
the
Nations
being
kept
under
Arbitrary
Government
and
Slavery
;
and
that
all
the
Violences
and
Disorders
which
have
overturned
the
whole
Constitution
of
the
English
Government
,
may
be
fully
redressed
in
a
FREE
AND
LEGAL
PARLIAMENT
.
And
We
do
likewise
resolve
,
that
as
soon
as
the
Nations
are
brought
to
a
State
of
Quiet
,
We
will
take
care
that
a
Parliament
shall
be
called
in
Scotland
,
for
the
restoring
the
Ancient
Constitution
of
that
Kingdom
,
and
for
bringing
the
Matters
of
Religion
to
such
a
Settlement
,
that
the
People
may
live
easie
and
happy
,
and
for
putting
an
end
to
all
the
injust
Violences
that
have
been
in
a
course
of
so
many
Years
committed
there
.
We
will
also
study
to
bring
the
Kingdom
of
Ireland
to
such
a
State
,
that
the
Settlement
there
may
be
religiously
observed
;
and
that
the
Protestant
and
British
Interest
there
may
be
secured
.
And
we
will
endeavour
by
all
possible
means
to
procure
such
an
Establishment
in
all
the
three
Kingdoms
,
that
they
may
all
live
in
a
happy
Union
and
Correspondence
together
,
and
that
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Peace
,
Honour
and
Happiness
of
those
Nations
may
be
established
upon
lasting
Foundations
.
Given
under
our
Hand
and
Seal
at
our
Court
in
the
Hague
,
the
Tenth
day
of
October
,
in
the
Year
1688.
WILLIAM
HENRY
,
PRINCE
OF
ORANGE
.
By
His
Highnesses
special
Command
,
C.
HUYGENS.
His
Highnesses
Additional
Declaration
.
AFter
We
had
prepared
and
printed
this
our
Declaration
,
we
have
understood
,
that
the
Subverters
of
the
Religion
and
Laws
of
those
Kingdoms
,
hearing
of
our
Preparations
to
assist
the
People
against
them
,
have
begun
to
retract
some
of
the
Arbitrary
and
Despotick
Powers
that
they
had
assumed
,
and
to
vacate
some
of
their
unjust
Judgments
and
Decrees
.
The
sense
of
their
Guilt
,
and
the
distrust
of
their
Force
,
have
induced
them
to
offer
to
the
City
of
London
some
seeming
Relief
from
their
great
Oppressions
,
hoping
thereby
to
quiet
the
People
,
and
to
divert
them
from
demanding
a
Secure
Reestablishment
of
their
Religion
and
Laws
under
the
shelter
of
our
Arms.
They
do
also
give
out
,
that
we
intend
to
Conquer
and
Enslave
the
Nation
;
and
therefore
it
is
that
we
have
thought
fit
to
add
a
few
words
to
our
Declaration
.
We
are
confident
,
that
no
Persons
can
have
such
hard
Thoughts
of
us
,
as
to
imagine
that
we
have
any
other
Design
in
this
Undertaking
,
than
to
procure
a
Settlement
of
the
Religion
,
and
of
the
Liberties
and
Properties
of
the
Subjects
upon
so
sure
a
Foundation
,
that
there
may
be
no
danger
of
the
Nation
's
relapsing
into
the
like
Miseries
at
any
time
hereafter
.
And
as
the
Forces
we
have
brought
along
with
us
,
are
utterly
disproportioned
to
that
wicked
Design
of
Conquering
the
Nation
,
if
we
were
capable
of
intending
it
;
so
the
great
Numbers
of
the
principal
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
that
are
Men
of
Eminent
Quality
and
Estates
,
and
Persons
of
known
Integrity
and
Zeal
,
both
for
the
Religion
and
Government
of
England
;
many
of
them
being
also
distinguished
by
their
constant
Fidelity
to
the
Crown
,
who
do
both
accompany
Us
in
this
Expedition
,
and
have
earnestly
solicited
Us
to
it
,
will
cover
Us
from
all
such
Malicious
Insinuations
:
For
it
is
not
to
be
imagined
,
that
either
those
who
have
invited
Us
,
or
those
that
are
already
come
to
assist
Us
,
can
join
in
a
wicked
Attempt
of
Conquest
,
to
make
void
their
own
lawful
Titles
to
their
Honours
,
Estates
and
Interests
.
We
are
also
confident
,
that
all
Men
see
how
little
weight
there
is
to
be
laid
on
all
Promises
and
Engagements
that
can
be
now
made
,
since
there
has
been
so
little
regard
had
in
Time
past
to
the
most
solemn
Promises
.
And
as
that
imperfect
Redress
that
is
now
offered
,
is
a
plain
Confession
of
those
Violations
of
the
Government
that
we
have
set
forth
;
so
the
defectiveness
of
it
is
no
less
Apparent
;
for
they
lay
down
nothing
which
they
may
not
take
up
at
pleasure
:
and
they
reserve
entire
,
and
not
so
much
as
mentioned
their
Claims
and
Pretences
to
an
Arbitrary
and
Despotick
Power
;
which
has
been
the
root
of
all
their
Oppression
,
and
of
the
total
subversion
of
the
Government
.
And
it
is
plain
,
that
there
can
be
no
Redress
nor
Remedy
offered
but
in
Parliament
,
by
a
Declaration
of
the
Rights
of
the
Subjects
that
have
been
invaded
,
and
not
by
any
pretended
Acts
of
Grace
,
to
which
the
extremity
of
their
Affairs
has
driven
them
.
Therefore
it
is
that
we
have
thought
fit
to
declare
,
that
we
will
refer
all
to
a
Free
Assembly
of
the
Nation
in
a
Lawful
Parliament
.
Given
under
our
Hand
and
Seal
,
at
our
Court
in
the
Hague
,
the
24
th
day
of
October
,
in
the
Year
of
our
Lord
1688.
William
Henry
,
Prince
of
Orange
.
By
his
Highness
special
Command
,
C.
HUYGENS.
To
the
Right
Honourable
My
Lords
of
his
Majesty's
Commission
Ecclesiastical
.
IMost
humbly
Intreat
your
Lordships
Favourable
Interpretation
of
what
I
now
Write
,
That
since
your
Lordships
are
resolved
to
Proceed
against
those
who
have
not
complyed
with
the
King's
Command
,
in
Reading
His
Deelaration
.
It
is
absolutely
impossible
for
me
to
Serve
His
Majesty
any
longer
in
this
Commission
:
I
beg
leave
to
tell
your
Lordships
,
that
though
I
my Self
did
submit
in
that
particular
,
yet
I
will
never
be
any
way
Instrumental
in
Punishing
those
my
Brethren
that
did
not
.
For
,
as
I
call
God
to
Wittness
,
that
what
I
did
,
was
meerly
in
a
Principle
of
Conscience
;
So
I
am
fully
satisfied
that
their
forbearance
was
upon
the
same
Principle
.
I
have
no
Reason
to
think
otherwise
of
the
whole
Body
of
our
Clergy
,
who
upon
all
Occasions
have
signaliz'd
their
Loyalty
to
the
Crown
;
and
their
Zealous
Affections
to
His
Present
Majesty's
Person
,
in
the
worst
of
Times
.
Now
,
my
Lords
,
the
safety
of
the
whole
Church
of
England
,
seeming
to
be
exceedingly
concerned
in
this
Prosecution
;
I
must
declare
,
I
cannot
with
a
safe
Conscience
,
Sit
or
Iudg
in
this
Caufe
,
upon
so
many
Pious
and
Excellent
Men
,
with
whom
(
if
it
be
God's
Will
)
it
rather
becomes
me
to
Suffer
,
than
to
be
in
the
least
an
Occasion
of
their
Sufferings
.
I
therefore
earnestly
request
your
Lordships
,
to
interceed
with
His
Majesty
,
that
I
may
be
Graciously
dismissed
from
any
further
Attendance
at
your
Board
:
And
to
assure
him
,
that
I
am
still
ready
to
Sacrifice
what
ever
I
have
to
His
Service
,
but
my
Conscience
and
Religion
.
My
Lords
,
I
am
your
Lordships
,
most
Faithful
and
Obedient
Servant
,
ROCHESTER
.
This
Letter
,
as
also
the
foresaid
Declaration
,
should
have
been
in
the
first
Collection
,
but
were
forgotten
till
this
.
The
Speech
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
to
some
Principle
Gentlemen
of
Somersetshire
and
Dorsetshire
,
on
their
coming
to
Ioyn
his
Highness
at
Exeter
the
15th
of
Nov.
1688.
THO
we
know
not
all
your
Persons
,
yet
we
have
a
Catalogue
of
your
Names
,
and
remember
the
Character
of
your
Worth
and
Interest
in
your
Country
.
You
see
we
are
come
according
to
your
Invitation
and
our
Promise
.
Our
Duty
to
God
obliges
us
to
protect
the
Protestant
Religion
;
and
our
Love
to
Mankind
,
your
Liberties
and
Properties
.
We
expected
you
that
dwelt
so
near
the
place
of
our
Landing
,
would
have
joyn'd
us
sooner
,
not
that
it
is
now
too
late
,
nor
that
we
want
your
Military
Assistance
so
much
as
your
Countenance
and
Presence
,
to
justify
our
declar'd
Pretensions
;
rather
than
accomplish
our
good
and
gracious
Designs
.
Tho
we
have
brought
both
a
good
Fleet
,
and
a
good
Army
,
to
render
these
Kingdoms
happy
,
by
rescuing
all
Protestants
from
Popery
,
Slavery
,
and
Arbitrary
Power
;
by
restoring
them
to
their
Rights
and
Properties
established
by
Law
,
and
by
promoting
of
Peace
and
Trade
,
which
is
the
Soul
of
Government
,
and
the
very
Life-Blood
of
a
Nation
;
yet
we
rely
more
on
the
Goodness
of
God
and
the
Justice
of
our
Cause
,
than
on
any
Humane
Force
and
Power
whatever
.
Yet
since
God
is
pleased
we
shall
make
use
of
Humane
means
,
and
not
expect
Miracles
,
for
our
preservation
and
Happiness
;
let
us
not
neglect
making
use
of
this
gracious
Opportunity
,
but
with
Prudence
,
and
Courage
put
in
Execution
our
so
honourable
Purposes
.
Therefore
,
Gentlemen
,
Friends
and
Fellow-Protestants
,
we
bid
you
and
all
your
Followers
most
heartily
Well
come
to
our
Court
and
Camp.
Let
the
whole
World
now
Judg
,
if
our
pretentions
are
not
Just
,
Generous
,
Sincere
,
and
above
Price
;
since
we
might
have
even
a
Bridg
of
Gold
to
Return
back
;
But
it
is
our
Principle
and
Resolution
,
rather
to
dye
in
a
Good
Cause
,
than
live
in
a
Bad
one
,
well
knowing
that
Vertue
and
True
Honour
is
its
own
Reward
,
and
the
Happiness
of
Mankind
Our
Great
and
Only
Design
.
The
True
Copy
of
a
Paper
delivered
by
the
Lord
Devonshire
to
the
Mayor
of
Darby
,
where
he
quarter'd
the
One
and
twentieth
of
November
,
1688.
WE
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
of
the
Northern
Parts
of
England
,
being
deeply
sensible
of
the
Calamities
that
threaten
these
Kingdoms
,
do
think
it
our
Duty
,
as
Christians
and
good
Subjects
,
to
endeavour
what
in
Us
lies
,
the
Healing
of
our
present
Distractions
,
and
preventing
Greater
:
And
as
with
Grief
We
apprehend
the
sad
Consequences
that
may
arise
from
the
Landing
of
an
Army
in
this
Kingdom
from
Foreign
Parts
;
So
We
cannot
but
deplore
the
Occasion
given
for
it
,
by
so
many
Invasions
,
made
of
late
years
,
on
our
Religion
and
Laws
.
And
whereas
We
cannot
think
of
any
other
Expedient
to
compose
our
Differences
,
and
prevent
Effusion
of
Blood
,
than
that
which
procured
a
Settlement
in
these
Kingdoms
,
after
the
late
Civil
Wars
,
the
Meeting
and
Sitting
of
a
Parliament
,
freely
and
duly
Chosen
,
We
think
our Selves
obliged
(
as
far
as
in
Us
lies
)
to
promote
it
;
And
the
rather
,
because
the
Prince
of
Orange
(
as
appears
by
His
Declaration
)
is
willing
to
submit
His
own
Pretensions
,
and
all
other
Matters
,
to
their
Determination
:
We
heartily
wish
,
and
humbly
pray
,
That
His
Majesty
would
Consent
to
this
Expedient
,
in
order
to
a
future
Settlement
;
And
hope
that
such
a
Temperament
may
be
thought
of
,
as
that
the
Army
now
on
foot
,
may
not
give
any
Interruption
to
the
proceeding
of
a
Parliament
.
But
if
to
the
great
Misfortune
and
Ruine
of
these
Kingdoms
,
it
should
prove
otherwise
,
We
further
Declare
,
That
We
will
,
to
our
utmost
,
defend
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
the
Rights
and
Liberties
of
the
Subject
.
A
Letter
from
a
Gentleman
at
Kings-Lyn
,
Decemb.
7.
1688.
to
his
Friend
in
London
.
SIR
,
THE
Duke
of
Norfolk
came
to
Town
on
Wednesday
Night
,
with
many
of
the
chiefest
of
the
County
;
and
yesterday
in
the
Market-place
received
the
Address
following
,
which
was
presented
by
the
Mayor
,
attended
by
the
Body
,
and
many
hundreds
of
the
Inhabitants
.
To
his
Grace
the
most
Noble
HENRY
Duke
of
Norfolk
,
Lord
Marshal
of
England
.
My
Lord
,
THE
daily
Allarums
we
receive
,
as
well
from
Foreign
as
Domestick
Enemies
,
give
us
just
Apprehensions
of
the
approaching
Danger
which
we
conceive
we
are
in
;
and
to
apply
with
all
earnestness
to
your
Grace
as
our
great
Patron
,
in
all
humble
Confidence
to
succeed
in
our
Expectations
,
That
we
may
be
put
into
such
a
posture
by
your
Grace's
Directions
and
Conduct
,
as
may
make
us
appear
as
zealous
as
any
in
the
Defence
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
Laws
and
Ancient
Government
of
this
Kingdom
.
Being
the
desire
of
many
hundreds
,
who
most
humbly
challenge
a
Right
of
your
Grace's
Protection
.
His
Grace's
Answer
.
Mr.
Mayor
,
I
Am
very
much
obliged
to
you
,
and
the
rest
of
your
Body
,
and
those
here
present
,
for
your
good
Opinion
of
me
;
and
the
Confidence
you
have
,
that
I
will
do
what
in
me
lies
to
support
and
defend
the
Laws
,
Liberties
,
and
Protestant
Religion
,
in
which
I
will
never
deceive
you
.
And
since
the
coming
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
hath
given
us
an
opportunity
to
declare
for
the
defence
of
them
;
I
can
only
assure
you
,
that
no
Man
will
venture
his
Life
and
Fortune
more
freely
for
the
Defence
of
the
Laws
,
Liberties
,
and
Protestant
Religion
,
than
I
will
do
;
and
with
all
these
Gentlemen
here
present
,
and
many
more
,
will
unanimously
concur
therein
;
and
you
shall
see
that
all
possible
Care
shall
be
taken
,
that
such
a
Defence
shall
be
made
as
you
require
.
AFter
which
the
Duke
was
,
with
his
Retinue
,
received
at
the
Mayor's
House
at
Dinner
,
with
great
Acclamations
;
and
his
Proceedings
therein
have
put
our
County
into
a
Condition
of
Defence
,
of
which
you
shall
hear
further
in
a
little
time
,
our
Militia
being
ordered
to
be
raised
throughout
the
County
.
Our
Tradesmen
,
Seamen
,
and
Mobile
,
have
this
morning
generally
put
Orange
Ribbon
on
their
Hats
,
Ecchoing
Huzza's
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
and
Duke
of
Norfolk
.
All
are
in
a
hot
Ferment
:
God
send
us
a
good
issue
of
it
.
Lyn-Regis
,
Decemb.
10.
1688.
SIR
,
BY
mine
of
the
7
th
Instant
,
I
gave
you
an
Account
of
the
Address
of
this
Corporation
to
hi●
Grace
the
Duke
of
Norfolk
,
and
of
his
Grace's
Answer
thereto
.
Since
which
his
Grace
has
sent
for
the
Militia
Troops
,
and
put
them
in
a
posture
of
Defence
,
as
appears
by
the
ensuing
Speech
.
The
Duke
of
Norfolk's
Second
Speech
at
Lynn
.
I
Hope
you
see
I
have
endeavoured
to
put
you
in
the
posture
you
desired
,
by
sending
both
for
Horse
and
Foot
of
the
Militia
,
and
am
very
glad
to
see
such
an
Appearance
of
this
Town
in
so
good
a
Condition
.
And
I
do
again
renew
my
former
Assurances
to
you
,
that
I
will
ever
stand
by
you
to
defend
the
Laws
,
Liberties
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
to
procure
a
Settlement
in
Church
and
State
,
in
concurrence
with
the
Lords
and
Gentlemen
in
the
North
,
and
pursuant
to
the
Declaration
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
.
And
so
God
save
the
King.
The
Declaration
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
in
and
about
the
Cities
of
London
and
Westminster
,
Assembled
at
Guildhal
,
Dec.
1688.
WE
doubt
not
but
the
World
believes
that
,
in
this
Great
and
Dangerous
Conjuncture
,
We
are
heartily
and
zealously
concerned
for
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
and
the
Liberties
and
Properties
of
the
Subject
.
And
We
did
reasonably
hope
,
that
the
King
having
Issued
His
Proclamation
,
and
Writs
for
a
Free
Parliament
,
We
might
have
rested
Secure
under
the
Expectation
of
that
Meeting
:
But
His
Majesty
having
withdrawn
Himself
,
and
,
as
We
apprehend
,
in
order
to
His
Departure
out
of
this
Kingdom
,
by
the
Pernicious
Counsels
of
Persons
ill
Affected
to
Our
Nation
and
Religion
,
We
cannot
,
without
being
wanting
to
Our
Duty
,
be
silent
under
those
Calamities
,
wherein
the
Popish
Counsels
which
so
long
prevailed
,
have
miserably
involved
these
Realms
.
We
do
therefore
Unanimously
resolve
to
apply
Our Selves
to
His
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
who
with
so
great
Kindness
to
these
Kingdoms
,
so
vast
Expence
,
and
so
much
hazard
to
his
own
Person
,
hath
Undertaken
,
by
endeavouring
to
Procure
a
Free
Parliament
,
to
rescue
Us
,
with
as
little
Effusion
as
possible
of
Christian
Blood
,
from
the
imminent
Dangers
of
Popery
and
Slavery
.
And
We
do
hereby
Declare
,
That
We
will
,
with
our
utmost
Endeavours
,
assist
his
Highness
in
the
obtaining
such
a
Parliament
with
all
speed
,
wherein
Our
Laws
,
Our
Liberties
and
Properties
may
be
Secured
,
the
Church
of
England
in
particular
,
with
a
due
Liberty
to
Protestant
Dissenters
,
and
in
general
the
Protestant
Religion
and
Interest
ov●r
the
whole
World
may
be
Supported
and
Encouraged
,
to
the
Glory
of
God
,
the
Happiness
of
the
Established
Government
in
these
Kingdoms
,
and
the
Advantage
of
all
Princes
and
States
in
Christendom
,
that
may
be
herein
concerned
.
In
the
mean
time
,
We
will
Endeavour
to
Preserve
,
as
much
as
in
Us
lies
,
the
Peace
and
Security
of
these
great
and
populous
Cities
of
London
and
Westminister
,
and
the
Parts
Adjacent
,
by
taking
Care
to
Disarm
all
Papists
,
and
Secure
all
Jesuits
and
Romish
Priests
,
who
are
in
or
about
the
same
.
And
if
there
be
any
thing
more
to
be
performed
by
Us
,
for
promoting
His
Higness's
Generous
Intentions
for
the
Publick
Good
,
We
shall
be
ready
to
do
it
as
occasion
shall
Require
.
-
W.
Cant.
-
Tho
Ebor.
-
Pembroke
.
-
Dorset
.
-
Mulgrave
.
-
Thanet
.
-
Carlisle
.
-
Craven
.
-
Ailesbury
.
-
Burlington
.
-
Sussex
.
-
Berkeley
.
-
Rochester
.
-
Newport
.
-
Weymouth
.
-
P.
Winchester
.
-
W.
Asaph
.
-
Fran.
Ely.
-
Tho.
Roffen
.
-
Tho.
Petribtrg
.
-
P.
Wharton
.
-
North
and
Grey
.
-
Chandos
.
-
Montague
.
-
T.
Iermyn
.
-
Vaughan
Carbery
.
-
Culpeper
.
-
Crewe
.
-
Osulston
.
WHereas
His
Majesty
hath
privately
this
Morning
withdrawn
himself
,
We
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
whose
Names
are
Subscribed
,
being
assembled
at
Guild-hall
in
London
,
having
Agreed
upon
,
and
Signed
a
Declaration
,
Entituled
,
The
Declaration
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
in
and
about
the
Cities
of
London
and
Westminister
,
Assembled
at
Guild-hall
,
11
Decemb.
1688.
Do
desire
the
Right
Honourable
the
Earl
of
Pembroke
,
the
Right
Honourable
the
Lord
Viscount
Weymouth
,
the
Right
Reverend
Father
in
God
the
Lord
Bishop
of
Ely
,
and
the
Right
Honourable
the
Lord
Culpeper
,
forthwith
to
attend
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
with
the
said
Declaration
,
and
at
the
same
time
acquaint
his
Highness
with
what
we
have
further
done
at
that
Meeting
.
Dated
at
Guild-hall
the
11
th
of
December
,
1688.
A
Paper
delivered
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
by
the
Commissioners
sent
by
his
Majesty
to
Treat
with
Him.
And
his
Highnesses
Answer
.
WHereas
on
the
8
th
of
December
1688
,
at
Hungerford
,
a
Paper
signed
by
the
Marquess
of
Hallifax
,
the
Earl
of
Nottingham
,
and
the
Lord
Godolphin
,
Commissioners
sent
unto
Us
from
His
Majesty
,
was
delivered
to
Us
in
these
Words
following
,
viz.
SIR
,
THE
King
commandeth
us
to
acquaint
You
,
That
he
observeth
all
the
Differences
and
Causes
of
Complaint
alledged
by
Your
Highness
seem
to
be
referred
to
a
Free
Parliament
.
His
Majesty
,
as
He
hath
already
declared
,
was
resolved
before
this
to
call
one
,
but
thought
that
in
the
present
State
of
Affairs
it
was
adviseable
to
defer
it
till
things
were
more
compos'd
.
Yet
seeing
that
His
People
still
continue
to
desire
it
;
He
hath
put
forth
His
Proclamation
in
order
to
it
,
and
hath
Issued
forth
His
Writs
for
the
calling
of
it
.
And
to
prevent
any
Cause
of
Interruption
in
it
,
He
will
consent
to
every
thing
that
can
be
reasonably
required
for
the
Security
of
all
those
that
shall
come
to
it
.
His
Majesty
hath
therefore
sent
Us
to
attend
Your
Highness
for
the
adjusting
of
all
Matters
that
shall
be
agreed
to
be
necessary
to
the
Freedom
of
Elections
,
and
the
Security
of
Sitting
,
and
is
ready
immediately
to
enter
into
a
Treaty
in
Order
to
it
.
His
Majesty
proposeth
that
in
the
mean
time
the
respective
Armies
may
be
restrained
within
such
Limits
,
and
at
such
a
Distance
from
London
,
as
may
prevent
the
Apprehensions
that
the
Parliament
may
in
any
kind
be
disturbed
,
being
desirous
that
the
Meeting
of
it
may
be
no
longer
delay'd
than
it
must
be
by
the
usual
and
necessary
Forms
.
Signed
,
Hallifax
,
Nottingham
,
Godolphin
.
Hungerford
,
Dec.
8
,
88.
We
,
with
the
Advice
of
the
Lords
and
Gentlemen
Assembled
with
Us
,
have
,
in
Answer
to
the
same
,
made
these
following
Proposals
.
I.
THat
all
Papists
,
and
such
Persons
as
are
not
qualified
by
Law
,
be
Disarmed
,
Disbanded
,
and
Removed
from
all
Employments
,
Civil
and
Military
.
II.
That
all
Proclamations
which
Reflect
upon
Us
,
or
any
that
have
come
to
Us
,
or
declared
for
Us
,
be
recalled
;
and
that
if
any
Persons
for
having
so
Assisted
,
have
been
committed
,
that
they
be
forthwith
set
at
Liberty
.
III.
That
for
the
Security
and
Safety
of
the
City
of
London
,
the
Custody
and
Government
of
the
Tower
be
immediately
put
into
the
hands
of
the
said
City
.
IV.
That
if
His
Majesty
shall
think
fit
to
be
at
London
,
during
the
Sitting
of
the
Parliament
,
that
We
may
be
there
also
,
with
equal
Number
of
Our
Guards
.
Or
if
his
Majesty
shall
please
to
be
in
any
place
from
London
,
at
what-ever
distance
he
thinks
fit
,
that
We
may
be
at
a
place
of
the
same
distance
.
And
that
the
respective
Armies
do
remove
from
London
Thirty
Miles
,
and
that
no
more
Foreign
Forces
be
brought
into
the
Kingdom
.
V.
That
for
the
Security
of
the
Citiy
of
London
and
their
Trade
,
Tilbury
For●
be
put
into
the
hands
of
the
said
City
.
VI.
That
to
prevent
the
Landing
of
French
,
or
other
Foreign
Troops
,
Portsmouth
may
be
put
into
such
hands
,
as
by
Your
Majesty
and
Us
shall
be
agreed
upon
.
VII
.
That
some
sufficient
part
of
the
Publick
Revenue
be
Assigned
Us
,
for
the
Maintaining
of
our
Forces
,
until
the
Meeting
of
a
Free
Parliament
.
Given
at
Littlecott
,
the
Ninth
of
December
,
1688.
W.
H.
Prince
of
Orange
.
The
KING's
Letter
TO
THE
EARL
of
FEVERSHAM
,
Upon
his
leaving
Whitehall
.
Together
with
the
Earl
of
Feversham's
Letter
to
his
Highness
the
PRINCE
of
Orange
,
after
the
King's
departure
.
Whitehall
,
Decemb.
10.
1688.
THings
being
come
to
that
Extremity
,
that
I
have
been
forced
to
send
away
the
Queen
and
my
Son
the
Prince
of
Wales
,
that
they
might
not
fall
into
my
Enemies
Hands
,
which
they
must
have
done
,
if
they
had
staid
,
I
am
obliged
to
do
the
same
thing
,
and
to
endeavour
to
secure
my self
the
best
I
can
,
in
hopes
it
will
please
God
out
of
his
infinite
Mercy
to
this
Unhappy
Nation
,
to
touch
their
Hearts
again
with
true
Loyalty
and
Honour
.
If
I
could
have
relied
on
all
my
Troops
,
I
might
not
have
been
put
to
the
extremity
I
am
in
,
and
would
at
least
have
had
one
Blow
for
it
;
but
though
I
know
there
are
many
Loyal
and
brave
Men
amongst
you
,
both
Officers
and
Souldiers
,
yet
you
know
,
that
both
you
and
several
of
the
General
Officers
and
Men
of
the
Army
told
me
,
it
was
no
ways
adviseable
for
me
to
venture
my Self
at
their
Head
,
or
think
to
fight
the
Prince
of
Orange
with
them
;
and
now
there
remains
only
for
me
to
thank
you
,
and
all
those
both
Officers
and
Souldiers
who
have
stuck
to
me
,
and
been
truly
Loyal
.
I
hope
you
will
still
retain
the
same
Fidelity
to
Me
,
and
though
I
do
not
expect
you
should
expose
your selves
by
resisting
a
Foreign
Army
,
and
a
poysoned
Nation
,
yet
I
hope
your
former
Principles
are
so
enrooted
in
you
,
that
you
will
keep
your selves
free
from
Associations
,
and
such
pernicious
things
.
Time
presses
,
so
that
I
can
say
no
more
.
I.
R.
I
must
add
this
,
That
as
I
have
always
found
you
Loyal
,
so
you
have
found
me
a
kind
Master
,
as
you
shall
still
find
me
to
be
.
The
Earl
of
Feversham's
Letter
.
SIR
,
HAving
receiving
this
Morning
a
Letter
from
His
Majesty
,
with
the
unfortunate
News
of
his
Resolution
to
go
out
of
England
,
and
that
he
is
actually
gone
,
I
thought
my self
obliged
,
being
at
the
Head
of
his
Army
,
having
received
His
Majesties
Order
to
make
no
opposition
against
any
body
,
to
let
your
Highness
know
,
(
with
the
Advice
of
the
Officers
here
)
so
soon
as
it
was
possible
,
to
hinder
the
misfortune
of
effusion
of
Blood
;
I
have
ordered
already
to
that
purpose
all
the
Troops
that
are
under
my
Command
,
which
shall
be
the
last
Order
they
shall
receive
from
,
&c.
By
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
a
DECLARATION
.
WHereas
We
are
Informed
,
That
divers
Regiments
,
Troops
and
Companies
,
have
been
Encouraged
to
Disperse
themselves
in
an
Unusual
and
Unwarrantable
Manner
,
whereby
the
Publick
Peace
is
very
much
Disturbed
:
We
have
thought
fit
,
hereby
to
Require
all
Colonels
and
Commanders
in
Chief
of
such
Regiments
,
Troops
and
Companies
,
by
Beat
of
Drum
,
or
otherwise
,
to
call
together
the
several
Officers
and
Soldiers
,
belonging
to
their
Respective
Regiments
,
Troops
and
Companies
,
in
such
Places
as
they
shall
find
most
Convenient
for
their
Rendezvous
,
and
there
to
keep
them
in
good
Order
and
Discipline
.
And
We
do
likewise
Direct
and
Require
all
such
Officers
and
Soldiers
,
forthwith
to
Repair
to
such
Place
as
shall
be
Appointed
for
that
Purpose
by
the
respective
Colonels
or
Commanders
in
Chief
,
Whereof
speedy
Notice
is
to
be
given
unto
Us
,
for
Our
further
Orders
.
Given
at
Our
Court
at
Henly
,
the
Thirteenth
Day
of
December
,
1688.
W.
H.
Prince
of
Orange
.
Guild-Hall
,
London
.
December
the
11th
,
1688.
By
the
Commissioners
of
Lieutenancy
for
the
said
City
.
Ordered
,
THat
Sir
Robert
Clayton
,
Knt.
Sir
William
Russel
,
Knt.
Sir
Basil
Firebrace
,
Knt.
and
Charles
Duncomb
,
Esq
be
a
Committee
from
the
said
Lieutenancy
to
Attend
His
Royal
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
and
present
to
His
Highness
the
Address
agreed
by
the
Lieutenancy
for
that
purpose
:
And
that
they
begin
their
Journey
to
Morrow
Morning
.
By
the
Commissioners
Command
,
Geo.
Evans
,
Cl.
Lieut.
London
.
To
His
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
.
The
Humble
Address
of
the
Lieutenancy
of
the
City
of
London
.
May
it
please
Your
Highness
,
WE
can
never
sufficiently
express
the
deep
Sence
we
have
conceived
,
and
shall
ever
retain
in
our
Hearts
,
That
Your
Highness
has
exposed
Your
Person
to
so
many
Dangers
both
by
Sea
and
Land
for
the
Preservation
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
this
Kingdom
;
without
which
unparallel'd
Undertaking
we
must
probably
have
suffered
all
the
Miseries
that
Popery
and
Slavery
could
have
brought
upon
us
.
We
have
been
greatly
concerned
,
that
before
this
time
we
have
not
had
any
seasonable
Opportunity
to
give
Your
Highness
and
the
World
a
real
Testimony
,
that
it
has
been
our
firm
Resolution
to
venture
all
that
is
Dear
to
Us
to
attain
those
Glorious
Ends
which
Your
Highness
has
proposed
for
restoring
and
settling
these
Distracted
Nations
.
We
therefore
now
unanimously
present
to
Your
Highness
our
just
and
due
Acknowledgments
for
the
Happy
Relief
You
have
brought
to
us
,
and
that
we
may
not
be
wanting
in
this
present
Conjuncture
,
we
have
put
our selves
into
such
a
Posture
,
that
(
by
the
Blessing
of
God
)
we
may
be
capable
to
prevent
all
ill
Designs
,
and
to
preserve
this
City
in
Peace
and
Safety
till
your
Highness's
Happy
Arrival
.
We
therefore
humbly
desire
that
your
Highness
will
please
to
repair
to
this
City
with
what
convenient
speed
you
can
,
for
the
perfecting
the
Great
Work
which
Your
Highness
has
so
happily
begun
,
to
the
general
Joy
and
Satisfaction
of
us
all
.
December
the
17
th
,
1688.
THE
said
Committee
this
day
made
Report
to
the
Lieutenancy
,
that
they
had
presented
the
said
Address
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
and
that
His
Highness
received
them
very
kindly
.
December
the
17
th
,
1688.
By
the
Lieutenancy
.
Ordered
,
That
the
said
Order
and
Address
be
forthwith
Printed
.
Geo.
Evans
.
To
His
Highness
the
Prince
of
ORANGE
:
The
Humble
ADDRESS
of
the
Lord
Mayor
,
Aldermen
and
Commons
of
the
City
of
London
,
in
Common
Council
assembled
.
May
it
please
Your
Highness
,
WE
taking
into
Consideration
your
Highness's
fervent
Zeal
for
the
Protestant
Religion
,
manifested
to
the
World
,
in
your
many
and
hazardous
Enterprizes
,
which
it
hath
pleased
Almighty
God
to
bless
you
with
miraculous
Success
.
We
render
our
deepest
Thanks
to
the
Divine
Majesty
for
the
same
:
And
beg
leave
to
present
our
most
humble
Thanks
to
your
Highness
,
particularly
for
your
appearing
in
Arms
in
this
Kingdom
,
to
carry
on
and
perfect
your
Glorious
Design
,
to
rescue
England
,
Scotland
and
Ireland
,
from
Slavery
and
Popery
,
and
in
a
Free
Parliament
to
establish
the
Religion
,
the
Laws
,
and
the
Liberties
of
these
Kingdoms
upon
a
sure
and
lasting
Foundation
.
We
have
hitherto
look'd
for
some
Remedy
for
these
Oppressions
and
Imminent
Dangers
We
,
together
with
Our
Protestant
Fellow-Subjects
,
laboured
under
,
from
His
Majesty's
Concessions
and
Concurrences
with
Your
Highness's
Just
and
Pious
purposes
,
expressed
in
Your
Gracious
Declarations
.
But
herein
finding
Our Selves
finally
disappointed
by
His
Majesty's
withdrawing
Himself
,
We
presume
to
make
Your
Highness
Our
Refuge
:
And
do
in
the
Name
of
this
Capital
CITY
,
implore
Your
Highness's
Protection
;
and
most
humbly
beseech
Your
Highness
to
vouchsafe
to
repair
to
this
CITY
,
where
Your
Highness
will
be
received
with
Universal
Joy
and
Satisfaction
.
The
Speech
of
Sir
GEORGE
TREBY
,
Kt.
Recorder
of
the
Honourable
City
of
London
,
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
Dec.
20.
1688.
May
it
please
your
Highness
,
THE
Lord
Mayor
being
disabled
by
Sickness
,
your
Highness
is
attended
by
the
Aldermen
and
Commons
of
the
Capital
City
of
this
Kingdom
,
deputed
to
Congratulate
your
Highness
upon
this
great
and
glorious
Occasion
.
In
which
,
labouring
for
Words
,
we
cannot
but
come
short
in
Expression
.
Reviewing
our
late
Danger
,
we
remember
our
Church
and
State
,
over-run
by
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
,
and
brought
to
the
Point
of
Destruction
,
by
the
Conduct
of
Men
(
that
were
our
true
Invaders
)
that
brake
the
Sacred
Fences
of
our
Laws
,
and
(
which
was
worst
)
the
very
Constitution
of
our
Legislature
.
So
that
there
was
no
Remedy
left
but
the
Last
.
The
only
Person
,
under
Heaven
,
that
could
apply
this
Remedy
,
was
Your
Highness
.
You
are
of
a
Nation
,
whose
Alliance
,
in
all
Times
,
has
been
agreeable
and
prosperous
to
us
.
You
are
of
a
Family
most
Illustrious
,
Benefactors
to
Mankind
.
To
have
the
Title
of
Sovereign
Prince
,
Stadtholder
,
and
to
have
worn
the
Imperial
Crown
,
are
among
their
lesser
Dignities
:
They
have
long
enjoyed
a
Dignity
singular
and
transcendent
,
viz.
To
be
Champions
of
Almighty
God
,
sent
forth
in
several
Ages
,
to
vindicate
his
Cause
against
the
greatest
Oppressions
.
To
this
Divine
Commission
,
our
Nobles
,
our
Gentry
,
and
among
them
our
brave
English
Souldiers
,
rendred
themselves
and
their
Arms
upon
your
appearing
.
GREAT
SIR
,
When
we
look
back
to
the
last
Month
,
and
contemplate
the
Swiftness
and
Fullness
of
our
present
Deliverance
,
astonish'd
,
we
think
it
miraculous
.
Your
Highness
,
led
by
the
Hand
of
Heaven
,
and
called
by
the
Voice
of
the
People
,
has
preserved
our
dearest
Interests
.
The
Protestant
Religion
,
which
is
Primitive
Christianity
,
restor'd
.
Our
Laws
,
which
are
our
ancient
Title
to
our
Lives
,
Liberties
,
and
Estates
,
and
without
which
this
World
were
a
Wilderness
.
But
,
what
Retribution
can
We
make
to
your
Highness
?
Our
Thoughts
are
full-charged
with
Gratitude
.
Your
Highness
has
a
lasting
Monument
in
the
Hearts
,
in
the
Prayers
,
in
the
Praises
of
all
Good
Men
amongst
us
.
And
late
Posterity
will
celebrate
your
ever-glorious
Name
,
till
Time
shall
be
no
more
.
Chapman
Mayor
.
Cur'
special'
tent'
die
Iovis
xx
.
die
Decemb'
1688.
Annoque
R
R.
Iacobi
Secundi
Angl'
&c.
quarto
.
THis
Court
doth
desire
Mr.
Recorder
to
print
his
Speech
this
day
made
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
at
the
time
of
this
Court
's
attending
his
Highness
,
with
the
Deputies
of
the
several
Wards
,
and
other
Members
of
the
Common-Council
.
Wagstaffe
.
FINIS
.
A
FIFTH
Collection
of
Papers
Relating
to
the
Present
Juncture
of
Affairs
in
England
.
VIZ.
-
I.
The
hard
Case
of
Protestant
Subjects
under
the
Dominion
of
a
Popish
Prince
.
-
II.
An
Answer
to
a
late
Pamphlet
,
entitled
,
A
Short
Scheme
of
the
Vsurpations
of
the
Crown
of
England
,
&c.
-
III.
An
humble
and
hearty
Address
to
all
English
Protestants
in
the
Army
.
Published
by
Mr.
Iohnson
in
the
Year
1686.
-
IV.
Several
Reasons
against
the
Establishment
of
a
standing
Army
,
and
Dissolving
the
Militia
.
-
V.
A
Discourse
of
Magistracy
;
of
Prerogative
by
Divine
Right
;
of
Obedience
,
and
of
the
Laws
.
-
VI.
The
Definition
of
a
Tyrant
,
by
Abr.
Cowley
:
With
several
Queries
thereupon
proposed
to
the
Lawyers
.
-
VII
.
A
Letter
to
the
King
,
inducing
him
to
return
to
the
Protestant
Religion
.
-
VIII
.
Ten
Seasonable
Queries
,
proposed
by
an
English
Gentleman
at
Amsterdam
to
his
Friends
in
England
.
Licensed
and
Entred
according
to
Order
.
London
printed
,
and
are
to
be
sold
by
Rich.
Ianeway
in
Queen's-head
Court
in
Pater-Noster
Row
,
1688.
The
hard
Case
of
Protestant
Subjects
under
the
Dominion
of
a
Popish
Prince
.
A
Prince
putting
himself
and
his
Dominions
under
the
Authority
of
the
Pope
,
and
admitting
(
as
he
must
unavoidably
)
the
Laws
and
Decrees
of
the
Romish
Church
,
all
his
Protestant
Subjects
being
,
by
the
Judgment
and
Sentence
of
that
Church
,
Hereticks
[
a
](A33842-e25550-b)
a
Distinct.
19.
cap.
a
Caus.
25.
q.
1.
cap.
11.
,
do
forthwith
lie
under
the
Penalty
which
those
Laws
and
Constitutions
will
have
inflicted
upon
Hereticks
;
Heresie
[
b
](A33842-e25610-b)
b
Cap.
Vergent
.
de
Hereticis
.
being
the
highest
degree
of
High-Treason
,
called
therefore
by
them
,
Laesae
Crimen
Majestatis
Divinae
:
So
the
English
Protestant
must
be
a
Traytor
,
and
the
worst
of
Traytors
,
and
exposed
to
the
Penalties
of
High-Treason
.
The
Laws
and
Decrees
of
the
Romish
Church
against
Hereticks
.
Heresie
[
c
](A33842-e25730-b)
c
Cap.
Infam
.
6.
q.
1.
p.
297.
is
denounced
Infamous
,
and
the
Heretick
must
be
dealt
with
as
such
;
which
is
many
Penalties
in
one
.
First
,
Whereby
they
are
deprived
of
all
Nobility
,
Jurisdiction
and
Dignity
,
and
debarred
from
all
Offices
,
and
publick
Councils
,
Parliaments
and
others
;
being
made
uncapable
of
choosing
,
and
being
chosen
:
So
that
it
reacheth
all
sorts
[
d
](A33842-e25800-b)
d
Suar.
de
Fide
disp.
12.
§.
9.
n.
●
.
l.
2.
c.
29.
of
Clergy
,
Laity
,
Noble
and
Ignoble
;
which
is
extended
to
their
Children
also
.
For
,
they
say
,
The
Issue
of
Traytors
,
Civil
and
Spiritual
,
lose
their
Nobility
.
And
all
that
owe
any
Duty
to
such
Infamous
Persons
,
are
discharged
and
exempted
therefrom
,
as
Subjects
[
e
](A33842-e25860-b)
e
Cap.
de
Haer.
from
their
Prince
,
Servants
[
f
](A33842-e25880-b)
f
A●zo●
.
Tom.
1.
l.
8.
c.
12.
q.
7.
from
the●r
Masters
,
Children
[
g
](A33842-e25910-b)
g
Cap.
2.
Sect.
fin
.
de
Haer.
in
6.
from
their
Parents
,
whom
they
also
may
lawfully
kill
.
Whereby
we
may
see
a
little
,
to
what
condition
the
Admission
of
the
Papal
Authority
would
reduce
us
,
expelling
both
Nature
and
Humanity
,
and
making
the
dearest
Relatives
unnatural
and
barbarous
to
one
another
;
it
would
leave
no
Protestant
either
Dignity
or
Authority
,
either
Safety
or
Liberty
;
Nobles
are
sentenced
to
Peasants
,
and
Peasants
to
Slaves
.
Secondly
,
Another
Penalty
to
which
Hereticks
are
condemned
by
their
Law
,
is
Confiscation
of
Goods
and
Estate
;
and
this
they
incur
ipso
jure
,
&
ipso
facto
;
that
is
,
immediately
as
soon
as
they
shew
themselves
Hereticks
,
before
any
legal
Sentence
have
passed
:
For
which
there
is
an
express
Decree
in
the
Canon-Law
;
[
h
](A33842-e26020-b)
h
Cap.
cum
secundum
Legis
de
Haer.
.
Inno
III.
cap.
de
Vergentis
.
Bona
Haereticorum
ipso
jure
discernemus
confiscata
;
We
decree
the
Goods
of
Hereticks
to
be
confiscate
by
Sentence
of
Law.
The
Effects
of
this
Confiscation
,
wherein
they
all
agree
,
makes
the
Severity
of
the
Law
apparent
,
viz.
First
,
All
the
Profits
made
of
the
Estate
from
the
first
day
of
their
Guilt
,
is
to
be
[
i
](A33842-e26090-b)
i
Vasque
in
Suar.
disp.
22.
S.
4.
n.
11.
refunded
.
Secondly
,
All
Alienations
[
k
](A33842-e26130-b)
k
S.
1.
n.
5.
by
Gift
,
Sale
,
or
otherwise
,
before
Sentence
,
are
null
and
void
;
and
all
Contracts
for
that
purpose
[
l
](A33842-e26150-b)
l
Cap.
Vergent
.
de
Haer.
rescinded
.
Thirdly
,
Children
,
Heirs
of
Hereticks
,
are
deprived
of
their
Portions
;
yea
,
tho
they
be
Papists
.
Whereby
it
appears
,
that
as
soon
as
the
Papacy
is
admitted
,
all
Title
and
Property
is
lost
and
extinct
among
us
:
And
therefore
we
must
not
think
that
Pope
acted
extravagantly
,
who
declared
,
That
all
his
Majesty's
Territories
were
his
own
,
as
forfeited
to
the
Holy
See
for
the
Heresie
of
Prince
and
People
.
Not
only
Abby-Lands
are
in
danger
,
who
ever
possess
them
;
but
all
Estates
are
forfeited
to
his
Exchequer
,
and
legally
confiscated
:
All
is
his
own
which
Protestants
in
these
three
Nations
have
or
ever
had
,
if
he
can
but
meet
with
a
Prince
so
wise
as
to
help
him
to
catch
it
;
whose
process
follows
them
beyond
their
Grave
,
and
ruins
their
Children
,
and
Children's
Children
after
them
.
And
when
they
have
strip'd
the
Heretick
of
his
All
,
they
provide
that
no
other
shall
relieve
him
,
viz.
That
none
shall
receive
him
into
their
Houses
,
nor
afford
him
any
Help
,
nor
shew
him
any
Favour
,
nor
give
him
any
Counsel
.
We
are
here
in
England
zealous
for
Property
;
and
all
the
reason
in
the
World
we
should
so
be
:
But
we
must
bid
adieu
to
this
,
when
we
once
come
under
the
Pope's
Authority
;
for
as
soon
as
this
is
admitted
,
all
the
Protestants
in
these
Nations
are
Beggars
by
Lrw
,
viz.
by
the
Laws
of
that
Church
,
which
will
then
be
Ours
,
divesting
us
of
all
Property
and
Title
to
whatever
we
account
our
own
.
Thirdly
,
Another
Penalty
which
their
Law
inflicts
on
Hereticks
,
is
Death
[
m
](A33842-e26320-b)
m
Cap.
ad
abolendum
de
Ha●r
.
Su●r
.
Dis.
23.
Bul.
Vrb.
4.
&
Inno.
4.
,
which
is
the
Sentence
of
the
Canon-Law
;
and
which
is
so
absolute
,
that
no
Secular
Judg
can
remit
,
and
which
is
the
Judgment
of
all
the
Doctors
,
Ita
docent
omnes
Doctores
:
And
from
which
Penalty
,
neither
Emperors
nor
Kings
themselves
are
to
be
freed
or
exempt
.
And
the
Death
they
inflict
is
burning
alive
:
No
Death
more
tolerable
,
or
of
less
exquisite
Torture
will
satisfy
the
Mercy
of
that
Church
.
The
Canon
saith
thus
;
Decernimus
ut
vivi
in
conspectu
hominum
comburantur
;
We
decree
,
that
they
shall
be
burnt
alive
in
the
sight
of
the
World.
So
our
last
Popish
Successor
,
Queen
Mary
,
practised
upon
near
three
hundred
Persons
,
without
regard
either
to
Age
,
Sex
,
or
Quality
:
the
Scripture
they
urge
for
it
,
is
Iohn
15.6
.
[
n
](A33842-e26460-b)
n
Jac.
de
Gra.
decis
.
l.
2.
c.
9.
n.
2.
If
any
one
abide
not
in
me
,
Men
gather
them
and
cast
them
into
the
Fire
,
and
they
are
burnt
.
So
that
as
soon
as
the
Papal
Authority
is
admitted
among
us
,
all
the
Protestants
in
these
Nations
are
dead
Men
in
Law
;
being
under
a
Law
that
hath
sentenced
us
to
be
burnt
alive
,
and
under
a
Power
that
hath
declared
it
necessary
that
no
one
of
us
escape
with
Life
.
Fourthly
,
Where
legal
Penalties
cannot
take
place
,
by
reason
of
opposite
Strength
,
they
hold
War
necessary
,
and
lawful
to
chastise
Hereticks
:
For
which
we
might
give
you
divers
Authorities
;
[
o
](A33842-e26600-b)
o
Bonacina
Diano
.
Castro
Molanus
,
&c.
Car.
Allen.
ad
mon.
to
Nobl.
&
Peop.
p.
41.
but
let
Cardinal
Allen
,
our
Country-man
,
suffice
;
who
asserts
it
is
not
only
lawful
,
but
necessary
:
His
words
are
these
:
It
is
clear
(
saith
he
)
what
People
or
Persons
soever
be
declared
to
be
opposite
to
GOD's
Church
,
with
what
Obligation
soever
either
of
Kindred
,
Friendship
,
Loyalty
,
or
Subjection
I
be
bound
unto
them
;
I
may
,
or
rather
must
take
up
Arms
against
them
;
and
then
must
we
take
them
for
Hereticks
when
our
lawful
Popes
adjudg
them
so
to
be
.
And
which
(
saith
Cardinal
Pool
)
is
a
War
more
holy
than
that
against
the
Turks
.
Fifthly
,
To
destroy
them
by
Massacres
is
sometimes
held
more
adviseable
than
to
run
the
hazard
of
War
,
and
which
(
they
say
)
is
both
lawful
and
meritorious
,
for
the
rooting
out
a
Pestilent
Heresy
,
and
the
promoting
the
Roman
Interest
.
This
set
a-foot
the
Irish
Massacre
,
that
inhuman
bloody
Butchery
,
and
so
much
from
the
Savageness
and
Cruelty
of
their
Nature
,
as
the
Doctrines
and
Principles
which
directed
and
encouraged
it
;
as
also
that
of
Paris
,
than
which
nothing
was
more
grateful
and
acceptable
to
their
Popes
,
as
their
[
p
](A33842-e26770-b)
p
●riess
of
P.
G.
13.
&
Clem.
8.
Bulls
make
manifest
,
and
the
picturing
it
in
the
Pope's
Chamber
;
and
for
which
,
as
a
most
glorious
Action
,
Triumphs
were
made
,
and
publick
Thanksgivings
were
returned
to
God.
So
in
Savoy
,
and
elsewhere
,
both
in
former
and
latter
Times
.
And
this
was
that
which
the
late
Conspirators
aimed
at
so
fully
intending
a
Massacre
.
Those
that
escaped
a
Massacre
,
saith
[
q
](A33842-e26840-b)
q
5.
Ies.
Trial
,
p.
28.
Dugdale
,
must
be
cut
off
by
the
Army
.
And
[
r
](A33842-e26870-b)
r
Col.
Lr.
●o
the
Intern●ncio
.
Coleman
tells
the
Internuncio
in
his
Letters
;
That
their
Design
prospered
so
well
,
that
he
doubted
not
in
a
little
time
,
their
Business
would
be
managed
to
the
utter
Ruin
of
the
Protestant
Party
:
The
effecting
whereof
was
so
desirable
and
meritorious
,
that
if
he
had
a
Sea
of
Flood
,
and
an
hundred
Lives
,
he
would
lose
them
all
to
carry
on
the
Design
.
And
if
to
effect
this
,
it
were
necessary
to
destroy
an
hundred
Heretical
Kings
,
he
would
do
it
[
s
](A33842-e26940-b)
s
Prance
's
Nar.
p.
4.
.
Singleton
the
Priest
affirmed
,
That
he
would
make
no
more
to
stab
forty
Parliament-Men
,
than
to
eat
his
Dinner
.
Gerard
and
Kelley
,
to
encourage
Prance
to
kill
Sir
E.
B.
G.
told
him
,
It
was
no
Murther
,
no
Sin
,
and
that
to
kill
twenty
of
them
was
nothing
in
that
case
;
which
was
both
a
charitable
and
meritorious
Act.
And
[
t
](A33842-e27030-b)
t
Caus.
Ep.
p.
189.
Grant
,
one
of
the
Massacring
Gun-powder
Traitors
,
said
,
upon
his
Execution
,
to
one
that
urged
him
to
repent
of
that
wicked
Enterprize
,
That
he
was
so
far
from
counting
it
a
Sin
,
that
on
the
contrary
,
he
was
confident
,
that
that
noble
Design
had
so
much
of
Merit
in
it
,
as
would
be
abundantly
enough
to
make
Satisfaction
for
all
the
Sins
of
his
whole
Life
.
See
Everard
Digby
speaking
to
the
same
purpose
also
;
the
Provincial
Garnet
did
teach
the
Conspirators
the
same
Catholick
Doctrine
,
viz.
That
the
King
,
Nobility
,
Clergy
,
and
whole
Commonalty
of
the
Realm
of
England
(
Papists
excepted
)
were
Hereticks
;
and
,
That
all
Hereticks
were
accursed
and
excommunicated
;
and
That
no
Heretick
could
be
a
King
,
but
that
it
was
lawful
and
meritorious
to
kill
him
,
and
all
other
Hereticks
within
this
Realm
of
England
,
for
the
advancement
and
inlargement
of
the
Authority
and
Jurisdiction
of
the
Pope
,
and
for
the
restoring
of
the
Romish
Religion
.
This
was
that
Garnet
whom
the
Papists
here
honoured
as
a
Pope
,
and
kissed
his
Fee●
,
and
reverenced
his
Iudgment
as
an
Oracle
;
and
since
his
Death
,
given
him
the
Honour
of
Saintship
and
Martyrdom
[
u
](A33842-e27200-b)
u
Five
Ies.
T●i●ls
,
p.
2●
.
.
Dugdale
deposed
,
That
after
they
had
dispatched
the
King
,
a
Massacre
was
to
follow
.
But
surely
,
it
may
be
supposed
,
that
the
Temper
of
such
a
Prince
,
or
his
Interest
,
would
oblige
him
to
forbid
or
restrain
such
violent
Executions
in
England
.
Yea
,
but
what
if
his
Temper
be
to
comply
with
such
Courses
?
Or
his
Temper
be
better
?
Wh●t
if
it
be
over-rul'd
?
What
if
he
be
perswaded
,
as
other
Catholicks
are
,
that
he
must
in
Conscience
proceed
thus
?
What
if
he
cannot
do
otherwise
,
without
hazard
of
his
Crown
and
Life
?
For
he
is
not
to
hold
the
Reins
of
Government
alone
,
he
will
not
be
allowed
to
be
much
more
than
the
Pope's
POSTILLION
,
and
must
look
to
be
dismounted
,
if
he
act
not
according
to
Order
.
The
Law
[
x
](A33842-e27260-b)
x
Caput
Offi●●●m
▪
tells
us
,
That
it
is
not
in
the
Power
of
any
Civil
Magistrate
to
remit
the
Penalty
,
or
abate
the
Rigour
of
the
Law.
Nay
,
if
the
Prince
should
plight
his
Faith
by
Oath
,
that
he
would
not
suffer
their
Bloody
LAWS
to
be
executed
upon
his
Dissenting
Subjects
,
this
would
signify
nothing
:
For
they
would
soon
tell
him
,
That
[
y
](A33842-e27310-b)
y
Bon●ci●●a
d●
prin●
.
prat.
Disp.
3.
q.
2.
Contracts
made
against
the
Common
Law
are
invalid
,
though
con●irmed
by
Oath
;
And
,
That
he
is
not
bound
to
stand
to
his
Promise
though
he
had
sworn
to
it
:
And
,
That
Faith
is
no
more
to
be
kept
with
Hereticks
,
than
the
Council
of
Constance
would
have
it
.
So
that
Protestants
are
to
be
burnt
,
as
Io.
Huss
and
Ierom
of
Prague
were
by
that
Council
,
though
the
Emperor
had
given
them
his
safe
Condu●t
in
that
Solemn
manner
,
which
could
secure
them
only
(
as
they
said
)
from
the
Civil
,
but
not
Church-Process
,
which
was
the
greatest
.
For
't
is
their
General
Rule
,
That
Faith
is
either
not
to
be
given
,
or
not
kept
with
Hereticks
.
Therefore
,
saith
Simanca
,
That
Faith
ingaged
to
Hereticks
,
though
confirmed
by
Oath
,
is
in
no
wise
to
be
performed
:
For
,
saith
he
,
if
Faith
is
not
to
be
kept
with
Tyrants
and
Pirats
,
and
others
who
kill
the
Body
,
much
less
with
Hereticks
who
kill
the
Souls
.
And
that
the
Oath
in
favour
of
them
,
is
but
Vinculum
Iniquitatis
,
A
Bond
of
Iniquity
.
Though
Popish
Princes
,
the
better
to
promote
their
Interest
,
and
to
insnare
the
Protestant
Subjects
,
to
get
advantage
upon
them
,
to
their
Ruin
,
have
made
large
Promises
,
and
plighted
their
Faith
to
them
,
when
they
did
not
intend
to
keep
it
.
As
the
Emperor
to
Iohn
Huss
and
Ierom
;
Charles
the
Ninth
of
France
to
his
Protestant
Subjects
,
before
the
Massacre
;
the
Duke
of
Savoy
to
his
Protestant
Subjects
,
before
their
designed
Ruin
;
and
Queen
Mary
,
before
her
burning
of
them
.
But
if
there
were
neither
Law
nor
Conscience
to
hinder
,
yet
in
point
of
Interest
,
he
must
not
shew
favour
to
Hereticks
,
without
apparent
hazard
,
both
[
z
](A33842-e27500-b)
z
Parson
's
Philop.
p.
109.
of
Crown
and
Life
,
for
he
forfeits
both
if
he
doth
.
The
Pope
every
Year
doth
not
only
curse
Hereticks
,
but
every
Favourer
of
them
,
from
which
none
but
himself
can
absolve
.
[
a
](A33842-e27520-b)
a
Becan
.
Cont.
Aug.
p.
131
,
132.
In
Fowlis
,
p.
60.
Becanus
very
elegantly
tells
us
,
If
a
Prince
be
a
dull
Cur
,
and
fly
not
upon
Hereticks
,
he
is
to
be
beaten
out
,
and
a
keener
Dog
must
be
got
in
his
stead
.
Henry
the
Third
,
and
Henry
the
Fourth
,
were
both
Assassinated
upon
this
Account
,
because
they
were
suspected
,
to
favour
Hereticks
.
And
are
we
not
told
by
the
Discoverers
[
b
](A33842-e27590-b)
b
Oats
's
Nar.
p.
4.
N.
5
,
&c.
of
the
Popish
Plot
,
That
after
they
had
dispatch'd
the
King
,
they
would
depose
his
Brother
also
,
that
was
to
succeed
him
,
if
he
did
not
answer
their
Expectations
,
for
rooting
out
the
Protestant
Religion
.
But
may
not
Parliaments
secure
us
by
Laws
and
Provisions
restraining
the
Power
which
endangers
us
?
Not
possible
,
if
once
they
secure
and
settle
the
Throne
for
Popery
:
For
,
First
,
They
can
avoid
Parliaments
as
long
as
they
please
;
and
a
Government
that
is
more
Arbitrary
and
Violent
,
is
more
agreeable
to
their
Designs
and
Principles
▪
It
being
apparent
,
that
the
English
Papists
have
lost
the
Spirit
of
their
Ancestors
,
who
so
well
asserted
the
English
Liberties
,
being
so
generally
now
fix'd
for
the
Pope's
Universal
Monarchy
,
sacrificing
all
to
that
Roman
Moloch
,
being
much
more
his
Subjects
than
the
King
's
;
and
though
Natives
by
Birth
,
yet
are
Foreigners
as
to
Government
,
Principle
,
Interest
,
Affection
and
Design
;
and
therefore
no
Friends
to
Parliaments
,
as
our
Experience
hath
told
us
.
But
,
Secondly
,
if
their
Necessity
should
require
a
Parliament
,
there
is
no
question
but
they
may
get
such
a
one
as
will
serve
their
turns
:
For
so
have
every
of
our
former
Princes
in
all
the
Changes
of
Religion
that
have
been
amongst
us
:
As
Henry
the
8
th
,
when
he
was
both
for
and
against
Popery
;
Edward
the
6
th
,
when
he
was
wholly
Protestant
;
Queen
Mary
,
when
she
was
for
Burning
Alive
;
and
Queen
Elizabeth
,
when
she
ran
so
Counter
to
her
Sister
.
And
the
Reason
is
clear
,
that
he
who
has
the
making
of
the
publick
Officers
,
and
the
Keys
of
Preferment
and
Profit
,
influenceth
and
swayeth
Elections
and
Votes
as
he
pleaseth
.
And
by
how
much
the
Throne
comes
to
be
fix'd
in
Popery
,
the
Protestants
must
expect
to
be
excluded
from
both
Houses
,
as
they
have
excluded
the
Papists
:
For
as
Hereticks
and
Traitors
,
they
,
as
ignominous
Persons
,
&c.
you
have
heard
,
forfeit
all
Right
,
either
to
chuse
,
or
be
chosen
in
any
Publick
Councils
:
And
then
all
Laws
which
have
been
made
for
the
Protestants
,
and
against
the
Popish
Religion
,
will
be
null
and
void
,
as
being
enacted
by
an
incompetent
Authority
,
as
being
the
Acts
of
Hereticks
,
Kings
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
,
who
had
forfeited
all
their
Rights
and
Priviledges
.
But
,
Thirdly
,
suppose
our
Laws
were
valid
,
as
enacted
by
competent
Authority
,
and
such
good
and
wholsome
Provisions
,
as
were
those
Statutes
made
by
our
Popish
Ancestors
,
in
those
Statutes
of
Provisoes
in
Edward
the
I.
&
Edward
the
III.
Time
,
and
that
of
Praemunire
in
Richard
the
II.
and
Henry
the
IV.
for
Relief
against
Papal
Incroachments
and
Oppressions
:
Yet
being
against
the
Laws
and
Canons
of
Holy
Church
,
the
Sovereign
Authority
,
they
will
be
all
superseded
:
For
so
they
determine
,
That
when
the
Canon
and
the
Civil
Laws
clash
,
one
requiring
what
the
other
allows
not
,
the
Church-Law
must
have
the
observance
,
and
that
of
the
State
neglected
:
And
Constitutions
(
they
say
)
made
against
the
Canons
and
Decrees
of
the
Roman
Bi●hops
,
are
of
no
moment
:
Their
best
Authors
are
positive
of
it
.
And
our
own
Experience
and
Histories
testify
the
Truth
thereof
:
For
how
were
those
good
Laws
before-mention'd
,
defeated
by
the
Pope's
Authority
,
so
that
there
was
no
effectual
Execution
thereof
till
Henry
the
8th's
Time
,
as
Dr.
Burnet
[
c
](A33842-e27860-b)
c
Hist.
Ref.
p.
110.
tells
us
?
And
how
have
the
good
Laws
,
to
suppress
and
prevent
Popery
,
been
very
much
obstructed
in
their
Execution
by
Popish
Influence
?
An
Answer
to
a
late
Pamphlet
,
Intituled
,
A
Short
Scheme
of
the
Usurpations
of
the
Crown
of
England
,
&c.
THE
World
may
very
justly
wonder
at
several
Passages
in
this
ill-designed
,
and
as
ill-writ
Pamphlet
,
which
the
Author
has
taken
the
pains
to
collect
from
some
petty
Grubstreet
Chronicle
.
Henry
II.
is
call'd
an
Usurper
(
pag.
4.
)
because
he
accepted
of
the
Crown
of
England
in
his
Mothers
Life-time
;
tho'
by
her
not
opposing
his
Claim
,
it
may
very
reasonably
be
concluded
,
that
she
freely
consented
to
his
Promotion
,
as
the
most
effectual
means
to
secure
the
Crown
to
her
Posterity
.
But
we
are
told
,
That
a
Crown
is
no
Estate
to
be
made
over
in
Trust
:
If
our
Author's
meaning
is
,
that
a
Crown
is
an
Estate
which
the
Possessor
cannot
divest
himself
of
by
a
voluntary
Resignation
;
both
Reason
,
and
a
multitulde
of
Examples
in
several
Ages
,
and
●ations
,
prove
that
the
Principle
our
Author
has
laid
down
,
is
founded
on
a
gross
Mistake
.
Therefore
if
our
Author
designs
to
publish
any
more
Schemes
of
Usurpation
,
let
him
first
inform
us
what
it
is
,
and
how
far
it
extends
,
lest
the
World
should
accuse
him
of
having
as
notoriously
usurped
to
himself
the
Title
of
a
Writer
,
as
any
of
our
Princes
ever
did
the
Crown
of
England
.
He
would
perswade
his
Readers
to
believe
,
that
God
punish'd
King
Edward
III.
and
King
Henry
V.
for
their
Usurpations
,
with
frequent
and
unexpected
Victories
;
in
the
acquisition
of
which
,
tho'
there
was
some
English
Blood
shed
,
(
as
it
was
impossible
it
should
be
otherwise
)
yet
the
Enemies
paid
an
excessive
Price
for
it
;
after
the
defeat
of
their
great
Armies
,
and
the
Imprisonment
of
their
King
,
they
being
forced
to
buy
their
Peace
upon
such
Terms
,
as
our
conquering
Usurpers
pleased
to
impose
.
Nor
did
ever
any
well-wisher
to
the
English
Nation
deny
,
that
these
Two
Princes
were
the
Glory
of
their
Age
,
and
of
our
British
History
.
If
I
should
reckon
up
all
the
evident
Mistakes
and
false
Inferences
in
this
Libel
,
it
would
be
too
tedious
,
since
a
careless
Eye
cannot
easily
overlook
them
.
If
the
Pamphlet
finds
so
undeserved
a
Reception
in
the
World
,
as
to
need
a
Second
Impression
,
the
Author
is
desired
to
add
to
it
this
Postscript
;
which
being
founded
on
the
Principles
asserted
by
him
,
will
shew
the
World
that
he
hath
wilfully
,
and
perhaps
partially
,
forborn
to
speak
of
as
notorious
an
Usurper
,
as
any
that
are
mentioned
in
his
Scheme
.
Queen
Mary
,
the
Off-spring
of
an
Incestuous
Marriage
,
had
no
other
unquestionable
Divine
Right
to
the
Crown
of
England
,
than
what
was
given
her
by
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
made
in
her
Father's
Reign
,
and
the
common
Consent
of
the
Nobility
and
People
after
the
Death
of
her
Brother
King
Edward
VI.
whose
disposal
of
the
Crown
,
by
Letters
Patents
under
the
Great
Seal
,
being
directly
contrary
to
the
former
Entail
of
it
,
limited
by
a
higher
Authority
;
His
Sister
,
the
Lady
Mary
,
was
acknowledged
Queen
.
Therefore
,
according
to
our
Author
's
abstruse
Notions
,
She
(
as
well
as
her
Grand-father
Henry
VII
.
)
must
be
reckoned
among
the
Usurpers
of
the
Crown
of
England
.
Let
us
now
see
what
success
attended
her
,
and
whether
the
Nation
was
happy
under
her
Government
.
As
soon
as
She
saw
her self
fixed
in
the
Throne
,
She
imprisoned
and
deprived
several
of
the
Protestant
Bishop●
,
contrary
to
the
then
Establish'd
Laws
of
the
Realm
:
She
intruded
Popish
Bishops
into
the
Sees
,
thus
declared
vacant
;
the
small
remainder
of
the
Protestant
Bishops
,
who
had
be●n
called
to
Parliament
by
Writ
,
were
,
nevertheless
,
violently
thrust
out
of
the
Parliament-House
,
for
refusing
to
worship
the
Mass.
The
Members
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
in
her
First
Parliament
,
were
chosen
by
force
and
threats
:
the
Free-holders
were
hindred
by
violence
from
exercising
their
Right
of
chusing
Representatives
:
false
Returns
were
made
;
and
those
who
were
for
the
Reformed
Religion
,
tho'
duly
elected
,
were
by
force
expelled
the
House
.
So
that
we
cannot
wonder
at
the
Statues
made
in
this
pretended
Free
Parliament
;
which
was
in
every
Thing
influenced
by
the
Court-Party
.
Shortly
after
,
her
Marriage
with
the
haughty
jealous
Spaniard
(
of
which
She
her self
felt
the
ill
Consequences
)
was
justly
disliked
by
the
Nobility
and
Commonalty
.
Her
base
Design
of
setting
up
a
Supposititious
Child
for
Heir
to
the
Crown
,
was
not
only
happily
defeated
,
but
deservedly
exposed
to
the
Censure
of
the
Nation
:
Her
Design
to
erect
the
Spanish
Inquisition
in
England
was
disappointed
.
Calais
(
after
having
belonged
to
the
Crown
of
Engl●nd
about
two
hundred
and
eleven
Years
,
and
which
was
gained
with
great
difficulty
,
after
eleven
Months
Siege
)
was
,
in
the
depth
of
Winter
,
lost
in
a
Weeks
time
:
And
quickly
after
,
all
the
English
Territories
were
,
with
small
difficulty
,
recovered
by
the
French.
We
must
not
forget
how
exactly
She
put
in
practice
the
base
,
treacherous
,
and
destructive
Principles
of
the
pretended
Catholick
Religion
,
in
these
remarkable
Particulars
.
She
barbarously
used
her
only
Sister
,
the
Lady
Elizabeth
,
and
designed
to
have
taken
away
her
Life
,
for
no
other
Cause
,
but
her
firm
adherence
to
the
Protestant
Religion
.
She
imprisoned
and
burnt
Arch-Bishop
Cranmer
,
who
had
formerly
sheltered
her
from
her
Father's
Fury
.
She
deprived
and
imprisoned
Judg
Hales
,
who
alone
resolutely
opposed
King
Edward
the
Sixth's
Will
:
and
preferred
Judg
Bromley
to
be
Lord
Chief
Justice
,
though
he
had
,
without
any
reluctancy
,
prepared
the
Letters-Patents
for
her
Exclusion
.
The
Inhabitants
of
Norfolk
and
Suffolk
,
who
were
the
first
that
took
up
Arms
for
her
,
(
upon
her
Promise
to
permit
them
the
Exercise
of
their
Religion
)
were
the
first
that
suffered
Persecution
under
her
.
And
after
she
had
put
to
death
near
three
hundred
Persons
,
(
without
respect
to
Quality
,
Age
,
or
Sex
)
it
pleased
God
to
put
an
end
to
the
Romish
Cruelty
and
Idolatry
,
by
her
unexpected
and
unlamented
Death
.
Nor
is
her
Memory
preserved
from
Oblivion
by
any
thing
,
but
her
repeated
Acts
of
Cruelty
and
Injustice
.
This
was
the
Success
that
attended
her
,
this
the
Happiness
,
the
Liberty
,
the
Religion
establish'd
in
the
English
Nation
,
during
her
sive
Years
Tyranny
.
That
I
may
not
detain
the
Reader
any
longer
,
I
will
conclude
this
Advice
to
our
Learned
Pamphleteer
;
That
for
the
future
he
do
not
so
positively
ascribe
all
unhappy
Accidents
,
as
frequent
Wars
and
Rebellions
,
the
Effusion
of
English
Blood
,
the
unfortunate
End
of
some
of
our
Princes
,
to
the
Divine
Vengeance
upon
them
,
for
the
Usurpations
he
accuses
them
of
;
since
,
if
he
will
consult
our
Historians
,
he
may
find
that
Edward
II.
Richard
II.
and
the
Incomparable
Prince
,
King
Charles
I.
though
their
Title
from
William
the
Conqueror
is
indisputable
,
were
far
unhappier
than
any
of
the
Usurpers
he
mentions
.
That
in
Edward
the
Fourth's
,
and
Henry
the
Eighth's
Reign
,
a
great
deal
of
English
Blood
was
shed
both
at
Home
and
Abroad
,
though
their
Right
was
unquestionable
,
and
universally
acknowledged
.
And
that
as
to
the
promiscuous
good
or
ill
Success
of
all
Affairs
in
this
lower
World
,
the
observation
of
the
Wisest
of
Princes
,
and
of
Men
,
is
very
often
exactly
verified
;
There
is
one
Event
to
the
Righteous
and
to
the
Wicked
:
To
the
Prince
who
ascends
the
Throne
by
an
unquestionable
Right
,
and
to
him
that
ascends
it
by
Violence
and
Usurpation
.
To
the
Prince
that
religiously
performs
the
Solemn
Oath
taken
at
his
Coronation
,
and
to
him
that
wilfully
breaks
through
all
the
Obligations
he
is
under
,
and
endeavours
by
the
most
base
Methods
to
dissolve
the
Establish'd
Government
.
The
following
Paper
was
published
by
Mr.
Samuel
Iohnson
in
the
Year
1686.
for
which
he
was
sentenc'd
by
the
Court
of
Kings-Bench
,
(
Sir
Edward
Herbert
being
Lord
Chief
Justice
)
to
stand
three
times
on
the
Pillory
,
and
to
be
whipp'd
from
Newgate
to
Tyburn
:
Which
barbarous
Sentence
was
executed
.
An
Humble
and
Hearty
Address
to
all
the
English
Protestants
in
this
present
Army
.
GENTLEMEN
,
NEXT
to
the
Duty
which
we
owe
to
God
which
ought
to
be
the
principal
Care
of
Men
of
your
Profession
especially
,
(
because
you
carry
your
Lives
in
your
Hands
,
and
often
look
Death
in
the
Face
)
.
The
second
Thing
that
deserves
your
Consideration
,
is
,
The
Service
of
your
Native
Country
,
wherein
you
drew
your
first
Breath
,
and
breathed
a
free
English
Air.
Now
I
would
desire
you
to
consider
,
how
well
you
comply
with
these
two
main
Points
,
by
engaging
in
this
present
Service
.
Is
it
in
the
Name
of
God
,
and
for
his
Service
,
that
you
have
joined
your selves
with
Papists
;
who
will
indeed
fight
for
the
Mass-Book
but
burn
the
Bible
,
and
who
seek
to
Extirpate
the
Protestant
Religion
with
Your
Swords
,
because
they
cannot
do
it
with
their
Own
?
And
will
you
be
Aiding
and
Assisting
to
set
up
Mass-Houses
,
to
erect
that
Popish
Kingdom
of
Darkness
and
Desolation
amongst
as
,
and
to
train
up
all
our
Children
in
Popery
?
How
can
you
do
these
Things
,
and
yet
call
your selves
Protestants
?
And
then
what
Service
can
be
done
your
Country
,
by
being
under
the
Command
of
French
and
Irish
Papists
,
and
by
bringing
the
Nation
under
a
Foreign
Yoke
?
Will
you
help
them
to
make
forcible
Entry
into
the
Houses
of
your
Country-men
,
under
the
Name
of
Quartering
,
directly
contrary
to
Magna
Charta
,
and
the
Petition
of
Right
?
Will
you
be
Aiding
and
Assisting
to
all
the
Murders
and
Outrages
which
they
shall
commit
by
their
void
Commissions
?
Which
were
declared
Illegal
,
and
sufficiently
blasted
by
both
Houses
of
Parliament
,
(
if
there
had
been
any
need
of
it
)
for
it
was
very
well
known
before
,
That
a
Papist
cannot
have
a
Commission
,
but
by
the
Law
is
utterly
Disabled
and
Disarmed
.
Will
you
exchange
your
Birth-right
of
English
Laws
and
Liberties
for
Martial
or
Club-Law
,
and
help
to
destroy
all
others
,
only
to
be
eaten
last
your selves
?
If
I
know
you
well
,
as
you
are
English
Men
,
you
hate
and
scorn
these
Things
.
And
therefore
be
not
unequally
yoaked
with
Idolatrous
and
Bloody
Papists
.
Be
Valiant
for
the
Truth
,
and
shew
your selves
Men.
The
same
Considerations
are
likewise
humbly
offered
to
all
the
English
Seamen
,
who
have
been
the
Bulwark
of
this
Nation
against
Popery
and
Slavery
ever
since
Eighty
Eight
.
Several
Reasons
for
the
Establishment
of
a
Standing
Army
,
and
Dissolving
the
Militia
.
1.
BEcause
the
Lords
Lieutenants
,
Deputy
Lieutenants
,
and
the
whole
Militia
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
Lords
,
Gentlemen
,
and
Free-holders
of
England
,
are
not
fit
to
be
trusted
with
their
own
Laws
,
Lives
,
Liberties
,
and
Estates
,
and
therefore
ought
to
have
Guardians
and
Keepers
assigned
to
them
.
2.
Because
Mercenary
Souldiers
,
who
fight
for
twelve
Pence
a
Day
,
will
fight
better
,
as
having
more
to
lose
than
either
the
Nobility
or
Gentry
.
3.
Because
there
are
no
Irish
Papists
in
the
Militia
,
who
are
certainly
the
best
Souldiers
in
the
World
,
for
they
have
slain
Men
,
Women
,
and
Children
,
by
Hundreds
of
Thousands
at
once
.
4.
Because
the
Dragooners
have
made
more
Converts
than
all
the
Bishops
and
Clergy
of
France
.
5.
The
Parliament
ought
to
establish
one
standing
Army
at
the
least
,
because
indeed
there
will
be
need
of
Two
,
that
one
of
them
may
defend
the
People
from
the
other
.
6.
Because
it
is
a
thousand
pities
that
a
brave
Popish
Army
should
be
a
Riot
.
7.
Unless
it
be
Established
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
the
Justices
of
Peace
will
be
forced
to
suppress
it
in
their
own
Defence
;
for
they
will
be
loth
to
forfeit
an
hundred
Pounds
every
day
they
rise
,
out
of
Complement
to
a
Popish
Rout.
13.
H.
4.
c.
7.2
.
H.
5.
c.
8.
8.
Because
a
Popish
Army
is
a
Nullity
.
For
all
Papists
are
utterly
disabled
(
and
punishable
besides
)
from
bearing
any
Office
in
Camp
,
Troop
,
Band
,
or
Company
of
Souldiers
,
and
are
so
far
disarmed
by
Law
,
that
they
cannot
wear
a
Sword
,
so
much
as
in
their
Defence
,
without
the
allowance
of
four
Justices
of
the
Peace
of
the
County
:
And
then
upon
a
March
they
will
be
perfectly
inchanted
,
for
they
are
not
able
to
stir
above
five
Miles
from
their
own
Dwelling-house
.
3.
Iac.
5.
Sect.
8
,
27
,
28
,
29.35
.
Eliz.
2.3
.
Iac.
5.
Sect.
7.
9.
Because
Persons
utterly
disabled
by
Law
are
utterly
Unauthorized
;
and
therefore
the
void
Commissions
of
Killing
and
Slaying
in
the
Hands
of
Papists
,
can
only
enable
them
to
Massacre
and
Murder
.
A
Discourse
of
Magistracy
;
of
Prerogative
by
Divine
Right
;
of
Obedience
,
and
of
the
Laws
.
CHAP.
I.
Of
MAGISTRACY
.
I.
RELATION
is
nothing
else
but
that
State
of
Mutual
Respect
and
Reference
,
which
one
Thing
or
Person
has
to
another
.
II.
Such
are
the
Relations
of
Father
and
Son
,
Husband
and
Wife
,
Master
and
Servant
,
Magistrate
and
Subject
.
III.
The
Relations
of
a
Father
,
Husband
,
and
Master
,
are
really
distinct
and
different
;
that
is
,
one
of
them
is
not
the
other
;
for
he
may
be
any
one
of
these
who
is
none
of
the
rest
.
IV.
This
distinction
proceeds
from
the
different
Reasons
,
upon
which
these
Relations
are
founded
.
V.
The
Reason
or
Foundation
,
from
whence
arises
the
Relation
of
a
Father
,
is
from
having
begotten
his
Son
,
who
may
as
properly
call
every
old
Man
he
meets
his
Father
,
as
any
other
Person
whatsoever
,
excepting
him
only
who
begat
him
.
VI.
The
Relation
of
an
Husband
and
Wife
is
founded
in
We●lock
,
whereby
they
mutually
consent
to
become
one
Fle●h
.
VII
.
The
Relation
of
a
Ma●ter
is
founded
in
that
Right
and
Title
which
he
has
to
the
Possession
,
or
Service
of
his
Slave
or
Servant
.
VIII
.
In
these
Relations
,
the
Names
of
Father
,
Husband
,
and
Master
,
imply
Soveraignty
and
Superiority
,
which
varies
notwithstanding
,
and
is
more
or
less
absolute
,
according
to
the
Foundation
of
these
several
Relations
.
IX
.
The
Superiority
of
a
Father
is
founded
in
that
Power
,
Priority
,
and
Dignity
of
Nature
,
which
a
Cause
hath
over
its
Effect
.
X.
The
distance
is
not
so
great
in
Wedlock
,
but
the
Superiority
of
the
Husband
over
the
Wife
,
is
like
that
of
the
Right-Hand
over
the
Left
in
the
same
Body
.
XI
.
The
Superiority
of
a
Master
,
is
an
absolute
Dominion
over
his
Slave
,
a
limited
and
conditionate
Command
over
his
Servant
.
XII
.
The
Titles
of
Pater
Patriae
,
and
Sponsus
Regni
,
Father
of
the
Country
,
and
Husband
of
the
Realm
,
are
Metaphors
and
improper
Speeches
:
For
no
Prince
ever
begat
a
whole
Country
of
Subjects
;
nor
can
a
Kingdom
more
prop●rly
be
said
to
be
married
,
than
the
City
of
Venice
is
to
be
Adriatick
Gulph
.
XIII
.
And
to
shew
further
,
that
Magistracy
is
not
Paternal
Authority
,
nor
Monarchy
founded
in
Fatherhood
;
it
is
undeniably
plain
,
that
a
Son
may
be
the
Natural
Soveraign
Lord
of
his
own
Father
,
as
Henry
the
Second
had
been
of
Ieffe●y
Plantagenet
,
if
he
had
been
an
English-man
;
which
,
they
say
,
Henry
the
Seventh
did
not
love
to
think
of
,
when
his
Sons
grew
up
to
Years
.
And
this
Case
alone
is
an
eternal
Confutation
of
the
Patriarchate
.
XIV
.
Neither
is
Magistracy
a
Marital
Power
,
for
the
Husband
may
be
the
obedient
Subject
of
his
own
Wife
,
as
Philip
was
of
Queen
Ma●y
.
XV.
Nor
is
it
that
Dominion
which
a
Master
has
over
his
Slave
,
for
then
a
Prince
might
lawfully
sell
all
hi●
Subjects
,
like
so
many
Head
of
Cattel
,
and
make
Mony
of
his
whole
Stock
when
ever
he
pleases
,
as
a
Patron
of
Algiers
does
.
XVI
.
Neither
is
the
Relation
of
Prince
and
Subject
the
same
with
that
of
a
Master
and
hired
Servant
,
for
he
does
not
hire
them
,
but
as
St.
Paul
saith
,
They
pay
him
Tribute
,
in
consideration
of
his
continual
Attendance
and
Imployment
for
the
Publick
Good.
XVII
.
That
Publick
Office
and
Imployment
is
the
Foundation
of
the
Relation
of
King
and
Subject
,
as
many
other
Relations
are
likewise
founded
upon
other
Functions
and
Administrations
.
Such
as
Guardian
,
and
Ward
,
&c.
XVIII
.
The
Office
of
a
King
is
set
down
at
large
in
the
17
th
Chapter
of
the
Laws
of
King
Edward
the
Confessor
,
to
which
the
succeeding
Kings
have
been
sworn
at
their
Coronation
:
And
it
is
affirmed
in
the
Preambles
of
the
Statutes
of
[
a
](A33842-e29690-b)
a
Prout
Regalis
Officii
exposcit
utilitas
.
Malbridg
,
and
of
the
Statute
of
Quo
Warranto
,
made
at
[
b
](A33842-e29720-b)
b
Sicome
le
profit
de
Office
Demaunde
.
The
Kingly
or
Regal
Office
of
this
Realm
,
Mar.
Sess.
3.
cap.
1.
Glocester
,
That
the
calling
of
Parliaments
to
make
Laws
for
the
better
Estate
of
the
Realm
,
and
the
more
full
Administration
of
Justice
,
belongeth
to
the
Office
of
a
King.
But
the
fullest
account
of
it
in
few
words
,
is
in
Chancellor
Fortescue
,
Chap.
XIII
.
which
Passage
is
quoted
in
Calvin's
Case
,
Coke
VII
.
Rep.
Fol.
5.
Ad
Tutelam
namque
Legis
Subditorum
,
ac
eorum
Corporum
,
&
bonorum
,
Rex
hujusmodi
erectus
est
,
&
ad
hanc
potestatem
à
populo
effluxam
ipse
habet
,
quo
ei
non
licet
potestate
alia
suo
populo
Dominari
.
For
such
a
King
(
that
is
,
of
every
Political
Kingdom
,
as
this
is
)
is
made
and
ordained
for
the
Defence
or
Guardianship
of
the
Laws
of
his
Subjects
,
and
of
their
Bodies
and
Goods
,
whereunto
he
receiveth
Power
of
his
People
,
so
that
he
cannot
govern
his
People
by
any
other
Power
.
Corolary
,
A
Bargain
's
a
Bargain
.
CHAP.
II.
Of
Prerogatives
by
Divine
Right
.
I.
GOvernment
is
not
matter
of
Revelation
;
if
it
were
,
then
those
Nations
that
wanted
Scripture
,
must
have
been
without
Government
;
whereas
Scripture
it self
says
,
that
Government
is
the
Ordinance
of
Man
,
and
of
Human
Extraction
.
And
King
Charles
the
First
says
of
this
Government
in
particular
,
That
it
was
moulded
by
the
Wisdom
and
Experience
of
the
Peopl●
.
Answ.
to
XIX
.
Prop.
II.
All
just
Governments
are
highly
beneficial
to
Mankind
,
and
are
of
God
,
the
Author
of
all
Good
;
they
are
his
his
Ordinances
and
Institutions
.
Rom.
13.1
,
2.
III.
Plowing
and
sowing
,
and
the
whole
business
of
preparing
Bread
Corn
,
is
abs●luely
necessary
to
the
Subsistence
of
Mankind
;
This
also
cometh
forth
from
the
Lord
of
Hosts
,
who
is
wonderful
in
Counsel
,
and
excellent
in
Working
.
Isa.
28.
from
23
d
to
29
th
Verse
.
IV.
Wisdom
saith
,
Counsel
is
mine
,
and
sound
Wisdom
;
I
am
Vnderstanding
,
I
have
Strength
;
by
me
Kings
reign
,
and
Princes
decree
Iustice
:
By
me
Prinees
rule
,
and
Nobles
,
even
all
the
Iudges
of
the
Earth
.
Prov.
13.14
.
V.
The
Prophet
,
speaking
of
the
Plow-man
,
saith
,
His
God
doth
instruct
him
to
Discretion
,
and
doth
teach
him
.
Isa.
28.26
.
VI.
Scripture
neither
gives
nor
takes
away
Mens
Civil
Rights
,
but
leaves
them
as
it
found
them
,
and
(
as
our
Saviour
said
of
himself
)
is
no
Divider
of
Inheritances
.
VII
.
Civil
Authority
is
a
Civil
Right
.
VIII
.
The
Law
of
England
gives
the
King
his
Title
to
the
Crown
.
For
,
where
is
it
said
in
Scripture
,
that
such
a
Person
or
Family
by
Name
shall
enjoy
it
?
And
the
same
Law
of
England
which
has
made
him
King
,
has
made
him
King
according
to
the
English
Laws
,
and
not
otherwise
.
IX
.
The
King
of
England
has
no
more
Right
to
set
up
a
French
Government
,
than
the
French
King
has
to
be
King
of
England
,
which
none
at
all
.
X.
Render
unto
Caesar
the
things
which
are
Caesars
,
neither
makes
a
Caesar
,
nor
tells
who
Caesar
is
,
nor
what
belongs
to
him
;
but
only
requires
Men
to
be
just
,
in
giving
him
those
supposed
Rights
,
which
the
Laws
have
determined
to
be
his
.
XI
.
The
Scripture
supposes
Property
,
when
it
forbids
Stealing
;
it
supposes
Mens
Lands
to
be
already
butted
and
bounded
,
when
it
forbids
removing
the
Ancient
Land-marks
:
And
as
it
is
impossible
for
any
Man
to
prove
what
Estate
he
has
by
Scripture
,
or
to
find
a
Terrier
of
his
Lands
there
;
so
it
is
a
vain
thing
to
look
for
Statutes
of
Prerogative
in
Scripture
.
XII
.
If
Mishpat
Hamelech
,
the
manner
of
the
King
,
1
Sam
8.11
.
be
a
Statute
of
Prerogative
,
and
prove
all
those
Particulars
to
be
the
Right
of
the
King
,
then
Mishpat
Haccohanim
,
the
Priests
custom
of
Sacrilegious
Rapine
,
Chap.
2.13
.
proves
that
to
be
the
Right
of
the
Priests
,
the
same
word
being
used
in
both
places
.
XIII
.
It
is
the
Resolution
of
all
the
Judges
of
England
,
that
even
the
known
and
undoubted
Prerogative
of
the
Iewish
Kings
,
do
not
belong
to
our
Kings
,
and
that
it
is
an
absurd
and
impudent
thing
to
affirm
they
do
.
Coke
11.
Rep.
p.
63.
Mich.
5.
Iac.
Note
,
Give
us
a
King
to
judg
us
,
1
Sam.
8.5
,
6
,
20.
upon
Sunday
the
Tenth
of
November
,
in
the
same
Term
,
the
King
,
upon
Complaint
made
to
him
by
Bancroft
,
Arch-bishop
of
Canterbury
,
concerning
Prohibitions
,
was
informed
,
That
when
Question
was
made
of
what
matters
the
Ecclesiastical
Judges
have
Cognizance
,
either
upon
the
Exposition
of
the
Statutes
concerning
Tythes
,
or
any
other
thing
Ecclesiastical
,
or
upon
the
Statute
1
Eliz.
concerning
the
High-Commis●ion
,
or
in
any
other
case
,
in
which
there
is
not
express
Authority
by
Law
,
the
King
himself
may
decide
it
in
his
Royal
Person
;
and
that
the
Judges
are
but
the
Delegates
of
the
King
,
and
that
the
King
may
take
what
Causes
he
shall
please
to
determine
from
the
Determination
of
the
Judges
,
and
may
determine
them
himself
.
And
the
Arch●bishop
said
,
That
this
was
clear
in
Divinity
,
That
such
Authority
belongs
to
the
King
,
by
the
Word
of
God
in
Scripture
.
To
which
it
was
answered
by
me
,
in
the
presence
,
and
with
the
clear
consent
of
all
the
Justices
of
England
,
and
Barons
of
the
Exchiquer
,
That
the
King
in
his
own
Person
cannot
adjudg
any
Case
,
either
Criminal
,
as
Treason
,
Felony
,
&c.
but
this
ought
to
be
determined
and
adjudged
in
some
Court
of
Justice
,
according
to
the
Law
and
Custom
of
England
.
And
always
Judgments
are
given
,
Ideo
consideratum
est
per
Curiam
;
so
that
the
Court
gives
the
Judgment
—
.
And
it
was
greatly
marvelled
,
that
the
Arch-bishop
durst
inform
the
King
,
that
such
Absolute
Power
and
Authority
,
as
is
aforesaid
,
belonged
to
the
King
by
the
Word
of
God.
CHAP.
III.
Of
OBEDIENCE
.
I.
NO
Man
has
any
more
Civil
Authority
than
what
the
Law
of
the
Land
has
vested
in
him
;
nor
is
he
one
of
St.
Paul's
Higher
Powers
any
farther
,
or
to
any
other
purposes
,
t●an
the
Law
has
impowered
him
.
II.
An
Usurped
,
Illegal
,
and
Arbitrary
Power
,
is
so
far
from
b●ing
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
that
it
is
not
the
Ordinance
of
Man
.
III.
Whoever
opposes
an
Usurped
,
Illegal
,
and
Arbitrary
Power
,
does
not
oppose
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
but
the
Violation
of
that
Ordinance
.
IV.
The
13
th
of
the
Romans
commands
Subjection
to
our
Temporal
Governours
,
because
their
Office
and
Imployment
is
for
the
Publick
Welfare
;
For
he
is
the
Minister
of
God
to
Thee
for
good
.
Verse
4.
V.
The
13
th
of
the
Hebrews
commands
Obedience
to
Spiritual
Rulers
,
because
they
watch
for
your
Souls
.
Verse
17.
VI.
But
the
13
th
of
the
Hebrews
did
not
oblige
the
Martyrs
and
Confessors
in
Queen
Mary's
Time
,
to
obey
such
blessed
Bishops
as
Bonner
,
and
the
Beast
of
Rome
,
who
were
the
perfect
Reverse
of
St.
Paul's
Spiritual
Rulers
,
and
whose
Practice
was
murdering
of
Souls
and
Bodies
,
according
to
that
true
Character
of
Popery
,
which
was
given
it
by
the
Bishops
who
compiled
the
Thanksgiving
for
the
Fifth
of
November
;
but
Arch-Bishop
Laud
was
wiser
than
they
,
and
in
his
time
blotted
it
out
.
The
Prayer
formerly
ran
thus
:
To
that
end
strengthen
the
Hands
of
our
Gracious
King
,
the
Nobles
and
Magistrates
of
the
Land
,
to
cut
off
these
Workers
of
Iniquity
(
whose
Religion
is
Rebellion
,
whose
Faith
is
Faction
,
whose
Practice
is
murthering
of
Souls
and
Bodies
)
and
to
root
them
out
of
the
Confines
of
this
Kingdom
.
VII
.
All
the
Judges
of
England
are
bound
by
their
Oath
,
and
by
the
Duty
of
their
place
,
to
disobey
all
Writs
,
Letters
,
or
Commands
,
which
are
brought
to
them
,
either
under
the
Little
Seal
,
VIII
.
The
Engagement
of
the
Lords
attending
upon
the
King
at
York
,
Iune
13.
1642.
which
was
subscribed
by
the
Lord
Keeper
,
and
thirty
nine
Peers
,
besides
the
Lord
Chief
Justice
Banks
,
and
several
others
of
the
Privy-Council
,
was
in
these
words
.
We
do
engage
our selves
not
to
obey
any
Orders
or
Commands
whatsoever
,
not
warranted
by
the
known
Laws
of
the
Land
.
Was
this
likewise
an
Association
against
the
13
th
of
the
Romans
?
IX
.
A
Constable
represents
the
King's
Person
,
and
in
the
Execution
of
his
Office
is
within
the
purview
of
the
13
th
of
the
Romans
,
as
all
Men
grant
;
but
in
case
he
so
far
pervert
his
Office
,
as
to
break
the
Peace
,
and
commit
Murther
,
Burglary
,
or
Robbery
on
the
High-way
,
he
may
and
ought
to
be
resisted
.
X.
The
Law
of
the
Land
is
the
best
Expositor
of
the
13
th
of
the
Romans
here
;
and
in
Poland
,
the
Law
of
the
Land
there
.
XI
.
The
13
th
of
the
Romans
is
received
for
Scripture
in
Poland
,
and
yet
this
is
expressed
in
the
Coronation-Oath
in
that
Country
:
Quod
si
Sacramentum
meum
violavero
,
Incolae
Regni
nullam
nobis
Obedientiam
praestare
tenebuntur
.
And
if
I
shall
violate
my
Oath
,
the
Inhabitants
of
the
Realm
shall
not
be
bound
to
yield
me
any
Obedience
.
XII
.
The
Law
of
the
Land
,
according
to
Bracton
,
is
the
highest
of
all
the
Higher
Powers
mentioned
in
this
Text
,
for
it
is
Superiour
to
the
King
,
and
made
him
King
,
(
Lib.
iii.
cap.
xxvi
.
Rex
habet
Superiorem
Deum
,
item
Legem
,
per
quam
factus
est
Rex
,
item
Curiam
suam
,
viz.
Comites
&
Barones
)
and
therefore
by
this
Text
we
ought
to
be
subject
to
it
in
the
first
place
.
And
according
to
Melancthon
,
It
is
the
Ordinanee
of
God
,
to
which
the
Higher
Powers
themselves
ought
to
subject
.
Vol.
iii.
In
his
Commentary
on
the
fifth
Verse
,
(
Wherefore
ye
must
needs
be
subject
,
not
only
for
Wrath
,
but
also
for
Conscience
sake
.
)
He
has
these
words
.
Neque
vero
hac
tantum
pertinent
ad
Subditos
,
sed
etiam
ad
Magistratum
,
qui
cum
fiunt
Tyranni
,
non
minus
dissipant
Ordinationem
Dei
,
quam
Seditiosi
.
Ideo
&
ipsorum
Conscientia
fit
rea
,
quia
non
obediunt
Ordinationi
Dei
;
id
est
,
Legibus
,
quibus
debent
parere
.
Ideo
Comminationes
hic
posite
etiam
ad
ipsos
pertinent
.
Itaque
hujus
mandati
severitas
moveat
omnes
,
ne
violalationem
Politici
status
putent
esse
leve
peccatum
.
Neither
doth
this
place
concern
Subjects
only
,
but
also
the
Magistrates
themselves
;
who
when
they
turn
Tyrants
,
do
no
less
overthrow
the
Ordinance
of
God
than
the
Seditious
;
and
therefore
their
Consciences
too
are
guilty
,
for
not
obeying
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
that
is
,
the
Laws
,
which
they
ought
to
obey
.
So
that
the
Threatnings
in
this
place
do
also
belong
to
them
;
wherefore
,
let
the
Severity
of
this
Command
deter
all
Men
from
thinking
the
Violation
of
the
Political
Constitution
to
be
a
light
Sin.
Corolary
.
To
destroy
the
Law
and-Legal
Constitution
,
which
is
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
by
false
and
Arbitrary
Expositions
of
this
Text
,
is
a
greater
Sin
than
to
destroy
it
by
any
other
means
:
For
it
is
Seething
the
Kid
in
his
Mothers
Milk.
CHAP.
IV.
Of
LAWS
.
I.
THere
is
no
natural
Obligation
,
whereby
one
Man
is
bound
to
yield
Obedience
to
another
,
but
what
is
founded
in
Paternal
or
Patriarchal
Authority
.
II.
All
the
Subjects
of
a
Patriarchal
Monarch
are
Princes
of
the
Blood.
III.
All
the
People
of
England
are
not
Princes
of
the
Blood.
IV.
No
Man
who
is
naturally
free
can
be
bound
,
but
by
his
own
Act
and
Deed.
V.
Publick
Laws
are
made
by
Publick
Consent
,
and
they
therefore
bind
every
Man
,
because
every
Man's
Consent
is
involved
in
them
.
VI.
Nothing
but
the
same
Authority
and
Consent
which
made
the
Laws
,
can
repeal
,
alter
,
or
explain
them
.
VII
.
To
judg
and
determine
Causes
against
Law
,
without
Law
,
or
where
the
Law
is
obscure
and
uncertain
,
is
to
assume
Legislative
Power
.
VIII
.
Power
assumed
without
a
Man's
Consent
,
cannot
bind
him
as
his
own
Act
and
Deed.
IX
.
The
Law
of
the
Land
is
all
of
a
piece
,
and
the
same
Authority
which
made
one
Law
made
all
the
rest
,
and
intended
to
have
them
all
impartially
executed
.
X.
Law
on
one
side
,
is
the
Back-Sword
of
Justice
.
XI
.
The
best
things
when
corrupted
are
the
worst
;
and
the
wild
Justice
of
a
State
of
Nature
,
is
much
more
desirable
than
Law
perverted
and
over-ruled
,
into
Hemlock
and
Oppression
.
This
Discourse
of
Magistracy
,
&c.
and
the
former
Reasons
,
were
written
by
the
foresaid
Mr.
S.
Iohnson
.
The
Definition
of
a
TYRANT
,
by
the
Learned
and
Loyal
Abraham
Cowley
,
(
published
by
the
present
Lord
Bishop
of
Rochester
)
in
his
Discourse
concerning
the
Government
of
Oliver
Cromwel
.
I
Call
him
a
Tyrant
,
who
either
intrudes
himself
forcibly
into
the
Government
of
his
Fellow-Citizens
,
without
any
Legal
Authority
over
them
,
or
who
,
having
a
just
Title
to
the
Government
of
a
People
,
abuses
it
to
the
destruction
or
tormenting
of
them
:
So
that
all
Tyrants
are
at
the
same
time
Usurpers
,
either
of
the
whole
,
or
at
least
of
a
part
of
that
Power
which
they
assume
to
themselves
,
and
no
less
are
they
to
be
accounted
Rebels
,
since
no
Man
can
usurp
Authority
over
others
,
but
by
rebelling
against
them
who
had
it
before
,
or
at
least
against
those
Laws
which
were
his
Superiours
.
Several
Queries
proposed
to
the
Sages
of
the
Law
,
who
have
studied
to
Advance
the
Publick
,
equally
with
,
if
not
more
than
their
own
private
Interest
.
Q.
I.
WHether
the
Legislative
Power
be
in
the
King
only
,
as
in
his
Politick
Capacity
,
or
in
the
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
,
in
Parliament
assembled
?
If
in
the
latter
,
then
,
Q.
II.
If
the
King
grants
a
Charter
,
and
thereby
great
Franchises
and
Priviledges
,
and
afterwards
,
the
Grantees
obtain
an
Act
of
Parliament
for
the
Confirmation
hereof
,
is
this
the
Grant
of
the
King
,
or
of
the
Parliament
?
If
the
latter
,
as
it
seems
to
be
,
because
it
is
done
by
the
whole
,
and
every
part
of
the
Legislative
Power
:
then
,
Q.
III.
To
whom
can
these
Grantees
forfeit
this
Charter
?
And
who
shall
take
Advantage
of
the
Forfeiture
?
If
the
King
;
then
an
Act
of
Parliament
may
be
destroyed
without
an
Act
of
Parliament
?
If
the
Parliament
only
can
call
them
to
an
Account
;
then
,
Q.
IV.
Of
what
Validity
is
a
Iudgment
pronounced
(
under
a
colour
of
Law
)
in
B.
R.
against
a
Charter
granted
by
Parliament
?
If
it
be
of
any
force
,
then
the
King's
Bench
is
Superior
to
the
Legislative
Power
of
the
Kingdom
:
If
not
,
then
,
Q.
V.
What
Reason
can
be
assigned
,
why
it
is
not
as
safe
to
Act
pursuant
to
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
notwithstanding
a
Iudgment
entred
in
the
King's
Bench
,
as
it
was
to
Act
against
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
before
the
Iudgment
was
entred
?
And
then
,
Q.
VI.
Whether
they
that
did
the
latter
,
were
not
downright
Knaves
?
and
whether
they
that
refuse
to
do
the
former
,
be
not
more
nice
than
wise
?
A
LETTER
TO
THE
KING
,
When
DUKE
of
YORK
,
Perswading
him
to
return
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
wherein
the
chief
Errors
of
the
Papists
are
exposed
,
and
the
Tendency
of
their
Doctrines
to
promote
Arbitrary
Government
,
proved
.
By
an
Old
Cavalier
,
and
Faithful
Son
of
the
Church
of
England
,
as
Establish'd
by
Law.
Illustrious
Sir
!
WHEN
I
look
up
to
the
Greatness
of
your
Quality
,
and
down
on
my
own
meanness
,
I
cannot
but
tremble
to
make
this
Address
,
so
liable
to
be
censur'd
as
presumptuous
,
and
obnoxious
to
variety
of
Misconstruction
▪
But
since
my
Pen
is
guided
by
an
Heart
fill'd
with
profound
Loyalty
,
and
Veneration
towards
all
the
Royal
Family
,
and
a
sincere
respect
,
and
most
passionate
desires
for
the
particular
Prosperity
.
(
Temporal
and
Eternal
)
of
your
Royal
Highness
,
I
cannot
refrain
discharging
what
I
apprehended
my
Duty
;
and
therefore
with
good
Esther
,
finding
not
only
my
Country
,
but
your
Highness
also
,
in
such
apparent
(
I
wish
it
may
not
prove
inevitable
)
hazard
of
Ruin
,
am
resolved
to
adventure
forth
,
and
cast
my
poor
weak
Sentiments
at
your
feet
;
and
,
If
they
perish
,
they
perish
.
'T
is
generally
reported
,
That
you
are
long
since
turn'd
Papist
;
and
so
far
believ'd
,
That
every
day
many
hundred
thousand
Protestants
are
melted
into
Tears
and
Horror
meerly
on
that
Consideration
,
and
lament
the
same
,
as
one
of
the
greatest
Calamities
that
has
happened
in
our
Age.
I
must
do
my self
so
much
Justice
as
to
decla●e
,
That
I
am
none
of
those
fanatical
Spirits
,
that
either
raise
,
or
lightly
credit
Rumours
to
the
prejudice
of
my
Superiors
.
But
besides
what
has
been
sworn
by
Persons
,
whose
Evidence
none
have
hitherto
been
able
to
invalidate
by
any
substantial
Reasons
,
or
Incoherence
in
their
Depositions
;
your
Highnesses
Conduct
,
and
Deportment
for
many
years
past
,
your
absenting
from
the
publick
Worship
of
our
Church
,
Refusing
legal
Oaths
and
Tests
,
your
countenancing
,
retaining
an
in●imate
Correspondency
with
Roman
Catholicks
;
and
many
other
Reasons
not
fit
,
at
least
unnecessary
here
to
be
mention'd
,
do
all
loudly
speak
it
:
And
for
those
who
would
go
about
to
deny
it
(
as
some
wretched
Pamphlet-scriblers
,
and
unthinking
Health-drinkers
have
done
▪
)
besides
the
folly
of
the
attempt
,
they
unwarily
cast
a
greater
load
of
Ignominy
and
Dishonour
on
your
Highness
,
whilst
they
pretend
to
vindicate
you
.
For
is
it
imaginable
,
That
a
Prince
of
your
Generosity
and
Prudence
would
so
far
suffer
the
Affairs
of
your
Royal
Brother
to
be
imbroil'd
,
His
Councils
discompos'd
;
all
the
Protestants
in
the
World
swallowed
up
with
Astonishment
,
and
almost
despair
,
your
own
Honour
sullied
,
your
Interest
impaired
,
and
these
Three
Kingdoms
put
into
a
deplorable
Distraction
,
meerly
upon
a
false
supposition
,
without
rectifying
in
all
this
time
their
mistake
by
some
real
Demonstrations
to
the
contrary
?
If
such
a
Capricio
should
sway
with
your
Highness
,
what
were
it
but
to
render
you
the
worst
Subject
,
the
most
unkind
Brother
,
the
most
Impolitick
Prince
,
and
the
maddest
,
or
most
monstrous
Man
in
the
World
?
I
shall
therefore
take
it
for
granted
,
and
consequently
must
,
tho'
with
all
Humility
,
and
a
Sorrow
inexpressible
,
direct
my
Discourse
to
your
Highness
as
an
Apostate
from
the
Protestant
Faith
;
and
if
I
am
mistaken
,
't
is
your
Highness
has
led
not
only
me
,
but
almost
all
the
World
into
that
Error
.
I
am
not
insensible
of
my
own
weakness
,
and
how
unfit
I
am
to
argu●
matters
of
Religion
with
your
Highness
,
and
those
subtil
Sophisters
(
the
Pest
of
Europe
,
and
shame
of
Christianity
)
which
are
always
croaking
about
Persons
of
Quality
,
whom
they
have
perverted
to
their
Idolatries
;
being
my self
but
a
Lay-Gentleman
,
of
little
Learning
,
and
in
the
course
of
my
Life
more
conversant
with
the
Sword
,
than
the
Pen
:
And
I
must
wonder
with
Regret
,
if
none
of
the
Right
Reverend
Fathers
,
my
Lords
the
Bishops
,
or
some
of
our
other
Learned
Divines
have
not
vigorously
made
Applications
to
your
Highness
,
even
in
a
publick
Manner
,
to
regain
you
to
the
Protestant
Communion
:
If
they
have
not
charg'd
you
,
as
they
are
God's
Ambassadors
,
to
shew
some
Reasons
,
why
you
hav●
broke
the
League
(
your
Baptismal
vows
)
with
his
Church
,
and
join'd
your self
to
the
Tents
of
his
Enemies
.
If
they
have
not
adjur'd
you
in
the
Name
of
our
Lord
,
to
shew
on
what
offence
taken
amongst
us
,
and
for
what
Beauties
observ'd
in
the
Church
of
Rome
,
you
quitted
the
true
Spouse
of
Christ
,
to
follow
the
Enchantments
of
a
Strumpet
,
whose
shameless
Adulteries
have
long
since
caused
an
utter
Divorce
between
Her
and
the
Blessed
Jesus
:
If
they
have
not
solemnly
called
Heaven
and
Earth
to
Record
,
that
they
are
ready
to
satisfie
all
your
scruples
,
to
answer
all
your
objections
;
and
to
shew
,
That
it
is
not
through
any
default
in
them
,
for
want
of
Endeavours
,
nor
in
our
Church
for
want
of
Truth
;
but
that
your
defection
must
be
wilful
,
as
well
as
unreasonable
,
whereby
to
render
you
either
convicted
,
or
inexcusable
.
Nor
do
I
doubt
,
but
several
of
those
Glorious
Lights
of
our
Church
,
may
accordingly
have
discharged
without
fear
of
flattery
their
Functions
herein
,
in
private
discourses
:
But
certainly
a
matter
of
that
inestimable
importance
,
as
wherein
not
only
the
Soul
of
one
of
the
Bravest
Princes
of
the
Earth
,
but
also
the
whole
Protestant
Interest
in
the
World
,
especially
within
these
Three
Nations
,
is
so
deeply
and
dangerously
concern'd
,
might
require
,
since
I
am
sure
it
deserves
a
Publick
and
General
Application
:
Nor
ought
any
,
though
the
meanest
of
Men
,
to
be
blam'd
for
contributing
modestlȳ
▪
his
help
to
prevent
a
disaster
of
such
universal
influence
:
And
therefore
who
knows
but
that
Almighty
Providence
,
who
overthrew
Iericho's
proud
Walls
of
old
,
not
with
Battering
Engines
of
War
,
but
with
the
blast
of
contemptible
Rams-Horns
,
and
is
often
pleased
to
make
use
of
the
weakest
Instruments
to
effect
mighty
Works
;
may
give
a
Blessing
to
these
poor
u●polish'd
,
inartificial
Lines
,
which
have
nothing
but
the
Power
of
Truth
,
and
the
Honesty
of
a
sincere
Intention
to
recommend
them
to
your
Princely
Consideration
?
That
you
were
educated
in
Protestant
Principles
,
is
notorious
.
I
beseech
your
Highness
therefore
to
satisfie
the
World
what
could
induce
you
to
a
change
.
I
shall
not
mention
your
Royal
Grandfather
,
whose
Learned
Pen
baffled
all
the
Conclave
,
nor
shall
I
insist
on
that
Curse
which
he
solemnly
pronounced
on
any
of
his
Posterity
that
should
turn
Papist
:
I
shall
only
say
,
Had
you
not
the
Example
,
and
the
Commands
too
of
a
most
Indulgent
,
Pious
Prince
,
your
Royal
Father
,
for
perseverance
therein
;
who
,
though
barbarously
murder'd
by
vile
Men
,
yet
continued
stedfast
,
and
even
with
his
last
breath
discharg'd
and
●lear'd
the
Doctrine
of
the
Reformed
Religion
from
having
any
share
in
their
Crimes
?
What
Impiety
is
it
,
if
you
should
dare
to
profess
your
Fathers
Blessed
Soul
to
be
eternally
damn'd
!
and
yet
,
if
you
are
a
Papist
,
you
can
do
no
less
;
for
you
cannot
be
such
without
believing
,
That
there
is
no
Salvation
out
of
the
Pale
of
the
Church
▪
and
that
there
is
no
Church
but
that
of
Rome
;
and
I
am
confident
none
can
have
the
Impudence
to
suggest
,
that
He
died
in
the
Communion
of
that
Church
:
What
follows
then
?
or
how
will
you
answer
this
Horrid
Scandal
on
his
Sacred
Memory
,
when
you
shall
meet
his
glorified
Spirit
at
the
last
dreadful
Judgment-day
?
Nor
can
the
keenest
Jesuit
blunt
the
edge
of
this
Argument
by
a
Retortion
from
the
Consideration
of
your
Highnesses
Illustrious
Mother
:
For
though
Papists
are
so
audacious
,
as
to
place
the
Keys
of
Heaven
at
the
Pope's
Girdle
,
and
uncharitably
doom
us
All
to
unquenchable
flames
,
not
affording
us
so
much
as
a
Room
in
Purgatory
:
yet
Protestants
are
not
so
unchristian
(
but
according
to
Scripture
)
leave
secret
things
to
God
,
and
allow
grains
for
Education
,
Prepossessions
,
Ignorance
,
&c.
which
is
yet
no
more
a
Reason
for
any
Man
to
turn
Papist
,
than
't
is
for
him
that
stands
safe
on
the
shore
to
leap
off
into
a
Vessel
so
rotten
and
leaky
as
just
ready
to
sink
,
upon
a
presumption
that
still
some
of
those
that
are
in
her
may
escape
the
danger
:
Or
to
chuse
an
impudent
Quack
,
who
boasts
he
only
can
cure
him
;
and
refuse
a
Learned
Physician
,
who
modestly
grants
he
may
peradventure
be
healed
by
the
other
,
though
very
improbably
;
but
withal
,
that
't
is
a
Million
to
one
,
but
the
Patient
,
under
such
hands
,
miscarries
;
and
that
in
this
case
,
eternally
.
But
quitting
this
Argument
,
which
is
only
Personal
,
I
beseech
your
Highness
to
tell
us
,
how
you
,
or
any
Man
of
sense
can
so
far
forget
,
not
only
his
Education
and
Interest
,
but
his
very
Reason
,
as
to
imbrace
POPERY
,
frightful
,
detestable
,
ridiculous
Popery
,
that
Chaos
of
Superstition
,
Idolatry
,
Error
and
Imposture
,
that
has
no
foundation
but
a
Cheat
;
No
Ends
but
to
gratifie
Pride
and
Avarice
;
no
solid
Argument
to
promote
and
maintain
it
,
but
Impudence
and
Cruelty
.
Popery
,
That
depends
wholly
upon
nice
and
poor
uncertainties
,
and
unprovable
supposals
:
As
1st.
That
Peter
was
Bishop
of
Rome
.
2dly
.
That
He
left
there
one
to
be
Heir
of
his
Graces
and
Spirit
,
in
a
perpetual
unfailable
Succe●sion
.
3dly
.
That
He
so
bequeathed
his
Infallibility
to
his
Chair
,
as
that
whosoever
sits
in
it
,
cannot
but
speak
Truth
;
so
that
all
who
sit
where
he
sat
,
must
by
some
secret
Instinct
,
say
as
he
taught
;
that
what
Christ
said
to
him
absolutely
,
without
any
respect
to
Rome
,
must
be
referr'd
,
yea
ty'd
to
that
place
alone
,
and
fulfill'd
in
it
.
4thly
.
That
Linus
,
Clements
and
Cletus
the
Scholars
,
and
supposed
Successors
of
Peter
,
must
he
preferr'd
(
in
the
Headship
of
the
Church
)
to
Iohn
the
beloved
Apostle
then
still
living
.
5thly
.
That
He
whose
Life
is
oft
times
monstrously
debauch'd
,
his
Judgment
childishly
ignorant
,
cannot
yet
,
when
in
his
Pontifical
Chair
,
possibly
erre
.
6thly
.
That
the
Golden
Line
of
this
Apostolical
Succe●sion
,
in
the
confusion
of
so
many
long
desperate
Schisms
,
shamefully
corrupt
Usurpations
and
Instrusions
,
and
confess'd
Heresies
,
yet
neither
was
nor
can
be
broken
.
Popery
,
That
teaches
Men
to
worship
Stocks
and
Stones
,
and
painted
Clouts
,
with
the
fame
Honour
as
is
due
to
our
Creator
;
and
lest
that
practice
should
appear
to
her
simple
Clients
too
palpably
oppo●ite
to
God's
Law
,
most
sacrilegiously
stifles
one
of
the
Ten
Commandments
in
their
vulgar
Catechisms
and
Prayer-Books
.
Popery
,
That
utterly
confounds
the
true
Humanity
of
Christ
,
while
they
give
unto
it
Ten
thousand
places
at
once
,
and
yet
no
place
;
Flesh
,
and
no
Flesh
;
several
Members
without
distinction
;
a
substance
without
quantity
,
and
other
Accidents
;
or
Substance
and
Accidents
,
that
cannot
be
seen
,
felt
or
perceived
;
so
that
they
make
a
Monster
of
their
Saviour
,
or
nothing
.
Popery
,
That
utterly
overthrows
the
Perfection
of
Christ's
satisfaction
;
for
if
all
be
not
paid
,
how
hath
he
satisfied
?
If
Temporal
Punishments
in
Purgatory
be
yet
due
,
how
is
all
paid
?
And
if
these
must
be
paid
by
us
,
how
are
they
satisfied
by
him
?
Popery
,
That
hath
made
more
Scriptures
than
ever
the
Holy
Spirit
dictated
,
or
the
Ancient
Church
received
;
and
those
which
it
doth
make
,
Imperiously
obtrudes
upon
the
World
;
and
while
it
thunders
out
Curses
against
all
that
will
not
add
these
Books
to
God's
,
seems
to
defie
the
Curse
pronounc'd
by
God
himself
to
those
that
add
unto
his
Word
,
Rev.
22.
18.
Popery
,
That
erects
a
Throne
in
the
Conscience
to
a
meer
Man
,
and
many
times
rather
a
Monster
than
a
Man
;
and
gives
him
absolute
Power
to
make
a
sin
of
that
which
is
none
;
and
to
dispense
with
that
which
is
;
to
create
new
Articles
of
Faith
,
and
to
impose
them
upon
Necessity
of
Salvation
;
to
make
wicked
Men
Saints
,
and
Saints
Gods
;
for
even
by
the
Confession
of
Papists
,
lewd
and
undeserving
Men
have
leap'd
into
their
Calendar
;
yet
being
once
install'd
there
,
they
have
the
Honour
of
Altars
,
Temples
and
Invocations
;
some
of
them
in
a
stile
sit
only
for
their
Maker
.
Popery
,
That
robs
the
Heart
of
all
sound
Comfort
,
whilst
it
teacheth
us
,
That
we
neither
can
,
nor
ought
to
be
assured
of
the
Remission
of
our
sins
,
and
of
present
Grace
,
and
future
Salvation
;
that
we
can
never
know
whether
we
have
receiv'd
the
true
Sacraments
of
God
becausewe
cannot
know
the
Intention
of
the
Minister
,
without
which
they
are
no
Sacraments
.
Popery
,
That
racks
the
Conscience
with
the
needless
torture
of
a
necessary
shrift
,
wherein
the
vertue
of
an
Absolution
depends
on
the
fulness
of
Confession
;
and
that
upon
Examination
;
and
the
sufficiency
of
Examination
is
so
fu●l
of
scruples
(
besides
infinite
Cases
of
unresolved
doubts
in
this
feigned
pennance
)
that
the
pour
soul
never
knows
when
it
is
clear
.
Popery
,
That
under
pretence
of
Religion
plays
the
Bawd
to
sin
,
whilst
both
in
practice
it
tolerates
open
stews
,
and
prefers
Fornication
in
some
cases
before
honourable
Matrimony
,
and
gently
blanches
over
wilful
Violations
of
God's
Law
with
the
favourable
title
of
Venial
Crimes
.
Popery
,
That
makes
Nature
vainly
proud
,
in
joining
her
as
Copartner
with
God
in
our
Justification
,
Salvation
,
and
idly
putting
her
up
with
a
conceit
of
her
Perfection
and
Ability
to
keep
more
Laws
than
God
hath
●ade
,
whence
their
Doctrines
of
Merit
and
Supererogation
,
&c.
Popery
,
That
requires
no
other
Faith
●o
Justific●tion
in
Christians
,
than
may
be
found
in
Devils
themselves
;
who
,
besides
●
confused
Apprehension
,
can
assent
to
the
Truth
of
God's
revealed
Will
,
and
Popery
requires
no
more
.
Popery
,
That
instead
of
the
pure
Milk
of
the
Gospel
,
hath
long
fed
her
starved
Souls
with
such
idle
Legends
,
as
the
Reporter
can
hardly
deliver
without
laughter
,
nor
their
Abettors
be
told
of
without
shame
and
disclamation
;
so
that
the
wiser
sort
of
the
World
read
these
Stories
on
Winter
Evenings
for
sport
,
which
the
poor
credulous
Multitude
hear
in
their
Churches
with
devout
astonishment
.
Popery
,
That
requires
nothing
but
meer
Formality
in
our
Devotion
;
the
work
wrought
suffices
alone
in
Sacraments
,
and
in
Prayers
;
if
the
number
be
repeated
by
Rote
,
no
matter
for
the
Affection
;
as
if
God
regarded
not
the
Heart
,
but
the
Tongue
and
Hands
;
and
while
he
understands
us
,
cared
little
whether
we
understand
our selves
.
Popery
,
That
hath
been
often
dyed
in
the
Blood
of
Princes
,
that
in
some
cases
teaches
and
allows
Rebellion
against
God's
Anointed
;
and
both
suborneth
Treasons
;
and
excuses
,
pities
,
honours
and
rewards
the
Actors
.
Popery
,
That
overloads
Men's
Consciences
with
heavy
burdens
of
infinite
,
unnecessary
Tradit●ons
,
far
more
than
ever
Moses
Commented
upon
by
all
the
Iewish
Rabbins
;
imposing
them
with
no
less
Authority
,
and
exacting
them
with
more
Rigour
,
than
any
of
the
Royal
Laws
of
their
Maker
.
Popery
,
That
cozens
the
vulgar
with
nothing
but
shadows
of
Holiness
in
Pilgrimages
,
Processions
,
Offerings
,
Holy
Water
,
Latin
Services
,
Images
,
Tapers
,
rich
Vestures
,
garish
Altars
,
Crosses
,
Censings
,
and
a
thousand
such
like
,
fit
for
Children
and
Fools
,
robbing
them
in
the
mean
time
of
the
sound
and
plain
Helps
of
true
Piety
and
Salvation
▪
Popery
,
That
cares
not
by
what
wilful
Falshoods
,
Equivocations
,
Perjuries
and
Abominations
it
propagates
it self
,
and
maintains
its
credit
:
And
therefore
being
conscious
of
her
own
Villainies
,
goes
about
to
falsifie
and
deprave
Authors
,
that
might
give
Evidence
against
her
,
to
outface
all
ancient
Truths
,
to
foist
in
Gibionitish
Witnesses
of
their
own
forging
,
and
leaves
nothing
unattempted
against
Heaven
and
Earth
that
might
advance
her
Faction
,
and
disable
her
innocent
and
just
Accusers
.
This
,
this
is
the
true
figure
of
Popery
,
through
whatever
false
Opticks
your
Highness
may
have
view'd
it
:
This
is
that
for
which
you
are
resolv'd
to
hazard
a
Crown
of
Glory
,
and
three
temporal
Diadems
to
boot
;
and
to
which
you
sacrifice
both
your
own
Fortunes
,
and
the
Tranquillity
of
many
Millions
of
Souls
▪
What
then
can
the
World
,
that
kno●s
the
clear
light
of
your
Highnesses
Elevated
Understanding
,
imag●●●
can
be
the
Cause
of
your
Revolt
?
Will
they
not
be
apt
to
conceive
,
that
you
have
not
espoused
this
Mock
Religion
purely
for
its
own
sake
,
but
for
some
promised
Dowry
of
an
Absolute
Monarchy
,
or
Arbitrary
Power
,
which
she
might
pretend
to
bring
one
day
with
her
to
your
Embraces
?
But
as
this
is
far
below
the
Justice
and
Generosity
of
your
Highness
,
so
't
is
unworthy
the
thoughts
of
any
considerate
Politician
.
For
suppose
any
Prince
,
to
whom
the
British
Sceptre
may
hereafter
devolve
,
intoxicated
with
the
Tinsel
Glories
of
the
French
Monarch's
blustering
Grandeur
,
should
be
so
vain
,
as
to
hope
to
subjugate
the
English
Liberties
,
and
destroy
the
Constitution
of
the
best
Establish'd
Government
on
Earth
,
by
assuming
to
himself
the
whole
Legislative
Power
,
raising
Money
,
and
draining
his
Subjects
at
Pleasure
without
their
common
Consent
in
Parliament
,
&c.
and
should
be
so
extravagantly
enamour'd
on
this
fatal
Project
(
fatal
I
say
,
because
for
above
Five
hundred
years
it
has
shipwrack'd
all
that
coasted
that
way
,
)
as
to
be
content
to
shift
his
Religion
,
and
exchange
his
Faith
,
and
turn
Papist
,
on
a
presumption
,
that
the
same
might
facilitate
and
accomplish
his
Enterprize
:
As
King
Iohn
,
't
is
said
,
resolv'd
once
to
embrace
Mahumetism
,
rather
than
not
to
be
reveng'd
of
his
Barons
,
claiming
their
just
Liberties
.
Suppose
I
say
all
this
should
be
,
and
that
the
present
Papists
,
to
get
their
Religion
publickly
establish'd
,
should
comply
with
his
Designs
;
yet
still
is
it
not
most
reasonable
to
believe
.
That
having
once
gain'd
their
Point
therein
,
they
,
or
their
Posterity
,
will
soon
recal
to
mind
their
Birth
rights
and
Privileges
due
to
them
as
English-men
;
and
will
they
not
then
be
perpetually
tugging
and
strugling
to
regain
them
,
whence
continual
disturbance
will
ensue
,
and
a
standing
Army
must
be
kept
on
foot
to
support
this
ill
acquired
Grand●ur
?
For
those
Subjects
that
contended
with
King
Iohn
and
King
Henry
the
Third
,
&c.
tho'
they
were
Papists
,
and
of
the
same
Religion
with
those
Princes
,
could
not
brook
it
,
to
be
Slaves
to
their
Arbitrary
Pleasures
in
their
Civil
Rights
:
Besides
,
what
a
waking
dream
is
it
for
any
King
,
that
is
free
from
the
Roman
Yoke
,
to
think
to
make
himself
more
Absolute
by
involving
himself
and
his
Kingdoms
in
Thraldom
to
the
Church
of
Rome
;
wherein
not
only
the
Pope
pretends
a
Right
to
domineer
over
him
,
but
every
Ecclesiastick
esteems
himself
wholly
exempt
from
his
Jurisdiction
,
and
all
his
People
will
be
but
half
his
Subjects
,
viz.
in
Temporals
;
for
in
Spirituals
,
and
in
ordine
ad
spiritualia
(
a
monstrous
draw
net
,
that
may
include
almost
all
the
Actions
of
Humane
Life
,
)
they
are
wholly
to
be
Conducted
by
his
Holiness
and
his
Subordinate
Ministers
.
How
therefore
can
your
Highness
,
if
a
Roman
Catholick
,
complain
of
the
late
successive
Houses
of
Commons
for
pressing
a
Bill
to
exclude
you
?
Is
it
any
Disloyalty
to
endeavour
to
preserve
the
Imperial
Crown
of
England
from
a
truckling
and
shameful
Servitude
to
a
Foreign
Usurper's
Power
?
Or
is
it
any
such
unheard
of
thing
to
debarr
a
Prince
from
a
Throne
,
that
hath
obstinately
disabled
himself
?
Certainly
,
above
all
Men
,
the
Roman
Catholicks
ought
not
to
murmur
at
this
;
for
did
not
the
Pope
issue
forth
a
Bull
to
exclude
your
Grandfather
,
King
Iames
,
unless
he
would
turn
Papist
?
And
did
not
the
Romanists
,
though
they
acknowledged
the
Title
of
your
other
Grandfather
,
Henry
the
Great
,
to
the
French
Diadem
;
yet
refuse
to
pay
him
any
Obedience
,
because
a
Protestant
,
and
on
that
only
score
fought
against
him
,
as
long
as
he
continued
so
,
and
thought
it
no
Rebellion
?
Your
Highness
perhaps
will
say
—
What
though
they
did
so
,
true
Protestants
,
and
the
Church
of
England
do
not
own
such
Principles
?
Well
then
,
if
the
Protestant
Principles
be
better
than
those
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
what
Madness
is
it
in
your
Highness
to
abandon
the
first
,
and
chuse
the
latter
?
I
am
a
dutiful
and
hearty
Lover
of
Monarchy
,
and
when
establish'd
on
such
an
Equi-pois'd
Basis
of
Wisdom
as
ours
is
,
shall
ever
assert
it
to
be
the
best
Form
of
Government
in
the
World
,
and
most
agreeable
to
the
Genius
of
English-men
:
But
that
lineal
descent
is
so
sacred
a
thing
,
that
the
Heir
presumptive
can
for
no
default
or
crime
whatsoever
be
debarr'd
from
the
Crown
by
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
or
publick
Decree
of
State
,
I
do
not
understand
;
For
I
am
sure
the
practice
in
all
Ages
,
both
at
home
and
abroad
in
almost
every
Nation
in
the
Earth
,
hath
run
contrary
:
And
as
to
Right
;
those
that
pretend
such
Succession
in
all
Cases
to
be
Iure
Divino
,
would
do
well
to
shew
in
what
Texts
of
Scripture
the
same
is
prescribed
;
till
then
,
they
do
but
talk
,
not
argue
;
and
if
a
Candidate
to
the
Crown
,
for
any
Reasons
whatsoever
,
may
without
offence
to
the
Law
of
God
or
Nature
,
be
Excluded
by
an
Act
of
King
,
Lords
and
Commons
;
Then
the
Iune-divino-ship
vanishes
,
and
nothing
is
left
to
be
considered
:
But
whether
such
next
Heir
have
done
such
Acts
,
or
is
so
qualified
,
that
in
Prudence
it
be
necessary
for
the
Tranquillity
of
the
Publick
to
Exclude
him
.
Now
I
believe
there
are
but
few
of
the
Church
of
England
,
but
if
the
Bill
had
passed
the
Lords
,
and
his
Majesty
had
given
his
Royal
Assent
to
it
,
would
have
acquiesc'd
therein
,
and
consequently
they
do
not
believe
the
Exclusion
to
be
simply
unlawful
by
the
Law
of
God
or
Nature
,
for
against
either
of
them
no
Humane
Ordinances
ought
to
prevail
.
But
all
true
Loyalists
do
not
despair
,
but
your
Highness
may
yet
prevent
all
Occasions
of
such
Disputes
by
opening
your
eyes
;
or
rather
that
God
(
in
whose
hands
are
the
Hearts
of
Princes
)
may
irradiate
your
Royal
Understanding
,
and
let
you
see
the
horrid
Blackness
of
those
Men
who
have
endeavour'd
to
seduce
you
,
and
of
those
Principles
to
which
they
would
have
inveigled
you
,
on
purpose
to
have
made
your
Highness
a
Property
to
their
Ambition
and
Avarice
,
and
that
under
the
shadow
of
your
Illustrious
Name
they
might
one
day
Tyrannize
at
Pleasure
over
these
Three
Kingdoms
.
If
Heaven
shall
be
pleased
to
work
such
an
happy
Inclination
in
your
Highness
,
you
shall
presently
see
the
whole
British
Empire
echoing
with
Praises
and
Acclamations
,
and
instead
of
murmurs
of
Seclusion
,
every
good
Subject
shall
erect
you
a
Throne
in
his
heart
.
But
the
grand
difficulty
will
be
to
satisfie
the
prejudiced
World
of
your
sincerity
herein
;
for
if
your
Highness
(
which
God
forbid
)
should
declare
your self
a
Protestant
only
to
serve
a
present
turn
,
and
use
the
Sacred
Name
of
our
Religion
but
as
an
Engine
to
advance
the
design
of
our
bloody
Enemies
,
you
would
act
at
once
the
most
dishonourably
and
(
in
the
end
)
most
prejudicially
to
your
own
Interest
,
in
the
world
,
and
must
certainly
expect
the
blasts
of
Heaven
,
and
curses
of
Earth
on
all
your
future
proceedings
;
for
Hypocrisie
is
odious
to
God
and
Man
,
nor
is
there
any
Monster
so
abominable
to
serious
Men
of
both
sides
,
as
a
Church-Papist
.
Your
Royal
Highness
,
I
hope
,
will
excuse
our
fears
,
for
we
are
not
ignorant
of
the
Arts
and
Craft
of
Rome
,
that
she
esteems
no
means
unlawful
to
obtain
her
ends
.
How
shall
any
Oaths
be
sufficient
Tests
,
when
a
private
dispensation
may
at
once
allow
the
taking
,
and
warrant
the
breaking
of
them
?
Or
what
signifies
the
participation
of
our
Sacraments
to
one
that
is
taught
,
We
have
no
true
Ministers
of
Christ
;
if
so
,
no
consecration
,
consequently
nothing
but
an
ordinary
Breakfast
of
common
Br●ad
and
Wine
,
and
who
shall
lose
the
hopes
of
three
Crowns
rather
than
not
taste
such
harmless
viands
?
Not
that
I
dare
imagine
your
Highnesses
Understanding
would
suffer
you
to
believe
the
lawfulness
,
or
your
Princely
Generosity
permit
you
to
practise
these
lewd
dissimulations
;
yet
since
such
Doctrines
are
daily
taught
in
the
Roman
Church
,
how
shall
Protestants
be
assured
they
have
no
Influence
on
your
Conduct
?
I
must
therefore
with
all
humble
freedom
assure
your
Highness
,
that
after
so
general
an
Opinion
of
your
Highnesses
having
been
a
Roman
Catholick
,
though
you
should
go
never
so
duly
to
Church
,
receive
the
Sacrament
a
thousand
times
,
and
take
Oaths
all
the
way
from
Holy-rood
House
to
St.
Iames's
,
yet
the
People
would
scarce
believe
the
reality
of
your
Conversion
,
unless
withal
they
see
it
accompanied
with
some
other
Demonstrations
.
For
as
Faith
without
works
is
dead
,
so
Profession
of
a
Religion
,
without
agreeable
endeavours
to
advance
it
will
be
vain
.
If
his
Royal
Highness
,
will
the
People
say
,
be
a
good
Protestant
,
he
will
undoubtedly
discourage
all
Papists
,
the
sworn
inveterate
Enemies
of
our
Religion
,
he
will
not
suffer
a
Popish
Priest
to
approach
his
Person
or
Palace
.
If
he
have
had
any
intimation
of
any
ill
designs
,
if
any
have
been
tampering
to
reconcile
him
to
Popery
(
which
is
no
less
than
Treason
)
he
will
presently
detect
those
mischievous
Instruments
,
that
they
may
be
brought
to
condign
Punishment
,
and
applaud
the
Iustice
that
has
been
done
on
Coleman
,
the
five
Jesuits
,
Godfrey's
Murderers
,
&c.
thereby
stopping
the
Mouths
of
that
brazen
Tribe
who
would
make
the
World
believe
they
died
innocently
.
He
will
declare
〈◊〉
all
Arbitrary
Designs
,
detest
those
who
by
sneaking
flatteries
would
un●●ng●
the
ancient
and
most
wise
Constitution
of
our
Government
.
He
will
heartily
recommend
Parliaments
to
his
Sacred
Brother
as
the
wisest
and
safest
Councils
,
and
even
thank
the
late
Houses
of
Commons
for
their
zeal
against
him
,
whilst
they
apprehended
him
as
an
Enemy
to
his
King
,
and
the
Religion
and
safety
of
the
Kingdom
.
He
will
vigorously
by
his
Counsels
and
Interests
oppose
the
growing
greatness
of
the
French
,
which
at
this
day
threatens
all
Europe
with
Chains
,
and
immediately
tends
not
only
to
the
decay
of
Great
Britains
.
Trade
and
Glory
,
but
also
to
the
diminution
,
oppression
,
and
(
if
it
lay
in
humane
Power
)
utter
subversion
of
the
Reformed
Religion
throughout
the
World.
These
and
the
like
Noble
Fruits
,
will
the
People
not
unreasonably
expect
from
your
R.
H.
when
ever
you
shall
please
to
declare
your self
a
Protestant
;
which
that
you
may
speedily
do
,
not
Politickly
or
Superficially
,
but
with
that
sincerity
,
as
so
serious
a
matter
(
of
infinite
more
value
than
the
Three
Crowns
you
are
Presumptive
Heir
to
)
is
the
Prayer
of
all
good
Men
,
and
particularly
of
Your
Royal
Highness
's
Most
Humble
and
Faithful
Servant
,
Philanax
Verax
.
LONDON
,
Printed
,
and
are
to
be
sold
by
Richard
Ianeway
,
1688.
Ten
Seasonable
QUERIES
,
Proposed
by
an
English
Gentleman
in
Amsterdam
,
to
his
Friends
in
England
,
a
little
before
the
Prince
of
Orange
came
over
.
I.
WHether
any
Real
and
Zealous
Papist
was
ever
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
?
it
being
a
fundamental
Principle
of
their
Religion
,
That
all
Christians
that
do
not
believe
as
They
do
,
are
Hereticks
,
and
ought
to
be
destroyed
.
II.
Whether
the
King
be
a
Real
and
Zealous
Papist
?
If
he
be
,
Whether
he
can
be
truly
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
?
III.
Whether
this
King
in
his
Brother's
Reign
did
not
cause
the
Persecution
against
Dissenters
to
be
more
violent
than
otherwise
it
would
have
been
.
IV.
Whether
he
doth
not
now
make
use
of
the
Dissenters
to
pull
down
the
Church
of
England
,
as
he
did
of
the
Church
of
England
to
ruin
the
Dissenters
,
that
the
Papists
may
be
the
better
enabled
in
a
short
time
to
destroy
them
both
?
V.
Whether
any
ought
to
believe
he
will
be
for
Liberty
any
longer
than
it
serves
his
Turn
?
and
whether
his
great
eagerness
to
have
the
Penal
Laws
and
Test
repealed
be
only
in
order
to
the
easie
establishing
of
Popery
?
VI.
Whether
if
these
Penal
Laws
and
Test
were
repealed
,
there
would
not
many
turn
Papists
that
now
dare
not
?
VII
.
Whether
the
forcing
of
all
that
are
in
Offices
of
Profit
or
Trust
in
the
Nation
,
to
lose
their
Places
,
or
declare
they
will
be
for
Repealing
the
Penal
Laws
and
Test
,
be
not
Violating
his
own
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
and
a
new
Test
upon
the
People
?
VIII
.
Whether
the
suspending
the
Bishop
of
London
,
the
Dispossessing
of
the
Fellows
of
Magdalen
Colledge
of
their
Freeholds
,
the
Imprisoning
and
Prosecuting
the
Seven
Bishops
for
Reasoning
according
to
Law
,
are
not
sufficient
instances
how
well
the
King
intend
to
keep
his
Declaration
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
wherein
he
promiseth
to
protect
and
maintain
all
his
Bishops
and
Clergy
,
and
all
other
his
Subjects
of
the
Church
of
England
in
quiet
and
full
enjoyment
of
all
their
Possessions
with
any
molestation
or
disturbance
whatsoever
.
IX
.
Whether
the
Usage
of
the
Protestants
in
France
and
Savoy
for
these
three
years
past
,
be
not
a
sufficient
Warning
not
to
trust
to
the
Declaration
,
Promises
or
Oaths
in
matters
of
Religion
of
any
Papist
whatsoever
?
X.
Whether
any
Equivalent
whatsoever
under
a
Popish
King
,
that
hath
a
standing
Army
,
and
pretends
to
a
Dispensing
Power
,
can
be
as
equal
Security
as
the
Penal
Laws
and
Test
,
as
affairs
now
stand
in
England
?
FINIS
.
A
SIXTH
Collection
of
Papers
Relating
to
the
Present
Juncture
of
Affairs
in
England
.
VIZ.
-
I.
Five
Letters
from
Scotland
,
giving
Account
of
expelling
Popery
from
thence
.
-
II.
The
Prince
of
Orange's
Speech
to
the
Scots
Lords
and
Gentlemen
met
at
St.
Iames's
.
With
their
Advice
to
the
Prince
,
to
take
upon
him
the
Administration
of
the
Affairs
of
Scotland
.
With
his
Highness's
Answer
.
-
III.
A
Letter
to
a
Friend
,
advising
in
this
Extraordiry
Juncture
,
how
to
Free
the
Nation
from
Slavery
.
-
IV.
The
Application
of
the
Bishop
and
Clergy
of
London
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
Sept.
21.
1688.
-
V.
An
Address
of
the
Nonconformist
Ministers
of
London
,
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
.
-
VI.
The
Address
of
the
City
of
Bristol
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
.
-
VII
.
A
Word
to
the
Wise
,
for
Setling
the
Government
.
-
VIII
.
A
Modest
Proposal
to
the
present
Convention
.
-
IX
.
An
Historical
Account
touching
the
Succession
of
the
Crown
.
-
X.
A
Narrative
of
the
Miseries
of
New-England
,
by
reason
of
an
Arbitrary
Government
erected
there
.
Licensed
and
Entred
according
to
Order
.
London
printed
,
and
are
to
be
sold
by
Richard
Ianeway
in
Queen's-head-Court
in
Pater-noster-Row
,
1689.
Advertisement
.
WHereas
there
is
a
sixth
and
seventh
Collection
of
old
Papers
with
new
Title-Pages
(
remote
from
the
present
Juncture
of
Affairs
)
published
by
R.
Baldwin
;
The
Reader
is
desired
to
take
notice
that
the
Person
that
collected
the
first
five
Parts
,
will
continue
them
from
time
to
time
as
often
as
matter
occurs
,
in
which
he
will
take
care
not
to
impose
any
thing
but
what
is
new
and
genuine
,
and
worth
the
Reader
's
Money
.
To
be
sold
by
Richard
Ianeway
in
Queen's-Head
Court
in
Pater-Noster-Row
,
who
sells
the
former
five
,
and
so
all
that
shall
follow
.
Five
LETTERS
From
a
Gentleman
in
Scotland
,
to
his
Friend
in
LONDON
.
Being
a
True
Account
of
what
Remarkable
Passages
have
happened
since
the
Prince's
Landing
;
The
manner
of
the
taking
of
the
Chancellor
,
and
his
Lady
in
Man's
Apparel
;
The
burning
of
the
Pope
,
Demolishing
of
the
Popish
Chappels
,
&c.
with
the
total
overthrow
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
.
Edinburgh
,
Decemb.
3.
1688.
THE
Students
of
the
University
here
,
designed
some
time
ago
to
burn
the
Pope's
Effigies
;
but
that
was
not
more
zealously
desired
to
be
prevented
by
some
,
than
to
be
done
by
others
:
Notwithstanding
all
the
imaginable
Care
taken
to
prevent
it
,
yet
it
was
done
about
Ten
Days
ago
,
after
day-light
gone
,
at
the
Cross
,
and
blown
up
with
Art
,
that
seems
to
have
been
beyond
their
Invention
,
above
four
Stories
high
.
Two
Days
thereafter
they
went
to
the
Parliament-House
,
at
mid-day
,
passing
by
the
Guards
,
crying
,
No
Pope
,
No
Papist
:
And
being
got
into
the
Parliament-House
,
(
after
they
had
required
the
Guards
to
be
present
at
the
Sentence
)
and
having
got
upon
the
Bench
,
they
Arraigned
his
Holiness
before
his
Judges
,
and
gave
the
Jury
their
Commission
,
who
brought
him
in
Guilty
;
whereupon
,
he
was
sentenced
to
be
burnt
publickly
at
the
Cross
the
Twenty
Fifth
of
this
Instant
;
and
withal
declared
,
and
protested
for
a
Free
Parliament
.
On
Sunday
last
,
Advertisement
was
given
by
a
Papist
,
to
a
Gentlewoman
,
to
remove
her self
out
of
this
City
,
and
to
carry
out
her
Husband's
Papers
forthwith
,
because
that
Night
there
should
be
here
a
hot
Wakening
,
such
as
had
not
been
heretofore
;
and
advised
her
to
give
the
same
Advice
to
any
of
her
Friends
she
pleased
.
Your
Friend
Mr.
M.
being
acquainted
with
this
,
he
revealed
the
same
to
several
of
our
Magistrates
,
(
which
,
as
is
alledged
,
was
not
regarded
)
he
went
thereafter
and
acquainted
the
Guard
of
our
Trained-Bands
therewith
;
whereupon
Captain
Patrick
Iohnstone
(
Hilton's
Brother
)
caused
to
beat
the
Drums
,
and
the
Noise
having
gone
abroad
,
and
several
Persons
having
ordered
their
Arms
,
and
People
flocking
together
to
consider
what
was
fit
to
be
done
,
the
Magistrates
,
with
the
Council
,
convened
for
the
same
purpose
.
A
great
many
Boys
met
also
,
and
went
through
the
whole
Town
,
crying
aloud
,
No
Pope
,
No
Papist
,
No
Popish
Chancellor
,
No
Melfort
,
No
Father
Peters
.
But
the
Gates
were
shut
,
the
Magistrates
went
along
the
Streets
for
the
keeping
of
the
Peace
;
and
nothing
more
was
done
that
Night
,
except
the
breaking
of
three
or
four
Glass-Windows
of
Papists
Houses
,
and
that
some
of
the
Boys
got
up
to
the
Cross
,
and
proclaimed
a
Free-Parliament
,
and
offered
Two
Thousand
Pounds
for
Melford's
Head
;
so
that
Night
past
over
,
when
all
People
here
were
in
fear
of
some
ill
Designs
,
and
the
rather
,
because
of
their
certain
knowledg
that
there
were
lying
in
the
Suburbs
,
a
great
many
Hundreds
of
Highland-m●n
,
(
or
rather
Thousands
)
and
that
all
that
day
the
Abbey
Gates
were
exactly
kept
by
Souldiers
,
Commanded
by
Captain
Wallace
a
Papist
,
and
none
admitted
to
enter
except
Papists
or
Highland-men
.
On
Monday
,
about
mid-day
,
the
Chancellor
parted
thence
and
went
towards
the
Highlands
,
by
Advice
of
several
of
the
Privy
Council
and
his
Friends
,
and
took
a
good
Guard
with
him
.
At
Night
the
Students
went
(
without
Arms
)
to
the
Abbey
,
to
condemn
the
Pope
,
and
to
Proclaim
a
Free
Parliament
,
and
perhaps
to
burn
what
was
contained
in
the
Chappel
,
but
without
asking
Questions
,
were
repulsed
by
a
shower
of
Ball
,
whereby
several
were
wounded
,
and
some
since
dead
of
their
Wounds
;
which
coming
to
the
Privy
Councils
Knowledg
,
(
which
was
then
sitting
)
they
called
the
Town
Council
(
then
also
met
)
and
Captain
Grahame
;
desired
them
to
see
to
the
preservance
of
the
Peace
,
and
sent
Six
Heralds
with
an
Order
to
Captain
Wallace
and
his
Men
,
to
lay
down
their
Arms
,
render
themselves
Prisoners
,
and
deliver
their
Guards
to
the
Magistrates
,
but
they
were
answered
by
Ball
;
which
being
reported
to
the
Privy
Council
,
they
forthwith
ordered
Captain
Grahame
and
his
Company
,
Trained-Bands
and
Militia
,
to
fall
upon
them
,
which
they
did
;
Wallace
and
his
Men
fled
,
several
of
them
were
taken
,
and
some
wounded
,
as
were
some
of
Captain
Grahame's
Men.
The
Rabble
were
so
incensed
upon
the
firing
,
and
supposition
that
it
was
Boys
were
killed
,
that
they
burnt
all
that
was
contained
in
the
Chappel
,
the
Jesuits
Colledg
,
the
Popish
Printing-house
,
the
Abbey
Church
,
the
Chancellor's
Lodgings
;
and
generally
,
all
that
was
contained
in
the
Houses
of
Papists
,
in
the
Town
and
Cannon-gate
,
excepting
what
was
taken
away
by
some
People
who
designed
Plunder
.
They
had
Fires
in
the
Abbey-Court
,
and
at
the
Cross
,
all
the
Night
,
and
spared
nothing
they
got
in
Papists
Houses
.
Some
few
Houses
were
spared
at
the
intercession
of
some
Protestants
their
Friends
,
and
after
true
enquiry
,
I
heard
the
Loss
is
called
greater
than
it
is
.
None
of
the
Papists
themselves
were
killed
or
wounded
;
they
met
with
few
of
them
,
those
they
got
they
carried
into
the
Guard.
In
some
of
the
Popish
Houses
,
they
found
Arms
and
Barrels
of
Powder
,
which
provoked
to
a
more
narrow
search
.
All
this
time
the
Castle
never
fired
one
Gun
,
which
is
more
attributed
to
the
Duke
of
Gordon
,
than
to
any
other
inferior
Officer
.
I
am
told
,
the
Council
sent
and
discharged
an
Execution
from
the
Castle
.
Some
of
the
Boys
are
dead
of
their
Wounds
.
Traquair
(
a
Popish
Lord
)
and
several
others
went
to
,
and
continue
in
the
Castle
for
their
security
.
The
Council
ordered
the
searching
for
Ammunition
and
Arms
in
some
Popish
Houses
in
the
Country
,
and
this
day
committed
a
Warrant
for
the
restoring
of
what
was
plundred
out
of
the
Papists
Houses
.
I
had
forgot
to
tell
you
,
that
on
Monday
last
the
Privy
Council
disbanded
Six
Hundred
Men
,
taken
on
the
Friday
before
,
and
commanded
all
the
Highlanders
forthwith
to
depart
upon
pain
of
Death
;
and
yesterday
ordered
all
Gentlemen
to
depart
out
of
the
Town
,
excepting
such
as
should
give
account
of
their
Business
to
some
of
the
Privy
Council
.
I
am
credibly
informed
,
that
this
day
in
the
Privy
Council
,
was
voted
an
Address
to
be
made
to
his
Majesty
for
a
Free
Parliament
;
there
are
several
Noblemen
and
Gentlemen
gone
from
hence
into
England
,
and
more
to
follow
,
but
it
's
suspected
they
are
going
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
.
Edinburgh
,
Decemb.
20.
WHen
the
Chancellor
went
away
privately
from
the
Abbey
for
Castle
Drummond
,
he
gave
strict
Command
to
Captain
Wallace
to
preserve
the
Chappel
,
&c.
The
Rabble
having
gathered
and
procured
Links
,
without
any
Fire-Arms
,
about
Six
at
Night
went
to
the
Abbey
,
and
were
denied
access
;
whereupon
,
some
pressing
forward
,
Wallace
commanded
his
Souldiers
to
fire
,
which
they
did
,
and
killed
and
wounded
about
Twenty
,
whereof
one
half
died
shortly
after
.
The
Rabble
retired
to
the
City
with
a
great
Noise
,
towards
the
Entry
to
the
Court
of
the
Parliament-House
,
where
some
of
the
Lords
of
the
Privy-Council
were
sitting
.
There
some
West-Country
Gentlemen
encouraged
them
to
prosecute
a
Revenge
,
and
got
the
Provost
of
the
City
to
go
to
the
House
of
Lords
,
and
told
them
,
if
they
would
not
give
a
Warrant
to
assault
Wallace
,
and
force
him
from
the
Abbey
,
they
would
do
it
without
it
.
The
Lords
being
alarm'd
with
the
Slaughter
,
and
a
Report
that
several
Gentlemens
Sons
were
killed
,
and
some
of
their
own
;
they
ordered
a
Herald
at
Arms
,
with
sound
of
Trumpet
,
to
command
Wallace
in
the
King's
Name
to
give
up
his
Guard
at
the
Abbey
to
the
City
:
And
the
Company
under
the
Cities
Pay
marched
first
,
commanded
by
Captain
Grahame
,
and
after
them
all
the
Train'd-Bands
and
Militia
,
to
force
him
in
case
of
refusal
;
several
Gentlemen
accompanying
Grahame
,
and
the
Magistrates
attending
,
Wallace
refused
the
Herald
,
and
fired
upon
Grahame
,
and
the
rest
behind
,
wounded
some
Gentlemen
and
a
few
Souldiers
:
But
Grahame
marched
quickly
down
a
Lane
on
the
South-side
of
the
Porch
of
the
Abbey-Court
where
Wallace
was
posted
,
and
by
a
back
way
entered
the
Court
,
came
upon
Wallace's
Reer
,
and
the
Town
Companies
fronting
him
;
after
the
first
Fire
he
and
all
his
Men
fled
,
only
a
few
of
them
were
taken
,
the
most
part
escaping
under
the
Darkness
of
the
Night
.
The
City
being
thus
Master
of
the
Abbey
,
the
Rabble
immediately
,
without
opposition
,
went
first
to
the
Chappel
,
forced
the
Doors
,
broke
all
to
pieces
,
and
carried
several
parcels
in
Triumph
up
to
the
Cross
,
and
burnt
them
there
.
The
next
day
strong
Guards
were
set
through
the
whole
City
and
Suburbs
,
in
convenient
places
,
to
repress
any
farther
Tumults
;
and
so
all
was
quiet
,
and
continues
so
.
This
Morning
there
was
coming
into
Leith
a
Boat
from
Burnt-Island
,
with
eighty
Men
aboard
,
being
a
part
of
two
or
three
hundred
which
had
been
sent
for
by
the
Duke
of
Gordon
from
the
North
to
reinforce
the
Castle
,
and
the
rest
to
follow
.
But
the
Bayliff
of
Leith
having
notice
before-hand
of
their
coming
,
sent
on
Board
and
discharged
their
coming
into
the
Harbor
,
and
desired
to
speak
with
their
Commander
,
who
came
ashoar
,
and
owned
the
Design
,
being
believed
to
be
all
Papists
:
He
was
seized
,
and
the
Men
commanded
back
to
the
other
Shoar
,
under
the
highest
Pains
.
The
Lords
of
the
Treasury
have
called
in
all
Commissions
given
to
Papists
,
for
collecting
His
Majesty's
Revenue
.
Edinburgh
,
Decemb.
22.
THE
Chancellor
thinking
,
as
Affairs
stood
,
he
was
not
secure
at
home
,
resolved
for
France
;
and
with
all
the
Privacy
imaginable
,
he
in
Womans
and
his
Lady
in
Mans
Clothes
,
got
aboard
a
Vessel
bound
from
this
Firth
the
20
th
instant
,
being
Thursday
;
which
set
Sail
,
the
Wind
being
fair
:
But
a
certain
Person
on
Horse-back
,
riding
by
Kircaldie
,
where
the
Seamen
use
to
walk
,
called
to
them
and
told
them
,
there
was
a
good
Prize
in
that
Ship
under
Sail
,
namely
,
the
Chancellor
of
Scotland
.
Whereupon
,
about
thirty
six
common
Sea-men
,
commanded
by
one
Wilson
,
that
had
been
a
Bucaneer
in
America
,
which
had
Guns
or
Muskets
,
manag'd
a
light
Boat
,
and
without
any
Provision
save
a
little
Brandy
,
or
any
Order
from
a
Magistrate
,
set
Sail
immediately
,
and
came
up
with
the
Ship
that
Night
,
boarded
her
,
inquired
for
the
Chancellor
,
whom
they
denied
to
be
aboard
;
but
after
search
,
found
him
and
his
Lady
cloathed
as
aforesaid
,
brought
the
Ship
back
,
and
carried
the
Prisoners
,
with
Mr.
Nicolson
(
a
Priest
,
late
Regent
in
the
Colledg
of
Glasgow
)
ashoar
to
Kircaldie
Talbooth
(
or
Prison
.
)
The
Chancellor
wrote
Letters
yesterday
to
several
of
the
Privy-Council
,
complaining
of
the
Injury
done
him
.
The
Council
have
ordered
him
to
be
carried
by
the
Earl
of
Marr
,
and
a
Company
of
the
Militia
,
to
Sterling-Castle
.
The
Duke
of
Gordon
has
been
desired
by
the
Council
to
lay
down
his
Charge
of
Governour
of
the
Castle
,
but
he
still
declines
it
;
alledging
,
that
seeing
he
has
his
Commission
immediately
from
the
King
,
and
to
be
accountable
to
none
else
,
he
cannot
in
Honour
lay
it
down
till
he
has
His
Majesty's
Command
for
it
,
and
says
he
had
sent
a
Gentleman
expresly
to
know
His
Majesty's
Pleasure
upon
that
point
fourteen
days
ago
,
and
expects
his
return
every
day
:
And
in
the
mean
time
,
has
assured
the
Council
by
Letters
,
and
this
day
the
Provost
and
Magistrates
of
the
City
,
whom
he
sent
for
to
speak
with
,
that
he
will
upon
his
Word
and
Honour
be
a
good
Neighbour
,
and
not
do
them
or
the
City
any
Prejudice
.
Two
days
ago
his
Captain
put
an
Oath
to
the
Souldiers
,
whereby
they
bound
themselves
to
be
faithful
to
His
Majesty
,
and
their
Superior
Officers
,
and
to
defend
the
Protestant
Religion
,
which
being
refused
by
twenty
or
thirty
,
whereof
five
were
Papists
,
they
were
turned
out
.
There
was
a
Pink
arrived
at
Leith
on
Thursday
,
sent
by
His
Majesty
.
The
Searchers
seized
two
Boxes
in
it
directed
to
the
Chancellor
,
&c.
and
being
brought
to
the
Council
,
there
were
found
in
them
several
Precepts
upon
the
Treasury
for
payment
of
certain
Sums
to
Papists
,
and
some
Commissions
;
in
particular
,
a
Commission
to
one
Peter
Winste
(
a
Papist
)
to
be
Major
of
the
Gates
of
the
Castle
,
and
have
Power
of
all
the
Keys
,
without
being
accountable
to
the
Lieutenant
(
who
is
a
Protestant
)
but
only
to
the
Duke
,
and
his
Deputy
,
who
is
a
Papist
too
.
Edinburgh
,
Decemb.
25.
THis
Day
the
Students
burnt
the
Pope
solemnly
at
the
Cross
before
Thousands
of
Spectators
;
our
Privy
Counsellors
and
Magistrates
were
Spectators
,
and
no
Inconveniences
followed
.
The
Students
were
divided
according
to
their
Classes
,
(
that
is
,
their
Years
of
standing
)
each
Class
with
its
Captain
.
They
advanced
orderly
,
with
Swords
in
their
Hands
,
and
Hoitboys
before
them
;
the
College
Mace
was
carried
before
them
by
the
under-Janitor
in
his
Gown
,
and
bare
.
We
have
many
Reports
here
of
the
Landing
of
Irish-men
,
but
false
;
the
whole
Country
is
in
Arms
,
and
Apprehends
the
Papists
;
and
at
Dumfriese
they
have
taken
and
imprisoned
the
Provost
,
with
some
other
Papists
and
Priests
,
and
guard
their
Town
with
Six
Companies
a-night
;
and
have
planted
Cannon
(
taken
from
their
Ships
)
at
the
Cross
and
Ports
,
and
recovered
their
Ammunition
which
was
sent
to
Carlavorock
Castle
.
Edinburgh
,
Decemb.
27.
OUR
Council
has
sent
an
Address
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
at
least
it
may
go
hence
on
Saturday
next
.
At
Glasgow
the
Prince
of
Orange
was
Proclaimed
the
Protestant
Protector
.
The
whole
Country
is
up
for
the
Prince
,
or
at
least
under
pretence
for
their
Safety
against
Papists
;
but
there
is
no
fear
of
them
in
this
Kingdom
,
unless
it
be
in
Nithisdale
and
Galloway
;
and
I
think
neither
there
:
However
,
there
were
some
long
Knives
,
or
Bagonets
,
of
a
strange
shape
,
taken
at
Kirkudbright
.
His
HIGHNESS
the
PRINCE
of
ORANGE
his
SPEECH
to
the
Scots
Lords
and
Gentlemen
.
With
their
Advice
,
and
his
Highness's
Answer
.
With
a
True
Account
of
what
past
at
their
Meeting
in
the
Council-Chamber
at
Whitehal
,
Ianuary
7.
1688
/
9.
His
Highness
the
PRINCE
of
Orange
having
caused
Advertise
such
of
the
Scots
Lords
and
Gentlemen
as
were
in
Town
,
met
them
in
a
Room
at
St.
Iames's
,
upon
Monday
the
Seventh
of
Ianuary
,
at
Three
of
the
Clock
in
the
Afternoon
,
and
had
this
Speech
to
them
.
My
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
THE
only
Reason
that
induced
me
to
undergo
so
Great
an
Vndertaking
,
was
,
That
I
saw
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
these
Kingdoms
overturned
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
in
Eminent
Danger
:
And
seeing
you
are
here
so
many
Noblemen
and
Gentlemen
,
I
have
called
you
together
,
that
I
may
have
your
Advice
,
what
is
to
be
done
for
Securing
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
Restoring
your
Laws
and
Liberties
,
according
to
my
Declaration
.
As
soon
as
his
Highness
had
retired
,
the
Lords
and
Gentlemen
went
to
the
Council-Chamber
at
Whitehall
;
and
having
chosen
the
Duke
of
Hamilton
their
President
,
they
fell
a
consulting
,
what
Advice
was
fit
to
be
given
to
his
Highness
in
this
Conjuncture
:
And
after
some
Hours
Reasoning
,
they
agreed
upon
the
Materials
of
it
,
and
appointed
the
Clerks
,
with
such
as
were
to
assist
them
,
to
draw
up
in
writing
,
what
the
Meeting
thought
exp●dient
,
to
advise
his
Highness
,
and
to
bring
it
in
to
the
Meeting
the
next
in
the
Afternoon
.
Tuesday
,
the
Eighth
Instant
,
the
Writing
was
presented
in
the
Meeting
:
And
some
time
being
spent
in
Reasoning
about
the
fittest
way
of
Coveening
a
General
Meeting
of
the
Estates
of
Scotland
.
At
last
the
Meeting
came
to
agree
in
their
Opinion
,
and
appointed
the
Advice
to
be
writ
clean
over
,
according
to
the
Amendments
.
But
as
they
were
about
to
part
for
that
Dyet
,
the
Earl
of
Arran
proposed
to
them
,
as
his
Lordship's
Advice
,
that
they
should
move
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
to
desire
the
King
to
return
and
call
a
Free-Parliament
,
which
would
the
best
way
to
Secure
the
Protestant
Religion
and
Property
,
and
to
Heal
all
Breaches
.
This
Proposal
seemed
to
dissatisfy
the
whole
Meeting
,
and
the
Duke
of
Hamilton
their
President
,
Father
to
the
Earl
,
but
they
presently
parted
.
Wednesday
,
the
Ninth
of
Ianuary
,
they
met
at
three
of
the
Clock
in
the
same
Room
,
and
Sir
Patrick
Hume
took
notice
of
●he
Proposal
made
by
the
Earl
of
Arran
,
and
desired
to
know
if
there
was
any
there
that
would
second
it
:
But
none
appearing
to
do
it
;
he
said
,
That
what
the
Earl
had
proposed
,
was
evidently
opposite
and
inimicous
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange's
Undertaking
,
his
Declaration
,
and
the
Good
Intentions
of
preserving
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
of
Restoring
their
Laws
and
Liberties
exprest
in
it
;
and
further
,
desired
that
the
Meeting
should
declare
this
to
be
their
Opinion
of
it
.
The
Lord
Cardross
seconded
Sir
Patrick's
Motion
:
it
was
answered
by
the
Duke
of
Hamilton
,
President
of
the
Meeting
,
That
their
Business
was
to
prepare
an
Advice
to
be
offered
to
the
Prince
;
and
the
Advice
being
now
ready
to
go
to
the
Vote
,
there
was
no
need
that
the
Meeting
should
give
their
Sense
of
the
Earl's
Proposal
,
which
neither
before
nor
after
Sir
Patrick's
Motion
,
any
had
pretended
to
own
or
second
;
so
that
it
was
fallen
and
out
of
doors
;
and
that
the
Vote
of
the
Meeting
,
upon
the
Advice
brought
in
by
their
Order
,
would
sufficiently
declare
their
Opinion
:
This
being
seconded
by
the
Earl
of
Sutherland
,
the
Lord
Cardross
,
and
Sir
Patrick
did
acquiesce
in
it
;
and
the
Meeting
voted
una●imously
the
Advice
following
.
To
His
HIGHNESS
the
PRINCE
of
ORANGE
.
WE
the
Lords
and
Gentlemen
of
the
Kingdom
of
Scotland
,
Assembled
at
your
Highness's
desire
,
in
this
Extraordinary
Conjunction
,
do
give
your
Highness
our
humble
and
hearty
Thanks
for
your
Pious
and
Generous
Undertaking
,
for
Preserving
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
Restoring
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
these
Kingdoms
.
In
order
to
the
Attaining
these
Ends
,
our
humble
Advice
and
Desire
is
,
That
your
Highness
take
upon
You
the
Administration
of
all
Affairs
,
both
Civil
and
Military
;
the
Disposal
of
the
Publick
Revenues
and
Fortresses
of
the
Kingdom
of
Scotland
,
and
the
doing
every
Thing
that
is
necessary
for
the
Preservation
of
the
Peace
of
the
Kingdom
,
until
a
General
Meeting
of
the
States
of
the
Nation
,
which
we
humbly
desire
your
Highness
to
Call
,
to
be
holden
at
Edinburgh
the
Fourteenth
day
of
March
next
;
by
your
Letters
or
Proclamation
,
to
be
published
at
the
Market-Crosses
of
Edinburgh
,
and
other
Head-Boroughs
of
the
several
Shires
and
Stewartries
,
as
sufficient
Intimation
to
All
concerned
,
and
according
to
the
Custom
of
the
Kingdom
:
And
that
the
Publication
of
these
your
Letters
or
Proclamation
,
be
by
the
Sheriffs
,
or
Stewart
Clerks
,
for
the
Free-holders
,
who
have
the
value
of
Lands
,
holden
according
to
Law
,
for
making
Elections
;
and
by
the
Town-Clerks
of
the
several
Burroughs
,
for
the
meeting
of
the
whole
Burgesses
of
the
respective
Royal
Burroughs
,
to
make
their
Elections
at
least
Fifteen
Days
before
the
Meeting
of
the
Estates
at
Edinburgh
;
and
the
Respective
Clerks
to
make
Intimation
thereof
,
at
least
Ten
Days
before
the
Meetings
for
Elections
:
And
that
the
whole
Electors
and
Members
of
the
said
Meeting
at
Edinburgh
,
qualified
as
above
exprest
,
be
Protestants
,
without
any
other
Exception
or
Limitation
whatsoever
;
to
Deliberate
and
Resolve
what
is
to
be
done
for
securing
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
Restoring
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
Kingdom
,
according
to
Your
Highness's
Declaration
.
Dated
at
the
Council-Chamber
in
Whitehal
the
Tenth
Day
of
January
,
1689.
This
Address
being
Subscribed
by
30
Lords
,
and
about
80
Gentlemen
,
was
presented
in
their
presence
at
St.
Iames
's
,
by
the
Duke
of
Hamilton
their
President
,
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
who
thanked
them
for
the
Trust
they
reposed
in
him
,
and
desired
a
Time
to
consider
upon
so
weighty
an
Affair
.
Upon
the
Fourteenth
of
Ianuary
,
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
▪
met
again
with
the
Scots
Lords
and
Gentlemen
at
St.
Iames
's
;
And
spoke
to
them
as
follows
.
My
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
IN
persuance
of
your
Advice
,
I
will
,
untill
the
Meeting
of
the
States
in
March
next
,
give
such
Orders
concerning
the
Affairs
of
Scotland
,
as
are
necessary
for
the
Calling
of
the
said
Meeting
,
for
the
Preserving
of
the
Peace
;
the
applying
of
the
Publick
Revenue
to
the
most
pressing
Vses
,
and
putting
the
Fortresses
in
the
Hands
of
Persons
,
in
whom
the
Nation
can
have
a
just
Confidence
:
And
I
do
further
assure
you
;
That
you
will
always
find
me
ready
to
concur
with
you
in
every
Thing
that
may
be
found
necessary
for
Securing
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
Restoring
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
Nation
.
The
Earl
of
Crawfourd
desired
of
his
Highness
,
That
himself
,
the
Earl
of
Louthian
,
and
others
,
come
to
Town
since
the
Address
was
presented
,
might
have
an
opportunity
to
subscribe
it
;
which
was
accordingly
done
:
His
Highness
retire●
,
and
all
shewed
great
Satisfaction
with
his
Answer
.
A
LETTER
to
a
Friend
,
advising
in
this
Extraordinary
Iuncture
,
how
to
free
the
Nation
from
SLAVERY
for
ever
.
SIR
,
I
Doubt
not
but
the
Wisdom
of
the
Nation
will
take
the
most
effectual
way
to
secure
our
Religion
,
our
Liberties
and
Property
.
However
,
being
a
Lover
of
all
these
,
I
can't
forbear
communicating
my
Thoughts
unto
you
with
an
assurance
you
'l
consider
them
.
God
hath
done
great
things
for
us
,
and
yet
the
greatest
thing
is
not
yet
done
;
there
are
many
Difficulties
in
the
way
,
and
many
more
will
be
thrown
into
it
.
Slavery
is
most
to
be
dreaded
at
this
time
:
What
is
done
must
be
chiefly
to
guard
against
it
.
How
to
do
it
,
is
the
principal
business
of
the
Great
Men
in
the
next
Convention
.
To
know
where
we
are
,
is
the
first
step
to
be
taken
.
Is
the
Government
dissolved
,
or
only
under
some
Disorders
?
If
the
latter
;
Are
the
Disorders
such
as
must
be
laid
to
the
Charge
of
the
King
,
or
to
his
Ministers
,
or
both
?
If
to
the
King
;
Are
they
sufficient
to
depose
him
?
If
that
be
done
,
Are
we
more
secure
from
Slavery
than
now
?
Will
there
be
more
than
a
Change
of
Persons
in
the
Throne
?
A
Child
for
a
Father
,
a
Protestant
for
a
Papist
?
And
in
a
few
Years
the
Succession
may
fall
to
the
Queen
of
Spain
,
or
Dutchess
of
Savoy
,
both
Roman
Catholicks
,
and
we
in
as
great
,
or
greater
danger
of
Popery
and
Slavery
than
we
were
the
other
day
;
the
Constitution
remains
the
same
,
the
Iura
Majestatis
,
viz.
the
Militia
;
the
Power
to
make
War
or
Peace
;
the
choosing
Judges
,
Sheriffs
,
&c.
still
in
the
Person
of
the
King
;
or
if
only
by
one
Parliament
restored
to
the
People
,
another
Parliament
may
give
them
the
King
again
.
Leges
Posteriores
priores
abrogant
.
And
who
can
tell
what
Contests
there
may
be
about
the
Right
of
the
Crown
.
The
Deposed
Prince
is
alive
,
and
his
Right
by
Sword
will
be
disputed
,
&c.
If
the
Government
be
dissolved
,
the
Power
devolves
on
the
People
;
no
one
can
claim
the
Crown
;
the
Royal
Family
is
as
it
were
extinct
;
the
People
may
set
up
what
Government
they
please
,
either
the
old
,
or
a
new
;
A
Monarchy
absolute
,
or
limited
;
or
an
Aristocracy
or
Democracy
.
If
a
Monarchy
limited
,
supposing
it
mostly
suited
to
the
temper
of
the
English
,
they
may
choose
what
Family
they
please
to
sit
in
the
Throne
:
They
may
settle
it
on
the
Princess
of
Orange
,
Princess
Ann
,
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
and
for
want
of
Issue
,
on
whom
else
they
think
meet
.
These
hold
not
by
virtue
of
an
old
Right
,
but
by
reason
of
the
People's
placing
it
upon
them
,
and
the
Monarchy
may
be
thus
,
de
Novo
,
made
Hereditary
,
and
the
King
and
Prince
of
Wales
gone
,
having
lost
their
Right
by
the
Dissolution
of
the
Government
.
The
Iura
Majestatis
,
the
Militia
,
the
Power
of
War
and
Peace
,
or
the
Power
of
the
Sword
,
with
the
Power
of
making
Judges
,
Sheriffs
,
&c.
may
be
lodged
where
now
the
Power
of
Legislation
is
,
viz.
in
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
,
which
will
necessitate
frequent
Parliaments
,
and
make
it
impossible
for
the
Monarch
to
enslave
us
.
There
are
but
two
ways
by
which
Slavery
can
be
brought
on
us
,
viz.
Force
or
Injustice
.
The
Militia
,
or
Power
of
the
Sword
,
being
in
the
People
,
we
are
secured
from
the
mischief
of
Force
.
The
Power
of
making
Judges
and
all
the
Ministers
of
Justice
being
also
in
the
People
,
they
cannot
be
ruin'd
by
Injustice
.
But
we
must
do
no
Evil
●hat
Good
may
come
of
it
.
Is
our
Government
dissolved
,
or
is
it
not
?
If
there
be
a
Dissolution
,
Is
it
of
the
Constitution
,
or
only
of
the
Form
of
Administration
?
I
confess
my self
not
States-man
enough
to
be
acquainted
with
the
Fineness
of
the
Politicks
,
but
am
apt
to
run
the
old
Road
,
and
please
my self
with
an
old
Distinction
,
All
Power
is
Originally
,
or
Fundamentally
in
the
People
,
Formally
in
the
Parliament
,
which
is
one
Corporation
made
up
of
three
Constituent
Essentiating
Parts
,
King
,
Lords
and
Commons
,
so
it
was
with
us
in
England
.
When
this
Corporation
is
broken
,
when
any
one
Essentiating
Part
is
lost
or
gone
,
there
is
a
Dissolution
of
the
Corporation
.
The
Formal
Seat
of
Power
,
and
that
Power
devolves
on
the
People
.
When
it
's
impossible
to
have
a
Parliament
,
the
Power
returns
to
them
with
whom
it
was
originally
.
Is
it
possible
to
have
a
Parliament
?
It
's
not
possible
.
The
Government
therefore
is
dissolv'd
.
If
what
is
essential
to
our
Constitution
be
invaded
or
ravished
from
us
,
the
Constitution
is
broken
.
I
will
instance
in
two
things
essential
to
the
Constitution
.
That
the
People
choose
their
own
Representatives
.
And
that
their
Representatives
have
such
an
Interest
in
the
Legislation
,
that
no
Laws
be
made
or
abrogated
without
their
Consent
.
The
destroying
one
or
both
of
these
,
subverts
the
Foundation
of
our
Government
.
The
Government
being
dissolved
,
what
must
the
People
do
?
C●re
must
be
taken
that
the
Government
to
be
erected
by
such
as
will
perfectly
secure
us
from
Slavery
;
and
be
a
Fence
inviolable
to
the
Liberty
and
Property
of
the
People
:
And
the
Rights
of
Majesty
must
be
therefore
lodged
with
the
Parliament
;
this
will
be
grateful
to
the
People
.
The
way
of
doing
it
must
be
Great
,
Awful
,
and
August
,
that
none
may
be
able
to
quarrel
it
.
A
National
Convention
made
up
of
the
Representatives
of
the
Community
:
That
the
Convention
may
be
truly
National
,
and
represent
the
Community
,
it
must
be
larger
than
a
House
of
Commons
ordinarily
is
.
It
's
this
Convention
that
sets
up
what
kind
of
Government
they
please
.
If
they
'l
have
a
Parliament
made
up
of
King
,
Lords
and
Commons
,
it
's
sufficient
that
this
Convention
is
so
pleased
.
The
Power
of
this
Convention
must
be
absolute
and
uncontroulable
,
accountable
to
none
but
God.
It
gives
Laws
to
Kings
,
yea
to
the
whole
Parliament
,
and
sets
bounds
unto
it
;
it
shall
go
so
far
,
and
no
further
.
No
Act
of
Parliament
can
be
strong
enough
to
move
the
Foundation
laid
by
this
Convention
.
The
Convention
therefore
,
as
it
has
more
Power
than
a
Parliament
,
and
is
it's
Creator
,
it
must
have
a
larger
Body
.
What
think
you
therefore
if
the
first
thing
done
by
the
approaching
Convention
be
the
increasing
their
Number
.
What
if
they
double
it
?
Whether
by
ordering
every
Market-Town
to
send
up
their
Representatives
,
or
every
Hundred
,
Wapentake
,
&c.
or
by
some
other
way
;
according
to
the
proportion
of
People
,
and
publick
Payments
,
as
the
wise
Men
of
this
Convention
shall
judg
most
practicable
,
that
it
may
be
the
Grand
Council
of
the
Nation
.
I
have
unburdened
my self
,
and
am
Your
Humble
Servant
.
Ian.
5.
1688.
Some
Account
of
the
Humble
Application
of
the
Pious
and
Noble
Prelate
,
Henry
Lord
Bishop
of
London
,
with
the
Reverend
Clergy
of
the
City
,
and
some
of
the
Dissenting
Ministers
in
it
,
To
the
Illustrious
Prince
William
Henry
,
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
on
Friday
,
September
21.
1688.
HE
declared
in
Excellent
Words
,
That
they
came
to
pay
him
their
Humble
Duties
and
most
Grateful
Respects
for
his
very
great
and
most
hazardous
Undertakings
for
their
Deliverance
,
and
the
Preservation
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
with
the
Ancient
Laws
and
Liberties
of
this
Nation
.
He
addeth
,
That
they
gave
up
daily
many
Thanksgivings
to
Almighty
God
,
who
had
hitherto
been
graciously
pleased
so
wonderfully
to
preserve
his
Person
,
and
prospe●
and
favour
his
good
Design
.
And
they
promised
the
continuance
of
their
ferventest
Prayers
to
the
same
God
,
and
all
Concurrent
Endeavours
in
their
Circumstances
,
for
the
promoting
yet
further
that
Work
which
was
so
happily
begun
,
and
also
for
the
perfecting
of
it
,
not
only
in
this
Kingdom
,
but
in
other
Christian
Kingdoms
.
He
likewise
suggested
to
the
Good
Prince
,
That
some
of
the
Dissenting
Ministers
,
and
their
Brethren
,
were
there
present
,
who
having
the
same
sense
of
his
Coming
hither
,
with
themselves
,
had
joyned
themselves
with
them
by
him
,
to
render
Him
their
Humblest
and
most
Grateful
Resentments
.
His
Highness
was
pleased
to
declare
,
That
he
thanked
them
for
their
Attendance
,
and
acquainted
them
very
briefly
with
the
chiefest
Ends
of
his
Difficult
and
Chargeable
Expedition
:
That
indeed
it
was
to
Preserve
and
Secure
the
Protestant
Religion
(
his
own
Religion
and
their
Religion
)
and
assuring
them
he
should
not
think
any
thing
(
not
Life
it self
)
too
dear
to
hazard
in
promoting
and
perfecting
so
good
a
Work.
Also
he
offered
up
(
with
great
Devotion
)
his
solemnest
Acknowledgments
to
Almighty
God
for
his
Presence
with
him
,
and
Blessing
upon
his
Endeavours
and
Arms
hitherto
;
and
asked
the
Continuance
of
all
their
Prayers
to
God
for
him
.
—
The
Address
of
the
Nonconformist
Ministers
(
in
and
about
the
City
of
London
)
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
ORANGE
.
WEdnesday
,
Ianuary
2●●
divers
of
the
Dissenting
Ministers
in
and
about
London
,
that
go
under
the
Denominations
of
Presbyterial
and
Congregational
,
to
the
Number
of
Ninety
,
or
upwards
,
attended
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
at
St.
Iames's
,
being
introduced
by
the
Earl
of
Devonshire
,
the
Lord
Wharton
,
and
the
Lord
Wiltshire
.
Their
Sense
was
represented
by
one
of
those
Ministers
to
this
effect
,
viz.
That
they
professed
their
grateful
Sense
of
his
Highness's
Hazardous
and
Heroical
Expectition
,
which
the
Favour
of
Heaven
had
made
so
surprizingly
prosperous
,
&c.
That
they
esteemed
it
a
common
Felicity
,
that
the
worthy
Patriots
of
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
of
this
Kingdom
,
had
unanimously
conc●rred
unto
his
Highness's
Design
,
by
whose
most
prudent
Advice
,
the
Administration
of
Publick
Affairs
was
devolved
in
this
difficult
Conjuncture
,
into
Hands
which
the
Nation
and
World
knew
to
be
Apt
for
the
greatest
Undertakings
,
and
so
suitable
to
the
present
Exigency
of
our
Case
.
That
they
promised
the
utmost
Endeavour
,
which
in
their
Stations
they
are
capable
of
affording
,
for
the
promoting
the
excellent
and
most
desirable
Ends
,
for
which
his
Highness
had
declared
▪
That
they
added
their
continual
fervent
Prayers
to
the
Almighty
,
for
the
Preservation
of
his
Highness's
Person
,
and
the
Success
of
his
future
Endeavours
for
the
Defence
and
Propagation
of
the
Protestant
Interest
throughout
the
Christian
World.
That
they
should
all
most
willingly
have
chosen
,
That
for
the
Season
of
paying
this
Duty
to
his
Highness
,
when
the
Lord
Bishop
,
and
the
Clergy
of
London
attended
his
Highness
for
the
like
purpose
,
(
which
some
of
them
did
,
and
which
his
Lordship
was
pleased
condescendingly
to
make
mention
of
to
his
Highness
)
had
their
notice
of
that
intended
Application
been
so
early
,
as
to
make
their
more
general
Attendance
possible
to
them
at
that
time
.
That
therefore
tho
they
did
now
appear
in
a
distinct
Company
,
they
did
it
not
on
a
distinct
Account
▪
but
on
that
only
which
is
common
to
them
and
to
all
Protestants
.
That
tho
there
were
some
of
Eminent
Note
,
whom
Age
or
present
Infirmities
hindred
from
coming
with
them
,
yet
they
concurred
in
the
same
grateful
Sense
of
our
common
Deliverance
.
His
Highness
was
pleased
very
favourably
to
receive
this
Application
,
and
to
assure
them
,
That
he
came
purposely
for
the
Defence
of
the
Protestant
Religion
;
and
that
it
was
his
own
Religion
,
wherein
he
was
Born
and
Bred
,
the
Religion
of
his
Country
,
and
of
his
Ancestors
;
That
he
was
resolv'd
by
the
Grace
of
God
always
to
adhere
to
it
,
and
to
do
his
utmost
Endeavours
for
the
Defence
of
it
,
and
the
promoting
a
firm
Vnion
among
all
Protestants
.
The
Speech
of
the
Recorder
of
Bristol
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
Monday
,
January
the
7
th
,
1688.
The
Mayor
,
Recorder
,
Aldermen
,
and
Commons
of
the
Principal
Citizens
of
the
City
of
Bristol
,
waited
upon
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
being
introduced
by
his
Grace
the
Duke
of
Ormond
,
their
High-Steward
,
and
the
Earl
of
Shrewsbury
:
Where
the
Recorder
spake
to
this
Effect
:
May
it
please
your
Highness
,
THE
Restitution
of
our
Religion
,
Laws
,
and
Liberties
,
and
the
Freeing
us
from
that
Thraldom
which
hath
rendred
us
for
many
Years
useless
,
and
at
last
dangerous
to
the
Common
Interest
of
the
Protestant
World
,
by
your
Highness's
singular
Wisdom
,
Courage
,
and
Conduct
,
are
not
only
a
Stupendious
Evidence
of
the
Divine
Favour
and
Providence
for
our
Preservation
;
but
will
be
,
and
ought
to
be
an
Everlasting
Monument
of
your
Highness's
Magnanimity
,
and
other
the
Heroick
Vertues
which
Adorn
your
Great
Soul
,
by
whom
such
a
Revolution
is
wrought
in
this
Nation
,
as
is
become
the
Joy
and
Comfort
of
the
Presen●
,
and
will
be
the
Wonder
of
all
Succeeding
Ages
,
In
the
Contrivance
and
Preparation
of
which
Great
Work
,
your
Highness
(
like
the
Heavens
)
did
shed
your
propitious
Influences
upon
us
,
whilst
we
slept
,
and
had
scarce
any
prospect
from
whence
we
might
expect
our
Redemption
.
But
as
since
your
happy
Arrival
in
England
,
we
did
amongst
the
first
,
Associate
our selves
to
assist
and
promote
your
Highness's
most
Glorious
Design
,
with
our
Lives
and
Fortunes
;
so
we
now
think
our selves
bound
in
the
highest
Obligation
of
Gratitude
,
most
humbly
to
present
to
your
Highness
our
humble
and
hearty
Thanks
,
for
this
our
Deliverance
from
Popery
,
and
Arbitrary
Power
;
and
likewise
,
for
declaring
your
Gracious
Intentions
,
That
by
the
Advice
of
the
Estates
of
this
Kingdom
,
you
will
Rectifie
the
late
Disorders
in
the
Government
,
both
Ecclesiastical
and
Civil
,
according
to
the
known
Laws
.
The
due
and
inviolable
Observation
of
which
,
will
in
our
poor
Opinion
,
be
the
only
proper
Means
to
render
the
Soveraign
Secure
,
and
both
Sovereign
and
Subject
happy
.
To
which
his
Highness
returned
a
most
Gracious
Answer
.
A
Word
to
the
Wise
,
for
Settling
the
Government
.
IT
is
an
Universal
Truth
,
That
no
Nation
can
subsist
without
some
Government
;
and
the
Wisdom
of
this
Nation
hath
framed
their
Government
,
to
consist
in
a
King
,
the
Lords
,
and
the
Commons
.
In
these
three
Conjunct
,
wholly
resides
the
Power
of
making
and
altering
Laws
,
for
the
Common
Good
of
the
whole
;
and
i●
called
the
Legislative
Power
.
The
King
alone
is
entrusted
with
the
due
Execution
of
these
Laws
,
for
the
Preservation
,
Protection
,
and
Comfort
of
the
People
,
both
in
Church
and
State
;
and
this
Trust
and
Power
is
called
the
R●gal
Power
.
If
then
this
Nation
,
being
Protestant
,
and
under
Protestant
Laws
,
have
a
King
,
who
shall
declare
h●mself
a
Zealous
Roman
Catholick
,
and
put
himself
under
the
Power
and
Conduct
of
the
Papal
Jurisdiction
,
admitting
the
Pope's
Supremacy
,
Nuntio
,
Bishops
,
Appeals
,
&c.
And
to
his
power
endeavour
to
Establish
the
Popish
Religion
in
the
Realm
▪
Quest
I.
Whether
such
a
King
hath
not
thereby
made
himself
Incompetent
,
and
uncapable
to
Govern
a
Protestant
Church
,
and
a
Protestant
People
,
by
their
Protestant
Laws
?
and
notoriously
Abdicated
or
Renounced
the
Government
?
II.
If
a
King
,
entrusted
with
the
Regal
Power
,
ut
supra
▪
shall
Subvert
the
Fundamental
Laws
;
Dispense
with
Statutes
;
Destroy
Colleges
and
Corporations
;
Erect
High
and
Illegal
Courts
;
Invade
the
Peoples
Freeholds
,
and
Free
Elections
to
Parliament
;
put
the
Ports
and
Power
of
the
Nation
into
Enemies
hands
;
Protect
and
Promote
Traytors
;
and
turn
the
Protective
Power
of
the
Nation
to
the
Ruine
and
Destruction
of
the
People
,
their
Laws
and
Religion
:
Whether
by
so
doing
,
such
a
King
doth
not
,
in
Fact
,
declare
,
That
he
will
not
Rule
the
Kingdom
by
its
Laws
and
Constitutions
,
but
by
his
own
Absolute
Will
and
Pleasure
?
III.
If
a
King
so
entrusted
with
the
Regal
Power
,
ut
supra
,
shall
,
and
do
voluntarily
depart
the
Realm
,
with
the
Signals
of
Government
,
without
any
provision
for
the
Publick
Administration
,
and
so
deserting
both
the
People
,
Place
and
Power
;
Whether
such
a
King
hath
not
Divested
himself
of
that
Trust
and
Regal
Power
?
IV.
If
so
,
and
the
Lawyers
Rule
be
true
,
(
Quod
non
est
haeres
Viventis
)
Then
whether
this
Regal
Power
be
Descended
,
so
long
as
the
King
is
Living
?
V.
If
the
Regal
Power
be
Fallen
,
and
yet
not
Descended
;
whether
of
necessity
it
must
not
fall
to
its
Center
,
or
Root
from
whence
it
Sprang
,
which
is
the
whole
Nation
,
now
consisting
in
Lords
and
Commons
,
as
it
must
have
fallen
,
if
the
King
had
died
without
Heir
?
VI.
If
the
Regality
then
be
not
Descended
,
but
thus
Laps'd
to
the
People
,
and
that
this
most
Excellent
Government
,
is
therein
become
Defective
;
whether
it
be
not
of
necessity
,
that
this
defect
be
supplied
by
a
speedy
Constituting
some
Person
to
that
Office
,
Power
,
and
Trust
,
to
compleat
the
Government
?
VII
.
If
that
be
so
;
Then
what
Person
,
in
this
present
Juncture
of
Affairs
,
is
most
proper
to
be
therewith
Invested
?
Whethe●
one
,
who
at
the
Nations
charge
,
at
all
Times
,
and
upon
all
Occasi●ns
,
and
to
the
utmost
Extremities
,
hath
given
undeniable
Evidence
to
the
World
,
of
his
constant
Resolution
and
endeavours
to
Subvert
the
Religion
,
Laws
,
and
Liberties
of
his
People
;
Or
one
,
who
at
his
own
Charge
,
and
at
the
peril
of
his
own
Honour
,
Life
,
and
Fortune
,
hath
Rescued
and
Delivered
the
Nation
from
that
deplo●able
Condition
and
Danger
;
and
whose
Wisdom
,
Vertue
,
Courage
,
and
Conduct
,
is
an
Honour
to
the
Age
,
the
Joy
of
all
good
Men
,
and
the
Fear
of
Bad
,
both
here
and
abroad
,
and
who
must
adorn
that
People
,
over
whom
he
shall
preside
?
VIII
.
If
then
the
Crown
be
thus
fallen
,
and
must
be
placed
de
novo
;
Whether
it
was
ever
more
necessary
than
now
,
to
settle
and
limit
the
Succession
thereof
(
as
it
hath
been
often
done
)
by
Parliament
;
in
regard
there
are
but
Three
Persons
of
the
Protestant
Religion
an●
o●
the
Royal
Blood
viz.
his
Highness
,
and
the
Two
Princesses
▪
not
much
different
in
Age
,
beyond
whom
the
Descendants
are
many
,
and
all
Roman
Catholicks
?
IX
.
Whether
then
it
may
not
be
adviseable
it
be
limited
to
the
Prince
for
Life
;
the
Remainder
to
his
Princess
,
and
the
Heirs
of
her
Body
;
the
Remainder
to
the
Princess
Ann
,
and
the
Heirs
of
her
Body
;
the
Remainder
to
the
Prince
,
and
the
Heirs
of
his
Body
:
In
Default
of
such
Issue
,
to
such
Person
and
Persons
,
as
the
Lords
and
Commons
,
then
last
sitting
in
Parliament
,
shall
Declare
and
Appoint
?
X.
Whether
such
Limitation
will
not
avoid
all
Questions
which
may
at
present
,
or
hereafter
arise
,
touching
the
Title
of
the
Crown
,
either
near
,
or
remote
,
and
settle
and
preserve
the
Peace
of
the
Nation
for
ever
?
XI
.
Whether
so
doing
will
not
prevent
any
scruple
her
Highness
may
have
,
of
accepting
the
Crown
in
her
Father's
Life-time
,
as
did
ar●se
in
the
Son
of
King
Edward
the
Second
?
XII
.
Whether
thereby
the
Nation
will
not
in
some
measure
express
its
Duty
and
Gratitude
to
his
Highness
,
who
(
under
God
)
hath
●redeemed
and
Delivered
it
from
Popery
and
Slavery
,
and
raised
his
own
Merit
above
the
level
of
a
Subject
?
XIII
.
Whether
this
Great
Prince
,
whom
God
hath
advanced
for
the
Conduct
and
Safety
of
the
Protestant
World
,
will
not
be
the
steer
to
accomplish
those
Glorious
Ends
?
XIV
.
Whether
the
Two
Royal
Daughters
,
cons●dering
such
his
Highness's
securing
their
Right
and
Succession
to
the
Crown
of
these
Realms
,
against
all
Popish
Endeavours
to
hinder
the
same
,
will
not
see
just
Cause
to
promote
the
Limitations
aforesaid
?
XV.
And
lastly
,
Whether
the
Wisdom
and
Interest
of
the
Nation
doth
not
oblige
all
good
Men
to
concur
with
his
Highness
,
and
his
most
Noble
Declaration
,
and
Gracious
Designs
,
To
Establish
their
Religion
,
their
Liberties
and
Properties
,
beyond
all
Humane
Power
of
Violation
,
or
Subversion
for
the
Time
to
come
?
A
Modest
PROPOSAL
to
the
present
CONVENTION
.
THE
thing
that
ofiers
it self
in
this
great
Conjuncture
is
,
to
have
a
Grand
Committee
of
Lords
and
Commons
(
Forty
at
least
from
each
House
)
to
be
as
a
Privy
Council
,
or
Council
of
State
,
or
Governing
Senate
.
It
were
to
be
wished
,
that
Twenty
of
each
Forty
might
be
for
Life
;
and
the
other
Twenty
Biennial
,
Ten
going
off
every
Year
.
Or
half
might
be
changed
Annually
.
Each
Senator
or
Counsellor
to
have
for
his
Salary
or
Maintenance
,
a
Thousand
Pounds
a
Year
.
This
would
be
such
an
Advancement
to
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
as
England
never
saw
.
And
the
Charge
is
a
Trifle
.
There
is
more
sp●nt
in
some
Monarchies
,
upon
Hawks
,
Hounds
,
and
Whores
.
The
Prince
to
preside
in
this
Council
or
Senate
(
or
such
Person
as
he
shall
appoint
in
his
stead
)
and
to
have
Ten
Votes
at
least
.
He
must
also
be
General
and
Admiral
;
and
must
have
such
further
Powers
,
and
such
a
Maintenance
or
Revenue
,
as
his
Great
Merits
require
.
But
withal
,
such
as
are
consistent
with
the
Government
he
designs
for
us
.
The
Prince's
Maintenance
should
equal
,
or
exceed
,
that
of
all
the
Senators
put
together
.
All
that
are
of
this
Council
,
and
all
that
hope
to
be
,
(
that
is
,
all
the
Considerable
Men
of
the
Nation
)
will
by
this
means
be
firm
to
the
Prince
.
And
so
will
those
others
who
have
the
great
Priviledge
of
Choosing
them
,
whereby
they
may
have
Confidence
in
their
Administration
.
And
this
one
thing
will
give
the
Prince
so
strong
an
Interest
,
that
he
needs
fear
no
Pretension
that
can
be
against
him
.
It
will
be
better
than
a
Standing
Army
:
The
necessity
whereof
nothing
can
prevent
,
but
such
a
Standing
Council
.
The
Parliament
to
be
Chosen
Triermially
,
and
to
meet
Annually
.
It
is
believed
that
such
a
Constitution
as
this
,
would
effectually
Secure
us
(
according
to
the
Princes
good
Intentions
)
from
Popery
and
Tyranny
.
And
the
Prince
will
be
the
glorious
Author
of
the
Britannick
Liberty
,
as
his
Great
Grand-Father
was
of
the
Belgick
.
The
Genoeses
to
this
day
adore
the
Memory
of
Andrew
Doria
,
who
chose
rather
to
make
them
a
Free
State
,
than
to
be
their
Prince
.
Barely
to
change
our
Master
,
would
but
revive
the
Feuds
of
York
and
Lancaster
,
and
involve
us
in
the
like
Calamities
.
These
things
to
continue
but
during
the
Life
of
the
King
,
and
not
to
prejudice
a
Protestant
Successor
.
A
Short
Historical
Account
touching
the
Succession
of
the
CROWN
.
IN
the
Heptarchy
,
there
was
no
sixt
Hereditary
Right
;
one
King
tripping
up
the
Heels
of
another
,
as
he
had
Power
,
till
one
got
all
.
Afterward
no
sixt
Hereditary
Right
;
for
Althestan
,
the
Great
King
,
was
a
Bastard
;
and
so
were
several
others
;
why
by
then
Courage
and
Policy
got
the
Crown
;
so
that
a
Law
was
made
,
under
the
Saxon
Monarchy
,
de
Ordinatione
Regnam
,
that
directed
the
Election
of
Kings
,
prohibiting
Bastards
to
be
Elected
.
Edward
the
Confessor
was
not
King
,
Iure
Haereditario
.
William
the
First
(
called
the
Conqueror
)
had
no
Right
,
bu●
from
the
Peoples
Election
.
William
Ruffus
was
Elected
against
the
Right
of
his
Elder
B●oth●●
.
Henry
the
First
came
in
by
the
same
way
.
King
Stephen
was
Elected
,
a
Clero
&
Populo
,
and
Confirme●
by
the
Popo
.
Henry
the
Second
came
in
by
Consent
,
yet
he
had
no
Hereditary
Right
,
for
his
Mother
was
living
.
Richard
the
First
was
charged
before
God
and
Men
by
the
Arch-Bishop
,
upon
his
Coronation
,
that
he
should
not
presume
to
take
the
Crown
,
unless
he
resolved
faithfully
to
observe
the
Laws
.
King
Iohn
,
his
Brother
,
because
his
Elder
Brother's
Son
was
a
Foreigner
,
was
Elected
a
Clero
&
Populo
,
and
being
Divorced
from
his
Wife
,
by
his
new
Queen
he
had
Henry
the
Third
.
Henry
the
Third
was
Confirmed
,
and
Setled
in
the
Kingdom
,
by
the
General
Election
of
the
People
;
and
in
his
Life-time
,
the
Nation
was
Sworn
to
the
Succession
of
Edward
the
First
,
before
he
went
to
the
Holy
Land
.
Edward
the
First
being
out
of
England
,
by
the
Consent
of
Lords
and
Commons
,
was
declared
King.
Edward
the
Second
being
misled
,
and
relying
too
much
upon
his
Favourites
,
was
Deposed
,
and
his
Son
was
declared
King
in
his
Life-time
.
Richard
the
Second
,
for
his
evil
Government
,
had
the
Fate
of
the
Second
Edward
.
Henry
the
Fourth
came
in
by
Election
of
the
People
,
to
whom
Succeeded
Henry
the
Fifth
,
and
Henry
the
Sixth
,
in
whose
time
Richard
Duke
of
York
claimed
the
Crown
;
and
an
Act
of
Parliament
was
made
,
that
Henry
the
Sixth
should
enjoy
the
Crown
for
his
Life
,
and
the
said
Duke
after
him
;
after
which
,
King
Henry
raises
an
Army
,
by
Assistance
of
the
Queen
and
Prince
;
and
at
Wakefield
,
in
Battel
,
kills
the
Duke
;
for
which
,
1
Ed.
4.
they
were
all
,
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
Attainted
of
Treason
;
and
one
principal
Reason
thereof
,
was
,
for
that
the
Duke
being
declared
Heir
to
the
Crown
after
Henry
,
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
they
had
killed
him
.
Edward
the
Fourth
enters
the
Stage
,
and
leaves
Ed.
5.
to
Succeed
,
to
whom
Succeeds
Richard
the
Third
,
Confirmed
King
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
upon
Two
Reasons
:
First
,
That
by
reason
of
a
Precontract
of
Edward
the
Fourth
,
Edward
the
Fifth
,
his
Eldest
Son
,
and
all
his
other
Children
were
Bastards
.
Secondly
,
For
that
the
Son
of
the
Duke
of
Clarence
,
second
Brother
to
Edward
the
Fourth
,
had
no
Right
,
because
the
Duke
was
Attainted
of
Treason
,
by
a
Parliament
of
Ed.
the
4
th
.
Henry
the
Seventh
comes
in
,
but
had
no
Title
;
First
,
Because
Edward
the
Fourth's
Daughter
was
then
living
:
Secondly
,
His
own
Mother
,
the
Countess
of
Richmond
,
was
then
living
.
After
him
,
Henry
the
Eighth
wore
the
Crown
,
who
could
have
no
Title
by
the
Father
;
in
his
time
the
Succession
of
the
Crown
was
Limitted
several
times
,
and
the
whole
Nation
Sworn
to
the
Observance
.
Sir
Thomas
Moor
declared
,
That
the
Parliament
had
a
Power
to
bind
the
Succession
,
which
was
declared
to
be
Law
,
by
13
Eliz.
cap.
1.
and
made
a
Praemunire
to
hold
the
contrary
.
Edward
the
Sixth
succeeded
,
but
his
Mother
was
married
to
King
Henry
,
while
Ann
of
Cleve
,
his
Wife
,
was
living
.
Queen
Mary
was
declared
a
Bastard
;
and
by
Vertue
of
an
Act
of
Parliament
of
Henry
the
Eighth
,
she
Succeeded
;
which
Act
being
Repealed
in
the
First
of
her
Reign
,
and
the
Crown
being
Limitted
otherwise
by
Parliament
,
all
the
Limitations
of
the
Crown
in
King
Henry
the
Eighth's
Reign
were
avoided
;
so
that
Queen
Elizabeth
,
who
was
declared
a
Bastard
,
by
Act
of
Parliament
in
Henry
the
Eighth's
time
,
and
limitted
to
Succeed
,
in
another
Act
in
his
time
,
and
that
Act
repealed
by
Queen
Mary
,
became
Queen
in
the
force
of
her
own
Act
of
Parliament
,
which
declares
her
Lawful
Queen
.
The
Crown
was
Entail'd
in
Richard
the
Second's
time
;
again
,
in
the
time
of
Henry
the
Fourth
;
again
,
in
the
time
of
Henry
the
Sixth
;
again
,
in
the
time
of
Edward
the
Fourth
;
again
,
in
the
time
of
Richard
the
Third
;
again
,
in
the
time
of
Henry
the
Seventh
;
Thrice
in
the
time
of
Henry
the
Eighth
.
And
upon
the
Marriage
of
Queen
Mary
to
King
Philip
of
Spain
,
both
the
Crowns
of
England
and
Spain
were
Entailed
;
whereby
it
was
provided
,
that
of
the
several
Children
to
be
Begotten
upon
the
Queen
,
one
was
to
have
the
Crown
of
England
,
another
Spain
,
another
the
Low-Countries
;
the
Articles
of
Marriage
to
this
purpose
,
were
Confirmed
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
and
the
Pope's
Bull.
So
that
it
was
agreed
by
the
States
of
both
Kingdoms
,
and
the
Low-Countries
,
and
therefore
,
probably
,
the
Universal
Opinion
of
the
Great
Men
of
that
Age
,
That
Kings
and
Sovereign
Princes
,
with
the
Consent
of
their
States
,
had
a
Power
to
Alter
and
Bind
the
Succession
of
the
Crown
;
and
never
denied
to
be
Law
till
the
Reign
of
King
Charles
the
Second
.
True
it
is
,
that
this
Doctrine
doth
not
go
down
well
with
those
that
do
pretend
to
Prerogative
,
A
Narrative
of
the
Miseries
of
New-England
,
by
reason
of
an
Arbitrary
Government
Erected
there
.
THat
a
Colony
so
considerable
as
New-England
is
,
should
be
discouraged
,
is
not
for
the
Honour
and
Interest
of
the
English
Nation
;
in
as
much
as
the
People
there
are
generally
Sober
,
Industrious
,
Well-Disciplin'd
,
and
apt
for
Martial
Affairs
;
so
that
he
that
is
Sovereign
of
New-England
,
may
by
means
thereof
(
when
he
pleaseth
)
be
Emperor
of
America
:
Nevertheless
,
the
whole
English
Interest
in
that
Territory
has
been
of
late
in
apparent
danger
of
being
lost
and
ruined
,
and
the
Miseries
of
that
People
by
an
Arbitrary
Government
erected
amongst
them
,
have
been
beyond
Expression
great
.
The
original
of
all
which
has
been
the
Quo
Warranto's
issued
out
against
their
Char●ers
;
by
means
whereof
they
have
been
deprived
of
their
ancient
Rights
and
Priviledges
.
As
for
the
Massachusets
Colony
(
whose
Patent
beareth
date
from
the
Year
1628.
)
There
was
in
the
Year
1683
,
a
Quo
Warranto
;
and
after
that
in
the
Year
1684
,
a
Writ
of
Scire
Facias
against
them
,
and
they
were
required
to
make
their
appearance
at
Westminster
in
October
,
which
they
knew
nothing
of
till
the
month
before
,
so
that
it
was
impossible
for
them
to
answer
at
the
time
appointed
;
yet
Judgment
was
entred
against
them
.
Plimouth
Colony
,
after
they
had
enjoyed
their
first
Government
above
threescore
years
,
(
without
so
much
as
a
pre●ence
of
Misgovernment
alledged
)
had
all
their
Priviledges
at
once
taken
from
them
.
There
was
a
Quo
Warranto
against
Conecticot
Colony
(
whose
Charter
was
granted
to
them
by
King
Charles
the
Second
)
only
Letters
were
sent
to
them
in
the
King's
Name
,
signifying
,
that
(
in
case
they
did
resign
their
Charter
)
they
should
take
their
choice
of
being
under
New-York
or
Boston
.
Several
of
the
Magistrates
there
returned
a
most
humble
and
supplicatory
Answer
,
praying
,
That
their
former
Government
might
still
continue
;
but
that
if
it
must
be
taken
from
them
,
they
had
rather
be
under
Boston
than
New-York
:
This
was
by
some
at
Court
interpreted
a
Resignation
of
their
Charter
,
and
a
Commission
sent
to
Sir
Edmond
Andross
,
who
went
with
some
armed
Attendants
to
Hartford
(
their
principal
Town
)
and
declared
their
Charter
and
former
Government
to
be
void
.
As
for
Road-Island
,
they
submitted
themselves
to
His
Majesties
pleasure
.
Before
these
Changes
happened
,
New-England
was
of
all
the
Foreign
Plantations
(
their
Enemies
themselves
being
Judges
)
the
most
flourishing
and
de●irable
.
But
their
Charters
being
all
(
one
way
or
other
)
declared
to
be
void
and
insignificant
,
it
was
an
easy
matter
to
erect
a
French
Government
in
that
part
of
the
King's
Dominions
,
(
no
doubt
intended
by
the
Evil
Counsellors
)
as
a
Specimen
of
what
was
designed
to
be
here
in
England
,
as
soon
as
the
times
would
bear
it
.
Accordingly
Sir
Edmond
Andross
(
a
Gernsey-man
)
was
pitched
on
as
a
fit
Instrument
to
be
made
use
of
;
and
a
most
Illegal
Commission
given
him
,
bearing
date
Iune
3
,
1686
,
by
which
he
,
with
four
of
his
Council
,
(
perhaps
all
of
them
his
absolute
Devotees
)
are
impower'd
to
make
Laws
and
raise
Moneys
on
the
Kings
Subjects
without
any
Parliament
,
Assembly
,
or
Consent
of
the
People
.
It
was
thought
by
Wise
Men
,
that
the
Remembrance
of
Dudley
and
Empson
,
who
were
in
the
days
of
King
Henry
the
Eighth
executed
for
acting
by
a
like
Commission
,
would
have
deterred
them
from
doing
so
;
But
it
did
not
,
for
Laws
are
made
by
a
few
of
them
,
and
indeed
what
they
please
:
nor
are
they
printed
,
as
was
the
Custom
in
the
former
Governments
,
so
that
the
People
are
at
a
great
loss
to
know
what
is
Law
,
and
what
not
.
Only
one
Law
they
are
sensible
of
,
which
doth
prohibit
all
Town-Meetings
,
excepting
on
a
certain
Day
once
a
Year
;
whereas
the
Inhabitants
have
occasion
to
meet
once
a
Month
,
sometimes
every
Week
,
for
relief
of
the
Poor
,
or
other
Town-Affairs
.
But
it
is
easy
to
penetrate
into
the
Design
of
this
Law
,
which
was
(
no
Question
)
to
keep
them
in
every
Town
from
complaining
to
England
,
of
the
Oppression
they
are
under
:
And
(
as
Laws
have
been
Established
)
so
Moneys
have
been
Raised
by
the
Government
in
a
most
Illegal
and
Arbitrary
way
,
without
any
consent
of
the
People
.
Sir
Edmond
Andross
caused
a
Tax
to
be
leavied
of
a
Penny
in
a
Pound
on
all
the
Towns
then
under
his
Government
:
And
when
at
Ipswich
and
other
places
,
the
Select
Men
(
as
they
are
there
stiled
)
voted
,
That
inasmuch
as
it
was
against
the
Common
Priviledges
of
English
Subjects
,
to
have
Money
raised
without
their
own
Consent
in
an
Assembly
or
Parliament
;
That
therefore
they
would
petition
the
King
for
liberty
of
an
Assembly
before
they
made
any
Rates
;
the
said
Sir
Edmond
Andross
caused
them
to
be
Imprisoned
and
Fined
,
some
20
l.
some
30
l.
and
some
50
l.
as
the
Judges
,
by
him
instructed
,
should
see
meet
to
determine
;
Yea
,
and
several
Gentlemen
in
the
Country
were
Imprisoned
and
bound
to
their
Good
Behaviour
,
upon
meer
suspicion
,
that
they
did
incourage
their
Neighbours
not
to
comply
with
these
Arbitrary
Proceedings
.
And
that
so
they
might
be
sure
to
effect
their
Pernicious
Designs
,
they
have
caused
Juries
to
be
pick'd
of
Men
who
are
not
of
the
Vicinity
,
and
some
of
them
meer
Strangers
in
the
Country
,
and
no
Freeholders
:
which
actings
are
highly
Illegal
.
One
of
the
former
Magistrates
was
committed
to
Prison
without
any
Crimes
laid
to
his
Charge
,
and
there
kept
half
a
Year
without
any
Fault
;
and
tho
he
petitioned
for
a
Habeas
Corpus
,
it
was
denied
him
.
Also
inferiour
Officers
have
extorted
what
Fees
they
please
to
demand
,
contrary
to
all
Rules
of
Reason
and
Justice
.
They
make
poor
Widows
and
Fatherless
pay
50
s.
for
the
Probate
of
a
Will
,
which
under
the
former
easy
Government
would
not
have
been
a
Tenth
part
so
much
.
Six
Persons
who
had
been
illegally
imprisoned
,
were
forced
to
give
the
Officers
117
l.
whenas
upon
Computation
,
they
found
that
here
in
England
their
Fees
would
not
have
amounted
to
10
l.
in
all
.
And
yet
these
things
(
tho
bad
enough
)
are
but
a
very
small
part
of
the
Misery
which
that
poor
People
have
been
groaning
under
,
since
they
have
been
governed
by
a
Dispotick
and
Absolute
Power
.
For
,
their
new
Masters
tell
them
,
that
their
Charter
being
gone
,
their
Title
to
their
Lands
and
Estates
is
gone
therewith
,
and
that
All
is
the
Kings
;
and
that
They
represent
the
King
;
and
that
therefore
all
Persons
must
take
Patents
from
them
,
and
give
what
they
see
meet
to
impose
,
that
so
they
may
enjoy
the
Houses
which
their
own
Hands
have
built
,
and
the
Lands
,
which
at
vast
Charges
in
subduing
a
Wilderness
,
they
have
for
many
Years
had
a
rightful
possession
of
,
as
ever
any
People
in
the
World
had
or
can
have
:
Accordingly
the
Governor
ordered
the
Lands
belonging
to
some
in
Charles-Town
to
be
measured
out
,
&
given
to
his
Creatures
,
and
Writs
of
Intrusion
to
be
issued
out
against
others
:
And
the
Commons
belonging
to
several
Towns
have
been
given
to
some
of
the
Governours
Council
,
who
begged
them
,
to
the
impoverishing
,
if
not
utter
ruining
of
whole
Townships
.
And
when
an
Island
belonging
to
the
Town
of
Plimouth
was
petitioned
away
from
them
by
one
Nathaniel
Clark
(
whom
Sir
Edmond
Andross
made
his
Property
)
because
the
Agents
of
the
said
Town
obtained
a
voluntary
Subscription
to
maintain
their
Title
at
Law
,
they
were
compelled
to
come
not
only
out
of
their
own
Country
,
but
Colony
,
to
Boston
,
to
answer
there
as
Cri●inals
at
the
next
Assizes
,
and
bound
to
their
good
Behaviour
:
The
Officers
in
the
mean
time
extorting
3
l.
per
Man
for
Fees.
These
were
the
miserable
Effects
of
New-England's
being
deprived
of
their
Charters
,
and
with
them
of
their
English
Liberties
:
They
have
not
been
altogether
negligent
,
as
to
endeavours
to
obtain
some
relief
in
their
sorrowful
Bondage
;
for
several
Gentlemen
desired
Increase
Mather
,
the
Rector
of
the
Colledge
at
Cambridge
in
New-England
,
to
undertake
a
Voyage
for
England
,
to
see
what
might
be
done
for
his
distressed
Country
,
which
Motion
he
complied
with
▪
and
in
Iune
the
1st
1688
,
he
had
the
favour
to
wait
on
the
King
,
and
privately
to
acquaint
him
with
the
enslaved
and
perishing
E●tate
of
his
Subjects
in
New-England
.
The
King
was
very
gracious
and
kind
in
his
Expressions
;
then
,
and
often
after
promising
to
give
them
ease
as
to
their
Complaints
and
Fears
:
Amongst
other
things
the
said
Mather
caused
a
Petition
from
the
Town
of
Cambridge
in
New-England
to
be
humbly
presented
to
His
M●jes●y
;
which
because
it
doth
express
the
Deplorable
Condition
of
tha●
People
,
it
shall
be
here
inserted
.
To
the
King
's
Most
Excellent
Majesty
.
The
Petition
and
Address
of
John
Gibson
,
aged
about
87
,
and
George
Willow
,
aged
about
86
Years
;
as
also
on
the
behalf
of
their
Neighbours
the
Inhabitants
of
Cambridge
in
New-England
.
In
most
humble
wise
sheweth
,
THat
Your
Majesty's
good
Subjects
,
with
much
hard
Labour
and
great
Disbursements
,
have
subdued
a
Wilderness
,
built
our
Houses
,
and
planted
Orchards
,
being
incouraged
by
our
indubitable
Right
to
the
Soil
by
the
Royal
Charter
granted
unto
the
First
Planters
,
together
with
our
Purchase
of
the
Natives
;
as
also
by
sundry
Letters
and
Declarations
sent
to
the
late
Governour
and
Company
,
from
His
late
Majesty
Your
Royal
Brother
,
assuring
us
of
the
full
enjoyment
of
our
Properties
and
Possessions
,
as
is
more
especially
contained
in
the
Declaration
sent
when
the
Quo
Warranto
was
issued
out
against
our
Charter
.
But
we
are
necessitated
to
make
this
our
Moan
and
Complaint
to
Your
Excellent
Majesty
,
for
that
our
Title
is
now
questioned
to
our
Lands
,
by
us
quietly
possessed
for
near
sixty
Years
,
and
without
which
we
cannot
subsist
.
Our
humble
Address
to
our
Governour
Sir
Edmond
Andross
,
shewing
our
just
Title
,
long
and
peaceable
possession
,
together
with
our
Claim
of
the
benefit
of
Your
Majesty's
Letters
and
Declarations
,
assuring
all
Your
good
Subjects
,
that
they
shall
not
be
molested
in
their
Properties
and
Possessions
,
not
availing
.
Royal
Sir
,
We
are
a
poor
People
,
and
have
no
way
to
procure
Money
to
defend
our
Cause
in
the
Law
;
nor
know
we
of
Friends
at
Court
,
and
therefore
unto
Your
Royal
Majesty
,
as
the
publick
Father
of
all
your
Subjects
,
do
we
make
this
our
humble
Address
for
●elief
,
beseeching
Your
Majesty
graciously
to
pass
Your
Royal
Act
for
the
Confirmation
of
Your
Majesty's
Subjects
,
here
in
our
Po●sessions
to
us
derived
from
our
late
Governour
and
Company
of
this
Your
Majesty's
Colony
:
We
now
humbly
cast
our selves
,
and
distressed
Condition
of
our
Wives
and
Children
,
at
Your
Majesty's
Feet
,
and
conclude
with
the
saying
of
Queen
Esther
,
If
we
Perish
,
we
Perish
.
Thus
that
Petition
.
Besides
this
,
Mr.
Inc.
Mather
,
with
two
New-England
Gentlemen
,
presented
a
Petition
and
humble
Proposals
to
the
King
,
wherein
they
prayed
that
the
Right
which
they
had
in
their
Estates
before
the
Government
was
changed
,
might
be
confirmed
;
And
that
no
Laws
might
be
made
,
or
Moneys
raised
,
without
an
Assembly
,
with
sundry
other
particulars
;
which
the
King
referred
to
a
Committee
for
Foreign
Plantations
,
who
ordered
them
into
the
Hands
of
the
Attorney-General
to
make
his
Report
.
The
Clerk
,
William
Blathwait
sent
to
the
Attorney-General
a
Copy
,
wherein
the
Essential
Proposal
of
an
Assembly
was
wholly
left
out
.
And
being
spoke
to
about
it
,
he
said
the
Earl
of
Sunderland
blotted
out
that
with
his
own
Hand
;
likewise
a
Soliciter
in
this
Cause
related
that
the
said
Earl
of
Sunderland
affirmed
to
him
,
that
it
was
by
his
Advice
that
the
King
had
given
a
Commission
to
Sir
Edmond
Andross
to
raise
Moneys
without
an
Assembly
,
and
that
he
knew
the
King
would
never
consent
to
an
Alteration
,
nor
would
he
propose
it
to
His
Majesty
.
When
of
late
all
Charters
were
restored
to
England
,
it
was
highly
rational
for
New-England
to
expect
the
like
;
for
if
it
be
an
illegal
and
unjust
thing
to
deprive
good
Subjects
here
of
their
Antient
Rights
and
Liberties
,
it
cannot
be
consistent
with
Justice
and
Equity
to
deal
so
with
those
that
are
afar
off
;
Applications
therefore
were
made
to
the
King
,
and
to
some
Ministers
of
State.
It
was
urged
,
that
if
a
Foreign
Prince
or
State
should
,
during
the
present
Troubles
,
send
a
Frigate
to
New-England
,
and
promise
to
protect
them
,
as
under
their
former
Government
,
it
would
be
an
unconquerable
temptation
;
yet
no
Restoration
of
Charters
would
be
granted
to
New-England
,
which
has
opened
the
Eyes
of
some
thinking
Men.
Thus
hath
New-England
been
dealt
with
:
This
hath
been
,
and
still
is
the
bleeding
state
of
that
Country
.
They
cannot
but
hope
that
England
will
send
them
speedy
Relief
;
especially
considering
that
through
the
ill
Conduct
of
their
present
Rulers
,
the
French
Indians
are
(
as
the
last
Vessels
from
thence
inform
)
beginning
their
cruel
Butcheries
amongst
the
English
in
those
parts
;
And
many
have
fears
that
there
is
a
design
to
deliver
that
Country
into
the
Hands
of
the
French
King
,
except
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
whom
a
Divine
Hand
has
raised
up
to
deliver
the
O●pressed
,
shall
happily
and
speedily
prevent
it
.
FINIS
.
A
SEVENTH
Collection
of
Papers
Relating
to
the
Present
Juncture
of
Affairs
in
England
.
VIZ.
-
I.
Proposals
humbly
offered
in
behalf
of
the
Princess
of
Orange
.
-
II.
The
Heads
of
an
Expedient
proposed
by
the
Court-Party
to
the
Parliament
at
Oxford
,
in
lieu
of
the
Bill
for
Excluding
the
Duke
of
York
.
-
III.
An
Account
of
the
Irregular
Actions
of
the
Papists
in
the
Raign
of
King
Iames
the
Second
,
with
a
Method
proposed
to
rid
the
the
Nation
of
them
.
-
IV.
The
Present
Convention
a
Parliament
.
-
V.
A
Letter
to
a
Member
of
the
Convention
.
-
VI.
An
Answer
to
the
Author
of
the
Letter
to
a
Member
of
the
Convention
.
Licensed
and
Entred
according
to
Order
.
London
printed
,
and
are
to
be
sold
by
Richard
Ianeway
in
Queen's-head-Court
in
Pater-noster-Row
,
1689.
Proposals
humbly
offered
in
behalf
of
the
Princess
of
Orange
,
Jan.
28.
IT
is
a
Maxim
of
the
Law
of
England
concerning
the
Government
,
That
there
is
no
Interregnum
.
Of
necessity
there
must
be
a
Change
in
the
Person
,
yet
there
is
a
Continuation
of
the
Government
.
Which
shews
the
Prudence
and
Perfection
of
the
Constitution
,
in
preventing
that
,
which
of
all
things
is
most
Deplorable
,
a
Failure
of
Government
.
This
Rule
is
therefore
of
that
Importance
,
as
not
to
be
given
up
upon
the
trivial
Saying
of
Nemo
est
haeres
viventis
.
'T
is
true
,
the
common
and
ordinary
cause
of
a
Change
in
the
Person
that
is
invested
with
the
Royal
Authority
,
is
Death
.
But
we
are
now
in
a
rare
and
extraordinary
Case
,
where
the
King
is
living
,
and
yet
may
be
said
to
be
divested
of
the
Royal
Office
,
as
having
by
his
Encroachments
upon
the
Peoples
Rights
,
provoked
them
to
resort
to
Arms
;
and
being
vanquished
by
that
Force
,
followed
with
a
total
Defection
from
him
,
and
his
Relinqui●hing
the
Kingdom
thereupon
,
without
providing
any
ways
for
the
Administration
of
the
Government
.
This
seems
to
be
a
Cesser
of
this
Government
,
and
may
in
Civil
and
Politick
Construction
amount
to
as
much
as
if
he
had
died
.
But
because
this
is
a
Cess
of
that
nature
that
requires
a
Judgment
to
be
made
upon
it
,
it
seems
necessary
to
have
a
Convention
of
the
Estates
of
the
Nation
,
to
make
a
Declaration
thereupon
(
for
't
is
not
for
private
Persons
to
determine
in
the
Cases
aforesaid
,
how
or
when
the
King
has
lost
his
Government
)
and
till
such
Authoritative
Declaration
made
,
the
King
may
be
supposed
in
some
kind
of
possession
of
the
Kingly
Office.
B●t
after
the
Judgment
made
and
declared
,
there
seems
to
be
no
d●fference
in
the
consequence
and
result
of
the
thing
,
between
such
an
extraordinary
case
of
the
Cesser
of
the
Royal
Dignity
,
and
the
case
of
Death
or
voluntary
Resignation
;
or
as
if
the
King
had
been
prosest
,
and
made
himself
a
Recluse
in
a
Religious
House
.
Then
it
must
devolve
upon
the
next
Heir
,
her
Royal
Highness
the
Princess
of
Orange
.
As
to
the
pretended
Prince
of
Wales
,
if
there
had
been
no
Suspicions
as
to
his
Birth
,
(
as
there
are
many
violent
ones
)
yet
his
being
conveyed
into
unknown
Places
,
by
Persons
in
whom
no
credit
can
be
reposed
,
and
at
an
Age
which
exposes
him
to
all
manner
of
Practices
and
Impostures
,
touching
his
Person
;
then
can
there
hereafter
be
no
manner
of
Certainty
of
him
,
so
as
to
induce
the
Nation
ever
to
consider
any
Pretence
of
that
kind
.
These
things
being
considered
;
First
,
Whether
will
not
the
declaring
her
Royal
Highness
Queen
of
England
,
as
next
in
Succession
,
be
the
surest
and
be●t
Foundation
to
begin
our
Settlement
upon
;
rather
than
upon
a
groundless
Conceit
of
the
Government
being
devolved
to
the
People
,
and
so
they
to
proceed
to
Elect
a
King
?
Secondly
,
If
that
Conceit
of
devolving
to
the
People
be
admitted
,
Whether
must
we
not
conclude
,
that
the
Misgovernment
of
King
Iames
the
Second
,
hath
not
only
determin'd
his
Roylaty
,
but
put
a
period
to
the
Monarchy
it self
?
And
then
't
is
not
only
a
loss
as
to
his
Person
,
but
to
the
whole
Royal
Family
.
Thirdly
,
Whether
those
Persons
that
have
started
this
Notion
,
upon
pretence
of
giving
the
Nation
an
opportunity
of
gratifying
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
in
proportion
to
his
Merits
(
which
it
must
be
acknowledged
no
Reward
can
exceed
)
if
they
were
searched
to
the
bottom
,
did
not
do
it
rather
to
undermine
this
Ancient
and
Hereditary
Monarchy
,
and
to
give
an
Advantage
to
their
Republican
Principles
,
than
out
of
any
Affection
and
Gratitude
to
his
Highness
?
For
if
the
latter
was
that
they
had
t●e
chief
respect
to
,
would
it
not
be
the
more
proper
way
to
declare
her
Royal
Highness
Queen
,
which
will
immediately
put
the
Nation
under
a
regular
Constitution
and
posture
of
Government
?
Then
it
will
be
capable
of
expressing
its
Gratitude
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
in
matters
touching
even
the
Royal
Dignity
it self
,
without
making
such
a
Stroke
upon
the
Government
,
as
the
Electing
of
a
King
,
or
making
any
other
immediate
Alteration
in
the
right
of
the
Monarchy
(
before
the
Parliament
is
compleated
and
constituted
in
all
its
parts
)
must
amount
unto
.
The
Heads
of
the
EXPEDIENT
proposed
by
the
Court-party
to
the
Parliament
at
Oxford
,
in
lieu
of
the
Bill
for
excluding
the
Duke
of
York
.
I.
THAT
the
Duke
of
York
be
banish'd
during
his
Life
,
five
hundred
Miles
from
England
,
Scotland
and
Ireland
,
and
the
Dominions
and
Territories
to
them
belonging
.
II.
That
the
whole
Government
,
both
Ecclesiastical
and
Civil
,
shall
upon
the
demise
of
the
King
,
be
vested
in
a
Regent
,
for
such
time
as
the
Duke
of
York
shall
survive
.
III.
That
the
Regent
be
the
Princess
of
Orange
,
and
in
case
of
her
Decease
without
Issue
,
or
with
Issue
in
Minority
,
then
the
Lady
Ann.
IV.
That
if
the
Duke
have
a
Son
educated
a
Protestant
,
then
the
said
Princesses
respectively
shall
succeed
in
the
Regency
,
during
the
Minority
of
such
Son
,
and
no
longer
.
Which
obviates
an
incurable
Absurdity
in
the
former
Bill
of
Exclusion
.
V.
That
the
Regent
nominate
the
Privy-Council
,
and
they
to
be
,
or
not
to
be
approved
in
Parliament
,
as
shall
be
judged
safest
upon
directing
the
drawing
up
of
this
intended
Act.
VI.
That
notwithstanding
these
Kingdoms
(
out
of
respect
to
the
Royal
Family
,
and
Monarchy
it self
)
may
be
governed
by
the
said
Regent
,
in
the
Name
●nd
Stile
of
Iames
the
Second
,
&c.
yet
it
shall
by
this
intended
Act
be
made
Capital
for
any
to
take
up
Arms
on
his
behalf
,
or
by
a
Commission
not
signed
by
the
said
Regent
,
or
not
granted
by
lawful
Authority
,
derived
from
and
under
such
Regent
;
or
to
maintain
an
Opinion
,
that
the
retaining
the
said
Name
and
Stile
,
shall
in
this
case
purge
the
disabilities
imposed
by
this
Act
,
or
elude
the
force
thereof
.
VII
.
That
Commissioners
be
forthwith
sent
to
the
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
,
to
take
their
Oaths
that
they
will
take
upon
them
the
execution
of
this
Act
,
and
that
their
Oaths
be
here
recorded
.
VIII
.
That
all
Officers
,
Civil
and
Military
,
forthwith
take
Oaths
to
observe
this
Act
,
and
so
all
others
from
time
to
time
,
as
in
the
Act
for
the
Test.
IX
.
That
his
Majesty
would
graciously
declare
to
call
a
Parliament
in
Scotland
,
in
order
to
the
passing
the
like
Act
there
,
and
recommend
the
same
;
and
the
like
to
be
done
in
Ireland
if
thought
necessary
.
X.
That
in
case
the
said
Duke
shall
come
into
any
of
these
Kingdoms
,
then
he
shall
be
ipso
facto
,
totally
excluded
,
and
shall
suffer
as
in
the
former
Bill
,
and
the
Sovereignty
shall
be
forthwith
intirely
vested
in
the
Regent
,
upon
such
his
coming
into
any
of
these
Kingdoms
.
XI
.
That
all
considerable
Papists
be
banish'd
by
Name
.
XII
.
That
their
fraudulent
Conveyances
be
defeated
.
XIII
.
That
their
Children
be
educated
in
the
Protestant
Religion
.
By
these
means
these
three
Kingdoms
will
be
united
in
defence
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
his
Majesty's
Person
and
Government
,
and
a
sure
Foundation
laid
of
an
effectual
League
with
Holland
,
and
consequently
with
the
rest
of
Christendom
,
in
opposition
to
the
growing
Greatness
of
France
.
☞
'T
was
thought
fit
to
reprint
this
Expedient
,
that
the
Reader
may
compare
it
with
the
Bill
of
Exclusion
,
(
which
may
be
seen
at
large
in
the
Debates
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
lately
published
)
and
judg
which
was
the
greatest
Evil
of
the
two
,
viz.
that
which
would
have
set
the
Duke
aside
,
and
given
him
liberty
to
live
where
he
pleased
,
or
that
which
would
have
strip'd
him
of
all
Power
,
and
banish'd
him
500
Miles
off
,
and
left
him
only
the
Name
of
a
King.
An
Excellent
Expedient
indeed
!
An
Account
of
the
irregular
Actions
of
the
Papists
in
the
Reign
of
King
James
the
Second
:
With
a
Method
proposed
how
to
rid
the
Nation
of
them
.
By
a
Person
of
Quality
.
THE
dreadful
Revolutions
,
Plots
and
Conspiracies
,
which
have
been
promoted
by
the
Roman
Catholicks
in
England
since
the
Resormation
,
are
of
that
nature
,
and
have
caused
such
fearful
Convulsions
in
our
Church
and
State
,
that
it
is
a
great
Argument
of
the
Goodness
and
Providence
of
God
,
that
we
have
been
able
to
bear
so
many
Shocks
,
and
to
avoid
so
many
deep
Designs
as
have
now
twice
within
the
memory
of
Man
brought
us
to
the
brinks
of
Ruin.
We
must
be
very
impious
or
very
stupid
if
our
last
Deliverance
has
not
been
able
to
make
us
adore
the
boundless
Goodness
of
God
towards
us
his
sinful
and
unthankful
Servants
;
he
,
having
defeated
the
Hopes
,
and
totally
overthrown
the
Contrivances
of
that
restless
,
implacable
,
persidious
Faction
,
when
they
seemed
to
be
in
such
a
Condition
that
they
need
fear
nothing
,
but
the
Almighty
Power
of
God
,
miraculously
exerting
it self
,
as
in
the
case
of
Sennacherib
,
which
they
neither
feared
nor
suspected
.
The
Non-resisting
Doctrine
had
so
ty'd
the
hands
of
the
Church
of
England
Men
,
that
they
thought
they
might
saf●ly
in●●l
over
us
,
and
ridicule
the
Bond
that
bound
us
to
our
good
Behavi●ur
.
The
Dissenters
were
,
as
they
thought
,
so
obliged
by
the
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
and
the
fulsom
Applications
they
had
made
to
them
in
many
ill
writ
pieces
,
and
by
the
Favours
●e●●owed
on
Pen
and
Lob
,
the
two
Patriarchs
,
as
they
would
have
been
thought
of
that
Party
:
That
they
not
only
suspected
no
oppositions
from
them
,
but
really
conceived
they
would
have
been
more
than
Scaffolds
in
the
ruining
Design
they
had
then
on
foot
.
The
Gentry
were
reduced
to
the
utmost
degree
of
Contempt
,
and
the
Nobility
,
who
only
were
capable
of
putting
a
stop
to
such
notorious
and
impolitick
Encroachments
on
our
Birth-rights
and
Liberties
,
were
not
only
closeted
,
examin'd
,
re-examin'd
,
turn'd
out
of
their
Stations
,
brow-beaten
,
ridicul'd
at
Court
,
and
in
short
,
driven
into
the
Country
;
but
they
were
also
by
all
the
Arts
that
were
possible
rendred
odious
to
the
Crown
,
contemptible
to
one
another
,
and
of
no
use
to
their
Inferiours
.
The
Army
,
which
was
the
next
great
Engine
to
bring
about
their
Design
,
was
managed
with
more
Art
than
is
commonly
considered
;
for
first
there
was
a
Party
of
Roman
Catholicks
mixed
with
the
Common
Souldiers
,
to
be
as
it
were
Spies
and
Tempters
,
to
creep
into
all
the
places
of
their
resort
,
to
observe
their
Words
,
Looks
and
Actions
,
and
to
take
the
opportunity
of
all
their
Needs
,
Crimes
,
Vices
and
Follies
,
to
pervert
them
,
and
draw
them
over
to
the
Church
of
Rome
;
and
in
the
mean
time
to
secure
them
from
contriving
any
thing
that
might
interrupt
their
Projects
upon
us
.
Secondly
,
They
punished
all
who
deserted
the
Service
with
the
utmost
Rigour
and
Severity
to
keep
up
●h●ir
numbers
.
And
thirdly
,
They
sent
them
to
quarter
in
those
places
that
had
in
any
degree
refused
to
comply
with
their
Wills
,
and
not
only
suffered
,
but
encouraged
them
to
outrage
,
and
sometimes
to
murder
their
Hosts
;
but
to
be
sure
in
all
places
they
very
much
impoverish'd
those
that
entertain'd
them
,
and
in
the
Interim
they
kept
all
in
awe
and
quiet
,
whilst
the
State-Mountebanks
practised
upon
their
Lives
,
Consciences
,
Liberties
and
Properties
.
A
People
thus
harassed
and
beset
,
one
would
have
thought
had
been
consigned
to
Ruin
and
Destruction
;
for
where
could
our
Deliverance
begin
?
The
Parliament
,
which
is
our
last
resort
,
was
at
the
same
time
practised
on
with
all
the
Art
and
Address
that
the
Wi●
of
Men
or
D●vils
could
invent
;
and
he
must
be
of
a
deep
Reach
,
or
a
Sanguine
Complexion
,
who
in
the
beginning
of
September
last
could
hope
to
see
a
●ree
and
a
quiet
Parliament
meet
and
sit
one
Month
,
to
represent
with
any
degree
of
Liberty
,
our
deplorable
State
and
Condition
,
much
less
to
redress
any
of
our
Grievances
.
We
had
one
Hope
,
which
if
they
had
left
us
still
,
we
had
certainly
been
as
quiet
and
pati●nt
as
Iob
himself
,
and
that
was
,
that
the
Princess
Mary
of
Orange
would
,
when
God
thought
fit
,
succeed
his
Majesty
,
and
then
we
promis'd
our selves
a
Day
of
Redemption
from
all
our
Calamities
and
Oppressions
;
so
that
our
Posterity
would
at
worst
see
better
days
.
To
deprive
us
of
this
remote
Comfort
,
that
Scene
was
laid
,
and
the
Lady
of
Loretto
sollicited
to
procure
a
Prince
of
Wales
to
reduce
us
to
an
utter
Desperation
of
any
Redress
for
ever
.
And
now
they
thought
they
were
so
secure
of
the
Day
,
that
they
might
attack
the
Heretical
Bishops
,
and
the
whole
body
of
our
Clergy
at
once
,
and
make
them
eat
their
own
Dung
in
the
Faces
of
their
respective
Congregations
;
if
they
had
comply'd
,
the
whole
Nation
would
have
abhorred
them
,
as
a
parcel
of
Cowards
;
if
they
did
not
,
the
Ecclesiastical
Commission
was
to
have
mowed
them
down
by
whole
sale
;
and
when
the
People
had
been
once
deprived
of
their
faithful
and
learned
Shepherds
,
the
Wolves
in
Sheeps-clothing
hoped
to
have
had
much
better
Success
than
hitherto
:
but
the
Bishops
interposing
so
,
united
the
inferior
Clergy
,
that
this
Design
proved
abortive
,
and
the
declaring
the
Bishops
Petition
a
Seditious
Libel
,
and
so
much
the
more
dangerous
because
penn'd
with
great
Modesty
and
Humility
,
so
far
opened
the
Eyes
of
all
Men
,
that
the
most
Ignorant
saw
nothing
less
than
the
Extirpation
of
the
Protestant
Religion
was
aim'd
at
.
The
Army
however
,
which
was
the
great
Wheel
in
this
most
dreadful
Machine
,
was
for
the
most
part
Protestant
,
and
had
express'd
so
much
Joy
at
the
acquittal
of
the
Bishops
,
in
the
Camp
at
Hownslow-Heath
;
that
they
clearly
saw
,
till
it
was
new-modell'd
,
it
could
n●t
b●
relied
on
;
and
therefore
the
French
and
Irish
were
to
be
invited
over
,
and
the
Companies
changed
by
degrees
:
and
when
six
of
the
O●ficers
at
Portsmouth
had
with
the
greatest
Humility
imaginable
,
only
desired
leave
to
fill
up
their
Companies
with
such
Men
of
this
N●tion
as
they
judged
most
serviceable
to
the
King
,
or
otherwise
that
th●y
might
be
permitted
,
with
all
imaginable
Duty
and
Respect
,
to
lay
●own
their
Commissions
;
for
this
Offence
they
were
brought
up
Prisoners
to
London
,
and
it
was
given
out
they
should
be
hanged
,
as
perhaps
they
had
been
,
if
Monsieur
de
Avaux's
Memorial
given
in
at
the
Hague
,
had
not
come
in
that
very
Post
to
enlighten
our
little
Statesmen
,
and
shew
them
their
approaching
Danger
,
and
yet
after
all
,
the
10
th
of
September
last
they
were
cashier'd
at
Windsor
.
And
when
the
Storm
from
Holland
seemed
unavoidable
,
with
what
Insolence
did
they
treat
the
Eleven
Proposals
made
by
the
Bishops
,
and
the
Petition
presented
the
17
th
of
November
last
,
by
the
Bishops
and
Peers
about
the
Town
?
So
that
till
the
Army
began
to
go
over
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
and
the
greatest
part
of
the
Nation
had
declared
for
him
:
No
Parliament
was
to
be
thought
of
,
and
the
Dispensing
Power
was
the
most
Sacred
of
all
the
Prerogatives
of
the
Crown
.
That
we
may
not
imagine
all
this
was
undertaken
,
and
entred
upon
without
good
Consideration
of
the
Difficulties
the
Roman
Catholicks
were
to
met
with
,
I
would
desire
the
Reader
to
peruse
a
small
Piece
by
them
published
in
the
Year
1685
,
during
the
first
Session
of
Parliament
of
Iames
the
Second
,
stil'd
,
Salus
Britannica
,
or
the
Safety
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
against
all
the
present
Apprehensions
of
Popery
,
in
Folio
.
The
Design
of
which
,
as
the
Author
himself
tells
us
,
is
to
examine
what
National
Operation
or
Influence
a
Real
Popish
Crown'd
Head
can
have
over
the
Lives
,
Liberties
,
or
Estates
of
English-men
as
now
enjoyed
,
and
the
Religion
of
the
Kingdom
,
as
at
present
Establish'd
,
and
by
confuting
even
the
most
substantial
of
their
imagined
Dangers
,
to
dissipate
those
false
fears
of
Popery
,
&c.
page
1.
And
in
truth
I
believe
no
Man
can
deny
but
he
has
very
effectually
proved
,
that
it
is
utterly
impossible
for
a
Popish
Prince
,
who
has
none
but
these
Three
Kingdoms
,
to
set
up
Popery
in
this
Nation
,
and
that
all
he
can
gain
by
the
Attempt
,
will
be
the
Ruine
of
himself
.
And
certainly
they
could
not
but
apprehend
this
might
possibly
,
if
not
probably
,
be
the
Event
;
yet
after
all
,
King
and
Kingdom
was
at
last
to
be
sacrificed
to
the
holy
See
of
Rome
;
and
on
they
went
when
they
had
proved
it
impossible
to
succeed
.
I
need
be
the
less
exact
in
setting
down
what
they
have
done
,
it
being
within
the
space
of
four
Years
last
past
,
that
they
have
had
the
management
of
Affairs
,
and
so
all
things
are
as
fresh
in
all
Mens
Memories
,
as
if
they
had
been
acted
but
yesterday
:
I
think
then
,
that
I
may
from
these
Premises
safely
conclude
,
that
a
more
daring
,
restless
and
implacable
Faction
never
appeared
under
the
Sun
than
this
is
;
And
that
it
is
the
Interest
of
every
true
English
Protestant
,
of
what
Perswasion
soever
he
be
,
to
do
his
utmost
to
free
this
miserable
Nation
from
the
Danger
and
Fear
too
(
if
it
be
possible
)
of
ever
feeling
again
the
dire
Effects
of
Popish
Zeal
,
or
rather
Fury
.
Our
wise
Ancestors
,
for
above
these
three
hundred
Years
,
have
been
labouring
to
restrain
this
Demon●ick
,
by
Laws
,
Oaths
and
Tests
;
and
when
all
the
Methods
of
Severity
fail'd
,
we
have
tried
the
Charms
of
Kindness
,
Trust
,
Friendship
and
Reliance
:
We
set
up
a
Prince
of
their
Communion
,
and
opposed
all
those
that
would
have
Excluded
him
,
with
a
Zeal
which
made
us
look
a
little
too
much
in
love
with
one
who
seem'd
designed
to
be
our
Scourge
by
Heaven
it self
.
When
he
had
declared
his
Religion
,
and
some
of
his
Party
,
amongst
whom
Nevel
Paine
was
one
,
had
given
us
clear
Indications
of
their
Rage
against
us
;
yet
we
in
Parliament
,
not
only
attainted
,
and
thereby
ruin'd
the
late
Duke
of
Monmouth
and
his
Party
,
but
when
some
Gentlemen
propos'd
to
have
the
Security
of
the
Protestant
Religion
taken
into
Consideration
,
the
House
declared
they
would
intirely
rely
upon
his
Majesty's
Promise
for
the
Security
of
their
Religion
,
which
they
valued
more
than
their
Lives
.
And
before
this
,
when
Charles
the
Second
,
the
30
th
of
April
1679
,
to
avoid
the
Exclusion-Bill
,
propos'd
very
advantageous
Restrictions
of
the
Authority
of
a
Roman
Catholick
Prince
,
the
Church-of-England-men
rejected
them
,
for
fear
they
should
too
much
weaken
and
expose
the
Regal
Authority
,
not
to
mention
the
Favours
shewn
to
all
the
whole
Roman
Catholick
Party
,
during
the
fierce
Prosecution
of
the
Popish
Plot
in
that
Prince's
Reign
:
Well
,
what
could
have
been
done
more
than
was
,
to
oblige
Men
or
Christians
to
treat
us
like
Friends
,
when
they
had
an
opportunity
to
express
their
Gratitude
?
No
,
stay
you
there
Gentlemen
,
we
Roman
Catholicks
have
but
one
Friend
in
this
World
,
and
if
you
are
not
for
him
too
,
stand
off
;
expect
nothing
from
us
but
Ruin
and
Desolation
.
Will
you
Repeal
the
Penal
Laws
and
the
Tests
?
Why
I
cannot
betray
my
Religion
:
Then
make
room
for
one
that
will
,
Turn
out
,
Ite
Procul
,
Ite
Profani
.
And
we
all
know
what
follow'd
,
and
I
suppose
no
body
in
this
Generation
will
have
so
little
wit
as
to
pretend
any
more
to
oblige
a
Roman
Catholick
by
any
of
these
things
.
Well
,
will
Oaths
bind
them
?
No
,
they
have
a
Pope
,
and
a
Maxim
that
will
frustrate
that
Ligament
,
when
ever
it
is
for
their
convenience
to
be
free
.
And
of
this
we
have
seen
and
felt
too
much
already
.
Will
Laws
?
If
you
catch
and
hang
the
Priest
,
the
Traitor
,
the
Cut-throat
,
he
is
made
a
Martyr
,
his
Crime
's
deny'd
,
palliated
,
excus'd
,
or
it
may
be
justified
and
defended
as
occasion
serves
,
and
yet
after
all
,
they
shall
have
the
Satisfaction
of
clamouring
against
you
for
a
persecuting
Church
,
and
a
bloody
Nation
.
Well
,
what
is
to
be
done
?
Why
,
for
my
part
,
I
can
see
but
one
possible
Method
to
quiet
the
Nation
,
and
that
is
once
for
all
to
clear
it
of
these
Monsters
,
and
force
them
to
transplant
themselves
,
not
out
of
the
English
Dominions
,
but
out
of
this
Island
:
As
long
as
they
continue
amongst
us
,
they
neither
can
nor
will
be
quiet
;
Priests
they
must
and
will
have
,
and
that
Ferment
will
suffer
nothing
near
it
to
be
at
rest
.
The
remembrance
of
what
is
past
will
irritate
the
Minds
of
Men
,
and
make
them
jealous
of
future
Evils
,
so
that
no
care
of
the
wisest
and
best
Governours
can
long
keep
the
Nation
in
Tranquillity
and
Peace
,
if
these
Men-catchers
are
suffered
to
nestle
amongst
us
.
But
then
I
would
have
this
extended
only
to
England
and
Scotland
,
because
Ireland
would
be
laid
desolate
by
such
an
Expedient
,
and
if
the
English
Nation
,
which
has
not
above
40000
Roman
Catholicks
,
were
once
cleared
,
it
would
very
easily
suppress
and
revenge
any
Attempt
could
be
made
in
that
Kingdom
.
Besides
this
,
all
Feme
Coverts
,
all
Persons
above
sixty
or
fifty
years
of
Age
,
all
Day-labourers
and
Handy-crafts-men
might
be
excepted
;
these
can
maintain
no
Priests
,
nor
much
imbroil
the
Peace
of
the
Nation
,
or
at
least
for
no
long
time
;
but
then
all
the
Nobility
,
Gentry
,
Merchants
and
rich
Tradesmen
of
that
Religion
,
I
think
ought
to
be
sent
packing
,
and
for
the
future
a
Law
be
made
to
disfranchise
them
,
and
make
them
incapable
of
possessing
,
purchasing
,
inheriting
or
transmitting
any
Lands
,
Tenements
,
or
Hereditaments
,
to
the
value
of
forty
Shillings
per
Annum
,
or
upwards
.
To
make
this
the
more
easy
,
yet
it
were
fitting
that
every
individual
Person
should
be
asked
whether
he
had
rather
leave
Country
,
or
his
Religion
?
and
all
that
would
promise
the
latter
upon
Oath
,
to
be
excused
,
but
so
as
to
forfeit
their
Estates
if
they
relapsed
after
the
Oath
so
taken
,
or
brought
up
their
Children
in
that
Religion
.
Secondly
,
To
allow
all
that
would
transplant
themselves
the
full
value
of
their
Estates
,
both
Real
and
Personal
,
their
Debts
being
first
paid
and
deducted
.
This
would
enable
them
to
live
in
as
great
or
a
greater
Equipage
and
Grandeur
in
our
Plantations
,
as
they
ever
had
here
in
England
;
and
if
they
removed
into
Germany
or
France
,
Italy
or
Spain
,
their
Estates
would
make
their
Lives
easy
,
and
their
Banishment
honourable
.
The
World
is
wide
,
and
if
I
were
one
of
them
I
should
never
stay
for
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
but
would
certainly
sell
what
I
had
and
be
gone
,
that
I
might
enjoy
my
Religion
and
my
Estate
in
a
warmer
Climate
.
But
,
alas
,
they
love
their
Country
too
dearly
to
leave
it
:
what
is
it
in
England
they
love
?
The
Civil
Liberties
they
had
brought
to
the
utmost
limits
of
Destruction
:
The
Religion
of
England
they
hate
above
all
other
;
the
Earth
is
not
more
Fruitful
,
and
the
Air
is
much
colder
than
that
of
other
Countries
,
and
I
am
confident
the
English
Humour
is
so
far
exasperated
against
Popery
,
that
half
a
hundred
Years
will
not
allay
the
Fever
the
last
four
Years
have
raised
in
the
English
Blood
against
Popery
;
so
that
they
have
nothing
to
attach
them
to
England
,
but
the
sullen
hopes
of
being
a
Plague
and
a
Terror
to
us
.
But
it
will
be
said
,
The
transporting
so
much
Wealth
out
of
the
Nation
will
too
much
impoverish
us
:
This
ought
well
to
be
considered
,
and
a
true
Estimate
made
both
of
the
Estates
and
Debts
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
,
and
of
the
Methods
of
returning
their
Effects
beyond
the
Seas
,
and
then
perhaps
it
would
rather
increase
our
Trade
than
abate
our
Wealth
.
And
as
for
the
weakning
us
by
the
taking
off
so
many
of
our
People
,
this
I
am
sure
is
a
meer
Chimera
,
two
or
three
thousand
Persons
would
be
the
utmost
that
we
should
lose
:
And
those
who
bought
their
Estates
would
be
better
Subjects
and
Neighbours
than
ever
they
will
be
as
long
as
they
continue
Roman
Catholicks
.
It
is
not
to
be
imagin'd
,
that
all
or
any
considerable
Part
of
this
Wealth
will
be
transported
in
English
Mony
in
specie
,
but
in
Merchandise
,
Bills
of
Exchange
,
&c.
So
that
I
am
confident
we
have
more
sent
away
to
the
Iesuits
Colledg
beyond
the
Seas
in
seven
Years
,
than
would
be
carried
out
in
specie
on
such
an
occasion
;
and
hereby
we
should
at
once
rid
our selves
of
one
of
the
greatest
Plagues
that
any
Nation
ever
struggled
so
long
with
.
Nor
would
it
be
only
Profitable
but
Iust.
They
have
given
us
the
greatest
Provocation
that
ever
was
given
by
Men
,
to
Men.
Did
ever
40000
Men
in
any
other
part
of
the
World
ever
before
endeavour
to
do
what
they
themselves
had
proved
to
be
impossible
?
Did
ever
such
an
handful
of
Men
before
,
by
Fraud
and
Violence
,
design
to
enslave
a
Free
,
to
impoverish
a
Rich
,
to
subdue
a
Valiant
and
Generous
Nation
?
What
could
they
mean
by
the
Force
they
in
Print
,
and
in
common
Discourse
intimated
,
that
was
,
to
compel
us
to
give
up
our
Laws
,
if
fair
Means
would
not
do
,
but
a
Massacre
,
or
a
French
Invasion
?
Let
them
consider
how
they
have
treated
thofe
of
our
Religion
in
France
and
Piedmont
;
and
then
tell
me
,
and
all
the
World
,
if
we
have
treated
them
in
the
same
manner
,
when
we
have
sent
them
away
with
all
they
can
justly
call
their
own
,
only
that
we
might
not
be
forced
to
ruin
them
by
a
flower
Prosecution
.
The
Facility
is
equal
to
the
Justice
of
this
Method
;
they
are
few
in
number
,
hated
by
all
the
rest
of
the
Nation
;
and
besides
all
their
former
Misdemeanours
,
have
,
by
the
late
Attempts
upon
the
Religion
and
Liberties
of
England
,
so
far
encreased
the
Aversion
of
all
degrees
of
Men
amongst
us
,
that
they
will
find
very
few
to
pity
them
,
and
not
many
to
speak
for
them
.
The
only
Objections
I
can
foresee
,
are
,
first
,
That
it
will
impoverish
England
to
suffer
them
to
carry
away
their
Estates
,
and
look
too
like
Popish
Cruelty
,
to
turn
them
out
despoiled
of
what
they
have
,
or
of
a
great
part
of
their
Fortunes
.
Now
this
Objection
must
be
considered
in
Parliament
,
because
no
one
Man
can
make
any
thing
near
a
true
Estimate
what
the
value
will
be
,
their
Debts
being
deducted
,
till
a
true
Account
is
given
of
their
Estates
and
Debts
,
and
then
I
verily
believe
it
will
be
found
much
less
than
it
seems
at
first
.
The
second
Objection
is
,
That
it
will
weaken
us
and
strengthen
our
Enemies
,
to
lose
so
many
of
our
People
.
To
this
,
I
say
,
it
is
apparently
otherwise
;
For
if
those
Estates
were
in
the
Hands
of
Protestants
,
they
would
much
more
contribute
to
the
Union
and
Strength
of
England
,
than
the
Persons
of
these
Roman
Catholicks
do
,
of
whom
we
can
make
little
or
no
use
in
Civil
or
Military
Affairs
,
at
Home
or
Abroad
,
in
Peace
or
War
.
And
if
they
were
added
to
any
other
Country
,
the
Peace
and
Union
they
would
leave
us
in
,
would
infinitely
over-ballance
the
loss
of
their
Persons
,
and
,
as
I
believe
,
of
their
Estates
too
.
But
now
,
on
the
contrary
,
if
they
be
continued
still
amongst
us
,
we
must
still
struggle
with
all
those
Inconveniences
,
which
have
necessitated
our
Ancestors
to
make
so
many
Laws
against
them
,
and
the
Severities
which
must
be
used
to
keep
them
under
,
will
,
by
degrees
,
when
the
Memory
of
the
late
Transactions
is
worn
off
,
beget
compassion
,
and
that
will
grow
greater
,
as
they
grow
fewer
and
less
dangerous
,
and
yet
at
last
one
single
Iesuit
may
destroy
the
best
of
our
Princes
,
and
two
or
three
Gentlemen
of
Estate
,
may
disquiet
and
enjealous
a
whole
County
;
and
when
all
is
done
,
no
hopes
is
left
that
any
las●ing
Peace
can
be
made
with
them
;
so
that
as
long
as
there
is
any
of
that
Religion
in
England
,
there
is
a
Ferment
in
the
Veins
of
the
Nation
,
which
will
cause
dreadful
Paroxims
.
Their
Emissaries
will
also
sow
Dissentions
between
us
and
the
Dissenters
,
and
exasperate
the
Parties
against
each
other
;
so
that
the
good
Correspendence
which
is
now
between
us
and
them
,
will
,
in
short
time
,
be
turn'd
into
Hatred
on
both
sides
,
if
all
the
Care
imaginable
be
not
taken
on
both
Sides
of
these
Incendiaries
,
which
will
never
be
wanting
whilst
we
have
a
Popis●
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
how
small
soever
it
is
in
Number
.
The
Seminaries
at
St.
Omers
,
Doway
,
&c.
are
kept
up
by
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
of
that
Communion
,
and
tend
very
much
to
the
imbroiling
and
weakning
England
,
and
the
advancing
the
Interest
of
France
;
but
would
soon●d
windle
away
if
they
had
no
Supplies
from
England
,
as
they
could
have
little
if
we
had
no
Popish
Nobility
or
Gentry
,
and
the
Lands
of
England
were
only
in
the
Hands
of
Protestants
.
The
retiring
of
His
late
Majesty
into
France
,
is
another
strong
Inducement
:
as
long
as
He
or
the
Child
is
living
,
they
will
have
a
pretence
to
Plot
and
cut
Throats
,
and
they
will
have
some
to
pity
,
and
others
to
applaud
them
;
so
that
if
there
were
no
other
Reason
,
this
alone
were
sufficient
to
determine
the
Question
,
unless
we
are
resolved
to
shew
our selves
as
careless
of
a
Protestant
Prince
,
as
we
have
been
over-fond
of
a
Roman
Catholick
,
which
will
be
an
ill
Recompence
for
our
Deliverance
.
The
Present
CONVENTION
,
A
PARLIAMENT
.
I.
THat
the
Formality
of
the
King
's
Writ
of
Summons
is
not
so
essential
to
an
English
Parliament
,
but
that
the
Peers
of
the
Realm
,
and
the
Commons
,
by
their
Representatives
duly
elected
,
may
legally
act
as
the
great
Council
and
representative
Body
of
the
Nation
,
though
not
summon'd
by
the
the
King
,
especially
when
the
Circumstances
of
the
time
are
such
,
that
such
Summons
cannot
be
had
,
will
(
I
hope
)
appear
by
these
following
Observations
.
First
,
The
Saxon
Government
was
transplanted
hither
out
of
Germany
where
the
meeting
of
the
Saxons
in
such
Assemblies
was
at
certain
fixed
times
;
viz.
at
the
new
and
full
Moon
.
But
after
their
Transmigration
hither
,
Religion
changing
,
other
things
changed
with
it
;
and
the
times
for
their
publick
Assemblies
,
in
Conformity
to
the
great
Solemnities
celebrated
by
Christians
,
came
to
be
changed
to
the
Feasts
of
Easter
,
Pentecost
,
and
the
Nativity
.
The
lower
we
come
down
in
Story
,
the
seldomer
we
find
these
general
Assemblies
to
have
been
held
;
and
sometimes
(
even
very
anciently
)
when
upon
extraordinary
Occasions
,
they
met
out
of
Course
,
a
Precept
,
an
Edict
,
or
Sanction
is
mentioned
to
have
issued
from
the
King
;
But
the
times
,
and
the
very
place
of
their
ordinary
Meeting
having
been
certain
,
and
determined
in
the
very
first
and
eldest
times
that
we
meet
with
any
mention
of
such
Assemblies
,
which
times
are
as
ancient
as
any
Memory
of
the
Nation
it self
;
hence
I
infer
,
that
no
Summons
from
the
King
can
be
thought
to
have
been
necessary
in
those
Days
,
because
it
was
altogether
needless
.
Secondly
,
The
Succession
to
the
Crown
did
not
in
those
Days
,
nor
till
of
late
Years
,
run
in
a
course
of
lineal
Succession
by
right
of
Inheritance
:
But
upon
the
Death
of
a
Prince
,
those
Persons
of
the
Realm
that
composed
the
then
Parliament
,
assembled
in
order
to
the
choosing
of
another
.
That
the
Kingdom
was
then
Elective
,
though
one
or
other
of
the
Royal
Blood
was
always
chosen
,
but
the
next
in
lineal
Succession
very
seldom
,
is
evident
from
the
Genealogies
of
the
Saxon
Kings
,
from
an
old
Law
made
at
Calchuyth
,
appointing
how
,
and
by
whom
Kings
shall
be
chosen
;
and
from
many
express
and
particular
Accounts
given
by
our
old
Historians
,
of
such
Assemblies
held
for
electing
of
Kings
.
Now
such
Assemblies
could
not
be
summon'd
by
any
King
;
and
yet
in
Conjunction
with
the
King
that
themselves
set
up
,
they
made
Laws
,
binding
the
King
and
all
the
Realm
.
Thirdly
,
After
the
Death
of
King
William
Rufus
,
Robert
,
his
elder
Brother
,
being
then
in
the
Holy
Land
,
Henry
,
the
youngest
Son
of
King
William
the
first
,
procur'd
an
Assembly
of
the
Clergy
and
People
of
England
,
to
whom
he
made
large
Promises
of
his
good
Government
,
in
case
they
would
accept
of
him
for
their
King
;
and
they
agreeing
,
that
if
he
would
restore
to
them
the
Laws
of
King
Edward
the
Confessor
,
then
they
would
consent
to
make
him
their
King
:
He
swore
that
he
would
do
so
,
and
also
free
them
from
some
Oppressions
,
which
the
Nation
had
groan'd
under
in
his
Brothers
and
his
Fathers
time
.
Hereupon
they
chose
him
King
,
and
the
Bishop
of
London
,
and
the
Archbishop
of
York
set
the
Crown
upon
his
Head
;
which
being
done
,
a
Confirmation
of
the
English
Liberties
pass'd
the
Royal
Assent
in
that
Assembly
,
the
same
in
Substance
,
though
not
so
large
as
King
Iohn's
,
and
King
Henry
the
thirds
Magna
Charta's
afterwards
were
.
Fourthly
,
After
that
King's
Death
,
in
such
another
Parliament
,
King
Stephen
was
elected
,
and
Mawd
the
Express
put
by
,
though
not
without
some
Stain
of
Perfidiousness
upon
all
those
,
and
Stephen
himself
especially
,
who
had
sworn
in
her
Father's
Life-time
,
to
acknowledg
her
for
their
Sovereign
after
his
Decease
.
Fifthly
,
In
King
Richard
the
firsts
time
,
the
King
being
absent
in
the
Holy
Land
,
and
the
Bishop
of
Ely
then
his
Chancellor
,
being
Regent
of
the
Kingdom
in
his
Absence
,
whose
Government
was
intolerable
to
the
People
for
his
Insolence
and
manifold
Oppressions
,
a
Parliament
was
convened
at
London
,
at
the
Instance
of
Earl
Iohn
,
the
King's
Brother
,
to
treat
of
the
great
and
weighty
Affairs
of
the
King
and
Kingdom
;
in
which
Parliament
this
same
Regent
was
depos'd
from
his
Government
,
and
another
set
up
,
viz.
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Roan
in
his
stead
.
This
Assembly
was
not
conven'd
by
the
King
,
who
was
then
in
Palestine
,
nor
by
any
Authority
deriv'd
from
him
,
for
then
the
Regent
and
Chancellor
must
have
call'd
them
together
;
but
they
met
,
as
the
Historian
says
expresly
,
at
the
Instance
of
Earl
Iohn
.
And
yet
,
in
the
Kings
Absence
,
they
took
upon
them
to
settle
the
publick
Affairs
of
the
Nation
without
him
.
Sixthly
,
When
King
Henry
the
3
d.
died
,
his
eldest
Son
,
Prince
Edward
,
was
then
in
the
Holy
Land
,
and
came
not
home
till
within
the
third
Year
of
his
Reign
;
yet
,
immediately
upon
the
Father's
Death
,
all
the
Prelates
and
Nobles
,
and
four
Knights
for
every
Shire
,
and
four
Burgesses
for
every
Borough
,
assembled
together
in
a
great
Council
,
and
setled
the
Government
till
the
King
should
return
;
made
a
new
Seal
,
and
a
Chancellor
,
&c.
I
infer
from
what
has
been
said
,
that
Writs
of
Summons
are
not
so
essential
to
the
being
of
Parliaments
,
but
that
the
People
of
England
,
especially
at
a
time
when
they
cannot
be
had
,
may
by
Law
,
and
according
to
our
old
Constitution
,
assemble
together
in
a
Parliamentary
way
without
them
,
to
treat
of
and
settle
the
publick
Affairs
of
the
Nation
.
And
that
if
such
Assemblies
so
conven'd
,
find
the
Throne
vacant
,
they
may
proceed
not
only
to
set
up
a
Prince
,
but
with
the
Assent
and
Concurrence
of
such
Prince
,
to
transact
all
publick
Business
whatsoever
,
without
a
new
Election
;
they
having
as
great
Authority
as
the
People
of
England
can
delegate
to
their
Representative
.
II.
The
Acts
of
Parliaments
not
formal
nor
legal
in
all
their
Circumstances
,
are
yet
binding
to
the
Nation
so
long
as
they
continue
in
force
,
and
not
liable
to
be
questioned
as
to
the
Validity
of
them
,
but
in
subsequent
Parliaments
.
First
,
The
two
Spencers
,
Temp.
Edvardi
Secundi
,
were
banished
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
and
that
Act
of
Parliament
repealed
by
Dures
&
Force
;
yet
was
the
Act
of
Repeal
a
good
Law
,
till
it
was
annull'd
1
Ed.
3.
Secondly
,
Some
Statutes
of
11
Rich.
2.
and
Attainders
thereupon
were
repealed
in
a
Parliament
held
Anno
21.
of
that
King
,
which
Parliament
was
procur'd
by
forc'd
Elections
;
and
yet
the
Repeal
stood
good
,
till
such
time
as
in
1
Henry
4.
the
Statutes
of
11
Rich.
2.
were
revived
and
appointed
to
be
firmly
held
and
kept
.
Thirdly
,
The
Parliament
of
1
Hen.
4.
consisted
of
the
same
Knights
,
Citizens
and
Burgesses
that
had
served
in
the
then
last
dissolved
Parliament
,
and
those
Persons
were
by
the
King's
Writs
to
the
Sheriffs
commanded
to
be
returned
;
and
yet
they
passed
Acts
,
and
their
Acts
tho
never
confirmed
,
continue
to
be
Laws
at
this
Day
.
Fourthly
,
Queen
Mary's
Parliament
that
restored
the
Pope's
Supremacy
,
was
notoriously
known
to
be
pack'd
,
insomuch
that
it
was
debated
in
Queen
Elizabeth's
time
,
whether
or
no
to
declare
all
their
Acts
void
by
Act
of
Parliament
.
That
course
was
then
upon
some
prudential
Considerations
declined
;
and
therefore
the
Acts
of
that
Parliament
,
not
since
repealed
,
continue
binding
Laws
to
this
Day
.
The
Reason
of
all
this
,
is
,
Because
no
inferior
Courts
have
Authority
to
judg
of
the
Validity
or
Invalidity
of
the
Acts
of
such
Assemblies
,
as
have
but
so
much
as
a
Colour
of
Parliamentary
Authority
.
The
Acts
of
such
Assemblies
being
entred
upon
the
Parliament-Roll
,
and
certified
before
the
Judges
of
Westminster-Hall
,
as
Acts
of
Parliament
,
are
conclusive
and
binding
to
them
;
because
Parliaments
are
the
only
Judges
of
the
Imperfections
,
Invalidities
,
Ille●●lities
,
&c.
of
one
another
.
The
Parliament
that
call'd
in
King
Charles
the
second
,
was
not
assembled
by
the
King
's
Writ
,
and
yet
they
made
Acts
,
and
the
Royal
Assent
was
had
to
them
;
many
of
which
indeed
were
afterwards
confirmed
,
but
not
all
,
and
those
that
had
no
Confirmation
,
are
undoubted
Acts
of
Parliament
without
it
,
and
have
ever
since
obtained
as
such
.
Hence
I
infer
that
the
present
Convention
,
may
,
if
they
please
,
assume
to
themselves
a
Parliamentary
Power
,
and
in
Conjunction
with
such
King
or
Queen
as
they
shall
declare
,
may
give
Laws
to
the
Kingdom
as
a
legal
Parliament
.
A
LETTER
to
a
Member
of
the
CONVENTION
.
SIR
,
I
Hear
you
are
elected
a
Member
of
this
next
Convention
,
and
therefore
expect
to
see
you
very
suddenly
in
Town
;
but
I
ca●
tell
you
my
mind
more
freely
in
Writing
,
and
you
may
think
better
of
it
when
you
see
it
before
you
;
and
therefore
I
have
rather
chose
to
give
you
the
trouble
of
this
Paper
,
than
to
leave
all
to
a
personal
Conference
at
our
next
Meeting
.
I
will
not
dispu●e
with
you
about
what
is
past
,
or
what
is
to
come
;
it
is
too
late
to
do
the
first
,
and
as
for
the
second
,
whatever
becomes
of
other
Arguments
,
Interest
is
most
apt
to
prevail
,
and
therefore
all
that
I
beg
of
you
,
is
to
take
care
that
you
do
not
mistake
your
own
and
the
Nations
Interest
in
a
matter
of
such
high
Concernment
.
There
is
no
less
Affair
before
you
than
the
Fate
of
Princes
,
and
of
three
Kingdoms
,
which
requires
the
most
calm
,
mature
,
and
deliberate
Advice
;
and
yet
when
you
come
to
London
,
you
will
find
such
Distractions
and
Divisions
in
Mens
Counsels
,
that
all
the
threatning
Dangers
of
Popery
were
not
a
more
formidable
prospect
to
Considering
Men
,
all
old
Animosities
are
revived
,
and
new
ones
fomented
every
day
;
some
are
visibly
acted
by
Ambition
,
others
by
Revenge
;
the
Dissenter
is
very
busie
to
undermine
the
Church
,
and
the
Commonwealths
Man
to
subvert
Monarchy
,
and
the
Lord
have
Mercy
upon
us
all
.
I
doubt
not
but
you
will
readily
confess
,
that
it
is
the
common
Interest
to
have
things
settled
upon
such
a
bottom
,
as
is
most
like
to
last
,
and
then
,
I
am
sure
,
you
must
consult
both
Law
and
Conscience
in
the
matter
,
and
keep
to
your
old
Establishment
as
near
as
you
can
;
for
when
there
are
so
many
Distempers
in
Mens
Minds
,
and
such
contrary
Interests
,
it
is
no
time
to
innovate
,
it
is
no
time
to
lay
new
Foundations
,
when
there
are
frequent
Earthquakes
,
which
will
not
give
them
time
to
settle
:
The
Revolutions
of
State
have
been
so
quick
and
sudden
of
late
,
that
all
prudent
Men
will
be
cautions
how
they
try
Experiments
,
which
are
commonly
dangerous
and
uncertain
,
but
especially
in
matters
of
Government
,
which
depend
on
the
good
liking
of
free
and
moral
Agents
,
and
when
so
many
Hundred
Thousands
are
to
be
satisfied
,
you
can
never
guess
at
the
prevailing
Opinion
,
by
the
major
Vote
of
a
Convention
.
Let
us
then
consider
,
what
is
most
likely
to
give
the
most
general
satisfaction
to
the
Nation
,
for
that
,
I
am
sure
,
is
most
likely
to
be
lasting
,
and
because
you
may
be
a
Stranger
to
these
Matters
yet
,
I
will
give
you
an
Account
of
the
different
Projects
now
on
foot
,
as
well
as
I
can
learn
them
.
Some
are
for
sending
to
the
King
,
and
Treating
with
him
to
return
to
his
Government
,
under
such
Legal
Restraints
,
as
shall
give
security
to
the
most
jealous
Persons
,
for
the
preservation
of
their
Liberties
,
Laws
,
and
Religion
;
and
if
he
will
not
consent
to
this
,
to
make
the
next
Heir
Regent
.
Others
are
for
declaring
the
Crown
forfeited
or
demised
,
and
proclaiming
the
Princess
of
Orange
.
Others
will
have
the
Government
dissolved
,
and
begin
all
de
novo
,
and
make
the
Prince
of
Orange
King
,
or
Crown
him
and
the
Princess
together
,
and
postpone
the
Title
of
the
Princess
Ann
,
till
after
the
Prince's
Death
,
if
he
survive
the
Princess
.
I
shall
not
pretend
to
tell
you
,
which
of
these
I
should
prefer
,
were
it
Res
integra
;
for
the
Question
is
not
,
which
you
and
I
should
like
best
,
but
which
will
be
the
firmest
Foundation
for
the
Peace
and
Settlement
of
these
Kingdoms
.
1.
As
for
the
first
,
though
it
be
horribly
decried
,
and
such
Men
foolishly
exposed
as
Friends
to
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
;
yet
I
could
never
meet
with
any
Man
yet
,
who
had
the
face
to
reject
all
Treaty
with
the
King
upon
any
other
pretence
,
but
that
it
was
in
vain
,
that
it
is
impossible
he
should
give
any
Security
to
the
Nation
that
he
would
Govern
by
Law
;
which
is
so
ridiculous
a
pretence
,
that
it
will
satisfy
no
Body
,
but
those
who
are
resolved
,
that
he
shall
never
return
.
For
,
as
little
as
I
am
versed
in
this
matter
,
I
could
frame
such
Laws
,
as
should
put
it
utterly
out
of
the
King's
Power
to
invade
our
Liberties
or
Religion
:
However
,
I
am
sure
we
should
have
thought
our selves
very
secure
,
would
the
King
have
called
a
Free
Parliament
,
and
given
them
liberty
to
have
made
what
Laws
they
please●
and
that
which
would
have
given
such
general
satisfaction
before
,
had
it
been
granted
,
I
suspect
,
should
it
be
now
granted
,
and
refused
that
would
give
as
general
dissatisfaction
;
nay
▪
the
very
refusal
to
Treat
,
will
be
thought
such
a
scandalous
neglect
of
our
Duty
to
a
Sovereign
Prince
,
and
give
such
Jealousies
to
People
,
that
those
who
oppose
it
,
are
only
afraid
that
the
King
should
comply
,
as
will
be
the
foundation
of
universal
Discontents
,
which
will
shew
themselves
upon
the
first
occasion
.
It
is
certain
,
would
the
Convention
Treat
with
the
King
,
either
they
would
agree
,
or
they
would
not
agree
;
if
they
could
not
agree
upon
the
proposal
of
reasonable
Securities
,
this
would
satisfie
Multitudes
of
People
that
they
had
tried
;
if
they
did
agree
,
this
would
give
universal
satisfaction
,
and
there
were
an
happy
end
of
all
our
Troubles
.
But
now
let
us
suppose
,
that
part
of
the
Convention
should
prevail
which
is
against
Treating
with
the
King
,
and
for
deposing
or
setting
him
aside
without
more
ado
;
let
us
consider
what
is
like
to
be
the
most
probable
Consequence
of
this
.
I●
is
certain
,
this
fundamental
Change
in
the
Government
cannot
be
made
by
any
Legal
Authority
;
for
the
Convention
will
not
pretend
to
any
such
Legal
Power
,
and
there
can
be
no
Parliament
without
a
King
;
and
a
King
whose
whole
Authority
depends
upon
a
Convention
that
has
no
such
Authority
,
is
but
in
a
weak
state
as
to
Civil
Right
:
No
Man
will
think
himself
bound
in
Conscience
to
obey
him
,
and
when
every
Mans
Conscience
is
free
,
let
such
a
Prince
beware
of
Epidemical
Discontents
.
And
let
you
and
I
calmly
consider
,
what
Discontents
may
probably
arise
upon
such
a
Juncture
.
1.
First
then
,
All
those
who
think
themselves
bound
by
their
Oath
of
Allegiance
to
defend
the
King's
Person
,
Crown
and
Dignity
,
who
wonder
at
Men
of
Law
,
who
talk
of
a
Forfeiture
or
Demise
of
the
Crown
while
the
King
lives
,
and
flies
out
of
his
Kingdoms
only
for
the
safety
of
his
Person
,
and
because
he
will
not
trust
himself
in
the
power
of
his
Enemies
;
I
say
,
all
such
Persons
will
be
greatly
discontented
at
Deposing
the
King
,
and
will
never
own
any
other
King
▪
while
their
own
King
,
to
whom
they
have
sworn
Allegiance
lives
▪
and
tho
you
should
suppose
such
Conscientious
Men
to
be
very
few
,
yet
if
these
few
should
happen
to
be
Persons
of
Character
,
of
known
Prudence
and
Abilities
,
Integrity
and
Honesty
,
in
Church
or
State
,
their
Examples
would
give
a
terrible
Shock
to
such
a
new
tottering
Government
,
tho
they
were
never
so
Tame
and
Peaceable
,
void
of
Faction
and
Sedition
themselves
.
And
y●t
l●t
me
tell
you
,
you
must
not
judge
of
the
Numbers
of
●hese
Men
by
the
late
general
defection
.
The
whole
Nation
,
I
confess
,
was
very
unanimous
for
the
Prince
,
great
numbers
of
Gentlemen
,
nay
,
of
the
King
's
own
Soldiers
went
over
to
him
,
very
few
but
Papis●s
offered
their
Service
to
the
King
;
but
the
reason
of
this
was
very
evident
,
not
that
they
were
willing
to
part
with
the
King
,
and
set
up
another
in
his
room
,
but
because
they
were
horribly
afraid
of
P●pery
,
and
very
desirous
to
see
the
Laws
and
Religion
of
the
Nation
settled
upon
the
old
Foundations
by
a
Free
Parliament
,
which
was
all
the
Prince
declared
for
;
but
many
who
were
Well-wishers
to
this
Design
,
will
not
renounce
their
Allegiance
to
their
King
;
and
now
they
see
what
is
like
to
come
of
i●
,
are
ashamed
of
what
they
have
done
,
and
ask
God's
pardon
for
it
,
and
are
ready
to
undo
it
as
far
as
they
can
.
2.
Besides
a
thousand
occasions
of
Discontent
which
may
happen
in
such
a
Change
of
Government
as
this
,
which
no
Body
can
possibly
foresee
,
and
yet
may
have
very
fatal
Consequences
,
there
are
some
very
visible
occasions
for
it
besides
the
sense
of
Loyalty
and
Conscience
.
How
many
Discontents
,
think
you
,
may
arise
between
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
who
attend
the
new
Court
?
Every
Man
will
think
he
has
some
Merit
,
and
expect
some
marks
of
Favour
to
have
his
share
of
Honour
,
and
Power
,
and
Profit
,
and
yet
a
great
many
more
must
miss
,
than
those
who
speed
,
and
many
of
those
who
are
Rewarded
,
may
think
they
han't
their
Deserts
,
and
be
disconternted
to
see
others
preferred
before
them
;
and
those
whose
expectations
are
disappointed
,
are
disobliged
too
,
and
that
is
a
dangerous
thing
when
there
is
another
,
and
a
righful
King
to
oblige
;
for
Duty
and
Discontent
together
,
to
be
revenged
if
a
new
King
,
and
to
be
reconciled
to
an
old
One
,
will
shake
a
Throne
which
has
so
sandy
a
Foundation
:
The
like
may
be
said
of
the
Soldiery
,
who
are
generally
Men
of
Honour
and
Resentment
,
and
have
the
greater
and
sharper
Resentments
now
,
because
they
are
sensible
of
their
mistake
when
it
is
too
late
;
yet
as
they
ought
not
to
have
Fought
for
Popery
,
nor
against
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
their
Country
,
fo
neither
ought
they
to
have
deserted
the
defence
of
the
King's
Person
and
Crown
,
but
have
brought
the
Prince
to
Terms
,
as
well
as
the
King.
Thus
you
easily
foresee
what
a
heavy
Tax
must
be
laid
upon
the
Nation
,
to
defray
the
Charge
of
this
Expedition
,
and
I
believe
the
Country
would
have
paid
it
very
chearfully
and
thankfully
,
had
the
Prince
res●ored
to
them
their
Laws
,
and
Liberties
,
and
Religion
,
together
with
their
King
▪
but
you
know
Men
are
apt
to
complain
of
every
thing
,
when
Money
is
to
be
paid
,
and
it
may
be
it
will
be
thought
hard
to
lose
their
King
▪
and
to
pay
so
dea●
for
it
too
:
And
tho
what
the
Convention
does
is
none
of
the
Prince's
fault
,
no
more
than
it
was
his
design
,
yet
angry
People
don't
use
to
disti●guish
so
nicely
.
But
there
is
a
greater
Difficulty
still
than
all
this
:
There
are
no
Contentions
so
fierce
as
those
about
Religion
;
this
gave
Life
and
Spirit
to
the
Prince's
Design
,
and
had
the
main
stroke
in
this
late
Revolution
:
And
though
Popery
were
a
hated
Religion
,
yet
most
Men
are
as
zealous
for
their
own
Religion
,
as
they
are
against
Popery
.
Those
of
the
Church
of
England
are
very
glad
to
get
rid
of
Popery
,
but
they
will
not
be
contented
to
part
with
their
Church
into
the
Bargain
,
for
this
would
be
as
bad
as
they
could
have
suffered
under
Popery
.
The
several
Sects
of
Dissenters
are
glad
to
get
rid
of
Popery
also
;
but
now
they
expect
glorious
Days
for
themselves
,
and
what
they
expect
God
Almighty
knows
,
for
I
am
confident
they
don't
know
themselves
.
Now
consider
how
difficult
it
will
be
,
for
any
Prince
,
who
has
but
a
crazy
Title
to
the
immediate
possession
of
the
Crown
,
to
adjust
this
matter
so
,
as
neither
to
disgust
the
Church
of
England
,
nor
the
Dissenters
,
and
if
either
of
them
be
disobliged
,
there
is
a
formidable
Party
made
against
them
.
This
being
the
Case
,
should
the
King
be
deposed
,
and
any
other
ascend
the
Throne
,
it
will
be
necessary
for
them
to
keep
up
a
standing
Army
to
quell
such
Discontents
;
for
where
there
are
and
will
be
Discontents
without
any
tye
of
Conscience
to
restrain
Men
,
there
can
be
no
defence
but
only
in
Power
;
and
this
will
raise
and
encrease
new
Discontents
;
for
it
alters
the
frame
of
our
Constitution
,
from
a
Civil
to
a
Military
Government
,
which
is
one
of
the
great
Grievances
we
have
complained
of
,
and
I
believe
English
People
will
not
be
better
pleased
with
Dutch
,
or
German
,
or
any
foreign
Souldiers
,
than
they
were
with
their
own
Country-Men
;
and
I
believe
English
Souldiers
will
not
be
extreamly
pleased
to
see
themselves
disbanded
,
or
sent
into
other
Countries
to
hazard
their
Lives
,
while
their
Places
are
taken
up
by
Foreigners
,
who
live
in
ease
,
plenty
,
and
sasety
:
And
when
things
are
come
to
this
pass
,
which
is
so
likely
,
that
I
cannot
●ee
how
all
the
Wit
of
Man
can
prevent
it
;
I
will
suppose
but
one
thing
more
,
which
you
will
say
is
not
unlikely
,
that
the
King
return
with
a
foreign
Force
to
recover
his
Kingdoms
,
how
ready
will
the
Men
of
Conscience
,
and
the
Men
of
Discontent
be
to
join
him
,
nay
to
invite
him
Home
again
;
and
if
he
returns
as
a
Conqueror
,
you
will
wish
,
when
it
is
too
late
,
that
you
had
treated
with
him
,
and
brought
him
back
upon
safe
and
honourable
Terms
.
Secondly
,
Let
us
suppose
now
,
that
all
this
should
be
over-voted
(
for
I
am
sure
it
can
never
be
answered
)
and
the
Convention
should
resolve
to
proclaim
the
next
Heir
.
1.
You
must
be
sure
to
examine
well
who
is
the
next
Heir
,
that
is
,
you
must
throughly
examine
the
Pretences
of
the
Prince
of
Wales
;
and
yet
if
you
have
not
good
Proofs
of
the
Imposture
,
you
had
better
let
it
alone
.
For
tho
the
Nation
has
had
general
presumptions
of
it
,
yet
a
Male
Heir
of
the
Crown
is
mightily
desired
,
and
People
would
be
very
fond
of
him
,
if
they
had
one
,
and
seem
to
expect
some
better
Proofs
than
meer
Presumptions
against
him
▪
because
common
Fame
has
promised
a
great
deal
more
,
and
if
you
should
either
say
nothing
to
it
,
or
not
what
is
expected
,
it
would
be
a
very
plausible
pretence
for
discontented
People
to
quarrel
.
2.
Suppose
the
Princess
of
Orange
should
a●pear
to
be
the
next
Heir
,
what
if
a
Lady
of
her
eminent
Vertue
should
scruple
to
sit
upon
her
Father's
Throne
,
while
he
lives
?
Or
what
if
she
should
scruple
it
hereafter
,
and
place
her
Father
in
his
Throne
again
?
This
is
not
impossible
;
for
Vertue
is
greater
than
a
Throne
.
For
my
part
,
I
think
you
will
put
a
very
hard
thing
upon
so
excellent
a
Lady
,
and
I
pray
God
give
her
Grace
to
resist
the
Temptation
.
A
Regency
is
more
tolerable
,
because
a
Nation
must
be
governed
,
and
none
so
proper
to
govern
it
as
the
next
Heir
;
but
I
should
think
,
none
who
expect
to
wear
a
Crown
,
should
countenance
Subjects
in
deposing
their
King
,
nor
accept
of
a
Crown
upon
such
Terms
,
as
to
take
it
off
of
a
Father's
Head
:
It
is
a
dangerous
thing
for
a
Prince
who
has
a
Title
to
the
Crown
,
to
own
that
the
Crown
may
be
forfeited
or
demised
by
such
a
withdrawing
;
if
this
be
not
so
,
the
Princess
has
no
Right
to
the
possession
of
the
Crown
yet
;
and
if
it
be
so
,
her
Crown
is
worth
a
great
deal
less
than
formerly
it
was
,
especially
if
she
own
this
Secret
by
accepting
the
Crown
▪
which
her
Ancestors
always
concealed
,
and
which
the
best
Subjects
of
England
would
not
believe
before
;
what
they
may
do
after
this
,
I
know
not
.
Thirdly
,
The
next
Design
(
I
verily
believe
without
the
knowledg
or
thought
of
the
Prince
,
who
has
too
great
a
Mind
to
think
of
any
thing
,
which
in
the
opinion
of
any
wise
Man
could
stain
and
fully
his
Glory
)
is
to
give
the
Crown
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
for
it
must
be
a
Gift
,
if
any
thing
;
for
he
has
no
immediate
Title
to
it
,
that
I
know
of
:
This
is
upon
a
pretence
,
that
the
Government
is
dissolved
,
and
therefore
we
must
begin
de
novo
,
which
is
very
ridiculous
,
when
the
King
is
still
alive
,
and
the
Laws
in
as
full
force
as
ever
,
only
the
Regular
Administration
of
Government
at
present
interrupted
by
the
King's
absence
;
but
this
is
not
the
worst
of
it
,
for
it
is
a
dangerous
pretence
too
,
especially
to
Men
of
Quality
and
Es●●tes
,
as
you
are
;
for
if
the
Government
be
dissolved
,
our
Laws
are
dissolved
,
and
Honour
and
Property
dissolved
with
them
,
and
then
I
doubt
the
Mobile
will
come
in
for
their
share
in
the
new
Division
of
the
Lands
,
and
set
up
for
Men
of
as
good
Quality
as
any
;
for
if
our
Laws
are
gone
,
we
return
to
a
state
of
Nature
,
in
which
all
Men
are
equal
,
and
all
things
common
;
this
I
believe
you
will
not
be
for
,
for
the
Reason
above-mentioned
.
If
then
the
Laws
continue
,
the
Government
is
not
dissolved
,
and
the
Crown
is
not
a
Gift
,
but
an
Inheritance
still
,
as
much
as
your
Estate
is
;
and
then
the
Prince
of
Orange
cannot
have
it
in
his
own
Right
,
because
his
own
Princess
,
and
the
Princess
Anne
are
before
him
;
consider
then
what
the
consequence
of
this
Project
would
be
.
1.
This
alters
the
essential
Constitution
of
the
English
Government
,
by
changing
an
Hereditary
into
an
Elective
Monarchy
,
a
thing
which
I
know
some
Men
are
very
fond
of
;
for
then
the
next
occasion
they
can
find
to
quarrel
with
their
Prince
,
they
may
with
as
much
ease
turn
it
into
a
Common-Wealth
;
for
when
the
Crown
is
at
the
Peoples
disposal
,
they
may
if
they
please
keep
it
to
themselves
.
2.
This
will
entangle
all
Men
of
Conscience
in
new
Difficulties
;
for
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
does
not
only
bind
us
to
the
King
,
but
to
his
Heirs
and
Successors
,
which
must
be
understood
of
the
next
lineal
Heir
,
where
there
is
no
Authority
to
alter
it
;
and
whatever
a
Parliament
may
be
thought
to
have
with
the
Authority
and
Consent
of
the
King
,
no
Man
pretends
,
that
a
Convention
of
the
Estates
has
any
Legal
Authority
to
do
it
.
I
should
be
as
heartily
glad
as
any
Man
,
to
see
the
Prince
of
Orange
legally
seated
on
the
English
Throne
;
but
these
are
Difficulties
I
cannot
break
through
.
Thus
I
have
given
you
my
hasty
Thoughts
,
and
pray
God
to
direct
you
.
I
am
Yours
.
POSTSCRIPT
.
THere
is
one
thing
more
,
I
would
beg
of
you
,
that
the
Story
of
French
League
to
cut
Protestants
Throats
in
England
ma●
be
w●ll
examined
▪
for
this
did
more
to
drive
the
King
out
of
the
Nation
▪
than
the
Prince's
Army
,
and
if
this
should
prove
a
Sham
,
as
some
,
who
pretend
to
know
,
say
it
is
,
it
seems
at
least
to
be
half
an
Argument
to
invite
the
King
back
again
.
In
short
,
remember
you
are
a
Convention
,
not
a
Parliament
,
and
therefore
nothing
can
give
Authority
to
what
you
do
,
but
the
good
liking
of
the
People
;
and
as
Necessity
only
can
justify
your
meeting
without
the
King's
Writs
,
so
I
hope
you
will
take
care
to
do
nothing
but
what
will
justify
it self
to
God
,
the
King
,
and
your
Country
.
An
ANSWER
to
the
Author
of
the
LETTER
to
a
Member
of
the
CONVENTION
.
Reverend
Sir
,
YOur
Name
,
your
Quality
,
your
Religion
,
and
your
Design
in
Publishing
this
Letter
are
wholly
unknown
to
me
,
but
the
confident
Assertion
,
pag.
3.6.16
.
That
you
are
sure
it
can
never
be
Answered
;
sounds
so
like
a
Son
,
or
rather
a
Father
of
the
Infallible
Church
,
that
it
has
provoked
me
,
if
not
to
answer
,
yet
at
least
to
reflect
upon
some
Passages
in
this
Magisterial
Composure
.
§
.
2.
Whatever
becomes
of
other
Arguments
,
Interest
is
most
likely
to
prevail
.
You
,
Sir
,
suppose
your
Parliament-Man
,
in
these
words
,
to
be
one
who
will
regard
no
Arguments
from
Justice
,
Reason
,
Religion
,
or
the
Laws
of
God
or
Man
;
Interest
is
the
only
thing
which
is
likely
to
prevail
;
an
excellent
Complement
to
a
Parliament-Man
;
but
it
goes
higher
yet
,
and
takes
in
the
Majority
of
the
States
,
for
no
one
Man
shall
ever
determine
these
great
things
.
§
.
3.
You
tell
him
,
That
All
the
threatning
Dangers
of
Popery
were
not
a
more
formidable
Prospect
to
considering
Men
,
than
the
present
Distractions
and
Division●
.
Now
surely
this
is
a
very
bold
and
daring
stroke
;
but
that
I
am
certain
these
pensive
thoughtful
Men
are
not
either
very
numerous
,
or
very
considerable
;
otherwise
,
the
few
of
the
Church
of
England
that
are
over-thoughtful
in
this
Point
,
deserve
much
Compassion
,
because
they
disquiet
themselves
and
others
out
of
pure
tenderness
of
Conscience
,
and
an
over-great
Loyalty
;
but
then
there
is
no
danger
to
be
apprehended
from
them
;
and
they
will
in
time
satisfy
their
own
Scruples
,
and
in
the
interim
,
I
doubt
not
,
infinitely
more
Men
dread
the
Dangers
of
Popery
,
even
to
this
Day
,
than
all
the
Common-wealth-Men
,
Dissenters
ambitious
and
revengeful
Wretches
,
which
you
have
so
artfully
mustered
up
to
fright
the
Country
Esquire
with
,
can
over-ballance
.
Strange
it
is
in
the
mean
time
,
that
the
Dangers
of
Popery
,
which
last
October
appeared
so
formidable
,
should
in
so
short
a
time
vanish
,
or
rather
dwindle
into
nothing
:
But
God
,
by
the
Ministry
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
and
his
Friends
,
has
brought
this
about
.
In
the
rest
of
that
Section
I
agree
with
you
,
and
approve
of
it
.
The
two
next
Sections
being
only
a
representation
of
the
different
Parties
of
Men
now
upon
the
Stage
,
I
leave
as
I
find
them
.
§
.
6.
Though
the
Opinion
of
those
who
are
for
sending
to
the
King
,
and
treating
with
him
to
return
to
his
Government
,
under
such
legal
Restraints
,
as
shall
give
security
to
the
most
jealous
Persons
for
the
preservation
of
their
Laws
,
Liberties
,
and
Religion
i●
horribly
decryed
,
&c.
yet
the
only
Reason
against
it
is
,
because
it
is
vain
.
Now
,
Sir
,
that
Reason
is
so
very
good
,
that
it
may
perhaps
justily
that
dreadful
Consequence
you
so
shrink
at
;
for
though
I
do
not
doubt
but
you
are
a
wonderful
Legislator
,
yet
if
Twenty
wiser
Men
than
you
were
joined
with
you
to
frame
these
new
Laws
,
yet
let
but
a
Popish
Prince
have
the
Supreme
Executive
Power
and
the
Legal
Prerogatives
,
and
he
will
break
through
all
your
Restrictions
with
wonderful
Facility
,
as
we
have
seen
by
Experience
.
But
then
if
you
leave
him
the
Name
,
and
take
away
the
Power
of
a
King
,
you
set
up
a
Common-wealth
immediately
,
which
will
not
end
with
your
Popish
Prince
,
but
there
will
be
stickling
to
keep
all
things
in
the
same
State
in
the
following
Reign
,
of
what
Religion
soever
the
Prince
is
,
which
was
the
Reason
why
the
Limitations
offered
by
Charles
II.
in
1679
,
were
rejected
.
[
And
let
it
be
remember'd
also
how
well
that
Prince
,
that
was
supposed
to
be
a
Protestant
,
kept
his
Word
,
and
the
Solemn
League
and
Covenant
,
which
he
solemnly
with
Hands
and
Eyes
lifted
up
to
Heaven
,
swore
to
observe
in
Scotland
,
&c.
]
Well
,
but
we
would
have
thought
our selves
very
secure
if
the
King
would
h●ve
called
a
Free
Parliament
;
Yes
,
Sir
,
if
he
would
have
call'd
it
Freely
,
so
that
it
had
been
the
production
of
his
Will
without
Force
;
but
Sir
,
it
is
notorious
,
he
was
resolved
the
Parliament
should
either
not
be
free
,
or
not
meet
;
and
if
your
Memory
will
not
serve
you
to
recall
the
virulent
Reflection
on
the
humble
Petition
presented
by
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
the
17th
of
November
last
,
in
which
the
Author
tells
us
,
That
the
summoning
a
Parliament
〈◊〉
,
is
so
far
from
being
the
only
way
(
to
prese●ve
His
Majesty
and
the
Kingdom
)
that
it
will
be
one
of
the
principal
causes
of
much
Misery
to
the
Kingdom
,
&c.
and
nothing
would
do
then
▪
but
driving
the
Prince
of
Orange
out
of
the
Kingdom
with
Force
and
Arms.
Now
I
say
,
Sir
,
If
you
cannot
remember
this
,
you
shall
never
be
trusted
to
frame
Laws
,
if
I
can
help
it
.
There
is
another
and
a
better
Reason
to
refuse
a
Treaty
,
than
the
fearing
the
King
should
comply
.
Suppose
that
he
should
grant
all
that
you
can
ask
,
bating
White-Hall
,
the
Reve●●e
,
the
Title
of
King
,
and
the
Right
of
calling
Parliaments
,
and
making
Peace
and
War
:
What
Security
have
we
that
he
will
acquiesce
in
this
low
restrained
Estate
?
Oaths
,
Laws
,
and
Promises
we
had
before
,
but
what
did
they
signify
?
Who
shall
be
Guarantee
?
what
shall
we
do
if
he
break
out
again
?
In
short
quis
eustodiet
Custodes
▪
So
that
the
many
who
desire
a
Treaty
,
are
desired
to
read
the
Enquiry
into
the
presen●
State
of
Affairs
,
that
they
may
not
come
into
the
Discipline
of
the
severe
Lady
,
who
has
taught
the
Protestants
in
France
and
Piedmont
a
Lesson
which
England
too
must
have
gone
through
with
,
if
God
and
H.
W.
P.
O.
had
not
saved
us
.
But
if
the
Convention
should
refuse
to
treat
,
and
Depose
the
King
,
it
would
act
without
a
Legal
Power
,
§
.
8.
Why
Sir
,
here
is
no
occasion
to
talk
of
a
Deposition
,
the
King
is
gone
of
his
own
accord
freely
;
and
they
are
only
to
consider
whether
we
shall
perish
in
a
State
of
Anarchy
,
re●al
him
,
and
suffer
over
again
all
that
is
past
,
and
all
that
was
intended
,
but
prevented
;
or
whether
they
shall
recognize
the
next
immediate
Heir
,
and
enquire
who
that
is
?
Well
,
but
the
next
Heir
,
it
seems
,
shall
have
small
joy
of
it
,
his
whole
Authority
depending
on
a
Convention
that
has
no
Authority
:
In
good
time
!
Will
the
Authority
of
this
Prince
,
when
acknowledged
,
depend
on
the
Authority
of
the
Convention
?
Did
Queen
Elizabeth
or
King
Iames
I
owe
all
their
Authority
to
the
Parliaments
which
recognized
their
respective
Rights
?
But
no
Man
will
think
himself
bound
in
Conscience
to
obey
this
Heir
.
Have
you
,
Sir
,
the
keeping
of
all
Mens
Consciences
;
or
the
knowledg
of
their
Thoughts
?
I
can
assure
you
mine
is
not
in
your
custody
.
§
.
9.
All
those
who
think
themselves
bound
[
still
]
by
their
Oath
of
Allegiance
to
defend
the
King's
Person
,
his
Crown
,
and
Dignity
,
&c.
will
be
greatly
discontented
.
Why
Sir
,
then
they
may
go
over
into
France
,
and
be
admitted
into
his
Guards
,
and
perhaps
the
generous
Allowance
given
him
by
the
French
King
,
will
maintain
them
,
if
their
Heresie
do
not
over-ballance
their
Loyalty
,
and
turn
it
into
a
Crime
,
as
it
happened
to
the
H●gonots
.
Well
,
but
they
will
never
own
any
other
whilst
their
own
King
lives
:
Assuredly
this
is
a
wonderful
Man
,
if
he
could
but
as
certainly
inform
us
of
the
number
,
as
he
can
of
the
Thoughts
and
future
Actions
of
these
Loyalist's
.
Well
,
but
if
they
should
happen
to
be
Persons
of
known
Prudence
,
Abilities
,
Integrity
,
Honesty
,
though
they
were
never
so
few
and
never
so
tame
,
it
would
give
a
terrible
stroke
to
this
To●t●ring
Government
.
Why
,
Sir
,
all
or
the
greatest
part
of
such
Men
in
the
Nation
,
were
a
dreadful
Body
,
tho
they
were
and
ever
will
be
few
,
but
Sir
,
there
must
be
a
considerable
Body
of
such
Men
first
satisfied
in
the
Convention
,
a
number
without
Doors
are
already
satisfied
,
and
more
will
when
the
States
have
passed
their
Resolves
▪
and
the
remainder
of
the
Men
of
this
High
Character
,
who
will
still
remain
Discontented
,
if
they
are
any
thing
Peaceable
,
though
not
over
Tame
,
will
never
be
able
to
shock
the
most
T●●tering
Government
in
the
World
by
their
Examples
,
how
well
soever
he
thinks
of
them
.
Yet
,
§
.
10.
He
endeavours
to
shew
the
number
will
not
be
small
,
because
many
who
joyned
with
the
Prince
,
are
ashamed
of
what
they
have
done
,
and
ask
God
pardon
for
is
,
and
are
ready
●o
undo
it
as
far
as
they
can
.
Well
,
Sir
,
how
many
such
do
you
know
besides
your self
?
A
List
of
these
Men
were
worth
the
having
,
and
may
perhaps
be
easily
taken
,
if
one
knew
how
to
separate
them
from
the
rest
;
however
,
I
should
not
fear
greatly
the
terrible
Shock
of
these
wonderful
Men
,
till
I
had
better
information
of
their
Numbers
than
you
can
possibly
give
us
.
They
were
not
willing
to
part
with
the
King
,
tho
they
were
horribly
afraid
of
Popery
.
Why
,
Sir
,
has
the
King
changed
his
Religion
in
France
?
or
are
those
Gentlemen
so
fond
of
the
King
,
that
they
would
now
be
contented
to
suffer
all
that
Popery
threatned
so
lately
?
Or
are
they
become
as
weary
of
their
Delivery
as
they
were
before
of
Popery
?
Or
,
will
they
sacrifice
their
Laws
,
Religion
,
old
Foundations
,
and
Free
Parliaments
to
their
Allegiance
to
their
King
?
If
you
say
,
Yes
,
I
have
done
;
if
no
,
then
you
would
have
what
was
not
to
be
had
,
and
will
not
be
contented
with
what
may
be
h●d
;
and
if
the
Number
of
these
Men
is
great
,
farewel
to
the
Liberties
,
Laws
,
Religion
;
and
Priviledges
of
England
,
and
its
Wealth
and
Inhabitants
too
,
and
what
is
left
you
may
be
pleased
to
divide
amongst
your
Men
of
Character
.
To
all
this
he
assures
us
,
§
.
10.
There
will
be
a
Thousand
Occasions
of
Discontent
:
Ju●●
a
Thousand
,
neither
one
more
or
less
,
besides
those
springing
from
the
sense
of
Loyalty
and
Conscience
:
Strange
,
that
these
Two
should
be
so
troublesome
,
as
to
equal
,
if
not
exceed
the
whole
Thousand
that
went
before
.
He
that
had
been
before
so
liberal
of
his
Informati●n
,
now
sets
us
to
guess
in
§
.
10.
How
many
will
be
discontented
in
the
new
Court
for
want
of
Preferment
?
Why
,
Sir
,
If
you
please
to
inform
me
how
many
days
in
February
shall
be
clear
,
and
how
many
shall
be
cloudy
,
I
will
fall
a
guessing
how
many
in
the
new
Court
shall
be
pleased
,
and
how
many
shall
be
dissatisfied
;
but
when
I
have
done
,
it
will
not
be
worth
the
while
,
because
this
ever
happens
,
and
Courtiers
have
an
old
way
of
keeping
these
Malecontents
in
hope
,
till
they
fall
off
or
gain
what
they
desire
;
and
so
if
there
should
happen
to
be
a
Thousand
of
them
,
they
will
not
be
able
to
shock
the
Government
,
if
there
is
no
other
cause
of
Discontent
than
that
.
Well
,
but
here
Duty
and
Discontent
will
mix
,
because
they
are
sensible
of
their
Mistake
when
it
is
too
late
:
For
as
they
ought
not
to
have
fought
for
Popery
,
nor
against
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
their
Country
;
so
neither
●ught
they
to
have
deserted
the
defence
of
the
King's
Person
and
Crown
,
but
have
brought
the
Prince
to
Terms
as
well
as
the
King
:
Why
,
Sir
,
Nemo
tenetur
ad
impossibilia
.
The
King
was
never
brought
to
Terms
,
nor
perhaps
never
will
:
So
that
if
they
〈◊〉
Fought
at
all
,
it
must
have
been
for
Popery
,
and
against
both
our
Laws
and
Liberties
.
Sir
,
shew
when
and
where
the
King
offered
us
or
the
Prince
any
Terms
,
and
I
will
pass
my
word
you
shall
be
employed
to
frame
Laws
for
the
Convention
,
which
is
certainly
a
good
Employ
for
one
that
is
so
expert
at
it
as
you
pretend
to
be
.
Well
,
§
.
13.
A
heavy
Tax
must
be
laid
upon
the
Nation
,
to
defray
the
Charge
of
this
Expedition
:
Why
,
Sir
,
Are
you
of
the
Privy
C●uncil
to
the
Prince
?
Surely
he
will
be
able
to
find
some
other
Cause
,
or
not
make
the
Tax
so
very
heavy
.
But
Men
will
be
very
sorry
to
lose
their
King
,
and
pay
so
dear
for
it
too
.
Yes
doubtless
,
a
Gracious
King
is
a
great
Loss
;
but
if
he
will
be
gone
,
and
in●olve
us
in
a
War
too
,
Taxes
must
be
p●id
,
yea
,
heavy
Taxes
to
support
the
Charge
of
it
,
or
Louis
will
in
a
short
time
teach
us
what
the
Prince's
Expedition
was
worth
,
whatever
it
cost
.
But
this
is
not
all
,
we
must
part
with
our
Church
too
,
the
crazy
Title
will
require
the
giving
the
Church
to
the
Dissenters
,
§
.
14.
The
Dissenters
have
or
late
acted
very
well
;
and
perhaps
if
a
wise
Man
has
the
mannaging
of
them
;
and
the
Popish
Emissaries
be
carefully
looked
after
,
we
may
compound
the
Quarrel
better
cheap
than
the
parting
with
our
Church
.
Sir
,
I
am
well
assured
a
great
deal
less
will
for
the
present
content
them
,
and
the
King
is
not
Immortal
,
and
whenever
he
Dies
,
the
Crazy
Title
will
be
So●●red
again
,
if
no
Body
be
to
blame
for
giving
it
another
terrible
Shock
.
§
.
15.
Should
the
King
be
Deposed
,
or
any
other
ascend
the
Throne
,
it
will
be
necessary
to
keep
a
standing
Army
to
quell
such
Discontents
.
You
may
be
a
good
Law-framer
for
ought
I
know
,
but
I
will
swear
you
are
no
States-Man
;
this
whole
Section
is
meer
Whimsey
borrowed
from
the
Dutch
Design
Anatomized
,
who
had
the
folly
to
talk
of
Governing
England
by
an
Army
of
Dutch
and
Germans
;
but
why
,
God
knows
,
except
it
were
because
a
few
were
brought
over
to
deliver
us
,
and
cannot
presently
be
returned
back
to
Holland
.
The
Prince
is
both
a
wise
and
a
good
Prince
,
and
knows
the
Consequence
of
keeping
those
Forces
long
here
,
better
than
a
Thousand
such
Law-framers
.
Suppos●
the
King
should
return
with
a
Foreign
Force
to
recover
his
Kingdom
,
how
ready
will
the
Men
of
Conscience
be
,
and
the
Men
of
Discontent
to
joyn
with
them
,
nay
,
to
invite
him
Home
again
.
This
looks
so
like
a
Roman
Catholick
Zeal
,
that
if
I
were
not
assured
he
is
a
Church
of
England-Man
,
I
could
not
believe
but
it
was
a
Disciple
of
St.
Omers
:
But
will
the
Conscientious
Men
invite
the
King
home
again
,
with
all
his
Apostolick
Vicars
,
Jesuits
,
Ecclesiasticall
Judges
,
Dispensing
Power
,
and
a
round
Army
of
French
Dragoons
to
teach
us
the
French
Faith
after
the
French
Fashion
?
Are
these
the
Men
of
Character
,
Prudence
,
Ability
,
Integrity
,
or
of
Conscience
either
?
Would
one
of
the
Primitive
Christians
have
talked
thus
,
have
stood
for
a
Licinius
against
a
Constantine
?
Well
,
if
the
King
comes
in
a
Conqueror
,
we
shall
wish
we
had
Treated
.
Truly
I
shall
not
;
I
had
rather
be
forced
than
deceived
,
for
then
I
know
what
I
have
to
trust
to
;
and
I
would
not
willingly
be
accessary
to
my
own
Ruine
.
Well
,
suppose
this
unanswerable
stuff
is
over-voted
,
§
.
17.
We
are
to
bring
good
proof
the
Prince
of
Wales
is
an
Imposture
,
or
else
we
h●d
better
let
it
alone
.
Very
good
;
the
Negative
is
to
be
proved
;
we
may
guess
by
this
what
kind
of
Laws
you
,
Sir
▪
would
frame
.
Well
,
but
if
this
be
not
done
,
the
Discontented
Men
will
have
a
plausible
pretence
to
quarrel
:
What
the
Conscientious
Men
will
do
we
must
guess
,
but
in
all
probability
they
will
not
be
better
quali●ed
.
What
if
the
Princess
of
Orange
be
a
Lady
of
that
eminent
Virtue
that
she
should
scruple
to
sit
upon
her
Father's
Throne
whilst
he
lives
?
Well
,
his
Majesty
has
deserted
his
Throne
and
Kingdom
when
he
needed
not
,
except
he
had
pleased
;
and
some
Body
must
sit
upon
his
Throne
,
though
he
is
yet
Alive
:
Now
if
it
be
her
Right
after
his
Death
,
why
not
now
?
Our
Author
is
at
his
Prayers
,
that
God
would
give
her
Grace
to
resist
the
Temptation
;
and
I
at
mine
,
That
the
Author
may
never
be
one
of
her
Chaplains
till
he
is
better
inform'd
.
The
rest
of
that
Section
is
not
unanswerable
,
but
not
worth
answering
.
He
has
all
along
supposed
the
Prince
of
Orange
Crown'd
,
yet
in
the
19th
Section
he
proves
he
can
have
no
Right
to
it
,
neither
by
Descent
nor
Gift
;
and
truly
I
am
of
the
same
mind
for
many
Reasons
,
and
especially
for
the
sake
of
the
Three
alledged
by
him
,
Sect.
20
,
21
,
22.
and
for
some
others
too
of
as
great
weight
,
which
may
be
found
in
the
Lord
Virulam
's
History
of
Henry
VII
.
And
yet
our
Case
now
before
us
has
three
Difficulties
that
had
not
,
1.
A
King
living
.
2.
A
Prince
of
Wales
true
or
false
.
3.
A
Nation
divided
in
Religion
;
to
which
I
might
perhaps
add
the
Excessive
Power
of
France
,
and
the
Excessive
Zeal
of
this
Generation
to
preserve
the
Descent
of
the
Crown
in
the
Right
Line
,
and
in
the
Legal
Steps
and
Degrees
.
And
this
being
done
,
I
am
persuaded
nothing
can
divide
the
English
Nation
,
or
lessen
their
Zeal
and
Affection
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
who
has
deserved
the
Crown
,
if
it
were
ours
to
give
him
.
The
Postscript
,
which
is
an
Huy
and
Cry
after
the
French
League
to
cut
our
Throats
,
I
leave
to
the
Convention
:
And
if
I
durst
be
so
bold
as
to
ask
a
Favour
of
them
,
it
should
be
to
enquire
what
the
Ro.
Catholick
meant
by
that
Threat
of
theirs
,
so
frequently
printed
and
spoken
by
them
,
If
fair
means
would
not
obtain
the
Repeal
of
our
Penal
Laws
and
Tests
,
foul
should
.
Now
for
a
Conclusion
,
I
would
desire
you
,
Sir
,
to
propose
your
method
of
Restoring
the
King
,
and
Securing
our
Laws
and
Religion
,
and
it
shall
go
hard
but
I
will
shew
you
it
is
impracticable
,
or
impossible
,
that
it
will
never
be
granted
;
or
if
it
be
,
never
observed
:
And
if
you
please
to
bless
the
World
with
a
Receipt
of
an
Obligation
that
will
bind
the
Conscience
of
any
other
Roman
Catholick
so
fast
that
neither
Iesuit
and
Pope
can
break
or
untie
it
,
I
assure
you
I
will
joyn
with
you
in
a
Petition
to
the
Convention
,
for
a
Treaty
forthwith
,
without
any
other
Terms
to
be
proposed
than
the
giving
us
that
Security
,
whatever
it
is
.
And
in
the
Interim
,
I
am
,
SIR
,
YOURS
.
Ian.
24.
1688
/
9.
FINIS
.
The
EIGHT
Collection
of
Papers
Relating
to
the
Present
Juncture
of
Affairs
in
England
.
VIZ.
-
I.
Proposals
to
the
present
Convention
for
Setling
the
Government
.
-
II.
Several
Queries
relating
to
the
present
Proceedings
in
Parliament
.
-
III.
A
Protestant
Precedent
offer'd
for
the
Exclusion
of
King
Iames
the
Second
.
-
IV.
Reasons
offer'd
for
placing
the
Prince
of
Orange
singly
in
the
Throne
during
his
Life
.
-
V.
A
Breviate
for
the
Convention
,
represented
to
the
Lords
and
Commons
of
England
.
-
VI.
King
Iames
the
First
his
Opinion
of
a
King
,
and
of
a
Tyrant
;
and
of
the
English
Laws
,
Rights
and
Priviledges
.
-
VII
.
Proposals
to
the
present
Convention
,
for
perpetual
Security
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
Liberty
of
the
Subjects
of
England
.
London
printed
,
and
are
to
be
sold
by
Rich.
Ianeway
in
Queen's-head
Court
in
Pater-Noster
Row
,
1689.
PROPOSALS
Humbly
offered
To
the
Lords
and
Commons
in
the
present
CONVENTION
,
for
Settling
of
the
Government
,
&c.
My
Lords
and
Gentlemen
;
YOV
are
Assembled
upon
Matters
of
the
highest
Importance
to
England
and
all
Christendom
;
and
the
result
of
your
Thoughts
,
in
this
Convention
,
will
make
a
numerous
Posterity
Happy
or
Miserable
.
If
therefore
I
have
met
with
any
Thing
that
I
think
worthy
of
your
Consideration
,
I
should
think
my self
wanting
in
that
Duty
which
I
owe
to
my
Country
and
Mankind
,
if
I
should
not
lay
it
before
You.
If
there
be
(
as
some
say
)
certain
Lineaments
in
the
Face
of
Truth
,
with
which
one
cannot
be
deceiv'd
,
because
they
are
not
to
be
counterfeited
;
I
hope
,
the
Considerations
which
I
presume
to
offer
You
,
will
meet
with
your
Approbation
:
That
,
bringing
back
our
Constit●tion
to
its
first
and
purest
Original
,
refining
it
from
some
gross
Abuses
,
and
supplying
its
Defects
,
You
may
be
the
Ioy
of
the
present
Age
,
and
the
Glory
of
Posterity
.
FIrst
,
'T
is
necessary
to
distinguish
between
Power
it self
,
the
Designation
of
the
Persons
Governing
,
and
the
Form
of
Government
.
For
,
1.
All
Power
is
from
God
as
the
Fountain
and
Original
.
2.
The
Designation
of
the
Persons
,
and
the
Form
of
Government
,
is
eirther
,
First
,
immediately
from
God
,
as
in
the
Case
of
Saul
and
David
,
and
the
Government
of
the
Ievs
;
or
,
Secondly
,
from
the
Community
,
chusing
some
Form
of
Government
,
and
subjecting
themselves
to
it
.
But
it
must
be
noted
,
that
though
Saul
and
David
had
a
Divine
Designation
,
yet
the
People
assembled
;
and
in
a
General
Assembly
,
by
their
Votes
,
freely
chose
them
:
Which
proves
,
that
there
can
be
no
orderly
or
lasting
Government
,
without
Consent
of
the
People
Tacit
or
Express'd
;
and
God
himself
would
not
put
Men
under
a
Governor
without
their
Consent
.
And
in
case
of
a
Conquest
,
the
People
may
be
called
Prisoners
or
Salves
(
which
is
a
State
contrary
to
the
Nature
of
Man
)
but
they
cannot
be
properly
Subjects
,
till
their
Wills
be
brought
to
submit
to
the
Government
:
So
that
Conquest
may
make
Way
for
a
Government
,
but
it
cannot
constitute
it
.
Secondly
,
There
is
a
Supreme
Power
in
every
Community
,
essential
to
it
,
and
inseparable
from
it
;
by
which
,
if
it
be
not
limited
immediately
by
God
,
it
can
form
it self
into
any
kind
of
Government
.
And
in
some
extraordinary
Occasions
,
when
the
Safety
and
Peace
of
the
Publick
necessarily
require
it
,
can
supply
the
Defects
,
reform
the
Abuses
,
and
re-establish
the
true
Fundamentals
of
the
Government
;
by
Purging
,
Refining
,
and
bringing
Things
back
to
their
first
Original
:
Which
Power
may
be
called
,
The
Supreme
Power
Real
.
Thirdly
,
When
the
Community
has
made
choice
of
some
Form
of
Government
,
and
subjected
themselves
to
it
,
having
invested
some
Person
or
Persons
with
the
Supreme
Power
:
The
Power
in
those
Persons
may
be
called
,
The
Supreme
Power
Personal
.
Fourthly
,
If
this
Form
be
a
mix'd
Government
of
Monarchy
,
Aristocracy
and
Democracy
;
and
,
for
the
easy
Execution
of
the
Laws
,
the
Executive
Power
be
lodg'd
in
a
single
Person
;
He
has
,
A
Supreme
Power
Personal
,
quoad
hoc
.
Fifthly
,
The
Supreme
Power
Personal
of
England
,
is
in
Kings
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
;
and
so
it
was
in
Effect
agreed
to
,
by
King
Charles
the
First
,
in
his
Answer
to
the
nineteen
Propositions
;
and
resolved
by
the
Convention
of
Lords
and
Commons
in
the
Year
1660.
And
note
,
That
the
Acts
of
that
Convention
,
tho
never
confirmed
by
Parliament
,
have
been
taken
for
Law
,
and
particularly
by
the
Lord
Chief
Justice
Hales
.
Sixthly
,
The
Supreme
Power
Personal
of
England
fails
three
Ways
.
1.
'T
is
Dissolved
:
For
two
Essential
Parts
fail
.
1.
A
King.
2.
A
House
of
Commons
;
which
cannot
be
called
according
to
the
Constitution
,
the
King
being
gone
,
and
the
Freedom
of
Election
being
destroyed
by
the
King's
Incroachments
.
2.
The
King
has
forfeited
his
Power
several
Ways
.
Subjection
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
is
the
Subjection
against
which
our
Laws
cry
loudest
:
And
even
Barclay
(
that
Monarchical
Politician
)
acknowledges
,
That
if
a
King
alienate
his
Kingdom
,
or
subject
it
to
another
,
he
forfeits
it
.
And
Grotius
asserts
,
That
if
a
King
really
attempt
to
deliver
up
,
or
subject
his
Kingdom
,
he
may
be
therein
resisted
:
And
that
,
if
the
King
have
part
of
the
Supreme
Power
,
and
the
People
or
Senate
the
other
part
,
(
the
King
invading
that
part
which
is
not
his
)
a
just
Force
may
be
opposed
,
and
he
may
lose
his
Part
of
the
Empire
.
Grotius
de
Bello
,
&c.
Cap.
72.
But
that
the
King
has
subjected
the
Kingdom
to
the
Pope
,
needs
no
Proof
;
That
the
has
usurp'd
an
absolute
Power
superior
to
all
Laws
,
made
the
Peoples
Share
in
the
Legislative
Power
impertinent
and
useless
,
and
thereby
invaded
their
just
Rights
,
none
can
deny
.
'T
were
in
vain
to
multiply
Instances
of
his
Forfeitures
:
And
,
if
we
consider
the
Power
exercis'd
by
him
of
late
,
it
will
most
evidently
appear
to
all
who
understand
the
English
Constitution
,
that
it
admits
of
no
such
King
,
nor
any
such
Power
.
3.
The
King
has
deserted
,
-
(
1.
)
By
incapacitating
himself
by
a
Religion
inconsistent
with
the
Fundamentals
of
our
Government
.
-
(
2.
)
By
forsaking
the
Power
:
the
Constitution
allow'd
him
,
and
usurping
a
Foreign
one
:
So
that
tho
the
Person
remained
,
the
King
was
gone
long
ago
.
-
(
3.
)
By
Personal
Withdrawing
.
Seventhly
,
The
Supreme
Power
Real
remains
in
the
Community
;
and
they
may
act
by
their
Original
Power
:
And
tho
every
Particular
Person
is
,
notwithstanding
such
Dissolution
,
Forfeiture
,
or
Desertion
,
subject
to
the
Laws
which
were
made
by
the
Supreme
Power
Personal
,
when
in
Being
;
yet
the
Communities
Power
is
not
bound
by
them
,
but
is
paramount
all
Laws
made
by
the
Supreme
Power
Personal
:
And
has
a
full
Right
to
take
such
Measures
for
Settling
the
Government
,
as
they
shall
think
most
sure
and
effectual
,
for
the
lasting
Security
and
Peace
of
the
Nation
.
For
we
must
note
,
that
it
was
the
Community
of
England
,
which
first
gave
Being
to
both
King
and
Parliament
,
and
to
all
the
other
Parts
of
our
Constitution
.
Eighthly
,
The
most
Renowned
Politician
observes
,
That
those
Kingdoms
and
Republicks
subsist
longest
that
are
often
renewed
,
or
brought
back
to
their
first
Beginnings
;
which
is
an
Observation
of
Self-evident
Truth
,
and
implies
,
That
the
Supream
Power
Real
has
a
Right
to
Renew
,
or
bring
back
.
And
the
most
ingenious
Lawson
observes
(
in
his
Politica
)
That
the
Community
of
England
,
in
the
late
Times
,
had
the
greatest
Advantage
that
they
or
their
Ancestors
had
had
for
many
Ages
,
for
this
purpose
;
tho
God
hid
it
from
their
Eyes
:
But
the
wonderful
Concurrence
of
such
a
Series
of
Providences
,
as
we
now
see
and
admire
,
gives
ground
to
hope
;
That
the
Veil
is
removed
,
and
the
Nation
will
now
see
the
Things
that
concern
their
Peace
.
Ninthly
,
The
Acts
done
and
executed
by
the
Supreme
Power
Personal
(
when
in
Being
)
have
so
model'd
the
Parts
and
Persons
of
the
Community
,
that
the
Original
Constitution
is
the
best
,
justest
,
and
the
most
desirable
.
The
Royal
Family
affords
a
Person
that
both
Heaven
and
Earth
point
out
for
King.
There
are
Lords
,
whose
Nobility
is
not
affected
by
the
Dissolution
of
the
Government
,
and
are
the
subject
Matter
of
a
House
of
Lords
;
And
there
are
Places
,
which
by
Custom
or
Charter
have
Right
to
choose
Representatives
of
the
Commons
.
Tenthly
,
There
are
are
inextricable
Difficulties
in
all
other
Methods
.
For
,
1.
There
is
no
Demise
of
the
King
,
neither
Civil
nor
Natural
.
2.
There
is
consequently
no
Descent
.
3.
The
Community
only
has
a
Right
to
take
Advantage
of
the
King's
Forfeiture
or
Desertion
.
4.
Whatever
other
Power
may
be
imagin'd
in
the
two
Houses
,
as
Houses
of
Parliament
,
it
cannot
justify
it self
to
the
Reason
of
any
,
who
understand
the
Bottom
of
our
Constitution
.
5.
By
this
Method
all
Popish
Successors
may
be
excluded
;
and
the
Government
secured
,
in
case
all
the
Protestants
of
the
Family
die
without
Issue
:
And
this
by
the
very
Constitution
of
England
.
And
the
Question
can
never
arise
about
the
Force
or
the
Lawfulness
of
a
Bill
of
Exclusion
.
6.
The
Convention
will
not
be
oblig'd
to
take
Oaths
,
&c.
Eleventhly
,
If
these
things
be
granted
,
and
the
Community
be
at
Liberty
to
act
as
above
;
it
will
certainly
be
most
advisable
,
not
only
for
the
Security
and
Welfare
of
the
Nation
,
but
(
if
rightly
understood
)
for
the
Interest
of
their
Royal
Highnesses
,
to
limit
the
Crown
as
follows
:
—
To
the
Prince
of
Orange
during
his
Life
(
yet
with
all
possible
Honour
and
Respect
to
the
Princess
,
whose
Interests
and
Inclinations
are
inseparably
the
same
with
his
)
Remainder
to
the
Princess
of
Orange
,
and
the
Heirs
of
her
Body
;
Remainder
to
the
Princess
of
Denmark
,
and
the
Heirs
of
her
Body
;
Remainder
to
the
Heirs
of
the
Body
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
;
Remainder
as
an
Act
of
Parliament
shall
appoint
.
This
will
have
these
Conveniences
among
others
.
1.
Husband
and
Wife
are
but
one
Person
in
Law
,
and
her
Husband's
Honour
is
hers
.
2.
It
puts
the
present
Kingly
Power
into
the
best
Hand
in
the
World
;
which
(
wit●out
Flattery
)
is
agreed
on
by
all
Men.
3.
It
asserts
the
above-said
Power
in
the
Community
.
4.
It
will
be
some
Acknowledgment
to
the
Prince
for
what
he
has
done
for
the
Nation
:
And
it
is
worthy
Observation
,
that
before
the
Theocracy
of
the
Iews
ceased
,
the
manner
of
the
Divine
Designation
of
their
Judges
,
was
by
God's
giving
the
People
some
Deliverance
by
the
Hand
of
the
Person
,
to
whose
Government
they
ought
to
submit
;
and
this
even
in
that
time
of
extraordinary
Revelations
.
Thus
Othniel
,
Gideon
,
Iephthah
,
Samson
,
and
others
were
invested
by
Heaven
with
the
Supreme
Authority
:
And
though
Ioshua
had
an
immediate
Command
from
God
to
succeed
Moses
,
and
an
Anointing
to
that
purpose
,
by
the
laying
on
of
Moses's
Hands
:
Yet
the
Foundation
of
the
People's
Submission
to
him
was
laid
in
Iordan
.
And
I
challenge
the
best
Historians
to
give
an
Instance
(
since
that
Theocracy
ceased
)
of
a
Designation
of
any
Person
to
any
Government
,
more
visibly
Divine
than
that
which
we
now
admire
.
If
the
Hand
of
Providence
(
miraculously
and
timely
disposing
Natural
Things
,
in
every
Circumstance
to
the
best
advantage
)
should
have
any
Influence
upon
Mens
Minds
;
most
certainly
we
ought
not
here
to
be
insensible
.
If
the
Voice
of
the
People
be
the
Voice
of
God
,
it
never
spoke
louder
:
If
a
Nation
of
various
Opinions
,
Interests
and
Factions
,
from
a
turbulent
and
fluctuating
State
,
falls
into
a
serene
and
quiet
Calm
,
and
Mens
Minds
are
strangely
united
on
a
sudden
;
it
shews
from
whence
they
are
influenced
.
In
a
word
,
if
the
Hand
of
God
is
to
be
seen
in
Human
Affairs
,
and
his
Voice
to
be
heard
upon
Earth
;
we
cannot
any
where
(
since
the
ceasing
of
Miracles
)
find
a
clearer
and
more
remarkable
Instance
,
than
is
to
be
observ'd
in
the
present
Revolution
.
If
one
examines
the
Posture
of
Foreign
Affairs
,
making
way
for
the
Prince's
Expedition
by
some
sudden
Events
and
Occurrences
,
which
no
Human
Wisdom
or
Power
could
have
brought
about
;
if
one
observes
that
Divine
Influence
which
has
directed
all
his
Counsels
,
and
crown'd
his
Undertakings
,
notwithstanding
such
innumerable
Dangers
and
Difficulties
,
with
constant
Honour
and
Success
:
If
one
considers
how
happily
and
wonderfully
both
Persons
and
Things
are
changed
in
a
little
time
,
and
without
Blood
:
It
looks
like
so
many
Marks
of
God's
Favour
,
by
which
he
thinks
fit
to
point
him
out
to
us
in
this
extraordinary
Conjuncture
.
I
will
trouble
you
but
with
one
Consideration
more
;
which
is
,
That
the
two
things
most
necessary
in
this
Affair
,
are
Unanimity
and
Dispatch
:
For
without
both
these
of
your
Counsels
will
have
little
Effect
.
In
most
things
't
is
good
to
be
long
in
resolving
;
but
in
some
't
is
fatal
not
to
conclude
immediately
:
And
presence
of
Mind
is
as
great
a
Vertte
,
as
Rashness
is
a
Vice.
For
the
turns
of
Fortune
are
sometimes
so
quick
,
that
if
Advantage
be
not
taken
in
the
critical
hour
,
't
is
for
ever
lost
.
But
,
I
hope
,
your
Lordships
,
and
all
those
Gentlemen
who
compose
this
August
Assembly
,
will
proceed
with
so
much
Zeal
and
Harmony
,
that
the
Result
of
your
present
Consultations
may
be
a
lasting
and
grateful
Monument
to
Posterity
,
of
your
Integrity
,
Courage
and
Conduct
.
SEVERAL
QUERIES
Relating
to
the
present
Proceedings
in
Parliament
;
More
especially
recommended
to
the
Consideration
of
the
BISHOPS
.
I.
HOW
the
House
of
Commons
can
answer
it
to
those
People
whom
they
Represent
,
if
now
they
have
an
Opportunity
,
they
do
not
settle
the
Government
upon
such
a
Foundation
as
will
be
likely
,
not
only
to
preserve
the
Nation
from
Foreign
Enemies
,
but
also
from
falling
into
the
like
unhappy
Circumstances
which
it
is
but
just
now
escaped
out
of
,
and
which
in
a
great
measure
have
proceeded
from
a
want
of
a
right
Settlement
of
Publick
Affairs
at
the
Restauration
of
King
Charles
the
Second
.
II.
Whether
this
can
be
done
without
altering
the
Succession
,
since
the
Birth
of
the
Prince
of
Wales
is
not
proved
supposititious
,
(
though
perhaps
no
Body
doubts
but
it
is
so
)
?
And
supposing
it
proved
so
,
Whether
it
would
not
be
more
feasible
to
make
a
President
now
,
than
to
try
the
Experiment
first
,
when
the
next
Right
of
Succession
is
claimed
by
the
Infanta
of
Spain
;
or
perhaps
some
Prince
her
Heir
,
too
strong
to
resist
without
the
Assistance
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
especially
if
there
happen
to
be
such
Divisions
amongst
Us
as
are
at
this
Time
?
III.
Whether
it
can
be
immagined
to
be
worth
the
Prince
of
Orange's
while
to
leave
Holland
,
where
he
is
the
chief
Man
,
and
become
a
Subject
in
England
;
nay
,
and
have
such
an
uncertain
Interest
in
his
stay
here
,
that
if
his
Wives
Life
chance
to
drop
,
perhaps
he
may
be
banished
in
a
Years
time
,
and
not
have
a
Place
,
as
things
may
happen
,
to
put
his
Head
in
?
For
his
Interest
in
Holland
must
necessarily
fall
into
other
Hands
;
And
no
Body
knows
what
fallings
out
may
happen
betwixt
Us
and
the
Dutch
,
or
what
other
Contingencies
may
happen
that
may
give
cause
of
Disgust
.
IV.
Whether
(
considering
the
present
State
of
Affairs
)
the
Strength
of
the
King
of
France
,
and
the
Irish
Rebellion
,
(
to
say
nothing
of
the
Effects
which
the
Entreaties
,
and
subtile
Insinuations
of
a
Father
must
necessarily
have
upon
any
one
that
is
good
natur'd
)
it
be
safe
to
trust
the
Administration
of
Affairs
to
a
Woman
,
though
never
so
vertuous
?
And
whether
we
shall
be
able
to
protect
our selves
against
all
these
formidable
Enemies
,
and
bring
things
to
a
due
Settlement
,
without
the
Assistance
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
whose
Foreign
Alliances
are
such
as
we
can
never
hope
to
obtain
if
we
confer
the
Crown
upon
any
other
?
V.
Whether
it
would
be
a
greater
real
Kindness
to
the
Princess
of
Orange
to
make
her
sole
Queen
,
after
such
a
manner
as
she
will
be
likely
to
be
turned
out
again
;
or
to
make
her
and
her
Husband
joint
King
and
Queen
during
their
two
Lives
?
I
say
,
her
Husband
,
who
is
a
Prince
,
not
only
able
to
defend
her
and
her
Kingdom
from
all
the
Dangers
that
may
happen
,
but
also
to
take
all
the
Trouble
which
may
occur
in
the
Administration
of
Affairs
off
her
Hands
,
so
that
she
will
enjoy
all
the
Pleasure
of
being
Queen
without
any
thing
of
Trouble
:
And
we
may
add
to
this
,
that
if
it
had
not
been
for
him
,
she
had
never
enjoyed
the
Crown
,
nor
the
Nation
their
Freedom
?
VI.
Whether
the
Terms
the
Parliament
shall
make
with
one
that
can
pretend
no
Right
to
the
Crown
but
what
they
give
him
,
will
not
be
more
likely
to
be
kept
by
him
,
than
by
one
that
pretends
a
Title
,
and
will
be
flatter●d
up
,
both
by
Lawyers
and
Divines
,
(
I
mean
,
the
Scum
of
them
)
with
Notions
of
a
Right
jure
Divino
,
and
a
Prerogative
which
cannot
be
parted
with
or
abolish'd
,
though
by
the
King's
Consent
,
or
Act
of
Parliament
?
VII
.
Whether
the
House
of
Commons
,
upon
these
Considerations
,
and
divers
others
too
long
to
mention
,
will
not
think
it
necessary
that
the
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
be
crowned
King
and
Queen
for
their
two
Lives
?
And
whether
it
can
be
imagined
,
that
the
Commons
should
so
far
betray
their
Country
as
to
recede
from
this
Point
(
so
necessary
for
its
Preservation
)
notwithstanding
all
the
Disturbances
which
the
Bishops
shall
make
in
the
House
of
Lords
,
and
though
they
do
not
meet
with
the
Concurrence
of
that
House
so
soon
as
in
reason
might
be
expected
?
VIII
.
Whether
the
House
of
Lords
will
suffer
themselves
any
longer
to
be
imposed
upon
by
the
Bishops
in
a
thing
that
will
be
so
injurious
to
the
Nation
,
as
it
will
be
not
to
comply
with
the
House
of
Commons
in
this
great
Point
;
which
must
necessarily
put
such
a
damp
upon
Trade
,
that
it
will
certainly
be
the
Ruin
of
many
hundreds
of
Families
in
the
Nation
whose
dependance
are
upon
Handy-Craft-Trades
,
to
say
nothing
of
the
Disadvantages
which
may
accrue
by
such
a
Delay
to
the
poor
Protestants
in
Ireland
?
and
admitting
they
should
,
whether
the
Circumstances
of
Affairs
would
not
in
a
little
time
force
them
to
a
compliance
with
the
House
of
Commons
?
IX
.
Whether
the
Prince
of
Orange
will
not
shew
himself
one
of
the
unkindest
Men
in
the
World
if
he
doth
not
stick
by
these
People
,
till
he
seeth
them
secured
,
that
have
ventured
their
Lives
and
Fortunes
for
Him
and
their
Country
in
confidence
of
his
Protection
?
and
whether
he
as
Head
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
be
not
obliged
to
stand
by
the
48
Protestant
Lords
,
and
House
of
Commons
,
that
have
served
their
Country
so
faithfully
?
X.
Whether
it
would
not
be
Prudence
in
the
Bishops
(
supposing
their
Designs
be
good
,
as
I
would
hope
they
are
)
to
shew
their
readiness
to
assist
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
in
carrying
on
this
great
Work
,
whereby
they
might
settle
the
Church
upon
the
surest
Foundation
,
the
Laws
of
God
and
of
the
Land
,
and
continue
themselves
in
the
Affections
of
the
People
?
XI
.
Whether
all
the
Protestant
Blood
which
shall
be
spilt
in
Ireland
by
reason
of
these
long
Delays
,
will
not
be
justly
laid
at
the
Bishops
doors
,
if
they
proceed
after
the
same
manner
they
have
begun
?
And
lastly
,
To
answer
the
great
Objection
,
that
we
shall
lose
the
Kingdom
of
Scotland
if
we
make
the
King
Elective
for
this
Turn
.
Whether
the
Scots
can
chuse
any
body
that
will
be
more
agreeable
to
their
Interests
than
the
Prince
of
Orange
?
and
supposing
they
can
,
Whether
it
be
not
madness
to
imagine
,
since
they
have
a
different
Parliament
,
different
Laws
,
and
a
different
Original
Contract
(
so
that
the
King
may
commit
a
Forfeiture
there
,
when
he
hath
committed
none
here
,
or
a
Forfeiture
here
,
when
he
hath
committed
none
there
)
that
they
will
not
place
the
Crown
upon
him
without
any
respect
to
what
is
done
here
,
whether
we
make
it
a
Forfeiture
,
or
only
a
bare
Demise
?
A
Protestant
Precedent
offer'd
to
the
Bishops
for
the
Exclusion
of
K.
James
the
Second
.
IF
Necessity
,
which
is
a
great
Branch
of
the
Law
of
Nature
,
did
not
press
us
at
this
time
,
to
come
to
some
speedy
and
pertinent
Determinations
,
as
to
the
business
,
especially
,
of
settling
the
Government
,
that
Nicety
,
which
seems
to
be
promoted
and
set
afoot
in
all
our
Counsels
,
might
,
considering
the
Weightiness
of
the
business
in
hand
,
rather
claim
the
just
Commendation
and
Applauses
of
every
good
Man
,
than
,
as
it
seems
now
,
fall
under
their
Censure
;
and
I
may
say
Indignation
.
If
the
matter
debated
were
extraneous
,
and
the
Kingdom
within
it self
peaceably
and
firmly
settled
;
if
the
Circumstances
of
our
Affairs
were
ordinary
and
usual
,
and
could
admit
of
an
unlimited
time
for
their
Decision
;
if
we
were
secure
from
injurious
Resolutions
of
our
Enemies
abroad
,
or
from
the
private
Machinations
of
disaffected
Persons
at
home
:
If
these
●hings
were
so
,
it
were
worthy
the
Wisdom
of
those
,
who
by
their
unseasonable
Scruples
(
so
generally
resolv'd
against
,
and
now
again
by
them
started
)
may
seem
either
ignorant
of
the
desperate
languishing
condition
of
these
Kingdoms
at
present
,
or
prejudic'd
and
dis-affected
to
the
E●ace
and
Settlement
of
them
for
the
future
;
I
say
,
it
were
then
worthy
the
Wisdom
of
these
Men
to
dissect
every
particular
of
so
important
an
Affair
,
before
they
made
any
Determination
of
the
General
.
As
we
all
acknowledg
the
extraordinary
Circumstances
of
this
Juncture
,
so
they
themselves
have
not
been
a
little
contributing
to
this
happy
Revolution
:
The
Prince's
first
Declaration
tells
us
,
he
had
the
Invitation
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
.
Was
it
Justice
and
agreeable
to
Conscience
then
,
to
call
for
Foreign
Arms
to
assist
us
against
our
own
King
,
in
the
recovery
of
those
Rights
,
Liberties
and
Properties
,
which
,
contrary
to
Law
,
he
had
invaded
and
taken
from
us
?
And
is
it
now
become
a
Scruple
in
those
same
Consciences
,
to
be
confirm'd
in
those
Rights
,
&c.
by
the
same
Arms
and
Power
?
Is
that
pretended
,
absolute
,
unlimited
Power
,
which
in
their
Prayers
and
Sermons
they
have
so
often
nibbled
at
,
and
endavoured
to
retrench
,
now
in
its
just
Debasement
become
so
Inviolable
and
Sacred
,
that
it
must
become
a
Point
of
Faith
entirely
to
submit
to
it
?
Has
this
small
fit
of
Fear
and
Discouragement
in
our
implacable
Enemies
,
so
well
secur'd
us
from
any
future
Enchroachments
,
that
we
need
not
be
careful
of
any
further
Assurance
?
Has
these
Men's
Re-embellish'd
Honours
so
obliterated
the
Memory
of
the
Dangers
some
of
them
so
lately
have
escap'd
,
and
the
rest
justly
fear'd
,
as
to
free
them
from
all
Apprehensions
for
the
future
?
What
is
it
these
Gentlemen
would
be
at
?
what
do
they
fear
?
Is
it
without
Reason
,
without
Justice
,
without
Precedent
,
that
we
desire
to
be
everlastingly
secur'd
from
Popery
&
Slavery
?
Not
without
Reason
;
for
when
we
have
seen
many
of
our
fairest
Branches
lopp'd
off
,
many
of
our
Liberties
invaded
,
many
of
our
Laws
perverted
,
and
the
Axe
at
last
laid
to
the
Root
of
our
Government
,
't
is
high
time
then
,
I
say
,
to
provide
for
our
our
Safety
,
and
to
put
a
stop
to
that
Current
which
would
have
quickly
over-run
and
drowned
us
:
Not
without
Justice
,
for
where
my
Life
and
Property
is
hunted
after
,
and
assaulted
,
I
may
,
by
the
Law
of
God
and
Man
,
●epel
the
Injury
,
and
stand
in
my
own
Vindication
:
Not
without
Precedent
,
even
in
Protestant
Kingdoms
,
(
not
to
mention
the
Romanists
,
who
both
teach
and
practise
the
Deposing
of
evil
and
wicked
Magistrates
)
and
though
in
England
we
may
perhaps
think
the
Changes
we
have
very
lately
seen
among
our selves
admit
of
no
Precedent
,
it
may
easily
be
prov'd
that
which
hath
been
done
of
late
in
this
Nation
,
hath
been
in
great
part
formerly
presented
and
allowed
of
upon
Foreign
Stages
;
yea
,
and
not
many
Years
out
of
the
Memory
of
some
yet
living
,
if
we
would
but
look
into
the
Actions
of
other
Regions
,
and
those
too
wherein
the
Reform'd
Religion
is
professed
,
we
shall
find
that
they
,
by
their
publick
Records
,
acknowledged
that
in
case
of
Tyranny
and
Oppression
,
it
was
lawful
not
only
to
defend
their
Lives
and
Liberties
against
all
Assaults
,
but
reduce
and
declare
the
Persons
so
offending
,
incapable
of
holding
the
Government
.
A
lively
Example
of
this
,
and
almost
exactly
parallel
with
ours
,
was
the
Case
of
Sigismond
the
Third
,
Hereditary
King
of
Sweden
,
who
by
a
Convention
of
the
States
of
that
Kingdom
,
was
Excluded
,
even
with
his
Heirs
,
(
a
Severity
,
which
both
the
Honourable
Houses
of
Parliament
here
have
,
with
great
Justice
and
Wisdom
,
declined
)
from
that
Crown
for
ever
:
Some
of
the
Articles
drawn
up
against
him
were
these
;
First
,
For
swerving
from
their
received
Christian
Religion
;
as
also
,
from
his
Oath
and
Promise
,
and
Solemn
Engagement
made
to
his
People
at
his
Coronation
,
to
preserve
their
Rights
and
Priviledges
;
as
also
,
their
Holy
Reform'd
Religion
Inviolated
;
For
departing
the
Country
without
the
Consent
,
and
unwilling
to
the
States
and
Orders
of
the
Realm
;
For
exporting
several
Acts
of
great
Concernment
out
of
the
Cancellarie
;
For
prosecuting
such
as
would
not
embrace
or
favour
the
Romish
Superstition
;
For
contemning
,
and
endeavouring
to
undermine
and
annul
those
laudable
Institutions
and
Laws
made
for
the
Security
of
the
Realm
,
and
the
Establishment
of
the
Protestant
Reformed
Religion
;
For
raising
up
what
Enemies
he
could
against
his
Native
Country
,
thereby
to
involve
his
Subjects
in
a
Deluge
of
Blood
,
which
he
intended
,
and
had
almost
effected
▪
For
inhumanely
designing
and
suborning
Russians
and
Villains
,
to
Murder
and
Assassinate
one
of
the
chief
Nobles
,
for
no
other
Reason
,
but
that
out
of
Conscience
and
Duty
,
he
would
have
perswaded
him
from
those
Irregularities
and
notorious
Breaches
of
the
known
Laws
of
the
Land
.
For
these
,
and
many
more
Causes
,
as
the
sending
his
Son
out
of
the
Land
,
without
the
Consent
of
the
States
,
and
causing
him
to
be
brought
up
and
educated
in
the
Romish
Superstition
,
did
the
Swedes
(
submitting
the
same
to
the
Judgment
of
all
sincere
and
candid
Arbitratours
)
justify
their
Abdication
for
ever
,
of
King
Sigismond
the
Third
,
and
his
Heirs
,
from
the
Crown
of
Sweden
,
&c.
and
proceeded
strait
to
the
Constituting
and
Electing
of
Charles
Duke
of
Sudermannia
;
vid.
Spanheim
's
Hist.
of
Sweden
,
&c.
And
in
conclusion
,
they
pray
for
,
and
doubt
not
of
a
candid
Construction
,
a
benign
and
favourable
Acceptation
,
from
all
Christian
Emperors
,
Kings
,
Princes
,
States
,
&c.
of
this
their
Legitimate
Defence
,
and
to
vindicate
them
and
their
most
equal
Cause
from
all
Calumny
,
or
e●il
Interpretation
whatsoever
.
The
Circumstances
relating
to
this
present
Juncture
in
England
,
bear
so
near
a
resemblance
almost
in
all
these
Grievances
objected
against
the
said
Sigismond
,
that
our
late
King
,
by
a
sort
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
seems
to
have
breath'd
his
Soul
,
rather
than
to
have
copy'd
after
him
,
though
indeed
in
some
Cases
he
has
plainly
out-done
the
Original
,
especially
in
relation
to
his
supposed
Son.
And
as
our
King
thought
fit
to
Copy
a
King
of
Sweden
,
I
cannot
apprehend
how
it
can
lessen
our
Judgments
or
Integrity
,
our
Piety
,
or
our
Loyalty
,
to
follow
the
Example
of
the
Swedes
,
excepting
in
the
case
of
the
Lawful
Heirs
(
whom
every
good
Englishman
and
Protestant
,
to
their
utmost
Danger
and
Peril
,
are
ready
to
defend
and
maintain
)
to
take
such
Measures
for
our
future
Security
,
and
lawful
Establishment
,
as
shall
not
by
any
Humane
Art
or
Endeavour
,
be
liable
to
Interruption
.
But
as
Precedents
are
least
satisfactory
,
or
least
confronting
to
obstinate
Opposers
;
where
they
make
only
for
one
party
:
A
Popish
Sigismund
deposed
for
Male-Administration
in
a
Protestant
Kingdom
,
may
not
perhaps
be
allowed
to
carry
its
sufficient
Justification
with
the
Romanists
;
and
therefore
the
Tables
ought
to
be
turn'd
,
and
the
Ballance
made
by
Parallels
of
their
own
side
;
the
most
prudent
way
of
combating
,
and
securing
a
Victory
in
this
matter
,
being
to
lay
the
Scene
of
War
in
the
Enemies
Country
.
To
confute
therefore
,
and
silence
all
the
Romish
Pretensions
of
Disgust
and
Murmur
,
against
the
Injustice
of
such
a
Deprivation
,
from
Examples
of
Popish
Deposals
of
Male-administring
Protestants
;
we
'll
begin
with
Henry
of
Navarre
,
afterwards
Henry
the
Fourth
of
France
.
The
famous
Holy
League
enter'd
into
by
the
Pope
himself
,
and
so
many
potent
Allies
;
together
with
all
the
Romish
Subjects
of
Fran●e
,
against
that
undoubted
Heir
of
the
Crown
of
France
,
and
at
that
time
by
succession
the
rightful
King
,
is
so
notoriously
known
to
the
World
,
that
all
the
tedious
Particulars
of
the
History
,
would
be
impertinent
.
Let
it
suffice
,
here
was
a
Prince
,
the
unquestion'd
Inheritor
of
the
Crown
of
France
,
actually
by
all
Open
and
Hostile
Means
(
and
all
such
Hostility
avowed
and
abetted
,
and
his
very
Birth-right
fore-closed
by
the
Pope
himself
)
opposed
and
denied
his
Accession
to
the
Throne
,
for
no
other
Unqualifications
,
but
be
a
Hugonot
;
that
is
,
of
a
Perswasion
contrary
to
the
Establish'd
,
and
Regnant
Romish
Religion
in
France
;
being
in
all
other
Respects
acknowledged
a
most
excellent
Prince
:
Insomuch
,
that
after
all
other
ineffectual
Endeavours
of
recovering
his
Birth-right
;
he
had
no
means
left
to
repeal
his
Exclusion
and
Debarment
from
the
Throne
,
but
by
his
Abjuration
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
return
to
the
Romish
Worship
.
This
Case
of
Henry
the
Fourth
,
instead
of
a
Parallel
to
ours
,
does
not
come
up
to
half
the
Justification
of
the
present
Measures
of
England
.
For
here
was
a
Soveraign
Prince
under
Deprivation
,
for
no
other
Default
,
but
his
meer
Religion
:
for
this
Henry
the
Fourth
being
then
but
in
his
Entrance
to
the
Empire
(
if
truly
that
)
was
consequently
yet
at
least
(
whatever
they
might
fear
)
under
no
Dilemmas
of
the
least
breach
of
Compact
with
his
People
,
no
Forfeitures
for
Male-Administration
,
or
Violation
of
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
or
Rights
of
his
Subjects
;
their
Dangers
as
then
being
only
Apprehensions
.
If
therefore
the
meer
private
Opinion
of
a
Crowned
Head
,
different
from
the
Establish'd
Religion
of
the
Land
,
has
been
of
weight
enough
(
it
self
alone
)
in
their
own
Scales
to
oversway
the
Birth-Right
of
Princes
,
and
make
a
Bar
to
Empire
;
and
that
too
,
so
solemnly
confirmed
and
ratified
,
even
by
the
Sanction
Apostolick
,
the
Decretals
of
Rome
it self
:
What
Objections
or
Allegations
can
our
Romish
Disputants
,
whether
Foreign
or
Domestick
,
make
against
the
like
Bar
in
Empire
,
after
so
notorious
an
actual
Male-Administration
,
in
the
present
Case
of
England
,
such
too
visible
Ruptures
of
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
and
in
defiance
of
all
Obligations
of
Engagements
,
Covenant
,
Word
,
Honour
,
or
OATHS
themselves
?
The
next
Example
I
shall
point
them
to
,
is
,
that
of
the
late
Portuguese
King
,
who
by
the
Ordinance
of
the
States
of
Portugal
,
ratified
by
the
Pope's
Assent
,
was
dethroned
,
and
his
Brother
invested
with
the
Soveraignty
;
and
not
only
that
,
but
his
Queen
too
taken
from
him
,
Divorced
,
and
by
a
Dispensation
married
to
his
Brother
.
The
Grounds
of
this
Deposal
being
only
this
,
that
the
King
was
sometimes
taken
with
Delirious
Fits.
If
such
a
Personal
Infirmity
was
ground
sufficient
to
displace
the
Crown
:
Have
not
the
Peop●e
,
or
Community
of
England
,
in
Convention
asse●bled
,
as
much
Right
on
their
Side
,
for
the
Deposal
of
a
King
▪
for
a
far
greater
Infirmity
,
(
of
the
two
a
more
violent
Madness
)
his
lo●g
tried
and
radicated
Incapacity
of
being
held
,
either
by
the
Bonds
or
Ties
of
Honour
,
Laws
,
or
Oaths
:
There
being
this
infinite
Difference
between
the
Outrages
of
the
one
and
the
other
,
as
that
a
Prince
so
bigotted
,
resolved
for
the
Introduction
,
right
or
wrong
,
of
his
own
Religion
,
is
the
more
Dangerous
Frantick
.
For
his
Superstitious
Frency
may
push
him
to
Violences
that
will
hurt
whole
Nations
,
whereas
the
Outrages
of
the
other
can
be
only
Personal
.
And
if
the
Hands
of
the
Lunatick
Portuguese
were
thought
Just
to
be
tied
up
with
no
less
Shackles
,
than
taking
both
his
Kingdom
and
Queen
away
from
him
;
who
shall
Arraign
the
Wisdom
of
the
English
,
for
depriving
their
King
of
his
Kingdom
,
(
much
good
may
do
him
with
his
Queen
)
under
an
infinite
larger
Capacity
,
and
more
dangerous
propensity
to
Mischief
.
And
for
so
doing
,
what
Warrant
shall
they
want
,
when
the
present
unforced
Desertion
of
the
King
,
and
quitting
the
Helm
,
has
put
the
Power
of
Decision
in
that
Point
into
their
own
Hands
,
and
lost
him
all
Right
of
Appeal
against
the
Alienation
.
I
shall
venter
to
add
one
last
Consideration
,
viz.
The
Bull
of
Pope
Pius
Quintus
,
against
Queen
Elizabeth
;
by
which
the
Pope
deprives
her
of
all
Title
to
the
Imperial
Crown
,
and
all
Dominion
,
Dignity
,
and
Priviledg
whatever
;
declaring
,
that
all
the
Nobility
,
Subjects
,
and
People
of
England
,
and
all
others
which
have
in
any
sort
sworn
unto
her
,
to
be
for
ever
absolved
from
any
such
Oath
;
and
all
manner
of
Duty
of
Dominion
,
Allegiance
,
and
Obedience
,
&c.
and
all
forbidden
to
obey
her
,
or
her
Motions
,
Mandates
,
or
Laws
,
upon
pain
of
Anathema
.
Vide
Bishop
of
Lincoln's
Brutum
Fulmen
,
p.
6.
I
recite
this
unjust
Deposal
of
a
Lawful
Queen
,
by
the
pretended
Authority
of
the
Pope
,
no
other
,
than
to
let
the
World
know
,
that
the
Romish
Party
have
the
least
Reason
in
Nature
,
to
complain
of
the
Deprivation
of
Princes
.
They
,
whose
Infallible
Guides
can
so
insolently
and
arbitrarily
place
or
displace
Crown'd
Heads
(
not
to
mention
the
Illegality
of
the
Pope's
Interposition
,
in
the
Affair
in
any
kind
)
for
only
acting
by
Law
,
in
Matters
of
Religious
Changes
,
for
such
were
all
Ecclesiastick
Alterations
of
that
Queen
,
by
the
unquestion'd
Authority
of
Acts
of
Parliament
;
can
be
but
ill
furnish'd
with
Arguments
,
against
the
present
Deprivation
,
enacted
by
the
whole
Community
of
England
,
for
such
violent
Measures
and
Foundations
,
already
form'd
and
begun
,
for
the
subversion
of
Church
and
State
against
all
Law.
Reasons
humbly
offer'd
,
for
placing
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
singly
in
the
Throne
during
his
Life
.
I.
IT
will
be
a
clear
Assertion
of
the
Peoples
Right
,
Firm
Evidence
of
a
Contract
Broken
,
and
a
sure
Precedent
to
all
Ages
,
when
,
after
a
most
Solemn
Debate
,
the
Estates
of
England
Declare
,
That
the
King
having
Abdicated
the
Government
,
and
the
Throne
thereby
Legally
Vacant
,
They
think
fit
to
Fill
it
again
with
One
who
is
not
Immediate
in
the
Line
.
II.
It
will
be
a
Caution
to
Succeeding
Kings
,
of
what
Fatal
Consequence
a
general
Derogation
from
the
Laws
may
be
,
when
they
find
,
by
this
Instance
,
the
Exercise
of
the
Kingly
Office
in
Danger
,
not
only
with
Reference
to
Themselves
,
but
Precarious
to
their
Family
by
the
Misgovernment
.
And
Generations
to
come
shall
praise
our
Conduct
,
when
reading
the
History
of
this
Day
,
it
appears
we
understood
our
Case
;
had
Honour
and
Honesty
to
maintain
it
,
and
Wisdom
enough
to
transmit
it
Perfect
to
our
Posterity
.
III.
It
will
be
the
highest
Obligation
upon
the
Two
Princesses
that
can
be
expected
from
a
sensible
People
;
when
,
next
to
Asserting
our
own
Right
,
by
a
Fact
(
which
is
absolutely
necessary
,
and
above
all
other
humane
Arguments
)
they
see
themselves
of
Inestimable
Value
with
Us
,
by
Recontinuing
the
Line
in
Remainder
;
And
that
their
own
strict
Adherence
to
the
Protestant
Religion
and
Interest
,
out-weighs
the
Demerits
of
their
Unhappy
Father
.
IV.
The
Princess
of
Orange
will
share
in
all
the
Glory
of
a
Crown
,
without
the
Trouble
of
it
:
Easy
from
Popish
Reflection
,
That
She
sits
in
her
Father's
Throne
while
he
lives
.
And
it
concerns
the
Kingdom
,
as
well
as
the
Princess
,
to
take
care
,
That
She
be
at
Rest
from
those
Sollicitations
on
the
Behalf
of
Papists
,
which
,
under
the
Countenance
of
Her
Father
will
perpetually
assault
Her
tender
Breast
.
Nor
is
there
any
room
for
the
Princess
of
Denmark
to
think
Her self
Neglected
;
The
Exchange
being
attended
with
many
Advantages
,
such
as
it
would
be
lost
Time
to
repeat
,
they
are
so
very
Obvious
,
and
likewise
too
many
for
the
Compass
of
this
Paper
.
V.
If
the
Prince
of
Orange
be
not
King
in
His
own
Right
,
His
Interest
cannot
be
intirely
Ours
;
For
though
His
Gallantry
be
an
Assurance
of
Sincerity
to
Us
;
yet
,
if
there
remain
any
Probability
of
His
Returning
to
Holland
,
as
upon
the
Death
of
His
Wife
,
if
She
only
be
Sovereign
,
his
Interest
must
be
divided
:
Nor
will
it
,
according
to
the
Art
of
Government
,
become
the
Prudence
of
any
Nation
to
open
the
Secrets
of
their
Policy
to
One
,
whom
they
may
be
so
Unfortunate
as
to
part
with
into
a
Country
that
may
possibly
interfere
with
Us.
VI.
It
is
dangerous
to
the
Government
it self
to
vest
the
Exercise
of
the
Sovereignty
in
Both
,
for
they
may
differ
in
Sentiments
of
things
:
and
if
there
be
a
possibility
of
Division
,
it
would
be
an
unancountable
Weakness
,
and
great
Oversight
,
not
to
secure
our selves
in
so
Important
a
Point
.
VII
.
It
is
Repugnant
to
grant
the
Crown
to
Both
,
and
fix
the
Administration
in
One
;
For
the
Administration
is
an
Incident
Inseparable
from
the
Sovereignty
.
To
be
a
King
,
or
Queen
,
and
not
to
have
the
Exercise
of
King
,
or
Queen
,
is
a
Contradiction
:
a
Departure
from
all
the
Rules
that
were
ever
laid
down
in
Government
,
unless
in
case
of
Personal
Incapacity
,
and
therefore
below
a
Masculine
way
of
Reasoning
.
Lastly
.
It
supports
the
noble
Maxim
,
That
a
neighbouring
Nation
may
take
Arms
to
assist
the
Rescue
of
a
People
oppressed
by
Tyranny
.
And
Foreign
Princes
will
be
apt
to
look
into
themselves
,
when
they
hear
,
by
our
Example
of
Gratitude
,
That
they
are
no
longer
Safe
,
than
Just
to
their
Subjects
.
Good
Advice
before
it
be
too
Late
:
Being
a
BREVIATE
for
the
CONVENTION
:
Humbly
Represented
to
the
Lords
and
Commons
of
England
.
WHereas
we
cannot
but
be
made
very
apprehensive
by
those
several
efficacious
Papers
,
such
as
Dr.
B's
,
Mr.
F's
,
A
Word
to
the
Wise
;
and
another
as
close
,
Four
Questions
Debated
,
and
the
like
;
which
go
about
,
left
the
swaying
part
of
the
Nation
should
be
so
much
intent
upon
One
Th●ng
,
as
that
Others
be
neglected
;
or
lest
they
be
so
taken
up
with
putting
the
Crown
upon
an
Head
most
deserving
it
,
as
that
they
forget
what
is
to
be
done
first
;
which
is
,
The
Consideration
of
the
Constitution
of
the
Realm
,
and
the
declaring
that
Constitution
,
before
any
Person
be
admitted
into
actual
Regiment
;
it
being
common
for
those
that
look
but
on
one
Thing
,
to
be
too
sudden
.
We
therefore
judg
it
meet
,
That
this
ensuing
Paper
,
which
was
in
a
few
Copies
given
to
some
Members
of
the
Houses
,
for
preventing
that
Evil
,
should
also
be
made
publick
,
to
go
abroad
with
such
Papers
as
those
of
the
former
Nature
.
For
,
as
it
is
wise
in
a
People
when
they
make
any
Compact
,
whether
with
their
Rulers
,
or
others
,
that
though
they
believe
the
Party
they
deal
with
to
be
the
best
in
the
World
,
to
treat
with
him
for
all
that
,
and
be
as
punctual
upon
the
Terms
to
make
all
secure
,
as
if
they
were
dealing
with
the
worst
:
So
it
is
also
honest
for
them
,
in
seeking
the
Good
of
their
Country
,
to
deny
Self-interest
,
and
to
prefer
the
benefiting
a
Nation
,
before
the
magnifying
any
single
Person
whatsoever
.
The
BREVIATE
.
THE
People
of
this
Nation
are
by
Birth
a
Free
People
,
who
are
born
to
a
Liberty
of
Person
and
Propriety
in
their
Goods
and
Lands
;
and
therefore
England
is
rightly
call'd
a
Free
State.
To
understand
the
Government
,
we
must
know
that
these
two
Things
are
always
to
be
distinguished
,
the
Constitution
,
and
the
Administration
.
The
Constitution
of
a
Government
does
lie
in
the
Original
Agreement
of
the
People
,
which
they
make
between
themselves
,
or
with
their
intended
Governour
,
or
Governours
,
before
the
Government
be
set
up
,
whether
there
be
none
before
,
or
the
Former
at
an
end
.
When
the
People
are
in
such
a
State
,
while
there
is
no
Order
of
Superiority
,
or
Inferiority
introduced
,
it
is
called
a
Community
:
When
a
Ruler
is
chose
,
so
that
there
is
a
Ruling
and
Ruled
Part
,
it
is
a
Society
,
or
called
a
Common-Wealth
.
Let
us
suppose
a
Company
of
Families
,
that
having
no
dependance
on
one
another
,
nor
any
one
having
Power
over
the
other
,
yet
living
near
each
other
,
do
find
it
convenient
to
join
together
in
a
Society
,
for
mutual
Defence
against
some
Foreign
Enemy
,
or
for
the
reaping
several
Advantages
which
they
shall
receive
by
it
.
The
Heads
or
Representatives
of
these
Families
assembled
,
are
to
consider
what
is
to
be
done
in
order
to
these
Ends.
Three
Things
more
especially
they
must
consult
upon
;
1.
What
Government
(
as
to
the
Sort
or
Kind
)
is
best
for
them
?
2.
Who
shall
be
Governour
or
Governours
?
3.
And
by
what
Laws
or
Rules
they
shall
govern
,
who
are
entrusted
with
the
Supreme
Power
?
And
more
particularly
,
in
relation
to
what
Measure
of
it
they
will
allow
them
to
have
over
their
Persons
and
Estates
,
to
use
them
as
they
have
Occasion
,
for
the
Publick
Good.
For
when
they
are
yet
free
in
both
,
the
Governour
can
have
Power
so
far
,
but
no
farther
than
they
at
first
consent
.
Whatsoever
Reservations
of
Liberty
the
People
make
in
their
Agreement
,
these
are
to
be
look'd
upon
as
their
Rights
by
the
Laws
of
the
Constitution
,
and
essential
thereunto
,
and
consequently
inviolable
by
any
of
these
Governours
whom
they
set
up
for
the
Administration
;
the
very
Laws
of
the
Administration
being
void
,
so
far
as
they
interfere
with
any
of
these
of
the
Constitution
.
The
Constitution
and
Laws
thereof
being
agreed
upon
,
and
it
being
impossible
for
Humane
Prudence
to
foresee
all
Accidents
,
which
must
be
provided
for
;
therefore
as
they
arise
,
the
Administration
necessarily
must
lie
in
these
two
Things
:
The
making
farther
Laws
(
subordinate
still
to
those
fore-priz'd
)
as
occasion
requires
,
and
seeing
them
executed
,
that
is
,
in
Legislation
and
Judgment
.
The
One
is
the
Business
of
the
Supreme
Authority
;
the
Other
of
the
Inferior
Magistrates
or
Officers
,
and
Executioners
of
the
same
,
according
to
that
Fundamental
Agreement
made
by
the
People
.
Our
Government
now
,
as
constituted
in
order
to
this
Administration
,
is
,
we
know
,
a
mixt
Government
.
A
Government
is
known
to
be
pure
or
mixt
,
by
the
placing
the
Supreme
Authority
.
If
the
People
place
it
singly
in
the
King
,
or
singly
in
the
Nobles
,
or
singly
in
the
People
,
then
it
is
a
pure
Monarchy
,
Aristocracy
,
or
Democracy
:
But
when
it
is
placed
in
all
Three
,
it
is
a
mixt
Government
,
as
Ours
is
,
where
there
are
no
Laws
in
the
Administration
made
but
by
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
.
These
Things
I
pursue
only
so
far
as
is
necessary
,
to
the
reaching
my
main
Purpose
;
and
the
leading
me
to
a
right
discernment
of
the
present
Condition
into
which
we
are
now
brought
in
regard
to
this
said
Government
.
The
Supreme
Power
of
the
Nation
being
placed
in
a
Parliament
,
which
is
a
Corporation
of
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
,
that
is
,
the
Supreme
Authority
residing
in
King
,
Lords
and
Commons
,
as
One
Corporation
,
there
does
appear
,
at
this
Conjuncture
,
a
Dissolution
of
the
Government
;
A
Dissolution
manifestly
,
as
to
the
Exercise
of
it
.
This
Appearance
does
arise
from
the
opening
of
the
last
Scene
.
For
the
King
being
now
gone
,
gone
from
his
People
,
and
departing
from
his
Government
,
that
One
Corporation
(
we
speak
of
)
is
broke
;
so
that
there
remains
now
no
subject
for
that
supreme
Authority
;
It
being
evident
,
that
a
Parliament
,
wherein
an
Essential
point
of
our
Constitution
does
consist
,
cannot
now
be
Assembled
:
And
the
Providence
of
God
it self
hath
extraordinarily
determin'd
our
Case
.
If
a
King
dies
,
he
hath
a
Successor
,
and
the
Right
devolves
upon
Him
;
but
whilst
the
King
lives
,
he
hath
no
Successor
,
and
the
Right
remaining
in
Him
and
no
Other
;
and
he
being
divided
from
his
Lords
and
Commons
,
the
Subject
of
the
Supreme
Power
,
or
this
One
Corporation
(
whereof
the
King
is
a
Chief
,
Essential
,
and
Constituent
Part
)
does
perfectly
cease
,
and
must
necessarily
cause
a
Dissolution
.
I
choose
not
to
found
this
upon
what
does
more
convince
Others
,
which
comes
to
this
Account
:
The
King
,
by
his
frequent
Malversation
in
the
Government
,
and
rooted
Design
of
subverting
our
Religious
and
Civil
Rights
,
for
the
Introduction
of
Arbitrary
Power
and
Popery
,
which
being
aggravated
by
such
an
Endeavour
,
as
the
destroying
that
Share
in
the
Government
,
which
every
Commoner
hath
,
that
hath
Right
to
choose
his
Representative
in
Parliament
,
by
his
Garbling
Corporations
,
and
so
evacuating
this
Liberty
in
effect
;
and
by
such
an
endeavour
also
,
as
the
exterminating
his
Protestant
Subjects
;
seeing
that
Religion
which
he
would
have
introduced
,
is
such
,
as
by
the
Principles
of
it
,
if
it
comes
into
Domination
,
must
do
so
to
all
Hereticks
;
and
thereupon
may
he
be
look'd
on
no
longer
as
Rex
,
but
Hostis
,
and
Hostis
Publicus
:
Besides
,
the
subjecting
us
to
a
Foreign
Jurisdiction
,
and
the
very
changing
the
Government
,
by
that
indefinite
Dispensing
Power
over
the
Laws
,
as
was
carved
to
him
by
his
Judges
,
from
Regal
to
Despotical
:
It
is
judged
by
them
,
that
he
is
fallen
thereupon
from
his
Royal
Dignity
;
and
that
the
Universality
thereby
have
Warrant
not
only
to
defend
themselves
against
him
,
but
by
Vertue
of
that
Sanction
,
which
is
tacitly
implyed
in
the
Laws
of
the
Constitution
,
to
proceed
on
to
take
the
Forfeiture
He
hath
made
of
his
Government
,
and
Depose
Him
:
For
it
is
a
fond
thing
,
(
think
they
)
to
imagine
any
Laws
without
a
Sanction
;
and
impossible
there
should
be
any
other
Sanction
in
Treaties
between
Free
Nations
,
or
between
a
Free
People
,
and
the
Governour
they
set
over
Themselves
,
than
Force
to
be
used
by
the
Parties
concern'd
;
there
being
no
Third
Party
on
Earth
to
appeal
to
,
in
such
Cases
.
However
this
be
,
it
being
taken
for
granted
,
That
the
Government
is
dissolved
,
and
I
suppose
upon
that
preceding
Account
,
of
the
One
Corporation
(
I
say
)
being
broke
,
the
Supreme
Authority
that
lay
before
in
the
Three
as
united
in
One
,
does
escheat
,
or
fall
to
the
Community
;
who
must
therefore
choose
a
new
Subject
for
that
Power
;
and
it
lies
at
their
Discretion
to
place
it
in
what
Subject
they
please
:
They
may
lodg
it
in
the
Lords
and
Commons
alone
,
without
a
King
,
if
they
think
that
Government
best
;
the
matter
lies
altogether
upon
their
Agreement
,
and
Consent
.
I
suppose
it
most
likely
,
that
they
will
agree
to
place
it
again
in
a
Monarch
,
Lords
and
Commons
(
the
Person
only
left
at
Choice
,
and
Care
had
to
prevent
all
Danger
of
Law
in
the
Case
)
according
to
the
Ancient
Constitution
;
Though
what
Man
can
know
the
Mind
of
a
Nation
,
when
once
come
together
,
if
he
knows
his
own
Mind
?
There
is
one
thing
we
have
now
Opportunity
to
obtain
,
which
we
can
never
recover
again
,
if
it
be
lost
;
and
that
is
,
what
His
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
hath
made
one
of
his
two
Designs
,
The
Delivery
of
the
People
from
Slavery
;
which
can
never
be
done
effectually
,
and
radically
,
but
upon
this
Advantage
.
The
delivering
us
from
Popery
,
is
contained
in
the
setling
our
Religion
;
and
that
being
a
Work
of
great
length
,
is
the
business
more
properly
of
a
Parliament
;
but
this
is
a
thing
must
be
done
by
the
Community
,
and
consequently
by
thofe
that
are
the
Representatives
of
it
,
a
Convention
,
so
called
(
in
regard
to
a
higher
Capacity
hereunto
)
and
not
a
Parliament
;
for
that
represents
the
People
,
not
as
in
a
Community
,
but
as
in
a
Common-wealth
,
where
there
is
pars
imperans
,
as
well
as
subdita
,
which
now
is
not
.
A
Parliament
makes
Laws
for
the
Administration
,
but
the
People
as
in
a
Community
make
Laws
for
the
Constitution
.
I
would
therefore
humbly
offer
it
to
the
Consideration
of
those
,
who
shall
meet
as
Members
of
this
Convention
,
That
,
in
order
to
the
Effect
premised
,
they
do
but
agree
and
pitch
upon
this
one
certain
Point
of
good
Policy
,
that
where
they
place
the
Supream
Authority
,
they
lay
also
the
Rights
or
Properties
of
it
;
that
is
,
the
Iura
Majestatis
(
Majestas
being
Maxima
Potestas
)
all
together
.
The
Rights
of
Majesty
,
or
the
Supream
Power
,
are
mainly
these
:
The
first
is
Legislation
,
or
making
Laws
;
and
this
undoubtedly
lies
in
a
Parliament
.
The
next
,
is
the
Power
of
raising
Arms
,
or
Armies
,
or
the
Militia
,
the
Power
of
making
Peace
and
War
,
or
the
Power
of
the
Sword
,
which
is
necessary
to
maintain
those
Laws
.
The
third
is
a
Power
over
our
Estates
,
or
the
Purse
,
or
raising
Mony
,
which
must
maintain
the
Sword.
A
fourth
,
is
the
Power
of
choosing
Magistrates
to
rule
Us
according
to
these
Laws
;
such
as
Judges
and
Sheriffs
,
to
name
no
other
.
A
fifth
,
is
the
last
Appeal
.
Now
let
but
the
Power
of
the
Militia
and
choosing
Magistrates
,
be
laid
where
Legislation
is
,
and
we
shall
be
fundamentally
delivered
from
all
Slavery
for
ever
in
the
Nation
.
If
we
be
enslaved
or
oppressed
by
any
Prince
for
the
time
to
come
,
it
must
be
either
by
Force
or
by
Injustice
.
We
cannot
be
oppressed
by
Force
,
because
no
Forces
then
can
be
raised
by
Him
,
but
by
a
Parliament
.
He
cannot
rule
by
an
Army
,
or
by
Violence
;
for
the
Militia
is
in
the
Lords
and
Commons
,
as
well
as
in
Him
,
and
they
will
not
let
him
do
so
:
We
cannot
be
oppressed
with
Injustice
;
for
the
Iudges
and
Officers
entrusted
with
the
Execution
of
Iustice
,
shall
be
chosen
also
by
them
,
and
they
will
look
to
that
.
It
is
true
,
while
no
Parliament
sits
,
the
King
by
Virtue
of
the
Executive
Power
lying
in
him
,
may
raise
Arms
,
and
put
in
Officers
and
Magistrates
as
there
i●
need
;
but
both
these
are
to
be
done
under
the
Controul
of
the
next
Parliament
(
which
are
therefore
to
sit
often
by
ancient
Statutes
)
there
being
no
War
to
be
levied
,
nor
Magistrates
confirmed
,
without
their
Approbation
.
Let
us
remember
the
State
we
are
in
,
a
State
that
puts
the
Supream
Power
in
the
Hands
of
the
People
,
to
place
it
as
they
will
:
and
therefore
to
bound
and
limit
it
as
they
see
fit
for
the
publick
Utility
;
and
if
they
do
it
not
now
,
the
Ages
to
come
will
have
occasion
to
blame
them
for
ever
.
When
the
Supream
Power
is
upon
the
disposing
,
if
they
do
not
take
this
Item
,
as
part
of
their
proper
Work
,
To
bind
the
Descent
of
it
to
a
Protestant
,
I
shall
blame
them
:
But
I
shall
do
so
much
more
,
if
after
the
Danger
we
have
been
in
,
of
Arbitrary
Domination
and
Popery
,
by
the
King
's
raising
Arms
,
and
putting
Judges
in
and
out
at
his
Pleasure
,
they
do
not
take
more
care
of
the
Supream
Power
,
to
lay
it
and
its
Rights
better
together
:
Especially
,
seeing
nothing
can
indeed
be
that
in
Nature
,
which
it
is
,
without
its
Properties
.
This
is
uniform
(
I
must
persist
)
to
the
Nature
of
Government
;
that
where
the
Supream
Authority
is
,
there
must
be
its
Prerogatives
;
and
where
the
chief
or
principal
Rights
of
it
is
,
there
should
all
the
rest
which
depend
upon
,
and
belong
to
it
,
be
placed
also
:
Where
Legislation
is
lodged
,
there
should
the
Militia
,
there
should
the
Power
of
making
Judges
,
to
name
nothing
more
than
serves
my
turn
,
be
lodged
also
.
It
is
this
hath
been
the
great
Declension
,
Fault
,
or
Defect
of
our
English
Common-Wealth
,
that
the
People
have
suffered
these
Rights
of
Soveraignty
,
to
come
to
be
divided
,
arising
(
we
must
conceive
)
from
the
Administration
,
that
is
,
Male-Administration
,
as
appears
,
for
Example
,
in
the
Militia
,
which
upon
the
fresh
coming
in
of
the
late
King
,
was
in
two
or
three
hot
Acts
,
declared
now
and
ever
to
have
been
in
the
King
;
when
both
the
Assertion
was
gross
Flattery
,
and
such
Acts
void
,
as
fundamentally
repugnant
to
the
Constitution
.
There
is
one
Difficulty
to
be
thought
on
,
and
that
is
,
the
Negative
Voice
of
the
Prince
in
his
Parliament
.
The
Lords
and
Commons
may
agree
upon
some
Law
for
the
publick
Benefit
,
and
the
King
alone
may
refuse
to
pass
it
.
If
he
be
obstinate
,
this
is
a
great
Evil
,
and
might
really
make
one
think
,
it
would
be
better
therefore
(
for
the
preventing
this
Inconv●nience
)
to
place
the
Supream
Power
in
Lords
and
Commons
only
,
without
a
Controler
.
Unto
which
may
be
added
,
the
Power
of
Calling
and
Dissolving
Parliaments
at
pleasure
;
by
virtue
whereof
,
our
Kings
hitherto
have
pretended
a
Power
predominant
over
them
.
But
forasmuch
as
these
Prerogatives
may
be
disputed
,
and
the
Negative
Voice
hath
been
deny'd
by
many
Judicious
Men
,
who
have
pleaded
the
Obligation
of
former
Princes
to
confirm
those
Laws
,
quas
vulgus
elegerit
;
it
is
to
be
hoped
that
the
Wisdom
of
the
Nation
will
be
able
to
find
out
some
Expedient
or
Salve
for
this
Difficulty
,
and
for
more
than
that
also
;
so
long
as
they
have
the
Golden
Opportunity
,
to
bring
a
Crown
in
one
Hand
,
with
their
Terms
or
Conditions
in
the
other
.
As
for
the
several
Grievances
that
need
Redress
,
and
many
good
Things
that
are
wanting
to
compleat
the
Happiness
of
our
Kingdom
;
there
may
be
some
Foundation
laid
happily
,
or
Preparations
made
in
order
thereunto
by
this
Convention
;
but
as
belonging
to
the
Administration
,
and
being
Matters
of
long
Debate
,
they
are
the
Work
more
properly
of
an
ensuing
Parliament
.
Only
let
not
the
Members
of
this
present
Great
Assembly
forget
,
that
they
having
so
unlimited
a
Power
,
and
the
Nation
such
an
Opportunity
,
which
,
as
the
Secular
Games
,
they
are
never
like
to
see
but
once
,
they
are
more
strictly
therefore
bound
in
Conscience
,
and
in
Duty
to
their
Country
,
to
neglect
no
kind
of
thing
,
which
they
judg
absolutely
necessary
to
the
publick
Good.
I
care
not
if
I
commend
three
or
four
such
Particulars
against
the
time
to
Consultation
,
which
shall
be
these
:
A
Regulation
of
Westminster-Hall
:
A
Provision
against
buying
or
selling
of
Offices
:
A
Register
of
Estates
:
A
Freedom
from
Persecution
(
by
a
Bill
for
Comprehension
and
Indulgence
)
in
the
business
of
Religion
:
A
Redemption
of
the
Chimny
Mony
,
which
bringing
the
King
to
be
Lord
of
every
Man's
House
,
is
against
Property
;
and
an
over-Ballance
in
the
Revenue
,
is
against
the
Interest
of
the
Nation
.
THE
Breviate
bing
ended
,
we
cannot
but
reflect
upon
the
King
;
there
being
so
much
Concern
in
the
Minds
of
many
,
about
their
Allegiance
to
Him
,
though
He
be
gone
:
But
such
Persons
as
these
should
look
a
little
more
to
the
Bottom
,
That
a
People
is
not
made
for
the
King
,
but
the
King
for
the
Peole
:
And
though
He
be
greater
than
them
in
some
Respects
;
yet
,
quoad
finem
,
the
People
are
always
greater
than
Him
:
That
is
,
If
the
Good
of
the
one
,
and
the
other
,
stand
in
Competition
,
there
is
no
Comparison
,
but
a
Nation
is
to
be
preferr'd
before
one
Man.
(
As
appears
by
the
Opinion
of
King
Iames
the
First
,
hereto
annexed
.
)
If
the
Being
of
them
be
inconsistent
one
with
another
,
there
is
no
doubt
,
but
it
is
better
that
a
King
cease
,
than
that
a
whole
Nation
should
perish
.
And
upon
such
a
Supposition
as
this
,
all
Obligation
as
to
Duty
must
cease
likewise
.
There
are
some
tacit
Conditions
in
all
Oaths
,
as
the
best
Casuists
tell
us
(
such
as
Rebus
sic
stantibus
,
for
one
)
that
we
must
steer
our
Consciences
by
in
these
Cases
;
He
is
the
Minister
of
God
for
our
Good
,
says
the
Scripture
:
And
if
any
Prince
therefore
be
under
those
Circumstances
,
as
that
it
cannot
be
for
the
Peoples
Good
that
he
should
rule
over
them
;
we
do
look
upon
such
a
Ruler
to
be
bound
in
Conscience
to
give
up
his
Government
,
as
being
no
Minister
of
God
upon
that
Account
:
And
so
,
having
no
Authority
from
God
for
that
Office
,
the
Peoples
Obligation
to
be
subject
to
Him
,
is
at
an
end
with
it
.
If
they
obey
him
longer
,
it
is
for
Wrath
,
not
for
Conscience
sake
.
If
his
Majesty
now
of
Great
Britain
,
out
of
some
deep
Sense
,
that
he
,
being
a
Roman
Catholick
,
cannot
rule
,
and
be
true
to
his
Religion
,
(
which
he
may
suppose
does
oblige
him
to
an
Establishment
thereof
by
all
the
ways
and
means
of
his
Church
,
though
never
so
destructive
to
ours
(
but
it
will
be
to
the
Hurt
,
not
Good
of
us
who
are
Protestants
)
hath
been
pleased
to
withdraw
himself
from
his
Government
,
to
make
us
more
quiet
and
happy
;
We
are
in
all
Gratitude
to
acknowledg
his
Piety
,
Goodness
,
and
Condescention
to
be
so
much
,
as
very
few
of
his
Subjects
could
ever
have
suspected
:
But
if
it
be
out
of
another
Mind
he
hath
done
it
,
We
have
still
more
Reason
to
bless
Almighty
God
,
who
does
often
serve
his
Providence
by
Mens
Improvidence
;
and
cutting
off
Mens
Ends
from
their
Means
,
he
uses
their
Means
to
his
own
Ends
,
when
he
is
pleased
to
work
Deliverance
for
a
People
;
as
he
hath
at
this
Season
,
so
graciously
and
wonderfully
done
for
Us
,
that
there
is
nothing
more
needful
,
even
to
the
most
scrupulous
Conscience
,
than
an
humble
and
awful
Acquiescence
in
the
Divine
Counsel
,
to
give
Satisfaction
in
this
Matter
.
King
IAMES
the
First
his
Opinion
of
a
KING
,
of
a
TYRANT
,
and
of
the
English
Laws
,
Rights
and
Priviledges
.
In
two
Speeches
;
The
First
to
the
Parliament
1603
,
the
Second
1609.
In
his
Speech
to
the
Parliament
1603
,
he
expresseth
himself
thus
:
I
Do
acknowledg
that
the
special
and
greatest
Point
of
difference
that
is
betwixt
a
Rightful
King
and
an
Usurping
Tyrant
,
is
in
this
:
That
whereas
the
proud
and
ambitious
Tyrant
doth
think
his
Kingdom
and
People
,
are
only
ordained
for
satisfaction
of
his
Desires
,
and
unreasonable
Appetites
;
The
Righteous
and
Iust
King
doth
by
the
contrary
acknowledg
himself
to
be
Ordained
for
the
procuring
of
the
Wealth
and
Prosperity
of
his
People
;
and
that
his
great
and
principal
worldly
Felicity
,
must
consist
in
their
Prosperity
.
If
you
be
Rich
,
I
cannot
be
Poor
;
if
you
be
Happy
,
I
cannot
but
be
Fortunate
:
And
I
protest
,
your
Welfare
shall
ever
be
my
greatest
Care
and
Contentment
.
And
that
I
am
a
Servant
,
it
is
most
true
,
that
as
I
am
Head
and
Governour
of
all
the
People
in
my
Dominion
,
who
are
my
natural
Subjects
,
considering
them
in
distinct
Ranks
:
So
if
we
will
take
in
the
People
as
one
Body
;
then
as
the
Head
is
ordained
for
the
Body
,
a●d
not
the
Body
for
the
Head
,
so
must
a
Righteous
King
know
himself
to
be
ordained
for
his
People
,
and
not
his
People
for
Him.
Wherefore
I
will
never
be
ashamed
to
confess
it
my
principal
Honour
to
be
the
great
Servant
of
the
Common-Wealth
;
and
ever
think
the
Prosperity
thereof
to
be
my
greatest
Felilicity
,
&c.
In
his
Speech
to
the
Parliament
,
March
21.
1609
,
he
expresseth
himself
thus
:
IN
these
our
Times
we
are
to
distinguish
betwixt
the
State
of
Kings
in
the
first
Original
,
and
between
the
State
of
settled
Kings
and
Monarchs
,
that
do
at
this
Time
Govern
in
Civil
Kingdoms
:
For
even
as
God
,
during
the
Time
of
the
Old
Testament
,
spake
by
Oracles
,
and
wrought
by
Miracles
;
yet
how
soon
it
pleased
him
to
settle
a
Church
,
(
which
was
Bought
and
Redeemed
by
the
Blood
of
his
only
Son
Christ
)
then
was
there
a
Cessation
of
both
:
He
ever
after
governing
his
Church
and
People
within
the
Limits
of
his
revealed
Will
.
So
in
the
first
Original
of
Kings
,
whereof
some
had
their
beginning
by
Conquest
,
and
some
by
Election
of
the
People
,
their
Wills
at
that
Time
served
for
a
Law
;
yet
how
soon
Kingdoms
began
to
be
settled
in
Civility
and
Policy
,
then
did
Kings
set
down
their
Minds
by
Laws
,
which
are
properly
made
by
the
King
only
;
but
at
the
Rogation
of
the
People
,
the
King
's
Grant
being
obtained
thereunto
;
and
so
the
King
came
to
be
Lex
loquens
,
a
speaking
Law
,
after
a
sort
binding
himself
by
a
double
Oath
to
the
Observation
of
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
his
Kingdom
:
Tacitly
,
as
by
being
a
King
,
and
so
bound
to
protect
,
as
well
the
People
,
as
the
Laws
of
his
Kingdom
;
and
expresly
by
his
Oath
at
his
Coronation
:
So
as
every
just
King
in
a
settled
Kingdom
is
bound
to
observe
that
Paction
made
to
his
People
by
his
Laws
,
in
framing
his
Government
agreeable
thereunto
,
according
to
that
Paction
which
God
made
with
Noah
after
the
Deluge
:
Hereafter
,
Seed-time
and
Harvest
,
Summer
and
Winter
,
Cold
and
Heat
,
Day
and
Night
shall
not
cease
,
so
long
as
the
Earth
remains
.
And
●herefore
a
King
Governing
in
a
settled
Kingdom
,
leaves
to
be
a
King
,
and
degener●tes
into
a
Tyrant
,
as
soon
as
he
leaves
off
to
rule
according
to
his
Laws
.
In
which
Case
the
King's
Conscience
may
speak
unto
him
as
the
poor
Widow
said
to
Philip
of
Macedon
,
Either
Govern
according
to
your
Law
,
aut
ne
Rex
●is
,
or
cease
to
be
King
;
and
tho
no
Christian
Man
ought
to
allow
any
Rebellion
of
People
against
their
Prince
,
yet
doth
God
never
leave
Kings
unpunished
when
they
transgress
these
Limits
.
For
in
that
same
Psalm
where
God
saith
to
Kings
,
Vos
Dii
estis
,
Ye
are
Gods
;
He
immediately
thereafter
conclude
,
But
ye
shall
die
like
Men
:
The
higher
we
are
placed
,
the
greater
shall
our
Fall
be
;
Vt
casus
sic
dolor
,
as
the
Fall
,
so
the
Gri●f
,
the
taller
the
Trees
be
,
the
more
in
danger
of
the
Wind
;
and
the
Tempest
beats
sorest
upon
the
highest
Mountains
.
Therefore
all
Kings
that
are
no
Tyrants
,
or
Perjured
,
will
be
glad
to
bound
themselves
within
the
Limits
of
their
Laws
;
and
they
that
perswade
them
the
contrary
,
are
Vipers
and
Pests
,
both
against
them
and
the
Common-Wealth
.
For
it
is
a
great
difference
betwixt
a
King's
Government
in
a
settled
Estate
,
and
what
Kings
in
their
Original
Power
might
do
in
Individio
vago
.
As
for
my
part
,
I
thank
God
I
have
ever
given
good
proof
that
I
never
had
Intention
to
the
contrary
:
And
I
am
sure
to
go
to
my
Grave
with
that
Reputation
and
Comfort
,
That
never
King
was
in
all
his
Time
more
careful
to
have
his
Laws
duly
observed
,
and
himself
to
govern
thereafter
,
than
I.
That
Just
Kings
will
ever
be
willing
to
declare
what
they
will
do
,
if
they
will
not
incur
the
Curse
of
God.
I
will
not
be
content
that
my
Power
be
disputed
upon
,
but
I
shall
ever
be
willing
to
make
the
Reason
appear
of
all
my
Doings
,
and
rule
my
Actions
according
to
the
Laws
.
And
afterwards
speaking
of
the
Common
Law
of
England
,
which
some
conceived
he
contemned
,
saith
to
this
purpose
;
That
as
a
King
,
he
had
least
cause
of
any
Man
to
dislike
the
Common
Law
;
for
no
Law
can
be
more
favourable
or
advantageous
for
a
King
;
and
extendeth
further
his
Prerogative
than
it
doth
;
and
for
a
King
of
England
to
despise
the
Common
Law
,
is
to
neglect
his
own
Crown
.
It
is
true
,
that
no
Kingdom
in
the
World
,
but
every
one
of
them
hath
their
own
Municipal
Laws
agreeable
to
their
Customs
,
as
this
Kingdom
hath
the
Common
Law.
Nay
,
I
am
so
far
from
disallowing
the
Common
Law
,
as
I
protest
that
if
it
were
in
my
Hand
to
chuse
a
new
Law
for
this
Kingdom
,
I
would
not
only
prefer
it
before
any
other
National
Law
,
but
even
before
the
very
Judicial
Law
of
Moses
,
for
conveniency
to
this
Kingdom
at
this
Time
,
tho
in
another
respect
I
must
say
,
both
our
Law
,
and
all
Laws
else
are
very
inferiour
to
that
Judicial
Law
of
God
;
for
no
Book
nor
Law
is
perfect
nor
free
from
Corruption
,
except
only
the
Book
and
Law
of
God.
And
therefore
I
could
wish
that
some
Corruptions
might
be
purged
and
cleared
in
the
Common
Law
,
but
always
by
the
Advice
of
Parliaments
;
for
the
King
with
his
Parliament
here
are
Absolute
,
in
making
or
forming
any
sort
of
Laws
.
First
,
I
could
wish
that
it
were
written
in
our
Vulgar
Language
;
for
now
it
is
an
old
mixt
corrupt
Language
,
only
understood
by
Lawyers
:
Whereas
every
Subject
ought
to
understand
the
Law
under
which
he
lives
;
since
it
is
our
Plea
against
the
Papists
,
that
the
Language
in
God's
Service
ought
not
to
be
in
an
Unknown
Tongue
,
according
to
the
Rule
in
the
Law
of
Moses
,
That
the
Law
should
be
written
in
the
Fringes
of
the
Priests
Garment
,
and
should
be
publickly
read
in
the
Ears
of
all
the
People
;
so
me
thinks
ought
our
Law
to
be
made
as
plain
as
can
be
to
the
People
,
that
the
excuse
of
Ignorance
may
be
taken
from
them
for
conforming
themselves
thereunto
.
Next
,
our
Common
Law
hath
not
a
settled
Text
,
being
chiefly
grounded
upon
old
Customs
,
which
you
call
Responsa
Prudentum
—
I
could
wish
that
some
more
certain
were
set
down
in
this
case
by
Parliament
:
for
since
the
Reports
themselves
are
not
are
not
always
so
binding
,
but
that
divers
times
Judges
do
disclaim
them
,
and
recede
from
the
Judgment
of
their
Predecessors
:
It
were
good
that
upon
a
mature
deliberation
,
the
Exposition
of
the
Law
were
set
down
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
and
such
Reports
therein
confirmed
,
as
were
thought
fit
to
serve
for
Law
in
all
times
hereafter
,
and
so
the
People
should
not
depend
upon
the
bare
Opinions
of
Judges
,
and
uncertain
Reports
.
And
lastly
,
there
be
in
the
Law
contrary
Reports
and
Precedents
;
and
this
Corruption
doth
likewise
concern
the
Statutes
and
Acts
of
Parliament
,
in
respect
there
are
divers
cross
and
cuffing
Statutes
,
and
some
so
penn'd
as
they
may
be
taken
in
divers
,
yea
contrary
Sences
.
And
therefore
could
I
wish
both
those
Statutes
and
Reports
,
as
well
in
the
Parliament
,
as
Common
Law
,
to
be
once
materially
reviewed
and
reconciled
.
And
that
not
only
Contrarieties
should
be
scraped
out
of
our
Books
,
but
that
even
such
Penal
Statutes
as
were
made
but
for
the
use
of
the
time
(
for
breach
whereof
no
Man
can
be
free
)
which
do
not
now
agree
with
the
condition
of
this
our
time
,
might
likewise
be
left
out
of
our
Books
,
which
under
a
tyrannous
and
avaricious
King
could
not
be
endured
.
And
this
Reformation
might
,
we
think
,
be
made
a
worthy
Work
,
and
well
deserves
a
Parliament
to
be
set
of
purpose
for
it
,
&c.
And
as
to
the
Point
of
Grievances
,
tells
them
,
That
there
are
two
special
Causes
of
the
Peoples
presenting
Grievances
to
their
King
in
time
of
Parliament
.
First
,
For
that
the
King
cannot
at
other
times
be
so
well
informed
of
all
the
Grievances
of
his
People
,
as
in
time
of
Parliament
,
which
is
the
Representative
Body
of
the
whole
Realm
.
Secondly
,
The
Parliament
is
the
highest
Court
of
Justice
,
and
therefore
the
fittest
place
where
divers
Natures
of
Grievances
may
have
their
proper
Remedy
,
by
the
establishment
of
good
and
wholsome
Laws
:
Wherein
he
addresses
himself
especially
to
the
Lower
House
,
who
as
representing
the
Body
of
the
People
,
may
,
as
it
were
,
both
Opportunè
&
Inopportunè
,
in
Season
,
and
out
of
Season
;
I
mean
,
either
in
Parliament
as
a
Body
,
or
out
of
Parliament
as
private
Men
,
present
your
Grievances
unto
me
.
—
I
am
not
to
find
fault
that
you
inform
your selves
of
the
particular
Grievances
of
the
People
:
Nay
,
I
must
tell
you
,
ye
can
neither
be
just
nor
faithful
to
me
,
or
to
your
Countries
that
trust
and
employ
you
,
if
you
do
not
;
for
true
Plaints
proceed
not
from
the
Persons
employed
,
but
from
the
Body
represented
,
which
is
the
People
.
And
it
may
very
well
be
,
that
many
Directions
and
Commissions
justly
given
forth
by
me
,
may
be
abused
in
the
execution
thereof
upon
the
People
,
and
yet
I
never
receive
Information
,
except
it
come
by
your
means
at
such
a
time
as
this
is
.
Proposals
to
this
present
Convention
,
for
the
perpetual
Security
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Liberty
of
the
Subjects
of
England
.
Humbly
Offer'd
by
the
Author
of
the
BREVIATE
.
AFter
the
Great
Blessings
that
seem
designed
for
the
whole
Nation
,
from
the
happy
Agreement
between
the
Two
Houses
,
in
that
great
Point
before
them
,
the
Vacan●y
of
the
Throne
;
I
cannot
but
crave
Pardon
and
leave
to
put
the
Representatives
of
the
Nation
in
remembrance
,
that
though
this
Vacating
of
the
Throne
opens
so
large
a
Door
to
our
Great
and
many
Deliverances
,
yet
our
lasting
Security
is
not
intirely
compleated
here
;
and
that
th●refore
they
baulk
not
the
next
Point
,
which
is
as
stoutly
to
be
asserted
,
viz
▪
That
the
Power
now
of
setling
the
Government
,
and
filling
the
Vacancy
,
is
reverted
to
the
Community
,
whereof
they
are
the
Representatives
.
This
is
an
opportunity
we
are
like
never
to
have
again
in
the
World
;
and
a
Precedent
ought
to
be
made
for
the
Ages
to
come
.
It
is
not
to
be
thought
,
after
an
Agreement
on
the
first
Point
,
but
that
this
Convention
is
willing
to
invest
the
Prince
of
Orange
with
the
Government
,
during
his
Life
;
(
for
they
say
,
both
the
Princesses
are
willing
it
should
be
so
,
and
no
prejudice
to
either
:
)
But
how
this
can
be
orderly
done
,
until
the
Power
be
asserted
;
let
the
Wisdom
of
the
Nation
consider
,
and
lay
it
well
to
Heart
.
There
is
One
main
objection
.
If
the
Convention
choo●e
a
King
and
Queen
at
this
Time
,
then
will
the
Government
be
for
ever
Elective
.
But
this
is
a
great
Mistake
:
for
,
we
must
know
it
is
the
Constitution
of
a
Government
,
which
makes
it
Elective
or
Hereditary
,
and
not
One
Actual
Choice
,
or
single
Precedent
.
This
being
(
note
that
well
)
by
a
Convention
,
not
a
Parliament
▪
whilst
in
the
present
Juncture
,
that
Vacancy
in
the
Throne
(
which
may
never
happen
again
to
the
End
of
the
World
,
)
leaves
us
no
other
Expedient
of
reestablishing
our
Government
,
then
by
Electing
Our
Governour
.
When
an
Hereditary
Kingdom
is
set
up
that
was
none
before
,
the
Person
on
Necessity
must
be
by
Election
at
first
;
though
at
the
same
time
,
the
Compact
of
Obedience
to
the
Person
so
Elected
,
and
to
his
Heirs
in
Succession
after
him
,
may
be
such
,
that
what
at
first
was
in
the
peoples
Power
and
Right
to
give
,
after
submission
payed
,
will
never
lie
in
their
Power
to
resume
back
.
The
Case
is
the
same
here
▪
And
if
we
understand
then
,
when
it
is
resolved
,
that
the
Throne
is
vacant
,
or
Government
dissolved
,
(
which
is
all
one
)
the
meaning
is
not
,
that
the
Constitution
of
the
Government
is
dissolved
(
for
therefore
is
it
so
warily
express
)
Su●●
the
Government
〈◊〉
the
Administration
.
It
is
Essential
to
Government
to
have
〈◊〉
Imperans
,
and
pars
subdita
;
and
the
pars
Imper●●
failing
(
as
in
our
Case
)
the
Government
is
〈◊〉
;
I
that
is
,
it
is
dissolved
so
,
as
there
can
be
no
Exercise
of
it
,
〈◊〉
it
be
setled
again
▪
Nothing
that
the
King
can
do
,
or
〈◊〉
can
do
,
can
vacate
the
Constitution
.
It
is
That
they
both
Derive
from
and
bold
by
.
Only
the
Commu●ity
being
those
,
as
firsts
made
it
,
(
it
must
be
confest
)
they
can
dissolve
it
,
or
Change
it
,
if
they
think
fit
.
The
King
hath
not
yet
dissolv'd
it
,
but
the
Convention
(
being
,
upon
the
Dissolution
of
the
Government
,
in
the
Exercise
call'd
this
together
,
as
Deputies
of
the
Community
,
to
set
that
up
,
)
may
do
so
:
or
what
is
better
;
they
may
confirm
the
Fundamental
〈◊〉
of
it
,
and
mend
the
rest
,
as
they
see
good
.
It
were
then
Advisable
;
both
for
the
Honour
and
Safety
of
the
Nation
,
That
the
Convention
did
agree
and
declare
,
that
the
Government
of
England
be
still
an
Hereditary
Li●i●ed
Monarchy
;
with
this
change
only
,
that
the
Descent
of
the
●●own
,
be
found
to
a
Protestant
.
This
〈…〉
Objection
for
ever
.
Be
it
agreed
and
declared
again
,
that
the
Governme●t
be
still
a
〈◊〉
Government
▪
and
that
the
Supream
Legislative
Power
with
all
the
Rights
and
Properties
of
it
▪
do
,
and
shall
lie
in
a
Parliament
.
For
Gods
sake
and
Your
Countries
,
use
your
present
Advantage
;
lest
you
〈◊〉
for
the
loss
of
so
favourable
an
offered
Opportunity
never
to
be
regained
.
The
Constitu●ion
(
I
say
)
of
the
Gov●●nment
should
be
considered
and
declared
,
and
the
Power
of
this
Convention
to
dispose
of
New
Gove●●ours
be
asserted
,
before
the
actual
Inve●titure
of
Any
be
concluded
,
if
we
resolve
to
be
true
Subjects
of
England
,
or
have
any
Regard
to
Our Selves
,
on
our
Posterity
,
in
a
Concern
for
valuable
,
as
Generations
to
come
shall
reap
the
Blessing
of
it
,
and
acknowledg
the
Founders
.
FINIS
.
A
NINTH
Collection
of
Papers
Relating
to
the
Present
Juncture
of
Affairs
in
England
.
VIZ.
-
I.
A
Dialogue
between
two
Friends
,
wherein
the
Church
of
England
is
vindicated
in
joyning
with
the
Prince
of
Orange
in
his
Descent
into
England
.
-
II.
His
late
Majesty's
Letter
to
the
Lords
and
others
of
his
Privy
Council
.
-
III.
Some
Remarks
on
the
late
King
's
pretended
Letter
to
the
Lords
,
and
others
of
his
Privy
Council
.
-
IV.
Reasons
for
Crowning
the
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
King
and
Queen
jointly
;
and
for
placing
the
Executive
Power
in
the
Prince
alone
.
-
V.
A
Lord's
Speech
without
Doors
to
the
Lords
,
upon
the
present
Condition
of
the
Government
.
-
VI.
Reflections
on
a
Paper
,
called
,
A
Lord's
Speech
without
Doors
.
-
VII
.
The
Bishops
Reasons
to
Queen
Elizabeth
for
taking
off
the
Queen
of
Scots
:
offer'd
to
the
Consideration
of
the
present
Sect
of
Grumbletonians
.
With
an
Advertisement
of
the
Learning
and
Rhetorick
of
the
late
Lord
Chancellor
Iefferies
.
London
printed
,
and
are
to
be
sold
by
Richard
Ianeway
in
Queen's-head-Court
in
Pater-noster-Row
,
1689.
A
DIALOGUE
between
two
Friends
,
wherein
the
Church
of
England
is
Vindicated
in
joining
with
the
Prince
of
Orange
in
his
Descent
into
England
.
A
Dialogue
between
a
Churchman
and
a
Dissenter
.
Present
Conjuncture
.
Dissenter
.
Sir
,
I
thank
you
for
my
kind
Reception
,
and
shall
endeavour
to
make
my
Visit
as
agreeable
as
I
can
.
Ch.
Well
,
Neighbour
,
what
do
you
think
of
the
Times
now
?
Diss.
Why
,
to
tell
you
the
truth
,
I
cannot
but
be
pleas'd
with
the
Humour
of
a
Gentleman
,
who
died
lately
,
and
injoined
his
Relations
to
bury
him
with
his
Face
downward
,
saying
,
That
in
a
short
time
the
World
would
be
turned
upside-down
,
and
then
he
should
be
the
only
Person
who
lay
decently
in
his
Grave
.
Ch.
Why
,
I
must
confess
there
has
been
a
considerable
Revolution
,
but
I
hope
we
Churchmen
have
still
kept
up
our
Reputation
.
Diss.
Ay
to
be
sure
;
but
I
hear
Hue
and
Cry
has
lately
been
sent
after
your
Doctrines
of
Passive
Obedience
,
Non-Resistance
,
Iure
Divino-Monarchy
,
&c.
And
they
say
some
Roguish
Fellow
has
pack'd
them
up
,
and
run
with
them
back
as
far
as
Forty
one
.
Ch.
Indeed
our
Passive
Obedience
and
your
Addresses
have
been
the
two
great
Supporters
of
the
King's
Hopes
;
but
he
has
now
found
,
to
his
Sorrow
,
that
we
no
more
designed
to
obey
Arbitrary
Commands
,
than
you
Address'd
for
Establishment
of
Popery
:
But
here
's
the
Mischief
of
it
,
you
Dissenters
will
still
Be
condemning
us
before
you
have
heard
us
either
Explain
our
Doctrines
,
or
Distinguish
the
Times
.
Diss.
Come
,
come
,
don't
tell
me
of
Explaining
or
Distinguishing
,
Honesty
is
Uniform
,
and
needs
no
such
Shifts
:
Why
did
you
not
Explain
and
Distinguish
while
the
Court
smil'd
,
and
you
had
the
Whip
in
your
hands
?
As
for
our
Addressing
,
't
is
plain
to
all
the
World
we
only
designed
to
return
the
King
Thanks
for
that
Common
Liberty
and
Ease
we
had
from
your
Severities
.
Ch.
'Pray'
Neighbour
,
be
not
so
warm
;
you
know
the
Complement
was
attended
with
the
Promise
of
Lives
and
Fortunes
,
but
not
to
be
too
nice
upon
your
Good-Breeding
in
the
Case
;
lend
me
but
a
little
Patience
and
I
'll
demonstrate
to
you
that
the
Proceedings
both
of
our
Clergy
and
Laity
in
this
late
Revolution
have
been
consonant
to
their
former
Doctrines
,
Reason
it self
,
and
the
Constitution
of
this
Kingdom
.
Diss.
Well
,
I
commend
you
at
least
for
fair
Promises
,
I
wish
you
perform
them
better
than
a
Great
Man
before
you
has
performed
his
.
Ch.
That
I
shall
leave
to
the
Judgment
of
the
Impartial
:
But
first
of
all
I
must
crave
leave
to
tell
you
,
That
I
shall
not
here
undertake
to
defend
the
extravagant
Notions
of
every
Upstart
,
who
,
through
Prospect
of
Advantage
,
might
flatter
the
Court
with
his
own
Chimaera's
:
But
,
by
the
aforesaid
Doctrines
,
I
mean
those
generally
preached
up
by
the
Learned
and
unbiass'd
Clergy
,
and
approved
of
by
all
the
thinking
Men
of
our
Church
.
Diss.
I
must
confess
I
cannot
expect
you
should
defend
the
Excesses
of
every
Novice
;
but
I
can
by
no
means
reconcile
these
late
Proceedings
to
those
Doctrines
which
were
Asserted
by
the
most
Learned
of
your
Clergy
.
Ch.
Which
therefore
of
our
Doctrines
would
you
insinuate
to
me
?
Diss.
Why
▪
in
short
,
to
see
a
Company
of
People
up
in
Arms
,
and
joining
with
an
Invader
,
who
had
so
Zealously
Asserted
Passive
Obedience
,
Non-Resistance
,
&c.
and
had
taken
several
Oaths
,
disabling
them
upon
any
Pretence
whatsoever
to
take
up
Arms
without
the
King's
Order
,
&c.
This
I
say
is
a
Riddle
to
me
.
Ch.
Your
Objection
I
confess
is
weighty
,
though
obvious
and
the
common
talk
;
but
being
prepared
by
many
Premeditations
on
this
Subject
,
if
you
please
to
lend
me
a
little
Attention
,
I
shall
endeavour
to
satisfy
your
Difficulties
.
Diss.
'T
is
what
my
Charity
much
desires
.
Ch.
First
,
therefore
,
to
deal
ingenuously
with
you
,
I
confess
,
at
the
beginning
of
this
Revolution
I
was
under
a
very
great
Surprize
:
I
,
who
have
been
in
Arms
for
His
Majesty
,
a
warm
stickler
for
the
Church
of
England
,
puffed
up
with
all
the
Bravado's
and
Excesses
of
an
Oxford
Loyalty
,
must
needs
be
Alarmed
to
hear
our
Nobility
and
Gentry
beating
up
for
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
even
in
the
Bowels
of
our
Country
.
But
when
I
came
more
seriously
to
reflect
upon
the
Foundations
of
our
Government
,
as
well
as
those
antecedent
Obligations
which
God
Almighty
has
reserved
as
his
own
inviolable
Prerogative
,
I
began
to
regulate
my
Zeal
by
calmer
measures
.
And
making
a
more
impartial
and
strict
Inquiry
into
the
Opinions
of
Learned
Men
concerning
the
Regal
Power
,
I
found
this
most
generally
agreed
upon
;
viz.
That
the
Obedience
and
Disobedience
of
Subjects
must
be
measured
by
the
peculiar
Constitutions
of
every
Kingdom
,
without
respect
either
to
the
Jewish
Polity
,
where
things
were
determined
by
God
Almighty's
special
Command
,
or
the
Behaviour
of
the
Primitive
Christians
,
who
had
few
or
no
Legal
Rights
to
Assert
.
Diss.
Ay
,
but
you
Churchmen
flattered
the
Court
so
long
,
till
our
Constitutions
were
all
swallowed
up
in
the
Abyss
of
Prerogative
.
Ch.
I
must
confess
while
Kings
are
a
Protection
to
Liberty
,
Property
and
Religion
,
the
World
is
naturally
prone
to
flatter
them
;
neither
would
it
be
good
Breeding
to
make
too
nice
Inquiries
into
the
Limits
of
a
Prince
while
he
does
not
exceed
them
;
but
when
Distress
comes
impetuously
upon
a
Nation
,
when
Life
and
All
that
is
Sacred
to
us
lies
at
Stake
,
then
the
Inquiry
is
not
only
just
;
but
necessary
.
Diss.
What
Conditions
therefore
will
you
Churchmen
at
length
confine
your
Prince
too
?
Ch.
Why
,
I
shall
present
you
with
a
short
,
but
impartial
view
of
the
Constitutions
of
this
Kingdom
,
as
I
find
them
most
faithfully
and
ingenuously
represented
by
the
Royal
Martyr
in
his
Answer
to
the
Nineteen
Propositions
,
in
these
Words
,
viz.
There
being
Three
kinds
of
Government
among
Men
,
Absolute
Monarchy
,
Aristo●racy
and
Demo●racy
,
and
all
these
having
their
particular
Conveniences
and
Inconveniences
,
the
Experience
and
Wisdom
of
our
Ancestors
hath
so
moulded
this
out
of
a
mixture
of
these
,
as
to
give
to
this
Kingdom
the
Conveniences
of
all
Three
,
without
the
Inconveniences
of
any
one
,
as
long
as
the
Balance
hangs
even
between
the
Three
Estates
,
and
they
run
jointly
on
in
their
proper
Chanel
,
&c.
In
this
Kingdom
the
Laws
are
jointly
made
by
a
King
,
House
of
Peers
,
and
House
of
Commons
,
chosen
by
the
People
,
all
having
free
Votes
,
and
particular
Priviledges
,
&c.
And
in
this
Kind
of
Regulated
Monarchy
,
that
the
Prince
may
not
make
not
use
of
his
Power
to
the
Hurt
of
those
for
whose
Good
he
hath
it
,
and
make
use
of
the
Name
of
Publick
Necessity
for
the
Gain
of
his
private
Favorites
and
Followers
,
to
the
detriment
of
his
People
;
the
House
of
Commons
(
an
excellent
Conserver
of
Liberty
)
is
solely
entrusted
with
the
Levying
of
Monys
,
and
the
Impeaching
of
those
,
who
for
their
own
Ends
,
though
countenanced
by
any
surreptitiously
gotten
Command
of
the
King
,
have
violated
that
Law
which
he
is
bound
to
protect
,
&c.
Since
therefore
the
Power
Legally
placed
in
both
Houses
,
is
more
than
sufficient
to
Prevent
and
Restrain
the
Power
of
Tyranny
,
&c.
Our
Answer
is
,
Nolumus
Leges
Angliae
mutari
.
So
far
this
Royal
Author
.
And
indeed
what
could
a
generous
Prince
acknowledg
,
or
a
Priviledg-asserting
Subject
desire
more
?
Therefore
,
upon
the
whole
,
it
appears
by
the
Confession
of
the
best
of
Men
,
as
well
as
the
wisest
of
Princes
,
that
we
are
under
a
Government
so
well
appointed
for
Society
and
the
Exigencies
of
Humane
Kind
,
that
nothing
but
Folly
can
think
of
Establishing
a
better
,
and
nothing
but
a
Jesuit
disturb
it
:
The
Scriptures
themselves
seem
to
have
meant
it
when
they
tell
us
that
Caesar's
Prerogative
must
never
come
in
Competition
with
that
of
God
Almighty
,
and
that
Governors
shall
be
a
Terror
to
evil
Works
.
Here
King
and
People
have
each
their
Territories
,
and
all
the
Provision
imaginable
made
against
those
Distractions
which
either
Interest
or
Passion
should
attempt
.
From
all
which
what
can
be
more
naturally
inferred
,
but
that
we
in
this
Kingdom
are
by
no
means
obliged
to
resign
up
our selves
to
Violence
and
Oppression
,
but
that
Passive
Obedience
has
its
Limits
,
and
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
its
Restrictions
:
A
regulated
and
conditionated
Monarch
can
expect
no
Obedience
from
me
but
what
is
Conditional
too
;
and
what
an
Absurdity
does
it
seem
,
that
by
a
Legal
Oath
I
should
swear
an
absolute
Obedience
to
that
Authority
which
is
not
Absolute
?
Besides
,
those
Subsidies
which
were
granted
by
the
Clergy
in
several
of
Queen
Elizabeth's
,
Parliaments
for
the
Relief
of
the
French
,
Dutch
and
Scotch
Protestants
,
against
their
Oppressors
,
plainly
shew
that
it
was
all
along
the
Opinion
of
the
Church
to
Resist
in
case
Rights
and
Religion
were
Invaded
:
Neither
am
I
perswaded
that
the
learned
and
unbyass'd
Clergy
of
our
present
Church
ever
meant
any
other
Obedience
than
an
active
Conformity
to
the
Intent
of
the
Law
,
or
a
Passive
Submi●sion
to
the
Penalties
of
it
.
Therefore
●hough
upon
the
Foundations
of
our
Government
,
an
impatient
Spirit
might
with
a
great
shew
of
Reason
establish
a
very
extensive
Latitude
,
in
asserting
the
Subjects
Right
;
yet
in
Favour
of
Monarchy
,
which
I
Reverence
,
and
with
Respect
to
the
Present
Conjuncture
,
I
shall
only
now
trouble
you
with
these
four
Propositions
,
supposing
a
mixt
Government
;
1.
That
Suspicions
and
Jealousies
of
a
Prince's
sinister
Designs
are
no
sufficient
Grounds
for
Subjects
violently
to
assert
their
Rights
,
but
in
this
Case
the
Event
of
things
mu●t
be
left
to
Providence
.
2.
That
though
one
Man
,
or
a
greater
number
of
Men
receive
manifest
Injuries
by
the
Abuses
of
Government
,
yet
while
they
are
but
an
inconsiderable
part
of
the
Community
,
they
are
in
Duty
bound
rather
to
submit
to
Oppression
,
than
interrupt
the
common
Peace
:
But
,
3.
When
Dangers
become
demonstrable
,
when
Religion
it self
,
and
the
very
Foundations
of
Government
are
so
undermined
by
the
Insinuations
of
an
inconsiderable
party
,
who
have
obtained
the
Ear
of
their
Prince
,
that
its
unavoidable
Ruine
must
necessarily
follow
.
In
this
Case
I
cannot
see
any
Reason
why
Right
may
not
be
as●erted
.
But
,
4.
When
a
Foreign
Prince
with
a
considerable
Army
Invades
a
Nation
,
upon
pretence
of
putting
a
stop
to
such
violent
Proceedings
,
besides
,
perhaps
some
just
Causes
of
a
War
;
I
say
in
this
Case
,
That
the
whole
Nation
may
and
ought
to
rise
and
put
themselves
in
such
a
Posture
,
that
they
may
be
able
to
return
him
Thanks
acording
to
the
Merits
of
his
Favours
,
without
being
jealous
of
his
Greatness
.
And
indeed
our
present
Case
is
so
circumstantiated
,
that
I
Question
whether
it
may
be
paralle'd
in
History
;
and
let
any
Man
tell
me
where
the
Subjects
of
a
Limited
Monarchy
,
tired
out
with
the
Abuses
of
Government
,
did
by
sighting
for
their
King
encourage
Oppression
by
the
Blood
of
Thousands
,
when
they
might
effect
a
Treaty
in
all
probability
with
little
or
no
Bloodshed
,
by
joining
with
a
Prince
of
their
own
Interest
,
who
,
perhaps
,
can
shew
more
just
Causes
of
a
War
than
one
?
Diss.
I
must
confess
what
you
have
said
seems
to
carry
a
great
deal
of
Reason
and
Moderation
with
it
,
which
I
must
allow
.
Ch.
Let
but
a
moderate
Papist
lend
me
one
grain
of
his
own
Principles
,
and
I
am
confident
he
cannot
but
be
of
my
Mind
;
for
may
we
but
modestly
measure
the
King
's
future
Proceedings
(
had
we
trusted
him
with
Victory
)
by
those
we
had
already
seen
,
how
dismal
would
the
Prospect
be
?
Should
we
but
recollect
how
barefacedly
he
has
been
striking
at
the
Northern
Heresy
ever
since
the
Oxford
Parliament
;
what
Mercy
could
we
expect
?
How
far
some
of
the
Protestant
Nobility
were
engaged
in
an
Association
to
assert
their
Rights
,
I
shall
not
here
pretend
to
determine
,
but
this
we
may
modestly
presume
,
That
all
their
Crimes
were
seen
through
a
Popish
Magnifying-Glass
,
and
no
Artifice
neglected
to
ruine
them
.
An
ingenious
Gentleman
was
deservedly
applauded
for
his
Rhetorical
Colours
in
the
Narrative
of
that
Conspiracy
,
and
I
was
well
pleased
with
a
Gentleman's
Fancy
,
who
imagined
another
Interest
would
now
engage
him
to
atone
for
his
unhappy
Continuance
in
the
High-Commission
Court
,
by
Writing
what
he
observed
of
the
Popish
Designs
,
during
his
stay
there
.
Another
eminent
Instance
of
those
Violences
which
were
Encouraged
above
,
was
the
Presenting
Two
and
fifty
Persons
in
the
County
of
Northampton
as
disaffected
to
the
Government
,
and
branding
them
with
all
the
Scandals
imaginable
;
many
of
which
I
personally
know
to
be
as
Faithful
to
the
Crown
,
and
in
all
Respects
as
honest
and
worthy
Gentlemen
as
any
in
the
Kingdom
.
But
to
come
nearer
the
Present
Conjuncture
,
how
were
our
Law
,
Properties
,
and
all
,
prostituted
by
a
few
Dispensing
Gentlemen
,
some
of
them
perfectly
incapable
of
any
Place
of
Trust
,
and
all
of
suspected
Integrity
.
How
surprizing
was
it
to
see
persons
of
the
most
contemptible
Character
placed
among
our
Bishops
;
and
all
the
sacred
Authority
lodged
in
a
Court
which
was
erected
against
an
express
Act
of
Parliament
?
What
a
Riddle
was
it
that
our
learned
Prelates
(
hitherto
the
great
Supporters
of
the
Crown
)
should
be
Imprisoned
for
acting
according
to
their
Consciences
,
in
refusing
to
Read
that
which
pretended
to
establish
the
greatest
Liberty
of
Conscience
?
Could
any
one
that
saw
Six
hundred
Scholars
up
in
Arms
,
and
chearfully
demonstrating
their
Loyalty
in
the
Western
Rebellion
,
ever
think
to
see
the
Fellows
of
Magdalen
Colledg
ingratefully
turned
out
like
Dogs
,
and
perhaps
one
of
the
finest
Foundations
in
Europe
,
become
a
Kennel
for
Miscreants
,
who
were
more
unworthy
to
be
Members
of
an
University
,
upon
the
account
of
their
Insufficiency
,
than
they
were
incapable
of
it
by
Law
?
It
seem'd
almost
a
Jest
to
me
to
see
in
Christ-Church
persons
of
that
eminent
Character
and
Learning
,
superintended
by
a
Wretch
not
fit
for
common
Converse
.
In
which
Society
there
is
a
Person
in
whom
the
Gentleman
and
the
Scholar
do
very
eminently
meet
,
and
who
for
his
happy
Conduct
and
great
Care
to
maintain
the
Repute
of
that
Colledg
during
these
Violences
,
has
certainly
now
all
the
Title
to
the
Deanry
that
either
merit
,
or
the
common
Rules
of
Gratitude
can
afford
him
.
But
to
proceed
,
I
say
to
see
how
all
Freedom
of
Elections
to
Parliament
was
in
a
manner
taken
away
;
how
the
Poll
at
Northampton
was
like
to
be
Regulated
by
Powder
and
Bullet
,
and
the
whole
Government
managed
by
Father
Petre
,
Pen
,
Lob
,
and
a
few
more
such
mercenary
Wretches
;
and
all
this
to
introduce
a
Religion
contrary
to
Scripture
,
and
destructive
of
all
Society
,
for
which
we
expected
great
things
would
have
been
said
while
the
Asserters
of
it
had
Command
of
the
Press
,
and
the
Countenance
of
a
Prince
,
yet
nothing
was
produced
but
Fallacy
and
Nonsense
:
These
,
I
say
,
(
not
to
mention
the
subverting
Succession
,
a
League
with
France
,
and
those
horrid
Murthers
laid
to
the
Court
)
are
Provocations
too
great
even
for
Primitive
Obedience
:
But
seeing
these
Violences
have
in
all
probability
found
their
period
,
and
the
Betrayers
of
God
and
their
Country
are
now
coming
to
Answer
for
themselves
,
I
shall
leave
further
Reflections
to
a
free
and
unbyass'd
Parliament
.
Diss.
Ay
,
but
what
was
it
that
encouraged
these
Violences
?
Was
it
not
your
unseasonable
Zeal
for
an
unlimited
Obedience
?
your
Oxford
Decree
,
and
such
like
Monuments
of
the
Heats
of
that
Age
?
Ch.
Why
,
to
tell
you
sincerely
my
Opinion
in
the
Case
;
I
am
perswaded
there
were
Two
Parties
in
the
Nation
undermining
the
Government
;
the
one
by
more
secret
and
mysterious
Methods
endeavoured
to
introduce
Popery
;
the
other
by
more
evident
and
bare-faced
Proceedings
,
attempted
the
Extirpation
of
Monarchy
:
Therefore
the
Generality
of
the
Churchmen
being
more
sensible
of
the
Designs
of
the
latter
,
endeavoured
to
stand
like
Moses
in
the
Gap
with
those
you
term
unseasonable
Doctrines
,
which
I
also
take
to
be
the
Occasion
of
the
Oxford
Decree
;
for
though
in
my
own
private
Opinion
I
never
approv'd
of
it
,
but
wished
it
might
have
perish'd
in
the
same
Rogus
with
the
Books
it
condemned
;
yet
I
am
so
well
satisfied
of
the
Learning
and
Integrity
of
those
worthy
Gentlemen
who
were
chiefly
concerned
in
it
,
that
I
do
really
believe
it
was
only
promoted
for
the
Preservation
of
the
Government
.
Diss.
Ay
,
you
Churchmen
have
such
a
way
of
Respecting
one
another
,
that
you
had
like
to
have
fooled
us
,
and
your selves
out
of
all
;
neither
could
I
ever
find
you
were
sensible
of
the
approaching
Calamities
,
till
Oppression
touch'd
your
own
Copy-holds
.
Ch.
What
you
object
to
us
in
this
Case
seems
to
redound
to
our
greatest
Honour
:
for
by
our
Principles
we
had
always
such
a
Reverence
for
Monarchy
,
that
we
were
willing
to
connive
at
the
failings
of
a
Prince
as
long
as
we
could
;
but
having
our
Rights
established
by
Law
,
we
knew
when
we
came
to
be
oppress'd
:
The
very
Foundations
of
our
Government
were
assaulted
,
and
so
we
were
forced
to
make
Enquiry
into
our
Constitutions
.
Diss.
So
then
at
length
you
will
acknowledg
the
Prince
of
Orange
not
only
to
be
a
great
,
but
a
just
Deliverer
.
Ch.
Since
I
have
been
better
acquainted
with
the
horrid
Designs
of
our
Adversaries
,
and
found
the
Contest
to
be
only
between
Papist
and
Protestant
,
I
am
not
only
highly
sensible
of
the
Prince's
Generosity
,
but
have
inserted
the
Justice
of
his
Cause
from
the
marvellous
Providences
when
have
wrought
his
Success
:
It
is
certainly
part
of
his
Character
,
that
as
his
first
Pretences
were
modest
,
so
Fortune
has
not
tempted
him
to
exceed
them
;
and
we
have
still
all
the
Reason
in
the
World
to
imagine
that
he
only
generously
designed
to
relieve
us
from
Oppression
,
without
any
sinister
Intent
of
making
himself
Great
:
The
Noble
Cause
he
has
undertaken
is
the
Protestant
Interest
,
and
I
doubt
not
but
the
Lord
of
Hosts
will
fight
his
Battels
.
Indeed
the
Success
of
this
his
first
Enterprize
has
been
so
wonderful
and
surprizing
,
that
it
will
make
an
Annal
suspected
,
and
seem
a
Fable
to
Posterity
:
For
who
will
believe
that
a
King
,
who
,
had
he
acted
agreeably
to
the
true
Interest
of
Himself
and
People
,
might
have
been
almost
the
Balance
of
Christendom
,
who
was
prepared
with
a
standing
Army
,
and
always
Remarkable
for
his
Conduct
in
War
,
should
be
invaded
by
a
near
Neighbour
,
Son
,
and
Nephew
;
and
now
in
a
Months
time
so
generally
deserted
by
his
Nobility
,
Gentry
,
and
Military
Forces
,
as
to
choose
,
before
the
Sword
was
drawn
,
to
fly
for
Refuge
to
a
Prince
whose
Title
he
and
his
Ancestors
had
long
disputed
?
This
,
I
say
(
as
the
Learned
Dr.
Burnet
Argues
at
large
)
was
the
Lords
doing
,
and
ought
to
be
marvellous
in
our
Eyes
.
Diss.
It
was
indeed
an
unparall'd
Act
of
Providence
;
but
now
our
Deliverance
is
so
far
Compleated
,
what
are
you
Churchmen
willing
to
do
towards
an
Accommodation
,
and
to
the
Healing
of
those
Differences
which
in
a
great
measure
have
contributed
to
the
Growth
of
Popery
?
Ch.
Though
it
be
far
above
my
Character
to
dictate
what
is
fittest
to
be
done
at
so
great
and
difficult
a
Conjuncture
,
yet
my
humble
Wishes
,
are
,
that
the
Guardians
and
Supporters
of
our
Church
may
resolve
upon
such
Condescentions
as
may
satisfy
reasonable
Men
,
and
prevent
any
longer
Dissensions
amongst
us
:
Yet
this
I
would
advise
you
and
your
Party
,
i.
e.
to
stay
till
you
are
Invited
,
and
not
to
thrust
your selves
into
our
Church
:
We
are
now
in
the
hopeful
Crisis
of
our
Fever
;
and
therefore
you
ought
to
take
care
left
by
tampering
too
much
,
you
disturb
Nature
in
those
methods
she
has
took
to
digest
her
Humours
,
and
so
ruine
all
.
I
am
not
ignorant
that
at
the
beginning
of
the
Reformation
when
a
Church
was
to
be
made
out
of
a
Church
,
several
Ceremonies
were
retained
in
Compliance
to
that
Age
,
which
a
violent
;
Alteration
would
have
too
much
surprized
;
but
now
,
the
Humours
of
Men
being
changed
,
may
justly
be
laid
aside
.
On
the
other
hand
,
I
am
perswaded
with
the
Author
of
Foxes
and
Firebrands
,
that
Rome
has
all
along
been
industrious
to
foment
our
Divisions
,
by
sending
us
Emissaries
,
who
could
artificially
dissemble
a
tender
Conscience
,
and
make
credulous
People
believe
that
all
the
Decencies
of
our
Worship
were
nothing
but
●oppery
,
Superstition
,
and
the
Remainders
of
Popery
:
Therefore
I
say
my
Wishes
are
,
that
a
Free
and
Unbyass'd
Parliament
will
tread
the
middle
path
,
bearing
an
equal
Respect
to
the
Decenies
of
our
Church
,
and
the
tender
Consciences
of
reasonable
Men.
Diss.
Well
,
Neighbour
,
I
am
heartily
glad
to
see
these
happy
effects
of
our
Calamities
;
and
,
as
I
think
,
there
can
be
no
Government
so
perfectly
appointed
as
to
satisfy
all
,
yet
I
approve
so
well
of
your
Temper
and
Wishes
,
that
I
hope
we
may
all
Unite
upon
such
or
the
like
terms
.
Ch.
Therefore
to
end
our
Dispute
,
I
shall
only
now
detain
you
with
my
hearty
Prayers
,
that
the
Result
of
this
ensuing
Convention
on
Ian.
22.
may
be
happily
to
settle
the
Crown
;
and
that
in
the
succeeding
Parliament
,
the
management
of
these
Difficulties
may
fall
into
the
Hands
of
such
Wise
and
Unbyass'd
Persons
,
that
Peace
and
Truth
may
be
established
upon
everlasting
Foundations
,
and
no
sinister
Interest
interrupt
so
great
a
Design
.
Diss.
Sir
,
you
have
infinitely
encouraged
me
to
wait
upon
you
oftner
,
we
being
I
think
now
either
both
Churchmen
,
or
both
Dissenters
.
Ch.
Sir
,
The
Design
of
this
Conference
was
to
tell
you
freely
my
Sentiments
,
and
I
intend
ere
long
to
make
it
more
publick
,
being
willing
to
provoke
some
more
learned
and
judicious
Pen
to
perfect
what
I
have
here
weakly
attempted
.
Farewel
.
His
Majesties
Letter
to
the
Lords
and
Others
of
his
Privy
Councel
.
JAMES
R.
MY
Lords
,
When
we
saw
that
it
was
no
longer
safe
for
Us
to
remain
within
Our
Kingdom
of
England
,
and
that
thereupon
.
We
had
taken
Our
Resolutions
to
withdraw
for
some
time
,
We
left
to
be
communicated
to
you
and
to
all
Our
Subjects
,
the
Reasons
of
Our
withdrawing
:
And
were
likewise
resolved
at
the
same
,
time
to
leave
such
Orders
behind
Us
to
you
of
our
Privy
Councel
,
as
might
best
suit
with
the
present
state
of
Affairs
:
But
that
being
altogether
unsafe
for
Us
at
that
time
;
We
now
think
fit
to
let
you
know
,
that
though
it
has
been
Our
constant
care
since
Our
first
Accession
to
the
Crown
,
to
govern
Our
People
with
that
Justice
and
Moderation
,
as
to
give
,
if
possible
,
no
occasion
of
Complaint
;
yet
more
particularly
upon
the
late
Invasion
,
seeing
how
the
Design
was
laid
;
and
fearing
that
Our
People
,
who
could
not
be
destroy'd
but
by
themselves
,
might
by
little
imaginary
Grievances
,
be
cheated
into
a
certain
Ruine
:
To
prevent
so
great
Mischief
,
and
to
take
away
not
only
,
all
just
Causes
,
but
even
Pretences
of
Discontent
;
We
freely
,
and
of
our
own
accord
redressed
all
those
things
that
were
set
forth
as
the
Causes
of
that
Invasion
:
And
that
we
might
be
informed
by
the
Councel
and
Advice
of
our
Subjects
themselves
,
which
way
we
might
give
them
a
further
and
a
full
Satisfaction
,
We
resolved
to
meet
them
in
a
Free
Parliament
;
And
in
order
to
it
,
We
first
laid
the
Foundation
of
such
a
Free
Parliament
,
in
restoring
the
City
of
London
and
the
rest
of
the
Corporations
to
their
ancient
Charters
and
Priviledges
;
and
afterwards
actually
appointed
the
Writs
to
be
issued
out
for
the
Parliaments
meeting
on
the
15
th
of
Ianuary
:
But
the
Prince
of
Orange
seeing
all
the
Ends
of
his
Declaration
answered
,
the
People
beginning
to
be
undeceived
,
and
returning
apace
to
their
ancient
Duty
and
Allegiance
;
and
well
fore-seeing
that
if
the
Parliament
should
meet
at
the
time
appointed
,
such
a
Settlement
in
all
Probability
would
be
made
,
both
in
Church
and
State
,
as
would
totally
defeat
his
ambitious
and
unjust
Designs
,
resolved
by
all
means
possible
to
prevent
the
meeting
of
the
Parliament
:
And
to
do
this
the
most
effectual
way
,
he
thought
fit
to
lay
a
restraint
on
Our
Royal
Person
;
for
as
it
were
absurd
to
call
that
a
Free
Parliament
,
where
there
is
any
force
on
either
of
the
Houses
,
so
much
less
can
that
Parliament
be
said
to
act
freely
where
the
Soveraign
,
by
whose
Authority
they
Meet
and
Sit
,
and
from
whose
Royal
Assent
all
their
Acts
receive
their
Life
and
Sanction
,
is
under
actual
Confinement
.
The
hurrying
of
Us
under
a
Guard
from
Our
City
of
London
,
whose
returning
Loyalty
We
could
no
longer
trust
,
and
the
other
Indignities
We
suffered
in
the
Person
of
the
Earl
of
Feversham
when
sent
to
him
by
Us
;
and
in
that
barbarous
Confinement
of
Our
own
Person
,
We
shall
not
here
repeat
,
because
they
are
We
doubt
not
by
this
time
very
well
known
;
and
may
,
we
hope
,
if
enough
considered
and
reflected
upon
,
together
with
his
other
Violations
and
Breaches
of
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
England
,
which
by
this
Invasion
he
pretended
to
restore
,
be
sufficient
to
open
the
Eyes
of
all
our
Subjects
,
and
let
them
plainly
see
what
every
one
of
them
may
expect
,
and
what
Treatment
they
shall
find-from
him
,
if
at
any
time
it
may
serve
his
Purpose
,
from
whose
Hands
a
Soveraign
Prince
,
an
Uncle
,
and
a
Father
could
meet
with
no
better
Entertainment
.
However
,
the
sense
of
these
Indignities
,
and
the
just
Apprehension
of
further
Attempts
against
Our
Person
,
by
them
who
already
endeavoured
to
murther
Our
Reputation
by
infamous
Calumnies
(
as
if
We
had
been
capable
of
supposing
a
Prince
of
Wales
)
which
was
incomparably
more
injurious
,
than
the
destroying
of
Our
Person
it Self
;
together
with
a
serious
Reflection
on
a
Saying
of
Our
Royal
Father
of
blessed
Memory
,
when
He
was
in
the
like
Circumstances
,
That
there
is
little
distance
between
the
Prisons
and
the
Graves
of
Princes
(
which
afterwards
proved
too
true
in
His
Case
)
could
not
but
persuade
Us
to
make
use
of
that
which
the
Law
of
Nature
gives
to
the
meanest
of
Our
Subjects
of
freeing
Our selves
by
all
means
possible
from
that
unjust
Confinement
and
Restraint
.
And
this
We
did
not
more
for
the
Security
of
our
own
Person
,
then
that
thereby
We
might
be
in
a
better
Capacity
of
transacting
and
providing
for
every
thing
that
may
contribute
to
the
Peace
and
Settlement
of
Our
Kingdoms
:
For
as
on
the
one
hand
,
no
change
of
Fortune
shall
ever
make
Us
forget
Our Selves
,
so
far
as
to
condescend
to
any
thing
unbecoming
that
High
and
Royal
Station
,
in
which
God
Almighty
by
Right
of
Succession
has
placed
Us
:
So
on
the
other
hand
,
neither
the
Provocation
or
Ingratitude
of
Our
own
Subj●cts
,
nor
any
other
Consideration
whatsoever
,
shall
ever
prevail
with
Us
to
make
the
least
step
contrary
to
the
true
Interest
of
the
English
Nation
;
which
We
ever
did
,
and
ever
must
look
upon
as
Our
own
.
Our
Will
and
Pleasure
thereof
is
,
That
you
of
Our
Privy
Councel
,
take
the
most
effectual
care
to
make
these
Our
Gratious
Intentions
known
to
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
in
and
about
Our
Cities
of
London
and
Westminster
,
to
the
Lord
Mayor
and
Commons
of
our
City
of
London
,
and
to
all
Our
Subjects
in
general
;
and
to
assure
them
,
that
We
desire
nothing
more
,
than
to
return
and
hold
a
Free
Parliament
,
wherein
We
may
have
the
best
Opportunity
of
undeceiving
Our
People
,
and
shewing
the
Sincerity
of
those
Protestations
We
have
often
made
of
the
preserving
the
Liberties
and
Properties
of
Our
Subjects
and
the
Protestant
Religion
;
more
especially
the
Church
of
England
as
by
Law
establish'd
,
with
such
Indulgence
for
those
that
dissent
from
Her
,
as
We
have
always
thought
Our selves
in
Justice
and
Care
of
the
general
Welfare
of
Our
People
bound
to
procure
for
them
.
And
in
the
mean
time
You
of
Our
Privy
Councel
,
(
who
can
judg
better
by
being
upon
the
place
)
are
to
send
Us
your
Advice
,
what
is
fit
to
be
done
by
Us
towards
Our
returning
and
the
accomplishing
those
good
Ends.
And
We
do
require
you
in
Our
Name
,
and
by
Our
Authority
,
to
endeavour
so
to
suppress
all
Tumults
and
Disorders
,
that
the
Nation
in
general
,
and
every
one
of
Our
Subjects
in
particular
,
may
not
receive
the
least
Prejudice
from
the
present
Distractions
that
is
possible
.
So
not
doubting
of
your
Dutiful
Obedience
to
these
Our
Royal
Commands
,
We
bid
you
heartily
Farewel
.
Given
at
St.
Germans
on
Laye
the
4/4
Ianuary
1688/9.
And
of
Our
Reign
the
fourth
Year
.
By
his
Majesties
Command
.
MELFORT
.
Directed
thus
,
To
the
Lords
,
and
Others
of
our
Privy
Councel
of
Our
Kingdom
of
England
.
Some
Remarks
on
the
late
Kings
pretended
Letter
to
the
LORDS
,
and
Others
of
his
Privy
Council
.
IT
begins
thus
,
My
Lords
,
When
we
saw
that
it
was
no
longer
safe
for
us
to
remain
within
our
Kingdom
of
England
,
&c.
His
Majesty
would
have
given
great
Satisfaction
to
the
World
in
discovering
where
the
Danger
lay
in
tarrying
here
;
from
whom
,
and
for
what
cause
.
He
is
pleased
to
say
farther
:
We
now
think
fit
to
let
you
know
,
that
though
it
has
been
our
constant
care
since
our
first
Accession
to
the
Crown
,
to
govern
our
People
with
that
Iustice
and
Moderation
as
to
give
,
if
possible
,
no
occasion
of
Complaint
,
&c.
I
do
not
understand
why
his
Majesty
would
not
let
us
know
these
his
Gracious
Intentions
before
,
when
they
might
have
done
Himself
and
Us
Good.
But
quid
verba
audiam
cum
facta
videam
,
to
what
purpose
are
Words
when
we
see
Facts
?
And
as
to
his
Moderation
,
I
appeal
to
the
Pope
himself
,
or
the
French
King
,
who
chiefly
blame
him
for
his
Rashness
and
want
of
Temper
;
and
as
for
his
Justice
,
among
a
thousand
publick
Instances
to
the
contrary
,
he
should
remember
his
discountenancing
and
turning
out
of
their
Employments
all
such
as
would
not
enter
into
his
Idolatrous
Worship
,
and
comply
with
his
illegal
and
arbitrary
Designs
.
Besides
,
what
Justice
can
Hereticks
expect
from
a
Prince
,
who
is
not
only
a
Papist
,
but
wholly
devoted
to
the
Order
of
the
Jesuits
,
and
values
himself
for
being
a
Member
of
those
Reverend
Cut-throats
?
Yet
more
particularly
upon
the
late
Invasion
,
seeing
how
the
Design
was
laid
,
and
fearing
that
our
People
,
who
could
not
be
destroyed
but
by
themselves
.
The
Design
was
to
preserve
the
Nation
from
falling
under
the
cruel
Dominion
of
the
French
,
and
to
keep
our selves
from
being
dragg'd
by
the
Hair
of
the
Head
to
Mass
,
and
from
undergoing
all
those
Miseries
which
those
of
the
same
Religion
,
and
for
the
same
Cause
,
have
endured
now
lately
in
France
and
Savoy
.
To
prevent
so
great
a
Mischief
,
(
that
is
to
say
,
destroying
our selves
,
)
and
to
take
away
not
only
all
just
Causes
,
but
even
Pretences
of
Discontent
:
We
freely
and
of
our
own
accord
,
redrest
all
those
things
that
were
set
forth
as
the
Causes
of
that
Invasion
.
I
appeal
to
the
common
Faith
of
Mankind
touching
the
Insinserity
of
these
Words
,
whether
if
this
Invasion
had
not
been
,
these
and
worse
Grievances
had
not
followed
.
And
that
we
might
be
informed
by
the
Counsel
and
Advice
of
our
Subjects
themselves
,
which
way
we
might
give
them
a
further
and
full
Satisfaction
;
We
resolved
to
meet
them
in
a
Free
Parliament
,
&c.
The
late
Kings
of
England
have
been
as
desirous
of
a
Parliament
as
Popes
of
a
Free
and
General
Council
;
there
being
nothing
they
have
more
studiously
avoided
,
and
greatlier
feared
.
But
the
Prince
of
Orange
seeing
all
the
Ends
of
his
Declaration
answered
,
the
People
beginning
to
be
undeceived
,
and
returning
apace
to
their
ancient
Duty
and
Allegiance
,
resolved
by
all
possible
means
to
prevent
the
meeting
of
the
Parliament
,
&c.
How
far
the
Prince
of
Orange
has
been
from
preventing
the
meeting
of
a
Parliament
,
we
need
only
consult
our
senses
.
The
hurrying
us
under
a
Guard
from
our
City
of
London
,
whose
returning
Loyalty
we
could
no
longer
trust
,
and
the
other
Indignities
we
suffered
in
the
Person
of
the
Earl
of
Feversham
,
when
sent
to
him
by
us
,
and
in
that
barbarous
Confinement
of
our
own
Person
,
we
shall
not
here
repeat
.
Do's
any
Man
think
the
Prince
of
Orange
would
have
had
the
same
gentle
Treatment
from
the
King
,
had
he
been
in
like
manner
under
his
Power
?
And
as
to
the
Kings
concernment
for
the
unheard
of
Suffering
of
the
E.
of
F.
I
do
not
wonder
at
it
,
having
ever
had
so
little
Affection
,
or
rather
so
great
an
Antipathy
to
his
English
Subjects
.
This
will
be
sufficient
to
open
the
Eyes
of
all
our
Subjects
,
and
let
them
plainly
see
what
every
one
of
them
may
expect
,
and
what
Treatment
they
shall
find
from
him
,
if
at
any
time
it
may
serve
his
Purpose
,
from
whose
Hands
a
Soveraign
Prince
,
an
Vncle
,
and
a
Father
could
meet
with
no
better
Entertainment
.
All
wise
and
good
Protestants
are
so
certain
of
happy
times
under
the
Government
of
this
most
excellent
and
incomporable
Prince
,
that
they
have
nothing
left
to
fear
or
desire
,
but
that
God
would
preserve
him
from
the
Hellish
Fury
of
the
Papists
And
as
to
all
these
Relations
of
a
Soveraign
Prince
,
an
Uncle
,
and
a
Father
:
The
King
would
have
done
well
to
have
acquitted
himself
to
the
Prince
as
became
all
these
Relations
.
However
the
Sense
of
these
Indignities
,
&c.
And
as
if
we
had
been
capable
if
supposing
a
Prince
of
Wales
.
I
believe
and
know
that
the
Conscience
of
a
Popish
Prince
,
wholly
under
the
Conduct
of
the
Jesuits
,
will
find
no
Difficulty
in
consenting
to
so
pious
a
Fraud
,
provided
it
can
be
carryed
on
with
all
prudent
Cautions
.
For
as
on
the
one
hand
,
no
change
of
Fortune
shall
ever
make
us
forget
our selves
,
so
far
as
to
condescend
to
any
thing
,
unbecoming
that
High
and
Royal
Station
,
in
which
God
Almighty
,
by
right
of
Succession
has
placed
us
.
So
on
the
other
hand
,
neither
the
Provocation
or
Ingratitude
of
our
own
Subjects
,
nor
any
other
Consider●tion
whatsoever
,
shall
ever
prevail
with
us
to
make
the
least
step
,
contrary
to
the
true
Interest
of
the
English
Nation
.
His
Majesty's
sincere
Friend
the
French
King
,
with
whom
he
now
enjoys
a
nearer
Converse
,
will
also
concur
with
him
in
this
good
Design
of
promoting
the
true
Interest
of
England
.
And
as
to
his
Majesty's
Inclinations
to
Mercy
,
and
passing
by
Provocations
,
we
need
mention
no
other
Instances
,
but
those
in
the
West
,
where
the
Cruelties
exercised
on
those
unfortunate
People
,
cannot
be
parallel'd
in
any
History
of
Barbarians
.
Our
Will
and
Pleasure
therefore
is
,
that
you
of
our
Privy
Council
,
take
the
most
effectual
care
,
to
make
these
our
gracious
Intentions
known
to
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
to
all
our
Subjects
in
general
,
and
to
assure
them
that
we
desire
nothing
more
,
than
to
return
and
hold
a
Free
Parliament
,
wherein
we
may
have
the
best
Opportunity
of
undeceiving
our
People
,
and
shewing
the
Sincerity
of
those
Protections
of
preserving
(
especially
)
the
Church
of
England
as
by
Law
established
.
A
Man
wou'd
wonder
any
Prince
that
overlooks
what
his
Secretary
writes
,
should
suffer
such
apparent
and
palpable
Untruths
to
pass
:
For
it
is
not
manifest
to
all
the
World
;
That
the
late
King
,
through
the
Jesuits
Counsel
,
did
all
that
was
possible
to
weaken
and
overturn
(
especially
)
the
Church
of
England
,
as
well
by
open
Declarations
and
Practices
,
as
by
more
secret
Ways
and
Contrivances
,
inciting
one
part
of
his
Protestant
Subjects
to
destroy
the
other
,
and
then
immediately
after
exposing
them
for
it
,
and
encouraging
and
inspiring
these
later
with
a
Spirit
of
Revenge
and
Retaliation
▪
And
thus
having
briefly
ran
over
whatever
seems
material
in
this
Letter
,
I
shall
desist
from
Repetitions
,
and
insisting
on
mere
words
of
Course
,
and
Matters
of
form
,
seeing
this
would
be
to
tire
to
Reader
's
Patience
,
and
a
lesning
of
his
Judgment
.
Reasons
for
Crowning
the
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
King
and
Queen
jointly
;
and
for
placing
the
Executive
Power
in
the
Prince
alone
.
WHereas
the
Grand
Convention
of
the
Estates
of
England
,
have
asserted
the
Peoples
Right
by
declaring
,
That
the
late
King
James
the
Second
,
having
endeavo●red
to
Subvert
the
Constitution
of
the
Kingdom
,
by
breaking
the
Original
Contract
between
King
and
People
:
And
by
Advice
of
Iesuits
,
and
other
wicked
Persons
,
having
Violat●d
the
Fundamental
Laws
:
And
having
withdrawn
himself
out
of
this
Kingdom
,
has
Abdicated
the
Government
,
and
that
the
Throne
is
thereby
Vaca●t
.
For
which
Misgovernment
He
has
forfeited
the
Trust
of
the
Regal
Inheritance
of
the
Executive
Power
,
both
in
Himself
,
and
in
His
Heirs
,
Lineal
and
Collateral
;
so
that
the
same
is
devolved
back
to
the
People
,
who
have
also
the
Legislative
Authority
;
and
consequently
may
of
Right
Give
and
Dispose
thereof
,
by
their
Representatives
,
for
their
future
Peace
,
Benefit
;
Security
,
and
Government
,
according
to
their
good
Will
and
Pleasure
.
And
forasmuch
as
it
is
absolutely
Necessary
,
that
the
Government
be
speedily
setled
on
sure
and
lasting
Foundations
,
and
consequently
,
that
such
Person
or
Persons
be
immediately
placed
in
the
Throne
,
in
whom
the
Nation
has
most
reason
to
repose
an
entire
Confidence
:
It
therefore
now
lies
upon
Us
to
make
so
Judicious
a
Choice
,
that
we
may
,
in
all
Humane
Probability
,
thereby
render
Ourselves
a
Happy
People
,
and
give
Our
Posterity
cause
to
Rejoice
,
when
they
shall
read
the
Proceedings
of
this
Wise
and
Grand
Convention
.
Who
is
it
therefore
that
has
so
highly
Merited
the
Love
and
good
Opinion
of
the
People
,
the
Honour
of
Wearing
the
Crown
,
and
Swaying
the
Scepter
of
this
Land
,
as
His
Illustrious
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
?
who
with
so
great
Expence
,
Hazard
,
Conduct
,
Courage
,
and
Generosity
,
has
happily
Rescued
Us
from
Popery
,
and
Slavery
;
and
with
so
much
Gallantry
Restored
Us
to
Our
Ancient
Rights
,
Religion
,
Laws
,
Liberties
,
and
Properties
:
for
which
Heroick
Action
,
we
can
do
no
less
,
in
Prudence
,
Honour
,
and
Gratitude
,
than
Pray
Him
to
Accept
Our
Crown
.
II.
It
is
better
to
settle
the
Exercise
of
the
Government
in
One
who
is
not
immediate
in
the
Line
,
than
in
One
that
is
;
(
1.
)
Because
it
is
a
clear
Asserting
of
a
Fundamental
Right
,
that
manifests
the
Constitution
of
the
English
Government
,
and
covers
the
Subjects
from
Tyranny
and
Slavery
.
(
2.
)
It
cuts
off
the
Dispute
of
the
pretended
Prince
of
Wales
.
(
3.
)
The
old
Succession
being
legally
Dissolved
,
and
a
new
one
made
,
the
Government
is
secured
from
falling
into
the
Hands
of
a
Papist
.
III.
The
making
the
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
King
and
Queen
jointly
,
is
the
Nation
's
Gratitude
and
Generosity
:
and
by
re-continuing
the
Line
in
Remainder
,
is
manifested
the
inestimable
Value
the
People
have
for
the
two
Princesses
,
notwithstanding
the
Male-administration
of
the
Unhappy
Father
.
IV.
The
present
State
of
Europe
in
General
,
and
of
these
Kingdoms
in
Particular
,
require
a
Vigorous
and
Masculine
Administration
.
To
recover
what
's
lost
,
rescue
what
's
in
danger
,
and
rectify
what
's
amiss
,
cannot
be
effected
but
by
a
Prince
that
is
consummate
in
the
Art
both
of
Peace
and
War
.
Tho
the
Prince
and
Princess
be
King
and
Queen
jointly
,
and
will
equally
share
the
Glory
of
a
Crown
,
and
we
the
Happiness
of
their
Auspicious
Regin
:
yet
the
Wisdom
of
the
Grand
Convention
is
manifested
,
First
,
In
placing
the
Executive
Power
in
One
of
them
,
and
not
in
Both
;
for
two
Persons
,
equal
in
Authority
,
may
differ
in
Opinion
,
and
consequently
in
Command
;
and
it
is
evident
no
Man
can
serve
two
Masters
.
Secondly
,
It
's
highly
necessary
and
prudent
,
rather
to
vest
the
Administration
in
the
Husband
,
than
in
the
Wife
.
(
1.
)
Because
a
Man
,
by
Nature
,
Education
and
Experience
,
is
generally
rendred
more
capable
to
Govern
than
the
Woman
.
Therefore
,
(
2.
)
the
Husband
ought
rather
to
Rule
the
Wife
,
than
the
Wife
the
Husband
,
especially
considering
the
Vow
in
Matrimony
.
(
3.
)
The
Prince
of
Orange
is
not
more
proper
to
Govern
as
he
's
Man
,
and
Husband
only
,
but
as
he
is
a
Man
,
a
Husband
,
and
a
Prince
of
known
Honour
,
profound
Wisdom
,
undaunted
Courage
,
and
incomparable
Merit
;
as
he
's
a
Person
that
's
naturally
inclin'd
to
be
Just
,
Merciful
and
Peaceable
,
and
to
do
all
Publick
Acts
of
Generosity
for
the
Advancement
of
the
Interest
and
Happiness
of
Humane
Societies
,
and
therefore
most
fit
under
Heaven
,
to
have
the
sol●
Executive
Power
.
A
LORD'S
Speech
Without
Doors
,
To
the
Lords
upon
the
present
Condition
of
the
Government
.
My
Lords
,
PRay
give
me
leave
to
cast
in
my
Mite
at
this
time
upon
this
great
Debate
;
and
though
it
be
with
an
entire
dissent
to
some
Leading
Lords
,
to
whom
I
bear
great
reverence
,
it
is
according
to
my
Conscience
,
and
that
is
the
Rule
of
every
honest
Man's
Actions
.
My
,
Lords
,
I
cannot
forbear
thinking
,
that
a
greater
Reproach
can
hardly
come
upon
any
People
,
than
is
like
to
fall
upon
us
Protestants
,
for
this
unpresidented
usage
of
our
poor
King
:
We
feared
the
security
of
our
Religion
because
of
Him
,
and
are
now
like
to
Violate
a
great
part
of
it
by
forfeiting
our
Loyalty
towards
Him
;
Religion
is
the
Pretence
,
but
some
fear
,
a
New
Master
is
the
Thing
:
This
I
take
to
have
been
to
Business
of
to
Day
;
for
,
notwithstanding
we
see
how
feeble
a
thing
Popery
is
in
England
,
that
it
is
beaten
without
Blows
,
and
routed
so
effectually
,
that
it
can
never
hope
,
nor
we
justly
fear
,
it
should
return
upon
us
,
and
consequently
our
Religion
pretty
secure
,
yet
I
don't
see
that
this
satisfies
us
,
unless
the
King
goes
also
:
He
must
be
turned
away
,
and
the
Crown
change
its
Head
;
for
if
the
Crown
be
not
the
Quarrel
more
than
Property
,
and
his
Majesty's
Person
than
his
Religion
;
Why
did
not
the
Prince
stop
,
when
he
heard
a
Free
Parliament
was
calling
by
the
King's
Writs
,
(
where
all
Matters
,
especially
that
of
the
Prince
of
Wales
,
might
have
been
considered
)
or
at
least
,
where
his
Majesties
Commissioners
of
Peace
met
●im
?
Who
advised
him
●o
ad●ance
,
and
give
his
Majesty
that
apprehension
of
●is
own
insecurity
;
and
if
any
thing
but
a
Crown
would
have
served
him
,
Why
was
a
Noble
Peer
of
this
House
clapt
up
at
Winsor
,
when
his
Majesty
sent
him
on
purpose
to
invite
the
Prince
to
St.
Iames's
?
a
Message
that
affected
all
good
Mens
Hearts
more
then
any
thing
,
but
his
Majesty's
return
,
it
look'd
so
Natural
and
Peaceable
.
But
it
seems
,
as
if
it
had
been
therefore
affronted
,
for
the
Invitation
could
not
have
been
received
without
the
King
's
remaining
King
;
and
who
was
there
that
did
not
lately
say
,
it
should
be
so
?
I
and
who
is
there
now
that
does
not
see
it
is
not
so
?
We
can
,
my
Lords
,
no
longer
doubt
of
this
,
if
we
will
remember
that
the
same
Night
the
Prince
should
have
answered
his
Majesty's
kind
Message
,
The
King's
Guards
were
changed
,
and
at
midnight
the
Prince's
Guards
were
clapt
upon
hi●
Majesty's
Person
;
and
which
is
yet
more
extravagant
to
accomplish
the
business
,
Three
noble
Lords
,
in
view
,
were
sent
to
let
him
know
,
It
was
not
for
his
safety
,
or
the
Princes
honour
,
that
he
should
stay
in
his
own
Palace
.
A
strange
way
,
my
Lords
,
of
treating
ones
own
King
in
his
own
House
.
I
cannot
comprehend
how
it
was
for
the
Prince's
Honour
the
King
should
go
against
his
Will
;
or
how
it
was
against
his
Honour
that
his
Majesty
should
be
safe
in
his
own
House
:
I
leave
it
with
your
Lordships
to
think
who
could
render
the
King's
stay
unsafe
at
White-hall
after
the
Dutch
Guards
were
posted
there
?
My
Lords
,
this
I
confess
is
the
great
Iniquity
that
sticks
with
me
,
and
deserves
our
severest
Scrutiny
and
Reflection
;
that
after
driving
our
King
away
,
we
should
offer
to
●ddress
our selves
to
any
Body
to
take
the
Government
as
if
he
had
formally
disserted
it
:
It
becomes
us
rather
to
ask
▪
Where
the
King
is
?
how
he
came
to
go
?
and
who
sent
him
away
?
I
take
the
Honour
of
the
Pe●rage
of
England
to
be
deeply
ingaged
,
both
at
Home
and
Abroad
,
to
search
but
this
Minor
,
and
especially
those
who
are
now
present
,
most
of
whom
owe
their
share
i●
th●t
noble
Order
to
his
Majesty
,
his
Brother
,
Father
,
or
Grandfather
.
It
is
not
unreasonable
to
believe
the
King
had
not
gone
at
first
,
but
upon
some
Messag●
sent
,
and
Letters
received
,
to
take
care
of
his
Person
,
for
that
nothing
less
than
the
Crown
was
intended
;
but
being
not
out
of
his
own
Territories
,
and
therefore
no
Dissertion
,
Abdication
,
or
Remise
,
as
the
Criticks
of
the
Conjuncture
we
are
under
pretend
,
(
for
the
King
may
be
where
●e
will
in
his
own
Kingdom
:
)
we
●ee
while
it
was
in
his
choice
to
go
,
he
returned
,
and
by
as
good
as
our
advise
too
;
so
that
we
cannot
in
truth
say
his
Dissertion
is
the
cause
;
for
it
is
plainly
the
Effect
of
our
late
extraordinary
proceedings
.
If
any
should
say
,
He
needed
not
have
gone
now
:
it
is
a
great
mistake
,
for
●
King
ought
to
go
,
if
he
cannot
stay
a
King
in
his
own
Kingdom
,
which
Force
refused
to
let
him
be
:
And
to
stay
a
Subject
to
another
Authority
,
had
been
a
meaner
forfeiture
of
his
Right
,
then
can
in
justice
be
charged
upon
his
Retirement
:
Wherefore
his
going
must
and
will
lie
at
their
Doors
that
set
him
an
hour
to
be
gone
out
of
his
own
Palace
,
Many
are
angry
(
and
yet
pleased
)
that
he
is
gone
for
France
;
but
where
,
my
Lords
,
should
he
go
?
Flanders
dared
not
receive
him
:
Holland
,
you
could
not
think
he
should
go
to
;
and
Ireland
you
would
have
liked
less
;
and
when
we
consider
how
far
a
League
with
France
has
been
made
the
cause
of
his
Misfortune
(
though
to
this
day
it
is
in
the
Clouds
)
what
other
Prince
had
the
same
Obligation
to
receive
and
succor
him
:
Therefore
whatever
Arts
are
used
to
blacken
his
Retreat
,
we
cannot
,
with
any
shew
of
Reason
,
imagine
that
he
could
think
himself
safe
with
us
,
that
had
exercised
Soveraign
Power
without
him
our
Soveraign
Lord
,
and
under
the
protection
of
a
Forraign
Prince
and
his
Army
;
though
at
the
same
time
,
we
had
Sworn
Allegiance
to
him
,
and
that
it
was
unlawful
for
us
to
take
up
Arms
against
him
under
any
Pretence
whatever
.
My
Lords
,
if
this
be
not
virtually
and
in
effect
to
pull
the
Crown
off
his
Head
,
and
dethrone
him
unheard
,
I
am
to
learn
my
Alphabet
again
.
This
is
short
warning
to
give
Kings
,
for
us
at
least
,
my
Lords
,
that
boast
of
Loyalty
,
and
were
brought
to
these
Seats
by
the
favour
of
the
Crown
.
What
can
other
Nations
think
of
the
Nobility
of
this
,
if
we
come
not
to
a
juster
temper
?
God
defend
us
,
and
our
Children
after
us
,
from
the
ill
Consequences
of
what
has
been
done
,
and
prevent
the
rest
.
Had
we
imbraced
the
happy
Providence
of
his
Majestyes
return
,
we
might
have
improved
it
,
that
the
Children
unborn
should
have
blessed
us
:
Then
we
had
reformed
safely
,
for
by
joyning
Title
to
our
Actions
,
we
had
made
them
legal
:
This
we
should
have
had
from
his
Majesty
,
or
a
plain
denial
,
which
would
in
some
measure
have
excused
so
rare
and
unusual
an
Enterprise
:
Nor
can
I
comprehend
which
way
it
is
possible
to
guard
the
Prince's
Honour
,
but
by
doing
his
Majesty
Rights
,
for
your
Lordships
may
please
to
remember
,
that
in
the
Memorial
of
the
States
,
that
was
printed
among
us
,
which
they
gave
to
all
the
publick
Ministers
at
the
Hague
,
to
justify
their
lending
the
Prince
their
Forces
upon
this
Expedition
,
they
do
expresly
say
,
It
was
upon
condition
not
to
dethrone
the
King
,
or
alter
the
Succession
;
and
in
my
Opinion
we
are
in
the
high
way
to
both
.
My
Lords
,
we
are
Protestant
Christians
,
as
well
as
Peers
of
the
Realm
;
and
are
now
upon
our
Religion
and
Conscience
,
as
well
as
Honour
,
to
do
right
:
Let
us
so
act
as
we
can
answer
it
to
God
and
Man
,
and
not
stumble
at
Straws
and
leap
over
Blocks
:
Errors
cannot
be
corrected
by
committing
greater
;
nor
one
part
of
the
Government
be
mended
,
by
beating
out
another
to
do
it
.
I
need
not
tell
your
Lordships
,
that
by
our
Laws
,
Kings
cannot
err
,
and
therefore
they
are
not
accountable
,
but
their
Ministers
are
,
without
whom
a
King
cannot
perform
any
Act
of
Government
,
which
is
the
reason
of
the
Maxim
;
and
therefore
let
them
be
punished
that
the
Law
only
makes
guilty
.
This
our
wise
Ancestors
contrived
to
save
the
Head
of
the
Government
whole
,
and
to
prevent
the
Confusion
and
Disorder
that
might
otherwise
be
apt
to
attend
the
Form
of
it
;
nor
is
it
indeed
a
thing
that
ought
to
be
indured
by
us
Peers
,
to
suppose
that
he
that
raised
us
so
high
,
could
be
for
any
Reason
thrown
by
us
so
low
.
My
Lords
,
Let
us
limit
the
King
if
you
please
,
but
not
renounce
Him
;
there
is
a
difference
between
restraining
and
destroying
Him.
What
need
of
such
extraordinary
Remedies
,
since
that
which
secures
the
Government
under
one
King
,
will
do
it
under
another
?
Popery
it self
can
never
come
in
but
over
the
Bridg
of
Despotick
or
Absolute
Power
;
and
if
we
can
secure
our selves
from
that
,
we
are
as
safe
against
Opinion
as
against
Ambition
;
and
till
we
are
so
by
an
Amendment
of
our
Constitution
,
we
are
exposed
to
the
meer
good
Nature
of
the
Prince
in
Possession
who●ver
he
be
.
And
to
render
what
I
have
said
to
your
Lord●hips
not
unreasonable
,
and
what
I
have
to
move
your
L●rdships
to
,
in
the
close
of
my
Speech
,
not
ungrateful
▪
●
beseech
your
Lordships
that
we
may
cast
up
our
Account
●nd
see
how
our
Loss
and
Gain
stands
,
so
far
as
we
have
gone
in
our
late
Change.
●e
have
lost
a
lawful
King
,
and
got
an
unlawful
Protector
,
as
our
Law
stands
;
we
have
missed
a
Legal
and
a
Free
Parliament
,
and
have
got
a
Convention
that
cannot
make
Laws
,
nor
call
a
Parliament
that
can
,
but
what
will
need
a
Confirmation
from
a
better
Authority
.
We
have
lost
the
Reputation
of
keeping
our
Faith
with
Hereticks
,
by
breaking
our
solemn
Oaths
with
our
King
,
in
the
time
of
his
Extremity
,
because
we
thought
him
such
,
though
he
gave
us
leave
to
lay
down
our
Commissions
,
that
we
might
not
have
the
Temptation
or
occasion
to
betray
Him
;
But
we
have
got
the
Reputation
of
good
Protestants
by
it
;
though
I
fear
,
not
of
good
:
Men
,
in
that
some
of
us
have
not
only
not
shown
our selves
religiously
concerned
for
our
Religion
,
but
in
some
respect
,
not
honestly
;
that
besides
a
thousand
personal
Immoralities
,
could
press
Advance
Mony
from
the
King
over-night
,
to
bear
the
charges
of
disserting
Him
next
day
,
against
our
warm
and
repeated
Vows
,
to
take
his
Fate
,
and
d●e
at
his
Feet
?
and
that
any
of
us
should
be
sainted
for
this
Treachery
,
and
numbred
among
the
Heroe●
for
our
running
away
,
cannot
surely
be
the
Lords
doing
,
let
Dr.
Burnet
say
what
he
will
,
and
yet
it
is
very
marvellous
in
some
Mens
Eyes
for
all
that
.
These
are
the
Sparks
,
my
Lords
,
that
hunt
the
poor
Kings
Blood
,
though
we
know
they
had
hardly
had
any
in
their
Veins
but
for
his
Bounty
and
yet
are
the
Favorites
of
the
Reformation
.
For
Christ's
sake
,
my
Lords
,
let
us
not
at
this
rate
christan
Villany
,
and
rank
Dishonesty
among
the
Graces
.
Popery
it self
could
not
have
done
more
,
and
it
is
certain
,
we
are
even
with
the
Papists
now
to
all
Intents
and
Purposes
.
This
is
not
all
our
Loss
,
we
have
rebelled
against
the
fifth
Commandment
also
,
Honour
thy
Father
;
and
though
we
have
got
that
of
leaving
Father
for
the
sake
of
Religion
,
we
could
have
but
little
Religion
to
do
it
in
such
a
manner
,
to
so
affectionate
a
Father
;
nor
did
it
lessen
the
Error
,
to
have
a
Church
of
England
Apostle
to
be
Captain
of
her
Life-Guard
,
in
his
blew
Coat
,
and
Iack-Boots
,
and
an
arrant
tempora●
.
Sword
in
his
Hand
,
to
defend
natural
Affection
and
passive
Obedience
.
This
was
an
odd
sort
of
Compliance
with
our
Saviour's
Command
,
to
put
up
his
Sword
,
as
one
of
St.
Peters
Successors
.
My
Lords
,
I
m●st
not
stop
here
;
we
thought
we
had
been
rid
of
〈◊〉
Souldiers
,
but
find
we
have
got
as
many
Papists
in
our
Dutch
,
we
had
in
our
English
Army
:
Now
it
is
plain
,
that
either
all
●●pists
are
not
alike
,
and
then
the
Danger
we
have
apprehended
from
Papists
,
is
not
universal
,
as
we
have
affirmed
,
but
that
they
are
to
be
lived
with
,
since
we
are
to
be
saved
and
guarded
from
the
Danger
of
Popery
by
them
;
or
we
have
ill
luck
to
think
we
can
be
safe
from
that
Religion
by
those
that
are
of
it
,
because
they
are
Dutch-men
.
My
Lords
,
I
am
sorry
we
can
take
such
Pleasure
to
see
Strangers
tread
our
Courts
,
pray
God
it
does
not
show
the
way
to
other
Countries
to
take
their
turns
.
But
that
a
Dutch
Papist
should
be
so
harmless
a
thing
with
us
,
that
though
no
Papists
could
be
so
,
shows
our
Contradictions
to
a
Madness
.
I
know
not
how
well
our
Souldiers
like
to
give
way
to
Dutch-Men
,
that
though
they
had
purchased
a
Preferance
to
Strangers
at
a
dear
rate
;
but
it
is
the
justest
thing
in
the
World
upon
them
,
that
the
Prince
should
distrust
those
to
guard
him
,
that
had
betrayed
their
own
Master
that
loved
them
to
a
fault
;
they
may
serve
to
be
sent
for
Holland
,
to
be
knookt
on
the
Head
in
the
Dutch-mans
quarrel
,
but
never
to
be
trusted
at
home
,
though
they
have
given
up
their
Quarters
with
their
King
to
Foreigners
,
so
that
the
Proverb
is
true
upon
them
,
they
have
hereby
brought
their
Noble
to
Nine-pence
.
Yet
to
be
just
,
I
must
confess
it
is
a
Reproach
due
to
their
Officers
,
and
not
all
of
them
neither
,
and
time
may
give
those
the
Opportunity
to
retrieve
the
Credit
they
have
lost
by
other
Mens
Faults
.
We
were
also
very
apprehensive
of
the
ill
Consequences
of
the
dispensing
Power
,
especially
in
the
case
of
Sr.
Edward
Hales
;
but
it
seems
the
Common
Council
of
London
are
forbid
to
take
the
usual
Oaths
,
and
yet
required
to
act
,
which
is
an
unqualified
Capacity
.
We
were
in
hopes
we
had
lost
a
rude
Army
,
but
we
have
found
a
ruder
;
twenty
places
cry
out
of
them
;
and
Kingstone
certainly
with
great
Justice
,
that
in
two
Nights
time
was
two
hundred
Pounds
the
worse
for
them
.
And
for
Closseting
we
have
got
Questioning
,
that
they
that
won't
enter
into
Associations
to
protect
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
without
one
of
our
King
,
is
to
have
no
Imployment
;
so
that
if
the
Prince
should
take
the
Crown
,
I
am
bound
to
defend
him
against
my
own
King
,
and
my
sworn
Allegiance
though
he
come
in
the
right
of
his
Crown
.
Believe
me
,
my
Lords
,
it
is
the
boldest
bid
that
ever
Men
made
;
I
see
Forty
one
was
a
Fool
to
Eighty
eight
;
and
that
we
Church
of
England
Protestants
shall
cancel
all
the
Merits
of
our
Fathers
,
overthrow
the
Ground
and
Consequence
of
their
most
exemplary
Loyalty
to
King
Charles
the
first
and
second
,
render
their
Death
,
the
Death
of
Fools
,
trample
their
Memories
and
Blood
under
our
Feet
,
subject
our selves
to
the
just
Reproach
of
the
Phanaticks
,
whose
Principles
and
Practices
we
have
outdone
,
even
to
that
King
that
we
forced
upon
them
,
and
by
our
Example
had
brought
them
to
live
well
withal
.
God
help
us
,
this
my
Lords
makes
me
say
,
that
either
we
must
turn
from
being
Church-of
-
England-Men
,
or
steer
another
course
,
for
it
is
but
too
plain
that
Presbytery
is
leading
us
out
of
our
ancient
way
;
and
whether
we
believe
it
or
no
,
our
Church
sinks
,
and
will
more
,
for
that
is
the
Interest
that
suits
best
with
a
Dutch
Humour
and
Conjunction
;
and
be
sure
,
if
we
are
so
base
to
leave
our
King
,
God
will
be
so
just
as
to
leave
us
;
and
here
,
my
Lords
,
I
shall
leave
you
,
with
this
humble
motion
,
that
we
make
an
humble
Address
to
his
Majesty
to
return
home
to
us
,
that
we
may
act
securely
,
and
not
go
out
of
the
good
old
way
,
which
may
intail
Misery
upon
us
and
our
Posterity
.
I
should
think
we
have
had
enough
of
sending
our
Princes
abroad
,
in
that
much
of
the
Inconveniency
we
have
lain
under
since
their
Restoration
,
has
been
chiefly
owing
to
it
:
We
have
driven
him
where
we
would
not
have
him
go
,
and
do
what
we
can
to
provoke
that
League
we
have
been
afraid
of
;
and
made
a
great
part
of
the
reason
of
this
strange
Alteration
in
the
Kingdom
.
Some
tell
us
,
it
is
too
late
,
but
I
cannot
comprehend
the
good
sence
of
such
an
Objection
;
Is
it
at
any
time
too
late
for
a
King
and
his
People
to
agree
?
after
bloody
Battels
it
has
not
been
thought
so
,
in
all
times
and
Nations
;
and
why
it
may
not
be
without
them
,
I
never
heard
a
good
reason
yet
:
If
his
going
was
unreasonable
,
it
has
hurt
him
more
than
us
,
since
we
may
thence
hope
for
the
better
terms
;
if
it
was
not
a
Fault
to
go
,
it
will
be
a
great
one
in
us
,
if
we
can
have
him
home
upon
good
terms
,
and
will
not
;
for
if
I
may
with
leave
speak
it
,
his
return
is
as
much
our
Conveniency
as
his
Advantage
.
The
offensive
part
of
Him
is
gone
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
Power
of
Popery
,
and
what
remains
is
our
great
Interest
to
keep
and
improve
to
our
own
Benefit
and
Safety
;
I
mean
,
my
Lords
,
His
undoubted
Title
and
Kingship
.
And
whatever
some
hot
Men
say
,
that
are
more
governed
by
private
Avarice
and
Revenge
,
then
the
publick
Good
of
these
Kingdoms
,
I
cannot
but
renew
my
motion
to
your
Lordships
,
that
we
may
send
a
Duke
,
an
Earl
,
a
Viscount
and
a
Baron
,
and
two
Spiritual
Lords
to
invite
his
Majesty
home
,
upon
the
Constitution
of
the
Government
.
And
my
Lords
,
forgive
me
if
I
say
,
that
if
we
can
but
get
our
Iuries
,
Sheriffs
,
Iudges
,
High
Courts
of
Chancery
and
Parliaments
setled
as
they
ought
to
be
;
the
Army
at
least
reduced
,
the
Militia
better
regulated
,
and
a
due
Liberty
of
Conscience
established
to
all
Protestant
Dissenters
,
and
so
far
to
Papists
only
,
as
the
Law
against
Conventicles
does
admit
,
we
may
yet
be
happy
;
and
upon
these
terms
,
my
Lords
,
and
no
other
,
will
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
become
truly
meritorious
with
the
English
Nation
.
Reflections
on
a
Paper
called
a
LORD'S
Speech
without
Doors
.
THIS
Noble
Lord
would
have
done
ingenuously
in
letting
the
World
know
his
Name
,
and
whether
he
be
a
Lord
or
not
;
for
one
cannot
gather
it
from
his
Liberality
,
of
casting
in
a
mite
at
this
time
,
when
mean
People
,
such
as
Trades-men
,
have
more
generosity
,
and
effectually
contributed
to
the
publick
Peace
and
Honour
of
the
Nation
.
And
as
to
his
dissenting
to
some
leading
Lords
on
the
account
of
Conscience
;
we
are
in
the
dark
as
to
what
sort
of
Conscience
his
is
,
whether
Papist
or
Phanatick
Conscience
,
or
indeed
whether
it
be
any
Conscience
at
all
,
which
makes
him
differ
from
some
leading
Lords
;
for
the
making
of
Speeches
within
or
without
Doors
,
is
no
infallible
Mark
of
either
.
But
he
says
,
He
cannot
forbear
thinking
that
a
greater
Reproach
can
hardly
come
upon
a
People
,
than
is
like
to
fall
on
us
Protestants
.
Ah
,
good
Soul
,
what
's
the
matter
?
Are
the
Protestants
at
length
found
to
be
the
Firers
of
●heir
own
City
,
or
Sr.
Edm-B
.
Godfrey
,
and
the
Earl
of
Essex's
Murtherers
?
&c.
Why
no
,
O
it
s
this
unpresidented
Vsage
of
our
poor
King.
A
good
tender-hearted
Jesuit
i
'le
warrant
thee
,
that
has
entred
(
with
Campian
)
into
an
Holy
League
and
Covenant
to
destroy
all
Protestant
Kings
and
Princes
,
unless
they
become
as
bigotted
to
the
Society
as
the
poor
King
was
.
But
let
me
take
the
Boldness
to
ask
your
Honour
one
Question
;
Is
there
no
time
when
compassion
is
due
to
the
Country
?
Religion
is
the
Pretence
,
but
some
fear
a
new
Master
is
the
thing
.
And
is
it
any
wonder
if
a
new
Master
be
desired
,
when
the
old
one
will
not
let
me
serve
him
,
but
will
destroy
me
,
and
perhaps
himself
too
;
this
being
a
clear
case
,
and
evident
to
all
Orders
and
Degrees
of
Men
among
us
.
We
see
how
feeble
a
thing
Popery
is
in
England
:
and
it
is
,
I
do
not
doubt
,
your
Lordships
great
Grief
that
your
old
Master
may
not
be
let
in
again
,
to
strengthen
and
revive
her
drooping
and
almost
decayed
Spirits
.
But
why
did
not
the
Prince
stop
,
when
he
heard
a
Free-Parliament
was
calling
by
the
Kings
Writs
,
where
all
matters
,
especially
of
the
Prince
of
Wales
,
might
have
been
considered
,
&c.
As
to
a
Free-Parliament
,
is
it
not
evident
to
all
the
World
that
the
King
could
not
bear
it
?
Besides
,
who
told
his
Lordship
,
that
his
old
Master
would
abide
by
the
Decisions
of
a
Free-Parliament
,
touching
the
Legitimacy
or
Spuriousness
of
his
Prince
of
Wales
?
The
Kings
Guards
were
changed
,
and
at
Midnight
the
Prince's
Guards
were
clapt
on
his
Majesties
Person
.
And
I
pray
what
harm
befel
him
from
this
change
?
It
seems
he
might
,
notwithstanding
,
dispose
of
himself
as
he
pleased
.
And
was
it
decent
,
when
his
own
People
forsook
him
,
that
he
should
be
left
at
the
Discretion
of
the
Rabble
?
It
becomes
us
too
to
ask
where
the
King
is
?
how
he
came
to
go
?
and
who
sent
him
away
?
A
notable
Question
indeed
,
and
which
every
Apple-woman
,
or
Broom-man
can
resolve
.
But
many
are
angry
,
and
yet
pleased
.
This
is
Nokes
all
over
:
Why
then
,
angry
and
pleased
is
one
and
the
same
thing
with
your
Lordship
.
That
he
is
gone
for
France
:
but
where
,
my
Lords
,
should
he
go
?
Flanders
dared
not
receive
him
.
Good
your
Honour
why
?
is
not
his
Catholick
Majesty
as
zealous
and
hospitable
as
the
most
Christian
King
?
Ay
but
the
Spaniard
had
no
private
Leagues
of
assisting
each
other
to
root
out
the
Northern
Heresy
,
and
other
Intimacies
which
every
Body
must
not
know
of
.
Holland
you
could
not
think
he
should
go
to
.
Yet
there
was
a
time
when
Holland
was
more
kind
to
him
and
his
Brother
than
France
,
and
he
has
rewarded
the
former
very
well
for
it
.
Therefore
we
cannot
,
with
any
shew
of
Reason
,
imagin
that
he
could
think
himself
safe
with
us
,
that
had
exercis'd
Soveraign
Power
without
him
our
Soveraign
Lord
.
Sure
I
am
,
no
Man
of
Sense
could
think
himself
safe
under
his
Power
,
that
was
unwilling
to
part
with
his
Religion
and
Property
.
And
under
the
protection
of
a
Foraign
Prince
and
his
Army
.
And
without
his
Protection
,
what
wou'd
have
become
of
us
?
Though
at
the
same
time
we
had
sworn
Allegiance
to
him
,
and
that
it
was
unlawful
for
us
to
take
up
Arms
against
him
under
any
Pretence
whatever
.
I
would
know
of
your
Lordship
,
Whether
the
Oath
,
in
your
Honour's
sence
,
does
not
make
our
Lives
and
Estates
to
depend
on
the
Prince's
mere
Will
and
Pleasure
?
My
Lords
,
let
us
limit
the
King
,
if
you
please
,
but
not
renounce
him
.
Did
he
tell
your
Reverence
he
would
be
limited
?
And
was
he
not
limited
before
?
Besides
,
a
Prince
of
his
Humour
,
and
in
his
Circumstances
,
must
needs
be
very
easy
,
and
his
Subjects
very
secure
,
under
these
Chimerical
Limitations
.
But
we
had
lost
a
Lawful
King
;
and
gotten
a
more
Lawful
,
and
infinitely
Better
in
his
room
.
Against
our
warm
and
repeated
Vows
,
to
take
his
Fate
,
and
die
at
his
Feet
.
I
know
not
of
whom
the
Gentleman
speaks
,
unless
it
be
of
Addressers
,
whose
Dissimulation
and
deceitful
Courtship
I
have
ever
more
abominated
than
himself
.
And
that
any
of
us
should
be
numbred
among
the
Heroes
for
our
running
away
,
cannot
surely
be
the
Lord
's
doing
,
let
Dr.
Burnet
say
what
he
will
.
This
Gentleman
do's
very
well
to
put
himself
among
the
Run-aways
;
but
its
'
more
likely
his
Reverence
wou'd
have
bin
Sainted
,
and
made
an
Hero
by
staying
behind
.
For
Christ's
sake
,
my
Lords
,
let
us
not
at
this
rate
christen
Villany
,
and
rank
Dishonesty
among
the
Graces
.
A
Man
wou'd
take
his
Lordship
now
for
some
Lincolns-Inn
-
Fields
Mumper
from
his
Cant
;
but
he
beggs
in
earnest
,
who
's
All
is
at
Stake
;
I
know
your
Honour's
Necessity
,
the
State
of
who
's
Case
is
briefly
this
;
The
Papists
,
and
especially
the
Jesuits
in
their
Consults
,
both
at
Home
and
Abroad
,
for
the
setting
up
of
Popery
,
and
extirpating
the
Protestant
Religion
in
England
,
have
come
to
this
decisive
Conclusion
,
that
it
's
impossible
to
effect
this
but
under
a
Popish
King.
But
says
he
further
,
This
is
not
all
our
loss
,
we
have
rebelled
against
the
5th
Commandment
also
,
Honor
thy
Father
;
and
though
we
have
got
that
of
leaving
Father
of
the
sake
of
Religion
,
we
could
have
but
little
Religion
to
do
it
in
such
a
manner
,
to
so
affectionate
a
Father
.
Here
his
Reverence
,
I
find
,
is
not
serious
,
but
jokes
on
his
poor
King
;
for
give
me
an
instance
where
his
Paternal
Affection
appear'd
,
unless
his
Fatherly
care
of
dragging
us
up
in
his
own
Religion
be
one
?
Nor
did
it
,
says
he
,
Church-of-England
Apostle
to
be
Captain
of
her
Life
Guard
,
&c.
I
wou'd
ask
my
Noble
Sir
here
one
Question
,
(
for
the
Jesuits
are
wont
to
be
excellent
Casuists
)
Whether
a
Churchman
,
observing
his
own
,
and
his
Neighbours
Houses
a
going
to
be
fired
by
Rogues
,
he
may
not
use
another
Sword
besides
that
of
the
Spirit
,
to
drive
them
away
?
Now
he
is
troubled
,
and
in
great
conflicts
of
Spirit
,
how
our
Soldiers
are
like
to
give
way
to
Dutch-men
.
The
Dutch
Soldiers
have
behaved
themselves
with
that
Civility
and
Moderation
,
where-ever
they
come
,
as
may
make
others
of
that
Profession
blush
at
a
Comparison
in
this
point
.
However
,
let
not
this
Matter
much
afflict
your
Honour
,
or
Reverence
.
There
will
be
care
taken
that
our
Soldiers
shall
not
give
way
to
Foreigners
,
nor
to
every
Irish-man
,
who
you
know
were
the
Sparks
and
Darlings
of
the
last
Reign
.
But
now
it
is
but
too
plain
,
that
Presbytery
is
leading
us
out
of
our
Ancient
Way
.
Never
fear
it
,
good
Father
,
for
there
's
no
danger
of
either
that
,
or
Popery
,
being
the
National
Religion
in
England
.
And
having
satisfi'd
you
so
far
,
I
am
not
willing
to
tire
my self
with
writing
Replies
to
every
Word
of
your
Speech
without
Doors
.
The
Bishops
Reasons
to
Queen
Elizabeth
,
for
taking
off
the
Queen
of
Scots
,
taken
out
of
Sir
S.
D
Ewes
Iournal
:
offered
to
the
Consideration
of
the
Present
Sect
of
Grumbletonians
.
FOR
that
they
had
a
long
time
,
to
their
intolerable
Grief
,
seen
by
how
manifold
most
dangerous
and
execrable
Practices
,
the
said
Queen
of
Scots
had
compassed
the
Destruction
of
her
Majesties
Person
,
thereby
not
only
to
bereave
them
of
the
Sincere
and
True
Religion
of
Almighty
God
,
bringing
them
and
this
Noble
Crown
back
again
into
the
Thraldom
of
the
Romish
Tyranny
,
but
also
utterly
to
ruinate
and
overthrow
the
happy
State
and
Commonweale
of
this
most
Noble
Realm
;
to
banish
and
destroy
the
Professors
and
Profession
of
the
True
Religion
of
Jesus
Christ
,
and
the
Ancient
Nobility
of
this
Land
,
to
bring
thi●
whole
State
and
Common-weale
to
Forreign
Subjection
,
and
to
utter
Ruine
and
Confusion
;
which
Malicious
Purposes
would
never
cease
to
be
prosecuted
by
all
possible
Means
,
so
long
as
the
said
Queens
Confederates
,
her
Ministers
and
Favourites
had
their
Eyes
and
Imaginations
fixed
upon
the
said
Queen
,
the
only
Ground
of
their
Treasonable
Hopes
and
Conceits
,
and
the
only
Seed
plot
of
all
Dangerous
and
Traiterous
Devices
and
Practices
against
her
Majesties
Sacred
Person
.
And
for
that
,
upon
advised
and
great
Consultation
,
they
could
not
find
any
possible
means
to
provide
for
her
Majesties
Safety
,
but
by
the
just
and
speedy
Execution
of
the
said
Queen
,
the
neglecting
whereof
might
procure
the
heavy
Displeasure
and
Punishment
of
Almighty
God
,
as
by
sundry
severe
Examples
of
his
great
Justice
in
that
behalf
left
us
in
Sacred
Scripture
,
doth
appear
;
and
that
if
the
same
were
not
put
in
Execution
,
they
should
thereby
(
so
far
as
Man's
Reason
could
reach
)
be
brought
into
utter
Despair
of
the
Continuance
amongst
them
of
the
true
Religion
of
Almighty
God
,
and
of
her
Majesties
Life
,
and
of
the
Safety
of
all
her
Subjects
,
and
of
the
Good
Estate
of
this
flourishing
Commonweale
.
For
that
she
(
the
said
Queen
of
Scots
)
had
continually
breathed
the
Overthrow
and
Suppression
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
being
poysoned
with
Popery
from
her
tender
Youth
,
and
at
her
Age
joyning
in
that
false
termed
Holy
League
and
had
been
ever
since
,
and
was
then
a
powerful
Enemy
of
the
Truth
.
For
that
she
rested
wholly
upon
Popish
hopes
,
to
be
delivered
and
advanced
,
and
was
so
devoted
,
and
doted
in
that
Profession
,
that
she
would
(
as
well
for
the
satisfaction
of
others
,
as
for
the
feeding
her
own
Humour
)
supplant
the
Gospel
where
and
whensoever
she
might
;
which
Evil
was
so
much
the
greater
,
and
the
more
to
be
avoided
,
for
that
it
slayeth
the
Soul
,
and
would
spread
it self
not
only
over
England
and
Scotland
,
but
also
into
all
Parts
beyond
the
Sea
,
where
the
Gospel
of
God
is
maintained
,
the
which
cannot
but
be
exceedingly
weakned
,
if
Defection
should
be
in
these
two
most
violent
Kingdoms
.
For
that
if
she
prevailed
,
she
would
rather
take
the
Subjects
of
England
for
Slaves
than
for
Children
.
For
that
she
had
already
provided
them
a
Foster-father
and
a
Nurse
,
the
Pope
and
King
of
Spain
;
into
whose
hands
if
it
should
happen
them
to
fall
,
what
would
they
else
look
for
but
Ruin
,
Destruction
,
and
utter
Extirpation
of
Goods
,
Lands
,
Lives
,
Honours
and
all
?
For
that
as
she
had
already
by
her
poyson'd
Baits
,
brought
to
Destruction
more
Noble-men
and
their
Houses
,
and
a
greater
multitude
of
Subjects
,
during
her
being
here
,
than
she
would
have
done
if
she
had
been
in
Possession
of
her
own
Country
,
and
arm'd
in
the
Field
against
them
;
so
would
she
be
still
continually
the
cause
of
the
like
spoil
,
to
the
greater
loss
and
peril
of
this
Estate
;
and
therefore
this
Realm
neither
could
nor
might
endure
her
.
For
that
her
Sectaries
both
Wrote
and
Printed
,
that
the
Protestants
would
be
at
their
Wits
end
,
Worlds
end
,
if
she
should
out-live
Queen
Elizabeth
;
meaning
thereby
,
that
the
end
of
the
Protestant
World
was
the
beginning
of
their
own
;
and
therefore
if
she
the
said
Queen
of
Scots
,
were
taken
away
,
their
World
would
be
at
an
end
before
its
beginning
.
For
that
since
the
sparing
of
her
in
the
Fourteenth
Year
of
Q.
Elizabeths
Reign
,
Popish
Traitors
and
Recusants
had
multiplied
exceedingly
:
And
if
she
were
now
spared
again
,
they
would
grow
both
innumerable
and
invincible
also
:
And
therefore
Mercy
in
that
case
would
prove
Cruelty
against
them
all
:
Nam●st
quaedam
crudelis
m●sericordia
;
and
therefore
to
spare
her
Blood
,
would
be
to
spill
all
theirs
.
And
for
God's
Vengeance
against
Saul
,
for
sparing
the
life
of
Agag
,
and
against
Ahab
for
sparing
the
life
of
Benhadad
was
mo●t
apparent
,
for
they
were
both
by
the
just
Judgment
of
God
deprived
of
their
Kingdoms
,
for
sparing
those
wicked
Princes
,
whom
God
had
delivered
into
their
Hands
.
And
those
Magistrates
were
much
conmmended
,
who
put
to
Death
those
mischeivous
and
wicked
Queens
,
Iezabel
and
Athaliah
.
And
now
I
would
desire
our
Grumbletonians
(
especially
they
of
the
Clergy
)
to
consider
how
extreamly
they
have
degenerated
from
the
good
and
laudable
Principles
of
their
Fore-fathers
.
They
may
see
how
urgent
the
Bishops
,
and
others
,
in
Queen
Elizabeth's
days
,
were
to
have
the
Queen
of
Scots
removed
,
(
as
above
said
)
and
how
they
encouraged
the
Queen
to
assist
the
Dutch
against
their
Soveraign
Lord
,
when
he
attempted
them
in
their
Religion
and
Laws
;
but
now
they
that
first
opposed
One
that
has
broken
the
Original
Contract
between
King
and
People
,
and
done
horrid
things
,
contrary
to
the
Laws
of
God
,
Nature
,
and
the
Land
,
yet
when
God
,
out
of
his
merciful
Providence
,
and
singular
favour
to
us
all
,
has
inclined
him
(
being
sensible
of
his
own
Guilt
)
to
leave
the
Throne
,
these
Very
Men
that
first
withstood
him
(
as
I
said
)
begin
to
pitty
him
,
plead
for
him
,
and
extol
him
;
and
continually
,
both
in
Pulpit
,
(
for
one
of
them
lately
said
there
,
That
a
parcel
of
Attoms
could
as
soon
make
a
World
,
as
a
Convention
make
a
King
)
and
also
in
Coffee-houses
,
mutter
and
grumble
against
the
Proceedings
of
the
great
and
Honorable
Convention
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
are
busy
in
sending
out
▪
and
privately
scattering
their
puling
Pamphlets
,
under
the
Titles
of
Mementoes
,
Speeches
,
and
Letters
,
empty
of
ought
else
,
but
the
spleen
of
a
foolish
and
frustrated
Faction
.
Good
God!
what
inconstancy
,
folly
,
and
madness
possesses
the
Breasts
of
these
Men
?
to
what
a
miserable
slavery
would
they
lead
us
,
and
how
fond
and
eager
do
they
seem
to
have
him
rule
over
Us
,
who
(
like
the
Stork
in
the
Fable
)
has
,
and
would
make
it
his
greatest
delight
,
to
devour
the
best
of
free-born
Subjects
?
But
,
I
hope
,
that
in
a
little
time
they
will
know
the
Things
that
belong
to
the
Kingdom
's
Peace
,
and
dutifully
pray
for
(
tho
at
present
there
is
no
uniformity
in
their
Pulpits
save
in
the
Dissenters
)
and
submit
chearfully
and
thankfully
to
him
whom
God
has
made
the
Glorious
Instrument
of
our
Deliverance
from
Popery
and
Slavery
.
God
save
King
William
and
Queen
Mary
.
ADVERTISEMENT
.
☞
THere
is
lately
published
the
Trial
of
Mr.
PAPILLON
,
by
which
it
is
manifest
that
the
then
Lord
Chief
Justice
Iefferies
,
had
neither
Learning
,
Law
,
nor
good
manners
,
but
more
Impudence
than
ten
Carted
Whores
,
(
as
was
said
of
him
by
King
CHARLES
II.
)
in
abusing
all
those
worthy
Citizens
who
voted
for
Mr.
PAPILLON
and
Mr.
DUBOIS
,
calling
them
a
parcel
of
Factious
,
Pragmatical
,
Sneaking
,
Whining
,
Canting
,
Sniveling
,
Prickear'd
,
Cropear'd
,
Atheistical
Fellows
,
Rascals
,
and
Scoundrels
,
&c.
as
in
p.
29.
and
other
places
of
the
said
Trial
may
be
seen
.
Sold
by
Richard
Ianeway
,
and
most
Booksellers
.
FINIS
.
A
TENTH
Collection
of
Papers
Relating
to
the
Present
Juncture
of
Affairs
in
England
.
VIZ.
-
I.
Reflections
upon
our
late
and
present
Proceedings
.
-
II.
Some
short
Notes
on
a
Pamphlet
,
entituled
,
Reflections
upon
our
late
and
present
Proceedings
.
-
III.
The
Scots
Grievances
:
or
,
A
short
Account
of
the
Proceedings
of
the
Scotish
Privy-Council
,
Justiciary
Court
,
and
those
commissioned
by
them
,
&c.
-
IV.
The
late
Honourable
Convention
proved
a
Legal
Parliament
.
-
V.
The
Amicable
Reconciliation
of
the
Dissenters
to
the
Church
of
England
:
being
a
Model
or
Draught
for
the
Universal
Accommodation
in
the
Case
of
Religion
,
and
bringing
in
all
Parties
to
her
Communion
.
London
printed
,
and
are
to
be
sold
by
Richard
Ianeway
in
Queen's-head-Court
in
Pater-●oster-Row
,
1689.
Reflections
upon
our
Late
and
Present
Proceedings
in
England
.
THO
no
Man
wishes
better
to
the
Protestant
Religion
in
general
,
and
the
Church
of
England
in
particular
,
than
I
do
;
yet
I
cannot
prevail
with
my self
to
approve
all
those
Methods
,
or
follow
all
those
Measures
,
which
some
Men
propose
as
the
only
Security
both
of
the
one
and
the
other
.
Never
perhaps
was
there
a
more
proper
time
wherein
to
secure
our
Religion
(
together
with
our
Civil
Liberties
)
than
now
offers
it self
,
if
we
have
but
the
Skill
and
Honesty
rightly
to
improve
this
critical
Opportunity
;
but
if
we
shall
either
let
it
slip
,
or
abuse
it
,
we
may
in
vain
hereafter
wish
that
we
had
been
wise
in
time
;
and
have
cause
to
repent
of
our
Error
,
when
it
will
be
too
late
to
correct
it
.
What
we
do
now
will
transmit
its
good
or
ill
Effects
to
after-Ages
,
and
our
Children
yet
unborn
,
will
in
all
probability
,
be
happy
or
miserable
,
as
we
shall
behave
our selves
in
this
great
Conjuncture
.
They
are
likely
to
enjoy
their
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
,
according
to
the
old
English
Standard
,
if
we
shall
now
take
the
right
course
to
secure
them
.
But
if
we
do
ingage
in
wrong
Counsels
,
and
build
upon
false
Foundations
,
instead
of
a
Blessing
we
may
leave
a
Curse
to
our
Posterity
,
and
entail
upon
them
Popery
,
Slavery
,
Arbitrary
Power
,
and
all
the
miserable
Consequences
of
a
divided
Kingdom
,
which
(
as
sure
as
the
Word
of
God
is
true
)
can
never
stand
.
Let
us
not
therefore
be
too
hasty
,
but
pause
a
while
;
let
us
make
a
stop
,
look
about
us
,
and
consider
,
First
,
What
we
have
done
.
Secondly
,
With
what
Intent
we
did
it
.
Thirdly
,
What
it
is
that
some
Men
would
be
at
.
And
,
Fourthly
,
Whether
we
can
in
Honour
and
Conscience
join
with
them
in
the
Designs
now
in
hand
.
I
shall
confine
my self
to
these
Heads
:
But
here
before
I
enter
upon
any
of
them
,
I
shall
take
it
for
granted
,
that
the
Prince
of
Orange
hath
done
a
great
thing
for
us
,
and
(
under
God
)
hath
wrought
such
a
Deliverance
for
the
Nation
,
as
ought
never
to
be
forgotten
,
and
can
never
be
sufficiently
requited
.
He
must
be
mentioned
with
Honour
and
Gratitude
,
so
long
as
the
Protestant
Name
shall
be
remembred
:
He
came
not
as
the
antient
Romans
and
Saxons
,
to
conquer
,
and
lead
in
Triumph
after
him
our
Religion
and
Laws
,
our
Lives
and
Liberties
;
but
to
defend
,
preserve
and
secure
us
in
them
all
.
To
this
end
he
undertook
this
dangerous
and
chargeable
Expedition
,
which
hath
hitherto
proved
as
much
to
our
Advantage
,
as
it
will
be
to
his
lasting
Reputation
:
What
he
has
done
argues
,
that
he
is
moved
by
an
higher
Principle
than
any
this
World
affords
,
and
can
overlook
his
own
Ease
and
Security
,
when
the
Publick
Good
,
and
the
Concerns
of
Christianity
require
his
seasonable
Assistance
.
I
could
easily
make
a
Panegyrick
upon
his
Vertues
,
and
equal
him
to
the
most
famous
Grecian
or
Roman
Captains
;
but
I
need
not
set
forth
his
Praises
,
which
do
so
loudly
,
and
yet
so
silently
speak
for
themselves
.
I
need
not
draw
any
tedious
Parallels
betwixt
his
Highness
and
the
Worthies
of
other
Ages
,
since
I
am
,
I
question
not
,
herein
prevented
by
all
who
have
read
the
History
of
former
Times
,
and
are
Witnesses
of
what
he
(
with
so
much
Courage
,
Mildness
and
Prudence
)
hath
done
in
this
.
1.
Things
prospered
so
well
under
his
Conduct
,
that
all
of
us
were
ready
to
submit
our selves
to
his
Direction
,
and
come
under
his
Protection
,
as
the
Tutelar
Genius
of
the
Nation
.
The
Effects
of
his
Enterprise
have
been
so
strange
,
so
wonderful
and
surprising
,
that
had
we
not
seen
,
we
should
scarce
have
believed
them
.
As
soon
as
the
Prince
was
landed
,
with
what
Joy
and
universal
good
Wishes
was
the
News
received
?
How
forward
were
all
sorts
of
People
to
declare
for
his
Highness
?
How
willing
were
they
to
lend
him
an
helping
Hand
for
the
accomplishing
his
great
Work
?
How
did
we
all
generally
concur
and
unanimously
agree
to
forget
our
Obligations
to
our
Sovereign
,
and
assist
the
Prince
rather
than
the
King
against
our selves
,
and
his
own
true
Interest
?
Nay
,
the
Army
it self
soon
began
to
go
over
,
chusing
rather
to
he
under
the
imputation
of
Cowardise
and
Disloyalty
(
which
yet
a
true
English-man
had
rather
die
than
really
deserve
)
than
to
be
instrumental
in
enslaving
their
Native
Country
,
and
bringing
it
again
under
the
Papal
Yoke
.
In
short
,
all
Orders
of
Men
,
Ecclesiastick
,
Civil
,
and
Military
,
had
their
Eyes
fix'd
upon
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
as
their
Common
Deliverer
,
were
resolved
to
espouse
his
Cause
;
and
accordingly
(
after
the
King
was
withdrawn
)
did
put
the
Regal
Administration
into
his
Hands
.
2.
So
far
we
have
gone
;
this
we
have
done
;
and
we
hope
that
(
the
case
being
extraordinary
,
and
Necessity
giving
a
Dispensation
)
the
Intent
of
our
proceeding
,
will
at
least
excuse
,
if
not
justify
us
,
if
we
have
not
kept
our selves
within
the
Common
Laws
of
Action
.
For
let
every
Man
lay
his
Hand
upon
his
Heart
,
and
seriously
ask
himself
,
for
what
Reason
,
and
with
what
Intent
he
became
a
Party
in
this
general
Defection
?
Was
it
utterly
to
ruin
the
King
and
subvert
the
Government
?
Was
it
because
he
was
displeas'd
with
the
ancient
Constitution
,
and
had
a
mind
to
mould
and
fashion
it
to
his
liking
?
Was
it
because
he
had
an
Intent
to
shake
off
the
Government
(
that
easy
,
equal
,
and
well-poised
,
and
never-enough
to
be
commended
Government
,
as
King
CHARLES
I.
calls
it
)
of
the
English
Nation
?
Was
it
any
honest
Mans
meaning
to
subvert
this
Government
,
to
make
way
for
his
own
Dreams
of
some
Poetical
Golden-Age
,
or
a
Fanciful
Millenium
?
Was
it
(
let
me
ask
again
)
to
divest
the
King
of
all
Power
to
protect
his
Subjects
,
and
then
to
pronounce
roundly
,
that
all
the
Bonds
of
Allegiance
to
him
are
dissolved
?
Was
the
end
of
our
uniting
together
,
to
bind
his
Hands
,
and
then
prick
this
Doctrine
upon
the
points
of
our
Swords
:
Protection
and
Allegiance
are
Duties
so
reciprocal
,
that
where
the
one
fails
wholly
,
the
other
falls
with
it
?
Was
it
to
frighten
the
King
out
of
his
Dominions
,
and
then
to
vote
that
he
hath
Abdicated
his
Government
?
Was
this
the
Intent
,
and
were
these
the
Reasons
of
our
Declaring
for
the
Prince
of
Orange
?
No
,
certainly
,
whatever
some
obnoxious
and
ambitious
Men
might
aim
at
,
all
good
Christians
and
worthy
Patriots
had
other
Intentions
,
and
were
led
on
by
other
Motives
.
They
were
sensibly
concerned
for
the
Preservation
of
their
Holy
Religion
,
in
the
first
place
;
their
Lives
,
their
Laws
,
and
Liberties
in
the
next
.
After
the
way
,
which
some
call
Heresy
,
so
were
they
desirous
still
to
worship
the
God
of
their
Fathers
:
And
after
that
manner
which
some
might
say
was
Rebellion
,
so
they
thought
themselves
oblig'd
to
stand
up
for
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
their
Forefathers
.
For
these
Ends
,
and
for
bringing
about
these
worthy
Purposes
,
they
withdrew
themselves
from
the
Kings
personal
Service
,
that
they
might
be
the
better
enabled
to
serve
his
real
Interest
.
They
hoped
by
this
means
to
deliver
him
from
his
evil
Counsellors
,
and
secure
both
him
and
his
Subjects
from
the
evil
and
pernicious
Practices
of
some
wicked
and
unreasonable
Men.
3.
These
and
such
like
were
the
Inducements
which
prevailed
with
all
well-affected
and
honest
Men
,
to
withdraw
from
his
Majesty
,
and
suspend
the
actual
Exercise
of
their
Allegiance
for
the
present
,
that
they
might
afterwards
exert
it
according
to
the
fix'd
and
stated
Rules
of
Law
,
Conscience
,
and
right
Reason
.
But
now
,
how
contrary
is
this
to
those
new
Models
,
which
some
politick
Architects
are
proposing
to
,
or
rather
imposing
upon
the
Nation
?
What
is
it
they
would
be
at
?
And
what
are
the
Ends
they
are
driving
on
?
Are
they
just
and
good
?
Are
they
generous
and
honorable
?
Or
are
they
not
rather
such
as
would
undermine
the
Government
both
in
Church
and
State
,
and
reduce
us
to
a
state
of
Nature
,
wherein
the
People
are
at
Liberty
to
agree
upon
any
Government
,
or
none
at
all
?
Plainly
,
they
would
reduce
us
to
the
Dutch
,
or
some
other
foreign
Measures
(
which
how
well
soever
they
may
agree
with
that
Country
,
where
they
are
setled
and
confirmed
,
partly
by
Custom
,
and
partly
by
the
peculiar
Necessity
of
their
Affairs
)
can
never
be
well
received
in
England
,
till
an
Act
be
passed
to
abolish
Monarchy
,
Episcopacy
,
and
all
the
Fundamental
Laws
establish'd
by
Magna
Charta
,
and
all
succeeding
Parliaments
ever
since
.
The
Enquixy
into
the
Measures
of
Submission
to
the
Supreme
Authority
,
is
a
Treatise
calculated
for
the
times
;
but
surely
it
is
not
written
according
to
the
Principles
and
Practice
of
the
Church
of
England
,
in
the
time
of
the
renowned
Queen
Elizabeth
:
I
am
apt
to
think
,
that
some
regard
was
then
had
to
the
Passages
which
we
find
in
the
Scriptures
(
especially
the
Old
Testament
)
relating
to
the
Measures
of
Submission
.
But
these
Examples
weigh
nothing
with
our
Author
,
because
they
are
not
for
his
purpose
,
pag.
5
,
6.
I
am
also
apt
to
suspect
that
Queen
Elizabeth
would
not
have
thanked
any
Politician
for
vending
this
as
a
certain
and
fundamental
Principle
,
That
in
all
Disputes
between
Power
and
Liberty
,
Power
must
always
be
proved
,
but
Liberty
proves
it self
;
the
one
being
founded
only
upon
a
positive
Law
,
and
the
other
upon
the
Law
of
Nature
,
pag.
4.
She
,
I
perswade
my self
,
on
the
contrary
,
would
have
challenged
any
such
States-man
to
have
prov'd
his
Liberty
;
as
for
her
Power
(
she
would
have
answered
)
it
was
ready
to
prove
it self
against
all
who
should
presume
to
question
it
.
But
what
's
the
meaning
of
Power
being
founded
only
on
a
positive
Law
,
and
Liberty
upon
the
Law
of
Nature
?
Is
not
a
Father's
Power
founded
(
as
he
grants
)
upon
the
Law
of
Nature
?
and
is
not
all
Power
,
even
of
the
greatest
Princes
,
(
as
far
as
it
is
just
and
honest
,
and
for
the
Benefit
of
the
Subject
)
derived
from
this
Paternal
Authority
of
the
Father
over
his
Son
?
Besides
,
doth
not
the
Law
of
Nature
prescribe
the
Necessity
of
putting
Power
into
the
Hands
of
one
or
more
for
the
Benefit
of
the
whole
,
which
otherwise
would
be
in
danger
of
destroying
it self
by
intestine
Divisions
?
In
short
,
If
Liberty
be
founded
upon
the
Law
of
Nature
,
so
is
all
just
and
lawful
Power
,
since
the
end
of
it
is
only
to
regulate
our
Liberty
,
and
in
truth
to
make
us
more
free
.
Liberty
in
general
is
a
right
to
use
our
Faculties
according
to
right
Reason
;
and
the
Law
in
particular
tells
us
which
are
those
Rules
of
right
Reason
by
which
we
must
govern
our selves
.
And
what
is
Law
,
but
the
Commands
of
the
Supreme
Power
(
where-ever
it
is
lodg'd
,
in
the
hands
of
the
Prince
,
the
Senate
,
or
the
People
,
or
of
all
of
them
together
)
ordering
what
we
are
to
do
or
avoid
,
under
the
Sanction
of
particular
Penalties
?
I
beg
the
Learned
Author's
Pardon
for
questioning
his
Measures
:
in
my
Judgment
they
are
not
taken
from
the
English
Standard
,
and
therefore
I
hope
I
may
without
Offence
use
my
Liberty
in
refusing
them
(
a
Right
which
proves
it self
)
till
he
can
prove
his
Power
to
impose
them
.
The
Enquiry
into
the
present
State
of
Affairs
,
is
a
Discourse
which
seems
(
by
its
bold
strokes
)
to
resemble
the
former
.
I
will
say
no
more
of
it
but
this
,
If
what
he
there
lays
down
for
a
certain
Truth
be
really
so
,
then
all
that
follows
must
be
granted
,
as
reasonable
Deductions
from
this
fundamental
Principle
:
but
if
this
be
false
,
all
that
he
hath
said
falls
to
the
Ground
,
for
want
of
a
firm
and
solid
Foundation
to
support
it
.
Now
the
Position
,
which
(
like
a
first
Principle
in
Mathematicks
)
he
takes
for
granted
,
is
this
,
It
is
certain
(
says
he
,
pag.
1.
)
that
the
reciprocal
Duties
in
Civil
Societies
,
are
Protection
and
Allegiance
;
and
wheresoever
the
one
fails
wholly
,
the
other
falls
with
it
.
This
is
his
Doctrine
which
I
have
mentioned
before
,
but
shall
now
consider
a
little
more
particularly
.
'T
is
indeed
most
fit
and
reasonable
,
that
Protection
and
Allegiance
should
always
go
together
,
and
accompany
one
another
;
but
that
they
do
not
do
so
,
is
but
too
plain
in
the
present
case
of
England
:
but
doth
it
follow
,
that
because
the
King
is
not
in
a
Capacity
to
protect
his
Subjects
,
therefore
he
is
no
longer
to
be
look'd
upon
as
a
King
?
And
if
he
be
a
King
,
doth
not
this
suppose
that
he
hath
some
Subjects
?
And
if
so
,
I
would
gladly
know
what
kind
of
Subjects
they
are
who
owe
no
Allegiance
?
But
let
this
Question
be
rul'd
by
his
own
Instance
,
The
Duty
betwixt
Father
and
Son.
Suppose
my
Father
to
be
so
destitute
that
he
cannot
,
and
so
perverse
,
that
he
will
not
protect
and
sustain
me
;
suppose
him
as
churlish
as
Cain
,
and
as
poor
as
Iob
;
yet
still
he
is
my
Father
,
and
I
am
his
Son
;
that
is
,
he
still
retains
all
that
Power
which
(
by
the
Law
of
Nature
)
a
Father
ought
to
have
over
his
Child
:
still
the
Relation
holds
betwixt
us
,
and
whilst
it
doth
so
,
the
Father's
Faults
or
Necessities
cannot
evacuate
the
Duty
of
a
Son
;
which
is
founded
not
in
the
Fathers
good
Will
or
Abilities
to
defend
him
(
though
it
must
be
confess'd
they
are
chiefly
consider'd
)
but
in
that
fix'd
and
immutable
Relation
which
God
and
Nature
have
establish'd
betwixt
them
,
not
to
be
dissolv'd
but
by
Death
.
So
that
if
this
learned
Author
will
yield
(
as
he
seems
to
do
)
that
Kingly
Power
is
nothing
else
but
the
Paternal
,
consign'd
(
by
the
common
consent
of
the
Fathers
of
Families
)
to
one
Person
,
upon
such
and
such
Conditions
,
(
specified
in
the
Contract
;
)
I
cannot
see
how
this
Relation
betwixt
King
and
Subject
can
any
more
be
utterly
dissolved
,
than
that
betwixt
a
Father
and
his
Son.
I
shall
say
no
more
to
this
Discourse
;
and
if
what
I
have
already
said
do
offend
either
against
the
Principles
of
Reason
,
or
the
Law
of
England
,
I
am
willing
to
be
corrected
,
and
acknowledg
my
Error
.
There
is
another
little
Paper
which
yet
gives
such
a
great
stroke
to
the
Government
,
that
it
ought
not
to
be
pass'd
over
without
some
Animadversion
.
The
Sheet
which
I
mean
is
,
that
which
is
call'd
Advice
before
it
be
too
late
,
or
A
Breviate
for
the
Convention
.
This
Paper
bespeaks
its
Author
to
be
of
the
same
Complexion
and
Principles
with
him
who
writ
the
Word
to
the
Wise
,
and
the
four
Questions
debated
.
They
do
all
of
them
suppose
,
that
the
Government
is
fallen
to
its
Centre
,
or
Root
from
whence
it
sprang
,
that
is
,
to
the
People
(
as
the
Word
to
the
Wise
expresses
our
present
case
.
)
I
know
not
what
can
be
a
more
effectual
Answer
to
these
Pamphlets
,
and
take
away
the
Foundation
upon
which
they
argue
,
than
that
Maxim
in
our
Law
,
received
by
all
honest
and
learned
Lawyers
,
The
King
of
England
never
dies
.
For
if
so
,
how
is
the
Government
laps'd
?
And
if
it
be
not
laps'd
,
how
can
the
Throne
be
said
to
be
vacant
?
And
if
the
Throne
be
not
vacant
,
we
are
still
a
Body
Politick
,
(
consisting
of
Head
and
Members
)
though
much
distemper'd
and
out
of
order
,
by
reason
of
the
Infirmities
of
the
Head.
We
still
live
,
tho
we
are
not
in
good
Health
;
and
our
Case
doth
not
require
the
Sexton
to
make
our
Grave
,
but
calls
for
the
Physician
to
apply
proper
Remedies
to
cure
our
Disease
.
If
the
King
can
dye
,
't
is
such
a
defect
in
our
Government
as
doth
strangely
disparage
it
,
and
further
supposes
,
that
(
which
hitherto
we
are
all
to
learn
)
the
Crown
is
not
Successive
.
Now
if
it
be
successive
,
it
cannot
be
disposed
of
by
the
Will
of
the
People
,
but
only
by
the
Will
of
God
;
who
in
that
very
moment
calls
the
lawful
Heir
to
the
Crown
,
wherein
he
is
pleased
to
put
a
Period
to
the
Life
of
his
Predecessor
.
If
he
be
said
that
the
Voice
of
the
People
is
the
Voice
of
God
,
I
believe
that
(
should
this
be
granted
)
it
will
not
do
their
Business
:
for
I
doubt
not
,
but
that
if
the
Pole
was
taken
,
and
the
Question
put
to
all
People
who
are
of
Years
of
Discretion
;
the
Answer
would
be
,
That
they
have
still
a
King
,
and
that
they
are
as
willing
to
keep
him
,
as
they
are
desirous
to
exclude
Popery
for
ever
;
that
which
hath
made
both
him
and
them
so
unhappy
.
This
,
I
do
not
much
question
,
would
be
the
Answer
,
if
we
should
appeal
to
the
sense
of
the
People
in
general
;
who
yet
(
if
the
Government
be
fallen
to
them
)
must
be
allowed
to
have
a
right
of
Suffrage
,
and
a
Liberty
to
speak
their
Minds
as
freely
as
other
Commoners
in
this
great
Convention
.
Further
still
,
If
the
King
never
dies
by
our
Law
,
how
can
he
be
lawfully
depos'd
?
For
by
Deposition
the
Throne
necessarily
becomes
void
for
some
time
.
There
must
be
some
Interstice
,
some
space
of
time
,
before
they
who
depos'd
a
King
can
set
up
another
;
and
till
the
King
in
Designation
be
actually
invested
with
the
Regal
Office
,
there
must
of
Necessity
be
an
Interregnum
;
that
is
,
The
King
(
contrary
to
the
Mind
of
our
Law
)
may
dye
.
The
Government
of
England
always
supposes
a
Monarch
regulated
by
Law
,
and
therefore
't
is
presumed
that
he
can
do
no
wrong
;
that
is
,
though
he
may
err
,
as
well
as
other
Mortals
,
yet
the
Law
,
of
which
he
is
the
Guardian
,
brings
no
Accusation
against
him
,
but
only
against
his
evil
Ministers
.
If
therefore
the
King
hath
err'd
,
(
as
doubtless
he
hath
very
much
)
in
God's
Name
let
his
Ministers
be
called
to
an
account
;
but
why
must
the
Government
be
dissolved
,
and
the
King
arraign'd
,
condemn'd
,
and
depos'd
,
to
make
way
for
any
new
Scheme
of
Government
whatsoever
,
whether
French
,
Italian
,
or
Dutch
?
Our
History
indeed
affords
two
Examples
since
William
the
First
's
time
;
that
of
Edward
the
Second
,
and
the
other
of
Richard
the
Second
:
but
they
did
both
of
them
actually
resign
;
and
besides
,
what
they
did
,
or
was
done
to
them
,
ought
to
preclude
the
right
of
no
succeeding
Prince
.
These
Examples
ought
no
more
to
be
urged
than
the
stabbing
King
Henry
the
Fourth
of
France
,
or
the
murthering
King
CHARLES
the
First
of
England
.
The
Historian
,
in
the
Life
of
Richard
the
Second
,
gives
no
very
good
Character
of
that
Parliament
,
which
pass'd
the
Vote
for
this
Deposition
:
The
Noblemen
(
says
he
)
partly
corrupted
by
Favour
,
partly
aw'd
by
Fear
,
gave
their
Voices
;
and
the
Commons
(
commonly
are
like
a
Flock
of
Cranes
)
as
the
first
fly
,
all
the
Followers
do
the
like
.
Continuat
.
Dan.
Hist.
p.
46.
Let
it
be
here
observed
,
that
I
do
not
dispute
whether
the
King
,
together
with
his
Parliament
,
may
not
regulate
and
entail
the
Succession
,
as
shall
by
them
be
thought
fit
;
but
only
whether
whilst
the
King
lives
,
whether
the
Throne
can
be
vacant
,
and
the
Government
be
truly
said
to
be
laps'd
?
This
we
deny
:
But
however
,
supposing
that
these
things
may
be
so
,
who
can
make
so
fair
a
Claim
(
and
so
generally
satisfactory
to
the
People
)
as
the
next
Heir
by
Proximity
of
Blood
;
I
mean
(
if
the
Prince
of
Wales
be
proved
supposititious
)
that
incomparable
Lady
,
the
Princess
of
Orange
?
These
Reflections
I
have
thought
fit
to
make
upon
some
new
Notions
of
our
present
States-men
,
by
which
we
guess
what
they
would
be
at
.
In
my
Opinion
,
I
think
it
is
but
too
evident
,
that
they
are
taking
Advantage
of
our
present
Fears
and
Distractions
,
to
run
us
into
those
Extremes
which
the
State
(
as
well
as
the
Church
)
of
England
hath
always
carefully
avoided
,
and
taken
particular
care
to
provide
against
.
4.
In
this
Design
can
we
in
Honour
and
Conscience
go
along
with
them
;
whom
yet
we
cannot
but
highly
esteem
and
value
for
their
Learning
and
Parts
,
and
more
especially
for
their
happy
and
successful
Labours
,
in
rescuing
us
from
those
gross
Corruptions
of
Christian
Religion
,
and
human
Nature
,
Popery
and
Slavery
?
But
shall
we
run
into
Popery
,
and
perhaps
Slavery
too
,
when
we
have
been
so
long
stri●ing
against
both
,
and
are
now
(
Thanks
be
to
God
)
in
a
great
measure
freed
from
the
Danger
of
either
?
And
is
not
the
Deposing
a
Popish
Doctrine
?
And
is
it
not
as
Antichristian
for
any
Assembly
to
put
it
into
Practice
,
as
it
was
for
the
Council
of
Lateran
at
first
to
establish
it
?
And
as
for
Slavery
,
must
not
a
standing
Army
be
necessarily
kept
up
,
to
maintain
a
Title
founded
only
upon
the
consent
of
the
fickle
and
uncertain
People
(
granting
that
the
major
part
of
them
are
willing
?
)
And
in
such
a
case
must
we
not
be
beholden
to
the
Goodness
of
the
Prince
,
rather
than
the
Protection
of
our
Laws
,
if
an
Arbitrary
and
Despotick
Power
be
not
again
introduced
?
We
have
,
as
yet
,
no
Law
which
wholly
disables
and
excludes
a
Popish
Successor
from
the
Throne
;
and
till
we
have
one
(
which
I
question
not
but
we
shall
have
soon
)
I
do
not
see
how
we
can
disanul
the
King's
Title
,
or
vacate
his
Regal
Capacity
,
howsoever
his
Power
may
be
restrained
.
Innovations
without
former
Precedent
,
are
always
dangerous
,
especially
those
of
this
Nature
.
It
will
be
much
more
wise
,
as
well
as
safe
,
to
bear
with
some
Inconveniencies
,
than
bring
upon
our selves
those
Mischiefs
,
which
such
unparallel'd
Proceedings
may
produce
.
The
Prince
of
Orange
in
his
additional
Declaration
hath
these
Words
:
We
are
confident
,
that
no
Persons
can
have
such
hard
Thoughts
of
us
,
as
to
imagine
that
we
have
any
other
Design
in
this
Undertaking
,
than
to
procure
a
Settlement
of
the
Religion
,
and
of
the
Liberties
and
Properties
of
the
Subjects
upon
so
sure
a
Foundation
,
that
there
may
be
no
danger
of
the
Nations
relapsing
into
the
like
Miseries
at
any
time
hereafter
.
How
far
some
Persons
may
extend
this
Clause
[
that
there
may
be
no
Danger
of
the
Nations
relapsing
into
the
like
Miseries
for
the
future
]
I
cannot
tell
;
but
for
any
one
to
understand
it
so
,
as
if
his
Highness
meant
,
that
there
could
be
no
Security
against
the
Nations
Relapse
,
if
the
King
be
not
deposed
,
and
he
himself
put
into
Possession
of
the
Throne
,
is
(
I
am
sure
)
an
Interpretation
very
disadvantageous
to
his
Honour
,
and
looks
more
like
a
Jesuitical
Equivocation
,
than
that
Candor
and
Christian
Sincerity
,
which
hath
brightned
and
rendered
illustrious
all
the
Actions
of
his
Highness
,
both
at
home
and
abroad
.
The
Answerer
also
to
the
Reflecter
upon
(
his
Highness's
Declaration
,
will
not
permit
us
to
harbour
any
such
Suspicions
,
as
if
a
Crown
was
the
End
of
this
Expedition
.
All
such
(
says
he
,
pag.
23
,
24.
)
as
believe
the
Prince
of
Orange
has
brought
this
Army
,
and
intends
to
make
War
upon
England
,
and
subdue
it
to
his
mere
Will
and
Pleasure
,
trample
all
Laws
both
Divine
and
Human
under
feet
;
dethrone
his
present
Majesty
,
and
make
himself
King
;
they
will
stay
and
fight
for
him
(
sc.
the
King
)
or
at
least
to
the
best
of
their
Power
,
in
some
manner
assist
and
help
him
:
On
the
contrary
,
such
as
believe
that
the
Prince's
meaning
is
nothing
of
all
this
,
&c.
Here
,
you
see
,
that
this
Author
(
who
,
't
is
to
be
supposed
,
was
not
unacquainted
with
the
Prince's
Intentions
)
utterly
rejects
it
,
as
a
false
Imputation
,
that
his
Highness
came
to
dethrone
his
present
Majesty
,
and
make
himself
King.
Nay
,
he
thought
himself
obliged
so
fully
to
declare
against
this
scandalous
Report
,
that
he
seems
to
have
encouraged
all
those
who
believed
it
,
To
stay
and
fight
for
the
King
;
or
at
least
,
to
the
best
of
their
power
,
in
some
manner
assist
and
help
him
.
So
far
was
this
Gentleman
from
entertaining
any
such
thoughts
of
the
Prince's
Expedition
;
which
some
Men
,
nevertheless
,
do
now
so
industriously
labor
to
make
the
effect
of
it
.
There
is
another
thing
which
makes
well-meaning
Men
apt
to
suspect
the
present
management
,
and
with
holds
them
from
closing
with
it
so
fully
,
as
otherwise
,
its
probable
they
might
do
.
That
Paper
which
goes
under
the
Title
of
the
Prince's
Third
Declaration
,
is
(
as
I
am
credibly
informed
)
none
of
his
,
and
is
disowned
by
the
Prince
himself
.
Now
this
pretended
Declaration
(
coming
out
when
the
Army
was
in
such
a
dubious
Condition
,
and
fluctuating
betwixt
the
King
and
the
Prince
)
did
more
harm
to
the
King's
Affairs
,
than
all
the
other
Papers
(
I
believe
)
published
at
that
time
.
And
if
this
was
no
real
,
but
a
sham
Declaration
,
and
yet
was
permitted
without
Contradiction
,
't
is
plain
that
Sophistry
and
Tricks
are
made
use
of
,
as
lawful
Polices
,
and
that
any
kind
of
means
are
permitted
,
if
they
will
but
do
the
business
,
and
serve
the
present
turn
.
This
makes
plain
and
honest
Men
,
who
have
no
Ends
to
serve
,
but
what
are
just
,
and
are
willing
to
use
no
kind
of
Means
but
what
are
so
:
This
makes
them
shie
and
cautious
of
engaging
too
far
in
those
Designs
,
which
they
see
carried
on
by
crafty
and
deceitful
Artifices
working
under
a
Military
Power
and
Force
ready
to
defend
them
.
I
might
mention
the
great
number
of
Papists
in
the
Dutch
Army
,
as
another
disswasive
from
venturing
our selves
in
this
bottom
:
We
are
afraid
of
Papists
of
all
sorts
and
of
all
Countrie
,
German
and
Dutch
,
as
well
as
French
and
Irish
;
the
Constitutions
of
the
one
may
be
more
harmless
than
of
the
other
;
but
the
Principles
of
both
(
we
know
)
are
equally
destructive
;
and
when
occasion
serves
,
who
knows
but
that
the
Principle
may
prevail
over
the
Constitution
,
and
the
Papist
get
the
better
of
the
Dutch-man
?
'T
is
ill
trusting
Popery
in
any
shape
:
This
is
a
Root
,
which
wherever
it
is
planted
,
can
bring
forth
no
good
Fruit.
The
Bogs
of
Holland
cannot
(
we
think
)
make
it
less
malignant
,
than
those
of
Ireland
.
To
come
to
a
conclusion
,
there
remain
several
things
to
be
cleared
,
before
we
can
altogether
comply
with
what
is
now
prosecuted
with
so
much
Zeal
.
That
the
Prince
of
W.
is
a
supposititious
Child
:
That
a
League
was
made
by
our
King
with
the
King
of
France
for
the
Destruction
of
his
Protestant
Subjects
,
and
rooting
out
our
Religion
,
under
the
Notion
of
the
Northern
Heresy
:
That
the
late
King
was
poysoned
;
and
that
the
Earl
of
Essex
was
murthered
.
These
things
,
we
desire
,
may
be
proved
;
and
then
we
cannot
but
agree
,
that
nothing
can
be
too
bad
for
the
guilty
Authors
.
These
are
such
damnable
Villanies
,
such
horrid
Crimes
,
that
both
the
Principles
and
Accessories
ought
to
be
esteemed
,
and
treated
no
better
than
Tories
and
Banditti
,
Men
of
seared
and
profligate
Consciences
,
forsaken
of
God
,
and
Enemies
to
Mankind
.
But
then
seeing
these
are
such
heavy
Accusations
and
grievous
Charges
,
they
ought
certainly
to
be
well
proved
before
they
be
believed
,
and
produced
as
Arguments
against
the
Life
,
Honour
,
and
Estate
of
any
Person
:
for
si
satis
esset
accusasse
,
&c.
If
it
be
enough
to
accuse
,
where
should
we
find
an
innocent
Person
?
If
these
dreadful
things
can
be
made
out
,
it
would
,
I
believe
,
not
only
confirm
Protestants
in
their
deserved
Detestation
of
Popery
,
but
create
even
in
the
minds
of
honest
Papists
themselves
,
an
Aversation
to
their
own
Religion
,
when
they
shall
see
it
contriving
and
executing
such
cruel
and
unnatural
Works
of
darkness
.
To
see
a
Father
setting
up
a
pretended
Son
against
the
Interest
of
his
own
undoubted
Children
;
to
behold
a
King
bargaining
for
the
Destruction
of
his
own
Subjects
;
to
represent
to
our
Minds
one
Brother
preparing
the
deadly
Cup
for
the
other
,
who
yet
ventur'd
his
Crown
rather
than
he
would
exclude
him
from
the
hopes
of
it
in
Reversion
;
to
look
upon
the
same
Royal
Person
plotting
and
managing
the
Assassination
of
a
Captive
and
helpless
Peer
.
These
are
such
dismal
Sights
and
melancholick
Scenes
,
so
full
of
Horror
and
barbarous
Cruelty
,
that
they
must
needs
make
sad
Impressions
upon
the
Hearts
even
of
the
boldest
Spectators
;
insomuch
,
that
if
they
were
proved
,
they
would
most
effectually
prejudice
all
Men
against
the
Author
of
such
monstrous
Barbarities
,
and
go
near
to
extinguish
all
Obligations
of
Duty
which
otherwise
they
might
owe
to
his
Person
and
Authority
.
We
must
therefore
call
again
for
the
Proof
of
these
things
,
or
else
we
cannot
(
because
we
ought
not
to
)
believe
them
upon
bare
Surmise
and
Hear-say
.
If
these
Accusations
be
cleared
once
,
who
can
reverence
the
Person
guilty
of
them
,
as
the
Father
of
his
Country
,
and
not
rather
avoid
and
fly
from
him
as
the
worst
of
Tyrants
?
But
if
these
things
be
still
kept
in
the
Clouds
,
and
wrap'd
up
in
uncertain
Ambiguities
,
all
wise
Men
will
think
that
it
would
have
been
better
,
if
they
never
had
been
mentioned
;
because
this
doth
but
raise
the
Peoples
Zeal
for
the
present
,
which
(
if
not
kept
up
by
real
Evidence
)
will
be
apt
to
turn
to
the
other
Extream
,
and
commiserate
the
Cause
which
before
it
prosecuted
with
so
much
violence
.
The
higher
Mens
Resentments
are
raised
by
objecting
the
most
notorious
Crimes
,
the
lower
will
they
fall
,
if
Truth
and
plain
matter
of
Fact
doth
not
back
and
maintain
them
.
And
this
is
an
Advantage
which
I
would
not
have
us
give
our
Adversaries
in
these
things
,
no
more
than
we
have
done
in
the
matters
of
Dispute
betwixt
them
and
us
.
Here
we
have
proved
all
our
Charges
against
their
Religion
;
let
us
therefore
prove
,
or
else
not
so
eagerly
insist
upon
these
Accusations
brought
against
their
Persons
.
I
shall
add
nothing
further
,
but
my
real
Wishes
,
That
I
could
(
tho
with
the
loss
of
all
that
's
dear
to
me
in
this
World
)
contribute
to
the
utter
Exclusion
of
Popery
by
all
lawful
means
;
and
I
do
,
and
shall
always
pray
for
a
Blessing
upon
their
Designs
,
who
sincerely
endeavour
to
procure
a
Settlement
of
the
Religion
,
Liberties
and
Properties
of
the
Subjects
,
upon
so
sure
a
foundation
,
that
there
may
be
no
danger
of
the
Nations
relapsing
into
the
like
miseries
at
any
time
hereafter
.
Some
short
Notes
on
a
Pamphlet
,
entitled
,
Reflections
upon
our
late
and
present
Proceedings
in
England
.
A
Man
must
read
much
of
this
Author
's
profound
Work
,
before
he
can
fathom
the
Depths
of
it
,
and
find
what
his
Design
is
,
or
whether
indeed
he
has
any
Design
at
all
,
unless
it
be
that
of
making
a
Book
.
He
tells
us
at
length
after
much
Strugling
,
and
a
tedious
Repetition
of
what
every
body
knows
(
perhaps
)
better
than
himself
,
That
all
Orders
of
Men
,
Ecclesiastick
,
Civil
,
and
Military
,
did
put
the
Regal
Administration
into
the
Prince
of
Orange's
Hands
,
and
that
the
Intent
of
our
Proceedings
will
at
least
excuse
,
if
not
justify
us
.
I
would
have
this
knowing
Gentleman
inform
the
World
into
what
Hands
the
Regal
Administration
could
be
better
put
?
And
if
the
Nation
could
not
do
better
,
whether
this
their
Action
does
not
justify
it self
?
But
says
he
a
little
above
,
How
did
we
all
generally
concur
,
and
unanimously
agree
to
forget
our
Obligations
to
our
Soveraign
.
And
in
Page
4
,
he
tells
us
,
That
the
Prince
of
Orange
hath
done
a
great
thing
for
us
,
and
wrought
such
Deliverance
for
the
Nation
as
ought
never
to
be
forgotten
,
and
can
never
be
sufficiently
requited
.
I
do
not
at
all
doubt
but
this
Gentleman
can
more
easily
write
half
a
dozen
such
Books
as
this
is
,
than
reconcile
these
notable
Passages
.
He
acknowledges
we
have
been
rescued
out
of
the
Hands
of
him
that
hated
us
,
and
would
have
destroyed
us
without
a
cause
,
and
yet
reproaches
us
with
forgetting
our
Obligations
to
our
Soveraign
.
In
Page
5.
he
has
this
sharp
Question
,
Let
every
Man
ask
himself
,
for
what
reason
he
became
a
party
in
this
general
Defection
?
Was
it
to
divest
the
King
of
all
Power
to
protect
his
Subjects
?
&c.
To
repeat
these
Absurdities
is
a
sufficient
Answer
to
them
.
And
then
again
in
the
next
Page
,
That
whatever
some
obnoxious
and
ambitious
Men
might
aim
at
,
all
good
Christians
had
other
Intentions
.
They
were
sensibly
concerned
for
the
Preservation
of
their
Holy
Religion
,
in
the
first
place
:
Their
Lives
,
their
Laws
▪
their
Liberties
,
in
the
next
:
And
after
the
way
which
some
call
Heresy
,
so
were
they
desirous
still
to
worship
the
God
of
their
Fathers
;
and
after
that
manner
which
some
might
say
was
Rebellion
,
so
they
thought
themselves
oblig'd
to
stand
up
for
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
their
Forefathers
.
What
measures
of
Obedience
this
Man
is
for
,
and
what
he
would
have
us
to
do
,
or
not
to
do
,
I
am
not
able
to
divine
from
his
Book
,
for
he
seems
to
dislike
in
one
place
,
what
he
approves
in
another
.
But
he
tells
us
in
Page
6
,
&
7
of
his
Fears
of
the
Government
being
undermined
both
in
Church
and
State
,
and
that
he
shall
be
reduced
to
the
Dutch
or
some
other
foreign
measures
,
which
can
never
be
well
received
in
England
till
an
Act
be
past
to
abolish
Monarchy
,
Episcopacy
,
&c.
If
this
Gentleman's
Distractions
be
not
so
great
as
to
hinder
him
the
use
of
his
two
chief
Senses
,
he
may
now
perceive
that
his
Fears
are
as
vain
,
as
others
perceive
his
Reasoning
to
be
.
But
in
Page
8.
he
states
a
notable
Question
,
for
he
supposes
his
Father
to
be
as
churlish
as
Cain
,
and
as
poor
as
Job
,
and
yet
maintains
he
is
his
Father
.
O
admirably
put
!
But
what
's
this
to
a
King
's
apparent
Design
of
ruining
and
enslaving
a
People
,
who
have
the
same
both
Natural
and
Civil
Right
to
their
Lives
and
Liberties
,
as
he
has
to
his
?
But
shall
we
run
(
says
he
)
into
Popery
,
and
perhaps
Slavery
too
?
and
is
not
the
Deposing
a
Popish
Doctrine
?
p.
11.
and
as
for
Slavery
,
Must
not
a
standing
Army
be
necessarily
kept
up
to
maintain
a
Title
founded
only
on
the
consent
of
the
fickle
and
uncertain
People
?
If
the
Lords
and
Commons
of
England
are
this
fickle
and
uncertain
People
;
I
know
not
where
our
Author
will
find
more
substantial
Folks
,
unless
he
fancies
they
are
to
be
met
with
amongst
the
Mobile
.
And
as
to
the
Popish
Deposing
Doctrine
,
I
have
already
shewed
our
case
comes
in
no
sort
near
it
;
for
the
late
King's
Religion
did
not
hinder
his
possessing
himself
of
the
Throne
,
neither
was
that
the
Cause
of
his
leaving
it
,
for
he
might
have
enjoyed
it
and
made
the
best
of
it
,
as
to
himself
,
in
all
Freedom
,
but
he
thought
it
beneath
him
to
stop
here
,
and
not
impose
his
false
Worship
on
all
his
Subjects
,
trampling
all
the
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
under
his
Feet
,
and
thereby
claiming
not
only
an
absolute
Empire
over
the
Bodies
,
but
the
Minds
of
his
Subjects
.
Our
Author
likewise
shews
himself
a
notable
Well-wisher
to
our
Religion
and
Liberties
,
when
he
represents
a
standing
Army
(
page
11.
)
in
the
present
Exigency
of
Affairs
,
to
be
such
a
Grievance
,
and
that
too
under
a
Prince
,
who
has
not
been
only
born
and
educated
in
the
greatest
Aversion
to
Popery
,
and
the
only
Prince
uncorrupted
by
the
French
King
,
but
whose
Genius
and
Interests
do
every
ways
so
answer
the
Necessity
of
our
Nation
,
that
we
have
no
other
cause
of
Fear
or
Trouble
,
but
at
the
sense
of
our
own
Unworthiness
of
so
great
a
Blessing
.
He
seems
in
p.
12
,
and
13
,
to
be
in
great
Labour
,
left
the
Prince
of
Orange
should
make
himself
a
King
contrary
to
the
express
Terms
of
his
Declaration
,
and
Pretences
of
coming
over
here
.
To
which
may
be
answered
,
that
he
has
in
no
sort
violated
that
Declaration
,
for
he
did
not
thrust
himself
into
the
Throne
;
and
as
to
his
being
so
now
,
both
de
jure
and
de
facto
,
this
being
a
matter
decided
by
the
Justice
,
Wisdom
and
Supream
Authority
of
the
Nation
,
it
's
foolish
Presumption
,
and
no
less
conceited
Ignorance
for
any
private
Person
to
argue
it
.
Our
wise
Author
seems
to
be
moreover
concerned
and
greatly
troubled
at
the
Effects
produced
by
the
third
Declaration
,
for
he
says
,
It
did
more
harm
to
the
King's
Affairs
,
than
all
the
other
Papers
publisht
at
that
time
;
whence
he
concludes
its
plain
that
Sophistry
and
Tricks
are
made
use
of
,
if
they
will
but
do
the
Business
.
What
would
this
Man
have
?
would
he
have
both
to
succeed
,
when
he
elsewhere
acknowledges
,
that
the
late
King's
Design
was
to
ruin
us
,
and
the
Prince's
to
prevent
it
?
As
to
Tricks
and
Sophistry
,
I
detest
them
as
much
as
any
Man
,
yet
think
such
harmless
Guides
(
whoever
was
the
Author
)
less
pernicious
and
destructive
than
force
and
bloodshed
.
This
Gentleman
who
s●ily
pleads
all
along
for
the
Popish
Interest
,
is
now
for
sooth
much
scandaliz'd
at
the
Dutch-Papists
in
the
Princes
Army
▪
but
at
this
he
need
not
take
Offence
,
seeing
they
are
going
over
whence
they
came
,
to
serve
the
States
against
the
most
unchristian
Usurper
or
both
Popish
and
Protestant
Countrys
.
But
before
this
worthy
Author
can
come
to
a
Conclusion
of
his
Book
,
he
must
have
several
things
proved
to
him
:
to
wit
,
That
the
Prince
of
Wales
is
a
supposititious
Child
;
that
a
League
was
made
by
our
King
with
the
King
of
France
,
for
the
Destruction
of
his
Protestant
Subjects
,
and
rooting
out
our
Religion
under
the
Notion
of
the
Northern
Heresy
;
that
the
late
King
was
poyson'd
;
and
that
the
Earl
of
Essex
was
murthered
.
These
things
we
desire
may
be
proved
,
and
then
we
cannot
but
agree
▪
that
nothing
can
be
too
bad
for
the
guilty
Authors
.
This
Gentleman
cannot
but
know
the
Unreasonableness
of
his
Demands
,
and
that
what
he
desires
,
is
not
only
unseasonable
,
but
impracticable
,
till
the
Government
be
setled
,
when
,
and
at
what
time
,
(
perhaps
to
his
great
Confusion
)
these
and
many
other
Deeds
of
Darkness
will
be
brought
to
light
.
Moreover
the
Astonishment
he
expresses
at
the
mention
of
these
vile
Practices
,
seems
to
arise
in
him
,
rather
from
some
crafty
Design
,
than
mere
Ignorance
of
what
has
been
done
(
oftner
than
once
)
in
Neighbouring
Courts
.
To
conclude
then
in
my
Authors
own
Words
;
If
these
Accusations
be
cleared
once
,
who
can
reverence
the
Person
guilty
of
them
,
as
the
Father
of
his
Country
,
and
not
rather
avoid
and
fly
him
as
the
worst
of
Tyrants
.
The
Scot's
Grievances
:
Or
a
Short
Account
of
the
Proceedings
of
the
Scotish
Privy-Council
,
Iusticiary
Court
,
and
those
Commissionated
by
them
,
whereby
the
Consciences
of
good
Men
have
been
Tortured
,
the
Peace
of
the
Nation
these
several
Years
past
exceedingly
Disturbed
,
and
Multitudes
of
Innocent
People
cruelly
Oppressed
,
and
inhumanely
Murthered
.
IN
the
Tract
of
these
Years
,
although
Informing
was
a
Trade
more
encouraged
than
in
the
Reign
of
Tiberius
,
yet
they
arraigned
Multitudes
without
Informer
or
Accuser
;
and
whosoever
appeared
not
upon
their
Summer
Citation
(
which
often
times
was
impossible
)
were
treated
as
Criminals
.
They
seized
many
of
all
Ranks
,
and
detained
them
Months
,
and
Years
,
without
any
Signification
of
the
cause
of
their
Imprisonment
;
and
seldom
liberate
any
such
without
Exorbitant
Bail
:
but
if
they
could
find
the
least
Shadow
to
prosecute
any
suspected
to
mislike
their
Arbitrary
Courses
,
they
precipitated
their
Process
,
not
allowing
them
time
or
means
to
vindicate
their
Innocency
.
They
sent
their
Inquisitors
through
their
Prisons
and
Citizens
Houses
,
to
examine
whom
they
pleased
,
upon
most
intricate
Questions
of
Church
and
State
Government
,
and
made
their
refusing
to
answer
,
or
dissatisfactory
Answers
,
the
Foundation
of
their
Indictments
;
others
seized
in
the
Crowd
at
Executions
,
and
some
when
visiting
the
imprisoned
,
were
condemned
and
executed
,
for
refusing
to
justify
their
Severities
against
their
Brethren
,
and
disowning
their
Dagon
of
Nor
resistance
.
They
frequently
sent
out
Spies
to
Prisons
,
Cities
and
Country
,
under
Disguise
,
who
by
simulating
their
Dissatisfaction
at
the
Exorbitances
of
the
Government
,
and
Zeal
for
persecuted
Piety
,
might
draw
Words
from
the
most
wary
,
sustaining
such
and
other
Informers
as
habil
Witnesses
to
the
taking
away
the
Lives
of
many
Innocents
,
notwithstanding
of
one
Express
Act
of
Parliament
to
the
contrary
.
They
often
prosecuted
without
a
Libel
:
and
when
they
formed
Libels
,
they
seldom
restricted
themselves
to
the
Points
therein
contained
,
holding
them
,
as
confessed
who
refused
to
answer
their
captious
and
extraneous
Questions
.
They
not
only
employed
Emissaries
,
but
Judges
themselves
were
active
to
suborn
Witnesses
against
the
Lives
,
Estates
and
Honours
of
Peers
and
worthy
Patriots
(
a
palpably
gross
Management
of
such
an
Intrigue
,
having
qualified
a
Person
for
a
chief
Seat
in
their
High
Court
of
Justice
)
and
when
they
could
not
find
such
Execrable
Russians
to
serve
their
turns
,
they
forced
Pannals
to
answer
de
super
Inquirendis
,
in
the
most
Criminal
Cases
.
They
have
often
sustained
Jurors
and
Witnesses
,
who
could
not
purge
themselves
of
Prejudice
or
partial
Counsel
.
They
have
Indicted
,
Tryed
,
Condemned
and
executed
Persons
in
one
day
;
and
when
Intercession
hath
been
made
for
some
time
to
prepare
for
Death
,
it
hath
been
answered
,
They
shall
have
no
time
to
prepare
for
Heaven
,
Hell
is
too
good
for
them
.
They
have
kept
some
in
Expectation
of
Reprieves
and
Pardons
,
till
the
very
Day
and
Hour
of
their
Execution
;
others
they
have
hanged
early
in
the
Morning
,
thereby
preventing
the
Peoples
seeing
their
Cruelty
,
and
hearing
the
dying
Persons
last
Words
,
and
too
palpably
designing
by
such
Surprizals
the
Ruine
of
their
Souls
.
They
frequently
beat
Drums
about
the
Scaffolds
,
their
Cause
being
such
as
could
not
bear
the
Words
of
dying
Christians
.
They
searched
several
,
when
removing
them
from
the
Prison
to
the
Scrffold
,
seized
their
Testimonies
,
that
so
they
might
not
come
to
publick
.
They
would
have
their
Laws
to
reach
Thoughts
as
well
as
Actions
,
and
many
against
whom
they
could
charge
no
matter
of
Fact
,
they
sought
to
reach
their
Lives
for
their
Thoughts
,
asking
them
,
What
think
you
of
the
Government
,
&
c.
?
Some
they
have
wheedled
to
Confession
,
by
promising
to
favour
their
Ingenuity
,
upbraiding
them
for
Dissemblers
if
they
would
not
speak
freely
,
and
by
mock-Expostulations
;
viz.
Are
ye
ashamed
of
your
Principles
?
Are
ye
afraid
to
give
a
Testimony
,
&
c
?
and
forced
them
to
subscribe
their
Confessions
before
the
Council
,
which
they
produced
as
Witness
against
them
at
the
Criminal
Court
,
whereupon
they
were
Sentenced
and
Executed
.
When
any
refused
to
give
Categorical
Answers
,
then
could
they
extort
all
by
Torture
,
with
their
Engines
of
Cruelty
,
the
Boots
,
fired
Matches
betwixt
the
Fingers
and
Thumkins
;
and
after
torturing
,
hanged
several
,
though
thereby
they
could
extort
nothing
.
When
some
had
answered
all
their
Questions
,
and
cleared
themselves
of
all
charged
against
them
,
yet
would
they
not
pass
them
so
,
but
impose
some
of
their
wicked
Oaths
,
which
they
concluded
they
would
not
take
,
and
according
to
the
measure
of
Tenderness
they
discovered
in
any
,
they
apportioned
the
Oaths
;
to
the
stricter
the
more
smooth
;
to
the
laxer
the
more
harsh
,
such
as
once
their
own
Natural
Consciences
did
fear
at
.
They
required
not
only
to
have
their
Laws
obeyed
,
but
subscribed
also
,
holding
it
not
sufficient
that
People
transgress
them
not
,
but
likewise
own
the
Justice
of
them
,
and
the
Lawfulness
of
the
Authority
enacting
them
,
and
swear
to
maintain
them
;
and
yet
when
some
have
complyed
to
all
they
sought
,
yet
would
they
not
discharge
them
,
but
upon
Bond
to
answer
again
when
called
.
Not
only
Extrajudicial
Confession
will
sustain
with
them
,
but
when
they
have
given
the
publick
Faith
,
the
King's
Security
,
the
Act
and
Oath
of
Council
,
that
such
Confession
should
not
militate
,
yet
they
have
brought
it
in
as
Evidence
,
and
given
it
upon
Oath
,
when
their
former
Act
and
Oath
was
produced
in
open
Court
in
Demonstration
of
their
Perjury
.
They
used
frequently
to
pack
Juries
,
picking
out
such
as
they
thought
any
thing
tender
,
and
not
bloody
enough
,
and
sometimes
listed
some
who
they
concluded
would
not
concur
,
that
thereupon
they
might
get
occasion
to
exact
their
Fines
.
Sometimes
when
the
Jury
hath
brought
in
their
Verdict
in
Favour
of
the
Pannal
,
they
have
made
them
return
and
resume
the
Cognition
of
the
Process
again
,
and
threatned
them
with
an
Assize
of
Error
if
they
did
not
bring
him
in
Guilty
,
yea
frequently
the
Advocate
theatned
them
under
most
peremptory
Certifications
if
they
found
not
the
Impannalled
Guilty
;
so
that
their
using
Juries
was
but
for
the
Fashion
.
They
have
sentenced
innocent
Persons
twice
,
once
to
have
their
Ears
cut
off
and
banished
,
and
after
the
lopping
of
their
Ears
,
they
have
re-examined
them
,
and
sentenced
them
to
Death
.
They
used
to
stage
several
together
,
of
whom
they
knew
some
would
comply
,
to
tantalize
others
with
the
sight
of
their
Liberty
,
thereby
tempting
them
to
bite
more
eagerly
at
their
snaring
Baits
,
to
wound
the
Conscience
.
They
have
not
only
Murdered
many
innocent
Christians
in
taking
their
Lives
,
but
also
endevou●ed
to
Murder
their
Reputation
and
the
Cause
they
owned
,
loading
it
with
most
reproachful
Epithets
,
which
was
their
peculiar
Policy
,
to
bring
the
Heads
of
Suffering
to
Points
most
obnoxious
to
common
Censer
,
and
most
Extrinsick
to
Religion
,
cutting
off
the
Faithful
Professors
of
Religion
,
and
true
Lovers
of
Liberty
,
under
the
odium
of
Enemies
to
Government
.
Some
they
arraigned
whom
they
could
neither
reach
by
adducing
many
Witnesses
against
in
Tryal
,
nor
by
their
Examination
with
their
cruel
Torture
of
the
Boots
,
yet
hath
had
their
whole
Estate
seized
,
and
also
been
sent
to
P●ison
in
a
Rock
within
the
Sea
,
without
being
convicted
of
any
Crime
.
They
finding
their
means
and
motions
under
Colour
of
Law
;
and
Trials
were
too
slow
and
troublesome
to
acquire
their
designed
Cruelties
and
that
the
publick
Executions
tended
more
to
confirm
and
multiply
the
Lovers
of
Religion
and
Liberty
,
than
to
diminish
and
deter
,
took
a
more
compendious
way
of
sending
out
th●ir
Souldiers
impowered
to
challenge
and
examine
whom
they
pleased
;
and
to
tender
Oaths
required
by
no
Law
,
and
to
punish
such
by
present
Death
who
refused
to
swear
,
or
scrupled
to
answer
their
ensnaring
Q●estion
,
which
bloody
Commissions
were
so
faithfully
Executed
,
that
within
few
Weeks
above
fifty
innocent
Persons
were
cruelly
murdered
in
cold
Blood
,
without
either
T●yal
or
Conv●●●●on
,
or
respe●t
to
Age
or
Sex.
Although
the
Multitudes
of
Famil●es
ruined
by
Exorbitant
Fining●
,
Forfeitures
,
Banishments
,
Imprisonments
,
Free
qua●terings
and
Plunderings
of
Souldier●
,
and
Barbarities
of
their
Highland
Host
:
the
many
cruel
Edicts
and
Proclamations
they
have
published
,
the
unlawful
Bonds
,
and
wicked
self-contradicting
Oaths
imposed
and
pressed
,
the
many
Exactions
whereby
they
have
impoverished
the
Country
,
the
many
open
Oppressions
,
horrid
Tortures
and
Cruelties
practised
upon
Innocents
,
the
multitudes
of
Persons
Male
and
Female
,
whom
they
have
Murdered
,
Persecuted
,
Oppressed
and
Destroyed
,
are
so
many
and
various
that
they
cannot
be
collected
:
Yet
some
have
been
at
no
small
pains
to
gether
as
much
of
these
,
as
when
published
in
a
Martyrology
of
these
times
,
(
which
is
purposed
to
be
done
with
all
convenient
speed
)
will
give
the
World
to
know
as
well
the
Faithfulness
,
Patience
,
Courage
and
Constancy
of
these
who
suffered
,
together
with
the
Equity
of
their
Cause
,
as
the
Inhumanity
,
Illegality
and
Severity
of
their
Cruel
and
Bloody
Persecutors
.
The
Late
Honourable
CONVENTION
proved
a
Legal
PARLIAMENT
.
I.
THE
necessity
of
a
Parliament
agreed
by
the
Lords
and
Commons
Voting
that
the
Throne
is
Vacant
;
for
there
being
a
Vacancy
,
there
follows
an
immediate
necessity
of
settling
the
Government
,
especially
the
Writs
,
being
destroyed
,
and
the
Great
Seal
carryed
away
,
put
a
period
to
all
publick
Justice
,
and
then
there
must
be
a
supply
by
such
means
as
the
necessity
requires
,
or
a
failure
of
Government
.
II.
Consider
the
Antecedents
to
the
calling
the
Convention
;
that
is
,
about
three
hundred
of
the
Commons
,
which
is
a
majority
of
the
fullest
House
that
can
be
made
,
above
sixty
Lords
,
being
a
greater
number
,
than
any
part
divided
amounted
to
at
this
great
Meeting
,
the
Lord
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
Common
Council
of
the
City
of
London
,
by
application
to
His
then
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
desired
him
to
accept
of
the
Administration
of
P●blick
Affairs
,
Military
and
Civil
,
which
he
was
pleased
to
do
,
to
the
great
satisfaction
of
all
good
People
;
and
after
that
His
Highness
was
desired
to
Issue
forth
His
Circular
Letters
to
the
Lords
;
and
the
like
to
the
Coroners
,
and
in
their
absence
to
the
Clerks
of
the
Peace
,
to
Elect
Knights
,
Citizens
and
Burgesses
;
this
was
more
than
was
done
in
Fifty
nine
,
for
the
calling
a
Parliament
in
April
1660.
for
there
the
Summons
was
not
real
,
but
fictitious
,
(
i.
e.
)
in
the
names
of
the
Keepers
of
the
Liberties
of
England
,
a
meer
Notion
set
up
as
a
Form
,
there
being
no
such
Persons
,
but
a
meer
Ens
rationis
,
impossible
really
to
exist
:
so
that
here
was
much
more
done
than
in
1659
,
and
all
really
done
which
was
possible
to
be
invented
,
as
the
Affairs
then
stood
.
Besides
King
Ch.
the
2d
.
had
not
abdicated
the
Kingdom
,
but
was
willing
to
return
,
and
was
at
Breda
,
whither
they
might
have
sent
for
Writs
,
and
in
the
mean
time
have
kept
their
form
of
Keepers
of
the
Liberties
,
&c.
But
in
the
present
case
there
was
no
King
in
being
,
nor
any
style
or
form
of
Government
,
neither
real
,
or
notional
left
;
so
that
in
all
these
respects
,
more
was
done
before
,
and
at
the
calling
of
this
Great
Convention
,
than
for
calling
that
Parliament
(
for
so
I
must
call
it
)
yet
that
Parliament
made
several
Acts
,
in
all
thirty
seven
,
as
appears
by
Keebles
Statutes
,
and
several
of
them
not
confirmed
;
I
shall
instance
but
in
one
,
but
it
is
one
which
there
was
occasion
to
use
in
every
County
of
England
;
I
mean
the
Act
for
Confirming
and
Restoring
Ministers
,
being
the
17
th
of
that
Sessions
;
all
the
Judges
allowed
of
this
as
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
tho'
never
confirmed
,
which
is
a
stronger
case
than
that
in
question
,
for
there
was
only
fictitious
Summons
,
here
a
real
one
.
III.
That
without
the
Consent
of
any
Body
of
the
People
;
this
at
the
Request
of
a
Majority
of
the
Lords
;
more
than
hal●
the
number
of
the
Commons
duly
chosen
in
King
Ch.
the
2
d's
time
,
besides
the
great
Body
of
the
City
of
London
being
at
least
esteem'd
a
5
th
part
of
the
Kingdom
,
yet
after
the
King's
Return
,
he
was
so
well
satisfied
with
the
calling
of
that
Parliament
,
that
it
was
Enacted
by
the
King
,
Lords
and
Commons
As●embled
in
Parliament
;
that
the
Lords
and
Common
;
then
Sitting
at
Westminster
in
the
present
Parliament
,
were
th●
two
Houses
of
Parliament
,
notwithstanding
any
want
of
th●
Kings
Writs
or
Writ
of
Summons
,
or
a●y
defect
whatsoever
and
as
if
the
King
had
been
present
at
the
beginning
of
the
Parliament
,
this
I
take
to
be
a
full
Judgment
in
full
Parliament
of
the
case
in
question
,
and
much
stronger
than
the
present
case
is
,
and
this
Parliament
continued
till
the
29
th
of
December
next
following
,
and
made
in
all
thirty
seven
Acts
,
as
abo●e
mentioned
.
The
13
Caroli
2.
chap.
7.
(
a
full
Parliament
called
by
the
Kings
Writ
)
recites
the
other
of
12
Caroli
2.
and
that
after
his
Majesties
return
they
were
continued
till
the
29
th
of
December
,
and
then
dissolved
,
and
that
several
Acts
passed
;
this
is
the
plain
Judgment
of
another
Parliament
.
1.
Because
it
says
they
were
continued
,
which
shews
they
had
a
real
being
capable
of
being
continued
;
for
a
Confirmation
of
a
void
Grant
has
no
effect
,
and
Confirmation
shews
a
Grant
only
voidable
so
the
continuance
there
shewed
it
at
most
but
voidable
;
and
when
the
King
came
,
and
confirm'd
it
,
all
was
good
.
2.
The
dissolving
it
then
,
shews
they
had
a
being
,
for
,
as
ex
nihilo
nihil
sit
,
so
super
nihil
nil
operatur
,
as
out
of
nothing
nothing
can
be
made
,
so
upon
nothing
nothing
can
operate
.
Again
,
the
King
,
Lords
and
Commons
,
make
the
great
Corporation
or
Body
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
the
Commons
are
legally
taken
for
the
Free-holders
,
Inst.
4.
p.
2.
Now
the
Lords
and
Commons
having
Proclaimed
the
King
,
the
defect
of
this
great
Corporation
is
cured
,
and
all
the
Essential
parts
of
this
great
Body
Politique
united
and
made
compleat
,
as
plainly
as
when
the
Mayor
of
a
Corporation
dies
,
and
another
is
chosen
,
the
Corporation
is
again
perfect
;
and
to
say
,
that
which
perfects
the
great
Body
Politique
should
in
the
same
instant
destroy
it
,
I
mean
the
Parliament
,
is
to
make
contradictions
true
,
simul
&
semel
,
the
perfection
,
and
destruction
of
this
great
Body
at
one
instant
,
and
by
the
same
Act.
Then
if
necessity
of
Affairs
was
a
forcible
Argument
in
1660
,
a
time
of
great
peace
,
not
only
in
England
,
but
throughout
Europe
,
and
almost
in
all
the
World
;
certainly
't
is
of
a
greater
force
now
,
when
England
is
scarce
delivered
from
Popery
and
Slavery
;
when
Ireland
has
a
mighty
Army
of
Papists
,
and
that
Kingdom
in
hazard
of
final
destruction
,
if
not
speedily
prevented
;
and
when
France
has
destroyed
most
of
the
Protestants
there
,
and
threatens
the
ruin
of
the
Low-Countries
,
from
whence
God
has
sent
the
wonderful
Assistance
of
our
Gracious
,
and
therefore
most
Glorious
King
;
and
England
cannot
promise
safety
from
that
Forreign
Power
,
when
forty
days
delay
,
which
is
the
least
can
be
for
a
new
Parliament
,
and
considering
we
can
never
hope
to
have
one
more
freely
chosen
,
because
first
it
was
so
free
from
Court-influence
,
or
likelihood
of
all
design
that
the
Letters
of
Summons
issued
by
him
,
whom
the
great
God
in
infinite
Mercy
raised
to
save
us
,
to
the
hazard
of
his
Life
,
and
this
done
to
protect
the
Protestant
Religion
and
at
a
time
when
the
people
were
all
concerned
for
one
Common
interest
of
Religion
,
and
Liberty
,
it
would
be
vain
when
we
have
the
best
King
and
Queen
the
World
affords
,
a
full
house
of
Lords
,
the
most
solemnly
chosen
Commons
that
ever
were
in
the
remembrance
of
any
Man
Living
,
to
spend
Mony
and
lose
time
(
I
had
almost
said
to
despise
Providence
)
and
take
great
pains
to
destroy
our selves
.
If
any
object
Acts
of
Parliament
mentioning
Writs
and
Summons
,
&c.
I
answer
,
the
Precedent
in
1660
is
after
all
those
Acts.
In
private
cases
as
much
has
been
done
in
point
of
necessity
;
a
Bishop
Provincial
dies
,
and
sede
vacant
a
Clerk
is
presented
to
a
Benefice
,
the
Presentation
to
the
Dean
and
Chapter
is
good
in
this
case
of
Necessity
;
and
if
in
a
Vacancy
by
the
Death
of
a
Bishop
a
Presentation
shall
be
good
to
the
Dean
and
Chapter
,
rather
than
a
prejudice
should
happen
by
the
Church
lying
void
;
Surely
â
fortiori
—
Vacancy
of
the
Throne
may
be
supplied
without
the
formality
of
a
Writ
,
and
the
great
Convention
turn'd
to
a
Real
Parliament
.
A
Summons
in
all
points
is
of
the
same
real
force
as
a
Writ
,
for
a
Summons
and
a
Writ
differ
no
more
than
in
name
,
the
thing
is
the
same
in
all
Substantial
parts
;
the
Writ
is
Recorded
in
Chancery
,
so
are
His
Highnesses
Letters
;
the
proper
Officer
Endorses
the
Return
,
so
he
does
here
,
(
for
the
Coroner
in
defect
of
the
Sheriff
is
the
proper
Officer
;
)
the
People
Choose
by
virtue
of
the
Writ
,
so
they
did
freely
by
Virtue
of
the
Letters
,
&c.
&
quae
re
concordant
parum
differunt
,
they
agree
in
Reality
,
and
then
what
difference
is
there
between
the
one
and
the
other
?
Object
.
A
Writ
must
be
in
Actions
at
Common
Law
,
else
all
Pleadings
after
,
will
not
make
it
good
,
but
Judgment
given
may
be
Reversed
by
a
Writ
of
Error
.
Answ.
The
case
differs
,
first
,
because
Actions
between
party
and
party
,
are
Adversary
Actions
,
but
Summons
to
Parliament
are
not
so
,
but
are
Mediums
only
to
have
an
Election
.
2.
In
Actions
at
Law
the
Defendant
may
plead
to
the
Writ
,
but
there
is
no
plea
to
a
Writ
for
electing
Members
to
serve
in
Parliament
;
and
for
this
I
have
Littleton's
Argument
,
there
never
was
such
Plea
,
therefore
none
lies
.
Object
.
That
they
have
not
taken
the
Test.
Answ.
They
may
take
the
Test
yet
;
and
then
all
which
they
do
will
be
good
,
for
the
Test
being
the
distinguishing
Mark
of
a
Protestant
from
a
Papist
,
when
that
is
taken
,
the
end
of
the
Law
is
performed
.
Object
.
That
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
ought
to
be
taken
,
and
that
the
new
ones
are
not
legal
.
Answ.
The
Convention
being
the
Supream
Power
,
have
abolish'd
the
old
Oaths
,
and
have
made
new
ones
;
and
as
to
the
making
new
Oaths
,
the
like
was
done
in
Alfreds
time
,
when
they
chose
him
King
;
vide
Mirror
of
Justice
.
Chap.
1.
for
the
Heptarchy
being
turn'd
to
a
Monarchy
,
the
precedent
Oaths
of
the
seven
Kings
could
not
be
the
same
King
Alfred
swore
.
Many
Precedents
may
be
cited
,
where
Laws
have
been
made
in
Parliament
,
without
the
King
's
Writ
to
summon
them
,
which
for
brevity's
sake
I
forbear
to
mention
.
For
a
farewel
;
the
Objections
quarrel
at
our
Happiness
,
fight
against
our
Safety
,
and
aim
at
that
which
may
indanger
Destruction
.
The
Amicable
Reconciliation
of
the
DISSENTERS
to
the
CHURCH
of
ENGLAND
:
being
a
Model
or
Draught
for
the
Universal
Accommodation
in
the
Case
of
Religion
,
and
the
Bringing
in
all
Parties
to
Her
Communion
.
Humbly
presented
to
the
Consideration
of
Parliament
.
WHereas
there
are
several
parties
of
Christians
in
the
Nation
,
who
must
and
will
ever
differ
in
their
Opinions
about
the
Church
and
Discipline
of
it
,
in
the
Question
which
is
of
Christ's
Institution
;
it
is
not
our
Disputes
about
the
Church
●s
Particular
(
which
are
rather
to
be
mutually
forborn
,
and
every
party
left
herein
to
their
own
Perswasion
)
but
a
common
Agreement
in
what
we
can
agree
and
that
is
in
the
Church
as
National
,
must
heal
our
Breaches
.
The
Catholicks
are
for
one
Universal
Organical
Church
throughout
the
World
,
whereof
the
Pope
is
Head
,
according
to
some
;
and
the
Bishops
Convened
in
a
General
Council
,
according
to
others
.
That
there
is
a
Catholick
Church
Visible
on
earth
as
well
as
invisible
,
whereof
CHRIST
is
Head
,
who
was
on
Earth
,
and
is
now
Visible
in
Heaven
,
is
past
doubt
also
with
Protestants
▪
But
that
this
Church
is
Organical
,
and
under
the
Government
of
a
Monarchy
by
the
Pope
,
or
of
an
Aristocracy
by
a
General
Council
,
it
seems
a
thing
not
possible
in
nature
;
because
neither
can
any
Oe●umenical
Council
ever
be
Called
,
or
any
One
Man
he
sufficient
to
take
on
him
the
Concernmen●s
of
the
whole
World.
A
Political
Church
,
is
a
Community
of
Chris●●ans
brought
into
an
Orber
of
Superiority
and
Inferiority
by
an
Head
and
Members
,
organized
for
the
Exercise
of
that
Government
which
is
proper
to
it
;
but
the
whole
Earth
is
not
capable
of
any
such
Order
:
And
Councils
therefore
which
are
gather'd
out
of
several
Countries
,
or
of
Bishops
belonging
to
more
Dominions
than
of
one
Supreme
Power
,
may
behad
for
mutual
Advice
and
Concord
,
but
not
for
Government
.
A
Nation
,
Empire
,
or
Kingdom
,
which
consists
of
one
Supreme
Magistrate
and
People
,
who
are
generally
Christians
,
are
capable
of
such
an
Ecclesiastical
Polity
,
and
a
National
Church
Political
in
England
is
to
be
asserted
and
maintained
.
The
Church
of
England
then
is
a
Political
Society
of
all
the
Christians
in
the
Land
,
united
in
the
King
as
Head
,
and
organized
by
the
Bishops
,
for
the
executing
those
Laws
or
Government
which
he
chooses
for
their
spiritual
Good
and
the
publick
Peace
.
There
is
this
difference
between
a
Church
National
,
the
Church
Catholick
,
and
Particular
Churches
:
The
two
latter-are
of
Divine
Right
and
Essential
Consideration
,
but
the
former
is
and
can
be
only
of
Humane
Institution
,
for
it
is
manifestly
Accidental
to
the
Church
of
Christ
that
the
chief
Magistrate
and
the
whole
People
should
be
Christian.
Distinguish
we
here
of
the
Government
of
the
Church
as
Internal
belonging
to
the
Spirit
,
and
External
which
belongs
to
Men
:
And
of
the
External
Regiment
thereof
,
which
is
either
Formal
belonging
to
the
Ministers
,
or
Officers
of
Christ
;
or
Objective
,
belonging
to
the
Magistrate
:
the
one
being
only
by
the
Keyes
,
the
other
by
the
Sword.
Whether
the
Community
now
of
Christians
in
England
may
be
accounted
a
National
Church
in
respect
to
any
Formal
Government
of
it
,
we
leave
for
dispute
to
others
;
let
them
judg
according
to
the
foregoing
Definition
of
a
Political
Church
:
But
that
the
main
Body
of
the
Nation
are
,
or
may
be
constituted
a
proper
Political
Church
National
in
respect
to
that
External
Objective
Regiment
,
which
is
,
or
should
be
exercised
by
the
Bishops
as
the
proper
Organs
thereof
under
the
King
,
is
what
we
hold
reasonable
,
and
would
lay
as
the
Foundation-Stone
of
Peace
,
in
the
matter
of
Religion
between
all
Persons
in
the
Kingdom
.
Let
the
Parliament
therefore
we
have
,
be
heartily
for
the
Publick
Good
,
and
thriving
of
England
,
which
must
and
can
be
only
by
an
entire
Liberty
of
Conscience
in
opposition
to
the
narrow
Spirit
of
any
single
Party
or
Faction
,
and
when
such
a
Parliament
as
this
shall
set
themselves
about
the
Business
of
Union
to
purpose
,
a
Bill
should
be
brought
in
,
Entituled
,
An
Act
for
declaring
the
Constitution
of
our
Church
of
England
.
A
Parliament
is
the
Representative
of
the
whole
Nation
,
and
no
doubt
but
by
Consent
and
Agreement
they
might
(
upon
the
account
mentioned
)
Make
a
new
Constitution
,
and
much
more
may
they
Declare
the
Constitution
of
it
.
It
should
be
declared
then
in
such
a
Bill
or
Act
that
the
Church
of
England
consists
of
the
King
as
the
Head
,
or
pars
Imperans
,
who
is
to
give
Laws
thereto
,
and
all
the
several
Assemblies
of
Christians
which
he
shall
tolerate
,
as
the
pars
subdita
,
or
Body
.
Some
Discrimination
between
the
Tolerable
and
Intolerable
is
indeed
never
to
be
gainsaid
by
any
wise
and
good
Man
;
unto
whom
there
is
no
Liberty
can
be
desirable
,
which
is
not
consistent
at
least
with
these
three
things
,
the
Articles
of
our
Creed
,
a
Good
Life
,
and
the
Fundamental
Government
of
the
Kingdom
.
It
is
not
for
any
private
persons
,
but
a
Parliament
,
to
prescribe
the
Terms
of
National
Communion
:
But
we
would
have
all
our
Assemblies
that
are
Tolerable
,
to
be
made
Legal
by
such
an
Act
(
and
thereby
parts
of
the
National
Church
)
as
well
as
the
Parochial
Congregations
.
The
Church
here
therefore
must
come
under
a
double
consideration
,
as
the
Church
of
Christ
,
and
as
the
Church
of
England
.
Take
the
Church
as
the
Church
of
Christ
,
and
there
must
be
(
as
we
have
said
at
first
)
endless
Controversy
about
this
point
,
who
are
the
true
Members
of
it
:
but
take
it
under
the
consideration
as
National
,
and
there
will
be
none
at
all
,
for
those
must
be
Memb●rs
whom
the
Head
by
a
Law
does
allow
to
be
parts
of
the
Body
,
and
the
King
under
this
notion
only
is
made
Head
of
the
Church
by
the
Stature
,
that
is
,
as
it
is
called
Ecclesia
A●glicana
.
The
Protestant
Dissenter●
of
all
sorts
,
as
well
as
the
Conformists
,
will
acknowledg
the
King
to
be
Supreme
Coercive
Governour
over
all
Persons
,
and
in
all
Causes
,
Ecclesiastical
and
Civil
,
throughout
his
Dominions
;
And
will
not
those
who
are
Roman
Catholicks
do
the
like
?
Did
they
not
do
so
in
Henry
the
Eight's
time
,
when
they
were
generally
such
?
Again
,
the
Dissenters
of
all
sorts
,
even
the
Congregationalists
of
every
Sect
,
are
ready
to
submit
to
any
power
legally
derived
from
the
King
and
upon
such
an
account
will
admit
of
a
superintendency
of
the
Bishops
,
as
Ecclesiastical
Magistrates
under
him
,
when
they
cannot
own
any
Authority
that
they
have
over
other
Ministers
from
Iesus
Christ
;
and
will
not
Papists
also
be
subject
to
all
Authority
that
is
exercised
legally
in
his
Name
,
howsoever
they
may
question
the
Spiritual
Title
of
the
English
Clergy
and
their
succession
?
We
would
have
the
Bishops
then
(
qua
Bishops
,
as
distinct
in
Office
from
Priests
)
declared
no
other
than
the
King's
Officers
▪
whose
power
is
but
Objectively
Ecclesiastical
,
and
to
act
Circa
Sacra
only
,
by
Vertue
of
his
Authority
and
Commission
.
As
Iehoshaphat
did
comit
the
Charge
incumbent
upon
him
as
Supreme
Magistrate
,
in
regard
to
all
Matters
of
the
Lord
,
unto
the
care
of
Amariah
,
being
Chief
Priest
,
and
in
regard
to
the
King's
Matters
unto
Zebadiah
,
being
as
the
Chief
Iustice
of
the
Realm
:
so
should
the
Diocesian
Bishop
be
in
our
Ecclesiastical
,
as
the
Judges
are
in
Civil
Matters
the
Substitutes
altogether
of
His
Majesty
,
and
execute
his
Jurisdiction
.
This
is
indeed
at
State
point
which
was
throughly
canvased
by
Henry
the
Eight
,
whose
Divines
did
agree
on
two
Orders
alone
,
Priest
and
Deacon
,
to
be
of
Divine
Appointment
,
and
that
the
Superiority
of
a
Bishop
over
a
Presbyter
,
or
of
one
Bishop
over
another
,
was
but
by
the
Positive
Laws
of
Men
only
,
as
appears
in
that
Authentick
Book
then
put
out
,
entituled
,
The
Necessary
Eru●ition
:
And
consequently
,
that
the
Bishop
could
not
have
,
or
exert
any
Jurisdiction
over
the
Subject
unless
warranted
and
derived
from
the
King
,
without
danger
of
a
Premunire
,
which
made
Bonner
(
wi●h
others
)
hold
his
Bishoprick
by
Commission
.
Upon
this
ground
,
if
it
should
please
His
Majesty
to
chuse
some
persons
of
the
Dissenters
to
this
Office
,
authorizing
them
to
it
no
otherwise
,
than
by
a
like
Commission
(
which
they
should
also
hold
,
with
the
Judges
,
quam
di●
se
ben●
gesse●un●
)
As
none
of
them
could
scruple
then
the
acceptance
,
so
must
a
Union
from
that
day
forward
commence
in
England
,
especially
if
he
would
not
leave
filling
up
the
Vacancies
that
fall
,
with
such
,
till
they
in
some
measure
equal
the
Conformists
.
We
are
sensible
unto
what
Distress
the
Ministers
of
a
Particular
Congregation
of
all
sorts
may
be
brought
in
the
exercise
of
Discipline
over
some
potent
,
turbulent
,
and
refractory
Members
,
and
what
relief
he
might
find
in
such
an
external
Ecclesiastical
Officer
as
this
:
We
are
sensible
how
many
inconvenices
of
Congregational
Episcopacy
may
by
this
means
only
be
saved
.
Their
work
in
general
should
be
to
supervise
the
Churches
of
all
parties
in
their
Diocesses
,
that
they
walk
according
to
their
own
principles
,
in
due
Order
,
agreeable
to
the
Gospel
,
and
the
peace
of
one
another
:
And
more
particularly
in
the
observance
of
all
Laws
and
Limitations
,
Rules
or
Canons
,
which
the
King
,
as
Supreme
Head
,
shall
by
advice
of
a
Convocation
,
o●
the
consent
of
his
three
Estates
in
Parliament
,
make
on
purpose
,
and
impose
,
upon
them
,
with
respect
both
to
the
publick
Emolument
,
and
the
safety
of
his
own
Person
,
Dignity
,
and
Dominions
.
For
example
,
suppose
this
to
be
one
Canon
or
Injunction
,
That
no
Novice
,
but
such
as
are
Grave
Men
only
among
the
Sects
,
be
admitted
to
be
Teachers
.
Another
,
this
,
That
the
doors
be
kept
open
in
all
Conventi●les
for
any
that
wil●
to
come
in
and
hear
,
that
no
Sedition
be
there
hatched
or
broached
.
There
are
such
,
and
many
the
like
Impositions
may
be
found
,
very
fit
to
be
laid
on
some
Persons
,
not
needful
for
others
,
and
it
is
Time
,
and
the
Trial
,
and
Experience
which
must
be
the
Mother
to
bring
them
forth
,
and
cultivate
them
after
,
to
their
best
advantage
.
To
the
making
such
Canons
,
we
humbly
motion
a
third
Clerk
for
the
Convocation
,
to
be
added
to
the
two
in
every
Diocess
,
and
chose
out
of
the
Dissenters
with
indifferent
respect
to
all
sorts
of
them
,
that
mutual
Satisfaction
and
Concord
my
thereby
be
prosecuted
with
unanimity
of
Heart
and
Good
will
throughout
all
the
Churche●
:
And
the
two
Provinces
of
Canterbury
and
York
should
unite
in
this
Convocation
for
the
making
them
one
National
Church
,
and
not
two
Provincial
ones
in
a
diverse
Assembly
.
By
this
means
shall
one
Organ
more
be
added
to
this
great
Political
Society
for
deriving
an
influence
from
the
Head
to
these
parts
of
the
Body
as
well
as
others
,
which
now
seem
neglected
,
and
to
have
no
care
taken
of
them
.
The
more
especial
business
of
such
an
equally
Modell'd
Convocation
should
be
the
revising
the
Book
of
Canons
for
the
reversing
the
main
body
of
them
,
having
been
fitted
to
that
narrow
scantling
which
is
unworthy
the
Church
of
England
,
and
for
the
leaving
only
those
,
and
making
new
(
as
we
have
exemplified
in
one
or
two
for
instance-sake
even
now
)
which
do
,
and
will
suit
to
that
larger
Constitution
thereof
intended
by
this
Paper
.
And
having
now
said
thus
much
for
Explanation
of
this
Design
,
we
must
say
some
little
also
in
favour
of
it
.
The
Design
of
such
an
Accommodation
as
this
,
shall
advance
not
lessen
the
outward
power
and
honour
of
the
Bishop
,
extending
it
over
those
who
before
had
no
conscientious
regard
for
their
Function
:
while
yet
it
would
ease
them
of
the
tremendous
burden
of
such
a
Cura
Animarum
they
take
on
them
otherwise
,
as
must
be
of
impossible
performance
.
This
Design
(
which
is
suppos'd
to
find
us
in
our
Divisions
,
and
not
to
make
any
)
shall
by
little
and
little
(
with
God's
blessing
on
it
)
cool
Animosities
,
and
enkindle
Charity
and
Holiness
among
all
parties
,
which
now
is
so
much
wanting
,
while
those
that
are
Catholicks
,
and
those
that
are
Protestants
,
and
much
more
those
that
are
Conformists
,
and
those
that
are
Nonconfrmists
,
do
agree
in
the
substance
of
one
Christianity
,
having
the
same
Scriptures
,
the
same
Articles
of
Faith
in
the
three
Creeds
,
and
the
same
Rule
of
Manners
in
the
Decalogue
,
There
is
one
Body
,
one
Spirit
,
one
Lord
,
one
Faith
,
one
Baptism
.
They
cannot
indeed
have
both
Communion
in
the
same
External
Worship
,
but
they
can
have
it
in
the
Internal
Adoration
of
the
same
blessed
Trinity
,
and
in
One
Hope
of
our
calling
unto
eternal
Life
through
Christ
Iesus
.
They
must
separate
into
several
Congregations
,
but
there
shall
be
no
Schism
in
the
Body
by
this
means
for
all
that
.
For
as
while
the
Supreme
Power
allows
only
the
Parochial
Meetings
,
as
established
by
Law
,
it
hath
bin
accounted
Schism
to
go
to
Separate
Assemblies
:
So
if
the
Scene
be
altered
,
and
these
Separate
Congregations
be
also
made
Legal
,
this
Schism
,
or
Mens
being
called
Schismaticks
,
in
that
regard
,
must
vanish
and
be
at
an
end
.
Indeed
these
divers
Congregations
will
Accuse
one
another
as
guilty
of
Sin
and
Schism
before
God
,
for
each
separating
from
the
others
Communion
,
and
threaten
his
Judgment
:
but
so
long
as
there
is
no
separating
from
the
Church
,
whereof
the
King
is
Head
,
while
he
tolerates
the
Meetings
of
both
,
and
makes
them
parts
of
it
as
National
,
there
shall
be
no
prosecution
of
Law
against
any
,
but
all
quiet
,
as
fellow-Members
upon
that
account
.
Only
,
as
to
the
Roman
Catholicks
,
it
is
not
indeed
for
them
to
imagine
that
a
Protestant
King
and
Parliament
should
allow
of
their
Mass
in
Publick
,
as
they
do
of
the
Service-Book
.
This
were
not
to
tolerate
the
Papists
,
but
to
set
up
Popery
;
whereas
the
Determining
what
is
to
be
permitted
to
one
Party
,
and
what
to
another
,
so
as
no
Detriment
may
be
brought
to
the
Church
or
State
,
and
no
Sin
or
Guilt
upon
the
Nation
by
that
permission
,
is
a
nice
thing
,
and
the
business
of
this
Parliament
.
There
is
one
Motion
farther
should
be
added
,
and
that
is
for
another
Bill
also
to
be
brought
in
to
take
away
Pluralities
,
(
which
is
the
Pest
of
our
present
Conforming
Clergy
)
I
mean
both
of
Livings
and
Dignities
impartially
,
to
this
end
,
that
the
King
may
have
wherewithal
to
engage
those
he
receives
into
the
Church
thus
enlarged
,
and
consequently
restores
to
their
Labours
,
by
this
Accommodation
;
for
that
is
a
thing
will
make
the
favour
indeed
significant
to
such
persons
.
I
will
conclude
with
one
Argument
for
what
I
have
proposed
.
There
is
no
power
given
upon
Earth
for
any
Man
to
command
that
which
he
in
his
Conscience
does
judg
to
be
Sin.
Non
datur
potestas
ad
malum
.
But
to
conform
in
all
things
to
the
present
Church
according
to
Law
,
is
Sin
in
the
judgment
of
Dissenters
,
Catholicks
and
others
;
and
the
Late
King
was
a
Dissenter
of
one
sort
himself
.
The
King
therefore
that
was
so
lately
,
could
not
really
put
the
Catholicks
upon
Conformity
;
and
if
he
would
appear
equal
to
all
his
People
,
he
could
not
put
●ny
other
Dissenters
on
it
neither
,
for
the
same
Cause
.
That
which
the
Law
requires
was
both
in
his
Conscience
and
in
theirs
,
a
thing
prohibited
of
God.
He
could
not
therefore
put
the
Laws
in
Execution
being
against
God.
And
if
He
could
not
do
it
acting
only
but
as
an
honest
Man
that
abides
by
his
Principles
:
we
have
no
reason
to
apprehend
that
so
good
a
King
and
Queen
as
we
have
now
,
should
be
ever
brought
to
do
it
,
maugre
all
the
Enticements
of
the
Church
of
England
,
or
Frowns
of
the
Church
of
Rome
.
FINIS
.
ADVERTISEMENT
.
A
Third
Volume
of
Sermons
Preached
by
the
Late
Reverend
and
Learned
Thomas
Manton
,
D.D.
In
Two
Parts
.
The
First
containing
LXVI
Sermons
on
the
Eleventh
Chapter
of
the
Hebrews
.
With
a
Treatise
of
the
Life
of
Faith.
The
Second
containing
a
Treatise
of
Self-Denial
.
With
Several
Sermons
on
the
Sacrament
of
the
Lord's-Supper
,
And
other
Occasions
.
With
an
Alphabetical-Table
to
the
Whole
.
Sold
by
Thomas
Parkhurst
,
and
Ionathan
Robinson
.
ELEVENTH
Collection
of
Papers
Relating
to
the
Present
Juncture
of
Affairs
in
England
and
Scotland
.
VIZ.
-
I.
An
Answer
to
the
Desertion
Discuss'd
,
being
a
Defence
of
the
late
and
present
Proceedings
.
-
II.
Satisfaction
tendred
to
all
that
pretend
Conscience
for
Non-submission
to
our
present
Governours
,
and
refusing
of
the
New
Oaths
of
Fealty
and
Allegiance
.
-
III.
Dr.
Oates
his
Petition
to
the
Parliament
,
declaring
his
barbarous
Sufferings
by
the
Papists
.
-
IV.
An
Account
of
the
Convention
of
Scotland
.
-
V.
A
Speech
made
by
a
Member
of
the
Convention
of
the
Estates
in
Scotland
.
-
VI.
The
Grounds
on
which
the
Estates
of
Scotland
declared
the
Right
of
the
Crown
of
Scotland
Forfaulted
,
and
the
Throne
become
Vacant
.
-
VII
.
The
Opinion
of
two
eminent
Parliament-Men
,
justifying
the
Lawfulness
of
taking
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
to
King
William
and
Queen
Mary
.
London
printed
,
and
are
to
be
sold
by
Richard
Ianeway
in
Queen's-head-Court
in
Pater-noster-Row
,
1689.
AN
ANSWER
TO
THE
DESERTION
DISCUSS'D
.
IF
many
of
our
Long-Rob'd
Divines
,
puft
up
with
a
Conceit
of
their
own
Parts
,
would
but
keep
closer
to
their
Texts
,
and
their
Duties
,
most
certainly
our
Peace
and
Union
would
be
much
firmer
,
and
more
assured
then
it
is
.
For
being
sway'd
by
Interest
and
Profit
,
they
are
more
afraid
of
losing
the
Advantages
of
Earthly
Preferment
,
then
the
Treasures
of
Heavenly
Felicity
.
Unless
they
swim
in
their
own
Wishes
and
Desires
,
all
Things
are
out
of
Order
.
The
Church
is
in
danger
,
they
cry
;
here
are
Sharers
coming
in
among
Us
:
And
by
an
odd
kind
of
Ecclesiastical
Policy
,
seem
rather
inclinable
to
return
under
the
Yoke
of
Popery
,
then
to
endure
the
Equality
of
a
Dissenting
Protestant
;
rather
to
be
at
the
check
of
a
Pope's
Nuncio
,
then
suffer
the
Fraternity
of
a
Protestant
Nonconformist
.
They
said
nothing
to
the
late
King
,
till
he
began
to
touch
their
Copy-holds
:
then
they
call'd
out
for
Help
;
and
now
they
are
angry
with
their
Relief
,
because
they
are
afraid
of
well
they
know
not
what
.
And
this
is
their
Misfortune
,
that
if
all
things
answer
not
the
full
Height
of
their
Expectations
,
they
are
the
first
that
should
be
last
dissatisfied
.
If
all
things
go
not
well
,
as
they
imagine
,
they
presently
grow
moody
and
waspish
;
and
while
they
insinuate
their
empty
Notions
into
others
,
who
admiring
the
fluency
of
their
Pulpit
Language
,
either
out
of
Ignorance
,
or
Laziness
,
allow
them
a
Prerogative
over
their
Understandings
,
the
whole
Nation
must
be
embroyl'd
by
their
Surmises
and
Mistrusts
.
Else
what
had
that
Gentleman
,
who
wrote
the
Desertion
Discuss'd
,
to
do
to
busy
his
Brains
with
a
Subject
,
neither
appertaining
to
his
Function
,
nor
proper
for
his
Talent
?
Why
should
he
be
setting
himself
up
against
the
voted
Judgment
of
●he
chiefest
and
greatest
part
of
the
Kingdom
?
A
Man
of
his
Profession
would
have
doubtless
better
employ'd
himself
,
in
contemplating
the
Story
of
the
Three
Murmurers
against
Moses
;
and
there
have
learn'd
a
more
sanctifi'd
Lesson
,
then
to
exalt
his
Sophistry
against
the
Debates
of
a
Solemn
Assembly
contriving
the
Publick
Preservation
.
For
certainly
never
was
a
fairer
Prospect
then
now
,
since
the
many
Revolutions
under
which
the
British
Monarchy
has
labour'd
,
of
its
being
restor'd
to
its
ancient
Grand●ur
and
Renown
,
and
of
enjoying
the
Advantages
of
Peace
and
Prosperity
in
a
higher
measure
then
ever
.
So
that
it
must
be
look'd
upon
as
the
Effect
,
either
of
a
most
pernicious
Malice
,
or
a
strange
distraction
of
Brain
,
for
such
Discussers
as
these
,
to
be
throwing
about
the
Darnel
of
their
nice
and
froward
Conceptions
,
on
purpose
to
choak
the
Expectations
of
so
glorious
a
Harvest
.
For
they
must
be
Men
that
want
the
government
of
right
Reason
within
themselves
,
as
being
enslav'd
either
to
vicious
Custom
,
or
partial
Affection
,
or
else
they
would
never
run
themselves
and
others
with
so
much
precipitancy
,
into
the
shame
and
ignominy
of
upholding
the
subvertors
of
National
Constitutions
.
And
all
this
to
blacken
and
defame
the
noble
Endeavours
,
and
prudent
Counsels
of
those
renowned
Patriots
that
pursu'd
the
only
means
to
rescue
a
languishing
Monarchy
from
impending
Thraldom
and
Ruin.
He
does
not
wonder
,
he
says
,
that
a
Man
of
so
much
sense
and
integrity
as
his
Friend
is
,
should
be
surprized
at
the
Thrones
being
declared
Vacant
by
the
Lower
House
of
Convention
.
For
how
,
says
his
Friend
,
can
the
Seat
of
the
Government
be
empty
,
while
the
King
,
who
all
grant
,
had
an
unquestionable
Title
,
is
still
living
.
But
the
Discusser
here
forgot
,
that
it
had
been
the
resolv'd
Opinion
of
two
Parliaments
already
,
That
there
was
no
Security
for
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
King's
Life
,
or
the
establish'd
Government
of
the
Kingdom
,
without
passing
a
Bill
for
disabling
the
Duke
of
York
to
inherit
the
Imperial
Crown
of
England
and
Ireland
;
and
that
unless
a
Bill
were
pass'd
for
excluding
the
Duke
of
York
,
the
House
could
not
give
any
Supply
to
the
King
,
without
Danger
to
his
Person
,
the
Hazard
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
Breach
of
the
Trust
in
them
repos'd
by
the
People
.
Upon
which
a
Bill
did
pass
the
Commons
,
and
was
sent
up
to
the
Lords
for
their
Concurrence
,
by
which
Iames
Duke
of
York
was
excluded
and
made
for
ever
uncapable
to
Inherit
,
Possess
or
Enjoy
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Realm
,
&c.
and
he
adjudg'd
Guilty
of
High
Treason
,
and
to
suffer
the
Pains
and
Penalties
as
in
Case
of
High
Treason
,
if
after
such
a
Time
he
should
claim
,
challenge
,
or
attempt
to
possess
or
exercise
any
Authority
or
Jurisdiction
,
as
King
,
&c.
in
any
of
the
said
Dominions
.
'T
is
true
,
the
Lords
did
not
pass
this
Bill
,
for
Reasons
well
known
;
yet
was
it
such
a
mutilation
to
the
Duke's
Title
,
to
be
disabled
from
succeeding
in
the
Kingdom
,
by
the
whole
Body
of
the
Commons
,
who
are
the
Representatives
of
the
Nation
,
that
it
can
never
be
said
,
that
all
Men
granted
his
Title
unquestionable
,
as
the
Discusser
imposes
upon
the
World.
Besides
the
many
Instances
in
History
,
of
several
Princes
who
have
forfeited
their
Succession
,
and
consequently
their
Title
to
the
Crown
,
for
revolting
from
the
Establish'd
Religion
of
the
Realm
.
But
,
says
the
Discusser
,
for
I
look
upon
his
Friend
and
Him
to
be
all
one
;
(
and
that
he
does
but
put
the
Question
with
one
side
of
his
Mouth
,
and
answer
it
with
the
other
)
I
had
thought
our
Laws
,
as
well
as
our
Religion
,
had
been
against
the
Deposing
Doctrine
.
That
's
not
the
Question
;
but
whether
a
Prince
may
commit
those
Miscarriages
in
Government
,
whether
he
may
not
so
far
,
peccare
in
Leges
&
Rempublicam
,
as
to
incur
the
Forfeiture
of
his
Regal
Power
?
and
whether
a
Prince
may
be
allow'd
to
subvert
the
ancient
Constitutions
and
Religion
of
a
Nation
,
and
yet
be
said
to
be
the
Lawful
King
of
that
Realm
?
These
are
the
Questions
:
For
the●
it
is
not
the
Law
that
deposes
him
,
nor
the
Religion
that
justifies
it
.
But
it
is
He
that
deposes
Himself
:
't
is
the
bad
Advice
of
Evil
Counsellors
to
which
he
Listens
,
and
which
he
follows
to
the
ruin
of
the
Kingdom
,
contrary
to
the
Original
Contract
between
Princes
and
People
,
grounded
upon
the
Foundations
of
all
Original
Government
;
I
say
,
't
is
that
Adhering
to
Evil
Counsel
which
deposes
a
Prince
by
degrading
him
from
a
Lawful
King
to
an
Unlawful
Tyrant
,
and
renders
him
Liable
to
the
Animadversion
of
the
Law
,
and
the
impeachments
of
the
oppress'd
and
injur'd
People
.
To
assert
otherwise
were
to
deprive
all
National
Law
and
Religion
of
their self
Defence
;
which
is
against
all
the
Law
and
Religion
in
the
World.
I
am
apt
to
believe
that
Christ
himself
had
no
very
good
Opinion
of
the
lawfulness
of
Herod's
Regality
,
when
he
sent
him
that
Message
,
Go
tell
that
Fox
,
Herod
:
Which
I
look
upon
as
a
Deposal
and
Degrading
of
that
Arbitrary
Prince
by
the
Founder
of
our
Religion
,
in
his
own
Breast
and
Judgment
,
though
he
forbore
the
Execution
of
his
Celestial
Power
.
And
therefore
it
is
not
the
Error
of
Religion
,
but
the
Fault
of
those
that
do
not
well
distinguish
,
that
Religion
suffers
in
her
Doctrines
.
For
only
he
who
governs
according
to
Law
is
a
King
,
he
that
endeavours
to
subvert
the
Law
,
is
none
.
Nor
is
every
rambling
and
precipitate
Brain
to
be
Judg
of
this
neither
,
but
the
Solid
Law
,
and
fundamental
Constitutions
of
the
Realm
.
So
that
the
Country
Gentleman
was
mistaken
in
his
Thoughts
,
both
of
our
Laws
and
our
Religion
.
However
the
pretended
Scrupulous
Country-Gentleman
desires
the
Discusser
to
expound
the
State-Riddle
of
the
Vacancy
;
and
to
give
him
the
Ground
of
the
late
extraordinary
Revolution
.
To
which
the
Discusser
gives
no
direct
answer
at
present
,
but
desires
his
Friend
to
take
notice
,
That
the
Gentlemen
of
the
Convention
,
who
declar'd
a
Vacancy
in
the
Government
,
lay'd
the
main
Stress
of
their
opinion
upon
the
King's
withdrawing
himself
.
For
that
since
the
Story
of
the
French
League
,
and
the
Business
of
the
Prince
of
Wales
were
pass'd
over
in
silence
,
most
Men
believed
that
the
pretended
Breach
of
that
which
they
called
the
Original
Contract
was
no
more
then
a
popular
Flourish
.
All
which
is
such
an
imperfect
peice
of
Incoherence
,
that
none
but
a
madman
would
have
thrust
in
by
Head
and
Shoulders
,
as
the
Discusser
has
done
.
For
how
can
it
be
inferr'd
that
the
Breach
of
the
Original
Contract
,
should
be
a
Popular
Flourish
,
because
the
Clandestin
League
,
and
the
False
Birth
are
hitherto
pass'd
over
in
silence
?
As
for
the
surreptitious
Birth
,
one
would
think
it
was
sufficiently
dilated
upon
in
the
Declaration
of
the
Lords
;
and
why
it
is
not
farther
brought
upon
the
Stage
,
there
may
be
several
Reasons
given
;
and
among
the
rest
,
because
it
may
be
thought
that
the
Imposture
will
vanish
of
it self
,
and
so
there
will
be
no
need
of
casting
an
Eternal
Blot
upon
the
memory
of
them
that
contriv'd
and
own'd
it
.
Then
for
the
Clandestin
League
,
it
Suffices
that
there
is
apparent
Proof
of
it
in
Bank.
But
to
call
the
Breach
of
the
Original
Contract
pretended
,
and
a
Popular
Flourish
,
is
a
yerk
of
Malitious
Reflection
,
which
only
serves
to
expose
the
Discusser
to
Publick
censure
.
For
as
there
is
nothing
more
certain
,
then
that
there
is
an
Original
Contract
between
the
King
and
People
of
England
,
the
Breach
of
which
has
cost
the
Effusion
of
so
much
Blood
;
so
is
it
as
certain
that
that
Original
Contract
was
never
so
infallibly
broken
then
it
was
of
late
.
Which
as
it
is
allow'd
by
all
the
Laws
of
God
and
Man
,
to
be
a
sufficient
ground
to
seek
a
Remedy
;
so
was
nothing
more
vigorously
urg'd
by
the
Convention
.
Which
might
have
convinc'd
the
Discusser
,
that
they
did
not
pretend
it
for
a
popular
Flourish
.
But
now
,
lest
the
Country
Gentleman
should
be
shogg'd
by
seeing
the
Votes
of
so
considerable
a
Meeting
,
debated
by
a
private
Hand
;
the
Discusser
reminds
him
,
That
a
Parliament
and
a
Convention
are
two
different
Things
.
The
latter
,
for
want
of
the
King's
Writs
and
Concurrence
,
having
no
share
in
the
Legislative
Power
.
But
the
Discusser
forgets
,
that
it
was
only
a
Convention
of
Lords
that
sent
to
Richard
the
Second
to
meet
them
at
Westminster
;
which
the
King
at
first
promis'd
to
do
;
but
upon
altering
his
Mind
,
sent
him
another
peremptory
Message
,
that
if
he
would
not
come
according
to
his
Promise
,
they
would
chuse
another
King
;
and
then
proceeding
farther
,
according
to
that
Power
they
had
,
expell'd
against
the
King's
Will
several
of
his
chiefest
Favourites
from
the
Court
;
constrain'd
others
to
put
in
Sureties
to
appear
at
the
next
Parliament
,
and
caus'd
several
others
to
be
arrested
and
committed
to
several
Prisons
.
If
a
Convention
could
do
this
where
the
King
was
present
,
what
signifi'd
the
Writs
and
Concurrence
of
an
absent
Prince
.
Nor
did
they
contend
for
Legislative
Power
,
but
only
met
in
a
kind
of
embodied
Dictatorship
to
take
care
of
the
present
Necessity
of
Affairs
.
But
this
,
says
the
Discusser
,
was
not
justifiable
,
for
that
the
Nenessity
which
they
pretended
,
was
either
of
their
own
making
,
or
of
their
own
submitting
to
,
which
is
the
same
Thing
.
But
this
is
all
Nonsence
.
For
if
the
Necessity
was
of
their
own
making
,
then
were
the
Lords
and
Commons
the
Authors
of
all
the
Miscarriages
which
they
laid
to
the
late
King's
Charge
;
If
of
their
own
submitting
to
,
then
would
they
never
have
call'd
out
for
succour
and
crav'd
Relief
from
their
Oppressions
.
No
—
They
were
those
crying
Grievances
sum'd
up
in
the
Declaration
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
and
Commons
assembl'd
at
Westmister
presented
to
their
Present
Majesties
upon
the
Twelfth
of
February
Last
;
which
when
the
late
King
could
not
justify
them
by
force
of
Arms
,
but
fled
for
it
,
not
being
able
to
answer
his
endeavours
to
subvert
and
Extirpate
the
Protestant
Religion
and
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
Kingdom
,
put
them
to
that
necessity
of
assembling
after
an
Unusual
Manner
,
to
provide
for
the
Common
Safety
.
How
ever
the
Discusser
will
have
it
a
Necessity
of
their
own
creating
,
tho
never
so
false
.
For
,
says
he
,
if
the
King
had
either
not
bin
driven
out
of
his
Dominions
,
or
invited
back
upon
honourable
Terms
,
they
needed
not
have
had
recourse
to
such
unusual
singular
Methods
of
proceeding
.
And
thus
the
Discusser
rambles
out
of
one
Untruth
into
another
.
For
he
fled
from
offer'd
Treaty
,
forsook
the
defence
of
his
own
Forces
,
and
left
them
to
be
disbanded
in
Arrears
and
without
Payment
;
slipt
from
his
own
Council
by
Night
,
after
he
had
appointed
to
meet
them
in
Consultation
the
next
Morning
.
Nor
could
he
justly
suspect
,
that
any
Violence
would
have
been
offer'd
to
Him
in
particular
,
being
so
well
assur'd
as
he
could
not
choose
but
be
,
of
the
Generous
Inclination
,
and
profound
Respect
which
the
Prince
had
to
his
Person
.
But
if
the
Guilt
of
peculiar
Miscarriages
hasten'd
his
Departure
,
or
oversway'd
him
toleave
the
He●m
of
Rule
without
any
Form
or
Face
of
Goverment
:
That
could
ne're
be
call'd
an
Expulsion
out
of
his
Dominions
.
And
therefore
when
a
certain
Gentleman
waiting
on
him
at
Feversham
besought
him
to
return
to
London
,
he
gave
the
Person
this
Reply
,
That
he
was
an
honest
Gentleman
,
but
knew
not
what
he
knew
.
And
when
he
had
once
abandon'd
the
Kingdom
all
forlom
without
either
Head
or
Conduct
,
without
Council
,
or
any
Countenance
of
Authority
,
then
according
to
the
Judgment
of
the
Common-wealth
of
Venice
in
reference
to
the
Succession
of
Henry
the
4
th
.
it
belong'd
to
the
Nobility
and
chief
Persons
of
the
Land
,
as
they
are
the
chief
Defence
of
the
Royal
Authority
,
to
take
care
of
the
Publick
Safety
,
whether
by
usual
or
unusual
Methods
of
proceeding
it
matters
not
;
and
they
have
both
the
Authority
of
Law
and
Necessity
to
justify
their
Proceedings
.
As
for
his
being
invited
back
upon
Honourable
Terms
,
't
is
well
known
how
he
return'd
back
,
and
went
through
the
City
on
the
Sunday
Night
,
attended
by
his
own
Guards
,
and
lodg'd
in
White-Hall
,
and
this
most
certainly
in
order
to
an
Accommodation
.
Only
because
the
Prince
was
coming
to
Town
,
he
was
sent
to
,
and
for
the
avoiding
any
Disturbance
that
might
be
prejudicial
to
his
Person
,
was
humbly
desir'd
to
retire
to
Ham-House
,
with
Liberty
to
make
choice
of
what
Persons
he
thought
fit
to
attend
him
.
Which
he
promised
to
do
;
but
recollecting
himself
,
and
desiring
to
know
whether
he
might
not
return
back
to
Rochester
,
word
was
sent
him
the
next
Morning
that
he
might
do
as
he
pleas'd
.
All
this
while
here
was
no
Constraint
put
upon
him
;
so
that
he
could
not
be
said
to
be
driven
out
of
his
Dominions
,
but
that
it
was
his
own
Choice
to
forsake
it
.
Notwithstanding
all
this
,
The
Discusser
will
undertake
to
prove
,
That
the
King
before
his
withdrawing
had
sufficient
Grounds
to
make
him
apprehensive
of
Danger
,
and
therefore
it
could
not
be
call'd
an
Abdication
.
But
through
the
whole
Pursuit
of
his
Argument
,
the
Discusser
most
wretchedly
mistakes
the
Point
,
quite
mistaking
the
Effects
for
the
Causes
.
For
,
says
he
,
Had
not
the
King
great
Reason
to
retire
to
secure
his
Person
and
his
Honour
,
when
he
had
met
with
so
many
unfortunate
Disappointments
,
with
so
many
surprising
and
unparallel'd
Accidents
?
When
part
of
the
Army
was
revolted
,
and
the
Remainder
too
apparently
unserviceable
;
When
the
People
had
such
fatal
and
unremoveable
Prejudices
against
his
Service
?
When
there
were
such
terrible
Disorders
in
the
Kingdom
,
and
all
Places
were
either
flaming
or
ready
to
take
Fire
?
What
should
a
Prince
do
when
he
had
scarce
any
thing
left
him
to
lose
but
himself
,
but
consult
his
Safety
,
and
give
way
to
the
irresis●able
Evil
?
These
are
very
great
Disappointments
and
evil
Accidents
indeed
to
befal
a
Prince
.
But
the
Discusser
forgets
to
tell
ye
,
That
the
Prince
brought
all
these
Inconveniencies
upon
himself
.
The
Discusser
tells
ye
that
part
of
the
Army
revolted
,
but
he
omits
to
tell
ye
,
that
it
was
out
of
a
Generous
Principle
,
for
that
being
Protestants
,
they
would
not
embrue
their
Hands
in
the
Blood
of
their
Fellow-Protestants
and
Countreymen
,
nor
be
Instruments
to
enslave
the
Nation
.
He
tells
ye
of
terrible
Disorders
in
the
Kingdom
;
but
does
not
tell
ye
,
it
was
time
for
the
People
to
be
in
Disorder
,
when
they
saw
such
Incroachments
upon
their
Ancient
Franchises
,
such
Inundations
of
Popery
flowing
in
upon
their
Consciences
,
and
such
a
rapid
Violence
of
French
Thraldom
tumbling
in
upon
their
Necks
.
He
complains
that
all
Places
were
either
flaming
or
ready
to
take
Fire
,
but
forgets
to
tell
you
who
were
the
Incendiaries
.
These
therefore
,
with
several
others
of
the
same
Nature
,
being
the
true
Causes
that
drew
the
foresaid
Inconveniencies
upon
the
King
,
it
follows
,
that
tho
the
Secondary
Constraint
of
his
withdrawing
might
be
occasion'd
by
the
Effects
,
yet
the
Primary
Cause
of
his
withdrawing
proceeded
from
the
First
Causes
which
produced
the
Effects
.
Consequently
such
a
Retiring
was
voluntary
and
not
forc'd
;
because
he
may
be
justly
said
to
fly
from
something
of
dreaded
Punishment
,
rather
then
pursuing
Danger
,
from
which
he
was
always
at
a
distance
●ar
enough
off
,
but
dubious
what
would
become
of
him
as
to
the
Former
.
The
Discusser
makes
many
other
grievous
Complaints
to
justify
the
King's
First
withdrawing
(
for
hitherto
he
is
altogether
upon
that
)
but
when
he
comes
to
sum
up
all
.
In
short
,
says
he
,
when
the
Forts
and
Revenue
were
thus
disposed
of
;
when
the
Papists
were
to
be
disbanded
,
and
the
Protestants
not
to
be
trusted
;
when
the
Nation
was
under
such
general
and
violent
Dissatisfactions
;
when
the
King
in
case
of
a
Rupture
had
nothing
upon
the
matter
but
his
single
Person
,
to
oppose
against
the
Princes
Arms
,
and
those
of
his
Subjects
;
when
his
Mortal
Enemies
were
to
sit
Judges
of
his
Crown
and
Dignity
,
if
no
farther
;
when
Affairs
were
in
this
tempestuous
Condition
,
to
say
that
a
Free
and
Indifferent
Parliament
might
be
chosen
,
with
the
Relation
to
the
King
's
Right
as
well
as
the
People's
,
and
that
the
King
had
no
just
visible
Cause
to
apprehend
himself
in
Danger
,
is
to
out-face
the
Sun
and
trample
upon
the
Understandings
,
and
almost
upon
the
Senses
of
the
whole
Nation
.
As
for
the
Fortified
Towns
,
it
was
but
Reason
that
his
then
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
who
came
over
to
rescue
the
Nation
from
Arbitrary
Violence
and
Oppression
,
should
demand
them
to
be
put
into
his
Power
,
well
Knowing
them
to
be
then
in
the
Hands
of
Irish
Papists
and
Cut-Throats
,
of
whom
the
People
stood
in
Perpetual
Fear
,
and
who
were
rather
a
Consternation
then
Security
to
the
Kingdom
.
And
the
same
reason
holds
in
Relation
to
the
Revenue
.
For
all
the
World
knows
,
what
Vast
Sums
had
been
Squander'd
away
by
the
late
King
,
when
Duke
,
to
keep
off
the
sitting
of
Parliaments
,
and
to
buy
off
the
Members
when
they
Sate
;
and
when
that
Money
was
spent
so
much
to
the
Detriment
of
the
Realm
,
what
Sollicitations
were
made
to
the
French
King
for
more
,
to
carry
on
the
Popish
Cause
and
Interest
.
It
was
as
well
known
how
the
Revenue
had
of
late
Years
been
Embezl'd
to
keep
up
a
standing
Army
of
Irish
Ragamuffins
;
as
if
England
were
now
in
its
Turn
to
have
been
conquer'd
by
Ireland
,
as
formerly
Ireland
had
been
conquer'd
by
England
.
From
which
fears
when
his
present
Majesty
had
delivered
the
Nation
,
it
was
but
reason
that
his
Army
should
be
pay'd
out
of
the
Publick
Stock
for
their
happy
Toyl
and
labour
.
For
the
Publick
Revenue
of
all
Kingdoms
and
States
was
ever
Originally
intended
for
the
Preservation
,
and
not
the
Destruction
of
the
People
.
Upon
the
Disbanding
of
the
Papists
,
the
Discusser
makes
a
special
Observation
,
That
no
Test-Acts
nor
any
Others
could
barr
the
King
from
Listing
them
as
Common
Souldiers
.
This
perhaps
may
be
true
;
that
is
to
say
,
that
a
Protestant
Prince
may
list
Papists
,
and
a
Popish
Prince
Protestants
,
to
follow
him
in
a
lawful
War
.
But
when
a
Popish
Prince
in
a
Protestant
Nation
had
made
his
chiefes●
Levies
of
Popish
Common
Souldiers
to
over-aw
his
Protestant
Subjects
,
and
put
his
sole
Confidence
in
them
for
his
known
and
open
Designs
and
manifest
Endeavors
to
introduce
Popery
into
a
Protestant
Kingdom
,
contrary
to
the
Law
,
't
was
time
then
to
think
of
disbanding
such
Vermin
,
and
ridding
them
out
of
the
Land
.
And
the
reason
why
the
Protestants
could
not
be
trusted
was
as
certain
.
For
if
the
King
would
not
trust
his
Protestants
,
nay
disarm'd
them
,
when
Papists
were
both
arm'd
and
Employ'd
,
what
reason
had
the
Protestants
to
trust
the
King.
And
this
was
that
which
among
other
Things
created
and
foster'd
those
General
and
Violent
Dissatisfactions
in
the
Nation
.
For
Men
have
naturally
a
general
and
violent
Antipathy
against
having
their
Throats
Cut
if
they
can
help
it
.
And
therefore
since
the
Kingdom
by
a
Miraculous
Providence
had
obtain'd
its
Redemption
,
't
is
to
be
wonder'd
the
Discusser
should
imagine
't
was
ever
intended
that
the
late
K.
should
be
in
a
Condition
again
to
oppose
either
his
own
or
the
persons
of
any
others
against
the
Arms
of
the
Prince
or
those
of
his
own
Subjects
.
And
whereas
,
he
says
,
that
the
King
's
Mortal
Enemies
were
to
be
the
Judges
of
his
Crown
and
Dignity
,
the
Discusser
should
have
done
well
before
he
had
made
his
Reflection
upon
so
many
Eminent
Patriots
,
to
have
consulted
Grotius
,
l.
1.
c.
4.
Par.
8.
and
the
Example
of
Pausamias
King
of
L●cedaemon
there
cited
.
Certainly
there
was
no
such
Impossibility
but
that
a
Free
and
Indifferent
Parliament
might
have
been
chosen
to
deal
equally
between
the
King
and
the
People
.
For
tho
the
King
perhaps
might
be
conscious
that
he
could
not
so
well
rely
upon
the
Kindness
of
those
to
whom
he
had
always
had
such
an
inveterate
Antipathy
,
yet
he
might
have
rely'd
upon
the
Justice
of
so
many
Great
and
Worthy
Personages
.
So
that
it
is
the
Discusser
himself
who
out-faces
the
Sun
and
tramples
upon
the
Understandings
and
Senses
of
the
whole
Nation
,
who
makes
these
little
Rhetorical
Flourishes
to
palliate
and
obscure
the
Truth
,
and
to
insinuate
among
the
People
,
as
if
Wrong
and
Injustice
had
been
done
,
where
nothing
was
acted
but
what
was
a
due
debt
to
Self-Preservation
.
And
with
the
same
Brazening
the
Discusser
out-faces
the
Sun
,
and
tramples
upon
the
Senses
of
the
Nation
,
to
assert
that
a
Desertion
of
the
Government
,
after
such
Proposals
,
which
were
rather
Assurances
of
his
Safety
,
was
no
Desertion
.
He
had
been
safer
in
the
Affection
of
the
People
,
when
all
his
evil
Counsellers
had
been
remov'd
from
about
him
;
he
had
been
safer
from
the
Importunities
of
his
Priests
and
Jesuites
;
He
had
been
more
secure
from
running
himself
into
farther
danger
,
and
safer
in
the
Enjoyment
of
his
Royal
Dignity
.
But
he
who
had
so
Solemnly
sworn
to
Establish
Popery
in
England
or
die
in
the
Attempt
,
thought
himself
no
where
safe
perhapps
,
but
where
he
might
be
procuring
his
future
Bliss
,
by
the
Performance
of
his
Vow
.
The
Discusser
now
advances
to
the
King
's
second
withdrawing
,
and
puts
the
Question
,
what
the
King
had
done
to
incur
a
forfeiture
by
his
first
Retirement
?
Indeed
what
had
he
not
done
?
If
the
Discusser
●orgot
in
his
Discussing
Heat
,
the
Declaration
presented
to
their
Present
Majesties
would
have
rubb'd
up
his
Memory
.
Among
the
rest
there
was
one
,
That
he
had
endeavoured
to
Subvert
and
Extirpate
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
Kingdom
,
by
raising
and
keeping
a
Standing
Army
in
the
Kingdom
in
time
of
Peace
,
without
Consent
of
Parliament
,
and
quartering
Souldiers
contrary
to
Law
;
and
by
causing
s●veral
of
his
good
Subjects
to
be
Disarm'd
at
the
same
time
when
Papists
were
both
Arm'd
and
Employ'd
.
Now
to
what
purpose
was
all
this
,
but
to
Subject
the
Kingdom
to
the
Tyranny
of
the
Pope
?
In
such
a
case
Barclay
cited
by
Grotious
,
l.
1.
c.
4.
per.
10.
gives
this
for
his
Opinion
,
Si
Rex
regnum
alienet
,
aut
alij
Subjiciat
,
amitti
ab
eo
Regnum
.
To
which
Grotius
himself
adds
,
Si
Rex
reipsa
tradere
regnum
aut
Subjicere
molliatur
,
quin
ei
resisti
in
boc
posse
non
dubite
.
Aliud
est
enim
Imperium
,
aliud
habendi
modus
;
qui
n●
mutetur
,
obstare
po●est
Populus
.
After
all
this
,
it
cannot
be
imagin'd
that
the
King
returned
the
second
time
with
an
intention
to
govern
;
unless
he
might
govern
at
his
own
will
and
Pleasure
as
he
did
before
.
But
that
would
not
be
suffer'd
him
;
for
they
who
had
now
avoided
the
Yoke
so
near
putting
about
their
Necks
,
would
never
endure
it
should
come
so
near
their
shoulders
again
.
Therefore
all
the
Probality
in
the
World
is
on
this
side
,
That
the
King
perceiving
,
that
by
taking
the
Government
upon
him
again
,
he
should
not
be
able
to
attain
those
Ends
which
he
had
made
the
Business
of
his
whole
Reign
,
resolv'd
to
relinquish
it
altogether
.
At
which
time
being
at
liberty
to
go
or
stay
,
his
Departure
must
of
necessity
be
accounted
Voluntary
,
and
consequently
an
Absolute
Abdication
.
Lastly
,
it
is
impossible
that
the
King
could
be
frighted
out
of
his
Dominions
,
by
the
making
of
two
or
three
Addresses
to
his
then
Royal
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
;
for
it
was
no
more
than
rationally
he
could
expect
would
be
done
;
more
especially
from
the
City
to
the
Person
,
who
next
under
God
had
deliver'd
them
from
their
Continual
fears
of
Fire
and
Sword.
Nor
by
the
denying
him
a
little
Gold
to
Heal
with
;
which
looks
like
an
improbable
Story
of
the
Discusser's
own
framing
.
These
are
Motions
so
inconsiderable
for
a
King
to
forsake
his
Dominions
,
that
the
Discusser
seems
to
have
Conjur'd
them
up
meerly
to
degrade
the
Courage
of
the
Absenting
Monarch
,
and
to
mortify
his
own
Discussion
.
But
after
all
,
the
Question
may
be
fairly
put
,
whether
Withdrawing
,
in
the
Construction
of
our
Law
,
does
not
rather
imply
a
Guilt
,
than
an
Apprehension
of
Danger
,
unless
it
be
that
of
being
call'd
to
an
Account
,
since
the
Query
always
propounded
to
the
Jury
is
,
Did
he
fly
for
't
?
Which
indeed
ought
to
be
the
Legal
Determination
of
this
Dispute
.
However
the
Discusser
goes
on
,
and
tells
us
,
We
are
to
observe
,
that
to
abdicate
an
Office
always
supposes
the
Consent
of
him
who
quits
.
And
this
he
affirms
to
be
the
meaning
of
the
Word
out
of
Salust
,
Tully
,
Livy
and
Grotius
.
But
both
the
Supposal
,
and
the
Asseveration
are
false
.
For
Consent
implies
,
that
the
Question
must
be
put
,
Whether
the
Person
will
Abdicate
or
no
?
Which
never
was
put
to
any
Abdicator
in
this
World.
Upon
a
forc'd
Resignation
it
has
.
But
a
forc'd
Resignation
is
no
Abdication
.
Certain
it
is
that
Abdicare
signifies
to
renounce
,
forgoe
,
or
abandon
.
And
the
Motives
to
this
Abdication
are
various
,
and
generally
prevailing
upon
the
Reason
of
the
Person
that
Abdicates
himself
,
according
to
the
Condition
of
Affairs
and
the
Circumstances
he
is
under
.
And
therefore
tho
a
Magistrate
may
abdicate
with
the
consent
of
others
,
yet
he
rarely
does
it
out
of
a
natural
Inclination
.
Thus
it
cannot
be
imagined
that
Lentulus
,
one
of
the
Conspirators
with
Catiline
,
abdicated
the
Pretorship
,
with
the
Consent
of
his
own
Will
,
for
he
was
one
of
the
most
aspiring
Men
in
the
Universe
;
but
because
he
found
himself
so
obnoxious
that
he
could
hold
it
no
longer
:
Thus
Sylla
abdicated
the
Dictatorship
out
of
a
Vain-glorious
Opinion
of
Felicity
that
attended
him
,
and
to
shew
that
he
had
such
an
awe
over
the
Romans
,
that
tho
he
were
a
Private
Person
,
no
body
durst
call
him
to
an
Account
for
the
Cruelties
he
had
committed
.
History
tells
us
,
that
Dioclesian
abdicated
the
Empire
,
for
madness
that
he
could
not
have
his
Will
of
the
Christians
.
How
does
the
Discusser
know
,
but
that
King
Iames
abdicated
the
Government
because
he
could
not
have
his
Will
of
the
Protestants
?
Charles
the
V
th
abdicated
the
Empire
,
because
he
found
his
wonted
Good
Fortune
had
left
him
.
Bernard
Rasfield
Bishop
of
Munster
finding
himself
between
two
Grindstones
,
the
Persecution
of
the
German
Priests
,
for
going
about
to
deprive
them
of
their
Concubines
,
and
the
Pope's
Excommunication
,
if
he
did
it
not
;
abdicated
his
Principality
and
Bi●hoprick
,
that
he
might
be
at
quiet
.
Lastly
,
to
shew
that
Abdication
does
not
always
imply
Consent
,
Brutus
compell'd
Tarquinius
Collatinus
to
abdicate
the
Consulship
,
only
because
his
Praenomen
was
invisum
Civitati
.
And
then
as
for
what
the
Discusser
adds
out
of
Grotius
,
That
a
Neglect
or
Omission
in
the
Administration
of
Government
,
is
by
no
means
to
be
interpreted
a
Renunciation
of
it
;
there
's
no
Body
censures
the
late
King
for
any
Omission
or
want
of
Diligence
in
the
Administration
of
his
Government
,
for
he
was
too
diligent
indeed
;
and
that
Diligence
was
the
main
Grievance
which
disgusted
the
People
;
his
Diligence
to
extirpate
the
Protestant
Religion
;
his
Diligence
to
subvert
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
Ringdom
;
and
his
Diligence
to
introduce
Popery
.
And
this
Diligence
,
't
is
to
be
fear'd
,
was
one
of
the
main
Causes
of
his
Abdication
:
Had
he
omitted
more
,
he
would
have
had
less
reason
to
have
abdicated
.
And
therefore
it
is
a
Vanity
to
infer
that
there
can
be
no
Pretence
for
an
Abdication
;
because
the
Word
,
as
he
says
,
always
,
that
is
very
rarely
,
or
never
,
supposes
the
Consent
of
him
that
quits
.
For
that
it
is
not
in
the
Nature
of
Man
to
abdicate
Empires
,
Kingdoms
,
Wealth
and
Honours
,
but
there
must
be
some
compul●ive
Reason
within
that
moves
them
to
it
.
When
Princes
find
the
Times
and
Constitutions
of
the
Kingdom
will
not
bear
their
Government
;
when
Emperors
grow
stiff
and
stark
with
Age
,
and
begin
to
feel
the
Lashes
of
ill-Fortune
;
when
Ambitious
Aspirers
perceive
they
must
take
other
Measures
to
compass
their
Designs
,
then
they
swallow
a
self-denying
Ordinance
,
and
think
it
convenient
to
retire
from
the
Cares
of
the
World
,
or
out
of
Harms
way
.
The
Discusser
says
,
We
have
but
two
Instances
with
us
which
look
like
an
Abdication
since
the
Conquest
,
which
are
in
the
Reigns
of
Edward
II.
and
Richard
II.
both
which
were
unjustly
depos'd
by
their
Subjects
.
'T
is
true
,
they
were
so
far
from
looking
like
Abdications
,
that
they
were
no
Abdications
at
all
.
For
both
those
Princes
being
under
a
strict
Confinement
,
it
was
impossible
for
them
to
abdicate
,
unless
they
could
have
made
their
Escapes
.
Therefore
they
were
forc'd
Resignations
,
and
consequently
formal
Deposals
.
Nor
had
the
Queen
or
Henry
of
Lancaster
any
cause
to
declare
the
Throne
Vacant
,
as
having
already
taken
care
to
fill
it
themselves
:
And
whether
those
Princes
would
have
resign'd
or
no
,
it
would
have
signified
little
to
them
that
were
by
Claim
in
Possession
.
But
the
Discusser
has
overslipp'd
one
Instance
of
a
Perfect
Abdication
since
the
Conquest
,
which
the
King
would
have
certainly
felt
to
his
Cost
,
had
not
the
Pope
and
the
Poictovins
been
his
true
Friends
:
and
the
Case
was
much
the
same
as
at
this
Time.
For
the
Lords
and
Barons
of
the
Realm
in
the
Reign
of
King
Iohn
,
having
often
desired
the
King
to
restore
them
their
Ancient
Rights
and
Liberties
,
and
finding
nothing
but
Delusions
,
resolve
no
longer
to
be
abus'd
but
betake
themselves
to
Arms.
The
King
then
lying
at
Windsor
,
and
perceiving
himself
too
weak
for
the
Lords
,
thought
it
no
good
way
to
proceed
by
Force
but
rather
by
Fraud
,
and
therefore
sends
to
the
Lords
,
that
if
they
would
come
to
Windsor
he
would
grant
their
Demands
.
Thither
the
Lords
repairing
,
tho
in
a
Military
Manner
(
sor
they
durst
not
trust
the
King's
Word
)
he
saluted
them
all
kindly
,
and
promis'd
to
give
them
Satisfaction
in
all
they
demanded
:
And
to
that
Purpose
in
a
Meadow
between
Stains
and
Windsor
,
call'd
Running-Mead
,
he
freely
consented
to
confirm
their
former
Charters
;
and
was
content
that
some
Grave
Personages
should
be
made
choice
of
to
see
it
confirm'd
.
But
the
next
Day
,
when
it
was
to
be
done
,
he
withdraws
himself
privately
to
South-Hampton
,
and
thence
to
the
Isle
of
Wight
:
Where
it
was
concluded
that
he
should
send
to
the
Pope
,
acquaint
him
with
the
Mutiny
of
his
Lords
,
and
require
his
Holinesses
help
.
In
the
mean
time
the
King
lay
sculking
up
and
down
for
three
Months
together
in
Corners
,
that
no
Body
knew
where
to
find
him
;
or
which
was
worse
,
as
some
write
,
roving
and
practising
Pyracy
upon
the
Neighbouring
Seas
.
Whether
the
Lords
and
Barons
did
in
Words
declare
this
to
be
a
Vacancy
of
the
Throne
,
is
not
material
to
enquire
.
Perhaps
they
were
not
so
curious
in
those
Days
:
But
what
they
did
in
Deeds
,
amounted
to
the
same
as
if
they
had
done
it
in
Words
.
For
perceiving
themselves
thus
eluded
,
they
swore
upon
the
Holy
Altar
to
be
reveng'd
.
And
what
Revenge
that
was
likely
to
have
been
is
easy
to
conjecture
,
by
their
swearing
Allegiance
afterwards
to
Lewis
the
French
King's
Son
,
and
bearing
Fealty
to
him
till
the
Death
of
the
King.
Whence
it
may
be
inferr'd
,
That
if
a
Prince
in
Hostility
with
his
Subjects
deserts
his
Kingdom
,
upon
any
Account
,
They
who
are
next
to
the
Government
are
not
to
hesitate
as
King
Iohn's
Barons
did
,
in
expectation
of
the
King's
Return
,
but
immediately
to
take
care
of
the
Common
Safety
,
lest
they
should
bring
the
same
Ruin
upon
the
Kingdom
,
as
those
Barons
did
by
their
Delay
.
Lastly
,
If
the
Discusser
will
not
be
convinc'd
by
what
has
hitherto
been
said
,
Let
him
examine
the
King
's
own
words
,
and
try
whether
he
can
pick
out
any
better
Construction
out
of
them
then
that
which
I
shall
make
.
Says
the
late
King
in
his
Letter
to
the
Earl
of
Feversham
,
Things
being
come
to
that
Extr●mity
,
that
I
have
been
forc'd
to
send
away
the
Queen
,
and
my
Son
the
Prince
of
Wales
,
that
they
might
not
fall
into
my
Enemies
hands
,
I
am
oblig'd
to
do
the
same
thing
,
and
to
endeavour
to
secure
my self
the
best
I
can
,
&c.
Expres●ions
of
a
disponding
Mind
,
and
only
full
of
Grief
for
the
Disappointment
of
the
Popish
Career
.
The
King
was
afraid
of
the
Queen
,
and
his
Son
the
Prince
of
Wales
as
he
calls
him
,
and
therefore
deeming
it
convenient
to
send
Them
out
of
the
way
,
believes
himself
oblig'd
to
follow
them
.
'T
is
true
,
there
might
be
some
Reason
perhaps
for
him
to
send
Them
away
;
but
none
to
send
away
himself
,
not
being
under
the
same
Circumstances
.
For
let
it
be
Paternal
or
Conjugal
Affection
,
or
both
together
;
What
could
be
a
greater
Desertion
than
this
,
for
the
sake
of
a
Wife
and
a
Son
to
leave
three
Kingdoms
at
six
and
sevens
?
He
speaks
of
securing
himself
as
well
as
he
can
,
but
mentions
nothing
of
Danger
;
only
leaves
it
to
the
Lord
Feversham
and
others
to
presume
the
Causes
of
his
Fears
.
But
certainly
the
apprehension
of
Danger
can
never
excuse
a
Sovereign
Magistrate
from
the
Desertion
of
his
Dominions
,
at
the
same
time
striving
and
strugling
under
the
Pangs
of
the
Dissolution
of
Government
.
If
such
a
Desertion
of
his
Territories
in
that
forlorn
and
languishing
Condition
,
to
accompany
the
Tribulations
of
a
Wife
and
a
Son
,
be
not
a
perfect
Abdication
of
his
Territories
,
the
Words
relinquish
,
desert
,
forgo
,
abandon
,
abdicate
,
have
lost
their
Signification
.
Thus
Lysimachus
in
Plutarch
,
de
sera
vindicta
Dei
,
after
he
had
surrendered
his
Person
and
Dominions
to
the
Getae
,
for
a
Draught
of
Drink
,
in
the
extremity
of
a
parching
Thirst
,
when
he
had
quench'd
his
Thirst
cryed
out
,
O
pravum
Hominem
!
that
for
so
small
a
Pleasure
have
lost
so
great
a
Kingdom
.
He
would
be
thought
very
unfit
to
be
the
Master
of
a
Ship
,
that
should
throw
himself
into
the
Sea
,
when
his
Vessel
and
Cargoe
were
almost
ready
to
perish
.
And
I
will
appeal
to
the
Lord
of
Wemm
himself
,
whether
if
he
were
to
try
an
Abdicating
Prince
upon
this
Point
,
with
the
same
Huffing
and
Domineering
as
he
did
Inferiour
Offenders
,
he
would
take
it
for
a
good
Justification
to
say
,
I
had
thought
,
or
I
apprehended
my
Person
to
be
in
Danger
.
Rather
it
becomes
a
Prince
at
such
a
time
to
exert
his
Courage
,
and
contemn
his
own
,
when
the
publick
Security
lies
at
stake
,
especially
when
the
Remedy
propounded
was
so
easy
as
the
Convoking
of
a
Free
Parliament
.
But
to
withdraw
at
such
a
perillous
Conjuncture
from
the
Application
of
his
desir'd
,
nay
almost
implor'd
Assistance
;
What
can
the
Discusser
think
of
himself
to
deny
so
plain
an
Abdication
?
And
this
I
take
to
be
the
Opinion
of
the
late
King's
Abdication
,
intimated
by
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
assembled
at
Guild-Hall
,
Decemb.
1688.
where
they
are
pleased
to
say
,
That
they
did
reasonably
hope
that
the
King
having
sent
forth
his
Proclamation
and
Writs
for
a
free
Parliament
,
they
might
have
rested
secure
(
as
doubtless
the
King
might
also
have
done
)
in
that
Meeting
.
But
his
Majesty
having
withdrawn
himself
,
&c.
they
did
therefore
unanimously
resolve
to
apply
themselves
to
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
&c.
That
is
to
say
,
The
King
having
withdrawn
himself
from
the
Cure
of
the
Grand
Distempers
of
the
Nation
,
and
consequently
Abdicated
the
Government
,
they
resolv'd
to
apply
themselves
to
a
more
Skilful
,
at
least
a
more
Willing
Physician
.
Which
had
the
Discusser
more
considerately
discuss'd
,
when
he
wrote
his
Discussion
,
would
have
sav'd
him
a
great
deal
of
trouble
and
expence
.
Thus
much
for
the
Reasons
which
the
Discusser
brings
to
prove
that
the
King
,
before
his
withdrawing
,
had
sufficient
Grounds
to
make
him
apprehensive
of
Danger
,
and
that
therefore
it
cannot
be
call'd
an
Abdication
.
That
which
follows
,
being
altogether
grounded
upon
certain
Statutes
and
Laws
of
the
Land
,
to
the
knowledg
of
which
the
Discusser
seems
to
be
a
great
Pretender
,
is
answer'd
in
a
Word
,
That
they
who
pronounc'd
the
Throne
Vacant
,
understood
the
Latitude
of
their
Power
,
and
the
Intent
and
Limits
of
the
Laws
and
Statutes
of
this
Realm
to
that
Degree
,
that
if
nothing
else
,
the
Consideration
of
that
might
have
deterr'd
the
Discusser
from
the
Presumption
of
appearing
so
vainly
and
scandalously
in
the
World.
Nor
would
I
be
thought
so
impertinent
to
transgress
the
Bounds
of
my
own
Understanding
as
he
has
done
.
For
indeed
,
to
tell
ye
the
Truth
,
if
the
Discusser
should
come
to
a
Trial
at
Westminster-Hall
,
I
am
afraid
the
Lawyers
will
certainly
inform
him
that
he
has
very
much
either
mistaken
or
misquoted
his
Authors
.
FINIS
.
SATISFACTION
tendred
to
all
that
pretend
Conscience
for
Non-submission
to
our
present
Governours
,
and
refusing
of
the
New
Oaths
of
FEALTY
and
ALLEGIANCE
.
In
a
LETTER
to
a
FRIEND
,
By
R.
B.
late
Rector
of
St.
Michael
Querne
,
London
,
And
now
Rector
of
Icklingham
All-Saints
,
Suffolk
.
SIR
,
I
Cannot
but
admire
at
the
Stiffness
,
not
to
say
Obstinacy
of
some
,
in
not
complying
with
the
present
Government
,
considering
the
late
danger
of
Popery
,
and
that
an
Arbitrary
Power
was
exercised
amongst
us
by
our
late
Rulers
,
in
asserting
their
Dispensing
Power
,
by
the
Mercenary
Judges
declared
to
be
Law.
You
may
remember
in
our
late
Conference
upon
this
Subject
,
you
pleaded
in
Defence
of
your selves
,
and
others
,
the
Obligation
you
lay
under
to
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
with
your
Subscription
to
the
Doctrine
of
the
Church
of
England
,
contained
in
the
37
th
Article
,
and
the
First
Canon
of
the
Church
:
but
if
it
appear
that
all
this
is
rather
grounded
upon
Mistake
,
than
any
solid
Reality
,
I
will
not
question
your
ready
Submission
.
Oaths
I
confess
are
very
strong
Ties
upon
Men
of
Conscience
,
and
they
are
to
be
tenderly
dealt
with
until
that
Prejudice
be
removed
;
give
me
leave
therefore
with
Sobriety
and
Meekness
to
enquire
,
Whether
that
Oath
be
still
in
Force
,
with
the
Obligation
to
it
?
if
not
,
that
Plea
must
vanish
and
disappear
.
And
here
first
,
let
me
remind
you
of
the
occasion
of
imposing
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
;
it
was
injoyn'd
to
distinguish
betwixt
Church
and
Court
,
Loyal
and
Disloyal
Papists
,
upon
that
horrid
Gunpowder-Treason
,
which
hath
left
a
Stain
of
Villany
and
Cruelty
upon
that
Religion
,
never
to
be
wiped
off
:
Read
over
the
Anatomy
of
that
Oath
,
made
by
K.
Iames
the
First
in
his
Book
of
the
Defence
of
it
;
And
what
is
there
in
if
that
can
stick
upon
any
Protestant
?
except
that
Clause
of
denying
all
Foreign
Jurisdiction
,
Prince
,
or
Potentate
:
And
this
you
seem'd
to
hint
at
,
when
you
said
the
Prince
of
Orange
was
a
Foreign
Prince
.
Will
you
be
pleased
in
answer
to
this
,
to
fix
your
Thoughts
upon
that
of
the
great
Apostle
St.
Paul
,
he
is
excepted
that
put
all
things
under
him
.
So
here
,
without
Question
,
the
King
may
divest
himself
of
all
Authority
and
Power
,
and
when
this
is
done
the
Obligation
ceaseth
,
as
if
he
were
really
Dead
.
The
Preface
to
the
New
Oath
is
not
an
authoritative
Abdication
;
but
rather
a
Declaration
of
Matter
of
Fact
,
that
the
late
King
Iames
hath
abdicated
.
So
that
in
fine
the
main
of
the
Controversy
lies
here
,
Whether
the
late
King
did
abdicate
?
For
,
if
he
did
,
without
all
Question
the
Obligation
of
all
Oaths
taken
unto
him
is
ceased
.
In
confirmation
of
the
Affirmative
,
I
shall
endeavour
to
make
it
clear
that
any
King
may
,
And
secondly
,
That
the
late
King
did
abdicate
.
That
Kings
may
denude
themselves
of
their
Princely
Power
and
Sovereignty
,
appears
from
what
was
done
by
Charles
the
Fifth
,
Emperor
of
Germany
,
and
King
of
Spain
at
the
same
time
,
who
did
abdicate
both
;
and
his
Subjects
took
new
Oaths
of
Fealty
to
other
Princes
.
Some
of
those
Times
might
question
his
Courage
,
but
none
did
ever
except
against
the
Validity
of
it
.
May
it
not
seem
something
unjust
to
deny
this
Liberty
to
Princes
,
when
they
find
themselves
overcharged
with
the
Weight
of
Government
,
to
retire
into
a
Privacy
for
the
better
enjoyment
of
their
inward
Peace
and
Quiet
?
But
I
presume
no
Man
will
deny
this
Hypothesis
.
It
remains
to
prove
the
Thesis
,
That
the
late
King
did
abdicate
.
1.
I
will
not
dwell
upon
what
was
done
by
the
Metropolitan
,
and
other
Lords
of
the
Council
,
upon
his
first
withdrawing
;
they
came
into
the
City
,
and
with
the
Lord
Mayor
sent
for
the
Lieutenant
of
the
Tower
,
seize
upon
the
Keys
,
dispossess
the
Souldiers
,
place
a
new
Garrison
there
,
and
desire
the
Prince
of
Orange
to
assume
the
Regency
;
Why
all
this
,
if
he
had
not
Abdicated
?
Upon
what
other
ground
durst
they
raise
Arms
,
seize
upon
his
Royal
Fort
?
Or
how
can
they
excuse
themselves
from
formal
Rebellion
and
breach
of
Oaths
,
if
this
be
not
granted
,
and
is
not
unpresidented
,
That
Princes
shall
take
up
their
Scepters
again
,
when
they
have
laid
them
down
.
But
to
pass
by
this
.
2.
I
would
willingly
be
resolv'd
by
any
Thinking
Man
,
whose
Judgment
and
Testimony
is
most
authentick
in
this
Particular
;
Whether
I
am
to
resolve
my self
into
the
Judgment
of
the
whole
Nation
,
in
a
full
and
clear
Representation
in
Parliament
,
or
into
the
private
Francies
or
Opinion
of
a
few
Men
?
I
remember
what
you
once
repli'd
to
this
,
That
every
Mans
Conscience
is
to
judg
for
himself
in
point
of
Practice
.
But
do
you
not
know
when
,
and
by
whom
this
Principle
was
exploded
,
whilst
some
were
prosecuted
for
meer
Matters
of
Worship
?
And
shall
this
be
pleaded
by
those
Men
who
so
vigorously
have
acted
against
it
,
when
in
its
own
Nature
it
is
so
destructive
of
the
Civil
Peace
?
A
Line
and
a
Line
is
an
Abomination
.
Did
ever
any
Government
upon
the
Pretence
of
Conscience
dispence
with
Disobedience
in
Things
necessary
to
its
Establishment
?
And
can
any
Man
expect
to
be
excus'd
from
taking
the
Oaths
,
which
is
the
only
Moral
Security
the
Government
can
expect
or
require
;
and
upon
this
very
Pretence
,
which
if
allowed
,
all
Kingdoms
must
dissolve
into
Anarchy
and
Confusion
;
Religion
and
Conscience
being
the
Common
Pretentions
of
all
Male-Contents
.
This
may
suffice
to
satisfy
any
sober
Rational
Man
,
that
is
not
resolv'd
to
maintain
the
Conclusion
,
be
the
Premises
never
so
weak
.
Some
there
are
that
presume
their
Subscription
to
the
Doctrine
of
the
Church
of
England
,
in
her
Book
of
Articles
,
will
not
permit
them
to
yield
their
Obedience
to
these
Alterations
.
But
if
this
shall
prove
a
Mistake
,
and
our
Obedience
shall
be
conformable
to
our
Principles
,
will
it
not
rather
be
esteemed
Peevishness
than
Conscience
?
To
discover
the
Mistake
,
let
us
consider
when
,
and
by
whom
,
the
Articles
were
composed
;
and
refer
the
Practices
of
those
Times
to
the
Articles
,
as
an
authentick
and
clear
Interpretation
of
them
,
and
this
also
will
vanish
like
Smoak
.
1.
The
Articles
were
made
,
or
at
least
confirmed
,
in
the
Reign
of
Queen
Elizabeth
,
who
was
a
constant
asserter
and
maintainer
of
this
Maxim
,
That
it
is
lawful
for
a
neighbouring
Prince
to
relieve
and
defend
the
Subjects
of
another
,
when
invaded
in
their
Laws
,
Liberties
,
and
Religion
.
Who
was
it
that
protected
and
assisted
the
Hugonets
in
France
,
against
the
Tyranny
and
Violence
of
their
Princes
?
Was
it
not
this
Gracious
and
Heroick
Queen
?
And
who
was
it
that
protected
the
Netherlands
against
the
Violence
and
Usurpations
of
the
Spanish
Monarch
?
And
was
all
this
contrary
to
the
avowed
Doctrines
of
our
Church
,
of
which
she
was
the
Defender
?
Was
not
this
defended
,
or
at
least
allowed
of
,
by
the
Church-Men
of
those
Times
?
must
it
be
now
inconsistent
with
the
Principles
of
our
Times
?
Do
they
bind
our
Hands
,
so
that
if
we
are
invaded
we
may
not
crave
the
like
Protection
?
Let
any
sober
scrupulous
dissatisfied
Person
give
a
sober
Answer
and
Resolution
to
these
Queries
.
The
Dutch
Netherlands
erected
a
new
Model
of
Government
under
her
Protection
,
after
they
had
shaken
off
the
Spanish
Yoak
.
2.
Let
it
be
granted
,
what
ought
not
to
be
denied
,
That
the
late
King
did
abdicate
,
and
that
the
Government
did
devolve
upon
the
People
,
and
these
in
a
full
Representative
of
the
whole
Nation
,
whether
in
Parliament
,
or
in
a
Convention
,
(
it
matters
not
which
,
whilst
that
was
a
free
and
fair
Choice
)
have
constituted
these
to
be
our
Governours
;
Are
we
not
to
pay
and
swear
Obedience
unto
them
,
as
well
as
their
Predecessors
?
And
if
this
were
rightly
weigh'd
,
would
answer
an
Objection
from
that
Declaration
,
in
the
Act
of
Uniformity
,
I
abhor
that
Traiterous
Position
,
&c.
If
after
all
this
Men
will
fix
all
upon
a
Ius
divinum
,
and
fly
to
Scriptures
,
let
them
give
plain
positive
Texts
,
for
a
general
Form
,
with
Rules
universally
relating
unto
,
and
obliging
all
Places
and
Men.
If
they
cannot
,
let
them
confess
that
God
hath
left
all
Nations
and
People
,
to
be
ruled
by
that
Government
and
those
Laws
,
which
are
most
suitable
to
the
Constitution
and
Temperament
of
the
People
;
and
this
I
lay
down
for
a
Foundation
not
to
be
overthrown
.
But
to
Answer
:
those
places
which
are
so
much
insisted
upon
,
that
of
our
Saviour's
,
St
Paul's
,
and
St
Peter's
,
we
need
to
make
use
of
that
absurd
Assertion
of
some
of
the
Romanists
,
That
this
was
only
enjoyn'd
and
to
be
performed
until
they
had
opportunity
to
make
a
Resistance
.
This
would
stain
the
Glory
of
the
Primitive
Martyrs
.
Not
a
forced
,
but
a
voluntary
Martyrdom
deserves
the
Crown
;
however
this
gives
a
taste
of
the
Loyalty
of
these
Men
and
their
Religion
,
to
the
maintaining
of
which
the
Popish
Princes
sacrifice
all
their
Power
and
Policy
.
But
for
a
more
Substantial
Answer
,
by
way
of
Satisfaction
to
these
Scruples
,
let
it
be
duly
considered
,
that
the
Primitive
Christians
and
we
were
under
different
and
distinct
Administrations
;
they
liv'd
under
absolute
Monarchs
,
their
Grandeur
was
won
by
the
Sword
,
and
confirm'd
by
a
pure
Despotick
Power
;
and
therefore
their
Resistance
had
been
unlawful
,
contrary
to
the
Rule
and
Force
of
their
Government
:
but
it
is
quite
otherwise
with
us
.
We
are
setled
upon
a
Gothick
Model
,
our
Princes
make
no
Laws
without
our
own
Consent
;
they
are
obliged
to
the
excution
of
Laws
made
by
our selves
with
their
Consent
;
they
have
no
Power
to
dispense
with
the
breach
of
them
by
others
,
nor
to
invade
them
themselves
.
This
was
own'd
by
the
seven
Bishops
,
declar'd
by
former
Parliaments
;
so
that
no
Man
is
bound
to
pay
their
Allegiance
any
further
,
Let
Caesar
have
what
is
Caesar's
,
and
the
Subjects
what
is
theirs
,
their
Laws
,
their
Birth-right
.
In
some
cases
Moral
positive
Duties
are
superseded
by
what
is
naturally
Moral
,
as
in
the
Duties
of
the
fourth
Command
,
so
here
.
Tho
Government
in
general
be
founded
upon
Nature
,
yet
this
or
that
Form
is
but
positive
;
and
if
it
be
not
consistant
with
the
end
of
Government
,
Self-preservation
,
Why
should
not
it
be
either
altered
,
or
fixed
in
those
who
will
prosecute
the
right
end
,
the
Preservation
of
the
publick
Peace
and
Liberties
of
the
People
?
To
what
hath
been
said
,
let
me
add
,
ex
abundanti
,
the
late
King
's
retiring
into
France
;
if
it
amount
not
to
an
Abdication
,
it
comes
near
unto
a
Forfeiture
,
and
no
Prince
or
State
can
have
less
Reason
to
indeavour
to
restore
him
to
his
Crown
and
Dignity
,
than
that
Monarch
.
Whence
hath
he
his
Claim
but
from
Hugh
Capet
,
and
he
from
the
Election
of
the
great
Men
of
the
Kingdom
?
and
why
did
they
pretend
to
lay
aside
Charles
Duke
of
Lorrain
,
whose
Right
it
was
by
Succession
,
but
meerly
upon
this
ground
,
He
had
joyned
himself
to
the
Enemies
of
the
Kingdom
?
and
so
they
transfer
the
Crown
unto
another
Family
,
that
of
the
Capets
.
And
does
not
all
Christendom
in
general
,
and
the
English
Nation
in
particular
,
look
upon
that
great
Man
of
France
as
a
Common
Enemy
?
shall
not
that
which
may
hinder
Succession
,
justify
in
part
a
translating
of
it
unto
another
?
But
(
blessed
be
God
)
all
these
are
cleared
in
an
Abdication
,
and
that
asserted
by
the
Representative
Body
of
the
whole
Nation
.
And
now
,
good
Sir
,
be
perswaded
to
lay
aside
all
Prejudice
,
submit
your
Sentiments
to
the
Judgment
of
your
Superiors
,
yield
your
Obedience
and
Fealty
in
taking
the
Oaths
;
this
you
see
is
your
Duty
,
and
not
only
so
,
but
your
Interest
.
It
is
not
long
since
we
were
apprehensive
of
Popery
,
and
the
Church-of
-
England-Men
did
set
themselves
in
direct
Opposition
against
it
,
and
all
the
Accesses
toward
it
;
for
which
the
Generations
to
come
shall
call
them
blessed
.
But
whence
come
these
Apprensions
to
be
lessened
?
can
we
expect
a
perfect
Freedom
from
these
Fears
,
should
he
be
re-admitted
to
his
Authority
?
It
is
not
possible
a
Popish
Soveraign
should
keep
Promise
with
his
Heretical
Subjects
,
as
they
stile
us
;
their
words
and
Oaths
,
if
Roman
Catholicks
,
bind
no
further
then
stands
with
the
Interest
of
their
Religion
,
and
we
know
who
both
can
,
and
will
dispence
with
Oaths
and
Promises
made
to
Hereticks
.
Would
you
fetter
him
by
Laws
?
these
have
been
,
like
Sampsons
Cords
,
easily
broken
:
Would
you
place
him
under
Tutors
and
Governours
?
He
is
no
minor
,
cannot
submit
;
aut
Caesar
,
aut
Null●s
.
Men
are
but
Men
at
the
best
,
and
Time
,
and
Preferment
may
alter
their
Judgments
.
However
these
would
make
him
a
Prisoner
,
and
no
King.
Should
we
submit
in
hopes
of
another
Opportunity
;
Would
he
not
settle
a
Correspondence
with
Male-contents
at
Home
,
and
Foreign
Princes
Abroad
?
and
if
he
prosper
in
the
Design
,
hath
that
Common
plea
,
That
his
Promises
are
Void
,
because
made
by
him
when
under
Restraint
?
And
then
,
What
will
become
of
all
that
is
dear
unto
us
,
Religion
,
Lives
,
Liberties
,
and
Estates
?
This
is
prevented
by
an
Abdication
;
so
that
if
he
return
,
it
must
be
by
Conquest
,
and
then
he
will
rule
by
the
Sword
,
we
shall
all
be
in
the
same
Condition
,
lie
under
the
charge
of
Hereticks
,
Rebels
and
Traytors
;
the
Government
chang'd
from
a
regulated
Monarchy
into
an
absolute
Tyranny
,
our
Religion
abrogated
;
we
shall
be
sold
as
Slaves
,
or
burnt
as
Hereticks
.
If
Men
love
Bonds
and
Imprisonments
,
Rapine
and
Sequestration
,
Racks
and
Tortures
,
Fire
and
Faggots
,
let
them
continue
this
Humor
and
Aversation
;
but
if
none
of
these
be
lovely
,
as
indeed
they
are
not
,
let
us
bless
God
who
hath
redeemed
us
from
the
Hand
of
our
Enemies
,
and
the
Hand
of
all
that
hate
us
.
Let
us
joyn
issue
with
the
Divine
Providence
(
which
hath
delivered
us
from
all
these
Evils
)
in
submitting
and
yielding
our
Obedience
to
our
Soveraign
Lord
and
Lady
,
by
whose
Conduct
and
Courage
we
are
brought
into
a
state
of
Freedom
and
Peace
.
Be
not
affrighted
out
of
this
by
the
false
Rumors
and
Reports
,
spread
abroad
by
evil-minded
Men
,
but
let
us
unite
in
our
Submission
to
our
present
Rulers
,
that
thereby
we
may
strengthen
their
Hearts
and
Hands
in
our
common
Defence
.
There
remains
one
Prejudice
,
but
no
Objection
arising
from
the
vain
Fears
of
some
Men
,
that
the
Church
begins
to
be
shaken
in
her
Authority
,
whilst
matters
of
Religion
fall
under
a
Dispute
,
and
no
Convocation
consulted
with
.
But
this
,
if
fully
considered
,
would
swell
a
private
Letter
into
too
great
a
Bulk
.
Let
me
for
the
present
desire
you
to
consider
,
there
is
nothing
design'd
in
Doctrinals
,
but
meer
Matters
of
Ceremony
,
and
a
relaxation
of
some
Laws
,
not
consistent
with
the
greatest
Interest
of
the
Nation
in
this
present
Juncture
,
the
Union
of
Protestants
.
And
out
of
experience
,
that
the
severity
of
those
Laws
never
reclaim'd
one
Dissenter
,
but
rather
did
drive
others
out
of
the
Pale
of
the
Church
;
it
is
not
unworthy
of
,
but
highly
becoming
the
Wisdom
of
those
worthy
Patriots
to
find
out
a
Method
,
whereby
all
Protestants
of
every
Form
may
be
brought
into
an
easy
Condition
.
This
Subject
,
if
this
Letter
find
a
candid
Reception
,
may
be
more
fully
considered
of
,
by
Your
very
Friend
,
Servant
,
and
Brother
,
R.
B.
To
the
Right
Honourable
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
And
to
the
Honourable
the
Knights
,
Citizens
,
and
Burgesses
in
this
present
PARLIAMENT
Assembled
;
The
Humbletition
of
TITUS
OATES
,
D.
D.
Most
Humbly
sheweth
,
THat
your
Petitioner
in
the
Year
1678
,
discovered
a
horrid
Popish
Conspiracy
for
the
Destruction
of
the
late
King
Charles
the
Second
,
His
Present
Majesty
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
within
these
Kingdoms
;
and
prov'd
it
so
fully
,
that
several
Parliaments
,
and
Courts
of
Justice
,
before
whom
he
gave
his
Testimony
,
declared
their
Belief
of
it
by
publick
Votes
,
and
the
Condemnation
of
several
of
the
Conspirators
.
For
which
Reason
,
and
because
your
Petitioner
would
not
be
terrified
by
their
Threats
,
nor
seduced
by
their
Promises
of
great
Rewards
(
with
both
which
Temptations
they
often
assulted
him
)
to
desist
in
his
Discovery
;
the
Jesuits
and
Papists
pursued
him
with
an
implacable
Malice
,
and
endeavoured
to
take
away
his
Fame
and
Life
,
by
suborning
Witnesses
to
accuse
him
of
Capital
Crimes
:
but
being
defeated
in
that
Villanous
Attempt
,
they
first
procured
King
Charles
the
Second
to
withdraw
that
Protection
and
Subsistence
his
Majesty
had
,
at
the
Request
of
several
Parliaments
,
allowed
to
your
Petitioner
;
and
then
instigated
his
Royal
Highness
the
Duke
of
York
to
prosecute
your
Petitioner
in
an
Action
of
Scandalum
Magnatum
,
for
speaking
this
notorious
Truth
,
viz.
That
he
the
said
Duke
of
York
was
reconciled
to
the
Church
of
Rome
;
and
that
It
is
High
Treason
to
be
so
reconciled
:
wherein
a
Verdict
and
Judgment
for
one
Hundred
Thousand
Pounds
Damages
were
obtained
against
your
Petitioner
,
and
your
Petitioner
was
committed
to
the
King's
Bench-Prison
.
After
this
,
the
same
Popish
Party
obtained
leave
from
King
Charles
the
second
,
to
prefer
two
several
Indictments
against
your
Petitioner
,
for
two
pretended
Perjuries
in
his
Evidence
concerning
the
said
Conspiracy
,
which
they
brought
on
to
Tryal
in
the
Reign
of
King
Iames
the
second
;
and
your
Petitioner
was
upon
the
Evidence
of
those
very
Witnesses
,
who
had
confronted
him
in
three
former
Tryals
,
and
were
disbelieved
;
and
through
the
Partial
Behahaviour
of
the
Chief
Justice
Ieffreys
,
in
brow-beating
his
Witnesses
,
and
misleading
the
Juries
,
convicted
of
the
said
Pretended
Perjuries
,
and
received
this
inhumane
and
unparallel'd
Sentence
following
,
viz.
[
To
pay
two
thousand
Marks
to
the
King
:
To
be
devested
of
his
Canonical
Habit
:
To
be
brought
into
Westminster-Hall
with
a
Paper
upon
his
Head
,
with
this
Inscription
,
Titus
Oates
convicted
upon
full
Evidence
of
two
horrid
Perjuries
:
To
stand
in
and
upon
the
Pillory
two
several
days
,
for
the
space
of
an
Hour
:
To
be
whip'd
by
the
comman
Hang-man
,
from
Aldgate
to
Newgate
on
Wednesday
,
and
to
be
whip'd
again
on
the
Friday
following
from
Newgate
to
Tiburn
:
To
stand
in
and
upon
the
Pillory
five
times
in
every
Year
of
his
Life
;
and
to
remain
a
Prisoner
during
his
Life
.
]
Which
Sentence
being
intended
,
as
your
Petitioner
hath
just
reason
to
believe
,
to
murther
him
,
was
accordingly
executed
with
all
the
Circumstances
of
Barbarity
;
he
having
suffered
some
thousands
of
Stripes
whereby
he
was
put
to
unspeakable
Tortures
,
and
lay
ten
Weeks
under
the
Surgeons
Hands
.
Neither
did
their
Cruelty
cease
here
,
but
because
your
Petitioner
,
by
God's
Mercy
miraculously
supporting
him
,
(
and
the
extraordinary
Skill
of
a
Judicious
Chirurgion
)
outlived
that
Bloody
Usage
,
some
of
them
afterwards
got
into
your
Petitioner's
Chamber
whilst
he
was
weak
in
his
Bed
,
and
attempted
to
pull
of
the
Plaisters
apply'd
to
cure
his
Back
,
and
threatned
to
destroy
him
:
And
that
nothing
within
their
Power
or
Malice
might
be
wanting
to
compleat
your
Petitioner's
Misery
,
they
procured
him
to
be
loaded
with
Irons
of
excessive
Weight
for
a
whole
Year
,
without
any
Intermission
,
even
when
his
Legs
were
swoln
with
the
Gout
;
and
to
be
shut
up
in
the
Dungeon
,
or
Hole
of
the
Prison
,
whereby
he
became
impair'd
in
his
Limbs
,
and
contracted
Convulsion
Fits
,
and
other
Distempers
,
to
the
great
Hazard
of
his
Life
.
All
which
illegal
Proceedings
,
and
barbarous
Inhumanities
,
your
Petitioner
humbly
conceives
were
not
only
intended
as
a
Revenge
upon
him
,
but
likewise
to
cast
a
Reproach
upon
the
Wisdom
and
Honour
of
four
successive
Parliaments
who
had
given
him
Cre●it
,
and
upon
the
Publick
Justice
of
the
Nation
.
And
your
Petitioner
humbly
hopes
that
since
the
Papists
themselves
have
verified
and
confirmed
his
Evidence
by
their
late
open
and
avowed
Violations
of
our
Religion
,
Laws
,
and
Liberties
,
this
Honourable
House
will
vindicate
the
Proceedings
of
former
Parliaments
,
and
discharge
your
Petitioner
from
those
Arbitrary
and
Scandalous
Judgments
,
and
the
unjust
Imprisonment
he
lies
under
.
Your
Petitioner
doth
therefore
most
humbly
beseech
your
Lordships
and
your
Honours
,
to
take
his
deplorable
Case
into
your
g●nerous
and
tender
Consideration
,
and
to
give
him
such
Redress
●herein
as
to
your
Lordships
and
your
Honours
great
Wisdom
,
Iustice
,
and
Goodness
,
shall
seem
meet
:
And
your
Petitioner
shall
ever
pray
,
&c.
An
Account
of
the
Convention
of
SCOTLAND
.
THE
Convention
of
Scotland
met
the
14
th
of
March
,
168●
,
in
Obedience
to
the
Prince
of
Orange's
Letters
;
They
choice
the
Duke
of
Hamilton
their
President
,
after
which
they
had
several
Debates
about
the
Duke
of
G●rdon
,
a
Papist
,
who
keeps
the
Castle
notwithstanding
many
offers
of
Surrender
,
does
still
keep
it
for
King
Iames.
They
read
a
Letter
from
the
King
of
England
,
in
which
he
exhorts
them
to
lay
aside
all
Animosities
,
and
Factions
,
and
mind
the
Publick
Good
in
securing
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
ancient
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
Kingdom
on
sure
and
lasting
Foundations
,
particularly
that
they
would
endeavour
a
Union
between
both
Kingdoms
,
as
one
of
the
best
Means
for
the
Happiness
of
both
,
especially
at
this
time
,
when
the
common
Enemy
is
restless
to
procure
the
ruine
of
Britain
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
every-where
.
After
which
a
Letter
was
read
from
King
Iames
,
requiring
them
to
support
his
Royal
Authority
;
by
many
Threats
and
Promises
,
which
made
no
Impression
on
them
;
but
after
some
time
they
drew
up
,
and
sent
a
Letter
to
King
William
,
full
of
dutiful
Respects
,
promising
to
do
that
which
may
be
acceptable
to
him
,
and
suitable
to
the
Genius
of
the
Nation
.
After
setling
the
Militia
and
other
State-Matters
,
and
having
resolved
the
Power
into
themselves
;
they
appointed
a
Committee
of
24
,
made
up
of
all
the
Estates
,
to
settle
the
Government
:
Which
Committee
have
provided
for
the
full
Meeting
of
the
Convention
Grounds
and
Reasons
on
which
they
have
declared
the
Throne
Vacant
.
A
SPEECH
made
by
a
Member
of
the
Convention
of
the
States
in
SCOTLAND
.
WE
are
now
called
together
by
his
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
to
Consult
and
Deliberate
,
what
Methods
will
be
most
proper
to
secure
Our
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
,
in
order
to
which
,
the
first
thing
that
will
fall
under
our
Consideration
,
is
the
setling
the
Sovereign
Power
.
I
take
for
granted
that
you
are
fully
convinced
,
that
King
Iames
the
Seventh
,
by
his
many
Violations
of
the
Fundamental
Laws
,
by
his
endeavouring
to
establish
a
Despotick
and
Arbitrary
Power
,
and
introduce
Popery
,
(
tho
he
himself
had
confirmed
all
the
Laws
that
were
enacted
in
Favour
of
the
Protestant
Religion
)
has
thereby
subverted
the
Constitution
,
and
(
that
our
Miseries
might
have
no
Redress
from
him
)
has
left
us
in
a
time
when
we
needed
his
Protection
most
.
The
Eyes
of
all
Europe
are
upon
us
,
and
it
is
in
our
Power
to
make
our
Selves
,
and
our
Posterity
either
Happy
or
Miserable
,
by
making
a
choice
,
either
to
call
back
the
same
King
Iames
,
and
hazard
once
more
all
that
Men
account
dear
,
to
his
Mercy
;
or
to
settle
the
Government
on
some
other
,
under
whom
we
may
live
Quiet
and
Peaceable
Lives
,
without
the
perpetual
Terror
of
being
swallowed
up
by
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Government
,
which
all
good
Men
hoped
were
now
banished
,
and
yet
behold
a
new
Off-spring
is
sprung
up
,
which
plead
eagerly
for
both
,
tho
under
the
mistaken
Names
of
Duty
and
Allegiance
:
It
's
strange
that
any
Man
can
so
far
degenerate
,
as
to
prefer
Slavery
to
Liberty
,
and
that
they
should
be
so
much
in
love
with
Chains
,
that
when
they
were
fairly
shaken
off
,
they
shou●d
run
furiously
to
be
Fettered
again
;
as
if
the
Ottoman
and
French
Government
were
so
charming
in
our
Country
,
that
we
cannot
live
without
it
,
tho
we
have
so
lately
groaned
under
the
dismal
Burden
of
it
:
And
it
might
have
been
supposed
that
even
these
,
who
had
been
Instrumental
in
Enslaving
their
Fellow-Brethren
,
and
were
grown
Fat
with
Sucking
the
Nations
Blood
,
would
have
taken
another
Method
to
Reconcile
themselves
,
than
by
persuading
us
to
purchase
their
Safety
,
at
so
vast
an
Expence
as
the
Ruin
of
more
than
three
Parts
of
the
Nation
will
necessarily
amount
to
.
If
we
do
but
a
little
reflect
on
the
Motives
which
these
Men
(
blinded
by
Self-Interest
)
make
use
of
,
to
delude
the
Nation
into
a
Security
that
wanted
very
little
of
proving
Fatal
to
it
,
and
compare
them
with
the
strong
Reasons
,
we
have
to
disswade
us
from
being
so
imposed
on
,
they
will
be
found
so
Weak
and
Impertinent
,
that
we
must
judg
it
next
to
Impossibility
,
to
suffer
our selves
to
be
twice
Deceived
.
But
if
the
Experience
of
our
former
Miseries
,
so
lately
hanging
over
our
Heads
,
(
the
very
Thoughts
of
renewing
which
,
make
all
good
Men
to
tremble
)
has
not
made
us
Wiser
,
and
be
not
of
Efficacy
enough
,
to
deter
us
from
venturing
another
Shipwrack
,
and
exposing
all
again
to
the
Discretion
of
Roman
Catholicks
:
It
's
more
than
probable
that
GOD
has
abandoned
us
,
and
given
us
up
to
believe
strong
Delusions
.
First
,
Thay
will
endeavour
to
perswade
us
,
that
Kings
are
eximed
from
Punishments
here
on
Earth
,
and
nothing
they
do
can
be
quarrelled
by
their
Subjects
,
which
indeed
might
with
some
Reason
be
urged
among
the
Turks
,
who
reserve
nothing
from
the
Power
of
their
Sultans
,
and
where
it
's
Death
to
dispute
his
Commands
,
tho
never
so
Arbitrary
and
Tyrannical
:
But
with
what
Impudence
can
such
Stuff
be
imposed
on
us
,
who
never
admit
our
Kings
to
the
Government
,
till
they
swear
to
rule
us
according
to
Law
,
and
no
otherways
?
The
Laws
are
the
only
Security
we
have
for
our
Lives
and
Properties
,
which
if
our
Sovereign
subvert
,
Subjects
cannot
be
blamed
,
for
making
use
of
the
ordinary
means
to
preserve
them
,
and
since
that
cannot
be
done
without
withdrawing
Obedience
from
such
a
Magistrate
as
goes
about
to
destroy
them
,
such
an
Act
cannot
properly
be
said
to
punish
him
,
(
because
we
take
nothing
from
him
to
which
he
has
a
just
Claim
,
but
do
only
shun
the
occasion
of
making
our selves
miserable
.
The
Speculative
Doctrine
of
Passive
Obedience
,
has
done
too
much
mischief
among
us
,
and
what
has
befallen
the
King
may
be
justly
imputed
to
it
,
for
the
believing
that
without
Opposition
he
might
do
what
he
pleased
,
encouraged
him
to
take
such
measures
as
have
drawn
all
these
Misfortunes
on
him
.
Secondly
,
Others
are
so
Fond
as
to
believe
,
that
we
may
be
Secure
in
calling
the
King
back
,
provided
they
so
Limit
him
,
that
it
will
not
be
in
his
power
to
hurt
us
.
These
Men
do
not
consider
,
how
small
a
Complement
this
is
to
a
Man
of
the
Kings
Temper
,
from
an
an
Absolute
Prince
,
as
he
was
pleased
to
fancy
himself
,
to
content
himself
with
the
bare
Title
of
a
King
;
and
how
insupportable
the
Charge
must
be
,
if
from
being
Master
of
all
,
he
must
force
himself
to
comply
with
a
thousand
Masters
,
and
see
his
Throne
become
his
Prison
.
But
how
airy
is
it
to
fancy
,
that
any
Restrictions
of
our
Contrivance
can
bind
the
King
?
For
1st
,
It
's
most
certain
they
can
never
be
Voluntary
,
and
what
is
constrained
and
done
by
Force
,
is
by
Law
declared
to
be
Void
and
Null
;
to
whose
Assistance
the
Popes
Dispensing
Power
being
joined
,
would
quickly
blow
off
these
Sampson
Cords
,
and
the
Royal
Power
would
again
revive
with
all
its
Vigour
and
Luster
.
Thirdly
,
The
King
is
of
a
Religion
that
has
in
a
famous
Council
decreed
,
That
no
Faith
is
to
be
kept
with
Hereticks
,
much
less
with
Subjects
whom
he
looks
upon
as
so
many
Rebels
,
and
will
not
miss
to
treat
them
as
such
,
whenever
they
give
him
the
Opportunity
of
doing
it
;
for
his
greatest
Admirers
do
not
run
to
that
height
Idolatry
,
to
imagine
him
so
much
Angel
,
as
not
to
take
all
methods
to
revenge
so
great
an
Affront
,
and
secure
himself
at
our
Cost
from
such
a
Treatment
for
the
future
;
the
apprehensions
of
which
Resentments
will
strike
such
terrour
in
Mens
minds
,
that
nothing
will
be
capable
to
divert
them
from
offering
up
All
for
an
Atonement
,
and
Popery
and
Slavery
will
be
thought
a
good
Bargain
,
if
they
can
but
save
their
Lives
.
Then
we
may
lament
our
Miseries
,
but
it
will
not
be
in
our
power
to
help
them
;
for
a
Prince
of
Orange
is
not
always
ready
to
rescue
us
,
with
such
vast
Expence
and
so
great
hazard
to
his
Person
;
and
if
our
Madness
hurry
us
so
far
,
we
deserve
rather
is
pity
than
his
resentment
.
Fourthly
,
What
Arguments
has
the
King
given
since
he
left
us
,
to
persuade
us
he
will
be
more
faithful
in
observing
his
Words
and
Oaths
,
than
hitherto
he
has
been
?
Does
he
not
in
a
Letter
lately
printed
here
,
expresly
say
he
has
ruled
so
,
as
to
give
no
occasion
of
complaint
to
any
of
his
Subjects
?
Is
not
the
same
Letter
signed
by
one
who
sacrificed
both
Conscience
and
Honour
to
Interest
,
who●e
pernicious
and
headstrong
Counsels
has
posted
him
to
his
Ruine
,
tho'
all
that
has
been
done
cannot
make
Him
sensible
of
it
?
Sure
the
re
-
Hereticks
to
the
See
of
Rome
is
not
less
Meritorious
than
before
,
nor
King
Iames
the
Seventh
,
by
breathing
the
French
Air
,
become
less
Bigot
:
It
were
a
Dream
to
fancy
it
.
For
so
long
as
the
Vatican
thunders
Excommunications
against
all
such
as
do
not
use
their
utmost
endeavours
to
extirpate
Heresie
,
a
Roman
Catholick
must
have
no
Religion
at
all
,
if
they
be
not
terrible
to
him
.
The
fourth
Argument
they
made
use
of
to
persuade
such
as
are
and
shall
be
chosen
Members
of
the
Convention
,
That
their
Interest
to
call
back
the
King
,
is
,
That
the
Peace
and
Happiness
of
the
Nation
cannot
be
otherwise
secured
,
nor
Factions
or
Divisions
extinguished
.
But
what
Factions
do
you
observe
,
but
such
as
they
themselves
do
foment
,
on
purpose
to
disturb
our
Harmony
?
all
which
would
immediately
die
,
if
the
Government
were
once
setled
on
those
who
deserved
it
best
:
for
then
,
if
these
Fops
continued
still
fond
of
Popery
and
Tyranny
,
they
would
be
chastised
,
as
Disturbers
of
the
Publick
Peace
.
The
Argument
may
very
justly
be
retorted
;
for
if
the
King
return
,
we
will
burst
out
into
a
flame
;
and
England
,
which
has
already
declared
,
will
quickly
be
on
our
Top
,
an
Enemy
too
Potent
and
too
Numerous
for
us
,
tho'
we
were
all
united
,
besides
the
Danger
to
which
such
a
Procedure
will
expose
us
,
we
cut
off
all
hopes
of
an
Union
with
that
Nation
,
and
thereby
deprive
our selves
of
an
unspeakable
Advantage
,
which
would
redound
to
all
sorts
of
People
,
and
would
be
the
only
means
to
support
an
impoverish'd
and
sinking
Nation
.
Neither
is
this
the
only
Inconveniency
,
tho'
it
be
a
very
great
one
;
for
if
we
state
our selves
in
opposition
to
England
,
by
Restoring
the
King
whom
they
Rejected
,
it
is
not
to
be
doubted
but
he
will
use
his
uttmost
endeavour
to
recover
that
Kingdom
,
the
loss
of
which
is
so
considerable
.
Now
,
seeing
it
were
vain
to
suppose
that
the
Scots
alone
were
able
to
second
his
desires
,
he
must
needs
have
recourse
to
the
French
and
Irish
,
whose
Religion
will
procure
a
more
intire
Confidence
than
His
Majesty
can
repose
in
any
others
.
These
therefore
must
be
received
into
our
Bosom
;
and
because
Scotland
is
the
most
proper
place
for
Invading
England
,
it
must
be
the
Scene
of
all
the
Blood
and
Confusion
that
this
melancholly
Thought
gives
us
a
Prospect
of
.
And
what
treatment
can
such
Sham-Protestants
expect
from
these
,
who
otherwise
would
have
become
their
Friends
and
Allies
?
And
what
Figure
will
they
pretend
to
make
,
when
they
set
up
for
a
separate
Interest
from
all
the
Confederate
Protestants
in
the
World
besides
?
The
happy
Success
the
PRINCE
his
Enterprize
has
met
with
,
has
made
a
considerable
Alteration
in
the
Affairs
of
Europe
;
for
that
great
Enemy
of
the
Protestants
,
and
even
of
Christianity
it self
,
who
had
propos'd
nothing
less
to
himself
than
an
Universal
Monarchy
,
whom
the
Strictest
Leagues
and
Contracts
cannot
bind
,
but
without
regard
to
GOD
or
Man
,
threatens
all
his
Neighbours
with
utter
Destruction
;
by
the
Scene
's
being
changed
among
us
,
is
so
far
humbled
,
that
from
a
Proud
and
Insulting
Enemy
,
he
is
become
a
Supplicant
for
Peace
;
well
foreseeing
,
that
if
Britain
join
with
those
other
Princes
,
whom
his
Insolence
,
Cruelty
,
and
Avarice
,
has
so
justly
Armed
against
him
,
his
Ruine
is
Inevitable
:
So
that
if
we
have
not
Soul
enough
to
enjoy
this
great
Blessing
,
and
can
easily
part
with
the
Glory
of
being
once
more
the
Arbiters
of
Europe
,
let
us
at
least
have
so
much
Christian
Love
and
Charity
for
the
Neighbouring
Nations
of
our
own
Perswasion
,
as
not
to
expose
them
to
a
necessary
Participation
of
these
Plagues
,
which
our
Common
Enemies
are
preparing
for
us
,
and
which
will
certainly
Terminate
in
all
our
Destructions
.
Lastly
,
I
beseech
you
to
consider
what
Persons
they
are
who
would
Instill
this
Poyson
in
you
,
and
you
will
find
them
of
three
kinds
.
First
,
those
who
Postponing
the
Common
Good
of
the
Nation
,
are
wholly
acted
by
Self-Interest
,
considering
that
in
a
Government
where
Iustice
and
Mercy
equally
Flourish
,
Virtue
and
Merit
,
not
Villany
,
will
be
rewarded
.
Secondly
,
They
who
are
ignorant
of
the
Nature
of
Government
,
and
were
never
at
the
pains
to
inform
themselves
what
Measures
the
Law
of
Nature
and
Nations
have
set
to
mens
Obedience
,
but
are
angry
at
every
thing
that
thwarts
their
wild
Notions
,
and
will
admit
of
nothing
,
tho
never
so
reasonable
and
convincing
,
if
their
dull
Capacities
cannot
reach
it
.
The
third
sort
are
such
as
have
been
instrumental
in
the
inslaving
their
Country
,
and
are
afraid
if
they
be
called
to
an
Account
,
they
may
be
brought
to
suffer
Condign
Punishment
;
if
such
cannot
succeed
in
their
Design
,
they
at
least
hope
to
be
overlook'd
in
a
General
Confusion
,
so
they
have
nothing
unessayed
that
may
tend
to
their
own
safety
;
and
if
Heaven
fail
them
,
they
summon
Hell
to
their
Aid
;
not
that
Love
to
their
Prince
,
but
meer
Ambition
and
Interest
,
drives
these
Criminals
to
such
Attempts
;
neither
are
they
much
to
blame
,
if
they
are
at
such
pains
to
sow
Divisions
among
us
.
But
no
Person
of
Wit
and
Iudgment
,
nor
any
Good
Man
that
is
truly
Protestant
,
and
minds
the
good
of
his
Country
,
will
suffer
himself
to
be
so
grosly
imposed
on
by
such
Firebands
,
who
would
build
their
Furture
Imaginary
Greatness
on
the
Ruine
of
Our
Religion
,
Laws
,
and
Country
.
The
Grounds
upon
which
the
Estates
of
Scotland
Declared
the
Right
of
the
Crown
of
Scotland
FORFAULTED
,
and
the
Throne
become
VACANT
.
I.
BBcause
King
Iames
the
Seventh
is
a
Professed
Papist
.
II.
That
the
said
King
Iames
did
assume
the
Royal
Power
,
and
acted
as
King
without
ever
taking
the
Oath
required
by
Law.
III.
That
he
hath
by
the
Council
of
evil
Men
invaded
the
Fundamental
Constitution
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
changed
it
from
a
limited
Monarchy
to
an
Absolute
and
Despotick
Power
.
IV.
Which
Power
he
hath
imployed
to
the
Subversion
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Violation
of
the
Rights
of
the
Subject
.
And
thereby
,
V.
Hath
inverted
all
the
Ends
of
Government
.
The
Opinion
of
two
eminent
Parliament-Men
,
justifying
the
lawfulness
of
taking
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
to
King
William
and
Queen
Mary
.
I.
FIdelity
and
Allegiance
sworn
to
the
King
,
is
only
a
Fidelity
and
Obedience
as
it
is
due
to
him
by
the
Law
of
the
Lands
,
for
were
that
Faith
and
Allegiance
more
than
what
the
Law
requires
,
we
should
swear
our selves
Slaves
,
and
the
King
Absolute
;
whereas
by
the
Law
we
are
free
,
notwithstanding
these
Oaths
.
II.
When
therefore
by
the
Law
Fidelity
and
Allegiance
ceaseth
;
then
our
sworn
Allegiance
ceaseth
:
for
if
Allegiance
might
be
due
by
the
Oath
to
one
Person
,
whilst
by
the
Law
it
ceaseth
to
him
and
becomes
due
to
another
Person
,
the
Oath
then
would
oblige
Men
to
transgress
the
Law
,
and
become
Traytors
and
Rebels
,
whereas
the
Oath
is
part
of
the
Law
,
and
therefore
ought
to
be
so
interpreted
as
may
consist
with
it
.
III.
Fidelity
and
Allegiance
are
due
by
the
Law
to
King
William
,
and
not
to
King
Iames
:
for
the
Statute
of
25
of
Edward
3
d
,
which
defined
all
Treasons
against
the
King
,
and
is
the
only
Statute
to
that
purpose
;
now
that
Statute
,
by
the
King
,
understands
not
only
a
King
de
jure
,
but
also
a
King
de
facto
,
tho
not
de
jure
,
against
whom
those
Treasons
Lie
:
whence
the
Lord
Chief
Justice
Hales
,
in
his
Pleas
of
the
Crown
,
p.
12.
discoursing
of
that
Statute
,
tells
us
,
that
a
King
de
facto
,
and
not
de
jure
,
is
a
King
within
that
Act
,
and
that
Treason
against
him
is
Punishable
,
tho
the
Right
Heir
get
the
Crown
:
and
that
this
hath
been
the
common
Sense
of
the
Law
,
Sir
R.
S.
(
upon
application
to
him
about
it
)
hath
assured
us
.
And
according
to
another
Statute
,
11
Hen.
7.
ch.
1.
It
is
declared
Treason
to
be
in
Arms
against
a
King
de
facto
,
such
as
Richard
the
3
d
was
,
tho
it
was
in
behalf
of
a
King
de
jure
.
So
then
by
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
all
things
are
Treason
against
King
William
,
which
have
been
Treason
against
former
Kings
,
therefore
the
same
Fidelity
,
Obedience
and
Allegiance
,
which
was
due
to
them
,
is
due
to
him
,
and
by
Consequence
may
be
Sworn
to
him
by
the
Law
of
the
Land
.
Allegiance
and
Protection
are
always
Mutual
,
and
therefore
when
King
Iames
ceased
to
Protect
us
,
we
ceased
to
owe
him
Allegiance
by
the
Law
of
the
Land
;
and
when
King
William
began
to
Protect
us
we
began
our
Allegiance
to
him
.
These
Considerations
,
are
in
our
Opinion
,
sufficient
to
remove
the
Grand
Scruple
about
the
Oaths
.
If
the
dissatisfied
Party
accuse
the
Convention
,
for
making
the
Prince
of
Orange
King
,
it
is
not
my
Duty
to
judge
those
above
me
,
therefore
I
shall
only
say
that
if
they
have
done
ill
,
Quod
fieri
non
debuit
factum
valet
;
a●d
they
of
the
Clergy
ought
not
to
censure
their
Superiours
,
but
obey
according
to
the
Law
and
Doctrine
of
Passive
Obedience
.
FINIS
.
The
TWELFTH
and
Last
Collection
of
Papers
(
VOL.
I.
)
Relating
to
the
Present
Juncture
of
Affairs
in
England
and
Scotland
.
VIZ.
-
I.
The
Secret
League
with
France
proved
.
-
II.
The
Reasons
why
the
late
King
Iames
would
not
stand
to
a
Free
and
Legal
Parliament
.
-
III.
The
Reason
of
the
Suddenness
of
the
Change
in
England
.
-
IV.
The
Judgment
of
the
Court
of
France
concerning
the
Misgovernment
of
King
Iames
the
Second
.
-
V.
The
Emperor
of
Germany
his
Account
of
the
late
King's
Unhappiness
in
joining
with
the
King
of
France
.
-
VI.
A
full
Relation
of
what
was
done
between
the
Time
the
Prince
of
Orange
came
to
London
,
till
the
Proclaiming
him
King
of
England
,
&c.
-
VII
.
The
Declaration
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
Commons
of
England
,
concerning
their
Grievances
;
presented
to
King
William
and
Queen
Mary
:
With
their
Malesties
Answer
.
-
VIII
.
The
Declaration
of
the
States
of
Scotland
,
concerning
their
Grievances
.
-
IX
.
The
Manner
of
Proclaiming
King
William
and
Queen
Mary
at
Whitehal
,
and
in
the
City
of
London
,
Feb.
13.
1688.
-
X.
An
Account
of
their
Coronation
at
Westminster
,
Apr.
11.
89.
-
XI
.
The
Scots
Proclamation
,
declaring
William
and
Mary
King
and
Queen
of
England
,
to
be
King
and
Queen
of
Scotland
.
-
XII
.
The
manner
of
their
taking
the
Scotish
Coronation
Oath
at
Whitehal
,
May
11.
-
XIII
.
The
Coronation
Oaths
of
England
and
Scotland
.
London
printed
,
and
are
to
be
sold
by
Richard
Ianeway
in
Queen's-head-Court
in
Pater-noster-Row
,
1689.
The
Secret
League
with
France
proved
.
1.
BY
the
Treaty
managed
by
the
Dutchess
of
Orleans
between
Charles
II.
(
her
Brother
)
and
Lewis
XIV
.
1670
,
published
by
the
Abbot
Primi
,
in
his
History
of
the
War
with
Holland
,
with
the
priviledg
of
the
French
King
:
This
Treaty
expresly
tells
us
,
That
the
French
King
did
promise
Charles
II
,
to
subject
his
Parliament
to
him
,
and
to
Establish
the
Romish
Religion
in
his
Kingdom
.
But
before
this
could
be
done
,
the
said
Dutchess
told
him
,
the
Haughtiness
and
Power
of
the
Hollander
must
be
brought
down
.
2.
By
the
Current
of
the
Design
throughout
all
Coleman's
Letters
,
which
contain
nothing
else
but
the
Conspiracy
of
the
Duke
of
York
,
and
the
Jesuits
,
against
the
Government
and
the
Protestant
Religion
;
For
you
know
,
says
he
(
in
his
Letter
to
Sir
W.
Throgmorton
,
Feb.
1.
1674
/
5.
)
"
when
the
Duke
(
the
late
King
Iames
)
comes
to
be
Master
of
our
Affairs
,
the
King
of
France
will
have
reason
to
promise
himself
all
things
that
he
can
desire
,
&c.
Both
he
and
the
two
Royal
Brothers
being
closly
joined
together
to
destroy
the
Northern
Heresy
,
as
he
in
his
Letter
to
Monsieur
La
Cheese
assures
us
.
3.
Which
Friendship
with
the
French
Court
,
is
further
confirmed
by
a
French
Author
,
who
wrote
the
Life
of
Turene
,
in
which
he
brings
in
the
Duke
of
York
lamenting
the
Death
of
that
great
Marshal
of
France
,
after
this
manner
;
Alas
!
(
says
the
Duke
)
the
"
loss
is
great
to
me
,
in
that
I
am
greatly
disappointed
in
those
great
Designs
I
have
been
long
meditating
upon
,
if
ever
I
come
to
the
Crown
of
England
.
For
the
sake
of
which
Passage
,
the
then
Secretary
of
State
of
England
,
forbad
the
printing
of
that
Book
which
was
then
translated
and
prepared
for
the
Press
.
4.
The
French
Ambassador
at
the
Hague
,
in
a
Memorial
to
the
States
General
,
Sept.
9.
1618
,
peremptorily
declares
,
there
was
such
an
Alliance
between
the
King
his
Master
and
King
Iames
II
,
as
to
oblige
him
to
succour
him
,
&c.
5.
Both
King
Charles
II
,
and
King
Iames
II
,
were
so
engaged
with
the
great
Nimrod
of
Franc●
,
that
●hough
several
Parliaments
of
England
strugled
hard
to
break
the
Friendship
,
and
gave
a
vast
Sum
of
Mony
in
order
thereunto
,
yet
all
in
vain
:
And
King
Iames
II
,
was
so
eager
to
follow
the
French
Measures
,
that
after
the
Defeat
of
Monmouth
,
he
declared
to
the
Parliament
,
that
for
the
time
to
come
he
would
make
use
of
Popish
Officers
,
as
well
as
keep
up
a
standing
Army
contrary
to
Law.
6.
We
have
had
sufficient
Evidences
of
his
Designs
,
by
the
care
he
took
to
fill
his
Army
with
Irish
Papists
,
at
the
same
time
that
he
disbanded
all
the
Protestants
that
served
him
in
Ireland
,
that
he
might
always
have
an
Army
at
hand
in
that
Kingdom
ready
to
promote
his
Popish
Designs
in
England
;
which
could
not
be
done
without
a
Secret
League
with
France
,
and
without
a
very
express
assurance
of
being
vigorously
supported
from
thence
when
the
nick
of
time
should
come
.
7.
His
flying
to
France
,
and
secret
conspiring
with
the
great
Levi●t●an
there
,
and
bringing
French
Aids
with
him
into
Ireland
are
no
other
than
the
putting
the
Secret
League
into
Execution
.
Many
more
Proofs
may
be
produced
,
but
what
has
been
said
,
may
convince
any
rational
unprejudiced
Protestant
.
As
for
those
Pharisees
that
wilfully
shut
their
Eyes
,
of
whom
we
may
say
,
That
seeing
they
see
and
do
not
peeceive
,
because
they
are
resolved
not
to
yield
to
the
most
convincing
Evidences
that
this
Affair
is
capable
of
,
(
for
the
Parties
concerned
will
hide
it
as
much
as
they
can
)
I
bewail
their
Condition
,
and
believe
they
are
so
obstinate
,
that
only
the
French
Dragoons
(
those
booted
Apostles
)
can
convince
them
,
when
they
come
with
the
League
in
their
Hands
,
to
put
the
Popish
Penal
Laws
in
Execution
on
their
Backs
,
from
Ne●ga●e
to
Tyb●●n
.
The
REASONS
why
the
late
K.
James
would
not
stand
to
a
Free
and
Legal
Parliament
;
proposed
to
those
that
are
fond
to
have
him
again
.
WHEN
the
Prince
of
Orange
(
now
our
Gracious
King
)
his
Glorious
Expedition
,
was
first
made
known
to
the
late
King
,
he
resolved
to
have
a
Parliament
,
upon
the
Belief
that
he
should
have
been
intirely
Master
of
the
Lower
House
,
by
Reason
of
the
Regulations
he
had
made
in
Corporations
,
in
order
to
his
Popish
Designs
.
But
when
he
was
forced
to
take
other
Measures
,
(
as
he
told
the
Dissenters
when
he
sent
for
them
in
the
time
of
his
Distress
)
in
restoring
the
Charters
,
the
Bishop
of
London
,
the
Fellows
of
Magdalen-Colledg
,
&c.
He
dreaded
nothing
more
than
a
Parliament
on
the
old
Foundations
,
to
which
the
Prince
in
his
Declaration
had
referred
all
;
for
he
knew
several
things
would
have
been
done
by
such
a
Parliament
,
that
he
chose
rather
to
perish
than
submit
to
.
1.
The
first
thing
is
;
The
Examination
of
the
Birth
of
the
Prince
of
Wales
(
as
he
is
call'd
)
the
questioning
of
which
was
a
Stab
at
his
Heart
,
as
appears
by
his
last
Letter
.
And
the
Reflections
on
the
Bishops
Petition
,
mentioning
That
as
a
Business
not
fit
to
be
referred
then
to
a
Parliament
.
2.
The
next
thing
was
;
That
Justice
would
certainly
have
been
demanded
against
the
Evil
Counsellors
,
whom
he
had
pardoned
,
and
was
in
Honour
bound
to
protect
them
,
having
himself
forced
them
to
be
Criminals
.
3.
The
third
was
;
The
consenting
to
the
entire
Ruin
of
Popery
in
England
,
by
hanging
many
of
his
Priests
and
Jesuits
,
and
banishing
all
the
rest
;
and
pulling
down
all
the
Schools
and
Chappels
they
had
erected
all
over
England
,
(
a
sure
Sign
they
were
built
upon
an
Immortal
Prince
of
Wales
)
though
this
was
done
before
by
the
unaccountable
Zeal
of
the
Mobile
.
4.
He
foresaw
such
a
Parliament
would
not
only
damn
the
Ecclesiastical
Court
,
(
that
Beast
with
seven
Heads
)
and
the
Dispensing
Power
,
but
would
in
all
probability
lessen
his
Revenue
,
and
bind
up
the
Prerogative
;
which
his
great
Spirit
could
not
bear
.
5.
The
Prince
,
he
foresaw
,
would
have
demanded
some
Forts
to
be
put
into
his
Hands
and
the
Parliament
,
for
their
Security
;
so
said
he
,
If
I
stay
,
I
shall
be
but
a
Nominal
King
of
England
,
and
only
be
an
Instrument
to
ruin
my
Religion
,
my
●riends
,
the
Monarchy
,
and
the
Child
also
.
At
first
he
alledged
,
That
the
Disorders
the
Preparations
to
repel
the
Invasion
caused
,
would
not
suffer
a
Parliament
to
meet
.
Secondly
,
After
the
Prince
was
landed
,
that
all
the
Countries
he
had
under
him
would
not
be
free
.
Thirdly
,
That
all
that
had
joined
with
him
,
ought
not
to
sit
:
but
when
he
saw
the
whole
Army
and
Nation
(
the
Roman
Catholicks
excepted
)
of
the
same
mind
,
mere
Force
drove
him
to
consent
to
Call
a
Parliament
;
and
when
he
had
again
considered
the
Consequences
of
it
,
he
at
last
resolved
to
throw
up
the
Crown
and
Government
all
at
once
,
rather
than
to
submit
to
all
these
Hardships
.
He
seems
to
have
had
at
the
same
time
a
fluttering
hope
,
that
(
1.
)
We
should
never
be
able
long
to
agree
,
after
he
had
made
it
impossible
for
us
to
have
a
Legal
Parliament
,
by
burning
the
Writs
.
(
2.
)
That
the
Church
of
England
Principles
would
,
when
the
fear
and
disorder
was
over
,
form
for
him
a
potent
Army
in
the
Nation
.
And
(
3.
)
That
the
French
King
would
lend
him
potent
Forces
,
and
good
store
of
Mony
;
and
if
he
recovered
the
Throne
by
force
,
he
should
be
freed
of
all
these
Miseries
,
and
have
what
he
only
wanted
before
,
a
Popish
Army
,
to
insure
the
Slavery
of
England
for
ever
.
Now
I
would
desire
those
Protestants
,
who
pretend
,
now
too
late
,
to
be
so
zealous
for
him
,
to
consider
,
whether
what
I
have
said
would
not
have
been
expected
from
him
by
them
,
for
their
Security
;
and
what
they
would
have
done
had
he
called
a
Parliament
,
and
refused
them
all
these
things
,
and
have
insisted
,
That
they
should
have
taken
his
Word
as
to
the
Birth
of
the
Prince
of
Wales
,
have
suffered
him
to
have
been
educated
in
France
,
and
have
suffered
the
Army
,
the
Prerogative
,
the
Ministers
,
and
the
Revenues
to
have
continued
entirely
as
they
were
,
upon
a
Promise
,
He
would
have
used
them
better
for
the
future
?
If
they
say
No
;
They
would
have
had
the
best
Security
that
Law
or
Reason
could
have
required
.
Then
all
the
hard
things
I
have
mentioned
must
have
been
granted
them
,
and
I
much
question
,
whether
he
would
now
return
to
the
Throne
on
those
terms
.
If
they
say
,
We
ought
however
to
have
treated
with
him
,
have
offered
him
terms
;
I
say
,
it
would
have
come
to
a
separate
Treaty
;
and
the
Church
,
the
Liberties
of
the
Nation
,
and
the
Government
,
would
have
been
ruined
that
way
;
and
when
all
had
been
done
,
no
Bond
(
that
he
could
have
broken
)
would
have
held
him
longer
than
the
Necessity
had
continued
.
The
only
Advantage
we
could
pretend
to
have
by
the
coming
over
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
with
an
Army
,
was
to
force
the
King
to
what
he
would
never
have
yielded
without
that
Force
.
Now
when
he
had
accordingly
passed
his
Word
to
the
Nation
,
in
the
Proclamation
of
the
Thirtieth
of
November
,
That
there
should
be
a
Free
Parliament
;
and
to
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
in
his
Message
by
the
three
Lords
,
That
he
would
consent
to
every
thing
that
could
reasonably
be
required
for
the
Security
of
those
that
come
to
it
;
and
yet
without
any
Provocation
would
burn
the
Writs
,
and
resolve
to
withdraw
his
Person
before
these
Lords
cou●d
possibly
return
him
any
Answer
(
for
he
promised
the
Queen
to
follow
her
,
who
went
away
the
day
before
him
.
)
I
say
,
this
breach
of
his
Word
so
solemnly
made
and
given
both
to
the
Nation
and
the
Prince
,
shew
that
he
was
not
Master
of
himself
,
but
turned
about
by
others
whither
they
pleased
.
Now
suppose
the
Prince
had
suffered
him
to
continue
at
White●al
,
and
to
call
a
Third
Parliament
,
what
a●surance
could
he
have
given
,
that
in
the
end
of
another
forty
days
we
should
not
have
the
same
trick
play'd
us
,
and
then
in
March
or
April
have
been
left
in
the
same
state
of
Confusion
we
were
in
in
December
,
to
the
certain
Ruin
of
these
three
Kingdoms
,
and
Holland
into
the
bargain
.
And
when
all
had
been
done
,
the
Scruples
would
have
been
the
same
they
are
now
,
the
Obligations
of
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
the
same
,
and
the
sin
of
Deposing
a
Lawful
Prince
,
who
resolved
to
do
the
Nation
no
Right
,
would
have
been
much
greater
and
more
scandalous
,
than
barely
to
take
him
at
his
Word
;
and
since
he
had
left
the
Throne
empty
,
when
he
needed
not
,
to
resolve
he
should
ascend
it
no
more
.
Lastly
,
Suppose
the
Prince
had
been
Expelled
by
the
King
,
Would
the
King
have
then
granted
us
what
he
would
not
grant
us
now
?
Would
he
not
have
Disbanded
his
Protestant
Army
,
and
have
kept
the
Irish
Forces
in
Pay
,
and
have
every
day
encreased
them
?
What
Respect
would
he
ever
after
this
have
shewn
to
the
English
Laws
,
Religion
or
Liberties
,
when
he
had
no
longer
any
thing
to
fear
?
The
memory
of
what
happened
after
the
Monmouth
defeat
,
(
though
effected
only
by
Church
of
England
Men
)
will
certainly
never
be
forgotten
by
others
,
whatever
the
Bigots
of
this
sort
of
Loyalty
may
pretend
or
say
.
That
Expression
of
the
Lord
Churchil's
,
in
his
Letter
,
[
That
he
could
no
longer
joyn
with
Self-interested
Men
,
who
had
framed
Designs
against
His
Majesty's
true
Interest
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
to
give
a
pretence
by
Conquest
to
bring
them
to
effect
]
ought
to
be
seriously
considered
by
all
the
Protestants
of
the
Nation
:
This
one
Argument
prevailed
upon
him
,
when
he
ran
the
hazard
of
his
Life
,
Reputation
and
Fortunes
;
and
now
they
are
all
on
the
other
side
,
I
should
consider
very
se●iously
,
if
I
were
one
of
them
,
what
Answer
I
could
make
to
this
turned
into
a
Question
in
the
Day
of
Death
and
Judgment
,
before
ever
I
should
Act
the
dire●t
contrary
to
what
he
has
done
.
For
my
part
I
am
amazed
to
see
Men
scruple
the
submitting
to
the
present
King
:
for
if
eve●
Man
had
a
just
cause
of
War
,
he
had
;
and
that
creates
a
Right
to
the
thing
gained
by
it
:
the
King
by
withdrawing
and
disb●nding
his
Army
,
yielded
him
the
Throne
;
and
if
he
had
,
without
any
more
Ceremony
,
ascended
it
,
he
had
done
no
more
than
all
other
Princes
do
on
the
like
occasions
;
and
when
the
King
after
this
was
taken
and
brought
back
by
force
,
he
was
no
longer
then
bound
to
consider
him
,
as
one
that
was
,
but
as
one
that
had
been
King
of
England
;
and
in
that
capacity
he
treated
him
with
great
Respect
and
Civility
,
how
much
soever
the
King
complained
of
it
,
who
did
not
enough
consider
what
he
had
done
to
draw
upon
himself
that
usage
.
But
when
all
is
said
that
can
be
said
,
there
may
possibly
be
some
Men
to
whom
may
be
applied
the
Saying
of
Ioab
,
Thou
lovest
thine
Enemies
,
and
hatest
thy
Friends
;
for
thou
hast
declared
this
day
,
that
thou
regardest
neither
Princes
,
nor
Servants
;
for
this
Day
I
perceive
,
that
if
Absolom
had
lived
,
and
all
we
had
died
this
Day
,
then
it
had
pleased
thee
well
.
Had
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
English
Liberties
,
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
of
this
Nation
,
been
all
made
an
Holocaust
to
their
Reputations
and
Humours
,
their
Scruples
and
School-niceties
,
and
the
Prince
of
Orange
perished
,
or
returned
Ruin'd
or
Inglorious
into
Holland
;
we
should
then
have
had
the
Honour
of
cutting
up
our
Religion
,
our
Laws
,
and
our
Civil
Rights
,
with
our
own
Swords
;
and
we
should
have
been
the
only
Church
under
Heaven
that
had
refused
a
Deliverance
,
and
Religiously
and
Loyally
had
Destroyed
it self
.
In
truth
,
the
Men
would
have
purchased
Popery
and
Slavery
so
dear
,
ought
to
have
enjoyed
both
to
the
End
of
the
World.
The
REASONS
of
the
Suddenness
of
the
Change
in
England
.
THE
true
Reasons
of
the
Swiftness
of
this
Change
may
easily
be
assigned
by
shewing
the
Temper
and
Designs
of
Iames
the
Second
;
the
Temper
of
William
the
Third
,
our
Present
Soveraign
;
and
the
Nature
of
the
English
Nation
,
and
of
the
Times
,
all
concurring
with
Wonderful
Harmony
to
produce
this
wonderful
Effect
.
For
had
Iames
the
Second
undertook
any
thing
but
the
subjecting
England
to
Popery
,
and
the
Exercise
of
Arbitrary
Power
to
that
end
,
his
vast
Revenue
,
his
great
Army
,
and
the
Reputation
he
had
gained
at
Home
and
Abroad
by
the
defeat
of
the
Monmouth-Invasion
,
would
have
gone
near
to
have
effected
it
:
and
after
all
this
,
if
he
had
in
the
beginning
of
October
frankly
granted
all
the
Ten
Proposals
made
by
the
Bishops
,
and
suffered
a
Parliament
to
have
met
,
and
given
up
a
considerable
Number
of
his
Ministers
to
Justice
,
and
suffered
the
pretended
Prince
of
Wales
his
Birth
to
be
freely
debated
and
determin'd
in
Parliament
;
It
would
in
all
probability
have
prevented
or
defeated
the
then
intended
Invasion
.
But
whilst
he
thought
to
save
the
Pretended
Succession
,
the
Dispensing
and
Suspending
Power
,
and
the
Ecclesiastical
Commission
,
to
carry
on
his
former
Design
with
,
when
he
had
baffl'd
the
Prince
of
Orange
;
the
Nation
saw
through
the
Project
,
and
he
lost
all
.
Had
a
Prince
of
less
Secresy
,
Prudence
,
Courage
and
Interest
than
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
undertaken
this
business
,
it
might
probably
have
miscarri●d
:
but
as
his
Cause
was
better
,
so
his
Reputation
,
Conduct
,
and
Patience
infinitely
exceeded
theirs
;
he
would
not
stir
till
he
saw
the
French
Forces
set
down
before
Philipsbourgh
,
and
then
he
was
sure
France
and
Germany
were
irrevocably
ingaged
in
a
War
,
and
consequently
he
should
have
no
other
opposition
than
what
the
Irish
and
English
Roman
Catholicks
could
make
against
him
.
For
no
English
Protestant
would
fight
his
Country
into
Vassalage
and
Slavery
to
Popish
Priests
,
and
Italian
Women
,
when
a
Parliament
sooner
or
later
must
at
last
have
determin'd
all
the
things
in
Controversy
,
except
we
resolved
once
for
all
to
give
up
our
Religion
,
Laws
,
Liberties
,
and
Estates
to
the
will
of
our
King
,
and
submit
for
ever
to
a
French
Government
.
A
Nation
of
less
sense
than
the
English
might
have
been
imposed
upon
,
of
less
bravery
and
valour
might
have
been
frighted
;
of
a
more
servile
temper
,
might
have
neglected
its
Liberties
,
till
it
had
been
too
late
to
have
ever
recovered
them
again
:
But
none
but
a
parcel
of
Iesuits
bred
in
a
Cloister
,
and
unacquainted
with
our
Temper
as
well
as
Constitution
would
ever
have
hoped
to
have
carried
two
such
things
as
Popery
and
Abitrary
Power
,
both
at
once
upon
so
jealous
a
Nation
as
the
English
is
,
which
hates
them
above
any
other
People
in
the
World.
The
cruel
slaughter
they
had
made
of
the
poor
wretches
they
took
after
the
defeat
at
Bridg-water
ought
to
have
made
them
for
ever
despair
of
gaining
any
credit
with
the
Dissenters
,
who
rarely
forgive
,
but
never
forget
any
ill
treatment
.
Yet
these
little
Politico's
had
so
little
sense
as
to
build
all
their
hopes
on
the
Gratitude
and
Insensibility
of
these
Men
;
as
if
they
should
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
arbitrarily
and
illegally
granted
,
and
consequently
revocable
at
the
will
of
the
Granter
,
have
sold
themselves
to
everlasting
Slavery
.
They
were
equally
mistaken
in
their
carriage
towards
the
Church
of
England
party
,
for
when
some
of
them
had
pursued
both
Clergy
and
Laity
with
the
utmost
obloquy
,
hatred
,
oppression
and
contempt
to
the
very
moment
they
found
the
Dutch
storm
would
fall
upon
them
.
Then
all
at
once
they
passed
to
the
other
extream
,
the
Bishops
are
presently
sent
for
,
the
Government
intirely
to
be
put
into
their
hands
,
and
all
Places
,
Presses
and
Papers
fill'd
with
the
Encomiums
of
the
Church
of
England's
Loyalty
and
Fidelity
,
who
but
three
days
before
were
Male-contents
,
if
not
Rebels
and
Traytors
,
for
opposing
the
Kings
Dispensing
Power
,
and
the
Ecclesiastical
Commission
.
And
which
was
the
height
of
folly
,
the
same
Pen
which
had
been
hired
to
defame
and
blacken
the
Church
of
England
(
the
Author
of
the
Publick
Occurrences
truly
stated
)
was
ordered
to
magnify
its
Loyalty
.
By
which
they
gained
nothing
but
the
intire
and
absolute
disobliging
the
whole
Protestant
party
in
the
Nation
,
so
that
for
the
future
no
Body
would
serve
or
trust
them
.
To
compleat
their
folly
and
madness
they
perswaded
the
King
to
throw
up
the
Government
,
and
retire
into
France
,
pretending
we
would
never
be
able
to
agree
amongst
our
selve●
,
but
would
in
a
short
time
be
forced
to
recal
him
,
and
yield
to
all
those
things
we
had
so
violently
opposed
;
or
if
not
,
he
might
yet
at
least
force
us
to
submit
by
the
Succours
he
might
gain
in
France
,
without
ever
considering
how
possible
it
was
we
might
agree
,
and
how
difficult
it
would
be
to
force
us
by
a
French
Army
,
which
was
equally
contrary
to
the
Interest
of
England
,
and
all
Europe
besides
,
and
to
all
intents
and
purposes
destructive
of
the
Interest
of
that
Prince
they
pretended
thus
to
exalt
and
re-establish
.
Had
France
been
now
in
Peace
,
there
might
yet
have
been
same
colour
for
this
;
but
when
all
Europe
was
under
a
necessity
to
unite
against
him
for
its
own
preservation
,
then
to
perswade
the
King
of
Great
Britain
to
desert
his
Throne
,
and
fly
thither
for
succour
,
upon
hopes
of
recovering
his
Kingdoms
again
by
the
assistance
of
the
French
(
the
mortal
and
hereditary
Enemies
of
the
English
)
this
was
so
silly
a
Project
,
that
there
seems
to
have
been
something
of
a
Divine
Infatuation
in
it
.
However
certainly
no
rational
Man
will
think
that
all
the
Princes
of
Europe
would
sit
still
and
suffer
the
French
King
to
conquer
Britain
,
under
pretence
of
restoring
Iames
the
Second
to
that
Throne
which
he
had
abandon'd
,
because
he
could
not
bring
the
Prince
of
Orange
(
their
Allie
)
and
all
his
Protestant
Subjects
to
his
own
Terms
.
And
yet
if
none
of
them
should
interpose
but
the
Hollanders
alone
,
the
English
and
Dutch
Fleets
being
united
would
render
the
landing
a
French
Army
so
difficult
and
uncertain
,
that
it
would
be
next
door
to
madness
to
trust
one
to
their
Navy
,
which
is
so
much
inferior
to
either
of
the
others
singly
taken
.
So
that
all
things
considered
,
either
Iames
the
Second
ought
to
have
stayed
at
home
and
have
made
as
good
terms
as
he
could
with
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
and
his
own
Subjects
:
Or
if
he
would
have
abandon'd
his
Kingdoms
,
he
ought
to
have
despaired
of
any
restitution
,
and
have
betaken
himself
to
a
private
Life
as
Christina
Queen
of
Sweden
did
.
But
we
have
now
certain
Intelligence
that
Iames
the
Second
Landed
the
12
th
.
of
March
at
Kingsale
in
Ireland
,
so
that
now
it
cannot
be
doubted
but
that
he
hopes
to
recover
England
and
Scotland
by
the
help
of
the
Irish
;
as
well
as
the
French.
His
succeeding
in
this
Design
laying
us
at
the
Mercy
of
an
Irish-French
Roman
Catholick
Army
;
whose
Civility
and
Kindness
to
our
Nation
we
may
learn
from
our
Country-men
,
who
after
having
lost
all
but
their
Lives
,
have
been
forced
to
flee
over
to
us
for
Shelter
and
Protection
.
I
shall
not
add
any
other
consideration
to
perswade
my
Country-men
to
defend
their
King
,
Queen
,
and
the
whole
Protestant
Succession
,
their
Lives
,
Liberties
,
Priviledges
and
Religion
,
because
this
alone
is
sufficient
.
The
Iudgment
of
the
Court
of
France
,
concerning
the
Misgovernment
of
K.
James
the
Second
.
THE
Author
(
who
is
a
Papist
)
that
wrote
that
smart
Treatise
,
called
A
Letter
from
Monsieur
to
Monsieur
,
concerning
the
Transactions
of
the
Times
,
&c.
writes
thus
concerning
the
late
King
Iames
,
viz.
King
Iames
ought
to
learn
what
he
has
to
expe●t
from
France
,
into
whose
Arms
he
has
thrown
himself
.
France
already
knows
all
his
Faults
,
and
publishes
them
.
For
this
Composure
issuing
immediately
from
that
Court
,
owns
;
1.
"
His
whole
Conduct
was
very
little
judicious
.
2.
That
he
has
followed
blind
Counsels
,
and
such
as
are
very
pernicious
to
his
own
Repose
and
Security
.
3.
That
he
has
unadvisedly
affected
to
pull
down
the
Protestant
Religion
,
which
was
that
of
the
State.
4.
That
he
has
used
an
imprudent
Rigour
,
as
well
to
the
Bishops
as
to
the
Universities
.
5.
That
he
was
unwise
in
going
about
to
take
off
the
Test
and
Penal
Laws
,
which
the
English
look
upon
as
the
Sanctuary
of
the
Kingdom
.
6.
That
his
Gust
and
Fondness
for
the
Court
of
Rome
,
and
the
Monks
whom
he
meant
to
restore
,
was
ridiculous
and
whimsical
.
7.
That
his
going
about
to
give
Imploys
to
Catholicks
,
by
taking
them
away
from
Protestants
,
gave
but
two
much
reason
to
all
the
Members
of
the
State
to
complain
.
This
is
exactly
the
Judgment
passed
by
the
Court
of
France
upon
the
late
K.
Iames
of
England
;
I
leave
him
to
think
what
Succours
he
is
like
to
expect
from
a
Court
that
values
him
so
little
,
and
that
without
any
more
ado
,
speaks
of
him
at
this
rate
;
would
he
have
more
?
It
roundly
declares
to
him
,
That
the
restoring
the
King
of
England
,
is
not
an
Enterprise
easy
to
be
executed
by
a
King
,
how
great
soever
he
may
be
,
against
whom
all
the
Powers
of
Europe
are
preparing
to
make
War
.
This
is
a
Hint
broad
enough
o'
Conscience
,
and
King
Iames
ought
to
be
satisfied
that
he
knows
the
French
Courts
mind
.
The
Emperor
of
Germany's
Account
of
K.
James's
Misgovernment
in
joining
with
the
King
of
France
,
(
the
Common
Enemy
of
Christendom
)
in
his
Letter
to
King
James
.
viz.
LEOPOLD
,
&c.
WE
have
received
your
Majesties
Letters
,
dated
from
St.
Germans
the
sixth
of
February
last
,
by
the
Earl
of
Carlingford
,
your
Envoy
in
our
Court
:
By
them
we
have
understood
the
Condition
your
Majesty
is
reduced
to
;
and
that
you
being
deserted
after
the
landing
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
by
your
Army
,
and
even
by
your
Domestick
Servants
,
and
by
those
you
most
confided
in
,
and
almost
by
all
your
Subjects
,
you
have
been
forced
by
a
sudden
Flight
to
provide
for
your
own
safety
,
and
to
seek
Shelter
and
Protection
in
France
:
Lastly
,
that
you
desire
Assistance
from
us
for
the
recovering
your
Kingdoms
.
We
do
assure
your
Majesty
,
that
as
soon
as
we
heard
of
this
severe
turn
of
Affairs
,
we
were
moved
at
it
,
not
only
with
the
common
sense
of
Humanity
,
but
with
much
deeper
Impressions
suitable
to
the
sincere
Affection
which
we
have
always
born
to
you
.
And
we
were
heartily
sorry
that
at
last
that
was
come
to
pass
,
which
(
though
we
hoped
for
better
things
)
yet
our
own
sad
thoughts
had
suggested
to
us
would
ensue
.
If
your
Majesty
had
rather
given
Credit
to
the
Friendly
Remonstrances
that
were
made
you
,
by
our
late
Envoy
,
the
Count
de
Kaunitz
,
in
our
Name
,
than
the
deceitful
Insinuations
of
the
French
,
whose
chief
aim
was
,
by
fomenting
continual
Divisions
between
you
and
your
People
,
to
gain
ther
by
an
Opportunity
to
insult
the
more
securely
over
the
rest
of
Christendom
.
And
if
your
Majesty
had
put
a
stop
,
by
your
Force
and
Authority
,
to
their
many
Infractions
of
the
Peace
,
of
which
by
the
Treaty
at
Nimegen
you
are
made
the
Guarantee
,
and
to
that
end
entred
into
Consultations
with
us
,
and
such
others
as
have
the
like
just
Sentiments
in
this
matter
;
We
are
verily
perswaded
that
by
this
means
you
should
have
in
a
great
measure
quieted
the
Minds
of
your
People
,
which
were
so
much
exasperated
through
their
aversion
to
our
Religion
,
and
the
publick
Peace
had
been
preserved
as
well
in
your
Kingdoms
as
here
in
the
Roman
Empire
.
But
now
we
refer
it
even
to
your
Majesty
,
to
judg
what
condition
we
can
be
in
to
afford
you
any
Assistance
,
we
being
not
only
engaged
in
a
War
with
the
Turks
,
but
finding
our selves
at
the
same
time
unjustly
and
barbarously
Attacked
by
the
French
,
contrary
to
,
and
against
the
Faith
of
Treaties
,
they
then
reckoning
themselves
secure
of
England
.
And
this
ought
not
to
be
concealed
;
that
the
greatest
Injuries
which
have
been
done
to
our
Religion
have
flowed
from
no
other
than
the
French
themselves
;
who
not
only
esteem
it
lawful
for
them
,
to
make
Presidious
Leagues
with
the
sworn
Enemies
of
the
Holy
Cross
,
tending
to
the
destruction
both
of
us
and
of
the
whole
Christian
World
,
in
order
to
the
checking
our
Endeavours
which
were
undertaken
for
the
Glory
of
God
,
and
to
stop
those
Successes
which
it
hath
pleased
Almighty
God
to
give
us
hitherto
;
but
further
have
heaped
one
Treachery
upon
another
,
even
within
the
Empire
it self
.
The
Cities
of
the
Empire
which
were
surrendered
upon
Articles
,
signed
by
the
Dolphin
himself
,
have
been
exhausted
by
excessive
Impositions
;
and
after
their
being
exhausted
have
been
Plundered
,
and
after
Plundering
have
been
burned
and
razed
.
The
Palaces
of
Princes
,
which
in
all
times
,
and
even
in
the
most
destructive
Wars
,
have
been
preserved
,
are
now
burnt
down
to
the
Ground
.
The
Churches
are
robbed
,
and
such
as
submitted
themselves
to
them
,
are
in
a
most
Barbarous
manner
,
carried
away
as
Slaves
.
In
short
,
it
is
become
a
Diversion
to
them
to
commit
all
manner
of
insolences
and
Cruelties
in
many
places
,
but
chiefly
in
Catholick
Countries
,
exceeding
the
Cruelties
of
the
Turks
themselves
:
which
having
imposed
an
absolute
necessity
upon
us
to
secure
our selves
and
the
Holy
Roman
Empire
,
by
the
best
means
we
can
think
on
,
and
that
no
less
against
them
than
against
the
Turks
;
We
promise
our selves
from
your
justice
ready
assent
to
this
,
That
it
ought
not
to
be
imputed
to
us
,
if
we
endeavour
to
procure
,
by
a
just
War
,
that
security
to
our selves
which
we
could
not
hitherto
obtain
by
so
many
Treaties
;
and
that
in
order
to
the
obtaining
thereof
,
We
take
measures
for
our
mutual
Defence
and
Preservation
,
with
all
those
who
are
equally
concerned
in
the
same
Design
with
us
.
It
remains
that
we
beg
of
God
that
he
would
direct
all
things
to
his
Glory
,
and
that
he
would
grant
your
Majesty
true
and
solid
Comforts
under
this
your
great
Calamity
;
we
embrace
you
with
tender
Affections
of
a
Brother
.
At
Vienna
the
9
th
of
April
1689.
An
Account
of
what
was
done
between
the
Time
the
Prince
of
Orange
came
to
London
,
till
the
Proclaiming
him
King
of
England
,
1688.
IN
December
last
,
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
all
the
Members
of
the
three
last
Parliaments
of
King
Charles
the
Second
,
with
the
Lord
Mayor
and
Aldermen
,
and
several
of
the
Common
Council
of
London
,
were
summoned
by
the
Prince
in
that
extraordinary
Conjuncture
,
when
the
late
King
had
deserted
the
Government
,
to
consult
what
was
fit
to
be
done
:
And
they
,
the
said
Lords
and
Commons
,
did
desire
the
Prince
to
take
upon
him
the
Administration
of
Publick
Affairs
both
Civil
and
Military
,
and
the
disposal
of
the
Publick
Revenue
,
for
the
preservation
of
our
R●ligion
,
Rights
,
Laws
,
Liberties
and
Properties
,
and
of
the
Peace
of
the
Nation
;
and
that
he
would
take
into
his
Care
the
Condition
of
Ireland
,
till
the
Meeting
of
a
Convention
of
Lords
and
Commons
;
which
he
was
entreated
,
by
his
Circular
Letters
,
to
summon
to
meet
on
the
22
d
of
Ianuary
.
The
Prince
accordingly
accepted
the
Administration
,
and
issued
out
his
Letters
for
a
Convention
to
meet
on
the
22
d
of
Ianuary
,
as
aforesaid
.
The
Prince
then
(
on
December
the
30
th
)
issued
out
his
Proclamation
for
the
Continuance
of
the
Sheriffs
,
Justices
of
the
Peace
,
and
other
Officers
and
Ministers
(
not
being
Papists
)
to
act
in
their
respective
Places
till
the
Meeting
of
the
Convention
,
or
other
Order
to
the
contrary
,
&c.
On
the
2
d
of
Ianuary
,
He
put
out
a
Declaration
for
the
better
collecting
of
the
Publick
Revenue
.
On
the
5
th
of
Ianuary
he
put
forth
an
Order
for
all
Military
Officers
,
with
their
respective
Companies
,
to
march
out
of
the
Quarters
where
any
Elections
should
be
(
the
several
Garisons
excepted
)
the
day
before
the
same
be
made
,
to
the
next
adjoining
Town
,
or
Towns
,
being
not
appointed
for
any
Elections
;
and
not
to
return
to
their
first
Quarters
,
till
the
said
respective
Elections
be
made
and
fully
compleated
,
that
so
the
Election
of
Members
for
the
intended
Convention
may
be
free
,
and
without
any
colour
of
Force
or
Restraint
.
On
the
7
th
of
Ianuary
the
Scotish
Nobility
and
Gentry
waited
on
the
Prince
:
what
was
done
by
them
,
see
the
6
th
Collection
,
pag.
9
,
10
,
11
,
12.
On
the
8
th
day
his
Highness
put
out
a
Declaration
against
Quartering
of
Souldiers
in
private
Houses
.
He
found
the
Treasury
very
empty
of
Cash
,
it
being
said
to
be
but
40000
l.
Whereupon
he
desired
the
City
of
London
to
advance
a
Sum
for
his
present
Occasion
,
and
on
the
10
th
of
Ianuary
they
agreed
to
lend
100000
l.
But
it
being
raised
by
Subscription
,
it
amounted
to
above
150000
l.
On
the
16
th
of
Ianuary
,
He
put
out
a
Declaration
to
assure
the
Mariners
and
Seamen
of
their
Pay.
The
two
Houses
met
on
the
22
d
of
Ianuary
,
1688/9
;
the
Lords
chose
the
Marquess
of
Hallifax
for
their
Speaker
;
and
the
Commons
chose
Henry
Powle
Esq
for
theirs
.
After
which
a
Letter
was
read
in
both
Houses
from
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
on
the
occasion
of
their
Meeting
,
to
this
Effect
.
That
he
had
endeavoured
to
perform
what
was
desired
from
him
for
the
Publick
Peace
and
Safety
during
his
Administration
;
and
that
it
now
lay
on
them
to
lay
a
Foundation
of
a
firm
Security
for
their
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
.
That
he
did
not
doubt
but
that
by
such
a
full
and
free
Representative
of
the
Nation
,
the
Ends
of
his
Declaration
would
be
attained
.
He
recommended
to
them
the
dangerous
Condition
of
Ireland
,
and
also
of
the
States
of
Holland
,
both
which
required
large
and
speedy
Succours
;
and
told
them
,
That
since
it
had
pleased
God
hitherto
to
bless
his
good
Intentions
with
so
great
Success
,
he
trusted
in
him
,
that
he
would
compleat
his
own
Work
,
by
sending
a
Spirit
of
Peace
and
Union
to
influence
their
Counsels
,
that
so
no
Interruption
may
be
given
to
a
happy
and
lasting
Settlement
.
The
first
Thing
the
two
Houses
took
care
of
,
was
,
by
mutual
Consent
,
to
make
an
Address
to
the
Prince
;
in
which
they
acknowledged
him
the
Glorious
Instrument
,
under
God
,
in
the
great
Deliverance
of
the
Kingdom
from
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
.
They
acknowledged
also
his
great
Care
in
the
Administration
,
and
entreated
him
to
continue
it
till
further
Application
;
and
that
he
would
take
into
his
Care
the
State
of
Ireland
.
Then
the
Houses
ordered
that
Thursday
,
Ian.
31.
be
a
Day
of
Thanksgiving
in
the
City
of
London
,
and
places
adjacent
,
within
ten
Miles
;
and
the
14
th
of
February
throughout
the
whole
Kingdom
.
Then
the
Lords
ordered
,
that
no
Papist
,
or
reputed
Papist
,
should
presume
to
come
into
the
Lobby
,
Painted
Chamber
,
Court
of
Requests
,
or
Westminster-Hall
,
during
the
Sitting
of
the
Convention
.
And
after
several
Days
Debates
in
both
Houses
about
the
Abdication
of
the
Government
,
and
the
Vacancy
of
the
●hrone
.
On
the
12
th
of
February
,
the
two
Houses
at
last
fully
agreed
all
Things
in
Dispute
between
them
,
in
the
following
Declaration
.
The
Declaration
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
Commons
Assembled
at
Westminster
;
Concerning
the
Misgovernment
of
King
James
,
and
filling
up
the
Throne
.
Presented
to
King
William
,
and
Queen
Mary
,
by
the
right
Honourable
the
Marquess
of
Hallifax
,
Speaker
to
the
House
of
Lords
.
With
His
Majesties
most
gracious
Answer
thereunto
.
WHEREAS
the
late
King
Iames
the
Second
,
by
the
Assistance
of
divers
Evil
Counsellors
,
Judges
,
and
Ministers
imploy'd
by
Him
,
did
endeavour
to
Subvert
and
Extirpate
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
this
Kingdom
;
By
Assuming
and
Exercising
a
Power
of
Dispensing
with
,
and
Suspending
of
Laws
,
and
the
Execution
of
Laws
,
without
Consent
of
Parliament
.
By
Committing
and
Prosecuting
divers
Worthy
Prelates
,
for
humbly
Petitioning
to
be
Excused
from
concurring
to
the
said
assumed
Power
.
By
issuing
,
and
causing
to
be
executed
,
a
Commission
under
the
Great
Seal
,
for
erecting
a
Court
called
,
The
Court
of
Commissioners
for
Ecclesiastical
Causes
.
By
Levying
Mony
for
and
to
the
Use
of
the
Crown
,
by
pretence
of
Prerogative
,
for
other
time
,
and
in
other
manner
,
than
the
same
was
granted
by
Parliament
.
By
raising
and
keeping
a
standing
Army
within
this
Kingdom
in
time
of
Peace
,
without
Consent
of
Parliament
;
and
Quartering
Souldiers
contrary
to
Law.
By
causing
several
Good
Subj●cts
,
being
Protestants
,
to
be
Disarmed
at
the
same
time
,
when
Papists
were
both
Armed
and
Imployed
contrary
to
Law.
By
violating
the
Freedom
of
Election
of
Members
to
serve
in
Parliament
.
By
Prosecutions
in
the
Court
of
Kings-Bench
for
Matters
and
Causes
cognizable
only
in
Parliament
;
and
by
divers
other
Arbitrary
and
Illegal
Courses
.
And
whereas
of
late
Years
,
Partial
,
Corrupt
,
and
Unqualified
Persons
,
have
been
returned
and
served
on
Juries
in
Trials
,
and
particularly
divers
Jurors
in
Trials
for
High-Treason
,
which
were
not
Freeholders
.
And
Excessive
Bail
hath
been
required
of
Persons
committed
in
Criminal
Cases
,
to
elude
the
Benefit
of
the
Laws
made
for
the
Liberty
of
the
Subjects
.
And
Excessive
Fines
have
been
imposed
.
And
Illegal
and
Cruel
Punishments
inflicted
.
And
several
Grants
and
Promises
made
of
Fines
and
Forfeitures
before
any
Conviction
or
Judgment
against
the
Persons
upon
whom
the
same
were
to
be
levied
.
All
which
are
utterly
and
directly
contrary
to
the
known
Laws
and
Statutes
,
and
Freedom
of
this
Realm
.
And
whereas
the
said
late
K.
Iames
the
2
d
having
abdicated
the
Government
,
and
the
Throne
being
thereby
vacant
.
His
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
(
whom
it
hath
pleased
Almighty
God
to
make
the
Glorious
Instrument
of
Delivering
this
Kingdom
from
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Power
)
did
(
by
the
Advice
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
divers
principal
Persons
of
the
Commons
)
cause
Letters
to
be
written
to
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
being
Protestants
,
and
other
Letters
to
the
several
Counties
,
Cities
,
Universities
,
Burroughs
,
and
Cinque-Ports
,
for
the
Chusing
of
such
Persons
to
represent
them
,
as
were
of
Right
to
be
sent
to
Parliament
,
to
Meet
and
Sit
at
Westminster
upon
the
22
d
Day
of
Ianuary
in
this
Year
1688
,
in
order
to
such
an
Establishment
,
as
that
their
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
,
might
not
again
be
in
danger
of
being
Subverted
:
Upon
which
Letters
Elections
having
been
accordingly
made
;
And
thereupon
the
said
Lord's
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
Commons
,
pursuant
to
their
respective
Letters
and
Elections
,
being
now
Assembled
in
a
Full
and
Free
Representative
of
this
Nation
,
taking
into
their
most
serious
Consideration
the
best
Means
for
attaining
the
Ends
aforesaid
,
do
in
the
first
place
(
as
their
Ancestors
in
like
Case
have
usually
done
)
for
the
Vindicating
and
Asserting
their
Ancient
Rights
and
Liberties
,
Declare
,
That
the
pretending
Power
of
Suspending
of
Laws
,
or
the
Execution
of
Laws
,
by
Regal
Authority
,
without
Consent
of
Parliament
,
is
Illegal
.
That
the
pretended
Power
of
Dispensing
with
Laws
,
or
the
Execution
of
Laws
,
by
Regal
Authority
,
as
it
hath
been
assumed
and
exercised
of
late
,
is
Illegal
.
That
the
Commission
for
erecting
the
late
Court
of
Commissioners
for
Ecclesiastical
Causes
,
and
all
other
Commissions
and
Courts
of
the
like
Nature
,
are
Illegal
and
Pernicious
.
That
levying
of
Mony
for
or
to
the
Use
of
the
Crown
,
by
pretence
of
Prerogative
,
without
Grant
of
Parliament
,
for
longer
time
,
or
in
other
manner
,
than
the
same
is
or
shall
be
granted
,
is
Illegal
.
That
it
is
the
Right
of
the
Subjects
to
Petition
the
King
,
and
all
Commitments
and
Prosecutions
for
such
Petitioning
,
are
Illegal
.
That
the
raising
or
keeping
a
standing
Army
within
the
Kingdom
in
time
of
Peace
,
unless
it
be
with
Consent
of
Parliament
,
is
against
Law.
That
the
Subjects
which
are
Protestants
may
have
Arms
for
their
Defence
suitable
to
their
Condition
,
and
as
allowed
by
Law.
That
Election
of
Members
of
Parliament
ought
to
be
Free.
That
the
Freedom
of
Speech
,
and
Debates
or
Proceedings
in
Parliament
,
ought
not
to
be
impeached
or
Questioned
in
any
Court
or
place
out
of
Parliament
.
That
Excessive
Bail
ought
not
to
be
required
,
nor
Excessive
Fines
imposed
,
nor
cruel
and
unusual
Punishments
inflicted
.
That
Jurors
ought
to
be
duly
empannell'd
and
return'd
,
and
Jurors
which
pass
upon
Men
in
Trials
for
High-Treason
ought
to
be
Freeholders
.
That
all
Grants
and
Promises
of
Fines
and
Forfeitures
of
particular
Persons
before
Conviction
,
are
Illegal
and
Void
.
And
that
for
redress
of
all
Grievances
,
and
for
the
amending
,
strengthening
and
preserving
of
the
Laws
,
Parliaments
ought
to
be
held
frequently
.
And
they
do
claim
,
demand
,
and
insist
upon
all
and
singular
the
Premises
,
as
their
undoubted
Rights
and
Liberties
;
and
that
no
Declarations
,
Judgments
,
Doings
,
or
Proceedings
,
to
the
prejudice
of
the
People
in
any
of
the
said
Premises
,
ought
in
any
wise
to
be
drawn
hereafter
into
Consequence
or
Example
.
To
which
Demand
of
their
Rights
they
are
particularly
encouraged
by
the
Declaration
of
His
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
as
being
the
only
Means
for
obtaining
a
full
redress
and
remedy
therein
.
Having
therefore
an
intire
Confidence
,
that
his
said
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
will
perfect
the
Deliverance
so
far
advanced
by
Him
,
and
will
still
preserve
them
from
the
Violation
of
their
Rights
,
which
they
have
here
asserted
,
and
from
all
other
Attempts
upon
their
Religion
,
Rights
,
and
Liberties
;
The
said
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
Commons
assembled
at
Westminster
do
resolve
,
That
William
and
Mary
,
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
,
be
,
and
be
declared
,
King
and
Queen
of
England
,
France
,
and
Ireland
,
and
the
Dominions
thereunto
belonging
,
to
hold
the
Crown
and
Royal
Dignity
of
the
said
Kingdoms
and
Dominions
,
to
them
the
said
Prince
and
Princess
,
during
their
Lives
,
and
the
Life
of
the
Surviver
of
them
;
And
that
the
sole
and
full
Exercise
of
the
Regal
Power
be
only
in
,
and
executed
by
the
said
Prince
of
Orange
,
in
the
Names
of
the
said
Prince
and
Princess
during
their
joint
Lives
;
and
after
their
Deceases
,
the
said
Crown
and
Royal
Dignity
of
the
said
Kingdoms
and
Dominions
to
be
to
the
Heirs
of
the
Body
of
the
said
Princess
;
and
for
default
of
such
Issue
,
to
the
Princess
Ann
of
Denmark
,
and
the
Heirs
of
Her
Body
;
and
for
default
of
such
Issue
,
to
the
Heirs
of
the
Body
of
the
said
Prince
of
Orange
.
And
the
said
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
Commons
,
do
pray
the
said
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
to
accept
the
same
accordingly
.
And
that
the
Oaths
hereafter
mentioned
be
taken
by
all
Persons
,
of
whom
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
might
be
required
by
Law
,
instead
of
them
;
and
that
the
said
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
be
Abrogated
.
I
A.
B.
do
sincerely
promise
and
swear
,
That
I
will
be
faithful
,
and
bear
true
Allegiance
to
their
Majesties
King
WILLIAM
and
Queen
MARY
.
So
help
me
God.
I
A.
B.
do
swear
,
That
I
do
from
my
Heart
Abhor
,
Detest
,
and
Abjure
,
as
Impious
and
Heretical
,
this
Damnable
Doctrine
and
Position
,
That
Princes
Excommunicated
or
Deprived
by
the
Pope
,
or
any
Authority
of
the
See
of
Rome
,
may
be
Deposed
or
Murthered
by
their
Subjects
,
or
any
other
whatsoever
.
And
I
do
declare
,
That
no
Foreign
Prince
,
Person
,
Prelate
,
State
,
or
Potentate
,
hath
,
or
ought
to
have
,
any
Iurisdiction
,
Power
,
Superiority
,
Preeminence
,
or
Authority
Ecclesiastical
or
Spiritual
,
within
this
Realm
.
So
help
me
God.
Io.
Browne
,
Cleric'
Parl.
Die
Veneris
15
Feb.
1688.
His
Majesties
Gracious
Answer
,
to
the
Declaration
of
both
Houses
.
My
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
THis
is
certainly
the
greatest
proof
of
the
Trust
you
have
in
Vs
,
that
can
be
given
,
which
is
the
thing
that
maketh
us
value
it
the
more
;
and
we
thankfully
Accept
what
you
have
Offered
.
And
as
I
had
no
other
Intention
in
coming
hither
,
than
to
preserve
your
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
;
so
you
may
be
sure
,
That
I
shall
endeavour
to
support
them
,
and
shall
be
willing
to
concur
in
any
thing
that
shall
be
for
the
Good
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
to
do
all
that
is
in
my
Power
to
advance
the
Welfare
and
Glory
of
the
Nation
.
Die
Veneris
15
Februarii
1688.
ORdered
by
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
Assembled
at
Westminster
,
That
His
Majesties
Gracious
Answer
to
the
Declaration
of
both
Houses
,
and
the
Declaration
,
be
forthwith
Printed
and
Published
;
And
that
his
Majesties
Gracious
Answer
this
Day
be
added
to
the
Engrossed
Declaration
in
Parchment
,
to
be
Enrolled
in
Parliament
and
Chancery
.
Io.
Browne
,
Cleric'
Parliamentorum
.
The
Declaration
of
the
Estates
of
Scotland
concerning
the
Mis-government
of
King
James
the
Seventh
,
and
filling
up
the
Throne
with
King
William
and
Queen
Mary
.
THat
King
Iames
the
7
th
had
acted
irregularly
.
1.
By
His
Erecting
publick
Schools
and
Societies
of
the
Jesuits
;
and
not
only
allowing
Mass
to
be
publickly
said
,
but
also
inverting
Protestant
Chappels
and
Churches
,
to
Publick
Mass-houses
,
contrair
to
the
express
Laws
against
saying
and
hearing
of
Mass.
2.
By
allowing
Popish
Books
to
be
Printed
and
Dispersed
,
by
a
Gift
to
a
Popish
Printer
,
designing
him
Printer
to
his
Majesties
Houshold
,
College
and
Chappel
,
contrair
to
the
Laws
.
3.
By
taking
the
Children
of
Protestant
Noblemen
and
Gentlemen
,
sending
them
abroad
to
be
bred
Papists
,
making
great
Funds
and
Donations
to
Popish
Schools
and
Colleges
abroad
;
bestowing
Pensions
on
Priests
,
and
perverting
Protestants
from
their
Religion
,
by
Offers
of
Places
,
Preferments
and
Pensions
.
4.
By
disarming
Protestants
,
while
at
the
same
time
he
employed
Papists
in
the
Places
of
greatest
Trust
,
Civil
and
Military
,
such
as
Chancellour
,
Secretaries
,
Privy
Councellors
,
and
Lords
of
Session
,
thrusting
out
Protestants
,
to
make
room
for
Papists
,
and
intrusting
the
Forts
and
Magazines
of
the
Kingdom
in
their
hands
.
5.
By
Imposing
Oaths
contrair
to
Law.
6.
By
giving
Gifts
and
Grants
for
exacting
of
Money
without
Consent
of
Parliament
,
or
Convention
of
Estates
.
7.
By
Levying
and
keeping
on
foot
a
Standing
Army
in
time
of
Peace
,
without
consent
of
Parliament
;
which
Army
did
exact
Locality
,
free
and
day
Quarters
.
8.
By
Employing
the
Officers
of
the
Army
,
as
Judges
through
the
Kingdom
,
and
imposing
them
where
there
were
held
Offices
and
Jurisdictions
,
by
whom
many
of
the
Leiges
were
put
to
Death
summarily
without
legal
Tryal
,
Jury
or
Record
.
9.
By
imposing
exorbitant
Fines
to
the
Value
of
the
Parties
Estates
,
exacting
extravagant
Bail
,
and
disposing
Fines
and
Forfaulture
before
any
Process
or
Conviction
.
10.
By
Imprisoning
Persons
without
expressing
the
Reason
,
and
delaying
to
put
them
to
Tryal
.
11.
By
causing
pursue
and
forfault
several
Persons
upon
stretches
of
old
and
obsolete
Laws
,
upon
frivolous
and
weak
pretences
,
upon
lame
and
defective
Probations
;
as
particularly
the
late
Earl
of
Argyle
,
to
the
scandal
and
reproach
of
the
Justice
of
the
Nation
.
12.
By
Subverting
the
Right
of
the
Royal
Boroughs
,
the
Third
Estate
of
Parliament
,
imposing
upon
them
not
only
Magistrates
,
but
also
the
whole
Town
Council
and
Clerks
,
contrair
to
the
Liberties
and
express
Charters
,
without
the
pretence
outher
of
Sentence
,
Surrender
,
or
Consent
:
So
that
the
Commissioners
to
Parliaments
being
chosen
by
the
Magistrates
and
Councils
,
the
King
might
in
effect
alsweel
nominate
that
entire
Estate
of
Parliament
;
many
of
the
said
Magigrates
put
in
by
him
were
avowed
Papists
;
and
the
Burghs
were
forced
to
pay
Mony
for
the
Letters
,
imposing
these
illegal
Magistrates
and
Council
upon
them
.
13.
By
sending
Letters
to
the
Chief
Courts
of
Justice
,
not
only
ordering
the
Judges
to
stop
and
desist
sine
die
,
to
determine
Causes
,
but
also
ordering
and
commanding
them
how
to
proceed
in
Cases
depending
before
them
,
contrair
to
the
express
Laws
:
And
by
changing
the
Nature
of
the
Judges
Gifts
,
ad
vitam
aut
culpam
,
and
giving
them
Commissions
ad
bene
placitam
,
to
dispose
them
to
compliance
by
Arbitrair
Courses
,
and
turning
them
out
of
their
Offices
when
they
did
not
comply
.
14.
By
granting
Personal
Protections
for
Civil
Debts
,
contrair
to
Law.
All
which
are
utterly
and
directly
contrair
to
the
known
Laws
,
Freedoms
and
Statutes
of
this
Realm
.
Therefore
the
Estates
of
the
Kingdom
of
Scotland
,
find
,
and
declare
.
That
King
Iames
the
Seventh
,
being
a
profest
Papist
,
did
assume
the
Regal
Power
,
and
acted
as
King
,
without
ever
taking
the
Oath
required
by
Law
;
and
have
by
advice
of
Evil
and
Wicked
Counsellors
invaded
the
Fundamental
Constitution
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
altered
it
from
a
Legal
,
limited
Monarchy
,
to
an
Arbitrair
and
Despotick
Power
;
and
hath
exercised
the
same
to
the
subversion
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
violation
of
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
Kingdom
:
Inverting
all
the
Ends
of
Government
,
whereby
he
hath
forfaulted
the
Right
to
the
Crown
,
and
the
Throne
is
become
vacant
.
And
whereas
his
Royal
Highness
,
William
,
then
Prince
of
Orange
,
now
King
of
England
,
whom
it
hath
pleased
the
Almighty
God
to
make
the
Glorious
Instrument
of
delivering
these
Kingdoms
from
Popery
,
and
Arbitrary
Power
,
did
,
by
advice
of
several
Lords
and
Gentlemen
of
this
Nation
,
at
London
,
for
the
time
,
call
the
Estates
of
this
Kingdom
to
meet
the
Fourteenth
of
March
last
,
in
order
to
such
an
Establishment
,
as
that
their
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
might
not
be
again
in
danger
of
being
subverted
.
And
the
said
Estates
being
now
assembled
,
in
a
full
and
free
Representative
of
this
Nation
,
taking
to
their
most
serious
consideration
,
the
best
means
for
attaining
the
Ends
aforesaid
,
Do
in
the
first
place
,
as
their
Ancestors
in
the
like
cases
have
usually
done
,
for
the
vindicating
and
asserting
their
Ancient
Rights
and
Liberties
,
declare
,
That
by
the
Law
of
this
Kingdom
no
Papist
can
be
King
or
Queen
of
the
Realm
,
nor
bear
any
Office
whatsoever
therein
;
nor
can
any
Protestant
Successor
,
exercise
the
Regal
Power
,
until
he
or
she
swear
the
Coronation
Oath
.
That
all
Proclamations
asserting
an
Absolute
Power
,
to
cass
,
annul
and
disable
Laws
;
the
erecting
Schools
and
Colledges
for
Jesuits
;
the
inverting
Protestant
Chappels
and
Churches
to
publick
Mass-houses
,
and
the
●llowing
Mass
to
be
said
,
are
contrair
to
Law.
That
the
allowing
Popish
Books
to
be
printed
and
dispersed
,
is
contrair
to
Law.
That
the
taking
the
Children
of
Noblemen
,
Gentlemen
,
and
others
,
sending
,
and
keeping
them
abroad
to
be
bred
Papists
:
The
making
Funds
and
Donations
to
Popish
Schools
and
Colledges
;
the
bestowing
Pensions
on
Priests
,
and
the
perverting
Protestants
from
their
Religion
by
offers
of
Places
,
Preferments
and
Pensions
,
are
contrair
to
Law.
That
the
disarming
of
Protestants
,
and
imploying
Papists
in
the
Places
of
greatest
Trust
,
both
Civil
and
Military
;
the
thrusting
out
Protestants
to
make
room
for
Papists
,
and
the
entrusting
Papists
with
the
Forts
and
Magazines
of
the
Kingdom
,
are
contrair
to
Law.
That
the
imposing
Oaths
without
Authority
of
Parliament
,
is
contrair
to
Law.
That
the
giving
Gifts
or
Grants
for
raising
of
Mony
without
the
Consent
of
Parliament
,
or
Convention
of
Estates
,
is
contrair
to
Law.
That
the
imploying
Officers
of
the
Army
as
Judges
through
the
Kingdom
,
or
imposing
them
where
there
were
several
Offices
and
Jurisdictions
,
and
the
putting
the
Leiges
to
Death
summarily
,
and
without
legal
Trial
,
Jury
or
Record
,
are
contrair
to
Law.
That
the
imposing
extraordinary
Fines
,
the
exacting
of
exorbitant
Bail
,
and
the
disposing
of
Fines
and
Forfaultures
before
Sentence
,
are
contrair
to
Law.
That
the
Imprisoning
Persons
,
without
expressing
the
reason
thereof
,
and
delaying
to
put
them
to
Trial
,
are
contrair
to
Law.
That
the
causing
pursue
and
forfault
Persons
upon
Stretches
of
old
and
obsolete
Laws
,
upon
frivolous
and
weak
Pretences
,
upon
●ame
and
defective
Probation
,
as
particularly
the
late
Earl
of
A●gyle
,
are
contrai●
to
Law.
That
the
nominating
and
imposing
Magistrates
,
Councils
and
Clerks
upon
Burg●s
,
contrair
to
the
Liberties
and
express
Charters
,
is
contrair
to
Law.
That
the
sending
Le●ters
to
the
Courts
of
Justice
,
ordaining
the
Judges
to
stop
or
desist
from
determining
Causes
,
or
ordaining
them
how
to
proceed
in
Causes
depending
before
them
;
and
the
changing
the
Nature
of
the
Judges
Gifts
ad
vitam
aut
culpam
,
unto
Commissions
.
Durante
bene
placito
,
are
contrair
to
Law.
That
the
granting
Personal
Protections
for
Civil
Debts
,
is
contrair
to
Law.
That
the
forcing
the
Leiges
to
depone
against
themselves
in
Capital
Crimes
,
however
the
Punishment
be
restricted
,
is
contrair
to
Law.
That
the
using
Torture
without
Evidence
,
or
in
ordinary
Crimes
,
is
contrair
to
Law.
That
the
●ending
of
an
Army
in
a
Hostile
manner
upon
any
part
of
the
Kingdom
,
in
a
peaceable
time
,
and
exacting
of
Locality
,
and
any
manner
of
Free
Quarter
,
is
contrair
to
Law.
That
the
charging
the
Leiges
with
Law-burroughs
at
the
King's
instance
,
and
the
imposing
of
Bands
without
the
Authority
of
Parliament
,
and
the
suspending
the
Advocates
from
their
Imployments
for
not
compearing
when
such
Bands
were
offered
,
were
contrair
to
Law.
That
the
putting
of
Garisons
on
private
Mens
Houses
in
a
time
of
peace
,
without
the
consent
of
the
Authority
of
Parliament
,
is
contrair
to
Law.
That
the
opinion
of
the
Lords
of
Session
in
the
two
Causes
following
,
were
contrair
to
Law
(
viz.
)
1.
That
the
concerting
the
demand
of
a
Supply
for
a
Forfaulted
Person
,
although
not
given
,
is
Treason
.
(
2.
)
That
Persons
refusing
to
discover
what
are
their
private
thoughts
and
Judgments
in
relation
to
points
of
Treason
,
or
other
Mens
actions
,
are
guilty
of
Treason
.
That
the
fining
Husbands
for
their
Wives
withdrawing
from
the
Church
,
was
contrair
to
Law.
That
Prelacy
,
and
Superiority
of
any
Office
in
the
Church
above
Presbyters
,
is
and
hath
been
a
great
and
unsupportable
Grievance
and
Trouble
to
this
Nation
,
and
contrair
to
the
Inclinations
of
the
Generality
of
the
People
ever
since
the
Reformation
,
they
having
Reformed
from
Popery
by
Presbyters
;
and
therefore
ought
to
be
abolished
.
That
it
is
the
Right
and
Privilege
of
the
Subjects
to
protest
for
remead
of
Law
to
the
King
and
Parliament
,
against
Sentences
pronounced
by
the
Lords
of
Session
,
providing
the
same
do
not
stop
execution
of
the
said
Sentences
.
That
it
is
the
Right
of
the
Subjects
to
Petition
the
King
,
and
that
all
Imprisonments
and
Prosecutions
for
such
Petitions
are
contrair
to
Law.
That
for
redress
of
all
Grievances
,
and
for
the
amending
,
strengthning
and
Preserving
of
the
Laws
,
Parliaments
ought
to
be
frequently
called
and
allowed
to
sit
,
and
the
freedom
of
Speech
and
Debate
secured
to
the
Members
.
And
they
do
claim
and
demand
and
insist
upon
all
and
sundry
the
Premisses
,
as
their
undoubted
Right
and
Liberties
,
and
that
no
Declarations
,
Doings
or
Proceedings
to
the
prejudice
of
the
People
in
any
of
the
said
Premisses
,
ought
in
any
ways
to
be
drawn
hereafter
in
consequence
and
example
,
but
that
all
Forfaultures
,
Fines
,
loss
of
Offices
,
Imprisonments
,
Banishments
,
Pursuits
,
Persecutions
and
Rigorous
Executions
be
considered
,
and
the
Parties
seized
,
be
redressed
.
To
which
demand
of
the
Rights
,
and
Redressing
of
their
Grievances
,
they
are
particularly
incouraged
by
his
Majesty
the
King
of
England
his
Declaration
for
the
Kingdom
of
Scotland
of
the
day
of
October
last
,
as
being
the
only
means
for
obtaining
a
full
redress
and
remead
therein
.
Having
therefore
an
entire
Confidence
,
That
his
said
Majesty
the
King
of
England
will
perfyte
the
Deliverance
so
far
advanced
by
him
,
and
will
still
preserve
them
from
the
Violation
of
the
Rights
which
they
have
here
asserted
;
And
from
all
other
Attempts
upon
their
Religion
,
Laws
and
Liberties
;
The
said
Estates
of
the
Kingdom
of
Scotland
do
resolve
,
That
William
and
Mary
,
King
and
Queen
of
England
,
France
,
and
Ireland
,
Be
and
Be
Declared
King
and
Queen
of
Scotland
;
to
Hold
the
Crown
and
Royal
Dignity
of
the
said
Kingdom
of
Scotland
,
to
them
the
said
King
and
Queen
during
their
Lives
,
and
the
longest
Liver
of
them
;
and
that
the
sole
and
full
exercise
of
the
Royal
Power
,
be
only
in
,
and
exercised
by
him
the
said
King
,
in
the
Names
of
the
said
King
and
Queen
,
during
their
joynt
Lives
:
And
after
their
deceases
,
the
said
Crown
and
Royal
Dignity
of
the
said
Kingdom
,
to
be
to
the
Heirs
of
the
Body
of
the
said
Queen
▪
Which
sailing
,
to
the
Princess
Ann
of
Denmark
,
and
the
Heirs
of
her
Body
:
which
also
sailing
,
to
the
Heirs
of
the
Body
of
the
said
William
King
of
England
.
And
they
do
pray
the
said
King
and
Queen
of
England
to
accept
the
same
accordingly
.
And
that
the
Oath
hereafter
mentioned
be
taken
by
all
Protestants
of
whom
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
and
any
other
Oaths
and
Declarations
might
be
required
by
Law
instead
thereof
.
And
that
the
said
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
and
other
Oaths
and
Declarations
,
may
be
Abrogated
.
I
A.
B.
Do
sincerely
Promise
and
Swear
,
That
I
will
be
Faithful
and
bear
True
Allegiance
to
Their
Majesties
King
WILLIAM
and
Queen
MARY
.
So
help
me
God.
The
manner
of
the
Proclaiming
of
King
WILLIAM
,
and
Queen
MARY
,
at
White-hall
,
and
in
the
City
of
London
,
Feb.
13.
1688
/
9.
ABout
half
an
hour
past
Ten
in
the
Morning
,
the
Lords
and
Commons
came
from
Westminster
to
White-hall
in
their
Coaches
,
and
alighted
at
the
Gate
,
went
up
into
the
Banqueting-House
,
where
they
presented
the
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
with
an
Instrument
in
Writing
,
for
declaring
their
Highnesses
King
and
Queen
of
England
,
France
,
and
Ireland
,
and
the
Dominions
and
Territories
thereunto
belonging
,
desiring
them
to
accept
the
Crown
,
pursuant
to
the
said
Declaration
,
which
their
Highnesses
accepting
accordingly
,
the
said
Lords
and
Commons
came
down
again
to
White-hall
gate
,
preceded
by
the
Speakers
of
their
respective
Houses
,
each
attended
with
a
Sergeant
at
Arms
;
where
they
found
the
Heralds
of
Arms
,
the
Sergeants
at
Arms
,
the
Trumpets
,
and
other
Officers
,
all
in
readiness
,
being
assembled
by
Order●
from
the
Duke
of
Norfolk
,
Earl-Marshal
of
England
.
And
Sir
Thomas
St.
George
Knight
Garter
,
Principal
King
of
Arms
,
having
received
a
Proclamation
,
and
an
Order
from
the
Lord
▪
House
to
the
Kings
Heralds
and
Pursuivants
of
Arms
,
for
Publishing
or
Proclaiming
the
same
forthwith
:
The
Persons
concern'd
,
disposed
themselves
in
Order
before
the
Court-gate
,
for
making
the
said
Proclamation
:
And
the
Trumpets
having
founded
a
Call
three
several
Times
,
the
last
of
which
was
answer'd
by
a
great
Shout
of
the
vast
Multitudes
of
People
there
assembled
.
The
Noise
ceasing
,
the
said
Garter
,
King
of
Arms
,
read
the
said
Proclamation
by
short
Sentences
or
Periods
,
which
was
thereupon
proclaim'd
aloud
by
Robert
Devenish
Esq
York
Herald
,
being
the
Senior
Herald
,
in
these
words
:
WHereas
it
hath
pleased
Almighty
God
,
in
his
great
Mercy
to
this
Kingdom
,
to
vouchsafe
us
a
Miraculous
Deliverance
from
Popery
and
Abitrary
Power
,
and
that
our
Preservation
is
due
,
next
under
God
,
to
the
Resolution
and
Conduct
of
His
Highness
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
whom
God
hath
chosen
to
be
the
Glorious
Instrument
of
such
an
inestimable
Happiness
to
us
and
our
Posterity
;
and
being
highly
sensible
and
fully
perswaded
of
the
Great
and
Eminent
Vertues
of
Her
Highness
the
Princess
of
Orange
,
whose
zeal
for
the
Protestant
Religion
will
no
doubt
bring
a
Blessing
along
with
Her
upon
this
Nation
;
And
whereas
the
Lords
and
Commons
now
Assembled
at
Westminster
have
made
a
Declaration
,
and
presented
the
same
to
the
said
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
,
and
therein
desired
them
to
Accept
the
Crown
,
who
have
accepted
the
same
accordingly
;
We
therefore
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
Commons
;
Together
with
the
Lord
Mayor
and
Citizens
of
London
,
and
others
of
the
Commons
of
this
Realm
,
Do
,
with
a
full
Consent
,
Publish
and
Proclaim
according
to
the
said
Declaration
,
William
and
Mary
,
Prince
and
Princess
of
Orange
,
to
be
King
and
Queen
of
England
,
France
,
and
Ireland
,
with
all
the
Dominions
and
Territories
thereunto
belonging
;
who
are
accordingly
so
to
be
owned
,
deemed
,
accepted
,
and
taken
by
all
the
People
of
the
aforesaid
Realms
and
Dominions
,
who
are
from
hence-forward
bound
to
acknowledge
and
pay
unto
them
all
Faith
and
true
Allegiance
.
Beseeching
God
,
by
whom
Kings
Reign
,
to
bless
King
William
and
Queen
Mary
with
long
and
happy
Years
to
Reign
over
us
.
God
save
King
WILLIAM
and
Queen
MARY
.
Jo.
Brown
,
Cleric
.
Parliamentorum
.
Which
being
ended
,
and
the
Trumpets
sounding
a
Flourish
,
was
answer'd
by
several
repeated
Shouts
of
the
People
.
And
Directions
being
given
to
proclaim
the
same
within
Temple-Bar
,
in
Cheap-side
,
and
at
the
Royal-Exchange
,
the
Proceeding
marched
in
this
manner
:
First
,
the
several
Beadles
of
the
Liberties
of
Westminster
;
Next
,
the
Constables
of
the
said
Liberties
,
all
on
Foot
,
with
the
High-Constable
on
Horse-back
;
After
them
,
the
Head-Bailiff
of
Westminster
,
and
his
Men
,
all
with
white
Staves
,
to
clear
the
Way
,
on
Horse-back
;
Then
the
Knight-Marshal's
Men
also
on
Horse-back
;
Next
to
these
a
Class
of
Trumpets
,
Nine
in
all
,
viz.
2
,
2
,
2
,
and
3
followed
by
the
Sergeant-Trumpeter
,
carrying
his
Mace
on
his
Shoulder
,
all
likewise
on
Horse-back
;
Then
a
Pursuivant
of
Arms
single
:
Then
a
Pursuivant
and
a
Sergeant
at
Arms
;
Another
Pursuivant
and
a
Sergeant
at
Arms
;
Then
four
Heralds
of
Arms
,
one
after
another
,
each
with
a
Sergeant
at
Arms
on
his
left
Hand
,
the
Heralds
and
Pursuivants
being
all
in
their
Rich
Coats
of
the
Royal
Arms
,
and
the
Sergeants
at
Arms
,
each
carrying
his
Mace
on
his
Shoulder
,
and
all
on
Horse-back
;
Then
Garter
King
of
Arms
,
in
his
rich
Coat
of
Arms
,
carrying
the
Proclamation
,
accompanied
with
Sir
Tho.
Duppa
Kt.
Gentleman-Usher
of
the
Black
Rod
,
in
his
Crimson
Mantle
of
the
Order
of
the
Garter
,
and
his
Black
Rod
of
Offi●e
,
likewise
on
Horse-back
.
These
immediately
preceded
the
Marquess
of
Halifax
,
who
executed
the
Place
of
Speaker
in
the
House
of
Lords
,
in
his
Coach
,
attended
by
Sir
Roger
Harsnet
,
eldest
Sergeant
at
Arms
,
with
his
Mace.
Then
follow'd
Henry
Powle
Esq
Speaker
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
in
his
Coach
,
attended
by
Iohn
Topham
Esq
Sergeant
at
Arms
to
the
said
House
,
with
his
Mace.
After
the
two
Speakers
of
the
Houses
,
followed
the
Duke
of
Norfolk
,
Earl
Marshal
,
and
Primier
Duke
of
England
,
in
his
Coach
,
with
his
Marshals
Staff
in
his
Hand
;
And
next
to
him
all
the
Peers
in
order
in
their
Coaches
;
And
last
of
all
,
the
Members
of
the
House
of
Commons
in
their
Coaches
.
In
this
Order
they
proceeded
towards
Temple-Bar
;
and
being
come
as
far
as
the
Maypole
in
the
Strand
,
two
of
the
Officers
of
Arms
,
with
a
Sergeant
at
Arms
,
and
two
Trumpets
,
went
before
to
Temple-Bar
;
and
the
Lord
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
Sheriffs
,
being
by
this
time
arrived
there
,
and
having
ordered
the
Gates
to
be
shut
,
the
Herald
at
Arms
knocked
thereat
;
whereupon
the
Sheriffs
being
on
Horse-back
,
came
to
the
Gate
;
and
the
said
Herald
acquainting
them
,
That
he
came
by
Order
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
assembled
at
Westminster
,
to
demand
Entrance
into
that
famous
City
,
for
the
Proclaiming
of
William
and
Mary
,
King
and
Queen
of
England
,
France
,
and
Ireland
,
and
the
Dominions
and
Territories
thereunto
belonging
;
and
therefore
required
their
speedy
Answer
.
The
said
Sheriffs
ordered
the
Gates
to
be
opened
.
Whereupon
leaving
the
Head-Bayliff
,
Constables
,
and
Beadles
of
Westminster
without
the
Barr
,
the
rest
of
the
Proceeding
entred
,
where
they
found
the
Lord
May●r
,
Aldermen
,
Recorder
,
and
Sheriffs
,
all
in
their
Formalities
,
and
on
Horse-back
,
except
the
Lord
Mayor
who
was
in
his
Coach
,
attended
by
the
Sword-bearer
,
and
other
of
his
Officers
,
who
joyfully
receiving
them
,
they
made
a
stand
between
the
two
Temple-Gates
,
and
Proclaimed
their
Majesties
a
second
time
.
From
whence
they
marched
towards
Cheap-side
,
a
Class
of
the
City
Trumpets
,
and
the
Lord-Mayors
Livery-men
leading
the
Way
,
and
the
said
Aldermen
and
Lord
Mayor
falling
into
the
Proceeding
:
And
near
Wood-street
end
(
the
place
where
Cheap-side-Cross
formerly
stood
)
they
made
another
stand
,
and
Proclaimed
their
Majesties
a
third
time
.
And
arriving
at
the
Royal-Exchange
about
Two
of
the
Clock
,
they
Proclaimed
them
a
fourth
time
;
and
at
each
Proclamation
,
the
vast
multitudes
of
Spectators
who
thronged
the
Streets
,
Balconies
and
Windows
,
filled
the
Air
with
loud
and
repeated
Shouts
and
Expressions
of
Joy.
Within
Temple-Bar
,
and
all
along
Fleet-street
,
the
Orange
Regiment
of
the
City
Militia
,
lined
both
sides
of
the
way
,
as
did
the
Green
Regiment
within
Ludgate
and
St.
Paul's
Church-Yard
;
the
Blew
Regiment
in
Cheap-side
,
and
the
White
in
Cornhil
.
The
Coronation
of
their
Sacred
Majesties
King
WILLIAM
and
Queen
MARY
was
performed
at
Westminster
in
manner
following
,
April
11
,
1689.
THeir
Majesties
being
come
from
Whitehal
to
Westminster
,
and
the
Nobility
,
&c.
being
put
in
Order
by
the
Heralds
,
They
came
down
in
State
into
Westminster-hall
,
where
the
Swords
and
Spurs
were
presented
to
them
.
After
which
the
Dean
and
Prebendaries
of
Westminster
,
having
brought
the
Crowns
and
other
Regalia
,
presented
them
severally
to
their
Majesties
,
which
,
with
the
Swords
and
Spurs
,
were
thereupon
delivered
to
the
Lords
appointed
to
carry
them
.
Then
the
Procession
began
in
this
manner
.
Drums
and
Trumpets
;
Six
Clerks
in
Chancery
,
two
abreast
(
as
all
the
rest
of
the
Proceeding
went
;
)
Chaplains
having
Dignities
;
Aldermen
of
London
;
Masters
in
Chancery
;
Solicitor
,
and
Attorney
General
;
Gentlemen
of
the
Privy
Chamber
;
Judges
.
Children
of
Westminster
,
and
of
the
King's
Chappel
;
Choir
of
Westminster
,
and
Gentlemen
of
the
Chappel
;
Prebends
of
Westminster
;
Master
of
the
Jewel-house
;
Privy
Councellors
not
Peers
.
Two
Pursuivants
,
Baronesses
,
Barons
,
Bishops
;
A
Pursuivant
,
a
Vicountess
,
Vicounts
;
Two
Heralds
,
Countesses
,
Earls
;
A
Herald
,
a
Marchioness
;
Two
Heralds
,
Dutchesses
,
Dukes
;
Two
Kings
of
Arms
,
The
Lord
Privy
Seal
;
Lord
President
of
the
Council
;
Archbishop
of
York
;
His
Royal
Highness
Prince
George
of
Denmark
;
Two
Persons
representing
the
Dukes
of
Aquitain
and
Normandy
.
Next
the
Lords
who
bore
their
Majesties
Regalia
,
viz.
The
Earl
of
Manchester
St.
Edward's
Staff
;
and
the
Lord
Grey
of
Ruthin
the
Spurs
;
The
Earl
of
Clare
the
Queens
Scepter
with
the
Cross
,
and
the
Earl
of
Northampton
the
King's
;
The
Earls
of
Shrewsbury
,
Derby
,
and
Pembroke
,
the
3
Swords
.
Next
,
Garter
King
of
Arms
between
the
Usher
of
the
Black
Rod
,
and
the
Lord
Mayor
of
London
;
The
Lord
Great
Chamberlain
Single
;
The
Earl
of
Oxford
with
the
Sword
of
State
,
between
the
Duke
of
Norfolk
Earl
Marshall
,
and
the
Duke
of
Ormond
Lord
High-Constable
for
that
Day
;
then
the
Earl
of
Bedford
with
the
Queens
Sceptre
of
the
Dove
,
and
the
Earl
of
Rutland
with
the
King
's
;
the
Duke
of
Bolton
with
the
Queen's
Orb
,
and
the
Duke
of
Grafton
with
the
King
's
;
the
Duke
of
Somerset
with
the
Queen's
Crown
,
and
the
Earl
of
Devonshire
,
Lord
Steward
of
his
Majesties
Houshold
,
who
was
made
Lord
.
High
Steward
of
England
for
that
Day
,
with
the
King
's
:
The
Bishop
of
London
with
the
Bible
,
between
the
Bishop
of
St.
Asaph
with
the
Paten
,
and
the
Bishop
of
Rochester
with
the
Chalice
.
Then
the
King
,
supported
by
the
Bishop
of
Winchester
,
and
the
Queen
by
the
Bishop
of
Bristol
,
under
a
Canopy
born
by
Sixteen
Barons
of
the
Cinque
Ports
;
His
Majesties
Train
born
by
the
Master
of
the
Robes
,
assisted
by
the
Lord
Eland
,
Lord
Willoughby
,
Lord
Landsdowne
,
and
the
Lord
Dunblaine
;
and
Her
Majesties
Train
by
the
Dutchess
of
Somerset
,
assisted
by
the
Lady
Elizabeth
Pawlett
,
Lady
Diana
Vere
,
Lady
Elizabeth
Cavendish
,
and
the
Lady
Henrietta
Hyde
.
After
the
King
,
a
Gentleman
of
the
Bed-Chamber
,
and
two
Grooms
of
the
Bed-Chamber
;
and
after
the
Queen
,
a
Lady
of
the
Bed-Chamber
,
and
two
of
Her
Majesties
Women
.
Lastly
the
Captain
of
His
Majesties
Guard
,
between
the
Captain
of
the
Yeomen
of
the
Guard
,
and
the
Captain
of
the
Band
of
Pensioners
;
followed
by
the
Officers
and
Band
of
Yeomen
of
the
Guard.
The
Sergeants
at
Arms
going
on
each
side
of
the
Regalia
,
and
the
Gentlemen
Pensioners
on
each
side
of
the
Canopy
.
Thus
Their
Majesties
in
Their
Robes
of
Crimson
Velvet
,
the
King
with
a
Cap
,
and
the
Queen
a
Circlet
on
her
Head
,
All
the
Nobility
in
Crimson
Velvet
Robes
,
with
their
Coronets
in
their
Hands
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Proceeding
in
their
proper
Habits
,
marched
on
foot
upon
Blew
Cloth
to
Westminster-Abby
,
all
the
Way
and
Houses
on
each
side
being
Crouded
with
vast
Number
of
Spectators
,
expressing
their
great
Joy
and
Satisfaction
by
loud
repeated
Acclamations
.
Being
Entred
the
Church
;
and
all
duly
seated
,
the
Bishop
of
London
,
who
performed
this
great
Solemnity
,
began
with
the
Recognition
,
which
ended
with
a
mighty
Shout
.
Then
Their
Majesties
Offered
,
and
the
Lords
who
bore
the
Regalia
,
presented
them
at
the
Altar
.
The
Litany
was
sung
by
two
Bishops
,
and
after
the
Epistle
,
Gospel
,
and
Nicene
Creed
,
the
Bishop
of
Salisbury
Preach'd
on
this
Text
,
2
Sam.
23.
3
,
4.
After
Sermon
Their
Majesties
took
the
Oath
,
and
being
Conducted
to
their
Regal
Chairs
placed
on
the
Theater
(
that
they
might
be
more
Conspicuous
to
the
Members
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
who
were
seated
in
the
North
Cross
)
were
Anointed
,
and
presented
with
the
Spurs
and
Sword
,
and
Invested
with
the
Palls
and
Orbs
,
and
then
with
the
Rings
and
Scepters
;
and
at
Four
of
the
Clock
the
Crowns
were
put
on
their
Heads
.
At
sight
whereof
the
People
shouted
,
the
Drums
and
Trumpets
sounded
,
the
great
Guns
were
discharged
,
and
the
Peers
and
Peeresses
put
on
their
Coronets
.
Then
the
Bible
was
presented
to
Them
,
and
after
the
Benediction
They
vouchsafed
to
Kiss
the
Bishops
.
Being
Inthroned
,
first
the
Bishops
,
and
then
the
Temporal
Lords
did
their
Homage
,
and
Kissed
their
Majesties
left
Cheeks
;
while
the
Treasurer
of
the
Houshold
threw
about
the
Coronation
Medals
.
Next
followed
the
Communion
;
And
Their
Majesties
having
made
their
second
Oblation
,
received
the
Holy
Sacrament
.
Then
the
Bishop
Read
the
final
Prayers
,
and
Their
Majesties
retiring
into
St.
Edward's
Chappel
,
and
being
new
Arrayed
in
Purple
Velvet
,
returned
to
Westminster-Hall
,
wearing
Their
Rich
Crowns
of
State
,
and
the
Nobility
their
Coronets
.
The
Nobility
,
&c.
being
seated
at
their
respective
Tables
,
which
were
all
ready
furnished
before
their
coming
in
;
The
first
Course
for
Their
Majesties
Table
was
served
up
with
the
proper
Ceremony
,
being
preceded
by
the
great
Officers
,
and
the
High-Constable
,
High-Steward
,
and
Earl-Marshall
;
And
before
the
second
Course
Charles
Dymoke
Esq
Their
Majesties
Champion
,
between
the
High-Constable
and
the
Earl-Marshall
,
performed
the
Challenge
:
After
which
the
Heralds
proclaimed
Their
Majesties
Styles
.
Dinner
being
ended
,
and
the
whole
Solemnity
performed
with
great
Splendor
and
Magnificence
,
About
Eight
in
the
Evening
Their
Majesties
returned
to
White-hall
.
A
Proclamation
declaring
WILLIAM
and
MARY
King
and
Queen
of
England
,
to
be
King
and
Queen
of
Scotland
.
Edinburgh
,
April
11.
1689.
WHereas
,
the
Estates
of
this
Kingdom
of
Scotland
,
by
their
Act
of
the
Date
of
these
Presents
,
have
Resolved
,
That
William
and
Mary
,
King
and
Queen
of
England
,
France
,
and
Ireland
,
Be
,
and
Be
declared
King
and
Queen
of
Scotland
,
to
hold
the
Crown
and
Royal
Dignity
of
the
said
Kingdom
of
Scotland
,
to
them
the
said
King
and
Queen
,
during
their
Lives
,
and
the
longest
Liver
of
Them
;
and
that
the
Sole
and
Full
Exercise
of
the
Regal
Power
,
be
only
in
,
and
Exercised
by
the
said
King
,
in
the
Names
of
the
said
King
and
Queen
,
during
their
joynt
Lives
.
As
also
,
the
Estates
having
Resolved
and
Enacted
and
Instrument
of
Government
,
or
Claim
of
Right
,
to
be
presented
with
the
Offer
of
the
Crown
,
to
the
said
King
and
Queen
.
They
do
Statute
and
Ordain
,
that
William
and
Mary
,
King
and
Queen
of
England
,
France
and
Ireland
,
be
accordingly
forthwith
Proclaimed
King
and
Queen
of
Scotland
,
at
the
Mercat
Cross
of
Edinburgh
,
by
the
Lyon
King
at
Arms
,
or
his
Deputs
,
his
Brethren
Heraulds
,
Macers
and
Pursevants
,
and
at
the
Head-Burghs
of
all
the
Shires
,
Stewarties
,
Bailliaries
,
and
Regalities
within
the
Kingdom
,
by
Messengers
at
Arms.
Extracted
forth
of
the
Meeting
of
the
Estates
,
by
me
.
J
A.
DALRYMPLE
,
Cls.
God
save
King
WILLIAM
and
Queen
MARY
.
The
Manner
of
the
King
and
Queen
taking
the
Scotish
Coronation
Oath
.
May
11.
1689.
THis
day
being
appointed
for
the
publick
Reception
of
the
Commissioners
,
viz.
the
Earl
of
Argyle
,
Sir
Iames
Montgomery
of
Skelmerly
,
and
Sir
Iohn
Dalrymple
of
Stair
younger
,
who
were
sent
by
the
Meeting
of
the
Estates
of
Scotland
,
with
an
Offer
of
the
Crown
of
that
Kingdom
to
Their
Majesties
,
they
accordingly
,
at
3
of
the
Clock
,
met
at
the
Council-Chamber
,
and
from
thence
were
Conducted
by
Sir
Charles
Cotterel
,
Master
of
the
Ceremonies
,
attended
by
most
of
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
of
that
Kingdom
,
who
reside
in
and
about
this
place
,
to
the
Banqueting-House
;
where
the
King
and
Queen
came
attended
by
many
Persons
of
Quality
,
the
Sword
being
carried
before
them
by
the
Lord
Cardrosse
,
(
and
Their
Majesties
being
placed
on
the
Throne
under
a
rich
Canopy
)
they
first
presented
a
Letter
from
the
Estates
to
His
Majesty
;
then
the
Instrument
of
Government
;
Thirdly
,
a
Paper
containing
the
Grievances
,
which
they
desired
might
be
Redressed
;
and
Lastly
,
an
Address
to
His
Majesty
for
turning
the
Meeting
of
the
said
Estates
into
a
Parliament
:
All
which
being
Signed
by
his
Grace
the
Duke
of
Hamilton
,
as
President
of
the
Meeting
,
and
read
to
Their
Majesties
,
the
King
returned
to
the
Commissioners
the
following
Answer
.
When
I
engaged
in
this
Undertaking
,
I
had
particular
Regard
and
Consideration
for
Scotland
,
and
therefore
I
did
emit
a
Declaration
in
relation
to
That
as
well
as
to
this
Kingdom
,
which
I
intend
to
make
good
and
effectual
to
them
.
I
take
it
very
kindly
that
Scotland
hath
expressed
so
much
Confidence
in
and
Affection
to
Me
;
They
shall
find
Me
willing
to
assist
them
in
every
thing
that
concerns
the
Weal
and
Interest
of
that
Kingdom
,
by
making
what
Laws
shall
be
necessary
for
the
Security
of
their
Religion
,
Property
,
and
Liberty
,
and
to
ease
them
of
what
may
be
justly
grievous
to
them
.
After
which
,
the
Coronation-Oath
was
tendred
to
Their
Majesties
,
which
the
Earl
of
Argyle
spoke
word
by
word
distinctly
,
and
the
King
and
Queen
repeated
it
after
him
holding
Their
Right
Hands
up
after
the
manner
of
taking
Oaths
in
Scotland
.
The
Meeting
of
the
Estates
of
Scotland
did
Authorize
their
Commissioners
to
represent
to
His
Majesty
,
That
that
Clause
in
the
Oath
in
relation
to
the
rooting
out
of
Hereticks
did
not
import
the
destroying
of
Hereticks
;
And
that
by
the
Law
of
Scotland
no
Man
was
to
be
persecuted
for
his
private
Opinion
;
And
even
Obstinate
and
Convicted
Hereticks
were
only
to
be
denounced
Rebels
or
Outlawed
,
whereby
their
Moveable
Estates
are
Confiscated
.
His
Majesty
at
the
repeating
that
Clause
in
the
Oath
,
Did
declare
,
that
He
did
not
mean
by
these
words
,
That
He
was
under
any
Obligation
to
become
a
Persecutor
.
To
which
the
Commissioners
made
Answer
,
That
neither
the
meaning
of
the
Oath
,
or
the
Law
of
Scotland
did
import
it
.
Then
the
King
replyed
,
That
He
took
the
Oath
in
that
Sense
,
and
called
for
Witnesses
the
Commissioners
and
others
present
;
And
then
both
Their
Majesties
Signed
the
said
Coronation-Oath
.
After
which
the
Commissioners
and
several
of
the
Scotish
Nobility
kissed
Their
Majesties
Hands
.
The
Coronation-OATH
of
England
.
The
Arch-Bishop
or
Bishop
shall
say
,
WIll
You
solemnly
Promise
and
Swear
to
Govern
the
People
of
this
Kingdom
of
England
,
and
the
Dominions
thereto
belonging
,
according
to
the
Statutes
in
Parliament
agreed
on
,
and
the
Laws
and
Customs
of
the
same
?
The
King
and
Queen
shall
say
,
I
solemnly
Promise
so
to
do
.
Arch-Bishop
or
Bishop
.
Will
You
to
Your
Power
,
cause
Law
and
Justice
in
Mercy
to
be
Executed
in
all
Your
Judgments
.
King
and
Queen
.
I
Will
.
Arch-Bishop
or
Bishop
.
Will
You
to
the
utmost
of
Your
Power
Maintain
the
Laws
of
God
,
the
true
Profession
of
the
Gospel
,
and
the
Protestant
Reformed
Religion
Established
by
Law
?
And
will
You
Preserve
,
unto
the
Bishops
and
Clergy
of
this
Realm
,
and
to
the
Churches
committed
to
their
Charge
,
all
such
Rights
and
Priviledges
as
by
Law
do
or
shall
appertain
unto
them
,
or
any
of
them
?
King
and
Queen
.
All
this
I
Promise
to
do
.
[
After
this
,
the
King
and
Queen
laying
His
and
Her
Hand
upon
the
Holy
Gospels
,
shall
say
,
]
King
and
Queen
.
The
Things
which
I
have
here
before
Promised
,
I
will
Perform
and
Keep.
So
help
me
God.
[
Then
the
King
and
Queen
shall
kiss
the
Book
.
]
The
Coronation
OATH
of
Scotland
.
WE
William
and
Mary
,
King
and
Queen
of
Scotland
,
Faithfully
Promise
and
Swear
,
by
this
Our
solemn
Oath
in
presence
of
the
Eternal
God
,
that
during
the
whole
course
of
Our
Life
,
we
will
serve
the
same
Eternal
God
,
to
the
uttermost
of
Our
Power
,
according
as
he
has
required
in
his
most
holy
Word
,
reveal'd
and
contain'd
in
the
New
and
Old
Testament
,
and
according
to
the
same
Word
shall
maintain
the
True
Religion
of
Christ
Jesus
,
the
Preaching
of
his
Holy
Word
,
and
the
due
and
right
Ministration
of
the
Sacraments
,
now
Received
and
Preached
within
the
Realm
of
Scotland
;
and
shall
abolish
and
gainstand
all
false
Religion
contrary
to
the
same
,
and
shall
Rule
the
People
committed
to
our
Charge
,
according
to
the
Will
and
Command
of
God
,
revealed
in
his
aforesaid
Word
,
and
according
to
the
Landable
Laws
and
Constitutions
received
in
this
Realm
,
no
ways
repugnant
to
the
said
Word
of
the
Eternal
God
,
and
shall
procure
,
to
the
utmost
of
Our
power
,
to
the
Kirk
of
God
,
and
whole
Christian
People
,
true
and
perfect
Peace
in
all
time
coming
.
That
we
shall
preserve
and
keep
inviolated
the
Rights
and
Rents
,
with
all
just
Priviledges
of
the
Crown
of
Scotland
,
neither
shall
we
transfer
nor
alienate
the
same
;
That
we
shall
forbid
and
repress
in
all
Estates
and
Degrees
,
Reif
,
Oppression
,
and
all
kind
of
wrong
.
And
we
shall
Command
and
Procure
that
Justice
and
Equity
in
all
Judgments
be
keeped
to
all
Persons
without
exception
,
as
the
Lord
and
Father
of
all
Mercies
shall
be
merciful
to
u●
.
And
we
shall
be
careful
to
root
out
all
Hereticks
and
Enemies
to
the
true
Worship
of
God
,
that
shall
be
Convicted
by
the
true
Kirk
of
God
of
the
aforesaid
Crimes
,
out
of
Our
Lands
and
Empire
of
Scotland
.
And
we
faithfully
affirm
the
things
above
written
by
Our
Solemn
Oath
.
God
save
King
WILLIAM
and
Queen
MARY
.
FINIS
.