A
DISCOURSE
UPON
Grants
and
Resumptions
.
Showing
How
our
ANCESTORS
Have
Proceeded
with
such
MINISTERS
As
have
Procured
to
Themselves
GRANTS
OF
THE
Crown-Revenue
;
And
that
the
Forfeited
ESTATES
Ought
to
be
Applied
towards
the
Payment
of
the
Publick
DEBTS
.
By
the
AUTHOR
of
,
The
Essay
on
Ways
and
Means
.
Apud
Sapientes
cassa
habebantur
,
quae
neque
dari
,
neque
accipi
,
salvà
Republicâ
poterant
.
Tacit.
Hist.
Lib.
III.
LONDON
:
Printed
for
JAMES
KNAPTON
,
at
the
Crown
,
in
St.
Paul's
Church-yard
.
1700.
INDEX
.
SECTION
.
I.
INTRODUCTION
.
-
ALL
Governments
wisely
Constituted
have
set
a
aside
a
Proportion
of
their
Wealth
for
Publick
Vses
,
Page
1
-
In
the
Kingships
settled
by
the
Goths
,
Hunns
and
Vandals
,
the
Conquer'd
Country
was
divided
,
3
-
Good
Princes
have
always
reckoned
their
Revenues
as
belonging
to
the
Publick
,
ibid.
-
Thrift
in
the
Publick
necessary
,
because
indigent
Princes
have
seldom
been
known
to
compass
great
Things
,
5
-
Profusion
in
a
Court
destroys
all
sort
of
Order
,
6
-
Kings
reduc'd
to
Streights
,
ever
involv'd
in
dark
and
mean
Intreagues
,
ibid.
-
Wise
Ones
therefore
have
retreated
as
soon
as
possible
from
so
dangerous
a
Step
,
8
-
But
in
Case
of
Negligence
,
how
the
Wisdom
of
the
Laws
have
provided
for
them
,
9
-
By
inflicting
severe
Punishments
on
such
as
deceive
him
,
ibid.
-
Especially
on
such
who
break
their
Trust
,
ibid.
-
And
by
Resumptions
,
10
-
However
't
is
always
difficult
to
keep
the
Prince
from
being
Robb'd
,
ibid.
-
The
People
repine
not
to
see
a
Prince
conser
his
Favours
upon
deserving
Men
,
if
with
Moderation
,
11
-
Those
who
Rob
him
,
try
to
be
safe
by
their
Numbers
,
13
-
But
yet
they
have
been
reach'd
,
ibid.
-
How
Male-Administration
sometimes
gets
Footing
,
but
is
afterwards
corrected
,
Page
14
-
Our
Happiness
under
a
stout
and
wise
Prince
,
17
-
The
present
Disorders
to
be
attributed
to
the
Corruptions
of
the
Times
,
20
-
The
King's
Character
,
with
a
Description
of
his
Actions
and
Vertues
,
20
to
24
-
A
Prince
who
would
reform
the
State
must
expect
to
meet
with
great
Difficulties
,
25
-
What
Artifices
such
as
are
guilty
will
▪
use
,
26
-
What
they
will
alledge
in
their
Defence
,
28
-
The
false
Colours
they
will
endeavour
to
give
to
their
Actions
and
Councils
,
31
-
They
will
poison
the
Prince's
Ear
with
false
Whispers
,
and
misrepresent
to
him
his
best
Friends
,
33
-
Whither
't
is
Politick
to
nourish
Factions
in
a
Court
,
34
-
Why
some
People
in
certain
Junctures
withdraw
from
publick
Employments
,
38
-
How
all
the
ablest
Men
may
be
induc'd
to
embrace
the
Service
of
the
Government
,
39
-
A
Prince
who
will
correct
Abuses
seldom
wants
Assistance
,
40
-
The
Author's
Reason
and
Inducements
to
handle
this
Matter
of
the
Grants
,
42
-
The
Method
he
intends
to
observe
in
discoursing
upon
this
Subject
,
43
,
44
SECT.
II.
OBSERVATIONS
on
the
Management
of
the
Romans
in
their
Publick
Revenues
.
-
VAlerius
Publicola
first
lodg'd
the
publick
Money
of
Rome
in
the
Temple
of
Saturn
,
Page
46
-
As
the
Empire
extended
the
Romans
more
sollicitous
to
gather
a
publick
Stock
.
This
done
that
they
might
not
burthen
the
Plebears
,
47
-
The
exact
Fidelity
of
their
Commanders
in
bringing
the
Spoils
gain'd
by
War
into
the
Common
Treasury
,
ibid.
-
Till
some
time
after
the
last
Punick
War
none
thought
of
growing
Rich
by
Spoils
gotten
in
the
War
,
48
-
They
who
did
it
were
Men
who
hatch'd
wicked
Designs
against
their
Country
,
ibid.
-
The
Romans
made
every
War
bear
it's
own
Charges
,
49
-
Instances
of
great
Sums
from
Time
to
Time
brought
into
the
Common
Treasury
,
49
to
52
-
No
Empire
strong
enough
to
carry
on
a
long
War
singly
upon
it's
own
Revenues
,
53
-
The
immense
Treasure
gather'd
by
Augustus
,
and
which
Tiberius
left
behind
him
at
his
Death
,
57
-
All
which
Caligula
consum'd
in
less
than
a
Year
,
ibid.
-
The
Difference
the
Roman
Emperors
made
in
the
publick
Revenues
and
the
Prince's
private
Patrimony
,
58
-
Profusion
in
wicked
Princes
the
first
Spring
of
all
their
other
Vices
,
62
-
The
prodigious
Debt
into
which
Rome
was
plung'd
in
the
Course
of
Three
bad
Reigns
,
63
-
The
Debts
of
the
Empire
forc'd
Vespasian
,
a
good
Prince
,
upon
dishonourable
Courses
of
raising
Money
,
64
-
The
vast
Treasure
gather'd
and
left
by
Nerva
,
Trajan
,
Adrian
and
Antoninus
Pius
,
66
-
Antoninus
Pius
would
not
accompt
the
publick
Revenues
to
be
his
own
,
ibid.
-
What
had
been
gather'd
in
Five
wise
Reigns
was
wasted
by
Commodus
in
less
than
Thirteen
Years
,
ibid.
-
The
Profusion
of
Caracalla
,
72
-
A
Brief
Accompt
of
the
Roman
Coin
,
73
,
74
-
Coin
the
Pul●e
of
a
Nation
,
77
-
When
the
Romans
began
to
buy
Peace
,
78
-
What
a
Number
of
Reigns
Rome
saw
in
89
Years
,
79
-
When
the
Goths
began
to
invade
the
Roman
Dominions
,
80
-
The
Care
of
Mesitheus
,
chief
Minister
to
the
Emperor
Gordian
,
81
-
Original
of
the
Ruine
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
83
-
The
Division
of
the
Empire
one
Cause
,
85
-
But
the
principal
Cause
was
that
Poverty
which
the
Profusion
of
their
Emperors
had
brought
upon
the
Provinces
,
87
SECT.
III.
Of
RESUMPTIONS
.
-
A
Brief
Accompt
of
the
Original
of
the
English
People
,
and
of
the
Ancient
Constitution
of
this
Kingdom
,
Page
89
to
96
-
The
Original
of
the
Ancient
Tenures
in
England
,
98
-
High
Customs
and
Excises
not
thought
on
in
the
Gothick
Establishments
,
101
-
These
sort
of
Duties
made
use
of
by
the
Romans
,
and
set
up
again
first
in
Italy
,
ibid.
-
In
all
the
Gothick
Settlements
,
the
Prince's
Revenue
consisted
in
Land
,
103
-
In
forming
this
Constitution
,
our
Aucestors
took
Care
to
make
ample
Provision
for
maintaining
the
King's
Crown
and
Dignity
,
104
-
When
those
Lands
and
Revenues
were
parted
with
,
which
were
alotted
for
his
and
the
States
Service
,
Parliaments
have
seldom
fail'd
to
restore
and
relieve
his
Affairs
by
Acts
of
Resumption
,
ibid.
-
Of
Doom's-Day
Book
,
105
-
Of
the
yearly
Revenues
of
William
the
Norman
,
ibid.
-
The
Number
of
Mannors
then
belonging
to
the
Crown
,
ibid
-
What
was
call'd
Terra
Regis
in
Doom's-day-Book
,
anciently
esteem'd
not
alienable
,
106
-
William
Rufus
a
profuse
Prince
,
107
-
Henry
the
First
provident
,
he
punish'd
Ranulphus
,
Bishop
of
Durham
,
who
had
been
the
Minister
of
his
Brother's
Extortions
and
Profusions
.
Resum'd
what
had
been
lightly
given
away
by
Duke
Robert
in
Normandy
,
ib.
-
An
Account
of
King
Stephen
.
He
was
brought
to
a
Composition
with
Henry
Fitz
Empress
,
in
which
Agreement
one
Article
was
,
That
he
should
resume
what
Crown-Land
he
had
alienated
,
108
-
Which
Agreement
Henry
the
Second
took
care
to
see
put
in
Execution
:
And
he
rid
the
Court
of
Foreigners
,
calling
several
of
his
Officers
to
an
Accompt
,
109
-
What
an
immense
Treasure
his
provident
Care
had
accumulated
;
which
was
consum'd
by
Rich.
1st
,
in
the
Holy
Wars
.
Rich.
compell'd
to
resume
his
own
Grants
,
110
-
The
Money
rais'd
in
England
in
Two
Years
of
this
Reign
,
112
-
An
Account
of
King
John
,
113
-
Henry
the
Third
resumed
what
had
been
alienated
by
King
John
;
and
at
the
Instance
of
the
Barons
he
banished
the
Foreigners
.
In
this
loose
Reign
the
Money
of
England
corrupted
,
114
-
In
the
Reign
of
Edward
the
First
,
the
whole
Set
of
Judges
punished
and
fined
for
their
Corruptions
,
116
-
In
the
Reign
of
Edward
the
Second
,
an
Ordinance
to
prevent
Alienations
of
the
Crown-Revenue
.
And
a
Resumption
made
.
The
Records
for
this
.
117
-
Great
Profusion
and
Misgovernment
in
the
Reign
of
King
Richard
the
Second
.
The
Rapine
of
the
Ministers
of
those
Times
occasioned
Acts
of
Resumption
;
several
Records
produc'd
to
this
Purpose
,
from
119
to
127
-
In
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
Fourth
,
the
Commons
pray
that
a
Resumption
may
be
made
.
The
Record
,
127
-
In
the
Fifth
of
this
Reign
,
the
Commons
pray
that
the
King
will
take
Care
for
the
Repair
of
his
Castles
,
in
particular
Windsor
Castle
,
and
of
the
Maintenance
of
his
Parks
.
And
complain
that
the
Lands
assign'd
for
the
Repair
of
Windsor
Castle
are
granted
away
,
praying
they
may
be
resumed
.
The
King's
Answer
.
The
Record
for
this
,
128
-
Lands
and
Mannors
annexed
to
Windsor
Castle
31
Henry
8th
,
131
-
The
same
Year
of
Henry
4th
,
the
Commons
pray
that
Lands
alienated
from
the
Duchy
of
Cornwall
may
be
resum'd
.
The
King's
Answer
.
The
Record
.
132
-
In
the
6th
Year
of
the
same
Reign
,
the
Commons
again
pray
for
a
Resumption
.
The
King's
Answer
.
The
Record
,
133
-
What
●ort
of
a
Resumption
was
then
made
,
and
the
Reasons
for
it
.
The
Record
,
140
-
In
the
Seventh
and
Eighth
of
this
Reign
the
Commons
pray
that
the
Lands
to
be
conquer'd
in
Wales
,
may
not
be
granted
away
the
first
Quarter
of
a
Year
.
The
Record
,
143
-
In
the
same
Year
the
Commons
pray
,
that
certain
Foreigners
by
Name
,
may
be
banished
,
which
is
granted
and
the
King
orders
an
Accompt
to
be
deliver'd
in
Chancery
of
what
Grants
they
had
obtain'd
.
The
Record
,
144
-
In
the
11th
of
this
Reign
the
Commons
pray
,
that
no
Alienation
of
the
Crown-Revenue
may
be
made
,
to
which
the
King
assents
.
The
Record
,
145
-
What
sort
of
Resumption
was
made
in
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
Fifth
.
The
Record
,
148
-
A
Resumption
made
28
Hen.
6.
The
Record
.
149
to
158
-
The
Exceptions
or
Savings
inserted
by
the
King
in
this
Resumption
,
159
to
178
-
Another
Resumption
the
29th
of
this
Reign
,
181
-
Another
Resumption
the
33th
of
the
same
Reign
,
193
-
A
Resumption
the
1st
of
Edward
4th
.
The
Record
,
208
-
Another
Resumption
3d
and
4th
of
the
same
Reign
,
210
-
In
the
7th
Edward
4th
.
The
King
invites
his
People
from
the
Throne
to
make
an
Act
of
Resumption
,
214
-
A
Resumption
7th
Edward
the
4th
.
The
Record
,
216
-
The
King
by
the
Mouth
of
the
Chancellor
thanks
the
House
of
Commons
for
this
Resumption
.
221
,
222
-
In
the
13th
of
the
same
Reign
there
pass'd
another
Act
of
Resumption
,
222
-
The
Method
which
was
taken
in
this
Reign
to
pay
the
King's
Debts
.
See
the
Record
,
225
-
In
the
1st
of
Henry
7th
there
was
one
General
Act
,
and
afterwards
other
particular
Acts
of
Resumption
,
232
-
What
Sort
of
Resumption
was
made
Ann.
6.
Hen.
8
,
238
-
The
Author
has
himself
examin'd
at
the
Tower
the
French
Records
cited
in
this
Book
,
243
-
All
the
Resumptions
recapitulated
,
244
,
245
-
Several
Observations
upon
these
Acts
of
Resumption
,
245
to
248
-
The
Effects
these
Acts
of
Resumptions
produced
,
249
-
In
what
Posture
the
Crown-Revenue
stood
,
28
&
29
Hen.
6.
ibid.
-
How
it
stood
in
the
Reign
of
Hen.
7.
what
Taxes
he
had
,
and
what
an
immense
Sum
he
left
behind
him
,
249
,
250
-
The
Acts
of
Resumption
principally
put
the
Crown-Revenue
into
the
State
Hen.
7.
left
it
at
his
Death
,
250
-
The
State
of
the
Revenue
,
Anno
12.
Eliz.
252
-
The
Reason
why
no
Resumption
could
be
proper
during
her
Time
,
ibid.
-
Resumptions
talk'd
on
in
the
Reign
of
King
James
the
First
,
ibid.
-
What
Steps
were
made
towards
a
Resumption
in
the
Beginning
of
King
Charles
the
Second's
Reign
,
253
,
254
-
State
of
the
Revenue
at
King
Charles's
Restauration
,
255
-
Sir
John
Fortescue's
Opinion
concerning
Resumptions
,
out
of
a
Manuscript
in
the
Bodleian
Library
,
257
to
262
-
When
the
Debtors
or
Accomptants
to
the
King
have
been
unreasonably
discharg'd
,
Privy-Seals
have
been
revoked
.
The
Record
,
263
SECT.
IV.
That
several
Ministers
of
State
have
been
Impeach'd
in
Parliament
,
for
presuming
to
procure
to
themselves
Grants
of
the
Crown-Revenue
.
-
WHat
sort
of
Power
our
King
's
anciently
had
to
alienate
the
Crown-Revenue
,
274
-
The
Opinion
of
some
Authors
upon
this
Subject
,
275
-
Observations
upon
the
Scaccarium
and
Hanneperium
,
ibid
,
-
In
Alienations
the
King
trusted
as
Head
of
the
Common-wealth
,
278
-
The
Danger
if
Alienations
might
not
be
inquir'd
into
,
279
-
'T
is
manifest
the
Legislature
has
a
Power
to
inquire
into
Grants
,
ibid.
-
Resumptions
an
extraordinary
Exercise
of
the
Legislative
Authority
,
280
-
What
Provision
the
Wisdom
of
the
Law
has
made
,
that
there
may
not
be
occasion
for
'em
,
ibid.
-
If
this
does
not
do
by
calling
corrupt
Ministers
to
an
Accompt
,
281
-
The
Care
Hen.
4.
took
in
the
Revenue
,
and
the
good
Laws
thereunto
relating
,
ibid.
-
The
Effect
it
had
,
283
-
The
Care
our
Ancestors
had
long
before
taken
in
this
Matter
,
284
-
1st
,
By
regulating
the
Expences
of
the
King's
Court
,
ibid.
-
2dly
,
By
desiring
the
King
to
employ
wise
and
able
Men
,
285
-
3dly
,
By
procuring
the
Banishment
of
Strangers
,
who
were
become
a
Burthen
upon
the
Court
,
ibid.
-
4thly
,
By
appointing
Commissioners
to
inspect
the
publick
Accompts
.
The
Record
,
287
-
5thly
,
By
enquiring
into
the
Management
of
particular
Branches
,
290
-
The
Provisions
which
our
Constitution
has
establish'd
,
that
the
King
may
not
be
deceiv'd
,
291
-
The
Progress
Grants
ought
to
make
,
292
-
First
in
the
Treasury
.
The
Treasurer
of
the
Exchequer
,
or
Lord-Treasurer's
Duty
and
Oath
,
ibid.
-
From
thence
the
Grant
goes
to
the
Attorney-General
.
His
Duty
,
204
-
From
thence
to
the
Secretary
of
State
.
His
Duty
,
295
-
From
the
Signet
it
should
go
to
the
Lord
Privy-Seal
.
His
Duty
and
Oath
,
296
-
From
the
Privy-Seal
it
goes
to
the
Lord
Chancellor
.
His
Duty
and
Oath
,
297
-
All
this
inforced
by
a
positive
Law
27
Hen.
8.
298
-
The
Force
of
the
Laws
enervated
by
Clauses
of
Ex
certa
Scientia
,
Graetia
Speciali
,
&
Mero
Motu
;
and
by
Clauses
of
Non
Obstante
,
301
-
Matthew
Paris
his
Opinion
of
these
Clauses
of
Non
Obstante
,
302
-
Of
the
Destinction
the
Lawyers
make
between
Directive
and
Coercive
,
305
-
When
Ministers
have
broke
through
the
Laws
in
this
Matter
of
Grants
,
our
Ancestors
have
proceeded
by
Impeachments
,
307
-
Ranulphus
,
Bishop
of
Durham
,
accus'd
for
Male-Administration
.
His
Character
,
308
-
Pieres
Gaverton
impeach'd
for
procuring
Grants
,
The
Record
,
309
-
Henry
de
Beaumont
accus'd
,
expell'd
the
Council
,
and
banish'd
by
Parliament
from
the
King's
Presence
,
upon
the
same
Accompt
,
313
-
The
Lady
Vescie
accus'd
and
banish'd
the
Court
in
the
same
Manner
,
and
upon
the
same
Accompt
,
314
-
Procuring
Grants
,
one
of
the
principal
Heads
of
Accusation
against
Hugh
Spencer
,
Earl
of
Glocester
,
315
-
In
the
4
Edw.
3.
Articles
were
exhibited
in
Parliament
against
Roger
Mortimer
,
Earl
of
March
;
for
having
procured
to
himself
Grants
of
the
Crown-Revenue
.
The
Record
,
316
-
In
the
10
Rich.
2.
Michael
de
la
Pool
was
impeach'd
,
for
that
being
Chancellor
,
and
sworn
to
the
Kiug's
Profit
,
he
had
procured
to
himself
Grants
of
the
Crown-Revenue
.
The
Judgment
against
him
:
The
Records
,
317
to
323
-
In
the
11
Rich.
2.
the
said
Michael
de
la
Pool
was
again
accus'd
,
Articles
exhibited
against
him
,
for
procuring
Grants
of
the
Crown-Revenues
.
The
Judgmeut
.
The
Record
,
324
-
Symon
de
Beurle
,
Lord
Chamberlain
,
impeach'd
by
the
Commons
,
among
other
Crimes
,
for
having
perswaded
the
King
to
make
Grants
of
the
Crown-Revenue
to
Foreigners
.
The
Record
,
333
-
The
First
Article
against
Richard
the
Second
,
when
he
was
Abdicated
,
That
he
had
given
the
Possessions
of
the
Crown
to
Persons
unworthy
,
338
-
William
de
la
Pool
,
Duke
of
Suffolk
,
impeach'd
by
the
Commons
28
Hen.
6.
for
having
procur'd
to
himself
,
and
those
of
his
Alliance
and
Party
,
Grants
of
the
Crown-Revenue
,
from
340
to
352
-
The
Judgment
against
him
,
353
-
An
Act
of
Resumption
could
not
be
obtain'd
till
the
corrupt
Minister
was
impeach'd
and
banish'd
,
356
-
Articles
against
the
Duke
of
Buckingham
,
385
to
364
-
Character
of
the
Duke
of
Buckingham
,
365
-
How
Favourites
since
have
differ'd
from
him
,
366
-
An
Article
against
the
Earl
os
Strafford
,
ibid.
-
An
Article
against
the
Lord
Chancellor
Clarendon
,
367
-
Articles
against
the
Earl
of
Arlington
,
368
,
369
-
Articles
against
the
Earl
of
Danby
,
Lord
Treasurer
of
England
,
370
,
371
-
How
a
Statesman
is
to
behave
himself
when
he
finds
his
Prince
in
danger
of
being
hurt
by
his
Liberalities
,
373
-
A
Minister
who
cannot
prevent
the
doing
of
irregular
Things
,
ought
to
quit
his
Employment
;
what
Simon
Normannus
did
upon
the
like
Occasion
,
374
-
A
faithful
Minister
ought
to
be
contented
with
moderate
Rewards
,
378
-
Why
Attaindures
have
been
repeal'd
in
England
,
380
-
Other
Countries
as
well
as
England
have
resum'd
the
Crown-Revenues
.
The
Authorities
for
it
cited
by
Grotius
,
380
,
381
-
Male-Administration
in
the
publick
Revenues
punish'd
in
other
Countries
,
381
-
The
Crimen
Peculatus
,
ibid.
-
In
France
several
have
been
capitally
punish'd
for
Frauds
committed
in
the
King's
Revenue
,
382
-
Girard
de
Possi
made
a
Restitution
of
his
own
accord
,
ibid
-
Engherand
le
Portier
punish'd
capitally
for
Frauds
committed
in
the
Revenue
,
383
-
Peter
de
Remy
,
Sieur
de
Montigny
pnnish'd
in
the
same
Manner
,
384
-
John
de
Montaigu
capitally
punish'd
for
the
same
Crime
.
Mezeray's
Character
and
Description
of
this
Man
,
384
,
385
SECT.
V.
That
the
Forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
ought
to
be
applied
towards
Payment
of
the
Publick
Debts
.
-
AN
Accompt
of
the
Deficiencies
,
387
,
388
-
The
Nation
engaged
in
Honour
to
make
'em
good
,
389
-
Fonds
very
difficult
to
find
,
ibid.
-
The
usual
Ways
and
Means
of
raising
Money
considered
,
390
-
Remote
Fonds
dangerous
to
Liberty
391
-
Of
Exchequer
Bills
,
ibid.
-
Whither
a
Resumption
of
the
late
Grants
,
especially
the
forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
,
may
not
save
England
the
Land-Tax
,
393
-
Three
Points
therein
to
be
consider'd
,
1st
,
How
far
it
may
be
consistant
with
the
Honour
of
a
Prince
to
promote
an
Act
of
Resumption
.
394
-
The
most
Magnanimous
of
our
Kings
the
most
free
in
doing
good
to
the
People
.
Examples
of
it
,
394
,
395
-
Henry
the
4th
desired
his
Privy-Council
might
be
nam'd
and
appointed
in
Parliament
.
The
Record
,
395
-
Good
Kings
frugal
of
the
Nations
Treasure
.
Examples
of
it
,
397
-
Galant
Princes
desire
to
make
their
People
easie
,
instanc'd
in
Henry
the
4th
of
France
,
ibid.
-
Clamorous
Debts
dishonourable
to
a
Prince
,
401
-
How
many
great
and
warlike
Kings
in
England
have
resum'd
,
402
-
2dly
,
What
Interest
the
People
of
England
have
in
the
Lands
granted
away
,
403
-
How
far
a
Prince
can
alienate
,
&c.
The
Opinion
of
several
eminent
Civilians
in
the
Case
,
403
,
404
-
What
a
Prince
conquers
at
his
private
Expence
,
is
at
his
own
Disposal
,
407
-
But
't
is
otherwise
if
the
Expedition
be
made
at
the
common
Expence
of
his
People
,
409
-
An
Accompt
of
the
Expences
for
the
Reduction
of
Ireland
,
410
,
411
-
The
Four
Millions
expended
in
this
War
,
give
the
People
of
England
a
Title
to
the
Irish
Forfeitures
,
411
-
Whether
this
Title
be
lost
or
laps'd
for
want
of
putting
in
a
Claim
,
416
-
Proceedings
in
Parliament
,
in
relation
to
the
Irish
Forfeitures
,
417
to
427
-
3dly
,
How
far
in
an
Act
of
Resumption
it
is
just
and
reasonable
to
look
backwards
,
428
-
How
the
Presidents
run
,
428
to
430
-
The
generality
of
the
Presidents
reach
only
to
the
present
,
or
the
Reign
immediately
preceding
,
431
-
Whether
by
the
Rules
of
Justice
,
the
Grants
made
by
King
Charles
the
Second
may
be
resumed
,
440
,
441
-
The
Difference
stated
between
his
Grants
and
these
lately
made
,
442
to
444
-
Conclusion
,
446
ADVERTISEMENT
.
THis
BOOK
having
been
Printed
off
in
haste
,
some
Litteral
Errors
may
probably
have
escaped
Correction
;
which
the
Reader
is
desir'd
to
amend
with
his
Pen.
BOOKS
Printed
for
,
and
sold
by
J.
Knapton
,
at
the
Crown
,
in
St.
Paul's
Church-yard
.
DIscourses
on
the
Publick
Revenues
,
and
on
the
Trade
of
England
.
In
Two
Parts
,
viz.
I.
Of
the
Use
of
Political
Arithmetick
,
in
all
Considerations
about
the
Revenues
and
Trade
.
II.
On
Credit
,
and
the
Means
and
Methods
by
which
it
may
be
restored
.
III.
On
the
Management
of
the
King's
Revenues
.
IV.
Whether
to
Farm
the
Revenues
,
may
not
,
in
this
Juncture
,
be
most
for
the
Publick
Service
?
V.
On
the
Publick
Debts
and
Engagements
.
By
the
Author
of
,
The
Essay
on
Ways
and
Means
.
Part
1.
To
which
is
added
,
A
Discourse
upon
Improving
the
Revenue
of
the
State
of
Athens
.
Discourses
on
the
Publick
Revenues
,
and
on
the
Trade
of
England
;
which
more
immediately
treat
of
the
Foreign
Traffick
of
this
Kingdom
,
viz.
I.
That
the
Foreign
Trade
is
beneficial
to
England
.
II.
On
the
Protection
and
Care
of
Trade
.
III.
On
the
Plantation
Trade
.
IV.
On
the
East-India
Trade
.
By
the
Author
of
,
The
Essay
on
Ways
and
Means
.
Part
II.
To
which
is
added
,
the
late
Essay
on
the
East-India
Trade
.
By
the
same
Hand
.
An
Essay
upon
the
probable
Methods
of
Making
a
People
Gainers
in
the
Ballance
of
Trade
.
Treating
of
these
Heads
;
viz.
Of
the
People
of
England
;
or
the
Land
of
England
,
and
in
what
Manner
the
Ballance
of
Trade
may
be
thereby
affected
.
That
a
Country
cannot
increase
in
Wealth
and
Power
,
but
by
private
Men
doing
their
Duty
to
the
Publick
,
and
but
by
a
steady
Course
of
Henesty
and
Wisdom
,
in
such
as
are
trusted
with
the
Administration
of
Affairs
.
By
the
Author
of
,
The
Essay
on
Ways
and
Means
.
Dampier's
Voyages
.
In
2
Vol.
80
Wafer's
Descriptions
of
the
Isthmns
of
Darien
.
In
Octavo
.
Hacke's
Collection
of
Voyages
.
In
Octavo
.
Clark's
Essay
.
In
Octavo
.
Reflection
on
Amintor
.
Wingate's
Arithmetick
.
The
Memoirs
of
Monsieur
Pontis
,
who
served
in
the
French
Armies
56
Years
.
Translated
by
Ch.
Cotton
,
Esq
Fol.
Malbranch's
Treatise
of
Morality
.
In
Octavo
.
A
DISCOURSE
UPON
GRANTS
.
SECT
I.
INTRODUCTION
.
ALL
Governments
,
well
and
wisely
constituted
,
as
soon
as
they
began
to
form
themselves
into
a
Politick
Existence
,
have
separated
from
Private
Use
a
certain
Proportion
of
their
Wealth
,
and
assign'd
it
to
the
Uses
of
the
Publick
:
And
this
has
not
only
been
thought
a
point
of
Wisdom
by
Particular
Nations
,
but
Confederated
Cities
and
States
have
done
the
same
;
for
the
Grecians
had
a
Common
Treasury
kept
in
the
Temple
of
Apollo
Delphicus
,
ready
at
all
times
to
supply
such
Affairs
as
they
manag'd
with
united
Councils
.
'T
is
so
necessary
to
particular
Nations
,
that
there
never
was
a
Common-wealth
without
a
Publick
Stock
,
which
was
either
great
or
little
;
sometimes
according
as
the
State
continued
in
Peace
,
or
was
harrass'd
with
Wars
;
but
most
commonly
according
to
the
Prudence
or
Weakness
of
such
as
Govern'd
;
for
there
have
been
Examples
(
as
shall
be
shewn
by
and
by
)
of
States
wisely
rul'd
whom
Wars
have
inrich'd
,
and
of
others
loosely
manag'd
that
have
been
impoverish'd
in
times
of
the
profoundest
Peace
.
Commonwealths
either
in
their
first
Institution
have
alotted
part
of
their
Territory
,
or
in
their
further
Progress
have
assign'd
part
of
the
Lands
coming
to
'em
by
Conquest
for
the
constant
Services
of
the
State
,
both
in
War
and
in
Peace
;
and
this
they
probably
did
,
that
they
might
not
be
compell'd
,
at
every
turn
,
to
call
upon
the
People
for
Contributions
.
Where
the
Government
has
been
by
a
Single
Person
,
the
Prince
has
had
his
Portion
of
Land
for
his
domestick
Expences
,
as
appears
in
the
Instance
of
Tarquin
,
whose
Fields
upon
his
Expulsion
were
made
Publick
;
but
the
Burthen
of
any
War
lay
upon
the
whole
.
In
the
Kingships
settled
by
the
Hunns
,
Goths
and
Vandals
,
where
the
Expedition
was
at
the
Common
Expence
of
all
,
the
Conquer'd
Country
was
divided
.
The
Prince
had
his
Proportion
,
his
principal
Captains
and
Commanders
had
theirs
,
and
the
Common
Soldier
was
not
without
his
Share
:
Thus
Genserick
King
of
the
Vandals
,
when
he
prevail'd
in
Africk
reserv'd
to
himself
the
Provinces
Bizacena
,
Azuritana
,
Getulia
,
and
part
of
Numidia
;
and
to
his
Army
he
destributed
by
way
of
Inheritance
Zeugitana
,
and
Affrica
Proconsularis
.
In
the
Establishments
made
by
the
Northern
Nations
,
in
consideration
of
the
Lands
so
held
,
certain
Services
were
due
from
the
Soldier
to
his
Captain
,
and
from
the
Captain
to
the
Prince
;
and
upon
the
strength
of
such
Tenures
,
in
after
times
,
the
Descendants
of
these
People
,
and
their
Kings
,
did
subsist
and
make
their
Wars
:
but
of
this
in
another
place
.
What
they
thus
took
,
or
what
was
alotted
to
'em
as
their
Share
by
Compact
among
their
Followers
,
Good
Princes
have
always
reckon'd
as
belonging
to
the
Publick
,
and
they
always
made
a
Distinction
between
what
they
held
in
their
Private
Capacities
,
and
what
they
held
as
Publick
Persons
,
and
Heads
of
the
Commonwealth
.
And
tho
in
the
Eastern
Monarchies
erected
by
Force
,
and
which
were
Invasions
upon
the
Common
Rights
of
Mankind
,
the
Prince
might
account
himself
Supream
and
uncontrollable
Lord
of
the
whole
,
and
not
bounded
by
any
Laws
;
and
tho
these
Tyrants
look'd
upon
the
People
as
no
better
than
so
many
Herds
of
Cattle
,
yet
it
was
not
so
in
the
Roman
Government
as
't
was
model'd
by
Augustus
,
and
as
he
meant
it
should
be
transmitted
to
his
Successors
;
and
most
certainly
it
was
otherwise
in
the
several
Kingdoms
erected
by
the
Hunns
,
Goths
,
and
Vandals
,
upon
the
Ruins
of
the
Roman
Empire
.
All
which
shall
manifestly
appear
in
the
Series
of
this
Discourse
.
Good
Princes
have
not
only
made
a
Distinction
between
what
was
their
own
Patrimonially
,
as
the
Civil
Law
Books
term
it
,
and
what
the
Stte
had
an
Interest
in
,
but
many
of
them
,
as
we
shall
show
by
and
by
,
in
Care
of
the
Publick
,
and
right
Oeconomy
,
have
equal'd
the
most
prudent
Commonwealths
.
And
no
doubt
such
Thrift
was
always
esteem'd
a
Point
of
the
highest
Wisdom
,
because
,
the
expences
of
War
consider'd
,
even
in
the
remotest
times
,
shatter'd
indigent
Governments
,
and
wanting
Princes
,
have
been
seldom
known
to
compasa
great
things
;
besides
,
being
without
Money
,
the
Nerves
of
War
,
they
are
obnoxious
to
the
Insults
and
Invasions
of
their
Neighbours
;
not
but
that
wealthy
Countreys
have
been
and
may
be
invaded
,
but
we
mean
that
those
Nations
are
most
liable
to
be
over-run
,
and
conquer'd
,
where
the
People
are
Rich
,
and
where
,
for
want
of
good
Conduct
,
the
Publick
is
poor
.
Moreover
,
there
are
infinite
Examples
in
History
,
of
Kings
,
whose
Necessities
have
made
Taxes
,
too
often
repeated
,
the
only
Fault
in
their
Reigns
,
and
who
have
thereby
lost
the
Affection
of
their
Subjects
.
But
setting
aside
the
Dangers
,
Foreign
and
Domestick
,
that
arise
from
Profusion
in
what
belongs
to
the
Publick
,
it
depraves
all
the
different
ranks
of
men
;
for
in
profuse
Governments
it
has
been
ever
observ'd
that
the
People
from
bad
Example
have
grown
lazy
and
expensive
,
the
Court
has
become
luxurious
and
mercenary
,
and
the
Camp
insolent
and
seditious
.
Where
wasting
the
Publick
Treasure
has
obtain'd
in
a
Court
,
all
good
Order
is
banish'd
,
because
he
who
would
promote
it
,
and
be
frugal
for
his
Prince
,
is
look'd
upon
as
a
common
Enemy
to
all
the
rest
;
Virtue
is
neglected
,
which
raises
men
by
leisurely
steps
,
when
Vice
and
Flattery
will
in
a
little
time
,
in
a
Ministry
who
mind
not
what
is
given
away
,
bring
a
man
to
a
great
Estate
;
nor
is
Industry
cultivated
,
where
he
does
his
business
sufficiently
,
who
knows
which
way
to
apply
,
and
how
to
beg
in
a
lucky
and
critical
moment
:
And
,
at
such
a
Season
,
many
of
the
Peoples
Representatives
lose
their
Integrity
,
when
they
see
others
running
from
every
Bench
to
share
in
the
universal
Plunder
of
a
Nation
.
Kings
reduced
to
Streights
,
either
by
their
own
,
or
by
the
negligence
of
their
Predecessors
,
have
been
always
involved
in
dark
and
mean
Intreagues
;
They
have
been
forc'd
to
court
such
as
in
their
Hearts
they
abhor
,
and
to
frown
upon
those
whose
Abilities
and
Virtues
they
secretly
approve
of
and
Reverence
,
instead
of
being
Heads
of
the
whole
Commonwealth
,
as
in
Law
and
in
Reason
they
ought
to
be
,
they
have
often
been
compell'd
to
put
themselves
in
the
Front
,
sometimes
of
one
,
and
sometimes
of
another
Party
,
as
they
saw
it
prevalent
:
A
Policy
in
the
end
ever
fatal
to
Rulers
.
Being
intangled
,
they
have
been
constrain'd
to
bring
into
the
cheif
Administration
of
their
affairs
Projectors
,
and
Inventors
of
new
Taxes
,
who
being
hateful
to
the
People
,
seldom
fail
of
bringing
Odium
upon
their
Master
:
And
these
little
Fellows
,
whose
only
skill
lies
that
way
,
when
they
become
Ministers
,
being
commonly
of
the
lower
Rank
of
Understandings
,
manage
accordingly
;
for
their
own
Ignorance
in
matters
of
Government
,
occasions
more
necessities
than
their
Arts
of
raising
Money
are
able
to
supply
;
but
wanting
States
make
use
of
these
sort
of
men
,
and
Princes
often
think
they
are
well
serv'd
by
such
,
because
now
and
then
they
can
palliate
present
Evils
,
but
they
do
but
film
over
a
Sore
,
which
breaks
out
afterwards
with
greater
Rancour
;
whereas
able
Statesmen
would
obviate
the
Mischief
in
its
growth
,
and
,
by
wholsome
Councels
,
restrain
their
Masters
Bounty
before
he
has
nothing
left
to
give
,
and
before
his
People
are
weary
of
feeding
endless
Expences
:
But
one
of
the
worst
Effects
of
Poverty
in
a
State
is
,
that
it
frights
such
as
are
able
to
mend
things
,
men
of
sublime
Skill
,
Integrity
,
and
Virtue
,
from
meddling
in
Affairs
;
for
they
well
know
how
clamorous
,
slippery
,
and
difficult
the
Ministerial
Part
of
Government
proves
when
a
Nation
is
plung'd
in
Debts
,
which
generally
,
in
all
times
,
have
produc'd
so
many
Hurricanes
,
and
popular
Storms
,
as
have
made
wise
men
,
at
such
a
season
,
not
desire
to
hold
the
Helm
;
and
this
has
fatal
Consequences
,
for
then
the
Ship
is
left
to
the
Guidance
of
giddy
and
unskilful
Pilots
.
All
this
good
Princes
have
ever
observ'd
;
and
when
either
the
greatness
of
their
Minds
,
or
the
Benignity
of
their
Nature
,
has
led
them
to
be
too
open
handed
,
they
have
retreated
as
soon
as
possible
from
so
false
and
dangerous
a
step
.
But
lest
they
should
be
careless
in
a
point
so
necessary
to
the
Common
welfare
,
and
so
much
for
their
own
Preservation
,
the
Wisdom
of
the
Laws
has
provided
for
their
Safety
in
this
matter
,
which
fence
the
Prince's
Revenue
with
divers
Constitutions
and
Restrictions
,
all
intended
to
preserve
it
from
the
Rapine
of
those
about
him
;
in
order
to
which
the
Politic
of
well
near
all
Countries
has
contriv'd
that
his
Gifts
should
pass
and
be
register'd
in
several
Offices
,
to
the
end
that
either
some
faithful
Minister
should
put
him
in
mind
,
or
that
he
himself
should
have
leisure
to
repent
of
Liberalities
detrimental
to
the
Publick
.
Not
only
the
Law
of
this
Kingdom
,
but
of
other
Places
,
and
the
Roman
Laws
,
provide
that
the
Prince
should
not
be
deceiv'd
in
his
Grants
;
for
he
whose
Thoughts
are
employed
in
the
weighty
Cares
of
Empire
,
is
not
presum'd
to
inspect
minuter
things
,
so
carefully
as
Private
Persons
;
The
Laws
therefore
relieve
him
against
the
Surprizes
and
Machinations
of
Deceitful
Men.
For
his
further
Security
the
Laws
likewise
inflict
severe
Punishments
upon
those
who
defraud
him
in
his
Stores
,
Treasure
,
or
Revenues
,
counting
such
Publick
Robbers
more
Criminal
than
petty
and
common
Theives
.
But
the
Laws
seem
chiefly
levell'd
against
those
in
whom
he
reposes
the
greatest
Trust
,
therefore
the
Legislative
Power
of
all
Countrys
has
rigorously
animadverted
upon
such
Ministers
and
Officers
,
through
whose
Fraud
,
Negligence
,
or
Crime
,
his
affairs
have
suffered
any
damage
,
of
which
in
its
proper
Place
we
shall
give
variety
of
Presidents
.
And
when
he
has
been
exhausted
by
the
too
great
Munificence
of
his
own
Temper
,
and
through
the
false
Representations
,
and
subtle
Contrivances
of
those
about
him
,
and
when
thereby
the
Publick
has
become
weak
,
ruined
,
and
unable
to
protect
it self
,
he
has
been
assisted
by
the
Laws
,
and
such
as
have
been
vigilant
for
his
safety
,
jealous
of
his
honour
,
and
careful
for
the
common
Good
,
have
thought
it
their
Duty
to
look
into
his
Gifts
,
and
to
resume
his
Grants
,
of
which
we
shall
give
divers
Instances
and
Examples
.
But
notwithstanding
the
Wisdom
of
the
Laws
,
and
of
Law-makers
,
it
has
been
always
a
Point
of
the
highest
difficulty
to
keep
within
its
proper
Veins
this
Lifc
▪
blood
of
the
Body
Politick
,
so
prone
have
corrupt
Ministers
ever
been
to
urge
Princes
to
needless
and
destructive
Bounty
,
especially
when
they
themselves
are
to
be
the
largest
sharers
in
it
.
Kings
are
the
Fathers
of
their
Country
,
but
unless
they
keep
their
own
Estates
,
they
are
such
Fathers
as
the
Sons
maintain
,
which
is
against
the
order
of
Nature
,
who
makes
all
these
Cares
descend
,
and
places
Fostering
,
Nourishment
,
and
Protection
in
the
Parent
;
but
the
Prince
is
our
common
Father
,
and
therefore
all
that
tends
to
his
Safety
,
Ease
,
and
State
,
is
due
to
him
,
however
the
less
he
is
necessittaed
to
depend
upon
his
Children
,
the
more
he
is
respected
.
And
Kings
are
not
to
accompt
themselves
Fathers
of
a
Party
only
,
or
of
none
but
those
who
rush
into
the
Presence
and
whisper
to
'em
,
they
are
Fathers
of
the
whole
Body
of
the
People
;
They
are
not
to
reckon
themselves
Fathers
of
of
their
Favorites
only
,
as
Harry
the
3d
of
France
did
,
who
said
he
Would
grow
a
good
husband
when
he
had
marrye●
his
Children
the
Dukes
of
Joyeuse
and
Espernon
:
Their
Paternal
Affection
is
to
reach
to
all
their
subjects
.
And
as
in
a
private
Family
,
Partiality
to
one
Brother
begets
Hatred
and
Divisions
,
so
in
a
Nation
it
produces
Discontent
and
Heartburnings
to
see
three
or
four
,
without
any
superior
Merit
,
lifted
high
over
all
the
rest
,
inriched
with
the
Universal
Spoils
of
a
Country
,
and
wallowing
in
Luxury
and
Wealth
,
while
the
whole
People
groans
under
heavy
Burthens
.
Not
that
Mankind
repine
that
the
Prince
should
have
Friends
,
with
whom
he
may
communicate
his
Thoughts
,
and
unbend
his
Cares
,
nor
to
see
such
Friends
the
better
for
his
Favours
,
't
is
warranted
by
Examples
in
the
best
Reigns
;
Mecaenas
and
Agrippa
,
cherish'd
,
inrich'd
,
and
promoted
by
Augustus
,
were
yet
as
dear
to
the
rest
of
Rome
,
as
they
were
to
that
wise
Emperor
:
But
they
behold
with
Indignation
Men
exalted
,
who
return
not
to
the
Prince
reciprocal
kindness
,
who
abuse
his
Favours
,
who
sell
his
Words
,
who
,
by
false
Representations
,
traduce
all
others
,
that
they
may
engross
him
to
themselves
;
who
arrogate
to
themselves
all
the
Good
,
and
lay
upon
him
the
blame
of
unfortunate
Councils
,
who
have
no
regard
to
his
Honor
,
when
their
own
Safety
is
in
question
,
whose
Advices
tend
to
their
own
private
Profit
,
without
Consideration
of
their
Master's
,
or
the
Publick
Welfare
;
who
draw
all
Lines
to
their
own
corrupted
Center
,
whose
Ambition
is
not
gratify'd
with
any
Honors
,
and
whose
Avarice
is
not
satiated
with
multiplicity
of
Employments
,
nor
with
repeated
Gifts
and
Grants
out
of
a
stript
Revenue
,
and
an
exhausted
Exchequer
.
'T
is
such
a
sort
of
Favourites
and
Ministers
that
the
People
hate
,
and
exclaim
against
,
and
whose
Heads
they
commonly
reach
at
last
.
Without
any
regard
whither
or
no
it
be
between
Sun
and
Sun
,
if
the
Prince
is
robb'd
the
Country
pays
it
;
and
therefore
when
the
Hue
and
Cry
hotly
pursues
the
Robbers
,
Governments
are
not
to
wonder
:
'T
is
true
,
they
now
and
then
escape
,
especially
when
in
their
Depredations
upon
the
Publick
there
are
a
great
many
concern'd
,
and
when
they
have
made
so
large
a
Booty
,
that
they
become
safe
by
the
multitude
of
those
who
have
been
Partakers
in
it
(
for
it
has
been
the
constant
Course
of
Ministers
who
would
rob
a
Nation
with
Impunity
,
to
give
to
all
that
ask
,
and
to
refuse
no
man
who
has
either
Interest
or
Parts
,
that
fortify'd
by
a
strong
Confederacy
they
may
bear
down
all
sort
of
Inquisition
and
outbrave
the
Laws
)
but
very
often
the
wants
of
the
people
,
crying
aloud
,
have
awaken'd
good
Patriots
,
and
bold
Spirits
,
whom
neither
the
Power
,
nor
the
Number
of
the
Offenders
,
could
affright
;
and
these
Lovers
of
our
Constitution
,
in
many
former
Reigns
(
as
shall
be
shown
in
the
progress
of
this
Discourse
)
have
couragiously
attack'd
,
and
brought
to
Condemnation
,
persons
in
the
highest
places
of
Authority
,
who
,
in
breach
of
their
Trust
,
had
presum'd
to
procure
to
themselves
Grants
of
the
Kings
Lands
or
Treasure
,
and
who
had
converted
to
their
own
use
what
was
given
and
intended
for
the
Maintenance
and
Preservation
of
the
State
.
Princes
,
when
they
come
to
know
the
true
state
of
things
,
are
not
unwilling
to
prevent
their
own
Ruin
,
which
is
manifest
from
this
,
That
the
most
Wise
,
Valiant
,
and
most
Heroick
of
our
Kings
(
as
shall
likewise
appear
by
and
by
)
have
given
way
to
Inquiries
of
this
nature
,
and
not
thought
it
inconsistent
with
their
Royal
Dignity
and
Honor
,
to
resume
even
their
own
Grants
,
when
they
have
been
represented
by
the
whole
Body
of
their
People
as
hurtful
to
the
Common-wealth
.
In
Democratical
Governments
War
did
commonly
unite
the
minds
of
men
;
when
they
had
Enemies
abroad
they
did
not
contend
with
one
another
at
home
,
which
produc'd
one
good
effect
,
that
then
the
Administration
of
Affairs
was
left
to
the
best
and
ablest
Hands
.
They
chose
for
their
mutual
Strivings
,
for
setting
afoot
Factions
and
dangerous
Brigues
,
times
of
the
profoundest
Peace
,
and
at
such
seasons
men
grown
Popular
by
wicked
Arts
,
ambitious
Pretenders
,
light
Orators
,
and
the
worst
sort
of
Citizens
,
had
the
most
sway
and
Authority
among
the
People
,
which
occasion'd
Phocion
to
utter
these
memorable
words
to
one
of
this
stamp
,
I
am
at
present
against
War
,
tho
it
puts
the
Power
into
my
Hands
,
and
tho
such
turbulent
and
naughty
Spirits
as
you
are
,
govern
all
things
in
times
of
Peace
.
But
notwithstanding
it
has
thus
happen'd
in
some
Commonwealths
,
it
has
prov'd
otherwise
in
mix'd
Governments
,
where
the
several
parts
of
the
Constitution
have
their
distinct
Powers
,
Rights
and
Priviledges
:
And
particularly
in
this
Kingdom
it
has
been
seen
that
mens
minds
have
been
most
disunited
,
when
there
was
the
greatest
need
of
Concord
.
Among
us
heretofore
foreign
Wars
,
instead
of
allaying
Factions
for
the
present
,
have
set
'em
in
a
higher
Flame
,
and
,
contrary
to
antient
Prudence
,
when
we
wanted
the
best
,
the
worst
men
have
got
to
be
at
the
Head
of
business
:
All
which
did
chiefly
proceed
from
the
Necessities
to
which
our
Princes
were
reduc'd
by
their
Expeditions
abroad
:
For
War
occasions
Taxes
,
Taxes
bring
Want
,
Want
produces
Discontent
,
and
the
Discontents
of
the
People
were
ever
the
best
Materials
for
designing
and
ambitious
men
to
work
upon
;
when
the
People
is
griev'd
and
sullen
,
Parties
are
easily
form'd
;
when
Parties
are
form'd
,
at
first
they
let
themselves
be
advised
and
ruled
by
such
as
have
true
Publick
Zeal
and
Virtue
,
but
of
those
they
grow
quickly
weary
,
and
then
they
fall
into
the
hands
of
such
as
only
make
a
false
Profession
of
it
,
and
in
a
little
time
they
are
entirely
directed
by
Persons
,
whose
sole
drift
is
to
build
their
own
Fortunes
upon
the
Ruins
of
their
Country
;
in
the
mean
while
the
strength
and
number
of
their
Party
makes
these
leading
men
powerful
,
and
gives
'em
such
weight
that
they
must
be
courted
,
preferr'd
and
bought
;
often
they
must
have
one
half
to
procure
the
other
;
and
so
considerable
do
they
grow
,
that
if
they
are
suffer'd
,
they
presently
invade
all
Offices
and
Employments
,
in
which
when
they
are
securely
planted
,
they
likewise
give
to
one
another
all
the
Lands
and
Revenues
of
the
State
:
And
our
Histories
shew
,
that
in
former
times
,
Princes
reduc'd
to
streights
by
War
,
have
been
forc'd
to
wink
at
this
,
and
to
permit
these
busie
men
,
then
thought
necessary
,
to
do
all
,
engross
all
,
Rob
the
Publick
,
share
the
Crown
Lands
,
and
in
short
to
commit
what
other
waste
they
please
.
Thus
as
in
Commonwealths
the
worst
men
are
most
powerful
in
times
of
Peace
,
under
Regal
Governments
they
are
strongest
and
ablest
to
do
hurt
in
times
of
War
:
But
whereas
in
Common-wealths
Peace
has
brought
sundry
Mischiefs
,
in
the
Government
by
Kings
it
often
produces
good
order
,
and
better
Administration
;
for
several
of
our
Princes
,
whose
Necessities
compell'd
'em
to
endure
the
Rapine
of
their
Ministers
in
time
of
War
,
have
,
in
times
of
Peace
,
divested
those
Publick
Robbers
of
their
unlawful
and
outragious
Plunder
.
We
have
now
upon
the
Throne
a
King
willing
and
able
to
correct
the
Abuses
of
the
Age
,
Willing
from
the
wisdom
of
his
Mind
,
and
the
goodness
of
his
Temper
,
Able
from
that
Power
and
Strong
Interest
which
his
Courage
and
his
other
numberless
Virtues
have
procur'd
Him
in
the
Hearts
and
Affections
of
his
People
.
Men
readily
obey
and
follow
him
whom
they
reverence
,
for
which
reason
some
Philosophers
have
placed
the
Original
of
Power
in
Admiration
,
either
of
surpassing
Form
,
great
Valour
,
or
Superior
Understanding
;
Heroick
Kings
,
whose
high
Perfections
have
made
'em
awful
to
their
Subjects
,
can
struggle
with
,
and
subdue
the
Corruption
of
the
times
;
A
Hercules
can
cleause
the
Augean
Stable
of
the
●ilth
which
had
not
been
swept
away
in
thirty
years
.
Princes
whom
their
Effeminacy
,
Weakness
,
or
Levity
have
rendred
contemptible
,
may
fear
Idols
of
their
own
making
,
and
stand
in
awe
of
Men
become
terrible
,
only
by
greatness
derived
from
them
.
They
may
be
affraid
to
pull
down
Ministers
,
and
favorites
,
grown
formidable
by
the
united
Councils
of
their
Faction
,
by
the
Number
of
their
Followers
,
and
strength
of
their
Adherents
,
and
so
let
male-administration
proceed
on
,
as
thinking
it
too
big
to
be
amended
;
but
magnanimous
Kings
,
who
have
the
People
of
their
side
,
need
entertain
no
such
Thoughts
and
Apprehensions
:
they
know
that
these
Top-heavy
buildings
▪
rear'd
up
to
an
invidious
height
,
and
which
have
no
solid
Foundation
in
Merit
,
are
in
a
Moment
blown
down
by
the
breath
of
Kings
.
Good
Persons
indeed
,
grown
great
and
popular
from
the
●ame
of
their
real
Worth
and
Virtues
,
may
perhaps
be
dreadful
to
bad
Rulers
,
but
bad
Men
,
let
'em
have
never
so
much
seeming
Greatness
,
and
Power
,
are
very
rarely
dangerous
to
good
Princes
.
The
Cabals
of
a
Party
,
the
Intreague●
of
a
Court
,
nor
the
Difficulties
some
may
pretend
to
bring
upon
his
affairs
,
never
terrify
a
Wise
and
Stout
King
,
bent
to
reform
the
State
,
who
has
the
love
of
hi●
People
,
and
whose
Interest
is
one
an●
the
same
with
Theirs
.
We
have
neve●
yet
heard
of
a
Tumult
raised
to
rescue
●
Minister
whom
his
Master
desired
to
bring
to
a
fair
Accompt
;
On
the
contrary
,
to
see
upstarts
,
and
worthless
Men
,
inrich●
with
Spoils
of
a
Country
,
has
been
th●
Occasion
of
many
popular
Seditions
,
which
wise
Kings
have
appeased
by
a
just
and
timely
Sacrifice
.
None
are
so
able
to
mend
what
is
amiss
in
State
as
Kings
who
enjoy
their
Crown
from
the
Subjects
Gift
;
May
be
it
has
been
sometimes
thought
harsh
in
those
who
were
born
in
Purple
to
look
into
abuses
with
a
Stricter
Eye
than
their
Predecessors
;
But
Elected
Kings
are
presum'd
to
come
in
upon
the
Foot
of
Reformation
,
and
so
are
justifyed
,
by
the
Voices
of
all
Mankind
,
in
pursuing
the
Ends
for
which
they
were
called
by
the
People
;
If
therefore
such
Kings
are
severe
in
looking
into
their
Accompts
,
If
they
are
frugal
of
the
Publick
Money
,
If
they
examin
into
the
Corruption
of
their
Officers
,
If
they
enquire
into
the
sudden
and
exorbitant
Wealth
of
those
who
have
had
the
handling
of
their
Treasure
,
If
they
rigorously
punish
such
as
in
breach
of
their
Trust
,
and
contrary
to
their
Oaths
,
have
converted
to
their
own
use
what
belongs
to
the
State
,
If
they
abandon
and
resign
into
the
hands
of
Justice
such
as
have
robb'd
them
and
the
Publick
,
If
they
resume
what
has
been
obtain'd
fraudulently
by
surprize
,
and
upon
wrong
suggestions
,
and
If
they
take
back
what
was
too
great
to
give
,
and
much
too
great
to
be
ask'd
,
't
is
with
the
universal
Applause
of
the
People
,
whom
this
Care
relieves
from
frequent
and
heavy
Taxes
.
There
is
no
Good
which
may
not
be
expected
from
the
Wisdom
and
Resolution
of
the
Prince
who
now
fills
the
Throne
:
When
he
came
over
hither
he
found
many
of
the
Chief
Rank
and
Figure
overwhelm'd
in
Publick
and
Private
Vices
,
and
in
a
Country
so
corrupted
,
't
was
difficult
to
have
a
virtuous
Court
.
They
who
should
have
help'd
him
to
mend
Things
,
were
readier
to
promote
the
Disorders
by
which
they
might
thrive
,
than
to
set
afoot
a
Frugality
,
under
which
they
could
not
so
well
do
their
own
business
;
If
they
had
Preach'd
up
Thrift
,
as
necessary
to
carry
on
a
long
and
expensive
War
,
with
what
Face
could
such
a
Great
Man
have
begg'd
such
a
parcel
of
the
Crown
Lands
,
one
a
vast
sum
of
Mony
,
another
this
forfeited
Estate
,
One
so
much
Timber
out
of
the
Forrest
,
his
Friend
such
a
Reversion
,
his
Friends
Friend
such
a
large
Pension
?
And
if
they
had
held
the
Purse
close
shut
up
to
others
,
they
must
have
blush'd
when
they
were
begging
so
much
for
themselves
.
All
these
disorders
are
to
be
attributed
to
the
Corruption
of
the
Times
,
and
to
the
necessities
thereby
introduc'd
,
when
Parties
were
to
be
gratified
,
when
turbulent
Spirits
,
who
could
obstruct
affairs
were
to
be
quieted
,
and
when
too
many
expected
to
be
paid
for
preserving
themselves
,
and
their
own
Country
from
a
foreign
Enemy
;
Insomuch
that
when
our
Story
comes
to
be
read
hereafter
,
Posterity
will
wonder
(
where
the
Subjects
were
so
craving
at
Court
,
and
in
another
Place
)
how
the
Prince
could
save
,
from
such
a
Number
of
Spoilers
,
wherewithal
to
carry
on
his
Wars
abroad
.
The
Kings
admirable
Conduct
has
waded
through
all
these
Difficulties
,
He
has
given
as
a
Peace
when
the
continuance
of
the
War
was
desired
by
too
many
at
home
,
as
better
conducing
to
their
dark
designs
.
At
his
first
coming
over
he
sav'd
that
Religion
which
our
mean
Complyance
under
former
Princes
had
put
in
danger
.
His
prudence
kept
for
ten
years
a
People
,
divided
amongst
themselves
,
united
against
the
Common
Enemy
.
All
the
Misfortunes
in
his
Reign
have
been
the
Result
of
our
proper
Corruptions
,
all
the
Good
the
Effects
of
his
own
Wisdom
,
and
his
Virtues
will
at
last
bear
down
,
and
master
all
our
Vices
.
He
first
form'd
that
League
which
has
preserved
the
Liberties
of
Europe
.
He
has
with
a
Confederate
Army
manag'd
a
long
War
,
and
brought
it
to
a
good
Conclusion
,
of
which
there
are
but
few
Examples
in
History
;
for
tho
the
beginnings
of
Confederacies
have
been
always
vigorous
,
and
successful
,
their
Progress
has
been
generally
feeble
,
and
Event
unfortunate
.
By
his
Interest
and
Power
he
has
made
a
King
of
Poland
,
an
Elector
of
Collein
,
and
erected
a
ninth
Electorate
in
the
Empire
.
He
has
restored
the
Duke
of
Lorraine
,
and
taken
the
Bridle
off
from
the
Heads
of
the
Italian
Princes
,
by
having
been
the
Cause
that
Cazal
and
Pignerol
were
demollish
d.
He
has
procur'd
advantageous
Terms
for
all
his
Allies
.
He
has
caused
fortified
Towns
and
large
Provinces
to
be
restor'd
,
which
had
been
couquer'd
long
before
He
forced
his
Potent
Neighbour
to
make
the
the
first
Advances
towards
a
Peace
,
which
is
more
than
Wise
Men
,
when
the
War
began
,
could
promise
to
themselves
in
their
most
Sanguine
Hopes
.
He
made
himself
be
sought
to
when
his
Enemies
prosper'd
,
and
when
the
Confederate
affairs
declin'd
.
All
which
are
manifest
Proofs
that
he
is
as
Great
in
the
Cabinet
as
in
the
Field
.
And
,
to
Crown
all
his
Glories
,
by
one
Act
he
has
shown
his
Goodness
to
humane
kind
,
and
given
a
Demonstration
that
he
never
desired
Power
but
for
the
Benefit
of
others
:
His
so
cheerfully
disbanding
the
Army
at
the
request
of
his
Parlament
,
is
a
Proof
,
beyond
all
Contradiction
,
that
he
both
Loves
and
Trusts
his
subjects
,
and
that
his
Noble
Mind
,
conscious
of
no
ill
is
apprehensive
of
no
Danger
.
While
Tyrants
,
who
inslave
their
Country
,
are
affraid
tho
inviron'd
with
Numerous
Troops
,
He
knew
himself
to
be
sufficiently
guarded
by
the
Affections
of
his
People
:
Many
Princes
who
have
taken
up
Arms
to
relieve
an
oppress'd
Nation
,
have
made
it
appear
,
in
the
course
of
their
Proceedings
,
that
they
were
incited
to
it
by
some
Ambitious
Ends
,
and
not
alone
mov'd
by
a
true
desire
of
that
Fame
which
follows
virtuous
Deeds
,
and
the
People
they
came
to
redeem
have
afterwards
found
that
they
did
no
more
than
change
one
bad
Ruler
for
another
;
But
this
Heroick
King
has
follow'd
the
Pattern
of
Timoleon
the
Corinthian
,
who
not
only
rescued
the
Sicilians
from
Tyranny
,
but
likewise
left
'em
in
full
Possession
of
their
Freedoms
:
He
has
squar'd
his
Actions
by
those
of
T.
Quintius
Flaminius
,
who
when
he
had
subdu'd
the
Macedonians
,
and
reduc'd
King
Philip
to
Terms
of
Peace
,
erected
an
eternal
Trophy
to
his
future
Renown
,
when
he
pronounc'd
by
the
Voice
of
a
Herald
,
That
Greece
should
thence
forward
be
exempt
from
Taxes
,
Impositions
,
and
Garrisons
,
and
Free
to
Govern
it self
by
its
own
Laws
.
The
same
Liberties
did
the
King
in
effect
Proclaim
for
ever
to
all
England
when
he
delivered
us
from
the
Expences
,
and
(
which
lay
more
heavily
upon
us
)
from
the
Terror
of
a
Standing
Army
.
His
happy
Reign
has
not
only
freed
our
Persons
,
but
likewise
set
our
Minds
at
Liberty
,
which
had
for
many
Years
been
inslav'd
by
wrong
Principles
of
Vnlimited
Obedience
due
to
the
unlimited
Exercise
of
Power
:
Notions
with
which
the
Schools
had
poison'd
our
Youth
,
and
which
only
serv'd
to
draw
the
Prince
on
to
Govern
amiss
,
but
prov'd
no
security
to
him
when
the
People
were
grown
weary
of
ill
Government
.
The
late
Revolution
,
justified
by
its
Necessity
,
and
by
the
Good
it
has
produc'd
,
will
be
a
●asting
Answer
to
all
that
foolish
Doctrine
;
so
that
,
with
the
other
Blessings
of
this
King's
Accession
to
the
Throne
,
the
very
President
is
not
to
be
accompted
among
the
least
:
Insomuch
that
what
we
did
at
that
time
,
not
only
freed
us
then
,
but
has
set
Liberty
it self
upon
a
better
Foot
,
and
cur'd
us
of
those
blind
Errors
,
and
dark
Mists
which
our
own
Luxuries
,
and
the
Craft
of
Courtiers
,
had
brought
upon
our
Understanding
.
A
Prince
thus
adorn'd
,
fear'd
for
his
Courage
,
admired
for
his
Wisdom
,
and
belov'd
for
the
Good
he
has
done
his
People
,
must
certainly
be
able
to
surmount
the
greatest
Difficulties
.
'T
is
not
a
B●ffl●d
and
dishearten'd
Party
,
lingring
may
be
after
their
former
Bondage
,
can
give
him
any
Opposition
Much
less
need
he
apprehend
the
Mercenary
and
inconstant
Crew
of
the
Hunters
after
Preferment
,
whose
Designs
are
always
seen
through
,
who
are
dispis'd
as
soon
as
known
,
and
who
only
lead
one
another
.
But
a
King
who
would
reform
the
State
for
the
general
Ease
and
Benefit
of
his
People
,
must
expect
to
meet
with
some
Difficulties
,
especially
if
a
great
many
of
those
about
him
are
Partakers
in
the
Abuses
he
would
correct
:
All
sort
of
Rubbs
will
be
laid
in
the
way
,
and
the
Fears
of
such
as
may
be
call'd
to
an
accompt
will
make
'em
set
all
kind
of
Engines
at
work
.
First
they
will
put
a
high
Value
upon
their
own
Deserts
,
and
arrogate
to
themselves
the
Single
Merit
of
the
many
Millions
which
the
whole
Nation
has
both
freely
paid
and
Granted
:
They
will
produce
Presidents
of
other
Ages
,
and
show
long
Lists
of
Grants
obtain'd
under
former
Reigns
;
but
,
at
the
same
time
,
they
will
take
care
not
to
mention
how
such
Proceedings
have
been
always
Resented
,
and
often
Punish'd
in
this
Kingdom
.
They
will
endeavour
to
blast
the
Reputation
of
such
as
would
enquire
into
their
Actions
;
and
tho
perhaps
there
are
no
other
possible
Ways
and
Means
left
to
supply
the
State
,
but
by
making
'em
disgorge
,
and
but
by
bringing
them
to
a
Restitution
,
yet
they
will
pretend
that
all
Motions
leading
thereunto
,
and
all
Inquiries
of
this
nature
,
are
nothing
but
the
Effects
of
Discontent
,
and
the
Result
of
Faction
.
And
because
,
in
all
their
Doings
and
Councils
,
they
have
never
had
any
view
but
their
own
private
Profit
,
they
will
do
their
best
to
perswade
the
World
,
that
no
man
acts
upon
Principle
,
that
all
is
sway'd
by
particular
Malice
,
and
that
there
is
not
left
in
the
Kingdom
any
Party
of
men
which
consult
the
Publick
Good
.
They
who
are
conscious
of
their
Guilt
,
and
apprehensive
that
the
Justice
of
the
Nation
should
take
notice
of
their
Thefts
and
Rapine
,
will
try
to
give
all
things
a
false
Turn
,
and
to
fill
every
place
with
false
Suggestions
:
Sometimes
they
will
accuse
Innocent
Persons
,
that
so
,
by
putting
the
People
upon
a
wrong
Scent
,
they
may
avoid
the
Pursuers
,
and
scape
unpunish'd
:
At
other
Seasons
they
will
boast
of
the
Number
of
their
Friends
and
Adherents
,
thinking
to
awe
both
the
Court
and
Country
with
an
Opinion
that
their
Party
is
too
Strong
,
and
too
Powerful
to
be
resisted
.
And
,
that
the
knowledge
of
their
Crimes
may
never
reach
the
Prince's
Ear
,
they
will
endeavour
to
engross
him
to
themselves
,
by
misrepresenting
all
others
that
are
not
of
their
Cabal
,
either
as
disaffected
to
his
Person
,
or
as
Enemies
to
Kingly
Government
.
Thus
they
did
heretofore
;
and
tho
there
were
truly
but
two
Parties
in
England
,
consisting
of
those
who
would
promote
male-administration
,
because
they
got
by
it
,
and
of
those
who
desir'd
things
might
be
well
Govern
▪
d
,
that
they
,
and
such
as
they
represented
might
be
eas'd
;
which
two
sides
were
heretofore
distinguish'd
by
the
Names
of
Court
and
Country
Party
;
to
which
likewise
they
could
have
put
an
end
,
whenever
they
had
pleased
to
have
minister
▪
d
less
occasion
of
Complaint
;
yet
they
will
revive
old
Names
of
Distinction
,
giving
odious
Appellations
to
the
best
Patriots
,
pretending
there
are
dangeroes
Factions
form'd
,
so
to
frighten
the
World
with
Phantoms
of
their
own
Creation
.
These
false
turns
they
will
give
,
and
these
wrong
Suggestions
they
will
make
,
in
order
to
drive
all
Power
into
what
they
call
their
own
Party
,
as
if
any
Prince
could
be
safe
that
should
rely
upon
so
narrow
and
Rotten
a
Bottom
.
And
when
their
Actions
shall
hereafter
come
to
be
examin'd
in
that
Place
to
which
our
Constitution
has
intrusted
the
Inquiry
into
,
and
the
Punishment
of
such
Offences
,
'T
is
probable
That
up
will
rise
some
Arrogant
Man
more
Zealous
for
Himself
than
for
his
Master
,
and
cry
,
All
that
we
have
given
among
one
another
we
have
deserved
by
our
Seruices
,
and
Labours
in
the
State
;
what
Projects
have
we
not
set
afoot
,
and
what
summs
have
we
not
procur'd
?
Did
not
the
Ministers
in
King
Charles's
Reign
give
away
the
Crown
Lands
;
Recal
those
Grants
,
and
we
are
ready
to
surrender
ours
,
Resume
all
or
none
:
'T
is
next
to
Demonstration
that
these
Clamours
arise
from
a
Dis
ontented
Party
,
who
would
disturb
the
Government
;
they
who
lookinto
our
Proceedings
act
out
of
Malice
,
because
of
the
great
thing
we
have
done
against
France
;
what
if
such
a
one
got
a
hundred
thousand
pound
at
once
,
did
he
not
save
the
Nation
?
If
we
are
us'd
thus
,
what
Encouragement
will
there
he
to
serve
Princes
?
For
my
part
I
will
never
meddle
more
in
your
Business
;
All
this
tends
to
lessen
the
Monarchy
,
invade
the
Prerogative
,
and
to
set
up
a
Doge
of
Venice
.
I
Sir
(
perhaps
there
may
be
added
)
and
the
Majority
are
of
this
Opinion
.
By
this
high
Bearing
,
and
these
false
suggestions
,
heretofore
,
well
meaning
Persons
have
been
frightned
from
reaching
at
great
offenders
,
and
even
the
best
Patriots
,
by
seeing
with
what
warmth
and
Zeal
the
smallest
Corruptions
are
defended
,
have
been
wearyed
into
Silence
;
And
this
has
made
some
of
our
Kings
believe
that
either
the
Offenders
were
grown
above
the
Laws
,
or
that
the
People
consented
●o
those
things
which
they
did
not
think
fit
to
punish
.
But
wise
Princes
see
through
all
this
,
They
know
that
an
honest
and
faithful
Minister
will
be
contented
with
moderate
Favours
;
That
very
often
nothing
but
the
ill
Contrivance
of
the
Aid
belongs
to
those
he
employs
,
and
that
the
Gifts
come
from
the
free
Affections
of
the
Subject
;
That
Patterns
to
Rule
by
are
to
be
sought
for
out
of
Good
,
nor
loose
Reigns
;
That
Inspections
which
look
too
far
backward
produce
nothing
;
That
a
few
may
complain
without
reason
,
but
that
there
is
occasion
for
Redress
when
the
Cry
is
universal
;
That
no
Military
Action
,
or
other
Merit
,
can
give
a
Man
a
just
Title
to
Rob
the
Publick
;
That
even
good
Ministers
are
thought
no
more
on
when
they
are
out
,
and
that
certainly
Bad
ones
may
retire
without
being
mist
;
That
absolute
Power
is
not
a
Plant
that
will
grow
in
this
Soil
,
and
that
Statesmen
who
have
attempted
to
cultivate
it
here
have
pull'd
on
their
own
,
and
their
Masters
Ruin
.
A
wise
Prince
likewise
does
not
care
to
see
Corrupt
Officers
so
earnest
to
save
one
another
,
for
't
is
always
at
his
cost
;
Nor
does
he
like
that
his
Ministers
,
when
attack'd
,
should
be
able
to
protect
themselves
in
their
Crimes
by
the
Power
of
a
〈◊〉
for
they
who
are
strong
enough
to
bear
down
the
Law
,
may
presume
,
in
time
,
to
think
they
subsist
by
their
proper
Strength
,
and
that
they
stand
upon
their
own
Legs
,
and
so
come
at
last
to
slight
his
Authority
.
Bad
Men
have
ever
given
a
false
Colour
to
their
Proceedings
,
and
cover'd
their
Ambition
,
Corruption
,
and
Rapine
with
the
pretence
of
their
Masters
Service
;
They
make
him
believe
their
Greatness
advances
him
,
whereas
truly
it
tends
to
his
diminution
,
and
he
is
often
weak
for
want
of
that
Wealth
and
Power
which
they
share
among
one
another
:
Their
Riches
has
frequently
brought
Envy
upon
the
Prince
,
but
we
can
hardly
meet
with
an
Instance
of
any
who
in
his
Distress
has
been
assisted
from
the
Purses
of
his
Ministers
,
for
they
are
commonly
the
first
who
fly
from
his
Misfortunes
:
And
tho
they
pretend
that
his
Power
is
rever'd
in
them
and
that
they
make
him
Strong
by
the
Benefits
he
lets
them
bestow
,
yet
a
Wise
King
sees
through
all
this
Artifice
,
and
knows
▪
That
he
who
would
reap
any
Advantage
from
his
Favours
in
the
Opinions
of
Men
,
must
make
'em
sensible
that
they
owe
them
singly
to
his
Goodness
,
and
not
to
the
Intercession
of
those
about
him
.
But
of
all
the
false
Suggestions
made
by
those
who
have
arriv'd
at
great
Power
by
wicked
Arts
,
none
have
prov'd
so
dangerous
as
these
,
which
,
in
former
Reigns
,
have
been
frequently
insinuated
in
the
Cabinet
.
Sir
,
we
are
your
only
Friends
,
stick
by
us
and
we
will
stick
by
you
.
Our
Measures
are
displeasing
to
the
People
,
so
were
those
of
former
Ministers
.
A
few
well
united
,
and
in
one
Bottom
,
have
guided
this
Nation
,
and
with
hard
Reins
,
as
Witness
the
Times
of
Cromwell
.
Mind
not
the
Qualifications
of
any
man
for
this
or
that
Office
in
the
State
,
Is
he
with
us
?
If
he
be
hearty
it
ought
to
cover
all
other
Defects
.
Turn
out
,
and
discountenance
such
as
are
not
intirely
with
us
in
all
our
Councils
Make
your
Court
of
a
piece
.
Let
none
presume
to
be
directed
by
his
own
Conscience
,
or
Reason
;
ought
they
to
be
in
your
service
who
dare
think
your
Ministers
can
be
in
the
wrong
?
Why
do
such
and
such
Great
Men
refuse
such
and
such
Employments
,
is
it
not
plainly
out
of
Lisaffection
to
the
present
Government
,
or
that
they
like
Popularity
better
than
any
favours
you
can
bestow
upon
'
em
?
Many
are
infected
with
Republican
Principles
,
and
several
have
an
Eye
towards
the
other
side
of
the
water
.
Have
not
other
Hands
been
tryed
and
found
resty
;
but
we
stick
at
nothing
.
The
other
Party
has
been
made
use
of
,
but
't
was
thought
fit
to
lay
'em
aside
.
'T
is
indeed
pretended
that
with
them
is
the
Integrity
,
the
good
Opinion
of
the
Nation
,
the
Substance
,
Learning
.
Parts
,
Knowledg
,
and
Experince
in
affairs
;
however
we
are
more
diligent
,
and
better
united
.
But
does
not
there
lye
a
kind
of
Necessity
upon
you
to
make
use
of
us
,
and
of
u●
only
?
Does
the
other
side
make
any
Offers
to
come
in
?
Loaded
as
they
say
we
are
with
the
Publick
hatred
,
and
tho
we
may
be
thought
unfit
to
carry
on
your
Business
,
yet
't
is
better
joining
with
us
than
to
stand
alone
.
Is
not
the
other
side
cold
and
reserv'd
,
and
do
not
the
best
men
among
'em
refuse
to
meddle
in
the
Administration
?
with
such
like
false
whispers
,
in
former
Reigns
,
the
Ears
of
Princes
have
been
poison'd
,
And
by
these
pretended
Friends
they
were
induc'd
to
Purge
,
as
they
call
it
,
till
the
Body
Politick
was
quite
exhausted
of
all
its
good
Spirits
:
Such
a
one
,
who
had
done
a
thousand
faithful
Services
,
must
be
laid
aside
,
because
his
just
Fears
would
not
permit
him
to
give
into
the
last
bad
Measures
.
This
Man
was
against
me
;
we
suspect
such
another
;
Some
are
too
cautious
,
some
too
discerning
,
Others
left
us
in
such
an
important
Vote
;
And
they
grow
to
that
Presumption
,
by
degrees
,
as
to
advise
that
a
whole
Party
should
be
frown'd
upon
,
depress'd
,
and
utterly
trodden
down
;
And
thus
they
Lop
,
and
Lop
,
on
this
,
and
that
hand
,
cutting
away
the
Tall
,
Sound
,
and
Substantial
Timber
that
us'd
to
shelter
'em
from
the
Winds
,
till
,
in
the
End
,
they
leave
the
Government
a
Trunk
naked
,
defenceless
,
and
obnoxious
to
every
storm
;
But
when
they
proceed
so
far
as
to
get
the
Prince
to
declare
openly
for
one
,
and
against
the
other
Side
,
they
lay
the
Ax
to
its
very
Root
.
Some
Kings
have
thought
it
Politick
to
nourish
Factions
in
their
Court
,
but
then
they
preserv'd
themselves
Neuter
,
and
so
made
both
sides
subservient
to
their
Designs
,
and
even
this
has
been
rather
esteem'd
Subtlety
than
Wisdom
;
but
no
Prince
,
that
could
help
it
,
did
ever
let
Faction
grow
National
;
However
,
if
't
was
out
of
his
Power
to
prevent
this
Mischief
,
t
was
never
thought
Prudent
in
him
to
list
himself
on
either
Side
;
And
Henry
the
3d
of
France
is
a
memorable
instance
,
how
fatal
't
is
for
the
Soveraign
to
become
the
Head
of
any
Party
.
Partiality
is
the
little
Weakness
of
Private
Men
and
unbecoming
the
Greatness
of
a
Prince
,
whose
Favour
should
shine
upon
the
whole
Body
of
his
People
as
the
Sun
sheds
his
benign
Influence
upon
the
universal
Face
of
Nature
,
not
warming
one
Part
of
the
Globe
only
;
If
it
can
be
compass'd
,
He
should
quite
root
out
Faction
,
but
if
the
Disease
be
too
inveterate
to
be
cur'd
,
without
doubt
't
is
a
Point
of
the
highest
Wisdom
for
him
to
bear
himself
evenly
between
both
,
so
that
neither
Side
may
despair
of
Favour
,
or
at
least
so
carry
it
that
both
Sides
may
remain
in
full
Assurance
to
find
equal
Justice
.
Nor
is
it
impossible
to
contrive
Matters
so
as
to
beget
an
Emulation
in
Parties
which
may
produce
good
Effects
,
that
is
,
by
wise
Governing
it
may
be
so
ordered
,
that
both
Sides
shall
be
at
strife
,
not
which
shall
flatter
most
,
but
which
shall
do
the
Prince
and
the
Publick
the
most
honest
,
and
the
most
faithful
Service
;
And
this
is
done
,
when
,
without
any
regard
under
what
Banners
,
in
a
divided
Country
,
Men
had
listed
themselves
,
those
Persons
are
pitch'd
upon
for
the
Ministerial
Part
of
Government
,
who
are
most
remarkable
for
their
Capacity
,
Experience
,
Integrity
,
and
Knowledg
in
Affairs
;
And
a
Prince
who
makes
such
a
Choice
of
Ministers
,
will
soon
beget
a
Virtuous
Emulation
between
the
Factions
,
and
set
both
Sides
upon
striving
which
shall
serve
most
cheaply
,
with
the
fewest
Selfish
Designs
,
and
which
shall
handle
his
,
and
the
Nations
Money
,
with
the
cleanest
Hands
:
But
when
by
the
favour
of
those
that
Rule
,
one
side
is
become
much
superior
to
the
other
,
this
Virtuous
Emulation
ceases
,
and
both
sides
contend
,
only
to
put
one
another
in
the
Wrong
,
each
side
obstructing
what
the
other
moves
,
let
it
be
never
so
much
for
the
Publick
Good
:
But
when
the
Mischief
is
grown
to
such
a
height
,
that
being
of
a
Party
,
is
to
be
the
Principal
,
if
not
the
only
Recommendation
,
then
the
Hottest
Men
,
who
are
generally
the
worst
,
and
Corruptest
Members
of
it
,
are
sure
to
have
the
most
Power
;
and
when
the
Administration
is
in
their
hands
they
proceed
without
Comptrol
,
for
the
side
which
should
oppose
them
is
discountenanc'd
,
frown'd
upon
,
out
of
Credit
,
and
discourag
d
from
inquiring
,
because
their
Inquiries
are
blacken'd
and
misrepresented
;
And
when
all
this
happens
,
They
who
have
the
Power
,
rob
the
Prince
,
waste
his
Treasure
,
and
run
him
into
immense
Debts
:
Thus
Kings
heretofore
who
show'd
themselves
partial
to
a
Party
,
had
the
service
only
of
the
worst
part
of
their
People
,
and
their
Reigns
were
commonly
anxious
and
unquiet
because
when
engag
d
with
a
side
,
they
were
often
forc'd
,
against
the
Nature
of
their
Office
,
to
protect
the
Bad
against
the
Good
,
and
even
to
defend
the
Male-administration
by
which
they
suffer'd
.
They
who
were
for
Engrossing
the
Prince
to
Themselves
,
and
who
endeavour'd
to
make
him
Suspect
all
others
,
gave
their
pernicious
Advice
this
false
Turn
,
That
because
many
Great
Men
retir'd
,
and
because
neither
They
,
nor
such
as
were
call'd
of
their
Party
,
show'd
any
Inclination
to
meddle
in
Business
,
it
must
be
that
they
meditated
something
else
,
and
bore
ill
will
towards
the
present
Government
.
Indeed
,
the
Ambition
of
Mankind
consider'd
,
it
was
a
wonder
,
in
former
Reigns
,
to
see
Persons
the
most
conspicuous
for
Understanding
,
deep
Reach
and
Experience
,
employ
their
time
with
their
Books
in
making
Gardens
,
or
in
Building
,
and
that
they
should
not
rather
seek
those
Dignities
,
to
which
their
Birth
and
Superior
Abilities
did
in
a
manner
give
'em
a
just
Right
.
Why
did
they
let
the
chief
Offices
of
the
State
be
polluted
by
mean
Hands
?
Why
did
they
suffer
others
to
ruin
that
Country
which
was
in
their
Power
to
save
?
And
why
all
this
Philosophy
in
so
light
and
busie
Times
?
Why
has
there
been
now
and
then
a
kind
of
a
Press
issu'd
out
for
Ministers
,
so
that
as
it
were
the
Vagabonds
and
Loyterers
were
taken
in
?
Why
have
some
Men
been
condol'd
by
their
Friends
for
having
been
drawn
in
to
take
a
Great
Place
,
and
why
have
others
been
universally
Congratulated
when
turn'd
out
,
tho
with
Marks
of
Displeasure
?
when
all
this
happen'd
it
could
not
be
without
a
Reason
,
there
must
have
been
some
Strong
Inducements
that
should
move
the
Prime
Persons
of
a
Nation
to
shun
Employments
attended
with
Power
and
Profit
.
No
doubt
,
in
former
Reigns
,
it
was
Because
they
did
not
like
the
Administration
of
affairs
,
nor
the
Persons
with
whom
they
were
to
be
ioyn'd
;
Because
they
perceiv'd
dark
Designs
carry'd
on
against
our
Liberties
,
and
that
they
were
not
willing
to
mix
in
desperate
Councils
,
nor
to
participate
in
the
Blame
of
what
they
should
not
be
able
to
hinder
;
Because
they
saw
the
Prince
Robb'd
by
those
about
him
,
his
Crown
Lands
all
shar'd
and
given
away
,
and
his
Treasure
wasted
,
and
Because
they
saw
Things
done
that
would
bear
no
Inquiry
,
and
that
could
never
be
justifyed
before
the
People
.
They
knew
that
our
Laws
put
little
Difference
between
a
Minister
who
contracts
actual
Guilt
himself
,
and
him
who
permits
others
to
commit
a
Crime
,
which
by
the
Authority
of
his
Office
he
might
have
prevented
;
Therefore
when
bad
Things
were
in
Agitation
,
and
when
destructive
Advices
were
promoted
,
Some
have
refus'd
Employments
,
others
have
laid
down
White
Staves
,
the
Secretaries
Seals
,
the
Privy
Seal
,
the
Great
Seal
,
and
other
Offices
of
high
Trust
,
rather
than
Act
against
their
Masters
true
Interest
,
and
the
Constitution
of
their
Country
.
And
for
these
Reasons
,
in
former
Reigns
,
the
Ablest
and
Greatest
Persons
in
the
Nation
,
and
sometimes
whole
Parties
of
Men
,
have
refus'd
to
meddle
in
the
Employments
and
Business
of
the
State
.
But
when
these
Errors
may
be
corrected
,
which
a
few
commit
at
the
Expence
of
the
whole
Kingdom
,
when
things
will
bear
a
right
Administration
,
when
the
Nations
Money
may
be
frugally
manag'd
,
when
the
Thefts
upon
the
Public
can
be
look'd
into
and
Punish'd
,
when
those
Servants
may
be
call'd
to
an
Accompt
who
have
broken
their
Trust
,
and
in
their
Offices
consented
to
the
Plunder
of
their
Master
,
When
true
Order
is
promoted
,
When
that
Thrift
can
be
set
afoot
which
will
ease
the
People
in
their
Taxes
▪
When
the
pleasant
Work
of
doing
Good
is
to
be
perform'd
,
and
When
they
have
not
before
their
Eyes
the
frightful
and
heavy
Task
of
supporting
ill
Conduct
,
All
Persons
will
embrace
the
Government
,
All
Parties
will
cheerfully
come
in
,
and
the
best
Men
will
be
the
most
Eager
to
assist
the
state
with
their
Purses
,
Councils
,
Endeavours
,
and
Affections
.
And
thus
we
hope
to
have
fully
answer'd
their
Arguments
who
would
deter
a
Prince
from
looking
into
their
Corruptions
,
by
making
him
believe
,
that
thereby
he
will
injure
his
only
Friends
,
and
who
would
narrow
his
Interest
by
confining
his
Favours
to
their
Party
.
A
King
never
wants
Assistance
who
will
look
into
abuses
,
and
their
Faction
whose
Interest
it
is
to
protect
Male-administration
,
will
be
found
very
weak
when
He
is
earnest
to
have
what
has
been
amiss
amended
,
because
but
a
few
are
Gainers
by
Misgovernment
,
and
a
Multitude
are
injur'd
by
it
.
But
as
all
Seasons
are
not
proper
for
Physick
,
so
all
Times
are
not
fit
for
purging
the
Body
Politick
;
Times
of
Action
and
War
are
not
so
convenient
for
such
Councils
as
tend
to
correct
Abuses
in
the
State
.
Perhaps
,
during
the
late
War
,
some
Things
may
have
been
done
in
England
,
which
the
King
,
in
his
high
wisdom
,
may
think
necessary
to
animadvert
upon
now
when
He
is
at
leisure
from
His
Business
in
the
Field
;
And
no
doubt
when
He
goes
upon
so
good
a
Work
,
He
will
be
assisted
by
all
the
best
Men
of
all
Parties
,
and
by
the
whole
Body
of
His
People
.
The
Writer
of
these
Papers
has
constantly
endeavour'd
to
make
his
Studies
tend
to
the
Service
of
the
Publick
,
and
his
Aim
has
been
to
incite
in
Young
Gentlemen
a
Desire
of
being
acquainted
with
the
Business
of
the
Nation
,
and
this
knowledge
lying
under
abundance
of
Rubbish
,
his
Scope
has
been
to
remove
this
Rubbish
,
and
to
dress
up
crabbed
Matters
as
agreeably
as
he
can
,
and
to
give
,
as
it
were
,
short
Maps
of
Things
which
others
will
not
take
the
Pains
to
travel
through
themselves
:
In
order
to
which
he
has
devoted
his
Hours
of
Leisure
to
Inquiries
into
the
Trade
and
Revenues
of
this
Kingdom
;
And
not
serving
his
Country
in
an
Active
Life
,
he
hopes
to
make
his
Solitude
and
Contemplation
of
some
use
,
so
as
to
show
himself
not
altogether
an
unprofitable
Member
of
the
Commonwealth
.
And
the
Parliament
having
last
Sessions
Constituted
Commissioners
for
Inquiring
into
,
and
Taking
an
Accompt
of
all
such
Estates
,
both
Real
and
Personal
,
within
the
Kingdom
of
Ireland
,
which
have
been
Forfeited
for
High
Treason
by
any
Person
or
Persons
whatsoever
,
during
the
late
Rebellion
within
that
Kingdom
.
And
the
House
of
Commons
(
as
appears
by
their
Printed
Votes
)
having
directed
that
the
Grants
of
the
Crown
Revenue
in
England
should
be
laid
before
'em
;
And
it
being
Notorious
that
almost
all
the
Land
remaining
in
the
Crown
of
England
at
the
Revolution
,
and
that
much
the
largest
Share
of
the
late
forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
,
are
now
got
into
Private
Hands
;
And
the
People
at
this
time
lying
under
a
great
Variety
of
New
Taxes
,
And
the
Necessities
of
the
State
being
very
pressing
,
And
the
Publick
lying
under
many
heavy
Engagements
,
and
the
Honor
of
the
Nation
being
in
a
manner
at
Stake
to
make
good
several
Deficiencies
,
All
Ways
and
▪
Means
of
Raising
Money
being
likewise
difficult
to
the
last
Degree
,
It
appearing
also
reasonable
to
consult
the
Land
Interest
,
and
at
last
to
give
the
Landed
Gentlemen
some
Ease
,
who
have
born
the
chief
Burthen
of
the
War
;
And
no
Fond
being
large
enough
to
come
in
the
Room
,
and
Place
of
Land
,
except
the
late
Forfeitures
in
Ireland
;
And
all
Men
thinking
it
but
just
and
fair
that
the
War
in
Ireland
should
pay
some
part
of
its
Expence
,
Our
Debts
likewise
being
so
immence
,
that
every
thing
should
be
look'd
into
,
and
all
possible
Thrift
thought
upon
,
Mankind
also
abhorring
to
behold
a
Few
inriched
with
the
Spoils
of
a
whole
Country
,
and
to
see
Private
Persons
accumulating
to
themselves
vast
Wealth
in
this
Poverty
of
the
Publick
,
And
the
Universal
Voice
of
the
People
seeming
to
call
for
some
kind
of
Resumption
,
The
Writer
of
these
Papers
thought
●t
might
not
be
unseasonable
to
Publish
a
Discourse
upon
Grants
,
in
handling
of
which
Subject
he
purposes
to
take
the
following
Method
.
First
,
he
will
show
how
the
Greatness
of
the
Romans
took
its
Rise
from
the
Thrift
that
was
shown
in
all
Matters
relating
to
the
Publick
,
That
this
Wise
Nation
made
almost
every
Foreign
Expedition
bear
its
own
Charge
,
That
the
best
of
their
Emperors
were
the
most
Frugal
,
That
such
Emperors
did
not
look
upon
the
Treasure
and
Revenues
of
the
State
to
be
their
own
,
and
absolutely
at
their
Disposal
,
but
always
thought
that
the
Publick
,
and
the
Commonwealth
,
had
an
Interest
in
it
,
That
when
the
Treasure
and
Revenues
of
the
State
were
exhausted
by
Prodigality
,
it
made
way
for
the
Invasions
of
the
Northern
People
,
and
at
last
produc'd
the
utter
Ruin
of
the
Empire
.
This
will
be
the
Subject
of
the
Second
Section
.
In
the
third
Section
he
will
show
how
careful
our
Ancestors
in
England
were
at
the
forming
this
Constitution
,
to
make
ample
Provision
for
maintaining
the
Kings
Crown
and
Dignity
,
And
that
when
those
Lands
and
Revenues
had
been
parted
with
which
were
alotted
for
his
,
and
the
States
Service
,
Parliaments
have
seldom
fail'd
to
relieve
,
and
restore
his
Affairs
by
Acts
of
Resumption
.
In
the
fourth
Section
he
will
show
how
our
Ancestors
have
handled
such
Ministers
of
State
,
as
in
breach
of
their
Trust
,
did
presume
to
procure
to
themselves
Grants
of
the
Kings
Lands
,
And
how
both
this
Nation
,
and
other
Countreys
,
have
proceeded
with
those
who
did
imbezzle
,
or
convert
to
their
own
use
the
Revenues
of
the
Prince
.
In
the
fifth
Section
he
will
state
the
present
Deficiencies
in
diverse
Fonds
,
and
offer
several
Reasons
why
the
Forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
ought
to
be
apply'd
towards
Payment
of
the
Publick
Debts
.
SECT
II.
Observations
upon
the
Management
of
the
Romans
in
their
Public
Revenues
.
IT
may
not
be
amiss
to
give
the
Prospect
of
a
vast
Empire
,
rais'd
to
its
Greatness
by
Wisdom
and
Frugality
,
and
ruin'd
by
Profusion
and
ill
Conduct
:
the
only
use
of
History
being
,
To
give
us
good
Rules
,
by
which
we
should
square
our
own
Actions
,
and
to
mark
out
the
Shelves
,
and
Rocks
,
upon
which
other
Governments
have
split
,
that
thereby
we
may
learn
to
steer
our
own
Course
better
,
and
to
avoid
the
like
Dangers
.
Valerius
Publicola
was
the
first
who
order'd
that
the
Revenue
accruing
to
the
Commonwealth
should
be
laid
up
in
the
Temple
of
Saturn
,
perhaps
that
the
Reverence
of
the
Place
might
make
it
be
held
the
more
Sacred
.
They
ledg'd
there
two
sorts
of
Treasure
,
the
one
in
daily
use
,
consisting
of
Tributes
and
ordinary
Payments
,
the
other
was
called
the
[
*
](A37160-e17570-b)
*
Tit.
Liv.
l.
27.
Aurum
Vicesimarium
,
which
was
not
to
be
touch'd
but
in
cases
of
the
last
Necessity
.
'T
is
true
,
for
some
Ages
the
Publick
had
but
little
occasion
for
Money
,
because
,
till
the
Siege
of
Veies
,
which
was
about
Three
Hundred
and
Fifty
Years
after
the
Foundation
of
the
City
,
their
Soldiers
had
no
stipend
.
However
to
have
a
Reserve
,
which
might
answer
any
great
Emergency
,
well
suited
with
the
Foresight
and
Wisdom
of
that
People
.
As
their
Empire
grew
,
and
as
they
entertain'd
Thoughts
of
enlarging
their
Dominion
by
distant
Conquests
▪
they
became
more
sollicitous
to
gather
such
a
stock
as
might
uphold
the
State
in
times
both
of
War
and
Peace
,
without
burthening
the
●lebeians
(
a
matter
by
them
ever
carefully
avoided
)
in
which
they
were
very
much
assisted
by
the
virtue
of
those
to
whom
they
intrusted
the
Command
of
their
Armies
,
of
which
for
a
long
time
every
one
behav'd
himself
like
a
faithful
Steward
to
the
Commonwealth
,
accompting
exactly
for
such
Spoils
as
were
made
upon
their
Enemies
.
To
the
Common
Treasury
were
brought
the
Riches
of
Carthage
,
Sicily
,
of
the
Cities
of
Asia
,
of
the
Kingdom
of
Macedonia
,
and
of
the
other
Conquer'd
Provinces
of
Greece
.
Their
Generals
,
as
well
as
their
Statesmen
,
did
not
think
of
building
up
Fortunes
to
Themselves
,
but
of
inriching
the
Commonwealth
:
And
till
some
few
years
after
the
last
Punick
War
,
we
hardly
read
of
any
one
who
grew
wealthy
by
the
Plunder
of
Provinces
.
In
the
following
Age
indeed
several
began
to
convert
to
their
own
use
part
of
the
Spoils
gotten
abroad
,
but
they
were
Men
that
hatch'd
wicked
Designs
against
their
Country
,
and
who
thought
Private
Wealth
an
Engine
very
needful
for
such
as
purpos'd
to
overthrow
Publick
Liberty
;
of
which
number
were
Marius
,
Sylla
,
Pompey
,
and
Caesar
:
Among
these
Robbers
of
the
World
Lucullus
may
be
reckon'd
,
who
perhaps
had
the
same
Intention
as
the
rest
of
inslaving
Rome
,
but
't
is
probable
the
Mutiny
he
found
among
his
Soldiers
after
his
famous
Victories
,
and
wonderful
conduct
,
made
him
out
of
love
with
Action
,
so
that
he
employ'd
in
a
quiet
Life
,
join'd
with
excessive
Luxury
,
what
the
others
made
subservient
chiefly
to
their
Ambition
:
Not
but
that
his
Riotous
Pomp
had
in
its
Example
Effects
very
dangerous
to
Liberty
,
since
it
is
a
necessary
Ground
for
all
free
Governments
,
that
as
well
the
manner
of
Living
,
as
the
Estates
of
the
Citizens
,
should
bear
some
sort
of
Equality
.
However
,
tho
these
men
minded
their
own
Concerns
more
than
became
good
Patriots
,
yet
all
of
'em
enrich'd
their
Country
,
and
the
vast
summs
of
Gold
and
Silver
brought
into
the
common
Treasury
,
made
a
principal
part
of
their
Triumphs
.
Besides
,
they
who
had
the
Management
of
Affairs
took
Care
that
every
War
should
at
least
maintain
itself
;
which
they
did
by
laying
a
Tribute
upon
the
Conquer'd
Nation
.
Fabritius
having
overcome
the
Lucani
,
Brutij
,
and
the
Samnites
,
[
*
](A37160-e17730-b)
*
Di●nisii
Fragm.
Lib.
6.
Militem
ditavit
&
quadringenta
Talenta
in
Aerarium
retulit
,
whose
Example
[
†
](A37160-e17750-b)
†
Ammian
l.
24.
Julianus
propos'd
to
himself
and
and
Soldiers
.
Scipio
in
his
Treaty
of
Peace
with
the
Carthaginians
,
oblig'd
them
to
the
Payment
of
ten
thousand
Talents
in
fifty
years
;
[
*
](A37160-e17790-b)
*
Tit.
Liv.
l.
30.
Decem
M
Talentum
Argenti
descripta
pensionibus
aequis
in
annos
L
solverent
;
over
and
above
which
,
Argenti
tulit
in
Aerarium
pondo
Centum
Millia
XXXIII
.
And
in
the
Treaty
between
T.
Quintius
Flaminius
and
K.
Philip
,
one
Article
was
,
[
†
](A37160-e17870-b)
†
Tit.
Liv.
l.
●3
.
Mille
Talentum
daret
Populo
Romano
:
dimidium
presens
,
dimidium
pensionibus
decem
annorum
.
Nor
did
Spain
afford
an
ill
Crop
from
one
part
of
which
Cornelius
Lentulus
brought
[
*
](A37160-e17910-b)
*
Ibid.
Auri
Mille
&
Quingenta
pondo
quindecim
,
Argenti
Viginta
Millia
,
Signati
Denarios
triginta
quatuor
Millia
,
&
quingentos
quinquaginta
:
And
from
the
other
part
,
L.
Stertinius
quinquaginta
Millia
pondo
Argenti
.
And
from
whence
not
long
after
Helvius
brought
[
†
](A37160-e17950-b)
†
Tit.
Liv.
l.
34.
Argenti
infecti
quatuorde●im
Millia
pondo
Septingenta
triginta
duo
:
&
Signati
bigatorum
XVII
Millia
XXIII
.
&
oscensis
Argenti
CXX
Millia
CCCCXXXVIII
.
And
Q.
Minutius
within
two
months
after
,
[
*
](A37160-e18010-b)
*
Ibid.
Argenti
pondo
triginta
quatuor
Millia
octingenta
:
Bigatorum
LXXVIII
Millia
,
&
oscensis
argenti
CCLXXVIII
Millia
.
For
which
reason
Porcius
Cato
,
who
was
at
the
same
time
in
Spain
,
sent
back
the
Purveyors
who
came
from
Rome
to
provide
Corn
for
the
Army
,
with
this
memorable
saying
,
Bellum
seipsum
alet
.
The
same
T.
Quintius
Flaminius
,
when
he
made
Peace
with
Nabis
Tyrant
of
Sparta
,
oblig'd
him
to
pay
[
†
](A37160-e18120-b)
†
Ibid.
Talenta
centum
●rgenti
in
praesenti
,
&
quinquaginta
Taenta
in
Singulos
annos
per
annos
octo
.
●orcius
Cato
when
he
Triumph'd
for
the
Conquest
of
Spain
lodg'd
in
the
Publick
●reasury
[
*
](A37160-e18160-b)
*
Ibid
,
Argenti
infecti
XXV
millia
pondo
,
●igati
centum
viginti
tria
millia
,
oscensis
uingenta
quadraginta
:
Auri
pondo
mille
uadringenta
.
T.
Quintius
Faminins
when
●e
Triumph'd
for
the
Victories
in
Greece
,
●rought
home
[
†
](A37160-e18200-b)
†
Ibid.
Infecti
Argenti
decem
&
●cto
millia
pondo
,
&
ducenta
LXX
facti
,
●
auri
pondo
tria
millia
septingenta
qua●ordecim
,
besides
an
infinite
mass
of
o●er
Treasure
.
The
Conditions
proos'd
by
Scipio
Affricanus
to
the
Amassadors
from
King
Antiochus
,
and
●hich
were
afterwards
accepted
with
ery
little
alteration
,
were
[
*
](A37160-e18250-b)
*
Tit
Liv.
l
37
,
●●
.
Pro
impen●s
deinde
in
bellum
factis
Quindecim
mil●a
Talentum
Euboicorum
dabitis
.
Quin●nta
presentia
,
duo
millia
&
quingenta
,
●m
Senatus
Populusque
Romanus
,
pacem
omprobaverint
,
mille
Talentum
per
XII
nnos
.
Lucius
Scipio
when
he
Triumph'd
or
the
Conquest
of
Asia
brought
home
●
Argenti
pondo
CXXXVII
millia
;
&
Cn.
Manlius
when
he
Trimph'd
for
his
Victories
in
Gallo-Graecia
,
●esides
other
Wealth
,
brought
home
[
*
](A37160-e18340-b)
*
Tit.
Liv.
1.
39.
Argenti
pondo
CCXX
Millia
:
auri
po●do
MMCIII
.
And
't
is
observ'd
that
whe●
Aemilius
Paulus
had
subdued
K.
Persen●
[
†
](A37160-e18390-b)
†
〈◊〉
V●●
.
Paul
.
Aemil.
he
lodg'd
in
the
Publick
Treasury
suc●
a
mass
of
Wealth
,
that
there
was
〈◊〉
need
of
raising
any
kind
of
Taxes
till
〈◊〉
Consulship
of
Hirtius
and
Pansa
.
S●
after
the
two
Battels
with
Archelaus
〈◊〉
Lieutenant
of
Mithridates
near
▪
Chaero●
and
Orchomenus
,
laid
a
Fine
upon
A●
Cato
V●isensis
broug●
from
Cyprus
Seven
Thousand
Tale●
(
above
thirteen
hundred
thousand
Pou●
of
our
Money
)
which
he
made
by
〈◊〉
Sale
of
the
Jewels
,
Plate
,
Housholdst●
and
other
Riches
,
of
the
Ptolomy
w●
poison'd
himself
in
that
Island
▪
and
●
Exactness
with
which
Cato
proceeded
that
Commission
,
is
a
Noble
▪
Pattern
●
such
to
follow
,
as
will
handle
Matters
Government
with
Integrity
and
Virtue
The
Design
of
these
Papers
being
Stir
up
in
the
Minds
of
Young
Men
Zeal
their
Country
,
and
a
love
to
Public
H●nour
,
we
thought
it
not
amiss
to
lay
●fore
'em
these
Examples
of
antient
Th●
and
Oeconomy
,
by
which
Rome
was
●
abled
to
manage
so
many
,
and
so
exp●sive
Wars
:
From
whence
may
be
very
w●
inferr'd
,
that
this
Commonwealth
had
never
reach'd
to
so
high
a
Pitch
of
Greatness
,
if
their
Commanders
abroad
had
been
permitted
,
without
any
Accompt
,
to
convert
to
their
own
use
the
whole
Spoil
;
Or
if
at
home
the
Consuls
,
Praetors
,
Aediles
,
or
(
which
is
yet
worse
)
if
the
Quaestors
,
or
Treasurers
,
had
been
allowed
to
procure
Grants
to
themselves
;
from
the
Senate
,
of
such
Lands
,
as
,
from
time
to
time
,
accrued
to
the
State
by
right
of
Conquest
.
On
the
Contrary
,
had
this
sort
of
negligent
and
foul
Conduct
been
suffer'd
in
their
affairs
that
Ruin
must
have
happen'd
●ong
before
,
which
came
upon
'em
as
soon
as
they
grew
corrupted
.
No
Empire
was
ever
great
and
strong
enough
to
carry
on
long
Wars
without
any
other
Fond
but
its
own
Revenues
,
and
those
Nations
which
have
attempted
it
,
have
been
quickly
exhausted
;
For
a
tedious
Course
of
high
Taxes
raised
to
maintain
Armies
abroad
,
will
as
much
impoverish
the
Invaders
;
as
the
Excursions
and
Depredations
of
a
sudden
War
destroy
the
Invaded
;
and
where
matters
are
not
so
wisely
order'd
,
as
that
the
Invaded
are
compell'd
to
pay
the
largest
part
of
the
Reckoning
,
the
Conquerors
will
,
in
no
long
Tract
of
time
,
be
brought
to
as
bad
a
Condition
as
the
Conquered
People
.
The
Romans
took
their
Measures
better
They
made
very
few
barren
Expeditions
▪
And
tho
Dominion
and
Glory
might
〈◊〉
their
principal
Aim
,
yet
't
is
evident
they
ha●
something
else
in
view
,
or
at
least
tha●
they
generally
took
care
to
be
paid
thei●
Expences
,
which
they
brought
about
su●dry
ways
;
From
some
vanquish'd
Nation
they
took
part
of
their
Territory
,
sendi●
thither
Colonies
of
their
own
,
by
which
at
one
and
the
same
time
,
they
disbu●
then'd
themselves
of
a
great
many
Indige●
People
,
and
Planted
so
many
Strong
Ga●risons
to
secure
their
Conquests
.
Oth●
Countries
they
reduc'd
to
Provinces
,
ta●ing
to
themselves
part
of
the
Tribut●
which
the
Natives
before
paid
to
thei●
Tyrants
.
To
other
Places
they
alotte●
the
Payment
of
a
Certain
quantity
●
Corn
,
from
others
they
required
the
fu●nishing
of
Ships
of
War
,
and
Ships
●
Burthen
:
[
†
](A37160-e18590-b)
†
P●ut
.
vit.
Sy●●●e
.
Sylla
compell'd
Mithridates
,
their
Interview
in
Troas
,
to
deliver
to
him
seventy
Gallies
with
all
their
Trim
They
took
either
Arms
,
Ships
,
Soldiers
Mariners
,
or
Provisions
,
from
well
nigh
all
the
Nations
that
were
honour'd
with
the
Title
of
Allies
and
Friends
to
the
People
of
Rome
,
who
were
no
better
than
Tributaries
under
a
softer
name
.
By
these
Courses
,
as
they
enlarg'd
their
Empire
,
they
increased
the
Publick
Revenues
.
*
Pompey
by
his
Victories
brought
l.
per
Ann.
which
was
yet
farther
augmented
afterwards
when
the
Gauls
and
Egypt
became
Provinces
of
Rome
.
The
Money
lock'd
up
in
the
Temple
of
Saturn
was
rarely
touch'd
;
we
do
not
find
any
considerable
summ
drawn
from
thence
till
Hannibal
had
been
in
Italy
ten
years
,
about
which
time
twelve
of
the
30
Latin
Colonies
refusing
to
give
any
Assistance
to
the
Common
wealth
,
In
this
danger
,
[
†
](A37160-e18780-b)
†
Tit
Liv.
l.
27.
Caetera
expedientibus
quae
ad
bellum
opus
erant
Consulibus
,
Aurum
Vicessimaerium
,
quod
in
Sanctiore
Aerario
ad
ultimos
Casus
servaretur
,
promi
placuit
Prompta
●ad
quatuor
millia
pondo
Auri.
But
when
Caesar
invaded
the
Liberties
of
his
Country
,
this
sacred
Treasury
was
ransack'd
.
Appian
Alexandrin
says
,
[
*
](A37160-e18820-b)
*
Bell.
〈◊〉
1.
2.
Intactas
ad
id
temporis
Pecunias
abstulit
.
Florus
says
,
speaking
of
this
Action
,
[
†
](A37160-e18840-b)
†
〈…〉
l.
4.
●
.
●
.
Nec
Pompeius
ab
Italia
quam
Senatus
ab
Vrbe
fugatur
prior
,
quam
poene
vacuam
maetu
Caesar
ingressus
Consulem
Seipse
facit
,
Aerarium
quoque
Sanctum
,
quia
tardius
aperiebant
Tribuni
,
jussit
ëffring●
,
censumque
&
patrimonium
populi
Romani
antea
rapuit
,
quam
imperium
.
Some
pretend
to
tell
the
exact
summ
which
he
drew
from
thence
.
Freculph
.
Lexoviens
says
thus
,
[
*
](A37160-e18870-b)
*
Tom.
1
Chron.
l.
7.
c.
8.
Caesar
Romam
venit
negatamque
sibi
ex
aerario
Pecuniam
fractis
foribus
invasit
protulitque
ex
eo
Auri
pondo
quatuor
millia
centum
triginta
&
sex
,
Argenti
pondo
nongenta
Millia
.
The
ordinary
Revenue
of
the
Empire
arising
from
the
Colonies
and
Provinces
,
was
likewise
without
doubt
very
much
impair'd
by
the
Civil
Wars
between
Caesar
and
Pompey
,
and
between
Caesar
and
Pompey's
Sons
,
as
also
by
the
Civil
Wars
which
Augustus
maintain'd
with
Brutus
and
Cassius
:
And
certainly
the
Provinces
were
enough
harrass'd
when
they
were
divided
between
Augustus
and
Marc
Anthony
(
whose
Luxury
alone
was
sufficient
to
impoverish
many
rich
Nations
)
and
the
Ruin
of
these
miserable
People
was
yet
more
increas'd
when
Augustus
,
and
Antony
,
in
a
long
Civil
War
,
contended
for
the
Dominion
of
the
whole
;
but
when
he
began
to
Reign
alone
(
which
he
did
44
Years
)
and
as
soon
as
he
entertain'd
Thoughts
of
transmitting
the
Empire
to
his
Family
,
he
set
himself
to
put
the
Revenue
in
order
,
and
to
inrich
the
Publick
,
as
other
Great
〈◊〉
had
done
before
him
.
But
beari●●
〈◊〉
he
did
,
a
great
Mind
,
his
principal
〈◊〉
was
to
embellish
the
City
with
magnificent
Buildings
,
*
Vrbem
neque
pro
M●j●state
[
*
](A37160-e19060-b)
*
Tacit.
l.
3.
An.
Vicies
ac
Septies
Millies
HS.
which
reduc'd
to
our
Money
makes
21,093,750
l.
A
wealth
even
in
this
Age
perhaps
not
to
be
equall'd
by
any
of
the
Eastern
Kings
,
all
which
his
Successor
Caligula
squander'd
away
in
less
than
a
Year
,
[
†
](A37160-e19100-b)
†
Suet.
Calig
.
non
toto
vertente
anno
absumpsit
.
Tiberius
was
a
wary
man
,
and
no
waster
,
but
it
seems
very
probable
that
this
immense
summ
was
chiefly
gather'd
together
under
the
long
and
peaceful
Reign
of
Augustus
,
who
had
one
Quality
that
never
fails
to
make
a
Prince
rich
,
which
was
that
he
look'd
after
the
Publick
Accompts
;
for
of
the
three
Books
he
left
deposited
in
the
Hands
of
the
Vestal
Virgins
,
one
was
[
*
](A37160-e19130-b)
*
Suet.
D.
Oct.
Aug.
Breviarium
totius
Imper●i
,
quantum
militum
sub
signis
ubique
essec
▪
quantum
Pecuniae
in
Aerario
&
fiscis
&
vectigaliorum
residuis
.
Adjecit
&
Liber●orum
Servorumque
nomina
a
quibus
racio
exigi
posset
.
From
which
Place
of
S●e●onius
two
things
are
observable
,
1st
,
That
this
wise
Prince
in
the
Rules
he
le●t
behind
him
for
future
Government
(
these
Books
being
of
that
Nature
)
〈◊〉
that
there
might
be
a
difference
made
between
the
Aerarium
and
the
Fiscus
,
reckoning
one
the
Revenue
of
the
Commonwealth
,
and
the
other
his
own
private
Patrimony
,
out
of
which
he
gave
those
▪
Legacies
that
he
bequeath'd
to
Tiberius
,
Livia
,
Drusus
,
Germanicus
,
and
to
the
People
of
Rome
.
2dly
,
That
he
left
a
kind
of
an
Intimation
that
he
would
have
his
Successor
call
such
of
his
Servants
and
Ministers
to
Accompt
as
had
any
ways
defrauded
the
Publick
.
That
he
made
the
foreme●tion'd
Distinction
is
plain
from
this
,
tha●
tho
he
left
the
Commonwealth
in
so
flourishing
a
Condition
,
yet
in
his
Will
he
excus'd
the
smallness
of
his
Legacies
from
the
Streightness
of
his
Private
Fortune
;
*
Excusata
rei
familiaris
mediocrit●te
;
alledging
there
would
come
very
little
to
his
Heirs
,
tho
he
had
in
twenty
years
inherited
from
his
Friends
quaterdecies
Millies
,
that
is
,
31,250,000
l.
and
tho
he
had
succeeded
to
two
Paternal
Patrimonies
,
all
which
he
had
expended
in
the
nccessary
Services
of
the
State
.
The
Distinction
between
the
Prince's
and
the
Publick
Revenue
continued
under
all
the
good
Reigns
,
and
the
better
the
Prince
was
,
the
more
carefully
he
minded
that
Poverty
should
not
grow
upon
the
Publick
,
as
the
only
means
a
good
Ruler
has
to
avoid
burthening
the
People
with
Taxes
.
This
Distinction
appears
from
many
Passages
in
the
Roman
History
,
we
shall
take
notice
only
of
some
:
Spartianus
speaking
of
the
Emperor
Adrian
,
says
,
[
†
](A37160-e19270-b)
†
Spartian
.
in
Adriano
.
Damnatorum
bona
in
Fiscum
Privatum
redigi
vetuit
,
omni
summa
in
Aerario
Publico
recepta
.
Pliny
in
his
Panegyrick
upon
Trajan
says
,
At
fortasse
non
eadem
Severitate
Fiscum
,
qua
Aerarium
Cohibes
?
Imo
tanto
majore
,
quanto
plus
tibi
licere
de
tuo
quam
de
pub
lico
credis
.
Tacitus
says
,
[
*
](A37160-e19310-b)
*
Tacit.
l.
6.
An.
Et
bona
Sejani
ablata
Aerario
ut
in
Fiscum
cogerentur
tum
retulere
Scipiones
.
Haec
&
Silani
&
Cassii
iisdem
ferme
aut
Paulum
immutatis
verbis
adseveratione
multa
censebant
.
And
in
another
place
,
[
*
](A37160-e19340-b)
*
Lib.
ib.
Post
quos
Sex
:
Marius
Hispaniarum
ditissimus
defertur
incestasse
Filiam
&
Saxo
Tarpeio
dijicitur
,
ac
ne
dubium
haberetur
Magnitudinem
pecuniae
malo
vertisse
aurariasque
ejus
,
quanquam
publicarentur
,
sibimet
Tiberius
seposuit
.
Nero
,
among
other
things
promis'd
the
Senate
,
[
†
](A37160-e19360-b)
†
Tacit.
An.
13.
Nihil
in
Penatibus
suis
venale
,
discretam
domum
&
Rempublicam
,
Teneret
antiqua
Munia
Senatus
;
That
nothing
should
be
Venal
in
his
Pallace
;
That
his
own
,
and
the
Revenue
of
the
Commonwealth
should
not
be
confounded
together
,
and
that
the
Senate
should
injoy
its
antient
Priviledges
.
This
Speech
he
made
at
the
beginning
of
his
Reign
,
when
he
was
guided
by
the
Counsels
of
Seneca
,
who
,
as
Tacitus
takes
notice
,
penn'd
the
Oration
.
And
no
doubt
there
could
not
have
been
laid
down
to
a
young
Prince
a
better
Platform
for
his
future
Government
;
And
there
is
Reason
to
think
that
the
Philosopher
,
who
had
well
enough
Sounded
the
Inclinations
of
his
Pupil
,
had
then
a
mind
to
suggest
to
him
,
that
his
Paternal
Fortune
,
with
the
Infinite
Wealth
which
was
to
descend
to
him
from
his
〈◊〉
Agrippina
,
would
be
sufficient
to
●●pply
those
Pleasures
to
which
he
saw
his
Youth
addicted
,
and
that
it
would
be
for
the
safety
of
his
Empire
to
set
aside
the
Publick
Revenue
for
the
Uses
of
the
Publick
:
While
he
kept
to
these
Rules
,
his
Reign
,
tho
not
quite
Innocent
,
however
was
not
so
Monstrous
,
but
when
his
Flatterers
had
made
him
believe
that
the
whole
world
was
Caesar's
Patrimony
,
then
he
ran
headlong
into
all
sorts
of
Cruelty
and
Riot
;
For
he
thought
all
things
were
permitted
to
him
,
who
was
Lord
of
all
,
and
that
no
Prodigality
of
his
could
exhaust
such
a
Revenue
as
the
Dominion
over
the
whole
Earth
must
yield
:
These
Imaginations
made
him
enter
into
Prodigious
Expences
in
Banquets
,
Buildings
,
and
upon
his
Minions
;
So
that
he
wasted
in
a
short
time
what
had
been
hoarded
up
by
his
Predecessor
Claudius
,
the
infinite
Riches
he
had
from
his
Mothers
Succession
,
and
what
came
to
him
from
the
Confiscation
of
Seneca's
Wealth
,
which
amounted
Ter
Millies
HS.
And
when
his
Gifts
were
look'd
into
by
Galba
,
it
was
found
that
he
had
this
way
consum'd
what
answers
in
our
Money
to
17,187,500
l.
[
*
](A37160-e19480-b)
*
Tacit.
l.
●
Hist.
Bis
&
vicies
Millies
HS.
Donationibus
Nero
effuderat
.
Tho
the
Servile
part
of
Mankind
are
apt
to
extol
profuse
Princes
,
yet
whoever
considers
the
Story
of
the
Roman
Emperors
will
find
,
that
their
Vices
took
rise
principally
from
this
profuse
temper
,
and
by
contemplating
their
Lives
he
will
see
,
that
Prodigality
drove
'em
into
Want
,
Want
into
Rapine
and
Extortion
;
when
they
had
oppress'd
the
People
they
became
Odious
,
when
they
were
Hated
they
grew
Fearful
and
Suspicious
,
Fear
and
Suspicion
made
'em
immediately
dip
their
hands
in
Blood
,
and
this
ever
was
,
and
ever
will
be
the
Natural
Progress
of
Tyranny
,
as
particularly
appears
by
the
Actions
of
Caius
Caligula
,
Nero
,
Vitellius
,
Domitian
,
Commodus
,
Julianus
,
Antoninus
▪
Caracalla
,
Heliogabalus
,
and
those
other
Monsters
under
whom
the
World
groan'd
for
many
Years
,
and
who
by
their
Profusion
were
first
led
into
Rapine
and
Murther
.
And
as
a
further
Instance
how
fatal
the
Prodigality
of
Princes
is
to
their
Nations
,
The
Roman
Empire
was
so
distress'd
by
the
Riots
and
Expences
of
Nero
,
Otho
,
Vitellius
,
(
who
altogether
)
(
including
Galba's
time
)
reign'd
but
fifteen
years
and
eight
Months
,
according
to
Dion
Cassius
)
that
when
Vespasian
took
the
Government
in
hand
;
he
declared
the
Commonwealth
could
not
subsist
,
unless
Ways
and
Means
were
found
out
of
rais●●g
what
answers
to
312,500,000
l.
of
our
Money
,
[
†
](A37160-e19610-b)
†
Suet.
T.
Fl.
Vesp
.
Professus
Quadringenties
Millies
opus
esse
ut
Resp.
stare
possit
.
Into
such
an
immense
Debt
was
the
Empire
brought
by
Tigellinus
,
Nymphidius
,
Patrobius
,
Polycletus
,
Vatinius
,
Elius
,
Titus
Vinius
,
Cornelius
Laco
,
Icelus
,
Caecina
,
Fabius
Valens
,
Asiaticus
,
Marcellus
Eprius
,
and
the
other
Rapacious
Ministers
of
State
,
who
under
those
dissolute
and
negligent
Reigns
,
devour'd
the
Commonwealth
;
Insomuch
that
Vespasian
,
a
most
excellent
Prince
,
who
came
to
rescue
his
Country
out
of
these
destructive
hands
;
when
he
went
about
to
disengage
the
Publick
,
and
to
put
the
Empire
into
a
posture
of
Defence
,
was
forc'd
,
against
his
Inclination
,
and
the
Goodness
of
his
Nature
,
to
oppress
How
far
Vespasian
proceeded
in
disengaging
the
Publick
from
the
Debt
of
312,500,000
l.
History
is
Silent
,
but
we
may
presume
he
and
his
Son
Titus
(
who
between
'em
govern'd
upwards
of
twelve
Years
)
went
a
good
way
towards
putting
things
in
order
,
however
all
was
again
unravell'd
by
the
younger
Son
Domitian
.
But
the
Golden
bunch
of
Flesh
which
Domitian
dreamt
grew
out
behind
his
Neck
,
that
is
,
the
Succeeding
Emperors
,
Nerva
,
Trajan
,
Adrian
,
and
Antoninus
Pius
,
whose
Rule
took
up
about
Sixty
four
Years
,
gave
the
Affairs
of
the
Commonwealth
a
better
Complexion
:
They
had
been
so
careful
of
the
Publick
Revenue
,
that
when
Marcus
Aurelius
Antoninus
came
to
the
Empire
,
he
found
in
the
Treasury
what
answers
in
our
Money
to
[
*
](A37160-e19790-b)
*
Xiphil
.
ex
Dione
Partin
.
21,093,750
l.
This
Marcus
Antoninus
,
tho
in
his
Nature
very
bountiful
,
having
given
to
the
People
a
larger
Donative
than
they
had
ever
seen
before
,
was
yet
so
frugal
of
the
Publick
Money
,
that
when
he
was
going
upon
an
Expedition
against
the
Seythians
,
he
would
not
draw
any
Summ
from
the
Treasury
with●●●
first
having
permission
from
the
Senate
,
affirming
[
†
](A37160-e19830-b)
†
Xiphil
.
ex
Dion
.
M.
Anto.
That
such
Money
and
every
thing
else
belong'd
to
the
People
of
Rome
;
and
saying
before
the
Fathers
He
had
nothing
in
particular
,
no
not
so
much
as
the
House
beliv'd
in
:
This
Prince
and
Philosopher
another
time
before
,
being
press'd
by
his
Army
for
a
Donative
after
a
Signa●
Victory
,
refus'd
it
▪
with
this
memorab●●
Saying
,
The
more
I
give
these
young
Soldiers
,
the
more
I
must
oppress
their
P●rents
.
What
had
been
collected
in
fiv●
wise
and
frugal
Reigns
,
was
dissolutel●
wasted
by
Commodus
in
twelve
Year
and
Nine
Months
,
Insomuch
that
whe●
Pertinax
came
to
the
Empire
he
foun●
in
the
Treasury
(
as
he
declar'd
before
th●
Senate
)
but
what
answers
in
our
Money
to
[
*
](A37160-e19890-b)
*
Xiphil
.
ex
Dione
.
Pertin
.
7812
l.
10
s.
Whereby
't
is
seen
that
the
Prudence
of
a
whole
Age
may
be
defeated
in
a
short
space
of
time
,
if
the
Prince
be
either
bad
in
his
own
Inclinations
,
or
if
he
let
himself
be
mis-led
by
ill
Statesmen
▪
But
whoever
considers
the
Lives
of
such
as
have
rul'd
tyrannically
,
and
oppress'd
the
People
,
will
find
that
but
few
of
'em
were
wicked
through
an
innate
temper
of
their
Minds
,
for
the
Beginnings
of
the
worst
Reigns
were
generally
blameless
,
which
is
a
proof
that
the
Dictates
of
Nature
were
right
enough
.
How
comes
it
then
to
pass
that
so
many
have
govern'd
ill
,
and
why
have
most
of
'em
rather
inclin'd
to
bad
than
Good
?
Gnari
Meliorum
&
quae
Fama
Clemen●iam
[
*
](A37160-e19960-b)
*
Xiphil
.
ex
Dion
.
Sever.
Is
there
any
Publick
Business
to
do
?
Give
it
me
,
that
I
may
dispatch
it
before
I
go
.
They
rather
choose
what
they
call
a
Partner
of
their
Cares
;
Minions
,
Favourites
,
and
Ministers
,
most
commonly
first
known
to
'em
in
their
Pleasures
,
and
afterwards
call'd
in
to
their
chief
Business
:
To
these
they
leave
the
whole
Affairs
of
the
State
,
rarely
looking
into
any
thing
with
their
own
Eyes
;
And
few
being
able
to
defend
themselves
against
those
they
love
and
trust
,
these
false
Friends
lead
their
Master
which
way
they
please
,
but
most
commonly
into
the
worst
,
as
best
suiting
with
their
private
Interest
.
If
the
Prince
be
young
,
they
corrupt
him
with
Luxury
and
Riot
;
If
Old
,
they
try
to
make
him
Suspicious
,
Cruel
,
and
suggest
to
him
designs
against
the
Liberties
of
his
Country
,
not
so
much
to
augment
his
Power
,
as
to
increase
their
own
;
They
endeavour
to
shut
him
up
as
much
as
they
can
from
the
sight
of
his
People
;
not
considering
how
dangerous
Solitude
is
to
Princes
,
as
in
the
instance
of
Tiberius
,
*
Quisolus
&
nullis
But
to
follow
this
matter
of
the
Revenue
of
the
Roman
State
as
far
as
Helvius
Pertinax
who
succeeded
Commodus
did
not
Rule
quite
three
Months
,
He
endeavour'd
to
prevent
the
Rapine
of
the
Freed
Men
and
Officers
of
the
Court
,
and
to
hinder
the
Robberies
and
Violence
of
the
Praetorian
Bands
,
but
he
was
kill'd
in
the
attempt
,
the
Court
and
Camp
being
then
both
so
deprav'd
that
they
could
not
bear
a
grave
and
frugal
Reign
,
which
should
be
a
warning
to
all
Governments
,
that
have
any
Freedom
left
,
not
to
let
Corruptions
of
this
Nature
grow
till
they
are
too
big
to
be
corrected
.
Julianus
came
next
,
having
bought
the
Empire
,
He
endeavour'd
by
excess
of
Liberality
to
gain
that
Affection
which
was
not
due
to
any
Virtue
he
had
,
but
Princes
who
endeavour
this
way
to
become
Popular
gain
a
few
at
the
cost
of
many
,
and
so
are
hated
by
the
Major
part
:
He
consum'd
as
much
as
one
could
do
who
govern'd
but
two
Months
.
Severus
was
next
elected
,
whose
Reign
of
near
eighteen
years
was
mostly
taken
up
in
Civil
Wars
,
first
with
Niger
,
and
then
with
Albinus
for
the
Soveraignty
,
and
in
Foreign
Expeditions
into
Parthia
,
Arabia
,
Palestine
,
Egypt
,
and
lastly
into
Brittain
:
And
tho
this
was
a
Reign
of
War
,
and
tho
Severus
was
expensi●●
in
Publick
Buildings
,
and
magnifice●●●o
his
Soldiers
,
having
at
one
time
made
a
Donative
to
them
of
what
answers
to
1562,500
l.
of
our
Money
,
yet
he
left
His
Son
Antoninus
Caracalla
succeeded
,
who
lavish'd
among
the
Soldiers
what
his
Father
had
so
carefully
laid
up
,
having
for
above
six
Years
together
robb'd
the
whole
World
to
enrich
them
,
plundering
,
confiscating
,
and
murthering
the
best
Men
of
the
Empire
,
to
seed
the
licentious
Appetites
of
his
Men
of
War
,
and
yet
he
was
kill'd
in
Mesopotamia
,
in
the
midst
of
that
Camp
he
had
so
much
courted
and
favour'd
;
from
whence
may
be
observ'd
,
that
the
Love
of
Subjects
is
not
to
be
bought
with
Money
,
but
to
be
obtain'd
by
wise
Government
,
and
that
all
sorts
of
People
,
even
Soldiers
,
reverence
a
Prince
more
who
by
good
Conduct
keeps
something
in
his
Power
to
give
,
than
they
do
him
who
gives
all
away
;
Expectation
and
Hope
often
carrying
Men
much
further
than
the
Sense
of
past
or
present
Benefits
.
Among
the
rest
of
Caracalla's
Monstrous
Marc.
Anthony
the
Triumvir
began
first
to
debase
the
Roman
Coin
,
his
Example
was
afterwards
follow'd
by
the
Caesars
.
[
†
](A37160-e20290-b)
†
Plin.
l.
33.
c.
9.
Miscuit
denario
Triumvir
Antonius
ferrum
,
alii
a
pondere
subtrahunt
cum
sit
justum
octoginta
quatuor
e
libris
signari
.
Silver
was
first
Coin
d
in
Rome
585
ab
V
C.
Q.
Fabius
being
Consul
,
5
years
before
the
first
Punick
War
;
They
did
not
Coin
any
Gold
till
62
Years
after
.
The
Denarius
was
the
Silver
Species
most
in
use
among
them
,
under
the
Consuls
they
Coin'd
84
Denarij
out
of
the
Roman
●lex
.
Severus
it
stood
at
a
stay
▪
in
respec●
of
weight
.
Under
Severus
and
Gordianus
it
recovered
its
ancient
weight
,
and
so
continued
till
Justinian
,
with
little
difference
in
the
weight
,
bu●
frequent
Change
and
Abasement
by
Alloy
.
But
after
Justinian
,
whe●
the
barbarous
Nations
made
Eruption
upon
the
Empire
,
they
brought
universal
Confusions
upon
the
Coins
,
〈◊〉
they
did
upon
all
other
things
tha●
related
to
good
Politie
.
The
Gold
Coin
did
likewise
suffer
its
change●
of
the
Roman
Foot
and
Denarius
.
and
diminution
;
For
*
Greaves
,
who
in
his
Travels
had
weigh'd
many
of
the
Aurei
collected
in
curious
Cabinets
abroad
,
and
not
impair'd
by
time
,
found
'em
from
the
first
to
the
last
of
the
Twelve
Caesars
,
to
weigh
from
123
to
112
Grains
English
,
and
from
Nerva
to
Heraclius
,
from
111
to
69
Gr.
English
.
This
in
general
may
be
observ'd
,
that
with
the
Empire
the
Roman
Coins
declin'd
,
necessity
driving
the
Prince
,
as
the
Species
grew
scarce
,
to
put
a
higher
value
upon
it
.
When
we
reflect
upon
the
vast
Summs
mentioned
in
their
Histories
,
we
must
be
driven
to
own
,
that
about
the
time
of
Tiberius
Money
was
as
plentiful
in
Italy
as
it
is
as
this
day
in
any
part
of
Europe
,
and
that
it
bore
the
same
proportion
with
other
Commodities
as
it
does
at
present
;
And
that
a
Summ
of
their
Money
answerng
to
ours
would
maintain
a
Man
in
the
same
Port
as
the
same
Summ
does
●a●erius
Messalla
,
of
a
most
noble
Family
,
great
Grandson
to
Corvinus
the
Orator
,
by
annual
Pension
Quingena
●estertia
,
which
in
our
Money
answers
to
●6●96
l.
Quibus
Messalla
paupertatem
●nnoxiam
sustent●ret
.
Ves●asian
maintain'd
●uch
Senators
as
were
of
Consular
Dignity
,
and
had
fallen
to
decay
,
with
●he
like
Annual
Pension
,
[
*
](A37160-e20720-b)
*
Suet.
T.
Fl.
Vesp
.
Consulares
in
●pes
Quingenis
Sestertius
annuis
Sustenta●it
,
which
shows
that
what
was
then
about
3906
l.
would
support
a
Man
of
the
best
Quality
in
an
honourable
way
of
living
,
and
not
less
,
for
Vespasian
,
who
look'd
to
what
he
did
,
would
not
have
given
so
much
,
if
less
would
have
suffic'd
.
That
the
Species
abounded
then
in
Italy
as
much
as
it
does
now
in
any
Country
,
appears
by
many
other
Instances
too
tedious
to
be
here
inserted
.
But
this
will
not
seem
strange
to
such
as
consider
,
that
the
Wealth
of
all
the
known
Parts
of
the
World
had
for
several
Ages
been
drawing
thither
to
center
in
one
City
,
And
there
it
might
have
continu'd
,
and
in
the
near
adjacent
Provinces
,
and
this
Wealth
might
,
for
ought
we
know
,
have
preserv'd
the
State
to
this
day
,
if
,
as
in
the
times
of
the
Common-wealth
,
or
,
as
was
done
under
wise
Reigns
,
they
had
preserv'd
a
sufficient
Proportion
of
it
treasur'd
up
for
the
uses
of
the
Publick
.
But
when
the
Emperors
,
and
when
,
after
their
Example
,
the
People
fell
into
an
Excess
of
Luxury
,
to
feed
that
Luxury
,
Foreign
Countries
,
in
the
way
of
Trade
,
soon
got
back
that
Gold
and
Silver
which
the
Romans
had
before
taken
from
them
by
Force
of
Arms
;
And
when
the
Publick
was
so
exhausted
,
and
when
Private
Men
were
so
impoverished
as
not
to
be
in
a
condition
to
help
the
Publick
,
the
Empire
was
left
naked
and
defenceless
:
For
a
great
Dominion
is
to
be
secur'd
but
two
Ways
,
either
by
Virtue
,
or
Force
;
by
Virtue
such
as
the
Romans
and
Athenians
shew'd
in
the
beginning
of
their
Commonwealth
;
By
Force
,
such
as
the
Persian
Kings
,
and
the
Roman
Emperors
were
Masters
of
,
which
consisted
in
Immense
Treasures
laid
up
,
large
Tributes
arising
from
the
People
,
great
Fleets
and
Armies
;
But
when
Countries
are
effeminated
by
Luxury
,
and
impoverish'd
by
Riot
and
ill
Conduct
,
that
is
,
when
they
have
neither
Virtue
nor
Strength
remaining
,
they
presently
become
a
Prey
to
the
Warlike
Nations
that
will
invade
them
.
We
have
made
this
short
Digression
,
and
given
Instances
of
several
Changes
in
the
Roman
Money
,
To
shew
how
much
the
Coin
of
a
Country
is
its
true
Pulse
;
and
That
if
it
beats
irregularly
,
't
is
a
Symptom
that
the
Body
Politick
labours
under
some
dangerous
distemper
;
That
if
the
Prince
be
compell'd
to
diminish
its
weight
,
t
is
a
Token
that
the
Species
begins
to
be
drawn
out
of
his
Dominions
;
That
if
he
be
forc'd
to
substitute
something
else
in
the
room
of
Gold
and
Silver
,
as
Caracalla
did
Lead
,
and
Copper
,
't
is
a
mark
that
a
great
Part
of
it
is
gone
;
That
if
the
Species
comes
to
be
drain
d
away
,
or
universally
corrupted
,
as
it
was
toward
the
latter
end
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
't
is
a
Demonstration
that
the
ruin
of
the
State
is
coming
on
apace
.
But
to
resume
our
Discourse
.
After
Caracalla
,
Macrinus
was
chosen
,
who
tho
obscurely
born
,
and
rising
to
Greatness
by
leisurely
Steps
,
yet
could
not
avoid
plunging
himself
into
the
Volupruous
courses
of
his
Predecessor
:
Warring
with
the
Parthians
he
was
defeated
in
two
Battles
by
Antoninus
Heliogabalus
her
Grandson
.
This
Monster
exceeded
all
that
ever
went
before
him
in
Rapine
,
Cruelty
,
and
Riot
.
He
was
Slain
for
his
detestable
Vices
;
His
Mother
Mammaea
had
perswaded
him
to
adopt
his
Cousin
German
Alexander
Severus
who
succeeded
,
[
*
](A37160-e21000-b)
*
Lampridius
in
Alex.
He
govern'd
well
and
wisely
;
In
this
Reign
,
which
la●●ed
thirteen
Years
,
endeavours
were
made
to
reduce
things
to
some
Order
,
But
the
times
could
not
bear
a
good
Prince
:
He
was
slain
by
his
Soldiers
in
Gau●●
▪
After
his
Reign
there
were
mauy
Revolutions
in
the
Empire
,
and
much
confusion
,
till
Constantine
took
the
Government
upon
him
.
Alexander
Severus
was
kill
d
in
the
988th
year
ab
V.
C.
and
Constantine
began
to
rule
alone
Anno
ab
V.
C.
10●7
.
And
whereas
two
good
Princes
Edw
3d
,
and
Q.
Eliz.
rul'd
in
this
Kingdom
above
94
years
,
Rome
between
the
time
of
Alex.
Severus
and
Constantine
,
which
was
but
89
Years
,
saw
Nineteen
Reigns
,
and
more
than
twenty
Emperors
,
many
during
that
space
having
usurped
the
Title
;
not
to
reckon
the
Thirty
Tyrants
who
set
up
themselves
in
several
Provinces
in
the
Reign
of
Gallienus
,
to
such
Miseries
and
Changes
are
Corrupted
Countries
obnoxious
.
During
this
time
many
things
happened
,
which
tended
to
the
Impoverishment
and
weakning
of
the
Trajanus
Decius
the
Goths
began
to
invade
it
,
and
soon
after
the
Scythians
:
Vibius
Gallus
,
who
succeeded
Decius
bought
a
shameful
Peace
of
the
Goths
with
Ravenna
;
Macedonia
,
Pontus
,
and
Asia
,
were
invaded
by
innumerable
Troops
of
the
Goths
and
Scythians
,
Daci●
beyond
the
Danube
threw
off
all
Subjection
;
the
Quadi
and
Sarmat●
possess'd
themselves
of
Pannonia
,
and
the
Parthians
having
seiz'd
upon
Mesopotamia
made
Inroads
into
Syria
.
But
to
save
the
Empire
from
utter
Ruin
,
during
this
time
there
were
some
good
Reigns
;
Valerius
Aurelianus
,
a
Warlike
Prince
did
almost
Restore
it
to
its
Ancient
Limits
.
Probus
,
who
was
Chosen
against
his
will
,
went
a
great
way
towards
Repelling
the
Barbarians
,
and
under
him
the
Roman
Affairs
flourish'd
;
but
afterwards
by
bad
Reigns
Things
were
again
brought
into
Confusion
:
However
all
along
,
while
either
the
Prince
,
or
the
Ministers
were
good
,
some
Care
was
taken
of
the
Publick
.
'T
is
true
,
where
there
were
so
many
Changes
,
and
so
frequent
Civil
Wars
,
't
is
not
probable
any
Money
cou'd
be
laid
up
;
but
other
Provisions
were
made
whereby
the
People
might
be
Reliev'd
in
Peace
,
and
Defended
in
time
of
War
.
Severus
had
Magazines
of
Corn.
[
*
](A37160-e21420-b)
*
Spartianus
in
Sever.
Severus
Rei
Frumentariae
quam
minimam
repererat
,
ita
consuluit
ut
excedens
ipse
vita
7
annorum
Canonem
Populo
Romano
relinqueret
.
Mesitheus
,
who
was
Chief
Minister
,
and
Father-in-law
to
the
Emperor
Gordian
,
is
the
true
Pattern
of
a
Wise
Statesman
careful
for
the
Publick
.
[
†
](A37160-e21470-b)
†
Capitol
.
in
Gord.
Cujus
viri
tanta
in
Republica
dispositio
fuit
ut
nulla
esset
unquam
Civitas
Limitanea
potior
quae
non
posset
Exercitum
Populi
Romani
ac
Principem
ferre
;
quae
totius
anni
in
Aceto
Frumento
&
Larido
atque
Hordeo
&
Paleis
condita
non
haberet
;
Majores
vero
Vrbes
aliae
30
dierum
,
aliae
40
,
nonnullae
2
mensium
,
quae
minimum
15
dierum
.
So
that
when
the
Luxuries
and
Riots
of
preceeding
Times
,
had
partly
drein'd
the
Empire
of
its
Gold
and
Silver
,
they
made
Stores
of
another
Kind
;
Tho'
indeed
from
the
beginning
there
was
little
drawn
but
Provisions
from
several
Provinces
;
for
Trajan
had
Order'd
,
That
the
Leptitani
in
Mauritania
,
should
furnish
Oyl
:
That
Part
of
Galia
and
the
Spaniards
,
chiefly
those
of
Baetica
,
should
Provide
Horses
,
besides
Materials
for
Cloathing
,
Oyl
,
and
Bacon
:
In
Italy
the
Lucani
,
were
to
find
Hogs
,
and
the
Brutii
Oxen
:
Moreover
,
from
the
time
they
were
Subdu'd
,
Sicily
,
and
Aegypt
,
were
to
provide
a
certain
proportion
of
Corn
,
which
varied
according
to
the
Necessities
of
the
Publick
.
Thus
from
many
Countries
,
they
drew
the
Tributes
in
Kind
,
which
were
partly
made
use
of
for
the
Peoples
Relief
,
or
stor'd
up
in
good
Times
,
and
in
bad
Times
dissipated
,
no
benefit
thereby
arising
to
the
Common-Wealth
.
Constantine
proceeded
a
great
way
towards
remedying
the
Disorders
which
had
crept
into
the
Empire
,
under
the
loose
Reigns
that
preceeded
his
.
He
corrected
Rapine
and
Oppression
in
the
Ministerial
Parts
of
the
Government
,
by
a
solemn
[
*
](A37160-e21680-b)
*
Vid.
L.
4.
de
Accustat
.
C.
Theod.
Lib.
9.
Tit.
1.
Edict
,
inviting
all
sorts
of
People
to
Accuse
such
of
his
Ministers
and
Officers
as
had
been
corrupt
:
He
restrain'd
Usury
by
severe
Laws
,
which
is
one
certain
way
of
Enriching
both
the
publick
and
private
Men
;
for
where
immoderate
Usury
has
been
suffer'd
,
Poverty
was
always
National
and
Universal
:
He
likewise
,
Regulated
the
Roman
Mint
.
But
the
Wisdom
of
Two
or
Three
Reigns
avails
little
to
preserve
an
Empire
,
the
Foundation
of
whose
Ruin
is
already
laid
;
their
Ancient
Vertue
was
long
since
gone
,
Power
and
Wealth
remain'd
for
some
time
after
,
Martial
Discipline
,
from
whence
their
Greatness
took
its
Rise
,
was
slacken'd
under
Effeminate
Princes
,
and
at
last
quite
corrupted
by
Civil
Wars
:
However
,
upon
so
strong
a
Basis
was
this
Common-wealth
Built
,
that
neither
the
Madness
of
the
Emperors
,
nor
the
Vices
of
the
People
,
could
probably
have
Destroy'd
it
so
soon
,
but
for
other
Accidents
which
help'd
on
its
Ruin
.
Tho'
M.
Antoninus
Philosophus
had
Associated
into
the
Empire
Lucius
Verus
,
and
tho'
Severus
had
done
the
same
with
his
Son
Antoninus
Caracalla
,
yet
there
was
no
Actual
Division
made
,
and
the
Body
of
the
State
remain'd
one
,
tho'
with
Two
Heads
.
But
between
Probus
and
Florianus
,
the
Territories
were
in
a
manner
parted
.
Maximianus
Herculeus
,
they
two
Govern'd
jointly
;
but
when
they
Depos'd
themselves
,
the
Empire
was
again
divided
between
Maximianus
Galerius
and
Constantius
Chlorus
,
who
Rul'd
each
their
separate
Provinces
;
but
at
last
,
all
fell
into
Constantin
the
Son
of
Chlorus
;
but
it
was
again
divided
among
the
Sons
of
Constantin
.
But
Constantius
the
Second
Son
surviving
his
Brothers
,
Reunited
again
all
into
himself
,
and
it
continu'd
one
Empire
till
Valentinian
,
who
divided
it
again
between
himself
and
his
Brother
Valens
.
But
the
Sons
of
Valentinian
dying
Childless
,
the
Empire
came
again
intire
to
Theodosius
;
who
again
divided
it
between
his
Two
Sons
,
Arcadi●
and
Honorius
;
and
so
it
stood
divided
till
the
Western
Empire
was
quite
Subverted
.
This
Division
of
its
Territory
,
places
of
Strength
,
Tributes
,
Revenues
and
Legions
,
was
most
fatal
to
that
Common-wealth
which
had
been
founded
with
so
much
Wisdom
,
and
for
many
Ages
,
defended
with
such
Courage
,
and
which
the
Gauls
,
Carthaginians
,
and
the
Cimbrians
,
had
in
vain
attempted
.
But
its
Ruin
was
not
presently
compass'd
;
and
so
strongly
was
this
Frame
built
,
that
to
pull
it
a
pieces
was
the
work
of
above
One
hundred
and
fifty
Years
.
The
Empire
being
weaken'd
and
divided
encourag'd
Alarich
to
invade
Italy
;
who
at
first
was
bravely
Vanquish'd
in
two
Battles
,
and
repuls'd
by
Stilico
;
but
afterwards
the
Senate
was
forc'd
to
purchase
the
Retreat
of
Alarich
at
the
Expence
of
Four
thousand
pound
weight
of
Gold
;
who
not
long
after
broke
the
Peace
,
besieg'd
Rome
,
took
and
Sac'kd
it
,
An.
ab
V.
C.
1163.
And
about
this
time
the
Hunns
invaded
Pannonia
;
The
Vandals
,
Alans
and
Swevi
,
and
the
Goths
who
had
formerly
invaded
Gaul
,
did
then
with
the
Burgundians
fix
themselves
there
.
Not
long
after
Africk
was
miserably
harrass'd
by
the
Vandals
,
and
Carthage
was
taken
by
Genserich
;
and
in
a
little
time
Attila
with
his
Hunns
made
an
Attempt
upon
the
Empire
,
whose
first
Irruption
was
stopt
with
Six
thousand
Pound
weight
in
Gold
;
but
in
a
few
Years
he
again
invaded
the
Western
Provinces
.
Gaul
felt
his
Rage
;
then
he
came
and
laid
all
Italy
wast
,
destroying
many
Populous
Cities
,
so
that
of
them
there
remains
nothing
now
but
their
Names
.
After
this
,
Genserich
King
of
the
Vandals
landed
in
Italy
,
Plunder'd
Rome
the
Second
time
,
carrying
away
all
which
even
the
Rage
of
Alarich
had
left
:
In
this
Century
Theodorick
King
of
the
Goths
fix'd
himself
and
his
People
in
Spain
,
and
the
Franks
obtain'd
a
firm
Footing
in
Gaul
after
a
long
Contest
with
the
Natives
,
and
the
Romans
:
At
last
Rome
was
for
the
Third
time
taken
and
Sac'kd
by
Barbarians
,
conducted
by
Odoacer
Prince
of
the
Heruli
;
who
was
Proclaim'd
King
of
Italy
.
And
thus
an
End
was
put
to
the
Roman
Dominion
,
after
it
had
continu'd
under
Kings
,
in
a
Common-Wealth
,
and
under
Emperors
;
about
1228
Years
,
reckoning
from
the
first
Foundation
of
the
City
.
And
now
to
recapitulate
the
Reasons
of
this
Great
Peoples
Ruin
.
First
their
Luxuries
extinguish'd
antient
Honour
,
and
in
its
room
introduc'd
irregular
Ambition
▪
Ambition
brought
on
Civil
Wars
;
Civil
War
made
Single
Persons
too
considerable
to
remain
afterwards
in
a
private
Condition
;
so
that
the
Foundation
of
their
Destruction
was
laid
in
the
Century
wherein
Caesar
invaded
their
Liberties
;
However
they
might
have
continued
a
Powerful
and
Flourishing
Nation
for
many
Ages
,
if
the
succeeding
Princes
had
imitated
either
Caesar
or
Augustus
:
But
many
of
those
that
follow'd
assum'd
to
themselves
,
unlimited
Athority
,
and
when
bad
Emperors
came
,
they
pulled
down
what
had
been
building
up
by
the
Wisdom
of
all
their
Predecessors
:
They
seiz'd
upon
that
Treasure
which
the
Frugality
of
preceeding
Times
had
set
aside
for
urgent
Occasions
,
They
accounted
the
Publick
Revenues
to
be
their
own
particular
Property
,
and
to
be
dispos'd
of
at
their
Pleasure
,
such
as
were
Lavish
squandred
away
among
their
Minions
and
Favourites
,
that
which
was
to
maintain
the
Dignity
of
the
State
.
When
their
Profusion
had
reduc'd
them
to
Necessities
,
they
fell
to
laying
exorbitant
Taxes
,
and
to
Pillage
the
Remote
Provinces
;
when
those
Provinces
were
harrass'd
and
exhausted
by
continual
Payments
,
they
became
weak
and
unable
to
resist
Foreign
Invasions
:
In
those
naked
and
defenceless
Provinces
,
the
Barbarians
nested
themselves
,
and
,
when
they
were
grown
Strong
and
Powerful
,
from
thence
they
made
Irruptions
into
Italy
,
till
at
last
they
came
to
Invade
and
Conquer
Rome
it self
,
the
very
Head
and
Seat
of
the
Empire
.
From
this
brief
Account
of
the
Roman
Affairs
perhaps
it
will
appear
,
That
to
let
Ministers
Wast
the
Publick
Revenues
,
or
to
suffer
any
Negligence
and
Profusion
of
the
like
Nature
,
is
of
dangerous
Consequence
both
to
the
Prince
and
People
.
SECT.
III.
Of
Resumptions
.
in
Hist
.
Goth.
Vand.
&c.
THE
Southwestern
Parts
of
the
Roman
Empire
were
invaded
and
possess'd
by
that
Torrent
of
People
which
antiently
issu'd
out
of
Scanzia
,
a
very
large
Tract
of
Land
,
bounded
on
the
North
and
East
by
the
Sea
,
and
on
the
West
and
South
by
the
Botnick
Bay
,
and
Baltick
Sea
,
as
likewise
by
Rivers
which
empty
themselves
into
the
Botnick
Bay
and
the
Russian
,
or
White
Sea
.
These
Nations
when
they
first
left
their
Native
Soil
,
for
a
great
while
had
no
certain
Seats
,
but
travers'd
from
one
Region
to
another
,
till
at
last
they
came
to
fix
themselves
in
those
Provinces
they
had
intirely
Conquer'd
.
Of
these
the
Visigoths
and
Ostrogoths
were
the
most
considerable
.
The
Ostrogoths
to
whom
all
Pannonia
had
been
assign'd
by
the
Romans
,
extended
their
Territory
far
and
wide
,
till
they
seiz'd
Italy
it self
,
under
Theodorick
.
The
Visigoths
seiz'd
on
Part
of
Gaul
,
Planting
themselves
in
Aquitaine
,
and
having
cantoniz'd
in
other
parts
of
the
Country
,
there
they
continu'd
for
some
time
.
They
likewise
form'd
a
Dominion
in
Spain
,
which
lasted
above
Three
hundred
Years
;
reckoning
from
Athlaufus
the
Son
of
Alarick
(
who
by
consent
of
the
Roman
Emperor
Honorius
,
was
settled
in
the
Borders
between
Gaul
and
Spain
)
to
Roderick
,
who
was
totally
subdued
by
Tariff
the
General
of
Vlit
Miramamoli●
the
Moor.
Part
of
these
Visigoths
fix'd
themselves
likewise
in
this
Kingdom
of
Britain
;
for
from
the
Antient
Scanzian
were
deriv'd
the
[
*
](A37160-e22800-b)
*
Vid.
Sheringham
Discept
.
de
Orig.
Gentis
Angl.
Jutes
,
Gutes
,
or
Getes
who
nested
in
part
of
Germany
,
and
were
afterwards
call'd
Saxons
,
and
who
from
Germany
came
and
took
Possession
of
this
Island
.
Of
the
same
Scanzian
,
or
Gothick
Race
were
likewise
the
Danes
,
who
about
Two
hundred
Years
before
the
Norman
Conquest
,
invaded
England
,
planting
Colonie●
and
gaining
such
Footing
here
from
time
to
time
,
that
at
last
they
wholly
Master
's
both
the
Saxons
and
the
Natives
.
From
this
Soil
likewise
,
barren
o●
Provisions
,
but
fertile
in
producing
Men
did
spring
the
Normans
,
who
under
the
Conduct
of
Roul
left
their
own
Soil
;
first
touching
upon
our
Coast
,
and
finding
no
Reception
here
,
they
were
content
upon
Terms
,
to
depart
,
and
carry
the
Terror
of
their
Arms
elsewhere
,
which
they
did
into
France
,
where
by
their
Valour
they
obtain'd
that
Tract
of
Land
,
which
from
them
was
call'd
Normandy
,
from
whence
in
One
hundred
and
Twenty
Years
they
came
,
and
in
one
Battle
Conquer'd
England
.
Thus
by
these
Swarms
from
the
North
,
of
Men
seeking
new
Seats
,
the
best
part
of
Europe
came
into
the
Possession
of
a
rough
Warlike
People
,
whom
the
Luxuries
of
Asia
,
Greece
and
Rome
,
had
neither
corrupted
nor
refin'd
;
And
these
new
Inhabitants
chang'd
every
thing
,
introducing
in
all
Places
new
Customs
,
other
Manners
,
Languages
,
different
ways
of
making
War
,
new
Laws
,
and
new
Forms
of
Government
.
And
these
several
Branches
,
springing
from
the
same
Stemm
,
it
must
follow
,
that
the
Fruit
they
bore
would
be
near
of
a
Tast
;
by
which
we
mean
that
in
their
Manners
,
Laws
,
and
principally
in
their
Politick
Government
,
they
must
of
consequence
,
as
indeed
they
did
,
very
much
resemble
one
another
.
And
whoever
looks
into
the
Antient
Constitutions
of
England
,
France
,
Spain
,
Denmark
and
Sweeden
,
will
find
,
that
all
these
Nations
,
had
one
and
the
same
Form
of
Government
;
and
tho'
they
might
vary
in
some
Circumstances
,
yet
they
all
agreed
in
certain
Fundamentals
,
which
were
,
That
the
People
should
have
their
Rights
and
Priviledges
;
That
the
Nobles
,
or
Men
of
chief
Rank
,
should
have
some
Participation
of
Power
,
and
That
the
Regal
Authority
should
be
limited
by
Laws
.
'T
is
true
the
German
Emperors
have
some
shadow
of
,
and
pretend
Succession
to
the
Roman
Empire
;
but
whoever
contemplates
their
Laws
,
Constitution
,
and
Form
of
Government
,
will
find
all
strongly
impregnated
with
the
Gothick
Tincture
.
However
,
he
who
considers
the
Migrations
of
these
Men
,
will
perceive
,
that
the
Governments
which
they
establish'd
,
were
the
necessary
and
unavoidable
Consequence
of
their
Expeditions
,
and
that
People
seeking
new
Seats
could
not
properly
put
themselves
under
any
other
Form
.
For
so
vast
a
Design
as
that
of
leaving
one's
own
,
and
invading
a
remote
Country
,
must
fall
into
some
Bold
and
Great
Mind
,
that
could
first
conceive
,
and
then
be
able
to
go
through
with
such
an
Undertaking
;
and
he
who
was
thus
qualified
with
Courage
and
Conduct
,
easily
obtain'd
Supream
Authority
over
all
the
rest
;
from
whence
came
,
That
these
People
chose
to
be
govern'd
by
Kings
.
But
the
first
Expence
of
this
Expedition
being
very
great
,
and
he
who
projected
it
not
being
able
to
bear
it
all
himself
,
he
Associated
to
him
certain
of
his
Principal
Countrymen
,
who
had
likewise
Followers
and
Dependants
of
their
own
;
These
in
Consideration
of
what
they
contributed
towards
the
Common
Design
,
were
not
only
to
share
,
in
the
Conquer'd
Lands
,
but
in
these
Lands
to
enjoy
certain
Powers
and
Priviledges
,
and
to
have
Names
of
Honour
,
by
which
they
were
to
be
distinguish'd
and
set
above
the
rest
:
From
whence
came
,
That
these
Northern
Nations
had
among
'em
the
Titles
of
Peers
,
Pallatins
,
Barons
,
Earls
,
Grantz
,
Graffs
,
Notables
,
Grandees
,
and
Dukes
.
And
the
Persons
of
prime
Rank
under
these
or
the
like
Appellations
,
were
a
distinct
Part
or
Member
of
the
Body
Politick
,
and
were
to
protect
those
who
had
come
under
their
Banners
,
and
follow'd
their
Fortune
,
and
were
vested
by
the
Constitution
with
eminent
Power
,
that
they
might
be
a
Skreen
between
the
Prince
and
People
.
But
the
Labour
and
Dangers
of
these
Expeditions
were
to
lie
upon
the
Common
People
,
by
whose
hands
the
Battles
were
to
be
fought
;
and
no
doubt
they
had
not
been
tempted
abroad
if
they
could
not
have
promised
themselves
a
better
Condition
than
what
they
had
at
home
,
and
if
they
were
to
be
only
Beasts
of
Burthen
to
the
Great
Ones
:
For
which
Reason
,
by
Compact
with
those
whom
they
follow'd
,
they
were
likewise
to
have
a
certain
Share
in
the
future
Conquest
;
from
whence
came
,
That
in
the
Settlements
made
by
these
Northern
Nations
,
respect
was
had
to
the
Interest
of
the
People
:
There
was
reserv'd
to
'em
their
distinct
Rights
and
Privliedges
,
and
Part
of
the
Conquer'd
Lands
were
Assign'd
to
them
,
in
which
,
the
better
Sort
had
Freeholds
,
and
those
of
inferior
Degree
,
held
of
their
Captains
,
Lords
,
and
Leaders
.
Their
Military
Constitution
,
gave
likewise
Form
to
their
Civil
Government
:
Their
King
as
he
was
Head
of
the
Army
in
the
moving
Camp
abroad
,
so
,
when
they
came
to
settle
,
he
was
Head
of
the
Common-wealth
:
And
as
the
Principal
Officers
and
Chief
Captains
had
been
his
Council
of
War
,
so
when
they
had
Peace
and
Rest
,
they
could
not
be
easily
perswaded
to
quit
that
Share
in
the
Administration
of
Affairs
,
of
which
they
had
tasted
in
the
Field
;
and
their
Titles
and
Lands
being
to
descend
,
they
became
,
by
Virtue
of
their
Tenures
,
his
hereditary
and
standing
Council
;
and
as
in
the
Field
they
had
wont
to
advise
him
in
difficult
Matters
,
for
the
common
Good
of
the
whole
,
and
to
lay
before
him
the
Necessities
and
Grievances
of
their
Followers
and
Dependants
,
so
at
home
it
grew
their
Right
to
do
the
same
.
But
when
these
Nations
came
to
fix
and
mingle
with
the
Natives
,
and
when
they
had
made
Compacts
and
Agreements
with
those
Natives
,
this
united
Body
(
which
likewise
increas'd
in
Wealth
and
Possessions
)
soon
became
so
Considerable
as
to
make
it
necessary
,
That
what
was
properly
call'd
the
Commons
,
should
be
a
distinct
Part
of
the
State
,
and
that
it
should
be
Represented
by
Persons
and
Members
chosen
from
among
themselves
.
Thus
in
all
these
Northern
Establishments
,
there
has
been
what
was
call'd
either
the
Estates
,
Assemblies
,
the
Cortez
,
Diets
,
or
Parliaments
.
This
was
the
Original
Constitution
,
in
most
of
the
Establishments
made
by
these
Northern
Nations
,
and
under
this
Form
of
Government
they
continu'd
without
any
material
Change
,
till
the
Two
last
Centuries
.
But
in
process
of
Time
,
the
Soil
alters
the
Nature
of
Man
,
as
much
as
it
does
that
of
Plants
;
warmer
Climates
did
by
degrees
soften
these
rough
and
Warlike
People
.
Too
much
Sun
produces
that
Effeminacy
,
which
is
the
proper
Matter
for
Arbitrary
Power
to
work
upon
:
Therefore
all
the
East
and
Southern
World
has
been
Enslav'd
,
while
colder
Climates
seem
more
tenacious
of
their
Liberties
.
The
French
were
the
first
who
stoop'd
to
the
Yoke
of
Regal
Authority
,
not
limited
by
Laws
;
Spain
soon
follow'd
,
to
whose
Kings
their
Foreign
Acquisitions
gave
more
Greatness
than
consisted
with
the
Freedom
of
their
People
.
At
last
it
grew
a
Mode
among
lesser
Kingdoms
to
imitate
what
had
been
done
in
larger
Empires
:
So
that
the
Danes
and
Sweeds
were
content
to
make
and
put
on
their
own
Fetters
:
And
we
in
England
were
desiring
to
be
like
the
other
Nations
round
about
us
;
had
not
the
Virtue
and
Courage
of
a
Few
saved
us
often
very
narrowly
from
the
Corruption
and
Madness
of
the
rest
,
The
bad
Example
of
former
Kings
,
the
Vices
of
their
Courts
,
nor
our
own
Riches
,
have
not
soften'd
and
deprav'd
us
quite
;
and
this
Island
having
been
planted
by
the
most
Warlike
of
all
the
Northern
Tribes
,
and
having
still
preserved
a
few
of
its
old
Inhabitants
who
retain
somewhat
of
the
antient
Britton
Courage
;
and
this
Soil
having
always
bred
and
nourish'd
Men
of
Heart
and
Stomach
,
it
happens
that
we
still
continue
Free
,
and
that
we
keep
the
main
Parts
of
our
Original
Constitution
.
Antient
Conquerors
have
in
the
same
manner
divided
their
Acquisitions
,
between
the
Prince
,
his
Chief
Fellowers
,
and
the
People
;
but
the
Tenures
,
or
Rights
,
by
which
these
Lands
were
to
be
Held
,
seem
particular
to
these
Gothick
Settlements
,
and
with
admirable
Polity
contriv'd
to
preserve
the
Links
of
Protection
and
Obedience
,
which
should
hold
Prince
and
People
together
;
for
't
is
Natural
for
Men
to
Cherish
and
Protect
their
Dependents
;
and
as
natural
,
to
Love
and
Obey
those
by
whom
we
are
Protected
.
Thus
to
make
all
Hold
of
the
King
,
was
almost
as
far
as
Human
Wisdom
could
go
,
to
hinder
this
chief
Landlord
from
committing
Waste
in
his
own
,
and
from
injuring
those
by
whose
Service
he
was
to
receive
Assistance
.
But
this
Division
of
Property
would
not
have
quite
suffic'd
,
unless
there
had
likewise
been
made
such
a
Partition
of
Power
,
as
we
have
mention'd
;
for
the
Greater
would
have
encroach'd
upon
,
and
swallow'd
up
the
Less
,
if
the
Power
of
each
Part
of
the
Constitution
had
not
had
certain
Boundaries
,
as
well
as
the
Fields
and
Grounds
had
Landmarks
,
of
one
kind
or
other
.
Our
Ancient
Government
having
its
Foundation
in
such
Tenures
as
the
Goths
introduc'd
,
it
will
be
necessary
to
say
something
upon
that
Subject
.
This
way
of
holding
Land
by
certain
Services
was
brought
in
by
the
Lombards
,
who
descended
of
the
[
*
](A37160-e23390-b)
*
Groti
.
Prolegom
.
in
Hist
.
Goth.
Vand.
&
Longobard
.
Gepidae
,
a
People
tha●
quitting
Scanzia
,
were
left
upon
an
Island
of
the
River
Vistula
,
where
increasing
in
Numbers
,
they
were
compell'd
to
seek
new
Seats
,
and
who
after
many
Rovings
and
Adventures
came
at
last
to
fix
in
Italy
.
What
we
call
Fee
,
and
what
in
modern
Latin's
call'd
[
†
](A37160-e23460-b)
†
Cujacius
●eud
.
l.
1.
Tit.
1.
Feudum
,
had
its
Original
from
the
Kings
of
Lombardy
,
whose
Custom
〈◊〉
was
to
grant
Territories
,
Towns
and
Citi●
to
their
Captains
and
principal
Followers
who
were
to
have
a
kind
of
Usufructuary
Right
therein
,
or
more
properly
the
Vtil●
Dominium
;
but
of
these
Lands
the
Prince
reserv'd
to
himself
the
direct
Dominion
'T
is
true
,
the
Romans
had
something
like
Alexander
Severus
,
and
after
him
Constantix
distributed
Lands
upon
the
Borders
to
their
Soldiers
,
and
their
Heirs
,
upon
Condition
of
Defence
.
But
that
which
properly
constitutes
the
Feudum
,
viz.
The
peculiar
Oath
of
Fidelity
and
Homage
,
was
an
Institution
of
the
Lombards
,
who
did
not
only
assign
Lands
upon
the
Limits
,
but
distributed
whole
Countries
to
be
held
by
Fidelity
and
Service
.
These
Tenures
were
first
at
Will
,
afterwards
for
a
Term
;
then
they
came
to
descend
to
one
Son
,
afterwards
to
be
an
Inheritance
.
He
that
held
the
Fee
was
oblig'd
upon
Summons
to
arm
himself
and
follow
his
Lord's
Banner
,
and
to
stand
by
him
in
all
Dangers
:
Besides
he
was
Subject
to
the
Payment
of
Tributes
,
Aids
or
Subsidies
.
As
the
Prince
conferr'd
these
Fees
upon
great
Lords
and
Barons
,
so
these
Barons
came
to
confer
'em
upon
others
.
The
Germans
had
anciently
something
of
the
like
nature
;
but
from
Italy
,
they
pass'd
into
France
,
and
from
France
into
England
.
And
certainly
it
was
a
wise
Institution
,
To
give
a
new
People
,
who
were
to
be
continually
upon
their
Guard
,
either
against
the
Natives
,
or
Foreigners
,
some
Interest
in
those
Lands
,
for
whose
Defence
they
were
so
often
to
expose
their
Persons
.
When
these
Northern
Expeditions
had
Success
,
and
that
a
Country
was
subdu'd
,
there
was
assign'd
to
the
Prince
,
or
he
took
to
himself
,
part
of
the
Land
,
which
he
Held
in
Demesne
,
from
which
,
and
by
the
Profits
and
Strength
the
Tenures
produc'd
,
he
maintain'd
himself
in
War
and
in
Peace
,
without
laying
,
in
Ancient
Times
,
any
other
Burden
upon
his
People
.
And
without
doubt
,
our
Kings
were
most
happy
when
they
liv'd
upon
this
Revenue
of
the
Crown
,
which
was
neither
grievous
by
its
Weight
,
or
Novelty
.
What
the
Prince
thus
receiv'd
came
chearfully
,
because
the
People
had
good
Bargains
from
the
Crown
.
'T
is
true
,
they
who
Held
by
Military
Service
,
were
at
more
Expence
in
time
of
War
;
but
t
was
the
nature
of
their
Tenure
,
and
they
bore
it
;
nor
did
a
Warlike
Race
of
Men
,
dislike
now
and
then
to
be
in
Action
.
And
't
is
probable
,
our
first
Princes
chose
to
subsist
from
a
Revenue
that
would
be
Paid
without
murmuring
,
and
which
they
might
call
their
own
,
rather
than
upon
the
Manufactures
and
Trade
of
their
Subjects
,
as
was
practised
by
Eastern
Kings
and
the
Roman
Emperors
,
who
were
always
laying
fresh
Impositions
upon
their
People
,
which
ill
suited
with
the
free
Genius
of
the
Men
these
Northern
Princes
were
to
Govern
.
Those
Loads
upon
Industry
,
high
Customs
,
and
what
we
call
Excises
,
were
afoot
in
the
Roman
Empire
,
but
not
thought
of
in
these
Gothick
Settlements
:
'T
is
true
,
from
the
time
Kings
have
desired
greater
Armies
than
their
Crown-Revenues
would
maintain
,
such
Impositions
have
been
reviv'd
in
these
Parts
of
Europe
.
These
Kind
of
Taxes
,
from
which
this
side
of
the
World
had
been
exempt
for
several
Ages
,
were
renew'd
by
Ambitious
Princes
,
who
had
great
Thoughts
,
and
small
Territory
;
of
which
kind
,
were
Ferdinand
and
Alphonso
of
Aragon
,
Kings
Lodowick
Sforza
,
Duke
of
Milan
,
who
harrass'd
their
Countries
with
these
sort
of
Duties
,
to
such
a
degree
,
as
at
last
it
produc'd
an
Universal
Defection
of
their
People
.
By
these
Ways
and
Means
of
Raising
Money
,
Lodowic
Sforza
had
heap'd
up
such
a
Mass
of
Wealth
,
that
not
Eight
Years
before
Milan
was
taken
,
he
shew'd
several
Foreign
Ministers
,
by
way
of
Ostentation
,
besides
Jewels
,
and
other
sort
of
Riches
,
in
no
small
quantity
,
to
the
Value
of
One
million
,
five
hundred
thousand
Ducats
:
A
vast
Summ
for
those
Times
.
The
Kings
of
Naples
,
had
likewise
scrap'd
up
a
great
Treasure
,
by
the
like
Methods
.
But
what
did
all
this
end
in
?
These
Exactions
,
had
so
provok'd
the
People
,
that
neither
the
Innocence
,
nor
Vertue
of
Ferdinand
,
Alphonso's
Son
,
nor
the
dark
Wisdom
and
Subtilties
of
Lodowick
,
could
avail
'em
in
time
of
Danger
,
insomuch
,
that
they
both
lost
their
Dominions
to
the
French
,
without
hardly
striking
a
Stroak
.
The
Necessities
,
introcuc'd
by
the
long
Wars
in
Italy
,
brought
these
sort
of
Taxes
more
in
Vogue
,
and
they
were
chiefly
made
use
of
by
the
little
Princes
there
,
who
Erected
to
themselves
Tyrannies
in
several
Cities
.
Not
long
after
,
this
way
of
Raising
Mony
got
footing
in
Spain
,
and
the
Tax
was
call'd
the
[
*
](A37160-e23900-b)
*
Baudier
l'
Aminist
.
du
Card.
Ximen
.
Cap.
3.
Alcabala
,
by
which
,
the
King
was
to
have
the
Tenth
part
of
all
that
was
Sold
,
or
Exchang'd
;
it
was
first
laid
towards
defraying
the
Expences
of
the
Wars
of
Granada
,
against
the
Moors
,
and
continu'd
for
some
time
,
tho'
the
War
was
ended
;
but
by
the
Authority
of
that
Great
Minister
,
Cardinal
Ximenes
,
it
was
Abolish'd
.
They
had
likewise
,
Taxes
upon
the
Consumption
,
long
agoe
in
France
,
as
in
the
Reign
of
[
†
](A37160-e23970-b)
†
Mezeray
vie
de
Chilp
.
Chilperic
,
which
the
People
thought
so
burthensome
,
that
many
therefore
deserted
their
Country
,
and
we
hear
not
of
'em
again
in
their
Histories
,
till
some
Ages
after
,
and
the
manner
by
which
they
are
now
Collected
in
that
Kingdom
,
came
from
Italy
.
But
the
Ancient
Revenue
of
the
Kings
of
France
,
consisted
in
Land
.
[
*
](A37160-e24010-b)
*
Vie
de
Clotaire
.
Mezeray
,
says
,
Le
Revenue
des
Rois
consistoit
en
Terres
ou
Domains
,
&
en
Imposts
qui
se
prenoient
sur
les
Gaulois
seulment
,
car
il
estoit
odieux
d'en
prendre
sur
les
Francois
,
on
les
levoit
quelques
uns
en
argent
,
quelques-autres
en
denres
.
Quand
on
fit
l'arpantage
ou
partage
des
Terres
,
les
Rois
en
eurent
pour
leur
Portion
quantite
des
plus
belles
specialement
aux
environs
des
grandes
villes
.
Dans
toutes
ces
Terres
▪
qui'ls
apelloient
,
Villae
Fiscales
,
ils
avoient
des
Officers
ou
serviteurs
,
qui
se
nommoient
Fiscalins
,
&
celui
qui
leur
commandoit
Domestique
.
On
amassoit
les
Provisions
de
bleds
,
de
vins
,
de
fourages
,
de
Chairs
,
specialement
de
Venaison
,
&
de
Porc.
And
as
to
Excises
,
Gabels
,
and
high
Duties
upon
Trade
,
they
were
unknown
,
among
the
Founders
of
the
English
Government
,
or
of
the
Kingdoms
round
about
us
.
We
have
been
compell'd
to
look
thus
far
backward
,
and
to
repair
to
the
Fountain-head
,
and
Original
of
this
Government
,
in
order
to
illustrate
,
what
we
are
going
to
lay
down
in
this
Section
,
which
is
,
I.
That
in
Forming
this
Constitution
,
our
Ancestors
took
care
to
make
ample
Provision
for
Maintaining
the
King's
Crown
and
Dignity
.
II.
That
,
when
those
Lands
,
and
Revenues
had
been
parted
with
,
which
were
allotted
for
his
and
the
States
Service
,
Parliaments
have
seldom
fail'd
to
Relieve
and
Restore
his
Affairs
,
by
Acts
of
Resumption
.
William
the
Norman
,
when
he
had
subdu'd
Harold
,
and
got
quiet
Possession
of
the
Crown
,
made
a
general
Survey
of
the
whole
Kingdom
.
There
was
already
a
Survey
,
remaining
at
Winchester
,
which
had
been
taken
by
King
Alfred's
Order
,
about
Two
hundred
Years
before
William's
Survey
,
was
call'd
,
Doom's-Day-Book
,
in
which
there
was
set
down
a
Catalogue
of
all
the
Tenants
in
Capite
,
or
Serjanty
,
that
Held
Lands
in
every
County
.
In
this
Accompt
,
the
King
is
always
plac'd
first
,
and
His
,
and
the
Crown
Lands
,
describ'd
under
the
Title
of
Terra
Regis
;
and
in
every
one
of
these
Counties
the
King
had
Lands
and
Mannors
.
The
Great
and
Little
Doom's-Day-Book
,
contain'd
the
Description
of
all
England
,
Westmoreland
,
Cumberland
,
Northumberland
,
and
part
of
Wales
excepted
.
There
were
Appropriated
to
the
Crown
[
*
](A37160-e24230-b)
*
Vide
Domes-day
Book
.
1422
Mannors
,
or
Lordships
,
besides
Lands
and
Farms
in
Middlesex
,
Shropshire
,
and
Rutlandshire
;
over
and
above
which
,
there
were
Quit-Rents
,
paid
out
of
several
Mannors
.
Insomuch
,
that
[
*
](A37160-e24270-b)
*
Fol.
523
Ordericus
Vitalis
,
says
,
William
the
Is
.
had
coming
in
L
1061-10-1
●
per
diem
of
Sterling
Money
,
which
,
the
Value
of
Money
in
those
Days
consider'd
,
was
a
prodigious
Income
.
†
Jervais
of
Tilbury
,
says
indeed
,
That
at
And
tho'
Ordericus
,
may
have
given
us
an
Account
somewhat
too
large
,
yet
considering
the
Number
and
Value
of
his
Mannors
,
and
the
Number
of
Knights
Fees
,
which
were
Sixty
thousand
,
out
of
which
Escuage
might
be
Levy'd
in
times
of
Action
,
he
had
without
doubt
,
a
very
great
Revenue
,
either
for
Peace
or
War
.
Robert
Cotton
says
,
The
Article
of
Terra
Regis
,
in
Dooms-Day-Book
,
consisted
in
such
Lands
as
K.
William
found
Edward
the
Confessor
had
been
in
Possession
of
,
and
that
to
Alienate
this
Revenue
from
the
Crown
,
was
held
Impious
,
by
our
Fore-Fathers
.
Most
certainly
,
in
this
Universal
Survey
,
there
was
inserted
whatever
the
Kings
had
claim'd
to
the
time
of
Edward
:
But
there
was
good
Reason
to
think
that
he
added
to
the
Terra
Regis
,
such
Lands
as
he
pretended
were
Forfeited
by
those
who
had
ingag'd
in
the
Battel
of
Hastings
,
and
the
Estates
of
the
Barons
,
and
other
great
Men
who
afterwards
from
time
to
time
Revolted
from
him
:
Part
of
which
Lands
he
annexed
to
the
Crown
,
distributing
the
rest
,
with
a
reservation
of
certain
Quit-Rents
,
among
his
Norman
Followers
.
By
this
Accompt
it
appears
,
That
this
Founder
of
our
present
Government
,
left
to
succeeding
Kings
a
fair
Inheritance
,
sufficient
to
maintain
their
Estate
and
Dignity
at
Home
,
and
capable
to
Defend
the
Realm
against
Invasions
from
Abroad
.
But
this
Model
of
a
Politick
Constitution
,
easie
both
to
King
and
People
,
was
somewhat
shaken
,
even
by
his
next
Successor
,
William
Rufus
,
who
not
only
wasted
the
vast
Treasure
left
by
his
Father
,
but
also
run
into
such
Profuseness
,
as
forc'd
him
to
Harrass
the
whole
Kingdom
.
He
alienated
the
Crown-Lands
:
And
[
*
](A37160-e24550-b)
*
Dan.
p.
44.
Daniel
says
,
He
was
compell'd
to
resume
his
own
Grants
.
William
of
Malmsbury
,
speaking
of
this
Prince
,
says
,
[
*
](A37160-e24600-b)
*
Will
.
Malms
.
p.
122.
Plures
Patrimonia
sua
effudere
inconsulte
largiendo
.
Quid
vero
est
stultius
quam
quod
libenter
facias
,
curare
ne
diutius
facere
possis
?
It
aque
quidem
cum
non
habent
quod
dent
,
ad
Rapinas
convertuntur
,
majusque
odium
assequntur
ab
iis
quibus
auferunt
,
quam
beneficium
ab
iis
quibus
contulerunt
.
Henry
the
Is
.
who
succeeded
,
had
all
the
Qualifications
belonging
to
a
Wise
and
Provident
Ruler
.
He
brought
to
Punishment
Ranulphus
Bishop
of
Durham
,
who
had
been
the
chief
Adviser
of
all
the
Irregularities
,
Profusions
,
and
Exactions
of
the
last
Reign
:
[
*
](A37160-e24670-b)
*
Ord.
Vit.
Fol.
822.
He
likewise
took
into
his
own
Possession
,
all
his
Father's
Lands
and
Lordships
in
Normandy
,
which
his
Brother
had
squander'd
away
,
and
by
the
Judgment
of
Wise
Men
,
made
those
Gifts
void
which
imprudently
had
been
bestow'd
upon
undeserving
Persons
.
After
the
Death
of
Henry
,
Stephen
,
the
Third
Son
of
the
Earl
of
Blois
,
by
Adela
the
Fourth
Daughter
of
William
the
I
▪
was
Elected
King
.
He
found
in
his
Uncle's
Treasury
100000
l.
besides
Plate
and
Jewels
of
an
immense
Value
;
Having
no
good
Title
to
the
Crown
,
he
was
forc'd
to
purchase
the
good
Will
of
the
Principal
Men
by
Gifts
[
*
](A37160-e24750-b)
*
Will
.
Malms
.
Hist.
Nov.
pa.
180.
Multi
siquidem
,
quos
vel
Nobilitas
generis
,
vel
magnitudo
animi
,
vel
potius
viridioris
aetatis
audacia
ad
illicita
praecipitabat
,
a
Rege
hi
Praedia
,
hi
Castella
,
postremo
quaecunque
semel
collibuisset
,
petere
non
verebantur
;
And
with
these
Grants
he
bought
the
dissembled
Affection
of
his
Courtiers
.
[
*
](A37160-e24780-b)
*
ibid.
Malmsbury
calls
it
†
Simulatam
ad
tempus
Pacem
;
for
all
this
Liberality
could
not
make
the
Nobles
faithful
to
him
,
his
whole
Reign
,
having
been
nothing
but
a
Scene
of
Treachery
and
Bloodshed
.
At
last
he
was
forc'd
to
come
to
Terms
of
Agreement
with
his
Kinsman
Henry
Fitz-Empress
,
of
which
one
Article
was
,
That
he
should
resume
those
Grants
,
[
*
](A37160-e24820-b)
*
M.
Par.
p.
86.
Regalia
passim
a
Procerib●s
usurpata
Rex
in
sua
Recipiet
.
And
persuant
to
this
Agreement
did
Henry
the
II.
act
when
he
came
to
the
Crown
,
which
is
to
be
the
more
admir'd
in
him
,
because
he
was
a
Stranger
born
,
Son
of
the
Earl
of
Anjou
,
and
succeeding
by
Maud
his
Mothers
Title
,
and
because
the
Crown
Revenue
was
got
into
powerful
hands
,
able
to
give
him
strong
Opposition
;
but
nothing
could
stand
before
his
Courage
and
Perseverance
:
He
resumed
the
Lands
which
King
Stephen
had
given
among
his
Followers
.
William
Earl
of
Albemarl
pretended
to
oppose
him
in
Northumberland
,
but
he
brought
him
to
restore
what
belong'd
to
the
Crown
,
as
he
did
likewise
Hugh
Mortimer
,
[
*
](A37160-e24930-b)
*
Chronicon
Johannis
Brompton
Col.
1046.
Considerans
autem
Rex
quod
Regni
redditus
&
Dominica
per
Molliciem
regis
Stephani
ad
Dominos
multos
jam
devenissent
,
praecepit
ea
cum
omni
integritate
infra
tempus
certum
a
quibuscunque
detentoribus
resignari
&
in
jus
statumque
revocari
.
He
also
took
upon
him
to
banish
Foreigners
,
particularly
the
Flemings
,
who
had
nested
here
in
hopes
of
Booty
under
a
loose
Reign
:
†
Rex
tenuit
Gerva
.
Chron.
Col.
1377.
Curiam
suam
apud
Beremundesiam
,
uhi
cum
Principibus
suis
de
statu
Regni
&
pace
reformanda
tractans
,
proposuit
animo
alienigenas
gentes
de
Regno
propellere
.
Matthew
Paris
speaking
of
this
Prince
,
says
,
[
*
](A37160-e25010-b)
*
M.
Par.
p.
92.
Qui
continuo
in
Regem
promotus
,
caepit
in
jus
proprium
revocare
Vrbes
,
Castella
&
Villas
quae
ad
Coronam
spectabant
;
Alienigenas
,
&
maxime
Flandrenses
de
Regno
expellendo
,
&
quosdam
Pseudocomites
quibus
Rex
Stephanus
pene
omnia
ad
Fiscum
pertinentia
minus
caute
contulerat
,
deponendo
.
So
that
we
have
here
the
Instance
of
a
Warlike
King
(
for
such
a
one
Henry
was
)
greater
in
Revenue
and
Extent
of
Foreign
Dominion
than
any
of
his
Predecessors
,
who
thought
it
no
Derogation
to
his
Honour
to
look
into
these
Matters
.
And
this
provident
Care
of
his
had
such
an
Effect
,
that
his
Son
and
Successor
Richard
the
I.
at
his
coming
to
the
Crown
,
found
in
the
Treasury
above
L.
900,000
besides
Plate
and
Jewels
[
*
](A37160-e25090-b)
*
M.
Par.
152.
Inventa
sunt
plura
quam
nongenta
Millia
librarum
in
auro
&
argento
,
praeter
Vtensilia
&
Jocalia
,
&
lapides
pretiosos
.
But
this
and
much
more
was
presently
consum'd
in
the
mad
Humor
which
at
that
time
had
seized
all
the
Princes
of
Europe
of
making
War
for
the
Holy
Land
.
To
furnish
himself
for
this
Expedition
Richard
,
sold
several
Parcels
of
the
Crown
Revenue
.
[
†
](A37160-e25150-b)
†
Hoved.
p.
658.
Hoveden
says
,
Rex
exposuit
venditioni
omnia
quae
babuit
,
scil.
Castella
,
Villas
&
Praedia
;
But
the
Lands
thus
granted
away
he
did
resume
.
[
*
](A37160-e25190-b)
*
Dan.
p.
105.
Daniel
says
,
that
after
his
second
Coronation
,
which
was
at
Winchester
,
he
not
only
resum'd
the
Mannors
he
had
sold
to
the
Bishops
of
Winchester
and
Durham
,
but
whatsoever
other
Sales
he
had
made
of
the
Demayns
of
the
Crown
,
Alledging
that
it
was
not
in
his
Power
to
alien
any
thing
appertaining
to
the
same
whereby
his
State
was
to
subsist
,
[
*
](A37160-e25250-b)
*
Graft
.
Chron.
p.
90.
Grafton
says
,
That
after
his
second
Coronation
he
call'd
a
Parliament
,
by
the
Authority
whereof
,
he
resum'd
again
all
Patents
,
and
Annuities
,
Fees
and
other
Grants
before
his
Voyage
by
him
sold
and
granted
,
and
caused
the
Parties
to
be
contented
with
such
Revenues
and
Profits
as
they
had
received
of
the
said
Offices
or
Lands
,
in
the
time
of
his
Absence
:
And
spar'd
not
for
any
sufficiency
of
Writing
that
by
him
before
was
made
.
But
,
to
confirm
this
,
Authors
may
be
produc'd
of
more
Antiquity
than
either
of
these
.
[
*
](A37160-e25290-b)
*
Hen.
de
Knyghton
.
Col.
2408.
No.
40.
Knyghton
says
,
Post
ejus
Coronationis
solennia
quicquid
prius
leviter
datum
aut
graviter
venundatum
fuerat
repetiit
,
nomine
commendati
,
fructus
perceptos
pro
sorte
computans
,
cessante
pacto
,
titulo
&
instrumento
quocunque
.
†
Brompton
says
,
Denique
quod
Johan
.
Brompt
.
Col.
1259.
Nᵒ.
10.
cum
ipse
iter
versus
orientem
arriperet
&
regnum
ipsum
multipharie
sciderat
,
ad
integritatem
satagebat
pristinam
revocare
.
Quicquid
enim
ab
illo
tunc
fuerat
datum
vel
ponderose
venundatum
,
sub
nomine
repetiit
commodati
;
&
Regiarum
possessionum
emptoribus
dicens
,
Non
decet
sublimitati
Regiae
foenerari
.
Illi
autem
emptores
mox
regio
metu
attoniti
,
nulla
habita
quaestione
de
sorte
non
percepta
,
confestim
omnia
resignarunt
.
In
Two
Years
of
this
Reign
,
viz.
Ann.
1195
and
1196
,
there
were
actually
rais'd
in
this
Kingdom
Eleven
hundred
thousand
Marks
,
which
is
more
than
was
really
levied
in
any
Two
Years
of
the
Late
War
;
for
if
we
consider
the
value
of
Money
in
those
times
,
and
the
Proportion
it
bore
with
other
Commodities
,
Eleven
hundred
thousand
was
more
then
,
than
Eleven
Millions
are
now
.
Hubert
the
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
writing
to
the
King
for
leave
to
quit
the
Ministry
shews
.
[
*
](A37160-e25410-b)
*
Ro.
Hovedon
,
pa.
767
,
768.
Quod
infra
biennium
proximo
praeteritum
adquisierat
ad
opus
illius
undecies
centena
Millia
Marcarum
argenti
de
Regno
Angliae
.
The
raising
this
vast
Summ
is
an
evident
Sign
how
willing
the
People
of
England
,
have
in
other
Ages
been
to
give
Aids
and
Subsidies
to
Martial
Princes
.
After
Richard
,
King
John
was
Elected
.
This
was
a
Reign
of
Civil
War
,
Taxes
,
and
Profusion
;
and
the
Character
Robert
the
Clerk
gave
of
this
Prince
to
Miramamolin
the
Moor
,
was
very
true
and
Remarkable
.
[
*
](A37160-e25510-b)
*
M.
Paris
.
p.
244.
Potius
fuit
Tirannus
quam
Rex
;
potius
Subversor
quam
Gubernator
;
Oppressor
suorum
&
fautor
aliènorum
.
Leo
suis
subditis
,
agnus
alienigenis
&
rebellibus
,
qui
per
desidiam
suam
Normanniae
ducatum
&
alias
multas
terras
amiserat
;
&
insuper
Angliae
regnum
amittere
vel
destruere
sitiebat
.
Pecuniae
extortor
insatiabilis
;
possessionum
suorum
naturalium
invasor
&
destructor
.
But
these
Wastes
were
look'd
into
in
the
Reign
of
Henry
III.
King
John's
Son
and
Successor
,
not
by
the
Prince
himself
,
who
was
no
better
a
Manager
than
his
Father
;
but
by
the
Barons
.
Knyghton
says
,
That
after
Lewis
and
the
French
were
driven
away
[
*
](A37160-e25590-b)
*
Knyghton
Col.
2429.
No.
40.
Omnes
Alienigenae
ejecti
erant
de
Anglia
&
omnia
Castella
quae
Rex
Johannes
donaverat
&
tradiderat
in
Custodiam
Alie●igenarum
fuerunt
reseisita
in
manu
Regis
.
This
King
laying
open
his
Necessities
to
the
Barons
and
his
Council
,
said
,
The
Crown-Revenues
,
would
scarce
afford
him
Meat
and
Drink
.
To
whom
they
answer'd
,
He
might
be
Rich
out
of
his
own
,
if
he
would
set
some
Bounds
to
his
Liberality
,
and
look
into
his
own
Affairs
,
and
into
the
Proceedings
of
some
of
his
Officers
:
They
nam'd
no
body
to
hlm
,
●ut
he
understood
whom
they
meant
,
and
call'd
several
of
his
Ministes
to
Accompt
.
,
and
brought
them
to
Restitution
.
The
Words
of
the
Historian
in
this
place
,
are
very
Observable
,
when
the
King
had
laid
open
his
Wants
.
[
*
](A37160-e25630-b)
*
M.
Paris
p.
376.
Tunc
Consilarii
Regis
responderunt
,
Si
pauper
es
tibi
imputes
,
qui
Honores
&
Custodias
ac
dignitates
vacantes
ita
in
alios
transfers
,
&
a
Fisco
alienas
;
quod
nec
in
divitiis
auri
vel
argenti
,
sed
solo
nomine
Rex
debeas
appellari
.
Nam
antecessores
vestri
,
Reges
magnifici
&
in
omni
divitiarum
gloria
ditissimi
,
non
aliunde
,
sed
ex
Regni
redditibus
&
emolumentis
,
Thesauros
impreciabiles
congesserunt
.
At
Rex
ab
eis
instructus
,
quos
nominatim
exprimere
tutum
forsitan
non
esset
coepit
a
Vicecomitibus
&
Ballivis
,
aliisque
Ministris
suis
,
de
redditib●●
&
rebus
omnibus
ad
Fisci
commodum
spect
antibus
,
ratiocinium
exigere
:
Et
quoslibet
d●
fraude
convictos
,
a
suis
Officiis
deponens
,
exegit
ab
eis
pecuniam
suam
,
etiam
cum
usurii●
▪
&
tenens
coarct
abat
eos
,
donec
reddere●
debitum
universum
.
This
Prince
was
the
first
who
brought
Strangers
into
his
Councils
,
and
the
management
of
his
Business
▪
Poictevins
and
Britons
,
to
whom
he
gave
all
the
Power
,
and
among
whom
he
lavish'd
all
his
Crown-Revenue
,
and
the
[
*
](A37160-e25730-b)
*
Ibid.
p.
733.
747.
Money
of
England
was
corrupted
:
But
nothing
anger'd
the
People
more
than
the
immoderate
Wealth
he
bestowed
upon
Foreigners
,
namely
,
his
Brothers
by
the
Mother
,
and
particularly
to
his
Poictevins
[
*
](A37160-e25760-b)
*
Ibid.
p.
850.
Eschaetas
&
Reditus
vacantes
,
Alienigenis
ignotis
,
illiteratis
,
scurrilibus
,
&
penitus
indignis
non
destitit
distribuere
,
ut
sic
suorum
naturalium
corda
insanibilius
sauciaret
.
While
Things
were
thus
Govern'd
,
Private
Men
inrich'd
themselves
with
the
Publick
Spoil
,
as
for
Example
John
Mansel
,
M.
Par.
p.
859.
who
brought
his
Estate
to
Four
thousand
Marcs
per
Annum
.
But
at
last
at
a
Parliament
Held
at
Oxford
,
[
*
](A37160-e25830-b)
*
Ibid
p.
973.
Peter
of
Savoy
,
William
de
Valence
,
and
the
Bishop
of
Winchester
,
the
King
's
half
Brothers
,
with
the
other
Foreigners
,
were
Banish'd
.
Vbi
statutum
erat
[
†
](A37160-e25870-b)
†
Knyghton
Col.
2445.
No.
40.
quod
ad
Terras
suas
quas
in
partibus
transmarinis
habebant
transfretarent
.
And
that
immoderate
Wealth
they
had
gather'd
here
,
was
not
permitted
to
be
carry'd
away
,
but
was
[
‖
](A37160-e25910-b)
‖
M.
Par.
973.
Seiz'd
upon
,
and
Confiscated
to
the
King's
use
.
In
this
Colloquy
,
the
Barons
told
him
,
That
he
was
in
Debt
,
and
Ruin'd
by
the
Strangers
about
him
,
who
had
Consum'd
all
,
so
that
he
was
forc'd
to
give
Tallies
for
the
Victuals
of
his
Table
.
[
*
](A37160-e25930-b)
*
Knyghton
Col.
2445.
No.
10.
Domine
Rex
,
inter
manus
Alienigenarum
res
utique
tua
male
agitur
&
diversimode
tractatur
,
nam
consumptis
universis
multo
jam
deprimeris
,
e●
alieno
,
&
datis
pro
cibariis
tuis
Tallei●
versus
es
in
scandalum
in
omni
populo
tuo
▪
The
Consequence
of
this
Profusion
,
was
grievous
Taxes
;
the
Taxes
produc'd
Discontents
,
these
Discontents
,
encourag'●
Simon
Montford
,
and
others
,
to
begin
th●
Civil
War
,
in
which
this
King
had
bee●
lost
,
but
for
the
Courage
and
Conduct
〈◊〉
his
Son
.
In
the
Reign
of
Edward
the
I.
we
〈◊〉
not
find
there
was
any
Resumption
;
b●
Annn
Dom.
1289.
the
Legislative
Authority
did
very
wisely
interpose
in
Corre●ing
the
Abuses
of
Westminster-Hall
,
[
*
](A37160-e26030-b)
*
Vide
Dan.
p.
160
,
Mat.
West
.
p.
414.
No.
10
,
and
Knyghton
Col.
2466.
Fin●ing
all
the
Judges
for
their
Corruptio●
and
Extortions
.
Sir
Ralph
Hengham
(
w●
had
been
Chief
Justice
of
the
high●
Bench
,
and
Commissioner
for
the
G●vernment
of
the
Kingdom
,
in
the
King
Absence
)
paid
Seven
thousand
Marcs
;
〈◊〉
Edward
Stratton
paid
Thirty
four
thousand
Marcs
;
Thomas
Wayland
,
found
the
greatest
Delinquent
,
Forfeited
all
his
Estate
:
The
whole
Set
paid
among
'em
〈◊〉
Hundred
thousand
Marcs
;
which
for
those
Days
,
was
a
prodigious
Summ.
The
next
Reign
of
Edward
the
IId
▪
gives
the
prospect
of
Civil
Wars
,
Treachery
,
Bloodshed
,
and
a
view
of
all
the
Calamities
,
that
are
the
Consequences
of
●
Riotous
and
Profuse
Court
.
The
unbounded
Favour
of
this
Prince
o
his
Minion
Pierce
Gaveston
,
made
Earl
of
Cornwal
,
and
the
Waste
which
the
said
Earl
had
made
in
the
Crown-Revenue
,
so
provok'd
the
Peers
,
that
they
never
restd
till
they
had
obtain'd
an
Instrument
mpowering
several
Ecclesiastical
,
and
●ay
Lords
,
to
make
certain
Ordinances
●or
the
good
of
the
Kingdom
,
which
nstrument
,
and
Ordinances
made
by
Virue
of
it
,
were
afterwards
ratify'd
in
Parament
.
Among
other
things
,
it
was
then
order'd
,
That
the
Crown-Revenue
should
●ot
be
Alienated
.
Derecheif
ordein
est
There
is
this
Remarkable
in
the
Record
,
That
they
bound
up
themselves
,
as
well
as
others
,
from
receiving
any
part
of
the
King's
Lands
,
as
we
may
suppose
,
not
thinking
it
fair
for
them
who
had
the
Power
,
to
keep
the
Purse
shut
to
others
,
and
to
open
it
for
themselves
.
They
took
likewise
Care
of
a
Resumption
.
[
*
](A37160-e26240-b)
*
Ibed
No.
7.
Et
puis
derecheife
pur
se
qe
l●
Corone
est
tant
abeissee
&
demembree
p●
diverses
donns
,
nous
Ordinons
,
qe
to●
les
donns
qe
sont
donez
au
damage
d●
Roy
&
descresse
de
la
Corone
,
puis
〈◊〉
Commission
a
nous
fait
,
des
Chasteam
▪
Villes
,
Terres
,
&
Tenements
,
&
Bayle●
Gardez
,
&
Marriages
,
Eschetes
,
&
Rel●
queconques
queles
soint
,
aussibien
〈◊〉
Gascoin
,
Irland
,
Gales
&
Escoce
,
co●
me
en
Engleterre
,
soint
repelleez
&
no●
les
repellons
de
tout
,
sanz
estre
redonn●
a
meismes
ceux
,
sanz
comun
assent
〈◊〉
Parlement
:
Et
que
si
tieu
maner
des
dom
ou
Reles
soint
Desormes
donez
enc●●tre
la
form
avantdit
,
sanz
assent
de
so●
Barnage
,
&
ce
en
Parlement
,
tant
qe
〈◊〉
dettes
soint
acquittees
&
son
estat●
avenantment
releves
,
soint
tenus
po●
nuls
,
&
soit
le
pernour
puny
en
Parlement
par
Agard
del
Barnage
.
'T
is
true
,
these
Ordinances
were
revok'd
in
the
[
*
](A37160-e26280-b)
*
Great
Statute
Roll
from
H.
III.
to
21
Ed.
III
M.
31.
Bibli
.
Cott.
Claud.
Parliament
which
this
King
held
at
York
,
the
15th
of
his
Reign
,
just
after
he
had
Defeated
and
put
to
Death
Thomas
Earl
of
Lancaster
,
with
many
other
of
the
Barons
.
But
his
Rigid
Proceeding
with
those
who
had
Fought
in
Defence
of
their
Countries
Freedom
,
and
his
immoderate
Favour
and
Bounty
to
the
Spencers
,
Earls
of
Whinchester
and
Gloster
,
with
all
his
other
Mis-government
,
lost
him
both
his
Crown
and
Life
,
in
a
short
time
after
.
'T
is
to
be
presum'd
,
That
what
the
Parliament
had
done
in
Edward
II.
Reign
,
to
hinder
the
Favourites
from
making
Depredations
upon
the
Crown-Revenue
,
had
effectually
stopp'd
the
Evil
,
because
we
do
not
find
there
was
any
need
of
an
Act
of
Resumption
in
Edward
the
III's
Time
.
There
is
no
part
of
our
History
more
remarkable
,
than
the
Life
of
Richard
II.
Grandson
of
Edward
III.
And
no
Times
afford
so
many
Presidents
of
Liberty
asserted
,
and
of
the
Excesses
of
Regal
Power
,
with
the
Corruption
of
bad
Ministers
,
as
this
unfortunate
Reign
:
But
Misgovernment
will
of
Necessity
bring
on
good
Laws
in
the
End
:
The
lavish
Temper
of
this
Prince
,
his
unreasonable
Favour
to
the
Duke
of
Ireland
,
to
Michal
de
la
Pool
Earl
Suffolk
his
Chancellor
,
and
others
,
with
his
loose
and
careless
Administration
,
produc'd
the
Parliaments
of
10th
11th
and
13th
Richard
II.
by
which
his
Power
was
circumscribd
and
bounded
.
'T
is
true
21
Richard
II.
he
procur'd
a
Repeal
of
what
had
been
formerly
settled
by
Parliament
for
the
Welfare
of
the
Kingdom
,
in
which
Sessions
he
got
Iniquity
establish'd
by
a
Law
;
but
the
Conclusion
of
all
this
Misgoverment
was
,
that
he
incurr'd
so
much
the
Publick
hatred
as
to
be
deserted
by
the
whole
People
,
and
in
a
solemn
manner
to
be
depos'd
.
The
Excesses
of
the
Court
,
and
Rapine
of
the
Ministers
in
those
days
,
and
towards
the
latter
end
of
Edward
III.
produc'd
Acts
of
Resumption
.
The
Commons
pray
that
all
kind
of
Gifts
whatsoever
,
made
by
King
Edward
III.
may
be
examin'd
,
if
worthily
bestow'd
,
to
be
Confirm'd
,
if
otherwise
to
be
Revok'd
.
[
*
](A37160-e26530-b)
*
Rot.
Parl.
1
Ri.
II.
No.
48.
Item
ils
Prient
,
pur
ceo
que
la
Corone
est
moult
abaisse
&
demembre
par
divers
donns
donez
en
temps
de
notre
Seigneur
,
que
Dieux
assoille
,
&
queux
donns
il
estoit
malement
deceux
&
en
plusieurs
Personnes
malement
emploeis
,
come
home
le
poet
declarer
,
a
grand
damage
de
lui
,
&
de
notre
Seigneur
le
Roi
q'ore
est
,
si
bien
des
Chasteaux
,
Villes
,
Terres
,
Tenements
,
Baillez
,
Gardes
,
Marriages
,
Eschetes
,
&
Releves
,
aussi
bien
en
Gascoigne
,
Irlande
,
come
en
Engleterre
,
qe
plese
a
notre
Seigneur
le
Roy
,
&
son
Conseil
faire
examiner
par
les
Rolles
de
Chancellerie
,
du
temps
notre
Seigneur
le
Roi
,
qi
Dieux
assoile
,
queux
dounes
,
&
a
queux
,
&
quelle
somme
ils
amontent
qi
aviendront
,
a
trop
haut
somme
sans
doute
,
&
qe
sur
ceo
ils
soient
sagement
examinez
,
asqueux
ils
estoient
donez
notablement
&
profitablement
,
pur
le
Roi
&
le
Roialme
,
&
es
queux
notre
dit
Seigneur
estoit
deceux
,
&
ses
donns
malement
employez
,
&
queux
tous
ceux
asqueux
notre
dit
Seigneur
estoit
deceux
,
&
qi
sont
malement
employes
,
y
puissent
estre
de
tout
repellez
,
sanz
etre
redonez
as
memes
ceux
,
ou
a
uul
autre
,
tanqe
ses
dettes
soient
acquites
&
lestat
de
nos
tres
honoures
Seigneurs
les
fitz
de
notre
Seigneur
qi
Dieux
assoile
,
qi
sont
poures
a
leur
estat
,
y
purra
avenantement
per
ascuns
des
ditz
donns
etre
relevez
,
&
soit
le
pernour
quensy
ad
notre
dit
Seigneur
deceux
punis
en
cest
present
Parlement
,
selonc
son
desert
par
agarde
de
Baronage
,
en
supportation
du
Charge
qe
le
commune
People
y
convient
porter
:
Ratifiantz
&
Confirmantz
a
ceux
qii
ont
deserve
,
les
donns
en
manere
come
notre
dit
Seigneur
,
qi
Dieux
assoile
,
leur
avoit
grantez
Considerant
a
chescun
son
longe
service
,
&
son
Desert
,
&
regardant
sil
please
a
notre
Seigneur
,
as
tous
ceux
qe
servirent
a
nostre
dit
Seigneur
,
son
Aiel
,
qe
sont
sans
rewarde
pur
lour
Service
.
Resp.
Les
Seigneurs
de
continuel
Counseil
serront
Chargez
de
veer
&
examiner
les
ditz
donns
,
&
les
Conditions
estates
&
deserts
des
Personnes
&
en
ultre
fair
ce
qe
reson
Demande
.
Anno
3
Richard
II.
The
Speaker
says
,
If
the
King
were
reasonably
govern'd
in
his
Expences
,
within
and
without
the
Realm
,
he
should
have
little
need
to
charge
his
Commons
,
who
were
already
much
Impoverish'd
.
[
*
](A37160-e26640-b)
*
Rot.
Par.
3
Rich.
II.
No.
12.
Dist
qe
lour
sembloit
a
la
dite
commune
,
que
si
lour
Seigneur
lige
eust
este
bien
&
reasonablement
governez
en
ses
despenses
par
dedeins
le
Royalme
,
&
autrement
,
il
neust
ore
besoigne
de
leur
aide
,
per
chargeant
sa
dite
Commune
,
quore
est
trop
poure
,
&c.
Anno
5.
Richard
II.
The
King
says
,
He
will
make
no
Grant
without
the
Assent
of
the
Lords
of
his
Council
,
till
he
shall
be
out
of
Debt
.
[
*
](A37160-e26720-b)
*
Rot
Par.
5
Ri.
II.
P.
1.
No.
74.
Item
,
Prient
les
Communes
,
qil
plese
au
Roy
notre
Seigneur
,
qil
puisse
au
present
estre
Escript
en
Rolle
de
Parlement
,
coment
ordenez
est
,
per
lui
,
nos
autres
Seigneurs
,
&
toute
la
Commune
,
qe
dedesore
en
aprez
,
nul
donn
de
Terre
,
de
Rente
,
de
Garde
,
ne
de
Marriage
,
ne
de
uul
Manere
Eschete
soit
Grantez
a
nulluy
,
tanqe
le
Roy
notre
dit
Seigneur
soit
hors
de
dette
,
&
hors
des
tielx
Charges
de
Guerre
,
come
y
ad
au
present
,
&
si
aucune
Persone
demande
aucune
donn
au
contraiere
de
cette
Petition
perde
les
service
&
Compagnie
notre
dit
Signeur
pur
toujours
apres
.
Resp.
Il
ne
semble
mye
honest
ne
chose
Honourable
au
Roy
,
ne
a
sa
dignitee
,
qil
se
lieroit
a
telle
Guise
peront
il
ent
fuist
si
oultrement
constreint
,
mais
plest
au
Roy
&
il
voet
pur
le
bien
de
luy
mesmes
&
de
son
Roialme
,
soy
restreindre
,
&
abstenir
a
doner
ou
granter
a
aucune
Persone
,
Terre
,
Rente
,
Garde
,
Marriage
,
ou
Eschete
,
sans
lassent
&
accord
des
Seigneurs
&
autres
de
son
Conseil
.
Anno
6
Rich.
II.
The
Commons
among
other
things
pray
,
That
the
King
will
appoint
good
Orders
about
his
Person
,
so
as
he
may
live
within
his
Revenues
,
and
that
all
Profits
and
Gifts
may
be
employ'd
upon
the
Wars
,
to
the
ease
of
the
Commons
.
[
*
](A37160-e26850-b)
*
Rot.
Par.
6
Ri.
II.
No.
ᵒ
42.
Come
autrement
ordeigner
,
qe
bone
Governail
soit
mys
entour
votre
honorable
Persone
,
si
qe
vous
purres
honestement
&
roialment
viver
,
deinz
les
revenues
de
votre
Roialme
,
&
qe
toutes
Maneres
des
Gardes
,
Marriages
,
Releifs
,
Eschetes
,
forfaitures
,
&
toutes
autres
Commoditees
,
puissent
estre
gardez
pur
vos
Guerres
,
&
en
defens
de
votre
Royalme
,
&
nul
part
aillours
donez
en
supportation
&
aide
de
vos
poures
Communes
&
grant
honour
&
profit
a
vous
.
Resp.
Le
Roy
est
de
bone
Voluntee
&
le
desire
moelt
entierement
de
faire
&
ordonner
en
ce
cas
per
lavis
des
Seignede
son
Roialme
ce
qe
luy
semblera
mieulx
affaire
pur
son
honour
&
Profit
.
Anno
9
Ri.
II.
It
was
enacted
,
That
all
the
Revenues
,
as
well
in
the
Exchequer
,
as
elsewhere
,
should
be
laid
up
for
one
whole
Year
,
without
any
Diminution
thereof
by
Gift
.
[
†
](A37160-e26970-b)
†
Rot.
Par.
9
Ri.
II.
N
●
.
42.
Item
qe
ordeine
soit
en
especial
qe
tous
les
Revenues
notre
Seigneur
le
Roy
,
si
bien
en
l'Eschequer
,
comme
aillours
,
soient
sauuement
gardez
per
un
an
entier
sans
estre
donez
a
uully
per
uul
Grant
,
en
Supportation
de
Nostre
Seigneur
le
Roy
,
&
de
son
People
qe
plese
a
notre
Seigneur
le
Roy
de
charger
&
commander
les
Seigneurs
du
Conseil
,
&
ses
Officiers
en
plein
Parlement
,
que
rien
ne
soit
fait
au
contraire
.
Resp.
Le
Roy
le
voet
.
Anno
II
Ri.
II.
The
Commons
pray
,
That
no
Hereditaments
,
or
other
Profits
,
then
escheated
to
the
King
,
be
granted
to
any
during
the
Wars
,
and
that
no
Person
presume
to
crave
any
of
the
same
.
[
*
](A37160-e27090-b)
*
Rot.
Par.
II
Ri.
II.
P.
1.
No.
24
Item
Prient
les
Communes
,
qe
toutes
Maneres
de
Seignouries
,
Terres
,
Tenements
,
Rents
,
Services
,
Biens
,
Possessions
&
Chateaux
qeconques
,
forfaits
a
notre
Seigneur
le
Roy
,
par
cause
des
Jugemens
rendus
devers
les
Persones
adjugez
en
cest
present
Parlement
,
&
auxint
toutes
autres
Terres
,
Tenements
,
Eschetes
,
Forfetures
,
Gardes
,
Marriages
,
&
autres
Profits
qeconques
queux
sont
,
ou
deviendront
en
la
meins
du
Roy
per
qeconque
cause
demoergent
entirement
en
la
main
du
Roy
nostre
Seigneur
durant
les
Guerres
,
pur
acquiter
ses
dettez
&
en
eide
de
meintenir
son
estat
&
ensement
en
eese
&
supportation
de
ses
pauvres
Communes
du
Roialme
nient
contresteant
ascun
Grant
ou
Garrant
fait
a
ascunnys
avant
cestheures
&
qe
nul
homme
greindre
ne
meindre
,
en
I'Hostiel
du
Roy
,
ne
entour
la
persone
du
Roy
ne
autre
qeconqe
,
de
quel
Estat
ou
Condition
quil
soit
,
en
privee
,
nen
appert
,
soit
sy
hardy
a
demander
ou
preinder
de
donn
nostre
Seigneur
le
Roy
,
ascuns
des
Seigniouries
,
Terres
,
Tenements
,
Rents
,
Services
,
Biens
,
Possessions
,
Eschetes
,
Forfeitures
,
Gardes
,
Marriages
,
Chateaux
,
ou
Profits
susdits
,
ou
autres
Profits
,
ou
Revenus
qeconques
,
durant
les
Guerres
,
come
dessus
,
sur
peine
de
forfaire
le
double
devers
nostre
Seigneur
le
Roy
,
&
repelle
de
mesme
la
chose
issint
demandez
,
&
etre
reint
&
Imprisonnes
a
la
volonte
du
Roy.
Purvus
toutes
voys
,
qe
si
ascun
home
eit
terres
tenements
ou
Possessions
du
Grant
notre
Seigneur
le
Roy
,
ou
dascuns
de
ses
Progeniturs
,
queux
furent
parcelles
de
la
Corone
,
qe
per
bon
trette
enter
le
Conseil
du
Roy
&
les
possesseurs
des
tieux
Terres
&
Tenements
,
mesmes
les
Terres
Tenements
&
Possessions
poient
estre
rejoints
a
la
dite
Corone
,
a
Profit
du
Roy
,
grantants
autres
Terres
Tenements
ou
Possessions
de
les
Forfaitures
avant
ditz
en
eschange
pur
les
Terres
Tenements
&
Possessions
de
la
Corone
susdite
,
&
sy
les
Seigneurs
ou
autres
qi
ont
Terres
ou
Tenements
de
la
Corone
,
come
dessus
,
ne
voellent
volontairement
a
ce
assentir
,
ne
accorder
,
qils
eint
&
enjoient
lours
terres
&
tenements
de
la
Corone
avant
ditz
,
come
ils
ont
eu
a
devant
,
&
qe
les
Grants
Officiers
du
Royalme
par
avis
des
Seigneurs
du
Conseil
,
eient
Poer
de
vendre
parcelles
deles
dites
Forfetures
per
leur
bone
discretion
,
&
qe
le
Grant
sur
tiel
vendue
soit
ferme
&
estable
.
Resp.
Le
Roy
le
voet
,
forpris
d'
Offices
&
Baillis
,
&
ce
qil
a
donne
en
cest
present
Parlement
,
issint
,
qendroit
de
forfeitures
adjuges
en
cest
Parlement
,
si
ascun
pretend
davoir
droit
ou
Interest
en
Icelles
,
sue
au
Conseil
,
sil
luy
semble
affaire
,
&
droit
luy
sera
fait
.
The
Misgovernment
of
this
Prince
not
only
in
his
Revenues
,
but
in
all
the
Duties
of
his
high
Office
,
with
his
Profusion
and
Partiality
to
his
Favourites
,
made
way
for
a
very
great
Revolution
,
and
drew
on
so
much
hatred
of
the
People
,
as
at
last
all
his
Subjects
withdrew
their
Allegiance
from
him
,
and
chose
another
,
King
Henry
the
IV.
his
Cousin
German
.
Anno
1.
Hen.
IV.
The
Commons
Pray
,
That
the
Lands
,
parcel
of
the
Crown-Revenue
,
granted
away
by
Edward
III.
and
Richard
II.
may
be
resum'd
.
[
*
](A37160-e27240-b)
*
Rot.
Par.
1
Hen.
IV.
N●
.
100.
Item
,
touchant
Terres
,
Tenements
,
&
Rents
,
ou
autres
Possessions
,
queconques
,
qe
furent
parcelle
de
la
Corone
,
ou
des
Seignouries
de
la
Corone
,
en
temps
Seigneur
Edward
le
tierce
,
Roy
Dengleterre
,
ou
en
temps
Richard
,
darrein
Roy
Dengleterre
,
nient
donez
per
assent
du
Parlement
,
ne
en
eschange
pour
autres
Terres
,
ore
demurantz
a
la
Corone
,
qe
toutz
y
ceux
soint
rejoints
arere
a
la
Corone
;
purveu
toutefoitz
,
que
si
ascun
Seigneur
de
lestate
Chivaler
,
ou
Esquire
pur
son
travaille
duement
deservy
,
eit
pur
terme
de
sa
vie
,
&
nient
autrement
,
qil
ne
soit
rebote
dicelx
,
devant
qil
soit
autrement
guerdonez
&
semblablements
seit
feat
dela
Principalte
de
Galles
,
de
Cornwailee
,
&
de
Cestre
,
&
reservez
tout
foits
,
as
Citeins
&
Burgeys
,
parmy
tout
le
Royalme
,
lour
Libertees
&
Franchises
,
&
a
lour
Heirs
&
Successors
.
Resp.
Le
Roy
sadviesera
,
&
par
bone
advys
&
Discretion
ent
fera
due
remedie
.
Anno
5.
Hen.
IV.
The
Commons
Pray
,
That
the
King
would
provide
for
the
Repairing
of
his
Castles
,
and
Houses
,
and
namely
,
for
his
Castle
at
Windsor
which
was
greatly
in
decay
,
and
not
to
Grant
away
the
Profits
of
those
Castles
,
and
Houses
,
and
notwithstanding
,
to
stand
to
the
Repair
of
the
same
,
without
which
,
he
could
not
but
run
to
the
great
Charging
of
the
Commons
.
[
*
](A37160-e27380-b)
*
Rot.
Par.
5
Hen.
4.
No.
10.
Et
auxint
les
dicts
Communes
monstrerent
,
coment
les
Chastellx
&
autres
Manoirs
du
Roy
sont
molt
ruineuses
,
&
embusoignant
de
grand
Repris
,
&
Reperation
,
&
coment
les
Prosits
dicelles
sont
donez
as
diverses
Persones
,
&
le
Roy
supporte
les
Charges
,
come
per
especial
,
le
Chastel
de
Windesore
,
a
qel
feust
assignee
certain
Commoditie
,
pur
la
Reparation
dicelle
,
&
ore
mesme
la
Commoditie
est
donne
as
certaines
Persones
,
&
le
Roy
supporte
les
Charges
&
auxint
es
autres
places
,
les
Gentz
preignent
les
Profits
de
Herbage
,
&
del
vert
,
deins
diverses
ses
Parkes
,
&
Bois
,
&
le
Roy
supporte
les
Charges
de
le
enclosure
dicell
,
&
pur
cestes
importunes
charges
,
&
plusieurs
autres
,
&
pur
les
plusieurs
douns
des
Chastellx
,
Terres
,
&
Seignouries
,
&
des
Annuites
,
faits
&
donez
nient
duement
,
ne
descreteinment
,
&
par
especial
pur
les
Grandes
Charges
&
Depenses
de
le
Hostel
du
Roy
,
&
pur
amendement
des
tielx
meschiefs
faire
,
&
pur
ouster
tielx
inconveniences
en
apres
,
en
supportation
del
Commune
People
,
les
Communes
prierent
au
Roy
moelt
entierment
,
&
cordialement
,
qe
considerez
les
Perils
imminentes
,
de
toutz
parts
per
ses
Ennemys
,
&
Rebelx
,
comes
yont
novelx
de
jour
en
autre
,
&
coment
le
cas
est
tiel
,
qe
si
tielx
meschiefs
ne
soient
Graceousement
remediez
,
&
refourmez
en
cest
Parlement
y
purroit
estre
qe
sur
soudeins
novelx
de
arrival
des
enemys
,
ou
per
autre
voix
,
mesme
cest
Parlement
de
necessite
seroit
de
tout
depurtiz
,
&
dissolvez
▪
&
jamais
les
Seignours
ni
les
Communes
se
re-assembleroient
,
pur
remedee
ne
redresse
faire
,
sur
les
meschiefs
susdits
;
&
autres
qe
Dieux
deffende
.
It
appears
by
the
Purport
of
this
Petition
,
That
there
were
certain
Lands
and
Rents
set
aside
,
or
assign'd
for
the
Repair
of
Windsor-Castle
,
that
ancient
Seat
of
our
Kings
,
and
Sacred
to
the
Honours
and
Ceremonies
of
the
Garter
,
and
therefore
particularly
provided
for
with
a
Revenue
,
by
the
Wisdom
of
our
Fore-fathers
;
yet
it
seems
these
Lands
so
annex'd
to
Windsor
;
were
at
that
time
Granted
away
to
some
great
Man
,
o●
craving
Courtier
:
But
this
the
House
o●
Commons
did
not
then
think
reasonable
.
And
the
Remonstrance
thereupon
made
,
was
kindly
taken
by
the
King
▪
For
he
answer'd
the
Petition
in
Person
Et
sur
ceo
mesme
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
moelt
graciousement
de
son
bouche
propre
,
en
plein
Parlement
,
chargea
&
commenda
si
bien
tous
les
ditz
Seignours
,
come
les
di●z
Communes
,
qils
faiorient
lour
diligence
&
luy
montreroient
lours
bons
&
seins
conseilx
,
celle
partie
,
pur
aide
de
luy
,
&
de
tout
son
Roilame
.
Et
puis
apres
les
dits
Communes
en
mesme
le
Parlement
firent
reqeste
as
ditz
Seignours
,
qe
come
le
Roy
lour
avoit
donne
tiel
Charge
,
&
mandement
,
&
ceo
en
si
haute
Court
de
Record
,
qils
fairoient
lour
diligence
bien
&
loyalment
sans
curtosie
faire
entre
eux
,
en
ascune
manere
,
come
ils
voloient
respondere
devant
lue
Dieux
tout
puissant
,
&
devant
nostre
dit
Seignour
le
Roy
,
&
a
tout
le
Roialme
en
temps
avenir
,
&
qe
de
sur
ceo
mesme
les
Communes
ent
fairoient
semblablement
de
lour
partie
,
&
disoient
outre
mesme
les
Communes
,
a
nostre
dit
Seignour
le
Roy
,
qe
cestes
matiers
ensi
faits
,
&
accomplez
en
cest
Parlement
,
il
lour
troveroit
foialx
&
naturelx
liges
devers
luy
de
parfaire
son
plaisir
,
&
voloir
a
lour
poiar
par
le
aide
de
Dieux
.
'T
is
probable
,
this
seasonable
Care
of
the
House
of
Commons
rescued
for
that
time
,
the
Lands
belonging
to
Windsor
Castle
,
for
from
that
time
these
Lands
continu'd
in
the
Demeans
of
the
Crown
,
till
very
lately
.
And
some
Years
after
,
Viz.
Anno
31.
Hen.
VIII
.
there
pass'd
an
Act
of
Parliament
expresly
to
Annex
several
Mannors
by
name
to
the
Castle
and
Honour
of
Windsor
,
not
to
be
alienated
from
it
;
so
carefull
were
our
Ancestors
that
this
Noble
and
antientt
Seat
of
our
Kings
,
should
have
some
Revenue
to
keep
the
House
and
Parks
in
good
repair
.
In
the
same
Year
,
of
Hen.
IV.
the
Commons
rehearsing
,
how
King
Edward
III.
in
the
Parliament
Holden
in
the
11th
.
of
his
Reign
Created
his
Eldest
Son
Duke
of
Cornwal
,
and
the
same
Dukedom
annex'd
to
the
Crown
,
with
divers
Hereditaments
by
his
Letters
Patents
,
by
Authority
of
the
same
never
to
be
Dismembred
,
or
Sold
away
.
They
therefore
Pray
the
King
to
resume
and
seize
,
and
so
to
unite
again
to
the
said
Dutchy
,
such
Lands
as
were
Sold
away
by
Prince
Edward
,
King
Richard
,
or
by
the
King
himself
.
[
*
](A37160-e27640-b)
*
Rot.
Par.
5
Hen.
IV.
No
22.
versus
Finem
.
Non
obstants
Encorporation
o●
Union
de
qel
Duchee
per
une
haute
A●thorite
ensi
perfaite
,
puis
encea
est
d●membrez
,
si●bien
per
diverses
Alienat●ons
faitz
per
le
avant
dit
Edw.
nadgaires
Prince
,
come
per
le
darreine
Roy
Richard
,
qe
fuist
,
&
per
vous
.
Qe
pleise
a
vous
de
vostre
haute
discretion
,
ove
le
Avis
de
tous
Seignours
e●prituelx
&
temporelx
,
en
cest
presen●
Parlement
Assemblez
,
considerantz
l●
Union
dudit
Duchee
,
en
la
manere
avantdite
,
fait
de
requiler
tout
ceo
,
●●dedit
Duchee
est
demembrez
,
&
per
A●thorite
de
Parlement
de
reseiser
&
rejoindre
a
dit
Duchee
,
come
il
fust
a
devan●
non
obstant
ascune
Alienation
.
Qele
Petition
lue
&
entendue
fuis●
respondus
en
les
parolles
quensuent
.
Accordez
est
per
le
Roy
,
&
les
Seignours
en
Parlement
,
qe
le
dit
Mounseignour
le
Prince
,
per
lavys
de
son
Coun●eil
,
eit
briefs
de
Scir
.
fac
.
Ou
autre
recoverer
le
mieltz
qil
avoir
purra
,
par
les
Estatutes
&
leys
du
Roialme
,
solonc
ceo
qe
le
cas
requiert
,
&c.
Wherein
shall
be
allow'd
no
Protection
,
or
Praying
in
Aid
of
the
King
,
unless
it
be
for
Sir
John
Cornwale
and
Eliz.
his
Wife
,
late
Wife
of
John
Holland
Earl
of
Huntington
,
and
for
such
Persons
to
whom
the
King
is
bound
by
Warrantie
.
Sinon
en
cas
qe
le
Roy
soit
expressement
tenuza
la
Grantie
,
&c.
Rot.
Par.
6
Hen.
IV.
No
14.
Anno
6.
Hen.
IV.
The
Commons
Pray
,
That
the
King
would
resume
the
Crown-Lands
.
Pleise
a
tres
Excellent
&
tres
redoute
Seignour
,
Nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
,
pur
profit
du
Roy
,
&
encresce
de
sa
Corone
,
&
supportation
des
pauvres
Communes
,
de
vostre
Royalme
Dengleterre
,
granter
les
Petitions
qensuent
.
Pur
ceo
qe
la
Corone
del
Roialme
Dengleterre
,
est
grantement
emblemissez
,
&
anientissez
,
per
grandez
&
outrageouses
dons
,
faits
as
diverses
Persones
,
si
bien
esprituelx
comme
temporelx
,
des
Terres
,
Tenements
,
Fee
Fermes
,
Franchises
,
Libertees
,
&
autre
Possessions
dycelles
,
Soit
ordeigne
en
cest
present
Parlement
,
pur
profit
du
Roy
,
&
du
Roialme
,
&
supportation
des
Communes
,
qe
tous
Chateaux
,
Manoirs
,
Seignouries
,
Terres
,
Tenements
,
Fees
&
Advoesons
,
Fee
Fermes
,
Annuitees
,
Franchises
,
Libertees
,
&
Custumes
,
queux
fuerent
membre
&
parcelle
Dancienne
Inheritance
de
la
dite
Corone
,
le
an
du
Regne
le
Roy
Edward
Aiel
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
qorest
quarantisme
,
&
puis
en
cea
,
soint
ils
donez
a
terme
de
vie
,
ou
a
terme
de
ans
en
Fee
simple
,
ou
en
Fee
taile
,
ou
sur
Condition
,
ou
as
Seignours
Esprituelx
,
a
eux
,
&
a
lour
Successours
,
forsprises
Gardes
,
Marriages
,
&
Eschetes
&
horspris
ceo
qest
assigne
a
Reigne
,
en
Dower
,
soint
entierement
resumes
,
repris
,
&
seises
,
es
maines
notre
Seignour
le
Roy
,
&
rejointz
al
Corone
avant
dite
,
a
y
celle
perpetuelment
demeurer
,
sans
ent
per
aucune
voie
ou
ymagination
estre
severez
dicelle
,
en
temps
avenir
,
forsqe
ceux
qont
tieux
dons
ou
Grants
qe
furent
parcelle
del
dite
Corone
le
dit
an
quarantisme
ou
depuis
per
Chartre
especiale
,
faite
par
Authority
de
Parlement
:
Et
qe
nulles
Persones
du
Roialme
,
de
qel
estat
ou
Condition
qils
soient
,
ne
eient
,
tenient
,
ne
enjoient
,
parcelle
del
Corone
avant
dite
,
de
ancienne
enheritance
dicelle
,
alienez
,
grantez
,
ou
donez
,
puis
le
dit
an
quarantisme
,
sans
Authoritee
de
Parlement
,
sur
peine
de
incurrer
la
Forfeiture
dicelles
Terres
&
Tenements
,
ensy
parcelle
del
dit
Corone
,
&
Emprisonement
per
trois
ans
:
Et
qe
nul
Officier
de
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
face
ne
mette
en
execution
aucune
tiele
donne
ou
Grant
en
Temps
avenir
,
sur
peine
de
perdre
son
Office
,
&
de
forfaire
qanqe
il
purra
forfaire
,
envers
notre
Seignour
le
Roy
,
&
le
Emprisonement
de
trois
Ans:
Et
qe
toutes
Maneres
de
Persones
,
ou
Officers
&
Ministres
du
Roys
qeux
ont
auscun
don
ou
Grant
des
ascuns
tieux
Chastelx
,
Seignouries
,
Manoires
,
Terres
,
Tenements
,
Fees
,
Advoesons
,
Fee
Fermes
,
Annuites
,
Franchises
,
Libertees
,
&
Custumes
,
suisditz
qeux
issint
sont
parcelle
dancienne
Inheritance
de
la
dite
Corone
,
apres
ceo
qe
les
Paiements
Affaires
pur
le
Houstiel
du
Roy
ses
Chambres
&
Garderobes
soient
pleinement
paiez
ou
assignes
,
&
la
Reigne
paiez
de
sa
Dower
,
&
duement
endowez
,
soient
recompensez
a
la
volontee
du
Roy
de
la
surplusage
,
&
residue
des
Ferms
&
annuitez
suisditz
.
Purveux
toutezfoitz
qe
toutes
les
Seignours
esprituelx
&
temporelx
,
qi
ont
aucunes
Libertees
&
Franchises
de
don
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
qorest
,
o●
de
ses
Progenitours
puis
le
dit
an
qarantisme
,
&
paient
Fee
Ferm
a
la
verray
value
pour
ycelles
,
ou
ent
rendent
due
accompte
al
Oeps
notre
Seignour
le
Roy
,
chescun
an
,
a
son
Eschequer
,
&
aussi
tous
les
Citees
&
Burghs
deins
le
Royalme
Dengleterre
qont
Franchises
&
Libertees
du
Grant
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
,
ou
de
ses
Progenitours
,
Roys
Dengleterre
,
&
confirmez
per
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
qorest
,
pur
Fee
fermes
annuellement
a
paie
a
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
,
ou
qont
fait
fyn
pur
y
ceux
Franchises
avoir
a
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
qorest
,
ou
a
ses
Progenitours
ne
soint
oustez
ne
disheritez
de
lour
Franchises
&
Libertees
,
mes
aient
&
entierement
enjoient
toutes
les
ditz
Libertees
&
Franchises
,
&
toutes
autres
lour
Libertees
&
Franchises
,
a
eux
Grantez
puis
le
dit
an
quarantisme
pur
releifuement
des
Fee
fermes
,
encresce
&
Fortification
des
ditz
Citees
,
&
Burghs
seloncqe
la
fourme
&
effect
de
lour
Chartres
,
ent
faites
,
cest
ordeignance
nonobstant
,
Purveu
ensement
qe
nostre
tres
excellente
dame
la
Reygne
,
ne
les
Fitz
du
Roy
,
ne
soient
contenuz
soubs
la
constreint
decest
Estatute
,
ou
Ordeignance
,
Purveu
auxi
qe
ceux
qont
Purchasez
de
Roy
Richard
T●rr●s
ou
Tenements
,
qeux
furent
a
aucunes
Persones
forejugez
a
Parlement
tenus
a
Westminstre
lan
unsiesme
du
Regne
dudit
Roy
Richard
ne
lour
Heires
,
soient
oustez
ne
molestez
de
lour
Terres
&
Tenements
avantditz
per
vertue
de
I●em
qe
tous
Tonelx
&
Pipes
des
Vyns
,
des
prises
de
Roy
,
&
autre
Pipes
&
To●elx
des
Vyns
,
grantez
a
ascunes
Persones
,
de
qel
Estat
ou
condition
qil
soit
,
per
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
,
qorest
ou
p●r
ses
Progenitours
,
a
terme
de
vie
,
ou
a
Terme
de
ans
,
soient
entierement
resumes
es
mains
du
Roy.
La
Responce
fait
per
le
Roy
de
ladvys
&
assent
des
Seignours
esprituelx
&
temporelx
a
les
Petitions
dessus
escripts
Qeux
le
Roy
voet
metre
en
Execution
en
tout
le
haste
possible
.
But
this
good
Care
of
the
House
of
Commons
for
the
King's
Welfare
,
had
no
other
Effect
than
to
procure
,
That
the
Lands
,
Rents
,
Profits
and
Annuities
so
granted
away
,
should
be
seised
into
the
King's
Hands
for
one
whole
Year
;
but
the
Reason
of
this
may
be
easily
seen
in
the
Record
it self
.
A
great
part
of
these
Lands
were
got
into
the
hands
of
the
Clergy
.
The
words
of
the
Record
are
,
Outragious
Grants
made
to
divers
Persons
,
as
well
Spiritual
as
Temporal
.
Outrageouses
dons
faits
as
divers
Persons
,
si
bien
Espirituelx
,
comme
Temporelx
The
People
were
in
that
Age
very
Superstitious
,
as
appears
by
the
severe
[
*
](A37160-e28150-b)
*
Vid.
Rot.
Par.
8
Hen.
IV.
N
●
.
62.
Act
which
pass'd
two
Years
after
against
the
Lollards
;
And
where
the
People
is
Superstitious
,
the
Clergy
never
fail
to
have
the
Chief
Power
;
And
by
their
Interest
,
in
all
probability
,
it
was
procur'd
,
that
the
Nation
could
then
be
reliev'd
only
with
one
Years
Profit
from
those
Grants
;
And
because
this
After-act
militates
so
directly
with
what
the
Commons
had
done
just
before
,
there
are
good
grounds
to
think
,
that
the
last
Project
began
in
that
House
,
which
was
then
influenc'd
by
the
Lords
Spiritual
.
But
we
shall
produce
the
Record
it self
,
to
shew
that
the
Writer
desires
to
handle
this
Subject
impartially
,
and
to
set
every
thing
in
a
fair
Light
.
Rot.
Parl.
6
Hen.
IV.
N.
21.
Item
a
Considerer
les
Grants
faits
per
Patentes
dessous
le
grant
Seal
du
Roy
,
&
de
ses
Progenitours
&
Predecessours
,
as
diverses
Persones
si
bien
a
terme
de
vie
,
come
en
Fee
simple
,
ou
en
Fee
taille
,
on
autrement
,
y
ne
seroit
honest
,
ny
expedient
pur
le
Roy
nostre
Seignour
,
de
faire
repelle
,
revocation
ou
resumption
〈◊〉
tielx
Patentes
,
&
ceo
si
bien
pur
l●
clamour
&
autre
Inconveniences
,
qent
purront
avenir
as
estranges
parties
,
come
deins
le
Roialme
Dengleterre
,
Et
pur
ouster
tielx-Meschiefs
,
accordez
est
,
qe
chascun
home
&
feme
,
de
quel
estat
on
condition
qils
soient
,
qe
ont
ascuns
Annuites
,
Fees
ou
Gages
,
a
terme
de
vie
,
ou
des
Ans
,
du
Grant
du
Roy
Richard
,
ou
du
Roy
qorest
,
qils
soefreront
,
&
chascun
de
eux
soefrera
,
mesmes
nostre
Seignour
,
le
Roy
davoir
&
enjoier
les
dits
Annuites
,
Fees
,
&
Gages
,
del
Feste
de
Pasche
darrein
passe
,
tanqal
lendemain
de
Pasche
prochain
avenir
;
cestassavoir
per
un
an
entier
.
Purveu
toutesfois
qe
les
Fees
,
Gages
&
Regardes
de
Chancelier
,
Tresorer
,
Gardien
du
Privee
Seal
,
Justices
de
lun
Bank
&
de
lautre
,
Barons
de
lescheqer
,
Serjeants
du
Roy
a
la
Leye
,
&
des
autres
Officers
&
Ministres
des
Courts
le
Roy
,
ne
soient
restreints
per
vertue
de
ceste
Ordeinance
,
mais
qils
soient
paiez
come
ils
ont
este
accustumez
de
estre
paiez
,
devant
ces
heurs
.
But
there
seems
to
be
given
a
Power
to
the
King
,
by
his
advice
of
Council
,
to
Resume
his
Lands
from
such
as
have
more
than
they
deserve
.
Item
,
Qe
Proclamation
soit
fait
en
Chascun
Contee
Dengleterre
,
qe
〈◊〉
ceux
qont
ascuns
Annuitiees
,
〈◊〉
Manoirs
,
Terres
,
Tenements
,
Fee
Fermes
,
Fees
ou
Gages
,
ou
autre
Grant
qeconqe
,
dascune
value
annuelle
,
a
terme
de
vie
,
ou
des
Ans
du
Grante
du
Roy
Edw.
Aiel
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
,
puis
le
an
qarantisme
du
dit
Roy
Edw.
o●
de
Roy
Richard
,
ou
de
Roy
qorest
,
envoient
ou
portent
devant
le
Roy
&
son
Counseil
perentre
cy
&
le
Feste
de
Chandeleure
prochain
a
venir
,
a
pluistard
,
les
Copies
de
lour
Lettres
Patentes
,
a
eux
faits
,
per
les
Roys
suisdits
,
sur
peine
de
forfaire
mesme
les
Lettres
Patentes
,
au
fyn
qe
nostre
dit
Seignour
le
Roy
,
per
advys
de
son
Conseil
,
purra
ordeigner
qe
ceux
qont
fait
bon
service
eient
&
enjoient
lour
dites
Lettres
Patentes
,
&
les
autres
qe
nount
deservies
,
soient
tout
outrement
oustez
de
lours
dites
Lettres
Patents
:
Et
auxint
de
ceux
qont
pluis
qe
ne
ont
deserviez
,
qe
le
dit
Roy
,
per
advys
de
son
dit
Counseil
,
purra
faire
Moderation
,
come
mieltz
luy
semblera
.
Anno
7
&
8
Hen.
4.
The
Commons
Pray
the
King
,
That
no
Lands
to
be
Conquer'd
from
the
Welch
,
should
be
granted
away
in
a
Quarter
of
a
Year
,
from
the
time
such
Lands
should
be
taken
in
:
The
King
among
other
things
Answers
,
That
he
will
not
grant
away
such
Lands
till
he
is
inform'd
of
their
Value
.
Rot.
Par.
7.
&
.
8.
H.
IV.
No.
15.
Item
,
Le
dit
Mr.
John
Pria
pur
les
dits
Communes
,
qe
les
Chatelx
Seignouries
,
Terres
&
Tenements
,
en
la
Terre
de
Gales
,
qe
desore
,
per
la
Grace
de
Dieu
,
seront
conqis
,
ou
gaignez
,
sur
les
dits
Rebealx
,
ne
soient
donnes
a
uully
per
le
espace
dun
qarter
dun
Apres
ceo
qils
seront
ensi
conqis
ou
gaines
.
A
qoy
le
Roy
respendi
,
qil
se
veilloit
abstenir
deascun
tiel
don
faire
a
uully
tanqe
al
temps
qe
il
feroit
enformez
de
la
value
dycelles
:
Et
si
ascun
●ie●
don
deslors
se
feroit
,
qil
le
vorroit
faire
as
tielx
Persones
qe
voillent
demeurer
su●
la
conqest
de
la
Terre
de
Gales
suisdits
.
In
the
same
Parliament
,
the
Common●
Pray
,
That
certain
Foreigners
by
Name
may
be
Banish'd
the
Kingdom
,
which
the
King
agrees
to
,
and
in
his
Writ
to
the
Sheriffs
of
London
,
directs
,
That
such
Foreigners
should
produce
such
Grants
of
Land
,
as
they
had
obtain'd
from
Him
,
the
Queen
,
or
from
others
.
[
*
](A37160-e28560-b)
*
Ibid
29.
Ite●
,
Samedy
le
8
jour
de
May
a
les
souve●●
priers
&
reqestes
des
Communes
,
accord●
feust
per
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
,
&
les
Seignours
Esprituelx
&
Temporelx
,
〈◊〉
touts
les
Aliens
des
qeux
les
noms
〈◊〉
comprises
en
une
Cedule
,
laqelle
〈◊〉
livree
al
Seneschal
del
Houstiel
du
Roy
,
voidant
la
Roialme
devant
un
certain
jour
,
compris
en
le
Brief
de
Proclamation
ent
fait
,
come
per
la
tenure
dycell●
brief
,
enroulle
en
la
Chancellerie
,
y
purra
apparoir
.
And
the
King
in
his
Writ
to
the
Sheriffs
,
Directs
among
other
things
,
'
Quodque
omnes
&
singuli
Alienigenae
praedicti
,
qui
aliqua
Terras
,
Tenementa
,
Annuitates
,
sive
Concessiones
quaecunque
in
Feodo
simplici
,
vel
Talliato
,
sive
ad
terminum
vitae
,
vel
annorum
,
ex
Concessione
nostra
,
sive
ex
Concessione
charissimae
Consortis
nostrae
Reginae
Angliae
sive
aliorum
Ligeorum
nostrorum
per
litteras
,
sive
scripta
,
eis
inde
fact
▪
obtinent
,
quovismodo
,
hujusmodi
Litteras
sive
scripta
nobis
in
Cancellaria
nostra
liberent
indilate
,
ad
finem
quod
visis
Litteris
&
scriptis
praedictis
,
inde
fieri
jubere
valeamus
,
quod
de
jure
,
&
secundum
legem
&
consuetudinem
Regni
nostri
Angliae
,
fore
viderimus
faciendum
.
Anno
11.
Hen.
IV.
The
Commons
Pray
,
That
for
ever
hereafter
no
Grant
may
be
made
of
any
Hereditament
,
or
other
Profits
of
the
Crown
,
except
Offices
and
Bailiwicks
,
till
the
King
shall
be
quite
out
of
Debt
;
and
unless
there
be
remaining
in
his
Coffers
sufficient
for
the
Provision
of
his
●amily
.
To
which
the
King
agrees
,
directly
,
without
Reservation
,
till
his
Debts
be
paid
,
or
unless
there
be
sufficient
Provision
for
his
Family
,
and
with
Reservation
for
the
Queen
,
His
Sons
,
and
for
the
Duke
of
York
,
and
the
Lord
Grey
.
[
*
](A37160-e28690-b)
*
Rot.
Parl.
11
Hen.
IV.
Nᵒ.
23.
Item
,
Qe
nulles
Chastelx
Honours
Seignouries
,
Manoirs
,
Villes
,
Terres
,
Tenements
,
Franchises
,
Reversions
,
Libertees
,
Forrestes
,
Fees
,
Advoesons
,
Eschetes
,
Forfaitures
,
Gardes
,
Marriages
ou
autres
Revenues
qeconqes
,
ove
lours
appurtenances
,
forpris
Offices
&
Baillies
,
en
temps
ensuivants
,
es
Mains
nostre
dit
Seignour
le
Roy
ou
a
ses
Heirs
,
Rois
Dengleterre
,
a
eschiers
,
ou
a
venirs
,
ne
soient
en
nulle
manere
donez
,
ne
Grantez
a
ascune
Persones
,
si
ne
soit
al
profit
&
Oeps
nostre
dit
Seignour
le
Roy
,
pur
la
Sustenance
de
son
Houstiel
,
Chambre
,
&
Gard●robe
,
tanqe
tous
ses
dettes
a
ses
Lieges
a
present
dues
soient
pleinement
paiez
,
&
deslors
enavant
continuell●ment
resonable
Substance
remaignant
e●
mains
nostre
dit
Seignour
le
Roy
,
&
ses
Heirs
,
Roys
Dengleterre
,
pur
la
sustenance
&
supportation
del
Houstiel
,
Chambre
▪
&
Garderobe
suis
ditz
,
devant
ascun
doun
ou
Grant
fait
al
contraire
dicelle
en
descharges
de
nostre
dit
Seignour
le
Roy
,
&
de
son
Roialme
,
〈◊〉
temps
avenir
:
Et
si
ascune
maner●
de
Persone
,
de
qel
Estate
ou
Condition
〈◊〉
soit
,
eit
ou
resceive
en
temps
a
venir
,
de
doun
ou
de
Grante
,
nostre
dit
Seignour
le
Roy
,
ou
de
ses
Heirs
,
Roys
Dengleterre
,
ascunes
des
Revenues
dessuis
nommez
,
a
contraire
de
cest
Petition
,
qe
le
avantdit
doun
ou
Grant
soient
outrement
voidez
,
&
come
nulles
tenus
,
&
le
Roy
respondu
en
son
Escheqer
des
Issues
en
le
mesme
temps
dycelle
provenantz
&
en
temps
ensuant
a
provenir
per
issint
qe
le
Chancelier
Dengleterre
,
qi
pur
le
temps
sera
,
soit
tenus
a
certifier
en
l
Eschequer
nostre
dit
Seignour
le
Roy
des
douns
&
Grants
avant
dits
,
a
tant
de
foits
come
il
besoigne
.
Resp.
Le
Roy
voet
qe
touts
les
Chastelx
,
Manoirs
,
Honours
,
Seignouries
,
Villes
,
Terres
,
Tenements
,
Franchises
,
Reversions
,
Libertees
,
Forrests
,
Fees
,
Advoesons
,
and
Eschetes
,
Forfeitures
,
Gardes
,
Marriages
,
ou
autres
Revenues
qeconqes
,
ove
lour
Appurtenances
,
Forpris
Offices
&
Baillies
,
qi
escheiront
de
ce
en
avant
,
es
mains
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
,
ne
soient
en
nul
manere
donnez
ne
grantez
,
a
ascune
Persone
,
sil
ne
soit
al
oeps
&
profit
,
nostre
dit
Seignour
le
Roy
,
pur
la
Sustenance
de
son
Hostiel
,
Chambre
&
Garderobe
,
Et
si
ascune
manere
persone
,
de
qel
Estate
ou
Condition
qil
soit
,
eit
ou
resceivre
dycest
26.
Jour
de
Avril
,
en
temps
avenir
,
ascun
tiel
doun
ou
Grant
,
au
contraire
de
cest
ordeinance
,
qe
le
avant
dit
doun
&
Grant
soient
outrement
voidez
,
&
tenus
pur
nul
,
forpris
que
Recompensation
soit
fait
au
Reigne
,
solonc
la
tenure
de
ses
Lettres
Patents
,
Et
forpris
les
Fitz
de
Roy
,
Et
auxint
forpris
qe
recompensation
soit
fait
a
Duc
d
Everwick
&
a
Seignour
de
Grey
solonc
la
Fourme
de
lour
lettres
Patentes
.
There
was
no
full
and
direct
Resumption
during
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
V.
[
*
](A37160-e28800-b)
*
Rot.
Par.
1
Hen.
V.
No.
40.
except
of
Lands
given
away
in
the
Marches
of
Calais
;
by
which
it
appears
,
that
the
Care
taken
in
the
former
Parliaments
,
had
somewhat
fenc'd
the
King's
Revenues
,
against
the
Rapine
of
the
Favourites
and
Great
Men
▪
But
tho'
there
was
no
Resumption
,
yet
i●
was
Enacted
1
H.
5th
That
the
King
should
have
10,000
l.
per
Ann.
out
of
th●
Annuities
and
Pensions
formerly
granted
,
which
was
no
inconsiderable
Summ
i●
those
days
,
since
the
whole
Revenue
o●
the
[
*
](A37160-e28870-b)
*
Cot.
〈◊〉
p.
156.
Crown
when
he
undertook
the
Conquest
of
France
amounted
to
but
L.
56
,
96●
per
Annum
.
Rot.
Parl.
1
Hen.
V.
Nᵒ.
12.
Item
accordez
est
,
&
assentuz
per
●
Roy
&
les
Seignours
,
a
la
reqest
d●
Communes
en
Parlement
,
qe
sur
les
Pai●ments
afaires
de
les
Annuitees
,
Grant●
as
diverses
Persons
,
per
les
lettres
Pa●e●tes
des
Roys
,
mesme
nostre
Seignour
〈◊〉
Roy
,
pur
Sustenance
&
Supportation
d●
son
honourable
Estate
,
&
de
les
Grandes
Charges
,
Costages
,
&
despenses
d●
son
Houstiel
,
Chambre
,
&
Garderobe
▪
soit
preferez
de
dix
milles
livres
annuellement
,
&
yeelle
preferement
accompli●
▪
soient
les
Persones
dessuisdits
paiez
d●
lour
dites
Annuitees
,
solonc
les
Fourm●
&
effect
de
lour
letters
Patentes
a
eux
en●
faits
.
Purveus
toutes
fois
qe
les
Seignours
&
autres
Persones
qont
lours
Annuitees
enheritab●ement
,
soient
paiez
demesme
lour
Annuitees
solonc
la
fourme
&
effect
de
lour
Chartre
,
&
Lettres
Patents
,
ent
faits
,
non
obstant
le
preferement
avant
dit
.
Anno
28
Hen.
6.
[
*
](A37160-e29030-b)
*
Rot.
Parl.
28
Hen.
VI.
Nᵒ
53.
Prayen
the
Commons
in
this
youre
present
Parlement
Assembled
,
to
consider
that
where
youre
Chanceller
of
youre
Reaume
of
Englond
▪
youre
Tresorer
of
Englond
,
and
many
of
the
Lords
of
youre
Counseill
,
by
youre
high
Commandement
to
youre
said
Commons
,
atte
youre
Parliament
holden
last
atte
Westminster
,
shewed
and
declared
the
State
of
this
youre
Reaume
,
which
was
,
that
ye
were
endetted
in
CCCLXXII
.
M.
li.
which
is
grete
and
grevouse
,
and
that
youre
Livelode
in
yerely
value
was
but
V.
M.
li.
And
for
as
moche
as
this
V
M.
li.
to
youre
high
and
notable
Estate
▪
to
be
kept
,
and
to
paie
youre
said
dettes
woll
noght
suffice
,
Therefore
that
youre
high
Estate
might
be
releved
.
And
furthermore
it
was
declared
,
that
youre
Expenses
Necessaries
to
youre
Houshould
,
withouten
all
other
ordinarie
Charges
,
came
to
24000
li.
yerely
,
the
which
exceedeth
every
Yere
in
expenses
necessarie
over
youre
Livelode
19000
li.
Also
please
it
your
Highness
to
consider
,
that
the
Commons
of
youre
said
Reaume
,
been
as
well
willed
to
their
pore
power
,
to
releving
of
youre
Highness
,
as
ever
were
Peple
to
ony
Kyng
of
youre
Progenitours
,
that
ever
reigned
in
youre
said
Reaume
of
Englond
,
but
youre
said
Commons
been
so
empoverished
,
what
by
taking
of
Vitaile
to
youre
Household
,
and
other
things
in
〈◊〉
said
Reaume
,
and
noght
paied
fore
,
And
the
Quinszisme
by
youre
said
Commons
,
afore
this
tyme
so
often
graunted
,
and
by
the
Graunt
of
Tonnage
and
Poundage
,
and
by
the
Graunt
of
the
Subsidie
upon
the
Wolles
,
and
other
Grauntes
to
youre
Highness
,
And
〈◊〉
lakke
of
Execution
of
Justice
,
that
youre
pore
Commons
been
full
nyght
destro●ed
,
And
if
it
shuld
continue
lenger
in
such
grete
Charge
,
it
▪
cowde
noght
▪
in
oney
wyse
be
hade
or
borne
.
Wherefore
please
it
youre
Highnesse
,
the
premises
graciously
to
consider
;
And
that
ye
,
by
the
advyce
of
youre
Lordes
Spirituels
and
Temporels
&
by
auctorite
of
this
youre
present
Parlement
,
for
the
Conservacion
of
youre
high
Estate
,
and
in
comfort
and
ease
of
youre
pore
Commons
,
wold
take
,
resume
,
seise
and
reteine
in
handes
and
possession
,
all
Honours
,
Castelles
,
Lordshippes
,
Townes
,
Towneshipps
,
Mannours
,
Londs
,
Tenementes
,
Wastes
,
Rentes
,
Reversions
,
Fees
,
Feefermes
,
and
Services
,
with
all
their
Appurtenances
,
in
Englonde
,
Wales
,
and
in
the
Marches
thereof
,
Irlonde
,
Guysnes
,
Caleys
and
inthe
Marches
thereof
,
the
which
ye
hafe
graunted
by
youre
Lettres
Patentes
,
or
otherwyse
,
sythe
the
first
day
of
youre
Reigne
,
and
all
Honours
,
Castelles
,
Lordshippes
,
Townes
,
Towneshipps
,
Mannours
,
Londs
,
Tenements
,
Wastes
,
Rentes
,
Reversions
,
Fees
,
Feefermes
,
and
Services
,
with
all
their
Appurtenances
,
the
which
were
of
the
Dutchie
of
Lancastre
,
and
pass'd
from
you
by
youre
Graunte
or
Grauntes
;
And
ye
to
have
,
hold
and
receive
,
all
the
Premisses
,
in
and
of
like
Estate
,
os
ye
hadde
them
atte
the
tyme
of
such
Grauntes
made
by
you
of
theim
.
And
that
all
Lettres
Pattentes
,
or
Grauntes
by
you
,
or
by
oney
other
Persone
or
Persones
atte
youre
requeste
,
or
desire
,
made
to
oney
Persone
or
Persones
,
of
the
Premisses
,
or
of
oney
of
theim
,
in
that
,
that
to
oney
of
the
Premisses
,
be
be
void
and
of
noo
force
.
And
over
that
,
that
all
manner
of
Graunts
of
Rentes
,
Charges
,
or
Annuitees
,
made
by
you
of
Estate
of
Inheritance
,
for
terme
of
Lyffe
,
or
terme
of
Yeres
,
to
oney
Persone
or
Persones
,
to
be
taken
of
oney
of
these
Premisses
,
or
of
youre
Custumes
or
Subsidies
,
or
Awnage
,
or
of
youre
Hamper
,
or
atte
,
or
in
youre
Receits
,
or
in
otherwyse
,
or
in
oney
other
Place
,
or
oney
of
theim
,
or
of
the
Profites
coming
of
theim
,
or
oney
of
theim
,
withinne
this
youre
Reaume
,
Irlonde
,
Wales
,
Guysues
,
Caleys
and
the
Marches
of
the
same
,
be
voide
and
of
noone
effect
.
And
that
all
manner
of
Grauntes
,
made
by
you
,
to
oney
Persone
,
or
Persones
,
of
Estate
of
Enheritance
,
terme
of
Lyffe
,
or
terme
of
Yeres
,
of
oney
Herbage
,
or
Pannage
,
Fishyng
,
Pasture
,
or
Comyne
of
Pasture
,
youre
Warein
,
Wode
,
Wyne
,
Clothyng
,
Furres
to
noone
Office
longyng
,
nor
perteinyng
,
the
seid
first
Day
of
youre
Reigne
,
nor
afore
,
noght
yeldyng
to
you
the
verray
value
thereof
,
be
voide
and
of
noone
effecte
.
And
over
that
,
like
it
youre
Highness
,
to
take
,
resume
and
seise
,
and
reteine
into
youre
handes
,
and
Possessions
,
all
manner
Lettres
Patentes
,
Privileges
,
Franchises
,
Hundreds
,
Wapentakes
,
Letes
,
Rapes
,
Vewe
of
Franchises
,
Fynes
,
Amerciaments
,
Issues
and
Profites
of
the
same
,
by
you
graunted
,
syth
the
first
Day
of
youre
Reigne
to
oney
Persone
or
Persones
,
or
Abbot
,
Priour
,
Deane
,
Chapitre
,
Maistre
or
Wardeyne
of
College
,
Fraternite
,
Crafte
or
Gilde
.
And
all
manner
of
such
Grauntes
,
to
be
voide
and
of
noone
effecte
.
And
furthermore
;
All
Grauntes
made
by
you
,
to
oney
Persone
,
or
Persones
,
of
oney
Offices
,
the
which
were
noone
Offices
the
first
Day
of
youre
Reigne
,
nor
afore
,
be
voide
and
of
noone
effecte
.
And
that
all
manner
of
Grauntes
,
made
by
you
,
to
oney
Person
,
or
Persones
,
geaving
theim
Power
to
make
or
ordeine
oney
Office
,
or
Offices
,
of
whome
the
makyng
and
Ordeinance
,
the
said
first
Day
of
youre
Reigne
,
or
oney
time
syth
,
longd
to
you
or
theim
,
were
noone
such
Office
,
nor
afore
that
,
thanne
such
Graunte
as
in
makyng
or
Ordeinance
of
such
Offices
be
of
noone
effecte
.
And
over
that
,
That
all
Grauntes
and
Relesses
made
by
you
syth
the
first
Day
of
youre
Reigne
,
to
oney
Abbot
,
Priour
,
Covent
,
or
to
oney
other
Persone
or
Persones
,
for
discharge
or
quytclayme
of
oney
Corrodies
,
or
Corodie
,
Pensione
or
Pensiones
,
dismez
spirituells
,
or
Quinszismes
,
or
dismes
temporells
,
Rentes
,
or
Services
,
or
oney
other
charge
,
be
void
and
of
noone
effecte
.
And
that
no
Persone
nor
Persones
havyng
Estate
in
Offices
,
Fee
simple
or
Fee
taille
,
of
youre
Graunte
,
or
oney
havyng
theyre
Estate
,
have
other
Estate
in
the
said
Offices
,
but
terme
of
their
lyffes
,
that
nowe
hafe
the
seid
Offices
with
Fees
and
Wages
,
to
the
seid
Offices
,
of
alde
tyme
accustumed
oonly
,
and
noon
otherwyse
.
And
that
all
manner
of
Grauntes
by
you
made
,
or
to
be
made
to
oney
Persone
or
Persones
of
the
Premises
,
or
of
oney
parcelle
,
during
this
youre
present
Parlement
,
be
voide
and
of
noone
effect
.
And
that
noo
Persone
or
Persones
,
that
hadde
oney
thyng
of
the
premises
afore
the
tyme
of
the
seid
Resumption
,
be
noght
chargeable
by
way
of
Accompt
,
or
otherwyse
for
the
same
ayenst
you
,
youre
Heires
and
Successours
,
except
thoo
that
by
youre
Grauntes
afore
the
seid
Resumption
were
accomptable
.
This
is
the
fore-part
of
the
Act
,
Word
for
word
,
to
which
the
House
of
Commons
thought
fit
to
add
Savings
to
several
Persons
,
of
which
we
shall
give
an
Abstract
.
First
there
is
Saving
to
the
Queen
,
for
her
Dower
.
[2]
For
the
Colleges
of
our
Lady
of
Eaton
,
and
our
Lady
and
St.
Nicholas
of
Cambridge
.
[3]
For
Lands
granted
in
the
Dutchy
of
Lancaster
to
Persons
to
the
intent
to
perform
the
King's
Will
.
[4]
For
Priories
Alien
then
in
the
Possession
of
Hospitals
,
or
Religious
Houses
.
[5]
For
the
Creation
Money
,
paid
to
the
Peers
,
but
this
Saving
is
with
Restrictions
.
[6]
For
those
who
had
made
Surrenders
to
the
King
,
and
taken
other
Lands
in
Exchange
so
as
the
last
Grant
exceed
not
the
first
in
value
or
terme
.
[7]
A
Saving
for
Lands
bought
of
the
King
by
Henry
Cardinal
of
England
and
given
to
St.
Crosses
,
with
a
general
Saving
for
the
Interest
and
Claime
of
private
Persons
to
the
Lands
intended
to
be
Resumed
.
[8]
A
Saving
for
those
who
had
Grants
in
former
Reigns
,
out
of
which
they
were
Lawfully
Evicted
,
and
in
Consideration
of
which
they
had
Grants
from
the
present
King
.
[9]
A
Saving
for
those
who
had
exchang'd
Lands
with
the
King
,
so
as
the
Lands
exchang'd
were
not
also
of
his
own
Gift
,
and
so
as
what
exceeded
in
Value
should
be
resum'd
.
[
10
]
A
Saving
for
what
paid
Rent
according
to
the
true
value
at
the
time
of
the
Grant
.
[
11
]
A
Saving
for
where
the
King
was
Feoffee
in
trust
,
so
as
it
was
not
in
Lands
of
his
own
Gift
.
[
12
]
A
Saving
for
the
Lord
Chancellor
,
Treasurer
,
Privy
Seal
,
Justices
,
Barons
of
the
Exchequer
,
Serjeants
at
Law
,
Atturney
and
Officers
in
the
King's
Courts
of
Record
,
for
accustom'd
Wages
,
Rewards
or
Cloathing
,
[
13
]
A
Saving
for
Grants
made
of
their
own
Lands
to
Persons
born
beyond
the
Seas
,
and
of
English
Parentage
.
[
14
]
A
Saving
for
All-Souls-College
.
[
15
]
A
Saving
for
Cities
and
Burroughs
,
who
by
the
King's
Charter
were
to
be
exempt
from
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
Lord
High
Admiral
or
Warden
of
the
Cinque
Ports
.
[
16
]
A
Saving
for
Bodies
Corporate
,
&c.
who
by
Charter
had
Priviledge
granted
of
Murage
.
These
were
all
the
Reservations
,
the
House
of
Commons
thought
necessary
in
this
Act.
Then
follows
.
And
that
it
like
youre
most
High
and
Habundant
Grace
,
tenderly
to
consider
these
Premises
,
and
thereuppon
by
youre
high
and
grete
Wisdome
,
and
by
the
Advyse
of
the
Lords
Spirituels
and
Temporels
,
in
this
your
present
Parlement
Assembled
to
ordeine
,
provide
,
and
establish
sufficiaunt
Possessions
,
of
the
Premises
so
resumed
for
the
contentyng
and
Paiment
of
the
Expences
,
and
Charges
of
youre
Houshold
,
and
all
youre
other
ordinarie
Charges
:
And
to
Apply
and
Appoint
the
Possessions
,
Profites
,
Revenues
,
and
Commodities
of
youre
Towne
of
Caleys
,
and
of
Guisues
and
of
the
Marches
there
,
hooly
to
be
taken
and
received
by
youre
Tresorer
of
Caleys
for
the
tyme
beying
,
he
to
apply
theim
to
the
Payments
of
the
Souldeours
there
,
and
the
repaire
of
the
Gettes
and
other
necessary
reparations
there
behowfull
;
And
the
seid
Tresorer
thereof
to
you
in
youre
Eschequer
duely
to
accompt
;
And
all
the
Possessions
aforesaid
soo
severally
provided
for
to
abide
and
endure
to
you
youre
Heires
and
Successours
in
perpetuitie
,
to
the
same
end
and
effecte
,
and
noon
other
,
with
such
peines
and
Punishments
to
be
sette
thereupon
,
by
youre
wise
discretions
,
that
noone
of
youre
Leiges
in
tyme
to
come
attempt
the
contrarie
thereof
,
or
accept
any
parcell
of
hem
,
so
ordeined
,
for
the
seid
Provisions
;
so
that
the
seid
Ordeinaunce
soo
made
be
sent
and
declared
to
us
youre
seid
Beseechers
,
during
this
your
seid
Parlement
,
to
the
ende
and
effecte
we
to
yeve
thereto
our
assent
,
so
that
it
can
be
thought
to
us
for
youre
Honour
,
profite
and
welfare
of
us
,
all
so
to
doo
,
that
it
be
authorised
in
this
youre
high
and
Roial
Court
of
Parlement
,
and
by
Aucthorite
of
the
same
.
Resp.
The
Kyng
by
the
Advyse
and
assent
of
the
Lords
Spirituelx
and
Temporelx
in
this
present
Parlement
assembled
.
and
by
the
Aucthoritie
of
the
same
,
agreeth
to
this
Petition
and
Resumption
,
and
the
same
accepteth
and
establisheth
,
Alweys
forseyn
that
all
exceptions
moderations
forprises
and
provisions
by
hym
graunted
ordeined
and
admitted
,
and
putte
in
Wryting
in
this
same
Parlement
,
upon
the
premisses
,
be
and
stand
good
and
availlable
in
Lawe
,
after
the
Fourme
and
effecte
of
the
contynue
of
the
same
exceptions
Moderations
and
Provisions
;
And
that
all
Lettres
Patentes
of
the
Kyng
made
to
oney
Persone
or
Persones
named
in
oney
of
the
same
Exceptions
moderations
forprises
and
provisions
,
be
good
and
effectuel
after
the
Fourme
and
continue
of
the
same
Lettres
Patentes
,
by
whatsomever
name
oney
such
persone
or
persones
be
named
in
oney
such
Lettres
Patentes
,
the
said
Act
and
Petition
of
Resumption
or
oney
thing
conteined
therein
notwithstanding
.
Provided
alway
that
it
extend
not
to
oney
Possessions
or
other
thyng
made
or
graunted
by
the
Kyng
to
oney
persone
or
persones
in
Caleis
or
in
the
Marches
thereof
or
in
the
Lond
of
Irlond
.
These
that
followen
been
the
Exceptions
Moderations
forprises
and
provisions
by
the
Kyng
graunted
ordeined
and
admitted
,
and
in
this
same
Parlement
upon
the
Premisses
put
in
wryting
.
First
Saving
for
Merton-College
.
[2]
For
Leon
Lord
Wells
,
inasmuch
as
he
had
a
Pension
justly
due
to
him
.
[3]
For
the
Dower
of
the
Dutchess
of
Warr.
[4]
For
Lands
exchang'd
with
John
Fray
.
[5]
For
the
College
of
Leicester
.
[6]
For
the
Expences
granted
by
Patent
to
Richard
Duke
of
York
in
the
Lieutenancy
of
Ireland
.
[7]
For
Restitutions
of
Temporalities
,
&c.
to
Arch-Bishops
,
Bishops
,
&c.
[8]
For
the
Priory
of
Henton
.
[9]
For
John
Stourton
,
Treasurer
of
the
Houshold
for
5000
l.
to
be
expended
in
his
Office
.
[
10
]
For
the
Prior
of
St
John's
for
15
s.
per
Annum
.
[
11
]
For
the
Friars
of
Kings
Melcombe
,
upon
a
valuable
Consideration
.
[
12
]
For
Lands
taken
in
Farm
of
the
King
,
and
improv'd
.
[
13
]
For
Jervais
le
Unlre's
Pension
of
24
l.
per
Annum
,
as
the
King's
French
Secretary
.
[
14
]
For
Lands
given
to
the
Abbot
and
Church
of
Westminster
,
out
of
which
they
were
to
distribute
Alms.
[
15
]
For
the
Duke
of
Somerset's
Lands
bought
of
the
King
,
for
valuable
Considerations
by
Henry
Cardinal
,
and
sold
by
the
Cardinal
to
the
Duke
.
[
16
]
For
the
Chief
Justice
.
[
17
]
For
Oriel-College
.
[
18
]
For
All-Souls
College
.
[
19
]
For
the
Abbot
and
Covent
of
Selby
their
Release
of
Dismes
.
[
20
]
For
Thomas
Derling
,
Serjeant
of
Arms
,
his
Cloathing
and
accustom'd
Wages
.
[
21
]
For
John
Waterford
the
same
.
[
22
]
For
John
Bury's
Pension
of
12
p.
per
diem
,
&c.
[
23
]
For
the
Priory
of
Brydlyngton
,
Endow'd
by
the
King
in
especial
Devotion
.
[
24
]
For
a
small
parcel
of
Land
given
to
the
Charter
House
of
Sheen
,
Founded
by
the
King
his
Father
.
[
25
]
For
Lands
only
restor'd
to
the
College
of
Knollesmes-House
in
Pontfract
.
[
26
]
For
John
Earl
of
Shrewsbury
,
as
to
100
l.
Annual
Pension
for
Life
and
Lands
in
Waterford
,
till
then
yeilding
nothing
,
being
in
the
Hands
of
Rebels
,
the
said
Earl
having
had
no
other
Recompence
for
his
long
Services
.
[
27
]
For
the
Lord
Scales
Pension
of
100
l.
per
Annum
for
his
long
Services
in
France
,
and
Duchie
of
Normandy
.
[
28
]
For
William
Stone
's
Pension
of
26
l.
13
s.
4.
granted
him
last
Parliament
,
at
the
Request
of
both
Houses
,
for
great
Services
as
well
to
the
King
,
as
to
his
Father
.
[
29
]
For
Richard
Welsden's
Pension
of
10
l.
6
s.
per
Annum
for
Life
,
out
of
the
Fee-farm
Rent
of
New-biggyng
,
which
Fee-farm
had
been
usually
distributed
among
the
King's
Servants
from
King
Edward
III's
time
.
[
30
]
For
the
City
of
Canterbury's
Charter
,
in
relation
to
their
Officers
only
.
[
31
]
For
Charters
of
Denization
.
[
32
]
For
Sir
John
Astley's
Pension
of
100
Marks
,
for
Life
.
[
33
]
For
Houses
granted
to
the
Dean
and
Church
of
St.
Steven
Westminster
.
[
34
]
For
Will
.
Rouse
,
one
of
the
Clerks
of
the
Crown
,
as
to
his
Patent
for
his
Office
,
and
as
to
20
l.
per
Annum
out
of
the
Hamper
for
Execution
of
his
said
Office
.
[
35
]
For
the
Collegiate
Church
of
Leicester
as
to
their
Ton
of
Wine
.
[
36
]
For
Will
.
Crawen
and
others
their
Patent
who
were
erected
into
a
Fraternity
.
[
37
]
For
the
Heirs
of
the
Lord
Bardolph
on
accompt
of
Lands
restor'd
to
them
by
good
advice
.
[
38
]
For
the
Vicounts
,
Beamont
and
Bougchier
both
as
to
the
Patents
for
their
Honours
and
Creation-Money
.
[
39
]
For
the
Dean
and
Chapter
of
Lichfield
,
concerning
their
Patent
for
certain
Liberties
and
Priveleges
.
[
40
]
The
same
for
the
Town
of
Estratford
.
[
41
]
The
same
for
the
City
of
York
.
[
42
]
For
the
Abbot
of
Byland
,
about
a
small
Fee-farm
Rent
.
[
43
]
For
John
Vicount
Beamount
,
Ralph
Lord
Cromwel
,
and
others
,
in
relation
to
Lands
granted
to
them
,
the
Value
not
express'd
in
the
Proviso
.
[
44
]
The
same
for
John
Fanceby
,
value
not
express'd
.
[
45
]
The
same
for
John
Hampton
,
but
40
l.
per
Annum
resum'd
from
him
.
[
46
]
For
Ralph
Bapthorp
,
Esquire
of
the
Body
,
for
Lands
given
,
or
sold
to
him
.
[
47
]
The
same
for
John
Norreis
,
only
there
is
resum'd
from
him
50
Marks
per
Annum
Pension
and
6
l.
13
s.
out
of
Merston
Messey
.
[
48
]
For
Phil.
Wentworth
Esquire
of
the
Body
.
[
49
]
The
same
for
Thomas
Danyel
,
but
the
Manuor
of
Gedyngton
of
26
l.
6
s.
Yearly
Value
is
resum'd
from
him
[
50
]
The
same
for
Will
.
Tresham
only
20
per
Anuum
is
resum'd
from
him
.
[
51
]
The
same
for
Thomas
Myner
,
and
others
the
King
's
menial
Servants
,
only
20
out
of
40
l.
per
Annum
is
resum'd
from
Jenk
yne
Stanley
.
[
52
]
For
the
Earl
of
Arundel
,
for
Lands
granted
to
him
,
the
value
not
express'd
.
[
53
]
The
same
for
Richard
Earl
of
Warwick
.
[
54
]
For
Richard
Earl
of
Salisbury
,
but
a
Fee-farm
taken
from
him
of
24
l.
per
Ann.
and
some
certain
Privileges
very
extraordinary
are
taken
from
him
,
and
others
in
Richmondshire
reserv'd
to
him
.
[
55
]
A
Saving
for
the
Lord
Dudley
,
as
to
some
Patentes
,
but
other
things
are
resum'd
.
[
56
]
For
certain
Priv●leges
granted
to
Sir
John
Boteller
.
[
57
]
For
Sir
Thomas
Haryngton
on
accompt
of
Lands
granted
to
him
for
good
Services
,
specified
in
the
Provisoe
.
[
58
]
For
Sir
Richard
Wyddewil
,
Lord
Rivers
,
and
others
,
on
accompt
of
Lands
granted
or
confirm'd
to
them
.
[
59
]
For
Sir
John
Talbot
,
and
others
,
on
accompt
of
20
l.
per
Annum
Pension
to
be
paid
to
them
,
or
the
survivor
of
them
.
[
60
]
For
the
Lord
Clifford
for
Lands
granted
to
him
.
[
61
]
The
s●me
for
Henry
Everingham
,
so
as
his
Grant
exceed
not
the
value
of
12
Marks
per
Annum
.
[
62
]
For
Rich.
Hakedy
,
the
King's
Apothecary
,
as
to
40
Marks
Yearly
granted
for
his
Life
.
[
63
]
For
Robert
Fenys
and
Thomas
Bermingham
for
Grants
made
to
them
,
but
form
Robert
there
is
resum'd
20
l.
Feefarm
Rent
.
[
64
]
For
Rob.
Manfeld
and
his
Son
for
Lands
Granted
or
Confirm'd
.
[
65
]
The
same
for
Will
.
Say
and
Thomas
Shargyl
the
Kings
Servants
.
[
66
]
The
same
for
Gilbert
Par
,
but
9
l.
per
Annum
Feefarm
Rent
resum'd
[
67
]
The
same
to
John
Trevilian
as
to
some
small
Grants
express'd
.
[
68
]
The
same
for
Henry
Langton
the
King's
Servant
.
[
69
]
The
same
for
John
Say
,
as
to
a
Grant
for
his
and
his
Wifes
lives
,
but
L.
9-2-6
.
Fee-farm
Rent
resum'd
.
[
70
]
The
same
for
John
Blackney
the
King's
Servant
.
[
71
]
The
same
to
Rob.
Fowles
Hyrst
the
King's
Servant
so
as
it
exceed
not
10
Marks
per
Ann.
[
72
]
The
same
as
to
a
Grant
for
life
of
20
l.
per.
Ann.
[
73
]
The
same
for
John
Down
the
King's
Servant
as
to
two
small
Grants
.
[
74
]
The
same
to
Griffith
ap
Nicholas
as
to
a
Grant
of
15
l.
per
Ann.
[
75
]
The
same
for
Henry
Manners
one
of
the
King's
Servants
.
[
76
]
The
same
for
John
Chyval
and
others
the
King's
Servants
,
but
three
Pipes
of
Wine
,
and
10
l.
per
Annum
Feefarm
Rent
are
here
resum'd
.
[
77
]
The
same
for
Will
.
Elton
and
others
the
King's
Servants
as
to
some
Leases
or
Confirmations
.
[
78
]
The
same
for
John
Sutton
Kings
Servant
.
[
79
]
the
same
for
Robert
Wyllyn
King's
Servant
.
[
80
]
The
same
for
John
Woodhouse
King's
Servant
.
[
81
]
The
same
for
Henry
Rosyngton
,
and
others
the
King's
Servants
.
[
82
]
The
same
for
John
Slyfirst
,
and
several
others
the
King's
Servants
,
as
to
their
Salaries
,
which
were
reduc'd
to
10
l.
per
Annum
.
[
83
]
The
same
to
Thomas
Carr
the
King's
Servant
.
[
84
]
The
same
to
Andrew
Lowe
King's
Servant
.
[
85
]
The
same
for
Thomas
Schapp
King's
Servant
,
as
to
6
d.
per
diem
Sallary
.
[
86
]
The
same
for
William
Langton
,
and
others
of
the
King's
Mynstrel
,
as
to
their
Salaries
of
6
l.
13
s.
4
d.
per
Annum
.
[
87
]
The
same
for
Will
.
Clarence
King's
Servant
.
[
88
]
The
same
for
Bryan
Wager
,
King's
Servant
.
[
89
]
The
same
for
Sir
Richard
Roos
and
others
,
but
in
this
Proviso
several
Resumptions
are
made
[
90
]
The
same
for
Thomas
Mongomery
Esquire
,
so
as
what
he
enjoys
of
the
King's
Gift
exceed
not
23
l.
per
Annum
.
[
91
]
The
same
for
Thomas
Calbras
King's
Servant
,
as
to
his
Salary
of
12
p.
per
diem
.
[
92
]
The
same
for
James
Hornby
and
Tho.
Osborn
Kings
Servants
as
to
their
Offices
,
Wages
and
Cloathing
.
[
93
]
The
same
as
to
Tho.
Bradfeld
,
but
here
8
Marks
per
Ann.
Fee
Farm
Rent
is
resumed
.
[
94
]
The
same
for
Rowland
Lenthal
as
to
Lands
bought
of
or
exchanged
with
the
Crown
.
[
95
]
The
same
for
Rich.
Wednyng
as
to
the
Reversion
of
an
Office
.
[
96
]
The
same
for
Christop
.
Whittacre
as
to
an
Office
and
Sallarie
of
4
Pence
per
diem
.
[
97
]
The
same
for
William
John
as
to
a
Grant
made
upon
a
Surrender
.
[
98
]
The
same
to
John
Brely
as
to
his
Office
.
[
99
]
The
same
for
Thomas
Lord
Egremont
as
to
45
l.
per
ann
.
to
him
and
his
Heires
for
Sustentation
of
the
Honor.
[
100
]
The
same
for
Wotkyn
Bedell
King's
Servant
as
to
a
Feefarm
Rent
out
of
Mills
in
Herefordshire
.
[
101
]
The
same
for
Sr.
Rich.
Molyneux
and
his
Son
as
to
their
Offices
and
Sallaries
and
as
to
some
Leases
they
had
from
the
Crown
.
[
102
]
A
Saving
to
the
Town
of
Kingston
upon
Hull
as
to
some
Franchises
granted
to
them
.
[
103
]
For
Ralph
Leigh
and
others
King's
Servants
so
as
the
Grant
made
to
them
all
exceed
not
20
l.
per
ann
.
[
104
]
For
Sr.
John
Langton
and
his
Son
as
to
some
Leases
.
[
105
]
A
Saving
to
the
Prior
and
Convent
of
York
as
to
some
Pardons
and
Releases
made
to
them
.
[
106
]
A
Saving
for
Sr.
Edmond
Hungerford
.
[
107
]
Another
Saving
for
Sr.
Edmond
Hungerford
and
Phil.
Courtney
as
to
some
Mannors
they
held
by
Lease
and
for
which
they
paid
Rent
.
[
108
]
For
John
Hunt
and
others
,
Clerks
of
the
Chappel
as
to
some
Grants
so
as
no
Grant
made
to
any
of
them
exceed
20
Marks
per
ann
.
[
109
]
For
John
Watts
and
others
King's
Servants
as
to
some
small
Pensions
for
Life
.
[
110
]
A
Saving
to
John
Merston
and
others
the
Kings
Servants
but
with
Exceptions
.
[
111
]
For
John
Wesenham
King's
Servant
.
[
112
]
A
Saving
to
John
Holt
for
some
Lands
(
as
it
seems
)
rather
restor'd
than
granted
.
[
113
]
For
Thomas
Frank.
[
114
]
For
John
Arnold
and
others
as
to
some
Tenements
they
held
in
Trust
for
Religious
Uses
.
[
115
]
For
John
Rypon
King's
Servant
.
[
116
]
For
John
Browne
and
Thomas
Catesby
as
to
some
Eschetes
and
Grants
of
small
value
which
is
expressed
in
the
Proviso
.
[
117
]
A
Saving
for
John
Baker
and
Rich.
Wardale
King's
Servants
.
[
118
]
A
Saving
to
the
Lord
Hungerford
for
the
Mannor
of
Hungerford
out
of
which
there
was
a
reserv'd
Rent
,
and
in
the
same
Proviso
there
is
a
Saving
for
Sr.
Rich.
Hungerford
Ld.
Molins
as
to
a
small
Grant
.
[
119
]
A
Saving
to
the
Earl
of
Northumberland
.
[
120
]
A
Saving
to
Tho.
Kent
as
to
100
Marks
per
ann
.
in
Consideration
that
the
said
Kent
had
been
at
great
Expences
in
repairing
the
Port
of
Southampton
,
and
that
by
this
Resumption
he
was
to
loose
several
Grants
express'd
in
the
Proviso
.
[
121
]
A
Saving
for
John
Green
Esq
who
had
certain
Priviledges
and
Free
Chace
granted
him
by
Letters
Patents
in
his
own
Woods
.
[
122
]
For
the
Monks
of
Sempyngham
as
to
a
Pardon
or
Release
of
Disms
.
[
123
]
For
Will
.
Bulkley
King's
Servant
as
to
his
Salary
of
12
Pence
per
diem
who
had
no
other
reward
for
his
long
Services
.
[
124
]
A
Saving
for
John
Kingly
and
Rob.
Whitgrene
as
to
some
small
Grants
.
[
125
]
For
William
Boerly
.
[
126
]
For
Jenkin
Stanley
and
his
Son
as
to
some
Grants
and
for
the
Vitlership
of
a
Castle
.
[
127
]
A
Saving
for
the
Lord
Vessey
.
[
128
]
For
John
Welbeck
Kings
Servant
as
to
his
Salary
of
12
Pence
per
diem
.
[
129
]
A
Saving
to
the
Towne
of
Notyngham
for
certain
Franchises
provided
they
increase
their
present
Feefarm
Rent
13
s.
4
d.
above
what
they
already
paid
.
[
130
]
For
John
Turges
the
Queens
Harper
as
to
10
Mark
per
ann
.
for
Life
which
he
was
to
have
after
the
death
of
another
.
[
131
]
For
Will
.
Beaufitz
,
but
here
is
a
Resumption
of
15
l.
per
ann
.
Feefarm
Rent
.
[
132
]
For
John
Peycock
as
to
6
Pence
per
diem
.
[
133
]
A
Saving
for
Sr.
Tho.
Fulthorp
Justice
of
the
Common
Bench
value
not
express'd
.
[
134
]
For
Gilbert
Haltoft
Secondary
Baron
of
the
Exchequer
as
to
20
Mark
per
ann
.
for
his
Life
.
[
135
]
For
the
Lord
Chief
Baron
as
to
40
l.
per
ann
.
Robe
Vesture
and
Furrure
.
[
136
]
For
John
Fowardly
as
to
20
l.
per
ann
.
for
life
,
and
John
Poutrel
as
to
20
Mark
per
ann
.
for
life
.
[
137
]
For
John
Sleg
and
his
Wife
as
to
4
l.
6
s.
per
ann
.
for
life
[
138
]
For
John
Prude
Kings
Glazier
as
to
12
Pence
per
diem
for
life
.
[
139
]
A
Saving
for
Colchester
and
Ipswich
as
to
Franchises
and
Liberties
.
[
140
]
For
the
Town
of
Rye
as
to
a
Grant
made
to
them
.
[
141
]
For
the
Town
of
Shrewsbury
as
to
Franchises
and
Liberties
.
[
142
]
For
the
Town
of
Bridgenorth
the
same
.
[
143
]
A
Saving
to
John
late
Duke
of
Somerset
as
to
a
Feefarm
Rent
of
15
l.
per
ann
.
[
144
]
For
Nich.
Semtlo
as
to
Grants
so
they
exceed
not
20
l.
per
ann
.
[
145
]
For
Giles
Thorndon
Esq
as
to
a
Grant
of
7
l.
per
ann
.
for
life
which
he
had
out
of
Lands
in
Ireland
.
[
146
]
For
Will
.
Catesby
King's
Servant
as
to
10
l.
per
ann
.
for
life
.
[
147
]
For
John
Parkes
Kings
Servant
.
[
148
]
For
John
Martyn
Kings
Servant
as
to
6
d.
per
diem
.
for
his
life
.
[
149
]
For
George
Danyel
as
to
Grants
so
they
exceed
not
20
Mark
per
annum
.
[
150
]
For
John
Hoghton
and
other
Servants
at
Arms
,
as
to
their
Patentes
,
't
is
to
be
suppos'd
for
their
Employments
.
[
151
]
For
Rob.
Wood
Clerk
as
to
a
Reversion
of
a
Feefarm
Rent
of
10
l.
per
ann
.
[
152
]
A
Saving
for
King's
Hall
in
Cambridg
as
to
a
piece
of
wast
ground
and
Conduit
granted
.
[
153
]
For
Tho.
Smith
as
to
his
Office
and
Sallary
of
4
Pence
per
diem
.
[
154
]
For
Will
.
Burton
Queens
Servant
as
to
100
Shill.
per
ann
.
for
his
life
.
[
155
]
For
Thomas
Derlyng
and
John
Moor
Serjant
at
Arms
as
to
their
Fees
.
[
156
]
A
full
Saving
for
the
Colledges
founded
by
the
King
in
Cambridg
and
at
Eaton
.
[
157
]
This
Saving
relates
to
the
same
Colleges
.
[
158
]
For
Will
.
Bradford
and
Thomas
Kendal
Kings
Officers
as
to
their
Fees
.
[
159
]
For
Tho.
Merton
as
to
100
Shillings
per
ann
.
[
160
]
For
the
Dutches
of
Somerset
as
to
part
of
her
Dower
.
[
161
]
For
John
Pulloo
as
to
his
Office
and
Fee
.
[
162
]
For
Coney
ap
Rice
the
same
.
[
163
]
For
the
Lady
Roos
Widdow
as
to
60
l.
per
ann
.
for
life
.
[
164
]
Provided
also
that
noon
exception
made
by
us
upon
the
Resumption
in
this
present
Parliament
of
any
Possessions
extend
to
oney
Londs
,
Tenements
,
Fees
,
Offices
Fermes
or
any
other
thing
in
Caleys
or
in
the
Marches
thereof
.
[
165
]
A
Saving
for
Robert
Tanfeld
as
to
20
Mark
per
Annum
for
his
life
out
of
the
Hamper
.
[
166
]
For
John
Somerset
,
Gentleman
.
[
167
]
For
Sir
Edmond
Hampden
,
Queen's
Carver
,
as
to
some
Herbage
in
a
Park
,
which
did
not
exceed
50
Shillings
per
Annum
,
and
as
to
an
Annuity
of
20
l.
per
Annum
.
[
168
]
For
Tho.
Parker
,
Esq
as
to
his
Grants
not
exceeding
24
l.
per
Ann.
for
Life
.
[
169
]
For
Tho.
Pope
.
[
170
]
For
Tho.
Bird
,
Serjeant
at
Arms
,
as
to
his
Wages
and
Cloathing
.
[
171
]
For
John
Daindesey
,
King's
Servant
.
[
172
]
For
John
Skelton
as
to
Two
Annuities
,
one
of
20
l.
another
of
10
Mark
for
his
Life
.
[
173
]
For
John
Faceby
,
Serjeant
at
Arms
,
as
to
his
Office
and
Sallary
.
[
174
]
A
Saving
to
the
Town
of
Beaumaris
,
as
to
20
l.
per
Ann.
granted
for
its
Walling
.
[
175
]
For
Walter
Bright
,
Serjeant
at
Arms
,
as
to
his
Office
,
Cloathing
and
Wages
.
[
176
]
For
Johanna
Astley
,
the
King's
Nurse
,
as
to
Two
Annuities
for
her
Life
,
amounting
in
the
Whole
to
50
l.
per
Ann.
[
177
]
A
Saving
to
the
City
of
Chester
,
as
to
a
Release
granted
to
'em
for
50
Years
of
50
l.
per
Ann.
part
of
their
Fee-farm
Rent
.
[
178
]
For
Sir
John
Fortescue
,
[
179
]
To
Thomas
Brown
,
as
to
12
l.
per
Ann.
for
his
Life
.
[
180
]
For
Henry
Abyndon
,
Clerk
of
Eaton
College
,
as
to
8
l.
per
Ann.
[
181
]
For
Henry
Vavousor
,
for
some
Grants
which
are
express'd
.
[
182
]
For
Tho.
Derwent
,
Serjeant
at
Arms
,
as
to
his
Office
and
Fee
of
12
d.
per
Diem
.
[
183
]
A
particular
,
and
then
a
general
Saving
for
King's
-
Hall
in
Cambridge
.
[
184
]
A
Saving
for
the
Abbot
and
Covent
of
St.
Albans
,
as
to
Franchises
and
Liberties
.
[
185
]
For
Tho.
Thorp
,
as
to
his
Grants
,
but
10
l.
per
Ann.
Fee-farm
Rent
the
King
resumes
.
The
Reader
may
observe
from
this
Record
,
1st
.
That
the
Crown
was
become
indebted
to
the
Subjects
,
in
the
Sum
of
372000
l.
2dly
,
That
the
Crown-Revenue
,
which
in
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
Fifth
,
was
56966
l.
became
reduc'd
to
5000
l.
per
Annum
,
so
much
had
the
Crown
been
robb'd
and
pillag'd
during
the
Minority
of
this
Religious
,
but
weak
and
unfortunate
Prince
.
3dly
,
That
the
House
of
Commons
thought
it
reasonable
to
relieve
the
King's
Necessities
out
of
his
own
,
and
by
an
Act
of
Resumption
,
rather
than
to
charge
the
People
with
new
Duties
and
Impositions
.
4thly
,
That
the
House
of
Commons
thought
it
reasonable
to
make
the
Act
so
general
,
that
they
inserted
only
Sixteen
Reservations
or
Saving
for
others
,
so
much
did
they
consult
the
Publick
more
than
any
private
Interest
.
5thly
,
That
the
Commons
desire
the
King
to
appropriate
to
the
Expence
of
his
Houshold
the
Lands
so
resum'd
.
6thly
,
That
the
King
when
he
gave
the
Royal
Assent
to
this
Act
,
reserv'd
to
himself
the
Power
of
putting
in
Writing
,
while
the
Parliament
sate
,
certain
Moderations
and
Restrictions
to
the
said
Act
,
and
the
King
in
the
said
Assent
,
excepts
all
Grants
made
as
to
Calais
and
Ireland
.
The
Writer
of
these
Papers
thought
his
Labour
would
not
be
unprofitably
spent
,
to
give
an
Abstract
of
the
Restrictions
and
Moderations
,
which
the
King's
Council
believ'd
at
that
time
necessary
in
an
Act
,
which
was
to
be
so
very
general
and
extensive
.
In
these
Savings
,
which
are
in
Number
185
,
the
Reader
has
before
his
Eyes
a
perfect
Image
of
the
Gravity
,
Care
,
Exactness
and
Frugality
of
that
Age.
Most
of
the
said
Savings
relate
to
Patents
for
Employments
,
or
for
Lands
rather
restor'd
than
granted
,
or
for
some
Liberties
and
Franchises
,
or
for
Lands
given
to
Religious
Uses
,
all
which
were
affected
by
the
Act.
In
some
of
the
Proviso's
,
the
Value
of
the
Grant
is
mention'd
,
and
in
others
omitted
;
but
the
general
Exactness
,
which
runs
through
the
Whole
,
is
a
Mark
,
that
where
the
Value
is
not
express'd
,
't
was
notoriously
inconsiderable
.
In
many
of
the
Savings
there
is
something
left
and
something
taken
away
.
The
Reader
may
likewise
note
,
That
most
of
the
Grants
of
that
Age
were
only
for
Life
.
Note
.
]
In
this
Writing
of
Restrictions
the
King
receeds
from
the
Exception
he
made
,
as
to
Calais
,
when
he
gave
the
Royal
Assent
.
[
As
in
Saving
164.
]
Note
.
]
That
the
Great
Earl
of
Shrewsbury
,
who
had
done
so
many
Heroick
Actions
,
and
had
so
valiantly
fought
for
the
Honour
of
his
Country
,
had
but
100
l.
per
Annum
Pension
for
his
Life
,
and
some
Lands
in
Ireland
,
then
of
no
value
,
the
said
Earl
having
had
no
other
Recompence
for
his
long
Services
,
which
Moderation
of
his
is
a
Reproach
to
the
Avarice
of
the
present
Times
,
[
vide
Saving
26.
]
Anno
29.
Hen.
6.
There
was
another
Resumption
made
.
The
Preamble
agrees
almost
Word
for
Word
with
the
fore-mention'd
Act
;
but
the
Acts
differ
when
we
come
to
the
following
Paragraph
.
Rot.
Parl.
29
H.
6.
Nᵒ
17.
And
that
all
Lettres
Patentes
by
you
made
,
in
,
or
of
any
of
the
Promisses
,
to
any
persone
or
Persones
,
of
the
which
any
Recoverer
hath
been
hadde
ayents
the
said
Patentees
,
or
any
other
,
by
Covin
or
Collusion
,
that
as
well
the
Recoverer
thereof
,
as
the
Letters
Patentes
,
be
void
and
of
noon
effecte
;
And
over
that
like
it
youre
Highnesse
to
take
,
resume
,
seise
and
reteign
in
youre
said
Handes
and
Possession
all
Manner
of
Libertees
,
Privileges
,
Franchises
,
Hundredes
,
Wapentakes
,
Letes
,
Rapes
,
viewe
of
Franke
plege
,
Sheref
Towrnes
,
Sheref
Gildes
,
Amerciaments
,
▪
Issues
and
Profites
of
the
same
,
by
you
granted
syth
the
first
Day
of
youre
Reigne
,
to
oney
Persone
or
Persones
,
Abbot
,
Priour
,
Deane
,
Chapetre
,
Maistre
,
Wardeyn
of
Collage
,
Fraternite
,
Crafte
,
or
Gilde
,
and
all
Maner
such
Grantes
,
to
be
voide
and
of
noon
Effecte
.
Except
such
Libertees
,
Privileges
,
Franchises
,
Hundredes
,
Wapentakes
,
Letes
,
Rapes
,
viewe
of
Franke
plege
,
Sheref
Towrnes
,
Sheref
Gildes
,
Fyues
,
Amerciaments
,
Issues
and
Profites
of
the
same
,
and
all
other
Libertees
,
Privileges
,
Franchises
and
Immunities
,
as
ye
have
graunted
to
the
Provostes
and
Scolers
of
youre
Collages
Roial
,
of
our
Lady
and
Seint
Nicholas
of
Cambrigge
,
nor
to
youre
Provoste
and
Collage
Roial
of
our
Lady
of
Eaton
,
and
to
theire
Successours
.
And
forasmoch
as
it
is
thought
to
us
youre
humble
and
liege
People
of
this
youre
noble
Roialme
,
comen
to
this
youre
high
Courte
of
Parlement
,
by
youre
Auctoritie
Roial
,
that
certaine
and
diverse
Libertees
,
Privileges
,
Freedomes
,
Fraunchises
and
Immunitees
,
by
you
to
the
Provostes
,
Scolers
,
and
to
the
Provoste
and
Collage
and
theire
Successours
of
youre
Collages
of
Eaton
and
Cambrigge
granted
,
been
to
youre
Highnesse
prejudicial
and
over
chargefull
and
nyous
unto
youre
People
of
this
youre
Roialm
.
Please
it
therefore
youre
most
High
and
Roial
Mageste
to
ordeyne
and
appointe
by
youre
high
Wysdome
and
Discetion
,
that
all
Grauntes
,
and
Actes
of
such
Libertees
,
Privileges
,
Freedomes
,
Franchises
and
Immunitees
,
as
been
to
you
prejudicial
and
overchargefull
and
nyous
unto
youre
People
of
this
youre
Roialme
be
voide
and
of
noon
Effecte
.
Wherof
we
youre
true
Comyns
in
the
moost
lowly
wyse
that
we
can
thinke
,
biseche
youre
moost
habundant
Grace
,
to
have
Knowlech
duryng
this
your
said
Court
of
Parlement
for
our
special
Releif
and
Comfort
:
And
over
that
,
all
the
Grantes
or
Releases
made
by
you
syth
the
first
Day
of
youre
Reigne
to
oney
Abbot
,
Priour
,
Covent
,
or
oney
other
Persone
or
Persones
of
discharge
or
quiet
Clayme
of
oney
Corrodie
or
Corrodies
,
Pension
or
Pensiones
,
Dismes
Spirituels
or
Quinszismes
or
Dismes
Temporels
or
of
Discharge
or
quiet
Clayme
of
oney
Rentes
of
Fee
or
Services
of
Fee
be
voide
and
of
noon
Effecte
,
this
Act
and
Petition
of
Resumption
to
begynne
and
take
Effecte
the
first
Day
of
youre
Parlement
holden
at
Westminster
the
28th
Yere
of
youre
Reigne
,
that
all
Manner
of
Grauntes
by
you
made
or
to
be
made
of
oney
of
the
said
Honours
,
Castelles
,
Lordshipps
,
Towns
,
Townshipps
,
Mannors
,
Londes
,
Tenements
,
Wastes
,
Rentes
,
Reversions
,
Fees
,
Fee-farmes
,
and
Services
with
all
their
Appurtenanees
or
oney
Discharge
or
quiet
Claime
as
is
above
reherced
from
the
1st
Day
of
the
Parlement
holden
at
Westminster
the
28th
Yere
of
youre
Reigne
unto
the
last
Day
of
this
youre
present
Parlement
be
voide
and
of
noon
Effecte
.
And
if
oney
Persone
or
Persones
atte
oney
Tyme
after
the
first
Day
of
this
youre
Parlement
accepte
or
purchace
youre
Lettres
Patentes
of
oney
of
the
said
Honours
,
Castelles
,
Lordshippes
,
Townes
,
Townshippes
,
Mannors
,
Londes
,
Tenementes
,
Wastes
,
Rentes
,
Reversions
,
Fees
,
Feefermes
and
Services
with
all
theire
Appurtenances
,
or
oney
Discharge
or
quiet
Clayme
as
is
above
reherced
of
oney
of
the
Premisses
or
oney
other
Possessions
of
Fee
or
of
Free-holds
that
shuld
growe
to
you
in
Tyme
comynge
by
way
of
Forfeiture
or
otherwyse
.
But
if
it
be
so
that
thoose
Letters
Patentes
passe
by
Advyse
and
Assent
of
youre
Chancellour
and
youre
Tresorer
of
Englonde
Prive
Seale
and
Six
Lordes
of
youre
grete
Counseil
for
the
Tyme
beyng
and
that
they
and
itch
of
theym
subscribe
in
such
Lettres
Patentes
theyre
Names
.
And
that
the
seide
Letters
Patentes
so
subscribd
be
enrolld
in
your
Chancellerie
of
Record
.
And
if
oney
Persone
or
Persones
accepte
or
purchase
youre
Letters
Patentes
of
oney
of
the
Premisses
otherwyse
,
forfette
unto
you
our
Soveraigne
Lord
all
his
Londs
and
Tenementes
,
that
he
or
oney
Persone
or
Persones
have
to
his
Use
atte
the
Tyme
of
such
Letters
Patents
made
,
or
oney
Tyme
after
shall
have
in
Fee
simple
holden
of
you
,
immediately
to
you
.
And
all
other
Londes
and
Tenements
that
they
so
shall
holden
of
other
Persones
,
to
them
that
they
shall
hold
of
immediately
,
and
the
same
Letters
Patentes
to
be
voide
and
of
noon
Effecte
.
And
that
no
Persone
or
Persones
that
hadde
oney
thyng
of
the
Premisses
afore
the
Tyme
of
the
seid
Resumption
be
not
chargeable
by
way
of
Accompt
or
otherwyse
for
the
same
a
yents
you
youre
Heires
and
Successours
,
except
thoo
that
by
youre
Grantes
afore
the
said
Resumption
were
accomptable
.
And
that
by
Auctorite
of
this
Parlement
every
of
youre
Liege
Men
,
that
hath
yeven
or
graunted
oney
Londes
,
Tenementes
,
Rentes
,
Advowsons
,
or
other
Possessions
to
you
,
or
to
oney
other
by
youre
Desire
,
for
oney
other
Londes
,
Tenements
,
Rentes
,
Advowsons
,
or
other
Possessions
by
you
graunted
,
or
by
oney
other
by
youre
desire
,
syth
the
first
Day
of
youre
Reigne
,
that
they
shall
be
now
alyve
,
and
theyre
Heires
and
the
Successours
of
theym
that
been
dede
,
may
entre
,
have
and
enjoye
all
such
Londes
,
Tenementes
,
Rentes
,
Advowsons
,
and
other
Possessions
so
yeven
and
graunted
in
lyke
wyse
and
fourme
,
as
theyre
Auncestors
,
or
Predecessoures
hadde
theym
afore
such
Graunte
or
Estate
made
of
theym
.
And
that
Averment
in
this
Case
may
be
hadde
,
admitted
and
received
by
this
seid
Auctorite
,
for
every
Partie
that
so
shall
entre
into
,
have
or
enjoye
oney
of
the
Premisses
by
theyre
surmyse
,
that
the
seid
Londes
,
Tenementes
,
Rentes
,
Advowsons
,
or
other
Possessions
that
they
shall
so
entre
in
,
have
or
enjoye
,
were
yeven
or
graunted
for
other
Londes
,
Tenementes
,
Rentes
,
Advowsons
,
or
other
Possessions
that
they
graunted
to
you
,
or
oney
other
at
your
Desire
.
Notwithstanding
,
that
in
noo
Letters
Patentes
by
you
made
,
nor
in
such
Gifts
made
to
you
,
or
by
any
other
by
youre
desire
mention
be
made
thereof
.
So
that
such
Londes
,
Tenementes
,
Rentes
,
Advowsons
,
or
other
Possessions
were
not
rightfully
in
youre
Possession
in
Fee
afore
such
Yiftes
or
Grauntes
,
as
it
is
above
reherced
,
saving
to
every
Persone
theyre
Right
,
Title
and
Interest
in
any
of
the
Premisses
other
than
they
theyre
Auncestoures
or
Predecessours
hadde
,
by
Force
of
youre
Letters
Patentes
,
so
that
thereof
hath
been
had
no
Recoverer
by
Covyne
and
Collusion
.
The
House
of
Commons
judg'd
it
reasonable
to
make
some
Exceptions
,
or
Proviso
of
Savings
to
certain
Interests
;
they
are
in
Number
Thirteen
,
and
much
of
the
same
kind
as
the
Savings
in
the
Act
that
pass'd
the
Year
before
.
Then
follows
.
And
for
as
moch
as
it
is
pleynly
and
universally
conceyved
throughoute
all
this
youre
Roialme
,
that
the
good
spede
of
this
Acte
of
Resumption
ys
to
you
full
,
honourable
,
necessarie
and
behovefull
,
and
to
all
youre
liege
People
comfortable
and
grete
releife
of
theire
Povertee
,
the
which
they
been
in
for
many
unportable
Charges
leyed
upon
theym
afore
this
tyme
,
for
that
the
seid
Resumption
afore
this
tyme
hath
not
be
effectually
had
.
We
youre
true
,
humble
Obeisant
and
faithful
liege
People
,
comyn
for
the
comen
of
this
youre
noble
Roialme
,
to
this
youre
high
Courte
of
Parlement
,
by
youre
Autorite
Roiall
,
in
the
moost
lowly
wise
to
us
possible
,
beseechen
youre
most
Noblaye
,
graciously
and
tenderly
to
considre
the
grete
Benefites
that
shuld
growe
unto
you
,
and
to
this
your
Roialme
,
by
the
Meane
of
this
Resumption
.
That
it
please
therefore
your
moost
habundat
Grace
,
that
the
seid
Resumption
may
take
good
and
effectual
Conclusion
,
whereof
we
youre
seid
humble
liege
People
,
undre
the
Favoure
of
youre
high
and
moost
noble
Grace
,
may
have
knowlech
during
this
seid
Parlement
,
for
youre
singular
We
le
and
special
Comfort
and
Consolation
of
us
,
and
all
thoo
that
we
come
fore
.
Resp.
As
for
answere
of
the
Petition
and
request
of
Resumption
made
to
the
Kyng
by
the
Commons
of
this
his
present
Parlement
assembled
,
His
Highness
wol
that
they
know
,
That
by
th
advyse
and
assent
of
the
Lordes
Spirituell
and
Temporel
,
beyng
in
the
same
Parlement
,
and
by
the
th
auctorite
of
the
same
Parlement
His
Excellence
is
agreed
to
resume
and
resumyth
into
his
Hands
and
Possession
all
Honoures
,
Castels
,
Lordshipps
,
Towns
,
Townshipps
,
Maners
,
Londes
,
Tenementes
,
Wastes
,
Rentes
,
Reversions
,
Fees
,
Fee-fermes
and
Services
,
with
all
they
re
Appurtenances
in
the
which
he
had
Estate
in
Fee
,
in
England
,
Wales
,
and
in
the
Marches
thereof
,
Irlond
,
Guysnes
,
Calais
,
and
in
the
Marches
thereof
,
the
which
his
Highness
hath
graunted
by
his
Lettres
,
Patentes
,
or
otherwyse
syth
the
first
Day
of
his
Reigne
.
And
all
the
Honoures
,
Castels
,
Lordshipps
,
Townes
,
Towneshipps
,
Maners
,
Londes
,
Tenements
,
Wastes
,
Rents
,
Reversions
,
Fees
,
Fee-ferms
,
and
Services
,
with
all
their
Appurtenances
,
the
which
were
of
the
Dutchie
of
Lancastre
,
and
pass'd
from
his
Highnesse
by
his
Graunt
or
Graunts
.
And
he
to
have
all
the
Premisses
in
and
of
like
Estate
as
his
Excellence
had
theyme
at
the
tyme
of
such
Grantes
made
by
hym
of
theym
.
And
that
all
Lettres
Patentes
,
or
Grauntes
by
his
Highnesse
,
or
by
any
other
Persone
or
Persones
at
his
request
or
desire
made
to
any
person
or
persons
of
the
premisses
,
or
of
any
of
theym
in
that
,
that
is
of
any
of
the
premisses
be
voide
and
of
noo
force
.
And
over
that
,
that
all
manere
of
Grauntes
of
Rentes
,
Charges
or
Annuities
made
by
the
Kyng's
Highnesse
of
Estate
of
Enheritance
,
or
for
Term
of
Life
or
Term
of
Yeris
,
or
at
the
Wille
to
any
persone
or
persons
to
be
taken
of
any
of
these
Premisses
,
or
of
any
other
of
his
Possessions
,
or
of
his
Custumes
or
Subsidies
,
or
Awnage
,
or
of
his
Hamper
,
or
at
,
or
in
his
receite
,
or
in
otherwise
,
or
in
any
other
place
,
or
in
any
of
theym
,
or
of
the
profites
,
comyng
of
theym
,
or
any
of
theym
within
this
his
Roialme
,
Irlond
,
Wales
,
Guysnes
,
Caleys
,
and
Marches
of
the
same
be
void
and
of
non
éffecte
.
And
that
all
Manner
of
Grauntes
made
by
His
Highnesse
to
any
Persone
or
Persones
of
Estate
of
Inheritaunce
terme
of
Life
or
terme
of
Yeris
or
at
his
Wille
of
any
Herbage
or
Pannage
,
Fishing
,
Pasture
or
Comyn
of
Pasture
,
Wareyn
,
Wode
,
Wyne
,
Clothyng
,
Furres
to
non
Office
longyng
nor
perteynyng
the
seid
first
Day
of
his
Reigne
nor
afore
not
yeldyng
to
his
Highnesse
the
verray
Value
therof
nor
doyng
any
Charge
to
His
Highnesse
therof
to
the
Value
therof
be
voide
and
of
non
Effecte
▪
And
that
all
Lettres
Patentes
by
His
Highnesse
made
,
in
,
or
of
any
of
the
Premisses
to
any
Persone
of
the
which
any
Recovere
hath
been
hadde
ayenst
the
seid
Patentes
or
any
other
by
Covyne
or
Collusion
that
as
well
the
Recoverer
therof
as
the
Letters
Patentes
be
voide
and
of
non
Effecte
.
And
over
that
that
all
the
Graunts
or
Relesses
made
by
His
Highness
syth
the
first
Day
of
his
Reigne
to
any
Abbot
,
Priour
,
Covent
,
or
to
any
other
Persone
or
Persones
of
Discharge
or
quiet
Clayme
of
any
Corrodies
or
Corrodie
,
Pensions
or
Pension
,
Dismes
Spirituels
or
Quinzismes
or
Dismes
Temporels
or
of
Discharge
or
quiet
Clayme
of
any
Rents
of
Fee
or
Services
of
Fee
be
voide
and
of
non
Effecte
.
And
over
that
it
liketh
his
Highness
to
take
,
resume
,
and
seise
in
his
said
Handes
and
Possession
all
manner
Libertees
,
Privileges
,
Fraunchises
,
Hundredes
,
Wapentakes
,
Letes
,
Rapes
,
viewe
of
Fraunkplege
,
Shirrif
Towrnes
,
Shirrif
Gildes
,
Fines
,
Amerciaments
,
Issues
and
Profites
of
the
same
by
his
Highnesse
graunted
sith
the
first
Day
of
his
Reigne
to
any
Persone
or
Persones
or
Abbot
,
Priour
,
Dean
,
Chapitre
,
Maistre
▪
or
Wardeyn
of
College
,
Fraternitee
,
Crafte
or
Gilde
,
and
all
Manner
such
Grauntes
to
be
voide
and
of
non
Effect
.
Except
such
Libertees
,
Privileges
,
Fraunchises
,
Hundreds
,
Wapentakes
,
Letes
,
Rapes
,
view
of
Fraunkplege
,
Shirrif
,
Towrnes
,
Shirrif
Gildes
,
Fines
,
,
Amerciaments
,
Issues
and
Profites
of
the
same
,
and
all
other
Libertees
,
Privileges
,
Fraunchises
and
Immunitiees
that
his
Highnesse
hath
graunted
to
the
Provostes
and
Scolers
of
his
Collage
Roial
of
our
Lady
and
St.
Nicholas
of
Cambrig
;
or
to
the
Provoste
and
Collage
Roial
our
Lady
of
Eaton
and
to
they
re
Successoures
.
This
Acte
and
Petition
of
Resumption
to
begynne
and
take
Effecte
atte
the
feste
of
th
annunciacion
of
oure
Lady
in
the
Yere
of
his
Reigne
XXIX
.
And
that
all
maner
of
Grauntes
by
his
Highnesse
made
of
any
of
the
seid
Honours
,
Castels
,
Lordshipps
,
Townes
,
Townshipps
,
Manoires
,
Londes
,
Tenementes
,
Wastes
,
Rentes
,
Reversions
,
Fees
,
Feefermes
and
Services
with
all
theire
Appurtenaunces
or
any
discharge
or
quiet
Claime
as
it
is
above
reherced
duryng
this
present
Parlement
be
from
the
seid
Fest
of
our
Lady
voide
and
of
non
Effect
.
And
as
to
the
Provisions
and
and
Exceptions
conteigned
in
the
seid
Petition
of
Resumption
his
Highness
theym
accepteth
and
the
same
agreeth
forth
,
with
other
Provisions
and
Exceptions
by
hym
by
thadvise
of
the
seid
Lordes
,
Spirituels
and
Temporels
beyng
in
this
seide
Parlement
put
in
writyng
as
the
Tenours
of
theym
hereafter
folowen
,
The
Moderations
or
Savings
put
in
Writing
,
as
afore
,
are
in
Number
Forty
Two
,
and
are
much
of
the
same
Nature
as
those
in
the
Act
of
the
28th
of
the
same
King
,
only
there
is
here
a
more
express
Saving
for
those
who
had
bona
fide
purchas'd
of
the
Crown
for
a
Valuable
Consideration
.
And
there
is
a
general
Saving
for
Offices
,
and
the
accustomed
Fees
thereunto
belonging
.
And
as
to
the
Remanent
conteyned
in
the
feid
Petition
of
Resumption
,
not
specified
in
this
his
Answer
,
Le
Roy
Savisera
.
Note
.
]
That
here
the
Lands
of
Ireland
are
resumed
.
But
as
to
the
Fees
belonging
to
Offices
,
the
Point
was
farther
clear'd
in
an
Act
of
the
31st
Hen.
VI.
Chap.
7.
which
is
in
the
printed
Statutes
.
Anno
33.
Hen.
VI.
there
pass'd
another
Act
of
Resumption
.
And
notwithstanding
the
grete
and
large
Grauntes
of
Godes
,
that
by
youre
true
People
of
this
Londe
hath
been
often
tymes
geven
of
true
love
and
feith
,
tender
Zele
and
Affection
unto
youre
seide
Highnesse
,
ye
be
indebted
in
such
outragious
Somes
as
be
not
easy
to
be
paied
,
which
by
Goddes
Law
,
and
eschewyng
his
Displeasure
,
owe
to
be
paied
and
contented
;
and
that
furthermore
,
the
Revenues
of
the
seid
Londe
to
youre
Highnesse
now●
belongyng
mowe
not
suffice
to
kep●
and
susteyne
your
honourable
House
hold
,
which
not
onely
,
but
also
your
other
ordinarie
Charge
mot
be
kep●
and
boron
worshipfully
,
as
it
accordeth
to
the
Honour
of
youre
Estate
and
youre
seide
Londe
,
if
youre
Adversaries
and
Enemies
shuld
fall
in●
the
drede
,
wherein
heretofore
the
have
been
,
and
shall
with
Godd●
Grace
,
be
of
youre
mighty
Regal
and
of
youre
seid
Lond
,
whereof
yo●
People
lament
and
sorrow
petious●
and
hevely
the
amennsyng
of
th●
worship
and
prosperite
,
wheryn
〈◊〉
hath
joyed
,
and
ben
reputed
in
th●
days
heretofore
,
now
the
refuse
of
a●
other
Londes
reputed
,
agrugyng
al●
right
hevely
the
Charge
that
hath
bee●
born
,
and
dayly
is
born
among
they●
of
Vitaille
and
other
Charges
〈◊〉
youre
seid
Household
,
and
ordinar●
Charges
whereof
they
been
not
paie●
to
theyr
grete
losse
and
hurt
,
whic●
they
mowe
not
of
oney
reason
one
longer
susteyne
.
It
please
you
by
th
advyse
and
Assent
of
the
Lords
Spirituel
and
Temporel
,
in
this
present
Parlement
assembled
,
and
by
auctorite
of
the
same
,
for
the
Conservation
and
Supportation
of
youre
seid
Estate
,
which
first
to
Goddes
pleasure
,
secundarie
for
youre
own
Suerte
,
Honour
and
We
le
;
and
for
the
third
,
for
the
universal
We
le
,
Ease
,
Reste
and
Suerte
of
this
Lond
,
the
which
ye
owe
to
preferre
afore
the
favour
of
oney
Persone
,
or
oney
Place
,
or
other
Thyng
erthly
,
and
to
th
entent
that
youre
seid
Enemies
from
whose
knowlege
the
penurie
of
youre
seid
Household
,
and
the
Cause
thereof
,
and
also
the
agrugying
therfore
of
youre
seid
People
had
is
not
hidde
,
whereof
without
dout
they
take
a
grete
Courage
and
bouldnesse
ayenst
youre
seid
Lond
mowe
falle
from
the
seid
Courage
into
rebuke
,
and
have
youre
seid
Lond
and
People
in
such
drede
as
heretofore
in
the
days
of
you
and
of
youre
Progenitours
they
have
hadde
,
to
take
,
seise
,
have
,
reteyne
,
and
resume
into
youre
hands
and
possession
from
the
Fest
of
Seint
Michel
,
tharch
angel
next
comyng
,
all
Honours
,
Castells
,
Lordships
,
Townes
,
Townshipps
,
Maners
,
Londs
,
Tenementes
,
Wastes
,
Forestes
,
Chases
,
Rentes
,
Reversions
,
Fee-fermes
,
Services
,
Issues
,
Profites
of
Countees
,
Advowsons
of
Priores
,
Churches
,
Hospitals
,
and
of
free
Chappel
,
and
all
other
Revenues
,
with
theyr
Appurtenances
,
pass'd
from
you
syth
the
first
day
of
youre
Reigne
,
and
by
you
graunted
by
youre
Letters
Patentes
,
by
Authorite
of
Parlement
,
or
in
oney
other
wyse
by
youre
Grantes
,
Confirmations
,
or
Relesse
in
Fee-simple
,
Fee-taille
,
terme
of
Lyfe
or
terme
〈◊〉
Yeris
,
to
oney
persone
or
persones
〈◊〉
Englond
,
Wales
,
or
in
the
Marche●
thereof
,
in
youre
Londe
of
Ireland
▪
Guysnes
,
Calais
,
or
in
the
Marches
therof
,
or
in
Scotland
,
or
in
the
Este
o●
Weste
Marches
of
Englond
,
toward
Scotland
.
And
also
to
take
,
resume
and
reteigne
into
youre
hands
from
the
sei●
Fest
,
all
the
Honours
,
Castells
,
Lordshipps
,
Maners
,
Londes
,
Tenementes
,
Wastes
,
Rentes
,
Reversions
,
Fee-fermes
and
Services
,
with
all
theyre
Appurtenances
which
were
of
the
Dutchie
o●
Lancastre
,
and
pass'd
from
you
by
youre
Grauntes
,
Confirmation
or
Relesse
,
or
by
Auctoritie
of
Parlement
,
or
wherof
oney
persone
or
persones
were
seised
to
youre
use
,
or
to
the
use
of
your
seid
Fadir
,
o●
to
the
performing
of
youre
or
his
Will
,
ye
to
have
,
hold
and
reteyne
all
the
Premisses
in
and
of
like
state
,
fourme
and
condition
as
ye
,
or
oney
other
to
youre
Use
,
or
to
the
Use
of
youre
seid
Fadir
,
or
to
the
perfourmyng
of
his
or
youre
Will
,
hadde
theym
atte
the
seid
first
day
,
or
oney
tyme
syth
oney
Acte
or
Ordenaunce
by
Parlement
,
or
oney
manere
of
Letters
Patentes
,
Grauntes
or
Estates
by
you
,
or
oney
other
persone
or
persones
of
oney
of
the
Premisses
in
oney
wyse
made
to
,
or
for
oney
Persone
or
Persones
at
youre
request
or
desire
,
or
otherwyse
notwithstanding
.
All
Offices
of
youre
seid
Dutchie
,
such
as
the
seid
first
day
were
Offices
there
,
and
the
Fees
,
Wages
and
Rewardes
than
as
afore
to
theym
had
accustomed
or
apperteignyng
except
.
And
over
that
,
that
all
Manere
of
Graunts
of
Rentes
,
Rent-charges
,
Annuities
,
Some
or
Somes
of
Money
,
by
you
or
oney
other
Persone
syth
the
seid
first
day
made
of
Estate
of
Enheritaunce
,
or
terme
of
Lyfe
,
or
terme
of
Yeris
to
oney
Person
,
or
otherwyse
to
be
taken
or
hadde
in
or
of
oney
of
the
Premisses
,
or
of
oney
of
youre
Custumes
,
Subsidies
,
Awnage
,
or
of
the
Profites
and
Revenues
of
youre
Hanaper
comyng
,
or
at
or
in
the
receite
of
youre
Exchequer
,
or
in
oney
other
Place
within
this
youre
seid
Realm
,
or
in
the
seid
Lond
of
Irelond
,
or
within
Wales
,
Guysnes
,
Caleys
,
or
the
Marches
therof
be
from
the
seid
Fest
void
and
of
noon
effecte
,
to
have
,
hold
,
or
occupie
from
thenceforthe
oney
of
the
Premisses
.
And
that
all
Manere
of
Grauntes
o●
Relesses
by
you
syth
the
seid
first
day
made
to
oney
persone
or
persones
of
oney
Estate
of
Enheritaunce
,
terme
o●
Lyfe
or
terme
of
Yeres
,
or
otherwys●
of
oney
of
the
Premisses
,
or
of
th●
keepyng
of
oney
of
them
,
or
of
oney
of
youre
Goales
,
or
of
oney
Herbage
or
Pannage
,
Fishing
,
Pasture
or
Comy●
of
Pasture
,
Wareyn
,
Wode
,
Wax
,
Wine
,
Clothing
,
Furres
,
Annuities
,
Fee
,
or
oney
Wages
for
doyng
or
occupying
oney
Office
or
Charge
,
and
t●
noon
suche
Office
or
Charge
the
seid
first
day
due
accustomed
belongyng
o●
apperteyning
be
void
and
of
noon
effecte
.
And
furthermore
to
ordeyne
by
th
advyse
,
assent
and
auctoritie
aforesaid
,
that
all
Grauntes
made
by
you
,
to
oney
persone
or
persones
of
oney
Office
or
Offices
which
were
noon
Office
or
Offices
the
first
day
of
youre
seid
Reigne
or
afore
,
be
voide
and
of
noo
force
.
And
that
all
manere
of
Grauntes
by
you
,
or
oney
other
Persone
or
Persones
syth
the
seid
first
day
,
to
oney
Persone
or
Persones
made
,
whereby
the
same
Persone
or
Persones
to
whom
oney
such
Graunte
or
Grauntes
be
made
,
shuld
graunte
or
have
power
to
graunte
oney
Prebende
or
Prebendes
,
Churche
or
Churches
,
Hospital
or
Hospitals
,
fre
Chappel
or
fre
Chappels
,
or
oney
manere
Collecion
,
Office
or
Offices
to
to
oney
Officer
,
to
make
the
Yeft
or
Presentation
of
which
Prebend
or
Prebendes
,
Churche
or
Churches
,
Hospital
or
Hospitals
,
fre
Chappel
or
fre
Chappels
,
Collecion
,
Office
or
Offices
,
or
of
the
makyng
of
the
seid
Officers
the
seid
first
day
,
or
oney
tyme
syth
belong'd
to
you
be
void
and
of
noo
force
nor
effecte
,
to
th
entent
that
of
such
Offices
and
other
the
Premisses
,
it
mowe
please
you
to
reward
youre
Servauntes
menial
;
furthermore
,
that
all
manere
of
Grauntes
by
you
made
,
to
oney
persone
or
persones
of
oney
Office
or
Offices
which
wore
Offices
the
seid
first
day
or
afore
,
and
to
theyme
belongeth
and
needeth
actuel
Exercise
,
or
of
the
fee
or
Wages
therto
belongyng
to
have
in
fee
Simple
or
in
fee
Taille
,
in
oney
wyse
be
of
noo
force
nor
effecte
,
but
onely
terme
of
lyfe
of
hym
or
theym
that
oney
such
Grauntes
be
made
unto
.
And
that
all
the
Grauntes
of
such
Offices
as
that
noble
and
worthy
Prynce
Humphrey
,
late
Duke
of
Gloucestre
,
youre
late
Unkle
,
whom
God
rest
,
had
and
occupied
of
youre
Graunte
,
the
which
Offices
were
by
youre
Highness
to
oney
person
or
persones
graunted
in
his
lyfe
to
have
after
his
decesse
or
Deth
be
voide
and
of
noon
effecte
.
And
that
all
manere
of
Grauntes
by
you
,
or
by
oney
other
persone
or
persones
by
your
grete
Seal
,
Prive
Seale
,
or
Seale
of
your
Duchie
of
Lancastre
syth
the
seid
first
day
made
of
oney
Sherefwycke
,
or
oney
Office
of
Sherefwycke
,
or
of
oney
Eschete
,
or
of
oney
Office
of
Eschetour
,
Clerke
of
the
Peas
,
or
of
oney
Baillifwycke
or
Wapentake
to
you
belongyng
,
for
terme
of
lyfe
or
terme
of
yeris
,
to
oney
persone
or
persones
,
be
voide
of
noon
effecte
.
And
also
,
that
all
Grauntes
and
Relesses
made
to
you
to
oney
Abbot
,
Priour
,
or
oney
other
Persone
of
discharge
,
relesse
,
or
quiet
clayme
of
oney
Corrodies
or
Corrodie
,
Pension
or
Pensions
,
Dismes
Spirituel
,
or
Quinszismes
or
Dismes
Temporell
,
or
of
the
Colleccions
of
the
same
Rentes
or
Services
,
or
of
the
Payment
of
oney
Knyghtes
Spence
for
comyng
to
your
Parlement
be
voide
and
of
noon
Effecte
.
Item
,
That
all
Grauntes
made
by
you
by
youre
Letters
Patentes
,
or
otherwyse
to
oney
persone
or
persones
to
be
Justices
of
youre
Benche
or
of
the
common
Benche
within
youre
Lond
of
Irelond
or
of
the
Office
of
Keeper
of
the
Rolls
of
Chancery
of
the
same
Lond
for
terme
of
Lyfe
be
voide
and
of
noon
Force
nor
Effecte
.
And
also
that
all
Graunte
or
Grauntes
by
you
made
to
oney
persone
or
persones
of
oney
Office
or
Offices
,
wherupon
no
Charge
hangeth
nor
nedeth
to
be
of
actuel
Exercyse
or
Occupation
be
voide
and
of
noo
Force
nor
Effecte
.
And
also
by
the
seid
Advyse
Assent
and
Auctority
ye
will
graunte
,
ordeyne
and
establish
that
every
persone
that
hath
any
Castells
,
Manours
,
Londes
,
Tenementes
,
Rentes
,
Services
,
Commoditees
,
Advowsons
,
Possessions
,
or
oney
Enheritaments
to
you
or
to
oney
other
persone
or
Body
Corporate
to
youre
or
oney
of
theyre
Use
at
youre
Desire
or
Contemplation
for
oney
Rentes
,
Annuites
,
Summes
of
Money
or
Thyng
that
shuld
or
myght
have
be
taken
or
had
of
oney
Custume
or
Subsidies
in
oney
youre
Portes
within
this
youre
Realme
,
or
in
or
at
the
Receite
of
youre
Eschequer
if
no
Yifte
of
Exchaunge
nor
Recompence
for
oney
Thynge
be
hadde
,
be
made
,
may
have
immediatly
and
have
,
reteyne
,
kepe
,
entre
and
enjoye
peasebly
without
oney
Suite
or
yit
Lett
or
Disturbance
of
you
youre
Heires
or
oney
other
from
the
seid
Fest
as
well
all
the
seid
Manours
,
Londes
,
Tenements
,
Rentes
,
Advowsons
,
Possessions
and
Enheritaments
;
with
theyre
Appurtenaunces
in
oney
wyse
so
given
to
you
or
to
oney
persone
or
Body
corporate
at
youre
Desire
or
Contemplation
by
him
or
his
Auncestres
,
or
by
him
,
or
hir
or
theyr
Predecessours
,
or
by
thoo
whos
Estate
oney
such
your
Leiges
hath
or
hadde
in
the
Londes
,
Tenementes
,
Rentes
,
Possessions
or
Enheritaments
taken
of
you
in
Exchaunge
as
the
seid
Rentes
,
Annuites
,
and
Summes
of
Money
that
he
shuld
or
might
have
hadde
of
oney
Customes
or
Subsidies
,
or
att
your
Receite
aforeseid
if
no
manere
of
Exchaunge
nor
Recompence
had
be
taken
of
you
therfore
by
hym
nor
by
noon
his
Anncestours
or
Predecessours
in
like
Manere
,
Fourme
and
State
as
though
no
suche
Graunte
or
Estate
of
Exchaunge
or
Recompence
had
be
made
.
So
alwey
that
the
Manours
,
Londes
,
Tenementes
,
Rentes
,
Annuitees
,
Advowsons
,
Sommes
of
Meney
and
Enheritaments
afore
reherced
geven
to
you
or
to
oney
other
persone
or
body
corporate
,
or
leste
to
be
take
for
oney
of
the
seid
Exchaunge
or
Recompense
were
not
youres
ne
noon
other
persone
or
persones
to
youre
Use
the
first
Day
of
your
noble
Reigne
nor
after
save
onely
by
reason
of
the
Yefts
,
Grauntes
or
Cause
aforeseid
.
Except
and
forprised
oute
of
this
Acte
of
Resumption
all
the
Castells
,
Manours
,
Londes
,
Tenementes
,
Rentes
,
Services
,
Possessions
and
Enheritaments
with
theire
Appurtenaunces
,
wherof
every
persone
or
persones
have
had
restitution
by
Auctorite
of
Parlement
,
Restitution
by
the
Cours
of
the
Comyn
Law
.
Then
the
House
of
Commons
made
some
few
Savings
,
in
Number
Twelve
,
which
are
much
of
the
like
Nature
of
those
in
the
Two
former
Acts.
Then
follows
.
And
for
as
moche
as
it
is
pleinly
and
universally
conceived
through
all
this
your
Reame
,
that
the
good
Spede
of
this
Acte
of
Resumption
is
to
you
full
honourable
,
necessarie
and
behovefull
and
to
all
youre
Liege
People
comfortable
and
grete
Reliefe
of
theire
Povertie
which
they
been
in
for
many
unportable
Charges
leid
upon
theym
before
this
Tyme
for
that
the
seid
Resumption
afore
this
Tyme
hath
not
be
effectuelly
hadde
.
Wee
youre
humble
,
true
,
obeisaunt
and
feithfull
people
comen
for
the
comyn
of
this
yonre
Reame
and
to
this
youre
high
Court
of
Parlement
by
youre
Auctorite
Roial
in
the
moost
lowly
wyse
beseche
youre
moost
noblaye
,
graciously
and
tenderly
to
consider
the
grete
Benefites
that
shuld
growe
unto
you
and
this
youre
Reame
by
the
meane
of
this
youre
Resumption
,
that
it
please
youre
Highnesse
that
if
so
be
that
ye
like
by
thadvise
of
youre
Lordes
spirituell
and
temporell
in
this
present
Parlement
assembled
to
make
oney
provisions
or
Exceptions
other
then
be
conteynd
in
this
our
Petition
,
that
then
the
seid
provisions
and
Exceptions
be
sende
down
unto
us
to
that
Ende
that
we
may
give
oure
Assentes
therto
,
if
it
be
thought
to
us
expedient
and
behovefull
.
And
that
by
the
same
auctorite
it
be
ordeyned
that
if
oney
of
youre
liege
people
after
the
seid
Fest
of
St.
Michel
take
and
receive
youre
Graunte
or
Grauntes
of
oney
of
the
Premisses
except
before
excepte
then
he
or
they
as
oft
as
he
or
they
that
so
take
and
receive
renne
into
the
Penalte
of
the
Statutes
of
Provisours
.
And
over
that
,
that
he
or
they
that
so
take
or
receive
oney
such
Graunte
or
Grauntes
excepte
afore
excepte
contrarie
to
this
our
Desyre
forfaite
a
M.
Marks
as
oft
as
they
so
take
or
receyve
,
wherof
the
oon
half
to
be
forfaited
to
you
and
that
to
be
applyed
to
the
contentyng
of
the
Wages
of
the
Souldeours
of
Caleys
,
and
that
other
half
to
hym
that
will
sue
.
And
he
that
will
sue
yerfore
may
have
an
Action
of
Dette
agenst
oney
such
persone
or
persones
,
and
such
Process
theryn
as
lyeth
in
an
Action
of
Dette
at
the
Comyn
Lawe
,
and
that
the
Defendantes
of
such
Suites
shall
not
be
essoyned
wage
theyre
Law
,
nor
beg
Protections
in
delay
of
the
seid
Suites
.
All
Grauntes
to
be
made
by
youre
Letters
Patentes
by
the
Bille
of
the
Tresorer
of
Englond
for
the
tyme
beyng
of
oney
of
the
Premisses
.
And
also
all
Grauntes
to
be
made
of
old
Offices
,
which
were
Offices
the
first
day
of
youre
Reigne
,
to
the
which
belongeth
and
needeth
actuel
Exercise
and
Fees
,
and
Wages
the
same
first
day
to
the
same
Offices
perteynyng
or
belongyng
,
except
out
of
the
seid
Peynes
.
And
that
no
such
persone
to
whome
oney
Lesse
or
Lesses
Graunte
or
Grauntes
shall
be
made
after
the
seid
Fest
for
terme
of
Yeris
or
atte
Wille
of
oney
Thyng
parcelle
of
the
Duchie
of
Lancastre
,
Erldome
of
Chestre
,
Principalete
of
Wales
,
Caleys
and
Guysnes
and
the
Marches
therof
,
or
of
oney
thyng
to
theym
or
oney
of
theym
belongyng
or
appërteynyng
be
not
hurt
nor
endamaggd
by
the
penalty
of
this
seid
Acte
.
Then
follow
Two
Savings
,
one
for
the
Prince
of
Wales
,
and
another
for
Richard
Duke
of
York
,
as
to
some
Patents
they
had
.
Resp.
As
touchyng
this
Petition
of
Resumption
the
Kyng
hath
well
conceived
and
understood
the
Maters
,
Articles
and
Desyres
conteyned
in
the
same
Petition
;
wherfore
the
Kyng
by
th
advyse
and
assent
of
the
Lords
Spirituel
and
Temporell
,
beyng
in
this
present
Parlement
,
and
by
Auctorite
of
the
same
,
taketh
and
resumeth
into
his
Hands
all
manner
thyngs
conteyned
in
the
seid
petition
,
and
the
same
agreeth
and
accepteth
,
the
Penalte
in
seid
petition
except
and
leid
apart
;
alweye
his
Prerogative
reserved
;
forseyn
alweye
that
suche
provisions
and
Exceptions
as
been
by
his
Highnesse
,
by
th
advyse
of
the
seid
Lordes
Spirituel
and
Temporel
made
and
agreed
,
or
to
be
agreed
;
and
in
this
same
Parliament
put
in
Wrytyng
upon
the
premisses
,
be
good
and
effectuel
the
seid
Acte
notwithstanding
for
the
Egalte
and
Reason
that
the
Kyng
ought
to
do
to
his
people
,
the
which
shall
be
to
the
pleaser
of
Godde
,
the
Honour
and
the
We
le
of
his
Lond
and
People
.
Then
follow
a
great
Number
of
Savings
and
Provisions
,
all
of
'em
much
of
the
same
Nature
with
those
in
the
former
Acts
;
and
none
of
'em
seem
such
as
could
any
wise
defeate
the
Designe
of
the
Parliament
,
which
was
,
that
all
immoderate
Grants
should
be
actually
resumed
.
But
some
may
object
,
that
Henry
the
Sixth
,
under
whose
Reign
these
Three
Resumptions
were
made
,
was
a
weak
Prince
,
unfortunate
Abroad
,
engag'd
in
Factions
at
Home
,
and
kept
under
by
the
Power
of
the
House
of
York
;
whereunto
we
answer
,
That
it
was
the
Interest
of
Great
Men
rather
to
oppose
such
an
Act
,
for
they
were
most
like
to
suffer
by
it
;
therefore
it
s
Passing
was
not
the
Effect
of
Faction
,
but
,
indeed
,
it
was
carry'd
on
by
the
Weight
of
the
People
.
But
these
Objections
will
be
more
fully
answer'd
,
when
we
show
that
the
same
Thing
was
done
by
a
Prince
,
who
had
master'd
all
Parties
,
and
under
an
Active
and
Martial
Reign
,
which
was
that
of
Edw.
IV.
his
Successor
,
where
the
Presidents
for
a
Resumption
are
four
times
confirmed
.
As
soon
as
Edward
the
Fourth
came
to
the
Crown
,
one
of
the
first
Things
desired
by
his
Subjects
was
an
Act
of
Resumption
.
And
over
that
,
that
our
seid
Sovereign
Leige
Lord
King
Edward
IV.
the
Fourth
Day
of
Marche
was
lawfully
seised
and
possessed
of
the
seid
Corone
of
Englond
in
his
Right
and
Title
,
and
from
thenceforth
have
to
hym
,
and
hys
Heires
,
Kynges
of
Englond
,
all
such
Mannours
,
Castels
,
Lordshippes
,
Honours
,
Londs
,
Tenements
,
Rentes
,
Services
,
Fees
,
Feefermes
,
Rentes
,
Knyghts
Fees
,
Advowsons
,
Gyftes
of
Offices
to
geve
at
his
pleasure
,
Fairs
,
Markets
,
Issues
,
Fines
,
and
Amerciaments
,
Libertees
,
Franchises
,
Prerogatives
,
Escheates
,
Custumes
,
Reversions
,
Remainders
,
and
all
other
Hereditaments
,
with
theyr
Appurtenances
whatsoever
,
be
they
in
Englond
,
Wales
,
and
Irelond
,
and
in
Cales
,
and
the
Marches
thereof
,
as
Kyng
Richard
the
2
d.
had
on
the
Fest
of
Seint
Matthew
the
Apostle
,
the
23th
Yere
of
his
Reigne
,
in
the
Right
and
Title
of
the
seid
Corone
of
Englond
,
and
Lordshippe
of
Irelond
.
Resp.
The
Kynge
by
th
advyse
and
Assent
of
the
Lords
Spirituel
and
Temporel
in
this
present
Parlement
assembled
,
at
the
Request
of
the
Comyns
beyng
in
the
same
,
agreeth
and
assenteth
to
this
Petition
,
and
it
accepteth
,
with
certain
Moderations
,
Provisions
and
Exceptions
,
by
his
Highnesse
thereupon
made
,
and
in
certain
Cedules
written
,
and
in
the
same
Parlement
delivered
,
the
tenor
of
which
follows
.
Then
follow
the
Exceptions
or
Savings
to
particular
Interests
,
which
are
in
Number
85.
But
this
Resumption
looking
so
far
backwards
,
as
the
Reigns
of
Henry
the
Sixth
,
Henry
the
Fifth
,
and
Henry
the
Fourth
,
was
too
large
to
have
any
good
Effect
▪
And
as
to
its
having
been
impracticable
,
and
not
well
concerted
,
we
have
this
Argument
,
that
a
new
Act
better
digested
,
and
which
did
not
retrospect
so
far
,
was
thought
necessary
,
Anno
3.
&
4.
of
the
same
Reign
.
Anno
3
&
4.
Edw.
4ti
.
There
pass'd
another
Act
of
Resumption
.
Rot.
Parl.
Nᵒ
39.
—
At
which
day
and
place
,
for
divers
Causes
and
Considerations
,
conteynyng
the
Honour
and
Prosperite
of
the
Kyng
our
Soverayne
Lord
,
and
also
the
Commonwele
,
defence
and
welfare
of
this
Reame
,
and
of
his
Subgetes
of
the
same
,
hit
is
ordeyned
and
enacted
,
and
stablished
by
th
advyse
and
assent
of
the
Lords
Spirituels
and
Temporels
,
and
of
the
Comyns
in
this
present
Parlement
assembled
,
and
by
Auctorite
of
the
same
,
That
the
Kyng
fro●
the
Fest
of
the
Purification
of
oure
Lady
the
Yere
of
our
Lord
,
1464
,
have
▪
take
,
seize
,
hold
and
joye
all
the
Honours
,
Castells
,
Lordshipps
,
Towns
,
Townshipps
,
Manours
,
Londes
,
Tenementes
,
Wastes
,
Forestes
,
Chases
,
Rentes
,
Annuities
,
Reversions
,
Fermes
,
Services
▪
Issues
,
Profites
,
and
Commodites
of
Shires
,
which
he
had
the
4th
day
Marche
,
or
eny
tyme
after
afore
the
seid
Fest
,
by
reason
of
his
Duchie
of
La●castre
,
or
by
the
Forfeitur
of
Henry
the
6
th
.
late
in
dede
,
and
not
in
right
Kyng
of
Englond
;
in
Englond
,
Irelond
,
Wales
,
and
Marches
thereof
,
Guysnes
and
Caleys
,
and
Marches
thereof
;
and
pass'd
from
hym
the
seid
4th
day
of
Marche
,
or
eny
tyme
after
and
afore
the
seid
Fest
,
by
his
Letters
Patentes
to
eny
Persone
or
persones
,
in
Fees
,
Fee-simple
,
Fee-taille
,
terme
of
Lyfe
,
or
terme
of
Yeres
:
And
that
the
Kyng
have
and
Injoy
every
of
the
Premisses
in
like
Estate
and
Condition
as
he
had
theym
the
seid
4th
day
of
Marche
or
after
:
And
also
,
that
all
Yefts
,
Grauntes
and
Relesses
made
by
the
Kyng
the
seid
4th
day
of
Marche
,
or
eny
tyme
after
afore
the
seid
Fest
,
to
eny
Persone
or
Persones
of
eny
of
the
Premisses
,
in
Fee-simple
,
Fee-taille
,
terme
of
Lyfe
or
terme
of
Yeres
,
under
eny
of
his
Seales
be
from
the
seid
Fest
of
Purification
void
and
of
noo
force
nor
effecte
.
And
that
this
Act
extende
not
to
eny
Honours
,
Castells
,
Lordshipps
,
Manours
,
Londes
,
Tenementes
,
Rentes
,
Services
,
Possessions
or
Enheritaments
which
came
to
the
Hands
or
Possession
of
our
seid
Soveraine
Lord
Kyng
Edward
the
4
th
,
or
apperteyned
or
belonged
to
hym
,
or
that
he
shuld
have
had
the
seid
4th
day
of
Marche
,
or
eny
tyme
after
by
the
forfeiture
of
eny
Persone
in
the
Parlement
,
hold
at
We●●minster
the
4th
day
of
November
,
the
seid
first
Yere
attainted
,
or
by
force
of
an
Act
of
Forfeiture
therin
made
,
other
than
by
the
Forfeiture
of
Margarete
,
late
called
Queen
of
Englond
:
And
also
that
this
Act
extend
not
to
any
Graunte
or
Grauntes
afore
this
tyme
made
to
eny
Lord
not
attainted
of
eny
Annuite
for
the
Sustentation
of
his
Name
and
Estate
,
nor
to
noon
Office
or
Offices
which
were
Office
or
Offices
the
seid
4th
day
of
Marche
,
or
afore
,
and
needeth
actuel
Exercise
graunted
the
seid
4th
day
of
Marche
,
or
after
to
eny
Persone
or
Persones
for
terme
of
his
Lyfe
,
or
theyre
Lyfes
,
with
Fees
,
Wages
and
Profites
to
the
same
Office
or
Offices
afore
the
seid
4th
day
of
Marche
due
and
accustumed
.
And
also
that
all
Yefts
made
by
the
Kyng
the
seid
4th
day
of
Marche
,
or
eny
tyme
after
under
eny
of
his
Seales
,
to
eny
Persone
or
Persones
of
eny
Office
,
wheruppon
noo
charge
hangeth
nor
nedeth
to
be
of
actuel
Exercise
or
Occupation
,
be
from
the
seid
Fest
voide
and
of
noo
force
nor
effecte
.
Also
that
all
Grauntes
made
by
the
Kyng
the
seid
4th
day
of
Marche
,
or
eny
tyme
after
to
eny
Persone
or
Persones
of
eny
Office
or
Offices
,
with
Fees
and
Wages
then
not
due
and
accustumed
,
nor
apperteynyng
to
the
same
Office
or
Offices
the
seid
4th
day
of
Marche
be
from
the
seid
Fest
,
as
to
the
seid
Fees
and
Wages
not
due
and
accustomed
void
and
of
noo
force
and
effecte
.
This
Acte
to
be
had
,
and
take
with
such
Exceptions
and
Provisions
,
as
shall
please
the
Kyng
to
make
.
Then
follow
Three
Savings
made
by
the
House
of
Commons
.
1st
,
For
Sums
issued
to
the
Payment
of
the
King
's
own
Debts
.
2.
For
Corporations
,
Cities
and
Boroughs
,
&c.
as
to
any
Gift
,
Grant
,
Demise
,
Lease
,
Release
,
Jurisdiction
,
Authority
,
Confirmation
,
Ratification
,
Licence
,
Pardon
,
&c.
granted
by
the
Kings
Henry
the
4
th
,
5
th
and
6
th
.
3.
For
Grants
or
Licenses
given
by
the
said
Kings
to
any
Person
,
to
found
or
make
Fraternities
,
Gyldes
,
Hospitals
,
&c.
or
to
purchase
Lands
for
those
Uses
.
Then
follow
a
prodigious
Number
〈◊〉
Savings
and
Exceptions
,
and
so
many
as
,
indeed
,
seem
intirely
to
defeat
th●
Design
and
Intention
of
the
Act
;
which
in
the
7th
of
the
same
Reign
,
produc'd
another
Resumption
.
This
Heroick
Prince
,
who
himsel●
had
fought
so
many
Battles
,
and
wh●
by
his
Courage
from
a
private
Person
got
to
be
King
of
England
,
invites
hi●
People
from
the
Throne
,
to
resume
wha●
had
been
plunder'd
from
the
Crown
,
i●
the
Words
following
.
John
Say
,
and
ye
Sirs
comyn
to
this
my
Court
of
Parlement
,
for
the
Comon
of
this
my
Lond
:
The
Cause
why
Y
have
called
and
summoned
this
my
present
Parlement
,
is
,
Y
purpose
to
to
lyve
upon
my
nowne
,
and
not
to
charge
my
Subgetts
,
but
in
grete
and
urgent
Causes
,
concerning
more
tho
we
le
of
theymself
,
and
also
the
defence
of
theym
,
and
of
this
my
Reame
,
rather
then
my
nowne
pleaser
,
as
heretofore
by
Comons
of
this
Lond
hath
been
doon
,
and
born
unto
my
Progenitours
in
tyme
of
nede
;
wherein
Y
trust
,
that
ye
Sirs
,
and
all
the
Comons
of
this
my
Lond
,
wol
be
as
tender
and
kind
unto
me
in
such
Cases
as
heretofore
eney
Comons
have
been
to
eney
of
my
seid
Progenitours
.
And
for
the
good
Wills
,
kindnesse
and
true
herts
that
ye
have
born
,
continued
and
showed
unto
me
at
all
tymes
heretofore
,
Y
thank
ye
as
hertily
as
Y
can
;
as
so
Y
trust
ye
wol
contenue
in
tyme
comyng
;
for
the
which
,
by
the
Grace
of
God
,
Y
shall
be
to
you
as
good
and
gracious
Kyng
,
and
reigne
as
reight
,
wisely
upon
you
as
ever
did
eney
of
my
Progenitours
upon
Comons
of
this
my
Reame
in
days
paste
;
and
shall
also
in
tyme
of
nede
aply
my
Person
for
the
We
le
and
defence
of
you
and
of
this
Reame
,
not
sparyng
my
Body
nor
Lyfe
for
eny
jeopardie
that
mought
happen
to
the
same
.
For
divers
Causes
and
Considerations
concerning
the
Honour
,
State
and
Prosperite
of
the
Kyng
,
and
also
of
the
Commonwele
,
defence
,
surete
and
welfare
of
this
Reame
,
and
his
Subgettes
of
the
same
,
it
is
ordeyned
,
enacted
and
established
by
th
advyse
and
Assent
of
the
Lords
Spirituells
and
Temporells
,
and
Comons
in
this
present
Parlement
assembled
,
and
by
Auctorite
of
the
same
,
That
the
Kyng
from
the
Fest
of
Ester
last
past
,
have
,
take
,
seize
,
hold
and
joy
all
Honours
,
Castells
,
Lordshipps
,
Townes
,
Towneshipps
,
Manors
,
Londes
,
Tenementes
,
Wastes
,
Forestes
,
Chaces
,
Rentes
,
Annuities
,
Fermes
,
Fee-fermes
,
Reversions
,
Services
,
Issues
,
Profites
,
Commoditees
,
which
he
was
seised
and
possessed
of
the
4th
day
of
Marche
,
the
first
Yere
of
his
Reigne
,
or
eny
tyme
after
,
by
resone
of
the
Coroune
of
Englond
,
the
Duchie
of
Cornwaille
,
Principalite
of
Wales
,
and
Erldom
of
Chestre
,
or
eny
of
theym
in
Englond
,
Irlond
,
Wales
,
and
Marches
thereof
,
or
that
apperteyned
or
belonged
to
hym
the
same
fowerth
day
,
or
eny
tyme
sin
,
as
paroell
of
his
Duchie
of
Lancastre
,
or
by
the
forfaiture
of
Henry
the
Sixt
,
late
in
dede
,
and
not
in
Right
Kyng
of
Englond
,
or
eny
Person
atteynted
sin
the
seid
4th
day
of
Marche
,
by
auctorite
of
eny
Parlement
holden
sin
the
seid
4th
day
,
or
otherwyse
attaynted
by
the
course
of
the
Comon
Lawe
of
this
Lond
,
and
passed
from
the
Kyng
under
eny
of
his
Seales
,
to
eny
Persone
or
Persones
in
Fee-simple
or
Fee-taille
,
terme
of
Lyfe
or
terme
of
Yeres
,
and
that
the
Kyng
fro
the
seid
Fest
of
Ester
,
have
,
hold
and
joye
every
of
the
Premisses
in
lyke
estate
as
he
had
theym
the
seid
fowrthe
day
of
Marche
,
or
eny
tyme
after
.
Also
that
all
Yeftes
,
Grauntes
,
Ratifications
,
Releses
,
Leses
,
Demyses
and
Confirmations
made
by
the
Kyng
the
seyd
4th
day
of
Marche
,
or
eny
tyme
sin
to
eny
Persone
or
Persones
of
eny
of
the
Premisses
in
Fee-simple
or
Fee-taille
,
terme
of
Lyfe
or
terme
of
Yeres
,
under
eny
of
his
Seales
,
be
from
the
seid
Fest
of
Ester
void
and
of
noo
force
nor
effecte
.
And
furthermore
it
is
ordeyned
by
the
seid
Advyse
,
Assent
and
Auctorite
,
That
the
Kyng
from
the
seid
Fest
of
Ester
,
have
,
take
,
seise
,
hold
and
joy
all
Honours
,
Castells
,
Lordshipps
,
Townes
,
Towneshipps
,
Manours
,
Londes
,
Ten●mentes
,
Rentes
,
Services
,
Possessions
,
Enheritaments
,
Issues
,
profites
and
Comoditees
which
the
full
noble
and
famous
Prynce
Richard
veray
true
and
rightwyse
Enheritour
to
the
Reames
of
Englond
and
France
,
and
Lordshipp
of
Irelond
,
Fader
to
the
Kyng
,
was
seised
of
to
his
owne
Use
and
Behoofe
the
30th
Day
of
December
,
the
39th
Yere
of
the
pretended
Reigne
of
the
seid
Henry
the
Sixt.
And
that
the
Kyng
from
the
seid
Fest
of
Ester
,
have
,
hold
and
joy
all
the
seid
Honours
,
Castells
,
Lordshipps
,
Townes
,
Towneshipps
,
Manours
,
Londs
,
Tenementes
,
Rentes
,
Services
,
Possessions
,
Enheritaments
,
Issues
,
Profites
and
Commoditees
in
like
Estate
as
his
seid
Fader
had
theym
the
seid
30th
of
December
.
And
that
all
Yefts
,
Grauntes
,
Ratifications
,
Releses
,
Leses
,
Demyses
and
Confirmations
made
by
the
Kyng
sin
the
same
30th
Day
to
eny
persone
or
persones
under
eny
of
his
Seales
of
eny
of
the
same
Possessions
,
Issues
,
Profites
or
Comoditees
,
or
of
eny
Lordshippes
,
Manors
,
Londes
,
Tenementes
,
Possessions
or
Enheritaments
wherof
eny
persone
or
persones
were
seised
the
same
30th
Day
to
the
Use
and
Behoof
of
his
seid
Fader
or
of
eny
Right
,
Title
or
Intres
of
,
or
in
eny
part
of
the
same
or
of
,
or
in
eny
of
the
Premisses
which
his
seid
Fader
was
seised
of
the
seid
30th
Day
,
or
of
eny
Pension
,
Rent
,
Anuuitee
to
be
had
taken
perceyved
or
levyed
of
,
or
in
eny
part
therof
,
or
of
or
in
eny
part
whereof
eny
persone
or
persones
were
seised
to
the
Use
and
Behoof
of
his
seid
Fader
the
seid
30th
Day
be
from
the
seid
Fest
of
Ester
voide
and
of
noo
Force
nor
Effecte
.
And
also
by
the
seid
Advyse
,
Assent
and
Auctorite
,
it
is
ordeyned
and
stablished
,
That
such
lawfull
Right
,
Title
,
Clayme
and
Interest
be
saved
and
had
to
every
persone
and
persones
of
every
theyr
Heires
other
than
the
seid
persones
atteynted
and
theyr
Heires
claymyng
in
by
theym
or
eny
of
theym
,
as
he
or
they
not
atteynted
might
or
shuld
have
had
in
eny
of
the
Premisses
yf
this
Acte
had
not
been
made
otherwyse
then
by
the
Kyngs
Graunte
,
or
eny
of
his
Le●tres
,
Patentes
or
Assignment
.
And
furthermore
it
is
odeyned
by
the
seid
Advyse
,
Assent
and
Auctorite
,
That
all
Yefts
made
by
the
Kyng
the
seid
4th
Day
of
Marche
,
or
eny
Tyme
sin
to
eny
persone
or
persones
of
eny
Office
in
Englond
,
Irlond
,
Wales
▪
or
Marches
therof
,
wherupon
no
Charge
hangeth
nor
nedeth
to
be
of
actuel
Exercise
or
Occupation
be
from
the
seid
Fest
of
Ester
voide
and
of
noo
Force
nor
Effecte
.
Also
,
That
all
Grauntes
made
by
the
Kyng
the
seid
4th
Day
of
Marche
or
eny
tyme
sin
to
eny
persone
or
persones
of
eny
Office
or
Offices
in
Englond
,
Irlond
,
Wales
or
Marches
therof
,
Guysnes
,
Caleys
,
or
Marches
therof
with
Fees
,
Wages
,
Profites
or
Commodities
not
used
and
accustomed
to
the
same
Office
or
Offices
afore
the
same
4th
Day
of
Marche
,
be
from
the
seid
Fest
of
Ester
as
to
the
seid
Fees
,
Wages
,
Profites
and
Commoditees
and
every
of
theym
so
not
used
and
accustomed
voide
and
of
noo
Force
nor
Effecte
.
Also
,
That
every
Graunte
made
by
the
Kyng
the
seid
4th
Day
of
March
,
or
eny
time
since
to
eny
persone
for
terme
of
his
Life
of
the
Office
of
Sarjeant
of
Armes
be
from
the
seid
Fest
of
Ester
of
noon
other
Force
and
Effecte
than
onely
at
the
Kyngs
Will
and
Pleaser
.
Then
follow
several
Savings
much
of
the
like
Nature
as
those
in
the
former
Acts
,
as
also
some
Regulations
relating
to
the
King's
Tenants
,
not
material
to
our
present
Subject
.
Quae
quidem
cedula
transportata
fuit
Communibus
Regni
Angliae
in
dicto
Parliamento
existent
.
Cui
iidem
Communes
Assensum
suum
prebuerunt
sub
hiis
Verbis
.
A
toutez
lez
Actez
&
Provisions
desuis
Escriptez
les
Comunes
sont
assentuz
.
Quibus
quidem
cedula
&
assensu
in
Parliamento
predicto
lectis
auditis
&
plenius
intellectis
de
avisamento
&
assensu
&
autoritate
predict
▪
respondebat
eidem
in
forma
sequen
.
Resp.
Le
Roy
le
voet
ovesq
.
lez
Provisions
&
Exceptions
sur
ceo
pur
luy
faitz
les
tenours
de
queux
cy
apres
ensuent
.
That
is
,
the
King
consents
to
the
Bill
with
the
ensuing
Provisions
and
Exceptions
:
Then
follow
a
great
Number
of
Savings
and
Provisions
,
most
of
'em
for
private
Persons
,
and
much
of
the
same
Natures
as
those
of
the
former
Acts.
*
Pro
suis
Laboribus
circa
dictam
Resumptionem
ostensis
.
—
Idem
Dominus
Rex
omnia
&
singula
per
ipsos
Communes
declarata
&
desiderata
profunde
conceperat
.
Anno
13.
Edw.
4.
There
pass'd
another
Act
of
Resumption
for
that
,
either
the
former
had
been
so
ill
executed
,
or
that
the
Exceptions
had
been
so
many
as
to
frustrate
the
good
Intentions
of
the
House
of
Commons
.
Englond
,
Irlond
,
Wales
,
or
Marches
therof
,
Guysnes
,
Caleys
or
Marches
therof
;
and
also
that
apperteyned
or
belonged
to
him
the
same
4th
Day
of
Marche
,
or
eny
tyme
sith
,
as
parcelle
of
hys
Duchie
of
Lancastre
,
or
by
forfaiture
of
Henry
the
Sixt
late
in
Dede
,
and
not
in
Right
Kyng
of
Englond
:
And
of
eny
persone
atteynted
sith
the
seid
4th
Day
of
Marche
by
Auctorite
of
eny
Parlement
holden
sith
the
same
4th
Day
of
Marche
,
or
otherwyse
atteynted
by
the
Cours
of
the
Common
Lawe
of
this
Lond
,
and
passed
fro
the
Kyng
undre
eny
of
his
Seales
to
eny
persone
or
persones
in
Fee-simple
or
Fee-taille
,
for
terme
of
Lyfe
,
or
terme
of
Yeres
,
or
otherwyse
,
by
the
Kyngs
Graunte
under
his
Seales
;
and
that
the
Kyng
from
the
seid
Fest
of
St.
Thomas
,
have
,
hold
,
possede
and
enjoye
eny
of
the
Premisses
in
and
of
like
Estate
and
Condition
,
as
he
had
theym
in
the
seid
4th
Day
of
Marche
,
or
eny
tyme
after
.
And
furthermore
,
It
is
ordeyned
by
the
seid
Advyse
,
Assent
and
Auctorite
,
That
the
Kyng
from
the
seid
Fest
of
Seynt
Thomas
,
have
,
take
,
seise
,
hold
and
enjoye
all
Honours
,
Castells
,
Lordshipps
,
Manoirs
,
Londes
,
Tenements
,
Rentes
and
Annuitees
,
which
the
full
noble
and
famous
Prynce
Richard
veray
true
and
rightwyse
Enheritour
to
the
Reames
of
Englond
and
France
and
Lordshippe
of
Irlond
,
Fader
to
the
Kyng
was
seised
of
to
his
owne
Use
and
Behove
the
29th
Day
of
December
the
29th
Yere
of
the
pretended
Reigne
of
the
seid
Henry
the
Sixt
:
And
that
the
Kyng
from
the
seyd
Fest
of
Seynt
Thomas
,
have
,
hold
and
enjoye
all
the
same
Honours
,
Castles
,
Manoirs
,
Londes
,
Tenementes
,
Rentes
,
Annuitees
,
in
and
of
like
Estate
and
Condition
as
his
seid
Fader
had
theym
the
seid
29th
day
,
and
passed
from
the
Kyng
to
eny
Persone
or
Persones
under
eny
of
his
Seales
,
in
Fee-simple
,
Fee-taille
,
terme
of
Lyfe
or
term
of
Yeres
.
Also
,
that
all
Yeftes
,
Grauntes
,
Releses
and
Demyses
made
by
the
Kyng
the
seid
fourth
day
of
Marche
or
eny
tyme
sith
,
to
eny
Persone
or
Persones
,
of
,
or
in
eny
of
the
Premisses
,
in
Fee-simple
,
Fee-taille
,
terme
of
Lyfe
or
terme
of
Yeres
,
or
otherwyse
,
under
eny
of
his
Seales
,
be
from
the
seid
Fest
of
Seynt
Thomas
voide
and
of
noo
force
nor
effecte
.
And
also
by
the
seid
Advyse
,
Assent
and
Auctorite
,
it
is
ordeyned
and
stablished
,
That
such
lawfull
Right
,
Title
,
Clayme
and
Interest
be
saved
,
and
had
to
every
Persone
or
Persones
,
and
every
theyr
Heyres
other
than
such
Persones
now
beyng
atteynted
of
Treason
,
and
theyr
Heyres
clayming
in
by
theym
,
or
eny
of
theym
so
atteynte
,
myght
or
shuld
have
had
in
eny
of
the
Premisses
yf
this
Acte
had
not
be
made
otherwyse
then
by
the
Kyngs
Graunte
,
or
eny
his
Lettres
Patentes
,
or
Auctorite
of
Parlement
.
What
follows
being
join'd
with
this
Act
,
and
showing
the
Wisdom
and
Frugality
of
those
Times
,
and
the
Methods
they
took
to
put
the
King
out
of
Debt
,
we
thought
it
would
not
be
foreign
to
our
present
Matter
to
insert
it
.
Also
in
this
Parlement
begun
and
holden
,
&c.
—
Grete
multitude
of
Assignments
,
as
well
by
Letters
Patentes
of
the
Kyng
,
Tailles
,
Debentours
,
and
other
Bills
levyed
and
rerèd
at
the
Receipte
of
his
Exchequer
or
otherwyse
,
as
by
Billes
undre
the
Seale
or
Seals
beyng
in
the
same
Receite
ordeyned
for
Assignations
to
be
made
upon
the
Possessions
of
the
Duchie
of
Lancastre
,
Wales
,
Duchie
of
Yorke
,
and
Erldome
of
Marche
,
as
well
for
the
Kyngs
Household
and
Wardrobe
,
and
for
his
Werkes
as
for
many
and
divers
Somes
of
Money
in
tymes
of
divers
Persones
,
late
Tresorers
of
Englond
,
sith
the
first
day
of
the
Kyngs
Reigne
,
dyversly
have
be
made
grete
part
of
the
which
Assignations
by
Bill
and
otherwyse
inordenately
,
and
without
grounde
of
Duete
,
have
be
had
and
made
as
it
is
understond
:
It
is
therefore
ordeyned
by
th
advyse
and
Assent
of
the
Lordes
Spirituels
and
Temporels
,
and
the
Commons
in
the
same
Parlelement
,
the
seid
sixt
day
of
October
,
in
the
seid
Thirteenth
Yere
assembled
,
and
by
Auctorite
of
the
same
,
That
before
the
Fifteeneth
of
Ester
next
now
to
come
,
open
Proclamation
be
made
within
every
Shire
of
the
Reame
,
in
every
Markette-Towne
within
the
same
Shire
,
by
the
Shiref
,
or
Shirefs
of
the
same
Shyre
or
Shyres
for
the
tyme
beyng
:
And
that
every
Shiref
duely
make
the
Proclamation
in
that
partie
,
and
the
Writ
thereof
serve
and
retorne
at
the
day
of
the
Retorne
of
the
same
,
upon
the
Payne
to
forfaite
at
every
defaute
to
the
Kyng
one
hundred
pounds
:
That
every
Person
or
Persones
having
eny
Patente
,
Taille
or
Bille
made
,
rered
or
assigned
before
the
first
day
of
Decembre
,
in
the
Tenth
Yere
of
his
seid
Reigne
,
for
eny
Some
or
Somes
of
Money
conteyned
or
specefied
in
eny
of
the
same
appere
before
the
Barons
of
the
Kyngs
Exchequer
at
Westminster
,
in
his
proper
Persone
,
or
by
his
Atourny
or
Servaunt
,
having
suffisant
Auctorite
of
hym
afore
the
fifteeneth
of
Ester
,
which
shall
be
in
the
Yere
of
our
Lord
,
1475
,
there
to
shewe
and
prove
that
the
Somes
of
Money
conteyned
and
specifyed
in
his
or
their
Patent
,
Taille
or
Bille
,
was
by
,
or
upon
eny
true
grounde
or
cause
due
by
the
Kyng
at
the
tyme
of
the
makyng
,
rearyng
,
or
assignment
of
the
seid
Patent
,
Taille
or
Bille
,
made
,
reared
or
assigned
to
to
the
same
Persone
or
Persones
named
in
the
same
Patent
,
Taille
or
Bille
for
the
Kyngs
House
,
for
the
Kyngs
Chambre
,
his
Wardrobe
,
his
Werks
or
Money
to
hym
lent
for
the
Victualler
of
of
Calleys
,
or
eny
of
theym
,
or
for
eny
other
Cause
,
that
the
same
Barons
upon
due
prove
by
they
re
Discretions
had
and
made
of
eny
Some
and
Somes
in
such
Taille
or
Bille
to
be
due
by
the
Kyng
;
and
at
the
tyme
of
the
seid
prove
made
not
paid
,
have
auctorite
and
power
by
this
Acte
,
to
certifye
into
the
Receipte
of
the
Kyngs
Exchequer
of
the
Some
and
Somes
so
proved
due
,
and
of
the
Name
or
Names
of
the
Persone
or
Persons
to
whom
the
seid
Some
or
Somes
so
shall
be
proved
to
be
due
:
And
therupon
by
this
Acte
the
Tresorer
and
Chamberleyns
of
the
Kyngs
Receipt
for
the
tyme
beyng
,
dyvydyng
severally
the
seid
Debte
into
twenty
partes
by
even
Portions
,
without
delay
or
denyer
at
the
Kyngs
proper
Cost
and
Charge
rere
,
there
make
and
delivre
twenty
Tailles
or
Billes
accordyng
,
payable
Yerely
iche
after
other
within
twenty
Yeres
then
next
ensueyng
,
to
have
and
reteyne
in
such
Place
or
Places
,
and
under
such
Forme
as
the
Treasorer
of
Englond
for
the
tyme
being
▪
with
the
reasonable
agreement
of
the
seid
Persone
or
Persones
to
whom
such
duetee
shall
be
proved
due
,
shall
be
thought
reasonable
.
And
as
for
such
Duetees
as
shall
be
found
due
to
eny
of
the
seid
Persones
afore
the
seid
Barons
,
by
reson
of
eny
such
Letters
Patentes
that
the
seid
Barons
shall
certifie
such
duetees
as
they
shall
fynde
due
by
eny
such
Letters
Patentes
made
under
the
Kyngs
grete
Seale
,
to
the
Chaunceller
of
Englond
for
the
time
beyng
:
And
such
Duetees
as
shall
be
founde
due
to
eny
Persone
before
the
seid
Barons
,
by
reson
of
eny
of
the
Kyngs
Letters
Patentes
made
undre
the
Seal
of
his
Duehie
of
Lancastre
,
to
the
Chaunceller
of
the
same
Duchie
for
the
tyme
beyng
:
And
then
that
every
of
the
seid
Chauncellers
for
such
Somes
so
to
theym
certified
,
do
make
at
the
Kyngs
Cost
and
Charge
to
such
Persones
as
such
Duetees
shall
be
fonnd
due
▪
to
,
Letters
Patentes
,
to
receyve
,
have
,
or
reteyne
such
Somes
of
Money
as
shall
be
to
theym
certyfyed
,
and
to
be
had
,
received
or
reteyned
Yerely
within
twenty
Yeres
next
ensueyng
the
date
of
the
seid
Letters
Patentes
rately
as
is
aforeseid
in
such
place
or
places
,
ground
or
grounds
as
the
same
Persones
afore
this
Acte
were
assigned
or
lymytted
:
And
that
the
seid
Tailles
,
Billes
,
and
Letters
Patentes
serverally
to
be
rered
and
made
be
and
stond
good
and
effectuel
in
Law
,
and
preferred
in
payment
before
eny
other
payment
by
Patent
,
Taille
or
Bille
,
or
eny
other
Assignment
or
Cause
rered
,
made
or
had
after
the
rering
of
the
seid
Tailles
:
And
that
all
the
seid
Lettres
Patentes
,
Tailles
,
Billes
,
and
every
of
theym
not
shewed
afore
the
seid
Fifteeneth
before
the
seid
Barons
be
voide
,
and
the
Kyng
thereof
acquite
and
discharged
.
And
also
that
all
Lettres
Patentes
,
Tailles
,
Bills
,
and
every
of
theym
shewed
afore
the
seid
Barons
,
and
before
theym
proved
not
to
be
made
,
reared
or
assigned
upon
true
Grounde
or
Cause
of
Duetee
in
likewyse
to
be
voide
,
and
the
Kyng
therof
quyte
and
discharged
for
evermore
.
Then
follow
Sixteen
Exceptions
or
Savings
as
to
private
Interests
,
which
the
House
of
Commons
make
,
and
they
are
much
of
the
same
Nature
as
those
in
the
other
Acts.
Resp.
As
touchyng
this
Bill
of
Resumption
,
and
the
other
Acte
above
specified
concernynge
Assignations
made
by
the
Kynge
,
and
the
Fourme
of
Paymentes
of
his
Dettes
,
and
all
thynges
comprised
in
either
of
the
seid
Billes
and
Acte
,
and
the
other
Matiers
and
Articules
above
specified
,
the
Kyngs
Highnesse
hath
well
conceyved
and
understond
the
same
,
and
by
th
advyse
and
assent
of
the
Lordes
Spirituells
and
Lordes
Temporells
,
and
the
Comons
beyng
in
this
present
Parlement
,
and
by
the
Auctorite
of
the
same
theym
hath
accepted
and
agreed
.
So
also
that
such
Provisions
and
Exceptions
as
by
his
Highness
be
or
shall
be
made
and
agreed
,
and
duryng
the
tyme
of
this
present
Parlement
in
Writyng
,
to
or
upon
the
Premisses
be
good
and
effectuel
the
seide
Bille
or
Acte
,
or
eny
other
the
Premisses
,
notwithstondyng
for
the
Equyte
and
Right
wis
reward
that
the
Kyng
intendeth
to
do
to
every
of
his
Subgietts
for
his
Merites
,
which
shall
be
to
the
Pleaser
of
God
,
and
Honour
of
his
Highnesse
,
and
the
Wee
l
of
all
the
Lond
and
People
.
Then
follow
a
great
Number
of
Exceptions
brought
in
by
the
King
,
but
they
do
not
seem
of
that
Nature
,
as
if
it
were
design'd
they
should
defeat
the
Intentions
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
as
the
Savin●s
in
the
first
Act
of
Resumption
pass'd
in
this
Reign
plainly
did
:
So
that
at
last
both
King
and
People
appear
to
be
in
Earnest
in
this
Matter
.
But
all
the
Acts
of
Resumption
hitherto
pass'd
were
not
thought
sufficient
;
so
that
tho'
we
cannot
find
Richard
the
Third
,
who
succeeded
Edward
,
was
any
great
Giver
,
yet
the
Parliament
in
the
Reign
of
Hen.
7.
who
was
Successor
to
Richard
,
believ'd
another
Resumption
necessary
.
Prayen
the
Commons
in
this
present
Parliament
assembled
,
That
where
the
most
noble
and
blessed
Prince
of
most
holy
Memory
,
King
Henry
the
6th
your
Uncle
,
whom
God
rest
,
and
other
your
noble
Progenitours
,
have
kept
as
worshipfull
,
noble
and
honorable
Estate
of
their
Household
in
this
Lond
of
the
Revenues
thereof
,
as
have
done
eny
King
or
Prince
in
Englond
christenned
to
the
Ease
and
Rest
of
the
People
of
the
same
,
without
agrudging
or
lack
of
Payment
therfore
,
such
as
caused
all
other
Londs
to
have
this
your
said
Lond
in
as
worshipfull
Renown
and
as
great
Dread
as
any
other
Lond
christenned
,
and
for
that
the
Revenu●
of
your
said
Lond
to
your
Highnesse
now
belonging
mowe
not
●uffice
to
keep
and
susteine
your
honourable
Household
nor
your
other
ordinarie
Charges
which
must
be
kept
and
born
worshipfully
and
honorably
as
it
accordeth
to
the
Honour
of
your
Estate
and
your
said
Realm
,
by
which
your
Adversaries
and
Enemies
shall
fall
into
the
dread
wherin
heretofore
they
have
byn
.
That
it
would
please
your
Highnesse
by
th
advyse
and
assent
of
the
Lords
Spirituall
and
Temporall
in
this
present
Parliament
assembled
,
and
by
Auctoritie
of
the
same
for
the
Conservation
and
Suportation
of
your
said
Estate
,
which
first
to
Gods
Pleasure
,
secondarie
for
your
own
Suertie
,
Honour
and
Weal
,
and
for
the
third
to
the
universal
Weal
,
Ease
,
Rest
and
Suertie
of
this
Land
the
which
you
owe
to
preferre
afore
the
Favour
of
any
Persone
or
any
Place
or
other
Thing
earthly
;
to
take
,
seise
,
have
,
reteyne
and
resume
into
your
Hands
and
Possession
from
the
21st
Day
of
August
last
passed
,
all
such
Castles
,
Lordshipps
,
Honours
,
Manours
,
Londs
,
Tenements
,
Rents
,
Services
,
Feefermes
,
Knights
Fees
,
Advowsons
,
Annuitees
,
Yefts
of
Offices
to
yeve
at
your
Pleasure
Grantes
of
keeping
Ideots
,
Faires
,
Markets
,
Hundred
,
Turnes
,
Views
of
Frankplegge
,
Leets
,
Yssues
,
Fines
,
Amerciaments
,
Libertees
,
Fraunchises
,
Prorogatives
,
Escheates
,
Custumes
,
Reversions
,
Remainders
and
all
other
Hereditaments
with
their
Appurtenances
whatsoever
they
be
in
England
,
Wales
,
Ireland
,
of
Caleys
or
the
Merches
thereof
,
as
the
said
most
christen
and
blessed
Prince
King
Henry
the
6th
,
your
Unkle
had
of
Estate
of
Enheritance
,
or
any
other
to
his
Use
had
the
2d
Day
of
October
the
34th
Year
of
his
Reigne
,
or
any
tyme
sith
as
parcell
or
in
the
Right
and
Title
of
the
Crown
of
England
of
the
Duchie
of
Lancastre
,
the
Duchie
of
Cornwall
,
the
Principalitie
of
Wales
,
and
the
Earldome
of
Chester
.
Saving
to
every
of
your
liege
People
such
Right
,
Title
and
Interesse
as
they
or
any
of
them
should
have
or
might
have
had
in
,
or
of
the
Premisses
or
any
Parcel
thereof
,
other
than
by
means
of
Lettres
,
Patentes
of
any
King
of
this
your
Realm
,
or
by
Act
of
Parliament
made
after
the
said
2d
Day
.
And
over
this
be
it
enacted
,
ordeyned
and
stablished
by
the
same
Anctoritie
that
all
Yefts
,
Graunts
,
Leases
,
Releases
,
Confirmations
and
Discharges
of
any
Castels
,
Honours
,
Lordshipps
,
Manours
,
Lands
,
Tenements
,
Rents
,
Services
,
Reversions
,
Annuites
,
Feefermes
,
Offices
,
Liberties
,
Fraunchises
or
other
Hereditaments
and
all
Appropriations
,
Corporations
,
Collations
,
Assignments
and
Graunts
of
any
Debt
or
Summes
of
mony
by
Letters
Patentes
or
Tailles
as
to
any
Payment
only
whereof
the
Days
of
Payment
,
have
,
or
shall
grow
after
the
21st
Day
of
August
last
passed
made
by
Richard
the
3d
,
late
in
dede
and
not
of
right
,
King
of
Englond
any
tyme
during
his
usurped
Reigne
under
his
great
Seale
of
the
Countie
Palatine
of
Chester
,
or
by
Tailles
to
any
persone
or
Persons
or
Body
corporate
;
and
also
all
Yefts
and
Grauntes
by
Authoritie
of
Parliament
or
otherwyse
,
made
by
Edward
the
4th
late
King
of
England
,
or
by
Edward
his
Son
late
called
King
Edward
the
5th
to
any
persone
or
persones
be
fro
the
said
21st
Day
of
August
adnulled
,
void
and
of
no
force
ne
effecte
.
And
all
Graunts
made
by
the
said
Edward
the
4th
late
King
of
,
or
touching
the
Earldome
of
Devonshire
,
or
any
Parcell
thereof
,
be
from
the
same
21st
Day
also
void
and
of
no
Force
ne
Effecte
.
Then
comes
,
A
Saving
for
some
special
Grants
made
by
Edward
the
4th
,
and
King
Richard
,
as
to
Lands
of
the
County
Palatine
of
Lancaster
,
Chester
,
or
of
the
Earldome
of
March
.
A
Saving
to
Abbots
,
Abbesses
,
Priories
in
England
or
Wales
,
as
to
the
Restitution
of
any
of
their
Temporalities
.
A
Saving
for
License
to
incorporate
or
found
any
Chantery
,
&c.
Then
follows
,
And
over
this
be
it
inacted
,
ordeyned
and
stablished
by
the
sayd
Auctority
that
all
Graunts
and
Letters
,
Patentes
of
any
Office
made
by
our
sayd
Sovereign
Lord
,
afore
the
20th
Day
of
January
the
1st
Year
of
our
Reign
to
any
persone
or
persons
be
from
▪
hence
forth
void
ne
of
no
effecte
.
A
Saving
for
the
great
Officers
and
Others
,
as
to
their
Employments
and
Wages
.
A
Saving
for
the
Patents
of
the
Peers
,
and
their
Creation-Money
.
And
to
Corporations
,
&c.
Then
follow
Ten
Exceptions
or
Savings
made
by
the
House
of
Commons
to
the
said
Bill
,
and
such
of
them
▪
as
are
either
general
or
particular
,
are
much
of
the
like
Nature
with
the
Savings
in
other
Acts.
Resp.
As
touching
this
Bill
of
Resumption
,
the
King's
Highness
hath
well
conceived
and
understood
the
same
hath
therefore
by
thadvise
and
assent
of
the
Lords
Spirituels
and
Temporels
and
Commons
in
this
present
Parliament
,
and
by
th
auctoritie
of
the
same
it
accepted
and
agreed
.
So
alway
,
that
such
Provisions
and
Exceptions
as
by
his
Highness
,
be
,
and
shall
be
made
and
agreed
,
and
during
the
Time
of
this
present
Parliament
put
in
Writing
,
to
,
or
upon
the
Premisses
be
good
and
effectual
.
The
said
Bill
or
Act
,
or
any
other
the
Premisses
notwithstanding
.
For
the
Equitie
and
rightwise
Reward
that
the
King
entendeth
to
doe
to
every
of
his
Subgietts
,
for
his
Merits
which
shall
be
to
the
Pleasure
of
God
,
and
Honour
of
his
Highness
,
and
the
Weale
of
all
his
Lond
and
People
.
Then
follow
many
particular
Exceptions
more
in
Number
than
in
any
other
of
the
Acts
,
but
under
this
frugal
King
we
may
suppose
they
are
not
such
as
would
make
the
Act
ineffectual
.
Besides
,
in
this
Reign
there
pass'd
several
particular
Acts
of
Resumption
,
for
which
we
shall
refer
the
Reader
to
the
Records
.
K.
Edward
the
Third
,
and
K.
Richard
the
Second
,
to
Edmond
de
Langley
,
Duke
of
York
.
Anno
6.
Hen.
8.
There
pass'd
another
Act
of
Resumption
,
which
related
only
to
resuming
needless
Offices
and
Pensions
.
Caleys
,
Guisnes
,
Hammes
,
Berwick
,
and
the
Marches
of
the
same
,
and
other
Charges
of
this
Your
Realm
of
the
onely
Revenues
thereof
,
as
hath
any
King
or
Christen
Prince
in
any
oder
Christen
Region
,
not
onely
to
the
great
Honour
of
the
same
,
but
also
to
the
great
ease
,
rest
and
quietness
of
the
People
of
the
same
,
which
caused
all
other
Lands
and
Realms
to
have
this
your
Realm
in
great
Renowne
,
Drede
and
Fear
,
and
your
said
Progenitours
to
be
dradde
of
all
outward
Nations
.
And
so
it
is
,
most
drade
Sovereign
Lord
,
that
the
Revenues
of
your
Lands
,
and
other
Things
late
being
in
your
Hands
and
Possessions
be
so
great
mynyshed
,
by
reason
of
the
Many
fold
Yifts
,
Graunts
and
Releases
passed
from
your
Highness
since
the
begynyng
of
of
your
most
noble
Reigne
hitherto
,
that
the
residue
therof
now
remaining
in
your
Hands
and
Possession
in
no
wyse
suffiseth
,
nor
can
suffise
to
bear
and
susteyn
your
great
Charges
dayly
increasen
,
as
well
by
reason
of
your
Wars
now
being
in
hand
against
your
antient
Enemies
the
Scots
,
as
of
your
great
Charges
in
keeping
and
defence
of
your
City
of
Tournay
,
late
by
youre
Grace
victoriously
Conquered
,
and
which
of
very
necessity
must
be
maintained
and
born
as
accordeth
to
your
Princely
Astate
and
Honour
of
your
Highuesse
,
and
suerte
of
your
humble
Subjects
,
and
of
youre
Realme
.
In
Consideration
whereof
yt
may
please
your
Highness
,
by
thadvise
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporall
in
this
present
Parliament
assembled
,
and
by
Aucthority
of
the
same
,
for
the
conservation
and
maintaining
of
youre
most
Royal
Astate
,
and
oder
Charges
above
rehearsed
,
to
the
Pleasure
of
God
,
and
for
youre
own
Honour
and
Suerte
;
and
also
for
the
universal
Wead
,
Ease
,
Rest
and
Suerte
of
this
youre
Realme
and
Land
,
and
for
the
mynyshyng
and
lessening
of
the
Charges
and
Burden
of
youre
said
poor
Commons
and
Subjects
of
the
same
,
which
your
Grace
oweth
to
preferr
and
specially
regarde
before
the
Favour
of
any
particular
Persons
or
earthly
Things
,
to
take
,
seise
,
resume
and
have
into
your
Hands
,
from
the
Feast
of
Easter
next
coming
,
all
and
singular
those
and
such
Annuitees
Graunted
to
any
Persone
or
Persones
by
your
Highness
,
by
your
Letters
Patents
,
not
for
exerciseing
of
any
Office
which
be
not
ne
at
any
time
of
the
said
Letters
Patents
made
,
were
Rent-Service
or
Rent-Charge
of
any
Estate
of
Enheritaunce
in
your
Highnesse
,
and
that
all
the
sayd
Letters
Patents
of
all
the
same
Annuitees
,
and
every
of
them
from
the
sayd
Feast
of
Ester
onely
,
touching
the
said
Graunt
of
the
same
Annuitees
be
utterly
void
and
of
no
effecte
.
And
also
,
that
all
Letters
Patents
,
Grants
and
Bills
signed
by
your
Highnesse
,
made
to
any
Persone
or
Persones
,
of
any
Office
or
Offices
,
or
Rowme
to
be
had
after
the
Deth
of
any
Patenteth
the
same
Patentee
being
yet
alive
,
and
in
Possession
by
Vertue
of
his
Patent
,
or
of
the
next
Avoydance
of
any
Avowsons
of
Churches
,
Benefices
,
Chauntreys
,
Hospitals
,
Prebends
,
or
of
any
Spiritual
Benefices
not
executed
,
be
from
henceforth
utterly
void
and
of
none
effecte
.
Then
follow
some
other
Regulations
relating
to
Offices
,
Places
and
Pensions
.
After
which
there
is
a
Saving
for
the
Peers
,
as
to
their
Creation-Money
:
And
then
for
George
,
Earl
of
Shrewsbury
,
of
,
and
for
the
Stewardship
of
Tutbury
,
Parcel
of
the
Dutchy
of
Lancaster
,
&c.
sign'd
with
the
King
's
own
Hand
.
Then
follow
Savings
for
several
great
Officers
,
and
for
the
Queen
.
And
then
comes
a
Provision
for
Offices
in
the
King's
Lands
,
Castles
and
Mannors
,
&c.
then
follow
some
particular
Savings
,
and
those
not
many
.
Resp.
Le
Roy
le
Veult
.
So
that
this
Prince
,
as
Arbitrary
as
he
was
,
gave
way
to
this
Resumption
made
in
Parliament
.
The
Writer
of
these
Papers
(
tho'
it
has
prov'd
a
Matter
of
great
Labour
)
has
thought
it
best
to
set
down
the
very
Words
of
all
these
Acts
of
Resumption
,
omitting
the
Savings
,
which
in
each
Bill
are
very
numerous
;
but
to
give
the
Reader
Light
into
the
Nature
of
these
Exceptions
,
he
did
extract
all
the
Savings
that
were
brought
into
the
first
compleat
Act
,
that
pass'd
upon
this
Subject
,
which
was
28
Hen.
6.
And
by
those
the
Reader
may
judge
of
the
Rest
;
for
they
which
follow'd
were
much
of
the
like
Nature
.
'T
is
true
,
his
Work
will
thereby
seem
tedious
,
but
curious
Persons
may
,
perhaps
,
receive
Satisfaction
,
to
see
the
Sence
of
their
Fore-fathers
upon
this
Point
.
And
we
take
it
,
that
the
Wisdom
and
Gravity
with
which
these
Acts
are
penn'd
,
and
the
Exactness
and
Care
which
the
House
of
Commons
from
time
to
time
show'd
in
this
whole
Transaction
,
will
prove
no
unpleasant
peice
of
History
.
He
has
done
impartially
,
and
taken
notice
of
what
may
make
against
,
as
well
as
for
his
present
Argument
,
that
the
Reader
may
have
the
whole
before
him
.
And
in
this
Transcript
he
has
follow'd
the
best
Copies
of
Records
he
could
procure
,
such
as
have
been
sign'd
and
examin'd
at
the
Tower
,
in
which
he
believes
there
is
no
material
Error
,
and
that
they
are
according
to
the
Original
Records
,
except
in
Orthography
,
or
spelling
Words
,
wherein
all
Transcribers
of
Records
mistake
and
differ
with
one
another
:
But
as
to
the
French
Records
,
both
in
this
and
the
following
Section
,
the
Author
has
examin'd
them
all
at
the
Tower
by
the
Rolls
.
As
to
what
was
done
upon
Resumptions
before
the
Reign
of
Edward
the
Second
,
he
has
therein
follow'd
the
best
Ancient
Writers
of
our
English
History
,
whose
Authority
may
be
rely'd
upon
,
because
most
of
such
as
he
has
cited
,
wrote
of
Things
done
near
,
or
in
their
own
Times
.
But
for
their
Ease
,
who
do
not
care
to
read
much
,
and
to
help
the
Memory
of
others
,
he
will
recapitulate
in
a
few
Words
the
several
Resumptions
;
afterwards
he
will
make
some
few
Observations
upon
the
Whole
,
and
examine
what
Effect
these
Acts
of
Resumption
produc'd
,
as
to
enlarging
the
Crown-Revenue
,
and
then
conclude
this
long
Section
.
1st
,
A
Resumption
was
made
by
William
Rufus
.
2dly
,
A
Resumption
by
Henry
the
First
.
3dly
,
A
Resumption
agreed
to
by
King
Stephen
.
4thly
,
A
Resumption
actually
made
by
Henry
the
Second
.
5thly
,
A
Resumption
by
Richard
the
First
.
6thly
,
A
Resumption
by
Edward
the
Second
.
7thly
,
Resumptions
made
by
Richard
the
Second
.
8thly
,
Resumptions
made
by
Henry
the
Fourth
,
particularly
of
the
Lands
belonging
to
Windsor-Castle
.
9thly
,
Three
Resumptions
made
in
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
Sixth
.
10thly
,
Four
Resumptions
made
in
the
Reign
of
Edward
the
Fourth
.
11thly
,
One
general
Act
,
and
other
particular
Acts
of
Resumption
in
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
Seventh
.
12thly
,
An
Act
of
Resumption
of
●ivers
Offices
,
Annuities
,
and
other
Things
,
in
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
Eighth
.
Upon
the
whole
Matter
these
Observations
may
be
made
.
1st
,
From
the
forecited
Records
,
it
appears
,
that
the
People
of
England
have
in
no
Age
thought
it
reasonable
,
that
the
Crown-Revenue
should
be
alienated
.
2dly
,
That
not
only
under
the
Reigns
of
weak
and
unfortunate
Princes
,
but
when
there
has
been
upon
the
Throne
martial
and
active
Kings
,
this
Nation
has
all
along
insisted
upon
Resumptions
.
3dly
,
It
appears
from
the
said
Records
,
that
very
few
of
the
said
Resumptions
did
look
farther
backward
than
the
Reign
of
the
present
Prince
.
4thly
,
That
the
People
have
been
most
provoked
,
when
the
Crown-Lands
have
been
given
away
to
Foreigners
.
5thly
,
That
the
House
of
Commons
in
their
Bills
of
Resumption
made
very
few
Savings
,
as
to
the
Interests
of
Private
Men.
6thly
,
That
it
appears
from
the
said
Records
,
that
very
small
Things
were
look'd
into
,
and
that
in
the
Three
R●sumptions
made
by
Henry
the
Sixth
,
it
does
not
appear
there
were
Savings
for
any
large
Grant
.
7thly
,
That
in
some
of
their
Bills
the
House
of
Commons
insisted
upon
Penalties
,
to
be
inflicted
upon
such
as
should
procure
Grants
of
the
Crown-Revenue
.
8thly
,
That
by
the
Profusion
of
some
Princes
,
the
Crown-Revenue
was
reduc'd
from
Fifty
Six
Thousand
Nine
Hundred
Sixty
Six
Pounds
,
to
Five
Thousand
Pounds
per
Annum
.
9thly
,
That
Edward
the
Fourth
invited
his
Parliament
,
in
his
Speech
from
the
Throne
Anno
7.
to
make
an
Act
of
Resumption
.
10thly
,
That
in
the
many
Acts
made
to
this
Purpose
,
every
following
Act
was
penn'd
with
stricter
Clauses
,
and
to
reach
more
than
the
former
did
.
11thly
,
That
the
Act
made
the
28
H.
6.
provides
,
that
the
Lands
so
resumed
should
be
for
the
Expences
of
the
King's
Houshold
.
12thly
,
That
some
of
these
Resumptions
,
as
that
of
3
and
4
of
Edw.
4.
extended
not
only
to
the
Crown-Revenue
,
but
also
to
what
was
the
King's
own
Patrimonially
,
namely
,
to
his
Dutchy
of
York
,
and
Earldom
of
March.
And
that
Anno
7
▪
all
was
resumed
,
which
belong'd
to
Richard
,
Duke
of
York
,
the
King's
Father
,
the
30
th
of
December
,
Anno
39.
Hen.
6.
The
●ame
13
Edw.
4.
13thly
,
That
in
these
Acts
of
Resumption
,
the
Sallaries
and
Wages
are
taken
away
of
all
superfluous
Offices
,
which
requir'd
no
Attendance
and
Execution
,
and
which
were
newly
erected
.
14thly
,
That
some
of
these
Acts
establish
,
that
the
Lands
so
resumed
should
continue
in
the
Crown
.
15thly
,
That
it
will
appear
to
any
who
will
look
into
the
volumenous
Savings
and
Exceptions
which
were
brought
in
by
the
King
to
the
said
Acts
;
that
many
of
the
Grants
in
those
Ages
made
for
Lands
or
Pensions
,
were
only
for
Term
of
Life
or
Term
of
Years
,
and
to
return
to
the
Crown
.
16thly
,
That
in
many
of
the
Savings
;
as
to
the
Interest
of
private
Men
,
where
there
is
something
left
,
there
is
something
resumed
.
17thly
,
That
most
of
these
Acts
not
only
resume
the
Crown-Lands
,
but
revoke
all
unnecessary
Pensions
.
18thly
,
That
the
33
Henry
6.
resumes
the
Land
pass'd
away
from
the
Crown
,
even
by
Authority
of
Parliament
.
19thly
,
That
in
all
these
Acts
,
except
28
Henry
6.
the
Lands
in
Ireland
are
comprehended
.
20thly
,
As
every
subsequent
Act
was
more
strictly
penn'd
than
that
which
went
before
,
so
the
Exceptions
and
Savings
brought
in
by
Edward
the
Fourth
(
Henry
the
Sixth
were
at
last
few
and
frugal
)
became
every
Time
more
moderate
than
the
other
;
so
that
in
the
End
,
both
Prince
and
Parliament
agreed
,
that
a
Resumption
was
necessary
,
and
would
be
greatly
beneficial
to
the
Kingdom
.
But
now
as
to
the
Effects
which
these
Acts
of
Resumption
produc'd
;
it
appears
manifestly
,
that
they
were
put
in
Execution
,
and
that
the
Savings
and
Exceptions
were
not
such
,
as
to
defeat
the
Designs
of
the
Parliament
,
which
some
People
pretend
to
suggest
;
and
't
is
likewise
evident
,
that
the
Crown-Revenue
was
thereby
very
much
increased
.
For
the
Records
plainly
show
,
that
the
whole
Income
of
the
Crowne
,
Annis
28
and
29.
Hen.
6.
was
reduc'd
to
Five
Thousand
Pounds
per
Annum
.
Edward
the
Fourth
who
succeeded
,
was
an
expensive
Prince
,
Richard
the
Third
his
Brother
a
frugal
Man
indeed
,
but
his
Reign
was
too
short
to
make
any
great
Improvements
in
his
Revenue
;
and
yet
we
find
Henry
the
Seventh
his
Successor
,
Master
of
more
ready
Money
than
ever
any
King
of
England
was
either
before
,
or
since
his
Time
.
This
Prince
had
not
many
Aids
from
his
People
,
[
*
](A37160-e38220-b)
*
Answer
to
the
Reasons
for
Foreign
Wars
▪
●
.
51
Sir
Robert
Cotton
enumerates
them
:
But
one
Aid
upon
Land
,
viz.
Anno
19.
Out
of
their
Goods
and
Lands
a
Tenth
;
out
of
their
Goods
only
thrice
a
Tenth
;
Five
Fifteens
,
besides
a
Tenth
and
Fifteenth
,
which
amounted
to
120000
l.
Three
Subsides
,
of
which
the
last
came
to
but
36000
l.
One
Benevolence
.
And
of
the
Clergy
twice
the
Tenth
,
and
25000
l.
by
way
▪
of
Subsidy
;
and
yet
Cotton
says
(
for
which
he
cites
a
good
[
*
](A37160-e38290-b)
*
Lib.
Acquit
.
in
t
.
Regem
&
Dudley
,
.
R.
C.
Authority
)
That
he
left
behind
him
in
Bullion
,
Four
Millions
and
a
Half
,
besides
his
Plate
and
rich
Attire
of
House
.
My
Lord
[
†
](A37160-e38320-b)
†
Life
of
Hen.
7.
p.
230.
Bacon
,
indeed
,
brings
the
Sum
lower
,
and
says
it
was
near
Eighteen
Hundred
Thousand
Pounds
Sterling
.
But
to
reckon
according
to
either
of
these
Authors
,
the
Sum
was
prodigious
for
those
Times
.
'T
is
true
,
he
had
very
extraordinary
Ways
of
scraping
up
Money
,
such
as
Sale
of
Offices
,
Redemption
of
Penalties
,
dispensing
with
the
Laws
,
and
the
like
;
but
all
these
together
produc'd
only
[
*
](A37160-e38360-b)
*
Answer
to
the
Reasons
,
&c.
p.
52.
120000
l.
per
Annum
.
Besides
,
Empson
and
Dudley
,
the
Two
Ministers
of
his
Extortions
,
did
not
commit
their
Rapines
till
towards
the
latter
End
of
his
Reign
.
From
whence
we
may
reasonably
conclude
,
that
the
Principal
Foundation
of
all
this
Wealth
(
join'd
with
his
own
Parsimony
)
must
have
been
the
Crown-Revenue
,
and
that
the
former
Acts
of
Resumption
with
that
which
was
made
in
his
own
Reign
(
which
no
doubt
this
frugal
Prince
took
Care
to
see
put
in
Execution
)
had
reduced
it
to
it
's
former
State
and
Condition
.
For
had
no
more
been
left
than
5000
l.
per
Annum
,
there
would
have
been
no
matter
for
his
Oeconomy
to
work
upon
;
so
that
we
may
very
well
infer
,
that
the
fore-mentioned
Resumptions
had
reliev'd
the
King's
Affairs
,
and
brought
the
Crown-Revenue
once
more
into
a
flourishing
Condition
.
But
Henry
the
Eighth
not
only
spent
the
immense
Sum
left
him
by
his
Father
,
but
likewise
a
great
Part
of
that
Revenue
which
came
to
the
Crown
by
seizing
the
Abby-Lands
,
which
amounted
to
[
*
](A37160-e38450-b)
*
Hist.
of
the
Reform
.
Part
2.
p.
268.
131607
l.
6
s.
4
d.
per
Ann.
However
,
he
who
considers
the
History
of
those
Times
,
and
how
much
this
Prince
made
himself
the
Arbiter
of
Europe
,
will
find
his
Money
was
not
so
unprofitably
spent
as
is
vulgarly
imagin'd
.
Besides
,
[
†
](A37160-e38500-b)
†
Ibid.
p.
269.
great
Sums
were
laid
out
on
building
and
fortifying
many
Ports
in
the
Channel
,
and
other
Parts
of
England
,
which
were
rais'd
by
the
Sale
of
Abby-Lands
.
But
notwithstanding
the
expensive
Temper
of
this
Prince
,
he
left
his
Successors
very
sufficient
and
substantial
Landlords
in
England
:
For
we
found
in
Sir
Robert
Cotton's
Library
,
in
a
[
*
](A37160-e38560-b)
*
Cleopatra
,
F.
6.
Fol.
51.
Book
,
part
of
which
is
of
that
learned
Antiquary's
own
Hand
writing
,
and
to
which
King
James
the
First
has
set
his
Name
,
James
R.
which
Book
contains
very
many
curious
Things
:
That
the
Revenue
of
the
12th
of
Elizabeth
,
besides
the
Wards
and
Dutchy
of
La●c●ster
amounted
to
188197
l.
4
s.
per
Annum
.
The
Writer
of
these
Papers
does
not
remember
to
have
met
with
any
Thing
relating
to
Resumptions
in
the
Reign
of
Queen
Elizabeth
;
but
the
Reason
why
nothing
of
that
Nature
should
be
done
in
her
Time
,
is
very
obvious
;
her
Father
had
alienated
from
the
Crown
a
great
Part
of
the
Abby-Lands
,
or
exchang'd
'em
for
other
Lands
(
as
a
Multitude
of
Acts
pass'd
to
that
Purpose
in
his
Reign
Witness
:
)
And
it
was
a
strong
Security
to
the
Protestant
Religion
and
Interest
,
that
those
Estates
should
remain
in
the
Hands
and
Possessions
of
private
Persons
.
A
Resumption
was
thought
on
in
the
Reign
of
King
James
the
First
,
of
which
the
forementioned
Tracts
of
Sir
Robert
Cotton
are
a
sufficient
Evidence
:
Besides
,
in
the
[
†
](A37160-e38690-b)
†
Annals
of
King
Jam.
p.
10.
Annals
of
those
Times
,
't
is
said
to
have
been
debated
in
Council
.
But
in
the
Reign
of
King
Charles
the
Second
,
a
Resumption
was
again
agitated
,
for
we
find
in
the
Journals
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
Martis
22
Die
,
Maii
,
1660.
A
Bill
for
making
void
of
Grants
made
since
May
1642
,
of
Titles
of
Honor
,
Mannors
,
Lands
,
Tenements
and
Hereditaments
,
pass'd
under
several
great
Seals
by
the
late
King
Charles
,
or
the
King's
Majesty
that
now
is
,
or
any
other
great
Seal
,
was
this
Day
read
the
second
Time
,
and
upon
the
Question
,
committed
,
&c.
And
as
a
Mark
that
these
Alienations
of
the
Crown-Revenue
were
always
distasteful
to
the
People
of
England
;
and
to
show
that
the
House
of
Commons
desir'd
,
that
a
new
Prince
should
betimes
know
the
Nation
's
Sence
in
this
Matter
,
we
shall
produce
the
following
Resolves
of
that
Parliament
which
restor'd
King
Charles
.
Martis
4
Die
Sept.
1660.
Resolv'd
,
That
this
House
doth
agree
with
the
Committee
,
That
a
Bill
be
brought
in
for
Settling
the
Lands
of
the
Crown
,
so
as
that
no
Grant
of
the
Inheritance
shall
be
good
in
Law
,
nor
any
Lease
for
more
than
Three
Lives
,
or
One
and
Thirty
Years
,
where
a
Third
Part
of
the
true
yearly
Value
is
reserv'd
for
a
Rent
,
as
it
shall
appear
upon
a
Return
of
a
Survey
,
which
that
Act
is
to
take
Order
for
,
to
be
speedily
had
and
taken
,
and
that
Mr.
Sollicitor
General
,
and
Mr.
Serjeant
Glyn
,
do
prepare
and
bring
in
a
Bill
accordingly
.
Resolv'd
,
That
this
House
doth
agree
with
the
Committee
,
That
the
King's
Majesty
be
humbly
desir'd
from
this
House
to
forbear
to
make
any
Leases
of
the
Lands
,
or
other
Grants
of
the
Revenue
of
the
Crown
,
till
the
said
last
mention'd
Act
be
pass'd
.
And
the
Reason
why
these
good
Resolutions
took
no
Effect
,
is
not
at
all
difficult
to
discover
.
'T
is
to
be
fear'd
that
too
many
(
we
mean
without
Doors
)
in
those
corrupt
Times
,
not
only
were
concern'd
in
the
Grant
already
made
,
but
likewise
did
design
,
as
it
prov'd
afterwards
,
to
get
for
themselves
what
remain'd
of
the
King's
Lands
.
And
now
for
a
full
Answer
to
those
who
pretend
Resumptions
had
never
any
Effect
,
we
shall
produce
a
State
of
the
Crown-Revenue
,
as
it
lay
before
the
House
of
Commons
the
same
Year
.
Martis
die
4.
Sept.
1660.
'
Sir
Heneage
Finch
reports
from
the
Committee
,
That
according
to
the
best
Information
the
Committee
could
receive
,
and
by
Estimate
,
the
Revenue
amountted
to
819398
l.
per
Annum
,
viz.
|
|
l.
|
|
By
Customs
.
—
|
400000.
|
|
By
Composition
for
the
Court
of
Wards
.
—
|
100000.
|
|
The
Revenue
of
Farms
and
Rents
.
—
|
263598.
|
|
The
Office
of
Postage
.
—
|
21500.
|
|
The
Proceed
of
Dean
Forest
.
—
|
4000.
|
|
The
Imposition
on
the
Sea-Coal
exported
.
—
|
8000.
|
|
Wine-Licen●e
,
and
other
Additions
.
—
|
22300.
|
|
Total
|
819398.
|
From
which
Accompt
it
appears
,
that
notwithstanding
the
Profusion
of
Henry
the
Eighth
,
and
the
irregular
Bounty
of
K.
James
the
1st
.
to
his
Scots
;
the
Land-Revenue
of
the
Crown
,
which
Anno
28.
Hen.
6.
when
the
Parliament
made
the
first
formal
and
regular
Resumption
,
was
reduc'd
to
5000
l.
per
Annum
,
came
afterwards
(
with
the
Forest
of
Dean
)
to
amount
to
267598
l.
per
Annum
.
Our
Princes
have
seldom
been
known
to
purchase
Lands
.
The
Abby-Lands
could
not
make
this
great
Increase
;
besides
,
't
is
notorious
,
K.
Henry
the
Eighth
either
sold
or
gave
away
a
great
Part
of
the
Church-Lands
:
From
all
which
it
must
follow
by
undeniable
Consequence
,
that
the
fore-mention'd
Acts
of
Resumption
did
restore
the
Crown-Revenue
,
consisting
in
Rents
and
Farms
,
to
the
State
and
Condition
,
wherein
it
was
in
the
beginning
of
King
Charles
the
Second's
Reign
.
And
Lastly
,
For
their
Satisfaction
,
who
pretend
Resumptions
are
against
the
Fundamentals
of
our
English
Law
,
we
shall
produce
the
Opinion
of
a
Venerable
and
Learned
Lawyer
in
this
Point
;
't
is
taken
out
of
a
Book
,
written
by
Sir
John
Fortescue
,
Chief
Justice
of
the
Common-Pleas
,
in
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
Sixth
.
The
Manuscript
is
in
the
Bodleian
Library
at
Oxford
;
't
is
intituled
,
Sir
John
Fortescue's
Treatise
De
Dominio
Regali
,
and
De
Dominio
Regali
&
Politico
.
But
let
the
Author
himself
speak
with
his
Old
English
Heart
,
as
well
as
in
his
Old
English
Words
.
CHAP.
XI
.
Hereafter
ys
schewyd
what
of
the
Kyng's
Lyvelood
geven
away
,
may
best
be
takyn
ageyne
.
[
sc
.
the
Kyng
of
France
or
the
Sowdan
of
Babylon
]
or
any
Kyng
that
now
reyneth
upon
Cristen
Men.
But
this
was
not
possible
to
have
done
,
for
to
sum
parte
thereof
the
Heyres
of
them
that
sum
time
owyd
it
be
restored
,
sum
by
reason
of
Taylys
,
sum
by
reason
of
other
Tytles
,
which
the
Kyng
hath
considered
,
and
thought
them
good
and
reasonable
.
And
sum
of
the
same
Lyvelood
hys
good
Grace
hath
gyven
to
such
as
hath
servyd
him
so
notably
,
that
as
their
Renown
will
be
eternal
,
so
it
befetteth
the
Kyngs
Magnificence
to
make
their
Rewards
everlasting
in
their
Heyres
to
his
Honour
,
and
their
perpetual
Memory
.
And
also
the
Kyng
hath
gyven
parte
of
Lyvelood
to
his
most
honourable
Brethren
,
which
not
onley
have
servid
hym
in
the
manner
aforesaid
,
but
byn
also
so
nygh
in
Blode
to
his
Highnesse
,
that
it
befet
not
his
Magnificence
to
have
done
otherwise
.
Neverthelesse
some
Men
have
done
hym
Service
for
which
it
is
reasonable
that
his
Grace
had
rewardyd
them
,
and
for
lack
of
Money
the
Kyng
than
rewarded
them
with
Lond
:
And
to
sum
Men
he
hath
done
yn
likewise
above
their
Demerits
thorow
Importunite
of
their
Sewtes
.
And
yt
is
supposyd
that
to
some
of
them
is
gyven
a
C
l.
worth
Lond
yerely
,
that
would
have
hould
him
content
with
CC
l.
in
Money
if
they
might
have
had
it
in
hande
;
wherefore
yt
is
thought
yf
such
Giftes
and
namely
those
which
have
byn
made
inconsyderately
,
or
above
the
Merits
of
then
that
have
them
,
ware
reformyd
,
and
they
rewardyd
with
Money
or
Offices
or
somewhat
Lyvelood
for
terme
of
Life
which
after
their
Deths
wold
then
return
to
the
Crown
,
the
Kyng
schuld
have
such
Lyvelood
as
we
now
seke
for
sufficient
for
the
Maintenance
of
his
Estate
.
And
yf
yt
would
not
then
be
so
grete
,
I
hold
yt
for
undoubtyd
that
the
People
of
this
Lond
wol
be
wyllyng
to
graunte
hym
a
Snbsidye
upon
such
Commodities
of
his
Realm
as
be
before
specifyd
as
schal
accomplish
that
which
schal
lack
him
of
such
Lyvelood
.
So
that
his
Highnesse
wol
wel
establish
the
same
Lyvelood
then
remaynyng
to
abide
perpetually
to
his
Crown
without
translatyng
therof
to
any
other
Use
.
For
when
that
schal
happyn
hereafter
to
be
given
hytte
schal
nede
that
his
Commons
be
chargyd
with
a
newe
Subsidye
and
be
alwaye
kepte
in
Povertie
.
Hereafter
ys
schewyd
why
yt
needeth
that
there
be
a
Resumption
.
We
found
by
grete
Causys
yt
was
nedefull
,
that
all
such
Gyftes
as
have
ben
made
of
the
Kynges
Lyvelood
inconsyderately
as
not
deservyd
,
or
above
the
Merites
of
them
that
hath
getyn
them
were
reformyd
,
so
that
they
which
have
done
Service
be
not
over
rewardyd
,
which
thyng
as
me
thynketh
may
not
perfitly
be
done
without
a
general
Resumption
made
by
Act
of
Parlement
.
And
that
ther
be
gevyn
the
Kynge
by
the
Auctorite
of
the
same
Parlement
,
a
grete
Subsidye
with
which
his
Highness
with
the
Advice
of
his
Counceil
,
may
reward
those
that
have
deservyd
rewards
,
and
ought
not
therefore
to
have
parte
of
his
Revenues
,
by
which
his
Estate
must
nedes
be
mainteyned
,
or
ought
not
to
have
so
much
of
the
Revenues
as
they
have
now
,
or
not
so
grete
Estate
in
the
same
.
Consyderyng
that
all
such
geving
away
of
the
Kynges
Lyvelood
is
harmfull
to
all
his
Leige
Men
,
which
schal
therbye
,
as
is
before
schewyd
be
artyd
to
a
new
Charge
for
the
Sustentation
of
his
Estate
.
But
yet
or
any
such
Resumption
be
made
yt
schal
be
good
,
that
an
honorable
and
notable
Counceil
be
establyshyd
,
by
the
advyse
of
which
,
all
new
Gyftes
and
Rewards
may
be
moderyd
and
made
,
as
yf
no
such
Gyftes
or
Rewards
had
ben
made
before
this
time
.
Provyded
alway
,
that
no
Man
be
harmyd
by
reason
of
such
Resumption
in
the
Arrearages
o●
such
Lyvelood
as
he
schal
then
have
,
which
schold
ron
after
the
Resumption
,
and
before
the
sayd
new
Gyftes
and
Rewards
.
And
when
such
a
Counceil
is
fully
create
and
establyshyd
,
hyt
schal
be
good
that
all
Supplications
which
schal
be
made
to
the
Kynge
for
any
Gyfte
or
Reward
be
sent
to
the
same
Counceil
and
ther
debatyd
and
delibered
.
First
,
whither
the
Suppliant
have
deservyd
such
Reward
as
he
askyth
,
and
yf
he
have
deservyd
yt
,
yet
yt
nedeth
,
that
yt
be
delibered
whether
the
Kynge
may
gyve
such
Rewards
as
he
asketh
of
his
Revenues
,
savyng
to
hymself
sufficient
for
the
Sustenaunce
of
his
Estate
,
or
else
such
gevyng
war
no
Vertue
,
but
rather
a
Spice
of
Prodigality
,
and
as
for
so
much
it
war
delapidation
of
his
Crown
.
Wherfor
no
private
Person
wol
by
reason
of
liberalite
,
or
of
reward
,
so
abate
his
own
Lyvelood
,
as
he
may
not
kepe
such
Estate
as
he
did
before
.
And
truly
it
war
better
that
a
private
Person
lackyd
his
Reward
,
which
he
hath
wel
deservyd
,
than
that
by
his
Reward
the
good
Publicke
and
also
the
Lond
were
hurt
;
Wherfor
to
eschewe
these
two
Harmes
,
hyt
may
than
be
advysyd
by
the
Counceil
how
such
a
person
may
be
rewardyd
with
Office
,
Money
,
Marriage
,
Fraunchise
,
Privilege
,
or
such
other
thyng
,
of
which
the
Crown
hath
grete
Rychesse
;
and
veryly
if
thys
Order
be
kepte
,
the
Kynge
schal
not
be
be
grevyd
by
importunyte
of
Sewters
,
nor
they
schal
by
importunyte
or
brocage
optain
any
unreasonable
desires
.
O
what
myghty
quiet
schal
growe
to
the
Kynge
by
this
Order
,
and
in
what
rest
schal
al
hys
People
lyve
,
havyng
no
Colour
of
grutchyng
with
such
as
schal
be
about
hys
Person
:
As
they
were
wont
to
have
for
the
gyvyng
away
of
his
Londs
,
and
for
miscounceiling
hym
in
many
other
Causis
,
nor
of
murmour
ageyn
the
Kyngs
Person
for
the
misgoverning
of
his
Realm
.
The
first
Regular
Resumption
having
been
made
in
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
Sixth
,
it
seems
by
this
Paper
,
which
contains
the
Scheme
of
a
Resumption
,
that
the
Act
for
resuming
Grants
,
&c.
pass'd
28
Hen.
6.
was
modell'd
by
this
able
Lawyer
,
who
was
made
Lord
Chief
Justice
of
the
Common-Pleas
20
Hen.
6.
and
who
we
find
to
have
been
Chief
Justice
of
the
King's-Bench
the
[
*
](A37160-e39760-b)
*
Rot.
Parl.
28
Hen.
6.
28th
Year
of
the
same
Reign
.
At
the
End
of
the
Manuscript
,
out
of
which
this
was
transcribed
,
is
this
Note
:
Explicit
Liber
compilatus
&
factus
per
Johannem
Fortescue
Militem
quondam
capitalem
Justitiarium
Angliae
,
&
hic
Scriptus
Manu
propria
mei
Adriani
Fortescue
Militis
,
1532.
Our
Ancestors
did
not
only
take
Care
to
help
the
Princes
Affairs
by
Acts
of
Resumption
,
but
they
likewise
reliev'd
him
when
he
had
been
over-reach'd
or
deceiv'd
in
Releases
,
or
what
we
now
call
Privy
▪
Seals
;
having
an
Eye
that
such
as
were
Debtors
or
Accomptants
to
the
King
should
not
be
discharg'd
without
making
a
fair
and
just
Accompt
;
whereof
we
shall
produce
a
President
,
with
which
we
shall
close
this
Section
.
Westm.
15
Die
Martii
.
SECT.
IV.
That
several
Ministers
of
State
have
been
Impeach'd
in
Parliament
for
presuming
to
procure
to
Themselves
Grants
of
the
Crown-Revenue
.
IN
the
foregoing
Section
we
have
taken
Notice
how
careful
the
Commons
of
England
have
all
along
been
,
to
assist
by
Acts
of
Resumption
,
such
of
their
Kings
as
had
been
injur'd
by
immoderate
Bounty
.
We
shall
now
go
on
to
show
how
Parliaments
have
proceeded
with
the
Instruments
of
their
Profusion
,
and
in
what
manner
they
have
handled
such
Ministers
of
State
as
have
either
wink'd
at
,
or
promoted
the
Depredations
that
were
made
upon
their
Master's
Revenue
;
and
especially
with
those
who
●n
Breach
of
their
Trust
have
ventur'd
●o
enrich
themselves
with
Spoils
so
little
warranted
by
the
Constitution
of
this
Kingdom
.
The
Records
we
have
already
cited
sufficiently
demonstrate
that
it
was
ever
the
Opinion
and
Sense
of
the
People
that
the
King
should
live
upon
his
own
,
and
that
the
Nation
should
not
be
burthen'd
with
unnecessary
Taxes
and
Impositions
.
It
appears
likewise
from
the
foresaid
Records
,
that
when
the
Crown
has
been
impoverished
by
Gifts
and
Grants
,
new
and
extraordinary
Courses
of
Raising
Mony
have
become
unavoidable
.
It
cannot
be
denied
but
that
our
King●
have
very
anciently
prescrib'd
a
Powe●
of
Alienating
the
Publick
Revenues
,
bu●
it
may
admit
of
a
Question
,
whether
th●
was
not
more
de
Facto
than
de
Jure
,
an●
't
is
not
quite
so
clear
that
from
the
beginning
it
was
so
;
on
the
contrary
it
●ther
seems
one
of
those
Incroachme●
which
Flattery
and
Compliance
ha●
supported
.
For
it
would
not
be
difficult
to
ma●
appear
that
in
all
these
Gothick
Gover●ments
founded
upon
the
Principles
〈◊〉
Liberty
,
the
Publick
Revenues
we●
esteem'd
to
belong
as
well
to
the
Kin●dom
as
to
the
King
.
[
*
](A37160-e40090-b)
*
De
Repub
.
l.
6.
Bodinus
says
was
held
as
a
Maxim
in
France
,
Th●
the
Propriety
of
the
Crown-Lands
was
not
in
the
Prince
;
That
't
was
esteem'd
as
a
Fundamental
in
France
,
Spain
,
Poland
and
Hungary
,
that
the
Crown-Lands
were
not
alienable
:
Which
Opinion
has
been
confirm'd
by
Decrees
of
the
Parliament
of
Paris
.
King
Charles
the
V.
and
VII
.
would
not
have
the
Crown-Lands
engag'd
but
by
Consent
of
Parliament
.
[
*
](A37160-e40170-b)
*
Vie
de
Charlemagne
▪
Mezeray
says
,
Le
Domaine
des
Roys
,
&
●eluy
de
l'Eglise
,
etoient
inalienables
.
And
that
tho'
their
Kings
were
now
and
then
constrain'd
to
make
Grants
,
C'estoit
a
vie
seulement
,
&
a
titre
de
Gratification
;
C'est
pourquoy
ils
les
nommoient
des
Benefices
,
mot
qui
n'est
demeuré
que
dans
l'Eg●ise
.
[
†
](A37160-e40220-b)
†
Lib.
6
▪
Bodinus
says
,
all
Monarchies
and
States
have
held
it
for
a
general
and
undoubted
Law
,
That
the
Crown-Lands
should
be
holy
,
sacred
and
ina●ienable
;
and
that
the
Maxim
is
ground●d
upon
this
wholesome
Policy
,
That
●e
Wants
of
the
Prince
might
not
●ompel
him
either
to
overcharge
his
●hole
People
with
Impositions
,
or
to
●ek
for
Wealth
by
confiscating
the
[
*
](A37160-e40250-b)
*
Ibids
Lewis
XII
.
●who
was
term'd
the
Father
of
his
Country
)
would
not
mix
his
Revenues
●nd
Patrimony
with
what
belong'd
to
●he
Publick
,
erecting
separate
Offices
to
that
purpose
.
Sir
[
*
](A37160-e40270-b)
*
Cot.
Post
.
p.
179.
Robert
Cotton
,
an
Author
of
great
Weight
in
all
these
Matters
,
says
(
as
we
have
noted
before
)
that
in
England
our
Ancestors
held
it
impious
to
alienate
the
ancient
Demeas●e
▪
Lands
of
the
Crown
.
We
have
taken
Notice
,
in
the
second
Section
,
of
the
difference
the
Roman
Emperors
made
between
the
Fiscus
,
and
the
Aerarium
,
the
first
of
which
was
the
private
Patrimony
,
and
in
the
other
the
People
had
a
Right
.
Of
this
very
Thing
there
are
Footste●●
in
England
.
That
is
,
there
was
anciently
a
Difference
made
between
the
Scaccarium
and
the
Hannaperium
,
and
[
*
](A37160-e40390-b)
*
Spel.
Glos
.
p.
278.
Spelman
seems
to
liken
the
Scaccarium
or
Treasury
to
the
Aerarium
,
and
th●
Hannaperium
or
Hamper
to
the
Fiscus
Principis
.
[
†
](A37160-e40470-b)
†
p.
331.
Hannaperium
]
Fiscus
〈◊〉
sporta
grandior
in
Cancellaria
Regis
,
〈◊〉
inferuntur
Pecuniae
é
Sigillatione
diplo●matum
,
Brevium
,
Chartarum
Regiar●
&c.
provenientes
.
For
this
Branch
of
th●
Revenue
as
we
are
inform'd
,
the
Cha●cellor
in
old
times
did
not
accompt
i●
the
Exchequer
;
it
being
look'd
upon
〈◊〉
the
Princes
private
Patrimony
,
or
〈◊〉
his
Privy
Purse
,
and
so
to
be
dispos'd
〈◊〉
without
any
Accompt
.
It
was
forme●
a
Clause
in
most
Grants
,
—
Sine
ali●●
Fine
vel
Feodo
magno
vel
parvo
nobis
solvendo
in
Hannaperio
.
Which
Fine
went
to
the
King
's
private
Purse
.
Heretofore
when
much
Land
was
in
the
Crown
the
Hamper
yielded
so
considerable
a
Sum
,
as
that
it
was
thought
fit
to
be
included
in
all
the
Acts
of
Resumption
;
for
large
Pensions
being
begg'd
out
of
it
,
the
Parliament
judg'd
it
their
Duty
to
take
care
as
well
of
what
was
reckon'd
the
Princes
Peculium
,
or
private
Patrimony
,
as
of
what
belong'd
jointly
to
him
and
the
Publick
,
which
was
done
in
other
Instances
,
as
where
they
resumed
Annis
3
&
4
,
7
&
13
,
Edw.
4.
his
Family
Inheritance
of
the
Dutchy
of
York
and
Earldom
of
March.
But
this
difference
,
with
many
other
good
Forms
of
our
old
Government
,
is
said
aside
.
[
*
](A37160-e40580-b)
*
Spel.
Glos
.
p.
278.
Nulla
pené
jam
nobiscum
habita
Pecuniae
Publicae
&
privatae
distinctione
,
cùm
sit
utráque
;
in
solius
Princi●is
Arbitrio
.
And
from
the
time
of
William
Rufus
,
our
Kings
have
thought
they
might
alienate
and
dispose
of
the
Crown-Lands
at
Will
and
Pleasure
;
and
●n
all
Ages
not
only
Charters
of
Liberties
and
Franchises
have
been
given
,
but
likewise
Letters
Patents
for
Lands
and
Mannors
have
actually
pass'd
in
every
Reign
.
Nor
would
it
have
been
convenient
that
the
Princes
Hands
should
have
been
absolutely
bound
up
by
any
Law
,
or
that
what
had
once
got
into
the
Crown
,
should
have
been
for
ever
separated
from
private
Possession
:
For
then
,
by
Forfeitures
and
Attaintures
,
he
must
have
become
Lord
of
the
whole
Soil
in
a
long
Course
of
Time
;
The
Constitution
therefore
seems
to
have
left
him
free
in
this
Matter
,
but
upon
this
tacit
Trust
,
(
as
he
has
all
his
other
Power
)
that
he
shall
do
nothing
which
may
tend
to
the
Destruction
of
his
Subjects
.
However
,
tho'
he
be
thus
trusted
,
't
is
only
as
Head
of
the
Common-wealth
;
and
the
People
of
England
have
in
no
Age
been
wanting
to
put
in
their
Claim
to
that
in
which
they
conceiv'd
themselves
to
have
a
remaining
Interest
,
which
Claims
are
the
Acts
of
Resumption
that
from
time
to
time
have
been
made
in
Parliament
,
when
such
Gifts
and
Grants
were
made
,
as
became
burthensome
and
hurtful
to
the
Publick
.
Nor
can
any
Government
or
State
divest
it self
of
the
Means
of
its
Preservation
:
And
if
our
Kings
should
have
had
an
unlimitted
Power
of
giving
away
their
whole
Revenue
,
and
if
no
Authority
could
have
revoked
such
Gifts
,
every
profuse
Prince
,
of
which
we
have
had
many
in
this
Kingdom
,
would
have
ruin'd
his
Successor
,
and
the
People
must
have
been
destroy'd
with
new
and
repeated
Taxes
,
for
by
our
Duty
we
are
likewise
to
support
the
next
Prince
:
So
that
if
no
Authority
could
look
into
this
,
a
Nation
must
be
utterly
undone
without
any
way
of
redressing
it self
;
which
is
against
the
Nature
and
Essence
of
any
free
Establishment
.
Our
Constitution
therefore
seems
to
have
been
,
that
the
King
always
might
make
Grants
,
and
that
those
Grants
,
if
pass'd
according
to
the
Forms
prescribed
by
the
Law
,
were
valid
and
pleadable
against
not
only
him
,
but
his
Successors
.
However
at
the
same
time
't
is
likewise
manifest
that
the
Legislative
Power
has
had
an
uncontested
Right
to
look
into
those
Grants
,
and
to
make
them
void
whenever
they
were
thought
exorbitant
.
And
therein
wise
Kings
have
given
way
,
and
not
thought
it
dishonourable
to
join
with
their
People
in
that
which
was
judg'd
to
be
for
the
Ease
and
Benefit
of
the
major
part
.
But
because
in
Acts
of
Resumption
the
Legislature
exerts
it self
in
an
extraordinary
manner
,
and
because
't
is
a
Cordial
of
a
very
strong
Operation
,
and
for
that
such
Acts
must
of
Necessity
break
into
private
Contracts
,
Marriage-Settlements
,
Sales
upon
a
valuable
Consideration
,
and
in
many
other
Instances
,
the
Law
has
fenc'd
the
King's
Revenue
with
Restrictions
and
wholsome
Constitutions
,
it
has
prescrib'd
Forms
by
which
Grants
and
Gifts
should
pass
,
it
has
erected
several
Checks
,
and
trusted
those
Checks
in
the
Hands
of
high
Officers
of
the
Crown
;
And
lastly
,
the
Laws
have
call'd
to
Accompt
,
and
seveerly
punish'd
many
Men
of
great
Birth
and
Figure
for
breaking
down
these
Fences
;
by
all
which
our
Ancestors
seem
to
have
desir'd
and
design'd
preventing
Mischiefs
in
their
Growth
,
and
that
Recourse
should
be
had
to
extraordinary
Remedies
as
seldom
as
possible
.
And
First
,
That
not
only
his
common
Expences
,
but
that
also
his
Liberalities
might
be
supply'd
without
diminution
of
the
Capital
,
innumerable
Laws
did
provide
that
he
might
be
neither
deceiv'd
in
his
Receipts
nor
in
his
Payments
,
besides
which
the
Introitus
and
Exitus
of
the
Exchequer
was
originally
contriv'd
with
Check
upon
Check
,
and
with
all
the
Care
and
Art
imaginable
.
But
all
these
good
Methods
were
very
early
overthrown
by
the
Negligence
of
some
Princes
,
but
more
through
the
Corruption
of
their
Ministers
.
Henry
the
IV.
who
had
depos'd
his
Predecessor
,
and
who
came
in
upon
the
Foot
of
Reformation
,
began
to
make
Regulations
,
and
restore
some
Order
in
the
Revenues
of
the
Crown
.
In
the
first
Year
of
his
Reign
the
Commons
complain'd
of
outragious
Grants
,
and
of
great
Sums
of
Mony
released
to
undeserving
Persons
,
the
King
not
perceiving
the
hurt
done
him
at
the
time
of
the
Grant
.
They
pray
that
such
Grants
upon
good
Deliberation
may
be
recall'd
,
and
that
from
thenceforth
he
would
make
no
Grant
but
with
the
Advice
of
his
Council
.
The
King
Answers
,
He
will
be
advis'd
by
the
wise
Men
of
his
Council
.
And
thereupon
several
good
Regulations
relating
to
the
Passing
of
Grants
are
establish'd
,
but
take
the
Record
.
Rot.
Parl.
Num.
98.
Et
aufyn
qil
ne
soit
deceux
en
les
Grantes
ou
douns
annuelx
ou
en
fee
,
ou
en
ascunes
Offices
per
luy
a
faires
ou
a
Granters
,
en
temps
avenir
,
il
voet
,
de
lassent
des
Seignours
Esprituelx
&
Temporelx
,
&
des
Communes
,
qe
touts
ceux
qi
demanderont
du
Roy
Terres
Tenementes
Rentes
Offices
Annuitees
ou
autres
profites
qeconqes
,
facent
expresse
mencion
en
lour
Petitions
de
la
value
de
la
chose
ensi
a
demander
,
&
auxi
de
ceo
qe
ils
ont
eue
du
donne
le
Roy
,
ou
des
autres
ses
Progenitours
ou
Predecessours
per
devant
;
&
en
cas
qe
ils
ne
facent
tiel
mencion
en
lour
dites
Petitions
,
&
ceo
duement
proeve
,
soient
les
lettres
patentes
du
Roy
ent
faites
nient
vaillables
ne
de
nulle
force
neffect
,
mes
de
tout
revoqes
,
repelles
&
adnuelles
pur
toutz
jourz
au
punissement
de
ceux
qe
ensi
ount
fait
tiel
deceit
,
ou
Roy
come
ceux
quy
ne
sont
pas
dignes
denjoier
leffect
&
Benefice
des
Lettres
Patentes
a
eux
Grantez
en
celle
partie
.
This
Acts
directs
,
that
in
the
Petition
to
the
King
for
any
Gift
or
Grant
,
express
mention
shall
be
made
of
the
true
Value
of
the
thing
petition'd
for
,
and
that
mention
be
made
of
what
other
Gift
or
Grant
the
Petitioner
has
had
from
the
King
or
any
of
his
Predecessors
;
and
if
all
this
be
omitted
,
the
Grant
to
be
void
.
Rot.
Parl.
Num.
31.
In
the
fourth
Year
of
his
Reign
,
He
declares
he
will
grant
no
Lands
but
to
such
who
shall
deserve
them
,
as
shall
best
seem
to
Him
and
Council
;
and
if
any
make
demand
without
desert
,
he
shall
be
punished
by
the
King
and
his
Council
,
and
not
obtain
his
Suit
.
Rot.
Parl.
Num.
23.
In
the
eleventh
of
his
Reign
,
it
was
enacted
,
That
all
manner
of
Hereditaments
which
from
thenceforward
should
fall
into
the
Crown
,
should
not
be
alienated
but
remain
to
the
King
.
Thus
did
this
wise
King
,
by
keeping
the
Life-Blood
of
the
Body-Politick
within
its
proper
Veins
,
add
to
it
so
vigorous
a
Health
,
that
his
Son
was
in
a
Condition
to
attempt
and
succeed
in
the
Conquest
of
France
.
And
by
his
Resumptions
,
and
by
the
good
Order
he
had
settled
in
his
Revenues
,
he
enabled
Henry
the
V.
to
go
on
in
those
great
Undertakings
,
without
laying
any
extraordinary
Burthens
upon
the
People
.
[
*
](A37160-e40940-b)
*
Answers
to
the
Reasons
for
Foreign
Wars
,
p.
47.
Sir
Robert
Cotton
says
,
That
during
Henry
V.
Reign
of
nine
Years
,
there
was
no
Charge
laid
upon
Land
.
Out
of
the
Goods
of
the
Commons
,
he
received
six
times
the
tenth
,
and
fifteenth
entirely
,
and
once
two
thirds
only
of
staple
Wares
;
A
Subsidy
once
for
four
Years
,
and
after
for
his
Life
:
Three
Shillings
Tunnage
,
and
12
Pence
Poundage
for
the
like
terms
as
the
former
Subsidies
.
And
thrice
he
had
the
Tenth
of
his
Clergy
.
All
which
was
but
very
little
,
considering
the
great
Actions
he
perform'd
;
but
he
himself
was
a
wise
Man
,
and
his
Father
had
left
him
an
honest
and
able
Set
of
Ministers
.
But
long
before
either
of
these
Reigns
,
the
King's
Revenue
was
a
particular
Object
of
the
Parliaments
Care
;
And
they
endeavour'd
to
keep
his
Affairs
within
such
a
Compass
,
that
the
People
might
not
be
burthen'd
with
new
Taxes
;
which
they
try'd
to
bring
about
by
the
following
Methods
.
1.
By
Regulating
the
Expences
of
the
King's
Court.
[
*
](A37160-e41000-b)
*
Edw.
2.
Ex.
Ang.
M.
S.
Fol.
29.
Anno
3.
Edw.
2.
An
Ordinance
was
made
,
Pro
Hospitio
Regis
,
in
ease
of
the
People
.
A
l'honneur
de
Roy
&
a
son
profit
,
&
au
profit
de
son
peuple
,
selon
droit
&
resonel
serment
que
le
dist
nostre
Signeur
le
Roy
fist
a
son
Coronement
.
[
*
](A37160-e41070-b)
*
Rot.
Parl.
36.
Edw.
3.
Anno
36.
Edw.
3.
The
Household
was
regulated
at
the
Petition
of
the
People
.
[
†
](A37160-e41120-b)
†
Rot.
Parl.
1
▪
Rich.
2.
Num.
19.
Anno
1.
Rich.
2.
The
Household
was
brought
to
such
a
Moderation
of
Expence
as
might
be
answerable
to
the
Revenues
of
the
Crown
▪
[
*
](A37160-e41170-b)
*
Ex
ordinat
▪
in
Rot.
Act.
Concil.
An.
11
Hen.
4.
mark'd
R.
R.
Anno
11.
Hen.
4.
The
Expences
of
the
King's
Household
were
moderated
;
the
Reason
the
Commons
gave
for
it
,
was
,
Qe
vous
poiez
vivre
le
vos
biens
propres
en
eese
de
vostre
Peuple
.
2.
By
desiring
the
King
to
employ
wise
and
able
Men
in
his
Affairs
,
as
was
done
,
[
*
](A37160-e41250-b)
*
Rot.
Parl.
6
Rich.
2.
Part
2.
Num.
16.
Anno
6.
Rich.
2.
And
by
desiring
the
King
to
make
use
of
such
Persons
as
were
renown'd
for
Virtue
,
as
was
done
,
[
†
](A37160-e41300-b)
†
Rot.
Parl
▪
5
Hen.
4
▪
Num.
19.
Anno
5.
Hen.
4.
And
by
appointing
certain
Persons
by
Name
to
be
of
the
Privy
Council
at
the
King
's
own
desire
,
as
was
done
,
[
*
](A37160-e41350-b)
*
Rot.
Parl.
7
&
8.
Hen.
4.
Num.
31.
7
&
8.
Hen.
4.
for
which
the
principal
Reason
given
in
the
Record
,
is
,
the
Improvement
of
the
King's
Revenue
.
Premierement
pur
la
Conservation
des
Droits
de
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
,
&
de
sa
Carone
,
&
qe
le
Revenu
dycell
soient
mieulx
Coillez
a
son
Profit
&
encrescez
a
tant
come
home
poet
justement
le
faire
,
a
fyn
qil
poet
le
mieulx
son
honorable
▪
Estat
sustinir
.
And
Note
,
that
just
before
the
Passing
this
Act
,
there
pass'd
an
[
*
](A37160-e41400-b)
*
Rot.
ib.
Num.
29.
Act
to
Banish
Foreigners
.
3.
By
procuring
the
Banishment
of
Great
Men
,
and
particularly
Foreigners
,
by
whom
the
Mony
of
the
Nation
was
consumed
.
Thus
the
Weight
of
the
People
prevail'd
upon
[
*
](A37160-e41430-b)
*
Hen.
2.
ex
Gervas
Dorobern
.
Henry
II.
to
banish
William
de
Ipre
Earl
of
Kent
a
Netherlander
,
and
all
his
Countrymen
,
when
they
were
become
a
Burthen
to
the
State
.
They
prevail'd
likewise
upon
[
†
](A37160-e41490-b)
†
Rich.
2.
ex
Rich.
Canonico
▪
in
Vit.
Rich.
1.
Richard
I.
to
send
away
Otho
Earl
of
York
,
tho'
he
was
his
own
Nephew
,
with
all
his
Bavarians
.
And
he
took
from
Otho
the
Earldom
of
York
,
because
it
offended
the
People
that
a
Foreigner
should
enjoy
so
high
a
Title
;
and
in
exchange
he
gave
him
the
Title
of
Poictife
.
[
*
](A37160-e41590-b)
*
Hen.
3.
Ex
lib.
St.
Alba
&
Will
.
Rishang
.
&
lit
.
Baron
Papae
Henry
III.
(
as
we
have
noted
before
)
was
compell'd
to
Banish
his
half
Brothers
,
the
Earl
of
Pembroke
and
the
Bishop
of
Winchester
,
who
had
more
than
any
others
help'd
to
impoverish
that
profuse
Prince
.
At
the
same
time
all
the
Poictovins
were
banish'd
.
Edward
II.
was
necessitated
to
send
away
Pierce
Gaveston
,
and
others
,
as
appears
by
his
Ordinance
.
[
†
](A37160-e41670-b)
†
Ex
Ordinat
.
3
Edw.
2.
in
lib.
Legum
Manuscr
.
●ol.
285.
Qe
tout
le
Lignage
sire
Pieres
Gaveston
soit
entirement
ouste
de
estre
entoins
le
Roy
&
de
son
Service
,
Item
Burgois
de
Til
soit
ouste
&
son
Fias
qe
est
Mereschal
d
l'escheqer
;
Item
qe
Bertram
Assabi
&
son
Frere
&
ceux
de
Gascoigne
,
&
Aimerick
de
Friscomband
soint
oustre
&
ses
terres
prises
en
le
main
le
Roy.
In
the
11th
of
[
*
](A37160-e41720-b)
*
Rot.
Parl.
11
Ri.
2.
Part
1.
Num.
28.
Richard
II.
an
Act
of
Parliament
pass'd
to
banish
the
Bohemians
who
were
Hangers
on
upon
the
Court
,
and
help'd
to
undo
that
unfortunate
King
.
In
the
5th
of
[
†
](A37160-e41770-b)
†
Rot.
Parl.
5
Hen.
4.
from
Num.
26.
to
Num.
31.
exclus
.
Hen.
IV.
All
Foreigners
,
except
some
few
about
the
Persons
of
the
Queen
and
Princes
,
are
banish'd
the
Court
,
and
the
Reason
given
for
it
is
that
they
were
a
Burthen
and
Charge
upon
the
King
.
Et
qe
le
Houstiell
de
nostre
dit
Seignour
le
Roy
ne
feusse
chargez
ovesqe
tielx
estrangers
.
Mais
qe
ycell
Houstiell
purroit
estre
mis
en
bone
&
moderate
Governance
dont
les
Coustages
purroint
estre
supportez
des
Revenues
del
Roialme
ovesqes
autres
charges
necessaires
.
4.
By
appointing
Commissioners
to
inspect
the
Publick
Accompts
,
as
was
done
in
the
Case
of
Furnival
and
Master
John
Pelham
.
These
two
Gentlemen
,
at
the
Parliament
held
at
Coventry
,
had
been
made
by
the
House
of
Commons
particular
Treasurers
for
certain
Aids
then
granted
towards
carrying
on
the
War
.
In
the
7th
and
8th
of
Henry
IV.
They
pray
to
have
leave
to
quit
their
Employments
(
a
Modesty
and
Self-Denyal
not
very
common
in
this
Age
)
and
that
their
Accompts
might
be
pass'd
,
upon
which
the
House
of
Commons
directed
Persons
to
audit
and
state
the
said
Accompts
.
The
Record
is
very
curious
,
we
shall
therefore
give
it
in
Words
at
length
,
[
*
](A37160-e41870-b)
*
Rot.
Parl.
7
&
8
Hen.
4.
Nu.
44.
Item
mesme
le
Jour
,
le
dit
Mr.
John
[
Tibetot
then
Speaker
]
monstra
de
par
les
ditz
Communes
coment
,
au
Parlement
nadgaires
tenuz
a
Coventre
,
Thomas
sire
de
Furnival
&
Mr.
John
Pelham
furent
assignez
Tresorers
pur
les
Guerres
Come
pierd
de
Record
en
Rolle
de
Parlement
,
puis
qel
Temps
les
ditz
Tresorers
ont
desirez
,
&
molt
diligeamment
purs●is
as
diverses
foits
a
nostre
Seigneur
le
Roy
,
&
as
toutes
les
Estates
de
ceste
present
Parlement
,
de
estre
deschargez
de
lour
dit
Office
,
&
auxint
ont
suppliez
as
dits
Communes
,
qe
leur
pleust
de
faire
instance
&
request
pur
mesme
les
Tresorers
,
a
mesme
nostre
Seigneur
le
Roy
,
&
as
touts
les
Estates
suisdits
,
pur
eux
finalement
&
outrement
deschargier
de
lour
dit
Office
.
Sur
quoy
pria
le
dit
Mr.
John
Tibetot
en
nom
des
dits
Comunez
a
mesme
nostre
Seigneur
le
Roy
,
qe
les
dits
Tresorers
soient
outrement
&
finalement
deschargiez
de
lour
dit
Office
.
Et
qe
leurs
Heirs
Executours
ne
Terre
Tenants
ne
soient
aucunement
en
temps
avenir
grievez
molestez
enquietez
ou
pur
le
exercice
de
ycelle
,
&
qe
cestes
prier
&
reqest
soient
endrez
de
Record
en
Rolle
de
Parlement
.
Qeux
prier
&
reqest
nostre
dit
Seigneur
le
Roy
graceousement
ottroia
;
&
purtant
qil
ad
pleu
a
nostre
dit
Seigneur
le
Roy
qe
les
dits
Tresorers
soint
deschargiez
de
lour
dit
Office
,
&
de
assigner
certains
Auditours
,
cest
assavoir
le
Seignour
de
Roos
&
le
chief
Baron
de
le
Escheqer
,
&
qil
est
la
volonte
du
Roy
a
ceo
qe
les
dits
Comunez
ont
entenduz
,
qe
mesmes
les
comunez
deussent
nomer
autres
Auditours
,
doier
&
terminer
les
Accompts
des
dits
Tresorrers
,
du
temps
passe
,
Mesme
yceux
Comunes
ont
nomez
certains
Persones
comprises
en
une
cedule
delivre
per
les
dits
Comunes
en
Parlement
,
tielx
come
leur
semble
necessaires
en
ceo
cas
,
pur
le
poure
estat
de
les
Comunes
dessuis
dits
,
Cestassavoir
.
-
Mr.
Hugh
Lutherel
,
-
Mr.
Richard
Redeman
,
-
Lawrance
Drewe
,
-
Thomas
Shelrey
,
-
David
Holbeche
,
-
William
Staundon
,
Cinq
Qatre
Trois
ou
Deux
de
Eux
.
Furnivale
and
Sir
John
Pelham
(
for
so
he
is
call'd
afterwards
)
were
,
as
the
[
*
](A37160-e42070-b)
*
Rot.
ibid
▪
Num.
63.
Record
says
,
Ordeignez
Tresoreres
de
les
Guerres
,
or
what
we
call
Paymasters
of
the
Army
,
and
press'd
the
Parliament
to
take
their
Accompts
:
An
Example
which
we
hope
all
their
Successors
in
that
Employment
will
desire
to
follow
.
The
Powers
likewise
which
the
Parliament
gave
to
these
Commissioners
are
fit
to
be
observ'd
.
Qe
pleise
a
vostre
tres
gracieuse
Seignourie
,
de
ordeigner
qe
les
dits
Auditours
ensi
nomez
,
soint
Auditours
de
Record
,
eiants
plein
poair
&
authoritie
du
Parlement
de
Oier
&
Terminer
le
dit
Accompte
▪
&
de
faire
Allowance
as
avant
dits
Tresorers
;
si
bien
de
les
Paiments
&
delivrances
par
eux
faits
,
per
vertue
&
authorite
des
vos
Lettres
&
Mandements
dessous
vostre
Seale
a
eux
directs
,
pur
les
causes
suisdits
,
&
sur
les
Dependantz
dycelle
,
Come
de
les
Paiments
&
Delivrances
per
mesmes
le●
Tresorers
,
per
Authorite
de
lour
dit
Office
faits
pur
semblable
Causes
&
les
Dependants
dycelle
.
That
is
,
Power
was
given
not
only
to
inspect
but
finally
to
conclude
the
said
Accompt
.
To
which
the
King
assented
And
it
seems
our
Ancestors
thought
such
a
Commission
necessary
to
hinder
the
Publick
Mony
from
being
embe●zel'd
.
5.
Parliaments
have
preserv'd
the
King's
Revenue
by
inquiring
into
the
Cause
why
some
Branches
yielded
nothing
,
as
in
Edw.
3d's
.
Reign
it
was
ask'd
,
Why
Ireland
was
rather
a
Burthe●
than
a
Profit
to
the
Crown
?
The
Commons
desiring
if
the
Fault
lay
in
the
Ministers
,
that
they
may
be
remov'd
.
[
*
](A37160-e42150-b)
*
Rot.
Parl.
21
Edw.
3.
Num.
41.
Item
pleise
a
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
fair●
enqerer
per
bons
Gents
la
Cause
purqoi
il
〈◊〉
prent
profit
de
ce
qil
ad
in
Irland
come
to●●
ses
Ancestres
avoint
Aide
de
luy
&
de
l●
Comune
pur
meyntenir
sa
guerre
depuis
qi●
ad
plus
en
Irland
qe
uulle
de
ses
Ancestres
navoint
,
&
si
defaute
soit
trove
en
ses
Ministres
laundreit
qe
autrez
y
soient
ordeignez
en
lour
lieu
,
tieux
qi
voudreut
respondr●
a●
Roy
du
Profit
qil
averoit
dilloqes
de
reson
.
Resp.
Il
plest
a
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
qe
ensi
soit
.
These
were
some
of
the
Methods
by
which
the
House
of
Commons
endeavour'd
to
preserve
the
Crown-Revenue
from
the
greedy
Hands
of
those
who
were
always
desiring
therewith
to
inrich
themselves
.
But
the
Kings
greatest
Safety
lay
in
the
very
Constitution
of
the
Exchequer
,
which
if
bad
Ministers
had
not
broken
into
,
our
former
Princes
could
not
have
been
robb'd
so
much
to
the
Impoverishment
of
the
People
.
The
Constitution
of
the
Exchequer
;
we
may
rather
call
it
the
Constitution
of
the
Kingdom
,
has
contriv'd
to
put
a
great
many
Letts
and
Obstructions
in
the
way
of
designing
Favourites
and
rapacious
Followers
of
the
Court
,
and
that
no
Grant
should
pass
from
the
King
but
upon
strict
Inquiry
and
after
mature
Deliberation
.
In
order
to
which
the
State
thought
it
necessary
to
be
at
the
Expence
of
several
Great
Officers
,
who
should
be
as
so
many
Centinels
continually
watching
that
the
King
may
not
be
surprized
nor
defrauded
.
Regularly
and
according
to
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
Grants
from
the
Crown
ought
to
make
the
following
Steps
.
The
Petition
is
first
made
to
the
King
,
in
which
(
as
we
have
noted
before
)
the
Petitioner
ought
to
incert
the
true
and
express
Value
of
the
Thing
demanded
.
The
King
refers
this
Petition
to
the
Treasurer
of
the
Exchequer
,
now
call'd
Lord
High
Treasurer
of
England
,
whose
first
Step
is
to
have
a
Particular
of
the
Thing
petition'd
for
from
the
Auditor
,
if
it
lies
before
him
,
or
from
the
King's
Remembrancer
,
if
it
lies
before
him
:
This
Care
is
taken
that
the
State
may
not
be
deceiv'd
in
the
value
of
the
Thing
.
The
Petition
is
first
referr'd
to
this
High
Officer
because
the
Law
presumes
that
the
whole
State
and
Condition
of
the
Revenue
lies
before
him
,
that
he
knows
what
Debts
and
Engagements
the
King
has
upon
him
,
and
whither
the
Expences
of
his
Wars
,
and
the
other
necessary
Charges
of
his
Government
,
are
not
such
,
as
for
the
Peoples
Ease
,
and
by
the
Rules
of
Justice
ought
for
the
present
to
restrain
his
Bounty
.
If
the
Thing
to
be
granted
be
of
great
Value
,
if
it
cannot
be
given
away
without
great
Damage
to
the
Crown
,
if
by
reason
of
such
Gift
he
is
hindred
from
paying
his
just
Debts
,
or
from
having
wherewithal
to
defray
the
Charges
of
the
Government
,
or
to
provide
for
the
Kingdoms
Defence
;
or
if
by
this
and
other
Gifts
he
must
be
driven
through
the
failing
of
his
own
Revenue
,
to
lay
heavy
Burthens
upon
the
People
;
't
is
the
Duty
of
the
Lord
Treasurer
to
represent
the
whole
Matter
honestly
and
impartially
to
the
King
,
and
to
hinder
the
Grant
from
proceeding
any
further
.
And
as
a
Tie
upon
him
he
takes
the
following
Oath
.
Ye
shall
swear
,
That
well
,
and
truly
,
ye
shall
serve
the
King
our
Soveraign
Lord
,
and
his
People
in
the
Office
of
Treasurer
;
and
ye
shall
do
right
to
all
manner
of
People
,
Poor
and
Rich
,
of
such
Things
as
toucheth
your
Office
;
And
that
King's
Treasure
truly
ye
shall
keep
and
dispend
;
And
truly
ye
shall
counsail
the
King
,
and
his
Counsel
ye
shall
layn
,
and
keep
;
And
that
ye
shall
neither
know
nor
suffer
the
King
's
Hurt
,
nor
his
dis-heriting
,
nor
that
the
Rights
of
his
Crown
be
distressed
by
any
means
,
as
far
forth
as
ye
may
let
;
And
if
ye
may
not
let
it
,
ye
shall
make
knowledge
thereof
clearly
and
expressly
,
to
the
King
,
with
your
true
Advice
,
and
Counsel
:
And
ye
shall
do
,
and
purchase
the
King's
Profit
in
all
that
ye
may
reasonably
do
,
as
God
you
help
,
and
the
Holy
Evangelists
.
It
was
hardly
possible
to
devise
a
more
binding
Oath
.
And
the
Words
Ye
shall
well
,
and
truly
,
serve
the
King
our
Soveraign
Lord
,
and
his
People
in
the
Office
of
Treasurer
,
are
an
Evidence
that
our
Forefathers
took
themselves
to
have
some
kind
of
Interest
in
what
was
call'd
the
Crown-Revenue
.
If
the
Grant
meets
with
no
Objection
at
the
Treasury
,
the
King
signs
a
Warrant
directed
to
the
Attorny
or
Sollicitor-General
,
who
is
another
Great
Officer
,
impowering
him
to
prepare
a
Bill
containing
such
a
Grant
.
And
if
the
Grant
be
of
Mony
appropriated
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
or
of
Lands
annex'd
to
the
Crown
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
or
if
the
Grant
be
any
ways
illegal
or
prejudicial
to
the
Crown
,
it
is
the
Attorny
or
Sollicitor-General's
Duty
to
advertise
thereof
.
After
Mr.
Attorny
has
pass'd
it
,
it
goes
to
the
Signet
,
the
Custody
whereof
is
in
the
Secretary
of
State
,
who
being
a
Minister
in
high
Office
is
presum'd
by
the
Laws
to
be
watchful
for
the
King
's
Good
,
and
to
inquire
into
all
Matters
relating
to
the
Weal
Publick
.
He
is
presum'd
to
be
apris'd
of
the
Persons
Merits
to
whom
the
Grant
is
to
be
made
,
and
likewise
to
understand
either
the
Affluence
or
Want
in
the
King's
Coffers
,
and
the
general
Condition
of
his
Revenue
.
And
having
an
Allowance
for
Intelligence
,
he
is
presum'd
to
know
the
Discourses
and
Opinions
of
the
People
,
and
how
such
Grants
are
relish'd
:
If
therefore
the
Person
suing
out
the
Grant
has
no
Merit
at
all
,
or
at
least
no
sort
of
pretention
to
so
great
a
Reward
,
or
if
he
knows
the
Publick
to
be
press'd
with
Wants
and
Debts
;
or
if
he
hears
that
the
People
murmur
at
the
Taxes
which
Profusion
introduces
,
and
Clamour
to
see
the
Nations
Mony
wasted
,
by
his
Duty
,
as
Privy
Councellor
,
and
by
his
Oath
he
is
bound
faithfully
and
plainly
thereof
to
inform
the
King
.
From
the
Signet
it
should
go
to
the
Privy
Seal
,
who
is
likewise
another
Great
Officer
;
who
being
near
the
Person
of
the
King
,
is
presum'd
to
know
the
Condition
of
the
Kingdom
;
and
therefore
the
Law
has
made
him
another
Check
.
He
takes
this
Oath
:
Ye
shall
as
far
forth
as
your
Cunning
and
●●●cretion
sufficeth
,
truly
,
justly
and
evenly
execute
and
exercise
the
Office
of
Keeper
of
the
King
's
Privy
Seal
,
to
you
by
his
Highness
committed
,
not
leaving
or
eschewing
,
so
to
do
for
Affection
,
Love
,
Meed
,
Doubt
,
or
Dread
of
any
Person
or
Persons
,
&c.
So
that
if
the
Lord
Privy
Seal
,
finds
that
through
Corruption
in
other
Offices
,
or
that
by
Power
,
Importunity
,
or
partial
▪
Favour
,
a
Grant
,
tending
greatly
to
the
Publick
Damage
,
and
to
the
Diminution
of
his
Prince's
Revenue
,
has
pass'd
so
far
as
to
his
Office
,
he
ought
to
stop
it
there
,
and
is
bound
in
Duty
,
and
by
his
Oath
,
to
lay
the
whole
Matter
before
the
King
.
From
the
Privy
Seal
it
goes
to
the
Great
Seal
,
in
the
Custody
of
the
Lord
Keeper
,
or
Lord
Chancellor
of
England
,
who
is
accompted
the
Kingdom
's
,
as
well
as
the
King's
Officer
,
and
there
the
Grant
is
compleated
;
upon
which
score
,
in
the
Eye
of
the
Law
,
this
Great
Minister
is
most
look'd
upon
;
his
Oath
is
the
same
with
that
of
the
Lord
Treasurer
.
He
swears
,
"
Well
and
truly
to
serve
the
King
and
his
People
in
the
Office
of
Chancellor
,
truly
to
Counsel
the
King
,
not
to
suffer
his
Hurt
or
Dis-heriting
,
nor
that
the
Rights
of
the
Crown
be
distress'd
,
by
any
Means
,
as
far
forth
as
he
may
let
;
And
if
he
may
not
let
it
,
he
is
to
make
it
clearly
and
expresly
known
to
the
King
,
with
true
Advice
and
Counsel
;
And
,
in
all
that
he
may
,
he
is
to
do
,
and
purchase
the
King's
Profit
.
"
So
that
more
than
any
other
,
as
the
highest
Officer
,
and
as
the
last
Check
,
the
Laws
presume
him
to
consult
for
the
King
's
good
.
Therefore
if
the
Grant
be
exorbitant
,
if
it
be
made
to
an
undeserving
Person
,
if
it
notoriously
surpasses
the
Merits
of
the
Suitor
,
if
it
was
obtain'd
upon
wrong
Suggestions
,
if
it
occasions
Obloquy
to
the
Government
,
or
Discontent
among
the
People
,
if
the
King's
Debts
are
many
and
clamorous
,
if
the
Nation
labours
,
at
the
same
time
as
the
Gift
is
made
,
under
heavy
Taxes
;
and
if
the
Grant
tends
greatly
to
the
Hurt
and
Impoverishment
of
the
Crown
(
with
all
which
Matters
the
Law
presumes
so
great
a
Minister
in
the
State
to
be
acquainted
)
he
is
bound
in
Duty
and
by
his
Oath
not
to
fix
the
Great
Seal
to
the
said
Grant
,
but
thereupon
faithfully
and
impartially
to
advise
the
King
:
And
Chancellors
who
have
acted
otherwise
,
and
who
,
contrary
to
the
Trust
of
their
Office
,
have
ventur'd
to
pass
outragious
Gifts
,
Douns
Outrageuses
,
as
the
Records
call
'em
,
whereby
the
Crown
has
been
impoverish'd
,
have
been
heretofore
,
as
we
shall
show
by
and
by
,
question'd
,
impeach'd
and
attainted
in
Parliament
.
These
were
the
ancient
Steps
in
Passing
Grants
from
the
Crown
,
which
were
afterwards
inforc'd
by
a
positive
[
*
](A37160-e42370-b)
*
Anno
27
Hen.
8.
Cap.
11.
Law
in
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
Eighth
,
a
Prince
jealous
enough
of
the
Regal
Authority
.
'T
is
true
,
by
the
Suggestion
in
the
Preamble
,
it
looks
as
if
the
Act
were
made
to
preserve
the
Fees
belonging
to
the
Clerks
of
the
Signet
,
but
bringing
in
Fees
to
Officers
,
being
never
the
Object
of
a
Parliaments
Care
;
we
ought
to
conclude
that
the
House
of
Commons
gave
that
fair
Colour
(
in
the
Reign
of
a
Suspicious
and
Arbitrary
Prince
)
to
the
Regulations
they
intended
to
make
as
to
Passing
Grants
from
the
Crown
.
First
,
the
Law
directs
,
That
the
King's
Grants
shall
be
brought
to
the
Principal
Secretary
,
or
to
one
of
the
King's
Clerks
of
his
Grace's
Signet
for
the
time
being
,
to
be
at
the
said
Office
of
the
Signet
pass'd
accordingly
.
And
be
it
also
ordained
and
enacted
,
That
one
of
the
Clerks
of
the
said
Signet
,
to
whom
any
of
the
said
Writings
signed
with
the
King
's
most
gracious
Hand
,
or
the
Hand
of
any
other
aforesaid
,
or
any
of
them
,
fortune
to
be
deliver'd
,
may
and
shall
by
Warrant
of
the
same
Bills
,
and
every
of
them
within
the
space
of
eight
days
next
after
he
shall
have
receiv'd
the
same
,
unless
he
have
Knowledge
by
the
said
Secretary
,
or
otherwise
,
of
the
King's
Pleasure
to
the
contrary
,
make
,
or
cause
to
be
made
in
the
King's
Name
,
Letters
of
Warrant
,
subscrib'd
with
the
Hand
of
the
same
Clerk
,
and
sealed
with
the
King's
Signet
,
to
the
Lord
Keeper
of
the
King
's
Privy
Seal
,
for
further
Process
to
be
had
in
that
behalf
:
And
that
one
of
the
King's
Clerks
of
the
said
Privy
Seal
,
upon
due
Examination
had
by
the
said
Lord
Keeper
of
the
said
Privy
Seal
,
of
the
said
Warrant
to
him
addressed
from
the
Office
of
the
said
Signet
as
afore
,
may
and
shall
within
the
space
of
eight
days
next
,
after
he
shall
have
receiv'd
the
same
,
unless
the
Lord
Keeper
of
the
Privy
Seal
do
give
them
Commandment
to
the
contrary
,
make
or
cause
to
be
made
,
by
Warrant
of
the
foresaid
Warrant
to
the
said
Lord
Keeper
of
the
Privy
Seal
,
Address
from
the
Office
of
the
Signet
aforesaid
,
other
Letters
of
like
Warranty
,
subscribed
with
the
Name
of
the
same
Clerk
of
the
Privy
Seal
,
to
the
Lord
Chancellor
of
England
,
Lord
Keeper
of
the
Great
Seal
,
Chancellor
of
the
Dutchy
of
Lancaster
,
Chancellor
of
the
King's
Land
of
Ireland
,
Treasurer
and
Chamberlains
of
the
Exchequer
,
and
Chamberlains
of
any
of
his
Counties
Palatines
,
or
Principality
of
Wales
,
or
other
Officer
,
and
to
every
of
them
,
for
the
writing
and
ensealing
with
such
Seals
as
remain
in
their
Custody
of
Letters
Patent
or
Closed
,
or
other
Process
making
,
due
and
requisite
to
be
had
or
made
upon
any
the
said
Grants
,
according
to
the
Tenor
of
the
Warrant
to
them
or
any
of
them
directed
from
the
Officer
of
the
Privy
Seal
,
as
is
afore
specified
.
These
Cautions
show
how
carefully
our
Constitution
has
provided
that
nothing
shall
be
done
which
may
turn
in
Despendium
Regis
aut
Regni
.
But
here
some
flattering
Lawyers
will
affirm
,
That
these
Methods
are
Directive
not
Coerceive
:
Or
,
as
Hobart
says
,
[
†
](A37160-e42500-b)
†
Hobart's
Reports
,
Colt
and
Glover
,
P.
146.
"
That
these
kind
of
Statutes
were
made
to
put
Things
in
ordinary
Form
,
and
to
ease
the
Sovereign
of
of
Labour
,
but
not
to
deprive
him
of
Power
;
"
according
to
this
Maxim
of
the
same
Judge
,
That
[
*
](A37160-e42550-b)
*
Lord
Sheffeild
,
ver.
Ratcliffe
,
p.
335.
Dare
Prerogativam
est
nobile
Officium
Judicis
&
Debitum
.
And
truly
,
heretofore
Westminster-hall
did
so
order
it
,
that
these
Fences
,
intended
to
keep
the
Publick
Revenues
from
the
Hands
of
Spoilers
,
were
all
broken
down
,
and
that
all
these
Statutes
were
evaded
.
For
the
Force
of
all
these
wholsome
Laws
was
enervated
by
Clauses
afterwards
incerted
into
the
Letters
Patents
,
viz.
Ex
certa
Scienta
,
mero
motu
,
&
Gratia
speciali
.
Ex
certa
Scientia
was
very
antiently
made
use
of
,
but
the
words
became
more
necessary
afterwards
to
defeat
the
1st
of
Henry
IV.
where
't
is
enacted
,
[
†
](A37160-e42640-b)
†
Rot.
Parl.
1
Hen.
4.
Num.
98.
"
That
the
true
and
express
Value
of
the
thing
to
be
granted
,
shall
be
incerted
in
the
Letters
Patents
,
otherwise
the
Grant
to
be
void
.
"
So
that
these
words
suppose
the
King
to
have
certain
knowledge
in
every
Circumstance
of
the
thing
he
is
to
give
away
,
which
happens
very
rarely
to
be
the
Case
.
But
notwithstanding
these
words
,
if
certain
Proof
can
be
made
that
the
King
was
misinform'd
by
false
Suggestion
,
no
Lawyer
will
say
the
Grant
is
good
.
Ex
mero
motu
,
imports
the
Honor
and
Bounty
of
the
King
,
who
Rewards
the
Patentee
for
Merit
without
his
Suit
.
These
words
suppose
the
King
to
be
truly
appris'd
of
the
Person
's
Merit
,
and
were
brought
in
to
obviate
the
4th
of
Henry
IV.
whereby
it
was
enacted
,
[
*
](A37160-e42700-b)
*
Rot.
Parl.
4
Hen.
4.
"
That
no
Lands
should
be
given
,
but
to
such
as
deserv'd
them
;
and
if
any
made
Demands
without
Desert
,
that
he
should
be
punish'd
.
"
And
to
the
same
purpose
were
added
the
words
Ex
Gratia
speciali
;
yet
more
to
denote
that
the
Gift
proceeded
meerly
from
the
King's
Favour
,
and
not
at
the
Party's
Sollicitation
.
But
besides
all
this
,
because
anciently
it
seem'd
a
Fundamental
,
that
the
Crown-Lands
were
not
alienable
,
and
because
all
along
Parliaments
had
complain'd
of
these
Alienations
,
as
looking
upon
'em
to
be
illegal
,
the
Lawyers
of
old
Times
endeavour'd
to
secure
and
cover
all
by
a
Clause
of
Non
Obstante
to
be
incerted
in
the
Patents
.
These
Clauses
of
Non
Obstante
were
not
known
in
our
original
Constitution
.
Mathew
Paris
says
they
grew
rife
in
the
Reign
of
Henry
III.
Anno
Dom.
1250.
[
*
](A37160-e42830-b)
*
Mat.
Paris
,
p.
810.
Sprsimque
jam
tales
Literae
,
in
quibus
inserta
est
haec
detestabilis
adjectio
:
Non
Obstante
Priore
Mandato
,
vel
haec
,
Non
Obstante
Antiqua
Libertate
Suscitabantur
:
Then
he
goes
on
,
Quod
cum
comperisset
,
quidam
vir
discretus
tunc
Justitiarius
,
scilicet
Rogerus
de
Thurkeby
,
ab
alto
ducens
suspiria
,
de
praedictae
adjectionis
appositione
,
dixit
Heu
,
heu
,
hos
ut
quid
dies
expectavimus
?
Ecce
jam
civilis
Curia
exemplo
ecclesiasticae
Coinquinatur
,
&
a
Sulphureo
fonte
intoxicatur
.
But
this
Clause
grew
more
necessary
after
the
11th
of
Henry
IV.
when
it
was
plainly
and
directly
enacted
,
"
[
*
](A37160-e42920-b)
*
Rot
Parl.
11
Hen.
4.
Num.
23.
That
all
manner
of
Heriditaments
which
from
thenceforward
should
fall
into
the
Crown
,
should
not
be
alienated
,
but
remain
to
the
King
.
"
And
this
last
Law
being
positive
,
unrepeal'd
(
as
we
know
of
)
and
still
in
force
as
much
as
Magna
Charta
,
and
the
Doctrin
of
Non
Obstantes
seeming
to
be
condemn'd
by
The
Ast
declaring
the
Rights
and
Liberties
of
the
Subject
,
in
these
Words
,
"
That
the
pretended
Power
of
Suspending
of
Laws
,
or
the
Execution
of
Laws
by
Regal
Authority
,
without
Consent
of
Parliament
is
Illegal
.
That
the
pretended
Power
of
dispensing
with
Laws
,
or
the
Execution
of
Laws
by
Regal
Authority
,
as
it
hath
been
assum'd
and
exercis'd
of
late
is
Illegal
.
"
There
will
arise
a
Question
how
far
the
Grants
made
,
since
the
passing
this
Act
1
Gul.
&
Mar.
are
valid
by
the
Laws
;
as
they
stand
at
present
.
For
we
may
argue
thus
,
It
was
enacted
11
Hen.
IV.
That
the
Crown-Lands
should
not
be
granted
away
▪
However
the
Practice
was
otherwise
,
and
the
Grants
were
supported
by
Clauses
of
Non
Obstante
:
But
these
Non
Obstantes
▪
or
the
dispensing
with
Laws
in
force
,
being
declar'd
Illegal
,
it
should
follow
,
that
the
Grants
of
Crown-Land
made
for
these
last
ten
Years
are
void
in
Law
,
and
revokable
at
the
King's
Will
and
Pleasure
.
But
't
is
left
to
the
Gentlemen
of
the
Long
Robe
to
determin
in
this
Point
.
However
tho'
this
Doctrin
of
Non
Obstantes
(
invented
perhaps
first
to
enlarge
the
Prerogative
for
the
People's
benefit
,
and
made
use
of
afterwards
to
extend
it
to
the
King
and
People's
Damage
)
may
have
heretofore
receiv'd
Countenance
in
Westrninster-hall
,
there
is
another
Place
where
in
no
Age
it
has
met
with
Favour
.
And
the
Reasons
why
so
many
Resumptions
have
been
made
,
might
be
,
First
,
That
it
gave
Offence
to
the
Legislative
Authority
to
see
the
Ministers
make
use
of
this
dispensing
Power
.
Secondly
,
That
it
appear'd
the
Suggestions
were
wrong
upon
which
the
Grants
were
grounded
:
That
is
,
that
the
Soveraign
did
not
proceed
Ex
certa
Scientia
,
namely
,
that
he
was
surpris'd
and
misinform'd
in
the
value
of
the
Thing
given
.
That
he
did
not
proceed
Ex
mero
motu
,
but
that
the
Gift
was
wrested
from
him
by
his
importunate
and
undeserving
Courtiers
.
That
he
did
not
proceed
Ex
Speciali
Gratia
;
but
was
rather
induc'd
to
bestow
the
Favour
,
through
the
necessity
of
his
Affairs
,
to
quiet
some
great
Man
,
or
to
please
some
powerful
Party
.
And
in
all
probability
upon
such
,
or
the
like
Accompts
,
Parliaments
have
look'd
into
Grants
,
and
the
best
Princes
have
not
thought
it
dishonorable
to
join
in
Revoking
what
had
been
thus
Extorted
from
them
.
And
as
to
the
distinction
which
the
Lawyers
make
between
Directive
and
Coercive
:
Admit
the
Forms
by
which
the
Law
has
directed
all
Grants
shall
pass
,
should
be
only
Directive
to
the
Soveraign
,
and
devised
for
his
greater
Ease
and
Safety
,
yet
without
doubt
they
are
Coercive
to
his
Ministers
.
No
Law-givers
ever
intended
that
a
solemn
Law
,
made
upon
mature
Deliberation
,
and
prescribing
a
Rule
in
high
Affairs
of
State
,
should
have
no
effect
at
all
.
But
the
27
Hen.
VIII
.
which
Chalks
out
to
the
Secretary
,
Lord
Privy
Seal
,
and
Lord
Chancellor
,
the
regular
Steps
they
are
to
make
in
passing
Grants
,
would
be
of
no
sort
of
signification
,
if
they
may
pass
per
Saltum
,
and
by
immediate
Warrant
,
without
being
enter'd
in
the
several
Offices
.
When
Parliaments
advise
the
Prince
,
't
is
humbly
submitted
to
his
Wisdom
,
whether
or
no
he
thinks
fit
to
approve
of
their
Councils
:
But
when
by
a
written
Law
they
give
Advice
,
and
lay
down
Rules
and
Directions
in
Matters
of
State
for
the
Ministers
to
walk
by
and
observe
,
without
doubt
they
intend
,
Advice
so
solemnly
given
,
should
be
follow'd
.
Hitherto
we
have
mention'd
the
Cautions
,
Provisions
,
Restrictions
and
Forms
,
which
our
Ancestors
establish'd
,
and
made
use
of
,
to
preserve
the
King's
Revenue
,
by
which
the
Publick
was
to
be
supported
.
But
notwithstanding
all
this
,
the
Wickedness
of
Men
was
either
too
Cunning
,
or
too
Powerful
for
the
Wisdom
of
the
Laws
in
being
.
And
from
time
to
time
Great
Men
,
Ministers
,
Minions
,
and
Favourites
,
have
broken
down
the
Fences
contriv'd
and
settled
in
our
Constitution
;
they
have
made
a
Prey
of
the
Common-wealth
,
plum'd
the
Prince
,
and
converted
to
their
own
Use
,
what
was
intended
for
the
Service
and
Preservation
of
the
State
.
We
shall
therefore
proceed
to
show
,
That
to
obviate
this
Mischief
,
the
Legislative
Authority
has
all
along
interpos'd
with
Inquiries
,
Accusations
and
Impeachments
,
till
at
last
such
dangerous
Heads
were
reach'd
.
For
as
Courts
have
been
watchful
to
Rob
the
Prince
,
so
antiently
the
Barons
,
and
afterwards
Parliaments
,
from
time
to
time
have
been
as
vigilant
to
prevent
his
Ruin
,
showing
,
in
the
progress
of
their
Councils
,
great
Wisdom
mixt
with
Duty
,
and
Temper
join'd
with
Courage
.
The
first
Great
Person
whom
we
find
question'd
since
the
Norman
Government
,
was
Ranulphus
Bishop
of
Durham
,
who
bore
the
Office
,
of
what
we
now
call
*
p.
1.
Lord
Treasurer
of
England
,
in
the
time
of
William
Rufus
.
This
Man
had
been
the
Principal
Instrument
of
the
Profusion
,
and
of
what
is
its
Consequence
,
those
Extortions
that
disgrac'd
the
Reign
of
Rufus
:
Of
whose
times
William
of
Malmsbury
speaking
says
,
None
were
then
Rich
but
such
as
dealt
with
the
Exchequer
,
[
*
](A37160-e43300-b)
*
Will
.
Malms
.
p.
123.
Nullus
Dives
,
uisi
Nummularius
.
This
wicked
Minister
was
brought
to
Punishment
by
Henry
I.
who
cast
him
into
Prison
,
and
loaded
him
with
Chains
.
Matthew
Paris
says
,
[
†
](A37160-e43350-b)
†
Mat.
Paris
,
p.
56.
De
Communi
Consilio
Gentis
Anglorum
posuit
eum
Rex
in
vinculis
.
Malmsbury
gives
him
this
Character
,
[
*
](A37160-e43380-b)
*
Wil.
Malms
.
p.
123.
Radulphus
Clericus
ex
infimo
genere
hominum
,
Lingua
&
Assiduitate
provectus
ad
summum
;
Expilator
Divitum
,
Exterminator
Pauperum
,
Confiscator
alienarum
Hereditatum
.
Invictus
Caussidicus
,
&
cum
verbis
,
tum
rebus
immodicus
,
nec
aliorum
curaret
odium
dummodo
complaceret
Dominum
.
It
seems
he
was
a
little
insolent
Fellow
,
who
by
his
fluent
Tongue
and
cringing
at
Court
,
had
got
Power
enough
to
do
much
hurt
in
England
:
A
mischievous
Tool
against
the
Publick
,
as
well
as
an
Oppressor
of
private
Men
;
Subtle
to
invent
Wickedness
,
and
Bold
to
put
it
in
Execution
,
and
one
who
would
stick
at
nothing
to
raise
himself
.
Matthew
Paris
speaking
of
him
says
he
was
,
[
†
](A37160-e43430-b)
†
Mat.
Paris
,
p.
56.
Homo
perversus
,
&
ad
omne
Scelus
paratus
,
quem
Rex
constituerat
Procuratorem
suum
in
Regno
ut
evelleret
,
destraeret
,
raperet
&
disperderet
,
&
omnia
omnium
bona
ad
Fifci
Commodum
comportaret
.
We
have
thus
painted
out
this
Statesman
in
the
Colours
as
he
is
represented
by
those
two
Venerable
Writers
.
And
he
so
much
resembles
several
bad
Ministers
,
who
,
in
the
Ages
since
,
have
succeeded
both
to
his
Post
and
Power
,
that
one
would
think
they
had
chosen
to
take
him
for
their
Pattern
.
In
the
5
of
Edward
II.
Pieres
de
Gaveston
was
accused
in
Parliament
for
having
given
the
King
ill
Council
,
and
for
having
cheated
the
King
of
his
Treasure
,
and
sent
it
beyond
Sea
,
and
for
having
Estranged
the
King's
Heart
from
his
People
,
so
as
he
slighted
their
Councils
,
and
for
having
remov'd
all
faithful
Ministers
,
and
plac'd
only
his
own
Creatures
,
or
Foreigners
about
the
King
,
and
for
having
caus'd
the
King
to
grant
Lands
,
Tenements
and
Offices
to
himself
and
his
Heirs
,
and
to
divers
other
People
,
(
insomuch
that
by
his
Wealth
he
was
become
dangerous
)
to
the
great
damage
and
injury
of
the
King
and
his
Crown
.
For
which
he
was
Banish'd
the
Realm
,
so
as
if
he
return'd
he
should
be
treated
as
an
Enemy
to
the
King
,
Kingdom
and
People
.
But
take
the
Words
of
the
Record
because
't
is
very
curious
.
Rot.
Ord.
5.
Edw.
2.
Num.
20.
Purceo
qe
conue
chose
est
,
&
per
le
examinement
de
Prelatz
Countes
&
Barouns
,
Chivalers
&
autres
bones
Gentz
du
Roialme
trovez
,
qe
Pieres
de
Gaveston
,
ad
Malmeuez
&
mal
Conseillez
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
,
&
lad
enticee
a
malfaire
en
divers
Manieres
&
deceivances
en
accoillant
a
lui
toute
le
Tresor
le
Roi
,
&
lad
esloigne
hors
du
Roialme
,
en
attreant
a
lui
royal
Poer
,
&
royal
Dignite
,
come
en
aliaunce
faire
de
Gentz
,
par
sermentz
,
de
vivre
&
morir
ovesqe
lui
encountre
touts
Gentz
,
&
ceo
par
le
Tresor
qe
il
purchace
de
jour
en
jour
,
enseignurant
surlestate
le
Roy
&
de
la
Corone
,
en
destruction
du
Roi
,
&
du
Peuple
,
&
especialment
enloignant
le
cuer
le
Seignour
de
ces
liges
Gentz
en
despisant
lours
Counseils
,
nient
soeffrant
bons
Ministers
faire
ley
de
Terre
,
en
ostant
les
bons
Ministers
,
mettant
ceux
de
sa
Covine
ausi
biens
Aliens
,
come
autres
qi
a
sa
volunt
&
a
son
commandment
,
offendent
droit
et
ley
de
Terre
,
en
parnant
Terres
,
Tenements
et
Baillies
du
Roi
,
a
lui
et
a
ses
Heires
.
Et
ad
fait
,
qe
le
Roi
ad
done
Terres
&
Tenements
de
sa
Corone
as
divers
Gentz
,
a
grand
damage
et
decrese
de
l
Estate
le
Roi
et
de
sa
Corone
.
Et
ceo
ausi
bien
puis
l
ordeinement
,
qe
le
Roi
granta
as
Ordeinours
de
faire
au
profit
de
li
et
de
son
People
,
come
devant
,
encountre
l
ordeinement
des
Ordeinours
.
Et
maintient
Robbeours
Homicides
et
les
fait
avoir
le
chartre
le
Roi
de
Peez
,
en
donant
hardement
a
mesfeseurs
de
pis
faire
,
et
menant
le
Roi
en
Terre
de
Guerre
,
sauz
commun
assent
de
son
Barnage
,
en
peril
de
son
Corps
,
et
en
destruction
du
Roialme
.
Et
en
fesant
sealer
blanches
Chartres
desoutz
le
Grand
Seal
le
Roi
,
en
deceit
et
desheritance
du
Roy
et
de
sa
Corone
,
et
encontre
son
Homage
,
et
felonesement
fauxment
et
treterousment
ad
fait
les
choses
susdites
a
grand
dishonour
et
damage
du
Roi
,
et
desheritison
de
la
Corone
,
et
a
destruction
du
People
in
moults
maners
.
Et
ovesqe
ceo
nous
eantz
regard
a
lez
faits
le
tresnable
Roi
Pere
le
Roi
qore
est
,
par
qi
Agard
,
lavant
dit
Pieres
forsjura
le
Roialme
d
Engleterre
,
et
voleit
qe
nostre
Seignour
le
Roi
son
Fitz
forjurast
a
touz
jours
la
Campaigne
de
lui
,
et
qi
puis
,
par
comun
assent
de
tout
le
Roialme
,
et
du
Roi
,
et
de
lui
mesmes
,
les
Prelatz
Counts
et
Barouns
autrefoitz
estoit
agardez
de
meisme
le
Roialme
voider
et
voida
,
et
qe
son
retorner
nestoit
unqes
par
comun
assent
,
mes
solement
par
assent
des
ascuns
persons
qi
,
souz
Condition
,
si
bien
se
portast
apres
son
retourner
,
a
ce
se
assentirent
.
Et
ore
certainement
est
troves
son
mal
port
,
pur
qeu●port
,
et
pur
Les
grandes
mauvaisetees
Susdites
,
et
pur
plusors
autres
qe
purront
aveiner
a
nostre
Seignour
le
Roi
,
et
a
son
People
,
et
pur
bon
accord
nurrer
entre
le
Roi
,
et
ses
Gentz
,
et
moltes
maniers
,
de
discordes
et
perils
eschuire
.
Nous
ordeinous
,
par
vertue
de
la
Commission
nostre
Seignour
le
Roi
a
nous
grantee
,
qe
Pieres
de
Gaveston
,
come
apiert
Enemy
le
Roy
,
et
de
son
People
,
soit
de
tout
exiles
,
auxi
bien
hors
de
Roialme
d
Engleterre
,
d
Escoce
,
d
Irland
,
et
de
Galles
,
come
de
●o●e
la
Seignourie
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
,
auxi
bien
dela
la
mere
,
come
de
cea
a
touz
jourz
,
sans
james
returner
,
et
qil
voide
le
Roailme
d
Engleterre
,
et
totes
les
Terres
susdites
,
et
tout
outriment
la
Seignourie
nostre
Seignour
le
Roi
,
entre
ci
et
la
Fest
de
toutz
Seintz
prochein
avenir
.
Et
luy
donons
Port
a
Dover
,
en
la
forme
susdite
et
nuelle
parte
aillours
a
passer
et
a
voider
:
Et
si
le
dit
Pieres
demoerge
en
le
Roialme
d
Engleterre
ou
uuelle
parte
aillours
en
la
Seignourie
nostre
Seignour
le
Roi
outre
la
dit
jour
qe
done
luy
est
de
voider
et
de
passer
come
est
susdite
,
Adunqe
soit
fait
de
luy
come
del
Enemy
du
Roi
et
du
Roialme
et
de
son
People
;
Et
qe
touz
ceux
qi
desormes
voant
encontre
cest
ordeinement
en
droit
du
dit
Exile
ove
le
peine
qe
sensuit
,
soit
fait
de
eux
solone
ceo
qe
y
appent
si
de
ceo
soint
atteintz
.
Pieres
Gaveston
at
first
was
a
Man
only
in
the
King's
Pleasures
;
but
as
weak
Princes
often
remove
Men
from
their
Pleasures
into
their
Business
,
so
Gaveston
became
presently
a
Minister
of
State
:
For
the
Records
show
that
he
was
Guardian
and
Lieutenant
of
the
Kingdom
in
the
King's
Absence
with
very
immoderate
Powers
,
and
afterwards
he
was
constituted
[
*
](A37160-e43580-b)
*
Pat.
1.
Ed.
2.
m.
3.
Lieutenant
of
Ireland
;
but
the
extravagant
Honours
and
Favours
conferr'd
upon
him
,
and
the
Lands
he
got
from
the
King
,
drew
,
as
all
our
Historians
witness
,
the
Indignation
of
the
Parliament
upon
him
.
[
†
](A37160-e43630-b)
†
Walsing.
p.
99.
Tho.
Walsingham
says
that
the
Barons
,
Librato
utrobique
Periculo
,
inveniunt
,
quod
vivente
Petro
esse
non
poterit
Pax
in
Regno
,
nec
Rex
abundare
Thesauro
.
And
so
they
never
rested
till
he
was
banish'd
the
Kingdom
.
[
*
](A37160-e43680-b)
*
5
Edw.
2.
Rot.
Parl.
Nu.
22.
In
the
same
Parliament
Henry
de
Beaumont
was
likewise
accus'd
,
for
that
to
the
damage
and
dishonour
of
the
King
,
he
had
receiv'd
the
Kingdom
of
Man
,
which
the
Lords
whom
the
King
had
consented
should
be
of
his
standing
Council
,
thought
fit
should
remain
to
the
Crown
;
And
for
that
he
had
procur'd
from
the
King
to
himself
other
Rents
,
Lands
,
Franchises
and
Offices
;
And
for
that
he
had
procur'd
for
others
the
Grants
of
Lands
,
Rents
,
Tenements
,
Franchises
and
Offices
;
And
for
that
he
had
given
evil
Council
to
the
King
contrary
to
his
Oath
.
For
all
which
the
Judgment
upon
him
was
,
That
he
should
be
outed
the
King's
Council
for
ever
,
and
not
come
near
the
King's
Person
,
unless
he
were
summon'd
to
Parliament
,
or
call'd
upon
to
attend
the
King
in
his
Wars
;
Or
unless
it
were
by
common
Assent
of
Archbishops
,
Bishops
,
Earls
and
Barons
,
in
full
Parliament
;
and
that
all
his
other
Lands
should
be
seiz'd
into
the
King's
Hands
until
the
King
should
be
satisfy'd
,
the
full
value
of
what
he
had
receiv'd
from
those
Lands
so
granted
to
him
by
the
King
.
It
seems
likewise
that
in
this
Reign
the
Ladies
were
Begging
and
Intreaguing
at
Court
.
For
the
Lady
Vescey
was
[
*
](A37160-e43750-b)
*
Rot.
ibid.
Nu.
23.
accus'd
for
having
prevail'd
upon
the
King
to
give
Sir
Henry
Beaumont
her
Brother
,
and
to
others
,
Lands
,
Franchises
and
Offices
,
to
the
Damage
and
Dishonour
of
the
King
,
for
which
she
was
order'd
to
repair
to
her
own
House
,
without
ever
returning
to
Court
to
make
stay
there
.
'T
is
true
(
as
we
have
noted
before
)
the
King
got
this
whole
Act
repeal'd
at
the
Parliament
held
at
York
,
15
Edw.
2.
but
it
was
just
after
he
had
made
a
War
upon
his
People
,
and
put
to
Death
the
[
*
](A37160-e43810-b)
*
Tho.
Walsing
.
p.
116.
Earl
of
Lancaster
,
of
the
Blood
Royal
,
and
Eleven
or
Twelve
of
the
other
Peers
of
England
.
And
what
succeeded
to
this
unfortunate
Prince
upon
such
an
extraordinary
Act
of
Violence
is
but
too
manifest
.
The
Ministers
and
Promoters
of
all
the
Irregularities
committed
by
that
King
were
the
two
Spencers
Earls
of
Winchester
and
Glocester
,
who
were
put
to
death
in
a
tumultuous
manner
.
[
*
](A37160-e43890-b)
*
Col.
2547.
Knyghton
indeed
says
,
the
Earl
of
Glocester
was
arraign'd
before
Sir
William
Trussel
Justiciarie
.
Dominus
Hugo
Spencer
ductus
coram
domino
Willielmo
Trussell
Justiciario
areniatus
est
coram
eo
ad
Barrum
.
One
of
the
principal
Heads
of
the
Accusation
against
Hugh
Spencer
was
,
for
that
he
had
advised
the
King
to
give
and
grant
unto
the
false
Traitor
the
Earl
of
Winchester
,
Andrew
Harkely
,
and
to
himself
,
Lands
appertaining
to
the
Crown
in
disherison
thereof
.
[
*
](A37160-e43990-b)
*
K●ygh●on
Col.
2548.
Hugh
apres
celle
maveiste
,
vous
Consellastes
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
,
en
desheritaunce
de
sa
Coronne
,
a
doner
vostre
Piere
que
fuist
faux
Traytour
,
le
Conte
de
Wyncestre
,
&
Andrewe
de
Harkely
Traytour
notorye
&
attaynte
,
le
Conte
de
Cardoyle
.
Et
a
vous
Hugh
la
Terre
de
Cantermaure
&
altres
Terres
que
furont
proprement
Appurtenancez
a
la
Coronne
.
For
which
,
and
for
other
Crimes
,
he
was
condemned
and
Executed
.
Among
the
Articles
exhibited
in
Parliament
,
Anno
4.
Edw.
3.
against
Roger
Mortimer
Earl
of
March
,
two
of
'em
are
for
procuring
to
himself
Grants
of
the
Crown-Revenue
.
That
he
caused
the
King
to
make
him
Earl
of
March
,
and
to
give
Him
and
his
Heirs
many
Lands
,
in
Disherison
of
the
Crown
.
And
that
the
said
Roger
caused
the
King
to
give
to
Him
and
his
Children
and
Confederates
,
Castles
,
Towns
,
Mannors
and
Franchises
in
England
,
Ireland
and
Wales
,
in
decrease
of
the
Revenues
of
the
Crown
.
[
*
](A37160-e44140-b)
*
Rot.
Parl.
4
Edw.
3.
Et
a
mesme
le
Parlement
,
per
son
dit
Royal
Poer
a
luy
accroche
,
fist
tante
,
qe
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
luy
fist
Conte
de
la
Marchie
,
&
luy
dona
plusours
Terres
,
a
luy
,
&
a
ses
Heirs
,
en
desheritance
nostre
dit
Seignour
le
Roy
&
de
sa
Corone
.
Item
le
dit
Roger
per
son
Royal
Poer
a
luy
accroche
,
fist
le
Roy
doner
a
luy
,
&
a
ses
Enfantz
,
&
a
ses
Alliez
Chastelx
Villes
Manoirs
&
Franchises
en
Engleterre
,
Irland
&
Gales
en
decrese
de
sa
Corone
.
In
the
10th
of
Richard
II.
Michael
de
la
Pool
Earl
of
Suffolk
was
Impeach'd
in
Parliament
upon
several
Articles
,
the
Principal
of
which
was
,
For
that
being
Lord
Chancellor
,
and
sworn
to
promote
the
King's
Profit
,
he
had
purchas'd
of
the
King
Lands
,
Tenements
,
and
Rents
of
a
great
Value
,
against
his
Oath
,
and
such
Grants
being
more
than
he
deserv'd
,
considering
the
great
Poverty
of
the
King
and
Kingdom
.
To
which
he
answer'd
that
he
had
no
Lands
of
the
King
,
but
since
his
being
created
Earl
,
and
that
by
way
of
Exchange
.
To
which
the
Commons
reply'd
,
by
showing
the
Oath
he
took
when
he
was
made
Lord
Chancellor
,
the
Effect
whereof
was
for
doing
Justice
,
observing
the
Laws
,
Councelling
the
King
,
and
not
to
suffer
any
Damage
or
Disherison
of
the
Crown
,
and
that
by
all
means
he
should
promote
the
King's
Profit
.
And
hereupon
because
he
confess'd
the
Gift
of
the
Lands
to
him
whilst
he
was
Chancellor
,
and
that
during
the
same
time
,
the
Exchange
was
made
of
good
Lands
,
for
a
Casual
Custom
at
the
Port
of
Hull
,
they
inferr'd
that
the
same
was
not
for
the
King's
Profit
,
according
to
the
Tenor
of
the
Chancellor's
Oath
;
And
therefore
they
pray
Judgment
.
The
Judgment
against
the
said
Earl
was
,
That
for
Breach
of
his
Oath
,
all
the
said
Mannors
and
Hereditaments
which
he
had
of
the
King's
Gift
,
should
be
seiz'd
into
the
King's
Hands
,
together
with
all
the
mean
Profits
,
saving
to
the
Earl
his
20
l.
per
Annum
Creation-Mony
in
the
County
of
Suffolk
.
But
take
the
Words
of
the
Record
as
far
forth
as
they
relate
to
the
present
Matter
.
Rot.
Parl.
10
Ri.
2.
P.
1.
Num.
1.
Premierement
qe
le
dit
Conte
estant
Chanceller
,
&
jure
de
faire
le
Profit
du
Roy
,
purchassa
de
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
,
Terres
Tenements
et
Rents
a
grand
value
,
come
piert
per
Recordes
Rolles
de
la
Chancellerie
,
encontre
son
serment
,
La
ou
il
n'avoit
tant
desservi
,
considerez
la
grante
necessite
du
Roy
,
et
du
Royalme
,
et
outre
ce
,
a
cause
qe
le
dit
Conte
fust
Chanceller
au
temps
du
dit
Purchasse
faite
les
dites
Terres
et
Tenements
,
furent
extendus
a
meindre
value
qils
ne
veillent
,
per
an
.
per
grant
some
,
en
deceite
du
Roy.
Then
he
proceeds
to
give
several
Particulars
of
the
Agreement
,
and
to
set
forth
his
Merits
,
and
that
the
King
made
him
take
the
Honour
of
Earl
upon
him
without
his
seeking
,
and
how
he
was
persuaded
to
be
Chancellor
.
But
it
seems
the
Parliament
did
not
take
his
Answer
to
be
sufficient
;
for
the
Commons
reply'd
in
the
Words
following
.
So
that
for
▪
the
Insufficiency
of
his
Answer
the
following
Judgment
was
given
.
So
that
it
appears
plainly
from
this
Record
,
That
King
,
Lords
and
Commons
,
took
it
to
be
a
Crime
in
the
Lord
Chancellor
,
and
against
his
Oath
,
to
take
Lands
in
Gift
or
in
Exchange
from
the
King
;
for
upon
the
Chancellors
Oath
the
Judgment
was
grounded
,
it
being
in
those
Days
thought
and
understood
,
that
he
who
was
sworn
to
purchase
the
King's
Profit
,
should
not
inrich
himself
with
the
Revenues
of
the
Crown
,
and
as
the
Record
says
,
that
he
chiefly
ought
not
to
do
so
,
who
was
le
Principal
Officer
,
and
who
knew
the
State
and
Necessities
both
of
King
and
Kingdom
.
And
it
was
a
very
odd
Circumstance
of
those
times
,
that
the
Legislature
should
be
necessitated
to
relieve
the
King
against
Frauds
committed
by
the
Principal
Judge
in
Equity
,
and
by
the
Keeper
of
his
Conscience
.
Anno
11.
Rich.
II.
The
Legislative
Authority
was
not
satisfied
with
what
had
been
done
the
Year
before
against
this
Chancellor
,
but
it
was
thought
fit
to
proceed
farther
against
Him
and
other
bad
Ministers
who
had
attempted
to
overthrow
the
Constitution
of
this
Kingdom
.
The
Duke
of
Glocester
Uncle
to
the
King
,
and
Constable
of
England
,
the
Earl
of
Darby
,
the
Earl
of
Arundel
,
the
Earl
of
Warwick
,
and
Thomas
Earl
Marshal
,
accus'd
Michael
de
la
Pool
and
others
of
High
Treason
;
the
Term
then
us'd
was
they
Appeal'd
'em
of
Treason
.
[
*
](A37160-e44640-b)
*
Rot.
Parl.
11
Rich.
2.
p.
2.
m.
7.
Thomas
Duc
de
Glocester
Conestable
d
Engleterre
,
Henry
Conte
de
Derby
,
Richard
Conte
de
Arundel
&
de
Surry
,
Thomas
Conte
de
Warwick
,
&
Thomas
Conte
Mareschal
,
Appellons
Alesandre
Ercevesque
Deverwik
,
Robert
de
Verr
Duc
d
Irland
,
Michael
de
la
Pool
Conte
de
Suffolk
,
Robert
Treselian
faux
Justice
,
&
Nicholas
Brembre
faux
Chivalier
de
Londres
,
de
Hautes
Trahisons
par
eux
faits
enc●ntre
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
&
son
Royalme
,
Come
Traitours
&
Ennemies
du
Royalme
.
Qeux
Appel
&
Trahison
sont
declarez
Appointex
&
Specesiez
pleinement
,
sy
come
est
contenu
en
diverses
Articles
desous
Escripts
.
Et
Priont
qe
les
dits
Appelles
soient
demandez
,
et
qe
droit
et
Justice
ent
soit
fait
en
cest
present
Parlement
.
Then
these
Lords
exhibited
against
Michael
de
la
Pool
,
and
the
rest
,
39
Articles
of
High
Treason
.
In
the
5th
,
6th
,
and
7th
Articles
,
they
are
accus'd
for
having
procur'd
to
themselves
and
others
,
and
to
their
Kindred
,
Grants
of
the
Crown-Lands
in
England
and
Ireland
,
besides
Gifts
of
Mony
to
the
Value
of
above
One
Hundred
Thousand
Marks
,
by
which
the
Kingdom
came
to
be
loaded
with
Taxes
and
Impositions
.
Robert
de
Verr
Duc
d
Irland
&
Michael
de
la
Pool
Conte
de
Suffolk
,
per
assent
&
Conseil
du
dit
Alesandre
Ercevesqe
Deverwik
ont
fait
qe
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
sans
Assent
du
Royalme
,
ou
desert
de
eux
,
lour
a
done
per
lours
abettements
diverses
Seignouries
,
Chastelx
,
Villes
,
&
Manoirs
si
b●en
anexes
a
sa
Corone
,
come
autres
,
sy
come
la
Terre
de
Irland
,
&
de
Okeham
ove
les
Forests
dicelle
,
&
autres
Terres
,
qe
furent
al
Seignour
d
Audeley
,
&
autres
Grants
Terres
,
au
dit
Robert
Verr
Duc
d
Irland
,
&
as
autres
diversement
,
peront
,
ils
sont
grandement
Enriches
,
&
le
Roy
est
devenu
pouvre
,
&
ne
ad
dont
i●
se
pourra
soutenir
&
porter
les
Charges
du
Royali●●●
sinon
per
Impositions
Taxes
ou
Tributs
●ettre
&
prendre
sur
son
People
en
d●shiritison
de
sa
Corone
&
en
defeasance
de
son
Royalme
.
Dewerwik
,
Robert
de
Verr
Duc
d
Irland
,
Michael
de
la
Pool
Cont
de
Suffolk
,
et
per
assent
et
counseil
desdits
Robert
Tresilian
faux
Justice
,
Nicholas
Brembe
Chevalier
de
Londres
,
ont
fait
qe
nostre
Seignour
le
Roy
a
donne
divers
Manoirs
,
Terres
,
et
Tenements
,
Rents
,
Offices
,
Ballies
,
as
diverses
autres
Persones
de
lour
Affinite
,
et
as
autres
diverses
Persones
des
qeux
ils
ont
pris
grands
dons
pur
Brocage
pur
y●elle
cause
et
auxi
pur
Cause
a
tenir
avec
eux
en
lour
faux
qerelles
,
et
purposes
en
defeasance
du
Roy
et
de
son
Royalme
,
sy
come
est
de
Sir
Robert
Manseil
Clerk
,
Johan
Blake
,
Thomas
Usqe
et
autres
diversement
.
Robert
de
Verr
Duc
d
Irland
,
Michael
de
la
Pool
Cont
de
Suffolk
,
et
Alesandre
Ercevesqe
Deverwick
per
assent
et
counseil
de
dit
Nicholas
Brembre
,
faux
Chevalier
de
Londres
,
acrochants
a
eux
royal
Poer
,
ont
fait
qe
nostre
dit
Seignour
le
Roy
lour
a
●●nne
tres
grands
somes
dor
et
d
argent
,
sy
bien
de
ses
biens
et
Joiaux
propres
,
co●e
〈◊〉
biens
et
Tresor
du
Royalme
,
sy
come
des
Dismes
&
Quinsismes
et
autres
Taxes
grantez
as
diverses
Parlements
pur
estre
exploites
en
deffence
et
sauvegarde
du
Royalme
,
et
autrement
,
qelle
some
amonte
cent
mille
Marcs
et
plus
,
sy
come
au
dit
Robert
de
Verr
Duc
d
Irland
,
et
autres
diversement
,
et
outre
ceo
plusioures
bones
Ordinances
et
Purposes
faits
et
ordeinez
en
Parlement
sy
bien
pur
les
Gurres
come
en
defence
du
Royalme
ont
ilz
destourbes
,
en
grande
Arrerisement
du
Roy
et
du
Royalme
.
The
Persons
accus'd
were
sommon'd
to
answer
to
the
39
Articles
;
and
not
appearing
,
the
Duke
of
Gloucester
and
the
other
Lords
Appellants
,
pray
the
Non-appearance
may
be
recorded
.
[
*
](A37160-e45220-b)
*
Rot.
Parl.
11
Ri●●
.
2.
P.
3.
m.
14.
Ilz
feurent
demandez
solemnement
en
le
grande
sale
de
Westminster
et
auxint
a
la
grande
porte
du
Palois
de
Westminster
de
venir
&
respondre
,
&c.
Le
Duc
et
Cont
Appellants
,
prient
au
dit
Roy
nostre
Seignour
,
et
aux
dits
Seignours
,
du
Parlement
qils
violent
Recorder
le
defaulte
,
&c.
After
which
the
King
and
the
Lords
took
time
to
deliberate
upon
the
Matter
.
Then
the
Judges
,
Serjeants
and
Civilians
were
call'd
,
for
to
deliver
their
Opinions
in
Law
;
who
said
the
Appeal
was
not
in
the
Forms
requir'd
,
either
by
the
Common
or
Civil
Law
.
To
which
the
Lord
's
answer'd
,
That
the
High
Court
of
Parliament
was
not
bound
up
to
the
Forms
and
Rules
of
the
Courts
below
.
But
take
the
Words
of
the
Record
it self
.
—
[
*
](A37160-e45300-b)
*
Rot.
ibid.
A
qel
temps
les
Justices
et
Sergeants
,
et
autres
Sages
de
Ley
du
Royalme
,
et
auxint
les
sages
de
la
Ley
Civille
,
furent
Chargez
de
par
le
Roy
nostre
dit
Seignour
,
de
doner
loyal
Conseil
as
Seignours
du
Parlement
de
deuement
proceder
en
la
cause
de
le
susdit
Appel
,
les
quex
Justices
,
Sergeants
,
et
Sages
de
la
Ley
du
Royalme
,
et
auxint
les
dits
Sages
de
la
Ley
Civille
,
pristont
ent
deliberation
,
et
respondront
as
dits
Seignours
du
Parlement
,
qils
avoient
veue
et
bien
entendu
la
Tenour
du
dit
Appel
,
et
disoient
qe
mesme
le
Appel
ne
feust
pas
fait
ne
affirme
selonc
l
ordre
qe
lune
Ley
ou
lautre
requiert
;
Surqoy
les
dits
Seignours
du
Parlement
pristront
ent
deliberation
,
et
avisement
,
et
per
assent
du
Roy
nostre
dit
Seignour
,
et
de
lour
Commun
accord
,
estoit
declare
qe
en
si
haute
crime
come
est
pretendu
en
cest
Appel
,
qe
touche
la
Persone
du
Roy
nostre
dit
Seignour
,
et
l
estat
de
tout
son
Royalme
,
perpetre
per
persones
qe
sont
Peers
du
Royalme
ovesqe
autres
,
le
cause
ne
sera
aillours
deduit
qe
en
Parlement
ne
per
autre
Ley
qe
Ley
et
cours
du
Parlement
et
qil
appertient
as
Seigneurs
du
Parlement
et
a
lour
Franchise
et
Libertee
d'
auncien
Custume
du
Parlement
desires
Jugges
en
tieux
case
,
et
de
tieux
case
ajugger
per
assent
du
Roy
,
et
qe
ensy
sera
fait
en
cest
Cas
per
Agarde
du
Parlement
:
Purceqe
le
Royalme
d
Engleterre
ne
estoit
devant
ces
heures
,
ne
a
lentent
du
Roy
nostre
dit
Seignour
,
et
Seignours
du
Parlement
onqe
ne
sera
rule
ne
,
governe
per
la
Ley
Civille
,
et
auxint
lour
entent
uest
pas
de
ruler
ou
Gouverner
si
haute
cause
come
cest
Appel
est
,
qe
ne
sera
aillours
trie
ne
termine
qen
Parlement
,
come
dit
est
per
cours
Processe
et
ordre
usee
en
ascun
Court
plus
bas
deinse
mesme
le
Royalme
,
qeux
Courts
et
Places
,
ne
sont
qe
Executors
d
ancienes
Leys
et
Custumes
du
Royalme
,
et
Ordinances
et
establissements
du
Parlement
.
Et
fust
avis
au
mesmes
les
Seignours
du
Palement
per
assent
du
Roy
nostre
dit
Seignour
,
qe
cest
Appel
fuist
fait
et
asirme
bien
,
et
asses
duement
,
et
le
Processe
dicelle
bone
et
effectuell
,
selonc
les
Leys
et
Cours
du
Parlement
,
et
per
tiel
lagarderont
et
adjugeront
.
Et
a
mesme
jour
le
Roy
nostre
dit
Seignour
et
Seignours
du
Parlement
,
seants
en
la
dite
blanche
sale
en
plein
Parlement
les
ditz
Appellants
prieront
qe
le
Defaute
des
ditz
Ercevesqe
Duc
Cont
et
Robert
Tresilian
,
Appellees
comme
devant
,
feuse
Recorde
.
After
which
the
Persons
accus'd
were
again
summon'd
,
and
appear'd
not
,
but
alledged
,
(
as
we
may
suppose
by
their
Council
,
for
here
the
Record
is
silent
)
That
they
had
not
sufficient
Notice
of
the
Matter
contain'd
in
the
Appeal
.
Upon
which
the
Parliament
proceeded
to
Judgment
.
In
which
the
Judgment
was
,
That
several
of
the
Articles
against
the
said
Persons
contain'd
High
Treason
,
of
which
the
Parliament
pronounc'd
them
Guilty
;
And
that
they
were
guilty
of
the
Crimes
laid
down
in
these
other
Articles
,
which
were
not
judg'd
to
amount
to
Treason
,
among
which
were
the
5th
,
6th
,
and
7th
Articles
.
But
take
the
Words
of
the
Record
.
Robert
Tresilian
,
Appellez
come
devant
,
en
celle
partie
par
grand
Labour
&
Diligence
,
&
per
continuance
de
diverses
jours
tanqe
le
Judy
le
13
Jour
dudit
mois
de
fevrier
,
&
par
lour
avisement
et
bone
deliberation
firent
declaration
&
Adgugeront
qe
le
1
&
2.
le
11.
le
15
&
le
17
Articles
contenus
en
le
dit
Appel
sont
Trefon
.
Et
qe
ce
qest
contenu
en
le
22
Article
de
mesme
le
Appel
,
touchant
la
levee
des
Gents
,
pur
guerroer
&
destruire
les
Seignours
,
&
Lieges
du
Roy
,
est
aussy
.
Treson
&
qe
les
28
,
29
,
30
,
31
,
32
,
37
,
38
,
39.
de
mesme
le
Appel
,
sont
aussi
Treson
,
come
est
remembre
en
le
avant
dit
roulle
,
du
dit
Appel
.
Et
troveront
per
deue
Examination
,
&
per
proves
et
emformations
per
tous
les
voies
qils
pourroit
,
lour
Consciences
deucment
emformer
,
qe
le
dit
Ercevesqe
,
Duc
,
Cont
,
&
Robert
Tresilian
,
Appelles
come
devant
,
feurent
Coulpables
notairement
en
icelles
cest
assavoir
Chacun
de
eux
en
chacun
Article
qe
luy
touche
.
Et
auxint
qils
sont
coulpables
en
touts
les
autres
Articles
contenus
en
le
dit
Appel
,
nient
declares
au
present
pur
Treson
,
cest
assavoir
chacun
deux
en
chacun
Article
qe
luy
touche
,
en
presence
du
dit
Roy
nostre
Seignour
,
et
Seignours
du
Parlement
Temporels
,
seant
en
la
dite
blanche
sale
en
plein
Parlement
mesme
le
jeudy
le
13
jour
du
dit
mois
de
Fevrier
,
les
dits
Duc
&
Contes
Appellants
prieront
as
dits
Roy
nostre
Seignour
&
Seignours
du
Parlement
illoques
estants
qe
les
dits
Ercevesqe
,
Duc
Conte
et
Robert
Tresilian
Appelles
come
devant
fussent
adjuges
convicts
de
les
hautes
Trahisons
contenus
en
●e
dit
Appel
.
Robert
Tresilian
,
appelles
come
devant
,
coulpables
et
convicts
des
Tresons
contenus
en
les
dits
Articles
,
declares
pur
Treson
,
come
devant
,
Et
Agarderont
qe
mesmes
les
dits
Duc
,
Cont
,
Robert
Tresilian
,
appelles
come
devant
,
fussent
Treinez
et
penduz
come
Traitours
et
Ennemies
au
Roy
nostre
dit
Seignour
,
et
a
son
Royalme
,
Et
qe
les
dits
Ercevesqe
,
Duc
,
Cont
,
Robert
Tresilian
,
Appelles
come
devant
,
et
lours
Heires
fussent
desheritez
a
tous
jours
,
et
qe
lours
Terres
et
Tenements
,
Biens
et
Chateux
,
feussent
forfaits
au
Roy
nostre
dit
Seignour
.
Et
les
Temporalites
du
dit
Ercevesqe
Deverwik
,
del
Ercevesche
Deverwik
saisis
es
mains
le
Roy
nostre
dit
Seignour
.
In
the
same
Parliament
Simon
de
Beurle
Lord
Chamberlain
,
among
other
Crimes
,
was
Impeach'd
by
the
Commons
for
having
persuaded
the
King
to
make
large
Gifts
out
of
the
Crown-Revenue
to
Foreigners
,
Bohemians
,
to
the
Impoverishment
and
Oppression
of
the
People
.
The
Parliament
thought
the
Duke
of
Ireland
so
dangerous
a
Man
that
to
be
rid
of
him
they
had
given
the
King
a
Grant
of
30000
Marcs
;
but
when
Suffolk
return'd
after
his
first
Disgrace
,
the
Duke
of
Ireland
return'd
with
him
.
About
this
time
that
the
Ministry
might
be
compleat
,
and
of
a
piece
,
there
was
a
Lord
Treasurer
of
the
same
Stamp
with
the
Chancellor
,
Chamberlain
,
and
the
Duke
of
Ireland
,
to
wit
,
John
Foord
Bishop
of
Durham
,
of
whom
Sir
John
Heyward
gives
this
Character
▪
[
*
](A37160-e45760-b)
*
Life
of
Hen.
4.
p.
20.
He
was
a
Man
of
little
depth
,
either
in
Learning
or
Wisdom
,
but
one
that
had
the
Art
of
seeming
,
in
making
the
best
Shew
of
whatsoever
he
spake
or
did
:
And
rising
from
a
mean
Estate
to
so
high
a
pitch
of
Honour
,
he
exercis'd
the
more
excessively
his
Riot
,
Avarice
,
and
Ambition
,
not
able
to
moderate
the
Lusts
and
Desires
which
former
Want
had
kindled
.
He
at
the
same
time
was
remov'd
from
the
Council
,
and
turn'd
out
of
his
Office
of
Treasurer
.
We
have
dwelt
the
longer
upon
Michael
de
la
Pool
,
because
it
is
the
first
formal
and
regular
Impeachment
that
we
meet
with
in
the
Records
.
And
perhaps
it
will
not
be
unnecessary
to
say
something
of
a
Man
that
so
much
drew
upon
him
the
Hatred
of
the
People
.
[
*
](A37160-e45800-b)
*
Life
of
Hen.
4.
p.
16.
Hayward
says
,
He
was
a
Merchant's
Son
in
London
▪
and
growing
Mighty
on
the
sudden
,
he
could
not
govern
himself
in
the
Change
:
But
Prosperity
laid
open
the
secret
Faults
of
his
Mind
,
which
were
suppress'd
and
choaked
before
.
Thomas
of
Walsingham
calls
him
Michael
Atte
Pole
,
and
says
he
was
convicted
in
Parliament
of
notorious
Frauds
,
[
*
](A37160-e45880-b)
*
Walsing
▪
p.
324.
Num.
10
▪
Convicerant
eum
nempe
de
multis
Fraudibus
,
et
quibusdam
proditionibus
in
Regem
,
quos
nequaquam
inficiari
nequibat
,
unde
et
cum
responsis
astaret
,
et
objecta
negare
nequibat
,
Rex
pro
ipso
verecundatus
et
rubore
suffusus
,
caput
agitans
,
heu
!
heu
!
inquit
Michael
,
vide
quid
fecisti
.
But
as
soon
as
the
Parliament
was
up
,
the
King
took
him
into
greater
Favour
than
before
.
But
the
Weight
of
a
Parliament
will
at
last
bear
down
a
bad
Minister
,
so
that
de
la
Pool
durst
not
stand
the
next
Sessions
,
but
fled
to
France
where
he
died
in
Exile
.
But
take
from
Walsingham
the
Character
of
this
Chancellor
,
with
the
Account
of
his
Death
.
[
*
](A37160-e45950-b)
*
Ibid.
p.
339.
Hac
Aestata
perfidiae
promptuarium
;
Sentina
Avaritiae
,
Auriga
Proditionis
,
Archa
Malitiae
,
Odii
Seminator
,
Mendacii
Fabricator
,
susurro
nequissimus
,
dolo
praestantissimus
,
artificiosus
detractor
,
Patriae
delator
,
Michael
Atte
Pole
,
quondam
Comes
Southfolchiae
Regnique
Cancellarius
sed
nunquam
Consiliarius
,
concessit
in
fata
Parisiis
,
merito
perfidum
evomens
Spiritum
in
terra
peregrina
.
Simon
de
Beurle
whom
the
Commons
had
Impeach'd
that
Parliament
,
was
beheaded
at
Tower-hill
.
His
being
Knight
of
the
Garter
exempted
him
from
a
more
ignominious
Sentence
that
was
pronounc'd
against
him
.
This
Man
's
sudden
Rise
from
20
Marcs
to
3000
Marcs
per
Annum
,
drew
the
Hatred
of
the
People
upon
him
.
[
*
](A37160-e46040-b)
*
Knyghton
Col.
2727.
Dominus
de
Burlee
qui
de
Patrimonio
haereditario
expendre
non
valuit
ultra
XX
Marcas
,
sed
in
paucis
annis
in
obsequio
praedicti
Regis
crevit
ad
ultra
valorem
trium
mille
Marcarum
annui
proventus
.
Some
perhaps
will
object
,
That
in
the
21
Rich.
2.
most
of
what
had
been
Rot.
Parl.
21
Ri.
2.
Num.
47
,
48.
done
10
and
11
of
the
same
Reign
was
repeal'd
.
'T
is
true
the
Fact
is
so
,
For
Richard
,
after
he
had
treacherously
got
into
his
Hands
the
Duke
of
Glocester
his
Uncle
,
and
after
he
had
imprison'd
the
Earls
of
Arundel
and
Warwick
,
the
only
three
Lords
in
whom
the
People
placed
any
Confidence
,
the
Nation
was
quite
disperited
,
insomuch
that
the
King
was
able
to
pack
a
Parliament
;
which
yet
could
not
be
brought
to
do
his
Business
,
'till
it
was
adjourn'd
from
Westminster
to
Shrewsbury
.
There
he
did
what
he
would
by
the
Help
of
Sir
John
Bushie
(
then
Speaker
of
the
House
of
Commons
)
Sir
William
Bagot
,
and
Sir
John
Green
,
of
whom
Sir
[
*
](A37160-e46220-b)
*
Life
of
Hen.
4.
P.
84.
John
Hayward
says
,
"
These
were
then
in
all
the
Credits
and
Authority
with
the
King
,
and
his
chiefest
School-masters
,
both
of
Cruelty
and
Deceit
:
They
were
proud
,
arrogant
and
ambitious
,
and
upon
confidence
of
the
King's
Favour
,
profess'd
Enemies
to
Men
of
ancient
Nobility
;
to
the
end
,
that
being
lately
start
up
,
they
might
become
more
famous
by
maintaining
Contention
with
great
Persons
.
And
first
by
their
importunate
Travail
all
the
Charters
of
Pardon
,
granted
by
the
King
were
in
this
Parliament
annulled
and
revoked
.
"
These
Pardons
were
revoked
while
the
Parliament
sate
at
Westminster
,
where
Thomas
Arundel
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
was
banish'd
,
and
his
Temporalities
seiz'd
:
All
the
other
▪
irregular
Matters
were
transacted
at
Shrewsbury
▪
But
what
was
the
End
of
all
this
Violence
,
and
breaking
in
upon
the
Rights
of
Parliament
?
'T
is
seen
in
the
Story
,
the
People
thereupon
grew
so
discontented
that
Henry
Duke
of
Lancaster
was
encouraged
to
come
and
invade
the
Kingdom
with
some
few
Friends
,
and
of
Soldiers
,
only
fifteen
Launces
in
his
Company
,
who
was
chearfully
embrac'd
by
the
whole
Nation
.
One
of
the
first
Things
done
in
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
4th
was
to
Repeal
all
that
had
pass'd
at
the
Parliament
held
at
Shrewsbury
,
and
to
affirm
all
that
was
done
11
Rich.
2.
[
*
](A37160-e46350-b)
*
Rot.
Parl.
1
Hen.
4.
Num.
66
&
67.
Qel
Parlement
feust
tenuz
pur
Grand
honur
et
Comune
Profit
de
tout
le
Royalme
.
And
here
't
is
to
be
noted
,
That
in
the
First
Article
against
King
Richard
II.
when
he
abdicated
the
Throne
,
't
was
objected
to
him
,
That
he
did
wastfully
spend
the
Treasure
of
the
Realm
,
and
had
given
the
Possessions
of
the
Crown
to
Men
unworthy
,
by
reason
whereof
new
Charges
were
laid
on
the
Necks
of
the
poor
Commonalty
.
But
take
the
whole
Article
.
[
*
](A37160-e46410-b)
*
Rot.
ibid.
Num.
18.
Imprimis
abjicitur
Regi
Richardo
,
quod
propter
malum
regimen
suum
videlicet
bona
et
Possessiones
ad
Coronam
suam
spectantia
,
etiam
personis
indignis
donando
,
et
alias
indiscrete
dissipando
,
et
ob
hoc
collectas
et
alia
Onera
gravia
et
importabilia
Populo
sine
causa
imponendo
,
nec
non
alia
mala
iunumer
abilia
perpetrando
,
alias
de
assens●●
,
et
mandato
suis
per
totu●
Parliamentum
ad
gubernationem
Regni
certi
Praelati
et
alii
Domini
temporales
erant
electi
,
et
assignati
,
qui
totis
viribus
suis
circa
justam
Gubernationem
regni
,
propriis
sumptibus
suis
,
fideliter
laborarent
,
tamen
Rex
facto
per
eum
Conventiculo
,
cum
suis
complicibas
,
dictos
dominos
tam
Spirituales
quam
Temporales
circa
Regni
utilitatem
occupatos
de
alta
Proditione
impetere
proponebat
Justiciarios
Regni
ad
suum
nefandum
propositum
roborandum
metu
mortis
et
cruciatus
Corporis
violenter
attraxit
,
dictosdominos
destruere
satagendo
.
The
Fate
of
Michael
de
la
Pool
could
not
work
upon
his
Grandson
William
de
la
Pool
,
so
as
to
make
him
a
better
Man
towards
the
Public
.
For
we
find
this
William
Duke
of
Suffolk
,
treading
in
his
Grandfather's
Steps
,
and
so
acting
in
his
Ministry
,
as
to
provoke
an
Accusation
from
the
House
of
Commons
.
The
Grants
out
of
the
Crown
Revenue
which
he
had
procur'd
for
himself
,
and
those
of
his
Alliance
and
Party
,
occasion'd
so
much
popular
Anger
,
that
in
the
28
Year
of
Henry
VI.
he
drew
upon
himself
an
Impeachment
,
the
first
part
of
which
contains
Matter
of
High
Treason
;
in
the
second
part
he
is
accus'd
of
divers
great
Offences
,
Misprisions
,
untrue
Labours
,
and
false
Deceits
;
but
we
shall
only
take
notice
of
those
Articles
which
relate
to
our
present
Subject
.
Rot.
Parl.
28
Hen.
6.
Num.
28.
To
the
Kyng
our
Soverayne
Lord
sheweth
,
and
with
dolorous
Lamentations
Compleyneth
youre
true
feithfull
Subgettes
and
Comons
beyng
in
this
youre
present
Parlement
,
by
youre
Commaundement
Roial
,
That
William
de
la
Pole
,
Duke
of
Suffolk
,
hath
doone
,
and
caused
to
be
doone
,
ayents
youre
Regalie
,
Honour
,
Estate
and
Prosperite
of
youre
moost
noble
Persone
,
and
the
We
le
of
youre
true
Subgettes
of
youre
Reames
of
Englond
,
and
Fraunce
,
youre
Duchies
,
Guyen
,
and
Normandy
,
and
other
Places
under
your
Obeisance
,
divers
grete
Offences
,
Misprisions
,
untrue
Labours
and
fals
Deceytes
in
Manner
and
Fourme
ensueying
.
Mawlyon
de
Sool
in
Guyen
,
&c.
The
Five
next
following
Articles
relate
to
his
Transactions
in
Foreign
Parts
,
which
we
omit
.
Haverford
West
,
after
the
Deth
of
Sir
Rowland
Lenthale
with
other
grete
Castells
and
Lordshipps
,
as
well
in
Englond
as
in
Wales
,
and
dyvers
grete
Wards
and
Marriages
of
Heirs
,
and
their
Enheritaunces
,
in
special
of
Margerette
Doughterr
and
Heire
of
John
late
Duke
of
Somerset
,
by
which
ye
have
hadde
over
grete
dammage
,
for
it
wold
heve
sufficed
to
a
grete
part
of
the
Expense
of
youre
Houshold
.
The
next
Article
relates
to
his
having
embezzel'd
several
Bonds
remaining
in
the
Treasury
.
The
next
to
his
having
embezzel'd
several
Writs
.
The
next
for
his
having
procur'd
an
irregular
Pardon
for
William
Tailleboys
a
Debtor
to
the
King
.
Which
Articles
being
long
we
omit
.
Item
,
The
seid
Duke
conceyvyng
himself
to
be
with
you
privyest
,
and
best
trusted
,
by
full
many
Yeres
hath
presumed
upon
hymself
to
name
to
yovre
Highnesse
,
and
caused
to
be
made
dyvers
Persones
Shirreves
of
many
youre
Countees
,
in
this
youre
Reame
,
some
for
lucre
of
good
,
and
some
to
be
applyable
to
his
entent
and
Commandement
,
to
fulfylle
his
Desyres
and
Wrytyngs
,
for
such
as
hym
lyked
;
to
th
entent
to
enhaunce
hymselfe
and
have
over
grete
and
unfyttyng
Rule
in
this
youre
Reame
:
Wherof
ensued
,
that
they
that
wold
not
be
of
his
Affinite
in
their
Countreys
,
were
every
Matter
,
true
or
fals
,
that
he
favour'd
,
was
furthered
and
speede
,
and
true
Matters
of
such
Persones
as
had
not
his
Favour
,
were
hyndered
and
put
abakke
,
Perjuries
therby
encreased
,
many
of
youre
true
Lieges
by
his
Might
and
help
of
his
Adherents
disherited
,
empoverished
and
distrowed
,
&c.
The
next
Article
relates
to
one
of
his
Foreign
Transactions
.
Of
all
which
Offences
,
Misprisions
and
untrue
Labours
,
and
false
Deceytes
,
in
the
seid
Atticles
specifyed
,
We
youre
seid
Commons
Accuse
and
Empeche
the
seid
Duke
of
Suffolk
.
And
in
the
most
humble
wyse
beseche
and
pray
youre
Highnesse
,
that
this
been
enacted
in
this
youre
high
Court
of
Parlement
.
And
that
it
may
be
proceeded
upon
the
Premises
ayenst
the
seid
Duke
,
during
the
same
Parlement
,
as
the
Matters
and
Causes
forefeid
requiren
,
in
Conservation
of
Justice
,
to
the
singuler
Comfort
of
all
youre
Leige
People
,
youre
Rightwisenesse
considering
that
the
seyd
Misprisions
,
Fawtes
and
other
full
untrue
coloured
Counseils
and
myscheivous
Dedes
of
the
same
Duke
,
which
to
reherce
were
over-long
,
and
to
diffuse
have
ben
the
Ground
and
Cause
of
the
Subversion
of
youre
Laws
and
Justice
and
Execution
thereof
,
and
to
the
nygh
likely
Destruction
of
this
youre
Reame
and
other
Places
under
youre
Obeysaunce
.
Sire
ye
be
well
remembred
,
when
ye
were
last
in
the
Kynges
Presence
and
his
Lords
of
youre
Answers
and
Declarations
upon
certeyn
Articles
touching
Accusations
and
Impechements
of
grete
and
horrible
thyngs
put
upon
you
by
the
Commons
of
the
Lond
assembled
in
this
present
Parlement
,
in
ther
first
Bill
presented
by
theym
to
the
Kyngs
Highnesse
,
and
how
at
that
time
ye
putte
you
not
uppon
youre
Parage
.
What
wold
ye
sey
nowe
further
more
in
that
matier
.
And
the
seid
Duke
answer'd
and
seid
,
they
were
too
horrible
to
speke
more
of
theym
,
and
seid
openly
to
the
Kyng
,
and
all
the
Lordes
,
that
all
the
Articles
comprehended
in
the
seid
Bille
touchyng
the
Kyngs
high
Persone
and
th
astate
of
his
Royalme
,
he
trusteth
to
God
he
hath
answered
hem
sufficiently
for
he
hath
denyed
the
Dayes
,
the
Yeres
,
the
Places
,
and
the
Commumications
hadd
,
which
were
never
thought
nor
wrought
;
seying
utterly
they
ben●fals
,
and
untrue
and
in
manner
impossible
,
for
he
seid
soo
grete
thyngs
coud
not
be
done
nor
brought
aboute
by
hymself
alone
,
onlesse
that
other
Persones
had
doon
her
partie
,
and
be
privy
therto
,
as
well
as
he
,
and
he
toke
his
Soule
to
perpetuel
Damnation
yf
ever
he
knew
more
of
thoo
Maters
than
the
Childe
in
the
Moders
Wombe
.
And
soo
he
not
departyng
from
his
seid
Answers
and
Declaration
,
submytted
hym
hooly
to
the
Kynges
Rule
and
Governance
,
to
doo
with
hym
as
hym
list
,
wheruppon
the
seid
Chaunceller
by
the
Kynges
Commaundement
seid
unto
hym
ageyne
in
this
Fourme
.
Sire
y
conceyve
you
that
ye
not
departyng
from
youre
Answers
and
Declarations
in
the
Matters
aforeseyd
,
not
puttyng
you
uppon
youre
Parage
,
submitte
you
hooly
to
the
Kynges
Rule
and
Governaunce
.
Wherfore
the
Kynge
commandeth
me
to
sey
you
,
that
as
touchyng
the
grete
and
horrible
thynges
in
the
seid
first
Bille
comprised
,
the
Kyng
holdeth
you
nether
declared
nor
charged
.
And
as
touchyng
the
second
Bille
,
putte
ayenst
you
touchyng
Misprysions
which
be
not
Crymynal
,
the
Kynge
by
force
of
youre
Submission
by
his
owne
Advyse
,
and
not
reporting
hym
to
thadvyse
of
his
Lordes
,
nor
by
wey
of
Judgment
,
for
he
is
not
in
place
of
Judgment
,
putteth
you
to
his
Rule
and
Governaunce
,
That
is
to
say
that
ye
,
before
the
first
day
of
May
next
comyng
,
shall
absent
your self
out
of
his
Reame
of
Englond
.
And
also
from
the
seid
first
Day
of
May
unto
the
end
of
five
Yeres
next
following
,
and
fully
complete
,
ye
shall
absteyne
to
abyde
in
the
Reame
of
Fraunce
,
or
in
eny
other
Lordshippes
or
Places
beyng
under
his
Obeysaunce
whersoever
they
be
.
And
that
ye
shull
not
shewe
nor
wayte
nor
no
Man
for
you
,
as
far
forth
as
ye
may
lette
it
,
no
malice
evil
will
,
harme
ne
hurte
to
eny
Persone
of
what
degree
he
be
of
,
or
to
eny
of
the
Commons
of
this
Parlement
,
in
noe
manner
of
wyse
,
for
eny
thing
doon
to
you
in
this
seid
Parlement
or
elles
where
.
And
forthwith
the
Viscount
Beamount
,
on
the
behalf
of
the
seid
Lordes
both
Spirituels
and
Temporelx
,
and
by
their
Advyse
Assent
and
Desire
recited
seid
and
declared
to
the
Kyngs
Highnesse
,
that
this
that
was
so
decreed
and
doon
by
his
Excellence
,
concernyng
the
persone
of
the
seid
Duke
,
proceded
not
by
theyre
Advyse
and
Counseil
,
but
was
doon
by
the
Kyngs
own
demeanaunce
and
rule
,
wherfore
they
besought
the
Kynge
that
this
their
seiyng
myght
be
enacted
in
the
Parlement
Rolle
,
for
theyr
more
declaration
hereafter
,
with
this
Protestation
,
that
it
should
not
be
nor
tourn
in
prejudice
nor
derogation
of
theym
,
theyr
Heyres
ne
of
theyr
Successors
in
tyme
comyng
,
but
they
may
have
and
enjoy
theyre
Lybertee
and
Freedome
in
case
of
theyr
Parage
hereafter
,
as
freely
and
as
largely
as
ever
they
or
eny
of
theyre
Auncesters
or
Pedecessours
had
and
enjoyed
before
this
tyme.
Thus
William
de
la
Pool
,
Duke
of
Suffolk
,
the
Kings
Favourite
and
the
Queens
Minion
,
was
impeach'd
by
the
Commons
,
and
banish'd
by
the
Regal
Authority
.
He
was
notorious
for
enrychyng
Hymself
with
the
Kynges
Goods
and
Lands
,
gathering
together
and
making
a
Monopoly
of
Offices
,
Fees
,
Wards
and
Ferms
,
by
reason
whereof
the
Kynges
Estate
was
greatly
mynished
and
decayed
,
and
he
and
his
Kin
highly
exalted
and
enriched
.
Besides
the
same
Author
says
,
He
had
dipp'd
his
hands
in
Blood
,
having
been
a
chief
Instrument
in
contriving
the
Murther
of
Humphry
Duke
of
Gloster
.
But
Sanguinary
Men
seldom
escape
unpunish'd
,
for
this
Duke
of
Suffolk
had
his
own
Head
struck
off
upon
the
side
of
a
Cock-boat
by
a
Servant
belonging
to
the
Duke
of
Exeter
.
Robert
Cotton
cites
an
Old
Author
,
who
gives
an
admirable
Description
of
those
times
.
He
says
,
I
will
tell
you
what
I
found
since
this
Assembly
at
Oxford
,
written
by
a
Reverend
Man
twice
Vice
Chancellor
of
this
Place
:
his
Name
was
Gascoin
;
a
Man
that
saw
the
Tragedy
of
De
la
Pool
:
He
tells
you
,
that
the
Revenues
of
the
Crown
were
so
rent
away
by
ill
Council
,
that
the
King
was
enforced
to
live
deTallagiis
Populi
:
That
the
King
was
grown
in
debt
quinque
centena
millia
librarum
:
That
his
great
Favourite
,
in
treating
of
a
foreign
Marriage
,
had
lost
his
Master
a
foreign
Duchy
.
That
to
work
his
Ends
,
he
had
caus'd
the
King
to
adjourn
his
Parliament
In
villis
&
remotis
partibus
Regni
,
where
few
People
,
propter
defectum
hospitii
&
victualium
,
could
attend
,
and
by
shifting
that
Assembly
from
place
to
place
,
to
inforce
(
I
will
use
the
Authors
Words
)
illos
paucos
qui
remanebant
de
Communitate
Regni
,
concedere
Regi
quamvis
pessima
.
When
the
Parliament
endeavour'd
by
an
Act
of
Resumption
,
the
just
and
frequent
way
to
repair
the
languishing
State
of
the
Crown
(
for
all
from
Hen.
3.
but
one
,
till
the
6
of
Hen.
8.
have
used
it
)
this
great
Man
told
the
King
it
was
Ad
dedecus
Regis
,
and
forced
him
from
it
:
To
which
the
Commons
answer'd
,
although
Vexati
laboribus
&
Expensis
,
quod
nunquam
concederent
Taxam
Regi
,
until
by
Authority
of
Parliament
,
Resumeret
actualiter
omnia
pertinentia
Coronae
Angliae
.
And
that
it
was
Magis
ad
dedecus
Regis
,
to
leave
so
many
poor
men
in
intolerable
want
,
to
whom
the
King
stood
then
indebted
.
Yet
could
not
all
good
Council
work
,
until
by
Parliament
that
bad
Great
Man
was
banish'd
,
which
was
no
sooner
done
,
but
an
Act
of
Resumption
followed
the
Inrollment
of
the
Act
of
his
Exilement
.
Sir
Robert
Cotton
,
that
learned
Antiqary
,
is
so
intirely
in
the
Right
in
this
Assertion
,
that
whoever
looks
over
the
Records
will
find
,
that
there
is
not
so
much
as
a
line
interposed
between
the
Proceedings
against
the
Duke
of
Suffolk
,
and
the
Act
of
Resumption
,
so
quickly
they
followed
one
another
:
Which
ought
to
be
a
perpetual
Notice
and
Lesson
to
Posterity
,
that
when
the
People
of
England
desire
an
Act
of
Resumption
,
the
Work
must
begin
with
Impeaching
Corrupt
Ministers
.
We
have
hitherto
produc'd
Impeachments
of
elder
Times
,
which
perhaps
the
Persons
concern'd
in
point
of
Interest
,
will
call
old
musty
Records
;
We
shall
therefore
now
proceed
to
show
some
Presidents
of
a
later
date
.
As
our
Ancestors
held
it
a
Crime
for
Men
to
procure
to
themselves
Offices
above
their
Capacity
,
and
Gifts
and
Grants
from
the
Crown
beyond
their
Deserts
,
so
in
this
latter
Age
the
House
of
Commons
have
thought
the
like
Proceedings
not
for
the
King's
Honour
,
and
dangerous
to
the
Publick
.
Co●
▪
1.
It
was
an
Article
against
the
Duke
of
Buckingham
,
that
he
had
such
a
Multiplicity
of
High
Offices
in
the
State
,
as
no
one
Person
could
well
and
truly
discharge
.
That
for
his
own
particular
Gain
he
had
sold
Patents
to
be
Peers
of
England
,
to
the
prejudice
of
the
Gentry
,
and
dishonour
of
the
Nobility
of
this
Kingdom
.
That
besides
his
great
Employments
,
and
the
Profits
thereunto
belonging
,
which
might
have
satisfy'd
any
moderate
Ambition
,
He
had
procur'd
to
himself
several
Grants
of
the
Crown
Revenue
,
amounting
to
a
high
Value
.
But
that
the
Reader
may
have
this
matter
of
Impeachments
more
fully
before
him
,
we
shall
here
incert
the
three
Articles
which
have
Reference
to
our
present
subject
,
tho
they
are
already
publish'd
in
Rushworth
.
That
whereas
the
Great
Offices
,
expressed
in
the
said
Duke's
Stile
and
Title
,
heretofore
have
been
the
singular
Preferments
of
several
Persons
,
eminent
in
Wisdom
and
Trust
,
and
fully
able
for
the
weighty
Service
,
and
greatest
Employments
of
the
State
,
whereby
the
said
Offices
were
both
carefully
and
sufficiently
executed
by
several
Persons
,
of
such
Wisdom
,
Trust
,
and
Ability
:
And
others
also
that
were
employ'd
by
the
Royal
Progenitors
of
our
Sovereign
Lord
the
King
in
Places
of
less
Dignity
,
were
much
encouraged
with
the
Hopes
of
Advancement
.
And
whereas
divers
of
the
said
Places
severally
of
themselves
,
and
necessarily
require
the
whole
care
,
industry
,
and
attendance
of
a
most
provident
,
and
most
able
Person
:
He
the
said
Duke
,
being
young
and
unexperienced
,
hath
,
of
late
Years
,
with
exorbitant
Ambition
,
and
for
his
own
profit
and
advantage
,
procured
and
ingrossed
into
his
own
hands
the
said
several
Offices
,
both
to
the
danger
of
the
State
,
the
prejudice
of
that
Service
which
should
have
been
performed
in
them
,
and
to
the
great
discouragement
of
others
;
who
by
this
his
procuring
and
ingrossing
of
the
said
Offices
,
are
precluded
from
such
hopes
,
as
their
Vertues
,
Abilities
and
Publick
Employments
,
might
otherwise
have
given
them
.
Whereas
the
Titles
of
Honour
of
this
Kingdom
of
England
were
wont
to
be
conferred
as
great
Rewards
,
upon
such
virtuous
and
industrious
Persons
as
had
merited
them
by
their
faithfull
Service
;
the
said
Duke
,
by
his
importunate
and
subtle
Procurement
,
had
not
only
perverted
that
antient
and
most
honourable
Way
,
but
also
unduly
,
for
his
own
particular
Gain
,
he
hath
enforced
some
that
were
rich
(
though
unwilling
)
to
purchase
Honour
:
as
,
the
Lord
R.
Baron
of
T.
who
,
by
practice
of
the
said
Duke
and
his
Agents
,
was
drawn
up
to
London
,
in
or
about
October
,
in
the
Two
and
twentieth
Year
of
the
Reign
of
the
late
King
James
of
famous
Memory
,
and
there
so
threatned
and
dealt
withal
,
that
by
reason
thereof
he
yielded
to
give
,
and
accordingly
did
pay
the
summ
of
Ten
thousand
pounds
to
the
said
Duke
,
and
to
his
use
:
For
which
said
Summ
,
the
said
Duke
,
in
the
Month
January
,
in
the
Two
and
twentieth
Year
of
the
said
late
King
procured
the
Title
of
Baron
R.
of
T.
to
the
said
Lord
R.
In
which
practice
,
as
the
said
Lord
R.
was
much
wronged
in
this
particular
,
so
the
example
thereof
tendeth
to
the
prejudice
of
the
Gentry
,
and
dishonour
of
the
Nobility
of
this
Kingdom
.
He
the
said
Duke
not
contented
with
the
great
Advancement
formerly
received
from
the
late
King
,
of
famous
Memory
,
by
his
procurement
and
Practice
,
in
the
fourteenth
Year
of
the
said
King
,
for
the
support
of
the
many
Places
,
Honours
,
and
Dignities
conferred
on
him
,
did
obtain
a
Grant
of
divers
Manners
,
Parcel
of
the
Revenue
of
the
Crown
,
and
of
the
Duchy
of
Lancaster
,
to
the
yearly
value
of
One
thousand
six
hundred
ninety
seven
pounds
two
shillings
half-penny
farthing
,
of
the
old
Rent
,
with
all
Woods
,
Timber
,
Trees
,
and
Advowson
;
part
whereof
amounting
to
the
Summ
of
Seven
hundred
forty
seven
pounds
thirteen
Shillings
and
four
Pence
,
was
rated
at
Two
and
thirty
thousand
Pounds
,
but
in
truth
of
a
far
greater
Value
.
And
likewise
in
the
Sixteenth
Year
of
the
same
Kings
Reign
,
did
procure
divers
others
Manners
annexed
to
the
Crown
of
the
yearly
value
,
at
the
old
Rent
,
of
Twelve
hundred
Pounds
or
thereabouts
,
according
as
in
a
Schedule
hereunto
annexed
appeareth
:
In
the
Warrant
for
passing
of
which
Lands
he
,
by
his
great
Favour
procured
divers
unusual
Clauses
to
be
incerted
,
(
viz.
)
That
no
Perquisites
of
Courts
should
be
valued
,
and
that
all
Bailiffs
Fees
should
be
reprised
in
the
Particulars
upon
which
those
Lands
were
rated
;
whereby
a
President
hath
been
introduced
,
which
all
those
who
,
since
that
time
,
have
obtained
any
Lands
from
the
Crown
,
have
pursued
to
the
damage
of
his
late
Majesty
,
and
of
our
Sovereign
Lord
the
King
that
now
is
,
to
an
exceeding
great
Value
.
And
afterwards
he
surrendred
to
his
said
Majesty
divers
Mannors
and
Lands
,
parcel
of
those
Lands
formerly
granted
unto
him
,
to
the
Value
of
Seven
hundred
twenty
three
Pounds
eighteen
Shillings
and
two
Pence
Half-peny
per
annum
;
in
consideration
of
which
surrender
,
he
procured
divers
other
Lands
of
the
said
late
King
to
be
sold
and
contracted
for
,
by
his
own
Servants
and
Agents
,
and
thereupon
hath
obtained
Grants
of
the
same
,
to
pass
from
his
late
Majesty
,
to
several
Persons
of
this
Kingdom
,
and
hath
caused
Tallies
to
be
stricken
for
the
Money
,
being
the
Consideration
mentioned
in
those
Grants
in
the
Receipt
of
the
Exchequer
,
as
if
any
such
Moneys
had
really
come
to
his
Majesties
Coffers
;
whereas
the
Duke
(
or
some
other
by
his
Appointment
)
hath
indeed
received
the
same
Summs
,
and
expended
them
upon
his
own
Occasions
.
And
notwithstanding
the
great
and
inestimable
Gain
by
him
made
by
the
sale
of
Offices
,
Honours
,
and
by
others
Suits
by
him
obtained
from
his
Majesty
,
and
for
the
countenancing
of
divers
Projects
,
and
other
Courses
,
burthensome
to
his
Majesty's
Realms
,
both
of
England
and
Ireland
;
the
said
Duke
hath
likewise
,
by
his
procurement
and
practice
,
received
into
his
hands
,
and
disbursed
to
his
own
use
,
exceeding
great
Summs
,
that
were
the
Moneys
of
the
late
King
of
famous
memory
,
as
appeareth
also
in
the
said
Schedule
hereunto
annexed
:
And
the
better
to
colour
his
doings
in
that
behalf
,
hath
obtained
several
Privy-Seals
from
his
late
Majesty
,
and
his
Majesty
that
now
is
,
warranting
the
Payment
of
great
Summs
to
Persons
by
him
named
,
causing
it
to
be
recited
in
such
Privy-Seals
,
as
if
those
Summs
were
directed
for
seeret
Services
concerning
the
State
,
whic●
were
notwithstanding
disposed
of
to
his
own
use
;
and
other
Privy-Seals
by
him
have
been
procured
for
the
discharge
of
those
Persons
without
Accompt
;
and
by
the
like
fraud
and
practise
,
under
colour
of
free
Gifts
from
his
Majesty
he
hath
gotten
into
his
hands
great
Sums
which
were
intended
by
his
Majesty
,
to
be
disbursed
for
the
preparing
,
furnishing
and
victualling
of
his
Royal
Navy
;
by
which
secret
and
colourable
devices
the
constant
and
ordinary
course
of
the
Exchequer
hath
been
broken
,
there
being
no
means
by
matter
of
Record
to
charge
either
the
Treasurer
or
Victualler
of
the
Navy
with
those
Sums
which
ought
to
have
to
come
to
their
hands
,
and
to
be
accompted
for
to
his
Majesty
;
and
such
a
Confusion
and
Mixture
hath
been
made
between
the
Kings
Estates
and
the
Dukes
as
cannot
be
cleared
by
the
legal
Entries
and
Records
,
which
ought
to
be
truly
and
faithfully
made
,
and
kept
,
both
for
the
safety
of
his
Majesty's
Treasure
,
and
for
the
indempnity
of
his
Officers
,
and
Subjects
whom
it
doth
concern
.
And
also
in
the
Sixteenth
Year
of
the
said
King
,
and
in
the
Twentieth
Year
of
the
said
King
,
he
did
procure
to
himself
several
Releases
from
the
said
King
of
divers
great
Summs
of
●●ney
of
the
said
King
by
him
privately
received
,
and
which
he
procur'd
,
that
he
might
detain
the
same
for
the
support
of
his
Places
,
Honours
,
and
Dignities
.
And
these
things
,
and
divers
others
of
the
like
kind
,
as
appeareth
in
the
Schedule
annexed
,
hath
he
done
,
to
the
exceeding
diminution
of
the
Revenue
of
the
Crown
,
and
in
deceit
both
of
our
Soveraign
Lord
the
King
that
now
is
,
and
of
the
late
King
James
of
famous
Memory
,
and
to
the
detriment
of
the
whole
Kingdom
.
The
Duke
escaped
this
Storm
by
the
sudden
Dissolution
,
which
was
chiefly
to
save
him
,
however
in
the
next
Parliament
4
Car.
1.
he
was
again
attacked
as
freshly
as
before
,
which
again
he
had
Interest
enough
to
get
dissolv'd
;
but
had
he
liv'd
to
see
another
,
he
must
undoubtedly
have
sunk
under
the
just
Anger
of
the
House
of
Commons
.
For
the
People
of
England
have
never
patiently
born
to
see
immoderate
Wealth
,
Power
and
Honours
,
with
variety
of
Great
Offices
,
conferr'd
upon
any
single
Person
.
Hardly
any
Favourite
had
Nobler
Qualities
than
this
great
Man
;
He
was
Beautiful
▪
in
his
Person
,
Magnificent
in
his
Nature
,
and
not
without
either
Heart
or
Understanding
.
Many
People
had
tasted
of
his
Private
Liberalities
;
He
would
hunt
out
for
Persons
of
Merit
,
and
bring
'em
from
their
most
secret
Retirements
,
into
Business
.
He
was
rough
only
to
his
Enemies
,
but
most
earnest
and
ready
to
oblige
his
Friends
;
He
would
often
get
for
others
what
he
might
conveniently
have
kept
for
himself
;
He
governed
not
only
his
Domestick
Affairs
,
but
his
Transactions
in
the
State
,
by
the
Advice
of
a
select
number
of
Friends
,
all
able
Men
,
but
not
engaged
in
Publick
Matters
,
whom
he
retain'd
in
his
Service
by
Pensions
out
of
his
own
Purse
.
And
yet
,
thus
qualify'd
as
he
was
,
it
was
not
thought
reasonable
in
Parliament
,
that
so
high
Honours
,
so
much
Wealth
and
Power
,
and
such
a
multiplicity
of
Employments
,
should
be
conferr'd
upon
so
young
a
Man
.
If
such
a
one
could
not
stand
before
the
People
,
much
less
will
they
,
in
any
future
Reign
,
bear
to
see
Men
with
the
like
Wealth
,
pour'd
upon
'em
,
and
in
the
like
Station
of
Power
and
Favour
,
who
have
none
of
his
Qualifications
,
who
are
contemptible
in
their
Figures
,
who
make
no
Expence
but
what
tends
to
their
private
Luxury
,
of
whose
Bounty
no
one
ever
tasted
,
who
bar
the
Court
Gates
to
▪
any
Merit
,
who
never
did
any
kind
Office
,
who
make
a
sale
of
all
Employments
,
who
creep
to
their
Enemies
,
and
slight
their
Friends
,
who
never
did
good
but
for
themselves
,
or
to
here
and
there
an
humble
Flatterer
,
and
who
never
,
in
their
Transactions
for
the
State
,
govern
themselves
by
the
Advice
of
grave
Friends
,
but
act
all
things
upon
their
own
giddy
Heads
,
ever
drown'd
in
Wine
,
or
heated
by
Debauches
.
Martis
die
24
Nov.
1640.
There
were
Reported
eight
Articles
in
maintenance
of
the
Commons
Accusation
against
the
Earl
of
Strafford
,
which
were
agreed
upon
the
day
following
,
and
of
which
the
IIId
Article
is
,
That
the
better
to
inrich
and
enable
himself
to
go
through
with
his
Traiterous
Designs
,
he
hath
detained
a
great
Part
of
his
Majesty's
Revenue
,
without
giving
Legal
Account
;
and
hath
taken
great
Summs
out
of
the
Exchequer
,
converting
them
to
his
own
use
,
when
his
Majesty
wanted
Money
for
his
own
Urgent
Occasions
,
and
his
Army
had
been
a
long
time
unpaid
.
In
the
Heads
of
the
Accusation
against
the
Earl
of
Clarendon
,
reported
by
Sir
Thomas
Little●on
,
Wednesday
6
Nov.
1667.
one
of
the
Articles
was
:
That
he
hath-in
a
short
time
gained
to
himself
a
greater
Estate
than
can
be
imagined
to
be
gained
lawfully
in
so
short
a
time
;
and
,
contrary
to
his
Oath
,
hath
procured
several
Grants
under
the
Great
Seal
from
His
Majejesty
to
himself
and
Relations
,
of
several
of
His
Majesty's
Lands
,
Hereditaments
and
Leases
,
to
the
Disprofit
of
his
Majesty
.
We
all
know
the
Impeachment
against
that
Noble
Earl
,
was
rather
a
Court-Design
,
than
carried
on
by
good
Patriots
.
The
Zeal
he
had
shown
for
the
Laws
of
his
Country
had
stirr'd
him
up
some
Enemies
:
And
because
he
would
not
make
a
Difference
between
the
King
and
Duke
of
York
,
he
chose
to
retire
,
which
Retirement
was
follow'd
by
an
Act
to
banish
him
:
But
had
he
he
staid
,
and
stood
his
Trial
,
no
doubt
he
had
justified
himself
in
this
and
in
the
other
Articles
.
For
upon
Enquiry
,
the
Writer
of
these
Papers
is
inform'd
that
he
had
not
procured
any
Grant
of
the
Crown
Demeasnes
:
And
as
to
Clarendon
Park
,
now
in
the
Family
,
and
which
was
Crown-Land
,
that
he
bought
it
at
the
full
Value
of
the
Old
Duke
of
Albemarl
,
who
had
begg'd
it
of
the
King
.
But
if
he
had
received
any
Gift
of
Forefeited
Estates
,
or
in
Money
,
his
long
services
and
sufferings
,
and
his
having
been
a
Companion
in
his
Master's
Exile
might
very
well
deserve
any
such
sort
of
Bounty
.
Jovis
15
die
Jan.
1673.
Articles
of
Treasonable
and
other
Crimes
of
high
Misdemeanor
against
the
Earl
of
Arlington
,
Principal
Secretary
of
State
,
being
open'd
,
were
presented
to
the
House
,
and
read
.
The
Articles
containing
matter
of
Treason
were
seven
.
It
was
further
open'd
,
That
the
said
Earl
had
been
guilty
of
many
undue
practices
to
promote
his
own
Greatness
,
and
had
embezzel'd
and
wasted
the
Treasure
of
his
Nation
.
Art.
1.
By
procuring
vast
and
Exorbitant
Grants
for
himself
both
in
England
and
Ireland
,
breaking
into
the
Settlement
of
that
Kingdom
,
and
dispossessing
several
English
Adventurers
and
Soldiers
of
their
Properties
and
Freeholds
,
in
which
they
were
duly
and
legally
stated
,
without
any
Colour
of
Reason
or
suggestion
of
Right
.
Art.
2.
By
charging
excessive
and
almost
incredible
Sums
for
false
and
deceitful
Intelligence
.
Art.
3.
By
procuring
His
Majesties
Hand
for
the
giving
away
between
his
first
Entrance
into
his
Office
,
the
Value
of
Three
Millions
of
Sterling
Money
,
at
the
least
,
the
several
Grants
whereof
are
extent
,
countersigned
by
him
,
and
by
him
only
.
Martis
20
die
Jan.
1673.
The
House
resumed
the
adjourn'd
Debate
,
concerning
the
Lord
Arlington
.
The
Question
being
put
,
That
an
Address
be
presented
to
His
Majesty
to
remove
the
Earl
of
Arlington
from
all
his
Employments
,
that
are
held
,
during
His
Majesty's
Pleasure
,
and
from
His
Majesty's
Presence
and
Council
for
ever
.
It
pass'd
in
the
Negative
by
39
Voices
.
Resolved
,
That
a
Committee
be
appointed
to
consider
of
the
Articles
against
the
Earl
of
Arlington
,
and
to
report
what
Matter
is
therein
contained
,
and
can
be
prov'd
,
that
is
fit
for
an
Impeachment
.
Committed
to
Mr.
Crouch
,
&c.
Memorandum
,
The
Committee
never
made
their
Report
;
for
the
24th
of
March
the
Parliament
was
Prorogued
to
the
10th
.
of
November
,
1674
,
and
so
the
Matter
fell
.
die
Apr.
1675.
A
Charge
or
Impeachment
against
Thomas
Earl
of
Danby
,
Lord
High-Treasurer
of
England
,
containing
several
Offences
,
Crimes
,
and
Misdemeanors
,
of
a
very
high
Nature
,
being
presented
and
opened
to
the
House
,
and
afterwards
brought
in
and
delivered
at
the
Clerk's
Table
,
and
read
.
Art.
6.
That
the
said
Earl
hath
procured
great
Gifts
and
Grants
from
the
Crown
,
whilst
under
great
Debts
,
by
Warrants
counter-signed
by
himself
.
The
2d
.
Article
of
the
Impeachment
being
read
,
and
the
Matter
thereof
debated
,
Resolved
,
That
before
the
House
do
proceed
farther
in
the
Debate
of
this
Article
,
they
will
hear
the
Witnesses
.
The
Witnesses
were
heard
;
then
the
House
Adjourn'd
.
Lunae
3
die
Maii
,
1675.
The
House
then
proceeded
in
the
farther
Consideration
of
the
Articles
against
the
Lord-Treasurer
.
And
3d.
4th
.
5th
.
6th
.
and
7th
.
Articles
being
read
,
and
the
Question
being
severally
put
,
Whether
any
fit
Matter
doth
appear
in
the
Examination
of
those
Articles
,
to
impeach
the
Lord-Treasurer
?
It
pass'd
in
the
Negative
.
die
Decemb.
1678.
Articles
of
Impeachment
of
High
Treason
,
and
other
High
Crimes
,
Misdemeanors
,
and
Offences
,
against
Thomas
Earl
of
Danby
,
Lord
High-Treasurer
of
England
,
were
delivered
from
the
Committee
.
Art.
5.
That
he
hath
wasted
the
King's
Treasure
,
by
issuing
out
of
His
Majesty's
Exchequer
,
and
several
Branches
of
his
Revenue
,
divers
great
Summs
of
Money
for
unnecessary
Pensions
,
and
secret
Services
,
to
the
Value
of
231602
l.
within
Two
Years
:
And
thus
he
hath
wholly
diverted
out
of
the
known
Method
and
Government
of
the
Exchequer
,
one
whole
Branch
of
His
Majesty's
Revenue
to
private
Uses
,
without
any
Account
to
be
made
thereof
in
the
Exchequer
,
contrary
to
the
express
Act
of
Parliament
which
granted
the
same
.
And
he
hath
removed
two
of
His
Majesty's
Commissioners
of
that
part
of
the
Revenue
,
for
refusing
to
consent
to
such
his
unwarrantable
Actings
,
and
to
advance
Money
upon
that
part
of
the
Revenue
for
private
Uses
.
Art.
6.
That
he
hath
by
indirect
Means
procur'd
from
His
Majesty
for
himself
divers
Considerable
Gifts
and
Grants
of
Inheritance
of
the
Ancient
Revenue
of
the
Crown
,
even
contrary
to
Acts
of
Parliament
.
Ordered
,
That
the
Articlee
of
Impeachment
against
the
Lord
High-Treesurer
be
Engrossed
,
and
that
Sir
Henry
Capel
do
carry
them
up
to
the
Lords
on
Monday
Morning
next
.
We
have
cited
these
two
presidents
,
relating
to
the
Earl
of
Danby
,
to
shew
,
when
the
old
Whigs
were
in
the
supermest
Perfection
of
their
Virtue
,
and
Publick
Zeal
,
That
they
then
thought
it
a
High
Crime
and
Misdemeanor
,
For
a
Minister
to
Picture
to
himself
Giants
out
of
the
King's
Revenue
.
By
the
Authorities
and
Presidents
we
have
quoted
,
it
appears
manifestly
,
that
our
Ancestors
have
,
from
the
first
Institution
of
this
Government
,
very
highly
resented
such
Proceedings
.
But
here
it
may
be
asked
how
a
Statesman
is
to
behave
himself
▪
when
the
Prince
is
inclin'd
to
Liberality
,
and
overborn
with
Importunities
to
give
away
what
should
subsist
Him
and
the
State
?
To
which
we
answer
,
That
the
Lord
Chancellor's
Oath
plainly
directs
the
Minister
in
his
Duty
,
Ye
shall
neither
know
nor
suffer
the
King
's
Hurt
,
nor
his
Disheriting
,
nor
that
the
Rights
of
the
Crown
be
distressed
by
any
Means
,
as
far
forth
as
ye
may
let
it
:
And
if
ye
may
not
let
it
,
ye
shall
make
Knowledge
thereof
clearly
and
expresly
to
the
King
,
with
your
True
Advice
and
Council
.
By
which
Words
,
without
doubt
,
the
Law
must
mean
,
(
and
the
Chancellor's
Oath
is
part
of
our
Law
and
Constitution
,
)
That
this
high
Officer
is
to
oppose
with
all
his
Power
and
Intrest
what
he
sees
tending
to
the
King
and
Kingdom
's
Prejudice
;
and
if
he
finds
a
great
Number
of
Grants
passing
,
the
Law
intends
,
by
binding
him
with
such
an
Oath
,
That
he
should
from
time
to
time
represent
to
the
King
his
Debts
,
the
Taxes
,
and
Necessities
of
the
Nation
.
But
suppose
that
,
notwithstanding
this
Representation
,
the
Prince
will
have
the
Grant
to
proceed
,
how
is
the
Minister
to
act
in
such
a
Case
?
Without
doubt
he
is
then
to
consider
this
Maxim
of
our
Law
,
That
the
King
can
do
no
hurt
,
and
that
the
Minister
only
is
accountable
for
any
Male-Administration
.
He
is
to
contemplate
what
high
Officers
in
the
State
have
been
impeached
upon
the
like
Account
,
and
without
all
Controversie
he
is
rather
to
leave
the
Court
,
and
quit
his
Employment
,
than
to
do
a
thing
which
cannot
be
justified
by
the
Laws
and
Constitution
of
this
Kingdom
.
[
*
](A37160-e49490-b)
*
Daniel
.
P.
134.
Simon
Normannus
,
Keeper
of
the
Great
Seal
under
Henry
III.
and
Jeffery
his
Brother
,
both
Knights-Templars
,
and
Men
in
great
Powrr
,
suffer'd
themselves
to
be
turn'd
out
of
their
Employment
,
rather
than
to
pass
a
Grant
from
the
King
,
of
Four
Pence
upon
every
Sack
of
Wool
,
to
Thomas
Earl
of
Flanders
,
the
King's
Uncle
.
speaking
of
these
two
Brothers
being
put
from
Court
,
says
,
Seminarium
&
Causa
praecipua
fuit
hujus
Irae
Regiae
,
quod
idem
Simon
noluit
consignare
quoddam
detestabile
Scriptum
,
contra
Coronam
Domini
Regis
confectum
.
Cujus
Tenor
talis
fuit
,
ut
Comes
Flandriae
Thomas
perciperet
de
quolibet
sacco
Lanae
delatae
ab
Anglia
per
partes
suas
,
Telonium
:
Scilicet
de
quolibet
sacco
quatuor
denariorum
.
Nec
Galfridus
Templarius
huic
enormi
facto
consensit
,
licet
Rex
ad
hoc
avide
nimis
anhelaverit
.
'T
is
true
,
Men
are
very
unwilling
to
quit
Great
Employments
,
attended
with
much
Wealth
and
High
Honours
;
and
the
common
Excuse
of
such
as
comply
more
than
they
ought
,
is
,
That
others
will
be
readily
found
to
do
the
same
thing
:
So
that
they
shall
prejudice
themselves
without
any
Advantage
to
the
Publick
.
Nay
,
they
often
pretend
to
remain
at
Court
only
to
prevent
greater
and
farther
Mischiefs
.
Suppose
then
this
to
be
Case
,
and
that
the
Tide
runs
so
strongly
one
way
that
no
single
Minister
in
his
Station
is
able
to
stem
it
,
and
that
the
Prince
will
divest
himself
of
his
Revenues
,
notwithstanding
he
is
otherwise
advis'd
,
what
does
the
Constitution
of
this
Kingdom
require
from
a
Lord
Chancellor
,
a
Lord
Treasurer
,
Lord
Privy-Seal
,
and
the
Secretary
of
State
,
when
such
Measures
are
taken
?
What
Proofs
will
clear
them
before
the
whole
World
,
that
they
are
no
ways
consenting
to
such
Proceedings
,
and
that
things
are
carried
by
an
irresistible
Strength
against
that
Council
they
would
be
thought
to
give
?
Without
doubt
they
stand
justified
before
a
Parliament
▪
and
in
the
Opinions
of
the
People
,
if
they
give
manifest
Evidence
that
their
own
Hands
are
clean
,
and
that
they
do
not
at
all
participate
in
the
Depredations
that
are
made
upon
the
Publick
:
If
they
have
ask'd
nothing
for
themselves
,
't
is
a
sign
they
did
not
promote
Grants
;
for
he
who
ventures
to
wrong
the
King
,
will
rather
do
it
for
his
own
Gain
than
for
the
Advantage
of
another
:
Therefore
a
total
Self-denial
in
the
Minister
is
a
great
Mark
of
Innocence
.
If
they
were
seen
to
have
as
large
a
share
in
the
Plunder
as
any
others
;
if
the
King
's
best
Lands
and
Mannors
were
found
in
their
hands
;
or
,
which
is
worse
,
if
they
had
devour'd
all
the
Flesh
themselves
,
and
left
to
others
only
the
Bones
to
pick
;
if
,
while
the
Publick
was
poor
,
they
had
procur'd
to
themselves
outragious
Gifts
of
Money
,
as
they
are
call'd
in
the
Records
;
if
it
was
known
that
they
had
procur'd
immoderate
Releases
for
Money
,
(
now
they
term
'em
Privy-Seals
,
)
and
that
in
an
unwarrantable
manner
:
Our
Ancestors
look'd
no
farther
,
but
took
the
Ministers
to
be
guilty
,
and
presum'd
,
that
they
,
singly
,
for
their
own
Gain
and
Profit
,
had
incited
the
Prince
to
Liberalities
inconsistent
with
the
Welfare
of
his
Crown
and
Government
;
and
thereupon
our
Forefathers
grounded
the
Impeachments
we
have
mention'd
in
this
Section
.
We
do
not
find
in
the
Records
,
(
except
in
the
Lady
Vescie's
Case
,
)
that
the
Anger
of
Parliaments
was
provoked
against
the
Common
Herd
of
Courtiers
,
who
in
all
Ages
have
raked
from
the
Prince
whatsoever
they
could
:
But
the
Sword
of
the
Legislature
was
directed
against
their
Heads
,
who
being
Ministers
of
State
,
in
his
Privy
Council
bound
up
by
Oaths
,
(
Astricts
per
lour
serments
,
)
and
having
Offices
attended
with
large
Sallaries
and
Profits
,
did
nevertheless
,
with
insatiable
Avarice
and
Ambition
,
and
without
any
Consideration
of
the
Publick
Wants
and
Miseries
,
rob
the
Crown
of
all
they
could
,
by
a
Practice
as
foul
in
it self
as
it
was
fatal
in
its
Example
:
For
in
these
Cases
,
the
Law
has
only
an
Eye
to
those
who
are
intrusted
,
and
expects
the
Town
should
not
be
sold
,
surrender'd
,
or
betray'd
by
the
very
Centinels
who
are
set
to
watch
the
Gates
.
Perhaps
these
Great
Men
alledged
in
their
Excuse
,
That
none
will
serve
a
Court
without
Rewards
:
But
our
Ancestors
thought
the
Appointments
belonging
to
their
Offices
a
sufficient
Recompence
;
and
that
Government
grows
very
costly
,
when
Ministers
must
go
away
with
Ten
thousand
Pounds
per
Annum
Estate
,
for
Five
or
Six
Years
Service
.
Nor
did
our
Fore-fathers
think
it
Reasonable
,
that
out
of
the
Substance
of
the
Commons
of
England
there
should
be
built
up
every
Year
Three
or
Four
New
and
Wealthy
Families
.
'T
is
true
indeed
,
the
Ranulphs
,
the
De
la
Pools
,
the
Beurlees
,
and
the
Buckinghams
,
of
former
Ages
,
might
very
well
expect
all
they
got
,
or
could
get
,
if
every
Day
they
were
making
bold
Steps
,
by
which
they
ran
a
Hazard
of
their
Necks
.
But
in
Times
when
the
Laws
govern
,
and
when
extraordinary
things
are
neither
expected
by
the
Prince
,
nor
suffer'd
by
the
People
,
Ministers
for
their
Service
ought
to
be
contented
with
a
moderate
Reward
.
'T
is
probable
likewise
,
that
when
they
begg'd
those
large
Grants
of
former
Kings
,
(
for
which
they
were
impeached
,
)
they
suggested
to
'em
what
immense
Summs
of
Money
they
had
got
granted
for
them
by
the
Commons
.
But
if
the
true
Necessities
of
the
State
requir'd
it
,
the
Gifts
would
have
proceeded
without
their
urging
.
Nor
do
we
find
that
Hubert
,
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
a
good
and
faithful
Servant
,
got
,
or
was
impeach'd
for
getting
Grants
,
tho'
he
had
obtain'd
Eleven
hundred
thousand
Marks
for
the
Redemption
of
King
Richard
.
Besides
,
our
Ancestors
never
thought
that
procuring
Money
from
the
People
ought
to
commute
for
robbing
the
Prince
,
well-knowing
that
to
be
true
which
my
Lord
Verulam
has
since
observ'd
,
that
these
Men
,
so
dextrous
at
finding
out
Projects
,
and
at
inventing
new
Taxes
,
[
*
](A37160-e49780-b)
*
Life
Henry
VII
.
p.
210.
Prey
upon
the
People
like
tame
Hawks
for
their
Master
,
and
like
wild
Hawks
for
themselves
.
Our
Fore-fathers
had
good
Reason
to
animadvert
upon
these
Proceedings
;
for
nothing
more
tends
to
corrupt
a
Country
than
the
easie
way
of
getting
Wealth
by
the
Profusion
of
a
Court.
It
makes
Men
abandon
the
Thoughts
of
raising
themselves
by
Virtue
and
Merit
,
and
reduces
a
Nation
to
the
State
of
which
Mr.
Pym
speaks
,
when
he
says
,
There
are
but
few
now
that
apply
themselves
either
to
do
well
,
or
to
deserve
well
;
finding
Flattery
and
Compliance
to
be
the
easier
way
to
attain
their
Ends
and
Expectations
.
But
the
Advocates
for
Male-Administration
,
and
they
who
give
a
fair
Colour
to
Corruptions
of
this
Nature
,
will
perhaps
urge
,
that
generally
the
Heirs
of
such
as
here
are
mentioned
to
have
been
attainted
for
these
Crimes
,
have
been
restor'd
in
Blood
.
We
grant
the
Fact
to
be
so
;
but
this
is
no
Argument
that
they
were
wrongfully
accus'd
or
coudemn'd
.
Perhaps
,
to
make
the
Punishment
extend
beyond
the
Person
of
the
Criminal
,
is
wrong
in
our
Constitution
;
and
that
all
Restitutions
in
Blood
whatsoever
ought
to
be
favour'd
:
But
Families
have
been
restor'd
,
whose
Parents
no
Man
will
pretend
to
justifie
.
[
*
](A37160-e49860-b)
*
Rot.
Parl.
2
Hen.
V.
Numb.
19.
Hamond
Belknap
was
enabled
in
Blood
,
2.
Hen.
V.
and
the
Family
was
afterwards
fully
restor'd
,
6
Hen.
VIII
.
And
yet
no
English
Man
will
offer
to
say
,
that
Belknap
did
not
deserve
his
Death
.
The
Attaindures
shew'd
the
severe
Justice
of
our
Ancestors
;
and
the
Restitutions
that
came
afterwards
,
are
Signs
only
,
that
we
are
born
in
a
Country
where
the
People
are
well
natur'd
,
and
who
cannot
long
entertain
angry
and
revengeful
Thoughts
,
but
where
Lenity
has
encourag'd
many
Persons
more
boldly
to
enterprise
against
the
Publick
.
Thus
far
as
to
what
has
been
done
in
these
Matters
.
But
before
we
conclude
this
Section
,
we
shall
observe
,
That
other
Countries
as
well
as
England
have
relieved
the
Affairs
of
the
Prince
by
Resumptions
,
for
which
Grotius
cites
several
Authorities
.
[
†
](A37160-e49970-b)
†
Grotius
de
Jure
Belli
ac
Pacis
,
L.
2.
Annot.
ad
Cap.
14.
Donata
etiam
ab
Emptoribus
repetiit
Galba
,
relicta
decima
.
Tacit.
Hist.
1.
Pertinax
etiam
à
liberis
ea
exegit
quae
sub
specie
venditionis
Commodo
Principe
lucrifecerant
.
Basilius
Macedo
Imperator
repetiit
quae
Michael
Imperator
elargitus
fuerat
.
Zonaras
de
eo
:
Communi
consensu
placuit
,
ut
qui
pecunias
nulla
probabili
ex
causa
accepissent
,
partim
totas
,
partim
dimidium
redderent
.
Vide
eundem
Isaacio
Comneno
de
donationibus
Ludovici
XI
.
vide
Serranum
Carolo
VIII
.
de
ejusdem
donationibus
,
etiam
quae
Ecclesiis
factae
,
non
servatis
,
Philippum
Cominaeum
lib.
ix
.
Marianam
vero
de
donationibus
quas
Arragoniae
Rex
Ramirus
fecerat
,
rescissis
lib.
x.
cap.
xvi
.
de
Isabellae
donationibus
rescissis
per
ipsam
xxvii
.
cap.
ii
..
The
same
has
been
done
in
Scotland
:
[
†
](A37160-e50130-b)
†
Drammond
's
Hist.
of
Scotland
.
p.
27
,
28.
James
the
1st
.
recall'd
all
such
Lands
as
had
been
either
alienated
,
or
wrongfully
Usurped
from
the
Crown
.
And
also
what
was
wont
to
be
idly
given
away
,
as
Forfeitures
,
Escheats
and
Wards
,
were
restrain'd
to
the
Crown
,
and
kept
to
the
King
himself
.
And
in
other
Countries
,
as
well
as
in
England
:
They
who
deceiv'd
or
robb'd
the
Prince
,
were
highly
punish'd
.
Among
the
Romans
,
the
Crimen
peculatus
was
accounted
Capital
.
Crimen
Peculatus
hoc
est
Furtum
Principis
aut
Reipublicae
.
Quisquis
igitur
in
administrandis
,
aut
dispensandis
Principum
bonis
,
ita
infideliter
se
gerit
,
ut
eas
Pecunias
furetur
,
aut
Clanculariis
Technis
eripiat
,
aut
ad
proprium
commodum
ab
utatur
,
aut
ad
alios
certe
usus
,
quam
ad
usum
Principis
;
is
puniendus
quadruplo
,
&
exilio
.
Imo
juxta
multorum
sententiam
,
puniendus
est
capitaliter
,
L.
unica
C.
de
crimine
peculat
.
[
†
](A37160-e50230-b)
†
Cap.
de
Pec.
p.
444.
Damhouderii
Praxis
Rer.
Crim.
Hujus
Criminis
Accusatio
quinquennio
durat
,
ejus
poena
,
aquae
&
ignis
inter
dictio
,
in
cujus
locum
,
hodie
,
successit
deportatio
.
Wesenbecius
ad
Leg.
Jul.
de
Peculat
.
In
France
,
several
Persons
of
the
highest
Rank
have
been
Capitally
punish'd
for
Frauds
committed
in
the
Princes
Revenue
,
of
which
we
shall
give
several
Instances
.
But
First
,
we
shall
give
a
President
of
a
Financier
,
or
Treasurer
,
who
was
Honest
of
his
own
accord
:
But
Mezeray
observes
,
the
Example
will
always
remain
singular
.
Girard
de
Possi
,
in
the
Reign
had
wrong'd
his
Master
of
Eleven
thousand
Marks
of
Silver
;
which
he
refunded
into
the
Exchequer
.
Girard
de
Possi
qui
manioit
les
Finances
,
y
remit
de
son
propre
fonde
onze
Mille
Mares
d'
Argent
,
il
est
a
croire
qu'il
les
avoit
gagne
avec
le
Roy
mais
quoy
qu'il
en
soit
,
on
peut
dire
que
cet
Exemple
sera
toujours
unique
,
&
qu'on
ne
verra
jamais
de
Financier
qui
le
veuille
suivre
.
Quelque
chose
qu'on
fasse
,
ces
Gens
la
iront
plustot
au
Gibet
,
que
de
venir
a
Restitution
.
Phillip
●e
Bell
,
Engherand
le
Portier
,
Seigneur
de
Marigni
,
rais'd
excessive
Taxes
upon
the
People
,
filling
his
own
Coffers
at
the
same
time
.
Il
y
avoit
quatre
Cheffs
d'
Accusation
contre
luy
Davoir
altere
les
Monoys
,
Charge
le
Peuple
d'
Imposts
,
vole
plusieurs
grandes
sommes
,
&
degrade
les
Forests
du
Roy.
There
were
four
Heads
of
Accusation
against
him
.
That
he
had
alter'd
the
Coin
,
loaded
the
People
with
Taxes
,
Robb'd
the
King
of
a
great
Summ
of
Money
,
and
cut
down
the
Timber
of
his
Forrests
.
He
was
try'd
by
the
Peers
and
Barons
of
the
Kingdom
,
condemn'd
and
hang'd
.
This
Man
was
succeeded
in
his
Employment
by
one
Peter
de
Remy
Sieur
de
Montigny
,
who
trod
in
the
Steps
of
his
Predecessor
,
and
was
likewise
sentenc'd
to
death
in
Parliament
,
in
the
Reign
of
Phillip
de
Valois
.
His
Confiscation
amounted
to
Twelve
hundred
thousand
Livres
;
a
prodigious
Sum
for
those
Times
.
Par
Arrest
du
Parlement
ou
se
trouverent
18
Chevaliers
25
Seigneurs
&
Princes
&
le
Roy
Mesme
,
il
fust
condemne
a
traisner
&
pendre
,
comme
Traistre
,
au
Gibet
de
Montsaucon
qu'il
avoit
fait
rebastir
:
Sa
Confiscation
montoit
a
douze
cents
mille
Livres
sommes
prodigieuse
pour
ce
Temps
la.
John
de
Montaigu
,
who
was
a
kind
of
Surintendant
des
Finances
,
or
what
we
call
Commissioner
of
the
Treasury
,
whom
Mezeray
describes
to
have
been
a
little
insolent
Fellow
;
who
from
a
low
Degree
,
and
without
any
great
Merit
of
his
own
,
and
only
by
the
King's
Favour
,
was
got
into
great
Employments
,
where
giving
Offence
by
his
Pride
and
Arrogance
;
the
Great
ones
,
at
last
fell
upon
him
;
and
he
was
Accus'd
,
Condemn'd
and
Hang'd
.
But
take
the
Author
's
own
Words
,
and
his
Description
of
him
.
C'estoit
un
homme
de
mediocre
Naissance
,
fils
d'un
Burgeois
de
Paris
,
que
la
faveur
du
Roy
,
sans
beaucoup
de
merite
de
son
costé
,
avoit
eslevé
jusqu'à
la
charge
de
Grand
Maistre
de
sa
maison
,
&
ses
freres
,
l'un
à
l'Archevesché
de
Sens
,
l'autre
à
celuy
de
Paris
.
Ses
richesses
immenses
,
qui
ne
s'acquierent
jamais
sans
crime
,
aveuglerent
ce
petit
Homme
,
&
donnerent
dans
les
yeux
des
Grands
;
En
sorte
qu'il
avoit
marié
son
fils
avec
la
fille
du
Connestable
d'Albret
,
&
ses
filles
à
des
plus
grands
Seigneurs
du
Royaume
.
Quoy
qu'il
eust
fort
servy
à
la
Negociation
du
Traitté
de
Chartres
:
Neantmoins
le
Duc
de
Bourgogne
&
le
Roy
de
Navarre
conspirerent
sa
perte
,
parce
qu'il
avoit
donne
le
conseil
d'emmener
le
Roy
a
Tours
.
Ils
le
firent
accuser
de
plusieur
crimes
énormes
,
prenant
leur
temps
,
que
le
Roy
que
l'aymoit
,
etoit
dans
sa
folie
.
Il
fut
arresté
par
Pierre
des
Essards
,
Prevost
de
Paris
examine
par
des
Commissaires
du
Parlement
,
&
tourmenté
horriblement
à
la
Question
.
La
donleur
ne
tira
rien
de
sa
bouche
,
neantmoins
il
eut
la
teste
trenchée
aux
Halles
.
A
la
mort
il
confessa
de
son
bon
gré
la
depredation
des
Finances
,
qni
contient
en
soy
tous
les
plus
grands
crimes
.
Le
tronc
de
son
Corps
fut
pendu
au
Gibet
,
sa
teste
plantée
sur
un
pieu
.
SECT.
V.
That
the
Forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
ought
to
be
applyed
Towards
Payment
of
the
Publick
Debts
.
LAST
Year
there
was
deliver'd
in
an
Accompt
of
such
Parliamentary
Fonds
as
were
deficient
,
and
for
which
no
Provision
was
made
,
March
4.
1698
/
9.
The
Heads
of
which
are
as
follow
.
|
|
ll.
|
s.
|
d.
|
|
That
in
the
Duty
upon
Low
Wines
,
there
would
at
Lady-Day
1701.
be
a
Deficiency
of
—
|
20,000
|
0
|
0
|
|
The
Deficiencies
in
several
Fonds
granted
to
pay
off
the
Exchequer-Bills
(
besides
the
Interest
due
,
and
to
be
due
upon
them
)
computed
at
—
|
923,244
,
|
12
|
8½
|
|
Carry
over
,
|
943,244
|
12
|
8½
|
|
|
ll.
|
s.
|
d.
|
|
Brought
over
|
943,244
|
12
|
8½
|
|
The
Deficiency
in
the
3
Shill.
Aid
granted
1695
(
besides
Interest
)
computed
at
—
|
416,000
|
0
|
0
|
|
In
the
Duties
upon
Parchment
and
Paper
a
Deficiency
of
—
|
15,400
|
0
|
0
|
|
The
Deficiency
in
the
Leather
Duty
,
computed
to
the
20th
of
Apr.
1700
,
to
be
about
—
|
426,438
|
0
|
0
|
|
In
the
Duty
upon
Malt
,
a
Deficiency
of
about
—
|
625,000
|
0
|
0
|
|
In
the
Aid
by
a
Quarterly
Poll
granted
1697
,
a
Deficiency
of
—
|
180,000
|
0
|
0
|
|
Deficiencies
in
the
three
Ninepences
upon
Beer
and
Ale
,
—
|
153,771
|
19
|
8
|
|
In
all
—
|
2,759,854
|
12
|
4½
|
'T
is
to
be
apprehended
,
this
Account
is
rather
increased
than
diminish'd
since
last
Year
;
particularly
the
Interest
due
upon
Exchequer-Bills
,
and
Malt-Tickets
will
amount
to
a
very
considerable
Sum
▪
Besides
which
,
there
are
Arrears
of
several
kinds
,
not
yet
provided
for
,
which
will
be
reckon'd
a
Debt
upon
the
Nation
.
And
over
and
above
all
this
,
a
Provision
is
to
be
made
for
the
Expences
of
the
current
Year
.
But
the
Honour
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
and
the
Credit
of
the
Nation
seem
absolutely
engaged
to
make
good
several
Deficiencies
,
to
which
we
are
not
only
bound
by
Publick
Faith
,
which
ought
to
be
inviolable
,
but
by
direct
and
express
Clauses
in
Acts
of
Parliament
;
so
that
when
a
Law
has
Enacted
,
That
such
a
Debt
should
be
paid
by
a
prefix'd
time
,
all
Ways
and
Means
ought
to
be
thought
upon
to
make
that
Promise
good
,
not
so
much
for
the
sake
of
Credit
to
go
a
borrowing
with
(
which
Parliaments
can
hardly
loose
)
but
to
keep
sacred
the
Dignity
and
Majesty
of
the
Common-wealth
.
There
is
no
Man
will
pretend
to
say
,
but
that
the
Ways
and
Means
of
raising
Mony
are
extreamly
difficult
.
Almost
every
Branch
of
our
home
Consumption
has
a
Load
upon
it
.
Our
Foreign
Traffick
is
already
more
charg'd
than
can
possibly
consist
wich
the
Interest
of
a
Trading
Country
.
Three
Shillings
per
Pound
,
with
the
strictness
't
is
now
levyed
,
is
such
a
Weight
,
that
if
it
be
much
longer
continu'd
,
must
,
in
time
,
certainly
ruin
all
the
less
Free-holders
,
and
greatly
hurt
the
Gentry
of
this
Kingdom
.
To
lay
farther
Excises
upon
the
same
Commodities
,
cannot
be
done
without
apparent
prejudice
to
the
Duties
already
granted
,
the
same
will
hold
in
laying
higher
Customs
.
To
charge
Land
for
any
long
term
of
Years
in
times
of
Peace
,
is
a
thing
unheard
of
among
our
Ancestor
;
and
tho'
past
Conduct
has
made
it
perhaps
unavoidable
for
some
Years
to
come
,
yet
the
People
will
think
themselves
very
ill
dealt
with
by
their
Representatives
,
if
Care
be
not
taken
to
lay
as
few
Burthens
upon
their
Land
as
possible
.
Some
indeed
have
been
of
Opinion
that
the
Deficiencies
may
be
satisfy'd
,
and
that
the
Debts
may
be
paid
by
prolonging
the
Fonds
already
granted
for
a
further
term
of
time
;
but
others
who
love
their
Country
,
have
thought
it
dishonourable
and
dangerous
,
that
England
should
be
so
long
pawn'd
,
and
continue
for
so
many
Years
in
Mortgage
.
They
think
it
not
safe
for
our
Constitution
,
nor
consistant
with
our
Civil
Rights
,
that
there
should
be
levyed
in
this
Kingdom
,
for
any
number
of
Years
,
near
four
Millions
annually
,
in
Customs
,
Excises
,
and
such
like
Duties
,
which
in
some
future
Reign
,
bad
Ministers
may
perhaps
seize
upon
,
and
intercept
,
by
stopping
the
Exchequer
,
in
order
to
set
up
an
Army
,
and
to
subsist
without
a
Parliament
:
Of
this
,
good
Patriots
will
be
always
apprehensive
,
and
have
therefore
ever
abhorr'd
these
long
Fonds
,
which
all
the
Neighbouring
Princes
round
about
us
have
constantly
made
use
of
for
subverting
the
Liberties
of
their
People
.
Some
without
Doors
,
have
been
for
trying
such
wild
Projects
,
as
was
that
of
increasing
the
number
of
Exchequer-Bills
,
which
indeed
was
a
good
Expedient
to
lull
our
Creditors
asleep
,
and
to
quiet
Things
for
the
present
,
while
certain
Persons
might
have
the
Opportunity
of
doing
their
own
Business
,
and
of
Building
up
their
own
Fortunes
,
but
the
Publick
could
thereby
have
reap'd
no
Benefit
.
On
the
contrary
,
this
Calm
in
our
Affairs
,
and
the
not
being
press'd
by
any
clamorous
demands
,
would
have
occasion'd
and
encourag'd
still
more
and
more
bad
Husbandry
;
and
at
last
,
the
Debt
must
have
come
upon
us
,
with
the
addition
of
a
heavy
load
of
Interest
;
besides
(
which
is
unanswerable
)
if
a
War
had
overtaken
the
Nation
with
such
a
Debt
upon
it
,
all
due
and
demandable
at
a
Day
,
Publick
Credit
must
have
sunk
at
once
,
upon
which
would
have
follow'd
Ruin
,
without
Redemption
.
Good
Patriots
will
never
think
England
can
be
effectually
reliev'd
by
any
Ways
and
Means
of
raising
Mony
,
but
such
as
shall
sink
part
of
the
Principal
Debt
,
and
hinder
us
from
being
eaten
up
by
that
Canker
of
Vsury
,
which
has
been
so
destructive
to
this
Government
.
Nor
will
English-men
(
we
mean
such
of
'em
as
consider
at
all
)
think
that
Trade
can
flourish
,
or
that
Liberty
is
intirely
safe
,
'till
our
Payments
to
the
Publick
are
reduc'd
to
what
they
were
before
the
War
,
viz.
two
Milions
Yearly
;
for
this
Nation
will
be
ever
apprehensive
,
That
such
mighty
Sums
as
we
now
pay
,
may
hereafter
,
in
the
Reign
of
some
other
Prince
,
be
turn'd
against
the
People
,
tho'
given
and
granted
for
their
Preservation
.
Since
therefore
the
common
Ways
and
Means
of
raising
Money
,
may
be
dangerous
in
their
future
Consequence
,
or
a
present
Burthen
upon
the
Nation
,
it
imports
good
Patriots
to
consider
whether
or
no
the
Necessities
of
the
Government
may
not
be
supply'd
by
the
Methods
which
our
Ancestors
have
so
frequently
put
in
Practice
.
By
which
we
mean
,
whether
or
no
a
Resumption
of
such
Lands
in
England
,
and
more
especially
in
Ireland
,
as
have
lately
been
granted
away
from
the
Crown
,
would
not
be
a
great
Relief
and
Ease
to
the
People
in
their
Taxes
.
If
a
Resumption
can
be
made
without
breaking
into
the
Rules
of
Justice
,
or
without
bringing
any
Reflection
upon
the
King
,
whose
Honour
above
all
things
ought
to
be
regarded
,
and
if
thereby
two
Millions
can
be
rais'd
,
to
come
in
the
room
and
place
of
a
Land-Tax
,
very
few
People
will
think
it
strange
for
the
Legislative
Authority
to
▪
exert
it self
in
a
matter
so
much
for
the
Common
Ease
and
Benefit
:
And
where
the
Publick
is
so
deeply
concern'd
,
but
very
few
Persons
will
consider
or
consult
the
private
Interest
of
such
as
have
procur'd
the
Grants
.
Therefore
in
handling
this
Subject
,
we
shall
endeavour
to
examin
into
,
and
state
these
following
Points
.
I.
How
far
it
is
consistent
with
the
Honour
of
a
Prince
to
desire
and
promote
a
Resumption
by
Act
of
Parliament
.
II.
What
Interest
the
People
of
England
have
in
the
Lands
granted
away
,
and
especially
as
to
the
forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
.
III.
How
far
in
an
Act
of
Resumption
it
is
just
and
reasonable
to
look
backwards
.
1st
.
How
far
it
is
consistent
with
the
Honor
of
a
Prince
to
desire
and
promote
a
Resumption
by
Act
of
Parliament
.
There
is
nothing
more
evident
in
our
Histories
,
than
that
the
most
magnanimous
of
our
Kings
have
been
the
most
free
in
confirming
to
the
People
their
Antient
Liberties
,
Magna
Charta
,
as
it
is
now
deriv'd
down
to
us
,
was
modell'd
by
Henry
the
1st
,
a
Et
rehercea
outre
coment
l'Erceveqe
de
Canterbirs
lour
avoit
fait
report
qe
le
Roy
vorroit
estre
conseilez
per
les
pluis
sages
Seignours
du
Royalme
,
lesqeux
deussent
avoir
survieu
de
tout
ceo
qe
seroit
fait
pur
la
bone
Gouvernance
de
son
Royalme
.
A
qel
cbose
faire
,
le
Roy
sagrea
,
&
rehercea
per
son
bouche
propre
qil
fuist
savolonte
entier
.
Et
sur
ceo
,
fust
lue
une
Bille
fait
per
le
Roy
mesme
,
&
de
sa
volonte
propre
,
de
les
noms
des
Seignours
qi
seront
de
son
Conseil
.
Afterwards
the
Privy
Counsellors
are
actually
nam'd
in
the
Bill
,
and
the
Lord
Chancellor
,
Lord
Treasurer
,
Privy
Seal
,
and
other
great
Officers
are
therein
directed
,
to
act
nothing
of
Importance
,
without
the
concurrent
Advice
of
the
rest
of
the
Council
,
Et
qe
Billes
a
endorser
per
le
Chambrelayn
&
Lettres
dessous
le
Signet
de
nostre
dit
Seignour
le
Roy
a
Adressers
&
autres
Mandements
a
doner
as
Chanceller
,
Tresorer
&
Gardien
du
Privee
Seale
,
&
autres
Officiers
qeconqes
,
desore
en
avant
,
en
tielx
Causes
come
desuis
,
seront
endorsez
ou
faitz
per
advys
du
Conseil
.
Et
qe
les
dits
Chanceller
Tresorer
&
Gardien
du
Privee
Seale
,
&
autres
Officiers
,
ne
facent
en
tielx
Causes
si
non
per
advys
du
dit
Consil
.
The
King
goes
on
farther
,
and
desires
his
own
Authority
may
be
circumscribed
in
several
Points
;
and
yet
when
he
made
those
Concessions
,
he
was
neither
in
his
Nonage
,
nor
did
he
doat
,
nor
was
he
press'd
by
any
Insurrection
of
the
People
;
and
't
is
notorious
,
he
neither
wanted
Policy
,
nor
Courage
.
But
't
is
rather
probable
,
that
he
thought
it
Honest
and
Wise
,
and
no
diminution
to
his
Honour
,
to
oblige
that
People
with
wholsome
Laws
and
good
Government
,
who
had
given
him
the
Crown
,
and
who
had
been
at
such
Expences
to
support
his
Title
.
Magnanimous
Kings
have
not
only
been
Favourers
of
Publick
Liberty
,
but
they
have
likewise
been
frugal
of
the
Peoples
Money
,
as
appears
in
the
Instances
of
Henry
the
1st
,
Henry
the
2d
,
Edward
the
1st
,
Henry
the
4th
,
Henry
the
5th
,
Henry
the
7th
,
and
Q.
Elizabeth
;
which
shows
how
wrong
their
Notion
is
,
who
think
Wise
and
Thrifty
Princes
dangerous
to
the
Freedom
of
a
Country
,
whereas
profuse
Kings
,
such
as
John
,
Henry
the
3d
,
Edward
and
Richard
the
2d
,
did
not
ouly
waste
the
Nations
Treasure
,
but
every
one
of
'em
compell'd
the
People
to
fight
Pitch'd
Battles
,
in
defence
of
their
Civil
Rights
.
Gallant
Princes
desire
to
make
the
People
easie
.
Henry
the
4th
of
France
,
our
present
King
's
great
Grand-Father
,
said
once
,
he
hop'd
to
order
Matters
so
,
that
every
Man
in
his
Kingdom
should
have
a
boil'd
Capon
to
his
Dinner
.
None
of
the
Apothegms
utter'd
by
great
Men
,
and
so
much
commended
by
the
Antients
,
could
become
the
Mouth
of
a
King
so
well
,
as
this
Noble
and
Well-natur'd
Saying
.
'T
is
probable
,
had
he
liv'd
,
he
would
have
brought
it
about
;
which
if
he
could
have
done
,
't
would
have
been
a
nobler
Trophey
to
his
Fame
,
than
all
the
Victories
he
had
obtain'd
.
The
Honour
of
a
King
consists
chiefly
in
doing
good
to
the
Universal
Body
of
his
People
,
and
the
Publick
Welfare
is
to
weigh
with
him
above
all
other
Respects
.
He
is
often
to
divest
himself
of
the
narrow
Thoughts
which
sway
among
private
Men
;
and
he
can
hardly
be
a
good
Ruler
unless
he
does
now
and
then
in
his
Politick
,
what
he
would
not
do
in
his
Natural
Capacity
.
He
is
a
Person
intrusted
by
the
Common-Wealth
,
and
what
he
acts
in
discharge
of
that
Trust
,
cannot
be
call'd
dishonourable
.
The
Commons
in
the
Resumption
,
made
1
Hen.
7.
tell
the
King
in
their
Bill
;
It
is
for
his
own
Suerty
,
Honor
and
Weal
,
and
for
the
Vniversal
Weal
,
Ease
,
Rest
,
and
Suerty
of
his
Land
,
the
which
he
ought
to
prefer
before
the
Favour
of
any
Person
,
or
any
Place
,
or
other
thing
Earthly
.
The
same
Words
made
a
part
of
the
Preamble
in
most-of
the
other
Bills
of
the
like
Nature
,
by
which
it
appears
to
have
been
the
continu'd
Sense
of
our
Ancestors
,
that
the
Reputation
of
a
Prince
was
never
injur'd
by
Acts
wherein
the
Ease
and
Relief
of
his
People
was
consulted
:
'T
is
true
,
such
a
Minister
as
the
Chancellor
de
la
Pool
had
other
Sentiments
,
and
gave
Advice
of
another
kind
,
being
willing
to
countenance
his
own
Depredations
by
the
Example
of
others
:
Such
as
he
may
engage
the
King's
Honour
in
the
Protection
of
their
Crimes
,
so
to
shelter
themselves
under
his
Wings
,
and
pretend
things
lessen
his
Fame
,
which
will
only
lessen
their
Estates
:
But
good
Ministers
have
always
thought
that
nothing
could
more
hurt
the
Reputation
of
a
Prince
,
than
to
be
reduc'd
by
Profusion
to
Courses
,
by
which
his
Country
must
be
opprest
with
Taxes
.
'T
was
a
common
practice
with
the
Duke
of
Sully
,
to
obstruct
and
often
to
vacate
his
Masters
Gifts
and
Grants
;
yet
this
great
Man
was
sufficiently
jealous
of
his
Princes
Fame
.
In
Spain
,
Henry
the
Amirante
,
Pacieco
d'
Ascolone
and
Henry
de
la
Fortuna
,
three
Grandees
,
had
obtain'd
of
Ferdinand
,
each
of
em
a
Million
of
Livres
of
Gold
,
charg'd
on
the
Revenue
of
Peru
,
and
should
have
receiv'd
it
at
the
Return
of
the
Plate-Fleet
,
but
Cardinal
Ximenes
utterly
de
la
Fortuna
was
the
King's
own
Kinsman
,
saying
;
The
Revenue
of
Princes
,
tho'
great
in
it self
,
is
always
too
little
for
the
Necessities
of
the
State
.
And
notwithstanding
the
Spanish
Punto
of
Honor
,
we
do
not
find
this
Proceeding
resented
by
King
Ferdinand
.
Before
his
Greatness
was
so
establish'd
,
seeing
a
very
disadvantagious
Farm
of
the
Silks
of
Granada
let
for
Ten
Years
,
by
the
Advice
of
Don
Manuel
the
Treasurer
,
to
which
the
King
had
consented
,
and
which
was
offer'd
at
Council
to
be
seal'd
,
he
took
the
Charter
and
tore
it
pnblickly
(
of
which
the
Pieces
are
kept
among
the
Records
of
Arcala
,
as
a
Memorial
of
this
Ministers
Courage
and
Integrity
)
saying
,
Salto
,
Don
Manuel
,
were
you
not
my
very
good
Friend
,
the
King
should
cause
your
Head
to
be
taken
off
:
Dare
you
make
Grants
so
prejudicial
to
the
State
?
Nor
did
Phillip
the
1st
.
take
it
ill
that
his
own
,
and
his
Favourites
Doings
were
thus
revoked
.
We
agree
that
Princes
in
all
their
Actions
are
to
consider
Fame
,
because
Opinion
is
one
of
the
main
Pillars
to
support
their
Authority
.
But
let
any
reasonable
Man
answer
,
Is
it
not
more
glorious
for
a
Prince
to
let
the
whole
People
under
his
Reign
,
enjoy
Ease
and
Plenty
,
without
new
Impositions
and
Duties
,
than
to
enrich
a
few
Minions
and
Favourites
,
with
the
Spoils
of
a
whole
Country
?
A
Prince
thirsting
after
present
or
future
Renown
,
whose
Example
would
he
desire
to
follow
?
That
of
Henry
the
4th
,
who
by
his
Frugality
brought
the
Crown
of
France
out
of
Debt
;
or
that
of
Henry
the
3d
,
who
harrass'd
his
whole
Kingdom
to
build
up
four
or
five
great
Families
,
whereby
he
got
no
more
than
to
leave
behind
him
so
many
conspicuous
Monuments
of
his
Weakness
.
No
doubt
it
has
heretofore
been
thought
injurious
to
the
Reputation
of
a
Prince
,
to
be
urged
by
clamorous
Debts
,
to
suffer
many
thousands
of
miserable
Persons
to
want
what
is
their
due
;
to
have
his
Troops
unpaid
,
and
his
Seamen
in
vast
Arrears
,
and
to
let
his
menial
Servants
starve
,
first
by
retrenchments
,
and
then
by
being
without
their
settled
Wages
and
Allowances
.
These
are
truly
Blemishes
upon
a
Princes
Glory
,
and
were
represented
as
such
,
by
the
Commons
of
England
,
assembled
in
Parliament
,
28
Hen.
6.
when
they
▪
made
Application
,
That
these
Reflections
might
be
taken
away
,
and
that
these
Grievances
might
be
redress'd
;
and
affirm'd
at
the
same
time
,
That
they
could
not
grant
any
Aid
,
unless
the
King
would
actually
resume
what
had
been
obtain'd
from
the
Crown
by
Importunity
or
Surprize
,
upon
false
Suggestions
,
or
by
Contrivance
among
the
Great
ones
.
Seldom
any
Prince
has
miscarry'd
in
his
Fame
or
Fortune
,
who
has
constantly
pursued
the
Publick
Good
;
and
who
has
directed
all
his
Counsels
to
his
Countreys
Ease
and
Benefit
;
but
History
is
full
of
their
Troubles
and
Disasters
,
who
have
obstinately
adhear'd
to
a
few
,
against
the
whole
,
and
who
have
confin'd
to
particular
Objects
,
that
Affection
which
ought
to
be
extended
to
the
universal
Body
of
their
People
.
What
was
done
by
Henry
the
1st
,
Henry
the
2d
.
and
by
that
Hero
Richard
Cordelyon
?
What
was
done
by
that
Conqueror
of
France
,
Henry
the
5th
?
What
that
Spirited
and
Martial
Prince
,
Edward
the
4th
,
desir'd
his
Parliament
in
a
Speech
from
the
Throne
,
to
put
in
Execution
,
and
which
he
thanked
them
afterwards
for
doing
,
can
never
be
thought
dishonourable
in
any
other
King
;
and
among
English
Men
,
a
Prince
will
never
suffer
in
his
present
,
or
future
Renown
,
for
treading
in
their
Steps
,
and
following
their
Examples
.
And
without
doubt
,
these
Noble
and
Warlike
Princes
did
not
think
the
Regal
Power
at
all
impair'd
,
by
giving
Way
to
the
Resumptions
which
were
made
during
their
Reigns
;
for
in
all
these
Exercises
of
the
Legislative
Authority
,
Lords
and
Commons
do
but
act
subserviently
under
a
King
for
his
Profit
,
Grctiu
s
de
Jure
Belli
ac
Pacis
.
l.
1.
Cap.
3.
Num.
18.
which
Grotius
very
finely
thus
Illustrates
.
Multum
falluntur
qui
existimant
,
cum
Reges
Acta
quaedam
sua
nolunt
rata
esse
,
nisi
a
Senatu
,
aut
alio
Coetu
aliquo
probentur
,
partitionem
fieri
potestatis
:
nam
quae
Acta
eum
in
modum
rescinduntur
,
intelligi
debent
rescindi
Regis
ipsius
Imperio
,
qui
eo
modo
sibi
cavere
voluit
,
ne
quid
fallaciter
impetratum
,
pro
vera
ipsius
voluntate
haberetur
.
2dly
.
What
Interest
the
People
of
England
have
in
the
Lands
granted
away
,
and
especially
as
to
the
Forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
.
As
to
Lands
appertaining
to
the
Imperial
Crown
of
England
,
and
of
its
Antient
Demeasnes
;
't
is
not
at
all
clear
that
they
can
be
alienated
,
the
Fundamentals
and
general
Grounds
of
Government
consider'd
.
Grotius
is
directly
of
this
Sentiment
.
Patrimonium
quoque
Populi
,
cujus
fructus
distinati
sunt
ad
sustentanda
Reipublicae
aut
Regiae
dignitatis
onera
,
a
Regibus
alienari
,
nec
in
totum
nec
in
part●m
potest
.
Nam
&
in
hoc
jus
majus
Fructuario
non
habent
.
And
to
fortisie
his
own
Opinion
,
he
produces
very
many
great
Authorities
.
But
we
shall
take
notiee
of
some
he
has
not
mention'd
.
Hotman
is
clearly
of
Opinion
,
That
the
Kings
of
France
could
not
alienate
the
Demeasnes
of
the
Crown
.
Itaque
Anno
cio
ccc
xcix
.
cùm
Rex
Carolus
comiti
sampaulino
particulam
quandam
sui
domanii
donasset
,
Senatus
Parisiensis
pro
vetere
veteris
trium
statuum
Parlamenti
jure
intercessit
:
ac
pronuntiavit
,
Regii
dominii
diminutionem
nullius
esse
momenti
,
nisi
cujus
auctor
Senatus
ille
Parisiensis
fuisset
:
Quod
▪
decretum
Paponius
inter
arresta
sua
retulit
,
lib.
5.
tit.
10.
ubi
alia
complura
generis
ejusdem
Senatus
consulta
commemorat
.
And
a
little
lower
,
Quae
sanè
lex
Reipublicae
per
quam
utilis
est
ad
regii
dominii
conservationem
.
Quia
tum
demum
ad
tributa
&
indictiones
extraordinarias
,
quibus
plebs
oneratur
,
decurri
tanquam
ad
subsidium
solet
,
cum
illud
dominium
And
again
,
Jus
Regum
Francorum
ita
constitutum
est
,
ut
non
infinitam
&
immensam
regno
atque
imperio
suo
abutendi
potestatem
haberent
,
non
regni
Patrimonium
insanis
largitionibus
&
donationibus
immodicis
prodigorum
instar
dissiparent
,
sed
utpatriae
ac
populorum
suorum
salutem
fidei
suae
creditam
incolumem
servarent
,
neque
ulla
ex
parte
Rempublicam
sibi
commissam
violarent
:
denique
ut
sanctissimum
illud
M.
Tullii
praeceptum
servarent
,
Vt
tutelam
sic
procurationem
Reip.
ad
utilitatem
eorum
,
qui
commssi
sunt
,
non
ad
eorum
quibus
commissa
est
,
gerendam
esse
.
But
as
we
have
noted
in
the
precedent
Section
,
this
Point
is
become
more
doubtful
,
since
the
late
Act
for
declaring
the
Rights
and
Liberties
of
the
Subject
;
which
Act
absolutely
condemns
those
Clauses
of
non
Obstante
,
whereby
these
Alienations
were
formerly
supported
;
and
such
Clauses
being
condemn'd
,
there
are
strong
Reasons
to
think
,
that
the
Act
11
H.
4.
which
clearly
prohibits
such
Grants
,
is
now
return'd
to
its
first
Force
and
Vigour
.
However
let
this
Matter
stand
as
it
will
,
we
shall
probably
make
it
appear
,
That
the
Lands
in
Ireland
(
which
the
People
of
England
have
within
a
few
Years
repurchased
with
so
much
Blood
and
Treasure
)
are
quite
upon
another
Foot
.
[
†
](A37160-e52780-b)
†
Hotman
.
Quaest.
Il-Iust
.
T.
1.
Col.
850.
Restat
pars
ultima
,
cùm
armis
&
Bello
regnum
quaesitum
est
.
Nam
cùm
armis
Principis
partum
atque
in
ejus
ditionem
redactum
sit
,
consentaneum
videtur
,
ut
de
eo
statuere
arbitratu
suo
possit
.
Sed
cum
eam
ditionem
solus
ac
per
se
non
adquesierit
,
sed
civium
suorum
sanguine
,
laboribus
periculis
,
non
alienum
videtur
regulam
juris
Civilis
sequi
,
ut
quod
communibus
multorum
laboribus
quaesitum
est
,
non
nisi
communi
eorum
Consilio
&
consensu
alienari
possit
.
The
Romans
were
so
strict
in
this
Point
,
that
to
intercept
any
Spoils
gotten
in
War
,
was
accounted
robbing
the
Publick
.
Modestinus
the
Lawyer
says
,
Is
qui
Praedam
ab
Hostibus
surripuit
Peculatus
tenetur
.
Gellius
takes
notice
,
that
Cato
in
an
Oration
he
spoke
,
concerning
Spoils
,
complain'd
in
vehement
Words
,
And
this
is
so
true
,
that
if
William
the
Norman
had
been
able
by
his
own
Strength
,
and
at
his
particular
Expences
,
to
have
made
the
Conquest
of
England
,
according
to
the
Law
of
Nations
,
he
must
have
had
this
Kingdom
in
Patrimonio
▪
with
as
absolute
Dominion
in
it
,
as
the
Eastern
Princes
can
pretend
to
.
But
the
Case
being
quite
otherwise
,
and
he
not
able
to
bear
the
whole
Charge
,
he
took
to
his
assistance
several
Barons
of
his
own
Dukedom
,
and
some
great
Men
of
other
Countries
,
who
were
joined
with
him
in
the
Adventure
,
to
whom
,
as
the
Recompence
of
their
Service
,
he
first
promis'd
,
and
afterwards
made
sundry
Concessions
,
and
granted
many
Priviledges
:
But
still
with
all
this
assistance
he
could
not
quite
subdue
the
Natives
,
with
whom
he
was
compell'd
to
make
Compacts
,
from
which
Concessions
and
Compacts
,
it
comes
that
we
continue
still
to
be
a
free
People
,
notwithstanding
this
pretended
Conquest
.
In
the
same
manner
,
if
Henry
the
2d
had
Conquer'd
Ireland
with
only
the
Revenues
of
the
Crown
,
without
any
Aids
from
his
People
,
that
Kingdom
had
been
his
own
,
Plen●
Jure
,
as
the
Civilians
call
it
;
and
he
might
have
disposed
of
it
at
his
own
Will
and
Pleasure
:
For
as
Aristotle
says
,
Lex
est
veluti
pactum
quoddam
commune
quo
Bello
capta
capientium
●iunt
.
Nor
is
it
a
thing
at
all
strange
,
for
a
Prince
to
hold
different
Kingdoms
by
different
Titles
,
and
to
Govern
'em
by
different
Methods
;
in
one
he
may
be
absolute
,
according
to
the
Antient
Constitution
of
the
Country
;
in
another
,
his
Power
may
be
circumscribed
and
▪
limited
by
Law
:
One
Kingdom
he
may
hold
by
Election
,
and
another
by
the
Right
of
Succession
.
He
may
have
a
Kingdom
of
his
own
Acquisition
,
which
shall
be
as
it
were
his
Principis
,
privato
ipsius
Jure
.
And
the
same
Right
would
Henry
the
2d
have
had
in
Ireland
,
if
he
had
made
the
Acquisition
by
his
own
Sword
and
Bow
,
and
by
Troops
paid
out
of
his
own
Purse
;
but
because
the
Kingdom
was
conquer'd
at
the
general
Expence
of
England
,
the
Commonwealth
here
has
always
took
it self
to
have
an
Interest
to
bind
that
Kingdom
by
Laws
,
to
inquire
into
the
Administration
of
it
,
as
Parliaments
have
several
times
done
,
and
to
extend
the
Acts
of
Resumption
as
well
to
Ireland
as
to
England
,
constantly
believing
that
Island
to
have
been
an
Acquisition
to
the
Crown
,
not
of
any
King
's
own
Making
,
but
purchas'd
with
the
Labour
and
Blood
,
and
at
the
common
Expence
of
this
Nation
,
which
in
several
Expeditions
and
Wars
to
quiet
52
Rebellions
,
has
expended
five
times
more
Treasure
than
the
Fee
Simple
of
all
Ireland
is
worth
.
The
Writer
of
these
Papers
is
not
at
all
afraid
or
asham'd
to
offer
at
Accompts
,
tho'
a
certain
Person
did
please
to
say
(
but
without
any
Proof
then
or
afterwards
)
that
in
one
Computation
we
were
mistaken
twenty
Millions
.
An
Account
of
the
Expences
for
the
Reduction
of
Ireland
.
|
|
ll.
|
s.
|
d.
|
|
ISsu'd
from
the
Exchequer
,
and
wholly
apply'd
to
the
Irish
Service
,
to
Jan.
25.
1694
/
5.
|
3,388,672
|
5
|
3¼
|
|
Arrears
due
to
the
Irish
Army
,
to
March
31
,
1692
,
about
|
190,000
|
00
|
0
|
|
To
the
Irish
Transports
about
|
350,000
|
00
|
0
|
For
the
Service
of
the
Ordinance
,
on
Account
of
the
Train
that
attended
the
Irish
Army
,
computed
at
about
80,000
ll.
per
Ann.
)
for
two
Years
and
a
half
.
|
200,000
|
00
|
0
|
|
Carry
over
|
4,128,672
|
05
|
3
|
|
|
ll.
|
s.
|
d.
|
|
Brought
over
|
4,128,672
|
05
|
3
|
|
Besides
which
,
there
was
received
by
us
of
the
Irish
Revenue
,
|
177,020
|
15
|
5
|
|
By
Poundage
and
Days
Pay
,
and
Profits
by
Guinea's
about
|
70,000
|
00
|
0
|
|
By
Quarters
in
Ireland
about
|
140,000
|
00
|
0
|
|
So
that
the
Reduction
of
the
Irish
stood
both
Nations
in
about
|
4,515,693
|
00
|
8¾
|
The
Peoples
Right
to
the
Forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
,
to
dispose
of
'em
in
Parliament
,
either
for
the
Service
of
the
current
Year
,
instead
of
a
Land-Tax
,
or
to
make
'em
a
Fond
towards
paying
off
the
Deficiencies
,
is
grounded
upon
this
Sum
of
Four
Millions
,
which
has
been
levyed
in
England
,
and
expended
upon
that
War
.
Where
the
Honour
of
the
Prince
,
and
the
Honour
or
Interest
of
the
Nation
are
concern'd
against
a
Foreign
Enemy
,
most
certainly
we
are
to
give
necessary
Aids
and
Subsidies
without
prospect
of
reaping
any
other
Fruit
from
our
Expences
,
than
Fame
and
Safety
;
but
when
England
has
to
do
with
its
own
Subjects
,
and
that
they
can
be
brought
to
pay
part
of
the
Reckoning
,
it
would
be
very
hard
if
all
this
should
be
intercepted
from
the
Publick
,
and
that
we
should
waste
our
Blood
and
Treasure
,
only
to
enrich
a
few
private
Persons
.
From
the
time
of
Henry
the
2d
.
Ireland
has
almost
constantly
been
made
to
contribute
something
towards
its
Conquest
or
Reduction
.
In
the
very
beginning
,
viz.
Anno
1170
,
part
of
its
Lands
were
given
to
the
Adventurers
Robert
Fitz
Stephen
,
and
Maurice
Fitz
Gerald
,
David
Barry
,
Hervy
de
Monte
Marisco
,
William
Nott
,
Maurice
de
Prendregast
,
Meyler
,
Richard
Strongbowe
Earl
of
Chepstow
,
and
others
.
And
Anno
1172.
another
Adventure
was
set
a-foot
,
and
a
new
▪
Partition
of
Lands
was
made
,
and
King
Hen.
2d
stands
himself
in
the
Front
of
the
Adventurers
,
with
Hugo
de
Lacy
,
William
Fitz
Adelm
,
Humphrey
de
Bohun
,
Sylvester
Giraldus
,
Cambrensis
,
who
was
Tutor
to
the
young
King
Hugo
de
Lacy
Lord
Lieutenant
,
sold
several
Estates
there
,
which
Sales
Philip
of
Worcester
,
his
Successor
,
revoked
.
Nec
mora
revocato
Hugone
de
Lacy
,
Giraldus
Cambrensis
,
cap.
24.
Philippus
Wigorniensis
,
vir
Militaris
dapsilis
&
liberalis
:
circa
Cal.
Septemb.
cum
Militibus
XL.
Procurator
est
in
Insulam
transmissus
.
Inter
ipsa
igitur
operum
suorum
initialia
terras
,
quas
Hugo
de
Lacy
alienaverit
,
terram
,
viz.
Ocathesi
,
&
alias
quam
plures
ad
Regiam
mensam
cum
omni
solicitudine
revocavit
.
The
Writer
of
these
Papers
has
not
leisure
to
inquire
into
the
Particulars
,
but
according
to
the
best
of
his
Remembrance
,
a
distribution
of
Lands
was
made
to
Adventurers
,
concern'd
in
suppressing
the
Insurrections
which
the
Irish
made
during
the
Reign
of
Queen
Elizabeth
.
And
most
certainly
,
the
War
England
had
with
that
Kingdom
in
the
Reign
of
Charles
the
1st
,
was
in
a
great
measure
carryed
on
by
Money
subscribed
here
▪
with
a
view
,
that
the
Subscribers
should
have
the
Lands
Conquer'd
and
forfeited
,
which
afterward
,
partly
they
had
and
the
rest
was
devided
among
the
Soldiers
in
satisfaction
of
their
Debentures
.
In
our
present
Case
the
War
was
not
either
begun
,
or
carry'd
on
at
the
Expence
of
any
Single
Person
,
or
private
Men
,
but
at
the
common
Charges
of
the
whole
Nation
;
therefore
in
Reason
and
Justice
the
People
of
England
ought
here
to
be
look'd
upon
as
the
General
Adventurers
:
That
the
Four
Millions
levied
and
expended
,
is
their
Adventure
,
of
which
the
Forfeited
Estates
ought
to
be
the
Return
;
and
if
any
thing
considerable
can
be
made
of
'em
,
it
ought
to
go
towards
easing
England
in
its
Taxes
.
But
there
is
a
strong
Reason
of
State
why
the
Lands
of
Ireland
,
in
cases
of
Rebellion
,
should
never
be
granted
away
,
but
be
either
destributed
among
Adventurers
,
or
sold
towards
defraying
the
Charges
of
the
War
;
for
if
England
is
to
be
at
all
the
Expence
,
and
Courtiers
are
to
go
away
with
all
the
Profit
,
how
do
we
know
but
that
hereafter
,
for
their
own
Gain
,
they
may
purposely
and
advisedly
encourage
and
Foment
Rebellions
there
?
Fourteen
Hundred
thousand
Pound
,
once
in
Thirty
or
Forty
Years
,
to
be
shared
among
them
,
would
be
a
very
fine
Crop
for
the
Men
in
Business
.
But
probably
the
Ministers
in
future
Ages
will
be
watchful
over
that
Kingdom
,
and
suppress
an
Insurrection
betimes
(
when
it
may
be
done
for
a
less
Sum
than
Four
Millions
,
and
perhaps
with
three
or
four
Thousand
Men
)
nor
in
all
likelyhood
will
they
so
notoriously
neglect
a
matter
of
that
Importance
,
when
they
are
to
reap
to
themselves
no
Advantage
by
such
a
Negligence
.
Some
will
pretend
the
Prince
has
more
Power
to
alienate
what
comes
to
him
by
Forfeiture
,
than
to
part
with
the
Revenues
of
the
Crown
,
reckoning
Forfeitures
to
be
In
Fructu
Patrimonii
Principis
;
according
We
have
perhaps
made
it
appear
,
that
the
People
have
some
Interest
in
the
Publick
Revenues
:
We
shall
therefore
examine
whether
this
Right
is
any
way
lost
or
laps'd
for
want
of
putting
in
a
Claim
.
If
the
Nation
had
sate
still
while
these
Grants
were
making
,
and
done
nothing
which
look'd
like
a
Protest
against
it
,
peradventure
it
had
been
such
an
Abandoning
or
Dereliction
of
the
matter
,
as
in
some
sort
might
have
transferred
the
Dominion
of
the
things
in
question
to
the
present
l.
2.
c.
4.
Num.
5.
Possessors
.
Qui
sciens
&
praesens
tacet
,
videtur
consentire
.
But
the
Case
is
quite
otherwise
here
.
The
Parliament
has
very
early
desir'd
that
the
Forfeitures
both
in
England
and
Ireland
might
be
appropriated
to
the
Uses
of
the
War
and
those
Desires
have
been
earnestly
and
frequently
repeated
.
And
because
it
tends
much
to
the
clearing
of
our
present
point
,
we
shall
so
far
trespass
upon
the
Reader
's
patience
,
as
to
give
a
brief
Accompt
of
what
has
been
from
time
to
time
done
in
Parliament
in
relation
to
this
Affair
.
The
Sessions
2.
Gul.
&
Mar.
began
2.
Octob.
1690.
Veneris
17.
die
Oct.
The
House
resolved
itself
into
a
Committee
of
the
whole
House
to
consider
farther
of
Ways
and
Means
for
the
raising
of
Supplies
to
be
granted
to
their
Majesties
.
Mr.
Sollicitor
Reports
from
the
Committee
the
following
Resolution
.
Resolv'd
,
that
't
is
the
Opinion
of
this
Committee
that
towards
the
raising
the
Supplies
to
be
granted
to
their
Majesties
the
Summ
of
Ten
Hundred
Thousand
Pounds
be
rais'd
upon
the
Credit
,
or
by
Sale
of
the
Forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
.
The
Resolution
being
read
a
second
Time
.
Resolv'd
,
nemine
contradicente
,
that
this
House
doth
agree
with
the
Committee
,
in
the
said
Resolution
.
Lunae
20.
Die
Oct.
1690.
Resolv'd
,
that
an
humble
Address
be
made
to
his
Majesty
,
that
he
will
please
to
command
the
Commissioners
in
Ireland
,
to
make
a
Return
to
his
Majesty
of
the
Names
of
the
Persons
in
Rebellion
in
Ireland
,
and
of
their
Estates
,
and
the
yearly
value
thereof
,
and
that
his
Majesty
will
graciously
please
to
order
the
same
to
be
transmitted
to
this
House
.
Mereurii22
.
Die
Oct.
1690.
Resolv'd
,
that
a
Bill
be
brought
in
upon
the
Debate
of
the
House
for
attainting
the
Persons
that
are
,
or
have
been
in
Rebellion
in
England
,
or
Ireland
,
and
for
confiscating
their
Estates
,
and
for
applying
the
same
to
bear
the
Charges
of
the
War
.
Martis
2.
Die
Dec.
1690.
The
said
Bill
was
read
a
first
Time
.
Jovis
4.
Die
Decemb.
1690.
The
said
Bill
was
read
a
second
time
,
and
the
same
Day
the
House
resolv'd
itself
into
a
Committee
of
the
whole
House
to
consider
of
the
said
Bill
.
Veneris
19.
Die
Dec.
1690.
Mr.
Solicitor
reported
the
Bill
.
Resolv'd
,
nemine
contradicente
,
that
the
said
Bill
,
with
the
Amendments
be
engross'd
.
Martis
23.
Die
Dec.
1690.
Resolv'd
the
said
Bill
do
pass
,
and
that
Mr.
Solicitor
carry
it
to
the
Lords
.
Mercurii
31.
Die
Dec.
1690.
Ordered
that
a
Message
be
sent
to
the
Lords
to
put
them
in
mind
of
the
said
Bill
,
and
that
Sir
Robert
Rich
carry
the
said
Message
.
The
Bill
fell
in
the
House
of
Lords
,
by
Reason
of
the
shortness
of
the
Session
,
for
on
the
5th
of
January
the
Parliament
was
adjourn'd
to
the
31st
of
March
,
and
so
by
short
Adjournments
till
the
following
Year
.
But
before
the
Recess
his
Majesty
was
graciously
pleas'd
,
in
his
speech
to
both
Houses
,
on
the
5th
of
January
,
to
say
as
follows
.
—
And
I
do
likewise
think
it
proper
to
assure
you
,
that
I
shall
not
make
any
Grant
of
the
forfeited
Lands
in
England
or
Ireland
,
till
there
be
another
Opportunity
of
settling
that
matter
in
Parliament
in
such
manner
as
shall
be
thought
most
expedient
.
The
following
Sessions
began
22
die
Oct.
1691.
Sabbati
16.
die
Jan.
1691.
Order'd
that
leave
be
given
to
bring
in
a
Bill
to
vest
the
Forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
,
in
their
Majesties
,
to
be
applied
to
the
Uses
of
the
War
.
Order'd
that
leave
be
given
to
bring
in
a
Bill
for
vesting
the
Forfeited
Estates
in
England
in
their
Majesties
,
to
be
applied
to
the
Uses
of
the
War
;
and
't
is
referred
to
Mr.
Smith
&c.
Sabbati
23
die
Jan.
1691.
Mr.
Smith
presented
the
two
Bills
.
Martis
26
die
Jan.
1691.
Each
of
the
Bills
were
read
a
first
time
,
and
order'd
a
second
Reading
.
Jovis
28.
die
Jan.
1691.
Each
of
the
said
Bills
were
read
a
Second
time
,
and
committed
to
a
Committee
of
the
whole
House
.
Lunae
1.
die
Feb.
1691.
The
House
resolv'd
it self
into
a
Committee
of
the
whole
House
,
&c.
Mr.
Palmes
Reported
from
the
Committee
that
they
had
gone
through
the
Bill
for
vesting
the
Forfeited
Estates
in
England
,
and
had
made
some
Progress
in
the
Bill
relating
to
Ireland
.
Jovis
4.
die
Feb.
1691.
Mr.
Palmes
Reported
the
Amendments
made
by
the
Committee
to
the
Bill
for
vesting
the
Forfeited
Estates
in
England
,
&c.
which
were
read
and
agreed
to
by
the
House
.
Several
Clauses
or
Savings
were
offer'd
and
agreed
to
.
Among
the
Rest
,
that
nothing
in
the
Bill
contain'd
,
should
extend
to
Grants
made
to
the
Earls
of
Monmouth
and
Torrington
.
Order'd
,
That
the
Bill
with
the
Amendments
be
engrossed
.
Mr.
Palmes
also
Reported
the
Amendments
to
the
Bill
for
vesting
the
Forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
.
Veneris
5.
die
Feb.
1691.
The
House
proceeded
to
take
into
Consideration
the
Report
of
the
Amendments
to
the
said
Bill
,
and
several
of
them
were
read
a
second
time
,
and
agreed
to
,
&c.
Martis
9.
die
Feb.
1691.
The
House
proceeded
in
the
further
Consideration
of
the
Report
,
&c.
A
Clause
was
offered
for
their
Majesties
to
grant
to
any
Person
or
Persons
,
as
a
Reward
for
their
Service
,
any
of
the
Lands
and
Hereditaments
vested
in
their
Majesties
,
by
vertue
of
this
Act
,
so
as
such
Lands
and
Hereditaments
do
not
exceed
.....
in
Value
of
the
whole
Lands
,
Tenements
,
and
Hereditaments
so
vested
in
their
Majesties
,
to
any
such
Person
or
Persons
,
as
a
Reward
for
his
or
their
Service
.
A
Clause
offer'd
that
it
should
be
lawful
for
their
Majesties
to
Grant
to
James
Duke
of
Ormond
and
his
Heirs
,
any
of
the
Forfeitures
made
by
this
Act
▪
or
any
other
Means
within
,
or
on
any
the
Estate
or
Estates
of
the
said
Duke
.
Twice
Read
and
Agreed
to
.
Other
Clauses
Read
and
Agreed
to
.
Order'd
,
That
the
Bill
with
the
Amendments
be
engross'd
.
Veneris
12.
die
Feb.
1691.
An
Engross'd
Bill
for
vesting
the
Forfeited
Estates
in
England
in
their
Majesties
to
the
use
of
the
War
,
was
read
the
third
time
.
Riders
offer'd
and
agreed
to
.
Resolv'd
,
That
the
Bill
do
pass
.
Order'd
,
That
Mr.
Palmes
do
carry
the
Bill
to
the
Lords
,
and
desire
their
Concurrence
.
An
Engross'd
Billfor
vesting
the
forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
in
their
Majesties
,
to
be
applied
to
the
Use
of
the
War
,
was
read
the
Third
time
.
Several
Riders
presented
and
agreed
to
.
Resolv'd
,
That
the
Bill
do
pass
.
Ordered
,
That
Mr.
Palmes
do
carry
the
Bill
to
the
Lords
for
their
Concurrence
.
Note
▪
In
the
Bill
relating
to
the
Irish
Forfeitures
,
there
was
reserv'd
to
their
Majesties
one
third
part
of
the
Forfeitures
,
To
be
disposed
and
given
to
such
Military
Officers
and
Soldiers
as
their
Majesties
should
think
fit
,
who
actually
serv'd
in
the
Wars
in
Ireland
,
in
Person
there
,
and
to
no
other
Person
or
Persons
whatsoever
.
During
this
Sessions
,
Proposals
were
offer'd
for
raising
Money
upon
the
forfeited
Estates
.
Jan.
1st
.
1691.
Resolv'd
,
That
a
Committee
be
appointed
to
receive
Proposals
for
raising
Money
upon
the
forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
,
and
it
is
referred
to
Mr.
Smith
,
&c.
Martis
26.
die
Jan.
1691.
Order'd
,
That
the
Committee
,
to
whom
it
was
referr'd
to
receive
Proposals
for
raising
of
Money
upon
the
forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
,
be
impower'd
to
inquire
into
the
disposal
of
forfeited
Estates
there
.
Sabb.
13.
die
Feb.
1691.
Order'd
,
That
the
Report
of
the
Committee
appointed
to
receive
Proposals
,
&c.
be
made
upon
Monday
Morning
next
.
Mercurii
17.
die
Feb.
1691.
The
said
Report
was
made
.
'T
is
very
long
,
but
well
worth
the
Perusal
of
all
Members
,
and
is
to
be
found
in
the
Journal
of
1691.
Fol.
866.
What
pass'd
in
1690
,
and
1691
,
is
a
sufficient
Indication
that
the
People
of
England
had
no
mind
this
Matter
should
sleep
.
The
next
Year
,
viz.
1692/3.
We
may
say
a
Claim
to
these
Estates
was
continued
,
and
kept
afoot
,
by
an
humble
Address
from
the
House
of
Commons
to
the
Throne
,
Sabbati
4.
die
Martii
1692/3.
where
,
among
other
things
,
it
is
thus
pray'd
.
And
for
asmuch
as
the
Reducing
of
Ireland
hath
been
of
great
Expence
to
this
Kingdom
,
We
humbly
beseech
your
Majesty
,
That
(
according
to
the
Assurance
Your
Majesty
hath
been
pleas'd
to
give
No
grant
may
be
made
of
the
forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
,
till
there
be
an
opportunity
of
settling
that
Matter
in
Parliament
,
in
such
manner
as
shall
be
thought
most
expedient
.
That
a
true
Accompt
of
the
Escheats
and
Forfeited
Estates
both
Real
and
Personal
,
and
Stores
left
by
the
late
K.
James
,
may
be
laid
before
your
Commons
in
Parliament
assembled
,
to
the
end
that
the
said
Escheats
,
Forfeitures
,
and
Stores
,
and
the
Embezzlement
thereof
may
be
inquired
into
.
Veneris
10.
die
Martii
1692/3.
To
this
Address
His
Majesty
was
graciously
pleased
to
give
the
following
Answer
.
Gentlemen
,
I
shall
always
have
great
Consideration
of
what
comes
from
the
House
of
Commons
,
and
I
shall
take
great
Care
that
what
is
amiss
shall
be
remedied
.
The
Year
following
the
Matter
was
again
reviv'd
,
and
other
Bills
brought
in
of
the
same
Purport
with
the
former
.
Veneris
12.
die
Jan.
1693.
Order'd
,
That
a
Bill
be
brought
in
to
vest
the
forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
in
their
Majesties
to
be
applied
to
the
use
of
the
War
.
The
like
Order
for
the
forfeited
Estates
in
England
.
Mercur.
24.
die
Jan.
1693.
The
Honourable
Henry
Boyle
Esq
according
to
Order
,
presented
to
the
House
a
Bill
to
vest
the
forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
in
their
Majesties
,
to
be
applied
to
the
Use
of
the
War
.
And
also
A
Bill
to
vest
the
forfeited
Estates
in
England
in
their
Majesties
,
to
be
applied
to
the
Use
of
the
War
;
and
the
same
were
read
.
Sabbati
3.
die
Feb.
1693.
A
Bill
for
vesting
the
forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
,
&c.
was
read
the
second
time
.
Resolv'd
,
That
the
Bill
be
Committed
to
a
Committee
of
the
whole
House
.
Martis
27.
die
Feb
,
1693.
The
House
resolv'd
it self
into
a
Committee
of
the
whole
House
to
consider
of
the
Bill
for
vesting
the
forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
,
&c.
Mr.
Boyle
reported
from
the
Committee
that
they
had
made
some
Progress
,
&c.
and
desired
leave
to
sit
again
.
The
House
resolv'd
it self
into
a
Committee
of
the
whole
House
to
consider
further
of
the
said
Bill
.
Mr.
Boyle
reported
from
the
Committee
that
they
had
made
a
farther
Progress
&c
,
and
desired
Leave
to
sit
again
.
This
Sessions
a
Commitee
was
likewise
appointed
to
receive
Proposals
concerning
these
Forfeitures
.
Veneris
12.
die
Jan.
1693.
Sr.
Rowland
Guin
reports
from
the
Commitee
appointed
to
receive
Proposals
concerning
the
Forfeitures
in
Ireland
,
and
likewise
for
securing
the
Protestant
Interest
there
.
The
Proposals
receiv'd
by
the
Committee
may
be
seen
in
the
Journals
of
that
Year
from
Fol.
314.
to
Fol.
324.
December
3
,
1694.
A
Bill
was
presented
to
the
House
,
to
vest
the
forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
in
their
Majesties
,
read
.
And
read
again
a
second
time
,
10
die
Decem.
1694.
Anno
,
1695.
A
Bill
was
presented
to
the
House
,
to
vest
in
the
Crown
all
forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
.
And
to
vacate
all
Grants
made
thereof
.
11
die
Feb.
1695.
Lecta
1
vice
.
Anno
1695.
A
Bill
was
presented
to
the
House
to
vest
in
the
Crown
all
forfeited
Estates
in
England
,
and
to
vacate
all
Grants
made
thereof
.
11
die
Feb.
1695
,
Lecta
1.
vice
.
Anno
1697.
A
Bill
was
presented
for
vacating
all
Grants
of
Estates
and
other
Interests
in
Engl.
and
Irel.
from
the
Crown
during
the
Reign
of
the
late
King
Charles
the
2d
.
And
for
appropriating
the
same
to
the
use
of
the
Publick
.
12
die
Feb.
1697.
Lecta
1
vice
.
25
die
Feb.
1697.
Lecta
2.
vice
.
Anno
ditto
.
A
Bill
was
presented
for
vacating
all
Grants
of
Estates
and
other
Interests
in
England
and
Ireland
,
from
the
Crown
since
the
13th
.
day
of
February
1688.
And
for
appropriating
the
same
to
the
use
of
the
Publick
.
12
die
Feb.
1697.
Lecta
1.
vice
.
25.
die
Feb.
1697.
Lecta
2
vice
.
Anno
ditto
.
A
Bill
was
presented
for
vacating
all
Grants
of
Estates
and
other
Interests
forfeited
in
Ireland
since
the
13th
of
Feb.
1688.
And
for
appropriating
the
same
to
the
use
of
the
Publick
.
9
die
Feb.
1697.
Lecta
1.
vice
.
12
die
Feb.
1697.
Lecta
2.
vice
.
Anno
1698.
9
die
Maii.
A
Bill
was
presented
for
granting
an
Aid
to
his
Majesty
by
an
imposition
upon
Beneficial
Grants
and
other
things
therein
mention'd
.
10
die
Maii
Lecta
1
vice
.
11
die
Maii
Lecta
2
vice
.
Thus
we
have
shewn
a
continued
Series
(
the
Year
1696
excepted
)
of
Bills
or
Adresses
from
Year
to
Year
relating
to
this
matter
;
so
that
if
the
People
of
England
have
any
Right
or
Interest
in
these
Lands
and
Forfeitures
,
it
has
not
been
lost
or
lapsed
for
want
of
putting
in
their
Claim
.
3dly
.
How
far
in
an
Act
of
Resumption
it
is
just
and
reasonable
to
look
backwards
.
In
matters
of
Government
't
is
generally
the
safest
Course
to
tread
in
the
Steps
of
our
Ancestors
,
were
it
only
for
this
single
Reason
,
that
't
is
returning
so
far
towards
our
Antient
Constitution
,
which
all
sides
will
agree
to
have
been
form'd
with
admirable
Gravity
and
Wisdom
.
In
the
present
Question
we
shall
therefore
see
(
as
far
we
can
find
in
old
Histories
,
or
in
the
Records
)
how
our
Forefathers
proceeded
in
Acts
of
the
like
Nature
,
for
which
we
have
recited
our
Authorities
in
the
third
Section
.
Henry
the
1st
.
resum'd
such
Lands
as
his
Brother
Duke
Robert
,
who
was
an
easy
Prince
,
had
bestowed
in
Normandy
upon
undeserving
Persons
.
But
we
do
not
find
he
touch'd
upon
any
thing
that
had
been
done
by
his
Father
,
or
by
William
Rufus
.
Stephen
was
press'd
by
the
Nation
,
as
well
as
by
Henry
Fitz
Empress
,
to
resume
only
his
own
Grants
.
Henry
the
2d
.
resumed
the
Grants
of
Stephen
,
but
the
matter
had
been
agreed
upon
in
the
preceeding
Reign
.
Richard
the
1st
.
did
only
resume
the
Alienations
he
himself
had
made
.
Henry
the
3d.
was
perswaded
by
his
Barons
to
resume
what
had
been
granted
away
by
King
John
his
Father
,
a
Prince
so
profuse
,
that
in
a
manner
he
had
quite
undone
the
Nation
.
The
Resumption
made
by
Edward
the
2d
.
had
relation
only
to
what
was
done
in
his
own
Reign
,
In
the
Reign
of
Richard
the
2d
.
the
Commons
indeed
pray
that
the
Gifts
of
Edward
the
3d.
to
unworthy
Persons
might
be
look'd
into
,
which
perhaps
was
done
in
respect
of
the
dotage
and
Weakness
this
great
Prince
fell
into
the
last
Ten
Years
of
his
Life
.
But
what
had
been
worthily
bestowed
was
to
be
confirmed
.
In
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
4th
.
the
Petition
of
the
Commons
was
,
that
the
Resumption
might
look
as
far
backward
as
the
40th
of
Edward
the
3d.
and
therefore
we
see
it
came
to
nothing
,
and
only
ended
in
taking
the
Profits
of
all
the
Lands
and
Pensions
granted
for
one
Year
.
The
Resumptions
made
in
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
6th
.
extended
only
to
the
first
Day
of
his
coming
to
the
Crown
.
'T
is
true
,
the
Commons
in
their
Petition
to
Edward
the
4th
.
pray
that
the
Resumption
might
extend
to
the
Reigns
of
all
the
three
Henries
,
and
the
Act
pass'd
accordingly
:
But
we
may
plainly
see
this
was
chiefly
done
to
condemn
their
Titles
to
the
Crown
;
And
the
Resumption
retrospecting
so
far
,
was
found
so
impracticable
,
that
in
the
3d.
and
4th
.
of
his
Reign
,
a
new
Act
became
necessary
,
which
look'd
no
further
backward
than
the
4th
of
March
,
in
the
first
Year
of
his
own
Reign
.
The
Resumption
made
by
Henry
the
7th
.
does
indeed
look
as
far
backward
as
34
Hen.
6.
and
so
takes
in
the
Grants
of
Richard
the
3d.
and
Edward
the
4th
.
But
because
there
passed
four
several
Acts
of
the
same
Nature
in
the
Reign
of
Edward
,
we
may
presume
that
this
long
Retrospect
could
not
affect
any
considerable
number
of
Families
,
and
that
it
was
chiefly
level'd
at
those
who
by
Power
and
Interest
in
Edward's
Reign
still
kept
the
Crown-Lands
,
and
who
perhaps
,
by
new
Grants
from
Edward
and
Richard
,
had
defeated
the
Intentions
of
former
Parliaments
.
The
Reader
may
see
,
that
in
these
Resumption
most
of
the
Presidents
reach
only
to
the
present
,
or
to
the
Reign
immediately
preceeding
,
which
is
consonant
to
the
Laws
of
all
Nations
,
that
have
prefixt
some
limited
time
,
after
which
Men
should
think
themselves
safe
and
quiet
in
their
Possessions
.
They
without
Doors
who
have
desir'd
that
forfeited
Estates
of
Ireland
might
not
be
look'd
into
,
have
endeavour'd
to
obst
ruct
the
good
Intentions
of
the
Parliament
,
by
crying
we
are
willing
to
Resume
,
provided
you
will
go
far
enough
backwards
:
We
shall
join
in
it
if
you
will
take
in
all
the
Grants
since
the
Restoration
of
King
Charles
the
Second
.
But
few
are
so
short
sighted
as
not
to
see
into
this
Artifice
;
such
as
are
for
making
their
Resumption
so
large
,
desire
none
at
all
,
and
would
engage
a
great
many
different
Titles
to
oppose
it
.
If
it
could
possibly
consist
with
the
Rules
of
Justice
,
if
to
do
so
would
not
produce
unspeakable
Disorders
,
if
it
would
not
utterly
ruin
a
great
number
of
Families
,
no
doubt
,
the
Publick
labouring
under
so
many
Debts
,
and
Difficulties
,
such
a
general
Resumption
would
be
advisable
,
all
which
are
strong
Objections
to
the
making
it
so
extensive
.
To
which
may
be
answer'd
,
that
the
same
Inconveniences
will
happen
by
resuming
the
Irish
Forfeitures
;
we
shall
therefore
try
to
shew
how
the
Cases
differ
.
But
to
clear
these
Points
we
must
repeat
some
things
that
have
been
laid
down
in
the
foregoing
part
of
this
Discourse
.
That
the
Kings
of
this
Realm
have
always
prescribed
a
Power
of
alienating
the
Crown-Revenue
by
their
Great
Seals
.
That
it
would
not
have
been
convenient
in
the
beginning
of
this
Constitution
to
have
bound
up
the
Prince's
Hands
from
all
kind
of
Alienations
,
for
then
,
by
Forfeitures
and
Attainders
,
in
process
of
time
,
the
King
would
have
been
Lord
of
the
whole
Soil
.
That
however
,
Parliments
by
Petitions
,
Bills
or
Acts
of
Resumption
,
have
all
along
laid
in
a
claim
of
the
People's
Interest
in
this
Revenue
,
especially
when
the
Grants
were
become
exorbitant
.
That
the
Wasts
committed
upon
the
Crown-Revenue
produced
at
last
[
viz.
11.
Hen.
4.
]
a
positive
Law
porhibiting
these
sort
of
Alienations
.
That
the
force
of
the
Law
was
evaded
by
Clauses
of
non
obstante
incerted
in
the
Letters
Patents
.
That
these
Clauses
seem
condemn'd
by
the
late
Act
for
declaring
the
Rights
and
Liberties
of
the
Subjects
.
When
King
Charles
the
2d
.
came
in
,
the
Doctrine
of
the
Court
was
,
sow
a
little
that
you
may
reap
much
,
and
they
who
were
then
intrusted
with
the
Nation
's
Purse
,
were
themselves
for
diving
into
the
Princes
Pocket
.
And
at
the
same
time
the
Doctrine
of
Westminster
Hall
was
to
advance
the
Prerogative
as
high
as
possible
;
thus
the
King
was
perswaded
to
give
away
the
greatest
part
of
his
Crown
Lands
,
and
by
the
Proceedings
of
Westminster
Hall
the
People
were
encouraged
to
think
such
Grants
were
good
in
Law
,
the
Courtier
begg'd
and
the
Citizen
bought
,
so
that
immediately
he
was
in
a
manner
divested
of
all
,
and
yet
they
who
had
suffer'd
for
him
and
his
Father
,
were
few
of
'em
the
better
for
all
this
immoderate
Bounty
.
These
Liberalities
of
his
were
not
bestow'd
as
the
Recompence
of
antient
Merit
,
but
were
often
the
Price
of
Treachery
,
and
the
Rewards
of
Vice
.
And
as
Cyrus
observ'd
,
that
in
Camps
the
most
worthless
Souldiers
are
the
busiest
to
get
Plunder
,
so
the
same
thing
may
be
said
of
a
Court
expos'd
to
Spoil
,
the
worst
Men
in
it
are
the
most
ravenous
and
generally
make
the
best
Advantages
.
The
Observation
we
have
now
made
,
did
apparently
hold
true
as
to
King
Charles's
Court
;
however
ill-gotten
Goods
seldom
thrive
,
and
very
little
of
what
was
thus
obtain'd
remains
with
the
first
Possessors
,
but
is
now
dispers'd
into
a
Multitude
of
Hands
.
Though
what
he
did
was
so
prejudicial
to
the
Crown
yet
such
was
then
the
flourishing
Condition
of
our
Affairs
,
that
we
could
bear
▪
a
great
deal
of
ill
Management
.
Besides
some
were
glad
enough
to
see
a
young
Prince
necessitated
to
depend
upon
his
People
,
who
was
apprehended
to
meditate
arbitrary
Power
.
But
whatever
govern'd
the
Councels
of
those
times
,
certain
it
is
that
there
was
no
actual
Bar
put
in
the
Way
of
his
destructive
Bounty
.
'T
is
true
(
as
we
have
noted
in
the
third
Section
)
't
was
complain'd
of
,
but
all
ended
in
an
Address
which
had
very
little
in
it
of
the
Spirit
which
our
Ancestors
had
shewn
upon
the
like
Occasions
.
Leave
was
given
at
the
beginning
of
that
Reign
to
bring
in
a
Bill
of
Resumption
;
A
Bill
was
twice
read
,
to
regulate
and
restrain
such
Alienations
,
and
an
Address
was
thereupon
made
,
but
no
consequence
following
upon
all
this
,
the
People
of
England
had
reason
to
believe
that
the
Parliament
acquiesced
in
what
was
done
at
Court
.
The
matter
did
not
only
Sleep
then
,
but
was
not
,
as
we
can
find
,
afterwards
reviv'd
,
and
for
many
Years
it
was
hardly
mention'd
in
the
House
of
Commons
,
insomuch
that
Estates
,
though
so
newly
deriv'd
from
the
Crown
,
came
in
a
short
space
of
Time
to
bear
almost
an
equal
value
with
any
other
sort
of
Land
.
But
if
,
as
in
ancient
times
,
such
a
Proceeding
of
the
Court
had
been
complain'd
of
from
Sessions
to
Sessions
,
if
,
as
heretofore
,
the
Ministers
that
procured
the
Grants
,
had
been
impeach'd
,
if
Bills
of
Resumption
had
been
frequently
offer'd
though
rejected
,
such
Motions
would
have
been
some
Warning
to
the
Nation
,
the
Purchasers
would
have
look'd
about
'em
,
every
Man
must
have
known
the
Hazzard
he
was
to
undergo
,
and
he
can
only
accuse
himself
,
who
will
run
into
it
,
when
before
hand
he
is
acquainted
with
the
Danger
.
But
the
Legislative
Authority
continuing
so
long
silent
in
the
matter
,
and
the
Lawyers
of
those
times
making
no
Objection
to
Titles
of
this
Sort
,
depending
upon
their
Ex
certa
Scientia
,
mero
Mortu
,
&
Gratia
speciali
,
and
yet
more
upon
their
Clauses
of
non
obstante
,
the
People
were
induced
to
think
they
might
as
safely
make
these
as
any
other
Sort
of
Purchases
.
Hence
it
was
that
what
belong'd
to
the
Crown
but
so
lately
,
came
to
be
a
matter
of
Publick
Traffick
among
the
People
,
insomuch
that
the
whole
Fortune
of
very
many
Families
is
therein
embark'd
.
What
Cato
said
is
indeed
true
,
if
rightly
distinguish'd
,
that
there
ought
to
be
no
praescription
against
the
Publick
.
This
▪
holds
without
doubt
when
private
Men
get
fraudulently
or
by
Force
into
Possession
of
what
belongs
to
the
Publick
,
and
at
the
beginning
were
Possessores
mala
Fide
,
which
length
of
time
ought
not
to
purge
.
But
in
a
mixt
Government
,
if
one
Part
of
the
State
suffers
the
other
Part
to
alienate
what
the
whole
have
an
Interest
in
,
and
if
the
said
Part
had
power
and
Opportunity
to
make
an
Opposition
,
and
yet
made
none
,
it
implies
such
a
Consent
as
according
to
the
Law
of
Nations
,
and
the
Rules
of
Justice
,
ought
to
indemnifie
to
all
Intents
and
Purposes
the
Possessor
bona
fide
,
and
the
Purchaser
upon
a
valuable
Consideration
.
Grotius
speaking
upon
Alienations
says
,
*
Inconsulto
vero
Populo
Rex
id
non
potest
,
si
maneamus
inter
terminos
naturales
:
quia
juris
temporarii
,
quale
est
Regnum
electorum
,
aut
lege
succedentium
ad
Imperium
,
effectus
nisi
temporarii
esse
non
possunt
:
potuit
tamen
Populi
,
ut
expressus
consensus
,
ita
tacitus
consuetudine
introductus
qualem
nunc
passim
vigere
cernimus
,
id
jus
Regibus
tribuere
.
And
a
little
before
.
*
Subscribere
And
a
little
lower
he
says
.
So
that
this
great
Civilian
is
of
Opinion
that
the
Acquiescence
and
long
silence
of
one
of
the
Constituent
parts
of
a
State
is
in
a
manner
an
Approbation
of
what
the
other
does
.
No
doubt
the
People
by
their
Representatives
have
a
Right
to
complain
when
they
see
that
wasted
which
must
be
supplied
out
of
their
Purses
,
and
they
have
a
Right
to
propose
Resumptions
when
they
become
of
absolute
Necessity
.
But
this
Right
they
may
suspend
for
a
Season
,
&
,
pro
hac
vice
,
No
doubt
the
People
may
lay
claim
to
what
the
whole
has
an
Interest
in
,
to
wit
the
Publick
Revenues
,
but
this
claim
ought
to
be
made
within
some
moderate
Compass
of
Time
,
so
as
not
to
produce
any
distraction
or
disturbance
in
Men's
Titles
and
Possessions
.
For
otherwise
such
a
Claim
will
occasion
more
Disorders
than
it
can
propose
to
remedy
.
But
when
it
has
been
forborn
too
long
,
and
when
the
People
have
been
suffer'd
to
imagin
that
the
Circumstances
of
the
time
admitted
of
a
such
a
Profusion
,
or
that
their
Representatives
have
acted
upon
some
Reason
of
State
,
and
that
they
did
not
resume
because
't
was
better
these
Estates
of
the
Crown
should
be
in
private
Hands
:
When
the
Silence
of
those
who
had
right
to
complain
seems
to
have
justified
such
proceedings
,
and
when
upon
all
these
Presumptions
private
Men
have
gon
on
for
many
Years
to
buy
and
sell
in
the
way
of
their
common
Business
,
to
come
afterwards
with
Cato's
Rule
and
say
,
There
is
no
praescribing
against
the
Publick
would
be
unjust
and
dangerous
.
Sylla
made
strange
Alterations
in
the
State
of
Rome
,
in
its
Governments
,
Magistracies
,
and
also
in
the
Properties
of
Men
;
however
the
Senate
had
submitted
,
and
in
a
tract
of
Time
the
People
was
accustomed
to
these
Establishments
;
but
Cataline
and
his
Accomplices
,
not
out
of
Love
to
the
Common-wealth
,
In
the
same
manner
most
certainly
King
Charles
acted
against
the
Trust
of
his
high
Office
,
in
permitting
such
a
Spoil
to
be
made
of
his
and
the
Nations
Revenue
,
but
no
good
Man
who
loves
the
Peace
and
Quiet
of
his
Country
would
desire
to
unravel
what
has
been
done
so
many
Years
ago
,
and
in
which
so
many
Thousands
are
concern'd
.
The
Evil
is
grown
too
big
for
Correction
,
'T
is
like
a
Disease
which
is
become
in
a
manner
part
of
the
Constitution
,
of
which
to
attempt
the
Cure
would
be
to
kill
the
Patient
.
They
whose
Duty
it
was
to
take
Care
of
the
Body
Politick
have
suffer'd
the
Distemper
to
proceed
too
far
.
By
the
Negligence
of
the
State
which
for
Forty
Years
together
has
let
this
Matter
go
on
without
Check
and
Inquiry
,
most
of
those
who
are
in
Possession
of
Grants
from
King
Charles
are
now
Possessors
bona
fide
and
purchasors
upon
a
valuable
Consideration
.
Were
they
now
in
the
Possession
of
those
who
had
first
procured
the
Grants
,
no
doubt
according
to
the
Constitution
of
this
Kingdom
they
might
justly
be
resumed
.
But
the
Case
is
notoriously
quite
otherwise
;
in
the
space
of
Forty
Years
most
of
those
Estates
have
been
sold
over
and
over
,
and
from
time
to
time
have
pass'd
through
so
many
Hands
,
that
a
Resumption
from
the
1st
.
Day
of
his
Reign
(
as
they
propose
who
would
load
this
matter
to
perplex
and
defeat
it
)
cannot
be
made
without
breaking
into
so
many
private
Contracts
,
Marriage
Settlements
,
Jointures
Mortgages
,
and
Sales
for
Valuable
Consideration
,
that
there
is
hardly
any
Tax
which
probably
the
People
of
England
would
not
consent
to
,
rather
than
bring
so
vast
a
Disorder
and
Ruin
upon
such
a
number
of
private
Families
.
From
what
has
been
here
laid
down
it
will
appear
to
any
disinterested
Reader
,
that
King
Charles's
Grants
and
those
lately
made
do
not
stand
upon
the
same
Foot
,
and
that
the
Cases
differ
in
many
and
very
material
Circumstances
.
1st
.
The
Law
is
perhaps
otherwise
now
than
the
common
and
receiv'd
Practice
of
it
then
was
,
but
,
as
we
have
before
said
,
't
is
submitted
to
the
Gentlemen
of
the
long
Robe
to
determin
in
that
Point
.
2dly
.
What
King
Charles
had
done
was
winked
at
,
because
the
flourishing
Trade
,
Wealth
of
the
Nation
and
its
long
Peace
might
bear
such
Gifts
which
were
not
to
be
supply'd
by
new
and
heavy
Taxes
.
But
our
present
Condition
is
not
the
same
,
there
was
not
then
rais'd
upon
the
People
quite
two
Millions
per
Annum
.
England
of
late
has
paid
,
and
for
some
time
to
come
will
pay
,
at
least
Five
Millions
per
Annum
.
The
Publick
had
not
then
been
exhausted
,
and
was
not
in
Debt
;
we
have
in
Ten
Years
actually
levyed
Thirty
Millions
and
still
owe
near
Twenty
Millions
,
above
four
of
which
are
not
yet
provided
for
.
3dly
.
The
Nation
seem'd
to
acquiesce
in
what
King
Charles
had
done
,
for
tho'
something
was
mov'd
at
first
to
restrain
and
regulate
Alienations
from
the
Crown
the
matter
had
little
Progress
and
afterwards
we
have
not
heard
it
was
pushed
on
with
any
Vigour
,
the
Claim
was
not
so
strongly
made
as
by
the
Rules
of
Justice
to
take
away
from
the
Possessors
any
Pretences
to
Praescription
.
But
in
our
present
Case
a
solemn
Assurance
has
been
given
from
the
Throne
,
That
no
grant
should
be
made
of
the
forfeited
Lands
in
England
and
Ireland
till
there
should
be
another
Opportunity
of
setling
that
Matter
in
Parliament
in
such
manner
as
should
be
thought
expedient
.
Afterwards
,
as
we
have
shewn
,
an
Address
was
presented
that
no
Grant
might
be
made
of
the
forfeited
Lands
in
Ireland
.
And
almost
in
every
Sessions
a
Claim
has
been
put
in
by
the
Representatives
of
the
People
,
and
as
we
have
set
forth
Twelve
several
Bills
have
been
presented
and
read
all
tending
to
appropriate
these
Forfeitures
to
the
uses
of
the
War
.
So
that
the
new
Possessors
of
these
Estates
cannot
pretend
that
any
Silence
has
given
a
Sanction
to
what
has
been
done
,
or
that
a
quiet
and
unquestiond
enjoyment
has
so
far
confirm'd
their
Right
as
that
thereby
they
may
plead
Praescription
.
If
any
of
these
Lands
have
been
sold
or
traffick'd
about
the
Purchasers
cannot
plead
Ignorance
;
by
the
Steps
made
in
Parliament
they
could
not
but
know
they
bought
a
litigated
Title
;
the
same
may
be
said
as
to
Marriage
,
Settlements
,
Jointures
,
or
any
other
civil
contract
that
has
Relation
to
the
Grants
lately
made
.
4thly
.
What
Crown-Lands
K.
Charles
gave
away
descended
lineally
to
him
from
his
Ancestors
,
The
Irish
Forfeitures
have
been
lately
purchas'd
with
the
Blood
and
Treasure
of
this
Kingdom
.
If
any
Man
could
think
that
a
Resumption
retrospecting
so
far
as
the
beginning
of
King
Charles
Il's
Reign
would
be
for
the
Publick
Good
,
why
has
it
been
never
set
afoot
or
mention'd
at
any
other
time
but
when
the
Parliament
had
a
desire
,
by
a
Resumption
in
Ireland
,
to
ease
the
People
in
their
Taxes
?
All
the
Premisses
consider'd
,
perhaps
it
will
appear
to
any
unbiass'd
Person
who
desires
to
help
the
Affairs
of
England
by
a
Resumption
,
That
,
to
follow
the
greatest
Number
of
Presidents
and
according
to
the
Rules
of
Prudence
and
Justice
,
the
Bill
ought
to
look
no
farther
backwards
than
this
,
or
the
Reign
immediately
preceeding
.
We
hope
to
have
made
it
evident
in
the
Series
of
this
Discourse
,
That
according
to
the
Constitution
of
this
Kingdom
the
late
Grants
may
be
resumed
,
We
have
produc'd
variety
of
Presidents
to
justify
such
a
Proceeding
.
'T
is
hoped
we
have
given
them
a
full
Answer
who
would
engage
the
Kings
Honour
in
Countenancing
their
Depredations
upon
the
Publick
.
Peradventure
we
have
produc'd
undeniable
Proofs
that
the
People
of
England
have
an
Interest
in
these
Lands
,
and
Perhaps
we
have
silenc'd
those
,
who
to
clog
a
good
thing
,
would
put
us
upon
a
wrong
scent
,
by
proposing
to
look
farther
backwards
than
in
Justice
and
Reason
we
ought
to
do
.
And
,
if
we
have
made
out
all
these
Positions
,
it
will
not
be
difficult
for
good
Englishmen
to
think
,
inferr
,
and
conclude
,
That
more
especially
the
forfeited
Estates
in
Ireland
ought
to
be
apply'd
towards
Payment
of
the
Publick
Debts
.
The
Writer
of
these
Papers
,
from
the
first
time
he
bent
his
Studies
to
Matters
of
this
Nature
,
has
all
along
endeavour'd
to
propose
such
Ways
and
Means
of
raising
Mony
as
might
give
ease
to
the
Landed
Interest
of
which
he
hopes
what
he
has
formerly
publish'd
is
a
sufficient
Evidence
.
'T
is
true
the
freedom
and
Sincerity
with
which
he
has
handled
these
Points
may
have
drawn
upon
him
powerful
enmities
but
if
he
has
given
any
Hints
by
which
England
may
save
two
Millions
and
remain
this
Yearwithout
a
Land
Tax
,
he
shall
think
his
Labour
well
employ'd
,
and
little
value
the
displeasure
of
Particular
and
Interested
Persons
,
whose
,
Resentments
ought
truly
not
to
fall
upon
him
,
but
rather
upon
those
whose
general
ill
Conduct
has
made
so
rough
a
thing
as
a
Resumption
necessary
.
However
he
who
looks
into
any
Male
administration
stirs
up
a
Nest
of
Hornets
.
If
any
one
be
touch'd
who
has
been
concern'd
in
Procuring
Grants
all
that
have
participated
in
his
Guilt
will
be
alarm'd
,
There
is
an
Anecdote
,
or
secret
History
belonging
to
these
Grants
well
worth
the
Knowledge
of
good
Patriots
;
the
Writer
of
these
Papers
is
not
quite
without
Materials
for
it
:
Nor
is
he
at
all
withheld
by
any
of
those
private
and
mean
Fears
which
commonly
obstruct
National
Designs
,
but
the
Truth
is
he
has
not
this
time
had
leisure
to
put
so
Dark
and
Int●icate
a
matter
into
any
tolerable
Method
.
The
Manner
of
procuring
several
of
the
Irish
Forfeitures
has
been
as
criminal
by
its
Circumstances
,
as
in
itsself
;
but
of
this
at
another
Season
.
To
look
into
the
Depredations
lately
committed
is
so
copious
a
subject
,
that
he
who
bends
his
Thoughts
this
way
,
is
sure
to
have
matter
enough
before
him
;
and
if
all
things
were
well
examin'd
,
it
would
perhaps
be
found
that
the
Resumption
here
propos'd
is
not
the
only
way
of
raising
Mony
to
ease
the
People
in
their
Taxes
.
There
have
been
of
late
Years
given
in
Parliament
upwards
of
Fifty
Millions
.
This
immense
Summ
as
we
all
know
,
has
been
transmitted
into
two
Offices
for
the
use
of
the
War
.
And
by
an
Inquisition
into
those
Offices
peradventure
something
very
considerable
is
to
be
recover'd
.
The
Author
thinks
he
cannot
employ
his
Hours
of
Leisure
more
to
his
Country's
Service
than
in
Inquiries
of
this
Nature
.
And
next
Year
(
if
he
finds
a
Continuation
of
these
Foul
Practices
which
have
been
so
destructive
to
England
,
and
so
prejudicial
to
the
King's
Interest
)
he
purposes
to
open
a
new
Scene
:
That
Zeal
for
the
Publick
which
has
now
warm'd
him
shall
not
in
the
least
cool
,
and
though
he
should
be
left
to
stand
alone
,
he
will
still
combat
on
,
and
neither
ask
nor
give
Quarter
in
the
Conflict
he
intends
to
maintain
with
the
Corruptions
of
the
Age.
FINIS
.
Compare
page
335
,
image
168
on
the
sudden
,
he
could
not
govern
himself
in
the
Change
:
But
Prosperity
laid
open
the
secret
Faults
of
his
Mind
,
which
were
suppress'd
and
choaked
before
.
Thomas
of
Walsingham
calls
him
Michael
Atte
Pole
,
and
says
he
was
convicted
in
Parliament
of
notorious
Frauds
,
Walsing.
p.
324.
Num.
10.
Convicerant
eum
nempe
de
multis
Fraudibus
,
et
quibusdam
proditionibus
in
Regem
,
quos
nequaquam
inficiari
nequibat
,
unde
et
cum
responsis
astaret
,
et
objecta
negare
nequibat
,
Rex
pro
ipso
verecundatus
et
rubore
suffusus
,
caput
agitans
,
heu
!
heu
!
inquit
Michael
,
vide
quid
fecisti
.
But
as
soon
as
the
Parliament
was
up
,
the
King
took
him
into
greater
Favour
than
before
.
But
the
Weight
of
a
Parliament
will
at
last
bear
down
a
bad
Minister
,
so
that
de
la-Pool
durst
not
stand
the
next
Sessions
,
but
fled
to
France
where
he
died
in
Exile
.
But
take
from
Walsingham
the
Character
of
this
Chancellor
,
with
the
Account
of
his
Death
.
Ibid.
p.
339.
Hac
Aestata
persidiae
promptuarium
;
Sentina
Avaritiae
,
Auriga
Proditionis
,
Archa
Malitiae
,
Odii
Seminator
,
Mendacii
Fabricator
,
susurro
nequissimus
,
dolo
praestantissimus
,
artificiosus
detractor
,
Patriae
delator
,
Michael
Atte
Pole
,
quondam
Comes
Southfolchiae
Regnique
Cancellarius
Compare
page
297
,
image
149
he
is
to
make
it
clearly
and
expresly
known
to
the
King
,
with
true
Advice
and
Counsel
;
And
,
in
all
that
he
may
,
he
is
to
do
,
and
purchase
the
King's
Profit
.
So
that
more
than
any
other
,
as
the
highest
Officer
,
and
as
the
last
Check
,
the
Laws
presume
him
to
consult
for
the
King
's
good
.
Therefore
if
the
Grant
be
exorbitant
,
if
it
be
made
to
an
undeserving
Person
,
if
it
notoriously
surpasses
the
Merits
of
the
Suitor
,
if
it
was
obtain'd
upon
wrong
Suggestions
,
if
it
occasions
Obloquy
to
the
Government
,
or
Discontent
among
the
People
,
if
the
King's
Debts
are
many
and
clamorous
,
if
the
Nation
labours
,
at
the
same
time
as
the
Gift
is
made
,
under
heavy
Taxes
;
and
if
the
Grant
tends
greatly
to
the
Hurt
and
Impoverishment
of
the
Crown
(
with
all
which
Matters
the
Law
presumes
so
great
a
Minister
in
the
State
to
be
acquainted
)
he
is
bound
in
Duty
and
by
his
Oath
not
to
fix
the
Great
Sale
to
the
said
Grant
,
but
thereupon
faithfully
and
impartially
to
advise
the
King
:
And
Chancellors
who
have
acted
otherwise
,
and
who
,
contrary
to
the
Trust
of
their
Office
,
have
ventur'd
to
pass
outragious
Gifts
,
Douns
Outrageuses
,
as
the
Records
call
'em
,
whereby
the
Crown
has