Roma
Ruit
.
THE
PILLARS
OF
ROME
Broken
:
WHEREIN
All
the
several
Pleas
for
the
Pope's
Authority
in
England
,
with
all
the
Material
Defences
of
them
,
as
they
have
been
urged
by
Romanists
from
the
beginning
of
our
Reformation
to
this
day
,
are
Revised
and
Answered
.
To
which
is
Subjoyned
A
Seasonable
Alarm
to
all
Sorts
of
Englishmen
,
against
Popery
;
both
from
their
Oaths
and
their
Interests
.
By
Fr.
Fullwood
D.
D.
Arch-Deacon
of
Totnes
in
Devon
.
LONDON
,
Printed
for
Richard
Royston
,
Bookseller
,
to
His
Most
Sacred
Majesty
,
MDCLXXIX
.
REVERENDISSIMO
In
Christo
Patri
GULIELMO
Archiepiscopo
CANTUARIENSI
,
Totius
ANGLIAE
PRIMATI
,
&
Regiae
Serenissimae
Majestatis
à
Sanctioribus
Conciliis
.
FRANCISCVS
FVLLWOOD
,
Olim
Collegii
EMANUEL
.
Apud
CANTABRIGIENSES
,
Librum
hunc
,
humillimè
D.
D.
D.
TO
THE
RIGHT
REVEREND
Father
in
God
,
GEORGE
Lord
Bishop
of
WINTON
,
Prelate
of
the
Most
Noble
Order
of
the
GARTER
.
My
very
good
Lord
:
BLessed
be
God
,
that
I
have
Survived
this
Labour
,
which
I
once
feared
I
should
have
sunk
under
;
and
that
I
live
to
publish
my
Endeavours
once
more
,
in
the
Service
of
the
Church
of
England
;
and
thereby
,
have
obtained
my
wish'd
opportunity
,
to
dedicate
a
Monument
of
my
deep
Sence
,
of
your
Lordship's
manifold
obligations
upon
me
.
In
particular
,
I
rejoyce
in
the
acknowledgment
,
that
I
ow
my
Publick
Station
,
next
under
God
and
His
Sacred
Majesty
,
to
your
Lordship's
Assistance
and
Sole
Interest
;
though
,
I
cannot
think
,
so
much
out
of
kindness
to
my
Person
(
then
,
altogether
unknown
to
your
Lordship
)
as
affection
and
care
of
the
Church
;
grounded
in
a
great
and
pious
intention
,
(
however
the
object
be
esteem'd
)
truly
worthy
of
so
Renowned
a
Prelate
,
and
(
many
other
waies
)
excellent
and
admired
Patriot
of
the
Church
of
England
.
If
,
either
my
former
attempts
have
been
anywise
available
to
the
weakning
the
Bulworks
of
Non-Conformity
;
or
my
present
Essay
,
may
succeed
,
in
any
measure
,
to
evince
or
confirm
the
Truth
in
this
greater
Controversie
;
I
am
happy
;
that
,
as
God
hath
some
glory
,
and
the
Church
some
advantage
;
so
some
honour
redounds
upon
your
Lordship
;
who
,
with
a
virtuous
design
,
gave
me
a
Capacity
at
first
,
and
ever
since
,
have
quickned
and
animated
my
Endeavours
,
in
those
Services
.
I
may
be
permitted
to
name
our
Controversie
with
the
Church
of
Rome
,
the
great
Controversie
:
For
having
been
exercised
,
in
all
the
sorts
of
Controversie
with
Adversaries
,
on
the
other
hand
;
I
have
found
,
that
all
of
them
put
together
,
are
not
considerable
;
either
,
for
weight
of
matter
,
or
copiousness
of
Learning
;
or
for
Art
,
Strength
,
or
Number
of
Adversaries
,
in
comparison
of
this
.
It
takes
in
,
the
Length
of
time
;
the
Breadth
of
place
;
and
is
managed
,
with
the
Heighth
of
Wit
,
and
Depth
of
Subtlety
;
the
Hills
are
covered
with
the
Shadow
of
it
,
and
its
Boughs
are
like
the
goodly
Cedars
.
My
Essay
in
these
Treatises
,
is
,
to
shorten
and
clear
the
way
;
and
therefore
,
though
I
must
run
with
it
through
all
time
;
I
have
reduc'd
the
place
;
and
removed
the
Wit
and
Subtleties
,
that
would
impede
our
progress
.
I
have
endeavoured
to
lop
off
luxuriant
branches
,
and
swelling
excrescencies
;
to
lay
aside
all
personal
reflections
,
captious
advantages
,
Sophistical
and
Sarcastical
Wit
;
and
to
set
the
Arguments
on
both
sides
,
free
from
the
darkness
of
all
kind
of
cunning
,
either
of
escape
or
reply
,
in
their
plain
light
and
proper
strength
;
as
also
,
to
confine
the
Controversie
,
as
near
as
I
can
,
within
the
bounds
of
our
own
Concern
,
i.
e.
our
own
Church
.
And
when
this
is
done
,
the
plain
and
naked
truth
is
;
that
the
meanest
of
our
other
Adversaries
(
I
had
almost
said
the
silly
Quaker
himself
)
seems
to
me
,
to
have
better
Grounds
,
and
more
like
Christian
,
than
the
glorious
Cause
of
the
Papacy
.
But
to
draw
a
little
nearer
to
our
Point
;
your
Lordship
cannot
but
observe
,
that
one
end
of
the
Roman
Compass
,
is
ever
fixed
upon
the
same
Center
;
and
the
summ
of
their
clamour
is
,
our
disobedience
to
the
See
of
Rome
.
Our
defense
stands
,
upon
a
twofold
Exception
:
1.
Against
the
Authority
:
2.
Against
the
Laws
of
Rome
;
and
if
either
be
justified
,
we
are
innocent
.
The
first
Exception
(
and
the
defence
of
our
Church
,
against
the
Authority
of
that
See
)
is
the
matter
of
this
Treatise
;
the
second
,
is
reserved
.
I
have
determined
,
that
all
the
Arguments
for
the
Pope's
Authority
,
in
England
,
are
reduceable
,
to
a
five-fold
Plea
:
the
Right
of
Conversion
as
our
Apostle
;
the
Right
of
a
Patriarch
;
the
Right
of
Infallibility
;
the
Right
of
Prescription
,
and
the
Right
of
Universal
Pastorship
:
the
Examination
of
them
,
carries
us
through
our
Work
.
Verily
,
to
my
knowledge
,
I
have
omitted
nothing
Argumentative
of
any
one
of
these
Pleas
:
yea
,
I
have
considered
all
those
little
inconsiderable
things
,
which
,
I
find
any
Romanists
seem
to
make
much
of
.
But
,
indeed
,
their
pretended
Right
of
possession
in
England
,
and
the
Universal
Pastorship
,
(
to
which
they
adhere
,
as
their
surest
holds
)
have
my
most
intended
and
greatest
strength
,
and
care
and
dilligence
;
that
nothing
material
,
or
seemingly
so
,
might
escape
,
either
unobserved
,
or
not
fully
answered
;
let
not
the
contrary
be
said
,
but
shewn
.
I
have
further
laboured
to
contract
the
Controversie
,
two
ways
.
1.
By
a
very
careful
,
as
well
as
large
,
and
I
hope
,
as
clear
state
of
the
question
,
in
my
definition
and
discourse
of
Schism
,
at
the
beginning
:
whereby
,
mistakes
may
be
prevented
,
and
much
of
matter
disputed
by
others
,
excluded
.
2.
By
waving
the
dispute
of
such
things
,
as
have
no
influence
into
the
Conclusion
;
and
(
according
to
my
use
)
giving
as
many
and
as
large
Concessions
to
the
Adversary
,
as
our
Cause
will
suffer
.
Now
,
my
end
being
favourably
understood
,
I
hope
,
there
is
no
need
to
ask
your
Lordships
,
or
any
others
,
pardon
,
for
that
I
have
chosen
not
to
dispute
,
two
great
things
.
1.
That
,
in
the
Words
(
tu
es
Petrus
,
&
super
hanc
Petram
)
there
is
intended
,
some
respect
,
peculiar
to
saint
Peter's
Person
:
it
is
generally
acknowledged
,
by
the
most
learned
Defenders
of
our
Church
,
that
Saint
Peter
had
a
Primacy
of
Order
;
and
your
Lordship
well
knows
,
that
many
of
the
Ancient
Fathers
have
expressed
as
much
;
and
I
intend
no
more
.
2.
That
Tradition
may
be
Infallible
,
or
indefectible
,
in
the
delivery
of
the
Essentials
of
Religion
,
for
ought
we
know
.
By
the
Essentials
,
we
mean
no
more
,
but
the
Creed
,
the
Lord's
Prayer
,
the
Decalogue
,
and
the
two
Sacraments
:
in
this
I
have
my
Second
,
and
my
Reason
too
:
for
then
Rushworth's
Dialogues
,
and
the
new
Methods
of
Roman
opposition
,
need
not
trouble
us
.
My
good
Lord
,
it
is
high
time
,
to
beg
your
Pardon
;
that
I
have
reason
to
conclude
with
an
excuse
,
for
a
long
Epistle
:
the
truth
is
,
I
thought
my self
accountable
to
your
Lordship
,
for
a
Brief
of
the
Book
,
that
took
its
being
from
your
Lordship's
Encouragement
;
and
the
rather
,
because
it
seems
unmannerly
to
expect
,
that
your
good
Old
Age
should
perplex
it self
with
Controversie
:
which
the
Good
God
,
continue
long
and
happy
,
to
the
honour
of
his
Church
on
Earth
;
and
then
,
crown
with
the
Glory
of
Heaven
.
It
is
the
hearty
prayer
of
,
My
Lord
,
Your
Lordships
most
obliged
and
devoted
Servant
,
FR.
FULLWOOD
.
A
PREFACE
TO
THE
READER
.
Good
Reader
,
OUr
Roman
Adversaries
claim
the
Subjection
of
the
Church
of
England
by
several
Arguments
;
but
insist
,
chiefly
,
upon
that
of
possession
,
and
the
Universal
Pastorship
:
if
any
shall
deign
to
answer
me
,
I
think
it
reasonable
to
expect
,
they
should
attach
me
there
,
where
they
suppose
their
greatest
strength
lies
:
otherwise
,
though
,
they
may
seem
to
have
the
Advantage
,
by
catching
Shadows
,
if
I
am
left
unanswered
in
those
two
main
Points
,
the
Substance
of
their
Cause
is
lost
.
For
,
if
it
remain
unproved
,
that
the
Pope
had
quiet
possession
here
;
and
the
contrary
proof
continue
unshaken
,
the
Argument
of
Possession
is
on
our
side
.
I
doubt
not
,
but
you
will
find
,
that
the
Pope
had
not
possession
here
before
;
that
he
took
not
possession
by
Austine
the
Monk
;
and
that
he
had
no
such
possession
here
,
afterwards
,
sufficient
to
create
or
evince
a
Title
.
'T
is
confessed
,
that
Austine
took
his
Arch-Bishoprick
of
Canterbury
,
as
the
Gift
of
Saint
Gregory
;
and
having
recalled
many
of
the
People
to
Christianity
,
both
the
Converts
and
the
Converter
,
gave
great
Submission
and
respect
to
Saint
Gregory
,
then
Bishop
of
Rome
;
and
how
far
the
People
were
bound
to
obey
their
Parent
that
had
begotten
them
,
or
he
,
his
Master
,
that
sent
him
and
gave
him
the
Primacy
,
I
need
not
dispute
.
But
,
these
things
to
our
purpose
,
are
very
certain
.
1.
That
Conversion
was
anciently
conceived
to
be
the
ground
of
their
Obedience
to
Saint
Gregory
,
which
Plea
is
now
deserted
;
and
that
Saint
Gregory
himself
abhorred
the
very
Title
of
Universal
Bishop
,
the
only
thing
nowinsisted
on
.
2.
'T
is
also
certain
,
that
the
Addition
of
Authority
,
which
the
King's
Silence
,
Permission
or
Connivence
gave
to
Austine
,
was
more
than
Saint
Gregory's
Grant
;
and
yet
,
that
Connivence
of
the
new
Converted
King
,
in
the
Circumstances
of
so
great
Obligation
and
Surprize
,
(
who
might
not
know
,
or
consider
,
or
be
willing
to
exercise
his
Royal
Power
,
then
,
in
the
Point
)
could
never
give
away
the
Supremacy
,
inherent
in
his
Crown
,
from
his
Successors
for
ever
.
3.
'T
is
likewise
certain
,
that
neither
Saint
Gregory's
Grant
,
nor
that
King's
Permission
,
did
or
could
obtain
Possession
for
the
Pope
,
by
Austine
,
as
the
Primate
of
Canterbury
,
over
all
the
Brittish
Churches
and
Bishops
:
which
were
then
many
,
and
had
not
the
same
Reason
from
their
Conversion
by
him
to
own
his
Jurisdiction
;
but
did
stifly
reject
all
his
Arguments
and
Pretenses
for
it
.
King
Ethelbert
,
the
only
Christian
King
at
that
time
,
in
England
,
had
not
above
the
twentieth
part
of
Brittain
,
within
his
Jurisdiction
;
how
then
can
it
be
imagined
,
that
all
the
King
of
England's
Dominions
,
in
England
,
and
Wales
,
and
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
,
should
be
concluded
within
the
Primacy
of
Canterbury
,
by
Saint
Augustine's
possession
of
so
small
a
part
?
4.
'T
is
one
thing
to
claim
,
another
to
possess
.
Saint
Augustine's
Commission
was
,
to
subject
all
Brittain
:
to
erect
two
Arch-Bishopricks
,
and
twelve
Bishopricks
,
under
each
of
them
;
but
what
possession
he
got
for
his
Master
,
appears
in
that
,
after
the
death
of
that
Gregory
and
Austine
,
there
were
left
,
but
one
Arch-Bishop
and
two
Bishops
,
of
the
Roman
Communion
,
in
all
Brittain
.
5.
Moreover
,
the
Succeeding
Arch-Bishops
of
Canterbury
,
soon
after
,
discontinued
that
small
possession
of
England
which
Augustine
had
gotten
;
acknowledging
,
they
held
of
the
Crown
,
and
not
of
the
Pope
;
resuming
the
Ancient
Liberties
of
the
English
Church
,
which
before
had
been
,
and
ought
always
to
be
Independent
on
any
other
;
and
which
of
Right
returned
,
upon
the
Return
of
their
Christianity
:
and
accordingly
our
Succeeding
Kings
,
with
their
Nobles
,
and
Commons
,
and
Clergy
,
upon
all
occasions
,
denied
the
Papal
Jurisdiction
here
,
as
contrary
to
the
King
's
Natural
Supremacy
,
and
the
Customs
,
Liberties
,
and
Laws
of
this
Kingdom
.
And
,
as
Augustine
could
not
give
the
Miter
,
so
neither
could
King
John
give
the
Crown
of
England
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
.
For
(
as
Math.
Paris
relates
)
Philip
Augustus
answered
the
Pope's
Legate
)
no
King
,
no
Prince
,
can
Alienate
or
give
away
his
Kingdom
,
but
by
Consent
of
his
Barons
(
who
,
we
know
,
protested
against
King
John's
endeavour
of
that
kind
)
bound
by
Knighs
Service
to
defend
the
said
Kingdom
;
and
in
case
the
Pope
shall
stand
for
the
contrary
Error
,
his
Holiness
shall
give
to
Kingdoms
a
most
pernitious
Example
:
so
far
is
one
unwarrantable
act
of
a
fearful
Prince
,
under
great
Temptations
,
from
laying
a
firm
ground
for
the
Pope's
Prescription
;
and
't
is
well
known
,
that
both
the
preceeding
and
succeeding
Kings
of
England
,
defended
the
Rights
of
the
Crown
,
and
disturbed
the
Pope's
possession
,
upon
stronger
grounds
of
Nature
,
Custom
,
and
plain
Statutes
,
and
the
very
Constitution
of
the
Kingdom
,
from
time
to
time
,
in
all
the
main
Branches
of
Supremacy
;
as
,
I
doubt
not
,
but
is
made
to
appear
by
full
and
Authentick
Testimony
beyond
dispute
.
2.
The
other
great
Plea
for
the
Pope's
Authority
in
England
,
is
that
of
Universal
Pastorship
:
now
,
if
this
cannot
be
claimed
by
any
Right
,
either
Divine
,
Civil
or
Ecclesiastical
;
but
the
contrary
be
evident
;
and
both
,
the
Scriptures
,
Emperors
,
Fathers
and
Councils
,
did
not
only
not
grant
,
but
deny
and
reject
the
Pope's
Supremacy
,
as
an
Usurpation
;
What
Reason
hath
this
,
or
any
other
Church
to
give
away
their
Liberty
,
upon
bold
and
groundless
Claims
?
The
pretence
of
Civil
Right
,
by
the
Grant
of
Emperors
,
they
are
now
ashamed
of
,
for
three
Reasons
;
't
is
too
scant
,
and
too
mean
,
and
apparently
groundless
;
and
our
discourse
of
the
Councils
,
hath
beaten
out
an
unanswerable
Argument
against
the
claim
by
any
other
Right
,
whether
Ecclesiastical
or
Divine
:
for
all
the
General
Councils
are
found
;
first
,
not
to
make
any
such
Grant
to
the
Pope
,
whereby
the
Claim
,
by
Ecclesiastical
Right
,
is
to
be
maintained
:
but
,
secondly
,
they
are
all
found
,
making
strict
provisions
against
his
pretended
Authority
;
whereby
,
they
,
and
the
Catholick
Church
in
them
,
deny
his
Divine
Right
.
'T
is
plainly
acknowledged
by
Stapleton
himself
,
that
,
before
the
Council
of
Constance
,
non
divino
sed
humano
Jure
,
&
positivis
Ecclesiae
Decretis
,
primatum
Rom.
Pont.
niti
senserunt
,
speaking
of
the
Fathers
;
that
is
,
the
Fathers
before
that
Council
,
thought
the
Primacy
of
the
Pope
,
was
not
of
Divine
Right
;
and
that
it
stood
only
upon
the
Positive
Decrees
of
the
Church
:
and
yet
he
further
confesseth
in
the
same
place
,
that
the
Power
of
the
Pope
now
contended
for
(
nullo
sane
decreto
publico
definita
est
)
is
not
defined
by
any
Publick
Decree
,
tacito
tamen
Doctorum
Consensu
.
Now
what
can
remain
,
but
,
that
which
we
find
him
immediately
driven
to
,
viz.
to
reject
the
pretence
of
humane
Right
by
Positive
Decrees
of
the
Church
;
and
to
adhere
only
(
as
he
himself
affirmeth
,
they
generally
now
do
)
to
the
Divine
Right
:
Nunc
(
inquit
)
autem
nemini
amplius
Catholoco
dubium
est
,
prorsus
Divino
Jure
,
&
quidem
illustribus
Evangelii
Testimoniis
hunc
Primatum
niti
.
Thus
,
how
have
they
intangled
themselves
!
if
they
pretend
a
humane
Right
,
he
acknowledgeth
,
they
cannot
find
it
,
where
it
ought
to
be
found
,
in
the
Publick
Decrees
of
the
Church
:
if
a
Divine
Right
,
he
confesseth
,
the
Fathers
denied
it
,
before
the
Council
of
Constance
;
and
he
knows
,
that
Council
condemn'd
it
.
Stapleton
at
length
affirms
,
that
,
now
no
Catholick
doubts
,
but
the
Pope's
Primacy
is
of
Divine
Right
;
whence
the
heart
of
the
Roman
Cause
is
stabb'd
,
by
these
clear
and
sharp
Conclusions
.
1.
Concl.
That
,
all
Catholicks
of
the
present
Roman
Church
,
do
,
now
hold
,
a
New
Article
,
touching
the
Pope's
Primacy
,
not
known
to
the
Fathers
before
the
Council
of
Constance
,
An.
1415.
and
condemned
by
that
Council
,
as
an
Error
.
2.
Concl.
That
,
therein
,
the
Faith
of
the
present
Roman
Church
,
stands
counter
to
the
Faith
,
Decrees
,
and
Practices
of
all
the
first
General
Councils
;
consisting
of
Fathers
that
flourished
therein
,
long
before
the
Council
of
Constance
,
i.
e.
in
their
own
sence
,
the
Ancient
Catholick
Church
.
You
will
find
that
the
Evidence
hereof
ariseth
▪
not
only
from
the
Words
of
Stapleton
,
but
from
the
Decrees
of
all
the
first
eight
General
Councils
,
every
one
of
them
,
one
way
or
other
,
expresly
declaiming
that
Supremacy
,
which
the
Pope
and
his
present
Church
would
arrogate
;
and
in
those
Councils
,
all
the
Fathers
,
and
the
Catholick
Church
are
confessedly
concluded
;
and
consequently
,
Antiquity
,
Infallibility
,
and
Tradition
,
are
not
to
be
found
at
Rome
.
The
Sum
is
,
the
Church
of
England
,
that
holds
the
true
,
Ancient
,
Catholick
Faith
;
and
the
four
first
General
Councils
:
and
hath
the
Evidence
of
four
more
in
the
Point
;
cannot
be
blamed
,
for
rejecting
,
or
not
readmitting
,
a
Novel
and
groundless
Usurpation
,
contrary
to
them
all
;
and
contrary
also
,
to
the
Profession
of
the
present
Roman
Church
;
that
pretends
to
believe
,
that
the
Faith
of
the
eight
first
general
Councils
,
is
the
Catholick
Faith
.
Imprimatur
,
GUIL.
JANE
R.
P.
D.
HEN.
Episc.
LOND
.
à
Sacris
Domest.
Jan.
24.
1678.
THE
CONTENTS
OF
THE
CHAPTERS
and
SECTIONS
.
-
THe
Introduction
.
The
Design
.
The
Controversie
contracted
into
one
point
,
viz.
Schism
.
Page
1
-
CHAP.
I.
-
The
Definition
of
Schism
.
-
Sect.
1.
Of
the
Act
of
it
.
p.
3
-
Sect.
2.
The
Subject
of
Schism
.
p.
4
-
Sect.
3.
The
Object
of
Schism
.
-
1.
Faith
.
p.
7
-
2.
Worship
.
p.
9
-
3.
Government
.
p.
11
-
Sect.
4.
The
Conditions
.
Causeless
.
Voluntary
.
p.
14
-
Sect.
5.
The
Application
of
Schism
;
't
is
not
applicable
to
us
.
p.
16
-
In
the
Act.
p.
17
-
Or
Cause
.
p.
19
-
Sect.
6.
The
Application
of
it
to
the
Romanists
.
p.
20
-
Sect.
7.
The
charge
retorted
upon
them
.
p.
21
-
The
Controversie
broken
into
two
Points
.
The
Authority
.
The
Cause
.
p.
23
-
CHAP.
II.
-
An
Examination
of
the
Papal
Authority
in
England
.
Five
Arguments
proposed
and
briefly
reflected
on
.
p.
24
-
1.
Conversion
.
2.
Prescription
.
3.
Western
Patriarchate
.
4.
Infallibility
.
5.
Succession
.
p.
25
-
CHAP.
III.
-
Of
the
Pope
's
claim
from
our
Conversion
,
by
Eleutherius
,
Gregory
.
p.
28
-
CHAP.
IV.
-
His
claim
as
Patriarch
.
Four
Propositions
laid
down
.
-
1.
The
Pope
was
Patriarch
of
the
West
.
p.
32
-
2.
He
had
then
a
limited
Jursdiction
.
p.
33
-
3.
His
Patriarchate
did
not
include
Brittain
.
p.
35
-
4.
A
Patriarch
and
Vniversal
Bishop
inconsistent
.
p.
37
-
CHAP.
V.
-
The
Third
Papal
claim
,
Prescription
.
The
Case
stated
.
p.
39
-
Their
Plea
.
Our
Answer
,
in
three
Positions
,
viz.
-
1.
The
Pope
never
had
possession
absolutely
.
-
2.
That
which
he
had
,
could
never
create
a
Title
.
-
3.
However
his
Title
extinguish'd
with
his
possession
.
p.
40
-
CHAP.
VI.
-
The
Papacy
of
no
power
here
for
the
first
600
years
(
Augustine
Dionoth
.
)
in
fact
,
or
faith
p.
41.
&c.
-
Sect.
1.
No
one
part
of
Papal
Jurisdiction
was
exercised
here
,
for
six
hundred
years
;
not
Ordination
,
till
1100
years
after
Christ
,
&c.
nor
any
other
.
p.
46
-
Sect.
2.
No
possession
of
Belief
of
his
Jurisdiction
then
,
in
England
or
Scotland
.
p.
52
-
Sect.
3.
This
belief
could
have
no
ground
in
the
Ancient
Canons
.
Apostolic
.
Nicen.
Milev
.
&c.
p.
54
-
Sect.
4.
Of
Concil.
Sardi
.
Calced.
Constantinop
.
p.
56
-
Sect.
5.
Arabick
Canons
forged
;
not
of
Nice
.
p.
60
-
Sect.
6.
Ancient
practice
interpreted
the
Canons
against
the
Pope
:
Disposing
of
Patriarchs
:
S.
Cyprian
,
S.
Augustine
's
sence
,
in
practice
.
p.
63
-
Sect.
7.
The
Sayings
of
Ancient
Popes
,
Agathe
,
Pelagius
,
Gregory
,
Victor
,
against
the
pretence
of
Supremacy
.
p.
69
-
Sect.
8.
The
words
of
the
Imperial
Law
against
him
.
p.
90
-
Sect.
9.
The
Conclusion
,
touching
possession
in
the
first
Ages
,
vix
.
six
hundred
years
from
Christ
.
p.
97
-
CHAP.
VII
.
-
The
Pope
had
not
full
possession
here
,
before
Hen.
8.
I.
Not
in
St.
Augustine
's
time
,
nor
after
.
p.
100
-
Sect.
1.
Not
in
St.
Augustine
's
time
.
ibid.
-
A
true
State
of
the
question
betwixt
the
Pope
and
the
King
of
England
in
seven
particulars
.
p
102
-
Sect.
2.
No
clear
or
full
possession
in
the
Ages
after
Austine
,
till
Hen.
8.
p
104
-
In
eight
distinctions
of
Supremacy
.
ibid.
-
The
question
stated
by
them
.
p.
105
-
CHAP.
VIII
.
-
What
Supremacy
Hen.
8.
took
from
the
Pope
;
the
particulars
of
it
;
with
Notes
upon
them
.
p.
107.
&c.
CHAP.
IX
.
-
Whether
the
Pope
's
possession
here
,
was
a
quiet
possession
till
Hen.
8.
as
to
the
Point
of
Supremacy
.
p.
109
-
Sect.
1.
Of
Appeals
to
Rome
.
Three
Notions
of
Appeal
.
Appeals
to
Rome
Locally
,
or
by
Legates
.
Wilfrid
.
Anselm
.
ibid.
-
Sect.
2.
Of
the
possession
by
Legates
;
the
occasion
of
them
here
;
their
entertainment
.
p.
117
-
CHAP.
X.
-
Of
the
Pope's
Legislative
power
here
,
before
Hen.
8.
Canons
oblige
us
not
without
our
Consent
:
our
Kings
,
Saxon
,
Danish
,
Norman
,
made
Ecclesiastical
Laws
.
p.
126
-
CHAP.
XI
.
-
Of
the
Power
of
Papal
Licenses
,
&c.
in
Edw.
1.
3.
Rich.
2.
Hen.
4.
Hen.
5.
Hen.
6.
Hen.
7
'
s.
time
.
p.
133
-
CHAP.
XII
.
-
The
Patronage
of
this
Church
;
ever
in
our
own
Kings
;
by
History
;
by
Law
.
p.
140
-
CHAP.
XIII
.
-
Of
Peter-pence
,
and
other
payments
to
the
Pope
.
p.
149
-
First-Fruits
.
p.
151
-
Payments
extraordinary
.
p.
154
-
Casual
.
p.
156
-
CHAP.
XIV
.
-
The
Conclusion
of
the
Argument
of
Prescription
;
't
is
on
our
side
.
p
,
158
-
On
their
side
,
of
no
force
.
p.
159
-
CHAP.
XV.
-
The
Plea
from
Infallibility
;
considered
,
in
its
Consequence
;
Retorted
.
p.
161
-
Sect.
1.
Scripture
Examples
for
Infallibility
.
p.
163
-
High
Priest
,
not
infallible
,
nothing
to
the
Pope
.
p.
164
-
Apostles
.
p.
166
-
Sect.
2.
Scripture-promises
of
Infallibility
.
p.
167
-
CHAP.
XVI
.
-
2.
Argument
for
Infallibility
,
viz.
Tradition
;
four
Concessions
;
three
Propositions
about
Tradition
.
Arguments
.
Objections
.
p.
171
&c.
-
CHAP.
XVII
.
-
The
third
way
of
Argument
for
Infallibility
,
viz.
by
Reason
;
three
Reasons
answered
;
the
Point
argued
;
Retorted
.
p
,
177
-
CHAP.
XVIII
.
-
TheVniversal
Pastorship
;
its
Right
,
Divine
or
Humane
;
this
,
Civil
or
Ecclesiastical
;
all
examined
;
Constantine
;
King
John
;
Justinian
;
Phocas
,
&c.
p.
182.
as
to
Civil
Right
.
-
CHAP.
XIX
.
-
His
Ecclesiastical
Right
,
by
General
Councils
;
the
eight
first
,
to
which
he
is
sworn
.
Justinians
Sanction
of
them
;
Canons
Apostol.
allowed
by
the
Council
of
Nice
and
Ephesus
.
p.
190
-
Sect.
1.
Canons
of
the
Apostles
.
p.
194
-
Sect.
2.
1.
General
Council
of
Nice
.
Bellarmine
's
Evasion
.
p.
195
-
Sect.
3.
Concil.
2
gen
.
Constantinop
,
An.
381.
p.
196
-
Sect.
4.
Concil.
Ephesin
.
3
gen
.
An.
431.
p.
197
-
Sect.
5.
Concil.
Calced.
4
gen
An.
451.
p.
199
-
Sect.
6.
Concil.
Constantin
.
2.
the
fifth
gen
.
Council
,
An.
553.
p.
202
-
Sect
7.
Concil.
Constant
.
6
gen
.
An.
681.
v.
685.
Concil.
Nic.
7
gen
.
An.
781.
p.
203
-
Sect.
8
Concil.
gen.
8
Constant
.
An.
870.
p.
204
-
Seuen
Conclusions
from
Councils
.
p.
205
-
Sect.
9.
Of
the
Latine
Church
;
the
Councils
of
Constance
;
Basil
.
&c.
An.
1415.
1431.
p.
206
-
Sect.
10.
The
Greek
Church
;
African
Canons
;
Synod
.
Carthag
.
Concil
Antiochen
.
the
faith
of
the
Greek
Church
,
since
in
the
Point
.
p.
208
&c.
-
Sect.
11.
The
Sardican
Canons
.
No
Grant
from
their
matter
,
manner
,
or
Authority
.
No
Appendix
to
the
Council
of
Nice
.
Zozimus
his
Forgery
;
they
were
never
Ratified
,
nor
received
,
asVniversal
;
and
were
contradicted
by
after
Councils
.
p.
212
-
CHAP.
XX.
-
The
Pope
's
Title
,
by
Divine
Right
.
The
Question
.
Why
not
sooner
?
'T
is
their
last
Refuge
.
p.
217
-
Sect.
1.
Whether
the
Government
of
the
Church
be
Monarchical
,
Jure
Divino
?
Bellarmine
.
Reason
.
Scripture
.
p.
218
-
Promises
,
Metaphors
,
and
Example
of
the
High
Priest
in
Scripture
.
p
221
-
Sect.
2.
Of
St.
Peter
's
Monarchy
.
Tu
es
Petru.
p.
223
-
Fathers
Expressions
of
it
.
p
228
-
Fathers
corrupted
,
and
Council
of
Calcedon
,
by
Thomas
.
p.
230
&c.
-
CHAP.
XXI
.
-
Of
the
Pope's
Succession
.
p
:
237
-
Sect.
1.
Whether
the
Primacy
descended
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
as
such
,
by
Succession
from
Saint
Peter
.
Neg.
Bellar
.
28
Prerogatives
of
Saint
Peter
;
personal
or
false
.
p.
238
,
239
&c.
-
Application
of
this
Section
.
p.
241
-
By
three
great
Inferences
:
the
Pope's
Ancient
Primacy
not
that
,
of
Saint
Peter
:
not
,
Jure
Divino
;
not
to
descend
to
succeeding
Popes
.
-
Sect.
2.
Whether
the
Pope
have
Supremacy
,
as
Successor
to
Saint
Peter
.
Neg.
not
Primate
,
as
such
:
Peter
himself
not
Supreme
;
the
Pope
did
not
succeed
him
at
all
.
p.
244
-
Sect.
3
Arg.
1.
Peter
Assign'd
it
to
the
Pope
:
answered
.
p.
245
-
Sect.
4.
Arg.
2.
The
Bishop
of
Rome
succeeded
Peter
,
because
Antioch
did
not
:
answered
.
p.
246
-
Sect.
5.
Arg.
3.
Saint
Peter
died
at
Rome
;
answered
:
question
de
facto
,
not
de
fide
.
p.
247
-
Sect.
6.
Arg.
4.
From
Councils
,
Popes
,
Fathers
,
p.
249
-
Sect.
7.
Arg.
5.
For
prevention
of
Schism
,
Saint
Hierom.
p.
250
-
Sect.
8.
Arg.
6.
The
Church
committed
to
his
care
;
Saint
Chrysostom
.
p.
251
-
Sect.
9.
Arg.
7.
One
Chair
.
Optatus
,
Cyprian
,
Ambrase
,
Acatius
.
ibid.
-
Sect
10.
The
Conclusion
touching
the
Fathers
.
Reasons
,
why
,
we
are
not
more
particular
about
them
.
A
Challenge
touching
them
:
there
cannot
be
a
Consent
of
the
the
Fathers
for
the
Papacy
;
as
is
evident
from
the
General
Councils
:
Reasons
for
it
:
Rome
's
contradiction
of
faith
:
the
Pope
's
Schism
,
Perjury
,
&c.
p
255
&c.
-
The
Sum
of
the
whole
matter
:
a
Touch
of
another
Treatise
;
the
material
Cause
of
Separation
.
p.
261
THE
POSCRIPT
:
Objections
touching
the
first
General
Councils
;
and
our
Arguments
from
them
,
answered
more
fully
.
SECT.
1.
-
THE
Argument
from
Councils
drawn
up
;
't
is
conclusive
of
the
Fathers
,
and
the
Catholick
Church
.
p.
263
SECT.
2.
-
Obj.
Touching
the
Council
of
Nice
answered
.
p.
267
SECT.
3.
-
Obj.
Touching
the
Council
of
Constant
.
Second
General
.
p.
269
SECT.
4.
-
The
third
General
Council
,
viz.
Ephesin
.
p.
272.
SECT.
5.
-
Of
the
Fourth
,
Fifth
,
Sixth
,
Seventh
,
Eighth
General
Councils
.
Binius
his
quotations
of
Ancient
Popes
,
considered
.
p.
274
-
Conclusion
.
p.
279
AN
APPENDIX
.
-
A
Serious
Alarm
to
all
sorts
of
Englishmen
,
against
Popery
;
from
Sense
and
Conscience
;
their
Oaths
and
their
Interests
.
p.
281
-
The
Oath
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
.
p.
289
ERRATA
.
PAge
6.
line
7.
for
and
the
,
read
and
though
,
p.
136.
l.
13.
add
,
't
is
observed
that
,
p.
137.
l.
23.
blot
out
and
the
abundant
,
p.
138.
l.
5.
add
of
,
before
the
grievances
,
p.
147.
l.
17.
before
the
word
evacuate
,
add
not
,
p.
164.
l.
24.
for
is
,
r.
are
,
p.
175.
l.
10.
for
his
messenger
,
r.
the
Popes
messenger
,
p.
177.
after
Sentence
,
add
with
the
Fathers
,
was
ever
taken
,
p.
205.
l.
22.
after
the
word
Faith
,
add
of
the
Church
,
p.
213.
l.
31.
for
they
r.
these
Canons
,
p.
227.
l
34.
for
Kingdoms
,
r.
the
Kingdom
,
p.
235.
l.
1.
for
are
,
r.
are
not
.
The
Printer
to
the
Reader
.
THe
absence
of
the
Author
,
and
his
inconvenient
distance
from
London
,
hath
occasioned
some
lesser
escapes
in
the
Impression
of
this
Book
.
The
Printer
thinks
it
the
best
instance
of
pardon
,
if
his
Escapes
be
not
laid
upon
the
Author
,
and
he
hopes
they
are
no
greater
than
an
ordinary
understanding
may
amend
,
and
a
little
charity
may
forgive
.
BEATAM
ETERNAM
CLARIOR
E
TENEBRIS
CAELI
SPECTO
ASPERAM
AT
LEVEN
CHRISTI
TRACTO
SPLENDIDAM
AT
GRAVEM
MUNDI
CALCO
In
verbo
tuo
Spes
mea
Alij
diutius
Imperium
tenuerunt
,
nemo
tam
fortiter
reliquit
.
Tacit.
Histor.
Lib.
2.
c.
47.
p.
417.
R.
White
sculp
allegorical portrait of Charles I by Robert White, kneeling, with ship in full sail, crown of thorns, and an overthrown crown (after William Marshall's frontispiece for Eikon Basilike, Wing E299)
Augustissimi
CAROLI
Secundi
Dei
Gratia
ANGLIAE
SCOTIAE
FRANCIAE
ET
HIBERNIAE
REX
.
Bona
agere
&
mala
pati
Regium
est
Page
.
1.
HONI
SOIT
QVI
MAL
Y
PENSE
portrait of Charles II with royal English blazon or coat of arms
THE
INTRODUCTION
.
The
Design
.
The
Controversie
Contracted
into
one
Point
,
viz.
SCHISM
.
THE
Church
of
England
hath
been
long
possest
,
both
of
her self
and
the
true
Religion
;
and
counts
it
no
necessary
part
of
that
Religion
to
molest
or
censure
any
other
Church
:
Yet
she
cannot
be
quiet
,
but
is
still
vext
and
clamour'd
with
unwearied
outcries
of
Heresie
and
Schism
from
the
Church
of
Rome
,
provoking
her
defence
.
The
Ball
hath
been
tossed
as
well
by
cunning
as
learned
Hands
,
ever
since
the
Reformation
;
and
't
is
complained
,
that
by
weak
and
impertinent
Allegations
,
tedious
Altercations
,
unnecessary
Excursions
,
and
much
Sophistry
,
needlesly
lengthening
and
obscuring
the
controversie
,
it
is
in
danger
to
be
lost
.
After
so
great
and
so
long
exercises
of
the
best
Champions
on
both
sides
,
't
is
not
to
be
expected
,
that
any
great
Advance
should
be
made
on
either
:
Yet
how
desirable
is
it
,
that
at
length
the
true
difference
were
clearly
stated
,
and
the
Arguments
stript
of
their
said
Cumber
,
and
presented
to
us
in
their
proper
Evidence
,
and
the
controversie
so
reduced
,
that
the
World
might
perceive
where
we
are
:
and
doubtful
inquirers
after
Truth
and
the
safest
Religion
,
might
satisfie
their
Consciences
and
fix
their
Practice
.
This
is
in
some
measure
the
Ambition
of
the
present
Essay
:
In
order
to
it
,
we
have
observed
that
the
Shop
out
of
which
all
the
Arms
,
both
Offensive
and
Defensive
,
on
both
sides
are
fetched
,
is
Schism
;
and
the
whole
Controversie
is
truly
contracted
into
that
one
Point
,
which
will
appear
,
by
two
things
.
-
1.
By
the
State
of
the
allowed
Nature
of
Schism
.
-
2.
By
the
Application
of
it
so
explain'd
.
CHAP.
I.
The
Definition
of
SCHISM
.
SECT.
I.
Of
the
Act
of
Schism
.
THat
we
may
lie
open
to
their
full
Charge
,
we
lay
the
Notion
in
as
great
a
Latitude
,
as
,
I
think
,
our
Adversaries
themselves
would
have
it
.
Schism
is
a
voluntary
division
of
a
Christian
Church
,
in
its
external
Communion
,
without
sufficient
cause
.
1.
'T
is
a
Division
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Divisions
or
Act.
Division
in
the
Church
particular
.
Rents
among
you
:
This
division
of
the
Church
is
made
either
in
the
Church
or
from
it
;
in
it
,
as
it
is
a
particular
Church
,
which
the
Apostle
blames
in
the
Church
of
Corinth
,
c.
11.
Though
they
came
together
,
and
did
not
separate
from
the
external
Communion
,
but
divided
in
it
and
about
it
.
2.
Division
is
made
also
in
the
Church
as
Catholick
.
Catholick
or
Universal
,
and
some
charge
the
Church
or
Court
of
Rome
(
as
we
shall
observe
hereafter
)
herewith
,
as
the
cause
of
many
deplorable
Rents
and
Convulsions
in
the
bowels
of
it
,
and
indeed
in
a
true
sence
,
all
that
are
guilty
of
dividing
either
in
,
or
from
a
particular
Church
(
without
just
cause
)
are
guilty
of
Schism
in
the
Catholick
,
as
the
Aggregatum
of
all
particular
Churches
.
There
is
division
as
well
from
,
as
in
the
Church
,
and
this
is
either
such
as
is
improperly
called
Separation
,
or
properly
,
or
more
perfectly
so
.
1.
Separation
improperly
so
called
,
we
may
term
,
Negative
;
which
is
rather
a
recusancy
or
a
denyal
of
Communion
,
where
it
is
either
due
or
only
claimed
and
not
due
,
but
was
never
actually
given
.
2.
'T
is
properly
so
,
where
an
actual
separation
is
made
,
and
Communion
broken
or
denyed
,
where
it
has
wont
to
be
paid
.
3.
Or
yet
more
perfectly
,
when
those
that
thus
separate
and
withdraw
their
Communion
from
a
Church
,
joyn
themselves
in
an
opposite
body
,
and
erect
Altar
against
Altar
.
SECT.
II.
Subject
of
Schism
.
THus
of
the
Act
of
Schism
,
Division
:
Let
us
briefly
consider
the
Subject
of
this
division
,
Subject
.
which
is
not
a
civil
or
an
Infidel
Society
,
but
a
Christian
Church
.
I
do
not
express
it
a
true
Church
;
for
that
is
supposed
:
For
if
it
be
a
Christian
Church
it
must
be
true
,
otherwise
it
is
not
at
all
.
Some
learned
of
our
own
side
,
distinguish
here
of
the
truth
of
the
Church
Physically
or
metaphysically
considered
;
or
morally
:
and
acknowledge
the
Roman
Church
to
be
a
true
Church
,
or
truly
a
Church
,
as
some
would
rather
have
it
,
but
deny
it
to
be
such
morally
:
and
plead
for
separation
from
it
only
in
a
moral
sence
,
or
as
it
is
not
a
true
Church
,
i.
e.
as
it
is
a
false
and
corrupt
Church
,
not
as
it
is
a
Church
.
But
finding
this
distinction
to
give
offence
,
and
perhaps
some
advantage
to
our
Adversaries
,
at
least
for
the
amusing
and
disturbing
the
method
of
disputation
,
and
being
willing
to
reduce
the
difference
as
much
as
I
am
able
,
I
shall
not
insist
upon
these
distinctions
.
I
confess
(
pace
tantorum
)
I
see
no
danger
in
,
but
rather
a
necessity
of
granting
the
Church
of
Rome
to
be
a
true
Church
even
in
a
moral
sence
,
largely
speaking
;
as
moral
is
distinguished
from
Physical
or
metaphysical
:
and
the
necessity
of
this
concession
ariseth
from
the
granting
or
allowing
her
to
be
a
true
Church
in
any
sence
,
or
,
a
Church
of
Christ
.
For
to
say
,
that
a
Christian
Church
is
not
a
true
Church
morally
,
yet
is
so
really
,
i.
e.
Physically
or
Metaphysically
,
seems
to
imply
that
it
is
a
Christian
Church
,
and
it
is
not
a
Christian
Church
;
seeing
all
the
being
of
a
Christian
Church
depends
upon
its
truth
in
a
moral
sence
,
as
I
conceive
is
not
questioned
by
either
side
.
And
when
we
grant
that
the
Church
of
Rome
or
any
other
is
a
true
Christian
Church
in
any
sence
,
we
do
mean
that
she
retains
so
much
of
Christian
truth
in
a
moral
sence
,
as
is
requisite
to
the
truth
and
being
of
a
Christian
Church
.
Indeed
the
very
Essence
of
a
Christian
Church
seems
to
be
of
a
Moral
nature
,
as
is
evident
in
all
its
causes
;
its
Efficient
,
The
preaching
of
the
Gospel
under
divine
Influence
is
a
Moral
cause
;
the
form
,
living
in
true
faith
,
and
Religion
,
is
moral
;
its
End
and
all
its
formal
Actions
,
in
Profession
and
Communion
,
are
of
a
Moral
nature
,
and
the
Christians
as
they
are
Men
,
are
indeed
natural
Beings
,
yet
as
they
are
Christians
▪
and
the
matter
of
the
Christian
Church
,
and
more
,
as
they
are
in
a
Society
,
they
fall
properly
under
a
Moral
Consideration
.
But
how
can
a
Church
be
true
and
not
true
,
and
both
in
a
Moral
sence
?
How
can
we
own
the
Church
of
Rome
as
a
true
Church
,
and
yet
leave
her
as
a
false
Church
,
and
true
and
false
be
both
taken
Morally
?
Very
well
:
And
our
Learned
Men
intend
no
other
,
though
they
speak
it
not
in
these
terms
.
For
to
be
true
and
false
in
the
same
(
Moral
)
Sence
;
doth
not
imply
the
being
so
,
in
the
same
respects
:
Thus
the
Church
of
Rome
may
be
granted
to
be
a
true
Christian
Church
,
with
respect
to
those
Fundamentals
retained
in
her
Faith
and
Profession
,
wherein
the
being
and
truth
of
such
a
Church
consisteth
;
and
yet
be
,
very
false
,
and
justly
to
be
deserted
,
for
her
gross
Errors
,
in
many
other
points
,
believed
also
and
professed
by
her
:
as
a
Bill
in
Chancery
,
may
be
a
true
Bill
for
the
substance
of
it
and
so
admitted
;
and
yet
in
many
things
falsely
suggested
,
it
may
be
very
false
,
and
as
to
them
,
be
rejected
.
2.
The
Church
as
the
Subject
of
Schism
may
1.
Catholick
.
be
further
considered
as
Catholick
,
i.
e.
Absolute
,
Formal
,
Essential
,
and
as
it
lies
spread
over
all
the
world
,
but
united
in
one
common
Faith
:
From
this
Church
the
Donatists
and
other
ancient
Hereticks
,
are
said
to
have
separated
.
2.
As
Particular
,
in
a
greater
or
lesser
number
2.
Particular
.
or
part
of
the
Catholick
:
Thus
the
modern
Separatists
forsaking
the
Church
of
England
are
said
to
be
Schismaticks
.
3.
In
a
Complex
and
mixt
Sence
,
as
the
particular
3.
Mix'd
.
Roman
Church
pretending
also
to
be
the
Catholick
Church
,
calls
her self
Roman
Catholick
,
and
her
Particular
Bishop
the
universal
Pastor
.
In
which
sence
,
the
Church
of
England
is
charged
with
separation
from
the
Catholick
Church
,
for
denying
Communion
with
the
particular
Church
of
Rome
.
SECT.
III.
Object
of
Schism
.
1.
Faith
.
THe
third
Point
is
the
Object
,
about
,
and
External
Communion
.
in
which
,
Separation
is
made
:
Namely
,
External
Communion
;
in
those
three
great
Means
or
Bonds
of
it
;
Faith
,
Worship
and
Government
:
under
that
Notion
,
as
they
are
bonds
of
Communion
.
The
first
is
Faith
or
Doctrine
:
and
it
must
Faith
.
be
acknowledged
,
that
to
renounce
the
Churches
Faith
,
is
a
very
great
Schism
:
yet
,
here
,
we
must
admit
two
exceptions
;
it
must
be
the
Churches
Faith
:
that
is
,
such
Doctrine
,
as
the
Church
hath
defined
as
necessary
to
be
believed
;
if
we
speak
of
a
particular
Church
:
for
in
other
Points
,
both
Authorities
allow
Liberty
.
Again
,
though
the
Faith
be
broken
,
there
is
not
Schism
presently
or
necessarily
,
except
the
external
Communion
be
also
,
or
thereby
disturbed
.
Heretical
Principles
not
declared
,
are
Schism
in
Principle
,
but
not
in
Act
:
Hast
thou
Faith
,
have
it
to
thy Self
.
'T
is
farther
agreed
,
that
we
may
and
some
times
must
differ
with
a
particular
Church
in
Doctrine
;
wherein
She
departs
from
the
Catholick
Faith
:
but
here
we
must
take
care
,
not
only
of
Schism
,
but
Damnation
it self
,
as
Athanasius
warns
us
.
Every
one
should
therefore
endeavour
to
satisfie
himself
in
this
great
Question
;
What
is
Truth
?
or
the
true
Catholick
Faith
?
To
say
presently
,
that
it
is
the
Doctrine
of
the
Roman
Church
,
is
to
beg
a
very
great
Question
,
that
cannot
easily
be
given
.
I
should
think
Athanasius
is
more
in
the
right
;
when
he
saith
,
this
is
the
Catholick
Faith
,
&c.
in
my
opinion
,
they
must
stretch
mightily
that
can
believe
,
that
,
the
Catholick
Faith
,
without
which
no
man
can
be
saved
;
and
therefore
,
which
every
man
ought
to
understand
,
takes
in
all
the
Doctrines
of
the
Council
of
Trent
.
Till
the
contrary
be
made
evident
;
I
shall
affirm
after
many
great
and
learned
men
,
that
he
that
believes
the
Scriptures
in
general
,
and
as
they
are
interpreted
by
rhe
Fathers
of
the
Primitive
Church
;
the
three
known
Creeds
;
and
the
four
first
general
Councils
,
and
knows
and
declares
himself
prepared
to
receive
any
further
Truth
that
he
yet
knows
not
,
when
made
appear
to
be
so
,
from
Reason
,
Scripture
,
or
Just
Tradition
,
cannot
justly
be
charged
with
Schism
from
the
Catholick
Faith
.
Methinks
,
those
that
glory
in
the
Old
Religion
,
should
be
of
this
mind
;
and
indeed
,
in
all
reason
,
they
ought
to
be
so
;
unless
they
can
shew
an
Older
and
better
means
of
knowing
the
Catholick
Faith
,
than
this
:
what
is
controverted
about
it
,
we
shall
find
hereafter
in
its
due
place
.
In
the
mean
time
,
give
me
leave
to
Note
,
that
our
more
Learned
and
Moderate
Adversaries
,
do
acquit
such
a
man
or
Church
,
both
from
Heresie
and
Schism
;
and
indeed
come
a
great
deal
nearer
to
us
,
in
putting
the
issue
of
the
Controversie
very
fairly
upon
this
unquestionable
Point
.
They
who
first
Separated
themselves
Mr.
Knot
in
sid.
unm
.
c.
7.
s
.
112.
p.
534.
from
the
Primitive
pure
Church
,
and
brought
in
Corruptions
,
in
Faith
,
Practise
,
Lyturgy
,
and
use
of
Sacraments
,
may
truly
be
said
to
have
been
Hereticks
,
by
departing
from
the
pure
Faith
;
and
Schismaticks
,
by
dividing
themselves
from
the
external
Communion
of
the
true
uncorrupted
Church
.
2.
Object
.
Worship
.
A
second
band
of
external
Communion
is
2.
Worship
.
Publick
Worship
;
in
which
,
Separation
from
the
Church
,
is
notorious
.
But
here
(
Publick
Worship
)
must
be
understood
,
only
so
far
,
as
it
is
a
bond
of
Communion
,
and
no
farther
;
otherwise
,
there
is
no
breach
of
Communion
,
though
there
be
difference
in
Worship
,
and
consequently
no
Schism
.
This
will
appear
more
plainly
,
if
we
distinguish
of
Worship
in
its
Essentials
or
Substantials
,
and
its
Modes
,
Circumstances
,
Rites
and
Ceremonies
.
'T
is
well
argued
by
the
Bishop
of
Calcedon
,
that
none
may
Separate
from
the
Catholick
Church
,
(
or
indeed
from
any
particular
)
in
the
Essentials
or
Substantial
Parts
of
Worship
:
for
these
are
God's
ordinary
means
of
conveying
his
Grace
for
our
Salvation
;
and
by
these
,
the
whole
Church
is
knit
together
,
as
Christ's
visible
body
for
Divine
Worship
.
But
,
what
are
these
Essentials
of
Worship
?
Surely
nothing
else
but
the
Divine
Ordinances
,
whether
moral
or
positive
,
as
abstracted
from
all
particular
Modes
,
not
determined
in
the
Word
of
God
.
Such
as
Prayer
,
the
reading
the
Holy
Canon
,
interpreting
the
same
,
and
the
Sacraments
:
therefore
,
that
Church
that
worships
God
in
these
Essentials
of
Worship
,
cannot
be
charged
,
in
this
particular
,
with
Schism
,
or
dividing
from
the
Catholick
Church
.
And
,
as
for
the
Modes
and
particular
Rites
of
Worship
,
until
one
Publick
Liturgy
and
Rubrick
be
produced
,
and
proved
to
be
the
Rule
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
if
not
imposed
by
it
,
there
is
no
such
bond
of
Union
in
the
Circumstantial
Worship
in
the
Catholick
Church
;
and
consequently
,
no
Schism
in
this
respect
.
Much
less
,
may
one
particular
Church
,
claim
from
another
(
par
in
parem
non
habet
imperium
)
exact
Communion
in
all
Rites
and
Ceremonies
,
or
for
want
thereof
,
to
cry
out
presently
,
Schism
,
Schism
!
Indeed
,
our
Roman
Adversaries
do
directly
and
plainly
assert
;
that
about
Rites
and
Ceremonies
,
the
guilt
of
Schism
is
not
concerned
;
and
that
particular
Churches
may
differ
from
one
another
therein
,
without
breach
of
Communion
.
Though
,
for
a
Member
of
a
particular
Church
to
forsake
the
Communion
of
his
own
Church
,
in
the
Essentials
of
Worship
,
meerly
out
of
dislike
of
some
particular
innocent
Rites
,
seems
to
deserve
a
greater
Censure
.
But
the
Roman
Recusants
in
England
,
have
a
greater
difficulty
upon
them
,
to
excuse
their
total
Separation
from
us
,
in
the
Substantials
of
our
Worship
(
at
which
they
can
pretend
to
take
no
offence
;
and
wherein
they
held
actual
Communion
with
us
many
years
together
,
at
the
beginning
of
Queen
Eliz.
Reign
)
against
the
Law
of
Cohabitation
,
observed
in
the
Scripture
,
where
a
City
and
a
Church
were
commensurate
,
contrary
to
the
Order
(
as
one
well
observés
)
which
the
Ancient
Church
took
for
preserving
Vnity
,
and
excluding
Schism
:
by
no
means
suffering
such
disobedience
or
division
of
the
Members
of
any
National
Church
,
where
that
Church
did
not
divide
it self
from
the
Catholick
.
And
lastly
,
contrary
to
the
Common
right
of
Government
;
both
of
our
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
Rulers
,
and
the
Conscience
of
Laws
,
both
of
Church
and
State
.
But
their
pretence
is
,
Obedience
to
the
Pope
;
which
leads
us
to
consider
the
third
great
bond
of
Communion
,
Government
.
3.
Object
.
Government
.
Thirdly
,
The
last
bond
of
Ecclesiastical
external
Government
.
Communion
,
is
that
of
Government
;
that
is
,
so
far
as
it
is
lawful
in
it self
,
and
exerted
in
its
Publick
Laws
.
This
Government
can
have
no
influence
from
one
National
Church
to
another
,
as
such
;
because
,
so
far
they
are
equal
(
par
in
parem
)
but
must
be
yielded
by
all
Members
of
particular
Churches
,
whether
National
,
Provincial
,
or
truly
Patriarchal
,
to
their
proper
Governours
in
all
lawful
things
,
juridically
required
;
otherwise
,
the
guilt
of
Schism
is
contracted
.
But
for
the
Government
of
the
Catholick
,
we
cannot
find
it
wholly
in
any
one
particular
Church
,
without
gross
Vsurpation
;
as
is
the
plain
sence
of
the
Ancient
Church
:
indeed
it
is
partly
found
in
every
Church
:
it
was
at
first
diffused
by
our
Vniversal
Pastor
and
Common
Lord
,
into
the
hands
of
all
the
Apostles
;
and
,
for
ought
hath
yet
appeared
,
still
lies
abroad
among
all
the
Pastors
and
Bishops
of
particular
Churches
,
under
the
power
,
protection
and
assistance
of
Civil
Authority
.
Except
,
when
they
are
collected
by
just
power
and
legal
Rules
,
into
Synods
or
Councils
;
whether
Provincial
,
National
or
General
.
here
,
indeed
,
rests
the
weight
of
the
Controversie
,
but
,
I
doubt
not
,
it
will
at
last
be
found
to
make
its
way
,
against
all
contradiction
from
our
Adversaries
.
In
the
mean
time
,
we
do
conclude
,
while
we
profess
and
yield
all
due
obedience
to
our
proper
Pastors
,
Bishops
and
Governours
,
when
there
are
no
Councils
sitting
;
and
to
all
free
Councils
,
wherein
we
are
concerned
,
lawfully
convened
;
we
cannot
be
justly
charged
with
Schism
from
the
Government
of
the
Catholick
Church
:
though
,
we
stiffly
deny
obedience
to
a
Forreign
Jurisdiction
,
and
will
not
rebel
against
the
Government
,
that
God
hath
placed
immediatly
over
us
.
This
fair
respect
,
the
Church
of
England
holds
to
the
Communion
both
of
the
Catholick
and
all
particular
Churches
;
both
in
Doctrine
,
Worship
and
Government
:
and
the
main
exception
against
her
is
,
that
she
denies
obedience
to
a
pretended
Power
in
the
See
of
Rome
;
a
Power
,
not
known
,
as
now
claimed
,
to
the
Ancient
Church
;
a
Power
,
when
once
foreseen
,
warned
against
,
as
Antichristian
,
by
a
Pope
himself
;
and
when
usurped
,
condemned
by
a
General
Council
:
And
lastly
,
such
a
Power
,
as
those
that
claim
it
,
are
not
agreed
about
,
among
themselves
.
But
the
charge
of
Schism
falls
after
another
sort
,
upon
our
Roman
Adversaries
;
who
have
disturbed
the
Vniversal
,
and
all
particular
Churches
by
manifest
violation
of
all
the
three
bonds
of
external
Communion
.
The
Doctrine
and
Faith
,
by
adding
to
the
Canon
of
the
Scripture
,
Apocriphal
Books
;
by
adding
to
the
revealed
will
of
God
,
groundless
Traditions
:
by
making
new
Creeds
without
the
Consent
of
the
present
,
and
against
the
Doctrine
and
practice
of
the
Ancient
Churches
:
and
as
for
Worship
,
how
have
they
not
corrupted
it
?
by
Substraction
,
taking
away
one
essential
part
of
a
Divine
Ordinance
,
the
Cup
from
the
Laity
,
&c.
by
additions
infinite
,
to
the
Material
and
Ceremonial
Parts
of
Worship
;
and
by
horrid
Alterations
of
the
pure
and
Primitive
Worship
,
to
childish
Superstitions
,
and
some
say
,
dangerous
Idolatry
.
Lastly
,
As
to
Government
:
they
have
plainly
separated
themselves
,
both
from
the
Ancient
and
present
Catholick
Church
,
and
all
other
particular
Churches
;
by
usurping
a
Dominion
,
condemned
by
the
Ancient
,
and
that
cannot
be
owned
,
without
betraying
the
Liberty
of
the
present
Church
.
By
exerting
this
Usurpation
in
unlawful
and
unreasonable
Conditions
of
Communion
;
and
as
it
is
said
,
by
Excommunicating
for
Non-obedience
to
these
Impositions
,
not
only
the
Church
of
England
,
but
three
Parts
of
the
Christian
World
:
The
proof
,
on
both
sides
,
we
are
to
expect
in
due
place
.
SECT.
IV.
The
Conditions
of
Schism
.
Causless
.
Voluntary
.
THe
fourth
and
last
thing
considerable
in
the
Definition
,
is
the
Condition
;
which
Condition
.
adds
the
guilt
and
formality
of
Schism
to
Separation
:
which
is
twofold
,
it
must
be
Causeless
and
Voluntary
.
1.
It
must
be
voluntary
Separation
,
or
denial
of
Communion
:
but
of
this
,
I
shall
say
nothing
;
Voluntary
.
a
greater
man
received
a
check
from
his
Romish
Adversaries
for
the
proof
of
it
;
saying
,
who
knows
not
that
every
sin
is
voluntary
?
S.
W
,
Causless
.
2.
It
must
be
causless
,
or
as
it
is
usually
expressed
,
without
sufficient
cause
:
't
is
a
Rule
generally
allowed
,
that
the
Cause
makes
the
Schism
;
i.
e.
if
the
Church
give
cause
of
Separation
,
there
is
the
Schism
;
if
not
,
the
cause
of
Schism
is
in
the
Separatist
;
and
consequently
,
where
the
cause
is
found
,
there
the
charge
of
Schism
resteth
.
I
know
,
't
is
said
,
that
there
cannot
be
sufficient
cause
of
Separation
from
the
true
Church
;
and
therefore
,
this
Condition
is
needless
:
but
,
they
ever
mean
(
by
the
true
Church
)
the
Catholick
Church
.
'T
is
granted
,
the
Catholick
Church
cannot
be
supposed
,
to
give
such
cause
;
she
being
the
ordinary
Pillar
of
Truth
,
wherein
the
means
of
Salvation
can
be
only
found
;
therefore
,
we
rarely
meet
with
any
such
condition
,
in
the
Definitions
of
Schism
,
given
by
the
Fathers
of
the
Ancient
Church
;
because
they
had
to
deal
with
Schisms
of
that
kind
,
that
separated
from
the
whole
Church
.
But
hence
to
infer
,
that
we
cannot
have
just
canse
to
separate
from
the
Church
of
Rome
,
will
be
found
bad
Logick
.
However
,
if
we
could
grant
this
Condition
to
be
needless
,
it
cannot
be
denied
to
be
true
.
and
the
lawfulness
of
Separation
for
just
cause
,
is
an
eternal
verity
;
and
if
the
cause
be
supposed
Just
,
cannot
be
said
to
be
unjust
;
seeing
there
cannot
be
supposed
a
sufficient
cause
of
Sin
;
the
Act
is
justified
while
it
is
condemned
.
Besides
it
is
not
questioned
by
our
Adversaries
,
but
there
may
be
sufficient
cause
of
separation
from
a
particular
Church
;
then
if
at
last
we
find
,
that
the
Church
of
Rome
is
no
more
,
there
is
more
than
reason
to
admit
this
Condition
in
the
present
Controversie
.
But
the
Cause
must
not
be
pretended
to
effect
,
beyond
its
influence
or
Sufficiency
:
Therefore
none
may
be
allowed
to
deny
Communion
with
a
Church
,
farther
than
he
hath
cause
;
for
beyond
its
Activity
,
that
which
is
said
to
be
a
cause
,
is
no
cause
.
Hence
we
admit
the
distinction
of
partial
and
total
separation
;
and
that
known
Rule
,
that
we
may
not
totally
separate
from
a
true
Church
;
and
only
so
far
,
as
we
cannot
communicate
without
sin
.
The
Reason
is
evident
,
because
the
truth
and
very
being
of
a
Christian
Church
,
implieth
something
wherein
every
Christian
Church
in
the
very
Foundation
and
being
of
it
,
hath
an
agreement
both
of
Union
and
Communion
.
Far
be
it
from
us
therefore
,
to
deny
all
kind
of
Communion
with
any
Christian
Church
,
yea
we
franckly
and
openly
declare
,
that
we
still
retain
Communion
,
out
of
fraternal
charity
,
with
the
Church
of
Rome
,
so
far
as
she
is
a
true
Church
:
Only
protesting
against
her
Vsurpations
,
and
reforming
our selves
from
those
corruptions
of
Faith
and
Worship
,
of
which
Rome
is
too
fond
and
consequently
the
more
guilty
.
SECT.
V.
The
Application
of
Schism
.
Not
to
our
Church
.
IF
this
definition
of
Schism
be
not
applicable
to
the
Church
of
England
,
she
is
unjustly
charged
with
the
guilt
of
Schism
.
If
the
Church
of
England
doth
not
voluntarily
divide
in
or
from
the
Catholick
Church
,
or
any
particular
Church
,
either
by
separation
from
,
or
denying
Communion
with
it
,
much
less
by
setting
another
Altar
against
it
without
sufficient
cause
,
then
the
definition
of
Schism
is
not
applicable
to
the
Church
of
England
.
But
she
hath
not
thus
divided
,
whether
we
respect
the
Act
or
the
Cause
.
With
respect
to
the
Act
,
viz.
Division
:
We
1.
In
the
Act.
argue
,
if
the
Church
of
England
be
the
same
for
Substance
since
the
Reformation
,
that
it
was
before
;
then
by
the
Reformation
we
have
made
no
such
Division
:
for
we
have
divided
from
no
other
Church
further
than
we
have
from
our
own
,
as
it
was
before
the
Reformation
,
as
our
Adversaries
grant
:
And
therefore
if
we
are
now
the
same
Church
as
to
Substance
that
we
were
before
,
we
hold
the
same
Communion
for
substance
,
or
essentials
with
every
other
Church
now
,
that
we
did
before
.
But
,
for
Substance
,
we
have
the
same
Faith
,
the
same
Worship
,
the
same
Government
now
,
that
we
had
before
the
Reformation
;
and
indeed
from
our
first
Conversion
to
Christianity
.
Indeed
,
the
Modern
Romanists
have
made
new
Essentials
in
the
Christian
Religion
,
and
determine
their
Additions
to
be
such
:
But
so
Weeds
are
of
the
essence
of
a
Garden
,
and
Botches
of
the
essence
of
a
Man
.
We
have
the
same
Creed
to
a
word
,
and
in
the
same
sence
,
by
which
all
the
Primitive
Fathers
were
saved
;
which
they
held
to
be
so
sufficient
,
that
in
a
general
Council
,
they
did
forbid
Con.
Ept.
p.
2.
Act.
6.
c.
7.
all
persons
(
under
pain
of
deposition
to
Bishops
and
Clerks
,
and
Anathematization
to
Lay-men
)
to
compose
or
obtrude
upon
any
persons
converted
from
Paganism
or
Judaism
.
We
retain
the
same
Sacraments
and
Discipline
;
we
derive
our
holy
Orders
by
lineal
succession
from
them
.
It
is
not
we
who
have
forsaken
the
essence
of
the
Modern
Church
by
substraction
,
or
rather
Reformation
,
but
they
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
who
have
forsaken
the
essence
of
the
ancient
Roman
Church
,
by
their
corrupt
Additions
,
as
a
learned
Man
observes
.
The
plain
truth
is
this
,
the
Church
of
Rome
hath
had
long
and
much
Reverence
in
the
Church
of
England
;
and
thereby
we
were
by
little
and
little
drawn
along
with
her
into
many
gross
errors
and
superstitions
both
in
Faith
and
Worship
;
and
at
last
had
almost
lost
our
liberty
,
in
point
of
Government
.
But
that
Church
refusing
to
reform
,
and
proceeding
still
further
to
usurp
upon
us
,
we
threw
off
the
Vsurpation
first
,
and
afterwards
very
deliberately
Reform'd
our selves
from
all
the
corruptions
that
had
been
growing
upon
us
,
and
had
almost
over-grown
both
our
Faith
and
Worship
:
If
this
be
to
divide
the
Church
,
we
are
,
indeed
,
guilty
,
not
else
.
But
we
had
no
power
to
reform
our selves
:
Here
indeed
is
the
main
hinge
of
the
Controversie
;
but
we
have
some
concessions
from
our
worst
and
fiercest
Adversaries
,
that
a
National
Church
hath
power
of
her self
,
to
reform
abuses
in
lesser
matters
,
provided
she
alter
nothing
in
the
Faith
and
Sacraments
without
the
Pope
:
And
we
have
declared
before
,
that
we
have
made
no
alteration
in
the
essentials
of
Religion
.
But
we
brake
our selves
off
from
the
Papal
Authority
,
and
divided
our selves
from
our
lawful
Governors
:
'T
is
confest
the
Papal
Authority
we
do
renounce
;
but
not
as
a
lawful
Power
,
but
a
Tyrannical
Usurpation
;
and
if
that
be
proved
,
where
is
our
Schism
.
But
this
reminds
us
of
the
second
thing
in
the
Definition
of
Schism
,
the
Cause
:
For
,
what
2.
The
Cause
.
interpretation
soever
be
put
upon
the
Action
,
whether
Reformation
or
Division
and
Separation
,
't
is
not
material
,
if
it
be
found
we
had
sufficient
Cause
;
and
no
doubt
we
had
,
if
we
had
reason
from
the
lapsed
state
and
nature
of
our
Corruptions
,
to
Reform
;
and
if
we
had
sufficient
Authority
without
the
Pope
,
to
reform
our selves
:
But
we
had
both
,
as
will
be
evident
at
last
.
Both
these
we
undertake
for
satisfaction
to
the
Catholick
Church
;
but
in
defence
of
our
own
Church
against
the
charge
of
Schism
by
and
from
the
Church
of
Rome
,
one
of
them
,
yea
either
of
them
,
is
sufficient
.
For
if
the
pretended
Authority
of
the
Church
of
Rome
over
the
Church
of
England
be
ill
grounded
,
how
can
our
Actions
fall
under
their
censure
?
Especially
seeing
the
great
and
almost
only
matter
of
their
censure
,
is
plainly
our
disobedience
to
that
ill
grounded
Authority
.
Again
,
however
their
Claim
and
Title
stand
or
fall
,
if
we
have
or
had
cause
to
deny
that
Communion
which
the
Church
of
Rome
requires
,
though
they
have
power
to
accuse
us
,
our
Cause
being
good
will
acquit
us
from
the
guilt
,
and
consequently
the
charge
of
Schism
.
Here
then
we
must
joyn
Issue
,
we
deny
the
pretended
Power
of
the
Church
of
Rome
in
England
,
and
plead
the
justness
of
our
own
Reformation
,
in
all
the
particulars
of
it
.
SECT.
VI.
The
Charge
,
as
laid
by
the
Romanists
.
THis
will
the
better
appear
by
the
indictment
of
Schism
drawn
up
against
us
,
by
our
Adversaries
;
I
shall
receive
it
as
it
is
expressed
by
one
of
the
sharpest
Pens
,
and
in
the
fullest
and
closest
manner
I
have
met
with
,
viz.
Card.
Perron
against
Arch-Bishop
Laud
,
thus
.
Protestants
have
made
this
Rent
or
Schism
by
their
obstinate
and
pertinacious
maintaining
erroneneous
Doctrines
,
contrary
to
the
faith
of
Roman
or
Catholick
Church
;
by
their
rejecting
the
authority
of
their
lawful
Ecclesiastical
Superiors
,
both
immediate
and
mediate
:
By
aggregating
themselves
into
a
separate
Body
or
company
of
pretended
Christians
,
independent
of
any
Pastors
at
all
,
that
were
in
lawful
and
quiet
possession
of
Jurisdiction
over
them
;
by
making
themselves
Pastors
and
Teachers
of
others
,
and
administring
Sacraments
without
Authority
given
them
by
any
that
were
lawfully
impowered
to
give
it
;
by
instituting
new
Rites
and
Ceremonies
of
their
own
in
matters
of
Religion
,
contrary
to
those
anciently
received
throughout
all
Christendom
;
by
violently
excluding
and
dispossessing
other
Prelates
of
and
from
their
respective
Sees
,
Cures
,
and
Benefices
;
and
intruding
themselves
into
their
places
,
in
every
Nation
where
they
could
get
footing
.
A
foul
Charge
indeed
,
and
the
fouler
because
in
many
things
false
.
However
,
at
present
we
have
reason
only
to
observe
the
foundation
of
all
lies
,
in
our
disobedience
and
denying
Communion
with
the
Church
of
Rome
;
all
the
rest
either
concerns
the
grounds
,
or
manner
,
or
consequences
of
that
.
Therefore
if
it
appear
at
last
,
that
the
Church
of
England
is
independant
on
the
Church
of
Rome
,
and
oweth
her
no
such
obedience
as
she
requires
;
the
Charge
of
Schism
removes
from
us
and
recoyls
upon
the
Church
or
Court
of
Rome
,
from
her
unjust
Vsurpations
and
Impositions
;
and
that
with
the
aggrevation
of
Sedition
too
in
all
such
whether
Prelates
or
Priests
,
as
then
refused
to
acknowledge
and
obey
the
just
Power
and
Laws
of
this
Land
,
or
that
continue
in
the
same
disobedience
at
this
day
.
SECT.
VII
.
The
Charge
of
Schism
retorted
upon
the
Romanists
.
The
Controversie
to
two
Points
.
IT
is
well
noted
by
a
learned
Man
,
that
while
the
Papal
Authority
is
under
Contest
,
the
question
Dr.
Hammond
.
is
not
barely
this
,
whether
the
Church
of
England
be
schismatical
or
no
?
(
For
a
Romanist
may
cheaply
debate
that
and
keep
himself
safe
,
whatsoever
becomes
of
the
Vmpirage
)
but
indifferently
and
equally
,
whether
we
,
or
the
Romanist
be
thus
guilty
,
or
which
is
the
Schismatick
that
lies
under
all
those
severe
Censures
of
the
Scriptures
and
Fathers
,
the
Church
of
England
or
her
Revolters
,
and
the
Court
of
Rome
.
Till
they
have
better
answered
to
the
Indictment
than
yet
they
have
done
;
we
do
and
shall
lay
the
most
horrid
Schism
at
the
door
of
the
Church
or
Court
of
Rome
:
For
that
they
have
voluntarily
divided
the
Catholick
Church
,
both
in
Faith
,
Worship
,
and
Government
,
by
their
innovations
;
and
excommunicated
and
damned
,
not
only
the
Church
of
England
,
but
as
some
account
,
three
parts
of
the
Christian
Church
,
most
uncharitably
and
without
all
Authority
or
just
cause
,
to
the
scandal
of
the
whole
world
.
But
we
shall
lay
the
charge
more
particularly
,
as
it
is
drawn
up
by
Arch-Bishop
Bramhal
.
The
Church
,
saith
he
,
or
rather
the
Court
of
Rome
,
are
causally
guilty
,
both
of
this
Schism
,
and
almost
all
other
Schisms
in
the
Church
.
1.
By
usurping
an
higer
place
and
power
in
the
Body
Ecclesiastical
,
than
of
right
is
due
unto
them
.
2.
By
separating
,
both
by
their
Doctrines
and
Censures
,
three
parts
of
the
Christian
World
from
their
Communion
,
and
as
much
as
in
them
lies
,
from
the
Communion
of
Christ
.
3.
By
rebelling
against
general
Councils
.
Lastly
,
by
breaking
or
taking
away
all
the
lines
of
Apostolical
Succession
except
their
own
;
and
appropriating
all
Original
Jurisdiction
to
themselves
:
And
that
which
draws
Sedition
and
Rebellion
,
as
the
great
aggravation
of
their
Schism
,
they
Challenge
a
temporal
Power
over
Princes
,
either
directly
or
indirectly
.
Thus
their
Charge
against
us
,
is
Disobedience
;
Our
Charge
against
them
is
Usurpation
and
abuse
of
Power
:
If
we
owe
no
such
Obedience
,
or
if
we
have
cause
not
to
obey
;
we
are
acquitted
:
If
the
Pope
have
both
power
and
reason
of
his
side
;
we
are
guilty
:
If
he
fail
in
either
;
the
whole
weight
of
Schism
,
with
all
its
dreadful
Consequences
,
remains
upon
him
or
the
Court
of
Rome
.
The
Conclusion
.
TThus
,
we
see
,
the
Controversie
is
broken
into
two
great
points
:
1.
Touching
the
Papal
Authority
in
England
.
2.
Touching
the
Cause
of
our
denying
Communion
in
some
things
,
with
the
Church
of
Rome
,
required
by
that
Authority
.
Each
of
these
,
I
design
to
be
the
matter
of
a
distinct
Treatise
.
This
first
Book
,
therefore
,
is
to
try
the
Title
The
Sum
of
this
first
Treatise
.
betwixt
the
Pope
and
the
Church
of
England
:
Wherein
we
shall
endeavour
impartially
to
examine
all
the
Pleas
and
Evidences
,
produced
and
urged
by
Romanists
on
their
Masters
behalf
;
and
shew
how
they
are
answered
:
and
where
there
appears
greatest
weight
and
stress
of
Argument
,
we
shall
be
sure
to
give
the
greatest
diligence
:
Omitting
nothing
but
vnconcluding
impertinencies
,
and
handling
nothing
lightly
but
colours
and
shadows
that
will
bear
no
other
.
Now
to
our
Work
.
CHAP.
II.
An
Examination
of
the
Papal
Authority
in
England
.
Five
Arguments
Proposed
,
and
briefly
reflected
on
.
THis
is
their
Goliah
;
and
indeed
their
whole
Army
:
if
we
rout
them
here
,
the
day
is
our
own
:
and
we
shall
find
nothing
more
to
oppose
us
,
but
Skirmishes
of
Wit
,
or
(
when
they
are
at
their
Wits
end
)
fraud
and
force
;
as
I
am
troubled
to
observe
,
their
Use
hath
been
.
For
if
the
See
of
Rome
hath
no
just
claim
or
Title
to
govern
us
,
we
cannot
be
obliged
to
obey
it
:
and
consequently
these
two
things
stand
evident
in
the
light
of
the
whole
world
.
We
are
no
Schismaticks
,
though
we
deny
obedience
to
the
See
of
Rome
,
seeing
it
cannot
justly
challenge
it
.
2dly
,
Though
we
were
so
,
yet
the
See
of
Rome
hath
no
power
to
censure
us
,
that
hath
no
power
to
govern
us
.
And
hereafter
we
shall
have
occasion
further
to
conclude
,
that
the
Papal
Authority
,
that
hath
nothing
to
do
with
the
English
Church
,
and
yet
rigorously
exacts
our
obedience
,
and
censures
us
for
our
disobedience
;
is
highly
guilty
,
both
of
Ambition
in
its
unjust
claim
,
and
of
Tyranny
in
unjust
execution
of
an
usurped
power
,
as
well
in
her
Commands
as
Censures
,
which
is
certainly
Schism
,
and
aliquid
ampliùs
.
They
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
do
therefore
,
mightily
bestir
themselves
to
make
good
their
claim
;
without
which
they
know
,
they
can
never
hope
either
to
gain
us
,
or
secure
themselves
.
I
find
five
several
Titles
pretended
,
though
methinks
the
power
of
that
Church
should
be
built
but
upon
one
Rock
.
1.
The
Pope
being
the
means
of
our
first
Conversion
,
as
they
say
,
did
thereby
acquire
a
Right
1.
Conversion
.
for
himself
and
successors
,
to
govern
this
Church
.
2.
England
belongs
to
the
Western
Patriarchate
;
2.
Patriarch
.
and
the
Pope
is
the
Patriarch
of
the
West
,
as
they
would
have
it
.
3.
Others
found
his
Right
in
Prescription
,
and
3.
Prescription
.
long
continued
possession
before
the
Reformation
.
4.
Others
flee
much
higher
;
and
derive
this
power
of
Government
from
the
Infallibility
of
4.
Infallibility
.
the
Governor
:
and
indeed
who
would
not
be
led
by
an
unerring
Guide
?
5.
But
their
strong
hold
,
to
which
at
last
resort
5.
Succession
.
is
still
made
;
is
the
Popes
Vniversal
Pastorship
,
as
Successor
to
St.
Peter
,
and
supreme
Governor
not
of
Rome
and
England
only
,
but
of
the
whole
Christian
World
.
Before
we
enter
upon
trial
of
these
severally
,
we
shall
briefly
note
,
that
where
there
are
many
Titles
pretended
,
Right
is
justly
suspected
,
especially
if
the
Pretences
be
inconsistent
.
1.
Now
,
how
can
the
Pope
,
as
the
Western
Patriarch
,
or
as
our
first
Conver●●r
,
pretend
to
be
our
Governor
;
and
yet
at
the
same
time
pretend
himself
to
be
universal
Bishop
:
These
some
of
our
suttlest
Adversaries
know
,
to
imply
a
contradiction
,
and
to
destroy
one
another
.
2.
At
first
sight
therefore
,
there
is
a
necessity
on
those
that
assert
the
universal
Pastorship
,
to
wave
the
Arguments
,
either
from
the
Right
of
Conversion
,
or
the
Western
Patriarchate
:
or
if
any
of
them
will
be
so
bold
as
to
insist
on
these
,
he
may
not
think
the
Chair
of
St.
Peter
shall
be
his
Sanctuary
at
a
dead
lift
.
3.
Also
for
Possession
;
what
need
that
be
pleaded
,
if
the
Right
be
evident
;
Possession
of
a
part
if
the
Right
be
universal
;
unless
by
England
,
the
Pope
took
livery
and
Seisen
for
the
whole
world
.
Besides
,
if
this
be
a
good
plea
,
it
is
as
good
for
us
,
we
have
it
and
have
had
it
time
out
of
mind
;
if
ours
have
not
been
quiet
,
so
neither
was
theirs
before
the
Reformation
.
4.
For
Infallibility
,
that
's
but
a
Qualification
,
no
Commission
:
Fitness
sure
gives
no
Authority
;
nor
desert
,
a
Title
,
and
that
by
their
own
Law
:
otherwise
they
must
acknowledge
the
Bishops
of
our
Church
,
that
are
known
to
be
as
learned
and
holy
as
theirs
,
are
as
good
and
lawful
Bishops
,
as
any
the
Church
of
Rome
hath
.
Thus
we
see
where
the
Burthen
will
rest
at
last
;
and
that
the
Romanists
are
forced
into
one
only
hold
:
One
great
thing
concerns
them
to
make
sure
,
or
all
is
lost
;
the
whole
Controversir
is
tied
to
St.
Peters
Chair
,
the
Supremacy
of
the
Pope
must
be
maintained
,
or
the
Roman
and
Catholick
are
severed
,
as
much
as
the
Church
of
England
and
the
Church
of
Rome
;
and
a
great
breach
is
made
indeed
,
but
we
are
not
found
the
Schismaticks
.
But
this
is
beside
my
task
:
Lest
we
should
seem
to
endeavour
an
escape
at
any
breach
,
all
the
said
five
Pleas
of
the
Romanists
,
shall
be
particularly
examined
,
and
the
main
Arguments
and
Answers
on
both
sides
faithfully
and
exactly
as
I
can
,
produced
:
And
where
the
Controuersie
sticks
,
and
how
it
stands
at
this
day
,
noted
,
as
before
we
promised
.
CHAP.
III.
Of
the
Popes
Claim
to
England
from
our
Conversion
,
by
Eleutherius
,
Gregory
.
THis
Argument
is
not
pressed
with
much
confidence
in
Print
,
though
with
very
much
in
Discourse
,
to
my
own
knowledge
:
Perhaps
't
is
rather
popular
and
plausible
than
invincible
.
Besides
,
it
stands
in
barr
against
the
Right
of
St.
Peter
,
which
they
say
was
good
,
near
six
hundred
years
before
;
and
extends
to
very
many
Churches
,
that
received
grace
neither
by
the
means
of
St.
Peter
or
his
pretender
Successor
;
except
they
plead
a
right
to
the
whole
Church
first
,
and
to
a
part
afterwards
;
or
one
kind
of
right
to
the
whole
,
and
another
to
a
part
.
The
truth
is
,
if
any
learned
Romanist
shall
insist
on
this
Argument
in
earnest
,
he
is
strongly
suspected
,
either
to
deny
or
question
the
Right
of
St.
Peter's
Successor
,
as
universal
Pastor
.
But
we
leave
these
advantages
to
give
the
argument
its
full
liberty
;
and
we
shall
soon
see
,
either
its
Arms
or
its
Heels
.
The
Argument
must
run
thus
:
If
the
Bishop
of
Rome
was
the
means
of
the
English
Churches
Conversion
,
then
the
English
Church
oweth
obedience
to
him
and
his
Successors
.
We
deny
both
propositions
:
The
Minor
,
that
the
Pope
was
the
means
of
our
first
Conversion
:
and
the
consequence
of
the
Major
;
that
if
he
had
been
so
,
it
would
not
follow
that
we
now
owe
obedience
to
that
See
.
For
the
Minor
,
Bishop
Jewel
knock'd
it
down
so
perfectly
at
first
,
it
was
never
able
to
stand
since
;
he
saith
it
is
certain
,
the
Church
of
Britain
We
were
converted
9
years
before
Rome
.
Baron
.
An.
35.
n.
5.
&
Marg.
&
An.
39.
n.
23.
&
Suarez
.
c.
1.
1
Contr.
Angl.
Eccl.
Error
.
now
called
England
;
received
not
first
the
Faith
from
Rome
.
The
Romanists
proof
,
is
his
bare
assertion
,
that
Eleutherius
the
Pope
was
the
first
Apostle
of
the
Britains
,
and
preached
the
Faith
here
by
Damianus
and
Fugatius
within
little
more
than
an
hundred
years
after
Christs
death
.
Bishop
Jewel
answers
,
that
King
Lucius
was
baptized
near
150
years
before
the
Emperor
Constantine
;
and
the
same
Constantine
,
the
first
Christian
Emperor
,
was
born
in
this
Island
:
and
the
Faith
had
been
planted
here
long
before
,
either
by
Joseph
of
Arimathea
,
or
Simon
Zelotes
,
or
the
Greeks
,
or
some
others
;
which
is
plain
,
because
the
King
being
Christian
before
,
requested
Pope
Eleutherius
to
send
hither
those
Persons
,
Damianus
and
Fugatius
,
to
Reform
the
Bishops
and
Clergy
,
which
were
here
before
;
and
to
put
things
into
better
Order
.
They
also
urged
,
that
,
as
Pope
Elutherius
in
Britain
;
So
Saint
Gregory
in
England
,
first
planted
the
Faith
by
Austin
.
But
Bishop
Jewel
at
first
dashed
this
Argument
out
of
Countenance
;
plainly
proving
out
An.
210.
An.
212.
An.
334.
An.
360.
An.
400.
An.
367.
of
Tertullian
,
Origen
,
Athanasius
,
Const.
Emp.
Chrisost.
Theod.
that
the
Faith
was
planted
in
England
long
before
Austin's
coming
hither
.
See
his
Defence
of
his
Apol.
p.
11.
Some
would
reply
,
that
the
Faith
was
utterly
rooted
out
again
,
upon
the
Invasion
of
Heathen
English
:
't
was
not
so
,
saith
he
,
for
Lib.
1.
c.
26.
&
lib.
2.
c.
2.
Beda
saith
,
that
the
Queen
of
England
was
christened
;
and
that
there
were
then
in
this
Realm
Seven
Bishops
,
and
one
Arch-Bishop
,
with
other
more
great
Learned
Christian
men
:
and
Galfridus
saith
,
there
were
then
in
England
,
Seven
Lib.
82.
24.
Bishopricks
,
and
one
Arch-Bishoprick
,
possessed
with
very
many
godly
Prelates
,
and
many
Abbies
in
which
the
Lord's
People
held
the
Right
Religion
.
Yet
we
gratefully
acknowledge
that
Saint
Gregory
was
a
special
Instrument
of
God
,
for
the
further
spreading
and
establishing
the
Gospel
in
England
:
and
that
both
Elutherius
and
this
Gregory
seem
to
have
been
very
good
men
,
and
great
Examples
both
of
Piety
and
Charity
to
all
their
Successors
in
that
See
;
and
indeed
of
a
truly
Apostolical
spirit
and
care
,
though
not
of
Authority
;
but
if
all
History
deceive
us
not
,
that
Austin
the
Monk
,
was
far
enough
from
being
Saint
Augustine
.
But
,
what
if
it
had
been
otherwise
;
and
we
were
indeed
,
first
converted
by
the
means
of
The
Consequence
.
these
Popes
;
will
it
therefore
follow
,
that
we
ought
for
ever
to
be
subject
to
the
Papacy
?
This
is
certainly
,
a
Non-sequitur
,
only
fit
to
be
imposed
upon
easie
and
prepared
Understandings
:
it
can
never
bear
the
stress
and
brunt
of
a
severe
Disputation
;
and
indeed
the
Roman
Adversaries
do
more
than
seem
to
acknowledge
as
much
.
However
,
the
great
Arch-Bishop
and
Primate
of
Armach
,
hath
slurred
that
silly
Consequence
Bramhall
.
with
such
Arguments
as
find
no
answer
.
I
refer
the
Reader
,
if
need
be
,
to
his
Just
Vindication
,
p.
131
,
132.
Where
he
hath
proved
beyond
dispute
that
Conversion
gives
no
Title
of
Jurisdiction
;
and
more
especially
to
the
prejudice
of
a
former
Owner
dispossessed
by
violence
;
or
to
the
subjecting
of
a
free
Nation
to
a
Forreign
Prelate
without
or
beyond
their
own
consent
.
Besides
,
in
more
probability
,
the
Britains
were
first
converted
by
the
Eastern
Church
;
(
as
appeared
by
our
Ancient
Customs
)
yet
,
never
were
subject
to
any
Eastern
Patriarch
.
And
sundry
of
our
English
and
Brittish
Bishops
,
have
converted
Forreign
Nations
,
yet
never
pretended
thence
to
any
Jurisdiction
over
them
.
Lastly
,
what
ever
Title
Saint
Gregory
might
acquire
by
his
deserts
from
us
,
was
meerly
Personal
;
and
could
not
descend
to
his
Successors
.
But
no
more
of
this
,
for
fear
of
the
scoffing
rebukes
of
such
as
S.
W.
who
together
,
with
the
Catholick
Gentleman
,
do
plainly
renounce
this
Plea
;
asking
Doctor
Hammond
with
some
shew
of
Scorn
,
what
Catholick
Author
ever
affirmed
it
?
There
is
no
doubt
(
though
some
other
Romanists
have
insisted
upon
this
Argument
of
Conversion
)
some
reason
why
these
should
think
fit
to
lay
it
aside
;
and
we
have
no
reason
to
keep
it
up
,
having
otherwise
work
enough
upon
our
hands
.
An
end
therefore
of
this
first
Plea
.
CHAP.
IV.
Of
the
Pope's
supposed
Claim
as
Patriarch
.
THis
Point
admits
likewise
of
a
quick
dispatch
,
by
four
Propositions
;
and
the
rather
,
for
a
reason
you
will
find
in
the
close
of
our
Discourse
,
upon
the
last
of
them
.
PROP.
I.
The
Pope
was
anciently
reputed
the
Western
Patriarch
.
Pope
a
Patriarch
.
To
this
Dignity
,
he
proceeded
by
degrees
:
the
Apostles
left
no
Rule
for
a
Forreign
jurisdiction
from
one
Nation
to
another
:
But
according
to
the
33
Cannon
of
the
Apostles
,
(
if
they
were
indeed
theirs
)
it
behoved
the
Bishops
of
every
Nation
to
know
him
,
who
is
their
first
(
or
Primate
)
and
to
esteem
him
as
their
Head
.
The
Adventitious
Grandeur
which
the
Ancient
Patriarchs
afterwards
obtained
,
is
judged
to
arise
three
ways
:
by
the
Canons
of
the
Fathers
,
the
Edicts
of
Princes
,
or
Ancient
Custom
.
Upon
the
last
ground
,
viz.
of
Custom
,
the
●
.
Nice
.
c.
6.
Council
of
Nice
setled
the
Privileges
of
those
three
Famous
Patriarchal
Sees
,
Rome
,
Alexandria
and
Antioch
:
Saying
,
let
Ancient
Custom
prevail
;
which
Custom
proceeded
from
the
honour
such
Churches
had
,
as
being
founded
by
the
Apostles
,
if
not
rather
from
the
Eminency
of
the
Cities
:
Therefore
the
Council
of
Calcedon
,
gives
this
as
a
reason
of
the
greatness
of
the
Sees
of
Rome
and
Constantinople
,
because
they
were
the
Seats
of
the
Emperours
.
PROP.
II.
The
Pope
,
as
Patriarch
,
had
but
a
limited
Jurisdiction
.
Limited
Jurisd.
1.
A
Patriarchate
,
as
such
,
is
limited
;
especially
,
if
the
Title
restrain
it
to
the
West
:
for
East
,
North
,
and
South
,
are
not
the
West
,
in
the
same
respect
.
2.
It
is
further
evident
,
from
the
first
Number
of
Patriarchs
;
for
,
if
there
were
more
than
one
of
the
same
Dignity
and
Jurisdiction
;
they
must
be
threfore
,
limited
:
for
a
Patriarch
,
as
such
,
could
have
no
Jurisdiction
over
a
Patriarch
,
as
such
;
for
so
they
were
equal
;
&
par
in
parem
non
&c.
3.
But
indeed
,
the
first
time
,
we
hear
of
three
,
and
then
of
five
Patriarchs
at
once
;
viz.
Five
Patriarchs
.
of
Rome
,
Constantinople
,
Alexandria
,
Antioch
,
and
Hierusalem
:
And
that
these
had
all
their
Jurisdictions
limited
to
them
;
and
no
one
of
them
had
any
thing
like
a
Vniversal
Monarchy
,
is
evident
,
both
from
Canons
and
History
;
and
also
by
this
undeniable
Observation
;
that
several
Parts
of
the
World
had
their
own
Primates
independent
,
and
exempt
from
all
these
,
in
the
height
of
their
power
:
as
Africk
at
Carthage
;
the
rest
of
Italy
at
Millain
;
France
at
Arles
,
or
Lions
;
Germany
at
Vienna
;
and
Britain
also
had
the
same
priviledge
.
4.
The
sixth
Canon
of
the
Council
of
Nice
,
C.
Nice
.
saith
thus
expresly
:
Let
Ancient
Custom
prevail
;
according
to
which
,
let
the
Bishop
of
Alexandria
have
power
over
them
of
Egypt
,
Libia
,
and
Pentapolis
;
because
this
was
likewise
the
Custom
for
the
Bishop
of
Rome
;
and
accordingly
in
Antioch
,
and
other
Provinces
,
let
the
priviledges
be
preserved
to
the
Churches
.
The
occasion
of
this
Canon
is
said
to
be
this
:
Miletius
a
Bishop
of
Egypt
,
ordained
Bishops
and
others
in
Egypt
,
without
the
Consent
of
the
Bishop
of
Alexandria
:
the
Case
heard
in
the
Council
,
they
pronounce
such
Ordinations
Null
,
depose
Miletius
,
and
by
this
Canon
(
the
more
venerable
because
the
first
in
such
Cases
)
confirm
the
Ancient
Customs
of
that
,
and
all
other
Churches
.
Object
.
The
Romanists
object
,
the
Council
did
not
assign
any
limits
to
those
Jurisdictions
.
Answ.
But
't
is
fully
answered
,
that
the
Council
supposed
such
limits
,
and
proceed
upon
that
supposition
,
to
allow
of
them
,
and
to
enjoyn
the
observation
of
them
;
and
that
is
so
much
the
more
than
a
present
limitation
,
as
it
is
a
proof
of
the
greater
Antiquity
of
such
limitation
.
Object
.
Sure
Bellarmine
was
hard
put
to
it
,
when
the
words
(
because
the
Roman
Bishop
hath
so
accustomed
)
must
be
forced
to
speak
against
all
Sence
of
Words
,
and
Scope
of
the
Matter
;
thus
,
i.
e.
saith
he
,
the
Roman
Bishop
hath
so
accustomed
to
let
the
Alexandrian
Bishop
govern
them
.
Answ.
The
occasion
of
the
Canon
we
had
before
;
the
Words
themselves
are
these
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Who
but
Bellarmine
seeth
not
,
that
(
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
)
imports
a
like
Custom
in
the
Church
of
Rome
;
as
the
excellent
and
learned
Doctor
Stinlingfleet
observes
?
The
Bishop
of
Rome
had
such
Jurisdiction
over
the
Churches
under
him
;
and
therefore
ought
the
Bishop
of
Alexandria
over
the
Churches
under
him
:
upon
this
Consideration
the
Council
concludes
,
that
so
it
should
be
.
If
it
be
replied
,
the
Pope
had
limits
as
a
Metropolitan
,
but
not
as
Head
of
the
Church
;
this
grants
the
thing
in
present
question
;
that
,
as
a
Patriarch
,
the
Pope's
Jurisdiction
was
limited
.
What
Power
he
had
as
Head
of
the
Church
,
shall
be
examined
in
its
due
place
.
What
Power
the
Pope
had
anciently
in
confirming
,
deposing
and
restoring
Patriarchs
,
will
hardly
be
found
so
Ancient
as
the
Council
of
Ephesus
;
and
indeed
,
was
challenged
by
him
,
not
as
a
private
Patriarch
,
but
as
Head
of
the
Church
;
and
therefore
is
to
be
considered
under
that
Head
also
.
PROP.
III.
The
Ancient
Patriarchate
of
Rome
did
not
include
Brittain
excluded
.
Brittain
.
But
according
to
Ruffinus
,
(
a
Roman
,
who
lived
not
long
after
the
Council
of
Nice
)
it
Ruffinus
.
was
limited
to
the
Suburbicary
Cities
;
i.
e.
a
part
of
Italy
,
and
their
Islands
,
Sicily
,
Sardinia
and
Corsica
:
much
less
did
it
ever
pretend
to
Brittain
,
either
by
Custom
,
Canon
,
or
Edict
of
any
of
our
Princes
.
Consequently
,
we
say
,
the
Papal
Power
over
us
,
was
an
after-encroachment
and
usurpation
,
and
a
plain
violation
of
the
general
Council
of
Ephesus
.
Our
Argument
is
this
;
the
General
Council
Par
,
2.
Act.
7.
of
Ephesus
declare
,
that
no
Bishop
should
occupy
any
Province
,
which
before
that
Council
,
and
from
the
Beginning
had
not
been
under
the
Jurisdiction
of
him
or
his
Predecessors
;
and
that
if
any
Patriarch
usurped
any
Jurisdiction
over
a
free
Province
,
he
should
quit
it
;
for
so
it
pleased
the
holy
Synod
,
that
every
Province
should
enjoy
its
Ancient
Rites
,
pure
and
inviolate
.
But
it
is
evident
,
the
Bishop
of
Rome
had
no
Power
in
Brittain
,
from
the
Beginning
;
nor
yet
before
that
general
Council
;
nor
for
the
first
six
hundred
years
after
Christ
(
as
will
appear
when
we
speak
of
the
next
claim
,
viz.
Possession
.
)
Now
,
if
the
Pope
had
no
Patriarchal
Power
in
Brittain
before
the
six
hundredth
year
of
Christ
,
he
could
not
well
have
any
since
:
for
Pope
Boniface
.
Pope
Boniface
,
three
years
after
Saint
Gregorie's
death
,
disclaimed
this
Power
,
by
assuring
an
Higher
Title
:
so
that
had
we
been
willing
to
admit
him
our
Patriarch
,
contrary
to
what
Augustine
found
,
time
had
been
wanting
to
settle
his
Power
,
as
such
,
in
England
.
From
the
whole
,
we
conclude
,
either
the
Pope
is
none
of
our
Patriarch
:
or
if
such
;
he
stands
guilty
of
Contempt
of
a
general
Council
,
and
hath
done
so
,
many
hundred
years
;
i.
e.
he
is
no
Patriarch
at
all
,
or
a
Schismatical
one
.
PROP.
IV.
To
be
a
Patriarch
and
Vniversal
Bishop
,
in
the
Inconsistent
with
Head
of
the
Church
.
Sence
of
the
Romanist
,
is
inconsistent
.
Therefore
the
Pope
must
let
fall
his
Claim
as
a
Patriarch
,
if
he
pretend
to
be
Vniversal
Bishop
:
Thus
the
great
Arch-Bishop
Bramhall
reasons
wisely
and
strongly
;
but
S.
W.
gives
no
answer
to
it
,
only
that
he
argues
weakly
and
sillily
.
The
Lord
Primate
proves
the
inconsistency
by
Arguments
not
yet
answered
:
the
Patriarch
(
saith
he
)
professeth
Humane
;
the
Vniversal
Pastor
,
challengeth
Divine
Institution
:
the
one
hath
a
limited
Jurisdiction
over
a
certain
Province
;
the
other
pretendeth
an
Vniversal
Jurisdiction
over
the
World
:
the
one
is
subject
to
the
Canons
of
the
Fathers
,
and
a
mere
Executor
of
them
;
and
can
do
nothing
either
against
,
or
besides
them
;
the
other
challengeth
an
absolute
Sovereignty
above
the
Canons
,
to
make
,
abrogate
,
suspend
them
at
his
pleasure
,
with
a
Non-obstante
,
when
,
where
,
and
to
whom
he
pleaseth
,
Therefore
,
the
Claim
of
this
absolute
Power
disclaimeth
the
limited
;
and
the
donation
and
acceptance
of
a
limited
Power
,
convinceth
that
there
was
no
such
absolute
Power
before
:
had
the
Pope
been
unlimited
before
,
by
divine
donation
;
who
can
imagine
,
that
he
would
ever
have
taken
gradum
Simeonis
in
this
Sence
,
by
stooping
so
low
to
receive
from
the
hand
of
Just.
Vind.
p.
282.
man
,
the
narrower
dignity
of
a
Patriarch
?
Besides
,
it
is
fully
proved
by
Doctor
Hammond
Patriarchs
subject
to
Civil
Power
.
in
his
Book
of
Schism
,
beyond
all
the
little
exceptions
of
the
Romanists
,
(
as
more
at
large
hereafter
)
that
,
the
See
of
a
Patriarch
is
disposable
by
the
Civil
Power
:
and
therefore
,
what
ever
Power
the
Pope
may
be
thought
to
have
had
heretofore
in
Brittain
,
is
now
lawfully
otherwise
disposed
of
by
the
Kings
of
England
;
as
well
as
evidently
rejected
by
the
Vsurpation
of
an
higher
,
and
an
higher
kind
of
Title
,
inconsistent
with
it
;
and
justly
forfeited
many
other
ways
,
as
will
appear
hereafter
.
But
though
our
Adversaries
would
seem
to
say
something
in
favour
of
this
Title
,
they
dare
not
stand
to
it
;
as
indeed
it
is
not
convenient
they
should
,
if
they
would
save
their
Head
whole
.
Therefore
,
after
much
a
do
to
very
Schis
.
diarm
.
p.
p.
157.
little
purpose
,
S.
W.
concludes
against
Doctor
Hammond
thus
.
Besides
,
saith
he
,
were
all
this
granted
,
what
is
it
to
your
,
or
our
purpose
?
Since
we
accuse
you
not
of
Schism
,
for
breaking
from
the
Pope's
Subjection
,
as
a
Private
Patriarch
,
but
as
the
chief
Pastor
and
the
Head
of
the
Church
.
So
there
is
an
end
of
their
Second
Plea
.
CHAP.
V.
The
Third
Papal
Claim
,
viz.
Prescription
,
or
long
Possession
.
Case
Stated
:
Their
Plea
;
our
Answer
in
three
Propositions
.
THe
true
state
of
the
case
here
,
is
this
:
Case
stated
.
It
cannot
be
denied
but
the
Church
of
England
was
heedlesly
and
gradually
drawn
into
Communion
with
the
Roman
Church
,
in
her
additions
,
superinduced
upon
the
ancient
Faith
and
Worship
:
and
likewise
into
some
degrees
of
subjection
to
Papal
Jurisdiction
.
And
in
this
Condition
we
had
continued
for
some
considerable
time
,
before
King
Henry
the
Eighth
;
and
that
bold
King
(
upon
what
Motives
is
not
here
material
)
with
the
consent
of
his
three
Estates
in
Parliament
,
both
houses
of
the
Convocation
,
and
both
the
Vniversities
of
the
Land
,
threw
off
the
Roman
Yoke
,
as
a
manifest
Vsurpation
,
and
a
very
grievous
oppression
;
and
recovered
the
people
and
Church
of
England
to
their
ancient
liberties
of
being
governed
by
their
own
domestick
Rulers
.
Afterwards
,
in
the
Reigns
of
Edward
the
Sixth
,
and
Queen
Elizabeth
,
and
by
their
proper
Authority
,
we
reformed
our selves
by
throwing
off
the
Roman
Additions
to
our
Faith
and
Worship
.
Had
we
gone
about
a
Reformation
while
we
acknowledged
subjection
to
the
See
of
Rome
,
or
indeed
,
before
we
had
renounced
it
,
there
had
been
more
colour
to
charge
us
with
Schism
and
disobedience
:
But
now
the
proper
question
is
,
first
whether
the
State
of
England
did
then
justly
reject
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
Pope
in
England
;
and
only
consequently
,
whether
we
did
afterwards
lawfully
Reform
without
him
:
The
cause
of
our
Reformation
belongs
to
another
Argument
,
which
we
shall
meet
hereafter
.
The
papal
Plea
here
,
is
;
the
Popes
Authority
was
established
here
by
long
Possession
:
and
therefore
if
nothing
else
could
be
pleaded
for
it
,
Prescription
was
a
good
Title
:
and
therefore
it
was
injurious
and
Schismatical
,
first
to
dispossess
him
,
and
then
to
go
about
to
reform
without
him
.
Our
Answer
is
home
and
plain
,
in
these
Three
Propositions
.
-
1.
The
Church
of
England
was
never
actually
under
the
Popes
Jurisdiction
,
so
absolutely
as
is
pretended
.
-
2.
The
Possession
which
it
had
obtained
here
,
was
not
sufficient
to
create
the
Pope
a
good
Title
.
-
3.
Or
if
it
were
,
yet
that
Title
ceased
when
he
lost
his
Possession
.
CHAP.
VI.
Prop.
I.
The
Papacy
had
no
Power
here
,
for
the
first
Six
Hundred
Years
.
St.
Aug.
Dionoth
.
THe
first
Proposition
is
this
,
that
the
Church
of
England
was
not
actually
under
the
Papal
Jurisdiction
,
so
absolutely
as
is
pretended
;
that
is
,
neither
Primarily
nor
Plenarily
.
First
not
Primarily
,
in
that
we
were
free
from
1.
Not
Primarily
.
the
Papal
Power
for
the
first
Six
Hundred
Years
.
This
is
confirmed
beyond
all
exception
,
by
the
entertainment
Augustine
found
among
the
sturdy
Brittains
,
when
he
came
to
obtrude
that
Jurisdiction
upon
them
:
whence
't
is
evident
,
that
at
that
time
,
which
was
near
six
hundred
years
after
Christ
,
the
Pope
had
neither
actual
In
Fact
or
Belief
.
possession
of
Government
over
,
nor
of
the
belief
of
the
Brittains
,
that
he
ought
to
have
it
.
The
good
Abbot
of
Bangor
,
when
pressed
to
submit
to
the
Roman
Bishop
,
answered
,
in
the
name
of
the
Brittains
;
That
he
knew
no
Obedience
due
to
him
,
whom
they
called
the
Pope
,
but
the
Obedience
Spel.
conc
.
an.
601.
of
Love
;
and
adds
those
full
peremptory
exclusive
words
,
that
under
God
,
they
were
to
be
Governed
by
the
Bishop
of
Caerleon
:
Which
the
Lord
Primate
Bramhall
saith
,
is
a
full
demonstrative
convincing
proof
,
for
the
whole
time
,
viz.
the
first
six
hundred
years
.
Vind.
p.
84
But
't
is
added
,
that
which
follows
,
strikes
the
question
dead
.
Augustine
,
St.
Gregories
Legate
,
proposing
three
things
to
the
Brittains
.
1.
That
they
should
submit
to
the
Roman
Bishop
.
2.
That
they
should
conform
to
the
Roman
Customs
.
3.
Lastly
,
That
they
should
joyn
with
him
in
Preaching
to
the
Saxons
.
Hereupon
,
the
Brittish
Clergy
assembled
themselves
together
,
Bishops
and
Priests
in
two
several
Synods
one
after
another
;
and
upon
mature
deliberation
,
they
rejected
all
his
propositions
Synodically
;
and
refused
flatly
and
unanimously
to
have
any
thing
to
do
with
him
upon
those
terms
:
Insomuch
as
Augustine
was
necessitated
to
return
over
Sea
to
obtain
his
own
Consecration
;
and
after
his
return
hither
,
to
consecrate
the
Saxon
Bishops
alone
;
without
the
assistance
of
any
other
Bishop
.
They
refused
indeed
to
their
own
cost
:
Twelve
hundred
innocent
Monks
of
Bangor
,
shortly
after
,
lost
their
lives
for
it
.
The
foundation
of
the
Papacy
here
,
was
thus
laid
in
Blood
.
Obj.
'T
is
objected
;
that
the
story
of
the
Abbot
of
Bangor
is
taken
by
Sir
H.
Spelman
,
out
of
an
old
Welch
Author
of
suspected
credit
;
but
all
Objections
to
that
purpose
are
removed
by
my
Lord
Primate
,
and
Dr.
Hammond
:
Besides
,
we
have
other
Authority
sufficient
for
it
,
and
beyond
contradiction
.
The
Story
in
Bede
himself
,
as
vouched
by
Bed
.
li.
2.
c.
2.
T.
H.
himself
,
against
Dr.
Hammond
,
puts
it
beyond
all
doubt
,
that
the
Abbot
and
Monks
opposed
Austin
,
and
would
not
subject
themselves
to
the
Pope
of
Rome
,
but
referred
themselves
only
to
their
own
Governours
,
which
is
also
the
general
result
of
other
Authors
account
of
this
matter
;
and
if
the
matter
of
Fact
be
established
,
't
is
enough
to
disprove
the
Popes
Posession
at
that
time
;
whether
they
did
well
or
ill
,
is
not
now
considered
.
Baleus
speaking
of
that
Convention
,
saith
,
Dinoth
In
Dinoth
.
disputed
against
the
Authority
of
Rome
:
and
defended
stoutly
(
fortitèr
)
the
Jurisdiction
of
St.
Davids
,
in
the
affairs
of
his
own
Churches
.
The
same
is
observed
by
Geoffrey
of
Monmouth
,
and
Sigebert
and
others
,
for
which
Dr.
Hammond
refers
us
to
the
Collection
of
the
Anglicane
In
an.
602.
Councils
,
and
Mr.
Whelocks
Notes
on
the
Saxon
Bede
.
p.
115.
And
indeed
,
the
Author
of
the
Appendix
written
on
purpose
to
weaken
this
great
instance
,
confesseth
as
much
;
when
he
concludes
Austin
in
the
Right
,
from
the
miracles
and
divine
vengeance
upon
the
refusers
,
continuing
still
refractory
to
his
proposals
.
Of
the
right
of
the
cause
we
now
dispute
not
;
and
he
acknowledgeth
,
that
Augustine
had
not
Possession
;
the
thing
we
contend
for
.
However
,
this
instance
being
of
great
moment
in
the
whole
Controversie
,
let
us
briefly
examine
what
T.
H.
hath
said
against
it
.
Obj.
1
T.
H.
questions
the
Authority
of
the
Welch
M.
S.
An.
But
the
account
there
,
is
so
perfectly
agreeable
to
the
general
account
given
by
others
(
most
competent
Witnesses
)
and
even
Bede
himself
,
that
as
we
have
no
necessity
to
insist
much
upon
it
;
so
they
have
no
reason
at
all
to
question
it
.
Besides
if
the
Reader
would
more
fully
satisfie
himself
,
he
may
see
all
the
exceptions
against
this
by
M.
S.
at
large
answered
by
Dr.
Hammond
and
the
Arch-Bishop
Bramhall
.
Obj.
2
But
Bede
concludes
,
that
the
Brittains
ought
to
have
yielded
in
the
points
specified
,
from
the
miracle
wrought
by
Augustine
upon
the
blind
man
;
and
from
that
divine
vengeance
,
prophetically
foretold
by
Augustine
.
An.
1.
We
now
know
what
tricks
are
used
to
counterfeit
miracles
,
in
the
sight
of
simple
people
.
2.
We
know
not
,
but
that
miracle
might
be
said
,
but
never
done
,
as
many
in
the
Legends
are
:
And
Bede
might
report
,
from
very
slight
tradition
,
a
thing
tending
to
the
confirming
his
own
Cause
.
3.
By
Bede's
own
Confession
,
the
miracle
did
prevail
with
the
Brittains
,
to
acknowledge
,
that
the
way
of
Righteousness
Augustine
preached
,
was
the
true
;
yet
they
added
,
that
they
could
not
renounce
their
ancient
Customs
,
without
the
consent
and
license
of
their
own
Superiors
:
i.
e.
they
thought
the
miracle
confirm'd
his
Doctrine
,
but
not
the
Popes
Authority
over
them
:
And
therefore
lastly
,
at
their
second
meeting
,
they
deemed
his
Pride
a
stronger
Argument
against
him
,
than
his
Miracle
for
him
.
2.
And
for
that
latter
Argument
from
the
Slaughter
,
first
threatned
and
then
fulfilled
:
Bed
.
Sigisbert
.
An.
Sure
't
was
no
strange
thing
,
that
a
proud
man
(
as
Augustine
appeared
to
be
)
should
threaten
Revenge
:
And
a
bloody
minded
man
,
to
endeavour
to
execute
it
,
as
is
evident
he
did
.
Neither
is
it
like
a
great
miracle
,
that
a
vast
Army
should
first
overcome
unarmed
Monks
;
and
then
proceed
victoriously
against
other
opposers
.
Yet
the
latter
part
of
the
Story
quite
spoils
the
miracle
;
or
the
Argument
from
it
:
For
when
Edilfred
in
the
heat
of
his
Rage
and
Victory
,
proceeded
to
destroy
the
Remainder
of
those
Monks
;
the
avenger
of
Blood
met
him
:
the
Brittish
Forces
routed
his
Army
,
and
killed
Ten
Thousand
and
Sixty
of
them
.
But
the
Conclusion
for
my
present
turn
,
stands
firm
however
;
that
,
notwithstanding
these
pretensions
of
Miracles
,
the
Brittish
rejected
the
Papacy
,
and
adhered
to
their
proper
Governors
,
i.
e.
the
Pope
then
had
not
the
Possession
of
them
.
I
shall
conclude
here
,
with
that
smart
reply
of
Arch-Bishop
Bramhall
to
S.
W.
To
demonstrate
evidently
how
vain
all
his
trifling
is
against
the
Testimony
of
Dionothus
:
why
doth
he
not
answer
to
the
corroboratory
proof
,
which
I
brought
out
of
Bede
and
others
,
of
two
Brittish
Synods
,
held
at
the
same
time
,
wherein
all
the
Brittish
Clergy
did
renounce
all
obedience
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
of
which
all
our
Historiographers
do
bear
Witness
?
Why
doth
he
not
answer
this
;
but
pass
it
by
in
so
great
silence
?
He
might
as
well
accuse
this
of
forgery
as
the
other
;
since
it
is
so
well
attested
,
that
Dionothus
was
a
great
Actor
and
disputer
in
that
business
.
SECT.
I.
That
no
one
Part
of
Papal
Jurisdiction
was
exercised
here
,
for
the
first
six
hundred
years
;
not
Ordination
:
St.
Telaus
,
&c.
till
1100
years
after
Christ
,
&c.
nor
any
other
.
IF
we
consider
the
Pope's
Jurisdiction
in
its
Not
plenarily
.
particular
Acts
,
we
find
not
so
much
as
any
one
exercised
or
acknowledged
here
,
during
the
space
of
the
first
six
hundred
years
;
but
,
as
far
as
History
gives
us
any
account
thereof
,
all
Acts
of
Jurisdiction
were
performed
by
our
own
Governours
.
First
,
had
the
Pope
had
any
Jurisdiction
here
at
all
,
it
would
doubtless
have
appeared
in
the
Ordination
or
Consecration
of
our
Bishops
.
Ordinationis
Jus
caetera
Jura
sequuntur
,
is
a
known
Rule
in
Law
:
but
't
is
evident
that
our
own
Primates
were
independent
themselves
,
and
ordained
Not
Ordination
.
new
Bishops
,
and
created
new
Bishopricks
,
without
licence
first
obtained
from
,
or
giving
any
account
thereof
to
the
Pope
.
Saint
Telaus
Consecrated
and
ordained
Bishops
,
as
he
thought
fit
:
he
made
one
Hismael
Bishop
of
Saint
Davids
;
and
in
like
manner
advanced
many
others
of
the
same
Order
to
the
same
degree
;
sending
them
throughout
the
Country
,
and
dividing
the
Parishes
for
the
best
accommodation
of
the
Clergy
and
the
People
.
Vid.
Regl
.
apud
Vsh
.
prim
.
Eccles.
Brit.
p.
56.
Quest.
But
were
not
our
Primates
themselves
nominated
or
elected
by
the
Pope
,
and
Consecrated
by
him
or
had
license
from
him
?
Answ:
The
contrary
is
manifest
enough
:
all
our
Brittish
Arch-Bishops
and
Primates
were
nominated
and
elected
by
our
Princes
,
with
Synods
,
and
ordained
by
their
own
Suffragans
at
home
;
as
Dubricius
,
Saint
David
,
Sampson
,
&c.
not
only
in
the
Reigns
of
Aurelius
Ambrosius
,
and
King
Arthur
;
but
even
until
the
time
of
Henry
the
First
,
after
the
eleven
hundredth
year
of
Christ
,
as
Giraldus
Cambrensis
saith
;
and
always
until
the
first
Conquest
of
Wales
they
were
Consecrated
by
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Saint
Davids
;
and
he
was
likewise
Consecrated
by
other
Bishops
,
as
his
Suffragans
,
without
professing
any
manner
of
Subjection
to
any
other
Church
.
Itinera
.
Cambr.
l.
2.
c.
2.
Now
is
it
not
fair
to
expect
from
our
Adversaries
one
Instance
,
either
of
a
Bishop
or
Arch-Bishop
,
ordained
or
Consecrated
,
during
the
first
six
hundred
years
,
by
Papal
Authority
in
Brittain
from
their
own
,
or
our
Brittish
Records
?
But
this
Challenge
made
by
Arch-Bishop
Bramhall
receives
no
answer
.
Object
.
R.
C.
Here
the
Bishop
of
Calcedon
only
offers
,
that
few
or
no
Records
of
Brittish
Matters
for
the
first
six
hundred
years
,
remain
.
Answ.
This
is
no
Answer
(
saith
the
Primate
)
while
all
the
Roman
Registers
are
extant
:
yea
,
so
extant
,
that
Platina
,
the
Pope's
Library
Keeper
,
is
able
out
of
them
,
to
set
down
every
Ordination
,
made
by
the
Primitive
Bishops
of
Rome
,
and
the
Persons
Ordained
.
He
adds
,
Let
them
shew
what
Bishops
they
have
Ordained
for
the
first
six
hundred
years
:
I
have
shewed
plainly
(
though
he
please
to
omit
it
)
out
of
the
List
of
the
Bishops
ordained
,
three
by
Saint
Peter
,
eleven
by
Linus
,
fifteen
by
Clement
,
six
by
Anacletus
,
five
by
Evarastus
,
five
by
Alexander
,
and
four
by
Sixtus
.
&c.
that
there
were
few
enough
for
the
Roman
Province
;
none
to
spare
for
Brittain
.
Vid.
Bramh.
Tom.
1.
Disc.
3.
p.
207.
It
is
said
that
Saint
Peter
ordained
here
;
but
St.
Peter
.
that
was
before
he
had
been
at
Rome
:
therefore
not
as
Pope
of
Rome
.
Nor
any
other
.
Eluth
.
2.
Elutherius
sent
Fugatius
,
&c.
but
what
to
do
?
to
Baptize
King
Lucius
:
upon
the
same
Errand
he
sent
Victor
into
Scotland
.
3.
Palladius
and
Ninian
are
instances
of
men
Pallad.
&c.
sent
to
preach
to
the
Picts
and
Scotland
,
as
Saint
Patrick
into
Ireland
:
this
was
kindly
done
;
but
we
have
not
one
Syllable
of
any
Jurisdiction
all
this
while
:
besides
it
is
remarkable
,
though
there
be
a
dispute
about
Palladius
his
being
sent
;
yet
,
't
is
certain
,
he
was
rejected
,
and
after
Bed
.
in
vit.
S
,
Pat.
l.
1.
died
;
in
whose
place
,
Saint
Patrick
succeeded
,
without
any
Mandate
from
Rome
that
we
read
of
.
Object
.
Jeffry
of
Monmouth
saith
,
that
Dubricius
Primate
of
Brittain
,
was
Legate
of
the
See
Apost
:
Legates
.
S.
W.
and
we
say
that
Jeffry
tells
many
Fables
:
and
that
it
is
gross
Credulity
to
believe
him
contrary
to
the
Authentick
History
,
and
more
undoubted
practises
of
those
Times
:
we
read
(
saith
the
Primate
)
of
many
Legates
;
but
certainly
,
they
were
either
no
Papal
Legates
;
or
Papal
Legates
,
in
those
days
,
were
but
ordinary
Messengers
,
and
pretended
not
to
any
Legantine
Power
,
as
it
is
now
understood
:
for
we
read
so
much
as
any
one
act
of
Jurisdiction
done
by
them
,
and
firmly
conclude
,
thence
,
that
there
Pall.
was
none
.
Obj.
But
R.
C.
saith
St.
Sampson
had
a
Pall
from
Rome
.
Sol.
He
had
a
Pall
,
but
t
is
not
proved
that
he
had
it
from
Rome
;
't
is
Certain
,
Arch-Bishops
and
Patriachs
in
the
Primitive
times
had
Palls
,
which
they
received
not
from
Rome
.
Besides
,
if
he
did
receive
that
Pall
from
Rome
,
in
all
probability
it
was
after
the
first
six
Itin.
Cam.
p.
1.
c.
1.
hundred
years
:
If
either
,
according
to
Cambrensis
,
he
was
the
five
and
twentieth
Arch-Bishop
after
St.
David
,
or
,
according
to
Hoveden
,
the
R.
Hoved.
an.
1199.
four
and
twentieth
;
and
then
't
is
nothing
to
our
present
question
.
Obj.
St.
Gregory
granted
to
Austin
the
use
of
the
Pall
,
saith
R.
C.
the
proper
badg
and
sign
of
Archiepiscopal
dignity
;
and
gave
him
liberty
to
Pall.
ordain
twelve
Bishops
under
his
jurisdiction
,
as
Arch
▪
Bishop
of
Canterbury
.
Sol.
This
was
done
at
the
end
of
the
first
six
hundred
years
,
and
therefore
not
to
our
present
question
:
However
,
if
the
Pagan
Saxons
had
destroyed
Christianity
among
the
Brittains
,
(
as
they
say
)
it
was
very
Christianly
done
of
St.
Gregory
,
to
send
Augustine
to
convert
and
re-establish
the
Church
among
them
;
but
none
can
imagine
,
that
by
receiving
Augustine
and
his
Bishops
,
they
intended
to
submit
themselves
and
Posterity
to
the
See
of
Rome
,
which
when
pressed
before
,
the
Brittains
so
unanimously
rejected
.
Neither
indeed
,
could
they
do
it
to
the
prejudice
of
the
ancient
Primacy
of
the
Brittains
;
existing
long
before
,
and
confirmed
in
its
independency
upon
any
foreign
power
:
For
Bede
himself
,
as
well
as
all
our
own
Historians
,
makes
it
most
evident
,
that
the
Brittains
had
Bishops
long
before
:
We
find
the
subscriptions
of
three
of
them
to
the
first
Council
of
Arles
;
Eborius
of
York
,
Restitutus
of
London
,
and
Adelfius
de
Civitate
Coloniae
Lond.
and
from
the
presence
of
some
of
them
at
the
Sardican
Synod
,
and
the
Council
of
Ariminum
;
as
appears
by
Athanasius
and
others
;
and
that
they
had
also
an
Arch-Bishop
or
Primate
,
whose
ancient
seat
had
been
at
Caerleon
;
who
rejected
the
Papacy
;
then
possessing
and
defending
the
priviledge
of
their
freedom
from
any
foreign
Jurisdiction
.
This
their
priviledge
was
secured
to
them
,
both
by
the
Nicene
,
Calcedonian
,
and
Ephesian
Councils
.
Contrary
to
these
Councils
,
if
the
Pope
did
intend
to
give
Augustine
the
primacy
over
the
Brittains
,
it
was
a
plain
usurpation
.
Certainly
the
priviledges
of
the
Brittannick
Church
returned
with
its
Christianity
;
neither
could
Gregory
dispose
of
them
to
Austin
,
or
he
to
Gregory
.
Besides
Lastly
,
't
is
not
possible
any
sober
man
can
imagine
,
that
that
humble
and
holy
Pope
,
St.
Gregory
,
who
so
much
detested
,
if
in
earnest
,
the
very
Title
of
Vniversal
Bishop
,
should
actually
invade
the
priviledge
of
the
Brittains
,
and
If
in
earnest
.
hazard
his
own
Salvation
in
his
own
Judgment
,
when
he
so
charitably
designed
the
Conversion
of
England
by
sending
Austin
hither
.
Obj.
T.
C.
saith
,
it
appears
that
Brittain
was
anciently
subject
to
the
See
of
Rome
:
For
Wilfred
,
Arch-Bishop
of
York
,
appealed
to
Rome
twice
;
and
was
twice
restored
to
his
Bishoprick
.
Wilfred
.
An.
673.
Sol.
We
see
when
this
was
done
:
Seventy
and
three
years
after
the
first
six
hundred
.
An.
673
He
appealed
indeed
,
but
was
still
rejected
;
notwithstanding
the
sentence
of
Rome
in
his
favour
,
for
six
years
together
,
during
the
Reigns
of
King
Egbert
and
Alfrid
his
Son
;
so
far
is
this
instance
,
from
being
a
proof
of
the
Popes
possession
here
at
that
time
:
Yet
this
is
the
most
famous
,
saith
my
Lord
Bramhall
,
I
had
almost
said
,
the
only
Appellant
from
England
to
Rome
,
that
we
read
of
before
the
Conquest
.
Moreover
,
the
Answer
of
King
Alfred
to
the
Alfred
.
spel
.
conc
.
an.
705.
Popes
Nuncio
,
sent
hither
by
the
Pope
on
purpose
,
is
very
remarkable
:
He
told
him
,
he
honoured
them
as
his
Parents
for
their
grave
lives
and
honourable
Aspects
;
but
he
could
not
give
any
assent
to
their
Legation
because
it
was
against
reason
,
that
a
Person
twice
Condemned
by
the
whole
Council
of
the
English
,
should
be
restored
upon
the
Popes
Letter
.
At
this
time
it
is
apparent
,
neither
the
Kings
of
England
,
nor
the
Councils
of
English
Church-men
(
as
my
Lord
Branihall
expresseth
it
,
two
Kings
successively
,
and
the
great
Councils
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
the
other
Arch-Bishop
Theodore
,
with
all
the
prime
Ecclesiasticks
,
and
the
Flower
of
the
English
Clergy
,
opposing
so
many
Sentences
and
Messages
from
Rome
)
did
believe
,
that
England
was
under
the
Jurisdiction
of
Rome
,
or
ought
to
be
so
.
Yea
,
the
King
and
the
Church
,
after
Alfred's
After
Alfred
.
death
,
still
made
good
this
Conclusion
;
that
it
was
against
Reason
,
that
a
person
twice
condemned
by
the
whole
Council
of
the
English
,
should
be
restored
upon
the
Popes
Bull.
Malmsoury
would
suggest
,
that
the
King
and
the
Arch-Bishop
Theodore
,
were
smitten
with
remorse
before
their
deaths
,
for
the
injury
done
to
Wilfred
,
&c.
But
not
the
King
only
,
but
the
whole
Council
;
not
Theodore
alone
,
but
the
whole
Clergy
opposed
the
Popes
Letter
:
which
is
enough
both
to
render
the
dream
of
Malmsbury
,
a
ridiculous
Fable
;
and
for
ever
to
confirm
this
truth
,
that
England
was
not
then
,
viz.
in
the
six
hundred
seventy
and
third
Year
of
Christ
,
under
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
Pope
,
either
actually
or
in
the
belief
of
the
Church
or
Kingdom
of
England
.
The
Latter
,
viz.
the
non-possession
of
our
belief
of
the
Popes
universal
Jurisdiction
,
(
which
is
so
much
insisted
upon
by
the
Romanists
)
will
yet
more
evidently
appear
,
by
that
which
followeth
.
SECT.
II.
No
Possession
of
our
Belief
,
ancient
.
WE
have
found
the
Brittains
,
by
the
good
Abbot
,
and
two
several
Synods
;
Not
in
England
.
we
have
found
the
State
of
England
in
three
successive
Kings
,
their
great
Councils
and
body
of
the
Clergy
,
refused
to
yield
Obedience
both
to
the
Popes
Persuasions
,
Injunctions
,
Sentences
,
and
Legates
:
Therefore
it
seems
impossible
that
Brittain
or
England
should
then
believe
either
the
Popes
Infallibility
,
or
their
obligation
to
his
Jurisdiction
;
or
that
there
was
any
such
thing
as
the
Tradition
of
either
delivered
to
them
by
their
Ancestors
or
believed
among
them
.
Indeed
,
by
this
one
Argument
,
those
four
great
Characters
of
the
Papacy
are
deleted
and
blotted
out
for
ever
,
viz.
Possession
,
Tradition
,
Infallibility
,
and
Antiquity
.
I
shall
add
the
practice
and
belief
of
Scotland
Nor
in
Scotland
.
Math.
Par.
in
H.
3.
an.
1238.
too
;
that
other
great
part
of
our
Kings
dominions
:
When
the
Popes
Legate
,
more
than
twice
six
hundred
years
after
Christ
,
viz.
about
1238.
entred
Scotland
,
to
visit
the
Churches
there
;
Alexander
the
second
,
then
King
of
the
Scots
,
forbad
him
so
to
do
.
Alledging
,
That
none
of
his
Predecessors
had
ever
admitted
any
such
,
neither
would
he
suffer
it
:
And
therefore
willed
him
at
his
own
Peril
to
forbear
.
Hence
't
is
evident
,
there
was
neither
Tradition
nor
Belief
,
either
of
the
Popes
ancient
and
necessary
Government
,
and
therefore
not
of
his
Infallibility
;
much
less
that
anciently
and
from
the
beginning
,
the
Pope
had
exercised
his
Jurisdiction
more
in
Scotland
than
in
England
.
We
have
that
Kings
word
for
it
,
None
of
his
Predecessors
had
ever
admitted
any
such
.
SECT.
III.
In
Canons
,
Apost:
Nice
,
Milev
,
&c.
This
Belief
could
have
no
Ground
.
Sardia
.
WHat
could
possibly
sway
the
first
Ages
to
such
a
belief
of
the
Popes
universal
Vid.
c.
20.
Jurisdiction
?
Certainly
nothing
from
the
Councils
;
nor
the
practice
of
the
Church
in
other
places
,
nor
indeed
the
declared
Judgment
of
the
Pope
himself
,
nor
the
words
of
the
Laws
.
1.
Nothing
to
be
found
in
the
Canons
of
the
Not
Councils
.
Apostles
.
Ancient
Councils
could
invite
to
such
belief
.
In
the
Apostles
Canons
,
we
find
the
quite
contrary
;
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
first
or
primate
among
the
Bishops
of
every
Nation
shall
be
accounted
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
their
Head
;
and
that
every
one
of
those
Primates
shall
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
do
those
things
only
which
belong
to
his
Province
and
the
Regions
under
it
;
and
in
pursuance
of
those
Canons
,
the
first
Nicene
Council
decreed
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Nice
.
&c.
that
they
that
are
cast
out
by
some
,
shall
not
be
received
by
other
Bishops
,
and
that
this
must
be
observed
by
the
Bishops
through
every
Province
;
and
in
further
Harmony
the
Milevetan
Council
prohibits
all
appeal
from
their
own
Bishops
,
but
to
the
African
Councils
and
Mileve
.
Primates
of
their
own
Provinces
;
and
that
they
which
shall
appeal
to
any
Foreign
,
whether
Bishop
or
Council
shall
not
be
received
into
Communion
with
any
in
Africk
.
And
lastly
,
the
Practice
of
all
this
is
visible
in
the
very
Synodical
Epistle
of
the
African
Council
to
Pope
Celestine
,
where
Vid.
v.
Dr.
Ham.
at
larg
.
dispat
.
disp.
397
398
,
399
,
&c.
they
beseech
him
for
the
future
,
that
he
will
receive
none
such
,
because
he
may
easily
find
it
defined
in
the
Council
of
Nice
.
These
Canons
are
all
in
the
Roman
Codex
,
and
cannot
be
pretended
to
be
invalid
;
neither
can
they
possibly
oblige
any
man
to
believe
that
the
Pope
had
universal
Jurisdiction
as
is
now
pretended
.
Moreover
,
as
Dr.
Hammond
Notes
,
to
some
of
these
Canons
the
Pope
himself
makes
Oath
,
Disp.
disp.
p.
178.
Pope
swears
to
the
Canons
.
that
he
will
inviolably
observe
them
(
see
Corp.
Juris
can
.
decret.
part
.
1.
dist.
16.
c.
8.
)
and
from
that
Oath
,
of
the
Pope
,
our
Bishops
made
this
very
conclusion
,
that
the
Popes
that
Exercised
a
primacy
over
any
other
Bishops
but
those
of
their
own
province
in
Italy
,
transgress'd
their
own
profession
made
in
their
Creation
:
as
further
appears
by
the
institution
of
a
Christian
man
in
the
year
1538.
But
more
largly
of
this
in
the
last
Chapters
.
Therefore
,
the
Brittains
could
not
believe
that
they
then
owed
Subjection
to
the
papacy
,
but
they
must
charge
the
writers
of
the
Apostolick
Cannons
(
whether
by
Apostles
or
Apostolical
men
)
and
the
Councills
,
for
enacting
Sacriligious
decrees
;
and
the
Pope
also
for
swearing
the
Inviolable
observation
of
them
.
These
things
are
plain
,
and
S.
W.
by
pretending
in
general
,
that
Words
admit
of
Various
interpretations
,
without
applying
his
Rule
to
the
Case
;
gives
but
too
just
occasion
to
Dr.
Hammond
to
expose
him
as
he
doth
.
See
disp.
disp.
p.
181
182
183
184.
Eadmer
speaks
plain
and
home
too
;
it
was
p.
58.
43.
inauditum
in
Britannia
,
quemlibet
hominum
super
se
vices
Apostolicas
gerere
,
nisi
solum
Archiepiscopum
Cantuariae
.
it
was
a
thing
unheard
of
,
no
practice
of
it
,
no
Tradition
for
it
;
therefore
no
such
thing
Could
be
believ'd
,
that
any
other
(
not
the
Pope
himself
)
did
Apostolically
Govern
the
affairs
of
Brittaine
,
but
only
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
.
SECT.
4.
Conc.
Sard.
Calced.
Constantinop
.
IT
may
be
said
,
the
Brittains
might
hear
Vid.
Cap.
20.
Sict
.
9.
of
the
Canon
of
the
Council
of
Sardica
;
where
it
was
decreed
that
Bishops
grieved
,
might
Sardica
.
appeal
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
.
Sol.
The
words
of
the
Council
are
these
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
In
Case
any
Bishop
thought
himself
unjustly
Condemned
;
if
it
seem
good
to
you
,
let
us
honour
the
Memory
of
Peter
the
Apostle
;
that
it
be
written
by
those
who
have
Judged
the
Cause
to
Julius
the
Bishop
of
Rome
;
and
if
it
seem
good
,
let
the
judgment
be
renew'd
,
and
let
them
appoint
such
as
may
take
Cognizance
of
of
it
.
hereupon
t
is
plain
1
These
Fathers
did
not
acknowledge
the
Popes
Supremacy
,
who
thus
laid
it
at
the
feet
,
and
pleasure
of
others
,
(
if
it
seem
good
to
you
)
2.
Here
is
no
peremptory
Order
,
neither
,
and
it
might
not
Seem
good
to
Civil
Princes
,
to
suffer
such
Appeals
.
3.
No
absolute
appeal
it
seems
was
intended
:
but
only
the
Bishop
of
Rome
might
review
the
Case
:
and
how
much
a
review
differs
from
Apeal
;
and
that
nothing
but
power
to
revew
is
More
of
Conc.
Sar.
hereafter
.
here
given
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
are
both
fully
manifested
by
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Paris
,
Petr.
de
Marc.
de
Concord
.
l.
7.
c.
3.
sect.
6
,
7.
&c.
4.
The
Decree
(
such
as
it
is
)
is
not
grounded
upon
any
prior
right
,
from
Scripture
,
tradition
,
or
possession
,
or
any
former
Council
;
hath
no
other
Argument
but
the
honour
of
Saint
Peter
;
and
that
not
in
his
Authority
,
but
his
Memory
;
who
first
sat
in
that
See
,
where
Julius
was
now
Bishop
:
but
we
may
have
leave
to
ask
,
where
was
the
Supremacy
of
the
Church
of
Rome
before
?
or
how
should
the
Brittains
dream
of
it
before
?
or
why
did
not
these
Canons
take
notice
of
the
undoubted
Canon
of
Nice
to
the
contrary
,
made
two
and
twenty
years
before
,
either
to
null
or
explain
it
?
But
that
these
Sardic
Canons
,
neither
established
the
Pope's
Supremacy
;
nor
were
acknowledged
to
bind
the
Church
afterwards
;
nor
could
be
accounted
an
Appendix
to
the
Council
of
Nice
;
and
what
weakness
and
falsness
has
been
practised
upon
this
Argument
,
is
so
largly
,
ingenuously
and
satisfactorily
manifested
by
Doctor
Sillingfleet
,
that
I
shall
for
his
fuller
satisfaction
refer
the
Reader
to
him
,
in
his
Ration
.
acc
.
p.
419
,
420
,
421.
&c.
It
is
strongly
argued
in
the
last
reasonings
of
my
Lord
Bramhall
,
that
after
the
Eastern
Bishops
were
departed
,
this
Council
of
Sardica
was
no
general
Council
;
because
the
presence
of
five
great
Patriarchs
were
ever
held
necessary
to
the
being
of
a
general
Council
;
as
Bellarmine
confesseth
de
Conc.
Lï
.
c.
17.
If
this
Council
had
been
general
:
Why
do
Saint
Gregory
,
Isiodore
,
and
Bede
,
leave
it
out
of
the
Number
of
general
Councils
?
Why
did
Saint
Austine
,
Alipius
and
the
African
Fathers
,
slight
it
?
and
wbich
is
more
,
why
doth
the
Eastern
Church
not
reckon
it
among
their
Seven
;
nor
the
Western
Church
among
their
Eight
first
general
Councils
?
Why
did
the
English
Church
omit
it
in
their
Number
in
the
Synod
of
Hedifeld
in
the
year
680.
and
embrace
only
unto
Apud
Spel.
An.
680.
l.
169.
this
day
the
Council
of
Nice
,
the
first
of
Constantinople
,
the
first
of
Ephesus
,
and
the
first
and
second
of
Calcedon
?
The
five
first
general
Councils
were
therefore
incorporated
into
our
English
Laws
;
but
this
Council
of
Sardica
never
was
:
Therefore
contrary
to
this
Canon
of
Appeal
,
't
is
the
Fundamental
Law
of
England
,
in
that
Famous
Memorial
of
Clarendon
:
All
Appeals
in
England
must
proceed
Regularly
from
the
Arch-Deacon
to
the
Bishop
,
from
the
Bishop
to
the
Arch-Bishop
,
and
if
the
Arch-Bishop
failed
to
do
justice
,
the
last
Complaint
must
be
to
the
King
to
give
Order
for
redress
.
'T
is
evident
,
the
great
Council
of
Calcedon
P.
2.
ac
.
14.
c.
9.
contradicted
this
Canon
for
Appeals
to
Rome
:
where
Appeals
from
the
Arch-Bishop
are
directed
to
be
made
to
every
Primate
,
or
the
Holy
Calcedon
.
See
of
Constantinople
,
as
well
as
Rome
:
from
which
Evidence
,
we
have
nothing
but
silly
Evasions
,
as
that
Primate
truly
observs
,
v.
Sch.
guarded
p.
374.
Besides
,
if
our
Fore-fathers
had
heard
of
rhe
Canons
of
the
Councils
truly
general
,
(
as
no
doubt
they
had
)
how
could
they
possibly
believe
the
unlimited
Jurisdiction
of
Rome
,
the
Council
of
Calcedon
is
not
denied
to
give
equal
Priviledges
to
the
Patriarch
of
Constantinople
,
with
the
Patriarch
of
Rome
.
And
the
Council
of
Constantinople
conclude
thus
:
for
the
(
Nicene
)
Fathers
did
justly
give
Priviledges
to
the
Se●●
of
Constantinople
.
old
Rome
,
because
it
was
the
Imperial
City
;
and
the
150
godly
Bishops
moved
with
the
same
consideration
,
did
give
equal
Priviledges
to
the
See
of
new
Rome
;
that
that
City
which
was
the
Seat
of
the
Empire
and
Senate
should
enjoy
equal
Priviledges
with
the
Ancient
Imperial
City
of
Rome
;
and
be
extolled
and
magnified
in
Ecclesiastical
Affaires
as
well
as
it
,
being
the
Second
in
order
from
it
:
and
in
the
last
Sentence
of
the
Judges
upon
Review
of
the
Cause
:
the
Arch-Bishop
of
the
Imperial
City
of
Const.
or
new
Rome
,
must
enjoy
the
same
Priviledges
of
Honour
;
and
have
the
same
Power
out
of
his
own
Authority
,
to
ordain
Metropolitans
in
the
Asiatick
,
Pontick
,
and
Thracian
Diocess
.
Are
these
the
Words
of
a
General
Council
?
could
these
Fathers
imagine
the
Pope
at
that
time
Monarch
of
the
whole
Church
?
or
could
this
be
acknowledged
by
England
at
first
,
and
they
yet
give
up
their
Faith
to
the
Pope's
Universal
Power
?
Can
these
things
consist
?
Yea
,
is
there
not
something
in
all
the
Councils
allowed
by
the
Ancient
Brittains
,
and
the
Ancient
English
Church
,
sufficient
to
induce
a
Faith
quite
contrary
to
the
Roman
Pretensions
?
Object
.
But
as
to
this
Canon
of
Constantinople
,
S.
W.
quits
his
hands
;
roundly
telling
us
,
that
it
was
no
free
Act
,
but
voted
Tumultuously
,
after
most
of
the
Fathers
were
departed
.
Sol.
S.
W.
had
been
safer
,
if
he
had
been
wiser
:
for
that
which
he
saith
,
is
altogether
false
;
and
besides
such
a
cluster
of
Forgeries
,
as
deserves
the
Whet-stone
to
purpose
;
as
my
Lord
Bramhall
manifests
against
him
,
Sch.
guard
.
p.
h.
4.
1.
False
:
the
Act
was
made
before
the
Bishops
had
license
to
depart
;
it
had
a
Second
Hearing
;
and
was
debated
by
the
Pope's
own
Legates
on
his
behalfe
,
before
the
most
glorious
Judges
;
and
maturely
Sentenced
by
them
in
the
Name
of
the
Council
.
This
was
one
of
those
four
Councils
,
which
Saint
Gregory
honoured
next
to
the
four
Gospels
.
This
is
one
of
those
very
Councils
,
which
every
succeeding
Pope
doth
swear
to
observe
to
the
least
tittle
.
2.
For
his
Forgeries
about
it
,
he
is
sufficiently
shamed
by
the
Primate
in
the
place
cited
:
't
is
pity
such
shifts
should
be
used
;
and
't
is
folly
to
use
them
;
when
the
Truth
appears
,
what
remains
,
but
,
both
the
Person
and
the
Cause
reproach'd
.
See
more
of
the
Councils
at
the
latter
end
.
SECT.
V.
Arabic
Canons
forged
;
no
Canons
of
the
Council
of
Nice
.
Object
.
YEt
't
is
a
Marvellous
thing
,
that
the
Romanist
should
dare
to
impose
upon
so
great
and
learned
a
Primate
,
as
the
late
Arch-Bishop
Laud
;
that
by
the
third
Canon
of
the
Council
of
Nice
,
the
Patriarch
is
in
the
same
manner
over
all
those
that
are
under
his
Authority
;
as
he
who
holds
the
See
of
Rome
is
Head
,
and
Prince
of
the
Patriachs
,
resembling
Saint
Peter
,
and
his
Equal
in
Authority
.
Answ.
When
't
is
most
evident
to
the
meanest
capacity
,
that
will
search
into
it
;
that
,
that
is
no
Canon
of
the
true
Council
of
Nice
;
and
that
in
stead
of
the
third
,
it
is
the
thirty
ninth
of
the
suppositious
and
forged
Canons
;
as
they
are
set
forth
in
the
Arabick
Editions
,
both
by
Pisanus
and
Turrianus
.
In
these
Editions
there
are
no
less
than
eighty
Canons
pretended
to
be
Nicene
;
whereas
the
Nicene
Council
never
passed
above
twenty
:
as
is
evident
from
such
as
should
know
best
,
the
Greek
Authors
;
who
all
reckon
but
twenty
Hist.
Ecl.
l.
1.
c.
7.
Canons
of
that
Council
.
Such
as
Theodoret
,
Nicephorus
Calistus
,
Gelasius
Cricenus
,
Alphonsus
Ecl.
Hist.
l.
8.
c.
19.
Act.
Conc.
Nic.
lib.
2.
Pisanus
,
and
Binnius
himself
confesseth
that
all
the
Greeks
say
there
were
no
more
but
twenty
Canons
,
then
determined
.
Yea
,
the
Latins
themselves
allowed
no
more
:
for
although
Ruffinus
make
twenty
two
,
't
is
by
splitting
of
two
into
four
.
And
in
that
Epitome
of
the
Canons
,
which
Pope
Hadrian
sent
to
Charles
the
Great
,
for
the
Government
of
the
Western
Churches
,
Anno
773.
the
same
Number
appears
:
and
in
Hincmarus's
M.
S.
the
same
is
proved
,
from
the
Testimonies
of
the
Tripartite
History
,
Ruffinus
,
the
Carthaginian
Council
,
the
Epistles
of
Ciril
of
Alex.
Atticus
of
Constant
.
and
the
twelfth
Action
of
the
Council
of
Calcedon
:
and
if
we
may
believe
a
Pope
,
viz.
Stephen
,
in
Gratian
,
saith
,
the
Roman
Church
did
allow
of
no
more
Gra.
dis.
16.
c.
20.
than
twenty
.
The
truth
is
put
beyond
all
question
,
lastly
,
both
by
the
proceedings
of
the
African
Fathers
,
in
the
case
of
Zosimus
about
the
Nicene
Canons
,
when
an
early
and
diligent
search
made
it
evident
;
and
also
by
the
Codex
Canonum
.
Eccl.
Afric
.
p.
58.
where
it
is
expresly
said
,
there
was
P.
363.
but
twenty
Canons
.
But
this
matter
is
more
than
clear
,
by
the
P.
391
,
392
elaborate
pains
of
Dr.
Still
.
defence
of
the
late
Arch-Bishop
Laud
,
to
whom
,
I
must
refer
my
Reader
.
Obj.
Yet
Bellarmine
and
Binius
would
prove
there
were
more
than
twenty
.
Sol.
But
their
proofs
depend
either
upon
things
,
as
suppositions
,
as
the
Arabick
Canons
themselves
;
such
as
the
Epistles
of
Julius
and
Athanasius
ad
Marcum
:
or
else
they
only
prove
,
that
some
other
things
were
determined
by
that
Council
,
viz.
Concerning
Rebaptization
,
and
the
keeping
of
Easter
,
&c.
which
indeed
might
be
Acts
of
the
Council
,
without
putting
them
into
the
Ad
an.
325.
P.
108.
Canons
;
as
Baronius
himself
confesseth
,
and
leaves
the
patronage
of
them
,
and
Spondanus
,
in
his
contraction
of
Baronius
,
relates
it
as
his
positive
Ad
an.
325.
n.
42.
Opinion
,
that
he
rejected
all
but
twenty
,
whether
Arabick
or
other
,
as
spurious
.
So
that
it
will
bear
no
further
contest
,
but
we
may
safely
conclude
,
the
Arabick
Canons
,
and
consequently
this
of
the
Popes
Authority
,
is
a
mere
Forgery
of
later
times
;
there
being
no
evidence
at
all
,
that
they
were
known
to
the
Church
in
all
the
time
of
the
four
first
general
Councils
.
Vid.
c.
20.
SECT.
VI.
Practice
interpreted
the
Canons
to
the
same
Sence
against
the
Pope
:
Disposing
of
Patriarchs
.
Cyprian
.
Aug.
WE
have
found
nothing
in
the
Canons
of
the
ancient
Councils
that
might
give
occasion
to
the
belief
of
the
Popes
Jurisdiction
in
England
,
in
the
Primitive
Ages
of
the
Church
;
but
indeed
,
very
much
to
the
contrary
:
But
the
Romanist
affirms
against
my
Lord
of
Canterbury
,
that
the
Practice
of
the
Church
is
always
the
best
Expositor
and
Assertor
of
the
Canons
.
We
are
now
to
examine
,
whether
the
ancient
practice
of
the
Church
was
sufficient
to
persuade
a
belief
of
the
Popes
Jurisdiction
as
is
pretended
.
In
the
mean
time
not
doubting
,
but
that
it
is
a
thing
most
evident
;
that
the
Pope
hath
practised
contrary
to
the
Canons
;
and
the
Canons
have
declared
,
and
indeed
been
practised
against
the
Pope
.
But
what
Catholick
Practice
is
found
on
Record
,
that
can
be
supposed
a
sufficient
ground
of
this
Faith
,
either
in
England
or
any
part
of
Christendom
?
Certainly
not
of
Ordinations
or
Appeals
,
or
Visitations
.
Yea
,
can
it
be
imagined
,
that
our
English
Ancestors
,
had
not
heard
of
the
practice
of
the
Brittains
in
maintaining
their
liberty
when
it
was
assaulted
by
Austin
;
and
rejecting
his
demands
of
Subjection
to
the
See
of
Rome
?
No
doubt
they
had
heard
of
the
Cyprian
Priviledge
;
and
how
it
was
insisted
on
in
barr
of
the
universal
Pastorship
,
by
their
friends
the
Eastern
Church
:
from
whom
,
they
in
likelihood
received
the
Faith
;
and
with
whom
they
were
found
at
first
in
Communion
,
about
the
observation
of
Easter
and
Baptism
;
and
in
practice
,
divers
from
the
Church
of
Rome
.
Obj.
But
one
great
point
of
practice
is
here
pitcht
upon
by
Baronius
;
and
after
him
by
T.
C.
It
is
the
Popes
Confirmation
of
the
Election
,
deposing
and
restoring
of
Patriarchs
:
which
they
say
he
did
,
as
Head
and
Prince
of
all
the
Patriarchs
,
and
consequently
of
the
whole
Church
.
Sol.
But
where
hath
he
done
these
strange
feats
?
Certainly
not
in
England
:
And
we
shall
find
the
instances
not
many
nor
very
early
,
any
where
else
.
But
to
each
Branch
.
1.
'T
is
urged
,
that
the
Popes
Confirmation
Confirm
.
Patriarchs
.
is
required
to
all
new
elected
Patriarchs
.
Admit
it
,
but
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Paris
,
Petrus
Dr.
Still
.
de
Marca
,
fully
answers
Baronius
(
and
indeed
every
body
else
)
that
this
was
no
token
of
Jurisdiction
;
but
only
of
receiving
into
Communion
;
De
conc
.
l.
6.
c.
5.
s.
2.
and
as
a
Testimony
of
Consent
to
the
Consecration
.
If
any
force
be
in
this
Argument
,
then
the
Bishop
of
Carthage
had
power
Cypr.
Ep.
52.
p.
75.
over
the
Bishop
of
Rome
;
because
he
and
other
African
Bishops
,
Confirm'd
the
Bishop
of
Rome's
Ordination
.
Baronius
insists
much
upon
the
Confirmation
of
Anatolius
by
Leo
I.
which
very
instance
answers
it self
.
Leo
himself
tells
us
,
that
it
was
Ep.
38.
to
manifest
,
that
there
was
but
one
entire
Communion
among
them
throughout
the
World
.
Yet
it
is
not
to
be
omitted
,
that
the
practice
of
the
Church
supposeth
that
the
Validity
of
the
Patriarchs
Consecration
,
depended
not
upon
Consec
.
depends
not
on
Confirmation
.
the
Confirmation
,
or
indeed
,
Consent
of
the
Pope
of
Rome
.
Yea
though
he
did
deny
his
Comunicatory
letters
,
that
did
not
hinder
them
;
from
the
Execution
of
their
Office
.
Therefore
Flavianus
the
Patriarch
of
Antioch
;
though
opposed
by
three
Roman
Bishops
,
successively
,
who
used
all
importunity
with
the
Emperor
,
that
he
might
be
displaced
;
yet
because
the
Churches
of
the
Orient
,
did
approve
of
him
and
Communicate
with
him
,
he
was
allowed
;
and
their
consent
stood
against
the
Bishops
of
Rome
.
At
last
,
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
severely
rebuked
for
his
Pride
by
the
Emperor
,
yielded
;
and
his
Consent
was
given
only
by
renewing
Communion
with
him
.
But
where
was
the
Popes
power
,
either
to
make
,
or
make
void
a
Patriarch
,
while
this
was
in
Practice
?
2.
Doth
Practice
better
prove
the
Popes
Deposing
Patriarchs
.
power
,
to
depose
unworthy
Patriarchs
?
The
contrary
is
evident
;
for
both
before
and
after
the
Council
of
Nice
;
according
to
that
Council
;
the
practice
of
the
Church
placed
the
power
of
deposing
Patriarchs
,
in
Provincial
Councils
;
and
the
Pope
had
it
not
,
till
the
Council
of
Sardica
decreed
in
the
case
of
Athanasius
,
as
P.
de
Marca
abundantly
proves
:
Vid.
de
Concord
.
l.
7.
c.
1.
Sect.
6.
Also
,
that
the
Council
of
Sardica
it self
,
did
not
(
as
is
commonly
said
)
decree
Appeals
to
Rome
;
but
only
gave
the
Bishop
of
Rome
power
to
review
their
Actions
;
but
still
reserving
to
Provincial
Councils
,
that
Authority
which
the
Nicene
Council
had
established
them
in
.
Obj.
But
T.
C.
urgeth
,
that
we
read
of
no
less
than
eight
several
Patriarchs
of
Constantinople
deposed
by
the
Bishop
of
Rome
.
Sol.
Where
doth
he
read
it
?
In
an
Epistle
of
Pope
Nicolaus
to
the
Emperor
Michael
.
Well
chosen
saith
Doctor
Still
.
a
Popes
Testimony
in
his
own
Cause
.
And
such
a
one
,
as
was
then
in
Controversie
with
the
Patriarch
of
Constantinople
,
and
so
late
too
,
as
the
Ninth
Century
is
:
when
his
power
was
much
grown
from
the
Infancy
of
it
.
Yet
,
for
all
this
,
this
Pope
on
such
an
occasion
,
and
at
that
time
,
did
not
say
,
that
the
Patriarchs
mention'd
by
him
,
were
depos'd
by
the
Popes
sole
Authority
,
but
not
Ejected
(
Sine
Consensu
Romani
Pontificis
.
)
without
his
Consent
:
and
his
design
was
,
only
to
shew
that
Ignatius
the
Patriarch
,
ought
not
to
have
been
deposed
without
his
Consent
v.
Nic.
1.
8.
Mich.
Imp.
Tom.
6.
Con.
p.
506.
Obj.
Did
not
Sixtus
the
third
depose
Policronius
Bishop
of
Jerusalem
?
Sol.
No.
He
only
sent
eight
Persons
from
a
Synod
at
Rome
to
Jerusalem
;
who
offered
not
,
by
the
Popes
Authority
,
to
depose
him
,
as
should
have
have
been
proved
:
but
by
their
means
seventy
Neighbour
Bishops
,
were
Called
;
by
whom
,
he
was
deposed
:
besides
Binius
himself
,
Tom.
2.
Con.
p.
685.
Condemns
those
very
acts
,
that
report
this
story
,
for
Spurious
.
3.
But
have
we
any
better
proof
of
the
Popes
power
,
to
restore
such
as
were
deposed
?
Restoring
Patriarchs
.
The
only
Instance
in
this
Case
,
brought
by
T.
C.
is
of
Athanasius
and
Paulus
,
restored
by
Julius
,
and
indeed
to
little
purpose
.
T
is
true
,
Athanasius
Cndemned
by
two
Synods
,
goes
to
Rome
,
where
he
and
Paulus
,
are
received
into
Communion
by
Julius
;
not
liking
the
decree
of
the
Eastern
Bishops
.
Julius
never
pleads
his
Power
to
depose
Patriarchs
;
but
that
his
consent
for
the
sake
of
Vnity
,
should
also
have
been
first
desired
;
and
that
so
great
a
Matter
in
the
Church
,
required
a
Council
both
of
the
Eastern
and
Western
Bishops
.
Vid.
P.
de
Marca
l.
7.
c.
4.
s.
6.
But
,
saith
Dr.
Still
.
when
we
consider
,
with
what
heat
and
stomach
this
was
received
by
the
P.
401.
Q.
ac
.
Eastern
Bishops
;
how
they
absolutely
deny
,
that
the
Western
Bishops
had
any
more
to
do
with
their
proceedings
,
than
they
had
with
theirs
:
When
they
say
,
that
the
Pope
by
this
Vsurpation
,
was
the
cause
of
all
the
mischief
that
followed
:
You
see
what
an
excellent
instance
you
have
made
choice
of
,
to
prove
the
Popes
power
of
Restoring
Bishops
,
to
be
acknowledged
by
the
whole
Church
.
Sure
,
so
far
the
Churches
practice
abroad
,
could
not
prevail
to
settle
his
right
of
Jurisdion
in
the
English
Faith
;
especially
,
considering
the
Practice
of
our
own
Church
,
in
opposing
the
Letters
and
Legates
of
Popes
for
six
years
together
,
for
the
Restoring
of
Arch-Bishop
Wilfred
by
two
of
our
own
successive
Kings
;
and
the
whole
State
of
England
Ecclesiastical
and
Civil
,
as
appeared
above
.
Moreover
St.
Cyprian
professeth
in
the
Council
of
Carthage
,
neque
enim
quisquam
,
&c.
for
no
one
of
us
hath
made
himself
Bishop
of
Bishops
:
or
driven
his
Fellow
Bishops
to
a
necessity
of
Obedience
:
Particularly
relating
to
Stephen
then
Bishop
An.
258.
n.
24.
of
Rome
;
as
Baronius
himself
resolves
.
But
upon
a
matter
of
Fact
,
St.
August
.
gave
his
St.
August
.
own
judgment
,
both
of
the
Popes
Power
and
Action
in
that
known
case
of
the
Donatists
.
First
,
they
had
leave
to
be
heard
by
foreign
Bishops
.
2.
Forti
non
debuit
,
yet
perhaps
Melciades
,
the
Bishop
of
the
Roman
Church
,
ought
not
to
usurp
to
himself
this
Judgment
which
had
been
determined
by
seventy
African
Bishops
,
Tigisitanus
sitting
Primate
.
3.
St.
Augustine
proceeds
,
and
what
will
you
say
,
if
he
did
not
usurp
this
Power
?
For
the
Emperor
(
being
desired
)
sent
Bishops
,
Judges
;
which
should
sit
with
him
,
and
determine
what
was
just
upon
the
whole
cause
:
So
that
upon
the
whole
,
't
is
easily
observed
,
that
in
St.
Augustines
judgment
,
both
the
Right
and
the
Power
,
by
which
the
Pope
(
as
the
rest
)
proceeded
;
was
to
be
resolved
to
the
Emperor
,
as
a
little
before
,
ad
cujus
curam
;
to
whose
care
it
did
chiefly
belong
;
de
qua
,
rationem
Deo
redditurus
est
,
of
which
he
was
to
give
account
to
God
.
Could
this
consist
with
the
belief
of
the
Popes
universal
Pastorship
by
Divine
Right
?
if
there
can
possibly
,
after
so
clear
evidence
need
Vid.
Dr.
Ham.
disp.
p.
398.
&c.
&
Still
.
Rationale
.
p.
405.
more
to
be
said
of
St.
Augustines
judgment
in
this
;
it
is
only
to
refer
you
to
the
Controversies
between
the
African
Bishops
,
and
the
Bishop
of
Rome
in
case
of
Appeals
.
SECT.
VII
.
Not
the
Sayings
of
Ancient
Popes
,
or
Practice
.
Agatho
,
Pelagius
,
Gregory
,
Victor
.
WE
can
find
nothing
in
the
ancient
Canons
,
or
ancient
practice
,
to
ground
Popes
claimed
.
a
belief
of
the
Popes
Authority
in
England
upon
,
yet
sure
Popes
themselves
claimed
it
;
and
used
Expressions
to
let
us
know
it
.
Were
it
so
indeed
,
experience
tells
us
how
little
Popes
are
to
be
believed
in
their
own
cause
;
and
all
reason
persuades
us
not
to
believe
them
,
against
the
Councils
and
Practice
of
the
Church
,
and
the
judgment
of
the
Fathers
.
But
some
of
the
ancient
Popes
have
been
found
so
honest
,
as
to
confess
against
themselves
;
and
acknowledge
plain
truth
against
their
own
greatness
.
The
Popes
universal
headship
,
is
not
to
be
believed
from
the
words
of
Pope
Agatho
,
in
his
Agatho
.
Letter
to
the
Emperor
;
where
St.
Paul
stands
as
high
as
St.
Peter
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Con.
To.
2.
p.
61.
B.
both
are
said
by
him
to
be
heads
or
chief
of
the
Apostles
:
Besides
he
expresly
claimed
only
the
Western
Patriarchate
.
But
Pope
Pelagius
the
Second
,
is
more
plain
Pelagius
.
and
home
,
to
Rome
itself
.
Nec
etiam
Romanus
Pontifex
universalis
est
appellandus
,
the
Pope
of
Decret.
p.
1.
dis.
99.
n.
1●
.
Rome
is
not
to
be
called
universal
Bishop
:
This
was
the
opinion
of
that
Pope
of
Rome
himself
,
as
it
is
cited
out
of
his
Epistle
,
and
put
into
the
Body
of
the
Law
by
Gratian
:
now
,
one
would
think
,
that
the
same
Law
denied
the
Power
,
that
denied
the
Title
properly
expressing
that
Power
.
How
triflingly
doth
S.
W.
object
:
these
words
are
not
found
in
the
Council
of
Carthage
,
while
they
are
found
in
the
Corpus
Juris
;
the
Law
,
now
of
as
much
force
at
Rome
as
that
Council
.
'T
is
weaker
to
say
,
they
are
Gratians
own
Addition
,
seeing
his
Addition
is
now
Law
;
and
also
proved
to
be
the
Sense
of
the
Pope
Pelagius
:
in
his
Epistle
,
he
saith
,
let
none
of
the
Patriarchs
ever
use
the
name
of
Universal
,
applying
in
the
conclusion
to
himself
,
being
then
Pope
,
as
one
of
that
Number
;
and
so
,
if
he
were
either
Pontifex
Maximus
,
or
a
Patriarch
,
and
neither
himself
nor
any
Patriarck
might
be
called
Universalis
;
then
sure
nothing
was
added
Dr.
Ham.
disp.
disp.
p.
418
,
419.
by
him
,
that
said
in
his
Title
to
the
fourth
Chapter
as
Gratian
did
;
Nec
etiam
Pontifex
,
not
even
the
Bishop
of
Rome
must
be
called
Vniversal
Bishop
.
But
what
shall
be
said
to
Saint
Gregory
:
who
,
Gregory
.
in
his
Epistle
to
Eulogius
,
Bishop
of
Alexandria
,
tells
him
,
that
he
had
prohibited
him
to
call
him
Vniversal
Father
;
that
he
was
not
to
do
it
;
that
,
reason
required
the
contrary
;
that
,
Epis.
ex
Reg.
l.
8.
indic.
1.
c.
30.
&c.
4.
ind.
13.
c.
72
&
76.
it
's
derogatory
to
his
Brethren
;
that
this
honour
had
,
by
a
Council
,
that
of
Calcedon
,
been
offered
to
his
Predecessors
,
but
refused
,
and
never
used
by
any
.
Again
,
higher
,
he
tells
Mauritius
,
sidenter
dico
,
who
ever
calls
himself
Vniversal
Priest
,
or
L.
7.
Ep.
30.
desires
to
be
so
called
;
is
by
his
pride
,
a
Forerunner
of
Antichrist
;
his
pride
is
an
Indication
of
Antichrist
approaching
:
as
he
saith
to
the
Empress
,
l.
4.
Ep.
34.
Yea
,
an
Imitation
of
none
Lib.
4.
Ep.
38.
but
the
Devil
;
endeavouring
to
break
out
to
the
top
of
Singularity
;
as
he
saith
,
to
John
himself
:
yea
,
elsewhere
,
he
calls
this
Title
,
the
name
of
Blasphemy
;
and
saith
,
that
,
those
that
consent
to
it
do
,
fidem
perdere
,
destroy
the
Ibid.
Ep
32
&
40.
Faith
.
A
strong
Title
,
that
neither
Saint
Gregory
,
nor
,
as
he
saith
,
any
one
of
his
Predecessors
;
no
Pope
,
that
went
before
him
,
would
ever
accept
of
:
and
herein
,
saith
he
,
I
plead
not
my
own
cause
,
but
the
cause
of
God
,
of
the
whole
Church
,
Ibid.
Ep.
32.
of
the
Laws
,
the
Venerable
Councils
,
the
Commands
of
Christ
;
which
are
all
disturbed
with
the
invention
of
this
proud
pompatick
stile
of
Vniversal
Bishop
.
Now
,
can
any
one
imagine
,
except
one
prejudiced
,
as
S.
W.
that
the
Power
is
harmless
,
when
the
Title
that
doth
barely
express
it
,
is
so
develish
a
thing
?
Can
any
one
imagine
,
that
Saint
Gregory
knew
himself
to
be
that
indeed
,
which
in
Word
he
so
much
abominates
?
or
that
he
really
exercised
that
Vniversal
Authority
,
and
Universal
Bishoprick
;
though
,
he
so
prodigiously
lets
flie
against
the
Stile
of
Vniversal
Bishop
?
yet
all
this
is
said
,
and
must
be
maintained
,
lest
we
should
exclude
the
Vniversal
Pastorship
out
of
the
Primitive
Church
.
There
is
a
great
deal
of
pitiful
stuff
used
by
the
Romanist
,
upon
this
Argument
;
with
which
I
shall
not
trouble
the
Reader
,
yet
nothing
shall
be
omitted
that
hath
any
shew
of
Argument
on
their
Side
:
among
which
the
words
of
Saint
Gregory
following
in
his
Argument
,
are
most
material
.
Object
.
Saint
Gregory
saith
,
the
care
of
the
whole
Church
was
by
Christ
committed
to
the
chief
of
the
Apostles
,
Saint
Peter
;
and
yet
he
is
not
called
the
Vniversal
Bishop
.
Sol.
'T
is
confessed
that
Saint
Gregory
doth
say
that
the
care
of
the
whole
is
committed
to
Saint
Peter
:
again
,
that
he
was
the
Prince
of
the
Apostles
;
and
yet
he
was
not
called
Vniversal
Apostle
:
't
is
hence
plain
,
that
his
being
Prince
of
the
Apostles
,
did
not
carry
in
it
so
much
as
Vniversal
Bishop
▪
otherwise
,
Saint
Gregory
would
not
have
given
the
one
,
and
denied
him
the
other
;
and
't
is
as
plain
,
that
he
had
the
care
of
all
Churches
,
and
so
had
Saint
Paul
;
but
't
is
not
plain
,
that
he
had
Power
over
all
Churches
.
Doctor
Hammond
proceeds
irrisistibly
to
prove
the
contrary
from
Saint
Gregory
himself
in
the
Novels
:
if
any
Complaint
be
made
,
saith
he
,
against
a
Bishop
,
the
Cause
shall
be
judged
before
the
Metropolitane
,
Secundum
Regulas
Ex
Reg.
lib.
11.
Ep.
54.
Sanctas
&
Nostras
Leges
;
if
the
Party
stand
not
to
his
Judgment
,
the
Cause
is
to
be
brought
to
the
Arch-Bishop
or
Patriarch
of
that
Diocess
;
and
he
shall
give
it
a
Conclusion
,
according
to
the
Canons
and
Laws
aforesaid
;
no
place
left
for
Appeal
to
Rome
.
Object
.
Yet
it
must
be
acknowledged
,
Saint
Gregory
adds
,
si
dictum
fuerit
&c.
where
there
is
no
Metropolitane
nor
Patriarch
,
the
Cause
may
be
heard
by
the
ApostolickSee
,
which
Gregory
calls
the
Head
of
all
Churches
.
Sol.
Now
,
if
this
be
allowed
what
hath
the
Pope
gained
,
if
perhaps
such
a
Church
should
be
found
,
as
hath
neither
Primate
nor
Patriarch
?
how
is
he
the
nearer
to
the
Vniversal
Authority
over
those
Churches
that
have
Primates
of
their
own
;
or
which
way
will
he
by
this
means
extend
his
Jurisdiction
to
us
in
England
,
who
have
ever
had
more
than
one
Metropolitane
?
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
was
once
acknowledged
by
a
Pope
to
be
Alterius
Orbis
Apostolicus
&
Patriarch
.
But
admitting
this
extraordinary
Case
;
that
where
there
is
neither
Metropolitan
nor
Patriarch
there
,
they
are
to
have
recourse
to
the
See
Apostolick
:
't
is
a
greater
wonder
that
the
Romanist
should
insist
upon
it
,
then
that
his
late
(
Grace
)
should
mention
it
;
at
which
A.
C.
so
much
admires
:
for
this
one
observation
with
the
assistance
of
that
known
Rule
in
Law
(
exceptio
confirmat
Regulam
in
non
exceptis
)
puts
a
plain
and
speedy
end
to
the
whole
Controversie
:
for
if
recourse
may
be
had
to
Rome
,
from
no
other
place
,
but
where
there
is
neither
Primate
nor
Patriarcb
;
then
not
from
England
,
either
when
Saint
Gregory
laid
down
the
Rule
,
or
ever
since
,
and
perhaps
then
from
no
other
place
in
the
World
;
and
indeed
provision
was
thus
made
against
any
such
extraordinary
Case
that
might
possibly
happen
;
for
it
is
but
reason
,
that
,
where
there
is
no
Primate
to
appeal
to
,
appeal
should
be
received
somewhere
else
;
and
where
better
,
than
at
Rome
,
which
Saint
Gregory
calls
Caput
omnium
Ecclesiarum
?
and
this
is
the
utmost
advantage
,
the
Romanist
can
hope
to
receive
from
the
Words
.
Object
.
But
we
see
Saint
Gregory
calls
Rome
the
Head
of
all
Churches
.
Sol.
'T
is
true
,
whether
he
intends
a
Primacy
,
of
Fame
or
visible
Splendor
and
Dignity
,
being
the
Seat
of
the
Emperor
,
or
Order
and
Vnity
,
is
not
certain
?
but
't
is
certain
,
he
intends
nothing
less
by
it
,
than
,
that
which
just
now
he
denied
;
a
Supremacy
of
Power
and
Vniversal
ordinary
Jurisdiction
;
he
having
,
in
the
words
immediately
sore-going
,
concluded
all
ordinary
Jurisdiction
within
every
proper
Primacy
or
Patriarchate
.
Object
.
But
saith
S.
W.
Saint
Gregory
practised
the
thing
,
though
he
denied
the
Word
of
Vniversal
.
Sol.
What
Hypocrisie
!
damn
the
Title
as
he
doth
,
and
yet
practise
the
thing
!
you
must
have
good
proof
.
His
first
Instance
,
is
of
the
Primate
of
Byzacene
;
wherein
the
Emperor
first
put
forth
his
Authority
,
and
would
have
him
judged
by
Gregory
:
Piissimus
Imperator
eum
per
nos
voluit
Vid.
Ep.
65.
l.
7.
judicari
,
saith
Gregory
:
Hence
,
as
Doctor
Hammond
smartly
and
soundly
observes
,
that
Appeals
from
a
Primate
,
lie
to
none
but
the
Supreme
Magistrate
.
To
which
purpose
,
in
the
Cause
of
Maximus
Bishop
of
Solana
,
decreed
excommunicate
,
Ep.
l.
3.
Ep.
20.
by
Gregory
;
his
Sentence
was
still
with
this
reserve
and
submission
,
nisi
prius
:
unless
I
should
first
understand
by
my
most
Serene
Lords
(
the
Emperors
)
that
they
commanded
it
to
be
done
.
Thus
,
if
this
perfect
instance
(
as
S.
W.
calls
it
)
have
any
force
in
it
;
his
Cause
is
gone
,
what
ever
advantage
he
pretends
to
gain
by
it
.
Besides
,
the
Emperors
Command
was
,
that
Gregory
should
judge
him
,
juxta
Statuta
Canonica
;
and
Gregory
himself
pleads
,
quicquid
esset
Canonicum
Judicaremus
.
Thus
S.
W's
.
Cause
is
killed
twice
by
his
own
perfect
instance
:
for
if
Saint
Gregory
took
the
Judgment
upon
him
in
obedience
to
the
Emperor
;
and
did
proceed
,
and
was
to
proceed
in
judging
,
according
to
the
Canons
;
where
was
then
the
Vniversal
Monarchy
?
Yet
,
it
is
confessed
by
Dr.
Hammond
,
which
is
a
full
answer
to
all
the
other
,
(
not
so
perfect
instances
)
that
in
case
of
injury
done
to
any
by
a
Primate
or
Patriarch
,
(
there
being
no
lawful
Superior
,
who
had
power
over
him
)
the
injured
person
sometimes
,
made
his
complaint
to
the
Pope
,
as
being
the
most
Eminent
Person
in
the
Church
;
and
in
such
case
,
he
questionless
might
and
ought
,
in
all
fraternal
Charity
,
admo
nish
the
Primate
or
Patriarch
,
or
disclaim
Communion
with
him
,
unless
he
reform
.
But
it
ought
to
be
shewn
that
Gregory
did
formally
excommunicate
any
such
Primate
or
Patriarch
;
or
juridically
and
authoritively
act
,
in
any
such
Cause
,
without
the
express
license
of
the
Emperor
,
which
not
being
done
,
his
instances
are
answered
:
besides
,
Saint
Gregory
always
pleads
the
Ancient
Canons
;
which
is
far
from
any
claim
of
Vniversal
Pastorship
by
Divine
Right
,
or
Donation
of
Christ
to
Saint
Peter
.
I
appeal
(
saith
Doctor
Hammond
)
to
S.
W.
whether
that
were
the
Interpretation
of
secundum
Canones
;
and
yet
,
he
knows
,
that
no
other
Tenure
but
that
,
will
stand
him
in
stead
.
Indeed
,
the
unhappiness
is
,
as
the
Doctor
observes
,
that
such
Acts
at
first
,
but
necessary
Vid.
dispat
.
disp.
p.
408.
to
p
423.
fraternal
charity
were
by
ambitious
men
drawn
into
example
,
and
means
of
assuming
power
of
Vniversal
Pastorship
;
which
yet
cannot
be
more
vehemently
prejudiced
by
any
thing
,
than
by
those
Ancient
examples
,
which
being
rightly
considered
,
pretend
no
higer
than
Ecclesiastical
Canons
,
and
the
Universal
Laws
of
Charity
;
but
never
made
claim
to
any
Supremacy
of
power
over
all
Bishops
,
by
Divine
Institution
.
It
yet
appears
not
that
Saint
Gregory
practised
the
thing
,
but
to
avoid
Arrogance
disclaims
the
name
of
Vniversal
Bishop
.
A.
C.
against
my
Lord
of
Canterbury
,
goes
another
way
to
work
:
he
grants
the
Title
,
and
also
the
thing
signified
by
it
,
to
be
both
renounced
by
Saint
Gregory
;
but
distinguishes
of
the
Term
Vniversal
Bishop
,
into
Grammatical
,
to
the
exclusion
of
all
other
Bishops
,
from
being
properly
Bishops
;
and
Metaphorical
,
whereby
the
Bishops
are
secured
,
as
such
,
in
their
respective
Diocesses
;
yet
all
of
them
under
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
Vniversal
Bishop
,
viz.
of
Rome
.
Sol.
This
distinction
,
Doctor
Stillingfleet
destroys
,
not
more
elaborately
than
fully
and
perfectly
:
shewing
,
that
,
1.
't
is
impossible
Saint
Gregory
should
understand
the
Term
of
Vniversal
Bishop
Lib.
4.
Ep.
32.
in
that
strict
Grammatical
Sense
:
for
the
reason
,
why
this
Title
was
refused
,
was
because
it
seemed
to
diminish
the
honour
of
other
Bishops
,
when
it
was
offered
the
Bishops
of
Rome
in
a
Council
of
six
hundred
and
thirty
Bishops
;
who
cannot
be
imagined
to
divest
themselves
,
by
their
kindness
,
of
their
very
Office
;
though
they
hazarded
somewhat
of
their
honour
.
Can
we
think
the
Council
,
that
gave
the
same
Title
to
John
,
intended
thus
to
depose
themselves
?
how
comes
it
to
pass
that
none
of
John's
or
Ciriacus's
Successors
,
did
ever
challenge
this
Title
,
in
that
literal
sence
,
if
so
it
was
understood
.
But
to
wave
many
things
impertinent
;
't
is
evident
,
Saint
Gregory
understood
the
Title
Metaphorically
,
from
the
reasons
he
gives
against
it
;
which
also
equally
serve
to
prove
against
S.
W.
that
it
was
not
so
much
the
Title
as
the
Authority
of
an
Vniversal
Bishop
,
which
he
so
much
opposed
.
He
argueth
thus
to
John
the
Patriarch
:
What
wilt
thou
answer
to
Christ
the
Head
of
the
Vniversal
Lib.
4.
Ep.
38.
Church
in
the
day
of
Judgment
,
who
doest
endeavour
to
subject
all
his
Members
to
thee
,
under
the
name
of
Vniversal
Bishop
?
Again
,
doth
he
not
arise
to
the
height
of
Singularity
,
Ibid.
that
he
is
Subject
to
none
,
but
Rules
over
all
?
and
can
you
have
a
more
perfect
description
of
the
present
Pope
,
than
is
here
given
?
or
is
it
the
Title
or
the
Power
,
that
makes
him
Subject
to
none
,
that
Rules
over
all
?
Again
,
he
imitates
the
pride
of
Lucifer
,
endeavouring
Ibid.
to
be
Head
(
not
sure
,
in
Title
,
but
Power
)
of
the
Church
Triumphant
;
as
the
Pope
of
the
Church
Militant
:
Exalting
his
Throne
,
Ibid.
(
not
his
Name
)
as
Gregory
adds
,
above
the
Stars
of
God
,
viz.
the
Bishops
,
and
the
height
of
the
Clouds
.
Again
,
Saint
Peter
was
the
first
Member
of
the
Church
:
Paul
,
Andrew
,
and
John
,
what
are
they
else
but
Heads
of
particular
Churches
;
and
yet
they
are
all
Members
of
the
Church
under
one
Head
,
i.
e.
Christ
;
as
before
he
had
said
:
we
see
he
allows
not
Peter
himself
to
be
Head
of
the
Church
.
None
that
was
truly
Holy
,
was
ever
called
by
that
name
of
Vniversal
Bishop
:
which
he
makes
to
be
the
same
with
the
head
of
the
Church
.
But
Lastly
,
suppose
St.
Gregory
did
mean
,
that
this
Title
in
its
strict
grammatical
sence
,
was
to
be
abhorred
,
and
not
as
Metaphorically
taken
.
What
hath
the
Pope
gained
?
who
at
this
day
bears
that
Title
in
the
highest
and
strictest
sence
imaginable
?
as
the
Dr.
proves
;
and
indeed
needs
no
proof
,
being
evident
of
it self
,
and
to
the
observation
of
the
whole
world
.
Thus
all
the
hard
words
of
St.
Gregory
uttered
so
long
agon
,
against
such
as
admitted
or
desired
that
Title
,
unavoidably
fall
upon
the
Modern
Roman
Bishops
,
that
take
upon
them
to
be
the
sole
Pastors
of
the
Church
;
and
say
that
they
are
Oecumenical
Bishops
,
and
that
all
Jurisdiction
is
derived
from
them
:
They
are
Lucifers
and
Princes
of
Pride
;
using
a
vain
,
new
,
rash
,
foolish
,
proud
,
profane
,
erroneous
,
wicked
,
hypocritical
,
singular
,
presumptuous
,
blasphemous
Name
;
as
that
holy
Pope
inveighed
against
it
.
Moreover
,
as
he
also
adds
,
they
transgress
Gods
Laws
,
violate
the
Canons
,
dishonour
the
Church
,
despise
their
Brethren
,
and
cause
Schism
.
Istud
nomen
facere
L.
6.
ep.
30
,
31.
in
dissessionem
Ecclesiae
.
Obj.
But
it
is
said
,
that
Pope
Victor
excommunicated
the
Asian
Churches
all
at
once
:
Therefore
,
saith
A.
C.
the
Pope
had
of
right
some
Authority
over
the
Asian
Bishops
;
and
by
consequence
over
the
whole
Church
:
And
this
appears
in
that
,
Irenaus
in
the
name
of
the
Gallican
Bishops
,
writes
to
Victor
not
to
proceed
so
rashly
in
this
Action
:
as
appears
in
Eusebius
.
Sol.
1.
We
answer
,
that
those
Bishops
,
among
whom
Irenoeus
was
one
,
did
severely
rebuke
that
Pope
for
offering
to
excommunicate
those
Asian
Vid.
Eus.
l
5.
c.
24.
Churches
:
Therefore
they
did
not
believe
him
to
be
the
Supreme
,
Infallible
Pastor
of
the
whole
Church
.
2.
His
Letters
declaring
that
Excommunication
,
Ibid.
not
pleasing
all
his
own
Bishops
,
they
countermanded
him
:
Surely
not
thinking
him
to
be
what
Popes
would
now
be
esteemed
.
3.
Hence
Card.
Perron
is
angry
with
Eusebius
,
and
calls
him
an
Arrian
;
and
an
enemy
to
the
Church
of
Rome
;
for
hinting
,
that
though
the
Pope
did
declare
them
excommunicate
,
yet
it
took
no
effect
,
because
other
Bishops
continued
still
in
Communion
with
them
.
4.
But
the
force
of
the
whole
Argument
leans
upon
a
plain
mistake
,
of
the
Ancient
Discipline
,
both
in
the
Nature
and
the
Root
or
Ground
of
it
.
For
the
nature
of
Ancient
Excommunication
,
Mistake
of
the
nature
.
Root
of
Discipline
.
especially
when
practised
by
one
Church
against
another
,
did
not
imply
a
Positive
Act
of
Authority
,
but
a
Negative
Act
of
Charity
;
or
a
declaring
against
the
Communion
of
such
with
themselves
:
And
therefore
was
done
by
Equals
to
Equals
;
and
sometimes
by
Inferiors
to
Superiors
.
In
Equals
;
thus
Johannes
Antiochenus
in
the
Ephesine
Council
,
excommunicated
Cyril
,
Patriarch
Vict.
Tu.
nu.
cro
.
p.
10.
of
Alexandria
;
and
in
Inferiors
(
in
the
sence
of
our
Roman
Adversaries
)
for
the
African
Bishops
excommunicated
Pope
Vigilius
:
Hence
,
also
,
Acacius
the
Patriarch
of
Const.
expunged
the
Name
of
Foelix
Bishop
of
Rome
;
out
of
the
Dipticks
of
the
Church
:
And
Hilary
anethamatized
Pope
Liberius
,
therefore
Victors
declaring
the
Asian
Churches
to
be
excommunicate
,
is
no
argument
of
his
power
over
them
.
2.
The
Root
or
Ground
of
the
ancient
Discipline
,
is
also
as
plainly
mistaken
,
which
was
not
Authority
always
,
but
Care
and
Charity
.
Care
,
I
say
,
not
only
of
themselves
who
used
it
,
but
also
of
the
Church
that
was
censured
,
and
indeed
of
the
whole
Church
.
'T
is
here
proper
to
consider
,
that
though
Bishops
had
their
peculiar
Seats
,
and
Limits
for
their
Jurisdictions
;
yet
they
had
all
a
charitive
inspection
and
care
of
that
universal
Church
,
and
sometimes
denominations
accordingly
.
Hence
we
deny
not
that
the
ancient
Bishops
of
Rome
deservedly
gained
the
Title
of
Oecumenical
Bishops
,
a
thing
of
so
great
moment
in
the
Controversie
,
that
if
well
considered
,
might
advance
very
far
towards
the
ending
of
it
:
For
so
the
Title
hath
been
given
to
others
,
as
well
as
the
Bishop
of
Rome
;
and
therefore
,
it
could
not
argue
any
Authority
peculiar
to
him
.
Also
the
same
universalcare
of
the
Church
(
the
occasion
of
the
Title
)
hath
been
acknowledged
in
others
as
well
as
in
him
;
and
indeed
the
power
,
which
is
the
Root
of
that
Care
,
as
the
occasion
of
that
Title
,
is
founded
in
all
Bishops
.
Here
are
three
things
noted
,
which
may
be
3
Notes
.
distinctly
considered
.
1.
Power
is
given
to
all
Bishops
with
an
immediate
respect
to
the
good
of
the
whole
Church
:
So
that
if
it
were
possible
,
that
every
particular
Bishop
could
take
care
of
the
whole
Church
,
they
have
Authority
enough
in
their
Function
to
do
it
;
though
it
be
impossible
,
and
indeed
inconsistent
with
peace
and
order
,
that
all
should
undertake
it
:
And
therefore
they
have
their
bounds
and
limits
set
them
;
hence
their
particular
Diocesses
:
therefore
,
as
St.
Cyprian
,
there
is
but
one
Bishoprick
in
the
whole
World
;
a
part
of
which
is
held
by
every
Bishop
.
2.
Thus
we
find
in
the
primitive
Church
,
that
every
Bishop
had
his
particular
Charge
,
yet
they
still
regarded
the
common
good
;
extending
their
care
(
the
second
thing
observed
)
sometimes
beyond
their
own
division
,
by
their
council
and
direction
;
yea
and
exercised
their
functions
sometimes
in
other
places
:
Of
which
Dr.
Stillingsleet
Rat.
a●
.
p.
424
,
425.
gives
many
instances
in
Polycarp
.
Ignatius
,
Irenaeus
,
St.
Cyprian
,
Faustus
.
Yea
upon
this
very
ground
,
Nazianzen
saith
Or.
18.
p.
281.
of
St.
Cyprian
,
that
he
not
only
governed
the
Churches
of
Carthage
,
but
all
the
Western
parts
;
and
even
almost
all
the
Eastern
,
Southern
,
and
Northern
too
,
as
far
as
he
went
.
Arsenius
speaks
more
home
to
Athanasius
;
Atha
.
ap.
ad
I●p
.
Const.
p.
786
,
&c.
We
embrace
(
saith
he
)
Peace
and
Vnity
with
the
Catholick
Church
,
over
which
,
Thou
,
through
the
Grace
of
God
,
dost
preside
.
Whence
Gregory
Or.
21.
p.
392.
Ep.
52.
Naz.
saith
of
Athanasius
,
that
he
made
Laws
for
the
whole
Earth
:
And
St.
Basil
writes
to
him
,
that
he
had
care
of
all
the
Churches
as
of
his
own
;
and
calls
him
the
Head
and
Chief
of
all
.
And
St.
Chrisostom
in
the
praise
of
Eustathius
,
the
Patriarch
of
Antioch
,
saith
,
that
he
was
instructed
Tom.
5.
p.
631.
Savil.
by
the
divine
Spirit
;
that
he
was
not
only
to
have
care
of
that
Church
over
which
he
was
set
,
but
of
the
whole
Church
throughont
the
world
.
Now
what
is
this
but
to
say
in
effect
,
these
great
men
were
universal
Bishops
;
though
indeed
,
they
,
none
of
them
,
had
power
of
Jurisdiction
over
any
Church
but
their
own
;
as
,
notwithstanding
the
general
care
of
the
ancient
good
Bishops
of
Rome
,
had
of
the
good
of
the
whole
,
(
and
their
Influence
and
Reverence
in
order
thereunto
)
the
Bishops
of
Rome
had
not
.
3.
Upon
the
former
ground
and
occasion
,
some
Bishops
in
the
most
famous
Churches
,
had
the
honour
of
the
Title
of
Oecumenical
or
Universal
Bishops
.
But
here
we
must
confess
,
the
Bishops
of
Rome
had
the
advantage
,
being
the
most
famous
of
all
;
both
by
reason
of
their
own
primitive
merit
,
and
the
glory
of
the
Empire
,
especially
the
latter
.
The
Roman
Empire
was
it self
accounted
universal
;
and
the
greatness
of
the
Empire
advanced
the
Church
to
the
same
Title
;
and
consequently
the
Bishops
of
that
Church
,
above
others
.
1.
That
the
Roman
Empire
was
so
,
appears
by
a
multitude
of
Testimonies
making
orbis
Romanus
R.
ac
.
p.
425
,
426.
&
orbis
humanus
,
Synonimous
;
collected
by
Dr.
Still
.
Hence
Am.
Marcellinus
calls
L
14.
c.
16.
Rome
,
Caput
Mundi
,
the
head
of
the
World
:
And
the
Roman
Senate
,
Asylum
Mundi
totius
:
And
it
was
usual
then
to
call
,
whatever
was
out
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
Barbaria
;
as
the
same
Dr.
proves
at
large
:
Therefore
that
Empire
was
Ibid.
called
in
Greek
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Act.
11.
28.
2.
Some
Bishops
in
the
great
Churches
in
the
Roman
Empire
,
were
called
Oecumenical
,
as
that
relates
to
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
viz.
the
Roman
Empire
.
This
appears
because
the
very
ground
of
the
advancement
of
the
Patriarch
of
Constantinople
,
was
the
greatness
of
the
City
;
as
appears
in
the
Councils
of
Constantinople
and
Calcedon
about
it
;
and
the
priviledges
of
old
Rome
gave
the
measure
of
the
priviledges
of
new
Rome
.
And
in
probability
,
the
ground
of
that
Patriarch's
usurping
the
Title
of
Oecumenical
Patriarch
,
was
but
to
correspond
with
the
greatness
of
his
City
;
which
was
then
the
Seat
of
the
P.
426.
Empire
,
as
Dr.
Still
.
very
reasonably
Conjectures
.
Moreover
,
all
the
three
Patriarchs
of
Alexandria
,
Antioch
,
and
Constantinople
,
had
expressions
given
them
tantamount
to
that
Title
:
The
government
of
the
whole
World
,
the
care
of
all
the
Churches
,
the
government
as
it
were
of
the
whole
R.
ac
.
p.
426.
body
of
the
Church
:
as
Dr.
Stillingfleet
particularly
shews
.
But
most
clear
and
full
to
that
purpose
,
as
he
observes
,
is
the
Testimony
of
Theodoret
T●●od
.
Haer.
fab.
l.
4.
●
.
14.
p.
2.
5.
To.
4.
oper.
concerning
Nestorius
,
being
made
Patriarch
of
Constantinople
:
He
was
intrusted
with
the
Government
of
the
Catholick
Church
of
the
Orthodox
at
Constantinople
;
and
thereby
,
of
the
whole
World
.
Where
shall
we
find
so
illustrious
a
Testimony
for
the
Bishop
of
Rome
?
or
if
we
could
,
we
see
it
would
prove
nothing
peculiar
to
him
.
Therefore
,
if
the
Council
of
Calcedon
did
offer
the
Title
of
universal
Patriarch
;
or
if
they
did
not
,
but
as
the
truth
rather
is
,
some
Papers
received
in
that
Council
,
did
give
him
that
Title
,
it
signifieth
nothing
to
prove
the
Popes
universal
Authority
.
Therefore
,
Sim.
Vigorius
ingeniously
confesseth
,
Com●●●o
.
ad
Res
.
Syn.
Co●●
.
Bas
.
p.
36.
that
when
the
Western
Fathers
call
the
Roman
Bishops
,
Bishops
of
the
universal
Church
,
they
do
it
from
the
custom
of
their
Churches
;
not
that
they
look
on
them
as
universal
Bishops
of
the
whole
Church
;
but
in
the
same
sence
,
that
the
Patriarchs
of
Constantinople
,
Antioch
,
Alexandria
,
Jerusalem
,
are
called
so
;
or
as
they
are
universal
over
the
Churches
,
under
their
own
Patriarchate
;
or
that
in
Occumenical
Councils
,
they
preside
over
the
whole
Church
:
and
after
acknowledgeth
,
that
the
Title
of
universal
or
oecumenical
Bishop
,
makes
nothing
for
the
Popes
Monarchy
.
It
is
too
evident
,
that
that
humble
Pope
Gregory
seems
to
glorifie
himself
,
while
he
so
often
mentions
that
offer
of
the
Title
of
Vniversal
;
and
his
refusing
of
it
,
and
inveighing
against
it
;
and
that
these
were
Engines
used
by
him
to
deprive
others
of
the
same
Title
,
if
not
to
advance
his
own
See
to
the
power
signified
by
it
;
though
if
he
did
indeed
design
any
such
thing
,
it
is
an
argument
that
he
was
ashamed
openly
to
claim
or
own
it
,
while
he
rails
against
the
Title
,
in
the
effects
of
it
,
which
depended
upon
the
power
it self
,
as
such
an
abominable
thing
.
However
,
if
the
Council
of
Calcedon
did
indeed
offer
,
(
or
only
record
)
that
Title
to
Gregory
,
it
is
more
than
manifest
,
it
could
not
possibly
be
intended
to
carry
in
it
the
Authority
of
the
whole
Church
;
or
any
more
than
that
qualified
sence
of
Vigorius
before
mentioned
;
because
other
Patriarchs
had
the
same
Title
;
and
we
see
no
reason
to
believe
,
that
that
Council
intended
to
subject
themselves
,
and
all
Patriarchs
to
the
Authority
of
the
Western
Pope
;
contrary
to
their
great
design
of
advancing
the
See
of
Constantinople
to
equal
priviledges
with
that
of
Rome
,
as
appears
by
their
16
Sess.
Can.
28.
and
their
Synodical
Epistle
to
Pope
Leo.
Thus
the
bare
Title
is
no
Argument
;
and
by
what
hath
been
said
touching
the
grandure
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
and
the
answerable
greatness
and
renown
of
the
Roman
Church
,
frequent
recourse
had
unto
it
from
other
Churches
,
for
counsel
and
assistance
;
is
of
no
more
force
to
conclude
her
Supremacy
,
nor
any
matter
of
wonder
at
all
.
Experience
teacheth
us
that
it
is
and
will
be
so
in
all
cases
:
not
only
a
renowned
Lawyer
,
Physician
,
but
Divine
,
shall
have
great
resort
,
and
almost
universal
addresses
.
An
honest
and
prudent
Countryman
shall
be
upon
all
Commissions
:
the
Church
of
Rome
was
then
famous
both
for
Learning
,
Wisdom
,
Truth
,
Piety
,
and
I
may
add
Tradition
it self
as
well
as
greatness
both
,
in
the
eye
of
the
world
and
all
other
Churches
;
and
her
Zeal
and
care
for
general
good
,
keeping
peace
and
spreading
the
grace
of
the
Gospel
,
was
sometimes
admirable
.
And
now
no
wonder
that
Applications
in
difficult
cases
were
frequently
and
generally
made
hither
,
which
at
first
were
received
and
answered
with
Love
and
Charity
,
though
soon
after
,
the
Ambition
of
Popes
knew
how
to
advance
,
and
hence
to
assume
Authority
.
From
this
,
we
see
,
it
was
no
great
venture
,
how
ever
A.
C.
Term
it
,
for
Arch-Bishop
Iren.
l.
3.
●
3.
Laud
to
grapple
with
the
Authority
of
Irenaeus
:
who
saith
,
to
this
Church
,
meaning
Rome
,
propter
potentiorem
Principalitatem
,
for
the
more
powerful
Principality
of
it
,
't
is
necessary
that
every
Church
,
that
is
the
faithful
,
undique
,
should
have
recourse
,
in
qua
semper
ab
his
qui
sunt
undique
,
conservata
est
ea
quae
est
ab
Apostolis
traditio
.
His
Lordship
seems
to
grant
the
whole
:
Rome
being
then
the
Imperial
City
;
and
so
a
Church
of
more
powerful
Authority
than
any
other
:
yet
not
the
Head
of
the
Church
Vniversal
;
this
may
suffice
without
the
pleasant
criticizing
about
undique
,
with
which
,
if
you
have
a
mind
to
be
merry
,
you
may
entertain
your self
in
Dr.
Still
.
p.
441.
&c.
But
,
indeed
A.
C.
is
guilty
of
many
Mistakes
in
reasoning
,
as
well
as
criticizing
:
he
takes
it
for
granted
,
that
this
Principality
is
attributed
by
Irenaeus
here
to
Rome
,
as
the
Church
,
not
as
the
City
.
2.
That
the
necessity
,
arising
hence
,
was
concerning
the
Faith
,
and
not
secular
Affairs
;
neither
of
which
,
is
certain
,
or
in
likelihood
true
,
vid.
Dr.
Still
.
p.
444.
Besides
,
if
both
were
granted
,
the
necessity
is
not
such
as
supposeth
Duty
or
Authority
in
the
faithful
,
or
in
Rome
;
but
as
the
sense
makes
evident
,
a
necessity
of
expedience
,
Rome
being
most
likely
to
give
satisfaction
touching
that
Tradition
about
which
that
dispute
was
.
Lastly
,
the
Principality
here
implies
not
proper
Authority
,
or
Power
to
decide
the
Controversie
;
one
kind
of
Authority
it
doth
imply
,
but
not
such
as
A.
C.
enquired
for
:
not
the
Authority
of
a
Governor
,
but
of
a
Conservator
;
of
a
Conservator
of
that
Truth
,
that
being
made
known
by
her
,
might
reasonably
end
the
quarrel
;
not
of
an
absolute
Governour
,
that
might
command
the
Faith
,
or
the
Agreement
of
the
Dissenters
.
This
is
evident
:
1.
Because
the
Dispute
was
about
a
matter
of
Fact
,
whether
there
was
any
such
Tradition
or
not
,
as
the
Valentinians
pretended
.
2.
Because
Irenaeus
refers
them
to
Rome
under
this
reason
,
conservata
est
,
the
Apostolical
Traditions
are
kept
there
;
being
brought
by
the
faithful
undique
thither
:
and
therefore
,
brought
thither
,
because
of
the
more
Principality
of
the
City
,
all
persons
resorted
thither
.
Obj.
Lastly
,
It
is
acknowledged
that
Pope
Gregory
doth
say
;
that
,
if
there
be
any
fault
in
Bishops
,
Eph.
65.
ind.
2.
it
is
subject
to
the
Apostolical
See
;
but
when
their
fault
doth
not
exact
it
,
that
then
,
upon
the
account
of
Humility
,
all
were
his
Equals
.
Sol.
Indeed
,
this
smells
of
his
ambition
and
design
before
spoken
of
;
but
if
there
be
any
truth
in
it
,
it
must
agree
with
the
Canon
Saint
Gregory
himself
records
;
and
suppose
the
faulty
Bishop
hath
no
proper
Primate
or
Patriarch
to
judge
him
:
also
,
with
the
proceeding
then
before
him
;
and
suppose
Complaint
to
the
Emperor
;
and
the
Emperor's
subjecting
the
Cause
to
the
Apostolical
See
;
as
that
Cause
was
by
Saint
Gregory's
own
Confession
.
However
,
what
he
seems
here
to
assume
to
his
own
See
,
he
blows
away
with
the
same
breath
;
denying
any
ordinary
Jurisdiction
and
Authority
to
be
in
that
See
,
over
all
Bishops
,
while
he
supposes
a
fault
necessary
to
their
subjection
;
and
that
,
while
there
is
no
fault
,
all
are
equall
:
which
is
not
true
,
where
,
by
a
lawful
standing
ordinary
Government
there
is
an
eternal
necessity
of
Superiority
and
Inferiority
.
But
of
this
,
I
had
spoken
before
,
had
I
thought
(
as
I
yet
do
not
)
that
there
is
any
weight
or
consequence
in
the
words
.
Further
Evidence
,
that
the
Ancient
Popes
themselves
,
though
they
might
thirst
after
it
;
did
not
believe
,
that
they
were
Vniversal
Bishops
and
Monarks
over
the
whole
Church
;
and
that
they
did
not
pretend
to
it
in
any
such
manner
,
as
to
make
the
World
believe
it
;
I
say
,
further
evidence
of
this
,
ariseth
from
their
acknowledged
subjection
to
the
Civil
Magistrate
in
Ecclesiastical
Affairs
.
Pope
Leo
begged
the
Emperor
Theodosius
with
tears
;
that
he
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
he
would
Command
(
not
permit
)
a
Council
to
be
held
in
Italy
:
that
sure
was
not
to
signifie
his
Authoritative
desires
.
That
Instance
of
Pope
Agatho
,
in
his
Epistle
to
the
Emperor
,
is
as
pertinent
as
the
former
;
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
with
praise
we
admire
your
Com.
Tom.
5.
p.
60.
E.
●
.
purpose
well
pleasing
to
God
(
not
to
the
Pope
)
and
for
these
Commands
of
yours
we
are
rejoyced
,
and
with
groans
,
give
thanks
to
God
;
and
many
such
,
Doctor
Hammond
saith
,
might
be
afforded
.
Pope
Gregory
received
the
power
of
hearing
and
determining
Causes
several
times
,
as
he
himself
confesseth
,
from
the
Emperor
;
as
we
shewed
before
.
Hence
Pope
Eleutherius
,
to
King
Lucius
:
you
are
the
Vicar
of
Christ
:
the
same
in
effect
which
is
contained
in
the
Laws
of
Edward
the
Conf●ssor
.
And
Pope
Vrban
the
Second
,
entertained
our
Arch
bishop
Anselm
in
the
Council
of
Bar
,
with
the
Title
of
the
Pope
of
another
World
,
or
(
as
some
relate
it
)
the
Apostle
of
another
World
,
and
a
Patriarch
worthy
to
be
reverenced
.
Malm.
pro.
ad
lib.
de
gest
.
pont.
Angl.
Now
,
when
the
Bishops
of
Rome
did
acknowledge
that
the
Civil
Magistrate
had
power
to
command
the
assembling
of
general
Councils
,
and
to
command
Popes
themselves
to
hear
and
determine
Ecclesiastical
Causes
:
when
they
acknowledged
the
King
of
England
to
be
the
Vicar
of
Christ
;
and
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
,
Pope
of
another
World
:
we
may
,
I
think
,
safely
conclude
,
that
whatever
they
thought
of
the
Primacy
of
dignity
,
they
did
not
believe
themselves
;
or
,
give
occasion
to
others
,
to
believe
;
that
they
had
then
,
the
Jurisdiction
of
England
;
much
less
of
the
whole
World
.
Indeed
,
the
Powers
of
Emperors
over
Popes
,
Vid.
King
James's
defence
,
p.
50.
was
exercised
severely
;
and
continued
long
in
practice
,
an.
654.
Constantius
bound
and
banished
Pope
Martin
.
an.
963.
Otho
rejected
Pope
John
13.
and
made
Leo
8.
Pope
.
and
John
14.
Gregory
5.
and
Sylvester
2.
were
made
Popes
by
the
Otho's
.
an.
1007.
Hen.
2.
deposed
three
Popes
:
this
practice
is
confessed
till
Gregory
7.
and
before
An.
679.
Popes
submitted
to
Emperors
by
purchasing
their
Investitures
of
them
;
by
submissive
terms
,
and
bowing
the
knee
before
them
,
Platin.
Baron
.
Segeb.
SECT.
VIII
.
Nor
the
Words
of
the
Imperial
Law
.
IF
the
Ancient
Councils
,
or
practice
,
or
Popes
themselves
,
offered
nothing
to
perswade
our
Ancestors
to
a
belief
of
the
Pope's
Vniversal
Power
or
Possession
of
England
;
Certainly
,
we
may
despair
of
finding
any
such
thing
in
the
Ancient
Laws
of
the
Church
;
which
are
justly
presumed
to
contain
the
Sense
and
Rule
of
all
:
were
all
other
Records
of
Antiquity
silent
,
saith
our
late
Primate
,
the
Civil
Law
is
proof
enough
:
for
,
that
's
a
Monument
of
the
Primitive
Church
:
and
not
only
so
;
it
being
the
Imperial
,
as
well
as
Canon
Law
,
it
gives
us
the
reason
and
Law
both
of
the
Church
and
the
whole
World
.
Now
,
what
saith
the
Law
?
it
first
forbids
the
Title
,
and
then
the
Practice
.
Primae
sedis
Apostolus
,
the
Patriarch
or
Bishop
Cor.
Jur.
Can.
de
p●
.
1.
dist.
99.
c.
3.
Can.
4.
of
the
first
See
,
is
not
to
be
called
Prince
of
the
Priests
,
or
Supreme
Priest
;
nor
,
as
the
African
Canon
adds
,
aliquid
hujusmodi
,
any
other
thing
of
that
kind
.
The
practice
of
any
such
Power
was
expresly
forbidden
;
and
not
the
proud
Title
only
:
the
very
Text
of
the
Law
saith
,
à
Patriarcha
non
datur
Appellatio
:
from
a
Patriarch
there
lies
no
Appeal
,
Cod.
lib.
1.
Tit.
4.
l.
29.
Auth.
Collat.
9.
Tit.
15.
c.
22.
And
this
we
have
found
agreeable
to
the
M●livetane
Council
,
where
Saint
Augustine
was
Can.
23.
present
,
forbidding
under
pain
of
Excommunication
,
any
Appeal
to
any
Foreign
Councils
or
Judicatures
:
and
this
is
again
Consonant
to
the
fifth
Canon
of
Nice
;
as
that
was
to
the
thirty
fourth
Apostolick
,
where
the
Primate
in
every
Nation
is
to
be
accounted
their
Head
.
Now
what
do
our
Adversaries
say
to
this
?
Indeed
,
they
seem
to
be
put
to
it
;
and
though
their
Wits
are
very
pregnant
to
deliver
many
Answers
,
such
as
they
be
,
in
most
Cases
,
they
all
seem
to
joyn
in
one
poor
slight
Evasion
here
;
namely
,
that
the
Laws
concerning
Appeals
,
did
only
concern
inferiour
Clergy-men
:
but
Bishops
were
allowed
to
appeal
to
Rome
;
even
by
the
African
Canon
,
and
acknowledged
in
that
Councils
Epistle
to
Pope
Boniface
.
Three
bold
Sayings
:
first
,
that
the
Law
concerned
not
the
Appeals
of
Bishops
.
2.
The
Council
of
Africa
decreed
Bishops
Appeals
to
Rome
.
3.
And
acknowledged
it
in
their
Letter
to
Pope
Boniface
:
but
are
these
things
,
as
truly
,
as
boldly
said
?
for
the
first
which
is
their
Comment
,
whereby
they
would
restrain
the
sense
of
the
Laws
,
to
the
exclusion
of
the
Bishops
,
we
shall
consider
their
ground
for
it
;
and
then
propose
our
reason
,
and
the
Law
expresly
against
it
,
and
then
their
Reasons
will
need
little
answer
.
Object
.
They
say
,
the
Law
reacheth
not
the
difference
between
Patriarchs
themselves
.
Sol.
But
if
there
should
happen
a
difference
betwixt
a
Patriarch
and
the
Pope
,
who
shall
decide
that
?
both
these
inconveniences
are
plainly
solved
by
referring
all
such
extraordinary
difficulties
to
a
General
Council
.
But
why
should
the
Law
allow
Forreign
Appeals
to
Bishops
and
not
to
Priests
?
Are
all
Bishops
Patriarchs
?
is
not
a
Patriarch
over
his
Bishops
,
as
well
as
a
Bishop
over
his
Priests
?
may
not
the
Gravamen
of
a
Priest
be
given
by
his
Bishop
?
or
the
difference
among
Priests
,
be
as
Caelestus
necessity
of
Grace
.
Milev
.
Con.
considerable
to
the
Church
,
sometimes
as
among
Bishops
?
or
hath
not
the
universal
Pastor
if
the
Pope
be
so
,
power
over
and
care
of
Priests
,
as
well
as
Bishops
?
or
can
the
Summum
imperium
receive
limits
from
Canon
or
Law
?
to
say
,
that
Priests
are
forbidden
to
appeal
,
but
the
Pope
is
not
forbidden
to
receive
their
Appeals
,
is
plainly
to
cripple
the
Law
,
and
to
make
it
yield
to
all
the
inconveniences
of
foreign
appeals
against
its
true
end
.
But
what
if
this
very
Canon
,
they
pretend
to
allow
Appeals
from
Bishops
to
Rome
,
do
expresly
forbid
that
very
thing
it
is
brought
to
allow
?
and
it
doth
so
undeniably
,
as
appears
in
Can.
28.
the
Authentick
Collection
of
the
African
Canons
,
non
provocent
adtransmarina
Judicia
,
sed
ad
primates
suarum
Provinciarum
,
aut
ad
universale
Concilium
,
sicut
de
Episcopis
saepe
constitutum
est
.
The
same
thing
had
often
been
determined
in
the
case
of
Bishops
.
Obj.
Perron
,
and
others
say
,
this
clause
was
not
in
the
ancient
Milevetan
Canons
.
Sol.
Have
they
nothing
else
but
this
groundless
conceit
to
support
their
universal
Pastorship
against
express
Law
,
for
four
hundred
years
after
Christ
?
Sure
it
behoved
highly
to
produce
a
true
Authentick
Copy
of
those
Canons
,
wherein
that
clause
is
omitted
;
which
because
they
do
not
,
we
conclude
they
cannot
.
However
it
is
manifest
,
that
the
same
thing
against
appeals
of
Bishops
to
Rome
,
had
been
often
determined
,
by
far
greater
Testimony
than
the
bare
assertion
of
Perron
and
his
Partners
,
viz.
that
general
Council
of
Carthage
,
An.
D.
419.
about
three
years
after
that
Milevetan
;
at
the
end
of
the
first
Session
,
they
reviewed
the
Canons
of
the
seventeen
lesser
Councils
,
which
Justellus
mentions
;
and
wherein
,
no
doubt
,
that
point
had
been
often
determined
;
and
out
of
them
all
composed
that
Codex
canonum
Ecclesiae
Africanae
,
with
that
clause
inserted
,
as
appears
both
in
the
Greek
and
many
ancient
latine
Copies
;
and
was
so
received
and
pleaded
by
the
Council
of
Rhemes
,
as
Hincmarmus
proves
as
well
as
others
.
Gratius
confesseth
it
;
but
adds
this
Antidote
,
Nifi
forte
Romanam
Sedem
appellaverit
.
i.
e.
None
shall
appeal
to
Rome
(
the
main
design
of
the
Council
)
except
they
do
appeal
to
Rome
;
not
expounding
the
Canon
,
but
exposing
himself
and
that
excellent
Council
.
Obj.
But
A.
C.
urgeth
the
Epistle
of
that
Council
to
Boniface
,
as
was
before
noted
;
and
thence
proves
that
the
Council
acknowledged
,
that
Bishops
had
power
in
their
own
cause
to
appeal
to
Rome
.
Sol.
'T
is
true
,
they
do
say
,
that
in
a
Letter
written
a
year
before
to
Zosimus
,
they
had
granted
liberty
to
Bishops
to
appeal
to
Rome
.
This
is
true
,
but
scarce
honest
;
the
next
words
in
the
Letter
spoil
the
Argument
and
the
sport
too
:
for
they
further
say
,
that
because
the
Pope
contended
that
the
appeals
of
Bishops
were
contained
in
the
Nicene
Canons
,
they
were
contented
to
yield
that
it
should
be
so
,
till
the
true
Canons
were
produced
.
Now
what
can
the
Reader
desire
,
to
put
an
eternal
end
to
this
Controversie
,
and
consequently
to
the
claim
of
the
universal
Pastor
in
this
Age
;
but
an
account
of
the
Judgment
of
this
Council
,
when
they
had
received
the
Copy
of
the
Nicene
Canons
(
on
which
the
point
depended
)
out
of
the
East
.
This
you
have
in
that
excellent
Epistle
of
theirs
to
Pope
Celestine
,
who
succeeded
Boniface
;
and
the
elaborate
Dr.
Stillingfleet
,
who
searcheth
R.
ac
.
p.
410
,
411.
all
things
to
the
bottom
,
hath
transcribed
it
at
large
,
as
a
worthy
Monument
of
Antiquity
;
and
of
very
great
light
in
the
present
Controversie
:
To
him
I
shall
refer
the
Reader
for
the
whole
;
and
only
note
some
few
expressions
to
the
purpose
.
We
(
say
they
)
humbly
beseech
you
to
admit
no
more
into
your
Communion
those
whom
we
have
cast
out
:
For
your
Reverence
will
easily
perceive
that
this
is
forbid
in
the
Council
of
Nice
.
For
if
this
be
taken
care
for
,
as
to
the
inferior
Clergy
and
Laity
,
how
much
more
would
it
have
it
to
be
observed
in
Bishops
?
The
Decrees
of
Nice
have
subjected
both
the
inferior
Clergy
and
Bishops
to
their
Metropolitans
,
for
they
have
most
wisely
and
justly
provided
,
that
every
business
be
determined
in
the
place
where
it
begun
.
Especially
seeing
that
it
is
lawful
to
every
one
if
he
be
offended
,
to
appeal
to
the
Council
of
the
Province
,
or
even
to
an
universal
Council
.
Or
how
can
a
Judgment
made
beyond
the
Sea
be
valid
,
to
which
the
Persons
of
necessary
Witnesses
cannot
be
brought
by
reason
,
&c.
For
this
sending
of
men
to
us
from
your
Holiness
,
we
do
not
find
it
commanded
by
any
Synod
of
the
Fathers
.
And
as
for
that
Council
of
Nice
,
we
cannot
find
it
in
the
truest
Copies
,
sent
by
holy
Cyril
Bishop
of
Alexandria
,
and
the
venerable
Atticus
Bishop
of
Constantinople
;
which
also
we
sent
to
your
Predecessor
Boniface
.
Take
heed
also
of
sending
any
of
your
Clerks
for
Executors
,
to
those
who
desire
it
;
lest
we
seem
to
bring
the
swelling
pride
of
the
World
into
the
Church
of
Christ
;
and
concerning
our
brother
Faustinus
(
Apiarius
being
cast
out
)
we
are
confident
that
our
brotherly
Love
continuing
,
Africa
shall
no
more
be
troubled
with
him
.
This
is
the
sum
of
that
famous
Epistle
,
the
Pope
and
the
African
Fathers
referred
the
point
in
difference
to
the
true
Canons
of
the
Nicene
Council
:
The
Canons
determine
against
the
Pope
,
and
from
the
whole
story
't
is
inferred
evidently
.
1.
That
Pope
Boniface
himself
implieth
,
his
Jurisdiction
was
limited
by
the
general
Council
of
Nice
,
and
that
all
the
Laity
and
Clergy
too
,
except
Bishops
,
that
lived
beyond
the
Seas
,
and
consequently
in
England
,
were
exempted
from
his
Jurisdiction
by
that
Council
.
2.
Pope
Boniface
even
then
,
when
he
made
his
claim
and
stood
upon
his
terms
with
the
African
Fathers
,
pleads
nothing
for
the
appeals
of
transmarine
Bishops
to
Rome
,
but
the
allowance
of
the
Council
of
Nice
,
no
tu
es
Petrus
then
heard
of
.
3.
Then
it
seems
the
practices
of
Popes
themselves
were
to
be
ruled
and
judged
by
the
ancient
Canons
and
Laws
of
the
Church
.
4.
The
African
Fathers
declared
the
Pope
fallible
and
actually
mistaken
,
both
to
his
own
power
and
sense
of
the
Council
:
Proving
substantially
that
neither
Authority
from
Councils
,
nor
any
foundation
in
Justice
,
Equity
or
order
of
Government
or
publick
Conveniency
,
will
allow
or
suffer
such
Appeals
to
Rome
;
and
that
the
Pope
had
no
authority
to
send
Legates
to
hear
causes
in
such
cases
.
All
these
things
lye
so
obviously
in
prejudice
both
of
the
Popes
Possession
and
Title
,
as
universal
Pastor
at
that
time
,
both
in
his
own
&
the
Churches
sence
,
that
to
apply
them
further
would
be
to
insult
;
which
I
shall
for
bear
,
seeing
Baronius
is
so
ingenious
as
to
confess
,
there
are
some
hard
things
in
this
Epistle
:
And
Perron
hath
hereupon
exposed
his
Wit
with
so
much
sweat
and
so
little
purpose
,
but
his
own
Correction
and
Reproach
,
as
Dr.
Still
.
notes
.
Yet
we
may
modestly
conclude
from
this
one
plain
instance
;
that
the
sence
of
the
Nicene
Council
was
defined
by
the
African
Council
,
to
be
against
the
Popes
Supremacy
,
and
consequently
they
did
not
submit
to
it
nor
believe
it
;
and
a
further
consequence
to
our
purpose
is
,
that
then
the
Catholick
Church
did
not
universally
own
it
:
i.
e.
the
Popes
Supremacy
then
had
not
Possession
of
the
faith
of
the
whole
Church
:
For
as
A.
C.
p.
191.
maintains
,
the
Africans
,
notwithstanding
the
contest
in
the
sixth
Council
of
Carthage
,
were
always
in
true
Communion
with
the
Roman
Church
,
even
during
the
term
of
this
pretended
Separation
:
And
Caelestine
himself
saith
,
that
St.
Augustine
one
of
those
Fathers
,
lived
and
dyed
in
the
Communion
of
the
Roman
Church
.
SECT.
IX
.
The
Conclusion
touching
Possession
Anciently
.
WE
hope
it
is
now
apparent
enough
,
that
the
Popes
Supremacy
had
no
possession
in
England
from
the
beginning
,
or
for
the
first
six
hundred
years
;
either
de
facto
or
in
side
.
Our
Ancestors
yielded
not
to
it
;
they
unanimously
resisted
it
,
and
they
had
no
reason
to
believe
it
,
either
from
the
Councils
or
practice
of
the
Church
;
or
from
the
Edicts
and
Rules
of
the
imperial
Law
,
or
the
very
sayings
of
the
Popes
themselves
.
Thus
Sampson's
Hair
,
the
strength
and
Pomp
of
their
best
Plea
,
is
cut
off
:
The
foundation
of
the
Popes
Supremacy
is
subverted
,
and
all
other
pleas
broken
with
it
.
If
according
to
the
Apostles
Canons
,
every
Nation
had
its
proper
Head
in
the
beginning
,
to
be
ackonwledged
by
them
under
God
:
And
according
to
a
general
Council
,
all
such
Heads
should
hold
as
from
the
beginning
;
there
can
be
no
ground
afterwards
,
for
a
lawful
possession
to
the
contrary
.
If
tu
es
Petrus
,
&
pasce
Oves
,
have
any
force
to
maintain
the
Popes
Supremacy
,
why
did
not
the
ancient
Fathers
,
the
Authors
of
those
Canons
,
see
it
?
Why
was
not
it
shewn
by
the
Popes
concerned
,
in
bar
against
them
when
nothing
else
could
be
pleaded
?
When
both
Possession
and
Tradition
were
to
be
begun
,
and
had
not
yet
laid
their
Foundation
?
Yea
when
actual
opposition
in
England
was
made
against
it
:
when
general
Councils
abroad
,
laid
restraints
upon
it
;
and
the
Eastern
Church
would
not
acknowledge
it
.
Indeed
both
Antiquity
,
Universality
,
and
Tradition
it self
,
and
all
colour
of
Right
for
ever
,
fails
with
possession
.
For
Possession
of
Supremacy
,
afterwards
,
cannot
possibly
have
either
a
divine
or
just
Title
;
but
must
lay
its
Foundation
,
contrary
to
Gods
Institution
and
Ecclesiastical
Canon
.
And
the
Possessor
is
a
Thief
and
a
Robber
,
our
Adversaries
being
Judges
.
He
invades
others
Provinces
;
and
is
bound
to
Restore
:
And
long
Possession
,
is
but
a
protracted
Rebellion
against
God
and
his
Church
.
However
it
be
with
the
secular
Powers
,
Christs
Vicar
,
must
certainly
derive
from
him
;
must
hold
the
power
he
gave
;
must
come
in
it
at
his
door
.
And
S.
W.
himself
,
P.
50
against
Dr.
Hammond
,
fiercely
affirmeth
,
That
Possession
in
this
kind
ought
to
begin
near
Christs
Time
;
and
he
that
hath
begun
it
later
,
unless
he
can
Evidence
that
he
was
driven
out
from
an
Ancient
Possession
,
is
not
to
be
stiled
a
Possessor
but
an
Vsurper
,
an
Intruder
,
an
Invader
,
Disobedient
,
Rebellious
,
and
Schismatical
.
Good
Night
,
S.
W.
Quod
ab
initio
fuit
invalidum
,
tractu
temporis
non
Convalescit
,
is
a
Rule
in
the
Civil
Law
.
Yea
,
whatever
Possession
the
Pope
got
afterwards
,
was
not
only
an
illegal
Vsurpation
,
but
a
manifest
Violation
of
the
Canon
of
Ephesus
;
and
thereby
Condemned
as
Schismatical
.
CHAP.
VII
.
The
Pope
had
not
full
Possession
here
,
before
Hen.
8.
I.
Not
in
Augustine
's
Time
.
II.
Nor
After
.
T
Is
boldly
pleaded
;
that
the
Pope
had
Possession
of
the
Supremacy
in
England
for
nine
hundred
years
together
,
from
Augustine
till
Hen.
8.
And
no
King
on
Earth
hath
so
long
,
and
so
clear
prescription
for
his
Crown
.
To
which
we
answer
:
1.
That
he
had
not
such
Possession
.
2.
If
he
had
,
't
is
no
Argument
of
a
jus
Title
.
SECT.
I.
Not
in
Austin
's
Time
.
State
of
Supremacy
questioned
.
WE
shall
consider
the
Popes
Supremacy
here
,
as
it
stood
in
and
near
St.
Augustine's
time
,
and
in
the
Ages
after
him
to
Hen.
8.
1.
We
have
not
found
hitherto
,
that
in
or
about
the
time
of
Augustine
,
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
,
the
Pope
had
any
such
power
in
England
as
is
pretended
.
Indeed
,
he
came
from
Rome
;
but
he
brought
no
Mandate
with
him
;
and
when
he
was
come
,
he
did
nothing
without
the
King's
licence
:
at
his
arrival
,
he
petitions
the
King
;
the
King
commands
him
to
stay
in
the
Isle
Thanet
,
till
his
further
pleasure
was
known
:
he
obeyed
;
afterward
,
the
King
gave
him
licence
to
preach
to
Bed
.
l.
1.
c.
25.
his
Subjects
;
and
,
when
he
was
himself
converted
,
majorem
pradicandi
licentiam
,
he
enlarged
his
licence
so
to
do
.
'T
is
true
,
Saint
Gregory
presumed
Iargly
,
to
subject
all
the
Priests
of
Brittain
under
Augustine
;
and
to
give
him
power
to
erect
two
Arch-Bishopricks
,
and
twelve
Bishopricks
under
each
of
them
;
but
't
is
one
thing
to
claim
,
another
thing
to
possess
:
for
Ethelbert
was
then
the
only
Christian
King
,
who
had
not
the
twentieth
part
of
Brittain
;
and
it
appears
,
that
after
both
Saint
Gregory
and
Austine
were
dead
,
there
were
but
one
Arch
bishop
,
and
two
Bishops
,
throughout
the
Brittish
Islands
,
of
the
Roman
Communion
.
Indeed
,
the
Brittish
and
Scotch
Bishops
were
Bed
.
l.
2.
c.
2
&c.
4.
many
,
but
they
renounced
all
Communion
with
Rome
,
as
appeared
before
.
We
thankfully
acknowledge
the
Pope's
sending
over
Preachers
;
his
commending
,
sometimes
Arch-Bishops
when
desired
,
to
us
;
his
directions
to
fill
up
vacant
Sees
:
all
which
,
and
such
like
,
were
Acts
of
Charity
,
becoming
so
eminent
a
Prelate
in
the
Catholick
Church
:
but
sure
these
were
not
Marks
of
Supremacy
.
'T
is
possible
,
Saint
Milet
,
as
is
urged
,
might
bring
the
Decrees
of
the
Roman
Synod
hither
to
be
observed
;
and
that
they
were
worthy
of
our
acceptance
,
and
were
accepted
accordingly
;
but
't
is
certain
,
and
will
afterwards
appear
to
be
so
,
that
such
Decrees
were
never
of
force
here
,
further
than
they
were
allowed
by
the
King
and
Kingdom
.
'T
is
not
denied
,
but
that
sometimes
we
admitted
the
Pope's
Legates
,
and
Bulls
too
;
yet
the
Legantine
Courts
were
not
Anciently
heard
of
;
neither
were
the
Legates
themselves
,
or
those
Bulls
,
of
any
Authority
without
the
King's
Consent
.
Some
would
argue
from
the
great
and
flattering
Titles
that
were
antiently
given
to
the
Pope
;
but
sure
such
Titles
can
never
signifie
Possession
or
Power
,
which
at
the
same
time
,
and
perhaps
by
the
very
same
Persons
that
gave
the
Titles
,
was
really
and
indeed
denied
him
.
But
the
great
Service
the
Bishop
of
Calcedon
hath
done
his
Cause
by
these
little
Instances
before
mentioned
,
will
best
appear
,
by
a
true
state
of
the
question
touching
the
Supremacy
betwixt
Vid.
Bramh.
p.
189.
&c.
the
Pope
and
the
King
of
England
;
in
which
,
such
things
are
not
all
concerned
.
The
plain
question
is
,
who
was
then
the
Political
Head
of
the
Church
of
England
?
the
King
or
the
Pope
?
or
more
immediately
,
whether
the
Pope
then
had
possession
of
the
Supremacy
here
in
such
things
,
as
was
denied
him
by
Hen.
8.
at
the
beginning
of
our
Reformation
?
and
the
Pope
still
challengeth
?
and
they
are
such
as
these
.
-
1.
A
Legislative
Power
in
Ecclesiastical
Causes
.
-
2.
A
Dispensative
Power
,
above
and
against
the
Laws
of
the
Church
.
-
3.
A
liberty
to
send
Legates
,
and
to
hold
Legantine
Courts
in
England
,
without
Licence
.
-
4.
The
Right
of
receiving
the
last
Appeals
of
the
King's
Subjects
.
-
5.
The
Patronage
of
the
English
Church
,
and
Investitures
of
Bishops
;
with
power
to
impose
Oaths
upon
them
,
contrary
to
their
Oath
of
Allegiance
.
-
6.
The
First
Fruits
and
Tenths
of
Ecclesiastical
Livings
;
and
a
power
to
impose
upon
them
what
Pensions
,
or
other
Burthens
,
he
pleaseth
.
-
7.
The
Goods
of
Clergy-men
,
dying
Intestate
.
These
are
the
Flowers
of
that
Supremacy
which
the
Pope
claimeth
in
England
,
and
our
Kings
,
and
Laws
,
and
Customs
deny
him
;
as
will
appear
afterwards
in
due
place
:
for
this
place
,
't
is
enough
to
observe
,
that
we
find
no
foot-steps
of
such
possession
of
the
Pope's
Power
in
England
,
in
or
about
Augustine's
time
.
As
for
that
one
instance
of
Saint
Wilfred's
Appeal
,
it
hath
appeared
before
;
that
it
being
rejected
by
two
Kings
successively
,
by
the
other
Arch-Bishop
,
and
by
the
whole
Body
of
the
English
Clergy
,
sure
,
't
is
no
full
instance
of
the
Pope's
Possession
of
the
Supremacy
here
at
that
time
;
and
needs
no
further
answer
.
SECT.
II.
No
clear
or
full
possession
in
the
Ages
after
Austine
,
till
Hen.
8.
Eight
Distinctions
;
the
Question
stated
.
IT
may
be
thought
that
though
the
things
mentioned
were
not
in
the
Pope's
possession
so
early
;
yet
,
for
many
Ages
together
they
were
sound
in
his
Possession
,
and
so
continued
,
without
interruption
,
till
Hen.
8.
ejected
the
Pope
,
and
possest
himself
and
his
Successors
,
of
them
.
Whether
it
were
so
or
not
,
we
are
now
to
examine
;
and
least
we
should
be
deceived
with
Colours
and
generalities
,
we
must
distinguish
carefully
.
-
1.
Betwixt
a
Primacy
of
Order
and
Dignity
and
Unity
;
and
Supremacy
of
Power
,
the
only
thing
disputed
.
-
2.
Betwixt
a
Judgment
of
direction
resulting
from
the
said
Primacy
;
and
a
Judgment
of
Jurisdiction
depending
upon
Supremacy
.
-
3.
Betwixt
things
claimed
;
and
things
granted
and
possessed
.
-
4.
Betwixt
things
possessed
continually
;
or
for
sometime
only
.
-
5.
Betwixt
Possession
partial
,
and
of
some
lesser
Branches
;
and
plenary
or
of
the
main
body
of
Jurisdiction
.
-
6.
Betwixt
things
permitted
of
curtesie
;
and
things
granted
out
of
duty
.
-
7.
Betwixt
incroachment
through
craft
,
or
power
or
interest
,
or
the
temporary
Ossitancy
of
the
People
;
and
Power
,
grounded
in
the
Laws
,
enjoyed
with
the
consent
of
the
States
of
the
Kingdom
in
times
of
peace
.
-
8.
Lastly
,
betwixt
quiet
possession
;
and
interrupted
.
These
Distinctions
,
may
receive
a
flout
from
some
capricious
Adversary
;
but
,
I
find
,
there
is
need
of
them
all
,
if
we
deal
with
a
subtle
one
.
For
the
Question
is
not
,
touching
Primacy
in
the
Bishop
of
Rome
;
or
an
acknowledged
Judgment
of
direction
flowing
from
it
;
or
a
claim
of
Jurisdiction
,
which
is
no
Possession
;
or
a
partial
possession
of
power
in
some
lesser
things
;
or
a
larger
power
in
greater
matters
,
yielded
out
of
curtesie
,
ossitancy
,
or
fear
,
or
surprize
;
and
held
only
for
a
time
,
while
things
were
unsetled
;
or
by
power
,
craft
or
interest
;
but
soon
after
disclaimed
,
and
frequently
interrupted
:
for
,
this
is
not
such
a
Possession
as
our
Adversaries
plead
for
;
or
,
indeed
,
will
stand
them
in
stead
.
But
the
Question
in
short
,
is
this
;
whether
the
Pope
had
a
quiet
and
uninterrupted
possession
of
the
Supreme
Power
over
the
Church
of
England
in
those
great
Branches
of
Supremacy
denied
him
by
Henry
the
Eighth
,
for
nine
hundred
years
together
,
or
for
many
Ages
together
before
that
time
?
This
,
strictly
,
must
be
the
Question
:
for
the
Complaint
is
;
that
Hen.
8.
disposessed
the
Pope
of
the
Supremacy
which
he
had
enjoyed
for
so
many
Ages
;
and
made
himself
Head
of
the
Church
of
England
:
therefore
,
those
very
things
which
that
King
then
denied
to
the
Pope
,
or
took
from
him
,
must
be
those
Flowers
of
the
Supremacy
,
which
the
Papists
pretend
,
the
Pope
had
possession
of
,
for
so
many
Ages
together
before
his
time
.
Two
things
,
therefore
,
and
those
only
,
are
needful
to
be
sought
here
:
what
those
Branches
of
Power
are
,
which
Henry
the
Eighth
denied
to
the
Pope
,
and
resumed
to
himself
and
his
Successors
?
and
whether
the
Pope
had
quietly
,
and
without
plain
interruption
,
possest
the
same
for
so
many
Ages
before
his
time
?
and
in
order
thereunto
,
when
and
how
he
got
it
?
CHAP.
VIII
.
What
the
Supremacy
was
,
which
Henry
the
Eighth
took
from
the
Pope
:
the
Particulars
of
it
,
with
Notes
.
'T
Is
true
,
Henry
the
Eighth
resumed
the
Title
of
the
only
Supreme
Head
in
Earth
,
of
the
Church
of
England
;
and
denied
this
Title
to
the
Pope
:
but
't
is
plain
,
the
Controversie
was
not
so
much
about
the
Title
as
the
Power
;
the
Honours
,
Dignities
,
Jurisdictions
,
Authorities
,
Profits
,
&c.
belonging
or
appertaining
to
the
said
Dignity
of
Supreme
Head
of
the
Church
of
England
:
as
is
evident
by
the
Statute
,
Hen.
8.
26.
c.
1.
The
Particulars
of
that
Power
were
such
as
these
.
-
1.
Henry
the
Eighth
prohibited
all
Appeals
to
the
Pope
,
An.
24.
c.
12.
and
Legates
from
Rome
.
-
2.
He
also
forbad
all
payments
of
money
,
upon
any
pretence
,
to
the
Pope
,
An.
25.
c.
12.
-
3.
He
denied
the
Pope
and
Nomination
and
Consecration
of
Arch-Bishops
and
Bishops
,
and
Presentations
,
An.
25.
20.
-
4.
He
prohibited
all
Suits
for
Bulls
&c.
to
be
made
to
the
Pope
,
or
the
See
of
Rome
,
25.
c.
21.
-
5.
He
prohibited
any
Canons
to
be
executed
here
,
without
the
King's
Licence
,
An.
25.
19.
I
have
perused
the
Statutes
of
King
Henry
the
Eighth
;
and
I
cannot
find
any
thing
which
he
took
away
from
the
Pope
,
but
it
is
reducible
to
these
five
Heads
:
touching
which
,
by
the
way
,
we
note
.
1.
The
Controversie
was
not
about
a
Primacy
of
Order
,
or
the
beginning
of
Unity
;
but
a
Supremacy
of
Power
.
2.
All
these
things
were
then
denied
him
,
not
by
the
King
alone
;
but
by
all
the
States
of
the
Kingdom
,
in
many
Statutes
.
3.
The
denial
of
all
these
Branches
of
Supremacy
to
the
Pope
,
were
grounded
upon
the
Ancient
Laws
and
Customs
of
the
Realm
,
as
is
usually
noted
in
the
Preamble
of
the
said
Statutes
:
and
if
,
that
one
thing
shall
be
made
to
appear
;
we
must
conclude
,
that
the
Pope
might
be
guilty
of
an
Vsurpation
,
but
could
never
have
a
Legal
Possession
of
that
Supremacy
,
that
is
in
the
question
.
4.
Note
,
that
the
States
of
the
Kingdom
in
the
Reign
of
Queen
Mary
,
(
when
by
means
of
Cardinal
Pool
,
they
recognized
the
Pope's
Supremacy
An.
1.
11.
Mar.
c.
8.
)
it
was
with
this
careful
and
express
Limitation
;
that
nothing
therein
should
be
understood
to
diminish
any
the
Liberties
of
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Realm
;
which
did
belong
unto
it
in
the
Twentieth
year
of
Hen.
8.
—
without
deminution
or
enlargment
of
the
Pope's
Supremacy
in
England
as
it
was
in
the
Twentieth
year
of
Hen.
8.
So
that
Queen
Mary
,
and
her
Parliament
,
added
nothing
to
the
Pope
,
but
only
restored
what
he
had
before
;
and
when
and
how
that
was
obtained
,
is
next
to
be
examined
.
CHAP.
IX
.
Whether
the
Pope's
Supremacy
here
,
was
in
quiet
Possession
till
Henry
the
Eighth
?
WE
have
found
,
what
Branches
of
the
Pope's
Power
,
were
cut
off
by
Hen.
8.
The
Question
is
,
whether
the
Pope
had
Possession
of
them
,
without
interruption
,
before
that
time
?
and
,
that
we
may
proceed
dictinctly
,
and
clearly
;
we
shall
consider
each
of
the
former
Branches
by
themselves
:
and
first
we
begin
with
the
Pope's
Power
of
receiving
Appeals
from
hence
;
which
carries
a
very
considerable
part
of
his
pretended
Jurisdiction
.
SECT.
I.
Of
Appeals
to
Rome
.
Three
Notions
of
Appeal
.
Appeals
to
Rome
Locally
,
or
by
Legates
.
Wilfrid
.
Anselm
.
APpeals
to
Rome
,
we
have
found
among
these
things
which
were
prohibited
by
Henry
the
Eighth
:
Therefore
no
doubt
the
Pope
claimed
,
and
in
some
sort
possessed
the
power
of
receiving
such
Appeals
before
.
But
what
kind
of
Possession
,
how
free
,
and
how
long
,
is
worthy
to
be
enquired
.
Appeal
,
is
a
word
taken
several
ways
:
Sometimes
it
is
only
to
accuse
;
so
we
find
it
in
the
Statutes
of
the
11
and
21
Rich.
2.
Sometimes
3
Senses
Appeal
.
to
refer
our selves
for
judgment
,
to
some
worthy
person
;
so
Francfort
,
&c.
appealed
to
John
Calvin
.
3.
But
now
it
is
chiefly
used
for
a
removing
a
cause
from
an
inferior
to
a
Superior
Court
,
that
hath
power
of
disanulling
what
the
other
did
.
In
this
last
sense
,
Historians
tell
us
,
that
Appeals
to
Rome
were
not
in
use
with
us
,
till
about
five
hundred
years
agon
,
or
a
little
more
,
viz.
the
year
1140.
These
Appeals
to
Rome
were
received
and
judged
either
in
the
Popes
Court
at
Rome
;
or
by
his
Legates
in
England
.
A
word
or
two
of
each
.
For
Appeals
to
the
Pope
at
Rome
,
the
two
famous
instances
of
Wilfred
and
Anselm
,
take
up
much
of
our
History
.
1.
Locally
.
Wilfred
.
But
they
both
seem
,
at
least
at
first
,
to
have
appealed
to
the
Pope
,
under
the
second
notion
of
appeal
:
Anselm
.
Not
to
him
as
a
proper
or
legal
Judge
;
but
as
a
great
and
venerable
Prelate
.
But
not
to
stick
there
;
't
is
well
known
what
effect
they
obtained
:
As
for
Wilfred
,
his
account
was
of
elder
date
;
and
hath
appeared
before
,
to
the
great
prejudice
of
the
Popes
Possession
in
England
at
that
time
.
Anselm
.
But
Anselm
is
the
great
monument
of
Papal
Obedience
;
and
,
as
a
learned
man
observes
,
the
first
promoter
of
Papal
Authority
in
England
.
He
began
his
Enterprise
with
a
pretence
,
that
he
ought
not
to
be
barr'd
of
visiting
the
Vicar
of
St.
Peter
,
causâ
Regiminis
Ecclesiae
;
but
he
was
not
suffered
to
do
that
:
So
far
was
the
Pope
then
,
from
having
the
power
of
receiving
appeals
,
that
he
might
not
receive
the
visit
of
a
person
of
Anselm's
quality
,
without
the
Kings
leave
.
First
,
he
was
told
by
the
Bishops
,
as
well
as
Lay-Lords
,
that
it
was
a
thing
unheard
of
,
and
altogether
against
the
use
of
the
Realm
,
for
any
of
the
great
men
,
especially
himself
to
presume
any
such
thing
,
without
the
Kings
Licence
.
Notwithstanding
,
he
would
,
and
did
go
;
but
what
followed
?
His
Bishoprick
was
seiz'd
into
the
Kings
hand
:
And
the
Pope
durst
not
,
or
thought
not
good
,
to
give
him
either
Consilium
or
Auxilium
,
as
Sir
Rog.
Twisd
.
p.
11.
&
12.
makes
appear
out
Eadmer
,
p.
20
,
26
,
38
,
39
,
53.
In
the
dispute
,
the
King
told
Anselm
,
the
Pope
had
not
to
do
with
his
Rights
;
and
wrote
that
free
Letter
,
we
find
in
Jorvalensis
Col.
999
,
30.
and
upon
the
ambiguous
answer
of
the
Pope
,
the
King
sent
another
letter
by
Anselm
himself
to
Rome
,
who
spake
plainly
,
his
Master
,
nec
amissione
Eadem
.
73
,
13.
Regni
,
&c.
for
the
loss
of
his
Kingdom
,
he
would
not
lose
the
investiture
of
his
Churches
.
Obj.
But
Anselm
,
as
Arch-Bishop
,
took
the
Oath
,
that
was
appointed
by
the
Pope
to
be
taken
at
the
receiving
of
the
Pall
,
which
allowed
his
Power
to
receive
Appeals
.
Ans.
'T
is
true
;
but
Pope
Paschalis
himself
,
who
devised
that
Oath
,
acknowledgeth
,
that
it
was
as
Anselm
signified
to
him
,
not
admitted
;
but
wondred
at
;
and
lookt
on
as
a
strange
innovation
both
by
the
King
and
the
great
men
of
the
Kingdom
.
Baron
.
an.
1102.
nu.
8.
The
King
pleaded
the
Fundamental
Laws
and
customs
of
the
Land
against
it
;
it
is
a
custom
of
my
Kingdom
instituted
by
my
Father
,
that
no
Pope
may
be
appealed
unto
,
without
the
Kings
licence
.
He
that
takes
away
the
customs
of
the
Kingdom
,
doth
violate
the
Power
and
Crown
of
the
King
.
And
't
is
well
noted
by
Arch-Bishop
Bramhall
,
Malms
.
l.
1.
degest
.
Pont.
Ang.
that
the
Laws
established
by
his
Father
,
viz.
William
the
Conqueror
,
were
no
other
than
the
Laws
of
Edward
the
Confessor
;
that
is
to
say
,
the
old
Saxon
Laws
,
who
had
before
yielded
to
the
request
of
his
Barons
(
as
Hoveden
notes
)
to
In
Hen.
2.
confirm
those
Laws
.
But
,
though
Anselm
had
obliged
himself
by
the
said
Oath
to
the
Pope
,
yet
the
rest
of
the
Bishops
refused
the
Yoke
;
and
thereupon
,
Malmsb.
tells
us
,
in
his
&c.
that
,
in
the
execution
of
these
Malm.
ibid.
things
,
all
the
Bishops
of
England
did
deny
their
Suffrage
to
their
Primate
.
Consequently
,
the
Vnanimity
of
the
whole
Realm
,
appeared
in
the
same
Point
,
in
the
Reign
of
this
Kings
Grandchild
,
in
the
Statute
of
Clarendon
;
confirming
the
former
Brittish
,
English
custom
,
not
only
by
their
consents
,
but
Math.
Par.
1164.
Hoved.
in
Hen.
2.
their
Oaths
:
wherein
generally
every
man
is
interdicted
to
appeal
to
Rome
.
This
Statute
of
Clarendon
was
made
,
when
Popery
seemed
to
be
at
the
height
in
England
:
It
was
made
to
confirm
the
Customs
and
Liberties
of
Henry
the
Seconds
Predecessors
;
that
is
to
say
,
as
the
words
of
the
Statute
are
,
his
Grandfather
Henry
the
first
,
Son
of
the
Conqveror
,
and
other
Kings
.
Now
the
Customs
of
England
are
our
common
Laws
,
and
the
customs
of
his
Predecessors
were
the
Saxon
,
Danish
,
and
Norman
Laws
;
P.
73.
and
therefore
ought
to
be
observed
of
all
,
as
my
Lord
Bramhall
reasons
.
What
these
customs
were
,
I
may
shew
more
largely
hereafter
;
at
present
this
one
is
pertinent
.
All
appeals
in
England
must
proceed
regularly
,
from
the
Arch-Deacon
to
the
Bishop
,
from
the
Bishop
to
the
Arch
Bishop
;
and
if
the
Arch-Bishop
fail
to
do
his
duty
,
the
last
must
be
to
the
King
,
to
give
order
for
redress
,
that
is
,
by
fit
delegates
.
In
Ed.
the
Thirds
time
,
we
have
a
plain
Law
to
the
same
purpose
in
these
words
;
Whosoever
27
Ed.
3.
c.
1.
should
draw
any
of
the
Kings
Subjects
out
of
the
Realm
in
plea
about
any
cause
,
whereof
the
Cognizance
belongeth
to
the
Kings
Court
,
or
should
sue
in
any
foreign
Court
to
defeat
any
Judgment
given
in
the
Kings
Court
,
(
viz.
by
appealing
to
Rome
)
they
should
incur
the
same
penalties
;
and
upon
the
same
ground
,
the
body
of
the
Kingdom
would
not
suffer
Edward
the
First
,
to
to
be
cited
before
the
Pope
.
Obj.
'T
is
confest
,
that
in
the
Laws
of
Hen.
1.
't
is
granted
,
that
in
case
a
Bishop
erring
in
Faith
;
and
on
Admonition
,
appearing
incorrigible
,
ad
summos
Pontifices
(
the
Arch-Bishops
)
vel
sedem
Apostolicam
,
accusetur
:
which
passage
,
as
Sir
Ro.
Twisden
guesses
,
was
inserted
afterwards
;
or
the
grant
gotten
by
the
importunity
of
the
then
Pope
.
Ans.
But
the
same
learned
Mans
Note
upon
it
,
is
,
that
,
this
is
the
only
Cause
wherein
I
find
any
English
P.
32.
Law
approve
a
foreign
Judicature
.
'T
is
plain
,
Anselm's
Appeal
(
now
on
foot
)
was
disapproved
by
the
whole
Kingdom
:
't
is
evident
,
that
this
Clause
was
directly
repugnant
to
the
Liberties
and
Customs
of
the
Realm
;
upon
which
Anselm's
Appeal
was
so
ill
resented
.
'T
is
manifest
in
those
days
,
and
after
,
appeals
to
Rome
were
not
common
:
yea
this
very
Pope
Paschalis
complains
to
this
King
,
Vos
oppressis
Apostolicae
sedis
appellationem
substrahitis
,
which
was
an.
1115.
and
that
they
were
held
,
Eadm
.
p.
113.
3.
a
cruel
intrusion
on
the
Churches
Liberty
;
so
as
at
the
Assize
at
Clarendon
,
1164.
this
Law
,
if
it
were
so
,
was
annulled
and
declared
to
be
contrary
to
the
liberties
and
customs
of
the
Realm
;
the
eighth
Chapter
whereof
,
is
wholly
spent
in
shewing
the
Right
of
the
Kingdom
in
this
point
,
quod
non
appellaretur
,
for
any
Cause
,
ad
sedem
Apostolicam
,
without
leave
had
first
,
from
the
King
and
his
Officials
,
as
Joh.
Sarisb
.
interprets
,
Ep.
159.
p.
254.
Obj.
Indeed
,
the
King
did
personally
yield
afterwards
,
an.
1172.
not
to
hinder
such
appeals
in
Ecclesiastical
Causes
.
Ans.
But
the
whole
Kingdom
four
years
after
,
would
not
quit
their
interest
;
but
did
again
renew
the
assize
of
Clarendon
,
1176.
using
this
close
expression
.
Justitiae
faciant
quaerere
per
consuetudinem
Hoved.
f.
314.
b.
3.
terrae
illos
qui
a
regno
recesserunt
,
&
nisi
redire
voluerint
,
&
stare
in
curia
domini
Regis
,
ut
legentur
,
&c.
as
Gervase
also
notes
.
au.
1176.
Col.
1433.
19.
Accordingly
,
was
the
practice
,
during
K.
Rich.
the
seconds
time
:
Geffrey
Arch-Bishop
of
York
,
was
complained
of
;
that
he
did
not
only
refuse
Appeals
to
Rome
,
but
imprisoned
those
that
made
them
:
and
though
upon
that
complaint
,
a
time
was
assigned
to
make
his
defence
to
the
Pope
,
yet
he
refused
to
go
;
because
of
the
Kings
Prohibition
and
the
indisposition
of
the
Air.
After
this
,
upon
a
difference
with
the
King
,
the
Arch-Bishop
went
to
Rome
;
and
made
his
peace
with
the
Pope
,
and
returns
;
but
the
King
offended
with
it
,
committed
the
care
even
of
the
spirituals
of
his
Arch-Bishoprick
to
others
,
till
he
had
reconciled
himself
to
the
Crown
,
which
was
nere
two
years
after
,
about
1198.
After
this
,
again
,
he
received
complaint
from
Innocentius
III.
non
excusare
te
potes
,
&c.
Thou
canst
not
excuse
thy self
as
thou
oughtest
,
that
Hov.
an.
1201.
thou
art
ignorant
of
the
priviledge
of
Appeals
to
us
;
seeing
thou
thy self
has
sometimes
done
the
same
.
And
near
about
the
same
time
(
as
Twisden
observes
)
Robert
Abbot
of
Thorney
,
deposed
by
Hubert
Arch-Bishop
,
was
kept
in
Prison
a
year
and
an
half
,
without
any
regard
had
to
his
appeal
Hov.
f.
430.
b.
37.
made
to
the
Pope
.
Obj.
Indeed
,
that
Pope
Innocent
the
Third
and
his
Clergy
,
great
instruments
in
obtaining
Magna
Charta
from
that
Prince
,
had
got
that
clause
inserted
,
liceat
unicuique
,
it
is
lawful
for
any
one
to
go
out
of
our
Kingdom
,
and
to
return
,
nisi
in
tempore
Guerrae
,
per
aliquod
breve
tempus
.
After
which
,
saith
Twisden
,
it
is
scarce
imaginable
how
every
petty
cause
was
by
appeals
removed
to
Rome
;
which
did
not
only
cause
Jealousie
at
Rome
,
that
the
grievance
would
not
long
be
born
;
and
put
the
Pope
,
in
prudence
to
study
and
effect
a
mitigation
,
by
some
favourable
priviledges
,
granted
to
the
Arch-Bishoprick
:
but
it
did
also
awaken
the
King
and
Kingdom
,
to
stand
upon
,
and
recover
their
ancient
liberty
in
that
point
.
Hereupon
,
the
Body
of
the
Kingdom
,
in
their
Matth.
Par.
p.
668.
3.
querelous
Letter
to
Innocent
the
fourth
,
1245.
or
rather
to
the
Council
at
Lions
,
claim
,
that
no
Legate
ought
to
come
here
,
but
on
the
King's
desire
,
&
ne
quis
extra
Regnum
trahatur
in
Causam
:
which
Math.
Par.
left
out
;
but
is
found
in
Mr.
Roper's
M.
S.
and
Mr.
Dugdale's
;
as
Sir
Roger
Twisden
observes
;
agreeable
to
one
of
the
Gravamina
Angliae
,
sent
to
the
same
Pope
1246.
viz.
quod
Anglici
extra
Regnum
in
Causis
,
Apostolica
Authoritate
trahuntur
.
Therefore
,
it
is
most
remarkable
,
that
at
the
revising
of
Magna
Charta
by
Edw.
1.
the
former
clause
,
liceat
unicuique
&c.
was
left
out
.
Since
which
time
,
none
of
the
Clergy
might
Reg.
193.
Coke
Inst.
3.
p.
179.
12
R.
2.
c.
15.
go
beyond
Seas
,
but
with
the
King's
leave
;
as
the
Writs
in
the
Register
,
and
the
Acts
of
Parliament
assure
us
;
and
which
is
more
,
if
any
were
in
the
Court
of
Rome
,
the
King
called
them
home
.
The
Rich
Cardinal
,
and
Bishop
of
Winchester
,
knew
the
Law
in
this
case
;
and
that
no
man
was
so
great
,
but
he
might
need
pardon
for
the
offence
:
and
therefore
,
about
1429.
caused
a
Petition
to
be
exhibited
in
Parliament
,
that
neither
himself
,
nor
any
other
,
should
be
troubled
by
the
King
&c.
for
cause
of
any
provision
or
offence
done
by
the
said
Cardinal
against
any
Statute
of
Provisions
&c.
this
was
in
the
Rot.
Parl.
10
Hen.
6.
n.
16.
Eighth
of
Henry
the
Sixth
,
and
we
have
a
plain
Statute
making
such
Appeals
a
premunire
in
Edward
9
Ed.
4.
3.
the
Fourth
.
Sir
Roger
Twisden
observes
,
the
truth
of
this
barring
Appeals
,
is
so
constantly
P.
37.
averred
,
by
all
the
Ancient
Monuments
of
this
Nation
,
as
Philip
Scot
,
not
finding
how
to
deny
it
,
falls
upon
another
way
;
that
,
if
the
Right
of
Appeals
were
abrogated
,
it
concludes
not
the
See
of
Rome
had
no
Jurisdiction
over
this
Church
:
the
Concession
gives
countenance
to
our
present
enquiry
;
the
consequence
shall
be
considered
in
its
proper
place
.
What
can
be
further
said
,
in
pretence
of
a
quiet
possession
of
Appeals
,
for
nine
hundred
years
together
?
since
it
hath
been
found
to
be
interrupted
all
along
,
till
within
one
hundred
years
before
Hen.
8.
Especially
seeing
my
Lord
Bramhall
hath
made
it
evident
by
clear
Instances
,
that
it
is
the
Vnanimous
Judgment
of
all
Christendom
,
that
,
not
the
Pope
,
but
their
own
Sovereigns
in
their
Councils
,
are
the
last
Judges
of
their
National
Liberties
,
vid
Bramh.
p.
106.
to
118.
SECT.
II.
Of
the
Pope's
Possession
here
by
his
Legates
;
Occasion
of
them
;
Entertainment
of
them
.
IT
is
acknowledged
by
some
,
that
citing
Englishmen
to
appear
at
Rome
,
was
very
inconvenient
;
therefore
the
Pope
had
his
Legates
here
,
to
execute
his
Power
without
that
inconvenience
to
us
.
How
the
Pope
had
possession
of
this
Legantine
Power
,
is
now
to
be
enquired
.
The
Correspondence
betwixt
us
and
Rome
,
at
first
,
gave
rise
to
this
Power
;
the
Messengers
from
Rome
,
were
sometimes
called
Legati
;
though
at
other
times
Nuncii
.
After
the
Erection
of
Canterbury
into
an
Arch-Bishoprick
:
the
Arch-Bishop
,
was
held
,
quasi
Alterius
Orbis
Papa
,
as
,
Vrban
.
2.
stiled
him
:
he
exercising
Vices
Apostolicas
in
Anglia
;
that
is
,
used
the
same
Power
,
within
this
Island
,
Malms
.
f.
127.
15.
the
Pope
did
in
other
Parts
.
Consequently
,
if
any
question
did
arise
,
the
determination
was
in
Council
;
as
the
deposing
Stygand
,
and
the
setling
the
precedency
betwixt
Wigorn.
An.
1070.
Canterbury
and
York
.
The
Instructions
mentioned
of
Henry
the
First
,
say
,
the
Right
of
the
Realm
is
,
that
none
should
be
drawn
out
of
it
,
Authoritate
Apostolicâ
,
and
do
assure
us
,
that
our
Ancient
Applications
to
the
Pope
were
Acts
of
Brotherly
Confidence
in
the
Wisdom
,
Piety
and
Kindness
of
that
Church
;
that
it
was
able
and
willing
to
advise
and
assist
us
in
any
difficulty
;
and
not
of
obedience
,
or
acknowledgment
of
Jurisdiction
;
as
appear
,
by
that
Letter
of
Kenulphus
&c.
to
Pope
Leo
the
Third
,
An.
797.
Malms
.
de
Reg.
l.
1.
f.
16.
quibus
Sapientiae
Clavis
,
the
Key
of
Wisdom
,
not
Authority
,
was
acknowledged
therein
.
Much
less
can
we
imagine
,
that
the
Pope's
Messengers
,
brought
hither
any
other
Power
,
than
that
of
Direction
and
Counsel
at
first
,
either
to
the
King
or
Arch-Bishop
;
the
Arch-Bishop
was
,
nullius
unquam
Legati
ditioni
addictus
:
Therefore
,
none
were
suffered
to
wear
a
Miter
,
within
his
Province
;
or
had
the
Crocier
carried
;
nor
laid
any
Excommunication
,
upon
this
ground
;
in
Diaecesi
Archiepiscopi
Apostolicam
non
tenere
Sententiam
,
Gervas
.
Col.
1663.
55.
&
An.
1187.
Col.
1531.
38.
The
Church
of
Cam.
being
then
esteemed
,
omnium
nostrum
Mater
Communis
sub
sponsi
Jesu
Christi
dispositione
,
ibid.
True
,
the
Pope
did
praecipere
;
but
,
that
did
not
argue
the
acknowledgment
of
his
Power
;
so
John
Calvin
commanded
Knox
:
the
question
Knox
Hist.
Scot.
93.
is
,
how
he
was
obeyed
?
't
is
certain
,
his
Precepts
,
if
disliked
,
were
questioned
,
Eadm
.
p.
92.
40.
opposed
Gervas
.
Col.
1315.
66.
and
those
he
sent
not
permitted
,
to
medle
with
those
things
they
came
about
,
ibid.
Col.
1558.
54.
But
Historians
observe
,
that
we
might
be
Occasion
of
Legates
.
wrought
to
better
temper
,
some
Persons
were
admitted
into
the
Kingdom
,
that
might
by
degrees
,
raise
the
Papacy
to
its
designed
height
:
these
were
called
Legates
;
but
we
find
not
any
Courts
kept
by
them
,
or
any
Power
exercised
with
effect
,
beyond
what
the
King
and
Kingdom
pleased
,
which
indeed
was
very
little
.
The
Pope's
Legate
was
at
the
Council
touching
the
precedence
of
the
Arch-Bishops
;
but
he
subscribed
the
sixteenth
,
after
all
the
English
Bishops
,
and
not
like
the
Pope's
Person
,
or
Proctor
;
as
Sir
Roger
Twisden
proves
,
p.
20.
The
first
Council
,
wherein
the
Pope's
Legate
preceded
Arch-Bishops
,
was
that
of
Vienna
,
a
little
more
than
three
hundred
years
agon
,
viz.
1311.
as
the
same
Author
observes
;
wherein
he
looked
like
the
Legate
of
his
Holiness
indeed
.
But
let
us
examine
what
entertainment
the
Power
of
a
Legate
found
here
:
the
Arch-Bishop
Math.
Par.
p.
440.
17.
An.
1237.
was
jealous
that
a
Legate
residing
here
,
would
prove
in
suae
dignitatis
praejudicium
:
and
the
King
himself
,
was
not
without
suspitions
;
and
therefore
,
would
suffer
none
,
so
much
as
to
be
taken
for
Pope
,
but
whom
he
approved
;
nor
any
to
receive
so
much
as
a
Letter
from
Rome
,
without
acquainting
him
with
it
;
and
held
it
an
undoubted
Right
of
the
Crown
,
that
,
ut
neminem
&c.
none
shauld
be
admitted
to
do
the
office
Eadm
.
p.
125.
53.
p.
6.
25.
p.
113.
1.
of
a
Legate
here
,
if
he
himself
did
not
desire
it
.
Things
standing
thus
in
1100.
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Vienna
,
coming
over
,
reported
himself
that
he
had
the
Legantine
Power
of
all
Brittain
committed
no
him
;
but
,
finding
no
encouragement
Eadm
.
p.
58.
41.
to
use
his
Commission
,
departed
,
(
à
nemine
&c.
)
by
none
received
as
Legate
,
nor
doing
any
part
of
that
office
.
Fourteen
years
after
,
Paschalis
the
Second
,
by
Letters
,
expostulates
,
with
the
King
about
Eadm
.
p.
113.
p.
116.
several
things
;
in
particular
,
his
non-admitting
either
Messenger
or
Letter
,
without
his
leave
.
A
year
after
,
addrest
Anselm
,
Nephew
to
the
late
Arch-Bishop
;
shewing
his
Commission
Vices
gerere
Apostolicas
in
Anglia
:
this
made
known
;
the
Clergy
and
Nobility
,
in
Council
at
London
,
sent
the
Arch-Bishop
to
the
King
in
Normandy
,
to
make
known
unto
him
,
the
Ancient
Custom
of
Eadm
.
p.
118.
120.
the
Realm
;
and
,
by
his
advice
to
Rome
,
ut
haec
nova
annihilaret
.
After
this
,
An.
1119.
the
King
sent
his
Bishops
to
a
Council
held
by
Calixtus
the
Eleventh
,
at
Rhemes
,
with
Instructions
,
among
other
things
,
that
they
should
humbly
hear
the
Pope's
Precepts
,
but
bring
no
superfluas
adinventiones
into
his
Kingdom
.
In
November
following
,
the
Pope
and
King
had
a
meeting
at
Gisors
in
Normandy
;
where
Calixtus
confirmed
unto
him
his
Father's
Usages
;
in
special
,
that
of
sending
no
Legate
hither
,
but
on
the
King's
desire
:
and
when
the
same
Pope
,
not
full
two
years
after
his
Grant
to
the
contrary
,
addrest
another
Legate
to
these
parts
;
Eadm
.
p.
137
,
46.
p.
138.
21.
the
Kings
wisdom
so
ordered
it
,
that
(
qui
Legati
&c.
)
he
which
came
to
do
the
office
of
a
Legate
in
all
Brittain
,
was
sent
as
he
came
,
without
doing
any
part
of
that
Office
.
Obj.
But
it
is
said
that
Calixtus
confirmed
unto
the
King
,
his
Fathers
usages
:
Therefore
,
it
was
in
the
Popes
power
originally
and
by
delegation
,
and
not
in
the
King
.
Accordingly
in
our
best
Authors
,
and
in
particular
,
Eadmer
,
we
find
these
words
;
Collata
,
Concessa
,
Impetrata
,
Permissa
;
as
is
urged
in
answer
to
my
Lord
Cook
.
Ans.
These
words
indeed
intimate
the
Popes
kindness
and
peaceable
disposition
at
present
,
viz.
that
he
will
not
disturb
,
but
allow
our
enjoyment
of
our
ancient
priviledges
:
Concessa
,
fungi
permissa
;
the
same
Eadm
.
calls
Antiqua
Angliae
consuetudo
,
libertas
Regni
p.
118.
33
,
40.
2.
The
words
do
seem
also
to
intimate
,
the
Popes
claim
at
that
time
;
but
the
true
question
is
,
about
his
Possession
;
which
in
placing
Legates
there
,
was
ever
denied
him
not
as
a
thing
granted
formerly
by
the
Pope
,
but
as
one
of
the
dignitates
,
usus
,
&
consuetudines
,
as
Hen.
1.
claimed
and
defended
.
3.
Lastly
,
they
rather
intimated
the
Popes
want
of
power
,
than
proved
his
Authority
here
:
and
what
our
Princes
did
in
their
own
right
,
he
would
continue
to
them
as
a
Priviledge
:
for
no
other
reason
but
because
he
could
not
take
it
from
them
;
or
durst
not
deny
it
to
them
;
so
he
dealt
with
Edw.
the
Confessor
.
Vobis
Regibus
Angliae
committimus
advocationem
ejusdem
loci
;
but
long
before
that
,
our
Kings
looked
upon
it
as
their
Office
,
regere
populum
Domini
&
Ecclesiam
Baron
.
an.
1059.
n.
23.
ejus
;
which
the
Pope
knew
well
enough
.
Therefore
,
a
Legate
landing
in
England
in
Ed.
4.
time
,
was
obliged
to
take
Oath
,
that
he
would
attempt
nothing
to
the
derogation
of
the
Rights
of
the
King
or
Crown
.
In
Hen.
4's
Nonage
,
his
Vncle
was
sent
Legate
Edw.
4.
16.
by
Martin
.
5.
Rich.
Cawdry
the
Kings
Attorney
,
made
protestation
;
that
None
was
to
come
as
Legate
from
the
Pope
,
or
enter
the
Kingdom
without
the
Kings
appointment
:
a
Right
enjoyed
from
all
memory
.
In
the
Reign
of
Hen.
5.
the
design
of
sending
a
Legate
from
Rome
,
though
it
were
the
Kings
own
Brother
,
was
opposed
;
the
enterprise
took
no
effect
during
that
Kings
Reign
:
Vir.
Arch.
chic
.
p.
78
,
80.
And
in
the
eleventh
of
the
same
King
,
the
Judges
unanimously
pronounce
,
that
the
Statutes
mentioned
were
only
declaratory
of
the
common
custom
of
England
.
fol.
69
,
76.
It
was
in
the
Year
1242
when
the
whole
Matth.
par.
1245
,
1246.
State
of
England
complained
of
the
Popes
infamous
Messenger
,
(
non
obstante
)
by
which
Oaths
,
Customs
&c.
were
not
only
weakned
but
made
void
:
And
unless
the
grievances
were
removed
,
Opportebit
nos
ponere
Murum
pro
domo
Domini
,
&
libertate
Regni
.
Yea
long
after
this
,
in
the
year
1343.
Edw.
3.
made
his
Addresses
likewise
to
Rome
,
which
the
Pope
branded
with
the
Title
of
Rebellion
:
But
to
requite
him
,
that
wise
and
stout
Prince
,
made
the
Statutes
of
Proviso's
and
Praemunire
,
directly
opposed
to
the
Incroachments
and
Vsurpations
Walsing.
p.
161.
of
the
Court
of
Rome
;
whereby
he
so
abated
their
power
in
England
for
sundry
Ages
following
,
that
a
Dean
and
Chapter
was
able
to
deal
Bramhall
p.
99.
with
the
Pope
in
England
,
and
to
foil
him
too
.
an.
1420.
The
Sum
is
,
during
the
Reigns
of
all
the
Brittish
and
Saxon
Kings
,
until
the
Norman
Conquest
,
Legations
from
Rome
were
seldom
,
and
but
Messengers
:
A
Legantine
or
Nuncio's
Court
we
find
not
.
Gregory
,
Bishop
of
Ostium
,
the
Popes
Spel.
conc
.
an.
784.
own
Legate
,
did
confess
,
that
he
was
the
first
Roman
Priest
that
was
sent
into
those
parts
of
Brittain
,
from
the
time
of
St.
Austin
.
When
these
Legates
multiplied
,
and
usurped
Authority
over
us
,
the
Kingdom
would
not
bear
it
;
as
appears
by
the
Statute
of
Clarendon
,
confirming
the
ancient
Brittish
English
Custom
,
with
the
consent
and
Oaths
of
all
the
Prelates
and
Peers
of
the
Realm
:
and
upon
this
custom
was
the
Law
grounded
,
Si
quis
inventus
,
&c.
If
any
one
be
found
bringing
in
the
Popes
Letter
or
Mandate
,
let
him
be
apprehended
,
let
justice
pass
upon
him
without
delay
,
as
a
Traitor
to
the
King
and
Kingdom
.
Math.
Par.
an.
1164.
Hoved.
in
Hen.
2.
And
all
along
afterwards
we
have
found
,
that
still
as
occasion
required
,
the
same
custom
was
maintained
and
vindicated
both
by
the
Church
and
State
of
the
Realm
till
within
an
hundred
years
before
Hen.
8.
So
that
the
rejection
of
the
Popes
Legate
is
founded
in
the
ancient
Right
,
the
common
and
Statute
Laws
of
the
Realm
;
and
the
Legantine
power
is
a
plain
Vsurpation
contrary
thereunto
;
and
was
ever
lookt
upon
as
such
,
it
never
having
any
real
possession
among
us
by
Law
,
or
quiet
possession
in
Fact
,
for
any
considerable
time
together
;
but
was
still
interrupted
by
the
whole
Kingdom
,
by
new
declaratory
Laws
against
it
.
Thus
,
we
have
seen
how
the
Popes
Possession
of
the
formal
branch
of
Jurisdiction
,
by
Appeals
and
Legates
,
stood
here
,
from
St.
Austin
to
Hen.
8.
and
that
it
was
quiet
and
uninterrupted
for
nine
hundred
together
,
passeth
away
as
a
Vapour
.
The
Contrary
being
evident
by
as
Authentick
Testimonies
as
can
be
desired
:
and
now
what
can
be
imagined
to
enervate
them
?
Obj.
If
it
be
urged
that
it
was
once
in
the
body
of
our
Laws
,
viz.
In
Magna
Charta
;
liceat
unicuique
de
caetero
exire
de
Regno
nostro
,
&
redire
salvo
&
securè
per
terram
&
per
aquam
,
salva
fide
nostra
,
nisi
in
tempore
Guerrae
per
aliquod
breve
Tempus
;
't
is
confest
.
Ans.
But
here
is
no
expression
,
that
plainly
and
in
terms
,
gives
license
of
Appeals
to
Rome
:
'T
is
indeed
said
,
that
it
is
lawful
for
any
to
go
out
of
the
Kingdom
and
to
return
safe
:
But
mark
the
Conditions
following
,
Nisi
in
&c.
'T
is
likely
,
these
words
were
inserted
in
favour
of
Appeals
,
but
it
may
be
the
Authors
were
timerous
to
word
it
in
a
more
plain
contradiction
to
our
ancient
Liberties
.
2.
The
very
form
of
words
as
they
are
,
would
seem
to
intimate
that
the
Custom
of
England
was
otherwise
.
3.
Lastly
,
If
it
be
considered
,
how
soon
after
,
and
with
what
unanimity
and
courage
our
ancient
Liberty
to
the
contrary
,
was
redeemed
and
vindicated
;
and
that
clause
left
out
of
Magna
Charta
ever
since
,
though
revised
and
confirmed
by
so
many
Kings
and
Parliaments
successively
,
it
is
only
an
argument
of
a
sudden
and
violent
torrent
of
Papal
Power
in
King
John's
time
,
&c.
not
of
any
grounded
or
well
settled
Authority
in
the
English
Laws
,
as
our
English
Liberties
have
.
I
Conclude
,
with
those
weighty
words
of
the
Statute
of
Ed.
3.
an.
27.
c.
1.
Having
regard
to
the
said
Statute
made
in
the
time
of
his
said
Grandfathers
,
which
Statute
holdeth
always
in
force
,
which
was
never
annulled
or
defeated
in
any
point
:
And
for
as
much
as
he
is
bound
by
his
Oath
to
do
the
same
,
to
be
kept
as
the
Law
of
the
Realm
,
though
,
that
by
sufferance
and
negligence
it
hath
been
since
attempted
to
the
contrary
.
Vid.
Preamble
of
the
Statute
.
Whereupon
,
it
is
well
observed
,
that
Queen
Acts
&
Mon.
Mary
her self
denyed
Cardinal
Pelow
to
appear
as
the
Popes
Legate
in
England
,
in
her
time
:
And
caused
all
the
Sea-ports
to
be
stopped
,
and
all
Letters
,
Briefs
,
and
Bulls
to
be
intercepted
and
brought
to
her
.
CHAP.
X.
The
Pope's
Legislative
Power
in
England
before
Hen.
8.
No
Canons
of
the
Pope
oblige
us
without
our
Consent
;
our
Kings
,
Saxons
,
Danes
,
Normans
,
made
Laws
Ecclesiastical
.
WE
have
found
possession
of
the
Executive
Power
otherwise
than
was
pretended
;
we
now
come
to
consider
how
it
stood
with
the
Legislative
:
the
Pope
,
indeed
claimed
a
Power
of
making
and
imposing
Canons
upon
this
Church
:
but
Henry
the
Eighth
denied
him
any
such
Power
;
and
prohibited
any
Canons
whatsoever
to
be
executed
here
,
without
the
King's
Licence
,
An.
25.
19.
The
question
now
is
,
whether
the
Pope
enjoyed
that
Power
of
making
and
imposing
Canons
effectually
and
quietly
here
,
from
the
time
of
Saint
Augustine
to
Henry
the
Eighth
,
or
indeed
any
considerable
time
together
?
and
this
would
invite
us
to
a
greater
Debate
,
who
was
Supreme
in
the
English
Church
(
the
Pope
or
the
King
)
during
that
time
;
or
rather
who
had
the
exercise
of
the
Supremacy
:
for
the
Power
of
making
Laws
,
is
the
chief
Flower
or
Branch
of
the
Supremacy
;
and
he
that
freely
,
and
without
interruption
,
enjoyed
this
Power
,
was
doubtless
,
in
the
Possession
of
the
Supremacy
.
That
the
Pope
had
it
not
,
so
long
and
so
quietly
,
as
is
pleaded
by
some
;
and
that
our
Kings
have
generally
enjoyed
it
,
will
both
together
appear
with
evidence
enough
by
the
Particulars
following
.
1.
If
none
were
to
be
taken
for
Pope
but
by
the
King's
Appointment
:
Sure
his
Laws
were
not
to
be
received
,
but
with
the
King's
Allowance
.
2.
If
not
so
much
as
a
Letter
could
be
received
from
the
Pope
without
the
King's
Knowledge
,
who
caused
words
prejudicial
to
the
Crown
to
be
renounced
:
Sure
,
neither
his
Laws
.
Both
the
Antecedents
we
find
in
Eadm
.
p.
626.
p.
131.
1.
3.
If
no
Canons
could
be
made
here
without
the
King's
Authority
;
or
being
made
,
could
have
any
force
,
but
by
the
King's
Allowance
and
Confirmation
,
where
was
the
Pope's
Supremacy
?
that
Canons
could
not
be
made
here
without
Convocations
by
Kings
.
the
King's
Authority
,
is
evident
;
because
the
Convocations
themselves
,
always
were
,
and
ought
to
be
Assembled
by
the
King
's
Writ
,
Eadm
.
p.
24.
5.
11.
Besides
,
the
King
caused
some
to
sit
therein
,
to
Supervise
the
Actions
:
&
Legato
ex
parte
Regis
&
Regni
inhiberent
,
ne
ibi
contra
Regiam
Coronam
&
dignitates
aliquid
statuere
attentaret
;
and
when
any
did
otherwise
,
he
was
forced
to
retract
what
he
had
done
;
as
did
Peckham
:
or
were
,
in
paucis
Servatae
;
as
those
of
Boniface
,
Math.
Par.
An.
1237.
p.
447.
51.
Lindwood
.
c.
1.
Glos
.
1.
If
Canons
were
made
,
though
the
Popes
Legate
,
and
consequently
all
his
power
,
was
at
Can.
confir
▪
by
Kings
.
the
making
of
them
;
yet
had
they
no
force
at
all
,
as
Laws
over
us
,
without
the
Kings
allowance
and
confirmation
:
The
King
having
first
heard
what
was
decreed
,
Consensum
praebuit
authoritate
Regiâ
&
potestate
confirmavit
Statuta
concilii
,
by
his
Kingly
power
he
confirmed
the
Statutes
of
the
Council
of
William
Arch-Bishop
of
Cant.
and
the
Legate
of
the
holy
Church
,
celebrated
at
Westminster
—
by
the
Assent
of
the
King
,
and
primorum
omnium
Regni
:
the
Chapters
subscribed
were
promulged
.
Eadm
.
p.
6.
29.
Flor.
Wigorn.
an.
1127.
p.
505.
Gervase
an.
1175.
Col.
1429.
18.
Twisden
Concludes
,
as
for
Councils
,
it
is
certain
,
none
were
here
called
from
Rome
,
till
1127.
P.
19
,
20.
If
they
did
come
to
any
,
as
to
Calcuith
,
the
King
,
upon
the
advice
of
the
Arch-Bishop
,
Statuit
diem
appointed
the
day
of
the
Council
:
So
when
William
the
first
,
held
one
at
Winchester
,
1070.
for
deposing
Stygand
;
though
there
came
to
it
three
sent
from
Alexan.
2.
Yet
it
was
held
,
Jubente
&
presente
Rege
;
who
was
President
of
it
;
wherein
,
as
before
was
noted
,
the
Popes
Legate
subscribed
the
sixteenth
after
all
the
English
Bishops
.
Vita
Lanfranci
.
c.
7.
p.
7.
Col.
1.
d.
All
our
Canons
are
therefore
(
as
they
are
justly
)
Canons
Kings
Laws
.
called
,
the
Kings
Ecclesiastical
Laws
,
because
no
Canons
have
the
power
of
Laws
,
but
such
as
he
allows
and
confirms
:
and
whatsoever
Canons
he
confirmed
of
old
,
that
had
their
original
from
a
foreign
power
,
he
allowed
for
the
sake
of
their
Piety
or
Equity
,
or
as
a
means
of
Communion
with
the
Church
from
whence
they
came
,
but
his
allowance
or
confirmation
gave
them
all
the
Authority
they
had
in
England
.
'T
is
a
point
so
plain
in
History
,
that
it
is
beyond
Before
Conquest
.
question
,
that
during
all
the
time
from
St.
Gregory
to
the
Conquest
,
the
Brittish
,
Saxon
,
and
Danish
Kings
(
without
any
dependance
on
the
Pope
)
did
usually
make
Ecclesiastical
Laws
.
Witness
,
the
laws
of
Excombert
,
Ina
,
Withred
,
Alfrede
,
Edward
Athelstan
,
Edmond
Edgar
,
Athelred
,
Canutus
,
and
Edward
the
Confessor
;
among
which
Laws
,
one
makes
it
the
Office
of
a
King
,
to
Govern
the
Church
as
the
Vicar
of
God
.
Indeed
,
at
last
the
Pope
was
officiously
kind
,
and
did
bestow
after
a
very
formal
way
,
upon
the
last
of
those
Kings
,
Edward
the
Confessor
,
a
Priviledge
,
which
all
his
Predecessors
had
enjoyed
as
their
own
undoubted
Right
before
,
viz.
the
Protection
of
all
the
Churches
of
England
,
and
power
to
him
and
his
Successors
the
Kings
of
England
for
ever
;
in
his
stead
,
to
make
just
Ecclesiastical
Constitutions
,
with
the
advice
of
their
Bishops
and
Abbots
.
But
with
thanks
to
his
Holiness
,
our
Kings
still
continued
their
ancient
custom
which
they
had
enjoyed
from
the
beginning
,
in
the
right
of
the
Crown
,
without
respect
to
his
curtesie
in
that
matter
.
After
the
Conquest
,
our
Norman
Kings
did
also
exercise
the
same
Legislative
power
in
Ecclesiastical
After
Conquest
.
Causes
over
Ecclesiastical
Persons
from
time
to
time
,
with
the
consent
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
.
Hence
all
those
Statutes
concerning
Benefices
,
Tythes
,
Advowsons
,
Lands
given
in
Mortmain
,
Prohibitions
,
Consultations
,
Praemunires
,
quare
impedits
,
Priviledge
of
the
Clergy
,
Extortions
of
Ecclesiastical
Courts
or
Officers
,
Regulation
of
Fees
,
Wages
of
Priests
,
Mortuaries
,
Sanctuaries
,
Appropriations
;
and
in
sum
,
as
Bishop
Bramhall
adds
,
All
things
which
did
belong
to
the
external
subsistence
,
Regiment
,
and
regulating
of
the
Church
;
and
this
in
the
Reigns
of
our
best
Norman
Kings
before
the
Reformation
.
Arch
Bishop
Bramh.
p.
73.
But
what
Laws
do
we
find
of
the
Popes
making
in
England
?
or
what
English-Law
hath
he
ever
effectually
abrogated
?
'T
is
true
many
of
the
Canons
of
the
Church
of
Rome
were
here
observed
;
but
before
they
became
obliging
,
or
had
the
force
of
Laws
,
the
King
had
power
in
his
great
Council
to
receive
them
,
if
they
were
judged
convenient
,
or
if
otherwise
to
reject
them
.
'T
is
a
notable
instance
that
we
have
of
this
,
in
Ed.
3.
time
:
When
some
Bishops
proposed
20
Ed.
3.
c.
9.
in
Parliament
,
the
reception
of
the
Ecclesiastical
Canon
,
for
the
legitimation
of
Children
,
born
before
Marriage
;
all
the
Peers
of
the
Realm
stood
up
,
and
cried
out
with
one
voice
,
Nolumus
leges
Angliae
mutari
;
we
will
not
have
the
Laws
of
England
to
be
changed
:
A
clear
evidence
,
that
the
Popes
Canons
were
not
English
Laws
,
and
that
the
Popish
Bishops
knew
they
could
not
be
so
,
without
the
Parliament
.
Likewise
,
the
King
and
Parliament
made
a
legislative
exposition
,
of
the
Canon
of
the
Council
of
Lions
,
concerning
Bigamy
,
which
they
would
4
Ed.
1.
c.
5.
not
have
done
had
they
not
thought
they
had
power
according
to
the
fundamental
Laws
of
England
,
either
to
receive
it
or
reject
it
.
These
are
plain
and
undeniable
evidences
,
that
when
Popery
was
at
highest
,
the
Popes
Supremacy
in
making
Laws
for
the
English
Church
was
very
ineffectual
,
without
the
countenance
of
a
greater
and
more
powerful
,
viz.
the
Supremacy
of
our
own
Kings
.
Obj.
Now
,
admit
that
during
some
little
space
,
the
Pope
did
impose
,
and
England
did
consent
to
the
authority
of
his
Canons
;
as
indeed
the
very
Consent
admitted
.
rejecting
of
that
authority
,
intimates
:
yet
that
is
very
short
of
the
Possession
of
it
,
without
interruption
,
for
nine
hundred
years
together
;
the
contrary
being
more
than
evident
.
However
,
this
Consent
was
given
either
by
By
Permission
.
Permission
or
Grant
:
If
only
by
Permission
,
whether
through
Fear
or
Reverence
,
or
Convenience
,
it
signifies
nothing
,
when
the
King
and
Kingdom
see
cause
to
vindicate
our
ancient
Liberties
,
and
resolve
to
endure
it
no
longer
.
If
a
Grant
be
pretended
,
't
was
either
from
Or
by
Grant
.
the
King
alone
;
or
joyned
with
his
Parliament
.
If
from
the
King
alone
,
he
could
grant
it
for
his
time
only
,
and
the
power
of
resuming
any
part
of
the
prerogative
granted
away
by
the
Predecessors
,
accompanies
the
Crown
of
the
Successor
;
and
fidelity
to
his
Office
and
Kingdom
,
obligeth
him
in
Justice
to
retrieve
and
recover
it
I
believe
none
will
undertake
to
affirm
,
that
the
Grant
was
made
by
the
Law
;
or
the
King
,
with
his
Parliament
:
Yet
if
this
should
be
said
and
proved
too
;
it
would
argue
very
little
to
the
purpose
;
for
this
is
to
establish
Iniquity
by
a
Law
:
The
Kings
Prerogative
,
as
Head
of
this
Church
,
lieth
too
deep
in
the
very
constitution
of
the
Kingdom
,
the
foundation
of
our
common
Law
,
and
in
the
very
Law
of
Nature
;
and
is
no
more
at
the
will
of
the
Parliament
,
than
the
fundamental
liberties
of
the
Subject
.
Lastly
,
the
same
Power
that
makes
,
can
repeal
a
Law
:
if
the
Authority
of
Papal
Canons
had
been
acknowledged
,
and
ratified
by
Parliament
,
which
cannot
be
said
;
't
is
most
certain
,
it
was
revoked
,
and
renounced
,
by
an
equal
Power
,
viz.
of
Henry
the
Eighth
,
and
the
whole
Body
of
the
Kingdom
,
both
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
.
It
is
the
Resolution
both
of
Reason
and
Law
,
that
no
Prescription
of
time
can
be
a
bar
to
the
Supreme
Power
;
but
,
that
,
for
the
Publick
good
it
may
revoke
,
any
Concessions
,
Permissions
or
Priviledges
:
thus
it
was
declared
in
Parliament
in
Edward
the
Third
his
Reign
,
when
reciting
the
Statute
of
Edward
the
First
;
they
say
,
the
Statute
holdeth
alway
his
force
;
and
that
the
King
is
bound
by
Oath
,
to
cause
the
same
to
be
kept
,
(
and
consequently
,
if
taken
away
,
to
be
restored
to
its
Observation
)
as
the
Law
of
the
Land
:
that
is
,
the
Common
,
Fundamental
,
unalterable
,
Law
of
the
Land
.
Besides
,
the
Case
is
most
clear
,
that
when
Henry
the
Eighth
began
his
Reign
,
the
Laws
asserting
the
Supreme
Authority
in
Causes
,
and
over
Persons
Ecclesiastical
,
were
not
altered
or
repealed
;
and
Henry
the
Eight
used
his
Authority
against
Papal
Incroachments
,
and
not
against
,
but
according
to
the
Statute
;
as
well
as
the
Common
Law
of
the
Land
:
witness
all
those
Noble
Laws
of
Provisors
and
praemunire
,
which
,
as
my
Lord
Bramhall
saith
,
we
may
truly
call
,
25
Ed.
1.
27
Ed.
3.
2
Hen.
4.
c.
3
,
4.
7
Hen.
4.
c.
6.
the
Palladium
which
preserved
it
from
being
swallowed
up
in
that
vast
gulph
of
the
Roman
Court
made
by
Edw.
1.
Edw.
3.
Rich.
2.
Hen.
4.
CHAP.
XI
.
Of
the
Power
of
Licences
&c.
here
;
in
Edw.
3.
Rich.
2.
Hen.
4.
Hen.
5.
Hen.
6.
Hen.
7.
THough
,
the
Pope
be
denied
the
Legislative
and
Judiciary
or
Executive
Power
in
England
;
yet
,
if
he
be
allowed
his
Dispensatory
Power
,
that
will
have
the
effect
of
Laws
;
and
fully
supersede
or
impede
the
Execution
of
Laws
,
in
Ecclesiastical
Causes
,
and
upon
Ecclesiastical
Persons
.
'T
is
confest
,
the
Pope
did
usurp
and
exercise
this
strange
Power
,
after
a
wonderful
manner
in
England
before
Henry
the
Eighth
;
by
his
Licences
,
Dispensations
,
Impositions
,
Faculties
,
Grants
,
Rescripts
,
Delegacies
,
and
other
such
kind
of
Instruments
,
as
the
Statute
25
Hen.
8.
21.
mentions
;
and
that
this
Power
was
denied
or
taken
from
him
by
the
same
Statute
;
as
also
by
another
,
28
Hen.
8.
16.
and
placed
in
,
or
rather
,
reduced
to
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
,
saving
the
Rights
of
the
See
of
York
,
in
all
Causes
convenient
and
necessary
for
the
Honour
and
Safety
of
the
King
;
the
Wealth
and
Profit
of
the
Realm
;
and
not
repugnant
to
the
Laws
of
Almighty
God
.
The
Grounds
of
removing
this
Power
from
the
Pope
,
as
they
are
expressed
in
that
excellent
Preamble
to
the
said
Statute
,
25
Hen.
8.
are
worthy
our
Reflexion
:
they
are
.
1.
The
Pope's
Vsurpation
in
the
Premises
.
2.
His
having
obtained
an
Opinion
in
many
of
the
people
,
that
he
had
full
Power
to
dispence
with
all
humane
Laws
,
Uses
,
and
Customs
,
in
all
Causes
Spiritual
.
3.
He
had
practised
this
strange
Usurpation
for
many
years
.
4.
This
his
practice
was
in
great
derogation
of
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Realm
.
5.
England
recognizeth
no
Superior
,
under
God
,
but
the
King
only
;
and
is
free
from
Subjection
to
any
Laws
,
but
such
as
are
ordained
within
this
Realm
;
or
admitted
Customs
by
our
own
Consent
and
Usage
,
and
not
as
Laws
of
any
Forreign
Power
.
6.
And
lastly
,
that
according
to
Natural
Equity
,
the
whole
State
of
our
Realm
in
Parliament
,
hath
this
Power
in
it
,
and
peculiar
to
it
;
to
dispence
with
,
alter
,
Abrogate
&c.
our
own
Laws
and
Customs
,
for
Publick
good
;
which
Power
appears
by
wholsom
Acts
of
Parliament
,
made
before
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
Eighth
,
in
the
time
of
his
Progenitors
.
For
these
Reasons
,
it
was
Enacted
in
those
Statutes
of
Henry
the
Eighth
.
That
no
Subject
of
England
should
sue
for
Licences
&c.
henceforth
to
the
Pope
,
but
to
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
.
Now
,
't
is
confessed
before
,
and
in
the
Preamble
to
the
Statute
,
that
the
Pope
had
used
this
Power
for
many
years
:
but
this
is
noted
as
an
Aggravation
of
the
Grievance
,
and
one
Reason
for
Redress
;
but
whether
he
enjoyed
it
from
the
time
of
Saint
dustine
,
or
how
long
quietly
is
the
proper
question
;
especially
seeing
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
made
by
King
Henry's
Predecessors
,
are
pleaded
by
him
in
contradiction
to
it
.
Yea
,
who
will
come
forth
,
and
shew
us
one
Instance
No
Instance
1110
years
after
Christ
.
of
a
Papal
Dispensation
in
England
for
the
first
eleven
hundred
years
after
Christ
?
if
not
,
five
hundred
,
of
the
nine
hundred
years
Prescription
,
and
the
first
five
hundred
too
,
as
well
as
the
first
eleven
hundred
of
the
fifteen
,
are
lost
,
to
the
Popes
,
and
gained
to
the
Prescription
of
the
Church
of
England
:
But
,
Did
not
the
Church
of
England
,
without
any
reference
to
the
Court
of
Rome
,
use
this
Power
during
the
first
eleven
hundred
years
;
what
man
is
so
hardly
as
to
deny
it
,
against
the
multitude
of
plain
Instances
in
History
?
Did
not
our
Bishops
relax
the
Rigor
of
Ecclesiastical
Canons
?
did
not
all
Bishops
,
all
over
the
Christian
World
,
do
the
like
before
the
Monopoly
was
usurped
?
In
the
Laws
of
Alured
alone
,
and
in
the
conjoynt
Laws
of
Alured
and
Gunthrun
,
how
many
Gervis
Dorober
.
p.
1648.
sorts
of
Ecclesiastical
Crimes
were
dispensed
with
,
by
the
Sole
Authority
of
the
King
and
Church
of
England
,
and
the
like
we
find
in
the
Laws
of
Spel.
Conc.
p.
364.
&c.
some
other
Saxon
Kings
.
Dunstan
the
Arch
Bishop
,
had
Excommunicated
a
great
Count
;
he
made
his
peace
at
Rome
;
the
Pope
commands
his
Restitution
:
Dunstan
answered
,
I
will
obey
the
Pope
willingly
,
when
I
Ibid.
p.
481.
see
him
penitent
;
but
it
is
not
God's
will
that
he
should
lie
in
his
sin
,
free
from
Ecclesiastical
Discipline
,
to
insult
over
us
.
God
forbid
that
I
should
relinquish
the
Law
of
Christ
for
the
Cause
of
any
Mortal
man
:
this
great
Instance
doth
two
things
at
once
;
justifieth
the
Arch-Bishops
,
and
destroyeth
the
Pope's
Authority
in
the
Point
.
The
Church
of
England
dispensed
with
those
irreligious
Nuns
,
in
the
days
of
Lanfrank
with
the
Council
of
the
King
;
and
with
Queen
Maud
,
the
Wife
of
Henry
the
First
,
in
the
like
Case
,
in
the
days
of
Anselm
,
without
any
Suit
to
Rome
,
or
Forreign
Dispensation
,
Lanfr
.
Ep.
32.
Eadm
.
l.
3.
p.
57.
These
are
great
and
notorious
and
certain
Instances
;
and
when
the
Pope
had
usurped
this
Power
afterwards
.
As
the
Selected
Cardinals
Stile
the
avaritious
Dispensations
of
the
Pope
,
Sacrilegious
&
Vulnera
Legum
;
so
our
Statutes
of
Provisors
expresly
27
Ed.
3.
say
,
they
are
the
undoing
and
Destruction
of
the
Common
Law
of
the
Land
:
accordingly
.
The
King
,
Lords
and
Commons
,
complained
of
this
abuse
,
as
a
Mighty
Grievance
;
of
the
frequent
coming
among
them
,
of
this
Infamous
Math.
Par.
Au.
1245.
Messenger
the
Pope's
non-obstante
,
that
is
,
his
Dispensations
;
by
which
,
Oaths
,
Customs
,
Writings
,
Grants
,
Statutes
,
Rights
,
Priviledges
,
were
not
only
weakned
,
but
made
void
.
Sometimes
these
dispensative
Bulls
came
to
legal
Trials
:
Boniface
the
Eighth
dispensed
with
the
law
where
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
was
Visitor
of
the
University
of
Oxford
;
and
by
his
Bull
exempted
the
Vniversity
from
his
Jurisdiction
,
and
that
Bull
was
decreed
void
in
Parliament
by
two
Successive
Kings
;
as
being
obtained
to
the
prejudice
of
the
Crown
,
the
weakning
of
the
Laws
and
Customs
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
the
probable
Ruine
of
the
said
University
,
Ex
Arch.
Tur.
Londini
.
Ex
Antiq.
Acad.
Cantab.
p.
91.
In
interruption
of
this
Papal
Vsurpation
,
were
those
many
Laws
made
in
25
Edw.
1.
and
35
Et
12
Rich.
2.
Edw.
1.
25
Edw.
3.
and
27
and
28
Edw.
3.
and
afterwards
more
expresly
in
the
sixteenth
of
Richard
the
Second
,
where
complaining
of
Processes
and
Censures
upon
Bishops
of
England
,
because
they
executed
the
King's
Comandments
,
in
his
Courts
;
they
express
the
mischiefs
to
be
the
Dismherison
of
the
Crown
;
the
Destruction
of
the
King
,
Laws
,
and
Realm
:
that
the
Crown
of
England
is
subject
to
none
under
God
;
and
both
the
Clergy
and
Laity
severally
and
severely
protest
to
defend
it
,
against
the
Pope
;
and
the
same
King
contested
the
Point
himself
with
him
,
and
would
not
yield
it
.
An
Excommunication
by
the
Arch-Bishop
,
albeit
it
be
disanulled
by
the
Pope
,
is
to
be
allowed
Lord
Coke
.
Cawdrie's
Case
.
by
the
Judges
against
the
Sentence
of
the
Pope
,
according
to
the
16
Edw.
3.
Titl
.
Excom.
4.
For
the
Pope's
Bulls
in
special
,
our
Laws
have
abundantly
provided
against
them
;
as
well
in
case
of
Excommunication
,
as
Exemption
.
vid.
30
Edw.
3.
lib.
Ass.
pl.
19.
and
the
abundant
,
as
is
evidenced
by
my
Lord
Coke
out
of
our
English
Laws
,
in
Cawd.
Case
p.
15.
he
mentions
a
particular
Case
,
wherein
the
Bull
was
pleaded
for
Evidence
,
that
a
Person
stood
Excommunicate
by
the
Pope
;
but
it
was
not
allowed
;
because
no
Certificate
appeared
from
any
Bishop
of
England
,
31
Edw.
3.
Title
Excom
.
6.
The
same
again
,
8
Hen.
6.
fol.
3.
&
12
Edw.
4.
fol.
16.
&
R.
3.
&
1
Hen.
7.
fol.
20.
So
late
as
Henry
the
Fourth
,
if
any
Person
of
Stat.
2
Hen.
4.
c.
3.
Religion
,
obtain
of
the
Bishop
of
Rome
to
be
Exempt
from
Obedience
,
Regular
or
Ordinary
,
he
is
in
case
of
a
praemunire
;
which
is
an
offence
contra
Regem
,
Coronam
&
dignitatem
suam
.
Again
,
more
plain
to
our
purpose
,
in
Henry
Hen.
5.
the
Fifth's
time
,
after
great
Complaint
in
Parliament
,
the
Grievances
,
by
reason
of
the
Pope's
licences
to
the
contrary
,
it
was
enacted
that
the
King
,
willing
to
avoid
such
Mischiefs
,
hath
ordained
and
established
,
that
all
Incumbents
by
the
Patronage
of
Spiritual
Persons
,
might
quietly
3
Hen.
5.
c.
4.
enjoy
their
Benefices
without
being
inquieted
,
by
any
colour
of
Provisions
,
Licences
and
Acceptations
by
the
Pope
:
and
that
all
such
Licenses
and
Pardons
upon
,
and
by
such
Provisions
made
in
any
manner
,
should
be
void
and
of
no
valour
;
aod
that
the
Malefactors
by
virtue
thereof
incur
the
punishments
contained
in
the
Statutes
of
Provisors
before
that
time
made
.
The
King
only
may
grant
or
licence
,
to
found
a
9
Hen.
6.
fol.
16.
Spiritual
Corporation
as
it
is
concluded
by
our
Law
,
even
in
Henry
the
Sixth's
time
.
Further
,
in
Edward
the
Fourth's
Reign
,
the
Pope
granted
to
the
Prior
of
Saint
Johns
to
have
1
Hen.
7.
fol.
20.
a
Sanctuary
within
his
Priory
;
and
this
was
pleaded
and
claimed
by
the
Prior
;
but
it
was
resolved
by
the
Judges
,
that
the
Pope
had
no
power
to
grant
any
Sanctuary
within
this
Realm
;
and
by
Judgment
of
the
Law
it
was
disallowed
.
We
have
thus
,
fully
I
hope
,
justified
the
words
of
the
Statute
of
Henry
the
Eighth
;
that
the
Laws
made
in
the
times
of
his
Predecessors
,
did
in
effect
the
same
things
:
Especially
those
of
Edw.
1.
Edw.
3.
Rich.
2.
Hen.
4.
which
that
Parliament
,
24
Hen.
8.
c.
12.
refer
us
to
,
expresly
and
particularly
;
and
how
small
time
is
left
,
for
the
Pope's
Prescription
(
if
any
at
all
for
his
quiet
possession
)
of
the
power
of
licences
in
England
.
Yet
it
is
confest
,
he
had
usurped
,
and
by
several
instances
been
heedlesly
,
or
timerously
permitted
,
to
exercise
such
a
Power
,
for
many
years
together
,
as
the
Parliament
acknowledgeth
;
though
,
contrary
to
the
Ancient
Liberty
,
the
Common
Law
;
and
so
many
plain
Decrees
of
our
Judges
,
and
Statutes
of
the
Land
from
Age
to
Age
,
as
have
appeared
.
CHAP.
XII
.
Of
the
Patronage
of
the
English
Church
,
in
our
Kings
,
by
History
.
Law
.
THis
Flower
of
the
Crown
was
derived
from
our
ancient
English
and
Brittish
Kings
to
William
the
Conqueror
,
William
Rufus
,
and
Hen.
1.
who
enjoyed
the
Right
of
placing
in
vacant
Sees
,
by
the
Tradition
of
a
Ring
and
a
Crocier
Staff
,
without
further
Approbation
,
Ordination
,
or
Confirmation
from
Rome
;
for
the
first
eleven
hundred
years
.
Indeed
,
then
Hildebrand
,
and
after
Calixtus
did
condemn
and
prohibit
all
Investitures
taken
from
a
Lay-hand
.
That
,
before
Hildebrand
,
this
was
the
undoubted
right
of
the
Crown
,
is
evident
both
by
History
and
Law
.
For
History
,
we
find
Malms
.
notes
,
that
King
Edgar
did
grant
to
the
Monks
of
Glastenbury
the
free
Election
of
their
Abbot
for
ever
:
But
he
reserved
to
himself
and
his
Heirs
,
the
power
to
invest
the
Brother
elected
by
the
Tradition
of
a
Pastoral
Staff
.
Malms
.
de
gest
.
R.
l.
2.
c.
8.
Therefore
Ingulf
the
Abbot
of
Crowland
,
in
the
time
of
the
Conqueror
,
saith
,
for
many
years
,
Ibid.
(
he
might
have
said
Ages
)
past
,
there
hath
been
no
free
Election
of
Prelates
;
but
the
Kings
Court
did
confer
all
dignities
,
by
a
Ring
and
a
Crocier
Staff
.
Lanfrank
desired
of
William
the
Conqueror
,
the
Patronage
of
the
Abby
of
St.
Austin
;
but
the
King
answered
,
se
velle
,
&c.
that
he
would
keep
all
the
Crociers
Staffs
(
i.
e.
Investitures
)
in
his
own
hand
.
The
same
is
testified
of
Anselm
himself
by
Eadm
.
He
after
the
manner
and
example
of
his
Predecessor
,
was
instructed
according
to
the
custom
of
the
Land
;
and
did
homage
to
the
King
;
as
Lanfrank
his
Predecessor
,
in
the
See
of
Canterbury
,
in
his
time
had
done
;
and
William
the
Agent
of
Hen.
1.
protested
openly
to
Pope
Paschal
,
—
I
would
have
all
men
here
to
know
,
that
my
Lord
the
King
of
England
will
not
suffer
the
loss
of
his
Investitures
,
for
the
loss
of
his
Kingdom
.
Indeed
Pope
Paschal
was
as
resolute
,
though
it
be
said
,
not
so
just
in
his
answer
.
I
speak
it
before
God
,
Paschal
the
Pope
will
not
suffer
him
to
keep
them
Eadm
.
l.
3.
p.
73.
without
punishment
;
no
not
for
the
Redemption
of
his
Head
.
Here
was
indeed
a
demand
made
,
with
confidence
and
courage
;
but
,
had
that
Pope
no
better
Title
than
that
of
Possession
to
claim
by
,
he
had
certainly
none
at
all
:
For
,
as
Eadm
.
concludes
,
the
case
seemed
a
new
thing
(
or
Innovation
)
to
this
our
Age
;
and
unheard
of
,
to
the
English
,
from
the
time
that
the
Normans
began
to
Reign
,
(
that
,
I
say
not
sooner
)
for
from
the
time
that
William
the
Norman
conquered
the
Land
,
no
Bishop
or
Abbot
was
made
,
(
before
Anselm
)
who
did
not
first
do
homage
to
the
King
;
and
from
his
Eadm
.
wer
.
in
Praef.
p.
2.
hand
by
the
gift
of
a
Crocier
Staff
,
receive
the
investiture
to
his
Bishoprick
or
Abbacy
,
except
two
Bishops
of
Rochester
,
who
were
Surrogates
to
the
Arch-Bishop
;
and
inducted
by
him
by
the
Kings
leave
.
Indeed
,
now
the
Pope
began
to
take
upon
him
in
earnest
;
and
to
require
an
Oath
of
Fidelity
of
the
Arch-Bishop
when
he
gave
him
the
Pall
;
and
to
deny
that
Pall
if
he
would
not
take
it
.
A
new
Oath
never
before
heard
of
,
or
practised
:
An
Oath
of
Obedience
to
himself
;
as
it
it
is
expresly
called
,
in
the
Edition
of
Gregory
13.
An
Oath
not
established
by
any
Council
,
but
only
by
Papal
Authority
,
by
Paschalis
himself
,
as
Gregory
the
Ninth
recordeth
.
This
Oath
,
at
first
,
though
new
,
was
modest
;
bounding
the
Obedience
of
the
Arch-Bishops
only
by
the
Rules
of
the
holy
Fathers
;
as
we
find
in
the
old
Roman
Pontifical
:
But
it
was
quickly
changed
from
Regulas
Sanctorum
Patrum
,
to
Regalia
Sancti
Petri
:
The
change
,
as
my
Lord
Bramhall
observes
,
not
great
in
words
,
but
in
Sence
,
abominable
.
P.
320.
Bellarmine
would
persuade
us
,
that
the
like
Twisd
.
p.
47
:
Oath
was
given
,
in
Gregory
the
firsts
time
;
but
that
was
nothing
like
an
Oath
of
Obedience
,
and
was
only
an
Oath
of
Abjuration
of
Heresie
;
not
imposed
but
taken
freely
,
no
common
Oath
of
Bishops
,
nor
any
thing
touching
the
Royalties
of
St.
Peter
,
as
may
be
seen
Greg.
Epist.
1.
10.
Ep.
30.
Indic
.
5.
About
an
hundred
years
after
,
in
the
time
of
Gregory
the
Ninth
,
they
extended
the
subjects
of
the
Oath
,
as
well
as
the
matter
;
enlarging
it
from
Arch-Bishops
to
all
Prelates
,
Bishops
,
Abbots
,
Priors
,
and
now
they
cry
up
the
Canons
above
all
Imperial
Laws
.
But
to
decide
this
point
of
swearing
Allegiance
to
the
Pope
;
which
could
not
be
done
without
going
in
person
to
Rome
;
it
is
sufficient
that
by
all
our
Laws
,
no
Clergyman
could
go
to
Rome
without
the
Kings
Licence
;
and
that
by
an
ancient
Brittannick
Law
;
if
any
subject
enter
into
League
with
another
(
Prince
)
professing
Fidelity
Hect.
Boeth
.
Hist.
and
obedience
to
any
one
(
besides
the
King
)
let
him
loose
his
head
.
But
,
let
us
admit
,
that
the
Pope
eleven
hundred
years
after
Christ
,
got
possession
of
the
English
Church
,
and
the
Conscience
of
the
Bishops
by
Investiture
and
Oaths
;
who
will
shew
us
that
he
had
it
sooner
?
who
will
maintain
that
he
kept
it
quietly
till
Hen.
8
?
This
last
point
will
be
clear
,
by
examining
2.
Law
.
our
Laws
,
the
second
Topick
propounded
at
the
beginning
of
this
discourse
:
For
if
his
Possession
were
good
,
it
was
setled
in
Law
;
and
if
quiet
,
the
Laws
were
not
made
to
oppose
it
,
by
the
great
States
of
the
Kingdom
.
My
Lord
Bramhall
hath
produced
three
great
Laws
,
as
sufficient
to
determine
this
Controversie
;
1.
Clarendon
.
whether
the
King
or
the
Pope
be
Patron
of
the
English
Church
;
the
Assize
of
Clarendon
,
Statute
of
Carlisle
,
and
of
Provisors
.
The
first
tells
us
plainly
,
that
the
Election
of
an
Arch-Bishop
,
Bishop
,
Abbot
and
Prior
was
to
be
made
by
the
respective
dignitaries
upon
the
Kings
calling
them
together
to
that
purpose
;
and
with
the
Kings
consent
.
And
then
the
Person
elected
,
was
presently
to
do
homage
to
the
King
as
his
Liege
Lord
.
And
that
this
method
was
exclusive
of
the
In
Ed.
1.
Pope
,
that
of
Carlisle
is
very
distinct
:
The
King
is
the
founder
of
all
Bishopricks
,
and
ought
to
2.
Carlisle
.
have
the
custody
of
them
in
the
Vacances
,
and
the
Right
of
Patronage
to
present
to
them
;
and
that
the
Bishop
of
Rome
usurping
the
right
of
Patronage
,
giveth
them
to
Aliens
.
That
this
tendeth
to
Annullation
of
the
State
of
holy
Church
;
to
the
disinheriting
of
Kings
;
and
the
destruction
of
the
Realm
.
This
is
an
Oppression
,
and
shall
not
be
Suffered
.
The
Statute
of
Provisors
.
15.
Ed.
3.
affirms
,
that
Elections
were
first
granted
by
Kings
Progenitors
,
Provisors
.
upon
Condition
to
demand
Licence
of
the
King
to
Chuse
,
and
,
after
the
Election
,
to
have
the
Royal
Assent
.
Which
Conditions
not
being
kept
;
the
thing
ought
by
reason
to
return
to
its
first
Nature
.
And
therefore
they
conclude
,
that
in
Case
,
Reservation
,
Collation
or
Provision
be
made
by
the
Court
of
Rome
,
of
any
Arch-Bishoprick
&c.
The
King
and
his
Heirs
shall
have
the
Collations
for
the
same
time
,
such
as
his
Progenitors
had
before
the
free
Elections
were
granted
.
And
they
tell
the
King
plainly
,
that
the
Right
of
the
Crown
is
such
,
and
the
Law
of
the
Land
too
,
that
the
King
is
bound
to
make
Remidies
and
Laws
,
against
such
Mischiefs
.
And
acknowledg
that
he
is
Advower
Paramont
,
immediate
of
all
Churches
,
Prebends
,
and
other
Benefices
,
which
are
of
the
Advowrie
of
holy
Church
.
i.
e.
Soveraign
patron
of
it
.
My
Lord
Coke
,
more
abundantly
,
adds
,
the
Wil.
1.
Resolutions
and
Decrees
of
the
Law
,
to
confirm
us
in
the
Point
.
In
the
time
of
William
the
7.
Ed.
3.
tit
.
qu.
i.
e.
p.
19.
first
,
it
is
agreed
that
no
man
only
can
make
any
Appropriation
of
any
Church
having
cure
of
Souls
,
but
he
that
hath
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
:
but
William
the
first
did
make
such
Appropriations
,
of
himself
without
any
other
.
Edward
the
first
presented
his
Clerke
;
who
was
refused
by
the
Arch-Bishop
;
for
that
the
Ed.
1.
Pope
by
way
of
Provision
,
had
conferred
it
on
another
.
The
King
brought
his
quare
non
admisit
,
the
Arch-Bishop
pleaded
the
Supremacy
of
the
Pope
;
and
that
he
durst
not
,
nor
had
power
to
put
him
out
,
which
was
by
the
Popes
Bull
in
Possession
,
for
which
—
by
judgment
of
the
Common
Law
,
the
Lands
of
his
whole
Bishoprick
were
seized
into
the
Kings
hands
,
and
lost
during
his
life
:
And
my
Lord
Coke's
Note
upon
it
is
,
that
this
Judgment
was
before
any
Statute
was
made
in
that
Case
.
In
the
Reign
of
Edw.
3.
it
is
often
resolved
,
Ed.
3.
that
all
the
Bishopricks
within
England
,
were
founded
by
the
Kings
Progenitors
;
and
therefore
,
the
Advowsons
of
them
all
belong
to
the
King
;
and
at
the
first
they
were
Donative
:
And
that
if
any
Incumbent
dye
,
the
Lapse
comes
to
the
Bishop
,
then
to
the
Arch-Bishop
;
and
lastly
,
by
the
common
Law
to
the
King
,
as
to
the
Supreme
within
his
own
Kingdom
,
and
not
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
.
This
King
presented
to
a
Benefice
,
his
Presentee
21
Ed.
3.
40.
f.
40.
was
disturbed
by
one
that
had
obtained
Bulls
from
Rome
;
for
which
offence
he
was
condemned
to
perpetual
Imprisonment
.
It
is
no
small
spice
of
the
Kings
Ecclesiastical
Patronage
,
that
we
find
,
the
King
made
Canons
secular
to
be
Regular
;
and
that
he
made
the
Prior
and
Covent
of
Westminster
,
a
distinct
Corporation
from
the
Abbot
.
38.
li.
Ass.
pl.
22.
49.
Ed.
3.
l.
Ass.
pl.
8.
But
more
full
is
the
case
of
Abbot
Moris
,
who
sent
to
Rome
to
be
confirmed
by
the
Pope
;
who
46
Ed.
3.
Tit.
praem.
6.
by
his
Bull
sleighted
the
Election
of
Moris
;
but
gave
him
the
Abby
,
of
his
spiritual
Grace
,
and
at
the
request
(
as
he
feigned
)
of
the
King
of
England
.
This
Bull
was
read
and
considered
of
in
Council
,
that
is
,
before
all
the
Judges
of
England
;
and
it
was
resolved
by
them
all
;
that
this
Bull
was
against
the
Laws
of
England
;
and
that
the
Abbot
for
obtaining
the
same
,
was
faln
into
the
Kings
mercy
:
whereupon
all
his
Possessions
were
seiz'd
into
the
Kings
hands
.
In
the
Reign
of
Richard
the
Second
;
one
sued
12
Rich.
2.
Tit.
Juris.
18.
a
provision
in
the
Court
of
Rome
,
against
an
Incumbent
,
recovered
the
Church
;
brought
an
action
of
account
for
Oblations
,
&c.
but
the
whole
Court
was
of
opinion
against
the
Plaintiff
;
and
thereupon
he
was
non-suit
.
Vid.
Stat.
16.
Rich.
2.
c.
5.
against
all
Papal
Usurpations
;
and
this
in
particular
;
the
pain
is
a
praemunire
.
In
Hen.
4
s
Reign
,
the
Judges
say
that
the
Statutes
which
restrain
the
Popes
Provisions
to
the
Benefices
11
H.
4.
f.
69
,
70.
of
the
Advowsons
of
spiritual
men
,
were
made
;
for
that
the
spiritualty
durst
not
in
their
just
cause
say
against
the
Popes
Provisions
;
so
as
those
Statutes
were
made
but
in
affirmance
of
the
common
Laws
.
Now
what
remains
to
be
pleaded
in
behalf
of
the
Popes
Patronage
of
our
Church
,
at
least
as
to
his
possession
of
it
,
against
so
many
plain
and
great
Evidences
both
of
Law
and
Deed
?
All
pretences
touching
the
Popes
giving
the
Pall
are
more
than
anticipated
:
For
it
is
not
to
be
denied
,
but
that
was
not
held
necessary
,
either
to
the
consceration
,
confirmation
,
or
investiture
of
the
very
Arch-Bishop
before
Anselm's
time
:
Yea
't
is
manifest
that
Lanfrank
,
Anselm
,
and
Raulf
did
dedicate
Churches
,
consecrate
Bishops
and
Abbots
,
and
were
called
Arch-Bishops
,
while
they
had
no
Pall
,
as
Twisden
proves
out
of
Eadmer
.
P.
47.
We
never
read
,
that
either
Laurentius
or
Milletus
received
the
Pall
from
Rome
,
who
,
no
doubt
,
were
as
lawful
Arch-Bishops
as
Austin
.
Girald
and
Hoveden
both
give
us
an
account
,
that
Sampson
of
St.
Davids
had
a
Pall
,
but
do
not
say
from
Rome
;
and
,
though
in
the
time
of
infection
,
he
carried
it
away
with
him
.
After
Paulinus
,
there
are
five
in
the
Catalogue
of
York
,
expresly
said
to
have
wanted
it
(
and
Wilfred
was
one
of
them
)
yet
are
reputed
both
Vid.
Twisd
.
ibid.
Arch-Bishops
and
Saints
;
and
of
others
in
that
series
,
it
is
not
easie
to
prove
they
ever
used
it
;
nor
Adilbaldus
,
till
the
fourth
year
after
his
Investiture
.
And
Gregory
the
Great
saith
,
that
it
ought
not
to
be
given
,
nisi
fortiter
Postulanti
.
What
this
Honorary
was
anciently
,
seems
uncertain
;
but
't
is
most
certain
,
it
could
evacuate
the
Kings
Legal
and
natural
Patronage
of
our
Church
;
or
discharge
the
Bishops
from
their
dependance
on
,
and
Allegiance
to
his
Crown
.
'T
is
true
indeed
,
when
Pope
Nicolaus
could
not
deny
it
,
he
was
graciously
pleased
to
grant
this
Patronage
to
Edward
the
Confessor
:
Vobis
&
posteris
,
&c.
commattimus
advocationem
,
&c.
We
Baron
.
an.
1059.
n.
23
▪
commit
the
Advowson
of
all
the
Churches
of
England
to
you
and
your
Successors
,
Kings
of
England
:
It
might
have
been
replied
,
Nicolaus
Papa
hoc
domino
meo
privilegium
,
quod
ex
Paterno
jure
susceperat
praebuit
,
as
the
Emperors
Advocate
said
.
This
is
too
mean
as
well
as
too
remote
a
spring
of
our
Kingly
power
in
the
Church
of
England
,
though
it
might
,
ad
hominem
,
sufficiently
supersede
(
one
would
think
)
all
Papal
practises
against
so
plain
and
full
a
grant
:
if
any
thing
passed
by
it
,
certainly
it
must
be
that
very
power
of
Advowson
,
that
the
Popes
afterwards
so
much
pretended
,
and
our
Laws
(
mentioned
)
were
made
on
purpose
to
oppose
them
in
.
We
see
no
reason
therefore
,
against
the
Statute
of
Hen.
8.
so
agreeable
to
the
ancient
Rights
and
Laws
of
this
Realm
:
Be
it
enacted
,
that
no
person
shall
be
Presented
,
Nominated
,
or
Commended
to
the
Pope
,
to
or
for
the
dignity
of
an
Arch-Bishop
or
Bishop
within
this
Realm
,
nor
shall
send
or
procure
thence
for
any
manner
of
Bulls
,
Briefs
,
Palls
,
or
other
things
requisite
for
an
Arch-Bishop
or
Bishop
.
—
all
such
,
viz.
Applications
and
Instruments
,
shall
utterly
cease
and
no
longer
be
used
within
this
Realm
;
and
such
as
do
contrary
to
this
Act
,
shall
run
in
danger
of
the
Statutes
of
Provision
and
Praemunire
.
H.
8.
25
,
20.
CHAP.
XIII
.
Of
Peter
-
Pence
,
and
other
Moneys
formerly
paid
to
the
Pope
.
UPon
Complaint
,
by
Parliament
in
25
Hen.
8.
21.
Henry
the
Eighth's
Reign
,
of
intolerable
exactions
of
great
Sums
of
money
by
the
Pope
;
as
well
in
Pensions
,
Censes
,
Peter-pence
,
Procurations
,
&c.
and
for
infinite
sorts
of
Bulls
,
&c.
otherwise
than
by
the
Laws
and
Customs
of
the
Realm
should
be
permitted
;
It
was
enacted
,
that
no
Person
should
thenceforth
pay
any
such
Pensions
,
Peter
-
pence
,
&c.
but
that
all
such
payments
should
thence-forth
clearly
surcease
,
and
never
more
be
levied
,
taken
,
or
paid
;
and
all
Annates
,
or
First-Fruits
and
Tenths
of
25
Hen.
8.
20.
Arch-Bishops
and
Bishops
were
taken
away
,
and
forbidden
to
be
paid
to
the
Pope
,
the
year
before
.
Our
Payments
to
the
Court
of
Rome
,
seem
to
have
been
of
four
sorts
;
Peter-pence
,
First-Fruits
and
Tenths
;
Casual
,
for
Palls
,
Bulls
,
&c.
and
extraordinary
Taxations
:
briefly
,
of
each
.
1.
For
Peter-pence
;
(
the
only
Ancient
payment
)
Peter-pence
.
it
was
,
at
first
,
given
and
received
as
an
Alms
;
Eleemosina
Beati
Petri
,
saith
Paschalis
,
2.
Ep.
Hen.
1.
apud
Eadm
.
p.
113.
27.
Perhaps
,
rendred
out
of
Gratitude
and
Reverence
to
the
See
of
Rome
;
to
which
England
was
,
no
doubt
,
frequently
obliged
,
for
their
care
and
Council
,
and
other
assistances
;
and
by
continuance
,
this
Alms
and
gratitude
,
obtained
the
name
of
Rent
:
and
was
Metaphorically
called
,
sometimes
,
Tributum
,
but
never
anciently
understood
Vid.
Twisd
.
p.
●5
.
to
acknowledge
the
Pope
as
Superior
Lord
of
a
Lay-fee
.
But
,
when
the
Pope
changed
Advice
into
Precept
,
and
Counsel
into
Law
and
Empire
;
and
required
Additions
,
with
other
grievous
Exactions
,
unto
his
Peter-pence
;
it
was
a
proper
time
to
be
better
advised
of
our selves
,
and
not
to
encourage
such
a
wild
Vsurpation
with
the
continuance
of
our
Alms
or
gratitude
.
This
Alms
was
first
given
by
a
Saxon
King
:
but
by
whom
,
it
is
not
agreed
;
but
that
there
was
no
other
payment
besides
this
,
made
to
Rome
before
the
year
1246.
appears
:
for
that
,
though
there
was
much
complaint
and
controversie
about
our
payments
,
we
find
the
omission
of
no
payment
instanced
in
,
but
of
that
duty
only
;
neither
do
the
Body
of
our
Kingdom
in
their
Remonstrance
to
Innocent
the
Fourth
1246.
mention
any
other
,
as
claimed
from
hence
to
Rome
.
Yet
this
payment
,
as
it
was
not
from
the
beginning
,
and
as
it
was
,
at
first
,
but
an
Alms
;
so
it
was
not
continued
without
some
interruptions
,
when
Rome
had
given
Arguments
of
sufficient
provocation
,
both
in
the
times
of
William
the
First
,
and
Henry
his
Son
,
and
Henry
the
Second
:
this
latter
,
during
the
Dispute
with
Becket
and
Alex.
3.
commanded
the
Sheriffs
through
England
,
that
Peter-pence
should
be
gathered
and
kept
,
quousque
inde
Dominus
Rex
voluntatem
suam
praeceperit
.
Historians
observe
that
Edward
the
Third
,
during
the
French
war
gave
command
,
that
no
Peter-pence
should
be
gathered
or
paid
to
Rome
;
Stow
An.
1365.
and
the
Restraint
continued
all
that
Prince's
time
,
for
his
Successor
Richard
the
Second
,
at
the
beginning
of
his
Reign
,
caused
John
Wickliff
to
consider
the
Point
,
who
concludes
,
those
payments
being
no
other
than
Alms
,
the
Kingdom
was
not
obliged
to
continue
them
longer
,
Vid.
Twisden
.
p.
76.
than
it
stood
with
its
Convenience
,
and
not
to
its
detriment
or
Ruine
,
according
to
the
Rule
in
Divinity
,
extra
Casus
Necessitatis
&
Superfluitatis
Eleemosyna
non
est
in
praecepto
.
Indeed
,
in
the
Parliament
,
held
the
same
year
,
the
question
was
made
,
and
a
Petition
preferred
(
which
surely
was
some
kind
of
disturbance
of
the
payment
)
against
them
,
with
no
effect
:
the
King
restored
them
,
and
the
payment
of
them
continued
till
Hen.
8.
So
much
for
Peter-pence
;
for
the
other
payments
,
2.
First-Fruits
.
viz.
First-Fruits
and
Tenths
,
and
the
Casual
payments
,
for
Bulls
,
&c.
they
so
evidently
depend
on
the
Pope's
Supremacy
for
Legislation
,
Jurisdiction
,
and
Dispensation
,
that
they
are
justly
denied
with
it
;
however
,
we
shall
briefly
examine
the
Rise
and
the
Possession
of
them
.
For
the
Annates
and
Tenths
,
which
the
Pope
Clemang
.
Platina
.
Pol.
Virg.
received
from
our
Arch-Bishops
and
Bishops
,
the
Historians
agree
,
that
England
,
of
all
Nations
,
never
submitted
to
the
full
extent
of
the
Papal
Commands
or
Expectations
;
which
no
doubt
,
was
occasioned
by
the
good
Laws
made
here
against
them
.
There
is
difference
amongst
Writers
,
in
De
Scysm.
6.
lib.
2.
c.
9.
whose
time
the
First-Fruits
began
to
be
taken
Theodoricus
a
Niem
saith
,
Boniface
9.
about
the
Tenth
year
of
his
Government
was
the
first
that
reserved
them
;
with
whom
Platina
agrees
,
In
vit.
Bon.
9.
de
inven
.
Rer.
l.
8.
c.
2.
and
Polid.
Virgil
,
and
many
others
,
as
Twisden
notes
;
and
Walsingham
reduces
them
but
to
1316.
Hist.
An.
1316.
p.
84
,
85.
But
the
question
is
,
how
long
the
Pope
quietly
enjoyed
them
?
the
Kingdom
was
so
intolerably
burthened
with
Papal
Taxes
,
before
(
of
which
we
shall
speak
hereafter
)
and
these
,
First-Fruits
and
Tenths
,
being
a
Remembrance
of
those
extraordinary
Taxes
,
and
a
way
devised
to
settle
and
continue
them
upon
us
,
they
were
presently
felt
and
complained
of
.
The
Parliament
complained
in
general
of
such
oppressions
,
25
Edw.
3.
An.
1351.
and
again
more
particularly
,
among
other
things
of
First-Fruits
in
the
fiftieth
of
Edward
the
Third
,
and
desire
Rot.
Parl.
n.
105
,
106.
his
Majesty
,
no
Collector
of
the
Pope
may
reside
in
England
.
The
King
not
complying
,
they
,
again
,
instance
the
year
following
,
that
the
Pope's
Collector
was
as
very
an
enemy
to
this
State
as
the
French
themselves
:
Rot.
Parl.
51
Edw.
3.
n.
78
,
79.
that
he
Annually
sent
away
20000
Marks
;
and
sometimes
20000
Pounds
;
and
that
,
he
now
raised
for
the
Pope
,
the
First-Fruits
of
all
Dignities
,
which
,
in
the
very
beginning
,
ought
to
be
crusht
.
Yet
they
prevailed
not
to
their
minds
;
and
in
the
next
Parliaement
,
the
Commons
preferred
three
Petitions
:
First
,
touching
the
payment
of
Rot.
Pa●l.
1
R.
2.
n.
66
,
67
,
68
:
First-Fruits
,
not
used
in
the
Realm
before
these
times
.
Secondly
,
Reservation
of
Benefices
.
Thirdly
,
Bestowing
them
on
Aliens
,
&c.
praying
Remedy
;
as
also
,
that
the
Petitions
of
the
two
last
Parliaments
,
might
be
considered
,
and
convenient
Remedies
ordained
:
the
King
hereupon
refers
the
matters
for
Remedy
to
his
grand
or
Privy-Council
.
But
neither
yet
was
full
satisfaction
obtained
as
appears
;
for
that
the
Commons
renewed
Rot.
Parl.
Rich.
2.
n.
37.
in
effect
the
same
Suits
in
the
third
and
fifth
of
Rich.
2.
the
inconveniences
still
continuing
:
after
which
the
next
Parliament
obtained
the
Statute
of
Praemunire
;
which
,
as
Pol.
Virgil
observes
,
13
Ri.
2.
c.
2.
was
a
Confining
the
Papal
Authority
within
the
Ocean
.
To
which
Law
three
years
after
,
some
16
R.
2.
c.
5.
Additions
were
made
,
and
none
of
these
Laws
were
repealed
by
Queen
Mary
.
Answer
to
Sir
Edward
Cook
.
To
say
,
the
Bishops
were
pressed
by
the
Laity
to
pass
that
last
Act
,
is
so
much
otherwise
,
as
that
it
is
enrolled
,
as
Twisden
observes
,
on
the
desire
of
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
.
Rot.
Parli
.
16.
Rich.
2.
n.
20.
in
fine
.
Neither
would
the
Pope
tolerate
(
as
one
insinuates
)
any
thing
so
exceedingly
prejudicial
to
him
,
upon
any
reasonable
pretence
whatsoever
.
In
the
same
Parliament
,
the
Commons
Petition
that
the
Popes
Collector
may
have
forty
days
for
his
Removal
out
of
the
Kingdom
;
the
King
considers
.
But
in
the
Sixth
of
Hen.
4.
upon
grievous
6
Hen.
c.
1.
complaints
made
by
the
Commons
to
the
King
;
of
the
horrible
mischiefs
and
damnable
Customs
which
are
introduced
of
new
by
the
Church
of
Rome
,
that
none
could
have
provision
for
an
Arch-Bishoprick
or
Bishoprick
,
until
he
had
compounded
with
the
Popes
Chamber
,
to
pay
great
excessive
Sums
of
Money
,
as
well
for
the
first
fruits
as
other
lesser
fees
—
it
was
Enacted
,
that
whosoever
shall
pay
such
Sums
shall
forfeit
all
they
had
.
This
Statute
was
made
about
an
hundred
years
before
Hen.
8.
an
inconsiderable
time
for
so
considerable
a
Prescription
.
3.
We
have
noted
,
that
the
Clergy
of
England
were
not
free
from
Roman
Taxations
before
Payments
extraordinary
.
the
payment
of
Annates
and
Tenths
,
as
they
were
afterwards
stated
:
For
there
were
occasional
charges
exacted
from
us
by
the
Pope
,
which
afterwards
terminated
in
those
constant
payments
,
as
before
was
intimated
.
The
first
extraordinary
contribution
raised
by
allowance
for
the
Popes
use
in
this
Kingdom
,
Twisden
observes
to
have
been
an.
1183.
far
enough
Hoved.
an.
1183.
f.
354.
b.
43.
off
from
the
time
of
St.
Austin
.
When
Lucius
the
third
(
at
odds
with
the
Citizens
of
Rome
)
sent
to
Hen.
2.
Postulans
auxilium
of
him
and
his
Clergy
,
whereupon
two
things
considerable
are
observed
.
1.
The
King
in
this
point
concerning
the
Pope
,
consulted
his
own
Clergy
,
and
followed
their
advice
.
2.
The
great
care
the
Clergy
took
to
avoid
ill
presidents
,
for
they
advised
the
King
,
that
he
would
receive
the
monies
as
given
by
them
to
him
,
and
not
to
the
Pope
,
leaving
the
King
to
dispose
it
as
he
thought
fit
.
This
wariness
being
perceived
,
the
Pope
did
not
suddenly
attempt
the
like
again
:
We
do
not
find
any
considerable
sum
raised
from
the
Body
of
the
Clergy
for
the
support
of
the
Papal
designs
,
till
Gregory
9.
demanded
a
Tenth
of
all
the
moveables
both
of
them
and
the
Laity
,
an.
1229.
The
Temporal
Lords
refused
;
and
the
Clergy
unwillingly
were
induced
to
the
Contribution
,
for
it
was
no
other
.
The
Pope
ventured
no
more
upon
the
Laity
,
but
eleven
years
after
,
he
demanded
of
the
Clergy
a
fifth
part
of
their
goods
:
And
after
many
Math.
par.
an.
1240.
p.
526.
20.
p.
534.
8.
39.
Contests
and
struglings
,
and
notwithstanding
all
the
arguments
of
the
poor
Clergy
,
by
the
Kings
and
Arch-Bishops
means
,
they
were
forced
to
pay
it
.
But
neither
that
Roluctancy
,
nor
the
Remonstrance
of
the
Kingdom
at
the
Council
of
Lions
,
1245.
nor
that
to
the
Pope
himself
the
year
following
,
could
prevail
then
to
change
the
Shoulder
or
the
method
of
Oppression
:
For
Innocent
4.
1246.
invents
a
new
way
,
by
charging
every
Religious
house
with
finding
of
Souldiers
for
his
Service
,
for
one
year
,
&c.
which
amounted
to
eleven
thousand
Marks
for
that
year
;
with
many
devices
for
his
advantage
:
but
did
he
Rot.
Parl.
50.
Ed.
3.
n.
107.
go
on
more
quietly
than
he
began
?
No
certainly
.
See
the
Petition
of
the
Commons
in
Parliament
,
1376.
The
two
Cardinals
Priests
Agents
,
were
not
suffered
to
provide
for
them
a
thousand
marks
a
year
apiece
:
But
the
State
chased
them
out
of
the
Kingdom
;
and
the
King
sent
through
every
County
,
that
none
henceforth
should
be
admitted
per
Bullam
,
without
the
special
License
of
the
King
.
And
a
while
after
,
the
Parliament
held
the
20
Ed.
3.
1346.
Petition
more
plainly
;
and
mention
the
matter
of
the
two
Cardinals
,
as
an
intollerable
grievance
,
in
which
the
King
gave
Ro.
Par.
n.
33
,
35.
them
satisfaction
.
However
,
the
Vsurpation
grows
against
all
opposition
,
and
't
is
no
longer
a
Tax
for
one
year
only
as
at
first
;
but
for
six
years
successively
,
pretending
war
with
Infidels
,
so
dealt
John
21.
an.
1277.
and
Clement
5.
in
the
Council
of
Vienna
1311.
Exactions
of
this
kind
were
so
abominable
,
that
Martin
5
at
the
Council
of
Constance
,
1417.
Sess.
43.
was
constrained
to
make
that
Remedy
;
Nullatenus
imponantur
,
&c.
upon
which
decree
a
supply
of
the
Tenth
being
twice
demanded
,
viz.
1515
,
and
1518.
by
Leo
10.
against
the
Turk
,
the
English
Clergy
denied
them
both
times
.
Thus
the
Papacy
by
little
and
little
,
and
through
great
opposition
,
at
length
brought
the
Taxes
to
that
we
now
call
Tenths
:
and
Annates
proceeded
gradually
,
but
by
milder
measures
,
to
a
like
Settlement
;
yet
neither
continued
without
the
disturbances
before
mentioned
.
4.
There
is
nothing
remains
under
the
head
of
Money
,
but
the
casual
and
accidental
profits
,
accrewing
by
Bulls
and
Licenses
and
lesser
ways
Casual
Payments
.
and
conditions
of
Advantage
,
which
did
much
help
the
rest
to
drain
us
of
our
wealth
:
but
these
obtained
upon
private
persons
,
and
many
times
in
methods
not
cognizable
by
Law
;
neither
were
the
people
so
apt
to
complain
in
such
cases
,
because
they
had
something
(
which
they
unaccountably
valued
)
for
their
money
:
and
the
possession
of
a
false
opinion
in
the
Vulgar
,
as
Juglers
and
Cheats
may
equally
glory
in
,
can
never
be
soberly
interpreted
to
be
a
good
and
sufficient
Title
to
the
Supremacy
of
the
Church
of
England
:
Yet
it
is
not
amiss
to
remember
,
that
the
Popes
Messenger
,
Jo.
Opizanus
,
for
acting
against
the
Kings
Laws
in
getting
mony
for
his
Master
,
was
cast
into
Prison
as
we
find
it
,
Vit.
Hen.
Chich.
p.
86.
Neither
can
we
reasonably
imagine
,
but
that
much
of
that
vast
Sum
was
gathered
by
those
ways
,
which
in
the
Reign
of
Hen.
3.
the
Lords
and
Commons
complain
of
,
viz.
that
above
four
hundred
thousand
pounds
yearly
was
carried
hence
into
Italy
.
It
was
some
disturbance
of
such
kind
of
Receipts
,
that
the
Law
forbids
any
such
Bulls
to
be
Stat.
de
7.
H.
1.
c.
6.
purchased
for
the
time
to
come
upon
pain
of
praemunire
:
And
that
't
was
decreed
,
that
the
Popes
Collector
,
though
he
have
a
Bull
for
the
purpose
,
Hen.
4.
fol.
9.
hath
no
Jurisdiction
within
this
Realm
.
And
if
the
ancient
Law
of
the
Realm
saith
,
that
the
Pope
cannot
alter
the
Laws
of
England
,
that
Law
condemns
his
raising
money
upon
the
people
in
any
kind
,
without
special
Law
to
that
purpose
;
a
Prerogative
the
Kings
of
England
themselves
do
not
claim
.
Therefore
,
that
standing
Fundamental
Law
of
England
,
always
lay
in
bar
against
,
and
was
a
continual
,
real
,
and
legal
disturbance
of
the
Popes
possession
of
power
to
impose
Taxes
;
or
by
any
devices
to
collect
money
from
the
English
,
either
Laity
or
Clergy
.
CHAP.
XIV
.
The
Conclusion
of
the
Argument
from
Prescription
.
'T
is
on
our
side
:
No
force
for
the
Pope
.
WE
have
seen
what
the
Argument
from
Prescription
is
come
to
;
how
far
short
of
Nine
Hundred
years
,
and
how
unsettled
,
both
in
Law
and
Practice
it
ever
was
;
both
as
to
Jurisdiction
in
the
Popes
Court
at
Rome
,
and
by
his
Legates
here
;
and
as
to
Legislation
by
the
force
of
his
Canons
,
and
his
dispensation
by
Faculties
,
Licenses
,
and
any
sort
of
Bulls
,
&c.
and
as
to
his
Patronage
of
,
or
Profits
from
the
English
Church
.
If
a
just
Computation
were
made
,
I
believe
the
Argument
from
Possession
would
really
appear
to
be
on
our
side
:
Our
Kings
having
enjoyed
and
flourished
in
the
exercise
of
Supremacy
over
us
,
ever
since
the
Act
of
Hen.
8.
extinguishing
the
Popes
Usurpation
here
,
with
far
more
quiet
and
less
interruption
,
than
ever
the
Pope
did
for
so
long
a
time
.
Besides
,
other
qualifications
of
our
Kings
possession
,
do
mightily
strengthen
the
Plea
above
any
thing
that
can
be
alledged
on
the
Popes
behalf
.
1.
Our
Kings
had
possession
from
the
beginning
according
to
the
Canon
;
and
therefore
could
Nice
.
Ephe.
never
be
lawfully
divested
:
Ancient
Histories
are
evident
for
us
;
and
Baronius
determines
well
,
what
is
said
by
a
Modern
concerning
ancient
Tom.
1.
an.
1.
n.
12.
affairs
,
without
the
Authority
of
any
more
ancient
,
is
contemned
.
This
ancient
Possession
of
our
Kings
,
hath
ever
been
continued
and
declared
and
confirmed
by
our
Laws
;
and
the
consent
of
the
whole
Kingdom
signified
thereby
:
And
these
Laws
have
still
been
insisted
on
,
and
repeated
when
there
hath
been
any
great
occasion
,
and
fit
opportunity
to
vindicate
our
ancient
Liberties
.
But
the
Pope
could
never
obtain
any
legal
settlement
of
his
Power
here
,
before
Queen
Mary's
Reign
;
nor
by
Her
neither
in
the
main
branches
of
it
,
though
indeed
she
courted
him
with
the
dignity
of
a
great
name
and
a
verbal
Title
.
Indeed
,
the
subject
of
the
Question
being
a
spiritual
Right
,
our
Adversaries
themselves
agree
,
that
Possession
sufficient
to
prove
it
,
ought
to
begin
near
Christs
time
:
And
he
that
hath
begun
it
later
(
as
certainly
the
Pope
did
)
unless
he
can
evidence
that
he
was
driven
out
from
an
ancienter
Possession
(
as
the
Pope
can
never
do
)
is
not
to
be
stiled
a
Possessor
,
but
an
Vsurper
,
an
Intruder
,
an
Invader
,
Disobedient
,
Rebellious
,
and
Schismatical
;
as
,
no
doubt
,
by
S.
W's
Logick
,
the
Pope
is
as
before
was
noted
.
I
shall
conclude
,
with
the
grave
and
considerate
Concession
of
Father
Barnes
(
noted
by
Dr.
Stillingfleet
)
who
after
his
thorow
study
of
the
point
,
upon
clear
Conviction
determined
it
positively
for
us
in
these
words
.
The
Britanick
Church
may
plead
the
Cyprian
Dr.
Still
.
p.
398.
Priviledg
,
that
it
was
subject
to
no
Patriarch
,
and
although
this
priviledge
was
taken
away
by
Force
and
Tumult
,
yet
being
restored
,
in
Henry
the
Eighth's
time
,
and
quietly
enjoyed
since
,
it
ought
to
be
retained
for
peace
sake
,
without
prejudice
of
Catholicism
,
and
the
brand
of
Schism
;
by
which
he
grants
all
that
is
pertinent
to
our
Cause
,
that
the
Pope
had
not
possession
here
,
from
the
beginning
,
nor
ought
to
have
had
.
2.
That
he
took
advantage
,
bellorum
tumultibus
&
vi
,
for
his
Usurpation
.
3.
That
our
Ancient
Cyprian
priviledge
was
restored
by
Henry
the
Eighth
,
totius
Regni
Consensu
,
with
the
Consent
of
the
whole
Kingdom
.
4.
That
never
since
it
hath
been
peaceably
prescribed
(
pacifice
praescriptum
)
or
quietly
enjoyed
.
5.
And
that
therefore
,
it
still
ought
to
be
retained
,
sine
Schismatis
ullius
Notâ
,
without
the
brand
or
charge
of
Schism
,
which
is
the
only
thing
contended
for
.
CHAP.
XV.
The
Argument
from
Infallibility
,
Considered
;
in
its
Consequence
,
retorted
.
THe
two
last
Arguments
,
for
proof
of
the
Pope's
Authority
,
are
general
,
and
not
limited
to
the
Church
of
England
,
as
the
three
former
were
;
and
are
his
Infallibility
and
his
Vniversal
Pastorship
,
which
remain
to
be
examined
.
Arg.
From
his
Infallibility
it
may
be
argued
thus
:
Whether
the
Pope
were
the
means
of
our
Conversion
,
or
have
a
Patriarchal
Right
over
us
,
or
have
had
possession
of
the
Government
of
the
English
Church
heretofore
or
not
;
if
he
be
really
and
absolutely
Infallible
,
he
hath
thereby
a
right
to
govern
us
;
and
we
are
bound
to
be
ruled
and
directed
by
him
;
but
the
Pope
is
really
and
absolutely
Infallible
:
Ergo.
The
Consequence
would
tempt
a
denial
:
indeed
,
Consequence
.
Infallibility
is
an
excellent
qualification
for
an
Vniversal
Rector
;
but
are
not
,
qualification
and
Commission
two
things
?
hath
God
given
Authority
to
every
man
,
equal
to
his
Parts
?
to
his
Natural
,
acquired
,
or
infused
abilities
?
if
not
;
what
necessity
is
there
,
that
he
hath
,
to
the
Pope
?
if
all
Power
,
as
well
as
all
Wisdom
is
from
God
;
the
prime
fountain
of
them
both
;
and
if
we
pretend
to
both
,
need
we
evidence
only
one
?
Indeed
,
we
ought
to
be
guided
by
one
that
is
Infallible
(
if
such
a
one
there
be
)
but
the
Necessity
ariseth
from
Prudence
,
not
immediatly
from
Conscience
;
Unless
by
some
other
way
of
Authority
,
God
hath
given
him
power
to
govern
us
,
as
well
as
ability
;
otherwise
,
we
ought
to
submit
our selves
to
the
guidance
of
the
Pope
,
as
a
good
and
wise
man
,
or
as
a
Friend
,
as
our
Ancestors
did
,
and
not
as
our
Lord
.
The
true
Question
is
,
whether
God
hath
given
the
power
of
Government
to
the
Pope
;
and
directly
appointed
him
to
be
the
Vniversal
Pastor
of
his
Church
on
Earth
?
so
that
the
Controversie
will
bear
us
down
to
the
last
Chapter
,
what
ever
can
be
said
here
;
and
Infallibility
is
such
a
Medium
,
as
infallibly
runs
upon
that
Solicism
of
Argument
,
obscurum
per
obscurius
:
and
indeed
,
if
there
be
any
inseperable
Connexion
,
betwixt
Infallibility
and
the
Vniversal
Pastorship
,
as
is
pretended
,
the
contrary
is
a
lawfuller
way
of
concluding
:
viz.
if
there
be
no
one
man
appointed
to
govern
the
Church
as
Supreme
Pastor
under
Christ
,
then
there
is
no
necessity
that
any
one
man
should
be
qualified
for
it
,
with
this
wonderful
grace
of
Infallibility
.
But
it
doth
not
appear
,
that
God
hath
invested
any
one
man
with
that
Power
;
therefore
,
not
with
that
Grace
.
But
least
this
Great
Roman
Argument
should
suffer
too
much
;
let
us
at
present
,
allow
the
Consequence
;
but
then
we
must
expect
very
fair
Evidence
of
the
Assumption
;
viz.
that
the
Pope
is
indeed
,
Infallible
.
I
am
aware
that
there
are
some
vexing
Questions
about
the
Manner
and
Subject
of
this
Infallibility
;
but
if
we
will
put
them
out
of
the
way
,
then
the
Evidence
of
the
Pope's
or
Church
of
Rome's
Infallibility
breaks
out
from
three
of
the
greatest
Topicks
we
can
desire
:
Scripture
,
Tradition
,
and
Reason
;
let
them
be
heard
in
their
Order
.
SECT.
1.
Argument
from
Scripture
for
Infallibility
,
viz.
Example
.
High
Priest
of
the
Jews
.
Apostles
.
1.
WHether
it
be
an
excess
or
defect
of
Charity
in
me
,
I
know
not
;
but
I
cannot
bring
my self
to
believe
,
that
the
fiercest
Bigot
of
Popery
alive
,
can
seriously
think
the
Pope
Infallible
,
in
the
Popish
Sence
of
the
Word
;
especially
that
the
holy
Scriptures
prove
it
.
I
know
,
that
some
flie
the
Absurdity
,
by
hiding
the
Pope
,
in
the
Church
:
but
,
if
the
Church
be
Infallible
;
't
is
so
,
as
it
is
Representative
in
General
Councils
;
or
diffusive
,
in
the
whole
Body
of
Christians
:
and
then
what
is
Infallibility
to
the
Church
of
Rome
,
more
than
to
any
other
?
and
how
shall
that
which
is
Common
to
all
,
give
power
to
one
over
all
?
or
what
is
it
to
the
Pope
,
above
another
Bishop
or
Patriarch
?
But
the
Pope
is
the
Head
and
Universal
Bishop
,
as
he
is
Bishop
of
Rome
:
that
is
begging
a
great
question
indeed
;
for
the
proof
of
the
Pope's
Infallibility
,
which
his
Infallibility
ought
to
prove
;
and
to
prove
the
Medium
by
the
thing
in
question
,
after
a
new
Logick
.
Besides
,
if
the
proper
Seat
of
Infallibility
be
the
Church
,
in
either
of
the
Sences
,
it
concerns
our
Adversaries
to
solve
Divine
Providence
;
who
use
to
argue
for
this
wonderful
gift
in
the
Church
:
if
there
be
no
Infallibility
,
God
hath
not
sufficiently
provided
for
the
safety
of
Souls
,
and
the
Government
of
his
Church
;
for
seeing
the
Church
diffusive
,
cannot
be
imagined
to
govern
it self
,
but
as
Collected
;
and
seeing
,
as
the
Christian
World
is
now
circumstantiated
,
it
is
next
to
impossible
,
we
should
have
a
General
and
free
Council
;
how
shall
this
so
necessary
Infallible
Grace
in
the
Church
be
exerted
,
upon
all
occasions
,
for
the
Ends
aforesaid
?
It
is
therefore
most
Consonant
to
the
Papal
Interest
and
Reason
,
to
lodge
this
Infallible
gift
in
the
Pope
,
or
Court
of
Rome
:
however
,
let
us
attend
their
Arguments
for
the
evidence
of
it
,
either
in
the
Pope
,
or
Court
,
or
Church
of
Rome
,
in
any
acception
:
which
is
first
drawn
from
Scripture
;
both
Examples
and
Promises
.
Arg.
1.
From
Scripture-Examples
they
reason
,
thus
:
the
High
Priest
with
his
Clergy
,
in
the
time
of
the
Low
,
were
Infallible
;
therefore
the
Pope
and
his
Clergy
,
are
so
now
:
the
High
Priest
with
his
Clergy
,
in
the
time
of
the
Law
were
so
;
as
appears
Deut
▪
17.
8.
where
,
in
doubts
,
the
people
were
bound
to
submit
and
stand
to
their
Judgment
;
which
supposeth
them
Infallible
in
it
;
as
A.
C.
argues
with
Arch-Bishop
Lawd
.
p.
97.
n.
1.
Ans.
Dr.
Stillingfleet
with
others
,
hath
exposed
this
Argument
beyond
all
reply
.
In
short
,
the
Consequence
of
it
supposeth
what
is
to
be
proved
for
the
proof
of
Infallibility
,
viz.
That
the
Pope
is
High-Priest
of
the
Christian
Church
:
and
we
must
still
expect
an
Argument
for
the
Popes
Headship
,
if
this
must
be
granted
,
that
we
may
prove
him
Infallible
,
to
the
end
we
may
prove
his
Headship
.
Were
it
said
to
the
Christian
Church
,
when
any
Controversie
of
Faith
ariseth
,
go
to
Rome
,
and
there
enquire
the
judgment
of
the
Bishop
,
and
believe
his
determinations
to
be
Infallible
,
there
had
been
no
need
of
this
consequence
,
but
seeing
we
read
no
such
thing
,
the
consequence
is
worth
nothing
.
Besides
,
the
minor
affirming
the
Infallibility
of
the
High-Priest
from
that
Law
of
Appeale
in
Minor
.
Deut.
17.
8.
is
justly
questioned
.
There
was
indeed
an
obligation
on
the
Jews
to
submit
and
stand
to
the
judgment
of
that
high
Court
;
but
no
obligation
nor
ground
to
believe
the
judgment
Infallible
:
The
same
obligation
lies
upon
Christians
,
in
all
judiciary
Causes
,
especially
upon
the
last
Appeal
to
submit
in
our
practices
,
though
not
in
our
judgment
or
Conscience
,
to
believe
that
what
is
determined
to
be
Infallibly
true
:
A
violence
that
neither
the
whole
world
nor
a
mans
self
,
can
sometimes
do
to
the
Reason
of
a
man
.
The
Text
is
so
plain
,
not
to
concern
matters
of
Doctrine
,
to
be
decided
whether
true
or
false
;
but
matters
of
Justice
to
be
determined
,
whether
right
or
wrong
;
that
one
would
think
the
very
reading
of
it
,
should
put
an
end
for
ever
to
this
debate
about
it
.
The
words
are
,
viz.
If
there
arise
a
matter
too
hard
for
thee
in
judgment
,
between
Blood
and
Blood
,
between
Plea
and
Plea
,
and
between
Stroke
and
Stroke
,
being
matters
of
Controversie
within
thy
Gates
;
Then
shalt
thou
arise
and
get
thee
up
into
the
Place
which
the
Lord
thy
God
shall
chuse
,
&c.
Thus
God
established
a
Court
of
Appeals
,
a
Supreme
Court
of
Judicature
,
to
which
the
last
application
was
to
be
made
,
both
in
case
of
Injury
and
in
case
of
Difficulty
,
called
the
great
Sanhedrin
:
But
note
,
here
is
no
direction
for
address
to
this
Court
,
but
when
the
case
had
been
first
heard
in
the
lower
Courts
,
held
in
the
Gates
of
the
Cities
:
Therefore
the
Law
concerned
not
the
momentous
Controversies
in
Religion
,
which
never
came
under
the
Cognizance
of
those
inferior
Courts
.
Therefore
it
is
not
said
,
whosoever
doth
not
believe
the
Judgment
given
,
to
be
true
;
but
whosoever
Deut.
17.
12.
acts
contumaciously
in
opposition
to
it
:
And
the
man
that
will
not
hearken
—
but
do
presumptuously
,
even
that
man
shall
die
.
Besides
,
God
still
supposeth
,
a
possibility
of
Error
in
the
whole
Congregation
of
Israel
,
Lev.
4.
15.
and
chargeth
the
Priests
with
Ignorance
,
and
forsaking
his
way
,
frequently
by
the
Prophets
.
But
alas
!
where
was
the
Infallibility
of
the
High-Priest
,
&c.
when
our
blessed
Saviour
was
condemned
by
him
,
and
by
this
very
Court
of
the
Sanhedrin
:
And
when
Israel
had
been
for
a
long
season
,
without
the
true
God
,
without
a
●
Cr.
15.
3.
Teaching
Priest
,
and
without
Law
.
Vid.
Dr.
Still
.
p.
239
,
&c.
2.
It
is
also
argued
,
from
that
Example
of
rhe
Apostles
under
the
New
Testament
;
that
Ar.
2.
Example
H.
T.
they
were
assisted
with
an
Infallible
Spirit
,
and
Ans.
there
is
the
same
reason
for
the
Pope
.
But
this
is
to
dispose
Gods
Gifts
and
Wisdom
by
our
own
Reason
:
The
Apostles
Infallibility
attested
with
Miracles
,
was
necessary
to
the
first
Plantation
and
State
of
the
Church
;
and
it
no
more
followeth
,
that
therefore
the
succeeding
Bishops
must
be
insallible
,
because
they
were
so
;
than
that
because
Moses
wrought
miracles
for
the
confirmation
of
the
Law
,
therefore
the
Sanhedrin
should
work
Miracles
for
the
ordinary
Government
of
Israel
,
according
to
the
Law
.
Besides
,
what
reason
can
be
given
,
why
this
priviledge
of
Infallibility
should
be
entailed
upon
the
Bishops
of
Rome
more
than
other
Bishops
,
who
succeeded
the
Infallible
Apostles
,
as
well
as
the
Pope
?
What
ground
hath
he
to
claim
it
more
than
they
?
Or
if
they
have
all
an
interest
in
it
,
what
becomes
of
the
Argument
that
the
Pope
is
the
universal
Head
and
Governor
of
the
Church
,
because
he
is
Infallible
?
SECT.
II
Arg.
2.
From
the
Promises
of
Infallibility
.
Ar.
2
GOd
hath
promised
that
his
Church
shall
be
preserved
;
which
Promise
engageth
his
Infallible
Assistance
.
Therefore
the
Church
by
that
assistance
is
always
Infallible
:
To
this
mighty
purpose
A.
C.
reasons
with
A.
B.
Laud.
Ans.
God
will
certainly
and
Infallibly
have
a
Church
,
therefore
that
Church
shall
not
only
be
,
but
be
Infallible
in
all
her
decrees
de
fide
:
Is
not
this
strong
Reason
?
God
is
Infallible
,
therefore
his
Church
is
so
;
a
Church
shall
continue
,
therefore
it
shall
not
Err
?
Pray
what
Security
doth
the
promise
of
the
Churches
Perpetuity
,
or
Infallibility
as
to
Fundamentals
,
give
to
any
single
Person
or
particular
Church
,
that
they
shall
continue
in
the
Christian
Faith
,
more
than
it
did
to
seven
Churches
in
Asia
?
And
where
are
they
now
?
The
Argument
will
conclude
as
well
:
God
hath
promised
his
Church
shall
ever
exist
upon
Earth
;
therefore
Christians
,
of
which
the
Church
consists
,
shall
never
dye
,
as
well
as
never
fall
away
:
For
if
the
Promise
be
made
to
the
Present
Church
in
the
Romanists
sence
,
it
is
made
to
the
Individuals
,
that
make
the
Church
.
2.
And
that
every
particular
Christian
,
as
well
as
every
particular
Church
,
having
an
equal
&
common
interest
in
the
promise
of
assistance
,
is
infallible
.
If
we
should
grant
the
Vniversal
Church
to
be
Infallible
;
not
only
as
to
her
Perpetuity
but
her
Testimony
,
which
the
Argument
reacheth
not
;
yet
it
rests
to
be
proved
,
that
the
Church
of
Rome
is
the
Catholick
Church
;
and
then
that
the
Pope
is
the
Church
of
Rome
in
the
same
sence
that
the
Church
of
Rome
is
the
Catholick
Church
,
and
that
in
the
same
consideration
,
as
the
Catholick
Church
is
Infallible
.
But
if
we
consider
the
particular
Promises
,
the
Argument
thence
is
so
wide
and
inconclusive
,
that
one
would
think
no
considerate
man
could
be
abused
by
it
.
These
promises
are
such
as
concern
the
Apostles
and
Church
in
general
;
or
such
as
are
pretended
General
to
Apostles
.
〈◊〉
to
dignifie
St.
Peter
in
special
,
and
above
the
rest
.
Such
as
concern
the
Apostles
and
the
Church
Luc.
10.
16.
Math.
28.
20.
in
general
are
these
three
.
He
that
heareth
you
heareth
me
,
&c
:
True
;
while
you
teach
me
,
that
is
my
Doctrine
.
I
am
with
you
always
to
the
end
of
the
world
:
True
;
while
you
are
faithful
,
and
teach
whatsoever
I
command
.
The
Comforter
,
Joh.
14.
16.
the
Holy
Ghost
,
shall
abide
with
you
for
ever
:
True
also
,
while
you
love
me
,
and
keep
my
Commandments
.
As
the
Condition
is
just
before
the
Promise
.
Now
what
are
these
Texts
to
the
Pope
or
the
Church
of
Rome
in
special
?
They
certainly
that
plead
the
Promise
,
should
not
neglect
the
duty
;
it
were
well
if
that
was
thought
on
.
The
Popes
special
Friends
insist
on
other
promises
more
peculiarly
designed
;
as
they
would
have
them
for
St.
Peter's
Prerogative
:
They
are
St.
Peter
.
these
.
1.
The
First
is
Math.
16.
18.
Thou
art
Peter
,
Text.
and
upon
this
Rock
will
I
build
my
Church
;
and
the
Gates
of
Hell
shall
not
prevail
against
it
.
An.
But
what
is
this
to
St.
Peter's
Infallibility
?
The
Church
shall
not
be
overthrown
,
therefore
St.
Peter
is
Infallible
:
What
's
this
to
the
Popes
Infallibility
?
The
Gates
of
Hell
shall
not
prevail
against
the
Church
,
therefore
the
Pope
is
Infallible
?
Can
God
find
no
other
way
to
preserve
the
Church
,
but
St.
Peter's
Infallibility
,
and
the
Popes
Infallibility
?
Is
this
promise
made
to
secure
the
Church
under
St.
Peter
and
his
Successors
,
absolutely
from
all
error
?
How
came
St.
Peter
himself
to
fall
then
,
by
denying
his
Master
;
and
to
err
about
Act.
1.
6.
the
Temporal
Kingdom
of
Christ
?
And
Popes
to
be
Blasphemers
,
Heretical
,
Atheistical
?
How
came
so
many
particular
Churches
,
that
were
under
the
Apostolick
Chair
(
if
all
were
so
at
first
)
to
miscarry
,
as
those
first
Churches
in
Asia
did
?
But
whatever
is
here
promised
to
St.
Peter
,
is
nothing
to
the
Pope
;
unless
the
Pope
be
indeed
St.
Peter's
Successor
,
and
sit
in
his
Chair
;
the
great
point
reserved
for
the
last
Refuge
,
and
shall
there
at
large
be
examined
.
The
next
Promise
is
,
Joh.
21.
Peter
,
feed
my
Text.
2.
Sheep
;
therefore
the
Pope
is
Infallible
:
But
must
not
others
feed
Christs
Sheep
;
and
are
they
Infallible
too
?
'T
is
acutely
said
,
that
Peter
was
to
feed
the
Sheep
as
ordinary
Pastor
,
the
rest
of
the
Apostles
as
extraordinary
Ambassadors
.
But
doth
this
Text
say
so
,
or
any
other
Text
?
How
came
it
to
pass
,
that
the
ordinary
Pastor
should
be
greater
than
the
extraordinary
Embassadors
?
How
is
it
proved
,
that
this
power
of
Feeding
is
Infallible
,
only
as
in
St.
Peter
?
or
as
such
,
is
transmitted
to
St.
Peters
Successor
in
a
more
peculiar
manner
,
than
to
the
Successors
of
other
Apostles
?
And
that
the
Pope
is
this
Successor
?
this
must
be
considered
hereafter
,
their
proof
is
not
yet
ready
.
Another
is
Luke
22.
31.
Simon
,
Simon
,
Satan
Text.
3.
hath
desired
to
winnow
thee
,
but
I
have
prayed
that
thy
Faith
fail
not
:
(
Viz.
that
thou
perish
not
in
Apostacy
)
not
that
thou
be
absolutely
secured
from
error
,
nor
thy
pretended
Successors
:
And
had
not
others
the
Prayer
of
Christ
also
?
Joh.
17.
even
all
that
should
believe
on
him
?
In
a
word
,
what
is
this
to
the
Pope
,
that
Peter
should
not
utterly
miscarry
in
the
High-Priests
Hall
?
Unless
it
fignifie
that
the
Pope
may
err
grievously
as
St.
Peter
did
,
though
he
hath
no
more
the
security
of
not
failing
in
the
Faith
,
than
every
ordinary
Christian
hath
.
But
this
trifling
with
holy
Scripture
provokes
Rebuke
;
and
deserves
no
answer
.
If
any
desire
further
satisfaction
,
either
upon
these
,
or
other
like
Scriptures
urged
for
the
Popes
or
the
Churches
Infallibility
;
let
them
peruse
P.
254.
&c.
Dr.
Stillingfleet
in
defence
of
my
Lord
of
Canterbury
,
and
Mr.
Pool's
Treatise
written
on
purpose
upon
this
Subject
.
CHAP.
XVI
.
II.
Arg.
For
Infallibility
,
viz.
Tradition
.
Concessions
4.
Propositions
3.
Arguments
.
Objections
Answered
.
THat
the
difference
may
not
seem
wider
than
indeed
it
is
,
we
shall
make
way
for
our
discussion
of
this
Argument
by
a
few
,
but
considerable
Concessions
.
1.
We
yield
that
Tradition
truly
Catholick
is
Apostolical
.
Truly
Catholick
,
that
is
in
all
the
three
known
Conditions
,
ab
omnibus
,
semper
,
&
ubique
:
For
we
cannot
imagine
that
any
thing
should
be
believed
or
practised
by
all
Learned
Christians
at
all
times
and
in
all
places
,
as
a
point
of
Christian
Religion
,
that
was
not
receiv'd
as
such
,
either
from
Christ
himself
or
his
Apostles
.
2.
We
grant
,
that
Tradition
hath
been
and
ever
will
be
both
useful
and
necessary
for
the
delivering
down
to
the
Faith
of
the
Church
,
in
all
succeeding
Ages
,
both
the
Canon
of
the
Scripture
and
the
Fundamentals
of
the
Christian
Religion
:
The
necessity
hereof
ariseth
from
the
distance
of
Time
and
Place
;
and
must
be
supposed
,
upon
the
Succession
of
Generations
in
the
Church
,
after
the
removal
of
the
first
Preachers
and
Writers
,
and
consequently
the
first
deliverers
thereof
.
3.
We
need
not
stick
to
agree
,
that
Tradition
is
Infallible
,
(
if
we
abuse
not
the
term
too
rigidly
)
in
conveying
and
preserving
the
substance
of
Religion
,
which
I
was
much
enclined
to
believe
before
;
and
am
now
much
encouraged
to
express
,
after
I
had
read
the
learned
and
ingenious
book
of
the
Several
ways
of
resolving
Faith
;
(
he
concludes
p.
129.
)
the
Necessaries
to
Salvation
should
ever
fail
to
be
practically
transmitted
from
Generation
to
Generation
,
is
alike
impossible
;
as
that
multitudes
of
People
should
not
in
every
Age
be
truly
desirous
of
their
own
,
and
their
Posterities
everlasting
happiness
;
seeing
it
is
a
thing
both
so
easie
to
be
done
,
and
so
necessary
to
Salvation
.
By
the
substance
of
Christian
Religion
,
I
mean
the
Credenda
and
the
Agenda
,
or
as
he
doth
,
the
Creed
,
the
Lords
Prayer
,
the
Ten
Commandments
,
and
the
Two
Sacraments
.
4.
We
may
,
for
ought
I
see
to
the
contrary
,
Gratifie
the
Author
of
Rushworth's
Dialogues
,
and
the
Abettors
of
that
late
new
found
Tradition
of
the
present
Church
of
Rome
:
For
every
Church
of
Christ
,
as
such
,
hath
possession
of
the
substance
of
Christian
Religion
,
and
without
it
cannot
be
a
Church
:
And
I
am
sure
by
this
Concession
,
the
great
Argument
for
Tradition
is
allowed
;
and
we
are
so
far
agreed
in
a
main
point
.
I
am
troubled
we
must
now
differ
;
but
our
Propositions
shall
be
such
,
as
none
that
have
weighed
Antiquity
can
well
doubt
of
them
.
We
affirm
,
that
whatsoever
matter
of
Faith
1
Prop.
or
Practice
,
is
not
derived
from
the
first
hands
by
Tradition
Catholick
,
as
explained
in
the
first
Concession
,
is
not
necessary
to
Salvation
:
For
't
is
agreed
,
if
it
were
,
it
would
have
been
preserved
by
Tradition
.
But
,
it
is
against
all
Sence
,
to
believe
,
that
Tradition
is
sufficient
to
secure
us
from
all
Additions
2
Prop.
to
the
first
Faith
;
or
Additions
and
Alterations
,
in
Ceremonies
and
Worship
,
or
any
thing
that
is
not
necessary
to
Salvation
:
and
herein
,
indeed
,
lies
the
Controversie
:
for
if
Midwifes
,
Nurses
,
Parents
and
Tutors
have
,
as
it
is
said
,
Tradition
in
their
hands
;
and
hold
themselves
obliged
not
to
poyson
little
Babes
as
soon
as
they
can
receive
Instructions
accordingly
;
and
Tradition
could
not
possibly
admit
or
deliver
any
thing
but
what
is
necessary
to
salvation
;
it
were
not
possible
for
any
Error
to
obtain
in
the
Church
,
or
with
any
one
Party
,
or
even
Member
of
it
;
but
truth
would
be
equally
Catholick
with
Tradition
:
and
then
,
Charity
will
not
suffer
us
to
believe
,
that
the
Jews
,
that
kept
the
Law
,
should
be
guilty
of
any
vain
Traditions
,
contrary
to
our
Saviour's
Reproofs
;
or
that
there
should
be
any
such
Parties
as
Hugonites
and
Protestants
in
the
World
;
or
such
various
Sects
in
the
Church
of
Rome
it self
;
or
so
many
Successive
Additions
to
the
Faith
and
Worship
of
that
Church
,
as
none
may
have
the
confidence
to
deny
,
have
happened
.
Vincentius
speaks
very
truly
(
saith
Rigaltius
)
and
prudently
,
if
nothing
were
delivered
by
our
Observ
.
in
Cyp.
p.
147.
Ancestors
,
but
what
they
had
from
the
Apostles
;
but
under
the
pretence
of
our
Ancestors
,
silly
or
counterfeit
things
may
by
Fools
or
Knaves
be
delivered
us
,
for
Apostolical
Traditions
:
and
we
add
,
by
zealously
superstitious
men
;
or
by
men
tempted
(
as
is
evident
they
were
about
the
time
of
Easter
and
Rebaptization
in
the
beginning
)
to
pretend
Tradition
to
defend
their
Opinions
when
put
to
it
in
Controversie
.
It
further
follows
,
that
the
Infallibility
of
the
Pope
,
or
Court
of
Rome
,
or
Church
,
in
3
Prop.
Matters
of
Faith
,
is
no
necessary
Point
of
Faith
;
because
it
is
not
delivered
down
to
us
,
as
such
,
by
lawful
,
i.
e.
Catholick
Tradition
:
this
is
the
Point
.
Now
here
we
justly
except
against
the
Testimony
of
the
present
Oral
Tradition
of
the
Roman
Church
,
or
Tradition
revers'd
;
because
it
cannot
secure
us
against
additions
to
the
Faith
:
It
is
no
evidence
that
Tradition
was
always
the
same
in
that
point
;
it
cannot
bear
against
all
Authentick
History
to
the
contrary
.
That
Popes
,
and
Councils
,
and
Fathers
,
and
the
Church
too
,
have
erred
in
their
belief
and
practice
,
is
past
all
doubt
,
by
that
one
instance
of
the
Communion
of
Infants
for
some
hundred
of
Years
together
;
which
is
otherwise
determined
by
the
Council
of
Trent
.
Yea
,
that
there
was
no
such
Tradition
of
the
Pope's
,
or
the
Church
of
Rome's
Infallibility
in
ancient
times
,
is
as
manifest
,
by
the
oppositions
betwixt
the
Eastern
and
Western
Churches
;
which
could
not
consist
with
such
Tradition
or
belief
of
it
.
And
for
the
Church
of
England
;
had
she
owned
such
Tradition
,
her
ancient
Bishops
would
not
have
contended
with
and
rejected
his
Messenger
,
St.
Austin
and
his
Propositions
together
.
Neither
can
any
considering
man
imagine
,
that
the
Tradition
of
the
Popes
Infallibility
is
Catholick
,
or
generally
received
and
believed
in
the
Church
of
Rome
at
this
day
:
'T
is
well
known
,
many
of
their
eminent
men
renounce
it
;
and
indeed
the
Pope
himself
doth
not
believe
it
,
or
he
does
not
believe
that
all
his
Doctors
believe
it
:
For
if
he
does
believe
both
,
why
does
he
not
make
use
of
his
Talent
,
and
put
an
end
to
all
the
scandalous
broils
and
Ruptures
occasioned
by
the
Doctrinal
differences
and
Disputes
,
among
the
several
factions
of
his
Church
;
and
have
peace
within
his
own
Borders
?
But
this
admits
no
Answer
.
'T
is
said
by
the
Romanist
,
that
Universal
Traditions
are
recorded
in
the
Fathers
of
every
succeeding
Age
;
and
't
is
reasonably
spoken
.
It
behoves
him
as
to
the
present
point
,
to
shew
us
in
some
good
Authors
,
in
every
age
since
the
Apostles
,
this
Tradition
for
Infallibility
;
then
indeed
he
hath
done
something
which
ought
to
be
done
:
But
till
that
be
done
,
we
must
adhere
;
that
there
is
no
such
ground
of
the
Popes
Authority
over
us
as
his
Infallibility
,
proved
by
Scripture
or
Tradition
.
This
proof
,
I
think
was
never
yet
so
much
as
undertaken
,
and
may
be
expected
:
Hoc
opus
est
.
'T
is
observed
by
Dr.
Stillingfleet
,
that
there
is
but
one
eminent
place
in
Antiquity
produced
on
their
side
in
the
behalf
of
Traditions
;
and
that
is
out
of
St.
Basil
de
sp.
sanc.
ad
Amphilo
:
But
the
Book
,
with
just
reason
,
is
suspected
.
Three
of
the
Traditions
mentioned
in
the
place
,
are
the
Consecration
of
the
Person
to
be
Baptized
;
the
standing
at
the
Prayers
until
Pentecost
;
and
above
all
,
the
Trine
Immersion
in
Baptism
.
The
two
first
of
these
,
are
not
acknowledged
by
the
present
Church
of
Rome
;
and
the
last
,
by
the
very
Council
of
Trent
,
is
pronounced
not
to
be
of
Apostolical
Tradition
.
Here
is
not
one
word
touching
any
Tradition
for
the
Infallibility
of
the
Church
;
but
indeed
much
reason
against
it
:
For
either
the
present
Church
at
that
time
,
was
actually
deceived
,
and
took
that
to
be
Apostolical
which
was
not
so
;
or
the
present
Church
in
the
Council
of
Trent
,
took
that
not
to
be
Apostolical
which
indeed
was
so
,
and
was
actually
deceived
in
her
Judgment
and
determination
to
the
contrary
:
For
those
words
of
that
Author
,
(
parem
vim
habent
ad
pietatem
)
unwritten
Traditions
have
equal
force
to
stir
up
Piety
with
the
written
word
,
put
the
dilemma
beyond
exception
,
as
those
known
words
of
the
true
Basil
.
[
That
it
is
a
manifest
falling
from
Hom.
29.
de
tri
.
To.
1.
the
Faith
,
and
an
Argument
of
Arrogancy
,
either
to
reject
any
point
of
those
things
which
are
written
,
or
to
bring
in
any
of
those
things
which
are
not
written
]
make
it
justly
suspitious
,
that
the
Book
extolling
unwritten
Traditions
was
none
of
his
.
Bellarmine's
three
Arguments
.
[
1.
The
Fathers
say
the
sentence
of
general
Councils
admits
of
no
Appeal
.
2.
Such
as
submit
not
to
them
are
Hereticks
.
3.
Such
Sentence
is
Divine
.
]
prove
their
Authority
but
not
their
Infallibility
;
and
the
force
of
such
Sentence
is
from
Scripture
,
or
Reason
,
or
Miracles
,
or
approbation
of
the
Syst.
sid.
1.
c.
26.
Nu.
2.
whole
Church
;
as
Occham
,
and
Santa
Clara
after
St.
Augustine
affirm
.
Therefore
the
Fathers
generally
allow
us
liberty
of
examination
;
and
derogate
Faith
from
all
men
beside
the
Apostles
.
CHAP.
XVII
.
Arg.
III
For
Infallibility
from
Reason
.
3
Reasons
answered
.
Point
Argued
.
Retorted
.
'T
Is
Confess'd
,
that
though
Scripture
and
Tradition
prove
it
not
;
yet
if
there
be
indeed
any
sound
Reason
(
which
is
a
kind
of
divine
Law
)
for
the
Pope's
Infallibility
,
that
will
go
a
great
way
.
But
it
doubtless
ought
to
be
very
clear
and
strong
reason
,
that
is
able
to
carry
it
in
so
great
a
point
,
without
either
Scripture
or
Tradition
:
Let
us
hearken
.
Perhaps
we
have
Tradition
offering
its
Service
R.
1.
to
Reason
in
another
form
;
and
the
Argument
may
stand
thus
:
Tradition
is
Infallible
,
but
the
Pope
in
the
Church
of
Rome
is
the
Keeper
of
Tradition
;
therefore
thereby
the
Pope
is
Infallible
.
Ans.
This
Argument
indeed
,
hath
countenance
from
Antiquity
:
For
Iraeneus
adviseth
his
Adversaries
,
who
pretended
Tradition
,
to
go
to
Rome
;
and
there
they
might
know
what
was
true
and
Apostolical
Tradition
,
for
there
it
was
preserved
.
But
how
could
that
father
assure
us
,
that
Rome
would
always
be
a
faithful
preserver
of
true
Apostolical
Tradition
?
What
security
could
he
give
to
after
Ages
,
against
innovations
and
additions
to
Tradition
it self
in
the
Church
of
Rome
?
Remember
what
hath
been
said
,
that
Tradition
can
be
thought
infallible
,
only
in
the
substantials
of
Religion
;
and
consequently
cannot
protect
,
either
it
self
or
the
Church
,
from
additional
errors
in
other
things
.
Besides
,
in
the
Substantials
of
Religion
,
the
Protestant
Churches
have
the
benefit
of
Tradition
as
well
as
the
Church
of
Rome
;
and
if
that
carry
Infallibility
with
it
,
our
Church
is
infallible
as
well
as
the
Church
of
Rome
;
and
consequently
thereby
hath
a
Right
to
govern
it's
self
.
Reas.
2
But
the
great
Reason
always
gloried
in
,
is
from
the
Wisdom
and
Prudence
of
our
blessed
Saviour
;
who
had
he
not
intended
to
afford
the
assistance
of
Infallibility
to
the
succeeding
Pastors
of
his
Church
,
to
lead
them
when
assembled
in
a
general
Council
,
he
had
built
his
Church
upon
the
Sand
;
as
A.
C.
argues
with
his
Grace
of
Canterbury
.
Ans.
Admit
the
necessity
of
this
Assistance
to
the
Pastors
of
the
Church
;
what
is
this
to
prove
the
government
of
the
Church
in
the
Pope
,
because
of
his
Infallibility
?
But
if
our
Saviour
should
not
have
assured
us
that
he
will
thus
assist
his
Church
in
all
Ages
,
as
you
cannot
shew
;
how
do
you
know
he
hath
intended
it
?
and
how
unchristian
is
your
Reason
,
to
impeach
your
Saviour
with
the
inference
of
Folly
;
and
,
as
at
other
times
,
with
Ignorance
and
imposture
,
if
he
hath
not
?
Take
heed
,
hath
not
our
Saviour
built
his
Church
upon
the
Foundation
of
the
Prophets
and
Apostles
?
and
is
this
Sand
in
the
Roman
Sence
?
Is
not
Christ
himself
the
chief
Corner-Stone
?
Is
he
Sand
too
?
Doth
not
he
that
keepeth
his
Sayings
build
upon
a
Rock
,
as
firm
as
the
decrees
of
a
general
Council
?
Where
hath
our
Saviour
given
us
the
least
intimation
,
that
inherent
Infallibility
is
the
only
Rock
to
secure
the
Church
from
Error
?
Is
there
not
sufficient
ground
to
rely
on
the
Doctrine
of
Christ
,
had
there
never
been
a
general
Council
?
What
?
was
the
Church
built
upon
the
Sand
only
,
before
the
Council
of
Nice
?
why
did
it
not
then
fall
in
the
Storms
of
Persecution
?
Did
not
the
Apostles
commit
the
doctrine
of
Christ
to
writing
?
Is
not
Tradition
the
great
mean
of
delivering
the
Scriptures
,
and
all
things
needful
to
Salvation
,
by
your
own
Arguments
?
may
not
the
latter
be
done
by
Nurses
and
Tutors
&c.
without
a
general
Council
?
and
if
there
be
lesser
differences
in
the
Church
,
is
the
Foundation
subverted
presently
?
and
may
not
those
lesser
differences
among
Christians
be
healed
with
Argument
,
or
at
least
quieted
;
and
the
peace
of
the
Church
preserved
by
the
decrees
of
Councils
,
without
Infallibility
?
how
unreasonable
is
it
,
to
deny
it
?
We
grant
,
saith
Doctor
Stillingfleet
,
Infallibility
P.
259.
in
the
Foundation
of
Faith
:
we
declare
the
owning
of
that
Infallibility
is
that
,
which
makes
men
Christians
,
(
the
body
of
whom
we
call
the
Church
)
we
further
grant
,
that
Christ
hath
left
in
that
Church
sufficient
means
for
the
preservation
of
it
in
Truth
and
Unity
:
but
we
cannot
discern
,
either
in
Scripture
,
Antiquity
or
Reason
,
that
such
Infallibility
,
is
necessary
for
the
Churches
preservation
,
by
the
Councils
of
succeeding
Pastors
;
much
less
,
a
living
and
standing
Infallible
Judge
,
as
the
Head
of
the
Church
.
Object
.
But
they
say
,
the
Infinite
Dissentions
and
Divisions
amongst
those
that
deny
it
,
make
this
R.
3.
necessary
.
Answ.
How
is
it
in
the
Roman
Church
?
are
there
no
Divisions
there
?
or
is
the
sole
Remedy
Ineffectual
?
yea
,
are
there
no
differences
there
,
about
Infallibility
it self
?
the
Manner
and
Subject
of
it
?
are
not
many
of
your selves
,
ashamed
,
and
weary
of
it
?
do
not
some
of
you
deny
it
,
and
set
up
Tradition
,
in
stead
of
it
?
was
not
the
Apostle
too
blame
,
to
say
,
there
must
be
Heresics
or
Divisions
among
you
,
and
not
to
tell
them
,
there
must
be
an
Infallible
Judge
among
you
,
and
no
Heresies
?
but
now
men
are
wiser
,
and
of
another
mind
.
To
conclude
;
whether
we
regard
the
Truth
or
Vnity
of
the
Church
;
both
Reason
and
Sence
assures
us
that
this
Infallibility
signifies
nothing
:
for
,
as
to
Truth
,
't
is
impossible
men
should
give
up
their
Faith
and
Conscience
,
and
inward
apprehension
of
things
,
to
the
Sentence
of
any
one
man
,
or
all
the
men
in
the
World
,
against
their
own
Reason
;
and
for
Vnity
,
there
is
no
colour
or
shadow
of
pretence
against
it
;
but
that
the
Authority
of
Ecclesiastical
Government
,
can
preserve
it
,
as
well
without
,
as
with
Infallibility
.
But
if
there
be
any
Sence
in
the
Argument
,
methinks
,
't
is
better
thus
:
the
Head
and
Governour
of
the
Christian
Church
,
must
of
necessity
be
Infallible
:
but
the
Pope
is
not
Infallible
'
,
either
by
Scripture
,
Tradition
,
or
Reason
;
therefore
the
Pope
is
not
the
Head
and
Governour
of
the
Christian
Church
.
CHAP.
XVIII
.
Of
the
Pope's
Universal
Pastorship
;
its
Right
;
divine
or
humane
;
this
Civil
,
or
Ecclesiastical
;
all
examined
;
Constantine
;
King
John
;
Justinian
;
Phocas
,
&c.
WE
have
found
some
flaws
in
the
pretended
Title
of
the
Pope
;
as
our
Converter
,
Patriarch
,
Possessor
;
and
as
the
Subject
of
Infallibility
:
his
last
and
greatest
Argument
is
his
Vniversal
Pastorship
:
and
indeed
,
if
it
be
proved
that
he
is
the
Pastor
of
the
whole
Church
of
Christ
on
Earth
;
he
is
ours
also
:
and
we
cannot
withdraw
our
obedience
from
him
,
without
the
guilt
of
that
which
is
charged
upon
us
,
viz.
Schism
;
(
if
his
Commands
be
justifiable
)
but
if
the
proof
of
this
fail
also
,
we
are
acquitted
.
This
Right
of
the
Pope's
Universal
Pastorship
,
is
divine
or
humane
,
(
if
at
all
;
)
both
are
pretended
,
and
are
to
be
examined
.
The
Bishop
of
Calcedon
is
very
indifferent
and
reasonable
as
to
the
Original
:
if
the
Right
be
granted
,
't
is
not
de
fide
,
to
believe
whether
it
come
from
God
or
no.
If
the
Pope
be
Universal
Pastor
Jure
humano
only
;
his
Title
is
,
either
from
Civil
or
from
Ecclesiastical
Power
;
and
least
we
should
err
Fundamentally
we
shall
consider
the
pretenses
from
both
.
If
it
be
said
,
that
the
Civil
Power
hath
conferred
this
honour
upon
the
Pope
:
may
it
not
be
questioned
,
whether
the
Civil
Powers
of
the
World
extend
so
far
,
as
either
,
to
dispose
of
the
Government
of
the
Church
;
or
to
subject
all
the
Churches
under
one
Pastor
.
However
,
de
facto
,
when
was
this
done
?
when
did
the
Kings
of
England
,
in
Conjunction
with
the
Rulers
of
the
whole
World
,
make
such
a
Grant
to
the
Pope
?
I
think
the
World
hath
been
ashamed
of
the
Const.
donat.
Donation
of
Constantine
long
agon
;
yet
,
that
no
shadow
may
remain
unscattered
,
we
shall
briefly
take
an
account
of
it
.
They
say
Constantine
,
the
third
day
after
he
was
baptized
,
left
all
the
West
part
of
the
Empire
to
Pope
Sylvester
;
and
went
himself
to
dwell
at
Constantinople
;
and
gave
the
whole
Imperial
and
Civil
Dominion
of
Rome
,
and
all
the
Western
Kingdoms
,
to
the
Pope
and
his
Successors
for
ever
.
A
large
Boon
indeed
:
this
looks
,
as
if
it
was
intended
that
the
Pope
should
be
an
Emperor
;
but
who
makes
him
Vniversal
Pastor
?
and
who
ever
since
hath
bequeathed
the
Eastern
World
to
him
,
either
as
Pastor
or
Emperor
?
for
,
it
should
seem
,
that
part
,
Constantine
then
kept
for
himself
.
But
Mr.
Harding
throws
off
all
these
little
Cavils
;
and
with
sufficient
Evidence
out
of
Math.
Hieromonachus
,
a
Greek
Author
,
shews
the
very
Words
of
the
Decree
,
which
carry
it
for
the
Pope
,
as
well
in
Ecclesiastical
as
Civil
Advantages
;
they
are
these
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
We
decree
,
and
give
in
charge
to
all
Lords
,
and
to
the
Senate
of
our
Empire
,
that
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
and
Successor
of
Saint
Peter
,
chief
of
the
Apostles
,
have
Authority
and
Power
in
all
the
World
;
greater
than
that
of
the
Empire
;
that
he
have
more
honour
than
the
Emperor
;
and
that
he
be
Head
of
the
four
Patriarchal
Seats
;
and
that
matters
of
Faith
be
by
him
determined
:
this
is
the
Charter
,
whereby
some
think
the
Pope
hath
Power
(
saith
De
potest
.
Pap.
c.
19.
Harveus
)
as
Lord
of
the
whole
World
,
to
set
up
and
pull
down
Kings
.
'T
is
confessed
,
this
Grant
is
not
pleaded
,
lately
,
with
any
Confidence
.
Indeed
Bishop
Jewel
did
check
it
early
,
when
he
shewed
Harding
;
the
wisest
and
best
among
the
Papists
have
openly
disproved
it
:
such
as
Platina
,
Cusanus
,
Petavius
,
Laurent
.
Valla
,
Antoninus
Florentinus
,
and
a
great
many
more
.
Cardinal
Cusanus
hath
these
words
:
Donationem
Constantini
dilligenter
expendens
,
&c.
Carefully
weighing
this
Grant
of
Constantine
even
Conc.
Cath.
lib.
3.
c.
2.
in
the
very
penning
thereof
,
I
find
manifest
Arguments
of
Forgery
and
Falshood
.
'T
is
not
found
in
the
Register
of
Gratian
;
that
is
,
in
the
allowed
Original
Text
;
though
,
it
be
indeed
in
the
Palea
of
some
Books
;
yet
that
Palea
is
not
read
in
the
Schools
:
and
of
it
Pope
Pius
himself
said
,
dicta
Palea
[
Constantinus
Pius
.
2.
dial
.
]
falsa
est
;
and
inveighs
against
the
Canonists
that
dispute
an
valu●rit
id
,
quod
nunquam
fuit
:
and
those
that
speak
most
favourably
of
it
,
confess
,
that
it
is
as
true
,
that
[
Vox
Angelorum
Audita
est
,
]
that
,
at
the
same
time
,
the
voice
of
Angels
was
heard
in
the
Air
,
saying
,
hodie
venenum
effusum
est
in
Ecclesiam
.
Much
more
to
the
discountenance
of
this
vain
Story
you
have
in
Bishop
Jewel's
Defence
;
P.
537
,
538.
539.
which
to
my
observation
was
never
since
answered
;
to
him
therefore
I
refer
my
Reader
.
But
,
alas
,
if
Constantine
had
made
such
a
Grant
;
Pope
Pipus
,
tells
us
it
was
a
question
among
the
very
Canonists
an
valuerit
?
and
the
whole
World
,
besides
,
must
judge
the
Grant
void
in
it self
,
especially
after
Constantine's
time
.
Had
Satan's
Grant
been
good
to
our
Saviour
,
if
he
had
faln
down
and
worshipped
him
?
no
more
had
Constantine's
;
pardon
the
comparison
:
for
in
other
things
,
he
shewed
great
and
worthy
zeal
,
for
the
flourishing
Grandeur
of
the
Church
of
Christ
;
though
,
by
this
he
had
,
as
was
said
,
given
nothing
but
poyson
to
it
:
for
the
Empire
of
the
World
and
the
Vniversal
Pastorship
of
the
Church
,
was
not
Constantine's
to
give
to
the
Pope
and
his
Successors
for
ever
.
Arg.
2
King
John
.
But
it
is
urged
,
nearer
home
,
that
King
John
delivered
up
his
Crown
to
the
Pope
;
and
received
it
again
,
as
his
Gift
.
'T
is
true
;
but
this
Act
of
present
fear
,
could
not
be
construed
a
Grant
of
Right
to
the
Pope
;
if
King
John
gave
away
any
thing
,
it
was
neither
the
Power
of
making
Laws
for
England
;
nor
the
exercise
of
any
Jurisdiction
in
England
,
that
he
had
not
before
;
for
he
only
acknowledged
(
unworthily
)
the
Pope's
Power
;
but
pretended
not
to
give
him
such
Power
,
to
confer
the
Crown
for
ever
;
much
less
to
make
him
Supreme
Disposer
of
our
English
Church
.
But
if
our
Constitution
be
considered
,
how
inconsiderable
an
Argument
is
this
?
our
Kings
cannot
give
away
the
Power
of
the
Crown
during
their
own
times
,
without
an
Act
of
Parliament
:
the
King
and
Parliament
together
,
cannot
dispose
of
any
thing
inherent
to
the
Crown
of
England
,
without
a
Power
of
Resumption
;
or
to
the
prejudice
of
Succeeding
Kings
:
besides
,
no
King
of
England
ever
did
,
(
not
King
John
himself
)
either
with
,
or
without
his
Parliament
,
by
any
Solemn
Publick
Act
transfer
the
Government
of
this
Church
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
;
or
so
much
as
Recognize
it
to
be
in
Him
before
Henry
the
Eighth
;
and
what
John
did
,
Harpf.
ad
5.
Re.
14.
c.
5.
was
protested
against
by
the
Three
States
,
then
in
Parliament
.
And
although
Queen
Mary
,
since
,
made
a
higher
acknowledgment
of
his
Holiness
,
than
ever
we
read
was
done
here
before
;
yet
't
is
evident
,
she
gave
him
rather
the
Complement
of
the
Title
of
that
uncertain
Word
(
Supreme
Head
)
than
any
real
Power
;
as
we
observed
before
;
and
yet
her
New
Act
to
that
purpose
,
was
endured
to
remain
in
force
,
but
a
very
short
time
,
about
four
or
five
years
.
But
although
neither
Constantine
,
for
the
Justinian
.
whole
World
;
nor
King
John
for
England
,
did
or
could
devise
the
Supremacy
to
the
Pope
;
't
is
confessed
,
the
Emperor
Justinian
endeavoured
somewhat
that
look'd
like
it
.
Justinian
was
a
great
friend
of
the
Roman
Bishop
:
he
saith
,
Properamus
honorem
&
authoritatem
Cod.
inter
Claras
.
crescere
sedis
vestrae
,
we
labour
to
subject
and
unite
all
the
Eastern
Priests
to
the
See
of
your
Holiness
.
But
this
is
a
plain
demonstration
that
the
See
of
Rome
did
not
extend
to
the
East
,
near
six
hundred
years
after
Christ
;
otherwise
that
would
have
been
no
addition
of
honour
or
Authority
to
it
;
neither
would
Justinian
have
endeavoured
what
was
done
before
;
as
it
doth
not
appear
that
he
afterwards
effected
it
.
Therefore
the
Title
that
he
then
gave
the
Pope
[
of
the
Chief
and
Head
of
all
the
Churches
]
must
carry
a
qualified
sence
;
and
was
only
a
Title
of
honour
befitting
the
Bishop
of
the
Chief
and
most
eminent
Church
,
as
the
Roman
Church
then
was
:
(
and
indeed
Justinian
was
a
Courtier
;
and
stiles
the
Bishop
of
Constantinople
universal
Patriarch
too
)
or
at
most
can
only
signifie
,
that
his
intentions
were
to
raise
the
Pope
to
the
chief
Power
over
the
whole
Church
;
which
,
as
was
said
before
,
he
had
not
yet
obtained
.
This
is
all
that
can
be
inferred
,
if
these
Epistles
betwixt
the
Emperor
and
the
Pope
be
not
forged
;
as
Learned
Papists
suspect
,
because
in
Greg.
Holiand
,
&
Azo
.
the
eldest
and
allowed
Books
,
they
are
not
to
be
found
.
However
,
if
Justinian
did
design
any
thing
in
favour
of
the
Pope
,
it
was
only
the
subjecting
of
the
Clergy
to
him
as
an
Ecclesiastical
Ruler
;
and
yet
that
no
farther
,
than
might
well
enough
consist
with
the
Supremacy
of
the
Empire
,
in
causes
Ecclesiastical
as
well
as
Civil
;
which
memento
spoils
all
the
argument
.
For
we
find
the
same
Justinian
under
this
imperial
stile
,
We
command
the
most
holy
Arch-Bishops
and
Patriarchs
of
Rome
,
Constantinople
,
Alexandria
,
Antioch
,
and
Hierusalem
.
Authent
.
Colla
.
1.
We
find
him
making
Laws
upon
Monks
,
Priests
,
Bishops
,
and
all
kind
of
Churchmen
,
to
inforce
them
to
their
duty
.
We
find
him
putting
forth
his
Power
and
Authority
for
the
sanction
of
the
Canons
of
Councils
;
and
making
them
to
have
the
force
of
Laws
.
We
find
him
punishing
the
Clergy
,
and
the
Popes
themselves
;
yea
't
is
well
known
and
confessed
by
Romanists
,
that
he
deprived
two
Popes
,
Sylverius
and
Vigilius
:
Indeed
Mr.
Harding
saith
,
that
was
done
by
Theodora
the
Empress
;
but
it
is
otherwise
recorded
in
their
own
Pontifical
;
the
Emperor
demanded
of
Belsarius
what
he
had
done
with
the
Romans
,
and
how
he
had
deposed
Sylverius
,
and
placed
Vigilius
in
his
stead
?
Upon
Conc.
To.
2.
in
●
.
Vigil
.
his
answer
,
both
the
Emperor
and
Empress
gave
him
thanks
:
Now
it
is
a
Rule
in
Law
,
Rati
habito
retrotrabitur
,
&
mandato
comparatur
.
Zaberel
declares
it
to
be
Law
,
that
the
Pope
,
De
Schis
.
&
Conci
.
in
any
notorious
crime
,
may
be
accused
before
the
Emperor
;
and
the
Emperor
may
require
of
the
Pope
an
account
of
his
Faith
:
And
the
Emperor
ought
to
proceed
,
saith
Harvy
,
against
De
Potes
.
Pap.
c.
13.
the
Pope
,
upon
the
request
of
the
Cardinals
.
And
it
was
the
judgment
of
the
same
Justinian
himself
,
that
there
is
no
kind
of
thing
but
Con.
Const
.
5.
Act.
1.
it
may
be
thorowly
examined
by
the
Emperor
:
For
he
hath
a
principality
from
God
over
all
men
;
the
Clergy
as
well
as
Laity
.
But
his
erecting
of
Justiniana
prima
,
and
giving
the
Bishop
,
Locum
Apostolicae
sedis
;
to
which
all
the
Provinces
should
make
their
last
Appeal
,
Go●●op
.
Nov.
13.
c.
3.
Nov.
11.
whereby
,
as
Nicephorus
affirms
,
the
Emperor
made
it
a
free
City
,
a
Head
to
it self
;
with
full
power
independant
from
all
others
:
And
as
it
is
in
the
imperial
constitutions
;
the
Primate
thereof
should
have
all
power
of
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
,
the
Supreme
Priesthood
,
Supreme
Honour
and
Dignity
.
This
is
such
an
instance
,
both
of
Justinian's
Judgment
and
Power
,
contrary
to
the
Popes
pretensions
of
Supremacy
,
(
as
granted
or
acknowledged
by
the
Emperor
Justinian
)
that
all
other
Arguments
of
it
are
ex
abundanti
;
and
there
is
no
great
need
of
subjoyning
that
other
great
and
like
instance
of
his
restoring
Carthage
to
its
primacy
after
the
Vandals
were
driven
out
;
and
annexing
two
new
Provinces
,
that
were
not
so
before
,
to
its
jurisdiction
,
without
the
proviso
of
submitting
it self
to
Rome
;
though
before
Carthage
had
ever
refused
to
do
it
.
Phocas
the
Emperor
and
Pope
Boniface
,
no
doubt
,
understood
one
another
;
and
were
well
enough
agreed
upon
the
point
:
But
we
shall
never
yield
that
these
two
did
legally
represent
the
Church
and
the
World
;
or
that
the
grant
of
the
one
,
and
the
greedy
acceptance
on
the
other
part
,
could
bind
all
Christians
and
all
mankind
,
in
subjection
to
his
Holiness's
Chair
for
ever
.
Valentinian
said
,
all
Antiquity
hath
given
the
principality
of
Priesthood
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
:
But
no
Antiquity
ever
gave
him
a
principality
of
Power
;
no
doubt
he
,
as
well
as
the
other
Emperors
,
kept
the
Political
Supremacy
in
his
own
hands
.
Charles
the
Great
might
complement
Adrian
,
and
call
him
universal
Pope
;
and
say
be
gave
St.
Wilehade
a
Bishoprick
at
his
command
:
But
he
kept
the
power
of
convocating
Synods
every
year
,
and
sate
in
them
as
a
Judge
himself
.
Auditor
&
arbiter
adfui
:
he
made
Ecclesiastical
Decrees
in
his
own
Name
,
to
whom
this
very
Pope
—
acquitted
all
claim
in
the
Election
of
succeeding
Popes
for
ever
.
A
great
deal
more
in
answer
to
both
these
,
you
have
in
Arch-Bishop
Bramhall
.
p.
235
,
236.
and
King
James's
defence
.
p.
50.
&c.
CHAP.
XIX
.
The
Popes
pretended
Ecclesiastical
Right
.
Not
by
General
Councils
.
8
First
.
To
which
Sworn
.
Justi
.
Sanction
.
Can.
Apost.
allowed
by
C.
Nice
and
Ephesus
.
THough
it
seem
below
his
Holiness's
present
grandeur
to
ground
his
Right
upon
the
Civil
Power
,
especially
when
that
fails
him
;
yet
methinks
the
jus
Ecclesiasticum
,
is
not
at
all
unbecoming
his
pretences
,
who
is
sworn
to
govern
the
Church
according
to
the
Canons
,
as
they
say
the
Pope
is
.
If
it
be
pleaded
,
that
the
Canons
of
the
Fathers
do
invest
the
Pope
with
plenary
Power
over
all
Churches
:
And
if
it
could
be
proved
too
;
yet
one
thing
more
remains
to
be
proved
,
to
subject
the
Church
of
England
to
that
his
power
,
viz.
that
the
Canon
Law
is
binding
and
of
force
in
England
as
such
,
or
without
our
own
consent
or
allowance
:
And
't
is
impossible
this
should
be
proved
,
while
our
Kings
are
Supreme
;
and
the
constitution
of
the
Kingdom
stands
as
it
hath
always
stood
.
However
,
we
decline
not
the
examination
of
the
plea
,
viz.
that
the
Popes
Supremacy
over
the
whole
Church
is
granted
by
the
Canons
of
Councils
,
viz.
general
:
But
when
this
is
said
,
it
is
but
reasonable
to
demand
which
?
or
in
what
Canons
?
It
is
said
,
the
Pope
receives
his
Office
with
an
Oath
,
to
observe
the
Canons
of
the
eight
first
general
Councils
;
in
which
of
these
is
the
grant
to
be
found
?
Sure
so
great
a
conveyance
should
be
very
legible
and
Intelligible
.
We
find
it
very
plain
,
that
in
some
of
those
Councils
,
and
those
the
most
ancient
;
this
Power
is
expresly
denyed
him
,
and
that
upon
such
reason
,
as
is
eternal
:
and
might
justly
and
effectually
prevent
any
such
grant
or
usurpation
of
such
power
for
ever
;
if
future
Grants
were
to
be
just
and
reasonable
,
or
future
Popes
were
to
be
governed
by
Right
or
Equity
;
by
the
Canons
of
the
Fathers
,
or
fidelity
to
the
Church
,
to
God
or
their
own
solemn
Oaths
at
their
Inaugurations
.
But
we
are
prepared
for
the
examination
of
the
Councils
in
this
matter
,
by
a
very
strong
presumption
:
That
seeing
Justinian
made
the
Canons
to
have
the
force
of
Laws
,
and
he
had
ever
shewed
himself
so
careful
to
maintain
the
Rights
of
the
Empire
in
all
causes
,
as
well
as
over
all
persons
,
Ecclesiastical
;
&
even
Popes
themselves
;
't
is
not
credible
that
he
would
suffer
any
thing
in
those
Canons
to
pass
into
the
body
of
the
Laws
,
that
should
be
agreeable
to
the
pretended
donation
of
Constantine
;
or
to
the
prejudice
of
the
Emperor's
said
Supremacy
;
and
consequently
,
not
much
in
favour
of
the
Supremacy
claimed
by
later
Popes
.
Justinian's
Sanction
extended
to
the
four
Justin
.
Sanction
of
four
first
.
great
Councils
,
Nic.
Constant
.
Ephes.
1.
and
Calcedon
;
in
these
Words
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
Sancimus
Vicem
Legum
obtinere
Sanctos
Ecclesiasticos
Canones
,
qui
à
Sanctis
quatuor
Conciliis
constituti
sunt
&
confirmati
;
hoc
est
Niceno
,
&c.
—
praedictorum
enim
Consdiorum
dogmata
,
sicut
divinas
Scripturas
,
accipimus
,
&
Canones
sicut
Leges
observamus
.
Perhaps
,
it
may
be
doubted
,
why
he
did
not
Apostles
Canons
not
mention
.
reason
.
confirm
those
Canons
which
were
then
well
known
by
the
Title
of
the
Canons
of
the
Apostles
:
whether
,
because
their
Authority
was
suspected
,
especially
many
of
them
;
or
,
because
Vid.
Bin.
To.
1.
p.
17.
a.
they
were
not
made
by
a
truly
General
Council
;
or
,
because
they
were
Confirmed
in
and
with
the
Council
of
Nice
and
Ephesus
,
&c.
or
lastly
,
whether
,
because
the
first
fifty
had
before
,
a
greater
Sanction
from
the
general
Reception
of
the
whole
Ibid.
Church
;
or
the
greater
Authority
of
the
Sacred
Names
of
the
Authors
,
the
Apostles
,
or
Apostolical
men
;
I
venture
not
to
declare
my
opinion
.
But
truly
,
there
seems
something
considerable
for
the
later
;
for
that
the
Council
of
Nice
do
not
pretend
to
confirm
the
Apostles
Canons
,
but
their
own
,
by
the
Quotation
of
them
;
taking
Authority
from
them
,
as
Laws
,
founded
in
the
Church
before
to
build
their
own
and
all
future
Canons
and
Decrees
of
Councils
upon
,
in
such
matters
as
were
found
there
determined
.
A
great
Instance
of
the
probability
of
this
Conjecture
we
have
,
full
to
our
present
purpose
given
us
by
Binius
,
Nicena
Synodus
Can.
6.
&c.
the
Nicene
and
Ephesine
Synods
followed
those
Bin.
To.
1.
p.
20.
Canons
of
the
Apostles
,
appointing
that
every
Bishop
acknowledge
suum
primum
their
Chief
and
Metropolitane
,
Can.
Ap.
allowed
by
C.
Nice
and
Ephesus
.
and
do
nothing
without
their
own
Diocess
:
but
rather
,
the
Bishop
of
Alexandria
,
according
to
the
Canons
(
understand
saith
Binius
those
35
,
36
of
the
Apostles
)
must
govern
the
Churches
of
Egypt
;
the
Bishop
of
the
East
;
the
Eastern
Churches
:
the
Ephesine
Synod
,
also
saith
,
it
is
besides
the
Canons
of
the
Apostles
,
that
the
Bishop
of
Antioch
should
ordain
in
the
Provinces
of
Cyprus
,
&c.
Hence
,
it
is
plain
,
that
according
to
Apostles
Canons
,
interpreted
and
allowed
as
Authentick
,
so
far
at
least
,
by
the
Synods
of
Nice
and
Ephesus
,
the
Metropolitan
was
Primate
or
Chief
over
the
Churches
within
his
Provinces
;
and
,
that
he
,
as
such
(
exclusive
of
all
Forreign
Superior
Power
)
was
to
govern
and
ordain
,
within
his
own
Provinces
;
not
consonant
to
,
but
directly
against
the
pretended
Supremacy
of
the
Bishop
of
Rome
.
But
let
us
consult
the
Canons
to
which
Binius
refers
,
and
the
matter
is
plainer
.
SECT.
I.
Can.
Apostol
.
THere
is
nothing
in
the
Canons
of
the
Apostles
to
our
purpose
,
but
what
we
find
in
Can.
35
,
36.
or
in
the
Reddition
,
as
Binius
gives
it
,
Can.
33
and
34.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
let
the
Bishops
of
35
,
33.
every
Nation
know
,
or
they
ought
to
know
,
who
among
them
is
accounted
(
or
is
)
chief
;
and
esteem
him
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
ut
caput
;
and
do
nothing
difficult
(
aut
magni
momenti
)
praeter
ejus
Conscientiam
,
vel
Sententiam
:
but
,
what
if
the
matter
were
too
hard
for
the
Primate
;
is
no
direction
given
to
go
to
the
Infallible
Chair
at
Rome
?
here
,
was
indeed
a
proper
place
for
it
,
but
not
a
word
of
that
.
In
the
36
aliàs
34.
it
is
added
,
that
a
Bishop
should
not
dare
to
ordain
any
,
beyond
the
bounds
of
his
own
Jurisdiction
:
but
neither
of
these
Canons
concern
the
Pope
;
unless
they
signifie
,
that
the
Pope
is
not
Head
of
all
Churches
,
and
hath
not
power
in
any
place
,
but
within
the
Diocess
of
Rome
:
or
,
that
Binius
was
not
faithful
in
leaving
out
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
or
Head
,
in
his
Note
upon
these
Canons
.
SECT.
II.
Concil.
Nicen.
Gen.
1.
Bellar.
Evasion
.
WE
find
nothing
in
the
true
Canons
of
the
Nicene
Synod
,
that
looks
our
way
,
except
Can.
6.
and
7.
They
are
thus
;
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&c.
Let
ancient
Custom
be
kept
,
through
Can.
6.
Egypt
,
Libia
and
Pentapolis
;
so
,
as
the
Bishop
of
Alexandria
may
have
power
over
all
these
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
because
also
the
like
Custom
is
for
the
Bishop
of
the
City
of
Rome
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
▪
as
likewise
at
Antioch
and
other
Provinces
,
let
the
Priviledges
be
kept
in
their
own
Churches
:
but
suppose
differences
arise
;
is
no
Liberty
or
Remedy
provided
,
by
going
to
Rome
?
no
more
,
than
if
differences
arise
in
the
Roman
Church
,
they
may
have
Remedy
from
any
other
;
a
Remedy
is
indeed
provided
by
the
Canon
;
Sin
duo
aut
tres
,
&c.
if
two
or
three
do
contradict
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
▪
not
go
to
Rome
;
but
obtineat
Sententia
plurimorum
,
let
the
major
Vote
carry
it
.
In
the
seventh
Canon
,
Custom
and
Tradition
Can.
7.
both
,
are
the
Grounds
upon
which
the
Council
confirmed
the
like
priviledge
of
the
Church
of
Hierusalem
;
because
Custom
and
Ancient
Tradition
,
ut
Aeliae
Episcopus
honoretur
,
let
him
have
have
the
consequence
of
Honour
,
with
a
Salvo
,
for
the
proper
Dignity
of
the
Metropolis
;
but
not
a
word
of
Rome
.
Note
,
that
in
Can.
6.
the
Power
of
the
Alexandrian
Bishop
is
grounded
upon
Ancient
Custom
(
Antiqua
consuetudo
servetur
)
and
not
upon
the
Concession
of
the
Roman
Bishop
;
as
Berlarmine
would
force
it
;
and
that
the
like
manner
or
Custom
of
Rome
,
is
but
another
Example
of
the
same
thing
,
as
Antioch
was
and
the
rest
of
the
Provinces
;
but
this
ungrammatical
and
illogical
Evasion
was
put
off
before
.
SECT.
III.
Concil.
Constantinop
.
Gen.
2.
An.
381.
THe
next
Council
,
admired
by
Justinian
,
as
one
of
the
Gospels
,
is
that
Famous
Council
of
Constantinople
adorned
with
150
Fathers
.
Hath
this
made
any
better
provision
for
the
Pope's
Supremacy
?
certainly
no
:
for
the
very
Can.
1.
Bin.
p.
660.
Alter
.
Editio
.
Bin.
p.
664.
Can.
2.
first
Canon
,
chargeth
us
not
to
despise
the
Faith
of
the
318
Fathers
in
the
Synod
of
Nice
;
which
ought
to
be
held
firm
and
Inviolate
.
The
Second
Canon
forbids
the
confusion
of
Diocesses
;
and
therefore
injoyns
(
Secundum
Regulas
constitutas
,
i.
e.
)
the
Rules
of
the
Apostles
,
and
Nicene
Fathers
to
be
kept
:
the
Bishop
of
Alexandria
must
govern
them
in
Egypt
only
;
and
so
the
rest
,
as
are
there
mentioned
more
particularly
,
than
in
Nicene
Canons
.
In
the
Third
,
is
reinforced
the
Canon
of
the
former
Council
against
Ordinations
by
Bishops
Can.
3.
out
of
their
own
Jurisdictions
;
and
adds
this
Reason
,
that
casts
no
countenance
upon
any
Forreign
Jurisdiction
;
't
is
manifest
that
the
proper
Provincial
Synod
ought
to
administer
and
govern
all
things
,
per
quasquc
singulas
Provincias
,
within
their
peculiar
Provinces
;
secundum
ea
quae
sunt
in
Nicaea
definita
.
This
third
Canon
honours
the
Bishop
of
Constantinople
,
next
after
the
Bishop
of
Rome
;
as
Binius
renders
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
But
Binius
is
very
angry
that
such
a
Canon
is
found
there
,
and
urgeth
many
reasons
against
it
;
and
therefore
we
shall
conclude
,
that
as
none
of
the
rest
,
Bin.
To.
1.
672.
so
neither
doth
this
Canon
,
confer
the
universal
government
of
the
Church
upon
the
Bishop
of
Rome
.
SECT.
IV.
Concil.
Ephesin
.
Gen.
3.
An.
Christi
431.
THe
third
general
Council
,
whose
Canons
Justinian
passed
into
Laws
,
is
that
of
Ephesus
,
and
this
so
far
abhors
from
the
grant
,
that
it
is
a
plain
and
zealous
contradicter
of
the
Popes
pretensions
.
In
Act
the
seventh
,
't
is
agreed
against
the
invasion
of
the
Bishop
of
Antioch
,
that
the
Cyprian
Prelates
shall
hold
their
Rights
untouched
and
unviolated
,
according
to
the
Canons
of
the
holy
Fathers
(
before
mentioned
)
and
the
ancient
custom
,
ordaining
their
own
Bishops
;
and
let
the
same
be
observed
in
other
Diocesses
,
and
in
all
Provinces
,
that
no
Bishop
occupy
another
Province
,
(
or
subject
it
by
force
)
which
formerly
and
from
the
beginning
,
was
not
under
his
power
or
his
Predecessors
:
Or
if
he
have
done
so
let
him
restore
it
,
that
the
Canons
of
the
Fathers
be
not
slighted
,
nor
Pride
creep
into
the
Church
—
nor
Christian
Liberty
be
lost
.
Therefore
it
hath
pleased
the
holy
Synod
,
that
every
Province
enjoy
its
Rights
and
Customs
unviolated
,
which
it
had
from
the
beginning
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
twice
repeated
,
whereby
we
are
to
learn
a
very
great
Rule
;
that
the
bounds
of
primacies
were
settled
very
early
,
before
this
Council
or
any
other
general
Council
,
before
this
even
at
the
beginning
:
and
that
those
bounds
ought
to
be
observed
to
the
end
,
according
to
the
Canons
of
the
Fathers
and
ancient
custom
:
and
consequently
,
that
such
as
are
invaders
of
others
Rights
,
are
bound
to
make
restitution
.
Now
't
is
evident
,
we
were
a
free
Province
in
England
in
the
beginning
,
and
when
St.
Augustine
came
from
Rome
to
invade
our
Liberties
;
't
is
evident
this
Council
gave
the
Pope
no
power
or
priviledge
to
invade
us
:
Yea
,
that
what
power
the
Pope
got
over
us
in
after
times
,
was
a
manifest
violation
of
the
Rights
we
had
from
the
beginning
;
as
also
of
the
Canons
of
the
ancient
Fathers
,
in
the
three
mentioned
sacred
and
General
Councils
of
Nice
,
Constantinople
,
and
Ephesus
;
all
grounded
upon
the
ancienter
Canons
called
the
Apostles
.
Lastly
,
such
Usurpers
were
always
under
the
obligation
of
the
Canon
to
restore
and
quit
their
incroachments
;
and
consequently
the
Brittanick
Churches
were
always
free
to
vindicate
and
reassume
their
Rights
and
Liberties
,
as
they
worthily
did
in
Hen.
8.
SECT.
V.
Concil.
Calcedon
,
Gen.
4.
An
,
451.
S.
W's
Gloss
.
THere
is
little
hope
that
this
Council
should
afford
the
Pope
any
advantage
,
seeing
it
begins
(
Canones
&c.
)
with
the
confirmation
of
all
the
Canons
made
by
the
Fathers
in
every
Synod
before
that
time
;
and
consequently
of
those
that
we
have
found
in
prejudice
to
his
pretensions
among
the
rest
.
The
Ninth
Canon
enjoyns
upon
differences
Can.
9.
betwixt
Clerks
,
that
the
Cause
be
heard
before
the
proper
Bishop
;
betwixt
a
Bishop
and
a
Clerk
,
before
the
Provincial
Synod
;
betwixt
a
Bishop
or
Clerk
and
the
Metropolitan
,
before
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
or
the
See
of
the
Royal
City
of
Constantinople
.
To
the
same
effect
we
read
Can.
17.
Can.
17.
Si
quis
a
suo
,
&c.
If
any
one
be
injured
by
his
Bishop
or
Metropolitan
,
apud
Exarchum
seu
Primatem
Dioceseos
,
vel
Constantinopolitam
sedem
litiget
.
But
Where
is
any
provision
made
for
Remedy
at
Rome
?
Indeed
that
could
not
consist
with
the
sence
of
this
Synod
,
who
would
not
endure
the
Supremacy
,
or
so
much
as
the
Superiority
of
Rome
above
Constantinople
.
This
is
evident
in
Can.
28
the
Fathers
gave
Can.
28.
priviledge
to
the
See
of
old
Rome
;
Quod
Vrbs
.
illa
imperaret
,
&
eadem
consideratione
,
saith
the
Canon
,
and
for
the
same
reason
an
hundred
and
fifty
Bishops
gave
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
equal
Priviledges
to
the
Seat
of
new
Rome
;
recte
judicantes
,
rightly
judging
that
that
City
that
hath
the
Empire
and
the
Senate
,
should
enjoy
equal
Priviledges
with
old
Royal
Rome
,
etiam
in
rebus
Ecclesiasticis
non
secus
ac
illa
extolli
ac
magnifieri
,
secundam
post
illam
existentem
.
Now
to
what
purpose
doth
S.
W.
(
to
Dr.
Hammond
)
trifle
on
the
Canon
,
and
tell
us
that
S.
W's
Gloss
.
these
Priviledges
were
only
Honorary
Pomps
;
when
the
Canon
adds
in
Ecclesiastical
matters
,
and
names
one
,
the
Ordination
of
Bishops
and
Metropolitans
within
themselves
;
as
before
was
declared
by
the
divine
Canons
.
We
conclude
that
this
Bar
against
the
Popes
universal
Pastorship
,
will
never
be
removed
.
These
are
the
four
first
general
Councils
,
honoured
by
Justinian
as
the
four
Gospels
;
to
which
he
gave
the
Title
and
force
of
Laws
.
By
which
all
Popes
are
bound
(
by
solemn
Oath
)
to
Rule
the
Church
:
Yet
we
find
not
one
word
in
any
of
them
,
for
the
Popes
pretended
universal
Pastorship
:
Yea
in
every
one
of
them
we
have
found
so
much
and
so
directly
against
it
;
that
as
they
give
him
no
power
to
govern
the
whole
Church
;
so
by
swearing
to
observe
them
in
such
government
as
the
Canons
deny
him
;
he
swears
to
a
contradiction
as
well
as
to
the
ruine
of
his
own
pretensions
.
Argument
.
We
conclude
from
the
premises
,
that
now
,
seeing
all
future
Councils
seem
to
build
upon
the
Nicene
Canons
;
as
that
,
upon
the
Apostles
;
if
the
Canons
of
Nice
do
indeed
limit
the
power
of
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
or
suppose
it
to
have
limits
;
if
his
cause
be
tried
by
the
Councils
,
it
must
needs
be
desperate
.
Now
if
those
Canons
suppose
bounds
to
belong
Minor
.
to
every
Patriarchate
,
they
suppose
the
like
to
Rome
:
But
't
is
plain
,
that
the
bounds
are
given
by
those
Canons
to
the
Bishop
of
Alexandria
;
and
the
reason
is
,
because
this
is
also
customary
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
.
Now
't
is
not
reasonable
to
say
,
Alexandria
must
have
limits
because
Rome
hath
,
if
Rome
have
no
limits
.
Pope
Nicolas
himself
so
understood
it
,
whatever
I.
E.
Pis.
8.
S.
W.
did
:
Nicena
,
&c.
the
Nicene
Synod
,
saith
he
,
conferred
no
increase
on
Rome
,
but
rather
took
from
Rome
an
example
,
particularly
,
what
to
give
to
the
Church
of
Alexandria
.
Whence
Dr.
Hammond
strongly
concludes
,
that
if
at
the
making
of
the
Nicene
Canons
Rome
had
bounds
;
it
must
needs
follow
by
the
Ephesine
Canon
,
that
those
bounds
must
be
at
all
times
observed
in
contradiction
to
the
universal
Pastorship
of
that
See
.
The
matter
is
ended
,
if
we
compare
the
other
Latin
Version
of
the
Nicene
Canon
,
with
the
Canon
as
before
noted
.
Antiqui
moris
est
ut
Vrbis
Romae
Episcopus
habeat
principatum
,
ut
suburbicana
loca
,
&
omnem
provinciam
suâ
sollicitudine
gubernet
;
quae
vero
apud
Aegyptum
sunt
,
Alexandrinae
Episcopus
omnem
habeat
sollicitudinem
:
Similiter
autem
&
circa
Antiochiam
&
in
caeteris
Provinciis
privilegia
propria
serventur
Metropolitanis
Ecclesiis
.
Whence
it
is
evident
,
that
the
Bishop
of
Rome
then
had
a
distinct
Patriarchate
as
the
rest
had
;
and
that
whatever
Primacy
might
be
allowed
him
beyond
his
Province
,
it
could
not
have
any
real
power
over
the
other
Provinces
of
Alexandria
,
&c.
And
't
is
against
the
plain
sence
of
the
Rule
,
that
the
Antiquus
mos
should
signifie
the
custom
of
the
Bishop
of
Rome's
permission
of
Government
to
the
other
Patriarchs
,
as
Bellarmine
feigneth
.
This
Edition
we
have
in
Christopher
Justellus's
Library
;
rhe
Canon
is
in
Voel
.
Biblioth.
Jur.
Cano.
Tom.
1.
p.
284.
SECT.
VI.
Concil.
Constant
.
2.
The
Fifth
General
Conc.
of
165
Bishops
.
An.
553.
BAronius
and
Binius
both
affirm
,
that
this
was
Bar.
an.
553.
nu.
224.
a
general
Council
;
and
so
approved
by
all
Popes
,
Predecessors
and
Successors
of
St.
Gregory
,
and
St.
Gregory
himself
.
Bin.
To.
2.
Not.
in
con
.
Const.
5.
The
cause
was
;
Pope
Agapetus
had
condemned
Anthinius
;
the
matter
was
afterwards
ventilated
in
the
Council
:
Now
where
was
the
Popes
Supremacy
?
we
shall
see
immediately
.
After
Agapetus
,
succeeded
Vigilius
:
When
the
Council
condemned
the
Tria
Capitula
,
Pope
Vigilius
would
defend
them
;
but
how
did
he
carry
it
in
Faith
or
Fact
?
Did
the
Council
submit
to
his
Judgment
or
Authority
?
No
such
thing
:
But
quite
contrary
,
the
Council
condemned
the
tria
capitula
and
ended
:
The
Pope
for
not
consenting
,
but
opposing
the
Council
,
is
banished
by
the
Emperor
Justinian
.
Then
Vigilius
submits
,
and
confirms
the
Sentence
of
the
Council
;
and
so
is
released
from
Banishment
.
This
is
enough
,
out
of
both
[
](A40720-e109740-b)*
*
Ibid.
N.
223.
Baronius
and
Binius
.
The
Sum
is
,
we
condemn
(
say
they
as
is
expressed
in
the
very
Text
)
all
that
have
defended
the
Tria
Capitula
;
but
Vigilius
,
say
the
Historians
,
defended
the
Tria
Capitula
;
therefore
was
Vigilius
the
Pope
condemned
by
this
Council
:
such
Authority
they
gave
him
.
SECT.
VII
.
Concil.
Constant
.
of
289
Bishops
.
6
General
.
An.
681
vel
685.
Concil.
Nic.
7
General
.
of
350
Bishops
.
An.
781.
BEllarmine
acknowledgeth
these
to
be
sixth
and
seventh
general
Councils
;
and
both
these
he
acknowledgeth
did
condemn
Pope
Honorius
for
an
Heretick
.
lib.
4.
de
Pont.
C.
11.
For
Bellarmine
to
urge
that
these
Councils
were
deceived
in
their
Judgment
touching
his
opinion
,
is
not
to
the
point
;
we
are
not
disputing
now
,
whether
a
Pope
may
be
a
Heretick
in
a
private
or
publick
Capacity
,
in
which
the
Councils
now
condemned
him
;
though
he
seems
to
be
a
bold
man
,
to
prefer
his
own
bare
conjecture
a
thousand
years
after
about
a
matter
of
Fact
,
before
the
judgment
of
two
general
Councils
,
consisting
of
659
Bishops
;
when
the
cause
was
fresh
,
Witnesses
living
,
and
all
circumstances
visibly
before
their
eyes
:
But
our
question
is
whether
these
Councils
did
either
give
to
the
Pope
as
such
,
or
acknowledged
in
him
an
uncontroulable
Authority
over
the
whole
Church
?
The
Answer
is
short
,
they
took
that
power
to
themselves
;
and
condemned
the
Pope
for
Heresie
as
they
also
did
Sergius
of
Constantinople
.
SECT.
VIII
.
Concil.
Gen.
8.
Constant
.
383
Bishops
.
An.
870.
Conclusions
from
them
all
.
HOw
did
this
eighth
general
Council
recognize
the
Popes
Supremacy
?
Binius
himself
Tom.
3.
p.
149.
tells
us
;
this
Council
condemned
a
custom
of
the
Sabbath-Fast
in
Lent
;
and
the
practice
of
it
in
the
Church
of
Rome
;
and
the
word
is
,
We
will
that
the
Canon
be
observed
in
the
Church
of
Rome
,
inconfuse
vires
habet
.
'T
is
boldly
determined
against
the
Mother
Church
;
Rome
concerned
,
reproved
,
commanded
?
Where
is
the
Authority
of
the
Bishop
of
Rome
?
Rome
would
be
even
with
this
Council
,
and
therefore
,
saith
Surius
,
she
receives
not
this
55
Canon
.
(
Tom.
2.
in
conc
.
Const.
6.
p.
1048.
ad
Can.
65
in
Not.
Bin.
But
why
must
this
Canon
only
be
rejected
?
Oh!
't
is
not
to
be
endured
,
that
's
all
the
reason
we
can
have
.
But
was
not
this
a
general
Council
?
Is
it
not
one
of
the
eight
sworn
to
by
every
Pope
?
Is
not
this
Canon
of
the
same
Authority
(
as
of
the
Council
)
with
all
the
rest
?
Or
is
it
tolerable
to
say
,
't
is
not
Authentick
because
the
Pope
doth
not
receive
it
;
and
he
doth
not
receive
it
because
it
is
against
himself
?
Quia
Matrem
Ecclesiarum
omnium
Rom.
Ecclesiam
reprehendit
,
non
recipitur
.
saith
Surius
,
ibid.
These
are
the
eight
first
general
Councils
,
allowed
by
the
Roman
Church
at
this
day
:
What
little
exceptions
they
would
defend
their
Supremacy
with
,
against
all
that
hath
appeared
;
are
answered
in
the
Postscript
at
the
latter
end
of
the
book
,
whither
I
refer
my
Readers
for
fuller
satisfaction
.
In
the
mean
time
we
cannot
but
conclude
,
Conclus.
7
Infer
.
1.
That
the
Fathers
during
eight
hundred
and
seventy
years
after
Christ
,
knew
no
such
thing
as
the
Popes
Supremacy
by
divine
Right
or
any
right
at
all
,
seeing
they
opposed
it
.
2.
That
they
did
not
believe
the
Infallibility
of
the
Church
of
Rome
.
3.
That
they
had
no
Tradition
of
either
that
Supremacy
or
Infallibility
.
4.
That
't
is
vain
to
plead
Antiquity
in
the
Fathers
or
Councils
or
Primitive
Church
for
either
.
5.
That
the
Judgment
of
those
8
general
Councils
was
at
least
the
Judgment
and
Faith
,
not
only
during
their
own
times
,
but
till
the
contrary
should
be
decreed
by
a
following
Council
of
as
great
Authority
;
and
how
long
that
was
after
,
I
leave
to
themselves
to
answer
.
6.
That
the
Canons
of
those
8
first
general
Councils
,
being
the
sence
both
of
the
ancient
and
the
professed
Faith
of
the
present
Church
of
Rome
;
the
Popes
Authority
stands
condemned
by
the
Catholick
Church
at
this
day
;
by
the
ancient
Church
and
the
present
Church
of
Rome
her self
,
as
she
holds
Communion
,
at
least
in
profession
,
with
the
Ancient
.
7.
That
this
was
the
Faith
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
in
opposition
to
the
pretended
Supremacy
of
the
Pope
,
long
after
the
eight
first
General
Councils
,
is
evident
,
by
the
plain
Sence
of
it
,
in
the
said
Point
,
declared
by
several
Councils
in
the
Ages
following
;
as
appears
both
in
the
Greek
and
Latin
Church
:
a
word
of
both
.
SECT.
IX
.
The
Latin
Church
.
Constance
.
Basil
.
Councils
,
&c.
THe
Council
of
Constance
in
Germany
,
long
after
;
of
almost
a
thousand
Fathers
,
An.
1415
,
Say
,
they
were
inspired
by
the
Holy
Ghost
,
and
a
General
Council
,
representing
the
whole
Church
,
and
having
immediate
power
from
Christ
;
whereunto
,
obedience
is
due
from
all
Persons
,
both
for
Faith
and
Reformation
,
whether
in
the
Head
or
Members
:
this
was
expresly
confirmed
by
Pope
Martin
,
to
be
held
inviolable
in
Matters
of
Faith
,
vid.
Surium
.
Concil.
Const
99.
4.
Tom.
3.
Conc.
Their
great
Reason
was
,
the
Pope
is
not
Head
of
the
Church
by
Divine
Ordinance
;
as
the
Council
of
Calcedon
said
,
a
thousand
years
before
.
Now
,
where
was
necessary
Union
and
Subjection
to
the
Pope
?
where
was
his
Supremacy
Jure
divino
?
where
was
Tradition
,
Infallibility
,
or
the
Faith
of
the
present
Church
,
for
the
Pope's
Authority
?
Concil.
Basil
.
Bin.
To.
4.
in
Conc.
Basil
.
initio
.
The
Council
of
Basil
.
An.
1431.
decreed
,
as
the
Council
of
Constance
;
Pope
Eugenius
,
would
dissolve
them
;
the
Council
commands
the
contrary
,
and
suspend
the
Pope
:
concluding
,
that
who
ever
shall
question
their
power
therein
,
is
an
Heretick
:
the
Pope
pronounceth
them
Schismaticks
;
in
the
end
,
the
Pope
did
yield
,
and
not
dissolve
the
Council
:
this
was
the
Judgment
of
the
Latine
Church
above
1400
years
after
Christ
;
and
indeed
to
this
day
,
of
the
true
Church
of
France
;
and
in
Henry
the
Eighth's
time
of
England
;
as
Gardner
said
;
the
Pope
is
not
a
Head
by
Dominion
,
but
Order
:
his
Authority
,
is
none
,
with
us
;
we
ought
not
to
have
to
doe
with
Rome
;
the
Common
Sence
of
all
in
England
.
Bellarmine
saith
,
that
the
Pope's
Subjection
to
De
Conc.
li.
2.
c.
14.
General
Councils
is
inconsistent
with
the
Supreme
Pastorship
:
't
is
Repugnant
to
the
Primacy
of
Saint
Peter
,
saith
Gregory
de
Valentiâ
:
yet
nothing
Anal.
fid.
l.
8.
c.
14.
is
more
evident
,
than
that
General
Councils
did
exercise
Authority
over
Popes
;
deposing
them
;
and
disposing
of
their
Sees
,
as
the
Council
of
Constance
did
,
three
together
;
and
always
made
Canons
in
opposition
to
their
Pretensions
.
Yea
,
't
is
certain
,
that
a
very
great
Number
,
if
not
the
greater
,
of
the
Roman
Church
it self
,
were
ever
of
this
Faith
;
that
General
Vid.
Dr.
Hammond's
dispute
.
p.
102.
Councils
are
Superior
▪
have
Authority
over
;
give
Laws
unto
;
and
may
justly
censure
the
Bishop
of
Rome
.
Pope
Adrian
the
Sixth
,
and
very
many
other
Learned
Romanists
,
declared
this
to
be
their
Judgment
,
just
before
,
or
near
upon
the
time
,
that
Henry
the
Eighth
was
declared
Supreme
in
England
:
So
much
for
the
Latine
Church
.
SECT.
X.
The
Greek
Church
.
African
Can.
Synod
.
Carth.
Concil.
Antiochen
.
The
Faith
of
the
Greek
Church
since
.
THat
the
Greek
Church
understood
the
first
General
Councils
,
directly
contrary
to
the
Pope's
Supremacy
,
is
written
with
a
Sun-beam
,
in
several
other
Councils
.
1.
By
the
Canons
of
the
African
Church
.
Can.
27
The
27th
Canon
forbids
all
Transmarine
Appeals
;
threatens
such
as
make
them
with
Excommunication
;
makes
order
that
the
last
Appeal
be
to
the
proper
Primate
,
or
a
General
Council
;
to
the
same
effect
,
is
the
137
Canon
;
and
the
Notes
of
Voel
,
upon
these
Canons
,
put
it
beyond
question
,
that
in
the
Transmarine
Appeals
,
Tom.
1.
p.
425.
they
meant
those
to
Rome
;
as
it
is
expressed
,
the
Church
of
Rome
,
and
the
Priests
of
the
Roman
Church
.
2.
Const.
Concil.
Antiochen
.
This
Council
is
more
plain
:
it
saith
,
if
any
Bishop
,
in
any
Crime
,
be
judged
by
all
the
Bishops
in
the
Province
,
he
shall
be
judged
in
no
wise
by
any
Other
:
the
Sentence
given
by
the
Provincial
Bishops
,
shall
remain
firm
.
Thus
the
Pope
is
excluded
,
even
in
the
case
of
Bishops
,
out
of
his
own
Province
;
contrary
to
the
great
pretence
of
Bellarmine
,
ibid.
3.
Syn.
Carthag
.
Can.
4
This
Synod
confirmed
the
twenty
Canons
of
Nice
;
and
the
Canons
of
the
African
Councils
:
and
then
,
in
particular
,
they
decreed
,
ab
Vniversis
—
Si
Criminosus
est
non
admittatur
:
again
,
if
any
one
,
whether
Bishop
or
Presbiter
,
that
is
driven
from
the
Church
,
be
received
into
Communion
(
by
another
)
even
he
that
receives
him
is
held
guilty
of
the
like
Crime
:
Refugientes
sui
Episcopi
regulare
Judicium
.
Again
,
if
a
Bishop
be
guilty
,
when
there
is
no
Synod
,
let
him
be
judged
by
twelve
Bishops
;
Secundum
Statuta
Veterum
Conciliorum
,
the
Statutes
of
the
Ancients
knew
no
reserve
for
the
Pope
in
that
Case
.
Further
;
no
Clergy-man
might
go
beyond
the
Seas
,
viz.
to
Rome
,
without
the
Advice
of
his
Metropolitan
;
and
taking
his
Formatam
,
vel
Commendationem
.
The
28
Canon
is
positive
,
that
Priests
and
Deacons
shall
not
Appeal
,
ad
Transmarina
Judicia
,
viz.
to
Rome
;
but
to
the
Primates
of
their
own
Provinces
:
and
they
add
,
Sicut
&
de
Episcopis
saepè
constitutum
est
:
and
if
any
shall
do
so
,
none
in
Africa
shall
receive
them
;
and
Can.
125.
't
is
renewed
;
adding
,
the
African
Councils
,
to
which
Appeals
are
allowed
,
as
well
as
to
the
Primates
;
but
still
Rome
is
Barr'd
.
The
Sence
of
the
Greek
Church
,
since
.
Now
when
did
that
Church
subject
it self
to
Rome
in
any
Case
?
our
Adversaries
acknowledg
the
early
contests
betwixt
the
Eastern
and
Western
Churches
,
in
the
point
of
Supremacy
;
where
,
then
,
is
the
Consent
of
Fathers
;
or
Vniversality
of
time
and
place
,
they
use
to
boast
of
?
Bellarmine
confesseth
,
that
An.
381.
to
the
time
of
the
Council
of
Florence
,
viz.
1140
years
,
the
Greek
Church
disclaimed
subjection
to
the
Pope
,
and
Church
of
Rome
;
and
he
confesseth
,
they
did
so
,
in
several
general
Councils
.
And
he
doth
but
pretend
,
that
this
Church
submitted
it self
to
Rome
,
in
the
Council
of
Florence
,
An.
1549.
for
the
contrary
is
evident
,
in
that
they
would
not
yield
,
that
the
Pope
should
choose
them
a
Patriarch
;
as
Surius
himself
observes
,
Tom.
4.
p.
489.
So
true
is
it
,
that
Maldonate
and
Prateolus
Mald.
in
Math.
10.
2.
Prate
in
Haer.
Tit.
Grae.
Vid:
St.
Aug.
To.
2.
Epist.
162.
acknowledge
and
Record
;
the
Greek
Church
always
disliked
the
Supreme
Dignity
of
the
Pope
;
and
would
never
obey
his
Decrees
.
To
conclude
,
the
Law
of
the
Greeks
hath
always
been
against
the
Pope's
Supremacy
;
the
Fundamental
Law
was
,
a
prohibition
of
Appeals
to
Rome
:
therefore
,
that
Church
acknowledged
no
absolute
Subjection
to
Rome
.
2.
They
excommunicate
all
African
Priests
Appealing
to
Rome
;
therefore
,
they
held
no
necessity
of
Vnion
with
Rome
.
3.
They
excommunicate
all
such
(
qui
putaverint
)
as
should
but
think
it
lawful
to
Appeal
to
Rome
;
therefore
,
they
had
no
Faith
of
the
necessity
of
either
Vnion
or
Subjection
to
the
Church
of
Rome
.
Enough
,
to
the
Pope's
prejudice
,
from
the
Councils
of
all
sorts
:
we
must
,
in
the
foot
of
the
account
,
mind
our
Adversaries
,
that
we
have
found
no
colour
for
the
pretence
of
a
Grant
,
from
any
one
General
Council
,
of
the
Pope's
Authority
;
much
less
over
the
Church
of
England
:
which
,
their
Plea
from
the
Canons
,
expresly
requires
at
their
hand
.
For
,
my
Lord
Bramhall
,
with
invincible
Reason
,
affirms
:
We
were
once
a
free
Patriarchate
,
Independent
on
any
other
:
and
,
according
to
the
Council
of
Ephesus
,
every
Province
should
enjoy
its
Ancient
Rights
,
pure
and
inviolate
:
and
that
,
no
Bishop
should
occupy
any
Province
,
which
did
not
belong
to
him
,
from
the
beginning
;
and
,
if
no
true
General
Council
,
hath
ever
since
,
Subjected
Brittain
,
under
the
Roman
Court
;
then
,
saith
he
,
the
case
is
clear
,
that
Rome
can
pretend
no
Right
over
Brittain
,
without
their
own
consent
;
nor
,
any
further
;
nor
,
for
any
longer
time
;
then
,
they
are
pleased
to
oblige
themselves
.
We
must
expect
,
therefore
,
some
better
Evidence
,
of
such
Grant
to
the
Pope
;
and
such
Obligation
upon
England
,
by
the
Canons
of
some
truly
General
Council
;
and
we
may
still
expect
it
;
notwithstanding
the
Canons
of
Sardice
:
which
,
yet
shall
be
considered
;
for
it
is
their
(
faint
)
colour
of
Antiquity
.
SECT.
XI
.
The
Sardican
Canons
.
No
Grant
from
the
Matter
,
manner
or
Authority
.
No
Appendix
to
Council
of
Nice
.
Zozimus
his
Forgery
never
Ratified
;
nor
thought
Universal
;
after
contradicted
,
by
Councils
.
THe
Pope
at
length
usurped
the
Title
,
and
pretended
the
Power
of
Supreme
;
and
the
Canons
,
in
time
obtained
the
Name
of
the
Pope's
Decrees
;
but
the
question
is
,
what
General
Council
gave
him
either
?
Doctor
Stillingfleet
observes
,
that
nothing
is
more
apparent
,
than
,
that
when
Popes
began
to
pirk
up
,
they
pleaded
nothing
but
some
Canons
of
the
Church
for
what
they
did
;
then
their
best
and
only
Plea
,
when
nothing
of
Divine
Right
was
heard
of
;
as
Julius
,
to
the
Oriental
Bishops
;
Zozimus
to
the
African
;
and
so
others
:
but
still
what
Canons
?
Arg.
The
Romanist
,
against
Arch-Bishop
Laud
,
argues
thus
:
it
was
ever
held
lawful
to
Appeal
to
P.
193.
Rome
from
all
Parts
;
therefore
the
Pope
must
be
Supreme
Judge
:
this
,
saith
he
,
is
evidenced
by
the
Sardican
Canons
;
accounted
anciently
,
an
Appendin
to
the
Council
of
Nice
;
this
he
calls
an
unanswerable
Argument
.
Answ.
But
it
is
more
than
answered
;
if
we
consider
,
either
,
the
Matter
,
or
the
Manner
,
or
the
Authority
of
these
Canons
.
1.
The
Matter
,
said
to
be
granted
,
appears
1.
For
the
matter
of
these
Canons
.
in
the
words
themselves
,
Can.
3.
it
is
said
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
▪
if
it
seem
good
to
you
,
let
us
honour
the
Memory
of
Saint
Peter
,
and
by
those
Bishops
that
are
Judges
,
Scribatur
Julio
,
Romanorum
Episcopo
;
and
by
the
next
Bishops
of
the
Province
,
if
need
be
,
let
the
Judgment
be
revoked
;
&
cognitores
ipse
praebeat
.
But
1.
here
is
no
Grant
,
so
much
as
of
Appeal
,
only
of
a
Review
.
2.
'T
is
not
pretended
to
be
according
to
any
former
Canons
.
3.
The
Judgment
is
to
be
revoked
by
a
Council
of
Bishops
chosen
for
the
purpose
.
4.
The
request
seems
to
terminate
in
the
Person
of
Julius
,
and
not
to
extend
to
his
Successors
;
for
else
,
why
should
it
be
said
to
Julius
Bishop
of
Rome
,
and
not
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
absolutely
?
2.
The
Manner
of
the
Motion
spoils
all
:
if
Manner
.
it
please
you
;
did
the
Vniversal
Pastorship
then
lie
at
the
feet
,
or
depend
upon
the
pleasure
of
this
Council
?
did
no
Canons
evidence
the
Pope's
Power
,
and
Right
till
then
?
eleven
years
after
the
death
of
Constantine
?
besides
,
how
unworthily
was
is
said
,
let
us
honour
the
Memory
of
Saint
Peter
;
did
the
Pope's
Succession
of
Saint
Peter
depend
upon
their
pleasure
too
?
3.
But
lastly
,
the
main
exception
,
is
against
the
Authority
of
this
Council
;
or
,
at
least
,
of
Authority
.
this
Canon
;
as
Cusanus
questions
,
Concord
.
Cathol.
lib.
2.
c.
15.
1.
'T
is
certain
,
they
are
no
Appendix
to
the
No
Appendix
to
Nice
Can.
Council
of
Nice
;
wherein
their
strength
is
pretended
to
consist
;
though
,
Zozimus
fraudulently
sent
them
,
under
that
Name
to
the
African
Bishops
;
which
can
never
be
excused
;
for
they
are
now
known
to
have
been
made
twenty
two
years
,
after
that
Council
.
Upon
that
pretence
of
Zozimus
indeed
,
a
Zozimus's
Forgery
.
Temporary
Order
was
made
in
the
Council
of
Africk
;
that
Appeals
might
be
made
to
the
Pope
,
till
the
true
Canons
of
Nice
were
produced
;
which
afterwards
being
done
,
the
Argument
was
spoiled
;
and
that
Pope
,
if
possible
,
was
put
to
shame
:
hereupon
,
that
excellent
Epistle
was
written
to
Pope
Caelestine
,
of
which
you
had
account
before
.
2.
This
Council
was
never
ratified
by
the
Reception
Not
received
.
of
the
Catholick
Church
;
for
the
Canons
of
it
were
not
known
by
the
African
Bishops
,
when
Zozimus
sent
them
,
and
Saint
Augustine
discredits
them
;
saying
,
they
were
made
by
a
Synod
of
Arrians
.
3.
It
is
evident
,
that
this
Council
was
never
Or
thought
Universal
accounted
truly
Vniversal
;
though
Constance
and
Constantius
intended
it
should
be
so
:
for
,
but
seventy
of
Eastern
Bishops
appeared
,
to
three
hundred
of
the
Western
;
and
those
Eastern
Bishops
,
soon
withdrew
from
the
other
,
and
decreed
things
directly
contrary
to
them
:
So
that
Balsomon
and
Zonarus
,
as
well
as
the
Elder
Greeks
,
say
,
it
can
only
bind
the
Western
Churches
:
and
indeed
,
it
was
a
long
time
before
the
Canons
of
it
were
received
in
the
Western
Church
;
which
is
the
supposed
reason
,
why
Zozimus
sent
them
,
as
the
Nicen
,
and
not
as
the
Sardican
Canons
.
4.
After
the
Eastern
Bishops
were
departed
,
there
were
not
Patriarchs
enough
,
to
make
a
General
Council
;
according
to
Bellermine's
De
Conc.
L.
1.
c.
17.
own
Rule
.
Consequently
,
Venerable
Bede
leaves
it
out
of
the
Number
:
the
Eastern
Churches
do
not
reckon
it
among
their
Seven
,
nor
the
Western
among
their
Eight
first
General
Councils
.
The
English
Church
,
in
their
Synod
at
Hedifield
,
An.
680.
left
it
out
of
their
Number
,
and
embrace
only
the
Council
of
Nice
,
the
first
of
Constantinople
,
the
first
of
Ephesus
,
the
first
and
second
of
Calcedon
to
this
day
.
Therefore
Arch-Bishop
Bramhall
,
had
reason
to
say
,
that
this
Council
was
never
incorporated
into
the
English
Laws
,
and
consequently
,
hath
no
force
in
England
:
especially
,
being
urged
in
a
matter
contrary
to
the
Famous
Memorial
of
Clarendon
;
a
Fundamental
Law
of
this
Land
:
all
Appeals
in
England
must
proceed
regularly
,
from
the
Bishop
to
the
Arch-Bishop
,
and
from
him
to
the
King
to
give
order
for
Redress
.
But
to
wipe
away
all
colour
of
Argument
;
what
ever
Authority
these
Canons
may
be
thought
to
have
in
other
matters
,
't
is
certain
they
have
none
in
this
matter
of
Appeals
;
for
,
as
to
this
Point
the
undoubted
General
Councils
,
afterward
decreed
quite
otherwise
;
reducing
and
limiting
Appeals
ultimately
to
the
Primate
of
the
Province
,
or
a
Council
;
as
hath
been
made
to
appear
.
When
,
I
heare
any
thing
of
moment
urged
,
from
any
other
Council
,
as
a
Grant
of
the
pretended
Supremacy
to
the
Pope
,
I
shall
consider
what
may
be
answered
;
till
then
,
I
think
there
is
an
end
of
his
Claim
,
Jure
humano
;
either
,
by
a
Civil
or
Canonical
Grant
;
by
Emperors
or
General
Councils
.
So
much
hath
been
said
against
,
and
so
little
to
purpose
,
for
the
Council
of
Trent
,
that
I
shall
excuse
my self
and
my
Reader
from
any
trouble
about
it
.
But
I
must
conclude
that
the
Canons
of
the
Council
of
Trent
were
never
acknowledged
or
received
Epist.
Synod
.
Conc.
Basil
.
by
the
Kingdom
of
England
as
the
Council
of
Basil
was
,
which
confirmed
the
Acts
of
the
Council
of
Constance
;
which
Council
of
Constance
without
the
presence
or
concurrence
of
the
Pope
,
did
decree
themselves
to
be
a
lawful
complete
general
Council
Superior
to
the
Pope
;
and
that
he
was
subject
to
their
censures
;
and
deposed
three
Popes
at
a
time
.
The
words
of
the
Council
are
remarkable
,
The
Pope
is
subject
to
a
general
Council
,
as
well
in
matters
of
Faith
as
of
manners
;
so
as
he
may
not
only
be
corrected
,
but
if
he
be
incorrigible
,
be
deposed
.
To
say
,
this
Decree
was
not
conciliarly
made
;
and
consequently
not
confirmed
by
Pope
Martin
the
fifth
signifies
nothing
;
if
that
Martin
were
Pope
;
because
his
Title
to
the
Papacy
depended
merely
upon
the
Authority
of
that
Decree
.
But
indeed
,
the
word
Conciliariter
was
spoken
by
the
Pope
upon
a
particular
occasion
,
after
the
Council
was
ended
and
the
Fathers
were
dismissed
;
as
appears
in
the
History
.
CHAP.
XX.
Of
the
Popes
Title
by
Divine
Right
.
The
Question
.
Why
not
sooner
?
'T
is
last
Refuge
.
THe
modern
Champions
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
sleight
all
that
hath
been
said
;
and
judge
it
beneath
their
Master
and
his
Cause
to
plead
any
thing
but
a
Jus
divinum
for
his
pretended
Supremacy
;
and
indeed
will
hardly
endure
and
tolerate
the
question
,
Whether
the
Pope
be
universal
Monarch
;
or
Bishop
of
the
whole
Church
as
St
Peter's
Successor
,
Jure
divino
?
But
if
this
point
be
so
very
plain
;
may
I
have
leave
to
ask
,
why
was
it
not
urged
sooner
?
why
were
lesser
inconsistent
Pleas
,
so
long
insisted
on
?
why
do
not
many
of
their
own
great
men
discern
it
to
this
day
?
The
truth
is
,
if
the
managery
of
the
Combat
all
along
be
seriously
reflected
on
,
this
Plea
of
divine
Right
seems
to
be
the
last
Refuge
;
when
they
have
been
driven
by
Dint
of
Argument
out
of
all
other
Holds
,
as
no
longer
to
be
defended
.
And
yet
give
me
leave
to
observe
,
that
this
last
ground
of
theirs
,
seems
to
me
to
be
the
weakest
,
and
the
least
able
to
secure
them
;
which
looks
like
an
Argument
of
a
sinking
cause
.
However
,
they
mightily
labour
to
support
it
,
by
these
two
Pillars
.
1.
That
the
government
of
the
whole
Church
is
Monarchical
.
2.
That
the
Pope
is
the
Monarch
;
and
both
these
are
Jure
divino
:
But
these
Pillars
also
must
be
supported
,
and
how
that
is
performed
we
shall
examine
.
SECT.
I.
Whether
the
Government
of
the
whole
Church
be
Monarchical
,
by
Divine
Right
?
Bellar.
Reason
.
Scripture
.
BEllarmine
hath
flourished
with
this
argument
through
no
less
than
eight
whole
Chapters
,
and
indeed
hath
industriously
and
learnedly
beaten
it
as
far
as
it
would
go
;
and
no
wonder
if
he
have
left
it
thin
.
What
solidity
is
in
it
,
we
are
to
weigh
both
from
Reason
and
Scripture
.
Not
from
Reason
in
3
Arg.
Arg.
1
From
Reason
they
argue
thus
:
God
hath
appointed
the
best
and
most
profitable
Government
:
(
for
he
is
most
wise
and
good
)
but
Monarchical
Government
is
the
best
and
most
profitable
.
Ans.
'T
is
plainly
answered
that
to
know
which
is
the
best
Government
,
the
state
of
that
which
is
to
be
governed
must
be
considered
;
the
end
of
Government
being
the
profit
and
good
of
the
State
governed
;
so
that
unless
it
appear
that
this
kind
of
Government
be
the
most
convenient
for
the
State
of
the
Church
,
nothing
is
concluded
.
2.
We
believe
that
God
hath
the
care
of
the
World
,
and
not
only
of
the
Church
;
therefore
in
his
wise
and
good
Providence
,
he
ought
to
have
settled
the
World
under
the
best
and
most
profitable
Government
,
viz.
under
one
universal
Monarch
.
3.
Bellarmine
himself
grants
,
that
if
particular
Churches
should
not
be
gathered
,
inter
se
,
so
as
to
make
one
,
(
visible
,
Political
Body
)
their
own
proper
Rector
would
suffice
for
every
one
,
and
there
should
be
no
need
of
one
Monarch
.
But
all
particular
Churches
are
not
one
visible
political
Body
,
but
,
as
particular
Bodies
,
are
complete
in
themselves
;
enjoying
all
parts
of
ordinary
Worship
and
Government
singly
;
neither
is
there
any
part
of
Worship
or
Government
proper
to
the
Oecumenical
Church
,
qua
talis
.
4.
The
Argument
seems
stronger
the
contrary
way
:
God
is
good
and
wise
,
and
hath
appointed
the
best
Government
for
his
own
Church
;
but
he
hath
not
appointed
that
it
should
be
Monarchical
:
Therefore
that
kind
of
Government
seems
not
to
be
the
best
for
his
Church
.
Christ
might
foresee
the
great
inconveniences
of
his
Churches
being
governed
by
one
Ecclesiastical
Monarch
,
when
divided
under
the
several
secular
Powers
of
the
World
;
though
the
Ambition
of
men
overlook
it
and
consider
it
not
.
Yet
that
the
Government
of
the
Church
appointed
by
God
,
as
best
for
it
,
is
Monarchical
,
is
not
believed
by
all
Catholicks
.
The
Sorbon
Doctors
doubt
not
to
affirm
,
that
Aristocratical
Government
is
the
best
of
all
,
and
most
agreeable
to
the
nature
of
the
Church
.
De
Eccl.
Polit.
potest
.
an
.
1611.
6.
But
what
if
we
yeild
the
whole
Argument
:
as
the
government
of
the
Church
is
Imperial
,
't
is
in
Christ
,
the
Vniversal
Monarch
over
it
;
but
he
being
in
a
far
Country
,
he
governs
the
several
parts
of
his
Church
in
distinct
Countries
,
by
visible
ministerial
Monarchs
or
Primates
,
proper
to
each
:
The
distinction
of
imperial
and
ministerial
Power
,
is
given
us
in
this
very
case
by
our
Adversaries
:
There
is
nothing
unreasonable
,
unpracticable
,
or
contrary
to
the
practice
of
the
world
in
the
Assertion
.
We
grant
that
Monarchy
is
the
best
kind
of
Government
in
a
due
Sphere
;
the
World
is
wide
enough
for
many
Monarchs
,
and
the
Church
too
:
The
Argument
concludes
for
Primates
over
Provinces
;
not
for
an
universal
Monarch
,
either
over
the
world
or
the
whole
Church
.
Arg.
2
2.
The
Church
cannot
be
propogated
(
as
Bell.
argues
)
without
a
universal
Monarch
,
to
send
Preachers
into
other
Provinces
,
&c.
Ans.
Who
can
doubt
but
that
the
Governors
of
any
Church
,
have
as
much
Power
to
send
any
of
her
members
;
and
have
as
much
power
in
Pagan
and
Infidel
Countries
as
the
supposed
Vniversal
Bishop
?
And
if
Hereticks
can
propagate
their
errors
,
why
should
not
the
Orthodox
,
the
Truth
,
without
the
Pope
?
Arg.
3
3.
'T
is
necessary
(
saith
Bellar.
)
that
all
the
faithful
should
have
one
Faith
,
which
cannot
be
without
one
chief
Judge
.
Ans.
In
necessaries
they
may
,
in
other
things
they
need
not
;
as
appears
sufficiently
among
the
Romanists
,
about
this
as
well
as
other
points
;
neither
could
Peter
himself
,
with
the
help
of
the
rest
of
the
Apostles
,
in
their
time
prevent
Heresies
and
Schisms
.
These
things
are
too
weak
to
bear
up
the
great
power
and
Vniversal
Monarchy
pretended
;
and
indeed
an
impeachment
of
the
wisdom
and
goodness
of
Christ
;
if
he
have
not
provided
such
a
Government
for
his
Church
as
they
plead
a
necessity
of
,
for
the
said
ends
.
The
thing
next
to
be
enquired
.
2.
Not
from
Scripture
Prophesies
,
Promises
,
Metaphors
,
or
Example
of
High-Priest
.
They
affirm
,
that
the
Scriptures
evince
an
universal
Monarchy
over
the
Church
:
but
how
is
it
proved
?
Arg.
The
Prophecies
and
Promises
and
sundry
Metaphors
(
of
a
House
,
Kingdom
,
Body
,
Flock
,
&c.
)
prove
the
Church
to
be
one
in
it self
;
and
consequently
it
must
have
one
Supreme
Governor
.
Ans.
We
are
agreed
,
that
the
Church
is
but
one
;
and
that
it
hath
one
Supreme
Governor
:
And
we
are
agreed
,
that
Christ
hath
the
Supreme
Government
of
it
,
and
that
those
Scriptures
too
signifie
that
he
is
such
;
if
we
consider
the
Government
to
be
Imperial
,
as
Hart
confesseth
to
Dr.
Raynolds
:
And
thus
the
Argument
passeth
without
any
harm
;
but
it
still
rests
to
be
proved
that
the
ministerial
Governor
is
but
one
;
or
that
the
Scriptures
intend
so
,
or
St.
Peter
or
the
Pope
,
as
his
Successor
,
is
that
one
Governor
over
the
whole
Church
.
'T
is
true
;
as
our
Saviour
saith
,
there
is
one
Flock
and
one
Shepherd
,
but
't
is
as
true
,
which
he
saith
in
the
same
place
;
I
am
that
good
Shepherd
;
but
as
that
one
principal
Pastor
,
had
many
Vicars
,
not
Peter
only
but
12
Apostles
,
to
gather
and
feed
the
Sheep
;
who
were
therefore
sent
to
Preach
to
all
Nations
:
And
did
,
as
it
said
,
divide
the
World
into
12
Provinces
respectively
.
So
that
one
great
Monarch
might
have
many
Viceroy's
,
if
we
may
so
call
the
future
Bishops
to
govern
the
Church
;
though
in
Faith
but
one
,
yet
in
site
and
place
divided
:
'T
is
no
unreasonable
thing
,
that
the
King
of
Brittain
and
Ireland
,
should
Govern
Scotland
and
Ireland
,
which
lye
at
some
distance
from
him
,
by
his
Deputations
as
before
was
hinted
.
Arg.
2
There
was
one
High-Priest
over
the
Church
of
the
Jews
;
and
by
Analogy
it
ought
to
be
so
,
in
the
Christian
Church
.
Ans.
Many
things
were
in
that
Church
which
ought
not
to
be
in
this
.
They
were
one
Nation
as
well
as
one
Church
;
and
if
every
Christian
Nation
have
one
High-Priest
the
Analogy
holds
well
enough
.
The
making
the
Nations
of
the
World
Christian
,
hath
,
as
experience
shews
,
rendred
the
Government
of
the
Church
by
one
person
,
that
cannot
reside
in
all
places
,
very
inconvenient
if
not
impracticable
.
Now
if
our
Saviour
foresaw
this
;
and
hath
ordered
the
government
of
the
Christian
Church
otherwise
,
than
Moses
had
that
of
the
Jews
,
who
shall
say
,
What
hast
thou
done
?
2.
It
can
never
be
proved
,
that
the
High-Priest
over
the
Jews
,
was
either
called
the
Judge
,
Vid.
Ray.
and
Hart.
p.
240.
or
had
such
Power
over
that
Church
,
as
the
Pope
pretends
over
the
Christian
.
Lastly
,
't
is
not
doubted
but
Moses
was
Faithful
,
and
Christ
as
faithful
in
appointing
a
fit
Government
for
these
great
and
distinct
States
of
the
Church
:
But
what
kind
of
Government
Moses
appointed
,
is
nothing
to
the
question
;
unless
it
appear
that
Christ
hath
appointed
the
same
.
The
proper
question
is
,
whether
Christ
hath
appointed
that
the
Christian
Church
should
be
governed
by
one
universal
Monarch
,
let
us
apply
to
that
.
The
great
issue
is
,
the
instance
of
St.
Peter
.
'T
is
affirmed
that
our
Lord
committed
the
Government
of
the
Christian
Church
to
St.
Peter
,
and
his
Successors
;
the
Popes
of
Rome
for
ever
.
A
Grant
of
so
great
consequence
ought
to
be
Ar.
3.
Peter
.
very
plain
,
the
whole
World
is
concern'd
and
may
expect
Evidence
very
clear
.
1.
That
Christ
gave
this
universal
Supremacy
to
St.
Peter
.
And
2.
To
the
Pope
as
his
Successor
;
if
either
fail
,
Roma
Ruit
.
SECT.
II.
Of
St.
Peter's
Monarchy
.
Tu
es
Petrus
.
Fathers
abused
.
WE
are
now
come
to
the
quick
.
The
first
great
question
is
;
Whether
Christ
gave
his
Apostle
St.
Peter
the
Government
of
his
whole
Church
.
This
would
be
proved
from
Matth.
16.
18.
Thou
art
Peter
,
and
upon
this
Rock
I
will
1
Scrip.
Matth.
16.
18.
build
my
Church
.
The
Argument
is
,
what
Christ
promised
he
gave
,
but
in
these
words
Christ
promised
to
make
Peter
the
Supreme
Head
and
Governor
of
his
Church
;
therefore
this
Power
was
given
him
.
Ans.
If
this
Argument
conclude
,
by
[
this
Rock
]
must
be
meant
St.
Peter
;
and
the
words
[
I
will
build
my
Church
upon
it
]
must
signifie
the
committing
the
Supreme
Power
of
the
Church
to
him
.
For
the
First
,
It
is
at
least
a
controversie
among
the
ancient
Fathers
;
and
many
of
them
do
deny
that
by
this
Rock
we
are
to
understand
any
thing
,
but
that
Confession
which
was
evidently
the
occasion
of
this
Promise
,
and
was
made
by
Peter
just
before
,
as
St.
Cyril
,
Hilary
,
Jerom
,
Ambrose
,
Basil
,
and
St.
Augustine
,
whose
Lapsus
humanus
in
it
is
reproved
by
Stapleton
.
Princ.
doct.
li.
6.
c.
3.
But
I
am
willing
to
agree
as
far
as
we
may
;
and
therefore
shall
not
deny
,
but
something
peculiar
to
St.
Peter's
Person
was
here
promised
;
(
though
I
believe
it
was
a
point
of
Honour
,
not
a
Supremacy
of
Power
;
)
what
that
was
will
appear
by
the
thing
promised
,
I
will
build
my
Church
—
that
is
,
upon
my
Doctrine
preached
by
thee
.
I
will
build
my
Church
,
thou
shalt
have
the
honour
of
being
a
prime
and
principal
Author
of
the
Worlds
Conversion
;
or
as
Dr.
Reynolds
against
Hart
:
Peter
,
was
in
order
with
the
first
who
believed
;
P.
60.
and
amongst
those
First
,
he
had
a
mark
of
Honour
in
that
he
was
named
Stone
above
his
Brethren
.
Yet
as
he
,
so
the
Rest
are
called
Foundations
;
and
indeed
so
were
in
both
these
Sences
:
For
the
Twelve
were
all
Prime
Converts
,
and
converters
of
others
;
and
were
Foundations
in
their
respective
Provinces
on
which
others
were
built
:
But
they
were
not
built
one
upon
another
,
and
they
had
no
other
Foundation
on
which
they
themselves
were
built
but
Christ
himself
.
We
are
willing
to
any
thing
,
that
the
Sence
of
the
words
will
conveniently
bear
;
but
that
they
should
signifie
Power
and
Government
over
the
whole
Church
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Apostles
,
we
cannot
understand
:
for
,
the
Rock
is
supposed
before
the
building
upon
it
;
and
the
building
before
the
Government
of
the
house
;
and
the
Government
of
the
Church
,
cannot
tollerably
be
thought
to
be
of
the
Foundation
,
or
first
building
of
the
Church
;
but
for
the
Preservation
or
Augmentation
of
it
after
its
existence
is
supposed
.
Perhaps
there
is
ground
to
allow
,
that
Peter's
Foundation
was
the
first
;
as
his
Name
was
first
among
the
Apostles
;
and
that
this
was
the
reason
of
that
Primacy
of
Order
and
Dignity
which
some
of
the
Ancients
,
in
their
writings
Paul
had
the
same
Primacy
over
Barnabas
,
that
Peter
over
Apost.
as
St.
Amb.
in
2
ad
.
Gal.
acknowledged
in
Saint
Peter
:
but
certainly
,
there
is
need
of
a
plainer
Text
to
argue
this
Text
to
signifie
that
Supremacy
of
Power
over
the
rest
of
the
Apostles
and
the
whole
Church
;
which
is
so
hotly
contended
for
by
our
Romish
Adversaries
to
be
given
Saint
Peter
:
however
,
after
the
Resurrection
of
Christ
,
all
were
made
equal
,
both
in
Honour
and
Power
,
as
Saint
Cyprian
saith
,
de
Vnita
:
Eccles
.
But
it
is
urged
,
that
the
other
Part
of
the
2.
Script
.
Matth.
16.
19.
Promise
,
is
most
clear
,
to
thee
will
I
give
the
Keys
of
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
,
viz.
the
fulness
of
Celestial
Power
,
as
Hart
expressed
it
.
Answ.
Our
Answer
is
,
that
Christ
,
here
,
promised
no
more
Power
to
Peter
,
than
he
performed
to
all
the
Apostles
:
Peter's
Confession
was
made
in
the
Name
of
all
;
and
Christ's
Promise
was
made
to
Peter
in
the
Name
of
all
;
and
nothing
can
be
clearer
,
either
in
the
Text
,
or
in
Fact
.
The
Text
is
plain
;
both
,
in
it self
,
and
in
the
Judgment
of
the
Fathers
;
that
Peter
stood
in
the
room
of
the
rest
;
both
when
he
made
the
Confession
,
and
received
the
Promise
,
Vid.
St.
Aug.
in
Joh.
Tract
.
118.
St.
Ambr.
in
Psal
.
38.
Jerom.
adv.
Jovi
:
li
1.
Orig.
in
Math.
Tract
.
1.
Vid.
Concor
.
Cottrol
.
l.
2.
c.
13.
Hilary
de
Trinit.
l.
6.
&c.
Cardinal
.
Cusan
.
is
plain
in
this
Point
also
.
And
,
that
it
did
equally
concern
the
rest
of
the
Apostles
,
is
evident
,
by
the
performance
of
it
.
A
Promise
,
is
of
something
de
futuro
:
our
Saviour
saith
to
Peter
,
I
will
give
thee
the
Keys
;
but
when
did
he
do
it
?
and
how
did
he
do
it
?
Certainly
at
the
time
,
when
he
delivered
those
words
recorded
,
John
20.
21
,
23.
And
after
the
manner
there
expressed
,
and
by
that
Form
of
Words
:
now
,
are
not
those
Words
spoken
by
Christ
equally
to
all
the
Apostles
?
As
my
Father
sent
me
,
so
do
I
send
you
;
whose
soever
sins
ye
remit
,
&c.
nothing
plainer
.
To
say
,
that
Christ
gave
not
the
Keys
to
all
;
but
only
the
Power
of
remitting
and
retaining
sins
,
seems
pitiful
,
unless
some
other
proof
be
offered
,
that
Christ
did
actually
perform
this
Promise
to
Saint
Peter
apart
;
and
give
him
the
Keys
at
some
other
time
,
in
distinction
to
the
Power
given
in
the
20.
John
to
all
together
.
Remitting
and
retaining
sins
,
is
certainly
the
Power
of
the
Keys
;
and
so
called
,
by
the
Council
of
Trent
it self
,
Chatech
.
in
Sacram.
Paenit
.
and
't
is
not
the
keeping
,
but
the
Power
of
the
Keys
,
is
the
question
;
and
indeed
Bellarmine
proves
,
that
the
whole
Power
of
the
Keys
,
and
not
a
part
only
,
as
Stapleton
supposed
,
was
granted
to
all
the
Apostles
in
the
Words
John
20.
to
be
the
general
interpretation
of
the
Fathers
,
in
Prael
.
Rom.
Controv.
4.
q.
3.
de
Sum.
Pontif.
Stapleton
from
Turrecrem
;
distinguisheth
betwixt
From
Turrecrem
.
the
Apostolick
,
and
the
Episcopal
Power
;
and
they
grant
,
that
the
Apostolick
Power
was
equal
in
all
the
Apostles
,
and
received
immediatly
from
Christ
;
but
the
Episcopal
Power
was
given
to
Saint
Peter
with
the
Keys
;
and
immediatly
and
by
him
,
to
the
rest
.
This
is
a
new
shift
:
else
,
why
is
the
Title
,
Apostolical
,
given
to
the
Pope
,
to
his
See
,
to
all
Acts
,
&c.
seeing
the
Pope
,
according
to
the
sineness
of
this
distinction
,
doth
not
succeed
Peter
,
as
an
Apostle
,
but
as
a
Bishop
.
'T
is
as
strang
,
as
new
:
seeing
the
Power
of
the
Keys
,
must
as
well
denote
the
Episcopal
Power
of
the
rest
of
the
Apostles
,
as
of
Peter
;
and
the
Power
of
using
them
,
by
remitting
,
&c.
was
given
,
generally
and
immediatly
,
by
Christ
to
them
all
alike
.
This
distinction
of
Turrecremata
,
was
▪
as
Reynolds
against
Hart
sheweth
,
spoiled
,
before
Doctor
Stapleton
new
vamped
it
,
by
two
learned
Relict
.
2.
de
Potest
.
Eccl.
Friars
,
Sixtus
Senensis
and
Franciscus
Victoria
;
evidencing
both
out
of
the
Scriptures
,
that
the
Bibli
Sanc.
l.
6.
annot.
269
&
271.
Apostles
received
all
their
Power
immediatly
of
Christ
;
and
the
Fathers
,
that
in
the
Power
of
Apostleship
and
order
,
(
so
the
two
Powers
were
called
)
Paul
was
equal
to
Peter
;
and
the
rest
,
to
them
both
.
Therefore
,
this
distinction
failing
,
another
is
invented
,
and
a
third
kind
of
Power
is
set
up
;
viz.
the
Power
of
Kingdoms
;
and
now
from
the
threefold
Power
of
Saint
Peter
;
Apostolatus
,
Ordinis
,
Regni
,
it
is
strongly
affirmed
:
1.
Touching
the
Apostleship
,
Paul
,
as
Jerom
saith
,
1.
In
Com.
ad
Gal.
was
not
inferior
to
Peter
;
for
he
was
chosen
to
preach
the
Gospel
,
not
by
Peter
,
but
by
God
,
as
Peter
was
.
2.
Touching
the
Power
given
2.
Advers.
Jovini
.
&
ad
Evag.
in
the
Sacrament
of
Order
,
Jerom
saith
well
too
;
that
all
the
Apostles
received
the
Keys
equally
;
and
that
they
all
,
as
Bishops
,
were
equal
in
the
degree
of
Priesthood
,
and
the
Spiritual
Power
of
that
degree
:
thus
the
first
distinction
is
gone
.
But
,
thirdly
,
touching
the
Power
3.
Advers.
Jovin
.
&
Lucif
.
of
Kingdom
,
Saint
Jerom
saith
best
of
all
,
that
Peter
was
chosen
among
the
Twelve
,
and
made
the
Head
of
all
,
that
all
occasion
of
Schism
might
be
removed
.
These
are
Phansies
of
the
Schoolmen
;
but
where
are
they
grounded
?
we
are
seeking
for
Saint
Peter's
Supremacy
,
in
the
Scripture
;
where
do
we
there
,
find
this
Power
of
the
Kingdom
given
him
by
Christ
?
or
what
Ancient
Father
ever
so
expounded
this
Text
of
the
Keys
?
We
grant
,
many
expressions
are
found
in
the
Fathers
,
in
honour
of
Saint
Peter
:
Saint
Augustine
affirms
his
Primacy
is
conspicuous
and
preeminent
with
excellent
Grace
:
Saint
Chrysostom
,
calleth
him
the
Mouth
,
the
Chief
,
the
Top
of
the
Company
;
Theodoret
stiles
him
,
the
Prince
;
Epiphamus
the
Highest
;
Saint
Augustine
the
Head
,
President
and
first
of
the
Apostles
;
which
he
proveth
out
of
Saint
Cyprian
,
who
saith
,
the
Lord
chose
Peter
first
;
and
Saint
Jerom
saith
,
he
was
the
Head
,
that
occasion
of
Schism
might
be
taken
away
,
and
gives
him
the
honour
of
great
Authority
;
all
these
were
used
by
Hart
against
Raynolds
.
To
them
all
,
Doctor
Raynolds
gives
cleer
and
satisfactory
answers
shewing
largely
that
they
signifie
nothing
but
a
Primacy
of
Election
,
or
Order
,
or
Dignity
,
or
Esteem
,
and
Authority
in
that
Sence
:
or
a
Primacy
in
Grace
and
Gifts
,
viz.
a
Principallity
or
Chiefness
in
Worth
;
or
a
Primacy
of
Presidentship
in
Assemblies
,
as
the
Mouth
and
Moderator
;
or
the
Head
of
Vnity
and
Order
,
as
Jerom
means
:
but
't
is
not
to
be
proved
from
any
or
all
of
these
Encomiums
,
that
the
Fathers
believed
that
the
other
Apostles
were
under
Saint
Peter
as
their
Governour
;
or
that
he
had
any
real
Power
given
him
by
Christ
more
than
they
.
The
Words
of
Saint
Cyprian
are
plain
and
full
:
albeit
Christ
,
saith
he
,
gave
equal
Power
to
1.
St.
Cyp.
de
unit
.
Eccl.
all
the
Apostles
after
his
Resurrection
;
and
said
,
as
my
Father
,
&c.
yet
to
declare
Vnity
,
he
disposed
by
his
Authority
,
the
Original
of
that
Vnity
,
beginning
in
one
:
no
doubt
,
saith
he
,
the
rest
were
the
same
that
Peter
was
;
endued
with
the
like
fellowship
(
pari
Consortio
)
of
Honour
and
Power
;
but
,
the
beginning
doth
come
from
Vnity
,
that
the
Church
of
Christ
may
be
shewed
to
be
but
one
.
Thus
,
this
Topick
of
the
Fathers
,
expounding
the
Text
,
being
found
to
fail
;
another
device
,
and
such
a
one
as
the
very
detection
,
both
answers
and
shames
the
Authors
,
is
fled
unto
;
viz.
to
corrupt
instead
of
purging
the
Fathers
;
and
to
make
them
speak
home
indeed
:
The
place
of
Saint
Cyprian
,
just
now
set
,
is
a
In
Opusc
.
Contr.
Graec.
very
clear
instance
of
this
black
Art
,
allowed
by
the
Popes
themselves
;
the
place
in
the
former
Prints
,
was
,
as
it
is
set
down
,
in
the
Roman-purged-Cyprian
,
is
thus
altered
by
addition
of
these
words
,
And
the
Primacy
is
given
to
Peter
.
Again
he
appointed
one
Church
,
and
the
Chair
to
be
one
;
and
to
make
all
sure
,
the
Antwerp
Cyprian
addeth
conveniently
Peter's
Chair
:
And
then
,
saith
he
,
who
forsaketh
Peter's
Chair
,
on
which
the
Church
was
founded
,
&c.
And
by
this
time
Against
Ha●●
.
Peter's
Primacy
is
the
Popes
Supremacy
.
Vid.
Dr.
Rayn
.
p.
210
,
211.
But
Tho.
Aquinas
hath
dealt
worse
with
St.
Cyril
,
Fathering
a
Treasure
upon
him
which
he
never
owned
,
beyond
all
tolerable
defence
.
To
the
Grecians
St.
Cyril
is
brought
in
speaking
thus
:
Christ
did
commit
a
full
and
ample
power
both
to
Peter
and
his
Successors
—
The
Apostles
in
the
Gospels
and
Epistles
have
affirmed
(
in
every
Doctrine
)
Peter
and
his
Church
to
be
instead
of
God
;
and
to
him
,
even
to
Peter
,
all
do
bow
by
the
Law
of
God
,
and
the
Princes
of
the
World
are
obedient
to
him
,
even
as
to
the
Lord
Jesus
;
and
we
as
being
Members
must
cleave
unto
our
Head
,
the
Pope
and
Apostolick
See
,
&c.
Now
either
St.
Cyril
said
thus
,
or
not
:
If
he
did
;
who
will
believe
him
,
that
shall
make
such
Stories
,
and
Father
them
upon
every
Doctrine
in
the
New
Testament
,
contrary
to
common
sence
,
and
the
knowledge
of
all
;
or
trust
his
cause
to
the
interpretation
of
such
Fathers
.
But
if
this
Book
called
St.
Cyril's
Treasure
,
be
none
of
St.
Cyril's
,
as
certainly
it
is
not
;
then
though
I
am
provoked
,
I
shall
say
no
more
;
but
that
we
should
weigh
the
Reasons
,
but
not
the
Authority
of
such
a
Schoolman
,
especially
in
his
Masters
Cause
.
'T
is
certain
,
the
words
are
not
to
be
found
in
those
parts
of
Cyril's
Treasure
,
which
are
Extant
,
as
Hart
acknowledgeth
to
Dr.
Raynolds
.
Yet
the
abuse
of
single
Fathers
is
not
so
hainous
a
thing
,
as
Thomas
committed
against
600
Bishops
Ibid.
even
the
General
Council
of
Calcedon
,
when
he
saith
they
decreed
thus
.
If
any
Bishop
be
accused
let
him
appeal
freely
to
the
Pope
of
Rome
,
because
we
have
Peter
for
a
Rock
of
Refuge
;
and
he
alone
hath
Right
with
freedom
of
Power
,
in
the
stead
of
God
,
to
Judge
and
Try
the
crime
of
a
Bishop
,
according
to
the
Keys
which
the
Lord
did
give
him
;
calling
the
Pope
the
Holy
Apostolick
and
universal
Patriarch
of
the
whole
World
.
Now
in
that
Council
there
is
not
a
word
of
all
this
;
and
they
answer
,
Hereticks
have
rased
it
out
,
if
you
will
believe
it
,
but
neither
Surius
nor
Caranza
find
any
thing
wanting
.
I
shall
only
make
this
Note
,
that
seeing
the
Fathers
have
been
so
long
in
the
hands
of
those
men
that
stick
at
nothing
that
may
advance
the
Power
of
their
Master
:
'T
is
no
wonder
that
their
learned
Adversaries
are
unwilling
to
trust
their
cause
with
such
Judges
,
but
rather
appeal
to
the
true
Canon
and
call
for
Scripture
.
One
would
think
this
were
enough
:
but
this
Opinion
of
the
equality
of
Power
among
the
Apostles
,
was
not
only
the
concurrent
Judgment
of
the
Ancients
,
but
even
of
learned
later
men
in
the
Church
of
Rome
even
from
these
words
,
Tues
Petrus
&c.
upon
unanswerable
Reason
.
Lyra
,
on
Matth.
16.
Durand
a
St.
Porciano
in
4.
Cent.
dist.
18.
q.
2.
both
in
the
14
Cent.
and
Abulensis
in
the
In
Matth.
18.
q.
7.
In
Matth.
20.
q.
83
,
84.
15
Cent.
the
latter
argues
earnestly
,
that
none
of
the
Apostles
did
understand
those
words
of
Christ
,
to
give
any
Supremacy
to
Peter
;
for
afterwards
they
contended
for
Superiority
,
Matth.
18.
and
after
that
the
two
Sons
of
Zebedee
desire
it
,
Matth.
20.
and
at
the
last
Supper
the
question
is
put
again
,
Luke
22.
Therefore
he
concludes
;
they
thought
themselves
equal
till
Christs
death
,
when
they
knew
not
which
of
them
should
be
greatest
.
Cusanus
his
contemporary
de
concord
.
Cath.
l.
2.
c.
13.
and
34.
and
Fran.
Victoria
.
This
was
the
interpretation
of
all
the
Doctors
of
Paris
,
Bin.
Conc.
an.
1549.
and
of
Adulphus
Arch-Bishop
of
Cologne
,
and
of
the
Bishops
of
his
Province
;
the
Decrees
of
whose
Synod
,
with
this
interpretation
,
were
ratified
in
every
point
by
Charles
the
Fifth
,
and
enjoyned
to
be
observed
.
Thus
the
chief
ground
of
St.
Peter's
Supremacy
is
sunk
,
and
there
is
little
hopes
that
any
other
Text
will
hold
up
that
weighty
super-structure
.
Another
Scripture
much
insisted
on
for
the
support
of
St.
Peter's
Supremacy
,
is
Joh.
21.
14
,
15
,
16.
3.
Joh.
21.
14
,
&c.
Peter
lovest
thou
me
,
feed
my
Sheep
,
feed
my
Lambs
:
Wherein
is
committed
to
Peter
the
power
of
the
whole
Church
.
Ans.
'T
is
answered
,
this
Text
gives
not
any
Commission
or
power
to
St.
Peter
;
it
gives
him
charge
and
Commandment
to
execute
his
Commission
received
before
.
Now
it
hath
appeared
sufficiently
,
that
the
Commission
was
given
equally
to
all
the
Apostles
in
those
words
;
as
my
Father
sent
me
,
so
send
I
you
,
&c.
so
that
the
power
of
feeding
,
and
the
Duty
of
Pastors
was
alike
to
them
all
;
though
this
Charge
was
given
to
Peter
by
name
here
,
with
so
many
Items
perhaps
intimating
his
repeated
Prevarications
;
yet
were
they
all
sent
,
and
all
charged
with
a
larger
Province
than
these
words
to
Peter
import
;
Teach
all
Nations
;
Preach
the
Gospel
to
every
Creature
;
are
our
Saviours
charge
to
them
all
.
Obj.
In
the
Apostolick
Power
all
were
equal
(
saith
Hart
)
not
in
the
Pastoral
Charge
.
Ans.
We
answer
with
a
distinction
(
allowed
by
Stapleton
)
of
the
Name
Pastor
;
't
is
special
and
distinct
from
Apostle
:
Some
Apostles
—
some
Eph.
4.
Pastors
;
or
general
and
common
to
all
commission'd
to
preach
the
Gospel
:
So
Christ
is
called
Pastor
,
and
all
the
Apostles
were
Pastors
as
well
as
Peter
.
Obj.
But
St.
Peter
was
the
Pastor
over
the
rest
;
for
he
is
charged
to
feed
all
the
Sheep
,
the
whole
Church
:
Now
the
Rest
of
the
Apostles
were
Christs
Sheep
,
and
members
of
his
Church
.
Hart
and
Ray.
p
129.
Ans.
Christ
saith
not
to
Peter
,
feed
(
all
)
my
Sheep
,
but
he
doth
say
to
them
all
Preach
—
to
every
Creature
:
And
if
Peter
have
power
over
the
rest
,
because
they
are
Sheep
,
and
he
is
to
feed
the
Sheep
;
then
every
one
of
the
rest
have
power
over
Peter
because
he
is
a
Creature
,
and
they
are
to
preach
to
every
Creature
.
But
this
is
trifling
,
so
is
all
that
is
further
argued
from
this
Text
;
though
by
Feeding
we
understand
Ruling
,
Ruling
of
Pastors
,
or
what
you
will
;
while
whatsoever
was
charged
on
Peter
here
,
is
within
the
same
Commission
,
wherein
Peter
and
all
the
rest
of
the
Apostles
are
equally
impowered
as
before
;
and
that
of
Bellarmine
,
[
that
Peter
was
to
feed
the
Sheep
as
ordinary
Pastor
;
the
Apostles
as
extraordinary
Embassadors
]
is
altogether
as
groundless
;
as
if
there
were
any
colour
of
Reason
,
that
an
ordinary
Pastor
should
have
more
power
than
an
extraordinary
Embassador
.
Dr.
Hammond
observes
,
Bellarmine
was
not
13
Oct.
1562.
the
Author
of
that
Artifice
;
Cajetan
and
Victoria
had
used
it
before
him
;
and
obtained
it
the
honour
of
coming
into
the
Council
of
Trent
;
where
the
Bishop
of
Granada
derided
it
,
and
the
Authors
of
it
;
and
soon
after
the
Bishop
of
Paris
expresly
affirmed
,
that
Cajetan
was
(
about
50
years
before
)
the
first
deviser
of
it
.
The
Bishop
of
Granada
confutes
it
by
Scripture
,
as
understood
by
all
the
Fathers
and
Schoolmen
;
as
he
affirmed
.
Concord
.
Cathol.
l.
1.
c.
11.
To
conclude
this
matter
,
Feed
my
Sheep
,
are
not
a
ground
for
the
Popes
Presidency
;
which
are
found
not
to
be
so
of
Peter's
,
above
the
body
of
the
Universal
Church
;
as
was
publickly
pronounced
in
the
Covent
of
the
Fryers
Minors
,
and
appears
by
the
Opusc
.
of
John
Patriarch
of
Antioch
:
And
Cardinal
Cusanus
who
lived
at
the
same
De
Conc.
Cath.
l.
2.
c.
23.
time
,
makes
them
words
of
Precept
not
of
Institution
;
and
both
are
agreeable
to
the
interpretatiou
of
the
Ancients
.
St.
Ambrose
de
dign.
Sacerd.
c.
2.
Aug.
de
Ago
.
Christiano
c.
30.
Theoph.
in
Joh.
c.
21
,
&c.
It
is
time
to
look
further
.
The
third
great
place
of
Argument
is
Luk.
22.
31.
Thou
being
Luk.
22.
31
converted
,
strengthen
thy
Brethren
.
Whence
Hart
reasons
thus
:
Christ
commands
Peter
to
strengthen
Rayn
.
and
Hart.
p.
142.
his
Brethren
;
and
his
Brethren
were
the
Apostles
:
Therefore
he
was
to
strengthen
the
Apostles
,
and
by
consequence
he
must
be
their
Supreme
Head
.
Ans.
When
Hart
urged
this
Argument
,
with
all
his
wit
and
might
;
and
Dr.
Raynolds
had
made
it
evident
,
there
is
no
Authority
given
by
the
words
;
nor
carried
in
the
word
Strengthen
,
that
Equals
and
Inferiors
are
capable
of
it
as
well
as
Superiors
:
(
much
less
can
it
necessarily
imply
a
Supremacy
over
the
whole
Church
;
he
confesseth
with
Stapleton
,
that
Christ
gave
the
Power
to
Peter
after
his
Resurrection
,
when
he
said
to
him
,
Feed
my
Lambs
;
(
which
we
have
weighed
before
)
but
those
words
of
(
strengthning
,
&c.
)
he
spake
before
his
death
,
and
did
but
(
futuram
insinuaverat
)
insinuate
therein
;
and
as
Harts
word
is
,
that
he
would
make
him
Supreme
Head
;
then
if
he
did
not
make
him
so
afterward
,
he
did
it
not
at
all
.
That
Peter
had
power
over
the
rest
of
the
4
Scrip.
Apostles
,
would
be
proved
,
as
before
,
from
the
Promise
and
Commission
of
Christ
,
so
at
last
by
Peter's
Execution
;
he
proposed
the
Election
of
a
Act.
1.
25.
new
Apostle
in
the
Room
of
Judas
.
Ans.
Therefore
he
was
Speaker
(
at
least
pro
tempore
)
in
the
Assembly
;
but
not
a
Prince
or
Supreme
Monarch
.
Obj.
But
St.
Chrysostom
saith
,
that
though
Peter's
modesty
was
commendable
for
doing
all
things
by
common
advice
and
consent
,
and
nothing
by
In
Matth.
40.
51.
his
own
Authority
;
yet
addeth
,
that
no
doubt
it
was
lawful
for
Peter
to
have
chosen
Matthias
himself
.
Ans.
Yet
the
same
Father
calls
this
Seat
given
him
by
the
rest
,
a
Primacy
,
not
a
Supremacy
:
Again
In
Matth.
Hom.
15.
he
derives
this
Primacy
from
the
modesty
of
the
Apostles
,
(
not
the
donation
of
Christ
)
as
Hart
Rayn
.
Hart.
p.
156.
confesseth
.
But
indeed
the
Father
exceeded
in
his
Charity
;
and
't
is
he
that
said
that
Peter
might
have
chosen
one
himself
:
The
Scripture
saith
not
that
he
might
;
yea
it
saith
he
did
not
.
And
the
Argument
from
Peter's
Execution
of
this
power
is
come
to
this
,
that
he
did
not
execute
it
.
Besides
,
many
Fathers
and
in
Council
too
;
together
with
St.
Cyprian
,
pronounce
;
that
Peter
proposing
the
matter
,
to
the
end
it
might
be
carried
by
common
advice
and
voice
,
did
according
to
the
lessons
and
Precepts
of
God
;
therefore
,
jure
divino
,
they
thought
Peter
had
no
such
power
as
Dr.
Raynolds
shews
.
p.
159.
But
when
Peter
had
been
heard
,
all
the
Multitude
held
their
peace
;
and
James
and
all
the
5
Scrip.
Act.
15.
Elders
did
agree
unto
Peter's
Sentence
.
Ans.
What
is
this
to
prove
his
Supremacy
?
because
the
Council
having
heard
Gamaliel
agreed
to
him
,
was
therefore
Gamaliel
(
a
Pharisee
,
a
Doctor
of
the
Law
,
whom
all
the
People
honoured
)
Supreme
Head
,
and
Superior
to
the
High-Priest
and
Act.
3.
34.
Council
?
And
if
Jerom
say
,
Peter
was
Princeps
Decreti
,
he
acknowledged
perhaps
the
Reason
,
the
Motion
,
and
the
Delivery
or
declaration
of
it
,
principally
to
Peter
,
the
first
Author
of
the
Sentence
,
as
the
same
Jerom
calls
him
;
and
explains
himself
Epist.
11.
inter
Epistol.
August
.
So
was
Tully
called
,
viz.
Prince
of
Decrees
,
when
he
was
Pro
Cor.
Balbo
.
neither
President
nor
Prince
of
the
Senate
.
We
conclude
,
that
Peter
had
no
Superiority
of
Power
or
Government
over
the
rest
of
the
Apostles
,
or
the
whole
Church
;
because
it
neither
was
promised
him
,
nor
given
him
,
nor
Peter
added
,
Nihil
doctrinae
aut
potestatis
Aquinas
.
Not
inferior
to
the
chief
Apost.
2
Cor.
11.
5.
Executed
by
him
;
notwithstanding
Bellarmine's
28
Prerogatives
of
St.
Peter
;
from
which
I
presume
none
can
be
so
hardy
as
to
venture
to
argue
:
many
of
them
being
uncertain
;
some
vain
and
trifling
,
and
some
common
with
the
rest
of
the
Apostles
;
but
neither
divisim
or
conjunctim
sufficient
to
make
,
or
to
evince
any
real
Supremacy
of
power
in
St.
Peter
.
5.
'T
is
indeed
,
said
,
by
some
of
the
Fathers
;
So
Paul
judged
.
Chris
.
Hom.
12.
2.
&
87.
that
the
Government
of
the
World
,
and
the
care
of
the
whole
Church
was
committed
to
Peter
:
but
it
is
plain
they
speak
of
his
Apostleship
;
for
they
say
the
same
of
Paul
;
ille
Solusgerebat
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
▪
&
Orbis
praefectam
suscepit
;
and
the
like
,
of
Timothy
;
who
was
never
reputed
Vniversal
Monarck
:
Paul
and
Peter
had
two
different
Primacies
(
Saint
Hom.
1.
ad
Pop.
Orat.
6.
Con.
Jud.
Ambr.
)
had
the
same
Dignity
;
(
Chrisost.
)
were
equal
.
)
Oecumenius
.
CHAP.
XXI
.
Of
the
Pope's
Succession
.
I
Have
laboured
the
more
to
scatter
the
pretences
of
Saint
Peter's
Supremacy
;
because
(
though
the
Consequence
be
not
good
from
that
to
the
Popes
,
yet
)
't
is
a
Demonstration
;
that
if
Saint
Peter
had
it
not
,
the
Pope
cannot
have
it
,
as
his
Successor
,
Jure
divino
.
We
must
leave
Saint
Peter's
Supremacy
,
to
stand
or
fall
to
the
Reason
of
the
Discourse
before
;
and
must
now
examine
the
Plea
of
Successor
;
and
the
Pope's
Authority
over
the
Church
,
as
he
is
Successor
to
Saint
Peter
.
Now
,
that
it
may
appear
we
love
not
quarrelling
;
we
shall
not
dispute
;
whether
Peter
was
a
Bishop
of
a
particular
See
?
whether
he
was
ever
at
Rome
?
whether
Rome
was
at
first
converted
by
him
?
whether
he
was
Bishop
of
Rome
?
whether
he
resided
there
for
any
considerable
time
?
whether
he
died
there
?
whether
the
Pope
had
any
honour
as
his
Successor
?
or
lastly
,
whether
the
Pope
had
the
Primacy
of
all
Bishops
in
the
former
Ages
of
the
Church
?
't
is
well
known
,
that
few
Adversaries
would
let
you
run
away
quietly
,
with
all
or
any
one
of
these
.
Yet
there
are
two
things
,
that
I
shrewdly
question
.
1.
Whether
the
Pope
had
at
first
the
Primacy
it self
,
as
Successor
of
Saint
Peter
.
2.
Much
more
,
whether
by
that
Succession
,
he
received
Supreme
Power
over
the
whole
Church
,
Jure
Divino
;
the
main
Point
to
be
proved
,
is
the
last
:
yet
it
may
be
worth
the
while
,
to
examine
the
first
.
SECT.
I.
Whether
the
Primacy
of
Peter
,
descended
to
the
Bishops
of
Rome
?
Neg.
IT
doth
not
appear
,
that
Saint
Peter
had
his
Peter
Primate
.
Primacy
,
over
the
rest
of
the
Apostles
,
as
Bishop
,
much
less
as
Bishop
of
Rome
;
but
the
contrary
doth
appear
.
Reas.
1
1.
Because
he
was
Primate
,
long
before
he
was
Bishop
,
if
he
was
so
,
at
all
;
and
therefore
,
Before
.
if
he
was
Primate
,
ratione
Muneris
,
or
with
respect
to
any
Office
;
it
was
that
,
of
his
Apostleship
,
and
not
of
his
Episcopacy
;
the
Consequence
,
then
,
is
evident
,
that
the
Pope
could
not
succeed
Saint
Peter
,
in
the
Primacy
,
as
Bishop
of
Rome
;
or
indeed
in
any
Sence
;
for
the
Apostolical
Office
was
extraordinary
;
and
did
not
descend
by
Succession
,
as
the
Romanists
yield
.
That
,
Saint
Peter
was
Primate
,
not
as
Bishop
,
Not
as
Bishop
.
but
was
antecedently
so
;
it
is
most
apparent
upon
the
Grounds
of
it
allowed
and
pleaded
by
our
Adversaries
;
because
he
was
first
called
to
the
Apostleship
,
he
was
named
,
the
first
of
the
Apostles
;
he
had
the
first
promise
of
the
Keys
;
he
was
the
first
Converter
of
the
Gentiles
,
&c.
Privilegium
personale
,
cum
persona
extinguitur
.
Jesuit
Salas.
Reas.
2
2.
Indeed
,
the
Primacy
of
Saint
Peter
arose
from
such
personal
respects
and
grounds
,
that
On
personal
respects
.
rendred
it
incapable
of
Succession
;
and
therefore
,
none
could
derive
that
Prerogative
,
though
they
had
succeeded
him
both
as
Bishop
and
Apostle
.
These
Prerogatives
of
Saint
Peter
,
which
Bellarmine
himself
laies
down
as
the
Grounds
and
Arguments
of
his
Primacy
,
are
generally
such
,
at
least
,
all
of
them
that
appear
in
the
Scriptures
;
all
of
them
but
such
,
as
either
beg
the
question
or
depend
on
notorious
Fables
:
as
appears
at
first
view
.
1.
Saint
Peter
was
Primate
,
because
his
Name
21
Prerogatives
.
Bell.
was
changed
by
Christ
.
2.
Because
,
he
was
always
first
named
.
3.
He
alone
walked
on
the
Waters
.
4.
He
had
peculiar
Revelation
.
5.
He
paid
Tribute
with
Christ
.
6.
He
was
the
chief
in
the
miraculous
fishing
.
7.
He
is
commanded
to
strengthen
his
Brethren
.
8.
He
was
the
first
of
the
Apostles
,
that
saw
Christ
risen
from
the
dead
.
9.
His
feet
Christ
first
washed
.
10.
Christ
foretold
his
death
,
to
him
alone
.
11.
He
was
President
at
the
Election
of
Matthias
.
12.
He
first
preach'd
after
the
Holy
Ghost
was
given
.
13.
He
did
the
first
Miracle
.
14.
He
condemned
the
hypocrisie
of
Ananias
,
&c.
15.
He
passed
through
all
quarters
,
Acts
9.
32.
16.
He
first
preach'd
to
the
Gentiles
.
17.
He
was
miraculously
delivered
out
of
prison
.
18.
Paul
envied
him
.
19.
Christ
baptized
him
alone
.
20.
He
detected
and
condemned
Simon
Magus
.
21.
He
spake
first
in
the
Council
,
Acts
15.
These
are
21
of
the
Prerogatives
of
Saint
Peter
,
which
Bellarmine
makes
Grounds
and
Arguments
of
his
Primacy
;
which
,
if
one
say
them
over
,
and
endeavour
to
apply
them
to
any
but
Saint
Peter's
(
individual
)
person
,
it
will
appear
impossible
;
the
reasons
of
this
Primacy
,
cannot
be
supposed
out
of
Peter's
person
;
therefore
the
Primacy
cannot
pass
to
his
Successor
:
mark
them
,
and
you
will
find
they
are
all
either
Acts
done
by
Saint
Peter
,
or
Graces
received
by
him
;
and
so
personally
in
him
,
that
,
whatsoever
depends
on
them
,
must
needs
die
with
Saint
Peter's
person
,
and
cannot
be
inherited
by
his
Successor
.
Indeed
,
this
Primacy
rose
of
such
Grounds
;
and
was
in
Saint
Peter
by
Consequence
of
them
;
had
the
Primacy
been
an
Office
,
or
a
Grace
given
,
of
or
in
or
for
it self
,
without
respect
to
any
of
these
Grounds
,
there
had
been
some
shadow
(
and
but
a
shadow
)
for
its
Succession
:
but
it
having
an
essential
dependence
on
those
Reasons
which
were
peculiar
and
proper
to
Saint
Peter's
person
,
they
cease
together
.
But
,
lest
it
should
be
thought
,
that
there
is
Other
seven
Prerog
.
Bill
.
more
of
Argument
in
the
other
seven
Prerogatives
which
Bellarmine
mentioned
;
I
beg
my
Readers
pardon
,
to
set
down
them
also
:
The
first
is
,
perpetual
stability
is
promised
to
Peter
and
his
See
.
2.
He
alone
,
was
Ordained
Bishop
by
Christ
,
and
the
Rest
by
him
.
Card.
Cusan
.
believes
Aneclet
.
Epis.
Bellarmine
proves
it
counterfeit
,
c.
34.
p.
771.
Azorius
.
Suarez
.
and
Cosm.
Ph.
deny
it
(
these
plainly
beg
the
thing
in
question
.
)
3.
He
placed
his
Seat
at
Rome
.
4.
Christ
appeared
to
him
,
a
little
before
he
died
;
therefore
Primate
?
and
his
Successor
too
?
5.
The
Churches
which
he
founded
,
were
always
counted
Patriarchal
.
6.
The
feast
of
his
chair
was
celebrated
.
7.
And
his
Name
added
to
the
Name
of
the
Trinity
,
in
literis
formatis
:
What
then
,
was
he
not
yet
Primate
before
all
this
?
was
not
his
Primacy
founded
upon
the
Reasons
above
?
will
you
say
,
he
was
not
Primate
;
or
by
virtue
of
his
Primacy
was
not
President
in
the
two
Councils
mentioned
?
and
,
if
that
be
more
than
confessed
,
(
even
pleaded
by
you
)
must
not
the
former
personal
respects
,
be
the
Grounds
of
that
Primacy
?
and
is
it
possible
for
such
a
Primacy
,
by
Succession
,
to
descend
to
any
other
person
?
none
,
that
consider
,
will
say
it
.
The
Fathers
acknowledge
a
Primacy
in
Saint
Fathers
.
Peter
;
but
upon
such
personal
grounds
as
are
mentioned
.
Saint
Peter
was
called
a
Rock
(
saith
Serm.
47.
Saint
Ambrose
(
if
the
Book
be
his
)
eò
quòd
primus
in
Nationibus
,
&c.
because
he
was
the
first
that
laid
the
Foundation
of
Faith
in
the
World
.
Cerameus
gives
him
likewise
,
primus
Aditus
Aedisicationis
spiritualis
.
Christianorum
Pontifex
primus
,
Petrus
;
&
Reliquorum
Apostolorum
Princeps
,
propter
virtutis
Amplitudinem
:
He
was
Prince
,
for
the
greatness
Euseb.
of
hs
Virtue
.
Virtue
,
is
a
personal
gift
,
and
cannot
pass
by
Succession
.
Object
.
Saint
Chrisostom
indeed
,
is
urged
against
us
—
Curam
,
tum
Petro
,
tum
Petri
Successoribus
Committebat
.
lib.
2.
de
Sacerdotio
.
Answ.
'T
is
granted
,
Peter
had
his
Successors
in
time
and
place
;
and
that
's
all
the
words
,
(
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
be
rendred
those
which
followed
him
)
will
conclude
.
However
,
admit
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
did
succeed
Saint
Peter
in
his
care
,
as
the
word
is
;
doth
it
follow
,
that
he
succeeded
him
in
his
Primacy
?
which
hath
appeared
not
capable
of
Succession
.
Application
of
Sect.
1.
Therefore
,
I
conclude
,
that
whatsoever
Inference
.
Primacy
the
Bishop
of
Rome
obtained
in
the
Ancient
Church
,
it
was
not
the
Primacy
of
Saint
Peter
;
or
,
as
he
was
Successor
of
Saint
Peter
in
his
Primacy
;
but
he
obtained
it
,
upon
other
Grounds
,
not
those
Antecedent
in
Saint
Peter
;
but
such
as
arose
afterwards
,
and
were
peculiar
to
the
Church
of
Rome
.
A
Note
as
easie
to
be
observed
by
such
as
look
into
the
practice
of
the
Ancient
Church
;
as
of
great
caution
and
use
in
this
Controversie
.
The
Grounds
are
known
to
be
such
as
these
;
because
Rome
was
the
Imperial
City
;
because
the
Church
of
Rome
was
then
most
Famous
for
the
Christian
Faith
;
because
,
she
was
the
most
noted
Seat
of
true
Tradition
;
because
her
Bishops
were
most
Eminent
for
Piety
,
Learning
,
and
a
charitable
Care
for
other
Churches
:
and
lastly
,
perhaps
,
because
Saint
Peter
had
been
Bishop
there
,
his
Memory
might
deflect
some
honour
,
at
least
,
by
way
of
motive
,
on
the
Bishop
of
Rome
;
as
the
Council
of
Sardica
moveth
;
if
it
please
you
let
us
honour
the
Memory
of
Saint
Peter
:
but
,
though
the
Memory
of
Saint
Peter
might
be
used
,
as
an
Argument
of
the
Pope's
Priority
;
't
is
far
from
concluding
his
inheriting
Saint
Peter's
Primacy
;
though
he
had
honour
by
being
his
Successor
.
2.
It
further
follows
,
that
the
Primacy
of
Inference
,
Primacy
not
Jure
Divino
.
that
See
heretofore
,
was
not
Jure
Divino
,
but
from
the
Civility
of
the
World
;
and
the
Curtesie
of
Princes
;
and
the
Gratitude
of
the
Church
.
Indeed
,
this
Primacy
was
not
an
Office
,
but
an
honour
;
and
that
honour
,
was
not
given
by
any
Solemn
Grant
of
God
or
Man
;
but
seems
to
have
gained
upon
the
World
insensibly
,
and
by
degrees
,
till
it
became
a
Custom
,
as
the
Council
of
Nice
,
intimates
.
Inference
,
Not
in
succeeding
Popes
.
3
,
Lastly
,
it
follows
,
that
this
Primacy
,
was
not
derived
to
the
Succeeding
Bishops
of
Rome
;
it
standing
upon
such
temporary
Grounds
,
as
too
soon
failed
:
for
,
when
that
,
which
was
the
cause
of
it
,
ceased
;
no
wonder
,
if
the
honour
was
denied
.
When
the
Faith
of
the
See
was
turned
to
Infidelity
,
and
Blasphemy
,
and
Atheism
,
and
Sorcery
(
as
their
own
men
say
)
when
their
piety
was
turned
into
such
villanies
of
pride
,
Symony
,
uncleaness
,
and
monstrous
lewdness
,
(
as
themselves
report
)
when
their
care
and
vigilance
was
turned
into
Methods
of
wasting
and
destroying
the
Churches
;
when
the
Exordium
Vnitatis
was
turned
into
a
Head
of
Schism
and
division
;
no
wonder
that
the
Primacy
and
honour
of
the
See
of
Rome
,
which
was
raised
and
stood
upon
the
contrary
grounds
,
was
at
length
discovered
to
be
groundless
;
and
the
former
primacy
which
stood
on
Courtesie
,
and
was
exalted
by
an
usurped
Supremacy
and
Tyranny
,
was
thrown
off
by
us
;
and
our
ancient
liberty
is
Repossessed
,
and
the
Glory
of
Rome
is
so
far
departed
.
SECT.
II.
Whether
the
Pope
be
Supreme
as
Successor
of
Peter
,
by
Divine
Right
?
Neg.
Not
Primate
as
such
.
Peter
himself
not
Supreme
.
Pope
not
Succed
him
at
all
.
THis
is
the
last
Refuge
,
and
the
meaning
of
it
is
;
that
our
Saviour
made
St.
Peter
Vniversal
Monarch
of
the
whole
Church
,
and
intended
the
Pope
of
Rome
should
succeed
him
in
that
power
.
All
possible
defence
herein
,
hath
been
prevented
:
For
if
the
Bishop
of
Rome
did
not
succeed
him
in
his
Primacy
,
how
should
he
succeed
him
in
his
Supremacy
?
Again
,
if
St.
Peter
had
no
such
Supremacy
,
as
hath
appeared
,
how
should
the
Pope
receive
it
as
his
Successor
?
Besides
,
what
ever
power
St.
Peter
had
,
it
doth
no
way
appear
that
the
Pope
should
succeed
him
in
it
;
much
less
in
our
Saviours
Intention
,
or
by
Divine
Right
.
However
,
let
us
try
their
colours
.
Will
they
maintain
it
,
that
Christ
appointed
the
Bishops
of
Rome
to
succeed
St.
Peter
in
so
great
a
power
?
The
Claim
is
considerable
,
the
whole
World
in
all
Ages
is
concerned
;
none
could
give
this
priviledge
of
Succession
,
but
the
giver
of
the
power
.
But
where
did
he
do
it
?
Where
or
how
,
when
or
by
whom
was
it
expressed
?
Should
not
the
Grant
of
so
great
an
Empire
,
wherein
all
are
so
highly
concern'd
,
especially
when
it
is
disputed
and
pretended
,
be
produced
?
Instead
of
plain
proof
we
are
put
off
with
obscure
and
vanishing
Shadows
,
such
as
follow
.
SECT.
III.
Arg.
1.
Peter
Assigned
it
.
Arg.
1
INstead
of
proving
that
Christ
did
,
they
say
that
St.
Peter
when
he
died
,
bestowed
the
Supremacy
upon
the
Bishops
of
Rome
,
in
words
to
this
effect
;
as
Hart
expresseth
them
.
I
Ordain
this
Clement
to
be
your
Bishop
;
unto
whom
alone
I
commit
the
Chair
of
my
Preaching
and
Doctrine
;
And
I
give
to
him
that
power
of
binding
and
loosing
,
which
Christ
gave
to
me
.
Ans.
And
what
then
?
(
I
Ordain
)
then
he
had
it
not
,
as
Peters
Successor
by
Divine
Right
,
but
as
a
Gift
and
Legacy
of
St.
Peter
.
2.
(
This
Clement
)
a
foul
blot
to
the
Story
:
For
it
's
plain
in
Records
,
that
Linus
continued
Bishop
eleven
years
after
Peter's
death
;
and
Cletus
twelve
after
Linus
;
before
Clemens
had
the
Chair
.
[
Your
Bishop
]
Euseb.
in
Chron.
that
is
the
Bishop
of
Rome
;
what
's
this
to
the
Vniversal
Bishop
?
[
And
I
give
to
him
]
what
?
the
Chair
of
Preaching
and
Doctrine
,
and
the
power
of
the
Keys
.
viz.
no
more
than
is
given
to
every
Bishop
at
his
Ordination
.
Now
't
is
observable
,
though
this
pitiful
Story
signifie
just
nothing
;
yet
what
strange
Arts
and
stretches
Vid.
Raynolds
and
Hart.
p.
269
&c.
of
invention
are
forced
to
support
it
,
and
to
render
it
possible
though
all
in
vain
.
SECT.
IV.
Arg.
2.
Bishop
of
Antioch
did
not
Succeed
:
Ergo
of
Rome
.
Arg.
2
BEllarmine
argues
more
subtilly
,
yet
supposeth
more
strongly
than
he
argues
.
Pontifex
Romanus
,
the
High-Priest
of
Rome
,
succeeded
St.
Peter
(
dying
at
Rome
)
in
his
whole
dignity
and
power
;
for
there
was
never
any
that
affirmed
himself
to
be
St.
Peter's
Successor
any
way
,
or
was
accounted
for
such
;
besides
the
Bishop
of
Rome
and
the
Bishop
of
Antioch
:
But
the
Bishop
of
Antioch
did
not
succeed
St.
Peter
in
pontificatu
Ecclesiae
totius
;
therefore
the
Bishop
of
Rome
did
.
Ans.
He
supposeth
that
St.
Peter's
Successor
succeeded
him
in
all
his
dignity
and
power
;
but
't
is
acknowledged
by
his
friends
,
there
was
no
Succession
of
the
Apostolick
,
but
only
of
the
Episcopal
power
.
2.
If
so
,
then
Linus
,
Cletus
,
and
Clemens
,
should
have
had
dignity
and
power
over
John
,
and
the
other
Apostles
;
(
who
lived
after
St.
Peter
)
as
their
Pastor
and
Head
;
according
to
their
own
way
of
Arguing
.
3.
Besides
,
St.
St.
PETER
.
He
was
crucified
at
Rome
with
his
head
downwards
,
and
Buried
in
the
Vatican
there
.
after
he
had
planted
a
Christian
Church
first
at
Antioch
and
afterwards
at
Rome
.
S.
Hierom.
Page
.
246.
247.
portrait of St Peter, with book and keys in hand
S.
Peter
's
Martyrdom
.
Ioh.
21.
18.
19.
Verily
verily
I
say
unto
thee
when
thou
wast
young
thou
girdedst
thy self
&
walkedst
whither
thou
wouldst
but
when
thou
shalt
be
old
thou
shalt
stretch
forth
thy
hands
&
another
shall
gird
thee
&
carry
thee
whither
thou
wouldst
not
▪
This
spake
he
signifying
by
what
death
he
should
glorify
God
St Peter is crucified upside down, in front of a city, and watched by a crowd of soldiers and civilians
Peter
had
power
of
casting
out
of
Devils
,
&c.
and
doing
such
miracles
as
the
Pope
pretends
not
to
do
-
Lastly
,
what
if
the
Pope
affirms
that
he
is
,
and
others
account
him
to
be
St.
Peter's
Successor
;
the
point
requires
the
truth
there-of
to
be
shewn
,
Jure
divino
.
SECT.
V.
Arg.
3.
St.
Peter
dyed
at
Rome
.
Then
de
Facto
,
not
de
Fide
.
Arg.
3
BEllarmine
saith
,
the
Succession
it self
is
Jure
divino
;
but
the
Ratio
Successionis
arose
out
of
the
Fact
of
St.
Peter
(
planting
his
See
and
dying
at
Rome
;
)
and
not
from
Christs
first
Institution
:
Then
doubts
(
quamvis
non
sit
&c.
)
whether
this
Succession
be
so
according
to
his
own
position
,
fortè
non
est
de
jure
divino
;
but
neither
shews
the
Succession
it self
to
be
Christs
Institution
at
all
;
nor
proves
the
Tradition
of
Peter
,
on
which
he
seems
to
lay
his
stress
;
and
we
may
guess
why
he
doth
not
.
Ans.
In
short
,
if
the
Succession
of
the
Bishop
of
Rome
be
of
Faith
;
't
is
so
either
in
Jure
or
in
Facto
:
But
neither
is
proved
.
Yea
the
contrary
is
acknowledged
by
Bellarmine
himself
.
Not
in
Right
because
that
is
not
certo
divinum
,
as
Bellarmine
confesseth
:
Nor
in
Fact
,
because
before
Peter's
death
,
which
introduced
no
change
in
the
Faith
,
as
Bellarmine
also
confesseth
,
this
Succession
was
not
of
Faith
.
Indeed
it
is
well
observed
,
that
the
whole
weight
of
Bellarmine's
reasoning
,
is
founded
in
Fact
;
(
then
where
is
the
Jus
divinum
?
)
2.
In
such
fact
(
of
Peter
)
as
is
not
found
in
Scripture
,
or
can
be
proved
any
way
.
3.
In
such
Fact
as
cannot
constitute
a
Right
either
divine
or
humane
.
4.
In
such
Fact
as
cannot
conclude
a
Right
,
in
the
sence
of
the
most
learned
Romanists
.
Scot.
in
4.
dist.
24.
Cordubensis
lib.
4.
qu.
1.
Cajetan
de
prim
.
pap
.
c.
23.
Bannes
in
2.
2.
q.
1.
a.
10.
who
contend
,
that
the
union
of
the
Bishoprick
of
the
City
and
the
World
,
is
only
per
accidens
,
and
not
Jure
divino
,
vel
imperio
Christi
.
But
when
the
uncertainty
of
that
Fact
(
on
which
the
Right
of
so
great
and
vast
an
Empire
is
raised
)
is
considered
;
what
further
answer
can
be
expected
?
For
is
it
not
uncertain
whether
Peter
were
ever
at
Rome
?
or
whether
he
was
ever
Bishop
of
Rome
?
or
whether
he
dyed
at
Rome
?
or
whether
Christ
called
him
back
that
he
might
dye
at
Rome
?
or
whether
he
ordained
Clement
to
succeed
him
at
Rome
?
Indeed
there
is
little
else
certain
about
the
matter
but
this
;
that
Peter
did
not
derive
to
him
that
succeeded
him
,
and
his
Successors
for
ever
,
his
whole
dignity
and
Power
;
and
a
greater
Authority
than
he
had
himself
,
Jure
divino
.
But
if
we
allow
all
the
uncertainties
mention'd
,
to
be
most
certain
;
we
need
not
fear
to
look
the
Argument
,
with
all
its
attendants
and
strength
,
in
the
face
.
Peter
was
Bishop
of
Rome
,
was
warned
by
Christ
immediately
to
place
his
Seat
at
Rome
,
to
stay
and
dye
at
Rome
;
and
before
he
died
,
he
appointed
one
to
succeed
him
in
his
Bishoprick
at
Rome
:
Therefore
the
Bishops
of
Rome
successively
are
universal
Pastors
,
and
have
supreme
power
over
the
whole
Church
jure
divino
.
Is
not
the
cause
rendred
suspicious
by
such
Arguments
?
and
indeed
desperate
,
that
needs
them
,
and
has
no
better
?
SECT.
VI.
Arg.
4.
Councils
,
Popes
,
Fathers
.
Arg.
BEllarmine
tells
us
boldly
,
that
the
Primacy
of
the
Roman
High-Priest
,
is
proved
out
of
the
Councils
;
the
Testimonies
of
Popes
,
by
the
consent
of
the
Fathers
,
both
Greek
and
Latin
.
Ans.
These
great
words
are
no
Arguments
;
the
matter
hath
been
examined
under
all
these
Topicks
,
and
not
one
of
them
proves
a
Supremacy
of
Power
over
the
whole
Church
to
have
been
anciently
in
the
Pope
,
much
less
from
the
beginning
and
jure
divino
;
especially
when
St.
Augustine
and
the
Greek
Fathers
directly
opposed
it
as
an
Vsurpation
.
A
Primacy
of
Order
is
not
in
the
question
;
though
that
also
was
obtained
by
the
ancient
Popes
,
only
more
humano
;
an
on
Temporary
Reasons
as
hath
before
appeared
.
But
as
a
learned
man
saith
,
the
Primacy
of
a
Monarchical
Power
in
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
was
never
affirmed
by
any
ancient
Council
,
or
by
any
one
of
the
ancient
Fathers
,
or
so
much
as
dreamt
of
;
and
at
what
time
afterwards
the
Pope
took
upon
him
to
be
a
Monarch
;
it
should
be
inquired
qno
jure
,
by
what
Right
he
did
so
:
whether
by
Divine
,
Humane
,
or
altogether
by
his
own
,
i.
e.
no
Right
at
all
.
SECT.
VII
.
Arg.
5.
The
Prevention
of
Schism
.
St.
Jerom.
Ar.
5
A
Primacy
was
given
to
Peter
for
preventing
Schism
,
as
St.
Hierom
saith
:
Now
hence
they
urge
,
that
a
mere
precedency
of
Order
is
not
sufficient
for
that
.
Ans.
The
Inference
is
not
divine
;
it
is
not
St.
Hieroms
;
it
is
only
for
St.
Peter
and
reacheth
not
the
Pope
:
Besides
it
plainly
argues
a
mistake
of
St.
Jerom's
assertion
,
and
would
force
him
to
a
Lib.
1.
Jov.
c.
14.
contradiction
.
For
immediately
before
;
he
teacheth
,
that
the
Church
is
built
equally
on
all
the
Apostles
,
and
that
they
all
receive
the
Keys
,
and
that
the
firmness
of
the
Church
is
equally
grounded
on
them
all
;
so
that
what
Primacy
he
meant
,
it
consisted
with
Equality
,
as
Monarchy
cannot
.
Therefore
St.
Hierom
more
plainly
in
another
Epis.
ad
Evagr
.
place
,
affirms
;
that
wherever
there
is
a
Bishop
,
whether
at
Rome
,
Constantinople
,
&c.
Ejusdem
meriti
est
,
ejusdem
est
&
Sacerdotii
.
Again
,
't
is
neither
Riches
nor
Poverty
which
makes
Bishops
higher
or
lower
,
but
they
are
all
the
Apostles
Successors
.
SECT.
VIII
.
Arg.
6.
Church
committed
to
him
.
Ar.
6
ST.
Chrysostom
saith
,
the
Care
of
the
Church
was
committed
,
as
to
Peter
,
so
to
his
Successors
.
(
Tum
Petro
,
tum
&c.
)
therefore
the
Bishops
of
Rome
being
Successors
of
St.
Peter
in
that
Chair
;
have
the
care
,
and
consequently
the
power
committed
to
them
,
which
was
committed
to
Peter
.
Ans.
True
,
the
Care
and
power
of
a
Bishop
,
not
of
an
Apostle
or
universal
Monarch
;
the
commission
of
all
other
Bishops
,
carried
Care
and
power
also
.
But
indeed
,
this
place
proves
not
so
much
as
that
the
Pope
is
Peter's
Successor
in
either
;
much
less
Jure
divino
,
which
was
the
thing
to
be
proved
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
those
which
followed
in
time
and
place
,
not
otherwise
;
as
before
.
SECT.
IX
.
Arg.
7.
One
Chair
.
Optatus
,
Cyprian
,
Ambrose
,
Acacius
.
Arg.
7
THere
is
one
Chair
(
saith
Optatus
)
quae
prima
est
de
Dotibus
;
in
which
Peter
sate
first
;
Linus
succeeded
him
;
and
Clemens
,
Linus
.
Optatus
speaks
nothing
against
the
Title
or
power
of
other
Chairs
;
or
for
the
preheminence
of
power
in
this
one
Chair
above
the
rest
.
He
intended
not
to
exclude
the
other
Apostolical
Seats
from
the
honour
or
power
of
Chairs
:
For
he
saith
as
well
that
James
sate
at
Jerusalem
,
and
John
at
Ephesus
;
as
that
Peter
sate
at
Rome
,
which
Tertullian
calls
Apostolicas
Cathedras
;
all
presiding
in
their
own
places
.
De
praescrip.
c.
36.
'T
is
most
evident
,
that
Optatus
calls
the
Chair
of
Peter
one
,
not
because
of
any
Superiority
over
other
Apostolical
Chairs
;
but
because
of
the
Vnity
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
in
opposition
to
the
Donatists
;
who
set
up
another
Chair
in
opposiion
(
Altare
contra
Altare
)
to
the
Catholick
Church
.
Bellarmine
well
observes
,
that
Optatus
followed
the
doctrine
of
St.
Cyprian
,
who
said
,
there
is
but
one
Church
,
one
Chair
,
&c.
And
out
of
St.
Cyprian
himself
,
his
meaning
therein
is
manifest
Cyprian
.
to
be
no
other
,
than
a
specifical
,
not
numerical
Unity
.
He
tells
us
plainly
in
the
same
place
,
that
the
other
Apostles
were
the
same
with
Peter
,
equal
in
honour
and
power
:
He
teacheth
that
the
one
Bishoprick
is
dispersed
—
consisting
of
the
unanimous
multitude
of
many
Bishops
;
that
the
Bishoprick
is
but
one
;
a
portion
whereof
is
wholly
and
fully
Head
of
every
Bishop
:
So
there
ought
to
be
but
one
Bishop
in
the
Catholick
Church
,
i.
e.
all
Bishops
ought
to
be
one
in
Faith
and
Fellowship
.
Vid.
Cypr.
de
Vnit
.
Eccles.
&
lib.
3.
Epis.
11.
But
is
it
not
prodigious
,
that
men
should
build
the
Pope's
Dominion
,
upon
the
Doctrine
of
Saint
Cyprian
and
Optatus
?
The
latter
tells
us
roundly
;
that
whosoever
is
without
(
the
Communion
of
)
seven
Churches
of
Asia
,
is
an
Alien
;
in
effect
,
calling
the
Pope
Infidel
;
and
Saint
Cyprian
,
is
well
known
to
have
always
stiled
Pope
Cornelius
,
Brother
;
to
have
severely
censured
his
Successor
Pope
Stephen
,
contradicting
his
Decrees
;
opposing
the
Roman
Councils
;
disclaiming
the
Pope's
Power
of
Appeals
,
and
contemning
his
Excommunications
.
A
Council
at
Africk
under
Saint
Cyprian
;
as
another
,
wherein
Saint
Augustine
sate
,
rejected
and
condemned
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
Pope
over
them
;
as
is
frequently
observed
;
and
why
do
men
endeavour
to
blind
the
World
with
a
few
words
of
these
great
Fathers
contrary
to
the
known
Language
of
their
Actions
and
course
of
Life
.
The
sence
of
the
words
may
be
disputed
,
but
when
it
came
to
a
Tryal
,
their
deeds
are
known
to
have
shewed
their
mind
,
beyond
all
dispute
.
For
Instance
,
Ambrose
calls
Pope
Damascus
Ambr.
Rector
of
the
whole
Church
:
yet
't
is
known
that
he
would
never
yield
his
Sences
to
the
Law
of
Rome
about
Easter
,
lib.
3.
de
sacr.
c.
1.
for
which
,
the
Church
of
Milain
,
was
called
the
Church
of
Ambrose
670
years
after
his
death
,
when
the
Clergy
of
Milain
withstood
the
Legate
of
Leo
9.
saying
,
the
Church
of
Ambrose
had
been
always
free
,
and
never
yet
subject
to
the
Laws
of
the
Pope
of
Rome
;
as
Baron
.
notes
,
An.
1059.
Nu.
46.
Many
other
Aiery
Titles
and
Courtly
Addresses
given
to
the
Pope
in
the
Writings
of
the
Fathers
,
we
have
observed
before
,
to
carry
some
Colour
for
a
Primacy
of
Order
;
but
no
wise
man
can
imagine
,
that
,
they
are
an
Evidence
or
Ground
,
much
less
a
formal
Grant
of
Vniversal
Dominion
:
seeing
,
scarce
one
of
them
,
but
is
,
in
some
of
the
Fathers
;
and
usually
by
the
same
Fathers
,
given
,
as
well
to
the
other
Apostles
,
and
to
other
Bishops
,
as
to
Peter
and
the
Pope
;
and
so
unfortunate
is
Bellarmine
in
his
Instances
,
that
usually
,
the
very
same
place
carries
its
Confutation
.
It
is
strange
,
that
so
great
a
Wit
should
so
egregiously
bewray
it self
;
to
bring
in
Acacius
,
Bishop
of
Constantinople
,
submitting
,
as
it
were
,
the
Eastern
Church
to
the
See
of
Rome
;
because
,
in
his
Epistle
to
Pope
Simplicius
,
he
tells
him
,
he
hath
the
care
of
all
the
Churches
:
for
,
what
one
Bishop
of
those
times
could
have
been
worse
pitch'd
upon
for
his
purpose
?
who
,
ever
opposed
himself
more
fiercely
against
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
Pope
than
Acacius
?
who
,
more
boldly
rejected
his
Commands
than
this
Patriarch
?
or
stands
in
greater
opposition
to
Rome
in
all
History
?
yet
Acacius
must
be
the
Instance
of
an
Eastern
Patriarch's
Recognition
of
the
An.
478.
n.
3.
An.
483.
n.
78.
An.
484.
n.
17.
As
they
say
.
See
of
Rome
.
Acacius
,
phrenesi
abreptus
(
as
Baronius
hath
it
)
adversus
Rom.
Pontificem
Violenter
insurgit
.
Acacius
,
that
Received
those
whom
the
Pope
Damn'd
.
Acacius
,
Excommunicated
by
the
Pope
;
and
the
very
Head
of
the
Eastern
Schism
;
this
is
the
man
that
must
witness
the
Pope's
Supremacy
against
himself
,
and
his
own
,
and
his
Churches
famous
Cause
:
and
this
,
by
saying
in
a
Letter
to
the
Pope
himself
,
that
he
had
the
care
of
all
Churches
;
a
Title
given
to
Saint
Paul
in
the
days
of
Peter
;
to
Athanasius
,
in
the
time
of
Pope
Julius
;
to
the
Bishops
of
France
,
in
time
of
Pope
Elutherius
;
and
to
Zecharias
an
Arch-Bishop
,
by
Pope
John
the
first
;
but
conferred
no
Monarchy
upon
any
of
them
.
I
do
not
remember
,
that
I
have
yet
mentioned
the
Titles
of
Summus
Pontifex
,
and
Pontifex
Sum.
&
max.
Pontifex
.
Maximus
;
which
are
also
said
to
carry
the
Pope's
Supremacy
in
them
;
but
it
is
impossible
any
wise
man
can
think
so
.
Azor.
(
Jesuit
)
acknowledgeth
these
terms
,
may
have
a
Negative
Sence
only
:
and
Baronius
saith
,
they
do
admit
Equality
.
In
this
Sence
,
Pope
Clemens
called
Saint
James
,
Bishop
of
Bishops
;
and
Pope
Epis.
88
Leo
,
stiled
all
Bishops
,
Summos
Pontifices
;
and
the
Bishops
of
the
East
write
to
the
Patriarch
of
Constantinople
under
the
Title
of
Universal
Patriarch
,
and
call
themselves
Chief
Priests
.
Epist.
ad
Tharasiam
,
&c.
SECT.
X.
The
Conclusion
touching
the
Fathers
.
Reasons
why
no
more
of
them
.
A
Challenge
touching
them
.
No
Consent
of
Fathers
in
the
Point
.
Evident
in
General
Councils
.
Reasons
of
it
.
Rome
's
contradiction
of
Faith
.
Pope
,
Schism
,
Perjury
,
&c.
I
Was
almost
tempted
,
to
have
gone
through
,
with
a
particular
Examination
of
all
the
Titles
and
Phrases
,
which
Bellarmine
hath
with
too
much
Vanity
,
gathered
out
of
the
Fathers
both
Greek
and
Latine
,
on
behalf
of
the
Pope's
Supremacy
:
But
,
considering
,
they
are
most
of
them
very
frivilous
and
impertinent
;
and
that
I
conceive
I
have
not
omitted
any
one
that
can
be
soberly
thought
material
;
and
,
that
all
of
them
have
been
frequently
answered
by
Learned
Protestants
;
and
very
few
of
them
(
so
answered
)
thought
fit
to
be
replied
to
by
our
Adversaries
;
I
thought
it
prudent
,
to
excuse
that
very
needless
exercise
;
and
I
hope
none
will
account
me
blame-worthy
for
it
:
but
,
if
any
do
so
,
I
offer
Compensation
,
by
this
humble
Challenge
upon
mature
deliberation
.
If
any
one
,
or
more
places
,
in
any
of
the
A
Challenge
.
Ancient
Fathers
,
Greek
or
Latin
,
shall
be
chosen
,
by
any
sober
Adversary
;
and
argued
from
,
as
Evidence
of
the
Pope's
Supremacy
,
as
Successor
to
Saint
Peter
;
God
giving
me
life
and
health
,
I
shall
appear
and
undertake
the
Combate
,
with
weapons
extant
,
in
our
English
Writers
;
though
they
may
not
think
,
that
one
or
two
,
or
more
passages
out
of
single
Fathers
are
sufficient
,
to
bear
away
the
Cause
in
so
great
a
Point
:
seeing
,
they
themselves
,
will
not
suffer
the
Testimony
of
many
of
the
same
Fathers
,
to
carry
it
for
us
,
in
a
Point
of
the
least
Concernment
.
In
the
mean
time
,
I
most
confidently
conclude
;
that
the
Pope's
Supremacy
hath
not
the
Consent
of
the
Primitive
Fathers
;
as
Bellarmine
boasts
;
and
that
,
what
ever
he
would
have
them
say
;
they
did
not
believe
,
and
therefore
not
intend
to
say
;
that
,
the
Pope
was
absolute
Monarch
of
the
Catholick
Church
:
and
consequently
,
that
there
was
no
such
Tradition
in
the
Primitive
Ages
;
either
before
,
or
during
the
time
of
the
eight
first
General
Councils
;
is
to
me
,
a
Demonstration
,
evident
,
for
these
Reasons
.
Reas.
1
The
eight
first
General
Councils
,
being
all
Called
and
Convened
by
the
Authority
of
Emperors
,
stand
upon
Record
,
as
a
notable
Monument
of
the
former
Ages
of
the
Catholick
Church
;
in
prejudice
to
the
Papal
Monarchy
,
as
Saint
Peter's
Successor
,
in
those
times
;
the
first
eight
General
Councils
(
saith
Cusanus
)
were
gathered
,
Concord
.
Cathol.
l.
2.
c.
25.
by
Authority
of
Emperors
,
and
not
of
Popes
:
insomuch
that
Pope
Leo
,
was
glad
to
entreat
the
Emperor
Theodosius
the
younger
,
for
the
gathering
of
a
Council
in
Italy
,
and
(
non
obtinuit
)
could
not
obtain
it
.
Reas.
2
Every
one
of
these
Councils
opposed
this
pretended
Monarchy
of
the
Pope
:
the
first
by
stating
the
limits
of
the
Roman
Diocess
;
as
well
as
other
Patriarchates
:
the
second
,
by
concluding
,
the
Roman
Primacy
not
to
be
grounded
upon
Divine
Authority
;
and
setting
up
a
Partriarch
of
Constantinople
,
against
the
Pope's
Will
:
the
third
,
by
inhibiting
any
Bishop
whatsoeve
,
to
ordain
Bishops
,
within
the
Isle
of
Cyprus
:
the
fourth
,
by
advancing
the
Bishop
of
Constantinople
,
to
equal
priviledges
,
with
the
Bishop
of
Rome
;
notwithstanding
the
Pope's
earnest
opposition
against
it
:
the
fifth
,
in
condemning
the
Sentence
of
Pope
Vigilius
although
very
vehement
in
the
cause
:
the
sixth
and
seventh
,
in
condemning
Pope
Honorius
of
Heresie
:
and
the
eight
and
last
,
by
imposing
a
Canon
upon
the
Church
of
Rome
,
and
challenging
obedience
thereunto
.
Reas.
3
This
must
pass
for
the
unquestionable
Sence
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
in
those
Ages
,
viz.
for
the
space
of
above
540
years
together
,
from
the
first
General
Council
of
Nice
:
for
our
Adversaries
themselves
,
stile
every
one
of
the
General
Councils
the
Catholick
Church
;
and
what
was
their
Belief
,
was
the
Faith
of
the
whole
Church
;
and
what
their
belief
was
,
hath
appeared
;
viz.
that
the
Pope
had
not
absolute
power
over
the
Church
Jure
Divino
;
an
Opinion
abhorred
by
their
contrary
Sentences
and
practises
.
Reas.
4
'T
is
observed
by
a
Learned
man
,
that
the
Fathers
,
which
flourished
in
all
those
eight
Councils
,
were
in
Number
2280.
how
few
Friends
2280
Fathers
.
had
the
Pope
left
to
equal
and
Countermand
them
?
or
,
what
Authority
had
they
to
do
it
?
yea
name
one
eminent
Father
,
either
Greek
or
Latine
,
that
you
count
a
Friend
to
the
Pope
,
and
in
those
Ages
;
whose
name
we
cannot
shew
you
in
one
of
those
Councils
:
if
so
,
hear
the
Church
;
the
Judgment
of
single
Fathers
is
not
to
be
received
,
against
their
Joint
Sentences
and
Acts
,
in
Councils
;
't
is
your
own
Law
:
now
,
where
is
the
Argument
for
the
Pope's
Authority
from
the
Fathers
?
they
are
not
to
be
believ'd
against
Councils
:
they
spake
their
Sence
in
this
very
Point
,
as
you
have
heard
,
in
the
Councils
;
and
in
all
the
Councils
rejected
and
condemned
it
.
Reas.
5
The
belief
of
these
eight
General
Councils
is
the
professed
Faith
of
the
Roman
Church
:
Therefore
,
the
Roman
Church
hath
been
involved
Rome's
contradiction
of
Faith
.
and
entangled
,
at
least
ever
since
the
Council
of
Trent
,
in
the
Confusion
and
Contradiction
of
Faith
;
and
that
in
Points
necessary
to
Salvation
.
For
the
Roman
Church
hold
it
necessary
to
Salvation
,
to
believe
all
the
eight
General
Councils
;
as
the
very
Faith
of
the
Catholick
Church
;
and
we
have
found
all
these
Councils
,
have
one
way
or
other
,
declared
plainly
,
against
the
Pope's
Bull.
Pii
.
4.
Supremacy
;
and
yet
the
same
Church
holds
it
necessary
to
Salvation
to
believe
the
contrary
,
by
the
Council
of
Trent
;
viz.
that
the
Pope
is
Supreme
Bishop
and
absolute
Monarch
of
the
Catholick
Church
.
Some
Adversaries
would
deal
more
severely
Rome's
Heresie
.
with
the
Church
of
Rome
upon
this
Point
;
and
charge
her
with
Heresie
in
this
,
as
well
as
in
many
other
Articles
:
for
there
is
a
Repugnancy
in
the
Roman
Faith
,
that
seems
to
infer
no
less
than
Heresie
,
one
way
or
other
:
he
that
believes
the
Article
of
the
Pope's
Supremacy
,
denies
,
in
effect
,
the
eight
first
General
Councils
,
at
least
in
that
Point
;
and
that
's
Heresie
.
And
,
he
that
believes
the
Council
of
Trent
;
believes
the
Article
of
the
Pope's
Supremacy
:
therefore
,
he
that
believes
the
Council
of
Trent
,
does
not
believe
the
eight
first
General
Councils
;
and
is
guilty
of
Heresie
.
Again
,
he
that
believes
,
that
the
Pope
is
not
Supreme
,
denies
the
Council
of
Trent
,
and
the
Faith
of
the
present
Church
,
and
that
's
Heresie
;
and
he
that
believes
the
eight
first
general
Councils
,
believes
that
the
Pope
is
not
Supreme
:
therefore
,
he
denies
the
Council
of
Trent
,
and
the
Faith
of
the
present
Church
,
and
is
an
Heretick
,
with
a
witness
.
'T
is
well
if
the
Argument
conclude
here
;
&c.
Infidelity
.
and
extend
not
its
Consequence
to
the
charge
of
Infidelity
,
as
well
as
Heresie
,
upon
the
present
Roman
Church
:
seeing
,
this
Repugnancy
in
the
Roman
Faith
seems
to
destroy
it
,
altogether
:
for
,
He
that
believes
the
Pope's
Supremacy
,
in
the
Sence
of
the
Modern
Church
of
Rome
,
denies
the
Faith
of
the
Ancient
Church
in
that
point
,
and
he
that
believes
it
not
,
denies
the
Faith
of
the
present
Church
;
and
the
present
Church
of
Rome
that
professeth
both
,
believes
neither
.
These
contrary
Faiths
put
together
,
like
two
contrary
Salts
,
mutually
destroy
one
another
.
He
that
believes
that
,
doth
not
believe
this
;
he
that
believes
this
,
doth
not
believe
that
:
Therefore
he
that
professeth
to
believe
both
,
doth
plainly
profess
he
believes
neither
.
Load
not
others
with
the
crimes
of
Heresie
and
Infidelity
,
but
Pull
the
beams
out
of
your
own
eye
.
Reas.
6
But
the
charge
falls
heavier
upon
the
Head
of
Popes
Schism
and
Perjury
.
the
present
Roman
Church
:
For
not
only
Heresie
and
Infidelity
,
but
Schism
,
and
the
foulest
that
ever
the
Church
groaned
under
;
and
such
as
the
greatest
Wit
can
hardly
distinguish
from
Apostacy
;
and
all
aggravated
with
the
horrid
crime
of
direct
and
self-condemning
Perjury
,
fasten
themselves
to
his
Holiness's
Chair
,
from
the
very
constitution
of
the
Papacy
it self
.
For
the
Pope
as
such
,
professeth
to
believe
,
and
sweareth
to
govern
the
Church
according
to
the
Canons
of
the
8
first
general
Councils
;
yet
openly
Greg.
●
.
Bin.
To.
3.
p.
1196.
Innoc.
3.
Bo●if
.
8.
Catechis
.
Ro.
Nu.
10
,
11
,
and
13.
claims
,
and
professedly
practiseth
a
Power
condemned
by
them
all
.
Thus
Quatenus
Pope
,
he
stands
guilty
of
separation
from
the
Ancient
Church
;
and
as
Head
of
a
new
and
strange
Church
,
draws
the
Body
of
his
Faction
after
him
into
the
same
Schism
;
in
flat
contradiction
to
the
essential
Profession
,
both
of
the
ancient
and
present
Church
of
Rome
:
and
to
that
solemn
Oath
,
by
which
also
the
Pope
as
Pope
,
binds
himself
at
his
Inauguration
,
to
maintain
and
communicate
with
.
Hence
,
not
only
Vsurpation
,
Innovations
,
and
Tyranny
,
are
the
Fruits
of
his
Pride
,
Ambition
,
and
Perjury
;
but
if
possible
,
the
guilt
is
made
more
Scarlet
by
his
Cruelty
to
Souls
;
intended
by
his
formal
Courses
of
Excommunications
,
against
all
that
own
not
his
usurped
Authority
,
viz.
the
Primitive
Churches
,
the
8
first
general
Councils
,
all
the
Fathers
of
the
Latine
and
Greek
Churches
,
for
many
hundred
years
;
the
greater
part
of
the
present
Catholick
Church
,
and
even
the
Apostles
of
Christ
,
and
our
Lord
himself
.
The
Sum
of
the
whole
matter
.
A
touch
of
another
Treatise
.
The
material
Cause
of
Separation
.
THe
Sum
of
our
defence
is
this
:
If
the
Pope
have
no
Right
to
Govern
the
Church
of
England
,
as
our
Apostle
or
Patriarch
,
or
as
Infallible
;
if
his
Supremacy
over
us
was
never
grounded
in
,
but
ever
renounced
by
our
Laws
and
Customs
,
and
the
very
constitution
of
the
Kingdom
:
If
his
Supremacy
be
neither
of
Civil
,
Ecclesiastical
,
or
Divine
Right
;
if
it
be
disowned
by
the
Scriptures
and
Fathers
,
and
condemned
by
the
Ancient
Councils
;
the
Essential
Profession
of
the
present
Roman
Church
,
and
the
solemn
Oaths
of
the
Bishops
of
Rome
themselves
:
If
,
I
say
,
all
be
certainly
so
as
hath
appeared
;
what
reason
remains
for
the
necessity
of
the
Church
of
England's
re-admission
of
,
or
submission
to
the
Papal
Authority
,
usurped
contrary
to
all
this
?
Or
what
reason
is
left
to
charge
us
with
Schism
for
rejecting
it
?
But
it
remains
to
be
shewn
;
that
as
the
claim
of
the
Popes
Authority
in
England
cannot
be
allowed
;
so
there
is
cause
enough
otherwise
of
our
denial
of
obedience
actually
to
it
,
from
Reasons
inherent
in
the
Vsurpation
it self
,
and
the
Nature
of
many
things
required
by
his
Laws
.
This
is
the
second
Branch
of
our
defence
;
proposed
at
first
to
be
the
Subject
of
another
Treatise
.
For
who
can
think
it
necessary
to
communicate
with
Error
,
Heresie
,
Schism
,
Infidelity
and
Apostacy
;
to
conspire
in
damning
the
Primitive
Church
,
the
Ancient
Fathers
,
General
Councils
,
and
the
better
and
greater
part
of
the
Christian
World
at
this
day
?
or
willingly
at
least
,
to
return
to
the
infinite
Superstitions
and
Idolatries
;
which
we
have
escaped
,
and
from
which
our
blessed
Ancestors
(
through
the
infinite
mercy
and
providence
of
God
)
wonderfully
delivered
us
.
Yet
these
horrid
things
cannot
be
avoided
,
if
we
shall
again
submit
our selves
,
and
enslave
our
Nation
to
the
pretended
Powers
and
Laws
of
Rome
;
from
which
,
Libera
nos
Domine
.
THE
POSTSCRIPT
.
Objections
touching
the
First
General
Councils
,
and
our
Arguments
from
them
,
answered
more
fully
.
SECT.
I.
The
Argument
from
Councils
drawn
up
,
and
Conclusive
of
the
Fathers
,
and
the
Cath.
Church
.
IN
this
Treatise
I
have
considered
the
Canons
of
the
ancient
Councils
two
ways
;
as
Evidence
,
and
Law
.
As
Evidence
,
they
give
us
the
undoubted
sence
and
Faith
,
both
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
and
of
single
Fathers
in
those
times
;
and
nothing
can
be
said
against
that
.
As
Law
,
we
have
plainly
found
that
none
of
them
confer
the
Supremacy
pleaded
for
,
but
every
one
of
them
in
special
Canons
condemn
it
.
Now
this
latter
is
so
great
a
proof
of
the
former
,
that
it
admits
of
no
possible
reply
;
except
Circumstances
on
the
by
,
shall
be
set
in
opposition
and
contradiction
to
the
plain
Text
in
the
body
of
the
Law
.
And
if
neither
the
Church
nor
single
Fathers
had
any
such
faith
of
the
Popes
Supremacy
,
during
the
first
General
Councils
;
then
neither
did
they
believe
it
from
the
Beginning
:
For
if
it
had
been
the
Faith
of
the
Church
before
,
the
Councils
would
not
have
rejected
it
,
and
indeed
the
very
form
and
method
of
proceeding
in
those
Ancient
Councils
,
is
sufficient
Evidence
that
it
was
not
.
However
,
why
is
it
not
shewn
by
some
colour
of
Argument
at
least
,
that
the
Church
did
believe
the
Popes
Supremacy
before
the
time
of
those
Councils
?
why
do
we
not
hear
of
some
one
single
Father
,
that
declared
so
much
before
the
Council
of
Nice
,
or
rather
before
the
Canons
of
the
Apostles
?
Or
why
is
there
no
notice
taken
of
such
a
Right
,
or
so
much
as
Pretence
in
the
Pope
,
either
by
those
Canons
or
one
single
Father
before
that
time
?
Indeed
our
Authors
find
very
shrewd
Evidence
of
the
contrary
.
Why
(
saith
Casaubon
)
was
Dionysius
so
utterly
silent
,
as
to
the
Vniversal
Head
of
the
Church
Reigning
Dionysius
.
at
Rome
;
if
at
that
time
there
had
been
any
such
Monarch
there
?
Especially
seeing
he
professedly
wrote
of
the
Ecclesiastical
Hierarchy
and
Government
.
Exerc.
16.
in
Bar.
an
.
34.
Nu.
290.
The
like
is
observable
in
Ignatius
,
the
most
Ignatius
Epist.
ad
Tral
.
Ancient
Martyr
and
Bishop
of
Antioch
;
who
in
his
Epistles
frequently
sets
forth
the
Order
Ecclesiastical
,
and
dignity
of
Bishops
upon
sundry
occasions
,
but
never
mentions
the
Monarchy
of
St.
Peter
or
the
Roman
Pope
.
Ibid.
he
writing
to
the
Church
of
Trallis
to
obey
Bishops
as
Apostles
,
instanceth
equally
in
Timothy
St.
Paul's
Scholar
,
as
in
Anacletus
Successor
to
St.
Peter
.
The
Prudence
and
Fidelity
of
these
two
prime
Fathers
,
are
much
stained
,
if
there
were
then
an
Vniversal
Bishop
over
the
whole
Church
;
that
professedly
writing
of
the
Ecclesiastical
Order
,
they
St.
Paul
.
should
so
neglect
him
,
as
not
to
mention
Obedience
due
to
him
;
and
indeed
of
St.
Paul
himself
,
who
gives
us
an
enumeration
of
the
Primitive
Ministry
,
on
set
purpose
,
both
in
the
ordinary
and
extraordinary
kinds
of
it
,
[
viz.
Some
Apostles
,
some
Prophets
,
some
Evangelists
,
some
Pastors
and
Teachers
]
and
takes
no
notice
of
the
Vniversal
Bishop
;
but
we
hence
conclude
rather
,
there
was
no
such
thing
.
For
who
would
give
an
account
of
the
Government
of
a
City
,
Army
,
or
Kingdom
;
and
say
nothing
of
the
Mayor
,
General
,
or
Prince
?
This
surpasseth
the
fancy
of
Prejudice
it self
.
Irenaeus
is
too
ancient
for
the
Infallible
Chair
;
and
therefore
refers
us
,
in
the
point
of
Tradition
,
Ireneus
lib.
2.
c.
3.
p.
140
,
141.
as
well
to
Polycarp
in
the
East
,
as
to
Linus
Bishop
of
Rome
in
the
West
.
Tertullian
adviseth
to
consult
the
Mother-Churches
Turtullian
praescr
.
p.
76.
immediately
founded
by
the
Apostles
;
and
names
Ephesus
and
Corinth
as
well
as
Rome
;
and
Polycarpus
ordained
by
St.
John
,
as
well
as
Clemens
by
Peter
.
Upon
which
their
own
Renanus
notes
,
that
Tertullian
doth
not
confine
the
Catholick
and
Apostolick
Church
to
one
place
;
for
which
freedom
of
Truth
,
the
Judex
expurgatorius
corrected
him
,
but
Tertullian
is
Tertullian
still
.
These
things
cannot
consist
,
either
with
their
own
knowledge
of
an
Vniversal
Bishop
,
or
the
Churches
at
that
time
;
therefore
the
Church
of
Egypt
held
the
Catholick
Faith
with
the
chief-Priests
,
naming
Anatolinus
of
Constant
.
Basil
of
Antioch
,
Juvenal
of
Jerusalem
,
as
well
as
Leo
Bishop
of
Rome
.
Bin.
To.
inter
Epist.
illust.
person
.
147.
And
it
is
decreed
(
saith
the
Church
of
Carthage
)
we
consult
our
Brethren
,
Syricius
Bishop
of
Rome
,
and
Simplicius
Bishop
of
Milain
.
Concil.
Carth.
3.
c.
48.
The
like
we
have
observed
out
of
Origen
,
Clemens
Alex.
Cyprian
,
&c.
before
.
Hence
it
follows
,
that
the
Church
and
the
Fathers
before
the
Councils
,
had
no
knowledge
of
the
Popes
Supremacy
,
and
we
have
a
plain
answer
to
all
obscure
passages
in
those
Fathers
to
the
contrary
.
Besides
,
whatever
private
opinion
any
of
them
might
seem
to
intimate
on
the
Popes
behalf
before
,
't
is
certain
it
can
have
no
Authority
against
the
sence
and
sentences
of
General
Councils
,
which
soon
after
determined
against
him
,
as
hath
appeared
in
every
one
of
them
,
in
so
express
and
indisputable
terms
,
in
the
very
body
of
the
Canons
;
that
it
is
beyond
all
possible
hopes
to
support
their
cause
from
any
circumstantial
Arguments
touching
those
Councils
:
Yet
these
also
shall
now
be
considered
in
their
order
.
SECT.
II.
Objections
touching
the
Council
of
Nice
,
answered
.
LEt
us
begin
with
the
Council
of
Nice
,
consisting
of
318
Bishops
,
which
is
found
so
1.
General
.
plain
in
two
special
Canons
,
(
the
one
forbidding
Appeals
,
and
the
other
limiting
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
Provinces
according
to
Custom
)
against
the
Papal
Supremacy
;
that
one
would
think
nothing
could
be
objected
:
But
Bellarmine
will
say
something
that
was
never
said
before
.
Obj.
1
He
saith
,
the
Bishop
of
Alexandria
should
have
those
Provinces
,
because
the
Bishop
of
Rome
was
accustomed
to
permit
him
so
to
do
.
Ans.
We
have
given
full
answer
to
this
before
;
but
a
learned
Prelate
of
ours
hath
rendred
it
so
senceless
and
shameless
a
gloss
,
in
so
many
and
evident
Morton
grand
impost
.
p.
132
&c.
instances
;
that
I
cannot
forbear
to
give
the
sum
of
what
he
hath
said
,
that
it
may
further
appear
our
greatest
Adversaries
are
out
of
their
Wits
,
when
they
pretend
a
fence
against
the
Canons
.
After
the
non-sence
of
it
,
he
shews
its
impudence
against
the
Sun-shine
Light
of
Story
and
Grammer
;
because
it
is
so
evident
,
that
the
words
[
because
the
Bishop
of
Rome
hath
the
same
Custom
]
are
words
of
Comparison
betwixt
Alexandria
and
Rome
,
in
point
of
ancient
Priviledge
,
both
from
the
words
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
and
three
Editions
;
now
entred
into
the
body
of
the
Councils
by
their
own
Binius
;
wherein
the
words
are
,
because
the
Church
of
Rome
hath
the
like
Custom
.
Yet
this
were
modesty
,
Did
they
not
know
,
saith
he
,
that
the
Council
of
Calcedon
did
against
the
Will
of
the
Pope
,
advance
the
priviledge
of
Constantinople
,
upon
this
ground
of
Custom
?
The
matter
is
so
plain
,
that
their
own
Cardinal
Cusan
.
concord
Catho
.
li.
2.
cap.
12.
concludes
thus
;
We
see
how
much
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
by
use
and
custom
of
Subjectional
Obedience
hath
got
at
this
day
,
beyond
the
ancient
Constitutions
;
speaking
of
this
very
Council
.
Obj.
2
Bellarmine
saith
,
the
beginning
of
that
Canon
in
the
vulgar
Books
is
thus
:
The
Roman
Church
semper
habet
primatum
,
mos
autem
perduret
.
Ans.
The
answer
is
;
't
is
shameful
to
prefer
one
vulgar
Book
before
all
other
Greek
or
Latine
Copies
;
and
before
the
Book
of
the
Pope's
decrees
,
set
out
at
Paris
,
an.
1559.
or
the
Editions
sent
by
two
Patriarchs
,
on
purpose
to
give
satisfaction
in
this
Cause
;
which
Bellarmine
himself
acknowledgeth
,
lib.
2.
de
Rom.
Pont.
c.
13.
In
none
of
all
which
,
the
word
[
Primacy
]
is
to
be
found
;
and
consequently
is
foisted
into
that
vulgar
book
.
But
what
if
it
were
?
the
bare
Primacy
is
not
disputed
in
the
sence
given
of
it
by
the
Council
of
Calcedon
;
It
behoves
,
that
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Const.
(
new
Rome
)
be
dignified
with
the
same
Primacy
of
Honour
after
Rome
:
Prerogativam
dignitatis
Zozom
.
l.
7.
c.
9.
SECT.
III.
2.
Gen.
Council
.
Objections
touching
the
Council
of
Constantinople
,
Answered
.
NExt
,
to
the
Council
of
Constantinople
,
being
2.
General
.
the
second
General
;
let
us
hear
what
is
objected
.
Obj.
1
They
say
themselves
,
saith
Bellarmine
,
that
they
were
gathered
by
the
mandate
of
Pope
Damasus
.
Ans.
1.
What
then
?
suppose
we
should
give
the
Pope
as
the
Head
of
Vnity
and
order
,
the
honour
of
convening
General
Councils
;
and
of
sitting
as
President
in
them
?
What
's
this
to
the
Supremacy
of
Government
?
or
what
more
than
might
be
contained
in
the
Primacy
,
that
is
not
now
disputed
.
2.
But
Bellarmine
himself
confesseth
,
that
those
words
are
not
in
the
Epistle
of
the
Council
as
all
Mandates
use
to
be
;
but
of
certain
Bishops
that
had
been
at
the
Council
.
3.
'T
is
recorded
,
that
the
Mandate
from
the
Vid.
Theod.
l.
5.
c.
7.
Zoz
.
l.
7.
c.
7.
Neeeph
.
l.
12.
Emperor
gathered
them
together
:
the
Testimony
will
have
credit
before
the
Cardinal
.
4.
Indeed
the
Pope
sent
Letters
,
in
order
to
the
calling
this
Council
,
but
far
from
Mandatory
;
neither
were
they
sent
to
the
Eastern
Bishops
,
to
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
require
,
but
to
the
Emperor
Theodosius
by
way
of
Request
,
for
the
obtaining
Liberty
to
assemble
a
Synod
.
Did
he
command
the
Emperor
?
why
did
not
Pope
Leo
afterwards
command
a
general
Council
in
Italy
nearer
home
,
when
he
had
intreated
Theodosius
for
it
with
much
importunity
,
and
could
not
obtain
?
the
time
was
not
ripe
for
the
Pope's
Commands
,
either
of
Emperors
or
Synods
.
Obj.
2
It
is
also
said
,
that
the
Council
acknowledged
that
the
Church
of
Rome
was
the
Head
,
and
they
the
Members
,
in
their
very
Epistle
to
Pope
Damasus
.
Ans.
Bellarmine
confesseth
,
this
is
not
in
their
Epistle
,
but
the
Epistles
of
the
Bishops
as
before
.
2.
If
they
had
thus
complemented
the
Pope
,
it
could
not
be
interpreted
beyond
the
Head
of
a
Primate
and
their
union
with
him
in
the
same
Faith
:
'T
is
evident
enough
they
intended
nothing
less
than
a
Supremacy
of
Power
in
that
Head
,
or
subjection
of
Obedience
in
themselves
as
Members
.
3.
This
is
evident
in
the
very
inscription
of
the
Epistle
,
which
was
not
to
Damasus
only
,
but
joyntly
to
others
,
thus
.
Most
Honourable
and
Reverend
Brethren
and
Colleagues
:
And
the
Epistle
it self
is
answerable
;
We
declare
our selves
to
be
your
proper
Members
:
but
how
?
That
you
Reigning
,
we
may
Reign
with
you
.
4.
The
Sum
is
,
there
were
at
this
time
two
Councils
,
convened
by
the
same
Emperor
Theodosius
both
to
one
purpose
;
this
at
Constantinople
,
the
other
at
Rome
:
That
at
Rome
was
but
a
particular
,
the
other
at
Constantinople
was
ever
esteemed
a
general
Council
.
Who
now
can
imagine
,
that
the
General
was
subject
to
the
Particular
;
and
in
that
sence
,
Members
?
No
,
the
particular
Church
of
Rome
then
,
was
not
the
Catholick
;
they
humbly
express
their
Communion
:
We
are
all
Christs
,
who
is
not
divided
by
us
;
by
whose
grace
we
will
preserve
entire
the
body
of
the
Church
.
They
did
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
(
as
their
word
was
)
their
fellow
Members
,
which
they
stiled
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
their
fellow
Workers
.
Obj.
3
This
second
Canon
against
the
Pope
,
was
never
received
by
the
Church
of
Rome
;
because
Baron
.
Binius
.
Furtivè
,
as
Baronius
,
inter
Actarelatus
.
Ans.
This
is
beyond
all
colour
;
for
the
Bishops
of
Rome
opposed
it
as
unfit
,
yet
never
said
it
was
forged
.
Leo
,
Gelasius
,
Gregory
,
all
took
it
very
ill
,
but
no
one
said
it
was
false
:
The
Popes
Legates
also
in
the
Council
of
Calcedon
made
mention
of
this
Canon
by
way
of
Opposition
,
but
yet
never
offered
at
its
being
surreptitious
:
But
that
which
is
,
instar
omnium
,
in
this
Evidence
,
is
this
;
the
Fathers
of
the
Council
of
Calcedon
,
in
their
Letters
to
Pope
Leo
,
say
,
that
with
mutual
consent
,
they
confirmed
the
Canon
of
150
Bishops
at
Const.
notwithstanding
that
his
Bishops
and
Legates
—
did
dissent
therefrom
.
Now
what
if
a
few
Histories
do
not
mention
this
Canon
,
which
is
all
that
remains
to
be
said
?
Socrates
and
Zozomon
do
,
and
two
positive
Witnesses
are
better
than
twenty
Negative
.
Besides
,
though
it
s
much
against
the
Hair
of
Rome
,
yet
it
's
so
evident
,
that
Gratian
himself
reports
that
Canon
verbatim
,
as
Acted
in
that
Council
.
SECT.
IV.
Objections
against
the
Third
General
Council
at
Ephesus
,
answered
.
Obj.
1
IT
is
said
by
Bellarmine
,
that
they
confessed
they
deposed
Nestorius
,
by
the
Command
of
Pope
Celestine
.
Ans.
1
We
answer
;
that
Command
should
appear
in
the
Popes
Letters
to
them
,
but
it
doth
not
;
the
stile
of
Command
was
not
then
in
use
,
for
almost
200
years
after
,
Pope
Gregory
abhors
it
.
Li
7.
Ep.
30.
2.
The
words
intended
are
these
;
tum
Ecclesiae
canonibus
,
tum
Epistolà
Patris
(
Celestini
)
&
Verb.
Conc.
de
Nest
.
l.
1.
c.
4.
Collegae
nostri
,
compulsi
:
They
were
compelled
both
by
the
Canons
and
by
his
Letters
,
therefore
they
did
it
by
the
Popes
Command
;
an
excellent
consequence
from
the
part
to
the
whole
.
Indeed
they
first
shew
,
that
they
were
satisfied
both
by
his
Words
and
Letters
,
that
he
had
deserved
deposition
;
and
then
acknowledge
they
ought
by
the
Canons
,
and
no
doubt
would
have
deposed
him
,
as
well
as
John
of
Antioch
shortly
after
,
without
the
Popes
Authority
;
though
they
give
this
Complement
to
Celestine
,
for
his
seasonable
advice
,
grounded
upon
the
Canons
and
merits
of
the
Cause
.
Obj.
2
But
the
Council
,
say
they
,
durst
not
Judge
John
Bishop
of
Antioch
;
and
that
they
reserved
him
to
the
Judgment
of
Pope
Celestine
.
Ans.
Strange
!
Bellarmine
hence
1.
Denies
matter
of
Fact
,
mentioned
in
the
very
same
Paragraph
.
They
durst
not
depose
this
Patriarch
,
when
they
tell
the
Pope
in
terminis
they
had
done
it
:
Se
illum
prius
excommunicasse
&
omni
potestate
sacerdotali
exuisse
.
What
is
this
but
Deposition
?
2.
He
hence
concludes
,
a
wonderful
Right
;
that
the
Pope
is
absolutely
above
a
General
Council
:
a
conclusion
denied
by
their
own
general
Councils
of
Constance
and
Basil
,
ever
disclaimed
by
the
Doctors
of
Paris
,
as
contrary
to
Antiquity
;
and
which
no
Council
since
the
beginning
of
Christianity
did
expresly
decree
;
as
Dr.
Stapleton
himself
confesseth
;
and
therefore
flies
to
Silence
as
consent
.
Quamvis
nullo
decreto
publico
tamen
tacito
doctorum
consensu
definita
&c.
doctr.
princ
.
l.
13.
c.
15.
But
all
this
is
evidently
against
both
the
sence
of
the
Council
declared
in
this
point
,
and
the
reason
of
the
Canon
it self
.
1.
They
sufficiently
declared
their
sence
in
the
very
Epistle
alledged
,
where
speaking
of
the
points
constituted
by
the
Pope
;
We
,
say
they
,
have
judged
them
to
stand
firm
:
wherofore
we
agree
with
you
in
one
sentence
,
and
do
hold
them
(
meaning
Pelagius
and
others
)
to
be
deposed
:
So
that
instead
of
the
Popes
confirming
Acts
of
Councils
,
this
Council
confirms
the
Acts
of
the
Pope
,
whom
indeed
they
plainly
call
their
Colleague
and
Fellow-worker
.
Epis.
Syn.
2.
In
the
Acts
or
Canons
(
their
reason
and
very
words
,
establishing
the
Cyprian
Priviledge
,
as
hath
been
shewn
)
they
bound
and
determine
the
power
of
Rome
,
as
well
as
other
Patriarchates
;
and
certainly
they
therefore
never
intended
to
acknowledge
the
absolute
Monarchy
of
the
Pope
over
themselves
,
by
reserving
John
of
Antioch
to
Celestine
,
after
they
had
deposed
him
;
they
declare
their
own
end
plainly
enough
:
Vt
illius
temeritatem
animi
lenitate
vinceremus
;
that
is
,
as
you
have
it
in
Binius
,
Celestine
might
try
whether
by
any
reason
he
could
bring
him
to
a
better
mind
,
that
so
he
might
be
received
into
favour
again
.
SECT.
V.
Objections
touching
the
Fourth
,
Fifth
,
Sixth
,
Seventh
,
Eighth
General
Councils
especially
.
Touching
the
Fourth
General
Council
of
Calcedon
,
answered
.
Conclusion
.
Obj.
1
THis
Council
stiled
the
Pope
,
Oecumenical
Patriarch
,
or
Vniversal
Bishop
.
The
Title
was
not
given
by
the
Council
it self
,
Bellar.
but
by
two
Deacons
writing
to
the
Council
,
and
of
Paschasius
the
Popes
Legate
in
the
Council
.
2.
Though
the
Council
did
not
question
the
form
of
the
Title
,
yet
no
one
can
think
that
they
either
intended
to
grant
or
acknowledge
the
Popes
Vniversal
Authority
by
such
their
silence
:
For
,
't
is
incredible
that
the
same
Council
which
gave
equal
Priviledges
to
Constantinople
,
should
give
or
acknowledge
an
Vniversal
Jurisdiction
to
Rome
,
over
the
whole
Church
.
3.
But
the
words
answer
themselves
;
Vniversali
Archiepiscopo
magnae
Romae
,
Universal
Arch.
Bishop
,
Conc.
Calc
.
Act.
3.
not
of
the
whole
Church
,
but
of
Great
Rome
:
Which
grand
Restriction
denies
that
Universal
Power
,
which
they
would
argue
from
it
:
The
stile
of
the
Roman
Emperor
,
is
Vniversal
Emperor
of
Rome
,
and
thus
is
distinguished
from
the
Emperor
of
Turky
and
all
others
;
and
denieth
him
to
be
the
Emperor
of
the
whole
world
.
Obj.
Saith
Binius
,
in
Annot.
in
Conc.
Calced.
Act
3.
ex
Baron
.
The
Title
at
first
was
the
Bishop
of
the
Vniversal
Church
,
because
it
is
so
read
in
the
Epistle
of
Leo
;
but
was
altered
by
some
Greek
Scribe
in
envy
to
the
Church
of
Rome
.
Ans.
'T
is
likely
that
a
private
man
could
or
durst
alter
the
Stile
of
a
General
Council
,
against
the
dignity
of
the
Pope
,
his
Legate
present
;
but
't
is
more
likely
that
some
Latine
Scribe
hath
added
that
Inscription
to
the
Epistle
of
Pope
Leo
,
in
honour
of
the
Church
of
Rome
;
as
is
confessed
by
Cusanus
to
have
been
done
to
the
Epistle
of
Anacletus
;
and
by
Baronius
to
have
been
done
to
the
Epistle
of
Pope
Boniface
;
and
by
three
other
Popes
themselves
unto
the
Council
of
Nice
,
viz.
Zosimus
,
Boniface
,
and
Celestinus
.
And
the
rather
,
because
as
was
just
now
noted
,
this
Council
at
the
same
time
,
honoured
the
Bishop
of
Constantinople
,
with
equal
Priviledges
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
.
Obj.
3
Pope
Leo
opposed
this
Decree
of
the
Council
,
and
disclaimed
it
.
Ans.
No
wonder
;
but
it
seems
General
Councils
were
not
always
of
the
Popes
mind
;
and
the
Pope
would
then
have
had
a
greater
Priviledge
than
a
General
Council
;
and
if
that
was
a
General
Council
,
as
they
themselves
say
it
was
,
the
Controversie
is
ended
:
For
by
their
own
confession
,
this
General
Council
made
a
Decree
against
the
Popes
pretences
of
Superiority
,
and
therefore
it
did
not
intend
,
by
the
Title
of
Bishop
of
the
whole
Church
,
to
acknowledge
that
Superiority
which
he
pretended
;
and
that
Council
of
400
Bishops
denied
him
.
Obj.
This
Decree
was
not
lawfully
proceeded
in
,
because
the
Legates
of
the
Pope
were
absent
.
Bel.
l.
2.
de
Pont.
c.
22.
Ans.
The
Legates
were
there
the
next
day
;
and
excepted
and
moved
to
have
the
Acts
of
the
day
before
,
read
.
Aetius
for
the
Council
sheweth
,
that
the
Legates
knew
what
was
done
;
all
was
done
Canonically
:
Then
the
Acts
being
read
,
the
Popes
Legates
tell
the
Council
,
that
Circumvention
was
used
in
making
that
Canon
of
Priviledges
,
and
that
the
Bishops
were
compelled
thereunto
.
The
Synod
with
a
loud
voice
cryed
,
Joyntly
,
we
were
not
compelled
to
subscribe
.
After
,
every
one
severally
protest
,
I
did
subscribe
willingly
and
freely
,
and
the
Acts
are
ratified
and
declared
to
be
just
and
valid
;
and
wherein
say
they
,
we
will
persist
:
the
Legates
are
instant
to
have
the
Act
revoked
,
because
the
Apostolical
See
is
humbled
or
abased
;
thereto
the
Fathers
unanimously
answered
,
the
whole
Synod
doth
approve
it
.
This
clear
account
we
have
in
Bin.
in
Concil.
Calced.
Act.
16.
p.
134
,
and
137.
Bellarmine
saith
,
that
the
Pope
approved
all
the
Decrees
of
this
Council
,
which
were
de
fide
:
and
doth
not
Bellarmine
argue
that
the
Popes
Superiority
is
Jure
divino
?
and
the
present
Church
of
Rome
hold
,
that
his
Supremacy
is
a
point
necessary
to
Salvation
?
How
comes
it
to
pass
,
that
he
would
not
approve
this
Decree
?
or
how
can
they
esteem
this
Council
general
and
lawful
,
and
swear
to
observe
the
decrees
of
it
,
when
't
is
found
guilty
of
Heresie
in
so
great
a
point
as
the
Popes
Primacy
?
But
to
end
with
this
,
the
very
Title
it self
of
Bishop
of
the
Vniversal
Church
,
in
the
stile
of
those
Ages
,
signified
certainly
neither
Supremacy
nor
Primacy
;
Vniversal
Bishop
of
the
Church
seem'd
a
dangerous
Title
,
importing
universal
Power
over
it
,
and
was
therefore
so
much
abhorred
by
Pope
Gregory
.
But
the
Title
of
Bishop
of
the
Vniversal
Church
signified
the
care
of
the
whole
Church
,
to
which
,
as
Origen
saith
,
every
Bishop
is
called
:
Therefore
Aurelius
,
Fortunatianus
,
Augustine
,
are
called
Bishops
of
the
Vniversal
Church
,
and
many
in
the
Greek
Church
had
the
same
honourable
Titles
given
them
;
which
signified
either
that
they
professed
the
Catholick
Faith
,
or
as
Bishops
,
had
a
general
regard
to
the
good
of
the
Catholick
Church
.
But
your
own
Jesuite
confesseth
,
that
Pelagius
Azorius
.
and
Gregory
both
Popes
,
have
born
witness
that
no
Bishop
of
Rome
before
them
,
did
ever
use
the
Stile
of
Vniversal
Bishops
.
However
,
Vniversal
Patriarch
makes
as
great
a
sound
as
Universal
Bishop
;
yet
that
Title
was
given
to
John
Bishop
of
Constantinople
,
by
the
Bishops
of
Syria
.
Cod.
Authent
.
Constitu
.
3.
Obj.
The
custody
of
the
Vine
,
i.
e.
the
whole
Church
,
the
Council
saith
is
committed
to
the
Bell.
de
Pont.
l.
2.
c.
13.
Pope
by
God
.
Ans.
True
,
so
that
Primitive
Pope
Elutherius
said
to
the
Bishops
in
France
,
the
whole
Catholick
Church
Bin.
Epist.
Eleuth
.
is
committed
to
you
.
St.
Paul
also
had
the
care
of
all
the
Churches
,
but
that
is
high
which
Greg.
Nazian
.
saith
of
Athanasius
;
that
he
having
the
presidence
of
the
Church
of
Alexandria
,
may
be
said
thereby
to
have
the
Government
of
the
whole
Christian
World
.
Sal.
Tom.
16.
in
1
Pet.
5.
Now
,
saith
a
Learned
man
,
we
are
compelled
to
ask
with
what
Conscience
you
could
make
such
Objections
Bishop
Morton
.
in
good
carnest
,
to
busie
your
Adversaries
and
seduce
your
Disciples
withal
,
whereunto
you
your selves
could
so
easily
make
answer
.
Obj.
We
find
no
further
objection
against
the
other
Councils
,
worthy
Notice
:
Bellarmine
argues
the
Popes
Supremacy
,
because
the
Synod
of
Const.
being
the
Fifth
General
Council
,
complemented
the
Pope
as
his
Obedient
Servants
;
nos
(
inquit
Praeses
)
Apostolicam
Sedem
sequimur
&
obedimus
,
&c.
Bell.
lib.
2.
de
pont.
c.
13.
Though
this
very
Council
both
opposed
,
accused
,
and
condemned
the
Pope
for
Heresie
;
which
could
not
possibly
consist
with
their
acknowledgment
of
his
Supremacy
or
Infallibility
.
The
same
is
more
evident
,
in
the
sixth
,
seventh
,
and
eighth
General
Councils
,
condemning
the
Persons
and
Judgments
of
,
and
giving
Laws
to
the
Bishops
of
Rome
;
to
which
nothing
material
can
be
objected
,
but
what
hath
been
more
than
answered
.
Binius
indeed
in
his
Tract
de
Prim.
Eccl.
Rom.
gives
us
the
sayings
of
many
ancient
Popes
for
the
Supremacy
pretended
;
especially
in
two
points
,
The
Power
of
Appeals
,
challenged
by
Pope
Anacetus
;
Zepherinus
,
Fabianus
,
Sixtus
,
and
Symachus
;
and
Exemption
of
the
first
See
from
censure
or
judgment
by
any
other
power
;
claimed
by
Pope
Sylvester
and
Gelasius
.
But
these
are
Testimonies
of
Popes
themselves
in
their
own
cause
,
and
besides
both
these
points
have
been
found
so
directly
and
industriously
determined
otherwise
by
their
own
General
Councils
,
that
further
answer
is
needless
.
CONCLUSION
.
THus
Objections
being
removed
,
the
Argument
from
the
Councils
settles
firm
in
its
full
strength
;
and
seeing
both
the
ancient
Fathers
and
the
Catholick
Church
have
left
us
their
sence
in
the
said
Councils
;
and
the
sence
of
the
Councils
is
also
the
received
and
professed
faith
of
the
present
Church
of
Rome
it self
;
who
can
deny
that
the
Catholick
Church
to
this
day
,
hath
not
only
not
granted
or
acknowledged
,
but
even
most
plainly
condemned
the
pretended
Supremacy
of
the
Bishop
of
Rome
:
Yea
who
can
doubt
but
our
Argument
against
it
,
is
founded
upon
their
own
Rock
,
the
very
constitution
of
the
Papacy
it self
,
as
before
hath
appeared
?
Therefore
the
Popes
claim
upon
this
Plea
,
as
well
as
upon
any
or
all
the
former
,
is
found
groundless
;
and
England's
Deliverance
from
his
foreign
Jurisdiction
,
just
and
honest
as
well
as
happy
:
Which
our
good
God
in
his
wise
and
merciful
Providence
,
ever
Continue
,
Preserve
,
and
Prosper
.
Amen
,
Amen
.
A
Serious
ALARM
to
all
sorts
of
ENGLISH-MEN
against
POPERY
,
from
Sence
and
Conscience
;
their
OATHS
and
their
INTEREST
.
1.
THe
Kings
of
England
seem
bound
,
not
only
by
their
Title
,
but
in
Conscience
of
their
Ministry
under
God
,
to
defend
the
Faith
and
the
Church
of
Christ
within
their
Dominions
,
against
Corruption
and
Invasion
,
and
therefore
against
Popery
.
They
are
also
bound
in
Honour
,
Interest
,
and
Fidelity
,
to
preserve
the
Inheritance
and
Rights
of
the
Crown
;
and
to
derive
them
entire
to
their
Heirs
and
Successors
;
and
therefore
to
keep
out
the
Papal
Authority
.
And
lastly
,
't
is
said
they
are
bound
by
their
Oaths
at
their
Coronation
,
and
by
the
Laws
of
Nature
and
Government
,
to
maintain
the
Liberties
and
Customs
of
their
people
;
and
to
govern
them
according
to
the
Laws
of
the
Realm
,
and
consequently
not
to
admit
the
foreign
Jurisdiction
of
the
Pope
,
in
prejudice
of
our
ancient
Constitution
,
our
common
and
Ecclesiastical
Laws
,
our
natural
and
legal
Liberties
and
Properties
.
2.
The
Nobility
of
England
have
anciently
held
themselves
bound
,
not
only
in
honour
,
but
by
their
Oaths
,
Terras
&
honores
Regis
&c.
to
preserve
together
with
the
King
,
the
Territories
and
honours
of
the
King
,
(
omni
fidelitate
ubique
)
most
faithfully
;
and
to
defend
them
against
Enemies
and
Foreigners
,
meaning
especially
the
Pope
of
Rome
.
'T
is
expressed
more
fully
in
their
Letter
to
the
Pope
himself
,
in
Edw.
1.
Reign
,
to
defend
the
Inheritance
and
Prerogative
of
the
Crown
,
the
State
of
the
Realm
,
the
Liberties
,
Customs
and
Laws
of
their
Progenitors
,
against
all
foreign
Usurpation
,
(
toto
posse
,
totis
viribus
)
to
the
utmost
of
their
power
,
and
with
all
their
might
:
adding
,
We
do
not
permit
,
or
in
the
least
will
permit
,
(
sicut
nec
possumus
nec
debemus
)
though
our
Soveraign
Lord
the
King
do
,
or
in
the
least
wise
,
attempt
to
do
any
of
the
Premises
,
(
viz.
owning
the
Authority
of
the
Pope
,
by
his
answer
touching
his
Right
to
Scotland
)
so
strange
,
so
unlawful
,
prejudicial
,
and
otherwise
unheard
of
,
though
the
King
would
himself
.
See
that
famous
Letter
sent
to
the
Pope
,
the
29
of
Edw.
1.
taken
out
of
Cor.
Christi
College-Library
,
and
printed
this
year
at
Oxford
,
the
reading
of
which
gave
the
occasion
of
these
Meditations
.
3.
It
appears
further
,
in
the
Sheet
where
you
have
that
Letter
;
that
the
Commons
in
Parliament
have
heretofore
held
themselves
bound
,
to
resist
the
invasion
and
attempts
of
the
Pope
,
upon
England
,
though
the
King
and
the
Peers
should
connive
at
them
;
their
words
are
resolute
,
Si
Dominus
Rex
&
Regni
majores
hoc
vellent
(
meaning
Bishop
Adomers
Revocation
from
Banishment
upon
the
Popes
order
)
Communitas
tamen
ipsius
ingressum
,
in
Angliam
nullatenus
sustineret
.
This
is
said
to
be
recorded
about
the
44
of
Hen.
3.
4.
It
is
there
observed
also
,
that
upon
the
Conquest
,
William
the
Conquerour
made
all
the
Freeholders
of
England
to
become
sworn
Brethren
;
sworn
to
defend
the
Monarchy
with
their
Persons
and
Estates
to
the
utmost
of
their
Ability
;
and
manfully
to
preserve
it
:
So
that
the
whole
Body
of
the
people
,
as
well
as
the
Lords
and
Commons
assembled
in
Parliament
,
stood
anciently
bound
by
their
Oath
,
to
defend
their
King
and
their
Country
against
Invasion
and
Usurpation
.
5.
The
present
Constitution
of
this
Kingdom
,
is
yet
a
stronger
Bulwark
against
Popery
:
Heretofore
indeed
the
Papal
pretensions
were
checkt
,
sometimes
in
temporal
,
sometimes
in
spiritual
concerns
and
Instances
:
But
upon
the
Reformation
,
the
Popes
Supremacy
was
altogether
and
at
once
rejected
,
and
thrown
out
of
England
;
and
the
consequence
is
,
an
universal
standing
obligation
upon
the
whole
Kingdom
,
by
Statutes
,
Customs
,
and
most
solemn
Oaths
,
to
defend
our
Monarchy
,
our
Church
,
our
Country
,
and
our
Posterity
,
against
those
Incroachments
and
that
Thraldom
,
from
which
we
were
then
so
wonderfully
delivered
,
and
,
for
this
hundred
years
have
been
so
miraculously
preserved
,
blessed
be
God
.
Accordingly
in
our
present
Laws
,
both
the
Temporal
and
Ecclesiastical
Supremacy
is
declared
to
be
inherent
in
the
Crown
;
and
our
Kings
are
sworn
to
maintain
and
govern
by
those
Laws
:
And
I
doubt
not
but
all
Ministers
of
the
Church
,
and
all
Ministers
of
State
,
and
of
Law
and
War
,
all
Mayors
and
Officers
in
Cities
and
Towns
corporate
&c.
together
with
all
the
Sheriffs
and
other
Officers
in
their
several
Countries
;
and
even
all
that
have
received
either
Trust
or
power
from
his
Majesty
within
the
Kingdom
:
All
these
I
say
,
I
suppose
are
sworn
to
defend
the
King's
Supremacy
as
it
is
inconsistent
with
,
and
in
flat
opposition
to
Popery
.
In
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
we
swear
to
bear
true
Allegiance
to
the
King
,
and
to
defend
him
against
all
Conspiracies
and
Attempts
,
which
shall
be
made
against
his
Person
and
Crown
,
to
the
utmost
of
our
power
;
meaning
especially
the
Conspiracies
and
Attempts
of
Papists
,
as
is
plain
by
that
which
follows
in
that
Oath
,
and
yet
more
plain
by
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
.
In
which
Oath
we
swear
,
that
the
King
is
the
only
Supreme
Governor
in
this
Realm
,
as
well
in
all
spiritual
things
and
causes
,
as
temporal
;
and
that
no
foreign
Prince
or
Prelate
,
hath
or
ought
to
have
any
Jurisdiction
Ecclesiastical
within
this
Realm
;
and
that
we
do
abhor
and
renounce
all
such
.
We
swear
also
,
that
we
will
bear
Faith
and
true
Allegiance
to
the
King
—
and
to
our
power
assist
and
defend
all
Jurisdictions
,
viz.
Ecclesiastical
as
well
as
Temporal
,
granted
or
belonging
to
the
Kings
Highness
.
6.
Now
next
to
Oaths
,
nothing
can
be
thought
to
oblige
us
more
than
Interest
:
But
if
neither
Oaths
nor
Interest
,
neither
Conscience
nor
Nature
,
neither
Religion
nor
self-Preservation
,
can
provoke
us
to
our
own
defence
;
what
remains
!
but
a
certain
fearful
expectation
of
judgment
to
devour
a
perjur'd
and
senseless
Generation
.
If
either
our
joynt
or
several
Interests
be
considerable
,
how
are
we
all
concern'd
?
1.
Is
there
any
among
us
that
care
for
nothing
but
Liberty
and
Mony
?
they
should
resist
Popery
,
which
would
many
ways
deprive
them
of
both
.
2.
But
if
the
knowledge
of
the
Truth
,
if
the
Canon
of
life
in
the
holy
Scriptures
,
if
our
Prayers
in
our
own
tongue
,
if
the
Simplicity
of
the
Gospel
,
the
purity
of
Worship
and
the
Integrity
of
Sacraments
,
be
things
valuable
and
dear
to
Christians
;
let
them
abhor
Popery
.
3.
If
the
ancient
Priviledges
of
the
Brittish
Church
,
the
Independency
of
her
Government
upon
Foreign
Jurisdiction
;
if
their
legal
Incumbencies
,
their
Ecclesiastical
Dignities
;
if
their
opportunities
and
capacities
of
saving
Souls
in
the
continuance
of
their
Ministries
;
if
their
judgment
of
discretion
touching
their
Doctrine
and
Administrations
;
their
judgment
of
Faith
,
Reason
,
and
Sence
,
touching
the
Eucharist
;
if
exemption
from
unreasonable
impositions
of
strange
Doctrines
,
Romish
Customs
,
groundless
Traditions
,
and
Treasonable
Oaths
:
And
lastly
,
if
freedom
from
spiritual
Tyranny
and
bloody
Inquisitions
;
if
all
these
be
of
consequence
to
Clergy-men
,
let
them
oppose
Popery
.
4.
If
our
Judges
and
their
several
Courts
of
Judicature
,
would
preserve
their
Legal
proceedings
,
and
judgments
and
decrees
;
if
they
would
not
be
controlled
and
superseded
by
Bulls
,
Sentences
and
Decrees
from
the
Pope
,
and
Appeals
to
Rome
;
let
them
never
yield
to
Popery
.
5.
If
the
Famous
Nobility
and
Gentry
of
England
would
appear
like
themselves
and
their
heroick
Ancestors
,
in
the
defence
of
the
Rights
of
their
Country
,
the
Laws
and
customs
of
the
Land
,
the
Wealth
of
the
people
,
the
Liberties
of
the
Church
,
the
Empire
of
Brittain
,
and
the
grandeur
of
their
King
,
or
indeed
their
own
honour
and
Estates
in
a
great
measure
;
let
them
never
endure
the
re-admission
of
Popery
.
6.
Yea
,
let
our
great
Ministers
of
State
,
and
of
Law
,
and
of
War
consider
,
that
they
stand
not
firm
enough
in
their
high
and
envied
places
,
if
the
Roman
Force
breaks
in
upon
us
;
and
remember
,
that
had
the
late
bloody
and
barbarous
design
taken
effect
,
one
consequence
of
it
was
,
to
put
their
places
into
other
hands
:
And
therefore
in
this
capacity
as
well
as
many
other
,
they
have
no
reason
to
be
Friends
to
Popery
.
7.
As
for
His
Most
Excellent
Majesty
,
no
suspicion
either
of
inclination
to
,
or
want
of
due
vigilance
against
Popery
,
can
fasten
upon
him
;
and
may
he
long
live
in
the
Enjoyment
,
and
under
a
worthy
Sence
of
the
Royalties
of
Monarchy
,
and
the
honour
and
exercise
of
his
Natural
and
Legal
Supremacy
,
in
all
Causes
and
over
all
Persons
within
his
Dominions
,
both
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
,
his
Paternal
Inheritance
of
Empire
;
and
at
last
leave
it
intirely
to
his
Heirs
and
Successors
upon
Earth
,
for
a
more
glorious
Crown
in
Heaven
.
And
in
the
mean
time
,
may
he
defend
the
Faith
of
Christ
,
his
own
Prerogative
,
the
Rights
,
Priviledges
,
and
Liberties
and
Estates
of
his
People
,
and
the
defensive
Laws
and
Customs
of
his
Royal
Progenitors
:
And
therefore
may
he
ever
manage
his
Government
,
both
with
Power
,
Care
and
Caution
,
in
opposition
to
the
force
,
and
detection
and
destruction
of
the
hellish
Arts
and
traiterous
designs
and
attempts
of
Popery
.
8.
I
Conclude
,
that
if
the
precious
things
already
mentioned
,
and
many
more
,
be
in
evident
danger
with
the
Return
of
Popery
,
let
us
again
consider
our
Oaths
as
well
as
our
Interest
;
and
that
we
have
the
Bond
of
God
upon
our
Souls
;
and
,
as
the
Conquerors
words
are
,
we
are
Jurati
Fratres
,
we
are
sworn
to
God
,
our
King
and
Country
,
to
preserve
and
defend
the
things
so
endangered
,
against
all
foreign
Invasion
and
Usurpation
,
i.
e.
against
Popery
.
Accordingly
,
may
our
Excellent
King
and
his
Councils
and
Ministers
;
may
the
Peers
of
the
Realm
,
and
the
Commons
in
Parliament
;
may
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
may
the
Judges
and
Lawyers
,
may
the
Cities
and
the
Country
,
the
Church
and
State
,
and
all
Ranks
and
Degrees
of
Men
amongst
us
;
may
we
all
,
under
a
just
Sense
,
both
of
our
Interest
and
our
Oaths
,
may
we
all
as
one
man
,
with
one
heart
stand
up
resolved
by
all
means
possible
to
keep
out
Popery
;
and
to
subvert
all
grounds
of
Fear
of
its
Return
upon
England
for
ever
.
Amen
,
Amen
.
Origen
,
Cont.
Cels
.
l.
3.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
It
is
fit
that
the
Governor
of
the
Church
of
each
City
,
should
Correspond
to
the
Governor
of
those
which
are
in
the
City
.
Praesumi
malam
fidem
ex
Antiquiore
Adversarii
possessione
,
Leg.
Civil
.
Ad
transmarina
Concilia
qui
putaverint
appellandum
,
a
nullo
intra
Africam
in
communionem
recipiantur
.
Concil.
Milevitan
.
THE
OATHS
OF
ALLEGIANCE
AND
SUPREMACY
.
The
Oath
of
ALLEGIANCE
.
I
A.
B.
Do
truly
and
sincerely
acknowledge
,
profess
,
testifie
and
declare
in
my
Conscience
before
God
and
the
World
,
that
our
Soveraign
Lord
King
Charles
is
Lawful
and
Rightful
King
of
this
Realm
,
and
of
all
other
his
Majesties
Dominions
and
Countries
:
And
that
the
Pope
,
neither
of
himself
,
nor
by
any
Authority
of
the
Church
or
See
of
Rome
,
or
by
any
other
means
with
any
other
,
hath
any
Power
or
Authority
to
depose
the
King
,
or
to
dispose
any
of
his
Majesties
Kingdoms
or
Dominions
,
or
to
Authorize
any
Foreign
Prince
to
Invade
or
Annoy
Him
or
his
Countries
,
or
to
discharge
any
of
his
Subjects
of
their
Allegiance
and
Obedience
to
his
Majesty
,
or
to
give
License
or
leave
to
any
of
them
to
bear
Arms
,
raise
Tumults
,
or
to
offer
any
violence
or
hurt
to
his
Majesties
Royal
Person
,
State
or
Government
,
or
to
any
of
his
Majesties
Subjects
within
his
Majesties
Dominions
.
Also
I
do
swear
from
my
Heart
,
that
notwithstanding
any
Declaration
or
Sentence
of
Excommunication
or
Deprivation
made
or
granted
,
or
to
be
made
or
granted
by
the
Pope
or
his
Successors
,
or
by
any
Authority
derived
or
pretended
to
be
derived
from
him
or
his
See
,
against
the
said
King
,
his
Heirs
or
Successors
,
or
any
Absolution
of
the
said
Subjects
from
their
Obedience
;
I
will
bear
Faith
and
true
Allegiance
to
his
Majesty
,
his
Heirs
and
Successors
,
and
Him
and
Them
will
defend
to
the
uttermost
of
my
power
,
against
all
Conspiracies
and
Attempts
whatsoever
,
which
shall
be
made
against
his
or
their
Persons
,
their
Crown
and
Dignity
,
by
reason
or
colour
of
any
such
Sentence
or
Declaration
,
or
otherwise
;
and
will
do
my
best
endeavour
to
disclose
and
make
known
unto
his
Majesty
,
his
Heirs
and
Successors
,
all
Treasons
and
Traiterous
Conspiracies
which
I
shall
know
or
hear
of
,
to
be
against
Him
or
any
of
them
.
And
I
do
further
swear
,
That
I
do
from
my
heart
abhor
,
detest
and
abjure
,
as
impious
and
heretical
,
this
damnable
Doctrine
and
Position
,
That
Princes
which
be
excommunicated
or
deprived
by
the
Pope
,
may
be
Deposed
or
Murthered
by
their
Subjects
,
or
any
other
whatsoever
.
And
I
do
believe
,
and
in
Conscience
am
resolved
,
That
neither
the
Pope
,
nor
any
person
whatsoever
,
hath
power
to
absolve
me
of
this
Oath
,
or
any
part
thereof
,
which
I
acknowledge
by
good
and
full
Authority
to
be
lawfully
Administred
unto
me
,
and
do
Renounce
all
Pardons
and
Dispensations
to
the
contrary
.
And
all
these
things
I
do
plainly
and
sincerely
acknowledge
,
and
Swear
according
to
these
express
words
by
me
spoken
,
and
according
to
the
plain
and
common
sence
and
understanding
of
the
same
words
,
without
any
Equivocation
or
mental
Evasion
,
or
secret
Reservation
whatsoever
:
And
I
do
make
this
Recognition
and
Acknowledgment
heartily
,
willingly
and
truly
,
upon
the
true
Faith
of
a
Christian
.
So
help
me
God
,
&c.
The
Oath
of
SUPREMACY
.
I
A.
B.
Do
utterly
testifie
and
declare
in
my
Conscience
,
That
the
Kings
Highness
is
the
only
Supreme
Governor
of
this
Realm
,
and
of
all
other
his
Highness
Dominions
and
Countries
,
as
well
in
all
Spiritual
or
Ecclesiastical
Things
or
Causes
,
as
Temporal
:
And
that
no
Foreign
Prince
,
Person
,
Prelate
,
State
or
Potentate
,
hath
,
or
ought
to
have
any
Jurisdiction
,
Power
,
Superiority
,
Pre-eminence
or
Authority
Ecclesiastical
or
Spiritual
within
this
Realm
:
And
therefore
I
do
utterly
renounce
and
forsake
all
Foreign
Jurisdictions
,
Powers
,
Superiorities
and
Authorities
,
and
do
promise
from
henceforth
I
shall
bear
Faith
and
true
Allegiance
to
the
Kings
Highness
,
his
Heirs
and
lawful
Successors
,
and
to
my
Power
shall
assist
and
defend
all
Jurisdictions
,
Priviledges
,
Preeminences
and
Authorities
granted
,
or
belonging
to
the
Kings
Highness
,
his
Heirs
and
Successors
,
or
united
and
annexed
to
the
Imperial
Crown
of
this
Realm
.
So
help
me
God
,
and
by
the
Contents
of
this
Book
.
THE
END
.
A
Catalogue
of
some
Books
Reprinted
,
and
of
other
New
Books
Printed
since
the
Fire
,
and
sold
by
R.
Royston
.
(
viz.
)
Books
Written
by
H.
Hammond
,
D.
D.
A
Paraphrase
and
Annotations
upon
all
the
Books
of
the
New
Testament
,
in
Folio
.
Fourth
Edition
.
The
Works
of
the
said
Reverend
and
Learned
Author
,
containing
a
Collection
of
Discourses
chiefly
Practical
,
with
many
Additions
and
Corrections
from
the
Author
's
own
hand
;
together
with
the
Life
of
the
Author
,
enlarged
by
the
Reverend
Dr.
Fell
,
now
Bishop
of
Oxford
.
In
large
Fol.
Books
written
by
Jer.
Taylor
,
D.
D.
and
late
Lord
Bishop
of
Down
and
Connor
.
Ductor
Dubitantium
,
or
,
The
Rule
of
Conscience
,
in
Five
Books
,
in
Fol.
The
Great
Exemplar
,
or
,
The
Life
and
Death
of
the
Holy
Jesus
,
in
Fol.
with
Figures
suitable
to
every
Story
,
ingrav'd
in
Coper
:
whereunto
is
added
,
the
Lives
and
Martyrdoms
of
the
Apostles
,
by
Will
.
Cave
,
D.
D.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
or
,
A
Collection
of
Polemical
Discourses
addressed
against
the
enemies
of
the
Church
of
England
,
both
Papists
and
Fanaticks
,
in
large
Fol.
The
Third
Edition
.
The
Rules
and
Exercises
of
holy
Living
,
and
holy
Dying
.
The
Eleventh
Edition
,
newly
Printed
,
in
Octavo
.
Books
written
by
the
Reverend
Dr.
Patrick
.
The
Christian
Sacrifice
:
A
Treatise
shewing
the
Necessity
,
End
,
and
Manner
of
receiving
the
Holy
Communion
:
together
with
suitable
Prayers
and
Meditations
for
every
Month
in
the
Year
;
and
the
principal
Festivals
in
memory
of
our
blessed
Saviour
:
in
Four
Parts
.
The
Third
Edition
corrected
.
The
devout
Christian
instructed
how
to
pray
and
give
thanks
to
God
:
or
a
Book
of
Devotions
for
Families
,
and
particular
persons
,
in
most
of
the
concerns
of
humane
life
.
The
Second
Edition
,
in
Twelves
.
An
Advice
to
a
Friend
.
The
Third
Edition
,
in
Twelves
.
A
Friendly
Debate
between
a
Conformist
and
a
Nonconformist
,
in
Octavo
,
Two
Parts
.
Jesus
and
the
Resurrection
justified
by
Witnesses
in
Heaven
and
in
Earth
,
in
Two
Parts
,
in
Octavo
,
new
.
The
Glorious
Epiphany
,
with
the
devout
Christians
love
to
it
,
in
Octavo
,
new
.
The
Book
of
Job
Paraphras'd
,
in
Octavo
,
new
.
A
Collection
of
Sermons
upon
several
occasions
,
together
with
a
correct
Copy
of
some
Notes
concerning
God's
Decrees
,
in
Quarto
.
Enlarged
by
Tho.
Pierce
,
D.
D.
Dean
of
Sarum
.
The
History
of
the
Church
of
Scotland
,
by
Bishop
Spotswood
.
The
Fourth
Edition
,
Enlarged
,
Fol.
Memoires
of
the
late
Duke
Hamilton
,
or
a
continuation
of
the
History
of
the
Church
of
Scotland
,
beginning
in
the
Year
1625.
where
Bishop
Spotswood
ends
,
and
continued
to
the
Year
1653.
Fol.
new
.
The
Lives
of
the
Apostles
,
in
Fol.
alone
,
by
Will
.
Cave
,
D.
D.
Chirurgical
Treatises
,
by
R.
Wisman
,
Serjeant-Surgeon
to
his
Majesty
,
Fol.
new
.
Go
in
peace
;
containing
some
brief
directions
for
Young
Ministers
in
their
Visitation
of
the
Sick
.
Useful
for
the
People
,
in
thir
state
both
of
Health
and
Sickness
.
In
Twelves
,
new
.
The
Practical
Christian
;
in
Four
Parts
:
or
a
Book
of
Devotions
and
Meditations
.
Also
with
Meditations
and
Psalms
upon
the
four
last
things
;
1.
Death
,
2.
Judgment
,
3.
Hell
,
4.
Heaven
:
By
R.
Sherlock
,
D.
D.
Rector
of
Winwick
.
In
Twelves
.
The
Life
and
Death
of
K.
Charles
the
First
;
by
R.
Perenchief
,
D.
D.
Octavo
.
Bishop
Cozen's
Devotions
,
in
Twelves
.
The
true
Intellectual
Systeme
of
the
Universe
,
the
First
Part
:
wherein
all
the
Reason
and
Philosophy
of
Atheism
is
confuted
,
and
its
Impossibility
demonstrated
:
By
R.
Cudworth
,
D.
D.
Fol.
new
.
The
Jesuits
Loyalty
,
manifested
in
three
several
Treatises
lately
written
by
them
against
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
:
with
a
Preface
,
shewing
the
pernicious
consequence
of
their
Principles
as
to
Civil
Government
.
Also
three
other
Treatises
concerning
the
Reasons
of
the
Penal
Laws
.
(
viz.
)
1.
The
Execution
of
Justice
in
England
,
not
for
Religion
but
for
Treason
.
2.
Important
Considerations
by
the
Secular
Priests
.
3.
The
Jesuits
Reasons
unreasonable
.
In
Quarto
,
New
.
The
Sinner
Impleaded
in
his
own
Court
:
wherein
are
represented
the
great
Discouragements
from
Sinning
,
which
the
Sinner
receiveth
from
Sin
it self
.
To
which
is
added
the
signal
diagnostick
,
whereby
we
are
to
judge
of
our
own
Affections
;
and
as
well
of
our
Present
,
as
Future
State
.
By
Tho.
Pierce
,
D.
D.
Dean
of
Sarum
,
and
Domestick
Chaplain
to
his
Majesty
,
the
Fourth
Edition
,
in
Quarto
.
Les
Provinciales
,
The
Mystery
of
Jesuitism
,
discovered
in
certain
Letters
,
written
upon
occasion
of
the
present
differences
at
Sorbonne
,
between
the
Jansenists
and
the
Molinists
,
displaying
the
pernicious
Maxims
of
the
late
Casuists
,
with
Additionals
,
in
Octavo
.
The
Penitent
Pardoned
:
or
,
a
discourse
of
the
Nature
of
Sin
,
and
the
Efficacy
of
Repentance
;
under
the
Parable
of
the
Prodigal
Son
,
by
J.
Goodman
,
D.
D.
Rector
of
Hadham
.
In
Quarto
,
New
.
To
which
is
added
a
Visitation
Sermon
.
A
Century
of
Select
Psalms
,
and
Portions
of
the
Psalms
of
David
,
especially
those
of
Praise
;
turn'd
into
Meter
and
fitted
to
the
usual
Tunes
in
Parish
Churches
,
for
the
use
of
the
Charter-House
,
London
.
By
J.
Patrick
Preacher
there
,
in
Octavo
,
New
.
THE
END
.