The court of the gentiles, or, A discourse touching the original of human literature, both philologie and philosophie, from the Scriptures and Jewish church. Part 2, Of philosophie in order to a demonstration of 1. The perfection of Gods word and church light, 2. The imperfection of natures light and mischief of vain philosophie, 3. The right use of human learning and especially sound philosophie / by Theoph. Gale ...

The Court of the Gentiles . Part II. Of Philosophie .

Book I. Of Oriental , and Occidental Barbarick Philosophie .

Chap: I. Of Philosophie in General , and Scripture Philosophers .

The Greek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 from the Hebrew Sophim i. e. Watchmen . Pagans defined Philosophie a Love of the highest and best Wisdom , answerable to the Scriptures Phrasiologie . Philosophers called also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , from the Jewish Mysteries . God the first Exemplar , Matter , and Efficient of all Philosophie . Of the first Divine Philosophers , Adam , Seth , Enoch , Abraham . Of Joseph his instructing the Egyptians . Moses's Writings , the Source of Phenician , Egyptian , and Grecian Philosophie , viz. Physicks , Metaphysicks , Mathematicks , and Politicks . Solomons Philosophie ; also Jobs ; and of the Jewish Scholes .

§ . 1. WE now proceed to discourse of Philosophie , its Original and Traduction from the Jewish Church . And before we engage in the formal Explication ; and Demonstration hereof , we shall first give a more general Idea , or Notion of Philosophie , ( both name and thing ) and then proceed to its original causes , &c. Philosophie , The Greek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 from the Hebrew Sophim . in its first Introduction amongst the Grecians , was called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and Philosophers 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as Heinsius ( exercit . Sacr. lib. 1. cap. 2. ) presumeth , from the Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sophim Watchmen : thence 't is said Numb. 23.14 . Num. 23.14 . that Balak brought Bâlam into a place , on the top of Mount Pisgah , called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which the English Version , printed at Geneva 1560 , renders Sede-Sophim , the Seat of the Watch men . And that the Greeks derived their Sophi from this Sophim , Heinsius affirmes it without a peradventure ; because the Greek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sophi were wont , on such high hils , to observe the course and motions of the Heavens . That the Hebrews , as well as Phenicians , called their Wise men or Prophets 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sophim , Watchmen , is most evident to any that observe the Scripture Phrasiologie . So 1 Sam. 1.1 . 1 Sam. 1.1 . we read of Ramathaim Sophim of Mount Ephraim : on which the Geneva Annotators observe , That in this Citie , in Mount Ephraim , were Sophim , that is , the Learned and Prophets . Thence the Syriack Version renders it , the hill of the Watches , or Watchmen . Yea , more particularly , that this Ramathaim Sophim was the chief Academie of their Wise men , or Scholes of their Prophets , is apparent from 1 Sam. 19.18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. v. 18. 1 Sam. 19.18 , 19. It is said , that David dwelt with Samuel , at Najoth in Ramah . Najoth , say the Geneva Annotators , was a Schole where the Word of God was studied . Thence v. 20 , &c. it is said , there were a Companie of the Prophets there . And what more common in the Scripture Dialect , than the stiling the Hebrew Prophets or Wise men 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sophim , i. e. Watchmen ? Hence it is most likely ( if not without doubt as Heinsius will have it ) that the Greeks derived their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; who were also stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Speculatores , Watchmen ; and thence 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Wisdom , or Philosophie , is also called , by some of them , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Speculation : Whence that common division of Philosophie , into 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , speculative and practick Philosophie .

Others derive the Greek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 from the Punick Sufes , which in that Language signifies a Magistrate . So Hornius . Historiae Philosoph . lib ▪ 1. cap. 1. We will that the original of the word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , be fetcht from no other than the Punick Sufes , who , as 't is well known , drew their tongue from the Syrophenicians or Cananites . And he gives this account of the Origination : In times past , saies he , none but Wise men were admit●ed to the dignitie of Magistrates . Such Sufes , in the daies of old , were Charondas , Solon , Lycurgus , and other Legislators , who were both wise men and Magistrates . So that there is no doubt to be made of it , but that 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 descended ence . This being granted , yet it contradicts not the former Origination of Heinsius : for Hornius seems to grant , according to that of Scaliger in Festum , that Sufes was deduced from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which signifies an accurate speculation or contemplation , and so is the same with the Greek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : 't is used in Scripture for the Contemplation of sublime matters .

Camero Myroth cap. 2. Math. derives 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 from the Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , others from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which signifies to cover , or hide , and so answers to the Greek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and differs but little from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which is of the same import . And that which makes for this origination is Joseph's Egyptian name , who was called by Pharaoh 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i. e. an Interpreter of Secrets . Hence also the Persian Kings are , even to this day , caled Sophi , which signifies Interpreters of the Gods and Wise men . So amongst the Arabians Sophus imports a Religious and Wise man , as Horn. Hist. Philos. lib. 1. cap. 4. So much for that proud title 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 .

§ , 2. Philosophie so called from the love of wisdom answerable to the Scripture Phrasiologie . But Pythagoras ( as it is conceived ) judging the terme 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 too proud and swelling for degenerate nature , stiles his wise man 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a friend of wisdom , as Solomon , almost every where , in his Proverbs , describes his wise man , a Lover of wisdom , &c. whence Christ cals his wise men friends and children of wisdom . Thus Plato also defines a Philosopher , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : A Philosopher is a friend to nature and a Kinsman of truth . And elsewhere he cals Philosophers , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Cum majus homine Sapientis nomen esse deprehendisset , ( Pythagoras ) coram Leonte , Phi●asiorum sive Sicyoniorum Tyranno , non 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 se , sed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 h. c. ut veteres explicant , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , professus est . ●●c● . lib. 8. Horn●us Hist. Philos. l. 3 c. 11. sincere and friendly Contemplators of truth . Answerably whereunto Philosophie is by him stiled , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 love of truth : on which , in his Cratylus , he gives this glosse , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , q , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i. e. a Divine evagation , or wandring of the mind after the first Wisdom and divine Truth . Whence he asserts , that a true Philosopher has the true Knowledge 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 of things : thence he defines him thus : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Philosopher is one that covets all wisdom : and so true Philosophie is by him stiled , the Knowledge of the fairest and choicest good , and not only of its picture : Which in his sixth Book of his Common Wealth , he tells us plainly is no other than the Knowledge of God , which he cals 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The Idea of the chiefest good , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the highest Discipline , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the genuine Philosophie ; namely because it is ( saies he ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Introduction of the Soul from a certain night-day , to the true discoverie of the first being . Whence he addes , that his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 consists , not only in the contemplation of some lower objects , and Arts ; but it is conversant 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , about the true being of beings , and the first beautie : thence ( saies he ) he that contemplates 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , many beauties , but not the one first , and chiefest beautie , is not a Philosopher , but a dreamer , one that has only an opinionative knowledge of things . So Aristotle in his Rhetorick , speaking of true knowledge , saies , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Knowledge or Philosophie is the erection and elevation of us into our natural state . And Cicero defines a Philosopher one that studies to know the causes and natures of all things Divine and human , &c. and Philosophie he termes the contemplation of death . Philosophum oportet nihil sic agere , quam ut semper studeat animam corporis consortio separare , & ideo existimandum Philosophiam esse mortis affectum , co●suetudinemque moriendi , Apuleius lib. 2 de Philosophia . So Plato in Theage , defines Philosophie , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a contemplation of death , And Pythagoras made Philosophie to be the contemplation of Truth ; which Architus understood of the Principle of Principles , and Plutarch of the Divine Majestie : Whence a Philosopher , in the Pythagorean estimation , is the same with 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Lastly Plato in Phaedone , cals Philosophie , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an assimilation to God so far as 't is possible for man . Whence the same Plato defines Philosophie , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the knowledge of Divine and human affairs , with their causes : which agrees with that of Cicero lib. 2. Offic. Philosophie is the knowledge of Divine and human things . Lastly Plato assures us , that to philosophize , is to know , love , and imitate God : which he makes to be the summe not only of speculative and moral Philosophie , but also of Politicks : for ( saies he ) that Common-w●alth is most happy in which Philosophers are Kings , or Kings Philosophers .

Philosophers called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 from the Jewish 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . § . 3. Hence also the Greek Philosophers , especially the Pytha●oreans , when they came to the perfect comprehension of their mysteries and principles , were called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 perfect , in opposition to their Novices or learners ; which phrases and custom they seem to have borrowed from the Jewish Scholes , and Colleges , wherein there were divers orders ; & the highest therein were called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 perfect : whereunto the Apostle Paul seems ( unto some ) to allude Phil. 3.12 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and v. 15. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 perfect , Dailie on Phii. 3.12 . & 15. of which see Book . 2. chap. 6. par. 5. of which more hereafter when we come to treat of the Pythagoreans ; who were also called by the latter Philosophers 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Mythologists and Philomythists ; because of their great imitation of , and symbolizing with the Jews , in mysteries and wisdom , from whom they borrowed the most of their Discipline and Philosophie . From these general hints and intimations we may easily collect , what cognation the Pagan Philosophie had with the Jewish Wisdom : neither can we imagine how those dark capacities of Heathen Philosophers , should come to be informed with such clear contemplations of God , and Jewish mysteries , but by some derived traditions , and fr●gments borrowed from the Scriptures and Jewish Church , as hereafter·

§ 4 , But to run up Philosophie to its first source and spring head ; God the first efficient and examplar of all Philosophie as well as its first object , or matter . we must remember that God ( who is the original Idea of all truth , the eternal wisdom and fountain of all light ) is the first Exemplar , and Efficient of all Philosophie . For as God made all things according to the eternal universal idea of his own Wisdom and Decrees , so likewise has he stamped , and deeply impressed , on the very beings and natures of all things made , certain characters or intelligible ideas and resemblances of his own divine wisdom , which the Scholes usually terme the light and law of nature ; which is nothing else but those created emanations , or rayes of light and order stamped on the beings of things , and scattered up and down in the Universe , which offering themselves to the human understanding , become the objective matter of Philosophie . So that it is apparent , Philosophie , as all other Sciences , owes its original to the Divine Intellect and Wisdom ; which beaming it self forth on the works of its hands , and diffusing some derivation of wisdom , light , and order into every creature , for the government and direction thereof unto its respective ends , becomes the objective idea , or matter of all Philosophie ; and then the same Divine Wisdom irradiating the mind of man , to contemplate those bright Ideas of created wisdom , which lie hid in the creature , and enabling it to gather up the same into several branches or Sciences , it becomes the prime efficient of all Philosophie . So that whether we consider Philosophie objectively , as lodged in the natures of things , or formally , as brancht forth into several sciences , it all owes its original to the bosom of Divine Wisdom .

§ . 5. Hence it follows , that the original impulsive cause of all Philosophie , was Admiration of the admirable Wisdom , Power , Philosophie from Admiration . See Vossias de Philosophia l. 1. c. 2. §. 6. & Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 1. c. 10. and Goodnes of God shining in his works of Creation and Providence , as Rom. 1.19 , 20. So Plato in his Theaetetus tels us , that 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 The great Pathos or affection of a Philosopher is to admire : neither had Philosophie any other original than this . The like Aristotle asserts , in the Proeme to his Metaphysicks , ( which Stobaeus Serm. 3. cites ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. Men now , as formerly , begin to Philosophize from admiration : for men first began to admire things lesse wonderful ,

Eus●b . l. 1. Praep. c. 6. scribit , Aegyptios ferunt primos omnium cum oculos in caelum sustulissent , modum , ordinem , & quantitatem corporum caelestium admiratos , Solem & Lunam Deos p●tasse . Haec nimirum illa admiratio fuit , quam inter Philosophiae caussas antiqui retulere Horn. Hist. phil. l 2. c. 5.

That all heath●n Philosophie sp●ung from admiration of Gods wonders in nature o● in his Ch●rch see Dr. Jackson on the Sc●●ptures fo●o 47 la●● Edition

then proceeding thus by degrees , they doubted of greater matters , as of the origine of the Vniverse , &c. whence he concludes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 wherefore a Philosopher seems to be , in some sense , a Philomythist : ( or Mythologist , i : e : a relator of Fables and wonders ) for a Fable consists of things wonderful . The same see Arist. Metaph. lib. 2. cap. 2. In which words Aristotle gives us an exact and full account , of the original ground and impulsive cause of all Philosophie , both Mythologick and Simple . For , whence was it that the Phenicians , Egyptians , and their Apes the Grecians , so much delighted themselves in their Philosophick contemplations of the origine of the Vniverse , &c. but from some fabulous narrations , or broken traditions which they had traduced to them , from the Jewish Church , touching the wonders of God which appeared in his works of Creation and Providence , especially towards his Church which these purblind Heathens greatly admired , though they understood them not , and so mixed their own Mythologick or fabulous conjectures with them . And that this was the true Origine of all the Pagan 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 night Philosophie ( which is Plato's own phrase ) will be more evident hereafter , when we come to treat of the Grecian Philosophie .

§ . 6. As for the created causes of Philosophie ; they may be reduced to these two common heads , 1. Its first Institutors or Authors . 2. It s constitutive principles both material and formal , or the essential parts thereof . We design some discourse on both , thence to make good our Demonstration touching the Traduction of all Philosophie from the Scriptures and Jewish Church . And to proceed methodically herein , The first Institutors of Philosophie Divine We shall begin with the first human Institutors , or Authors of Philosophie ; who were indeed Divine , and divinely illuminated ; so that the wisdom we find scattered up and down amongst the Pagan Philosophers , was but borrowed , and derived from these Divine ●ights , who were inlightned by the Divine Word , that life and light of men , which shined in the darknes of the Pagan World , but the darknes comprehended it not . as John 1.4 , 5. the light , &c.

Adam the great● human Philosopher Gen. 2.19 , 20 The first created Divine Institutor of all Philosophie was Adam , who , without all peraduenture , was the greatest , amongst meer mortals , that ever the world possessed ; concerning whom the Scripture tels us , G●n. 2.19 , 20. That he gave names to every living thing , &c. which argues his great Sagacitie and philosophick penetration into their natures . For look a● our conceptions , if true , so also names , if proper , should be , and , as we may presume , at first were no other than 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , images of things : So both Aristotle and Plato cal names 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 imitations of things . Adam could , by his profound Philosophie , anatomize , and exactly prie into the very natures of things , and there contemplate those glorious Ideas , and Characters of created Light and Order , which the increased Light and Divine Wisdom had impressed thereon ; and thence he could by the quicknes of his apprehension immediately collect , and forme the same into a complete system● or bodie of Philosophie ; as also most methodically branch forth the same into particular sciences , &c. whereas all Philosophers since Adam , having lost , by his fall , this Philosophick Sagacitie , of prying into the natures of things , they can only make some poor conjectures ( in comparison ) from some common accidents , and the external superficies , or effects of things ; and therefore cannot receive conceptions , or give names exactly suited to the natures of things , as Adam before them did .

And that Plato had received some broken tradition touching this Philosophie of Adam , is evident from what he laies down in his Politicus , ( and elsewhere ) touching the golden Age , or the state of Innocence , wherein , saies he , our first parent was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the greatest Philosopher that ever was . And Bal●us ( de Script . Brit. cent . 10. praesat . ) tels us , That from Adam all good Arts and human Wisdom flowed , as from their Fountain . He was the first that discovered the motions of the celestial bodies ; the natures of Plants , of Living , and all other creatures ; he first published the formes of Ecclesiastick , Politick , and Oeconomick Government . From whose Schole proceeded whatever good Arts and Wisdom were afterward propagated by our Fathers unto mankind . So that whatever Astronomie , Geometrie , and other Arts contain in them , he knew the whole thereof· Thus Baleus . The like Hornius Hist. Philosoph . lib 1. cap 2. Adam therefore being constituted in this Theatre of the Universe , he was ignorant of nothing , that pertained to the Mysterie of Nature . He knew exactly , and that without error , the Natures of all Animals , the virtues of Herbes , and the causes of things . The Light of Reason , which we now call Logick , altogether unspotted , and without cloud , overcame the obscuritie of things , and dispelled darknes , if there were any . Now there was the highest 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , exactnes of Oeconomicks , and Politicks ; for man was never so much as then 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a sociable creature . Which the ancient Mythologists are wont to adumbrate under the Golden Age , wherein Sponte sua sine lege fidem , rectumque colebant . The seat of this most noble Philosophie is , in the sacred Scriptures , stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Garden of Eden . For there is nothing more excellent given , by the great God , to mankind than that pleasure , which ariseth from the contemplation of things . The Chaldees cal this Garden of Pleasures 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and the Greeks following them , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Paradise . Thus Hornius , who , cap. 11. repetes the same in these words , All Arts , as mankind , had their beginning from Adam , who among the pleasures of Paradise , learned Philosophie even from God himself . And K●ckerman , Tract . 2. Praecogn . Logic. cap. 2. saies , that he doubts not , but that our first Parents delivered over to their Posteritie , together with other Sciences , even Logick also , especially seeing they , who were nearest the Origine of all things , had an intellect so much the more excellent than ours , by how much the more they excelled us in length of life , firmitude of health , and lastly in air , food , &c.

Seths Philosophic . § . 7. From Adam sprung Seth , who , according to Josephus lib. 1. Antiq. cap. 3. followed his father in the pursuit of wisdom , especially that part thereof which concernes the Celestial bodies , their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , in which kind of Philosophie he proved a very eminent Doctor , as Josephus . So Hornius Hist. philos. l. 7. c. 2. The first mentition of Letters fals upon Seth's times ; who being mindful of his Fathers Prophesie , foretelling the Universal Dissolution of things , the one by the Deluge , the other by fire , being not willing to extinguish his famous Inventions of Astrologie ; he thought upon some monument , to which he might concredit these Mysteries : At length it seemed good unto him to engrave Arts and Disciplines on two great pillars of Brick , thereby to preserve them from destruction . And that this Tradition is not vain , is proved by the Autoritie , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Josephus ; who witnesseth , that one of these pillars remained in Syria even to his time , and was seen by him .

Enochs Philosophie .

Ab Enoch se Astrologiam accepisse professus est Abraham teste Alexandro , ac Euseb. lib. 9. praepar . c. 5. De Mathusalah Artabanus apud Eusch . l. 9 praepar , c. 5. cum ab Angelis multa cognovisse , quae cae●eros docuerit , Hornius Histor. Philosoph . lib. 1. cap. 11.

§ . 8. The learned also reckon Enoch amongst the first Divine Philosophers , especially for his supposed skil in Astrologie and Astronomie : so Eusebius de praepar . Evang. lib. 9. and out of him Bochart Phaleg . lib. 2. cap. 13. fol. 101. I cannot but adde ( saies he ) what is found concerning the same Enoch in Eusebius , out of Eupolemus , of the Jews . He saies that Abraham , when he taught Astrologie and other Sciences at Heliopolis , af●irmed , that the Babylonians attributed the invention of the same to Enoch , and that he was the first inventor of Astrologie . It follows , not far after , that the Grecians attribute the invention of Astrologie to Atlas ; and that Atlas was the same with Enoch , &c. In which words we may note that Enoch and Atlas are reputed for the same . Perhaps from hence , that as Atlas by the Carthaginians is called Duris , and Dyris , so Enoch by the Arabians , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Idris : thus Bochart . How far these Traditions deserve assent , as also those other of Enoch's engraving his Prophecies and Astrologie on pillars , which , they say , continued after the sloud , it concernes us not to debate : only thus much we are assured by Jude 14 , &c. That Enoch had certain Prophecies touching the worlds dissolution by fire , and the last judgement , &c. And that the Stoicks derived their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or purification of the world by fire , from some broken tradition of this Prophecie of Enoch , is not without ground conjectured by Grotius & other Criticks . Baleus ( de Script . Brit. cent . 20 fol. 3. ) tels us , that Enoch , a man famous for Prophecie , is supposed to have written before the floud of Divine matters , &c.

§ . 9. Another Scripture Philosopher is Abraham , who is supposed , Abrahams skill i● Astronomie . See mo●● of this chap. 4. Sect. 3. of Abrahams communicating Astronomie to the Chaldeans . even by Pagan Historians , to have taught both the Chaldeans , where he was first seated , and also the Egyptians , Knowledge in Astronomie . So Lud. Vives , in August de Civit , Dei lib. 18. c. 2. Not only sacred , but also many of the prophane Writers have mentioned Abraham : as Hecataeus , who writ a Book particularly of Abraham ; so Eusebius de praep. Evang. Also Alexander the Polyhistorian ; who saies , that Abraham , born in the tenth generation after the Floud , was the Inventor of Astrologie amongst the Chaldeans , &c. Damascenus Hist. lib. 4. writes , that Abraham coming from Chaldea with an Armie , reigned at Damascus . Hence he passed into Canaan , leaving a great memorie behind him at Damascus . But when Canaan was prest with famine , he travelled thence into Egypt , and entring into debates with those Priests , he much profited them both in the Knowledge of things , & also for pietie , & the ordering of their manners , and life . Alexander reports that he lived some time in Heliopolis , neither did he professe himself to be the Inventor of Astrologie , but to have received it from his Ancestors , by whose hands it was conveighed unto him , even from Enoch . Artapanus reports , that the Hebrews were so named from Abraham , who lived twenty years in Egypt , where he taught Pharetates the Egyptian King the Knowledge of the Stars , and thence returned into Syria , So Lud. Vives . Baleus ( de script . Brit. cent . 10. fol. 3 ) tels us , out of Phil. Welphius of the lives of learned men , that Abraham found out the Syriack and Chaldee Letters , also many principles of Astrologie ; for he was a prudent and holy man , and excellently learned as to human matters . And after his abode amongst the Egyptian wise men , he was the first that instructed them in Astronomie and Arithmetick : for before his coming into Egypt , the Egyptians were altogether ignorant of these Sciences . So B●l●us , G●r . Vossius de philosophorum sectis lib. 2. cap. 8. §. 7 , 8. gives us this account of Abraham's Philosophie : But whether ( saies he ) Abraham the Patriarch drew his Astrologie from the Chaldeans , or rather the Chaldeans received it from Abraham ; this Science came by Abraham first to those of Palestine , or the Canaanites , and afterwards to the Egyptians . That Abraham passed from Vr of the Chaldeans into Palestine , is sufficiently known by Scripture : and that he was also skilled in Astrologie , Berosus shews in these words : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . In the tenth Age after the Floud , there was among the Chaldeans a just and great man , and well skilled in the Knowledge of the Heavens . J●se●hus Antiquit. l. 1. c 7. cites this passage of Berosus , and addes , that Abraham , who was the tenth from Noah , was signified by it . And this is confirmed by what is said of Abraham by Eupolemus , in Eusebius , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that he was the Inventor of Astrologie , and the Chaldaick Art of Divination . Which is an evident confession of an Heathen . It is also enough credible that the Canaanites , and amongst them the Phenicians learned much touching the Natures of things from Abraham , who sojourned amongst them . Moreover it is well known , that when Canaan was prest with famine Abraham went into Egypt ; where he said his wife Sarah was his sister , whom the King had abused , had he not been admonished by God . But being taught who Abraham was , ( as Josephus lib. 1. cap. 8. relates ) he gave him power of conversing with the most excellent and the most learned of the Egyptians . Then Abraham ( saies he ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , bountifully communicated unto them Arithmetick and Astronomie , for before the coming of Abraham , the Egyptians were ignorant of these Sciences : for they came from the Chaldeans to the Egyptians and from them to the Grecians . This Philosophie of the Jews derived from Abraham was two fold , partly natural , whereof Astrologie was a part ; and partly Divine , of God and his works , &c. How far these reports touching Abraham may deserve credit , I shall not contend . I find a great confirmation of what has been mentioned touching Abraham's Philosophie in Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 2. c. 10. Amidst these darknesses ( speaking of Nimrod's Apostasie ) of depraved Philosophie , shone forth , as an hopeful star , Abraham , a person of a famous ingenie , who was contemporarie with Ninus , Semiramis , and Zoroaster , as Euseb. He was a man renowned not only among sacred , but also prophane writers ; namely of whom Hecataeus writ a whole book : and Berosus , Nic. Damascenus , Alexander , Eupol●mus , M●la , with many others cited by Eusebius l. 9. praepar , c 4. make mention of him . He being in his first years educated in the Institutes of the Magi , or Chaldeans , Jos. 24.2 . drank in a corrupt Philosophie from his Parents , in which notwithstanding he made a better proficience than all others . For he being a very wise and eloquent person , as also invested with a great sagacitie , observed from natural things , that there was a God , and that he was to be worshipped by us ; as Josephus lib. 1. Ant. c. 8. and Philo teach us ; But his mind being not as yet irradiated with any Divine Light , it was envelopped in the darknesses of many errors ; which , so soon as he was commanded by God to depart out of Chaldea , he exchanged for a more bright Light , and so of a Magus he became an Hebrew , or Christian Philosopher , studious of sacred wisdom . In whose familie there was a famous Academie and seat of Philosophie . For Abraham had a great name for wisdom , not only among his own , but thorowout all the East . Josephus , out of Berosus , attests , that he communicated to the Egyptians the science of Numbers , or Arithmetick ; and that of the Stars , called Astronomie , of which sciences the Egyptians were then very ignorant . And Alexander tels us , that the Heliopolitan Priests , and others made use of his Institution in Astrologie , Arithmetick , Geometrie , and other parts of wisdom . And who can doubt of his skill in Astrologie , seeing he drew his original from Chaldea . Whence what Orpheus sung , that God of old reveled himself to one Chaldean only , they suppose to be meant of Abraham : when therefore he came into Canaan , it may not be doubted , but that the Phenicians drew from him the rudiments of purer wisdom ; for he was much in favor with the Princes of that Countrey , and venerable among their Kings . Thence , whilest his children dispersed Golonies into diverse Regions , his more pure Philosophie was communicated together therewith ; which was soon contaminated by the errors of Cham's Posteritie . This wisdom his son Isaac receiving from him , as an inheritance constantly to be reteined , according to the example of his Father , propagated in Canaan , and in Egypt . The same may be said of Jacob , whose great sagacitie and experience in Natural Philosophie , is sufficiently discovered in the wonderful artifice he used for the conception of the Cattel Gen. 33.37 , &c. There is also in his Historie , some mention made of the Astrologie of the Syrians , &c. Thus Hornius more largely .

Of Joseph his instructing the Egyptians and by them stiled Hermes or Mercurius . § , 10. Amongst the Divine Philosophers we must not omit the mention of Joseph , who is said , and that upon solid Scripture grounds , to have instructed the Egyptians in their wisdom , and Philosophie ; and in after Ages passed amongst them under the name of Hermes , or Mercurius Trismegistus . Thus much is asserted by Cluverus in his Historie of the world pag. 12. Joseph , saith he , having attained to a mesure of wisdom , as it seemed above human , he obtained the whole administration of Egypt , and a dignitie the next to the Regal . Hence the common sable , that Hermes , that is , Interpreter , was the first inventor of Arts and Sciences amongst the Egyptians . For the wisdom of the Egyptians owes its self unto Joseph , who by the Kings authoritie taught them both divine and human Arts. So Cl●v●rus . The name Hermes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which signifies an Interpreter , seems to be given , and that most properly unto Joseph , because of his Divine Art in the interpreting of Dreams . And that he was esteemed by the Egyptians , as a person endowed with an extraordinary facultie of divining , and interpreting Dreams , or things secret ▪ is most evident from Gen. 44.5 . Gen. 44.5 . where they mention his divining , &c. Though they knew not the Divining power by which he was inspired , but imputed it to his cup , yet the thing it self was manifested by his interpreting the Dreams of Pharaoh , his Butler , &c. That this Art of Divining , or interpreting things was also attributed by the fabulous Pagans to Mercurie , Act. 14 5. is apparent from Act. 14.12 . where Mercurie is called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 an Interpreter . The Egyptians called their Hermes Theuth , and supposed him to be the inventor of all their Arts and Sciences . That Joseph was indeed the Instructor of the Egyptians , and that by the Kings appointment , is most clear from Psal. 105.22 . Psal. 105.22 . where he is said to be appointed by the King to teach his Senators wisdom : but the old Geneva Edition ( an 1560. ) renders it more properly : and teach his Ancients Wisdom , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 to instruct their Elders , that is , their Priests , That Joseph taught the Egyptians Geometrie , &c. see Vossius de Philos. Sect. l. 2. c. 2. §. 2. as hereafter in the Egyptian Philosophie . &c. That Joseph took a particular care of the Egyptian Priests , not only by instituting a College for them , and making provision accordingly , as Gen. 47.22 , but also by instructing them in the Knowledge and service of the true God , the motions of the Heavens , and other parts of sound Philosophie , will afterward appear , when we come to treat of the Egyptian Philosophie . At present it shall suffice us to give his character , as drawn by Hornius Histor. Philos. l. 2. c. 10. Joseph , saies he , was of a great name ; who after various Vicissitudes of Providence , was at length , after having happily interpreted the Kings Dream , by the publick suffrage of the King and people reputed , as indeed he was , the most wise of all the Egyptians , and so honored with that splendid Title , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i e. an Interpr●ter of secrets ( Gen. 41.39 , 45. ) Neither may we in any measure doubt , but that , whatsoever there was of Truth agreable to Scripture , to be found among others , especially the Egyptian Philosophers , that they received it from the Hebrews , among whom they frequently and long conversed , even from Abrahams times . But especially from Joseph they received much of their Wisdom , whom , seeing he was next the King , no one of them durst contradict . Whence there are not wanting some who write , that there were Scholes of Wisdom and Virtue erected by Joseph in Egypt . And indeed that there were such , appears , from the Historie of Moses , whom the Scripture makes to be learned in all the Wisdom of the Egyptians , Which seems to be made good by what David notes Psal. 105 22. that Joseph was commanded by Pharaoh , to teach his Princes according to his pleasure , and to instruct his Elders in Wisdom . For so the Vulgar renders the word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , from which version , seeing it is most plain , we may not recede . For it may be deduced as well from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 signifying as well to instruct as to chastise . Whence I wonder , what came into their minds , who contend , that Josephs Doctrine was not publickly approved . For seeing it was publickly delivered in their Scholes and Academies , who can denie , that it was publickly authorized by the King , and Nobles of the Kingdom ? His Placits were so far from being contradicted , as indeed no one durst murmur against him Gen. 41.39 , &c. They do ill allege the event . For the Egyptians after the death of Joseph , and their King , who favored him , returned again to their Vomit , and abrogated the true Philosophie . This is well observed by Philip in Chronico l. 2. Not long after the death of Joseph , the Egyptian Kings , rejecting his Doctrine again worshipped Idols , and embraced Magick Arts. Yet there remained some rudiments , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 of truth . For , that the ancient Egyptians held the world to have a beginning , and that they thought the year to begin from Libra , which they supposed also to be the beginning of the World ; these Traditions they drew from no other fountain than Joseph , as Jos. Scaliger ad lib. 1. Manil●i admonisheth . From the same Joseph also they learned the Souls immortalitie , which presently was changed into that monstre of their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . As therefore the Egyptians owe not the least part of their wisdom to the Hebrews , so also they participate with them in many names , which is even yet discovered , in many of the names of their Gods , as we have before often demonstrated . See Part 1. Book 2. c. 7. of Egyptian Gods .

Of Moses's Philosophie . § . 11. But amongst all the Divine Philosophers , there was none that opened a more effectual door , for the propagating of philosophick principles and light , than Moses ; who by his writings , Cumque Mo●es tot cum Deo ipso colloquia habuerit , tot leges conduderit , rerum ipsam natur●m primigeniam descrips●●t , d●bium non est , quia profundissima sa●●entia praeditus fuerit . Qua etiam apud G●atile●●●heme●ter incla●●it . Qui , ut de aliis antiquis patribus pauca , ita de M●se plurima cogno ●runt . Ho●●ius Hist. Philos. l , 2. c. 13. contained in his five books ( besides his personal Conferences ) laid the main foundations of all that Philosophie , which first the Phenicians and Egyptians , and from them the Grecians were masters of . Whence was it that Sanchoniathon , and the Grecian Philosophers after him , had such clear notions of the original of the world , the first Cha●s or Matter , out of which God framed all things ? Was it not from Moses's descriprion of the Creation Gen. 1.2 ? Lud. Vives de Veritate fidei , speaks thus ; The Creation of the World was so described by Moses , that the greatest Philosophers admired the depth , and embraced the truth of the narration ; especially the Pythagoreans ( whom Plato in his Timaeus follows ) who expressed the said production of the world , sometimes in the very same words . Plato ( in his Timaeus fol. ●9 . being to treat of the origine of the Universe , acknowledgeth , this could not be known but by some probable fable or Tradition , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. which came originally from Moses's Historie of the Creation . This will be evident by the enumeration of particulars .

1. How came Sanchoniathon , that great Phenician Philosopher , to the Knowledge of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i. e. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cauth Ereb , Sand oniathon & Mochus their Philosophie from Gen. 2. but from Gen. 1.2 . & darknes , &c. only the word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 from v. 5 Hence all the Poetick fictions of the first Chaos , & the philosophick contemplations of the first matter , privation , &c. Hence also Mochus , another Phenician Phisiologist , received his traditions about Atomes , Anaxago●as pron●ncia●●t omnii● verum principium 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , i. e. mentem — Eidem menti omnia dabat Anaxago●as a●● . M●ses apud Hebraeos St●uch ●●gub●a de pe●● . ●hil ● . l. 1. c. 4. which he makes to be the first principles of the world , &c. Whence also drew the Egyptians their philosophick persuasions of the worlds beginning , &c. if not from this Mosaick Fountain ? How came Plato to discourse so accurately of the order , beautie , harmonie and perfection of the Vniverse , the contemplation whereof ( saies he ) was exceeding pleasing to its maker ? Could he possibly have discoursed of these things in such Scriptural Phrasiologie , had he not received some Traditions from Moses Gen. 1.31 , & c ? Whence came his conceptions of Anima mundi , the Soul of the world , but from Jewish Traditions touching Gods framing and governing the world by his Spirit and Providence ( which Plato cals 〈◊〉 ) in the most perfect harmonious manner , as the soul governes the bodie Gen. 1.2 ? Hence Plato ( according to his Allegerick manner of discourse ) supposeth the world to be an Animal , Joh. Grammat . de mundi Creat . lib. 6. cap. 21. yea a visible image of the in●isible God ; that is , saies Johannes Grammaticus ( that excellent Christian Philosopher ) what Moses affirmed properly of man , Gen. 1.27 . that he was made according to the image of God , Plato transfers to the wh●le Vniverse . Yea indeed the whole of the Grecian Physiologie , touching the Origine of the world , its first matter , privation , and forme , &c. in all likelyhood , owes its original to some Mosaick tradition from the first chap. of Genesis , &c.

2. As their Physicks , so also the Metaphysicks , Plato's M●taphysick contemplations of God and the Soul from Moses's Philosophie . laid down by the Grecian Philosophers , seem evidently to be derived , and borrowed from Moses's sacred Philosophie . We read Ex●d. 3.14 . of Gods name I am , whence Austin puts it beyond all doubt , that Plato traduced his notions of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which he ascribeth to the first and most perfect Being . From the same Scripture Fountain also came his contemplations about his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. as Gen. 1.2 . whence the Platonicks generally assert a 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Trinitie answerable to the Scriptures : and , in sum , never Heathen Philosopher treated more distinctly , yea divinely of God , his Nature , and Attributes , as also of the Soul , its spiritualitie , infinite capacitie , immortalitie , &c. than Plato : which , according to the common vogue of the Learned , he received , by conference with some Jews , or by tradition from Moses's writings : of which more else where .

Pagan Geographie and Politiks from Moses . 3. Farther , that the Pagan Geographie had its original from Moses's Narration Gen. 10. how the world was peopled by Noahs posteritie , is asserted and made evident by the Learned Bo●haert , in his Phal●g ; where he demonstrates , that the Pagan Geographie exactly answers to Moses's description . The like may be affirmed of the Pagan Chronologie , and Historie , of which before part 1. book 3· chap. 2. §. 6 7. So in like manner , that the Heathen Politicians , or Lawgivers , viz. Lycurgus , Solon , Part 1. B. 3. C. 9. Minos , Draco , Plato , &c. received the chief , if not the whole of their Politicks from Moses's Laws , is generally affirmed by the Learned , and will be made farther evident by what follows .

We find a good Character of Moses , and his Philosophie in H●rnius Hist. philos. l. 2 c. 13. Moses , saies he , had a mind most capacious for all things : who being educated from his childhood among the Egyptian Priests , drew from them all their wisdom , even their most abst●use mysteries : which seems to be the cause why he is reckoned by the Grecians among the Magicians . Plinie l. 10. c. 10. There is another faction of Magick , which sprang from Moses . And Moses indeed has obtained a great name even among profane Writers . Eupolemus saies , that Moses was the most wise man ; and that he delivered Letters first to the Jews , and that the Phenicians received them from the Jews , as the Greeks from the Phenicians . Artapanus relates , that Moses was called by the Grecians Musaeus ; and that Orpheus learned many things from him . Some conceive that Moses is mentioned in that of Orpheus ; 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . For that Moses was thence so called , because drawn out of the water , is the persuasion of Learned men . Others make Moses the same with the Egyptian Mercurie , to whom they ascribe the Invention of Letters : of which see Part 1. B. 1. C. 10. § , 4. That Moses arrived unto the top of Philosophie , and by the Inspiration of God , was taught the secrets of Nature , is affirmed by Philo in Euseb. praepar . l. 8. c. 5. And the same Eusebius in Chronico writeth , that Moses philosophized in the Desert 40 years ; namely being a wise man he spent his time in Contemplation of things Natural and Divine . Origen and Austin ( lib. 2· Quaest. in Gen. ) prove that Moses being skilled in all the Wisdom of the Egyptians , could not be ignorant of Geometrie . Some also suppose him to have been a Chymist , which they collect from his exquisite skill in reducing the Golden Calf into Ashes . That Orpheus , Pythagoras , Plato , Homer , and others borrowed many of their choicest notions from Moses , is shewn by Justin Martyr , in his Exhortation to the Gr●eks , of which hereafter . To conclude this discourse touching Moses's Philosophie , It is apparent from Scripture that he was not only skilled in sacred Philosophie , but also excelled in all the Wisdom of the Egyptians : as Act. 7.22 . Now the Egyptians ( as Macrobius and others tell us were the Parents of all Philosophie ; to whom the Grecian Philosophers had recourse , age after age , for their Philosophie ) who without doubt received great improvement in their Wisdom by Moses , and his writings : for hence they received their Hieroglyphicks , &c. ( as hereafter ) . Though the Egyptians , being unwilling to seem beholding to the Jews for their wisdom , pretend they received it from Hermes , &c. We find Moses mentioned amongst the Egyptians under the fable of Typhon , &c.

§ . 12. Of Solomon his Philosophie . Another great ( yea the greatest next to Adam in innocence ) Divine Philosopher was Solomon , of whom God himself gives this Character 1 Kings 3.12 . that he had a wise , Superavit ●m●ium mortalium ingenia Solomon . In quo D●us , quid in maxima Rege summa sapientia posset , ostendit : De cujus capacissima sapientia ita scriptura s . loquitur 1. Reg. 4.29 , 30 , 32 , 33 , 34. & cap. 10. Hornius Histor. Philos. l. 2. c. 13. and understanding heart ( or as the Hebrew , an amplitude of heart , so that there was none before , or after , like unto him . And more particularly 't is said 1 Kings 4. from v. 29. to 34. That Solomon's wisdom excelled the wisdom of all the East Countrey , and all the wisdom of Egypt : For he spake 3000 Proverbs , &c. & v. 33. he spake of Trees from the Cedar , to the Hysop : also of Beasts , Fowls , Creeping things , and Fishes , &c. Moreover that Solomon committed this his Philosophie to writing , is affirmed by the Learned out of Eccles. 12.10 , 12. and the Wisdom of Solomon ( Apocrypha ) ch. 7.13 . Thus Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 1. c. 13. In the Book of Wisdom cap. 17.17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21. the Amplitude of Solomon's wisdom is egregiously expounded . For he was the greatest Contemplator , especially of things Physick , and admirable , a Disputer of the most acute Questions with the Tyrians , and the Queen of Sheba . For having contracted a great friendship with the King of Tyre , ( whom Eupolemus cals Syros ) it came to passe that they often conferred of the most subtile points . ( For the Tyrians , among whom the Phenician Theologie resided , were famous in this Age. ) Josephus makes mention of the Tyrian King , and Solomon their provoking men to the Studie of Wisdom , by great rewards ; and that Solomon on that occasion joined some Cities , belonging unto the Kingdom of Tyre , unto his own . And Josephus in his Antiquit. lib. 8. writeth , That Solomon composed Books of Songs 1005 ; of Parables and Similitudes 3000 Books ; and that he disputed of every kind of Plant , as in like manner of Beasts , Fishes and all other living creatures , &c. for he was not ignorant of , neither did he leave unexamined any Being or Nature , but philosophized of all things , eminently expounding their natures and proprieties , Solomo primus subtilissimam Philosophiam posteritati literis consecravit . Inde Graeci caeperunt id , velut proprium sibi , vendicare scribendi munus Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 2. &c. so Lud. Vives in Aug. de Civit. De● , l. 17. c. 20. And Eusebius writes , that these Books of Solomon's Proverbs , and Songs ) wherein he discoursed of the nature of Plants , and of all kinds of Animals ; as also of Medicine or the curing of diseases ) were removed out of the way by Hezekiah , because the people did thence seek the curing of their diseases , without recourse to God for the same . See Wendelin in his Preface to his Physicks . Solomons Wisdom is farther evidenced by the Queen of Sh●ba her Addresses to him , and his Responses to her , mentioned 1 Kings 10. And some relate , that the Sabeans reteined the Books of Moses , brought to them by the Queen of Sheba , even from Solomon's time : Josephus also indeed reporteth , that this Queen , upon Solomon's permission , carried with her , into her own Countrey , a Colonie of ten thousand Jews . Which if granted , will give us some account how the Zabii , and Chaldean Philosophers came so well acquainted with Jewish Dogmes , even before the Babylonian Captivitie . This Concession of Solomon some gather from 1 Kings 10.13 . And that the same of Solomon's Philosophie ( as also its main principles ) was diffused not only Eastward , as 1 Kings 4.34 . but also Westward , amongst the Grecian Philosophers , is very probable . For certain it is , that Solomon had great correspondence both with the Phenicians , and Egyptians ; by whom , we may presume , his wisdom was communicated to the Grecians Have we not sufficient ground to conjecture , that Pythagoras , and Plato traduced much of their Symbolick and Parabolick Philosophie hence ? Also the Stoicks their Moral Philosophie ; and Hippocrates his Medicinal Science ; and even Aristotle his Historie of Animals ; as his Scholar and Successor Theophrastus that of Plants : which have all great Affinitie with Solomon's Philosophie . As for the Writings of Solomon , especially such as were Philosophick , the Jews say , that they were lost in the Captivitie . There are some , who say , that what was more useful therein was , by the Spirits Dictate , collected ; and is now extant under the Title of Solomon's Proverbs , which contein the Ethicks of Solomon , Euseb. praepar . l. 2. c. 2.

§ . 13. We might also mention here amongst the Divine Philosophers Job , Of Job . who has many accurate philosophick discourses touching several parts of Natural Philosophie ; the Meteors , &c. But I shall content my self with the character given him by Hornius and others . Horn. Hist. philos. l. 5. c. 9. saies , That Job was a famous Doctor of Philosophie , than whom there was not a more ancient , more learned , and more sublime to be found throughout all Antiquitie . Lipsius cent. 1. ep. 99. saies ; Behold amongst the most ancient Job , whom they conceive not to be of the elect Nation , and yet he writ all select or choice matters . His Book , addes Hornius , is Dialectick : For , as Jerom to Paulinus saies , He determines all according to Dialectick Laws ; by Proposition , Assumtion , and Conclusion . Moreover he shewes the manner how to solve fallacious Arguments . His friends also , who were very learned in Philosophie , and without peradventure proceeded from Job's Schole , when they sport themselves with perpetual Paralogi●mes , are egregiously convinced by Job . Who not only propagated this wisdom among his own , but also opened publick Scholes , as Job 4.3 . Eliphaz the Temanite testifies : where among other Elogies he saies 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 thou hast taught many . Neither have we more ancient Disputations than those which occur in his admirable Book . His friends are the Opponents , and he Respondent : which mode of Disputing was invented by Job , as Ambrose . l. 1. de officiis c. 12. It is commended in Plato , that , in his Politie , he brings in him , who disputed against Justice , craving leave to oppose what he approved not , &c. By how much more ancient was Job , who first found out these things .

§ . 14. We shall conclude this chapter , Of the Jewish Colleges and Academies . with a brief account of the Jewish Academies , or Scholes , of which we find frequent mention in the Scriptures ; as 1 Sam. 1.1 . we read of the Citie of the Sophim or Learned , so 1 Sam. 10 10 , 11. and 1 Sam. 19.18 , 24. where we find Societies of the Prophets or Students , of whom the more ancient were called Doctors or Rabbies , perfect , and Prophets , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as Samuel : but the younger students were called Novices , or Sons of the Prophets , &c. We find a good account of these Scholes of the Prophets in Hornius Hist. philos. lib. 2. c. 13. Samuel revived the pristine fame of wisdom among his Countrey men : for there were then erected Scholes of the Prophets , unto which the Jews sent their Children for Institution : Which Custom continued long after . Some one of the Prophets , more conspicuous for wisdom , and pietie , presided over them . Among these Scholes , Ramatha in Gilead was mostly celebrated : where there was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or an Academie , as the Chaldee intimates . Thence those most eminent Wits David , and Solomon , were given to the world ; both egregious Candidates of Divine , and Human Wisdom : both excellent Doctors of the Mosaick Sapience . And that the Jews had Scholes in Babylon , Of the Pythagoreans symbolizing with the Essenes see Godwins Jewish Antiquities of the Essenes . Diodati proves , and observes on Psal. 137.1 . After the Captivitie those who instructed the Youth were called Scribes , as it appears out of Esdras , and Nehemiah ; and in Christ's time , Doctors , Luke 2.46 . Amongst whom there were none more famous , than the Essenes , who had their Colleges and Philosophie , which was principally Medicine ; with whom the Pythagoreans did greatly symbolize , as hereafter . Viret , in his Interim , pag. 122 , treating of the Essenes saies , That they retired from the croud of Politick and Ecclesiastick affairs ( wherein the Pharisees , and Sadducees were plunged ) into certain Colleges , where they addicted themselves to Gardening ; but principally to the Studie of Medicine : And for the better ordering of their Studies , they divided the day into times for Prayer , Reading of Lectures , Private Studies , Labors with the hand , and for Refreshments of Nature : in such sort , that all things were transacted amongst them with very good order . And as they lived in common , so had they all one common purse . In sum ; their state , at that time , was an excellent Schole of Medicine , of Doctrine , and of examples of Virtue : and , I suppose , the first Christian Monks took their patterns from them . Eusebius , praepar . Evang. lib. 11. de morali , naturali , rationali , & intellectuali Philosophia Hebraeorumlate agit . Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 13. Thus Viret . That the Pythagoreans had a great affinitie whith them , see Book . 2. Chap. 6. §. 7. &c. Ger Voss . de Philosophorum sectis lib. 2. cap. 1. §. 8. tels us , That the Philosophie of the Jews , which they derived originally from Abraham , was two fold . For it was partly natural , whereof Astrologie was a part : and partly Divine , or of God , his works , and will . The latter Jews named their Philosophie from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to receive , Cabala : because it was received from God . This they divided into 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Beresith : and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mercacia . The former treated of celestial , and elementary bodies , in which Solomon excelled ; the latter treated of God , and his worship . Johannes Picus Mirandulanus was an admirer of this Cabala , who gloried that he had LXX . books of it , Judaei dispersi duas celeberrimas Academias , Pumpedunthanum , & Tibericusem erexerunt . Hornius Hist. philos. l. 7. c. 3. which he bought at a vast price ; and that he found in them the Religion delivered by Moses , and Christ , &c. Thus Vossius . But Bishop Vsher judged all these Rabbinick and Cabalistick writings as cheats , and not ancienter than 600 years , &c.

Touching the Jewish Scholes after the Babylonian Captivitie , Hornius Histor. philos. l. 7. c. 3. writes thus : The Jews , after their returne from the Babylonian Captivitie , erected many Scholes , both at Jerusalem , and elsewhere . Before the Destruction there were reckoned in the Hierosolymitan Academie , Synagogues , or Colleges more than 40. in each whereof were two Scholes : one was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the house of the Book , wherein the written Law was read : the other , wherein the Misnajoth , or Traditions , and exegeses of the Ancients , the received Sentences , the forensick decisions , and other things of that sort were taught . This was called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the house of Doctrine . All these were destroyed by Vespasian , as Rab. Phinees in Gem●ra Hierosol .

I shall conclude this Chapter of Divine Philosophie , with that of Hornius Hist philos. l. 2. c. 10. Wisdom , as we know , began first in Paradise , and was afterwards cultivated by the sacred Fathers , and propagated to Posteritie . For God alwaies raised up some , who , relinquishing the errors of profane men , endeavored , even by the studie of Wisdom , the restauration of the Image of God . Such were , after Noah , the Hebrews , as Abraham of the Posteritie of Sem , a man of a Divine Ingenie , and famous for his admirable Knowledge , &c. of which see what precedes § 9. Of the Jewish Scholes in Babylon , &c. see what follows C. 4. §. 8.

CHAP. II. Of the Egyptian Philosophie , and its Traduction from the Scriptures , &c.

The Egyptians great repute for wisdom : Their Skill in the Mathematicks , Astronomie , Geometrie , Arithmetick , Geogrophie , &c. Their Natural Philosophie , Medicine , &c. Their Moral Philosophie , especially their Politicks , both Legislative , and Administrative , from the Jewish Church . The Egyptian Theologie , and Gods from Joseph , &c. Of their Hieroglyphicks , and other waies of expressing things . The Traduction of the Egyptian Philosophie from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures , proved both by Testimonies , and Artificial Demonstration . Joseph's Provision for the College of Egyptian Pri●sts : His informing them in the Knowledge of God and true Philosophie . The Advantages which the Schole of Alexandria received from the Jews , and Scriptures , translated into Greek by Ptolomie's request . Of Ammonius , the great master of the Alexandrian Schole , his mixing Scripture Notions with his Philosophie . The Christian Church at Alexandria , its influence on , and advantages from the Schole .

The great repute the Egyptians had for Wisdom and Philosophie . § 1. BEing now to enter on the Easterne Pagan Philosophers , we shall begin with those of Egypt , who were exceeding famous , even to a superlative degree , for being the first Parents of Philosophie , and conveighers of it unto the Grecians . We find mention in the Scriptures of the Egyptian Wisdom , and wise men , so Gen 41.8 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Exod. 7.11 . And Apulcius 6. Florid. gives this as the peculiar Character of the Egyptians , that they were wise . So Gellius lib. 11. cap. 8 , saies of the Egyptians , that they were very exquisite in the finding out of Arts , and endowed with a peculiar sagacitie for the Disquisition of things . So Macrobius tels us , that the Egyptians were the Parents of all philosophick Sciences , Jamblicl●s asserit Pythago●am & Platonem dogmata sua ex Columnis Trismegisti exscripsisse Hornius Hist. phil. l. 2.6 . and Arts. And that a great part of the Grecian Learning was originally borrowed from the Egyptians , is very evident by the Confession of the Greek Philosophers ; as also from matter of Fact . Thus much is confessed by Plato ( in his Timaeus fol. 22. ) who making mention of Solon , his Kinsman's travels into Egypt , to informe himself about the ancient pieces of Learning , he saies , that one of the Egyptian Priests told Solon , that the Grecians were but children , as to the true Archaeologie ; but the Egyptians were Masters of the most Ancient Wisdom , &c. Of Solon's being in Egypt , and getting Wisdom thence , see Vossius de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 2. § . 3. Diodorus Siculus Biblioth. l. 1. tels us , that all those , who were renowned amongst the Greeks for Wisdom and Learning , did , in ancient time , resort to Egypt ; and that not only the first Poets , Homer , Orpheus , &c. but also the first Lawgivers , Lycurgus , and Solon , as also Philosophers , Pythagoras , Plato , &c. gained most of their Knowledge out of Egypt . And indeed we need go no farther than the Scriptures , to evince the great repute the Egyptians had for human Wisdom : for in 1 Kings 4.30 . it is said , that Solomon's Wisdom excelled all the Wisdom in Egypt . By which it is evidently implied , that the Egyptian Wisdom was very considerable , in that it is made the measure of Solomon's Wisdom . We have the like honorable mention of the Egyptian wisdom Act. 7.22 . where 't is said , that Moses excelled in all the Wisdom of the Egyptians . Without doubt , had not the Egyptian Philosophie been very considerable , the spirit of God would not have made such use of it , to adorn Moses's Character , who was otherwise sufficiently accomplished with many eminent qualities . Vossius de philos. sectis l. 2. c. 2. §. 4. tels us , Sane Sacerdotes Aegyptiorum in sacris libris scriptum inveniunt , Orphea , Musaeū , Melampoda , Daedalum , Homerū , Lycurgum , Solonem , Platonem . Pythagoram , Eudoxum , Democritum , Enopidem Chium , Aegyptium petiisse . Hornius Hist. philos. l. 3. c. 1. that in ancient times the fame of the Egyptian Priests was very great : Yet in Strabo's time they were of no repute . See Strabo l. 17. where he saies , That when he was in Egypt he saw vast houses , which the Priests in times past inhabited , who were both Astrologers , and Philosophers : but these Sciences were in his time so defective , that there was scarce one to be found skilled therein . All that their Priests could do , was , to enumerate to strangers the Rites of their Sacreds , &c. Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 6. tels us , That the Egyptians had 42 books , which belonged to their Priests , written by their Mercurie , whereof 36 conteined the whole of the Egyptian Philosophie , their Laws , their Gods , and the discipline of their Priests ; wherein their Cantor , sacred Scribe , Astrologer , Curator , and Prophet ought , each according to their respective Offices , to be vers'd . The other 6 Books belonged to such as were called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i. e. who wore the Cloke , which conteined their Medicine , Agyptii Philosophi Sacerdotes ac Prophetae appellabantur . Laertius l. 1. de vitis . &c. see Vossius de phil. sect. l. 2. c. 2. The Egyptian Philosophie lay amongst their Priests : so Strabo Geogr. l. 17. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , their Priests embraced Philosophie and Astronomie &c.

§ . 2. But to treat a little more particularly ,

The Egyptians skill in Philosophie .

The Egyptian Philosophie comhrehended the liberal Sci●nces , Hieroglyphicks , Mathematicks , Physicks , Ethicks , Politicks , Theologie ▪

and distinctly of the Egyptian Philosophie , and Wisdom . Vossius de philosophorum sectis l. 2. c. 2. §. 8. gives us this general account of the Egyptian Philosophie , and its extent : How large the Egyptian Philosophie was , is known by this , that it comprehended the Liberal Sciences , the Hieroglyphick mode of writing , the Knowledge of the Stars , and of Universal Nature , the Situation of the earth , and particularly of Egypt ; and of the increases of Nile , the Discipline of Virtues , and of Laws , the Nature of the Gods , and the mode of worship by Sacrifices , and various ceremonies , also the whole of Medicine both Prophylactick , for the preservation of health ; and Pharmaceutick , for the restauration of health ; as also Chirurgick . Yet notwithstanding , all these were not required in all Philosophers ; but the Cantor , or Musician , took one part to him ; and the sacred Scribe another ; the Horoscope , or Astrologer assumed other parts ; the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Curate of the sacred Rites , others ; the Pastophori , and Prophets others . Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 6. delivers , concerning the Egyptians , that they had 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a certain peculiar or mystick Philosophie , which , saies he , appears by their sacred ceremonies , &c. Diogenes Laertius , and others , divide the Egyptian Philosophie into four parts , Mathematick , Natural , Divine , and Moral . We shall speak something of each , and endeavor to shew , what advantages , and assistances they had from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures , for their improvement thereof .

Mathematicks . As for the Mathematicks , the Egyptians were reputed to be well skilled in Astronomie , Geometrie , Geographie , Arithmetick and Musick ; for the improvement whereof they had considerable helps from the Jewish Church , and Patriarchs .

Astronomie . As to their great insight into Astronomie , it is asserted by Strabo , Herodotus , and Diodorus ; and it is sufficiently manifest , in that they , as it is generally affirmed , were the first , who found out the course of the year by the Sun's motion , which , as it is supposed , was the invention of the Priests of Heliopolis . Thence saies Herodotus lib. 2. The Egyptians were , of all , the first , who found out the Course of the Year ; distinguishing it into twelve Months , which they gathered from the Stars . This Calculation of the year , Thales ( who was the first amongst the Grecians that distinguished the seasons of the year ) seemed to have learned in Egypt . Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 6. tels us , That the Egyptian Horoscope , or Astrologer , carried in his hand an Horologe , and Palme , the Symbols of Astrologie , who had alwaies in his mouth the four Astrologick Books of Hermes , whereof one treated of the five Planets , the second of the Sun and Moon , the third and fourth of the rising and setting of the Stars : The rise of Planetary Deities & judicial Astrologie from Astronomie . See more of this in Dr Owen De Ortu Idolol . lib. 3. cap. 4. see Vossius de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 2. By reason of these their Astronomick observations and experiments , the Egyptians fell into a superstitious admiration of these glorious celestial Bodies , and thence into an opinion that they were Gods . Thus Diodorus Siculus lib. 1. tells us , that the ancient Inhabitants of Egypt , contemplating the Celestial World , and the Nature of the Superior World ; they , with great stupor , admired the Sun and Moon , esteeming them as the first eternal Gods ; whereof the Sun they called Osiris , and the Moon Isis . The same Lactantius lib. 2. cap. 2. observeth . And this Idolatrous persuasion , that the Stars were Gods ( which sprang from natural Astronomie ) was the original of all Idolatrous worship , especially that we call Zabaisme , or the worship of those planetary Deities , so much in use amongst the Chaldeans ; whence also sprang judicial Astrologie , as it will evidently appear in our Discourse of the Chaldaick Philosophie , chap. 4. § . 4. As for the occasion , which the Egyptians had for the improving of Astronomie , even unto Idolatrie ; we have it well described by Eus●bius praepar . l. 1. c. 6. They report that the Egyptians were the first , who lifting up their eyes to Heaven , and admiring the mode , order , and quantitie of those celestial bodies , thought the Sun and Moon to be Gods . So Lactant. lib. 2. Inst. cap. 14. The first of all , those , who possessed Egypt , began to contemplate and adore those cel●stial bodies . And because they lived , by reason of the Qualitie of the air , without covered houses , they thence had opportunitie to note the Courses and Defects of the Stars ; and thence fell into the admiration , and adoration of them .

As for the Egyptians skill in Geometrie , Geometrie . Porphyrie assures us , that they have been for a long time very studious therein . Cumenim Nilus , subinde exuadans , agrorum limites confunder●● , quidam sagaci ingenio Geometriae rationes invenerunt , quarum indicio , sua cuique portio , bona side restitueretur , Inde res in immensum excrevit . Horn. Hist. philos. l. 2 c. 7. And Proclus in Euclid . 2.4 . faith , that Geometrie was invented by the Egyptians , taking its beginning from measuring of fields ; it being necessary for them , from the inundation of Nilus , which washed away their bounds . Austin de Civit. Dei l. 18. c. 39. gives us a clear account of the whole : The Wisdom of the Egyptians , what was it ( saies he ) but principally Astronomie , & c ? Ludovicus Vives on this place ▪ gives this account : The Ancient Egyptians much exercised themselves in Astronomie , Geometrie , and Arithmetick . As for Geometrie , necessitie taught them that , which they greatly needed , when the bounds of their fields were broken down by the overflowing of Nilus ; neither could they , any other way , divide their grounds &c. Whence Geometrie is so termed from measuring of the earth .

As for Astronomie , Touching this serenitie of the heavens , Bochart informed me , That it is only in the upper part of Egypt , where the heavens were alwaies clear : but in the lower parts they had not these advantages . the commodiousnes of their situation gave them great advantage for improvement therein , they , having their nights alwaies clear , and serene , and the Heavens lying open to them without clouds , could easily contemplate the risings , and settings , of the Stars , with their progresses , and regresses , &c. Then to these two , Arithmetick was added , as subservient , without which the former could not be attained . Thus Lud. Vives .

And that our Astronomie came much of it , if not the whole , from the Egyptians , and those Eastern parts , seems very probable from those Hypotheses , or Hieroglyphick Signes , which are used by Astronomers in the Zodiack , and other parts of the Celestial Globe , to expresse the Celestial Bodies , and their motions by : which way of expressing things was in much use amongst the Egyptians , and by them called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; which they derived ( as 't is supposed ) from the Jewish Church , their Rites , and Ceremonies .

Geographie . Neither were the Egyptians unacquainted with Geographie ; as it appears from Clemens Alexandrinus ( Strom. l. 6. ) his description of the sacred Scribe , in the solemn procession ; of whom it was required , that he should be skilled in Hieroglyphicks , Cosmographie , Geographie , the motions of the Planets , the Chorographie of Egypt , and the description of Nile . Eustathius , in his Notes on Dionysius , attributes the invention of Geographick Tables to Sesostris , who caused the Lands he had conquered , to be described in Tables , and so communicated it to the Egyptians , and from them to others , as Stilling . Orig. Sacr. Book 2. c. 2. Vossius de phil. sect. lib. 2. c. 2. § . 8. We find a good general account of the Egyptians skill in Mathematicks , given by Hornius Hist. philos. lib. 2. c. 7. They so handled the Mathematick Sciences , that if they be compared with other Nations , they may be said , not so much to perfect , as invent them ; which they affected out of a humor of vain glorie . Especially there were famous among them Petosiris , and Necepson : by whose Prudence ( they are the words of Julius Firmicus ) there was an accesse made to the very secrets of Divinitie . They vindicated to themselves the invention of Geometrie , Astrologie , and Astronomie .

Their Natural Philosophie . § . 3. That the Egyptians had in like manner the Knowledge of Natural Philosophie , especially of Medicine , and Anatomie ( which are but branches thereof ) is generally affirmed by the Ancients . It s true their superstition kept them from dissecting , 1. Experimental . and prying into the natures of those creatures , to which they attributed a Deitie , yet were they not without many choice experiments , and curious observations , even in the experimental part of Natural Philosophie : for Blinie ( Hist. l. 19. c. 5. ) tels us , that it was the manner of their Kings to cause dead bodies to be anatomized , to find out the Structure , or Composition of Man's bodie , with the causes , and nature of Diseases . 2. Their Natural Historie . Besides they were exact in making philosophick observations touching any curious natural events , or their irregularities . For when there happened any prodigie , or irregular thing in nature , they did , saies Strabo , with much curiosity , lay i● up amongst their sacred records ; and Herodotus addes That more things of this nature were observed by them , than by any other Nation ; which , saith he , they not only diligently preserved , but frequently compared together , and , from a similitude of Prodigies , gathered a similitude of Ev●nts . Thus much also Plato in his Timaeus fol. 22.33 . observes concerning them , in his relation of S●lon's Conference with the Egyptian Priest : where Solon , having a curiosity to find out the truth , and original of those ancient great events , touching Phoroneus , Deucalion , and Pyrrhus , &c. the Egyptian Priest unfolds these mythologick fabulous narrations , by an historick relation ; wherein he seems to reduce the Storie of Deucalion to that of Noahs Floud ; and that of Pyrrhus his wife , to the Burning of Sodom , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 signifying fire : as also that of Phoroneus to the drowning of Pharaoh in the Red Sea : Phoroneus , and Pharaoh being according to the Hebrew , and so the Egyptian tongue ( which differed little from it ) conjugates ,

And that the Egyptians had some natural historie of the first Creation , ( which could not be traduced to them by any hand , See Stillings . Orig . Sacrae Book 3. ch. 2. save that of Moses , originally , Genesis 1. ) is apparent out of Diogenes Laert. ( proem pag. 7. ) where he saies ; that the Egyptians did constantly believe that the World had a beginning , and was corruptible ; that the Stars were of the nature of Fire ; and that the Soul was immortal , &c.

But that , for which the Egyptians were most famous abroad , Their skill in Medicine both conservative , purg●tive , and Chirurgick see Vossius de sec●is Ph●los . l. 2. c. 2. §. 8. & Still●● . Orig. sacr. book 2. c. 2. was their skill in Medicine ; which is so much spoken of by Homer , Plato , Herodotus , Plutarch , Diogenes Laertius , &c. Plinie tels us , lib. 29. c. 1. that the original of Physick , or Medicine amongst the Egyptians , was from the relations of those , who by any remedy were cured of any Disease ; which for a memorial to posterity were recorded in their Temples . The Egyptians had also excellent skill in the embalming of dead bodies , for their conservation ( which appertaines to Medicinal Philosophie ) as it appears from Scripture : Gen. 50.2 . Their embalming Gen. 50.2 . where Joseph commands the Physicians to embalme his Father . Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 6. treating of the Egyptian Philosophie , conteined in 24 books written by their Mercurie , tels us , that 6 of these Books concerned Medicine , which were studied by their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ( i. e. those who wore the Cloke ) wherein was distinctly handled the Fabrick of Mans Bodie , the Nature of Diseases , and Medicaments ; and particularly the Medicine of the Eyes , and of Womens Diseases , &c. Diodorus makes the Egyptians the first Inventors of Medicine . And what their dexteritie in Anatomie was , is evident by that of Gellius lib. 10. Noct. Att. cap. 10. Appion , in his Egyptian Books , saies that Human Bodies being dissected , and opened , according to the Egyptian mode , it was found out , that there was a certain most tenuous Nerve , which passed from one singer to the heart of man . Farther , how much the Egyptians were verst in Medicine is discovered by that pleasant Character of Homer ( who conversed much with them ) Odyss. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 .

〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉

Thus Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 7. The Egyptians greatly studied Natural Philosophie , wherein how much they excelled appears from Medicine it self , which they strenuously exercised . See Vossius de Philos. sect is l. 2. c. 2. §. 8.

Their Moral Philosophie and Politicks . The Egyptians Laws the Source of the Grecian . Stilling . Origin . sacr. Book . 3● ch. 2. § . 4. Neither were the Egyptians defective in Moral Philosophie , especially as to Politicks , for which they had a great repute amongst the ancients , both for their excellent Laws , and also for their good Administration , and execution thereof . As for their Laws , they are highly commended by Strabo , and Diodorus ; and so greatly esteemed by Lycurgus , Solon , and Plato , as that they were not ashamed to borrow many of their Laws , and politick Constitutions from them . It is most certain , saies Stillingfleet , that those who formed Greece first into civil Societies , and well ordered Common Wealths , were such as had been Traders for Knowledge in other parts . To which purpose Diodorus Siculus ( Biblioth. lib. 1. ) informeth us , that Lycurgus and Solon , as well as the Poets , Orpheus , Musaeus , Melampus , and Homer ; and the Philosophers after them , Pythagoras , Plato , &c. had gained most of their Knowledge , and Wisdom out of Egypt : nay he saith in general , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : All those who were renowned amongst the Greeks , for Wisdom and Learning , did in ancient time resort to Egypt , there to participate of Learning , and Laws , &c ,

The Egyptian Laws from the Jews . And as the Grecians received their Learning , and Laws from Egypt ; so we need no way doubt , but that the Egyptians received the best part of their Laws from the Mosaick Constitutions , besides what they had immediately from Joseph their great Legislator , as hereafter . The Egyptian Politic , or Government of State from the Jews . As for the Egyptians Wisdom , in their politick Administration , or Government of State , it is evident from Esa. 19.11 , 12. where the King of Egypt is stiled the Son of the Wise . Besides the continuance of their State so long in peace , is a sufficient demonstration of their State Policie , or prudent management of State Affairs ; for the improvement whereof , we have reason enough to judge , they received much light from the Mosaick judicial constitutions ; as also from Solomons Politicks , with whom they had great affinitie ( by reason of Solomon's Wife ) and commerce , or correspondence : Though indeed they owed much of their Politie and Government to Joseph ; who passeth amongst them under the names of Hermes , Apis , Serapis , &c. as in what follows .

§ . 5. We now come to the Egyptian Theologie , The Egyptian Theologie from Joseph . for which they were greatly reputed ; the original wherof they owe to Joseph , and Jewish Traditions , as it will appear by the parts thereof . Clemens Alexandrinus ( so called by reason of his same in the Church , and Schole of Alexandria in Egypt was greatly versed in Egyptian Rites , and Worship , whereof he gives us this account , lib. 6. The Egyptians , saies he , have a proper , or mystick kind of Philosophie , which appears from their sacred Ceremonies . For first 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Cantor precedes with a Musick Symbol , 1. Their Cantor . and those 2 books of Mercurie , the one containing the Hymnes of the Gods , the other an account of the Kings life . After the Cantor follows the Horoscope , with an horologe , and palme , 2. Their Horoscope , or Astrologer . the Symbols of Astrologie in his hand . This has alwaies in his mouth the four Astrologick Books of Hermes . The Horoscope is received by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or sacred Scribe , 3. Their sacred scribe . carrying in his head Feathers , and in his hands a Book with a ruler , wherein is an inkhorn , and pen to write . This person ought to be skilled in Hieroglyphicks , Cosmographie , Geographie , the order of the Sun , Moon , and 5 Planets , the Chorographie of Egypt , and the Description of Nile , and all sacred Rites , and Places , with their Dimensions ; and whatever belongs to Sacreds . After the sacred Scribe follows the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Ornator , 4. Their Ornator . who hath the Cubit of Justice , and the sacrisicing cup. This person is instructed both in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i. e. such things as conduce to Learning , and the Liberal Sciences ; and also in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , i. e. the Doctrine of the Sacrifices of Calves , and the Ceremonies appertaining thereto . All these things the Egyptian Religion conteined , Prayers , Pomps , Festival daies , Sacrifices , first Fruits , Hymnes , and other things like hereunto . In the last place goes their Prophet , 5. Their Prophet . who carries in his bosom a Water pot , and is followed by those who carried the panes emissos , i. e. bread set forth . This person is the Governor of the Sacreds ; and he learned 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 42 Sacerdotal Books , written by their Egyptian Mercurie , which treated of Laws , Gods , and the whole Priestly Discipline . These Egyptian rites but corrupt imitations of the Jews In all of which this Prophet is to be versed , because he is also to oversee the distribution of Tributes , &c. So Vossius de philos. sectis l. 2. c. 2. That the chief of these Egyptian Ceremonies were borrowed from the Jewish Rites will be evident to any , that consider , how parallel they are . The Egyptian Cantor to the Jewish Singer ; their sacred Scribe to the Jewish ; their sacrificing Cup to that , wherein the Jews offered their Libamina , or Drink-Offerings ; their panes emissi , or bread set forth to the Jewish panes propositionis , shew bread ; their Calve-Sacrifices to the Jewish ; as their Prayers , Festivals , Sacrifices , first Fruits , Hymnes to those amongst the Jews .

Philip Melancthon , in his Chronichon lib. 2. concerning Abraham , tels us , that Joseph setling the College of Priests in Egypt , informed them with the Knowledge of God , and planted a Church amongst them , which pious Institution of his , in after times , degenerated into Superstition and Idolatrie , &c. As for the Egyptian Gods , it is evident , they are all younger than the Patriarchs ; and , as it is supposed , had their original from them , especially from Joseph . Melancthon makes Osiris , Their Gods Osiris , Apis and Serapis Symbols of Joseph . which signifies auxiliator , or a blessed man , to be contemporarie with Abraham ; but I should rather judge him an Hieroglyphick of Joseph , who helped them in their famine . That the memorie of Joseph was preserved amongst them under the Egyptian Apis , Vossius ( de Idol . lib. 1. c. 29. ) makes very probable , from the testimonies of Julius Maternus , Stilling . Orig. sacr. B. 3· Ch. 5. Ruffinus , and Suidas , as also from the great advantages , which the Egyptians received from Joseph , which no Hieroglyphick could expresse more emphatically , than the Egyptian Apis , which resembled the fat and lean Kine . 2. It was the manner of the Egyptians , to preserve the memories of their great Benefactors , by such Symbols , which were at first designed only for civil use . 3. He proves it also from the names of Apis and Serapis . Apis he conceives to be the sacred name of Joseph , from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 father ; so Gen. 45.8 . Joseph himself saies he was a father to Pharaoh . And Serapis , as Suidas , and Ruffinus tels us , had a bushel on his head , from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sor , a Bull , and Apis. Yea that the Egyptian Demons had their rise from Joseph , Their Demons from Joseph . whom they esteemed as one of their chiefest Demons , and Heroes , is very probable : so Mr Bochart , in a Sermon at Caen , affirmed , that the Egyptians had a Citie , which they stiled the Citie of their Heroes , as some think , from Joseph , whom they accounted amongst their Heroes , or Demons . That the Egyptians had their Demons is asserted by Iamblicus , &c. Orus Joseph . As for Orus ( which signifies Light , from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Or ) who is said to have taught the Egyptians their Wisdom , Melancthon ( chron. l. 2. ) thinks that he was instructed by Abraham , and thence instructed the Egyptians in the Knowledge of the true God , as also in the Motions of the Heavens , &c. But may not this name be more properly applied to Joseph ; who is expressely said Ps. 105.22 . Psal. 105.22 . to teach them Wisdom ? Whence he was by the Greeks called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : to which the Egyptian , or Hebrew Orus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Or , exactly answers .

Isis was later , Isis . and ( as Learned Bochart told me ) the same with Pharaoh's Daughter , who adopted Moses : so the name Is●ha signifies Virago . as Melancthon . As also Busyris , Busiris . which , according to Melancthon , signifies Munitor , Of these Egyptian Gods see Kircher . O●dip . Ae●gypt Tom. 1. Syntag. 3. cap 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , &c. and is supposed to have built the Egyptian Pyramids , by the hands of the Children of Israel . See more of the Egyptian Gods . Part 1. B. 2. C. 7. §. 10. of Egyptian Gods .

Yea not only the matter of Egyptian Theologie , but also the Instruments , and Promotors of it , seem evidently of Judaick , sacred Extract . For look , as the Jewish Theologie was seated among the Priests , and Prophets : so also the Egyptians had , in imitation of these , their Priests , Distincti autem fuerunt Sacerdot●s , & Prophetae . Illi enim praecipue sacra curabant , h● vero oraculis praeerant ; edisser●bant quoque res divinas , quod nunc Doctores Academiarum sacere solent . Quae omnia lucem ca●ient ex Exod. 7.1 . Horn. Hist. Philos. l. 2. c. 7. and Prophets . Thus Diogenes Laertius lib. 1. tels us , that the Egyptian Philosophers were stiled Priests , and Prophets . So Apulcius de Dogm . Plat. saies , that Plato went to Egypt , that he might learn there the Rites of the Prophets . This also gives us the reason , why their chief Philosophers were called Priests ; namely because the chief Matter of their philosophizings was Theologick . Thus Hornius Histor. philos. l. 2. c. 7. They were called Priests by reason of their ancient Philosophie , which was joined with Theologie . For they discoursed of the Gods , their Natures , and Worship ; and of things natural , which they esteemed also a● Divine , because Nature was with them as a God . The like he addes 〈◊〉 what follows : The Philosophie of the ancient Egyptians took in al● as has been said , Theologie it self , which they who mostly studied , for distinction sake , were called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Priests : Which is the very ●otion by which the Jewish Priest is expressed . Some distinguish their Egyptian Priests , and Prophets thus : the former they make to be imployed about Sacreds , the latter about Oracles , and the prediction of futures . Which also answers to the Jewish Distribution . Touching the Egyptian Mysteries , or Mystick Divinitie , it was couched under Hieroglyphicks ; of which we are now to treat .

Of the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks and their original from the. Jews . § . 6. We have done with the matter of the Egyptian Philosophie , both Mathematick , Natural , Moral , and Theologick . We now proceed to their manner of philosophizing , which was by Hieroglyphicks , or Symbols answerable unto , and , as it is very probable , derived from those in use amongst the ancient Hebrews and Jews . So Lud. Vives , on Austin de civitat . Dei . l. 18. c. 39. Primi Aegyptii per siguras animalium sensus effingebant , & antiquissima monumenta ingeaii humani impressa saxis cernuntur . Tacitus lib. 11. Artapanus ( saies he ) reports that Moses gave Letters to the Egyptians — and if any shall inquire in what letters that Wisdom of the Egyptians , in which we read Moses was instituted , was conteined , he will find , peradventure , it was wont to be traduced and received by vocal Tradition , and so conserved in the memorie of the Teachers , and of the Hearers : if they had any formes of letters , they were no other than Images of Animals , or other Creatures , which they called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that is , Letters engraven in Sacreds , &c. The same Ludovicus Vives tels us , that we find some mention of these 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hieroglyphick Letters ( which were the formes , or images of beasts engraven on their Sacred Symbols ) in the fragments of Orus , that ancient Egyptian Writer , &c. Vissius de philos. sectis l. 2. c. 2. §. 7. saies , that the Egyptian Philosophie , for the most part , was couched under Allegories : which way of philosophizing ought not to be rejected : For every where in the Old Testament we find Allegories . And Christ himself in the Evangelist saies , I will open my mouth in parables , and in dark sayings will I speak of the ancient matters . Also the Evangelist saies , that Christ spake to the people in parables .

Athanas-Kircherus Oedip. Aegypt . Tom. 3. cap. 1. gives us this Origination of an Hieroglyphick . An Hieroglyphick derived 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , i. e. from sacred Sculpture , is nothing else but a Symbol of a sacred thing engraven on stones . It 's called a Symbol , to indicate the reason of its mysterious sense . It is said to be of a thing sacred , thereby to constitute the difference 'twixt sacred , and profane Symbols . For there was a two ●●ld kind of Egyptian Parables , the one 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which comprehended vulgar similitudes ; the other 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , drawn from their Sacred Doctrine . Clemens Alexandrinus Strom 5 , saith that they who are taught by the Egyptians , The sundrykinds of expressing things amongst the Egyptians . learn first of all the method of the Egyptian Letters , called Epistolographick ; secondly the Hieratick , used by those , who write of sacred things ; the last , and most perfect , called Hieroglyphick , whereof there is one Curiologick ( 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) another ( 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) Symbolick : of the Symbolick also there are three sorts , the one is spoken properly , by imitation ; Of the three fo●d manner of writing among the Egyptians vulgar , sacred and Hieroglyphick . the other is written as it were tropically ; another , on the contrary , doth allegorize by Enigmes . As for instance ; in the Curiologick way to expresse the Sun , they make a Circle , to expresse the Moon , a Crescent . Tropically they , by resemblance , traduce , transfer , and expresse , by changing some things , and variously transfiguring others . Thus , when they deliver the praises of Kings in Theologick Fables , A●gyptii ad hoc denotandum , Sphi●gem ante sua templa constituere soliti sunt , innuentes sua placita 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . esse Horn. Hist. philos. l. 7. c. 6. they write by A●aglyphicks ▪ In the third kind , by Enigmes , they liken the Sun to a B●●tle , because they say , this Creature liveth six Months under ground . see Stanly of Pythag. We have an instance of their Hieroglyphick Mysteries in that famous Hieroglyphick of Diospolis , of which we find so much mention amongst the Ancients ; where , to expresse our coming into the World , they used a child ; and to notifie our going out of the world , an old man ; they expressed God by an Hawk ; hatred by an Hippotamus ; Impudence by a Crocodile . And all this to expresse this pretty Apothegme . O ye that come into the world , and go out of it , God hates Impudence . so Stilling . orig. sacr. book 2. c. 2. Vossius de philos. sect. lib. 2. c 2. §. 5. tels us , that the first Discipline of the Egyptians consisted in their threefold Scripture : one vulgar or common , De opertis adyti pro●ert quosdam l b●os literis ignorabilibus praenotatos , partim figuris cu●uscemodi animalium , concepti sermonis compendiosa verba suggereates , partim nodosis , & in modum rota●●ortuosis capreolatimque condensis apicibus , à curiosa profanorum lectione munitos . Apuleius lib. 11. which was used in writing Epistles , another sacred which they used in writing sacreds ; and a third Hieroglyphick , or the Sculpture of sacred Images , &c. These sacred Hieroglyphicks are called by Apuleius lib. 11. Pictures and Images , which saies he , they used to preserve their Philosophie from contempt , and oblivion by . Benjamin Tudelensis in 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , acquaints us , that at Alexandria , on the shore , there was to be seen a Marble Sepulchre , whereon all kind of Birds , and other Animals were engraven . Whence it is conceived , that these Egyptian Hieroglyphicks were not so much letters or words , as some conjecture , as intire sentences , ye complete Discourses , for the more easie preservation of the memorie of things . So under the forme of a Bee making hony , they expounded the office of a King . Lucan wittily stiles these Hieroglyphicks , Magicas Linguas , Magick Languages , because they denoted not single letters , or words , but intire orations ; as Hornius Hist philos. l 7. c 6

Hieroglyphick Philosophie translated by Pythago●as from Egypt into Greece . § . 7. This Hieroglyphick and Mystick way of philosophizing , though it has little of substance in it , yet did it make a great noise , and was exceeding taking in the infant state of the world ; as it is the property of children , to be taken more with sensible formes , shadows , or pictures , which please the fancie , than with solid reason . So the Gymnosophists , and Druides were wont to wrap up their Philosophie in obscure and enigmatick sentences , as Laert. lib. 1. The like is said of Ta●utus the Phenician , as Sanchoniathon in Euseb. praepar . l. 1. c. 7. For the first Philosophers delighted to concele their more hidden Mysteries , from the Vulgar ; whence they bound their Auditors by an oath o● secrecie 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which words are taken out of a famous formule of the oath , whereby Vettius Valcus the Antiochene Astrologer bound his reader , as Seld●● Prol. 3. de Diis Syris & Synt. 1. c. 1. H●rnius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 6. This kind of philosophizing , Pythagoras translated immediately from the Egyptians , but originally from the Jews , into Greece . Porphyrie in the life of Pythagoras tels us , that it was permitted unto Pythagoras , when he was in Egypt , to acquaint himself with all the Studies of the Egyptian Priests at Thebes ; Eum modum ( Symbolicum ) ex oriente in Graeciam Pythagoras tulit , cujus Philosophia nil nisi arcana mysteria erant . Hornius Hist. philos. l. 7. c. 6. which was never granted to any Forreigner besides . Diogenes saith , that whilst he lived with these Priests , he was instructed in the Learning , and Language of the Egyptians , and in the three modes of writing , Epistolographick , Hieroglyphick , and Symbolick , whereof the one imitates the common way of speaking , the rest are Allegorick , by Enigms , &c. as Clemens Strom. 5. Plato also took up the same mode of allegorick , or symbolick philosophizing , though not so expresly , as Pythagoras . And indeed this kind of philosophizing was extremely pleasing to these first Ages , and Philosophers ; as Amyraldus well observes in his Salmurian Thes●s de Imaginibus . In the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks ( saies he ) the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , manners and passions were figured by the shapes of Animals , and other creatures . which were very delightful to sense ; &c. Athan. Kircher . Oedi●s Aegyptiaci tom . 2. part. 1 , cap. 1. saies , that the Egyptians were the first amongst men , who insisted on this mode of philosophizing by Symbols . For they , being of an acute , and subtile ingenie ; as also continually vers'd in a certain profound contemplation , and disquisition of Truth , delighted themselves in these mystick expressions , &c. And the same Kircherus , in what follows cap. 2. gives us the Origine of this Symbolick Doctrine . It stands thus ( saith he ) with human condition , that if men have any thing that is pretious , rare , and beautiful , they not only hide it under secret formes , but also concele it under enigmatick and mysterious words , that none but the more wise , and quicksighted , may come to the manifest notice thereof . Which , as it has been the custom of all times , so especially amongst the ancient wise men . For seeing they had , as it was most meer , so high an esteem , for those great secrets of Divinitie , communicated , by successive Tradition , from the Patriarchs , as conteining the in exhausted treasures of eternal felicitie ; they thought it dangeorus to expose these rich treasures , to the ignorant people , and dull ingenies . Wherefore they endeavored , by all means possible , to couch them under such symbolick coverts , that vulgar capacities might penetrate only the bark , or outside of the words ; the marrow , or sense , being still hid from them . And then in what follows cap. ●3 . the same Kircher . gives us the Interpretation of many Hieroglyphick Symbols , out of Zorcaster . Moreover cap. 4. he interprets many Hieroglyphick Symbols used by Orpheus . And cap. 5. The Symbols of Pythagoras are interpreted by him , Whence he proceeds cap. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , &c , to explicate many Hieroglyphick Symbols used by Plato , Proclus , Picus Mirandulanus , and others . Thence in the second part of his second Tome , he interprets many Mathematick , Mechanick Medicinal , Chymick , Magick , and Metaphysick Hieroglyphicks : from Classis 7. to 12.

This ancient mode of expressing things worthy of memorie , The extent and benefit of this Hieroglyphick way of philosophizing : and of its traduction from the Jews . by certain hieroglyphick formes , or symbols , was very common amongst the ancients , both Poets , and Philosophers : For in this infancie of the world , knowledge being impolite and imperfect , they took delight to shaddow forth their highest mysteries , and contemplations , by terrene Images , and sensible formes ; which way of conveighing , and preserving knowledge is not only helpful to the memorie , and delightful to the fancie , but also very efficacious , as to the moving of Affections ; and therefore the wise God made use of this familiar way and method , for the instructing of his own people , in the non-age of his Church , shadowing forth , and signifying to them , the most sublime heavenly mysteries of his Gospel , by earthly Symbols , or Types . Whence that great maxime 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , sensible formes are imitations of Intelligible things . Thus were the greatest pieces of Jewish wisdom couched under the covert of Symbols , or Types . Whence the Egyptians , as the other Easterne Philosophers borrowed their Hieroglyphick manner of philosophizing by fables , &c. which will more fully appear hereafter , in the life of Pythagoras , and Plato . See more of these Egyptian Hieroglyphicks in Athan. Kircher . O●dipi Aegyptiaci Tom. 3. cap. 1.

That the Egyptian Philosophie was traduced originally from the Hebrews & Scriptures . § . 8. Having given some account of the Egyptians Philosophie , both as to the matter , and manner of their philosophizing , I shall now proceed to give a more particular demonstration , that the chiefest parts , if not the whole thereof , descended originally from the Jewish Church , or Scriptural Tradition . I shall begin with Inartificial Arguments , or Authentick Testimonies of such whose skill in Antiquitie , and faithfulnes in their relations thereof , is generally acknowledged , and received . Lud. Vi●es's Testimonie . We gave some Testimonies hereof afore in our account of Abraham , Joseph , and Moses , their Philosophie ; to which we shall adde , 1. that of Ludovicus Vives on August . de Civit Dei lib. 8. cap. 9. The Philosophie of the Egyptians ( saies he ) is very ancient , but for the most part derived from the Chaldeans , especially from Abraham ; though they , as Diodorus writes , refer it to Isis , Osiris , Vulcan , Mercurie , and Hercules . Thus Lud. Vives . First this old Tradition , that the Egyptian Philosophie , and thence the Grecian sprang from the Chaldeans is , and that not without great probabilitie , by the Learned interpreted of the Hebrews : for Abraham their Ancestor was a Chaldean : and the Hebrews themselves lived under the Chaldean Empire , at that time when this old saying began amongst the Grecians , mentioned by Plato , &c of which more hereafter . 2. Lud. Vives expresly saies that the Egyptian Philosophie came principally from Abraham ; for which he has much of Pagan Antiquitie on his side , as we mentioned on Abraham ▪ Josephus A●tiquit . sud lib. 1. cap. 16. judgeth that the Egyptians learned their Arithmetick , and Astrologie from the Patriarch Abraham , who brought these Sciences from Chaldea . But the Egyptians are wont to refer their Philosophie to Isis , Osiris , Vulcan , Mercurie , and Hercules ; as Diodorus Siculus . The Doctors of this wisdom are , by Clemens Alexandrinus , called Prophets , by Suidas 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ( as amongst the Ethiopians ) by Eusebius , in an Egyptian name , Arsepedonaptae . These drew their wisdom from Abraham , as before ; and perhaps from Joseph also , who first taught the Egyptians the use of Geometrie , as Artapanus in Josephus testifies . And this opinion , as some think , may be founded on Psal. 105.22 . It is credible also , that they got some things from the Israelites , who also descended from Abraham ; and hence Aristophanes , in Avibus , cals them 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; which Suidas also observes . Thus Ger. Vossius de philosoph. sectis . l. 2. c. 2. §. 2. 3. The Confession of the Egyptians themselves related by Diodorus , The Confession of the Egyptians . seems clearly to intimate , and prove our Assertion . For in that they refer their Philosophie originally to Isis , Osiris , Mercurie , A nonnullis Aegyptiorum Sacerdotibus , quidisciplinam nostram altius considerarunt , Dei homines Gens nostra est appellata . Eleazar . Pontifex ad Ptol. 2. apud Euseb. praepar . l. 8. c. 3. &c. it is very probable that these feigned names were originally given to the Patriarchs , especially to Joseph , by the Egyptians , who being unwilling to own the Hebrews , as Authors of their Wisdom , gave these borrowed names unto Joseph , &c. according to the custome of that infant Age. Athan. Kircher . Oedipi Aegypt . Tom. 3. c. 1. makes Herm●s Trismegistus the Author of the Egyptians Hieroglyphick Philosophie . Yet so , as that we received the first Lineaments thereof from the Patriarchs . His words are Hermes Trismegistus contemplating this world composed of so great varietie of things , as a Scene distinguisht with most polite Images , he rightly supposed , that these creature-images were 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Symbols of God , &c. And hence the first rudiments of Hieroglyphick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 proceeded ; which being adumbrated by the first Patriarchs , Adam , Enoch , Noah , C●am , and perfected by Hermes , sprang up unto the forme , by the stupendious architecture of Hieroglyphicks . That Mercurie called by the Grecians Hermes , could be no other than Joseph , has been already proved in the Storie of Joseph's Philosophie : as also Part 1. Book 2. Chap. 7. §. 10. of the Egyptian Theogonie . Serranus's Testimonie . But Serranus ( that great Philologist ) in his Preface to Plato , speaks more fully and expresly touching the traduction of the Egyptian Philosophie from the Patriarchs and Scripture Revelation . His words are these , That the Egyptians retained many things from the Traditions of the Patriarchs , the ancient Historie of Moses demonstrates : & that they derived many things from the clear fountains of the Scriptures , which yet they contaminated by their own mud ( or fables ) is no way to be doubted . Thus Serranus : but of this more hereafter in the life of Pythagoras , and Plato . Neque ullo modo dubitari potest quin , quaecunque vera & Scripturae consentientia cum apud al●os , tum imprimis , Aegypti●s Philosophos inveniuntur , ea omnia ab Ebraeis , quibuscum jam à temporibus Abrahae frequenter , & diu ●onversati sunt , acceperint . ●●primis à Josepho , pl●rima , cui , cum proximus à Rege esset , con●●adicere ●●mo ausus est . Ho●nius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 10. The like Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 10. which see in what precedes of Joseph chap. 1. §. 9.

§ . 9. To make good yet farther our assertion , touching the Traduction of the Egyptian Philosophie from the Jewish Church , we now shall endeavor to give some Artifiicial Argument , or Demonstration , from the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or cause ; by shewing what influence the Patriarchs , and Jewish Church had on the Egyptian Wisdom , as well in its first rise , as after improvement . First , that the Egyptians were no way famous for Wisdom , or Philosophie , before the abode of the Patriarchs with them , is evident by their own concessions : for they confesse they owe all their wisdom to their Gods ; Isis , Osiris ; but principally to Mercurie , or Theuth , whom they call Hermes , &c. So Plato in Phaedro brings in Socrates relating , Alii s● ri●sisse de sapientia Mercurium non negant , sed haer , quae hodie circumferuntur , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Mercurii esse , id vero pernegant . Olim enim Librarii , ut quaestum uberiorem ex suis nugis co●raderent , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 libros lectoribus obtrudebant . Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 6. that the Egyptians worshipped a certain God whom they called Theuth , who found out , and taught them all Arts and Letters , in that time , when Thamus held the Empire of Egypt . This Theuth is the same with the Egyptian Mercurie , of whom Iamblichus ( most skilful in the Egyptian Theologie ) lib. de Myster. Aegipt . cap. 1. thus writeth : The Egyptians report Mercurie to be the M●derator , and God of Wisdom , and Eloquence ; and they declared that by him not only Letters were found out , and reduced into order ; but also that the principles of all Learning were collected , and published , in many thousand books by him , Mr Bochart in a conference told me that none of the Egyptian Gods were more ancient than the Patriarchs . Now that all the Egyptian Gods were younger than the Patriarchs , or at least but borrowed names given to them , is generally asserted by the Learned ; especially that Mercurie , or Hermes was Joseph , or Moses . Carion in his Ch●oni●on lib. 2. of Abraham , tels us , that after the great Famine in Egypt , Joseph altered the constitution , or forme of the Egyptian Kingdom ( he having bought in all the Land , that belonged to the people ) and erected a College for the Priests which was endowed , Josephs provisib● for the College of Egyptian Priests , and his instructing of them as also of th●ir King in the knowledge of God , &c. of which see more in what precedes ch. 1. §. 9 ▪ of Joseph . &c. His words are these , After the Famine the forme of the Egyptian Kingdom was constituted , and Tributes appointed , and Revenues for the College of the Priests ; that so they might be conservators of Learning ▪ And although the Knowledg of God was , after Joseph's death , changed , yet the Knowledge of the Celestial motions , and of the nature of things , was conserved in Egypt , throughout all the four Monarchies of the Assyrians , the Persians , the Greeks , and Romans , even unto the Barbarians of the Mahometans , almost 3000 years . Jacob saw the flourishing state of this Kingdom , which then had a pious King , with whom he had frequent conference , and who took care , that the true Doctrine should be propagated far and near , and in the famine afforded relief to many neighboring Nations . Thus far Carion , or Melancthon . By which we see what care Joseph took , for informing the Egyptian Priests , in the Knowleedge of the true God , and sound Philosophie . The Scripture also makes an honorable mention of Joseph's care of , and provision for the Priests ; as Gen. 47.22 . Gen. 47 , 22 ▪ by assigning them Portions , and setling their Lands . And as he took this care for their Bodies , and Succession in following Ages ; so we cannot conceive , but that he took much more care for their Souls , and the Souls of the whole Kingdom , with which they were entrusted . Can we imagine that Joseph made such large provision for these Egyptian Priests , that so they might be the better qualified to serve the Devil , and Idol Gods ? no ; without doubt , his great designe was to lay a foundation , for the Knowledge and Worship of the true God , as well as , and much more than , for human Philosophie , and other ingegenious Sciences ) for the accomplishment whereof , he had an huge advantage , in that , having been an instrument to save the Nation , he had thereby gained the King's Ear , and Heart , who , if we may credit Carion , was piously inclined : and we may also , not without good ground , conjecture as much from Joseph's Instructions of , and Jacob's Conference with him . And indeed the unparalleld kindnesses he manifested to Joseph , his Father , and Brethren , argues some pious inclination in him . But this holy and great design of Joseph , in erecting a College for the Egyptian Priests , and making such ample provision for their Instruction in the Knowledge of God , and human Philosophie , after his decease determined in miserable superstition , and Idolatrie : so also Carion lib. 2. of the going out of the children of Israel out of Egypt , saies , That Egypt excelled in Arts , and Laws , and other Learning : Joseph had planted a Church there ; but after his death the Kings turned aside to Idols , and in the following times Egypt was full of Idols , and Magick Arts. Thus Carion : so Hornius as before Chap. 1. § . 9. Thus we have seen what foundation was laid by Joseph , and the rest of the Patriarchs for Divine and human Philosophie , and its improvement in Egypt : unto which we have ground enough to conjecture , that Moses , by his writings , and Solomon by his , gave no small additional advance , as it has been already observed in its place .

§ . 10. We now proceed to demonstrate , what improvement the Egyptian Philosophie , and Wisdom received from the Jewish Church , after the Babylonian Captivitie . When the Jews were carried captive to Babylon , we find that many remainders of them fled to Egypt , where we may presume they had their Scholes , as in Babylon ; or at least some way of communicating their Knowledge to the Egyptians , who , without doubt , would be very inquisitive into their mysteries . And when Alexander upon personal conversation with the Jews , and observation of their Institutes , and Solemnities , began to have a kindnes for them , multitudes of them were , by Alexander's favor , setled at Alexandria ; where they had huge advantage to season that Fountain of Learning with Scripture Light , which immediately after their settlement , began to flourish ; and being afterwards abundantly supplied with the Waters of the Sanctuarie , I mean with the sacred Fountain of the holy Scriptures translated into Greek , this Schole of Alexandria proved the most flourishing in the world . The advantage the Egyptians received from the Jews as to Philosophie after the Captivitie by the Greek version , or LXX . For the greatest advantage that the Egyptians , and Grecians had , for improvement in Divine , and human Philosophie , was the Translation of the Hebrew Testament into Greek by the appointment ; as it is supposed , of Ptolomeus Philadelphus King of Egypt ; whereof Carion Chron lib 2. of the Kings of Egypt after Alexander , gives us this account . Ptolomeus Philadelphus ( saies he ) reigning with peace in Egypt , and finding the profession of Sciences confined to the Priests , and the Egyptian Tongue , The beginning of the Schole at Alexandria . and Letters ; he caused Learning to be translated into the Greek Tongue , and instituted Studies ( or Colleges ) at Alexandria ; where it was , thence forward , common for all that would , to studie and learn : and the King called thither from all parts Learned men ; he erected a copious Librarie , and searched after ancient monuments , amongst divers Nations . Wherefore Callimachus writ a book of the origine , and migrations of the Nations , and of the Builders of the ancient Cities , and their Laws ; which book being lost , is of great detriment to Antiquitie . But when Ptolomie understood that the Jews had the ancient series of the Fathers , and saw that the Law of the Jews did mostly accord with reason , touching the unitie of God , and right manners he took care to have the books of the Jews translated into the Greek Tongue . By the labor and bountie of this King Ptolomeus Philadelphus , the Studies of Sciences were restored to mankind , and largely propagated . And it is written , that he was moved by the Counsels of the most learned Aristas , Strabo , and Demetrius Phalerensis , Callimachus , Apollonius , Aratus , Bion , Theocritus , Conon , and Hipparchus the Mathematician , who resided with him , &c. The Studies of the Sciences , instituted in the reign of Philadelphus , flourished greatly at Alexandria , in the reign of Eu●rgetes his son ; who also was very bountiful towards the Jews . In his time Jesus the son of Syrach , being in Egypt , gathered his sentences ; which are yet extant ; which ( saies he ) were written by his Grandfather , but augmented by himself , and translated into Greek . The reading of which is most profitable and sweet , &c. Thus Carion ( or Melancthon , who added to him ) by which it's apparent , what great advance the Egyptian Wisdom , and the Schole of Alexandria ( which henceforward became the seat thereof ) in its first constitution , received from the Scriptures , and Jewish Church .

§ . 11. This Schole of Alexandria grew exceeding famous for its Librarie ( wherein was treasured up this rich Jewel of the Old Testament , The fame of the Alexandrian Schole for its Librarie wherein were treasured up the sacred Oracles . in its Greek Version ) whereunto Mark Antonie , out of Love to Cleopatra , afterwards added the famous Librarie of Pergamus ; so that this Schole was the great Nurserie of all Philosophie , and ingenious Sciences , in the first dawnings of the Christian Religion . For the sacred Scriptures , as well as the Egyptian Philosophie , being translated into Greek , it proved an efficacious attractive to draw all the Candidates of Learing , and Philosophie hither . The head of this Schole in Origens time , was that great , and so much renowned Philosopher Ammonius , Ammonius the great Master of the Alexandrian Schole his mixing Scripture with Platonick Philosophie . from whom all those Platonick Philosophers , who were stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , of the sacred Succession , derived their notions . Such were Herennius , Origen , and Plotinus , who were his Scholars ; and Porphyrie , who was Scholar to Plotinus , as ●amblichus the disciple of Porphyrie . This Ammonius , if we may believe Eusebius ( Eccles. Hist. l. 6. c. 9. ) and Jerom , lived and died a Christian , though Porphyrie endeavors to confute this opinion . Certain it is , that his Philosophie which he communicated to his Scholars , had much of the Scripture revelations mixed with it : so that the Platonick Philosophie , which we find in Plotinus , Porphyrie ; Proclus , Hierocles , and the latter Platonists , owed not its original , as they would persuade us , so much to Plato , or Pythagoras , as to the Divine Revelation , which Ammonius was well versed in , and made the foundation of his Philosophie . Take this in the words of Dr. Owen , in his learned Treatise of Theologie lib. 3. cap. 6. pag. 204. After Ammonius Alexandrinus the Coryphaeus or head of the Philosophers of his Age ( whose Scholars were Origen , Herennius , and Plotinus the praeceptor of Porphyrie , as he of Iamblichus ) had sowen in the minds of his Auditors , some seeds of the heavenly Doctrine , they , who , by reason of their own inveterate prejudices , and the Worlds enmitie against the Christian Religion , would not receive the same , desisted not however to manure and improve those seeds they had received , but mixing of them with Plato's muddy Philosophie . Adde hereto , that some of them by reading our books , drew forth many no●io●s from those hidden mysteries of the Gospel . Of this number were Numenius , Proclus , Amelius , Plotinus , Herennius , Porphyrius , Iamblichus , Hierocles , Marinus , Damascius , and others ; who , though they quitted not the curious speculations of the Platonicks , nor the Magick Inchantments of the Pythagoreans , yet they mixed many sparks of the heavenly Truth with them . More of this hereafter . Book 3. ● . 4. §. 5. What advance the Schole of Alexandria received from the Church there .

§ . 12. There was also , in the first planting of the Gospel , a famous Church of Christ in this Citie of Alexandria , whence this Schole , as we may justly presume received much Light , &c. To which purpose , Morelius in his Treatise of Church Discipline Lib. 3. c. 14. pag. 260. St Mark , saies he , having performed the office of a Teacher in the Church of Alexandria , the charge of the Schole was afterwards given first to Panthenus , then to Clemens Alexandrinus , and after him successively to Orig●n , Heraclus , Dionysius , Athen●dore , Malcion , and Didymus , who reached to the year 350. The which Doctors gave an admirable advance to the Church . The Towne was for this reputed as the universal Schole of the Church . The truth is , Philosophie and Curiositie corrupted this Schole , and by consequent the Church , which is greatly to be heeded , because these two evils are natural to Scholars , who contenting not themselves with the simplicitie of the Gospel , would fain adorne it with the ornaments of human Eloquence , and Philosophie ; and from a rage to learne , would faine mount higher than their Teachers , &c. Hence the same Mor●lius lib. 2. cap. 4. pag. 87. shews how the Arian , and Pelagian Heresies were hatched out of the vain philosophizings in this Schole of Alexandria , which at last proved the dissipation and ruine of the said Schole , and Church . Thus have we gone thorough the whole series of the Egyptian Philosophie , with endeavors to demonstrate , that it received not only its Primitive Foundation , but also its continued advance and improvement in all Ages from the Divine Oracles seated in the Jewish , and Christian Churches .

CHAP. II. Of the Phenician Philosophie , its Traduction from the Jews .

The Phenicians traduced Philosophie themselves , and deriv'd it into Greece , and other parts , from the Jews . Of the Phenician Philosophie , and its propagation to the Grecians . Of Sanchoniathon , and the original of his Philosophie from the Jews . Porphyrie's Testimonie of Sanchoniathon's traducing his Philosophie from Jerombalus , Priest of the God Jao , i. e. Gideon ; or some Jewish Priest . Sanchoniathon's Mythologick mode of philosophizing from the Jewish Church . The Matter of his Philosophie from the Jews : His 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Theogonie , or Genealogie of the Gods . Beelsamen from heb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gen. 1.16 . Eliun from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Ilos from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : Eloeim from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : Baetulia from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; Israel from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Of Angels , and the Soul from Gen. 2.7 . Sanchoniathon's Physiologie : His Chaos from Gen. 1.2 . Ereb . from Gen. 1.5 , &c. Mot , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 from Gen. 1.2 . The Greek Philosophers concurrence herein . Sanchoniathon's Geographie . Sanchoniathon's Natural Historie continued by Mochus the Physiologist , who was the first Founder of the Doctrine of Atomes , which he makes to be the first principle of all things ; which he received by some Jewish tradition from the Historie of the Creation Gen. 1. of Addomenus . Vossius's account of the Traduction of Phenician Philosophie from the Jews , as the Ionick and Italick from the Phenicians .

§ . 1. WE now proceed to the Phenicians , their Philosophers , Of the Phenicians their traducing Philosophie into Greece , and other parts f●om the Jews originally . and Philosophie ; with its Traduction from the Jewish Church , &c. And to make the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , , or way to our demonstration more clear , we must reflect on some considerations , laid down in our former Discourse of Philologie , touching the Origination of these Phenicians from the old Cananites , who , being expelled Canaan , by Joshua , came and seated themselves on these Maritime Coasts of Palestine ( called by them afterwards Phaenicia ) West of Judaea : whence , being too populous for this narrow Countrey , they transplanted Colonies , and with them Human Philosophie , and other Sciences , into Greece , Africa , Spain , and the chief parts of Europe ; especially such as bordered on the Midland Sea , of which see more Part 1. of Philologie B. 1. chap. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , &c. I shall only adde a Quotation , or two , out of the Learned Ludovicus Vives , and Bochart , which will greatly conduce to the confirmation , and illustration hereof . Lud. Vives speaks though in a few words , fully to our purpose ) thus . The Phenicians , saies he , for lucre's sake , passed in their Ships thorough the whole world , whither they traduced Knowledge , and Philosophie from the Jews .

The Phenicians skill in Geographie and Navigation , &c. This great Bochart does more copiously explain , and demonstrate in the Preface to the second part of his Geographie , stiled Canaan fol. 9. From what we have said , it clearly appears , that the Grecians were greatly exceeded by the Phenicians , as well in the skill of Navigation , as of Geographie . For the Phenicians began long before the Grecians , to view the world . And indeed , this was almost the only Studie , which was innate to this Nation , even from their Origine , to sail throughout all parts of the world , and plant Colonies ; whereunto they were incited , either from the thirst of Glorie , or the irksomnes of their own Countrey , or the desire of Empire , or Curiositie ( the ●nquisitor of natures secrets ) or the unsatiable desire of Lucre. Thence they , amongst them who first ventured their persons at Sea , were so much admired by posteritie , that they were , for this noble exploit , numbred amongst their Gods . Such were Saturne , and Astarte ; whom Sanchoniathon describes , circuiting the Earth , &c. The like the same Bochart mentions fol. 6 , 7. Therefore , saies he , if these monuments of the Phenicians were now extant , there would thence accede great light to sacred and profane Historie ( we might adde also Philosophie ) and that great hiatus , or gap , which is betwixt Moses and the Grecians , would be made up : We should also learn many things touching the ancient Inhabitants of the Earth , and the migration of the Nations . But time having long since consumed , to the great dammage of Learning , these Monuments we have nothing remaining of the Historie of the Phenicians , but a few fragments scattered here and there in the writings of the Grecians , and Romans , &c.

The Phenicians skill in Astronomie and Arithmetick . § . 2. And more particularly touching the Phenicians skill in Philosophie , especially the Mathematicks , we have a good account in Bochart , part 2. of Canaan cap. 8. fol. 410. thus . This was peculiar to the Phenicians , to direct their course by the inspection of the Stars . So Strabo lib. 16 , The Sidonians are reported to be Masters of many , and of the best Arts : moreover they were skilful in Astronomie , and Arithmetick , which they acquired at first from the Art of Calculation , and Navigation . Plinie lib. 5. cap. 12. saies , That the Nation of the Phenicians gained a great glorie for their invention of Letters , Astronomie , Navigation , and Militarie Arts. Thence the Cynosura was so called by the Phenicians . And that Arithmetick was greatly in use amongst the Phenicians , by reason of their Merchandise , and traffique , is generally affirmed by the Learned . That they were also well skilled in Natural Philosophie will hereafter appear , in what is mentioned of Sanchoniathon , and Mochus the Physiologist . The Phenicians skill in Mechanicks . But the greatest excellencie of the Phenicians consisted in their Mechanick Arts ( which belong to Experimental Philosophie ) of making Glasse , mixing Purple , weaving fine Linne , &c. Whereof we have a full account in Bochart his Phaleg . lib. 4. cap. 35. His words are these : God indulged the Inhabitants of Tyre , and Sidon ( the chief Cities of Phaenicia a sharpe vivid ingenie , flexible to all things : Arithmetick , and Astronomie flowed from them to the Grecians . And ( not to mention the modern Phenicians ) Mochus began to philosophize of Atomes at Sidon before the Trojan Wars , And Abdemonus the Tyrian was bold to provoke , or engage King Solomon by his questions proposed to him . But their chief repute was for Mechanick Arts. At Tyre the mixture of Purple , at Sidon Glasse making , and the Texture of fine Linnen ( thence called Sindon ) of the smallest thread , are reported to be first invented . And Solomon , in his Epistle to Hiram King of Tyre , greatly commends the skill of their Carpenters 1 Kings 5.6 . 1 Kings 5.6 . For thou knowest that there are none among us , that can hew Timber like unto the Sidonians . Hence it is , that Homer cals them 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , manifold , or universal Artists . And if there were any thing more excellenly wrought in garments , or vessels , that was usually attributed to the industrie of the Sidonians . Thus Bochart of the Phenician Learning .

§ . 3. The Phenicians being thus renowned for ingenious Arts , The Grecians borrowed much of their Philosophie from the Phenicians . and Philosophie , the Grecians were very ambitious of commerce , and correspondence with them : For besides the Phenician Colonies , and with them the Alphabet translated into Greece by Cadmns , and other Phenicians ( of which before Part 1. ) the first and chiefest of the Grecian Philosophers had recourse to Phenicia , to furnish themselves with Philosophick Principles , and Contemplations : Vossius ( de Hist. Graec. l. 3. pag. 375. edit. 2. ) proves that Thales was ( though a Milesian by birth ) originally a Phenician ; who is said to have learned Astrologie from the Phenicians , especially the Cynosura ( or constellation of the lesser Bear ) which was first observed by the Phenicians , who sailed thereby ; and thence Vossius derives Cynosura from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a collection of light . Also that Thales received his opinion , of water to be the first matter , from the Phenician 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which signifies Slime , will be evident hereafter . That Pherecydes was in like manner of a Phenician extract ( though born at Syra , one of the Cyclades ) and much versed in the Phenician Mysteries ; from whom he borrowed his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Generation of the Gods ( conteined in 10 books ) also his invention of the Heliotrope , and Mythologick Philosophie , will appear in the Storie of his Philosophie .

So likewise Pythagoras , the Disciple of Pherecydes ( as it is generally supposed by the Learned ) borrowed his Symbolick Philosophie from the Phenicians , and Egyptians . Iamblichus in the Life of Pythagoras cap. 13. tels us , that Pythagoras made a voyage to Sidon , where he conferred with the Prophets , the Successors of Mochus the Physiologist , and with the Phenician Priests ; and was initiated into all the Mysteries of Byblus , and Tyre , &c. And Grotius on Mat. 7.6 assures us , that Pythagoras brought his Symbolick Philosophie , either out of Egypt , or Syria , where his Master Ph●recydes was , and as some think , Pythagoras himself . The like will hereafter be evinced of Plato , who makes frequent mention of his Phenician 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or fables &c. I shall adde for the Confirmation hereof the Testimonie of Learned Bochart in his Preface to Canaan fol. 12. That I may ( saies he ) adde to these somewhat of the Sciences , and Arts which flourished amongst the Phenicians , in that age , in which the Grecians were Barbarians , or very little instructed : whence it came to passe , that the most ancient Grecian Philosophers had Phenician Masters ; neither have a few of Phenician words both Philosophick and Mechanick crept into the Greek Tongue . That Democritus , and after him Epicurus received their Philosophick Contemplations of Atomes from Mochus the Phenician Philosopher , will appear in his Storie .

The Phenicians received their Philosophie from the Jews . § . 4. As the Grecians derived the choicest parts of their Knowledge , and Philosophie from the Phenicians ; so these , as it is more than probable , received theirs from the Jewish Church : For indeed , Phenicia was but the great Mart , which receiving Philosophick Traditions from Judea , transported them into Greece , and other parts . Thus much has been already hinted out of Ludovicus Vives , whose words are these , Phaenices quaestus gratia totum orbem navigiis peragrabant , unde scientiam , & philosophiam traduxerunt a Judaeis . And Grotius , in his Annotations on Mat. 24.38 . speaks fully to this purpose thus , Quod ex Phaenicum Theologia veteres Philosophi hauserunt , & ex illis Poet● , Phaenices ab Hebraeis hauserant . What the ancient Philosophers drew from the Theologie of the Phenicians , and the Poets from them , the Phenicians drew from the Hebrews . Yea we are not without probable grounds for this conjecture , that whereas the ancient Grecians , Plato , and others , mention the Phenicians , and Syrians as the Authors of their Mythologick Traditions , they , under these titles , comprehended also the Jews . For it is apparent ( as was before mentioned ) that the Jews were , by reason of their vicinitie , often stiled Phenicians , and Syrians . So in Herodotus , those Ph●nicians , who were circumcised after the Egyptian manner , are the same with the Hebrews , and Lucian does use the Phenician , and Hebrew names promiscuously . Yea in the Scripture Dialect , the Hebrew is called the Language of Canaan , or Phaenicia : so Esa. 19.18 . which proves that there was a great affinitie , and correspondence betwixt the Phenicians , and Hebrews , both in Names , Language , and Sciences , as before Part 1. B. 1. C 3 , 4 , 5 , &c.

§. 5 But to proceed to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the manner how , The manner how Philosophie was traduced out of Judea into Phaenicia . and chief Instruments , by whom the Jewish Mysteries , and Philosophie were traduced into Phaenicia . How near neighbors the Phenicians were to the Hebrews , what a great cognation , or rather Identitie , there was betwixt their Languages , and what constant commerce there was betwixt these two nations , even from their first constitution , not only in external , but also mental commodities , is sufficiently known to all , who are verst in the first rudiments of Antiquitie . Yea the Scriptures fully informe us , touching this great affinitie , and correspondence 'twixt the Phenicians , and Jews , not only in Solomon's Reign , but before , and after . Our main work will be to treat particularly of the two great Phenician Philosophers , Sanchoniathon , and Mochus ; with some inquirie , and discoverie , how they traduced their Philosophie , which was chiefly Mythologick , and historick , from the Historie of Moses , or some Jewish Traditions . Of Sanchoniathon his origination .

§ . 6. The first great Phenician Philosopher ( from whom the Grecians traduced their chiefest philosophick Traditions ) we shall mention , is Sanchoniathon , a person indeed of great Antiquitie ; who , Bochart Canaan lib. 2. cap. 17. as Bochart conceives , writ before the Trojan War . P●rphyrie , and Suidas make him contemporarie with , if not more ancient than , the Tr●jan War . G. Vossius de Hist. Graec. lib. 1. cap. 1. Ger. Vossius tels us , that Greece had no Writer , but who was much younger than Sanchoniathon . Theodor●t , out of Porphyrie , explains his name thus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Sanchoniathon , who according to the Phenician dialect , is Philalethes , i. e. a l●ver of truth , or a Philosopher ; for so Plato defines his Philosopher to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Philo cals him 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the learned , and curious Inquisitor , &c. The Learned Bochart ( in his Canaan lib. 2 c. 17. ) gives his name this Phenician , or Hebrew origination ; viz. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sanchoneatho , which , word for word , signifies , the Law his Zele ; or a Zelot of true Learning . For 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 San , from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 curtaild , signifies , amongst the Phenicians Doctrine , Law , or Canon Law . Hence the same Phenician Citie is sometimes called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Judg. 1.11 , 12. Josh. 15.15 , 16. Kiriath Sepher i. e. the Citie of Learning , and sometimes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Citie of Learning , or of the Law , as Jos. 15.49 . Kiriath Sannath . The Chaldee renders it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Citie of the Archives , where their Learning was lodged : answerably whereto , the Greeks translate it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Citie of Letters . The radix 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 firstly signifying to whet , or sharpen ; thence in its borrowed notion , to teach exquisitely . So that Sanchoniathon seems to have received his Name , or Sirname rather , from the time , wherein he began to applie his mind to Learning , thereby to signifie that he was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Candidate of Truth . So in like manner Roman. 16.15 . we read of one called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Phil●logus , which , as Grotius on the place supposeth , was a Sirname given him , from that he addicted himself to the Studie of Philologie , or human literature .

Sanchoniathon's skill in Philosophie , Mythologie , and Natural Historie . § . 7. That Sanchoniathon was a person greatly versed in the Philosophie , or rather Mythologie , of those Ages , is generally concluded by the Learned , both Ancient , and Moderne . Philo tels us , that Sanchoniathon was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , See more Bochart Canaan lib. 2. cap. 17. learned , and curious , and above all things , most greedy to know , what were the first Originals , and Principles of all things . This inquisitive humor has put him upon prying into Moses's Historie , whence he traduced the best part of his Historick Narrations , of the Originals of things ; which he clothed with many fabulous formes , and shapes , ( according to the custom of those childish Ages ) thereby to disguise the truth , and concele its parentage . That Sanchoniathon was Master , and Professor of Philosophie , as well as Theologie , we have assurance from Suidas : He writ , saies Suidas , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , of the Physiologie of H●rmes : and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Egyptian Theologie ; which , saies Bochart , without doubt , he took out of the books of Taautus . So Philo assures us , that , with great diligence , he searched into the books of Taautus , who is said to be the first , that found out the use of Letters . Philo oft cites him , and in the beginning of his book , whatsoever he has of the Creation of the world , he saies , he found it , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , in the Cosmogonie of Taautus . This Taautus , whom the Greeks call Hermes , is said to have written 42 books as Astrologie , of Geographie , of Medicine , of Politicks , of Th●ologie , of Religion , &c. The Catalogue of which Books is given us by Clemens Alexandrinus Strom , lib. 6. The great difficultie will be , to discover who this Taautus , or Hermes was , whence Sanchoniathon received his Physiologie , Of Taautus his origine , &c. and Theologie . That the Egyptian Hermes is originally applicable to none more properly than to Joseph , has been already made probable . So in like manner , we are not without probable conjectures , that this Phenician Taautus , or Hermes , whence Sanchoniathon traduced his Physiologie , or Philosophie , might be Moses . For it is well known , Taautus the same with Moses . that it was very common in those Ages , for differing nations to give the same Titles of Honor to differing persons , suitable to their own humors , and interests . Hence it is , that we find mention of so many Jupiter's , and Hercules's , &c. So that those blind prejudiced Heathens , being unwilllng to be thought so much obliged to Moses , that servant of the true God , for their Learning , ascribe it to , I know not what , Hermes . That , de facto , the chief matter , and parts of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie , and Theologie were but corrupt fragments of , and derivations from the Historie of Moses , will be hereafter manifest by particulars . At present that Sanchoniathon had a general Vogue amongst the Ancients , for a great Philosopher , as well as Historiographer , is confirmed by the Learned Isaac Casaubon , in his notes on Athenaeus lib. 3. cap. 36. Thus of Sanchoniathon , that ancient Historian , is mention made in many places by Philo , Josephus , Porphyrius , and others : some call him a Berytian , as Porphyrius ; others a Tyrian , as Athenaeus ; Suidas saies 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Sanchoniathon the Tyrian Philosopher writ memoir●s of the Tyrians in the Phenician dialect . Thus much also has been asserted by Porphyrius ( who was a Tyrian ) in his second book of Abstinence , Josephus lib. 1. contra Apion : and amongst the Modern Philologists by Ger. Vossius de Hist. Graecis lib. 1. cap. 1. pag. 3. and Learned Bochart Canaan lib. 2. cap. 17. fol. 856. as anon .

§ . 8. We now proceed to the main of our demonstration : to prove , that Sanchoniathon traduced the bodie of his Philosophie ( which laid the foundations of the Grecian Wisdom ) from some Scriptural , or Jewish Traditions ; The original of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie from the Jewish Church . which we shall endeavor to make good . 1. From the confessions of his friends , and followers . 2. From his manner of philosophizing ; and 3. From the matter of his Philosophie . First touching the original of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie , Philo tels us , that he gathered it out of the hidden Learning , or Mysteries of the Ammoneans . These Ammoneans Heb : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ammanim , Aben Ezra on Lev. 26 30. expounds Temples made for the worship of the Sun . And so indeed amongst the Hebrews 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 amma signifies the Sun . 'T is possible under this disguise of the Ammoneans , were originally intended no others , than the Ministers of the true God , expressed under these borrowed appellations . That Sanchoniathon did indeed derive the best part of his historick Philosophie , or Mythologie from some Jewish Priest , or Minister of the true God , is openly acknowledged by Porphyrie , who was his own Countrey-man , a Tyrian ( being called in the Tyrian Tongue Malchus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) and therefore best able to know ; Porphyrie's tessimonie to prove that Sanchoniathon derived his Philosophie from some Jewish Priest . as also a great admirer of Sanchoniathon , but bitter enemie of the Christians , and so , as we may presume , would not mention willingly any thing , that might tend to the honor of the Christians God . Yet this Porphyrie plainly confesseth ( in his lib. 4. against the Christians ) That Sanchoniathon , besides the help he had from the Commentaries of the Cities , and from the monuments or memoires of the Temples , had for his assistance in the composing of his historie , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . So Euseb. Praeparat . Evang. lib. 10. cap. 3. and Bochart Can. l. 2. cap. 17. Ger. Vossius de Hist. Graec. lib. 1. cap. 1. gives it us in these words , Greece has none , who is not much younger than Sanchoniathon . Porphyrie saies , that Moses , and Sanchoniathon give the names of persons , and places alike ; and that Sanchoniathon drew his Historick Observations , partly from the Annals of the Cities ; partly from the books kept in the Temple , which he received from Jerombalus , Priest of the God 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. That this can refer to no other , but some Jewish Priest seems most evident .

1. If we consider who this Jerombalus was , by whose memoires , or Traditions Sanchoniathon is said to have so much profited himself . I am not ignorant , that the Learned differ in their conjectures hereabouts : but none seems to me more probable ( whatever Dr Stillingfleet objects to the contrary out of Jos. Scaliger ) than that of Learned Bochart , who by Jerombalus understands Gideon . His words are these , Bochart Can. lib. 2. cap. 17. Jerombalus is the same with Jerubbaal , as the Learned have formerly observed . Now it is most known , that Jerubbaal is the Sirname of Gideon . as Judg. 7.1 . compared with Judg. 8.35 . Suidas saith 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : which is expresly mentioned Judg. 6.32 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 let Baal plead against him . Sanchoniathon's receiving the chief materials of his Philosophie from Gideon . Gideon might be called the Priest of Jao , because he was Prince , or Judge of those , by whom Jao , the true God , was worshipped . That which augments the suspicion is , that presently after Gideons death , the Israelites worshipped Baal Berith , or Beryti , from the Citie called Berytum , whence Sanchoniathon sprang . So Judg. 8.33 . and made Baal Berith their God . The like Judg. 9.2 , 4. i. e. the Idol of Berith , or the Berytian Citie . Whence it is most likely , that Gideon making a League , or having frequent Commerce with some Berytian person of great fame , it gave the occasion of this piece of Jewish Idolatrie , otherwise unknown : for we find not the name Baal Berith mentioned elsewhere . Nonnus teacheth us , that this Town of Beryth or Berytum , received its name from Beroe , the Daughter of Venus , and Adonis , who was worshipped in those parts for a Goddesse . Thus Bochart . Certain it is , from the Scriptures above mentioned , that those of Berith or Berytum , where Sanchoniathon lived , had a great commerce , or correspondence with the Jews , in , or immediately upon , Gideon's time : and as the Jews received from those of Berith their Idol Baal Berith , so we may also suppose , that they communicated to these Phenicians , some of their own Scriptural Traditions , out of which Sanchoniathon composed his Historie . Lastly the Transmutation of Jerubbaal , Gideons name into Jerombaal , or Jerombalus ( from whom Sanchoniathon is said to receive the cheif materials of his Historie ) is most easie , by the exchange of one of the B● into M , viz: Jerobbaal into Jerombaal .

2. Whoever this Jerombalus was , from whom Sanchoniathon is said to have borrowed the chief materials of his Historie , yet certain it is , Jerombalus Priest of Jao , i. e. the God of Israel . if we may credit Porphyrie , he was a Priest of the God Jao . i. e. of Jehovah the true God . For the Greeks seldom expresse the ineffable name of God , by any other word . So in the Oracle of Clarius Apollo 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , let him be thy greatest God , whose name is Jao . So Diodorus lib. 1. saies that Moses amongst the Jews owned the God called Jao , as the Author of his Laws . And the Gnosticks in Irenaeus lib. 1. cap. 34. reckon up seven names of God , whereof Jao is the second And Jerom in his commentaries on . Psal. 8. reads it Jaho ; which seems little differing from the name 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Jehovah , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Jah ; as Bochart Can. lib. 2. c. 17. see more Part 1. B. 2. C. 1. §. 8.

Sanchoniathon's mythologick mode of philosophizing from the Jewish Church . § . 9. Farther , that Sanchoniathon traduced the main of his Philosophie from the Jews will be evident , if we consider the manner of his philosophizing ; which was Historick , or rather Mythologick , answerable to Moses's manner of philosophizing . For the whole of his Historie seems to be but some mythologick fragments , or fabulous traditions of what Moses more nakedly , and purely laid down , as it will be more fully evident , when we come to treat of the Matter of his Philosophie . Touching Sanchoniathon's Historick manner of philosophizing , we find a good account in Bochart Can. lib : 2. cap. 2. fol. 783. Sanchoniathon writ , before the Trojan Wars , his Historie of the Phenicians , even from their first Origine , in the Phenician Tongue . Philo Byblius , who lived under the Emperor Adrian , rendred the same Historie into Greek . Euseb. praep. Evang. lib. 1. Eusebius has preserved for us a famous fragment of this Version ; wherein many Phenician things occur , not unworthy of our commentation . Thus Bochart . Suidas , who makes Sanchoniathon to have lived about the time of the Trojan War , speaks to the same purpose . So Porphyrie lib. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; speaks thus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The Phenician Historie is full of those who sacrificed ; which Sanchoniathon writ in the Phenician Tongue . And Philo Byblius interpreted him in 8 books . As Sanchoniathon's mode of philosophizing was historick , correspondent unto Moses ; so likewise mixed he many mythologick , or fabulous Stories , and Symbols with his writings ; wherein he seems to affect an Imitation of the Jewish manner of expressing their mysteries , by Types , and figurative Symbols . And indeed this ancient symbolick , mythick , or fabulous mode of philosophizing , so common not only amongst the Egyptians , and Phenicians , but also amongst the first Grecian Philosophers , Thales , Pherecydes , Pythagoras , and Plato , seems to be wholly taken up by Tradition from , and in imitation of the Jewish Church , their manner of expressing their Rites , Mysteries , and other pieces of Wisdom . So Clemens Alexandrinus Strom. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 The ancient manner of philosophizing was , as the Hebraick , and Enigmatick ; for they chose a short manner of speech ( by Symbols ) which is most apt for admonition , and most profitable . In this mythick , symbolick mode of philosophizing , the Phenicians ( as the Egyptians ) those Jewish Apes , couched not only their Secrets of Nature , and Theologick Mysteries , but also their Moral Precepts , and Examples of Prudence , Justice , Fortitude , and other Heroick Virtues . Hence the Greek Poets first , as Homer , Orpheus , &c. and then their chief Philosophers , both of the Ionick , and Italick Sects , derived their mythologick , and symbolick mode of philosophizing , as hereafter .

§ . 10. The matter of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie . His 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , i. e. his Theologie & Generation of the Gods . We proceed now to the matter of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie , which will give us a farther demonstration , that it was traduced from some Scriptural , or Jewish Traditions . Touching his Metaphysicks , and Theologie ; Sanchoniathon treats of God , his worship , &c ; of Angels , and of the Soul . That Sanchoniathon writ of the Phenician Theologie , Theodoret Therapeut . Serm. 2. assures us , out of Porphyrie , in these words ; 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Sanchoniathon the Berytian writ the Theologie of the Phenicians . And Porphyrie greatly admires Sanchoniathon , &c. Suidas also tels , that besides the Institutes of the Phenicians , Sanchoniathon writ also of the Theologie of the Egyptians . Now this Theologie , of which he treated , consisted chiefly in his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or origination of the Gods , and the Sacrifices , or worship they gave unto them . As for his account of the original of their Gods , it is evident , that they received their Names , and Attributes , the chiefest of them , from some Scriptural Relation , or Tradition of the Jews , which will easily appear by a brief enumeration . The chiefest of the Phenician Gods , was the Sun , called by Sanchoniathon Beelsamen : Of Beelsamen from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gen. 1.16 . in the Phenician , and Hebrew dialect , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; that is , the Lord of Heaven . So Philo Byblius , out of Sanchoniathon's Theologie of the Sun ( Euseb. praepar . lib. 1. ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , This they say is God , whom they repute the only Lord of Heaven , calling him Beelsamen , which is amongst the Phenicians Lord of Heaven . This seems to be but a corrupt Tradition of Gen. 1.16 . Gen. 1.16 . where 't is said , that God made the greater Light to rule the day , and the lesser light to rule the night : whence the Phenicians stile the Moon Belsisama , the Queen of Heaven : because , as the Sun rules by day , so the Moon by night . But Sanchoniathon ( in the fore quoted Euseb. praep. lib. 1. ) proceeds to give the extract of his Gods , in these words , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , by these was produced Eliun called the most high . Eliun in the Phenician , and Hebrew , Eliun from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Gen. 14.19 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Elion , is one of the names the Scripture gives unto God , and signifies the most high : So that we cannot rationally doubt , but that Sanchoniathon borrowed this Iaol-God from some Scriptural relation . Then he addes that this God Eliun begat the Heaven and Earth ; which seems evidently to be taken from Moses's words Gen. 14.19 , 22. Gen. 14.19 , 22. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , To the most high God , that produced the Heaven . For 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 signifies also to produce , as the LXX renders it Zach. 13.5 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and so it is rendred Gen. 4.1 . Then Sanchoniathon proceeds thus , The first born of the Sons of Heaven , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Ilos from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . was Ilos , who also was called Kronos , or Saturne . Ilos is apparently from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 El , a name of God , which the Phenicians gave to their Idol Saturne . So Damascius , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The Phenicians , and Syrians name their Saturne El. Whence the Grecians call the Sun ( which was the Phenician Saturne ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Elocim from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Then it follows 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The companions of Ilos ( Phaen. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Eloah ) i. e. Saturne are called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Elohim , as if one should say the Saturnes . Thus Sanchoniathon . By which it seems evident , that he had not only some Tradition of the God of Israel , his several names 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , but also some broken fragments of the Trinitie , which he here seems to expresse under his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : Hence the Platonists seem to have traduced their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , B●tulia from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bethel . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as hereafter . It follows ; 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 The God Vranus ( i. e. Heaven ) excogitated or imagined the Baetulia , when he framed the living stones . That these Baetulia , or stones , which the Phenicians worshipped , were taken up by them in imitation of Jacob's anointing the stone , and consecrating the place , where he had received a vision , is very probable , if we consider Gen. 28.18 . where 't is said , he called the place Bethel , and Gen. 31.13 . I am the God of Bethel , where thou anointedst the stone . And if Bochart's conjecture hold true ( as it seems probable ) Sanchoniathon's original of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i , e. anointed stones . So that the Translaror transporting 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 anointed , read 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 living . That these Baetulia , which the Phenicians worshipped , had their rise from Jacob's consecrated stone at Bethel , is generally asserted by the Learned Jos. Scalig●r on Eusebius , &c. as elsewhere . Part 1. B. 2. C.

§ . 11. To these pieces of Sanchoniathon's Theologie , Of the Phenician Sacrifices , &c. translated by Philo Byblius , Eusebius addes a place , or two , out of Porphyrie , his book 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; in which the same Saturne is , by the Phenicians , called Israel . His words are , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Israel from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. Saturne , whom the Phenicians call Israel , &c. This Saturne is said also to have an only son by the Nymph Anobret , whom he called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Jeud , and sacrificed . So Sanchoniathon 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , He sacrificed his only son , speaking of Saturne . And that all this is but an imperfect Tradition of Abraham his resolution to sacrifice his own son Isaac , is evident . For the name Jeud , Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Jehid , is the Epithet given to Isaac Gen. 22.2 . Anobret from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 So Anobret is properly given to Sarah : for the Phenician , and Hebrew word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Anobret or Annobret signifies one conceiving by grace , which is rightly said of Sarah Heb. 11.11 . only what Abraham did in intention only , Porphyrie and Sanchoniathon make Saturne to do actually : which 't was the policie of Sathan to make them believe , thereby to induce following Ages to offer their sons to Molech , or Saturne ; which was the great Idol of the Phenicians . Porphyrie in his lib. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 tels us , that the Phenician Historie , composed by Sanchoniathon , was full of such kind of sacrifices , &c. which , it is very evident , the Phenicians at first traduced from the Jews , as the J●ws not long after received the same Idolatrous , and inhuman mode of sacrificing their sons to Molech , from the Phenicians . So much for Sanchoniathon's Theogonie , and Theologie , which gave foundation to the Grecian Mythologie about their Gods .

§ . 12. Of Angels and the human Soul . Sanchoniathon ( according to Philo Byblius's Version cited by Euseb. praep. lib. 1. ) has other pieces of Metaphysicks , which seem to be borrowed from Scripture relations . He makes mention of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : which Bochart interprets of the Creation of the Angels . Also the first men are by him said to be made 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . This Colpia , which he attributes to the wind , is the same with 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Col-pi-jah , the word or breath of Gods mouth , according to Gen. 2.7 . and breathed into his nostrils ; and Psal. 33.6 . by the breath of his mouth . As Bochart Can. lib. 2. cap. 2.

§ . 13. But one main piece of Philosophie , which Sanchoniathon is most famous for , Sanchoniathon's Physiologie or Natural Philosophie . is his Physiologie , or Natural Historie of the worlds origine , and its first matter ; whence the Poet , Hesiod , and his followers , received their first Chaos , and the Philosophers their Materia prima ; which all originally descended , by some corrupt derivations , from the first Chapter of Genesis ; as it will appear , if we consider the particulars of Sanchoniathon's reports . In the beginning of his Historie ( according to the Version of Philo Byblius , quoted by Eusebius ) we find , His Chaos from Gen. 1.2 . in the beginning of things there was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a spirit of dark air , which he cals 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i. e. according to the Phenicians 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Chauth Ereb , night , or evening darknes : which seems to be taken from Moses's words Gen. 1.2 . Ereb from Gen. 1.5 . and there was darknes , &c. The word Ereb is taken from v. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and it was Ereb ; i. e. evening . Whence H●siod 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which Varr● thus imitates , Erebo creata fuscis crinibus nox , te invoco . That the Greek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 signifies sometimes the same with the Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 evening ; see Bochart Canaan lib. 2. cap. 2. Or it is possible , that Sanchoniathon's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 might be borrowed from the Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 bohu Gen. 1.2 . ב being easily turned into ב ; whence also we may suppose the Greek Philosophers traduced their Physick privation ; which they make one of their first principles .

Mot from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . It follows in Sanchoniathon thus : From the Commixtion of the spirit with the Chaos , there arose 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : the words are 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or ( as B●chart conjectures ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . From the Commixtion of the spirit with the Chaos , was produced Mot , which some call 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ( or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) that is , matter , or slime : what Philo Byblius translates 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Est enim humida natura , quod apud Antiquos Chaos , a fusione , humiditate , terra , aqua , commista , hyle , id est literis inversis 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , limus , humus . Steuchus Eugu . de peren . Philos. l. 1. c. 10. the Phenicians write 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 M●d : it being very common with the Greeks to change the Hebrew ד into τ so in 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , by them derived from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Now 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 amongst the Hebrews , and Phenicians signifies that matter , out of which all things were at first made : which the Arabians call 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ( whence 't is possible the Latin materia came ) from the root 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Therefore Sanchoniathon , having called that 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 slime ( or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the first matter ) addes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of this [ matter ] was produced the whole seed of the Creation , and the generation of the whole : which is as as much as if he had said , This Mot was the first Matter of all things . For although the Hebrew word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mod be not found in Scripture , yet we have the thing fully expressed Gen. 1.2 . and 't is possible also the Jewish Philosophers might use the same word , and so the Phenicians by Tradition from them , though Moses , writing for the peoples sake , in the plainest termes , did purposely abstain from all philosophick termes . That Sanchoniathon traduced these his coutemplations of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , with the spirits mixing with them , from Gen. 1.2.5 . Gen. 1.2 , 5. I conceive , is sufficiently evident : whence H●siod's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as Plutarch , and Or●heus's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ( slime ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; also Thales his opinion of water being the first matter . And Plato's first matter , which he makes to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c , as Aristotle's first matter being ingenerable , incorruptible , indefinite , without forme , but capable of all formes , &c. which are but broken fragments of Gen. 1.2 .

§ . 14. That Thales , Pythagoras , Thales , Pythagoras , Plato concur with Sanchoniath● : , and they all with Moses . and Plato concur with Sanchoniathon , and they all with Moses , about the first matter of the World , will be farther evident , if we consider their several expressions , with their agreement amongst themselves , as also with Moses's words . Thales held water to be the first matter of all things ( whence Pindar's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) which is the same with Sanchoniathon's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i. e. mixture of mud , and water together : which Orpheus also makes to be the Principle of the Universe , and it is the same with Sanchoniathon's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . So Philo Byblius , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 This Mot , or Ilus of Sanchoniathon i. e. mud , slime , or fluid matter , which Thales cals 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , water , Pythagoras , and Plato call 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ( by ● inversion 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) that is , matter : all of which agrees with Moses's words Gen. 1.2 . Gen. 1.2 . And the spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters : i. e. all at first was but mud , slime , and water , or fluid matter . So Paulus Fagius , from Kimchi , renders 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 matter , which fluid matter was agitated , or moved by the Spirit of God ; so 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , from this mixing of the spirit with the Chaos , was begotten Mot , which some call slime , or watry mistion , which was made the seed of all creatures , &c. This the Stoicks call 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; and Chrysostom 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a vivifick energie ; according to Psal. 33.6 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , whence Plato , Thales , Pythagoras , Heraclitus ascribe the Original of Individuals , to the various agitations , or motions of this fluid matter , viz : as moved by the spirit of God , so the Phenicians called this motion 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a dark , and blustering wind , or spirit : see Stillingf . Orig , Sacr. book 3. cap. 7.

§ . 15. Sanchoniathon also was not a little versed in the Chronologie , Sanchoniathon's Chronologie and Geographie . and Geographie of those times and places , wherein likewise he accords with Moses , from whom , we may presume , he received both the one and the other . So Eusebius praepar . Evang. l. 10. c. 3. out of Porphyrie lib. 4. against the Christians , makes Moses , and Sanchoniathon to give the same names to Persons , and Places : as Ger. Vossius de Histor. Graec. lib. 1. c. 1. pag. 3.

Of other Phenician writers especially Mochus . § . 16. Sanchoniathon's Natural or Mythologick Historie was continued by others , some in the Phenician , some in the Greek Tongue , Of the Phenicians , there were Theodotus , Hypsicrates , and Mochus ▪ whose books Chaetus translated into Greek . Tatianus , the Assyrian , in his Orat. against the Grecians , speaks thus . The Phenician affairs proceeded thus ; there were amongst them three persons , Theodotus , Hypsicrates , and Mochus , whose books were translated into Greek by Chaetus In Euseb. praep. Evang. l. 10. ( where Tatian's place is cited ) for 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 we have 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Theodotus's Phenician name , as Bochart conjectureth , was Elnathan or Nathaniel . But the most renowned of these three was Mochus , whom Bochart conceives to be , in the Phenician stile , called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Maacha , taken from Compression . Josephus Ant. l. 1. cap. 4. shuts up his Historie touching the long-lived Antidiluvians , with this Epiphonema . And Mochus , and Hestiaeus , and Hieronymus the Egyptian ( who prosecuted the Egyptian storie ) consent to these things I affirme . Bochart Can. lib. 2. cap. 17.

§ . 17. Concerning Mochus we find this mention in Is . Casaubon his notes on Athenaeus lib. 3. cap. 36. Mochus , saies he , is named amongst the Authors of the Phenician affairs by Tatianus , in his last book , Vossius de Hist. Graec. lib. 3. pag. 390. edit. Ludg. 1651. These words which Vossius cites out of Casaubon , I could not find in Casaubons animadversions , but found the contrary : namely his citing of Tatianus touching Mo●h●● as also Euseb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . which place it is worth our while to transcribe , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Ger. Jo Vossius de Hist. Graec. lib. 3. pag. 390. Addes to Casaubon thus : Mochus the Phenician committed to writing the affairs of his Countrey in the Phenician Tongue . Athenaeus in lib. 3. makes mention of him ; where Cynulcus thus bespeaks Vlpianus the Tyrian , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 according to their Citizens Syniaethon ( i. e. Sanchoniathon ) and Mochus , who writ of the Phenician Affairs . Casaubon lib. 3. Anima●v . in Athen. cap. 36. saies , I remember not that Mochus is to be found elsewhere : and peradventure 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 is the name of some Tyrian , who in his own Countrey was called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mosche , or according to the custome of writing Moses . Thus Casaubon . And truly that Moschus is a Phenician name I learnt also one of Strabo lib. 16. where he makes men●ion of Moschus a Sidonian , and that he was the Author of the opinions of Atomes ; also that he was more ancient than the Trojan War . Neither is any thing in Athenaeus to be changed , for ( which occurred not to that excellent man Casaubon ) there is mention made of this Author , not only once , amongst Ecclesiastick writers : as in Josephus lib. 1. Antiqu ▪ cap. 8 ( or according to others 50 ) where you read 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Also Manetho the Egyptian writer , and Berosus the Chaldean Historiographer , and Mochus , Hestiaeus , and Hieronimus the Egyptian , who prosecuted the Phenician Affaires , consent with us . Also we have a famous place touching Mochus , in Tatianus his oration against the Pagans pag. 217. in Orthodoxogr . which is also cited by Eusebius lib. 10. de praepar . Evang. ( pag. 289 Edit. Rob. Steph. ) And Georg : Cedrenus transcribing Josephus ( almost in the beginning of his Compendium pag. 10. ) does in like manner make mention of Mochus amongst the Phenician Historiographers . Thus Vossius de Hist. Graec. lib. 3. pag. 30.

§ . 18. And that Mochus was a famous Philosopher , Mochus his Philosophie . as well as Historiographer , is evident , from the mention we find concerning him in lamblichus , of the life of Pythagoras cap. 13. where he saies , that Pythagoras , being at Sidon , conferred with the Prophets , Successors of Mochus the Physiologist , &c. By which also we see what piece of Philosophie Mochus was chiefly verst in , namely in Physiologie , or Natural Philosophie , which was the main Philosophie , these first Ages , and Philosophers thirsted after . This Thales brought out of Phenicia , &c. And in brief , this kind of Physiologie , which the Phenicians , and the Grecians so much delighted in , was indeed no other , than a Natural Historie , or some broken fragments of the Historie of the Creation , delivered by Moses Gen. 1 , &c. Thus much I was assured of by learned Bochart , upon oral conference with him , to whom proposing some Queries , touching this Mochus , he answered me , that Mochus lived before the Trojan War , and was contemporarie with Sanchoniathon , as Strabo affirmes ; calling him upon a mistake , Moschus ; and that his Philosophie was nothing else , but the Historie of the Creation , the same with that of Sanchoniathon . As for other particulars touching Mochus , the original of his name from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Maacha , &c , he referred me to his Canaan lib. 2. c. 17. Strabo lib. 16. and Athenaeus l. 3. c. 36. with Casaubon . That Mochus did really traduce his Physiologie , or natural Historie from the Historie of the Creation , written by Moses , will be farther evident , if we consider the main Principle for which he was renowned amongst the Ancients , viz. the doctrine of Atomes . So Strabo lib. 16. makes mention of Moschus the Sidonian , who was the Author of the opinion of Atomes , &c. The same B●chart Phaleg . lib. 4. cap. 35. having made mention of Arithmetick , and Astronomie , being derived from the Phenicians to the Grecians , addes thus : that I may be silent as to latter Philosophers , Prima mundi materia fuit disperforum Atomorum chaos , nulla sua parte coharens . Comen. physic . c. 2. Mochus began to philosophize of Atomes at Sidon , before the Trojan War , &c. Hence Democritus borrowed his Notions of Atomes , as Epicurus from him ; and that the whole Doctrine of Atomes to be the first principles of the Vniverse came from Moses's Historie of the Creation , see Comenius's Physicks , of Materia prima . cap. 2.

§ . 19. Bochart Phaleg . lib. 4. c. 35. makes mention of another Phenician Philosopher , Abdomenus the Tyrian , Of Abdomenus . who , by his questions , was so bold as to provoke King Solomon to disputation , &c. But I shall confirme this discourse of the Phenician Philosophie , and its Traduction from the Jewish Church with the observation of Learned Vossius de philosophorum sectis lib. 2. cap. 10. §. 24 , Vossius's account of the Phenician Philosophie its traduction from the Jews , as the Grecians from them . &c. The Philosophie of the Phenicians ( saies he ) is very famous : and in as much as that Nation was most like to Judea , they had a mighty advantage of Learning many things from the Jews : some things also they gained by Tradition . For the Phenicians springing from Sidon , the son of Canaan , the Nephew of Cham , descended also from Noah . They used the help of their Priests in writing Historie , as Josephus lib. 1. contra Apion . Who also quotes some things out of the Annals of the Tyrians . Concerning their Theologie , Sanchoniathon the Berytian writ in the Phenician Tongue , who was more ancient than the Trojan War , as Porphyrie lib. 4. contra Christ . &c. Thence §. 25 , &c. he addes , To this Nation the Grecians owe their Letters : whence they are called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Also they attribute Arithmetick to these Phenicians , because they excelled in Merchandise ; to which the Knowledge of Numbers is greatly necessary . Ochus the Persian Philosopher was also a Phenician . Thales likewise , who was the first founder of the Ionick Philosophie , had his original from the Phenicians . Also Pherecydes the Praeceptor of Pythagoras , who was Contemporary with Thales , and Author of the Italick Sect , drew his contemplations from the hidden books of the Phenicians . Also Zeno , the Prince of the Stoick Sect , was of a Phenician extract : for Cittium a Town in Cyprus , where he was borne , was peopled by a Phenician Colonie . Then he concludes § . 31. But if we acknowledge the Phenician Philosophie , how much more justly must we Christians acknowledge the Jewish ? especially seeing the Phenicians , without all peradventure , traduced many things from the Jews their neighbors , as also the Egyptians . And hence it is apparent why the most Ancient Philosophers delighted so much in brevitie , and symbolick Learning . The Ancient mode of philosophizing was Hebraick , and Enigmatick . Thus Vossius . We may adde hereto that of Hornius Hist. philos. l. 3. c. 14. Joh. Serranus makes Plato to speak many things , which he understood not , drawn out of the Phenician Theologie . So Scaliger Exer. 61. §. 3 , which opinion seems very probable to me . For as to the Phenicians , they were given to Mercature , familiar to the Grecians : and they sent frequent Colonies into various parts of the world . Also their Theologie was well known : from which Musaeus , Linus , Orph●us , and other old Theologists drew most of their notions . Nothing hinders therefore , but that Plato might attain to a more intimate Knowledge of their Theologie , whereunto Pherecydes had before opened the door , who also , as they say , brought some of their commentaries into Greece . But now the Phenicians had many things common with the Hebrews , drawn either from daily conversation with their Ancient Fathers and their Posteritie , or else from the inspection into , and reading of Moses ; whereof they , being not ignorant of that tongue , might partake . Thence therefore Plato drew those things which rendred him so admirable to all Posteritie .

§ . 20. And as there were some broken beams , As the Law , so the Gospel shone in its first promulgation , or dawning on the Phenicians . or Traditions of the Law , and Old Testament Light conveighed from the Jews to the Phenicians , and thence to the Grecians ; so in like manner the Gospel in the first publication thereof , shone , with bright raies on Phaenicia : For the Woman of Canaan , whose Faith Christ so much applauded , was a Phenician , And , upon the dispersion 't is said Acts 11.19 . They which were scattered abroad upon the persecution , that arose about Steven , travailed as far as Phenice , and Cyprus , and Antioch , preaching the word to none , but the Jews only . By which it is apparent that there were Jews inhabiting amongst the Phenicians ( and it is not improbable , but that there were some scattered thither even at the first Babylonish Captivitie ) as also in Cyprus ( where were Colonies o● the Phenicians and Jews ) to whom God in his Providence ordains the Gospel first to be preached ( as the Jewish Traditions of old ) that so it might thence receive the more speedy conveighance into the Westerne parts , Greece , Italy , Spain , France , Britannie , &c. with which parts the Phenicians had frequent Commerce , and Trading ; as it has been largely proved Part 1. of Philologie book 1. chap. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9.

CHAP. IIII. Of the Chaldaick Philosophie , and Philosophers .

The Advantages the Chaldaick Philosophie might have from the Church of God , Noah and his family , Shem , Abraham , &c. The Chaldeans famous for Astronomie , which was communicated to them , by Church Tradition delivered by Abraham , &c. Gen. 1.16 . The People of God much taken up in contemplation and admiration of the glorie of God , shining in the Heavens , Ps. 136.4 , 5 , 6 , 7. This gave foundation to Astronomie . How Natural Astronomie degenerated into Judicial Astrologie , from an Idolatrous admiration of the Celestial bodies , as Gods , Rom. 1.19 , 20 , 21. The Jewish Teraphim , and Popish Agnus dei answered to the Pagan 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Images dedicated to the Sun Judg. 17.5 . The Chaldaick Theologie lay chiefly amongst the Zabii , or Sabeans . Balaam one of the Zabii . The wise men , or Magi Mat. 2.1 . of these Zabii . Many Zabian Rites mentioned in Scripture , as Job 31.26 . beholding the Sun , thence Sternutation a Pagan Rite . So Job 31.27 . kissing the hand , is bowing unto , and adoring the rising Sun , The Pagan 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 eternal fire , which was a Symbol , whereby they worshipped the Sun , as Lev. 36.30 . from the opinion that the Sun was fire . The Judaick Scholes in Babylon , and other parts of Chaldea .

The Division of Philosophie into Barbarick and Grecian . § . 1. THe Ancients were wont to distinguish Philosophie into Barbabick and Grecian : by Barbarick , is usually understood that , which was taught out of Grece , and Italie , in Egypt , Phaenicia , Judea , Chaldea , &c. This by general vogue is held to be the more Ancient . Thus Diogenes Laertius prooem ; 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . It is affirmed by some that Philosophie had its beginning from the Barbarians . Which Isaac Gasaubon in his Notes on this place thus explaines , And of the Grecians , those who were best natured , and most ingenuous have alwaies thus thought . And those Ancient defenders of our Religion against the Gentiles , have so defended the truth on this part , and so broken the pride , and arrogance of those who were otherwise minded , that none may doubt of it . There are at hand those who have written on this Argument , Tatianus , Clemens , Theophilus , Eusebius , and others . So Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 1. Teslantur autem non modo s . literae Graecos a Barbaris natos , ut supra , sed ipsimet Graeci , se juniores Barbaris esse , & doctrinam , sermonemque ab illis acceptum ▪ Omniumque est testimonium , Pythago●ā in Aegyptum , Solonem , Eudoxū , Platonem accessisse , ut andi rent corum Sacerdotes . Steuch . Eugub . De peren . philos. l. 2. c. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Philosophie a thing variously useful , in times past flourished amongst the Barbarians , shining from Nation to Nation , till at last it came to the Grecians . Austin lib. 8. de civit . Dei cap. 9. gives us an account of these Barbarian Nations , who were reputed skilful in Philosophie ; where having made mention of the two great Sects of the Grecian Philosophers , the Ionick and Italick , he addes , And if there be found any others of the other Nations , who are reputed wise men , or Philosophers , the Atlanticks , Lybicks , Egyptians , Indians , Persians , Chaldeans , Scythians , Gauls , Spaniards . Here Augustin makes no mention of the Phenicians , and Jews , who , I think , were mainly understood by the Ancients , under the name of Barbarick Philosophers . But of this we have already discoursed ; as also of the Egyptians : we shall proceed therefore to those , who remain of the Barbarick Philosophers ; and begin with the Chaldeans , who were greatly famous for their skill in Astronomie , and Astrologie ( which as the Learned suppose , they were masters of , before the Egyptians ) for their improvement wherein , they had great advantages , The Chaldaic● Philosophie , and its advantages from the Church of God in Noahs familie . not only from the situation of their Countrey , which lay plain , but also from the Church of God ; which after the Floud was first planted , and seated amongst them ; and furnished not only with Divine , but also Human Knowledge . For Noah and his familie , which was then the seat of the Church , living before the Floud , had the advantage of gathering up all the Wisdom of the old World , and conveighing of it , by Tradition to their Posteritie , especially to such as were of the Holy Seed , who , as we may presume , would be most curious in searching into , and inquiries after the great works of God , both as to Creation , and Providence : amongst whom we may reckon Abraham , who is said to teach the Chaldeans Astonomie .

The Chaldeans famous for Philosophie . § . 2. But to proceed gradually in our Discourse : First that the Chaldeans had a great reputation for the Antiquitie of their Philosophie , we have the Testimonie of Cicero lib. 1. de Divinat . Where he saies , Vossius de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 1. that the Chaldeans were the most ancient kind of Doctors . And particularly , that they taught the Babylonians , and Assyrians Philosophie , we have for it the Autoritie of Aristotle 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and of Sotion , in his books 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , if we may credit Laertius . So Diodorus tels us , Their main Philosophie consisted in Astronomie . that the Egyptians received their Philosophie from the Chaldeans . Now the great piece of Philosophie the Chaldeans were at first famous for , was Astronomie , and Astrologie . So Strabo lib. 12 , and 15. Hence Pythagoras is said to derive his Knowledge of the Stars from the Chaldeans , as Porphyrie , Chaldaei in Astrologiae studio sibi pa●es non habuere . Nam ut ex Simplicio Comment. 46. in Aristo●clem l. 2. de Coelo constat , Callisthenes Aristotelis rogatu , in Graeciam misit observaiones Chaldaeo●um , ab annis 19●3 . ante Alexandri tempora , i. e. ducentis circiter ante natum Abrabamum annis . Has observationes se vidisse Porphy●ius testatur . Hornius Histor. philos. lib. ● . cap. 3. in the life of Pythagoras . Whence also the name Chaldeans passed in the Roman Empire for Astrologers . And Quintus Curtius lib. 5. tels us , that Alexander entring Babylon , whereas others approving themselves otherwise , the Chaldeans shewed the motions of the Stars , and the stated vicissitudes of times . Wherefore as Simplicius in Arist. lib. 2. de Coelo affirmes ) Aristotle , that great Inquisitor of Nature , gave it in command to Callisthenes his Kinsman and Disciple , who travailed with Alexander into Asia , that he should send him Commentaries of such things , as the Chaldeans had observed touching the Celestial Bodies . And Callisthenes sent him observations of two thousand years . Tullie tels us , they had much convenience for such Astronomick observations by reason of the plain situation of their Countrey . So Vossius de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 1. §. 9. Neither is it to be wondred , saies he , if persons , so ingenious , were so well skilled in the Knowledge of the Stars , who inhabiting a large , and even Countrey , could alwaies behold the face of the Heavens : neither is it more to be wondred if those first Chaldeans observed so many things , who in Aristotle's time gloried in the experience of 2000 years . How Astronomie and Astrologie were communicated to the Chaldeans by Abraham , &c.

§ . 3. But though it may be granted that these Chaldeans had some advantage for the improvement of their Astronomick Skill from the convenience of their Countrey , which lay on a level ; yet have we both Authoritie and Reason to judge , that the original of this their Art was more Divine . That the Chaldeans received their skill in Astrologie from Abraham was afore ( chap 1. §. 8. of Abraham ) asserted , and proved out of Berosus , Eupolemus , Josephus , and Vossius : so Lud. Vives on Aug. de civ . Dei l. 8. c. 9. asserts the Traduction of Philosophie from the Chaldeans to the Egyptians , by Abraham . The truth of which assertion will be more evident , if we consider the original causes of this Astronomick Science . We need no way doubt , The Historie of the Creation and Providence conveighed down by Church-Tradition . but that Noah had been fully instructed by Church-Tradition , from his Godly predecessors Methuselah , Enoch and Seth , touching the Creation of the World by God ; and particularly touching the excellent fabrick of the Heavens , the Nature of those Celestial Bodies , their Harmonious Order , and Motion ; that the Sun was made to governe by Day , and the Moon by Night , as Gen. 1.16 . and Psal. 136.7 , 8. Gen. 1.16 . Ps. 136.7 , 8. that these Celestial had a mighty influence on all Sublunarie Bodies , &c. These and such like considerations , which greatly conduced to the enhanceing the Wisdom , Power , Sapientes ex Noachi schola viri , in campis Babyloniae Senaar , Philosophiae dediti , imprimis Astrologiam excolebant . Quod praeter Mosem , etiam Gentilium eruditiores , ex Chaldaeorum traditione , non ignorarunt . Hornius Histor. philos. lib. 2. c. 2. and Goodnes of God , in his works of Creation , and Providence , we may not doubt , were very frequent , by Church-Tradition , in the Hearts and Mouths of those Sons of God , before and after the Floud . And it is the opinion of some , ( which is not without probable grounds ) that the whole storie of the Creation , written by Moses , was conveighed down even from Adam to his time , by a constant uninterrupted Tradition to the Holy Seed , and Church in all Ages . And indeed if God vouchsafed to any the manifestation of his glorious works of Creation , and Providence , to whom can we suppose it should be , if not to his darlings and friends , the faithful and holy Seed ? who both could and would best improve such contemplations , for their Makers glorie , and most faithfully hand them over to posteritie . Thus God himself gives Abraham this Character Gen. 18.17 . Gen. 18.17 , 19. Shall I hide from Abraham the thing which I do ? 19. For I know him , that he will command his children , & c· God gave Abraham the Knowledge of things not only past and done , but to come ; because he knew Abraham would make the best improvement , and conveighance thereof to his posteritie . And thus we may conceive how Abraham having the Knowledge of Gods glorious works of Creation and Providence , especially as to the Celestial Bodies , their Natures , Order , Harmonie , Government , Motions , Influences ( which takes in the whole of true Astronomie , and Astrologie ) communicated to him partly by Church-Tradition , partly by the blessing of God upon his own meditations and contemplations ( if not also from some Divine Inspiration even of this Natural Knowledge ) could not but conceive himself in dutie obliged to communicate the same , not only to his own Posteritie , but also to his Kindred , and Countrey men the Chaldeans .

The people of God much taken up in the contemplation , and admiration of the glorie of God shining in those celestial bodies which gave foundation to Astronomie . That the people of God were , in the infant state of the Church , much ravished with holy contemplations of the Glorie of God , that shone so brightly in those Celestial Bodies , their Order , Government , Motion , and Influence , is evident , by many Philosophick , yet gratious Meditations we have to this purpose in the Psalms : as Ps. 19.1 . The Heavens declare the glorie of God , &c. to the end . So Psal. 136.4 . To him who alone doth great wonders : and v. 5. To him that by Wisdom made the Heavens , &c. 7. To him that made great lights . 8 , 9. The Sun to rule by day , the Moon and Stars to rule by night , &c. So it is said of Isaac , he went out into the field to meditate ; where he could no sooner open his eyes , Ps. 136.4 , 5 , 7. but contemplate the wonders of God , in those Celestial Bodies . Thus were these holy men Abraham , &c. ravished with the admiration ( which as Plato , and Aristotle assure us , was the first cause of all Philosophie ) of the Glorie of God , that shone so brightly in those Celestial Bodies , the Sun , Moon , and Stars , their admirable natures , positions , conjunctions , regular motions , and powerful influences , which is the summe of Natural Astronomie , and Astrologie ; which was , as we have endeavored to prove , communicated to the Chaldeans , by Abraham or Shem , &c.

How natural Astronomie and Astrologie , degenerated into Judicial . Rom. 1.19 , 20.21 .

See more of this in our account of the Egyptian Astronomie . chap. 2. §. 2.

§ . 4. This Astronomie , and Astrologie , which the Chaldeans ( according to the common presumption ) received from Abraham , did soon by their holding the truth in unrighteousnes ( as Rom. 1.18 , 19 , 20 21 , 22. ) degenerate into that Black Art ( deservedly so called , because from Hell ) of Judicial Astrologie , or Divination ; which was thence called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Chaldaick Art : the original of which was this ; ( as we find it Rom. 1.20 , 21. ) These Chaldeans , besides the Traditions they received from Abraham , and the rest of the Patriarchs , touching these Celestial Bodies , their glorious natures , order , situations , regular motions , and governments , as Gen. 1.16 . they themselves , by their own Astronomick observations and experiments , contemplating a mighty Beautie , and Ornament in the Heavens , a regular course in the Motions of the Stars , an excellent Harmonie and Order in the distances and conjunctions , and a powerful influence descending from them on sublunarie Bodies , the more they contemplated these glorious creatures the more they admired them ; 'till at last their admiration determined in adoration of them , as Gods . Thus was that Scripture fulfilled Rom. 1.21 . Rom. 1.21 . they became vain in their imaginations , and their foolish hearts were darkned . That this was the original of their Zabaisme , or worshipping the Celestial Bodies , is gathered from Deut. 4.19 . Deut. 4.19 . See more of the original of this Zabaisme in Dr. Owen de Idolelat . lib. 3. c. 4. p. 117 , &c. And lest thou lift up thine eyes to Heaven , and when thou seest the Sun , &c , shouldst be driven to worship them . When they grew vain in their imaginations , no wonder if such a glorious sight of their eyes , was followed with the Idolatrie of their foolish hearts . Now this Phaenomenon being granted , that the Stars were Gods , the Hypotheses of Judiciarie Astrologie easily followed . So Maimonides More Nevoch . p. 3. c. 29. See Stilling . Orig . sacr. book 1. chap. 3. speaking of these Chaldeans , saith , that they had no other Gods but the Stars , to whom they made Statues or Images , which derived an influence from the Stars , to which they were erected , and thence received a facultie of foretelling things future . These images the Greeks called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and were much the same with the Teraphim , they being both exactly made according to the positions of the Heavens . The Heathen 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 answerable to the Jewish Teraphims Judg. 17.5 . and the Popish Agnus Dei. So Grotius saies , that the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Teraphim Judg. 17.5 . were Images made with figures ; according to the position of the Stars ; which also the Idolatrous Jews made use of for divination , as Zech. 10.2 . whence the Ephod accompanies the Teraphim Judg. 8.27 . And this Idolatrous mode of Divination continues yet to this very day amongst some , who are pretenders to this Judicial , or rather Satanick Astrologie . For they make Figures , and Images , which they pretend to answer to the forme of the celestial bodies : thence they persuade the foolish people , that these Images receive influence , and virtue from the Celestial Figure . ( near of kin whereunto is the Agnus Dei amongst the Papists ) All of which Magick trumperies are but imitations of those 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Talismans , so much in request amongst the Chaldeans , and other Idolaters : of which see Plotinus Enead. 4. lib. 3. cap. 11. where he unfolds the whole Mysterie of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Images , and their manner of Divination by them ; which , upon the supposition of the Chaldeans , that the Stars are Deities , might admit of some probable pretext , but without this Hypothesis of allowing a Divinitie to the Stars , I cannot see what shadow of Reason those pretenders to Judiciarie Astrologie can have to salve their Phaenomena . See more of this Owen de Idololat. l. 3. c. 7.

§ . 5. This leads us to the Theologie of the Chaldeans , which comprehended a chief part of their Philosophie . The Chaldaick Theologie among the Zabii . So Diodorus Siculus lib. 3. tels us , That the Chaldeans were most skilful in Astronomie , Divination , and sacred Offices . This their sacred Philosophie , or Divinitie was chiefly studied by , and preserved amongst their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Zabii , who , according to Scaliger's account , were the most Easterne Chaldeans : which he gathers from the origination of the word Zabii from Saba the Son of Chus . See Stilling , Orig . sacrae book 1. chap. 3. Salmasius thinks these Zabii were the Chaldeans , inhabiting Mesopotamia . If so , it is very probable that Balaam that famous Magician , or Diviner , was one of these Zabii . For Mesopotamia seems to be Balaam's Countrey , thence Numb. 22.5 . Numb. 22.5 . Pethor , where Balaam lived , is said to be by the river , i. e. saies the Chaldee Paraphrase , Euphrates . That Balaam was a Magician , or Conjurer is evident from the whole of the Storie . Balaam one of these Zabii . Thus Stillingfleet Orig. sacrar . lib. 1. chap. 3. To which he addes these words , Hence we may conclude , that these Zabii were the same with the Persian Magi instituted by Zoreaster : which farther appears from the Magi , Mat. 1.2 . These wise men Zabii . that were guided by the Star unto Christ , who are said to come from the East ( i. e. Sabea , or Arabia Foelix ) with presents , which are peculiar to that Countrey . That Balaam was a Zabean , and of these Zabii , or wise men mentioned Mat. 2.1 , 2. may be gathered from what Deodate observes on that place v. 2. viz. that this Star was the signe that the King of the World should be born in Judea , which perhaps might come to their notice , by the Prophecie of Balaam Numb. 24.17 . continued amongst them , &c.

The Rites of the Zabii mentioned in Scripture . § . 6. Concerning these Zabii , Maimonides tels us , that the understanding their Rites would give light to many obscure passages of Scripture : I suppose he means such as relate to the Original of Idolatrie or the Worship they gave to those Planetarie Deities : for , saith he , they had no Gods , but the Stars , to whom they made Statues ( or pillars which the Greeks stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) and Images 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . We find one Rite or Ceremonie of this Zabaisme , or Planetarie Worship Job . 31.26 , 27. If I beheld the Sun when it shined , Job 31.26 , 27. Beholding the Sun a piece of Pagan Worship . &c. This holy man ( who , as 't is supposed , lived amongst these Zabii about Joseph's time ( as Jerome ) when this their Idolatrie was come to some maturitie ) speaks openly of this Planetarie Worship , then so common . And the first part of this Zabaism , he so industriously a moves from himself , is Beholding the Sun when it shined : Not the simple beholding of it , that 's only a Natural Act of our Natural Sense , and hath no more of Moral Evil in it , than the Natural Shine of the Sun beheld by it : But beholding it with such an Eye , as secretly steals away the heart from the Worship of the Creator , affecting the Soul with , and carrying it out in an Idolatrous Adoration of that so glorious a Creature ( as in some it did , to such an height , Job . 31.27 . Kissing the hand bowing to or adoring the Sun . that Plato saies Socrates underwent 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 an Exstasie in worshipping the Sun ) for so it follows Job . 31.27 . And my heart hath been secretly enticed . Job shews here that the original Seat of this Zabaisme was the Heart : for by long contemplation , and admiration of the eyes the heart was drawn away to worship those Celestial bodies as before . So it followes , or my mouth hath kissed my hand , i. e. adored the Sun : for kissing the hand and bowing to the Sun was a main ceremonie they used in their worship . So the worship of Christ the Sun of Righteousnes is , under that ceremonie of kissing , commanded Ps. 2.12 . And Hos. 13.2 . the worship of the Calves expressed by that ceremonie reproved . There were other parts of Zabaisme , or Star-worship , namely Images and Fire ; of which we find some mention in Scripture : so Lev. 26 30. God threatens to destroy their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Images of the Sun , as some , but rather their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , their hearths where they kept their perpetual fire , for these are called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 from the Heb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 which signifies both the Sun , and Fire . Hence from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 comes the Greek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ( q. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) and the Latin Caminus a Chimney , or Furnace ▪ So in like manner the Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which signifies the Light of the Sun , is used also for fire ( as the Greek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 is by Plato used for both fire and light ) whence some derive Vr in Chaldea , Lev. 26.30 . Why they worshipped the Sun under the Symbol of Fire . which was the Seat of this Idolatrous worshipping the Sun by Fire , from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Light . Now the reason of this piece of Zabaisme , or worshipping the Sun by Fire , seems this . These Zabii , or Chaldean Philosophers were possessed with this opinion ( which afterward was taken up by many of the Greek Philosophers ( that the matter of the Sun was Fire , The Pagan 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 from that opinion that the Sun was Fire . which 't is possible they might take up from some broken Tradition , touching the Creation of those greater Lights , as Gen. 1.16 . And the words 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 that signifie the Sun , and its Light are used also to expresse Fire . Plato in his Timaeus cals the Sun 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an heavenly Fire : and Job . 31.26 . cals the Sun 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which also signifies Fire , thence Vr in Chaldea was so called because it was the Seat of their eternal fire , and the Stoicks of old held that the Sun was Fire . So Grot. on 2 Pet. 3.7 . and Comenius in his Physicks . Thus the French Conferences , par les beaux exsprits tom. 1. conf 6. so Willis de febribus saies the Light is but a greater flame more dilated . And Ames . Medul. Theol. l. 1. c. 8. thes. 50. Subtilissima illius massae parte sursum evocata , facta suit lux i. e. ignis lucens . That the Sun is of an ignite fiery nature was generally believed amongst the ancient Philosophers ; particuarly by Thales , Plato , Heraclitus , Anaximenes , Xenophanes , Theophrastus , Anaximander , Anaxagoras , Philolaus , Empedocles , Democritus , Cleanthes , Zeno , Chrysippus , and others , as we intend to prove in what follows of Plato's Physicks , of which see more Part 1. B. 3. C. 3. § . 9. And that the Sun , and Fire agree , not only in name , but also in nature , I am apt to think , is the more probable conjecture , if we compare their properties , influences , and effects , which are very near akin , if not the same . However we have sufficient ground to conclude this to be the reason why these Zabii worshipped the Sun under this Symbol of Fire . Moreover Maimonides tels us that Abraham had his conversation amongst these Zabii . That he lived in the Countrey of Vr in Chaldea , the Scripture assures us ; whence he wanted not opportunitie of communicating Knowledge in these and other things , to these Chaldeans as before . Batricides attributes the original of the Religion of these Zabii to the time of Nahor , which disagrees not with what has been laid down . I shall conclude this with the words of Learned Owen de Ortu Idol . l. 3. c. 4 , pag. 187. Sabaisme consisted in the worship of the Sun , Moon , and Stars : Hellenisme added the Daemon-worship ; the adoration of Images [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] and pillars [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] was common to both : the beginning of Idolatrie was in Sabaisme or the worship of celestial bodies . The Sects of the Chaldeans .

§ . 7. Besides the Zabii , there were other Sects of these Chaldeans : for some were called Orcheni , others Borsippeni . They were also distinguished by other names , as it often happens among Sects who have different apprehensions of the same things : of which see Strabo lib. 16. Amongst the Chaldeans , who writ in Greek touching Astrologie , Berosus gained the greatest repute , especially amongst the Greeks . Of whom Plinie lib. 7. cap. 37. gives this character . Berosus was famous for Astrologie ; to whom , for his Divine predictions , the Athenians gave a golden tongue , which was placed publickly in their Schole , as Vossius de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 1.

The Chaldeans received much light from the Jewish Scholes . § . 8. Besides the advantages , which the Chaldeans had from the first Patriarchs , Abraham , &c. without doubt , they received many Scripture Traditions , and much light touching the origine of the Universe , &c. from the Jewish Doctors , and Scholes , which were setled at Babylon , in the time of their Captivitie . That the Jews had Scholes in Babylon , Deodati has well observed on Psal. 137.1 . according to the French thus , Being near the Rivers of Babylon ] He has regard to certain Townes in Chaldea , mentioned in Histories , which were assigned to the captive Jews for their abode , in the which they had their Synagogues , Scholes , and places for the service of God ; which were nigh the River Euphrates , &c. thus Deod . To which Stillingfleet orig. sacr. l. 1. c. 3. addes , that In order to the spreading of sacred Scripture Traditions , the Jewish Church , which before the Captivitie was as an enclosed Garden was now thrown open , and many of the plants removed and set in forrain Countries , not only in Babylon , where even after their returne were left three famous Scholes of Learning Sora , Pompeditha , and Neharda , &c. By which it is evident what mighty advantages the Chaldeans had from the Jewish Church and Scholes for improvement in their Philosophie , at first received from the Patriarchs , Abraham , &c. And indeed whereas it 's said that Pythagoras , and Democritus , with others travelled into Chaldee , to acquaint themselves with the first principles of Philosophie , and that they received much of their Philosophie from the Chaldeans , why may we not by the Chaldeans understand the Jewish Church , and Scholes which were then setled in Chaldea , and under that Empire .

CHAP. V. Of the Magi , Gymnosophistae , Druides and other Barbarick Philosophers .

Of the Persick Philosophie preserved by the Magi , who were instituted by Zoroaster , with the origination of his name , &c. Of the Indian Gymnosophists , both Brachmanes , and Germanes . The Phrygian Philosophers . The African Philosophers , both 1 Atlantick or Lybick . 2 Ethiopick . The European Barbarick Philosophers , 1 In Scythia . 2 In Thracia . 3 In Spain . 4 Britannie , and Gallia , who were called Druides from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 an Oke ; in the Celtick Tongue deru , and in the Brittish drew . The Druides first in Britannie ; thence they translated their Sect and Discipline into Gallia . Their Academies , Degrees , Priviledges and Studies . Their Philosophie Natural , Moral , Medicine , Geographie , Astronomie , Magick , Their mode of philosophizing symbolick ; which they learned from the Phenicians , with their distinctive habits . Their Theologie , touching God , and the Souls immortalitie . Their Ecclesiastick Discipline , and Worship , by human sacrifices . Their names Taronides , Bard , Euates . Their Oke Religion from Abraham , &c.

§ . 1. HAving dispatched the Jewish , Egyptian , Phenician , and Chaldean Philosophie , we now proceed to the remaining Sects of the Barbarick Philosophers , both Easterne and , Westerne ; and shall begin with the Persians , Of the Persick Philosophie . who had a considerable repute for their Philosophie , from whom the Grecians received many things , especially such as referred to their Gods . Thus Porphyrie in the Life of Pythagoras , tels us , that as Pythagoras received his Arithmetick from the Phenicians , his Geometrie from the Egyptians , The chief Philosophers among the Persians called Magi. his Astrologie from the Chaldeans , so also what appertained to the worship of the Gods , and to other Studies , which regard conversation , he learned from the Magi , or Persick Philosophers . So Plinie lib. 34. c. 37. testifies , that Democritus had recourse to them . Laertius tels us that Pyrrhus , the head of the Scepticks , and companion of Anaxarchus , had conversation with them . And Philostratus 5. de vita Apollonii informes us , that Apollonius Tyanaeus ( that great Magician , who is by the Heathens extolled above Christ for his miracles ) in his travels into India , made some stay in Persia , partly to visit the King , and partly to consider their Wisdom , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , studied by their Magi : with whom he conversed twice every day ; and being asked his judgement concerning them , he answered 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 they are wise men , but comprehend not all things . So Vossius de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 1. § . 7. These Magi were the Interpreters of Human , and Divine Laws ; and of so great reputation among the Persians , that as Cicero lib. 3. de Nat. Deor. writes , no one could attain to the Persian Empire , but he , who had been instructed in the Science , and Discipline of the Magi ; who taught 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and instructed their Kings in the mode of Government . So Apuleius , Apolog. informes us , that Magick is taught among the chief Regal Affairs ; neither was it permitted to any among the Persians rashly to undertake the office of a Magus , no more than that of a King . Neither were these Magi lesse prevalent in the Affairs of their Gods . Plato joins both their politick , and sacred capacitie together , Alcibiad. 1 , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 [ sc. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Magick is a Ministerie of the Gods : it teacheth also things that appertain to the Regal Office . Lucian de Longaevis , saies 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. Apollonius Tyanaeus Epist ad Euphrat . saies , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The Magus is a Minister of the Gods ; which Porphyrie interprets , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , wise about sacreds , and ministring in the same . To which agrees that of Laertius lib. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. Among the Persians the Magi , were Authors of Philosophie , who imployed themselves about the worship of the Gods . The like Suidas , who cals these Magi 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The Magi instituted by Soroaster had many rites from the Zabii and Chaldeans .

§ . 2. That the Magi were the Authors , and Preservers of the Persick Philosophie , is affirmed by Aristotle 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and Sotion in his books 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . As Laertius . These Magi are said to be instituted by Zoroaster . So Lud. Vives in Aug. civit . l. 8. c. 9. Thus Hornius Histor. philos. lib. 2. c. 6. Zoroaster therefore was the first most illustrious Doctor of Magie in Persia : neither did he deliver this Art by oral Tradition only , but also in large Writings , according to Plinie , and Aristotle . For he writ concerning it an hundred thousand Verses ; which Hermippus is said to illustrate by his Commentaries . There are yet extant certain , Geek Poems , which passe under the Inscription of Zoroaster's Chaldaick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and are not unlike to Theognes's Sentences , yea in many things they resemble much the Sacred Scriptures . But Beza , Magia sine dubio orta in Perside a Soroastre Plin. hist. lib. 3. cap. 8. and others justly suspect that these are but the spurious Comments of some Semi-Christian . Concerning the origination of Zoroaster's name , there are various opinions , but none more probable than that of Learned Bochart , who derives the name from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 contemplari and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Astrum , q. d. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , for which Dinon in Persicis cals him 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . This Soroaster , who is reputed the Founder of the Persick Philosophie , and Worship , was indeed but the Promoter of it : for the main of the Persian Rites and Wisdom , wherein their Magi were instructed , Salmasius Magos dictos vult a Zoroastre , cui cognomen Mog fuerit , unde Magus factum Hornius philos. lib. 2. c. 3. were traduced from the Zabii , or Chaldean Philosophers , with whom they agreed in the chief points of their Idolatrie , viz. in the worship of the Sun by Images , and kissing their hand , as Job 31.26 , 27. also in their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or hearths , where they preserved their eternal fire , the Symbol of the Sun , Lev. 26 , 30. as before chap 4. § . 6. So Stillingfleet orig. sacr. book 1. c. 3. Plutarchu de Isid. tradit Zoroastrem apud Chaldaeos Magos instituisse , quorum imitatione etiam Persae suos habuerint . Horn. l. 2. c. 5. Hence probably the Rites of the Zabii are the same with those of the Chaldeans and Persians , who all agreed in this worship of the Sun , and of Fire , &c. Neither had the Persians only their Magi , but also the Medes , Vossius de philo . sect. l. 2. c. 1. Parthians , and other neighbor Nations ; as Lucian de Longaevis , and Plinie cals the Arabian wise men Magi. One chief Philosopher amongst the Persians was Ochus the Phenician , who , as we may presume , instructed them in the Phenician , and so in the Jewish Wisdom . See Suidas in 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 .

Of the Indian Philosophers viz. the Gymnosophists , Germanes , and Brachmanes so called from Manes . § . 3. Austin , de civ . l. 8. c. 9. makes mention of the Indian Philosophers , and Lud. Vives on that place addes thus , The Indians had their Philosophers , whom they called the Brachmanes , of whose Life , and institutes Philostratus , in the Life of Apollonius , has given us many things , as Strabo , and such , who have written of the things done by Alexander . So Apuleius Florid. 15. The Brachmanes are the Wise men among the Indians . And Bardisanes Syrus in Euseb. lib. 6. praepar . Evang. cap. 8. gives us a more full account of them thus : Among the Indians , and Bactrians there are many thousand of men called Brachmanes· These , as well from the Tradition of their Fathers , as from Laws , neither worship Images , nor eat what is animate : they never drink Wine , or Beer : they are far from all Malignitie , attending wholly on God . These Brachmanes some derive from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Barac , Horn. Hist. phil. l. 2. c. 9. he praised , or worshipped : Others make the name to be compounded of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ab rec the Father of the young King , as Onk●los and Rabbi Judas . Some of the Ancients make several Sects , or Societies of these Indian Philosophers , namely the Brachmanes , Gymnosophistae , Samanaei and Calani . The chief of the Brachmanes , and Samanaei is by Philostratus lib. 3. de vita Apollon. Tyan . called Iarcha . The Head of the Gymnosophists is , by Hieronymus , contra Jovin . named Buddas . But Vossius de philos. sectis l. 2. c. 1. tels us that the common Appellative of these Indian Philosophers was Gymnosophists , as Aristotle 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and Sotion in libris 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 according to Laertius ; as also Strabo , Clemens , Apul●ius , Indi nihil antiquius habuerunt , quam sapientiae , neglectis caeleris rebus , operam dare Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 9. Solinus , &c. These Indian Gymnosophists were of two sorts some were called Brachmanes , as before , others Germanes . And amongst the Germanes some were called Hylobii , because they lived in Woods , for that 's the import of the Greek word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . To these the name Gymnosophists properly belonged . See Strabo l. 15. and Clemens 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 1. Amongst the Brachmanes there was one named Buddas Preceptor to Manes the Persian , who was the Founder of this Sect , as Suidas , &c. These Brachmanes held a 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or Transmigration of Souls into Beasts , The Brachmanes especially into Oxen. They held also the worlds Creation by God , and his Providence in governing of it . So Strabo lib. 15. of these Brachmanes saith 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. They agree with the Grecians in many things viz. touching the worlds production , and destruction , and that God is the Creator and Governer of it : which opinions of theirs , Owen questions not , but they had , by ancient Tradition , from the Church of God . Owen Theol. l. 1. c. 8. Hence , as we justly conjecture , from this cognation 'twixt these Indian Philosophers , and the Jews in some Divine Dogmes , sprang that mistake of Clearchus the Peripatetick , and Megasthenes , who thought the Brachmanes and Calani to be the same with the Jews . Of which see Euseb. l. 9. praep. c. 3. Amongst the Greeks , who resorted to these Indian Philosophers , we may reckon Democritus , so Aelian lib. 4. Var. Histor. and Laert. Also Pyrrho the Head of the Scepticks is said to have conversation with the Gymnosophists in Indiae as Laertius . Apollonius Tyanaeus , that great Pagan Antichrist , is said to have spent much conversation among these Indian Philosophers . Eusebius contra Hieroclem l. 5. brings him in thus characterizing of them : The Indians , contracting Philosophie for the greatest advantage , comprehend it in the Divine and sublime Nature . These truly I have greatly admired , and esteem them blessed , and wise . By which it appears that their Philosophie was mostly Theologick . Apulcius Florid. l. 5. saies , that the Philosophie of the Brachmanes was composed of many severals : viz. what were the documents of Souls , what the exercitaments of Bodies , what the parts of the Mind , what the turnes of Life , and what were the Torments , and Rewards , which the Gods appointed to all , according to their Merits .

§ . 4. Amongst the Asiatick Philosophers we might reckon the Phrygians , The Phrygians . who had also their Philosophie , which had been better known to us , if Democritus's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 which Laertius makes mention of lib. 9. were extant . Concerning their Theologie see Diodorus Siculus , and Eusebius : so Vossius .

§ . 5. We now proceed to the African Philosophie ; The African Philosophers . 1. Atlantick Philosophers . and passing by the Egyptian , of which we have already treated , we shall begin 1. with the Atlantick or Lybick Philosophers , of which Lud. Vives , in August . civ . l. 8. c. 9. thus speaks ; The Atlanticks inhabit the places in Africa bordering on the Ocean , whose ancient King was Atlas , the brother of Saturne , and son of the Heaven , who being a great Astronomer ( whence he was said to bear up the Heavens ) taught his son Hesperus , and others of his kindred , and people , the same Art : from whom this Science of Astronomie crept into the inner Lybia ; where also Hercules philosophized . By which it seems most probable that the Atlanticks , and Lybicks received their Philosophie from the Phenicians ; for Hercules , as it s well known , was a Phenician ; and so , I doubt not , was Atlas . Also Laertius , in his Preface makes mention of Atlas the Lybian , amongst the ancient Philosophers . And Diodor. Siculus l. 4. reckons up some fables concerning the Gods , which these Atlantick Philosophers held . Atlas is said to bring Astronomie out of Lybia into Greece , whereof Orion is said to be the first Author in Baeotia , whence the Star Orion received its name : so Carion . Chron. lib. 2. But Bochart makes Atlas the same with Enoch as before chap. 1. §. 7 . V●ssius tels us ( de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 2. ) That the Lybick Philosophie came from Atlas , especially Astrologie , whence Atlas is said to hold up Heaven with his shoulders , and the mountain called Atlas received its name from him , &c. Plin. l. 7. c. 56 ,

2 ▪ Ethiopick Philosophers . 2. The Ethiopians also had their Philosophers called Gymnosophists , so Jerom l. 4. in Ezech. cap. 13. makes mention of these Ethiopian Gymnosophists , who received both their Name , and Philosophie from India , as Philostratus in the Life of Apollonius lib. 6. Touching the Ethiopick Philosophie , and its Traduction from the Mosaick , we have this particular account in Hornius , Histor. Philosoph . lib. 2. c. 8. Touching the Philosophie of the Ethiopians , little is mentioned by Antiquitie ; and what has been mentioned , is well nigh all lost , by the iniquitie of the times . But this is certain , that they received all their Divine , & Human Dogmes from the Egyptians . Whence their very names were confused . For the Romans called the Ethiopians Egyptians ; because indeed they descended from Egypt . Moreover there is no doubt to be made of it , but that they drew somewhat of more sound Wisdom from Moses .

European Philosophers . § . 6. Amongst the European Barbarick Philosophers we shall first mention the Scythians ( who according to their ancient bounds lay partly in Asia , partly in Europe ) of whom August . Civit. l. 8. c. 9. makes mention , and Lud Vives on that place speaks thus . The Scythians in times past philosophized and contended with the Egyptians touching their Antiquitie . The Scythians . They are a people stout , simple , and just , ignorant of vice , and malice , and got that by their natural ingenie , which the Grecians could not attain unto by all their magnifick and illustrious Sciences : see Justin l. 2.

Thracian Philosophie . § . 7. But we passe on to the Thracians , who had anciently a great repute for Philosophie , which some think , they owed to Zamolxis a Thracian ( whom some make the servant of Pythagoras ) but others derive their Philosophie from the Grecians , as Laertius lib. 8. What the Philosophie of the Thracians was , may be known by the Doctrine of Orpheus , who was a Thracian . Many Anciently writ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Poems according to the Doctrine of Orpheus , of which see Suidas in Orpheus's Philosophie ( delivered in Poesie ) which was chiefly Moral , and Theologick ; for by his Musick , and Rhetorick , he had so great a power on the Thracians , to civilize them , as that he was said to have drawn Trees and Beasts . Justin Martyr cals him , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the first master of Polytheisme , or multiplicitie of Gods ; which he brought from Egypt , with many superstitious Ceremonies and Vsages , and set them up amongst the Thracians , and Macedonians , &c. see more in our relation of Orpheus Part 1. B 3. C. 1. §. 5.

§ . 8. But to come to our Westerne Philosophers ; Spanish Philosophie . and firstly the Spaniards ; of whom Aust de Civ . Dei l. 8. c 9. makes mention ; and Lud. Vives on him speaks thus . In Spain , before the veins of Gold and Silver were found out , and Wars begun , there were many Philosophers ; and the people lived holy and quiet lives , being every where governed by such Magistrates , as were men most excellent for Learning and Probitie : Their affairs were transacted according to Justice , and Equitie , not by the number of Laws : and if any were written , 't was principally amongst the Turdetans , in the most ancient times . There were scarce any quarrels or controversies amongst the people : and all the disputes were touching Emulation of Virtue , the nature of the Gods , the reason of Nature ( or Natural Philosophie ) of good manners ( or Morals ) which their Learned men , on stated daies , publickly disputed of , the women also being present . But when the mountains , bigge with metals , brought forth Gold , and Silver , men began to admire this new matter . Hence the Phenicians , who sailed far and near , for lucre sake , traded here , and drew multitudes of men , from Asia and Greece hither , who taught us the Grecian , and Asiatick Vices : there remain yet some few fragments of our Antiquities in Greek and Latin , whence I hope in time to illustrate the Origine of my Nation . Thus Lud. Vives . That the Phenicians brought into Spain , with their Colonies , not only the Phenician Letters , but also Sciences , and Philosophie , we have reason to believe by what has been before asserted out of Bochart , &c. Part 1. B. 1. C. 5.

Of the Druides . §. 9 We shall conclude this Discourse of Barbarick Philosophie with that in use among the old Britains , and Gauls , whose Philosophers are by Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 12. Primus Romanorum J. Caesar Druidun Ritus , Leges , Philosophiam mandavit Scriptis . Selden . Jani Anglor . p. 16. reduced to two Sects , the Bardi , and Druides . The Bardi were an inferior sort of Philosophers , and for the most part Poets , according to that of Lucan . l. 1. Plurima securi fudisti carmina Bardi ! Who notwithstanding , as the ancient Greek Poets , arrogated to themselves no smal reputation for Wisdom . But the Druides were accounted the more worthy , yea almost Divine Philosophers , and obtained no small Autoritie among the people . These Druides , who in ancient times philosophized amongst the old Britans and Gauls , and were indeed a peculiar and distinct Sect of Philosophers , differing from all the world besides , both in their mode of philosophizing , as also in their Religious Rites , Of the Phenicians trading with the Britains and Gauls , see part 1. book . 1. chap. 7. and Mysteries : yet we may not doubt , but that they received much of their Philosophie , as well as Theologie from the Ph●nicians , who traded amongst them , as before . As for the name Druides , Plinie l. 16. c. 44. deduceth it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , from an Oke : For , saith he , The Druides so called from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 an Oke , thence deru and drew . the Druides have nothing more sacred than an Oke . Even now , they of themselves chose groves of Okes ; neither do they performe any Sacreds , without that leaf ; so that hence they seem to be called , according to the Greek interpretation , Druides . Bochart ( Canaan lib. 4. c. 42. ) assents to this Origination of Plinie ; to which he addes Neither is it to be wondred that the Druides were so called from this Greek name , when as an Oke amongst the Celtae , was called Deru . The Britains in England write drew ( so Drewstenton in Devon ) and our Countrey men deru . That Drewstenton , and names of like sound , came from these Druides , 't is not without probabilitie Vossius de Orig. & Progr . Idolotr . l. 1. c. 35. thinks that the name Druides ought rather to be fetcht from the Celtick name deru . So Dickins●n . Druidum origo p. 35. I assent most to them who fetch the Druides from the Celtick name Deru , i. e. an Oke ; which the Cambro-Britains or Welch to this day call Drew . And I am so far from believing that the Druides were so called at first from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that I rather think 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 was formed out of the Celtick deru .

The Druides first in Britannie . § . 10. This Sect of the Druides began first in our Countrey of Britannie ; and hence it was translated into Gallia . Thus Caesar de Bello Gall. lib. 6. Their Discipline , saies he , was first found out in Britannie , and thence translated into Gallia , according to the common opinion . The like Bochart acknowledgeth . Can. l. 1. c. 42. These Druides instituted their Academies , for the promoting of Learning , in Groves ; Their Academies and privileges . in which tbey had their Scholes filled with studious youth ; so Caesar , also Mela l. 3. c. 11. They spent twenty years , before they were admitted to the degree of Doctor . That which allured them to studie , Their Degrees . Druides à bello abesse consueverunt , neque tributa unà cum reliquis pendunt , mi●itiae vacationem , omniumque rer●m habent , immunitatem . Caesar l. 6. Selden Jan. Ang. l. 1. was the many privileges of their Students , and the great Authoritie their ancient Doctors obtained . So Caesar lib. 6. tels us , that the Druides were exempted from War , and paying Tribute . The which privileges are still continued in our Vniversities . As for the method of their Studies , the same Caesar tels us , they were wont to get by heart a great number of verses . They affected various , and almost all kinds of Philosophie . Strabo l , 4. relates , that , besides the Science of natural causes , they were also exercised in Moral Philosophie . And Plinie lib. 3. c. 1. makes them to be skilled in Medicine , and Magick . Touching their Skill in Moral Philosophie or Ethicks , Diogenes Laertius , in the Proeme to his Book , gives us this account ; 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ·

Their skill in the chiefest parts of Philosophie natural , Moral , Medicine , Magick .

Their symbolick mode of philosophizing from the Phenicians and Jews .

And they say the Druides were wont to philosophize enigmatically , that the Gods were to be worshipped , that no evil was to be done , that fortitude was to be embraced . By which also we learn , that the mode , or manner of their philosophizing was symbolick , or enigmatick ; which , we need no way doubt , they learned from the Phenicians ( as these had it from the Jews ) . Hence their famous symbolick Image of Hercules Ogmius , who was a Phenician , as Bochart proves at large Can. l. 1. c. 42. The Gauls , saies he , called Hercules Ogmius , as Lucian in Hercul . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ogmion , that is , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 agemion , a stranger , so in the Arabick : Namely because Hercules came from Phaenicia , or Africa , or the Gades , and after his many and great Labours arrived amongst the Gauls ; thence his picture in Lucian Hercul . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. a decrepit bald old man , Gray , and wrinkled , as old Mariners , &c. Farther , Their skill in Geographie , Astronomie , &c. that these Druides were skilled in Geographie , Astronomie , and Natural Philosophie , we have the testimonies both of Caesar , and Mela. Caesar Comment l. 6. speaks thus of them : They dispute , and teach their Scholars many things touching the Stars , and their motion ; also concerning the Magnitude of the Vniverse , the nature of things , the force , and power of the Immortal Gods . Mela lib. 3 , cap. 2. saies , that the Gauls have their Masters of Eloquence , and Wisdom from the Druides . These professe they know the magnitude , and forme of the earth , and world ▪ they teach many Noble persons of their Nation privately . One thing which they commonly teach is , that Souls are eternal .

Their distinctive babits . As for their habit , it was ( as in our Universities ) distinctive and peculiar , thereby to gain the veneration of the people . In their sacred Offices they used a white Vestment ( answerable to the Jewish Ephod ) as we are informed by Plinie lib. 6 cap. ultimo . Their Rhetorick . They also gave themselves to the studie of Eloquence ▪ so M●la l. 3. as before . Caesar addes farther concerning these Druides , That they learnt by heart a great number of Verses : Therefore some of them continued twenty years in studie . Neither did they conceive it meet , to commit their studies to writing , whereas in other affairs , both publick , and private , they used the Greek Letters .

Their Theologie , the Souls immortality . § . 11. But these Druides had a special vogue for their Theologie , wherein they taught many things peculiar , and some things excellent , as Owen Theol l. 3. c. 11. particularly they asserted the immortaltie of the Soul ▪ Caesar l. 6. dogma boc iis tribuit : non interire animas , sed ab aliis post mortem transire ad alios , hinc animosi in praeliis Luc. lib. 1. Vossius de philos. sect. lib. 2. cap. 3. §. 7. Their Ecclesiastick dignities , power and discipline . so Strabo 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : the like Caesar . The Druides held also a Metempsychosis , or Transmigration of Souls , which some conceive they received from the Pythogoreans , as these derived it from the Jews , as Selden Jan. Anglor . l. 1. p. 22. Strabo also tels us , that they held the World should be at last destroyed by Fire : which , without doubt , they had from some Jewish or Phenician Tradition . They taught also that one God was to be worshipped , as Origen on Ezech. 4. This one God was the Sun ; to whom the Moon was added , which was worshipped by the Women .

§ . 12. As for their Ecclesiastick Discipline ; they being many , reduced themselves unto a Hierarchie , under one President , who ruled them all . So Caesar , and out of him Selden Jani Anglorum l. 1. p. 18. The Druides have one presiding over them , who holds the supreme Autoritie amongst them . This being dead , he that excels most , succeeds in his Dignitie ; but if there be many equal , they choose by suffrage . And to strengthen this their Imperial Autoritie , they made use of a politick religious excommunication , as Caesar , and Grotius , de Imper. summ . p●test . of excommunication . Thus Selden , Jani Angl. p. 17. ( out of Caesar ) If any private person or people amongst them ▪ submit not to their Decree , they excommunicate him from their Sacrifices . This is amongst them the higehst punishment . They , who are thus interdicted , are esteemed in the number of the most impious , and wicked ; all separate from them , they avoid any conversation , or discourse with them , lest they should receive dammage from their Contagion . Neither is the Law open for such , neither is any Honor given to them . The same Caesar tels us , that they had so much Autoritie amongst the people , that they determined almost all controversies , both publick and private . So Selden Jan. Angl. lib. 1. They determine all controversies , both publick and private . If there be any crime committed , if any murder done , if there be any controversie about inheritance , or bounds , the same decree , and constitute rewards and punishments . Hence we may gather whence the mysterie of iniquitie gathered much of its power .

§ . 13. As to Rites and Worship , Their worship and sacrifices . the main Sacrifices of the Druides was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Human Sacrifice : whereof there were 2 sorts , the one private ; when any sacrificed himself , or another ,

Vtut se ●eshabet , constat hinc liquido vetustissimos inter Gentium Philosophos , antiquissimos inter corum LL. Custodes suisse Druidas . Seld. Jani ! Anglor. p. 22.

A brief account of the Druides their Philosophie .

for some others safety : the other publick , not unlike that which the Phenicians offered to their Molec ; from whom , we have reason enough to persuade us , these Druides received this , as other Rites . By reason of these cruel inhuman human Sacrifices the Romans endeavored , though in vain , to take away all their superstitious worship ; as Strabo de Gallis lib 4. Owen Theol. l. 3. c. 11. We have a good , though brief account of these Druides in Lud. Vives on August . Civ . l. 8. c. 9. There were , saies he , amongst the Gauls , the Druides , as Caesar l. 8 , who were Priests , Poets , Philosophers , and Divines ; whom they called Saronides , as Diodorus l. 6. They had also their Diviners , to whom the people referred their affairs . Neither was there any Sacrifice performed without a Philosopher , i. e. one skilled in the Divine Nature : by whose advice all things , at home and abroad , were administred . That the Druides were Philosophers , Strabo l. 4. relates . That the Saronides were the same with the Druides Bochart ( Can. l. 1. c. 42. They were called Saronides from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 an Oke . ) proves out of Diodorus l. 5. These Philosophers , and Divines , saith he , were in great veneration amongst them , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 whom they call Saronides : which name has the same origination with that of the Druides , namely from an Oke ; which anciently was by the Greeks called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Thus Plinie lib. 4 : c. 5. And Hesychius cals 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Okes having an hiatus , by reason of their antiquitie . So Callimachus in his hymne on Jupiter , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ,

●numeras quercus liquidus producit Jaon Desuper .

The Bardi , Euates , and Druides .

where the Scholiast renders 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i. e. Okes. Caesar l. 6. comprehends all the wise men of the Gauls under the name of Druides : so Cicero 1. de Divinatione . But Strabo divides them into 3 sorts , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Bardi , the Euates , and the Druides : the Bardi , addes he , were Singers , and Poets : the Euates , Priests , and Physiologists : the Druides ( especially so called ) to Physiologie added Moral Philosophie . The like Marcellinus lib. 15. as Vossius de Philos. sect. l. 2. c. 3. §. 6.

The Okes of Mamre the original Idea of the Druides Oke religion . § . 14. Now that the Druides derived much of their Philosophie from the Mosaick Historie is farther evidenced from that of Learned Dickinson , Druidum Origo ( at the end of his Delphi Pheniciz . ) pag. 36. Farther , thou mayest demand whence this Oke Religion ( of the Druides ) sprang ? namely from the Okes of Mamre : under which , in times past , those holy men ( in whose hands the administration of Divine Service and Worship was ) lived most devoutly : the shadow of which Okes afforded an house to Abraham , and a Temple to God . This I sucked from the Dugs of Truth , namely from the sacred Scriptures ▪ Abraham dwelt ( saith the Hagiographer Gen 13.18 . Gen. 13.18 . ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 in , or ( as the Arabick has it ) among the Okes of Mamre . Which the Lxx renders 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Gen. 14.13 . and ch. 18. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Under which Oke he fixed his Tabernacle , erected an Altar , and offered to the Lord Calves , Goats , Rams , and other Sacrifices of like kind ; Gen. 15.9 . and performed all Sacerdotal Offices . Yea under this tree he entertained God himself , Ad sacros Druidum Ritus , & doctrinam quae ulterius attinent , praeter Caesarem , Strabo , Plinius . Diodorus Siculus , Lucanus , Pomponius Mela , Ammianus Marcellinus ; Heurnius in Barbariae Philosophioe Antiquitatibus , alii satis explicate tradiderunt . Selden Jani Anglor . l. 1. together with Angels . He here had conference with God , and entred into covenant with him , and was blessed of him . These are indeed admirable praeconia of Okes. Lo the Oke Priests ! Lo the Patriarchs of the Druides ! For from these sprang the Sect of the Druides , which reached up at least , as high as Abraham's time ( for they report that the Druides Colleges flourished in the time of Hermio , who was King of the Germans , immediately after the death of Abraham ) . For because this holy man and Priest , Abraham lived under Okes , and enjoyed God for his companion , performing worship to him , our Divines ( the Druides ) from this so famous example , chose Groves of Okes for their Religious Services , &c. See more of the Druides , their Doctrine , and Rites , Caesar Com. l. 6. Strabo l. 4. Diodor. l. 5. Owen Theol. l. 3. c. 11.

BOOK II. The Original of the Ionick , but chiefly of the Italick , or Pythagorick Philosophie .

CHAP. I. The Traduction of the Grecian Philosophie from the Patriarchs and Jewish Church proved by Universal Consent .

The Grecian Philosophers recourse to Egypt , and Phaenicia . That the Grecian Philosophie was originally traduced from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures , is proved by Testimonies . 1. Of Heathens , and Grecians themselves , Plato , Numenius , Hermippus . 2. Of Jews , Aristobulus , Josephus . 3. Of the Fathers , Tertullian , Justin Martyr , Minucius Foelix , Clemens Alexandrinus , Eusebius , Theodoret ; as also Joh: Grammaticus . 4. Moderne Papists , Steuchus , Eugubinus , Justinianus on Joh. 1.1 . 5. Forreign Protestant Divines , and learned men , Serranus , Julius and Joseph Scaliger , Vossius , Heinsius , Hornius , Bochart , Grotius , Diodate . 6. The Testimonies of English Writers , Jackson , Usher , Richardson , Preston , Sir Walter Raghley , Owen , Hammond , Stillingfleet , Mede , Cudworth , Selden , Dickinson , &c.

§ . 1. HAving finished our Discourse of Barbarick Philosophie , The Grecian Philosophers recourse to Egypt and Phoenicia . and Philosophers , we now proceed to the Grecian ; which owes its original to the former . So much Plato in his Cratylus ( and else where ) acknowledgeth , that they received their Learning from the Barbarians , and Ancients ▪ who lived near the Gods , &c : so Clemens Alexandr : lib. 1. saies , that Philosophie , a thing variously useful , in times past shined from Nation to Nation amongst the Barbarians ; whence afterward it came into Greece . What these Barbarick Nations were , from whom the Grecians received their Philosophie , has been already B. 1. Ch. 4. §. 1. demonstrated : and it will be farther evident by what follows in the enumeration of particulars ; how Thales had recourse to Egypt , and Phaenicia for his Philosophie , Ph●recydes to Phaenicia for his ; Pythagoras to Phaenicia , Egypt , and Chaldea for his ; Socrates and his Scholar Plato , traduced theirs from Egypt , and Phaenicia : Solon his Laws from Egypt , and Zeno his Morals from Phaenicia : As Democritus , and Epicurus their Atomes from Mochus : And Aristotle his Natural Philosophie of the first principles , matter , forme , and privation , &c. from Sanchoniathon's Historie of the Creation : of each whereof in its respective place . At present , we shall only endeavor some general demonstration , that the Grecians traduced the chiefest part , if not the whole of their Philosophie originally from the Scriptures , either by personal conversation with the Jews , or Traditions from them ; which they gleaned up in Egypt , Phaenicia , and Chaldea , &c.

That the Grecian Philosophie was derived from the Jews . § . 2. That the Egyptians , Phenicians , and Chaldeans received their Philosophie from the Jewish Church and Scriptures ; we have , in the former Book , endeavoured to prove , both as to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : which might suffice to make good our position , on this supposition ( which is universally granted , The Testimonie of Heathen Grecian Philosophers Plato , &c. and shall be hereafter proved ) that the Grecians received their Philosophie from these aforementioned Egyptians , Phenicians , and Chaldeans . But to make our demonstration more valid , we shall give some more immediate ( though at present only general and inartificial ) proofs , that the Grecian Philosophie was traduced from the Jewish Church and Scriptures . And we shall begin with the Testimonies of the Grecian Philosophers themselves , Plato , with others . Plato in his Gratylus tels us plainly , that they ( the Grecians ) received their Learning from the Barbarians , who were more ancient than themselves . These Barbarians , Clemens Alexandrinus , Justin Martyr , Epiphanius , Nicephorus , and Serranus understand to be the Jews ( as before ) whose name Plato conceled , thereby to avoid the envy of the people ( who were professed enemies of the Jews , and their Religion ) as also to gain the more credit to himself . But Plato , in his Philebus , speaks more plainly to this purpose , acknowledging , that the report or tradition he had received of the Vnitie of God , as to his Essence , and pluralitie of persons , and Decrees , was from the Ancients , who dwelt nearer the Gods , and were better than they ( the Grecians ) . Who certainly could be no other than the Patriarchs , and Jewish Church , from whom all those Traditions , touching the Vnitie of God , and Pluralitie of persons , and Decrees , were traduced . Whence also Plato acknowledgeth , that the best , and surest course to prove the immortalitie of the Soul was by some Divine Word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as in his Phaedo . The like he acknowledgeth elsewhere , that he received his knowledge of , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or providence governing the World , from the wise , i. e. as 't is conceived , the Jews . And Serranus , in his Preface to Plato does confidently affirme , that Plato received his symbolick Philosophie from the Jews , i. e. from the Doctrine of Moses , and the Prophets ; as all the learned , and ancient Christian Doctors have judged ; though he industriously avoided the naming of the Jews , which was odious . We have also the Testimonies of other Pagan Philosophers concurring herein ; as that famous saying of Numenius the Pythagorean , Numenius . what is Plato , but Moses Atticizing ? Also that of Hermippus , Hermippus , a most diligent , and ancient Writer of Pythagoras's Life , who plainly affirmes ( as Josephus contra Ap. lib. 1. ) that Pythagoras translated many things out of the Jewish Institutes , into his own Philosophie . So Aristotle , in his Books of Politicks , makes mention of many things taken out of the ancient Lawgivers , which exactly suit with Moses's Laws , as Cunaeus observes . Thus Diogenes Laertius in his Proeme to the Lives of the Philosophers begins with these words 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Some affirme that Philosophie had its origine from the Barbarians . That by the Barbarians must be understood ( inclusively , if not exclusively ) the Jews , is affirmed by Justin Martyr , Clemens Alexandrinus , Epiphanius , and others , as in what immediately precedes § . 2. Thus Steuchus Eugubinus de peren . Philosoph . l. 1. c. 12. whence it is manifest that the Philosophers thought , and spake those things , which they had learned from the Barbarians . The first Barbarians were the Chaldeans , Egyptians , and , whom we ought to place in the first rank , the Hebrews .

§ . 3. We may adde hereto the Testimonies of Jews ; Testimonies of Jews . Aristobulus . as that of Aristobulus , the Egyptian Jew , affirming , that Pythagoras translated many of his opinions out of the Jewish Discipline . The like he affirmes of Plato , as Euseb praep. Evang. l. 9. c. 6. and Clemens Alexand. Strom. 1. who also Strom. 5. saies , that Aristobulus affirmed the same of the Peripatetick Philosophie , viz. Moses's Law , and other of the Prophets . Josephus l. 1 contra Apion . saies of Pythagoras , Josephus . that he did not only understand the Jewish Discipline , but also embraced many things therein ; Whence he gives this character of him , out of Hermippus , who writ his life , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 he was an Imitator of the Jewish Opinions . So the same Josephus Antiq. l. 11. c. 2. brings in Demetrius Phalereus , commending the Law of Moses , and giving this reason , why their Heathen Poets , and Historians made no mention of this Law ; because ( saith he ) it being holy , ought not to be delivered by a profane mouth . It s true the Jews mixed with these their relations many sigments , yet this notwithstanding is sufficiently manifest hence , that they had a strong and fixed persuasion , that the Grecanick Philosophie was traduced from them and their Sacred Oracles ; as Learned Selden has observed de Jure Nat. Hebrae . lib. 1. c. 2.

Testimonies of the Fathers . § . 4. If we consult the Memoires of Christians , both Ancient , and Moderne , we shall find abundant Testimonies conspiring to make good this Assertion , that the Grecians traduced their Philosophie from the Scriptures and Jewish Church . Amongst the Ancients we have Tertullian Apol. c. 17. Tertullian . who of the Poets , saies he , who of the Sophists was there , who did not drink of the Prophets fountain ? Hence therefore the Philosophers quenched the thirst of their ingenie . Thus Justin Martyr in his Paraenesis to the Greeks , sheweth , how Orpheus , Pythagoras , Clement Alexand. De quo argumento praeter Eusebium , prolixe agunt prisci patres , Cl. Alexand . passim , imprimis lib. 1 & 5. Strom. Theophilus lib. ad Autolycum . Tatia● . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 2. Plato , Homer , &c. borrowed many things from Moses : and he does industriously prove the Noveltie of the Grecian Philosophie , out of Polemo , Apion , Ptolemaeus Mendisius , Philocrates , and others . So Minucius in Octavius : The Philosophers , saies he , have imitated some shadow of interpolated Truth from the Divine predictions of the Prophets . So Clemens Alexandrinus , in his exhortation to the Gentiles , speaks thus : O Plato what ever good Laws are afforded thee of God , &c. thou hadst from the Hebrews ; and else where Strom. 1. he cals Plato the Philosopher , who derived what he had from the Hebrews , and he speaks this universally of the Philosophers , that before the coming of Christ , the Philosophers took part of the truth from the Hebrew Prophets , though they acknowledged not the same , but attributed it to themselves as their sentiments or opinions ; and thence some things they adulterated ; and other things they did by a needles diligence unlearnedly , yet as seeming wise , declare ; but other things they invented . Thus Clemens . Eusebius tels us , Eusebius . that Pythagoras , and Plato translated the Learning of the Jews , and Egyptians into Greek . The like Euseb. praepar . l. 9. c. 1. The most Illustrious of the Greeks , were not altogether ignorant of the Judaick Philosophie : some by their Writings , seem to approve their manner of life , others followed their Theologie , Theodoret. so far , as they were able . Thus again Euseb. praepar . l. 10. c. 2. & praefat. in lib. 5. The Grecians like Merchants fetcht their Disciplines from else where . So Theodoret l. 2. de Curand . Graec. affect . saies that Anaxagoras , Pythagoras , and Plato gathered many riddles , or dark sayings of God , from the Egyptians , and Hebrews . The like is affirmed of Justin Martyr , Ambrose , Augustin , and Jerom , as Justinianus in 1. Joh. 1.1 . and Selden de Jur. Nat. Hebr. l. 1. c. 1. have observed . And Johannes Grammaticus ( called otherwise Philoponus ) speaks affirmatively to this point : Jo. Grammaticus . so de mundi Creatione lib. 1. cap 2. pag. 4. he tels us , that Plato , in expounding the production of the world by God , imitates Moses in many things . The like he affirmes de mundi creatione lib. 6. cap. 21. pag. 24● . what Moses , saies he , said of Man , that God made him after his own image , Plato translates to all things in the world , whence he stiled the world a sensible Image of the intellectual God . But of this more in its place .

§ . 5. As for Moderne Writers we have a cloud of witnesses , Testimonies from moderne Papists . and those of the most Learned , and that both of Papists , and Protestants , who have given assent and consent to this our conclusion , touching the traduction of Grecian Philosophie from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures . Amongst the Papists we might mention Brietius , in his Geographie . Mariana on Genes. 1. also Ludovicus Vives upon August . de civ . Dei , & de veritate , &c. of whom else where : we shall at present content our selves with the Testimonie of one or two of the most learned amongst them . August . Steuchus Eugubinus , De Peren. Philosophia lib. 1. cap. 1. Aug. Steueq . Euguhinus . treating of the Succession of Doctrine from the beginning of the world , begins thus : As there is one Principle of all things , so also there has been one and the same Science of him at all times , amongst all , as both Reason , and Monuments of many Nations , and Letters testifie . This Science springing partly from the first origine of men , has been devolved through all Ages unto Posteritie , &c. Thence he proceeds to shew the Modus , how this Philosophie was derived from hand to hand , in all Ages . The most true Supputation of Times proves , that Methusalem lived , and might converse with Adam , as Noah , with Methusalem . Therefore Noah saw , and heard all things before the Floud . Moreover before Noah died , Abraham was fifty years aged . Neither may we conceive , that this most pious man , and his holy Seed would concele from Abraham ( who they foresaw would prove most holy , and the Head of the pious Nation ) things of so great Moment , & so worthy to be commemorated . Therefore from this most true cause it is most equal , that the great Science of Divine and human Affairs should be deduced unto following Ages greatly overcome with Barbarisme , &c. Thence having explicated how Philosophie was handed down even to Moses's time , the same Eugubinus addes : Therefore that there has been one , and the same Wisdom alwaies in all men , we endeavor to persuade , not only by these reasons . but also by those many , and great examples , whereby we behold some Vestigia of the truth scattered throughout all Nations , which Moses in his books long since held forth to be beheld as in a glasse a far off . So in what follows he saies , That Sapience also , besides what the ancient Colonies brought with them , passed from the Chaldeans to the Hebrews , except what Moses writ , which passed from the Hebrews to the Egyptians , from these to the Grecians , from the Grecians to the Romans . For Abraham was a Chaldean , in whose family the ancient Theologie , and the Traditions of the Fathers , whereof he was Heir ( as it was most equal ) remained . All these things being reteined by Noah , and his Sons , were seen and heard by Abraham : he declared them to his Son , & Grandchild : from Jacob they passed unto posteritie . Whence also flowed the Pietie , and Sapience of Job , who in no regard came short of the Pietie , and Sapience of the Hebrews . Canst thou conceit , that he , who was most ancient , even in Abraham's daies , saw not Noah , and heard him not discoursing ? Hence the same Eugubinus cap. 2 having divided Philosophie into 3 parts , the first conveyed by Succession from Adam to Moses ; the second corrupted by the Philosophers , the third restored by the Sacred Scriptures : of this last he concludes thus : At last the third kind of Philosophie shone forth , scattering by its Brightnes all the darknesses of the former , not conteining it self in one place , but by its beams filling the Universe , &c.

Justinianus . Justinianus on the first Epistle of John c. 1. v. 1. having given us a large account of the Jewish Traditions , scattered up and down amongst the Pagan Philosophers , touching the Divine 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or Word , concludes thus : Truely many things have been taken up by the Philosophers , and Poets from Moses's Law , which they depraved , changed , and wrested : as touching the Chaos , the Giants War , the Floud ; and many other things , as we learn out of Augustin de civ . dei l. 8. c. 11. and lib. 18. c. 37. And it is likely that in the same manner they corrupted those traditions , they had received touching the Divine 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , his generation , & so taught , that those Persons differed in nature , which ( according to the word of God ) differ only in Hypostasis , or manner of subsisting , &c.

§ . 6. But none have given a more full Explication , and Demonstration of this our Assertion , than the learned Protestants , The Testimonie of Protestant Writers . Melancthon . Serranus . as well Divines as Philologists , of this last Age. Amongst whom we may mention P. Melancthon in his Preface , and additions to Carion . Serranus ( that learned Philologist , as well as Divine ) in his Preface to , and Annotations on Plato almost every where asserts our conclusion ; as we shall have frequent occasion to shew . The like doth Julius Scaliger , that great Philosopher , as well as Critick ; and Joseph Scaliger his Son more fully in his Notes on Esebius's Chronicon , gives testimonie to , Julius and Joseph Scaliger . and proof of this Assertion . The same does learned Vossius in his excellent Treatise of Idolatrie ; Vossius . as also in that de Philosophorum sectis l. 2. c. 1 , &c. as hereafter . Heinsius has a Discourse professedly on this Subject . Heinsius . But Learned Bochart ( that rich Antiquarie , Bochart . and Philologist ) has given an incomparable advance , and light to this Notion , from whom , I thankfully acknowledge , I have received great assistance in this undertaking , both by personal conference with him , and also from his elaborate Works ; especially his Geographia Sacra . Grotius also ( from whom I received the first hints of this Assertion ) doth positively affirme the same ; Grotius . as on Mat. 24.38 . but especially in his book de Veritate Religionis , as else where . Hornius Hist. Philos. lib. 3. cap. 1. Hornius . speaks categorically thus : The most famous of the Grecians deliver , that Philosophie flow'd from the Barbarians to the Grecians . Plato in Epinom . Cratylo , Philibo . Manetho in Josephus against Apion . Whence they so frequently , and so honorably mention , the Phenicians , Chaldeans , Egyptians , who were all instructed by the Hebrews . Whence also it was so solemne a thing for the most ancient Grecian Philosophers to travel into the Oriental parts . Whence sprang the mutual commerces , and common studies betwixt the Grecians , and Egyptians . Whence he concludes , that Philosophie was not borne but educated in Greece : for the most ancient wise men of Greece brought Philosophie thither from the East , &c. We have also the Testimonie of Dioda●e , Amirault , and Daillè , &c. of whom in their place .

§ . 7. Testimonies of the English . Jackson . To come to the Testimonies of our English Divines and learned men . Jackson of the Authoritie of the Scriptures ( last Edit. in Polio ) pag. 27 , 34 , 47 , 49 , 54 , 55 , 56 , 57 , &c. largely proves this our Assertion , touching the Traduction of Philosophie from the Scriptures , and Jewish Church . And withall gives account of the manner , how it was traduced ; of which else where . Learned and pious Vsher asserts the same of Pythagoras his Philosophie , Usher . as it will appear in his Life , &c. Thus great Richardson , in the Exposition on his Divinitie Tables , Table 5. MSS. treating of the first Matter saies , that Aristotle received it from Plato , and he from the Egyptians , as these from the Jews . Preston makes use of this Principle as a main Argument to prove the Divine Original , Preston . and Authoritie of the Scriptures , as before . Sir Walter Ralegh , Sir Walter Ralegh . in his Historie of the World ( Part 1. Book 1. Chap. 6. §. 7. ) affirmes Categorically that the wiser of the ancient Heathens , viz. Pythagoras , Plato , &c. had their opinions of God from the Jews , and Scripture ; though they durst not discover so much : as in what follows , of Platonick Philosophie . Owen in his learned Discourse of Gentile Theologie ( which I must confesse , Owen . has given me much light , and confirmation herein ) does frequently assert the same Conclusion . The same is often , and strongly maintain'd by the Learned Stillingfleet in his Origines Sacrae , Stillingfleet . it being indeed one chief medium , he much insists on , to prove the Autoritie of the Scriptures . We have also the Testimonies of Mede , Hammond , and Cudworth for confirmation hereof ; as good Essayes , and Discourses on this subject , by Duport on Homer , Bogan's Homerus Hebraïzans , and Dickinson's Delphi Phoenicizantes ; &c. But amongst our English learned Men , none have given us more ample Testimonies to confirme our assertion , than famous Selden , Selden . in his elaborate book de Jure Nat. Hebrae . lib. 1. cap. 2. where , saies he , Touching the famous custome of the ancient Philosophers before Christ , to consult , and hear the Hebrews , we have many Testimonies , both of Jews themselves , of Christian Fathers , and of Pagan Writers ; which he cites at large in what follows .

CHAP. II. Of Mythologick Philosophie its Traduction from the Jews .

Of Mythologick Philosophie in general , and 1. particularly of the Poetick , and fabulous . How the Greeks disguised Oriental Traditions by Fables . Of the use and abuse of Fables and Parables . 2. Of Symbolick or Enigmatick Philosophie , and its traduction from the Jewish Types , Symbols , and Enigmes . 3. Of the Metaphorick , and Allegorick mode of philosophi●ing by Plato , and its descent originally from the Jews . Mat. 13.3 . The Matter also of Mythologick Philosophie from Gods sacred Word , and Works . The Causes of Mythologick Philosophie . 1. Ignorance of the Hebrew . 2. Of the Matter of their Traditions , or Jewish Mysteries . 3. Of the Forme of Jewish Doctrines . 4. Of the Traditions . 2d Cause was Admiration of the wonders of God brokenly reported to them . 3. Imitation another cause , concerning which Plato has excellent Discourses touching the Subject , Object , Effect , Uses , and Abuses of Imitation in Symbolick Philosophie . 4. Curiosity , and affectation of Novelty Act. 17.21 . 5. Pride , and self advancement . 6. Inclination to Idolatrie . 7. Carnal Policie to avoid the peoples hatred . A general Conclusion that all Philosophie , even Aristotle's it self , as to its Matter , was traduced from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures .

§ . 1. Of the Grecian Philosophie its traduction from the Jews . THat the Grecian Philosophers received the choisest of their Philosophick Contemplations from the Jewish Church , and Divine Revelation , we have already endeavored some inartificial demonstration , as to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , thereof : we now proceed to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to demonstrate the same from the several causes from whence ; and wales by which the Grecians traduced their Philosophie from the Jewish Church and Scriptures . And to make this good , we shall first run thorough the sundry kinds and modes of Grecian Philosophie , and thence proceed to their several Sects of Philosophers . The first great mode or way of the Greeks philosophizing was Mythologick and Symbolick , of which we are now to treat , with endeavors to demonstrate how , that both as to matter and forme , they traduced it from the Jewish Church .

§ . 2. That the first Grecian Philosophie was Mythologick and Symbolick , will be easily granted by any versed in those Antiquities . Of Mythologick Philosophie in general . So Diodorus Siculus lib. 4. makes mention of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an ancient Mythologie , which he also calls , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , old fables ; and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mythick Historie . This Aristotle , in the Proeme to his Metaphysicks , cals Philomythie : for , saith he , a Philosopher is in some sort 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Philomyther , or Lover of fabulous Traditions . Strabo lib. 11. makes mention of this ancient 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as that which gained little credit in the world . Which Proclus on Plato's Theologie l. 1. c. 4. cals Symbolick Philosophie . But to speak distinctly and properly , we may distinguish Mythologick Philosophie ( or Philosophick Mythologie ) into these severals , 1. Mythologick strictly taken , or Parabolick . 2. Hieroglyphick , Symbolick , or Enigmatick . 3. Metaphorick , and Allegorick : The difference betwixt these several modes of philosophizing is this : The Mythologick ( which the Scripture cals the Parabolick ) is the couching of Philosophick Principles , and Mysteries under some fabulous narration , or feigned storie : the Symbolick is the wrapping up of Natural Principles , or Moral Precepts under certain Symbols , Hieroglyphicks , sensible Images , or obscure Enigmes and Riddles : Metaphorick , and Allegorick is the expressing things , either under a naked single Similitude , which belongs to Metaphors ; or by a Series of Metaphors , which belongs to Allegories , &c. see Diodate on Mat. 13.3 .

Mythologick Philosophie strictly taken first seated amongst the Poets . § , 3. To begin with Mythologick Philosophie , strictly so taken , called , in Scripture Phrasiologie , Parabolick , which was , as to order of time , the first , taken up by the Grecian Poets , and after embraced by some of their Philosophers . The chief Grecian Poets who traded in this kind of Mythick , or Fabulous Philosophie , were 1. Orpheus ; who is supposed to have been the most Ancient of the Poets , and equal with their Gods ; insomuch as he is said to have sailed among the Argonats , with Hercules , and the Tyndarides ; as Lactant. l. 1. c. 5. They say he was a Thracian by birth ; but his Philosophie he gained in Egypt as Euseb. l. 2. praep. c. 1. They report also , that he was very famous for Musick , wherein he so greatly excelled , as he mollified not only Men , but the brute beasts also by his singing . But others give a more rational account of this fable , namely , that congregating men , who were dispersed here and there , and lived as beasts in the fields , he drew them to a more civil forme of life . so Horat. in Arte Poetica . Sylvestres homines , sacer , interpresque Deorum , Caedibus , & Victu faedo deterruit Orpheus , Dictus ob hoc lenire Tigres , rapidosque leones . There were Contemporaries with Orpheus , Musaeus , Arion , and Amphion . Of Amphion 't is said , that having received an Harp from the Muses , he fitted his verses , composed with great suavitie so exactly thereto , as that the stones ran 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 of their own accord , &c. Which Thucydides lib. 1. thus unriddles : Orpheus and Amphion a little before the Trojan War , drew men out of the Wood , unto Humanitie , or a more civil conversation . By which it appears , that Orpheus's Phhilosophie was , as to the Matter of it , chiefly Ethick , and Theologick . Thus of Orpheus himself . Orpheus's followers writ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Poems according to Orpheus's Doctrine , which were partly Moral , partly Theologick ; but wholly Symbolick , or Fabulous , so Proclus in Theol. Plat. l. 1. c. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The Orphicks delivered their Philosophie by Symbols or Fables .

2. Homer also was a great Inventor , and Propagator of this Mythologick Philosophie . So Democritus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. Homer having obtained a nature inspired by a Divine Afflatus , or Spirit , framed a beautiful Structure of divers verses . Plutarch l. 2. de Homero , sheweth , how the seeds of all Arts , Physicks , Medicine , Politicks , Ethicks , Eloquence , Militarie Discipline , &c. are to be found in Homer , Alcidamus , a noble and ancient Orator , cals Homer's Odyssea , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a good glasse of human life . These Poemes of Homer were in great estimation with many of the latter Philosophers , who received much of their Philosophie thence . So Zeno , the Head of the Stoick Sect , writ five books of Homerick Questions : Yet some of them were not so well pleased with Homers mode of philosophizing , in as much as it had so many Fables , and so much obscurity mixed with it . Thence Plato in his Alcibiades , concludes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Novices in Philosophie ought not to fall upon Homers Poems , least they should fancie this Hero writ fables . The Egyptians say , that Homer was in Egypt : others suppose him to have been born in Egypt : and that he imbibed there his choicest Notions , from the Jewish Doctrine originally , if not immediately , we have proved Part 1. B. 3. C. 1. §. 6. of Homer . 3. Hesiod philosophized much in Oeconomicks , as also in Natural Philosophie ; as of the first Chaos , &c. We find this character of him in Velleius lib. 1. Hesiod lived about 120. years after Homer . He was very famous for his elegant Wit , and the most soft sweetnes of his Verses . He was most desirous of ease and quiet , &c. see more of him , and the Traduction of his Philosophick Poems from the Jewish Church , Part 1. B. 3. C. 1. §. 7. of Hesiod . 4. Phocylides , Theognes , Museus , and Pythagoras writ much in Moral Philosophie . 5. Empedocles , Nicander , Aratus philosophized in Naturals . As 6. Solon and Tirtaeus in Politicks . But all the ancient Poesie was fabulous , & obscure , so Maximus Tyrius orat. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , because all Poesie does obscurely hint a thing .

How these Greek Poets disguise the Traditions which originally came from Scriptures . § . 4. These ancient fabulous Greek Poets having received from Egypt , and else where , many broken Traditions , touching the several Names , and Works of God , the Origine of the World , with other Mysteries , wrapt up in the bosome of the Scriptures , and Jewish Church , they made it their busines to disguise these oriental Traditions , by clothing them with a new Grecian dresse , of many fabulous narrations ; with which they were so disfigured , as that they could never recover their old face . Thus Jackson on the Scriptures folio 29. continually , saith he , whilst we compare ancient Poets , or Stories , with the book of Genesis , & other Volumnes of sacred Antiquitie ; these sacred books give us the pattern of the waking thoughts of ancient times . And the Heathen Poems , with other fragments of Ethnick Writings ( not so ancient as the former ) contain the Dreams , and Fancies , which succeeding Ages , by hear-say , and broken reports , had conceived concerning the same or like matters . For any judicious man from the continual , and serious observation of this Register of truth , may find out the Original at least , of all the Principal Heads , or Common Places of Poetick Fictions , or Ancient Traditions , which cannot be imagined , they should ever have come into any mans fancie , unles from the imitation of some Historick Truth , or the impulsion of real events stirring up admiration . Thus Jackson .

The use and abuse of Mythologick Philosophie . § . 5. This Mythologick Philosophie begun by the Poets , and after taken up by the most Ancient Philosophers , had it not been mixed with so many ridiculous , and Idolatrous Fables , might have been of much use in those first Ages , even amongst the Heathens , as well as in the Jewish Church , whence it received its origination . For under these sensible Formes , and Images ( suited to that infant state of the world ) were conteined many lively examples of , and strong incentives unto , Virtue : Hence Basil saies of Homer 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. all Homers Poesie is but the commendation of Virtue , &c. Of the same use were Esep's Fables , and the Fables of Philostratus . Only the Elder Poets of Greece had such unworthy Fables of their Gods , as also so much obscurity in their Traditions of Natural Experiments , and Moral Precepts , as that the Wiser Philosophers , who followed , thought it most expedient to reject this mode of philosophizing , and to begin upon a new foundation , namely , some more immediate Traditions from the Easterne parts , with which also they mixed some Fabulous , or Symbolick conceits of their own .

§. 6 . After the Mythologick , followed the Symbolick , or Enigmatick mode of philophizing amongst the Grecian Philosophers , Symbolick Philosophie from the Jewish Types , Enigmes , &c. especially those of the Italick Sect , Pythagoras , &c. who , though they rejected the multitude of obscure and absurd fables , taken up by the Elder Poets ; yet , were they not without their Symbols , Enigmes , and Emblemes , or Corporeal Images , which are but branches of Mythologie considered in its general Idea . Such were the Enigmes , and Fables so common among the Ancients , whereof we have a collection extant ascribed to Esop , which yet were not ( at least ) originally his , as Quintil. lib. 5. cap. 11. These Fables ( which albeit they received not their origine from Esop ; ( for Hesiod seems to have been their first Author ) yet are they celebrated chiefly under his name ) are wont to lead the minds of rustick , and unskilful persons , who are more easily taken with things feigned , and finding a pleasure in them , do more easily assent , and consent to them . Dius in the Phenician Historie relates that Salomon proposed Enigmes to the King of Tyre , which could not be solved , but produced many concertations ; till at length he found Abdemon a Tyrian young man , who solved many of them Josephus Ant. 5. c. 2. We read also of Amasis an Egyptian King , who disputed by Enigmes with the Ethiopian King . Also in the Oriental parts it was a received custom among the Nobles , having staked down their wager , to contend by Enigmes or Riddles ; and he that could not solve what was proposed , lost his wager . Which custom Plutarch , in Convivio Sapient . mentions ; and we have some Vestigia of it , in the Historie of Sampson , and Salomon : Whence even in the Sacred Scripture we find the name 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Enigmes , attributed to such Philosophick Placits , of which of old the most Learned among the wise men oft disputed , as Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c 6. This mode of philosophizing Pythagoras principally addicted himself unto . So Porphyrie , Erat adhuc alia species Mythicae Philosophiae , & ea uti etiam ex sacris apparet , praesertim libro judicum , omnium antiquissima . Nam fabulae artificiosè compositae rudibus popu is proponebantur , quae sub imagine brutorum , aut aliarum rerum instituendae Vitae rationem ostenderent . Quae fabulae postea collectae uni A●sopo , quia is maximè excelluit , adscribi coeperunt . Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 3. c. 7. and Iamblichus attributed unto him 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Symbolick mode of teaching , or as Proclus in Theol. Plat. l. 1. c. 4. observes in general of the Pythagoreans , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The Pythagoreans study to deliver Divine things by Images , i. e. by corporeal Images ; Emblemes , and short Enigmatick Symbols , or Sayings , whereby they shadowed forth 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Affections and Morals of the Soul . Neither did these Pythagoreans only expresse their moral precepts thus , but also couched their most sacred mysteries both of God and Nature under these , and such like figures , numbers , and enigmatical propositions , which they all founded on these Principles : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , sensible Formes are but Imitates , or Images of Intellectuals : and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , man is the most imitating creature . That Pythagoras traduced these his Symbols ( if not immediately , yet ) originally from the Jewish Church , we need no way doubt . So Clemens Alexandrinus l. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the old mode of philosophizing was Hebraick and Enigmatick . This way of philosophizing by Enigmes and Problemes was common among the Jews in the time of the Judges , as Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 2. c. 13. observes , They were exercised , saith he , now and then in the solution of hard Problemes , such were those which Sampson in his Nuptials proposed . It is called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which you may translate either an Enigme , or Probleme : of which see more what precedes B. 1. C. 2. § . 7. Such also were Salomon's Proverbs , for the most part , and all the Jewish Types , which indeed were but Symbols , or corporeal Images of things spiritual . Or if we will not grant , that Pythagoras received his Symbols immediately from the Jews , yet we may without danger conclude he had them from the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks : as hereafter .

Metaphorick & Allegorick Philosophie from the Jews . § . 7. Another mode of philosophizing amongst the Grecians was Metaphorick , and Allegorick ; which also is a Species or kind of Mythologick Symbolick Philosophie . For , as Aristotle in his Rhetorick observes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Metaphor is but an Image , or shadow of a thing ; And an Allegory is but a continued metaphor , or taking the figure of a true Historie , but in a metaphorick sense , to represent things moral or spiritual ; Taautus Theologiae suae mysterta non nisi per allegorias tradebat : teste Sanchoniathone , Euseb. l. 1. Praep. c. 7. whereby it is differenced from a Parable or Fable , which is but a feigned storie , to represent something moral ; as also from a Symbol and Enigme which is more short , and obscure ; yet do they all accord in the general Idea or Notion of Mythologie . Now this Metaphorick Allegorick mode of philosophizing , was chiefly embraced by Plato , who conceled the most of his more sublime Traditions , and contemplations under Metaphorick , and Allegorick Shadows , and Figures , with which he likewise mixed many Fables , and Parables . So in his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or Dialogue of Love ( which seems to be an imitation of Salomon's Song ) we find many Allegorick Figures ; as that of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ( which is conceived to be but a Symbolick Tradition of Adam and Eve , & their Creation ) &c. And that Plato received this Allegorick mede of philosophizing from the Jewish Church , Serranus ( in his Preface to Plato ) makes to be the common persuasion of all Learned Christians , of which more in the storie of Plato's Philosophie . That the Spirit of God makes great use of Parables , Symbols , Enigmes , Metaphors , and Allegories for the unfolding of Heavenly Mysteries , any , that acquaints himself with the Scriptures , cannot be ignorant , as Mat. 13.3 . Mat. 13.3 . 't is said , Christ spake many things to them in Parables , &c. where Diodate asserts , that this was a fashion of teaching used amongst the Jews , followed by our Lord , and very profitable to make the truth to be understood , and to insinuate the apprehension thereof into the mind of the Auditors , by a well appropriated similitude , taken from a feigned story , &c. And as this parabolick , symbolick mode of expressing heavenly Mysteries was so frequent amongst the Jews , so we may , on good grounds , conclude , that the Grecian Philosophers traduced their like mode of philosophizing , from this sacred fountain originally , if not immediately .

§ . 8. Having demonstrated , The matter of Mythologick Philosophie from sacred works , and truthes . how the Mythologick and Symbolick mode or form of philosophizing amongst the Grecians was derived from the Jewish Church , their Parables , Types , Allegories , &c. we now proceed to the matter of the Grecian Mythologick Philosophie , to demonstrate its traduction from the Jewish Church and Scriptural Traditions . And to make this evident , we must recollect ( what has been oft hinted ) that the Elder Poets ( as well as Philosophers ) had generally recourse to Egypt , and Phaenicia , for the matter also , as well as for the forme , or mode of their Philosophick Mythologie . So Diodorus Siculus bibl. l. 1. tels us , that the Poets , Orpheus , Musaeus , Melampus , and Homer , and the Philosophers afterwards , Pythagoras , Plato , &c. had gained most of their Wisdom out of Egypt . And Carion , in his Chronicon lib. 2. touching the ancient Learning of the Jews ; saies , that men write , that Linus brought Learning from Phaenicia into Greece : for the ancient Learning of Greece was some part of the Law touching Morals , known partly by Nature , partly by Tradition from the Fathers , as also the inquisition of herbs , and remedies , the consideration of the Stars , and the description of the year ; and in these Sciences he ( Linus ) received the chiefest part , from the Phenicians , and Egyptians , &c. The same he affirmeth afterward of Orpheus , Homer , Hesiod ; as also of Thales , and Pythagoras . Now this being granted , it is not difficult to conceive how these first Mythologists gained the chief materials of their Philomythie , or Symbolick Philosophie . For here it was , in Egypt , and Phenicia , that these Grecian Philomythists got the skill of coining Wonders , and Fables in imitation of , and by Tradition from the wonders of Creation , and Providence mentioned in the sacred Scriptures , and vouchsafed to the Jewish Church . For the report of Gods miraculous works in creating the World , and governing of it , especially his miraculous preservation of the Jewish Church , being by tradition , soon communicated to the Phenicians , and Egyptians , who were next neighbors to the Jews ; hence the Grecians derived the principal heads , or first lines of their Philosophick Philomythie ; wherein , although by successive artificial imitation , the varietie grew greater , and the resemblance of Divine truth lesse , yet there still remained some characters , and footsteps of those Divine truths , and sacred Oracles , from whence they originally were traduced ; as Jackson on the Script . fol. 57.

The causes of Mythologick Philosophie . 1. Ignorance . § . 9. This Demonstration touching the Traduction of Mythologick Philosophie , both as to Forme , and Matter , from the Jewish Church , will be more evident , if we shall take a more particular view of the causes of it , which were very many , and great ; as 1. Ignorance was a pregnant , and great cause of all that Mythick Philosophie , which gained so much upon the Grecians , as well as on the Egyptians , and Phenicians . For when these dark , and purblind Heathens had received any broken Traditions touching the glorious Works , Wonders , Mysteries , and Truths of God reveled unto , and in his Church ( the seat of his glorious presence ) they being not able to apprehend , much lesse to comprehend the same , grew vain in their imaginations , and turned the glorie of God into a Lye , by mixing their own Fables with those fragments of Divine Revelation , which , by imperfect Tradition , were delivered over to them . Thus were their foolish hearts darkened , as Rom. 1.21 . 1. Ignorance of the Hebrew Idiome . Now this their Ignorance of these Divine Mysteries was much greatned , 1. from want of skill in the Hebrew Tongue , and Idiome ; whence they gave words of ambiguous Interpretation a sense far differing from what was intended : also some words they understood in a literal , and proper sense , which , according to their genuine mind , and sense , Gen. 46.26 . 2. Ignorance of the matter of their traditions . ought to be taken improperly ; of which many instances might be given , as that of Gen. 46.26 . whence Bacchus was feigned to be born out of Jupiters thigh , &c. 2. Another thing , which greatly fed , and nourished the Ignorance of these Mythologick Philosophers , was the sublimitie and greatnes of the Matters , concerning which they philosophized . So great was the confidence , or rather ignorance , of these first Grecian Sophists , as that they durst adventure to philosophize on the deepest Mysteries of the Jewish Religion ; which being not able , in any measure , to apprehend , they turned them into meer Fables . This might be largly exemplified in all parts of their Philosophie : as , 1. In their Theologie ; whence came their mythologick contemplations of their Gods . Jao , Adonis , Saturne , Jupiter , 1. In Theologie . &c. but from Hebrew Traditions of the true God , & c ? Whence the Platonick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Trinitie , but from some imperfect Scripture Traditions ? whence Plato's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , but from that essential name of God Exod 3.14 ? as Austin long since observed : whence his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , but from the Scripture Relation of Christ , if not Gen. 1.1 . yet Prov. 8. where he is called Wisdom ? hence also that Poetick Fiction of Minerva the Goddesse of Wisdom being produced out of Jupiters head : whence also Plato's Fable of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , but from Gen. 1.2 . The Spirit of God moving on the Waters ? whence also the original of their Demons , and Demon worship , but from some broken Traditions touching the Jewish Messias , his Nature , and Offices ? as elsewhere . 2. 2. In Natural Philosophie . And as those fabulous Grecians were ignorant of the sublimer matters of the Jewish Religion , so also did they discover much Ignorance in Natural things ; concerning which they had received some traditions . As Plato , having had some broken relation of Eve her being taken out of Adam's side , coined from hence , his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Lastly whence all those Poetick and Fabulous Narrations of the first Chaos , the Golden Age , &c. but from corrupt traditions from Gen. 1 , & c ? 3. 3. Ignorance of the Jewish form , or mode of Doctrine . Another spermatick principle , which bred , or Root , that nourished this Grecian Ignorance , and consequently their Mythologick Philosophie , was the peculiar mode , and hidden forme , under wdich the Jewish Mysteries were couched . For God condescending to the Childish capacity of that Infant Church , clothed the sublime Mysteries of Salvation with terrene habits , sensible formes , and Typick shadows , or shapes , which the carnal Jews themselves could not understand ; much lesse could those blind Heathens , who received only some broken traditions of them , penetrate into their Spiritual sense , and marrow ; whence they turned all into Fables . All Types , Symbols , and Parables , though never so lively Images of things Spiritual , to those , who have Senses spiritually exercised in Converse with them , are yet but Riddles , and dark sayings to such , as have not a capacitie to dive into their Spiritual import : whence Christ is said Mat. 13.13 . Mat. 13.13 . 4. Ignorance from the imperfection of Jewish traditions . to speak in Parables to the obstinate Jews , that so they might not understand . 4. The last thing I shall name , as that , which added to their Ignorance , and thence encreased their Philosophick Philomythie , was the imperfection of those traditions which originally descended from the Jewish Church . For as Rivers the farther they are from the Fountain , the lesse they have of its original puritie , and favor ; or as it is fabled of Argos's ship , that through long absence it passed under so many emendations , and alterations , as that at last there was no piece left of the old bulk : The like usage did these Jewish traditions find amongst those fabulous Grecians . For they passing from one Age to another , through the various Imaginations , Inclinations , Humors , and Interests of men , received such strange alterations , and disfigurations , as that it was at last difficult to find any certain piece , or footsteps of the original Tradition . This is well observed by Learned Selden de Jure Nat. Hebrae . lib. 1. c. 2. fol 26. Neither , saies he , is it a wonder , that we find not in the writings of the Greek Philosophers more expresse footsteps of the Jewish Doctrine , yea that there is scarce any thing occurring in them , which retaines the pure nature of the Hebrew originall : for the Sects of Barbarick Philosophers were so mixed in the Greek Sciences , as also the Greek Philosophie it self torn into so many pieces , and fractions , as that it was wholly disguised , &c.

2. Admiration the cause of all Mythologick Philosophie . § . 10. A second cause ( or prolifick root ) of Mythologick Philosophie was Admiration , and this indeed follows naturally upon the former : for what is admiration , but the Souls contemplation of some novel , and rare matter , proposed to it , with desire to know the cause ? or as others describe it , the state and disposition of the Soul towards things , that are new , and rare , and strange , of which we can give no reason : for wise men wonder not , because they see a reason , and have a comprehension of things . I hence Plutarch in his book 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , saies of Pythagoras , that he affirmed of himself , that he gained this by Philosophie , not to admire any thing : for Philosophie takes away wonderment , and admiration , which flows from Ignorance . So Aristotle Eth. l. 1. c. 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 · He , that is conscious of his own ignorance , admires what seemes above him . Now this being the genuine notion , and Idea of Admiration , to contemplate overmuch things above our capacities , especially if they are strange and rare ; hence we may easily gather , how soon those Grecian Mythologick Philosophers fell in love with the contemplation of those wonderful Experiments , and Issues of Divine Creation , and Providence , which were handed over to them by some broken Traditions . We have already shewed , how Egypt , and Phaenicia with other parts bordering on the Jewish Territories , had received many imperfect fragments , or broken Traditions touching God his Names , Attributes , and Works both of Creation , and Providence ; especially of the wonders he wrought for his Church in Egypt , at the Red Sea , in the Wildernes , and after they came to Ganaan : also that they had some , though very obscure , notices of the Messias , and his work of Redemption , &c. Now the Grecians travelling into those Oriental parts , to acquaint themselves with these hidden Mysteries , and Wonders , at first fell into a great Admiration of them , and anon set themselves to philosophize upon them in a mythologick mode , according to the fashion of th●se first Ages , Oriental parts . And this kind of Admiration was a genuine , yea the main , cause of all Philosophie , both Mythologick , and Simple , as is confessed by the chiefest Philosophers , Plato , and Aristotle ; so Plato in his Thaeetetus informes us ; that this is the great Affection of a Philosopher to wonder , neither had Philosophie any other origine but this : the like Aristotle in his lib. 11. Metaphys . cap. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. by reason of admiration men both now , and in times past began to philosophize . Aristotles account how admiration was tbe cause of all Philosophie , especially Mythologick . But Aristotle , in the Pro●me to his Metaphysicks , gives us a full and excellent account of the mode , or manner how all Philosophie , especially Mythologick , sprang from Admiration ; which because it is so much to our purpose , I shall first give it at large : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Both now , and in old times men began to philosophize from admiration ; at first indeed admiring the more easie wonders , thence proceeding by little and little , they began to doubt of greater matters , as concerning the Origine of the Universe , &c. wherefore also a Philomyther ( or Mythologist ) is in some sense a Philosopher , for [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] a fable is composed of things wonderful , wherein we have an admirable account : 1. How all Philosophie sprang from admiration , first of the lesser works , and wonders of Providence [ perhaps he means the wonders which God wrought in Egypt , the Wildernes , Canaan , and Babylon , which were of latter date , and so yet fresh in their memories ] . 2. Then saies he , they proceeded by little & little to doubt of greater Matters , a● of the original of the Vniverse , &c. Namely of the Creation of the World out of no preexistent Matter ; of the first Chaos ; of mans first Production , and state in Innocence ; of the Fall ; of Noahs Floud , which they call Deucalions , &c. All which particulars are largely philosophized upon by Plato , in his Timaeus , of the Origine of the Vniverse . 3. Aristotle concludes , that every Philomythist , or Lover of Fables , is in some sense a Philosopher ; for a fable is made of wonders . That is , as Jackson on the Scriptures ( fol. 34.47 . and elsewhere ) well observes , All the principal heads of Mythologick Philosophie , entertained by the elder Poets , and Philosophers , came not into their fancies by meer accident , but from the impulsion of real events , and wonders of God , which being delivered to them by tradition ( originally from the Jews ) stirred up Admiration in them . For the traditions of God's miracles being far spread , when Greece began to philosophize , they could not but admire the Wisdom , Power , and Majesty of God , that shone so greatly therein , which yet being no way able , for want of Divine Revelation , to apprehend , they turned all into Fables , and vain Philosophie .

3. Imitation a cause of Mythologick Philosophie . § . 11. A third Mother root , or cause of Mythologick Philosophie was Imitation ; which indeed was the great sovereign principle that ruled and governed those Infant Ages , but its influence appeared in nothing more powerful , and particular , than in the Philomythie , and Symbolick Philosophie of the first Poets and Philosophers ; who having had some broken Relations of the great Works of God in Creating ▪ and Governing the World , were not only taken up in the contemplation , and admiration of them ; but also grew ambitious of coining the like ; which by an artificial kind of Imitation they were dexterous in , as Strabo observes , and Jackson on the Scriptures fol. 49. From this vicinitie of true wonders in Jury , or thereabouts , were the Medes , Persians , and Syrians so much addicted to fabulous narrations , and coining of Wonders . And Greece , as it received artificial Learning first from Asia , so did it drink in this humor with it . For the traditions of Gods Miracles in Jury , and the Regions about it , having been far spread when Greece began first to tattle in artificial Learning , the Grecians , as Children in true Antiquitie ( as the Egyptian Priest told Solon ) were apt to counterfeit the forme of ancient truthes , and misapply it to unseemly matters , or purposes , as Children will be doing in homlier stuff , which they see their Elders do better in . Finally the same humor , which yet reigns amongst men , might possesse most of them : There is no famous event which falls out though it be but a notable jest ) but in a short time is ascribed to a great many more , than have affinitie with it . In like manner did the reports of sundry events , which either fell out only in Jury , or upon occasion of Gods people , fly about the world , some with cut , and mangled , but most usually with enlarged artificial wings ; as if the same had been acted every where , or the like invented on every occasion . And fol. 57. he concludes , that the principal , or first heads of the Grecian invention were derived , for most part , from the Hebrews ; although , by successive artificial imitation , their variety grew greater , and their resemblance of Divine truth lesse . Thus Dr Jackson . And that the main , if not the whole , of Mythologick , and Symbolick Philosophie was but a 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or reflexe Image of Jewish Mysteries , and Discipline , traduced by Artificial Imitation , has been sufficiently proved by what was mentioned touching the matter , and forme of Mythologick Philosophie : Namely , as to its forme : Whence sprang the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks ; the Phenician , and Grecian 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Fables ; Pythagoras's Symbols ; and Plato's Allegories ; but from the Jewish Types , Allegories , Enigmes , and Parables ? and both the one , and the other founded upon that great Oriental Maxime , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Then if we consider the matter of Symbolick Philosophie , it seems plainly to be taken up by traducti●n from , and in imitation of , some Divine work , or truth . Whence can we imagine that Pythagoras should receive his Institutes , and Ceremonies of Purifications , Washings , White Vestments , Sacrifices , with his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or School ▪ wherein were 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 perfect , as well as novices ; but from the Jewish Ceremonies and Scholes , which he affected , to the utmost of his skill , to imitate ? whence he was stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Jewish Imitator , or Ape . And as for Plato , Johan . Grammaticus de Creat . Mundi l. 1. c 2. tels us plainly , Plato's great skill in imitation both as to the practice , and Theory thereof . that he imitated Moses in his exposition of the World's Origine , as in many other things . And indeed none of the ancient Philosophers was better skilled in this kind of artificial Imitation than Plato ; who had a luxuriant , pregnant Fancy ( which is the proper seat of Imitation ) and a great dexterity , backed with much affection , yea ambition , to imitate the Easterne , particularly the Jewish , Wisdom . Neither was he only versed in the Practick part of this Art , but also in the Theory . For we find in his Works ( and no where else , that I know of ) excellent discourses professedly treating of Imitation , 1. its subject , which he makes to be the Phantasie , that 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Touching the power of the imagination in order to imitation , see Les Conferences par les Beaux esprits Tom. 1. Confer . 5. de la ressemblance : 2. its object , which he cals 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i. e. se●sible Formes , or Images , representing some thing Moral , or Spiritual : 3. its effect , which he makes to be a shadowy dark truth . For , saies Plato Reipub. lib. 6. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. an Imitator is but a Coiner of Idols , or Images : and these Images , he cals 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Shadows of Truth ; whence he addes , that imitation [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] is but 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an imperfect representation of Truth ; wherefore he adviseth those , who would studie with advantage the Symbolick Philosophie ( which he , and others before him had taught ) not to fasten on the Fables , Allegories , or Symbolick Images , wherewith Truth was clothed , but rather to attend unto the Truth it self couched under these Images , Shadows , or imperfect notices : 4. whence he laies down the great Benefits of Imitation in Natural , and Moral Philosophie , for the colouring , and shadowing forth of Truth ; as also in Oeconomicks , and Politicks : Examples and Patternes being the most powerful , because visible precepts : lastly he shews the sad abuse of it , by the fabulous Poets , in their feigned St●rie● , or Romances , and blasphemous Figments of their Gods ; which gives us a clear Demonstration , what a mighty influence Imitation had upon the Grecanick Philosophie ; Symbolick , and what followed : of which see more Plato Reipub. lib. 6. also lib. 10. and Serranus thereon .

4. Curiosity and affectation of Novelty . §. 12. 4. Another Seminal Principle , which had an influential Causality on this Mythologick , Symbolick Philosophie , was the Itch of Curiosity , or an eager inquisitive humor innate in those first Grecian Philosophers , which made them restles in their Inquisitions after some Knowledge , touching the first Principles of things , and the Supream Vniversal First Cause . This indeed was one first moving impulsive Cause of all Philosophie , whence it received its name 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and so it 's defined by Plato , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. an Appetition of Wisdom . For the Oriental parts , Phenicia , and Egypt ( which bordered on Judea ) having first had some tasts of the Knowledge of God , the first Cause , his Names , Perfections , and Works , both of Creation , and Providence , by some imperfect Traditions from the Jews ; this awakened the inquisitive Grecians ( who alwaies labored under an itch of curiosity , even unto Pauls time , Act. 17.21 . Some new thing . as it appears Acts 17.21 . ) to make farther Search into these dark Mysteries concerning which they had received some very broken , and imperfect notices . This inquisitive curious humor put Thales , Pythagoras , Solon , and Plato , with the Poets before them , upon their travels into the Oriental parts , to get more exact information touching the first principles of Wisdom .

§. 13. 5. Another Master vein , 5. Pride and self advancement . which fed the Grecian Mythologick Philosophie , was Pride , in appropriating that to themselves which was done by , or belonged unto , others ; thus did they appropriate the chief of God's names to their own Gods , Jupiter , Jao , Adonis , &c. so in like manner Noahs Floud was attributed to Deucalion , with multitudes of the like Instances ; and to make these their assumings authentick , they disguised the traditions , they received in the Oriental parts , with many Fables , and Symbols , thereby to make them passe for their own .

6. 6. Inclination to Idolatrie . Another fountain of their Philomythick Philosophie was the natural propension , and inclination of their hearts to Idolatrie . Hence sprang the Grecian Polytheism , Hellenism , and much of their vain Philosophie , for their imaginations being vain , and their foolish hearts darkned by Idolatrous opinions , and persuasions ; hence they convert all those imperfect Traditions , they had received , touching the true God , Rom. 1. and his Works , into fabulous narrations , which they appropiate unto their false Gods , &c.

7. 7. Carnal policie to avoid the peoples envy and hatred . We might also mention the Carnal Policy of the first Greek Philosophers , as another spring of their Mythologie . For seeing the people too much resolved to maintain these fabulous Gods , the Poets had commended to them , they conceived it their wisest course , to darken those traditions , they had received touching the true God , his Vnity , Nature , and Works , by Fables , Symbols , and Allegories ; thereby to avoid the envy , and hatred of the people . And thus much indeed Plato seems ingenuously to confesse : for , saith he , to assert many Gods is without shew of reason . Only we embrace them being impelled thereto , though without shadow of reason , by the Autoritie of our Fathers , and the severity , of Laws , &c. Plato Timaeo . A general conclusion that all Philosophie , even Aristotles , as to us matter , was traduced from the Jewish Church . It seems he had not so much courage as his Master Socrates , who notwithstanding these Obstacles declared himself plainly enough in the case .

§ . 14. By all that has been mentioned touching the Matter , Forme , and Causes of Mythologick , or Symbolick Philosophie , I conceive we have given ( so far as our Matter will bear it ) a sufficient demonstration of its traduction originally from the Jewish Church , and Scripture Revelation : And what has been affirmed of Mythologick Philosophie , and its Causes in particular , may also be applyed to all the Grecian Philosophie in general ; which , as it is evident , had the same Causes ; namely Ignorance , Admiration , Imitation , Curiositie , Pride , &c. Moreover it i● evident that all the first Philosophers , Thales , Pherecides , Pythagoras , Socrates , and Plato , did more or lesse exercise themselves in this Mythologick , Symbolick mode of philosophizing . Aristotle was the first , who rejected this fabulous Symbolick manner of philosophizing , and clothed Philosophie in a more native , and simple dresse , the materials of whose Philosophie were notwithstanding taken up from Plato his Master , and the more ancient Symbolick Philosophers . So that what has been said of Symbolick Philosophie will serve also to demonstrate that Aristotle's more simple Philosophie , as to the Matter of it , was derived originally from the Jewish Church .

CHAP. III. Of the Ionick Philosophie by Thales , and its Jewish Original .

Of the first distinction of Philosophers , into the Ionick , and Italick Sects . Both the Ionicks , and Italicks derived their Philosophie by Tradition , immediately from the Egyptians , and Phenicians ; but originally from the Jews . Thales of Phenician extract , the first that brought Philosophie into Greece : his Philosophie traduced originally from the Jews . His Natural Philosophie plain . His great Principle , that Water is the first Matter of the Vniverse , derived immediately from Sanchoniathon his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which descended originally from Gen. 1.2 . His other principles of Physiologie , viz. touching the Worlds production by God , by its Beautie ; and the precedence of the Night before the Day from Gen. 1.5 . Thales's Astronomie ; his Invention of the Cynosure from the Phenicians ; his Calculation of the Year from the Egyptians : his Geometrie , and Arithmetick . Thales's Divine Philosophie , or Natural Theologie from the Jews . His Demons thence also . His Scholars , and Successors , &c. Anaximander , Anaximenes , Anaxagoras , Empedocles , Heraclitus , Democritus , Hippocrates .

§ . 1. HAving discoursed at large of Philosophie in general , The chief heads of the Ionick & Italick Philosophie from Egyptians , Phenicians and Jews . especially of Symbolick , and its Traduction from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures , we now proceed to the several Sects of Greek Philosophers , and therein to demonstrate , that the chief Heads ( at least ) of each Sect , traduced their philosophick notions , and contemplations from some Scriptural , or Jewish Tradition . As for the several Sects of Grecian Philosophers ; there were at first but few , but in after times they grew very numerous . Varro in August . de Civit. Dei l. 19. c. 1. tels us , that in his time , there were found in the Books of Philosophers , no lesse than 288. different opinions ( which made so many different Sects ) concerning the chiefest Good . For that Doctrine was , at that time , the touch-stone , whereby the different Sects of Philosophers were distinguished . Themistius acquaints us , that there came under his examen , near 300 several Sects . The first , and most Ancient Division of the Greek Philosophers was into the Ionick , and Italick Sects : Succedunt Ionicî illi , qui primi sectae nomen dedere . Nam aliàs certum est nullibi antiquiores Philosophos quam in Ionia suisse . Horaius Hist. Philos. l. 3. c. 12. as for the Eleaticks ( which Vossius addes as a third Sect ) they were but a branch of the Italicks . Now touching the chief Heads , and first Founders of these two Sects , we have this good general Account in Carion's Chronicon l. 2. of the Studies of Learning in Greece . The first Doctors , saies he , in Greece were the Poets . Thence other Doctors sprang up , who embraced all Arts : Arithmetick , Geometrie , Astronomie , Physicks , and Medicine . Part of these Sciences the ancient Iones ( as it is likely ) received from their Parents , Japhet , and Javan . But yet as for Arithmetick , Geometrie , Astronomie , and Medicine , the Egyptians , and Phenicians were more skilled herein . By conversation with whom Thales , and Pythagoras being instructed ( about the time of Craesus & Cyrus ) by the example of their Ancestors raised up the Studie of these Sciences in Europe ; and taught them familiarly in the Scholes of their Disciples . From these two then arose two Kinds of Philosophie : Of this first division of the Greek Philosophers into the Ionick and Italick Sects , see August . de civit . Dei lib. 8 cap. 2. with Lud. Vives thereon . the Ionick from Thales , which was lesse obscure , & mostly Natural The Italick from Pythagoras , which was more obscure , and full of Enigmes , &c. And that these two Founders of the Ionick , and Italick Sects received the first Principles of their Philosophie by tradition , rather than from any natural improvement , or Theories of their own , we have a good Demonstrative account in Stillingfleet Orig. Sacrae Book 3. Chap 2. Sect. 2. which is worth our transcribing . It is a matter of some inquirie ( saith he ) whether the first principles of Philosophie amongst the Greeks , were not rather some traditional things conveighed to them from others , than any certain Theories , which they had formed from their own Experiments , and Observations . The former is to me far the more probable , on many accounts , but chiefly on this ; that the first principles of the two Founders of the two chief Sects of Philosophers , viz. the Ionick , and Italick , did come so near to that , which we have the greatest reason to believe to have been the most certain account of the Origine of the World . For this opinion of Thales , viz. that Water was the first Matter , seems to have been part of that universal Tradition which was continued in the World , concerning the first Principles . This I suppose is evident ; that those Philosophers of Greece , who conversed most abroad in the world , did speak far more agreeably to the true account of things , than such , who only endeavored by their own Wits to improve , or correct those principles which were delivered by their other Philosophers . Which I impute not so much to their converse with the Mosaick Writings , as to that universal Tradition of the first Ages of the World , which was preserved far better amongst the Phenicians , Egyptians , and Chaldeans , than among the Greeks . For Greece from its beginning shined with a borrowed Light , &c. Thus Stillingfleet . Wherein he fully grants , and proves , that the first principles of the Ionick , and Italick Philosophie were received by Tradition : only he seems to dissent from such , who derive their Tradition from Moses's Writings , or the Jewish Church ; rather inclining to believe , that the Tradition was universal from Noah's Sons , &c. which , if we grant , will not overthrow our Hypothesis , that the Grecian Philosophie descended by tradition from the Church ( for Noah's family was the Church ) of God . Yet I conceive ( with submission ) that ( as it hath been already proved ) the Egyptians , and Phenicians ( if not the Chaldeans ) received their traditions of the Creation , &c , not from their Ancestors , Cham , and his Posteritie ; but from Moses's Writings , and the Jewish Church : and I think we shall hereafter give most probable ( if not certain ) conjectures , that the chief principles of Thales , and Pythagoras their Philosophie were traduced from the Writings of Moses , or the Jewish Church . Yea Mr. Stillingfleet himself , in what follows in this same Section 3. gives us this ingenuous Concession . I will not deny but that Pythagoras might have had converse with the Jews , who it is most probable was in Chaldea after the Captivity , &c.

§ . 2. Of Thales his extract from Phaenicia . Multi tamea Thalem non Milesium , sed I hoenicem fuisse putant , t●s●e Euseb. lib. 10. P●aep . cap. 2. Hornius Histor. Philos. l. 3. c. 12. But to begin with Thales the Head of the Ionick Philosophie who was born at Miletus , the chief City of Ionia in the 31 Olymp. as Laertius informes us out of Apollodorus : yet others make him to be not a Milesian , but Phenician by birth . Pliny l. 2. saies , that he lived in the time of Alyattis ; and Cicero lib. 1. de Divin . tels us , that he lived under Astyages : both of which Relations agree ; in as much as these two Kings waged war , each against other : as V●ssius de Philosoph . Sectis l. 2. c. 5. Hyginus , in his Poetico Astronomico , treating of the lesser Bear , speaks thus : Thales , who made diligent search into these things , and first called this [ lesser Bear . ] Arctos , was by nation a Phenician , as Herodotus saies . Which well agrees with these words of Herodotus Halicarnassensis 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 · This was the opinion of Thales the Mil●sia● , by his Ancestors a Phenician : i. e. he was born at Miletus , but his Ancestors were Phenicians . So Vossius de Hist. Graec. l. 3. That Thales was of a Phenician extract , is also affirmed by Diogenes Laertius , and Suidas . So in like manner Vossius de Philosoph . Sect. lib. 2. cap. 1 §. 28. Thales also , saies he , who founded the Ionick Philosophie , drew his original from the Phenicians : Whether he travelled from Phenicia to Miletus , with his Father N●leus , and there was made a Citizen , as according to Laertius , some would have it ; or that he were born at Miletus , but of Phenician Parentage , as others rather incline . By which it is evident , that he was of a Phenician Extract ; Thales quoque sapien●iae amore sa●cius , in orientem abiit , ibique Aegyptiis sacerdotibus familiariter adhaesit . Laert. lib. 1. whence he had no small advantages fully to informe himself in the Phenician , and Jewish Philosophie . Some say that Thales travelled into Phanicia , and brought thence his Knowledge of Astronomie , particularly his observations of the Cynosura , or the lesser Bear , as Plinie lib. 5. c. 17. That Thales travelled into Asia , and Egypt , to informe himself in the Oriental Wisdom , he himself affirmes in his Epistle to Pherecydes .

§ . 3. Thales his Wisdom and Philosophie . That the Grecian Philosophie owes its original to Thales is generally confessed . For he , travelling into the Oriental parts , first brought into Greece Natural Philosophie , and the Mathematicks , Geometrie , Arithmetick , Astronomie , and Astrologie . Whereupon he had that swelling Title of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i. e. wise man , conferred on him . The seven wise men , and their Philosophie . About which time the same title was bestowed on six others , for their more than ordinary Skill in Moral Philosophie , and Politicks , viz. on Chilo Chilo the Lacedaemonian , Pittacus the Mitylenian , Bias the Prienean● Cleobulus the Lindian , Periander the Corinthian , & Solon the Athenian ; who with Thales made up the seven wise men of Greece , of whom see Diogenes Laertius . The Wisdom of these 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , was for the most part Moral , tending to the Government of Human Conversation , which they wrapped up in certain short Aphorismes , or Sentences , as it appears out of Quintil. l. 5. c. 11. The Precepts of those seven men , may we not esteem them as certain Rules of Life ? For the Art of Disputing obteined not as yet : but couching their Placits , under a few round words , they commended them as so many Religious Mysteries . Which at first began to be called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , because they conteined the Sentences of Wise Men touching the Precepts of Life , and Manners . The like Euseb. 10. praepar . cap. 2. These Sentences , that they might have the greater Autoritie , and seem to be derived from God , rather than from men , were ascribed to no certain Author . Whence that famous Sentence 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , was attributed by some to Chilo , Lud. Vives , in Aug. Civ . Dei l. 8. c. 2. saies , that Thales was the first in Greece , that began to philosophize of things natural , being born Olympiade 35. as Laertius . by others to Thales . Concerning Thales , Apuleius 18. Flor. gives this honorable Character . Thales the Milesian , of those seven wise men mentioned , will easily be granted to have the preeminence . For he was the first Inventor of Geometrie amongst the Greeks , and the most certain finder out of the nature of things , and the most skilful Contemplator of the Stars ; by small lines he found out the greatest things , the Circumferences of Times , the Flatus , or blowings of winds , the Meatus or small passages of the Stars , the miraculous Sounds of Thunders , the oblique Courses of the Stars , the Annual Returnes , or Solstices of the Sun , the Increases of the New Moon , as the Decreases of the Old , and the Obstacles which cause the Eclipse . He truely , in his old Age , found a Divine account of the Sun ; how often ( i. e. by how many degrees ) the Sun , by its magnitude , did measure the Circle it passed thorough : thus Apulcius : see more in August . de Civ . Dei l. 8. c. 2 and Lud. Vives .

Thales's Natural Philosophie from the Phenicians immediately , but originally from the Scripture relation of the Creation . § . 4. Now to come to the particulars of Thales's Philosophie , thereby to demonstrate , that the main therof was traduced immediately from the Phenicians , and Egyptians , but originally from the Jewish Church . The chief of Thales's Philosophie was Natural ( which the Greeks called Physick ) and that not obscure ( as Aristotles ) but plain , and familar . Hence Thales's Followers in the Ionick Schole were in a peculiar manner stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Naturalists , because quitting the mode of philosophizing in use among the other Wise Men , which was chiefly Ethick ; as also that in the Italick Sch●le which was Theologick , they wholly busied themselves in the Contemplation of things sensible & natural . In brief ; Thales his Natural Philosophie was indeed no other than a Natural Historie of the Origine of the Vniverse , or ( as Divines phrase it ) of the Creation of the World , which , as we have sufficient reason to judge , he received from the Phenician Sophists , Sanchoniathon , and Mochus , their Physiologie , which originally was derived from Moses's Writings , and the Jewish Church . And to make the Demonstration hereof firme , we must consider that in Thales's time , when Philosophie began to take place in Greece , the main 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or first great principle of Natural Philosophie , then in question , was touching the first matter of the Vniverse . For that the World had a beginning ; and that this beginning was from God , all the Philosophers , till Aristotle , generally asserted . So that this being a 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or a thing taken for granted ; Thales's great prinicple , that Water was the first matter of all things , immediately from Sanchoniathon's Philosophie , but originally from , Gen. 1.2 . the great Inquirie was , about the first matter , out of which the World was formed . Concerning which Thales delivers his Judgement , that Water was the first Matter of all things . So Tullie de nat. Deorum lib. 1. c. 25. saies that Thales affirmed Water to be the Beginning of things , and that God out of Water framed all things . So Diogenes Laertius of Thales . Thus Steuch . Eugub . de peren . Philos. l. 7. c. 12. Thence Thales the Milesian , according to the Theologie of Orpheus , and the Egyptians , pronounced , that Water was the principle of all things . And according to the affirmation of Homer , this opinion was delivered by other Grecians before Thales . Pherecydes also held the same opinion , that Water was the first Matter of the World , which , as 't is most p●bable , was traduced immediately from Sanchoniathon's Physiologie ; for in the beginning of his Natural Historie ( cited by Eusebius praepar . Evang. l. 10 ) he saies there was in the beginning of things a spirit of dark Air , which he cals 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 an evening chaos , or darknes . And that Thales's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Water , Thales's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the same with Sanchoniathon's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . was the same with Sanchoniathon's Chaos , we have the Testimonie of Plutarch , who produceth the Authoritie of Hesiod touching his Chaos ; & addeth , that the greater part of ancient Philosophers called water chaos , from diffusion ( a 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 sundo ) which will farther appear , if we compare it with what follows in Sanchoniathon : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i. e. slime , or a mixture of mud and water , the same with Thales's water , From the conversion of the Spirit with the chaos , there resulted 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which they call 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . This 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , ( according to the Phenicians 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) signifies matter , which he interprets by 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 mud , or slime , or watery mistion , which indeed was but the effect , or grosser part of that Water , which Thales makes to be the material principle of all natural bodies . So Orpheus , speaking of the first matter of the Vniverse saies , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of water slime was made . Which is a full explication of what Thales understood by his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , water ; and the same with Sanchoniathon's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , i e. slime , or mixture of mud , and water . And we have a good explication of the whole by the Scholiast , on these words of Apollonius : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 The Earth of slime was made ; where the Scholiast affirmes that the Chaos , whereof all things were made , was Water , which setling became Slime , and the Slime condensed into solid Earth . Thus we see how that Thales's Water , which he makes the first material principle of all things , was indeed the same with , or immediately derived from , Sanchoniathon's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i. e. slime , or mixture of water and mud together , from which the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Plato , and Pythagoras , seems little to differ . Now that Sanch●niathon , and Thales , who followed him , traduced these their sentiments of the first matter out of Moses's Historie Gen. 1.2 . That Sanchoniathon and Thales received these their principles not by universal Tradition but originally from Gen. 1.2 . we have already demonstrated ( Book 1. Ch. 3. §. 13 , 14 , 15. ) out of Learned Bochart , and others . But because Learned Stillingfleet ( as before §. 1. ) inclines rather to believe , that these first Philosophers received these their principles by universal Tradition from the first Ages , and not from the Jews , or Mosaik Writings . I shall adde farther . 1. The Confession of Sanchoniathon , who said , that he received the materials of his Hist●rie , from Jerombalus the Priest of the God Jao : who certainly was some Jewish Priest ( as before Book 1. Ch. 3. §. 8. ) 2. Sanchoniathon makes mention of Sydic , &c. which , without doubt , he received from the Jews . 3. Numenius an ancient Philosopher cites for this opinion of Thales , that water was the first matter , the very words of Moses Gen. 1.2 . The Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters ; as Porphyrie de Antro Nymph . Of which see Stanley on Thales . 4. That Thales received these Traditions of the Creation from Moses's Writings is affirmed , and demonstrated by Steuchus Eugubinus . de peren . Philosoph . l. 7. c. 12. where he shews how Thales subcribed to Moses , in his notions of the Worlds Creation , as in what follows , §. 5. 5. Yea Stillingfleet himself , in the following Section ( Orig. Sacr. Book 3. Chap. 2. Sect. 3. ) has these very words : And thus we see , these 2 renowned Founders of the Ionick , and Italick Societies , both giving their concurring testimonie with Moses , as to the true Origine of the World , and not at all differing from each other . Thales meant by his Water , the same with that 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or mixture of mud , and water , which Orpheus , &c. speak of , as the principle of the Universe . And the Successors of Thales , Anaximander , and Anaxagoras expresse themselves to that purpose , which is the same with the Phenician 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which some call 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , some mud , or slime , which they say was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Thus we see , how Thales with the Phenicians , from whom he was derived ( as Laertius tels us ) and Pythagoras with the Egyptians , and others concur with Moses , not only in the Production of the World , but in the manner of it , wherein is expressed a fluid matter , which was the material principle , as Gen. 1.2 . upon the face of the waters : that is , all at first was but fluid matter , &c. Thus Stillingfleet , which , I conceive , fully proves our Assertion ; and overthrows his foregoing Hypothesis . That Thales , &c. received not these traditions from Moses's Writings , or the Jewish Church originally . 6. Vossius de Philos. Sect. l. 2. c. 5. §. 3. seems to refer this principle of Thales , that water was the original of all things , to the words of Moses Gen. 1.2 . upon the face of the waters , which , saies he , perhaps he learned from the Egyptians , and they from the Jews : even so plainly asserting our conclusion : Yet I should think it most probable , that Thales had it from the Phenicians , and they from the Jews . 7. Lastly , Mariana in his Annotations on Gen. 1.1 . assures us ; that from this place the Ancient Poets derived their chaos , and other like things .

§ 5. Other principles of Phisiologie asserted by Thales . Thales held also many other philosophick opinions touching the Worlds Origine , and perfection , which seem to be but traditions originally taken from Moses's Historie . 1. He held there was but one world , and that made by God the spirit , out of the foresaid Water . The origine of the world by Gods spirit Gen. 1.2 . So Montaigne Essay l. 2. c. 12. Thales , qui le premier s'enquesta de telle Matiere estima Dieu un esprit , qui sit d' ●au toutes choses . This great Fundamental Principle , that the world was made by God , was generally received , and asserted by all the Philosophers before Aristotle , who was the first that opposed it , because seemingly contradictory to his Phaenomena , or purblind principles , as we are told by Plutarch de philosplacit. 2.1 . and Johan . Gram. de Creat . Mundi . 2. The beauty and perfection of all things . Gen. 1.13 . Thales held ( as Diogen . Laert. ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 That the world being God's workmanship , was exceeding beautiful , or good , and perfect ; as Gen. 1.31 . This beauty or perfection of the world , he made to consist in the admirable disposition , and harmony , or order of every part , wherein he was followed by Pythagoras , who for this reason called the world 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; and Plato , who saies , that God 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. beautified , and orderly disposed every part of this Universe , with great symetry , and proportion answerable to his own eternal Idea , or forme , as in his Timaeus , of which hereafter . That Thales received this contemplation from Moses , is affirmed by Steuch . Eugub . De Peren . Philosophia l. 7. c. 2. To which it is to be refer'd , that according to Laertius the same Thales pronounceth : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The world is most beautiful because the workmanship of God . Doest not thou think that he subscribeth to the Mosaick Theologie ? Moses saies , In the beginning God created . Graec. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , made : which Thales expresseth by the substantive 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , designing thereby the same which Moses does by 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 3. Thence Thales asserted the world was Animate , or a Living Creature : which also Plato held , calling the World 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 from Moses's words Gen. 1.2 . supposing this world to be animate , or vivified by the Spirit , or Providence of God called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 4. Thales said , the night was elder than the day , according to the Scripture Phrasiologie Gen. 1.5 . Gen. 1.5 . Thus Steuch . Eugubinus , de peren . Phil. l. 7. c. 12. Thales being asked , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , what first existed night or day ? The night , saith he , was before any one day . Thou maiest not judge that he conceived any thing else hereby , than what Moses before delivered , and what the Latin Poet heard , from the same Grecians : but Thales , who , according to Laertius , went to the Egyptian Priests , to be instructed by them , had this passage from them . This circumstance of the Creation was held also by Orpheus , and Hesiod , who ( as Stanley affirmes on Thales ) had it from the Phenicians : I suppose from Sanchoniathon's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which in all likelyhood was traduced from the Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gen. 1.5 . as Bochart Can. l. 2 c. 2.

Thales's Matheticks .

1. Astronomie .

§ . 6. Thales was in like manner well instructed in the Mathematicks , especially in Astronomie , which he is supposed to have gained , partly from the Phenicians , and partly from the Egyptians : From the Phenicians he received , as 't is said , the Invention of the Cynos●ra , or the Constellation of the lesser Bear , which he first brought into Greece . For that the Phenicians were the first Inventors , or observers of this Constellation , Vossius endeavors to make good , from the word Cynosura , which he makes to be Phenician from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a collection of light , that they were the first , that found out the use of this Constellation , to saile by ( which has been ever since of great advantage to Mariners in their Navigations ) I think , is generally granted . Yet it cannot be denyed , but that Thales received much emprovement , in his Astronomical Contemplations , from the Egyptians . For he himself in his Epistle to Pherecydes confesseth , that he travelled into Egypt to confer with the Astronomers . This Journey of his into Egypt is supposed to be the last he made ; where having studied Philosophie , he returned to Miletus . That Thales was the first that brought Astronomie into Greece , we have the affirmation of Eudemus to confirme us . Laertius tels us , Laertius l. 1. that Thales was the first amongst the Grecians , who found out the calculation , or distinction of the year into its seasons , calling the last day of every moneth 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the 30th day , which we have good ground to persuade our selves , he learned in Egypt ; for there it was first in use , according to Herodotus lib. 2. The Egyptians , saies he , were the first , that found out the year , distinguishing it into 12 moneths , this they gathered from the Stars . But I think we have more probable conjectures , that the Egyptians received their distinction of the seasons of the Year , from the Jewish Church their Institutes , touching the Calculation of the Year , which I conceive were more ancient , than those of the Egyptians . Thales's Geometrie from Egypt , and his Arithmetick from Phenicia . Thales also brought out of Egypt the Science of Geometrie , which took its beginning there , from the constant occasions the yearly overflowing of Nile gave them of renewing the bounds of their Fields : Proclus on Euclia . 2.4 . As in like manner he brought his skill in Arithmetick out of Phoenicia , which was found out there , in order to their Traffick .

§ . 7. Thales also was the first of the Grecians , who made any Philosophick Inquiries into the Nature , and Perfection of God . Thales the first of the Grecians , that philosophized of God , his nature , &c. 'T is true Orpheus , Homer , Linus , and Hesiod had gotten from Egypt , and Phaenicia , some cloudy , and very obscure traditions of God , which they made much more dark , by the many fabulous , and unworthy narrations , they mixed with them . But Thales delivered those traditions , he had received in the Oriental parts , touching God , in a more Philosophick , naked , and simple mode . For as Diogenes Laertius informes us , he held 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 · That God was the most ancient of beings , because without generation . 2. That the World was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The Work of God . 3. He asserted that God by his immutable Decree , and Providence governes the World ( as Stobaeus ) whence his opinion that the World was animated , i. e. by the Spirit , or Providence of God acting therein ; as Gen. 1.2 . The Spirit , &c. 4. Thales also ( as Pythagoras , and Plato after him ) held the Doctrine of Daemons ( mentioned Psal. 106.24 . 1 Tim. 4.1 . ) which he asserted to be Spiritual Natures , or Substances , and a kind of midling made Gods , betwixt the immortal Gods , and mortal men : which traditions , some conceive , he had from Egypt : for that the Egyptians held these Daemons in the same manner , Iamblichus de myster. Aegypt . acquaints us . So Mr. Bochart , in a Sermon at Caen , affirmed , that Joseph was reputed the first of these Egyptian Daemons . But I should rather think , that Thales had his Traditions of these Daemons , from Phaenicia , where they mostly abounded , under the common name of Baalim , from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Belus one of the first Phaenician Kings , whence Jesabel , &c. and that the Phaenicians had their Baalim from some broken tradition , and in imitation , of the Jewish Messias his Mediatorship , &c. as elsewhere . That Thales the first of all the Grecian Philosophers , was of all the first , that treated Philosophically of God , and heavenly things , we are assured by Tully ; and so Minucius in Octavio saies , that Thales the Milesian was the first of all , that disputed of heavenly things . Which Philosophick Traditions , we need no way doubt , came ( though immediately from the Egyptians , and Phenicians , yet ) originally from the Jewish Church .

Iamblichus de Vita Pythag. c. 12. §. 8 Amongst the Disciples of Thales , we may reckon firstly Pythagoras , the Institutor of the Italick Sect , who , being but 18 years old , addressed himself to Thales , at Miletus , from whom he received the first Rudiments of his Philosophie , especially his Mathematicks ; with instructions to addresse himself to Egypt , Of the Scholars & Successors of Thales , see more August . de civit . Dei lib. 8. cap. 2. with Lud. Vives thereon . for farther progresse therein . But he that suceeded Thales in his Schole , was Anaximander the Milesian , who in some things differed from his Master . For he held an Infinity of first principles , yea of worlds , and Gods born , &c. as Laertius in his Life , Plutarch de philos. placitis , Eusebius , &c. The Successor to Anaximander was Anaximenes the Milesian , who dyed the same year that Croesus was taken captive by Cyrus , as Laertius . Anaxagoras the Clazomenian succeeded Anaximenes , whom Justin Martyr cals the Atheist , following herein the Judgment of his adversaries , Cleon , &c. who thought him so , because he denyed the multiplicitie of their Gods . This Anaxagoras translated the Schole from Asia to Athens ; Vossius de Sect. Philos. l. 2. c. 5. Sect. 6. where he taught Socrates , Euripides , and Pericles : his Successor was Archelaus the Athenian : as Vossius .

§. 9 Among those of the Ionick Sect , Chrysyppus , Empedocles , Danaeus ad enchirid . Laurent Hora. Hist. phil. l. 3. c. 12. Empedocles . Heraclitus , Democritus , Protagoras , Polemon , Epaminondas , Hippocrates , are by some reckoned . Empedocles was a person of a sharp Ingenie , but mighty greedy of fame ; for he affected not only Adoration while living , but after death also : wherefore , that he might be thought to have his abode among the Gods , he cast himself into the furnace of Etna . Heraclitus was of a great A●umen , Heraclitus . but cloudy ; Heraclitus sententiarum sua●● nuhilus . Apul. de Mundo . whence he is stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : He seems to have borrowed many things from the Jews , as elsewhere . Democritus glorieth in this , that he learned many things from the Barbarians , ( by whom , Babylonem , etiam & Persas , & Egyptum , ut disceret , pet●it Democritus . Hor. Hist. phil. l. 3. c. 12. as we have often hinted , we are principally , if not only , to understand the Jews ) as Euseb. praep. l. 10 c. 2. Out of Democritus's Schole proceeded Protagoras , who turned ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as also to make Sale of Philosophie for money , which was of ill fame among the Ancients . Epaminondas , Epaminondas . the Th●ban , is by Austin lib. 7. de civ . Dei , called the chief Philosopher , and Emperor . But none gained a greater name among the Ionicks after Thales , than Hippocrates ; Hippocrates . a person of a stupendous Acumen , Hippocrates non tantum omnia priscorum Philosophorum ad unguem tenuit , sed & om●ium judicem egit , primus hic ipsis Aegyptiis palmam praeripuit : qui medicinam cum philosophia ita junxit , ut dubium sit , maiorne Philosophus , an Medicus suit . Certe cius placitis summa semper autoritas , & quasi sacra fuit . Hornius Histor. philoso , h. lib. 3. cap. 12. and erudition . He it was , that first made that happy conjunction 'twixt Philosophie , and Medicine . The manner how he attained unto his Medicinal Science , they make to be this . There was in the Iland of Cous , where he lived , the Temple of Aesculapius , wherein were laid up the Cures of Diseases engraven on tables ; as also rare Monuments of Wisdom collected by former Ages : all these Hippocrates transcribed , examined , and perfected , so that the praise not only of the Restitution , but also of the Invention of Medicine is given to him . Although these all are by some reckoned Ionicks , yet some of them may be reduced to more particular Sects : as hereafter .

CHAP. IV. Pherecydes his Philosophie traduced from the Jews .

Pherecydes born at Syrus , was of Phenician original . The original of his Philosophie from the Phenicians , and Jews . He was the first that writ Philosophie in Prose : He yet retained the old Symbolick mod of Philosophizing : His Natural Philosophie , and Astronomie : His Invention of the Heliotrope from the Phenicians . His Theologie was chiefly 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which he received from the Phenicians , as also the immortality of the Soul .

Pherecydes his original from Syrus . § . 1. HAving dispatcht the Ionick Philosophie , as founded by Thales , we now come to the first foundations of the Italick , began by Pherecydes ; who , though he had not a Schole in Italy , yet in as much as he was the Praeceptor of Pythagoras , and led him the way to that Symbolick mode of Philosophizing , he afterwards taught in Italy ; he may justly claim some commemoration amongst the first founders of the Italick Sect. So Vossius de philosoph. sect. l. 2. c. 1. §. 29. cals Pherecydes the Author of the Italick Sect. This Pherecydes is by Strabo lib. 10. called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ( so Laertius , and Suidas ) a Syrian , which is differently understood by the Learned . For some make him to be a Syrian , i. e. a Phenician : but others , and that upon more probable grounds , call him a Syrian because born in the Iland Syros , or Syrus , one of the Cyclades , those lesser Ilands in the Egean Sea , near Delus . So Apuleius , and Suidas ; whence Cicero 1. Tuscul . Quaest . cals him Syrus . This opinion I was confirmed in , by a conference with learned Bochart ; who also gave me the ground of the difference ; with this reconcilement , viz. Syra , or Syrus , where Pherecydes was borne , received both its name , and people originally from the Phenicians , or Syrians ( Phenicia being a part of Syria ) whence Pherecydes might justly be reputed a Phenician , if we regard his Ancestors ; or perhaps he might be so esteemed by reason of his Philosophie , which he drew from the hidden Books of the Phenicians , as Suidas : of which hereafter .

§. 2 Pherecydes's fathers name was Badys , Pherecydes his father Babys , his birth , &c. as Diogenes Laertius l. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or rather as Vossius will have it Babys : for so Strabo , and Suidas write it , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 with a 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . He was borne , according to Suidas , in the 46th Olympiad , who also distinguisheth him from Pherecydes Lerius the Historian , who lived in the 75th Olympiad . So Vossius de Histor. Graec. lib. 4. cap. 4. Some , saies he , confound Pherecydes the Historian , with Pherecydes the Physiologist , and Theologue : This latter was of Syrus , one of the Cyclades , as Strabo lib. 2. Hesychius , and Suidas in 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Laertius makes this our Pherecydes , the Philosopher , to have flourished about the 69th Olympiad . Others make him more ancient . Tzetzes , Chil. 2. Hist. 55. saies , that he lived in the time of the Rich Croesus , about the 59th Olympiad , and that he was Praeceptor to Thales the Milesian . But this account has no likelyhood ; for Thales seems , at least , contemporary to , if not more ancient than Ph●recydes . Cicero 1. Tusc. quaest . saies , he lived in the Reign of Servius Tullius his Country man , &c. That Thales was more ancient than Pherecydes , Vossius de philosoph. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 1. proves from this , that Thales , according to Laertius , dyed in Olympiad 58 , whereas Pherecydes flourished in Olympiad 60.

§ . 3. As for the original of Pherecydes's Philosophie , The original of Pherecydes's Philosophie from the Phenicians , and Jews . some say he heard Pittacus , so Laertius : others , that he had no Praeceptor , but drew his Philosophie from the secret Books , and hidden Mysteries of the Phenicians : so Suidas in the Life of Pherecydes , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The same goes , that he was Praeceptor of Pythagoras , but he himself had no Instructor ; but that he exercised himself in the hidden Books of the Phenicians , which he was possessor of . Thus Vossius de philosoph. sect. l. 2. c. 1. § . 19. Pherecydes also the Praeceptor of Pythagoras , who was contemporary to Thales , and the Author of the Italick Sect , drew his Philosophie from the hidden Books of the Phenicians . Yea some think him to be a Syrian , not from Syrus , one of the Cyclades , but from Syria , a famous Countrey of Asia , whereof Phenicia is part . Yea Ambrose lib. 1. Epist. 6. of Pherecydes speaks thus : seeing he drew his pedegree , as some conceive , from the Jews , from their Discipline also he derived his Magisterial Precepts . That he traduced his invention of the Heliotrope , and other parts of his Philosophie , from the Phenicians will be hereafter evident .

Pherecydes the first that writ Philosophie in Prose . § . 4. Touching the mode or forme of his Philosophie , it was delivered in Prose , but symbolick , and mystical . That Pherecydes was the first that delivered his Philosophie in Prose , we have co●curring Testimonies from the Ancients , Strabo lib. 1. tels us that Cadmus , Pherecydes , and Hecataeus were the first that writ in loose Oration , or Prose : and so Porphyrie , as Suidas testifies , made this Pherecydes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Author of loose Oration , The like Apuleius in Floridis ; Moreover , saies he , Pherecydes , who sprang from the Iland Syrus , was the first , who rejected Verses , and attempted to write in words at large , loose Discourse , and free Oration . The like Theopompus , Laertius , and Suidas affirme , that Pherecydes was the first that treated of the Gods , and the Natures of things in Prose , for the former Philosophers were Ports , &c.

His Philosophie Mythologick . § . 5. Notwithstanding Pherecydes rejected the ancient mode of delivering his Philosophie in Poems , yet he still retained the old Mythologick , and Symbolick mode of the Poets , in mixing many Fables with his Philosophie . So he himself confesseth in his Epistle to Thales , thus : Whatsoever the Theologist ( speaking of himself ) saith , you must understand otherwise ; for I write in Fables . And this is sufficiently evident from the Matter of Theologie ( which contained the most of his Philosophie , and was written in 10 books ) which , saith Dr. Owen ( in his Theol. l. 1. c. 1. ) was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , symbolick , and cryptick , or enigmatick ( wherein he was followed by the Pythagoreans ) whence he was stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the darke cloudy Divine , as anon .

Pherecydes's Natural Philosophie . § . 6. Pherecydes , as to Natural Philosophie , differed in some things from Thales ; yet he agreed with him in that great , and first principle , that Water was the first Matter all things ; which they both received from the Phenicians , as these had it from Genesis 1.2 . by some Jewish Tradition . His Astronomie , and invention of the Heliotrope . Pherecydes was very famous amongst the Ancients for his Astronomical Invention of the Heliotrope : whereas yet he was not indeed the first Inventor , but only a great Emprover of it , as great Bochart in a Conference informed me ; Mar. 27 , 1664. viz. That this Astronomical Experiment was brought into Syra ( or Syrus ) where Pherecydes lived , by the Phenicians , who had a Colony there ( of which Homer makes some mention : ) and that Pherecydes only emproved this same invention of the Heliotrope ; the original patterne , as some conceive , was taken from the Jews , or Asa's Dial. The said Bochart referred me , for more information herein , unto his Canaan l. 1. c. 14. That Pherecydes was the first of the Grecians , that found out the Eclipses , and periods of the Moon , Tzetzes Chil. 2. Hist. 55. gives us to understand : as Vossius .

§ . 7. But the main of Pherecydes's Philosophie was Theologick . Pherecydes's Theologie , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 from the Phenicians . So Laertius out of Theopompus acquaints us , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 he was the first amongst the Grecians , who writ of Nature , and of the Gods . Whence he was stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Theologist : which Title Pythagoras , and Plato also obtained . For amongst the Greeks , who ever discoursed accurately of God , was stiled the Theologist , and their Science 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Theologie , as Arist. Metaph 3. Pherecydes is supposed to be the first , that handled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Theologick Mysteries in Prose . This Theologie of his consisted in 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or a description , and exposition of the Generation , and Succession of the Gods . For the Grecians , after the introduction of Hellenism , supposed all their Gods to be generated . This his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Theologie , Pherecydes comprized in 10 books : enigmatick , and cloudy Discourses , full of Fables , and Allegories ; which Isidore , cited by Clemens Alexandrinus , supposed to have been taken from the Prophecy of Cham : but it s much more probable , he traduced them from Sanchoniathon's Mythologick Theologie , touching the Origine , and Succession of the Gods : for it is the common opinion of Suidas , and others , that he derived this his Mystical Theologie from the abstruse , and darke books of the Phenicians . Pherecydes , in the beginning of his book , affirmes that Musaeus the son of Eumolpus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , was the first that made Poems of the Generation of the Gods , which others ascribe to Orpheus , others to Homer .

§ . 8. Concerning Pherecydes his Books of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Pherecydes's ten books of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . &c. there passeth an Epistle under his name written to Thales , which Montaigne Essais livre 2. c. 12. gives thus . Pherecydes one of the Seven Wise men ( that is a mistake ) writing to Thales , as he expired ; I have , saies he , appointed my friends , after they have enterred me , to bring unto thee my Writings : if they content thee , and the rest of the Wise men , publish them ; if not , suppresse them . They containe not any thing certain , that gives me satisfaction : so that I professe not to know the truth , nor to have attained to it . I start many things , that I cannot discover , &c. Though it is likely this Epistle is as fabulous , as the Matter of his Books ; yet we may suppose it to be Ancient ; and so to give us some account , how much unacquainted these fabulous Mythologists were with the materials of their own traditions . Touching this mystical Theologie of Pherecydes , see more in Diogenes Laertius of his Life , Ger. Vossius de Hist. Graec. lib. 4. cap. 4. pag. 443. Edit. 2. Dr. Owen Theol. lib. 1. c. 1. pag. 3 , &c.

Pli● opinion of the Souls immortality . § . 9. Though Pherecydes's Philosophick Theologie was fabulous , and mystical , yet , as it is generally conceived , he did clearly , and plainly assert the Soul's Immortality . So Cicero lib. 1. Tusc. quaest. Pherecydes Sy●us was the first that asserted the Souls of men to be immortal . Thus Tullie , Pherecydes Pythagorae praeceptor fuit , multaque●●tilissima , imprimis animarum 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Graecos primus ●do●uit . Hornius Hist. philos. l. 3. c. 12. which Lactantius lib. 7. cap. 8. quotes . Also Austin Epist. 3. to Volusianus , thus writeth . What Idiot now , what abject woman is there , who believeth not the Immortality of the Soul , and a future Life after Death ? which in old times Pherecydes , first disputed for , amongst the Grecians , and Pythagoras the Samian being much moved by the novity of this Dispute , was transformed from a Wrestler into a Philosopher : so Montaigne Essais livr . 2. cap. 12. The opinion of the Immortality of the Soul , Cicero saies , was first introduced by Pherecydes ; but others attribute it to Thales . Who ever were the first traducer of this opinion into Greece , we have sufficient reason to conclude it was originally traduced from some Scripture , or Jewish Tradition .

CHAP. V. Of Pythagoras , and the Traduction of his Philosophie from the Jews .

Of the sundry Sects of Philosophers . Testimonies proving , that Pythagoras traduced his Philosophie from the Jewish Church . The Story of Pythagoras's Life . His extract from Phenicia . Pythagoras flourished about the 60. Olymp. when the Jewish Garden was laid open to the Grecians . Pythagoras his Preceptors in Greece , and how he was first converted from a Pugil , to a Philosopher . His first travels into Phenicia , and conferences with the Successors of Mochus , Phenician Priests , and Jews . His travels into Egypt , familiar conversation with the Priests , as also with the Jews in Egypt : and the motives inclining him thereto . Pythagoras's travels into Babylon , and converse with their Wise men , as also with the Jews under Chaldean titles , Zabratus , &c. The advantages he had for converse with the Jews , and their Writings from his skill in the Egyptian , and Chaldee Tongues , &c. His Returne to Samos , and Voyage to Cre●e . Pythagoras's coming into Italie , and restoring many Cities to liberty , and unity by means of his Scholars ; by whom he gave Laws to Italy . His Character , wherein appears his many eminent qualities , Natural , and acquired : his freedom from undue passions : his moderation in use of Creatures , care for his health , and husbanding his time : his aweful presence , and Severity , his contempt of honors , and contentation .

§. 1 . THe first Distribution of Philosophers into the Ionick , and Italick Sects , has already passed under some general consideration ; with endeavors to demonstrate , that Thales , and Pherecydes , the two Heads of these first Sects , received the main of their Philosophie by tradition originally from the J●wish Church . But we now proceed to a more particular reflexion , on the Italick Sect , in regard to its more proper , and immediate Founder Pythagoras , who had his Schole in Italy ( that part which was called Magna Graecia ) where he vented his Phil●sophie , which consisted mostly of Jewish Mysteries , and Traditions , as it will be evident by what follows . His Adherents were termed Pythagoreans , as those who followed Plato's Philosophie Platonicks : whence also there sprang up many other Sects of Philosophers , which gave occasion to a second Distribution of Philosophers into their several Sects , as we have it excellently laid down by Ammonius ( not he , who was head of the Alexandrian Schole , but the Scholar of Proclus ) on Aristotles Categories pag. 9. in these words . The 2. distribution of Ph●losophers into Sects . 1. Pythagorea●s . 2. Platonicks . 3. Cyrenaicks . 4. Megaricks . 5. Acad●micks . 6. Sce●ticks . 7. Stoicks . 8. Cy●ic●s . 9. Epicurean● . 10. Perip●t●t●cks 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 · We must know that the Sects of Philosophers had a seven fold Denomination ; either from the Head of the Sect , as the Platonicks , and Pythagoreans ; or from the Heresiarchs Countrey , as the Cyrenaicks from Aristippus , and the Megaricks from Euclid ; or from the place , wherein they taught , as the Academicks from Xenocrates , a●d the Stoicks from Zeno the Citiean ; or from their Judgment in philosophizing , as the Scepticks ; or from their manner of life as the Cynicks , of whom Antisthenes was Head : or from the End of their Philosophie , as the Voluptuous Epicureans : or from some Accident , as the Peripateticks , from Aristotles walking , &c. Thus Ammonius : of which Sects we shall discourse in their order , beginning with the Pythagoreans .

Pythagoras's Philosophie traduced from the Jews , proved by Testimonies . § . 2. As for Pythagoras ( the Heresiarch of the Pythagoreans , as also the chief Founder of the Italick Sect ) that he traduced the main , or choicest parts of his Philosophie originally from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures , is a persuasion generally received by the Learned , both ancient , and modern , as well Pagans , as Jews and Christians . As for Pagan Testimonies , Of Pagans . we have a famous Concession of Hermippus ( quoted by Josephus lib. 1. against Apion ) a most ancient , and diligent Writer of Pythagoras's Life , who , in his first book of Pythagoras , affirmes plainly , that he did 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , translate many of the Jewish Laws into his own Philosophie : and he gives a particular mention of some Jewish opinions , which Pythagoras taught , viz. of the Soul , of Purification , of Excommunication , &c. to which he subjoynes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and he was an Imitator of the Jewish , and Thracian opinions . Diogenes Laertius also affirmes , that he went to the Hebrews , as hereafter . So Strabo , that he went into Judea , and inhabited Mount Carmel , where the Priests shewed Pythagoras's Walks , even in his time . And Malchus ( otherwise called Porphyrie ) who writ also the Life of Pythagoras , saies that he went to the Arabians , Hebrews , and Chaldeans , and that amongst the Chaldeans he had converse with Zabratus : whom Selden makes to be Ezekiel , as hereafter . Amongst the Jews we have the Testimonie of Aristobulus , Jews . Aristobulus Pythagoram ex Mos●s lege multa didicesse non dissitetur . Clemens . l. 1. Strom. Euseb. praep. l. 9. c. 3. Joseph . l. 1. contra Apion . a Jew of Egypt , who is supposed to have been the Master of Ptolemeus Philometer mentioned in the Maccabees ( 2 Mac. 1.10 . ) who saies expresly of Pythagoras ( as Clement Alexendrinus lib. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . ) ( or as others 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Pythagoras has translated many things from us , into his own Traditional Dogmes . So also Josephus ( contra Apion . l. 1. ) speaking of Pythagoras , saies , that he was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 not only well skilled in our Discipline , but also embraced many things greedily . Amongst the Fathers , Fathers . we have this Testimonie of Origen ( lib. 1. contra Celsum ) . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 It 's said , that Hermippus in the first of his Legislators reports , that Pythagoras traduced his Philosophie from the Jews unto the Greeks ; we have also concurring Testimonies of Modern Learned . Modern Learned . Thus Aug. Steuch . Eugub , de peren . phil. l. 2. c. 2. We have the Testimonie of all , that Pythagoras travelled into Egypt to hear their Priests : The like is said of Solon , Eudoxus , Plato : Strabo writes , that in his time the Priests could shew their very Walks . It is reported , that Pythagoras brought his Symbols from them , and that he was circumcised after the Egyptian ( which we must understand of the Jewish ) manner . That he was in Judea , and that he dwelt in Mount Carmel , is the report of Iamblichus ; also that he travelled 22. years in Egypt , embraced their manners , and the Institutes of the Egyptian Priests , and desired Polycrates the Tyrant , that he would write to his friend Amasis King of Egypt , that he might participate of their Discipline , &c. To Steuchus Eugub . I subjoin our learned and pious Vsher in his Annals fol. 151. It may be proved ( saies he ) that Pythagoras conversed with the Jews , at Babylon ; for as much as he transferred many of their Doctrines into his Philosophie , as Hermippus declareth in his first book of things concerning Pythagoras , cited by Josephus , and in his first book of Law givers , cited by Origen ; which is likewise confirmed by Aristobulus the Jew ( a Peripatetick ) in his first book to Philometer ; who moreover was induced by the same reason to believe , that the Books of Moses were translated into the Greek Tongue before the Persian Empire ; whereas it is much more probable that Pythagoras received that part of his Learning from the Conversation he had with the Hebrews , thus Vsher . Lud. Vives in Aug. Civ . l. 8. c. 11. Lud. Vives that learned Philologist supposeth , that Pythagoras might have , whilst in Egypt , conversation with Jeremy the Prophet : That he traduced many things originally from Moses his Writings ( as Plato after him ) he affirmes with some confidence , in his notes on August . Civ . lib. 8. c. 11. Selden de Jure Nat. Hebr. lib. 1. c. 6. §. 5. proves this at large . Cassander in his Consult . on Art. 21. asserts the same . Grotius on Mat. 10.29 . saies , that many of the Hebrews held Gods Providence about men , but not about Beasts ; which Pythagoras may seem to have learned from the Hebrews , and to have taught the Grecians . And in his Votum , pag. 124. he saies , that Pythagoras lived amongst the Jews , as Hermippus testifieth ; and that he drew many of his Symbols from the Jews he affirmes very positively , in his Annotations on Mat. 7.6 . and Mat. 8.22 . as hereafter . Vossius de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 5. proves at large , that Pythagoras owes much of his Philosophie to the Jews . And Mr. Stillingfleet himself ( the only learned man that I have met with seemingly contradicting our Hypothesis ) saies I will not deny , but that Pythagoras might have had converse with the Jews in Chaldea , &c. Orig. sacr. book 3. c. 2. sect. 2. But we shall endeavor to make good our Assertion [ that Pythagoras traduced the main Principles of his Philosophie from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures originally ] from the ●rie of his Life , his Institutes , and Philosophie , both as to Matter , and Forme thereof .

Pythagoras's extract and original from the Phenicians . § . 3. We shall begin with the Storie of Pythagoras's Life , who is said to be a Samian ; but whether he were born there , or elsewhere , is not certainly determined . Cleanthes ( as Porphyrie de Vita Pythag. ) saies , he was a Syrian of the Citie of Tyre in Ph●nicia ( a part of Syria ) whence making a Voyage to Samos ( before Ionia ) for traffick , Pythagoras Mnesarchi sil●us , ut Apuleius Flo●id . 15. vel Demarati Samii , ut Justinus l. 20. vir suit ingenio acer , indust●ia singulari● promptus simul & admirabundus . Horn. Hist. philos l 3. c. 11. at such time , as the Samians were much prest with famin , he supplied them with Corne ; in acknowledgement whereof they made him free of their Countrey . Suidas saith , Pythagoras was a Samian by education , but a Tyrrhenian by Birth , brought over young by his father to Sam●s . So Aristoxenus makes him to be a Tyrrhenian , as Lud. Vives in August . Civ . l. 8. c. 2. and Grotius on Mat. 7.6 . Many , saies he , make him to be a Tyrrhenian ; others a Tyrian , &c. But the more general , and approved opinion is that of Iamblichus ( de vita Pythag. cap. 2. ) that Pythagoras's Father was a Samian , descended from Ancaeus , who first brought a Colony into Samos ; and that Pythagoras his Son was born at Sidon in Phenicia , but educated at Samos . Which ever of these accounts we fix upon , Mnesarchus . it is evident , Pythagoras had a very great affinity unto , and so advantage from , the Phenicians , whereby to acquaint himself with the Jewish Learning , and Mysteries .

Pythagoras flourished about the 60. Olympiad an● . 3360. § . 4. Pythagoras is supposed to have been borne about the 3. year of the 53. Olympiad , and he flourished , as some think about , the time that Nebuchadnezar besieged Jerusalem an . mundi . 3360. or according to Laertius , about the 60. Olympiad . About which time the Jewish Garden , which had been before enclosed , was thrown open , and many of the Plants thereof removed and set in forrain parts ; in Babylon , Egypt , Phenicia , &c. By which means Pythagoras and the rest of the inquisitive Grecians had a mighty advantage to informe themselves in the Jewish Wisdom , and Mysteries , touching God , his Names , and Attributes ; the Production , or Creation of the World , and its first principles , and all the Jewish Ceremonies . That Pythagoras went to Phenicia , and thence into Egypt , where he stayed 22. years , and afterward into Babylon , where he continued 12. years , and had conversation with the Jews in those parts , I now proceed to make evident .

§ . 5. Iamblichus ( Vit. Pythag. cap. 2. ) tels us , that Mnesarchus , Pythagoras's Preceptors in Greece before his Travels . the Father of Pythagoras , returning from Syria to Samus , brought up his Son in many excellent Sciences , committing him sometimes to Creophilus , sometimes to Pherecydes of Syrus . Diogenes Laertius saies , that Pythagoras's Father dying , he was committed by his Uncle Zoilus to Pherecydes the Syrian , &c. Augustin . Epist. 3. Pythagoras how he was first changed from a Wrestler into a Philosopher . ad Volusianum saies , That Pythagoras , hearing Ph●recydes disputing amongst the Greeks of the immortality of the Soul , was so moved with the novity of this Dispute , that he was changed from a Pugil , or Wrestler into a Philosopher . That Pythagoras first was a Pugil , Laertius lib. 8. relates , as Vossius de philosoph. sect. l. 2. c. 6. § . 8. The same Laertius ( in the Life of Anaximenes ) reckons Pythagoras amongst the Disciples of Thales . For ( saies he , out of Anaximenes's Epistle to Pythagoras ) Pythagoras , being from his youth greatly enclined to an inquisition into Religious Rites , and Mysteries , addressed himself to Thales at Miletus , as to one , that could most advance him in this Enterprize . From Thales he received the first Elements of his Philosophie . So also Iamblichus ( de vita Pythag. lib. 1. c. 2. ) tels us that Thales entertained him very civilly , with admiration of his excellent naturals , which surpassed other Youths ; and after he had given him such instructions , as he could , in the Mathematicks , he advised him to have recourse to Egypt , there to converse with the Priests of Memphis , especially those of Jupiter ; from whom he himself had obtained those pieces of Knowledge for which he was accounted Wise . Amongst other things Thales advised him to emprove his time well , by reason whereof he abstained from Wine , and Flesh . See more Stanly on Thales . Whence we may collect how Pythagoras came by the first rudiments of his philosophick inclinations , and principles , namely from Thales , and Pherecydes ; from the former we may suppose he received his Natural Philosophie , and Mathematicks ; from the latter his mystical and symbolick Theologie , as also his notions of the Souls Immortality , &c. which were derived originally from the Jewish Nation , as before ▪ Vossius de philos. l. 2. c. 6. §. 9. saies , that Pythagoras heard in Greece , besides Pherecydes , Hermodamas , and Anaximander the Physiologist . Pythagoras's travelling into Phenicia .

§ . 6. Pythagoras having learned of Thales to emprove his time , and inure himself to temperance , both as to the quantity , and quality of meats , whereby he acquired an 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a good habitude , and clearnes of mind , and an exact constant health of Body , he resolves upon travelling into the Oriental parts ; thereby to informe himself touching the first principles of Wisdome , and sacred Mysteries . And the first Voyage he made , was unto Sidon in Phenicia ; whereunto he was enclined , His conference with the successors of Mochus . as well from a natural desire he had to the place , which he supposed to be his own Native Countrey , as also that he might satisfie himself touching their Mysteries , and Philosophie . Here he had conference with the Prophets , Successors of Mochus the Physiologist , with the Phenician Priests , and others ; and was initiated in all the Mysteries of Byblus , and Tyre , and sundry of the chief sacred Institutions in other parts of Syria , not undergoing these things out of superstition , but from his natural inclination and love to Wisdome , and fear , lest any thing worthy to be known , which was preserved amongst them , in the Mysteries of the Gods , might escape him . Thus Iamblichus c. 13. And with Jews . and Stanly out of him . That Pythagoras , whilst he was in Phenicia , had conversation with some Jews , is not unlikely ; for their own Countrey being depopulated , many of them fled for refuge to their neighbours the Egyptians , Phenicians , &c. Yea that Pythagoras visited Judea , is affirmed by Strabo , who affirmes that Pythagoras visited not only the Egyptians , Arabians , Chaldeans , but also penetrated into Judea it self , and inhabited Mount Carmel , where the Priests even in his time shewed the Walks of Pythagoras . So Hornius Hist. philos. l 3. c. 11. That Pythagoras , saies he , penetrated into Judea it self is affirmed by great Authors , though all agree not to it . However Iamblichus openly informes us , that he had conference with the Successors of Mochus , who , as has be●n already proved , had his Philosophie from the Jews .

His travels into Egypt and conversation with their Priests , etc. see more chap. 7. §. 2. § . 7. From Phenicia Pythagoras passed into Egypt , with recommendation from Polycrates the Tyrant , to Amasis King of Egypt , who gave him Letters to the Priests , to whom he had recourse . In the first place he went to those of Heliopolis , who sent him to the Priests of Memphis : from Memphis he was sent to Thebes , where he was permitted to acquaint himself with all their Learning , which was never granted to any stranger before , as Porphyrie de Vita Pythag. p. 5. So Vossius de philos. sect. lib. 2. c. 2. §. 2. Pythagoras ( saies he ) was sent by Thales into Egypt , Venit & ad Aegyptios Pythagoras , & Arabas , & Chaldaeos , à quibus rationem insomniorum edidicit , vaticinioque , quod sit thurc , primus usus est , & in Aegypto cum Sacerdotibus est versatus , sapientiāque Aegyptiorum & sermonem didicit . Sic Porphyrius , Steuch . Eugub . de peren . philos. l. 2. c. 2. to confer with the Priests of Memphis , and Diospolis where he arrived in the Reign of Semneserteus , as Plinie , or of Amasis , to whom he was recommended by letters from Polycrates the Samian Tyrant , as Laertius : Plutarch saies , he heard Oenuphis the Heliopolite , &c. Diogenes saith , whilst he lived with these Priests , he was instituted , and informed in the Language , and Wisdom of the Egyptians , and in their threefold kind of Writing , Epistolick , Hieroglyphick , and Symbolick ; of which see Clemens Alexandr . Strom. 5. as before . Laertius also addes , that while he was in Egypt , he entred into the Egyptian Adyta , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and was instituted in things unexpressible touching the Gods . Perhaps he means the Tetracty , and the other Jewish Mysteries , in which Pythagoras was instructed , of which hereafter . Clemens Alexandrinus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 1. saies , he was Disciple to Sonchedes , a chief Prophet , or Priest of the Egyptians ; Diog. Laertius saies , that he learned the Egyptian Tongue . And Iamblichus ( l. 1. c. 4. ) saies , that being thus acquainted with the Learning of the Egyptians , See Stanly of Pythagoras ch. 4. he gained the observations of many Ages ; and , whilst he lived amongst them , was admired , and beloved of the Prophets , and Priests , with whom he conversed ; by which means he gave himself exact information concerning persons , and things ; not omitting any person eminent a● any time for Learning , or any kind of Religious Rites ; neither leaving any place unvisited , wherein he conceived , he might find somewhat extraordinary . Now that Pythagoras had converse with the Jews , is more than probable . Some incline to think he might have conference with Jeremy . So Lud. Vives in Aug. de Civ l. 8. c. 11. tels us , that Jeremy went with the Tribe of Juda , and Benjamin into Egypt , and dyed at Tanis ; where he was worshipped by the Natives , for a present remedy against the stinging of Serpents . Eusebius placeth the beginning of Jeremy's Prophecie in the first year of the 36. Olympiad . Then afterwards making mention of sundry Platonick Mysteries of God his infinite Essence , His conference with the Jews in Egypt . and Idea's traduced from Exod. 3.14 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 he concludes thus : Although I do no way doubt , but that Pythagoras himself learned these Mysteries in Egypt from the Sacred Volumnes ; and the conference with Jeremy , The motives which might enduce him to enquire into Jewish Mysteries . rather agrees to him , than to Plato . Though it is possible , Jeremy might be dead before Pythagoras came into Egypt . Yet we need no way doubt , but that his fame was then living , which together with the great repute the Jewish Nation had for ancient Wisdom , Records , and Mysteries , could not but prove a prevailing motive , and quickening of Pythagoras's inquisitive humor , to make some inquisition into the Jewish Records , Rites , Wisdome , and Mysteries , contained in the sacred Volumnes , according to this positive affirmation of Lud. Vives . And indeed how can we rationally imagine , that Pythagoras , who was so greedy after oriental Traditions , Wisdome , and Mysteries ; and so curious to pry into every corner of Egypt ( where he staid 22. years ) to examine all persons , and things , especially such as pretended to any ancient Records , Religious Rites , or Mysteries ; I say , how can we imagine , that he should passe by those multitudes of Jews , he met with in Egypt , without enquiry into their ancient Wisdom , and Records , which infinitely excelled those few broken Traditions , and corrupt derivations , which the Egyptians had extracted from their sacred Fountains ? Yea Clemens Alexandrinus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 1. tels us , that Pythagoras , to satisfie his curiositie in these his enquiries in Egypt , suffered himself to be circumcised , and so learned things not usually communicated , concerning the Gods , and their Mysteries . Now we know this Rite of circumcision was proper to the Jews , not used by Egyptians .

Pythagoras's travels unto Babylon , &c. § . 8. Pythagoras , quitting Egypt , went to Babylon ; of which Voyage Iamblichus l. 1. c. 4. gives this relation : that Cambyses having ( in the 63. Olympiad ) conquered Egypt , Pythagoras was taken prisoner by him , See Stanly of Pythagoras ch. 5. and sent to Babylon , where he conversed with the most eminent amongst the Chaldeans ( I suppose the Zabii ) as also with the Persian Magi , who entertained him very curteously , and gave him insight into their more hidden Mysteries , and Religious Rites of worship performed to their Gods , as also in the Mathematicks . Thus Vossius de philosoph. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 4. treating of Pythagoras , saies , out of a desire to get Learning , he was conversant with the Persian Magi , and with the Assyrians , or Chaldeans ; as , besides others , Laertius testifieth , who saith , that he was initiated in all the Grecian , and Barbarian Mysteries ; and that he learned the Egyptian Tongue , and thence had conversation with the Chaldeans in Assyria , and the Magi in Persia . The same Vossius saies ( de philos. l. 2. c. 1. ) that from the Chaldeans he learned Astronomie . Laertius saies , that he was most conversant with these Chaldeans . Now that by these Chaldeans , with whom Pythagoras was so intimate , Pythagoras's converse with Jews under the name of Chaldeans , Zabratus , &c. we may justly understand inclusively ( if not exclusively ) the Jews , I think , will be pretty clear , if we consider that the Jews having lost their own visible state , and Nation , lived now under the Chaldean Government , and State ; and so might passe amongst the Grecians for Chaldeans . And this will be farther evident , if we reflect on what is mentioned by Diogenes ( cited by Porphyrie ) of the Chaldeans , with whom Pythagoras conversed in Babylon ; amongst whom he particularizeth one Zabratus , by whom he was cleansed from the defilements of his Life , and informed in many things concerning Nature , and the first principles of the Vniverse . This Zabratus ( Selden de Jure Nat. Heb. l. 1. c. 2. ) enclines to believe was Ezekiel : for he takes notice that Ezekiel , and Pythagoras flourished about the same time , betwixt the 50. and 52. Olympiad . The like is mentioned by Selden Syntag. 2. de Diis Syris cap. 1. Truely the most accurate Chronologie teacheth us , that Pythagoras , and Ezekiel flourished together , between the L. and LII . Olympiads . Therefore the account of time hinders not , but that Nazaratus ( who is said to be Pythagoras's Master ) should be the same with Ezekiel . He also is the same with 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Zabratus , who by Malchus in the Life of Pythagoras is called his Master , &c. Godefred Wendelin asserts , that Pythagoras derived his Tetractie from the Jews ; and particularly from Daniel , the chief of the Magi , who was then , when Pythagoras lived in those parts , about 70. years old . So Selden Syntag. 2. de Diis Syris cap. 1. affirmes , that Pythagoras had some rude notices of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Gods name 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Jehovah , which he called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tetracte . That Pythagoras had conversation with , and some traditions from , the Jews , whilst he was in Babylon appears farther , by what Diogenes in his Treatise of incredible things beyond Thule ( quoted by Porphyrie pag. 8. ) affirmes of Pythagoras ; that he went also to the Hebrews , &c. That Pythagoras visited Egypt , and Babylon , at those very times , when the Jews had their abode there , is affirmed by Eusebius lib. 10. praepar . c. 2. They report , that Pythagoras was an Auditor , not only of Pherecydes Syrius , but also of the Persian Magi , and of the Egyptian Divinators , at that very time , when some of the Jews went to Babylon , and others of them to Egypt . That there were a quantity , or great number of Jews in Babylon , when Pythagoras was there , is most evident : for suppose we fix the time of his being in Babylon after the Captivity of the Jews , and their Returne to Judea ; yet it is certain , there were great numbers of them never returned , but continued in Babylon , where they had 3. famous Scholes , or Vniversities , Sora , Pompeditha , and Neharda ( as has been afore observed ) which we cannot conceive , that Pythagoras , so curious an Inquisitor into Antiquity , would passe by , without observation for 12. years space , for so long he continued in Babylon , according to Iamblichus . That , The advantages he had for conversation with the Jews , f●om his skill in the Egyptian and Chaldee tongues . which gave Pythagoras the greatest advantage , and encouragement to converse with the Jews in Babylon , was his skill in the Egyptian Tongue ( as Diogenes , and others assert ) which indeed differed not in Substance , but only in Dialect , from the Hebrew , and Chaldee , as we have endeavored to prove out of Bochart , and others ; so that we need not , with Aristobulus , suppose the Translation of Moses's books into Greek before the Persian Monarchie ; for Pythagoras being skilled in the Egyptian , and , I suppose , also the Chaldean Tongue , having lived in Chaldea 12. years , might without difficulty , read Moses's Writings , at least have conversation , and conference with the Jews , who could , without doubt , ( having lived so long in Chaldea ) speake the Chaldean Tongue , &c. That Pythagoras really had conversation with the Jews at Babylon , and translated many things out of their Doctrines into his Philosophie , has been already proved by sundry Testimonies collected by Learned Vsher , as also by the concession of Stillingfleet ; of which see §. 2. of this Chapter .

His returne to Samos , and departure thence . § . 9. Pythagoras having spent 12. years at Babylon , in conversation with the Persian Magi , Chaldeans , and Jews , about the 56 year of his age he returned to Samos , where hee endeavored to instruct the Samians in that Symbolick mode of philosophizing , he had learned in Egypt , and other oriental parts , but the Samians , not affecting his obscure , and enigmatick Philosophie , did not give him any great encouragement to continue long with them , as Iamblichus de vita Pythag. l. 1. c. 5. Laertius informes us , that the occasion of his departure from Sames , was the Tyranny it lay under by reason of Polycrates his usurpation . So Vossius de phil. sect. l. 2. c. 6. § . 1. That Pythagoras was a great assertor of the peoples Liberties ( as Plato ) but an inveterate enemy of Tyranny , will appear in its place .

His going to Crete and Sparta . § . 10. Iamblichus also ( cap. 5. ) acquaints us , that , before his going into Italy , he went to Crete to acquaint himself with the Laws of Minois , as also to Sparta , to gain Knowledge in those of Lycurgus , which then had the Vogue for great Legislators . Laertius tels us , while he was in Crete , he had conversation with Epimenides , with whom he entred the Idean Cave . This Epimenides is by Apuleius in 2. Florid , stiled the famous Diviner , where also he addes , that Pythagoras made use of one Leodamas the disciple of Creophilus for his Master ; but Laert. l. 8. and Suidas call him Hermodamas . Casaubon thinks , that he might have heard Solon also , but Vossius gainsays it , Vossius de phil. sect. l. 2. c. 6. § 4.

§ . 11. Pythagoras , quitting Greece , Pythagoras's coming into Italy , and restoring those Cities to their liberty , and unity , by communicating good Laws , &c. went into Italy ( that part which was called Magna Graecia ) and first arrived at Croto , where , by his graceful presence , Rhetorical Orations , and friendly complaisance , he gained the affections of the Citizens , both Magistrates , and others ; as Iamblichus cap. 8. The same Iamblichus ( cap. 6. ) tels us , that , at the first Speech he made in Croto , he attracted many followers , in so much that in a short time he gained 600. Disciples . And that he had a general esteeme amongst the Romans , is evident by the Statue , they erected to him , at Rome ; of which Plinie lib. 34. cap. 6. thus speaks : I find Statues erected to Pythagoras , and Alcibiades in the hornes of the Comitium . see Vossius philos. l. 2. c. 6. §. 28. &c. And indeed no wonder , that the Italians had so great an esteeme for , and affection to Pythagoras : for he had been a great Instrument of delivering them from Oppression , and Sedition amongst themselves , as also of communicating to them Good Laws ( which he had from the Jews ) and such a constitution of their Common Wealth , as tended most to the preservation of Libertie , and Vnitie ; the main pillars of any State . So Porphyrie in the Life of Pythagoras , pag. 14. and Iamblichus out of him l. 1. c. 7. informe us , that whatsoever Cities Pythagoras in his travels through Italie , and Cicilie found in subjection one to another , he instilled into them , by his Disciples , a principle of Libertie . Thus he freed Crotona , Sybaris , Catana , Rhegium , Himera , Agrigentum , and other Cities where his Disciples prevailed . Yea indeed many of the most eminent Rectors of the Italian common wealths proceeded from Pythagoras's Schole , as Zaleucus , who gave Laws to the Locrians , and Charondas the Catanaean , who gave Laws to the Thurii , with other Legislators , of whom see Iamblichus l. 1. cap. 30. By means of which Pythagorean Laws , and Governors , these Cities were a long time well governed . Pythagoras wholly took away dissention . So Iamblichus . Some also say , that Numa Pompilius had his Laws from Pythagoras ; but of this more hereafter .

§ , 12. From Pythagoras's settlement , and Schole in Italie , the Italick Sect received its denomination . That part of Italie , wherein Pythagoras taught , was called Magna Graecia , which comprized Tarentum , Metapontus , Heraclea , Croto , and the Thurii . Pythagoras having lived at Croto 20 years , dyed in the last year of the 70. Olympiad , as Eusebius will have it . He had indeed an universal esteeme amongst all : Pythagoras's character by Iamblichus . but a particular reverence from his Scholars , who , as long as he lived , were wont to stile him 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Theologue ; but after his death they called him 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the man . Iamblichus de vita Pythag. l. 1. c. 2. His eminent qualities both natural and acquired . gives him this honorable character . Pythagoras ( saies he ) after the death of his Father , grew up in Wisdome , and Temperance , being even from his youth generally honored by the most ancient . His graceful presence , and taking Discourse drew all persons to him ; in so much that many affirmed him to be the son of some God . He being thus confirmed by the common vogue of all men concerning him , by the education given him in his youth , and by his excellent Naturals , made himself dayly more deserving of these advantages ; adorning himself with Religious Exercises , natural Sciences , exemplary conversation , His freedome f●om irregular passions . stability of mind , grave deportment , and with an amiable imitable serenitie . He was never transported by unlawful passion , laughter , emulation , contention , or any other disorder . He lived like some good Genius comeing to converse in Samos , whence he was stiled the Samian Comet . His care of his health , moderation in use of the Creature , & diligence in emproving time . Iamblichus ( chap. 13. ) gives us a farther account of his Moderation in the use of creature comforts , and refreshments ; of his exact Wisdome , and diligence to preserve a good habitude , and disposition of body , and mind : as also of his great care in redeeming , and emproving his time . Pythagoras ( saies he ) having learned of Thales above all things to husband his time well , he did for that reason abstain from Wine , and Flesh ; having before abstained from eating much , and accustomed himself to such meates , as were of more easie digestion ; by which means he acquired an habit of watchfulnes , serenity , and vivacity of mind , and an equal continued health of body .

§ . 13. To give a brief Abstract of what Diogenes Laertius does more at large relate touching Pythagoras . He was ( saith he ) the first Institutor of the Italick Sect ; all the others were called Ionick from Thales . Pythagoras , when young , was committed by his Uncle Zoilus to Pherecydes a Syrian . When he was young , and most studious of Learning , he initiated himself in the Barbarian , and Grecian Rites ▪ and Mysteries . At length he went to Egypt , with commendatory Letters from Polycrates , where he learned the Egyptian Tongue ; but he was most conversant with the Chaldeans , and the Magi. After that he went to Crete , where he conversed with Epimenides . In Egypt he entered the Adytum , and was instructed in the ineffable mysteries of the Gods . At his return to Samos , finding his Countrey under Tyranny by Polycrates , he went to Croto in Italie : where he gave Laws to the Italians ; and was honored by his Scholars . His aweful presence & rebukes . He is reported to have been of a most awful majestick presence , which made so deep an impression on such , as had conversation with him , that a young man being severely rebuked by him , immediately hanged himself ; whereupon Pythagoras ever after forbore to reprove any : His contentation and contempt of honors . thus Laertius . We have a good evidence of Pythagoras's contentation , and contempt of wordly grandeur by his Epistle to Hiero , in answer to an invitation he made him , to come and live with him . My life , saies Pythagoras , is secure , and quiet , but yours will no way suit with me : a moderate , and self denying person needs not a Sicilian table . Pythagoras , wheresoever he comes , has all things sufficient for the day ; but to serve a Lord is heavy , and intolerable for one unaccustomed to it . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 self sufficiency is a great , and safe thing ; for it hath none , that envyeth or conspires against it . Whence that life seemeth to come nearest to God . Therefore write not to Pythagoras to live with you : for Physicians will not fall sick , to bear their patients company . Stanlie Life of Pythagoras chap. 22.

§ . 14. Apuleius Florid. 15. gives us this brief account of Pythagoras's Travels , Instructors . and Philosophie : The common fame goes , that of his own accord he sought after the Egyptian Sciences , and learnt there of the Priests the incredible efficacies of their Ceremonies , the admirable changes of Numbers , the most exact formules of Geometrie : but his mind being not satiated with these Siences , he thence goes to the Chaldeans , and hence to the Brachmanes , and Gymnosophists . The Chaldees teach the Sideral Science , or Astronomie , the stated ambitus of the wandring Stars , and the various effects of both in the Genitures of men ; also Medicine , &c. The Brachmanes also contribute much to his Philosophie . Moreover Pythagoras embraced Pherecydes , who sprang out of the Scyran Iland , for his Master . It is said , that he studied Natural Philosophie with Anaximander : also that he followed Epimenides of Crete , that famous Prophet , and Poet , for Science sake : also Leodamas , the Disciple of Creophilus , &c. To which we may adde that of Justin Hist. lib. 20. He went first to Egypt , then to Babylon to learn the motions of the Stars and the Origine of the Vniverse . Whence returning he came to Crete , and Lacedemon , to understand the Laws of Minos , and Lycurgus , at that time most famous . With which being instructed he came to Croto , where , by his Authoritie , he reduced the people fallen into Luxury , to the use of frugality . He enumerated the ruines of the Cities , which had been destroyed by the pest of Luxurie . He frequently taught the Women apart from the Men , and the Children apart from their Parents . And he gained thus much by his continual Disputation , that the Matrones laid aside their golden garments , and other ornaments of their Dignitie , accounting Chastitie , and not fine Clothes , to be the true ornaments of Matrones : Thus Justin . Pythagoras , the more effectually to forme , and shape the Manners of the Citie , frequently explicated the practick part of Wisdom . Pythagoras leaving Croto went to the Metapontines , who had him so greatly in admiration , as that after his death , they made his house a Temple , and worshipt him as a God . Justin lib. 20.

CHAP. VI. Pythagoras's College , and Discipline from the Jews .

Pythagoras's 2. Scholes 1. common . 2. His private College , wherein were 1. Novices , their examen , and probation . 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Intrinsicks , Phil. 3.12 , 15. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 1. Tim. 3.6 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The Discipline of Pythagoras's College . Their consociation founded on Virtue as Exod. 19.5 , 6. set forth by Salt , from Lev. 2.13 . Numb. 18.19 . Covenant by Salt what ? Luke 13.26 . Ezra 4.14 . Mark 9.49 . Of the Essenes , their Collegiate Life , and the Pythagoreans Symbolizing with them in 16 Particulars . The Pythagoreans a sort of Separatists Gal. 2.9 . Their shunning worldly Pleasures , and Company : their Celibat , and Abstinenoes , as Col. 2.16 , 21 , 22. 1. Tim. 4.3 . Their Purifications and Festivals . Their white Vestments from Eccles. 8. Their perpetual Silence , and their concealing Mysteries . Their reverence towards their Elders . Their owning Providence , with their Devotion . Their dayly exercises , with morning premeditation , and night examination . Their Constancie , with their excommunication Mat. 8.22 .

§ . 1. HAving given the Storie of Pythagoras's Life , and Travels , and some account of his Conversation with Jews therein ; we proceed to his Schole , Institutes , and Discipline ; wherein we doubt not , but to make discovery of many Jewish Institutes , & traditions . Iamblichus , lib. 1. cap. 6. tels us , that Pythagoras , upon his settlement at Croto in Italy , drew unto him , by his perswasive Orations , many followers even unto the number of 600. persons , who were by him won , not onely to the embracing that Philosophie he professed ; but also to submit to his Rules of Discipline , and that Collegiate mode of life , which he prescribed to them . For the more full understanding whereof , we must know , that Pythagoras had two severall Scholes , and thence two sorts of Disciples , as Porphyrie , Iamblichus , and Clem. Alexandr . have observed . For 1. he had his Homocoeion or common Schole , for all ; Pythagoras's 2. sold Schole and Disciples . 1. His Homoco●ion , or common Schole where were his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 hearers . which Clemens Alexandrinus ( 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 1. ) enterprets 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Church , where all sorts of hearers were admitted : where the Disciples that belonged to this Schole were called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Auditors , or Pythagorites , these learned only the chiefe Principles of Philosophie , without more exact explication . For these being either of more dull capacities , or else ingaged in civill affaires , had not Abilities , or leisure to addict themselves wholly to Pythagoras , and his Philosophie ; wherefore he expounded to them only the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or naked Heads of Philosophie . Among these common hearers there were of all sexes , ages , and conditions : men , women , adult , youth . The Citizens , and men of Croto he exhorted daily , and apart with a great splendor of Oration , to the study of Vertue . The Matrons also , who were thence stiled , Pythagoricae , he instructed frequently , and apart in their duties , as also the children apart from their parents , as Laert. lib. 8. and Hornius Hist. Philos . l. 7. c. 12.

2. Pythagoras also had his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 coenobium , Pythagoras's College or Co●vent , where were his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or genuines . which Laertius calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 his Systeme ; and Cassiodorus his College , as others his Family , and the Disciples , that belonged to this Schole , or College , were called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Genuine , as also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mathematicians , because they being generally young , of quick apprehensions , and as willing , as also able , to devote themselves to the study of Philosophie , Pythagoras expounded to them not onely the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Habebat ( Pythagoras ) domi suae plurimos jutenes , quos ex collatis opibus alebat ; corúmque conversatio 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 dicta est . Gellius l. 1. c. 9. quod omnia iis communia essent . Laërt . lib. 8. Hora. Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. In Pythagoras's College or Covent , 1 were his Novices or Probationers . but also the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Causes , and Reasons of things ; why it was so , and so , and why it could not be otherwise . These Mathematicians being of Pythagoras's College , Covent , or Family , and by him instituted in the more full , and exact Reasons of things , and deeper points of Philosophie , were only esteemed and called genuine Pythagoreans : the former acoustiques , or common hearers , being called only Pythagorites . To these two sorts of hearers Gellius l. 1. c. 4. addes a third 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 of naturalists . Yea the Author of the Pythagorean life addes more : of which see Photius cod . 249. Clemens Alexand. lib. 5 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 V●ssius de Philos. Sect. l. 2. c. 6. § . 18. Stanly of Pythag. Discip . Chap. 1.

§. 2 In Pythagoras's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Convent , College or Family there were also two sorts of Disciples ; some were only 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Exoteriques , Novices or Probationers . Others were 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Intrinsiques , or Perfect . As for the Probationers or novices , Pythagoras , to render them capable of Philosophy , prepared them by a most severe Discipline , and made them passe a very strict examen . For Pythagoras studied very much to know , and understand men ; what every mans Disposition was , what his natural capacity for Philosophy , and what his inclinations thereto were : neither would he admit any into his College , or Family , before he had made some Physiognomicall observations concerning the man ; If upon exact observation of all circumstances , he found the person to be of good naturals , and of an awakened understanding , then he brought him under an Examen touching his morals ; whether he were of good manners , and had affectionate inclinations to Philosophy , &c. The person thus examined , and approved by Pythagoras , was admitted into his Society , or College as an Exoterique , or Probationer ; as Iamblichus cap. 20. and Stanly of Pythagoras's Discipline chap 2.

§ . 3. Now that Pythagoras traduced this part of his Discipline , as also the former relating to his Acoustiques , Pythagoras's ●mitting his Scholars after examen &c. from the Jewish rite of admitting Proselites . or Common auditors from the Jewish Church , seems very probable . For who knows not , that the Jewes had two sorts of Proselites ? 1. Those of the Gates , i e. such as lived within their gates , and partaked of some common privileges ; unto whom Pythagoras's common Disciples seem to answer : but secondly , there were Proselites of the covenant , or of Righteousnesse , i e. such as were incorporate into the Jewish Church , and so made partakers of all their privileges . Now in the admission of these , Maimonides tels us , the Jewes were very strict and severe , as Ainsworth out of him on Gen. 17.12 . [ Bought with money . ] when a man or woman cometh to joyne a Proselyte , they make a diligent enquiry after such , lest they come to get themselves under the Law , for some Riches , they should receive , or for Dignitie they should obtain , or for Fear . If he be a Man , they enquire whether he have not set his affection on some Jewish woman ; or a Woman her affections on some Young man of Israel . If no such like occasion be found in them , they make known to them the Weightinesse of the Yoake of the Law , &c. to see if they will leave off . If they will take it upon them , and withdraw not , and they see , that they come of love , then they receive them as its written Ruth . 1.18 . &c. Thus Ainsworth . By which we see , how near Pythagoras comes to the Jewes in his strict , and severe examen , as to the Admission of Disciples , from whom we have some reason to perswade us , that he tooke the whole Idea , or Platforme of his Schole and College . Yea if we may believe Clemens Alexandrinus ( 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 1. ) Pythagoras himself was circumcised ; and if so , we may suppose he was admitted as a Proselyte , to partake of the Privileges , and Mysteries of the Jewish Church . And Porphyrie ( pag. 2. ) tels us , that he was cleansed from the pollutions of his life past by one Zabratus , who according to S●lden was Ezekiel . Or if not a Proselyte of the Covenant ; yet we may with safety suppose him to be a Proselyte of the Gates ; that is , one that heard amongst them , and so acquainted himselfe with their Discipline , and Mysteries , and affected an imitation thereof , particularly in this rite of admitting his Disciples and Probationers .

§ . 4. Probationary Discipline , and Exercises . Pythagoras appointed his Exoteriques under Probation many Exercises for the purification of their minds , as also many Abstinences from wine , flesh , and other meats obstructing the clearnesse of understanding , with many other probationarie exercises : which probation or preparative Discipline they underwent usually five yeares before they were admitted to be Intrinsiques , or compleat Pythagoreans . But the main Injunction , which Pythagoras laid on these Exoteriques , or Novices , was their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 quinquenniall , or 5 years silence . The Pythagorean 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or Silence . The cause of which silence was to inure his Disciples to the right government of their Tongues , which of all things is most difficult , and yet the most usefull , and necessary for Novices in any science . Thence Iamblichus lib. 1. c. 31. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ▪ The Government of the Tongue is of all most difficult . So Apul. Florid. 15. The first Founder of Philosophie first taught his Disciples to hold their peace , Finis autem silentis bujus alius non erat , quam ut discentes initio intra modestiae terminos se continentes discerent diligenter voci praeceptoris auscul tare . Horn. Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. and his first mediation , in order to the procuring Wisdome , was to bridle the Tongue , and keep our words within the wall of our teeth ; for he forbad not speech altogether , but loquacitie ; requiring that they spoke more rarely , more submissively , more modestly , which is a great vertue , though very difficult in Scholars : according to that of Quintilian , Decl. 19. I thinke there is no virtue more difficult , than that of Silence . This Pythagorean silence answers that of Job ch. 6. v. 24. Teach mee and I will hold my tongue . Others make the reason of this silence to be that the soule , turning inward to her selfe , might be diverted from externall objects , and all irregular passions . Hence his silence was termed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that is , ( saies Aulus Gellius lib. 1. c. 9. ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or as Hesychius , and out of him Suidas from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , conteining within himselfe his speech . This Probationary silence of these Novices , Laertius lib. 8. calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a quinquenniall silence . Laertius saies , that the Pythagorean Novices kept silence 5. years , only hearing Pythagoras's discourses , but not seeing him , till they were fully approved , & then they became of his Family , which he cals 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 systeme . So Servius on Virgil , Aen. 10. yet Aulus Gellius l. 1. c. 9. informes us , that this 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 5 yeares silence was not required of all , but of some more , of some lesse ; but none were enjoyned lesse than two yeares silence , as none more then five yeares . The like Apuleius in floridis tels us , that some were silent for a lesser space , especially such as were more grave : but those who were more pratling , were enjoyned a quinquenniall silence . The Pythagoreans for this their silence continued in great honour even to Isocrates's time , who in his Busiris saies , that men more admired the Pythagoreans , who held their peace , than others , who had obtained the greatest glory by speaking . Yea Pythagoras enjoyned his Disciples some kind of perpetuall silence , for he taught 1. That we ought to be silent , or to speake things better than Silence . 2. to comprehend many things in few words , not few things in many words , whence Zeno blamed such as instead of being 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 lovers of learning , were 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 lovers of words . 3. Pythagoras forbad his Scholars declaring his mysteries to others . Those who after their five years preparative Discipline , and Probation , appeared by their moderation , commendable conversation , and other qualifications fit to participate of Pythagoras's more secret Philosophie and Mysteries , were made Intrinsiques , being admitted to hear Pythagoras within the screen , and to see him , and henceforward were accounted 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i. e. perfect , which privileges the former Probationers , or Novices were not made partakers of . But if these Novices , after the time of their Probation , were not judged worthy to be received to the condition of the perfect , or compleat members of Pythagoras's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or Covent , then were they rejected , & a Coffin was made by the Disciples of Pythagoras , & placed in their room , as a lively symbolique image of a person morally dead : so Iamblichus cap. 17. and Grot. on Mat. 8.2 . as Hammond on Luke 25.24 . of which hereafter in the Pythagorean Excommunication Par. 9.

§ . 5. That Pythagoras took the Idea , The Pythagorean distinction of Disciples into Novices and perfect , from the Jews meerly . Phil. 3.12 . and Platform of his probationary examen , Discipline , and preparative exercises from the Jewish Church the Learned assure us ; and that upon more than conjecturall grounds . So Daillé in his Sermon on Philip. 3.12 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] This term [ perfect ] saies he , is taken from those ( viz. the Pythagoreans ) amongst the Pagans , who after many preparations and purifications rendred themselves capable of the view , and participation of certaine great Idololatrique mysteries , which in those times were had in great veneration , &c. Now that this mode of initiating Novices by such preparative exercises , after which they became 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or perfect , Phil. 3.15 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 alludes to the Jewish 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 perfect . does originally belong to the Jewish Church , the same Daillé affirmes on Phil. 3.15 . Parfaits perfect . The ancient Greek Pagans had in their Religion certain mysteries , & sacred ceremonies , to the view , & participation of which they received not their Devoto's , till they had been prepared for the same by diverse Disciplines , calling them perfect , who were admitted thereto , and holding the others for Novices or Apprentices only — But these words were taken originally from the fashion of the Jewish Church , in the Scholes whereof there were divers orders : some were more low , others more high , in which were taught the most sublime mysteries : and this last part of their Theologie was called by a word , that signifies perfection , because they held it for the top of their Discipline : and in like manner they , who had been instructed in this their sublime Theology , were called The perfect 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Thus likewise the Levites ( as some observe ) had their quinquennial , or five yeares probation and preparation , by preparative Exercises , before they entred upon their compleat office : whence we see what affinity there is betwixt Pythagoras's Probationers , or Novices , 1 Tim. 3.6 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Novice . and those in the Jewish Church , and Schole . Paul also 1 Tim. 3.6 . makes mention of a 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that is , a Novice in the Christian Church , which Oecumenius enterprets 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , one newly initiated in the faith , a Catechumen , and Theophilact 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , one newly baptized , and admitted into the Church , answering to the Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ( which the LXX . render Job . 14.9 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) and as we may presume with allusion to the Novice in the Jewish Church . And this very custome of initiating Novices by preparative Discipline the popish Monks , such as are Regular , universally retain to this very day ( both name and thing ) in the admitting persons into their Covents ; which , we need no way doubt , they at first took up in imitation of , and compliance with the Pagans , especially the Pythagoreans , and the Jewish Church ; as also their whole Monastique Life , and Institutes , of which hereafter . Lastly , we should be perfect 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and without blemish ; such were the Pythagorean 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; and Plato's Priest , whom he requires to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , perfect and genuine .

The Discipline of Pythagoras's Schole and College . § 6. We have spoken of Pythagoras's Disciples in common , as also of those who belonged to his coenebium , or College , both his Novices , and perfect , with their cognation to , and derivation from the Jewish Church , and Scholes . We now proceed to treat of the Discipline Pythagoras exercised amongst his Scholars , especially those of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or College , wherein we doubt not , but to discover many remarkeable , and evident footsteps of Jewish discipline , and Traditions , whence we may suppose it was traduced .

The first thing considerable in the Discipline of Pythagoras's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or College was the Confoederation , The confoederation or consociation in Pythagoras's College founded in virtue . League , or Covenant betwixt all those , who were Members thereof . For as we have already proved , Pythagoras was very severe and strict in the admission of Members into his Systeme or College . He judged , and that rightly , there could be no fraternity and lasting friendship , but what was grounded on Likenesse ; and no true proper Likenesse , but what was founded in virtue , or resemblance of God . Whence saies Iamblichus of the Pythagoreans , Their study of friendship by words and actions , had reference to some Divine temperament , and to union with God , and to unity with the Divine soule . So Stanly of Pythag. Philos . ch. 2. By which it is plain , that Pythagoras asserted both in Thesi , or Opinion , and in Hypothesi , and Practice , that there could be no Consociation , or friendship worthy of that name , but what was founded on Virtue , and Likenesse to God . This also was sufficiently couched under two of Pythagoras's Symbols according to the explication of Iamblichus , as that Symbol 28. [ Lay not hold on every one suddenly with your right hand ] i. e. sayes Iamblichus , See Stanly of Pythag. Symbols fol. 120. give not your right hand , or draw not easily to you into your society persons not initiated ( 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) i. e. such as have not been long tryed by Doctrines and Disciplines , nor are approved as worthy to participate , &c. Another of Pythagoras's Symbols , whereby he signified to us , that Virtue , or Likenesse to God , was the onely solid and genuine foundation of strict Friendship and Society , was this , Symbol . 35. [ set downe salt ] that is , saith Iamblichus Justice , of which salt is an embleme . This also Plato ( Pythagoras's imitator ) does much insist upon , especially in Lysis ( this Lysis , whom Plato makes to be the subject of this discourse of friendship , was Pythagoras's Scholar ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Friendship , proving first that 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Likenesse was the ground of all Friendship . 2. Thence 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. that good men only were alike , and Friends , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that wicked men had no likenesse , &c. Whence he concludes 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , there is no conjunction , or stable union amongst wicked men .

§ . 7. Now that Pythagoras took this Foundation , Constitution , Pythagoras's College from the confoederation of the Jewish Church . or Idea of his Cellege from the Jewish Church their holy confederation , I thinke we have good conjectures , if not demonstrative Arguments to prove it . For we know , the Jewish Church was by virtue of Gods Covenant , and gracious presence with them a separate , select , peculiar , and holy people : Exod. 19.5 . — and keep my covenant , then shall ye be a peculiar treasure to mee above all people , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 signifieth ones owne proper good , Exod. 19.5 , 6. peculiar treasure . which he loveth , and keepeth in store for himselfe , and for peculiar use : 1 Chr. 29 3. Here it is applyed to Gods Church , and translated by the LXX . a peculiar people , and St Peter expresses it by a word , that signifies a people for peculiar possession 1 Pet. 2.9 . [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] i. e. as Camero observes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 signifies primarily abundance , thence excellency , as choice , select jewels , &c. Therefore God , though he were the Rector of all the earth , yet the Jewish Church was his peculiar treasure , or possession , as the Diademe on the head , or the seale on the hand : so Exod. 34.9 . and take us for thine inheritance 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 we find the same Psal. 135.4 . For the Lord hath chosen Jacob to himselfe , and Israel for his peculiar treasure 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 it is the same word with Exod. 19.5 . and so rendred 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 such a separate , peculiar , and holy relation had the Jewish Church by virtue of Gods Covenant , and their owne stipulation unto God . In imitation whereof , we may safely conjecture , Pythagoras framed his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Covent , or College , which was to him as a peculiar Family , Pythagoras's Symbol of Salt as a sign of confoederation and covenant from the Jewish use of this type . or Church ; and therefore look as Salt was of great use in the Jewish Church , and Sacrifices , as that which did lively , though but Symbolically , represent their holy friendship , and communion with God ; so in like manner Pythagoras makes great use of this same Symbol [ set down salt ] to expresse the holy Friendship and Communion there should be amongst his Collegues . And that Pythagoras's Symbol of Salt , by which he signified that Covenant , and Friendship , which ought to be betwixt his Collegues , had its first rise from the parallel use of Salt in the Jewish Church , will I thinke appeare very probable , if we consult the Scriptures , where we find this Symbol mentioned , as also its use amongst the Ancients . Levit. 2.13 . Salt of the Covenant . Numb. 18.19 . Covenant of Salt . It is said Lev. 2.13 . Thou shalt not suffer the Salt of the Covenant of thy God to be lacking ; with all thine offerings thou shalt offer salt . So Numb. 18.19 . we read of a Covenant by Salt . The like 2. Chron. 13.5 . where the salt , that was cast upon all the Sacrifices , is called the Salt of the Covenant , because the Covenant of God with his people was confirmed by Sacrifice , as Psal. 50.5 . Gather my Saints together unto mee , The Covenant by Salt the same with the Covenant by Sacrifice . those who have made a Covenant with me by Sacrifice . The original of which Covenant by Sacrifice we find Gen. 15.9 , 10. which was afterwards imitated by the Heathens in the confirmation of their solemn Covenants : so that this Covenant by Salt is the same with the Covenant by Sacrifice , because these Covenants by Sacrifice , both in the Jewish Church , and also amongst the Greeks , were solemnized by Eating , and drinking the Sacrifices , whereunto Salt was alwayes a necessary appendix . For God by these feastings upon the Sacrifices , wherein Salt was used , did confirme his Covenant with those , who did participate of them ; in as much as they did in some sort eat and drinke with God : as Luke 13.26 . We have eaten and drunke in thy presence . Luk 13.26 . Salt used as a Symbol of Covenants and friendship . i. e. we have eaten and drunke together with thee of thy Sacrifices , or at thy Communion Table , for the ratifying our Covenant , and in token of our friendship with thee . And , that Salt was alwayes accounted by the Ancient Jewes , as an essentiall concurrent of their feasts , especially such as were for the confirmation of Covenants , Love , and Friendship , appears by that common proverb , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Every feast wherein is not some salt , is no feast . We have a great instance , and proofe of this Jewish custome to make use of Salt for the confirmation of their Covenants , Ezra . 4.14 . in Ezra 4.14 . where the original Chaldee ( different from our version ) runs thus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 because we have eaten of the Kings salt . i. e. because we have engaged our selves in a Covenant of Friendship to him , by eating of his meat . So that we see this Rite of making Covenants by Salt was fresh amongst the Jewes even then , when Pythagoras flourished , and lived amongst them in Chaldea . Hence learned Cudworth ( in his Discourse of the true notion of the Lords Supper pag. 68. ) having shewen how Salt was used amongst the Ancients as a Symbol of Covenants , and friendship , addes , Thus I understand that Symbol of Pythogoras 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to set downe Salt for Friendship , and hospitality . — Because Covenants and reconciliations were made by eating , and drinking , where salt was alwaies used . Salt it selfe was accounted amongst the Ancients a Symbol of friendship , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Salt , and the Table was used proverbially amongst the Greeks to expresse friendship by : thence Origens quotation out of Archilochus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to transgresse the Salt and Table , was to violate the most sacred league of Friendship . Aeschines in his Oration de perperam habita Legatione hath a passage very pertinent to this purpose , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . For he saith , that he ought greatly to esteem the Salt , and common Table of the City . Thus Cudworth , &c. By which we see how , and why the Ancients both Jewes , and Greekes made Salt a Symbol of their Covenants , and friendship . But yet I conceive there was something more couched under this Symbol of Salt , than learned Cudworth hath taken notice of , which will give further illustration , and proofe to our Assertion , that Pythagoras traduced it from the Jewish Church . For God instituting Salt , as a Symbol of his Covenant , to be eaten with the Sacrifices , as Lev. 2.13 . did thereby represent to the life that sanctity , or holinesse , Salt also used as a Symbol of Sanctitie . which he required , and expected from such , as entered into Covenant with him : For who knows not , that Salt , as it gives a savour , and relish to meats , so its chief use is to preserve from putrefaction : this explication Christ himself gives of this Symbol , Marke 9.49 , 50. Marke 9.49 . Every one shall be salted with fire , and every Sacrifice salted with Salt , &c. Salted , i. e. purifyed , and preserved by Grace , as flesh by Salt : the like Symbolique usage of Salt is given by Christ Mat. 5.13 . Yee are the salt . So Luke 14.34 . Coloss. 4.6 . seasoned &c. That this was a main use of Salt amongst the Heathens , and that they traduced this usage from the Jewish Church , is asserted and proved by Francis Valesius de Sacra Pholosophia , cap. 16. on Levit. 2.13 . It is a wonder ( saith he ) that it was a solemn Rite , not only in the Sacrifices of the true God , but also in those of the false gods , to use salt , as you may understand by Pliny lib. 31. cap. 7. where discoursing of the praises of Salt , he saith , that its autority is much understood in Sacreds , seeing no Sacrifices are performed without Salt . Whence I conjecture that this custome was derived from the first Sacrifices of the infant world , which were offered to the great God . And that it was thence derived into the Sacred Rites of all the Gentiles : for we have much reason to judge , that those false Ministers of Sacreds , received this custome from the true Priests , according to the Devils institution , thereby to have the Divine Sacrifices offered to him . Plato in his Dialogue of Natures saies , that Salt is a body friendly to God , which accords with this present text : for God requires every Sacrifice to be seasoned with Salt , as that which was gratefull and friendly to him . — Namely Salt seems to be a Symbol of Integrity , and Incorrupti●n , and thence of Innocence . For Salt , as t is manifest by experience ( and from Aristotle Problemat . 26. Sect. ) dries , and thence preserves things from Corruption . Deservedly therefore is Salt made a Symbol of Justice , and so commanded in the Sacrifices . To which belongs that Numb. 18.19 . It s a covenant of salt for ever . He calls it a covenant of Salt . i. e. a covenant of Sacrifices , &c. Here Valetius seems to take in both notions : namely , as salt signifies an inviolable covenant of friendship , and moreover Integrity and Holinesse , both which are couched under this borrowed Symbol of Salt , and both conveighed from the use of Salt in the Church of God to the like usage of it amongst the Pythagoreans , and other Heathens . And thus much indeed Pythagoras understood by this Symbol of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to place salt . i. e. saies Iamblichus in his explication , as a signe of Justice , Righteousnesse or Holinesse . Thus also Diogenes explaines this Symbol of Salt as preservative of meats , &c. For Pythagoras conceived there could be no right consociation or friendship , but what was founded in virtue ( as before ) and therefore was he so strict in the examen or tryall of his Probationers , and so severe in the whole Discipline of his College , which that it all sprang from the Jewish Discipline , and his affectation thereof , will farther appeare by what follows .

Pythagoras drew the pattern of his Collegiate life from the Essenes . § . 9. As Pythagoras tooke the Idea or platform of his Systeme , and College from the Jewish Church in general , that holy , and peculiar relation they had to God , and to each other , by virtue of that mutual confederation or covenant betwixt them and God . So I conceive he had a peculiar regard , in framing this his College , to the particular Confoederation , or Monastique consociation of the Essenes , with whom he does in the chiefe parts of his Collegiate Discipline Symbolize , as it will appear , when we descend to particulars . Now here to make the way to this demonstration clear , we are to consider the Rise , constitution , and Discipline of these Essenes . As for the origination of their name they were called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i. e. according to the Greeks 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and according to our English Dialect Pure . Now the Origination or Rise of these Essenes I conceive ( by the best conjectures I can make from Antiquity ) to be in , or immediately after the Babylonian Captivity , ( though some make them later ) and the occasion of their separation , or consociation , seems this . Many of the carnall Jewes defiling themselves either by beeing too deeply plunged in Worldly Affaires , even to the neglect of their Religion , or , which was worse , by sinfull compliances with their Idolatrous Lords , thereby to secure their carnall interests , these 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Essenes to preserve themselves from these common pollutions separated , and retired themselves from the croud of worldly affaires into an holy solitude , and private condition of life ; The Discipline of the Essenes . where entering into a strict confederation , or consociation , to lead together a Collegiate devout life , they 1. shunned all carnall pleasures , which might entice them from their Devotion . 2. They avoyded all profane company , and conformity to the world , as also all affectation of Secular dignity , applause and honour . 2. They engaged in a strict fraternal communion amongst themselves , professing a community of goods , &c. 4. They did in time of persecution , so far as they were able , lead a Monastique life , forbearing marriage , &c. 5. They were very abstemious and moderate in the use of creature comforts ; forbearing wine , drinking water , &c. 6. They had their Distinctive garments , or white vestments . 7. They used Ceremoniall purifications , according to their Law ; as also moral mortification of sin . 8. They enjoyned silence on their Novices , and were all studious for the right government of their speech , &c. 9. They forbad Oathes . 10. They had their Elders in great esteem . 11. They acknowledged all things to be disposed by a particular over-ruling Providence . 12. They did in a peculiar manner devote themselves to the worship of God by Prayers , and Sacrifices , especially of manimates . 13. They divided their Lives , and Studies into two parts , 1. contemplative . 2. active : they spent their time most in Action , besides what they employed in their Devotions ; the principal study they addicted themselves unto was Medicine : they gave themselves also to gardening , and other labours of the hand . 14. They distributed the Day into times for Prayer , for Reading , for Study , for labour with their hands , and for naturall Refreshments . 15. They endeavoured much exactnesse in their Morals , to lead an exemplary Life . 16. Such as prov'd Apostates , or Scandalous , they excommunicated by the common consent of all the Fraternity , or Society . And to conclude with the character of Viret . ( in his interim pag. 122. ) In summe their Estate was in their first constitution an excellent Schole of Medicine , of Doctrine , and of Examples of virtue : all things were done amongst them in good order , and I thinke the first Christian Monks took their pattern from these Essenes . But the later Monks have rather followed the example of the Sadduces , and Pharises . Thus Viret . Indeed the Sadduces , and Pharises seem to be orders of much later constitution , and but a spurious degenerate off-spring of the ancient devout 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Essenes . For although they both affected the opinion and esteem of eminent Saints , or Separatists ( for so their name Pharisee imports ) yet all their pretended sanctity was but apparent hypocrisie , as far short of the sanctity and devotion of the first 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or Essenes , as the pretended Popish mortifications of the later Monkes comes short of the sanctity and devotion of the first Christian 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Puritans . He that will see more of these Jewish 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or Essenes may consult Drusius de 3. sectis Judaeorum , &c.

The Pythagoreans imitation of the Essenes . Having laid downe the original of the Essenes , their Collegiate Constitution , Order , and Discipline , I shall now proceed to shew , how much the Pythagorean College , or Systeme did Symbolize , and agree therewith : which will give a great confirmation to our Hypothesis ; that Pythagoras traduced the Idea of his College , and its Discipline from the Jewish Church , &c.

1. The Pythagoreans great Separatists from all that were not of their Societie . 1. The Pythagoreans , as the Essenes , separated themselves from the rest of men , whom they accounted Profane ; not at all regarding their Riches , Honours , or Pleasures . Hence that great Law amongst them 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to give the Right hand of fellowship to none but to Pythagoreans : i. e. saies Iamblichus , to have communion with none , who are not initiated , or tryed by Doctrines , and Disciplines , &c. The same phrase was used in the Jewish Church , to denote communion . So Paul speakes of the Right hand of fellowship given to him by Peter , Gal. 2.9 . See Chap. 9. Parag. 3. James , and John . Gal. 2.9 . according to the Jewish Dialect . And as the Jews accounted all , that were not of their Church , as dogs , profane , without , &c. So likewise the Pythagoreans , called all those , who were not of their Society 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 not initiated ; & 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , those without , profane , &c. So Grotius on Mat. 7.6 . Mat. 7.6 . [ cast not what is holy to dogs ] observes this Symbolick mode was brought by Pythagoras out of the Oriental parts . Yea Iamblichus tels us , that the Pythagoreans excluded all , save their Parents , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , from their conversation ; hence those verses touching Pythagoras . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . His Associates he esteemed equall to the blessed Gods : but as for others he esteemed them not either in speech , or number ; Iamblichus lib. 1. cap. 35. This Pythagorean separation ; and contempt of all others , but their own Collegues , gained them much envie , so that as some observe , they being once assembled in their College , or the place where they were wont to meet , some ill-willers accused them of a conspiracie against the City , which caused them to be almost all massacred , of which see Vossius de Philos. sect . l. 2. c. 6. par. 26. This is most probable , that the Pythagoreans were strict and severe separatists , as the Essenes , and Jews before them .

2. The Pythagoreans , as well as the Essenes , shunned all carnal pleasures , all mundane Honours , Riches , and Grandeur , 2. Their shunning worldly pleasures , &c. affecting an 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a mental self-sufficiencie . Thus Pythagoras in his Epistle to Hiero ( of which before chap. 5. ) pretends to an 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a self-sufficiencie , which made him scorne the Honours , Pleasures , and Pomp of Hiero's court . Herein the Pythagareans were followed by the morose Cynicks , who affected a great aversation from all worldly pleasures , dignities , and conformities : as also by the Stoicks , who placed happinesse in an 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a self-sufficiencie , thence Epictetus begins his Enchiridion with his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c.

3. The Pythagoreans made not only a separation from the world , 3. Their strict consociation & community of goods . both persons and things ; but also a strict Consociation , or Confoederation amongst themselves ; professing a community of goods , or enjoying all things in common ; wherein they did exactly imitate the Collegiate Discipline of the Essenes . Thus Iamblichus ( cap. 17. ) Pythagoras , Inter Pythagoraeos col●batur societ as inseparabilis , quod à communione appellabatur 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Hunc morem 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 apud Judaeos imitati sunt Essenes , qui omnia communia habebant . Horn. Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. saies he , appointed a Community of Estates , & constituted an inviolable Confederacie , and Societie as being that ancient way of consociation ( perhaps he meanes in the Jewish Church , which was most ancient ) which is truly stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Covent or College . This was agreable to the Dogmes of Pythagoras 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , all things ought to be common amongst Friends , And 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Friendship is an equality : whence his precept , Esteem nothing your own . So Diog. Laër . saies , the Pythagoreans put their estates in one common stock , &c. Thus Vossius de Phil. Sect. l. 2. c. 6. § . 25. The Pythagoreans , saies he , maintained the strictest conjunction amongst themselves ; also a communion of Goods . But as for the Friendships of other men , they no way esteemed them , albeit they abounded with Riches , and Honours . And Plato proceeding upon the very same principles with Pythagoras , viz: That all things must be common among friends , &c. enjoynes a Community of all things in his Common-wealth : of which hereafter .

Their Celibate from the Essenes , or Jewish Priests . 4. As the Essenes , and devout Jewes did , if they had ability , forbear marriage in times of persecution , especially thereby to avoid many snares , and encumbrances ; so likewise the Pythagoreans , who did not only look on Celibate , or single life as expedient for some times , and conditions ; but enjoyned it in their sect , as a thing sacred , and holy . This learned Bochart . proves at large in his excellent Treatise against Veron . part 3. chap. 25. sect. 4. Art. 1. ( in French pag. 1338. ) where he shews , that the Injunction of celibat , or Monastique life , was one great part of the doctrine of Daemons ( mentioned 1. Tim. 4.1.3 . ) which , saies he , was one of the superstitions Pythagoras brought out of Egypt , when he returned into Greece . For ( as Clem Alexandr . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . l. 1. ) he forbad marriage to those of his sect , and erected a Cloyster of Virgins ( or Nuns ) the charge of which he gave to his Daughter . Plato held the same sentiment , and Heraclitus , and Democritus , and Zeno the Prince of the Stoiques , who never touched a Woman . Thus Bochart . But 't is possible , Pythagoras might take up this his injunction of Celebat from the Jewish Priests , who at some times were enjoyned abstinence from Women . So Grotius on Colos. 2.21 . having shewne how these Injunctions did not refer to the Jewish Law , but to some Traditions of the Jews , and Dogmes of Philosophers , especially the Pythagoreans , he concludes thus , This last phrase 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 handle not , refers to separation from Women , which the Jewish Priests at some certain times were enjoyned , but the Pythagoreans alwaies , &c. Hammond on 1. Tim. 4.3 . [ forbidding to marry ] shows , how the Gnosticks received this part of their character forbidding marriages , &c. from the Pythagorean Philosophers , as Clemens Alexandr . Strom. lib. 3. &c. Pythagorean abstinences from Jewes and Essenes .

5. As the Essenes had their particular Rules for Abstinences from wine , &c. And the Jews in general had their Abstinences from severall meats , and at several times . So also the Pythagoreans in imitation of them . Thus Jerom tels us , that the Essenes abstained from flesh : whence some conceive Pythagoras brought this superstition into Greece , as Horn. Hist. Phil. l. 7. c. 12. Thus also Stanley of Pythagoras's Discipline , ch. 5. out of Iamblichus . Moreover Pythagoras commanded his Disciples to abstain from all things , that had life , and from certain other meats , which obstruct the clearness of understanding : likewise from wine , also to eat , and sleep little . So Diogenes Laertius tels us , that Pythagoras held things dedicated to God were holy , and so not to be used for common uses : Col. 2.16 . Pythagorean Praecepts . thence that fishes were not to be eaten 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. And Grotius on Col. 2.16 gives us a full account hereof , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , in meat , or drinke . ] In one clause , saies Grotius , he comprehends both those , who Judaized , and Pythagorized . To abstain from wine was not a perpetual Jewish Institute , but in some [ persons and Times ] but amongst the Pythagoreans it was frequent . The Jewes abstained from some meats ; the Pythagoreans from many more . Thus Grotius . The like he addes on vers. 20. To the rudiments of the world , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , saies Grotius , Rudiments , &c. every institution , Gal. 4.3.9 . where you 'l see why they are called rudiments of the world , namely because they were common to the Jewes with other Nations . There was nothing in these Rites proper to the Jewes , &c. The same he addes on vers. 21. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] Here is , Col. 2.21.22 . Pythagoras's Dogmes . saies Grotius , a 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the note whereof the Syriack has placed here . For thus these masters spake . Tertullian against Marcion 5. denyes that this belongs to the Law of Moses . He seems to mee to have used common words which should comprehend both the Jewes and Philosophers , especially the Pythagoreans . And these first words 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , touch not , tast not , chiefly belong to meats : the later 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 refer to Women , &c. So again , v. 22. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] This , saies Grotius , refers to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , v. 20. These things were invented by men , they came not primarily from God . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 precepts were such as were commanded by mens Laws : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , such things as were enjoyned by the Pythagoreans , as before . Thus likewise Hammond in his Paraph on 1. Tim. 4.3 . 1. Tim. 4.3 . Commanding to abstain from meats . Forbidding to marry , and commanding to abstain from meats affirmes that the Gnosticks had these Doctrines from the Pythagorean Philosophers . And Mede in his Apostacie of the latter times , on these words 1. Tim. 4.3 . forbidding to marry , &c. proves at large that these Monkish Abstinences were but imitations , and branches of the Doctrines of Daemons ( mentioned v. 1. ) brought into Greece by Pythagoras , Plato , and other Philosophers .

6 Their purifications both Ceremonial and Moral . 6. The Jewes in general , but more particularly the Essenes had their Purifications , or Purgatories , both Ceremonial , and Moral . So in like manner the Pythagoreans . Thus Iamblichus of Pythagoras . He said ( quoth he ) that purity is acquired by expiations , and bathings , and sprinklings , &c. So Diogenes Laertius in his life . Pythagoras , saies he , held , that cleanesse is acquired by expurgations , washings , and sprinklings , with separation from all that defileth . And Justin Martyr . Apolog. 2. gives us this general assertion , that all these washings , which the Heathens used in their sacreds , had their original , though by a Diabolique imitation , from our Sacred Scriptures , &c.

7. Their observation of Festivals . 7. The Jewes in general , and the Essenes in particular , were very exact in their observation of their Festivals . So likewise were the Pythagoreans . For , saith Iamblichus , Pythagoras commanded that upon holy dayes we cut not our hair , nor pair our nailes : See Stanley of Pythag.'s Discipline , chap. 3. fol. 92.

8. Their white distinctive vestments from Eccles. 9.8 . Let thy garments be white . 8. Again the Pythagoreans , as well as the Jewes and Essenes , had their white distinctive vestments , or garments . So Iamblichus ( cap. 20. ) speaking of Pythagoras's Disciples , saies , They wear a white , and clean garment : So Diogenes Laertius saies , that Pythagoras held the Gods to be worshiped 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , with a good conscience ( so 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 is used by Plato ) and white Vestment , &c. as Eccles. 9.8 . Let thy Vestment be alwayes white , &c. Hence I suppose the Pythagorean white . P. Virgil quaest. 4 , de Inv. Rer. 7. supposeth that the Hebrews borrowed their white Garment from the Egyptians , whence also Pythagoras received the same : for Herod . l. 2. acquaints us , that the Egyptian Priests used a pure white Vestment , and rejected the Woollen , as profane . But it seems evident , that both the Egyptians , and Pythagoreans traduced their white Vestments from the Jewes , who received them from sacred Institution .

9. As the Essenes , so the Pythagoreans enjoyned silence , Their perpetual silence , or conceling their mysteries from strangers . and that not only on their Exotericks , or Novices ; but also on their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Intrinsicks : for besides the five years silence which Pythagoras prescribed his novices , he had another called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a continual silence , which properly belonged to his perfect Disciples , who were enjoyned secresie , or concelement of the Pythagorean mysteries from all those who were not of their societie , whom the Pythagoreans termed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , uninitiated , prophane , &c. therefore not meet to have notice of their mysteries . Thus Iamblichus , speaking of the Pythagoreans , saith . That the Principal , and most mysterious of their Doctrines they reserved amongst themselves unwritten , as not fit to be published , but to be delivered by oral tradition to their Successors , as mysteries of the Gods . To which that of Cicero lib. 1. de nat. Deor. refers . Thou maist not concele it from me , as Pythagoras was wont to concele his mysteries from aliens . Thus Vossius de Philos. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 24. having spoken of the Pythagorean quinquennial silence saies , They had another silence , which was perpetual : by which it was unlawful for the Pythagoreans to discourse ( not amongst themselves , but ) with strangers of those mysteries , which they had received . This indeed exactly answereth the Jewish silence , or secresie in conceling from the Gentiles their mysteries . viz. the name Jehovah , which they ( as 't is said ) would alwaies pronounce by the other more common name Adonai , thereby to concele it , &c. For the Jews accounted the Gentiles , but as profane , and Dogs ; therefore not fit to be made partakers of their mysteries . To which Christ seems to allude Mat. 7.6 . give not what is holy to Dogs . Yea indeed the Pythagoreans were not without some kind of silence amongst themselves , for they esteemed the right government of our speech , one of the hardest , and therefore best governments ; as Iamblichus l. 1. cap. 31. Thence Pythagoras enjoyned his Disciples , 1. Perpetual silence , unless they could speak somewhat more profitable than their silence . 2. When they did speak , to utter many things in few words , nor few things in many words : For Pythagoras was a professed enemy to tatling ; thence that Symbol of his : Receive not a Swallow into your house , i. e. saies Vossius , admit not of tatlars . So Zeno , the Prince of the Stoicks , when he heard any talk much , was wont to say . That man's ears were fallen down into his tongue . 3. Pythagoras enjoyned his scholars not to speak rashly without premeditation . 4. Not to discourse of Pythagorean mysteries without Light : For , saies Iamblichus , it is impossible to understand Pythagorean Doctrines without Light . 5. Pythagoras required a particular silence , or right ordering of speech in speaking of , or drawing near unto the Gods . So Iamblichus on Pythagoras's Seventh Symbol . [ Above all things govern your tongue in following the Gods . ] The first work of wisdom ( saith he ) is to turn our speech inward upon our selves ( by meditation ) for nothing does more perfect the soul , than when a man turning inward upon himself followeth the Gods . 6. And touching the Pythagorean silence in general , Apuleius in floridis tels us , That the first thing Pythagoras taught his Disciples , was to hold their peace ; and the first meditation of him who would be wise , should be for an universal bridling of his tongue ; and having clipped the wings of his words , which the Poets call birds , to shut them up within the walls of his white teeth . 7. The Pythagoreans , as the Essenes , forbad Oathes .

Their Revere●ce towards their Elders . 10. The Pythagoreans in imitation of the Essenes , and Jews , had their Elders in great esteem . They never made mention of Pythagoras , without some note of reverence , calling him 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Theologue &c. And 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 he said it , had with Pythagoras's Disciples the same authoritie , as a first principle with other Philosophers , or a Scriptural testimony with a Jew , and Christian . This is observed by Laert. l. 8. Cicero l. 1. de . N. Deor. Quint. l. 11. c. 1. and others ; who tell us that Pythagoras's Authoritie answered all objections : for when he spake , he was esteemed as the Pythian oracle : so that the solemn formule was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : And 't is not unlikely , but this title also he borrowed from the Sacred Records : for 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or thus saith he , is a title given to God in Scripture ; as Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 an honorable appellation is attributed not only to Prophane , but also to Sacred Writers ; so that it is not given to any , but the most excellent , yea to God himself : for so He more easily gain'd credit to his Doctrine , and Authoritie to Himself .

They own Fate . 11. The Pythagoreans , as the Essenes , acknowledged all things to be disposed by a particular providence , which they called Fate .

Their Devotion . 12. The Jews , and particularly the Essenes , did in a peculiar manner , especially in times of Persecution , and captivity , devote themselves to the worship of God , by prayers , &c. in order whereto , they had their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 praying houses . So likewise the Pythagoreans were generally Devoto's , or much addicted to devotion : of which hereafter .

13. The Pythagoreans , as the Essenes , divided their life , Their studies , Contemplative , Active . and studies into Contemplative , and Active . In their studies they much addicted themselves to Medicine ; in their bodily exercises to Gardening , &c.

14. The Pythagoreans , in imitation of the Essenes , distributed the day into several parts , for Devotion , Study , Labour , &c. The Pythagorean dayly exercises , with their morning Premeditations , and evening Recollection of all . So Iamblichus of Pythagoras cap. 20. Those who were taught by Pythagoras , spent their morning walk alone , and in such places , where they might be most retired , and free from disturbances . After their morning walk , they met together in the Temple , or place of Devotion . After that , having spent some time in their studies , they went to their morning Exercises . At Dinner they used ( mostly ) bread and honey . Their afternoon they employed in Political affairs . All the actions of the day they contrived in the morning before they rose , and examined the same at night before they went to sleep . Pythagoraei exercendae memoriae causa , singulis diebus quid egissent , quid legissent , quid profecissent , in Vita , in Doctrina , vesperi commemorabant : benefacta laudem , malefacta vituperium merebantur . Hornius . Hist. Philos . l. 7. c. 12. A Pythagorean rose not out of his bed , before he had called to mind the Actions of the day past , which recollection he performed in this manner . He endeavoured to call to mind what he had heard , or done in the first , second , third place ( and so in order ) after his rising : And then after his going forth , whom he met with first , whom next , &c. and what discourses he had with the first , what with the second , &c. for he endeavoured to keep a Diarie , Journal , or memoires of all that happened throughout the day ; and so to repeat every thing in order as it happened . Thus they cheifly exercised their memories ; for they conceived nothing conduceth more to knowledge , experience , and wisdome , then to remember many things . He taught his Disciples to do nothing without premeditation ; nor any thing whereof they could not give a good account ; but that in the morning they should consider what they were to do ; and at night make a recollection thereof : so Porphyrie on the life of Pythag. pag. 26. saith , That Pythagoras advised his Scholars , to have regard chiefly to two things . 1. The time of their going to bed . 2. The time of their rising : at each of these to consider what actions are past , and what to come : of the past to require from themselves an account ; of the future to have a Providential circumspection , and care . So Virgil ex Pythag. inter Epigr. Non prius in dulcem declinat lumina somnum , Omnia quam longi reputaverat acta diei ; Quae praetergressus , quid gestum in tempore , quid non : See more Stanly , of Pythagoras's discipline cap. 9 , 10.

Constancie , and against Apostacie . 15. The Pythagoreans , as the Essenes , affected a great constancy in their principles , and morals : in order whereto they had many cautionary precepts against Apostacy . So Iamblichus explaines that 15th . Symbol of Pythagoras . [ Travelling from home turn not back , for the Furies go back with you . ] i. e. saith Iamblichus after you have applyed your self to Philosophie , turn not back , &c. Which also was a Proverbial Symbol amongst the Jews ; to which our Saviour seems to allude , when he giveth those cautions against Apostacie : viz. Remember Lots Wife : and He that puts his hand to the Plow and looketh back , &c.

Their Excommunication . 16. As the Essenes were severe in their Excommunication of Apostates , and Scandalous persons , so the Pythagoreans . Thus Iamblichus cap. 17. Those , who were cast out of Pythagoras's Schole , had 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a coffin made by his Disciples , placed in their room , as if they had been dead : for all , that were about Pythagoras , spake of them as dead ; and when they met them , behaved themselves toward them , as if they had been some other persons ; for the men themselves they said were dead , &c. That Pythagoras traduced this Symbolick Embleme , of persons dead in sins , from the Jewish Church , is well observed , and proved by Grotius on Mat. 8.22 . Let the dead bury their dead : and Hammond ( out of him ) on Luke 15.24 . of which hereafter .

17. As the Pythagorean Novices had their probationarie year , or years ; so the Jewish Essenes . Thus Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 15. The Essenes , who alone are worthy the name of Philosophers among the Jews , did not presently admit their Disciples , till after one year , ( or more ) they had probation of their behavior , &c.

I have in these severals drawn the Parallel betwixt the Jewish Essenes and the Pythagoreans : A general Parallel 'twixt the Essenes & Pythagoreans . and for the farther conviction , that all this was not a meer figment of mine own , without foundation , or prescript , see something of this Parallel in Godwins Jewish Antiquities l. 1. c. 12. of the Essenes , whom he makes to symbolize with the Pythagoreans . 1. In that both professed a Communion of goods . 2. Both shunned pleasures . 3. Both wore White garments . 4. Both forbad Oathes . 5. Both had their Elders in singular respect . 6. Both drank Water . 7. Both asserted Fate . 8. Both enjoyned silence , &c.

Now that the Pythagoreans derived these parts of their Discipline from the Essenes , and Jews , will be further evident by what follows .

CHAP. VII . Of Pythagoras's Philosophie Natural , and Moral , &c.

The Original of Pythagoras's Philosophie , from the Jews , &c. 1. His Mathematicks . 1. Arithmetick . 2. Musick . 3. Astronomie . 4. The earths Motion , &c. 5. Geometry . 6. Weights , and Measures , from the Jews . 2. Pythagoras's Physicks . 1. Contemplative , The world 's origine , its first Matter , Gen. 1.1 , 2. It s Form , Gen. 1.13 . Fire the great active principle in all things , from Gen. 1.2 . 2. Medicine from the Jews . 3. Pythagoras's Moral Philosophie . 1. Ethicks , Dogmatick , Preceptive , and Characteristick Ethick , Characters Jewish . Death a Character of a wicked state , as Luk. 15.24 . Salt of Grace , &c. The Summe of Pythagoras's Ethicks in 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 2. Pythagoras's Politicks from Moses's Politie : The Pythagoreans great Politicians . Their two great Maximes to preserve 1. Liberty against Tyranny . 2. Vnity against Faction .

§ 1. HAving gone thorough the story of Pythagoras's life , as also the Discipline of his Schole , and College , A distribution of Pythagorean Philosophie we now proceed to his Philosophie ; wherein we doubt not but to discover many Jewish Traditions , and Foot-steps . And to proceed methodically , we shall begin with the matter of his Philosophie , and thence pass on to his Form , or mode of Philosophizing ; each whereof will afford us very strong Presumptions ( though not Physical demonstration ) that he traduced both the one , and the other from the Jewish sacred fountaines . Some distribute Pythagoras's Philosophie into two parts . Theologick , and Ethick : By Theologie , they understand that , which we usually call Physicks , namely the knowledge of God , as the first cause of all things . Thus Danaeus in cap. 9. August . ad Laurent . and Hornius Histor. Philos . l. 3. c. 11. But we shall follow the usual Distribution thus . The matter , or body of Pythagoras's Philosophie may be distributed into Natural , Moral , o● Supernatural . 1. His Natural philosophie conteines , 1. His Physicks , or Natural philosophie properly so called . 2. His Mathematicks . His Physicks were either , 1. Contemplative , which was nothing else but the story of the Creation ; or 2. Active consisting in Medicine . 2. His Moral philosophie consisted , 1. in Ethicks , or moral precepts , 2. in Politicks . 3. His Supernatural philosophie was 1. Diabolick , or Magick divination . 2. Theologick , and Divine : Pythagoras usually began with the Mathematick Sciences , as preparatives to the contemplation of things more sublime : So Porphyrie in the life of Pythagoras pag. 31. He is said to be the first , that changed the proud title of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 wisdom into 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Love of Wisdome as Austin . de civ . Dei l. 8. c. 2. They report , that the name Philosophie sprung from Pythagoras , whereas before they were called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 wise-men , &c.

§ . 2. Now that Pythagoras traduced the main parts , if not the whole , of this his Philosophie from the Jewish Church originally , may in the general be demonstrated from what we find in Iamblichus , and other Historiographers , concerning the original of Pythagoras's Philosophie . Pythagoras received part of his Philosophie . 1. from Orpheus . Iamblichus saies , that Pythagoras drew his Philosophie , and the several parts thereof , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 1. He saies , That Pythagoras drew part of his Philosophie from the Orphicks , i. e. Doctrines of Orpheus . So elsewhere , he tells us , That Pythagoras derived much of his Theologick Science from Orpheus . That Orpheus's Theologie was symbolick , and mystical , much the same with that of Pythagoras , we have already proved , out of Proclus in Theol. Plat. l. 1. c. 4. Also , that Orpheus had his Theologie originally from the Jews : which is farther evident by that famous fragment of the Orpheick Doctrine in Justin Martyr ; wherein we find mention of Abraham , and the Mosaick tables , 2 part from Egypt . or Decalogue . 2. Iamblichus informes us , That Pythagoras received part of his Philosophie from the Egyptian Priests . The like he affirmes lib. 1. cap. 5. Pythagoras , saies he , owes to the Egyptians 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. his symbolick mode of learning . So , Clemens Alexandrinus . 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , It is storied that Pythagoras was instructed by Sonchedes the Egyptian Arch-prophet . That the Egyptians had their Philosophie from the Jews , we have before proved book 1. chap. 2. Besides we have shewen ( book 2. chap. 5. §. 7.8 . ) That Pythagoras , while in Egypt , had immediate conversation with the Jews , ( who resorted thither in great numbers ) by meanes of his skill in the Egyptian tongue , which was but a different Dialect of the Hebrew , so that he was thereby capacitated to read , and enquire into the Sacred Scriptures and Jewish bookes , without supposition of their being translated into Greek , which was not till after times . 3. Iamblichus acquaints us , 3 From the Chaldeans . That Pythagoras received part of his Philosophie from the Chaldeans . Now that Pythagoras had converse with the Jews , whilest in Chaldea , by meanes of his skill in the Egyptian , and Chaldean tongues ( which differed from the Hebrew only in Dialect ) yea that the Jews themselves , frequently past amongst the Greeks , under the name of Chaldeans , because they lived under their government , we have endeavoured to prove in chap. 5. §. 8. of this second Booke . 4 From the Thracians . 4. Iamblichus , together with Hermippus , tell us , That Pythagoras received part of his Philosophie from the Thracians , so Josephus lib. 1. contra Apion . That the Thracians had their Philosophie originally from the Jews has been proved Book 1. chap. 5. parag. 7. 5. Porphyrie p. 4. acquaints us , That Pythagoras had part of his Philosophie from the Phenicians , who had theirs from the Jews , as before . 6. Porphyry pag. 8. and Clements Alexandrinus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 1. assure us , That Pythagoras learned the most excellent parts of his Philosophie from the Barbarians . That by these Barbarians must be understood the Jews , in the first , and cheifest place , we have Testimonies of Justin Martyr , Clemens Alexandrinus , Epiphanius , Nicephorus , and Serranus on Plato's , Cratylus fol. 426. 7. What Pythagoras learned from his Preceptors , Thales and Pherecydes , owes its original to the Jews , as before , chap. 3.4 . of this second Book .

§ . 3. Pythagoras begins with the Mathematicks . Having given a general Demonstration touching the traduction of Pythagoras's Philosophie from the Jews ; we now proceed to its Particulars , and shall begin according to Pythagoras's own method , with his Mathematicks : So Porphyrie in his Life , pag. 31. The Mind ( saies he ) being purified by Disciplines , ought to be applied to the most useful : These Pythagoras procured by certain methods , and gradual mediums , bringing the mind by degrees to the contemplation of Eternal , Incorporeal , Real Beings . To this end , he first used the Mathematicks , as degrees of preparation to the contemplation of things that are , &c. This Pythagorean method of beginning with the Mathematick Sciences has been greatly applauded by some of our New Philosophers ( and that perhaps not without sufficient grounds ) as a method most proper for the fixing the Volatile vagrant spirits of young Students , in their entrance on Philosophie . And this is much practised by the French Nobles , who studie little else of Philosophie besides the Mathematicks .

Pythagoras first entred his Scholars in Arithmetick . § . 4. Amongst the Mathematick Sciences , Pythagoras firstly entered his Scholars in Arithmetick , So Stobaeus in Ecl. Phys . lib. 1. c. 11. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Pythagoras seems of all Sciences to have esteemed mostly of Arithmetick , and to have brought it in use from Mercature ; he compared all things to Numbers . That Pythagoras made great use of Numbers , is apparent , in that he does symbollically set forth , and describe his chiefest mysteries by numbers , as hereafter . This part of his Mathematicks Pythagoras learned from the Phenicians , who by reason of their merchandizing made much use of Arithmetick .

§ . 5. Pythagoras having laid a foundation in Arithmetick , proceeds to other parts of the Mathematicks , 2. His skill in Musick . especially to Musick , of which also he made a very great symbolick use in all other parts of his Philosophie : Pythagor●is certe moris f●it , & cum evigilassent animos ad lyram excitare , quo essent ad agendum erectiores , & cum somnum peterent , ad eandem lenire mentes , ut si quid fuisset turbidiorū cogitationum , componerent . Quintil. l. 9. c. 4. So Iamblichus de vita Pythag. cap. 29. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. Of the Sciences , they say , the Pythagoreans did not a little esteem of Musick , &c. Thus Apuleitus Florid. 15. and Quint. l. 1. c. 16. tell us , that Pythagoras was a great esteemer of , and very well skilled in Musick , which he commended to his Scholars daily . This they practised morning , and evening : in the morning after sleep to purge their minds from stupor , and impure imaginations ; at evening to allay their more disturbed affections by this kind of Harmonie , as Plut. de Iside . and Horn. Hist. Phil. l. 7. Thence Pythagoras gives symbolical descriptions of the Heavens , of the Soul , and of other of the mysteries by Harmony , &c. This his Science of Musick , I suppose he might receive from the Egyptians , who greatly affected Musick , or rather immediately from the Jews , who were the first , and most skilful musicians ; receiving their Musick by Divine Institution , and Inspiration , it being prescribed them by God , as a medium , or Ceremonial Rite of his worship , and practised by them in Moses's time , long before Orpheus , who ( next to their Idol god Apollo ) was stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 .

3. His skill in Astronomie . § . 6. Pythagoras also was skilled in Astronomie , or the Science of the stars , which Porphyrie in his Life tels us , he received from the Chaldeans . That the Chaldeans at first received this Science of Astronomy from the Patriarchs , See Book 1. chap. 4. Paragr. 3. One great Astronominical Paradox , which the Phythagoreans maintained was , The Earths motion . That the Earth moved , and the Heavens stood still . This was also the opinion of Aristarchus the Samian , who whether he were more ancient or latter then Pythagoras , is not determined . This likewise was the opinion of Gleanthes the Samian , Leucippus , Heraclides , and Ecphantus . That the Pythagoreans generally affirmed , That the Earth was not immovable , but moved in a circle about the fire : Plutarch in the life of Numa informes us . For they held , that Fire being the most excellent of creatures , was placed in the midst of the world , which moved round about it . They asserted moreover , That the Sun was composed of Fire , &c. Which opinions , that they were from Jewish traditions , we shall hereafter prove : Laertius acquaints us , that Philolaus the Pythagorean was the first , who openly taught 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The Earth moved in a circle . Cicero in his 4o Academ . Qu●stion , attributes the same opinion to Hicetas the Syracusian . Plutarch in Numa saies , that Plato in his old age asserted the same . The like is said of Seleucus . This Hypothesis of the Earths moving , has been since revived by Cardinal Cusanus , lib. 2. c. 12. Doct. ignorant : but more professedly defended by Nicol. Copernicus , who about the year 1540 , writ a Book concerning it , which is Dedicated to Pope Paul 3d. who was followed herein by Joannes Keplerus , Mathematick Professor to Rudolphus , Matthias , and Ferdinand the Emperours . Also by Christopher Rothmannus , Michael Maest●inus , David Origanus , Mathematick Professors . Lately , Patricius Galilaeus , Hoscarius Italians , with , William Gilbert , our English Physician , famous for his Book de Magnete ; wherein he asserts this Hypothesis , having all maintained the same opinion : which albeit it was condemned by the Cardinals at Rome , Anno 1616 , yet is it still defended by many of the New Astronomers : Ticho Brahe , the famous Danish Astronomer went a middle way : affirming , that both Earth , and Heavens moved , though in a differing manner : See Vossius sect . Phil. l. 2. c. 6. s . 41.

§ . 7. Pythagoras was also skilled in Geometrie , Geometrie . which I suppose he learned from Thales , or immediately from the Aegyptians , His Weights , and Measures of Jewish original . who were the first , amongst the Nations , that practised this Art . Diogenes Laertius also tels us , that Pythagoras was the first , that brought Measures , and Weights into Greece ; which also belongs to the Mathematicks ; and as we have good reason to judge , he received them from the Jewish Weights , and Measures . To conclude this , as we began with Pythagoras's Mathematicks in the general : Iamblichus l. 1. c. 2. tels us , he was first initiated therein by Thales . And Porphyrie in the Life of Pythagoras ( pag. 4. ) saies , that the Mathematick Sciences he learned from the Egyptians , Chaldeans , and Phenicians . Now that these Nations received their first Rudiments from the Patriarchs , and Jews , has been already proved .

Pythagoras's Physicks . § . 8. Another branch of that Natural Philosophie , which Pythagoras professed was that , which we properly call Physicks , or Natural Philosophie : Whereof there are two par●● . 1. Contemplative . 2. Active . As for Pythagoras's skill in Contemplative Physicks , or Natural Science , 1 Contemplative , which was the Historie of the worlds origine it was indeed nothing else but the Historie of the Creation , with some Experimental Observations and Conclusions , which we need no way doubt was traduced to him from the Jewish Church , and Sacred Fountaines originally . For Diogenes tels us , That Pythagoras whilest he was in Babylon , had familiar conversation with one Zabratus , by whom he was cleansed from the Pollutions of his life past , and learned this Science concerning Nature , and what are the Principles of the Universe . That this Zabratus was a Jew , we have endeavoured to prove afore , chap. 5. § . 8. And whether we affirm that Pythagoras received his History of Nature , and of the principles of the Vniverse , from his Masters , Thales , and Pherecydes , or from the Egyptians , or Phenicians , yet that it came originally from Moses's storie of the Creation , I think will be prettie evident from a consideration of Particulars .

1. The world made by God . § . 9. First Pythagoras held Positively that the World was made by God , and by Him adorned with an excellent Order , Harmonie and Beautie , as to all its parts , whence He was the first that called it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to Adorn , or Beautifie , answerable to Gen. 1.31 . Very good . Gen. 1.31.2 . The first Matter , Gen. 1.1 , 2. &c. 2. Pythagoras's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or first matter , was the same with that of Plato ; concerning which he treats so largely in his Tima●s , proving that it was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. without Forme &c. This Timaus the Locrian , whom Plato here brings in , thus discoursing of the Origine of the Vniverse , its first Matter , &c. was indeed a Pythagorean , from whom Plato borrowed much of his Natural Philosophie , as Hieronymus in his Apologie against Ruffinus assures us . And that Plato's Timaeus , or discourse of the Origine of the Universe was traduced from the first chap. of Genesis , and other parts of the Mosaick historie , I conceive will receive a strong probabilitie , from what shall be laid down in the original of Plato's Philosophie . At present let any but compare this 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or first Matter , asserted by Pythagoras , and Plato , with Sanchoniathons 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or slime , and Thales's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 water , they will find all to answer exactly to Moses's description of the first Matter , Gen. 1.1 , 2. &c. 3. As for the Forme of the Universe , Pythagoras , Plato , and the foregoing Philosophers , dreamt not of any such Forme , as Aristotle invented to be educed out of the passive power of the Matter : no ; 3. The Forme of the World , its Order , &c. Gen. 1.13 . all the Forme they asserted , was the Harmonie , Beautie Order , and Perfe●●ion of the Universe , and all its parts , resulting from that Law of Nature , which Divine Wisdom stamped on the Beings of all Things , together with that Divine 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Providence , which Inspired , and Influenced the whole Creation ; Governing and Directing all things to their proper Offices , Functions , and Ends , which they stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the soul of the world . From this Order , Beautie , or Perfection of things , the word Forme had its original ; for 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 comes from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Beauty , by an easie transposition of φ into the place of μ , on which account Pythagoras called the World 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as before . Yea Pythagoras made Harmonie the Forme , and Soul of all things , as Gen. 1.3 .

§ . 10. The main Active principle Fire . But the main Active principle of all things in the Universe , according to the Pythagorean Philosophie , was Fire . So Aristotle , lib. 2. de Coelo , cap. 13 , tels us , That the Pythagoreans placed Fire in the middle of the world , as that which was the most excellent Principle , and preservative of all things : he addes also that Fire was called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Jupiter's custodie . This also was the opinion of Numa Pompilius , as Plutarch in his Life affirms : whence it is generally thought , that Numa had conversation with Pythagoras ; but this cannot be , because Numa was more ancient : only we may suppose they both had their perswasion from the same original , namely the Mosaick Institutes , by the hands of the Phenicians , or some other . The same Plutarch tels us , That Numa caused the Temple of Vesta to be made round according to the Figure of the World , in the midst whereof was placed the eternal Fire ( preserved by the Vestal Nuns ) as a symbolick image of the Sun . That the main Ceremonies of this Temple were instituted by some Pythagorean Prescript , in imitation of the Jewish Temples , we shall endeavour hereafter to prove , both from the name Vesta , which comes from the ●reek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and this from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Es Jah the Fire of Jehovah , according to Lev. 6.12 , 13. where the Priests are commanded to preserve the Fire on the Altar , &c. as also from the Vestal Nuns , and Priests , &c. At present , it may suffice to shew , that the Pythagoreans had a great reverence of Fire , as that , which being the most active , and noble principle of all things , diffuseth it self thorough out the whole Universe ; and therefore they placed its main seat in the midst of the World , whence it might , as the Heart in mans body , shed abroad its natural vivifick heat , and influences into all sublunarie bodies , for their nourishment , and conservation . Plato speaks to the same purpose of a Fire that diffuseth it self through the Vniverse , for the production of diverse effects , which agrees exactly with the words of Moses , Gen. 1.2 . according to the interpretation of Beza , and Serranus out of him , on Plato's Timeus , fol. 10. The element of Fire , saies Serranus , was nothing else , but that fiery spirit , or efficacy , which is variously diffused , in the Symmetrie of the Universe , for the nourishing and somenting all things according to their respective natures . Which vivifick natural heat Moses , Gen. 1.2 . Gen. 1.2 . calls the Spirit of God : and Plato 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , effective Fire . And whereas it is said , this sacred Fire , which the Pythagoreans so much adored , was a Symbol of the Sun ; I suppose , this sprang from that common opinion amongst the Ancients ( especially the Chaldean Philosophers ) that the Sun was a fierie bodie : which how far it is consonant to truth , and Mosaick Tradition , we intend hereafter to examine , when we come to the Philosophie of Plato ; who also affirmed the same . To conclude ; This Pythagorean principle , That Fire is the great Active principle of all things ; was also held by Heraclitus the Founder of the Heraclitian Sect , which was but a branch of the Pythagorean : Also Xenophanes the Colophonian , the Founder of the Eleatick Sect ( another branch of the Pythagorean Sect ) held the Sun consists of a collection of little Fires ; &c. Plato also held the Heavens to be Fire , as August . lib. 8. c. 11. which seemes most consonant to Scripture story ; for 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 comes from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which signifies both Light , and Fire : as also the Greek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 signifies Fire , as well as Light ; so Mark. 14.54 . of which more in Plato's Philosophie where 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 is defined 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : The Stoicks also made Fire the chief Principle of all things .

Pythagoras's Medicine . § . 11. Pythagoras and his followers were much versed in Medicine , or active Physick . So Iamblichus ( de vita Pythagorae cap. 20. ) saies , That amongst the Sciences , which the Pythagoreans were versed in Medicine was one of the chief : then he addes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The chiefest part of their Medicine consisted in an exact Regiment , or right order of Diet. Where Iamblichus subjoynes many other particulars of the Pythagorean Medicine . So Cornelius Celsus in Praefat. amongst the famous Professors of Medicine reckons up Pythagoras for one , who flourished under Cyrus , Cambyses , and Darius : as Laertius , Solinus , Eusebius , and Vossiu● . That Pythagoras was very severe in his Prescripts , or Rules of Dyet , both to himself and his Followers , we have already shewn : how that he Prescribed to himself , and his Followers , Abstinence from all Meats , that might too much heate the bloud ; as from Flesh , and Wine : also from such meats as did load the stomack , and were not easily digested ; likewise from such as were obstructive , and bred ill humours ; as Beanes , &c. Lastly from all such meats as might bring a 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an ill habitude of bodie , or mind . For the great end , and scope of all the Pythagorean Prescripts , and Abstinencies , was to preserve an 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a good Healthfull Complexion of Bodie , and cleannes of Mind . As for the original of Pythagoras's Medicinal skill , Apuleius tels us , That he received it from the Chaldeans ; i. e. as I concieve the Jews ; who in Pythagoras's time lived amongst , and were subject to the Chaldeans ; and therefore might well passe under their name ; as before : Neither do we find any considerable mention of the Chaldeans , their skill in Medicine ; but that the Jews were excellently versed therein , we have sufficient proof , both from what is mentioned of Solomon , 1. Kings 4.3 , 4. touching his skill in Plants , and Animals , &c. Also by Eusebius , who saies he was excellently skilled in Medicine , and curing of Diseases , &c. ( as book 1. cap. 1. par. 11. ) Likewise from what Cunaeus ( de repub . Jud. ) relates of the Jewish Physicians , that belonged to the Temple for curing the sick Priests , and Levites . But amongst the Jews none more famous for skill in Medicine than the Essenes , who had a particular inclination , and devotion to this Studie , whom the Pythagoreans affected an imitation of , in this , as in other parts of their Discipline , as before .

§ . 12. As Pythagoras was well skilled in Physicks , Pythagoras's Moral Philosophie . or Natural Sciences , both Contemplative , and Active ; so was he likewise no lesse versed in Moral Philosophie ; which according to the Third 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Relation of men· 1. To Themselves , or , 2. To their Families , or , 3. To the Cities , or Common-wealths they live in , admits of a Three-fold Distribution . 1. Into Ethicks , 2. Into Oeconomicks , 3. Into Politicks . The Pythagoreans were skill'd in all these . 1. As for that part of Moral Philosophie , the Greeks call 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Ethicks , 1. Ethicks . which concerns the right government of man's self , Pythagoras , and his Adherents were much in the Studie , and Practice thereof . Yea indeed Pythagoras esteemed all Philosophie but Vain , which did not some way conduce to the m●liorating , or bettering of a man's self . Thus Stobaeus Serm. 80. brings in Pythagoras thus Philosophizing : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . That discourse of a Philosopher is Vain , which cures not some passion of a man : For look as that Medicine is uselesse , which frees not the bodie from diseases , so likewise Philosophie , which drives not away evil from the soul . The Learned divide Ethicks into 3 parts 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 1. 1. Pythagorean Dogmes relating to Moral Philosophie . 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Dogmatick . 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Exhortative , or Preceptive . 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Characteristical . Pythagoras , and his Disciples were versed in each of these . Concerning the Dogmatick part of Ethicks , the Pythagoreans laid down many wholesome Principles relating to the Object , Subject , and End , &c. of Moral Philosophie , viz· That the Souls happines lay only in God its chiefest Good : That the proper Subject of Ethicks was the Humane Soul , as capable of the chiefest Good : That its chief End was to cure the Soul of its 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 it s sick diseased passions , and to bring it to an 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or good healthie complexion , which consisted in vittuous Dispositions , and Acts. These Dogmes , albeit they were not Formally , and Methodically treated of , according to that accurate Method of Definition , Division , &c. to which Aristotle reduced them , yet were they all seminally , and virtually comprised in the Pythagorean Philosophie . And particularly Pythagoras expresly asserted 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. That virtue consisted in Harmonie ; yea that all health of bodie , and minde , yea all good , yea God himself , and so all things else consisted in Harmonie , as Diogenes Laertius informs us . Pythagoras farther taught his Scholars 3 Mediums , by which they might become Masters of Philosophie , and better themselves : 1. By conversation with the Gods . 2. By Well doing , for that is proper to God , and therein they were imitators of God . 3. By Death , whence he affirmed , that the most considerable of all things , is to instruct the Soul aright , touching Good and Evil : and that men have perfect felicitie in having a good Soul , as Iamblichus , and Stanly out of him of Pythagoras's Philosophie , part. 3. chap. 1. fol. 83. 2 Their pathetick precepts , and exhortations to virtue . And as the Pythagoreans held many useful Dogmes of Moralitie ; so were they not lesse versed in the Hortative , and Preceptive part of Ethicks ; as it appears by the model of their Discipline before mentioned ; as also from that great Apothegme of Pythagoras , which he frequently inculcated on his Disciples , as the summe of his Philosophie , viz. That in all things they should endeavour to avoid excesse , &c. of which hereafter .

§ . 13. But the chief part of the Pythagorean Ethicks was Characteristical : for Pythagoras taught moralitie mostly , Characteristical Ethicks . A wicked state represented by a Coffin , and Death . Virtutis studium litera Y. significabat Lactant. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 by Ethick Characters ; i. e. Lively descriptions of Virtues , and Vices , by Symbols , Fables , Emblems , Images , or Signes , and Effects , answerable to Aesops-Fables , Philostratus's - Fables , and also the Scriptural Types , and Parables . Pythagoras also exhorted his Scholars to Virtue under that Symbolick letter Y , as Lactant. l. 6. c. 3. which was thence called Pythagoras's Letter ; not that he was the first Inventor of it , as some conceive ( for it was found out 600 years before his time , by Palamedes ) but because he was the first , that applied it to this Mystical . sense , as Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. Thus Pythagoras expressed to the Life , the condition of a Debauched Profligate Wretch , by his Symbol of a Coffin , which signified his being dead in sin , exactly answerable to the Jewish , and Scriptural Phrasiologie ; whence we need no way doubt , but that Pythagoras borrowed this Symbolick Image . Thus the Father of the Prodigal speaks , Luk. 15.24 . Luk. 15.24 . [ This my Son was dead . ] where Hammond ( out of Grotius ) observes , That this is according to the ordinarie Notion of Pythagoras , who for any , that had forsaken his Schole , i. e. refused to live according to his Rules of Philosophie , had a 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an emptie Coffin set in his place , to signifie him to be morally dead . This was a common Symbolick manner of speech amongst the Jews , to expresse a wicked state of Spiritual , or moral death . So Philo defines this Moral death , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , when the soul is dead as to the life of Virtue , and lives only the life of sin , as elsewhere , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , wicked men are dead in their souls . And that this Symbol was by Tradition from the Jews universally received amongst the Oriental Barbarick Philosophers , and thence traduced into Greece , appears by what follows , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . For in the Barbarick Philosophie ( which takes in also the Jewish ) they call men fallen from their Principles dead ; as such also , who subjugate their Minds to their Sensual passions . But more of this , when we come to discourse of Pythagoras's Symbols . 2. Salt a Symbol of holie Communion . 2. Another Ethick Character , or Symbol , which Pythagoras used to express his Moral Precepts by , was that 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to set down Salt : by which he signified , that Holy , and Intimate Communion , and Friendship , which ought to be amongst all those of his Society . For Salt was used first in the Jewish Church , and thence in the Pythagorean College , as a Symbol , 1. Of Confederation , or Covenant , 2. Of Communion , and Friendship , 3. Of Sanctitie , as we have proved already , and shall give farther proof thereof . 3. Another Characteristical Symbol , under which Pythagoras couched a reproof against Sloathful , or Pratling Scholars was this . 3. The Swallow a Symbol of a s●loathful Student . [ Receive not a Swallow into your house ] i. e. saith Iamblichus , Admit not a sloathful person unto your Philosophie , which requireth great industrie , and unwearied patience . The Swallow comes but in one season , and staies not long ; but sleeps a good part of the year . Others by Pythagoras's Swallow intend a great pratler , or babler . This Ethick Character against sloath , and vain discourse , doth Symbolize with many of Solomons Proverbs , against sloathful persons . 4. Under this Symbolick Character , 4. Against Passion . 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . [ Turn away from thy self every edge . ] Pythagoras exhorted men to the use of prudence , rather then passion , as Iamblichus . 5. By this Symbol [ Stir not the Fire with a sword ] Pythagoras advised his Disciples not to provoke the passions of Potent men ; as Diogenes understands it ; or not to provoke a man full of Fire , and Anger , Diogen . is for Patience . 6. Against Covetuousnes . 7. Fortitude . 8. Against distracting Cares 9. Justice . 10. Virtue expressed by Harmonie , Health , &c. as Iamblichus . 6. Pythagoras's Ethick Character , or Symbol , by which he dehorted men from Covetousnes , was this , [ Breed nothing that has crooked Talons , ] i. e. saith Iamblichus , be not tenacious . 7. Pythagoras taught his Disciples Patience , and Fortitude , &c. by this Symbol , [ Help to lay on a burden , but not to take it off . ] This saith Iamblichus , teacheth Fortitude , &c. 8. Pythagoras taught his Scholars to avoid anxious heart-distracting cares by this Symbolick Character , [ Eat not the heart . ] i. e. Consume not thy heart by cares , &c. answerable to that of Chirst , Mat. 6.27.31 , 32.27 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 9. Pythagoras exhorted men to Justice under that lively Symbol [ Passe not over the ballance ] This , saith Iamblichus , commands to do justice , to observe equalitie , &c. which agrees exactly to that Ethick Character , or Proverb , used frequently by Solomon , as Prov. 11.1 . A false ballance is an abomination to the Lord ; but a just weight , &c. The like Prov. 16.11 Prov. 20.23.10 . And lastly Pythagoras to draw his Scholars to a chearful embracing of Virtue , was wont to give it many amiable , and lively characters under the Symbolick Images of Bodilie Health , Sanitie , and Beautie ; but principally under the Symbol of Musical Harmonie ; for what ever was excellent he compared to Harmonie ; which suites very much with the Characters of Grace in Scripture , which stiles it the Beautie , Health , and Harmonie of the Soul . But more of these Symbols hereafter .

§ . 14. We have now dispatched Pythagoras's Ethicks , The summe of Pythag.'s Ethicks . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . which may be summed up in these two words , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , i. e. forbear moral evils , or the evils of action ; and bear physical natural evils , or the evils of passion : for all Ethicks , or morals are comprehended under active , and passive moralitie , or under Abstinence , and Tollerance . i. e. forbearing what is evil in manners , and bearing ( which implies doing also , as well as suffering ) what is evil to nature . Pythagoras's Politicks .

§ . 15. Pythagoras taught not only Ethicks , but also the two other parts of Moral Philosophie ; viz. Oeconomicks , which regard the Government of Families ; and Politicks , which respect the Government of Cities , and Nations . This latter Pythagoras , and his Followers , were greatly versed in : for 't is said that Pythagoras had his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , book of Politicks , which he composed , and gave to his Scholars , as Laertius relates . Iamblichus saies , That Pythagoras used to say , that amongst Being's , nothing was pure , but every thing partaked of some other , as Earth of Fire , &c. farther , That there was a friendship of all to●ards all , answerable to that saying , man is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 on which he grounded his Politicks . Iamblicus saies also That men hold Pythagoras was the first Inventor of all Politick Science . 'T is true there were Lawgivers more ancient , as Minos of Crete , and Lycurgus of Sparta , whose laws Pythagoras consulted ( as Iamblichus cap. 5 , ( but yet we read not ( as I conceive ) of any publick Professor of the Science of Politicks more ancient than Pythagoras , The original of Pythag.'s Politicks from the Jewish & Mosaick Laws . who made it a main design of his Travels , & Studies to informe himself , touching the ancient Laws , and the best Maximes of Politie ; this put him upon a journie to Crete , to consult Minos's Laws ; and upon another to Sparta to informe himself in the Constitutions of Lycurgus . But amongst all the Constitutions , Laws , and Maximes of Politie , he met with none afforded him greater light , and assistance , for the framing his Bodie of Politicks , than the Mosaick Laws , and Politick Constitutions . And that Pythagoras did in truth traduce the best of his Laws , and Principles of Politie from Moses's Laws , and Politie , will be more evident hereafter , when we come to treat of the traduction of all Humane Laws from the Divine Mosaical Law . At present take only this proof hereof : It is well known , that Zaleucus , the great Founder of the Locrian Laws , was Disciple to Pythagoras , from whom we may presume he received the Bodie of his Politie , now that the Locrian Laws were many of them of Jewish extract , and original , is evident . I shall only mention one , which Aristotle in his Politicks takes notice of , telling us , that the Locrenses were forbid to sell their Ancestors possessions : which was plainly a Mosaick institute . I might instance in the Roman 12 Tables , the Agrarian Laws , and others , which , were traduced originally from the Mosaick Laws , by the hands of Pythagoras , or some other .

The Pythagoreans greatly verst in Politicks . § . 16. Pythagoras , as he had an high esteem of this Science of Politicks , so it was the last piece of Philosophie he acquainted his Disciples with ; as Varro , and out of him Augustin in his last Book de ordine . Iamblichus ( cap. 20. ) tels , That the Pythagoreans imployed their time after Dinner in Political affaires . And that the chief Politicians of Italie proceeded from Pythagoras his Schole we are assured by Iamblichus , ( l. 1. c. 29. ) and by Vossius , de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 27. This , saies he , was the great glorie of Pythagoras , that in Italie so many excellent Rectors of Common-wealths proceeded out of his Schole . Amongst these the most famous were 1 , Zalencus , who gave Laws to the Locrenses , and is supposed to have been the first , who committed his Laws to writing . For Strabo saies of the Locrenses , That they are beleived to be the first that enjoyed written Laws . As for the Laws of Lycurgus , he forbad the writing of them . 2. Also Charondas the Catanean another of Pythagoras's Disciples , who gave Laws to the Thurii , &c.

The two main Pythagorean principles of Politie , were 1. For Libertie , 2. against Faction . § . 17. The great Maximes of Politie , or Reasons of State , which Pythagoras instilled into his Disciples , as the main Foundations of Human Politie , and Government , were these Two : 1. The extirpation of Tyrannie , and Preservation of Libertie . 2. The Prevention , and removing of Dissentions : These Principles he endeavoured to put in Practice , where ever he came . So Porphyrie pag. 14 , and Iamblichus cap. ● . informe us . That whatsoever Cities Pythagoras in his travels through Italie , and Sicilie found subjected one to the other , he instilled into them Principles of Libertie by his Scholars , of whom he had some in every Citie . Thus he freed Croto , Sybaris , Catana , Rhegium , Himera , Agrigentum , &c. To whom he sent Laws by Charondas the Catanean , and Zaleucus the Locrian ; by means whereof they lasted a long time well governed . He wholly took away dissention : for he did frequently utter his great Apothegme , Pythagoras's great Apothegm . ( which was a kind of abstract of his Philosophie ) That we ought to avoid with our utmost endeavour , and to cut off even with Fire , and Sword , from the Bodie Sicknes ; from the Soul Ignorance ; from the Bellie Luxurie ; from a Citie Sedition ; from a Familie Discord ; from all things Excess . Which Apothegme comprehends the summe of all his Morals , both Ethicks , Oeconomicks , and Politicks : of which see Stanly of Pythag. cap. 17.

CHAP. VIII . Pythagoras's Theologie traduced from the Jewish Church .

Pythagoras's Theologie the center of his Philosophie : his Tetractie from the Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . His 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 from Exod. 3.14 . His Scriptural notions of Gods Unitie , Simplicitie , &c. His Divine Ideas the same with the Scripture descriptions of Gods Decrees ; and founded on that Oriental Maxime , Parmenides's opinion of Ideas . Timaeus ●oc●us of Ideas . His primarie Idea the same with Gods Idea of things possible . His exemplar answers to God's Decree of things future . Gen. 1.31 . With Timaeus's Tradition thence . Of Gods Creation , and Providence . Of Divine Worship against images , Exod. 20.4 . That God is to be worshipped according to his own Will. Their exactnes in Divine Worship , Eccles. 5.1 . Pythagoras's Damons , their Nature , and Office according to Plato's description . Pythagoras's Aeones . His traditions of the Soul , its Immortalitie , &c. His Metempsychosis . The Pythagorean Theologie mystical , &c.

§ . 1. HAving finished Pythagoras's Philosophie , both Natural , and Moral ; we now proceed to his Supernatural , or Metaphysicks , which is either Theologick , and Divine ; or Magick , and Diobolick : We shall begin with Pythagoras's Theologie , which indeed comprehended the best part of his Philosophie , and gave foundation to Plato's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Natural Theologie , Platoni disciplinam Pythagoricam diligenti et magnifica opera instructam visam fuisse : eumque ab ipsis intellectualem Philosophiae partem accepisse . Apuleius de Philos. as also to Aristotle's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Metaphysicks . That Plato received much of his Natural Theologie from this of Pythagoras is generally granted , and shall be hereafter proved : our present work is to shew , what Pythagoras's Theologie was , and how he traduced it from the Jews , and Scriptures . That Pythagoras received the choicest of his Theologick contemplations immediately from the Jews , while he was in Judea , Egypt , and Babylon , I conceive may be groundedly conjectured by what has been before laid down , chap. 5. § . 2. & 6. But supposing this be denyed , yet I suppose no one can rationally denie , that he received his Theologie from the Phenicians , Egyptians , Chaldeans , Pherecydes , and Orpheus , who had theirs origionally from the Jews , as before . He is said to have a particular affection for , and inclination unto Orpheus's Theologie , whose Philosophie , if we may believe Iamblichus , he had continually before his eyes .

Pythagoras . made Theologie the Center of his Philosophie . § . 2. Pythagoras according to Iamblichus's relation ( chap. 29 ) made Theologie , or the Knowledge of God the first , most universal Being , to be the Center of all his Philosophie ; for , saies he , Pythagoras , who first gave the name to Philosophie , defined it ( 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Plato termes it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) a friendship , or love to Wisdom . Wisdom is the knowledge of the truth of things that are 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Things that are , he called immaterials , eternals , and Sole Agents . Other things are equivocally called such by participation with these ; For Corporeals indeed are not further then they depend upon incorporeals , Philosophie properly only 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . &c. Hence Pythagoras defined Philosophie , The knowledge of things that are , as things that are : again , the knowledge of things Divine , and Humane : also the meditation of Death , daily endeavouring to free the soul from the Prison of the bodie ; Lastly he defined it the resemblance of God , &c. Which Definitions are properly applicable to no part of Philosophie but Metaphysicks , or Natural Theologie ; August . Steuch . lib. 10. d● Per●n . Philos. cap. 10. whence Pythagoras judged the supreme end of all Philosophie to be the contemplation , and knowledge of Vnitie : which Architas interprets , of the Principles of all Principles ; and Plutarch of the Intelligent , and Eternal Nature : and Simplicius , of the Divine Majestie i. e. God . Hence we see the reason why Pythagoras was by way of Eminencie called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and his Philosophie 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Theologie , namely because he treated chiefly of God , his Nature , and Worship , and delivered 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Science of the worship of God ; which is properly the office of a Divine . So greatly was the Idea and perswasion of Divinitie impressed on his minde , as that without it he judged there could be no true Philosophie . Yea Aristotle himself . 10 Metaph. cap. 6. and elsewhere stiles his Metaphysicks 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Theologick Science . The Rabbins call the same 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the wisdom of the Deitie . The Author lib. de Mundo saith , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . which Cicero lib. 1. de Leg. expresseth thus : A man by Philosophie , undertakes the worship of the Gods , and pure Religion . By which it appears , the Ancients , especially Pythagoras , made Knowledge , and Worship of God the chief part of their Philosophie . Plato in his Definitions of Philosophie follows Pythagoras 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , making its Object to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that which truely is ; also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Being it self , or the most independent Being , &c. Yea Aristotle himself comes not much behind in making the object of his Metaphysicks to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Ens or Being in its universal latitude ; & its Affections 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Vnitie , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Truth , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bonitie , which Notions , I presume , he had from Plato , as he received the same from Pythagoras , or from the Jews .

§ . 3. Pythagoras's Natural Theologie , as to its Object or Matter , comprehended , 1. the Knowledge of God , his Names , Nature , Decrees , Providence , and Worship , &c. 2. The knowledge of the Aeones , or Angels . 3. The knowledge of the Daemons . 4. The knowledge of Human Soul , &c. Concerning the knowledge of God , his Names , Attributes , Acts , and Worship ; we find manifest footsteps of scriptural , and Jewish Traditions in Pythagoras's Theologie . For First , as to the Names of God ; that Pythagoras received some broken tradition , touching that Essentials Name , of God Jehovah , seemes manifest . For this Name 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 being sacred amongst the Jews , they endeavoured , what they could , to concele it from the Gentiles : whence instead of pronouncing of it , they called it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Pythagoras's Tetractie from the Jewish 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . the Four Lettered Name of God , and in imitation of the Jews , Pythagoras called it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tetractie . This Godefrid Wendelin in his Epistle to Erycius Puteanus Dissertations of Pythagoras's Tetractie : where he shews , That the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Four Lettered Name of God , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 was signified : Moreover , that Pythagoras traduced this Tetractie from the Jews and particularly from the Prophet Daniel , the Prince of the Magi , who was then , when Pythagoras visited Babylon ,

Haec omnia funt nomin● Naturae Divinae , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Vnitas , ipsum esse , ipsa Immobilitas Steuch . E●g . Peren. Philos. l. 3. c. 7.

Pythagoras 's Metaphysick contemplations about Gods Essence from Mosaick Descriptions of God .

Exod. 3.14 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 genere tantum d●fferunt . Steuch . Eugub . Paren . Philos. Dico ●andem rem ab cis ( scil. Philos. ) nuncupatam 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ipsum Ens , ipsam Infinitatem Steuch . Eugub . Peren. Philos. lib. 3. c. 7. Jambl. c. 29.

about 70 years aged , as Vossius Philos. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 5. That Pythagoras had clear notices of the Name 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Jah , which is but the contract of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Jehovah , is evident from all his Metaphysick Contemplations about 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Being , truely Being , Self-Being , &c. as in wh●t follows .

§ . 4. Neither could Pythagoras content his Curious Inquisitive Humor with some imperfect notices of Gods Name , but makes some farther Inquiries into his Essence , or Nature , concerning which he gained his best notices , and satisfaction from the Mosaick Descriptions of God . For the best discoverie , that ever was given of the Divine Essence , or Nature , is that , which God himself gives , Exod. 3.14 . I am , that I am , — and I am hath sent me . Which the LXX renders 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . ] As if he had said I am He that is . For the Greek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 is a Participle , which the Latins knew not how to express in one word better than by calling it Ens , Being , which Caesar derived from Sum , I am , as potens from Possum . It here signifies , That God alone is the First , Eternal , Infinite , most Simple , most Necessarie , most Absolute , most Independent , yea only , truely , properly , and purely Being . For all Beings else have much of not-Being , or nothing ; yea much more of Nothing than of Something mixed with them : yea all things else , if compared with God , they are but meer Metaphors , or Shadows of his Being , or rather pure Nothings , or lesse than Nothings , as Esa. phraseth it , Esa. 40.17 . And Job speaketh in the same Dialect frequently . Now that Pythagoras traduced his Contemplations of God hence , is to me , and I think , to any other that shall duely consider it , most apparent . For whence could Pythagoras , and his followers Timaeus , Parmenides , and Plato out of them , traduce their Metaphysick Contemplations of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Being , Self-Being , Very-Being , &c. but from this Scriptural Definition of God . For we must remember , that the Pythagoreans , and Platonicks from them , when they discourse 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. of Being , or that which is truely Being , they understand it of God , the most Vniversal , Infinite , and only true Being : They accounted all derived , temporal , lower Beings , but as Beings by accident , or to speake in Aristotle's phrase , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Beings of , or from Being , they judged nothing 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , properly , and truely Being , but what was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 very Being , or self-Being : and first-Being . Thus Steuch . Eugubinus de Peren. Philos. l. 4. c. 7. The Ancients called God 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Being it self , that which only , and principally exists , which never was not , never shall cease to be . Other things sometimes have been , and sometimes have not been . As therefore the Divinitie is stiled with an article 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Vnitie it self , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Bonitie it self : so by a manner of eminence it is called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Being it self . And because Being is ascribed principally to God , it seems to denote , that he alone is Essence , and that he alone is ; so that in comparison of Him , other things exist not . By Three Testimonies it appears , that the Divine Nature is Being it self , by the Testimonie of the Ancient Theologie , by the Testimonie of Plato , who is as it were the Interpreter thereof , lastly by the Testimonies of the Heavenlie Philosophie , the mistress and guide of the other . For the Sacred Name Jehova , being as it were , the Third person of the Verb Substantive future , Jod being turned into Vau , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , hence this most ancient name of God was translated to the Greeks ; ( for 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 differ only in Gender . ) Thence in what follows he adds It is true , we may doubt , what Plato meant by his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , unlesse we call to witnes the Superior Divines , and the heavenlie Philosophie it self , with which Plato differs not , save in the variation of the Gender , so that he who is stiled in the Sacred Scripture 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ( Gen. 3.14 . ) Who am , is called by Plato 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Being . Which variation was duely made , for two causes , both because the Hebrews have no Neuter Gender , and also because it seemes more full to say , God is Being it self , as that comprehends the whole plenitude of Existence , than to say 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Existing . For Names of the very Natures , or Essences , import more than Derivatives from them : As Life signifies more than Vital . And God is rightly exprest by the present , who is , because with him there is neither past , nor to come , but the very Eternal Presence alone . Pythagoras , when he defines Philosophie a Love to the Knowledge 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Beings . ] By Beings , saith Iamblichus , he understood ( 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) sole , and self Agents , Immaterials , and Eternals , other Beings indeed are not Beings , but yet are equivocally called such by participation with these Eternals , Iamblichus cap. 29. So Plato in his Parmenides ( who was a Pythagorean ) treating of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Being , and Unitie , which he makes the First Principle of all things , thereby understands God : so in his Timaeus , Locrus ( who was also a Pythagorean , from whom he received much of his knowledge of God , and of the origine of the Universe , as hereafter ) he saies , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Being is alwaies , neither hath it beginning . So again in his Timaeus ( edit. Stephan . fol. 37 , 38. ) he proves nothing properly is , but God the Eternal Essence , to which , saies he , we doe very improperly attribute those distinctions of time Was , and Shall be ; for 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 is , properly , and truely , only belongs to this Eternal Essence . These Contemplations , as 't is supposed , he received from this Timaeus the Locrian who was a Pythagorean ; yet we need not doubt , but that originally they were traduced from Exod. 3.14 . for the Greek participle 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 there used signifies properly the present time only , as the Hebrew , excluding from God erat , and erit , was , and shall be , past , and future ; denoting that God only is , according to the description of the Pythagoreans , and Platonicks . Phutarch saies , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The true Being is Eternal , Ingenerable , and Incorruptable , unto which no time ever brings mutation . Hence in the Delphick Temple among other Rarities , which might please the greater wits , there was engraven 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which signifies ▪ Thou art . And indeed of God alone it can be truly said He is , without mutation . That Pythagoras did really traduce these Metaphysick Notions of Gods Essence from Moses , see Lud. Vives on Aug. Civit. l. 8. c. 11. where he concludes thus . I doubt not but Pythagoras was taught these mysteries in Egypt , and that from the sacred Volumnes , of which more hereafter .

Pythagoras 's Scriptural tradition of the unitie of God .

Empedocles autem , et Parmenides , autore Aristotele , appellabant

Deum nomine Vnitatis : ergo idem est apud eos 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ipsa Vnitas , er unum Principium Steuch . Eugub . Peren. Philos. l. 3. c. 7.

§ . 5. Pythagoras seems to have had some Scriptural , or Jewish tradition touching the Vnitie of Divine Essence . So Diogenes Laertius informes us , that Pythagoras asserted , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Vnitie to be the principle of all things , from which proceeded indefinite Dualitie , which was as matter subject to Unitie , it 's essential cause . We have a good explication on this mystical Pythagorean Unitie by Learned Reuehlin in his explication of the Pythagorean Doctrine è Cabala lib. 2. The Divine Essence ( saies he ) the preexistent Entitie , and Unitie of Existence , Substance , Essence , Nature , was by Pythagoras called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , because it is the Super-Essential Unitie and Being , from which , and by which , and in which , and through which , and to which all things are , and are ordered , & persist , and are comprehended , and converted , &c. Thus also Parmenides ( who followed Pythagoras ) herein is brought in by Plato Philosophizing on that old axiome 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , One , and many , and Determined thus , That God as he was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i. e. One Divine Essence , 1. Was not 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Many . 2. That he was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Celebre est dictum apud Platonicos 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 omninum rerumradix , & principium unitas Steuch . Eugubinus de Peren. Philos. l. 3. c. 5. One immutable Being . 3. That he was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . One Eternal Being , &c. This also Plato in his Philebus fol. 17. discourseth of at large , shewing how this 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and how these 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 were 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , i. e. How this one Divine Essence was many , as to the Divine Idea's , or Decrees , and how the Divine Ideas were one in the Divine Vnitie , and Essence , This Doctrine , saies he , seemes strange , but yet the Gods , as they say , have thus delivered it to us , to learne , and to teach it others , though some wise men now ( perhaps he means his Scholar Aristotle ) teach otherwise , &c. By which he seemes to confess that these Contemplations of God's Unitie came originally from the Jews , as hereafter .

§ . 6. Pythagoras seems also to have had some Jewish , Pythagoras's Jewish Tradition of Gods Simplicitie . if not Scriptural tradition of God's Simplicitie . This is apparent from Iamblichus's interpretation of that great Fundamental Symbol of Pythagoras , [ Grave not the Image of God in a Ring ] i. e. Philosophize , and above all things , think that the Gods are incorporeal . This Symbol is beyond all others the Seminarie of the Pythagorean Doctrines . Think not , that the Gods use formes that are Corporeal , neither that they are received into material substance fettered to the bodie , as other animals . Thus Iamblichus on Symbol 24. Thus also Plutarch in the Life of Numa Pompilius informes us , That the Pythagoreans thought , the God's were Invisible , Incorruptible , and only Intelligible , wherefore they forbad the Framing Images , or Formes of them . And Diogenes Laertius gives us a prettie Romance of Hieroninus , who , saith he , affirmes , that Pythagoras descending 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 into Hell , saw there Hesiods soul bound to a Brazen pillar , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 making a lamentable noise : and Homer's Soul hanging upon a tree , and Serpents about , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , for those things they feigned of the Gods , which storie , though but a Fiction , yet it is sufficient for our present purpose , to shew that Pythagoras was , according to the common Vogue , a professed enemie to all those Mythologick , & Poetick Fictions of the Gods . The same dislike we find in Plato against Homer for his monstrous fictions of God . So also Parmenides , ( who did much , Pythagorize ) is brought in by Plato discoursing of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or one Divine Being . 1. As one that was neither the whole , nor had he parts . 2. Neither had he beginning , nor end , therefore was 3. Infinite , and without termes . 4. Without Figure either round , or streight . 5. Neither in himself , nor in any thing else , nor any where , 6. Neither like , nor dislike ; neither equal , nor inequal , because without all termes , or composition . So Plato Parmenide , pag. 136 , and 140. Edit. Stephan . And Plato in his Repub. saies , God continues , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , simply in the same Forme &c. as hereafter . We find the simplicitie of the Divine Essence thus described , according to the Pythagorean Doctrine , by Reuchlin , ( and Stanly out of him , cap. 3. ) The Pythagoreans , saies he , assert three worlds , the Supreme , Intelligible , and the Sensible . The supreme world being that of the Deitie , is one , Divine continual constant Essence of Sempiternitie , poized as it were with immoveable weight ; not unfitly termed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the all governing Throne . It is not confined to genus , Place , Time , or Reason ; but is the free unlimited President over all these ; infinitely supreme in place , power , possession , excellence , above all Essence , Nature , Aevum , Age , &c. See Stanly , fol. 138.

Pythagoras's Divine Ideas the same with the Scriptural tradition of Gods Decrees . § . 7. That Pythagoras received by tradition from the Jews , if not immediately from the Scriptures , some notices , touching the Divine Idea's or Decrees ( which were the first original Archetype , or Universal exemplar of all things made ) seemes very probable . Thus August . Stouch . Eugubinus , de Peren. Philos. l. 1. c. 12. It is very observable , and worthie to be known , what Plutarch mentions , that the Divine mind , and Ideas , ( which Philo , and Plotinus taught ) are the same : and that his Wisdome , is the Nature and Substance of all Ideas : and that the whole series of Ideas is the same with the immense Sapience of God . It is also to be observed , that this Mind , was according to the Sentiment of all the Philosophers , the Creator , because they attribute unto him Ideas as the Origines of things . Whence it is manifest , that they thought , and spake , what they learned from the Barbarians . The first Barbarians were the Chaldeans , Egyptians , and , whom we ought to set in the first place , the Hebrews , &c. That Pythagoras asserted the Doctrine of Ideas before Plato , or Parmenides , is evident , as Reuchlin in his explication of the Pythagorean Doctrine shews us , that the Pythagoreans reduce all beings Subsistent , or Substant immediately to Ideas . And to prove , that Pythagoras , and his followers , Parmenides , Timaeus Locrus , and Plato by their original Ideas understood nothing else , but that which our Divines call the Divine Ideas , or Decrees of God , it will be necessarie to examine a little their Doctrine of Ideas , its Original , &c. The Foundation of the Pythagorean Ideas , that famous oriental tradition of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The great foundation of all this Doctrine of Ideas was that famous Oriental Tradition , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . That all is one , and many . This Axiome Plato expounds at large , out of Parmenides , and Timaeus Locrus the Pythagorean , shewing how , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , One was many , and many one : which ctrine , saies he , we received from the Ancient Philosophers , ( i. e. from Timaeus the Locrian , and Parmenides immediately , but from Pythagoras originally ) and they originally from the Gods who taught them thus to Philosophize , and teach others . What Plato's opinion of Ideas was , we shall reserve for its proper place ; we are now to treat only of the Pythagorean Doctrine concerning Ideas founded on this great Axiome , That all is one , and many . This Pythagorean Principle Parmenides ( who was of the Eleatick sect , a branch of the Italick , and Pythagorean ) much Philosophized on , Parmenides his opinion of Ideas . as the foundation of his Ideas . Him therefore we shall chiefly follow in the explication of this ●ythagorean Doctrine , as we find his opinions explained by Steuch . Eugubinus , by Ludovicus Vives , and Serranus . Steuchus Eugebinus , de Peren. Philos. l. 3. c. 8. saies , That the Vnitie , and Being was stiled by the Ancients , with a certain great and deep mysterie , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the very Vniverse . Aristotle in his first Book of the Principles of Philophie , delivers , that the Ancients affirmed , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , That one was all . Therefore they said , God was that All. This in what follows he applies to Empedocles , Parmenides , &c. Lud. Vives in August . civit . Dei l. 8. c. 1. gives us this general account of Parmenides's ( and so of Pythagoras's ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 One , &c. There are not wanting some ( saies he ) who conceive that Parmenides himself in his Poems , in which he comprized his Philosophie , affirming all things to be One , understood that One to be God ; of which number is Simplicius . Neither is it likely that Parmenides an acute , and wise man could be ignorant of the Division , and Multiplicitie of things , which in plain words he asserted in his Poems . For when he had versifyed much , and enough on that One first Being . Hitherto saies he of these true , and supreme Beings ; now of Mortals , and confused Beings , &c. But Serranus does more fully , and clearly expound unto us this Doctrine of Parmenides touching Ideas ( in Plato's Parmenides fol. 124. ) This saies he , was the opinion of Parmenides concerning Ideas . In the Vniverse of things there is nothing that happens unadvisedly , or by chance ; but all things depend on the force , and efficacie of their Ideal causes . Of these Ideas he makes two sorts . 1. One he makes to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. Infinite , Immovable , Eternal , Simple , and Causative of all things . This he calls the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The primarie Idea , which being 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , gives being and virtue to all things . 2. As for the Secondarie Ideas , they are 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Gods works , or second natural causes depending on God . He denies therefore that any thing happens 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 of it self , without the Divine mind influencing it . The same Serranus ( in Plato's Parmenides , fol. 130. ) Parmenides , saies he , teacheth 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that all is One , and that this 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , One , is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Archetype Idea , and thence 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , That one is many , and many again one . Where he notes the power , and force of the One in the Ideas , in which it is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The proper forme , or exemplar , and thence to know the nature of any intelligibles , we must reduce them to the Unitie of Idea . Thus Serranus of the original of these Ideas . The plain mind of this dark Oriental Tradition is this ; That the Divine Essence , which in it self is but one ; in respect of it's Divine Ideas , or Decrees may be looked on as many ; and thus one becomes many , and many one . Thus Plato , and Serranus on him ( fol. 134. ) explain Parmenides his Ideas . Parmenides saith 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , That God has the most accurate Knowledge ; and that this Knowledge he has by his Ideas ; and that these Ideas arise not from us , ( i. e. external objects ) but from Himself , from his own Infinite Essence , ( the glasse of all those Ideas which represent things Possible ) and from his Sovereign , Absolute will , ( which is the glasse wherein he contemplates the Ideas of things Future ) for otherwise , saies Parmenides , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The Gods would not be our Lords , neither would they know Humane affaires , should their Ideas or Knowledge arise from us , and not from themselves . How Divinely does Parmenides here Philosophize on the Absolute , Independent , Sovereign Ideas , or Decrees of God , to the confusion of that great Jesuitical Idol of Scientia Media , which is the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 of all Pelagianisme : of which more when we come to Plato , &c.

§ . 8. Besides Parmenides , there were other Pythagoreans who Philosophized largely on this Doctrine of Ideas : as Epicarmus , or Cous , and Timaeus Locrus , both famous Philosophers of the Pythagorean Sect , from whom Plato , as 't is conceived , received much of his Philosophie touching Ideas . So Lud. Vives in Aug. Civ . l. 8. c. 11. Alcimus , saith he , in the Books which he writ to Amynthas , teacheth us , that Plato borrowed his Opinion of God being 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as also that of Ideas from the Books of Epicarmus , who was Cous a Philosopher of the Pythagorean Sect most famous : Timaeus also the Locrian has writ of Ideas in his Book of the Universe . But all these things , Plato being of a more accurate Wit , and assisted with a deeper , and more Divine Doctrine , has more largely , and clearly explained . Though I doubt not , but Pythagoras had before learned these things from the Sacred Scriptures , &c. Timaeus Locrus his opinion of Ideas . As for Timaeus Locrus the Pythagorean , we have his opinion of Ideas laid down at large by Plato in his Timaeus , or Dialogue of the Origine of the Universe , which , I presume he calls Timaeus , because he received the main Principles , and Materials of it from this Timaeus the Pythagorean . The summe of this Discourse in Plato's Timaeus , about Ideas , may be reduced to this Scheme . The primarie Idea of things possible seated in the Divine Essence . God in the Production of the Universe acted as a skilful wise Artificer , according to the Ideas of his own eternal Wisdom . These Ideas existing in the mind of God , he makes to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , self-subsisting , or independent , eternal , indivisible , immaterial , and simple . These first original Ideas seem to answer to those Divine Ideas , which the Scholes suppose in the Divine Essence , and Power , which is the glasse of things possible , the object of Gods simple Intelligence . Besides this original simple Idea , Plato brings in Timaeus discoursing of another kind of Idea , which he calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The secondarie Exemplar of things future , the same with Gods decrees . an exemplar , or image , which he makes to be the first foetus , impress , or off-spring of the former original Idea . This Exemplar , or Image , as it is conformed , and exactly answerable to the first original Idea ; so likewise is it a lively delineation or representation of the future work or thing to be made , whence the Divine Agent , having got his Exemplar , proceeds to the production of his work answerable thereunto . His words are these , The difference 'twixt 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , where he distinguisheth his Idea from his Exemplar , making the former to be first , and productive of the latter . Unto this 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Exemplar , or Image , the Divine Idea's of things future , or the Decrees of God , which the Scholes suppose to be seated in the Will of God , the object of Gods Science of Vision , seem to answer . Laertius saies , that Plato makes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Idea , and Exemplar Synonymous , I conceive he is mistaken . This 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Exemplar , or intelligible Image . Timaeus ( Edit. Steph. fol. 30. ) calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. the Animal , Living , Intelligible World , which is elsewhere called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Ideal World , the self Liver , the alwaies Liver ; and by the Pythagoreans it is generally stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , intelligible World , which they place in the middle , betwixt the Supreme World or the Divine Essence , and the Sensible World , or Universe . This Exemplar Serranus ( on the fore-cited place of Timaeus , fol. 30. ) makes to be that eternal Image , or Exemplar in the mind of God , delineated , or drawn according to the Idea of his eternal Wisdom , according to which all things are produced . Yea , thus Plato seems to express Timaeus's mind , fol. 29. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . If the World be beautiful , and it's Maker good , it is evident , that he eyed some internal Exemplar , &c. So before ( Timaeus fol. 28. The goodness of all things consists in their answering to their Original Exemplar in Gods Decrees . ) Wherefore , saies he , if he that undertakes to effect any thing , regards this unvariable Exemplar 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. it cannot be but that the work should be exactly formed . Thus Timaeus the Pythagorean in Plato's words , which indeed seems exactly to answer that of Moses , Gen. 1.31 . and God saw every thing that he made , and behold it was very good . So saies Augustin ( de Civit. Dei . l. 11. c. 21. ) on this place , hereby is understood God's approbation of his work made according to Art , which is the wisdom of God . Yea Timaeus , according to Plato's relation , ( fol. 30. edit. Steph. ) speakes more fully and openly the sense ( almost in the very words ) of Moses , Gen. 1.31 . Thus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. For God willed , that all things should be good , and nothing bad , neither is it lawful , saies he , to suppose that God , who is best , should make the World but in the best and most beautiful manner : then he concludes , fol. 37. Thus , after the Father of the Universe had beheld his Workmanship , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the framed a visible Image of the eternal invisible Gods , he recreated and reposed himself therein , i. e. God was delighted in his own works , because they were exactly conformed to , and so sensible Ideas , or visible Images of that eternal Exemplar , and those invisible Ideas , or Decrees lodged in his own sovereign Will , and Essence . Does not Plato here speak plainly , not only the mind of Timaeus , but of Moses also ? This is not mine own conjecture only , but Philoponus ( otherwise Johannes Grammaticus ) also that great Christian Philosopher has long since observed the same , in his Book of the Worlds Creation , lib. 7. c. 11 , 12. Moses therefore concluding the production of the World , saies rightly ( Gen. 1.31 . ) God saw , &c. Moreover Plato in this again imitating him , and shewing how the Vniverse was made by God , saies , That the Father when he beheld this moveable and living Image of the eternal Gods , which he had made , he rejoyced and recreated himself , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , so much the more when he considered , that it was made according to that great Exemplar of his own Idea's , or Decrees . Thus Philoponus , who was well skilled in the mind of Plato , as well as of Moses . But of these things more in their place .

§ . 9. Pythagoras held Gods production of , Of Gods Creation & Providence . and providence over all things . So Timaeus ( in Plato fol. 12. ) saies , that God 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. adorned and disposed the World into the most perfect Forme and Order ; whence it was by Pythagoras called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , i. e. Order , and Beauty . Diogenes tells us , Pythagoras asserted 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. that Vnity ( by which he understood God ) was the principle of all things . He held also God only to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the animation and vivisick principle of all things ; according to Gen. 1.2 . And the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters : whence Pythagoras defined God a mind , which communicateth , and diffuseth himself through every part of the Vniverse , from whom all Animals receive life , &c. which accords with Plato's Anima mundi . He also called God one entire Being within himself , in a complete Circle , i. e. shedding abroad the influential lines of his Providence throughout the Universe . See Stanly of Pythagoras 's Philosophie , chap. 3. The Pythagorean Conception ( as Iamblichus ) touching the Providence of God in general , was this , That we have need of such a Government , as we ought not in any thing to contradict , which alone proceeds from the Deitie , who deservedly may challenge a soveraign Dominion over all . For man being , say the Pythagoreans , shamefully variable , and fickle in his appetites , affections , and other passions , needs such a Government , from which proceeds moderation , and order . But Pythagoras affirmed the Gods to have a peculiar Providence towards Men , such as were at Friendship with them . So Diogenes Laertius saies , Pythagoras held 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , That Men are ak●● to the Gods , and therefore God has a special Providence over us , as Gen. 1. 26. so saies Iamblichus , Pythagoras demonstrated there is a friendship of the Gods towards men , &c. Grotius on Matth. 10.29 . tells us , that some of the Hebrews held Gods providence about men , but not about beasts : which Pythagoras seems to have learned from them , and to have taught the Grecians .

Pythagoras's Model of Divine Worship . § . 10. Hence Pythagoras was a great Devoto , or Advocate for God , his Worship , and sacred Institutes . So Iamblichus tells us , That Pythagoras proposed , that all things we resolve to do , should tend to the solemne acknowledgement of the Divinitie ; that the whole of mans life should consist in the following God , which is the ground of all Philosophie . For since there is a God ( saies he ) we must acknowledge it is in his power to do us good . Now all give good things to such as they love , and delight in : therefore it is manifest that such things are to be performed , in which God delights , from whom alone good is to be sought for . The like foundation of Divine Worship Plato ( who did in this point greatly Pythagorize ) asserts , of which in it's place . And as to the Mode of Divine Worship , Pythagoras and his Adherents , give us many wholesome Institutes , such as these .

1. Against all Images or visible formes in Worship . 1. That God being an Incorporeal , and Spiritual Being , should not be Worshipped under any Corporeal Forme , or Visible Likenes . Thus Plutarch in the Life of Numa Pompilius , tells us , That Numa forbad the Romans to believe , that God had any Forme , or likenes of Beast , or Man , which is agreeable to the Pythagoreans , who thought the Gods Invisible , Incorruptible , and Intelligible Beings only : so that in these former times there was in Rome no Image of God , either painted , or graven for 170 Years , &c. Some think that Numa had this Institute from Pythagoras ; but Ludo. Vives ( on August . Civit. l. 7. c. 35. ) refutes this ; shewing , that Numa dyed many Years before Pythagoras was born . We may therefore more fitly with Clemens Alexandr . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 1. and out of him Selden ( de Jure Gent. Hebr. l. 1. c. 2. ) affirm , That Numa received this by Tradition originally from the Jews , though perhaps immediately from the Phenicians , who frequented Italy in , and before his time . That Pythagoras had it immediately from the Jews , and particularly from that great Moral Command , Exod. 20.4 . Thou shalt not make any graven Image , &c. is most likely . Conformable whereto is that great Pythagorean Symbol [ Grave not the Image of God in a Ring ] i. e. saies Iamblichus , Philosophize , and above all things conceive that the Gods are incorporeal . This Symbol is ( saith he ) above all other the Seminarie of the Pythagorick Doctrines , &c.

2. Hence Pythagoras instituted , 2. That God is to be worshipped by Rites of his own appointing . that God should be Worshipped with a pure mind ; and such decent Ceremonies , as were by him appointed . So Diogenes Laertius : Pythagoras , saies he , held 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. That honors are to be performed to the Gods according to their own appointment , with a white garment , and chaste bodie , and soul , which purification is acquired by expurgations , washings , sprinklings , and separation from what ever is unclean , &c. I know 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 is rendred by the Latin Version cum laudibus , with praises ; which agrees well enough with our present designe : but yet that it signifies in this place such a Worship , as was appointed by the Gods , I gather by the like usage of the Word in Plato his Alcibiades , fol. 149. where bringing in the Athenians complaining to Ammon their Oracle , that their Enemies the Lacedemonians , who offered few , or no Sacrifices , should prevail against them , who offered such costly Sacrifices : The Oracle makes answer , that the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the plain simple instituted worship of the Lacedemonians , was more acceptable to the Gods than all their pompous will-worship . This we need not doubt , but that Pythagoras learned from the Jews , as Plato also , who in his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , fol. 6. tells us , that all Divine Worship must be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , i. e. saith Serranus , measured by the will , and good pleasure of God . And whereas Pythagoras required his Followers to worship in a white Garment , that is apparently a Jewish Rite , answerable to the Ephod . Such were also all those ●urifications , Washings , Sprinklings , and Separations from all unclean things , which Pythagoras enjoyned . This likewise is affirmed of Iamblichus , that Pythagoras said Puritie is acquired by Expiations , Bathings , Sprinklings , Abstinences from the flesh of things , that dye of themselves , and viperous Creatures , &c. which were all Jewish Ceremonies . Laertius also informs us , that Pythagoras held things dedicated to God were holy , and not to be used for common use : thence he forbad the eating of Fishes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , in as much as they were holy : for it was not meet that what was proper to the Gods should be common to Men. Farther Vossius de Philos. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 5. tells us , it appears out of Clemens Alexandrinus , that Pythagoras was circumcised , &c. which if true , gives us a great demonstration , that he was initiated in the Jewish Ceremonies , which agrees with what was before mentioned out of Diogenes Laertius , that Pythagoras , whilst he was in Babylon , was cleansed from the Pollutions of his life past , by one Zabratus , who according to Selden ( de Gente Hebr. l. 1. c. 2. ) was Ezekiel . See more of this in chap. 6. §. 6 , 7 , 8. of Pythagoras's symbolizing with the Jews in Rites .

The Pythagorean exactnes in Divine Worship , from Eccles. 5.1 . 3. Pythagoras required of his Disciples a very great exactnes , and solemnitie in the Worship of God . This is evident by many of his Symbols , and Iamblichus's explication thereof . As Symbol 1. [ When you go to the Temple to Worship , neither do , nor say any thing concerning life ] i. e. saith Iamblichus , Worship the Deity after such a manner as is most pure , and immixed . He takes care , that no worldly affairs insinuate into Divine Worship . So Symbol 2. [ If a Temple lye in your way , go not in : No , though you pass by the very doors ] i. e. saies Iamblichus , the Supreme Being ought to have the Principal Worship : but if any Man doth it upon the occasion of any other thing , he makes that the second , which is the first , and chiefest of all ; and by that means he subverts the whole order of Worship . The most excellent Good ought not to be ranked in the latter place , as inferior to humane Good . Again Symbol 3. [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Sacrifice and Worship bare-foot . ] i. e. saies Iamblichus , serve the Gods 1. decently , and orderly . 2. Being free from fetters : this is to be observed not in the Bodie only , but in the acts of the Soul also . Now that this Pythagorean exactnes in Divine Worship had its original from the Jewish Church , is observed by Mr. Mede ( on Eccles. 5.1 . of the reverence of Gods house , pag. 104. ) where citing this very Symbol of Pythagoras , [ offer Sacrifice and Worship with thy shoes off . ] This , saies he , alludes to the Jewish Custom of Discalceation , which was used by the Jews in going to the Place of Worship , and from them derived to the Gentiles , when they worshipped their Gods . We might adde to these Pythagoras's seventh Symbol , [ Above all things , governe your tongues following the Gods . ] i. e. saith Iamblichus , nothing renders the mind so perfect , as when a Man in following the Gods reflects in upon himself by serious Meditation . The whole of which Symbolick Doctrine , touching the Worship of God , seems very correspondent with Scripture Precepts , touching God's Worship ; especially Eccles. 5.1 .

Pythagoras's Daemons , their nature , and office . § . 11. Another part of Pythagoras's Theologie consisted in the knowledge , and worship of the Daemons . For the understanding whereof , we are to remember , that as Augustin ( de Civit. Dei , l. 6. c. 5. ) hath long since observed , out of Varro , and Seneca ; the Pagan 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 was three-fold . A three-fold Theologie , Mythick . 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mythick . or fabulous , which was that of the Poets . 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Politick , or Civil , which was ( as is supposed ) taken up , and imposed by their Law-givers , and Politicians , Politick , Natural . and so followed by the Priests , and People in their worship . 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Natural Theologie , which the Philosophers taught , as that , which suited best with the Light of Nature , and Principles of Reason , in distinction from the two former . For the wiser of the Philosophers , Thales , Pythagoras , Plato , &c. utterly rejected the fabulous Theologie of the Poets : Neither did they generally approve of that Politick Theologie , which States-men had invented , and the Priests with the People embraced , in order to the promoting their Politick Interests . But these Philosophers , by what Oriental Jewish Tradition they had received , together with the Improvements of their own Reason thereon , found out a more Natural , & Rational kind of Theologie ; which was briefly this . They held only one Supreme , Eternal Being , which they called God : This God the Phenicians called Saturn , or Molech , from the Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 King ; but the Grecians generally stiled him Jupiter , from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Father Jah , which was one of God's names . Now this supreme God Jah the Father , Saturn , or Molech , was , as they supposed , at such an infinite distance from poor Mortals , and Sinners , as that there could be no approach to Him , or communications of good things from Him , but by some Mediators , or midling Gods . These middle Gods , or Mediators , were no other than their great Heroes , or Persons , who had been greatly famous in their Age for some noble Exploits , or virtuous Acts , and after their Death were by common consent Deifyed , or made Gods , and called by some from their office Medioxumi , from the place of their main residence ( which was supposed to be in the Stars ) Deastri , from their relation to the superior God , the lesser Gods , the made Gods ; from their knowledge of humane Affairs , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Daemons ; also from their sovereigntie over Men , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Baalim Lords . Who was the first of these Daemons , is not determin'd : some think 't was Joseph , whom the Egyptians worshipped under the Symbolick names , and Images of Apis , Syrapis , Hermes , &c. Others make Belus a Phenician King , the first of them ; whence they were by the Phenicians called Baalim : who ever was the first , it matters not , so long as we have such probable conjectures , yea strong presumptions , that their original Idea , or Exemplar , was conveighed by some imperfect Tradition from the Jewish Messias . This seems evident by that account we find of these Daemons in Plato , who discourseth professedly , and at large concerning them , in his Politicus ; but more particularly in his Symposium , as also de legibus , where 1. Touching their Natures , he terms them to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. made Gods visible Gods : Idols , and Images of the great God , who was Maker of all things . Plato de Legib. 13. 2. Touching their Office , he saies , they were 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. placed in the middle 'twixt the great God , and man , to be Mediators , or Porters , for the conveighing the Sacrifices , and Prayers of men to the Gods ; as also for the transmitting guifts , and all good things from God to Men ; together with an Interpretation of the mind , will , and precepts of God to men : Whence 3 ly , says he , by the mediation of these Daemons there is a communion , and friendship maintained betwixt God , and men , which otherwise could not be : so Plato , Sympos . fol. 202 , &c. 4. As to the dignitie of these Daemons , he makes them 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Co-rulers with the great God : so Plato , Politicus fol. 251. By all which I think , it plainly appears , that these Daemons had their original from some Scriptural Tradition of the Messias , unto whom Plato's Characters of them seem fully to answer . That Pythagoras held these Daemons , we are informed by Diogenes Laertius , who tells us , that Next to the supreme God , Pythagoras , and his followers placed Daemons , and Heroe's : see more of these Daemons in Lud. Vives , in August . Civ . Dei , lib. 8. cap. 14 , &c.

Of the Aeones . § . 12. Another piece of the Pythagorean Theologie , is that which treats of their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Aeones , who were distinct from their Daemons , and much the same with our Scripture Angels , for they looked upon these Aeones , as Divine immortal Powers , amongst whom there were divers degrees ; some inferior , some superior , who had their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , their conjunctions , and Genealogies , &c. These Aeones the Gnosticks ( who much imitated the Pythagoreans ) transmitted into their mystical Divinitie , applying them to the Angels : of which see more in our account of the corruption of the Pythagorean Philosophie .

Of the Soul . § . 13. Another part of Pythagoras's Metaphysicks concerned the humane Soul , which ( saies Stobeus ) Pythagoras defined a self-moving number : who held also , that 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 was induced into the Soul from without , Pythag.'s Metempsychosis a corrupt tradition of the Resurrection . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , i. e. by a Divine efficacie ( so Plato understands this 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) delibated of the universal mind , whence also she became immortal . Diogenes Laertius likewise acquaints us , that Pythagoras held 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. that the Soul was immortal , because that , whence it was derived , was immortal . And this some give as the genuine import of Pythagoras's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Metempsychosis , which by some was called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , by others 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , by Laertius 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . This Metempsychosis , That Pythagoras's Metempsychosis was Symbolical , see c. 9. paragr. 8. or Transmigration of the Soul from one Bodie to another , was also asserted by Plato , and , as it is supposed , taken up both by him and Pythagoras from some broken Tradition they had received from the Jews , touching the Resurrection . This is observed by Serranus in Plato , Repub. lib. 10. Plato , saies he , teacheth us , that the Bodies of the Pious , should 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 be raised again to life . And the Comment , or Invention of the [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] Transmigration of Souls , was but a corrupt derivation from this Truth of the Resurrection . That the Jews had the like perswasion touching the Transmigration of Souls , appears from that of Herod , who thought that John Baptist's Soul revived in Christ . That the Pharisees held this Opinion , is affirmed by Josephus , l. 18. Antiq. c. 2. and 't is possible the more ancient Jews held the same , and Pythagoras from them , though Vossius denies it . That Pythagoras's , and Plato's Metempsychosis , or Transmigration of the humane Soul after death , was by them taken up , to signifie the Souls first infusion into , See more of this , Stanly cap. 7. fol. 145. and thence by death separation from , and at the Resurrection re-union with the Bodie , is asserted by John Reuchlin , Art. Cabal . l. 2. This is ( saies he ) the meaning of Pythagoras concerning his Metempsychosis , or Transmigration of Souls after death , and their descension into life . Others thought the Soul educed out of Matter : Pythagoras thought it infused by God into the Bodie , and therefore before it , not in time , but in dignitie , and puritie : This infusion he termed the descent of the Soul , &c. or if he meant historically , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Soul separate from the Bodie , may by the power of God be brought the same , into the same bodie ; whence he acknowledgeth God only to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the animation of all things . God infuseth the soul into every man , and being infused taketh it away , and being taken away restoreth it , when , and as oft as he pleaseth . Thus he ; some understand this Pythagorean Metempsychosis , Symbolically , with relation to the several passions , dispositions , and morals of men , as hereafter .

§ . 14. Lastly , To give a general Idea of Pythagoras's Theologie ; A general Idea of Pythagoras's Theologie . we must know , that it was Mystical ; much the same with that of Pherecydes his Master ; as also with that of Orpheus , from whom he borrowed much of it : who all affected a mystical mode of Theologizing , partly from their own Ignorance , being unacquainted with the true import , or meaning of those Jewish Traditions , which were very imperfectly delivered to them ; and partly from an affected Singularitie , they being unwilling that any should be acquainted with their Mysteries , but such as were of their own Tribe , and Sect. This is the meaning of many of Pythagoras's Symbols , whereby he strictly enjoyned his Disciples not to communicate his Mysteries to Strangers , and those without ; as before from Grot. Matth. 7.6 , &c. That Pythagoras , and his Adherents , were generally sensible of their great Ignorance of Divine Mysteries , Pythagoreans acknowledge their Ignorance . appears by several of his Symbols , as that [ Look not in a Glasse by Candle-light . ] i. e. saies Iamblichu● , Philosophize , pursuing not the fantasies of sense , which gives a kind of light to comprehensions , like a Candle , neither natural , nor true , &c. This answers to Prov. 13.9 . Thence another of his Symbols runs thus , [ Discourse not of Pythagorean things without light . ] i. e. ( saies Iamblichu● ) because it is impossible to understand Pythagorean Doctrines without light . But that which was the foundation of all the Pythagorean mystical Theologie , and a great argument of their sense of Ignorance in Divine things , was their credulous inquisitive humor , which inclined them to receive ev'ry Tradition , though never so broken , or corrupt , touching Divine things . This is fully expressed by that great Symbol of Pythagoras , viz. [ Concerning the Gods dis-believe nothing wonderful , nor yet concerning Divine things ] This ( saies Iamblichus ) declareth the superlative Excellence of God's instructing us , and puts us in mind , that we ought not to estimate the Divine power by our own Judgement : which Comment of Iamblichus , if applyed to Divine Revelation , is excellent , and excellently useful ; the same with what the Scripture universally teacheth us ; viz. that concerning God , and Divine things , we should dis-believe nothing though never so wonderful , if we have a Divine word for it . But the Pythagoreans stretched this excellent Scriptural Rule beyond the line of Divine Revelation , even to the belief of every corrupt Oriental Tradition , as hereafter .

Of Divinati●● . § . 15. We should now proceed to the black , and Satanick part of Pythagoras's Metaphysicks , or Supernatural Philosophie , namely his Magick , or Art of Divination : But this we shall refer to Chap. 10. Touching the Vanitie , or corruptions of the Pythagorean Philosophie . Only in general : that this black Art of Divination , wherein the Pythagoreans were greatly versed , had its original from Satanick imitation of God's sacred Oracles , and the various ways of his revealing himself in the Jewish Church , I think will be very evident , when the parallel is drawn betwixt the one , and the other : For as God revealed his Oracles by Dreams , and Visious ; so the Devil 's were frequently delivered in the same manner . Of which more in its place .

CHAP. IX . Of Pythagoras's Symbols , and their Jewish Original , &c.

Pythagoras's Symbols from the Jews . 1. Give thy right hand to none but Pythagoreans ; as Gal. 2.9 . Abstain from the dead , Matth. 8.22 . Set down Salt , Lev. 2.13 . Ethick Symbols Jewish . Pythagoras's Metempsychosis Symbolical , from Dan. 4.32 , 33. Pythagorean Abstinences from Jewish Symbols . Pythagorean Numbers Symbolical . Pythagoras's Symbols of Divine Worship of Jewish extract ; particularly that Worship bare-foot , from Exod. 3.5 . Eccles. 5.1 . Of Pythagoras's Works , that he left nothing in Writing . The Pythagorean Sect , their ruines . Pythagoras's Followers , and their Writings . Pythagorizing Philosophers , ●lato , &c. The pride of the Pythagoreans , and all other Sects .

§. 1 . HAving finished our Discourse touching the matter of the Pythagorean Philosophie , we now proceed to its Forme , or Mode , Pythagoras's mode of Phil●sophizing Symbolick . together with its Traduction from the Jewish Church . Porphyrie , in the Life of Pythagoras , informes us , that he used a two-fold Forme , or manner of Philosophizing : the one 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which was more open , and easie : the other 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which was mystick , and obscure . Pythagoraei sapientiam 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 quibusdam , & integumentis repraesentabant , quae ipsi Symbola appellant . In quibus ita Philosophiae praecepta comprehens● erant , ut vel ambitionis dissuasionem , et otii sugam , vel pravorum sodalium declinationem contine●ent . Plut. l. d● edu● . Laert. l. 8. Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. The choicest parts of Pythagoras's Philosophie , especially his Theologie , was wrapped up , and expressed in a Symbolick Forme , or Mode . Thus Iamblichus in the Life of Pythagoras , l. 1. c. 29. Pythagoras ( saies he ) used by short sentences to express various significations to his Disciples , after a Symbolick Mode , as Apollo by short enigmatick Oracles , vaticinated many abstruse things , and Nature by little seeds exhibits difficult effects . the same Iamblichus , lib. 1. cap. 5. Thus also Clemens Alexandrinus , 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . attributes to Pythagoras 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Symbolick Mode of teaching . So Justin Martyr , in his cohortation to the Greeks , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pythagoras the son of Mnesarchus , who delivered the Dogmes of his Philosophie Mystically by Symbols , as the Historiographers of his Life manifest .

Pythagoras's Symbols from 〈◊〉 Jews . § . 2. That Pythagoras traduced this his Symbolick Forme , or Mode of Philosophizing originally from the Scriptures , or Jewish Church is not without good grounds affirmed by the Learned , and will farther appear by inquirie into particulars . We find a rational affirmation hereof in Learned John Reuchlin his Explication of Pythagorick Doctrine , Artis Cabal . lib. 2. The way of teaching ( saies he ) by Symbols , and Silence ( as other things ) Pythagoras brought into Greece , from the Hebrews , with whom it was the custome , that the Disciple being to ask some sublime questions , should hold his peace , and being questioned should only answer 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Thus the Cabalists answer 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Wise said . Moreover all the Pythagorick Philosophie , especially that , which concerns Divine things , is mystically expressed by Enigmes , and Symbols , because 1. The Ancients used to deliver Wisdom by Allegories : all their Philosophers , and Poets are full of Riddles , avoiding by obscuritie contempt . 2. It oft happens that abstruse things are best expressed by such short Enigmes . 3. As Generals use watch-words to distinguish their own Souldiers , so the Pythagorean Symbols were as distinctive marks of their Societie . 4. They used Symbols also as Memorial notes . For in treating of things Divine , and Humane , the vastness of the subject require● short Symbols , as conducing much to memorie . So Stanly of Pythag● fol. 136. wherein we have a full account of the original of Symbols as also of their proper use , both amongst the Jews , and also the Grecians . As for the Jews it's evident , that God made use of this Forme or Mode of teaching them Heavenly , sublime Mysteries by terren● Figures , Symbolick Images , Types , or Shadows out of condescentio● to their Infant State ; which manner of teaching continued even to our Saviours time , who delivered the chief of his Doctrine concerning Heavenly Mysteries , under Earthly Parables , and Symbols , thereby to render them more plain and familiar ; as he himself signifies , John 3.12 . If I have told you Earthly things , &c. The Jewish Types , and Symbols were also as distinctive marks of God's People , and Church , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Symbol amongst the ancients signified a Scar● , or other mark , whereby Souldiers were distinguisht from their ene●i●s : thus the 〈◊〉 castles Creed was called ● Symbol of Faith . whereby they were distinguished from all the world besides , ( so the Greek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Symbol signifies a distinctive mark , or watch-word ) which I suppose made Pythagoras the more ready to embrace the like garbe , as that , which was of Divine original , and so most honorable : The great Maxime , on which the Pythagorean , as well as the Jewish Symbols were founded , was this , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Things corporeal are imitates ( or images ) of spirituals . That Pythagoras received this Symbolick mode of Philosophizing originally from the Jewish Church , is farther confirmed by Serranus , who on Plato's Symposium speaks thus : It was the manner of the Ancient Philosophers to shadow forth the truth by Symbols . These Plato followed , as it appears by this disputation . And this mode of Philosophizing was accurately framed by the Pythagoreans , the whole of whose Philosophie was couched under the covert of Symbols , and Allegories , &c. But more particularly Serranus in his Preface to Plato's Works , laies down this general assertion , That it is the opinion of all Learned Christian Antiquitie , that this Symbolick manner of Philosophizing came originally from the Jewish Learning , delivered by Moses , and the Prophets , though whether immediately , or mediately by the Egyptians , is not determined . Clemens Alexandr . 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . enclines to the latter , namely that Pythagoras received his Symbols immediately from the Egyptians , though originally from the Jews . We have the Testimonie of Grotius to the same purpose , on Mat. 7.6 . and on Mat. 8.22 .

§ . 3. The full proof of our assertion touching the Traduction of the Pythagorean Symbols from the Jewish Church , An enumeration of Pythag. Symbols , which he received from the Jews . depends upon the consideration of particulars , and their parallel with Jewish Symbols of like import . Pythagoras's Symbols related either to such , as were aliens and strangers to his schole , and Philosophie , or to such , as were within , and Disciples thereof . As for those , who were without , and Forreiners , Pythagoras had many Symbols to express their state , and to prohibite his Disciples conversation with them . For Pythagoras esteemed all that were not of his College as profane , wicked , dogs , &c. whence that Symbol , 1 Symbol . Give the right of fellowship to none but Pythagoreans . Gal. 2.9 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , To give the right hand of fellowship to none but Pythagoreans . Which Symbol was plainly of Jewish extract . For amongst the Jews , to give the right hand was an ordinarie Symbol of Friendship , and Communion , as Gal. 2.9 . therefore they esteeming the Gentiles as Profane , and Vnclean , would not salute them with the right hand of fellowship , i. e. they would not have Communion or Friendship with them . Hence also it followed , that the Pythagoreans forbad the Revealing of their Misteries to such Profane Dogs ; which also was of Jewish extract , as it appears by that Jewish Symbol , cited by St. Mat. 7.6 . [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : ] where Grotius observes , that amongst the Chaldeans , Hebrews , and Egyptians , their ancient Professors of Wisdom , delivered their Precepts 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Symbols , as Clemens Alexand. teacheth us . Pythagoras brought this mode into Greece , either from Egypt , where he lived some while , or from Syria , whence his Master Pherecydes was , and as some think Pythagoras himself . For that he was a Tyrrhenian many have affirmed : others say , he was a Tyrian . And indeed the Tyrrhenians , as we have said , were originally Tyrians . But moreover he went to the Jews , as many writers have reported . Thus Grotius . See more of this Symbol , chap. 6. parag. 8.

To abstein from things dead Mat. 8.22 . Numb. 6.6 . § . 4. But the most livelie Symbol , which Pythagoras had to express the Wicked , and Miserable state of profane sinners , was That 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , To abstein from things Dead , or Mortal . By which Hierocles saies , Pythagoras called off his Disciples from things dead , or mortal . Iamblichus also tells us , that Pythagoras said puritie was acquired by absteining from things that dyed of themselves . This Symbol , we need not doubt , was of a Jewish origination . For we know the Jews in general were forbid to eat the flesh of any creature , that dyed of it self . And particularly the High Priests , and the Nazarites were forbid to come near , or touch a dead bodie , as Num. 6.6 . Lev. 20. And the proper import of this divine Symbol seems this ; That Sacred , and Holy persons , are not to have Conversation , or Communion with persons , or things spiritually deadly , or dead . That it was common amongst the Jews to look upon wicked men as dead in sin , is evident from what has been observed from Luke 15.24 . ( chap. 7. §. 13. ) Thus also Philo 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Wicked men are dead in their souls . And that Pythagoras did really traduce his Symbol , of absteining from the dead , from this Jewish Symbol is positively affirmed by Grotius on Mat. 8.22 . [ Let the dead burie the dead . ] This also , as other Symbols , Pythagoras drew from the Oriental Philosophie , who was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an imitator of Jewish opinions , as Hermippus writes of him . For Pythagoras , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , went to the Hebrews , as Malchus ( i. e. Porphyrie ) writes out of Diogenes . Whence it was the manner , that such who were expelled out of the Pythagorean Schole , had 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Coffin made , and placed in their room , which we read was executed on Hipparchus . Arrianus in Epictetum 4.5 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . This Jewish , and Pythagorean Symbol , of absteining from the dead , we find in the Books of Chrysippus thus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 .

§ . 5. As Pythagoras had Symbols to represent the Spiritual death of Wicked men , and the Dutie of his Scholars , Salt a Symbol of Covenants , Friendship , & Sanctitie , according to the Jewish rite . to separate from them . So likewise to represent the strict , and holy communion which ought to be amongst his Collegues , he made use of this lively Jewish Symbol 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , set down Salt . We have already proved that Pythagoras traduced this Symbol from the Jewish Church , ( chap. 6. parag. 6. ) where it has been shewn , how Salt was by God's institution , a Symbol of their Holy Confederation , and Communion with God , and amongst themselves , as Numb. 18.19 . 2 Chron. 13.5 . &c. And to make this a little more evident , we must know ( according to L' Empereur of the Jewish Temple ) the Jews had their Store-houses of Salt in , or about , the Temple , for the seasoning of their Sacrifices . We find frequent references in the New Testament to to this Symbol , as before ; and Luke 14.34 . Lev. 2.13 . And as in God's Sacrifices there was ever Salt to be used , so the like was usually observed in Heathen Sacrifices , as appears by that of Plinie The great authoritie of Salt is discovered by the Sacreds of the Ancients , amongst whom there were no Sacreds performed without Salt . And that Salt was used in those federal Sacrifices , as a Symbol of Friendship appears by that Proverbial saying of Tullie , There must be many Bushels of Salt used before there can be a full friendship completed . To the same purpose is that of the Scholiast on Homer Iliad . 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , because Salt is a Symbol of friendship . Lastly that this Pythagorean Symbol of Salt implies farther an Holy Confederation , or , according to the scripture Dialect , a Communion of Saints , is manifest by Laertius's interpretation of this Symbol . Pythagoras , saies he , bid men make use of Salt 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as a memoire of righteousnes , for Salt preserves all things . This was the proper signification of this Symbol of Salt in the Jewish Church , unto which Christ alludes in Mark 9.49 , 50. Mat. 5.13 . and we have sufficient evidence from what has been observed , that Pythagoras traduced this his Symbol from the Jews , and used it in the same sense that they did ; namely to express that holy , and strickt confederation , and Friendship , which ought to be amongst his Collegues .

Symbols relating to the Forme of Pythagoras's Philosophie . § . 6. Pythagoras had some Symbols relating to his Philosophie in general , especially his Theologie , it 's mystical nature , and difficultie to be understood , without some Interpreter , or Divine light : Such were those Symbols forementioned . [ Discourse not of Pythagorean things without Light . ] [ Looke not into a Glasse by Candle light . ] [ Concerning the Gods disbelieve nothing wonderful . ] all which , according to the Interpretation of Iamblichus , seems to be of Jewish original , as has been observed ( chap. 8. §. 14. ) I shall adde only one more , which seems to be the Foundation of all Pythagoras's Symbols , according to Laertius's interpretation , thus : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , To have Tapestrie alwaies bound up , i. e. saies Laertius 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a man's speech should not be alwaies spoken out , so as to have the meaning , and forme of it fully appear , but like Tapestrie when rolled up , the Forme , and Figure of it should be conceled . This Pythagoras seems to have learnt from the Jews , who rolled up all their mysteries under Symbolick Types , and Figures , as before .

Ethick Symbols . §. 7· As to the Matter of Pythagoras's Philosophie , he had many Ethick Characters , or Symbols of Moralitie , whereby he excited his Scholars to Virtue , and discouraged them from Vice . Such as these , [ Receive not a Swallow , ( i. e. a sloathful person ) into your house . ] [ Stir not the Fire with a Sword ] i. e. provoke not a wrathful , or potent person . [ Eate not the heart . ] i. e. by distracting cares . [ Passe not over the Ballance . ] i. e. do justice . Pythagoras also called Virtue harmonie , which is a symbolick image of its Beautie , Order , Amiablenes , &c. as before chap. 7. § . 13. There were other Ethick Symbols , by which Pythagoras allured his Disciples to the embracing of Virtue , as that , [ Eate not the Brain . ] i. e. saies Iamblichus , destroy not your principal instrument of Wisdom . Agen , [ Sleep not at noon . ] i. e. ( according to Iamblichus ) Shut not your eies against the light , when it is most manifest ▪ Farther , [ When it Thunders touch the earth . ] i. e. ( saies Iamblichus When a King is angrie humble thy self . Agen , [ Pluck not a Crown ] i. e. Offend not the King . Lastly Pythagoras said , [ Declining high waies , walk in path waies . ] i. e. ( as Iamblichus will have it ) Leave the popular course of life , and pursue that , which is separate , and divine , answerable to that of Christ , Mat. 7.13.14 . That all these Pythagorean Symbols have their parallel in the Scriptures , and Jewish Doctrine , might with ease be proved .

§ . 8. Yea some make the Pythagorean Metempsychosis to be but a Symbolick Image , or Ethick Character . Thus Velcurio in his Physicks , Pythagoras's Metempsychosis Symbolical of Morals &c. lib. 4. cap. 38. I would think ( saies he ) that Pythagoras's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Metempsychosis , and Redintegration of the soul , did belong to the Variable morals , Affections , and Habits of the Soul . For as a man is variously affected , or moralized , so he acts the part of a Lyon , of a Bear , of a Wolf , &c. according to the varietie of his conditions . Thus is Ovid's Metamorphosis referred to Morals . Yea Plutarch gave this Interpretation of Pythagoras's Metempsychosis , and out of him the French Montaigne Essaies livre 2. chap. 11. Pythagoras emprunta la Metempsychose &c. That is in English , Pythagoras borrowed his Metempsychosis from the Egyptians , but since it has been received by other Nations , and particularly by our Druides . The Religion of our ancient Gaules supposed the Soul to be Immortal , and thence , that it never ceased to move from one bodie to another . If it had been Valiant , it moved to the bodie of a Lyon : if it had been Voluptuous , it then creeped into that of a Swine : if Timerous , into that of an Hart , &c. And the Interpretation , which Plutarch gives to this Errour , is very apposite : for he saies , that it was not the Cat , or the Oxe ( for example ) that the Egyptians adored , but some images of Divine powers which they conceived to lodge in these beasts , as in the Oxe they adored Divine patience , and Vsefulness , as in the Cat vivacitie , &c. Thus Flutarch , and Montaigne . That the Egyptians were the first , that taught this Doctrine of Metempsychosis , is affirmed by Herodotus in Enterpe . Where he addes , That the Greeks ( meaning the Pythagoreans ) first received it from Egypt , though they delivered it as their own dogme : So Vossius de Philos. sect. lib. 2. cap. 6. § . 3. That Pythagoras took up this Metempsychosis only as an Ethick Symbol , is the judgment of John Reuchlin Artis Cabalist . lib. 2. where he tells us , That Pythagoras in affirming that the Soul of a Timerous person went into a woman , and of a Cruel man into a Lyon , and of a Libidinous man into a Sow , and of a Vaine , Light person , into a Bird , as of a Sloathful person into a Fish , , from their resemblance in manners ; he did not speak thus , as if he thought so , but only to affrighten the vulgar sort , by such kind of Fables , from Vice , as we were wont to affright Children by Bugbears . That the Egyptians ( from whom Pythagoras is said to have received this Symbol ) understood their Metempsychosis in a Symbolick , Hieroglyphick sense , seems very probable : and that they traduced it originally from the Jewish Church , appears as likely . For that the Pharisees asserted this Metempsychosis , is affirmed by Josephus de Bello Jud. lib. 2. cap , 8. And we may presume the Jews before them held the same . Yea some , and that not without probable conjectures , make the whole storie of Nebuchadnezzar's being Transformed into a Peast , &c. Dan. 4.32 , 33. to be Symbolical of his Brutish life , separate from humane societie . For that he was not really transformed into a Beast , is most likely . And hence it is supposed , this Egyptian Pythagorean Metempsychosis had its original , even from Nebuchadnezzar's Symbolical Transformation into a Beast : and that which gives this conjecture the more likelyhood ; Nebuchadnezzars Metempchosysis , Dan. 4.32 , 33. The rise of the Pythagoreans . is that this Transformation of Nebuchadnezzar into a Brutish condition was but just before , if not at the very same time , that Pythagoras lived at Babylon . For whether it were in Ezechiel's time , as Selden , or in Daniel's time , as Wendelin ( of Pythagoras's Tetractie ) that Pythagoras was in Babylon , yet it could not be long after this Metamorphosis , or , as we may truely stile it , Metempsychosis of Nebuchadnezzars . Neither can we imagine that Pythagoras , who was so curious an Inquisitor into all the works of Divine Providence , should let passe this stupendious , and amazing Providence of God on Nebuchadnezzar ( which made all the Empire ring of it ) without observation . Why therefore may we not conclude , that both Pythagoras , and the Egyptians derived their Symbolical Metempsychosis from this Metempsychosis , or Transmigration of Nebuchadnezzar into the Symbolick Forme of a Beast . Or , if we had rather , we may suppose Pythagoras's Metempsychosis to be a Symbolick image of the Souls Divine Original , and Infusion into the bodie by God , as also of it's Separation by death , Reunion at the Resurrection , The Pythagorean Abstinence from Flesh Symbolical in imitation of the Jews . and immortal estate : so Plato , Serr●nus , and Reuchlin seem to encline , as before , chap. 8. parag. 13.

§ . 9. We have also good conjectures to perswade us , that Pythagoras's precepts touching Abstinence from Flesh were muchly Symbolical , and that his followers did not abstein from all kinds , or all parts of Flesh , but only from such as were of Sacred use , or of Symbolical signification , answerable to the Jewish Abstinences . For first , That Pythagoras himself absteined not wholly from Flesh , we have for it the Testimonie of Aristoxenus the Musician , Disciple of Aristotle , quoted by Gellius lib. 4. cap. 11. That Pythagoras ( saies he ) did eat of young Pigges , and tender Goates is affirmed by Aristoxenus , which he seems to have learnt from Xenophilus the Pythagorean , his familiar , and from some others more ancient , who lived not much distant from Pythagoras . And that Pythagoras ate of Animals , Alexis the Poet teacheth in the Comedie of Pythagoras's Life . Thus Gellius , who , in what followes , relates , that Aristotle affirmes , the Pythagoreans absteined not from all Flesh , but only from some parts , namely the Heart , Brain , &c. which were of Symbolick use . And Porphyrie in his first Book of Abstinence from Animals , saies , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. They say , that the Pythagoreans themselves absteined not from all Flesh , when they sacrificed . So Athenaeus lib. 7. saies , That the Pythagoreans eat but moderately of some flesh , and some they sacrifice , but of Fishes they taste not , &c. and he gives a Symbolick reason why they eat not of Fishes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . For silence , which they esteem as Divine . Diogenes Laertius gives the like Symbolick account of their absteining from Fishes . And we need not doubt , but that the main of their Symbolick Abstinences from Flesh , and Fish , had it's original from the Jewish Symbolick Abstinences from things unclean , &c. Though we may not denie , but that Pythagoras , and his Followers were very abstemious as to Flesh , upon a Medicinal , and Natural account , thereby to keep their mind , & bodie , in 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a good Habitude , and disposition of Health , as before .

§ . 10. Abstinence from Beans Symbolical . The like Symbolick account some give of Pythagoras's precept for Abstinence from Beans ; the which we find mentioned in Clemens Alexandrinus , lib. 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . in this verse 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , It is an equal crime to eat a Bean , as to eat the heads of Parents . This Lucian brings in Pythagoras asserting in Hell , and Chrysostome in his 1. Homil. on the Gospel of St. John , attributes the same to Pythagoras . Gellius , lib. 4. chap. 11. cites a Verse , which is supposed to be one of Empedocles's ( who was a Pythagorean , and Auditor of Pythagoras ) to the same purpose 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Pythagoras 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 suis dicebat & à venere illicita abstinendum docebat . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 enim notabant vasa seminaria sive testiculos . Horn. l. 7. c. 12. O ye miserable wretches touch not Beanes with your hand . Yet some think this Pythagorean prohibition against eating Beans , ought to be understood Symbollically , and Enigmatically only ; in as much , as some of great authoritie affirme , that Pythagoras himself absteined not from Beans . Thus Aristoxenus the Musician in his Book of Pythagoras , as Gellius lib. 4. cap. 11. and Voss . de Philos . l. 2. c. 6. § . 39. Others by 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 understand the Testicles , and so by Pythagoras's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , conceive the illicite use of Venerie to be forbid ; as Hornius Hist. Philos . l. 7. c. 12. 'T is possible it was both Physical , and Symbolical , as the former of these .

Symbols of things Divine . Numbers Symbols of God , &c. § . 11. As Pythagoras had many Ethick Symbols to express his moral Precepts by ; so also his Theologick Mysteries were in a more particular manner couched under , and expressed by Enigmatick , Symbolick Images , especially by Numbers , and Figures , which , as he conceited , had an Analogie , and consent with all things : Whence he expressed Apollo by Unitie , Diana by the number Two , Minerva by the number Seven ; and Plato in his Timaeus seems to imitate him . That Pythagoras expressed God by Unitie , appears by that of Laertius , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. Unitie is the Principle of all things . Whence the Pythagoreans accounted the number of Two accursed , because it was the first departure from Unitie . And the reason why Pythagoras expressed God by Unitie , is given us by Reuchlin ( Art. Cabal . lib. 2. ) thus , The Divine mind , the receptacle of Principles , Pythagoras Symbollically calls Number , saying , Number is the principle of all things . So Plutarch , de Philosoph . Placit . By Number Pythagoras understands the mind ; a very proper Symbol : for in Incorporeals nothing more Divine , than the mind ; in Abstractions , number is most simple : thus he . All this was couched under that great Pythagorean Maxime , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , one and many ; of which before .

Pythagoras's Symbols of Divine Worship of Jewish extract . § . 12. The Symbols , whereby Pythagoras expressed that Spiritual Divine Worship due to God , were such as these [ Grave not the Image of God in a Ring ] i. e. worship not graven Images . Agen , [ When you go to the Temple-worship , neither do , nor say any thing concerning this life . ] i. e. let not the world mix with your hearts , &c. of which see Chap. 8. § . 10. And more particularly that great Pythagorean Symbol , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , [ Sacrifice , and Worship bare-foot ] which was but an imitation of the Jewish Custom of Discalceation , when they went to worship ; as Mede on Eccles. 5.1 . or else 't is possible Pythagoras might derive this Symbol immediately from God's command to Moses Exod. 3.5 . Put off thy shoes from off thy feet , &c. For Pythagoras ( as we have before observed , Chap. 5. §. 8. ) having acquired the Egyptian , and as we may presume the Chaldean Languages , was thereby enabled not only to converse with the Jews , but also to read the sacred Scriptures in their Original , the Egyptian , and Chaldean Tongues differing only in some Dialect from the Hebrew . And this may serve us as a Key to this whole Discourse touching Pythagoras's traduction of his Philosophie , both Matter , and Forme from the Scriptures , and Jewish Church : Namely , his skill in the Oriental Languages , especially the Egyptian , and Chaldee , which gave him an huge advantage for his more thorough searching into the Sacred Oracles , and Jewish Doctrines .

§ . 13. Having discoursed of Pythagoras's Philosophie , Pythagoras's Works , whether he left any thing in Writing . both as to Matter , and Forme , its traduction from the Jewish Church : before we shut up this Chapter , we shall a little touch on his Works , and Disciples , which gave foundation to most of the following Sects , and their Philosophie . Touching Pythagoras's Works , it is a great controversie amongst the Learned , whether Pythagoras left any thing in Writing . Laertius makes mention of three Pieces of Pythagoras : his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Heraclides in Sotion's Epitome , attributes more to Pythagoras , as Laertius affirmes , who also upbraids those , as Fools , who think that Pythagoras left no Works behinde him , whom he confutes out of Heraclitus the Physiologist , who quotes some things out of Pythagoras's Works . Yet Augustin ( lib. 1. De Consensu Evangelist . cap. 7. ) denies that Pythagoras left any Writing behinde him . Cedrenus makes mention of an Historie compiled by Pythagoras , touching the War betwixt Cyrus , and the Samians his Country-men , but this is rejected by Vossius , de Histor. Graec. l. 4. As for the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Golden Verses which passe under Pythagoras's name , Laertius assures us , that they were not made by him , but by Lysis the Pythagorean . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. As for the Golden Verses which passe under the name of Pythagoras , they are Lysis's a Pythagorean of Tarantum . This also is affirmed by others . We have an excellent Comment on these Golden Verses of Lysis , by Hierocles , who though a Stoick , yet exactly expresseth the minde of the Pythagoreans . That Pythagoras indeed left nothing in Writing behinde him , is also asserted by Lucian , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Divine Pythagoras vouchsafed not to leave behinde him any part of his Doctrine in Writing . So Josephus , lib. 2. Ant. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . There is no Writing of Pythagoras owned ; of which see Vossius , de Histor. Graec. lib. 4. pag. 435. As for Pythagoras's Symbols , which contained the choicest part of his Philosophie , there have been Collections , with Interpretations made of them by many ; particularly by Laertius in his Life ; by Iamblichus ; by Plutarch ; and amongst Modern Writers , by Erasmus in the beginning of his Chiliads ; especially by Lilius Gyraldus , who has written an accurate Treatise of Pythagoras's Symbols . Touching Pythagoras's Philosophie , Eusebius on Hierocles tells us , that Philolaus had committed his chiefest Dogmes to Writing . 'T is said also , that Aristotle , Androcydes , Antiphanes , Alexander , Didymus , and Mederatus Gaditanus , writ professedly of Pythagoras's Philosophie : but the most that we have now extant of it , is in the Historiographers of Pythagoras's Life , Diogenes Laertius , Porphyrie , and Iamblichus , besides what is mentioned by Cicero , and Plutarch . That Aristotle writ a Book , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; as also another , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , is affirmed by Laertius . Porphyrie , in the Life of Plotinus , tells us , that Plotinus did more clearly explicate the Principles of the Pythagorick Philosophie , as well as of the Platonick . Of which see more , Vossius de Philos . l. 2. c. 6. §. 12 , 44.

The Pythagorean Sect destroyed , and why . Hornius Philos. Hist . l. 3. c. 11. § . 14. As for Pythagoras's Schole , and Disciples , there succeeded him , Theano his Wife , and Telauges with Menaxarchus , his Sons , as Euseb. lib. 10. praepar . cap. 3. There flourished of his Disciples , Ocellus , Architas , Philolaus , Parmenides . Ocellus was the glorie of Italie : whose Book , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , full of ancient mysterious erudition , is yet extant : out of which Aristotle borrowed not a little . Architas the Tarentine was also one of the most ancient Philosophers of Italie . 'T was he , who by Mechanick Art , made the volatile or slying wooden Dove , as Gellius , lib. 10. cap. 12. Parmenides is said to spend 18 whole years in a Rock , feeding his minde with Logick Contemplations . As for Philolaus , of what great repute he was , is evident by the esteem Plato had of him , who purchased his Books at 10000 Denaries ; as Gellius , lib. 10. c. 17. Diogenes saith , that his College continued for nineteen Generations . Yet Moderatus Gaditanus saith , that the Pythagorick Sect was extinguished for the obscuritie of their Philosophie . Justin . lib. 20. tells us , that 300 Pythagoreans being under a strict Confederation , and Separate Life , were accused of a secret Conjuration against the Citie , and thence , when they were met in their College , 60 of them were destroyed , and the rest banished . Porphyrie , and Iamblichus mention the same , & say , that there fled only two , Archippus , and Lysis the Preceptor of Epaminondas . And Iamblichus addes , that when the Innocencie of the Pythagoreans appeared to others of the Citie , they stoned those who destroyed the Pythagoreans . We find both these reasons joyned together by Carion , in his Chronicon , l. 2. The Italick Philosophie , saies he , being obscure , and full of Enigmes , and the Pythagoreans having their private Meetings , and peculiar Rites , they were destroyed upon suspicion of the Tyrants , &c.

§ . 15. Although Pythagoras left nothing in Writing behinde him , Pythagoras's Followers , & their Writings . yet what his Philosophie was , may be gathered by those of his Sect , who followed , of whom we have many things extant . As Hippodamus the Thurian his Tract of Felicitie . Euryphamus of Life . Hipparchus of the minde's Tranquilitie . Archytas of a good Man , and of the Doctrine of Moralitie . Theagis of Virtues . Clinias of the causes of Virtue . Crito of Prudence , and Felicitie : with Polus of Justice . Besides , we have Lysis's Golden Verses , who flying to Thebes , was Preceptor to Epaminondas the most famous of his Age. We must reckon also amongst the Pythagoreans , Epicarmus , otherwise Cous , who for his repute amongst the Philosophers , was esteemed as the Sun amongst the Stars . He writ of Being , of Ideas , and of the nature of Things . Also Timaeus the Locrian was a Pythagorean , who writ a Book of the Universe , of Ideas , &c. as Lud. Viv. in Aug. l. 8. cap. 11. We may adde to these the two great Law-givers , Zaleuchus who gave Laws to the Locrians ; and Charondas to the Thurians : both Pythagoreans . Lastly , Sextus the Pythagorick Philosopher , who writ an Enchiridion of Sentences , which Ruffinus translated into Latin .

§ . 16. There were other Philosophers , who did very much Pythagorize , although they were not altogether Pythagoreans . Pythagorizing Philosophers . Of this number was Parmenides of the Eleatick Sect , who did Pythagorize in the Doctrine of Ideas , for which he was so eminent , though some make Parmenides a more complete Pythagorean , as before § . 14. Also Empeodocles the Agrigentine Disciple of Pythagoras , and Parmenides wh● Symbolized with Pythagoras in the Doctrine of the Metempsychosis , the prohibition of Beans , &c. and is by Laertius supposed to be the first Inventor of Rhetorick . But amongst the differing Sects , there was none that did Pythagorize more then Plato , especially in Divine matters , as Aristotle , and Laertius have observed . Yea the choicest of his Metaphysick Contemplations seem to be traduced from Pythagoras , and his Followers ; besides what he brought out of Egypt . Plato's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. his Ideas , his Discourse of the Universe , his Metempsychosis , and Daemons , were all asserted by the Pythagoreans . Yea many of the Hellenistick Jews did greatly Pythagorize , as Philo Judaeus the Alexandrine , who ( saith Euseb. Hist. l. 2. c. 4. ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , greatly burning with love of Platonick , and Pythagorick Philosophie , &c.

The Pride of the Pythagoreans , and all other Philosophers . § , 17. Lastly , Albeit the Pythagoreans were thus famous for Judaick mysterious Wisdom , and many Moral , as well as Natural Accomplishments , yet were they not exempted from Boasting , and Pride , which was indeed a Vice most Epidemick , and as it were Congenial among all the Philosophers ; but in a more particular manner among the Pythagoreans : so Hornius , Hist. Philos. l. 3. c. 11. The manners of the Pythagoreans were not free from boasting : They were all 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , such as abounded in the sense and commendation of their own Excellences , and boasting even almost to the degree of immodestie , and impudence , as great Heinsius ad Horat. has rightly observed . Thus indeed does proud Nature delight to walk in the sparks of its own fire . And although many of these old Philosophers , could , by the strength of their own Lights , and Heats , together with some common elevations , and raisures of Spirit ( peradventure from a more than ordinarie , though not special , and saving assistance of the Spirit ) abandon many grosser Vices ; yet were they all deeply immersed in that miserable cursed Abysse of Spiritual pride ; so that all their Natural , Moral , and Philosophick Attainments , did feed , nourish , strengthen , and render more inveterate this hell-bred pest of their Hearts : Yea , those of them that seemed most modest , as the Academicks , who professed they knew nothing ; and the Cynicks who greatly decried , both in words , and habits , the pride of others , yet even these abounded with notorious , and visible pride . So connatural , and morally essential to corrupt Nature is this envenomed root , fountain , and plague of Spiritual pride , especially where there is any Natural , Moral , or Philosophick Excellence to feed the same : whence Austin rightly judged all these Philosophick Virtues to be but splendid Sins .

CHAP. X. Of the Elatick Philosophie , &c.

Of the Eleatick Sect , and its first Institutor Xenophanes . Of Parmenides , and Zeno the first Inventor of Logick . Leucippus his Dogmes of Atomes , and Democritus's emproving the same . Democritus's skill in Physicks , Medicine , Ethicks , Mathematicks , and all the Liberal Sciences , with Mechanick Arts. His Travels , and Conversation with Egyptians , Chaldees , Jews , &c. Of the Heraclitians , Epicureans , and Scepticks .

§ . 1. THe Pythagorick Sect , termed Italick , included under it the Eleatick , the Heraclitian , the Epicurean , and the Sceptick . The Eleatick Sect had for its first Founder Xenophanes the Colophonian ; The Eleatick Sect. but its denomination , and name , it had from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Elea , or Velia , a Town of the Lucans in Magna Graecia , of which Parmenides , Zeno , and Leucippus were ; who being eminent persons of this Sect , from them the Sect it self was termed Eleatick . Thus Cicero , lib. 4. Acad. Qu●st . I find that Xenophanes was the Prince of this Noble Discipline : him Parmenides , and Zeno followed ; from them this Sect was termed Eleatick , &c.

§ . 2. Xenophanes lived about the time of Hieron King of Sicily , Xenophanes the Founder of the Eleatick Sect. and of Epicharmus the Poet ; namely , about the LX Olympiad . Some affirme , that he had no Praeceptor ; others say , he heard Boto the Athenian , or Archelaus the Master of Socrates : or as others , Parmeniscus , and Orestades , Pythagoreans . He approved not fully of the Ionick , or Italick Sect , but delivered many Dogmes contrary both to Thales , and Pythagoras : Yet his Disciples Parmenides , and Zeno , did in many things Pythagorize , and the whole Sect is reckoned but a Branch of the Italick , or Pythagorick Sect. Xenophanes writ his Philosophie in Verse ; yet was he a professed Enemie to the Mythologick Philosophie of the Poets . For he writ against Homer , and Hesiod , and derided them for uttering such Fables of the Gods . He held , First , all things to be incomprehensible , wherein he agreed with the Scepticks . Secondly , That God is one , Incorporeal , Eternal Being , having nothing common with Men , yet all-seeing , all-hearing , all-wise , &c. Thirdly , He held also the Soul to be of a Spiritual Nature . Fourthly , That the Sun consists of a collection of little Fires , &c. see more of his Dogmes in Sextus the Philosopher , and Athenaeus .

Parmenides's Philosophie . § . 3. Parmenides was the Disciple of Xenophanes , who yet differed from his Master in some things ; and in many things Pythagorized . For he held only two Elements , Fire , and Earth , whereof the former he made to be the Active , the latter the Passive , or Material principle of all things . By the Fire Vossius supposes he meant the Sun , and Stars , which have an Active Influence on all Generations , wherein he symbolized with the Pythagoreans , who held Fire to be the active , productive cause of all things ; and that the Sun and Stars were of a Fierie Nature , as before , chap. 7. § . 10. Parmenides asserted also , that the first Principle of all things is One , and that this One is immoveable , and that this One is all : which assertion was the foundation of all his Dogmes concerning Ideas , for which he was so famous : the summe whereof was this , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that all is one , and many : which Principles , and Opinions were evidently Pythagorean , and originally Scriptural ; as before , chap. 8. § . 7. That Parmenides by his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 one , meant God , is affirmed by Simplicius , and others , as Lud. Viv. in Aug. Civ . l. 8. c. 11. His Philosophie was delivered in Verse , yet not Mythick , &c.

Zeno the Eleatick . § . 4. Zeno the Eleatick was Disciple of Parmenides , but originally of Tarsis , or according to others of Sidon , as Suidas : whence we may presume , he could not but have some Traditions or Notices of the Jewish Mysteries . Logick invented by Zeno the Eleatick , Vossius Hist. Graec. l. 4. c. 2. p. 437. This Zeno is said to be the first that Invented Logick : So Aristotle in Sophista , and Laertius in Zeno the Eleatick ; so Galen , or Aëtius in his Book 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , tells us , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Zeno the Eleatick is reported to be the first Author of Contentions , or Dialectick Philosophie : Yet others make Euclid the Megarick , ( Scholar to Socrates , and first Institutor of the Megarick Sect ) to be the Author of Eristick , or Dialectick Philosophie : But the Reconcilement is easie . For although Parmenides , and his Scholar Zeno the Eleatick , were the first who brought up Dialectick , or Logick Disputations ; yet Euclid , who ( as Diogenes reports ) was much versed in Parmenides's Books , might much improve the same , and commend it to those of his Sect : so Voss . de Phil. l. 2. c. 11. Parag. 3.

§ . 5. Next follows Leucippus Disciple of Zeno the Eleatick , Leucippus his Dogmes of Atomes . whom some make to be an Eleatick , others a Milesian , others an Abderite . He is said to be the first amongst the Grecians , that asserted Atomes to be the first principles of all things . So Laertius in Leucippus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Leucippus first laid down Atomes as the Principles , &c. where Laertius more fully explains this Doctrine . Thus also Galen , or Aëtius 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , having spoken of Zeno the Eleatick , addes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Of this man Leucippus the Abderite being hearer , first conceived the Invention of Atomes . Clemens Alexandrinus calls him a Milesian , and saies , that he placed , as first Principles , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Epiphanes , saies he , was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Lactantius lib. 3. Institut. makes him the first that dreamt of Atomes , from whom Democritus received them , as Epicurus from him . Yet Aristotle , lib. 1. de Generat . saies , that Empedocles ( Disciple of Pythagoras , and Parmenides ) held the same Opinion of Atomes . The same is affirmed by Plutarch . de Placit . Phil. l. 1. c. 24. Laertius also tells us , that Anaxagoras asserted the same . And 't is probable that Pythagoras , and Parmenides ( Empedocles's Preceptors ) held Atomes to be the first Principles : which Dogmes they received ( as we may presume ) from Mochus the great Phenician Phisiologist , who was the first among the Pagan Philosophers , that asserted this Doctrine of Atomes , which he received by Tradition from Moses's storie of the Creation , as before , Book 1. chap. 3. parag. 18.

§ . 6. Democritus's Opinion of Atomes . Democritus the Abderite ( as to Physicks ) Disciple of Lencippus , followed him in this Doctrine of Atomes : for he held , there was an infinitie of Atomes scattered up , and down the Vacuum ( which the Phenicians called Chaos ) which being coagmentated , or semented together , were the material Principle of all Bodies , yea of the humane Soul ; and that all Motion was caused by these Atomes : to which he ascribed three Properties . First , Magnitude , though the least , yet some . Secondly , Figure , which was various , and infinite . Thirdly , Pondus , or impetus , which caused their swift Motion , Lud. Vives in August . Civit. l. 11. c. 5. gives this account of these Dogmes . Democritus , saies he , affirmed , that the first Principles of Nature were little Bodies flying up , and down through the immense Vacuum , which had Figure , and Magnitude , yet were indivisible ; wherefore he called them Atomes , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Epicurus followed him , who added to them Pondus , weight ( or impetus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) Thus these small individuous Bodies , being endowed with various Figures , or Formes , Magnitudes , & Pondus's extreamly divers , as also by a fortuitous agitation tossed up & down through the immense Vacuum , were by various chances mix'd together , and coagmentated into infinite Worlds , produced , increased , and destroyed , without any certain Cause , or Counsel . Thus Lud. Vives . Of which more hereafter in Epicurus .

Democritus's skill in Natural Philosophie , Experiments , & Medicine . § . 7. Democritus writ also , according to Suidas , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , of the greater World its Government , &c. ( but this Piece Theophrastus ascribes to Leucippus ) Likewise 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Tract of the nature of the World . Laertius addes , amongst the genuine Works of Democritus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , his little Government of the World . He had an excellent skill in the Experimental part of Natural Philosophie . Plin. lib. 21. c. 11. saies , he left behind him many things of Plants . Petronius Arbiter , saies of him , That he drew forth the Juices of all Herbs ; neither was the virtue of Stones hid from him . That he was an excellent Anatomist , appears by Hippocrates's Character of him , who being sent for by Democritus's Friends to cure him of a Frenetick Distemper , which they fancied him , by reason of his continual Smiling , to labor under : Hippocrates found him busied in the Anatomizing of Animals , and skilful therein , so that ever after they contracted an intimate Friendship , and correspondence by Letters . Democritus was exactly skilled in Medicine also , wherein he writ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an order for Diet , and Cures . For which skill Democritus is greatly extolled by Celsus , lib. 2. cap. 5. what his opinions were see Laertius , Sextus Empericus , but principally Stobaeus in his Physicks .

§ . 8. Democritus was in like manner skilled in Ethicks ; wherein he made the end of humane life to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tranquillitie , which he called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a good , perpetual state of things , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , See Hesychius , and Suidas in 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , yea Democritus seems to be well skilled in the whole Encyclopaedia , or bodie of Philosophie . Laertius saies , he was accounted in Philosophie 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as having joyned together , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Physicks , Ethicks , Mathematicks , the Circle of the Liberal Sciences , & all Mechanicks . He was a great Traveller in the Oriental parts ; He went to Babylon , and there conversed with the Chaldeans ( and as it 's likely , also with the Jews , who were called Chaldeans ) as Aelian . Var . Hist. lib. 4. c. 20. from whom he learned Theologie , and Astrologie . He is said to have written a book 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the sacred letters in Babylon ( perhaps from Jewish traditions ) and another called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as Laertius . He was also in Egypt , whence he had his Geometrie , and as we may suppose , many Jewish traditions also , especially concerning Solomon's experimental Philosophie , wherein Democritus excelled . He flourished about the LXXV . Olympiad ; and was contemporarie with Socrates .

§ . 9. There were other branches of the Italick , or Pythagorick Sect ; as the Heraclitian instituted by Heraclitus an Ephesian , Branches of the Italick sect . The Heraclitian . a person of a great spirit , who flourished about the 69 Olympiad , and was famous for his skill in Natural Philosophie , from whom Plato is said to have derived his Physicks . He in some things Pythagorized , especially in that great Pythagorean Principle , That Fire is the Principle of all things . They reckon also as branches of the Pythagorick Sect , the Epicurean , The Epicurean which sprang immediately from the Eleatick : and so originally from the Italick : as likewise the Sceptick , The Sceptick . which had its foundation in the Eleatick Schole from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the contentious dialectick disputations of Parmenides , and Zeno , which were taken up , in the old Academie , instituted by Plato , and called therein 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Probationarie , or Problematick Disputations ; wherein the Matter being only things dubious , they disputed pro , and con . as they listed . Which way of dubious Disputation , was so well improved in the New Academies , and by Pyrrho , and his followers , as that they came to denie that any thing was certain , or knowable ; whence they are called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . But of these in their places .

BOOK III. Wherein more breifly of Socratick , more largly of Platonick Philosophie .

CHAP. I. Of Socratick Philosophie , its Original , &c.

Socrates brought in Moral Philosophie , and why : His Metaphysicks from the Scriptures , viz. That Virtue and Knowledge of God comes by Divine infusion : His Daemon , &c. Socrates's Philosophie how far Contemplative : All true Philosophie Active : His Moralitie , particularly his endeavours to strip men of vain conceits touching their own knowledge , & to reduce them to the Knowledge of themselves . The Forme of Socrates's Philosophie was partly Rhetorical by Ironie , partly Dialectical , by Introduction , and Interrogation , according to the Jewish mode of Disputing , Mark . 8.11 . Luk. 11.53 . Socrates's Death , and Character : the many Sects , that sprang from his Schole , and their differences about the chiefest Good , &c.

§ . 1. HAving discoursed at large of the Italick Philosophie founded by Pythagoras , and its ●raduction from the Divine Oracles : We now return to the Ionick , and its Advances under Socrates , and by his Scholars , Plato , &c. We have afore in the Storie of Thales , shewn how he , who was the Founder of the Ionick Sect , traduced the Choicest parts of his Philosophie from the Jewish Church . We are now to demonstrate , what emprovment the Ionick Philosophie received from the said Jewish Philosophie , and Sacred Oracles . The Ionick Schole ( as we before hinted ) was Transplanted from Ionia in Asia , Vossius de Philos. Sect. part. 2. cap. 5. paragr. 7. Lud. Viv. Aug. Civ . l. 8. c. 2. unto Athens by Anaxagoras . as Vossius will have it ; or by his Successor Archelaus , as Ludovicus Vives . Socrates was Scholar to both : First to Anaxagoras , and after his departure from Athens to Archelaus , who was called the Physiologist , or Naturalist , because he ( as all his Predecessors of the Ionick Schole ) wholly addicted himself to Natural Philosophie .

Socrates the Author of Moral Philosophie . § . 2. But Socrates , being disgusted at the vain Ph●losophizings of these proud daring Naturalists , considers how he might reduce Philosophie to a more Practical usage . For observing what small advantage Contemplative Philosophie brought to Human Life , he reduced her to a more Active Science ; and so pared off in every Science what he conceived lesse useful , , Galenus initio libri de Sectis Philos. S●crati inventionem Ethicae , et Logicae tribuit . Hornius Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 13. valuing Speculation no farther , than it conduced to Action . Thus Cicero Acad. Quaest. 1. Socrates ( saies he ) seems to me , as it is manifest to all , to be the First , that called off Philosophie from occult things , and such as were involved , in Nature , in which all the foregoing Philosophers were Versed , and to reduce her to common Life , that so men might enquire about Virtue , and Vice , and altogether of things Good , and Evil. As for Celestial bodies , he judged them altogether above the knowledge of Nature , or if they might be never so well known , yet did they no way conduce to our well living . Thus Cicero . We find the like account in August . Civit. Dei lib. 8. cap. 3. Of Socrates's Philosophie . Socrates ( saies he ) therefore was the first , who is mentioned to have turned the whole of Philosophie , for the correcting , and composing of manners : whereas before him all employed their chiefest endeavours in Physicks , i. e. in natural Enquiries . Thus we see , that Socrates was the first , who rejecting Astronomical , and Physick Contemplations , brought in Moral Philosophie into the Scholes : whence he is said to call down Philosophie from Heaven to Earth .

Why Socrates applyed himself wh●lly to Moralitie . § . 3. August . also ( de Civ . l. 8. c. 3. ) enquires into the reasons , which might enduce Socrates to reject the Speculative Disquisitions , which were then most in vogue , and to turne his Philosophizing wholly to Moralitie . And he concludes that 't is not clear , whether it proceeded from an irksome sense he had of the obscuritie , and uncertaintie , which attended such Natural Philosophizings : or ( as some more favourably judge ) whether it were , that he judged men not fit to meddle with such sublime Mysteries , before they had gotten minds purified , and clarified from terrene affections , &c. So Lactant. lib. 3. I grant ( saies he ) that Socrates was a little more discreet than the rest , who fancyed , they could comprehend the Nature of things by their Ingenie , wherein I conceive them to be not only foolish , but impious , in that they dare thurst in their curious eyes into the secrets of that Celestial Providence : yea I count them much more wicked , who seek to prophane the secrets of the World , and this Heavenly Temple , by their impious disputes , than he that would endeavour to enter into the Temple of Vesta , or Ceres , &c. Put the genuine account seems this ; that Socrates having enquired into all kinds of Philosophie then in vogue , he found little of certaintie , and lesse of usefulnes therein ; whereupon he made it his designe to reduce speculation to practice , &c. The like inducement drew Padre Paul that Venetian Reformer to quit speculative Philosophie , and turne to Moralitie , as it 's well observed by the Author of his Life ( English , pag. 69. ) About that time ( saies he ) Father Paul changed the qualitie of his studies ( excepting Ecclesiastical , and Prophane Stories ) to the studie of Moral Philosophie . Peradventure that which is written of Socrates is no singular , or voluntarie Act , but is , as it were natural to all those understandings , which have any thing of transendent , who , after they have made a discoverie of what they can arrive to upon Universalities , transport themselves totally to Moralitie ; which studie ( as to inferior things ) is the only speculation of Humanitie . This ariseth either from a desire more intense to better it self , or from some incomprehensibilitie , or from a solid judgment of the vanitie of Sciences , &c.

§ . 4. Though Socrates addicted himself chiefly to Moralitie , yet was he not without skill in other parts of Philosophie , and Learning . Socrates a● Universal Scholar . Plato in his Epistles Attributes some parts of Natural Philosophie to Socrates . Xenephon his Scholar ( as also Cicero ) affirms , that he was excellent in all kind of Learning , as well in Wisdom , Acutenes , Socrates junior adhuc incredibili cupiditate naturalis Scientiae arsit , uti de se apud Platonem , lib. de anima testarur : Senior factus cam Philosophiae partem , ut dubiam , incertam , inutilem , prorsus repudia●it . Hornius Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 13. Politenes , and Subtiltie ; as in ●loquence , Varietie , and Copiousnes : to whatsoever piece of Learning he addicted himself ; he was without exception Prince of all . So much also is expressed in that answer , which the Oracle made to him , who enquired who was the wisest m●n ? 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Of all men Socrates is the wisest , said the Oracle . He made man the entire subject of his Philosophie . For , according to the twofold 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or regard of man , 1. To Divine Contemplation , or , 2. To Human Conversation , he divided his Philosophie into Metaphysick or Contemplative , and Moral or Active . Socrates's Metaphysicks . 1. As to his Metaphysicks , or Divine Contemplations , he took it for granted , whilest man was subject to , and under the impression of corporeal Images , sensible Formes , and terrene Affections , he was not rightly disposed for Divine Contemplation , which required a mind defecated , and separated from corporeal Phantasmes , and Passions . This some give as the reason , why in his Philosophick Institutes he so much addicted himself to moralitie ; because he found his Scholars not capable of those more sublime Metaphysick Contemplations , therefore he endeavoured to prepare them for the same by Moral Institutes . This he made the chief subject of his last Philosophick Lecture to his Scholars , after he had taken his Poyson , immediately before his Death , as we find it related at large by Plato in his Phaedo ; where he gives us Socrates's Dying Philosophizings touching the souls immortalitie , and separate state ; and particularly , that none could rightly Philosophize of these Divine Mysteries , but such as had their souls stripped of , & abstracted from all Corporeal images , impresses , and affections : for 'till the soul was loose from the prison of the bodie it could not be free for the Contemplation of God &c. Whence he defines Philosophie a mediation of death i. e. of the separation of the soul and bodie , in which state the soul being purged from those corporeal dregs , by which it was contaminated , whilest confined to the bodie , it is rendred capable of contemplating God , and Divine things . For ( saies he ) it is great impietie to suppose that the Most Pure Divine Truth , and Being , will be touched by an impure mind . Thence he judged , that the Friends of God knew more of him , and his Divine Mysteries , than impure souls , who followed not God . And Plato in his Cratylus brings him in affirming , that only Good men were Wise , and skilful in Divine Mysteries , &c. So August . de civit . Dei l. 8. c. 3. giving a reason , why Socrates Philosophized so much on Moralitie , he saies , Socrates would not , that minds clogged with terrene passions , should extend themselves to contemplate Divine things , which he conceived could not be comprehended but by a refined judgment : and therefore he thought men should be very intent on getting a reformed Life , that the minde being exonerated of its depressing Lusts , might by a natural vigor , lift up it self to Eternals , and by that puritie of Intelligence contemplate the Nature of that Eternal , Incommutable Light , where the causes of all created Natures live in stabilitie , &c. Thus August . Whereby we are informed , why Socrates was so sparing in communicating his Divine Contemplations to his Scholars : though it seems to me very evident by what I find ascribed to him by Plato , that of all the Grecian Philosophers ( Pythagoras not excepted ) Scocrates had as ( if not more ) clear Notions as any touching God , his Nature , Vnitie , Socrates hi● Metaphysick Contemplations from Scripture traditions . and other sacred Mysteries , which he could never have attained unto , but by some borrowed Tradition originally Jewish , or Scriptural . Particularly Socrates asserted . 1. The Spiritual , Infinite , Eternal Nature of God , and his Vnitie , which was the great Article , for which he suffered a kind of Martyrdome . 2. The cor●uption of Humane Nature , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. 3. A Native blindnes , in which all men were inveloped &c. 4. That Virtue was not teachable , and acquitable by Nature , or Art , but the product of Divine inspiration . 4. That Virtue comes from God . Thus Plato in Meno . fol. 89. brings in Socrates thus discoursing 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. Having therefore often sought if there were any Praeceptors of Virtue , after all my endeavours I could find none : so , fol. 99. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Virtue is neither teachable , neither gained by science . Then he brings in Socrates concluding more positively , thus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Virtue then is neither from Nature , nor Teachable ; but it comes by a divine inspiration , without the concurrence of humane understanding in those to whom it is communicated , &c. Thus Plato . Yea he adds ( in the same fol. 99. ) That God useth the most unskilful instruments , in communicating this Grace to men , &c. 5. When also Socrates asserted , That all true knowledge of God came by Divine Infusion . So Plato in his Alcibiad . fol. 124. 5. That all true knowledge of God is by Divine infusion . brings in Socrates thus bespeaking Alcibiades , We have need of a Common Council , by what means we may become best . Neither doe I affirm this only of thee , Alcibiades , that thou wantest Discipline , but that I my self , mostly need it . Neither doe I at all differ from thee , this one thing being excepted ; ●hat my Tutor , namely God is better , and Wiser than thine , viz. Pericles . So again Plato Alcibiad . fol. 135. brings in Socrates thus Dialogizing with Alcibiades . Socrates : Dost thou know by wh●● me●ns thou mayst avoid this inordinate motion of thy mind ? Alcibiades : Yes : Soc. How ? Alcib . If thou wilt Socrates . Socrat. Thou speakest not rightly Alcibiades . Alcib . How then must I speak ? Socrat. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , If God will , &c. Again , Plato in his Theaet . fol. 151. brings in Socrates alluring Theaetetus ( a young man of an happie ingenie ) to his Philosophie : in order whereto he affirms , that he was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i. e. endowed with a Midwifes facultie to draw forth the conceptions of mens minds . But withall he adds that God alone was the Efficient , and he only a Midwife employed by God , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Socrates's Daemo● . God has compelled me to play the Midwife , but forbad me to generate . and fol. 210. he expresly saies , I and my Mother received this Midwifes facultie from God , &c. 6. Hence Socrates pretended to have a familiar Daemon alwaies attending , and inspiring of him . So Plato Theagnes . 128. brings in Socrates thus discoursing , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. There is by Divine Grace a Daemon , which has follo●ed me from my Childhood . This Daemon , is a voice , which signifies to me what I must doe , yet it does not compel me to do every thing : But if any of my friends communicate somewhat to me , and that voice d●hort me me from the same , Socrates utebatur Daemone 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 sive domestico , & familiari ; ex cujus pr●scripto omnia agebat : de quo integro libro de Deo Socratis Madaurensis agit . Hornius i Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 13. it also suffers me not to doe it , &c. So it 's said of Socrates that when one of his Scholars offered him Money for instructing him , he refused it , saying , his Daemon would not permit it . And Plato in his Symposion , brings in Socrates discoursing at large of this Daemon , his Office , &c. And Serranus in Plato's Apologie for Socrates tells us , That Socrates called his Divine Inspiration 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Daemon , a Voice , and a Signe . And by the assistance of this tutelar Daemon Socrates affirmed , that he instituted his whole life even from his childhood . Wh●t this Daemon was , whether a good , or bad Angel ( whereof the latter is most probable ) it concerns us not to debate : only this is evident from the whole , that Socrates acknowledged a necessitie of a supernatural , Divine , assistance for instruction , and direction &c. 7. Socrates acknowledgeth a necessitie of some Divine Purgatorie , or purgation to expel all noxious humours from the soul : So Plato Charmides 154. Socrates artificially feignes himself ( saies he ) a Physician ; and testifies , that his Medicament would be ineffectual unless there preceed some 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , preparatorie Pill , or enchantment , by the words whereof the disease may be driven out . This he illustrates by an excellent similitude drawn from Medicine , which teacheth that general purgatives are to precede particulars : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. So agen fol 157. he adds 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Socrates said , that the soul was to be purged by certain Epoda's , or preparatories , and these Epoda's were Good , and Divine words . 8. Socrates seems to have some imperfect notices of Faith , and Prayer , 8. Of faith , and Prayer . according to the Scriptures notion thereof . So Plato Epinom . fol. 980. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. Trust on the Gods , and pray unto them , that meet apprehensions of the nature of the Gods may come into thy minde . 9. Lastly that Socrates had very clear apprehensions of the soul's immortalitie , 9. Of the Soul it 's immortalitie , &c. and it 's separate state , will be evident to any , that views his dying discourse of this Theme , as related by Plato in his Phaedo . By all which laid together it's evident : that Socrates had very Metaphysical contemplations of Divine Mysteries , and that originally from the Jewish Church ,

§. 5 Though Socrates was not without sublime , Socrates's Active Moral Philosophie how far contemplative . and deep contemplations of Divine things , yet the most of his Philosophical discourses in his Schole concerned Morals , and that for the reasons afore mentioned . So August . Civit. l. 8. c. 4. In as much as the studie of wisdom consists in Contemplation , and Action , Socrates is said to excel most , in Active Philosophie , whereas Pythagoras , insisted more upon Contemplative , &c. Not but that Socrates spent much time in Contemplation , as well as Pythagoras , for so Plato lib. 7. de Repub. brings in Adimantus thus speaking unto Socrates , Thou hast consumed thy whole life in nothing else but Speculation ; &c. Only herein lay the difference : Socrates made all his Contemplations subservient unto Action , and valued not speculative sciences farther then they conduced to practice : for he made Man the whole subject of his philosophie . So Plato in his Apologie for Socrates , tells us , how much time he spent in Contemplative Inquisitions ; but only so far , as they referred to Action : whereas Pythagoras , & so Plato in many of their inquiries made Truth the ultimate Object or End of their Contemplation , or Motion . Now it 's well known , that the specifick differrence betwixt Contemplative , and Active Philosophie ariseth not so much from their different Acts , as Objects , and Effects ; for Active Philosophie supposeth some Contemplation of Truth , as well as Contemplative ; only in the latter , Truth is the ultimate Object , and sole Effect ; whereas the former considers Truth only as influential on Practice , according to that ancient determination , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Practick Philosophie is effective of Virtue , but Theoretick of Truth . Thus we see how Socrates's Philosophie may be termed Active , though not exclusive of Contemplation . Namely as it is not only speculative , and apprehensive of Truth , but also practick , and causative of Virtue : wherein he was followed by the Cynicks , and Stoicks , All Philosophie ought to determine in Virtue and Action . who acknowledged a Fraternitie , as being both descended from Socrates's schole , and herein agreed with him in making the chief end of Philosophie to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , To live according to Virtue . So Plato , who according to vniversal consent , received his Morals from Socrates , follows his Master therein , telling us , that Philosophie is the way to true Felicitie , which has chiefly these two Offices , to Contemplate God , and to sever the minde from Corporeal Phantasmes . So agen Plato in his Euthydemus tells us , that Use in things holds the principal place , and the possession of any thing , & therefore of science it self , which without the use thereof , is vain : So that if there could be a science , which should give us Immortalitie , yet were it of no value , if we understood not how to use it : whence he concludes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Wisdom therefore alwaies makes men to live happily . Agen he saies , That he deserves very ill of Philosophie , who lives not Philosophically . i. e. according to the precepts of Philosophie . And elsewhere he give us this principally as the spirits of all his Philosophie , To Philosophize is to know , to love , and to imitate God . Yea Aristotle his scholar who abounds in speculation , does yet herein symbolize with him , and Socrates his Master : affirming that he alone is a true Philosopher , who lives Philosophically : So Arist. Eth. l. 2. c. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Many doe not these things , but flying to their reason they think to Philosophize , and so to be virtuous , doing like to sick men , who hear their Physitian diligently , but yet doe nothing of what he prescribeth . As therefore these playing thus the Physicians , will never cure the bodie , so the other , thus Philosophizing , will never cure the soul . But the Stoicks ( as it has been already hinted ) follow Socrates 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , foot by foot reducing all Philosphie to Moralitie . So Epictetus bid his Disciples Not to tell the world they were Philosophers by words , but by deeds : to act as Philosophers , As ( saies he ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. The sheep do not bring their grasse to the shepherd to shew how much they eate , but digesting their food within , they bring forth a good Fleece , and Milk . And so do you ; don't teach men , how they ought to eate , but eate as you ought , &c. So Seneca Epist. 75. He is not blessed , who knowes these things , but who does them . Epist. 94. What else is Philosophie , but a law of Life ? The like Seneca Epist. 90. Wisdom sets deeper , neither does she teach the hands , but is the Mistress of Minds : she is a Queen , and Governess , Arts serve , but wisdom governs the life , Seneca Epist. 117. The minde is wont to delight , rather then to heal it self , and to make Philosophie a Recreation , whereas it ought to be a Remedie . &c. To which we may adde that of Plutarch de placit . philos. l. 1. It behoves ( saies he ) a man ( truly wise & ) blessed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , To be not only Theoretick of Beings , but also practick of things wanting as to well-being . By all which we see what a general reception this active , and moral Philosophie , which Socrates first brought into the Scholes , found amongst all the following Sects , especially the Stoicks . That Socrates reduced the whole of his Philosophie to an 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Virtuous operation , is evident , Socrates's Moralitie . by what is mentioned of him in Stobaus Serm. 1. fol. 29. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Some one asking Him ( i. e. Socrates ) what seemed to him the best instruction ? He answered Eupraxie , or Well-doing — For he said they were best , and most grateful to God in husbandrie , who transacted their husbandrie affaires well ; In Physicks , who acted as good Physicians ; In Politicks , who dispatched the Politick concerns well . But he , that does nothing well , said he , is neither profitable , nor ( Theophiles ) grateful to God . Thus Stobaeus , who also in what follows , serm. 1. fol. 29. ) tells us out of Xenophon , lib. 2. de Secrat . that Socrates made this his practice wheresoever he came to do Good , &c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Thus Socrates was in every affair , and according to every respect useful , wherefore nothing was more beneficial than to have conversation with Socrates , and conference with him in every place , and matter : for he profited those , who conversed with him , no lesse in recreation , than in serious studies , and conferences : Thus Stobaeus . So Plutarch acquaints us , that Socrates taught not only in the Chair , but even in his recreations , in his eating , in the Field , in the Market , finally , when he was in Prison ; thus he made every place a Schole of Virtue , &c. As for the severals of Socrates's Moral Philosophie , we have no exact account thereof , because he left nothing in Writing ; only we may look upon most of Plato's Moral Philosophizings as extracts ( though with some flourishes , and intermixtures of his own ) of Socrates's Principles ; for it is a received opinion amongst the Ancients , that Plato owes the original of his Moral Philosophie to Socrates , as Augustin . &c. But yet we shall give one or two particulars of Socrates's Morals , &c.

1 His Institutes against self conceitednes , and flaterie , with advice to studie our selves . 1. He made it a great part of his design to strip men of their affected conceited opinions of their own wisdom . He seemed to have some kind of feeling sense , how apt men are to be their own flatterers , to abound in the sense of their own parts and sufficiencies , and therefore he laies this as the first principle , and foundation of all Philosophie Know thy self : So Plato ( Alcibiad. 24 ) brings in Socrates advising Alcibiades to the studie of himself thus : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . But believe me , and the Delphick Oracle , Know thy self . He tells us ( fol. 134 ) that they who know not themselves , know nothing of their own goods , or ills , nor of any such thing , that belonged to them , yea that they knew nothing of other affaires ; and therefore could never make good Politicians , or Governours of Families . He also affirms , that all sin proceeds from a conceited ignorance , which makes men presume they know , what indeed they are ignorant of . He shews how many have erred from the best Marke , because they trusted to their own opinion ; whereas those , who are conscious of their ignorance , will commit themselves to the teaching of others . He saies this is the best Modestie , and Wisdom 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to know a man's self . He gives us the root of this Self-knowledge , namely the knowledge of God , &c. He also informs us touching its true Object , and Act : viz. that it is a reflex knowledge of the soul , its Habits , Acts , &c. And the more effectually to convince Alcibiades of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 and proud arrogance , Socrates draws a parallel 'twixt him , & the Persian Monarchs thereby to shew him how inconsiderable he was : so Plato Alcibiades , fol. 102.

2. 2. For the government of the tongue . Socrates gave many excellent precepts for the government of the Tongue as Stobaeus Serm. 3.44 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be a lover of hearing , more than a lover of speaking . Agen 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Seal thy words with silence , and thy silence with opportunitie , wherein he Pythagorized . Lastly , albeit Socrates gave many excellent Moral Institutes , yet was he greatly defective both as to Principles , and Practice : as hereafter .

§ . 6. As for Socrates's Mode , or Forme of Philosophizing , Socrates's mode , or forme of Philosophizing , Natural , and familiar . it was in the general suitable to his matter , natural , familiar , and plain , not artificial . He suited his Forme to his Matter , according to the method of Nature , not his Matter to his Forme , as the scholes now doe . For the matter of his Philosophie being chiefly Moral , he fitted his forme thereto . In particular , the Socratick Mode , or Forme of Philosophizing was Twofold , 1. Rhetorical , or Suasive , 2. Dialectick , or Persuasive . 1. As to Socrates's Rhetorical mode of Philosophizing , 1. His Rhetorick mode Ironical . it was by Ironie : and indeed his whole life was but a kind of Ironie , or dissimulation , whence he was called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 i. e. One that acts the part of a Fool , though most Wise . Cicero ( de orat. 2. ) tells us That Socrates exceeded all men in this Ironical dissimulation , mixing a sweet Urbanitie , and pleasantnes with his discourses : so Stobaeus saies , that his Jests were instructive . 2. As for Socrates's Dialectical Demonstrative , and Persuasive Mode of Philosophizing , it was also Natural , 2. His Dialectick by Induction , which consisted of Interrogations . and Familiar , not Artificial , as that in Aristotle's schole . In brief , Socrates's natural Logick consisted in Induction ; which Cicero [ de Iuvent. 1. ) defines a Discourse , that gains assent to things doubtful , by the assent which is yeelded to things not doubtful . Lud. Vives ( in Aug. Civ . l. 8. c. 7. ) acquaints us , that this Socratick Induction is of all most powerful ; which none used more happily than Socrates ; whence Quintilian commends it to his Orator ; whence also Plato borrowed his Mode of Dialogizing , &c. This kind of reasoning Socrates affected , because he would not himself use any arguments of persuasion , but rather work somewhat out of what was granted . This is discursive Induction Socrates formed into , and expressed by Interrogations , as it 's evident to any , that shall consider his discourses in Plato . So Hornbeeck summa Controvers . pag. 56. Alwaies ( saies Hornbeck ) approved the Socratick mode of Disputing , wherein , by continued , & pressing interrogations , and answers , the truth at last is so certainly gathered , and concluded , that it easily gains an assent from all ; which as elsewhere , so especially in Plato's Hippia he observes , &c. Socrates made use of this kind of Argumentation by Interrogations , thereby to draw forth the conclusion he aimed to prove , even from the gradual concessions of his opponents : for he was wont to say he knew nothing himself , only like a barren Midwife he was endowed with a particular gift for the assisting others to bring forth their own conceptions . So Plato Theaet . fol. 210. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , These Dialectical interrogations of Jewish original . This Midwifes Art , I , and my Mother received from God , &c. In these Dialogizing disputes Socrates attributed more to his opponents , detracting from himself , for he pretended still to know nothing , and therefore refused to take Money of his Scholars . Thence Aristotle , 2 Elench. Sophist . cap. 8. saies . That Socrates alwaies interrogated , but never replied , because he professed he knew nothing . This Natural and familiar mode of reasoning by questions and answers used in Socrates's Schole seems an exact imitation of , and derivation from the Jewish mode of Disputation . So Mark 8.11 . 'T is said the Pharisees came forth , & began to question with him , &c. 't is so in the Greek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 to dispute with him by questions : So Grotius on this place : The ancient manner of Disputing , saies he , was by Interrogations . But more expresly Luke 11.53 . 'T is said the Scribes , and Pharisees began to urge him vehemently , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , i. e. by Interrogations , unto which they required an extemporary answer , so it follows , and to provoke him to speak of many things , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . This word ( saies Grotius ) was taken from the Scholes , where the Masters were wont to set the riper Scholars to pose the younger by Interrogations , whence in the New Testament the words 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 usually signifie to dispute , i. e. by Dialogues , or questions , and answers , which was the mode of disputing in the Jewish Scholes , and thence traduced unto the Grecian , and continued amongst them till Aristotle reduced this natural Logick to an Artificial way of Syllogizirg in Mode and Figure , of which more hereafter , in Plato's mode of Philosophizing . In these disputations of Socrates , he intends more the drawing forth , ●nd revincing the opinion of his Opponent , than the delivering and establishing of his own . For he conceived it not his concern , who affirmed he knew nothing , to assert any thing , as he himself declareth in Plato's Theaetetus . And this his modest suspension , or conceling his own opinion , laid the Foundation of those differing Sects , which sprang from him ; especially of the Academical 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or suspension : of which hereafter . Howbeit Socrates's modestie would not permit him to assert , and confirme his own 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Hypotheses , yet was he very bold , and Ironical in refuting the proud assumings of such as pretended they knew all things . So August . de Civit. l. 8. c. 3. It is apparent ( saies he ) that Socrates did in his very Moral questions , whereto he seems wholly to addict himself , either by his confessed ignorance , or dissembled knowledge , with an admirable pleasantnes , and most acute urbanitie agitate , and overturne the follie of unlearned persons , who thought they knew somewhat , &c. All these Philosophick Contemplations of Socrates laid together , sufficiently argue their original to be Divine , and Sacred . Yea Justin Martyr , and other of the Fathers , conceived , that he lived 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , & that he did 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 in part acknowledge Christ . So Justin Martyr Apol. ad Senat. & Anton. Hornius Hist. Eccles. l. 3. c. 13. 'T is possible that Socrates's Daemon might be no other , than the Divine 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Spirit of God .

§ . 7. This fervor of Socrates mixed with an Ironical facetiousnes in overturning the proud conceited ignorance of some , The occasion and instruments of his Death . who fancyed they knew all things , is supposed to give the occasion of his condemnation , and death . So August . de Civit. l. 8. c. 3. ) in what follows saies , that from these endeavours of Socrates to discover the follie of these ignorant Sophists , enmities being stirred up , he was by a calumnious crimination condemned , and punished with death , &c. Plato in his Apologie for Socrates affirmes , that these odiums , and feudes befel Socrates by reason of his disputations against these proud Sophists . The same Laertius : There were three , that accused Socrates Anytus , Melitus , and Lycon the Orator , who was the Actor ; whereas Anytus defended the rout of Artificers , and the rest of the Athenians , whom Socrates often derided ; and Melitus defended the Poets , when Socrates had condemned , and judged to be expelled the Citie . The main crime they accuse him of was his denying a multiplicitie of Gods &c. for which he was condemned by 281 suffrages . Immediately before his death , after he had taken the poyson , he makes a learned , and undaunted discourse about the immortalitie of the Soul , and its state in separation from the bodie &c. and when he felt the paines of Death growing upon him , he takes his leave of his Scholars , Tandem cum nonnullorum odia in se concitasset , accusatus quòd corrumperet javentutem , et novas superstitiones induceret ad cicutae forbitionem condemnatus est Socrates . Quint. l. 4. c. 4. Apul. 10. miles . Hornius , Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 13. Socrates 's Character . enjoyning them to go , and Sacrifice a Cock to Esculapius the Daemon-god of Medicine , as a thankful acknowledgement for so sweet , and noble a death : of which see Plato's Phaedo about the end ; also his , and Xenophon's Apologies for Socrates , with Diogenes Laertius , where we find Socrates pleading , that his Enemies overwhelmed him not with Crimes , but envie only , &c. And the Athenians were so greatly affected with the injurie done to Socrates , that a little after they caused all their Scholes to be shut , and punished Melitus with death , Anytus with banishment , erecting a brazen Statue to Socrates , as Austin : and Ludov. Vives in Aug. Civit. l. 8. c. 2. gives him this great Character . This is that Socrates of whom nothing can be sufficiently said for his Dignitie , who , as it 's manifest , was the wisest of all the Gentiles , and came nearest of all to the Christian Wisdom : He was borne at Athens , Sophroniscus being his Father , &c. He was a Man temperate , chast , just , modest , patient of injuries ; not greedie of riches , pleasures , no nor yet of glorie , for it 's certain he writ nothing . He was the first , who whilst others professed to know all things , professed himself to know nothing . Thus Lud. Vives . To which may be added that of Hornius , Socrates erat vir acutus , festivus , laborem tolerans , non tam praeceptis quàm exemplo docens : quem , & Lactantius caeteris non paulo cordatiorem fuisse concedit . Socrates was eminent for his Acumen , Eloquence , Diligence , Instructing , as well by his Example as Precepts ; and such as Lactantius also acknowledgeth to have far surpast others ( Heathen Philosophers ) for Wisdom , Horn. Hist. Phil. lib. 3. cap. 13. Yet some say , Socrates was not exempted from that great Gentile uncleannes , which the wisest and best of those Gentile Philosophers were guiltie of , mentioned Rom. 1.21 , 27. as elsewhere .

Of Socrates's Scholars , and their different persuasions about Morals , the chiefest Good , &c. whence they fell into divers Sects . § . 8. Though Socrates writ nothing himself , yet his Disputes were committed to Writing by his Scholars : amongst whom Xenophon was the first , and most punctual ; for Plato useth a great libertie in interlining his own Sentiments with his Masters Dogmes . And albeit Socrates confined himself to Morals , and in his Philosophizings thereon used a plain method , yet after his death , his Scholars fell into several Factions , and Sects , which sprang from their differing Apprehensions about the chiefest Good , and the chiefest Evil. So Austin ( Civit. l. 8. c. 3. ) Therefore Socrates by reason of his so great Fame , both living , and dead , left behind him many Sectator● of his Philosophie , whose Eristick studie was to be versed in the Controversies of Moral Questions , wherein the chiefest Good consisted ? which not evidently appearing in Socrates's Disputes , whil'st he started , and asserted , and destroyed every thing , every one formed such a chief Good , as seemed most pleasing to him . Thus had these Socraticks differing perswasions about this last end ; some placing the chiefest Good in Pleasures , as Aristippus ; some in Virtue , as Antisthenes , &c. Indeed all the Sects of the Ionick Philosophie , seem to owe their Original to Socrates's Schole , especially the Cyreniack , Cynick , Eleatick , Megarick , Academick , Platonick , Stoick .

1. Of Socrates's Scholars , Xenophon , Xenophon . and Aeschinus , the Socratick clave fast to their Master , without founding a new Sect.

2. Aristippus the Cyrenian , Aristippus Founder of the Cyreniack● another of Socrates's Scholars founded the Cyreniack Sect , whose main Principle was , that the chiefest Good lay in Pleasure , whence the whole Sect was called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as the Epicureans after them .

3. Antisthenes another of Socrates's Scholars , Antisthenes of the Cynicks , and Stoicks . founded the Cynick Sect. His chief Position was , that Virtue was the chiefest Good , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , wherein he was followed by Zeno his Scholar , who was the Founder of the Stoick Sect , which as to Morals held a great communion with the Cynicks , and they both with Socrates , &c.

4. Another of Socrates's Scholars was Euclid the Megarick , Euclid of the Megaricks . whose Followers were thence called Megaricks , and afterwards Eristicks ; and by some Dialecticks , because they exercised themselves chiefly in Dialectick Questions , which humor Euclid suckt in , not from Socrates , but Parmenides , and Zeno the Eleatick .

5. Phaedo of Elia , another of Socrates's Scholars , Phaedo of the Eleaticks . established the Eleatick Sect. He writ many of Socrates's Elegant Speeches .

6. But the most renowned of all Socrates's Scholars , was Plato , Plato of the Academicks . that famous Founder of the old Academie , whence the new Academicks descended ; as the Platonists : as it follows .

CHAP. II. Of the Platonick Philosophie , its traduction from the Jews .

That Plato borrowed his Philosophie from the Jews , proved by the universal consent , 1. of Pagans . Plato's own Confessions , that he received his choicest Principles from the Barb●ri●ns , Phenicians , and Syrians , i. e. the Jews . Plato's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , some Jewish Traditions : His Traditions of the Divine Ideas , Providence , Immortalitie of the Soul , and Origine of the Universe from the Jews . The Testimonie of Numenius . 2. The Testimonies of Jews , Aristobulus , Josephus . 3. Testimonies of Christians . 1. More ancient , as Clem. Alexandrinus , Just. Martyr , Jo. Grammaticus , Ambrose , Austin . 2. Moderne , Lud. Vives , Selden , Jackson , Cudworth , Stillingfleet , and Hornius .

§ . 1. HAving given some cursorie account of the Socratick Philosophie , That Plato borrowed the choicest of his Notions from the Jews , proved by Testimonies of Heathens . 1. Plato himself . we now proceed to the Platonick ( the main Branch of the Socratick ) to demonstrate its traduction from the Jewish Divine Oracles . And herein we shall take up the same method we laid down in our Discourse of Pythagorick Philosophie ; namely , first , to give that , which the Scholes terme 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Demonstration that ' t is so ; and then to proceed to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the several Causes , Methods , and waies by which Plato traduced his Philosophie from the Jewish Church , and Oracles . As for the first Branch of our Demonstration , to prove the quod sit , that Plato indeed borrowed the choicest parts of his Philosophie from the Jews , and sacred Scriptures ; we shall endeavour to make it good by an universal consent , or Testimonie , which though but ( as they phrase it ) an inartificial Argument , yet will it prove strong , and binding as to our present design : For we shall produce Testimonies from all parties , both Pagans , Jews , and Christians , and those most able and faithful Recorders of , and Searchers into Antiquitie : so that there will not be place left for doubting ; so far as such an humane Faith will reach ; that parties so diametrically opposite in their inclinations , perswasions , humors , principles , spirits , and interests , should universally conspire to impose a cheat , and falsitie , on all their posteritie in a matter concerning which they had sufficient advantages to satisfie themselves , and their posterities . That Grecian Philosophie in general was traduced from the Jewish Church , we proved by universal consent , Book 2. Chap. 1. which might serve as to our particular case . But we shall now give you some particular Testimonies to prove , that Plato derived his Philosophie from the Jews , and Scriptures . And amongst those from Pagans , we shall begin with some Confessions dropt from Plato's own Pen , which seem to give some grounded evidence , if not full conviction to our Conclusion .

1. Plato confesseth ingeniously , that he , 2. Plato acknowledgeth his choicest Traditions to be from the Barbarians , by whom he means the Jews . together with the rest of the Grecians , received their choicest Traditions , and Learning , from certain Barbarians more ancient than themselves . So in his Cratylus , fol. 426. ( edit. Steph. ) Plato acknowledgeth , That the first Institution of Letters was from the Gods , by certain Barbarians , &c. so in his Epinom . Plato saies , What the Greeks received , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , they put into a better mode , that is , they cloath'd in a Greek fashion , thereby to disguise it . That by Barbarians can be meant no other than the Hebrews , we have endeavoured to prove out of Justin Martyr , Testatus Plato Graecos à Barbaris didicisse , sed ab eis accepta meliora fecisse . Steuch . Eugubinus de Pere● . Philos. l. 2. c. 2. Clemens Alexandrinus , Epiphanius , Nicephorus , and Serranus , before Part. 1. Book 1. Chap. 2. This is farther evident by what we find in Tatianus ( contra Graecos Oratio . ) thus translated . It becomes not you , O Grecians , to prosecute the Barbarians with so much enmitie , and to be so invidious against their Placits : For what is there of Studie among you , which drew not its Origine from the Barbarians , &c. Then having largely explicated the chief parts of the Grecian Learning , he proceeds to demonstrate , that the Mosaick Wisdom , which he calls Barbarick , was most ancient . Therefore , saith he , I have bid adieu to the vain Glorie of the Romans , to the frigid Eloquence of the Athenians , and their contentious Studies : and have embraced our Barbarick Philosophie , which how it is more ancient than your Disciplines , I now proceed to explicate . This he demonstrates very accurately , by evincing , that Moses was more ancient than Berosus , who writ the Chaldean Annals , yea then Cadmus , &c. whence he concludes thus . Hence it appears , that Moses was more ancient than those ancient Heroes : and it is but equal , that we give credit to the elder , rather than to the Grecians , who drew their Dogmes , not rightly understood , from the others Fountain . For many of the Grecian Sophists , being induced by a certain Curiositie , indeavoured to deprave , and pervert whatever they learned from Moses , or the like wise Men ; which they did partly , that they might make that their own , which they drew from others ; partly , that under a feigned Composition of Speech , conceling what they understood not , they might corrupt the Truth by their Comments . Thus Tatianus .

Plato's Syrian , and Phenician Fables Jewish . 2. Plato makes mention of certain 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Syrian , and Phenician Fables , which he calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , ineffable , &c. So Plato ( de repub . l. 3. fol. 414. ) tells us , of a Phenician Fable touching the Fraternitie of all men made out of the Earth , &c. where Serranus observes , that this Fable is but a foot-step of the Primitive Truth , touching the formation of Adam out of the Earth , and that by the name of the Phenician Doctrine is noted the Jewish . So Plato in his Symposium , speaks of a Phenician Fable touching the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or man , and woman conjoyned ; which Cudworth , with others , makes to be but a Jewish Tradition of Eves formation out of Adam : Yea , the Jews themselves had this Cabbalistick Fable of an Androgynon common amongst them , as Grotius has observed on 1 Tim. 3.4 . as afore . And Hammond , on Matth. 15.22 . tells us in express termes , that when the Heathens speak of the Original of their Literature from the Phenicians , they mean the Hebrews . Bochart ( Phaleg . l. 4. c. 34. ) tells us , that Herodotus calls the Jews Phenicians . So Xenophon tells us , the Jews were called Syrians , as before , Part 1. Book 1. Chap. ● . Parag. 9.

Plato's ancicient Traditions Jewish . 3. Plato makes mention of a 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an ancient Discourse , o● Tradition , which he elsewhere calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Divine Word , o● Tradition , received from the Ancients who lived near the Gods , &c. which cannot be understood of any more probably , then of some Jewish Traditions , as appears by particulars .

Plato's Tradition of the Ancients . 1. Plato in his Philebus , fol. 17. confesseth , that The knowledge of the ( 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. ) one infinite Being was from the Gods , who communicated this knowledge to us by a certain Prometheus , together with a bright Fire : and then he addes , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. This Storie of One , and many is a Tradition , which the Ancients , who were better , and dwelt nearer the Gods than we , transmitted to us , &c. This Tradition of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . One , and many was Originally traduced from the Jewish Church , and the Scripture account of God ; the Unitie of his Essence , and the Pluralitie of his Decrees , which Pythagoras first brought into Greece , and after him Parmenides assumed the same , as the foundation of his Metaphysick Philosophizings about the Divine Ideas : as before , Part. 1. B. 1. C. 2. §. 6.

2. Plato , de leg . l. 3. makes mention of a 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Plato's ancient Tradition . an Ancient Tradition , which affirmed God to be the beginning , the end , and middle of all things , &c. This Plutarch calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the old Faith ; which surely could be nothing else , but the old Jewish Tradition , which they had received touching God's Creation of , and Providence over all things . Thus Steuchus Eugubinus , de Peren. Philos. l. 2. c. 2. Justin Martyr conceiveth , that where you find in Plato , or other Philosophers , mention of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Ancient Fame , they meant it of Moses . The like Plato in his Philebus affirmes , that all wise Men grant , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that the Divine mind is to us King both of Heaven , and Earth ; neither does any thing happen fortuitously . This 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 he elsewhere calls the Soul of the World , informing , and governing all things , as the Soul the Bodie : which the Learned suppose to be but a Tradition , from Gen. 1.2 . The Spirit , &c.

3. Plato , in his Phaedo ( fol. 85. Plato's Divine Word . ) treating of the immortalitie of the Soul , confesseth , that the safest , and most certain way to prove it , was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , by some Divine Word , or Tradition . Now what this Divine Word should be , if not some Jewish , or Scriptural Tradition , cannot be imagined . This Divine Word he elsewhere calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Traditional Knowledge , &c. Of which see more , Part 1. Book 1. Chap. 2. §. 5.

4. Plato in his Timaeus , fol. 29. Plato's probable Tradition , or Fable . being about to treat of the Origine of the Universe , laies down this preliminarie Conclusion : It is just that both I , who discourse , and you , that judge , should remember , that we have but humane nature , and therefore receiving 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the probable Fable , or Mythologick Tradition , it 's meet , that we enquire no farther into them . That this probable Fable was some Jewish , or Scriptural Tradition of the Origine of the Universe , will be sufficiently evident , when we come to prove , that all Plato's Philosophizings , touching the Origine of the Universe , were but Traditions from Moses's description of the Creation .

5. Plato in his Politicus , fol. 272. Plato's Fable of the Golden Age. gives us a large account of Adam's state of Innocencie , under the Symbolick Image of Saturn's Golden Age : he tells us , the Fruits of the Earth grew of their own accord , without labour ; that Men were naked , and had conference with the Beasts . And then he concludes , But these things we must omit , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , until there appear to us some fit Interpreter . Serranus on these Words , fol. 251. tells us , that Plato acknowledgeth , he received this Narration from elsewhere , in that he calls it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Fable ; for the unfolding whereof , he expected a fit Interpreter . Wherefore he signifies , that the truth hereof was delivered to him by Tradition from the Primitive Times , &c. And I think it will appear very evident to any , that considers the whole Storie , that Plato refers to some Jewish Records , or Traditions , whence he traduced these his Notions about the Golden Age. So in like manner Plato in his Symposium , describes the fall of Man under the Fable of Porus , Why Plato conceled the Jewish name and Traditions . &c. And I conceive , whereever we find Plato making mention of any Barbarick , Egyptian , or Phenician Fables handed over to him from the Ancients , especially if they relate unto any Scripture Narration , we may safely conclude , that by these Ancients he meant the Jewish Church , or Patriarchs , whose names he conceled ; as also clothed those Jewish Traditions with a Grecian Mythologick habit , thereby to avoid that odium , which lay upon the Jewish Nation ; as also to gratifie the curiositie of the Fabulous Greeks , and render himself more esteemed amongst them . That this was the reason why Plato disguised his Jewish Traditions , and conceled the names of the Jews , whence they came , is asserted by Origen against Celsus , lib. 4. of which hereafter . Thus Sir Walter Raleigh , Hist. Part. 1. B. 1. C. 6. §. 7. But whether it were out of the same vanitie , which possest all those Learned Philosophers , and Poets , that Plato also published not under the right Authors names those things , which he had read in the Scriptures ; or fearing the severitie of the Areopagites , and the example of his Master Socrates , by them put to death by Poyson , I cannot judge . Justin Martyr ( as it seemeth ) ascribeth it wholly to Plato's fear , whose Words are these : Plato fearing the Areopagites , thought it not safe for him among the Athenians to make mention of Moses , that he taught there is but one God . But for that Divinitie , which he hath written in Timaeo , he discoursed , and taught the same of God ( saith Justin Martyr ) which Moses did .

6. Yea farther Plato seems to use the very same expressions ( though in another Tongue , that Moses does in his Description of God : For whereas Moses describeth God , Exod. 3.14 . I AM , Plato termes him , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. which differs only in Gender , not really from Moses's description . Whence the Learned , both Moderne , and Ancient have concluded , that Plato drew this Notion of God out of Mose● . So Justin Martyr , and Ludovicus Vives after him ; as also Raleigh , Hist. Part. 1. B. 1. C. 6. § . 7. For where it pleased God , by his Angel to answer Moses , Ego sum existens , which is , I AM ; and existens misi● me ad vos , I AM hath sent me unto you , herein did Plato , saith Justin Martyr , no otherwise differ , than that Moses used the Word [ Qui ] and Plato the Word [ Quod ] Moses enim qui existit ( inquit ) Plato quod existit . For Moses saith , He who is : Plato , That which is , &c.

7. To these tacite acknowledgements of Plato , we may adde the full Testimonie of Numenius the Pythagorean Philosopher , Numeni●s . quoted by Clem : Alexandrinus , lib. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . But Numenius the Pythagorean Philosopher plainly Writes : What is Plato , but Moses Atticizing .

§ . 2. Amongst the Jews we have the testimonie of Aristobulus , Testimonies of Jews . Aristobulus . who flourished about 200 years after Plato , cited by Clemens Alexand. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . ( as also by Eusebius Praep. Evang. l. 9. c. 6. ) where he brings in Aristobulus thus speaking of Plato 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . He followed our Law , or Institution , and diligently inspected , or searched into all those things mentioned therein . The same is mentioned by Ludov. Vives in Aug. Civ . l. 8. c. 11. Aristobulus the Jew to Philometor lib. 1 , as Eusebius cites him , saith , that Plato in many things follow'd our Law ; for he seems in many things to have diligently examined every particular . For Moses's books were translated before Alexander , and before the Persian Empire , whence this Philosopher , as well as Pythagoras , received many things . Thus Ludov. Vives . I am not ignorant , that his opinion about the translation of Moses's books into Greek before the Persian Empire , is rejected by some Learned men , therefore I shall not lay much stresse on it , yet why may we not assert with Eusebius , that Plato ( as Pythagoras ) might have a sight of Moses's writings ( not as translated into Grerk , but ) by reason of his skill in the Oriental Languages , especially the Egyptian , which was but a Dialect of the Hebrew , as has been before mentioned Book 2. ch. 5. §. 8. of Pythagoras , of which more hereafter . To this testimonie of Aristobulus is consonant that of Josephus the Jew , Josephus . as Selden de jure Nat. Hebr. l. 1. c. 2.

Testimonies of Christians more Ancient , and Moderne . Clemens Alexandr . § . 3. To these Testimonies of Pagans , and Jews , we may adde many of the learned Christians , both Ancient , and Moderne . As for the Ancients Clemens Alexandrinus does once , and agen inculcate , that Plato derived his Philosophie from the Jews , so 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 1.5 . and he expresly calls him 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Hebrew Philosopher : and in many places he does affirme this , That the Greek Philosophers generally were Thieves , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . That they took the choicest of their Dogmes from Moses , and the Prophets without thankful acknowledgement . So Justin Martyr Apol. 2. Just. Martyr . ( and after him Theodoret ) assimeth that Plato 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 drew many things from the Hebrew Rivulets ; yea , and that whatsoever he said devoutly of God , or of his Worship , he stole from the Hebraick Philosophie . The same Johannes Philoponus frequently asserts . Jo: Grammaticus . So of the Creation of the world , l. 6. c. 21. pag. 249. he tells us , that what Moses affirmed of man , that he was made after the Image of God , Plato transferred to the whole visible world , calling it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a visible image of the invisible God . The like he mentions lib. 7. c. 11 , 12 , where he shews , how Plato imitated Moses , Gen. 1.31 . in bringing in God rejoycing , and recreating himself in the works of his hands , as very good , &c. Eusebius lib. 2. praep. Evang. conceives , that Plato learned from the Mosaick doctrine , both the Transmutation of the world , and the Resurrection , and the last Judgment , &c. Amongst the Latine Ancients Ambrose gives a full Testimonie hereto , Ambrose . who affirmes , that Plato for Learning's sake took a journie into Egypt to informe himself touching the things done , and written by Moses , the Oracles of the Law , and the sayings of the Prophets , &c. of which see Selden de Jure Nat. l. 1. c. 2. But amongst all the Ancients , none speaks more fully to this , than Augustin de Civit. Dei lib. 8. cap. 11. Augustin ▪ Some saies he , joyned to us in the grace of Christ , wonder when they hear , and read , that Plato conceived such things of God , which they acknowledged are most congruous to the truth of our Religion . Whence some have thought , that he , when he went into Egypt , heard the Prophet Jeremie , or that he read in his peregrination the Prophetick Scriptures , whose opinion I have laid down in some of my Books : But the account of times being diligently computed according to the Chronick historie , it appears , that Plato was born almost 100 years after Jeremy prophecyed ; wherefore Plato in that his pergrination could neither see Ieremy , who dyed so long before , nor yet read the same Scriptures , which were not as yet translated into the Greek Tongue : unlesse peradventure in as much as he was of a sharp judgment , he by an Interpreter learned , as the Egyptian mysteries , so the sacred Scriptures , not that he did by writing translate them , as Ptolomy by the LXX , but by conference he understood what they conteined , so far as his capacitie would reach . That which enclines us to this persuasion , is , that the book of Genesis begins ( chap. 1. v. 1. ) In the beginning God made Heaven and Earth &c. which Plato in his Timaeus also declares . God saith he , in that work , first joyned Earth , and Fire . For it 's manifest that by Fire he understands the Heaven : Thence those two middle Elements , which by their interposition joyn together with these extreams , he calls Water , and Air ; whence t is thought he understood this from what is written , Gen. 1.2 . The Spirit of God moved upon the Waters . For he little attending in what manner the Scripture was wont to style the Spirit of God , and because the Air is called a Spirit , he thought that the Four Elements were mentioned in that place . Agen , in that Plato saies a Philosopher is a lover of God , nothing is more manifest in the sacred Scriptures . And especially that which has almost brought me fully to assent that Plato was not without those sacred books , when it is said to Moses ( Exod. 3.14 . ) I am that I am . He that is has sent me , &c. This Plato vehemently held , and diligently commended , &c. Thus August . By which it 's evident , what a full conviction he had of the truth of our conclusion . As for the particulars , of these Platonick notions , we shall hereafter , we hope , examine them , and prove that they were traduced from the sacred scriptures . As for Moderne Christians , we have the most learned of these last Ages of this persuasion , that Plato derived the choicest of his Contemplations , both Physical , and Metaphysical from the sacred scriptures , & Jewish Church . So Lud. Vives on this text of August . Civ . l. 8. c. 11. Justin Martyr ( saith he ) in paraclesi ad Gentos , & Euseb. in praeparat . evang . ; and Theocritus of the Greek affections write , that Plato translated many things out of the Hebrew books into his own . Hence Numenius the Philosopher said , what is Plato , but Moses Atticizing ? &c. The same is affirmed by Steuchus Eugubinus on Plato's Timaeus , and Selden de jure Natur. Hebr. l. 1. c. 2. Where he proves our conclusion at large . Thus Luther , Tom. 1. Genes. 1. a. in cap. 1. Plato , saith he , while he was in Egypt Collected as it were some sparks out of the Speeches of the Fathers , and Prophets , therefore he comes nearer ( than Aristotle ) as to the Origine of the Universe , &c , Also Dr. Jackson of the Scriptures fol. 55. speaketh thus . That Plato had either read , or been instructed by some , who had read the books of Moses , will easily appear , &c. The like we find asserted by Cudworth in his Discourse of Union with Christ pag. 22. Cudworth . I cannot ( saith he ) consent with Eusebius , that Plato had seen Moses his works , but that he certainly received by Tradition many things , Stillingfleet . when he was in Egypt , or some other of those Oriental parts bordering upon the Jews , &c. But Sir Walter Raleigh . Hist. of the World part 1. Book 1. c. 6. §. 7. speaks more Categorically thus . As for Plato , though he dissembled in some things , for fear of the Inquisition of the Areopagites , yet Saint Augustine hath alreadie answered for him as before , Et mirificè iis delectatus est , quae de uno Deo tradita fuerant , And he was greatly delighted in the Doctrine of one God , saith Justin Martyr . Now howsoever Lactantius pleased to reprehend Plato , because ( saith he ) Plato sought knowledge from the Egyptians , and the Chaldeans , neglecting the Jews , and the Books of Moses ; Eusebius , Cyrillus , and Origen find reason to believe the contrarie , thinking that from thence he took the grounds of all by him written of God , or savouring of Divinitie : the same opinion had Saint Ambrose of Pythagoras . Thus Stillingfleet Orig. Sacr. Book 3. chap. 3. pag. 502. The Platonists of Alexandria ( saith he ) stole their choicest Notions out of the Scriptures , but would not acknowledge it : which was the grand artifice of their Master Plato , who doubtles by meanes of his abode , and acquaintance in Egypt , about the time when the Jews began to flock thither , had more certain knowledge of many truths of grand importance concerning the Deitie , the nature of the Soul , the Origine of the World , then many other Greek Philosophers had ; but yet therein lay his great fault , that he wrapped up , and disguised his Notions in such a fabulous , and ambiguous manner , that partly it might be lesse known , from whence he had them , and that they might find better entertainment amongst the Greeks , than they were ever like to do in their plain , and Native dresse , which Plato himself seems to intimate , when he saith , that what the Greeks received from the Barbarians , they put into a better fashion , i. e. they disguised it by a Greek habit , that it might never be suspected for a Forreigner , &c. The Testimonies of Origen , and Vossius , see §. 4. of this next Chapter .

I shall conclude this Argument , with a pregnant Testimonie of Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 3. c. 14. It was an ancient opinion , and now very much inveterated , that Plato drew many things out of Moses , and inserted them into his Writings . For Numenius of greatest Authoritie amongst the Pythagoreans , saies that Moses's Writings , whatsoever he has of God , and the Vniverse . To whom the more sage Fathe●s giving heed , hence it came to passe , that the Platonick Philosophie was of highest Authoritie among them . For it was the common vogue , that it differed little from Moses . Yea Caelius Rhod. l. 16. cap. 65. thinks , that Christ's Placits . And Eusebius lib. 13. praep. c. 1. writes , that the Platonick Philosophie was as it were translated out of the Hebrew tongue into Greek . Justin Martyr , in Apol. ad Anton. will needs shew , that Plato borrowed , whatever hath any verisimilitude , or shaddow of t●uth , from the sacred Scriptures . The same Eusebius attempts in his book against the Philosophers . Thus Hornius . As for the manner how Plato transferred his Jewish Traditions from Hebrew into Greek I shall shew in the following Chapter , §. 4. &c.

CHAP. III. Of Plato's Life , and Travels for Oriental Traditions .

Plato's Original , and Instruction under Socrates : his travels into Italy , to acquaint himself with the Pythagorean Philosophie , which he was instructed in by Archytas the Tarentine , Timaeus the Locrian , Epicarmus , &c. Plato's travels into Egypt where he informed himself in the Jewish Wisdome , and Mysteries , viz. touching the Origine of the Universe , the Immortalitie of the Soul , the Fall ; also concerning God , his Nature , Ideas , Providence , &c. That Plato might receive information from the Jews , and Jewish Oracles , whilst in Egypt , by reason of his skill in the Egyptian tongue , or by some Interpreter . What emprovement Plato received as to Jewish Traditions from the Phenicians , their Theologie , and Philosophie , &c. Plato's Academie , his Character , and Works .

The Historie of Plato's life . § . 1. WE have in the foregoing Chapter by inartificial Demonstration , or Testimonies proved , that Plato traduced the choicest of his Contemplations from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures . We now proceed to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; to demonstrate the same from the causes , means , and wayes by which Plato gained these Jewish traditions . For the clearing whereof we shall give some brief historical relation of Plato's Life , Praeceptors , and Travels , whereby it will be manifest , what advantages he had to acquaint himself with the Jewish Philosophie , and Mysteries . Austin de Civit. l. 8. c. 4. gives us this good , though short account hereof . But amongst the Disciples of Socrates , Plato indeed , who altogether obscured the rest , deservedly shines with most excelling glory . Who being an Athenian of a good familie , & of an admirable ingenie , far excelled his Condisciples : yet counting his own capacitie , & endeavours , with the emprov●ment of Socrates's Instructions insufficient for the perfecting of Philosophie , he travelled far , and near , whereever the fame of gaining any noble Science led him . Therefore in Egypt he learned whatever was greatly esteemed , and taught there ; and thence coming into those parts of Italy where the fame of the Pythagoreans was celebrated , he learned there the whole of Italick Philosophie , which then flourished , having heard the most eminent of the Doctors thereof , &c. Thus Austin , wherein he gives us a full relation of Plato's travels , though he differs somewhat from Laertius , and others , as to method , &c. as hereafter we shall consider this general storie in it's severals .

Plato's original . § . 2. Plato was born at Athens in the 88th . Olympiad ( as Ludov. Vives in August . l. 8. cap. 4. ) Apuleius l. 1. de Dogm . Plat. tells us , That Plato was so Sirnamed from the large habitude of his bodie ( which was the common opinion ) for he was at first called Aristocles , though some think , he was called Plato from the amplitude of his Speech , and Eloquence . His Parents were Arist. and Perictione , his Fathers stock related to Codrus the last King of Athens , his Mothers to Solon , that famous Athenian Legislator , whence Plato ( as I take it in his Timaeus ●peaking of Solon , calls him his Kinsman , &c. Plato's first Praeceptor was Socrates with whom it 's said he lived Eight years , His institution under Socrates in which time he committed the substance of Socrates's discourses to writing , but with great mixture , and addition of his own ; which gave much offence to Xenophon his condisciple , who in an Epistle to Aeschines Socraticus ( mentioned by Eusebius Praepar . Evang. l. 24. ) upbraids Plato for corrupting Socrates's Philosophie by Pythagorean , Barbarick , Egyptian , and his own intermixtures . And Diogenes lib. 3. writes , that there was little friendship , but much emulation 'twixt Plato , and Xenophon . For they both writ their Symposium , their Apologie for Socrates , and their Moral Commentaries . Plato in his books of Laws saies , that Xenophon's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 was fictitious . Though they both greatly extol Socrates , yet they make little mention each of other . From Socrates it was , that Plato received the chiefest of his Morals , as 't is generally confest ; and shall be hereafter mentioned . After Socrates's death Plato applyed himself to Cratylus , the Diciple of Heraclitus , from whom we may presume he received good instructions , for he makes him the chief subject of one of his Dialogues . Plato primitus Heracliti secta imbutus , postea vero Socratis Disciplinae traditus , Clarissimus omnium Philosophorum evasit . Plato being first of all of the Heraclitian Sect , and afterwards determining to be of the Socratick Discipline , became the most famous of all the Philosophers . Apul. l. 1. de Philos. Plato afterward addresses himself to Hermogenes , who followed Parmenides's Philosophie , from whom we may suppose he borrowed many of his Metaphysick Contemplations about Divine Ideas , of which he discourseth at large in his Dialogue called Parmenides . After these Plato had recourse to Euclid the founder of the Megarick Sect : whence he went to Cyrene to be instructed by Theodorus the Mathematician , &c.

§ 3. Plato having a natural affection , Platos's travels into Magna Graecia & instructions from the Pythagoreans . and strong inclination unto the Pythagorick Philosophie , as that which carried with it most of Divine Mysteries , & therefore suited best with his luxuriant Phansie , he travels into Italie , that part which was called Magna Graecia , where Pythagoras had Philosophized , and left behind him many Admirers , and Sectators of his Discipline . Amongst these Pythagoreans Plato heard at Tarentum Archytas the Elder , and Euritus . Plato Pythagoricae , praeter caeteras omnes disciplinae particeps est . Eus. contra Hieroc . Amongst the Locrians he heard Timaeus the Locrian , from whom he is supposed to have borrowed many of his traditions touching the Origine of the Universe , its parts , &c. So Ludov. Vives on Aust. in Civ . lib. 8. c. 11. Speaking of Plato's Timaeus , saies he , called this book so , because Timaeus the Locrian is induced disputing of the Universe , whom he heard in Italie , who also writ in the Dorick tongue of the Universe , from which Book Plato borrowed many things . Thus Ludov. Vives . Yea indeed Plato's very Dialect in his Timaeus is Dorick , ( differing from his other Dialogues ) which argues , that not only the matter , but also the very words , and style were taken from Timaeus his Book of the Universe . So also Jerome in his Apologie against Ruffinus tells us , that Plato was instructed in the Pythagorean Learning by Archytas the Tarentine , and Timaeus the Lorian . Farther , at Croto Plato heard Philolaus the Pythagorean . Besides , Plato received light , and instruction from other Pythagorean Authors , namely , Lysis the Pythagorean , whom he makes the subject of his Dialogue called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : also from the Books of Epicarmus , alias Cous that famous Pythagorean Philosopher . So Lud. Vives in Austin Civ . l. 8. c. 11. Alcinus ( saies he ) in his books , he writ to Amynthas teacheth , that Plato borrowed his opinion of Ideas out of the Books of Epicarmus , who was Cous a Philosopher of the Pythagorean Sect , whom in times past they make to excell others of the Learned , as the Sun amongst the Stars , and the Sea amongst the Rivers : He writ of the Nature of things , &c. From Plato's great affectation , and imitation of the Pythagorean Philosophie it came to passe that in the writings of the Ancients , the Names of Platonists , and Pythagoreans are oft confounded . So Eusebius lib. 14. Praecep . ca. considering Plato himself in himself , we call him a Pythagorean . The like Apuleius Flor. 15. Plato differing little , or nothing from this Sect does Pythagorize . And the same Apuleius lib. 1. de Philos . gives this account of Plato's diverting from the Socratick Philosophie to the Pythagorean . When Socrates had bid farewel to Human affairs , Plato deflected from the Socraticks , whose affaires were then doubtful , to the Pythagoreans , seeking what proficience he might gain among them . And he went twice into Italie , where he heard the Pythagoreans Euritus , and Archytas the Senior . Thus Hornius Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 14. And that Plato indeed greatly valued Pythagorean writing , is evident by what Laertius relates , namely that three Pythagoreans Books cost him no lesse than One Hundred Attick Pounds , i. e. 3000. Karoles ; for an Attick pound consists of 20 Karoles , as Vossius de Philos. Sect. cap. 12. § . 3. As for the time of Plato's abode in Italie , Cicero in Catone writes , that Plato came to Tarentum when L. Aemilius , and Ap. Claudius were Consuls : though according to Livie this account will not hold . Now that the Pythagorick Philosophie was traduced from the Jewish Oracles we have before sufficiently proved , Book 2. chap. 5. §. 2.

§ . 4. But the greatest advantage , Plato's travels into Egypt , where he informed himself in the Jewish wisdom . that Plato had to informe himself in the Jewish wisdom , and mysteries , was his travels into Egypt , which Laertius makes to have been after his departure from Italie , though Austin in what was before cited , supposeth him to have travelled from Egypt into Italie : Others reconcile both , by affirming that Plato went first unto Italie , thence into Egypt , from whence he returned back again into Italie . Plato non contentus disciplinis quas praestare poterant Athenae , non Pythagoraeorum , ad quos in Italiam navigaverat , Aegypti quoque Sacerdotes adiit , atque eroū arcana perdidicit . Quincil . lib. 1. cap. 19. Plato not satisfied with what Learning Athens could afford , nor yet with that of the Pythagoreans , to whom he had made a Voyage into Italie ; had recourse also to the Priests of Egypt , and became throughly acquainted with their Mysteries , Thus Quintil. But the account of Laertius seems most probable , ( which Vossius adheres unto ) who supposeth , that Plato's last Voyage was into Egypt , wherein he was accompanied with Euripides , or , as Vossius , with Eudoxus , where he had 13 years conversation with the Egyptian Priests , as Strabo lib. 17. Cicero tells us , that Plato's design in Travelling to Egypt , was to informe himself in Arithmetick , and the Celestial Speculations of the Barbarians , &c. That under this notion of the Barbarians must be understood , if not exclusively , yet , inclusively , Quae ejus p●regrinatio omnium celeberr●ms fuit . Nam in Aegypto Praecipuum Sacerdotem Sech ●●phim Heliopolitanum , ut Conuphim , Eudoxus audivit Hornius Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 14. the Jews , is a common received persuasion of the Learned , both Ancient , and Moderne , as Justin Martyr , Clemens Alexandrinus , Origen , Epiphanius , Serranus , &c. And this is most certain , that about the time of Plato's abode in Egypt , there were great numbers of the Jews who resorted thither , and we may no way doubt , that he , who had such an unsatiable thirst after Oriental Traditions , and Mysteries for the satisfying whereof he left no Persons , Places , or Records unexamined , would let passe such a considerable partie of men , as the Jews were , who pretended unto , and that upon good grounds , the most ancient Records , Traditions , and Mysteries . Surely we cannot rationally judge , that Plato's curiositie , or humor so greedie after mysterious wisdom would neglect so great opportunitie , as he had for the instructing himself in the Jewish Wisdom , whilst he was in Egypt . Besides , we have before , ( Book 1. Chap. 3. ) proved , that the choicest parts of the Egyptian Philosophie , were of Jewish extract ; so that what Plato gained here , may well be reckoned to be of Jewish Original .

Plato whilst in Egypt learned from the Jewish Doctrine .

1. The Origine of the Universe .

This will be farther evident , if we take a view of some particular Collections which Plato made whilst he was in Egypt . We are told . 1. ( Epist. Socrat. 26. ) that Plato having taken a view of the chief parts of Egypt , at last setled himself in the Province of Sais , where he was instructed by the Wise men , touching their Opinions of the Universe , whether it had a beginning ? &c. Now that all Plato's Traditions about the Origine of the Vniverse were of Jewish Origination , we shall hereafter prove . 2. Pausanias affirmes , that Plato learned also from these Wise men of Sais , the immortalitie of the Soul , &c. which was evidently a derivation from the Jewish Oracles . 3. Origen ( against Celsus , lib. 4. pag. 189. ) conceives , that Plato , by converse with the Jews in Egypt , received some notices of Adam's fall , which in his Symposiacks , he Symbolically sets forth under the Fable of Porus ( i. e. Adam ) his being Drunk with Nectar , and going into Jupiters Garden , ( i. e. Paradise ) &c. This he conceives more probable , because of Plato's manner , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to hide his great Phaenomena's , or Dogmes , under the Figure of some Fable by reason of the vulgar . And in what follows , he makes mention of Plato's Artifice in discolouring , and disguising those Traditions he received from the Jews , lest by owning them , as the Authors of his Learning , he should disgust the Fabulous Greeks , who had no respect for the Jews , &c. 4. Yea , indeed the chiefest part , if not the whole of those Divine Mysteries touching God , his perfection , and unitie ; his Divine Ideas , and Providence ; also concerning the Universe , its Origine from God , its formation , and animation by the Spirit of God , which he calls Anima Mundi : in like manner , touching the Soul , its Nature , Perfection , in Innocencie , and corruption by the fall , and such like Divine Traditions , which Plato pretends to have learned from the Egyptians , &c. are plainly Jewish , as hereafter . Plutarch de Iside , & Osiride , tells us , that Plato , whilst in Egypt , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , is said to have heard Chonuphis the Memphite . Clemens Alexandrinus saies , that he did 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , use for his Praeceptor Sechnuphis the Egyptian , perhaps the same with Plutarch's Chonuphis , and both one and t'other refers to some Jewish Master he found in Egypt , Austin lib. 2. de doct . makes mention of Plato's converse with Jeremie , the Jewish Prophet in Egypt , where he went with the Tribe of Juda , and Benjamin , &c. but this Opinion he in his de Civit. l. 8. c. 11. refutes , for that Jeremie dyed before the Persian Empire began , whereas Plato's being in Egypt , was about the end of the Persian Empire . How Plato might receive information from the Jewish Records whilst in Egypt . Yet we need no way doubt , but that the memorie of Jeremie , who was so famous a Prophet , and had foretold such great events of Providence , even the destruction of his own People , &c. could not but remain very fresh and illustrious , even to Plato's time : especially if that storie prove true , that Jeremie being buryed under a heap of stones at Tanis in Egypt , was worshipped by the Inhabitants for a present remedie they found at his Sepulchre against the biting of Serpents . Eusebius refers the beginning of Jeremies Prophecie to the 36th Olympiad ; and Plato's birth to the 88th Olympiad : so that we may better , with Lud. Vives , suppose Pythagoras whilst in Egypt , to have had conference with Jeremie , as before . Yet may we safely conjecture , that Plato , whilst in Egypt , received some notices of Jeremie his Fame , and Prophecie , which might engage him to inquire thereinto , as also into the Mosaick Books . So Learned Vossius , de Philos. sect. par. 2. cap. 2. §. 3. having shewen the invaliditie of that Opinion touching Plato's personal Conference with Jeremie , addes thus : Plato might notwithstanding read Moses , if there were any Version of him before that Translation of the LXX : of which we have elsewhere debated . And although this might not be , yet it is granted , he might have conference with the Hebrews , and be taught by them ; which is made very likely by that Agreement there is of Plato with Moses in many things : whence that of Numenius the Philosopher , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ? Thus Vossius .

1. We shall not insist upon any Version of Moses's Books into Greek as ancient as Plato , though Lud. Vives asserts it , as before , Plato's skill in the Egyptian Language , gave him advantage to read the Jewish Records . chap. 2. §. 2. yet may we , and that upon warrantable grounds , suppose , that Plato , ( as Pythagoras before him ) had some sight of , and capacitie to read Moses's Books , with Jeremie's Prophecie , &c. not by means of any Greek Version , but by virtue of the skill he had in the Egyptian Language , which differed from the Hebrew only in some Dialect , as has been before once , and again asserted , and proved . Neither can we well imagine , that Plato , who is said to have continued in Egypt 13 Years , could be unacquainted with the Egyptian Language : who knows not , but that a Scholar when he Travels for Learning , the first thing he does , is to get the Language of the Countrey ? Thus , as we afore observed , Pythagoras did in his Travels into Egypt , and Chaldea ; and this we need no way doubt , Plato made his first busines after his coming into Egypt . 2. Yea , it seems to me somewhat probable , that Plato wanted not skill in the Hebrew Tongue : For in his Cratylus , where he gives us the Origination of many Greek Words , he saies such , and such came from the Barbarians , implying ( as before ) the Jews . Amongst many others , he mentions these , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which signifies darkness , and is evidently derived from the Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gen. 1.2 , 5. for so Plato useth the Greek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 to express the Chaos by . The like he saies of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which came from the Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 exploration : and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , from the Heb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. as Serranus in his Preface to Plato's Cratylus . Now how could Plato so exactly know , that these , with other Greek words , were of Barbarian , or Hebrew origination , if he had not some skill in the Hebrew Tongue . This is the Opinion of Augustin , de Civit. Dei , l. 8. c. 18. where he shews , that Plato , while he was in Egypt , learned the Hebrew Tongue . But this is refuted by some , as Hornius , Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 14. 3. Farther , there is very great ground to think , that Plato had skill in the Phenician Tongue , by those many Fables , and Traditions he quotes thence . Now the Phenician Tongue was evidently the same for substance with the Hebrew , as before . That Plato drew much of his Philosophie from the Phenicians , is the Opinion of Scaliger , Exer. 61. sect 3. and of Serranus , according to the Citation of Hornius , Hist. Philos. l. 3. c. 14. Joh. Serranus will have it , that Plato spake many things , which he understood not , drawn out of the Theologie , and Commentaries of the Phenicians , which seems most probable to me . For as to the Phenicians , they were 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , given to Mercature , familiar to the Greeks : also they sent several Colonies into various parts of the World . Nothing hinders therefore , but that Plato might attain to a more intimate Knowledge of their Theologie . Now the Phenicians had many things common with the Hebrews , &c. see more of this , Book 1. Chap. 3 , § . 19. That Pythagoras was rendred capable of understanding the sacred Scriptures , by reason of his skill in the Egyptian Language , see Book 2. Chap. 5. §. 8. which is also applicable to Plato ; or else , if this may seem to bold , because a novel Assertion , 4. We may with Austin , and other Learned , both Ancient , and Modern , groundedly conclude , that Plato , whilst he was in Egypt ( amongst those many Jews who had recourse thither ) learned by an Interpreter , or by personal Converse with the Jews , many of their Divine Doctrines , and Mysteries , though he understood not the genuine import thereof : as in the fore-going Chap. § . 3. This is the Opinion of Learned Serranus , in his Preface to Plato , Truly ( saies he ) Plato , while he was in Egypt , might have conference with the Jews , who were there in great numbers after their dissipation , and transmigration , &c. Though he conceives , that Plato could not read the Scriptures in his own Greek Idiome , into which they were not Translated , till after Alexander's time : of which more hereafter .

§ . 5. Plato's Collections from the Phenician Theologie , and Philosophie . Though we find no express mention of Plato's Travelling to Phaeniciae , yet that he visited that Countrey also , either in his Travels to , or from Egypt , seems very probable . For the Phenicians being every way well furnished with Jewish Traditions , and Mysteries , we cannot conceive that Plato , who was so great an Admirer thereof , would let passe such an opportunitie for satisfying his Curiositie therein : At least , that he had some view of Traditions from the Phenician Philosophie , and Theologie , seems more then probable from Plato's own Confessions ; for he oft makes mention of a 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Syrian , and Phenician Fable or Tradition , which he calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , ineffable , because he neither understood , nor could express the mind thereof . These Syrian , or Phenician Fables , which Plato gathered out of the Phenician Theologie , I have before prov'd to be of Jewish extract , and therefore unintelligible by the wisest Heathens ; and thence 't is no wonder , that Plato calls them ineffable Fables . Indeed , the most of his Jewish Traditions , which he gleaned up in those Oriental parts , especially such as referred to the Jewish Mysteries , and Divine Worship , were to him 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , ineffable , and unintelligible , and therefore he calls them , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Fables : for 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , according to its Philosophick notion , signifies some Philosophick Mysterie traduced from the Ancients , the reasons whereof were conceled , or hidden ; and because the first Philosophers , especially Pythagoras , and Plato , were great admirers of these Oriental 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fables , they are called by Aristotle , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Philomythists , Lovers of Fables , or Mystical Traditions , which Aristotle rejected , because his Reason could not comprehend them . These Phenician Fables Plato much studied , and recreated his curious humour withall , which gives us some ground to conjecture , that he was not without skill in the Phenician Tongue , and so by consequence in the Hebrew , which differs only in some Dialect therefrom . That Plato took many things out of the Phenician Theologie , which he himself understood not , is an assertion of the learned Julius Scaliger , Exercit. 61. I suppose he means out of the Theologie of Sanchoniathon , and Mochus the Physiologist , wherein he follows the steps of Pythagoras ; as before , Book 2. Some tell us , that Plato had designed a journey to visit the Persian Magi , and Chaldeans ( as Pythagoras before him did ) but was prevented by the War , which happened betwixt the Grecians , and Persians . By all which it is most evident , what an infinite thirst Plato had after Oriental Wisdom , and Traditions originally Jewish : also , what an huge advantage he had for the gratifying his Curiositie herein , first , by his Travels into Italie , and conversation with Pythagoreans there ; and thence into Egypt , and as we may presume into Phaenicia also , where he met with many Jews , and Jewish Records , or Traditions touching Divine Mysteries , which he greedily embraced , without any real understanding of their genuine import and sense , whence he turned the glorie of God into a Fable , as he calls his Traditions : or as the Scripture termes them , a lye , Rom. 1.25 . who changed the truth of God into a lye . We have a brief Synopsis of Plato's Travels , and peregrinations , given us by Hornius , Hist. Philos. l. 3. c. 14. out of Madaurensis , thus : Plato went to Theodorus Cyrenes to learne Geometrie ; and he went so far as Egypt to fetch Astrologie , as also to learne the Rites of the Prophets . He came again into Italie , and followed Euritus , Plato 's Academie . Academia à Cad ●o nomen accepit non ab Academo : Erat Aedificiū nobile , amplū , amaenum , multis arboribus consitum , umbram praebentibus , Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 3. and Archytas the Pythagoreans . He had also bent his mind towards the Indians , and Magi , had not the Asiatick Wars hindered him . He also went some time into Sicilie , to understand the cause of Aetna's Fire , and to learne their Laws

§ . 6. Plato having collected what stock he could of Oriental Wisdom , and Jewish Traditions , he returnes home laden ( as a Bee with thyme ) to Greece , where he institutes his Schole in a Village near Athens , called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Academie , which was , as Laertius tells us , a woody , and marshy place , and so very unhealthie ; in former times possessed by one Ecademus an Heroe , who after his death became a Daemon , for Eupolis Comicus calls him a God . Plutarch in his Chesew , tells us , that this Ecademus was the first who made discoverie of Castor , and Pollux , of Helena stolen away by Theseus , Mortuo ( Plato ● ) summus ac pene Divinus honor à Discipulis habitus . Singulis annis ejus memoriam tanquam Herois celebrabant , teste Eusebio , l. 10. praep. c. 1. Horn. Hist. Philos. l. 3. c. 14. whence the Lacedemonians had him alwaies in great honour . From him this Place was called first 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as Laertius , Hesychius , and Stephanus in 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; whence afterward , by the change of a Letter , it was called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Academie ( though Hornius derives it from Cadmus . ) Here Plato sounded his Schole , which after the new Academie was raised , received the stile of the old Academie , as hereafter . Laertius writes , that Plato was honorably Buried in this Academie , and that Mithridates King of Pontus , when Athens came under his Jurisdiction , dedicated Plato's Image to the Muses in this place . And Aelian , lib. 3. saies , That the ancient Philosophers so reverenced this place , as that they counted it not lawful to laugh here , because they would have it kept pure from all dissolution of mind . There were at Athens besides the Academie , other Scholes , the Lyceum , Prytaneum , Canopum , Stoa , Tempe , Cynosarges , &c. as Lud. Vives , in August . Civit. . l. 8. c. 12. Athens was indeed the Eye of Greece , thence called by Euripides , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Greece of Greece ; by Diadorus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; by Thucidides , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; by Strabo , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c.

§ . 7. As for Plato's Character , we find him greatly , Plato ' s character . Philosophorū quis dubitet Platonem esse praecipu●● sive acumine disserendi , sive Eloquentiae facultate divina qu●dā & Homerica ? Fabius , l. 10. c. ● . and I think too greatly extolled by some : Lud. Vives in Aug. Civit. l. 8. c. 4. saies of Plato , that many have written his Life , and famous Acts : many place him for his Wisdom and Morals , above all humane elevation ; but truly I would count them so far short in their Estimation , and love of him , as that if I were not assured they were greatly addicted to him , I would suspect they envyed his praises . He is deceived in my ●pinion , whosoever he be , that counts Plato not something more than a Man , or truely not of the best and rarest so●t of Men. Thus Lud. Vives . So again , in Aug. Civi● . l. 22. c. 28. There are three things ( saies he ) which gained not only Greece , but the whole World to Plato ; namely , his Integritie of Life , his Holie P●ecepts , and his Eloquence . Seneca , Epist. 44. gives Plato this concise Character , Platonem non accepit nobilem Philosophia , sed fecit . Philosophie found not Plato noble , but made him so . Eusebius lib. 10. praep. c. 3. saies , that Plato excelled all that went before him in Philosophie , also in Eloquence , and in Prudence . The usual Title they gave him , was the Divine , which was the highest Honour . Others there are , who depresse him as much . But it is most certain , Plato was a Person of vast Naturals : he had a Spirit sublime , penetrant , and comprehensive , even to marvel : a Phancie most luxuriant , and pregnant ; a Conception readie , and vivid ; a Discourse mature , yet weightie ; a Reason harmonious , and masculine ; a Pen polite , and flourishing . In brief , his Natural Capacitie seems cloathed with many eminent Qualities , seemingly opposite with great Lights and heats , force and stabilitie , moderation and promptitude , extention and profoundnes , &c. Yet was he not , as to Morals , without great Blemishes , which stained all the Glorie of his Intellectuals . Pride , which is the Philosophers Original Sin , had a great predominancie on his Spirit : whence Antisthenes , seeing a Vessel wherein Plato's Vomit lay , said , I see Plato 's bile here , but I see not his pride ; meaning , that his pride stuck too close to him to be vomited up . So Diogenes the Cynick coming into Plato's Schole , tramples upon his Bed , saying , here I trample on Plato's vain-glory &c. He seemed also addicted to covetousnes , which he is accused of for receiving 80 talents from King Dionysius ( contrary to the practice of his Master Socrates ) which occasioned that question 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 whether a wise man should study gain ? &c.

Plato's Works . § . 8. Touching Plato's works they are common , and well known . There are ten Dialogues in which the whole of his Philosophie is thought to be comprehended . In which we must distinguish bewixt Plato's proper opinion , and the opinion of others . His own he layes down in the person of Socrates , Timaeus &c. other mens opinions he layes down in the person of Gorgias , Protagoras &c. Amongst these Dialogues some are Logical , as his Gorgias , and Eutydemus . Some are Ethical , as his Memnon , Eutyphro , Philebus , Crito : some are Political , as his Laws , and Common-wealth : some are Physical , as his Timaeus : some are Metaphysical , as his Parmenides , and Sophista , which yet are not without somewhat of Logick . His Epistles are by some thought spurious . The Platonick Definitions , adjoyned to his Works , are supposed to be compiled by his Successor Pseusippus : of which hereafter .

CHAP. IV. Of the Academicks , and New Platonicks of Alexandria .

The difference 'twixt the Old , and New Academicks , as to their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Plato's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 limited to matters only doubtful . Whether Plato Dogmatized ? The New Academies , and their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The difference betwixt the New Academicks , and the Scepticks , &c. The Original of the New Platonists , and their famous Schole at Alexandria . Of Potamon , Ammonius , Plutarch , and Philo the Jew . Of the great Ammonius , the head of the sacred Succession at Alexandria . How he borrowed the choicest of his Platonick Notions from the Scriptures , and the advantages he had for such a design . Of Plotinus , Porphyrie , Iamblichus , Syrianus , Proclus , Johannes Grammaticus . These New Platonists chose out the best of all Sects , & were thence called Electicks . The general design of these New Platonists to reforme Philosophie . Ammonius the head of these Reforming Platonists . The defects of this Platonick Reformation , with its evil Effects . 1. In delivering Scriptural Mysteries , as the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. under a conceled Forme of Platonick Traditions . 2. Too great Idolizing Platonick Philosophie more particularly . The sad Effects of this Platonick Reformation . 1. As to the strengthning of Paganism . 2. As to the corrupting of Christianitie .

§ . 1. HAving given some relation of Plato's Travels , Of the old Academie , and its difference from the new in point of Suspension . and the various waies by which he informed himself touching the Jewish Wisdom , and Mysteries ; we now proceed to his Schole , Disciples , and Successors , and the waies by which they gained further information in the Jewish Doctrine , and Institutes . The Schole where Plato Philosophized , was , ( as we have observed ) stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Academie ; whence his Sect was called Academicks : amongst whom there was a considerable difference , which arose from the firmnes of their Assent , or Suspension , as to the truth of things . The Original of this difference was laid in Socrates's Schole , who out of his modestie , pretending to know nothing , would not in matters dubio● assert any thing peremptorily , but left his Scholars to dispute pro or contra , as they listed . This Problematick mode of Philosophizing , was followed by Plato in his Academie ; yet with a considerable difference from the New Academicks . For in Plato's Academie they affected not an universal 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , suspension , but limited the same to things disputable , and dubious . Plato ( and the Old Academists ) held 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . That Being was always one and the same without generation , and that therefore it was truly 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , knowable . In which rank he placed all notions of God , of happiness , of the other Life , wherein there is a discrimination of good from evil Men. Of these matters Plato allowed not a libertie of Disputing pro and contra ; but either laies them down peremptorily as certain , and indubitable Principles , or else from infallible Principles proves the same infallibly , whence he draws down true and eternal Conclusions . But as for things natural , and sensible , wherein there was little Certaintie , or Evidence , he taketh , and alloweth his Scholars a Latitude of asserting , and denying things ; which laid the foundation of the Academick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or suspension . And that Plato made this difference betwixt assent to things certain , and things dubious , is evident from his distinction , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , of Opinionative , and Demonstrative Character . He held , that all things were not to be believed , not all things to be disbelieved ; but that things certain were certainly to be believed , and things dubious to be left 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , undetermined ; wherein he allowed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Problematick Libertie of disputing pro or contra . This gives us a good decision of that great question amongst the Ancients : Whether Plato D●gmatized ? Whether Plato Dogmatized ? By 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 they mean to impose a Dogme , as 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to impose a Law : in which sense 't is used , Col. 2.20 . where it signifies not only a Dogme decreed , but the Decree it self , and its imposition . Laertius lib. 3. gives us a good solution hereof . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , those things Plato comprehended , he asserts ; those things which are false , he refuted ; and about those things which are uncertain , he suspended . We find much the same mention'd by Sextus Empericus the Sceptick , cap. 31. Some saies he ) hold Plato to be Dogmatick : others conceive him to be Aporematick , or suspensive : others think him in some things Dogmatick , in some things Aporematick : For in his Gymnastick Discourses , where Socrates is brought in disputing with the Sophists , they affirme , he has a Gymnastick , or Aporematick Character ; but when he declareth his own opinion , he is Dogmatick , &c. We have this more particularly expressed by Diogenes Laertius lib. 3. where he distinguisheth betwixt what Plato asserted as true ; and what he left uncertain by the persons whom he brings in disputing 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. Concerning the things , which he asserted , he produced his opinion by four persons , Socrates , Timaeus , his Aethenian Host , and his Eleatick Host . But in the refuting of falshood he introduceth Trasymachus , Callicles , Polus , Gorgias , and Protagaras : adde moreover Hippias , and Euthydemus , &c. By all which we see , how far the Academick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 suspension was allowed in the Old Aecademie instituted by Plato , who was succeeded therein by Speusippus his Sister Potona's son , who taught in the Academie 8 years , but for Hire , contrarie to the practice of Socrates , and Plato , for which he was upbraided . This Speusippus is supposed to be the compiler of the Platonick Definitions subjoyned to , and ( as I gather by comparing them ) abstracted from Plato's Works . After Speusippus succeeded Xenocrates the Chalcedonian , who was of a dull wit , wherefore Laertius tells , that Plato should say , Xenocrates wanted Spurs , but Aeristotle a bridle . Unto Xenocrates succeeded Polemo , who was followed by his Disciples Crates the Aethenian , and Crantor , who is said to be the first , that Commented on Plato : so Proclus in Timaeus l. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . And thus far continued the Old Aecademists , who insisting on Plato's steps , neither asserted , not denyed all things ; but what they comprehended , they affirmed , and what they found uncertain , they left so , without any peremptorie definition .

§ . 2. After Crantor succeeded Arcesilaus , The New Academicks , and their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , with it's original . or ( as the Latines ) Arcesilas who founded the second Academie , wherein they maintained an universal 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 incomprehension , and suspension . The ground , which Arcesilas proceeds upon to defend his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or cohibition of assent , was indeed originally laid in Socrates's Schole , and therefore he makes use of Socrates's Authoritie to defend himself , who affirmed he knew nothing , that so by this his modest concession , he might refute the immodest , and proud assumings of his Adversaries , who pretended to know all things . So Lud. Vives in August . de Civit. lib. 8. cap. 12. This ( saies he ) is the old Academie which by Polemon the disciple of Xenocrates was delivered over to Arcesilas , who essayed to reduce the mode of disputing to the Socratick manner , to affirme nothing himself , but to confute what others maintained : which was called the New Academie ; whence the name Academick was appropriated to Arcesilas , &c. It cannot be denyed , but that Socrates ( and Plato after him ) especially in his Gymnastick disputes used , and allowed a 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a probationarie mode of diputing , for , and against both parts ; but yet his designe was not to introduce an universal suspension in things certain , but only to beat out Truth in things uncertain . For it is most certain that Socrates , and Plato both asserted , and determin'd many things , whence they are generally accounted Dogmatick , though in things doubtful they used to suspend , and allow a Libertie , as before . But now these New Academicks Arcesilas , and his adherents asserted , that all things were 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 incomprehensible , and therefore , that there was no room for a firme assent , but that we ought 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 to suspend in all things ; wherein they differed greatly from the old Academicks instituted by Plato : though it must be still confessed , they received their original from them , as it is well observed by Serranus in his Preface to Plato . There is no doubt , saies he , but that the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and dubitations of the New Academicks were 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and corruptions of the old opinion , &c. This Old Opinion he elsewhere acquaints us withall , shewing how it was the mode in Plato's Academie , in matters sensible , such as were only probable , and doubtful , to give , and take a Libertie of disputing for either part , the Affirmative , or Negative , so that the Position was still left 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 undetermined , whence by these , and such like Quodlibetick Disputes , or Sceptick Questionings of every thing , men at last began to believe nothing : for nothing is more natural , saith Jansenius , than for men from Peripateticks ( i. e. contentious disputers ) to become Academicks . This is but that one Doctors Opinion . But that which superadded much strength to this Academick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or suspension , was the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Eristick Logick , founded in the Eleatick Schole , and assumed by the New Academicks , of which before . Unto Arcesilas succeeded Laeys his Disciple , who had for his successors , Telecles , Evander , and Hegesippus , the last of this second Academie . For Carneades the Cyrenean , who succeeded , is made the Institutor of a Third Academie , which differed from the Second Instituted by Arcesilas in two Points : 1. In that Carneades , acknowledged something true and something fals , only he affirmed there was not in us a 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or skill to difference the truth from falshood . 2. Carneades though he asserted an 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , yet he denyed not , but somewhat was probable , or not . Others there be , who adde a Fourth , and Fift Academie . We have a good account of all in Sextus Empiricus Pyrrhon . Hypotyp . lib. 1. cap. 33. There were Academies , as they say , more than Three . The first , and most Ancient of Plato : the second , and middle of Arcesilas : the third , and new of Carneades , and Clitomachus . There are who adde a fourth of Philo , and Charmidas , and a fifth of Antiochus , &c. As for Philo's Academie , it came near the old , in that it allowed a Wise man to Opine or Entertain some opinions , which Carneades denyed . And Antiochus Philo's hearer , who lived about Cicero's time , seemed wholly to restore the old Academie save only in this , that as to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or facultie of Judging , he enclined to the Stoicks . But these four last Academies are usually comprized all under the stile of the New Academie ( though some came nearer to , and some were more remote from the old ) which some confound with the Scepticks : but Sextus Empiricus ( cap. 13. ) gives us this difference . The difference 'twixt the New Academicks , and Scepticks . Those of the New Academies ( saies he ) though they affirme all things are Incomprehensible , yet they differ from the Scepticks , perhaps in saying , that all things are Incomprehensible ; for they assert this : but the Scepticks admit it possible , that they may be Comprehended . We differ also from the New Academie as to what belongs to the end . They use in the course of life what is credible : we following Laws , Customes , and Natural affections , live without engaging our opinion , &c.

§ . 3. After various transformations of the Academie , The original of the New Platonicks , and their chief Seat , or Schole at Alexandria those who adher'd to Plato's Dogmes , rejected the name of Academicks , and espoused that of Platonicks , so that the stile of Academicks was confined to the Sectators of Arcesilas , who maintained 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an Incomprehension , and Suspension : thus Lud. Vives on August . Civ . l. 8. c. 12. Arcesilas who attained to bring in the Socratick mode of disputing , to affirme nothing , but to refute the affirmations of others , Arcesilas recte aliorum sustulit disciplinas , sed non recte fundavit suam — Quid ergo promovit Arc●silas nisi quod confectis omnibus Philosophis seipsū quoque eodem mucrone confixit ? Gladium igitur habebat , non scutum . Lact. de Ira Dei l. 3. c. 3.4 . constituted the New Academie . Hence they , who illustrated things , and asserted certain Dogmes which they conceived to be the opinions of Plato , these were called Platonicks , not Academicks ; for I conceive , the name Academick stuck too fast in the Schole of Arcesilas : thus Lud. Vives . The first revivings of the old Academie , or Platonick Philosophie seems to owe it's original to the famous Schole of Alexandria in Egypt , instituted by Ptolomaeus Philadelphus , who out of his great zeal for the advancing of Learning , caused the Egyptian Wisdom , which had been before confined to the Egyptian Priests , and Language , to be translated into the Greek tongue , to which he added the Greek version of the sacred Scriptures , commonly called the LXX , which rendred this Schole of Alexandria most renowned . He also called hither Learned Men from all parts , as well Jews , as Grecians , erected a famous Librarie ; searched farre and near for Learned Records to adorne the same withall , and instituted Colleges for the encouragement of the Learned Professors , & Students . This same design was carried on by his Son Euergetes , who gave great encouragement to the Jews , and others to resort hither , to this famous Schole of Alexandria which proved the most flourishing , that ever was before or since , especially for Platonick Philosophie , which revived , and flourished here for many generations , as has been before observed , Book 1. chap. 3. §. 10 , 11. of this second part .

Potamon . Ammonius . Plutarch . & Philo Judaeus . § . 4. The first famous Platonist ( according to what observation we have made ) that flourished in this Schole of Aelexandria was Potamon , who lived in the times of Caesar Aeugustus , and Tiberius ; as Laertius in his Preface : So Suidas 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ‛ Potamon the Alexandrine Philosopher , who was before , and after Aeugustus , &c. The same Suidas tells us that he left behind him 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Commentarie on Plato's books of Common-wealth ; and we may presume he writ other pieces , though he has nothing extant at present . To Potamon , we may adde Ammonius ( not the famous Master of Origen , and Plotinus but ) the famous Master of Plutarch , who lived in the time of Nero , and Vespasian . Yea Plutarch himself , who had his education in this Schole of Alexandria , and flourished under Domitian , was not only famous for Philologie , and Historie , but also for Philosophie , and principally the Platonick , as appears by his Writings , &c. To whom we may subjoyn Philo the Jew , who was of this Schole of Alexandria and drencht in Platonick Philosophie , as it appeares by his works : So Lud. Vives in August . Civ . lib. 17. cap. 20. This book ( saies he speaking of that Apocryphous Book called the Wisdom of Solomon ) is thought to have been composed by Philo the Alexandrine Jew , who lived in the times of the Apostles , and was a Friend to them , and was so much adorned with the Greek speech and Eloquence , as that the Greeks said of him 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , either Philo doth Platonize , or Plato doth Philonize .

§ . 5. Ammonius the Platonist . But Platonick Philosophie never flourished more than under Ammonius , that famous head 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the sacred succession of this Schole of Alexandria , continued by Origen , Herennius , and ●lotinus , &c. This Ammonius is supposed to be different from Ammonius the Praeceptor of Plutarch , as well as from Ammonius the Monk , Disciple of Proclus , and Interpreter of Aristotle , as Vossius de philos. sect. cap. 21. § . 6. There was a great Controversie betwixt the Learned Christians , and the latter Platonists , whether this g●eat Ammonius dyed a Pagan , or Christian . Eusebius Eccles. Hist. l. 6. c. 19. and Jerom. assure us he was a Christian , though Porphyrie denies the same . Thus much is generally confessed , that he borrowed the choicest of his Contemplations from the sacred Scriptures , which he mixt with his Platonick Philosophizings . And indeed he had a mighty advantage to informe himself , not only in the sacred Scriptures , His borrowing the choicest of his Notions from Scripture . of the Old Testament translated by the LXX , but also in the New Testament Records , and Doctrines propagated by the Disciples , and Apostles of Christ . For without doubt Philo , that learned Jew bred up in this Schole of Alexandria ( & as Lud. Vives tells us , a friend to the Apostles ) with the rest of the Jews there , could not but have a full relation of Christ , his Acts , and Doctrine . Besides there was in this Town of Alexandria a famous Christian Church , and Schole setled by Mark the Evangelist , and continued by Panthenus , Clemens Alexandrinus , &c. whose Doctrine , Discipline , and sacred Mysteries , we cannot conceive such a person as Ammonius would let passe unexamined . Yea farther , so glorious , and ravishing were the first dawnings of Gospel light , which brought such glad tidings of Salvation to Mankind , as that not only the Jews , but also some sober minded , inquisitive Gentiles rejoyced in this Light for a season ( according to that Observation John 5.35 . ) who yet never had a through work of Conversion on their hearts : amongst this number we may reckon Seneca ( whom some think to have had conference by Paper with Paul ) Epictetus , Plinie the younger ( who Apologized unto Trajan in the behalf of the Christians ) & this famous Ammonius of Alexandria with some others . Yea I see no reason to the contrarie , but that we may allow these , and some other unprejudiced Noble Gentiles , as well as the unbelieving Jews , to have had some common irradiations , and illuminations of the Spirit over and above that objective Light , and Revelation of the Gospel , which shone so brightly round about them . He that shall read the Works of Seneca , Epictetus , Hierocles , and these latter Platonists of Alexand●ia , who had the glorious beams of Gospel Light waiting on them , will find their Philosophizings about Divine Mysteries to be of a much higher Elevation , and Raisure , than any of their Predecessors ; which we may impute not only to the objective Revelation of Gospel light externally communicated to them , but also to some internal subjective , though but common , and transient irradiation of the Spirit , which usually attends in some degree the external Revelation of the Gospel , especially at the first publication thereof in any place . That it was thus with many carnal Jews at the first publication of the Gospel by John , & Christ , is most evident : and why may we not affirme the same of many Gentiles , who being of more raised , and generous spirits , could not but make some inquisition into those stupendious Miracles , and Reports , touching Christ , and that Redemption brought to light by him ; which Enquiries of theirs , being attended with some Common Light , and Heat of the Spirit , raised their Spirits , and Philosophick Contemplations to some higher Elevation , than what their Predecessors attain'd unto . And that which might animate the latter Platonists to such Enquiries , into those Divine , and Sacred Mysteries , was their correspondence , and agreement with the choicest of their Master Plato's Contemplations , who treated much ( though without understanding rightly the matters he treated of ) concerning 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. The very Being , Self-Being , Word , Mind , Idea of the choicest Good , Soul of the World , Chaos , &c. And the latter Platonists Ammonius , &c. finding these their Masters Notions so fully , and clearly explicated in sacred Revelations , both of the Law , and Gospel ; this made them more affectionately inquisitive thereinto , and after their curious inquisitions , finding a great Symbolization , and Harmonie betwixt many of their Platonick Principles , and the Divine Scriptures , they made what use they could of the Latter to Reforme , Refine , and Strengthen the Former . This designe was first set on foot by Ammonius the chief of that Sacred Succession , who if he were not a real Christian , yet he seems to have had , with Agrippa , some almost persuasions , and affectionate inclinations to the Christian Religion ; the Principles whereof he does incorporate so far as he durst with his Philosophick Notions , with endeavours to infuse the same into his Scholars , Origen , Herennius Plotinus , with the rest . Some conceive that Ammonius imparted those more divine Mysteries , which he collected out of Sacred Revelations into his Platonick Philosophizings , with an adjuration of Secrecie to his Scholars . How far this design of Ammonius to reforme Platonick Philosophie by mixing Divine Revelations therewith took place , and what emprovement Platonisme received hence , together with the poysonous influences it has had on the the Christian faith , we shall hereafter shew . What we have alreadie mentioned sufficeth to prove , that Platonick Philosophie received a mightie elevation , and advance in this Schole of Alexandria under Ammonius , by virtue of his affectionate searches into , and Collections from the Sacred Scriptures , attended with some common illuminations , though perhaps without any saving light of Life from the Spirit of God . Whence also his Scholars , Origen , Herennius , and Plotinus together with their Successors in this sacred Schole of Alexandria , Porphyrie , Iamblichus , &c. received their choicer , and more sublime contemplations , albeit they concele the same , pretending , these more refined Notions to have been derived to them from the Pythagorean , and Platonick source ; whereas they were indeed no other than derivations from the sacred fountain of Divine Revelation , communicated by the hands of Ammonius the chief of that Sacred Succession , as they call it .

§ . 6. To Ammonius Succeeded Plotinus , Of Plotinus his Character . born at Lycop●lis a Citie of Egypt , and instituted in the Platonick Philosophie at Alexandria under Ammonius . He left behind him , besides other things , 54 Books divided into Enneades , which though obscure , In Plotino privatum quicquam non est quod admireris , qui se undique praebet admirandum , quem de D●vinis divine , de Humanis humane longe super hominem docta sermonis obliquitate loquentem sudantes Platonici vix intelligunt , Pic. Mirandul . in Apol. 90. thes. and cloudie according to the Platonick mode , yet are they esteemed the most exactest model of Platonick Philosophie extant : so Aeugust . de Civit. l. 9. c. 10. Truly Plotinus who lived near to the times of our memorie , is extolled for his understanding Plato more excellently than others , &c. So agen , Austin lib. 3. Acad. writes , that Plato seemed to be revived in Plotinus . Thus was he Plato's most refined , and lucid Mouth in Philosophie , and abstracting the Clouds of error , Macrobius makes him the Prince of Platonick Philosophers , next Plato , as Lud. Vives in Aug. Civ . lib. 9. cap. 10. Plotinus had for his Disciples Amelius , and Porphyrie . He lived under the Emperours Galienus , and Probus . His Life is writ by his Disciple Porphyrie , and premised to his works . Porphyrie gives him this Character . Who , saies he , expounded the principles of Pythagorick , and Platonick Philosophie , more clearly , as it seems , than all ●hat went before him : neither do the Writings of Numenius , Cronius , Moderatus , and Thrasyllus come near unto the accurate diligence of Plotinus , &c.

Of Porphyrie . § . 7. Porphyrie Disciple first of Plotinus , and then of Amelius , was Born at Tyre , and according to the Language of the Tyrians was called Malchus after his Fathers name , which signifies a Prince , or King : so Suidas : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Porphyrie was properly called Basileus . He was a Tyrian Philosopher , Disciple of Amelius the Scholar of Plotinus , but the Master of Iamblichus . He lived in the times of Aurelianus , and reached even to the times of Diocletian the Emperor . Suidas here rightly translates Porphyrie's Phenician name Malchus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a King , for so in the Hebrew , ( from which the Phenecian Language differs only in some Dialect ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 signifies , as Vossius . Yea Porphyrie himself in the Life of Plotinus gives us the reason , why he was called a King . Amelius , saies he Dedicated his Book to me , and in the Inscription named me 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 King : for that was my Name : and in the Language of my countrie I was called Malchus , by which Name my Father was also called . And Malchus translated into Greek signifies a King : thus he . Eunapius in the Life of Porphyrie gives us an account , how his name came to be changed . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. According to the Syrian tongue , he was first called Malchus , which word signifies a King , but afterward Longinus named him 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Porphyrie . He was called Porphyrie , from Purple , which is the colour of Kings , as Vossius ; or perhaps because Purple was the great Commoditie which Tyre afforded . Austin de Civit. Dei hints , That this Porphyrie was first a Christian , but afterwards apostatized , and a bitter Enemie of the Christians . He was a great admirer of Apollonius , Tyanaeus , that Pythagorean Sorcerer , and endeavours to make him equal in point of Miracles unto Christ ; wherein he was refuted by Eusebius . Ludov. Vives in August . lib. 8. cap. 12. doth thus Characterize him . Porphyrie was a person of an unsound bodie , and minde , of a judgment unconstant , and of an hatred sharpe , and cruel , even unto madnes . He had notwithstanding the name of a great Philosopher , or Sophist , as well as Historian . He writ the Lives of the Philosophers , whereof there is extant only the Life of Pythagoras , which was at first published under the Name 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which Book Cyril cites against Julian , and ascribes to Porphyrie . Concerning Porphyrie see more largely Lucas Ho●stenius , and Vossius de Histor. Gracis lib. 2. cap. 16. Edit. 2. pag. 244.

§ . 8. After Porphyrie , succeeded Iamblichus his Disciple , Iamblichus . who was born at Chalcis in Syria , and flourished in the times of Constantine the Great , and his Sons ; as also in Julian's time : He was , Lud. Vives , on Aug. de Civi● . l. 8. c. 12. saith Lud. Vives ▪ of a better natural Disposition , and Manners , than his Master Porphyrie . Vossius calls him a Platonick Philosopher , though Lud. Vives saies ( according to Jerom ) he was not so much a Platonick , Voss . de script . Graec. lib. 2. c. 10. p. 208. as a Pythagorean : Yet he confesseth , that as to Divine matters , all the Platonists did Pythagorize . There are extant two of his Protreptick Orations for Philosophie ; also his Historie of Pythagoras's Life , wherein he follows his Master Porphyrie , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; out of whose Book he transcribes many things with very little , if any alteration of the words . There are three Epistles of Julian the Apostate to Iamblichus yet extant , which argues a Friendship betwixt them , and 't is likely the same continued even whilst Julian made some profession of the Christian Religion . Suidas tells us out of Damascius , that Isidorus esteemed Iamblichus the most excellent of Writers after Plato . We have Iamblichus's Life described by Eunapius , also by Vossius , Hist. Graec. l. 2. c. 10. p. 208. August . de Civit. l. 8. c. 12. saies , that amongst the Platonists the Grecians , Plotinus , Iamblichus , and Porphyrie , were greatly noble , &c.

§ . 9. Syrianus Alexandrinus , Syrianus . Fellow-Citizen , and Sectator of Iamblichus , follows next in this Sacred succession of Platonick Philosophers . He lived about the Year , 470. and writ four Books on Plato's Common-wealth ; also on all Homer , with other things , as Suidas relates . Isidorus the Philosopher had a great esteem for him , who after Plato , next to Iamblichus , placeth Syrianus his Sectator as the most excellent of Writers . So Suidas out of Damascius .

§ . 10. Proclus Lysius , Disciple of Syrianus , succeeded him in this famous Platonick Schole . This Proclus flourished about the Year 500. Proclus his succession . as 't is evident , though some , upon a great mistake , make him to have lived almost 300 Years before . Suidas calls him , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Platonick Philosopher . He was usually called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Diadochus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , by reason of his succession in the Platonick Schole . He writ many things ; as ten Books of the Agreement betwixt Orpheus , Pythagoras , and Plato in Oracles ; also six Books of Platonick Philosophie , which are yet extant : likewise a Commentarie on Plato's Timaeus , and on his Books of Common-wealth , yet extant also ; with other Pieces lost , of which Suidas makes mention . Proclus's Life was writ by his Scholar , and successor Marinus , who tells us , that he had some taste of Aristotle's Philosophie from Olympiodorus , which he cursorily ran thorough in two Years space . The same Marinus tells us also , that he was accurately skilled in Grammar , Historie , and Poesie , in the Mathematicks perfect , and well versed in Platonick Philosophie . His Mode in Philosophizing is cloudie , and obscure ; as that of Plotinus , and the rest of the New Platonists : He endeavours , according to the Symbolick mystical manner of Platonists , to reduce all things to their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Trinities . He took ( as Vossius thinks ) the occasion of heaping up so many Trinities , from Plato's lib. 2. de Repub. where he treats of those three Types of God , Bonitie , Immutabilitie , ( or Unitie ) and Veritie . Whence Aristotle also received his three affections of Eus , Bonitie , Unitie , and Veritie . This Proclus was a bitter enemie to the Christians , and the first after Porphyrie , that turned his Pen dipt in Gall against the Christians . He is answered by that great Christian Philosopher , See Suidas . Johannes Grammaticus , as hereafter . Proclus in his Platonick Theologie , lib. 1. cap. 1. gives us some account of this Sacred Succession in this Platonizing Theologick Schole ; how that after many Ages , Plotinus the Egyptian succeeded therein , who was followed by Amelius , and Porphyrie his Disciples ; as also these by Iamblichus , and Theodorus their Successors , &c.

Johan . Grammaticus . § . 11. We may not omit here the mention of Johannes Grammaticus , alias Philoponus , that famous Christian Philosopher , who , though the most of his Works extant are Commentaries on Aristotle's Text , yet it 's evident , that his Spirit was deep drencht in Platonick Philosophie , especially as it was refined by Ammonius that famous Head of the sacred succession at Alexandria : For so the Title of his Commentaries runs , Extracts out of Ammonius , &c. Indeed most of those Greek Philosophers , who take Aristotle's Text for their subject ; namely , Porphyrie , Proclus , with his Scholar Ammonius , and Simplicius , were in their Spirits Platonists . For Aristotle came not in to be Master in the Schole , till Abenroes , and the rest of the Arabians advanced him in Plato's Chair . Such was this Johannes Grammaticus , who for his unwearied Studies , was called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Philoponus . He follows exactly the Design of Clemens Alexandrinus , Origen , Eusebius , and more particularly of the great Ammonius ( whom he owns as the source of his Philosophie ) in endeavouring to prove , that Plato borrowed his choicest Notions touching the Origine of the World , &c. out of Moses , and the Prophets : he gives sundry Instances herein , as that of Plato's calling the World a visible Image of the invisible God , which , saies he , was but a mistaken Tradition of Gen. 1.27 . Also he makes Plato's Discourse of God's beholding the Works of his hands as very perfect , and rejoycing therein , &c. to be taken from Gen. 1.31 . This Johannes Grammaticus , in his excellent Treatise of the Soul ( proaem . ad Arist. de anima ) endeavours to prove , that Aristotle asserted God to be the first Mover , and Cause of all things , &c. Also he proves out of Aristotle's Canons touching the Soul , its immaterialitie , spiritualitie in operation , and immortalitie , &c. Proaem . fol. 6. &c. In his choice Piece of the Creation , he proves the World's Origine by God out of Plato , &c. And whereas Proclus endeavours to reconcile Plato with Aristotle , shewing how Plato , when he treats of the World's Origine , meant it not as to time , but Causalitie , &c. This Learned Philoponus writes two Books against Proclus , confuting these his false Impositions on Plato , &c.

§ . 12. To the fore-mentioned Greek Platonists , we may adde Maximus Tyrius , Maximus Tyrius . who flourished in the time of Commodus the Emperour , as Suidas , and was well versed in Platonick Philosophie , as it appears by his Writings , wherein we have many of Plato's choicest Notions delivered to us more clearly , and nakedly , than in other Platonists of greater vogue .

§ . 13. Neither must we let passe Alcinous , Alcinous . another Greek Platonist , who hath left us a short Abstract of Platonick Philosophie , on which Jacobus Carpentarius , that Claromontane Professor ( an inveterate Enemie of Ramus , and , as it 's said , the Original of his being Massacred ) hath given us a good Commentarie . In what Age this Alcinous lived , it 's not certain . Eusebius de Praeparat . Evang. lib. 11. cites a good part of this Alcinous's Epitome , under the name of Didymus : whence it is conjectured , that Didymus Alexandrinus was the Author of this Book ; or that he transcribed that place quoted by Eusebius out of Alcinous : so Vossius de Philos. sect. cap. 16. §. 5.

§ . 14. Amongst the Latin Platonists , we may reckon Apuleius , Apuleius . whose Book de Dogmate Platonis , is yet extant , August . de Civit. Dei , l. 8. c. 12. tells us , that Apuleius the African Platonist , grew very famous in both Tongues , &c. Augustin often quotes him , and makes much use of his Notions , and Testimonie to confirm the Christian Religion . To him we may adde Chalcidius , Chalcidias . another Latin Platonist , whose Commentarie on Plato's Timaeus is yet extant . Neither should we forget Marsilius Ficinus , Mars . Ficinus . who though but a Moderne Author , and Roman Catholick , yet deserves praise for his elaborate Studies , and endeavours to explicate Platonick Philosophie , especially for his Treatise de Immortalitate Animae , of the Soul's Immortalitie , which he proves by strong convictive Arguments , wherein he takes occasion to illustrate the chief Points of Plato's Philosophie .

These New Platonists called Electicks , because they chose out the best of all Sects . § . 15. Thus we see how the Old Academie or Platonick Philosophie was revived by the New Platonists , especially those of the Sacred Succession in the Schole of Alexandria , where the Platonick Philosophie was mostly in vogue , though not exclusively , as to the other Sects . For we must know these New Platonists did not , at least the most of them , wholly devote themselves to Plato , so as to exclude all other Sects ; but made it their busines to choose what they found excellent in any other Sect : whence they were called , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an Elective Sect ; also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Electicks , because , saies Suidas , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , They chose out their Placites from every Sect. Thence Festus Pompeius calls them Miscelliones . Potamon Alexandrinus is said to be the first of this Sect. So Diogenes Laertius in his Preface , There is , saies he , of late an Elective Sect , introduced by Potamon Alexandrinus , Seneca's Preceptor , was of this Sect , who , though he past under the name of a Stoick , yet was he a great Admirer of Pythagoras , &c. as Seneca , Epist . 58. I am not ashamed to confesse , what a love of Pythagoras Sotion infused into me , saies seneca , who was also of this Sect. The like may be said of Hierocles , who though mostly Stoick , yet was he a great esteemer of Pythagorean Philosophie , as appears by his Commentarie on Lysis's Golden Verses , which passe under the name of Pythagoras . Ammonius , Plutarch's Master , is said to be of this Elective Sect. That Plotinus affected an universal mixture of all Philosophie , is evident , partly by what was before mentioned , §. 6. how he mixed Platonick , and Pythagorick Philosophie , &c. as also by what is mentioned of him by Porphyrie in his Life , That he mixed in his Writings the secret Dogmes of the Stoicks , and Peripateticks . So Iamblichus mixeth Pythagorean , and Platonick Philosophie . Porphyrie , Proclus , Johannes Grammaticus , and Symplicius , mix Platonick , and Aristotelian Philosophie . And it is an Assertion generally owned by the Learned , that all those New Platonists of this Alexandrine Schole , did , as to Theologie , Pythagorize ; wherein they did no more than their Master Plato : for Proclus spends ten Books in drawing a parallel betwixt Plato , Pythagoras , and Orpheus , as to Divine Oracles , &c. This Elective Sect of Philosophers , is mostly approved by Clemens Alexandrinus , lib. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . I call Philosophie not the Stoick , neither the Platonick , or the Epicurean , and Aristotelick , but whatever is said to be taken from each of these Sects rightly , teaching righteousnes with pious Science , this altogether selected , I call Philosophie . Origen also seems to have been of this same perswasion : And that , which made these generous Spirits to keep themselves disengaged from any particular Sect , was their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , love to Truth , commended so much by Plato . So Ammonius on Arist. Categor . pag. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . It was Plato's Speech : Socrates truly is dear , but truth is dearer to us : And elsewhere , we must regard Socrates in some things , but Truth much more . Thence Porphyrie in the Life of Pythagoras , tells us , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that Truth only can make men near to God . So Iamblichus , expressing the mind of the Pythagoreans , saies , that next to God , Tru●h is to be worshipped , which alone makes men next to God . Yet in as much as they thought Truth was no where so fully , so lively represented to them , as in Plato's Works , they judged it their interest , and honour to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Philoplatonists ; wherefore they usually passe under the name of the New Platonists , though indeed their Principles were not so clung , but that they could embrace Truth , where ever they found it amongst any of the other Sects ; especially the Pythagoreans , with whom they ever held an intimate Fraternitie , or Consociation . See more of this Elective Sect in Vossius de Philos. sect. cap. 21.

§ . 16. The general design of these New Platonists to reforme Philosophie . What has been mentioned gives us some discoverie of the general Designe of these New Platonists ; which was not to espouse any particular Sect so far as to exclude all the rest , but to make an universal Inquisition into all Opinions , which carried a shew of Wisdom . This Noble Design , had it been as nobly managed as they pretended , without prejudice , and private affection , it had led them into higher discoveries of Truth , than ever they attained unto . For they had the greatest Advantages that might be ( as before §. 5. ) to informe themselves fully touching the great Doctrines , and Mysteries of Sacred Philosophie , or Wisdom , that shone so brightly in the Christian Churches : but this was too glorious , and dazling an object , for their carnal and weak mindes to gaze long upon : only some of the more Noble , and Ingenuous of that Sacred Succession at Alexandria , seemed pretty willing to be dis-abused from some of those grosser Conceptions they had sucked in together with their Platonick Infusions : in order whereto , after enquirie made in the Sanctuarie of Sacred Scriptures , they find a necessitie of Reformation . The head of these Reforming Platonists was that great Ammonius , Master of Plotinus , and Origen , who if he were not really , and altogether a Christian , yet certainly he had a great kindness for those of the Profession , and a particular affection for their Sacred Oracles ; which put him not only upon the studie of the same , but also on this great designe of Collecting what he could out of these Holy Scriptures , and incorporating , or contempering the same Collections with the Systeme , or Bodie of his Platonick Philosophizings . And certainly these endeavours of his could not but give a great sublimation , refinement , and advance to Platonick Philosophie , though all proved but a bitter , yea poisonous root of those dangerous Errors , and Apostacies , which have ever since befell the Churches of Christ ; besides the advantages , which those of that Alexandrine Succession , who continued Pagans , got hence to refine , and strengthen Paganisme . The evidence both of the one , and the other , will follow upon some particular reflections on this Platonick Reformation .

The defects of this Platonick Reformation begun by Ammonius . § . 17. First , Ammonius the great Promoter of this Platonick Reformation , if he were really a Christian ( as Eusebius , and Jerome affirme him to be ) was in this greatly blameable .

1. That he durst not make open Profession of the Christian Religion , which he believed to be the true . But more particularly ,

2. For bringing the Sacred Scriptures into one , and the same contemperament , or composition with Platonick Philosophie , whereby the former was greatly adulterated , though the latter received a great emprovement . This Tertullian takes special notice of , with complaints , that such stript Christianitie of her mantle , to cloath Philosophie therewithall ; or plundered Divine Truth , to maintain , and enrich Philosophie ; with such like Expressions .

3. But Ammonius was yet farther blameable , in that he following Plato's steps , conceled , at least from his Pagan Disciples , and Successors , the Sacred Fountain , and Original from whence he derived his more sublime , and choicer Notions , which he delivered over unto them as Platonick Derivations ; whereas they indeed owed their Original to the Divine Scriptures . 'T is possible , his designe in thus conceling the Sacred source of his Philosophizings , if it proceeded not from carnal fear , might be pretty tolerable , though the effects of it were very sad . For hereby , First , Many of those more sublime , and mysterious Revelations , which he got from the Sacred Scriptures , 1. In Conceleing the Original of these Scriptural Notions . and foisted into his Philosophie , passed for Platonick Contemplations . In this series , I presume , we may rank the Platonick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Trinitie , on which Plotinus his Scholar , and Proclus after him , spend such Mystical , and sublime Discourses . It 's confest , that Plato gave some foundation for such an imaginarie Trinitie : for he makes mention of , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : The Father , the Word , or Mind , and the Universal Spirit , or Soul . Also in his Rep. l. 2. he speaks of Bonitie , Immutabilitie , and Virtue , as before ; which Mystical Contemplations I have elsewhere proved were traduced to him originally from the Jewish Church . But yet I cannot remember , that I ever met with , in any part of Plato's Works , any particular express mention of a 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Trinitie , in such a sense as Plotinus , and the rest of the New Platonists Philosophize thereon ; and therefore we have ground sufficient to conclude , that this Platonick Trinitie was traduced to these latter Platonists , not from Plato , but from Ammonius their more immediate Master , who had it from the Sacred Scriptures ; though conceling the same , and finding some imaginarie Conceptions thereof in Plato , he delivers it over to his Disciples as a Platonick Tradition . The like may be said of many other of those more refined , and raised Notions , which we find amongst the New Platonists , which were communicated to them by Ammonius under the forme of Platonick Derivations , though they were Originally Christian Traditions . 2. 2. The too great extolling of Platonick Philosophie . Whence followed another general Evil of this Concelement , which Ammonius made touching the Sacred Fountain of his choicest Notions ; namely , hereby Platonick Philosophie , being cloathed in the beautiful dresse of Divine Revelations , and Mysteries , grows more desirable in the eyes , not only of Pagans , but also of some carnal Christians , than her Mistress the Divine Scriptures , cloathed only in her own naked garb of Gospel simplicitie . And in truth , this Idolizing humour of crying up Platonick Philosophie , and making it equal to , if not above the Scripture , did not only diffuse it self amongst the Pagan Platonists , but had too great influence on many of those whom we count Christian Fathers , especially Origen ; and does continue to this very day among many Platonists , who finding many excellent Notions amongst those Alexandrine Platonists , Plotinus , &c. and some affinitie betwixt their Philosophick Contemplations , and Scripture Revelations , are very apt , at least in their inward esteem , to equalize , if not prefer their Platonick Philosophie to the Sacred Scriptures , as it has been excellently well observed by Learned Stilling fleet , Origin Sacr. Book 3. Chap. 3. §. 13.

Particular Evils , that followed upon that Platonick Reformation . 1. As to Pagans . § . 18. We have shewen what are the general Evils , that attended this Platonick Reformation , begun by Ammonius in the Schole of Alexandria : we shall proceed to Particulars , with endeavours to demonstrate what sad Effects this mixture of Divine Revelation , with Platonick Philosophie , had both on Pagans , and Christians . First , as for Pagans , Plotinus , Amelius , Porphyrie , Iamblichus , Hierocles , Syrianus , Proclus , Marinus , Damascius , and the rest of that Sacred Succession in the Schole of Alexandria , all the use they make of this Platonick Reformation begun by Ammonius , is , First to enhance , and greaten the value of Platonick Philosophie . 2. To cast the greater slur , and contempt on the Christian Religion , and Scriptures , as wanting those Flourishes which their Philosophie was adorned withall . 3. Following Ammonius's steps , they pick out of the Christian Faith what ever might suit with their Platonick Contemplations , or any way serve their turnes : and to concele their stealth , they artificially disguise their stol'n Notions , by wrapping them up in a cloudie Symbolick Forme , after the Platonick mode ; as also by professing inveterate prejudices against , and opposition to the Christian Religion . 4. But the worst use they made of this their Platonick Reformation , was thereby to refine , and reforme their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Natural Theologie , commended to them by Pythagoras , and Plato ; especially their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Daemon Worship . For these New Platonists of the Alexandrine Schole , observing upon daylie contests with the Christians , many things in their Natural Theologie grosly absurd , and contradictorie to the remainders of Natures Light , they endeavour to remove these prejudices by some gradual refinement , or partial reformation of their Daemon-Worship , which carried in it the Spirit of their Natural Theologie . Hence they contract the infinitie of their fictitious Gods unto a small number ; asserting but one supreme God , whom they make to be the Sun ; which seemed to them the most glorious Being , and that which influenced all lower affairs , as it appears by Julian's Oration to the Sun . As for all other Gods , they esteemed them no other , than the Papists do their Saints , Daemons , or Mediators betwixt them , and the Supreme God , &c. Thus they pare off many luxuriant branches , which their Natural worship had in the course of time produced , and reduce it to a more natural , and as they conceive , rational account , and all this by virtue of that Platonick Reformation begun by Ammonius , &c.

§ . 19. Neither did the noxious influences of this Platonick Reformation seize on Paganisme only , but also on the whole bodie , The sad effect . of this Platonich Reformation in the Christian Churches . yea ( may we not say ) on the vitals of Christianitie . For Origen , Scholar to this famous Ammonius , though a professed Christian , yet he followes his Master's steps , in mixing Platonick Philosophie , and the Doctrines of the Gospel together , hoping thereby to gain credit to the Christian Religion , though indeed it proved only the sophistication thereof , and an effectual door to let in all the great errours , and Antichristian Abominations , which have layen in the bosome of the Church ever since . For so long as the Christian Religion kept her self in her own native beautie , and virgine Simplicitie , she was not troubled , with these great errours , which befell her upon this cursed mixture of Platonick Philosophie with Christianitie . Had these Christian Platonists Origen , and his followers , made it their designe to reduce their Platonick Notions unto , and reforme them by Scriptures , they might have proved useful ; but on the contrarie they rather affected to reduce the Scriptures , and make them stoop to Plato's Dogmes , and Schole , which proved a mighty honour , and emprovement to Platonisme , but a reproach , and corruption to Christianisme , of which see Stillingfleet's Orig. Sac. book 3. c. 3. sect. 13. The full demonstration hereof is a main subject of the following book , where we endeavour to prove , First that the great corruptions amongst the Fathers , had their original from this Platonick Schole at Alexandria , as Book 5. chap. 5. sect. 8. 2. That Samosetanus received his poison from Plotinus's Philosophizings in this Schole about the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as Arrius his . Book 5. chap. 5. sect. 9. 3. That all Pelagianisme had it's rise from this Schole . Book . 5. c. 5. §. 10. 4. That all Antichristianisme received it's rise from this Schole , as c. 6. 1. Monastick Life , and Institutes , as chap. 6. §. 1.15 . 2. All their Mystical Theologie Ib. 3. All Antichrists 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Daemon , or Saint-worship . chap. 6. §. 4 , &c. 4. All Popish Abstinences , Satisfactions , Merits , &c. chap. 6. §. 16. 5. Purgatorie . chap. 6. §. 17. 6. All Papal Hierarchie had it's foundation here . chap. 6. § . 18. By all which we see , what cursed fruits followed this un-Christian design , of drawing the Christian Religion into one Systeme with Platonick Philosophie .

CHAP. V. Plato's Pythagorick , and Socratick mode of Philosophizing , with the Original of both from the Jewish Church .

Plato's Pythagorick , and Symbolick mode of Philosophizing : The advantages of Symbols , as well for the illustration of truth , as for the delighting of phansie , and fixing the memorie . The regular use of Symbols , not so much for pleasure , as truth . Plato's Symbolick mode of Philosophizing from the Jews . How far Plato affected the Socratick mode of Philosophizing , with his differen●e there-from . 1. Plato was more Dogmatick than Socrates . 2. Plato's mode of Dialogizing was more Symbolick , and Metaphorick than that of Socrates . Plato's mode of Philosophizing by Dialogues of Jewish original . Luke 5.21.22 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Luke 6.8 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Luke 11.35 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to dispute by Questions . Luke 22.68 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 if I propose any Arguments , &c.

§ . 1. HAving given some Historical account of the Platonists , both Old , and New , with the particular advantages they had to acquaint themselves with Jewish , and Christian Mysteries , we now proceed to the Essential parts of Platonick Philosophie , and their traduction from the sacred Scriptures . Plato's Symbolick mode of Philosophizing . First , as for the Forme , or Mode of Plato's Philosophizings , it is partly Pythagorick , or Symbolick ; partly Socratick , with somewhat peculiar , and proper to himself : Of each distinctly . 1. That Plato abounded much in the Pythagorick , or Symbolick mode of Philosophizing , is evident to any , that is verst in his Philosophie . So Vossius de philos. sect. cap. 12. §. 16. . Plato according to the Pythagorean mode , very oft abounds in Symbolick Philosophie . The like Cael. Rodig . lib. 9. cap. 12. He is no Platonist , who thinks that Plato must not be understood Allegorically , unless he will with Aristotle triumph over Plato 's words , and not regard his profound sense . So Serranus on Plato's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 symposium , or Dialogue of Love . It was ( saies he ) the mode of the Ancient Philosophers to represent Truth by certain 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Symbols , and hidden Images . That Plato followed these , is put beyond doubt by this his Symposiack Disputation , in which he makes express mention of Hesiod , and Homer , with whom we find the first true rudiments of Ancient Philosophie . And truly this mode of Philosophizing was accurately polished by the Pythagoreans , the whole of whose Philosophie was wrapped up in the covert of Symbols , or Allegories . The like he mentions in his Preface to Plato , where he also gives us the advantages of this Symbolick mode of Philosophizing . It was ( saies he ) the Ancient manner of Philosophers , to set forth Truth by Symbolick Images . That Plato followed this custome is no way to be doubted , whilst he discourseth of Learning received from them . Neither are there wanting reasons which encline unto such a method of teaching : For 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , such a Symbolick Image of things , is exceeding efficatious to strike mens minds , who are greatly moved with such Images . For seeing the truth of things lies wrapt up in much obscuritie , we more compendiously , and safely arrive unto it by such Corporeal gradations ; she lying couched under these shadows , does more powerfully insinuate into mens minds . Neither is there wanting pleasure ( the guide , and promotor of Disquisition ) in such Symbolick studies , and indagations . These Corporeal Images , and designations of things by their Notes , doe very much conduce in like manner to Memorie , which being excited by the Novitie , Beautie , and matter of admiration which it finds in these Symbols , receives a more deep , firme , and constant impression of these things wrapped up therein . The like he mentions again in Plato's Symposium , fol. 167. shewing how this 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Image-coyning Philosophie , leads men gradually , and sweetly , yet most powerfully towards the contemplation of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 First Being , &c. And indeed Plato himself gives us the best account of the many excellent advantages , How Symbolick Philosophie ought to be regulated . which accrew by this Symbolick imitation , if duely regulated , and managed : so Plato Phaedr . fol. 229. tells us , that under the covert of his Fables , Ttuth lay wrap'd up , and therefore we must not acquiesce in the Symbol , or Fable , but make enquirie after that truth , which lay hid under it . So in his Repub. 6. fol. 510. Plato , admonisheth us so to read his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Allegorick Images , as not to terminate in the Images themselves , but to penetrate unto the things couched under , and represented by these Symbolick Images . But more fully in his Repub. 10. fol. 598 , &c. he acquaints us that this his ●ymbolick imitation did only represent the Image , or Shadow of the thing which is far remote from the truth , as a Limner gives the Picture of a man ; and therefore he , that would get the true knowledge of the thing , must not acquiesce in the Symbolick Image , but search after the thing it self . The same he inculcates often ; as in his de Legib. 2. fol. 669. where he laies down , and insists much upon , this general Principle , that in such Symbolick Imitations , Truth , not pleasure , or delight must be the measure of our disquisitions , &c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , All Imitation must be judged not by pleasure , or opinion , but by Truth . So in his de Legib. 5. as elsewhere , &c.

Plato's Symbolick mode of Philosophizing from the Jews . § . 2. That Plato , as Pythagoras before him , traduced this Symbolick mode of Philosophizing from the Jewish Church originally , is a general presumpion of the Learned . So Serranus , in his Preface to Plato's Images , addes : All which Plato uttered not from himself , or his own humane reason , but from the more happie doctrine of Moses , and of the Prophets , &c. And more particularly he concludes thus ; That Plato drew these Symbols from the doctrine of the Jews , i. e. from Moses , and the Prophets , all Antiquitie of Christian Doctors hath judged . But that he absteined industriously from nameing the Jews , because their name was odious among other Nations . Although he sometimes makes mention 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 of a Syrian , and Phenician fable , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 of an ineffectual Mysterie , to shew , that he designed not the Egyptians only , but also their neighbours the Jews . Truely Plato might , when he was in Egypt , have conversation with the Jews , of whom there were great numbers in Egypt after their dissipation , and transmigration - . Lastly , whereas in those 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ineffable Mysteries he recites , there lies some footsteps of truth mixt with many trifles , who would not judge , he derived them immediately from the Egyptians rather than from the Jewish Monuments ? But that the Egyptians retained many things received by tradition from the Patriarchs , Moses's most ancient Historie demonstrates . Neither is it to be doubted , but that they drew many things also from the clear fountains of the Sacred Bible , which yet they Contaminated with their own muddie mixtures . Hence Plato acquired the name of the Allegorick Philosopher , because he used that peculiar way of teaching by 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Symbols , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Idols , and from their more abstruse doctrine asserts many Paradoxes . Thus Serranus : wherein he fully grants , that Plato's Symbolick mode of Philosophizing came originally from the Jews , though immediately from the Egyptians . And the reason he gives , why Plato could not derive them immediately from the Jews , is because the Scriptures were not translated into Greek 'till after Alexander's time . But this being granted ( which Lud. Vives denies ) why might not Plato by reason of his skill in the Egyptian , and Phenician tongues understand the Scriptures , as well as the Egyptians ? or else might he not understand them by an Interpreter , as Austin seems to grant , as before chap. 3. § . 4. That Plato , as Pythagoras , received this Symbolick mode of Philosophizing from the Oriental parts , is well observed by Cudworth , Union of Christ pag. 28. The Oriental Nations were wont to couch their greatest Mysteries , and pieces of Wisdom , which they conveighed by tradition one to the other , in the covert of some Fables , & thence Pythagoras , & Plato afterward brought that manner of Philosophizing into Europe , &c. And the same Cudworth elsewhere gives some particular Fables , which Plato traduced from the Jews , as that of his Androgynon , or Conjunction of man and woman , as one flesh , which he makes to be but an imitation of Eve's being taken out of Adam's side , and joyned to him in Marriage , &c. Yea Serranus is enclined to think that Plato's whole 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Love Dialogue , was but an imitation of Solomons's Song . So Serranus on Plato's Symposium fol. 176. Hence ( saies he ) as the holie Writer had his Epithalamium , namely his Canticles , so Plato his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Love Dialogue , not that I would seem willing to compare Plato's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Love Songs with Sacred 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Love Songs , but I am only willing to shew , that this manner of Teaching things otherwise true , and certain by Symbols , and Mysteries , was not unusual , &c. See more of this Symbolick mode of Philosophizing , and it's traduction from the Jewish Church , Book 2. chap. 9. §. 2. touching Pythagoras's Symbolick Philosophie , &c. Only there lay this difference betwixt Pythagoras and Plato , as to their use of Symbols . Pythagoras's Symbols were for the most part Enigmatical , answerable to the Egyptian Hierogliphicks , and the Jewish Enigmes , or Riddles : But Plato's Symbols are not so Enigmatick , and obscure as those of Pythagoras ; but only Metaphorick , and Allegorick , answerable to the Jewish Types , and Parables . See more of this difference Book 2. chap. 2. §. 6 , 7.

Plato affects the Socratick mode of Philosophizing yet with some superaddition of his own . § . 3. Plato abounds also much , yea mostly in the Socratick mode of Philosophizing . So August . de Civit. l. 8. c. 4. And because Plato loved his Master Socrates with such a singular affection , he brings him in speaking almost in all his Discourses : yea those very things , which he had learnt from others , or had acquired by his own intelligence , he tempers with , or wraps up under his Master Socrates's Ironick mode , &c. Thus Austin ; and more particularly , some few lines after he addes ; And seeing he affects an observation of his Master Socrates's known mode of dissembling his own knowledge , and opinion , because this manner pleased him so much , hence it comes to passe , that it is very difficult to perceive Plato's opinion even concerning the most Weightie matters . Touching Socrates's Dissimulation in conceleing his own sentiments , without positive affirmation , or Negation , under pretence of knowing nothing , thereby to draw forth ( in an inductive way ) and to confute the opinions of his oponents , see what precedeth touching the Socratick Philosophie , chap. 1. §. 6.

Wherein Plato differed from Socrates , as to his mode of Philosophizing . This Mode of Discourse Plato very much affected , as it appears in his Dialogues , where he brings in Socrates discoursing after his o●n forme , yet not without a considerable difference from , or superaddition to his Masters Method : For first Socrates in his own Schole very seldome , or never asserts any thing Dogmatically ; but under a modest pretension of ignorance he conceles his own judgment , with endeavours to evince , and confirme the Hypotheses he designes to prove from the concessions of his Opponents , 1 Socrates was more Aporematick , but Plato more Dogmatick . which he draws forth by a powerful Induction . Hence Arcesilas the founder of the New Academie defends his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the Authoritie of Socrates , as before chap. 4. § . 2. But now Plato , though he allowed in many natural , and abstruse Questions , an 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or suspension , and thence 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a probationarie mode of disputing pro , & con . yet he greatly asserted some things , and strongly proved others , as necessarily true ; whence the New Academicks , and the Scepticks ever reputed Plato , and his Successors of the old Academie , as Dogmatists , as before chap. 4. §. 1 , 2. Yea Ammonius on Aristot. Categor . tells us , that Plato himself confuted this Sceptick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 as that , which was most irrational , and absurd : Plato's mode of Philosophizing different from Socrates i● point of Symbols , and Allegories . of which else where . Secondly , Socrates's mode of Philosophizing was more plain , and familiar . 'T is true , it had much of Ironie mixed with it , especially as to moral conversation , yet it did not render it cloudie , and obscure . But now Plato , though he imitates his Master in Dialogizing , yet he mixeth therewith so many dark Symbols and Poetick Metaphors , as that he seems to act the part of a Poet , or Orator , rather than of a Philosopher . 'T is confest , such Poetick , and Metaphorick flourishes , wherewith Plato's Dialogues so much abound , are extream useful to illustrate , and brighten Truth , yet it cannot be denyed but that Aristotle's Syllogistick , naked , and closer mode of Disputing more conduceth to the Conviction , and Demonstration of Truth . Whence that old saying , Plato Teacheth , and Aristotle Proves . Hence also the Greeks usually stiled Plato 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Divine , and Aristotle 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Daemon . And they say , if Jupiter had been minded to discourse in Greek , he would have used Plato's tongue ; so eloquently , and floridly is he conceived to have Philosophized . Yet learned Vossius de philos. sect. cap. 12. §. 15. gives him this dash . Mean while ( saies he ) the discourse of Plato is lesse proper for Philosophie , For he fails in this ( some 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 must pardon me ) that he much delights in Metaphors , and those not beseeming , but presumptuous , and altogether Poetical , whereas a discourse more proper , or Metaphors more received , and common , agree better with Philosophie , &c. But to give a just Character of Plato's mode of Philosophizing . It 's evident , he had a most prodigious , and luxuriant Phansie , which could not confine it self to the severe Rules of artificial Logick , and method ; neither indeed was it the mode , or fashion of those times to dispute in Mode , and Figure ; for this Forme of Syllogizing owes it's original to his Scholar Aristotle , that great artificial Methodist . Before Aristotle , the great Logicians were those of the Eleatick Schole , Zeno the Eleatick , and his successors , whose mode of Disputing was by Dialogues , or Interrogations , and Answers , as it is evident by the Dialogues , which Zeno the Eleatick writ . This mode of Disputing was followed by Plato ( who derived much of his Logick from the Eleatick Schole ) only to render his Philosophie more Beautiful , and grateful , he clotheth her after the Oriental fashion , with many Metaphorick Images , and Symbolick shaddows . For that this Symbolick way of Philosophizing was most in fashion amongst all the Oriental Philosophers , especially the Jews , Egyptians , and Phenicians has been before proved . This garbe Plato ( as Pythagoras ) most affected , as that , which suited best with his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Pregnant Mimetick Phancie , which greatly recreated it self in those Jewish Mysteries , he had gleaned up in his Oriental travels , but not throughly understanding the same , he wraps them up under Symbolick , and Metaphorick shadows , thereby to render them more intelligible , and delightful . That , which made Aristotle reject this Symbolick mode of Philosophizing , was the humour of rejecting all Oriental Jewish Traditions , which his discursive reason could not comprehend . To conclude , we have a full , though but brief Character of Plato's Philosophick mode given us by Jerom. lib. 1. advers. Jovin . where he stiles Plato's works Divine , Profound , yet not easily to be understood by Raw , young wits , &c. Though Plato's Mythologick , Symbolick , and Allegorick Images render his Notions to such , as do not understand them , more cloudie , and dark ; yet when they are understood , they give a very beautiful glosse , or amiable face unto Truth : answerable to Christ's Parables , which to the unbelieving Jews were but Riddles , yet as he explained them to his own Disciples , they were very lively , and significant .

This Platonick mode of reasoning by Dialogues of Jewish origin . § . 4. That this Socratick , Platonick mode of Philosophizing by Dialogues , or Interrogations , and Answers was exactly the same with , and , as we may presume , originally from the Jewish mode of Ratiocination , is evident by what footsteps we find hereof in the sacred Scriptures , where we find the words 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 frequently used to express the Jewish mode of Disputation : so Luke 5. 21. Luke ( who was exactly skilled in the Greek Dialect ) expresseth the Scribes , and Pharisees their disputings against Christ by 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Dialogize , or to reason by Interrogations , and Answers . So agen v. 22. 'T is said that Jesus knowing their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Reasonings by Dialogues , he said 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , why doe you Dialogize , or reason by Dialogues , &c. The like we find Luke 6.8 . He knew that thoughts 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , their reasonings , or conferences , &c. We might produce Multitudes of Scriptures of the same import , which clearly discover , that the Jewish mode of Disputing was by Dialogues , or by Interrogations , and Answers . This is farther confirmed , not only from the import of words , but also from the thing it self . For we find those Disputes which were betwixt Christ , and the Jewish Doctors , to be carryed on by way of Dialogue , or conference , by questions , and replies . So in that famous Disputation betwixt Christ , and the Pharisees , Luke 11.53 . 't is said the Scribes and Pharisees began to urge him vehemently , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , i. e. to urge him vehemently for an extemporarie replie to their interrogations . Thence it follows [ and to provoke him to speak . ] 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . This word , saies Grotius , is one of those wherein Luke discovers his intimate skill in the Greek : for 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 is a word evidently taken from the Scholes , where the Masters mere wont to place their riper Disciples over the younger , that so the former might pose the latter by Interrogations , which was stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Therefore Luke does Learnedly use this word to shew , that the Pharisees used all endeavours to draw from Christ's Mouth many replies . The Syriack does rightly express the sense by a word that signifies to Ensnare , and the Arabick by a word that imports to make one Dispute . What they designed thereby is evident by what follows , verse 54. Laying wait for him , and seeking to catch ( 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) something out of his mouth . By which it 's apparent , this their dispute was managed by Interrogations . So agen Luke 22.68 . saies Christ , If I ask you , &c , [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] which Grotius renders [ If I propose any argument ] For ( addes he ) the Hebrews , as well as the Greeks , were wont to dispute by Interrogations . But more of this , when we come to Plato's Logick .

CHAP. VI. The several Distributions of Platonick Philosophie .

Platonick Philosophie , as to it's Matter distributed into 1. Pythagorick . 2. Heraclitick . 3. Socratick . 2. Into Contemplative , and Active . 3. Into Moral , Natural , and Rational . 4. Into Theoretick , and Practick . This distribution suits not with Plato's Philosophie . 5. The Adequate division of Platonick Philosophie , 1. Into Organical , which is Logick , and 2. Essential , which is 1. Natural , wherein is comprized 1. Physicks , both Contemplative , and Active , and 2. Mathematicks . 2. Moral , which is either Ethick , Oeconomick , or 3. Politick . 3. Supernatural , or Theologick .

The distribution of Platonick Philosophie as to its Matter into 1. Pythagorick . 2. Heraclitick . 3. Socratick . § . 1. HAving discoursed of Plato's Forme , or Mode of Philosophizing ; we now proceed to the Matter of his Philosophie , with it's traduction from the Jewish Church , and sacred Scriptures . Plato's Philosophie , as to it's Matter in general , admits of sundrie distributions . 1. As to it 's Original , it was reduced by the Ancients unto the Pythagorick , Heraclitick , and Socratick . So Laertius in the Life of Plato , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . He mixed the Discourses , or Reasons of the Heracliticks , Pythagoricks , and Socraticks . For in sensibles he follows Heraclitus , in Intelligibles Pythagoras in Politicks , Socrates . 1. 1. Plato as to Theologicks Pythagorizeth . That Plato collected the choicest materials of his Philosophie , especially of his Theologie , out of the Pythagorean , has been before demonstrated chap. 3. sect. 3. where we have shewn , how he was instructed by Archytas the Tarentine , Timaeus the Locrian , Epicarmus , and other Pythagoreans , whilst he had his ●bo●e in Italie ; besides the Instructions he gain'd from Pythagorean Books . Aristotle in his Metaph. lib. 1. cap. 6. stiles the Platonick Philosophie , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , in many things conformable to the Pythagoreans . And Lud. Vives tells us , that the Platonists , as to Theologicks , doe generally Pythagorize . More particularly ; Plato Symbolizeth with , and therefore seems to have derived from Pythagoras these following Notions : namely , 1. That God is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. according to his description , Gen. 3.14 . 2. That God is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Vnitie , &c. 3. That God is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , One , and many ; One in Divine Essence , and many as to his Divine Ideas , or Decrees . 4. That all things are made , Governed , and Ordered by God . 5. Plato follow 's Pythagoras exactly , as to the constitution of Divine Worship , and its Regulation by the Divine Will , and Rites , against all Images , Superstition , or Will-worship . 6. Plato Symbolizeth with Pythagoras in Daemons , and Daemon-worship . 7. Plato held also with Pythagoras the Soul's Immortalitie , Metempsychosis , with other opinions , of which see Book 2. chap. 8. Now that all these Pythagorick Principles were of Jewish origination has been sufficiently proved . 2. As to Sensibles Plato is said to follow Heraclitus , whose Philosophie , as we may presume , he suckt in from Cratylus , 2. Plato as to Sensibles follows Heraclit . Heraclitus's Disciple , whom Plato after Socrates's death heard . The maine Principles , that Plato imbibed from the Heraclitick Philosophie , referred to the first Principles of the Universe , especially touching Fire , which Heraclitus made to be the first great principle of all things : wherein Plato very far Symbolized with him , asserting , that the Heavens were Fire ; of which hereafter . Now that Heraclitus was ( according to Aristotle's Character of those Ancient Philosophers ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , one that greatly affected , and admired Oriental , Jewish Traditions , touching the first Origine of the Universe , is evident by what Plutarch in the Life of Coriolanus reports of him ; where , having discoursed of Gods Omnipotencie , and man 's Incredulitie thereof , he addes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Many of the Divine operations , or traditions , according to Heraclitus , flie from our notice by reason of unbelief . By which it seems evident , that Heraclitus had some notices of , and great reverence for the Oriental Jewish Traditions , which I suppose he received , if not immediately from these Oriental parts , or persons , from the Pythagoreans ; for he was but a branch of the Italick Sect , with whom he Symbolized in many principles , especially in that of Fire to be the great principle of all things : as before chap. 7. sect. 10.3 . Laertius tells us , that as to Politicks , 3. As to Morals Plato follows Socrates . Plato followed his Master Socrates . Apuleius de dogm . Plat. addes , that Plato received not only Moral , but also Rational Philosophie from Socrates's fountain . Yea Plato himself in his Dialogues , attributes unto Socrates some of his Natural Philosophie . By which it 's evident , that this Distribution of Plato's Philosophie is not to be taken strictly , but 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : for it 's evident , that he received also from the Pythagoreans not only Theologick , but also some Politick , and Natural Principles , as his Communitie from the Pythagorean Schole ; his Notions about the Origine of the Universe from Timaeus Locrus , of which more hereafter . Yea in all these , both Sensibles , Intelligibles , and Morals , Plato received much emprovement from Egypt , &c. as before .

2. Division of Platonick Philosophie into Contemplative and Active . § . 2. A Second Distribution of Platonick Philosophie is into Contemplative , and Active : so Austin de Civit. Dei . lib. 8. cap. 4. Therefore ( saies he ) seeing the studie of Wisdom consists in Action , and Contemplation , hence one part thereof may be said to be Active , the other Contemplative , whereof the Active appertains to the government of Life , i. e. the institution of Manners , but the Contemplative to the inspection of Natures causes , and the most sincere Truth . Socrates is reported to have excelled in the Active , but Pythagoras to have insisted , so far as his Intelligence would reach , on the Contemplative . Thence Plato joyning both together , is commended for having perfected Philosophie : thus Austin . Indeed this Division of Philosophie into Contemplative , and Active , seems to have had it's foundation in the Jewish Scholes under their Babylonian transmigration , especially amongst the Essenes , who seeme to have been the first , that addicted themselves to Monastick life ( occasioned from their persecution ) which drew on this distribution of their life into Active , and Contemplative , whence Pythagoras traduced the same ; as before Book 2. chap. 6. §. 7.8 . Though we must confesse that none of the Ancients treat so fully , and distinctly of Contemplative , and Active Philosophie as Plato . So in his de Repub. 2. he distributes Discipline into 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gymnastick , or Active , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Musick , whereby he expresseth Contemplative Sciences . Under the Gymnastick , or Active Discipline he rangeth such virtues , as conduce to practice , or moralitie ; as Temperance , Fortitude , Justice , &c. Unto Musick , or Contemplative Discipline he reduceth the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Musical Theoretick virtues , which consist 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Contemplation ; and the Queen of all he makes to be Religion , whence he calls the Contemplation 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Idea of the chiefest good , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the highest Discipline , &c. Philo Judaus that great Platonist discourseth at large partly on Jewish , partly on Platonick principles , touching Contemplative , and Active Philosophie : Aristotle also seems to approve of the same distribution , though under different termes of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Practick , and Theoretick Philosophie . The Original of this distinction came from the different products , and objects of the one , and other , according to that famous Maxime , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Practick philosophie is effective of Virtue , but Theoretick of Truth . As for the subdivisions of this distribution , they are comprehended in what follows .

§ . 3. But the chief Distribution of Platonick Philosophie in regard of it's matter , is into Moral , Natural , and Rational : Plato's 3d distribution into Moral , Natural , and Rational . which also comprehends the foregoing , of Contemplative , and Active : so Austin de Civit. lib. 8. cap. 4. Having spoken of Contemplative , and Active Philosophie . Thence ( saies he ) Plato by joyning both together , is said to have perfected Philosophie , which he distributes into three parts ; One Moral , which chiefly consists in action , another Natural , which is deputed to contemplation , and a third Rational , whereby Truth is differenced from falshood ; which though it be uncessary both for Contemplation , and Action , yet Contemplation chiefly appropriates to her self the consideration of Truth , wherefore this threefold partition of Philosophie is not contrarie to the foregoing , whereby it is distinguished into Contemplative , and Active : This division of Jewish extract . thus Austin . That this partition of Platonick Philosophie was of Jewish origination , is affirmed by Eusebius , l. praeparat . Evang. where he tells us , That this Section of Plato's Philosophie had it's derivation from the Hebrews ; for the proof whereof , he brings the opinion of Atticus a Philosopher , who opens this division more fully , and shews how Plato connected all the parts of Philosophie into one bodie , which lay before dispersed , like Pentheus's Members . For Thales , and his Disciples addicted themselves wholly to Physicks : the Six other Wise men to Ethicks , Zeno the Eleatick , and all his adherents , to Logick . Plato collected all these together , and brought forth to men a Philosophie not broken , but intire , and absolute . Whereunto accords Aristotle himself , lib. philos. Laertius in Plato . Philosophie in times past was employed only about Physicks : Socrates came , and added Ethicks ; Plato added a third part to Philosophie , namely Logick , whereby he gave a full consummation thereto . Apuleius ( in Dogmate Platonis ) speaking of Plato , saies , wherefore he exactly enquired into the inventions of Parmenides , and Zeno : thus he filled his Books with whatever was singular , and admirable , so that he was the first , who connected a threefold Philosophie , & shewed that these parts , so mutually necessarie each to other , did not only not differ amongst themselves , but also afforded mutual assistance each to other . Thus he ; as Lud. Vives in Aug. Civ . l. 8. c. 4. after him . This distribution of Plato's Philosophie seems very natural , and comprehensive of all parts of Philosophie , as it is easie to demonstrate : for Natural Philosophie takes in Physicks , and Mathematicks , ( or else we may reduce the Mathematicks to Rational Philosophie ) Moral Philosophie comprehends Ethicks , Oeconomicks , and Politicks , Rational Philosophie according to Plato takes in , not only Logick , but Metaphysicks , or the Contemplation of the first truth , and principle , &c.

Ammonius's distribution of Philosophie into Organick , Theoretick , & Practick . § . 4. Ammonius ( the Disciple of Proclus ) in his Comment on Aristotle's Categories pag. 11. distributes Philosophie in general into Organick , and Essential , or Principal . By Organick Philosophie , he understands Logick , or ( as he stiles it from the principal part ) Demonstration , which he calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , , a Diacritick , or discretive Organ , whereby Truth is severed from Falshood in Contemplatives , and Good from Evil in Actives , As for the Essential , or principal Members of Philosophie , he divides it first into 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Theoretick , or Contemplative ; and Practick , or Active . Theoretick Philosophie he makes to be that , which regards Truth , and Falshood ; Practick that which considers Good , and Evil. 1. Theoretick Philosophie he subdivides into Physiologick , which is the Contemplation of Sensibles , not in their Individuals , but as they lye in their abstract specifick Idea , or univocal common nature , and principles . 2 Mathematick , which is the Contemplation of Sensibles in their Quantitie chiefly , and as abstracted from their Materialitie . 3. Theologick , which is the Contemplation of Beings Metaphysical , and purely abstracted from all Corporeitie , and Matter . 2. As for Practick , or Active Philosophie ; he subdivides it into , 1. Ethicks , which respects men in their single capacities , The imperfection of this distribution as to Plato's notion of Philosophie . or personal Morals . 2. Oeconomicks , which respects mens Morals , as in Familie consociation , or capacitie . 3. Politicks , which considers men under Citie , or National confederation . This Distribution of Philosophie , though it seem more Comprehensive , and Artificial , yet it suits not so well with Plato's Philosophie , as the forementioned , but seems rather to be calculated for Aristotle's method as hereafter . For Plato though he makes use of this Distribution of Philosophie into Contemplative , and Active , yet he seems to make these members , thus distributed to be as Disparates only , not as diametrically opposites , i. e. he makes Contemplation though different from , yet not opposite unto Action . Yea following the designe of his Master Socrates ( of which before chap. 1. §. 5. ) he reduceth all Contemplative Sciences unto a subordination , and subserviencie unto Active : he accounts no speculation regular , but what ends in practice ; no Contemplation legitimate , but what ends in the admiration , affection , and imitation of God : whence he calls the knowledge of God , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the supreme Discipline , and his Logick he stiles the Introduction of the Soul , from it's night ignorance to the knowledge of the first Being , as Repub. 7. Hence also he makes the end of his Philosophie to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 assimilation to God , so far as 't is possible : This he makes the Forme , Spirit , Soul , and Measure of his Philosophie , which ought to informe , and influence all matters , parts , and things , as the Soul the Bodie . So Ammonius in Arist. Cat. pag. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The Matter of Philosophie is things , but the end is assimilation to God . By which it 's evident , that the common distribution of Philosophie into Theoretick , and Practick , as understood by Aristotle , and the Scholes for a division of the whole into opposite parts , is no way agreeable to Plato's Philosophie , who following Socrates herein , makes Contemplative Philosophie subservient unto Active , especially to Divine affection , and assimilation to God . And thus indeed Grotius in Epist. 16. ad Gallos pag. 39. giving his advice about the studie of Philosophie , addes this caution : Whereas Philosophie is divided into Contemplative , and Active , you ought chiefly to studie the latter ; and the former no farther than it subserves this latter . The common Instrument of both is Logick , with which you are to begin , &c. A Golden Rule indeed for young students .

§ . 5. Having laid down these Four Distributions of Philosophie , The Distribution of Platonick Philosophie . we shall take up the Fifth , which seems most Platonick , and native , as the frame of this discourse , yet not without some addition from the ●est , so far as it may conduce to our more methodical procedure . For whereas Plato seems to reduce the contemplation of God , &c. to Dialoctick , or Rational Philosophie , we shall give it a distinct place of it 's own , confining rational Philosophie unto Logick . And so Platonick Philosophie may be distributed into Organick , or Rational , and Essential , or Real . 1. Organick Philosophie is Logick , 1. Logick . which Plato calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dialoctick ( from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 to dialogize , which was his mode of disputing ) and sometimes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the manuduction of the Soul , as also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a way , or method , with other such expressions ; which supposes it to be a rational organ , or Key to all other parts of Philosophie , whence it is rightly stiled by Aristotle 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Logick , Diacritick , or discretive organ . 2. As for Essential , or Real Philosophie , it may be according to Plato's mind , distributed into Natural , Moral , and Supernatural .

2. Natural Philosophie . § . 6. As for Natural Philosophie , it either regards things Natural , as Natural , under that reduplication , or mode of consideration ; or else it regards things natural , as abstracted from their naturalitie , materialitie , or sensibilitie , with respect only to their Quantitie . 1. Natural Philosophie , that considers things Natural as natural , i. e. under that reduplication 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or mode of considering , it may be subdivided into Contemplative , 1. Philosophie , 1. Contemplative . and Active . 1. Contemplative Natural Philosophie is commonly stiled in the Scholes Physicks , or Physiologie ( from the Greek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Nature ) whereof they constitute two parts , one General , which treates of Natural Bodies in general , their first Principles , Affections , Generations , and Corruptions ▪ another particular ; which discourseth of particulars , as 1. touching the Heavens . 2. The Inferior World . 3. The Meteors . 4. Inanimates , as Minerals , &c. 5. Animates , or Vegetables , which have a growing Life , but no sense , as Plants , &c. 6. Animals , which have not only growth , but also Sense , and Motion , though without Reason . 7. The Rational Soul , and humane Bodie , their nature , parts , affections , and operations . There are the particulars which come under Contemplation in Physiologie . Though Plato seems to make the main of his Physicks to be no other than a Natural Historie of the Creation , or Origine of the Vniverse , as it appeareth by his Timaeus , which is the seat of his Physiological Philosophizings . As for the Humane Soul , that is reduced to his Metaphysicks , or Supernatural Philosophie . Active , 2. Active . or Operative Natural Philosophie ( which is the end of Contemplative ) refers either to Plants , and Animals , and thence is stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Agriculture , &c. or else to the Humane bodie , and so 't is stiled Medicine , whereof Plato does much Philosophize . 2. Natural Philosophie , as it considers Naturals , under an Abstraction from their Naturalitie , and Materialitie , with respect only to their Quantitie , is commonly stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Mathematicks , which regard , 1. either the corporeitie , Dimensions , and Figures of Bodies , and so 't is called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Geometrie , from the measuring of Grounds at first in Egypt : 2. or the description of Countries and Places , and so 't is named 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Geographie : 3. or the account of Numbers , and so 't is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Arithmetick : 4. or the Situations , Constellations , Motions , Conjunctions , Influences , and Effects of Celestial Bodies ; and so they call it Astronomie , or Astrologie . 5. Opticks , which regards Vision . 6. Musick , which refers to sounds . 7. Navigation . 8. Tacticks , or Militarie Discipline . 9. Architecture , with other Mathematick Sciences : Plato studied the Mathematicks under Euclid , and Theodorus , &c.

§ . 7. Moral Philosophie respects Men : Moral Philosophie . 1. in their individual , personal capacitie , in relation to their Morals , and so 't is termed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Ethicks : or 2. it considers Men in their Familie - relation , and thence 't is stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Oeconomicks : or 3. it refers to Mens Politick capacitie , as under civil combination , and confederation , and so they call it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Politicks . Plato discourseth of each , but most largely of Politicks .

§ . 8. As for Supernatural Philosophie , commonly called Metaphysicks , Plato's Metaphysicks . or Natural Theologie , Plato abounds mostly herein . 1. He treats very Metaphysically of God , whom he termes , 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. according to Exod. 3.14 . 2. He asserts also the Unitie , Simplicitie , and Immutabilitie of God . 3. He proves likewise the Eternitie of God from this , that he was the first Principle of all things . 4. He demonstrates the All-sufficiencie of God from his being 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 5. Whence also he stiles God , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Superessential ; and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Infinite . 6. Hence also he demonstrates the Incomprehensibilitie , and Omnipresence of God . 7. He also clearly proves the Holynesse , Justice , and Faithfulnesse of God . 8. He makes some mention of God's Omnipotencie , as also of his Goodnes , &c. 9. He treats very largely , and Metaphysically of the Divine Ideas , and Decrees of God , with his prevision of all things resulting thence . 10. He discourseth very Divinely of God's production of , and Providence over all things ; as also of his particular regard to good Men. 2. Plato seems to have had very great notices of Religion , and Divine worship , according to the Scripture notion . He positively affirmes , 1. That the Divine Will ▪ and Pleasure , is the only rule and measure of Divine Worship . 2. Hence that an 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Worshiping of God accordingly is more acceptable to God than all the pompous inventions of Men , whereby the superstitious ( Heathen ) endeavoured to pacifie the angry Deitie . 3. That none can worship God aright but the pure , and holie . So in his Book de Legibus , Parmen. &c. 3. Plato Philosophizeth very Metaphysically of the humane Soul , its resemblance to God , immaterialitie , infinite capacitie , immortalitie , and perfection : likewise of its faculties , offices , objects , acts , &c. 4. Plato in like manner seems to discourse , though imperfectly , and under Symbolick Images , of the state of Innocencie ; the fall of Adam ; the restauration of Mankind by Daemon Mediators ; the infusion of Divine knowledge , and Grace , against Free-will , &c. 5. Yea , Plato seems to give some hints of the Divine Scriptures , which he expresseth by Divine Oracles , Enthusiasmes , Traditions . 6. Lastly , Plato is supposed also to discourse of the last Judgement , and future state , which he expresseth under Symbols .

CHAP. VII . General Ideas of Platonick Philosophie , and Philosophers .

Plato's Ideas of Natural Philosophie . 1. It s Genus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 2. The object 1. Complex Science . 1. Intelligence , 2. Science , 3. Faith , 4. Imitation . 2 Simple . 3. The Act 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 4. The End , Truth . 2. Of Moral Philosophie . 1. It s Genus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which connotes Prudence : wherein consider , its Objects , Offices , and Acts , which are , 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dexteritie , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sagacitie , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 2. The subject of Moral Prudence , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and particularly the Conscience : Plato's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Law of Conscience . 1. In the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which is a seat of Principles . 2. In Syneidesis , which is a reflective Light , and springs from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , sensation . 3. The Rule of Moral Prudence is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which is either subjective , or objective , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , what Rom. 2.14 , 15. James ● . 8 . 3. Plato's Idea of Divine Philosophie , in the contemplation of God , &c. which he stiles , 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : which is , 1. The supreme , 2. most ravishing , 3. genuine , 4. affective , 5. transformative . Characters of a Philosopher . 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , 2. good institution , 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , 4. devotion to Philosophie , 5. Liberal . 6. Musick , &c.

§ . 1. BEfore we enter upon the Severals of Platonick Philosophie , we shall give some general Characters of Philosophie , and Philosophers , according to what we find laid down in Plato . Philosophie , according to Plato's mind , has not one and the same Idea , but may be distributed according to its object into Natural , Moral , and Divine . The Idea of Natural Philosophie , Plato's Idea of Natural Philosophie ▪ is thus given us in the Platonick Definitions : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Philosophie is the appetition of the Science of Beings always the same , Theoretick ( or contemplative ) of Truth , as Truth . In which Definition we find as Considerables , a Generick Notion , an object , a Specifick Act , and a Terme , or End . 1. The Generick notion of Philosophie is Appetition . The Generick notion of Philosophie is an appetition , &c. and so much the very Notion 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 imports ; as also that other Terme 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , whereby Plato expresseth it . This Plato in his Parmen . stiles a Divine impetus , or impulse , towards the studie of Sciences , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 · There is a beautiful , and Divine impulse , by which men are impelled towards reasonings . This 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , appetition , is well defined by Simplicius , in Epict. cap. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the extension of the Soul towards its object desired ; which , as applyed to our present purpose , implies the natural inclination of the mind to knowledge . For the mind , as 't is observed , has it's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , extension , or inclination to its object , as well as the Will : Yea , as Aquinas notes , every Forme has some inclination appendent to it ; and by how much the more perfect the Forme is , by so much the more impetuous , and strong is the inclination : whence the mind , which is a Rational Forme , must needs have a very strong impulse , or inclination to its object , which is the knowledge of things .

§ . 2. The object of this appetition appendent to Philosophie , Knowledge of things , object of the inclination of the mind , knowledge of things invariable . is [ the Science , or knowledge of things always the same ] wherein we have somewhat complex , or notional ; and somewhat simple , and real . The complex notional object of Philosophie , and its appetition , is expressed in that notion 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , of Science , or Knowledge . Now the Sciences , which Philosophie is conversant about , are either contemplative , or active . So Plato acquaints us , that the mind's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , chiefest incorruptible beautie consists 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , in Theorie , and Practice , Theoretick , or contemplative Sciences are such , as properly refer to Truth : whereof Plato , de Repub. 6. fol. 511. gives us these four Species , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . And take from me these four affections in the Soul : give to Intelligence the supreme place : the second to Discourse or Science ( properly so termed ) the third to Faith : and the last to Imitation . 1. The first piece of Knowledge Plato here mentions , is Intelligence , which in the Platonick Definitions is defined 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , 1. Intelligence the knowledge of first Principles . the beginning of Science , i. e. ( as Aristotle interprets his Master's mind ) The Knowledge of first Principles : These first Principles are called by Plato , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Hypotheses , which he makes to be certain indemonstrable Principles , on which Sciences are founded : So in Platon : desini● . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . An Hypothesis is an indemonstrable Principle , or the summe of an argument , i. e. it is a first Principle , which gives evidence to all following Conclusions , but receives evidence from none , being in its self most evident , 2. Discourse , or Science demonstrative . &c. 2. Next after 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , according to Plato's order , follows 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Discourse , or Science , properly so called , which he thus describes , de Repub. 6. fol. 510. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. Science is that , which proceeds from simple Principles , &c. Plato here makes Science , or Discourse , to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Demonstrative Philosophie , which proceeds from firme , and immobile Principles , to the first 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , indemonstrable principle , which no way depends on the foregoing Hypotheses , &c. This is well explained by Johan . Grammaticus , in Arist. Anim. proaem . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Discourse is a progress from Principles to Conclusions , whence the very name , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , q. d. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , passing through the understanding . Then he gives us the office of this Discourse , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . By this Discourse our Soul is raised up to the contemplation of In●ligibles , which is the Souls perfection . 3. Next to 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Plato adds 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Faith , ● Faith which is an assent to a Conclusion upon the Testimonie , and Authoritie of some person ; whereby 't is differenced from the fore-going Science , which is an Assent to a Conclusion , as grounded on some certain immobile Principles . 4. Lastly , after Faith follows 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , fantastick ▪ Imagination ( which elsewhere Plato calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Imitation ) which is nothing else , 4. Imitation . but the lively representation of notions , or things , by sensible Formes , visible Images , or any other Symbolick shadows , whereof Plato discourseth at large in his de Repub 6.510 &c. also de Legib. 2. fol. 669 , &c. as elsewhere . But so much for the complex Object of Natural Philosophie . 2. As for its simple real Object , The simple Object . 't is expressed under the notion [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] of things always the same : whereby we must understand , 1. That Philosophie is employed not only about the shadows of things , but about the things themselves . This Plato every where inculcates ; namely , that the Object of true Philosophie , is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that which truely is : wherefore he stiles those , who are verst only , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , about that , which is not , or the shadows of things , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , false Philosophers . 2. Whereas these real Beings , as the object of Philosophie are said to be [ always the same . ] Hereby we must understand them as existing in their specifick Nature , not as subsisting in their Individuals , for so they are variable .

§ . 3. Having finisht the Generick Notion , 3. The Specifick Act. Theoretick , or Contemplative . and Object of Philosophie , we now proceed to its Specifick Act , expressed under the notion [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] Theoretick , or Contemplative : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to contemplate , according to its native origination , imports steadfastly to behold . Plato discourseth very much of Contemplation , which he makes to be the proper Motion , as Truth is the proper food of the Soul : so in his de Repub. 2. he divides Disciplines into 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Gymnastick , or Active ; and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Musical , or Contemplative . These Musical Disciplines , he calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Theoretick , whereof he makes Religion the head ; whence he affirmes , that the Contemplation 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , of the chiefest Idea of Good is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the supreme Discipline . Agen he tells us , that God is the first Beautie , the Contemplation whereof makes us , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , friends to God . Yea , he saies , that by Contemplation a man makes God familiar to , and in-dwelling in him . And lastly , he saies , the best Exemplar of Contemplation is in Heaven . As for the Qualities of this Contemplation , it must be according to Plato's Doctrine , and mind . 1. Congenial , and Natural , not forced , or strained : whence he stiles a Philosopher , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The Qualities of his Contemplation . one akin to Truth : for ( saith he ) as there is in our Eyes a congenial kind of cognation , or similitude to the Light , which renders the Contemplation thereof very pleasing ; so 'twixt the Mind , and Truth , &c. 2. This Contemplation of Truth must be distinct , and evident : so in his Rep. 6. fol. 504. Plato tells us , that a dark adumbration of things may not suffice , but there must be a perfect 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or exact Forme , and Image of the thing impressed on the mind . 3. This Contemplation must be firme , and stedfast . This follows upon the former : for what is pleasing , and distinct , is not soon worn off . Thence , saies Plato , Rep. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Science forced upon the Soul is no way permanent . Hence also in his Meno , fol. 98. Plato makes this difference 'twixt Scientifick , and Opinionative Contemplation ; that the former is fixed , and permanent , whereas the later is only fluid , and transient . Fourthly , This Contemplation must be intuitive , and not only abstractive , i. e. a true Philosopher contemplates the things themselves in their proper existences , not only their abstract Species , Formes , or Images .

4. The Terme , or effect of Philosophers Truth . § . 4. As for the terme , end , and effect of this Contemplation , it is Truth , as Truth [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] under that reduplication whereby 't is differenced from active Philosophie , which also contemplateth Truth , yet not as Truth , but as conducing to Action . That the great scope and designe of Philosophie is to discover , and contemplate Truth , is evident from the whole of Plato's Philosophizings . So in his de Repub. 6. fol. 490. Plato tells us , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , by Truth the mind truly lives , and is nourished : whence he calls Philosophie , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a love of Truth ; and a Philosopher 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a friend and kinsman of Truth : also he makes this the main office of a Philosopher , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to serve Truth . Hence also Plato Timaeus , fol. 9. calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Philomathist , or Philosopher , one that burnes with impetuous desire after Truth , having this pettie god indwelling in him , which renders him happie . Whence he concludes , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The universal Medicine of every thing is only this , to render to all their proper foods , and motions : the proper food and motion of the soul , whereby it most resembles the Divine Being , is the contemplation of Truth , &c. This ( addes he ) we lost in our Head ( I suppose he means Adam ) but we have it restored by Intelligence , or Divine Wisdom , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , according to our old nature . Yea Plato ( de Repub. 5. fol. 475. affirmes , that those only are true Philosophers , who are versed about the contemplation of the highest Truth , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Thence he makes the mind to labour under an infinite thirst after Truth , which is never satisfied till it arrive to the contemplation 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , of very Being , or the supreme Truth : as in his Phaedr . fol. 251. and in his Sympos . fol. 206 , &c. Thus much for the Definition of Philosophie , as it regards natural contemplative Sciences .

§ . 5. We find another Idea of Philosophie , as it relates to Morals , The Idea of Moral Philosophie . and active Sciences in the Platonick Definitions , fol. 414. thus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Philosophie is a prudent , or studious consideration of the Soul according to right reason : wherein we may consider . 1. The Genus . 2. The Subject . 3. The Measure , or Rule .

1. The Genus in this Platonick Definition of Moral Philosophie , 1. It s Genus . Moral Prudence . is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which signifies a prudent Inspection , studious Consideration , or sollicitous Care , commonly stiled by Plato , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Prudence , or Moral Wisdom , which we have thus copiously described in the Platonick Definitions : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 · Prudence is a facultie of it self effective of humane happines . Wherein we have , 1. The Specifick reason , Prudence what ? whereby it is differenced from Contemplative Science , expressed by that notion Effective . 2. It s Vltimate End , which is to make men happie . Again , Prudence is defined in the same Platonick Definitions , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Science of Good , and Evil. Agen , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Disposition whereby we judge what is to be done , and what is not to be done . In all which Definitions laid together , we have these Considerables .

1. The Vltimate End , and supreme object of moral Prudence , Its Objects . or Philosophie , namely humane Happines , which is the measure of all moral Acts , and the first thing treated of in moral Philosophie , according to that of Aquinas : The end of moral Virtues , is the chief principle of Prudence , as Luke 10.41 .

2. We have here the intermediate Objects of moral Prudence , which are in general all Agibles , or Practicables ; that is , 1. Singulars . 2. Things present . 3. Things in our power . 4. Things good , or evil . 5. The subjects of good , and evil ; the Affections .

Its Offices . 3. Here is also considerable the proper Exercises , or Offices of Prudence , which are according to Plato ( in his Charm . ) 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to do what belongs unto us . 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to understand a mans self . 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to use all things well , i. e. with respect to our supreme end . 4. Rightly to distinguish 'twixt good and evil . 5. To conserve the rectitude of the will . 6. To moderate the Affections . 7. To governe the whole Life .

The parts of Prudence . 4. This moral Prudence may be considered in its Integrals , which are according to the Platonick account three ; 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Providence , 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Providence . which in the Platonick Definitions , fol. 414. is thus described , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Providence is a preparation ( or provision ) for somewhat future : which implies , 1. An universal Comprehension of all Circumstances , means , difficulties , encouragements , which may make for , or against our End . 2. Serious consultation about , and prudent determination of what is to be done . 3. Prudent precaution of what may impede , &c. this is termed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , caution , according to that of the Stoicks , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a wise man ought never to fear , but always to use caution , &c. 2. Another part of moral Prudence , is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a dexteritie , 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Dexteritie . or sagacitie in judging things , which in the Platonick Definitions , fol. 413. is thus defined , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , facilitie of judgement is a connate abilitie of reasoning , or discerning . And Plato , de Repub. 4. fol. 428. saies , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , facilitie of judgement is certainly some kind of Science , &c. This perspicacitie of finding out things , Plato makes to be an excellent kind of Prudence , or a natural Invention , which directs the Reason to find out things wrapt up in Nature : which he elsewhere calls a sagacitie of Nature : so in his Epino . fol. 976. There remains ( saies Plato ) a marvellous facultie , whereby we easily , and expeditely learne any thing ; and having learnt it , can faithfully commend it to memorie , and , as occasion serves , by an happie celeritie recall it , which some call Wisdome , others good Nature ; but others , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a sagacitie of Nature . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Sagacitie . This 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or natural sagacitie , Plato makes to be the same with his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , good nature : So Plato , Defin fol 412. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Sagacitie is a natural generositie of mind , whereby a person is enabled happily to conjecture what ought to be done : agen 't is stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an acumen of Judgement . This Natural Sagacitie , Plato Repub. 2. fol. 376. makes very essential to a Magistrate , in order to his more exact judging of persons , and things , and final decision of Controversies . Solomon we know was endowed with this Natural sagacitie , even to admiration ; which discovered it self in the decision of that arduous case between the two Harlots , 1 Kings 3.23 , 24 , &c. as also in resolving the Queen of Sheba's Questions , 2 Chron. 9 1. which kind of sagacitie Politicians call King-Craft . This Natural sagacitie is elsewhere stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a facilitie of Judgement , which in the Platon . Definit . fol. 414. is defined 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . a good judgement apprehensive of what is most eligible . Agen , this Natural sagacitie passeth sometimes under the notion of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which is defined ( Platon . Defin. fol. 412. ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an habit elective of what is best . One great office of this Natural sagacitie , consists in the knowledge of Men their several Humours , Inclinations , Designes , Interests , and Combinations , &c. 3. Another part of Moral Prudence is Experience , which Plato calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Experience , its use as to the production of Prudence . and makes very essential to a true Philosopher . So Plato , Rep. 9. fol. 582. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The experienced person , endowed with Prudence , is the only true Philosopher : then he addes , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Thence ( in the same Book , Rep. 9. ) he joyns Prudence , and Experience together with reason , which he makes the best Judges of humane Affairs , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , We rightly judge by Experience joyned with Prudence , and Reason . And Plato in his Gorgias gives us the reason , why Experience is so essential to Prudence , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Experience makes our life to passe away according to rules of Art , whereas inexperience makes us live casually . Then again ; 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , There are many Arts experimentally found out among men , from several Experiments , &c. And because Experimental Prudence is gained by sense , and sensible observation : thence Plato Timaeus , fol. 103. defineth it a subtiltie of sense , or good sensation of the Soul , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Experience is indeed the main Seminarie of humane Prudence . 1. In that it furnisheth us with the choicest Observations of past and present times , whereby we are capacitated to make some prudent conjecture of what is likely to succeed . 2. Experience draws down general Rules , and Precepts of Wisdom , to particular , and proper use . 3. Experience gives men a more inward feeling , and lively apprehension of themselves , and others . Thence Plato makes this self-knowledge the highest piece of Prudence , which he calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a good sensation . 4. Experience does much greaten , and adde to the quantitie of our knowledge , by furnishing the mind with fresh Observations ; whence Plato brings in Solon speaking thus ( 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The longer I live , the more I know , and teach . 5. Experience addes not only to the quantitie , but also to the qualitie of our knowledge , by rendring it more clear , and distinct . For experience reduceth particular Observations in themselves confused unto a regular Series , and Order , whence general Rules are framed , which makes our knowledge more distinct , and certain . 6. Experience greatly fixeth , and confirmeth our Notions of things .

2. The subject of Moral Prudence the Soul , and particularly the Conscience . § . 6. Having finished the Generick Notion , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which connotes Moral Prudence , we now proceed to the subject thereof , expressed in the Platonick Definition by 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Soul : for indeed Moral Prudence moveth , and influenceth the whole Soul , and therefore it is not unjustly seated therein ; though the proper seat thereof be the Practick Judgement , which Divines terme Conscience , which is as a Pettie God , or God's Vice-gerent , and Vicar in the Soul , to command , or threaten ; to accuse , or excuse ; to justifie , or condemne . This Vicarious Divine office of Conscience , Plato seems to have had some Traditional Notices of , whence he termes Conscience 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Fame , and makes it to be a kind of Daemon , or Pettie God in Men. So Plato , de Leg. 8. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . This Law of Fame partakes of a marvellous facultie , seeing no one durst to breath otherwise , than according to the Dictates of her Law . Serranus here acquaints us , Plato's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Conscience's Law . that Plato calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , his Law of Fame , that Imperial power of Conscience well known to all ; which comprehends those common Principles , that God is to be feared , &c. This Law of Conscience he saies is unwritten , yet notwithstanding there is in all Mens minds , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Sacred Law , whose force , and efficacie tames ev'ry Soul , and compels it by few to obey positive Laws . From the authoritie of this Law it is , as the Philosopher teacheth , that Men come to understand the difference of good , and evil . Again Serranus addes , Our Philosopher calls this Divine Law of Conscience , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Law of Fame ; and saies , that it is connate in all Men , it being a Science that teacheth the difference of good , and evil ; and the conservator , and vindictor of all Laws ; and the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Praecursor of that most excellent Chorus of Virtues : whose admirable faculties , and actions , slow from no other Fountain , then the sparks of this 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. This Law , or Light of Conscience is twofold .

1. Habitual , which is called in the Scholes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Synteresis .

2. Actual , which is termed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Syneidesis .

1. The Synteresis , or habitual Light of Conscience , 1. Synteresis , or habit of principles is defined in the Scholes a natural habit of active Principles . For as speculative Reason discourseth of Speculatives , so Practick Reason of Practicks : as therefore there are naturally implanted in us certain speculative Principles , which appertain to Intelligence , so also are there certain active Principles , which belong to that natural habit of Conscience , called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Synteresis , as Aquinas , Part. 1. Q. 79. And this habitual Light , or Law of Conscience , is the same with Plato's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Law of fame , which is elsewhere by him termed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Right reason , as anon . 2. The Actual Light , 2. The Syneidesis , self reflexion . or Law of Conscience called by the Ancients 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , is Conscience strictly taken . So So Aquinas part 1. Quaest .. 79. Art. 13. Conscience taken properly is not a power , but an Act , whereby we applie our Science to what we undertake ; which application is followed by Testification , or Ligation , or Excusation , and Accusation . By which it appears , that the proper office of this Syneidesis is self reflection , whence follows accusation , or excusation , &c. as Rom. 2.15 . And because this Reflexive Light of Conscience does necessarily suppose inward sense , hence 't is oft called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 sensation , also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 synesis , or sensate judgment : So Aquinas , Synesis , or sensate judgment imports a right judgment about particular operables . So Plato in his Th●aet . makes all true Science to be a kind of Sensation , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; and more particularly ( in his Timaeus fol. 103 ) he calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Prudence 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a good sensation : which exactly answers to the Scripture Phraseologie , which sets forth this reflexive act of Conscience by 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as Phil. 1. ● . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : and thence Heb. 5.14 . we read of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. The life of the new Creature , as well as of the old , , consists in these self-reflective Acts of Conscience which spring from inward sense , and feeling . And Plato in his Alcibiad . fol. 133 , 134. tells us That he , that reflects upon himself , his own Soul , and Wisdom , thereby becomes as it were omniscient ; whereas they , who know not themselves , know not what is good , or evil for them , nor yet what belongs to themselves , or to other men : such therefore can never make good Politicians , or Oeconomicans , &c. In brief ; Self-reflexions , or our actions upon our selves , are of all the highest , and noblest , and those by which we live , and work as men , and perfect that part of the Soul called Conscience , which directs all we doe according to Right Reason , &c. Thus much for the Subject of Prudence .

The Rule of Prudence , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Right Reason . § . 7. As for the Measure , or rule of Moral Prudence , we find it expressed in the forementioned Platonick definition under this notion [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] according to right Reason . This Platonick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ( which is asserted in like manner by the Stoicks , and others ) right Reason is the same with the Light , or Law of Nature , which is twofold . 1. Subjective . 2. Objective .

Right Reason is 1. Subjective . 1. As for Subjective Right reason , Light , or Law of Nature , it is no other , than those common Principles of Moralitie seated in that part of Conscience , which they call Synteresis , of which in the foregoing § . 6. This seminarie of engrafted active notions , or moral Principles is stiled by the Stoicks 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Common Law , also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 right Reason , against which , say they , nothing is to be done ; As Diog. Laert. in Zeno. 't is termed by Plato 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Law of Being : so Plato Minos fol. 315. [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] where saies Serranus , by this appellation 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Plato understands the Eternal law of Nature , which amidst the various laws of Nations , and their vic●ssitudes continues uniforme , and the same ; and thence is truely termed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Being ; therefore he calls it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the right Reason of the Eternal Law : and because our actions are to be measured by the Rule of these common notions , therefore Plato names this Law 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Royal Law . So agen , Serranus in Plato de Legib. 8. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 delineation of this Eternal Law is this . There is in the minds of all , as soon as they are borne , a certain 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sacred Law .

2. He , that consecrates this law in his mind as a certain sacred , is thereby furnished with an excellent remedie aganst the insolence , and impotence of human lusts , as it was said of the Tyrant 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . These Active principles , contained in this internal law of conscience , are generally stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 common notions : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . they were named by Zeno 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Comprehensions , because they comprehended the first seeds , or principles of knowledge . Cicero tells us , that Epicurus called them 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Anticipations ( as he translates the word ) because they supposed a Previous formation of things in the soul . The Stoicks used the same terme likewise . Chrysippus defined this natural law , or conservatorie of common principles , a natural Intelligence of those things , which vniversally are . Cicero stiles these common notions , Inchoate Intelligences , of which see Lud. Vives in August . Civ . lib. 8. cap. 7. The Scripture also stiles these Common principles fixed in Conscience , a Law ; so Rom. 2.14 , 15. where the Gentiles are said to be a Law to themselves , &c. And indeed these common seeds of natural light are a private Law , which God has deeply engraven on mens Consciences , and is vniversally extensive unto all , though with a latitude of degrees ; it being in some more , in some lesse , but in all in great measure obliterated , and defaced since the fall . It is also by Divines generally termed the Light , or Law of Nature , because it slows in , and with , and from Human Nature , either immediately , or mediately .

2. As for the Objective 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , 2. The Object . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Law of Nature . Right Reason ( which Plato seems to have had some traditional notices of ) it contains those broken traditions of the Moral Law , which were scattered up and down amongst the Gentiles . That Plato had received some fragments of Gods Law ; and that by his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Right Reason , he does import the same , seems very probable , both from that expression in his Minos fol. 315. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Law of Being , i. e. of the first Being , as he usually stiles God : as also from that other expression of his , Minos 317 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 This Right Reason is the Royal Law , i. e. Gods Divine Law , which is so stiled Jam. 2 8. In this sense Right Reason may be said ( as the Scholes will have it ) to give 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 esse morale , or moralitie to human Acts : so Stobaeus de Virtu Sera . fol. 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : Virtue is a conformitie according to Right Reason , and Sin is a transgression against Right Reason . Where by Right Reason we must understand not the subjective light , or Law of Conscience , which is imperfect , but the objective light of Nature comprized in the Moral Law . In this sense we must understand that Principle in the Scholes , that Right reason gives the esse morale to moral Beings . Thus much for the Platonick Definition of Philosophie relating to Morals .

3. Plato's Divine Philosophie in the contemplation , affection , imitation , of God . § . 8. But if we will have the Genius , and Spirit of Plato's Philosophie , it seems evidently resolved into the Contemplation , Affection , and Imitation of God : for saies Plato to Philosophize , is to know , to love , to imitate God . This affectionate active knowledge of God Plato calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Idea of the chiefest Good , also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the supreme Science : and more particularly he stiles it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the genuine Philosophie , which he thus describes , Plato Repub. 7. fol. 521. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The traduction of the soul from a kind of twilight ( or natural darknesse ) to the true knowledge of the first Being ( or God . ) This genuine Divine Philosophie Plato supposeth to be affective , effective , and transformative of the Soul into the image of God , which renders men 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Theophilos , or friends to God , and so 't is opposed to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Je●ne , emptie Speculations , as also to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 twilight Philosophie of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . This Divine Philosophie Plato sometimes stiles 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dialectick , because it does by a Divine kind of Ratiocination , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . or Discourse reason men out of their dreaming ideas , or apprehensions into clear discoveries of God : So in his Book de Repub. 7. fol. 521. Plato tels , that those , who are bound in the chains of their native ignorance , contemplate only the shadows of things , whereas his Dialectick is a Science , that leads men from their night dreaming knowledge , to the contemplation of the First Being . Agen , Plato sometimes terms this his Divine Philosophie , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Intelligence . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . So in his Book de Repub. 7. fol. 513. he makes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Intelligence , to be the supreme Science , which is conversant 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , about the First Being , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 namely from firme , and eternal principles , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 having banished the Ministrie 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Idols , it quits not it's contemplation , until 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 it graspe by its Intelligence the chiefest Good . Serranus on this place observes , that Plato makes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Intelligence 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the most perfect , and supreme Science , which is conversant 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , about Being it self , and all other Arts , even 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Science it self , are but 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 subservient thereto . Hence Definit . Platon . fol. 513. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Intelligence is the Principle of Science . Agen , sometimes Plato makes his Divine Philosophie the same with 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Prudence ; so Plato Repub. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . This Art of Prudence has of all the most Divine nature , which never loseth it's efficacie . But the most proper notion , whereby Plato expresseth his Divine Philophie , is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Wisdome , which in the general is thus defined . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Defin. Plato 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Wisdom is an indemonstrable Science : agen , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Science of things alwaies the same , and Lastly 't is desined 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Theoretick Science of the causes of Beings , i. e. of God . And Plato treating of the One Infinite Being , tells us , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. He that once has tasted of this one Infinite Being , having got a Treasurie of Sapience , is filled with joy . Hence also de Rep. 5. fol. 475. Plato defines a Philosopher 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , one that thirsts after Sapience , i. e. addes he , not of any particular , but of Vniversal Sapience , which he makes chiefly to consist in the Contemplation of God , which ( saies he Phileb . 16. ) gives light , and evidence to all other Arts , and Sciences . Agen , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Plato termes his Divine Philosophie 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the knowledge of the First Being , i. e. God , as he explains it , Thaeet . 176. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The knowledge of this first Being God is Sapience , and Virtue , &c. And he gives this reason why true Philosophie is most conversant about God , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as very Being , because 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that which alwaies is , is alwaies most knowable ; and therefore addes he , they who contemplate 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Many Beauties , but not this first Beautie , or supreme Being , they can be said only 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to dream about all things , but to know nothing ; whereas a true Philosopher contemplates 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the first Being , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 not by opinion only , as other Arts , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 but essentially ; that his Soul may be converted to , yea transformed into 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Idea of chiefest good . This Divine Wisdom , This Divine Philosophie is 1. The Supreme Science . consisting in the contemplation of God , Plato calls , 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the supream Science . 2. Agen , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the best of all Exstacies . 3. Farther he calls it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that genuine law , which leads the Soul to true Felicitie . 4. Agen , 2. Affective and sweet . Plato Repub. 9. fol. 586 acquaints us , that this contemplation of God brings 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. the proper , best , and truest pleasures . 5. Lastly he affirmes , that this Divine Philosophie makes men not only 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Theophilos , lovers of God , but also one , and the same Idea with God so Rep. 6. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 The Philosopher contemplating on this Divine Beautie , becomes , so far as man is capable , Divine , and Beautiful . And then he addes , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , he becomes an imitator of , and alike to those things Divine . whence Ammonius in Arist. Categ . pag. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 The matter of Philosophie is things , but the end is assimilation to God .

Plato's Characters of a true Philosopher . § . 9. Having given some general account of Platonick Philosophie , in regard of its Natural , Moral , and Divine Idea's ; we now proceed to Plato's Character of a True Philosopher , his Qualities , and Offices .

1. Philosopher . must be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 1. Plato requires , that a Philosopher have 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a good natural ingenie , which in the Platonick Definitions is thus defined 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Good nature is a quicknesse in learning : agen , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a natural virtue , which is also stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a facilitie in learning , which is defined thus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . So Plato Rep. 6. fol. 486. tells us , that a Philosopher must not be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , un● but prompt to learn . This good natural ingenie , or promptitude of nature to learn , Plato makes to consist in a natural acumen , or sagacitie of judgment , & a good memorie . So Plato Epino . fol. 976. There remaines an admirable facultie , which some call 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 nature , others 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sapience , which consists in this , that a man learns with facilitie and expedition , faithfully committing to memorie what he has learned , and as occasion serves recalling it again with an happie promptitude ; all which some call wisdom , some nature , others 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sagacitie of nature . This 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , sagacitie is defined , defin Plat. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a good nature of Soul , &c. also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an acumen of judgment . And touching the pregnancie of memorie requisite to a Philosopher , Plato tells us , Repub. 6. fol. 547. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 .

2. Plato requires in a Philosopher good Institution . So de Repub. 6. reckoning up the causes whence Philosophie comes to be corrupted , 2. Well instituted . he mentions this as the maine , viz. evil Institution of youth For ( saith he ) by how much the more generous their naturals are , by so much the worse Philosophers are they , if ill instituted , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , may we not therefore say that the best natur'd Souls by reason of ill institution become most wicked ?

3. Plato will have his Philosopher to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Philalethes , 3. A lover of Truth . a lover of truth . So Rep. 6. fol. 485. This ( saith he ) is the nature of Philosophers , that they hate falshood , but love Truth 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . And it being natural to him that loves , to love all that is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 akin , & proper to what he loves ; and because nothing is more proper to wisdom than Truth , it is therefore impossible , that the same should be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Philosopher & yet a lover of falshood . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . He therefore , who will be a true Philosopher , ought even from his youth greatly to thirst after all truth . And Plato in what precedes Rep. 6. fol. 484. limits this love of Truth to such Truths as are invariable , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . True Philosophers are conversant about things alwaies the same . i. e. about first truths . whence Plato makes his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Philalethia to consist not in any lower Acts , or Contemplations , but 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . in Contemplating very Being , and the first Beautie . Thence , saies he , they who contemplate beautiful Pictures , and shadows of truth , but delight not in Beautie , and Truth it self , such are 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 lovers of opinion , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 lovers of pleasure , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pseudophilosophers , not true Philosophers .

4. Plato requires in a Philosopher , that he devote himself to the studie of Philosophie , so Rep. 6. fol. 485. 4. Wholly devoted to Philosophie . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . He that wholly gives up himself to discipline , and is conversant about the pure pleasures of the soul , being abstracted from corporeal pleasures , he is truely a Philosopher , &c.

5. Another Character of a Philosopher is , that he be not covetous , &c. so Plato Rep. 6. fol. 485. 5. Not Covetous . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , for addes he , when the affections are vehemently carryed to one thing , they are more infirme in other .

6. Plato will have his Philosopher to be of a Noble , not Sordid , Servile disposition : so Rep. 6. fol. 486. 6. Nobly di●posed . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Servilitie , and Sordidness is contrarie to the Soul , that would contemplate , &c.

7. Courageous . 7. Plato requires in a Philosopher Courage ; that he be not timorous , or fearful of Death , &c. so de Rep. 6. fol. 486. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Therefore this Philosopher must not count death terrible ; for a timorous , and servile nature never , as it seems , partakes of true Philosophie , whence Philosophie is made a Contemplation of Death .

8. Not Morose . 8. Plato in the same place requires that a Philosopher be not morose unsociable , unjust , &c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c.

9. Of an Harmonious Nature . 9. Plato will have his Philosopher to be a good Musician , of a Musical , Harmonious nature , thereby to allure men to the contemplation of the first Being , &c. so Rep. 6. fol. 486. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . He must not be of an Immusical , in●e●ent nature , and he gives the reason because 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Truth is akin to ●mmetrie ; whence he concludes , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . We seek for one , that is harmonious , and compleasant to win others to the contemplation of the first being . This he explaines more fully in his Timeus , fol. 104. where he makes Philosophie to be the Musick , and Harmonie of the soul , appointed by God for its emendation , which sweetly compels the irrational part to obey the rational , so that the affection ; neither move , nor stand still , but according to the dictates of reason , whence follows a Divine Chorus of Philosophie , and Virtues . Hence 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the soul's traction , &c.

10. Virtuous . 10. Lastly , Plato makes this an essential Character of a Philosopher , that he be Virtuous : so de Repub. 6. fol. 489 , &c. Plato examining the ground , why Philosophie proved so uselesse , and even ●nxious , resolves all into some defect , not of Philosophie , but of the Philosopher . Wherefore fol. 490. Plato requires , that a Philosopher be pious , and good : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Truth must first lead the way , which the Philosopher must follow step by step , till he arrive to goodness : for he that is vain , and futile can never be partaker of true Philosophie . Whence he addes ; that every one , who is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a true Philosopher , must affectionately aspire to the knowledge of the first Being ; neither must he acquiesce in mere opinions , but with a courageous mind pursue truth it self ; neither must he desist from such a famous enterprize , until he has arrived to the same , &c. Whence he concludes : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Truth leading the way , we cannot conceive , that the Chorus of evils will follow , but wholesome regular manners , &c. And fol. 492. he makes Virtue requisite to true Philosophie 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ( sc. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Whence he concludes , fol. 494. that there are very few , who are conversant in Philosophie , as they ought .

CHAP. VIII . Of Plato's Logick , and it's derivation from the Jews .

Plato's forme of Logick consisting in Dialogues : their use in the Eleatick Schole , but their original use amongst the Jews . Scripture Logick in Dialogizing , as in Job , the Prophets , Mark 8.11 . Luke 22.68 . Rom. 11.1 . Luke 11.53 , 54. Logick an Organ , or key to all Sciences . Plato's Logick precepts . 1. A Logicia● must be grave , and moderate , not contentious . Contentious Disputes the cause of Scepticisme . 2. The Matter of Disputes must be weighty . 3. To lay down good principles . 4. To proceed Methodically from particulars to generals , &c. 5. To illustrate by examples . 6. To distinguish duelie 'twixt Truth , and falshood . 7. To State will the affirmative . 8. Not to expect more exactnesse , than matters will bear . 9. To keep the Judgment free . 10. To make Reason , not Authoritie the measure of Truth . 11. Modestie , and Candor in Disputes . 12. In refuting Errors to reduce to absurditie . 13. To shew the rise of Error . Alcinous of Plato's Logick .

§ . 1. Plato's mode , or Forme of Logick consisting in Dialogues . PHilosophie may be considered in it's Essential constitutive particulars ; or else in its introductorie universal Organ· The Introductorie universal organ , or key to all Philosophie is Logick ; which Plato makes much use of in all his Philosophizings , though not according to the mode , as now it is in use in our Scholes . For Plato imitating his master Socrates ; and those of the Eleatick Schole , Parmenides , and Zeno ( who are supposed to be the first Inventors of Logick ) affect a natural , plain , and familiar mode of Disputing by Dialogues , or Interrogations , and Responsions , much like the Scriptural , and Jewish way of Disputation . That the Mode , or Forme of Disputing in Plato's Academie , was not by way of Syllogisme ( which Aristotle brought in ) but by Interrogations , and Answers , is apparent to any vers'd in Plato's Philosophie , which is wrapt up in Dialogues beginning with 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or such like Interrogations . This is farther evident from the Origination of the name 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ( which Plato useth for the most part , if not altogether , to expresse Logick by ) Dialectick , which is apparently derived from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the primarie notation whereof is to Conferre , or Dispute by Dialogues , or Colloquies . Thus Alexander 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Dialectick makes discourses consisting of Interrogations , and Responses : for from these it wholly derived it's name . So Laertius l. 3. saies , That a Dialogue is an Oration composed of Interrogation , and Responsion , concerning matters relating to Philosophie , or Republick Affairs .

The original of this Dialogizing mode , from the Eleatick Schole of Zeno. As for the Original of this Dialogizing Mode , 't is not certainly determined whence Plato had it . Some say he himself was the Author of it ; others derive it from Zeno the Eleatick , others from others . So Lud. Vives on August . Civit. Dei lib. 8. cap. 7. There are some , who refer this kind of Dialectick oration to Plato , as the Inventor thereof ; as Favorinus : others to Alexamenus Teius , as Aristotle : there are not wanting some , who refer it to Zeno the Eleatick . Truly it is evident , that Plato polished , and adorned this mode of Dialogizing ( or arguing by Dialogues ) which he fils with all kind of neatnesses , and learning , wherein if the artificial formules of Dialectick ( or Logick ) are not delivered , yet all the precepts of this Art are really expressed , as also the method , how to use them . Plato gives us Demonstration in his Timaeus : the specimens of Sophistrie are delivered in his Eutydemus ; whence Aristotle translated not a few of his Sophistick Elenches , or Fallacies : Plato's Socratick Induction is of all most potent , &c. Thus Lud. Vives : wherein he gives us a good account of Plato's Logick , and its original ; which as it seems most probable , was by him , or by his Master Socrates derived immediately from the Eleatick Schole , from Parmenides , and Zeno : for the same Lud. Vives ( in August . Civit. Dei lib. 8. cap. 4. ) tells us , that Plato diligently examined the Inventions of Parmenides , and Zeno the Eleaticks . And Aristotle in Sophista , as also Laertius in Zeno acquaints us , that Logick was first found out by Zeno the Eleatick . So Vossius de Histor. Graec. lib. 4. cap. 2. agen , Vossius de Philosoph . Sect. lib. 2. cap. 11. §. 2 , 3. And Hornius who succeeded him in his Professorship , agrees with him in his Opinion hereabout : Plato primus Dialogos introduxit non quod ipse primus invenerit , ( ante eum enim Zeno scripsit ) sed quod expoliverit . Hornius Histor. Philos. l. 7. c. 8. Dialogues are said to have been first introduced by Plato , not as if he had been the first Inventor of them ( for Zeno writ in that way before him ) but because he very much polished , and perfected that way of Arguing : to this purpose Hornius . But whence ever Plato derived this Dialogizing mode of Logick , that it came originally from the Jewish Church , and Sacred Scriptures , we shall endeavour to demonstrate both by Artificial , and Inartificial arguments .

§ . 2. First , Suppose we grant , that Plato , Plato's Dialogizing Logick originally from the Jews . and Socrates received this forme of Dialogizing Logick from Parmenides , or Zeno the Eleatick ; yet that these had their choicest notions from the Jews , we have afore , in our discourse of the Eleatick Philosophie , endeavoured to prove : and particularly that Zeno the Eleatick ( who is supposed to be the Inventor of Dialectick Logick ) was originally of Tarsis , or as others of Sidon , and so a Phenician , and borderer on the Jews , &c.

2. But to come to Plato's own confession : In his Thaeetetus , fol. 210. Plato brings in Socrates stiling this Art of disputing by Dialogues a playing the Midwife : The true way of teaching ( saith he ) is by apt Interrogations , and Answers to bring forth the faetus , i. e. the sense of our minds into light : which is in regard of Discipline a commodious 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , obstetrication , or doing the office of a Midwife . This art of playing the Midwife , or Dialectick Logick , Socrates ( in the same place confesseth ) that he received from God , his words are , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , This Midwife art I , and my Mother received from God . i. e. the true God of Israel ( of whom he seems to have had some notices ) by some Jewish Tradition , as we may presume .

The Scripture mode of disputing by Dialogues . 3. That this Platonick mode of Disputing by dialogues , or interrogations , and answers , exactly answers to ( and therefore as we may justly presume was derived from ) the Jewish mode of disputing , will be more than probable to such , as shall consider such disputes as are mentioned in Scripture . We find in the book of Job ( one of the most ancient pieces of Scripture ) several Disputes 'twixt Job , and his Friends carried on in a Dialectick mode , by questions , and answers . So in like manner , in the Prophets , God ( condescending to the Jewish manner of reasoning ) frequently argues , and debates matters with his people in a way of dialogue , or interrogation , &c. Yea this manner of disputing , or debating matters , continued amongst the Jews 'till our Saviour's time , as appears by his Disputes with the Jewish Doctors , Scribes , and Pharisees , as also their reasonings with him , which were for the most part , if not altogether , managed by questions , and answers ; not by Syllogismes . So Mark 8.11 . The Pharisees are said to dispute with Chri● : where Grotius on 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 observes , that the most ancient mode of Disputation was by Interrogations . Thus in like manner on Luke 22.68 . Grotius renders 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , [ if I shall propose any arguments . ] for addes he , the Hebrews , no lesse th●n the Grecians were wont to dispute by Interrogations . So agen , on Rom. 11.1 . He with whom Paul disputes proposeth a question , to which Paul a●swers , &c. as Grotius . So on Luke 11.53 , 54. Grotius observes , that the wo●d 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 is taken from the Scholes , & signifies to pose by questions , &c. as before in Socrates's mode of Philosophizing .

Lastly , That the Ancients generally , before Aristotle , disputed by Interrogations is evident by what is observed by Aristotle in his Sophistick Elenches , where he makes mention of a Fallacie amongst the Ancients called a Fallacie of many Interrogations . By all ●hich it manifestly appears , that the mode of disputing amongst the An●ients , particularly in Plato's Schole , was by Interrogations , and Responsions , conformable unto , and therefore , as we may justly presume ▪ in derivation from the Jews their mode of ●ialogizing . Thus was Logick amongst the Ancients clothed in a more natural , familiar , simple dresse , suitable to things , without those cloudie Niceties , and dark crabbed Termes , which serve only to breed needlesse , and endlesse contentions , as it has been well observed by Jackson on the Scripture , fol. 57. as all the principal heads of the Grecian invention were derived for the most part from the Hebrews ; although by successive artificial imitation , their varietie grows greater , and their resemblance of Divine Truth lesse , so likewise were Logical conceits first clothed like Natures Children , &c. Thus much for the Forme of Plato's Logick , and it's cognation with that in use amongst the Jews .

§ . 3. We shall proceed to make a more particular distinct inquisition into Plato's Logick , which he makes to be a key , Logick a Key , Organ , or Method for the disquisition of Truth . or induction to all Philosophie : so in Repub. lib. 7. fol. 518. Plato calls his Dialectick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an introductorie Art . So agen fol. 532. he calls it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the way to other Sciences : & fol. 533. he stiles it a method , wherein by certain steps we at last ascend to the highest principles . Whence Plato makes his Dialectick but a gradation to his Metaphysicks , and therefore he oft confounds them , and mixeth them together in his Discourses . So in his Pa●menides , and Sophista he mixeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , his Metaphysicks , and Dialectick discourses together , as 't is well observed by Lud. Vives ●n August . Civit. lib. 8. cap. 4ᵒ. And herein Plato is follo●ed by his Scholar Aristotle , who calls his Logick also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an Organ , or Instrument for the discoverie of other Sciences ; only with this difference , whereas Aristotle seems to make Logick an organ , but no part of Philosophie , Plato 〈◊〉 it to be both . So Ammonius on Aristotle's Categor . pag. 8 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Amongst the ancient Philosophers , some made Logick to be a part of Philosophie as the whole Chorus of the Stoa : others made it an Organ , as all those of the Paripatum : but Plato makes Logick both a part , and organ of Philosophie , &c. The Ancients were wont to distribute their Sciences into three parts , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Dogme , or Principle , the Method , the Praxis . The Method of all Sciences belongs to Logick , for so Aristotle , as well as Plato defines Logick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Method for the right disposing of every Probleme proposed : only Aristotle calls this Method 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Syllogistick , whereas Plato makes it to be Dialectick . So then we may according to Plato's mind , define Logick , an organ , meanes , way , or method for the disquisition , and finding out of the Truth . This fully agrees with the definition Plato gives of a good Logician . Plat. Repub. 7 fol. 537. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Thou callest a Logician him who penetrates the essence of things . For a Logician is a very accurate Inquisitor , or Inspector . This being the nature of Logick , and office of a Logician to make a serious Inquisition into the nature of things , in order to the disquisition of Truth , we shall endeavour to pick up such Methodical precepts , and Rules as lye scattered here and there in Plato's Philosophie , and seem to comprize the chief of his Logick , Plato's Logick Precepts for the disquisition of Truth . 1. A Logician must be of ripe age , Grave , Moderate , not vain glorious , or contentious . or Method for the finding out of Truth .

§ . 4. First , as to the qualification of Logicians , and their regular procedure in Logical studies , and debates . Plato requireth , that a Logician be of a mature , and ripe judgment , moderate , and calme as to his passions , modest , candid , and ingenuous in all his disputes ; not vain glorious , not contentious , but grave , and moderate in the whole of his deportment . Thus Plato de Repub. 7. ( fol. 539. Edit. Stephan . ) That the miserable issue of vain contention may be avoided , be it provided that no one under 30 years of age shall taste of Dialectick Ratiocination ; and then not without great caution , and circumspection . Thus Plato ; who in what follows gives his reason of such his Institute : Because young men , when engaged in Dialetick disputes doe rather aime at Victorie , and vain glory , than the discoverie of Truth ; and thence abusing this Art of Logick unto needlesse contradictions 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , using it alwaies for contradiction , they like young Puppies often overcome , and are oft overcome again , so long 'till at last they come to believe nothing at all . But ( addes Plato ) your grave person of mature judgment 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. would not willingly be partaker of this madnesse , because in his disputing he seeks rather Truth , than Victorie , or Glorie , which is the proper effect of Childish Contentious Disputes . Agen he addes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The Ancient Person is more moderate , or regular , and so adorneth his Province with gravitie , candor , and moderation , &c.

How far the old Academie was guiltie of contentious Disputes , which gave rise to the new Academick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Albeit Plato is thus severe against Contentious wrangling Logick , yet it cannot be denyed , but that there were , at least after his death , many vexatious questions , and contentious disputes in his Old Academie , which laid the foundation of that 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or suspension of judgement in the New Academie . For we must remember there was allowed by Plato in his Academie , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a peirastick , or probational mode of disputing : the Laws whereof allowed , that in some dubious points it was free for any to dispute pro , or contra , for , or against the position , and at last to leave it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , undefin'd , See more of this Academick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 in what precedes of Plato's Academie . or undetermined . And that which gave an occasion to this Sceptick mode of disputing was this , that although Plato held some things certain , and infallibly true , which ought to be certainly assented to , as the Existence of God &c. yet he held also many other points , especially in Physicks , to be very dubious , and uncertain , wherein he presumed there might be a Libertie granted of disputing pro , or contra , without prejudice to Truth : whence sprang many contentious disputes , which at last determined in the New Academick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 suspension , or disbelief of every thing . So Serranus in his Preface to Plato : It is no way to be doubted , but that the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and dubitations of the New Academicks were the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and corruptions of the old opinion : for Plato in some Arguments disputes both waies , &c. And indeed nothing is more natural than that from disputes , & contentions pro , and contra , if not well mannag'd , Assent to Truth should be much weaken'd . This contentious kind of Logick made the Stoicks , & Cynicks ( 'twixt whom there was a great 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or symbolization ) reject rational , & natural Philosophie , because it was man's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and chief end , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 to live virtuously , as Diog. Laertius .

§ . 5. Secondly , Another Logick Precept laid down by Plato , is this ; That the matter of Logical discussions be weightie , and useful , 2. R. The matter of Logick debates must be momentous and useful . not frivolous , or unnecessarie : So in his Phaedrus fol. 277. Plato compares a Logician to a skilful Seedsman , who soweth such Dialectick artificial notions , and discourses , as will bring forth the best fruit for use and advantage . This is the more diligently to be heeded , because in Dialectick Debates nothing is more easie to be found , than an occasion of disputing about Chimera's , &c. This Rule follows on the foregoing , and therefore needs not farther illustration .

3. A Third Rule given by Plato , 3. Rule for the laying good foundation Principles . in order to a Logical disquisition of Truth is that we be sure to lay down sound , and substantial Principles , as the foundation of all following discourse , and conclusions . Thus Plato in his Philebus , being about to dispute , he will have them first lay down by common consent some few foundation Principles : His own words are fol. 20. these , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Let us lay down a few confessed principles before us : and then addes the reason 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Principles fairly granted are immoveable . So agen Plato in Cratylus fol. 436. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , every man ought about the first Principle of any undertaking to discourse much , and to consider much whether it be rightly laid or not . This is of great moment , because according to that measure of strength , or weaknes which is in the Principles , such will be the strength , or weaknes of the Conclusions . Whence that old maxime quoted by Aristotle , The Principle is half the whole . i. e. Lay a good Principle , and your work is half done . The first Principle gives light to all following Principles , but receives none from them .

4. R. A methodical procedure from particulars to generals , from part to the whole . 4. Rule for Dialectick discourse is this , That there be a methodick procedure from certain plain Hypotheses , or evident concessions , to those things , which are more general , obscure , and of an higher contemplation . Thus Plato Repub. 7. fol. 533. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , where Plato makes Logick to be nothing else than a Method , whereby we proceed from some certain , and plain Hypotheses , by certain medium's or assents , to the highest , and first Principle , or Truth . This Method which Plato commends , whereby we proceed from the particular to the general , from the effect , to the cause , and from the end to the beginning , is usually stiled in the Scholes Analytick method , whereof ( as 't is said ) Plato was the first Inventor . Certainly such a procedure from effects to their causes , and from particulars to generals must be of great use for the discoverie of Truth . For there is nothing can be rightly known , 'till the first causes , whence it sprang , be made manifest . Particulars receive strength and certainty from generals , out of which they grow , and generals receive light , and evidence from particulars . In all parts of knowledge things most general are most firme , on which the certaintie of particulars depends . See les conferences par beaux Esprits . Tom. 1. Conf. 1. This also is commended by Ammonius in Arist. Categ . pag. 13. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , He that will exactly understand the nature of the whole , must exactly consider its parts .

5. R. The use of Examples . 5. Rule . Plato prescribeth the use of Examples , and clear illustrations , as necessarie in Logick discourse for the evidencing of Truth . So in his Politicus fol. 277. It is very hard ( saies he ) to demonstrate any thing , that is great , or transcendent without Examples : for every ones knowledge seems to be but dreaming : we are indeed ignorant of every thing . And Serranus on this place Comments thus , Plato wils , that in our inquisitions into the natures of things more obscure , we place before our understanding 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the exemplars , and adumbrations of things more known , thereby to make our investigation more facile , and speedie . Therefore in searching into the natures of great things we are to make use of the examples of the least things . Neither was this Plato's advice only , but his practice also . For none of the Ancients ( yea may not we say of the Moderns also ? ) may be compared with him as to the use of proper , and accurate examples , and instances for the illustration of Truth . Whence that Proverbial speech , Plato teacheth , Aristotle proveth :

§ . 6. Rule for Logical disquisitions is this ; 6. R. To distinguish rightly 'twixt Truth , and Falshood . 'To distinguish well betwixt Truth , and Falshood . So Plato in his Gorgias , fol. 507 tels us , that we must be exceeding exact in severing Truth from Falshood ; for the better performing whereof , he acquaints us ( Repub. 7. fol. 537. ) that a Logician must be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 an accurate Inquisitor : and elsewhere he laies down this as requisite for one , that would exactly difference Truth from Falshood , that he have Sagacitie , good Disposition , and libertie of Judgment . Calvin tells us , this is the best method for avoiding Errour , to consider well the danger imminent on both sides . And Beza in the life of Calvin gives him this Character : That amongst other excellent graces these Two shined most brightly in him ; viz. 1. A singular vivacitie to discover where the difficultie of matters lay : and 2. A marvellous dexteritie to couch his responses without losing one word .

7. Rule , In order to the right distinguishing 'twixt Truth and Falshood , it 's necessarie to state the affirmative well in some Theses , 7. R. To state well the Affirmative , and Truth . or Suppositions . So Plato tells us , 't is but one and the same labour 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to establish the Truth , and revince the Errour : So agen , in his Sophist . Plato acquaints us , that he who will understand 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Negative , must well understand 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Affirmative . And the reason is evident : Because no Negative hath in it self the cause of it's Truth , but it is so by the Truth of the Affirmative ; neither was there ever any proposition false , but because some other was true : nor can the falsitie of the one be known , but by the Truth of the other .

8. Rule . In the Definition , or Description of things we may not expect more certainty , or exactnes than the matter affordeth , 8. R. We may not expect more exactnes than the matter will afford or requireth . So Plato ( in Critias , fol. 107. ) When Painters ( saith he ) endeavour to Limne forth to us Divine things , we find our selves abundantly satisfied , if they expresse but some small image of those things . So Arist. Ethick . lib. 1. cap. 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , It is the office of a learner to seek after so much exactnes in every kind , as the nature of the thing admits . For ( addes he ) you must not put an Orator to demonstrate by Logick , or a Mathematician to persuade by Oratorie , &c. in Divinis , & maximis minimum investigare maximum est , In great , and Divine matters to find out the least apex of Truth is of greatest moment : as Plato . It is a Ridiculous superstition ( saith Cunaeus ) to be alwaies sollicitous about definitions : for some things will not admit them .

9. R. Libertie of judgment . 9. Rule . In the examination of things there must be used Libertie of judgment , without partialitie or prejudice : So Plato de Repub. 6. fol. 494 , Truth is acquired by none 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , but such as , give themselves up as slaves to be possessed thereby . Hence that great saying ; it becomes a searcher after Truth 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to sacrifice to Truth , not to be enslaved to an opinion . Whence Aristotle gives this good Character of a true Philosopher , That he must yeeld himself up a captive to Truth , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to the extirpation of his own Phaenomena . Libertie ( saith Cunaeus ) is an inestimable treasure , which some make to be the Soul of a true ●udgment . Indifferencie of judgment ( saith Mede ) without prejudice is sufficient to discover much Truth with little diligence , and without much Learning . but the miserie is , the world loves to be deceived , rather than to be taught ; addes another : and yet another , Cujus animo semel sedet pervicax opinio , definit res vere discernere , he , whose mind is prepossest with a pertinacious Opinion , ceaseth to be in a Capacitie for discerning of Truth .

10. R. Reason more to be valued than Authoritie . 10. Whence it follows , that the Authoritie of Persons is not so much to be valued , as the weight of their Reasons : So Plato Phaed. 91. brings in Socrates advising his friends Simia , and Cebes , not to give credit to him with the losse of Truth . But doe ye ( saith Socrates ) give credit to me only thus far , as to be sure ye make very much account of Truth , Non inventionum acumen , sed rerum ponde●a am●mus . but very little of Socrates . Agen , Plato tells us , that a man is soon deceived by Authoritie of others : there is but one good Authoritie , and that is of Reason .

11. Disputes must be managed with Modestie , Candor , 11. R. Modestie , Candor , and Moderation to be used in Disputes . and Moderation . So Plato Protag . fol. 337. They must debate things with an amicable familiaritie : the opinions , and reasons of Adversaries must be related bona fide : neither 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , must they rail , &c. There must be modestie used , which Plato defines thus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a voluntarie yeelding to what is best .

12. For refuting Errors Plato gives this Rule ( Hippias , fol. 362. 12. R. Of the manner of confuting Errors , See Hoonrb . Sum. Controv. p. 30 , 31.54.56.13 . R. ) This is a commodious way of refelling Sophisters , to reduce them to absurd Consequences , whence the falsitie of their Antecedents will appear .

13. To which adde this . In confuting Errors , we must shew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the first rise , and spring of the Error .

§ . 7. If any one expects , or desires a more artificial account of Plato's Dialectick , the best , that I have met with , Plato's Dialectick according to Alcinous , cap. 5. is that of Alcinous ( a great Platonick Philosopher ) in his Institution to Plato's Doctrine , where having ( cap. 3. ) distributed Philosophie ( according to Plato's mind ) into Contemplative , Active , and Rational ; and ( cap. 4. ) explicated the foundation of Dialectick which has it's seat in Nature , he proceeds ( cap. 5. ) to discourse of the proper Elements of Dialectick , which he reduceth to these 5. heads ; Definition , Division , Analysis , or Method , Induction , The Elements of Dialectick 5 or Dijudication , & Ratiocination . In the Elements of Dialectick ( saith Alcinous ) this was principally Plato's sentiment ; that Firstly the nature of every thing should be considered , and then it's Accidents . What the Nature of every thing is , he searcheth out either from Superiors , by Division , and Definition : or from Inferiors , by Analysis , or resolution . As for Accidents , which inhere in Essences , he seeks them out , either from the Contents by Induction , or from the Continents by Ratiocination . So that Dialectick Reasons are deservedly comprehended under Division , Definition , Analysis , Dijudication , and Raciocination . Division it is either the Distribution of the Genus into it's Species , Division . or the Section of the whole into it's parts , or the partition of the word into it's significates . Agen , Division is either of the Accidents into their Subjects , or of the Subjects into their Accidents . The Division of Genus into it's Species is useful for the finding out the Nature of every thing , which belongs to Definition . Definition . Now Definition springs from Division thus . The Genus of the thing to be Defined must be taken , as Animal of Homo . Hence this Genus must be divided by it's next difference , 'till we descend to the Species . And then by adding the next difference to the Genus , the Definition of the Species is constituted , as Homo est Animal Rationale . Analysis has Three Species : Analysis . the one whereby we ascend from Sensibles to first Intelligibles : another whereby we proceed from Demonstrates , and Sub-demonstrates to first Propositions , which want a Medium : the Third whereby we passe from a Supposition to those Principles , which are taken for granted , without a Supposition . The First kind of Analysis is thus exemplified : as when we passe from the beautie of the Bodie to that of the Mind : from this , to that which appears in men's Morals , or conversations ; and from this to that , which shines in Politick constitutions , and Administrations : from which at last we arrive to that immense Ocean of the first Beautie . See the other Two Species of Analysis in Alcinous .

Induction of judgment . § . 8. Thence Alcinous proceeds to Induction which ( saies he ) is a rational procedure from Like to Like , or from Singulars to Vniversals . This is most advantageous to excite Notions implanted by Nature herself . Proposition Affirmative , or Negative , Universal , or Particular . As for that piece of Oration which we call Proposition , it has Two Species : the one is Affirmation , the other is Negation . In Affirmations , and Negations some are Universal , as All evil is base , &c. some are Particular , as Some pleasure is not good . Of Propositions some are Categorical , some Hypothetical , or conditionate . The Art of Ratiocination is used by Plato in Arguing , Ratiocination . and Demonstrating . He Argues , and Confutes what is false by Interrogations : but he Demonstrates by teaching what is true . Ratiocination is an Oration in which some Propositions being laid down a conclusion by force of those Propositions is drawn . Of Ratiocinations some are Categorical , some are Hypothetical , some Mixt , which have a complexion of both . Plato useth Demonstrative Ratiocinations in those Dialogues , wherein he explicates his own opinion : but against Sophisters , and young men he makes use of probable arguments : and against those , who were properly contentious , he useth Eristick argumentation ; as against Euthydemus , and Hippias . As for Categorical Ratiocination ( which has Three Figures ) Plato Interrogates in each Figure . As in the First Figure thus , Ratiocination Categorick . ( in Alcibiades ) Just things are they not beautiful ? and beautiful things , are they not good ? therefore are not just things good ? So in the ●econd , and Third Figure Plato Interrogates in his Parmenides , &c. Touching Hypothetical Ratiocinations , Hypothetick . we find many delivered by Plato , though by Interrogations , especially , in his Parmenides . He also gives some hints of Mixt Ratiocination — If we look for some account of Sophismes , Mixt. and Fallacies , we shall find it in Plato's Euthydemus . Also he has given us some adumbration of the Ten Categories in his Parmenides , Categories . as in like manner in his Dialogues . He has comprehended the universal Forme of Notation in his Cratylus . Notation . And truely this man was admirably perfect in defi●ing , and dividing : which declareth that he had the chiefest force , or spirit of Dialectick . In his Cratylus he queries , whether names signifie from Nature , or from Institution ? And he determineth , that what is right in names comes from Institution , yet not casually , but so as such Institution must be consentaneous to the nature of the thing it self . For the rectitude of names is nothing else but an Institution convenient to the Nature of the things . This also belongs to Logick to use names aright : Thus Alcinous . Albeit we may allow this learned Platonist , that some vestigia of these several parts of Dialectick are to be found in Plato's writings , yet 't is most certain , that Plato never intended to deliver over to posteritie any such artificial mode , or forme of Logick . All that he designes is , to give us some general Canons for a more methodical Inquisition into the nature of things , and for regular Disputation , or Ratiocination . The first , that gave us an artificial Systeme of Logick separate from the Praexis , was Aristotle ( as hereafter ) Plato affected a more natural , familiar , and simple method of Ratiocination ( as before ) yea so far is he from delivering any exact artificial forme of Logick , as that he confounds his Dialectick with Metaphysicks , and other contemplations ( as else where ) Yet as to the Praxis of Dialectick , Plato abounds with accurate Definitions , and Divisions : also he gives an excellent Idea of Analytick method , whereof he is said to be the first Inventor . And as to Dijudication , and Argumentation , he seems very potent in the use of the Socratick Induction . And all this with much harmonie , simplicitie , and plainnesse , without that Artifice which Aristotle introduced . Amongst our Moderne Writers , no one seems to have made a better emprovement of Plato's Dialectick Precepts , and Praxis , than Peter Ramus , who ( notwithstanding the contumelies cast upon him by his bloudie Adversarie Carpenter ) seems to have had a thorough insight into Plato's mind , and to have reduced his principles to the best method for the Disquisition of Truth . The Abstract of his Logick we intend to give , when we come to Treat of Aristotle's Logick .

CHAP. IX . Of Plato's Physicks , and their Traduction from Sacred Storie .

Plato's Storie of the Origine of the Universe , from Gen. 1.1 . &c. Plato asserted the Eternitie of the world , only in regard to Divine Idea's . Plato own 's God as the first efficient , according to Gen. 1.1 . Gods Ideal efficiencie .. Plato's intelligible World . God's energetick efficiencie . Of Plato's Universal Spirit , or Spirit of the Universe , from ●en. 1.2 . [ Spirit . ] It 's various regards . The bodie of the Universe , and its first matter , from Gen. 1.2 . The Parallel 'twixt Moses , and Plato's first matter in Six particulars . Of the Four Elements which immediately constitute the Vniverse , and their traduction from Moses . Gen. 1.1 . with it's analysis . Plato's Forme of the Universe consists in Harmonie , and Order . Plato's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Universe . 1. Perfection , from Gen. 1.31 . How Plato calls the Universe the Image of God , from Gen. 1.27 . 2. The Unitie of the Universe . 3. Finitenes . 4. Figure , Round . 5. Colour . 6. Time . 7. Mobilitie . 8. Generations . 9. Duration , &c. 2. Of the Parts of the Universe 1. Angels . 2. The Heavens their substance : Fire , or Air , or Water . That the Sun , and Stars are fire , from Gen. 1.3 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 signifies Fire , as well as Light . Arguments proving the Sun to be Fire . Of Light , and Darknes . 3. Of the inferiour world , Wind , Air , Water . Gen. 1.9 . Meteors , &c. Of Active Physicks , Plants , Animals , &c. Of man's Original , and Formation according to the Image of God , Gen. 1.26.27 . Of the humane Soul , it 's Original , Nature , ●apacitie , Jmmortalitie , Perfection , and Faculties ; the Understanding , &c. Medicinal Canons . 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 1. For conservation of health . 1. The causes of diseases . 2. The exercises of Nature . 3. Rules for Diet. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or curative Medicine , with Plato's Canons , and Character of a Physician .

§ . 1. Plato's Physicks , a storie of the worlds Origine . The first great piece of Philosophie in vogue amongst the Ancient Grecians , especially such as were of the Ionick sect , was Physicks , or Physiologie , commonly called Natural Philosophie . For Thales and his Successors wholly busied themselves in Natural Inquisitions , and Disputes . Though Socrates perceiving the vanitie of such Physiologick speculations , wholly addicts himself to Morals ; Plato affecting an universal perfection in Philosophie joyns both Contemplatives , and Actives together . And thence his Physicks may be distributed into Contemplative , and Active . Plato's Contemplative Physick , or Physiologie is nothing else , but a Natural Historie , or Historical account of Nature , i. e. the Vniverse , it 's Origine , Principles , Constitution , Affections , and parts ; of all which he discourseth most amply , and Philosophically in his Timaeus ( the chief seat of his Physiologick Philosophisings ) and that in imitation of , and by tradition from Moses's Historical Narration of the Creation , as we no way doubt it will manifestly appear by these following Demonstrations , as well artificial , as inartificial .

§ . 2. That Plato derived his Physiologick Philosophizings , That Plato had his Storie concerning the Origine of the Universe from Moses's Historie of the Creation Gen. 1. touching the Worlds Origine , &c. from Moses's Historie of the Creati●n seem very probable by his own confession : for in Timaeus , fol. 29. being about to treat of the Worlds Origine &c. he makes this Prologue , It is meet ( saies he ) that we remember that both I who discourse , and ye , who judge 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , That we have human nature , so that having received some probable Fable , or Tradition concerning these things , it becomes us not to enquire farther . Here Plato acknowledgeth , that concerning the Origine of the Vniverse , all the Notices they had were but some probable Fables , or Traditions ; which without all peradventure were derived to them , if not immediately , yet originally from the Sacred Historie . This is farther confirmed by what we find in Johannes Grammaticus , alias Philoponus , of the Worlds Creat . lib. 1. cap. 2. pag. 4. It is no wonder ( saies he ) that Moses , who was most ancient being about to draw men to the knowledge of God , institutes a discourse touching the Creation of the World , in this manner . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , whereas Plato discoursing concerning the production of the Universe by God , imitates him in this , as also in many other things , &c. Thus Philoponus : who frequently inculcates the same , as hereafter . Thus also Ludovicus Vives , de Ves rita●e fid. pag. 157. The Genesis , or production of the world ( saies he ) is so described by Moses , that thence the greatest wits have both admired the profunditie thereof , and also embraced the truth of the Narration . The Pythagoreans , and their follower Plato in his Timaeus have imitated that Mosaick Description of the Worlds procreation , sometimes almost in the same words . So in like manner that great French Divine Mestrezat in his excellent Treatise de la vertu , de la foy on Heb. 11.3 . [ Through faith we understand that the worlds were made ] observes thus , Those extravagancies of the Philosophers , even of the principal of them , Aristotle , and the Stoicks concerning an eternal first matter , give us sufficiently to understand , that they , who have spoken more Orthodoxly of the Creation , as Plato did , took what they knew thereof from those raies , which Divine Revelation had scattered in the world , by the Children of Noah , or by Abraham , and his posteritie , amongst the Syrians , and Egyptians . Thus Mestrezat ; where he also gives us some artificial Dem●●stration of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or manner how Plato received these his traditions of the Worlds Origine from Sacred Revelation ; to which we may adde those Notices Plato received hereof from the Pythagoreans ; especially Timaeus the Locrian , who writ of the Origine of the Vniverse ; from whom we need no way doubt , Plato received many of his Philosophick traditions delivered in his Timaeus , as before chap. 3. § . 3. Now the Pythagoreans were generally 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ▪ affecters of Oriental , Jewish traditions . The same may be said for such Physiologick traditions , as Plato derived from Heraclitus , who was also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as before chap. 6. § . 1. Yea 't is not without probabilitie , that Plato might have a sight of Moses's own Historie , and read the same by vertue of his skill in the Egyptian , or Phenician tongue , or at least that he might understand the same by an Enterpreter as before , chap. 3. § . 4. That Plato's Physiologick discourses touching the Vniverse , it's Principles , Affections , and Parts , were really deductions from , and imitations of Moses's Historie of the Creation , will more evidently appear from the following enumeration , and explication of particulars , and the parallel 'twixt the one and the other resulting thence .

Plato follows Moses , Gen. 1.1 in asserting the Worlds begining . § . 3. First that Plato followed Moses , Gen. 1.1 . [ In the Beginning ] in asserting the beginning of the World , &c. is most evident to any that reads his Timaeus , fol. 28. &c. where he , ( according to the Socratick mode of disputing by Interrogations ) puts this question , whether the World had 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a beginning of Genesis , or creation , yea or no ? To which he reply's that the World 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 was made ; and he gives the reason thereof , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , for it is Visible , tangible , and Corporeal . And he afterwards saies more Categorically , that the World was made by God , &c. And that this was Plato's mind is evident by Aristotle ( who knew well his masters sense in this particular ) his warme disputes against him , for the Eternitie of matter . I am not ignorant , that many of the New Platonists , namely Plotinus , Porphyrie , Iamblichus , Apuleius , Alcinous , and more particularly Taurus , and Proclus in their Commentaries on Plato's Timaeus , did all endeavour to prove with Aristotle , an Eternitie of Matter , thereby to disprove the Christians Historie of the Creation . And being urged with these , and such like expresse quotations out of Plato for the Origine of the Universe ; they replie , that when Plato discourseth of the Worlds 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Genesis , or beginning , he meant it not of a Principle of Duration , but of causalitie . So that the world though eternal , might be said to be from God by Emanation , as light from the Sun . Thus they endeavour to reconcile Plato with Aristotle , for the defence of the worlds Eternitie , wherein they are learnedly refuted by Johannes Grammaticus in his defence for the Christians against Proclus ; as also in his Book of the Worlds Creation . And whereas Vossius de Philosoph . sect. c. 12. § . 7. blames Plato for asserting , that the World was made by God out of a coeternal matter , it seems evident , that Plato by his Eternal Matter , or World understands only that eternal 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Exemplar , Idea , or Platforme in the Divine Decrees , How Plato affirmes the world to be eternal . which he calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the intelligible world , which he opposeth to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , sensible . So in his Timaeus , fol. 97. Plato tells us , that this Sensible Universe was created according to the patterne of the Intelligible , as time according to the exemplar of Eternitie . By which it 's evident that he calls the world eternal only 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 according to some proportion , or relation to the Divine exemplar , or Decrees , not absolutely , and simply , as hereafter . Yea it seems evident by Aristotle's own confession , that all the Philosophers before him held the world to have had a beginning ; his words are , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , they all say , that it was made . Johannes Grammaticus of the Creation peremptorily asserts , that all the Philosophers before Aristotle held the beginning , and framing of all things to be from God . Mr. Bochart asserted the same in a Sermon at Caen , March 2. 1664. That which made Aristotle oppose this generally received tradition was his Philosophick humour of opposing everie thing , that would not lye level with his Reason .

God the first cause of all . § . 4. Hence Plato asserted God to be the first Effector , Composer , or Creator of the Vniverse , according to Moses's description , Gen. 1 , 1. God Created . So in his Timaeus , fol. 28. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . We say , that whatever is made , must necessarily have some cause : but here lies the difficultie to find out , who this Creator , and Father of the Universe is ; and having found him out , to discover him to vulgar capacities , is altogether impossible . So in his Sophista , fol. 215. he saies , that natural things could not spring up of themselves , but that they were 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The products of Gods efficiencie , whence he makes God to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the most Sovereign cause , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the cause of causes . But to treat somewhat more distinctly of this Divine Efficiencie ; which according to Plato's mind may be distributed into Ideal , or immanent , and executive , 〈◊〉 ●●a●sient . As for

Gods Ideal Efficiencie . 1. Gods Ideal efficiencie , it 's well known , that none treats more professedly , and fully thereof then Plato . I shall not enter into a discourse of Platonick Idea's in general , because they properly appertain to Metaphysicks , and are therefore more amplie treated or by Plato in his Parmenides , which is the seat of his Metaphysick Philosophizings . I shall at present discourse of these Idea's , only as they relate unto Divine Efficiencie , exerting it self in the worlds Creation , according to what I find of them in Plato's Timaeus , where he discourseth more particularly of these Idea's , as they are the great exemplar , according to which God framed the Universe . So Plato in his Timaeus , fol. 49. Having discoursed of the Universe , he distributes it thus : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , There are two sorts of Worlds ; one that has the forme of a Paradeigme , or Exemplar , which is an intelligible subject , and alwaies the same in Being . But the second , which is the imitate of the exemplar had a Genesis , or beginning , and is visible : where it 's evident , Plato distinguisheth the Intelligible world , which he calls the exemplar subsisting in the Divine mind , Of Plato's Intelligible World . from the sensible , which is but the imitate of the former . And it seems evident that Plato by his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Intelligible World , which he here calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 an Exemplar , as else where 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Ideal , self-living , alwaies-living world ( I say by these he ) meant no other , than that Divine Idea , Image , or Exemplar inherent in the Divine Essence , according to which the whole Universe was delineated , and fashioned . For the more full understanding whereof , take these propositions .

1. Plato supposeth , that God , who is the most wise Agent , acted not rashly , but as a skilful Artificer , had 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 some most beautiful End , or Design , which was the measure , rule , or square in this great work of Creating the World .

2. Hence the infinite Wisdome of God , which the Scholes call His Simple Intelligence , having a full comprehension of all possible meanes , which might any way conduce to the promotion of Divine Glorie , the supreme end of this undertaking , and the Divine Sovereign Will , or Pleasure Decreeing what it judged most expedient in order hereto , seems to pass according to Plato's mind , under the Forme , or Notion of Divine Ideas , which he makes to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , immaterial , Eternal , Immixed , and the original Prototype of the Universe .

3. These original Idea's which comprehend the Divine Wisdome , The Difference 'twixt Plato's Ideas , and Exemplar . and Decrees , Plato makes to be productive of a Secondarie Idea ( yet still immanent in the Divine Essence ) which he calls sometimes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an Exemplar , sometimes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an Image . The original Idea he supposeth to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the self-subsistent , indivisible , and eternal efficient of the Second Idea , or Exemplar , which he makes to be the more immediate Delineation , or Image of the whole work . For thus his words run , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , making use of this Exemplar he frames the Idea , and Power , i. e. the sensible World . So that 't is evident he distinguisheth his original Idea from his Exemplar , making the forme● to be first more Noble , and Causative of the l●tter : this seems to be much the same with that , which the Scholes call Gods Science of Vision , whereby he contemplates things Future , which is the result of his Decrees , and so differing from his Simple Intelligence , whereby he contemplates things Possible . I find all this excellently explicated to us by Learned Serranus in his Comment on Plato's Timaeus , fol. 12. whence , saies he , the first , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sovereign cause of this whole worke , which existed in the Divine mind , was his supreme End . For the effecting this end , there was an Idea , i. e. an Eternal Decree : This Idea delineated to it self 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an Exemplar of the future work , which was various according to the varietie of the work . Or else we may , if we please refer this Original Idea of Plato to Gods Simple Intelligence , and his Exemplar to Gods Science of Vision , of which see Book 2. chap. 8. §. 8. of Pythagorick Idea's . This gives us a more full account what Plato meant by his Intelligible , Ideal , and Eternal World , which he so stiled analogically only with relation to Divine Decrees . The foundation of these Divine Idea's Plato seems to have taken from Moses , Gen. 1.31 . And God saw every thing , that he had made , and behold it was very good . ] i. e. answerable to his own Divine Exemplar , or Platforme . Plato in his Timaeus , fol. 37. speaks almost in Moses's words , thus . After the Father of the Universe had beheld his workmanship , the framed image of the Eternal Gods , he recreated himself , and rejoyced therein . That Plato herein imitated Moses , see Joannes Grammaticus of Creation , lib. 7. cap. 11 , 12. of which more hereafter . This gives to understand how unjustly Aristotle , and his followers , have with so great heat contended against Plato's Universal Idea's , as though they were but Brain-sick figments , no where existing , but in Plato's vain imagination : whereas it seems evident that Plato by these Vniversal Idea's , understood no other ( though more darkly ) than what our Divines generally understand by the Vniversal Idea's inherent in the mind of God as the Exemplar of all things created . Thus much for Gods Ideal Efficiencie .

Gods Energetick Efformative Efficiencie . 2. As for Gods Executive , or Productive Efficiencie ; according to Plato's Philosophizing , he is in general stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the supreme Fabricator , Perfecter , and Essentializer of things . The notions , by which Plato sets forth this Divine Efficiencie , are these , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , He adorned , ordered , figured , constituted , framed all things , &c. And more particularly as to the mode , or manner how God framed all things , we are told 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , ev'ry thing was Essentialized by certain Prolifick , or Efformative words . This seems exactly to answer to that of the Psalmist , Psal. 33.6 . By the word of the Lord were the Heavens made , and all the Host of them by the breath of his Mouth : which the Author to the Hebrews , chap. 11.3 . more fully explains [ The worlds were framed by the Word of God ] i. e. Gods Fiat , or word was the Seminal prolifick principle of all beings , as Gen. 1.3 . So the Stoicks reducing the whole of the Universe to two principles 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the efficient , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the matter : as to the former , they say 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , this being the Spermatick , or Seminal Word of the Universe , which formes , and shapes it , as the Seed the Faetus . Which suits well with the Scripture account hereof : or else we may reduce this 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Spermatick Word , which the Platonists , and Stoicks speak so much of , to Christ , who is by Solomon stiled Wisdom , Prov. 8.27 , 28. and by John 1.1 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The Essential word , and made Coeffector with God the Father in the Creation of the Universe , though the former seems more adequate to the Platonick mind .

§ . 5. We may reduce also to the foregoing Divine Efficiencie , Of Plato's Anima Mundi or Universal Spirit . that which Plato stiles 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the soul of the Vniverse , or the Vniversal spirit , which is so much spoken of , but as little understood in the Scholes . For the full understanding whereof , we must remember that Plato , according to his Allegorick humour , fancies the Universe to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a living , and intelligent creature , composed of bodie , and soul . As for the bodie of the Vniverse , what he means thereby is evident , for he calls it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the visible , Nunquam futurus est Platonicus , qui allegoricè Platonem non putat intelligendum : nisi forte Aristotelico more in Platonis verba , non in sensum opertum , & profundiorem figna inferre velit . Cael. Rhodig . l. 9. c. 12. and tractable matter . All the difficultie lies in stating what he intends by the soul of the World . For the understanding whereof we are to remember ( which is a general Clavis to Plato's Philosophie ) that Plato affected an Allegorick mode of Philosophizing ; wherefore his sense is more to be attended , than his words , as Caelius Rhodig . l. 9. c. 40. hath well observed . And this discovers the great injustice of Aristotle , and his Adherents in their Disputes against Plato in that quarelling with , and triumphing over his words , they regard not his sense , or mind wrapped up under those Symbolick , and Metaphorick Notions . Thus here when Plato Philosophizeth of the soul of the Universe , or the Universal spirit , that animates this Universe , no● minding his hidden sense they cavil against his Notion , as if he did indeed make the Universe a Monstre . But to come to the right understanding of this Notion : We shall endeavour to draw forth Plato's mind in these Propositions .

1. The original , and primarie notion , Plato's Universal Spirit exactly answers to the Spirit 's Efformative Virtue , Gen. 1.2 . Moved , &c. or mind of Plato's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Vniversal spirit , or soul of the Universe , seems to be but a broken Tradition from Gen. 1.2 . And the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the Waters ; and so an imperfect reference to the third person in the Trinitie , whom Moses makes to be the more immediate fomenter , and influencer of all things . Hence the Platonists in their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Trinitie , make 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 their Universal spirit to be the third 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or person . That Plato by his Spirit of the Vniverse , or Vniversal spirit , meant the Spirit of God , or God , is evident by his description thereof in his de Legib. lib. 10. fol. 896. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The Soul , or Spirit of all things is most ancient , and the principle of motion , and of all good : this Soul also is the cause of all things , honest , and evil , of all things just , and unjust ; and of all contraries . This is a full description of the spirit's operation , and influx on all things both good and evil materially considered . But Plato discourseth more fully , & particularly concerning this Universal Divine Spirit , his Prolifick Seminal Efformation of the Universe in what precedes , fol. 395. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The Soul or Spirit perme●ting , and enhabiting all things , &c. Plato here proves , that God is the Soul of the World , from the Analogie , or Proportion he bears to the living Soul . For look as the Sensitive Soul conveighed from the Pa●ent , together with , and in the Seed , does by its Prolifick Efformative Virtue forme , and shape the faetus , till it be perfected : So God , whom he here stiles the Vniversal soul permeating , and enhabiting all things , is the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and ( as before ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the first fashi●ner , or the Efformative , and Spermatick principle of the Vniverse . Or look as the humane spirit , though precedent to , and no way depending on the bodie , is notwithstanding 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ( as Aristotle phraseth it ) the perfection , or perfective principle of the man ; so Plato's Universal Spirit , or Spirit of the Vniverse , though it be precedent to , and independent on the said Universe , yet is it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Efformative , and perfective principle thereof . This Plato's indwelling soul of the Universe is the same with that 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Plastick , Efformative , Power , Spirit , or Principle , which our Chymists take to be the Vniversal spirit , informing all things . And that all these Platonick ●otions of this Soul , or Spirit of the Vniverse were but broken traditions derived originally from Gen. 1.2 . The Spirit of God moved , &c. will I think , be evident to any , that shall consider , how parallel they are . For whereas 't is said Gen. 1.2 . the Spirit moved ; some will have the Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 to imply such a motion , or agitation as carries with it an Efformative fomentation , like to that of a Broodie Hen , fomenting her Egges ; The Spirit of God as it were ( to speake with Reverence ) set abrood upon the Waters , till it be Hat●hed , and brought forth the Vniverse . To which Plato's Spermatick , Efformativs spirit of the Universe exactly answers , as also to that Psal. 33.6 . By the breath of his mouth● Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , by the Spirit of his Mouth . Neither is this only a Novel Observation : for Ludovicus Vives , who was well veri● in Plato , is fully of this persuasion , as he layes it down in his Comment on August . Civit. lib. 10. cap. 23. If we will ( saies he ) more exactly follow Plato , its easie to defend , that the Soul of the world is that spirit which moved upon the Waters , Gen. 1.2 . which they seem to make imparting life , and essence to all things through the masse of the Universe . Thus he ; who gives us a good explication of Plato's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c.

2. Plato's Universal spirit refers to the spirit's preservation , and Providence . Plato's Soul of the Universe seems to refer sometimes to the Divine Spirit , his Providential influence on , and concurse with all things . This indeed follows upon , and differs not really from the foregoing notion of Plato's Universal spirit . For look as the spirit of God was the first Fomenter , Framer , and Perfectioner of the Universe , so does he still continue the supreme Governour , Orderer , and Influencer of it , and of all its motions , &c. Parallel hereto does Plato make his Universal spirit to be not only the first Composer , but also the Disposer , and Orderer of the Universe , and all its Motions : so in his de Legib. lib. 10. fol. 897. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; It 's manifest , that we must confesse , the supreme soul provides for the whole world , and acts it , &c. This is another reason , why Plato stiles the Universe a living Creature , as he himself acquaints us in his Timaeus , fol. 30. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , we ought to say , that this world is truly a Living , and Intelligent Creature , because it comes under the Providence of God . Hence Plato stiles this Universal Divine spirit , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , for that he does most wisely , and methodically dispose , and order all Providential occurrences , and natural affairs . So in his Phileb . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . All wise men agree that 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Divine mind is King to us , both of Heaven and Earth . So agen Phaedo , fol. 97. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : And we judge , if it be so , that the Divine Mind adorning adorneth all things , and placeth ev'ry thing in the best forme , and station that may be , which is more briefly , yet fully , in the Platonick Definitions thus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The Divine Mind is that , which adornes , and is the cause of all things : we have all this fully expressed by the Stoicks according to the relation of Laertius in Zeno , thus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; The world is enhabited by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Divine Mind , and Providence ; the Mind dispensing , administrating , or ordering every part thereof , as the Soul in you , which is a full Explication of Plato's Universal spirit , and doth exactly answer to the Scripture's relation of the Spirit of God , his preservation of , and providence over all things , as Psal. 104.30 . Thou sendest forth thy spirit , &c. So that we need no way doubt , but that Plato traduced this second Notion of his Universal spirit from the Sacred fountain .

3. Plato ' Soul of the world taken for its Harmonie , and Order . 3. Plato seems also sometimes under the Notion of his Universal spirit , or Soul , to comprehend that Universal Symmetrie , Harmonie , Order , Beautie , and Form● which appears in the Universe . So in his Timaeus , fol. 32. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. The bodie of the Vniverse is framed by proportion , and friendship of the Four Elements , &c. where he makes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , analogie , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 symmetrie , the bond of Union , Universal spirit , or forme by which all the parts of the Vniverse , in themselves opposite , & contrarie , by a friendly kind of discord are conjoyned , and agree together . This piece of Plato's Vniversal Spirit is but the result of the former . For the Spirit of God having at first framed , and still ordering the Vniverse , and all its parts according to Eternal Wisdome , Law , and Contrivement , hence flows the most exact Order , Beautie , and Harmonie , of all parts ( though never so contrarie ) mutually conspiring , and moving according to that Law of Nature imprest upon their beings , and the particular conduct , or disposition of the Divine Providence to their appointed ends ; so that Plato here puts the Effect for the Cause , namely Order for the Divine Spirit who is the great 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Orderer , Collector , and Conjoyner of all these parts in the Vniverse . But of this more , when we come to Plato's Forme of the Vniverse .

4. Plato's ignifick virtue how far it may be ●ited the Universal spirit . 4. Some by Plato's Universal Spirit understand that Ignifick virtue , or Vivifick natural heat , which in the first Creation was infused into the Chaos , and afterward diffused through ev'ry part of the Universe for the fomenting , and nourishing thereof . This say they , Plato cals 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Fire , or an Ignifick Spirit , which fashioneth divers Effects , which Moses calls the Spirit of God , Gen , 1.2 . Thus Beza , and out of him Serranus on Plato's Timaeus , fol. 10. But though Plato seems to own such a prolifick fire , or ignifick spirit diffused through the Vniverse , yet his Universal spirit , or chief Soul of the Universe seems distinct here-from , as much as the cause from its effect . Of this more hereafter .

§ . 6. Having endeavoured to explicate Plato's Universal Spirit , The Bodie of the Universe , and its original matter . or the Spirit of the Universe , we are now to proceed to its bodie , and material Principle . The proper bodie of the Universe , according to the mind of Plato , is composed of the Four Elements , Fire , Water , Earth , Air : but the original matter of these Elements he makes to be the Chaos , which being first in order of Nature , and existence , ought firstly to be discoursed of . It was a 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or principle universally granted by all the Ancient Philosophers before Aristotle , that the Universe had an origine ; and that this Origine was from God : So that the great 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or question was , what the material principle , or first matter of the Universe was ? We find the several persuasions touching this matter distinctly , though concisely , given us by Clemens Romanus Recognitionum lib 8 o Pythagoras said , that the Elements , or principles of all things were Numbers ; Callistratus Qualities ; Alcmaeon Contrarieties ; Anaximandrus Immensitie ; Anaxagoras Similarie of parts ; Epicurus Atomes ; Diodorus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , i. e. Impartibles , or Indivisibles ; Asclepias 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which we call Tumors , or Elations ; Geometers Fines , i. e. Bounds ; Democritus Idea's ; Thales Water ; Parmenides Earth ; Plato Fire , Water , Air , Earth ; Aristotle also a fifth Element , which he named 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Unnameable . Thus Vossius de Philos. part. 1. cap. 5. § . 13. Although this relation needs some emendation , yet 't is the best I have met with in this kind , and therefore it must passe . Only as to Plato , we must know , that though he made the Four Elements before named , the compleat bodie , yet he made them not the first original matter of the Universe . For Plato in his Timaeus describes his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or first matter thus : It is , saies he , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The Genus , or Species out of which ev'ry thing is composed ; and he expresly saies that it is neither Fire , nor Water , nor Earth , nor Air , but the Common Mother , and Nurse of all these , which effuseth its seed , and virtue 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Watrie , Firie , and receptive of the formes of Air , and Earth . And indeed this Plato's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 first matter , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Chaos seems exactly the same with , and we need no way doubt but was originally traduced from that of Moses , Gen. 1.2 . And the Earth was without forme , and void . Thus Richardson in the Exposition on his Divinitie Tables , Table 5. MSS. Materia ] This the Philosophers did find , The Parallel 'twixt Moses and Plato in description of the First Matter of the Universe . stumbling upon it , but mistaking it very much . Aristotle had it from Plato ; he had it from the Egyptians , they from the Jews . This will easily appear by parallelizing the affections of the one and the other : which we shall endeavour in these following Propositions .

1. In it's Creation . 1. Moses makes Divine Creation the original of his First Matter , or Chaos , Gen. 1.1 . So does Plato , as before , §. 4. answerable to that of Hesiod , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , First of all the Chaos was made , That Peripatetick dream of an Eternal first matter never came into Plato's head , though some impute it to him , as before §. 3.

1. Moses's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the same with Plato's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 2. Moses calls his First Matter , Gen. 1.2 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 without forme , which P. Fagius renders out of Kimchi 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the very same word , which Plato useth to expresse his First Matter by ; and little different in sound , but lesse , or nothing at all , in sense from Sanchoniathon's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , slime , which Philo Byblius stiles 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as Great Bochart conceives from the Phenician , and Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mod , which signifies Matter , as before , Book 1. chap. 3. §. 13 , 14. Aquila on Deut. 32.10 . renders this 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 confused , or without order , and Plato describes his first matter by the same word , calling it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , confused , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , namely because it was without any substantial forme , order , or perfection : yea Plato expresly stiles his first matter 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , without forme , as Moses . Hence those Peripatetick descriptions of this first matter , that it is nec quid , nec quale , nec quantum , indefinite , and informe , yet capable of any forme , which have caused so much dispute in the Scholes .

Moses's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the origine of Plato's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 3. Moses makes his First Matter to be Gen. 1.2 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 and void , whence some conceive , that Plato with the rest of the Greeks traduced their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : for by an usual change of ב into ב , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 is turned into 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which Bochart makes the original of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Chaos . But if we cannot argue fully from the Names , yet as to Things we may draw an exact Parallel 'twixt Moses , and Plato as to this particular . For Plato , as well as Moses , makes his first Matter to be void of any Forme , or perfect principles , but yet the Seminarie , or Masse , out of which all things were framed : So Plato tells us , that this Chaos was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The receptacle , and as it were the nurse of all generations , though it were nothing perfectly . So again in the same Timaeus he acquaints us , that it was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , agen , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , i.e. that it was a kind of anomalous thing , not clothed with Essence , yea little better than nothing , yet the common subject out of which all things were formed . In summe , this first matter is according to Plato stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The Seat , Receptacle , Mother , and Nurse of the Universe , proportionable to that of Sanchoniathon ( quoted by Eusebius ) who treating of the Chaos , saies , Euseb. l. 1. c. 10. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , out of this came all the seed of the Creation ; and the Generation of the whole . So Plato in his Timaeus , fol. 95. saies 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Matter is as the Female , and Mother , and Nurse ; but the Forme , is as the Male , and Father of the Universe . Thus we see how Plato in imitation of Moses describes the first matter as void of all substantial forme , and perfection ; yet the seed , and receptacle of all things . Hence also we learne , whence Aristotle had his Physical Privation , which he makes one of his Principles necessarily antecedent to the production of Bodies . Hence also he calls his first matter a passive power , or Principle void of all formes , but inclinable to , or receptive of any forme . These Peripatetick notions , which make so great noise in our Scholes , were evidently but fragments of Plato's Mosaick traditions .

4. Moses describes his First Matter , or Confused Masse to be , Plato 's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 from Moses , Gen. 1.25 . Gen. 1.2 . Darknesse , &c. Hence Plato , in imitation of him , stiles his first Matter 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , tenebrous , obscuritie . The like we find mentioned in Hesiod , and by him applyed to the Chaos , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . From the Chaos sprang the Erebo , and the dark night . And indeed both Plato , and Hesiod seeme to have traduced this affection of the Chaos from Sanchoniathon , who calls it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the tenebrous Chaos , which Learned Bochart supposeth to have been in the Phenician tongue ( in which Sanchoniathon writ ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Evening darknesse , which he proves was taken from Gen. 1.2 . but the word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 from Gen. 1.5 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and it was Eber , or Evening : this ( saies he ) Varro thus imitates ; Erebo creata fuscis crinibus nox te invoco : So Bochart Can. lib. 2. cap. 2. fol. 783.

5. Gen. 1.2 . Face of the deep . 5. Whereas Moses saies Gen. 1.2 . [ Darkness was upon the face of deep ] Plato also seems to comprehend the same under his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or first matter , which , as we have before mentioned , is the same with Sanchoniathon's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 waterie mistion , or slime : so Orpheus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Hilus , or slime was made out of water . This slime , or fluid watrie matter the seed of all Creatures , is the same with Thales's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , water , which he made the first principle , or matter of all things : and all but broken traditions of Moses's description , Gen. 1.2 . as we have proved at large , Book 2. chap. 3. §. 4.

6. Gen. 1.2 . Moved on the face of the waters . 6. Lastly , Moses saies , Gen. 1.2 . [ The Spirit of God moved upon the face of the Waters ] i. e. The Spirit of God by a Divine fomentation , agitation , or motion on this fluid matter , commonly called the Chaos , formed , and shaped every Creature , and brought it to that forme , and perfection as was appointed for it , by the Sovereign Eternal Idea , Wisdome , and Pleasure . And does not Plato also give us a description hereof much to the same purpose ? when he saies as in his Timaeus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that is ( as some render it ) by an importune motion fluctuating , and not quiescing . This Divine fomentation , and agitation of the spirit on this fluid matter in order to the formation of every Creature , is by Sanchoniathon stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the spirit of dark air , or a blustering wind . To conclude ; Plato in his Timaeus tells us , that God out of this first matter 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , disorderly , and irregularly indigested , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , beautified , ordered , and configured , or formed the Universe . Yea he undertakes to expound the mode , or method , which the Divine Spirit took in thus fashioning , and reducing every Creature to it's proper Forme . The matter , saies he , of all things being substracted , the mind of the Divine Opisicer by a prudent kind of persuasion compelled the same , which otherwise was tenebrous , fluid , inordinate , and informe , to passe into light , and order , &c. of which see Serranus on Plato's Timaeus , fol. 12. By all which laid together , I think 't is very probable , that Plato traduced these his Physiologick Philosophisings touching the First Matter , or Material Principle of the Universe , The bodie of the Universe , and its constitutive parts the 4. Elemen . if not immediately , yet originally , from Moses's description of the Creation , Gen. 1.2 .

§ . 7. Having dispatched the Original , and First Matter of the Universe , we now proceed to it's compleat Bodie , which Plato stiles 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the visible , and tangible . This bodie of the world he makes to consist of the four Elements , Fire , Water , Air , Earth conjoyned together by a friendly proportion , or harmonie . So in his Timaeus , fol. 32. saies Plato 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 [ sc. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . By these , and of these Four Elements the bodie of the Universe is composed with an harmonious proportionable friendship , &c. Yea Plato undertaketh to give us some account of the necessitie , and mutual combination of these four Elements . 1. He tells us , that the Earth is the most ponderous , least mobile , and the most impertransmutable of all the Elements , and therefore the basis of the rest . So in his Timaeus , fol. 98. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The earth is most ponderous , and leastly mobile , & a bodie impertransmutable into others , by reason of its being incommunicable , &c. Then he addes , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Fire , by reason of its tenuitie , penetrates through every thing : Air through every thing save Fire : Water through the Earth : by means whereof all things being filled there is nothing left vacuous . Whence Plato in the same Timaeus , fol. 99. concludes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Of these Elements God composed the world , which is tangible by reason of the Earth ; but visible by Fire ; which two extreams are connected together by Air , and Water , with Proportion , that excellent bond . Tullie interprets Plato's words thus . It 's necessarie , that the world should be corporeal , and visible , as also touchable : Moreover Fire penetrates all things , and nothing can be touched , which wants a solid basis . Now nothing is solid but what partakes of Earth : wherefore God being about to make the world , first joyned Fire , and Earth together , &c. Lud. Vives in August . Civit. lib. 8. cap. 11. gives us Plato's mind touching the Combination , and Proportion betwixt these Elements thus . To make a coherence 'twixt Earth , and Fire there is necessarily required a Bond ; wherefore they needed two other Elements , which of themselves , and of the other Elements , they connected , might make up one Composite , or Bodie . Such are Air , and Water , 'twixt Fire , and Earth . For the same Analogie , or Proportion that Water has to Earth , Air has to Fire : the same also Water , and Air have amongst themselves ; which as ●onds doe so copulate the extreme Elements , Earth , and Fire , that by the almost imperceptible variations of Nature , either ascendent , or descendent , there may be supposed to be one bodie , which waxeth hard in Earth , or is rarifyed in Fire . Plato also makes each of these Four Elements to have various ●pecies , and properties . So Timaeus , fol. 99. he saies 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. Fire has flame , light , and splendor , by reason of the inequalitie of the Triangles which are in each of these . Air is partly pure and drie , partly humid , and cloudie . Water also is either fluid , or congeled , as Snow , Hail , Ice . Humor is either fluid , or compact : Fluid as Honey , Oil : Compact , as Pitch , Wax . Compact humor , is either fusile , as Gold , Silver , Brasse , Tinne , Led , Iron ; or fragile , as Sulphur , Bitumen , Nitre , Salt , Alume , and [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] Stones Homogeneous . Also in the same Timaeus , fol. 99. Plato acquaints us that heat has 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a disgregative faculty of the most tenuous parts , but 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , frigid is constrictive , and complicative of the Pores . Lastly Plato informes us that the more Noble parts of the Universe , as the Sun , &c. are composed of Fire , of which hereafter .

Plato received this distribution of the bodie of the Universe into 4. Elements from Moses , Gen. 1.1 . &c. § . 8. That Plato received this distribution of the Vniverse it 's bodie composed of the 4. Elements from the Jewish Church , and particularly from Moses's description of the Creation , Gen. 1.1 . &c. is acknowledged , both by Ancient , and Modern Writers . So Austin de Civit. Dei , lib. 8. cap. 11. Plato ( saies he ) in his Timaeus affirmes , that God in the first Creation , first joyned Fire , and earth together . It 's manifest that he gives to Fire the place of Heaven . Therefore this opinion has similitude with that , which is said Gen. 1.1 . that In the Beginning God made Heaven , and Earth . Thence those two middle Elements by the interposure whereof these extremes are copulated , he calls Water , and Air : whereby he is conceived to understand what is written , Gen. 1.2 . And the Spirit of God moved upon the Waters . For little heeding in what manner the Scripture stiled the Spirit of God , because the Air is also called a Spirit , he imagined the Four Elements might he commemorated in that Place . Thus Austin . That Moses in this Gen. 1.1 , 2. describes the Creation of the Four Elements , and that Plato speaks conformable thereto , is affirmed by learned Serranus in his Notes on Plato his Timaeus , fol. 10. thus . This is the common opinion of our Divines , that Moses in verse 1. of Gen. 1. teacheth , that the first matter was created by God : and that in verse 2. he describeth the same by certain Notes . Serranus his Analysis of Gen. 1.1 , 2. out of Beza . Yet as to the genuine , and plain interpretation of this place , the opinion of Theodore Beza my most Reverend Parent and Praeceptor doth mostly please me , who supposeth , that Moses in this place doth not treat of the first matter , but simply teacheth , that the Four Elements , viz. Earth , Water , Fire , Air , were in their order Created of God : and he gives these Reasons of this his opinion : First that Moses was wont so to propose things Physical , that he might wholly accommodate his speech to the Vulgar Capacitie : neither does he treat of them subtily , but 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 sensibly , that they might be more comprehended by the ruder sort ; wherefore the plain , and true sense of this place seemed to him this . In verse 1. Moses proposeth after this manner , a summe of the whole Historie of the Worlds Creation , and that in an Analytick order , which truly is a forme of Demonstration most apt for the teaching of Sciences . Moses therefore teacheth 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 summarily , that in the beginning God created the Heaven , and the Earth , i.e. Gen. 1.1 . When yet nothing existed God created this Universe , and what ever is comprehended in its compasse : which according to the common manner of speech is understood by the termes of Heaven , and Earth . Moses having laid this summary Substratum of his whole discourse , he then proceeds to persue each part thereof , and Firstly to treat of the Elements : because they are the basis of the Universe , and the Matter which the Vulgar might comprehend as being discovered by certain effects . Therefore he affirmes that Moses in verse 2. teacheth the Creation of the Elements Earth , Water , Fire : but the Creation of the Air in verse 6. These Elements he describeth as Created 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 by themselves , before their entering into the composition of Animants . Thus therefore Moses explains those first bodies , as that he first treats of the Earth ; affirming that the Earth was informe , &c. Therefore there was not yet extant any certain Disposition of things ; neither was there any certain forme in that tenebrous Masse of the Elements : which notwithstanding God conserved by an infused natural heat , which was as it were the Seminarie of all things , and nothing else but the Element of Fire . For the Element of Fire in this first Creation was nothing else but that ignifick force , and efficacie , which is variously diffused in the symmetry of the Vniverse for the fomenting , and nourishing of things according to their nature . This Natural , and Vivifick heat dispersed in things after their mode , even in Animants themselves , is by Moses properly called the Spirit of God , Gen. 1.2 . Truly Plato calls this Natural heat 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , i. e. the Opificer of various effects . Thus , saies Beza , Moses shews , how the Earth , Water , Fire , were Elements Created by God the first day . That therefore the Air was Created the second day , which Moses calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Expansion . Truly Plato makes mention of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 expansion , as I conceive , in the same sense ; which word is well accommodated to express the nature of the Air which is most liquid , and expansive , &c. thus Serranus . Which accurate Analysis of the first Creation , though it has something novel , and disputable , yet it gives us a good account of the Cognation betwixt Moses , and Plato , in their description of the first Elements , which constitute the Systeme or bodie of the Vniverse .

§ . 9. As Plato makes the bodie of the Universe to be composed of the Four Elements , The Forme of the Universe , its Harmonie , Order , and Beautie . so also the Forme thereof , according to his persuasion , is no other than the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Analogie , and Symmetrie , or harmonious contexture , and friendly conjuncture of these Elements , whence results the Order , Beautie , and Perfection of the Universe . So in his Timaeus , fol. 32. Plato saies , that the Bodie of the Universe is constituted 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , by the Friendship , and Analogie 'twixt these Elements , &c. Plato here in pursuit of his former Allegorie supposeth , the Universe to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a living intelligent thing consisting of bodie and soul : the Bodie he calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the visible , and tractable part , or the Elements themselves ; but the Soul he stiles 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that Analogie , and Symmetrie by which things in themselves contrarie are friendly ; and by a kind of agreeable discord conjoyned together in the masse of the Universe . This Harmonie , Proportion , and Consent , which is found amongst the parts of the Universe , Plato makes to be the effect of the Divine Spirit , his Disposition , & Providence , which is by him on the same account , but in a more eminent manner stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Soul of the World ( as before §. 5. ) But here we are to take notice , that Plato make a twofold Forme of the Vniverse , the first Intelligible , inhering in the Divine mind : the second Sensible , infused into singulars consisting in their proportion , order , &c. So in his Timaeus , fol. 49. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Plato here asserts a Twofold Forme of the Vniverse ; the One Intelligible , which is that Idea , or Paradeigme subsisting in the Divine mind proportionable whereto all things were framed : the other , Sensible , consisting in that Proportion , Harmonie , and Order , which God has put into every Creature , and their mutual combinations . This he more fully expresseth in the same Timaeus , fol. 69. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . These Elements lying confusedly together , God inspired into each of them , both in regard to themselves , and to other things a Symmetrie , so that they are so far as 't is possible Analogous , and Symmetrous . These Platonick notions of the Forme of the Vniverse seem very proportionable unto , and therefore but derivations from Gen. 1.31 . where 't is said , that God saw all things that they were good , i. e. Harmonious , and proportionable amongst themselves , as also exactly proportionable to their Divine Idea , and Exemplar . So Austin de Civ . Dei , lib. 12. cap. 5. All Natures , saies he , because they are , therefore also have they their Measure , Beautie , or Forme , and a certain peace amongst themselves , wherefore also they are good , &c. Hence the Ancients made Love to be the bond of the Vniverse , namely because it's Perfection , and Goodness proceeded from the Harmonie Order , and Beautie of the parts . All which is fully comprehended under Plato's Forme of the Vniverse , whereby he understood no other , than the Harmonie , Beautie , Order , and Perfection of the Universe , and its parts , though never so contrarie amongst themselves , answerable to Gen. 1.31 . which is also Essentially couched under the notion of Forme : for 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , by an easie transposition of φ , and μ , is the same with 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which signifies Beautie , &c. Plato never dreamed of that essential Forme which Aristotle introduced as educible out of the passive power of the first matter , &c. No ; he conforming himself to Moses's stile by Forme understands nothing but that Beautie , Perfection , and Goodness , which was in things resulting from their Order , Proportion , and Harmonie amongst themselves ; as also from their conformitie to the Divine Exemplar , and original Idea . The Affections of the Universe

§ . 10. Having discoursed of the Principles of Natural bodies , both Effective , and Constitutive ; we now proceed to their Adjuncts , or Affections , which essentially , and naturally flow from their Principles And the first great 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Affection which Plato attributes to the Universe , and it's parts , is Perfection , 1. Perfection . So in his Timaeus , fol. 32. discoursing of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Affections of the Universe he saies , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 The first is that the whole Universe , because it is an animal greatly perfect , consists of perfect parts . This Perfection of the Vniverse he had before given some intimation of under the notion of Goodness : So Timaeus , fol. 30. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . God would , that all things should be good , and nothing evil : For 't was never , neither is it now lawfull for him , who is the best Good , to make any thing but what is most beautiful , and perfect . Plato here sheweth , how God of the first confused matter , and Elements efformed a most Beautiful World ; the words he expresses this by is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , he beautifi'd , adorn'd the world ; whence 't was called by the Ancients 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Agen he saie● 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , he shaped , configured , or conformed the Universe , i. e. made it conformable to the Eternal , and most perfect Exemplar of his own Decrees : whence we read 1. Cor. 7.31 . of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Scene , Figure , or Forme of this World . Farther , Plato saies , that God did 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 accurately dispose , order , or methodize the Vniverse , placing each part in it's proper place , and rank , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , reducing every Creature from that Ataxie , or disorder it lay under in the confused Chaos , unto an admirable order , and goodness , which he elsewhere stiles 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the good order , or right disposition of every thing . Lastly , he saies , that God 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 constituted , or gathered into one Systeme each part of the Creation : whence Aristotle ( his Scholar following his Master herein ) defines the World 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. a Systeme , or ordinate compages of natural bodies , &c. By all these expressions Plato sets forth to the life the incomparable Structure , and admirable perfection of the Universe , as it came forth of the hands of God , and that exactly conformable unto , and , as we have reason enough to judge , by traduction from Moses's description thereof , Gen. 1.31 . And God saw every thing , that he had made , and behold it was very good : i. e. most perfect . Indeed Plato gives us an excellent comment on these words of Moses , wherein we have Moses his sense fully , and that almost in his own words laid open to us : So in his Timaeus , fol. 37. Therefore ( saies Plato ) after the Father of the Universe had animadverted , or considered his work [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] the made image of the Eternal Gods ( or Trinitie ) he rejoyced , and recreated himself therein . Thus Plato , who does here , as the Learned conclude , speak by tradition from Moses . So Jo. Grammaticus Of Creation , lib. 7. cap. 11 , 12. Rightly therefore does that great Moses concluding the Creation of the world say Gen. 1.31 . And God saw every thing , &c. And Plato here agen does imitate him , who speaking of Gods making the Universe , saies , that when the Father beheld this Mobile Animal , the image of the Eternal Gods , which he had begotten , he rejoyced , and was recreated . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] and by so much the more , when he considered that it was made exactly conformable to it's Paradeigme , or Eternal exemplar . Thus Jo. Grammaticus touching the parallel betwixt Moses , and Plato . Austin de Civit. Dei . lib. 11. cap. 21. enterprets Moses in the same manner , that Plato does . In that ( saies he ) 't is said Gen. 1.31 . God saw all things that they were good . We must understand the approbation of his work made according to Art , which is the Wisdom of God , &c. God's seeing all things to be Good implies their Conformitie to that Original Idea , or Eternal Platforme of Divine Wisdome , and Decrees : Whence also Plato stiles the Universe a visible image of the invisible God ; namely by reason of it's exact conformitie to it's Original Forme , or Idea in Divine Decrees : So in his Timaeus , fol. 92. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 [ others , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Taking Animals both Mortal , and Immortal , and commixing them together , this world , thus constituted , becomes a Visible Animal comprehending things Visible , a Sensible image of the Intelligible God the greatest , and best , and most beautiful , and most perfect , &c. Plato here calls the Universe a Sensible Image of the Intelligible God , in that it was made exactly conformable to Gods Eternal Exemplar , which in his Timaeus , fol. 69. he calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Intelligible Forme , or Exemplar , as elsewhere 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Intelligible Ideal World : according to which Exemplar , or Platforme he reacheth this sensible world was made , whence it became a reflex image thereof , and so a sensible image of the insensible Deitie : Or else we may refer this Platonick description of the Universe to Moses's Character of Man , Gen. 1.27 . And God created him in his own Image , &c. So Johan : Grammaticus of the Worlds Creation , lib. 6. cap. 21. pag. 249. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. whereas Moses spake properly of Man , that he was made after the Image of God , and according to his likeness : Plato translates this to all things in the World . Thus Philoponus . And indeed it 's evident , that Plato comprehendeth under his notion of the Universe , as well Rationals , as Sensibles ; and therefore from Man it s more noble part he stiles the whole , the Image of God according to , and in derivation from Moses's description , Gen. 1.27 . We may take it either way , and yet no way doubt , but that Plato had this , as the former Notions touching the perfection , goodness , order , beautie , and exact proportion , or conformitie of the Universe , from the Mosaick description . This perfection of the Universe Plato makes to be the immediate product , and first issue of its formal constitution ; namely , the result of that friendly proportion , sweet harmonie , and beautiful order , which is between all the parts of the Universe , though in themselves never so disagreeing . This is fully expounded by Austin , ( who did mostly Platonize ) de Civit. lib. 11. c. 18. the Antitheta , or opposites ( saies he ) are accounted most decent in the ornaments of Elocution : as therefore those Contraries do give a beautie to Speeches , so the Beautie of the Universe is composed of a certain Eloquence not of Words , but of Things resulting from the opposition of Contraries . Thus much for the perfection of the Universe .

2. Affecti●n of the Universe is its Unitie . § . 11. The second 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or affection , which Plato gives the Universe , is Unitie : So in his Timaeus , fol. 33. having discoursed of its perfection , he addes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . To these we may adde that 't is one . So in his Parmenides , fol. 144. Plato having distinguished 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 one , into infinite , and finite : As for finite unitie , he makes it to be a proper affection of his sensible Idea , whereby he means the Universe . And the reason he gives why the Universe should be one , is this ; because 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the singulars conteined therein are all determinately reduced to their proper Classe . Aristotle also asserted the same .

3. Finitenes . 3. Another 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or affection , which Plato gives the Universe is Finitenes ; so in his Parmenides , fol. 145. having spoken of his sensible Idea , and its Unitie , he addes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Must not one be universally finite ; or must not the parts be comprehended of the whole ? Yes certainly . Therefore what is comprehended must be finite : ( though infinite in multitude ) and because finite , therefore it has extremes : If it be a whole , it must have a beginning , and middle , and end , &c. Thus also Aristotle , &c.

4. Thence follows another affection of the Universe , 4. The Universe has a Figure round . which Plato calls Figure . So in his fore-cited Parmenides , fol. 145. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . And this one being such , must also partake of Figure . And in his Timaeus , fol. 33. he speaks more particularly , and fully , thus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. And he has given to it ( i. e. the Universe ) a Figure most becoming , and most congenial . For it is meet , that he should shape it into such a Forme , or Figure , as might comprehend all other Figures . For which c●use the World is made 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , round , so that its whole circum●●rence is touched with Rayes equally distant from the Centre : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . This being the most perfect , and most like to it self , of all Figures . Thus Plato , wherein he fully informes us touching the Worlds Rotunditie , and the reasons thereof : namely , because it ought to comprehend all Animals . Now a round Figure is , ( saies he ) of all 1. most capacious , and perfect , 2. most like to it self , or uniforme : 3. most content with it self , and without need of other . Aristotle also follows him , in asserting the Worlds Rotunditie .

5. Another 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or attribute , which Plato gives natural Bodies , is Color , 5. Color . which in his Timaeus , fol. 67. he thus describes , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . We call Colors a flame , diffusing it self from particular Bodies , having parts symmetrous to the sense . By Flame he means Light , which he elsewhere termes a Flame : and so Plato is herein followed by the New Philosophers , who make Colors to be nothing but the various mixture of Light , and Darkness . He does farther in his Timaeus , fol. 101. give some distribution of Colors , with their proper effects , thus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . White Color disgregates the sight , whereas black does congregate it . To which the Peripateticks assent , &c.

6. Time , another Affection of Bodies . 6. Plato also makes Time another special propertie , or Affection of the Universe , and all natural Bodies . So in his Parmenides , fol. 151. treating of the Universe under the notion of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , One , he saies , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. One partakes of Time , and it is younger , and elder than it self ; and than other things , and it is , and it was , &c. His meaning is , that all natural Bodies admit of variations , and differences of time , &c. And in his Timaeus , fol. 13. he describes time to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a moveable Image of Eternitie . Agen , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the definition , or boundarie of day , and night . So agen in his Timaeus , fol. 97. he saies , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. God has framed Time together with the World : for it is an Image of the ingenerable time called Eternitie : for look as this Universe is created according to the exemplar of the Intelligible Ideal World , so is this Time composed in some sort according to the exemplar of Eternitie . Thus Plato . Lastly , as to the formal measure , and product of Time , we find a good description thereof in the Platonick Definitions , fol. 411. thus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Time is the motion of the Sun , and the measure of motion ; which agrees well with Moses's description in Gen. 1.14 for seasons , and for days , and years , &c.

7. Mobilitie . 7. Hence follows another Affection , which Plato attributes to the Universe , and natural Bodies , namely Mobilitie . So in his Parmenides , fol. 145. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Thus therefore is it not necessarie , that One ( i. e. the Universe ) be capable both of Motion , and Rest , &c. Herein also Aristotle follows him , making Motion , and Rest , affections of natural Bodies .

8. Generation . 8. Hence also follows Generation , which may be ranked amongst the Affections , which Plato gives to natural Bodies , and is thus described , Platon . definit . fol. 411. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Generation is a motion to Essence . Agen 't is called , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a participation of Essence , &c.

9. Daration . 9. Whence lastly follows Duration , which Plato makes another 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or affection of the Universe . So in his Timaeus , fol. 32. having spoken of the Worlds perfection , and unitie , he addes , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . It must also continue without old age , and sickness , &c. He persues his Allegorie , wherein he stiles the World a Living Creature , which ( saies he ) must continue in youthful vigor , and healthie . His meaning is , that though Individuals , and Singulars decay daily , yet the Species , and whole of the Vniverse is continued durable , and vigorous , by means of successive generations . For they are Individuals only , not the Species , that dye : thus according to Aristotle's Maxime , the Corruption of one is but the Generation of another . Thus much of the affections of the Vniverse .

§ . 12. The parts of Physiologie are either General , or Particular : Second part of Physiologie , of the parts of the Universe . the General part of Physiologie treats of the first Principles , and Affections of Nature , which we have dispatched . Physiologie in particular discourseth of the Severals , or Particulars of the Vniverse , which make up the whole of Nature . Now of these in their order , so far as they come under Plato's Philosophizings . 1. The Creation of the Angels . And here we may begin with Angelick Beings , who are called the first-born Sons of God , and are indeed the most noble Pieces of the Universe , which Plato makes the first-fruits of Gods Creation . So Lud. Vives , in August . Civit. Dei , lib. 11. c. 9. The Greek Divines ( saies he ) will , that Spiritual Beings precede Corporeal , and that the great Parent of the Vniverse used them , i. e. Angels , as Ministers for the procreation of other things : which Opinion Plato follows in his Origine of the Universe . So Sanchoniathon sets forth the Creation of the Angels under the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Contemplators of the Heavens . Whence also Aristotle's conceit of the Heavens being moved by Intelligences , seems to have had its origination . All which Contemplations about Angelick natures , and their production , seem to have been but corrupt Derivations from Job 38.7 . When the morning Stars sang together , &c. But , because the Discourse of Angels belongs not properly to Physicks , but to Metaphysicks , we shall engage no farther on it at present . 2. The Creation of the Heavens , their matter Fire . To descend therefore to the material , and more natural parts of the Universe : and first to the Heavens , which Plato in his Timaeus , fol. 36. describes after his Metaphorick mode , thus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The Bodie of the Heavens is visible , but the Soul of these Intelligences partakes of invisible reason , and harmonie . Thus Plato : whence , I presume , Aristotle derived his Celestial Intelligences , which he presumed to be the first movers of the Celestial Spheres . But as to the Matter , and Nature of the Heavens what Plato's Opinion was , is somewhat difficult to conjecture . Austin affirmes peremptorily , that Plato made the Heavens to be of an ignifick , or fierie nature , and that herein he followed Moses , Gen. 1.1 . So Aust. de Civit. Dei , lib. 8. c. 11. Plato in his Timaeus affirmes , ( saith he ) that God in the first Creation joyned the Earth , and Fire together . It 's manifest that he attributes to Fire the place of Heaven . This Opinion therefore has some similitude with what is said Gen. 1.1 . In the beginning God made heaven , and earth . Thus Austin . And Ludo. Vives on these Words addes , that Plato thought the Heavens to be fierie , ( though the Stars to be composed of the four Elements , because they seemed more solid ) Not that the Heavens were of the same nature with our Culinarie fire , for he supposeth there are several sorts of Fire . So Lud. Vives . And indeed that these Celestial Bodies ( at least the more lightsome , and glorious , namely the Sun , &c. ) are of an ignite , or fierie nature , seems probable from the very origination of the name 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Heaven , which is apparently derived from the Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Our , or Ur , which signifies both Light , and Fire , as hereafter . I am not ignorant , that some make the Heavens to be of a fluid , waterie ( as others of an aerial ) nature . So Paulus Fagius on Gen. 1. tells us , that amongst the Hebrews the Heaven is called from its extension , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Firmament , and from its Waterie matter , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Waters there , which he also gathers from Gen. 1.6 . a Firmament in the midst of the Waters , &c. But this being granted , that the Firmament is of a waterie , or fluid matter see Wendeline , de Coelo ; ( which is also the Opinion of some New Philosophers ) yet it followeth not hence , but that the Sun , and those other more lightsome , and glorious Celestial Bodies ; may be composed of a fierie substance ; which seemeth to have been the Opinion of the Jews , whence Plato , and other of the Greeks derived the same , and that on these Probabilities .

That the Sun and Stars are Fire , Gen. 1.3 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Fire as well as Light . 1. That the Sun , and Stars are composed of Fire , appears first from the very Text , Gen. 1.3 . Let there be Light : where the Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Our , whereby the Sun is expressed , Job 31.26 . signifies as well Fire , as Light . This we have proved at large out of Richardson , and others , in our former part of Philologie , Book 3. C. 3. § . 9. So Amesius , in his Medulla Theol. lib. 1. cap. 8. Thes. 50. treating of the Creation of this Light , saies that Light , namely lightsome Fire , was made out of the most subtile part of this Mass taken up , &c , So Grotius in his Annotations on 2 Pet. 3.7 . The Fire ( saies he ) was not in that first humid Mass , but afterward created by God , which Moses calls Light , because Light , and Heat are one , and the same . Out of this Light compacted were the Stars composed , whence they diffuse Fires upon the Earth , whence also Fires are generated under the Earth . From these Celestial , and subterraneous Fires meeting together , shall that great , and last fatal conflagration of the World arise , as the former Deluge from the conjunction of the Celestial Waters with those of the deep . Caecilius in Minutius Foelix affirmes , that these Fires threaten conflagration to the whole World , yea to the Stars themselves . Thus Grotius , who in what precedes , tells us , that besides the Sibylles , Sophocles , Seneca , and Lucanus ; the Astrologers ( particularly Copernicus , Revolut . lib. 3. cap. 16. ) have observed the same , and that from the daily appropinquation , or nearer approaches of the Sun towards the Earth . Indeed I find this to have been the firme perswasion of the Pythagoreans , as before in the Pythagorean Philosophie , Ch. 7. § . 10. Heraclitus also received the same by Tradition from the Pythagoreans , affirming , that the World , as it was made of Fire , so it should again 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , be burnt by fire . It was the common perswasion of the Platonists , that the more noble parts of the Universe , namely the Sun , and Stars , were Celestial Fires ; whence also they asserted the last conflagration of the World by fire , which they called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Plato's own Words are , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . In a short time there shall be a destruction of all things on the Earth by much fire . The Stoicks held the same , calling it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . And Grotius in the fore-cited place , on 2 Pet. 3.7 . saies , That these Traditions came originally from the Jews . For there is mention made hereof in the Book called Cedrus Libani , that as God in times past let loose the reins to the Waters , so he shall again to the Fire , &c. But to returne to our Argument .

2. That the Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gen. 1.3 . Gen. 1.3 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the same with Ur , Gen. 11.28 . may be rendred Fire as well as Light , is evident from the use of the word else where . So in Gen. 11.28 , 31. we read of Vr of the Chaldees , which is of the same origination , and signification : this place being ( as 't is conceived by the Learned ) called Vr , from their Sacred Fire [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] worshipt here , as a Symbol of the Sun : of which see more of the Chaldee Philosophie , Book 1. Chap. 4. § . 6. Hence also we may adde .

〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Fire , the same with 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Gen. 1.3 . 3. That the Greek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which signifies Fire , owes its origination to the Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Vr ; for cast away only π , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ( or as it was perhaps at first 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) is the same with 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . And indeed , I find Plato making use of the Word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 promiscuously to express Light as well Fire by ; so in his Timaeus he saies , the World was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , visible , or lightsome by fire , or light : and in what follows he expresly saies , that 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Fire has flame , and light , and splendor , which is every way as applicable to the Celestial , as Terrestrial Fires ; especially if that be true which some New Philosophers , and those of greatest repute , affirme , that Light is but a flame , &c. yea indeed Plato calls the Sun in express termes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Fire ( as hereafter . )

4. The Greek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Heaven , seems also to owe its derivation to the Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Our , whence 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as before .

5. Whereas 't is said Psal. 104.2 . God covered himself with Light , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , 't is elsewhere expressed by Fire .

6. But to argue not only from Names , but from the thing it self , we find frequent mention in Scripture of Fire coming down from Heaven . So in the burning of Sodom , but more particularly in that saying of the Disciples , Luke 9.54 . That we command fire from heaven : which though it implie a Miracle , yet it argues they conceived the heavens to be the proper seat of fire , the like Revel. 20.6 . fire out of heaven . It seems to have been a fixed opinion amongst the Jews , that the heavens were the Seat of fire .

7. Yea , Mark 14.54 . Fire is expresly termed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which properly signifies Light of the Sun , whereby it seems evident that Mark , with the rest of the Jews ( as well as the ancient Grecians ) judged Fire , and Light equipollent , or convertible , and therefore promiscuously used those termes .

8. Farther the Scripture , and Hebrews call the Sun 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 which properly signifies Fire , whence we read , Lev. 26.30 . of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 which properly denotes those Hearths whereon these Idolaters preserved their Sacred Fire as a Symbol of the Sun , which they worshipped after the Zabian mode : whence the Greek 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and the Latin Caminus , a Chimney , or Hearth : as before , Book 1. cap. 4. §. 8.

9. That Plato held the Sun to be a Celestial Fire is evident from his Definitions ( Collected by his Successor ) where we find the Sun thus defined , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. The Sun is an Heavenly Fire . So also Xenophanes ( the Founder of the Eleatick sect ) held the Sun to be a collection of little Fires : the like was asserted by Heraclitus , who both had these traditions from the Pythagoreans , as these derived them from the Jews , according to Grotius , &c. Neither are there wanting some of great vogue amongst the New Philosophers , who defend this Platonick persuasion ; that the Sun is Fire , &c. So Dr. Willis in his Treatise de Febribus saies , Light seems nothing else but a flame kindled into a greater dimension , &c. And Comenius in his Physicks makes the first Light , Gen. 1.3 . to be no other than Fire .

10. That the Sun , and the Stars are of a fierie nature was the common persuasion of the Ancient Philosophers , so Stobaeus Eclog. Phys. lib. 1. cap. 25. gives us a large account , touching the Ignite nature of the Stars . He saies , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Thales supposed the Stars to be Terrene , but Ignite . And he addes the same of Empedocles , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Empedocles also held the Stars to be Ignite , &c. Empedocles also affirmed that the Heaven was compacted of Air , and Fire , i. e. Air in regard of the Firmament , and of Fire , as to the Celestial Lights , as Stobaeus Eclog. Phys. p. 52 , 53. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. The like is said of Anaximander , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Anaximander said , that the Stars were Globes of Air full of Fire , breathing out flames on one side ; and that the Sun was seated in the supreme place ; The same is said of Parmenides , and Heraclitus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. And Posidonius defined a Star 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Bodie Divine , Ethereous , Splendid , and Ignite , &c. But more particularly touching the Ignite Nature of the Sun , Anaximenes affirmed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that the Sun is Ignite , or Fierie . Anaxagoras , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that the Sun was an Ignite Iron , or Stone . The same was affirmed by Democritus . Zeno also held , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that the Sun , and Moon , and each of the Stars were an Intelligent , Wise , and Ignite Fire . The like Chrysippus asserted . Neither was this the persuasion only of the Wiser Philosophers , but also of many of the Ancient Greek Poets ; Euripides , in Phaenissis saies , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 And Homer though he saies not positively that the Sun is Fire , yet he makes it to be of like nature , as Stobaus Eclog. Phys. fol. 57.

11. Thus also Shepherd in his parable of the Ten Virgins , chap. 8. §. 2. It is ( saies he ) a question whether the beams of the Sun are Fire which some demonstrate thus . Take a Glasse , and gather together the beams and it burnes : and indeed this argument from the Ignifick virtue of Beams contracted in a Burning-glasse gives us a great probabilitie of the Ignite nature of the Sun : at least , it may suffice to ballance all the seeming probabilities of other opinions . Neither may we expect in matters of this nature more than conjectures , and probabilities . But to return to , and conclude this with Plato ; he frequently calls Light , Of Light , and Darkness , Gen. 1.5 . Fire . So in his de Repub. 6. speaking of the Natural Cognation which is 'twixt the Eye and Light , he addes , that when the Eye comes into darkness it looseth , or falls from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , it 's cognate Fire , Light . Hence Night is defined in the Platonick definitions thus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Night is darkness , contrarie to the day : the privation of the Sun . As also Light is defined 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Light is contrarie to darkness , which answers unto Moses's description , Gen. 1.5 . And God called the Light Day , and Darkness Night .

Of the Lower World . § . 13. As for Plato's sentiments touching this Lower World I find little therein but what is common , and therefore not worthie of any particular remark , only he seems somewhat to differ from the commonly received opinion about the Nature of the Wind , Wind. which in the Platonick Definitions , fol. 411. is thus described , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The Wind is a motion of the Air round about the Earth . As for the Air , Air. Serranus ( on Plato's Timaeus , fol. 10. ) supposeth , that Plato made it the same with Moses's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Firmament , Gen. 1.6 . which he expressed by 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a word most proper to expresse the Nature of the Air by , which is most liquid , and expansive . Plato's contemplations about the Waters , Water . and Sea , with those miraculous bounds given thereto by Divine Providence , I no way doubt , had their original from the Sacred Storie ▪ This we find well set forth by Paulus Fagius on Gen. 1.9 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Let the Waters be gathered . The Ancients ( saies he ) have derived this word from the Noun 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 which signifies a Perpendicule , Square , or Rule used by Masons , &c. As if God should have said Let the Waters be gathered together unto one certain place , as by Measure , and Rule , according to the manner of Architects , who in the building of Houses , to the intent that they may bring the parts to a close , and firme consistence , and uniformitie , measure all by their Perpendicule , or Directorie . Therefore Moses seems not without great Emphasis to make use of this word , thereby to expresse the Infinite power of God , whereby he compels that fluid , and boundlesse Element , possessing the whole superficies of the Earth , even as it were by a Measure , or Rule into one place . This the Scripture alludes unto Job . 26.10 . He hath compassed the Waters with bounds , &c. Psal. 104.5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. Thou hast set a bound . Psal. 33.7 . He gathereth the Waters as an he●p , &c. so Job 12.15 . Behold he withholdeth the Waters , &c. which certainly is matter of infinite admiration , that an Element so ponderous , and boundlesse , should be confined against its proper Nature , within such exact bounds , and measures . Farther what Plato's apprehensions were about Exhalations , such as received some accidental impression , or Forme , are commonly called Meteors , Of Meteors . namely concerning Comets , Thunder , Lightening , Clouds , Rain , Snow , Hail Earthquakes , &c. is uncertain ; yet we need no way doubt he might have ( if he had not ) the best information , he could expect , concerning these Mysteries of Nature , from Job , or Solomon , or such like Jewish Philosophers .

§ . 14. Another , and indeed the most Noble , Of Active Physiologie touching Plants , and Animals . because most experimental , part of Physiologie , or Natural Philosophie regardeth Plants and Animals , wherein Plato seemeth to have had very good skill , which we have reason enough to induce us to believe he received , by tradition from the Jewish Church , especially from Solomon's Writings . For it s very evident by Sacred Relation , that Solomon was the prime , and best Philosopher , after Adam's fall , that engaged in those Philosophick contemplations , as before in the Jewish Philosophie , book ● . chap. 1. § . 11. And I think it is also evident that the choicest parts of Democritus's Natural Experiments : of Hippocrates's Medicinal Aphorismes , and Observations ; together with Plato's Physiologick Experiments : Aristotle's Historie of Animals , and Theophrastus his Scholar's of Plants , owe their original , and first Idea's to Solomon his Natural Experiments , and Philosophizings on Plants , Animals , and Humane Nature . And because this is the most noble , and useful part of Natural Philosophie , we shall endeavour to produce some of the choicer Experiments , Observations , and Principles laid down by Plato , with others , for the Conservation of Humane Nature in health , & vigour ; which indeed is the main end , and emprovement of Physiologie commonly called Physick , or Medicine : But before we engage herein we shall give some Historical account of Mans Original , & that according to Plato's traditions originally Jewish .

Of Man's Original & Formation according to the Image of God . § . 15. The Chiefest , though last part of Natural Philosophie respects Man his two constitutive parts , Bodie , and Soul . Plato Philosophizeth on both , and that as well apart , as in Composition , and Conjunction . As for the Original of Man , Plato tells us in positive termes , That he made Man after the Image of God . So in his lib. 7. de Legib. Plato saith , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Man is a kind of imitation of God , and his master-piece . So in his Timaeus what he mentions in general of the whole Vniverse , he , without doubt , more properly understood of Man , namely that he was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the best , and greatest image of the intelligible God , which description of Man , without all peradventure , was originally traduced from Gen. 1.26 . Let us make man after our Image , &c. v. 27. Yea Plato seems to have had some Scriptural notices of Adam's first Creation , and Eves formation out of his side ; which in his Symposiack Dialogue he expresseth under his Cabalistick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Man woman , which answereth unto Gen. 2.21 , 22 , 23. Yea farther Plato seems to have had very considerable hints , and traductions touching Adams happie state in Innocencie , which he describes under his Mythologick Cabale of the Golden Age , and Saturne's Reign therein : thus in his Politicus , fol. 272. where he saies our First Parents lived in the Golden Age partaking of the fruits of the Earth without toyl , or labour , or Apparel , having conference with the beasts , &c. All which were but Fables , or traditions he had received from the Ancients , whereby he means the Jews , or their neighbours the Phenicians , &c. For so Sanchoniathon expresseth the Creation of mankind to be , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , i. e. saith Bochart according to the Phenician , and Hebrew expression , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Col-ri-jah the breath of Gods mouth , as 't is expressely ment●oned Gen. 1.7 . breath of life . As Plato had these great traditions or notices touching man's Creation , and happie Estate in general , so particularly touching the Soul of man its Divine original , immaterial , infinite capacitie , activitie , immortalitie , and perfection . As to the souls Divine original , &c. he saies in his Phaedrus , fol. 245 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. the Soul is ingenerable , immortal and living , &c. because it is a self-moving principle . In his Phaedo , he calls the soul 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , immortal . In his lib. 10. de Repub. he saies , the soul is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 incomposite , or simple ; and in his Epinom ▪ he calls it , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 incorporeal . As to the souls capacitie , Plato proves in h●● Phaedo , fol. 79. That it was infinite , or boundles● , never satisfied with any thing but the first Truth , and chiefest good . The soul , saith he , contends towards that which is ●ure , and alwaies the same , & most akin unto it : so in his Protag . fol 322. he makes the soul to be nearly allyed to God , the like in his Phaedo fol. 80. Plato saith , It becomes the body to serve , but the soul to rule , because it is most like unto the Divine , Immortal , Intelligible , most uniform and first Being ; he also proves the immortality of the soul , from its 1. incorruptibilitie , 2. sollicitude , 3. innate appetite , 4. uniform self motion , 5. connate Idea of God . Thus Plato in his Phaedo fol. 55.81 . speaking of the souls disunion with , The Souls perfection . and dislodging from the body , saies , That it returns to that original 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 idea to which it is akin , i. e. to God , as elsewhere . Hence Plato concludes the dignitie and perfection of the soul ; so in his Phaedo fol. 55. he gathers up this conclusion , That the soul is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , akin & homogeneous , or alike in nature to God , and that it does in a sober sense participate of a self-goodness , and self-beautie with God . So again fol. 56. he saies , That the soul being allyed to God , becomes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a partner of the Divine Nature , whence it is , in its manner , and according to its capacity , as God , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , incomposite , infinite , incorruptible , immortal ; and thence de Leg. 5. fol. 726. Plato concludes , that of all possessions next to God , the soul is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 most Divine and peculiar : Plato gives us also a good account of the Faculties of the Rational Soul : 1. The understanding . he treats accurately of the humane understanding , which he stiles our 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Daemon , whereby we are elevated from earth , to an heavenly alliance and conversation . He makes the mind to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a plant of the supream Being , not earthly but heavenly . The proper object of the mind Plato makes to be Truth , which he calls the life , and food of the mind : so de Repub. 6. fol. 490. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , by truth the mind truly lives , and is nourished . As for the manner , how truth is conveighed to the understanding , Plato tells us , 't is by assimilation , i. e. there are certain Ideas , images , or notions imprest upon the understanding , conformable to those natural Ideas , which exist in the things themselves which we know . He gives us also a particular account of the several sorts of knowledge . 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Wisdom is by him defined 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a knowledge of Beings Eternal , &c. 2. Intelligence is a knowledge of first principles . 3. Science is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a demonstrative knowledge . 4. Opinion is intermedious 'twixt Science , and Ignorance ; or a conjectural assent . 5. Imitation is an image-framing Art. 6. Faith is an assent grounded on Authority , &c. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Prudence is a power effective of happiness , ●he parts whereof are 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 8. Conscience he stiles 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fame . 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Art is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. 2. Plato also discourseth of the Will which Definit . Platon . fol. 413. The will . is thus defined : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . a rational desire , &c. That these Platonick contemplations about the Soul , its original , immortalitie , &c. were derived originally from the Scriptures , or Jewish Church , Plato's notions about the Soul from Scripture . seems probable by Plato's own words in his Phaedo fol. 85. where having proved the Souls immortalitie by many demonstrative arguments , he concludes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that we might proceed herein by a more firm & Divine word : what this more firm and Divine word should be , if not sacred Divine Scriptures traduced to him , we cannot imagine . Thus Plato received these , and such like divine contemplations , touching the Soul , by some Oriental tradition derived originally from the sacred Fountain , as he himself seems to acknowledge ; and I conceive it cannot rationally be denyed ; or if it should , 't will not be difficult to prove the same in its proper place , when we come to treat of Plato's Metaphysicks , whereunto these speculations about the Soul , its original , &c. belong .

Physical Aphorisms for the conservation of mans body in health . § . 16. Having given these brief touches of mans original , & main constitutive part , his soul ; its nature , &c. we now proceed to the humane bodies , to lay down such physick or medicinal Aphorisms and praescripts , as are given us by Plato and others , for the conservation thereof in an 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a good temperament , and habitude of health and vigour . That the Ancients reduced Medicine to Physicks or Natural Philosophie , is evident both from name , and thing . Hippocrates the great Master of Medicinal Wisdom , stiles Medicine 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the natural Science . And indeed there seems such an essential connexion 'twixt Medicine and Natural Philosophy , as that they cannot without violence offered to both , be disjoyned each from other , which Aristotle and others acknowledge . Whence it is , that those great Philosophers , Plato , Aristotle , & Theophrastus , with others , mix so many Medicinal Aphorisms with their Natural Philosophizings . Hence also , saies Apuleius in Apol. Let men cease to wonder , if the Philosophers have in their very Doctrine , discoursed of the causes and remedies of diseases . To speak a little of Medicine in General ; which is usually described a practick Art of conserving , or restoring health ; whence it is distributed by some into 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , others add to these parts 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : but I should rather close with that common distribution of Medicine in●o 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 conservative , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 curative . As for Prophylactick , or conservative Medicine , we have many excellent Praescripts and Rules given us by Plato , Hippocrates , and others , for the right management and improvement thereof . The advantages of a good habitude of body . Plato informs us , that an 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a good habitude and Crasis of bodie , is extreamly advantagious for the due motions and exercises , both of body and soul : So in his Timaeus fol. 88. he tells us , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , There is one preservation to both : for neither is the soul moved without the body , nor yet the bodie without the soul . So again in his Timaeus fol. 103. Plato assures us , That the beginnings of all evils , are from inordinate Pleasures , Griefs , Desires , and Fears , which are kindled from the ill habitude and temperature of the bodie , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. the ill Crases of the bodie produce these , &c. but to descend to particulars .

1. One Rule given us for the conservation of health , 1. The causes of diseases to be avoided . 1. Disproportion of first qualities . is to consider well , and diligently , to avoid the causes of diseases . Plato in his Timaeus , fol. 102. tells us , what are the principal causes of all diseases . First , saies he , The primarie and principal cause of all diseases is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an assymmetrie or disproportion of the first qualities ; namely , if they are either redundant , or defective : This others term 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c.

2. Hence follows another cause of diseases , which Plato calls , The mutations , or alterations of the blood , 2. Alterations by reason of some corruption , or preternatural fermentation : for hence , saies he , springs bile , and pituite or flegme , as all other sick humours .

3. The last cause of diseases he here mentions , is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an Ataxie , 3. Ataxie of humours . or disorder of humours ; namely , when choler or bile , flegme or melancholie , admit any extravasasion , or flowing forth from their proper seats , into any other parts of the body , where fixing their seat , they cause a solution , and dissolution . To these causes of diseases , mentioned by Plato , we may add others , as

4. That of Hippocrates , Aphorism . 51. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , all excess is destructive to nature . This regards all excesses in repletions , or evacuations ; sleep , or watchings , &c.

5. Sudden mutations are apt to produce diseases . This is im●lyed in that Canon of Hippocrates , Aphoris . 51. Sect. 2. Nature makes no sudden changes , and every sudden change is dangerous .

6. Another cause of diseases , is an ill stomack , or concoction , accord●ng to that Canon , an errour in the first concoction , is never cured in the rest .

Cruditie the Mother of diseases . 7. Whence also follows another pregnant cause of diseases , namely cruditie , according to that great Aphorisme , Cruditie is the Mother of all diseases . For indeed almost all diseases , under which men labour , ordinarily spring from repletion , and indigestion ; when more food is taken in than nature requires , or the stomack can digest : Yea , Physitians say , That a Plethora , or full estate of bodie , even though it be without impurity of blood , is dangerous as to health , because nature , if weak , cannot weild it . But they make cruditie the seminarie of all diseases . For , say they , health consists in two things . 1. In the due proportion of the humours , as well in quantitie as qualitie . 2. In a certain spongious habitude of the whole body free from all obstructions , that so the spirits and blood , may have a free circulation throughout all parts . Now cruditie obstructs both of these .

8. Hence follows Obstruction , which is reputed another seminal parent , or cause of Diseases ; especially if the obstruction be seated in any principal part , as the head , heart , liver , spleen ; whence flow Convulsions , Apoplexies , & Epilepsies , if the obstruction be in the head , Jandise , if in the liver , &c.

9. Catarrhes also are judged another fountain of diseases , &c.

10. A dislocation , or solution of parts , tends much to the impairment and affliction of the whole : according to that Physical Canon ; all grief ariseth from the solution of the Continuum .

11. Lastly , the weakness of any part tendeth greatly to the decay of the whole : for as Physicians observe the stronger parts thrust their superfluities on the weaker . Thus much for the causes of Diseases .

§ . 17.

Nature is to be maintained in her due offices and motions .

Natura est morborum medicatrix : medicus naturae minister eamque recte agentem imitari debet Sennert . med.

1 Excretion .

A second great Prophylactick Canon for the conservation of health , is this , To maintain nature in her due functions , exercises , and operations . This is laid down by Plato in his Timaeus fol. 90. where he tells us , that Medicine chiefly consists in this , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to render all their due operations . This is more fully exprest by Hippocrates 6. Epid. Comm. 5. Tit. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Natures are the Physicians of diseases : whence Physitians are stued the Ministers of Nature , id est , to assist her in the exerting her proper offices , and exercises ; which are these .

1. One great and proper exercise of Nature , is a natural excretion of humours , which is usually accomplished by perfective fermentation , or ebullition of the blood , whereby the excrementitious parts are severed , and the whole masse of blood purified : besides natural fl●xes of the haemorrhoides , and haemorrhages , &c.

2. Another great office , or exercise of Nature is Perspiration , 2 Perspiration ( insensible , or sensible ) which requires a spongious habitude of body , free from all obstructions . And indeed no one can duly apprehend the sovereign influence natural perspiration has , for the conservation of health , as also for the expelling all noxious humours and malignant vapours . That which assists nature herein , is the keeping the bodie under exercises , & motion in the open air , whereby the pores are kept open , &c.

3. Another office of Nature , is to keep the spirits , 3 Spirits . both natural , vital , and animal , in their due vigour , activity , and exercises . For it 's well known , that the spirits are the great fabricators , and opificers of whatever is transacted in the bodie . Now the spirits are fed , and conserved by a regular commixture of radical moisture , and congenial heat : for bodies frigid , have but a jejune and slender spirit ; whereas things moderately hot , are spirituous . Also things grateful to the spirits , do most foment and emprove them .

4. Another exercise of Nature , consists in the due evacuation of excrements , which requires that the body be soluble , and laxe , not costive ; for costiveness of bodie breeds many diseases , &c.

5. Another office of Nature , is to keep the bodie , and all parts thereof permeable , which is necessarie , in order to a due circulation of the blood . Bene vivere est , bene aspirare , respirare , & perspirare .

6. Another office of Nature , is to keep the Lungs in their due crasis and exercise ; whence that Canon , to live well , is to breath well .

§ . 18. A third Canon for the conservation of health regards the Non-naturalls , as they call them , namely Aliment , Air , Exercise , &c.

Rules for Aliment . 1. As for Aliment or food , Plato ( as Pythagoras before him ) layes much stresse on a good regiment , or government in diet . Plato seems to make the whole of Medicine to consist in allowing 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 proper or due food . For the ordering whereof he tels us : 1. that by how much the more simple diet is by so much the better : so in his de Repub. 3. fol. 404. he saies 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 diet must be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 simple , not of differing sorts . So agen he saies 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 simple diet , & Exercise are of great moment , as to the conservation of health .

2. In the ordering of diet there must be due regard had both to the quantitie and qualitie thereof , for saies Plato , many diseases , which are instigated , and provoked by Medicaments , are cured by orderly diet .

Bene vivere est bene ingerere , digerere ; & egerere . 3. In all alimentation , and nutrition there is required a due attraction , concoction , and Extrusion . For all aliment moving from the center to the circumference , requires a regular course in all these regards , Especially as to the first , viz. concoction ; for as Sir Francis Bacon observes , the head ( which is the source of animal spirits ) is under the tuition of the stomack having a great Sympathie there with , and all crudities have their rise usually from too much repletion . Secondly , as for Air , and Exercise they greatly conduce to the conservation of health .

§. 19. 2 Plato also discourseth well of Therapeutick Physick in these particulars . Therapeutick Physick . 1 He makes a Physician to be but 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Minister of Nature to assist her in her proper offices , and operations . 2 Hence also he asserts that 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Medicine by how much the more simple , and Connatural it tis , by so much the better and more commodious : For those are the best Medicaments , which work with , not against Nature ; we are religiously to observe the footsteps of Nature . And therefore mild Catharticks , which relieve , are more eligible than violent . 3. Hence addes Plato ( Timaeus 89. ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The best purgation is by Gymnastick exercise . 4. Hence also in the same Timaeus fol. 89. Plato addes that Purgation by pharmaceutick , or purgative medicaments is only then Expedient , when necessarie , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Diseases are not to be irritated by Pharmaceutick medicaments , unless they are very dangerous ; for all constitution of diseases is somewhat like to nature . So Hippocrates Sect. 2. Aphorism . 50. diseases contracted by long custome are oft better kept , than cured . 5. Whence also follows another excellent prescript of Plato wherein he Praefers a good diet , and exact regiment of the diseased , before all Cathartick or purgative medicaments . So in his Timaeus fol. 89. If any ( saies Plato ) shall contend to hasten the cure of diseases before they have had their fatal course , there usually follows of small , great , and of few , many diseases : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Wherefore all such diseases must be gently corrected by diet , neither must an infest ill be instigated or Exasperated by purging medicaments . Thus Plato . Hence that of Seneca . In diseases nothing more dangerous , and pernicious then an unseasonable Medicine .

6. But Plato's great and main Canon , which takes in the summe both of his Prophylactick , and Therapeutick medicine is laid down in his Timaeus fol. 90. thus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 all medicine for every disease is one , to render to every one his proper diet , and motions . Hippocrates in his Aphorismes expresseth this medicinal canon thus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , healthfull exercise , moderation of diet , activity of labours . This great Physick Canon of Plato and Hippocrates is comprehensive of all other medicinal Rules : but particularly of these . 1. That the best purgation is by exercitation , or natural motion . 2. That simple medicaments ( which we call kitchin Physick ) are best . 3. That strong , and violent catharticks or purging medicaments are seldome or never to be used , but in cases of absolute necessitie . 4. That diseases acquired by repletion or fulnesse are to be cured by evacuation . Hippocrates . Sect. 2. Aphor. 22. i. e. by fasting , perspiration , Sweating , &c. All this is comprized in the advice of Sir Theodore Myron a great French Physician on his death-bed to a Noble friend who demanded his advice for the preservation of health , to whom he replyed Be moderate in your diet , use much Exercise , and but little Physick .

§ . 20. The character of a good Physician . Lastly because the cure of the patient depends much on the qualitie of the Physician , we shall give a brief character of an able , faithful physician , and that according to Plato's mind , with others .

1. Plato requires in a Physician great skill both speculative , and Experimental : and the reason hereof , he gives us in his Gorgias fol. 464. Some ( saies he ) seem to have an 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 good habitude of bodie , who indeed have not . Which infirmitie none 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , but a skillful experienced Physician can discerne . He also Supposeth a great measure of skill as requisite to sever noxious humours from what are good : so in his lib. 8. de repub . fol , 567. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Physicians purging out what is worst leave what is best behind .

2. Besides habitual Skill Plato requires an actual application of the same to particular cases with an universal circumspection , and inspection into all accidents though never so inconsiderable : so in his de Legib. lib. 10. fol. 902. what ( saies he ) when a Physician is both able and willing to cure the whole bodie ; if he only considers greater matters , but neglects smaller , will there be an happie successe of that cure ? No , &c. This rule of Plato regards not only skill but also faithfulness , and diligence , which implies . 1. That Physicians use not unknown remedies , when known and approved are a● hand ; which is too common amongst many , thereby to make new experiments , or for some other ill end . 2. That Physicians may not cure one disease by causing a greater , which is too frequent . 3. That Physicians are to endeavour the removal of the cause , and not only the curing of a symptom of the disease : not to imitate him who in an hectick bodie endeavoured to cure the itch . 4. A faithfull Physician will endeavour to cure a disease , not to deferre it only : as many .

3. Another quality eminently requisite in a good Physician is meekness , tenderness , and condescension to the patients condition . So Seneca speaking of a good Physician saies , that he will not refuse the most servile offices , nor yet be moved at the impatience of his patient for his good , i. e. he will not make his own humour or will , but his patients good the measure of his practice .

4. Lastly ; every man of judgment , and experience might be his own best Physician would he heed it ; for there are but 3 things made essentially requisite to a good Physician , that is , 1. Judgement 2. Institution . 3 ▪ Experience , &c.

CHAP. X. A brief Abstract of Plato's Moral , and Metaphysical Philosophie .

I. Plato's Moral Philosophie : I. Ethicks ; where 1. of the chiefest Good ; 2. of Virtue ; 3. of Sin ; 4. of the Affections , and their Moderation ; particularly the Affection of Love ; the Virtue of Justice . II. Plato's Oeconomicks ; where touching Imitation , Education . III. Plato's Politicks ; where 1. of right Constitution , and Administration ; 2. Laws , the Rule of such Administration ; 3. Magistrates , the Instruments of Administration according to Laws . II. Plato's Metaphysicks ; 1. of God , and his Essence ; 2. his Attributes ; 1. Vnitie ; 2. Simplicitie ; 3. Immutabilitie ; 4. Eternitie ; 5. Omnipresence ; 6. Justice ; 7. Veracitie ; 8. Puritie ; 9. Bountie ; 10. Omniscience ; 11. Incomprehensibilitie ; 12. the Divine Will the Cause of all things . 2. the Humane Soul , its Original , Immaterialitie , Capacitie , Immortalitie , &c.

§ . 1. HAving dispatcht Plato's Rational , and Natural Philosophie ; Plato's Moral and Metaphysick Philosophie . we should now proceed to that which is Moral , and Supernatural ; wherein indeed his excellence seems to consist . But upon Reflection , considering that this undertakement would swell this discourse before us , beyond the bounds of an Historie , and especially make this third Book big , and bulkie , much beyond the proportion of the rest : I have waved it at present , though not without some thoughts of reassuming the same , in an intended Systeme of sound Philosophie . Only for the present take this abstract Idea of Plato's Moral , and Supernatural Philosophie . As for his Moral Philosophie , it may , according to the different 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or regard it has to its object , be distributed into (1) Ethick , which respects personal Gubernation and Morals . (2) Oeconomick , which regards the Regiment of Families . (3) Politick , which comprehends the Government of Cities and Nations .

1 Plato's Ethicks . 1. Of the chiefest good . As for Plato's Ethicks , we find in him excellent Contemplations and Discourses (1) of the chiefest Good , which he stiles (1) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , altogether true . ( Rep. 9. ) i. e. most real ▪ substanti●l , and so●● . (2) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , most proper , Rep. 9. (3) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , self-sufficient (4) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , ●●mply good . (5) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the cause of all good (6) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the most necessary good . ( 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the supream idea of all good . (8) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Infinite . (9) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , eternal , and mo● living . ( 10 ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , uniform . ( 11 ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , pure , immixed , without sorrow . ( 12 ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , opp●r●unc . ( 13 ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Divine , and god-like good . All which contemplation of the chiefest Good , are applicable to none but God : neither may we presume , that Plato could receive them any way , save only by some scriptural Tradition of God .

2. Of Virtue . § . 2. Plato Philosophizeth very morally of Virtue , its Divine Infusion , Nature , and Excellencie . (1) Touching the Divine Infusion of Virtue , Plato Meno 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , fol. 99. proves at large that Virtue came not by Institution , but 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , by a Divine Infusion ; which he proves from this , that God oft useth the most unkilful instruments in the production of Virtue . (2) As for the Nature of Virtue , Plato stiles it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Harmony of the s●ul ; also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Musick of the soul : And again , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the symmetrie , and good order of the soul , whereby every facultie keeps its due place and motion : whence (3) follows the Excellence of Virtue ; which Plato placeth in this ; that it gives Health , Amplitude , Libertie , Nobilitie , Firmitude , and perfection unto the humane So●l .

8. Of Sin . § . 3. Plato Philosophizeth very notably of Sin , both ingenite , and acquisite . He makes sin to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an excess , or transgression of the Law : also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an acting against right reason : whence he makes it to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , ( as Epinom . fol 978. ) an irrational , confused , irregular motion , &c. And particularly , of irregular inordinate pleasures , he proves , Repub. 9. That they are the greatest Tyrants ; for the more indulgent the mind is to them , the more tyrannick , and insolent they are .

4. Of the Affections , their Temperance & Moderation . § . 4. Plato discourseth even to admiration , of that Temperance , and moderation , which ought to be in the Affections , and sensitive appetite . He makes Temperance to consist chiefly in 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a certain Symphonie , and Harmonie of the Affections , as Rep. 4. whence he makes the temperate man to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , stronger than himself : whereas the intemperate man is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , weaker and worse than himself , i. e. than his sensitive , animal part .

§ . 5. Plato Philosophizeth very Divinely of Love , Particularly of Love . its soveraign Throne in , and Influence on the Soul , together with its proper Acts. This he discourseth of at large in his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which is wholly sper● in the Explication of this soveraign Affection . And more particularly , Plato hath admirable discourses of Amitie , or Friendship as in his Lysis ; where he professedly sets himself to Philosophize on this Theme , which the Title of this Dialogism stiled , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , of friendship , plainly enough imports .

§ . 6. Lastly , Plato discourseth most accurately of Justice , Of Justice ▪ in its Vniversal Idea and Notion ; especially in his Repub. 4. where he explicates its nature , and influence in all affairs . So again in his de Leg. 12. We find many other great Ethick contemplation● , and characters , as in other his Dialogues .

§ . 7. As for Plato's Oeconomicks , Plato's Oeconomicks . he philosophizeth incomparably of Imitation ; which he makes to be the most efficacious principle of paternal Government . So in his de Leg. 5. as else where , he demonstrates , that the best institution of youth is by example , & conversation . He treats also of Education more largely in his Repub. 4.7 . De Leg. 1 , 5 , 7.

§ . 8. But that which renders Plato most famous as to Morals , Plato's Politicks . is his Politick discourses , which may be reduced to these three Heads , 1. Such as relate to the constitution , and due Administration of a Republick . 2. Such as treat of Laws both humane and Divine . 3. Such as give us the Character of a good Magistrate , to administer according to such Laws . Of each of these he philosophizeth at large in his Books de Republica , and de Legibus , &c.

§ . 9. Touching Plato's Metaphysicks , or Supernatural Philosophie , Plato's Metaphysicks . we are not without great notices thereof , 1 He seems to have had great notions , or rather Traditions ( originally Judaick ) of Gods Essence , 1. Of God , his Essence , and 2. Attributes . 1. Vnitie . as described , Exod. 3.14 . whom , in imitation of Moses , he stiles 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. 2. His Attributes , and 1. his Vnitie ; that there is one , and but one true God : he demonstrates at large against the Atheists , and Polytheists of his Age , in his de Repub. 10. fol. 886. and that (1) From the nature of Visibles , and the most harmonious varietie of Times . (2) From Vniversal Consent . (3) From Motion , and the first Motor , (4) From the Soul of the Vniverse , or the providence of God Inspiring , and animating all things , fol. 895. 1. From that great innate Idea of God in the soul , 899 , &c. 2. Plato discourseth very Divinely of the simplicitie of God , Of God's Simplicitie . whom he makes to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , without mixture , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to remain simple in his own form . 3. He av●wedly owns Gods Immutabilitie . Gods Immutabilitie . So in his Parmenides , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the one first Being is immobile , and the same . Again he saies , that God is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. 4. Plato also demonstrates the Eternitie of God . God's Eternitie . So Timaeo fol. 27. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that which is alwayes the same , can have no beginning . The same he insists on in his Phaedrus . 5. Plato Parmen. 1 , 8. proves the omnipresence of God , God's Omnipresence . from his Simplicitie , and immensitie : for that which has no bounds , cannot be confined . 6. Plato vindicates the Justice of God . God's Justice . Parmen. 134. With God there is the most exact Government , &c. So de Leg. 3. He saies , That Justice follows God , as the vindicator of his Law , so de Leg. 10. 7. He philosophizeth also accurately of God's Fidelitie and Veracitie ; Of God's Veracitie . he saith , God is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Truth it self , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the first Truth . 8. He greatly defends the puritie of God , God's Puritie . Rep. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. God can do no Evil , neither is he the Author of Evil. 9.

God's Benignitie .

God's Omniscience .

God's incomprehensibilitie God's Will the cause of all things .

He makes mention of the Benignitie of God , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , is not God good ? &c. 10. He mentions also the Omniscience of God , and demonstrates the same at large , Parmen. fol. 134. &c. where he treats at large of Divine Ideas ; as also in his Timaeus . 11. He discourseth also of God's incomprehensibilitie , Parmen. 134. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. 12. He makes God's will to be the Original , Vniversal , Soveraign , and first cause of all things , as also of their futurition , Repub. 6. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. 13. Farther Plato treats largely , and accurately of the providence of God , of Religion , of the puritie and simplicitie of divine Worship , &c. Lastly , Plato philosophizeth very sublimely of the Human Soul , 2. Of the Human Soul . its divine origination , immaterialitie , infinite capacitie , immortalitie , perfection , and Activity . These , with many other Metaphysick contemplations , Plato philosophizeth much of , which greatly demonstrate his acquaintance with , and derivations from Judaick Traditions , as it may hereafter farther appear .

BOOK IV. Of Peripatetick , Cynick , Stoick , Sceptick , and Epicurean Philosophie .

CHAP. I. Of Aristotelick , or Peripatetick Philosophie , it 's Traduction from the Jews .

The traduction of Aristotle's Philosophie from the Jews , proved 1. By Testimonies of Aristobulus , Clearchus , Clemens , Eusebius , Steuch . Eugub . Selden . 2. By rational Arguments ; 1. Aristotle's converse with Jews , or , 2. with their books ; 3. his chief notions from Plato . 1. His Physicks : touching the first matter from Gen. 1.2 . Gods being the first mover : the souls spirituality . 2. His Metaphysicks , object . Adequate ens , Principal God ; Gods providence , and the Souls separate state , why Aristotle rejected some Traditions of Plato . His Ethicks , and Politicks Jewish . Aristotle's Life , and Character ; his Parallel with Plato . His Doctrines Acroatick , and Exoterick . His Works , which genuine , &c. His Successor Theophrastus . His Interpreters , Aphrodiseus , &c. The Arabian Commentators followed by the Scholemen . The general idea of Aristotle's Philosophie , and particularly ; 1. Of Aristotle's Logick . 2. His Ethicks . 1. of mans happiness , both objective and formal . 2. of the principles of humane Acts. 1. of the practick Judgment , or Prudence . 2. of Volition . 3. of Consultation . 4. Of Election . 3. Of Voluntariness and Liberty , their identitie and combination with voluntarie intrinsick necessitie , &c. 4. Of Moral Good or Virtue , its genus , habit ; its form , mediocritie ; its rule , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or the Law of Nature ; its definition , &c. Of Sin , its 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 anomie , &c. 3. His Physicks . 4. His Metaphysicks .

The Traduction of Aristotle's Philosophie from the Jews proved , 1. By Testimonies of Aristobulus . § . 1. NExt to the Platonick , we shall mention the Peripatetick , or Aristotelick Philosophie , which received no small advantage , and improvement , from the Jewish Church , and Scripture ; as we may both from Autoritative , and Rational Arguments justly conclude . As for Autorities , we have first that of Arist●bulus , a sectator of Aristotle's Philosophie , mentioned by Clemens Alexandr . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 5. who brings in Aristobulus affirming , that Aristotle 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , depended much upon Moses's Law , and the other Prophets . So again , Clemens Alexandrinus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 1. and Eusebius Praep. Evang. lib 9. Make mention of one Clearchus Solens●s , Of Clearchus a Disciple of Aristotle's , who testifieth , that he saw a certain Jew , with whom Aristotle had conversation . Eusebius's words are these , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. Clearchus a Peripatetick Philosopher , in his first Book of Sleep , &c. In what follows Eusebius , ( quoting Clearchus's own words ) shews us , That whilst Aristotle lived in the maritime Regions of Asia , amongst other Students of Philosophie , there associated himself to him a certain studious Inquisitive Jew , who conversing familiarly with Aristotle , and his Disciples , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , ( which according to Clearchus's relation , are Aristotle's words ) he communicated more than he received . Then Eusebius addes : Honored Clemens makes mention also hereof in 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ▪ 1. concerning which , he thus speaks : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Clearchus the Peripatetick , saies he , knew a certain Jew , who had conversation with Aristotle . Thus Euseb. Praep. l. 9. f. 240. Edit. Paris 1544. August . Steuch . Eugub . abounds much in this argument ; Aug. Steuch . Eugubinus . Namely , that the best parts of Aristotle's Philosophie were derived originally from the Mosaick Theologie . Thus de Perenni Philosoph . lib. 4. cap. 1. Eugubinus gives us Aristotle's confession , That there was one God , who overraled not only heavenly Motions , but also the whole world , answerable to Moses's Theologie . The same he confirms cap. 7.8.9 . The like he proves of the Divine Beatitude , consisting in contemplation , as cap. 11.12.19 . But more particularly cap. 20. he demonstrates , how Aristotle confessing , that God created man and woman for the preservation of man-kind , marvellously accorded with Moses herein . For Aristotle in Oeconomicis , de Conjugio , shewing how necessarie Marriage is , saith , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , It was thus provided by the Divinitie itsel● , or God , that there should be a Nature both of Male and Female for communion . Whence Eugubinus collects , That as Moses saith , He created them male and female : so thou hearest Aristotle in this place ( which is a wonder ) saying , That the Divinitie provided that there should be Male and Female for communion , to the intent that Nature , which cannot subsist in one Individual , might be propagated by the succession of species : Thou shalt see therefore in Aristotle , and wonder at the same , the same Theologie which is in Moses , touching the creation of man , &c. Thus Eugubinus ; who lib. 9. cap. 7. thoroughout Demonstrates more fully , That Aristotle marvellously accorded with the Mosaick Theologie , touching mans creation by God , the formation of the bodie , the difference of Sex , and the Infusion of the Soul from without . And in what follows cap. 8.9 . He proves that Aristotle conceived the same , touching the immortalitie of the Soul . To which we may add the Testimony of Selden , ( de Jure Nat. Gent. Hebraeor . lib. 1. cap. 2. fol 14.15 . ) where , having cited the Authoritie of Aristobulus , for Aristotle's traducing much of his Philosophie from the Jews , he addes : And certainly there is yet extant an old comment of some Hebrews , affirming , That Aristotle being about to die , instructed his Disciples touching the immortalitie of the Soul , also of its punishment , and reward , according as he had been taught by the peculiar Posteritie of Shem , id est , by the Jews : al●o that having been admonished by Simeon the Just ( High Priest ) he changed his old Opinions , in all points , wherein he had formerly held against the Law , and Doctrine of the Hebrews , and was transformed into another man . MSS : in the Library at Oxford . But albeit there is no ground , why we should believe these Figments ; yet hence it is sufficiently evident , that there prevailed an opinion even amongst the Hebrews themsel●es , of a singular communion , and commerce 'twixt them and the ancient Greek Philosophers , as to the Traduction , and Reception of Sciences , whereunto the Christian Fathers , Clemens Alexandrinus , Justin , Theodoret , Ambrose , and others , are Consonous . Thus Selden ; who fol. 23. addes more of like import .

Rational Arguments . 1. From Aristotle's converse with Jews . § . 2. But to come to some rational conjectures , whence we may with great probabilitie conclude , that Aristotles Philosophie , as to its purer , and more Orthodox parts , was very much traduced from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures . If that prove true , which was even now mentioned , that Aristotle was in Asia , yea in Syria , and Judea , ( as we may presume with Alexander ) then we may easily be satisfied , how he came to acquaint himself with the Jewish Learning , and Records . For if Aristotle attended Alexander unto Phenicia , and Judea , we cannot rationally conceive he would let pass such a people as the Jews were , so renowned for ancient Records and Wisdom , without acquainting himself with their Principles and Doctrine , especially they being those , from whom his Master Plato received his choicest contemplations . 2. Alexander's procuring him all Oriental Books . 2. But on supposition , that Aristotle was not in Judea with Alexander , yet 't is credibly said , that Alexander furnished him with all the choicest Books ( yea , whole Libraries ) that he could meet with in his Eastern Expedition : amongst which , we may rationally conjecture the Jewish Records , and Books were not omitted : especially if that be true , which Josephus mentions of Alexander's coming to Jerusalem , and vouchsafing particular honours and favours to the Jewish Nation , 3. Aristotle's Philosophie from Plato . &c. But 3. This is certain , that Aristotle received the more choice parts of his Philosophie from his Master Plato , as we could easily demonstrate , by multitudes of particulars , both in his Physicks , Metaphysicks , Ethicks , and Politicks , wherein Aristotle follows Plato in many of his choicer Notions , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , though he cloaths them in his own Method . Now that Plato received his Philosophie , both matter and form , for the chiefest part , from the Jews , and sacred Scriptures , has been proved in the former Book .

§ . 4. But to give a more full Demonstration of the Traduction of Aristotles Philosophie from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures originally , we shall give some brief touches on some of the more principal materials thereof . As 1. whence sprang the choicer parts of Aristotle's Physicks , 1. Aristotle's Physicks from Plato , and both from Gen. 1.2 . &c. Aristotle's first matter . but from some Traditions imparted to him by his Master Plato . Thus Aristotle's notions about the first matter of all things , and its affections are evidently nothing else but some broken fragments of those Traditions , which Plato had received originally from the Jewish Church , touching the first Chaos , or rude Mass , out of which all things were at first created , as Gen. 1 , 2. Hence it was that Aristotle stiles his first matter Informe , yet capable of any form ; indeterminate , and indigested , a meer passive power , &c. which are notions exactly conform to the Mosaick description , Gen. 1.2 . as we have before demonstrated . The same may be said for Aristotle's two other principles , privation and Forme , Aristotle's first mover from Plato's description of God . of which we have before treated in Plato's Physicks . Again Aristotle in his Physicks lib. 1. cap. 1 ▪ 2.3.6.7 . as lib. 8. cap. 6.7.10 . is very copious in his Philoso●hizings on the first Mover ; proving , that he is immoveable , one eternal indivisible Being , void of all quantity , &c. wherein he exactly follows Plato , and the Scripture Revelation of God , as Joh. Grammaticus in Aristot . de anima . As to the humane Soul , ( which takes up a good part of Physicks ) Diogenes Laertius , in the life of Aristotle , assures us , that he held with Plato , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that the soul was spiritual , Of the Soul its spirituality &c. The same is mentioned by Johan Grammaticus in his Preface to Arist. de Anima . This Plato received originally from the Jewish Church , as we have before proved , &c. Farther Aristotle seems to have had some Notices of the Soul's creation and infusion by God . Aristoteles mirifice consentit cum Theologia Mosaica , hominem à Deo conditum , formatumque corpus , datamque sexus varietatem ▪ animam autem exterius inspiratam . Steuch . Eugubin . de Peren. Philos. l. 9. c. 7 Thus Steuch . Eugubinus de Pereu ▪ Philosoph . lib. 4. cap. 24. As Moses said , God breathed into his Nostrils the breath of life , Gen. 2.7 . So Aristotle , in libris de Generat . Animal . saies , that the mind came 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 from without . So Aristot . de Anima , having proved that it is imp●ssible that the sensitive Soul should come from without , because it is conteined in the seed : he concludes of the mind . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , It remains that the mind alone be infused from without , and that it alone be Divine , whose operation communicates not with corporeous action . Whence the same Aristotle calls the mind 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , most ●kin to God . Yea , de Anima , lib. 1 ▪ text . 4. He makes the soul , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to be impatible , and im●●ixt , i. e. simple and incorruptible . So text 7. he saies , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , but the mind is separable from the bodie , i e. incorporeous . See more Part. 1. B. 3. c. 7. § . 6. Yea , why may we not safely conjecture , that Aristotle received the chief Ideas of his Historie of Animals ( which is his Master-piece ) from Solomon's Books , which he writ of the Nature of Animals ? 2. 2. Aristotles Metaphysicks from Plato . But we pass on to Aristotle's Metaphysicks , which indeed seem nothing else but some fragments , or miscellaneous collections he had gathered up out of Plato's Philosophie . For the chief object of his Metaphysicks , he makes to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. ens quatenus ens ; which is the proper notion whereby Plato ( as Pythagoras before him ) expressed God , Principal object of Metaphysicks from Exod. 3.14 . traduced originally from Exod. 3.14 . as we have fully proved afore in Pythagoras's Metaphysicks , chap. 8. § . 4. The simple affections of this 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ens , Being , Aristotle makes to be Vnity , Verity , and Bonity , The Affections of Ens , Vnity , Veritie , and Bonitie . which are the Affections , which Plato attributes unto God , and that in imitation of Jewish and sacred Tradition as before . B. 2. C. 8. §. 4.5 . Farther , that Aristotle had much knowledge of God , his spiritual Nature , and Providence , and that from his Master Plato's Philosophizings , Aristotle's knowledge of God . we are informed by Diogen●s Laertius in his Life ; where he tells us , that Aristotle conformable to Plato , defined God thus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , God is a spirit . He also tells us , Touching Aristotle's Notions of God , and their conformitie to Moses . See Steuch . Eugubinus de Peren. Philos. l. 4. c. 1.7.8.9 . &c. that Aristotle held Gods Providence to reach 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , even to Celestials , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and that he was immoveable , b●t ordered earthly affairs , according to that sympathie , or congr●ence they had to Celestials . Another piece of Metaphysicks regards the Soul in its separate State , whereof some think Aristotle had some notices . So Sir Kenelm Digby , in his discourse of the Soul , fol. 431. first Edit. Eng. ) If we ( saith he ) had Aristotle's Book , which he wrote of the Soul , upon the Death of his Friend Eudemus , it 's very likely we should there see his evident assertion of her immortalitie , The Soul separated . &c. This some gather also from that passage , which is said to drop from him whilst he lay a dying , viz. O Being of Beings have mercy on me . A rational account why Aristotle rejected some of the more sublime , and Mystick Traditions of Plato . But to speak what seems to be the truth in this matter : Though Aristotle was ready to entertain such notions of God , and his Providence , as were agreeable to the model of his Reason , yet such as depended purely on Tradition he rejected , as not agreeable to a Philosopher . Hence , whereas Plato ( as Pythagoras , and all the Philosophers before Aristotle ) held the production of the first matter by God ; he asserted an Eternitie of Matter : and whereas Plato asserted that all things were made conformable to the exemplar of Divine Ideas , or Decrees ; Aristotle not fully comprehending what Plato imperfectly received , and imparted , touching those Divine Ideas , utterly expungeth them out of his Philosophie . This therefore seemeth to be the genuine reason why Aristotle embraced not more readily those greater , and more Divine mysteries of Jewish Wisdom , as well as his Master Plato , and Pythagoras ; because they were matters of pure belief , above the reach of his natural Reason . Plato , as Pythagoras , conversing much in the Oriental parts , and ( as we have endeavoured to prove ) with many Jews in Aegypt , &c. They much recreated themselves with any ancient Records , Traditions , or Reports of Divine matters , though never so mysterious , and above their capacities : But Aristotle giving himself up wholly to the government of his Reason , he confined himself to such Tradit●ons , as would suit therewith , rejecting all other , which his corrupt Reason could not comprehend , or reduce to demonstration . And he himself seems to give this as a reason , why he discoursed no more of things future , and Divine ; because ( saith he , Eth. lib. 1. cap. 10. ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , what is future , is to us uncertain . He so much idolized his own Reason ( which was indeed very Masculine and Nervous ) as that he slighted all Traditions , which carried not with them evidence , and Notices of their Truth . ( This made him either wholly to reject , or else miserably to adulterate the more sublime , and Divine of Plato's Traditions ) . But 3. 3. Aristotle'● Ethicks . As to Aristotle's Ethicks , there seems to be more evident Characters of their Traduction from the sacred Jewish fountain originally , if not immediately , for all the Characters , he gives ( Ethic. lib. 1. cap. 1.2 . &c. ) of the chiefest good , are the same , which Plato laies down : so also his Character of Friendship , Justice , Temperance , and other Virtues , are for the main ( though not in the same method ) derived from Plato , and we need not doubt , but originally from some sacred Author , Solomon , or some other . 4. As for Aristotle's Politicks , 4. His Politicks from the Jews . great part of them seem to have much cognat●on with the Jewish Institutes , and we may rationally conjecture , had their derivation thence : So Cunaeus ( de Repub. Hebr. p. 21. ) tells us , That Aristotle in his Books of Politicks , recites certain Edicts , composed by the most ancient Legislators , which are very like to the Mosaick In●titutes . For Oxylus , King of the El●ans , forbids his Subjects to Morgage their Fields for mony And the Locrenses were forbid to sell the possessions of their Ancestors , &c. And in our former discourse of Philologi● , touching the Original of Pagan Laws , we have proved their Traduction from the Institutes of Moses , &c.

§ . 4. Aristotle's Life . But to proceed to somewhat a more general account of Aristotle , his Life , and Philosophie , which peradventure may add some strength to our particular Hypothesis . Aristotle was born at Stagira , ( belonging sometimes to Thracia , but at Aristotle's birth under the Macedonian Empire ) his Parents were Nicomachus , and Phaestis , according to that Greek Hexameter 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . This Nicomachus was Physician to King Amyntas , who was Father to Philip , and Grandfather to Alexander the Great . Aristotle in memory of his Father , called his Son Nicomachus , to whom he writes his Ethicks , which were thence called his Nicomachia , to difference them from his Eudemia , and Magna Moralia . For Aristotle left three sorts of Ethicks , as Vossius . Albeit Cicero doubts , whether these Ethicks were not writ by Nicomachus himself : that this Nicomachus writ Books of Ethick● , is the affirmation of Suidas . Aristotle in the sevent●enth year of his age went to Plato , whom he heard twenty years . After Plato's death , which was in the first year of 108 Olympiad ( Speusippus his Nephew succeeding in the Academy ) Aristotle went to Hermias the Eunuch , King of Artana of Mysia , with whom he lived three years . After the death of Hermias , upon the request of Philip , Aristotle came to Macedon , where having lived eight years with Alexander , he returned to Athens ; And the Academic being praepossessed by Xenocrates , Aristotle made choice of the Lycëum ( a place in the Suburbs of Athens , Peripatetici a 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 nominati sectae suae conditorem & caput agnoscunt Aristotelem , qui in Xysto seu horto ambulationi accommodato docebat . Laert. lib. 5. Hornius Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 15 built by Pericles for the exercising of Souldiers ) where he taught Philosophie , walking constantly every day 'till the hour of Anointing , whence his Sect was called Peripatetick . Thus Laertius . So also Hesychius in Aristotle : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 The Peripatetick Philosophie was so termed from Aristotle , who began it in the Peripatum , or Ambulatorie . So Cicero Academ . 1. Those who were with Aristotle , were called Peripateticks , because they dispated walking in the Lycëum . Aristotle taught Philosophie in the Lycëum twelve years . But after the death of Alexander , who upheld him , some of his Emplators conspiring against his Life , he left Athens , and went to Chalcis . He lived after the death of Plato 26 years , and died 63 years aged : Whereof see more in Laertius of his life , &c.

Aristotle's Character . § . 5. As for Aristotle's Character , we find him greatly applauded by the Ancients for his Vniversal skill in Sciences . Plato himself ( who is sometimes invective against Aristotle ) stiles him 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Intellect of his Schole ; as also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Philosopher of Truth . Laertius lib. 5. saies , That he was a person of great Study , and incredible Invention . It is said also , That he was the first that collected the dispersed members of Philosophie into one bodie , and Systeme : he prescribed in his Logick a certain form of Argumentation : he perfected Ethicks begun by Socrates : of Physicks he discoursed so accurately , as that he left all , even Plato himself behind him : he bestowed most profitable indeavours in searching into the Historie of Animals , of which he writ almost 50 Volumns : as Pliny lib. 8. cap. 16. Quintil. lib. 12. cap. 11. & Hornius Hist. Philos. lib. 3. cap. 15. Quintilian lib. 10. cap. 1. makes this honourable mention of him : Why should I mention Aristotle ? whom I doubt , whether I should account more famous for his knowledge of things , or for his copiousness of writing , or for his s●avitie of speech , or for his Acumen of Invention , or for his variety of Works . Plinie stiles him the Co●yphaeus in all Sciences . Arnobius lib. 3. advers. Gent. tells us , That Aristotle was a person of an excellent ingenie , and surpassing in Doctrine : Nay , is bold to stile him , One of an Vniversal knowledge ; yea , the measure or end of humane understanding . Hieronymus in Reg. Monach cap. 11. saies , Aristotle was the Prince of the Wise men , a Prodigie , and the grand Miracle in all Nature , who seems to have had infused into him whatever the humane ingenie was naturally capable of . And in cap. 3. Ionae , he attests , that there w●re certain honorarie pieces of brass mony , stampt on the one side with Aristotle's Image , and on the other , with this Inscription , Naturae Miraculum , the Miracle of Nature , as Hornius Hist. Philos. lib. 3 , cap. 15. See a more ample Character of Aristotle's glorie , that he was too invective , and invidious against such as differed from him , and not so candid in relating their opinion , as he ought to have been . This is evident from his smister treating Democritus , Parmemdes , yea , and his own Master Plato , who felt the strokes of his censorious Rod , whence Laertius brings in Plato , complaining against Aristotle , that he was like a young Colt , that kicked against its Dam , &c. Indeed we have a just , and exact Character of Aristotle , in Cas● speculo Moral . Quaest. lib. 1. cap. 6. I conceive ( saies he ) Aristotle to be in refuting others a Camel , in Philosophizing the Prince of all . I call him a Camel in refuting , because he strikes them with the heels of Envy , from whose dugs he sucked the Nectar of Philosophie . In Philosophizing , I call him a Prince , because he discourseth so of the secrets of Nature , as none more acutely , he demonstrates so , as none more accurately ; he defends so , as none more stoutly . Wherefore , as in ref●ting others , he is scarcely to be saluted : so in his demonstrating of things , I would have him to be embraced with both arms . If he refels ( if I mistake not ) he doth either change the word , or invert the sense , or feign a new one : and as Hercules with the Pygmeys , so Aristotle with a shadow , contends de lana caprina .

A comparison 'twixt Plato , & Aristotle . § . 6. If we consider Aristotle , comparatively with Plato , we shall find the learned very differing in their comparisons 'twixt the one , and the other . Some there are , who place Aristotle in many degrees of Preeminence above Plato , as the Scholemen universally do : Others there are , who give the Precedence to Plato , as some Fathers did . But if any degree of comparison be lawful , I think that of Ludovicus Vives is most agreeable , who gives them each , though in different regards , a preeminence over the other . So Lud. Vives in August . Civ . lib. 8. cap. 12. The Greeks stile Plato 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Divine , Aristotle 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Daemon , or Intelligent . Aristotle , I had almost said , excels Plato in the Science of Rhetorick , 1. As to Rhetorick . albeit Plato , Plato omnium Philosophorum praecipuus uberē , amplam , uno verbo Ulys●eam orationē affectabat . Horn. Hist. Phil. l. 7. c. 14. without peradventure , surpasseth Aristotle in the exercitation and use thereof . For Aristotle alwaies loved brevity , both of things , and sentences : therefore his great care was to admit of no supervacaneous word , Plato said , that Xenocrates wanted spurs , but Aristotle his condisciple a bridle , &c. As for Plato's Eloquence , it is thus characterized by Quintilian , lib. 10. cap 1. Plato was invested with a kind of Divine , and Homerick facultie of Orating : He swells much beyond Prose , and that which the Greeks call Pedester Oration ; so that he seems to me to be inspired not with the ingenie of a man , but with a certain Delphick Oracle . Aristotle used an elegant Oration , but acc●rate , nervous , strict , and next to an obscure mode of speech as Horn. Hi●t . Phil. lib 7. cap. 14 If we compare Aristotle and Plato in point of Logick , 2 As to Logick . and method of Philosophizing , it is evident that Plato's Logick , or me●hod of Rat●●cination , was more plain and familiar , mixed with many elegant illustrations and examples whereas Aristotle's method was more artificial , and accurate , consisting of more exact definitions , divisions , and demonstrations . Whence that Famous saying , Plato teacheth , Aristotle proves . Thus Keck . Tract. 2. praecogn . Logic. cap. 2. God has honoured the Peripatetick Sect only with this glory , that what Plato , and others handled , and delivered confusedly , and imperfectly , without Method , and order , under the shadows of Metaphors , and Fables , the same things Aristotle first delivered unto mankind , under the form of a dext'rous Method well regulated , and whose parts are full , and complete . But if we compare them in regard of Metaphysicks , and divine contemplations , its evident , yea , 3. As to Metaphysicks . confest , that Aristotle was far inferiour to Plato herein : And the reason is as apparent ; for Plato delighting himself much in Jewish Traditions , which he had imbibed partly from the Pythagorean Philosophie , and partly by means of his own personal conversation in the Oriental parts , he thereby obtained great notices of Divine Mysteries , especially of such as related to the origine of the Vniverse , the spiritual nature , and perfection of God , the Immortality of the Soul &c. But Aristotle , as Simplicius observes of him , confining himself to the sphere of his own Reason , would needs examine Divine matters by Nature , and admit nothing but what was grounded on Natures Light , or rather on his own corrupt Reason . Whence he rejected all such Oriental Traditions , as would not stoop to his proud Ratiocination ,

Aristotle 's Doctrines either Acroatick or Exoterick .

Aristoteles horis matutinis legebat ea , quae subtilioris erant indaginis , sive 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; à meridie Exotericis dabat operam . Gell. l. 20. c. 4. Hornius hist. Phil. l. 7. c. 4.

as before .

§ . 7. Aristotle's Philosophizings were ( as 't is presumed ) by himself distributed into 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Acroaticks , or Acroamaticks , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Exotericks ▪ his Acroatick Doctrines he taught in the morning wa●king in the Lycëum , whereunto he admitted none but the choicer wits , or genuine Disciples whence 't was termed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; the Exotericks he taught in the evening , whence it was called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : these were more common . His Acroaticks contain his more subtile Philosophie namely his Physicks , and Logick Disceptations : his Exotericks comprehend his more vulgar Philosophizings , and other Discourses ; as his Politicks , Ethicks , Rhetorick , and such like . Thus Gellius , lib. 20. cap. 4. Aristotle ' 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 were those his Comments , which conduced to Rhetorick meditatations , the Facultie of wrangling , and the knowledge of Politicks . His 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 were those , in which more remote , and subtile Philosophie , was agitated , and which appertained to Physick Contemplations , and Dialectick Disceptations . His Acroamaticks he read in the morning to h●s more ripe and choice Wits , but Exotericks promiscuously without choice : whence the former were called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as the latter 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ▪ according to Horn. Hi●t . Philos. lib 7. cap. 9. Lucian in his Dialogue inscribed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , divides Aristotle's Writings into 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Exotericks , & Esotericks ; whereof the latter are the same with his Acroaticks , which Amm●nius ( in Aristotelis Categ . ) saies , were so called , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 because he therein discoursed with his genuine and proper Disciples . These Acroaticks , he farther acquaints us , were 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , delivered in his own person , namely 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . In which he teacheth in his own proper person , his own Phaenomena , the which he endeavours to prove by the most exquisite arguments , beyond vulgar Capacities . Plutarch in the life of Alexander tells us , that the Peripateticks called these more Mystick , and weightie Doctrines 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Acroamatick , and Epoptick : namely in allusion , unto the Eleusinian Sacreds ; wherein those who were initiated were for the first four years called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 My●ticks : who stood on the threshold before the Sacrarie , Illud non est praetermittendum , circa Aristotelis tempora , Grammaticam , quae vocatur Methodica . Philosoph●ae adjunctam esse . Horn. Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 15. but in the fifth year they had the privilege of being admitted into the inner Sacracy , there to contemplate the hidden Sacreds , whence they were stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 contemplators . So in like manner the Secrets of Philosophie which Aristotle delivered to his genuine Disciples were termed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Epopticks . As for Aristotle's Exotericks , we have them thus explicated by Clemens Alexandr . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . His Dialogicks are such , as he writes not in his own person , but , as Plato , induceth other persons speaking ; which are also called Exotericks because they were written for the benefit of the vulgar sort . See Vossius de Philos. Sect. cap. 17. §. 9.

Aristotle's works what genuine , what not ? § . 8. By what has been mention'd of Aristotle's Dialogicks as also by Laertius's Catalogue of his Works , we may judge how many of his books have perished . For amongst all Aristotle's Works we fi●d none written in a Dialogick Style , though it be generally confest , he writ many Dialogues : so Cicero to Lentulus saies , that he had polished his 3 books of an Orator in a Dialogick Strain , after the Aristotelick mode . Such also were Aristotle's Sophista , & Menexenus , which treated of Morals , and are mentioned by Laertius ; likewise his Nerithus , and Gryllus which treated of the Oratorian Art : also his Eudemus or Dialogue of the Soul . All Which Dialogick Discourses , referred by Cicero , and others to Aristotle's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Exotericks are not now to be found . Yet we may not conclude with Caelio Eurio the Second , that there remain extant only three genuine pieces of Aristotle , viz his Historie of Animals , his book of the World , and his Rhetorick to Alexander : For there are many other pieces of Aristotle , which carry with them evident notices of his spirit ; as his book 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , also his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , both the one and the other ; his books 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and those of the Soul , &c. Yet 't is very probable , that the book of the Vniverse , reckoned amongst Aristotle's Works , was not his , because it has too orthodox sentiments of God , his Providence , and Gubernation , which Aristotle seems not to approve of . Also that other piece of Rhetorick to Alexander , mentioned by Caelio Curio , is supposed not to be Aristotle's but Anaxamines Lampsacenus's who also was master to Alexander the Great , as Vossius de Philosoph . Sect. cap. 17. §. 13.

§ . 9. Aristotele's books how conveighed to posteritie . Aristotle dying left his Librarie of books to Theophrastus his successor : Theophrastus leaves them to Neleus who was also Disciple of Aristotle , as Laertius tells us . Neleus sells them to Ptolomaeus Philadelphus , who transferred them into his Alexandrine Librarie , as Athenaeus lib. 1. Thus Is . Casaubon . in Athen. lib. 1. cap. 2. Aristotle's Librarie was first possessed by Theophrastus : whence it by Testament descended to Neleus . The story is known out of Strabo , Plutarch , Diogenes . You may learn out of Strabo , how true it is , that Ptolomie bought the books of this Philosopher from Neleus , or his posteritie , &c. Thus Casaubon . we have the words of Strabo lib. 13. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Aristotle was the first , that we know of , who collected books , and taught the Kings of Egypt to erect a Librarie . That Aristotle was a great affector of books , appears by an observation of Gellius lib. 3. cap. 17. who tells us , Hornius Histor. Phil. l. 3. c. 15. that Aristotle paid 3 Attick talents for some few books of Speusippus the Philosopher , &c. What is said of Ptolemie's buying Aristotele's books of Neleus some understand of his Library onely : For those books , which Aristotle writ himself , 't is reported , that Neleus retained them for himself , and transmitted them to his posteritie , who being not learned kept them under keys , without use . Hence Strabo calls them 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , books lockt up . Yea , 't is said , that they , fearing least the Kings of Pergamus ( who erected a great Librarie , which was afterwards by Cleopatra's means transferred to Alexandria ) should take them away , hid them long under ground , which brought no small damage to these Books ; for hereby they grew mouldy , worm-eaten , moth eaten , &c. After this Apellico Teius buyes them , who being as Atheneas characterizeth him * * 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , rather than 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . more bookish then learned , causeth these worm-eaten books of Aristotle to be transcribed and made publick , but without judgement , or fidelity . After his death Sylla ( about 200. years after Aristotle's death ) possessing Athens , takes these Books , and sends them to Rome ( as Plutarch in Sylla ) where Tyrannio Grammaticus , a great Student in Aristotle , obtained from the Keeper of the Librarie , the use of them . And the Bookselle●s got these books transcribed , but by unmeet Librarians , and such as would not so much as compare their Transcripts with the Original Exemplar . Whence Aristotle's Books received farther detriment . Plutarch . in Sylla . This Tyrannio delivered over these Books to And●onicus Rhod●us , who was the first that took care for the more exact transcribing of Aristotle's Books into many Exemplars ▪ in order to the publication of them . Thence men began to dispute more about Acroaticks , whereas in the foregoing time , even from the decease of Theophrastus ( by reason of the scarcitie of Aristotle's choicest pieces ) they were wont to dispute onely about Exotericks probably , &c. As Vossius de Philosoph . Sect. cap. 17. § . 11. Though indeed to speak the truth , Aristotle came not to be in so general repute till Alexander Aphrod seus began to enterpret him ; Aristotle 's Successors , Theophrastus , &c. Apud Theophrastum graviter elaborata est Philosophia . Pic. Mirandul . in Apol. 90. Thes. as hereafter .

§ . 10. Aristotle's Successor was Theophrastus Eresius , who was first called Tyrtamus , but afterward , by reason of his ( as they phrased it ) Divine Eloquence , was by his Master Aristotle named Theophrastus . Thus Strabo lib. 13. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Theophrastus was first called Tyrtamus ; for Aristotle first called him Theophrastus , both to avoid the asperity of his former name , as also to signifie the excellence of his eloquence : for Aristotle made all his disciples eloquent , but Theophrastus most eloquent . See the same in Diogenes Laertius , Hesychius Illustris , and Suidas . Theophrastus being a person greatly esteemed for his Learning , and Eloquence , had a huge confluence of Disciples , at least Auditors , to the number of 2000 , as Laertius , and Hesychius . He does in some things differ from his Master Aristotle : as in Meteors , touching the efficient cause of the Rains ; also concerning the cause of the Oblique Winds , the matter of hot and dry Exhalations , the original of the saltness of the Sea , &c. Theophrastus seems to write of some things more exactly than Aristotle ; as of other things , which are not mentioned by Aristotle . He has excellent Physick discourses of Plants , of the Winds , of Fire , besides many choice Moral characters . The greatnesse of his worth , is sufficiently discovered in Aristotle's choice of him for his ●uccessor . For Gellius lib. 13. cap. 5. tells us , That Aristotle about the time of his departure , being demanded whom he would have for his Successor , whether Theophrastus Lesbius , or E●demus Rhodius ? commanded them to bring him two sorts of Wi●e , the Rhodi●● , and Lesbian ; and having tasted of both , he replye● the Rhodian wine was very good , but the Lesbian was sweeter : by which lepid , and pleasant answer , he discovered his pre●●● on of Lesbius Theophrastus , before Eudemus Rhodius . The Auditors of Theophrastus were Strato Lampsacenus , and Demetrius Phalereus . Strato was succeeded by Lycon Troadensis , Lycon by Aristo Ceius , Aristo by Critolaus Phasilites , Critolaus by Diodorus , and he by Neleus .

§ . 11. Amongst the Commentators on Aristotle , Alexander Aphrodiseus the chief commentator on Aristotle . Alexander Aphrodiseus has the precellence given him by the Learned , and that both for his Antiquity , th●re being none of Aristotle's Enterpreters more ancient ( save Herminus , whose Commentaries are all , except a few fragments , lost ) as also for his intimate acquaintance with Aristotle's mind , and firm adherence thereto . For as for the other Commentators , they either take part with Plato , wherein he differs from Aristotle , as Simplicius ; or else they endeavour to reconcile Aristotle with Plato , as Ammonito , &c. whereas Alexander Aphrosideus follows Aristotle 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and defends h●m stoutly against the Stoicks , and other Sects . Whence it was , that Plotinus was wont for the understanding of Aristotle , to consult Alexander , as Porphyrie in his Life : and the Greeks call him , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the great Enterpreter . Cyril also against Julian , stiles him the Lover of Aristotle , and the most diligent , and most acute of all the Philosophers . Whence also the Arabian Commentators , Averroes , Avicenna , &c. make most use of him in their Illustrations , and Commentaries on Aristotle : Yea , to give him his just praise , Aristotle came not upon the Stage to be Master of the Scholes , till this Alexander , by his learned Commentaries , advanced him into the Chair , as it is well observed by Lud. Vives in August . Civit. lib. 8. cap. 10. From the times of Plato and Aristotle , even to Alexander Aprodiseus , who lived under the Emperors , Severus , and his Son ( about 210 years after Christ ) Aristotle was named , rather than read , or understood by the Learned . This Alexander was the first that attempted to enucleate , and enterpret Aristotle , who greatly promoted others in their Studies of , and Inquisitions into Aristotle . Yet all this while Plato continued more frequent in the hands , and more understood by the minds of men . But here we must know , that many of those Commentaries , that pass under Alexander's name , are spurious . His genuine Comments are on Aristotle's Meteors , &c.

Greek Commentators . § . 12. There were also amongst the Greeks others , who Commented on Aristotle : as ( not to mention Porphyrie his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 on Aristotle , because he was a Platonist ) 1. Themistius Sirnamed by reason of his Eloquence , Themistius . Euphrades : who lived in the times of Constance , Jovinian , Valens , and Valentinian the Emperors , to whom he dedicated several Orations yet extant ( Augustin calls him his Master ) 2. Olympiodorus the Alexandrian Philosopher , Olympiodorus . who flourished about the year 480 , and was , according to Suidas , Praeceptor to Proclus Lycius , Proclus . and Auditor to Syrianus , &c. 3. Proclus Lycius Sirnamed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , who succeeded in the Platonick Schole , and was ( as Porphyrie before him ) a bitter Writer against the Christians . 4. Johannes Grammaticus Sirnamed Philoponus , Philoponus . who answered Proclus , and was a great propugnator of the Christian Religion , as well as an excellent Commentator on Aristotle . 5. Ammonius ▪ Ammonius . who was a Disciple of Proclus Lycius , and a clear Commentator on Aristotle , though he does oft Platonize . 6. Simplicius , Simplicius . who flourished under Justinian the Emperour , and was very invective against Johannes Grammaticus , yet an excellent Interpreter of Aristotle , albeit he doth Platonize . We find a good , though concise character of these Commentators on Aristotle in Pici Mirandulani Apologia 90. Philosophie among the Grecians remains very beautiful and chast ; She is in Simplicius very rich , and copious ; in Themistius elegant , and compendious ; in Alexander , constant and learned ; in Theophrastus greatly elaborate ; in Ammonius clear , and gratious .

§ . 13. After the Grecians followed the Arabian Commentators on Aristotle ; Arabians . amongst whom the principal place is given to Aven-rois , or Averroes , Averroes , &c. who flourished in Spa●n , an. 650. and had undoubtedly proved a better Commentator on Aristotle , had he been better acquainted with the Greek Tongue . He was also a Famous Physician , as well as Philosopher , but no friend to the Christians ; yet have the Scholemen made his Comments on Aristotle , Which are followed by the Schole-men . the foundation of all their Schole-Divinity . Hornius Histor. Philosoph . lib. 5. cap. 10. gives us this account of these Arabian Commentators on Aristotle . We will begin with Avicenna , who attained unto so much by his labour , that he alone may carry the bell among Aristotle's Commentators : neither does any seem to reach the mind of the Philosopher , as Avicenna , whom his diligent translator Andr. Alpagus calls Ebeusina . He was so addicted to Aristotle , that many relate he got all his Metaphysicks by heart . He had for his Contemporarie Averroes the Arabian , who lived at Corduba in Spain , and had great contests with Avicenna , and albeit both professed themselves Sectators of Aristotle , yet they thought nothing true , which each other affirmed . Averroes writ of many parts of Aristotle , and that with so great an acumen , that he hath obtained the repute of the most learned Interpreter , and the title of Commentator , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . From whom the latter Scholemen have borrowed many things . That the Scholemen extracted the most of their Philosophick notions and distinctions ( which they make the foundation of their Scholastick Theologie ) not immediately out of Aristotle , but out of the Arabians , Averroes , Avicenna , &c. his Commentators , is evident to any that acquaints himself with the original of Schole Divinity , which began in the Parisian Scholes about the twelfth and thirteen Centuries , by Albertus Magnus , Thomas Aquinas , Scotus , &c. amongst whom Averroes was greatly in repute . Est Arabica gens , uti patrii soli , ita & linguae suae amans . Igitur cum incidissent in scripta Aristotelis Graeca , jam pene apud ipsos Graecos ignota , caeperunt inde qu●dam , mox pleraque vertere in Patriam linguam . Hornius . Hist. Philos. l. 5. c. 10. Verulam in his Novum Organum speaks truely ; Aristotle's Aristotle's name is pretended , albeit they rather follow his corrupt Interpreters and Commentators . For the Arabians , from whom the Schole-men drew all their subtilties being wholly ignorant of the Greek , and well nigh of the Latin , were fain to make use of Versions very short of , and in many points quite differing from the original sense of Aristotle , &c.

§ . 14. Having given this general Idea of Aristotle his Life , and successors , we shall now treat somewhat more distinctly and particularly of his Philosophie , according to that reduction and account we find thereof in Ammonius , Jo. Grammaticus , and others . Ammonius in Arisiot . Categor . pag. 6. treating of Aristotle saie● 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . A general Idea of Aristotle 's Philosophie . Thus Ammonius which we may English thus . This Aristotle was in his Morals exact even to an hyberbole ; In Philosophie he exceeded humane Measures , leaving no part thereof untouched , but adding much thereto from his own sagacitie , he reformed the whole of Philosophie , for he added unto Logick by differencing , or separating the Canons from the things , as also by framing Demonstrative Method . For those , who preceded him , knew how to demonstrate , but how to frame Demonstrations they knew not ; as it is with those , who cannot make shooes , yet can use them when made . To Physicks he added the fifth Essence . As for Theologie , albeit he added nothing thereto , yet left he nothing unattempted therein . For he knew not terrestial things only , as some conceit , but also supernaturals , as it appears by his fifth book of Physick Acroaticks , where he saies that the first Cause is not moveable either by it self , or by Accident : whence he demonstrates that the Divine Being is neither a bodie , nor passible . This last expression of Ammonius , touching Aristotle's owning God to be the first immobile cause of all things , is confirmed , and explicated more fully by Johannes Grammaticus in his Proaem . in Aristot . de Anima fol 10. as hereafter .

§ . 15. The end of Aristotle 's Philosophie the knowledge of God . Hence Ammonius makes this the supream end of Aristotle's Philosophie to lead men to the knowledge of the first cause , God , &c. so Ammon . in Arist. Categor . pag. 11. treating of Aristotle's Philosophie he demands 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; what is the supream end of Aristotle's Philosophie . To which he replies 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , we say , that the end of his philosophie is to know the principle of all things , the productive cause of all things , which is alwaies the same ; for he demonstrates that the principle of all things is incorporeal , by which all things are produced . Thence Ammonius demands 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; what are the means that conduce us to this end ? to which he answers 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . We say the means conducing to this end is the doctrine or knowledge of things existing in time and mutation : for by these things , together with the Mathematicks , we lead our selves into the knowledge of the first cause of all things .

§ 16. Aristotle 's mode of Philosophizing simple . Thence Ammonius passeth on to discourse of Aristotle's mode of Philosophizing . pag. 12. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. The forme of Aristotle's writings is every way exact as to phrase . For the Philosopher ever avoids Rhetorical flourishes , and wholly endeavours to set forth the nature of things only . Aristotle being resolved to reduce Philosophie to rules of Art , and reason , utterly rejects that Mythologick , Symbolick mode of Philosophizing , which his Predecessors Thales , Pher●cydes , Pythagoras , and Plato had introduced ; confining himself to a more succinct , and accurate method . Whence also he rejects all those more obscure Jewish Traditions , which Pythagoras , and Plato so much delighted themselves in , with resolution to admit nothing but what he could make stoop to evident reason , or clear Testimony . So in his Ethicks lib. 2. cap. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , we ought in matters doubtfull to use clear testimonies : whereby he cuts off all those obscure , and broken Traditions , which his predecessors admired , and together with their traditions their Symbolick mode of Philosophizing also .

The Character of a genuine Auditor . § . 17. The same Ammonius gives us ( pag. 12. ) a good character of such , as are genuine Auditors , and Expositors of Aristotle 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The genuine Auditors of Aristotle ought by how much the more obscure the things spoken are , by so much the more earnestly to contend , and search into the depth thereof . An Auditor ought to be just ; of a good natural capacitie for ratiocination ; virtuous in his Discourses ; Exact in his morals ; The Character of a good Expositor . and in all things very well adorned . Thus Ammonius , who proceeds to give his character of a good Expositor of Aristotle : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . He , that will expound the things spoken by Aristotle , must not through too favorable inclination , undertake to commend things ill spoken , and receive them as from a Tripos or Oracle ; neither must he receive things good in an ill manner , after the Sceptick mode ; but as to the things spoken he must carry himself as a Judge without Passion ; and first of all he must explicate the mind of the Ancient , and expound their proper sentiment : afterward he must bring his own judgement concerning the same .

The Distribution of Aristotle 's Philosophie . § . 18. But to come to the Distribution of Aristotle's Philosophie ; which Ammonius in Arist. Categ . pag. 11. gives us thus : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Philosophie is divided into two parts , Theoretick , and Practick . As for Theoretick , that is such , wherein he inquires concerni●g Truth , and Falsehood : Practicks are such , wherein he considers concerning Good , and Evil. And because there is a great dispute amongst men touching Good , and Evil , as also touching Truth , and falsehood ; it seemed good to him ( viz. Aristotle ) to give us a Diacritick or Discretive Instrument to measure these things by , which is Demonstration . Now Demonstration is nothing else but a demonstrative Syllogisme . For as the Carpenter useth his Rule as an Instrument , whereby to discerne what timber is crooked , and what streight , and as a Builder useth his Square , to discover what wals are right , what not : so Philosophers , make use of Demonstration as a Rule , whereby to discerne things . Ammonius having thus distributed Philosophie into its general parts , Theoretick and Practick , and laid down the Vniversal Instrument of both , which is Logical Demonstration , he thence proceeds to distribute these Generals into their Severals thus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . They distribute Theoreticks into Physiologicks , Mathematicks , and Theologicks . As for his Theologicks , they are such , as he writ after his Physick Exercitations , which he undertook after his Physicks , because it is proper to Theologie to teach things above Nature ( whence his Theologicks are termed Metaphysicks ) and these Natural Sciences are accordingly called Physicks . Mathematicks are of a middle nature being in some regard separate from matter , and in some regard inseparate . As for Practicks , they are distributed into Ethicks , Oeconomicks , and Politicks . Thus of the Parts of Philosophie .

§ . 19. Having gone through the general Distribution of Aristotle's Philosophie , it may not be amisse to touch a little on the Severals , and such observables therein , as may deserve a more particular remark . We shall begin with Aristotle's Logick , Aristotle 's Logick and it 's distribution by Ammonius . which he makes to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Discretive or differencing Organ to all the parts of Philosophie ; so Ammonius in Arist. Categ . pag. 8. The Stoicks , saies he , make Logick a part of Philosophie , whereas all those of the Peripate make it an Organ , &c. Aristotle in stiling his Logick an Organ , means nothing else , but that it is a method , or a key to all Sciences : so Ammonius in Arist. Categ . pag. 13. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Dialectick as Aristotle defines it , is a Syllogistick way of Procedure about whatever Problem proposed , from probable Topicks . What Ammonius here appropriates to Dialectick , which the Peripateticks make but a Part of Logick , is equally applicable to the whole thereof . But we have a more full , though concise , account of Aristotle's Logick given us by Ammonius in Arist. Categor . pag. 15.16.17 . Which , because the Book is very rarely to be found , and the Author scarcely known to young Students , we may not deem it lost labour to give them his own words , which are as follow 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . As the carpenter useth his Rule , and the Mason his Squares to distinguish what is right , and what is not : so the Philosopher useth Demonstration for distinguishing of Truth , and Falsehood , Good , and Evil. Now Demonstration is a Scientifick Syllogisme . But it is impossible to treat hereof , unlesse we first declare what a Syllogisme is ; neither can we understand , what a Syllogisme is , unlesse we learne , what a proposition is : For Propositions are certain words ; and of these words a Syllogisme is but a collection . So that it is impossible to know , what a Syllogisme is , without understanding propositions : for of these it is composed . So neither is the Proposition to be understood without understanding the names , and words of which every discourse consists . Neither are the Names , and words without simple voices : for each of these is a Significative voice . It is therefore necessary in the first place to treat of simple voices ; of which Aristotle discourseth in the Categories . Thence of names and words , and propositions , as in Aristotle's book of Interpretation . After this of Syllogism simply considered , as in his first Analyticks : then of Demonstration , as in his latter Analyticks . Now the order of this Disposition is manifest from the scope : for things simple ought to precede things compound : and the Doctrine of the Categories is of all most simple , because as 't is said , it treats of simple voices , signifying simple things , by means of simple notions intervening . Thus Ammonius of Aristotle's Logick .

§ . 20. We may reduce the whole to this Scheme . A Scheme of Logick . Logick may be considered , eith●r in regard of its object , or formal parts . As for the object of Logick , 't is either material , or formal : The material object of Logick , is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , every Intelligible , which is either simple , or complexe . The simple object of Logick , are all those Notions , both first , and second , treated of by Aristotle in his Praedicaments , and by Porphyrie in his Praedicabiles . The Complexe object of Logick is composed either of simple notions , and terms , as a Proposition , or of Propositions as a Syllogisme . As for the formal object of Logick , or the mode under which it considers all Intelligibles , it is as they are means to direct the understanding in the disquisition of Truth , whence result the formal parts of Logick , The parts of Logick . which may be reduced to these four general Organs . 1. Definition , which takes away the obscuritie of our simple apprehension , by directing the understanding to penetrate into the essences and natures of things . 2. Division , which removes that 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or confusion , which our compound understanding labours under , by reducing all things to their proper Genus , species , and formal differences , &c. 3. Syllogisme , which clears the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or discurs●ve Intellect from those errours , and hesitations , which remain thereon . 4. Method , which directs and facilitates the understanding in all the foregoing parts ; and therefore 't is made by some of the Ancients to comprehend all Logick , &c. So Aristotle : 't is not our work to discourse accuratelie on these parts of Logick . It may suffice to give some glances , and that not from Aristotle's Organ ( where he discourseth professedly of these Logick Instruments ) but from other of his Works , especially his Rhetorick , wherein we find some oblique reflections hereon . And to begin first with Definition ; Aristotle Rhetor. lib. 2. cap. 13. ( ( pag. 218. ) tells us in general ; 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , what is not defined , is fallacious , and in his Ethicks , lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. They must take care , that they define accurately , for this has a great influence on what follows . 2. The like Ammonius ( in Arist. Categor . pag. 13. ) teacheth us , as to Division . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . He that will exactly understand the nature of the whole , must exactly examine it's parts by division , &c. As for Syllogisme , Aphrod●seus tells us , that Aristotle was the first , that reduced Syllogismes to mode , and figure , &c. But that which we shall chiefly fix our eye upon , is Aristotle's method ; whereof we have some general account in his Rhetor. lib. 3. cap. 13. pag. 217. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . A discourse has two parts ; first it is necessarie to declare the matter , of which we discourse ; and then we must demonstrate the same . Thus Explication , and Demon●tration seem to take in the whole of method , according to Aristotle . 2. As for the kinds of method , we have an account thereof given by Aristotle in his Ethicks lib. 1. cap. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Discourses begun from Principles , differ from such as tend to Principles . By discourses begun from Principles , he denotes Synthetick method , which begins with Principles : by discourses tending to principles he intends Analytick method , which proceeds from the end to Principles . This he seems to explain more fully in his Ethic. lib 3. cap. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , What is last in the Analysis , is first in the Genesis ; i. e. the Principle , which is first in the Synthetick method , is last in the Analytick . Thus for the kinds of method . 3. As for the Principles of a discourse , Aristotle tells us , Eth. lib. 1. cap. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : We must begin with Principles most known , which are two-fold , either in regard of us , or simply . By things more known , in regard of us , he means such as we know by the effect , more obscurely : by things more known simply , he understands such as are known from their causes , which give a more distinct knowledge . 4. As to our methodical procedure in the handling of any Theme Aristotle ( in his Eth. lib. 1. ) gives us this good Canon , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . We ought in the first place to give an Hypothesis , or obscure adumbration of the thing , and then a more lively delineation . His meaning is , that when we treat of a point of great moment , we may not presently fall upon the thing it self , but by little and little prepare the minds of the Auditors , thereby to render them more capable to attend unto , and receive the head of the matter . Hence in points of great moment , he allows of a Proeme , so Arist. Rhetor. lib. 3. cap. 14. pag. 220. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The most necessarie and proper work of a Proeme is this , to discover the end of a discouse : wherefore , if the matter be evident , or small , there is no need of a Proeme . 5. But one of the best rules , that I have observed in Aristotle , in order to a Methodical procedure in the handling of any point , is that in Ethic. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . We may not expect the like exactnesse in all matters . We must remember that in all things we may not seek after the same exactness ; but in every thing we must content our selves with such a method , as the subject matter will bear . Neither may we in like manner search after the cause in all things , but in some things it may suffice , that we well demonstrate 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that the thing is so ; as in first principles ; for the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 is first , and a Principle , and of Principles , some are discovered by Induction , some by sense , some by some other usage and way , &c. This golden Rule strikes at the bold assumings of those , who expect the like certaintie , and fulness of demonstration in all subjects , though never so sublime . It gives also a sharpe rebuke to Scholemen , who generally bring all matters to their forme ; whereas Aristotle here ( as nature ) teacheth us to suit our forme , or method to our matter . 6. But then Aristotle proceeds to another Canon , Eth. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . And we must take diligent care ▪ that we define exactly : For accurate definitions give an huge advantage to what follows . This beginning therefore being well laid , it seems more than half of the whole work , and there is by it a great discovery made of the things we inquire into .

21. If any expect a more full Scheme of Aristotle's Logick , the best , at least most useful , I meet with , is that of Ramus , who , albeit he does in many things oppose Aristotle , yet he seems to have done it not without grounds , but with designe to render Aristotle's Logick more useful . This will appear by the following Scheme of Ramus's Logick . As Grammar ( saith Ramus ) has two parts , The parts of Dialectick . 1. Invention . Ram. Logic. lib. 1. Etymologie , which treats of single words , and Syntaxis , which is of words conjoyned : so Logick consists of two parts , Invention , and Judgment . 1. Invention is a part of Logick which instructs us in the mode of finding out Arguments . An Argument is that , which is affected , or assumed to argue somewhat by , which is Artificial , or Inartificial . An Artificial Argument is that , which argues from it self ; which is either first , or secondarie ; an Inartificial argument is that , 2. Judgment . Ram. Logic. lib. 2. cap. 1. which argueth from Autoritie . 2. Judgment is the second part of Logick , which consists in the right disposement of Arguments , in order to a right judgment of things : for every thing is judged by a certain Rule of d●sposition , whence judgment , and disposition passe for the same . And as Invention treats of single Arguments , so Judgment of conjoynd . Now judgment is either Axiomatick , 1. Axiomatick Judgment . Cap. 2. or Dianoetick . 1. Axiomatick Judgment is the disposition of an Argument with an Argument , whereby we judge , that something is , or is not ; which by the Latins is called an Enuntiate , Pronuntiate , Effate . 2 Hence followeth Dianoetick judgment .

2. Dianoetick , or discursive judgment , which is ,

1. Syllogisme , therein is ,

1. The Antecedent , wherein is ,

1. A proposition .

2. An Assumtion .

〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 discourse consists in the deducing one Ax●ome from another , which is either Syllogisme , or Method . Syllogisme is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a discourse , wherein the Question is so disposed with the Argument , as that the Ante●edent being rightly placed , the conclusion necessarily follows . For when the Axiome is dubious , the Question is put , and to confirm the same , we make use of an Argument , which is collated with the Question . The Antecedent of a Syllogisme has two parts ; a Proposition , and Assumption . The Proposition is the first part of the Antecedent , wherein ( at least ) the consequent of the Question is disposed with the Argument . The Assumption is the second part of the Antecedent , 2. The consequent , or Conclusion . Cap. 9. which is assumed out of the proposition . The consequent of a Syllogisme , is that part which comprehends the Question ▪ and concludes the same ; whence 't is called the Conclusion . If any part of the Syllogisme be wanting , 't is called an Enthymeme . A Syllogisme is either simple , or Compound , &c. Cap. 10. Method is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Discourse composed of various homogeneous Axiomes proposed according to the evidence of their Nature whence the convenience of all amongst themselves is judged , Method c. 17. and comprehended in memorie . And look , as in an Axiome Truth and Falsehood is regarded , and in a Syllogisme the Consequence and inconsequence : so in Method it is considered , that what is more clear does precede , and what is more obscure follows ; so that Order , and Confusion is wholly the object of this judgement : as Aristotle . By how much the more general any Rule is , by so much the more it ought to precede . The most general Rule must be first , Cap. 18. because it is first in regard of Light , and knowledge . Whence the most general Definition must be first , and then the Distribution must follow ; which if it be various ; the partition into Integral parts must precede , and then the Division into the species must follow . The Perfect Definition consists of Essential causes , namely of the Genus , and Form . Thus Ramus of Logick .

§ . 22. Having finisht Aristotle's Logick , Aristotle's Ethicks . we now Proceed to his Ethicks ; the first part of Practick Philosophie ; wherein making use of an Analytick Method he begins with mans chief end , or happinesse : 1. of human Happinesse . so Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. Every soul desires some chief good , or last end , &c. Aristotle makes two chief parts of Human happinesse , Objective , and Formal . 1. Objective . Characters of the chiefest good which must be He begins with man's Objective happinesse , and proves first , that there is one chiefest Good , and then gives some Characters of this chiefest Good , which may be all reduced to these several particulars . 1 Aristotle makes the chiefest good to be that , which is most Ancient , or the first principal of all things . 1. The first principle . So in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. treating of the degrees of goodnesse he saies 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . That which is the principle of all things is better than that , which is not the principle . 2. 2. The last End . He placeth the chiefest Good in the last End of all things . Thus Arist. Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . And the End is alwaies better than that , which is not the End : for this is alwaies for another's sake , whereas that is for its own sake . So agen he tels u● 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . That which is nearest the end is best . 3. Hence it follows , that the Chiefest Good is that , 3. desireabl● for it self . which is desired for it self . So Aristotle in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. defines the chiefest good , thus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The chiefest good is that which is desired for it self , and for whose sake we desire all other things . Then he addes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 what is most desireable for it self , is be●t . This he stile● in what followes the Last End . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the End is that , for whose sake we desire other things . 4. Hence it follows , that the chiefest good is simply , 4. Simply good . absolutely , and necessarily good . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Arist. lib. 5. cap. 2. Thence Aristotle in his Eth. lib. 1. cap. 7. saies , that t is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 simply , and of it self desirable . 5. Whence he makes the Chiefest Good to be the measure , and Standard of all good . 5. The measure of all good . Thus Arist. Ethic. lib 1. cap. 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Of other Goods some exist necessarily , but others are only naturally subservient to Happinesse . This necessarily follows upon the former . For what is the Last End , and desireable for it self , must necessarily be the measure of all other goods , which are desirable only Servato ordine sinis . 6. Whence he makes the Chiefe●t Good , to be our most proper and connatural Good . 6. Most proper , & connatural . So Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the chiefest good is proper . And in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. Aristotle making a comparison 'twixt lesser and greater goods , saies , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 that which is connatural , and proper is more Eligible , then that , which is adventitious . 7. The chiefest Good must be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 communicative , 7. Most communicative . and diffusive to all . Thence Aristotle addes Rhetor. lib. 1 cap. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Those things are best , which are most usefull in our greatest need ; as in old age , and Sicknesse . Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 1 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 that is the chiefest good which all desire . The Chiefest good though it be proper to every one , yet is common , and diffusive to all : communitie with proprietie is peculiar to the chiefest Good , that is best which all need , and all may have Vniversal diffusiveness with Proprietie speaks the object Vniversally good , as God is . 8. That is the best Good , which is most Rare , 8. Most rare . and Choice : So Aristot . Rhet. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 that which is more rare is better than that , which is more common , for its possession is better because of the difficulty in attaining it . 9. The chiefest Good , albeit it be rare , yet it must be possible : 9. Possible . So Arist. Rhetor. lib. 1 , cap. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 that , which is possible , is better than that , which is impossible . 10. In Degrees of Goodnesse that is best , which is the most Real , 10. Real . Substantial Good . So Arist. Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Those things , which are really good , are better than things which are so in opinion only . Again he addes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 11. 11. Most permanent . That is the choicest good , which is most immobile , stable , and durable . So Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the chiefest good is immobile . Again in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Things , that are more durable , are better than things lesse durable ; and things more firm , than things lesse firm , &c. In the series of good things , that is best , which is most Influential , and Effective of Good . 12. Most effective of Good . So Arist. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : that , which effects the greatest good , is best ; and then 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 13. Aristotle saies that is our chiefest good , which admits of no excesse in the enjoyment thereof . 13. Which admits no excess . So Rhet. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ▪ that , which admits of no excesse , must needs be our chiefest good . Then he addes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that which may have somewhat more than it ought , that is evil . His meaning is , we can never exceed in the enjoyment of the chiefest good , though we may in others . 14. Aristotle's main Character of the chiefest Good , is , that it be perfect , and self-sufficient . 14. Self-sufficient , and perfect . So Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that which is best , is perfect , and simply desirable ; that is perfect , which is desirable for it self . So again , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that , which is perfect , seems self-sufficient . Farther he saies , this chiefest good , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , i● in nothing defective , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , for whatsoever is added , is but superfluous . Again he saies , this only enjoyed , makes the man happy . So in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . That is best , which least needs one or other things ; for this is most self-sufficient . So Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; we call that self-sufficient which alone renders the life eligible , and defective in nothing . This Plato calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a sufficient Good , ( which he makes God to be ) calling his chiefest good 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : a good connatural , uniform , infinite , eternal , ever-being , and everliving , opportune , pure , immixed , and without sorrow . Yea , he saies , this his chiefest Good , is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the very Divine , and Godhead Good , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the supream beautiae , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the only shining beautie , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , very-self-good , &c.

Of Man's formal happiness . § . 23. As for Ari●totle's notions of formal happinesse , he tells us first , that it is the gift of God . So Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 1. It s original from God . If the Gods vouchsafe any other gift to men , it is c●ns●●taneous to reason , that happiness should be a gift of God , and especially because it is the highest of humane perfections : And he gives a farther reason hereof in what follows , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . To ascribe the greatest , and most beautiful gift to fortune , is no way rational . Having given this general account of the original of humane happinesse we now proceed to Aristotle's specifick Idea of mans Formal happinesse , which is thus defined by him , 2. It s formal Idea , or definition . Ethic. l. 1. c. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Beatitude is the operation of the rational Soul , according to the best virtue in a perfect life . In which definition there are four considerables . 1. The formal nature of humane happiness , which consists in Operation . 2. The proper subject of this operation , which is the rational Soul . 3. The qualification of this subject , which is perfect Virtue . 4. The state wherein this happinesse is to be enjoyed , 1. The formal reason of formal happiness in operation . that is a perfect life . 1. The formal reason of man's formal happinesse , is by Aristotle placed in 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 energie , or operation . This Aristotle proveth at large in his following Chapter , Ethic. lib. 1. cap. 8. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The goods of the Soul w● stile the highest , and most sovereigne , which are the Souls operations , and energies . This he explains more fully in what followeth in the same Chapter . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . To live well , and to act well , makes an happie man : for a good life is commonly stiled Eupraxie , or good action . Thence he proceeds to demonstrate that Beatitude , consists not in an habit , but action ▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. There is a vast difference 'twixt having that which is best in possession , or use , in habit , or operation ; for a good , so long as it exists in habit only , is never perfected , as it appears in him that sleepeth , but 't is the exercise , that perfects , &c. Then he addes , Eth. lib. 1. cap. 10. That these Actions proceeding from Virtue , are proper to happinesse , as hereafter . This is well explicated by Stobaeus de virtute Serm. 1. fol. 12. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : Beatitude consists not in the possession of Virtue , but in the exercise thereof ; for he that has sight does not alwayes see . So the Scholes tell us , that every Forme is perfected by its Act ; and every Facultie and Habit is ordained to its Act , as to its perfection . So Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . All things are perfected by operation : the more active things are the more perfect . Whence again Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 8. tells us , that virtuous actions are of themselves sweet , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 self-sufficient ; as in its place . 2. As for the proper subject of this operation , 2. The proper subject , the whole Soul . Aristotle tells us , 't is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the rational soul . Thence in his Eth. l. 1. c. 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : It seems we may not stile an Oxe , or Horse , or any other Animal happy ; the reason is , because they are meerly passive , not active in their reduction to their la●t end . The two main acts of the soul , which formalize humane happiness , are Vision , and Fruition . The Scholes place formal happinesse chiefly in the Vision of the mind &c. 3. The qualification of the Soul , and its operation , in order to humane happinesse , 3. The qualification of the Soul , and its act Virtue . is expressed under that notion 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , according to the best Virtue . This is excellently explicated by Aristotle , Eth. l. 1. c. 10. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ▪ Operations according to Virtue , are proper to beatitude ; but the contrarie ( Vitious ) actions to the contrarie , ( Miserie ) and then he addes the Reason , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The reason he gives , 4. The state of humane happinesse is a perfect life , which connotes perfection . is because these Virtuous actions are more stable , and sweet so that a good man is truly 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , immoveable , &c. This is farther evident by what follows . 4. As for the state of humane happiness , it is said to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , in a perfect life . This connotes perfection both extensive , intensive , and protensive . 1. formal happinesse in a perfect state denotes perfection extensive , i. e. of parts , 1. Extensive , or of parts . or kinds ; a perfect exemption from all evil , with a perfect enjoyment of all good . Thence Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Neither can a child be happie , because he cannot by reason of his age practise such things . This is more fully explicated in definit . Platon . fol. 412. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Beatitude is a good composed of all goods . Again 't is defined 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a facultie self-sufficient to live well . 2. This perfect life denotes a perfection Intensive , or of degrees , 2. Intensive , or of degrees . i. e. every part of this happie life , is in its highest degree of perfection , without the least mixture of any degree of miserie . So Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap 12. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : Beatitude is of things precious , and perfect : for we all undertake every thing in order hereto ; and that , which is the principle , and cause of all good , we account precious and Divine . Thence in the Platonick Definit . fol. 412. Beatitude is defined 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a perfection according to virtue , a self-sufficient provision of life , &c. 3. This perfect life imports also a perfection protensive , or of duration . 3. Protensive , or of duration . So Arist. Eth , lib. 1. cap. 10. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . An happie man is not variable , or easily changeable . For he cannot easily be removed from his Beatitude . So again , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. A blessed man is not so for a short time only , but for a long and perfect time . Farther he saies , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. a blessed man can never become miserable . Thus much for Aristotle's definition of humane happinesse , which he himself , Ethic. lib. 1. cap. 7. thus explains : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Humane happiness is the operation of the Soul , according to the best , and most perfect virtue : also in a perfect life ; for one swallow makes not a summer . These his contemplations about humane happinesse , agree to no state of life , but that of the glorified Saints , which yet Aristotle seems to have had no belief of , at least he seems 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 to haesitate touching this future state of the Soul , as 't is evident from what he laies down , Eth. lib. 1. cap. 10. where teaching that men should endeavour to live thus happily here , and die , according to reason ; he gives this as a reason 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , because what is future is to us very obscure , but Beatitude is alwaies the end , and alwaies perfect . Aristotle dreamed of enjoying this happinesse here , but Plato seems to refer it to the souls future state .

§ . 24. Having done with Aristotle's first Ethick-head , The principles of humane Acts. touching humane happiness , we now proceed to his Philosophizings about the internal principles of humane Acts , which may be reduced to these four particulars : 1. Vniversal prudence , or practick knowledge in general . 1. Practick knowledge . 2. Volition . 3. Consultation . 4. Election : Of each of which in the●r order , and place . The first great principle of humane Acts laid down by Aristotle , is universal prudence , or practick knowledge in general . So Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . It is very profitable for such , as would mannage their affections , and actions , according to reason , to know what belongs to these things : and Aristotle farther informes us , that this knowledge of things practick , must be not only speculative , and apprehensive , but also practick , and causative , whence saith he , Eth. lib. 2. cap. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Many there are , who do not these things , yet flying to their reason , they would needs seem to philosophize , and so to approve themselves virtuous . These act just like some sick people , who diligently hearken to their Physicians , but follow nothing of what they prescribe . As therefore those , who thus use the Physitians , never cure their bodies : so these who thus Philosophize , never cure their Souls . Hence that of Ammonius ( in Arist. Categ . pag. 15. ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the end of contemplation , is the beginning of practice ; and Plutarch . lib. 1. de Placit . Philos . tells us , that a blessed man ought 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; To have not only a Theoretick knowledge of beings , but also a Practick of what is needful . For speculative reason is only apprehensive of things , but practick is causative ; according to that Philosophick distinction , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Practick Philosophie is effective of Virtue , but Theoretick of Truth only . This practick knowledge is so termed , not because it immediately acts , but because it is directive to action . Aristotle makes this practick dictate of the understanding to be a kind of practick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 discourse , which he supposeth to precede either actually , or virtually every Act of the w●ll : as for example , he that will be happie must act virtuously : I would be happie , ergo . Therefore saies Aristotle Incontinent persons have knowledge only in the habit , not actually discursive : for albeit they assent to the major , which is universal ; yet there is some defect in their assent to the minor , & thence they assent not practically to the conclusion , &c. This practick discourse , or knowledge , which necessarily precedes the wills motion , is in the general stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Prudence , which in the Platonick Definitions , is thus defined , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Prudence is a Science effective of Beatitude . So Plato Meno . fol. 88. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Prudence conducting effects the duties of the soul , but folly the ills . We have a good account of this Moral Prudence , and its influence given by Alexand. Aphrodiseus ( the chiefest of Ari●totle's Commentators ) as Stobaeus de Virtut . Ser. 1. fol. 17. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Seeing moral virtue is effective of such things , as are determined by prudence , and right reason , it 's necessar●e , that he who has prudence , has also moral Virtue : for it is the office of Prudence to enquire by what means it is possible to attain a right Intention , which to determine , is the office of moral Virtue : for it is the virtue of the elective facultie . And this is the difference 'twixt moral prudence , and craft . Prudence searcheth out , what things are most conducing to a right Intention , whereas craft relates to any , though false , &c. Aphrodiseus gives us here ( besides other characters ) a full Idea of the proper office of moral Prudence , which is to direct the Intent●on of the Will as to its end , which follows .

Of Volition , or the will strictly taken . § . 25. The next principle of humane action is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Volition , or Will , strictly so termed , which properly refers to the end , and so 't is differenced from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Election , which respects the means . So Arist. Eth. lib 3. cap. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : Volition rather respects the end , whereas Election respects the means conducing to the end . So Plato in Gorg. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that is willed for the sake of which men act ; whereby he intends the end . We have a more large explication of the difference 'twixt Volition , and Election , given by Joh. Grammaticus in Arist. de Anima Proaem . fol. 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The Gno●tick , or knowing faculties of Rationals being distributed , the practick are Volition , and Election . And Volition is only of what is good ( i. e. the end ) but Election inclines both waies ( i. e. to good , or ev●l as means ) Again , Volition belongs to the Rational Soul as such ; whereas Election has some commixture with the irrational . The end , the proper object of Volition . By all which it 's evident , that Volition is an Act of the Will , whereby it is extended , or carried forth to its object , beloved for it self , without respect to a farther end : so that the end , which is amiable for , and of it self , is the alone proper object of Volition . Yea , Aristotle makes this extension of the Will towards its last end to be connatural , or as he termes it , Physical ; whereas its extension towards the means by Election , is with indifference . So Arist. Eth. lib. 3. c. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Where Lambinus on this notion [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] thus Comments . We must know that in practicks , the end has the place of the principle ; because on it depends the necessarie formation of all such things , as belong to the action . Therefore as in Mathematicks there are certain indemonstrable principles laid as the basis of all Demonstration : so in practicks , the end is fixed as a principle supposed not to be deliberated about ; for a principle as well in practicks , as speculatives , admits not of Demonstration , but of supposition only . So again , Arist. Eth ▪ lib. 3. cap. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The desire of the end is not elective , but natural , &c i. e. the Appetite of every thing does naturally tend to some end connatural thereto , which is the measure of all things conducing thereto So Arist. Eth lib. 3 cap. 10. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Every thing is measured by its end . But Aristotle Eth. lib. 1. cap. 2. speaks more fully thus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The end is of things practick , which we will for it self , but other things for it . Neither do we choose all things for some other ( without some term ) for so there would be an infinite progresse . It is manifest therefore , that this end is the Good , yea the best Good . Wherefore the knowledge hereof has great influence on the life : and as Archers , who have the mark in their eye ; we do hereby obtain , what is most needful . So again , Aristotle Eth. lib. 3. cap. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a virtuous man is naturally carried towards his end , but towards other things voluntarily , or indifferently : then he addes , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , such as every man is , such is his end . Whence that Maxime in the Scholes , as the forme is in Naturals , such is the end in Morals , By all which 't is apparent , what the proper object of this Volition is , namely the end , to which it naturally extends it self , as the measure of all its acts , and lower ends . Hence also 2. we gather , that this 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or volition of the will , is not distinct from that Act of the Will , which the Scholes call Intention . For they make Intention to be an efficacious willing of the end , together with the means conducing thereto : which is formally , or at least virtually denoted in 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Volition , according to that common rule in Logick . He , that effectually wills the end , wills also the means . 'T is true , there is an imperfect velleitie , or faint Volition , which respects the end , without means ; but a compleat Volition comprehends both . I know the Scholes make Volition , and Intention , different Acts ; and the former to relate to the end simply considered , but the latter to the end in connexion with the means . But I find no ground for this distinction in Aristotle , or Nature . 3. Hence also we may farther collect , that the end is first in Intention , though last in Execution ; and therefore ought to be greatly heeded , and made the measure , or square of all . So Ammonius in Arist. Categ . pag. 12. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . He that is ignorant of his mark , or end , is like a blind man , that shoots at randome ; and he does in vain consider all things tending to his end . But the consideration of an useful end gives much diligence , and alacritie ▪ For every one , that will undertake any designe ought first to learn its usefulnesse , &c.

3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 consultation . § . 26. We now proceed to the third principle of humane acts , called by Aristotle 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 consultation , which respects the means , and so is distinguished from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Prudence , or the practick Judgement in general , which respects both end , and means ; and primarilie the end , and the means only in the second place . This Consultation is stiled sometimes by Aristotle , but often by Plato 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Counsel , which Plato in Cratyl● deduceth from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a ca●ting , so Lambinus in Arist. Eth. l. 3. c. 5 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Metaphor taken from Archers , who are said to cast , or shoot their Arrow towards the scope , they aim at . This Consultation is stiled in the Platon . ●●finit . fol. 413. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , good advice , which is defined 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a connate virtue of reasoning . Again 't is termed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Consultation , which is defined 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an exhortation to another , before he acts , how he ought to act . But there is no definition , that suits better with the nature of Consultation , than that Definit . Platon . fol. 414. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Consultation is a consideration of things future , so far as expedient , i. e. for our end . For a wise man first proposeth , and wills his end , and then makes use of Consultation , as an instrument to find out means expedient for this end . We are to take diligent heed , that things passe not suddenly from Imagination into Resolution , Affection , and Action , without asking advice of the judgement , and serious consultation . A wise man , when he hath made a judgement about his end , weigheth exactly all , Quod inconsul to fecimus , consulto revocamus . that followeth from such a Judgment , as also all the Antecedents , that lead to the obtaining of it . What men unadvisedly undertake , they advisedly recal . Consultation ought to be the door to all great resolutions , and undertakings . This Consultation is thus defined by Arist. Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . It is a virtue of the discursive facultie , whereby men are enabled to consult of good , and evil , in reference to happinesse . But the proper Seat of this discourse about Consultation , is Aristotle's Ethic. lib. 3. cap. 5. where he discourseth at large of the Object , Acts , The Object of Consultation . and Effects of Consultation . As to its Object , he laies down these Rules to judge it by . 1. Consultat●●n is not of things speculative , but of practick . So Art. 21. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Consultation is not about the first Elements of Sciences , &c. The same he addes Art. 27. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Especially 't is not about Arts , or Sciences . Yea , he saies expresly 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Consultation is about practicks . 2. Consultation is not of things impossible , but of things in our power . So Art. 48. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , if the thing be possible , men undertake it ; and more expresly Art. 13. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , we consult of Practicks in our power . This he explains more fully in his Rhetorick , pag. 10. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . We consult about things , which appear to happen either way , not of impossibilitie , &c. ● . Consultation is not about the end , but the means , so Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . We consult not of ends , but of things conducing to their ends : for Physicians consult not whether they shall cure , but taking their end for granted , they consult how , and by what means to cure . So Art. 57. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. Consultation is about things to be done by us : Now our actions have respect to some end , wherefore the end comes not under consultation , but the means . 4. Consultation is not about an infinite , but finite number of means . So Art. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . No man consults of things infinite , because unmeasurable . 5. Consultation is of things permanent , not of things in continual motion , so Art. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . We consult not of things in perpetual motion . The reason is , because such fluid things cannot be brought under any regular order , or subserviencie to our end , &c. 6. Consultation is of things contingent , not of necessaries . So Art. 29. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Consultation is of things doubtful , contingent , and indefinite : For such the means usually are ; whereas the end is definite , necessarie , and more evident , &c. 7. Yet Consultation is not of things fortuitous , or casual , but of things in our power , which come under the conduct of humane Prudence . So Art. 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . We consult not about the things of fortune , as touching the invention of a treasure , &c. 9. Amongst the means , the main work of Consultation is to find out such as are most conducible to the end . So Art. 39. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . If the means be many , the best are to be chosen out . This supposeth an universal comprehension of , and inspection into all the means ; according to that of Stobaeus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , consider the whole : for qui ad pauea respicit facilè pronunciat , he that considers , but a few things rashly determines . 9. Consultation supposeth a methodical procedure from one to another 'till we come to the first cause : So Art. 40. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. The first cause is first in intention , but last in execution . 10 If the things we consult about , be arduous , and difficult , Aristotle requires consultation with others : So Art. 30. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . In great matters we must take unto us Counsellers , distrusting our selves as not sufficient to penetrate , or d●ve into the things . Thus much for the object . 2. As for the subject of Consultation Aristotle ( Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. Art. 2. 2. The Subject of Consultation . ) tells us , that none are fit to consult , but he 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , who has his wits about him ; whence he excludes fools , and mad men from this work . And upon the same account in his Rhetor. lib. 2. cap. 14. he excludes young men from any competent abilitie for consultation , because first they have great passions . 2. and are very unconstant . 3. and have strong wills . 4. also too credulous , and not cautelous , for want of experience of evills . But ( addes he ) old men , having virtues contrarie to those vices of young men , viz. suspension of judgement , caution , experience , and command of passions , &c. are most fit for consultation . 3. As to the Act of Consultation , 3. The Act of Consultation . Aristotle ( Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. Art. 42. ) thus differenceth it from disquisition : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Every Disquisition is not Consultation , as it appears by the Mathematick Disquisitions ; but every Consultation is a Disquisition : wh●re he makes Disquisition more generick , and Consultation to be a practick Disquisition , or Inquisition into means conducing to our end . 4. The main effect of Consultation , is Election , as it follows .

§ . 27. Consultation being finisht ▪ Election , which is the proper effect thereof , begins . So Arist. Eth lib 3. cap. 5. Art. 68. 4 Of Election . first its difference from Consultation , and Volition . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The thing consulted a● out , and elected , is the same : for that which is prejudged by consultation , is elected . For every one ceaseth to enquire , how he shall act when reduced to his first principle , &c. As for the difference 'twixt Election , and Volition , we have it in Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ▪ &c. The thing willed is the end , but things consulted about , and elected , are the means referring to the end , &c. So Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 4. Art. 27. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Volition is of the end , but Election of the means referring to the end . By which we see , that the proper object of Election is the means , 2. It s object the means . not the end . 2. Aristotle tells us , that Election is not of Impossibles , but of things in our power . So Eth. lib 3. cap. 4. Art. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Election is not of things impossible : whereby he distinguisheth it from imperfect Volition , or Velleitie , which may be of things impossible . So again Art. 31. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . It seems most likely , that Election is of things in our power . 3. 3. The Subject of Election the rational Will. As for the subject , or seat of Election , it belongs to the rational Appetite : thence saies Aristotle , Eth. lib. 3. cap. 4. Art. 9. Election is not 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , of irrational appetites ; whence 't is differenced from Concupiscence , which belongs to the Irrational appetite . So Art. 13. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Concupiscence is contrarie to Election , because 't is common to Irrationals , as well as to Rationals , whereas Election is proper to Rationals . So that the proper seat of Election is the Will ; whence Aristotle makes it inclusive of Voluntarie ▪ though it be not sully extensive thereto : Ethic. lib. 3. cap. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Election seems to be Voluntarie , though with some difference 4. Hence follows the Act of Election , 4. The Act of Election . 1. 'T is rational . which according to Aristotle , Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a consulted , or judicious appetition . Thence Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 4. Art. 32. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Election is not a meer opinion , or imagination ; and more fully Art. 53. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Election proceeds from reason , and discourse . Neither is it sufficient , that this act of Election be rational , but it must also be determined , and fixed ; 2. Fixed , and determined . whereby the object of Election seems somewhat differenced from that of Consultation , which leaves the determination of the object to Election : So Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. Art. 63. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The thing consulted , and elected , is the same , but the thing elected is more determinate , or fixed : for what is judged by consultation is elected , and so fixed . Lambinus here on this notion , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , comments thus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 signifies to determine , and define : when we consult , we have as yet nothing certain , or determined : but the end of Consultation , is a definite , certain Election . As therefore in Theoreticks , Aphorismes are said to be certain determinate conclusions , or sentences , whose truth is both by reason , and long experience evident ( as Hippocrates's Aphorismes ) so in Practicks ▪ Aphorismes may be stiled Counsels drawn forth after long consultat●on . Thus Lambinus , who yet hath not fully hit the mind of Aristotle , who by Aphorisme understands the object , or means determined by Election . Whence Aristotle tells us , that 't is not a meer fluid volition , or Vel●●itie , th●t will make a vit●ous man virtuous , but there must be a dete●mined Will , or Election of all means , &c. Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. Art. 43. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . If an unrighteous person have some imperfect velleitie of righteousn●sse , he does not presently cease to be wicked , and become righteous : as a sick man is not presently healed , so soon as he is wills it , &c. 5. Hence we may collect w●th Aristotle , 5. It s difficultie . that it is very difficult to make a right Election . So Arist. Eth. lib. 2. cap ▪ 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . It is very difficult to judge , what is to be chosen before another thing , and what is to be preferred before another : and yet 't is more difficult to cleave to what we know is best . 6. 6. It s effect as to Virtue . Albeit it be very difficult to make a right Election , yet when 't is made , it has a Sovereigne influence on Virtue : So Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . It follows , that we passe on to Election , which seems to be most proper to Virtue , and that whereby moral actions are mostly measured , &c. 7. Hence we come to the definition of Election , 7. It s d●finition . which is thus laid down by Ari●totle , Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. Art. 68. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Election is a consulted , or judicious appetition or things in our power . And he ●dde● this as the reason , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , for from consulting , judging , we choose according to that Consultation made . This Election is term●d by the Platonick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Heresie , which Platon . Definit . fol. 413. is defined thus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Election is a right Probation . Approbation . Under Election is comprised Consent , ( albeit the Scholes distinguish them ) whence follows Vse , and Fruition . Consent , and use of the means , are called by the Platonicks 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , alacritie , which Platon definit . fol. 413. is defined 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , A discoverie of a practick Election , &c. 2 Cor. 8.11 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , v. 17. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , v. 19. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 .

Of Voluntarinesse , and Libertie . § . 28. Having go●e through the principles of human Acts , we now proceed to their main essential Attribute , or adjunct , which is Voluntarinesse , or Libertie ; we make Voluntarinesse , and Libertie the same ; because we find no rational ground either in Aristotle , or Nature , to distinguish them ; for every human Act that is voluntarie , is also free ; and every Act that is free , is likewise Voluntarie . Farther , they both partake of one , and the same Essential Idea , or Definition . Thence Aristotle , Eth. lib. 3. cap. 1. Art. ●0 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The definition of Voluntarie . Those things are said to be Voluntarie , whose principle is in him , that does them , who has a ( radical ) power of acting , or not acting . This definition of voluntarie is the same , which the Scholes give to Libertie . But we have a more adequate , and proper definition of Voluntarie , given by Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Voluntarie seems to be that , which has its principle in him that acteth it , who also understandeth the particulars of what he acts . This definition of Voluntarie seemeth to connote nothing but a rational spontaneitie , which is the same with humane Libertie . Hence Ari●totle , Eth. lib. 3. cap. 1. makes Involuntarie Acts the same with forced , or not free : Art. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Involuntarie acts seem to be such , as are done by force ▪ or ignorance . A forc't act is that whose principle is Extrinsick , it being such , whereto he that suffers , or acts , confers nothing . Here Aristotle makes Involuntarie the same with forced , or not free ; and forced or not free , that which has not its principle in its s●lf : whence it necessarily follows , 1. That Voluntarinesse is the same with Libertie . 2. That Voluntarinesse , and Libertie exclude not all kind of necessitie , but only such as is coactive . 3. That Voluntarinesse , and Libertie , include no more in their essent al Idea , but a rational spontaneitie . This is farther evident by Plato's Ideas of Voluntarines , and Libertie . Platon . defin . fol. 415. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. Voluntarie is that which moves it self according to judgment , &c. which is the same with the following definition of what is free , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , That is free , which acts from it self . This rational Spont●neitie , or Libertie , is stiled by Plato sometimes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ▪ Soul-duction ; sometimes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , self-service , as also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , self-action . Thus also Libertie is defined by the Stoicks , Laert. in Zeno 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Libertie is a power of self-action . Whence the Greek Fathers , Basil , &c. call free-will 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , self-power , and the Scripture useth a word of the like import , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , self-Election , 2 Cor. 8.27 . This self-moving power , which is alone essential to Voluntarinesse , or Libertie , is expressed by Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 8. under this notion , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . That is in our power which we use , so or so , for which we are said to be voluntarie , or free . This 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which he makes only Essential to Libertie , and Voluntarinesse , is excellently well expressed by Epictetus , and Simplicius , on him : Epict. Ench. cap. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The things in our power are the conception , impetus , appetition , and extension ( of the Soul ) and in one word , all our acts . Simplicius here speaks forth Aristotle's mind , as well as Epictetus's fully thus . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. He saies those things are in our power , of which we are Masters , and of which we have power . Such are the internal motions of the Soul , proceeding from our own judgment , and Election . So again , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . When the Soul acts according to its own nature , then it is moved freely , and voluntarily , internally from it self ; and from this ( spontaneitie ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , what is free , may be well defined . Thus Simplicious , who makes here all the natural acts of the Soul to be free . 2. This freedom to consist in a rational spontaneitie , or voluntarie motion of the soul . Hence he proves at large in what follows ( p 23.24 . Edit. Salmas . ) that all Necessitie is not contrarie to Libertie , Coactive necessitie alone excludes Libertie . but only that , which is Extrinsick , Coactive and Compulsive , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Therefore we are to say , that there is a twofold necessitie , one contrarie to Libertie , another consistent therewith . Wherefore external necessitie destroyes Libertie ( for no one externally compelled , is said to do , or not to do any thing freely ) but all internal necessitie , necessitating to act according to their own nature , this does the more preserve Libertie . For a self-moved , according to the nature of a self-moved , is necessarily moved by it self : neither is it for this ( said to be ) moved by another ; for the necessitie is not external , but complicated with the nature of the self-moved , yea preservative thereof , and conducing to its proper operations . Thus Simplicius , who gives us here an excellent description of humane Libertie , and its Combination with internal voluntarie necessitie , which , if well understood , and embraced , would put an end to all those Scholastick clamours of the Pelagians and Jesuites , against God's necessitating , determining , efficacious concurse , which puts only an internal voluntarie , not external coactive necessitie on the will ; and therefore is no way destructive to its Libertie . But then Simplicius proceeds to demonstrate , that a Libertie of Contrarietie ( as the Scholes term it ) or an Indifferencie to this , or that , is not essential to humane Libertie . Libertie of contrarietie , or Indifferencie not Essential to Free-will . Take his own words : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Neither must we needs say , that in all things free-will ▪ & Libertie supposeth a power of acting contraries : for Souls , which allwa●es adhere to good , and choose good , have both Free-will , and Election ( for Election is not forced ) of that good , without Ind●fferencie to the contrarie , &c. By which he fully proves , that actual Ind●fferencie is not Essential to Libertie . Thence he proceeds to prove , that Libertie is essential to the will , Libertie essential to the will . and an unseparable adjunct of every vital humane Act. So pag. 28. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Wherefore they , that destroy Libertie destroy the natural extension and constitution of the Soul , &c. So that nothing destroys Libertie , but what destroys the natural inclination , or Voluntarinesse of an human act . This is farther evident by the following definition he gives of a free act . Simp. in Epict. cap. 2. pag. 34. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . That is free , which has the self-power , and dominion of its own exercise . This he farther explains in the same page thus : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . It is manifest , that the things in our power are our proper acts : and things not in our power , but in the power of others , are other mens acts . Whence it apparently follows ; 1. That every human act of the Soul is in the Soul 's own power , and so free , albeit it be necessarily predetermin'd , and act●ated by God's Efficacious concurse . 2. That this Libertie of human acts implies nothing more as essential thereto , but a Rational spontaneitie , or voluntarie self-motion We have insisted the more largely on these notions of Simplicius about human Libertie and its identitie with Voluntarinesse ; because he seems , of all Aristotle's commentators the best to understand his mind . Farther that Aristotle's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that which is in our power , whereby he expresseth Libertie , imports no more than voluntarinesse , or Rational spontaneitie , is evident from that excellent determination of Greg. Ariminensis in Sent. lib. 1. Dist. 17. Q. 1. That an action be in the power of an Agent , it is not necessarie , that every principle be the forme of the Agent : for then no act of the will , whether good , or evil , would be in its power ; because God is the productive principle of every act . Therefore I say , that there is nothing more required to bespeak an action to be in the power of the Agent , Est in potestate naturali , quod cum volumus sacimus . August . than that the action flow from his own will . So also Austin : That is in our power which willing , we do . The contemperation , and consistence of God's Efficacious necessitating concurse with human Libertie is excellently set forth by Plutarch , in the life of Coriolanus fol. 193. thus . But in wondrous , God's necessitating concurse destroyes not Libertie . and extraordinarie things , which are done by secret inspirations , and motions . Homer . [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] Doth not make God to take away human Election , and Libertie , but to move it , and then he addes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . In which God makes not the action involuntarie , but openeth the way to the will , and addes thereto courage , and successe . For ( addes he ) either we must say , that the Gods meddle not with the causes , and beginnings of our actions , or else , that they have no other way to help , and further men by . Thus Plutarch . And whereas 't is object●d that thus to ascribe unto God a predetermining , particular immediate Influence upon , God's predetermining concurse to the wil 's 〈◊〉 makes h● not the Author of sin . and Concurse with the will , to every ●ct thereof , is to make him the Author of Sin , &c. Plato Repub. 10. gives us a good solution to this objection , in saying . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ●ll blamable Ca●salitie belongs to the particular Agen● , which ch●●seth 〈◊〉 God is a blamelesse cause . Agen , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . In all Evils , God workes what is righteous , and good only . This is more fully explicated by Simplicius in Epict. Enchir . cap. 1.24 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . God is no way the cause of sin : for he being in himself good , Acts the Soul in sinning only according to its own nature ( i. e. voluntarilie ) out of the riches of his goodnesse : but he do●s not concurre to its sin otherwise , than as the Soul it self wills it . His meaning is , that God concurreth to sin , only as the Vniversal cause of Goodnesse ; so that God's Concurse thereto does not at all hinder , but that the Soul voluntarilie chooseth it . Neither is the qualitie of the effect to be ascribed to the Vniversal cause , but to the particular , which is the alone Moral , and therefore culpable cause of Sin : whereas God 's Vniversal causalitie thereto is only Physical , or natural , and therefore not morally Evil. That the Souls Voluntarie agencie is sufficient to render its act Morally good , or Evil ( albeit we allow God a predetermining Influence , and Concurse thereto ) is evident from that of Aristotle Ethic. lib. 3. cap. 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 in things voluntario praises , and dispraises have place , i. e. in virtues , and vices : so agen Eth. lib. 3. cap. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Virtue is voluntarie , and sin nothing lesse is likewise voluntarie . Whereby 't is evident , that Aristotle requires nothing more on the part of the Soul to render its acts Morally good , or Evill , but that they be voluntarie .

§ . 29. Having dispatcht Aristotle's contemplations about the Wil's Voluntarinesse , and Libertie , which is the Essential adjunct of every humane act ; Touching the moralitie of human acts . we now proceed to his speculations about the Moralitie of humane Acts , or their mora clonstitution as good , or Evill . This moralitie of human acts in general according to Aristotle , has for its foundation , or basis 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a voluntarie free agent ( as before ) but the chief measures thereof are , 1. the End : so Aristotle Ethic. lib. 3. cap. 10. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 every thing is defined or measured by its end , i. e. the End has the same place in morals as the forme in Naturals , or as the first principles in speculatives . 2. Not only the End , but also the Law of Nature , ( which Aristotle stiles Right reason ) has an essential influence on the moralitie of human Acts : according to which they are denominated morally good , or Evill : for by conformitie thereto they become morally good , and by difformitie morally Evill : so Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 8. stiles a Virtuous act , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . That which moves according to the disposition , or order of Right reason , &c. We shall begin with Aristotle's notions about things , and Acts morally good , which he stiles Virtues , 1. Of Moral good or virtue . whereof we have this general account in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Virtue is , as it seems , a power conquisitive , and preservative of goods : also a power well-productive of many , and great matters , yea of all things , about all . But this definition of virtue being too general , & that which agrees as well to Natural , as moral Virtues , we proceed to that , which is more special . The great seat of Aristo●e discourse about moral virtue is his Ethicks lib. 2. cap. 3.4.5.6 . cap. 3. he gives us this general Idea of Ethick or moral virtue 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . It is supposed therefore , that virtue is such , as being conversant about pleasures , and griefs , is productive of that which is best . But sin is the contrarie . Aristotle Eth. l●b. 2. cap. 4. b●gins to discourse more distinctly of moral virtue , and its Genus , whether it be a Power , Affection , or Habit of the Soul , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Seing there are in the Soul these three ; Affections , Powers , Habits ; which of these must virtue be ? so Plutar de Virtut Mor. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . There are these three in the Soul , a Facultie , an Affection , and an Habit : A Facultie is the Principle , and matter of an Affection ; an Affection is the motion of a Facultie ; an Habit is the strength , and conformitie of a facultie gained by custome . Arist· demonstrates . 1. That Virtue cannot be an Affection , or Passion ; 1. Virtues are not Passions . because Affections are good or bad only from good or bad Habits 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Our passions are well , or ill disposed from those Habits , which possesse them : therefore our Passions are in themselves capable neither of virtues , nor of vices : whence it follows , that virtues , and vices , are habits . 2. He demonstrates that Virtues are not Passions ; because they are Elections , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Virtues are certain Elections ; or at least not without Election . 3. He demonstrates the same from the different motions of Passion , and Virtue 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . To these we may adde , that we are not said to be moved , but to be disposed according to Virtues , or vices : but we are said to be moved according to passions . Lambinus on this text of Arist. Eth. lib. 2 cap. 4. [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] Comments thus . Every thing so far as it is moved , so far it is said ( pati ) to suffer . Thence amongst the Greeks our Affections are called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Passions ; and so are opposed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to practice . For the very 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Affection , which is moved , is moved by External objects : and the Passive power , as it is moveable , is called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . But in the Action of Virtue ▪ albeit External objects concurr , yet a good man is not absolutely moved by them , as in the Affections , but according to the dictate of right reason . Therefore in the Affections the principle moving is External ▪ and the principle moved internal viz 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . But in Virtues the object is External , which of it self has no efficacie , but as it is admitted by right reason . The principle moved is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the passive power : but the prinple Acting , and moving , is some good habit or Virtue . And for this cause we are said 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 not to be moved ( for we consider not 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the passive power in virtues , but by Accident ) but we are said 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be disposed by Virtues , i. e. we are in some sort so framed , 2. Virtue not a power . that we may with facilitie act Virtuously . 2. Hence Aristotle proceeds to prove , that Virtue is not a power 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . For the same reasons also virtues may not be said to be powers : for we are not said to be good , or Evill simplie because we have a power of suffering : neither are we praised , or dispraised . Again we are said to have a power by nature , but we cannot be said to be good , or Evil by nature : Lambinus on this saies , that 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 powers are here called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 affective or passive qual●ties , i. e. qualities , wherein there is a certain affective efficacie . 3. Aristotle having proved , that virtue is neither a passion , nor a power , he there proceeds to prove , that 't is an Habit. 3. Virtue an habit . Thus Ethic. lib. 2. cap. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . We are to say therefore , that all virtue does perfect , and well habituate the subject , whereof it is a virtue ; as also render its work good : as the Virtue of the eys renders the eye good , as likewise its work . Hence he concludes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . If so ; then humane virtue must be an habit by which a man is made good , and by which also he makes his work good . What an habit is , What an habit is . and what is its difference from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Disposition , we may learn more fully out of Aristotle's Commentators , Ammonius , and others . Ammonius in his Comment on Aristotle's Categories makes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 an habit to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 more lasting , and more permanent than a disposition or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a disposition becomming by length of time , connatural , or implanted . Galen makes an habit to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a lasting , and hardly d●ssoluble disposition . So Philo 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Qu●nt●lian termes an habit a firme facilitie , i. e. an habit is deeply radicated in its subject , whereby 't is enabled to act with more facilitie . Aristotle Eth. lib 4. cap. 4. saies , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . An habit is defined by its act , and object . Agen Eth lib. 5. cap. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Oft times a contrarie habit is known by its contrarie , oft times also habits are known by their Subjects From which Aristotelick notions about habits we learn . 1. That an habit in Morals has much the same place , and influence as a forme in Naturals . For by how much the more noble ▪ and perfect the habit is , by so much the more noble , and perfect will the subject , and facultie , which it informs , be . 2. That every habit ( as a natural forme ) is ordained for , and perfected by its proper Act. 3. That the Nature of an habit is very congruous to , or agreeable with the nature of its object ; whence that determination in the Scholes : That Habits are known by their subjects , the mode of their in-being , their objects , and their Acts.

The formal nature of Virtue in Mediocritie . § . 30. Aristotle having discoursed of the generick nature of Virtue , and proved ▪ that it is not a passion , or power , but an habit ; he thence proceeds to discourse of its Formal nature , or reason , which he places in mediocritie ; so Arist. Eth. l. 2. c. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Virtue is imployed about the affections , and actions , wherein the excesse is sinfull , and the defect also blameable : but the mean is praised , and held Right . Therefore Virtue is a Mediocritie aiming at the mean , or middle . This Mediocritie of Virtue Aristotle ( Eth. lib. 2. cap. 5. ) applies to , and makes the measure of not only the matter of our actions , but also every circumstance . His words are 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . This mediocritie of Virtue directs when we ought , and in what , & with whom , & for whose sake , and how we must act , &c. Whence he conlcudes , that sin being multiforme , and various is very easilie committed ; but Virtue by reason of its mediocritie being uniforme is very di●ficult , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . One may erre many waies ( for sin has a kind of infinitie , whereas good is bounded ) but what is right is Simple , or uniforme . Wherefore 't is easie to erre , but difficult to hit the right , for 't is easie to erre from the mark , but difficult to hit it . The like Aristot . Mag. Moral . lib. 1. cap. 25. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Virtue is uniforme , but Vice is multiforme . That this uniformitie , or mediocritie is Essential to Virtue , and that which gives its formal constitution , Aristotle Eth. l●b . 2. cap. 6. demonstrates by comparing it with A●t . For ( saith he ) if excesse , and defect do corrupt , but Mediocritie conserve the perfection of Arts , must not moral Virtue which is more excellent than any Art 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 collime , How Virtue consists in Mediocritie . or aim at the Mean , as at its mark ? But for the more full Explication of this mediocritie , we are told , that Virtue may be considered either 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , in regard of its Essence ; and so 't is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Mean 'twixt defect , and excesse , which are the extreams : or else Virtue may be considered in regard of its perfection 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as 't is good , and best , and so it is an extream , which admits of no Excesse : for Virtue can never be too good , or perfect , as Ari●t . Eth. lib. 2. cap. 6. where we have also the matter , which this mediocritie refers unto , namely 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or Affections , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , our actions ; in all which there is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Excesse , defect , and equalitie . Now the mediocritie of Virtue consists in the latter viz. in observing that equalitie , or proportion , which is due to all our affections , and actions , to render them morally good . Whence this Equalitie , uniformitie , or mediocritie due to our actions , and affections , is stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a symmetrie ; as Eth. lib. 2. cap. 3. we find all this excellently explicated to us by Stob●eus Serm. 1. of Virtue , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Virtue is an habit , that keeps a decorum ; a decorum is that , which becomes us , and 't is both an extream , and a medium , or mean : an extream , as it admits neither of ablation , nor addition , but a medium or middle as 't is betwixt excesse , and defect . Whence he concludes against the Stoicks 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The mediocritie of Virtue harmonie . We may not therefore cut off the affections of the Soul , but harmonize them according to the decorum , and measure of reason . Hence , else where he saies 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 that the Mean is be● . This symmetrie , or mediocritie of Virtue is stiled by Pythagoras , Harmonie . So Laertius tels us , that Pythagoras held 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Virtue to be Harmonie ; yea that all things consisted of harmonie . So Polus the Pythagorean in his definition of Justice 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Justice is the Harmonie , and peace of the whole Soul with uniformitie ; as Stob. Serm. 9. which is thus explicated by Plato , Protag. 3. fol. 326. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the whole life of man should be composed of Vniformitie , and good harmon●e . Whence ●e cals Virtue the Musick of the Soul , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ▪ and Temperance he stiles 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the harmonie of the affections ; and Justice 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a consent of Virtues : and he gives this general Idea of Vice , and Virtue Phaedo 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Vice is a disharmonie , but Virtue an harmonie . This harmonie , or mediocritie of Virtue he makes to be also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a good order , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Symmetrie : yea he makes the Virtue , not only of the Soul , but also of the bodie and of every thing else to consist 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 in order , and rectitude ; whence he supposeth Eutax●e , symmetrie , and harmon●e to be the forme of the Vniverse ; Socrates also expressed this mediocritie of Virtue by harmonie as Stobaeus Ser. 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The life being like a musical Instrument harmonized , by intension and remission becomes sweet . So agen 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The harmonized life is most pleasant . These several Ideas of Virtue are all comprehended under , and expressed by Aristotle's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mediocritie , which implies the Eutaxie , Symmetrie , Vniform●tie , and harmon●e of Virtuous affections , and acts : or if we would have all these notions of Virtue resolved into one , we may take that of Plato calling it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 rectitude . For indeed the harmon●e or mediocritie of Virtue is nothing else , but a rectitude of principles , and acts . This seems fully expressed by Aristotle Eth. lib. 4. cap. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 · all rectitude is from Virtue , and all Virtue implies a Rectitude as 't will appear by and by .

The measure or rule of this mediocritie is Right Reason , or the Law of Nature . § . 31. As Aristotle placeth the forme , and essence of Virtue in the mediocritie , or Rectitude of principles , and Acts ; so the formal measure or Rule , by which this mediocritie , and Rectitude must be regulated , he makes to be Right Reason , or the Law of Nature . For every Act is denominated good , from its conformitie to the Law of nature both in matter , End , measures , and all circum●tances . So Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 8. speaking of Virtue and its mediocritie saies ; 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 and so as right reason dictates , or regulates . So agen Eth. lib. 4. cap. 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Virtue is not only consentaneous to right reason , but also an habit measured by , and conjoyned with Right reason . So Stobaeus Serm. 1. de Virtut . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Virtue is a Syntaxe , or regular disposition according to right Reason . So agen Arist. Eth. lib. 2. cap. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Whereby it 's evident , Aristotle makes Right Reason the measure of Virtue , and its mediocritie : So Amyraldus in his Theses Salmuriens●s expounds Aristotle's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 est unicum 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Virtutis . Right Reason ( saies he ) is the only ( 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ) Criterion of Virtue 's mediocritie . So Parker Thes . 22. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Right Reason ( as it is the same with the Law of Nature ) gives the forme to a moral act . But now all the difficultie is to state what Aristotle meant by his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Right Reason . For the clearing whereof , we are to know , that Aristotle took up this notion from his Master Plato , who by Right Reason understood the Law of Nature , as we have proved in Plato's Philosophie , Chap. 7. § . 6. Whence this Right Reason is by him stiled the Royal Law . So Plato Minos fol. 317. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Right Reason is the Royal Law , i. e. The Law of Nature , which received a new edition by Moses , called the Moral Law , ( i. e. as 't is the measure of moral good , and Evill ) whereof Plato received many notices , and traditions : as else where . This Right Reason is stiled by the Stoicks the common Law . So Diog. Laert. in Zeno saith , that the Stoicks held nothing should be done , but what was agreeable to the Common Law , which is Right Reason : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The Common Law , which is Right Reason , yea Aristotle himself seems to Enterpret his Right Reason so , as that it can be understood of nothing more properly , than of the Law of Nature Common to all men : So Arist. Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 14. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . &c. There is a twofold Law , one private , another common . The Common Law is that , which is according to Nature , for it is that , whereby all men learn by Nature , what is just , and what is unjust , without any particular consociation , or covenant amongst themselves . Thus Aristotle : wherein he distinguisheth the private Laws of particular Nations , or Societies from the Common Law of Nature , which he makes the measure of Moral good , and Evil. This Common Law of Nature Aristotle makes the Source of all private Laws ; and that which gives check unto them when in Excesse , or defect : so Arist. Eth. lib. 2. cap. 25. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , all private Laws need to be corrected by the Vniversal Law . Whence this Law of Nature is made the same with 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Law of Equitie , which is to give check to all private constitutions . And that Aristotle's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Right Reason is the same with his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Common Law of Nature , 't is evident by the definition he gives of Justice , or Righteousnesse . Arist. Rbet . lib. 1. cap. 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Justice or Righteousnesse is a Virtue , by which every one has what is his own , and as the Law dictates to them , who are subject to it . Whereby he makes the Law the measure of what is Righteous . So in his Eth. lib. 5. cap. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a just man is he , that lives by Law , and Equitie , i. e. according to that Law of Equitie , or Nature , which is common to all . Whence Aristotle Rhet. lib. 3. cap. 17. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Law is the standard , or measure in all Judicial proceedings , i. e. all moral good , and Evil is measured by some Law of Nature Common to all , as civil good ▪ and Evil by civil private Laws . Thence Aristotle Ethic. lib. 5. cap. 2. saies , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . That is just therefore , which is according to Law , and Equitie . What Aristotle attributes to Justice is by a paritie of reason applicable to all moral good , or virtue . By all which it 's evident , that Aristotle's 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Right Reason ( which he makes the measure of moral good and Evil ) is the same with his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Common Law of Nature , which gives the forme , and measure to Common Justice , and all other moral Virtues . Whence that of Plato Repub. 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; that is greatly distant from Right reason , which is distant from Law , and order . Hence again Plato , Gorg. 504. tells us . That as health , beautie and other Virtues of the bodie proceed from the regular order or exact temperament thereof ; so the health , beautie , and other virtues of the Soul from its regularitie 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , whence the Soul's actions are regular , and beautifull . Such is Righteousnesse , Temperance , &c. So that we may conclude that 't is not any subjective Right Reason , or Light of Nature , which is the measure of moral good , and Evil ; but an objective Right reason , or the Common Law of Nature , which is the same with God's Law called Moral , because it gives Forme and measure to all moral good . So that Aristotle's Right reason , which he makes the measure 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the rectitude , and mediocritie of Virtue , must be resolved into God's moral Law ( which is but a new promulgation of the Law of Nature ) as the alone adequate Rule , and measure of all moral good and Evill . Thence the perfection , or defect of all goodnesse , or Virtue must be measured by its accesse , and conformitie to , or recesse and difformitie from this first moral Rule , or Law : for moral goodnesse being nothing else , but a relation or conformitie to the Rule of moralitie , it necessarily follows , that every moral being is so far morally good , or Evil , as it conformes to , or difformes from this moral Rule , or Law . And albeit the least declen●ion , or aberration from this moral Law will denominate an humane act morally Evill ; yet there is required a perfect concurrence of all causes , or an entire conformitie to this Rule , to bespeak an act morally good : according to that approved maxime in the Scholes ( founded on the light of nature , Bonum ex causis integris malum ex quoliber defectu . and general consent ) Good requires all its causes , but Evil springs from every defect . Hence also it follows , that this moral Law must necessarily be most perfect : For otherwise it cannot be the first measure or Rule of moral goodnesse , according to that of Plato 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . A defective measure is not a measure : for what is imperfect cannot measure any thing . This perfection of the natural , or moral Law consisteth in two things . 1. In the perfection of its End . Plat. Legib. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. All Laws must tend to the best End . 2. In its amplitude or Extention to all objects : a●l Lawgiver , saies Plato , must regard all virtue as Psal. 119.96 .

§ . 32. Having gone thorough all the causes of moral virtue ; The Idea o● definition of moral Virtue . which are first its subject 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a voluntarie Agent , and Act. 2 it s Genus , which is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 an habit . 8. It s Forme , which is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 mediocritie , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Rectitude . 4 the Rule , and measure of this Forme , which is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Right Reason , called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Common Law of Nature ; it is easie hence to forme a Definition of moral Virtue , which Aristotle has done to our hands . Arist. Eth. l. 2. c. 6. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Virtue is an Elective habit consisting in mediocritie of things relating to us , defined by reason , and so as a wise man defines . In which definition are these observables , 1. The Genus whis is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 an habit not 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a power , not 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a passion . 2. The specifick difference , which is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Elective ; whereby moral habits , or Virtues are distinguished from Intellectual Arts , and Sciences , which are also habits . 3. Here is the subject matter , or object of moral virtue expressed by 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 what relates to us , or is in our power , which is the same with 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , what is voluntarie . 4. Here is the Forme of Virtue , which consists 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 in mediocritie or re●●itude ▪ 5. Here is the formal measure of this mediocritie , expressed by 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 which is the same with 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ●ight ●eason ; ( as before ) We find the same repeated more particularlie though not so exactly , by Aristotle Eth. lib. 3. cap. 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . We have said of Virtues , that they are mediocrities ; and that they are habits , and that they are of themselves desireable ; and that they are of things in our power and voluntarie ; and so as right reason prescribes Wherein we have all the several ingredients of Virtue enumerated . We find a definition of Virtue much the same for substance given by Plato Meno . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Virtue is an habit of the Soul , by the concurrence of the natural power , working that which is best , according to reason , and tending to the best End . 1. Virtue consists of the best End and best work . From these Essential Ideas of Virtue we may draw these conclusions . 1. That true Virtue requires not only a good work , or matter , but the best End , which must informe this matter , as the Soul the bodie . 2. Hence also it follows , that all Virtues have one and the same uniforme , 2. All Virtues have one and the same Idea . harmonious , simple Idea ; in that they proceed all from the same divine habits , or principles , and tend to the same divine End . Thus Aristotle Eth. lib. 2. cap. 6. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Good men act simplie and uniformelie , but wicked men variously . Whence he addes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . For sin is infinite , but good is definite , and uniforme . So Plato Protag . fol 379. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Virtue is one , but its parts are Righteousnesse , temperance , and holinesse . So Plato Rep. 4. fol. 445. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 to me the face of Virtue seems to be one ; whence virtue is stiled by him 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Concent , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 symmetrie , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 harmonie . Whence also the Stoicks held 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 all virtues are equal , or alike .

What Vice is . § . 33. Having given a full Idea of Virtue , and that according to Aristotle's mind , we need not spend time in extracting his Idea of Vice or sin : for he himself acquaints us Ethic. lib. 5. cap. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a contrarie habit is known by its contrarie . As in Logick the affirmative being well stated , the negative is easilie discovered ; so in Morals , virtue being well explicated , the Idea or face of vice is soon unmask'd . Thus as virtue requires an integritie of causes , and full concurrence of all circumstances : so Aristotle tels us , that vice proceeds from any defect of either moral cause , or circumstance , as Ethic. lib. 3. cap. 10. Art. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Vices arise either when men do what they ought not , or as they ought not , or when they ought not , or the like , i. e. when there is any defect in matter , or forme and manner , or time , or such like . Agen , Aristot . Eth. lib. 2. cap. 5. tels us , as good is bounded by mediocritie , and Right Reason , and therefore uniforme ; so Evil , is boundlesse and infinite 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Sin is various ; for Evil is infinite . Agen , wh●●eas he defines Virtue a mediocritie 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , according to Right Reason ; he tels us Eth. lib. 1. cap. 13. that Vice is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , somewhat besides , or beyond Reason . So Stobaeus Ser. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sin is a transgression besides right reason . Farther , Aristotle in his Eth. lib. 5. tels us , that 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Just is lawfull , and equal , but unjust , illegal , and unequal ; according to the Scriptural definition of sin , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 sin is an Illegalitie , or a transgression of the Law . This Aristotle Eth. lib. 5. cap. 2. cals 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a transgression of the Law . So Art. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 an unjust man therefore seems to be a transgressor of the Law . The like Art. 13. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 what is unjust is a transgressing of the Law , and unequal . Yea Ari●●otle concludes Art. 24. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . This Transgre●●ion of the Law comprehends all injustice , and is common to all iniquitie . The like Aristotle layes down in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 9. where , having defined Righteousnesse to be a Virtue according to Law , he saies 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Unrighteousnesse is that , whereby we invade other mens rights , against Law . So Arist. Rhet. lib. 1. cap. 10. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 to act unjustly is Voluntarilie to hurt again●● law And in his Eth. lib. 2. cap. 1. he saies 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The Will of every Lawgiver is such as that they , who act not according to it , sin . Thus also sin is stiled by his master Plato 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ataxie , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 asymmetrie , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pleonexie , or Exorbitancie , opposite to the Eutaxie , symmetrie , and mediocritie of Virtue . So Plato 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Vice is an Exorbitancie , or intemperate Excesse : a metaphor taken from the su●●rabundance of any humour in the bodie called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Thence defin . Plat. fol. 416. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sin is a practice against right reason . So Agen , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 injustice is an habit , overlooking or neglecting Laws . Whence sin also is held by Plato 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. But thus much for Aristotle's Ethicks in general .

Aristotle 's Physicks . § . 34. We now proceed to Aristotle's Physicks , wherein he asserts , and demonstrates 1. God's universal Concurse the first mover in all motions ; 1. Of God 's universal causalitie as the first mover . so Johan . Grammat . in Arist. de Anima proaem fol. 10. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Aristotle in his Physicks about the End , disputing of Motion , & in quiring into its cause , elevated himself to the first cause , and priple of motion . And he said , that the first mover ought to be immobile : for if he also should be moved , the things moved would not continue in motion , as if there were things alwayes mobile , it necessarily follows , that their mobile would be immobile . Thence Aristotle extolling the first mover , that he was incorporeous , eternal , and omnipotent saies , that on such a principle depends the heaven and world . For it behoveth a perfect Physiologist , after he has handled the natural causes , not to rest in these , but to ascend to the separate or supernatural : thus Aristotle has done in his book of Generation , and Corruption . The same is mentioned by Ammon●us in Arist. Categ . as before §. 14. see Simplicius in his comment . on Arist. Phys. lib. 8. 2. That the Soul is incorporeous and immortal . large here about . 2. Aristotle asserts also in his Physicks the immortalitie , and immaterialitie of the humane Soul . So Joh. Gramm . in Arist. de anima proaem fol. 7. Aristotle , saith he , delivered a Canon proving the Soul to be immortal . The Canon is this 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . We ought , saies he , by the operation to judge of the Essence , because everie Essence has an operation suited to it . Agen another Canon is this every Essence , that has an operation separate from the bodie , must of necessitie be separate from the bodie ; For otherwise the effect will be more noble than the cause Then he proves the minor , that the Soul has operations separate from , and independent on the bodie , as the contemplation of God , it self , and other spiritual objects . And Diogenes in Aristotle saies , that Aristotle held 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 that the Soul is incorporeous .

§ . 35. As for Aristotle's Metaphysicks , Aristotle's Metaphysicks . Ammonius stiles them his Theologicks . So Ammon in Arist. Categ . pag. 11. Aristotle's Theolologicks are those he writ after his Physick Exercitation , which he calls Metaphysicks , because it is proper to Theologie to treat of things above Nature . Hence Aristotle's Metaphysicks passe in the Scholes under the splendid title of Natural Theologie , though indeed it contains nothing , but a few fragments , he procured from his master Plato , and the more ancient Philosophers ( who traded much in Jewish traditions ) touching God , his Vnitie , Veritie , Bonitie , &c. also the Angels ( which Aristotle cals Intelligen●es ) and of the Soul in its separate state , concerning which Aristotle sometimes seems 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 to hesitate ; saying 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 as before § . 3. But to come to the generick nature of Aristotle's Metaphysicks , which he makes to be Sapience , whereof he discourseth at large in the Proëme to his Metaphysicks as 't is well observed by Stobaeus , Serm. 3. Aristotle's metaphysicks called by him the first Philosophie , or Theologie . of Wisdome 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 'T was Aristotle's custome to call the same Science , both Wisdome and the first Philosophie , and Metaphysicks , and Theologie . Then ( Aristotle addes ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ,

A character of Aristotle's Sapience the object whereof is .

1. Things most universal .

2. Things most difficult .

3. The first causes .

4. Sapience is desireable for it self .

5. Sapience is architectonick and Principal .

&c. First we conceive a wise man knows all things so far as 't is possible yet so , as that he has not a particular ( but only universal ) knowledge of them . ( 2. ) Thence we count him a wise man who is able to understand things difficult ; not only such as are easie (3) farther we judge him most wise in all Science , who most exactly considers , and understands the first causes . ( 4. ) And of Sciences , that which is eligible for it self , and for its own knowledge is rather Wisdome , than that , which is desireable for its effect . ( 5. ) And that Science which is more principal comes nearer Sapience , than that which is subordinate : for it becomes not a wise man to take precepts from others , but to give precepts . 6. Sapience is of things most universal and immaterial . ( 6. ) And for the most part things most Universal are most difficult to be known by men ; for such things are most remote from sense . ( 7. ) Those also are the most accurate of Sciences , 7. Of things first , and most excellent . which are of things mostly first . Thus Aristotle in his proeme to his Metaphysicks , and Stobaeus out of him . Wherein we have a full character of Sapience or Metaphysicks , which is here described both in relation to its Object , and Nature . 1. As for the object of Sapience , Aristotle saies it is 1. of things most Vniversal , and remote from sense . 2. Of things most difficult , and excellent or rare . 3. Of the first principles , and causes of things , as of God , &c. 2. As for the Nature of Sapience , Aristotle tels us , it is 1. most desireable for it self , and for its own knowledge , not for any effect , that flows from it . 2. It is the Architectonick or principal Science , not ministerial , Sapience or Metaphysicks The most noble , divine , and excellent of all Sciences . or Subordinate , &c , Whence also Aristotle addes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 As we say a man is free , who is su●juris , for himself , and not for another : so this Sapience is the most free , and noble of all Sciences ; for it alone is for it self , and not for any other Science , whence also it appeares to be divine , and the most excellent of all Sciences . Aristotle 's Sapience applicable to none but God , and things Divine . These Characters , which Aristotle gives to his divine Sapience , or Metaphysicks , are applicable to no Science but the Contemplation of God , and things Divine . For God alone is the First , and most excellent being , the first principle , and cause of all things : and therefore the knowledge of him is the only true Sapience , desireable for it self , and most principal , divine , and excellent . This farther appears by the object of Metaphysicks ; Now though Aristotle makes the Adequate Object of Metaphysicks to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ens , Being in its most Vinversal latitude ; yet the Principal Object he makes to be the Prime Being and Universal cause of all other Beings , God himself , as did Plato his Master before him , calling God sometimes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 very being , sometimes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 truely Being , sometimes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the first Being , and most frequently 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 The Be●ng , clothed with Vnit●e , veritie , Goodnesse , &c. whence perhaps Aristotle also made Vnitie , Veritie , and Goodnesse Affections of his Ens , in Genere .

CHAP. II. Of the Cynicks , their Sect , and Philosophie .

I. Antisthenes the father of the Cynicks , and his Schole the Cynosarges . II. Whence they were called Cynicks ? viz. from their severitie against vice , &c. III. The Professors of Cynicisme , Antisthenes , Diogenes , Crates , Demetrius , &c. IIII. The Genius of the Cynicks , and their affinitie which the Stoicks . V. Their principles . 1. To Live according to Virtue . 2. That External goods , as Riches , Pleasures , Honors , are not desireable , because a wise man enjoys all good in God . 3. They disliked flatterie , and bore reproaches with patience . 4. They affected impudence . 5. They were great reprovers of Vice , especially of pride , yet guilty of the highest pride . 6. They rejected all conjectural Science , and Philosophie , Except moral . 7. They were Religious , but not so superstitious as others . 8. Their Justice , and Fidelitie . 9. Their prizing Libertie . The Cynick Philosophie originally from the Jews .

§ . 1. HAving discoursed at large of the Platonick , The original of the Cynicks from Antisthenes , and his Schole the Cynosarges . and Aristotelick Philosophie , we now proceed to the Cynick , which had its foundation also from Socrates's Schole by Antisthenes the Disciple of Socrates , who being greatly pleased with those Discourses of his Master , which treated of Tolerance , and Labour , instituted this Sect ; This Antisthenes the Head of the Cynicks ( being by Countrie an Athenian , but by his Mothers side , a Phrygian ) after the death of his Master Socrates made choice of the Cynosarges , a Schole at Athens , just without the Gates ; as the fittest place to Philosophize in ; so called from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Temple of the White , or swift Dog . The origination of this name is well given us by Hesychius 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. The Cynosarges is a sacred place so called for this cause . They say when Diomus sacrificed to Hercules , there came a Dog , and Snatching away a legge of the Sacrifice , ran away therewith ; others following him ; and the place was so called from the whitenesse , or Velocitie of the Dog . Suidas has much the same in 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 .

Why called Cynicks . § . 2. From this Schole the Cynosarges some conceive Antisthenes , and his followers were called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cynicks , and Antisthenes himself termed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Sincere Dog . So Hesychius Illustris . Others , ill wishers to the Cynicks , will have them to be so called from their Doggish impudence . Empiricus ( in Pyrrh . l. 1. c. 14. ) supposeth them to be called Cynicks from their defending good men , but barking at the wicked . This is the most probable conjecture . So Ammonius in Categor . pag 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The Cynicks are so called for their Libertie in reproving Vice , and encourageing Virtue : For they say a dogge has somewhat of a Philosophick sagacitie , or discretion discovered in his barking at strangers , and shaking his tail in a tawning manner on Domesticks . So these Cynicks smile on , and salute Virtues , and those , who live according to Virtue ; but they avoid , and barke at passions , and those who live according to passion , albeit they be Kings . Thus Ammonius : The like Diogenes Laertius ; who makes them to be so called , because they were sharpe reprovers of Vice , not regarding the taunts , and abuses put upon them ; as hereafter .

The professors of Cynicisme . Antisthenes . § . 3. Theopompus commends Antisthenes above all the Disciples of Socrates , as one endowed with a great acumen of judgement , and sweetnesse of discourse ; by means whereof he could lead any man to what he would . See his Character at large in Diogenes Laertius , Diogenes . and Hesychius Illustris . Next unto Antisthenes , Diogenes Sinopensis , his Auditor , is of most repute amongst the Cynicks ; who was indeed a person of prodigious Wit , as will appear by his following sayings , and greatly admired by Alexander the Great , as also by Basil in his book Of reading Gentile books . Diogenes the Cynick had for his Disciples Monimus Syracusanus , Onesicritus , and Crates the Theban . Crates . This Crates had for his Auditors , his wife Hipparchia , her brother Metrocles , Menippus the Phenician , and Zeno the father of the Stoicks , whence sprang a great fraternitie and communion 'twixt the Cynicks , and Stoicks ( as else where ) The●e followed also Demetrius Cynicus , Demetrius . who flourished in the time of Domitian the Emperor , at Corinth ; and drew into one Systeme all the Philosophie of the Cynicks . Philostratus of the life of Apollonius , lib. 4. cap. 8. saies of him ; that for Learning's sake he followed Apollonius , as Antisthenes Socrates , &c. Seneca gives this Demetrius a very large Character : So lib. 7. de Benef. cap. 1. Demetrius , saies he , was very great , if compared with the greatest . Agen cap. 8. he was a man of exact Wisdome . Also Epist. 62. He was the best of men : I admire him , why should I not admire him ? I have seen nothing wanting in him . Tacitus likewise Annal. 16. cap. 34. gives an honorable mention of him .

§ . 4. As for the Genius of the Cynick Sect , The affinitie 'twixt the Cynicks , and Stoicks . it is greatly extolled by Arrianus in Epictet . lib. 3. Dissert. cap. 22. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; where he sets forth the Cynick Philosophie as masculine , and generous . And indeed there was a very great Cognation betwixt the Cynicks , and Stoicks . So Laertius lib. 6. having mentioned the agreement 'twixt the Cynicks , and Stoicks as to their sentiments of the chiefest Good , he addes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . There is a certain communion betwixt these two Sects , whence they ( the Stoicks ) said Cynicisme is a short way to Virtue . Laertius here points at Zeno , who honored the Cynick sect with this Elogie : And indeed no wonder , seeing he himself , who was the head of the Stoicks , sucked in a main part of his Philosophie from Crates the Cynick . Yet the Stoicks differed from the Cynicks not only in external habit , but also in Modestie ; which was the main motive , that enduced Zeno to quit the Cynick Sect : for being commanded by Crates to do some unbecoming acts , his modestie made him refuse , and quit Crates's Schole ; as hereafter . The Affinitie betwixt the Cynicks , and Stoicks will farther appear by their Principles , and Practices .

§ . 5. The first main principle of the Cynicks was , The principles of Cynicisme . 1. That Virtue is our chiefest End . that our Chief End is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to live according to Virtue ; which was the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or first principle of the Stoicks also . And indeed th●re were scarce any of the Wiser Philosophers , but embraced this Principle ; for they were all convinced of a vanitie , and vexation , that attended sensible enjoyments ; as also of a more than ordinarie beautie and sweetnesse , which was appendent unto Virtue ; only herein they greatly abused this common principle ; in that they made Virtue desireable for it self , and so their God . 2. That External goods are not desireable .

§. 6.2 . Hence also the Cynicks affected a mean obscure , yea in-indeed sordid kind of life . Wherefore ( saies Laertius in Antisthenes ) they lived meanly , contemning Riches , Glorie , Nobilitie : Their Food was herbs , and cold Water , their houses obvious , and tubs , That a wise man enjoys all in God . &c. All which Cyn●ck Mortification was sounded on that Principle of Diogenes 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . It s proper to the Gods to want nothing , and to those , who are like to the Gods , to make use of but few things . Whence also they asserted , that a Wise man enjoys all th●ngs in God : so Diogenes the Cynick ( as Laertius tels us ) affirmed , that Wise men enjoyed all things ; because all things belonged to the Gods ; and the Gods were friends to wise men : now among friends all things are common . Hence likewise they held , that Riches , Honors , Pleasures , and whatever the world admired should be contemned . Wherefore Crates Thebanus , a noble man of great wealth , sold his patrimonie , and betook himself to Cynick Philosophie upon the persuasion of Diogenes ; and notwithstanding the importunitie of his friends to the contrarie , he abode fixed in that opinion of the Cynicks 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . That Philosophers have need of nothing . Hence also they delighted much in frugalitie , according to that of Greg. Nazianzen . Orat. 23. touching Hero Alexandrinus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . In the Cynick Sect he accused their impietie , but praised their frugalitie . Lastly ; upon the same account they disliked all publick Games , shews , or pass-times . So Diogenes the Cynick said 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , The Olympick games were but great miracles of fools .

3. Their abhorring flatterie & bearing reproaches . §. 7.3 . Hence also the Cynicks abhored flatterie , and bore reproaches with much patience , and constancie . Thence Antisthenes being commended , said 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; what ill have I done ? meaning it was an ill thing to be commended . Again being much applauded by a wicked man , he said , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . I am in an Agonie , least I have done ill ; And Diogenes being asked , what beast bit most perniciously ? replyed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Of wild beasts the Sycophant , and of tame beasts the flatterer bites worst . He had also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a flattering oration is but an honey snare . As for bearing of reproaches , the Cynicks were very eminent , as Diogenes Laertius acquaints us . Orates was wont industriously to rail at whores , thereby to exercise himself for to bear railing : and when others Scoffed at the deformitie of his face , holding up his hands he was wont to say 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. Be confident , Crates , for thine eyes , and the rest of thy bodie , for thou shalt see Scoffers punished , though now they blesse themselves . Diogenes the Cynick being told , that many mocked him , he replyed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , I mock not aga●n .

§. 8.4 . Hence the Cynicks affected a kind of impudence , 4. The Cynicks affected a kind of impudence . and immodestie even in things dishonest . So it 's said of Crates , that he lay with his wife , and had to do with her in open place . So Diogenes the Cynick did many things very unbeseeming , which rendred him among many very ridiculous , but Diogenes Laertius gives this favorable interpretation of this his seeming excesse : Laert. lib. 6. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Diogenes said , that he imitated the Masters of the chorus , who admitted some excesse in their tone , that so others might be reduced to a Concent . So that , according to Laertius , these extravagant excesses , and exorbitant impudencies of the Cynicks were assumed only to shame others out of Vices ; but this their designe being not understood by the vulgar , hence their Sect became contemptible , and exploded . Thence Cicero de Officiis 1o . saies , that , The Nation of the Cynicks is wholly to be expelled , for it is an enemie to Modestie , without which nothing can be right , nothing honest . Whence Sidomus tels us , that in his age there scarce remained any of the Cynick Sect.

§. 9.5 . 5. Cynicks great reprovers of Vice , especially of pride . The Cynicks were severe censors and reprovers of Vice ; whence some will have them called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as before . And Diogenes the Cynick being sensible of this imputation , that he was esteemed of a currish biting disposition , said wittily 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , I bite only Evil men . And as they were great reprovers of vice in general ; so in a more special manner of Pride . Thus Antisthenes seeing a Vessel wherein Plato had vomited ▪ said 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , I see his choler here , but I cannot see his pride : Diogenes Laertius . meaning Plato had not vomited that up as yet . And Diogenes the Cynick coming into Plato's Schole , he goes and treads upon his bed , or Philosoph●zing seat , with this expression 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , I tread here on Plato's vain studie , or proud Philosophie ; to which Plato replies 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; O Diogenes , how much of pride dost thou manifest , whilest thou seemest not to be proud ? And indeed Plato spake truth : for Diogenes , and the rest of the Cyn●cks under their external , and seeming self-denial concealed much of real pride , and self-advancement . For the highest self-advancement is that , which ariseth from a pretended self-abasement . Thus the Cynicks in words cry down pride , though in deeds they cry it up . So Demetrius the Cyn●ck said ; 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The height of Pride should be taken away , but the sense of it left .

6. They rejected all Philosophie , but moral . §. 10.6 . The Cynicks rejected all conjectural Sciences ; as Astrologie , and Divination by dreams , &c. Whence Diogenes the Cynick blamed the Mathematicians , who looked into the Moon , and stars , but overlookt the things under their feet : He said farther to one discoursing about Meteors 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; when camest thou out of heaven ? Diogen . Laertius . Also to some affrighted at their dreams , he said Those things you do waking , you consider not , but those things you imagine in your dreams you curiously inquire into . Yea they rejected all Learning and Philosophie , except moral ; holding that our End is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 to live according to Virtue . Hence they required in their Disciples pure , and Chast minds . So Anti●henes to a youth abused unto Sodomie , but willing to be instructed by him , and demanding what was needful for him in order thereto , replyed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a new book , a new pen , and a new table : meaning a new mind is necessarie for a Disciple : as Diogen . Laert. in Antisthenes .

7. Their Religion without superstition . §. 11.7 . The Cynicks were very religious towards the Gods , yet not so superstitious , as the Pythagoreans and othe● Sects . Thence Diogenes the Cynick supping in the Temple , the Offalls , that were left , he took away , saying , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Nothing that is sordid , must enter into the Temple . Yet were they not superstitiously conceited about ceremonies of Religion : wherefore Ant●sthenes , after he had initiated himself at the Orphean Oracle , to studie those my●teries , a Prie●t telling him , that those , who were initiated in those Rites should partake of many things 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 after death ; he replyed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; why then dost thou not dye ? intimating that those ceremonies , and outward formalities were not a good foundation to rely upon .

§. 12.8 . The Cynicks were great admirers of Justice , Faithfulnesse , 8. Their justice & faithfulnesse . &c. So Diogenes was honored by Xeniades his Master , who had found him very faithful , with this Character 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . a good Daemon has entred mine house . And the same Diogenes being upbraided by one for stamping money falsely , replyed , Time was , when I was , as thou now art ; but such as I now am , thou wilt never be . Meaning that he was now quite another man . Whence also he said touching living well 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; why livest thou , if thou hast no care to live well ?

§. 13.9 . The Cynicks were great Esteemers of Libertie , 9. Esteem of libertie . as all the Philosophers generally were ; whence that saying touching Diogenes the Cynick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , He preferred nothing more than Libertie .

§. 14.10 . The Cynicks held also with the Stoicks 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 that Virtue was teachable ; 10. Virtue teachable . wherein they differed from Socrates . More concerning the Cynicks , their Dogmes , and Institutions . See Diogen . Laert●us in Anti●henes ; Augu●t . Civit. Dei . lib. 14. cap. 20. and lib. 19. cap. 1. with Lud. Vives thereon .

§ . 15. That the Cynicks traduced the main of their Dogmes , The Cynick Philosophie from the Jewish Church originally . and Institutes originally from the Jewish Church may appear . 1. From what has been demonstrated touching Socrates , and his Philosophie being derived from the Jewish Church . 2. From the original of some of the Cynicks , who were of Phenician extract ; as Menippus the Phenician , &c. 3. From the Cognation 'twixt the Cynicks , and Stoicks , who received their Philosophie originally from the Jews , as it will appear in the following Chapter . §. 8.

Chap. CHAP. III. Of the Stoick Sect , and Philosophie , its original , &c.

§ . I. Of Zeno his Original , and Praeceptors . II. Zeno's Schole the Stoa ; his institution of the Stoick Sect , his Charactor . III. Cleanthes his Character . IIII. Chrysippus his repute amongst the Stoicks . V. Diogenes Babylonius , Antipater , Possidonius . VI. Roman Stoicks , Cato , Varro , Antoninus , Tullie , Seneca . VII . Christian Stoicks . VIII Stoick Philosophie was but a corrupt derivation from the Jewish Theologie . IX . Of Stoicisme in general , and its combination with Socratick , and Cynick Philosophie , with its difference from the Peripatetick , and New Academick . X. Particular Dogmes of Stoicisme . 1. of the Stoick Comprehension . 2. The Stoick Metaphysicks ; God's God's providence over Mankind . 3. Of the Stoick Physicks , the Soul ; the Stoick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 4. the Stoick Ethicks . 1. Appetition , and self-preservation , with tolerance , and abstinence . 2. That passions are irrational 3. that the wise are only free . 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 6. Virtue desirable for it self . § . 15. The corruptions of Stoicisme , and its opposition to Christianitie .

Of Zeno his original , and Instructors . § . 1. NExt to the Cynicks follow the Stoicks , who received their original from them , by Zeno the founder of their Sect , who was sometimes Scholar to Crates . This Zeno was borne at Cittium , a Greek Sea-town in the Isle of Cyprus . So Strabo lib. 14. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cittium has a port , which may be shut ; hence sprang Zeno the prince of the Stoick Sect. This Cittium was planted , and enhabited by a Colonie of the Phenicians , whence Zeno was by some stiled the Phenician ; Thence Crates cals him the little Phenician ; as Suidas in Zeno : Zeno being according to Laertius about 17. years of age ( or as Persaeus 22. ) took a voyage to Athens , whither he was inclined , as well by his particular propension to Philosophie , as by his businesse , which was to sell some purple , which he had brought out of Phenicia , as some will have it . Though Laertius seems to make the only ground of his voyage into Greece to be for traffick ; but being robbed by Pirats , or shipwrackt , he thence took occasion of going to Athens ; where consulting the oracle , how he might live best ? answer was made , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 If he should joyn himself to the dead , &c. which understanding of studie , he betook himself with great diligence to read the books of the Ancients , and so came into familiaritie with Crates the Cynick , but being , as Laertius tels us , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , too modest for the Cynick Impudence , leaving Crates , he applied himself to Stilpo the Megarick Philosopher ; From him he betook himself unto Zenocrates : He heard also Polemo the Academick as Cicero lib. 1. Quaest. Acad.

§ . 2. Zeno having been long an hearer of others ; Zeno 's institution of the Stoick Self , with his Character . endeavoured to correct what was amisse in them , and at length thought good to institute a new Sect : for which purpose he made choice of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the painted Porch , so named from the Pictures of Polygnatus , otherwise called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , where in the time of the 30 Tyrants near 1400. Citizens were put to death . So Laertius 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Zeno in tant● apud Athenienses aestimie fuit , ut coronae aurea donarent : ipsi aram consecrarent : dubiisque temporibus claves urbi● apud eum deponerent . Certatim igitur undique juventus non Artica solum , sed & totius Graeciae ad eum confluebat . Hornius , Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 16. Here Zeno walked , and Philosophized , whither resorted many Disciples , who ( as Laertius addes ) were 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , from this Stoa called Stoicks . Zeno was indeed a person of great Intellectuals , and naturals ; as it appears by the opposition made against him by Carneades , who was fain in his engagements against Zeno to purge his head with white Hellebore . And as his worth was great , so his reputation amongst the Athenians was not little : For by the Philosophie , which he taught , and by the practice of his Life conformable to that Doctrine , Zeno gained so high an estimation amongst the Athenians , that they deposited the keys of their Citie in his hands , with their Liberties . His name was also much honored by his own Country-men , as well at Cyprus , as at Sidon . See Stanley of Stoick . Philosophie ; and Diogenes Laertius of Zeno , who farther addes , that Zeno being sensible , what gain he had by Philosophie , was wont to say touching his losses at Sea , which were the occasion thereo , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . I made a prosperous voiage , when I suffered shipwrack , &c.

Zeno 's successor Cleanthes his Character . § . 3. Zeno of Cittium was succeeded by Cleanthes Assius his Auditor , who by reason of his unwearied labour and indefatigable studie was termed another Hercules ; also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , because he imployed himself in drawing water by night that so he might by day imploy himself in his studies . Thence that of Arrianus in Epictetum , lib. 3. cap. 17. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ; Where is Cleanthes , who together followed his studies , and drew water ? Tullie gives him an high Character , calling him the father of the Stoicks , as lib. 3. de Natura Deorum . And Simplicius commentar. in Euchirid . Epicteti tells us , that he was so far honored by the Roman Senat , that they appointed his Statue to be erected at Assum , a Citie of Eolis , where he was born . And certainly the Fragments of his Workes , which yet remain , argue him to have been a person of great worth as to Philosophie . We find 37. Heroick verses with an Hemistich of his in Stobaeus's Physick Eclogues : also 5. Jambicks turned into Latin in Senecae Epist. 107. likewise 4. Heroicks in Clemens Alexandr . lib. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . besides Proses in Sextus ; and Jambicks in Plutarch ,

Of Chrysippus . Reliquit discipulum Chrysippū , acutissimum omnium Philosophorum ; unde Chrysippeū acumen , ● qui tamen primus corrupit virilem Sectam Spinofo accumine Quaestionū . Lipsius l. 1. de Const. c. 10.

Of Diogenes Babylonius .

and Galen , with others .

§ . 4. Cleanthes's Auditor , and successor was Chrysippus , who was borne at Sole , a Town of Cilicia ( whence came the name Solaecisme ) and of great repute amongst the Stoicks , according to that old saying of Laertius , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 unlesse there had been a Chrysippus , the Stoa had not subsisted . So Tullie lib. 1. de Finibus : Nothing ▪ saies he ▪ belonging to the Stoick Philosophie was pretermitted by Chrysippus . He writ an excellent Discourse of Providence , out of which Aulus Gellius ( lib. 6. cap. 2. ) has collected some heads , of which yet Laertius , who has writ his life , makes no mention .

§ . 5. Chrysippus was heard , and succeded by Diogenes Babylonius : Diogenes by Antipater : and Antipater by Possidonius . We find all these mentioned together by Galen , or who ever else were the author 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , initio , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . This man was heard by Zeno of Cittium , who invented the Philosophie of the Stoicks , whose mode of Philosophizing was followed by Cleanthes ; of whom Chrysippus was an auditor , who followed the same Institution : of this man Diogenes Babylonius was Auditor , as also Master of Antipater ; of whom Possidonius was Auditor . Diogenes Babylonius was he , who in the Second Punick War ( P. Scipio and M. Marcellus being Consuls ) was together with Carneades the Academick , Antipater Sidonius . and Critolaus the Peripatetick sent by the Athenians to Rome on Publick Embassage , as Cicero lib. 4. Tuscul . Diogenes , Laertius ( in Diogenes the Cynick ) tels us , that he was borne at Seleucia , and called Babybonian from the vicinitie of Place . The Disciple of this Diogenes Babylonius was Antipater Sidonius , whom Cicero de Officiis lib. 3. cals the most acute person . Seneca Epist. 92. reckons him amongst the famous Heroes of the Stoick Sect. He was of Sidon , and thence termed Sidonius . The Disciples of Antipater , were Panaetius , as also Possidonius . Possidonius . This Possidonius was Originally of Syria , though he chose rather to passe for a Rhodian , as Strabo , and Athenaeus . Strabo lib. 16. saies he was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the most learned of his Age. Also lib. 14. that he had the Administration of the Rhodian Republick .

§ . 6. Besides these there are several others amongst the Romans , who may justly be reputed of the Stoick Sect , Roman Stoicks . as Tubero , Cato , Varro ; and after them Thraseus Paetus , Helvidius Priscus , Rubellius , Cato . Varro . Antoninus . Tullie . Seneca . Plautus , with M. Antoninus the Emperor , in whose time no Sect flourished so much as the Stoick , according to Sextus Empiricus : Tullie seems mostly in love with this Sect ; as in Tuscul. 4. where he seems to make them almost the only laudable Sect. How far Seneca was enclined to this Sect is evident enough by his Epistles : Epistol. 83. he cals it the the most valiant and holie Sect ; and de Const. Sap. cap. 1. he saies There was so much difference 'twixt the Stoicks , and other Professors of Wisdom , as there was 'twixt men , and women . Seneca received the Principles of Stoick Philosophie from Sotion , whom he acknowledgeth to be his Praeceptors So Epist. 49. and 58.

§ . 7. Yea not onely amongst the Gentiles , but even amongst Christians many were much drencht in Stoick Philosophie . Christian Stoicks . So Pantaenus Bishop of Alexandria , who as Jerom acquaints us , i● was sent to the Indian Brachmans , to preach Christ among them , that so , if it might please God , this Christian Philosopher might convert those Pagan Philosophers . Disciple to this Pantaenus was Clemens Alexandrinus , who oft discovers his affection to the Stoick Philosophie . That which made this Sect so pleasing to many Christians , as well as Pagans , was the gravitie of their conversation , their contempt of terrene good , their moderation in the use of creature-comforts , and patience in the want of them : Hence Jerom on Esa. 10. saies , the Stoicks do in many things agree with our Dogmes .

§ . 8. And indeed no wonder , if the Stoicks agreed very far with the Chri●tian Religion as to morals ; That the Stoick Philosophie was but a corrupt derivation from the Jewish Theologie . seeing the choicest of their notions were but corrupt derivations and traductions from the Sacred fountain of Israel : which will be evident from these particulars . 1. The Stoicks Morals were but rivulets streaming from the Socratick Philosophie , which , as we have before demonstrated , had its original from Jewish Morals delivered by Solomon and others . 2. Zeno the Founder of the Stoick Sect was ( as we have before shewen §. 1. ) Native of Cittium , a Phenician Town in Cyprus , and so of Phenician extract . Now ( as we have else where demonstrated at large ) the Phenicians had familiar conversation with the Jews , & great notices of their Doctrines , especially such as were moral . That Zeno traduced the choicest parts of his Philosophie from the Phenicians , and Jews is well observed by Hornius Hist. Philos. lib. 3. cap. 16. It is easie for any to understand whence Zeno attained to so great Sapience . For seeing he had his original from Cittium , which received Phenician Colonies , we need no way doubt , but that he drew from their Monuments , and Mysteries , those his contemplations , which do so much accord with Divine Veritie ; Especially such things , as de delivered touching Providence . Cyprus is near Palestine and Aegypt , yea enhabited by Colonies from both ; &c. 3. Yea in Cyprus , where Zeno sucked in his first breath , and institution , there were many Jews , as Grotius on Math. 22.23 . In Cyprus ( saies he ) whence Zeno was , there were ever many Jews . 4. Antipater a great Master of the Stoick Philosophie was also of Sidon , a Phenician town bordering on Judea ; and thence had great advantage for the acquainting himself with the Jewish Institutes , and Morals , as . §. 5. 5. Lastly many of the Stoick Dogmes are apparently of Jewish origination ; as the Stoick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Spermatick word , whereby the Vniverse was framed ; which is evidently a derivation from Gen. 1.1 . Also the Stoick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or final conflagration , and purification of all things by fire is evidently no other , than some broken tradition of Enoch's , or some Jewish prophecie of the last conflagration ; as else where we may prove . The truth of this position will farther appear from the following Dogmes of Stoicisme .

§ . 9. Of Stoicisme in general , and its combination with other Sects . First that Stoi●isme was but a branch of the Socratick Philosophie is sufficiently apparent both from their agreeme●t in matter , and also from the assistance Zeno had from Socrates's Disciples . The Stoicks also held a very good correspondence and accord with those of the old Academie . The Stoicks conspire with the Cynicks . But their chiefest communion was with the ●ynicks . For Zeno their founder was first instituted in Cynicisme under Crates , whence there sprang a great fraternitie 'twixt the Cynicks and Stoicks , as in the former Chapter . § . 4. The Stoicks stood at a great di●tance from , and Contest with the Peripateticks about the agreement of Natural , and Moral good . The Stoicks held that things hone●t were disjoyned from things Commodious toto genere , in their whole Nature : Their difference with the Peripatetick . The Peripateticks h●ld their difference to be only gradual . Some thought this Controversie 'twixt the Stoicks , and Pe●ipateticks to be only verbal : So Antiochu● , Varro's Praeceptor , who composed a book of the Concord 'twixt the Stoicks , and Peripateticks . But Cicero , lib. 1. de Nat. Deorum , contradicts him thus . I wonder that Antiochus a person so greatly acute saw not , that there was an huge distance 'twixt the Stoicks , who disjoyned things hone● from things commodious , not only in name , but toto genere ; and the Peripateticks , who compounded thi●gs hone●t w●th things commodious so as they should differ amongst themselves in magnitude , and degrees only , not in kind . For this is not a small dissension of words only , but a very great difference of things . Yet in some things the Stoicks and Peripateti●ks agreed ; as that they both made 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , right reason , the measure of good , and ●vil● they both made Virtue desirable for it self , &c. The Stoicks also differed much from those of the New Academie , who stiffely asserted an 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or incompreh●nsion . For Zeno had sharp , and perpetual conflicts with Arcesilas , Their contests with the New Academicks . who instituted the Second Acad●mi● , and the Academick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Whence also Ca●n●ad●s , who was the In●itutor of the third , or New Acad●mie , writ sharpely aga●nst Zeno the Stoick his b●oks , as Aul. Gellius lib. 17. cap. 15. The particular Dogmes of Stoicisme . 1. Comprehension .

§ . 10. As for the particular Dogmes of Stoicisme , the Stoicks held 1. That there are certain , common principles , or Ideas in men , which they called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Comprehensions , in opposition to the Academick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , incomprehension , introduced by Arcesilas . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 was first used in this sense by Leno ; and that in a sense Metaphorical , and borrowed from things apprehended by the hand , which allusion he expressed by action : for shewing his hand with the fingers stretched forth , this he made the image of fancie : then bending them a little , this he made a symbol of assent : then compressing them , and closing his fist , this he made to be comprehension ; which according to the Stoicks is a firme , and certain knowledge . For , say they , whatsoever is understood , is comprehended by the mind one of these two waies : either 1. by evident incursion which Laertius stiles a knowledge by sense , or 2. by transition from Ev●dence , termed by Laertius collection by Demonstration , of which they make 3. kinds . 1. Assimilation : So a person is comprehended by his picture . 2. Composttion as of a Goat and an Hart is made Hirco-cervus . 3. Analogie , which is either by Augmentation , or Diminution . Thus of Stoick comprehension .

2. The Stoicks notions of God , and his nature . §. 11. 2. As to Metaphysicks ; the Stoicks held , as Laertius tels us , 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. That God was but one called by several names viz. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the mind , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fate , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Jupiter , &c. 2. They define God , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. That God is a Living , Immortal , Rational , Perfect Being , or intellectual in happinesse , void of all Evil , providential over the world , not of human forme , maker , and , as it were , parent of the Universe . According to Plutarch . Philos●ph . Placit. 1.6 . The Stoicks define God , A spirit full of intelligence , of a fierie nature , having no proper forme , but transforming himself into whatsoever he pleaseth . So Laertius acquaints us , that they held God to be the first , most pure being , whose essence was comprehensive of , and diffused through all beings . 3. The Stoicks asserted likewise , that God was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ingenerable , and incorruptible . We understand by God , saith Antipater , a living Nature , or substance , happie , incorruptible , doing good to mankind , &c.

God's creatition and Providence . § . 12. Touching God ●s Works of Creation , and Providence , Laertius informes us , that the Stoicks held God to be the first Cause of all things , and as the faetus is conteined in the Seed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . So also God was the Spermatick Word of the Vniverse , according to Joh. 1.12 . They affirme also ( addes Laertius ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 That the Universe was framed according to infinite Wisdome , prevision , or Providence : according to Gen. 1.31 . God saw . Touching God's Providence over the World , Of Providence . the Stoicks assert ( as Plutarch . Placit . Philos . ) That God is an operative artificial fire , Methodically ordering , and effecting the generation of things , comprehending in himself all that 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Prolifick Virtue , whereby every thing is produced according to fate . This seems the same with the Platonick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Vniversal spirit traduced from Gen. 1.2 . which is farther evident from their notions of Fate , which Zeno makes not to differ much from Nature , and Providence . Chrysippus defines Fate , Of Fate . a spiritual power governing the world orderly , or an eternal indeclinable series of things commixing , and implicating it self by eternal orders of consequence , of which it is composed , and connected : or the reason of the world , or the law of all things in the world governed by Providence . Panaetius the Stoick expressely asserts Fate to be God . Though many of the Fathers , as Ju●tin Martyr . Apol. 1. Ireneus , Epiphanius with others dispute vehemently against this Stoick Fate , &c. The Stoicks held also , that the Gods had a more particular providence over mankind , God 's providence over Mankind . which is manifested by this , that all things in the world were made for the use of Man . Hence also they held with Pythagoras , Socrates , Plato and the rest , certain Daemons , which had inspection over , and compassion for men : So Laertius in Zeno 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . That these Daemons were but Satanick Apes of the Jewish Messias , we have else where demonstrated .

§ . 13. Touching Natural Philosophie , the Stoicks held . 1. The Soul to be a spirit connatural , and immortal : So Laertius in Zeno , Stoicks Physicks . 1. Of the Soul . 2. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 2. They asserted also the final conflagration of the World by fire , which they called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and traduced originally from the Jews , though immediately from the Phenicians , as Grotius affirmes . This ( saies he ) Zens received from the Phenicians , &c.

§ . 14. The Stoicks Ethicks . But the Stoicks chief excellence consistes in Moral Philosophie ; the first part whereof they place in Appetition , and their first appetition ( according to Laertius ) is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to preserve self , for , say they , it is not lawfull for any to be so proper to any , as to himself , and because nothing conduceth so much to self-preservation , as tolerance , and abstinence : thence some comprehend the whole of their Morals in these two 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 bear , and abstain . 2. That passions are irrational . Diogenes Laertius in Zeno. 2. The Stoicks held 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that Passions were irrational : whence they defined 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Passion is the irrational , and preternatural motion of the Soul : again 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 an inordinate impulse : and thence they concluded all wise men were austere , not indulging themselves , or others , in pleasures , grief , or other passions . They held also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that Will was contrarie to concupiscence . Whence they assert also , that there were 3 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or good affections in wise men : namely Will , Joy , and Caution : but 4 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or perturbations in fools , Cupiditie , Gladnesse , Fear , and Sorrow : as Lud : Vives in Aug. Civ . lib. 14. cap. 8.

§. 14.3 . The Stoicks held also ( as Diogen . Laert. ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 that the wise man was only free , but wicked men slaves . This Libertie they defined thus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Libertie is a power of self-motion . 4. They affirmed likewise , that there was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a right reason not only Objective , but also Subjective , and innate in human nature , which being improved might bring men to a state of happiness . So Laertius 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . 5. Hence also they held , that there was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a good nature , or seeds of Virtue in nature , and Free-will to good . Whence likewise , contrarie to Socrates , they asserted 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that Virtue was teachable . So Zeno , in an Epistle to Antigonus , saith , that a generous nature with indifferent exercise , & the assistance of a Praeceptor might easily attain to perect Virtue . 6. Some of them held , that Virtue might be lost ; others that it could not , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , by reason of those firme principles . Cleanthes said 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . That a righteous man was such by Nature , not by institution . 7. They held also , that Virtue was desirable for it self , and that our Objective happinesse lay in Virtue , &c. 8. They thence affirmed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , That friendship was to be found only amongst virtuous persons , by reason of their likenesse . 9. They held likewise , that holie persons only could Worship God aright , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that devout , and just persons only were skilful in such Rites , as belonged to the Gods . 10. Lastly they affirmed that a virtuous man affects not monastick life , but active . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Virtuous person is communicative by nature , and active . See these Dogmes of Stoicisme more largely in Laertius on Zeno , where he gives us a brief account of the whole bodie of Stoick Philosophie . The same , as to morals , is laid down more fully by Epictetus in his Enchiridion , as also by Simplicius in his annotations thereon , & yet more amply by Arrianus , who collected Epictetus his Stoick Discourses delivered at home , or abroad , & digested them into a systeme . But none has given us a more perfect Idea of Stoick Philosophie , than amongst the ancients Lucius Seneca , and Amongst the moderne Lipsius in his Manuduct . to Stoick Philosophie .

§ . 15. Albeit the Stoicks , as to Morals , The corruptions of the Stoick Philosophie , and its contradiction to Christianitie . came the nearest of any to Christians , yet were they of all Sects of Philosophers the greatest Enemies to the Christian Religion : and indeed no wonder ; seeing their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or whole designe was to attain unto Happinesse by their Virtuous Works , and so to make that of their own Carnal Wisdome , and Free-will to all good , which we do of Christ . Hence they asserted 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a right reason , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Free-will to all good , with seeds of Virtue in human nature . Whence Austin affirmes , that the Stoicks as well , as the Epicureans , come under that condemnation of the Apostle Rom. 8.5 . Rom. 8.5 . &c. They that are after the flesh , &c. For indeed to make our own Wisdome , and Free-will , our God , as the Stoicks did , is the most cursed piece of our Carnal-mindednesse , and Idolatrie . Now that the Stoicks made their own Wisdome , and Virtues their God , is very evident from that of Grotius in Act. 17.18 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] who there saies , that the Stoicks were 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Vessels filled with vain presumption , and most averse from the Christian Religion ; they denyed , that their Wise man came short in any thing of Jupiter ; that he owed nothing to God for his Wisdome ; That Jupiter could not do more than a good man ; that Jupiter was for a longer time good , but that a wise man esteemed never the worse of himself , because his Virtues were shut up within a narrower compasse of time : which you find in Seneca Epi●t. 73. that a man should kill himself , rather than endure servitude , contumelies , or great diseases . Thus Grotius . And indeed Stoick Philosophie , albeit it give us an excellent Idea of Moralitie , yet falling upon our nature as degenerate , and corrupt , it has hitherto been of little use , save to feed spiritual pride , and turn off men from the Covenant of Grace to live upon the old Covenant of Works . This is sufficiently evident from that poisonous influence which Stoick Philosophie has had on Pelagianisme : For the chiefest of the Pelagian infusions received their first ferment from the Stoa ; Whence sprang the Pelagian Right Reason ; Free-will ; Seeds of Virtue ; Impeccancie , or perfect state , but from the Stoick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Stoick Philosophie , a cause of Pelagianisme . and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ? as we shall else where , God willing , demonstrate fully . That Stoick Philosophie is very apt to puff up , and swell proud corrupt nature , Plutarch himself seems to confesse in Cleomene , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The Stoick Philosophie , if it fall upon great , and acute natures , proves lubricous , inordinate , or doubtful ; but if it be tempered with a grave , and meek , or humble mind , it confers much to true , or proper good . This great , or proud nature , which receives so much dammage by Stoick Philosophie , is common to all men naturally : and the truely humble , and Meek spirit ( which Plutarch makes the only sit subject for Stoick Philosophie ) is no where to be found , but in the Schole of Christ , namely among such , who being stript of their own Wisdom , Free-wil to all Good , and other legal sufficiencies , know how to improve those Stoick Principles of Moralitie on Gospel motives or grounds , with Gospel dependance on Christ , and unto Gospel Ends , viz. the exaltation of Christ his free Grace , and the Glorie of it . This is the true Christian Stoicisme .

CHAP. IIII. Of Scepticisme .

I. Of the Scepticks , their several names . II. Pyrr●o his Character and chief Dogme , that nothing was knowable . III. The formal Idea of Scepticisme . IIII. The main designe of Scepticks to overthrow the Dogmes of other Sects . V. Scepticks denyed any thing to be just , or unjust . VI. The original of this Sceptick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , from Heraclitus's , and Plato's Schole . VII . Plato , and the old Academicks not Sceptick , but Dogmatick . VIII . Wherein the New Academicks differed from the Scepticks . IX . The Scepticks avoided all manner of Dogmatizing . X. Scepticisme a great enemie to the Christian Religion . XI . How far 't is commendable , and useful .

§ . 1. NExt to the Stoicks we shall mention the Scepticks , Of the Scepticks their several names . who were also stiled Pyrrhonians from Pyrrho their chief Coryphaeus . Laertius in Pyrrho informes us , that they were called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Scepticks , because they alwaies 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 consider a matter , but never determine any thing : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Aporeticks , because they always 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 doubt . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Ephecticks , because , after all their long , and tedious inquisitions , there follows no assent , but 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an hesitation , and suspension of judgement , or retention of assent . Lastly they were stiled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Zeteticks , because they were ever seeking , but never sound the truth .

§ . 2. The Head of this Sect was Pyrrho , who flourished in the time of Theophrastus , and Epicurus , about the 109. Olympiad ; Of Pyrrho , his Character . for he heard Dryso the Son of Stilp● , and Anaxarchus the Abderite ; whom also he accompanied into India , in the Expedition of Alexander the Great , yea was present , when the Indian upbraided Anaxarchus , that he followed the Court of Kings , but taught no one Virtue : As Laertius in Anaxarchus : who also brings in Ascanius affirming of Pyrrho , that he seemed to have sound out a noble way of Philosophizing by introducing 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , incomprehension , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 suspension : his chief Dogme that nothing could be known . for he asserted nothing : and truely ( addes Laertius ) Pyrrho's life was agreeable to his opinions ; for he shunned nothing , nor took any heed to his waies . We find the like mention of Pyrrho , and his incomprehension in Ammonius ( Comment. in Arist. Categ . pag. 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 saith he ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Pyrrho the chieftain of this Sect said , that Beings had an incomprehension , &c.

The formal Idea of Scepticisme . § . 3. Hence the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or chief Dogme of the Scepticks is , that nothing could be known , and therefore nothing might be affirmed , or denyed . So Anaxarchus Pyrrho's master held 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 neither did he know this , that he knew nothing . So Zenophanes said that , no one certainly knew any thing : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 for truth lieth in an abysse . Whence Sextus Empiricus cap. 4. dennes Scepticisme a facultie opposing Phaenomena's or apparences , and intelligibles all manner of waies , whereby we proceed through the equivalence of contrarie things , and speeches , first to 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 suspension , then to indisturbance . Thence those expressions of the same Sextus Empiricus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 not more this , than that : agen 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Every reason has a reason equal opposed thereto ; also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 I define nothing : Lastly 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 I persevere a Sceptick , or considering , &c.

§ . 4. Whence the Scepticks made it their main businesse , to overthrow all the Dogmes of the other Dogmatick Sects , not by affirming , The Scepticks made it their businesse to overthrow the Dogmes of other Sects . or defining any thing ; but by producing the opinions of all other Sects , and shewing their invaliditie or weaknesse . They instanced ( saith Laertius ) in ten waies , by which things became doubtful to us : as from the difference 1. of Animals , 2. of men 3. of Senses 4. of Affections , and their vicissitudes 5. of Educations , Institutions , Laws , and Customes , &c. Thence they denyed , that there were any 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 common principles known of themselves , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 comprehensions ; and so all Demonstration was by them taken away ; concluding 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 that the whole is indemonstrable . They also denyed , that there were any infallible signes , &c. This their 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 they termed also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , because their opinion held in bivio , without encl●ning to this , or that part : They named it also 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , because there was nothing affirmed , or denyed : for they durst not affirme that they were borne , or so much as that they were men .

§ . 5. Yea the Sceptick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or suspension reach'd so far , The Sceptick Suspension reached even to the denying any thing to be just , or unjust , or that sense was to be credited . as that they asserted nothing to be Good , or Evil ; just , or unjust ; but that men passed their judgement according to the institution of Laws , and Custome ; not that one thing was in it self more just , or unjust than another . Yea at last they came to affect an 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that the very senses were not to be credited . So Anaxarchus being carried against his will to Cyprus , where he was thrown into an hollow rock , and command given , that he should be beaten with iron hammers ; he seeming not to regard his pain said 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 beat Anaxarchus's Vessel , but Anaxarchus himself thou canst not break . Lastly we find the whole mysterie of this Sceptick Hesitation well expressed by Aristocles in Eusebius Praepar . Evang. lib. 14. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Things are equally indifferent , and uncertain , and undeterminable ; wherefore neither can our senses , or opinions speak truth , or falshood ; wherefore neither ought we to believe them , but leave them void of opination , and without inclination , or motion ; declaring concerning every thing , that it neither is , nor is not ; also that it is , that it is not , neither is it not .

§ . 6. The original of this Sceptick Suspension from Heraclitus and Plato's Schole . As for the Original of this Sceptick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 incomprehension , it seems to be more ancient than Pyrrho , or Anaxarchus ; for Heraclitus laid a great foundation for it , by asserting all things to be in m●tion , and nothing certain : So Ammonius ( in Ari●t . Categ . fol. 9 reckons Heraclitus among these Pyrrhonians because 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Heraclitus said , that all things were in motion and fluxe , wherefore they are called Ephecticks from 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , suspending their judgement of things . Yea this Sceptick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 suspension had a considerable room , and foundation in Plato's Schole , the old Academie , wherein there was allowed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Problematick kind of disputation pro , and con , for , and against the question , with an 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or libertie of suspending their judgements as to conclusions , about things dubious . For the old Academicks held two sorts of things some certain , and unquestionable , others doubtful , which might be affirmed , or denyed : As for things certain they held 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 some things are alwaies the same , without generation , whence they concluded , such things were 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , truely knowable and certain : in which rank of things they placed our notions of God ; of the Soul ; of happinesse ; of the other life , &c. concerning these things Plato ( and the old Academicks ) allowed not any 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , problematick disputation , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , suspension ; but he laies them down as certain , and indubitable , or proves them to be such 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , from indubitable principles indubitably . But Plato laies down some sensibles , which are only Probable , or dubious ; and of these he discourseth more freely , allowing an 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Suspension of judgement concerning them ; whence his difference 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , of a Probable and demonstrative character . From this 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Plato's Old Academie sprang the New Academick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or suspension of judgement , which differs little from the Sceptick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or suspension .

Plato and the old Academie not Sceptick but Dogmatick . § . 7. Albeit Plato , by his 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Probationarie disputes pro , and con , about sensibles , laid a considerable foundation for the Sceptick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , yet he seems professedly to dispute against this Sceptick Incomprehension , or suspension ; discovering himself to be rather Dogmatick , than Sceptick . Laertius tels us , that it was much controverted whether Plato doth Dogmatize , or not ? and he seems to conclude the question in the affirmative , that Plato did Dogmatize ; because he expounds those things , which he conceived true , and confuted those things which were false ; though he suspended his judgement in things doubtful . So Sextus Empiricus c. 31. Some ( saith he ) hold Plato to be Dogmatick , others Sceptick , others , that he was in some things Sceptick , in some things Dogmatick : for in his Gymna●tick Discourses , where Socrates is brought in disputing with the Sophists , they say , he hath a Gymna●tick , or Sceptick Character : but when he declareth his own opinion , he is Dogmatick . But Ammonius ( in Arist. Categ . pag. 9. ) gives us a more full account of Plato's judgement against this 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 incomprehension . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Plato in many discourses confuting this opinion ( about incomprehension ) after many things addes this also to them . When , Sirs , ye say there is an incomprehension , ye comprehend there is an incomprehension , or not ? if ye comprehend it , there is then a comprehension : if ye comprehend it not , we have no reason to beleive you , because you comprehend not , that there is an incomprehension . By which argument Plato efficaciously overthrew the Sceptick incomprehension .

§ . 8. But the●e seems to be a greater affinity betwixt the New Academicks , and the Scepticks in so much , The New Academicks differ from the Scepticks , and wherein . that they are often taken for one and the same Sect. So Seneca Epist. 88. The Pyrrhonians , and Megaricks , and Eretriacks , and Academicks , who introduced a new Science , namely that nothing could be known , are verst almost in the same things . So Suidas in 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . But Sextus Empiricus cap. 31. gives this difference 'twixt the Sceptick , and New Academick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Those ( saith he ) of the New Academie , though they say all things are incomprehensible , differ from the Scepticks perhaps in saying all things are incomprehensible : for they assert this ; but the Sceptick admits it possible that they may be comprehended , &c. Again ( addes Sextus ) we differ also from the New Academie , as to what belongs to the End : for they use in the course of life what is credible ; we following Laws , Customes , and natural affections , live without engaging our opinion . Lastly Sextus seems to observe this difference , that the New Academicks , Arcesilas with others , affirmed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , suspension to be Good , but Assent to be Evil , and that according to Nature : But Pyrrho judged these things to be so , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , not according to nature , but apparence . By all which it appears , that the Academicks held this common first principle , that all things are incomprehensible , might be comprehended : wherefore they accordingly determined , that nothing could be determined . But the Scepticks durst not affirm , or denie any thing , not so much as their own first Principle , viz. that all things were incomprehensible .

§ . 9. By which it appears , The Scepticks avoided all manner of Dogmatizing . that the Scepticks avoided all manner of Dogmatizing , as well that of the New , as that of the old Academie , and of all other Sects . So Sextus Empiricus Chap. 6. We say the Sceptick doth not Dogmatize : not understanding Dogme , as some do , in the general acceptation , for an assent to any thing ; for the Sceptick assents to those affections , or impressions which are necessarily induced by fancie , or sense ; but we say he doth not Dogmatize in their sense , who takes a Dogme for an assent to any of those inevident things , which are inquired into by Sciences . For a Sceptick Philosopher assents to nothing , that is not Evident ; neither doth he Dogmatize , when he pronounceth the Sceptick Phrases concerning things not manifest ; as I assert nothing , &c. Thus Sextus Empiricus , who treats more fully of Scepticisme in his books against the Mathematicians , &c.

Scepticisme a great Enemie to the Christian Religion . § . 10. This Sect of Scepticks is very contradictorie to the Christian Religion as it appears by the confession of Nicetas In Epitom . Clement . Roman . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 we have accurately inquired into those things , which are delivered by the Philosophers ; Especially those things , which are greatly repugnant to Piety towards God : namely the Dogmes of Epicurus , and Pyrrho , that so we might be the better able to refute them . And indeed Scepticisme is but a door to Atheisme : for by questioning every thing men at last come to believe nothing , though most certain , even the Being of a God .

How far Scepticisme is commendable . § . 11. Albeit Scepticisme be a thing of dangerous Consequence , yet is it not wholly to be condemned in things naturals and as it was used , in its first original : for although there are many things certain , which ought not to be called into question , yet there are , especially in naturals , many more uncertain things , in such things , if we will not precipitately erre , we must not precipitately Judge . but in things of this kind it is most agreeable 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to suspend our assent ; which was the practise of Plato , and his successors in the old Academie , whence sprang the Academick 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Thence Tullie in Lucullo brings in the Academicks speaking thus : We are not those , to whom nothing seems true ; but we say that there are some falsehoods mixed with Truths , and that under so great similitude , as that there remains in them no certain note of discretion , or difference . Agen saies Cicero : what can there be more rash , and unworthie the gravitie , and constance of a Wise man , than to yield a false assent ; or to defend without hesitation that , which is not sufficiently perceived , or understood . This modest 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 or suspension was greatly affected by Socrates , who in things uncertain , or dubious gave himself , and Scholars a liberty of suspending ; though in things necessarie , certain , and Moral he was very tenacious , and Dogmatizing .

CHAP. V. Of Epicurisme .

Epicurus his original , His Institution , Sect , and Character . His Pride , and contention . His temperance according to the Character of his friends . His Industrie , and Disciples . His Philosophie . 1. Physicks , of Atomes , &c. 2. His contempt of Logick , and Rhetorick . 3. His Ethicks : of Pleasure , and Passion . That Pleasure is the chiefest Good . That this Pleasure consists in Virtue : Epicurus's Atheistick Conceptions of God's Providence , &c. His denying the Immortalitie of the Soul , what opposition Christianitie found from the Epicureans .

§ . 1. HAving taken some View of all other Sects , Of Epicurus his Original . we shall conclude with the Epicurean , which was but a branch of the Eleatick Sect ; and received its Institution from Epicurus , who was born in the third year of the 109 Olympiad , seven years after Plato's death , and 341 before the birth of Christ . He was borne at Gargettus a Town belonging to the Egean Tribe ; and was bred up at Samus till the 18 year of his age ; at which time he went to Athens , Xenocrates living in the Academie , and Aristotle at Chalcis . About the 23 year of his age , he went to Colophon to his Father ; and from the 32 year of his age , to the 37 he lived partly at Mitylene , partly at Lampsacum , where he instituted a Schole , as Suidas observes , and Gassendus after him ( Chap. 5. of Epicurus ) Epicurus returning to Athens about the 37 year of his age , he a while discoursed of Philosophie in publick with others , but after instituted a Sect in Private denominated from himself Epicureans . At first indeed admiring the Doctrine of Democritus he professed himself a Democritian , or of the Eleatick Sect , unto which Democritus appertained . So Cicero de Nat. Deorum . Democritus was a very great Person , from whose fountains Epicurus watered his Garden : meaning his Schole , which was in a Garden . Yet afterwards , out of a spirit of Pride , and contention Epicurus rejects Democritus , and changeth many things in his Dogmes ; Thence ( saith Cicero ) he was very ungrateful towards Democritus , whom he followed . Clemens Alexandrinus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . lib. 1. and others report Nausiphanes the Pythagorean , Disciple of Pyrrho , to have been master to Epicurus . Laertius affirmes , he was chiefly addicted to Anaxagoras . He also admired the Conversation of Pyrrho , as Gassendus in his Life cap. 4. By which it appears , that Epicurus first embraced Scepticisme , whence he fell into Atheisme , and Epicurisme ; and indeed no wonder , for the Sceptick is the fittest matter to forme an Atheist , and sensualist out of , as hereafter .

Epicurus 's institution of his Sect , and Character . § . 2. Epicurus having imbibed what he thought agreeable to his designe , both from the Eleatick and Sceptick Scholes , he formes and shapes his own Ideas into a peculiar Sect of his own , called from him Epicureans ; and Pleasure being his main End , he purchaseth at Athens a very Pleasant Garden , where he lived with his friends , and discoursed of Philosophie . Apollodorus in Laertius tels us , that this Garden cost him 80. Pounds . We find this Encomium , of him in Petronius Arbiter , who followed this Epicurean Sect. Ipse Pater veri doctis Epicurus in hortis Jussit , & hanc vitam dixit habere Deos. Epicurus the Father of truth dictated in the learned Garden , and he said the Gods led this life . Lucretius the Epicurean l. 3. gives him the like Character . Tu pater , & rerum inventor , tu patria nobis Suppeditas praecepta , tuisque ex , inclyte , Chartis , &c. Agen speaking of Epicurus . Qui genus humanum ingenio superavit , & omnes Restinxit Stellas , Exortus uti aethereus Sol. Lactantius lib. 3. Instit. producing the●e verses , subjoyns ; Truely I can never read these verses without smiling : for he spake not this of Socrates , and Plato , who were as Princes among the Philosophers : but of a man , than whom no sick man ever dreamed , or talked more foolishly . Indeed the Disciples of Epicurus extolled him ( as some now adaies ) to the Skies , as if he only of all the Philosophers had found out the Truth , and all others had embraced Shadows : Yea his adherents were so ravisht with the admiration of him , as that every moneth they Sacrificed to his birth day , and that on the 20. day ; whence they called those holie daies 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . And they burned with so great love to their Master , as that they carryed his Picture engraven on a Ring as a luckie fortune wherever they went .

Epicurus 's Pride , and Contention . § . 3. But notwithstanding the great esteem Epicurus's Disciples had concerning him ; others were not a little offended at him ; especially for his Pride , Vanitie , and Contentious spirit . As for Epicurus's Pride , and Vanitie , Plutarch in his book against Epicurus acquaints us , that he had so proud , and swelling an opinion of himself , as that he would call no one learned , but himself , and those , who proceeded from his Schole . And touching his contention , Cicero . 1. De Nat. Deor. relates , that Epicurus did most contumeliously vexe Aristotle : he did most shamefully rail against Phaedo the Socratick : he did by several volumnes oppose Timocrates the brother of Metrodorus , his companion ; because he in some small matters differed from him in Philosophie : he was very ungrateful even to Democritus himself , whom yet he followed : he never stiled Chrysippus by any other name than Chesippus , &c. As for Epicurus's Conversation ; those , who differed from him suppose him to have been immersed in all manner of sensual , and brutish pleasures . Epicurus's temperance according to the relation of his friends . But those , that conversed with him , and adhered to his Sect , make him to be very pious towards the Gods , his Parents , and Countrie : also very bountiful towards his Brethren , friends , and servants : grave , and temperate , contenting himself with most simple , and mean diet ; likewise sparing in Wine , yea living on bread and water only ; So that he accounted it a great feast , if he had a little cheese . His industrie , and Works . They make him also to be very studious , and industrious ; which they argue from the multitude of volumnes he writ , beyond any other of the Philosophers , to the number of 300. All which books are perisht , excepting three Epistles given us by Laertius in his 10. book , who has also given us a compende of his Philosophie . Epicurus lived 72. years ; and died ( as Laertius ) of the stone stopping his urine , in the second year of the 127. Olympiad .

§ . 4. Among the Disciples of Epicurus , The Disciples of Epicurus . the first rank is given to Mus his servant , who Philosophized together with his master , and after him became the head of the Epicurean Sect , as Diogen . Laertius lib. 10. Also among the Sectators of Epicurus is reckoned Hermannus mention'd by Porphyrie lib. 1. de Abstinentia . Also Lucian was an Epicurean , and friend of Celsus the Epicurean , who writ against the Christians , and is answered by Origen . This Lucian is by some stiled the Atheist , because of his blasphemie against Christ , so Suidas : but herein he is vindicated by Vossius ) de Philos. Sect. cap. 8. §. 24. ) who shews , that Lucian no where speaks Evil of Christ , save in the person of a stranger , where he cals Christ a Sophist , a title of no ill import amongst the Philosophers , only he speaks unworthily of God , on which account I suppose he was termed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Atheist . There were also many of the Romans , who adhered to this Epicurean Sect , as Lucretius , Cassius : also Maro , who dedicated the latter part of his life to the Epicurean Philosophie ; as in like manner , Petronius Arbiter ; with others . And indeed there was no Sect continued so long , as the Schole of Epicurus , which when all other Sects failed , persisted in continual succession , as Laertius boasts of it ; and Lactantius lib. 3. Institut. easilie grants ; giving this reason thereof . The Discipline of Epicurus was alwaies more famous than that of other Philosophers ; not that it brought any thing of reason with it , but because the popular name of Pleasure invites many : for all are prone to V●ce . Nazianzen Orat. 23. on the praise of Hero Alexandrinus joyns these 3. in Epicurus as containing the chief of his Philosophie 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 Epicurus's Automatum together with his Atomes , & Pleasure .

Epicurus 's Philosophie . 1. Physicks of Atoms . § . 5. As for Epicurus's Philosophie , the best thereof consisted in Physicks , wherein he chiefly embraced the Dogmes of Anaxagoras , yet he differed from him in many things . Touching the Origine of the Vniverse . Epicurus held , that all things were composed of Atomes . Thence that of Au●tin de Civit. Dei . lib. 11. cap. 9. Epicurus held , that there were innumerable worlds produced by the fortuitous confluxe of Atomes . See Lud. Vives on the text . Epicurus's Hypothesis is supposed to have been this : viz. that before the world was brought into that forme , and order it is now in , Stillingf . Orig. Sacr. l. 3. c. 2. there was an infinite emptie space , in which were an innumerable companie of solid particles , or Atomes of different sizes , and shapes , which by their weight were in continual motion , and that by the various occursions of these , all the bodies of the Universe were framed in that order , they now are in . These his sentiments of Atomes Epicurus is said to have traduced from Leucippus , and Democritus ; especially from the latter , as before ; though indeed the first great assertor of Atomes was Mochus , that famous Phenician Physiologist , who traduced them from the Jews , as has been proved in the Phenician Philosophie . The whole of the Epicurean Physicks is comprehended by Lucretius the Epicurean in 6. books .

Epicurus his contempt of Logick . § . 6. Epicurus contemned Logick , Rhetorick , and the Mathematicks . His contempt of Logick is mention'd by Laertius in Epicurus , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . They rejected Logick , as that , which perverts mens minds : for they say , that simple words suffice for Physicks . Yea Cicero lib. 1. de Nat. Deorum , brings in Epicurus denying , that either part of Contradictorie Propositions were true . In the room of Logick Epicurus introduced his Canonick Ratiocination : His Canon . whence he composed a book styled 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which was ( as Laertius tels us ) 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , concerning the Rule of judgement , and Principle ; also a Work , that delivered the first Elements . This Canon , or Criterion of judgement Epicurus made to be not Reason , but sense . So Cicero de Nat. Deor. lib. 1. Epicurus said , that the senses were the messengers , His contempt of Rhetorick , and Mathematicks . or judges of truth . As for Epicurus's contempt of Rhetorick Laertius gives this account thereof 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 he used a proper kind of speech , such as was accommodated to things , which because it was simple or plain , Aristophanes the Grammarian reprehended . So Cicero de Finibus lib. 1. acquaints us , that Epicurus neglected letters , and ornaments of Speech . Epicurus's contempt of the Mathematicks is mentioned by Plutarch in his book against Epicurus .

§ . 7.

Epicurus's Ethicks . 1. That Pleasure is the chiefest Good .

Of Pleasure , and Passion .

In Epicurus's Philosophie nothing was more pleasing to corrupt nature , than his Ethicks especially touching the chiefest good , which he placed in Pleasure : so that he made the first , and last cause of all human actions to be Pleasure , or Delight arising from that good , which the minde enjoys . His Canons of Pleasure , and Passion ( according to Gassendus de Epicuri Philos. Morali , cap. 3. ) are these : 1. All Pleasure , which hath no pain joyned with it , is to be embraced . 2. All pain , which hath no Pleasure joyned with it , is to be shunned . 3. All Pleasure , which either hindereth a greater Pleasure , or procureth a greater pain , is to be shunned . 4. All pain , which putteth away a greater pain , or procureth a greater Pleasure , is to be imbraced , &c. Epicurus's Canons touching Pleasure , as the first and last good , were ( according to Gassendus cap. 3.4.5 . ) these . 1. That pleasure , without which , That Pleasure is the chiefest good . there is no notion of Felicitie , is in its own nature good . 2. That Felicitie consists in Pleasure , because it is the first Connatural Good , or the first thing agreeable to nature , as also the last of expetibles , or End of good things . 3. That Pleasure , wherein consists Felicitie , is Indolence of bodie , & Tranquillitie of mind : for herein the absolute good of man is contained . The Indolence of the bodie is preserved by the use of temperance . The health of the mind is preserved by Virtues provided , and applied by Philosophie . That this Pleasure is in Virtue , and Mental . Diogenes Laertius gives the like favorable interpretation of Epicurus's Pleasures , in his Vindication of him against the imputations of Diotymus the Stoick . Epicurus ( saith Laertius ) held 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . That the chiefest happinesse was in God . 2. Hence he placed happinesse in the Pleasures of the mind , and reflexion on former enjoyments . 3. Laertius also tels us , that he held there was an unseparable connexion 'twixt Virtue , and true Pleasure : whence he said , that Virtues were naturally conjoyned with a pleasant life : agen , live thou as God in immortal Virtues , and thou shalt have nothing common with mortal . Ammonius in Aristot . Categ . pag. 9. gives the like account of the Epicurean Pleasure 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The Epicureans are called Hedonici , because they make Pleasure the last End ; Pleasure ; not that of the bodie , but the tranquille , and indisturbed constitution of the Soul , following a Virtuous life , but they mistake saying 't is the Carkasse of Virtue , or the shadow , seeing they make it the last End . Seneca affirmes , that Epicurus complained , men were very ungrateful towards past enjoyments , because what ever good they enjoy , they reflect not again upon it , neither do they reckon it among pleasures : where as there is no pleasure so certain as that which is past , because it cannot be taken from us . Present goods have not yet a compleat solid being : and what is future yet hangs in suspence , and is uncertain , but what is past is most s●t● . Yea Epicurus himself in his Epistle to Idomeneus , speaking of the torments , he was then under , being ready to dye , saies , that the joy , which he had in his mind upon the remembrance of the reasonings , which he had in his life time , stood in battail of array against all those torments ( as great as could be imagined ) of the strangurie he laboured under . According to these accounts , Epicurus's Pleasures were not so grosse , as is generally conceived , yet sufficiently blame-worthy ; in that he placeth mans objective , and formal happinesse in Pleasure , which is but a consequent thereof .

Epicurus 's Atheistical conceptions of God , his Providence , &c. § . 8. But whatever Epicurus's opinion was about Pleasure ; certain it is , he was fouly mistaken in his Metaphysical Philosophizings about God , his Providence , &c. It s true ; Epicurus ( according to Laert●us ) denyed not the Being , and spiritual nature , of God : for he held 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that God was incorruptible , and most blessed , &c. Yet he denyed the Providence of God wherein he discovered the absurdnesse of his reason : for take away the belief of Divine Providence , and the notions of a Deitie , though never so excellent , will have no awe upon the spirits , and lives of men ; and therefore soon be rooted out of men's minds . Wherefore some Ancient Philosophers supposed , that Epicurus's designe in acknowledging a Dei●ie which he really believed not ) was only to avoid the censure of downright Atheisme : assuring himself , that albeit he asserted one most excellent Being , which he called God , yet so long as he denyed his Providence , he sufficiently served his own Interest ; which was to root out all common foundations of Religion , and so to establish a practical Atheisme . Thence Tullie de Nat. Deor. 1ᵒ. tels us , that Epicurus extracted Religion by the roots out of mens minds , seeing he took from the immortal Gods both assistance , and Grace . For albeit he affirmed the Nature of God to be most excellent , and best , yet he denyed Grace in God ; and so took away that , which is most proper to the best , and most excellent Nature . For what is better , or more excellent , than bonity and beneficence ? which if you take from God , you make no one dear to God , How Epicurus undermined the Providence of God . and no one beloved of him , &c. Epicurus's great Canon , whereby he destroyed the Providence of God , was ( according to Laertius lib. 10. ) this , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . The blessed , and immortal being neither hath any affairs of his own , neither doth he h●ed other mens . His great argument to defend this his Hypothesis was , that it was beneath the Majestie of the Divine Being , to condescend so far , as to regard and mingle with the affairs of this lower world . Whence he placed all Religion in the adoration of the Divine Being , abstractly for its own excellence , without any regard to his Providence ; which is indeed to destroy all Religion . This Atheistical perswasion makes Tullie , Plutarch , and the other Great Moralists degrade him from the title of a Philosopher .

§ . 9. Epicurus also denyed the Immortalitie of the Soul , He denyed the immortalitie of the Soul . which indeed was but the consequent of his foregoing Atheistical persuasion ; and both , as I presume , imbibed together with his Sceptick Infusions from the Sceptick Schole : for Scepticisme naturally degenerates into Atheisme , and this into Sensualitie . Likewise Epicurus's Dogmes touching Atomes gave a great foundation to his Atheisme : For his Hypothesis being granted , that the first production of the Vniverse , and all successive generations proceed from a Casual combination of Atoms , it is easie to salve all the Phaenomenas of Nature without a Providence .

§ . 10. What opposition the Christian Religion found from this Epicurean Sect is evident from Act. 17.18 . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] He mentions ( saith Grotius ) two Sects of Philosophers most opposite to the Christian Religion . For the Epicureans believed that the world was not created by God ; and that God regarded not human affairs ; that there were no Rewards or punishments after death ; that there was no Good , but what was sensible :

§ . 11. Campanella in his Politicks seems to make the Scepticisme , Atheisme , and sensualitie of the Epicureans the occasion of their Ruine . The Philosophers ( saies he ) passed not from opinion to opinion , beyond Epicurus ; under whom denying God , and Providence , their Sects were destroyed . He makes this the curse of all that kind of Philosophie , which degenerating first into Scepticisme , and from thence into Atheisme , was then rooted out of the World . And no wonder , God blasted Philosophie , when Philosophie dar'd so highly to blaspheme God : No wonder God should root that Philosophie out of the World , which in Epicurus , and his Sectators ( the Swine of that Stie ) became so debaucht , and vain , as to attempt the eradicating of the Notion of a God , or at least his due Fear , and Reverence out of the World . But the Mischief of all such Vain Philosophie , to , and the Vsefulnes of sincere sound Philosophie in the Christian Religion , may be the matter of an other Undertakement ; if this Historical Account now finisht ( and mainly design'd in Order thereunto ) find any such Reception , and Entertainment , as may give Encouragement to such a Worke.

FINIS .