Londinum
Triumphans
.
HOW
considerable
a
Figure
the
City
of
London
makes
in
the
present
Government
,
is
conceal'd
(
I
suppose
)
but
from
few
in
the
Land
:
But
the
Influence
its
Actions
have
had
upon
the
Affairs
of
the
Nation
in
past
Ages
,
is
not
so
generally
known
.
The
Glory
and
Splendor
of
this
Noble
City
,
is
so
obvious
to
the
Eyes
of
the
Curious
,
that
they
cannot
rationally
conceive
it
to
be
the
Work
of
a
Day
,
or
an
Age
;
but
that
,
like
other
Cities
eminent
in
Story
,
it
hath
risen
up
by
Degrees
from
small
Beginnings
,
to
its
present
Greatness
,
through
a
long
Tract
of
Time
,
and
the
Concurrence
of
many
considerable
Circumstances
to
make
it
Famous
.
The
Original
of
this
City
is
sufficiently
acknowledg'd
to
be
Antient
;
but
where
to
fix
the
true
and
certain
Bounds
of
its
Antiquity
,
is
not
so
easily
agreed
upon
by
Writers
.
What
one
sets
down
for
a
Truth
,
another
many
times
esteems
to
be
Fabulous
.
Scarce
any
thing
being
more
common
amongst
the
Learned
,
than
to
have
different
Sentiments
about
the
Original
of
Things
,
and
be
at
variance
amongst
themselves
about
the
first
Beginnings
of
Times
and
Places
.
True
indeed
,
we
can
deduce
the
very
first
Origine
of
the
World
,
from
the
Sacred
Leaves
of
Holy
Writ
;
but
They
,
who
have
not
had
the
Benefit
of
those
Heavenly
Oracles
,
or
do
not
with
Us
believe
their
Divine
Verity
,
are
compell'd
to
grope
in
the
Mists
of
Darkness
and
Confusion
,
while
they
search
after
the
First
Existence
of
all
Things
in
the
Writings
of
Prophane
Authors
.
The
prime
Pieces
of
Antiquity
,
that
we
meet
with
amongst
the
Heathens
,
are
the
Theban
,
and
the
Trojan
Wars
;
and
those
too
sullied
with
the
Fabulous
Narrations
of
their
Poetical
Writers
.
Besides
which
,
we
scarce
find
amongst
them
any
thing
deserving
Credence
and
Belief
,
except
the
mention
of
the
Argonaut's
Voyage
,
and
a
few
Passages
more
:
All
the
rest
are
hudled
up
in
such
a
confused
Mass
of
Fables
and
Fictions
.
And
yet
these
so
celebrated
Pieces
bear
Date
some
hundreds
of
Years
after
the
Flood
.
So
short
do
the
Prophane
Writings
fall
of
the
Divine
,
even
in
Time
,
as
well
as
Truth
;
unless
we
account
the
Dynastyes
of
the
Aegyptian
Kings
,
(
mentioned
by
some
Writers
worthily
esteem'd
Fabulous
)
for
true
History
,
and
make
any
Reckoning
of
some
Men's
Relations
;
who
tell
us
of
Chronologies
amongst
the
Chineses
,
of
Thousands
of
Years
before
the
Creation
,
according
to
our
Account
:
The
whole
Tranfactions
whereof
,
they
would
do
well
to
produce
in
our
European
World
,
that
we
might
be
able
to
judge
,
what
Credit
ought
to
be
given
to
their
Words
;
and
not
any
longer
suspect
,
that
they
shield
themselves
under
the
Protection
of
the
Priviledge
antiently
allow'd
to
Poets
and
Travellers
.
Seeing
then
,
in
these
Humane
Writings
,
we
are
left
so
much
in
the
Dark
,
in
what
concerns
the
First
Being
of
the
Universe
;
we
have
little
Reason
to
wonder
at
the
variety
of
Men's
Opinions
about
the
Settling
of
Nations
,
and
first
Inhabiting
of
Countries
:
Much
less
are
we
to
admire
,
that
the
Foundations
of
Antient
Cities
are
involv'd
in
so
much
Obscurity
,
that
we
can
scarce
trace
them
up
to
their
Original
,
without
being
often
put
to
the
stand
in
our
Searches
;
as
finding
but
little
certain
Truth
,
mix't
with
a
great
deal
of
apparent
Falshood
.
Therefore
,
I
hope
,
the
Courteous
Reader
will
the
more
readily
pardon
what
he
meets
with
of
Humane
Infirmity
and
Frailty
,
in
this
Attempt
;
and
pass
over
the
Errata's
he
finds
in
this
Historical
Relation
,
as
Venial
Faults
.
SHOULD
I
lay
the
Foundation
of
this
Honourable
City
in
the
Days
of
Brute
,
I
might
to
some
seem
a
Relater
of
Fables
.
Should
I
not
trace
its
Original
so
high
,
others
might
be
apt
to
think
,
I
slighted
its
Antiquity
.
So
difficult
a
thing
it
is
to
please
all
,
so
in
a
manner
impossible
to
displease
none
.
Let
me
do
the
utmost
of
my
Endeavours
to
avoid
the
Imputation
of
seeming
Fabulous
,
I
should
nevertheless
be
in
doubt
,
where
safely
to
fix
,
by
reason
of
the
different
Esteem
Men
have
of
different
Ages
.
One
preferring
This
,
Another
That
,
and
a
Third
(
perhaps
)
valuing
Neither
;
as
thinking
the
Relation
of
Things
done
in
Times
,
so
far
distant
from
Ours
,
not
worth
our
Regard
.
Wherefore
,
rather
chusing
the
Part
of
a
Faithful
Historian
,
than
courting
Men's
Favour
and
Applause
,
I
shall
deliver
some
of
the
most
material
Passages
,
which
I
find
of
this
Antient
City
upon
Record
:
Only
,
with
this
Request
unto
the
Reader
,
That
as
he
sees
Cause
,
he
would
judge
of
me
as
an
Impartial
Relater
,
without
thinking
me
over
ready
to
give
Credit
to
all
,
that
Authors
have
said
of
those
Elderly
Times
.
The
Trojan
War
hath
been
so
Celebrated
by
Homer's
Pen
,
that
the
Fall
of
Troy
may
deservedly
be
judg'd
to
have
rais'd
it
higher
upon
the
Wings
of
Fame
,
than
if
it
had
still
continued
in
its
antient
Grandeur
.
For
I
find
it
to
have
been
the
Ambition
of
many
Writers
,
in
some
Ages
past
,
to
draw
the
Original
of
their
own
Nations
,
from
some
War-like
Hero
of
the
Trojan
Race
.
The
Romans
Glory
in
the
Trojan
Blood
,
as
drawing
their
Pedigree
from
Aeneas
,
and
the
Trojans
,
that
he
brought
with
him
into
Italy
.
Padua
is
deriv'd
from
Antenor
,
another
Trojan
Leader
.
And
not
to
mention
any
more
,
Brute
descended
of
Aeneas
,
with
his
Trojans
,
is
said
by
some
to
have
given
Original
to
the
British
Nation
.
That
this
hath
been
the
Endeavours
of
some
Authors
,
is
plain
enough
,
as
being
Matter
of
Fact
;
but
the
Reason
of
this
Design
is
not
so
obvious
,
unless
it
may
be
lawful
to
conjecture
,
That
in
the
grosser
Times
of
Popery
,
the
Scriptures
being
kept
from
the
Eyes
of
the
Vulgar
,
by
being
lock't
up
in
unknown
Languages
,
and
the
Monkish
Writers
lacking
either
Will
or
Ability
to
peruse
them
;
and
so
becoming
ignorant
of
Divine
History
,
thought
it
the
readiest
way
to
ennoble
their
own
Nations
,
by
deriving
them
from
some
of
the
Antientest
Hero's
,
that
they
meet
with
in
〈◊〉
Story
.
Or
else
,
depending
upon
Rome
,
as
their
M●●●er-Church
,
they
were
desirous
to
vye
with
her
in
their
Original
,
as
well
as
accord
with
her
in
Religion
.
Whether
Brute
Descended
from
Aeneas
,
by
a
Son
of
his
Eldest
Son
Ascanius
,
or
by
his
Younger
Son
,
born
of
Lavina
,
is
a
Point
not
fully
decided
among
Historians
.
This
Brute
,
Exil'd
his
Country
(
according
to
some
)
for
having
accidentally
slain
his
Father
,
with
his
Trojans
,
after
many
Chances
,
and
Dangers
past
,
is
said
to
have
directed
his
Course
towards
this
Western
Island
,
by
the
Advice
of
Diana
,
which
he
receiv'd
in
his
Sleep
,
in
an
Old
Temple
of
hers
,
standing
in
a
Part
of
Affrica
.
In
his
Sailing
hitherward
,
he
met
with
(
it
seems
)
a
small
Navy
of
Trojan
Ships
,
under
the
Conduct
of
his
Nephew
Corineus
;
and
joyning
together
,
at
length
,
after
other
Dangers
over-past
,
he
Landed
in
Cornwal
,
at
a
Place
since
known
by
the
Name
of
Totness
.
This
was
in
the
Year
since
the
Worlds
Creation
,
4063.
according
to
Fabian
,
(
who
professes
to
follow
the
Account
of
the
LXX
.
)
about
the
Time
of
Ely's
being
High-Priest
in
Israel
,
Forty
Years
after
the
Destruction
of
Troy
,
(
which
is
held
by
some
to
have
fall'n
out
in
the
Time
of
Abdon's
being
Judge
in
Israel
)
before
the
Building
of
Rome
Four
Hundred
and
twenty
Years
,
before
our
Saviour
Christ's
Incarnation
,
One
Thousand
One
Hundred
and
Thirty
Six
.
But
in
this
Point
Chronologers
differ
:
Stow
places
it
Anno
Mund.
2855.
before
Christ's
Nativity
1108.
After
Brute's
Landing
,
in
his
Searching
the
Country
,
he
is
said
to
have
destroy'd
I
know
not
how
many
great
and
mighty
Gyants
;
one
whereof
,
named
Gogmagog
,
wrestled
forsooth
with
Corineus
;
and
having
of
him
caught
a
Fall
down
Dover-Clifts
,
left
his
Name
to
the
Place
.
Those
Monkish
Writers
scarce
thinking
their
Hero's
Valour
sufficiently
Celebrated
,
unless
they
make
them
meet
with
,
and
encounter
some
such
Gygantick
Adventures
;
where
the
little
Knight
shall
be
sure
to
over-come
the
great
Gyant
.
Brute
having
bestowed
Cornwal
upon
Corineus
,
after
he
had
throughly
searched
the
Land
,
for
the
Pleasure
he
took
in
Thames
,
he
laid
There
(
as
we
are
told
)
the
Foundation
of
a
City
,
about
the
Second
Year
after
his
Landing
in
this
Isle
;
and
,
in
remembrance
of
Old
Troy
,
named
it
Troynovant
:
which
Name
it
held
till
the
Time
of
King
Lud
,
near
upon
One
Thousand
and
Sixty
Eight
Years
;
from
whom
't
was
named
Lud's
-
Town
,
afterwards
London
,
as
shall
be
declared
in
Process
of
Story
.
What
Repute
and
Esteem
this
City
was
of
in
those
Days
,
as
being
Builded
by
the
First
Founder
of
the
British
Empire
,
I
shall
leave
to
the
Reader
's
Consideration
;
who
may
find
it
honoured
with
the
Sepulture
of
many
of
their
Kings
,
as
of
Brute
himself
,
and
his
Eldest
Son
Locrine
,
to
whom
in
the
Division
made
by
his
Father
,
fell
Middle
England
for
his
Share
;
wherein
Troynovant
was
situated
:
To
whom
may
be
added
Cunedagius
,
and
Gorbodug
the
Father
of
Ferrex
and
Porrex
,
the
Last
of
Brute's
Line
.
But
now
the
Coast
begins
to
clear
up
a
little
more
,
after
the
Storms
of
Civil
Wars
,
by
the
Success
of
Mulmutius
Dunwallo
,
Son
of
Cloton
,
Duke
of
Cornwal
.
This
Dunwallo
having
vanquished
the
other
Competitors
,
and
settled
the
Land
,
caused
a
Temple
to
be
builded
in
Troynovant
,
and
named
it
the
Temple
of
Peace
;
the
same
(
according
to
some
Men's
Opinions
)
that
now
is
called
Blackwell-Hall
,
a
Place
well
known
to
the
Clothiers
.
His
Fame
is
much
increas'd
by
the
many
good
Ordinances
he
made
,
which
were
called
Mulmutius's
Laws
,
and
used
long
after
his
Decease
.
That
this
City
of
Troynovant
,
was
of
Repute
and
Renown
in
this
so
Famous
a
Man's
Days
,
is
hardly
to
be
doubted
of
by
him
,
that
considers
so
eminent
a
Circumstance
,
as
the
Building
of
a
Temple
of
Peace
within
the
Circuit
of
this
City
,
as
an
Effect
of
that
Peace
he
had
so
happily
settled
in
the
Land
;
and
,
it
may
be
,
in
Gratitude
to
the
Citizens
,
who
probably
favour'd
his
Cause
,
and
so
might
much
influence
his
Actions
and
Enterprizes
.
In
the
same
Temple
of
Peace
was
he
laid
after
his
Death
,
which
he
had
been
the
Occasion
of
Building
in
his
Life
.
In
the
Time
of
Belinus
and
Brennus
,
his
Sons
,
after
their
Reconcilement
&
Accord
,
we
read
of
their
going
to
Troynovant
,
with
their
Lords
and
Friends
;
where
,
after
many
things
ordered
for
the
Common
Benefit
of
the
Land
,
they
joyntly
agreed
to
lead
both
their
Hosts
over
the
Sea
,
to
subdue
other
Countrys
;
the
Smart
of
which
Voyage
the
Romans
felt
sufficiently
under
Brennus
,
and
his
Gauls
.
By
Belinus
we
sind
,
that
an
Haven
was
built
in
the
same
Troynovant
,
with
a
Gate
over
it
,
call'd
even
at
this
Day
,
Belings-gate
;
on
whose
Pinnacle
was
set
a
Brazen
Vessel
,
which
contain'd
the
Ashes
of
his
Body
,
burnt
after
his
Death
.
In
this
City
we
likewise
find
,
that
Gurguintus
was
Buried
,
and
also
Guintellius
,
his
Son
;
from
whose
Wife
Marcia
came
the
Marcian-Law
,
fam'd
long
after
●mong
the
Britains
and
Saxons
.
These
being
of
some
Eminency
in
their
〈…〉
Buried
in
this
City
after
their
Deaths
;
It
〈…〉
,
safely
be
concluded
,
That
they
〈…〉
therein
,
as
their
Principal
City
,
and
〈…〉
of
the
Realm
.
Yet
we
read
of
other
〈…〉
Note
,
in
those
Times
,
and
after
;
as
of
〈…〉
one
,
where
Archigallo
(
before
depos'd
by
his
Lo●●s
,
for
his
ill
Government
)
was
,
through
the
Intercession
of
Elidurus
his
Brother
,
then
Reigning
,
at
a
Councel
of
the
Britains
by
him
call'd
,
restor'd
to
his
former
Dignity
;
When
the
same
Elidurus
had
gain'd
the
Assent
of
his
Barons
,
and
the
good
Will
of
the
Commons
.
However
,
Troynovant
seems
,
in
those
Days
,
to
have
been
esteem'd
a
Place
of
Security
;
and
mention
of
a
Tower
therein
we
find
,
on
Occasion
of
the
same
foremention'd
Elidurus's
being
sent
thither
by
his
unkind
younger
Brothers
,
to
be
safely
kept
as
a
Prisoner
therein
.
The
succeeding
Times
are
so
barbarous
,
that
but
little
considerable
is
left
upon
Record
,
concerning
any
Actions
then
done
;
untill
we
come
to
the
Reign
of
Lud
,
Eldest
Son
of
Heli
,
which
began
about
Sixty
Six
Years
before
our
Blessed
Saviours
Incarnat●on
,
according
to
Stow.
This
Man
is
much
prais'd
by
the
Historian
,
for
his
Worthy
Actions
,
and
Honourable
Deeds
;
for
his
Valour
,
Liberality
,
and
Hospitable
House-keeping
;
and
his
repairing
Old
Cities
,
and
Towns
.
Especially
in
Troynovant
he
is
Recorded
to
have
caused
many
Buildings
to
be
made
,
encompassing
it
also
round
with
a
strong
Wall
of
Lime
and
Stone
.
In
the
West-Part
whereof
stands
a
Gate
by
him
Builded
,
and
known
,
even
at
this
Day
,
by
the
Name
of
Ludgate
.
For
his
Love
to
this
City
,
he
used
most
to
abide
therein
;
Whereupon
it
was
called
Caer-Lud
,
or
Lud's
Town
:
Whence
by
Corruption
,
and
shortning
of
Words
,
comes
the
present
Name
London
;
whereby
it
shall
be
called
for
the
future
,
and
the
former
Name
,
Troynovant
,
laid
aside
in
this
following
Relation
.
Lud
dying
after
an
Honourable
Reign
,
he
was
Buried
in
the
aforementioned
Gate
of
his
,
named
Port-Lud
,
or
Lud-gate
;
where
are
yet
standing
the
Statues
of
Him
,
and
his
Sons
,
as
a
lasting
Monument
of
his
Memory
.
In
Cassibellan's
Reign
,
the
next
Successour
,
(
but
whether
Son
or
Brother
to
Lud
,
is
not
agreed
upon
by
all
Authors
)
we
find
considerable
mention
made
of
London
in
the
Story
,
through
Occasion
of
Cassibellan's
Victory
over
the
Romans
,
newly
Landed
under
the
Leading
of
Julius
Caesar
,
and
twice
repelled
by
the
Britain's
Valour
.
London
was
the
Place
appointed
by
the
King
,
to
Celebrate
this
Victory
,
return
Thanks
to
his
Gods
,
and
Rewards
to
his
Valourous
Knights
.
Here
therefore
we
read
of
a
great
Assembly
held
of
his
Lords
and
Knights
,
and
of
the
King
's
keeping
a
Noble
and
Solemn
Feast
for
all
Comers
,
and
the
Exercise
of
all
kind
of
Games
in
those
Days
used
.
But
Difference
arising
at
the
Wrestling
between
a
couple
of
Young
Noble
Knights
,
allied
,
One
of
them
to
the
King
,
and
the
Other
to
Androgeus
,
Earl
or
Duke
of
London
,
(
as
he
is
somewhere
called
)
and
from
Words
these
Hotspurs
coming
to
Blows
,
occasion'd
such
sideing
and
variance
amongst
the
Company
,
that
many
were
wounded
,
and
the
Kings
Nephew
slain
,
to
the
great
disturbance
of
the
Court.
For
Disgust
hence
growing
between
the
King
and
Androgeus
,
(
to
whom
the
King
had
given
the
City
of
London
,
with
the
Dukedome
or
Earldome
of
Kent
,
besides
an
Honourable
Education
,
suitable
to
his
Birth
,
he
being
Lud's
Eldest
Son
,
and
so
Heir
to
the
Kingdom
,
according
to
some
Writers
,
the
other
being
but
his
Brother
)
and
this
Disgust
producing
War
,
wherein
the
King
was
likely
to
be
much
the
stronger
;
Androgeus
recalls
Caesar
,
with
his
Romans
,
to
his
Aid
,
and
assists
them
in
their
Landing
;
and
joyning
his
whole
Power
,
soon
turn'd
the
Scales
,
bringing
Victory
to
the
Romans
,
and
an
Overthrow
and
Loss
of
their
ancient
Freedome
to
Cassibellan
,
and
his
Britains
.
So
considerable
was
the
Assistance
,
that
Androgeus
,
with
his
Londoners
,
and
other
Knights
,
brought
to
the
Enemy
:
So
difficult
was
it
,
even
to
Caesar
himself
,
to
Conquer
Britain
,
having
been
more
than
once
foil'd
by
the
Britains
.
Caesar
tells
us
of
the
Trynobants
being
the
strongest
of
all
those
Cities
(
by
which
understand
London
)
which
submitted
to
him
;
over
whom
he
placed
,
at
their
request
,
one
Mandubratius
,
whose
Father
,
their
chief
Lord
or
Ruler
,
Cassibellan
had
before
Slain
.
Be
these
two
Histories
the
same
or
different
;
yet
either
,
I
believe
,
will
serve
to
make
good
my
Assertion
of
Londons
Power
,
Fame
,
and
Esteem
,
in
those
ancient
Times
.
Though
Britain
was
hereby
made
Tributary
;
yet
I
do
not
find
,
that
London
lost
it's
Esteem
.
For
Tenancuis
is
said
to
be
Buried
here
;
and
also
Cunobelin●s
or
Kymbeline
,
his
Son
,
both
King
's
after
Cassibellan
.
In
this
Kymbeline's
Days
,
near
about
the
Nineteenth
Year
of
his
Reign
,
or
Fourteenth
,
according
to
Stow
,
Our
Blessed
Saviour
,
Christ
Jesus
,
was
Born
,
as
is
the
Opinion
of
most
Writers
.
Henceforth
therefore
,
leaving
off
the
Old
way
of
accounting
from
the
World's
Creation
,
I
shall
follow
the
Christian
manner
of
Computation
,
reckoning
from
the
Birth
of
our
Lord
Christ
(
which
was
in
the
Forty
Second
Year
of
Augustus's
Empire
)
as
a
surer
,
and
more
certain
way
.
Except
the
Crowning
of
Arviragus
in
London
,
I
find
but
little
mention
of
this
Honourable
City
,
till
the
Reign
of
King
Lucius
,
who
being
esteemed
by
many
the
first
Christian
King
in
the
World
,
turn'd
the
Arch-flamins-See
at
London
into
an
Arch-Bishoprick
▪
the
Names
of
some
of
which
Arch-Bishops
we
meet
with
●ver
and
anon
in
Story
,
as
such
who
had
a
considerable
Power
in
the
Land
.
About
226
London
was
of
such
Strength
,
that
Alectus
,
with
his
Romans
,
(
as
Fabian
relates
)
being
over-press'd
by
the
Britains
,
under
the
Leading
of
Asclepiodotus
,
chose
this
City
for
his
Refuge
,
as
being
then
(
it
seems
)
of
greatest
Security
;
and
he
being
afterwards
slain
,
Livius
Gallus
,
another
Roman
Leader
,
manfully
desended
himself
,
and
his
Romans
,
in
the
same
City
,
then
closely
besieged
by
the
Britains
;
till
in
their
entring
,
he
was
slain
near
a
River
running
thereby
,
and
thrown
thereinto
;
which
occasioned
it
afterwards
,
to
be
call'd
Gallus
,
or
Wallus-Brook
:
Some
Memorial
whereof
we
find
remaining
at
this
Day
,
in
the
Street
now
standing
,
where
that
River
sometimes
ran
,
and
known
by
the
Name
of
Wall-brook
.
After
the
Departure
of
the
Romans
out
of
this
Land
,
many
Outrages
being
committed
〈◊〉
by
the
Picts
and
Scots
,
in
the
Time
of
〈…〉
Honorius
,
we
read
of
〈…〉
,
by
the
Arch-Bishop
,
〈…〉
the
Britains
,
to
cons●lt
of
〈…〉
many
Miseries
then
ha●ging
●ver
〈…〉
by
reason
of
their
Enemies
Strength
,
and
〈…〉
Inability
to
defend
themselves
;
as
being
〈…〉
no
certain
Head
.
The
Result
of
which
Meet●●●
was
to
desire
Aid
of
the
King
of
Little
Britain
,
which
they
by
Embassy
obtain'd
under
the
Conduct
of
his
Brother
Constantinus
;
and
,
after
Victory
by
him
gain'd
over
their
Enemies
,
Crown'd
him
King
of
the
Land
,
according
to
their
Promise
before
made
.
Here
was
a
turn
of
Affairs
effected
by
the
Consult
at
London
.
Another
Change
we
find
,
not
long
after
,
through
the
Treachery
of
Vortiger
,
and
the
Pict
,
who
slew
Constantinus's
Son
,
Constantius
then
King
,
and
presented
his
Head
to
the
aforenam'd
Vortiger
,
then
at
London
.
Which
City
doubtless
,
in
those
Days
,
was
of
much
Esteem
and
Regard
;
and
thereupon
Vortiger
(
who
bare
the
Chief
Rule
in
the
Kingdom
at
that
time
,
though
the
other
had
the
Name
of
King
)
probably
was
much
resident
therein
;
expecting
,
it
may
be
,
and
waiting
for
the
Performance
of
this
Treasonable
Act
;
that
he
,
being
on
the
Place
,
might
have
the
better
Opportunity
to
caress
the
Chief
of
that
Eminent
City
.
'T
is
certain
,
we
find
him
afterwards
endeavouring
to
cajole
the
People
,
by
the
great
Sorrow
and
Heaviness
he
made
shew
of
for
the
Kings
Death
,
and
by
putting
the
accursed
Traytors
to
Death
,
for
their
Wicked
Fact
,
according
to
the
Law
of
the
Land
.
Thus
many
Love
the
Treason
well
enough
,
when
successful
,
who
nevertheless
hate
the
Traytors
,
after
their
own
Turns
be
serv'd
.
This
is
that
Vortiger
,
so
Infamous
in
the
British
Story
,
for
his
own
Vices
;
as
Incest
with
his
own
Daughter
,
Adultery
,
&c.
and
the
Vices
of
the
Times
under
him
.
For
we
read
,
that
Vice
was
then
accounted
of
small
,
or
no
Offence
.
Leachery
reigned
amongst
the
Spiritualty
and
Temporalty
.
Every
one
turned
the
Point
of
his
Spear
against
the
true
and
innocent
Man
;
and
the
Commons
gave
them
all
to
Idleness
and
Drunkenness
;
whence
ensued
Fighting
,
Strife
,
and
much
Envy
.
After
the
King
's
Ex●mple
,
the
World
runs
a
gadding
,
is
a
Saying
commonly
too
true
:
As
this
Vortiger
gain'd
his
Power
by
Treachery
,
so
he
Reigned
in
a
manner
Precariously
.
For
he
was
so
perplexed
,
on
the
one
side
,
for
fear
of
the
Return
of
Constantinus's
surviving
Sons
,
to
claim
the
Kingdome
;
and
the
Land
,
on
the
other
side
,
so
harrass'd
by
the
In-rodes
of
the
Picts
and
Scots
,
that
he
was
after
a
sort
compell'd
to
send
for
the
Heathen
Saxons
,
who
came
(
under
their
Leaders
Hengist
and
Horsus
)
to
support
him
,
about
Four
Hundred
and
Fifty
Years
after
Our
Saviours
Birth
.
The
coming
in
of
these
Strangers
prov'd
but
(
as
it
were
)
the
beginning
of
Miseries
.
For
being
once
let
in
,
they
soon
began
to
Play
their
Reakes
in
the
Land
;
and
never
left
,
till
by
introduceing
more
Colonies
,
they
had
settled
themselves
,
and
dispossessed
the
Britains
of
the
best
of
the
Country
.
Neither
was
it
any
great
wonder
,
that
the
poor
Commons
endur'd
such
Miseries
from
these
New-come
Guests
,
when
as
their
Spiritual
and
Temporal
Guides
were
so
given
up
to
all
manner
of
Debauchery
.
One
of
Hengist's
Pranks
we
find
to
be
,
his
Treacherous
slaying
of
the
British
Lords
at
Stonehenge
,
on
Salisbury
Plains
,
under
pretence
of
a
Treaty
for
Peace
.
But
the
better
to
work
out
his
own
Ends
,
he
is
said
to
have
sav'd
the
King
alive
,
whom
he
knew
to
have
become
his
Enemy
in
shew
,
more
out
of
Constraint
for
fear
of
his
British
Lords
,
than
for
any
Hatred
towards
him
;
he
having
him
sufficiently
intangled
in
the
Snares
of
his
Daughter
Rowens
Beauty
.
So
common
a
thing
is
it
for
crafty
subtle
Men
,
to
serve
their
own
Ends
,
by
working
upon
anothers
Lusts
,
through
the
Mediation
of
an
handsome
Face
,
and
Prostitute
Body
.
We
read
of
the
Saxon's
having
got
London
under
their
Rule
;
but
whether
by
their
own
Power
,
or
the
King's
Gift
,
I
find
not
clearly
mention'd
.
That
he
gave
Kent
,
and
other
Counties
to
Hengist
,
is
declar'd
by
the
Historian
.
It
may
be
,
that
he
gave
them
also
London
to
curb
it
;
for
fear
least
the
Citizens
should
joyn
with
Constantinus's
Sons
(
whose
Return
he
much
dreaded
)
and
assist
them
to
regain
their
Fathers
Kingdom
.
Henceforward
,
for
some
time
,
we
are
not
to
expect
to
find
London
so
Considerable
in
Power
,
under
the
Saxon
Heptarchy
,
as
it
was
before
,
and
after
.
But
when
all
the
Seven
were
reduc'd
into
one
Kingdome
,
and
the
Affairs
of
the
Land
settled
in
a
little
more
Peace
and
Quietness
,
London
began
again
more
and
more
to
Flourish
,
and
soon
rose
up
to
such
an
height
,
that
it
became
the
fixt
Metropolis
of
the
Nation
.
Yet
in
the
Time
of
the
Saxon's
Heptarchy
,
we
find
mention
made
of
this
Noble
City
several
times
,
and
on
several
Occasions
.
As
upon
account
of
Mordred's
choosing
this
City
to
be
Crown'd
in
,
when
he
rebell'd
against
King
Arthur
:
The
holding
of
it
by
Mordred's
Son
against
Constantine
,
Son
of
Cador
,
till
he
was
slain
:
The
Flying
away
of
the
Bishops
of
London
and
York
,
and
other
Ministers
,
with
their
Goods
and
Reliques
,
for
fear
of
the
Saxon's
Cruelty
under
Ethelfride
;
Whereby
the
Commonalty
were
left
without
Spiritual
Guides
,
the
City
without
Her
chief
Pastors
:
The
setting
up
an
Arch-Bishoprick
there
,
by
Austine
the
Monk
,
and
the
making
of
Melitus
Bishop
of
the
same
,
in
Ethelbert's
Days
:
The
Building
of
St.
Pauls
either
by
the
same
Ethelbert
,
or
else
by
Sigebert
King
of
the
East-Angles
,
as
some
affirm
.
In
this
Ethelbert's
Time
,
we
read
in
Fabian
,
of
the
Building
the
First
Church
of
Westminster
,
in
Honour
of
St.
Peter
,
by
a
Citizen
of
London
,
in
the
West-End
of
London
,
in
a
Place
called
Thorny
,
(
now
Westminster
)
which
before
was
over-grown
with
Bushes
and
Briars
.
But
Stow
affirms
Sebert
,
King
of
the
East
Saxons
,
to
have
Built
it
.
In
the
Time
of
Ethelwolph
,
Son
of
Egbert
,
King
of
the
West-Saxons
,
London
is
said
to
be
spoild
by
the
Danes
;
and
so
not
likely
then
to
be
of
any
great
Strength
,
though
we
find
the
Danes
drawing
themselves
thitherward
,
in
Alured
or
Alfred's
Days
,
after
an
Agreement
concluded
between
them
.
But
now
again
,
begins
this
City
to
be
often
mentioned
in
Story
,
and
grows
more
Famous
every
Day
,
after
that
King
Alured
,
having
Victoriously
repeal'd
the
Danes
,
return'd
thereunto
,
repair'd
those
Places
,
that
before
had
been
injur'd
by
the
Danes
,
and
committed
it
to
the
Guiding
of
Ethelred
,
Earl
or
Duke
of
Mercia
,
who
was
his
Son-in-Law
,
by
Marrying
his
Daughter
Elfleda
.
Hence
may
we
date
another
Beginning
,
as
it
were
,
of
it's
Glory
and
Lustre
,
from
this
new
Resurrection
out
of
the
Ashes
of
its
former
Ruines
.
Some
of
the
next
News
we
hear
of
this
Honourable
City
,
is
of
the
Londoner's
beating
away
the
Danes
;
who
Landing
in
Sussex
,
and
comeing
to
the
Town
of
Lewes
,
and
thence
towards
London
,
had
Builded
a
Castle
near
the
River
of
Lewes
,
the
more
to
annoy
the
Country
;
but
the
Citizens
Valour
,
with
the
Countrys
Help
,
soon
demolished
it
.
In
the
Reign
of
Edward
,
the
Eldest
Son
to
the
forenamed
Alured
,
we
find
London
thought
so
considerable
,
that
the
King
took
it
under
his
own
Rule
,
not
entrusting
even
his
own
Sister
therewith
;
thinking
it
probably
too
important
a
Charge
,
to
be
committed
to
any
Subject
,
never
so
nearly
related
to
him
;
because
of
the
Power
that
would
accrue
to
the
Possessor
thereof
,
and
the
Danger
might
thereby
happen
to
him
(
the
King
)
in
those
troublesome
Times
,
upon
any
the
least
Difference
arising
between
them
.
When
Egelred
or
Etheldred
,
Son
of
Edgar
,
rul'd
the
Land
,
we
read
of
the
Danes
coming
to
London
(
they
being
ready
enough
to
haunt
any
Place
,
that
could
afford
them
Spoil
and
Pillage
)
but
we
find
that
then
they
were
repel'd
by
the
Citizens
.
The
City
it
seems
,
was
strong
enough
to
defend
their
own
.
But
soon
after
that
,
another
sad
Accident
befell
the
City
,
against
which
it
was
not
so
well
able
to
defend
it self
,
viz.
A
great
Fire
,
whereby
a
large
Part
of
it
was
destroyed
.
So
rare
is
it
,
for
any
thing
great
in
this
World
,
to
arrive
at
it's
Greatness
from
small
Beginnings
,
without
being
Subject
to
many
Mischances
,
and
meeting
with
many
Turns
and
Changes
of
Fortune
,
before
it
can
arrive
at
the
height
of
its
Grandeur
.
Fabian
tells
us
in
his
Chronicle
,
that
the
City
had
then
the
most
Building
from
Ludgate
towards
Westminster
,
and
little
or
none
where
the
Chief
,
or
Heart
of
it
now
is
;
except
that
in
diverse
Places
there
were
Houses
;
but
they
stood
without
Order
.
This
he
professes
to
have
known
by
an
Old
Book
,
in
the
Guild-Hall
,
named
Domesday
.
But
where-ever
the
Building
stood
in
those
Days
,
or
how
great
Harm
soever
the
Fire
did
it
,
nevertheless
it
continued
of
such
Strength
and
Riches
,
that
the
Danes
were
willing
to
have
got
it
into
their
own
Power
;
and
in
Order
thereunto
,
besieged
it
;
but
that
they
took
it
at
that
season
,
I
read
not
.
Yet
some
Years
after
,
I
find
the
Londoners
sending
Gifts
and
Pledges
to
the
Danes
,
to
divert
them
then
coming
towards
London
.
'T
was
in
Egelred's
Days
,
that
the
Danes
thus
harrassed
the
Land
,
and
did
almost
whatever
they
pleased
;
selling
the
English
Men
Peace
for
their
Money
,
and
then
breaking
it
again
at
their
Pleasure
,
to
get
a
greater
Sum.
This
gave
the
first
Occasion
to
the
Imposition
of
that
Tax
upon
the
Land
,
called
Danegelt
.
And
the
Pride
,
and
Lordly
Imperiousness
of
the
insulting
Danes
,
gave
Original
to
the
opprobrious
Name
of
Lurdane
,
as
now
it
is
esteem'd
;
though
then
it
was
Lord
Dane
;
a
Term
the
English
were
for
fear
compell'd
to
give
those
proud
lazy
Danes
,
that
Rul'd
and
Domineer'd
in
many
of
their
Houses
,
at
the
right
Owner's
cost
.
Neither
is
it
much
to
be
wondred
at
,
that
this
Land
was
brought
into
so
great
Misery
by
these
Hectoring
Strangers
,
when
as
we
fi●d
Dissention
amongst
the
Lords
;
and
such
treacherous
Dealing
,
that
whatsoever
was
devis'●
by
Some
,
for
the
Hurt
of
their
common
Enemies
,
it
was
quickly
by
Others
of
the
same
Councel
betra●'d
,
and
made
known
to
them
.
The
King
giving
himself
to
a
vicious
and
incontinent
Life
,
and
,
to
get
Money
any
manner
of
way
,
sticked
not
to
〈◊〉
Men
of
their
Possessions
for
small
,
or
seigned
Causes
,
(
according
to
the
History
)
and
after
cause
them
to
redeem
their
own
,
for
great
Sums
of
Money
.
In
London
't
was
,
that
I
find
this
unfortunate
Egelred
more
than
once
residing
,
for
his
own
Security
(
it
seems
)
more
than
for
any
Aid
he
attempted
to
get
of
the
Londoners
,
to
defend
his
Land
.
Here
he
fell
sick
,
died
,
and
was
also
Buried
;
and
with
him
,
some
of
the
English
Men's
Shame
and
Dishonour
.
For
Edmund
Ironside
,
his
Son
,
favoured
by
the
Londoners
,
and
some
other
Lords
,
was
Crown'd
in
that
City
;
and
thence
departing
with
his
Strength
,
so
hotly
pursued
Canutus
,
the
Danish
King
,
that
he
was
several
Times
put
to
the
worst
,
and
in
fair
likelihood
to
have
been
utterly
over-thrown
,
had
not
the
false
Edric
(
who
having
got
an
Habit
of
Treachery
in
Egelreds
Days
,
could
not
so
easily
for●ake
his
Old
base
Conditions
)
oft
disappointed
King
Edmund
,
by
his
Treacherous
Dealing
.
By
●his
Edric's
Treachery
,
I
have
read
,
That
Edmund
lost
his
Life
afterwards
;
for
which
Fact
,
the
●alse
Traytor
expecting
a
great
Reward
at
the
●ands
of
Canutus
,
had
his
Head
exalted
(
according
●o
the
others
Promise
)
above
all
the
Lords
of
Eng●and
,
it
being
stricken
off
,
pitch'd
upon
a
Spear
,
●nd
after
set
upon
the
highest
Gate
of
London
.
But
about
the
King's
Death
and
Edric's
,
Authors
are
found
much
to
vary
.
Neither
is
it
any
marvel
,
that
Writers
differ
so
often
,
and
so
much
in
their
Relations
of
Things
done
so
many
Ages
since
;
Whenas
,
in
things
but
as
it
were
of
yesterday
,
we
may
observe
so
much
difference
in
the
different
Relaters
,
especially
if
it
concerns
divers
Parties
;
Authors
too
too
often
Writing
partially
,
in
Favour
of
their
own
Side
.
That
London
was
,
in
those
Days
,
of
very
considerable
Strength
,
we
have
much
reason
to
believe
;
since
that
by
Help
thereof
chiefly
,
Edmund
was
able
to
bear
up
so
valiantly
against
the
Fortunate
Canutus
;
whom
most
of
the
Lords
,
especially
o●
the
Spiritualty
,
favoured
.
'T
is
certain
enough
in
the
Story
,
that
Canutus
was
not
ignorant
of
the
great
Influence
the
City
had
then
upon
the
Nation
Affairs
;
and
therefore
was
as
desirous
to
get
it
into
his
Power
,
as
Edmund
was
sure
he
had
it
at
hi●
Devotion
.
For
Canutus
soon
drew
with
his
People
to
London
,
and
would
have
entered
;
but
wa●
hindered
by
the
Citizens
.
Then
he
would
hav●
forc'd
his
Enemies
;
but
he
was
quickly
compell'●
to
withdraw
,
and
go
else
where
:
Such
valiant
Resistance
did
the
Citizens
make
against
his
Assault
Another
time
he
was
drawing
apace
thitherward
but
King
Edmund
was
as
diligent
in
preventin●
him
;
and
after
a
cruel
Fight
,
forc'd
him
to
●●gone
.
So
eagerly
did
these
two
hardy
Compet●tors
strive
for
the
Possession
of
this
Renowne●
City
in
Particular
,
as
well
as
for
the
whole
Kingdom
in
General
.
The
Possession
and
Favour
of
〈◊〉
One
,
is
a
good
Step
to
the
safe
keeping
of
the
Othe
▪
This
also
,
I
presume
,
was
Canutus's
Opinion
.
〈◊〉
History
acquaints
us
with
a
Councel
kept
at
Londo●
by
the
same
Canutus
,
after
Edmund
Ironside's
Deat●
The
Design
whereof
(
if
we
may
Judge
by
the
●vent
)
was
to
exclude
the
others
Sons
from
all
Claim
and
Pretensions
to
that
Part
and
Share
of
the
Kingdom
,
that
their
Father
once
enjoyed
quietly
by
mutual
Consent
and
Agreement
.
The
very
place
might
contribute
somewhat
to
Canutus's
Design
,
though
the
Inhabitants
should
not
be
brought
to
give
their
Assent
in
open
and
express
Words
.
'T
was
done
at
London
;
a
pat
Answer
to
such
as
durst
seem
to
dislike
the
Kings
Proceedings
.
What
?
Dare
you
question
,
what
was
done
in
the
Capital
City
of
the
Realm
?
A
pretty
Fellow
indeed
,
to
murmur
at
those
Actions
,
which
the
Citizens
of
the
Head
City
,
the
Metropolis
of
the
Nation
,
did
not
openly
dislike
,
nor
disavow
.
It
is
observable
,
in
the
Time
of
this
Canutus
,
that
in
the
Contest
between
Him
,
and
the
English
King
Edmund
,
the
Spiritual
Lords
especially
were
his
Favourers
,
and
sided
with
him
.
A
remarkable
Instance
of
Temporizers
among
the
Chief
of
the
Clergy
;
and
that
they
do
not
always
stick
to
that
Rule
of
Birth-right
,
which
they
so
much
applaud
,
when
they
think
it
may
turn
to
their
Secular
Advantage
;
but
like
other
poor
,
simple
,
ignorant
Souls
among
the
Laicks
,
can
be
content
sometimes
to
squint
aside
upon
the
more
prevalent
Object
of
prosperous
Might
and
Power
;
and
leave
that
,
which
they
are
pleas'd
to
call
Right
,
as
forsaken
and
forlorn
for
the
sake
of
their
Temporal
Concerns
.
Here
was
,
on
the
One
side
,
Edmund
Ironside
,
the
Eldest
Son
(
as
far
as
I
can
perceive
by
the
Story
)
of
Egelred
putting
in
for
the
Crown
,
as
his
Birth-right
and
lawful
Inheritance
;
but
under
the
Pre●udice
of
a
weak
Fathers
unprosperous
Reign
,
and
his
own
Strength
small
in
appearance
,
and
of
little
Ability
,
in
Humane
likelihood
,
to
defend
such
as
would
adhere
to
him
.
On
the
Other
side
,
stands
a
Strong
and
Fortunate
Competitor
;
his
Arms
in
his
Hands
;
a
numerous
Attendance
of
Victorious
Soldiers
waiting
on
him
;
most
part
of
the
Country
under
his
Subjection
,
and
prosperous
Success
attending
much
upon
his
Banners
;
though
a
Stranger
;
an
Enemy
by
Inheritance
;
a
Dane
;
one
that
could
pretend
no
other
Title
to
the
Crown
,
that
we
hear
off
,
but
what
his
Predecessors
did
owe
to
the
Sword
,
and
he
could
make
good
by
the
same
Claim
.
Yet
to
this
more
powersul
Pretender
,
with
a
long
Sword
in
his
hand
,
do
these
Time-serving-Priests
chuse
to
joyn
themselves
,
against
an
Old
Friend
by
Birth
;
a
Native
;
an
English
Man
;
with
a
better
Title
(
according
to
their
own
Doctrine
at
some
Time
;
)
but
shorter
Sword
,
as
was
them
thought
before
sufficient
Tryal
had
been
made
▪
But
now
I
think
on
't
,
they
have
like
Passions
and
Infirmities
with
other
Men
,
and
do
mind
Secular
Interests
of
their
Own
,
as
well
as
Others
;
at
the
same
time
that
they
endeavour
to
bring
the
Vulgar
into
a
belief
of
a
Commission
(
they
say
)
they
have
receiv'd
from
an
Higher
Power
;
and
so
pretend
to
greater
Sanctity
.
True
,
it
is
said
,
They
had
before
time
sworn
Fealty
to
Canutus's
Father
.
A
fin●
delicate
way
,
to
defeat
another's
Right
.
Eithe●
they
had
before
sworn
Allegiance
to
Egelred
,
Edmund's
Father
,
or
they
had
not
.
If
they
had
,
wha●
became
of
their
Loyalty
here
,
to
forswear
Tha●
and
swear
anew
to
a
Stranger
;
an
Enemy-King
and
after
persist
in
the
latter
Oath
,
in
prejudice
〈◊〉
the
Former
;
persevering
in
giving
away
,
wh●●
was
none
of
their
own
to
bestow
;
they
having
a●
ready
,
by
their
first
Oath
,
sworn
away
themselv●●
to
another
?
If
they
had
not
,
how
came
they
〈◊〉
readily
to
swear
Fealty
to
their
Native-King's
pr●fessed
Enemy
?
Did
they
well
herein
,
or
ill
?
If
well
,
what
then
becomes
of
that
darling
Doctrine
of
Primo-geniture
,
and
of
Mens
Right
of
Inheriting
by
the
Law
of
Nature
,
not
to
be
cut
off
,
forsooth
,
(
under
even
the
freest
Constitution
of
Government
)
by
any
Humane
Law
whatsoever
,
though
never
so
many
urgent
Inconveniencies
be
clearly
foreseen
,
threatning
the
utter
overthrow
of
the
Nations
Fundamental
Rights
?
If
ill
,
what
made
them
continue
therein
,
when
they
had
so
seasonable
an
Opportunity
of
retrieving
themselves
,
by
acknowledging
,
bewailing
and
forsaking
their
former
Error
?
But
it
may
be
,
they
knew
not
how
to
escape
the
Imputation
of
Perjury
.
Nay
rather
,
did
they
not
lack
Will
,
more
than
Power
,
to
return
to
their
English
Sovereign
,
from
that
more
Fortunate
Outlandish
Prince
,
to
whom
these
wiley
Priests
had
addicted
and
devoted
themselves
?
Had
they
Will
,
they
knew
not
(
it
may
be
)
how
to
disentangle
themselves
out
of
the
Snare
of
those
Bonds
,
wherewith
they
had
once
bound
themselves
,
and
wanted
the
Face
openly
to
break
them
,
without
some
Fig-leaf
Cover
or
other
,
to
hide
themselves
under
the
Shadow
thereof
.
They
had
not
(
it
may
be
)
hear'd
of
,
or
not
well
observed
the
plausible
fine-spun
Pretences
,
that
had
been
used
before
in
the
World
;
neither
had
they
cunning
enough
,
to
find
out
those
more
Politick
Shifts
,
the
Wit
of
after-Ages
have
either
since
invented
,
or
much
improv'd
.
Be
they
either
the
Popes
Infallible
Power
(
as
some
call
it
)
of
absolving
Subjects
from
their
Allegiance
,
or
the
nice
distinguishing
between
the
Matter
and
Form
of
an
Oath
:
The
Default
of
●ome
pretended
necessary
Circumstances
,
in
making
,
or
the
Train
of
ill
Consequences
suggested
●pon
the
keeping
the
Oath
,
or
Impossibility
of
its
Observation
after
taking
it
,
slily
insinuated
:
The
picking
a
starting
Hole
out
of
some
general
Term
,
or
dubious
Interpretation
of
a
Word
:
Or
the
yet
neater
way
of
bribing
a
great
Company
;
a
considerable
Number
;
many
Thousands
of
Men
,
out
of
a
Common
Stock
,
with
good
Places
,
and
Honourable
Preferments
,
by
publick
Subscriptions
to
declare
the
Oath
,
(
for
some
few
,
small
,
minute
,
petty
,
fancied
Inconveniences
)
invalid
,
and
of
no
binding
force
.
But
be
it
by
the
Power
of
the
Sword
,
or
by
whatsoever
Claim
else
Canutus
held
the
Crown
,
we
nevertheless
find
him
to
have
Govern'd
the
Land
honourably
after
that
he
came
to
be
sole
King
;
and
,
it
may
be
,
to
the
Content
of
many
of
his
Subjects
:
for
't
was
the
Memory
,
doubtless
,
of
his
Repute
,
that
set
and
kept
the
Crown
upon
the
Heads
of
both
his
Sons
;
otherwise
of
themselves
of
little
Worth
or
Value
,
if
compar'd
with
their
Father
.
One
remarkable
worthy
Act
of
Canutus's
is
recorded
amongst
others
,
viz.
That
in
the
Nineth
Year
of
his
Reign
he
call'd
a
Parliament
(
so
my
Author
terms
it
)
at
Oxford
;
where
,
amongst
other
things
,
it
was
enacted
,
That
Englishmen
and
Danes
should
hold
the
Laws
of
Edgar
,
lately
King
.
In
the
Transactions
of
these
Times
,
we
may
believe
the
City
of
London
had
no
small
Share
,
a●
being
probably
(
at
length
)
pretty
well
pleas'd
with
the
Father's
Reign
;
whereupon
the
Citizem
mav
be
supposed
to
conduce
(
at
least
,
in
some
measure
)
to
the
settling
his
Sons
on
his
Throne
For
Harold
Harefoot
is
said
by
some
to
have
dyed
at
London
,
after
a
Three
Years
Reign
;
and
the
other
of
Canutus's
Sons
,
Hardicanute
,
was
joyfull●
Receiv'd
,
and
Crown'd
at
the
same
City
.
In
Edward
the
Confessor's
days
,
the
Land
being
not
much
troubled
with
intestine
Broils
,
there
happ'ned
but
little
Occasion
for
trying
London's
Strength
:
And
thereupon
,
I
find
no
great
mention
of
that
Honourable
City
,
unless
in
a
Passage
or
two
;
as
about
Edward
the
Outlaw's
dying
therein
;
and
of
the
King
's
being
there
some
time
before
,
with
his
Councill
,
when
Earl
Goodwin
was
charg'd
to
come
to
Court
,
and
render
into
the
King's
Hands
all
his
Knights-Fees-that
he
,
and
Harold
his
Son
,
held
in
England
.
The
Effect
whereof
,
was
the
Outlawing
of
the
foremention'd
Goodwin
,
for
his
Disobedience
,
and
departure
out
of
the
Land
with
his
Sons
,
by
Authority
of
a
Parliament
,
call'd
alittle
after
.
In
this
King's
Reign
also
,
we
hear
at
both
Ears
of
the
evil
Manners
among
the
Bishops
,
the
Chief
of
the
Clergy
,
of
their
Voluptuousness
,
Gluttony
,
Leachery
,
Covetuousness
,
Wordly
Pomp
,
&c.
as
also
of
their
Endeavours
to
excuse
their
Manners
,
by
answering
,
that
they
were
suitable
to
the
Times
:
A
generall
Corruption
among
Men
of
a
Religious
Habit
being
the
Common
Forerunners
of
great
Turns
and
Changes
in
a
Land
,
as
it
fell
out
here
soonafter
this
King's
Decease
.
This
is
the
King
,
to
whom
(
according
to
the
Annalist
Stow
)
we
are
indebted
for
the
Common
Law
,
gather'd
out
of
the
Laws
and
Ordinances
of
the
Mercian's
,
West
Saxons
,
Danes
and
Northumbers
.
What
Spirit
was
in
the
Men
of
those
Times
,
is
●n
part
manifested
in
the
Message
sent
to
Harola
by
the
Inhabitants
of
Northumberland
,
when
he
was
●ent
thither
by
the
King
to
do
Correction
upon
those
,
who
had
risen
against
his
Brother
Tostus
their
Duke
,
for
a
cruell
Act
by
him
committed
,
taking
away
what
he
had
,
and
chasing
him
out
of
●he
Country
.
Continuing
together
in
a
considerable
Body
.
they
gave
him
to
understand
,
that
they
were
freely
born
,
and
freely
nourish'd
;
and
might
suffer
no
cruelness
of
Dukes
:
That
they
had
learned
of
their
Elders
and
Sovereigns
,
to
maintain
Freedom
,
or
to
suffer
Death
;
and
to
live
in
quietness
under
an
easy
Duke
.
Upon
which
Message
,
their
Pardon
was
procur'd
them
of
the
King
,
and
another
Duke
assign'd
.
Within
less
then
a
year
after
Edward
the
Conf●ss●r's
Death
,
we
read
of
the
landing
of
Duke
W●ll●●m
,
with
his
Normans
,
at
H●stings
in
Suss●x
;
who
came
with
a
strong
Army
,
to
demand
the
Crown
of
Harold
,
who
had
no
Title
,
(
but
what
he
claim'd
by
the
Power
of
his
Sword
)
and
the
Dukes
Claim
also
went
but
upon
a
limping
Foot
.
As
great
as
the
Duke's
Host
was
,
enough
it
seems
by
the
Event
,
to
help
to
win
a
Crown
,
we
find
London
so
Strong
,
as
to
hold
him
out
(
when
he
and
his
Army
came
thereto
)
till
he
had
given
good
Assurance
,
that
he
and
his
People
would
pass
through
the
City
without
tarrying
;
which
was
also
observed
accordingly
.
When
Harold
was
utterly
over-thrown
by
these
Normans
,
and
so
room
made
for
the
Title
of
Edga●
Atheling
to
take
place
,
we
find
the
Londoners
among
the
chief
of
those
,
who
were
upon
Associating
themselves
each
to
other
,
to
defend
his
Right
to
th●
utmost
of
their
Powers
.
This
Agreement
indee●
was
afterwards
broken
;
but
by
the
making
of
it
we
are
well
enough
assured
that
the
C●tys
Strengt●
was
then
esteem'd
very
considerable
.
Another
Argument
let
me
produce
out
of
Stow'●
Annalls
;
where
it
is
recorded
,
that
Edwin
an●
Marcar
,
both
then
Powerfull
Earles
,
the
One
●●
Mercia
,
the
other
of
Northumberland
,
after
Harold
Death
came
to
London
,
and
solicited
the
Citizen
to
erect
one
of
them
to
the
Kingdom
.
Though
this
their
enterprise
was
frustrated
,
yet
doubtless
it
may
prove
Londons
Power
;
otherwise
't
is
hard
to
believe
,
these
two
potent
Earls
would
have
applied
themselves
to
the
Citizens
,
that
they
would
chuse
one
of
them
for
King
,
and
upon
the
Failure
of
their
Design
would
have
quietly
departed
,
without
shewing
some
resentment
,
had
not
the
City
been
too
strong
,
easily
to
be
dealt
with
,
or
slightly
to
be
anger'd
,
with
Safety
and
Security
.
The
other
more
rightful
Heir
was
the
Person
pitch'd
upon
.
But
the
other
Nobles
of
the
Realm
not
powerfully
assisting
,
and
Edward
Atheling
not
being
(
it
seems
)
of
Ability
sufficient
to
manage
his
own
Concerns
himself
,
and
undertake
so
great
a
Charge
,
't
is
no
wonder
that
this
Renowned
City
(
suffering
it self
to
be
born
down
the
Stream
with
the
Times
)
submitted
it Self
(
with
the
rest
of
the
Land
)
to
Duke
William
,
who
made
some
pretence
to
a
Title
;
Whereas
Harold
could
shew
nothing
for
his
,
but
his
Sword
;
And
therefore
it
may
be
't
is
,
that
we
read
not
in
antient
Histories
,
(
that
I
remember
)
of
this
Citys
assisting
him
,
to
defend
himself
against
Duke
William's
Power
.
Here
now
is
a
great
Change
indeed
.
The
Power
and
Strength
of
the
Kingdom
turned
from
both
the
Britains
and
Saxons
,
and
devolved
upon
the
Normans
by
means
of
this
King
William
;
the
Date
of
whose
Reign
begins
,
reckoning
immediately
after
Harold's
Death
,
October
the
Fourteenth
,
Anno
Christi
1066
,
according
to
Chronology
.
In
this
King
(
who
himself
,
by
the
General
consent
of
Writers
,
was
basely
Born
)
is
founded
the
Succession
;
for
higher
they
care
not
much
to
go
,
who
keep
such
a
stir
about
our
Princes
inheriting
according
to
their
Birth-right
.
Though
,
if
this
be
made
the
fixt
unalterable
Rule
,
of
Twenty
Six
Kings
and
Queens
reigning
Successively
,
upon
recourse
to
the
History
of
their
Reigns
,
we
shall
meet
with
a
dozen
(
at
least
)
of
them
,
who
cannot
be
denied
,
but
to
have
come
to
their
Crowns
with
Flaws
in
their
Titles
.
Nay
,
if
we
reckon
in
the
Number
,
such
as
may
have
been
controverted
upon
that
Account
,
we
may
safely
add
the
other
Half
dozen
.
That
from
the
general
Rules
there
are
many
exceptions
,
we
learnt
almost
as
soon
as
we
went
to
our
Grammar-School
.
This
King
William
is
commonly
called
the
Conquerour
in
History
;
which
acquaints
us
,
That
he
came
in
with
an
Army
,
and
conquered
Harold
;
who
is
esteemed
little
less
than
an
Vsurper
.
But
that
from
thence
we
should
conclude
him
a
Conquerour
of
the
whole
Land
,
and
look
on
it
as
a
Nation
totally
subjected
by
Force
of
Arms
,
it
seems
to
me
to
lack
a
little
better
Proof
,
than
I
have
yet
met
with
.
That
King
William
,
after
he
was
well
fixt
in
the
Government
,
might
reckon
this
Conquest
amongst
his
other
Titles
and
Claims
,
(
whether
by
Harold's
Oath
,
the
Pope's
Gift
,
the
King's
Testament
,
and
a
little
of
Kindred
)
I
shall
not
deny
.
For
I
have
read
,
that
King
Henry
the
Seventh
had
a
mind
to
put
in
for
this
Title
also
;
but
't
was
after
he
had
well
and
surely
gained
the
main
point
,
Possession
.
But
upon
perusal
of
the
Histories
about
those
Times
,
it
appears
a
little
unlikely
,
that
this
Duke
William
should
get
the
Land
into
his
own
Power
so
wholly
by
Conquest
,
as
some
would
insinuate
,
for
secret
intents
possibly
,
and
purposes
of
their
own
.
Though
Harold
was
Conquered
by
that
one
Battail
,
yet
I
do
not
think
,
the
Land
was
:
For
besides
Londons
Strength
(
where
William
was
forced
to
yield
Conditions
,
before
he
could
pass
through
,
as
afore
)
the
Earls
of
Mercia
and
Northumberland
,
then
of
considerable
Power
,
are
said
to
have
withdrawn
themselves
and
their
People
to
that
City
,
without
so
much
as
being
present
at
the
Battel
.
How
also
the
Kentishmen
enclosed
Duke
William
,
and
his
Victorious
Army
,
and
compelled
him
to
grant
them
the
continuance
of
their
Old
Laws
and
Customs
,
is
sufficiently
manifested
,
if
only
by
the
single
Evidence
of
their
Antient
Law
of
Gavelkind
,
yet
continued
amongst
them
.
If
this
be
Conquest
,
to
be
forced
to
yield
Conditions
;
What
is
it
to
be
Conquered
?
Wherefore
,
we
may
better
(
I
believe
)
from
these
premised
Considerations
conclude
,
That
the
Chief
of
the
Nation
,
knowing
him
to
be
a
Man
of
Strength
and
Ability
,
and
of
great
Fame
,
chose
rather
to
submit
to
him
upon
fitting
(
reasonable
)
Conditions
,
than
hazard
the
running
into
the
Miseries
of
War
,
by
committing
themselves
to
the
Guidance
of
so
young
and
weak
an
Head
,
as
Edgar
Atheling
.
That
King
William
made
a
League
with
such
as
submitted
,
and
swore
Fealty
to
him
,
stands
recorded
in
Stow's
Annals
.
True
indeed
,
after
he
was
well
fixt
in
the
Throne
,
he
might
not
much
mind
his
former
promises
;
but
contrary
to
them
,
might
do
many
irregular
Acts
to
strengthen
himself
,
as
he
thought
,
and
settle
the
Crown
the
surer
upon
his
own
Head
.
Whereof
we
find
mentioned
in
Story
,
his
endeavour
to
raise
his
Normans
,
by
introducing
them
into
the
chief
Places
in
Church
and
State
;
and
impoverish
the
English
,
by
setting
grievous
Impositions
and
Taxes
on
them
.
One
we
read
of
very
considerable
,
in
the
Nineteenth
Year
of
his
Reign
,
when
he
made
to
be
gathered
Six
Shillings
of
every
Hide
of
Land
,
which
would
rise
high
,
according
to
my
Authors
reckoning
;
who
says
,
an
Hide
contains
Five
Yards
;
a
Yard
Four
Acres
;
an
Acre
Forty
Perch
in
length
;
Four
in
bredth
;
Eight
of
these
Hides
make
a
Knights-Fee
or
Ploughtill
.
Forty
Eight
shillings
upon
Eightscore
Acres
,
was
a
great
matter
in
those
Days
;
though
it
sounds
but
a
small
Sum
with
Us
,
who
have
lived
to
hear
of
the
Wealth
of
a
New
World
,
brought
into
the
Old
One.
To
this
may
be
added
,
his
Craft
in
inrolling
his
Baro●s
Land
,
their
Knights-Fees
,
Towns
,
Number
of
Men
and
Cattle
within
the
Realm
,
in
Dooms-day
Book
;
the
better
doubtless
to
know
the
Strength
of
the
Land
,
and
be
the
more
able
to
raise
what
T●xes
he
pleased
,
without
being
very
easily
deceived
by
concealments
.
More
instances
of
Arbitrary
Power
might
possibly
be
observed
,
which
nevertheless
are
not
deservedly
esteemed
Tokens
and
Markes
of
Conquest
.
That
great
Persons
,
in
the
height
of
their
Grandeur
,
often
forget
former
Covenants
and
Promises
,
is
no
such
wonder
;
it
is
so
common
,
so
usual
,
for
some
Men
to
promise
more
in
half
an
hour
,
when
they
conceive
it
for
their
present
Advantage
,
than
others
find
performed
in
Seven
Years
.
If
Arbitrary
Acts
of
Rule
are
able
to
prove
King
William
a
Conquerour
of
this
whole
Land
,
I
do
not
know
but
many
others
may
also
be
esteemed
Conquerours
,
who
passed
for
good
Ruling
Kings
in
the
days
of
their
Power
.
Though
King
William
held
the
Englishmen
so
low
,
that
in
his
days
there
was
almost
no
Englishman
that
bare
an
Office
of
Honour
or
Rule
(
if
Fabian
may
be
credited
;
for
some
others
deny
it
,
as
to
some
particulars
:
)
This
being
certainly
the
too
too
common
Effect
of
letting
in
a
Forreign
Power
into
a
Land
,
where
those
that
were
the
Introducers
of
the
Forreigners
as
Friends
,
have
hardly
escaped
Polyphemus's
Courtesy
,
of
being
devoured
last
;
Witness
in
this
Land
,
the
introducing
the
Saxons
by
the
Britains
and
the
Normans
upon
them
:
Yet
the
same
Historian
intimates
,
that
he
somewhat
favoured
the
City
of
London
,
and
granted
to
the
Citizens
the
First
Charter
that
ever
they
had
,
written
in
the
Saxon
Tongue
,
and
sealed
with
Green
Wax
,
being
expressed
in
Eight
or
Nine
Lives
.
This
may
be
construed
to
be
done
,
either
in
gratitude
to
the
City
,
for
giving
place
so
easily
to
his
Fortune
,
or
because
he
found
the
Citizens
so
pliable
to
his
Will
,
or
rather
in
policy
to
have
so
considerable
a
Place
the
more
at
his
Devotion
,
and
six
it
the
stronger
to
his
Interest
:
So
subtle
a
King
as
he
was
,
being
in
no
wise
ignorant
(
I
presume
)
of
the
great
Impression
,
the
Actions
of
the
chief
City
in
a
Conntry
usually
makes
upon
the
whole
Nation
.
So
that
though
London
changed
Masters
,
it
changed
not
Fortune
;
but
(
notwithstanding
it
received
damage
by
Fire
,
which
burnt
a
great
part
thereof
,
and
also
of
St.
Pauls
)
rather
gained
more
Honour
and
esteem
under
the
Normans
Rule
,
by
becoming
the
Metropolis
of
the
whole
Nation
,
and
the
Theatre
,
wherein
hath
been
acted
some
of
the
most
considerable
Passages
,
that
have
since
happened
in
this
Land
,
whether
in
Peace
or
War
.
Most
of
our
Parliaments
,
many
of
the
Bishop's
Synods
and
Convocations
,
the
Kings
usual
Residence
,
his
Court
,
his
Council
,
and
Places
of
Judicature
,
having
been
generally
kept
either
in
the
Liberties
of
this
City
,
or
not
far
distant
from
it
,
at
Westminster
;
which
being
of
a
much
later
Date
,
(
as
is
hinted
before
)
is
nevertheless
known
to
be
a
distinct
City
,
of
different
Rites
and
Customs
,
and
under
another
Government
;
though
the
Buildings
joyning
both
Cities
in
a
manner
together
,
may
occasion
Forreigners
to
give
the
Common
Appellation
London
to
the
Whole
;
and
we
Natives
also
,
many
times
,
use
the
same
General
Term
in
private
Discourse
.
In
St.
Pauls
in
London
,
was
kept
that
Synod
of
the
Clergy
,
in
William
the
First
's
days
;
which
order'd
many
Bishop's
Sees
to
be
translated
from
small
Villages
,
and
such
obscure
petty
Places
,
to
the
greater
Cities
.
For
by
this
time
,
the
Policy
of
the
Popes
of
Rome
,
in
diverse
parts
of
Europe
,
had
introduc'd
a
distinct
Government
in
the
Church
,
different
from
that
of
the
State
:
And
so
founded
(
as
it
were
)
one
Empire
within
another
,
to
have
the
whole
the
better
at
their
Devotion
.
So
that
,
if
Kings
or
Rulers
of
States
were
not
as
submissive
to
their
Imperious
Commands
,
as
they
desir'd
,
they
had
the
Church
in
the
Land
to
overaw
those
,
who
bore
the
Temporall
Sword
;
and
lest
the
chief
Church-men
(
being
often
preferr'd
by
the
Magistrates
means
,
through
the
Popes
great
Condescention
,
as
they
would
have
it
thought
)
should
prove
a
little
Refractory
,
they
had
the
Monasteries
,
Abbies
,
Priories
,
Nunneries
,
and
such
like
,
in
a
manner
,
under
the
Popes
peculiar
Jurisdiction
,
to
curb
them
,
by
the
Power
they
could
raise
out
of
their
Tennants
,
Friends
and
Kindred
.
Romes
high
and
lofty
Prelates
,
thus
striving
to
have
their
Spoons
in
every
Ones
Dish
:
which
Desire
of
theirs
,
we
do
not
find
at
all
diminished
,
though
now
their
Wings
be
much
clipt
.
Nay
,
we
find
them
the
more
eager
now
,
in
their
pursuit
after
their
antient
Greatness
,
under
the
pretence
of
a
former
Right
▪
which
was
first
obtain'd
by
none
of
the
best
and
honestest
ways
.
And
so
they
might
regain
it
▪
Experience
tells
us
,
they
would
not
stick
at
the
perpetration
of
the
most
Execrable
Villanies
,
the
Art
of
Man
can
invent
,
or
the
Hand
can
act
.
Whence
else
come
all
those
Wars
,
Massacres
,
Persecutions
,
Plots
,
Conspiracies
,
Designes
,
Intreagues
,
Frauds
,
Deceits
,
raising
of
Publick
Jealousies
,
fomenting
of
Private
Feares
,
exasperating
of
Mens
minds
,
heightning
their
Animosities
,
debauching
their
Moralls
,
and
Corrupting
Religion
it self
,
with
the
rest
of
those
Cursed
Arts
and
Seed-Plots
of
Sedition
,
where
with
our
Ears
have
been
so
long
filled
,
that
the
sound
is
not
yet
gone
out
of
them
;
nor
know
we
when
ever
it
will
,
as
long
as
they
can
meet
with
so
many
foolish
Bigots
,
and
prophane
Debauchees
among
the
Sons
of
Men
:
The
One
to
be
gull'd
with
the
Hopes
of
Heaven
,
for
the
Performance
of
such
Meritorious
Acts
,
as
they
will
put
them
upon
;
the
Other
to
be
purchased
with
a
Bag
of
Money
,
or
a
Plump
Whore
,
to
favour
their
Designes
,
falicitate
their
Purposes
,
carry
on
their
Projects
,
and
protect
their
Crimes
,
if
detected
,
from
Publick
Justice
.
As
London
was
favoured
by
the
first
William
,
so
I
find
no
great
reason
otherwise
to
believe
,
but
that
it
continued
in
favour
and
fame
under
the
Second
William's
Reign
.
Yet
I
meet
with
but
few
Passages
of
it
,
excepting
what
may
seem
to
tend
to
its
disadvantage
,
(
as
the
Harm
it
sustained
from
a
Violent
wind
,
that
is
said
to
have
overthrown
at
one
time
above
600
houses
,
and
much
injured
the
roof
of
St.
Mary
Bow
in
Cheapside
,
as
also
the
hurt
was
done
another
time
about
it
by
the
Inundation
of
Thames
)
unless
we
should
think
it
received
some
addition
of
honour
,
from
the
great
charges
William
Rufus
was
at
about
the
Tower
,
which
was
to
adorn
it
,
I
suppose
;
for
that
it
was
builded
long
before
,
hath
been
related
above
;
&
that
it
was
of
good
strength
in
the
preceding
Kings
dayes
,
is
enough
evident
,
in
that
we
read
it
was
made
Marcharus
,
the
Earl
of
Northumberland's
Prison
.
This
Tower
having
been
before
times
,
and
very
often
in
later
days
,
the
place
of
confinement
for
great
Men
,
when
esteemed
Offendors
.
This
is
the
King
that
built
Westminster-Hall
;
and
being
after
displeased
at
it
for
being
not
big
enough
to
his
mind
,
intended
(
as
't
is
said
)
to
have
built
one
much
larger
,
and
make
the
other
to
have
served
for
a
Chamber
.
The
wicked
Lives
of
the
insulting
Normans
;
the
Miseries
and
Vices
of
the
depressed
Englishmen
,
with
the
depraved
Manners
of
the
corrupted
Clergy
,
were
so
notorious
in
this
Kings
dayes
,
that
Writers
could
not
well
pass
them
over
without
mention
.
In
Henry
the
2d's
Time
,
we
read
of
the
founding
of
St.
Bartholomew's
-
Church
,
Priory
and
Hospital
in
Smithfield
,
which
was
begun
(
't
is
said
)
by
Rayer
,
one
of
this
Kings
Minstrells
,
but
ended
by
some
good
and
well
disposed
Citizens
of
London
:
This
Smithfield
was
then
a
Place
for
the
casting
out
of
filth
,
where
also
Felons
and
other
Transgressours
were
executed
;
and
not
put
it
seems
to
the
use
that
now
it
is
.
Length
of
time
commonly
changes
the
use
of
Places
,
and
some
times
for
the
better
.
There
are
upon
Record
no
less
than
Three
Councills
,
Synods
or
Convocations
of
the
Clergy
,
which
were
kept
in
this
City
in
this
Kings
Reign
,
to
reform
the
Church
and
Church-men
,
was
the
usuall
Pretence
;
but
it
was
commonly
done
in
such
away
,
that
it
tended
mostly
to
the
exalting
of
their
own
Power
.
We
read
in
Stow
of
a
Parliament
of
Prelates
,
Nobles
and
Commons
,
Assembled
by
this
King
in
the
Sixteenth
Year
of
his
Reign
,
Anno
Christi
1116.
This
King
was
the
better
beloved
of
the
Englishmen
,
for
Marrying
a
Wife
of
the
Old
Saxon
Line
,
Edgar
Atheling's
Sisters
Daughter
,
for
using
Edward
the
Confessors
Laws
with
Amendment
,
at
his
coming
to
the
Crown
,
and
making
some
good
ones
of
his
own
,
for
freeing
the
Church
,
Impri●oning
Ranulph
,
the
covetous
Bishop
of
Durham
(
his
Brother
William's
Procurator
,
and
Gatherer
of
his
Taxes
)
in
the
Tower
of
London
;
and
also
releasing
●o
Englishmen
the
Old
Tax
of
Danegelt
,
lately
re●ived
by
his
Father
and
Brother
,
and
restoring
●o
them
the
Use
of
Lights
by
Night
;
which
,
with
●ire
,
had
been
by
his
Father
forbidden
to
be
used
●fter
the
Ringing
of
the
Cu●f●●-B●ll
,
at
Eight
of
●he
Clock
.
In
the
time
of
King
Stephen
,
we
meet
with
an
e●inent
Instance
of
London's
Strength
.
M●ud
the
●mpress
,
the
Late
Kings
on●y
S●rvi●ing
Heir
,
ha●ing
upon
the
Fortune
of
a
Battail
took
and
Im●risoned
King
Stephen
,
and
being
the●
by
much
●xalted
in
her
mind
,
deeming
her self
sure
of
the
●ossession
of
the
whole
Realm
▪
would
not
make
●●y
Grant
to
the
Citizen's
Requests
:
They
there●pon
becoming
discontented
,
designed
to
have
●●ized
on
her
Person
.
Whereof
she
having
●arning
,
fled
in
haste
for
her
own
Safe
guard
to
●xford
,
and
her
People
were
divided
and
scatter●●
;
whereas
,
not
long
before
,
she
was
in
a
fair
●ossibility
of
enjoying
all
that
she
claimed
;
King
●●ephen's
Queen
promising
upon
his
Delivery
,
that
〈◊〉
should
surrender
the
Land
into
her
Possession
,
〈◊〉
become
a
Religious
Man
,
or
a
Pilgrim
,
to
his
●●ves
end
:
Either
of
which
,
at
that
time
,
was
a
〈◊〉
of
Spiritual
Death
,
as
to
what
concerned
●orldly
Affairs
.
But
her
unfortunate
di●ob●iging
is
City
soon
turned
the
Scales
.
The
Queen's
●●rength
encreases
,
Maud's
diminishes
;
The
King
a
little
after
is
delivered
upon
Exchange
,
and
th●
Empress
(
at
last
)
departs
with
a
small
Company
and
returns
into
Normandy
,
without
obtaining
he
Desire
.
So
considerable
then
was
the
City
of
Lo●don
,
as
to
be
able
to
wrest
the
Power
out
of
thi●
Conqueresses
Hands
,
and
return
it
back
(
at
length
to
the
same
Person
,
whom
she
had
once
overcome
and
held
many
Months
Prisoner
at
her
own
〈◊〉
and
Pleasure
.
That
for
which
the
Citizens
of
London
made
〈◊〉
great
Labour
,
was
,
that
they
might
use
the
Law
of
Edward
the
Confessor
,
as
they
were
granted
b●
William
,
commonly
called
the
Conquerour
;
and
〈◊〉
the
Laws
of
her
Father
,
which
were
of
〈◊〉
straitness
.
Here
,
in
my
Opinion
,
seems
to
be
i●timated
,
that
this
King
W●lliam
came
not
into
〈◊〉
quiet
Possession
of
the
Realm
so
much
by
Conque●●
as
on
Conditions
;
accordingly
here
's
menti●●
made
of
one
Grant
.
The
Occasion
of
Stephen's
coming
to
the
Crow●
contrary
to
his
own
former
Oath
swore
to
Ki●●
Henry
,
and
in
prejudice
to
Maud's
Claim
,
is
R●corded
by
one
Author
,
to
have
been
the
Oath
one
Hugh
B●got
,
sometime
King
Henry's
Stewar●
who
swore
,
that
the
Late
King
,
(
in
his
presence
)
little
before
his
Death
,
chose
this
Stephen
for
〈◊〉
Heir
,
by
reason
that
he
had
received
some
disco●tent
at
his
Daughters
hands
.
Whereunto
the
〈◊〉
giving
easy
Credence
,
admitted
him
King
.
〈◊〉
Favour
of
the
Londoners
did
doubtless
,
at
th●
time
,
condu●●
not
a
little
to
his
advantage
,
in
p●●ferring
him
an
able
Man
,
before
a
weak
Woma●
▪
For
Stow's
Annals
inform
us
,
That
he
was
receiv●●
by
the
Londoners
,
when
he
had
been
repulsed
at
●ther
Places
;
certainly
it
redounded
to
his
〈◊〉
▪
Benefit
afterwards
,
as
hath
been
related
before
.
Another
Addition
of
Strength
might
be
,
his
not
imposing
heavy
Taxes
upon
the
People
;
which
,
it
may
be
,
increased
their
Love
to
him
,
and
made
so
many
side
with
him
:
As
indeed
we
find
upon
his
first
Admission
,
that
he
sware
among
other
things
,
before
the
Lords
at
Oxford
,
to
forgive
his
People
the
Tax
of
Danegelt
.
Neither
do
I
read
of
any
Taxes
,
that
he
raised
upon
the
Commons
:
It
is
affirmed
positively
,
in
the
C●ll●ction
of
Wonders
,
and
Remarkable
Passages
,
that
he
raised
none
;
with
which
Stow
likewise
agrees
.
So
that
,
a
King
's
needless
laying
of
many
heavy
and
grievous
Taxes
upon
his
People
,
occasions
him
to
lose
much
of
their
Love
;
and
his
forbearing
it
,
when
he
hath
Power
in
his
hands
,
unites
his
Subjects
Hearts
the
faster
to
him
.
But
instead
of
Taxes
,
we
read
of
this
Kings
permission
,
given
to
his
Lords
,
to
build
Castles
or
Fortresses
upon
their
own
Grounds
:
Many
whereof
we
find
pulled
down
in
the
next
King's
time
,
they
having
been
the
occasion
of
many
Miseries
in
the
Land
,
and
the
ready
means
to
foment
Civil
Wars
therein
;
which
generally
brings
greater
Damages
to
the
Common●lty
,
than
a
few
Impositions
and
Taxes
can
be
presumed
to
do
.
This
King
Stephen
was
twice
Crowned
;
but
for
what
cause
,
or
for
what
intent
,
is
not
so
easily
known
;
whether
it
was
,
that
he
thought
his
Imprisonment
had
diminished
somewhat
of
his
Royalty
,
or
else
thinking
by
a
second
Coronation
to
●lude
the
Force
of
the
Oath
made
at
the
first
,
I
find
not
delivered
.
Certain
it
is
,
soon
after
my
Author
tells
of
his
taking
away
a
Castle
from
the
Earl
of
Chester
,
who
before
had
appeared
against
him
on
Maud's
side
,
with
a
very
considerable
Strength
;
but
had
been
afterwards
reconciled
to
the
King
.
But
what
is
much
more
considerable
,
we
read
not
long
after
of
the
King
's
new
danger
,
and
ill
Success
,
and
of
his
Party
being
weaken'd
particularly
by
the
loss
of
London
.
For
Duke
Henry
(
after
King
)
coming
into
England
with
a
great
Army
,
after
some
small
Success
,
gets
up
to
London
,
and
wins
the
Tower
,
as
much
by
Policy
,
and
fair
Promi●es
,
(
saith
my
Author
)
as
by
Strength
.
Then
he
had
Opportunity
enough
to
caress
the
C●tizens
,
being
so
near
them
;
and
it
may
be
,
he
got
not
the
Tower
without
their
Consert
,
if
not
by
their
Affistance
.
Hereby
we
find
,
that
he
retrieved
what
his
Mother's
Haughtiness
before
had
lost
;
and
so
having
got
the
City's
Affection
and
Power
,
he
was
in
a
fair
way
to
obtain
his
Desires
,
as
he
did
not
long
after
.
For
we
quickly
read
of
Mediators
and
Treaties
of
Peace
between
these
two
Competitors
;
which
took
Effect
at
last
,
though
the
Interest
and
Policy
of
some
hindered
it
for
a
time
.
In
Conclusion
,
the
King
was
fain
to
consent
to
the
adopting
the
Duke
his
Heir
,
so
that
he
might
Reign
during
his
Life
▪
Which
justly
to
perform
,
the
King
being
sworn
,
with
his
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
;
in
the
next
place
,
we
hear
of
their
riding
up
to
London
;
as
if
to
bind
the
bargain
,
it
was
requisite
to
ask
the
consent
of
that
Honourable
City
,
whose
Favour
seems
to
have
been
of
so
great
weight
in
those
unsettled
Times
,
as
to
turn
the
Scales
twice
;
once
in
the
King's
behalf
,
and
erewhile
on
the
Duk●'s
▪
Such
was
their
Influence
,
such
their
Power
,
as
to
pull
down
and
set
up
,
in
a
manner
,
whom
the
Citizens
pleased
.
Happy
was
this
Agreement
to
the
Land
by
settling
peace
therein
;
as
beneficial
likewise
was
it
to
the
Duke
,
it
being
a
fair
Step
to
the
Throne
;
whereon
we
find
him
mounted
within
a
little
time
.
For
not
long
after
this
Accord
,
we
hear
of
the
King's
Death
:
Whether
the
Troubles
of
his
Mind
,
or
Diseases
of
his
Body
brought
him
to
his
End
,
vexation
for
the
disappointment
of
his
Designs
,
in
being
(
after
a
sort
)
compelled
to
adopt
his
Competitor
(
his
Enemy
)
for
his
Son
and
Heir
,
or
Grief
for
the
loss
of
London's
Favour
,
which
helped
to
effect
so
great
a
Turn
in
his
Affairs
,
I
shall
not
determine
.
It
might
be
one
,
it
might
be
the
other
,
or
neither
,
or
all
conjoyned
,
that
became
the
occasional
Causes
(
so
to
phrase
it
)
of
his
Death
.
I
like
not
to
be
very
positive
,
where
I
am
not
very
certain
.
Stephen's
Death
making
thus
way
for
Henry
to
ascend
the
English
Throne
,
he
became
one
of
the
●reatest
Kings
that
ever
ruled
this
Land
,
for
the
Largeness
and
Extent
of
his
Territories
,
if
we
reckon
the
Inheritance
he
enjoyed
from
his
Father
,
the
Land
he
held
by
the
Title
of
his
Mother
,
the
Dowry
he
had
with
his
Wife
,
and
what
he
ob●ained
by
the
Success
of
his
Arms
:
Yet
,
notwith●tanding
all
this
,
he
lived
not
free
from
Troubles
,
●nd
intestine
Broils
,
which
sprung
much
out
of
his
●wn
Bowels
:
So
that
the
Glory
of
his
Youth
be●an
somewhat
to
be
eclipsed
by
the
Misfortunes
of
●is
elder
Years
.
He
Crowned
his
eldest
Son
li●ing
King
,
sometime
before
the
middle
of
his
●eign
;
to
the
end
(
as
one
Author
affirms
)
that
he
●ight
have
full
Power
and
Authority
to
rule
this
●and
and
People
,
while
his
Father
was
busied
in
●ther
Countrys
,
where
some
of
his
Lands
lay
.
This
●ight
be
one
Reason
;
but
the
King
(
having
learnt
〈◊〉
experience
,
to
his
Mother's
Loss
,
and
his
own
●ost
,
how
easy
it
was
for
Stephen
to
attempt
,
and
●ain
the
Crown
,
being
present
on
the
Spot
,
while
●●e
right
Heir
was
far
distant
in
the
vacancy
of
the
●hrone
)
may
be
supposed
in
his
intent
,
to
have
designed
the
hinderance
of
such
an
Intrusion
for
the
future
,
by
Crowning
the
next
Heir
King
,
while
he
himself
lived
.
I
read
,
that
Stephen
had
some
such
design
to
have
Crowned
his
Son
King
in
his
own
days
,
(
as
he
declared
at
a
Parliament
called
at
London
,
An.
Reg.
17
)
to
have
fixt
the
Crown
the
surer
to
his
Posterity
.
But
the
B●shops
refused
the
Deed
:
Which
I
do
not
find
they
did
so
much
out
of
Conscience
,
or
in
Favour
to
M●●d's
Title
,
as
by
the
Command
(
forsooth
)
of
the
Pope
;
who
,
in
those
days
,
was
very
apt
to
be
clapping
his
Fingers
into
almost
ever●
ones
Pye
,
where
he
thought
any
good
pickin●
might
be
had
.
This
King
Henry
got
but
little
by
Crowning
hi●
Son
in
his
Life-time
,
besides
Troubles
,
Crosses
and
Vexation
of
Spirit
.
For
upon
one
Occasion
o●
other
,
we
find
his
Sons
oft
thwarting
him
,
an●
some
times
warring
upon
him
.
Famous
were
those
days
,
for
the
Contest
betwee●
the
King
,
and
Thomas
Beck●●
;
which
brought
Beck●●
to
his
end
,
and
the
King
to
a
severe
Penance
at
th●
last
;
though
he
disowned
the
Fact
,
and
is
no●
plainly
proved
to
have
given
any
other
consent
t●
it
,
unless
what
may
be
deduced
from
a
few
ang●●
Words
uttered
in
his
Passion
.
The
ground
〈◊〉
occasion
of
this
Dissention
between
the
King
,
an●
the
Arch-Bishop
,
is
declared
by
the
Chronicle
,
〈◊〉
have
sprung
from
diverse
Acts
and
Ordinanc●●
which
the
King
had
procured
,
at
his
Parliament
〈◊〉
Northampton
,
to
pass
against
the
Liberties
of
〈◊〉
Church
;
which
thereupon
this
lofty
Prelate
wit●
stood
.
The
Pop●sh
Clergy
being
then
grown
to
th●
height
,
that
crowned
Heads
were
in
a
manner
co●pe●led
for
their
own
Security
to
veil
Bonnet
them
;
and
scarce
durst
so
far
presume
,
as
but
endeavour
to
cross
their
Ambitious
Designs
:
They
could
be
content
by
their
Canons
,
and
Councels
,
to
encroach
upon
the
Laity
,
as
they
termed
them
;
but
they
,
(
poor
Men
)
by
the
Clergy's
good
Will
,
must
not
be
allowed
to
vindicate
their
Own
Native
Liberty
from
the
Others
unjust
Usurpations
.
This
King
Henry
is
said
to
have
been
Peerless
in
Chivalry
,
in
War
,
and
in
Leachery
.
This
last
is
sufficiently
notorious
,
in
his
Love
to
the
Fair
Rosamond
,
and
further
manifested
in
his
deflowring
(
as
we
read
)
his
Son
Richard's
intended
Wife
,
the
French
King's
Daughter
;
whom
we
are
also
told
he
would
have
Married
,
could
he
have
obtained
a
Divorce
from
his
Queen
:
And
this
he
intended
,
't
is
said
,
to
have
the
more
favour
of
the
Frenchmen
,
by
their
Aid
the
better
to
disinherit
his
Sons
;
who
,
among
other
things
done
to
his
Displeasure
,
had
warred
upon
him
in
Vindication
of
their
abused
and
slighted
Mother
.
Three
several
Warnings
I
read
of
,
that
he
had
to
amend
his
Life
;
but
to
little
or
no
purpose
.
Some
of
his
Patience
(
or
else
fear
of
the
Imperious
Clergy
)
we
find
in
his
forbearance
,
shewed
to
Heraclius
,
Patriarch
of
Jerusalem
;
who
,
upon
the
King's
Refusal
to
go
into
the
Holy
Land
,
being
discontented
,
sharply
rebuked
him
,
reflecting
on
him
for
the
Death
(
or
Martyrdom
,
as
those
Times
were
pleased
to
term
it
)
of
Thomas
Becket
;
and
upon
Henry's
further
excusing
the
Voyage
for
fear
of
his
Son's
Rebellion
in
his
Absence
,
departed
in
great
ire
,
with
these
words
in
his
Mouth
;
saying
,
That
it
was
no
wonder
;
for
of
the
Devil
they
come
,
and
to
the
Devil
they
shall
.
—
Part
of
his
Devotion
we
meet
with
in
that
Shift
,
he
found
out
to
fulfil
the
Condion
of
building
three
Abbies
in
England
,
enjoyned
him
by
the
Pope
in
the
Dispensation
granted
him
,
for
the
Voyage
he
h●d
before
solemnly
vowed
to
take
int●
t●e
H●ly
Land
in
Person
.
Such
was
muc●
of
the
Religion
t●en
of
those
Times
,
e●●ner
t●
b●ild
〈…〉
,
and
the
like
,
(
so
man●
〈◊〉
Castles
,
or
Fortr●ss●s
,
as
it
were
,
ready
man●ed
and
vict●alled
at
the
P●p●'s
Service
)
o●
else
to
take
upon
them
the
Cross
,
and
away
to
th●
〈…〉
to
fight
for
Christ'●
〈◊〉
,
as
wert
the
cry
,
Angli●e
,
to
subdu●
more
La●d
to
the
P●pe's
Obedience
.
A
cunning
crafty
trick
of
the
P●pe's
,
to
send
away
packing
such
Princes
,
whose
Power
they
feared
would
grow
too
gre●t
at
home
,
that
they
might
in
the
mea●
time
domineer
over
their
Subjects
Purses
and
Consciences
,
and
the
better
advance
their
own
Worldly
Pomp
and
Grandeur
in
their
Absence
.
For
read
not
of
any
of
the
Pop●s
,
who
went
themselve●
i●
Persons
:
They
,
forsooth
,
could
not
be
spared
f●om
their
Charge
,
al●as
,
their
Preferment
;
no●
be
absent
from
home
,
out
of
care
to
the
Feeding
of
then
Fl●●k
,
i.
e.
looking
to
their
own
Gain
.
So
that
the
serding
M●n
(
while
in
their
Bodies
)
to
the
H●ly
Land
,
was
almost
as
beneficial
a
Project
,
as
long
as
it
lasted
,
as
the
●reterce
of
Fetching
their
Souls
out
of
●●●gatory
after
their
Death
,
for
a
round
Sum
of
〈◊〉
,
and
a
set
of
Mass●s
.
The
Tri●k
King
Henry
(
almost
as
Cunning
,
though
not
as
F●rtunate
,
as
these
subrle
Priests
)
fou●d
out
to
fulfil
the
Condition
enjoyned
,
and
which
he
put
in
Execution
,
was
,
First
,
Putting
Secular
Cannons
out
of
Waltham-House
,
and
setting
Cannons
Regular
in
their
stead
.
Secondly
,
His
th●●sti●g
the
M●rk●
out
of
Amesbury-House
,
and
placing
there
another
sort
of
Religious
Persons
,
which
he
had
brought
from
beyond
the
Sea
.
And
for
the
Third
,
His
coursly
renewing
the
Charter-House
of
Witham
,
beside
Salisbury
.
The
King
having
had
so
large
Tryall
,
and
so
much
Knowledge
of
the
City
of
London's
Power
,
did
not
very
much
(
I
suppose
,
at
any
time
)
disoblige
the
Citizens
;
Especially
having
such
powerfull
Enemies
to
deal
with
as
the
King
of
France
abroad
,
and
at
home
the
insulting
,
incroaching
Clergy
,
and
his
own
unnaturall
refractory
Sons
;
though
one
saith
,
that
he
nourished
Strife
among●t
his
Children
with
all
Diligence
,
hoping
thereby
to
live
himself
in
the
more
rest
.
But
it
seems
,
that
device
avail'd
him
but
little
.
As
we
have
but
little
reason
to
think
,
that
the
City
of
London
lost
ground
in
Henry's
days
;
so
under
his
Son
and
Successour
King
Richard
,
we
find
that
Foundation
laid
,
where
upon
was
after
erected
that
Famous
and
Free
Way
of
Electing
it's
own
yearly
Governours
;
wherein
she
now
glories
.
Like
as
William
the
First
gave
the
Citizens
their
First
Charter
;
so
this
Noble
Richard
[
Cuer
de
Lyon
]
was
the
King
,
that
ordain'd
London
to
be
ruld
by
Two
Bailiffs
whose
Names
were
Henry
of
Cornhil
,
and
Richard
Fitz
Ryver
;
as
Fabian
tells
us
in
that
worthy
Chronicle
,
which
he
compiled
of
the
English
and
French
Nation
.
This
Fabian
,
being
Sheriff
of
this
City
in
Henry
the
Seventh's
Days
,
by
that
advantage
may
be
presumed
to
have
best
known
the
Affairs
of
the
City
;
and
seeming
to
write
with
a
great
deal
of
Integrity
,
in
this
Relation
I
chiefly
follow
him
,
and
so
intend
as
far
as
he
reaches
;
especially
when
I
shall
have
occasion
to
Name
any
of
the
Bayliffs
,
Mayors
,
or
Sheriffs
;
through
whose
yearly
Government
,
in
his
Second
Volume
,
he
deduces
the
History
in
form
of
Annals
,
down
to
the
beginning
of
King
Henry
the
Eight's
Reign
.
In
the
Prol●gue
to
this
Second
Part
,
he
tells
us
,
That
the
City
was
antiently
under
the
Rule
o●
Portgrieves
;
which
word
Portgrieve
signifies
in
Sax
on
,
the
Guardian
,
Ruler
,
or
Keeper
of
a
Town
.
Th●●
Book
called
Doomsday
,
wherein
were
registred
i●
Saxon
the
Laws
and
Customs
then
used
,
being
lost
●●
he
acquaints
us
also
,
that
the
Remembrance
o●
those
Rulers
,
before
this
Richard's
Days
,
was
los●
and
forgotten
.
In
the
same
Prologue
likewise
he
hath
left
us
a
Copy
of
Verses
,
written
in
praise
o●
the
City
;
wherein
we
are
told
,
That
this
City
was
never
cast
down
,
as
other
Famous
Ones
have
been
;
that
herein
Divine
Service
was
always
continued
in
Religious
Houses
,
in
such
an
Order
,
that
when
one
had
done
,
another
began
;
and
that
it
was
famed
also
for
the
Mayor
and
Sheriffs
Noble
House-keeping
;
with
much
more
;
which
any
one
that
please
may
peruse
at
his
leasure
,
in
the
forecited
Place
.
We
likewise
find
there
declared
the
severa●
Wards
of
the
City
,
as
they
stood
in
Fabian's
Time
together
with
the
Parish-Churches
,
and
other
Religious
Houses
,
within
and
without
,
summed
up
to
the
Number
of
One
Hundred
Sixty
Eight
:
This
King
Richard
(
in
the
Beginning
of
whose
Reign
we
first
hear
of
the
Name
of
Bailiffs
give●
to
the
Rulers
of
London
)
having
taken
a
Voyag●
into
the
Holy-Land
,
according
to
the
Religion
o●
those
Times
,
and
done
his
Devoir
for
the
Recovery
of
it
,
according
to
his
Strength
;
the
Clergy-men
had
reason
to
esteem
well
of
him
;
to
humour
whose
designs
he
had
undertaken
so
chargeable
〈◊〉
Enterprize
:
So
accordingly
we
find
,
that
the
Ecclesiastucks
stuck
as
close
to
him
,
as
any
of
his
Subjects
in
his
Adversity
.
For
in
his
Return
from
the
Holy
War
(
as
't
was
term'd
)
Richard
being
Shipwrack't
,
took
and
imprison'd
by
the
Duke
of
Austria
,
and
long
detain'd
by
the
Emperour
,
he
was
compell'd
to
redeem
himself
,
after
a
Year
and
three
Month's
Imprisonment
,
at
a
large
Ransom
:
An
hundred
thousand
Pounds
were
either
presently
paid
,
or
good
Pledges
left
behind
him
to
ascertain
the
full
and
true
Payment
.
A
vast
Sum
in
those
days
,
when
Wheat
was
esteem'd
at
a
high
Price
,
being
sold
at
fifteen
Shillings
the
Quarter
;
as
we
find
it
in
the
fifth
Year
of
King
John's
Reign
,
about
half
a
dozen
Years
after
.
So
that
,
for
this
Ransom
,
were
sold
the
Ornaments
of
the
Church
,
Prelate's
Rings
and
Crosses
,
with
the
Vessels
and
Chalices
of
the
Churches
,
throughout
the
Land
,
Wool
of
White
Monks
and
Cannons
,
and
also
twenty
seven
Shrines
scrap't
and
spoil'd
of
the
Gold
and
Silver
laid
on
them
in
former
Times
:
No
Priviledge
of
Church
then
regarded
,
no
Person
spar'd
.
A
costly
Voyage
indeed
it
prov'd
to
the
Land
,
undertaken
to
satisfie
the
Clergy-men's
Ambition
;
and
therefore
they
might
well
be
content
to
bear
much
of
the
Charges
,
and
use
their
utmost
Endeavours
in
the
Imprison'd
King's
Vindication
.
And
so
the
Pope
did
,
as
far
as
Curses
would
go
;
to
which
was
imputed
those
Mischiefs
,
that
befel
the
Duke
of
Austria
and
his
Country
a
little
after
,
as
the
Effects
of
the
Pope's
Indignation
.
The
Power
,
and
Esteem
of
this
City's
Favour
,
in
those
Times
of
the
King's
Captivity
,
we
need
but
remark
out
of
Neubrigensis
;
who
acquaints
us
,
That
when
the
Chancellour
,
being
then
Bishop
of
Ely
,
and
Governour
of
the
Land
,
dreaded
the
Force
of
the
opposite
Lords
,
who
strove
to
suppress
him
for
his
Insolency
,
and
ill
Government
,
he
retir'd
to
London
;
and
humbly
intreated
the
Citizens
,
not
to
be
wanting
to
him
in
that
point
of
time
:
But
they
being
not
unmindful
of
his
former
Behaviour
,
rather
favour'd
the
other
Party
;
whereupon
the
proud
haughty
Prelate
was
compell'd
to
resign
his
Office
,
which
he
had
so
ill
manag'd
,
and
depart
,
to
the
no
small
Benefit
to
the
Land
in
those
troublesome
Times
.
At
London
likewise
was
it
,
that
the
Lords
consulted
together
,
for
the
ordering
the
Land
in
the
King's
Absence
;
which
,
after
the
late
ill
Governour
had
been
discarded
,
and
after
an
Oath
of
Fideli●y
to
the
absent
Prince
,
was
put
into
another's
Hands
.
When
King
Richard
was
delivered
;
as
soon
as
he
landed
at
Sandwich
,
we
find
him
coming
straightway
to
London
,
as
the
fittest
Place
(
it
seems
)
to
receive
him
,
and
assist
him
.
So
accordingly
we
read
of
his
Reception
there
,
with
all
Joy
and
Honour
,
in
so
splendid
a
Pomp
,
that
the
German
Nobles
(
present
)
beholding
it
,
affirm'd
,
That
if
the
Emperour
had
known
of
such
Riches
in
England
,
he
would
not
have
dimiss'd
the
Ransom'd
King
under
an
Intol●erab●e
Price
.
A
little
afte●
▪
we
hear
of
his
riding
thence
with
a
convenient
●●r●ngth
,
to
recover
the
Places
that
stood
out
〈◊〉
him
.
After
this
,
by
a
Councel
of
Lords
call'd
at
Winchester
,
having
deprived
his
Brother
John
of
his
Honours
and
Lands
,
for
his
Rebellion
,
he
took
care
to
have
himself
crown'd
King
of
England
anew
.
As
if
the
Force
of
his
former
Coronation
was
impaired
by
his
Imprisonment
;
or
else
he
thought
,
by
this
politick
Shift
,
to
take
off
all
Obligations
,
that
might
haply
lie
on
him
,
for
any
thing
done
before
.
As
indeed
we
quickly
after
read
of
a
Resumption
of
all
Patents
,
Annuities
,
Fees
,
and
other
Grants
m●de
before
his
Voyage
:
But
then
it
's
affirmed
to
be
done
by
the
Authority
of
a
Parliament
,
call'd
after
his
Coronation
.
After
these
Passages
,
two
State-Informers
are
●oted
to
have
ri●en
up
,
promising
the
King
great
Matters
;
the
Scenes
of
whose
chief
Acts
were
either
laid
,
or
to
have
been
laid
at
London
.
One
of
them
,
the
Abbot
of
Cadonence
,
warning
the
King
of
the
Fraud
of
his
Officers
,
by
vertue
of
a
Warrant
from
him
,
called
divers
Officers
before
him
at
London
,
to
yield
to
him
their
Accounts
.
This
Place
was
made
choice
of
by
him
,
as
the
fittest
(
it
seems
)
wherein
to
ingratiate
himself
with
the
common
People
by
●o
plausible
an
Act
,
as
bringing
offending
Officers
to
con●igne
Punishment
.
But
Death
soon
cut
him
off
,
and
so
put
an
end
to
all
his
Designs
.
The
other
Informer
,
call'ed
William
with
the
Long
Beard
,
reported
to
be
born
in
London
,
of
a
sharp
Wit
;
having
shew'd
the
King
of
the
Outrage
of
the
Rich
;
who
(
as
he
said
)
in
publick
Payments
,
spar'd
their
own
,
and
pi●led
the
Poor
;
and
being
upheld
by
him
,
became
the
Patron
and
Defender
of
poor
Men's
Causes
;
and
stirred
up
the
common
People
to
a
desire
and
love
of
Freedom
and
Liberty
,
by
blaming
Rich
Men's
Excess
and
Insolence
.
Hereupon
he
was
followed
with
such
numbers
of
People
,
that
being
called
before
the
King's
Councel
upon
suspicion
of
a
Conspiracy
,
the
Lords
were
fain
with
good
words
to
dismiss
him
for
the
present
,
for
fear
of
the
Multitude
attending
him
;
and
commanded
certain
to
seize
on
him
,
in
the
Absence
of
his
numerous
Abettors
.
But
those
thus
commanded
,
mistaking
the
time
,
and
so
failing
in
their
intended
Design
,
he
escaped
,
and
took
Sanctuary
in
St.
Mary
Bow
Church
;
where
his
Strength
quickly
grew
so
great
by
the
Access
of
the
Multitude
,
that
he
was
not
easily
taken
hold
of
,
nor
without
shedding
of
Blood
.
However
,
being
at
last
taken
,
after
that
the
Heads
and
Rulers
of
the
City
had
diminish'●
the
People
,
he
,
with
other
his
Adherents
,
wa●
arraign'd
before
the
Judges
,
cast
,
condemn'd
,
an●
hang'd
very
shortly
after
;
even
the
following
da●
saith
the
Chronicle
:
so
desirous
were
the
rich
an●
great
Men
to
have
him
out
of
the
way
,
as
soo●
as
they
could
.
But
as
his
Plea
of
Freedom
was
●●
acceptable
to
the
Commons
in
his
Life-time
,
th●●
he
became
a
Terror
to
the
Great
;
so
,
after
〈◊〉
Death
,
he
ceased
not
for
a
while
to
be
a
Dread
〈◊〉
many
;
by
reason
of
a
Rumour
raised
and
banded
about
among
the
Commons
,
of
his
Innocenc●
and
favourably
received
of
the
People
,
even
to
〈◊〉
approving
of
him
as
an
holy
Man
and
Martyr
,
an●
making
Pilgrimages
to
the
Place
of
his
Execution
to
the
no
small
trouble
of
those
that
had
a
han●
in
his
Death
.
At
last
,
the
Flame
of
this
Dev●tion
was
somewhat
cool'd
,
by
the
Publishing
som●
Acts
of
his
,
with
other
detestable
Crimes
laid
t●
his
Charge
;
whether
true
or
false
,
let
them
loo●
to
it
,
who
industriously
spread
them
abroad
.
Y●●
it
was
not
quite
put
out
,
till
the
Arch-Bishop
●●
Canterbury
,
(
upon
whom
,
among
others
,
a
gre●●
Crime
was
rais'd
for
procuring
his
Death
)
ha●
accursed
the
Priest
,
this
William's
Kinsman
;
〈◊〉
had
openly
divulged
the
Vertue
the
Chain
(
whe●●with
William
was
bound
in
the
time
of
his
Impr●sonment
)
had
upon
a
Man
sick
of
the
Feaver
.
This
Instance
sufficiently
proves
,
that
the
nam●
of
Liberty
sounds
sweet
;
and
that
such
as
pr●mise
to
procure
it
,
shall
have
Admirers
and
Fo●lowers
enough
:
But
that
also
the
Favour
of
th●
Multitude
is
deceitful
;
and
for
a
Man
to
put
〈◊〉
his
●●at
to
the
People
,
many
times
is
the
occasio●
of
losing
his
Head
,
is
evidently
manifested
by
th●
very
same
Example
.
How
small
an
Occasion
is
i●
that
sometimes
raises
a
Man's
Fame
?
Yet
you
here
find
as
petty
small
Matters
soon
likewise
depress
it
.
That
is
no
lasting
Name
,
that
depends
meerly
upon
Vulgar
Breath
.
To
Defend
the
Poor
and
Needy
,
and
protect
the
Oppressed
,
is
a
plausible
Plea
.
Yet
it
shall
go
hard
,
but
the
Rich
Oppressor
will
find
one
way
or
other
,
to
ruine
that
Man
in
his
Goods
,
and
good
Name
,
if
not
as
to
his
Life
,
who
undertakes
so
noble
a
Defence
.
As
this
King
Richard
(
under
whose
Reign
these
two
Informers
rose
up
)
was
Couragious
and
Valiant
in
his
Life
;
so
,
a
little
before
his
Death
,
an
Act
of
his
Magnanimity
and
Christian
Forbearance
was
shewed
by
him
,
in
his
freely
forgiving
and
remitting
the
Person
,
then
in
his
Power
,
that
occasioned
his
Death
;
after
that
he
heard
from
the
other's
Confession
,
that
in
that
Deed
he
intended
to
avenge
the
Death
of
his
Father
and
Brethren
,
before
slain
by
the
King
.
But
yet
the
Man
scaped
not
with
his
Life
,
though
forgiven
by
King
Richard
;
if
that
be
true
,
which
is
said
of
the
Duke
of
Brabant
,
that
he
after
caused
him
to
be
taken
,
flead
quick
,
and
hanged
.
After
Richard's
Decease
,
his
Brother
John
(
being
then
in
Normandy
)
seizes
upon
his
Treasure
;
and
,
not
long
after
,
procures
himself
to
be
crown'd
King
at
Westminster
,
though
in
prejudice
to
the
Title
of
an
Elder
Brother's
Son
:
Whereto
his
Mother
Eleanor
is
thought
to
have
contributed
not
a
little
;
being
possibly
desirous
rather
to
set
the
Crown
upon
her
Son's
Head
,
under
whom
she
might
hope
to
have
a
greater
Share
in
the
Government
,
than
she
could
reasonably
expect
under
her
Grand-child
,
then
within
Age
,
where
her
Daughter-in-law
,
the
other
's
Mother
,
was
likely
to
bear
the
greatest
sway
.
So
that
the
ambitious
Desire
of
Rule
is
not
incident
only
to
Men
;
but
invad●
even
the
Hearts
of
the
Female
Sex
.
Here
th●
Mother's
Ambition
raises
up
her
Younger
Son
,
even
to
the
Prejudice
of
her
Eldest
Son's
Heir
.
Though
Women
be
born
subject
to
Men
,
yet
it
●●
in
a
manner
connatural
to
them
,
to
desire
the
Power
of
commanding
them
at
their
own
will
and
pleasure
.
Shew
me
the
Land
,
where
the
Scepter
hat●
not
often
bowed
to
the
D●staff
;
and
the
Princ●
Power
,
together
with
his
heart
,
been
subject
to
●
c●pricious
Womans
Humour
.
When
they
creep
in
to
Mens
Hearts
,
and
lye
in
their
Bosoms
,
it
is
〈◊〉
wonder
,
that
they
dive
into
their
Secrets
,
and
swa●
their
Councels
.
So
that
the
Affairs
of
the
State
often
turn
upon
the
Hinges
of
an
Imperious
Woman'●
Will
.
Under
even
the
most
Absolute
Despotical
Government
of
the
Turks
,
the
Ottoman
Power
man●
times
lies
in
a
Womans
Breast
;
and
the
Sultana●●
do
not
seldome
over-rule
the
Consults
of
the
Divan
.
Of
which
,
let
the
Ambitious
Roxolana
,
sometime
Empress
to
Solyman
the
Magnificent
,
suffic●
for
an
In●tance
.
But
what
need
we
go
so
far
,
when
as
neare●
home
our
own
Ears
,
if
not
our
Eyes
,
may
serve
for
Witnesses
of
this
Truth
?
Yet
,
to
the
Glory
o●
England
be
it
spoken
,
this
Land
flourished
in
suc●
Peace
and
Prosperity
,
even
to
a
Miracle
,
unde●
Queen
Elizabeth
;
and
the
Tranquility
of
her
Reig●
hath
so
Honourably
Consecrated
her
Memory
i●
Fame's
Temple
,
that
few
of
our
English
Monarchs
ever
equal'd
her
;
none
(
that
I
know
)
of
all
those
▪
who
went
off
the
Throne
,
surpassed
her
.
The
Happiness
indeed
of
her
Reign
,
may
possibly
be
imputed
much
to
the
Wisdom
of
her
Conduct
,
in
suffering
the
Affairs
of
the
Nation
to
be
guided
by
th●
Councels
of
Men
:
Whereas
,
under
some
of
ou●
Kings
,
our
Governours
have
had
such
a
deal
of
Chamber-practice
,
that
the
State
hath
been
much
●t
the
Guidance
of
Women
,
or
else
of
such
Effe●inate
Persons
,
as
were
quite
degenerated
from
●he
Spirits
,
and
Courage
of
their
Ancestors
;
as
●ho
,
by
their
Immoralities
,
Luxury
,
and
Debau●heries
,
had
little
left
in
them
of
Heroick
and
Masculine
,
and
were
scarce
fit
for
any
thing
else
,
●ut
to
be
dub'd
Knights
of
the
Carpet
.
But
what
ever
was
the
Title
and
Means
,
we
●nd
John
got
into
the
Throne
;
and
,
by
the
aid
●e
obtained
of
his
Lords
and
Commons
,
before
●●e
End
of
the
Year
,
to
recover
what
was
lost
●
Normandy
;
we
may
conclude
,
it
was
not
with●ut
their
Consents
.
From
Stow's
Relation
,
't
is
●●ain
enough
,
that
he
was
Elected
at
London
,
●fter
that
Hubert
,
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
,
had
●ade
a
Speech
to
that
purport
,
in
the
Presence
●f
the
Bishops
,
Earls
,
Barons
and
Others
.
They
,
〈◊〉
may
be
,
preferring
him
,
a
Man
of
Courage
●nd
Spirit
,
and
so
fitter
to
rule
and
govern
the
●ealm
,
before
the
Title
of
young
Arthur
,
then
〈◊〉
his
Non-age
,
though
of
the
Elder
House
.
For
seldom
't
is
,
that
unusual
Changes
happen
,
●ithout
some
previous
Preparatives
to
make
way
●●r
them
.
And
if
a
Nation
hath
once
fixt
upon
a
●ule
to
guide
the
Succession
,
they
do
not
present●●
vary
from
it
,
but
upon
urgent
Occasion
.
So
find
●e
in
Kingdoms
,
meerly
and
properly
Elective
;
●●ey
commonly
chuse
the
next
Heir
of
the
Blood
,
〈◊〉
less
upon
the
Interposition
of
some
notable
Im●●diment
.
In
Sweden
,
that
War-like
Nation
,
amidst
the
●●eatest
Success
of
their
Arms
,
submitted
them●●●ves
to
Gustavus
Adolphus's
Heir
,
though
a
Child
,
●●d
of
the
Female
Sex
;
and
when
she
grew
up
to
Womans
Estate
,
they
would
willingly
have
co●tinued
her
their
Queen
,
would
she
but
have
Mar●●ed
according
to
their
Desires
.
When
that
great
Change
happened
in
Denm●●●
of
late
Years
,
which
turned
it
from
an
Elective
〈◊〉
an
H●red●tary
Kingdom
,
we
may
have
heard
,
it
w●●
effected
by
the
Policy
of
the
present
King
,
wh●
made
use
of
the
Distractions
of
the
Nation
,
th●●
almost
conquered
by
the
Sweeds
;
and
that
Sca●●ing
of
Fame
he
had
got
,
by
defending
his
Capit●●
City
against
their
furious
Assaults
,
to
encline
th●
p●●ty
Remainder
of
his
Subjects
,
to
give
way
●●
such
an
universal
Change
in
the
Constitution
〈◊〉
their
Government
.
So
that
,
whatever
Towns
or
C●ties
were
afterwards
reduced
,
they
must
be
co●tent
to
yield
to
the
new-made
Law
,
as
the
establis●ed
Decree
of
the
Nation
.
A
hard
thing
it
mig●●
possibly
appear
to
such
,
who
had
no
hand
in
th●
making
of
that
Ordinance
,
and
(
it
may
be
)
woul●
not
very
readily
have
given
their
Consent
ther●unto
:
And
yet
it
might
have
seemed
as
hard
t●
them
,
to
have
remained
under
the
Sweeds
,
whe●
they
had
but
little
hopes
of
having
much
Share
〈◊〉
the
Government
,
or
be
lookt
upon
,
and
dealt
with
●therwise
than
as
a
Conquer'd
People
.
The
Fame
,
〈◊〉
may
be
,
of
this
succeeding
Policy
of
the
Dani●●
King
,
with
the
Excitation
of
some
of
the
Boutife●●
of
Europe
,
may
be
supposed
to
have
put
som●
thoughts
of
the
like
Nature
,
into
the
Polish
King'●
Head
;
if
all
be
true
that
hath
been
reported
,
o●
the
Sloth
and
Negligence
laid
to
his
Charge
,
by
〈◊〉
Senator
of
the
Land
,
of
his
Backwardness
to
call
〈◊〉
General
Diet
of
the
Nation
;
and
of
the
Purport
●●
a
Speech
made
to
him
once
within
these
few
Year●
by
an
Ambassador
from
out
of
these
Parts
of
Europ●
▪
Hence
likewise
may
have
proceeded
the
Fears
an●
Jealousies
of
the
Sweeds
,
hinted
to
us
in
Forreign
News
,
lest
their
King
,
by
his
Neighbours
Example
,
●●ould
be
encouraged
to
attempt
the
like
:
Which
●●ems
since
to
have
been
very
much
legitimated
,
by
●he
Alteration
lately
made
in
the
Senate
of
that
●ingdom
,
if
our
Modern
Intelligencers
have
given
●s
a
true
Account
and
Relation
of
that
Affairs
.
After
that
Elective
Princes
have
thus
obtained
to
●e
made
Hereditary
Monarchs
;
one
of
their
next
de●●res
is
,
to
render
themselves
Absolute
in
their
Go●ernment
:
Wherein
they
may
have
received
no
●mall
Encouragement
from
the
Successful
Attempts
●f
some
such
Tyrannical
Invader
of
other
Mens
●ights
,
as
the
present
Hector
of
France
:
And
no
lit●le
Help
,
in
the
neat
way
of
subduing
and
insla●ing
their
own
Country
,
they
may
have
learnt
●rom
some
such
contriving
Pa●e
,
as
was
one
of
●he
Catholick
Kings
of
Spain
;
who
with
an
Army
●ut
of
one
of
his
Kingdoms
,
subverted
the
Liberty
of
●nother
.
So
ambitious
are
some
Men
of
the
so
much
●nvied
Honour
,
of
ceasing
to
be
Kings
of
Men
,
and
●ecoming
Tryants
over
Slaves
at
their
Pleasure
.
With
some
such
kind
of
Disease
,
do
we
find
King
●ohn
also
to
have
been
infected
in
his
time
:
But
●
Chargeable
Disease
you
may
well
call
it
,
which
cost
●im
the
Loss
of
much
of
his
Territories
abroad
,
the
●earts
of
many
of
his
Subjects
(
among
both
the
Spi●itualty
and
Temporalty
)
at
home
,
and
his
Peace
●nd
Tranquility
within
,
together
with
a
free
Imperi●l
Crown
,
and
all
the
Regalities
attending
it
;
and
●et
he
dyed
at
last
,
without
obtaining
his
so
much-●esired
Remedy
,
as
I
doubt
not
to
make
sufficient●y
Evident
in
the
following
Relation
.
In
the
Second
Year
of
this
King
John
,
by
Coun●el
of
the
Burgesses
of
the
City
of
London
,
Thirty
●ive
of
the
most
substantial
and
wisest
Men
are
Recorded
to
have
been
chosen
,
and
(
after
some
)
ca●led
the
Council
of
the
City
;
of
which
yearly
we●●
Elected
the
Eayliffs
,
as
long
as
they
lasted
;
an●
after
them
the
Mayor
and
Sheriffs
:
Which
name●
we
meet
with
,
in
few
Years
after
.
For
about
th●
latter
end
of
this
King
's
Nineth
Year
,
we
read
〈◊〉
a
Grant
made
to
the
Citizens
,
and
confirmed
by
th●
King's
Letters
Patents
;
whereby
they
had
Powe●
to
chuse
Yearly
a
Mayor
,
and
Two
Sheriffs
.
T●●
First
Mayor
upon
Record
,
is
Henry
Fitz
Alwi●●
sworn
and
charged
upon
Michaelmas-day
,
in
th●
Tenth
Year
of
this
King
,
Anno
Christi
1210.
wh●
continued
several
Years
Mayor
:
The
Sheriffs
wer●
Peter
Duke
,
and
Thomas
Neel
,
sworn
the
same
tim●
▪
And
the
former
Name
and
Rule
of
Bayl●ffs
clear●●
discharged
.
St.
Matthew's
Day
,
Nine
Days
befo●●
M●chaelmas
,
was
the
time
the
Citizens
then
alloted
for
their
Sheriffs
Election
;
and
on
Michaelm●●
day
,
was
the
Mayor
Ordained
,
by
the
like
Orde●
to
be
chosen
,
and
charged
then
with
the
other
though
now
this
in
part
is
altered
.
This
same
Year
is
likewise
noted
in
Fabian
,
as
f●●
the
altering
of
the
Rulers
of
the
City
from
Bayli●●
to
a
Mayor
and
Sheriffs
;
so
also
for
the
changi●●
of
the
Bridge
from
Timber
to
Stone
;
which
〈◊〉
perfected
about
this
time
,
by
the
Aid
of
the
Ci●●zens
and
Passengers
;
it
having
been
Thirty
〈◊〉
Years
in
building
,
according
to
Stow
;
who
pla●●
the
Beginning
hereof
,
as
high
as
Henry
the
Second
days
.
So
that
,
thence
forward
we
may
expect
〈◊〉
find
the
Power
of
the
City
,
and
its
Glory
more
an●
more
encreasing
every
Age.
That
the
Government
of
the
City
should
be
th●
changed
at
the
Request
of
the
Citizens
,
and
in
fav●●
of
them
fixt
as
they
would
have
it
,
argues
that
the
Strength
then
was
thought
considerable
,
&
their
●●fluence
upon
the
rest
of
the
Nation
esteemed
not
to
〈◊〉
small
.
For
at
this
time
was
K.
John
over-pressed
by
●he
Pope
and
his
Clergy
,
and
reduced
to
so
low
an
Ebb
●f
Fortune
,
that
but
few
Years
passed
,
before
he
●as
fain
to
buy
his
Peace
at
no
less
a
price
than
the
●esignation
of
his
Crown
.
And
therefore
,
in
the
●idst
of
his
distress
,
by
these
Acts
of
Favour
,
he
●ay
be
thought
to
endeavour
to
fix
the
City
to
his
●●terest
,
as
hoping
thereby
to
oblige
the
Citizens
〈◊〉
appear
in
his
behalf
,
against
the
Pride
of
these
●●sulting
Priests
.
An
Argument
,
doubtless
,
of
their
●ower
,
and
the
King's
Esteem
of
it
.
The
Occasion
of
the
difference
between
the
King
●●d
the
Pope
,
(
which
brought
such
Woe
to
the
●and
,
and
Trouble
to
the
King
)
was
the
displea●●re
he
took
against
the
Monks
of
Canterbury
,
for
●●eir
Electing
one
to
the
Arch-Bishoprick
,
contrary
〈◊〉
his
Mind
;
together
with
his
Refractoriness
,
in
●ot
hearkning
to
the
advice
of
his
Lords
and
●●iends
,
who
would
have
had
him
have
yielded
to
●●e
Pope
,
then
too
potent
an
Adversary
safely
to
be
●●ntested
with
.
To
which
may
be
added
,
his
con●●nued
Obstinacy
,
in
not
yielding
to
terms
of
Ac●●mmodation
and
Accord
;
when
as
his
Enemies
●●ew
more
powerful
,
and
his
own
Strength
was
●uch
weakned
by
the
loss
of
Normandy
.
A
sharp
●●rrection
it
proved
to
the
King
,
to
have
much
of
〈◊〉
Territories
abroad
,
his
Normans
antient
Inhe●●tance
,
took
from
him
by
the
War
,
which
the
●●ench
King
made
upon
him
,
by
the
Pope's
exciting
,
●ccording
to
some
Authors
)
;
to
have
his
Land
●●d
Himself
accursed
at
home
,
his
Lords
absolved
〈◊〉
their
Allegiance
,
that
they
might
be
enabled
to
●●e
against
him
,
and
depose
him
;
and
he
himself
●t
last
)
compelled
for
his
own
security
,
to
give
a●ay
his
Crown
and
Dignity
,
and
take
it
again
of
the
Pope
at
a
certain
Rent
.
As
hard
measure
had
the
Kingdom
,
to
have
the
Doors
of
Churches
and
other
Places
of
Divine
Service
,
shut
up
in
City
and
Country
,
in
London
,
and
in
the
other
Parts
of
the
Land
,
that
no
Religious
Worship
might
be
use●
publickly
;
but
the
Dead
must
be
buried
lik●
Dogs
,
in
Ditches
and
Corners
;
No
Sacrament●
administred
;
no
Baptisms
;
no
Marriages
;
or
〈◊〉
there
were
in
any
Places
,
it
must
be
by
special
Licence
,
purchased
(
it
may
be
)
at
great
rates
;
and
all
this
,
for
the
Offence
of
one
Man
,
or
a
few
〈◊〉
which
most
probably
did
neither
consent
to
,
no●
could
amend
,
without
breaking
former
Laws
and
Oaths
,
and
offending
against
the
Principles
of
Honesty
,
and
the
Christian
Religion
.
Suppose
the
Hea●
Shepherd
had
offended
;
yet
what
had
the
Shee●
done
,
to
be
used
thus
?
Sure
the
Pope
shewed
himself
hereby
a
Lord
of
Lords
,
though
he
pretends
t●
call
himself
a
Servant
of
Servants
.
From
such
proud●●
haughty
Servants
,
Liberanos
.
His
Popeship
woul●
fain
be
esteemed
a
Father
of
Christians
;
but
here
〈◊〉
dealt
very
hardly
with
many
of
the
Sons
of
the
Church
.
A
sad
Case
,
indeed
,
were
we
(
poor
Christians
)
of
the
Common
Herd
in
,
should
our
Religion
allow
us
at
every
turn
to
be
sent
to
the
Devil
because
the
ambitious
Pretences
of
our
Governour
would
not
suffer
them
to
agree
well
together
among
themselves
.
But
we
know
already
,
or
have
heard
of
to
much
of
these
Priest's
Pride
,
to
think
them
th●
most
humble
,
the
most
mortisied
Men
in
th●
World
.
The
professed
and
avowed
Principles
o●
some
of
them
tell
us
too
too
plainly
,
that
w●
are
not
to
take
all
they
say
to
be
either
Law
o●
Gospell
:
Neither
do
every
one
of
their
Action
oblig●●●●
always
to
think
,
that
they
believ●
themselves
in
all
they
affirm
.
They
may
indeed
sometimes
tell
a
fair
smooth
Tale
,
when
they
are
got
a
little
higher
than
their
Neighbours
,
●nto
a
place
where
they
know
they
must
not
be
presently
contradicted
;
but
when
they
be
come
down
upon
plain
even
Ground
,
we
find
them
〈◊〉
for
the
most
part
)
much
like
other
men
:
Nay
some
of
them
(
it
may
be
)
an
Ace
or
two
worse
.
More
Proud
,
more
Ambitious
,
more
Worldly
,
more
Covetous
;
in
a
word
,
more
debauch'd
in
Principles
and
Practises
.
I
could
quickly
name
〈◊〉
if
I
list
)
among
us
Protestants
,
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
of
the
Church
of
England
(
as
some
delight
to
stile
themselves
)
the
Persons
,
the
Time
,
and
the
Place
,
the
Diocess
,
the
Shire
,
the
Hundred
,
the
Parish
,
where
lives
a
double
Benefic'd-man
〈◊〉
so
strong
an
English
Church
man
in
Word
and
Deed
,
as
not
justly
to
be
taxed
with
the
imputation
of
a
Phanatick
,
by
such
as
know
the
manner
of
his
Converse
)
who
was
not
many
years
since
depriv'd
both
of
Office
and
Benefice
,
for
none
of
the
greatest
Faults
that
ever
was
.
Surely
the
Parish
,
where
the
Offence
was
not
comitted
,
deserved
not
so
ill
at
the
Reverend
Bishop's
Hands
,
as
to
be
deprived
of
the
Use
and
Benefit
of
their
Pastor
.
Neither
know
I
wherein
the
harmeless
Parishoners
of
the
other
Place
had
so
highly
offended
,
as
to
merit
the
loss
of
their
Head
Shepherd's
over-sight
;
unless
we
must
fancy
them
accessary
to
his
Young
Curate's
indiscretion
,
in
not
bowing
●ow
enough
at
the
Church
door
,
to
a
stately
Dame
of
the
Parish
:
So
,
if
my
Memory
deceive
me
not
,
have
I
some
where
read
it
observ'd
,
and
it
seems
also
verified
in
the
History
,
that
though
the
Name
of
King
's
was
thrown
quite
out
of
Rome
,
yet
the
Power
some
industriously
strove
still
to
retain
.
The
Conditions
,
where
on
King
John
was
〈◊〉
concil'd
to
the
Pope
,
were
to
this
purport
,
Th●●
he
should
admit
the
Arch-Bishop
to
his
See
,
pe●ceably
to
enjoy
the
P●ofits
and
Fruits
thereof
permit
the
Prior
,
his
Monks
,
and
Others
,
befor●
exil'd
for
the
Arch-Bishop's
Cause
,
to
re-enter
th●
Land
,
without
trouble
,
or
future
Molestation
together
with
Restitution
to
them
to
be
mad●
of
all
Goods
taken
from
them
by
his
Officers
,
〈◊〉
the
time
of
this
variance
:
And
that
he
should
lik●
wise
yield
up
into
the
Pope's
Hands
all
his
Righ●
and
Title
to
the
Crown
of
England
;
with
all
R●venues
,
Honours
,
and
Profits
belonging
to
the
sam●
as
well
Temporal
as
Spiritual
,
to
hold
it
ever
a●ter
,
both
He
and
his
Heirs
,
from
the
Pope
,
and
h●
Successors
,
as
the
Pope's
Feodarics
.
These
Articles
thus
granted
,
and
the
Lord
sworn
to
maintain
them
,
the
King
upon
his
bended
Knees
,
taking
the
Crown
from
his
Head
,
del●vered
it
to
the
Pope's
Legate
,
resigning
it
into
th●
Pope's
hands
,
both
in
Word
and
Deed
;
and
afte●
five
days
resumed
it
of
the
same
Hands
,
by
Virtu●
of
a
Bond
or
Instrument
made
unto
the
Pope
;
whic●
I
have
here
transcribed
out
of
Mathew
of
Paris
History
;
that
such
as
care
not
what
Religion
ge●
uppermost
in
the
Land
,
may
know
what
they
are
〈◊〉
expect
,
if
Popery
should
once
get
suc●
a
head
,
as
t●
come
in
again
.
JOhannes
Dei
Gratia
Rex
Angliae
,
&c.
Omnibus
Christi
fidelibus
,
hanc
Chartam
inspecturis
,
salutem
in
Domino
.
Vniversitati
Vestrae
per
hanc
Chartam
sigillo
nostro
Munitam
Volumus
esse
notum
,
quod
cum
Deum
&
Matrem
Nostram
Sanctam
Ecclesiam
Offenderimus
in
multis
,
&
proinde
Divina
Misericordia
plurimum
indigeamus
,
nec
quid
digne
offerre
possimus
pro
satisfactione
Deo
&
Ecclesiae
debita
facienda
,
nisi
nosmet
ipsos
bumiliemus
et
regna
nostra
:
Volentes
nos
ipsos
humiliare
pro
illo
qui
se
pro
nobis
humiliavit
usque
ad
Mortem
,
Gratia
Sancti
Spiritus
inspirante
,
non
vi
interdicti
,
●ectimore
coacti
,
sed
nostra
bona
spontaneaque
Voluntate
ac
communi
Conci●io
Baronum
Nostrorum
Conserimus
,
&
libere
concedimus
De●
&
Sancti●
Apostolis
ejus
Petro
&
Paulo
&
Sanctae
Romanae
Ecclesiae
Matronae
Nostrae
,
ac
Domino
Papae
Innocentio
,
ejusque
Catholicis
successoribus
,
totum
Regnum
Angliae
,
&
totum
Regnum
Hiberniae
,
cum
omn●
Jure
&
pertinentijs
suis
,
pro
Remissione
Omnium
Peccatorum
Nostrorum
,
&
totius
Generis
Humaki
,
ta●
pro
vivis
quam
pro
defunctis
,
&
〈◊〉
modo
illa
ab
eo
&
Ecclesia
Romana
,
tanquam
secundarius
recipiente●
&
tenentes
,
in
praesentia
Prudenti●
Viri
Pandulphi
Domini
Papae
Subdiaconi
et
Familiaris
.
Exinde
praedict●
Domino
Papae
Innocentio
,
ejusque
Catholicis
successoribus
&
Ecclesiae
Romanae
,
secundum
subscriptam
forma●
fecimus
&
juravimus
,
&
homagi●m
ligium
in
praesentia
Pandulphi
,
si
coram
Domino
Papa
esse
poterimus
,
eidem
faciemus
;
Successores
nostros
et
Haeredes
de
Vxore
nostra
in
perpetuum
obligantes
,
ut
simili
modo
summo
Pontifici
qui
pro
tempore
fuerit
,
&
Ecclesiae
Romanae
,
sine
contradictione
debeant
fidelitatem
praestare
,
&
homagium
recognoscere
.
Ad
indicium
autem
hujus
nostrae
perpetuae
Obligationis
&
concessionis
,
Volumus
et
Stabilimus
,
ut
de
proprijs
et
specialibus
redditibus
nostris
praedictorum
regnorum
,
pro
omni
servitio
●t
consuetudine
,
quae
pro
ipsis
facere
debemus
,
salvis
per
omnia
Denarijs
Beati
Petri
,
Ecclesia
Romana
mil●e
marcas
Esterlingorum
percipiat
an●uatim
:
in
festo
scilicet
Sancti
Michaelis
quingentas
Marcas
,
et
in
Pascha
quingentas
.
Septingentas
scilicet
pro
Regno
Angliae
,
et
trecentas
pro
Regno
Hiberniae
:
Salvis
nobis
et
Haeredibus
nostris
justitijs
,
Libertatibus
,
et
Regalibus
nostris
.
Quae
omnia
,
sicut
supra
scripta
sunt
,
rata
esse
volentes
atque
firma
,
obligamus
nos
et
successores
nostros
contra
non
venire
:
et
si
nos
vel
aliquis
successorum
Nostrorum
contra
haec
attentare
praesumpserit
,
quicunque
ille
fuerit
,
nisi
rite
commonitus
resipuerit
cada●
a
jure
Regni
.
Et
haec
charta
Obligationis
et
concessionis
nostrae
semper
firma
permaneat
.
Teste
meipso
apud
domum
Militum
Templi
juxta
D●veram
,
coram
H.
Dublinensi
Archiepiscopo
,
Johanne
Norwicensi
Episcopo
,
Galfrido
filio
Petri
,
W.
Comite
Sarisberiae
,
Willielmo
Comite
Pembroc
.
R.
Comite
Bononiae
,
W.
Comite
Warenne
,
S.
Comite
Winton
.
W.
Comite
Arundel
,
W.
Comite
de
Ferraijs
,
W.
Briwere
,
Petro
filio
Hereberti
,
Warino
filio
Geroldi
,
xv
.
die
Maij
,
An.
Regni
nostri
decimo
quarto
.
In
English
thus
:
JOHN
by
the
Grace
of
God
King
of
England
,
&c.
to
the
Faithful
in
Christ
,
that
shall
see
this
Paper
,
greeting
.
To
you
all
We
would
it
should
be
known
by
this
Paper
seal'd
with
Our
Seal
,
That
since
We
have
offended
God
and
our
Mother
the
Holy
Church
in
many
things
,
and
therefore
stand
in
very
great
need
of
the
Divine
Mercy
,
and
are
not
able
to
offer
any
due
satisfaction
to
God
and
the
Church
,
unless
We
humble
Our Selves
and
Our
Kingdoms
:
Being
willing
to
humble
Our
Selves
for
His
sake
,
who
humbled
Himself
even
unto
Death
for
us
through
the
Grace
of
the
Holy
Spirit
inspiring
Us
,
not
by
force
o●
the
Interdict
,
nor
compelled
by
Fear
,
but
of
Our
Own
good
and
free
Will
,
and
by
the
common
Counsel
of
Our
Lords
We
give●
and
freely
yield
to
God
and
to
his
Holy
Apostles
Peter
and
Paul
and
to
Our
Antient
Mother
the
Holy
Roman
Church
,
and
to
Our
Lord
Pop●
Innocent
,
and
to
his
Catholick
Successors
,
the
whole
Kingdom
of
England
,
and
the
whole
Kingdom
o●
Ireland
,
with
all
Right
and
Appurtenances
thereto
belonging
for
the
Remission
of
all
Our
sins
and
the
sins
of
all
Mankind
,
a●
well
for
the
Living
as
for
the
Dead
,
and
from
henceforth
from
him
and
the
Roman
Church
as
a
Feodary
receiving
and
holding
them
,
in
the
Presence
of
the
Wi●●
Pandulphus
Subdeacon
and
Servan●
of
our
Lord
the
Pope
.
From
henceforth
to
the
aforenamed
Lord
Pope
Innocent
,
and
to
his
Catholick
Successors
and
to
the
Church
of
Rome
,
according
to
this
Written
form
,
We
have
made
and
sworn
Leidge
Homage
in
the
Presence
of
Pandulphus
;
and
if
We
could
be
before
Our
Lord
the
Pope
,
We
would
do
it
to
him
:
Binding
Our
Successors
and
Heirs
by
our
Wife
for
ever
,
that
in
like
manner
to
the
Pope
for
the
time
being
,
and
to
the
Roman
Church
,
they
perform
Feal●y
without
contradiction
,
and
acknowledg
Homage
.
Moreover
in
token
of
this
Our
perpetual
Obliga●ion
and
Grant
We
will
and
or●ain
,
That
out
of
Our
proper
and
special
Revenues
of
the
aforesaid
Kingdoms
,
in
lieu
of
all
Service
&
●ustoms
,
We
ought
to
do
for
the
●ame
,
always
excepting
Peterpence
,
●he
Church
of
Rome
receive
Yearly
a
●housand
Marks
sterling
:
viz.
At
Michaelmas
five
hundred
,
and
〈◊〉
Easter
five
hundred
,
that
is
seve●
hundred
for
the
Kingdom
of
England
,
and
three
hundred
for
th●
Kingdom
of
Ireland
:
saving
to
U●
and
our
Heirs
our
Justice
,
Liberties
and
Royalties
.
All
which
,
as
abov●
written
,
willing
to
have
ratified
and
confirmed
,
We
bind
Vs
and
our
Successors
not
to
do
contrary
▪
And
if
We
or
any
of
Our
Successor●
shall
presume
to
attempt
ought
against
these
Presents
,
who
ever
h●
be
,
unless
being
rightly
admonished
he
repent
,
he
shall
lose
all
Righ●
to
the
Kingdom
.
And
let
thi●
Charter
of
Our
Obligation
and
Gra●●
remain
always
firm
.
—
Witness
O●●Self
at
the
House
of
the
Knights-Templars
near
Dover
,
before
H.
Arch-Bishop
of
Dublin
John
Bishop
of
Norwich
,
Jeffery
the
Son
of
Peter
,
W.
Earl
of
Salisbury
,
William
Earl
o●
Pembrook
,
R.
Earl
of
Bononia
,
W.
Earl
o●
Warenne
,
S.
Earl
of
Winchester
,
W.
Earl
●●
Arundel
,
W.
Earl
Ferrars
,
W.
Briwere
,
Pete●
the
Son
of
Herebert
,
Warine
the
Son
of
Gerol●●
on
the
Fifteenth
Day
of
May
,
in
the
Fourteen●●
Year
of
Our
Reign
.
And
now
ye
Englishmen
can
ye
be
content
to
be
〈◊〉
Popes
slaves
?
you
here
see
their
title
,
their
claim
,
●hat
they
pretend
to
;
and
if
they
can
but
once
get
〈◊〉
upper
hand
,
assure
your selves
they
will
quickly
〈◊〉
their
title
a
foot
.
Nay
,
may
not
you
find
this
〈◊〉
ground-work
of
their
last
grand
Plot
,
to
〈◊〉
our
King
,
and
subvert
the
Government
,
and
●ot
out
this
Pestilent
Heresie
(
as
they
are
pleas'd
to
〈◊〉
the
Protestant
Religion
)
out
of
this
part
of
〈◊〉
Northern
world
?
Are
you
willing
your
Native
●ountry
shall
once
again
become
the
Popes
〈◊〉
,
to
bear
all
the
Burthens
these
unmerciful
〈◊〉
shall
think
fit
to
lay
on
it
?
If
you
value
not
〈◊〉
Christian
Religion
,
have
you
so
little
esteem
for
〈◊〉
Native
Liberty
,
your
English
freedom
,
your
●●●thright
,
as
to
sell
it
to
Romes
Chapmen
for
a
mess
of
〈◊〉
,
or
barter
it
away
to
your
fellow
Citizens
〈◊〉
the
husks
they
feed
their
Swine
with
?
If
your
〈◊〉
be
once
compell'd
to
become
Romes
Tributa●●
and
here
you
see
their
Plea
,
you
have
little
〈◊〉
to
expect
,
that
you
shall
continue
any
long
time
〈◊〉
.
Look
upon
your
French
Neighbours
on
the
other
〈◊〉
of
the
Sea
,
and
see
how
they
groan
under
wo●se
〈◊〉
Aegyptian
Bondage
,
enslav'd
both
in
Bodies
〈◊〉
Souls
?
See
how
lowly
the
poor
oppressed
Com●●ns
go
in
their
wooden
Shoes
,
and
Canvass
〈◊〉
▪
How
greedily
they
feed
upon
bare
bread
and
〈◊〉
,
and
,
amidst
your
present
plenty
,
count
how
〈◊〉
hungry
meals
they
make
upon
that
course
〈◊〉
,
if
you
have
figures
enough
in
your
Arithme●●●
to
number
them
.
Amidst
the
overflowing
of
〈◊〉
Cups
,
think
how
often
they
drink
plain
water
,
the
small
sowre
verjuice
of
their
water'd
Grapes
,
〈◊〉
the
Kings
Taxes
have
swept
away
19
〈◊〉
of
their
Wine
out
of
20.
To
rise
a
little
〈◊〉
,
give
me
leave
to
tell
you
,
what
I
have
sometime
heard
;
for
here
I
profess
to
speak
only
〈◊〉
hear-say
,
having
never
made
Tryal
hereof
in
my
〈◊〉
particular
nor
so
much
as
desiring
ocular
demons●●tion
,
hoping
that
none
shall
ever
live
to
see
th●
French
Fruits
growing
upon
English
ground
,
nor
〈◊〉
of
their
●eed
sown
on
my
Native
soil
to
prosper
.
〈◊〉
out
of
the
mouth
of
one
,
who
liv'd
amongst
th●
many
years
,
I
shall
take
leave
to
acquaint
you
,
〈◊〉
in
the
French
Kings
late
Wars
,
the
Taxes
rose●
high
,
that
many
would
willingly
have
thrown
their
estates
into
the
Kings
Hands
,
for
the
time
〈◊〉
impositions
were
to
last
,
but
they
were
to
be
ha●●
by
the
Kings
Decree
upon
so
doing
:
So
that
〈◊〉
must
upon
pain
and
perils
of
Death
manage
〈◊〉
own
Lands
,
and
what
the
Product
of
their
Gro●●●
would
not
amount
to
,
must
be
procured
some
〈◊〉
way
towards
their
appointed
Payments
.
Whethe●
be
easy
to
make
brick
without
straw
,
judge
ye
.
〈◊〉
you
like
to
have
a
Vapouring
Gentleman
,
or
a
〈◊〉
Soldier
with
Pistols
in
his
Saddle
bow
,
come
h●●ring
up
to
your
Plow-tails
,
and
comman●
you
to
leave
your
work
,
and
go
along
with
to
shew
him
on
his
way
,
where
you
〈◊〉
sometimes
run
along
by
his
Horse
side
,
two
〈◊〉
three
miles
it
may
be
,
without
a
penny
for
〈◊〉
pains
,
not
so
much
as
daring
to
shew
any
the
〈◊〉
of
Regret
,
for
fear
of
tasting
the
mercy
〈◊〉
of
his
Pistols
.
Will
it
please
you
do
ye
think
,
to
〈◊〉
at
home
by
turns
every
day
one
of
you
,
to
give●
rections
to
every
roaring
swash
Buckler
,
that
〈◊〉
with
Sword
and
Pistols
when
he
comes
furiously
to
the
Village
,
and
calls
as
with
Authority
,
〈◊〉
Guide
to
run
along
with
him
at
his
pleasure
,
〈◊〉
now
some
of
you
will
scarce
vouchsafe
other
〈◊〉
rough
answer
,
or
Awkward
directions
to
the
trav●●
stranger
,
that
civilly
desires
so
small
a
thing
at
your
〈◊〉
:
Now
some
of
you
will
scarce
shew
any
〈◊〉
either
to
your
equals
or
betters
,
but
what
would
〈◊〉
think
of
it
,
to
be
made
desist
from
your
work
,
〈◊〉
shew
obeysance
,
at
two
or
three
furlongs
distance
,
〈◊〉
those
Hectoring
Blades
of
the
Country
that
expect
〈◊〉
demand
it
at
your
hands
?
And
yet
some
such
●●ing
have
I
heard
done
.
What
a
wonderous
plea●●ng
spectacle
would
this
be
in
England
,
where
the
●eanest
little
values
the
threats
and
meances
of
the
●●eatest
Gentleman
,
on
whom
they
have
no
depen●●nce
for
work
or
maintainance
,
or
hopes
to
gain
any
●●ing
by
him
?
From
the
poor
enflaved
Peasants
of
France
,
come
〈◊〉
to
the
Gentry
of
the
Land
,
and
see
how
they
●eep
,
and
cringe
,
and
croutch
to
the
Nobles
,
and
〈◊〉
humbly
these
must
also
behave
themselves
to●ards
their
Arbitrary
King
.
And
the
King
him●●lf
,
had
not
the
success
of
his
Arms
rais'd
him
to
a
●●gher
pitch
then
his
Ancestors
,
must
have
vail'd
to
〈◊〉
tripple
Crown
,
and
have
receiv'd
the
Popes
more
●●perious
Commands
with
a
little
more
submission
,
●ould
he
have
liv'd
in
security
,
then
now
we
believe
〈◊〉
does
.
How
will
you
my
dear
Countrymen
bring
●●ur
selves
to
disgest
these
compel'd
humiliations
?
●ould
any
of
these
servile
slavish
submissions
go
●wn
well
with
your
free
hearts
?
Yet
such
,
if
not
●orse
must
you
expect
upon
the
introduction
of
Po●●ry
into
the
Land
.
Your
Bodies
,
your
Souls
,
your
●states
,
your
Posterity
,
must
then
be
subjected
to
Ar●●trary
Powers
.
Though
the
dregs
of
the
Popes
〈◊〉
might
be
possibly
nauseous
to
some
of
your
●●easy
stomachs
,
yet
it
may
be
many
of
you
could
〈◊〉
well
enough
contented
with
a
refined
Cassandrian
●●pery
,
the
German
Emperours
Interim
,
or
some
●●ch
motley
model
of
Religion
,
as
the
present
French
King
had-contriv'd
(
as
I
have
read
)
to
have
intr●duc'd
into
his
Realms
,
had
his
late
Arms
subdued
〈◊〉
Refractory
Hollanders
;
Nay
,
for
a
good
need
〈◊〉
Trent
Faith
might
have
went
down
with
some
〈◊〉
less
indifferents
;
But
what
would
you
say
to
that
〈◊〉
refin'd
slavery
also
,
which
must
in
likelyhood
follo●
your
refin'd
Popery
?
How
would
you
like
to
ha●
your
Priviledges
,
Properties
,
your
free
English
Libe●ty
,
your
lives
,
estates
,
and
fortunes
,
and
all
that
's
〈◊〉
and
dear
unto
you
,
to
lie
at
other
mens
mercy
,
in
〈◊〉
Power
of
such
,
whom
you
have
little
reason
to
estee●
your
Friends
,
and
all
this
and
much
more
(
if
〈◊〉
can
be
)
to
be
done
by
your
own
consents
?
Ho●
well
would
this
please
you
?
To
have
a
Paris
Parl●●ment
,
French
Councils
,
and
a
bigotted
domineeri●●
Clergy
,
that
shall
preach
you
up
slavery
from
〈◊〉
Pulpits
,
and
make
you
to
tast
the
sweets
of
it
in
〈◊〉
Courts
.
When
you
must
always
speak
well
of
●ther
Fryar
,
be
it
only
for
fear
;
And
if
you
see
〈◊〉
Priests
debauching
your
Wives
or
Daughters
,
〈◊〉
in
distrust
to
your
own
Eye-sight
,
you
must
not
op●●ly
profess
to
believe
otherwise
,
than
that
they
〈◊〉
blessing
them
,
nor
so
much
as
dare
to
mutter
betw●●●
your
teeth
,
unless
you
'll
run
the
danger
of
〈◊〉
clapt
up
in
the
Inquisition
for
an
Heretick
,
or
〈…〉
to
the
greetings
of
surly
Mr.
Paritor
,
summon●●
you
to
my
Lord
Bishops
Court
,
for
defaming
〈◊〉
Clergy
,
and
raising
a
scandal
upon
the
Church
.
〈◊〉
many
of
your
Lands
you
hold
for
your
own
,
〈◊〉
don't
you
know
that
much
must
return
back
to
once
destroy'd
Covents
,
if
Popery
prevails
,
when
〈◊〉
shall
be
taught
to
believe
,
that
whatever
is
give●
the
Priests
,
the
Church
,
is
dedicated
to
God
,
and
not
to
be
alienated
without
manifest
sacriled
▪
How
like
ye
from
Freeholders
to
become
〈◊〉
to
a
Luxurious
and
lascivious
multitude
of
Monks
and
Fryers
,
full
fed
upon
the
sweat
of
your
●abours
,
and
good
for
little
else
but
to
diminish
your
Estates
,
and
bastardise
your
Posterity
?
Look
into
some
of
the
Popish
Collegiate
Founda●ions
,
and
see
whether
you
cannot
find
a
fixt
set
al●owance
appointed
ad
Purgandos
Renes
?
So
that
Re●ainers
,
Dependers
,
Brewers
,
Bakers
,
and
such
like
,
●ere
bound
(
I
have
sometime
heard
)
to
send
their
Maids
and
Daughters
at
set
times
to
Physick
these
lazy
●dle
Drones
.
Saturdays
once
a
month
I
have
heard
●am'd
▪
other
days
it
's
likely
they
could
come
fast
●nough
home
to
their
Houses
.
Many
now
adays
●ave
consciences
large
enough
,
to
be
dealing
with
●ther
mens
;
but
how
would
you
bear
it
to
see
●●ur
own
Wives
,
Daughters
and
Kinswomen
wholly
〈◊〉
the
Devotion
of
the
Pope's
lustful
unmarried
Cler●y
?
Their
Auricular
Confession
is
as
neat
a
Device
〈◊〉
command
your
Wives
hearts
,
their
Honesties
,
and
●our
Purses
,
as
those
Indian
Priests
the
Bramins
lying
●ith
the
new
married
Bride
the
first
night
.
How
●owerfully
inclin'd
the
Popish
Clergy
are
that
way
,
〈◊〉
may
learn
from
the
Danes
and
Swedes
,
whose
●agistrates
have
found
Guelding
(
I
have
somewhere
●ad
)
a
more
effectual
way
,
to
keep
them
from
com●●g
to
disturb
their
Country
,
than
putting
to
death
:
〈◊〉
this
is
said
to
have
been
the
Advice
of
a
convert●●
Nun.
Such
female
Votaries
being
most
likely
〈◊〉
able
to
know
the
Clergy's
Constitution
,
their
●●blick
Houses
being
set
so
near
together
in
Popish
●●untries
.
In
some
places
you
may
find
the
Reli●●ous
Men
and
Women
(
as
they
call
them
)
under
〈◊〉
same
Roof
,
to
their
frequent
c●nverse
.
Take
your
Kenning-glasses
,
and
view
some
of
the
best
〈◊〉
of
ground
in
this
Land
,
and
it
's
much
if
you
〈◊〉
not
find
,
that
the
Covents
of
Men
had
their
Nun●●●ies
of
Women
situated
near
enough
,
to
have
mutual
converse
one
with
another
,
by
secret
passag●
under
the
Earth
.
If
you
will
not
believe
me
,
as
〈◊〉
writing
out
of
prejudice
,
more
than
knowledge
,
〈◊〉
such
as
have
liv'd
amongst
the
Papists
beyond
〈◊〉
under
a
Popish
Government
,
and
they
may
chance
〈◊〉
tell
you
more
of
their
manners
,
of
the
Clergy's
Powe●
and
Laity's
Subjection
,
and
the
cruel
Mercies
of
〈◊〉
Bloody
Inquisition
.
Do
you
think
that
these
Ra●●nous
strangers
will
be
more
kind
to
you
,
than
〈◊〉
their
own
Country-men
?
That
such
as
look
up●●
you
but
as
Hereticks
,
and
so
,
little
better
than
〈◊〉
Bastards
:
Your
Parents
having
not
in
their
opinio●
been
rightly
Married
,
because
not
according
to
〈◊〉
Constitution
of
their
Church
,
who
think
themsel●●
highly
injur'd
by
you
,
in
your
keeping
the
Abb●
Lands
from
reverting
to
their
antient
Use
,
and
〈◊〉
building
anew
the
Old
Religious
Houses
destroy●
in
your
Fore-fathers
days
,
who
already
gnash
up●●
you
with
their
Teeth
,
in
hopes
of
a
future
〈◊〉
over
you
,
and
have
had
I
know
not
how
many
〈◊〉
Projects
and
Contrivances
to
destroy
you
Body
〈◊〉
Soul
,
in
prosecution
whereof
so
many
of
their
B●●thren
in
Iniquity
have
already
lost
their
Lives
〈◊〉
your
hands
;
That
such
should
be
thought
by
〈◊〉
Friends
to
England
,
and
it's
Laws
?
That
such
〈◊〉
Phantasies
should
enter
into
the
hearts
of
E●●lish
men
?
Do
you
think
they
will
alter
their
m●ners
,
by
shifting
their
Habitations
?
That
〈◊〉
Blackamore
will
ever
change
his
Skin
by
com●
into
a
colder
Climate
?
Let
us
look
a
little
upon
the
first
Discoveries
〈◊〉
their
late
grand
Plot
,
(
so
often
inculcated
upon
〈◊〉
Nation
by
His
Majesties
many
Royal
Proclamati●●
and
Speeches
,
that
no
Loyal
Spirits
can
any
〈◊〉
doubt
of
the
Truth
of
it
,
who
give
any
deference
deferenc●
the
Word
of
a
King
)
and
we
shall
find
there
〈◊〉
●ain
Design
after
our
King's
Murder
to
have
rooted
●ut
the
Gentry
of
the
Nation
,
whose
Lives
should
it
●●ems
,
have
been
offered
up
as
so
many
Sacrifices
to
●ppease
the
injur'd
Ghost
of
their
Murder'd
Prince
.
●ome
of
your
Women
,
perhaps
they
might
have
con●escended
to
have
sav'd
for
their
Lusts
,
your
little
●hildren
for
Slaves
,
the
Poor
and
b●ser
sort
for
their
●ervants
,
but
the
Men
of
Substance
must
in
likelihood
●ave
gone
all
to
pot
,
as
Obstacles
to
their
cruel
in●●nded
Design
.
And
yet
still
't
is
but
a
perhaps
;
we
〈◊〉
not
sure
they
would
have
spared
any
.
Nay
ra●●er
,
we
are
morally
certain
,
that
all
of
any
tolerable
〈◊〉
must
have
Died
,
if
the
Deposition
of
Mr.
Bedlow
〈◊〉
often
credited
)
remains
yet
of
any
value
amongst
〈◊〉
from
whose
Attestation
publickly
sworn
upon
●ath
in
Ireland's
Tryal
,
we
find
the
extent
of
the
●esign
,
(
besides
the
subversion
of
the
Government
)
to
●●ve
been
,
the
extirpating
of
the
Protestant
Religion
〈◊〉
that
Degree
,
(
which
was
alwaies
concluded
on
in
〈◊〉
the
Consults
wherein
he
was
)
that
they
would
not
●●ve
any
Member
of
any
Heretick
in
England
,
that
●ould
survive
,
to
tell
in
the
Kingdom
hereafter
,
that
●ere
was
ever
any
such
Religion
in
England
,
as
the
●●otestant
Religion
.
If
discovered
,
and
so
frustrated
,
●●ntrivances
may
not
sufficiently
warn
you
,
to
be●●re
of
the
Jesuits
Intentions
to
youward
:
Consider
,
●atters
of
Fact
,
and
see
what
hath
already
been
〈◊〉
in
other
places
,
and
so
come
from
thinking
what
〈◊〉
been
done
,
to
what
may
be
done
,
and
what
〈◊〉
should
be
done
,
if
some
might
have
their
〈◊〉
,
minds
and
desires
.
Cast
a
look
or
two
upon
●●●emia
,
that
once
flourishing
Land
,
under
Wickliff's
●●ctrine
;
Famous
for
the
Martyrdom
of
John
Huss
,
〈◊〉
Jerom
of
Prague
;
the
Courage
of
blind
Zisca
〈◊〉
his
valiant
Souldiers
,
and
noted
also
for
their
●●●erty
of
Chusing
their
Princes
:
See
now
how
much
of
the
Bohemians
Antient
Liberty
or
Religi●●
is
yet
remaining
amongst
them
.
Enough
of
the
p●●ctices
and
devices
the
Jesuits
used
to
new
〈◊〉
the
Nation
,
after
they
had
once
reduc'd
it
by
〈◊〉
of
Arms
,
you
may
find
in
the
History
of
the
〈◊〉
Persecution
,
London
,
Printed
by
B.
A.
John
Walker
.
But
to
return
to
King
John
,
whence
I
have
〈◊〉
gressed
,
after
his
Resignation
and
Reassumption
of
〈◊〉
Crown
at
the
yearly
Rent
of
900
or
1000
〈◊〉
Silver
,
the
Return
of
the
Archbishop
,
and
the
〈◊〉
Exiles
into
the
Land
,
we
read
of
the
releasing
〈◊〉
annulling
of
the
Interdiction
,
which
had
lasted
years
,
odd
months
and
days
,
but
it
was
not
be●
that
the
King
,
according
to
one
of
the
Articles
,
made
restitution
to
the
sufferers
,
which
the
〈◊〉
saith
amounted
in
the
whole
to
18000●
Marks
would
have
thought
,
after
so
much
trouble
,
the
〈◊〉
would
have
been
weary
of
endeavouring
after
A●●●trary
Power
.
But
the
Event
may
make
us
apt
to
〈◊〉
that
among
other
inducements
,
to
yield
to
the
〈◊〉
hard
terms
of
Accommodation
,
one
migh●
some
hope
to
domineer
the
better
over
the
〈◊〉
he
was
reconciled
to
the
Clergy
,
and
so
take
a
〈◊〉
revenge
upon
such
,
as
would
not
ere
while
assist
against
the
Pope
.
For
not
long
after
the
late
〈◊〉
,
we
find
mention
made
of
so
great
〈◊〉
between
the
King
and
his
Lords
,
that
much
〈◊〉
were
raised
on
either
part
.
One
occasion
alledg●●
that
the
King
would
not
hold
Edward's
Laws
,
yet
he
had
taken
an
Oath
,
at
the
Return
of
Exil'd
Clergy-men
into
England
,
to
call
in
all
〈◊〉
Laws
,
and
put
in
place
of
them
the
Law
King
Edward
,
if
Stow's
Annals
record
the
〈◊〉
Another
,
that
the
King
would
have
Exil'd
wi●●●aw
the
Earl
of
Chester
,
for
some
Advice
he
given
him
,
relating
to
his
Vices
,
which
the
other
did
not
well
digest
.
The
King's
Party
being
then
the
stronger
,
the
Lords
took
the
City
of
London
for
their
Refuge
,
and
remained
therein
.
Though
we
read
of
much
harm
done
this
year
in
London
by
Fire
,
and
of
the
burning
a
great
part
of
the
Burrough
of
Southwark
;
yet
it
seems
the
City
was
strong
enough
to
become
the
Barons
Bulwark
against
the
inrag'd
King's
Ire
:
And
siding
with
them
,
so
inhanced
the
Barons
fame
,
that
(
as
Stow
tells
us
)
all
except
a
few
went
to
the
Barons
side
,
so
that
King
John
durst
not
peep
out
of
Windsor
Castle
.
At
length
by
the
Prelates
Mediation
a
Peace
was
made
for
a
while
,
and
to
establish
it
the
firmer
,
the
King
and
the
Lords
soon
after
met
with
great
strength
on
either
side
on
Berham
Down
,
where
a
Charter
was
devis'd
,
made
,
and
sealed
by
the
King
to
the
Barons
content
.
A.C.
1214.
according
to
Falian's
account
.
Henry
Fitz.
Alwyn
continued
then
Mayor
of
London
,
Ralph
Egland
and
Constantine
le
Josne
being
Sheriffs
in
this
14th
year
of
K.
John's
Reign
.
Yet
in
Stow
we
read
of
a
Meeting
appointed
in
a
Meadow
between
Stains
&c
Windsor
,
where
the
King
granted
the
Liberties
without
any
difficulty
,
the
Charter
whereof
is
dated
,
June
16.
An.
Reg.
17.
As
for
the
loud
and
clamorous
Declamations
of
such
,
who
tell
us
,
that
the
grand
Charter
of
our
Lives
,
Liberties
and
Estates
,
our
Properties
and
Priviledges
,
was
gain'd
at
first
by
Rebellion
,
and
would
thus
slily
as
it
were
insinuate
,
that
it
was
and
is
retained
by
like
unlawful
waies
and
means
:
We
would
desire
them
to
give
us
better
proofs
for
what
they
say
,
than
their
own
bare
Asseverations
,
which
will
not
yet
go
for
currant
Coin
in
all
Markets
.
That
Edward
the
Confessor's
Laws
were
very
acceptable
to
the
generality
of
the
Nation
,
we
have
great
reason
to
believe
from
their
continued
desire
to
retain
them
.
That
William
the
first
granted
the
use
of
them
to
the
Nation
,
is
sufficiently
instanced
above
.
That
Henry
the
first
used
them
〈◊〉
likewise
mentioned
before
,
for
so
affirms
the
Chronicle
.
That
King
John
himself
accorded
to
them
at
hi●
coming
to
the
Crown
,
we
may
(
I
doubt
not
)
reasosonably
believe
,
considering
his
Title
,
and
the
Conte●●
he
was
like
to
have
about
it
.
If
a
Negative
may
be
admitted
an
Argument
in
the
case
,
I
do
not
remember
that
I
have
read
of
any
difference
between
hi●
and
his
Lay-Barons
about
them
,
till
after
that
he
was
reconciled
to
the
Pope
,
by
the
resignation
of
hi●
Crown
,
and
performance
of
the
other
conditions
enjoyned
him
.
But
after
the
King
's
giving
away
hi●
Crown
,
and
resuming
it
again
upon
a
Foundatio●
wholly
and
altogether
new
,
I
know
not
but
he
migh●
think
all
former
obligations
void
,
and
so
would
endeavour
to
have
his
Will
of
the
Laity
,
when
he
hop'd
he
had
fixt
the
Clergy
fast
enough
on
his
side
,
by
th●
new
condescension
he
had
lately
made
to
the
Pope'●
Ambitious
desires
and
pretensions
.
It
was
after
this
Reconciliation
that
we
read
in
Stow
of
the
Barons
coming
to
St.
Edmundsbury
,
and
producing
the
Charter
o●
King
Henry
the
first
,
which
they
had
received
o●
the
Archbishop
Stephen
.
However
,
let
the
occasional
Causes
of
making
an●
confirming
this
grand
Charter
of
our
English
Libe●ties
be
what
they
will
;
whatever
were
the
grounds
o●
the
Barons
desiring
,
or
the
motives
of
the
King
's
granting
it
:
Upon
what
Foundation
soever
(
so
it
be
sound
at
the
bottom
)
stand
these
Pacts
and
Compacts
between
the
King
and
his
Subjects
.
For
my
part
I
know
no
reason
why
Princes
and
Great
men
should
not
think
it
their
Duty
,
to
keep
their
words
firm
and
inviolable
,
as
well
as
persons
of
meaner
rank
and
quality
▪
'T
was
a
Romish
Cardinal
,
an
Italian
,
a
Papist
,
living
long
in
the
French
Government
,
from
whom
I
have
heard
come
the
Doctrine
,
of
not
being
a
slave
to
ones
word
.
As
the
Duty
,
so
I
believe
it
the
Interest
of
Governours
,
to
be
just
and
firm
to
their
Promises
,
otherwise
it
is
a
Question
how
long
the
people
under
them
will
continue
firm
to
theirs
,
when
they
think
they
have
a
convenient
opportunity
to
break
them
.
Fear
may
do
much
,
but
Conscience
I
fancy
will
do
but
little
in
this
Case
,
to
keep
the
one
Party
fixt
and
firm
to
his
Bargain
,
when
the
other
values
not
to
perform
the
Conditions
of
their
mutual
Compact
.
Such
as
love
to
talk
of
nothing
but
Conquerours
and
Conquests
,
captivating
and
inslaving
men
to
Arbitrary
Powers
,
as
if
at
feud
and
defiance
with
all
mankind
but
themselves
and
their
own
Party
:
if
my
Advice
may
be
taken
,
they
would
do
wisely
to
stifle
such
harsh
unpleasing
Doctrines
in
their
own
breasts
,
and
not
openly
produce
them
in
publick
view
to
all
without
distinction
,
lest
one
bold
confident
brazen-fac'd
fel●ow
or
other
should
start
up
out
of
the
Vulgar
Herd
,
and
ask
them
,
why
the
people
would
not
have
as
good
a
Title
to
their
Power
,
when
they
had
got
the
upper
hand
,
as
those
Princes
,
who
claim
only
by
Conquest
?
A
Question
that
at
first
view
would
seem
very
plausible
to
many
,
if
well
stated
without
the
previous
consideration
of
Oaths
,
Promises
and
Compacts
.
As
for
the
consequences
,
that
some
may
fancy
hid
in
the
belly
of
it
,
●ike
the
Armed
Grecians
in
the
Trojan
Horse
,
look
they
to
them
,
who
find
themselves
concern'd
on
either
side
.
It
's
well
enough
known
,
what
a
large
tract
of
ground
,
the
French
King
hath
seis'd
in
the
Spanish
Netherlands
within
these
few
years
,
and
brought
the
People
of
those
Provinces
under
his
own
Subjection
by
force
.
That
his
title
to
those
lands
at
first
was
none
of
the
best
is
plain
enough
to
such
,
as
know
his
Pretensions
.
As
for
that
shadow
of
claim
,
which
might
be
fancied
to
accrue
to
him
by
his
Queen
,
the
late
Spanish
Kings
Daughter
,
that
it
is
clear
done
〈◊〉
as
far
as
words
and
writings
could
go
,
is
manife●●
by
the
Printed
Articles
of
the
Pyrenaean
Tre●●
The
best
Title
,
I
find
he
had
to
those
Countries
,
〈◊〉
the
Spanish
Kings
weakness
to
defend
those
Subje●●
himself
,
together
it
may
be
with
some
unwillingness
let
them
look
to
the
payment
of
as
great
an
Army
,
〈◊〉
was
thought
needful
for
their
defence
,
out
of
th●
own
Mony
,
by
their
own
Officers
.
He
was
made
p●●haps
to
fear
,
lest
the
Soldiers
should
have
been
〈◊〉
at
the
Devotion
of
such
as
paid
them
,
than
at
his
〈◊〉
rais'd
them
,
though
he
appointed
such
a
〈◊〉
such
Officers
,
and
such
Soldiers
as
he
thought
fit
,
〈◊〉
had
had
the
sole
ordering
of
them
,
at
his
own
〈◊〉
and
pleasure
,
in
all
other
things
but
naming
the
p●●mas●e●s
.
Or
rather
was
it
not
his
prime
Councell●●
the
Spaniards
,
loathness
to
lose
the
many
picki●●
they
glean'd
out
of
their
Offices
in
those
Count●●
by
defrauding
the
Soldiers
of
their
appointed
〈◊〉
and
so
cheating
both
King
and
Country
?
〈◊〉
good
is
much
bandied
up
and
down
among
〈◊〉
words
,
but
in
truth
and
reality
,
private
interest
that
which
most
oversways
.
As
for
the
rest
of
〈◊〉
French
Kings
pretences
,
that
he
makes
use
of
th●
for
meer
colours
,
is
evident
by
the
novel
inventio●
Dependencies
.
If
need
be
,
we
doubt
not
but
,
〈◊〉
Hamball
passing
over
the
rugged
Alps
with
his
〈◊〉
my
,
he
can
either
find
a
way
or
make
one
;
be
it
〈◊〉
such
a
one
,
as
his
Manifest●
,
at
the
beginning
of
late
Wars
with
the
Dutch
,
tells
us
of
,
viz.
his
〈◊〉
Glory
:
One
of
the
truest
pretensions
I
believe
of
▪
Now
put
the
Case
and
suppose
,
that
the
Inh●●●tants
of
these
late
subdued
Countries
(
brought
〈◊〉
the
French
Kings
Subjection
by
the
force
of
Arms
,
and
all
former
right
and
title
to
them
〈◊〉
relinquish'd
by
their
ancient
Prince
the
King
Spain
in
his
late
Treaties
)
should
one
time
or
other
,
●y
some
unexpected
,
unseen
,
unthought
of
accident
,
●et
such
power
into
their
hands
,
as
to
break
off
these
●rench
Chains
of
Slavery
,
beat
the
French
Kings
Of●●cers
and
Soldiers
out
of
their
Country
,
and
keep
〈◊〉
at
a
Bay
by
the
strength
of
their
Arms
:
the
●uestion
would
be
among
our
Politick
Casuists
,
whe●●er
they
would
not
have
as
good
right
and
Title
,
to
●●ace
the
Government
of
their
Country
in
what
●●nds
they
pleased
,
as
the
French
King
now
hath
in
●●tual
possession
:
My
meaning
is
of
such
,
who
shall
〈◊〉
have
pass'd
away
themselves
,
by
Oaths
,
Cove●●nts
and
Compacts
.
That
they
sit
down
quietly
●●der
the
French
Government
,
and
do
not
publickly
●●pose
,
is
but
a
silent
argument
,
a
negative
proof
at
〈◊〉
.
They
do
not
openly
declare
their
dissent
,
〈◊〉
they
assent
and
consent
,
is
such
a
conclusion
that
〈◊〉
not
well
and
cleverly
follow
from
the
premises
.
●hat
such
as
are
for
the
present
French
interest
may
●firm
,
let
them
likewise
well
prove
,
but
methinks
〈◊〉
English
men
should
not
be
over-ready
to
disclaim
〈◊〉
Netherlands
right
,
when
they
call
to
mind
,
that
in
●●een
Elizabeths
days
our
Governours
thought
good
defend
the
poor
distressed
Provinces
,
against
the
●yrannical
Arbitrary
pretences
of
the
Spanish
King
,
〈◊〉
,
contrary
to
their
ancient
priviledges
would
have
●●duc'd
them
all
by
force
to
Popery
and
Slavery
,
to
●●pose
which
,
their
Neighbours
,
especially
England
,
powerfully
assisted
them
,
that
the
Spaniard
was
〈◊〉
at
last
to
declare
,
he
would
treat
with
them
,
as
●●th
free
States
,
before
he
could
get
a
treaty
of
peace
〈◊〉
them
.
Such
as
break
ancient
Covenants
,
and
〈◊〉
the
first
stone
,
had
need
stand
upon
safe
and
sure
●ound
,
least
they
find
too
many
stones
flying
about
〈◊〉
Ears
before
the
end
of
the
fray
.
We
moreo●●●
have
found
the
Spaniards
within
these
few
years
coming
into
the
assistance
of
these
same
new
〈◊〉
once
his
old
Subjects
,
against
the
French
Kings
Po●er
ready
in
a
manner
to
over-run
them
.
We
〈◊〉
have
heard
likewise
of
publick
Addresses
,
in
behalf
〈◊〉
the
same
side
,
made
of
late
to
our
present
King
,
〈◊〉
esteem'd
the
general
Consent
of
the
Nation
.
After
King
John
had
granted
the
grand
〈◊〉
to
his
Lords
,
and
every
one
was
departed
peaceab●●
into
his
own
Country
,
there
were
hopes
doubtless
〈◊〉
a
happy
peace
to
ensue
,
and
long
to
continue
.
But
seems
those
hopes
were
soon
blasted
.
For
the
〈◊〉
next
year
,
viz.
the
15
,
we
read
of
the
late
agr●●
peace's
being
violated
and
broken
by
the
King
,
〈◊〉
according
to
my
Author
,
persevering
in
his
wro●●
would
in
no
wise
be
induc'd
to
hold
his
own
gra●●
but
to
execute
all
things
after
pleasure
,
nothing
●●ter
Law
and
Justice
.
These
violations
produc'd
new
War
between
King
John
and
his
Nobles
,
〈◊〉
ended
not
till
after
the
Kings
Death
.
So
troubles●●
was
it
to
the
Nation
,
so
dangerous
to
the
King
,
〈◊〉
he
should
have
such
ill
Ministers
about
him
,
〈◊〉
were
either
authors
or
followers
of
no
better
advi●●
then
what
could
not
consist
with
the
Kings
keepi●●
his
Royal
Word
.
That
the
Sheep
were
made
〈◊〉
for
the
Shepheard
,
to
clip
,
shear
,
pill
,
and
slay
at
own
will
and
pleasure
,
is
a
Doctrine
that
the
〈◊〉
quiet
innocent
harmless
Sheep
would
no
longer
●●●lingly
assent
to
,
than
while
the
Knife
is
held
at
〈◊〉
throat
,
how
acceptable
soever
it
may
be
to
the
〈◊〉
Wolves
,
and
the
degenerate
Dogs
of
the
〈◊〉
▪
When
King
John
found
himself
too
weak
to
●●tend
with
his
Barons
,
and
yet
it
seems
by
the
〈◊〉
not
willing
enough
to
keep
to
his
former
〈◊〉
he
sent
beyond
Sea
,
and
call'd
in
strangers
his
Assistance
.
We
read
that
Northfolk
and
〈◊〉
were
the
Lands
promised
to
those
strangers
,
〈◊〉
would
come
over
to
aid
the
King
,
who
had
a
little
●efore
got
the
Pope
to
disannul
the
aforesaid
Charter
●nd
liberties
granted
ere
while
by
him
,
and
excommu●icate
the
Barons
.
We
have
mention
made
in
Stow
〈◊〉
or
3
times
of
strangers
coming
over
.
So
many
of
●hem
were
cast
away
at
one
time
by
Tempest
,
who
●ere
coming
over
,
Men
,
Women
and
Children
,
that
●●'s
said
of
4000
not
one
escap'd
alive
.
So
that
we
●ay
observe
,
't
is
an
old
trick
to
call
in
Foreigners
●pon
the
Natives
,
when
Arbitrary
designs
are
on
〈◊〉
.
When
the
King
was
found
to
have
invited
●trangers
to
his
aid
,
the
Lords
also
sent
into
France
●or
help
and
succour
.
When
two
Women
fall
a
scol●ing
,
and
pulling
one
anothers
head-cloths
,
whoever
●●rst
began
the
fray
,
it
is
much
but
both
will
be
in
●●ult
before
it
end
.
London
was
the
place
,
where
the
●ords
kept
themselves
together
,
till
the
expected
aid
●nd
succour
from
beyond
Sea
was
brought
to
them
●nder
Lewis
the
French
Kings
Son
,
who
landing
〈◊〉
England
with
a
strong
Army
,
came
afterwards
to
London
,
and
was
there
received
.
Hence
he
with
the
Lords
departing
,
won
many
Castles
in
the
Land
,
and
〈◊〉
their
return
had
the
Tower
of
London
given
up
to
●hem
by
appointment
.
Tho
the
Tower
held
long
for
●he
King
,
yet
't
was
the
City
it
seems
that
bare
the
●way
,
and
adhered
to
the
Lords
.
What
a
strength
●●ey
were
of
we
may
observe
out
of
Stow
,
where
●ing
John
is
said
to
have
made
hast
to
besiege
Lon●on
,
but
the
Londoners
were
hereby
so
little
daunted
,
●hat
they
set
open
their
Gates
,
and
were
ready
to
meet
●im
ten
miles
off
the
City
,
whereupon
the
King
with●rew
,
understanding
their
boldness
,
and
multitude
;
●hen
the
Major
Roger
Fitz.
Alwyn
was
accused
to
be
●●vourable
to
the
Kings
Party
,
we
find
him
quickly
●ischarg'd
of
his
Office
,
and
one
Serle
Mercer
chosen
〈◊〉
his
place
;
so
great
was
the
favour
of
the
Citizens
to
the
Barons
and
their
Cause
,
that
they
spar'd
not
their
own
head
Officer
and
Ruler
,
when
he
lay
under
th●
suspicion
of
favouring
Arbitrary
designs
,
so
contrary
to
the
mind
of
the
Citizens
.
The
War
still
continuing
,
and
King
John
being
not
able
to
prevail
,
tho
th●
Pope
interceded
by
his
Lega●e
,
he
had
at
last
(
●●
some
writes
)
all
his
Arbitrary
designs
quench'd
with
a
Cup
of
Poyson
,
at
Swinstead
Abby
about
Lincoln
Tho
another
Author
is
said
to
affirm
that
he
died
●●
the
flux
at
another
place
.
Soon
after
this
unhappy
unfortunate
King
John
death
,
we
meet
with
an
eminent
instance
of
Englis●
mens
Loyalty
,
as
well
as
of
their
love
of
liberty
an●
freedom
;
for
though
the
King
and
his
Lords
were
〈◊〉
so
great
a
difference
most
of
the
latter
part
of
hi●
Reign
,
and
he
left
the
Throne
and
his
life
at
such
〈◊〉
time
,
when
his
Barons
were
likely
in
outward
appearance
to
be
much
too
strong
for
him
&
his
,
his
surv●ving
Heir
being
but
then
a
Child
of
about
9
years
〈◊〉
age
:
Yet
,
as
if
all
rancour
and
animosity
against
th●
King
and
his
Party
was
dead
and
buried
with
him
〈◊〉
his
Grave
,
the
wheel
of
affairs
was
so
turn'd
,
as
〈◊〉
were
,
in
an
instant
,
that
Lewis
and
his
strangers
we●●
disgusted
,
and
the
young
Fatherless
Prince
was
proclaim'd
,
and
Crown'd
King
of
the
Land
,
at
an
ag●
wherein
he
was
not
fit
to
be
left
to
his
own
guidan●●
without
a
Tutor
,
It
's
plain
enough
by
this
instanc●
that
English
hearts
were
more
loyal
,
than
naturall●
to
desire
the
ruine
of
their
Prince
and
his
Family
;
〈◊〉
at
any
time
they
appear'd
in
Arms
against
him
in
defence
of
their
Lives
,
Liberties
and
Freedoms
,
ho●
ready
have
they
shewed
themselves
to
accord
an●
submit
,
as
soon
as
those
men
of
ill
Principles
,
and
A●bitrary
practices
,
were
remov'd
from
their
Princ●
who
had
rais'd
those
clouds
of
discontent
betwee●
him
and
his
People
?
The
chief
of
those
that
so
soon
returned
to
their
Allegiance
,
were
the
powerful
Earls
of
Pembroke
and
Chester
,
who
drew
with
them
a
very
considerable
re●inue
.
They
may
be
probably
thought
to
hope
,
to
●●nfuse
better
Principles
into
their
young
Prince
in
his
Nonage
,
than
appeared
by
former
Arbitrary
actions
●o
have
been
in
his
Father
,
and
so
model
the
Go●ernment
into
a
better
frame
in
the
time
of
that
pow●r
,
they
were
,
as
the
chief
Nobles
,
most
likely
to
●ave
under
the
King
in
his
younger
days
.
Neither
●o
I
know
but
somwhat
might
proceed
from
re●orse
of
Conscience
.
The
Earl
of
Chester
,
in
the
2d
●ear
of
the
Kings
Reign
,
taking
his
journey
into
the
Holy-Land
,
the
Religion
of
those
times
having
made
●hat
the
usual
way
of
Expiation
.
Some
such
intent
of
●he
Earl
stands
likewise
upon
record
in
one
of
the
Chronicles
,
saith
my
Author
.
Another
very
proba●le
occasion
of
this
sudden
change
of
Affairs
in
the
Kingdom
,
may
be
supposed
to
have
risen
from
the
Death-bed
confession
of
a
French
Nobleman
,
who
〈◊〉
reported
to
have
discovered
Lewis's
intent
,
to
〈◊〉
,
destroy
,
and
quite
root
out
those
English
Lords
●hat
adhered
to
him
,
as
if
in
detestation
of
their
dis●oyalty
to
their
own
natural
English
Soveraign
.
When
●he
Barons
came
once
to
find
,
that
he
,
whom
they
●ad
called
in
to
defend
them
against
their
Kings
Ar●itrariness
,
intended
to
violate
and
break
their
Co●enants
established
at
first
between
them
,
when
he
●ould
come
to
have
opportunity
,
and
so
turn
their
●●plored
aid
into
their
certain
destruction
,
they
●ight
well
think
they
had
reason
enough
to
disclaim
〈◊〉
Alliance
,
and
endeavour
to
frustrate
his
privy
in●●ntions
,
by
returning
to
their
former
Allegiance
as
〈◊〉
as
a
fit
season
presented
it self
:
Conditional
pro●ises
not
being
very
commonly
reputed
to
bind
the
〈◊〉
party
,
when
the
conditions
required
are
not
performed
by
the
other
.
Whatever
the
true
occasio●
was
,
London
we
find
the
place
where
this
turn
〈◊〉
first
publickly
declared
,
by
proclaiming
Henry
Ki●●
throughout
the
City
,
Oct.
20.
so
considerable
was
●●ven
the
reputed
favour
of
the
Citizens
.
Lewis
abo●●
there
indeed
afterwards
a
while
,
and
the
Barous
〈◊〉
his
side
,
but
his
strength
so
diminished
in
a
litt●●
time
,
that
he
was
glad
at
last
to
take
Money
and
〈◊〉
away
upon
composition
,
even
in
the
1st
year
of
th●
King
,
or
beginning
of
the
2d
.
This
K.
Hen.
being
the
Son
of
such
a
Father
,
who●
practices
too
much
betrayed
his
Principles
,
and
〈◊〉
in
so
troublesom
a
time
,
as
his
Fathers
contest
〈◊〉
the
Clergy
,
we
may
be
apt
to
believe
he
had
a
〈◊〉
of
his
Fathers
malady
.
So
full
of
troubles
do
we
〈◊〉
his
Reign
,
such
complaints
of
the
Government
,
su●●
amendments
endeavoured
,
and
reformations
ma●●
one
while
by
the
peaceable
Councils
of
the
Par●●●ment
,
another
while
by
the
compulsive
power
〈◊〉
the
Barons
Swords
:
all
which
we
may
impute
,
●●ther
to
his
own
natural
inbred
disposition
,
or
else
the
over-ruling
advices
of
ill
Ministers
,
so
〈◊〉
working
upon
the
Kings
Good-nature
,
as
upon
slig●●
pretences
to
make
his
power
serve
their
own
Inter●●●
to
carry
on
their
corrupt
arbitrary
designs
:
So
●●ny
were
the
ups
and
downs
,
risings
and
falls
,
chang●●
and
turns
of
Fortune
in
these
times
,
such
variab●●ness
and
mutability
of
Councils
in
affairs
,
and
the
〈◊〉
of
London
so
much
concerned
in
most
of
the
c●●siderable
Actions
then
on
foot
,
(
now
in
the
Kin●
favour
,
as
soon
again
out
of
it
,
one
while
enjoy●●●
their
ancient
Priviledges
and
Customs
,
another
〈◊〉
deprived
of
their
Liberties
,
and
their
Franchises
〈◊〉
upon
slight
occasions
,
and
anon
again
restored
all
,
with
addition
of
new
grants
,
)
that
I
find
it
c●●venient
,
through
much
of
this
Kings
Reign
,
to
〈◊〉
Annals
after
my
Author
.
In
the
3d
of
this
King
is
mention
made
of
a
Par●●ament
kept
at
London
.
In
the
4th
were
Proclama●●ons
made
in
London
,
and
through
the
Land
,
that
all
●trangers
should
depart
out
of
the
Land
,
except
such
〈◊〉
came
with
Merchandize
;
the
intent
hereof
is
said
●●
be
wholly
to
rid
the
Land
of
such
strangers
as
pos●●st
Castles
in
it
contrary
to
the
Kings
Will
and
Plea●●re
.
This
year
also
was
the
King
Crowned
the
2d
●●me
at
Westminster
.
In
the
6th
was
detected
a
Con●●iracy
within
London
,
which
the
King
is
said
to
have
●●ken
so
grievously
,
that
he
was
minded
to
have
●rown
down
the
City
Walls
,
till
considering
that
it
●as
only
a
design
of
some
of
the
Rascality
,
and
not
〈◊〉
the
Rulers
,
he
assuaged
his
displeasure
taken
a●●inst
the
City
.
Robert
Serle
was
then
Mayor
,
Rich.
●●nger
,
Ioseus
〈◊〉
Iosne
,
Sheriffs
.
An.
Reg.
7.
in
a
Coun●●●
kept
at
London
,
Stow
tells
us
,
the
King
was
re●●ired
by
the
Peers
Spiritual
and
Temporal
to
con●●●m
the
Liberties
,
for
which
the
War
was
made
a●●inst
his
Father
,
and
he
had
sworn
to
observe
at
the
●●parture
of
L●wis
out
of
England
,
whereupon
the
〈◊〉
commanded
the
Sheriffs
to
enquire
by
the
〈◊〉
of
Twelve
lawful
men
,
what
were
the
Li●●●ties
in
England
in
his
Grand-fathers
time
,
and
〈◊〉
the
Inquisition
so
made
up
to
London
.
Hence
〈◊〉
we
observe
that
England
had
Liberties
and
●●ghts
of
their
own
,
before
the
Barons
War
in
〈◊〉
Iohn's
days
,
and
therefore
seem
injurious●●
upbraided
,
as
if
they
got
them
first
by
Rebelli●●
▪
The
good
Government
of
England
,
which
(
as
a
●●dern
Author
words
it
)
was
be●ore
like
the
Law
Nature
,
only
written
in
the
hearts
of
men
,
came
●pon
obtaining
the
2
Charters
)
to
be
exprest
in
●●chment
,
and
remains
a
Record
in
writing
,
though
●●se
Charters
gave
us
no
more
than
what
was
our
〈◊〉
before
.
The
8th
is
noted
for
the
grant
made
to
the
King
,
by
his
Barony
in
Parliament
,
of
the
War●
and
Marriage
of
their
Heirs
.
A
good
advantage
som●times
for
the
King
,
to
fix
Noble
mens
Estates
in
suc●
Families
as
he
best
pleased
.
A.
R.
9.
A
Fifteenth
was
granted
to
the
King
,
to
〈◊〉
him
in
his
right
beyond
the
Seas
,
and
he
,
by
confirming
the
great
Charter
,
granted
to
the
Barons
an●
People
their
rights
.
The
11th
year
is
of
note
fo●
many
beneficial
Grants
made
to
London
by
the
King
▪
The
Sheriffwick
of
London
and
Middlesex
was
let
〈◊〉
farm
to
the
Sheriffs
of
London
,
for
300
l.
yearly
.
O●
Feb.
18.
was
granted
,
that
all
Wears
in
Thames
shoul●
be
pluckt
up
and
destroyed
for
ever
.
On
March
1●●
the
King
granted
by
his
Charter
ensealed
,
that
th●
Citizens
of
London
should
pass
Toll-free
through
th●
Land
,
and
upon
any
Citizen's
being
constrained
〈◊〉
pay
Toll
in
any
place
of
England
,
the
Sheriffs
〈◊〉
impowered
to
attach
any
man
of
that
place
comin●
to
London
with
his
goods
,
and
to
keep
and
with-ho●●
till
the
Citizens
were
restored
all
such
Moneys
〈◊〉
from
them
,
with
costs
and
damages
.
Aug.
18.
〈◊〉
granted
to
the
Citizens
Warren
,
that
is
,
free
liber●●
of
Hunting
within
a
certain
circuit
about
Lond●●
Yet
notwithstanding
we
read
in
another
Author
,
this
years
History
,
of
the
Kings
compelling
the
L●●doners
to
lay
him
down
a
large
sum
of
Money
,
b●sides
the
15th
part
of
their
moveables
,
because
〈◊〉
sooth
they
had
given
Lewis
(
who
came
to
their
aid●
K.
John's
days
with
an
Army
)
5000
Marks
at
his
●●parture
out
of
England
.
It
may
be
the
King
〈◊〉
them
some
of
these
Priviledges
(
which
cost
him
●●thing
)
to
induce
them
to
give
down
their
Money
〈◊〉
more
willingly
,
and
not
too
much
to
displease
the●
whose
power
was
so
well
known
in
those
days
,
〈◊〉
afterward
experienced
to
some
mens
cost
.
Roger
〈◊〉
Mayor
,
Stephen
Bockerel
,
and
Henry
Cobham
Sheri●●
this
year
,
and
also
the
next
,
viz.
12.
when
the
Fran●hises
and
Liberties
of
the
City
were
by
the
King
●onfirmed
;
and
to
each
of
the
Sheriffs
was
granted
to
●ave
2
Clerks
,
&
2
Officers
,
&
to
the
Citizens
that
●hey
should
have
and
use
a
common
Seal
.
This
year
〈◊〉
read
that
the
King
in
a
Council
held
at
Oxford
,
●roclaimed
,
that
being
of
age
he
would
rule
himself
〈◊〉
pleasure
,
and
forthwith
cancelled
the
Charters
of
●iberties
,
as
granted
in
his
Nonage
.
Whereupon
it
●●llowed
(
says
my
Author
)
that
whoso
would
enjoy
〈◊〉
Liberties
before
granted
,
must
renew
their
Char●●rs
of
the
Kings
new
Seal
at
a
price
awarded
:
But
〈◊〉
Barons
shortly
after
declared
to
the
King
,
that
●●cept
he
would
restore
the
Charter
lately
cancelled
●●ey
would
compel
him
by
the
Sword
:
Such
brisk
●ssertors
were
they
(
it
seems
)
resolved
to
be
of
●●eir
Liberties
.
On
the
13th
,
while
the
Bishop
of
●ondon
was
at
high
Mass
in
St.
Pauls
,
happened
sud●enly
such
dark
mists
of
Clouds
,
and
such
a
Tempest
〈◊〉
Thunder
and
Lightening
,
that
the
People
got
out
〈◊〉
the
Church
,
and
left
the
Bishop
there
in
great
●ar
,
with
but
a
small
attendance
.
For
all
the
many
〈◊〉
Papists
make
of
their
Mass
,
and
the
wonder●●l
power
and
vertue
they
would
fain
persuade
us
to
●●lieve
there
is
in
it
,
it
seems
then
all
had
not
faith
●●ough
to
trust
too
much
in
it
,
when
fear
and
thick
●●rkness
had
seized
on
them
,
though
't
was
the
com●on
voice
in
those
days
,
that
a
few
Masses
could
〈◊〉
mens
Souls
out
of
Purgatory
:
But
you
may
be
〈◊〉
they
were
well
to
be
paid
for
first
.
Noted
in
〈◊〉
14th
was
the
Ordinance
made
by
the
Mayor
〈◊〉
Duke
,
and
the
Rulers
of
London
,
that
no
Sheriff
●ould
continue
in
Office
longer
than
one
year
;
the
●use
related
was
the
opportunity
some
of
them
●ade
use
of
to
take
extortions
and
bribes
,
with
o●●er
defaults
,
by
reason
of
the
continuance
of
their
Office
.
The
17th
is
not
lightly
to
be
pass'd
over
,
that
the
K.
therein
kept
his
Christmas
at
Worcest
according
to
Stow
,
where
he
removed
all
his
Office●
and
Councillors
,
Bishops
,
Earls
,
and
Barons
,
and
〈◊〉
for
strangers
,
viz.
Pictavians
,
retain'd
them
in
〈◊〉
Service
,
and
committed
to
them
the
keeping
of
〈◊〉
Castles
and
Treasures
.
What
could
hence
be
expect●
but
murmurings
and
repinings
amongst
the
Native●
Accordingly
we
hear
some
time
after
of
Messenge●
sent
by
the
Barons
to
the
King
,
requesting
the
di●placing
of
those
strangers
,
and
also
threatning
,
th●
otherwise
they
would
depose
him
,
and
create
a
〈◊〉
King
.
A
bold
message
from
as
bold
Subjects
.
For
〈◊〉
may
read
of
the
King's
Lands
being
invaded
the
〈◊〉
year
,
and
destroy'd
by
fire
and
sword
by
the
Earl
〈◊〉
Pembroke
,
and
the
Prince
of
North-Wales
.
Whereup●●
we
find
in
a
little
time
the
Pictavians
expell'd
,
〈◊〉
made
with
these
two
great
discontented
men
,
〈◊〉
the
King
's
natural
Subjects
recalld
,
and
their
Co●●sel
yielded
to
by
the
King
.
The
19th
is
remarkable
for
the
King's
Marriage
with
the
Royal
Solemnity
,
Justs
and
Tourneamen●
kept
8
days
near
Westminster
,
at
the
Queen's
Coro●●tion
.
Yet
Stow
places
the
time
a
year
after
,
as
〈◊〉
doth
also
many
other
particular
occurrences
happeing
in
this
King's
Reign
.
From
the
same
Author
〈◊〉
are
given
to
understand
,
that
to
this
Coronation
●●sorted
so
great
a
number
of
all
Estates
,
that
the
Ci●●
of
London
was
scarce
able
to
receive
them
.
Great
〈◊〉
the
splendour
,
wherein
the
City
appeared
on
this
o●casion
,
it
being
adorn'd
with
Silks
,
and
in
the
nig●●
with
Lamps
,
Cressets
,
and
other
lights
,
without
nu●ber
,
besides
many
Pageants
,
&
strange
devices
,
whi●●
were
then
snewn
.
The
Citizens
rode
to
meet
〈◊〉
King
and
Queen
,
being
clothed
in
long
garments
,
〈◊〉
broidered
with
Gold
and
Silk
of
divers
colours
,
the●●
horses
finely
trapped
in
array
,
to
the
number
of
360.
Every
man
bearing
Gold
or
Silver
Cups
in
their
hands
,
&
the
King's
Trumpeters
before
them
sounding
.
The
21th
was
ominous
to
the
University
of
Oxford
,
for
the
Scholars
abusing
Octo●oon
the
Pope's
Legate
,
who
afterwards
accursed
the
misdoers
,
and
so
punished
them
,
that
the
Regents
&
Masters
were
at
last
compelled
to
go
barefoot
through
Cheapside
to
Pauls
in
London
,
there
to
ask
forgiveness
of
him
,
which
was
granted
,
it
seems
,
with
difficulty
enough
.
His
Master
the
Pope
,
when
cross'd
and
incens'd
,
is
wont
to
be
sufficiently
stately
,
and
backward
in
pardoning
such
as
displease
him
,
&
not
without
much
●ntercession
sometimes
;
why
then
should
not
the
Servant
Ape
it
after
so
great
an
Example
?
In
the
23d
year
,
for
that
the
Mayor
and
Heads
of
the
City
refus'd
to
obey
the
King's
Commandment
,
●n
Chusing
Simon
Fitz
Marre
Sheriff
,
as
the
King
had
order'd
them
,
which
they
lookt
upon
as
a
derogation
to
their
Liberties
:
The
King
sent
for
them
,
and
after
words
of
displeasure
discharg'd
the
old
Mayor
Will
.
Ioynour
,
newly
Elected
for
the
following
year
,
and
charg'd
the
Citizens
to
proceed
to
a
new
Election
,
which
to
content
the
King
they
did
,
and
Chusing
Gerard
Bat
,
by
his
means
and
policy
obtained
the
King's
favour
,
and
frustrated
the
other
purpose
,
who
had
procur'd
the
aforesaid
Commandment
,
and
complain'd
to
the
King
of
the
Citizens
for
their
disobeying
it
.
In
the
25th
the
Citizens
having
Chosen
Gerard
Bat
anew
for
the
year
following
,
&
presented
him
to
the
King
according
to
Custom
,
He
,
who
the
●ast
year
had
so
gain'd
the
King's
favour
in
behalf
of
the
City
,
was
now
so
far
out
of
it
by
means
of
some
mens
Informations
,
that
he
with
his
company
was
first
dismist
,
and
put
off
till
another
time
,
and
at
last
,
for
some
offences
alledged
,
and
displeasure
conceived
against
him
,
clearly
put
by
;
the
King
swearing
a
gre●●
Oath
,
that
he
should
not
that
year
be
Mayor
,
nor
〈◊〉
any
time
hereafter
.
Whereupon
the
Commons
,
ce●tified
of
the
King's
pleasure
,
Chose
Remond
Bengley
〈◊〉
his
stead
.
The
Citizens
having
the
year
before
〈◊〉
prevail'd
upon
to
alter
their
Election
,
that
was
Pr●sident
enough
it
seems
to
occasion
the
like
again
.
The
City
having
obtain'd
great
Priviledges
of
thi●
King
in
his
younger
days
,
we
find
already
some
e●deavouring
to
frustrate
and
disappoint
the
effect
〈◊〉
benefit
of
them
.
The
City
had
appear'd
with
a
gre●●
deal
of
success
,
in
opposition
to
the
last
King's
pr●ceedings
,
and
therefore
it
's
likely
,
such
as
intende●
to
attempt
again
for
Arbitrary
Power
,
thought
th●
City
too
headstrong
easily
to
permit
them
to
succeed
in
their
desires
,
unless
they
could
first
bring
th●
Citizens
a
little
under
,
by
cunningly
under
mini●●
their
Liberties
.
Whereupon
we
find
this
year
a
sp●cious
pretence
taken
to
oblige
the
Commonalty
,
b●
offering
to
free
and
keep
them
from
being
oppresse●
by
the
Heads
and
Rulers
of
the
City
.
How
well
〈◊〉
plausible
Plea
took
for
a
while
,
will
be
manifested
〈◊〉
the
sequel
of
the
Story
.
That
there
were
great
hea●●
and
animosities
in
those
times
between
the
City
〈◊〉
the
Court
,
may
easily
be
observ'd
out
of
Stow
,
wh●
tells
us
in
the
25th
years
Annals
,
how
the
Citize●
were
threatned
,
that
the
Walls
and
Bulwarks
of
th●
Tower
were
builded
in
despight
of
them
,
to
the
〈◊〉
that
if
any
of
them
would
presume
to
contend
〈◊〉
the
Liberties
of
the
City
,
they
might
there
be
imprison'd
.
And
to
the
intent
,
that
many
might
be
la●●
in
divers
Prisons
,
many
Lodgings
were
there
mad●
that
no
one
should
speak
with
another
.
An
occasi●●
was
also
taken
sometime
after
to
Fine
the
Ci●●
1500
Marks
,
for
the
receiving
into
the
City
a
pe●son
banish'd
from
thence
20
years
.
Notwithstandi●●
the
Citizens
had
prov'd
,
that
before
that
time
the
said
●erson
had
been
reconcil'd
and
restor'd
to
the
King's
●avour
.
Another
device
to
exact
Money
from
the
Londoners
,
was
the
proclaiming
a
Mart
at
Westmin●●er
,
to
last
15
days
,
with
a
Command
that
all
Trades
●hould
cease
in
the
City
for
that
space
of
time
,
which
the
Citizens
were
fain
to
redeem
with
2000l
.
●et
they
still
increast
in
Riches
,
while
the
King
was
●ompell'd
for
want
to
sell
his
Plate
and
Jewels
much
●o
his
loss
,
which
being
sold
and
bough●
a●
London
,
〈◊〉
the
33d
year
of
his
Reign
,
occasioned
this
his
ex●ression
upon
knowledge
thereof
,
(
as
my
Author
re●ates
it
)
I
know
that
if
Octavian
's
Treasure
were
to
be
●●ld
,
the
City
of
London
would
sup
it
up
;
and
by
it
●hose
rustical
Londoners
(
quoth
the
King
)
abound
in
●ealth
,
and
call
themselves
Barons
.
Noted
is
the
25th
●ear
likewise
for
the
first
Chusing
of
Aldermen
,
who
●hen
had
the
Rule
of
the
City
and
its
Wards
,
and
●ere
yearly
chang'd
as
are
the
Sheriffs
.
In
the
29th
●ear
Nicholas
Bat
,
contrary
to
a
former
Ordinance
,
●eing
Chosen
Sheriff
again
,
was
discharg'd
and
punish'd
,
●s
being
convict
of
Perjury
.
The
Mayor
likewise
Mi●hael
Tony
,
Chosen
anew
for
the
following
year
,
was
de●os'd
and
punish'd
,
after
that
by
Deposition
of
the
Al●ermen
he
was
found
guilty
in
the
said
Crime
.
What●ver
were
the
grievances
and
faults
committed
in
the
●est
of
the
Land
,
(
some
we
read
complain'd
of
,
particu●arly
among
the
Clergy
)
the
City-Officers
shall
be
sure
〈◊〉
be
watch'd
,
if
they
were
not
of
the
side
some
would
●ave
them
.
In
the
31th
year
Pyers
Aleyn
being
Mayor
,
John
Voyle
,
and
Nicholas
Bat
Sheriffs
,
the
Franchises
of
London
were
seized
on
St.
Bartholomews
Eve
,
for
a
Judg●ent
pretended
to
be
wrongfully
given
by
the
Mayor
●nd
Aldermen
against
a
Widdow
woman
named
Mar●aret
Vyell
,
and
the
Rule
of
the
City
committed
to
Will
.
Haveryll
,
and
Edward
of
Westminster
,
till
Lady
day
,
when
the
Mayor
and
Sheriffs
were
again
admitted
〈◊〉
their
Offices
.
How
ready
were
some
to
carp
at
the
〈◊〉
of
this
Honourable
Society
?
Rather
than
fail
of
an
●casion
to
diminish
the
Cities
Liberties
,
we
find
th●
here
wrongfully
making
a
pretence
;
for
upon
due
E●amination
afterwards
made
,
the
former
Judgment
〈◊〉
found
good
and
true
.
In
the
32th
year
Queen
〈◊〉
Wharf
was
Farm'd
by
the
Commonalty
of
the
City
〈◊〉
50
l.
yearly
,
and
committed
to
the
Sheriffs
charge
.
But
〈◊〉
Fabian's
time
the
Profits
were
so
diminished
,
that
〈◊〉
was
worth
but
little
more
than
20
Marks
one
ye●
with
another
.
That
sublunary
things
ebb
and
flow
,
〈◊〉
no
strange
thing
to
be
wondered
at
,
it
is
so
common
〈◊〉
observation
.
Though
the
Citizens
this
year
enjoy
〈◊〉
their
Liberties
without
interruption
,
the
former
preten●
proving
vain
and
frivolous
,
and
falsly
grounded
,
yet
〈◊〉
King
is
said
to
have
been
grieved
and
displeas'd
wi●●
them
,
for
that
they
would
not
at
his
request
exchang
the
Liberties
granted
aforetime
to
them
by
the
King
〈◊〉
Middlesex
,
for
others
to
be
had
in
other
places
.
〈◊〉
these
Liberties
were
on
either
hand
,
I
have
not
found
.
〈◊〉
may
be
they
had
a
suspicion
they
might
be
trappan'd
,
〈◊〉
so
be
lo●ers
by
the
change
.
They
were
excellent
good
,
〈◊〉
seems
,
at
hold-fast
,
and
did
not
like
Childrens
play
,
gi●●
and
take
.
Though
some
body
should
have
come
,
〈◊〉
promis'd
them
in
the
King's
Name
,
that
they
should
ha●●
such
and
such
Priviledges
in
exchange
,
and
be
gre●●
gainers
by
the
Bargain
;
yet
how
could
they
tell
he
〈◊〉
sufficient
Authority
from
His
Majesty
to
make
so
larg●
a
Promise
?
Where
were
his
Credentials
?
I
read
of
〈◊〉
produced
.
Therefore
in
my
opinion
they
had
but
〈◊〉
great
reason
to
suspect
to
have
had
the
Dy
put
upo●
them
,
should
they
have
parted
with
present
Priviledg●●
in
hopes
of
future
Graces
.
A
Bird
in
the
hand
is
commonly
reputed
worth
two
in
the
bush
:
But
when
th●
Bird
is
carelesly
let
slip
,
and
flown
,
who
is
that
skilf●●
Fowler
,
that
can
be
sure
of
catching
a
better
,
or
perhaps
any
at
all
?
In
the
34th
year
Simon
Fitz
Marr
,
Alderman
of
London
,
for
his
disobedience
&
evil
Counsel
given
to
the
above-named
Widdow
,
with
other
secret
labour
and
matters
by
him
intended
to
the
City's
hurt
,
was
discharg'd
of
his
Aldermanship
,
and
put
out
of
the
Council
of
the
City
.
It
behov'd
them
to
turn
out
of
their
Society
such
a
one
,
who
,
in
contradiction
to
their
former
order
,
had
once
before
procur'd
the
King's
Command
to
make
them
break
it
,
and
had
given
such
Advice
against
them
,
that
their
Liberties
were
seized
on
,
and
their
own
City
Officers
for
a
time
discarded
,
for
no
other
than
a
pretended
Crime
wrongfully
laid
to
their
charge
.
Such
false
Friends
and
secret
Enemies
are
most
carefully
to
be
watched
against
,
as
alwaies
dangerous
,
too
too
oft
destructive
to
humane
Societies
.
In
the
36th
year
was
granted
by
the
King
,
that
an
yearly
Allowance
should
be
made
of
7
l.
for
certain
Priviledges
or
Ground
belonging
to
Paul's
Church
,
which
Fabian
tells
us
continued
also
to
be
allowed
in
his
days
by
the
Barons
of
the
Exchequer
to
every
She●iff
,
when
they
make
their
Accounts
.
This
same
year
was
also
granted
,
for
the
Citizens
more
●ase
,
that
where●s
before
they
us'd
yearly
to
present
their
Mayor
to
the
King
,
in
whatsoever
place
he
was
in
England
,
that
hence●orth
they
should
,
for
lack
of
the
King's
presence
at
Westminster
,
present
the
Mayor
,
when
Chosen
,
to
the
Ba●ons
of
his
Exchequer
,
there
to
be
sworn
and
admitted
,
as
before-times
he
was
before
the
King
.
Joh.
Toleson
Mayor
,
Will
.
Durham
,
Tho.
Wymborn
then
Sheriffs
.
In
the
37th
●ear
was
granted
,
That
no
Citizen
should
pay
Scavage
●that
is
,
Shewage
)
or
Toll
for
any
Beasts
by
them
●rought
,
as
they
before-time
had
.
The
swelling
of
Thames
this
year
drowned
many
houses
about
the
wa●er
side
,
to
the
damage
of
much
Merchandise
.
Thames
is
one
of
the
best
friends
the
City
has
,
by
whose
means
their
Riches
grow
and
increase
,
by
importing
and
exporting
her
Citizens
Wares
.
'T
is
also
a
fast
friend
even
in
adversity
,
which
the
power
and
malice
of
her
Enemies
have
never
yet
depriv'd
her
of
,
and
yet
you
here
find
that
she
sometimes
receives
damage
even
from
so
good
a
friend
.
If
the
best
friends
may
sometimes
accidentally
injure
us
,
what
would
our
Enemies
do
,
were
their
power
as
large
as
their
malice
?
For
these
two
last
years
past
,
you
may
here
perceive
the
favour
K.
Henry
openly
shew'd
to
the
City
,
by
the
beneficial
Grants
he
made
her
Citizens
.
Yet
in
the
38th
that
Tyde
is
turn'd
by
procurement
of
Rich.
Earl
of
Cornwall
,
the
King's
Brother
,
for
displeasure
he
bare
to
the
City
,
for
exchange
of
certain
Ground
to
the
same
belonging
:
So
that
the
King
,
under
colour
that
the
Mayor
had
not
done
due
Execution
upon
the
Bakers
,
for
default
in
their
Sizes
,
seized
the
Liberties
of
the
City
.
The
offence
pretended
in
the
25th
year
,
was
,
that
the
Mayor
had
received
a
certain
Sum
of
Money
of
Bakers
,
Brewers
,
and
other
Victuallers
,
which
his
Predecessors
also
had
done
before
him
.
In
this
38th
year
here
is
another
pretence
found
out
.
What
an
easie
matter
is
it
,
for
such
to
pretend
faults
,
who
must
not
be
contradicted
,
or
at
least
not
without
a
great
deal
of
caution
and
circumspection
?
The
manner
of
this
Seizure
,
according
to
the
Author
,
is
thus
to
be
understood
,
That
whereas
the
Mayor
and
Commonalty
of
the
City
had
by
the
King's
Grant
,
the
City
to
Farm
,
with
divers
Customs
and
Offices
,
for
a
stinted
ascertained
Sum
,
the
King
at
this
time
set
in
Officers
at
his
pleasure
,
which
were
accountable
to
him
for
all
Revenues
and
Profits
accruing
and
arising
within
the
City
.
But
about
the
19th
of
Novemb.
the
Citizens
having
agreed
with
the
foresaid
Earl
for
600
Marks
,
they
were
soon
after
restor'd
unto
their
Liberties
.
Oh
the
powerful
commanding
force
of
Money
,
that
can
so
often
make
enemies
friends
,
and
friends
enemies
!
The
Mayor
this
year
,
Rich.
Hardell
,
being
sent
for
,
with
the
Sheriffs
,
by
the
King
,
newly
come
to
London
,
and
lodg'd
in
the
Tower
,
fared
better
in
this
year's
Mayoralty
,
than
he
did
within
some
few
years
after
,
wherein
he
continued
Mayor
.
For
being
taxt
by
the
King
for
the
escape
of
one
,
that
had
slain
a
Prior
related
to
the
King
,
he
put
off
the
charge
of
this
matter
from
himself
to
the
Sheriffs
,
for
so
much
as
to
them
belong'd
the
keeping
of
the
City-Prisons
.
Whereupon
he
returned
home
,
and
the
Sheriffs
,
Rob.
Belyngton
,
and
Ralph
Aschewye
were
detain'd
for
a
space
P●isoners
,
and
others
chosen
in
their
places
;
but
how
they
got
off
my
Author
sets
not
down
.
In
the
39th
year
Edw.
the
King's
Son's
Wife
was
honourably
received
at
London
by
the
Citizens
,
and
the
City
adorn'd
with
rich
Cloaths
for
the
more
state
.
Yet
notwithstanding
all
this
Respect
,
it
was
not
long
before
the
King
seiz'd
their
Liberties
anew
for
certain
Money
,
which
the
Q.
claim'd
for
her
right
of
them
.
So
that
about
Martins-tyde
they
were
in
a
manner
necessitated
to
give
her
400
Marks
,
before
their
Liberties
were
restor'd
them
,
and
the
King's
Under-Treasurer
discharg'd
,
who
for
the
time
was
made
Custos
or
Keeper
of
the
City
.
What
,
had
she
no
other
way
to
recover
her
Money
,
if
it
was
due
,
but
the
Cities
Liberties
must
presently
be
seized
on
?
The
King's
Brother
had
got
well
the
last
year
,
by
falling
out
with
the
City
,
and
getting
their
Liberties
seiz'd
.
Was
it
not
then
,
do
ye
think
,
cunningly
done
of
the
Queen
,
to
try
the
same
trick
over
again
?
'T
was
,
it
seems
,
too
gainful
a
project
,
to
suffer
it
quietly
to
lye
still
without
further
prosecution
,
before
it
grew
too
stale
.
Though
the
Citizens
and
their
Franchises
were
thus
carpt
at
by
Court-Favourites
,
yet
we
find
them
still
continuing
their
won●ed
respect
to
the
King
and
Queen
,
when
they
came
to
London
,
where
they
were
honourably
received
this
very
same
year
,
and
so
convey'd
to
Westminster
.
When
the
Citizens
had
to
do
with
the
Court
,
and
the
King
was
pleased
to
interest
himself
in
the
affair
,
History
tells
〈◊〉
that
they
were
more
than
once
compelled
to
draw
the●
purses
for
Peace
sake
and
Reconciliation
,
but
when
they
had
their
other
fellow
Subjects
to
deal
with
,
they
proved
Matches
hard
enough
;
as
particularly
in
their
sui●
with
the
Abbot
of
Waltham
,
which
was
at
last
accorded
in
the
40th
year
to
their
own
advantage
.
Come
we
now
to
the
41th
year
,
a
year
not
lightly
to
be
forgotten
by
the
worthy
Citizens
,
and
such
a●
bear
any
respect
to
this
honourable
City
,
by
reason
o●
the
many
troubles
that
the
Heads
thereof
underwent
a●
this
time
,
through
the
power
and
malice
of
some
ill
disposed
Persons
,
who
bore
no
Good
will
to
this
ancien●
foundation
.
Hitherto
we
have
met
with
but
light
Skirmishes
,
a
few
trivial
matters
,
in
comparison
of
wha●
you
shall
here
find
related
out
of
Fabian
,
to
have
happened
in
the
Mayoralty
of
Richard
Hardell
,
and
Shrievalties
of
Rich.
Ewell
and
William
Ashwey
.
A.
C.
1257
▪
The
Relation
is
as
followeth
,
almost
word
by
word
.
In
this
41th
year
,
and
beginning
of
the
same
,
wa●
found
in
the
Kings
Wardrobe
at
Windsor
,
a
Bill
or
Rol●
closed
in
green
Wax
,
and
not
known
from
whence
it
should
come
,
in
which
was
contained
divers
Articles
against
the
Mayor
and
Rulers
of
the
City
,
and
that
by
them
the
Commonalty
of
the
City
was
grievously
taxed
and
wronged
,
which
Bill
was
presented
at
length
to
the
King
.
Whereupon
he
sent
John
Mansel
,
one
of
his
Justices
,
unto
London
,
where
,
on
St.
Paul's
day
,
by
th●
Kings
Authority
,
he
called
a
Folk-moot
,
or
Common-Hall
,
at
Pauls-Cross
,
there
being
present
Richard
d●
Clare
,
Earl
of
Gloucester
,
and
divers
others
of
the
King●
Council
.
Whereupon
the
said
John
Mansel
caused
the
said
Roll
to
be
read
before
the
Commonalty
,
and
afte●
shewed
to
the
People
,
that
the
Kings
pleasure
and
mind
was
,
that
they
should
be
ruled
with
Justice
,
and
tha●
the
Liberties
of
the
City
should
be
maintained
in
every
point
;
and
if
the
King
might
know
those
Persons
that
so
had
wronged
the
Commonalty
,
they
should
be
grievously
punished
to
others
example
.
That
done
,
John
Mansel
charged
the
Mayor
,
that
every
Alderman
in
his
Ward
should
,
upon
the
morrow
following
,
assemble
his
Wardmoots
,
and
that
all
those
Wardmoots
should
assemble
in
one
place
,
and
choose
of
themselves
36
Persons
,
without
any
Counsel
or
advice
of
any
of
their
Aldermen
,
and
present
them
before
the
Lords
and
him
at
the
same
hour
the
next
day
,
in
the
Bishops
Pallace
at
Pauls
.
Upon
the
morrow
all
was
done
according
to
his
Command
.
When
the
said
36
Persons
were
presented
before
the
said
John
Mansel
,
Henry
Baa
,
Justices
,
and
others
,
he
said
unto
them
,
that
they
upon
their
Oaths
should
certifie
all
such
persons
as
they
knew
guilty
in
the
Articles
before
shewed
to
the
Commonalty
.
Whereupon
the
36
answered
,
that
it
was
contrary
to
●heir
Liberties
to
be
sworn
so
many
,
for
any
matter
of
Trespass
between
the
King
and
any
of
his
Citizens
.
Wherefore
they
required
a
sparing
;
with
which
answer
John
Mansel
being
discontented
,
warned
them
to
appear
before
the
Kings
Council
at
Guild-hall
upon
the
morrow
following
,
where
they
kept
their
day
.
Thither
●ame
the
said
Justices
,
John
Mansell
and
Hen.
Baa
,
Sir
Hen.
Wengham
,
Chancellour
of
England
,
Philip
Lovel
,
Under
treasurer
,
and
divers
others
of
the
Kings
Council
.
Then
the
said
John
Mansell
exhorted
the
said
Persons
●o
be
sworn
by
many
means
,
as
he
the
other
day
had
●one
;
but
all
was
in
vain
:
For
they
excused
themselves
,
●at
it
was
contrary
to
their
Oath
and
Liberty
of
their
City
.
Wherefore
the
Kings
Council
departed
from
the
Hall
in
part
discontented
,
and
shewed
to
the
King
the
●id
Citizens
demeanour
.
Upon
Candlemas
Eve
the
Mayor
being
warned
that
the
King
would
come
to
Westminster
,
he
,
with
the
more
part
of
the
Aldermen
,
●ode
to
Knightsbridge
,
and
tarried
there
to
salute
the
King
,
and
know
his
further
pleasure
.
But
when
th●
King
came
near
that
place
,
and
heard
of
their
bein●
there
,
he
sent
to
them
an
Esquire
of
the
Houshold
,
an●
charged
them
that
they
should
not
presume
to
come
i●
to
his
sight
;
with
which
message
they
being
great●●
discomforted
,
returned
home
to
the
City
.
Afterward●
in
the
Octaves
of
the
Purification
,
Michael
Tony
an●
Adam
Basynge
returned
from
Court
,
who
before
we●●
sent
by
the
Mayor
to
such
Friends
as
they
had
in
th●
Court
,
to
know
the
cause
of
the
Kings
high
displeasur●
and
brought
word
back
,
that
the
King
was
well
minded
towards
the
City
,
but
he
was
in
full
purpose
to
hav●
such
persons
chastized
,
that
had
oppressed
the
Commo●alty
of
the
same
.
Upon
the
morrow
following
came
u●
to
the
Guild
Hall
John
Mansell
,
with
others
of
th●
Kings
Council
,
who
,
to
the
People
there
assemble●
shewed
many
fair
and
pleasant
words
.
Amongst
whic●
he
declared
,
that
the
Kings
Mind
and
Will
was
,
to
co●rect
all
such
persons
,
as
had
oppressed
the
Commonalty
of
that
his
dearest
beloved
City
,
and
asked
of
the
Co●mons
whether
they
would
be
agreeable
to
the
sam●
▪
The
which
,
incontinently
,
many
such
as
knew
litt●●
what
the
matter
meant
,
cried
without
discretion
,
Ye●
▪
Yea
,
Yea
,
nothing
regarding
the
Liberty
of
the
City
After
the
grant
thus
had
of
the
Commons
,
the
said
Jo●●
Mansell
discharged
the
Mayor
,
Sheriffs
,
and
Chambe●lain
of
their
Offices
,
and
delivered
the
Custody
thereunto
the
Constable
of
the
Tower
,
and
put
in
the
roo●
of
the
Sheriffs
Michael
Tony
,
and
John
Audrian
.
A●
over
that
all
Rolls
of
Tolls
and
Tallages
,
before
mad●
were
delivered
unto
the
said
John
Mansel
,
which
〈◊〉
there
sealed
,
and
redelivered
to
the
Chamberlain
.
Wh●●
the
Commons
had
beheld
all
this
business
,
they
return●●
unto
their
Houses
all
confused
.
Do
we
wonder
at
the
Commons
readiness
in
this
afair
,
that
they
,
who
usually
have
been
such
brisk
assert●
of
their
Liberties
,
should
now
be
the
occasional
cause
of
bringing
them
into
danger
?
We
may
suppose
that
this
was
no
proper
Common-Hall
,
but
rather
called
by
an
order
from
Court
,
and
filled
with
the
populace
;
for
in
those
days
I
do
not
find
there
was
any
express
Act
made
by
King
,
Lords
and
Commons
,
in
being
,
to
forbid
the
Council
Table
from
intermeddling
in
Civil
Causes
,
and
determining
of
the
Subjects
Liberties
,
or
so
to
regulate
its
Jurisdiction
,
Power
,
and
Authority
,
as
to
leave
such
matters
to
be
tried
and
determined
in
the
ordinary
Courts
of
Justice
,
and
by
the
ordinary
course
of
Law
.
Or
else
we
conclude
the
Restriction
of
the
Common-Hall
to
the
Livery-Men
was
not
then
in
use
;
so
that
the
Rabble
being
intermixt
,
it
might
be
no
hard
matter
to
get
a
●ry
raised
by
some
of
them
in
favour
of
the
proceedings
●hen
on
foot
.
The
Mobile
being
as
liable
to
be
wrought
●pon
by
fear
,
or
fair
promises
,
as
the
great
and
rich
to
be
corrupted
by
the
hopes
of
Honours
and
Preferments
,
●nd
the
favour
of
more
potent
Grandees
;
while
as
the
●iddle
sort
of
People
,
like
the
golden
mean
between
●wo
Extreams
,
are
not
generally
so
capable
of
being
●rawn
aside
after
the
lure
,
being
too
many
to
be
brib'd
,
●nd
not
few
enough
to
be
frighted
;
not
so
high
and
wealthy
as
to
aspire
after
greater
Grandeur
,
nor
so
low
,
●ean
and
despicable
,
as
to
be
imposed
upon
by
the
empty
●ames
of
Greatness
and
Honour
without
Virtue
,
sprung
●p
at
first
from
Vice
,
and
nourished
by
and
amidst
re●eated
Debaucheries
.
This
matter
thus
ordered
,
John
Mansell
,
with
divers
●f
the
Kings
Council
,
kept
their
Courts
daily
(
the
Sun●ays
except
)
till
the
1st
Sunday
of
Lent
,
which
that
yea●●as
Jan.
25.
calling
before
him
12
Wards
of
the
Ci●y
;
out
of
every
of
which
Wards
were
taken
3
men
,
●o
that
36
men
were
impannelled
,
and
sworn
,
to
enquire
●f
the
aforesaid
Articles
,
and
what
Persons
of
the
City
●ad
offended
in
them
.
This
Court
being
thus
kept
and
holden
at
Guild-Hall
,
no
man
was
called
to
answer
,
nor
no
question
put
to
any
Person
by
the
said
Inquest
,
or
any
other
.
Upon
the
foresaid
1st
Sunday
of
Lent
,
the
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
Sheriffs
,
with
the
forementioned
Inquest
,
and
4
men
of
every
Ward
were
charged
to
appear
at
Westminster
before
the
King
,
at
which
appearance
they
were
countermanded
till
the
next
morning
.
At
which
season
coming
into
the
Kings
Exchequer
,
they
found
sitting
there
the
Earls
of
Glocester
and
Warwick
,
Joh.
Mansell
,
Hen.
Baa
,
Justices
,
the
Constable
of
the
Tower
,
the
Custos
of
the
City
and
divers
others
of
the
Kings
Council
.
Then
was
called
by
name
Ralph
(
Richard
)
Hardell
,
that
year
Mayor
,
Nicholas
Batts
,
Nicholas
Fiz
Josne
,
Mathew
Bockerel
,
John
Tolesham
,
and
John
〈◊〉
Minoure
,
Aldermen
.
Then
John
Mansell
said
,
that
the
King
by
his
Laws
and
Inquisition
of
the
Citizens
,
had
found
them
culpable
,
that
they
had
wronged
and
hurt
the
Commonalty
of
his
City
by
divers
means
,
as
by
the
sai●
Inquisition
appeared
,
and
forthwith
caused
it
to
be
read
before
them
.
When
the
more
part
thereof
was
read
,
he
said
unto
them
,
Thus
may
you
see
that
the
Commonalty
of
the
City
hath
been
by
you
grievously
oppressed
and
by
your
means
and
Counsel
the
Commonwealth
〈◊〉
the
same
destroyed
,
as
by
altering
of
the
Tolls
,
and
othe●
good
ancient
Customs
,
turning
them
to
your
singular
advantage
and
lucre
All
which
matters
the
said
Ralp●
(
Richard
)
and
his
Company
denied
,
and
that
the
Commons
were
not
grieved
or
hurt
by
them
,
or
any
of
them
by
any
such
means
,
and
offered
to
be
justified
and
judged
by
the
Law
and
Customs
of
the
City
.
Then
He●●●
Baa
,
Justice
,
asked
of
them
,
whether
they
would
abi●●
the
adventure
of
the
Inquiry
that
they
had
heard
re●●
before
,
〈◊〉
stand
upon
the
saying
of
the
other
Ward
that
yet
had
not
be●n
sworn
,
but
they
kept
to
their
〈◊〉
Answer
.
There
John
Mansell
asked
of
the
Mayor
,
wh●●
was
their
Law
and
Custom
.
The
Mayor
answered
〈◊〉
said
,
that
for
trespass
of
a
Citizen
done
against
the
King
,
he
should
defend
himself
by
12
Citizens
,
for
Murder
or
slaying
of
a
man
,
by
30
Citizens
,
and
for
trespass
against
a
stranger
by
the
Oath
of
six
and
himself
.
Then
after
many
reasons
made
by
the
said
John
Mansell
,
and
also
by
the
Mayor
and
Aldermen
,
day
was
given
them
to
appear
the
morrow
before
the
King
and
his
Councel
.
Upon
the
day
following
,
the
King
,
with
many
of
his
Lords
sitting
in
the
Exchequer
,
the
aforesaid
Inquisition
was
read
.
That
done
,
the
Mayor
and
Aldermen
were
called
in
by
name
,
and
two
Aldermen
more
,
which
before
were
not
called
,
viz.
Arn●ld
Thedmare
,
and
Henry
Waldmode
.
When
Ralph
(
Richard
)
Hard●ll
had
heard
●he
King
speak
in
the
matter
,
he
took
such
fear
,
that
he
●nd
Nicholas
Batt
,
without
further
Answer
,
put
them●elves
in
the
King's
grace
,
saved
to
them
their
Li●erties
and
Franchises
of
the
City
.
But
the
other
six
●esought
the
King
of
his
wisdom
,
that
they
might
be
●●dged
after
the
Laws
and
Customs
of
the
City
.
Then
was
laid
to
their
charge
,
that
over
many
wrongs
by
●hem
done
to
the
King
and
the
Commonalty
of
the
Ci●y
,
they
had
alter'd
the
King's
Beam
,
and
order'd
it
to
●e
advantage
of
themselves
,
and
other
rich
men
of
the
City
.
Whereupon
the
Parties
answered
and
said
,
That
●e
alteration
of
the
Beam
was
not
done
by
them
only
,
but
〈◊〉
the
advice
and
consent
of
500
of
the
best
of
the
City
.
●or
where
before-time
the
Weigher
used
to
lean
his
●raught
toward
the
Merchandise
,
so
that
the
buyer
had
●y
that
means
10
or
12
pounds
in
a
draught
to
his
ad●antage
,
and
the
seller
so
much
disadvantage
;
now
for
●●differency
and
equality
of
both
persons
,
it
was
or●ain'd
that
the
Beam
should
stand
upright
,
the
cleft
●ereof
inclining
to
neither
party
,
as
in
weighing
of
●old
and
Silver
,
and
the
buyer
to
have
allowed
of
the
〈◊〉
,
for
all
things
four
pounds
only
in
every
draught
.
●fter
these
Reasons
,
and
others
by
them
made
,
the
King
commanded
that
upon
the
morning
following
,
a
Folk-moot
should
be
called
at
Paul's
Cross
,
and
so
that
Court
was
dissolved
,
and
the
Mayor
and
the
others
returned
to
London
.
Upon
the
morrow
the
Folk-moot
being
at
Paul's
Cross
Assembled
,
these
six
.
Aldermen
hearing
the
murmuring
of
the
common
people
,
and
knowing
that
the
Aldermen
,
or
Worshipful
of
the
City
should
have
little
or
no
saying
in
this
matter
,
and
fearing
their
Cause
,
they
went
into
a
Canon's
house
of
St.
Paul's
,
where
at
that
time
John
Mansell
and
others
sent
from
the
King
,
tarryed
the
Assembling
of
the
People
,
and
shewed
them
,
that
they
intended
not
any
longer
to
plead
with
the
K.
but
were
contented
to
put
themselves
fully
in
the
King's
grace
and
mercy
,
saving
alwaies
to
themselves
and
all
other
Citizens
their
Liberty
and
Franchise
of
the
City
.
After
which
Agreement
John
Mansell
with
the
others
,
came
into
the
Court
of
Folk-moot
,
whereunto
the
people
was
rehearsed
a
fair
and
pleasant
Tale
,
promising
to
them
,
that
their
Liberties
should
be
wholly
and
inviolably
preserved
by
the
King
,
with
many
other
things
,
to
the
great
comfort
of
the
common
people
.
And
lastly
,
it
was
asked
of
them
whether
the
Law
and
Custom
were
such
as
is
above
rehearsed
,
or
no
;
whereunto
,
like
undiscreet
and
unlearned
people
,
they
answered
and
eryed
,
Nay
,
nay
,
nay
,
notwithstanding
that
the
said
Law
and
Custom
had
before-time
been
used
time
out
of
mind
.
To
this
was
neither
Mayor
nor
Aldermen
,
nor
other
of
the
great
of
the
City
,
that
might
impugn
or
make
any
reason
for
upholding
their
antient
Laws
or
Customs
.
And
no
wonder
(
continues
my
Author
Fabian
)
though
the
King
were
thus
heady
or
grievous
to
the
City
;
for
by
such
evil
disposed
and
malicious
people
,
as
he
had
about
him
,
the
Land
was
ill
ruled
,
and
much
mischief
was
used
,
whereof
ensued
much
sorrow
after
.
Then
John
Mansell
called
the
Mayor
and
Aldermen
before
him
,
and
charged
them
to
be
at
Westminster
the
morrow
following
,
to
give
attendance
upon
the
King
.
Upon
the
morrow
the
Mayor
and
Aldermen
tarrying
the
King's
coming
in
the
great
Hall
at
Westminster
,
the
King
came
into
St.
Stephen's
Chappel
,
where
for
a
season
he
had
a
Council
with
his
Lords
,
&
after
went
into
the
Exchequer-Chamber
,
and
there
sate
him
down
and
his
Lords
about
him
.
Anon
after
the
Mayor
and
Aldermen
were
called
into
the
said
Chamber
,
and
soon
after
called
by
name
,
and
commanded
to
stand
near
the
Bar.
Then
Henry
Baa
Justice
,
said
unto
the
Mayor
and
7
Aldermen
,
That
for
so
much
as
by
form
of
the
King's
Laws
,
they
were
found
culpable
in
certain
Articles
,
touching
transgression
against
the
King
,
therefore
the
Court
awarded
,
that
they
should
make
fine
and
ransom
after
the
discretion
of
the
said
Court
.
But
for
that
they
had
put
themselves
in
the
King's
grace
and
mercy
,
the
King
hath
commanded
the
Fine
to
be
put
in
respite
,
that
ye
be
not
pained
so
grievously
,
as
ye
have
deserved
.
After
which
Judgment
g●ven
they
kneeled
down
,
and
then
the
Mayor
,
with
weeping
Tears
,
thanked
the
King
for
the
bounty
and
goodness
,
and
besought
him
to
be
a
good
and
gracious
Lord
to
the
City
,
and
unto
them
as
his
faithful
Subjects
:
Whereunto
the
King
made
no
Answer
,
but
rose
straight
up
,
and
so
went
his
way
,
leaving
them
there
.
Anon
as
the
King
was
departed
,
they
were
all
arrested
and
kept
there
till
they
had
found
Surety
,
and
every
Alderman
of
them
discharg'd
of
his
Ward
and
Office
,
that
they
had
within
the
City
.
But
shortly
after
they
put
in
Sureties
,
and
so
returned
heavily
to
London
.
Shortly
after
was
William
Fitz
Richard
by
the
K.
Commandment
made
Mayor
,
&
Thomas
Fitz
Thomas
and
William
Grapsysgate
Sheriffs
.
After
this
,
day
by
day
the
Chamberlain
was
call'd
to
Account
before
John
Mansell
of
all
such
Tolls
,
as
were
gathered
in
the
time
of
the
Mayoralty
of
John
T●lesha●
,
and
Ralph
(
Richard
)
Hardell
,
there
being
present
to
hear
the
said
Account
divers
of
the
Commonalty
of
the
City
,
but
none
o●
the
Heads
.
By
which
Account
no
default
might
be
laid
to
any
of
the
forenamed
persons
convict
before
the
King
.
By
reason
whereof
divers
of
them
were
admitted
to
the
King's
favour
shortly
after
,
and
restor'd
to
their
Offic●s
again
,
but
not
without
paying
of
money
,
whereof
the
certain●y
is
not
known
,
saith
my
Author
.
What
a
broil
was
here
?
What
endeavours
us'd
to
find
faults
,
to
set
the
King
at
difference
with
his
Loyal
Citizens
,
and
keep
them
from
Reconciliation
?
A
Bedroll
of
Crimes
and
Ostences
devised
,
made
and
formed
,
and
none
to
own
it
,
l●st
they
themselves
should
at
la●●
be
punish'd
for
those
wrong
Accus●tions
,
which
they
had
laid
to
other
mens
charges
,
and
could
not
we●
prove
.
What
was
this
but
to
make
divisions
betwee●
the
Commons
and
their
Head
Rulers
?
To
pretend
t●
oblige
the
one
,
and
depress
the
other
?
Divide
an●
Reign
was
a
Maxim
put
in
use
before
ever
Machiav●●
was
in
being
.
What
pray
now
was
all
this
for
Was
it
not
to
weaken
the
City's
Power
?
To
mak●
the
Rich
appear
Offenders
,
and
then
seem
to
lay
obl●gations
upon
them
,
by
pardoning
what
they
were
n●ver
real●y
and
d●signedly
gui●ty
of
?
Or
else
to
〈◊〉
Money
out
of
their
hands
,
and
yet
persuade
people
that
they
were
favourably
deal●
with
?
You
may
he●●
see
their
actions
were
in
a
manner
wire-drawn
to
b●
made
offences
,
and
their
Accounts
s●●rcht
,
to
pick
〈◊〉
somewhat
to
lay
to
their
charge
.
And
yet
how
visibl●
were
all
the
tricks
and
devices
of
ill
men
frustrated
and
sappointed
the
very
sa●e
way
,
whereby
they
though
to
have
confirm'd
and
made
good
their
malicious
D●signs
;
when
,
after
all
their
searches
,
they
were
in
sort
compel●'d
to
approve
the
others
faultless
,
whol●●
doubtl●s●
〈◊〉
their
minds
,
wills
,
purposes
,
and
in●●ntions
?
How
hard
a
matter
had
it
been
for
the
a●cured
clearly
to
have
deseated
ill
mens
suggestions
,
〈◊〉
not
they
themselves
pav'd
them
the
way
,
by
searching
into
their
accounts
,
where
it
seems
no
faults
were
to
be
found
to
make
good
their
accusations
?
Let
those
transactions
be
brought
into
open
Court
,
which
before
were
wont
to
be
done
privately
,
and
then
all
the
present
Auditors
are
made
Judges
of
the
reasonableness
of
the
proceedings
.
Here
were
large
imputations
,
and
yet
the
accused
suffered
to
go
at
freedom
,
and
not
clapt
up
,
till
they
were
frightened
into
submission
.
What!
Could
they
get
none
to
swear
roundly
against
them
?
Never
an
outlandish
Evidence
,
for
love
nor
mony
,
for
fear
,
favour
,
nor
affection
,
&
then
clap
them
up
in
Prison
,
not
letting
them
see
the
faces
of
their
Accusers
?
Why
did
not
they
search
their
houses
,
seize
upon
their
Trunks
and
Boxes
,
and
so
rake
into
their
private
Writings
,
to
ferret
out
some
Crimes
out
of
them
;
or
else
,
in
defect
thereof
,
privily
foist
in
something
criminal
and
blameworthy
,
and
afterwards
openly
produce
it
,
and
with
full
cry
and
●oud
exclamations
,
impose
the
belief
thereof
on
their
credulous
Partizans
,
as
if
really
found
upon
them
?
We
need
not
stay
for
the
revolution
of
Plato's
year
,
expecting
former
Transactions
to
be
acted
over
again
.
Are
any
of
us
such
strangers
in
Jerusalem
,
as
not
to
know
the
things
which
have
come
to
pass
there
in
the
latter
days
?
As
the
Heads
of
the
City
in
this
Richard
Hard●ll's
Mayoralty
had
their
share
of
troubles
and
affl●ctions
,
as
hath
been
related
above
,
so
the
Commons
were
not
without
their
care
likewise
:
For
Wheat
is
said
this
year
●o
have
been
so
scarce
,
that
it
was
sold
at
London
at
24
●
.
●
Quarter
.
Scarcity
of
Corn
in
those
days
made
this
a
considerable
summ
.
D●arer
we
are
told
it
would
have
been
,
had
not
some
been
brought
out
of
another
Coun●ry
which
made
People
flock
to
the
City
,
because
't
was
●heaper
there
than
in
many
Shires
of
England
.
This
is
the
year
wherein
the
K.
kept
his
high
Court
●f
Parliament
at
Oxford
,
which
of
some
Writers
is
named
the
mad
Parliament
;
because
of
many
Acts
there
mad●
for
Reformation
of
the
State
,
the
prosecution
of
which
prov'd
in
event
the
death
and
destruction
of
many
Nob●●
Men
,
by
means
of
that
famed
strife
then
begun
,
an●
called
at
this
day
the
Barons
War
.
True
,
the
accidental
Consequences
proved
fatal
to
many
:
But
if
unfortunate
broils
give
to
any
Laws
the
denomination
of
evil
▪
I
know
not
but
in
time
some
may
grow
so
presumptuously
bold
,
as
upon
the
like
account
prophanely
to
bran●
even
the
Christian
Religion
,
which
we
have
been
assured
at
first
from
the
divine
Oracles
,
should
prove
th●
occasion
of
much
strife
in
the
world
,
and
the
Experience
of
these
latter
times
confirm
it
plain
enough
to
our
Understandings
.
Whether
the
forementioned
Parliamen●
justly
and
really
deserves
the
opprobrious
Title
,
th●●
some
have
given
it
,
I
shall
very
willingly
submit
to
the
Judgment
of
any
experienc'd
Reader
,
who
hath
throughly
perused
,
weighed
,
and
considered
the
Equity
,
Justice
,
and
reasonableness
of
the
English
Liberties
and
Priviledges
,
contained
in
the
grand
Charter
,
sealed
and
given
to
the
Nation
by
K.
John
,
Father
to
this
Hen.
3d
,
which
was
confirmed
in
this
very
same
Oxford
Parliament
,
according
to
Matthew
Paris
,
as
the
chief
thing
then
desired
and
insisted
on
by
the
Nobles
,
and
whereon
were
likewise
grounded
the
other
Acts
and
Ordinances
then
,
and
there
,
made
by
the
King
and
his
Lords
▪
For
that
the
King
,
his
Brethren
,
the
Noblemen
and
B●rons
,
took
their
Oaths
to
see
the
same
observed
,
I
appeal
to
Stow's
Annals
for
proof
.
That
these
Acts
might
be
kept
firm
and
stable
,
we
read
of
12
Peers
then
chosen
,
to
whom
Authority
was
given
,
to
correct
all
such
as
offended
in
breaking
of
these
Ordinances
and
others
,
by
the
said
Peers
to
be
devised
and
ordered
,
touching
and
concerning
the
same
matter
and
purpose
.
It
was
not
long
after
the
end
of
this
Parliament
,
before
strife
and
variance
began
to
kindle
between
the
King
and
the
Earls
of
Leicester
and
Glocester
,
by
reason
of
such
Officers
as
the
Earls
had
removed
,
and
put
others
in
their
room
.
Amongst
which
John
Mansell
(
of
whom
enough
is
mentioned
above
)
was
discharged
of
his
Office
,
and
Sir
Hugh
Bygot
admitted
for
him
.
Upon
occasion
of
this
difference
beginning
to
arise
between
the
King
and
his
Barons
,
we
meet
with
an
eminent
Instance
of
the
City's
Power
and
esteem
,
for
when
the
Peers
heard
of
the
murmur
at
Court
,
fearing
that
the
King
would
be
advised
to
alter
his
Promise
,
to
make
their
party
the
stronger
,
they
are
said
to
have
come
about
Maudlintide
to
the
Guild-Hall
at
London
,
where
the
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
Commonalty
of
the
City
were
assembled
,
to
whom
they
shewed
an
Instrument
or
Writing
,
(
at
which
hung
many
Labels
with
Seals
,
as
the
King's
Seal
,
Edward
his
Son's
Seal
,
with
many
others
of
the
Nobles
of
the
Land
.
)
wherein
were
contained
the
Articles
ordained
and
made
at
Oxford
,
willing
(
as
saith
the
Book
)
the
Mayor
and
Aldermen
,
(
considering
the
said
Acts
were
made
to
the
Honour
of
God
,
Fidelity
to
the
King
,
and
profit
of
the
Realm
,
)
that
they
would
also
in
upholding
of
the
same
set
their
common
Seal
of
the
City
thereto
.
After
this
Request
the
Mayor
and
Citizens
at
first
indeed
desired
to
be
excused
,
till
they
knew
the
Kings
Pleasure
;
but
no
excuse
at
that
time
being
to
be
granted
,
at
last
,
by
the
labour
of
the
Lords
,
and
such
solicitors
as
they
had
within
the
City
,
the
common
Seal
was
put
to
the
forementioned
Writing
,
and
the
Mayor
,
with
divers
of
the
City
,
sworn
to
maintain
the
same
,
their
Allegiance
saved
to
the
King
,
with
preservation
of
their
Liberties
and
Franchises
.
After
this
obtain'd
we
find
the
12
Peers
assembling
day
by
day
,
(
as
if
now
they
feared
no
colours
,
the
City
being
on
their
side
,
and
valued
no
ones
Threats
,
)
keeping
their
Councils
and
Courts
for
the
Reformation
of
old
grievances
,
removing
from
the
King
divers
of
his
Menial
Servants
,
and
setting
others
in
their
places
;
and
moreover
a
Proclamation
comes
forth
,
that
none
of
the
Kings
Takers
should
take
any
thing
within
the
City
without
the
owners
will
,
(
except
a
small
customary
matter
therein
excepted
)
upon
which
what
the
Kings
Officers
took
,
was
straight
paid
for
within
the
City
and
Liberty
of
the
same
,
and
so
continued
to
be
for
a
while
Can
any
one
then
desire
a
better
proof
of
the
City's
repute
in
those
days
?
Yet
within
few
years
following
we
shall
meet
with
more
Instances
of
her
power
in
the
History
.
In
the
42d
year
Sir
Hugh
Bygot
,
with
Rog●●
Turkelay
,
and
others
,
kept
his
Court
at
St.
Saviours
,
and
held
there
the
Itinerary
Pleas
,
to
the
sore
punishment
●●
many
convicted
offending
Officers
.
Though
this
Hugh
Bygot
was
put
in
by
the
Peers
to
reform
(
as
may
be
supposed
)
old
grievances
,
yet
power
seems
to
have
made
him
also
go
astray
,
or
else
corruption
,
or
to
collogu●
with
another
party
.
Whereof
the
City
in
General
wa●
like
to
have
tasted
deeply
,
could
he
have
had
his
Will
some
of
the
particular
Citizens
scaped
him
not
;
for
h●
summoned
the
Citizens
to
the
aforesaid
Court
,
for
Toll
taken
on
the
further
side
of
the
Water
:
And
though
it
was
answered
,
that
they
were
taken
lawfully
,
and
they
were
ready
to
prove
it
in
places
and
Court
convenien●
within
the
Precinct
of
their
Liberty
.
Yet
notwithstanding
he
charged
upon
Inquest
12
Knights
of
Surry
to
enquire
thereof
,
who
acquitted
the
Citizens
,
and
shewe●
that
the
said
Toll
belonged
to
them
of
Right
.
Afterwards
coming
to
Guild-Hall
,
he
kept
his
Court
an●
Pleas
there
,
(
according
to
my
Author
)
without
all
order
of
Law
,
and
contrary
to
the
Liberties
of
the
City
▪
infl●cting
new
punishments
on
the
Bakers
,
and
ordered
many
things
at
his
Will.
This
year
the
Citizens
had
opportunity
of
shewing
their
Respect
to
the
Kings
Brother
,
Ricbard
Earl
●●
Cornwall
,
coming
over
from
beyond
Sea
(
where
he
had
been
dealing
in
the
affairs
of
the
Empire
)
unto
London
,
where
he
was
joyfully
received
,
the
City
being
richly
hang'd
with
Silk
and
Arras
.
In
the
43d
year
John
Gysours
being
Mayor
,
and
John
Adrian
,
and
Robert
Cornhill
Sheriffs
,
Fryday
after
Simon
and
Jude's
day
we
hear
of
the
reading
in
the
Parliament
kept
at
Westminster
,
in
presence
of
all
the
Lords
and
Commonalty
,
at
sundry
times
,
of
all
the
Acts
and
Ordinances
made
at
Oxford
,
with
other
Articles
added
by
the
Peers
.
After
which
reading
we
find
all
those
very
solemnly
accursed
,
that
attempted
in
word
or
deed
to
break
the
said
Acts
,
or
any
of
them
.
The
Form
of
the
Curse
which
was
most
solemnly
denounced
against
the
Violaters
and
Infringers
of
Magna
Charta
,
is
to
be
seen
in
Matthew
of
Paris
;
and
this
here
intimated
was
in
probability
much
like
that
,
which
I
find
in
a
modern
Author
thus
Englished
.
BY
the
Authority
of
God
Omnipotent
,
of
the
Son
,
and
of
the
Holy
Gh●st
,
and
of
the
glorious
Mother
of
God
the
Virgin
Mary
,
and
of
the
bl●ssed
Apostles
Peter
and
Paul
,
and
of
all
other
Apostles
,
and
of
the
holy
Martyr
and
Archbishop
Thomas
,
and
of
all
the
Martyrs
,
and
of
the
blessed
Edward
,
King
of
England
,
and
of
all
Confessors
and
Virgins
,
and
of
all
the
Saints
of
God
:
We
excommunicate
,
and
Anathematize
,
and
sequester
from
our
●oly
Mother
the
Church
,
all
those
which
henceforth
knowingly
and
maliciously
shall
deprive
or
spoil
the
Church
of
her
right
;
and
all
those
that
shall
by
any
Art
or
Wit
rashly
violate
,
diminish
or
change
,
secretly
or
openly
,
in
deed
,
word
or
Counsel
,
by
crossi●g
in
part
or
in
whole
,
those
Ecclesiastical
Liberties
or
ancient
approved
Customs
of
the
Kingdom
,
especially
the
Liberties
and
free
Customs
which
are
contained
in
the
Charters
of
the
Common
Liberties
of
England
,
and
the
Forrests
granted
by
our
Lord
the
King
to
the
Archbishops
,
Bishops
,
Prelates
,
Earls
,
Barons
,
Knights
and
Freeholders
.
And
all
those
who
have
published
,
or
being
published
have
observed
any
Statutes
,
Ordinances
thing
against
them
,
or
any
thing
therein
contained
,
which
have
brought
in
any
Customs
to
the
contrary
,
or
〈◊〉
served
them
being
brought
in
,
and
all
Writers
of
such
O●dinances
,
or
Councils
,
or
Executioners
and
all
such
as
sh●
presume
to
judge
according
to
such
Ordinances
:
All
〈◊〉
every
such
Persons
as
are
,
or
at
any
time
shall
be
,
knowingly
guilty
of
any
such
matters
shall
,
ipso
facto
,
incur
th●
Sentence
:
&
such
as
are
ignorantly
guilty
shall
incur
the
sa●●
if
being
admonished
,
they
within
15
days
after
amend
〈◊〉
For
everlasting
memory
whereof
we
hereunto
put
our
Sea●
Thus
far
the
words
of
the
Curse
:
Nor
was
the
ma●ner
of
pronouncing
less
solemn
in
open
Parliament
.
〈◊〉
King
with
all
the
chief
Nobility
of
the
Realm
in
the
Robes
,
and
the
Bishops
in
their
Vestments
,
with
bu●●ing
Tapers
in
their
Hands
,
standing
to
hear
this
〈◊〉
read
,
and
immediately
as
soon
as
the
Charters
and
〈◊〉
were
read
,
and
signed
,
all
throwing
down
their
Tape●●
extinguished
,
and
smoaking
,
cry
out
,
So
let
all
〈◊〉
who
incur
this
Sentence
,
and
go
against
this
Curse
,
〈◊〉
extinct
,
and
have
no
better
savour
than
these
Snuffs
:
〈◊〉
then
the
King
,
having
stood
all
this
while
with
〈◊〉
hand
upon
his
Breast
,
said
with
a
loud
voice
,
So
〈◊〉
me
help
,
I
will
observe
all
these
things
sincerely
and
fait●fully
,
as
I
am
a
man
,
as
I
am
a
Christian
,
as
I
am
Knight
,
and
as
I
am
a
King
crowned
and
anointed
.
But
what
could
any
one
think
these
so
solemn
〈◊〉
would
avail
,
without
a
suitable
Power
and
strength
Arms
to
make
them
good
per
force
?
When
as
〈…〉
known
,
that
there
lived
in
those
days
a
Clergy-man
Rome
,
who
pretended
to
dispense
even
with
the
Almig●ty's
Laws
,
whose
Power
was
at
that
time
openly
pr●fessed
to
be
believed
sufficient
by
the
●●nerality
of
E●rope
,
to
absolve
all
manner
of
Oaths
and
Covenant●
and
from
whom
Dispensations
more
than
a
good
ma●
might
be
had
for
Money
.
The
confirmation
of
the
fo●mentioned
Acts
we
may
believe
well
paid
for
by
the
Parliament
:
For
we
read
of
a
Tax
called
Scutage
,
that
●s
,
40
s.
of
every
Knights
Fee
through
England
,
then
granted
to
the
King
,
which
extended
to
a
large
summ
of
Money
,
viz.
Six
score
Thousand
Pounds
or
more
▪
For
upon
occasion
of
this
large
Tax
,
I
find
the
number
of
the
Knights
Fees
in
England
,
at
those
days
in
posses●ion
of
Spiritualty
and
Temporalty
,
summ'd
up
by
my
Author
to
60000
l.
and
above
.
Upon
supposition
that
●he
Clergy
paid
nothing
,
it
is
said
that
the
Tax
would
●ot
have
amounted
over
the
summ
of
64000
l.
where●y
we
may
guess
what
a
deal
of
the
Land
,
even
almost
●ne
half
,
was
then
belonging
to
the
Clergy
.
Devotion
▪
as
the
times
went
then
)
brought
forth
Riches
,
and
the
Daughter
since
devoured
the
Mother
.
Nov.
the
6th
we
are
told
the
King
came
to
St.
Pauls
,
and
command●ng
a
Folk-moot
to
be
assembled
,
according
to
the
for●er
Ordinances
made
,
asked
license
of
the
Commonal●y
of
the
City
to
pass
the
Sea
,
and
promised
there
in
●resence
of
a
great
multitude
of
People
,
that
he
would
●e
a
good
and
gracious
Lord
unto
the
City
by
the
●outh
of
Sir
Hugh
Bygot
,
Chief-Justice
,
and
to
main●ain
their
Liberties
unhurt
;
whereupon
the
People
for
●y
made
an
exceeding
shout
.
Observe
here
the
turn
of
●hings
,
the
Courtiers
seem
to
have
sought
,
not
long
time
●●nce
to
oppress
the
Head
Rulers
of
the
City
,
by
a
Folk-●oot
of
the
Commons
:
Now
the
King
to
prevent
the
●ffect
of
ill
mens
advice
,
hath
bound
himself
to
ask
their
●ave
,
before
he
goes
out
of
the
Land
for
a
season
.
E're
while
the
Folk-moot
or
Common-Hall
was
abused
to
●●rve
for
a
property
,
to
destroy
their
own
Cities
Liber●●es
.
Now
the
conservation
of
the
whole
Nations
wel●●re
is
put
into
their
hands
.
What
greater
Evidence
can
●e
demanded
to
prove
this
Honourable
Cities
Power
●nd
Influence
,
than
to
find
the
Citizens
entrusted
by
●ing
,
Lords
and
Commons
,
with
so
high
a
charge
?
We
may
presume
the
Reason
of
entrusting
the
Commons
of
the
City
with
so
large
a
Grant
,
as
the
Kin●
could
not
pass
the
Sea
without
License
first
obtain'●
of
them
,
was
to
prevent
the
Evil
and
Mischief
,
th●●
might
happen
to
the
Land
by
advice
of
ill
Counsello●
who
might
be
persuading
the
King
at
every
turn
to
g●
out
of
the
Realm
,
he
having
also
Lands
beyond
the
〈◊〉
that
they
might
have
the
better
opportunity
to
〈◊〉
out
their
own
ends
,
though
to
the
Peoples
oppressio●
in
his
absence
.
What
trouble
,
affliction
and
oppressio●
the
land
suffered
,
under
this
Kings
Uncle
Richard
th●
first
's
Imprisonment
,
at
the
Hands
of
the
Kings
Office●●
who
rak'd
and
pill'd
what
they
could
of
Clergy
〈◊〉
Laity
,
on
pretence
of
raising
Money
for
the
Kings
R●demption
,
I
had
rather
send
the
Reader
back
to
pag.
to
satisfie
himself
,
where
I
have
related
somwhat
of
th●
charge
of
the
Kings
Ransom
,
than
stay
to
repeat
it
ov●●
again
.
A
fuller
description
the
curious
may
meet
wi●●
in
Neubrigensis
,
l.
4
cap.
35.
treating
particularly
ther●of
.
Some
I
believe
may
have
observed
in
these
unsettl●●
times
,
that
they
have
fared
much
better
,
and
more
e●sily
avoided
the
malitious
attempts
of
their
Fellow
Su●jects
,
who
have
liv'd
as
it
were
in
the
Sunshine
of
th●
Kings
pres●nce
,
than
such
,
who
being
many
scores
,
●●
may
be
Hundreds
of
Miles
distant
,
have
liv'd
(
so
●●
phrase
it
)
in
the
shadow
.
I
know
not
but
〈◊〉
●resence
of
the
head
Governour
〈◊〉
as
needful
always
〈…〉
,
as
is
the
General
in
〈◊〉
Army
.
Cert●in
enough
it
is
by
the
History
,
that
〈◊〉
this
Kin●
Henry
was
thus
absent
from
his
Kingdom
,
〈…〉
ways
in
France
,
that
Dissention
arose'●
Engla●d
,
between
the
Kings
Son
Edward
,
and
the
〈◊〉
of
Gloucest●r
,
which
might
have
immediately
broug●●
no
small
trouble
to
the
Land
,
had
not
there
been
gre●●
endeavours
used
to
prevent
it
,
wherein
this
Honourab●●
City
shew'd
much
of
her
care
and
vigilance
.
Wh●●
the
occasion
of
this
difference
was
I
have
not
yet
read
,
●ut
to
appease
it
I
find
a
Counsel
of
the
Lords
called
〈◊〉
Westminster
(
Fabian
gives
it
likewise
the
Title
of
a
Parliament
)
which
continued
Three
weeks
and
more
.
To
this
Council
came
the
Lords
with
great
companies
,
●articularly
the
two
contesting
Parties
,
intending
it
seems
〈◊〉
have
lodg'd
within
the
City
.
So
desirous
,
so
ambiti●us
of
pretending
to
London's
favour
,
that
such
seem
〈◊〉
have
thought
the
bare
lodging
therein
might
have
●dded
to
their
strength
.
But
upon
the
Mayors
consult●●g
with
such
,
as
the
King
had
left
Rulers
in
his
Ab●●nce
,
and
through
the
advice
of
the
King's
Brother
,
it
●as
concluded
that
neither
the
said
Edward
,
nor
the
said
●arl
should
come
into
the
City
there
to
lodge
,
nor
any
●●at
held
upon
either
side
.
And
further
it
was
provi●ed
,
that
all
within
the
City
,
of
the
Age
of
15
years
,
●nd
above
,
should
be
in
Arms
,
to
watch
and
keep
the
●ity
day
and
night
,
and
that
the
Gates
should
be
kept
●ut
by
day
,
and
certain
men
in
Arms
keep
every
Gate
〈◊〉
the
City
.
For
the
further
safeguard
of
the
City
,
and
〈◊〉
keeping
of
the
Peace
therein
,
the
aforementioned
●ulers
came
into
London
,
and
there
lodged
with
their
●ompanies
,
and
such
other
persons
as
they
assigned
to
●●rengthen
the
City
,
if
need
required
.
Do
people
〈◊〉
mathematical
Demonstration
?
Look
here
and
see
,
●hat
care's
taken
to
keep
the
City
safe
,
and
harmless
,
●nd
in
Peace
,
as
if
then
the
Land
must
needs
be
in
●uiet
too
:
Preserve
the
City
and
its
just
Liberties
,
and
●●en
the
Nations
Quietness
,
Peace
,
and
Safeguard
is
●●rongly
secured
.
Behold
here
the
Eyes
of
the
Nation
〈◊〉
upon
the
City
of
London
,
and
her
Actions
,
and
●here's
the
party
that
dare
strike
,
while
she
Guards
●●eps
and
preserves
the
Kings
Peace
,
while
he
is
●●eased
to
busie
himself
in
foreign
Countries
?
Such
as
●ill
not
believe
,
but
what
they
see
,
and
so
know
,
let
●●em
here
credit
their
own
Eyes
,
if
they
be
not
Popish
Transubstantiators
,
or
shut
them
to
keep
the
light
〈◊〉
After
the
King
was
returned
to
London
from
〈◊〉
the
Sea
,
by
his
order
,
many
of
their
lodgings
〈◊〉
altered
,
direction
was
taken
between
the
aforesaid
〈◊〉
testing
Parties
,
and
a
new
Assembly
of
Parliament
〈◊〉
signed
.
Anno
44.
William
Fitz
Richard
being
Mayor
,
〈◊〉
Browning
,
Richard
Coventre
,
Sheriffs
,
after
Candl●●●●
by
the
Kings
Command
,
a
Folk-Moot
was
called
〈◊〉
Pauls-Cross
,
whither
he
came
in
person
,
with
his
B●●ther
Richard
,
King
of
the
Romans
,
and
many
oth●●
Nobles
,
and
commanded
the
Mayor
,
that
every
str●●ling
of
12
Years
and
above
,
should
before
his
●●dermen
be
sworn
the
day
following
,
to
be
true
to
〈◊〉
King
,
and
his
Heirs
,
Kings
of
England
,
and
that
〈◊〉
Gates
of
the
City
should
be
kept
with
armed
Men
,
〈◊〉
before
was
determined
.
Not
long
after
this
we
〈◊〉
of
more
suspicions
of
a
breach
between
the
King
〈◊〉
his
Barons
,
which
in
few
years
broke
out
into
an
〈◊〉
War
.
What
did
all
this
swearing
then
avail
?
Those
amo●●●
the
Children
of
men
,
who
look
abroad
into
the
world
〈◊〉
take
notice
of
the
common
course
of
the
Generality
of
〈◊〉
living
,
or
are
much
conversant
with
the
Monuments
〈◊〉
the
dead
may
find
it
no
very
difficult
matter
to
obser●●
that
let
men
take
never
so
many
Oaths
,
make
never
so
●●ny
Covenants
,
Promises
,
and
Compacts
,
that
if
they
〈◊〉
come
to
have
Apprehensions
,
that
those
,
to
whom
th●
have
sworn
themselves
,
endeavour
to
make
use
of
th●
religious
Ties
,
and
Obligations
,
designed
at
first
〈◊〉
mutual
preservation
,
to
encroach
upon
their
Liber●●
deprive
them
of
their
Priviledges
,
their
Properti●●
their
Birth-rights
,
to
the
enslaving
of
them
and
th●
whole
Posterity
,
all
former
Subscriptions
,
Oaths
,
〈◊〉
Promises
,
Pacts
and
Covenants
,
will
scarce
avail
〈◊〉
with
the
most
.
But
if
Experience
should
chanc●
legitimate
their
doubts
and
Fears
by
the
others
actual
endeavours
in
the
open
face
of
the
World
,
it
is
rarely
seen
,
but
that
,
notwithstanding
past
transactions
,
they
will
make
the
greatest
opposition
,
they
can
,
against
the
others
arbitrary
pretences
:
And
so
all
former
religious
Bonds
are
snapt
asunder
like
Tow
burnt
by
the
Fire
.
They
who
imposed
Oaths
for
such
ill
intents
,
might
have
considered
,
if
they
pleased
,
that
many
in
such
cases
would
not
have
scrupled
at
all
to
have
broke
them
;
Or
if
any
of
the
more
devout
had
been
a
little
●●icer
,
they
could
not
doubtless
be
ignorant
in
those
days
,
what
Remedies
might
have
been
bought
for
Money
out
of
the
Popes
publick
Store-house
,
if
other
common
ways
of
Evasion
would
not
have
pass'd
currant
with
them
.
How
many
of
that
nature
have
●affed
up
and
down
in
the
World
,
it
may
not
be
unwor●hy
of
our
consideration
sometimes
to
revolve
in
our
minds
,
if
it
be
a
thing
feasible
to
bring
them
within
●hat
compass
.
True
indeed
,
(
quoth
the
subtile
Sophi●ter
)
I
have
sworn
Allegiance
,
but
a
latter
lesser
Tie
〈◊〉
invalid
,
when
a
greater
Obligation
lies
upon
me
.
True
,
an
Oath
lies
upon
me
;
but
here
's
my
Liberty
,
Life
and
Religion
lying
all
at
stake
.
I
was
born
free
,
what
can
dispense
with
me
to
deprive
me
of
my
Birth-●ight
?
Life
is
sweet
,
Self-preservation
is
near
and
●ear
to
me
,
by
the
Instinct
of
Nature
.
'T
is
natural
to
●reated
Beings
to
defend
their
Lives
against
such
as
●●ould
destroy
them
:
what
then
can
oblige
me
to
suf●er
my
Life
violently
to
be
taken
away
by
anothers
in●●ry
,
whenas
I
dare
not
deprive
my self
thereof
by
my
●wn
Endeavours
,
unless
I
will
run
into
so
foul
an
Of●●nce
,
so
unnatural
a
Fact
,
as
to
proclaim
my self
to
●●e
World
a
Self-Murtherer
,
and
so
force
my
Soul
to
●y
out
of
my
Body
,
before
I
know
't
is
my
Creator's
●ill
she
should
?
My
Religion
is
to
obey
God
above
,
●●d
before
Man
;
my
Soul
is
his
that
gave
it
me
,
and
where
's
the
Obligation
that
can
impower
me
justly
〈◊〉
give
away
that
which
is
not
my
own
to
bestow
?
〈◊〉
my
Religion
,
which
I
believe
is
according
to
the
La●
of
the
Almighty
,
stand
or
fall
at
another
mans
pleasure
Must
I
take
the
matter
,
manner
,
and
height
of
my
D●votions
from
the
imperious
dictates
of
another's
〈◊〉
and
that
too
upon
the
account
of
my
Oath
?
Must
destroy
my
Religion
in
effect
,
or
else
I
cannot
keep
in
shew
?
Besides
,
know
ye
not
that
my
Oath
was
co●ditional
?
Mutual
Bonds
make
mutual
Obligation
Service
was
vow'd
,
where
Protection
was
promised
an●
expected
.
Can
any
but
an
Idiot
be
supposed
to
swe●●
away
himself
to
be
destroyed
instead
of
being
defended
Must
I
still
pay
Obedience
upon
account
of
former
C●●venants
,
where
I
cannot
get
due
Protection
,
and
ha●●
but
little
encouragement
to
expect
it
,
though
it
was
〈◊〉
first
promised
,
since
that
now
thence
I
fear
utter
rui●●
and
infallible
destruction
instead
thereof
?
With
〈◊〉
Inventions
some
may
chance
to
be
full
,
and
it
may
〈◊〉
to
make
them
seem
more
authentick
,
they
can
produ●●
them
under
the
Printer's
Hand
.
'T
is
in
Print
,
an
A●gument
which
may
sometimes
weigh
much
with
〈◊〉
inconfiderate
,
inobserving
Persons
,
who
consider
〈◊〉
how
easie
,
how
usual
a
thing
it
is
to
print
Lies
,
as
〈◊〉
as
tell
them
.
Nay
,
to
make
the
deeper
impression
,
the
may
happen
to
proceed
so
far
,
as
to
shew
us
the
co●mon
custom
and
practice
of
many
Kings
and
Princ●
and
endeavour
to
qualifie
their
own
,
by
repeated
●●●stances
and
Examples
of
the
publick
Conscience
,
there
be
any
such
thing
in
nature
,
and
it
be
not
〈◊〉
one
of
the
fanciful
Notions
much
in
vogue
,
within
th●
few
years
,
among
some
high-flown
English
Clergy
〈◊〉
who
ambitiously
desir'd
to
glory
in
the
Title
(
forsoo●●
of
Rational
Divines
.
Hereto
some
may
possibly
furth●●
add
instances
out
of
other
Countries
,
where
Towns
〈◊〉
Cities
,
standing
in
the
borders
of
Kingdoms
and
Pri●cipalities
,
are
often
won
and
lost
,
and
so
pass
to
and
fro
from
one
state
to
another
:
And
pertly
ask
us
,
what
we
think
in
our
Consciences
of
all
those
,
who
this
year
took
Oaths
of
Allegiance
to
one
Prince
,
and
the
next
year
,
being
subdued
by
another
,
were
made
swear
themselves
his
Subjects
,
and
yet
,
upon
a
new
Recovery
or
Treaty
of
Peace
,
being
return'd
to
their
first
Soveraign
▪
could
as
willingly
as
ever
swear
over
again
their
first
Oath
:
Are
such
perjur'd
or
no
?
A
hard
case
,
being
under
such
strait
inconveniences
.
They
fought
,
they
resisted
,
they
opposed
the
Conqueror
as
long
as
they
could
,
and
when
neither
they
could
defend
themselves
any
longer
,
nor
was
their
Prince
there
with
power
to
defend
them
,
they
yielded
and
submitted
to
the
Almighty's
Decree
,
and
their
own
hard
irresist●ble
Fate
.
Such
it
may
be
,
and
much
more
might
a
man
of
a
●imble
Wit
urge
upon
the
Gainsayer
.
But
how
many
of
these
may
fully
satisfie
a
Conscience
very
tender
and
scrupulous
,
seems
not
to
me
so
easily
resolvable
.
If
these
suffice
not
your
thinking
Minds
,
your
wandring
roving
Thoughts
,
take
a
turn
or
two
in
the
Je●uits
School
,
and
ransack
the
secret
recesses
and
retirements
thereof
,
it
's
an
hundred
to
one
,
but
you
will
here
meet
with
Jesuitical
dissimulation
,
doubtful
equi●ocation
,
mental
reservation
,
and
Papal
dispensation
,
with
much
of
the
like
trash
.
To
these
let
be
added
that
pretty
new
device
,
the
Popish
Doctrine
of
probability
.
So
that
when
one
at
●●rst
dubiously
propounds
an
unusual
,
uncouth
Opinion
,
●nother
comes
after
him
,
and
lays
it
down
more
consi●●ently
,
upon
supposition
that
the
first
broacher
had
a
●ood
Reason
in
his
view
,
although
he
has
little
or
none
;
●●en
in
comes
a
third
with
a
more
brazen
fac'd
boldness
,
●nd
positively
affirms
it
good
Doctrine
,
because
the
o●hers
forsooth
,
in
his
Opinion
learned
men
,
must
be
●●pposed
not
to
have
wanted
Reason
for
what
they
said
,
and
then
't
is
no
matter
whether
he
can
see
a
glimpse
of
it
or
no
,
who
can
with
so
much
facility
pin
his
Faith
upon
another
mans
sleeve
.
How
far
this
novel
Doctrine
may
go
,
if
fruitfully
improv'd
,
to
make
the
shadow
of
Religion
fit
for
mens
corrupt
desires
▪
(
since
that
they
refuse
so
many
of
them
to
be
brought
up
to
the
truth
of
Religion
)
any
one
may
easily
consider
,
who
has
any
consideration
at
all
in
him
.
But
whosoever
has
so
little
Soul
in
him
,
as
not
to
endure
the
Solitary
Company
of
his
own
Thoughts
,
and
is
so
enslaved
to
sense
,
as
not
to
like
any
other
Argument
,
let
him
apyly
himself
to
the
Book
call'd
,
〈◊〉
Provinciales
,
or
The
Mystery
of
Jesuitism
,
written
at
first
by
a
Papist
,
of
the
Doctrines
of
some
Modern
,
especially
Jesuitical
Casuists
,
and
its
truth
confirm'd
by
the
reiterated
Complaints
of
the
French
Church
.
In
th●●
Book
the
English
Reader
may
see
how
fruitful
a
man
of
a
corrupt
wit
(
without
Truth
,
Honesty
,
Religion
,
or
Conscience
,
)
may
be
in
broaching
novel
Opinions
,
and
raising
strange
Doctrines
upon
the
new
invented
Foundation
of
Probability
.
What
a
new
form
of
manners
this
new
so●●
of
Morality
produces
,
in
what
kind
of
Practices
the●●
Principles
end
,
the
Deportment
of
the
late
Jesuits
〈◊〉
Tyburn
,
hath
already
shewn
how
far
such
debauched
Principles
have
already
went
in
debauching
the
manners
of
the
Age
;
and
how
far
further
by
degrees
,
they
may
bring
us
in
time
toward
Popery
and
Slavery
,
●
humbly
offer
to
the
consideration
of
the
thinking
〈◊〉
about
Town
.
If
the
Society
would
be
pleased
to
accept
the
Petition
of
an
English
Protestant
,
no
Turk
,
Jew
,
〈◊〉
Heathen
,
(
as
some
would
have
us
think
the
〈◊〉
might
import
)
but
Christian
,
it
should
be
requested
that
since
this
old
World
is
so
already
filled
with
〈◊〉
Doctrines
of
theirs
and
suitable
Practices
,
they
wou●●
transport
the
rest
of
their
Inventions
to
the
new
Worl●
in
the
Moon
,
if
they
can
find
the
place
and
the
passage
.
I
am
pre●ty
well
assured
,
that
World
,
if
any
be
,
is
so
much
estranged
as
yet
to
the
Jesuits
and
their
Doctrines
by
reason
of
the
distance
,
that
there
would
be
little
room
,
and
less
likelyhood
for
their
reception
,
unless
they
beforehand
transmit
thither
some
of
their
new
Divinity
,
to
make
way
for
gaining
them
some
Renegado
Proselite●
,
weary
of
a
good
old
way
,
and
desirous
of
a
new
one
,
be
it
what
it
will
.
Why
may
not
the
Jesuits
be
as
fruitful
in
finding
out
new
Worlds
,
as
making
new
Morals
,
new
Saints
,
new
Merits
?
What
if
I
had
also
added
,
a
new
way
of
Atonement
,
a
new
Saviour
,
new
Gospel
?
When
you
walk
along
through
St.
Paul's
Church-Yard
,
or
by
any
other
noted
Booksellers
Shop
,
enquire
for
Clari
Bonarscii
Amphitheatrum
Honoris
.
Or
if
you
have
no
other
than
your
English
Mother-Tongue
,
ask
for
the
Memoirs
of
Mr.
James
Wadsworth
,
a
Jesuit
that
recanted
,
where
in
the
second
Chapter
,
besides
many
other
Observations
and
collections
out
of
Popish
Authors
,
you
may
find
pag.
23.
part
of
a
Poem
taken
out
of
the
foresaid
Book
,
good
enough
for
the
form
,
though
sufficiently
bad
for
the
matter
,
wherein
the
prophane
Author
at
least
equals
the
Virgin
Mary's
Milk
to
our
blessed
Saviour's
Blood
,
if
he
does
not
rather
seem
to
make
the
Milk
exceed
that
most
pretious
Blood
in
Virtue
.
You
may
there
read
it
turned
in
part
in
English
Verse
,
with
remarks
thereon
,
together
with
some
more
of
their
Doctrines
,
and
also
extractions
out
of
the
Romish
Psalter
:
And
further
in
the
same
Chapter
,
this
Clarus
Bonarscius
(
otherwise
called
Carolus
Scribonius
)
is
said
to
be
a
Jesuit
living
at
Antwerp
,
and
of
much
account
amongst
them
,
the
Author
and
his
Book
standing
enroll'd
,
approv'd
,
and
commended
for
good
and
Catholick
,
in
Possevines
Volumns
of
Writers
,
set
out
with
publick
allowance
of
the
Romish
State
.
If
then
this
be
not
the
bringing
in
of
a
new
Religion
,
a
new
way
of
Salvat●on
,
what
is
?
What
think
ye
then
?
Do
not
these
Jesuits
for
their
new
Principles
and
Practices
deserve
●●
meet
with
an
harder
Fate
,
than
did
the
unfortunate
▪
though
ingenious
Galileo
,
who
for
that
famous
Invention
of
his
Glass
,
and
hints
given
of
looking
after
a
World
in
the
Moon
,
was
made
to
suffer
(
as
my
Memory
tells
me
I
have
somwhere
read
,
)
an
hard
Impriso●ment
,
under
the
Notion
of
Heresie
,
on
supposition
th●●
a
new
World
would
imply
a
new
Saviour
?
Such
having
been
the
novel
Inventions
of
these
c●●rupt
,
i.
e.
Jesuitical
Wits
,
what
then
remains
,
ye
tr●●
hearted
English
Men
,
but
that
abhorring
their
debau●●ed
Principles
and
Practices
,
though
not
hating
the●●
Persons
,
you
endeavour
to
keep
your selves
far
enough
off
from
men
so
much
given
to
change
?
〈◊〉
have
been
thus
endeavouring
to
change
the
good
〈◊〉
Religion
and
Doctrines
,
by
their
new fangled
Device
and
new
Morals
,
to
proselite
the
more
to
Atheism
〈◊〉
Debauchery
.
Who
have
plotted
to
change
your
Rel●gion
and
your
Laws
,
to
change
Protestantism
into
Popery
,
a
free
Government
into
absolute
Tyranny
;
〈◊〉
change
your
Liberties
into
Slavery
,
and
many
of
you●
Freeholds
into
Tenant-Lands
,
to
a
vicious
Clergy
an●
a
Popish
Church
.
What
else
meant
a
late
Papist
〈◊〉
his
Tryal
,
who
hath
been
reported
,
under
the
Liberty
allowed
by
our
Laws
of
excepting
against
Thirty
Five
of
the
Jury
without
Reason
shewn
,
to
have
●●cepted
only
against
one
,
and
that
as
being
an
Imp●●priator
,
alias
a
Possessor
of
Church-Lands
?
If
there
〈◊〉
not
such
a
Report
,
then
my
Memory
imposes
on
me
if
the
Report
was
not
true
,
Fame
hath
proved
dece●●ful
,
or
else
I
mistook
her
Relation
.
So
much
Atheism
and
Irreligion
having
already
be●●
introduced
among
us
,
and
such
the
Tendencies
to
th●
further
debauching
Mens
Minds
and
Manners
,
whether
then
it
would
not
be
much
better
(
when
it
shall
seem
good
to
our
Governours
,
to
King
,
Lords
and
Commons
assembled
in
the
right
Parliamentary
way
)
to
casheer
all
needless
unnecessary
Oaths
,
and
reduce
the
too
too
common
custom
of
swearing
upon
every
trivial
occasion
into
a
far
lesser
compass
,
judge
ye
.
What
signifies
so
much
swearing
at
every
turn
,
whenas
other
ways
might
be
doubtless
found
out
in
many
cases
,
to
search
out
the
truth
with
as
much
,
if
not
more
certainty
?
Might
not
less
swearing
,
and
severer
Penalties
upon
lying
sometimes
serve
the
turn
?
It
is
plain
enough
,
our
Neighbours
the
Hollanders
are
none
of
the
least
experienced
People
in
the
World
:
Among
them
have
I
read
't
is
usual
for
the
Judges
,
without
giving
Oaths
,
to
search
out
the
truth
by
sudden
cross
questions
,
wherein
much
practice
hath
made
them
very
dextrous
and
skilful
.
And
so
they
do
as
it
were
tr●pan
the
Trepanners
,
if
I
may
use
the
Expression
without
offence
.
What
esteem
can
any
one
think
an
Oath
is
with
a
man
,
that
counts
his
words
but
breath
,
and
his
Soul
Air
?
Will
that
man
value
the
swearing
of
an
Oath
before
a
Magistrate
,
that
prophanely
can
rap
you
out
an
hundred
upon
any
occasion
in
common
Discourse
,
without
the
least
Remorse
;
or
else
is
of
the
Popish
Priest's
Opinion
,
that
swearing
upon
an
English
Bible
is
no
more
than
swearing
upon
Aesop's
Fables
,
i.
e.
a
story
Book
,
containing
Tales
of
Cocks
and
Bulls
,
and
the
like
?
So
likely
to
be
true
is
it
,
that
some
men
play
with
Oaths
as
Children
with
Rattles
,
a
saying
or
somewhat
like
to
what
I
have
heard
imputed
to
Machiavel
.
Let
such
sometimes
seriously
consider
,
who
have
had
an
hand
in
imposing
so
many
Oaths
of
late
Years
,
whether
they
may
not
one
day
be
called
to
account
for
some
of
the
many
Perjuries
others
may
have
occasionally
run
into
thereby
.
The
huding
up
of
so
many
●orts
of
Creeds
and
Doctrines
together
into
one
Volumn
,
and
then
compelling
men
under
great
Penalti●●
to
make
Declarations
and
Subscriptions
to
them
,
〈◊〉
not
been
the
least
burden
,
needlesly
laid
upon
〈◊〉
Consciences
,
in
some
places
of
the
World
.
Even
〈◊〉
Creed
commonly
call'd
the
Apostles
,
though
one
〈◊〉
the
most
Authentick
,
clearest
and
shortest
,
is
not
〈◊〉
altogether
void
of
Scruples
,
witness
the
difference
●mongst
the
learned
about
Christs
descent
into
Hell
.
〈◊〉
far
shorter
Creed
ushered
in
the
Aethiopian
Eunu●●
Baptism
.
I
could
name
,
in
fitting
time
and
place
,
so●●
of
the
most
common
Oaths
among
us
,
and
which
man●
of
the
most
serious
would
not
probably
scruple
to
〈◊〉
on
good
account
,
which
nevertheless
are
not
so
ac●●rately
,
exactly
,
and
cautiously
composed
,
but
a
Co●science
very
scrupulous
and
tender
,
might
be
liable●●
doubts
and
fears
in
taking
and
keeping
them
.
Is
〈◊〉
all
this
adoe
,
so
much
father'd
upon
Religion
,
too
〈◊〉
often
really
designed
to
turn
men
out
of
beneficial
E●ployments
,
that
others
may
be
let
in
,
and
someti●●
proves
a
Snare
to
many
tender
Consciences
?
If
〈◊〉
matter
be
honest
and
lawful
,
a
truly
serious
good
〈◊〉
will
do
it
without
an
Oath
:
If
he
esteems
it
otherw●●●
he
will
not
take
it
,
nay
,
he
will
rather
throw
up●●
than
wrong
his
Conscience
.
And
I
think
he
has
〈◊〉
son
besides
Scripture
on
his
side
,
though
he
should
●●pen
to
be
in
an
Errour
:
For
he
that
for
Interest
,
〈◊〉
or
favour
does
any
thing
wittingly
against
his
〈◊〉
,
in
itself
erroneous
,
and
he
not
knowing
it
to
〈◊〉
so
,
seems
to
me
plainly
to
manifest
,
that
he
would
the
same
,
though
his
Conscience
were
in
the
right
.
〈◊〉
for
an
ill
man
,
a
prophane
man
,
an
Atheist
,
what
〈◊〉
he
how
many
Oaths
he
takes
,
after
he
is
once
in
〈◊〉
Head
and
Ears
,
over
Shoes
,
over
Boots
,
so
it
be
his
secular
advantage
?
When
Oaths
,
Covena●●
Subscriptions
,
Declarations
,
and
such
like
,
at
〈◊〉
turn
and
change
of
the
times
come
thick
and
three
●ne
upon
another
,
thwarting
and
crossing
each
other
,
what
shall
the
real
honest
hearted
man
do
but
refuse
●hem
,
and
so
turn
himself
out
,
to
the
letting
in
men
●any
times
of
ill
Principles
,
and
worse
Practices
,
into
●laces
of
publick
Trust
?
How
then
are
things
likely
〈◊〉
go
in
any
Land
,
when
they
fall
into
the
Hands
of
●●ch
prophane
Debauchees
,
who
are
too
too
often
thus
●●troduced
over
better
mens
Heads
,
and
sometimes
it
●ay
be
designedly
to
serve
turns
?
Have
we
never
●eard
nor
read
of
a
time
,
when
men
of
debauched
●ractices
and
Principles
were
sought
purposely
after
?
When
it
was
a
sufficient
Objection
against
a
man's
pre●●rment
,
that
he
was
serious
and
religious
,
a
little
more
●erhaps
than
ordinary
?
Thus
the
wicked
oft
plotteth
●gainst
the
Righteous
,
who
feareth
an
Oath
,
much
●ore
Oaths
upon
Oaths
,
lest
he
should
be
entangled
〈◊〉
ensnared
by
the
words
of
his
Mouth
.
For
breaking
●●lawful
Oath
,
solemnly
taken
before
God
and
Man
,
to
〈◊〉
English
Ears
sounds
Perjury
,
in
whatsoever
De●●ee
,
Rank
,
and
Quality
,
of
any
Nation
,
Country
,
●●ct
,
or
Faction
,
from
the
King
that
sitteth
upon
his
●hrone
,
to
the
Captive
in
the
Dungeon
,
not
to
vary
●●om
a
Scripture
Expression
in
another
Case
.
I
doubt
〈◊〉
but
an
Oath
is
very
lawfully
imposed
in
some
cases
,
〈◊〉
is
of
good
avail
oftentimes
between
Man
and
Man
;
〈◊〉
whether
to
find
out
the
truth
thereby
,
is
so
sure
〈◊〉
safely
practicable
among
the
Men
of
these
days
,
I
●●mbly
propose
to
the
better
Judgment
of
more
expe●●●nced
Heads
to
determine
.
How
happy
might
the
times
prove
,
were
all
men
as
〈◊〉
servant
of
their
Oaths
,
as
Joshua
and
the
Princes
of
〈◊〉
were
of
the
League
they
solemnly
made
with
〈◊〉
Gibeonites
!
And
yet
they
were
plainly
●●apanned
●●●reunto
with
a
great-deal
of
Guile
,
Fra●d
,
and
lying
〈◊〉
.
What
plausible
pretences
to
have
broken
this
〈◊〉
Covenant
,
might
they
have
raised
from
a
former
Command
of
their
God
,
not
to
spare
any
of
the
Cana●●ites
,
nor
league
with
them
,
from
the
notorious
〈◊〉
these
fraudulent
Gibeonitish
Ambassadours
put
upon
the●
by
their
lying
words
,
and
from
the
murmuring
of
th●
whole
Congregation
against
them
?
Notwithstanding
all
this
,
we
find
they
let
them
live
,
lest
Wrath
shoul●
have
been
upon
them
,
because
of
the
Oath
they
〈◊〉
sworn
unto
them
.
And
that
they
did
well
in
keepin●
this
so
solemn
a
league
and
Covenant
,
though
obtain●●
by
Fraud
and
hastily
made
,
we
have
divine
Authority
to
assure
us
from
the
Lord
,
in
the
Three
Years
Famine
he
sent
upon
the
Land
in
King
David's
Days
fo●
Saul
,
and
his
bloody
House
,
because
,
in
his
Zeal
to
th●
Children
of
Israel
and
Judah
,
he
sought
to
slay
the
Gibeonites
,
and
so
violated
the
Oath
made
by
their
〈◊〉
Fathers
hundreds
of
years
before
.
We
cannot
,
with
out
the
greatest
breach
of
Charity
,
suppose
,
that
〈◊〉
holy
a
Man
as
David
,
one
after
Gods
own
Hea●
made
use
of
this
only
as
a
pretence
to
ruine
and
ex●●pate
Saul's
Family
,
and
settle
the
Crown
the
faster
〈◊〉
his
own
Head
,
and
to
fix
it
the
surer
to
his
posterity
a●ter
him
.
If
any
of
us
were
so
Atheistical
,
as
from
th●●
instance
to
look
upon
Religion
as
only
a
piece
of
〈◊〉
Policy
,
our
Suspicious
Thoughts
and
Censures
woul●
be
soon
answered
from
David's
own
manner
of
acti●●
in
this
particular
,
who
is
recorded
to
have
spared
〈◊〉
Son
of
Jonathan
,
Saul's
eldest
Son
,
and
that
too
up●●
account
of
the
Lord's
Oath
,
that
was
sworn
betwee●
them
many
Years
before
.
As
the
Scriptures
plain●●
shew
us
,
that
Joshua
and
the
Princes
of
Israel
did
we
in
keeping
the
Oath
,
they
had
sworn
,
though
draw
into
it
by
Fraud
and
Deceit
,
so
in
them
we
find
,
〈◊〉
ill
it
fared
with
Zedekiah
,
the
last
King
in
Jerusal●●
after
he
had
broken
the
Oath
,
which
Nebuchadnezz●
had
made
him
swear
by
God
.
We
doubt
not
but
the
there
was
force
enough
upon
him
to
compel
him
,
〈◊〉
it
may
be
the
price
of
a
Kingdom
likewise
induced
him
thereto
,
for
the
benefit
of
his
present
occasions
;
but
how
ill
went
it
with
Judah
for
his
breaking
that
Oath
,
by
whatsoever
force
at
first
gained
of
him
,
even
to
the
destruction
of
the
chief
City
,
solitary
desolation
of
the
Land
for
many
Years
,
and
utter
ruine
of
the
Monarchy
for
ever
after
?
For
af●er
the
Captivity
we
find
it
reduced
back
again
into
a
kind
of
Common-Wealth
,
under
Rulers
,
(
and
but
one
of
them
of
David's
Line
mentioned
in
the
Scriptures
,
that
I
remember
)
Governours
,
the
high
Priests
,
the
Maccabees
,
the
Sanhedrim
unto
the
coming
of
Shilo
.
So
fatal
to
the
Jewish
Nation
was
their
Princes
Irreligion
.
There
is
no
respect
of
Persons
with
the
Almighty
,
at
whose
Tribunal
all
must
once
stand
to
be
judged
,
High
and
Low
,
Rich
and
Poor
,
Noble
and
Ignoble
,
Kings
,
Princes
,
and
People
,
as
sure
as
the
Scripture
,
which
we
esteem
the
word
of
the
great
God
,
is
infallibly
true
.
But
whither
has
the
overflowing
of
my
thoughts
carried
me
?
To
go
back
again
therefore
into
the
way
,
from
whence
I
have
so
far
deviated
:
In
this
same
44th
year
of
King
Henry
,
(
wherein
he
commanded
all
of
Twelve
Years
and
upwards
in
London
to
swear
to
be
true
to
him
and
his
Heirs
)
we
read
of
further
grudge
and
displeasure
beginning
to
kindle
between
the
King
and
his
Lords
.
The
occasion
is
related
to
be
,
for
that
the
Barons
,
with
consent
of
the
Peers
,
discharged
one
,
and
admitted
another
for
Justice
unwitting
the
King
.
The
displea●ure
hence
arising
and
encreasing
more
and
more
,
was
●owever
a
little
appeased
for
a
while
,
by
the
Policy
of
the
Kings
Brother
,
and
some
Prelates
of
the
Land
.
●n
this
Year
the
Chronicler
thought
it
worthy
remark
●o
make
mention
of
the
variance
,
that
fell
out
between
●he
Londoners
and
the
men
of
Northampton
,
at
a
Fair
●here
held
,
for
a
man
of
that
Town
there
slain
,
which
occasioned
a
long
Suit
and
Plea
between
them
,
to
〈◊〉
great
vexation
and
trouble
of
both
Parties
,
wherein
〈◊〉
the
end
the
City
had
the
better
.
That
City
,
that
〈◊〉
able
to
make
a
Contest
with
the
King
's
whole
〈◊〉
is
likely
enough
to
match
a
particular
Town
.
In
the
45th
,
shortly
after
Alhallontide
,
the
Baro●
admitted
and
made
Sheriffs
of
divers
Shires
,
nami●●
them
Guardians
and
Keepers
of
the
Counties
and
Shi●●
and
discharged
such
as
the
King
had
before
admitt●●
Neither
would
they
suffer
the
Justices
,
but
such
as
〈◊〉
of
their
own
admission
,
to
keep
the
Itinerary
〈◊〉
▪
The
Law
allowed
them
power
,
and
they
were
〈◊〉
it
seems
to
use
it
.
The
King
,
as
any
may
easily
suppose
,
was
grievously
discontented
therewith
,
insomuc●
(
as
saith
the
Chronicle
)
that
after
that
Season
,
he
●●boured
what
he
might
to
disannul
the
former
Ordinan●●
and
Statutes
,
and
cause
them
to
be
broken
.
To
th●
end
on
the
second
Sunday
in
Lent
was
read
by
th●
King's
Command
at
Paul's
Cross
,
a
Bull
of
Pope
〈◊〉
the
4th
,
as
a
Confirmation
of
another
Bull
,
before
p●●chased
of
his
Predecessor
Alexander
the
4th
,
to
absol●●
the
King
,
and
all
others
,
that
before
had
sworn
〈◊〉
maintain
the
Articles
made
at
Oxford
;
and
afterwa●●
the
said
Absolution
was
shewed
throughout
Engl●●●
Wales
,
and
Ireland
,
streight
charge
being
given
to
〈◊〉
that
none
be
so
hardy
to
withstand
or
disobey
the
〈◊〉
said
Absolution
:
And
if
any
were
found
disobedi●●
to
this
Commandment
,
that
he
should
be
put
in
Pris●●
without
Ransom
or
Deliverance
,
till
the
Kings
Pl●●sure
were
further
known
.
The
Pope
could
pretend
〈◊〉
absolve
on
either
side
,
if
he
were
well
paid
.
〈◊〉
then
could
any
Oaths
be
suppos'd
to
avail
without
s●●able
Power
to
compel
their
Observance
?
Yet
hithe●●●
the
Commons
of
the
City
held
their
Power
forme●
granted
them
:
For
we
read
of
another
License
●●ven
to
the
King
at
a
Folk-Moot
to
sail
into
〈◊〉
according
whereunto
he
departed
the
morrow
follow●ng
from
London
.
Anno
46.
Tbomas
Fiz
Thomas
being
Mayor
,
Phi●●●
Walbrook
,
Richard
Taylor
Sheriffs
,
about
Martintide
●he
Jews
felt
the
Peoples
Fury
to
some
of
their
costs
:
●o
odious
was
that
Nation
grown
in
many
parts
of
●he
World
since
our
Saviour's
Crucifixion
,
which
had
been
formerly
the
darling
of
Heaven
,
that
it
must
have
been
a
very
small
matt●●
,
that
would
not
easily
have
●●rred
up
the
common
People
of
the
Land
,
where
they
lived
,
against
them
.
In
this
Year
is
unkindness
●oted
to
have
arisen
between
the
Londoners
and
the
Constable
of
the
Tower
,
for
that
contrary
to
the
Ci●ies
Liberties
he
took
certain
Ships
,
passing
by
with
Wheat
and
other
Victuals
,
into
the
Tower
,
and
made
●he
Price
at
his
Pleasure
.
Hence
might
great
harm
have
ensued
,
had
not
,
by
the
Policy
of
wise
men
,
the
matter
been
committed
to
the
Chief
Justice
and
others
,
by
direction
of
the
Kings
Council
,
to
set
an
order
and
Rule
between
the
said
Parties
.
The
effect
whereof
was
,
that
after
Evidences
and
Priviledges
produced
to
●he
advantage
of
both
,
it
was
firmly
adjudged
,
that
●f
the
Constable
,
or
any
other
Officer
of
the
Tower
,
would
at
any
time
take
any
Wheat
or
Victuals
,
to
the
●●se
of
the
King
,
or
the
Tower
,
he
should
come
into
the
City
Market
,
and
have
it
two
Pence
in
a
Quarter
within
the
Mayors
Price
,
and
other
Victuals
after
the
●ame
rate
:
And
if
he
,
or
any
of
his
Officers
would
〈◊〉
contrary
to
that
Ordinance
,
that
then
the
Sheriffs
●hould
make
report
to
the
Kings
Council
,
and
with●●and
him
in
all
that
they
might
,
so
that
the
King's
●eace
were
kept
.
Here
was
Authority
given
to
act
●gainst
some
commissionated
by
the
King
.
What
fol●y
is
it
for
every
mean
petty
Officer
to
think
to
thwart
●●is
powerful
City
,
and
hope
to
be
too
hard
for
her
Citizens
,
when
their
Liberties
,
Priviledges
,
and
Franchises
〈◊〉
concerned
?
This
year
silent
murmurs
passed
up
and
down
th●
Land
of
War
,
that
was
too
too
likely
to
ensue
b●tween
the
King
and
his
Lords
in
short
process
of
time
for
the
Bull
of
Dispensation
before
shewed
in
〈◊〉
Realm
:
But
the
mediation
of
good
and
wise
men
appeased
and
stilled
those
Emotions
for
a
while
,
that
〈◊〉
King
agreed
again
to
the
maintenance
of
the
afores●●●
Statutes
,
and
sent
his
Writs
,
wherein
the
said
Articl●
were
comprised
,
into
all
the
Shires
of
England
,
givin●
strict
Commandment
to
all
men
,
to
observe
and
ke●●
the
same
,
and
such
other
as
were
to
them
joined
〈◊〉
the
discretion
of
some
appointed
to
that
end
.
〈◊〉
this
again
was
shortly
after
revoked
and
denie●
What
Change
in
Councils
,
what
Uncertainty
〈◊〉
Fickleness
of
Mind
was
this
?
Give
,
and
grant
,
an●
then
recal
:
What
could
be
thought
the
end
of
〈◊〉
variableness
but
Strife
and
Contention
?
Hereupo●
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
,
a
Star
in
that
co●juncture
of
the
first
Magnitude
in
the
English
Firm●ment
.
proves
erratick
:
For
fearing
what
might
e●sue
,
like
a
cunning
,
subtle
,
worldly
Politician
,
〈◊〉
makes
an
Errand
to
Rome
,
and
by
License
of
bo●●
Parties
departs
the
Land
,
and
so
keeps
himself
out
〈◊〉
the
trouble
was
over
.
He
had
been
a
main
Instrument
a
few
years
ago
in
Cursing
the
Breakers
of
th●
aforementioned
Acts.
Should
he
have
sided
with
th●
Kings
Party
,
he
had
openly
contradicted
his
forme●
Actions
,
and
in
effect
declared
all
his
so
solemn
Curs●●
to
signifie
nought
.
Had
he
sided
with
the
Barons
,
〈◊〉
must
have
shewn
himself
an
Assenter
to
their
dee●
partaken
of
all
the
Changes
and
Chances
of
War
,
〈◊〉
publickly
slighted
and
contemned
the
Popes
Dispens●●tion
.
A
crime
in
those
days
of
very
dangerous
Consequence
to
the
offending
Party
.
Upon
Midlent
Sund●●
the
Mayor
and
Commons
being
present
at
a
Folk-Mo●●
held
at
Paul's
Cross
,
before
Sir
Philip
Basset
,
and
othe●
of
the
Kings
Council
,
the
Mayor
was
sworn
to
be
●rue
to
the
King
,
and
his
Heirs
Kings
.
Upon
the
mor●ow
at
Guild-Hall
every
Alderman
is
said
to
have
taken
the
same
Oath
in
presence
of
the
Mayor
:
And
so
likewise
upon
the
Sunday
following
,
we
read
that
every
Stripling
,
of
the
Age
of
12
Years
and
above
,
was
a●ew
charged
with
the
same
Oath
before
his
Alderman
in
his
Ward
.
Then
(
according
to
my
Author
)
the
Displeasure
between
the
King
and
his
Barons
,
which
a
long
while
●●d
been
kept
secret
,
began
to
appear
,
insomuch
that
diverse
of
them
assembled
in
the
Marches
of
Wales
,
gathered
unto
them
strong
Power
,
and
sent
a
Letter
●nto
the
King
,
under
the
Seal
of
Sir
Roger
Clyfford
,
●eseeching
him
to
have
in
remembrance
the
Oath
,
and
manifold
Promises
that
he
had
made
,
for
the
observ●ng
of
the
Statutes
made
at
Oxford
,
with
other
Ordinances
made
to
the
Honour
of
God
,
for
Faith
and
Al●egiance
to
his
Person
,
Weal
and
Profit
of
all
his
Realm
,
willing
him
further
to
withstand
and
defie
all
●uch
Persons
,
as
will
be
against
the
said
Acts
,
saving
●he
Queen
and
her
Children
.
After
this
Letter
thus
●ent
,
and
no
Answer
received
,
we
read
of
the
said
Ba●ons
going
with
Banners
displayed
against
such
,
as
they
●new
held
against
the
Acts
so
often
before
mentioned
.
The
effect
of
their
Fury
at
Hereford
,
the
Bishop
,
and
●any
of
his
Canons
,
Aliens
born
,
soon
felt
to
their
great
cost
and
damage
.
Hence
we
hear
of
their
going
to
other
places
,
where
they
supposed
to
find
their
Ene●ies
,
keeping
their
course
towards
London
,
(
this
was
the
place
,
it
seems
,
they
desired
so
much
to
fix
to
●heir
Party
)
bearing
before
them
a
Banner
of
the
Kings
Arms
,
and
encreasing
with
the
access
of
much
People
,
as
they
held
on
in
their
Journey
.
In
this
March
,
as
they
found
any
that
they
knew
to
be
against
●he
Maintenance
of
the
aforesaid
Acts
,
they
imprisoned
them
,
and
spoiled
their
Habitations
,
were
they
Spi●●tual
or
Temporal
Men
,
all
the
case
to
them
at
th●
time
.
In
divers
of
the
King's
Castles
they
set
in
〈◊〉
Persons
as
they
pleased
,
(
putting
out
such
as
were
pl●ced
in
by
the
King
)
and
gave
to
them
an
Oath
,
th●
they
should
be
true
and
faithful
to
the
King
,
〈◊〉
keep
those
Castles
to
his
Use
,
and
to
the
Weal
of
〈◊〉
Realm
.
Here
they
seem
to
have
outdid
the
Courti●●
in
their
own
way
.
The
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
others
of
London
,
were
made
of
late
to
renew
th●
Oaths
of
Allegiance
to
the
King
and
his
Heirs
,
as
if
〈◊〉
weaken
the
Barons
Party
,
by
a
crafty
sly
insinuati●●
that
they
went
about
to
deprive
the
King
and
〈◊〉
Heirs
of
their
Right
.
But
as
for
those
suggestions
〈◊〉
hold
the
Barons
disappointing
them
,
by
giving
〈◊〉
like
Oaths
to
these
of
their
own
Party
put
into
〈◊〉
of
publick
Trust
,
and
thereby
in
effect
declaring
,
〈◊〉
't
was
not
against
the
King
,
but
against
the
ill
Minist●●
of
State
about
him
,
whom
they
deemed
the
Auth●●
of
iil
Advice
,
that
they
thus
took
up
Arms
,
either
〈◊〉
remove
them
,
or
deliver
the
King
out
of
such
〈◊〉
mens
hands
.
About
Midsummer
,
when
they
drew
near
to
Lond●●
the
Chronicle
tells
us
,
that
they
sent
a
Letter
unto
〈◊〉
Mayor
,
and
Aldermen
,
under
the
Seal
of
Sir
〈◊〉
Mountfold
,
willing
to
know
of
them
whether
th●
would
observe
the
Acts
and
Statutes
made
in
the
P●●liament
called
at
Oxford
or
not
,
or
else
would
aid
〈◊〉
assist
such
persons
as
intended
the
breach
of
the
sa●●
and
sent
to
them
a
Copy
of
the
said
Acts
,
with
a
P●●viso
that
if
any
there
specified
,
were
to
the
hurt
of
〈◊〉
Realm
,
or
common-Weal
of
the
same
,
that
they
th●
by
discreet
Persons
of
the
Land
should
be
altered
,
〈◊〉
amended
.
See
here
the
Influence
the
City
had
up●●
the
Land
,
the
esteem
the
Barons
had
of
London's
〈◊〉
and
Authority
,
and
how
desirous
they
were
to
〈◊〉
it
to
their
side
and
Interest
.
The
forementioned
Copy
was
by
the
Mayor
carried
to
the
King
,
then
being
at
the
Tower
,
accompanied
with
his
Queen
,
his
Brother
Richard
,
Edward
his
Son
,
and
others
of
his
Council
.
Then
the
King
,
intending
to
know
the
Cities
Mind
,
asked
the
Mayor
what
he
thought
of
those
Acts
and
Ordinances
,
who
,
being
refused
time
and
leave
to
con●●er
with
his
Brethren
the
Aldermen
,
and
his
Judgment
demanded
at
that
present
season
,
stands
upon
Record
to
have
boldly
answered
the
King
,
that
before-times
he
,
with
his
Brethren
,
and
the
Commonalty
of
the
City
,
by
his
Commandment
,
had
been
sworn
to
maintain
all
Acts
made
to
the
Honour
of
God
,
to
the
Faith
of
the
King
,
and
Profit
of
the
Realm
;
which
Oath
,
by
his
license
and
most
gracious
favour
,
they
●ntended
to
observe
and
keep
.
One
of
the
Ingredients
●hat
,
according
to
the
Royal
Psalmist
,
goes
to
the
com●osure
of
a
Citizen
of
Zion
,
who
shall
abide
in
the
Lords
Tabernacle
,
and
dwell
in
his
Holy
Hill
,
is
,
that
●e
changeth
not
,
though
he
sweareth
to
his
own
hurt
.
●nd
moreover
(
continued
the
Mayor
)
to
avoid
all
oc●asion
,
that
might
grow
,
of
grudge
or
variance
be●ween
him
and
his
Barons
within
the
City
,
they
would
●ut
all
Aliens
and
Strangers
out
thereof
,
if
he
were
so
●ontented
.
The
King
shewed
as
if
he
was
well
plea●●d
with
this
Answer
,
so
that
the
Mayor
,
with
his
fa●our
,
departed
,
and
sent
Answer
to
the
Barons
,
ac●ording
to
the
same
,
their
Liberties
alway
upholden
,
●id
saved
.
The
Barons
lying
so
near
London
,
and
●ith
so
considerable
a
strength
,
't
was
time
for
those
●obles
,
who
were
against
those
Statutes
,
to
be
pack●●g
,
as
fast
as
they
could
,
for
fear
of
the
associated
●ords
;
But
the
King
is
said
to
have
sent
after
them
●●vers
Persons
of
his
Houshold
,
and
of
the
Citizens
of
●●ndon
,
to
induce
them
to
return
,
and
tarry
with
him
.
〈◊〉
that
season
,
according
to
the
Mayor's
former
words
,
all
Aliens
,
suspected
of
any
favour
owing
to
the
one
Party
or
the
other
,
were
put
out
of
the
City
.
Impartiality
is
rarely
found
among
the
Children
of
men
,
though
it
is
so
commendable
a
Virtue
not
to
have
respect
of
Persons
.
But
not
long
after
we
hear
of
their
being
placed
in
Offices
,
many
of
them
in
Winds●●
Castle
,
by
Edward
the
King's
Son
.
So
usual
is
it
for
contesting
Parties
to
receive
and
prefer
one
anothers
outcasts
.
No
wonder
then
if
we
sometimes
see
the
same
done
in
private
Families
,
when
at
variance
among
themselves
,
which
is
so
oft
acted
over
and
over
again
in
publick
differences
.
Then
Watch
and
Ward
was
kept
dayly
in
the
C●ty
,
and
in
the
night
certain
assigned
to
ride
about
the
Town
,
with
some
Foot-Men
allotted
to
them
,
to
search
all
the
Town
over
:
But
hence
harm
ensuing
▪
by
reason
that
evil
disposed
Persons
,
under
colour
o●
Watch-Men
,
seeking
for
strangers
,
robbed
and
spoile●
many
Houses
in
one
part
of
the
City
,
while
the
ridi●●
Watch
was
in
another
place
,
a
standing
Watch
was
o●dained
in
every
Ward
.
The
mind
of
the
City
being
made
known
by
their
publick
Mouth
,
the
Mayor
,
't
was
time
for
men
of
a
different
Interest
to
endeavou●
to
draw
the
King
further
off
from
it
.
Accordingl●
we
find
the
King
departs
from
the
City
,
when
●●
heard
the
Barons
were
coming
into
it
.
The
Baro●●
enter
the
City
the
Sunday
before
St.
Margaret's
day
and
the
King
shortly
after
returns
to
Westminster
wi●●
the
Queen
,
and
ohers
of
his
Council
.
Soon
after
〈◊〉
Hugh
le
Spencer
is
made
Chief
Justice
,
and
Keeper
〈◊〉
the
Tower
,
by
consent
both
of
the
King
and
the
B●rons
.
Upon
the
morrow
following
,
Maudlin
Day
was
a
Writ
directed
to
the
Mayor
and
Alderm●●
charging
them
that
the
King's
Peace
be
firmly
〈◊〉
within
the
City
,
for
in
the
same
it
was
expressed
,
th●
the
King
and
his
Barons
were
lovingly
agreed
.
Fu●thermore
in
the
same
Writ
it
was
commanded
,
that
if
within
the
Precincts
of
the
City
were
any
person
or
persons
known
,
that
would
withstand
the
foresaid
Ordinances
and
Statutes
,
that
all
such
should
be
attached
and
put
in
Prison
,
and
their
Goods
also
attached
for
the
King
,
till
they
knew
his
further
Pleasure
.
Well
had
it
been
for
many
great
persons
,
if
this
agreement
had
lasted
longer
;
but
,
like
other
Worldly
things
,
this
new
peace
was
also
transitory
.
However
here
we
meet
with
another
instance
of
the
Cities
Concern
,
of
the
Cities
Power
,
of
the
Cities
Influence
.
'T
was
the
Citizens
concern
to
keep
the
Peace
thus
happily
and
quietly
made
.
'T
was
their
Power
you
here
find
engaged
to
see
to
it
.
And
their
Influence
upon
either
party
you
may
guess
by
the
due
care
taken
to
inform
them
of
the
late
mutual
Agreement
.
In
these
days
of
Misrule
,
and
time
of
the
Barons
residing
in
the
City
,
we
are
given
to
understand
,
that
many
Robberies
were
committed
by
divers
therein
,
and
much
harm
done
,
but
little
corrected
,
they
were
so
born
out
and
maintained
by
their
Masters
.
Such
is
the
too
too
common
effect
of
Civil
broils
.
The
Commons
of
the
City
were
far
out
of
Rule
by
the
incensing
of
riotous
Persons
,
so
that
in
the
Assemblies
and
Courts
kept
at
Guild-Hall
,
or
other
places
,
Worshipful
men
were
little
or
nothing
regarded
,
and
simple
,
indiscrcet
persons
carried
away
the
voice
.
As
the
City
was
in
those
days
powerful
,
so
the
Lords
seem
well
to
have
known
it
,
when
,
to
obtain
the
more
favour
of
the
Citizens
,
they
willed
them
to
shew
them
,
if
they
had
any
of
their
Liberties
withdrawn
,
that
they
might
again
to
them
be
restored
,
and
also
to
think
of
some
new
ones
to
their
Weal
and
Profit
,
and
they
would
labour
to
the
King
to
have
them
granted
.
Can
any
one
desire
greater
Evidence
than
Ocular
Demonstration
?
The
City
had
a
great
many
good
and
beneficial
Liberties
and
Franchises
already
granted
,
to
the
Emulation
and
Envy
of
many
of
her
ill-willers
.
Yet
here
our
own
Eyes
may
easily
certifie
us
of
a
large
offer
voluntarily
made
to
her
Citizens
,
by
such
as
had
Power
to
encrease
them
,
had
they
had
the
discretion
at
that
time
to
have
made
a
good
use
of
it
.
For
the
Mayor
having
upon
this
kind
offer
assembled
the
Commons
at
Guild-Hall
,
and
willed
the
Officers
to
devise
such
things
as
might
be
beneficial
to
the
City
,
they
counselling
together
,
are
said
to
have
made
such
a
note
of
Statutes
,
Provisions
,
and
Ordinances
,
to
their
own
singular
Profit
,
and
so
prejudicial
to
all
other
Foreign
Merchants
coming
to
the
City
,
to
all
other
Fairs
,
and
Markets
of
England
,
and
the
universal
Weal
of
the
Realm
,
that
upon
overseeing
them
the
Heads
told
them
,
they
were
neither
lawful
nor
charitable
,
and
such
as
they
knew
would
not
be
admitted
.
So
common
is
it
in
too
too
many
concerns
for
private
Interest
to
be
brought
up
in
the
Van
,
while
the
publick
is
left
lagging
behind
,
as
it
were
a
loof
off
,
in
the
Rear
.
The
Heads
of
the
City
willing
the
Commons
to
devise
other
Ordinances
,
their
first
being
so
uncharitably
ordered
,
and
they
,
.
I
know
not
upon
what
account
,
nor
upon
whose
Incitation
,
proving
refractory
and
refusing
,
both
those
and
others
,
right
necessary
for
the
Common-Weal
of
the
City
,
were
rejected
and
put
off
,
saith
my
Author
.
For
men
to
go
to
logging
of
Bills
,
when
they
cannot
otherwise
hinder
their
passing
,
is
a
known
Practice
.
After
St.
James's
day
we
hear
of
the
Barons
departure
from
London
towards
Windsor
,
where
they
turned
out
the
Aliens
,
before
plac'd
therein
by
the
King's
Son
Edward
,
who
thereupon
,
with
other
associates
,
rode
to
the
King
with
Complaints
in
their
Mouths
against
the
Barons
,
for
spoiling
them
of
their
Goods
:
But
these
being
then
put
off
by
the
King
with
a
promise
of
Justice
,
till
more
of
his
Council
were
with
him
,
he
,
with
other
Attendants
,
sailed
into
France
,
whence
being
returned
after
Michaelmas
to
London
,
there
passed
an
Inquest
of
Twelve
Knights
of
Middlesex
,
sworn
upon
a
Jury
,
between
the
Abbot
of
Westminster
and
the
City
,
for
certain
Priviledges
the
Citizens
of
London
claimed
within
Westminster
,
where
,
by
the
said
Jury
,
it
was
found
before
the
Chief
Baron
of
the
Kings
Exchequer
,
that
the
Sheriffs
of
London
,
at
those
days
,
might
lawfully
enter
into
the
Town
of
Westminster
,
and
all
other
Tenements
,
that
the
Abbot
had
within
Middlesex
,
and
unto
the
Gate
of
the
said
Abby
,
and
there
to
make
Summons
,
and
distrain
,
for
lack
of
Appearance
,
all
and
every
Tenant
of
the
said
Abbot
.
'T
is
not
now
adays
only
that
the
Londone's
stand
so
strong
for
their
Priviledges
,
whatsoever
some
may
think
of
it
,
as
if
out
of
stubbornness
and
opposition
.
Their
Fore-Fathers
were
like-minded
,
and
stood
up
couragiously
in
defence
of
their
just
Rights
and
Liberties
against
Arbitrary
Encroachers
above
Four
Hundred
years
ago
,
Anno
1262.
After
this
the
former
Complaint
of
the
Aliens
,
and
others
,
was
declared
before
the
King
and
his
Lords
in
the
Parliament
at
Westminster
.
This
is
the
Term
Fabian
gives
it
,
but
whether
on
the
same
account
as
he
did
before
,
when
he
expounded
a
Parliament
by
a
Council
of
Lords
in
the
43d
Year
,
pag.
I
am
not
so
certain
as
positively
to
determine
.
Here
the
Chronicle
tell
us
it
was
at
last
sentenced
,
(
but
by
what
means
and
Inducements
is
not
there
set
down
)
that
the
Barons
should
restore
all
such
Goods
,
as
they
and
their
Company
had
taken
from
all
Persons
before
that
day
,
as
well
to
Aliens
as
other
men
,
both
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
also
that
such
Menial
Servants
as
should
be
daily
in
the
Kings
House
,
and
about
his
Person
,
should
be
such
as
the
King
would
choose
and
admit
himself
:
But
the
dissenting
Barons
utterly
rejected
these
Articles
,
whereupon
the
Fire
of
Dissention
was
again
kindled
between
the
King
and
those
his
Lords
.
In
the
47th
Year
,
by
procurement
of
the
Barons
,
we
are
told
that
the
Commons
of
London
chose
unto
their
Mayor
for
that
Year
Thomas
Fiz
Thomas
,
[
Robert
Moumphere
and
Robert
de
Suffolk
were
Sheriffs
]
and
without
Counsel
of
the
Aldermen
swore
him
at
Guild-Hall
upon
Simon
and
Jude's
day
,
and
made
no
presentment
of
him
the
morrow
following
to
the
King
,
nor
to
the
Barons
of
the
Exchequer
,
as
had
been
the
custom
:
For
which
we
may
easily
suppose
the
King
was
much
discontented
with
the
City
.
Whereupon
the
King
perceiving
the
City
would
take
the
Barons
part
,
having
caused
his
Son
to
seise
Windsor
Castle
by
a
Train
,
early
in
a
Morning
,
a
little
before
Christmas
,
he
rode
thither
from
Westminster
,
whither
shortly
after
came
also
many
of
the
Lords
that
were
upon
the
King's
party
.
As
fast
likewise
the
Lords
and
Knights
on
the
Earl
of
Leicester's
side
drew
towards
London
:
so
that
on
either
part
was
much
People
assembled
.
In
the
mean
time
some
well
disposed
Mediators
endeavouring
a
Concord
between
the
King
and
his
Lords
,
it
was
finally
agreed
by
both
parties
,
that
all
matters
concerning
the
foresaid
Articles
of
the
Statutes
and
Ordinances
made
at
Oxford
,
and
afterwards
by
the
12
Peers
,
should
be
referred
to
the
French
King
,
to
judge
which
should
be
held
,
and
which
not
.
Upon
this
Agreement
were
Copies
made
of
the
said
Statutes
,
with
Letters
shewing
the
●ffect
of
the
former
Agreement
,
and
sent
unto
Lewis
the
French
King
.
Over
sails
the
King
,
with
his
S●n
Edward
,
and
others
of
his
Council
on
one
side
:
On
the
other
were
sent
Sir
Peter
de
Mountford
,
and
others
,
as
so
many
Sollicitors
for
their
mutual
Parties
:
So
that
the
Statutes
were
strongly
argued
before
the
French
King
by
both
sides
.
In
the
end
,
the
French
King
Lewis
,
calling
before
him
both
Parties
on
January
the
24th
,
and
sitting
in
Judgment
,
gave
express
Sentence
,
that
all
and
every
of
the
said
Statutes
and
Ordinances
should
be
from
that
day
forward
utterly
void
and
set
at
nought
,
and
all
such
Bonds
and
Promises
,
that
the
King
or
any
other
had
made
for
the
maintenance
of
the
same
,
should
be
annulled
and
cancelled
,
and
the
King
and
all
others
,
for
any
matter
concerning
those
Statutes
,
set
at
Liberty
.
After
this
Sentence
thus
given
,
the
King
returned
into
England
,
and
so
to
London
,
February
the
15th
.
This
King
Lewis
is
named
a
Saint
,
for
that
he
was
not
(
I
suppose
)
so
bad
as
other
Princes
too
too
commonly
are
,
or
more
probably
for
some
deeds
of
his
pleasing
to
the
Popish
Clergy
,
as
his
sending
to
destroy
the
(
then
accounted
)
Heretical
Albigenses
,
his
taking
a
Voyage
once
into
the
Holy
Land
,
and
undertaking
a
second
towards
the
same
place
at
the
Popes
request
:
For
at
that
time
the
Holy
War
(
as
't
is
generally
called
)
was
cried
up
in
these
Western
parts
of
the
World
,
as
a
high
piece
of
Devotion
.
But
whatever
esteem
Lewis
had
got
in
the
World
,
the
Barons
(
it
seems
)
continued
not
to
have
the
same
Veneration
for
him
,
but
were
contrary
wise
much
moved
with
his
Sentence
,
noting
great
Partiality
in
him
,
thus
to
disannul
all
the
foresaid
Acts
,
which
were
at
first
made
in
Parliament
,
the
King
agreeing
to
them
,
and
had
been
variously
confirmed
,
by
the
Kings
Grant
,
his
Oath
,
and
manifold
Promises
,
together
with
a
solemn
Curse
denounced
against
such
as
would
attempt
in
word
and
deed
to
break
them
.
It
may
be
't
was
the
Fame
of
this
King
Lewis's
Goodness
,
that
made
the
Barons
consent
to
have
him
the
Umpire
,
as
one
concerned
on
neither
party
.
But
what
could
be
expected
in
the
Case
?
Could
it
be
supposed
,
that
he
,
a
King
,
would
not
favour
his
Brother
King
what
he
might
,
rather
than
by
confirming
these
Acts
,
pretended
so
prejudicial
to
all
Royal
Prerogative
,
give
Example
to
his
own
Subjects
to
require
the
like
at
his
hands
,
or
attempt
to
compel
him
thereto
by
force
?
Had
the
Lords
gotten
an
Umpire
from
among
some
disinterested
Subjects
of
some
other
Land
,
he
perhaps
would
have
adjusted
the
business
wholly
in
their
favour
.
So
hard
had
it
been
to
have
met
with
a
just
Arbitrator
in
the
case
,
who
would
not
have
declined
to
one
or
the
other
Party
,
for
fear
nor
favour
.
King
Henry
having
thus
got
a
Verdict
on
his
side
,
and
the
Barons
noting
Partiality
,
and
therefore
refusing
to
stand
to
the
Judgment
,
(
though
the
Chronicle
intimates
to
us
,
that
they
had
promised
assuredly
to
abide
the
French
Kings
Arbitration
:
)
For
King
Lewis
expresly
excepting
King
John's
Charter
before
granted
,
the
Barons
persisted
in
defence
of
the
Oxford
Statutes
,
as
founded
on
that
Charter
.
What
then
remains
,
but
to
commit
all
to
the
last
Decision
of
the
Sword
,
and
so
the
whole
Arbitrement
shall
be
cast
more
immediately
into
the
hands
of
Providence
?
Away
from
London
go
the
Lords
Westward
,
into
the
Marches
of
Wales
,
where
drawing
to
them
great
Power
,
they
war
upon
the
Lands
and
Castles
of
Sir
Roger
Mortimer
,
to
whose
aid
Edward
the
King's
Son
coming
,
his
People
were
distressed
,
and
he
himself
almost
taken
.
To
redress
these
grievances
a
new
Parliament
was
appointed
at
Oxford
,
which
Fabian
says
never
came
to
effect
:
Yet
he
mentions
another
Chronicle
,
which
affirms
this
Parliament
to
have
been
there
kept
,
and
that
the
King
and
his
Lords
parted
thence
all
at
Discord
.
Besides
the
mutual
Strength
of
People
on
either
side
,
The
Barons
had
the
Acts
of
Parliament
made
by
the
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
(
for
of
such
I
have
elsewhere
read
these
Assemblies
were
composed
in
those
days
)
to
fight
for
,
which
to
observe
the
King
,
and
many
others
had
been
sworn
,
besides
a
solemn
Curse
denounced
against
the
Attempters
to
break
them
.
The
King
with
his
Party
had
the
Popes
Bull
of
Absolution
,
the
Sentence
of
the
Council
of
Lords
at
Westminster
,
and
the
Judgment
given
on
the
Kings
side
by
Lewis
the
French
King
for
their
Incitement
.
Such
then
being
the
cause
contended
for
,
these
being
the
mutual
advantages
to
strengthen
either
side
,
the
difference
is
brought
in
the
Spring
into
the
Field
to
be
decided
.
All
things
in
a
manner
thus
tending
to
War
,
the
Barons
drew
towards
London
,
that
's
their
Place
of
Rendezvous
:
where
new
Assurances
by
Writing
indented
was
made
between
them
and
the
Commonalty
of
the
City
,
without
Consent
of
many
of
the
Rulers
thereof
.
Whether
they
were
swayed
in
their
minds
to
the
other
side
by
Reasons
they
carried
in
their
Pockets
,
I
find
not
,
or
thinking
they
had
most
to
lose
,
they
feared
to
be
the
greatest
Sufferers
,
if
the
chance
of
War
should
fall
cross
,
or
else
out
of
Envy
and
Emulation
to
the
Commons
,
who
had
already
been
entrusted
with
so
much
Power
by
the
so
often
named
Statutes
,
and
were
in
probability
likely
to
get
more
,
if
the
Barons
should
prevail
,
or
at
least
keep
what
they
had
gotten
.
Hence
't
is
plain
,
that
the
Commons
of
the
City
were
the
men
that
stood
by
the
Lords
in
defence
of
the
Parliament
Acts
:
Many
of
the
Rulers
seem
not
to
have
appeared
.
Wherefore
the
Commons
,
as
men
enraged
,
made
to
themselves
Two
Captains
,
Thomas
de
Pywelden
,
and
Stephen
Bukkerel
,
whom
they
named
Constables
of
the
City
.
At
whose
Commandment
,
by
tolling
the
great
Bell
of
St.
Pauls
,
all
the
City
should
be
ready
in
Arms
,
to
give
Attendance
upon
the
said
Captains
.
About
the
beginning
of
Lent
,
the
Constable
of
the
Tower
,
Sir
Hugh
Le
Spencer
,
came
with
a
fair
Company
of
men
at
Arms
into
the
City
,
and
desired
Assistance
of
the
forenamed
Constables
,
who
commanded
the
said
Bell
to
be
toll'd
.
By
means
whereof
the
People
shut
their
Shops
and
came
out
in
Arms
in
great
Multitudes
,
who
,
after
Proclamation
made
that
they
should
follow
their
Captains
,
without
knowledge
what
to
do
,
or
whither
to
go
,
followed
them
unto
Thystleworth
,
beyond
Westminster
,
and
there
spoiled
the
Manour
of
the
King
of
the
Romans
,
(
Richard
the
King's
Brother
)
setting
it
on
Fire
;
and
afterwards
with
great
noise
and
cry
returned
unto
London
.
This
Richard
,
King
of
the
Romans
,
appears
to
have
been
a
Mediator
of
Peace
between
the
Two
Parties
,
but
after
this
outrage
,
what
else
could
be
expected
,
but
that
he
should
become
the
Barons
Enemy
to
the
utmost
of
his
Power
?
Though
't
is
commonly
seen
,
that
from
War
most
come
home
by
Weeping
Cross
,
yet
there
are
still
too
too
many
found
,
that
desire
to
fish
in
troubled
Waters
.
Would
any
,
but
such
as
were
in
Love
with
Blood
and
Wounds
,
have
counselled
such
a
Fact
as
this
,
in
the
midst
of
Civil
broils
,
thus
to
compel
the
only
Mediator
of
Peace
,
likely
to
prevail
,
to
become
a
man
of
War
,
and
which
was
worse
,
an
Enemy
,
a
powerful
Enemy
,
instead
of
a
peaceable
Friend
?
In
the
time
of
these
intestine
Jarrs
between
Men
of
the
same
Country
and
Religion
,
't
was
much
if
the
Jews
should
have
escaped
free
,
who
were
strangers
,
of
different
Rites
and
Customs
,
and
so
odious
to
the
Common
People
.
That
they
did
not
escape
the
enraged
Multitudes
Fury
,
we
find
,
by
mention
made
of
Five
Hundred
of
them
said
to
be
slain
at
one
time
in
London
,
on
Palmsunday
week
.
The
occasion
is
related
to
be
for
that
a
Jew
would
have
forced
a
Christian
to
have
given
him
more
than
Two
Pence
a
Week
for
the
use
of
Twenty
Shillings
.
This
being
the
stinted
Usury
then
permitted
the
Jews
,
by
the
King's
Grant
:
According
to
which
rate
they
might
take
i●
any
Summ
lent
,
greater
or
lesser
.
A
reasonable
man
would
have
thought
,
this
might
have
satisfied
the
greedy
Minds
of
most
ordinary
griping
Extortioners
,
Eight
Shillings
Eight
Pence
by
the
Year
in
the
Pound
,
Forty
three
Pounds
Six
Shillings
Eight
Pence
in
the
Hundred
:
Usury
unconscionable
enough
of
any
sense
.
While
the
Land
stood
thus
divided
into
Parties
,
the
Jews
felt
the
Peoples
rage
in
the
City
,
and
the
Country
did
not
altogether
scape
tasting
the
miseries
of
Civil
Wars
;
King
Henry
by
divers
places
came
at
length
into
Sussex
,
with
a
strong
Power
,
whereof
the
Lords
hearing
made
preparation
to
go
towards
him
.
Accordingly
in
the
end
of
April
,
the
Barons
,
with
many
of
the
Citizens
in
the
vaward
,
departed
from
London
,
taking
their
Journey
towards
the
King
,
and
hearing
he
was
at
Lewes
with
a
great
power
,
by
common
consent
drawing
up
a
Letter
,
sent
it
in
the
name
of
all
the
Barons
to
the
King
:
But
the
Answers
were
so
rough
,
and
in
such
a
stile
,
that
it
plainly
shewed
that
the
Sword
could
be
the
only
decider
of
the
Quarrel
,
and
final
determiner
of
the
Contest
,
so
much
were
their
Minds
exasperated
each
towards
other
,
though
of
the
same
Nation
and
Kindred
.
The
Barons
well
perceiving
by
these
Answers
,
that
there
was
no
other
way
,
but
to
decide
the
Quarrel
by
dint
of
Sword
,
they
went
forward
towards
the
King
.
Wednesday
May
the
24th
,
1263.
is
the
day
that
may
be
writ
in
Red
Letters
,
for
the
great
quantity
of
Blood
spilt
thereon
,
in
the
Battle
fought
at
Lewes
between
the
King
and
his
Barons
,
wherein
by
the
Will
of
Providence
,
the
Victory
sell
to
the
Barons
,
with
such
a
total
rout
to
the
other
Party
,
that
they
took
Prisoners
the
King
,
his
Brother
,
his
Son
,
with
many
other
Noble-Men
,
to
the
number
of
Twenty
five
Barons
and
Banerets
,
above
Twenty
Thousand
being
slain
,
according
to
my
Author's
Account
.
After
this
so
compleat
a
Victory
,
the
other
Prisoners
being
sent
elsewhere
,
the
Barons
kept
the
King
,
his
Brother
,
and
Son
,
till
they
came
to
London
.
This
was
the
place
wherein
they
had
found
Shelter
,
and
had
had
such
considerable
Assistance
from
the
Londoners
,
that
there
seemed
a
kind
of
Obligation
lying
on
them
,
and
it
implied
somwhat
of
a
Recompence
due
to
the
City
,
there
to
shew
the
Trophies
of
their
Victory
.
Now
we
may
easily
conclude
,
that
the
forenamed
Statutes
are
to
stand
in
full
force
even
by
the
Kings
Consent
.
And
so
acccordingly
we
find
a
Grant
made
,
and
an
Agreement
,
that
if
any
were
thought
unreasonable
,
they
were
to
be
corrected
and
amended
by
four
Noble
Men
of
the
Realm
,
Two
of
the
Spiritualty
and
Two
of
the
Temporalty
:
And
if
the
four
accorded
not
,
the
Earl
of
Anjou
and
the
Duke
of
Brittain
were
to
be
Judges
in
the
case
.
To
continue
this
accord
the
firmer
,
the
King's
Son
,
and
his
Brother
,
were
to
remain
the
Barons
Prisoners
till
it
was
compleated
.
A
Parliament
was
also
appointed
to
be
held
at
London
within
a
short
space
,
though
my
Author
writes
,
that
this
never
came
to
purpose
.
So
it
seems
,
that
in
those
elder
times
a
Parliament
was
the
Subjects
desire
,
and
as
it
were
the
last
Refuge
,
and
means
of
Reconciliation
,
to
establish
Peace
and
quietness
in
the
Land
.
Tuesday
before
Ascension-Day
is
the
time
named
,
whereon
the
acceptable
news
of
Peace
were
proclaimed
between
the
King
and
his
Barons
in
London
,
and
next
day
thither
they
came
with
the
King
,
his
Brother
,
and
Son
,
and
the
Two
Princely
Pledges
were
sent
into
safe
Custody
,
first
to
the
Tower
,
afterwards
to
Dover
Castle
.
In
the
time
of
these
civil
Distractions
,
and
before
the
Battle
,
we
find
that
the
Wardens
of
the
Cinqueports
kept
the
Sea
with
Ships
,
that
no
Stranger
might
enter
the
Land
,
to
the
Kings
aid
against
the
Barons
.
Sometime
after
the
Battel
we
hear
of
Souldiers
coming
in
great
numbers
unto
Dover
,
there
to
land
:
But
King
Henry
was
induced
to
ride
thither
,
with
a
great
power
,
and
force
those
Strangers
to
go
back
again
,
and
the
Kings
Brother
sent
Prisoner
to
Berkhamstead
Castle
,
till
those
Aliens
were
returned
.
It
stands
upon
Record
in
my
Author
,
that
he
and
the
Queen
had
sent
over
the
Sea
for
them
.
So
that
hence
it
had
been
manifest
,
though
the
Relation
of
King
John's
Reign
had
not
been
extant
,
that
it
is
no
late
Device
,
nor
new
Practice
,
for
Persons
of
Arbitrary
Pretences
to
call
in
outlandish
Souldiers
,
when
they
fear
they
cannot
raise
assistance
enough
at
home
,
in
their
own
Native
Country
,
to
support
and
bring
to
effect
their
ill
intended
designs
.
The
Barons
side
stood
firm
for
the
Observation
of
the
Parliament
Acts
:
The
Kings
party
desired
to
have
infringed
them
.
The
Barons
grew
powerful
and
formidable
,
the
other
side
seem
fearful
that
they
should
not
be
able
to
compass
strength
enough
at
home
,
suitable
to
their
Designs
and
desires
,
and
therefore
sent
abroad
.
There
being
idle
men
enough
to
be
had
for
mony
in
most
places
,
Soldiers
were
waged
,
but
there
was
a
Sea
to
pass
,
(
which
required
much
time
,
and
a
suitable
Sail
of
Ships
to
waft
them
over
,
)
and
a
considerable
strength
lay
in
the
way
to
intercept
them
,
if
they
came
not
well
provided
for
an
attaque
.
So
that
it
was
a
day
as
it
were
after
the
Fair
before
they
came
,
and
that
was
many
hours
too
late
,
whereupon
they
were
compelled
to
return
again
without
,
and
against
their
first
Intent
.
This
is
the
inconvenience
,
some
may
think
,
the
great
advantage
,
others
may
conclude
of
an
Island
's
scituation
,
that
it
cannot
easily
be
over-run
with
forreign
Forces
,
as
Lands
upon
the
continent
often
are
,
and
with
more
facility
.
If
the
shooing
of
themselves
and
their
Horses
with
Cork
would
do
the
feat
,
then
they
might
happen
more
easily
to
pass
the
Sea
,
but
as
things
go
in
this
Age
of
the
World
much
time
as
well
as
a
great
Navy
is
requisite
to
transport
an
Army
,
though
little
or
no
oppositio●
be
made
.
Yet
how
difficult
would
it
be
to
preva●●
where
among
One
Million
Two
Hundred
Thousand
,
One
Million
One
Hundred
and
Fifty
Thousand
are
on
one
side
,
and
Fifty
Thousand
on
the
other
.
i.
e.
In
Twenty
four
Twenty
three
parts
against
one
part
:
What
could
it
avail
,
if
on
some
other
fine
,
neat
pretence
,
a
good
store
of
Forreigners
might
possibly
happen
to
be
introduced
,
suppose
Fisty
Thousand
:
Above
Eleven
to
One
would
still
be
great
odds
.
If
we
should
grant
One
Hundred
Thousand
could
silently
be
let
in
under
another
Notion
,
into
how
many
little
small
Parcels
must
they
be
minutely
divided
,
at
how
many
several
Port●
must
they
arrive
,
what
charge
to
keep
and
maintain
them
,
unless
put
upon
present
service
?
And
yet
there
's
still
hazard
enough
in
the
World
,
and
to
spare
,
One
Million
one
Hundred
and
Fifty
Thousand
against
One
Hundred
and
Fifty
Thousands
,
to
every
man
an
opposite
and
Ten-over
:
Odds
sufficiently
at
Foot-Ball
,
if
in
a
lesser
number
.
Were
it
not
for
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
in
how
many
places
d'ye
think
the
9
Lay
Sheaves
would
not
devour
the
Parsons
Tenth
Sheaf
?
England
stands
firm
upon
its
old
bottom
of
Freedom
;
but
France
hath
had
Experience
more
than
enough
of
the
aforesaid
truths
.
'T
is
well
known
the
present
French
King
keeps
his
poor
enslaved
Subjects
under
with
a
strong
Force
,
composed
most
of
other
Country
Souldiers
,
and
by
their
assistance
,
with
some
other●
connivance
,
and
the
help
of
French
Money
,
is
become
the
Terrour
of
Europe
.
I
doubt
not
but
much
of
this
his
present
greatness
sprung
at
first
from
a
successful
attempt
made
in
his
younger
days
,
to
introduce
forreign
forces
upon
his
less
wary
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
in
hehalf
and
by
the
Guidance
of
a
great
Minister
of
State
,
whom
some
of
them
had
desired
to
be
discarded
from
sitting
at
the
Helm
of
Government
.
Whereof
his
present
Majesty
I
believe
had
no
very
pleasing
nor
desirable
Experience
.
'T
was
in
the
time
when
Providence
permitted
our
King
to
be
injuriously
kept
out
of
his
right
by
an
Usurper
,
that
the
French
Nobles
were
urgent
to
have
their
King
exile
Mazarine
,
and
the
better
to
effect
it
were
ready
to
have
appeared
in
Arms
:
But
their
King
in
shew
granting
their
desires
,
(
and
it
may
be
through
the
mediation
of
our
Gracious
Prince
who
had
too
sad
an
Instance
of
his
own
to
urge
from
his
Fathers
unfortunate
Fate
)
the
Princes
grew
secure
and
laid
aside
their
combined
strength
:
whereupon
the
exil'd
Mazarine
comes
out
of
Germany
(
so
have
I
heard
)
with
a
strong
Army
of
many
Thousands
up
to
Paris
,
and
then
order'd
things
at
his
own
Pleasure
,
and
the
Kings
.
The
deceiv'd
Princes
could
never
vindicate
themselves
since
,
and
our
,
then
almost
friendless
,
King
shortly
after
thought
good
to
leave
the
Country
,
though
the
Place
of
his
Mothers
Original
,
lest
he
should
have
been
bid
to
depart
,
and
that
disgusted
States-man
(
as
may
be
suspected
)
causes
the
K.
to
close
with
England's
usurping
Power
,
and
desert
a
poor
distressed
,
over-power'd
Prince
with
no
more
regard
to
him
or
his
,
till
his
Protestant
(
what
if
I
had
also
added
Presbyterian
?
)
Subjects
recall'd
him
to
possess
his
Fathers
Throne
,
wherein
long
may
he
live
and
flourish
to
the
Nations
good
,
and
his
own
continued
Wellfare
.
An.
48.
Thomas
Fiz
Thomas
Mayor
,
Osbert
Wynter
Phil
,
Taylor
being
Sheriffs
,
The
Lords
of
the
Marches
about
Christmas
assembled
,
and
did
much
harm
●
the
Manours
of
the
Earls
of
Leicester
and
Glocest●●
(
the
two
noted
Chiefs
of
the
Barons
Party
)
thereabouts
,
which
occasioned
the
King
to
ride
shortly
after
to
Glocester
,
where
,
by
a
Council
there
called
,
●●
was
enacted
,
that
such
of
the
Lords
,
that
did
not
come
in
and
yield
to
the
King
by
the
Octaves
of
Hilary
,
should
be
exil'd
.
Let
the
question
here
be
,
whether
these
Lords
,
known
to
have
been
of
the
K'●
Party
,
both
before
and
after
this
Transaction
,
were
guilty
of
Treason
or
Disloyalty
in
not
coming
in
〈◊〉
the
King's
Call
,
&
yielding
,
as
the
Barons
party
doub●less
cordially
desired
,
&
with
whom
the
K.
was
the●
personally
present
?
Had
they
straightways
obeyed
,
and
come
in
all
upon
Summons
,
the
Barons
had
obtain'd
their
design
;
but
how
would
the
change
succeeding
have
been
brought
to
pass
,
so
much
to
the
Courts
advantage
,
and
the
other
sides
prejudice
?
Where
's
the
politick
Casuist
,
that
can
here
slit
a
ha●
between
loyal
and
disloyal
deeds
,
Obedience
and
Disobedience
,
the
duty
of
subjection
and
open
ref●sal
thereof
?
According
to
an
Agreement
there
made
▪
in
the
said
Octaves
a
Parliament
was
held
at
Westminster
,
where
met
(
as
Fabian
hath
left
upon
Record
)
the
King
with
his
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
Commons
of
the
Land
,
to
begin
that
Parliament
.
Here
was
it
enacted
,
the
King
being
present
,
that
he
,
nor
Edward
his
Son
,
nor
none
of
them
▪
should
after
that
day
grieve
,
nor
cause
to
be
grieved
,
the
Earls
of
Leicester
and
Glocester
,
the
Barons
,
Banerets
or
Knights
,
the
Citizens
of
London
,
and
Barons
of
the
Five
Ports
,
nor
any
other
Person
o●
Persons
of
high
or
low
Degree
,
that
was
upon
th●
Party
of
the
said
Earls
,
for
any
matter
of
displeasure
done
against
the
King
and
his
Son
Edward
,
〈◊〉
any
time
before
that
day
.
To
uphold
this
,
the
King
's
Sworn
before
his
Lords
.
After
that
was
shew'd
and
Read
a
Charter
of
Pardon
concerning
the
said
Cause
,
and
a
confirmation
of
the
Statutes
of
the
Forrest
,
with
many
other
Acts
and
Statutes
before
granted
by
the
King
.
Here
was
an
Act
of
Oblivion
strong
enough
one
would
have
thought
to
have
indemnified
the
offending
Parties
;
but
before
the
end
of
the
Year
we
find
the
Tide
quite
turn'd
,
through
variance
and
difference
arising
between
the
Two
Thiefs
of
the
Barons
Party
,
and
then
the
King's
side
prevailing
Casheers
what
was
done
before
,
Oaths
held
them
not
,
and
another
Parliament
●●peals
and
disanuls
the
former
Pardon
.
So
that
the
〈◊〉
Pardon'd
Offendors
soon
became
the
(
reputed
)
Guilty
Prisoners
upon
the
old
Scores
,
Cancell'd
and
forgiv'n
as
was
thought
a
little
before
.
The
longest
Sword
will
make
and
mar
Laws
at
pleasure
,
let
people
say
what
they
will
.
This
Party's
Might
commonly
bears
down
,
what
the
other
Party
calls
his
Right
.
Edward
the
King's
Son
having
likewise
Sworn
to
perform
the
promises
,
which
the
King
had
before
made
in
Parliament
,
was
deliver'd
at
liberty
,
and
the
other
Pledg
his
Cozen
,
upon
assurance
made
●●
abide
in
the
King's
Court
,
and
not
depart
without
licence
of
the
King
,
and
some
of
the
Barons
.
What
care
do
the
Barons
seem
here
to
have
taken
,
to
●●rengthen
and
confirm
their
Party
against
any
future
●●●erclaps
?
How
sollicitous
do
they
appear
to
have
●een
to
prevent
an
after-Reckoning
,
and
all
Tenden●ies
thereunto
?
Nay
,
how
conformable
to
them
,
did
the
King
and
his
Son
shew
themselves
likewise
●herein
?
Witness
the
many
Instruments
and
Bonds
●ade
by
them
,
for
the
performance
of
Covenants
and
Pactions
before
agreed
on
.
And
yet
all
was
soon
destroy'd
and
brought
to
none
effect
:
One
of
the
〈◊〉
Chiefs
helping
Penelope-like
to
unravel
the
Web
,
they
had
been
so
long
a
Weaving
▪
The
Ordering
the
former
Statutes
made
at
Oxford
▪
which
had
hitherto
so
fast
united
them
,
was
the
occasion
of
dissention
between
the
Two
Potent
Earls
●●
Leicester
and
Glocester
,
to
the
ruin
of
the
Baron's
Party
;
the
difference
arose
(
as
Stow
tells
us
)
betwee●
them
,
for
that
Leicester
not
only
kept
the
King
an●
others
as
Prisoners
,
but
also
took
to
himself
the
Revenues
of
the
Kingdom
,
which
it
seems
should
have
been
equally
devided
amongst
them
.
So
that
it
wa●
the
Golden-Apple
,
that
seems
to
have
occasion'd
th●●
so
fatal
Discord
.
The
King
indeed
and
his
Lords
labour'd
for
an
Union
,
but
it
fell
out
well
for
the
King's
side
,
and
ill
for
the
others
,
that
they
succeeded
not
.
This
happen'd
between
Easter
and
Whits●●tide
.
In
the
W●●tsun-Week
,
we
hear
of
Edward
th●
King's
Son
secretly
departing
from
the
Court
at
Hereford
without
Licence
,
and
associating
himself
wi●●
the
Earl
of
Glocester
and
other
Lords
at
Chester
,
fro●
whence
he
hasts
to
Glocester
,
breaking
the
Bridges
a●
he
went
,
that
he
might
not
be
follow'd
,
till
he
had
Assembled
his
Power
.
The
Earl
of
Leicester
was
to●
wife
not
to
guess
at
his
Intent
,
and
therefore
in
all
ha●
sends
to
his
Son
to
Assemble
his
Forces
.
Simon
his
So●
with
his
Forces
Assembled
,
draws
towards
Winchest●●
and
was
at
first
kept
out
by
the
Citizens
,
because
the●
knew
not
whether
he
came
as
the
King's
Friend
,
an●
for
that
they
had
also
receiv'd
a
Letter
from
Edwa●●
to
that
purport
.
But
it
was
not
long
e're
the
Ci●●
was
yielded
,
and
then
the
Castle
Besieged
,
after
th●●
the
City
had
been
spoil'd
,
and
many
of
the
Je●●
therein
Inhabiting
Slain
.
They
were
so
odious
generally
to
the
People
,
that
they
should
be
sure
to
hav●
their
share
to
the
purpose
in
the
publick
Calamity
if
the
Commons
might
have
their
Will.
The
Papist●
after
all
their
discover'd
Plots
,
known
Practices
,
an●
destructive
Principles
,
are
not
in
a
vast
degree
much
more
hateful
to
the
generality
of
the
English
Nation
in
these
Days
,
than
where
the
griping
Jews
in
those
Elderly
Times
.
At
Kenelworth
the
Baron's
Party
receiv'd
the
first
●●ow
under
this
Simon
,
where
they
were
shamefully
defeated
by
Edward
and
his
Host
,
and
many
Eminent
Prisoners
taken
without
the
shedding
of
much
Blood
.
At
E●yshum
in
Worcestershire
were
the
Barons
disc●mfited
,
with
such
a
total
overthrow
,
and
the
destruction
of
so
many
Men
of
Note
on
that
side
,
that
●is
no
wonder
that
their
Interest
among
the
People
so
visibly
decay'd
for
the
future
,
and
in
time
was
fully
lost
.
Soon
after
this
Victory
the
King
and
his
Son
Edward
met
,
by
whose
Authority
,
the
Prisoners
then
in
hold
were
released
,
and
many
others
accus'd
,
and
put
in
for
them
.
Not
long
after
was
held
a
Parliament
at
Winchester
,
where
by
Authority
of
the
same
,
the
Statutes
and
Ordinances
before
made
at
Oxford
were
Repealed
,
and
all
Bonds
and
Writings
before
made
by
the
King
,
or
any
other
,
Cancell'd
and
Broken
,
and
all
such
as
had
favor'd
the
Barons
,
disinherited
.
A
Rout
indeed
.
A
Rout
first
to
the
Men
that
would
have
had
the
Laws
have
been
kept
,
and
then
a
Rout
to
the
Laws
themselves
,
to
Parliament
Acts
and
Statutes
.
So
destroy
first
of
all
the
Protestant
Men
and
Women
,
the
Subjects
of
Religion
,
and
then
the
Protestant
Religion
falls
of
course
.
What
could
it
at
that
time
avail
the
defeated
Party
,
to
plead
a
former
Obedience
to
the
Power
then
Regnant
,
since
the
present
Powers
were
otherwise
resolv'd
?
If
the
Parliament
in
Being
will
have
Obedience
paid
to
a
former
Parliament
esteem'd
Treason
,
who
dare
gainsay
it
?
Little
boots
it
the
poor
weak
Beast
to
cry
the
Bunch
in
his
Forehead
is
no
Horn
,
when
the
more
powerful
Lion
says
it
is
.
After
these
Parliament
Transactions
,
we
hear
of
the
King
's
re●●ming
into
his
hands
all
grants
before
made
and
give●
to
any
Person
.
After
his
Sons
Victory
the
King
calls
not
a
Parliament
at
Westminster
,
least
possibly
it
might
have
been
over
aw'd
by
the
City
of
London
,
but
assembling
it
at
a
place
far
enough
distant
,
and
things
having
there
been
carried
according
to
the
Courts
intent
and
desire
,
now
have
at
London
.
Accordingly
,
after
the
Parliament
was
ended
,
we
read
of
King
Henry's
coming
to
Windsor
with
a
great
Power
,
intending
(
as
the
Fame
then
went
)
to
destroy
the
City
,
for
the
great
Ire
and
Displeasure
he
had
unto
it
.
We
need
but
guess
to
know
,
with
what
a
wonderful
fear
the
Mayor
and
Aldermen
were
th●n
stricken
at
this
Report
.
Yet
we
are
told
that
many
of
the
Commons
were
in
full
purpose
to
have
defended
the
City
against
the
King
.
So
it
seems
there
we●●
then
many
and
divers
opinions
among
them
.
The
City
being
in
those
days
Inhabited
with
Men
of
many
Nations
,
who
were
then
,
according
to
Fabian
,
admitte●
for
Citizens
.
At
last
the
Citizens
condescended
to
make
a
supplication
to
the
King
,
and
send
it
by
some
Religious
Person
.
Many
are
said
to
be
sent
by
sundry
Persons
;
but
to
little
avail
:
The
King
being
so
grievously
incensed
by
some
of
his
Counsel
against
them
,
that
he
would
not
look
upon
their
Supplications
,
and
if
any
spoke
in
their
behalf
,
he
soon
would
make
such
countenance
,
that
even
Men
in
his
Favour
fear'd
to
speak
for
them
.
Now
was
the
time
for
their
Ill-willers
to
vent
the
utmost
of
their
Spleen
against
this
Honourable
City
,
formetly
their
Terror
,
and
hops
to
compleat
their
full
Revenge
by
working
its
Destruction
.
We
doubt
not
but
Men
of
Arbitrary
desires
have
always
hated
such
sree
constituted
Corporate
Towns
and
Cities
,
and
have
little
reason
to
beleive
,
but
that
there
are
Men
of
the
like
ill
Principles
and
Practises
still
alive
in
the
World
,
who
would
heartily
rejoyce
in
their
Minds
to
meet
with
the
like
opportu●●ty
to
work
out
their
corrupt
designs
.
Have
you
never
heard
of
such
a
saying
,
as
that
the
Corporations
will
prove
England's
Destruction
?
Out
of
what
Mint
d'
ee
think
this
come●
?
Where
was
it
first
forg'd
,
but
in
some
such
men's
Brains
?
We
now
look
upon
one
of
these
Corporations
,
as
one
of
the
principal
Bulwarks
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
the
English
Liberty
:
And
that
it
may
long
so
continue
,
in
defence
of
their
just
Priviledge
,
and
true
Religion
,
in
spight
of
all
Arbitrary
endeavours
and
Popish
design●
,
is
the
hearty
Prayer
and
Desire
(
I
doubt
not
)
of
every
good
Protestant
and
Loyal
English-man
.
While
the
cautionary
Protestant
Towns
in
France
stood
firm
and
fix
,
and
uninjur'd
in
their
just
Liberties
and
Priviledges
;
how
gloriously
,
and
with
what
safety
did
the
Protestant
Religion
flourish
in
that
Land
?
But
when
through
the
Force
and
Violence
of
Arbitrary
Pretenders
,
and
treacherous
connivance
of
some
corrapt
English
States-men
,
Rochel
was
reduc'd
in
the
last
age
under
absolute
power
,
what
foundation
was
thereby
laid
for
the
Protestants
future
Ruin
,
and
present
greatness
of
the
French
Monarchy
?
How
well
the
Papists
designs
have
there
succeeded
,
since
the
utter
subversion
of
the
Protestant
Towns
,
is
not
unknown
to
their
Neighbours
:
Such
sad
Reports
have
not
long
since
pierc'd
our
English
Ears
of
the
Barbarous
usages
the
Protestants
there
have
lately
undergone
,
whereof
some
sorrowful
Spectacles
may
have
possibly
presented
themselves
of
late
to
some
of
our
Eyes
.
What
further
Progress
the
Jesuits
may
haply
make
in
their
cursed
designs
,
by
sending
into
England
bloody
Papists
,
in
the
form
of
distressed
Protestants
;
We
have
but
too
just
Cause
to
fear
.
Especially
if
all
be
true
,
that
hath
been
Reported
,
of
the
going
of
some
of
these
suspected
Strangers
to
a
Popish
Habit●tion
,
and
of
others
being
seen
going
to
Mass
.
How
well
would
it
be
for
the
Land
,
were
all
these
Report●
undoubtedly
false
,
and
our
Fears
,
Jealousies
and
Suspicions
,
altogether
causeless
.
When
the
Citizens
Supplications
were
thus
rejected
at
Court
,
the
History
tells
us
,
that
they
were
counselled
by
their
Friends
to
make
a
Writing
,
and
Seal
it
with
their
Common-Seal
,
whereby
they
should
offer
to
put
themselves
wh●lly
in
the
King's
Grace
and
Mercy
,
touching
their
Lives
and
Goods
.
This
we
may
easily
suppose
,
much
more
Irksome
,
than
a
bar●
Surrender
of
their
Charter
,
yet
this
was
at
length
done
,
and
Eight
Persons
of
the
City
,
who
had
Friends
at
Court
chosen
and
sent
towards
Windsor
;
But
up
,
on
the
way
encountring
with
Sir
Roger
L●yborn
,
on●
of
the
Kings
Knights
,
he
turn'd
them
unto
the
City
▪
Riding
with
them
till
he
came
near
it
,
and
then
departing
from
them
Rode
upon
the
back
side
of
the
Town
unto
the
Tower
.
But
at
his
departing
from
them
,
he
willed
them
,
to
warn
the
Mayor
with
certain
of
the
City
to
meet
him
to
morrow
at
Berki●●
Church
,
standing
near
unto
the
Tower
.
Upon
thei●
meeting
next
morning
,
Sir
Roger
,
after
a
long
preamble
,
shew'd
them
the
Kings
grievous
Displeasure
,
which
he
bare
towards
the
City
,
and
the
means
that
had
been
used
by
their
Friends
,
to
obtain
Grace
for
it
.
In
fine
he
expressed
,
that
no
Grace
for
them
might
be
had
,
except
they
would
by
their
Common-Seal
bi●●
themselves
fully
and
wholly
to
stand
at
the
King'●
Grace
,
and
to
put
in
his
Mercy
their
Lives
and
Goods
▪
This
being
in
the
end
granted
by
the
Citizens
,
and
the
foresaid
writing
delivered
to
Sir
Roger
,
with
entreaty
that
he
would
be
a
good
mean
for
them
to
the
King
▪
He
departed
upon
the
morrow
to
the
King
,
and
return'd
again
in
Six
Days
,
and
willed
the
Mayor
and
Aldermen
to
meet
him
again
at
the
foresaid
Church
.
There
he
shew'd
them
,
that
the
King
▪
by
great
Instance
of
their
Friends
,
had
received
their
writing
,
and
would
f●●st
,
for
the
beginning
of
the
content
of
his
mind
▪
That
all
the
Chains
,
which
stood
in
every
Street
and
●●ne's
●nd
within
the
City
,
should
be
loosed
from
their
Posts
,
and
the
Posts
also
drawn
out
of
the
Earth
,
&
all
be
brought
into
the
Tower
So
belike
upon
apprehensi●●
of
great
danger
,
to
set
up
Posts
&
Chains
in
the
〈…〉
an
ancient
Custom
▪
He
also
further
order'd
,
That
thi●
being
done
,
the
Mayor
with
about
Forty
of
the
〈◊〉
,
should
the
Day
following
be
at
Windsor
,
to
〈◊〉
the
Grant
of
their
Writing
▪
And
that
they
●ight
come
and
goe
in
safe
and
sure
wise
,
he
delivered
them
the
Kings
Letter
and
Seal
for
the
term
of
Four
Days
.
All
this
being
done
,
the
Mayor
with
other
Person●
were
ready
at
Windsor
on
the
morrow
,
being
Sunday
▪
〈◊〉
One
of
the
Clock
,
ar●
tarried
there
till
Four
;
At
which
season
the
King
coming
from
his
Disport
,
(
as
says
my
Author
)
enters
the
Castle
without
counte●ance
or
casting
his
Eyes
upon
the
Londoners
.
The
king
and
his
People
being
entred
,
the
Londoners
would
have
followed
,
but
they
were
warn'd
to
abide
without
▪
Then
in
short
time
after
the
King
caus'd
a
Proclamation
to
be
made
,
that
no
man
of
high
or
low
degree
should
make
any
sayings
of
displeasure
or
●uarrel
to
the
Londoners
.
In
the
Evening
Sir
Roger
and
another
Knight
came
to
them
,
and
brought
them
into
the
Gastle
,
and
said
,
The
Kings
pleasure
was
not
to
speak
with
them
that
Night
;
And
after
deliver'd
them
to
the
Constable
of
the
Castle
,
who
Lodg'd
them
all
that
Night
in
a
large
Tower
,
to
their
small
Chear
and
worse
Lodging
:
Upon
the
morrow
being
Monday
,
toward
Night
,
they
were
taken
out
of
the
Tower
,
and
delivered
to
the
Bayliff
of
the
Castle
,
and
Lodged
by
his
Assignment
,
except
these
five
Persons
,
viz.
T●●mas
Fizt
Thomas
Mayor
,
Michael
Tony
,
Steven
Bukker●●
Thomas
Pywellyson
,
and
John
D●flete
.
These
five
〈◊〉
the
King
given
to
his
Son
Edward
,
at
whose
co●mandment
they
remained
in
the
said
Tower
long
●●ter
,
notwithstanding
the
King
's
safe
Conduct
to
〈◊〉
before
made
.
What
became
then
of
the
King's
wor●
▪
But
who
durst
oppose
a
waking
Lyons
.
The
〈◊〉
Hunter
in
the
fable
lik't
not
to
deal
roughly
wi●●
him
,
till
his
long
Teeth
were
broken
out
,
and
his
〈◊〉
cut
off
.
When
,
upon
the
bruit
of
Queen
Mary'●
〈◊〉
with
Child
,
King
Philip
of
Spain
her
Husband
〈◊〉
to
be
chosen
the
Childs
Guardian
,
if
the
〈◊〉
should
Decease
,
and
offered
the
Parliament
great
●●surances
and
Bonds
of
Security
for
his
redelivery
〈◊〉
the
Kingdom
at
the
appointed
time
,
that
Gentlem●●
shew'd
himself
no
Fool
;
who
,
when
the
assuranc●
were
likely
to
find
acceptance
,
stood
up
and
inq●●●ed
who
should
〈◊〉
the
Bond
;
And
the
Parliame●●
enough
approv'd
him
,
when
they
immedintly
the●●
upon
rejected
the
King's
specious
offers
.
'T
is
very
d●●advantagious
,
and
often
injurious
to
the
Weak
,
to
〈◊〉
making
of
bargains
with
the
more
Powerful
,
who
〈◊〉
strong
enough
to
break
their
Promises
and
Covena●●
with
Impunity
,
or
keep
them
but
e'en
as
they
pleas●
▪
When
the
tydings
of
the
usage
of
the
Mayor
and
th●
rest
at
Windsor
came
to
London
;
whereas
many
〈◊〉
fear
had
absented
themselves
before
,
upon
this
new●
many
more
convey'd
away
themselves
and
their
good
secretly
into
diverse
parts
of
England
,
so
that
many
of
them
are
said
never
to
have
return'd
after
.
In
the
49th
.
Year
,
November
the
6th
.
We
find
tha●
the
King
came
to
Westminster
,
and
shortly
after
gave
to
diverse
of
his
Houshold-Servants
,
near
about
sixty
Houses
and
Housholds
within
the
City
,
so
that
the
Owners
were
compell'd
to
redeem
their
Houses
and
Housholds
,
with
all
the
goods
in
them
,
or
else
to
depart
and
suffer
such
Persons
to
enter
to
whom
th●●nd
Houses
were
given
.
This
grant
is
said
to
have
●●●ended
likewise
to
all
the
Lands
,
Tenements
,
Goo●●
〈◊〉
Chattels
,
which
the
said
Citizens
had
in
any
other
●●●ces
of
England
.
Riches
have
often
made
Persons
〈◊〉
singled
out
for
offendors
,
while
the
poor
Man
●●
the
mean
time
scapes
free
,
few
envying
him
his
Pove●ty
.
After
this
was
〈◊〉
Constable
of
the
Tower
●●de
Custos
or
Guardian
of
the
City
,
who
chose
〈◊〉
Adrian
and
Walter
Hervy
Citizens
to
be
Bayliffs
〈◊〉
him
,
and
to
him
to
be
accountable
to
the
King's
〈◊〉
▪
Then
took
the
King
pledges
of
the
best
Men's
〈◊〉
of
the
City
,
that
〈◊〉
peace
should
be
surely
kept
〈◊〉
th●
same
.
These
were
put
into
the
Tower
,
●nd
〈◊〉
kept
at
their
Parents
cost
.
Shortly
after
〈…〉
Labour
and
S●it
made
,
the
foresaid
Londoners
,
●●
the
keeping
of
the
Bayliff
of
the
Castle
of
Windsor
,
〈◊〉
deliver'd
and
came
to
London
,
except
〈…〉
,
viz.
Richard
Bonaventure
,
Symon
De'Had●st●k
,
William
De
Kent
,
and
William
De
Glocester
,
who
with
〈◊〉
other
five
afore
excepted
were
still
kept
in
the
Tow●r
of
Windsor
.
Then
dayly
Suit
and
Labour
wa●
made
to
the
King
,
to
have
his
Gracious
Favour
,
and
●o
know
his
Pleasure
,
what
fine
he
would
have
of
the
City
for
their
Transgressions
,
and
Displeasure
by
them
●o
him
done
.
The
former
Transactions
seem
to
bea●
a
Tendency
hereunto
.
The
Citizens
were
prevail'd
upon
to
resign
up
themselves
,
their
Lives
and
Goods
,
into
the
King's
hands
▪
submitting
all
to
his
Mercy
,
that
a
good
large
fine
might
be
the
easier
levied
of
them
,
and
the
Nation
the
better
made
to
beleive
,
that
the
City
was
well
dealt
with
for
paying
no
more
,
when
as
the
King
might
have
seiz'd
upon
all
,
they
having
surrendred
in
a
manner
wholly
upon
discretion
.
To
what
else
tend
the
many
preparatives
before
rehears'd
,
but
to
make
this
bitter
Pill
go
down
,
〈◊〉
smoother
and
quieter
with
them
?
The
Book
●●quai●ts
●●
that
the
King
asked
40000l
.
and
〈◊〉
stood
at
●0000
Marks
▪
I
But
the
City
alledged
〈◊〉
themselves
,
that
the
poor
Commons
of
the
City
,
〈◊〉
of
many
were
gone
away
,
were
the
Trespassers
,
〈◊〉
that
the
best
of
the
City
by
these
riotous
Perso●
were
robid
and
spoil●●
and
had
lost
a
great
part
o●
their
Substance
in
this
〈◊〉
some
time
,
by
the
R●vers
of
the
Sea
;
as
the
Wardens
of
the
five
Ports
and
others
.
For
these
and
many
other
considerations
〈◊〉
Citizens
besought
the
King
,
of
his
most
Gracious
〈◊〉
your
and
Pity
,
to
take
of
them
as
they
might
●ear
.
This
matter
thus
,
depending
,
the
King
depart●●
〈◊〉
Westminister
to
Northampton
,
having
a
little
〈◊〉
his
departure
Ordain'd
Sir
John
Lynd
,
and
M●
▪
John
〈◊〉
Clerk
to
be
Guardians
of
the
City
and
Tow●●
they
●eing
nam'd
in
the
King
's
Writing
,
〈…〉
Stewards
of
the
City
▪
Upon
the
Day
after
th●
King
was
gone
,
these
Two
Stewards
sent
for
Tw●●ty
Four
of
the
most
notable
Men
of
the
City
,
an●
warned
them
to
appear
the
Day
following
before
th●
King's
Councel
at
Westminster
.
At
their
appeara●●●
it
was
shown
unto
them
by
Sir
Roger
Leyborn
,
that
t●●
King's
mind
was
,
That
they
should
have
the
Rule
o●
the
City
in
his
absence
under
the
foresaid
Senescha●●
and
for
to
see
good
Rule
kept
in
the
City
,
they
should
be
sworn
there
before
his
Councel
.
They
were
there
▪
upon
sworn
and
countermanded
unto
the
City
.
The
City's
fine
was
inagitation
till
about
Christmas
,
〈…〉
▪
End
was
made
with
the
King
,
by
such
friends
a●
the
City
had
about
him
,
for
the
Sum
of
20000
Marks
for
all
transgressions
and
offences
by
them
before
done
,
some
Persons
excepted
,
whom
the
King
had
giv'n
to
his
Son
Edward
,
being
those
afore
nam'd
kept
in
the
Tower
of
Windsor
.
For
the
payment
of
this
Sum
at
Days
by
agreement
set
,
where
Sir
.
〈…〉
and
Mr.
Robert
Wareyn
Clerk
assign'd
to
take
〈…〉
▪
After
Surety
by
them
receiv'd
,
and
sent
to
〈◊〉
King
at
Northampton
▪
the
King
sent
immediately
〈◊〉
to
th●
Citizens
a
Charter
under
his
Broad
〈…〉
may
be
seen
in
Eabian
my
Author
in
these
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
needless
to
make
many
comments
〈…〉
upon
this
affair
.
Through
the
whole
it
is
●●●ifest
,
that
the
City
was
of
considerable
Power
and
〈◊〉
,
so
that
the
King
thought
not
good
to
exaspe●●●
the
Citizens
too
much
,
least
evil
should
have
〈◊〉
of
it
.
To
make
a
Bridge
of
Gold
for
a
flying
〈◊〉
is
no
mean
Policy
.
Doubtless
it
was
well
〈…〉
Court
that
they
us'd
not
the
〈◊〉
violence
,
〈…〉
Baron's
Party
was
not
wholy
destroyed
as
yet
in
〈◊〉
hand
,
though
it
was
very
much
crush'd
▪
How
〈◊〉
the
whole
City
joyn'd
therewith
,
might
ha●e
〈…〉
pois'd
,
if
not
turn'd
the
Scales
,
had
sh●
been
〈◊〉
●ar●hly
dealt
with
,
I
rather
crave
leave
to
〈…〉
the
Readers
consideration
,
than
hastily
presume
〈…〉
.
'T
is
certain
enough
,
that
within
less
than
〈◊〉
Years
,
the
Cause
was
in
great
likelihood
to
have
〈◊〉
reviv'd
to
purpose
,
had
not
convenient
course
〈◊〉
taken
to
●ush
it
a
sleep
again
,
without
rashly
●●●ceeding
to
the
highest
extremities
,
as
you
may
find
〈◊〉
the
sequel
of
the
History
.
After
the
aforesaid
〈◊〉
was
receiv'd
by
the
Citizens
,
the
pledges
in
the
〈◊〉
of
London
,
and
the
Four
last
mention'd
to
be
〈◊〉
in
the
Tower
of
Windsor
were
deliver'd
.
The
〈◊〉
renam'd
Stewards
were
also
discharged
,
and
the
〈◊〉
chose
of
themselves
for
Mayor
,
William
Fiz
〈◊〉
,
and
for
Sheriffs
Thomas
de
la
Founde
,
and
Grego●●
de
Rokis●y
,
as
Fabi●n
acquaints
us
.
For
Levying
of
〈◊〉
foresaid
Fine
were
set
as
well
Servants
,
and
Cove●●nt-men
,
as
Housholders
,
and
many
refus'd
the
Liberties
of
the
City
to
be
quit
of
that
charge
▪
〈◊〉
which
we
may
give
some
part
of
a
guess
at
the
〈◊〉
of
the
fine
,
what
a
considerable
summ●
〈…〉
marks
was
in
those
days
,
before
the
●●dies
were
〈◊〉
into
Europe
,
some
hundreds
of
years
.
This
controversy
with
London
being
thus
〈◊〉
towards
an
end
,
the
King
had
leasure
to
mind
〈◊〉
suppressing
the
remains
of
the
Baron's
Party
.
〈◊〉
de
Mountford
upon
certain
conditions
was
〈…〉
be
at
large
in
the
Kings
Court
,
and
so
〈◊〉
a
Season
.
But
when
the
King
was
come
to
London
▪
suddenly
departed
to
Winchelsea
,
where
he
accomp●nied
with
the
Rovers
of
the
Sea
,
till
after
some
〈◊〉
taken
he
departed
from
them
into
France
,
and
〈◊〉
himself
into
the
Service
of
the
French
King
.
So
〈◊〉
an
end
of
the
Potent
Earl
of
Leycester's
Family
in
E●●land
:
This
Powerful
Earl
bid
fair
for
the
Rule
of
〈◊〉
whole
Kingdom
,
but
had
he
reviv'd
the
Battail●
〈◊〉
a
Conqueror
,
how
much
further
he
〈◊〉
have
gone
,
I
may
think
but
not
positively
〈◊〉
mine
.
Another
Act
of
the
Kings
this
year
,
in
order
to
〈◊〉
total
rooting
out
of
the
Barons
remains
,
was
his
●●ing
a
Seige
to
Kenelworth-Castle
with
a
mighty
〈◊〉
,
but
this
prov'd
a
task
not
quickly
at
an
end
.
Now
〈◊〉
time
comes
to
revenge
old
slights
and
neglects
.
〈◊〉
sides
Strangers
prepar'd
to
come
over
into
Engl●●●
the
Queen
had
also
purchas'd
a
curse
of
the
〈◊〉
(
a
womans
aid
)
to
accurse
all
the
Barons
,
their
〈◊〉
and
helpers
;
&
Commissions
were
directed
to
〈◊〉
Bishops
of
England
to
execute
,
but
they
for
fear
〈◊〉
the
Barons
,
are
said
to
have
deny'd
,
and
deferred
〈◊〉
Execution
and
Sentence
of
the
said
curse
.
Wherefo●●
she
made
new
labour
to
the
Pope
,
and
had
it
gran●●●
that
the
said
Bishops
should
be
corrected
for
their
di●●bedience
.
Whereupon
Octobon
the
Pope's
Legate
,
〈◊〉
Councel
by
him
and
the
Clergy
held
this
year
at
Paul's
●●ch
in
London
,
suspended
those
Bishops
,
and
sent
〈◊〉
to
Rome
to
be
absolv'd
of
the
Pope
.
A
pretty
〈◊〉
to
go
nine
Miles
with
Waltham's
calf
to
Suck
a
〈◊〉
.
In
the
50th
year
about
Christmas
was
Kenelworth
〈◊〉
yielded
,
after
near
half
a
years
Siege
,
upon
〈◊〉
of
life
,
Limb
,
Horse
,
Armes
and
all
things
〈◊〉
in
the
Castle
to
the
defendants
belonging
,
and
〈◊〉
to
carry
them
away
,
and
not
to
be
disinherited
〈◊〉
is
it
any
wonder
,
that
they
had
such
〈◊〉
granted
them
,
if
that
be
true
,
which
Stow
relates
,
〈◊〉
,
that
at
the
King
's
coming
to
besiege
the
Castle
,
〈◊〉
force
was
so
great
,
and
those
in
the
Castle
so
〈◊〉
daunted
at
their
Enemyes
presence
,
that
they
〈◊〉
●pen
their
Gates
,
and
never
closed
them
day
no●
〈◊〉
,
and
come
whoso
would
,
they
came
to
their
〈◊〉
▪
Thus
you
see
the
King
found
it
no
easy
matter
〈◊〉
to
suppress
the
remainders
,
though
he
had
〈◊〉
power'd
the
heads
of
the
Baron's
party
.
About
〈◊〉
were
the
Wardens
of
the
five
Ports
reconcil'd
to
〈◊〉
King
by
favour
of
Edward
the
King's
Son
.
Observe
〈◊〉
by
the
way
his
policy
.
In
his
Father's
time
he
〈◊〉
to
crush
that
power
,
which
might
have
〈◊〉
him
in
his
own
Reign
,
and
having
pretty
well
〈◊〉
it
,
he
after
seems
a
pretender
to
Popularity
,
〈◊〉
mediating
with
his
Father
in
behalf
of
many
,
that
●ddressed
themselves
to
him
for
reconciliation
.
It
much
●ails
to
apply
our selves
to
a
fit
Intercessor
.
So
have
known
a
Stepmother
,
when
requested
,
prevail
with
〈◊〉
Father
her
Husband
in
her
Son
in
Law
's
behalf
,
〈◊〉
he
himself
could
not
.
The
Conditions
of
this
reconciliation
of
the
Barons
●●que
Ports
are
not
unworthy
of
the
remark
.
We
〈◊〉
that
in
Anno.
47.
these
Wardens
of
the
five
Ports
〈◊〉
the
Sea
with
Ships
,
that
no
Strangers
should
enter
the
Land
to
the
King's
Aid
.
In
48
,
we
are
told
〈◊〉
they
rob'd
and
spoild
all
men
that
they
might
〈◊〉
sparing
neither
English
Merchants
nor
others
,
〈◊〉
which
preys
,
as
the
Common
Fame-went
,
the
〈◊〉
of
the
Land
had
a
good
part
.
In
49.
we
find
〈◊〉
Londoners
alledging
for
themselves
,
in
mitigation
〈◊〉
the
great
Fine
required
of
them
,
that
they
had
〈◊〉
great
part
of
their
Substance
by
the
Rovers
of
〈◊〉
Sea
,
among
whom
are
named
the
Wardens
of
〈◊〉
Cinque
Ports
.
And
yet
notwithstanding
all
these
〈◊〉
Harms
done
,
they
are
Recorded
to
have
had
all
〈◊〉
former
Priviledges
confirmed
to
them
,
and
〈◊〉
was
Granted
,
That
if
any
English-man
,
or
〈◊〉
would
Sue
for
Restitution
of
Goods
,
by
them
〈◊〉
taken
,
or
for
the
Death
of
any
of
their
Friends
●●fore
Slain
,
that
all
such
Complaints
should
〈◊〉
Sued
in
their
Courts
,
there
to
have
their
〈◊〉
determin'd
,
and
not
elsewhere
.
What
grea●
Assurance
could
these
Barons
desire
for
their
own
●●curity
?
They
might
well
promise
themselves
imp●nity
,
when
they
were
in
such
fair
probability
to
〈◊〉
their
own
Judges
in
their
own
Cause
,
unless
we
〈◊〉
suppose
Juries
were
to
be
chosen
elsewhere
.
〈◊〉
we
might
in
good
reason
,
that
the
King
would
〈◊〉
to
such
Terms
of
Accomodation
,
had
we
it
not
up●●
Record
,
that
the
common
Fame
at
that
Day
ran
,
〈◊〉
the
said
Wardens
of
the
Five
Ports
had
then
the
D●minion
of
the
Sea
:
Whereupon
the
King
was
after
sort
compell'd
to
follow
their
Pleasures
.
When
Man
is
to
take
an
unpleasant
Potion
,
after
he
〈◊〉
drunk
up
the
greatest
part
thereof
,
it
not
rarely
ha●pens
,
that
the
Remains
in
the
bottom
are
harder
〈◊〉
get
down
than
was
all
the
rest
.
About
the
Feast
of
Philip
and
Jacob
we
hear
of
〈◊〉
King's
holding
a
Parliament
at
Northampton●
〈◊〉
which
were
confirm'd
the
old
Franchises
and
Libert●●●
by
the
King's
Progenitors
before
Granted
in
the
City
●f
London
,
with
a
new
Grant
for
the
Shire
of
Mid●lesex
.
'T
is
good
to
make
things
as
sure
as
we
〈…〉
this
Parliament
were
likewise
disinherited
many
Noble-men
of
the
Land
,
who
before-time
had
taken
the
Barons
Party
.
For
which
cause
they
accompa●●ed
together
,
Robbed
in
divers
parts
of
the
Land
,
●ook
Lincoln
and
spoil'd
it
,
and
after
Ransomed
many
of
the
Rich
Burgesses
of
the
Town
:
And
taking
the
●sle
of
Ely
,
so
strengthened
it
,
that
they
held
it
long
〈◊〉
.
Anno
51
,
At
the
choosing
of
the
Mayor
of
London
,
●
Controversie
arose
between
the
Rulers
and
Com●ons
of
the
City
.
Wherefore
by
advice
of
the
Lord
Mayor
and
Aldermen
Sir
Roger
Leyborn
(
a
Courtier
plain
enough
by
his
Actions
related
before
)
with
others
●ame
to
Guild-hall
,
being
Armed
under
their
Gowns
,
●nd
upon
Fryday
following
Alhallon
day
,
called
the
Commons
to
the
Election
of
the
new
Mayor
.
How
●●ee
was
this
Election
likely
to
be
,
whither
men
came
●ecretly
Armed
to
assist
their
Party
?
Fabian
tells
us
●hat
the
best
of
the
City
gave
the
Nomination
to
Aleyn
●●wch
,
and
divers
of
the
others
cryed
upon
Thomas
〈◊〉
Thomas
,
at
that
time
Prisoner
in
Windsor
Castle
,
●herefore
the
said
Sir
Roger
,
with
the
Assistance
of
●he
Mayor
and
others
,
took
those
Persons
,
and
sent
●●emun
to
divers
Prisons
.
So
that
what
they
could
not
●o
well
get
by
fair
means
,
some
seem
resolved
to
ob●ain
by
force
.
And
yet
't
is
not
unlikely
,
but
they
●ould
be
ready
enough
to
bear
People
in
hand
that
●uch
was
a
free
Election
.
The
Act
against
Disturbance
〈◊〉
Free
Elections
(
wherein
the
King
commandeth
upon
Forfeiture
,
that
no
man
by
force
of
Arms
,
nor
by
●alice
or
menacing
,
shall
disturb
any
to
make
Free
●lection
)
was
not
at
that
time
dreaded
,
as
not
being
〈◊〉
yet
enacted
(
for
it
is
plac'd
in
the
third
of
Edward
the
First
,
the
following
King
)
wherefore
the
Dist●●bers
might
not
then
think
they
had
such
cause
〈…〉
having
the
Court
also
on
their
side
,
as
〈◊〉
must
have
had
since
,
as
soon
as
ever
they
should
〈◊〉
acted
so
imprudently
,
as
to
bring
themselves
〈◊〉
the
la●h
of
that
standing
Law
.
Observe
we
here
〈◊〉
Power
and
Esteem
,
that
usually
accompanie●
〈◊〉
Mayoralty
of
this
Honorable
City
,
since
that
〈◊〉
Faction
were
for
choosing
one
of
their
own
〈◊〉
Shall
I
further
remark
upon
the
whole
of
this
〈◊〉
what
Party
in
a
Nation
't
is
,
that
sticks
not
at
〈◊〉
nor
force
to
effect
their
Designs
,
when
fair
〈◊〉
is
too
weak
to
compass
them
?
But
who
will
〈◊〉
me
that
this
will
not
be
offensive
?
Therefore
to
〈◊〉
In
this
Year
the
Gentlemen
,
who
kept
the
〈◊〉
Ely
,
and
liv'd
there
like
Outlaws
,
broke
out
〈◊〉
times
and
did
much
harm
in
Norfolk
,
Suffolk
,
〈◊〉
Cambridge
Shire
,
took
Norwich
,
and
after
spoiling
〈◊〉
carried
away
with
them
many
of
the
rich
men
,
〈◊〉
ransomed
them
at
great
sums
of
Mony
.
This
〈◊〉
occasion
,
the
story
says
,
to
Thieves
and
other
〈◊〉
dispos'd
People
to
do
many
other
hurts
and
〈◊〉
in
divers
places
of
the
Land
,
and
the
blame
was
〈◊〉
to
those
Gentlemen
.
Then
the
Pope's
Legate
labou●●
with
the
King
,
that
those
disinherited
Gentlem●●
might
purchase
their
Lands
of
him
by
Fine
and
〈◊〉
some
.
Whereupon
it
was
agreed
that
they
〈◊〉
have
their
Lands
again
at
five
Years
value
,
some
〈◊〉
excepted
,
and
others
of
small
Possessions
to
〈◊〉
Fined
at
the
discretion
of
the
King's
Councel
.
〈◊〉
this
took
no
conclusion
saith
my
Author
.
Anno
52.
Aleyn
Sowch
being
Mayor
,
Thomas
●●sing●
and
Robert
de
Cornehyll
Sherists
,
we
read
of
an●ther
broyl
beginning
,
which
was
like
to
have
crea●●
no
little
disturbance
in
the
Land
,
had
it
not
〈◊〉
timely
appeas'd
,
and
brought
to
an
end
by
the
inte●cession
of
wise
Mediators
For
Gilbert
de
Clare
,
Earl
〈◊〉
Glocester
,
formerly
a
powerful
Man
among
the
,
B●rons
Party
,
by
reason
of
difference
and
disgust
●●ising
between
him
and
the
no
less
Potent
Earl
of
〈◊〉
,
of
the
same
Party
,
having
turn'd
to
the
King's
side
,
adding
to
it
such
considerable
strength
,
that
it
soon
over
powr'd
the
weakend
Barons
;
but
●●w
upon
what
occasion
Fabian
expresses
not
,
he
refused
the
King
,
and
gathered
to
him
a
strong
〈◊〉
in
the
Marches
of
Wales
.
To
him
likewise
drew
▪
Sir
John
Eyvile
,
and
others
of
the
disinherited
〈◊〉
.
So
that
after
Christmas
;
he
comes
with
a
●ear
Host
near
unto
London
.
When
the
Mayor
and
Aldermen
of
the
City
were
aware
of
the
Earls
●●ming
with
so
strong
a
Power
,
and
not
knowing
〈◊〉
he
were
the
Kings
Freind
,
they
shut
the
〈◊〉
against
his
Fore-Riders
.
And
for
that
neither
〈◊〉
King
,
nor
any
of
his
Councel
were
then
near
〈◊〉
City
,
they
went
unto
the
Legate
,
at
that
time
●●dged
in
the
Tower
,
and
required
his
Councel
,
●hether
they
should
suffer
the
Earl
to
enter
into
the
●ay
or
not
,
whereunto
the
Legate
answered
,
that
〈◊〉
thought
not
the
contrary
,
for
the
knew
well
that
〈◊〉
was
the
Kings
true
Subject
and
Friend
.
Not
〈◊〉
after
came
a
Messenger
from
the
Earl
to
the
●ayor
,
to
have
Licence
to
pass
through
the
City
〈◊〉
Southwark
,
where
he
intended
to
lodge
with
〈◊〉
People
:
which
was
granted
,
and
so
the
Earl
●●ssed
through
the
City
,
and
was
lodg'd
in
South●ark
:
To
him
came
shortly
after
by
Surry-side
,
〈◊〉
John
Eyvile
,
with
a
great
Company
.
Then
the
●ayor
kept
the
Gate
of
the
Bridge
shut
,
watch●●g
it
dayly
with
armed
Men
,
and
every
night
〈◊〉
the
Draw-Bridge
to
be
drawn
,
and
the
Waterside
daily
and
nightly
to
be
watched
with
Men
in
Arms.
In
short
time
after
the
Legate
and
the
Earl
agreed
in
such
wise
,
that
the
Earl
by
his
advice
was
suffered
with
certain
of
his
People
to
be
lodged
in
the
City
:
By
means
whereof
he
daily
drew
more
and
more
of
his
People
into
it
,
so
that
finally
many
things
were
ordered
by
him
,
and
many
of
the
Commons
took
his
part
against
the
Mayor
and
Aldermen
.
The
Commonalty
of
the
City
had
had
great
Power
put
into
their
hands
by
the
Statutes
made
at
Oxford
,
as
appears
before
in
the
Meeting
of
the
Fol●moot
at
Pauls
Cross
;
they
had
been
lately
fin'd
,
after
the
Barons
overthrow
,
for
their
standing
in
defence
of
those
Parliament-Acts
,
and
but
the
last
year
had
been
disturb'd
by
the
Mayor
in
their
Election
of
a
new
Mayor
,
by
force
of
Arms
,
and
therefore
now
we
may
beleive
it
all
remembred
▪
What
,
shall
we
loose
so
seasonable
an
opportunity
,
(
we
may
suppose
they
might
then
think
)
if
not
to
regain
our
former
power
,
yet
at
least
to
vindicate
our selves
against
future
affronts
?
Here
we
may
note
not
a
little
of
the
Earls
policy
.
After
he
had
gathered
together
his
People
,
he
comes
away
to
London
,
and
getting
leave
to
pass
through
it
〈◊〉
part
of
his
Forces
,
he
settles
himself
as
near
the
City
,
as
he
might
,
in
Southwark
,
and
then
by
degrees
gets
himself
and
his
Power
into
the
City
▪
hoping
doubtless
to
find
a
Party
therein
willing
to
second
him
,
which
hopes
we
perceive
by
the
sequel
were
not
ill
grounded
.
Is
not
this
a
plain
instance
of
the
Cities
Power
,
Esteem
,
and
Influence
in
these
days
?
If
any
can
produce
plainer
proof
hereof
,
let
them
as
soon
as
they
please
.
I
think
here
〈◊〉
Mathematical
Demonstration
:
matter
of
Fact
not
of
Fancy
.
In
Easter
week
we
read
that
the
Earl
took
the
Keys
of
the
Bridge
,
and
of
the
Gates
,
from
the
officers
of
the
City
,
and
deliver'd
them
to
such
as
pleased
him
,
and
received
into
the
City
many
of
the
disinherited
Perfons
,
and
gave
them
free
liberty
to
pass
the
Bridge
at
all
hours
of
the
day
and
night
.
Of
all
this
the
Mayor
sent
word
to
the
King
,
who
then
was
gathering
of
this
Power
in
Norfolk
,
and
made
hasty
speed
towards
London
.
In
the
mean
time
the
Earl
with
his
Company
made
Bulwarks
and
●●●bicanes
between
the
Tower
and
the
City
,
casting
〈◊〉
and
Trenches
in
some
places
thereof
,
and
forf●ited
it
wonderfully
saith
my
Author
.
Then
many
of
the
Citizens
,
fearing
a
new
Insurrection
,
deparred
from
the
City
as
secretly
as
they
could
,
whose
goods
the
Earl
seized
to
his
own
use
,
or
suffered
his
men
to
spoile
them
at
his
pleasure
.
Then
the
Commons
f●●getting
their
late
punishment
,
or
rather
too
much
remembring
it
and
intending
revenge
,
withou●
fear
or
dread
of
their
King
took
certain
of
the
Aldermen
,
and
cast
them
into
Prison
,
sequestring
their
Goods
,
and
spoiling
much
thereof
:
And
thereupon
ran
to
Guild-hall
,
and
chose
for
their
Mayor
,
〈◊〉
,
or
Ruler
of
the
City
(
take
which
name
you
please
)
Sir
Richard
de
Culworth
Knight
,
and
for
Bayliffs
Robert
de
Lynton
and
Roger
Marshal
,
and
discharg'd
the
old
Mayor
and
Sheriffs
.
These
the
fruits
of
Civil
Broils
.
This
being
done
,
we
read
in
the
next
place
,
that
all
such
Prisoners
,
that
were
in
Newgate
,
Ludgate
and
Criplegate
,
or
in
any
other
Prisons
within
the
City
,
because
of
the
Baron's
War
before
passed
,
were
delivered
and
set
at
liberty
.
Thus
each
Party
when
in
Power
,
strives
to
weaken
and
suppress
their
opposites
,
and
strengthen
the●●
own
side
.
What
avails
Laws
,
Customes
,
and
Ordinances
in
the
midst
of
Armies
?
How
suddainly
●
how
unexpectedly
is
the
wheele
turn'd
?
who
kno●●
how
soon
the
Barons
War
had
been
anew
reviv'd
had
not
Powerful
Mediators
interceded
to
the
p●●vention
of
more
blood
shedding
.
The
Oxford
S●●tutes
stood
in
deed
repeal'd
by
the
Winchester
Parliament
,
but
who
can
divine
what
new
devices
the
wit
of
men
backt
with
Power
might
in
time
ha●●
found
out
,
to
retreive
their
late
overthrown
cause
had
not
Providence
so
dispos'd
mens
minds
to
peaceable
Councels
,
as
to
bring
these
new
troubles
to
〈◊〉
quicker
end
.
When
the
Legate
beheld
all
this
Discord
,
we
are
told
,
he
repented
him
of
his
former
Counce●
given
to
the
Mayor
,
which
we
may
easily
belie●●
without
looking
for
any
proofs
thereof
.
For
th●
Legate
might
well
think
himself
accus'd
in
man●
men's
thoughts
,
as
one
of
the
occasional
Causes
〈◊〉
much
of
this
disorder
,
though
it
may
be
they
mig●●
not
be
so
uncharitable
,
as
to
believe
him
any
othe●●
then
an
accidental
not
designed
Causer
thereof
.
〈◊〉
seems
by
the
History
to
have
endeavour'd
somewh●●
to
vindicate
his
Reputation
,
when
he
saw
he
coul●
not
reform
the
Earl
,
by
threatning
him
with
〈◊〉
Censures
of
the
Church
,
and
to
accurse
him
as
th●
Disinherited
were
.
For
that
was
always
one
o●
the
best
Weapons
the
Popish
Clergy
were
most
de●trous
at
.
If
any
grievously
displeas'd
them
,
no
ma●ter
what
the
cause
was
,
good
or
bad
,
allowable
by
the
Divine
Laws
or
not
,
to
Curse
him
with
Bell
,
Book
and
Candle
,
was
their
usual
accustomed
Practise
.
Whosoever
believes
me
not
,
let
him
go
to
the
Martyrologies
,
&
see
whether
he
can
then
beleive
his
〈◊〉
eyes
.
Yet
I
do
not
find
(
let
the
instance
here
〈◊〉
)
that
this
their
Cursing
had
so
general
an
〈◊〉
upon
all
men
,
as
they
would
have
had
it
,
〈◊〉
they
got
it
well
backt
by
the
Civil
Magistrates
●●thority
.
Therefore
their
common
use
was
,
as
〈◊〉
had
opportunity
,
to
inch
out
the
Spiritual
〈◊〉
with
the
Temporal
.
What
did
many
value
〈◊〉
have
their
Souls
given
away
to
the
Devil
,
if
they
〈◊〉
keep
their
Bodies
out
of
Prisons
from
being
●●livered
over
to
the
Secular
Power
by
the
Clergy
,
〈◊〉
seem
thus
as
it
were
by
craft
to
call
the
Ma●istrate
the
Devil
?
A
plain
case
,
when
Men
to
exalt
●●eir
own
Worldly
grandure
,
or
out
of
Animosity
to
●●venge
a
particular
private
peek
or
quarrel
,
under
●●●tence
of
Religion
,
usurpe
a
Power
over
Men's
〈◊〉
and
Consciences
,
which
belongs
not
at
all
to
〈◊〉
,
or
else
turn
the
Edge
of
it
to
a
use
quite
●●●trary
to
the
Primitive
Institution
,
it
quickly
〈◊〉
its
Ancient
Vigour
and
Esteem
,
and
from
a
●●error
it
becomes
a
scorn
to
persons
of
understan●●●g
,
able
enough
to
discern
men's
wicked
preva●●cation
from
true
Religion
.
Were
it
not
for
the
〈◊〉
De
Excommunicato
c●piendo
in
some
Cases
Men
〈◊〉
little
value
Excommunication
,
or
look
upon
〈◊〉
otherwise
than
a
Scare-Crow
to
fright
Children
and
Fools
,
what
's
hanging
,
were
it
not
for
choak●●g
.
To
proceed
after
this
menace
and
threat
of
the
〈◊〉
,
we
are
told
that
he
commanded
Divine
Service
to
be
said
without
Note
,
and
the
Church
doors
to
be
shut
in
time
thereof
,
and
that
no
Bell
●●ould
be
rung
unto
it
,
to
the
Intent
that
the
disinherited
,
who
stood
accursed
,
should
not
enter
the
Churches
to
hear
it
.
Upon
three
Weeks
after
Easter
we
hear
that
the
King
came
to
Ham
,
a
few
miles
from
London
,
whether
likewise
came
the
Legat
soon
after
.
Then
the
King's
host
made
divers
assaults
upon
the
City
,
but
it
seems
with
little
or
no
hur●to
the
Town
,
it
was
so
strongly
fortified
.
My
Author
makes
mention
of
Guns
and
other
Ordinances
,
but
I
question
whether
he
speakes
not
rather
after
the
fashion
of
the
Age
he
liv'd
in
,
than
after
the
true
use
of
armes
in
those
more
elderly
times
.
For
the
first
invention
of
Gunpowder
by
Bertholdus
Swart
,
the
G●rman
Monk
,
is
plac'd
by
Chronologers
a
considerable
time
after
.
In
this
time
of
variance
the
Legate
upon
his
Party
,
and
the
King
of
Romans
upon
the
other
party
▪
for
alliance
between
him
and
the
Earl
of
Glocester
,
labour'd
so
to
the
King
,
that
Peace
was
spoken
of
During
the
Treaty
the
Soldiers
lying
in
Southwarke
made
many
Robberies
in
Surry
and
other
places
.
Neither
did
the
King's
Palace
at
Westminister
escape
,
for
we
hear
that
some
of
them
rowd
over
thereto
,
and
Spoil'd
it
,
drunk
up
the
Kings
wine
,
brake
the
glass
of
the
Windows
wasting
and
destroying
other
Necessaries
thereunto
belonging
,
and
came
likewi●●
sometimes
into
London
and
Robbed
there
.
Disorderly
unruly
Soldiers
little
regard
any
one
,
unless
they
be
kept
under
Strict
discipline
.
Sacred
or
Propha●●
much
the
sameto
many
of
them
.
Some
of
these
●avenous
Spoilers
being
taken
,
are
recorded
to
have
had
a
severe
Punishment
inflicted
on
them
,
through
the
Earl
of
Derby's
means
,
whose
.
Body
or
C●g●zance
they
bare
viz.
bound
hands
and
leggs
,
put
into
a
Sack
and
●o
cast
into
Thames
.
About
〈◊〉
day
was
the
Peace
between
the
King
and
the
Earl
c●●cluded
.
After
this
Conclusion
the
Earl
removed
out
of
the
City
and
was
lodg'd
again
in
Southwark
.
The
King
entred
the
City
the
Sunday
before
Mids●●er
day
according
to
the
Book
:
And
forthwith
the
King's
Proclamation
were
made
through
it
,
of
the
peace
made
between
the
King
and
the
Earl
.
Af●●r
was
liberty
given
to
the
disinherited
Persons
of
Eleven
Days
respit
to
shift
for
themselves
,
either
to
depart
to
such
Places
,
where
they
might
be
in
some
Surety
,
or
else
to
agree
to
the
former
Composition
made
by
the
Legate
,
viz.
To
pay
the
Fifth
part
of
the
Yearly
Value
of
their
Lands
,
certain
Persons
only
excepted
,
as
is
before
related
.
As
touching
the
Earl
,
and
such
other
as
before
were
not
disinherited
,
together
also
with
the
Citizens
of
London
,
they
were
clearly
to
be
forgiven
and
Pardoned
.
Then
were
restored
to
their
Offices
Aleyn
Sowch
Mayor
,
Thomas
Basynge
and
Robert
de
Cornhil
Sheriffs
.
And
the
Aldermen
,
before
deposed
,
were
again
likewise
restored
to
their
Wards
and
Offices
.
A
happy
Reconciliation
.
Next
comes
the
relation
of
the
Legate's
interdic●ing
all
the
City
the
Wednesday
following
,
which
endured
from
six
of
the
clock
in
the
Morning
,
till
three
the
next
day
in
the
Afternoon
,
and
then
was
discharg'd
upon
the
Oath
of
two
Commons
sworn
in
the
name
of
the
City
,
that
the
City
should
stand
to
the
Ordinance
and
Judgment
of
the
Church
.
So
Eabian
informs
us
,
but
he
likewise
telis
us
of
another
Chronicle
which
affirms
,
that
this
Interdiction
should
have
continued
longer
,
had
it
not
been
for
the
sternness
of
the
Londoners
,
who
held
the
Legate
so
streight
,
that
they
inforc't
him
to
withdraw
that
sentence
upon
the
foresaid
Condition
.
So
that
is
seems
the
Legate
had
not
strength
enough
to
〈◊〉
with
the
Londoners
so
roughly
and
harshly
,
yet
s●curely
,
as
otherwise
he
might
perchance
have
do●●
with
lesser
Places
and
Parties
.
His
reverend
Lega●●ship
seems
not
here
to
have
went
so
cunningly
〈◊〉
work
;
as
did
a
Legate
much
of
the
same
Name
,
i●
not
the
same
Man
,
in
the
twenty
first
of
this
Kin●●
Reign
,
with
the
Oxford
Scholars
.
He
first
got
〈◊〉
enough
off
from
them
to
Wallingford
,
and
then
accus'd
the
misdoers
,
that
had
put
him
into
such
a
〈◊〉
,
that
for
his
Safeguard
he
took
the
Belfry
of
Osney
,
〈◊〉
abode
there
,
till
the
Kings
Ministers
coming
fro●
Abbington
,
with
strength
mixt
with
fair
words
,
de●●vered
him
,
and
conveyed
him
away
,
as
is
in
〈◊〉
before
shewn
.
No
,
no
,
the
Londoners
were
too
stron●
and
stern
,
so
to
be
fool'd
and
us'd
.
They
would
●●ther
,
we
perceive
by
the
story
,
compel
him
,
th●●
sawningly
crouch
to
him
.
After
this
the
Bulwarks
,
and
Barlicarnes
,
made
by
the
Earl
in
the
City
,
were
plucked
clean
up
,
and
Ditches
fill'd
,
so
that
no
part
of
them
was
see●
Good
to
destroy
all
the
Monuments
of
civil
Broils
and
Discord
.
When
the
Citizens
should
have
had
their
new
Pardon
granted
,
an
obstacle
was
mad●
for
so
much
as
they
as
yet
had
not
recompenced
the
King
of
the
Romans
,
for
the
Subversion
of
hi●
Manour
of
Thistleworth
.
Well
remembred
and
as
seasonably
put
in
.
A
good
convenient
opportunity
to
put
in
for
his
share
;
when
he
knew
all
the
other
differences
were
pretty
well
quieted
in
the
L●●d
,
and
might
reasonably
conclude
,
the
City
would
rather
wisely
part
with
a
little
Money
,
than
begin
a
new
trouble
for
a
small
matter
,
and
so
hazard
all
.
For
his
Reparation
was
ask'd
(
we
find
)
six
thousand
〈◊〉
.
But
finally
,
with
great
Labour
and
Freindship
〈◊〉
was
made
,
to
give
him
for
amends
one
〈…〉
ma●ks
to
be
paid
in
two
years
.
Thus
you
〈◊〉
observe
,
some
will
be
sure
however
to
ask
〈◊〉
,
where
they
know
there
is
good
Ability
to
〈◊〉
,
though
they
take
at
last
much
less
:
Like
the
〈◊〉
,
that
requested
five
hundred
Oaks
of
the
King
〈◊〉
●uild
him
an
House
,
when
as
one
hundred
was
enough
,
and
it
may
he
too
much
.
After
these
Transactions
,
the
King
accepted
and
〈◊〉
to
his
Grace
,
Sir
John
Eyvile
,
and
several
〈◊〉
,
some
of
them
named
before
among
the
〈◊〉
Party
.
Accord
was
also
made
between
〈◊〉
the
Kings
Son
,
and
the
Earl
of
Glocester
.
Ther●
〈◊〉
all
Fortresses
and
other
Defences
,
before
made
〈◊〉
,
and
the
places
adjoyning
,
pull'd
up
(
〈◊〉
my
Author
)
and
destroyed
,
and
the
Earl
with
all
other
Souldiers
departed
After
things
thus
set
〈…〉
and
Rest
,
except
that
some
yet
kept
the
〈◊〉
of
Ely
,
the
King
Rides
to
Shrewsbury
,
and
〈◊〉
there
a
Season
to
commune
of
matters
between
him
and
Lewellin
Prince
of
Wales
.
While
he
there
〈◊〉
,
I
find
that
a
Writ
was
directed
to
Sir
Aleyn
〈◊〉
,
Mayor
of
London
,
eight
days
before
Michaelm●●
,
from
the
King
,
charging
him
that
the
Citizens
should
not
proceed
to
Election
of
new
Sheriffs
,
till
〈◊〉
coming
to
London
,
but
to
suffer
the
old
to
abide
still
in
Office
.
By
this
we
may
guess
at
the
honourable
Sheriffs
Power
,
even
in
those
days
,
and
beleive
that
the
Court
thought
it
convenient
for
their
interest●
in
those
unsetled
times
,
to
influence
the
Election
what
they
might
.
What
else
means
the
Kings
command
to
defer
the
Election
till
his
coming
to
Town
?
And
indeed
we
may
perceive
by
the
History
,
th●●
there
was
medling
to
the
purpose
the
following
year
,
for
the
King
himself
,
instead
of
permitting
〈◊〉
free
Election
,
did
in
effect
put
in
two
Sheriffs
,
of
〈◊〉
own
nomination
.
For
the
Mayor
was
commande●
to
present
to
the
King
six
Persons
able
to
be
〈◊〉
(
it
may
be
it
was
also
privately
intimated
to
hi●
whom
they
should
be
)
and
out
of
them
the
〈◊〉
chose
two
to
be
Sheriffs
,
,
William
de
Durham
,
〈◊〉
Walter
Henry
,
and
caused
them
to
be
sworn
,
〈◊〉
they
should
gather
the
profits
of
the
City
,
and
give
a
true
Account
before
the
Barons
of
the
Excheque●
▪
But
for
this
,
the
Court
seem
to
have
had
a
〈◊〉
plausible
pretence
from
some
disorders
lately
co●mitted
in
the
City
.
As
indeed
they
appear
by
th●
History
of
this
Kings
Reign
very
ready
,
either
●●
find
occasion
for
pretences
,
or
else
to
make
〈◊〉
that
they
might
seize
the
Cities
Charter
,
and
●fter
restore
it
again
for
a
good
round
sums
of
Money
.
The
Disorders
in
London
above
mention'd
wer●
occasion'd
,
through
variance
falling
out
between
the
Fellowships
of
Goldsmiths
and
Taylors
in
November
▪
in
the
fifty
third
year
of
this
King
,
reckoning
with
my
Author
from
the
usual
time
of
the
Mayors
e●tring
into
his
Mayoralty
.
This
variance
was
so
grea●
,
that
it
grew
to
the
making
of
Parties
,
so
that
with
the
Taylors
held
the
Craft
of
Stainers
,
with
the
Goldsmiths
held
another
Fellowship
or
Craft
.
By
means
whereof
much
people
nightly
gathered
together
in
the
Streets
in
Arms.
At
length
,
as
if
before
appointed
,
there
met
one
night
of
the
said
Parties
upon
the
number
of
five
hundred
Men
on
both
sides
,
and
ran
together
with
such
violence
,
that
some
were
slaim
and
many
wounded
:
To
this
purport
I
find
it
related
.
Then
upon
outcry
made
the
Sheriffs
with
a
strength
of
other
Commons
came
to
them
,
and
took
certain
of
them
,
and
sent
them
to
the
Prisons
:
Upon
the
Morrow
such
search
was
made
,
that
most
of
the
cheif
causers
of
that
Fray
were
taken
and
〈◊〉
into
Ward
.
Upon
the
Friday
following
Katherines
〈◊〉
,
at
the
Sessions
kept
at
Newgate
by
the
Mayor
,
〈◊〉
de
Broke
Justice
and
others
,
were
many
of
〈◊〉
Persons
Arraigned
of
Felony
,
and
and
some
of
them
cast
and
hang'd
.
Among
them
was
likewise
〈◊〉
one
Godfrey
de
Beverlay
,
who
had
helped
to
〈◊〉
of
them
.
Thus
the
Accessary
is
not
seldom
thought
a●
guilty
as
the
Theif
.
On
the
Morrow
after
St.
James's
day
,
the
King
d●●charged
(
as
writes
my
Author
)
Sir
.
Aleyn
Souch
●●yor
,
and
made
Stephen
Edworth
Constable
of
the
T●wer
,
and
Custos
of
the
City
of
Londrn
▪
Fabian
(
after
whom
I
most
write
)
hath
left
us
the
Names
of
a
Mayor
,
and
Sheriffs
,
affixt
to
every
year
of
this
Henry's
Reign
,
yet
he
likewise
gives
us
to
understand
,
that
of
these
Rulers
of
the
City
,
after
the
year
that
Thomas
Fytz
Thomas
was
Mayor
,
there
are
divers
opinions
.
For
after
some
Writers
(
continues
he
)
from
that
year
,
viz.
forty
eight
till
the
fifty
fifth
of
King
Henry's
Reign
,
in
which
year
.
John
Adrian
,
Draper
,
was
Mayor
,
they
were
all
Guardians
and
no
Mayors
,
and
who
so
was
then
Constable
of
the
Tower
,
the
same
was
also
Custos
of
the
City
.
So
that
,
according
to
this
Account
,
there
pass'd
about
seven
years
,
wherein
the
Londoners
had
not
the
full
and
free
use
of
their
Priviledges
and
Franchises
.
If
this
be
allowed
for
a
Truth
,
we
have
but
little
Reason
to
marvel
,
that
we
find
the
Commons
so
ready
to
adhere
to
such
,
as
they
might
hope
would
vindicate
their
former
Liberty
,
and
the
Rulers
so
averse
from
joyning
with
such
,
in
diminution
of
that
Regal
Power
,
to
which
they
seem
wholly
to
have
ow'd
theirs
,
and
not
to
any
Interest
and
Favour
they
had
among
the
Commons
of
the
City
.
Who
knows
,
if
those
Writers
words
be
granted
,
but
this
might
be
some
Reason
of
the
Earl
of
Glocester's
stirring
again
again●●
the
Court
designs
,
(
with
a
little
perhaps
of
Jealou●y
,
of
the
Kings
Son
Edwards
overmuch
familiarity
with
his
Wife
,
in
a
Court
hinted
to
us
by
Stow
,
but
plaid
by
him
an
year
later
,
In
Reg.
53.
)
when
〈◊〉
saw
the
City
,
which
had
formerly
took
part
with
the
same
side
he
once
was
of
,
deprived
of
their
●●berties
and
Franchises
,
with
little
hopes
of
〈◊〉
them
,
much
through
his
means
,
by
his
late
〈◊〉
with
Edward
the
Kings
Son
,
to
the
weakning
and
overthrow
of
the
Barons
Party
,
to
which
the
City
had
so
firmly
adher'd
?
In
this
year
,
by
Mediati●●
and
means
of
the
fame
Edward
,
all
such
difinne●ited
Persons
,
as
kept
the
Isle
of
Ely
,
are
said
to
be
reconciled
to
the
King
,
and
all
Fortresses
and
De●ence●
therein
by
them
made
,
plucked
away
and
destroyed
.
In
July
,
Octobon
the
Pope's
Legate
,
who
had
interested
himself
so
much
in
the
late
Transactions
▪
departed
towards
Rome
,
but
not
without
a
great
Treasure
,
Levi'd
,
we
hear
,
of
the
Church
.
My
Author
intimates
,
That
he
made
many
good
Rules
therein
;
if
they
were
not
only
Rules
,
but
an●
good
Rules
,
why
should
he
not
be
well
paid
●or
them
?
I
don't
think
these
kind
of
Men
did
very
often
Ordain
such
extraordinary
good
Rules
,
unless
you
will
call
those
good
,
which
tended
to
the
satisfying
the
Pope's
Avaricious
Mind
,
and
exalting
his
,
and
the
Clergies
Temporal
Grandeur
.
Other
might
be
their
Pretences
,
but
Mony
doubtless
was
〈◊〉
of
their
aim
,
when
they
sent
their
Legates
〈◊〉
this
Land
,
or
into
other
Countries
owning
the
Pope's
Jurisdiction
:
and
the
Event
proves
it
too
〈◊〉
.
Without
all
Peradventure
,
it
was
not
for
nothing
,
that
England
was
called
the
Pope's
Pack-horse
.
Annals
,
Peterpence
,
Tenths
,
F●rst-Fruits
,
and
the
like
,
were
good
Pickings
,
that
were
drawn
hence
,
to
Rome
:
And
that
the
Popish
Clergy
know
full
well
,
and
therefore
their
fingers
are
Itching
to
be
Trading
here
again
.
If
the
Pope's
Mule
could
once
more
set
his
Foot
safely
on
English
Ground
,
there
〈◊〉
doubt
but
they
would
make
us
pay
for
old
〈◊〉
new
,
it
should
scape
them
hard
else
.
'T
was
about
Four
Years
before
,
even
in
49
,
that
the
Citizens
of
London
compounded
with
the
King
〈◊〉
a
Fine
of
Twenty
Thousand
Marks
,
and
yet
in
this
Year
53
,
there
is
another
mention
made
of
it
,
as
it
were
hinting
to
us
,
that
it
was
not
yet
all
Raised
,
or
at
least
,
that
all
such
,
that
were
Assessed
towards
it
,
had
not
returned
in
their
demanded
Assessment
,
but
to
avoid
that
and
other
Charges
,
had
rather
chosen
to
depart
from
the
City
with
their
Housholds
and
Goods
,
and
Inhabit
in
divers
other
places
of
the
Land
.
Whence
we
may
without
doubt
well
and
truly
conclude
the
scarcity
of
Coin
in
those
Days
,
and
greatness
of
that
Imposed
Tax
,
or
elfe
the
Paucity
of
the
Inhabitants
of
London
,
and
smalness
of
the
City
,
in
comparison
with
what
it
is
at
this
present
time
.
If
then
the
City
was
of
such
Power
and
Esteem
in
those
Days
,
as
the
former
passages
seem
strongly
to
prove
,
how
great
and
considerable
an
Influence
,
have
we
reason
to
beleive
it
hath
at
present
upon
the
rest
of
the
Nation
now
it
is
grown
by
far
more
Populous
,
and
〈◊〉
more
Splendid
in
Riches
,
Trading
,
and
Building●
Though
many
of
the
Citizens
thus
fled
the
City
,
thinking
thereby
to
be
acquitred
of
the
Charge
of
the
aforementioned
Imposition
,
yet
find
not
that
this
availed
them
ought
.
For
the
others
of
the
City
remaining
made
(
we
are
told
)
Instant
labour
to
the
King
,
and
had
it
Granted
,
That
all
such
,
as
for
the
aforesaid
cause
had
carri●d
their
Goods
out
of
the
City
,
should
be
Distrain●●
by
the
Sheriff
of
the
Shire
,
where
they
then
dwelled
,
and
forced
to
pay
all
such
Sums
,
as
they
●●fore
were
Assessed
at
.
Why
should
not
Men
〈◊〉
the
Bad
with
the
Good
?
If
they
desire
to
enjoy
the
City's
Priviledges
in
the
Day
of
her
Prosperity
,
there
is
but
little
reason
,
why
they
should
not
lik●wise
partake
with
her
in
the
common
Calamity
and
Adversity
.
In
September
,
The
Five
Citizens
,
viz.
Thomas
〈◊〉
Thomas
,
&c.
sp●ken
of
before
in
the
Forty
〈◊〉
Year
,
who
had
hitherto
remained
Prisoners
in
Windsor-Tower
,
made
an
end
with
Edward
the
King's
Son
,
for
great
Sums
of
Mony
,
and
were
delivered
.
It
would
have
but
little
availed
them
,
to
ha●●
pleaded
the
Kings
safe
Conduct
before
sent
the●
under
his
Seal
.
T
was
money
it
seems
that
must
b●y
their
Deliverance
,
Mony
they
had
doubtless
,
and
therefore
't
is
mony
they
must
produce
,
and
so
they
were
●ain
to
do
;
or
at
least
agree
to
pay
it
,
before
they
could
get
quit
out
of
Edwards
Power
.
The
54th
year
began
(
according
to
the
Chronicle
)
with
so
hard
a
frost
,
that
the
frozen
Thames
was
passable
for
men
and
Beasts
in
diverse
places
,
and
Merchadize
was
thereupon
brought
to
London
by
Land
.
This
Forst
was
not
so
prejudiaial
to
their
Trading
,
〈◊〉
the
rising
and
flowing
of
Thames
sometime
after
〈◊〉
as
injurious
and
hurtsul
about
London
,
to
the
●●owning
of
Cellers
by
the
waterside
,
and
spoiling
〈◊〉
much
Merchandize
lying
in
them
.
But
these
are
●●●asters
we
know
Commonly
happening
in
this
tran●●●ry
World
,
witness
the
late
Inundations
through
●he
great
Rains
this
Spring
,
and
the
damage
sustaind
●●ereby
in
Fleet-ditch
,
Hockly
in
the
Hole
,
and
many
●●her
places
.
In
this
year
about
the
beginning
of
〈◊〉
we
find
that
the
King
gave
the
Rule
of
the
City
〈◊〉
London
to
his
Son
Edward
,
with
all
Revenues
and
Pr●fits
thereto
belonging
.
Whereupon
he
made
Hugh
〈◊〉
son
of
Othon
Constable
of
the
Tower
,
and
Custos
〈◊〉
the
City
,
About
the
End
of
April
he
commanded
●he
Citizens
to
present
to
him
six
Persons
able
to
be
●●●riffs
;
Of
whom
he
admitted
to
that
Office
William
〈◊〉
Haddystoke
,
and
Anke●yl
De
Alvern
,
and
sware
them
to
be
Accountants
,
as
their
Predecessors
were
.
These
we
read
presented
in
May
following
at
the
G●ild-Hall
,
and
there
charged
a
new
.
At
these
days
a
new
Custom
or
Toll
us'd
to
be
paid
the
King
by
●he
Citizens
,
which
having
been
let
to
farme
to
a
Mar●hant
Stranger
by
Edward
the
Kings
Son
for
20.
●arks
yearly
,
the
Citizens
unwilling
to
be
under
a
●●●angers
Rule
,
upon
great
suit
made
to
the
same
Ed●ard
,
agreed
with
him
to
buy
the
said
Toll
free
for
●000
Marks
.
In
this
year
the
King
had
granted
towards
his
●oyage
into
the
Holy
Land
(
which
was
the
name
●hen
usually
given
to
Canaan
the
Land
of
Promise
,
wherein
our
blessed
Saviour
was
Crucified
,
to
compleat
the
works
of
our
Redemption
)
the
〈◊〉
penny
of
every
mans
Substance
moveable
throu●●
out
the
Land
,
of
the
lay
fee
,
and
of
the
Spirit●●●ty
by
the
Pops
Assent
three
Dysmes
to
be
〈◊〉
three
years
.
A
politick
pretence
vsed
in
those
days
get
mony
,
An
invention
somewhat
suitable
here
〈◊〉
to
have
latter
ages
found
out
,
and
sometimes
as
b●neficial
,
viz.
To
pretend
war
with
a
neighbour
N●tion
,
and
then
get
mony
towards
the
raising
an
〈◊〉
to
carry
it
on
.
If
they
could
afterwards
compass
〈◊〉
take
mony
on
both
sides
to
lay
it
again
,
that
〈◊〉
good
advantage
;
but
to
get
mony
twice
to
〈◊〉
it
was
double
gain
,
Much
about
this
time
t
is
,
that
〈◊〉
read
in
Stows
Annals
of
a
Quo
Waranto
set
on
foot
,
〈◊〉
an
Assembly
of
Nobles
met
at
London
by
the
Kin●
Command
,
where
,
by
many
,
to
their
no
small
〈◊〉
,
were
called
before
the
Justices
to
shew
by
〈◊〉
right
they
held
their
Lands
.
But
it
was
thought
〈◊〉
afterwards
,
to
cease
any
further
prosecution
there●●
After
that
,
John
Warren
Earl
of
Surry
,
(
being
deman●ed
on
that
writ
,
what
right
he
had
to
his
Land●
boldly
drew
out
his
Sword
,
and
said
,
that
there●●
he
held
his
Grand-Fathers
Lands
,
and
by
that
〈◊〉
keep
them
,
Wherein
doubtless
he
would
not
〈◊〉
failed
of
many
Powerful
Abettors
and
assistants
,
〈◊〉
the
Kings
Justices
too
,
rigorously
proceeded
in
〈◊〉
a●●air
.
We
find
it
cost
the
Lord
Cheif
Justice
of
〈◊〉
Allen
dela
Z●nch
his
life
,
and
the
Earl
only
a
〈◊〉
of
mony
,
notwithstanding
that
he
made
that
alla●●
upon
the
other
before
the
other
Justices
of
the
〈◊〉
He
having
affirmed
by
the
Oath
of
25.
Knights
at
Wi●chester
,
that
he
committed
not
that
Fact
upon
any
p●●tended
malice
,
nor
in
contempt
of
the
King
,
this
〈◊〉
the
Issue
of
the
Quo
Warranto
in
those
days
.
55
was
the
year
,
wherein
my
Author
acquaints
〈◊〉
that
the
Citizens
so
well
contented
Prince
Ed●●rds
mind
,
that
he
labour'd
to
the
King
his
Father
for
them
,
and
procur'd
their
Charter
in
such
〈◊〉
confirm'd
,
that
they
should
after
their
Ancient
●riviledges
choose
of
themselves
a
Major
and
two
Sheriffs
,
which
Sheriffs
were
to
have
the
Offices
thereunto
belonging
to
farm
,
as
before
had
been
●ccustomed
,
except
that
instead
of
350
l.
paid
a●●retimes
,
for
the
Fee-farm
,
they
should
then
pay
450
l.
But
that
a
quam
diu
placuerit
was
then
thought
of
,
I
don't
find
.
After
this
Confirmation
thus
granted
and
pass'd
by
the
Kings
broad
Seal
,
upon
July
the
14th
.
we
find
the
Citizens
assem●led
at
Guildhal
,
where
they
chose
for
their
Major
,
John
Adryan
〈◊〉
,
and
for
Sheriff
,
Walter
〈◊〉
and
John
〈◊〉
▪
And
upon
the
16th
.
Presen●ed
them
to
the
〈◊〉
,
at
Westminster
,
Edward
being
●resent
,
〈◊〉
●●ey
were
admitted
and
Sworn
,
●nd
Hugh
Son
of
Othon
discharg'd
of
the
Rule
of
●he
City
.
Then
the
Citizens
of
their
free
Will
●o
writes
Fabian
)
gave
unto
the
King
an
100
Marks
,
●nd
to
Edward
500
Marks
,
which
the
King
well
●ccepted
.
And
soon
after
they
receiv'd
their
Char●●er
of
Confirmation
bearing
date
July
21st
.
and
●5th
of
the
Kings
Reign
.
The
Annals
of
this
year
my
Author
ends
with
〈…〉
mischance
hapning
in
London
,
viz.
The
fal●●ng
down
of
Saint
Mary
Bow
Steeple
in
Cheapside
,
●o
the
slaying
of
Women
and
Children
.
In
the
next
year
56
he
gives
us
the
Relation
of
●n
other
unfortunate
accident
,
that
fell
out
in
Nor●ich
,
through
occasion
of
a
fray
between
some
Ser●ants
of
the
Monastery
there
standing
,
and
some
of
●he
Citizens
.
This
was
carried
on
to
such
an
height
●●
violence
and
fury
,
that
many
of
the
Town
were
wounded
and
slain
,
and
the
Abbey
with
all
it's
buildings
,
except
a
little
Chappel
,
burnt
down
and
destroyed
.
But
this
afterwards
cost
the
place
the
death
of
near
upon
30
young
Men
of
the
Town
,
who
were
Indicted
,
Judg'd
,
Cast
,
Hang'd
and
Burnt
as
Occasioners
and
Executors
of
that
Deed
,
to
the
great
sorrow
of
the
Citizens
,
and
so
much
the
rather
,
for
that
they
thought
,
the
Prior
of
the
place
was
the
Occasioner
of
all
that
mischief
,
but
he
was
born
out
,
it
seems
,
and
defended
by
the
B●shop
of
Norwich
.
Hard
medling
in
those
times
with
any
of
the
Church-men
,
they
were
grown
so
powerful
and
high
Crested
:
What
,
destroy
goods
of
the
Church
?
hah
!
In
days
much
later
what
a
difference
arose
between
Pope
Paul
and
Fum'd
the
Common-wealth
of
Venice
,
upon
their
Imprisoning
an
offending
Church-man
,
guilty
〈◊〉
less
an
offence
than
Murder
?
The
Thunderbolt
o●
Excommunication
had
been
but
a
small
matter
had
his
Popeship
but
had
power
to
have
vented
his
Rage
in
an
higher
manner
.
If
the
Romish
Clergy
so
domineer
over
those
Countries
,
which
have
for
many
ages
continued
in
Popery
,
can
we
Englishmen
rationally
hope
to
be
free
their
utmost
revenge
,
if
they
can
but
once
get
such
an
head
over
us
,
as
they
have
long
desired
and
hop'd
for
?
No
,
No
,
th●
thinking
part
of
the
Nation
are
all
pretty
we●
satisfied
of
their
purposes
,
Plots
,
and
designs
.
Le●
them
do
their
worst
,
gnash
upon
us
with
their
teeth
and
think
to
eat
us
up
as
bread
:
Let
them
begi●
a
Massacre
,
if
they
durst
,
as
soon
as
they
pleas●
it
's
much
but
they
'll
find
,
to
their
cost
,
free
Englis●
Spirits
in
English
bodies
,
who
will
not
so
easi●
be
brought
to
their
lure
,
as
they
may
perhaps
ha●
foolishly
perswaded
themselves
,
from
their
conver●
with
a
few
debauch'd
unthinking
men
amongst
〈◊〉
King
Henry
dyes
in
the
57th
.
year
of
his
〈◊〉
while
his
Son
Edward
was
absent
in
th●
〈…〉
▪
But
upon
notice
hereof
he
returns
for
〈◊〉
and
in
Augu●t
comes
to
London
,
where
of
the
Cittizens
he
is
received
with
all
Joy
and
hono●●
,
and
so
conveyed
to
Westminster
.
He
had
newly
got
for
the
Citizens
their
Priviledges
restor●d
in
his
Fathers
days
;
let
us
now
see
how
matters
were
carried
in
his
Reign
between
the
City
and
the
Court
.
We
shall
find
the
City
a
powerful
match
still
,
tho
she
met
with
many
troubles
and
Enemies
,
yet
she
weather'd
them
out
in
spight
o●
all
attempts
.
In
the
second
year
of
this
King
Edward
there
was
a
great
contest
at
Guildhal
about
the
Major
.
Certain
attempts
we
hear
of
made
the
year
before
by
some
of
the
Citizens
,
to
have
made
such
a
Major
as
they
listed
,
but
being
then
disappointed
of
their
Accessaries
,
it
was
hinder'd
for
that
time
,
but
in
this
years
beginning
took
further
effect
.
On
Simon
and
Jude's
day
,
when
Philip
le
Taylor
,
before
chosen
Major
,
should
have
taken
his
charge
at
the
Guildhal
,
divers
Citizens
put
him
beside
the
Majors
seat
,
and
set
therein
Sir
Walter
Harvy
,
who
the
year
before
had
been
Major
.
This
contention
being
brought
before
the
King
,
upon
hearing
the
reasons
of
both
parties
,
when
he
could
not
bring
them
to
an
agreement
,
he
took
occasion
to
put
both
the
Candidates
aside
,
and
chose
Henry
For●ick
for
Custos
of
the
City
,
who
so
continued
for
a
time
.
So
ready
were
some
always
to
deprive
the
City
of
the
use
of
her
Liberties
upon
her
Citizens
dis●greement
.
But
if
such
was
the
effect
of
the
Ci●izens
contest
,
what
then
may
we
think
of
those
who
●urposely
create
those
differences
,
and
stir
up
danger●us
animosities
among
them
,
upon
slight
,
trivial
,
●orn
out
pretences
,
that
from
the
like
cause
or
occasion
the
like
effect
may
follow
?
At
Candlemas
,
by
discreet
and
wise
peaceable
means
,
the
forenamed
Sir
Walter
Harvy
was
set
in
Authority
as
Major
,
and
so
remained
the
whole
year
after
.
In
the
third
year
the
King
confirmed
the
Liberties
of
the
City
,
and
granted
some
new
.
Thus
you
see
after
a
storm
comes
fair
weather
.
In
this
year
we
meet
with
a
Relation
concerning
Walter
Harvy
,
how
that
in
the
first
year
of
this
King
,
after
long
controversy
and
strife
with
the
Aldermen
,
he
was
made
Major
of
London
,
at
a
Folkmoot
or
Common-Hall
at
Pauls-Cross
,
and
so
continued
that
year
;
but
in
this
third
year
occasion
was
found
to
remember
,
and
(
as
the
event
seems
to
intimate
)
revenge
it
.
For
being
accused
of
divers
perjuries
and
other
detestable
deeds
contrary
to
his
Oath
,
for
them
and
for
making
Assemblies
of
the
Commons
,
who
favour'd
him
,
he
was
depriv'd
of
his
Aldermanship
,
and
turn'd
out
of
the
City
Council
for
ever
,
and
for
keeping
the
Kings
peace
within
the
City
for
the
term
of
his
life
,
was
bound
to
the
good
behaviour
upon
the
suretiship
of
twelve
persons
.
'T
is
not
unusual
for
the
Commonalty
and
heads
of
the
City
to
be
at
difference
each
with
other
.
Here
's
one
,
who
seems
a
promoter
of
the
Commons
power
,
over-power'd
himself
by
his
Enemies
,
for
making
assemblies
of
the
Commons
,
and
other
Crimes
objected
to
him
,
true
or
feigned
I
know
not
,
however
thence
was
taken
a
pretence
to
thrust
him
out
of
his
former
power
.
These
Folkmoots
or
Assemblies
of
the
Commons
seem
to
have
been
very
unpleasing
t●
the
chief
Rulers
of
the
City
,
and
their
power
disgusted
,
as
may
be
guess'd
from
the
fore-pass'd
transactions
in
King
Henry's
days
,
where
we
may
remember
that
the
Commons
were
the
men
,
wh●
had
power
allotted
them
by
the
Parliament
,
at
their
Folkmoot
or
Common-hal
,
to
grant
the
King
Licence
to
depart
out
of
the
Land
for
a
Season
:
'T
were
they
,
who
most
firmly
adher'd
to
the
Barons
standing
up
in
defence
of
those
Parliament
Statues
made
at
Oxford
,
but
few
of
the
chief
Rulers
of
the
City
comparatively
are
noted
to
have
appear'd
openly
in
that
fam'd
contest
of
the
Barons
War
.
In
the
fourth
year
occasion
was
taken
against
Michael
Tony
,
upon
some
demeaours
of
his
in
the
Welch
War
,
to
accuse
him
of
Treason
,
of
which
he
was
arraign'd
,
judg'd
and
condemn'd
,
and
after
drawn
,
hang'd
and
quartered
.
This
man
doubtless
had
been
a
noted
stickler
in
the
Barons
War
,
for
I
find
one
of
that
Name
among
the
five
persons
so
long
kept
in
Prison
in
Windsor
Tower
after
the
Barons
overthrow
,
till
mony
bought
them
out
,
as
is
before
related
.
Princes
once
highly
offended
may
openly
profess
to
forgive
the
offending
party
,
but
they
do
not
however
so
soon
forget
him
.
Tho
David
pardoned
Shimei
during
his
life
,
and
swore
to
him
not
to
put
him
to
death
with
the
Sword
,
yet
as
good
a
Man
as
he
was
,
he
charg'd
his
Son
Solomon
to
bring
down
his
hoary
head
to
the
grave
with
blood
;
and
so
accordingly
we
find
an
occasion
was
afterwards
taken
by
Solomon
to
revenge
his
former
cursing
his
Father
David
,
by
commanding
Benaiah
who
went
out
and
fell
upon
him
that
he
dyed
.
This
year
was
the
famous
Statute
of
Mortmain
first
enacted
,
that
no
man
should
give
Lands
or
Rents
to
the
Church
without
the
Kings
Special
Licence
,
which
Statute
had
afterwards
many
additions
annext
to
it
to
make
it
the
stronger
.
For
the
Lay-fee
was
in
great
danger
to
be
devour'd
by
the
Spiritualty
,
such
Arts
did
the
Clergy
use
on
mens
minds
to
augment
their
power
and
Riches
.
Tho
now
our
Courts
of
Law
are
fixt
at
Westminster
,
yet
in
these
Ancient
times
it
was
not
so
,
for
we
read
that
this
King
in
his
sixth
year
remov'd
his
Courts
of
Kings-Bench
,
Chancery
,
Common-Pleas
and
Exchequer
,
to
Shrewsbury
,
and
afterwards
return'd
them
back
again
,
to
the
no
small
damage
of
the
Records
thus
carried
to
and
fro
.
This
King
held
his
Parliament
at
London
,
in
his
seventh
year
,
for
Reformation
of
his
Coyn
,
much
clip't
and
diminish'd
.
This
storm
fell
chiefly
upon
the
Jews
,
by
reason
of
the
Inquest
charg'd
in
London
to
enquire
of
this
matter
.
Whereupon
were
cast
two
hundred
and
ninety
seven
persons
before
the
Major
and
other
Justices
sitting
at
London
,
and
afterwards
Executed
at
sundry
times
and
places
.
My
Author
hath
left
upon
Record
,
that
among
these
there
were
but
three
Englishmen
,
all
the
rest
were
Jews
or
Jews
born
in
England
.
Famous
is
the
12th
.
year
for
the
Conquering
and
sub●●●●ing
of
Wales
to
the
English
Scepter
,
and
div●sion
of
it
b●
King
Edward
into
Shires
,
whereupon
were
ordain'd
Sheriffs
and
other
Officers
therein
,
as
were
then
us'd
in
England
.
David
Brother
to
Lewellyn
,
late
Prince
of
Wales
,
who
was
condemned
to
be
drawn
hang'd
and
quarter'd
,
as
a
chief
●●irrer
and
beginner
of
the
Welsh
War
,
in
time
of
a
Parliament
held
at
Shrewsbury
,
was
shortly
after
Executed
,
and
his
head
sent
to
London
to
be
s●t
by
his
Brothers
,
which
had
been
order'd
to
be
plac'd
the
●ear
before
on
London-Tower
.
In
this
year
was
Edward
of
Carnarvan
born
,
the
first
of
our
English
Kings
,
since
William
the
first
,
that
I
read
of
publickly
unking'd
,
and
depos'd
by
his
own
Subjects
.
The
great
Conduit
standing
against
Saint
Thomas
of
Acres
in
Cheapside
owes
his
foundation
to
this
year
.
The
13th
.
year
may
be
noted
for
the
Kings
seizing
the
Franchises
and
Liberties
of
London
into
his
own
hands
,
on
the
day
kept
in
Memory
of
Saint
Pauls
Conversion
,
so
that
he
discharged
the
Major
Gregory
Rokisle
,
and
admitted
for
Custos
or
Guardian
of
the
City
,
Stephen
Sandewich
,
who
continued
till
the
Monday
following
the
Purification
of
the
Virgin
Mary
,
when
being
discharg'd
,
Sir
John
Breton
s●ands
upon
Record
charg'd
for
the
residue
of
the
year
.
My
Author
writes
that
the
cause
of
this
displeasure
,
the
King
bore
to
the
City
,
is
not
shewn
of
a
certainty
.
He
mentions
an
old
Pamphlet
,
whereby
it
appears
that
the
Major
took
bribes
of
the
Bakers
,
and
suffer'd
them
to
sell
bread
lacking
six
ounces
in
a
penny
Loaf
,
for
which
the
King
was
sore
displeased
,
but
to
him
this
seem'd
no
convenient
cause
,
that
the
Liberties
of
the
City
should
be
seiz'd
for
one
man's
offence
:
Wherefore
he
rather
supposeth
it
was
for
a
more
grievous
cause
.
However
it
is
observable
from
History
,
that
it
was
a
Common
thing
in
Elder
times
to
seize
the
Cities
Charters
on
pretences
slight
enough
of
any
sense
,
till
the
Citizens
grew
so
wise
,
as
at
convenient
seasons
to
procure
new
grants
and
graces
,
to
prevent
such
seizures
for
the
future
:
And
that
it
is
not
still
so
feasable
and
practicable
,
is
the
grief
,
I
believe
,
and
heart-burning
of
some
in
the
world
.
The
14th
.
year
of
this
King
may
be
accounted
famous
for
the
Statutes
,
called
Additamenta
Gloucestriae
,
made
at
a
Parliament
holden
at
Westminster
.
But
in
these
present
papers
I
think
it
may
be
more
noted
,
for
what
I
am
going
now
to
relate
verbatim
out
of
Fabian
.
In
this
year
a
Citizen
of
London
,
Named
Thomas
Pywelysdon
,
(
the
which
in
the
time
of
the
Barons
War
,
before
in
the
story
of
King
Henry
shew'd
,
had
been
a
Captain
and
a
great
stirrer
of
the
Commons
of
the
said
City
,
for
to
maintain
the
Baron's
party
against
the
Kings
,
)
was
newly
accused
,
that
he
,
with
others
of
evil
disposition
,
should
make
Conventicles
and
Assemblies
to
the
new
disturbance
of
the
City
,
whereof
Report
was
made
unto
the
King
,
the
which
remitted
the
inquiry
thereof
unto
Sir
Ralph
Sandewych
,
then
Custos
or
Guardian
of
the
City
.
Then
the
said
Thomas
with
others
was
put
in
sure
keeping
,
till
the
matter
was
duly
enquired
of
.
After
which
Inquisition
made
and
found
,
report
was
made
unto
the
King
.
Then
the
King
sent
down
a
Writ
,
and
commanded
it
to
be
proclaimed
shortly
after
within
the
bounds
of
the
City
,
whereof
the
Effect
was
thus
,
that
the
said
Thomas
Pywelysdon
,
William
de
Heywood
,
Richard
de
Coundris
,
Richard
le
Cofferre
,
Robert
de
Derby
,
Albyne
de
Darby
,
William
Mayo
Mercer
,
and
Ivo
Lyng
Draper
,
with
divers
others
,
to
the
number
of
fifty
Persons
,
should
be
banished
out
of
the
City
for
ever
.
And
if
any
of
the
said
fifty
eight
Persons
were
at
that
time
of
the
Proclamation
voided
the
City
,
for
fear
or
otherwise
,
that
they
should
so
remain
,
and
not
return
unto
the
City
upon
pain
of
Life
losing
.
These
being
thus
discarded
,
and
exiled
the
City
,
who
it
may
be
would
have
stood
firm
to
the
City's
old
Liberties
and
Priviledges
,
the
rest
of
the
Chief
remaining
might
perchance
hope
the
eafier
to
keep
the
Commons
in
aw
,
whatsoever
new
Customs
they
should
introduce
for
their
own
lucre
and
advantage
,
th●
to
other
men's
dammage
.
Here
you
may
perceive
,
●ow
jealous
Governours
are
of
all
Meetings
and
Assemblies
,
but
what
are
of
their
own
constitution
and
ordering
.
The
Caviliers
doubtless
can
relate
many
Stories
of
their
own
experience
hereof
in
Olivers
days
.
Neither
are
many
of
our
Coffee-houses
,
and
Cl●b
meetings
(
I
believe
)
very
grateful
to
some
persons
in
the
World
,
though
their
open
business
there
is
mostly
to
drink
,
smoke
,
talk
,
trade
and
the
like
.
By
the
aforesaid
relation
we
may
likewise
observe
;
Once
counted
an
Offender
and
ever
thought
so
.
Here
Thomas
Pyweldon
or
Pywelysdon
(
for
his
name
I
find
diversly
Written
,
though
the
same
man
be
meant
)
a
noted
man
in
the
Barons
War
,
for
which
he
had
suffered
deeply
after
their
overthrow
,
by
long
imprisonment
,
and
the
charge
of
redeeming
his
Liberty
for
a
great
Sum
of
money
of
this
same
King
Edward
,
then
only
Prince
,
was
nevertheless
,
after
about
sixteen
years
respite
,
banished
the
City
for
ever
,
on
an
accusation
of
attempting
a
new
disturbance
.
That
any
thing
was
prov'd
against
him
,
I
have
not
read
,
besides
the
mention
here
of
making
Assemblies
or
Meetings
.
Had
there
been
any
thing
material
found
against
him
,
I
scarce
believe
he
should
have
scap't
so
well
with
his
Life
,
seeing
old
Crimes
seem
to
have
been
remembred
,
though
new
faults
were
pretended
.
An
Act
of
Oblivion
is
a
very
good
Plaister
in
a
publique
Universal
Offence
.
But
whatever
Offender
of
Note
,
thus
pardoned
,
out-lives
the
greatest
number
of
those
qually
reputed
guilty
with
him
,
and
times
be
so
much
turned
,
that
the
ballance
of
the
Nation
leans
very
much
on
the
governing
side
,
I
think
that
man's
life
hangs
but
by
a
very
slender
thread
,
whose
safety
and
security
depends
only
upon
Pen
,
Ink
,
and
Paper
,
and
not
upon
the
Governours
natural
inclination
to
justice
and
honesty
,
in
the
constant
keeping
and
observing
of
his
word
and
promise
.
When
in
the
late
Wars
on
this
side
the
World
,
Messina
in
Sicily
was
reduc'd
under
the
Spanish
government
,
by
the
French's
forsaking
it
,
to
whom
the
Messineses
had
before
subjected
themselves
,
tho
a
general
pardon
was
by
the
Spaniards
publickly
granted
,
whereupon
many
return'd
to
the
City●
yet
,
if
my
memory
deceive
me
not
,
there
passed
no
long
time
,
before
the
publick
news
told
us
of
the
accusing
and
(
I
think
)
condemning
of
a
Principal
Man
of
that
City
,
for
a
new
endeavour
to
stir
up
another
Rebellion
and
Revolt
therein
.
New
accusations
and
new
offences
pretended
,
how
unlikely
soever
,
may
sometimes
serve
to
blind
the
unthinking
vulgar
Herd
,
but
a
man
of
thought
doubtless
will
be
apt
to
suspect
,
that
the
old
grudge
lies
at
the
bottom
.
How
easy
and
usual
it
is
to
suborn
false
Witnesses
against
a
Man
,
Jezabel●
practice
,
and
the
endeavour
of
the
Chief
Priests
,
Elders
,
and
Council
of
a
much
later
date
may
inform
a
Protestant
Reader
,
if
he
hath
no
experience
in
the
world
to
instruct
him
.
The
Citizens
were
accustom'd
,
before
this
year
,
to
make
good
advantage
to
themselves
by
lodging
Merchant
strangers
,
and
selling
their
Merchandize
for
them
,
for
which
they
received
so
much
in
the
pound
.
But
at
this
time
,
by
means
of
those
Merchant
strangers
,
it
was
brought
to
pass
,
that
they
hired
Houses
for
themselves
and
their
Wares
,
so
that
no
Citizen
should
intermeddle
with
them
,
which
was
to
the
damage
of
many
particular
private
men
,
as
well
as
to
the
hindrance
of
the
Kings
Custom
,
and
prejudicial
(
as
affirms
the
Book
)
to
the
Realm
in
general
by
many
deceits
and
frauds
used
by
them
.
Here
was
a
new
Custom
disadvantagious
to
many
of
the
Citizens
introduc'd
,
but
for
what
reason
at
first
permitted
,
whether
to
advance
Trade
by
drawing
more
Forreigners
to
the
City
,
or
else
to
weaken
their
power
,
and
bring
down
lower
the
Citizens
high
stomachs
,
by
cutting
off
some
of
their
gain
,
and
parting
their
Trade
with
others
,
I
pretend
not
to
deliver
,
until
I
meet
with
better
Information
my self
,
than
hitherto
I
have
in
the
point
.
Certain
it
is
from
the
story
,
that
the
King
much
advantag'd
himself
by
searching
into
their
fraudulent
and
deceitful
dealings
,
and
punishing
them
for
those
offences
by
a
considerable
fine
.
The
15th
.
year
was
chargeable
to
the
Jews
,
who
were
fain
to
pay
great
sums
of
mony
to
the
King
,
which
they
were
assessed
at
,
saith
the
Chronicle
;
but
out
of
an
other
Author
it
is
recorded
,
that
the
Commons
of
England
granted
to
the
King
the
fifth
part
of
their
movables
,
to
have
the
Jews
banished
out
of
the
Land
,
which
to
prevent
,
the
Jews
of
their
own
Wills
gave
the
King
great
sums
of
mony
.
Here
then
was
taking
mony
of
both
sides
:
A
subtle
Court
way
of
Trading
.
This
year
there
was
such
a
plenty
of
Wheat
,
that
(
according
to
my
Authors
Computation
)
it
was
sold
at
London
for
Ten
Groats
the
Quarter
,
five
pence
the
Bushel
:
But
the
next
year
,
through
distemperature
of
the
weather
,
we
find
the
price
raised
up
to
14
d.
the
Bushel
,
after
to
18
d.
and
encreasing
yearly
du●ing
this
Kings
Reign
and
his
Sons
,
so
that
it
stands
upon
Record
to
be
sold
at
last
for
40
s.
the
Quar●er
and
above
.
The
18th
.
may
be
remark'd
by
●s
for
the
Kings
Honourable
reception
at
London
,
●nd
the
punishment
of
divers
offending
Justices
,
Sir
Thomas
Weyland
,
Adam
Stretton
and
others
,
who
being
by
the
Kings
order
Examined
,
and
found
guilty
of
the
Trespasses
laid
to
their
Charge
,
were
●ither
out-law'd
and
lost
their
goods
,
or
else
long
●mprisoned
and
deeply
Fin'd
.
A
large
Catalogue
●f
them
and
their
Fines
are
to
be
seen
in
Stows
〈◊〉
,
whence
't
is
observable
how
suddainly
venge●nce
over-takes
Oppressors
,
let
them
be
never
so
Rich
,
High
,
and
Mighty
in
Office
,
Power
,
or
Authority
,
as
soon
as
ever
the
Kings
mind
is
inspir'd
from
above
to
inspect
their
actions
,
and
punish
their
crimes
.
Remarkable
is
the
19th
.
Year
for
the
Jews
Banishment
,
which
we
find
bought
of
th●
King
by
the
Commons
at
the
price
of
a
Fifteen
.
In
the
21st
year
we
hear
of
a
Parliament
held
at
London
,
and
of
the
King
of
Scot's
coming
thither
with
divers
of
his
Lords
.
The
punishment
inflicted
on
three
men
,
for
rescuing
a
Prisoner
from
an
Officer
belonging
to
the
Sheriffs
of
London
,
by
striking
off
their
right
hands
at
the
wrist
in
Cheapside
,
is
noted
for
one
of
this
years
actions
.
Hence
let
us
leap
to
the
24th
.
year
,
and
there
,
among
tha●
years
deeds
,
we
find
mention
made
of
a
new
subsidy
,
levied
by
the
King
upon
Wool
,
going
out
o●
England
,
Fels
,
and
Hides
,
for
his
War
with
th●
French
King
;
of
his
Commanding
the
Mony
,
before
granted
by
the
Clergy
towards
the
defence
o●
the
Holy
Land
,
to
be
brought
into
his
Treasury
upon
the
Report
he
had
from
Rome
of
Pope
Boniface
the
8ths
manners
;
of
the
grant
he
got
of
th●
Clergy
of
half
their
Spiritual
and
Temporal
Lands
from
a
Benefice
of
20
Marks
and
upwards
,
to
b●
paid
in
three
years
:
And
of
the
Tax
he
had
also
granted
him
by
the
Lay-fee
,
viz.
the
Tenth
penny
of
their
movables
to
be
paid
in
two
years
time
▪
If
any
one
be
desirous
to
certifie
himself
,
wha●
Relation
Scotland
stood
in
towards
England
fo●
many
ages
before
,
let
him
read
through
the
Relation
of
this
years
actions
in
Fabian's
Chronicle
and
there
he
may
be
satisfied
,
if
it
will
conduce
to
his
satisfaction
,
to
find
,
that
Scotland
,
even
in
Elder
times
,
in
a
sort
depended
on
England
,
and
wa●
so
far
from
giving
Laws
,
or
an
Example
and
Patern
thereto
,
that
it's
Nobles
were
fain
to
submit
themselves
to
the
King
of
England's
Judgmen●
and
decree
,
and
do
him
Homage
and
Fealty
in
effec●
by
the
submission
of
their
King
,
whom
King
Edward
had
appointed
and
set
over
them
.
Memo●able
is
the
six
and
twentieth
year
,
for
that
there●n
the
Londoners
obtain'd
of
King
Edward
(
new●y
come
from
beyond
Sea
into
England
and
so
to
Winchester
)
a
grant
of
their
Liberties
and
Franchises
,
which
had
in
some
part
been
kept
from
them
by
●he
term
of
twelve
years
and
more
,
so
that
they
●gain
chose
a
Major
of
themselves
,
whereas
in
●he
aforesaid
time
their
Custos
or
Guardian
was
appointed
by
the
King
,
or
by
such
as
the
King
would
assign
.
But
we
are
to
understand
by
the
Chronicle
,
that
this
was
not
redeem'd
without
a
great
Sum
of
money
.
Some
Writers
it
seems
fixing
it
at
three
thousand
marks
.
As
this
King
had
many
Wars
,
especially
with
Scotland
,
which
put
him
to
great
charges
,
and
had
much
money
granted
him
by
his
Subjects
,
so
he
ceased
not
to
devise
other
ways
to
raise
more
,
and
get
what
was
denied
him
.
For
as
much
as
divers
men
,
●ichly
benefic'd
in
the
Land
,
refus'd
to
aid
him
with
their
Goods
,
as
others
had
,
and
for
that
end
had
purchased
from
the
Pope
an
Inhibition
,
that
they
and
their
goods
should
be
free
from
the
King's
Taxes
,
he
put
them
this
year
out
of
his
protection
,
a
strain
of
State
policy
beyond
some
other
Kings
,
and
seis'd
their
Temporalties
,
permitting
them
to
enjoy
their
Spiritualties
,
till
they
agreed
with
him
.
Though
this
was
a
warlike
Prince
,
and
oft
successful
in
his
undertakings
,
yet
the
Clergy's
power
so
over-top't
the
Laity's
,
that
he
chose
rather
to
make
use
of
his
Wits
,
than
his
Arms
in
dealing
with
them
.
So
have
I
read
in
William
the
Second's
days
,
how
when
his
Unkle
,
being
both
a
Bishop
and
an
Earl
,
grew
troublesome
to
him
,
he
seis'd
upon
the
Earl
and
clapt
him
in
hold
,
whereby
he
caught
and
revenged
himself
on
the
Bishop
too
,
without
openly
pretending
to
meddle
with
a
Clergy
Man
.
An
offence
esteem'd
piacular
in
those
days
;
to
such
an
height
of
Pride
were
the
Popish
Clergy
grown
.
An
other
practice
of
King
Edward
,
was
his
suddain
Condemning
certain
Coines
of
Mony
call'd
Pollards
,
Crocardes
and
Rosaries
,
in
his
twenty
seventh
year
,
and
causing
them
to
be
brought
to
a
new
Coynage
to
his
great
advantage
,
as
testifies
the
Historian
▪
Among
others
may
be
also
numbred
that
Inquisition
,
he
caus'd
to
be
made
throughout
the
Land
in
the
twenty
eighth
year
,
which
was
after
nam'd
Trailbaston
.
This
we
find
made
upon
Officers
,
as
Majors
,
Sheriffs
,
Bayliffs
,
Escheators
and
many
others
,
who
had
misborn
themselves
in
their
Offices
,
and
had
us'd
Extortion
,
or
treated
the
people
otherwise
than
was
according
to
the
order
of
their
Offices
.
So
vigilant
appeared
this
Prince
,
and
careful
of
his
people
,
that
they
might
not
be
abused
nor
oppressed
by
their
fellow
Subjects
,
when
got
into
power
,
under
pretence
of
being
his
Majesties
Officers
,
a
thing
we
know
common
enough
in
the
world
.
In
the
twenty
eighth
year
,
we
have
mention
made
of
the
City
of
London's
Splendor
and
Magnificence
,
upon
the
account
of
their
receiving
the
new
Queen
Margaret
,
Sister
to
the
French
King
.
Thus
runs
my
Authors
short
Relation
hereof
.
The
Citizens
to
the
number
of
six
hundred
Rode
in
one
Livery
of
Red
and
White
,
with
the
Cognizance
of
divers
Misteries
broidered
upon
their
sleeves
,
and
received
her
four
Miles
without
the
City
,
and
so
conveyed
her
through
the
City
,
which
then
was
garnished
and
hanged
with
Tapestry
,
and
Arras
,
and
other
Cloths
of
Silk
,
and
Riches
in
most
goodly
wise
,
unto
Westminster
.
This
is
the
year
,
wherein
Fabian
makes
the
first
mention
of
Pierce
of
Gaviston
in
his
Chronicle
,
upon
Occasion
of
the
Bishop
of
Chesters
complaining
to
the
King
of
him
,
his
Eldest
Son
Edward
,
and
others
,
for
breaking
the
Bishops
Park
,
and
riotously
destroying
the
Game
therein
.
For
this
was
the
aforesaid
Edward
and
his
Accomplices
Imprisoned
.
So
that
under
this
famous
King
,
the
very
next
Heir
apparent
scap'd
not
the
Lash
of
the
Law
,
when
he
had
offended
,
even
to
an
actual
Imprisonment
;
so
far
were
men
in
those
days
from
asserting
him
to
be
above
the
Law
,
and
not
Lyable
to
condign
punishment
,
because
the
next
Heir
.
Afterwards
the
King
Banished
the
aforesaid
Gaviston
out
of
England
,
for
fear
lest
he
should
debauch
his
Son
:
But
this
Banishment
was
after
his
death
annulled
by
his
Son
Edward
,
when
King
,
to
the
great
trouble
and
vexation
of
the
Land
afterwards
.
The
twenty
ninth
may
be
esteemed
not
unworthy
of
remark
,
for
the
Kings
giving
to
Edward
his
Son
the
Principality
of
Wales
,
whereunto
he
likewis'd
joyn'd
the
Earldom
of
Cornwal
,
newly
Vacant
,
and
return'd
to
the
Crown
.
In
the
33d
.
year
we
read
of
the
taking
,
arraigning
,
drawing
,
hanging
,
and
quartering
of
William
Waleys
,
who
,
of
an
unknown
low
birth
,
became
the
head
Leader
of
the
Scots
against
the
Kings
Power
,
and
had
Created
him
no
little
trouble
in
Scotland
,
but
now
in
revenge
was
his
head
set
upon
London-Bridge
,
and
his
four
quarters
sent
into
Scotland
to
be
set
upon
the
Gates
of
some
Towns
in
that
Land
.
About
this
time
we
hear
likewise
of
several
Nobles
of
Scotland
coming
to
the
Kings
Parliament
,
at
Westminster
,
and
there
voluntarily
Sworn
,
in
the
Presence
of
the
King
and
his
Lords
,
to
be
true
to
the
King
of
England
,
and
to
keep
the
said
Land
to
his
use
against
all
other
Persons
.
Among
these
is
named
Robert
le
Bruce
,
who
not
long
after
sends
to
the
Pope
for
a
dispensation
of
his
Oath
,
raises
more
Commotions
in
Scotland
,
and
gets
to
be
Crowned
King
thereof
at
Saint
Johnstons
:
Anno
Thirty
four
.
But
when
King
Edward
had
overthrown
the
Scots
Army
,
and
taken
many
of
the
Nobles
,
he
sent
the
Bishop
of
Saint
Andrews
,
and
Bastoon
,
with
the
Abbot
of
Scoon
,
to
the
Pope
,
with
report
of
their
Perjury
,
and
how
they
were
taken
Armed
in
the
field
to
shed
the
blood
of
Christian
men
.
And
the
Temporal
Lords
he
sent
into
England
to
the
Tower
of
London
,
who
were
afterwards
Arraigned
at
London
,
and
put
to
death
,
and
their
Heads
set
upon
London-Bridge
.
The
longest
Sword
carries
away
the
Bell.
If
the
Scots
had
prevail'd
in
the
like
sort
against
King
Edward
,
it
's
a
question
whether
they
would
not
have
done
much
after
the
same
manner
.
How
would
they
have
then
vaunted
themselves
and
their
Cause
for
the
most
rightful
,
whereas
being
Conquer'd
they
suffer'd
as
Rebels
?
That
the
weakest
goes
to
the
Wall
,
is
a
known
saying
.
Yet
as
strong
,
powerful
,
and
succesful
as
this
King
Edward
was
,
we
find
he
cared
not
to
meddle
himself
with
the
Spiritual
Lords
taken
in
the
field
fighting
against
him
,
but
rather
chose
publikely
to
send
them
to
the
Pope
,
with
an
high
offence
laid
to
their
charge
,
to
be
punished
at
his
pleasure
.
Whereby
we
may
presume
he
gratified
the
Popes
Ambition
,
in
making
him
as
it
were
the
sole
Judge
of
their
offences
,
and
yet
thereby
doubtless
sufficiently
secur'd
himself
against
those
men
of
the
Church
,
his
late
Enemies
,
for
the
future
.
Could
the
Pope
in
Civility
and
Gratitude
refuse
to
revenge
the
King
in
punishing
these
Clergy-men
for
fighting
against
him
,
who
had
thus
highly
mounted
the
power
,
and
Authority
of
the
Triple
Crown
above
his
own
,
in
this
matter
,
to
the
publick
view
of
the
world
?
If
the
Popish
Clergy
in
those
times
were
grown
so
formidable
,
that
this
Triumphant
King
,
in
the
midst
of
his
Victorious
Arms
,
thought
it
safer
to
remit
these
Clergy-men's
offences
to
the
Popes
Correction
,
than
punish
them
himself
,
(
for
I
think
it
was
policy
more
than
zeal
that
made
him
act
thus
)
what
weak
matches
were
the
other
Puny
Princes
to
them
in
those
days
of
their
worldly
Prosperity
Pomp
and
Grandeur
?
Now
their
wings
are
pretty
well
clipt
,
by
the
escape
of
so
many
people
,
Nations
,
and
Countries
out
of
this
Popish
House
of
Bondage
,
let
Crowned
Heads
and
free
States
be
careful
,
that
they
suffer
not
the
Popes
wings
to
grow
again
,
or
permit
their
Sworn
Vassals
the
Jesuits
to
imp
them
anew
with
fresh
Feathers
,
lest
they
mount
up
again
over
their
heads
to
their
Ancient
greatness
,
or
take
a
flight
higher
than
ever
they
did
.
Now
the
French
King
through
the
base
connivance
of
some
,
others
Treachery
,
and
many
great
Mens
careless
negligence
,
is
become
Europe's
Terror
,
if
Popish
Plots
and
designs
should
●nce
so
far
take
effect
,
as
treacherously
to
de●rive
our
present
King
of
his
life
and
Crown
,
and
●ntroduce
a
Popish
Successor
into
the
English
Throne
,
how
far
they
might
in
time
proceed
towards
the
extirpation
of
that
pestilent
Northern
Heresy
(
as
Mr.
Coleman
out
of
his
Extraordinary
●●ndness
to
the
Religion
,
from
which
he
himself
●postaliz'd
,
has
been
pleased
to
term
the
Protestant
Religion
)
o●t
of
these
parts
of
the
world
,
I
submit
●o
the
better
Judgments
of
more
able
Politicians
.
Hast
we
now
hence
from
this
Edward
the
first
(
who
died
in
the
five
and
thirtieth
year
of
his
Reign
,
after
a
charge
given
to
his
Son
in
divers
points
upon
his
blessing
,
and
Oaths
taken
of
some
of
his
chief
Nobles
to
keep
the
Land
for
his
Sons
use
,
and
to
Crown
him
King
as
soon
as
they
conveniently
could
after
his
death
,
at
Burgh
,
upon
the
Sands
beyond
Carlile
,
in
his
return
into
England
)
unto
Edward
the
Second
,
where
I
could
find
matter
enough
to
exercise
my
Pen
,
were
I
minded
to
describe
all
the
disorders
and
troubles
,
that
hapned
throughout
the
Land
,
under
his
unprosperous
Reign
.
We
need
not
wonder
,
that
this
Prince
met
with
so
unhappy
a
fate
at
his
End
,
when
as
we
find
him
at
the
very
beginning
immediately
transgressing
his
dead
Fathers
commands
,
by
recalling
Gaveston
from
his
Banishment
,
(
contrary
to
his
Father's
charge
on
his
Death
Bed
,
he
entailing
his
curse
on
him
,
if
he
should
presume
it
,
as
Stow
tells
us
)
governing
himself
wholly
by
his
advice
,
affecting
him
so
much
,
as
to
affirm
,
that
he
should
succeed
him
in
the
Kingdom
,
if
he
could
effect
it
.
If
I
should
endeavour
perfectly
to
delineate
th●
many
Crosses
,
Losses
,
Battails
,
and
Bloodshed
,
tha●
fell
out
in
the
Land
under
this
King
,
and
to
Writ●
in
a
stile
and
manner
suitable
to
the
matter
,
●
know
not
but
I
might
well
dip
my
Pen
in
Bloo●
instead
of
Ink
,
such
were
the
misfortunes
of
th●
Land
,
and
unfortunate
fates
of
many
Nobleme●
thereof
.
For
in
his
Reign
there
were
Beheaded
an●
put
to
death
by
Judgment
upon
the
number
of
eigh●
and
twenty
Barons
and
Knights
,
(
as
Fabian
Co●putes
)
besides
the
Noble
men
slain
in
Scotland
▪
The
number
whereof
one
Author
expresses
to
●
mount
to
two
and
forty
,
besides
sixty
and
sev●●
Knights
and
Barronets
;
and
two
and
twenty
〈◊〉
over
that
of
name
taken
in
that
one
Battel
of
Bannocksborn
.
Unsteadfastness
of
manners
,
and
vileness
of
Conditions
,
the
refusing
the
Company
of
Lords
and
men
of
honour
,
and
haunting
the
Society
of
Villains
and
vile
Persons
:
The
being
given
to
great
drinking
,
and
lightly
discovering
therein
things
of
great
Counsel
,
with
many
other
disallowable
Conditions
related
by
Historians
,
were
blots
in
this
Kings
Scutcheon
.
Scarce
was
old
Edwards
Obsequies
fully
finished
,
according
to
my
Author
,
but
the
young
King
sends
in
all
hast
for
his
old
Companion
Piers
of
Gaveston
,
receiving
him
with
all
joy
and
gladness
,
and
advances
him
to
much
honour
,
gives
him
the
Earldom
of
Cornwal
and
Lordship
of
Wallingford
,
rules
all
by
his
wanton
Councel
,
and
follows
the
appetite
and
pleasure
of
his
body
,
not
guiding
things
by
order
of
Law
or
Justice
.
Then
he
Revenges
himself
,
and
his
favourite
Gaveston
,
on
the
Bishop
of
Chester
,
(
who
had
before
complained
of
them
and
their
Outrages
in
his
Fathers
Reign
)
by
commanding
him
to
the
Tower
of
London
,
and
keeping
him
there
strictly
many
days
after
.
When
by
the
means
,
motions
,
and
words
of
many
potent
Lords
of
the
Realm
,
Gaveston
was
again
sent
out
of
the
Land
,
though
contrary
to
the
King's
pleasure
,
and
banish'd
into
Ireland
:
Yet
thither
we
hear
of
the
Kings
sending
him
oftentimes
secret
Messengers
,
and
comforting
him
with
many
rich
gifts
,
and
the
next
year
we
read
of
his
being
fetch'd
home
again
to
still
the
grudges
springing
up
between
the
King
and
his
Nobles
,
and
continue
amity
amongst
them
,
which
prov'd
but
so
much
the
more
mischievous
to
the
Realm
:
For
this
exorbitant
Favourite's
power
more
and
more
encreasing
,
he
,
having
the
keeping
of
the
Kings
Treasure
and
Jewels
,
convey'd
many
of
them
,
some
of
great
value
,
out
of
the
Land
,
and
brought
the
King
by
means
of
his
wanton
Conditions
to
manifold
Vices
,
as
Adultery
and
others
,
whereupon
by
the
Lords
Counsel
and
Resolution
taken
at
Lincoln
,
he
was
shortly
after
exil'd
into
Flanders
to
the
Kings
great
displeasure
.
In
comes
Gaveston
again
,
though
he
had
before
abjur'd
the
Realm
,
with
this
condition
by
the
Barons
added
,
that
if
he
were
found
again
in
any
Lands
subject
to
the
King's
dominions
,
he
should
be
taken
as
a
Common
Enemy
and
Condemned
.
But
being
recall'd
by
the
King
,
he
ventures
on
his
favour
,
and
afterwards
demeans
himself
worse
and
worse
.
In
so
much
that
we
read
,
that
he
disdain'd
the
Lords
of
England
,
and
of
them
had
many
spiteful
and
slanderous
words
,
so
that
there
's
the
less
wonder
,
that
the
Queen
and
the
whole
Court
were
sorrowful
,
because
they
saw
the
King
(
as
Stow
words
it
)
not
very
sound
,
so
great
was
his
Joy
and
Jollity
for
his
receiving
him
in
safety
.
Whereupon
the
Lords
of
one
mind
(
saith
my
Author
)
consented
to
put
him
to
death
,
which
they
soon
after
effected
by
taking
the
Castle
wherein
he
was
,
and
so
having
him
in
their
hands
smote
off
his
Head
.
For
this
was
the
King
grievously
displeas'd
with
those
Lords
,
and
vow'd
,
we
hear
,
to
revenge
his
Death
,
so
that
after
this
he
sought
occasion
against
them
,
to
grieve
and
displease
them
.
If
the
foremention'd
disorders
,
with
many
before
express'd
by
Authentick
Writers
to
have
fallen
out
under
this
King
:
If
Treachery
,
Robberies
,
Rapes
,
Extortions
,
Divisions
,
Civil
discords
at
home
,
slights
,
contempts
,
and
losses
abroad
,
and
much
blood-shed
in
Battels
,
fought
and
lost
,
both
at
home
and
abroad
:
If
murrain
of
Beasts
and
scarcity
of
Grain
,
dearness
of
Victuals
,
sickness
and
mortality
of
Men
,
ravages
and
outrages
of
cruel
insulting
Enemies
,
and
almost
a
general
desolation
,
in
several
places
of
the
Land
,
be
glories
,
that
can
eternize
a
Man's
memory
to
succeeding
Generations
,
I
know
not
whether
this
Kings
Name
and
Reign
may
ever
be
forgotten
,
as
long
as
England
stands
a
fixt
Island
in
the
midst
of
the
Ocean
.
In
the
midst
of
these
troubles
and
crosses
,
you
are
not
to
suppose
,
the
City
of
London
scap't
free
from
partaking
in
the
Common
misery
of
the
Land
.
In
the
first
of
this
King's
Reign
,
I
find
that
he
,
and
his
new
Married
Bride
were
received
joyfully
by
the
Citizens
,
and
so
conveyed
to
Westminster
,
but
the
times
afterwards
grew
so
cloudy
,
and
full
of
storms
,
that
I
don't
think
they
had
over
much
reason
to
rejoyce
,
more
than
the
rest
of
their
poor
distressed
fellow
Subjects
.
Yet
Providence
in
good
time
delivered
the
City
out
of
these
troubles
,
and
with
advantage
too
,
as
may
be
observed
and
remark't
in
the
end
of
this
,
and
beginning
of
the
next
Kings
Reign
.
Twice
more
particularly
,
in
this
Kings
Reign
,
do
we
read
of
a
breach
made
on
the
Cities
Priviledges
,
by
constraining
the
Citizens
,
at
their
own
charges
,
to
raise
and
maintain
a
certain
number
of
Soldiers
,
and
send
them
whether
they
were
appointed
,
but
the
last
time
,
it
seems
,
it
was
conditionally
,
that
it
should
not
be
made
a
President
,
which
possibly
was
to
appease
them
,
when
they
refused
to
go
out
of
the
City
to
fight
,
unless
they
might
according
to
their
liberties
(
as
Stow
says
)
return
home
again
the
same
day
before
Sun-set
.
For
't
is
plain
,
how
great
soever
their
respect
was
towards
their
Soveraign
,
that
they
had
no
great
kindness
for
some
about
him
:
And
therefore
,
when
aid
and
assistance
was
requested
of
them
against
the
Queen
,
who
with
her
Son
Edward
was
newly
Landed
,
and
pretended
Reformation
of
abuses
,
they
made
this
plea
or
excuse
,
as
favouring
rather
Reformers
than
makers
of
Grievances
,
yet
with
profession
of
due
obedience
and
Honour
to
the
King
,
the
Queen
,
and
their
Son
,
who
was
after
his
Father
the
Right
and
Lawful
Heir
to
the
Crown
.
At
the
Parliament
of
Whitebands
,
held
in
the
twefth
of
this
King
,
whether
the
Barons
came
in
Arms
,
the
Citizens
were
the
Keepers
of
the
Kings
peace
in
the
City
;
a
thousand
of
them
well
Armed
,
by
the
Majors
order
,
watching
by
day
,
and
as
many
by
night
,
in
divers
Wards
,
and
at
several
Gates
thereof
,
under
the
inspection
of
two
Aldermen
,
with
Officers
assigned
to
Ride
about
every
night
to
oversee
them
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Citizens
were
enjoyned
to
have
their
Arms
in
readiness
upon
a
very
short
warning
for
more
surety
.
And
what
pray
now
was
the
effect
of
all
this
,
but
that
the
peace
was
kept
,
the
City
guarded
it
,
and
no
disturbance
hapned
that
I
read
of
,
notwithstanding
there
was
so
great
an
Army
then
on
foot
?
Ill
men
were
removed
,
several
things
were
ordained
for
the
good
of
the
Realm
,
Transactions
were
carried
on
without
violence
,
or
blood-shed
,
the
Parliament
was
peaceably
dissolved
,
and
every
one
returned
home
in
quietness
,
safety
and
security
.
But
on
the
contrary
,
afterwards
,
in
the
later
end
of
this
Kings
Reign
,
when
the
Courtiers
were
much
disgusted
in
the
City
,
by
reason
of
many
violences
committed
,
and
much
harsh
dealing
used
by
some
towards
their
fellow
Subjects
,
in
the
time
of
their
power
,
under
the
wings
of
Authority
,
and
pretence
of
Law
and
Justice
,
the
Citizens
were
so
far
from
keeping
the
King's
peace
,
as
before
,
that
they
soon
shew'd
openly
their
favour
,
good
will
,
and
kindness
for
the
Queen
,
who
,
under
the
glozing
pretence
of
reforming
the
ill
Government
,
was
come
into
the
Land
with
a
considerable
force
of
Soldiers
,
and
had
sent
to
the
Mayor
and
Commonalty
for
their
aid
,
help
,
and
assistance
in
carrying
on
this
her
pretended
Reformation
;
A
work
generally
highly
acceptable
to
all
such
,
as
think
themselves
oppressed
,
and
glorious
in
the
Eyes
of
the
people
;
but
such
is
the
misery
,
fate
,
and
infelicity
,
the
frailty
and
imperfection
incident
to
all
sublunary
attempts
,
that
it
very
seldom
,
if
ever
,
fully
answers
the
expectation
of
every
one
concern'd
.
Neither
was
the
Citizens
affection
to
the
Queen
,
and
her
Party
,
barely
shewn
in
words
and
expressions
,
but
it
went
much
farther
,
and
was
publickly
brought
into
Act
by
beheading
such
,
as
they
took
to
be
the
Queens
enemies
,
not
so
much
as
sparing
the
Bishop
of
Exeter
himself
,
a
great
man
among
the
spiritualty
,
who
had
been
there
left
by
the
King
to
have
the
Rule
of
the
City
in
his
absence
.
The
occasion
is
said
to
have
sprung
from
his
stiff
and
peremptory
demanding
of
the
Keys
of
the
City
Gates
by
vertue
of
his
Commission
,
which
highly
exasperated
the
Commons
against
him
,
and
so
much
the
more
,
because
(
as
was
the
saying
)
he
had
rais'd
an
Army
to
withstand
the
Queen
,
a
fault
then
thought
unpardonable
by
the
Londoners
,
who
in
words
and
deeds
espoused
the
Queen's
Cause
,
seis'd
on
the
Tower
of
London
,
and
kept
it
for
the
Queens
use
,
and
not
long
afterwards
received
her
into
their
City
with
great
Joy
and
Honour
.
A
demonstrative
evidence
in
my
opinion
of
the
City's
strength
and
power
.
For
if
London
,
when
she
pleas'd
,
could
maintain
the
King's
peace
in
the
midst
of
Arms
(
as
was
shewn
above
)
so
inviolably
,
as
that
none
dar'd
in
opposition
to
break
it
,
and
afterwards
,
in
the
very
same
age
,
and
within
the
compass
of
half
a
dozen
years
,
did
actually
assert
the
Qeens
cause
,
and
assist
her
in
her
proceedings
(
as
was
pretended
)
for
Reformation
of
the
Realm
,
tho
the
Consequence
thereof
was
in
truth
the
unfortunate
Kings
resignation
,
what
greater
instance
can
there
be
,
to
shew
her
great
influence
upon
the
whole
Nation
in
those
unsetled
times
?
London
having
so
visibly
appeared
in
favour
of
the
Queen
,
the
Prince
,
and
his
party
,
and
contributed
so
much
towards
this
notable
revolution
of
affairs
,
we
have
no
reason
to
think
,
but
that
,
out
of
Common
gratitude
,
her
Citizens
were
to
be
aboundantly
rewarded
,
and
that
they
themselves
,
out
of
self
interest
and
natural
Prudence
,
would
so
well
and
wisely
look
to
their
own
affairs
,
as
to
make
hay
while
the
Sun
shines
,
to
the
procuring
new
grants
and
Graces
,
and
so
accordingly
we
find
the
event
.
For
in
the
first
year
of
Edward
the
third
,
Fabian
tells
us
,
he
confirmed
the
Liberties
and
Franchizes
of
the
City
,
making
the
Major
Chief
Justice
in
all
places
of
Judgment
within
the
same
,
next
the
King
,
every
Alderman
,
that
had
been
Major
,
Justice
of
Peace
in
London
and
Midlesex
,
and
such
,
as
had
not
been
,
Justice
in
his
own
Ward
:
Granting
them
also
the
Fee-farm
of
London
for
three
hundred
pounds
,
and
that
they
should
not
be
constrained
to
go
out
of
the
City
to
●o
fight
,
or
defend
the
Land
for
any
need
.
A
priviledge
greater
,
than
what
was
claimed
,
as
their
liberty
,
in
his
Fathers
days
,
when
unwilling
to
engage
against
the
Queen
and
Prince
,
they
refused
not
to
go
out
,
on
condition
of
returning
the
same
day
,
as
is
related
before
.
But
the
most
beneficial
of
all
the
grants
was
,
that
the
Franchises
of
the
City
should
not
be
seized
into
the
Kings
hands
,
but
only
for
Treason
or
Rebellion
done
by
the
whole
City
.
It
having
before
been
a
Common
thing
to
have
their
Liberties
seized
on
,
(
as
hath
been
plainly
manifested
in
the
Precedent
Relation
)
on
almost
every
petty
disgust
,
conceived
by
the
Court
against
them
,
were
it
but
for
the
pretended
offence
of
a
particular
Officer
,
or
for
mony
alledged
to
be
owing
by
the
City
to
some
great
ones
at
Court
,
or
some
such
like
small
trivial
pretence
.
But
now
at
this
time
they
took
such
care
,
to
have
their
Liberties
setled
and
secured
by
this
Royal
Grant
,
that
it
may
be
thought
almost
,
if
not
wholly
,
a
thing
impossible
for
the
City
to
forfeit
her
Charter
,
and
have
it
justly
,
according
to
that
grant
,
taken
from
her
.
The
bringing
of
Southwark
under
the
Rule
of
the
City
,
and
the
power
allowed
their
Major
to
appoint
such
a
Bailiff
there
,
as
liked
him
best
,
was
a
very
advantagious
favour
,
at
the
same
time
,
by
this
King
Edward
bestowed
on
London
,
but
not
comparable
with
the
former
grant
,
which
may
most
deservedly
be
esteemed
Paramount
to
all
others
.
A
particular
Officer
may
offend
,
and
oftentimes
does
,
nay
many
may
;
but
for
a
City
,
a
whole
City
,
so
great
and
glorious
a
City
,
as
London
,
Traiterously
to
Rebel
,
and
so
forfeit
all
her
Liberties
,
Priviledges
,
and
Franchises
at
one
clap
,
seems
to
me
so
great
a
contradiction
,
as
to
imply
little
less
than
an
Impossibility
in
Nature
,
not
to
go
a
step
or
two
higher
.
This
King
being
one
of
the
most
powerful
Princes
of
his
time
,
and
in
the
strength
of
his
age
very
succesful
in
his
Wars
against
the
French
King
,
't
is
not
for
us
hastily
to
imagine
,
there
was
any
occasion
given
for
so
wise
and
good
a
King
to
contest
with
his
Subjects
,
much
less
with
his
Loyal
Citizens
.
We
are
rather
to
expect
to
hear
of
the
City's
Triumphs
and
glory
,
the
Joy
and
rejoyceing
,
wherewith
she
often
received
her
Victorious
King
returning
Conquerour
from
France
,
the
frequent
Justings
,
Tiltings
,
and
Tournaments
shewn
thereat
for
his
Recreation
and
entertainment
,
the
Wealth
,
Riches
,
and
Ability
of
her
head
Officers
,
(
whereof
one
,
to
Londons
great
glory
,
is
said
to
have
sumptuously
feasted
four
Kings
at
once
,
in
the
thirty
first
of
this
Kings
Reign
,
besides
the
famous
Black
Prince
,
many
Noble
Knights
and
others
,
to
whom
with
the
King
he
gave
many
Rich
Gifts
)
the
splendor
of
the
Citizens
in
general
o●
publick
occasions
,
and
the
harmonious
concord
of
all
in
their
own
private
and
particular
concerns
,
relating
more
especially
to
the
Cities
good
order
and
Government
.
This
King
may
be
supposed
too
great
and
too
good
,
either
to
create
,
or
to
permit
differences
and
discord
at
home
.
He
had
wherewithal
to
exercise
his
Wisdom
and
valour
abroad
in
forreign
Countries
,
and
such
success
too
in
his
Enterprizes
,
as
might
make
him
,
both
feared
,
and
beloved
,
by
his
Subjects
,
at
one
and
the
same
time
.
Yet
notwithstanding
,
such
still
was
Londons
power
,
strength
,
and
resolution
to
maintain
her
Liberties
,
that
this
Victorious
Prince
,
Conquerour
over
others
,
having
sent
out
Justices
into
the
Shires
,
to
make
enquiry
about
his
Officers
offences
,
and
delinquences
,
and
the
City
of
London
not
suffering
(
as
Stow
tells
us
)
any
such
Officers
to
sit
,
as
Justices
,
in
their
City
,
as
Inquisitors
of
such
matters
,
contrary
to
their
Liberties
,
he
thought
good
rather
to
appoint
those
Justices
their
Sessions
in
the
Tower
,
for
Inquisition
of
the
damages
of
the
Londoners
,
and
they
refusing
,
unless
conditionally
,
to
answer
there
,
and
a
tumult
thereupon
arising
among
the
meaner
sort
,
claiming
their
Liberties
,
he
esteemed
it
greater
prudence
,
to
wave
the
Justices
sitting
,
as
to
that
place
,
and
forgive
all
offences
,
than
to
enter
into
a
contest
with
such
powerful
,
tho
Loyal
Subjects
,
as
the
Londoners
were
,
and
such
undaunted
assertors
of
their
own
rights
,
priviledges
,
franchises
and
liberties
.
For
as
't
is
plain
the
City
was
very
potent
,
so
we
may
,
as
certainly
perhaps
,
conclude
the
Citizens
no
less
suspicious
of
any
thing
done
,
under
the
shadow
of
this
Kings
Authority
,
if
but
looking
towards
the
least
breach
of
their
Priviledges
,
as
the
Commons
of
England
in
general
seem
to
have
appeared
jealous
of
their
Common
liberty
,
when
,
upon
this
Kings
laying
claim
to
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
they
procured
a
Law
,
whereby
it
was
enacted
,
that
the
King
should
not
Rule
England
as
King
of
France
,
and
so
Subject
them
to
the
insolencies
of
a
fellow-Subjects
Deputyship
.
Would
you
know
,
what
esteem
and
respect
the
house
of
Commons
,
in
this
King's
reign
,
had
for
●he
City
?
Look
in
Cotton's
abridgment
of
the
Records
●n
the
Tower
,
and
there
you
may
find
the
Commons
,
●ver
and
anon
,
petitioning
the
King
,
that
the
City
●f
London
may
enjoy
all
her
Liberties
,
and
the
King's
●nswers
generally
to
such
petitions
seem
rather
to
●rant
,
than
deny
,
such
their
important
Requests
.
●o
glorious
and
gracious
did
the
City
appear
in
the
●●ght
of
the
good
people
of
the
Land
,
or
rather
●●ch
was
the
influence
she
had
upon
the
Nations
re●resentatives
.
As
to
the
Common's
Desires
,
that
〈◊〉
the
Counties
might
conform
themselves
to
the
●eights
and
Measures
made
in
London
,
and
the
●●der
there
made
against
Usury
might
be
observed
●●oughout
the
Realm
,
as
if
they
would
have
this
so
famous
a
City
more
particularly
give
Law
,
as
well
as
example
,
to
all
England
,
I
pass
them
over
,
without
pretending
from
thence
to
draw
an
Argument
of
the
City's
Grandeur
;
and
likewise
Wave
the
priviledg
,
by
this
King
,
granted
the
Citizens
,
that
the
Officers
of
the
Mayor
,
and
Sheriffs
should
,
from
that
day
forward
,
use
Maces
of
Silver
parcel
gilt
,
as
not
intending
to
insist
thereon
,
as
a
more
especial
mark
of
honour
design'd
the
City
above
the
rest
of
the
Nation
in
those
days
;
And
choose
rather
to
pass
on
to
the
last
part
of
this
King's
reign
,
wherein
,
I
must
needs
acknowledge
,
there
was
a
strong
,
though
short
,
contest
between
the
King
and
the
Court
.
But
when
was
that
,
and
how
hapned
it
?
'T
was
when
the
King
was
grown
old
,
near
to
dotage
,
after
his
good
Queen
Philippa
was
dead
,
and
he
himself
,
amidst
the
Infirmities
of
sickness
and
old
age
,
indulg'd
his
own
lustful
pleasures
in
the
lascivious
Embraces
of
a
wanton
Miss
,
leaving
the
guidance
of
his
Realm
,
and
all
things
about
him
,
to
so
ambitious
a
spirit
,
as
,
under
the
Wings
of
his
Authority
,
durst
aspire
so
high
as
to
the
hopes
of
the
Crown
,
against
the
good
Will
of
the
people
,
and
the
Title
of
a
person
much
more
affected
and
beloved
at
London
.
The
contest
was
short
and
sharp
,
as
may
be
seen
in
Stows
Annals
,
where
it
is
plac'd
in
the
fifty
first
,
i.
e.
the
last
year
of
the
Kings
Reign
:
So
short
,
as
not
taking
up
the
whole
space
of
time
,
between
Christmas
and
the
latter
part
of
June
,
wherein
the
King
died
;
and
yet
so
sharp
,
that
the
Cities
Priviledges
were
in
great
danger
,
menaces
there
were
of
deposing
the
Major
,
(
which
was
at
length
actually
done
,
)
and
of
Creating
a
Captain
in
his
Room
,
with
many
other
things
threatned
against
their
Liberties
:
And
all
by
the
arts
▪
devices
,
and
contrivances
of
the
aspiring
Uncle
,
who
would
fain
have
mounted
up
into
the
Throne
of
the
Kingdom
,
over
his
young
Nephews
head
,
but
that
the
Londoners
opposed
him
in
his
designs
,
both
honourably
,
and
succesfully
too
.
So
far
were
they
from
being
Hector'd
,
or
trapan'd
,
into
a
base
Compliance
with
this
Ambitious
pretender
,
and
his
flattering
favourites
desires
,
who
thought
to
have
carried
all
before
'em
,
because
they
esteem'd
themselves
sure
of
the
Kings
Authority
,
and
so
lookt
upon
the
principals
of
the
opposite
party
,
if
not
under
a
Cloud
,
at
least
under
a
great
disadvantage
comparatively
,
such
were
their
fond
hopes
and
pretensions
.
In
the
good
Parliament
,
(
as
it
was
commonly
called
)
held
in
the
fiftieth
of
this
Kings
Reign
,
several
Reformations
had
been
made
,
and
divers
,
at
the
Commons
suit
,
remov'd
from
about
the
King
,
as
evil
Counsellors
,
by
the
Mediation
of
the
Black-Prince
;
but
the
Parliament
being
ended
,
and
he
dying
,
the
old
King
,
contrary
to
his
promise
,
soon
recalled
the
former
persons
,
before
removed
,
and
Committed
the
Government
of
the
Realm
again
to
his
third
Son
;
John
of
Gaunt
,
that
aspiring
Duke
of
Lancaster
,
whereby
the
Tide
being
turn'd
at
Court
,
the
storm
fell
heavy
upon
some
Patriots
of
the
late
Parliament
,
who
had
been
the
greatest
promoters
and
occasioners
of
●he
before
mentioned
change
,
so
lately
made
,
of
the
Ministers
of
State
.
Now
was
the
time
to
remember
,
●nd
revenge
,
all
things
about
the
King
being
mannaged
by
the
Dukes
order
,
who
,
making
use
of
the
Kings
Authority
,
turn'd
out
●nd
put
in
at
his
pleasure
,
the
more
easily
to
bring
●bout
his
designs
,
(
by
his
own
Creatures
now
●rought
in
again
into
the
Government
and
man●gement
of
the
affairs
of
State
)
which
tended
to
no
less
,
than
the
putting
his
Nephew
,
the
young
Prince
Richard
,
(
an
Orphan
by
the
Fathers
side
though
not
the
Mothers
)
from
the
Crown
,
and
setling
himself
in
the
Throne
,
upon
the
old
weak
Kings
decease
.
This
it
seems
had
been
intended
by
the
Duke
for
some
time
,
but
now
carried
on
more
vigorously
with
all
the
art
imaginable
.
A
Parliament
is
summoned
to
meet
at
Westminster
after
Christmas
,
honour
is
openly
shewn
to
the
young
Prince
,
and
his
name
made
use
of
,
by
his
crafty
Uncle
,
to
further
and
promote
his
own
privy
intentions
and
intreagues
;
The
name
and
power
of
the
French
,
(
as
that
they
had
raised
great
Armies
,
and
made
new
Confederacies
to
blo●
out
the
English
Tongue
and
Nation
)
is
likewise
made
use
of
,
for
a
stale
,
to
induce
the
Commons
the
more
readily
to
part
with
a
good
round
sum
of
Mony
,
to
put
the
King
into
a
good
posture
of
defence
,
to
speak
and
act
as
a
King
;
And
the
old
Knights
,
who
in
the
last
Parliament
had
stood
up
so
couragiously
in
behalf
of
the
Commonalty
,
are
by
the
Dukes
meanes
for
the
most
part
remov'd
,
and
Creatures
of
his
own
are
made
the
chiefest
managers
of
Parliament-business
;
so
that
now
he
seem●
ready
to
carry
almost
all
things
before
him
:
Bu●
only
there
lies
a
rub
or
two
in
the
way
,
that
migh●
spoil
his
bowling
,
if
they
were
not
timely
removed
.
London
was
not
,
nor
would
be
at
the
Duke●
beck
,
and
therefore
't
was
thought
da●gerous
to
attempt
publickly
,
what
was
privately
and
principally
intended
,
as
long
as
the
Laws
and
Customs
o●
the
City
were
in
force
.
Moreover
the
Church
o●
England
,
it
seems
,
in
those
days
was
look't
upo●
by
the
Duke
,
as
none
of
his
best
friends
(
thoug●●
I
don't
find
but
he
might
have
been
before
,
an●
was
a
Church-Man
good
enough
afterwards
,
as
to
outward
appearance
,
whatever
he
was
in
his
heart
)
and
therefore
(
if
Stow
may
be
Credited
,
who
writes
after
Walsinghams
Pen
)
he
attempted
to
overthrow
it
,
for
that
end
favouring
Wickliff
and
his
Disciples
,
who
went
then
under
the
name
of
L●llards
among
the
Commons
,
and
were
as
much
hated
in
those
days
,
for
pretended
Heresies
laid
to
their
charge
,
(
for
at
that
time
you
must
know
the
Nations
Religion
was
Popish
)
as
the
Papists
are
now
adays
for
repeated
Plots
,
and
Conspiracies
proved
upon
them
.
Whether
or
no
it
was
to
pull
down
the
English
Bishops
,
the
better
to
facilitate
his
own
intents
and
purposes
,
that
he
was
a
favourer
of
the
fam'd
John
Wickliff
,
(
as
Walsingham
,
a
great
Papist
,
and
also
a
Monk
,
affirms
)
Providence
out
of
the
Dukes
sinful
Ambition
raising
Protection
for
the
Maintainers
of
the
true
Religion
,
or
else
that
being
convinced
of
the
Conformity
of
Wickliffs
Doctrine
to
Truth
and
Godliness
,
He
,
like
Herod
,
heard
John
gladly
,
and
did
many
things
at
his
instance
,
I
shall
not
now
pretend
to
determine
.
But
most
certain
it
is
from
the
story
,
that
't
was
London
,
not
the
English
Clergy
,
that
put
the
greatest
stop
to
the
Dukes
aspiring
designs
,
and
dash'd
all
his
Ambitious
Intreagues
in
pieces
,
to
his
,
and
his
Favourites
no
small
Disappointment
.
For
the
Londoners
being
enraged
at
the
Dukes
threats
,
and
their
fury
increased
against
him
,
for
that
in
the
Parliament
,
the
Duke
being
President
,
a
motion
had
been
made
in
the
Kings
name
,
(
over
whom
at
that
time
't
is
well
known
how
great
an
ascendant
the
Duke
had
)
that
there
should
be
no
more
Major
of
London
,
according
to
the
Ancient
Custom
,
but
a
Captain
appointed
over
it
,
and
the
Marshal
of
England
might
therein
arrest
Offenders
,
as
in
other
places
,
(
so
that
't
was
in
the
Military
Officers
that
the
Duke
seems
to
have
plac'd
most
of
his
Trust
and
Confidence
,
as
doubtless
his
Creatures
and
Favourites
in
esse
aut
posse
)
with
many
other
things
manifestly
contrary
to
the
City's
Liberties
,
at
the
encouragement
of
the
Lord
Fitzwalter
(
who
claim'd
to
be
their
Standard
Bearer
by
inheritance
)
they
put
themselves
in
Arms
,
and
acted
with
such
an
excess
of
rage
and
violence
,
that
had
it
not
been
for
their
own
Bishop
,
who
pacified
them
for
the
time
,
the
Duke
and
his
great
favourite
Piercy
had
that
day
(
saith
the
book
)
lost
their
lives
.
But
they
having
timely
notice
,
fled
from
the
people
,
and
applied
themselves
for
safety
to
the
young
Prince
,
and
his
Mother
,
who
undertook
the
business
,
and
sent
to
the
Londoners
,
to
make
peace
with
the
Duke
;
so
kind
and
gracious
was
the
good
Princess
,
as
to
mediate
in
his
behalf
,
who
desir'd
in
his
heart
to
dispossess
her
own
Son
of
his
right
.
To
her
Messenger
Answer
was
return'd
by
the
Citizens
,
that
for
her
honour
,
they
would
perform
her
Commands
,
but
as
to
what
concern'd
the
Duke
,
injunctions
were
laid
on
them
to
will
him
,
that
he
should
suffer
the
Bishop
of
Winchester
to
come
to
his
answer
,
and
to
be
try'd
by
his
Peers
,
and
also
permit
Peter
de
la
More
[
Speaker
of
the
last
Parliament
]
then
by
the
Duke's
means
imprison'd
to
answer
for
himself
,
after
the
Custom
of
the
Law
;
and
as
for
the
third
,
they
said
they
would
account
a
Traitor
,
wheresoever
he
should
be
found
.
So
run
the
words
in
Stow
,
which
being
to
the
Duke
reported
,
he
became
not
a
little
troubled
,
and
not
without
reason
in
my
opinion
,
at
the
Citizen's
Answer
,
and
their
indignation
conceiv'd
against
him
,
since
that
he
interpreted
,
what
they
had
spoken
of
a
Traytor
to
be
meant
by
them
of
himself
,
though
as
to
that
particular
he
denied
himself
to
be
one
.
He
had
been
mad
,
I
should
have
thought
,
or
foolish
,
if
he
had
presently
confess'd
,
and
own'd
the
imputation
.
However
,
from
the
Citizens
message
,
and
the
Dukes
interpretation
thereof
,
't
is
easie
to
conclude
,
how
little
they
lov'd
him
,
and
he
soon
found
it
to
his
trouble
and
vexation
.
Jealousies
and
suspicions
generally
go
a
great
way
among
the
common
people
,
and
are
almost
as
prevalent
as
proofs
,
especially
when
there
is
a
great
man
in
the
Case
,
whom
they
dare
not
openly
accuse
and
impeach
,
and
cannot
try
for
lack
of
safety
and
a
good
opportunity
,
and
he
himself
is
not
very
willing
to
put
himself
upon
a
fair
trial
,
and
thereby
wipe-off
all
aspersions
in
the
common
legal
way
of
his
Country
.
All
his
Tergiversations
do
foment
,
rather
than
diminish
,
the
Heats
of
the
people
,
who
have
but
the
more
opportunity
and
occasion
to
think
,
(
and
will
commonly
too
think
scurvily
)
the
less
they
have
to
act
.
The
rough
Message
,
the
Londoners
sent
the
Duke
,
we
have
heard
,
but
that
was
not
all
:
They
would
away
to
the
King
too
,
and
acquaint
him
with
the
late
proceedings
.
And
so
accordingly
,
upon
a
Councel
held
thereabouts
,
they
sent
some
of
their
chief
Citizens
,
either
to
justifie
(
saith
the
Annalist
)
or
excuse
what
had
hapned
.
Long
were
these
a
suing
to
come
to
the
Kings
prescnce
,
the
Duke
keeps
them
back
:
For
they
might
be
apt
to
●o
tell
Tales
,
or
at
least
remove
the
prepossessions
,
wherewith
the
Duke
and
his
party
doubt-less
had
fill'd
the
credulous
King's
Head
.
The
Duke
would
fain
have
stopt
their
entrance
,
and
put
them
off
,
but
they
would
not
be
so
serv'd
.
The
Duke
tells
them
,
that
the
King
was
very
ill
at
ease
,
and
his
sickness
might
be
encreast
,
if
he
were
mov'd
to
anger
by
their
Speech
.
A
fine
excuse
,
but
't
would
not
pass
.
The
Londoners
were
resolved
on
't
.
They
were
not
come
to
encrease
,
but
mitigate
his
grief
,
and
their
Commission
from
their
fellow
Citizens
,
they
sayd
,
was
not
to
be
Communicated
to
any
,
but
to
their
Liege
Lord
the
King
himself
.
They
were
for
no
Proxies
,
Advocates
,
nor
Attorney-Generals
of
the
Dukes
providing
:
They
would
be
their
own
Spokesmen
.
Well
then
,
at
last
after
much
ado
they
gain
access
,
and
shew
the
King
,
what
had
been
published
in
Parliament
,
as
his
Will
,
against
their
Liberties
and
priviledges
:
They
excus'd
likewise
themselves
of
some
of
the
Commonalties
behaviour
in
the
late
Commotion
,
as
being
the
effect
of
some
ill
men
among
the
rabble
,
whereto
they
were
,
neither
privy
,
nor
consenting
;
whereupon
the
King
,
a
little
cheer'd
up
with
their
coming
,
answer'd
,
that
he
would
not
the
diminishing
of
their
Liberties
,
No
,
he
was
rather
ready
,
if
need
were
,
to
augment
them
,
neither
did
any
such
Resolutions
ever
come
out
of
his
Mouth
,
and
therefore
willed
them
not
to
fear
,
but
to
return
and
appease
the
Citizens
,
and
to
keep
them
in
Peace
.
The
Dukes
faction
would
have
made
use
of
the
Kings
Name
and
Authority
,
to
deprive
the
City
of
her
Charter
of
Liberties
,
and
endeavour'd
to
perswade
the
Parliament
Men
,
that
it
was
the
Kings
good
Will
and
pleasure
to
have
it
so
;
but
,
upon
the
Citizens
application
to
the
King
,
they
hear
an
other
tale
,
the
King
own'd
no
such
thing
,
never
any
such
thing
came
out
of
his
Mouth
,
he
tells
them
expresly
.
Set
a
mark
here
.
Observe
likewise
the
conseq●ence
of
the
Citizens
coming
to
the
King
,
he
was
alittle
cheer'd
,
somewhat
better
in
mind
possibly
,
when
he
heard
the
truth
of
the
matter
.
Before
perhaps
he
had
heard
strange
tales
of
seditious
meetings
,
Insurrections
,
Riots
,
Tumults
,
and
the
like
,
as
if
none
were
for
keeping
the
Kings
Peace
but
the
good
Dukes
good
party
,
such
stories
had
they
buz'd
i●
the
ears
of
this
weak
,
old
,
infirm
,
sickly
King
,
and
he
as
ready
to
believe
all
,
till
disproved
by
the
different
Relations
of
as
Credible
witnesses
.
To
hear
one
side
only
,
and
stop
ones
ears
to
the
others
defence
,
is
not
only
a
manifest
sign
of
extream
partiality
,
but
also
the
ready
way
to
be
impos'd
●pon
by
the
deceit
of
lying
Tongues
,
and
to
be
kept
always
from
the
knowledge
of
the
truth
,
where
those
near
us
think
it
their
interest
to
have
●t
so
.
About
the
time
of
the
late
uproar
,
it
's
said
that
,
●he
Duke's
arms
were
hang'd
up
revers'd
in
sign
●f
Treason
,
in
the
principal
streets
of
the
City
,
●●ch
was
the
hatred
the
Londoners
had
conceived
●gainst
him
;
but
't
was
in
those
days
as
unknown
●ho
did
it
,
as
't
is
at
this
time
uncertain
,
who
cut
●e
Picture
of
his
Royal
Highness
the
Duke
of
〈◊〉
,
the
other
day
at
Guild-hal
.
Whether
there
●ere
any
Proclamations
,
with
promises
of
re●ard
,
emitted
,
to
find
out
the
Author
and
Actor
●f
that
deed
,
I
know
not
of
a
certainty
,
as
not
●●ding
it
mention'd
in
the
History
:
Possibly
there
●ere
none
,
or
at
least
they
prov'd
very
ineffectual
,
●hich
I
the
rather
conclude
,
because
that
,
when
〈◊〉
had
made
malitious
Rhymes
upon
the
Duke
,
〈◊〉
fastned
them
up
in
divers
parts
of
the
City
,
●●other
remedy
was
found
out
against
them
,
but
haply
as
inefficacious
,
viz.
a
Sentence
of
Excommunication
,
at
the
Dukes
request
to
the
Bishops
,
pronounced
against
them
publickly
by
the
Bishop
of
Bangor
,
the
Aldermen
of
the
City
assisting
him
.
To
be
Excommunicated
did
carry
somewhat
of
terror
with
it
,
in
England
,
in
those
Popish
times
,
among
the
vulgar
,
and
might
probably
again
,
should
Providence
,
for
our
offences
,
ever
suffer
Popery
to
be
brought
back
into
the
Land
;
but
among
Protestants
,
and
knowing
understanding
men
,
Excommunication
upon
every
slight
account
,
and
trifling
pretext
,
is
of
little
value
,
esteem
,
or
regard
,
and
no
more
dreaded
perhaps
by
some
,
than
't
was
by
Rablais
,
when
he
beg'd
it
as
a
great
boon
of
the
Pope
,
because
the
poor
Country
Woman
thought
her
Faggot
Excommunicated
,
when
she
could
not
make
it
burn
.
Besides
these
Indignities
put
upon
the
Duke
at
London
,
in
,
at
,
and
after
the
aforesaid
Tumult
of
the
Common
people
,
we
are
told
also
,
that
all
such
,
as
wore
the
Dukes
Sign
or
Colours
,
were
fain
to
hide
them
,
conveying
them
into
their
bosoms
,
so
great
a
fea●
and
dread
had
seiz'd
upon
their
Spirits
.
Whether
these
Colours
were
Parsons
Black
,
True
Blew
Flourishing
Green
,
Orange
Tawny
,
or
Blood
Red
the
Historian
hath
not
so
far
gratified
us
,
a●
punctually
to
set
down
in
his
Relation
of
the●●
transactions
.
But
if
I
might
have
leave
to
pas●
my
Verdict
herein
,
I
should
be
apt
to
conjectur●
them
to
have
been
,
at
least
for
the
most
part
,
〈◊〉
by
the
Red-letter'd
people
.
What
sad
Prognosticks
may
we
think
our
Almanack-makers
a●
star-gazers
then
gave
of
the
times
,
when
the
saw
England
so
likely
to
fall
into
such
Feuds
,
Faction●
and
disorders
as
those
of
the
Guelphs
and
Gibeline●
But
one
good
turn
't
is
,
that
Astrogolers
Prognostications
use
commonly
to
be
,
like
the
Popish
Oracles
old
Almanacks
,
soon
out
of
date
.
The
City
could
much
sooner
influence
the
Nation
,
than
they
could
make
the
Stars
influence
the
City
,
in
favour
of
the
Dukes
cause
.
How
the
Citizens
of
London
oppos'd
the
Duke
,
we
have
seen
,
but
he
is
resolved
it
seems
to
shew
his
bitter
resentments
upon
the
next
opportunity
,
and
accordingly
,
after
the
Duke
had
obtain'd
his
desires
of
the
two
Houses
of
Parliament
,
viz.
A
Poll-Bill
or
Tax
of
all
the
heads
in
the
whole
Realm
,
he
caused
the
King
to
send
for
the
Major
,
Aldermen
,
and
Sheriffs
of
London
,
who
soon
came
before
him
,
then
very
ill
at
ease
,
as
they
were
ordered
,
into
his
Chamber
of
Presence
;
where
,
after
the
usual
Ceremonies
over
past
,
a
certain
Knight
of
the
Court
endeavoured
,
by
his
Ciceronian
Rhetorick
,
and
the
Eloquence
of
his
Oration
,
to
perswade
the
Citizens
,
to
confess
their
great
and
hainous
offences
against
the
King
●nd
Duke
,
and
to
submit
themselves
to
their
Mercy
.
See
here
the
Kings
Name
must
be
brought
●n
,
right
or
wrong
,
or
else
the
Dukes
cause
,
and
●retensions
,
would
signify
little
.
But
the
Londoners
were
not
so
to
be
caught
.
For
they
answered
,
they
had
not
Conspired
against
the
Duke
,
nei●her
had
there
been
any
shameful
thing
spoken
or
done
against
him
,
that
they
did
know
of
,
or
con●ent
unto
,
which
they
were
ready
to
prove
before
their
Soveraign
Lord
the
King
,
and
the
Duke
●imself
.
The
folly
of
the
Common
people
they
●ffirm'd
they
could
not
stay
,
and
therefore
requested
of
the
King
,
that
he
would
not
punish
those
●hat
were
innocent
,
and
ignorant
of
the
Fact
,
but
withal
promised
the
Duke
,
for
Reverence
of
the
King
,
(
observe
this
)
that
they
would
endeavour
to
bring
in
the
Common
people
,
and
compel
them
by
Law
to
make
due
satisfaction
,
and
more
(
said
they
)
we
are
not
able
to
do
for
the
Duke
,
that
may
be
to
his
Honour
.
Not
able
to
do
more
,
why
?
What
would
his
faction
have
had
them
to
have
done
?
Was
his
favour
to
have
been
purchas'd
at
no
less
a
price
,
than
an
intire
Resignation
of
all
they
had
,
Bodies
and
Souls
,
Lives
,
Liberties
,
and
Estates
at
Discretion
?
Must
they
have
deny'd
their
senses
,
and
their
reason
too
,
in
charging
themselves
with
what
they
neither
sayd
,
nor
did
,
felt
,
heard
,
nor
understood
,
to
avoid
Scandala
Magnatum's
and
the
Arbitrary
Fin●●
of
byass'd
Juries
?
Leave
we
such
Terms
of
accommodation
to
the
insulting
power
and
Pride
o●
Prelatical
Consciences
,
to
impose
upon
their
underling
Curates
.
Such
is
the
continued
cause
of
difference
between
the
Molinists
and
Jansenists
in
France
,
while
one
side
fairly
offers
,
to
disallow
certain
displeasing
Propositions
,
either
by
themselves
,
or
as
Jansenius's
,
if
shewn
to
them
in
hi●
works
,
and
the
other
party
,
as
pertinaciously
▪
insists
upon
their
rejecting
them
as
his
,
becaus●
the
Pope
hath
so
condemned
them
.
Glad
we
may
easily
suppose
the
Londoners
were
▪
when
dismiss'd
upon
their
aforesaid
Answer●
But
it
seems
the
Court
was
not
yet
satisfied
:
〈◊〉
afterwards
we
read
of
the
Kings
sending
them
〈◊〉
Command
secretly
,
to
call
all
the
Citizens
together
,
and
,
having
made
a
Wax
Candle
with
th●
Dukes
Arms
in
it
,
to
carry
it
solemnly
in
Procession
to
Saint
Pauls
,
there
to
burn
continually
〈◊〉
the
Cities
charges
,
which
was
accordingly
performed
by
the
chiefest
and
richest
of
the
Citizens
,
the
meaner
commonalty
disdaining
to
be
present
at
such
a
procession
,
and
therefore
with
indignation
departing
home
,
when
they
heard
the
business
,
and
knew
the
occasion
of
their
being
call'd
together
.
But
neither
did
this
condescention
of
the
greatest
give
the
Duke
content
;
he
threatned
them
,
look't
upon
it
as
a
reproach
,
and
took
it
in
great
scorn
,
that
they
had
offer'd
thus
his
Arms
in
a
Wax
Taper
while
he
was
alive
,
and
in
good
health
;
notwithstanding
they
affirm'd
,
they
had
expresly
done
that
which
his
Father
,
the
King
,
had
Commanded
them
,
and
would
have
done
any
thing
,
that
might
have
pleased
him
,
i.
e.
in
reason
.
For
peace
and
quietness
sake
possibly
,
and
out
of
respect
to
the
Kings
Majesty
,
they
would
not
have
refus'd
the
trouble
of
putting
forth
a
few
honorary
Proclamations
,
nor
denied
him
the
Complement
of
a
volley
or
two
of
Holla's
and
Huzza's
,
if
that
would
have
pleas'd
.
But
this
did
not
answer
the
Dukes
Expectations
,
nor
satisfie
his
Ambitious
desires
,
they
knew
,
he
sayd
,
his
mind
,
and
were
not
ignorant
how
to
make
satisfaction
.
Ay
;
there
't
was
:
He
would
have
us
,
sayd
the
troubled
Citizens
amongst
themselves
,
Proclaim
him
King
,
but
this
shall
never
be
done
,
and
so
they
parted
worse
friends
than
they
were
before
.
So
much
ado
was
there
with
one
proud
,
haughty
Duke
,
most
injuriously
aspiring
to
the
Crown
,
to
the
prejudice
of
his
better
belov'd
Nephew
,
whose
claim
,
title
,
and
right
had
been
sometime
before
(
if
I
mistake
not
in
my
reckoning
)
settled
expresly
by
the
Parliament
,
or
at
least
he
had
been
declar'd
by
his
Grand-Father
his
Heir
and
Lawful
Successor
;
Yet
this
the
Ambitious
Uncle
thought
probably
easily
to
have
evaded
and
deluded
,
though
besides
the
affections
,
and
contrary
to
the
inclination
of
the
rest
of
the
Nation
,
could
he
but
have
prevailed
upon
the
Londoners
,
by
threats
,
or
fair
words
,
to
have
sided
with
him
;
But
their
opposition
quite
spoil'd
the
Game
,
and
kept
the
Duke
off
the
Cushion
,
a
Duke
stil
,
so
Tryumphant
were
they
in
Power
,
Prudence
,
and
Loyalty
.
Wherefore
to
satisfie
his
restless
reven
geful
Spirit
,
the
Duke
ceas'd
not
,
till
he
had
got
the
old
Major
put
out
,
and
a
new
one
Elected
,
the
Aldermen
depos'd
,
and
others
set
in
their
places
:
So
little
did
their
late
Complicance
,
and
humble
Procession
,
avail
them
,
while
the
Commonalty
remain
stiff
,
firm
,
and
unshaken
,
as
well
by
the
Dukes
power
and
greatness
,
as
by
his
Threats
and
Menaces
.
He
had
gain'd
a
great
Ascendent
over
the
weak
Kings
affections
,
but
yet
for
all
that
could
not
sway
this
Honourable
City
to
his
Interests
,
and
the
Interest
of
his
,
then
prevalent
,
Faction
at
Court
.
The
Citizens
Loyalty
is
plainly
shewn
,
beyond
denial
,
in
Couragiously
adhering
to
the
Juster
claim
and
Title
of
the
abus'd
Nephew
,
and
preferring
his
Birthright
before
the
Pretensions
of
his
Uncle
,
who
,
Ruling
the
King
and
those
about
him
,
thought
also
to
have
over-rul'd
the
City
too
.
Their
Prudence
is
manifest
,
in
that
they
wisely
chose
to
yield
many
things
to
the
times
,
for
peace
sake
,
but
when
neck
and
all
was
in
danger
,
they
would
not
budg
a
foot
,
nor
stir
one
step
further
,
to
humour
all
the
Dukes
in
Kent
or
Christendom
:
Neither
is
their
power
less
conspicuous
,
who
not
only
dar'd
,
but
did
oppose
this
high
minded
Duke
in
the
Days
of
his
Visible
Grandeur
,
and
prov'd
a
match
by
far
too
hard
for
him
.
For
in
a
short
time
comes
the
News
of
the
Old
Kings
●●ing
at
the
point
of
Death
,
and
presently
we
have
the
Londoners
sending
the
chiefest
,
and
worthiest
,
of
their
Citizens
to
the
young
Prince
,
and
his
Mother
,
then
Resident
not
far
from
the
City
,
declaring
their
ready
minds
,
and
good
wills
,
to
accept
him
for
their
true
and
Lawful
King
,
upon
●is
Grand-Fathers
Decease
,
beseeching
him
,
on
the
behalf
of
the
Citizens
,
and
City
of
London
,
that
he
would
have
the
City
Recommended
to
his
good
Grace
,
submitting
themselves
only
to
●is
Rule
,
and
bowing
to
his
Will
and
Pleasure
,
●nder
his
Dominion
to
serve
,
in
Word
and
Deed
,
as
being
known
to
be
so
much
at
his
Devotion
,
as
not
only
ready
to
spend
their
Goods
and
E●●ates
for
his
sake
,
but
also
to
jeopard
their
lives
●n
his
behalf
,
as
Stow
expresses
it
in
John
Phil●●ts
Oration
,
in
the
beginning
of
the
life
and
Reign
of
King
Richard
the
second
,
who
was
thus
●o
undeniably
setled
in
the
Throne
of
his
Fore-●athers
,
by
the
Cities
apparent
interest
,
and
vi●ible
influence
upon
the
Councels
of
the
Nation
,
in
that
great
turn
and
change
of
affairs
.
The
Cities
power
seems
plainly
demonstrated
,
give
me
therefore
leave
to
bring
one
instance
more
of
their
wisdom
,
caution
,
and
prudence
in
these
dangerous
,
because
unsetled
,
times
,
before
I
pass
●n
to
other
particulars
.
The
young
King
being
●hus
entred
upon
the
Government
,
it
was
thought
good
by
the
King
,
or
those
about
him
,
to
have
●ome
care
taken
to
accommodate
former
differences
,
especially
such
as
had
hapned
between
this
potent
Duke
and
the
more
powerful
City
.
Wherefore
several
persons
of
Eminency
were
speedily
sent
to
London
,
to
salute
the
Citizens
in
the
new
King's
name
,
and
acquaint
them
,
how
the
Duke
in
all
things
had
submitted
himself
to
the
Kings
will
,
(
't
was
time
,
for
't
is
certain
he
had
lost
the
day
,
though
not
perhaps
his
high-tow'ring
Ambition
)
and
that
they
should
do
so
in
like
manner
,
and
then
the
King
would
endeavour
a
Reconciliation
to
the
City's
honour
and
advantage
.
Fair
words
and
large
promises
.
But
the
worthy
Citizens
were
not
Birds
to
be
caught
with
chaff
,
much
less
to
be
hamper'd
in
a
Noose
of
their
own
making
.
They
were
for
no
Resignations
it
seems
at
Discretion
,
though
to
the
dearest
Friend
alive
.
They
knew
the
King
to
be
but
young
,
and
weak
to
help
them
in
such
a
troublesome
business
,
if
they
should
so
heedlesly
desert
their
own
Cause
,
and
put
the
staff
out
of
their
own
hands
,
by
their
own
Consent
.
They
had
enemies
enough
still
,
they
might
think
,
at
Court
,
as
long
as
the
Duke
was
there
,
and
his
flattering
favourites
,
who
might
possibly
over-rule
at
least
,
(
if
not
over-aw
)
the
King
to
their
prejudice
,
should
they
render
all
they
had
at
pleasure
into
his
hand
,
by
their
own
voluntary
Act
and
Deed
,
when
as
they
knew
themselves
well
able
to
defend
their
liberties
and
properties
in
a
legal
way
,
without
hazarding
them
upon
so
intire
a
submission
,
as
was
required
,
without
Reserve
.
Wherefore
,
upon
consultation
,
this
Medium
was
at
length
found
out
,
that
if
the
noble
persons
,
sent
to
them
with
that
message
,
would
be
bound
to
the
Citizens
,
that
their
submission
should
not
redound
to
the
temporal
loss
or
bodily
harm
of
any
Citizen
,
or
prejudice
of
their
City
,
they
would
gladly
obey
the
King's
Commandment
.
This
those
eminent
persons
of
quality
undertook
by
Oath
,
and
upon
their
Knighthood
:
And
so
,
upon
this
surety
,
away
go
the
Citizens
to
Court
,
and
being
soon
brought
before
the
King
,
besought
him
(
as
the
Annalist
words
it
)
to
reform
the
peace
betwixt
the
Duke
and
them
,
affirming
that
they
were
ready
in
all
things
to
submit
themselves
unto
his
will
and
pleasure
,
not
as
though
they
confessed
they
had
made
any
fault
against
the
Duke
,
(
consider
this
)
but
as
men
that
came
at
this
time
for
the
benefit
of
peace
,
and
honour
,
as
well
to
the
King
,
as
the
Duke
,
to
pacifie
the
hearts
,
and
mitigate
the
pleasure
of
both
.
That
this
was
their
intent
is
evident
enough
from
their
own
request
before
made
to
the
King
,
that
he
would
vouchsafe
to
make
a
good
and
profitable
end
of
this
discord
.
For
that
they
fear'd
not
the
Duke
,
is
most
certain
from
the
precedent
passages
,
and
that
they
were
all
of
a
suddain
fallen
deeply
in
love
with
him
and
his
party
,
I
can
hardly
believe
.
No
,
no
,
They
love
the
Nephew
too
well
,
to
dote
upon
the
Uncle
;
and
may
they
always
be
so
minded
upon
a
good
account
.
The
Citizens
having
thus
prudently
(
though
we
see
not
without
great
caution
)
referr'd
themselves
to
the
King
,
the
Duke
readily
accepted
of
this
form
of
peace
(
as
not
hoping
possibly
for
such
an
other
opportunity
,
nor
expecting
so
honourable
Conditions
a
second
time
,
if
refus'd
the
first
)
;
and
upon
his
knees
became
Intercessor
to
the
King
,
to
take
the
cause
in
hand
under
the
form
by
the
Londoners
expressed
,
and
so
a
Reconciliation
was
made
between
these
two
contesting
Parties
,
the
Duke
with
an
Oath
promising
them
his
friendship
for
the
future
,
and
in
token
thereof
bestowing
a
kiss
of
peace
upon
each
of
them
before
the
King
at
the
same
time
:
Whereupon
the
Citizens
return'd
home
with
joy
and
gladness
,
rejoycing
that
the
Duke
was
brought
to
such
humility
,
who
a
little
before
had
,
in
great
Pride
,
demanded
of
them
,
for
his
favour
,
an
hundred
Hogsheads
of
Wine
,
and
an
infinite
number
of
precious
Stones
.
So
great
a
value
did
this
high-flown
Duke
set
upon
his
grace
and
favour
,
till
the
Citizens
of
this
honourable
City
,
by
their
power
and
prudence
,
had
brought
down
his
haughty
spirit
a
Peg
or
two
lower
:
and
that
visibly
too
▪
For
we
don't
find
him
,
as
ambitious
as
he
still
continued
,
so
openly
aspiring
to
Englands
Crown
for
the
future
,
how
successfully
soever
his
Son
made
a
Rape
thereon
at
the
end
of
this
Princes
Reign
,
under
the
pretence
of
I
know
not
what
hidden
right
accruing
to
him
from
his
Mother
.
We
read
indeed
,
I
confess
,
in
Cotton's
Abridgment
of
the
Records
,
that
,
in
the
seventeenth
of
this
King
,
the
Earl
of
Arundel
laid
several
things
to
the
Dukes
charge
,
as
not
honourable
for
the
King
to
suffer
in
him
,
nor
fit
for
him
to
do
,
being
a
Subject
,
as
that
he
went
Arm
in
Arm
with
the
King
and
his
Men
wear
the
same
Livery
the
Kings
did
,
(
which
seems
to
shew
much
of
Arrogancy
,
and
Ambition
,
to
say
no
more
)
besides
some
other
Objections
,
but
herein
he
was
so
far
justified
by
the
King
himself
,
that
the
Earl
was
ordered
to
crave
the
Dukes
Pardon
in
full
Parliament
,
in
a
certain
form
of
words
appointed
him
.
In
Stows
Annals
also
we
meet
with
an
Accusation
brought
against
him
,
in
the
seventh
of
this
Kings
Reign
,
tending
to
prove
his
intent
and
design
suddainly
to
oppress
the
King
,
and
take
upon
himself
the
Kingdom
,
but
it
seems
little
notice
was
taken
of
it
by
the
King
himself
,
who
was
to
have
lost
most
,
had
it
been
attempted
Successfully
,
and
doubtless
as
little
believ'd
;
otherwise
surely
the
Schedule
,
containing
the
time
,
place
,
and
other
Circumstances
,
had
not
been
presently
delivered
into
the
Dukes
hands
,
nor
the
accuser
committed
at
his
request
to
the
charge
of
his
near
Kinsman
,
nor
the
occasion
of
his
violent
Death
so
little
inquired
into
afterwards
.
The
Duke
was
not
so
powerful
,
nor
so
great
a
Terror
,
but
the
City
was
as
well
able
still
to
deal
with
him
,
and
his
whole
party
,
and
make
as
vigorous
opposition
,
as
ever
,
in
defence
of
their
Soveraign
Lord
the
King
,
if
occasion
should
have
offered
it self
.
This
we
have
reason
to
believe
was
known
in
those
days
to
all
the
Nation
,
much
more
to
the
Duke
himself
,
from
former
experience
,
who
therefore
may
be
suppos'd
not
any
more
to
have
aspir'd
openly
,
whatever
secret
fires
of
Ambition
lay
hidden
within
his
breast
;
whether
or
no
he
design'd
and
attempted
ought
by
unseen
Plots
and
Conspiracies
,
I
leave
to
the
Judicious
Reader
to
believe
or
not
,
as
he
pleases
,
without
speaking
to
or
for
in
the
case
.
Besides
the
decree
of
an
over-ruling
Providence
,
Common
equity
in
siding
with
what
was
reputed
the
juster
title
,
natural
humanity
in
defending
the
young
and
weak
,
and
a
well
grounded
affection
to
the
Prince
,
for
his
Father
and
Grand-Fathers
sake
,
(
one
the
famous
Black
Prince
,
the
other
the
Glorious
Edward
the
third
their
King
and
Sovereign
,
)
we
may
conclude
the
generality
of
the
Citizens
had
the
greater
aversion
to
the
Duke
and
his
faction
,
because
he
was
a
known
favourer
of
Wickliff
and
his
Doctrines
,
(
whether
on
a
good
account
or
only
out
of
any
Ambitious
Design
,
I
shall
not
determine
in
this
place
)
and
so
look't
upon
perhaps
as
little
better
than
another
Juli●n
the
Apostate
.
For
we
are
to
know
,
that
Londons
Religion
,
and
consequently
the
Nations
,
was
at
that
time
Popish
,
and
the
generality
of
the
People
in
Town
and
Country
Romes
Votaries
,
who
had
Wickliffs
Doctrine
in
as
great
detestation
then
,
under
the
Notion
of
Heresy
,
as
we
Protestants
have
it
now
in
esteem
,
under
the
Seal
and
assurance
of
Truth
.
As
indeed
for
many
of
the
ages
past
,
from
our
ever-blessed
Saviours
Birth
,
through
which
I
have
drawn
the
thread
of
this
discourse
,
and
under
the
succeeding
Kings
,
for
above
an
hundred
years
,
Popery
continued
the
National
Religion
,
under
the
power
and
prevalency
of
which
perswasion
was
the
body
of
the
Citizens
bred
up
,
who
prov'd
so
famous
in
their
Generations
for
their
powerful
influence
on
the
grand
concerns
of
the
Nation
,
in
every
considerable
turn
and
change
of
the
times
before
the
Reformation
:
And
when
England
was
made
happy
with
this
blessed
alteration
,
the
Cities
Power
,
Strength
,
and
Esteem
remain'd
the
same
in
effect
,
as
ever
,
the
change
of
her
Religion
introducing
no
change
therein
,
unless
for
the
better
,
she
encreasing
proportionably
in
every
age
in
Wealth
,
Riches
and
Honour
,
as
the
Nation
grew
stronger
and
stronger
:
And
still
continues
as
visibly
conspicuous
under
Protestantism
,
as
before
under
the
Romish
Faith
;
a
thing
easy
to
be
demonstrated
in
due
time
and
place
.
How
influential
the
Cities
actions
were
upon
the
Nations
affairs
,
and
her
Love
advantagious
to
the
Orphan
Prince
,
in
securing
his
Claim
,
Right
,
and
Title
to
the
Crown
in
his
Grand-Fathers
life
time
,
and
setling
him
quietly
on
the
Throne
at
his
Death
,
in
spight
of
all
the
opposition
,
the
deep
designs
,
and
daring
Spirit
of
his
Aspiring
Uncle
,
John
of
Gaunt
,
and
his
faction
could
make
,
when
they
had
got
the
reigns
of
publick
Government
into
their
own
hands
,
through
the
Old
Kings
Connivance
,
hath
been
the
subject
of
several
of
the
aforegoing
pages
.
The
next
thing
of
course
falling
under
present
consideration
is
to
observe
,
how
this
Honourable
City
of
London
behav'd
her self
,
after
she
had
lent
her
●ssistance
to
raise
this
Young
Prince
,
from
the
●eanness
of
a
Subject
,
to
the
Royal
Dignity
and
Grandeur
of
a
King
,
under
the
Name
of
Richard
the
Second
;
what
place
she
held
in
his
affections
,
●nd
of
what
esteem
in
the
eyes
of
all
the
rest
of
●he
people
.
But
where
shall
I
begin
,
and
when
●hall
I
end
?
Sooner
may
I
be
wearied
with
read●ng
,
and
tir'd
with
writing
,
than
fail
of
matter
●o
exercise
my
Pen
,
so
copious
is
my
Subject
and
●o
full
of
Variety
.
For
,
in
my
searches
into
the
Histories
of
this
Kings
Reign
,
I
find
it
plain
to
a
●emonstration
,
that
the
City
carried
a
great
sway
●mongst
all
Ranks
and
Degrees
,
from
the
Prince
●o
the
Subject
,
from
the
King
,
the
Supream
,
to
●is
subordinate
Magistrates
,
and
Ministers
,
and
was
highly
Honour'd
,
Rever'd
,
and
Respected
●mong
the
Nobility
,
Gentry
,
and
Commonalty
●f
the
Land
,
both
in
the
calm
of
peace
,
and
the
●oisterous
storms
of
civil
distractions
.
I
begin
first
with
the
Honourable
House
of
Commons
,
the
known
representative
of
the
Commons
of
England
,
and
concerning
them
ob●erve
,
out
of
Sir
Robert
Cotton's
exact
Abridgment
of
the
Records
in
the
Tower
,
revis'd
by
William
Prynne
Esq
;
,
that
,
in
the
first
Parliament
of
this
King
in
his
first
year
,
among
other
Petitions
of
the
Commons
,
there
is
to
be
found
one
particular
division
,
under
the
Title
of
Petitions
for
the
City
of
London
,
wherein
the
House
of
Commons
become
express
Petitioners
(
so
great
was
the
Cities
influence
over
their
Debates
,
and
so
high
a
respect
had
they
for
her
)
to
the
King
for
many
considerable
Grants
in
favour
of
the
Citizens
,
and
to
them
very
advantagious
and
beneficial
:
As
that
all
their
Liberties
may
be
confirm'd
with
a
Non
obstante
:
That
they
attend
upon
no
Commandment
of
any
of
the
Kings
Officers
,
but
only
at
the
Kings
Sute
,
Sealed
with
the
Great
or
Privy
Seal
,
except
the
Kings
Justices
,
according
to
their
Charter
:
That
they
shall
by
themselves
enquire
of
Customs
and
impositions
hapning
or
arising
within
the
City
:
That
the
Major
and
Chamberlain
for
the
time
being
shall
have
the
keeping
of
the
City
Orphans
Lands
and
Goods
;
[
No
small
advantage
in
those
times
,
when
the
Court
of
Wards
was
in
being
,
and
greatly
beneficial
still
,
by
reason
of
the
Deceits
many
poor
Orphans
meet
with
from
Cheating
,
or
Insolvent
Guardians
and
Trustees
,
whereas
the
City's
security
is
unquestionable
and
her
Credit
not
in
the
least
to
be
doubted
of
:
]
That
the
Interpretation
of
any
word
or
Sentence
touching
their
said
Liberties
,
which
may
severally
be
taken
,
may
be
taken
according
to
the
intent
and
Claim
of
the
said
Citizens
:
That
the
City
may
enjoy
all
such
Liberties
as
any
other
Town
in
the
Realm
,
if
they
have
any
other
than
the
Citizens
have
;
That
no
protection
Royal
be
allowed
in
Debt
,
Account
or
Trespass
,
wherein
a
Freeman
of
London
is
ten
pounds
,
with
several
others
:
By
the
Answers
whereunto
we
find
the
Kings
Will
was
,
that
the
Citizens
of
London
should
in
no
wise
be
restrained
of
any
of
their
Liberties
or
ancient
customs
approv'd
:
Such
as
were
most
useful
,
and
advantagious
at
the
present
time
,
were
by
his
Majesty
granted
,
and
if
any
appear
to
have
been
denyed
,
the
denyal
seems
rather
conditional
,
than
plain
and
direct
in
down
right
terms
:
So
cautious
was
the
King
in
his
Answers
,
so
careful
not
to
displease
this
powerful
Coporation
,
and
so
well
advis'd
,
as
not
to
shew
himself
Ungrateful
at
his
first
coming
to
the
Crown
,
to
those
,
who
had
so
Cordially
erewhile
espous'd
his
interest
,
and
so
stoutly
defended
his
cause
but
a
little
before
.
In
the
sixth
of
this
King
,
at
the
request
of
the
Commons
the
Abridgment
tells
us
,
it
was
enacted
,
that
the
City
of
London
should
enjoy
all
such
Liberties
,
as
they
had
in
the
time
of
King
Edward
the
third
,
or
as
were
to
them
confirm'd
by
the
King
now
;
and
that
Victuallers
particularly
should
be
●under
the
Mayors
Rule
,
and
have
no
particular
liberties
by
themselves
.
In
the
seventh
we
find
it
among
the
Commons
Petitions
enacted
,
that
the
Citizens
of
London
shall
enjoy
all
their
whole
Liberties
whatsoever
,
with
this
Clause
,
licet
usi
non
fuerunt
,
vel
●busi
fuerunt
,
notwithstanding
any
Statute
to
the
Contrary
.
Whether
then
't
is
possible
for
any
Corporate
body
,
endowed
with
so
transcendent
Priviledges
by
the
publick
Act
and
Deed
of
the
known
Legislators
of
the
Land
,
to
forfeit
and
lose
them
all
of
a
sudden
,
Judge
ye
.
At
the
same
time
we
read
of
a
grant
made
by
the
same
Authority
,
that
the
Mayor
and
Aldermen
should
take
no
other
Oath
in
the
Exchequer
,
than
they
did
in
the
time
of
King
Edward
the
third
.
How
careful
were
the
Commons
,
do
we
see
in
this
Age
,
to
prevent
the
Citizens
from
being
enslav'd
in
either
their
Bodies
or
their
Souls
?
They
sha'nt
be
impos'd
upon
,
by
their
good
Wills
,
in
so
much
as
an
Oath
,
much
less
have
Creeds
,
Articles
and
Oaths
,
by
the
dozens
thrust
upon
them
to
Swear
and
subscribe
to
.
In
the
same
year
we
have
the
Commons
petitioning
the
King
again
in
the
Cities
behalf
,
(
so
Sollicitous
were
they
for
her
good
and
welfare
)
That
free
choice
may
be
made
of
the
most
able
men
for
Aldermen
,
as
well
of
such
as
were
the
year
before
,
as
of
others
yearly
.
See
we
here
the
House
of
Commons
pleading
for
a
free
choice
,
an
Election
without
disturbance
,
threats
,
or
menaces
,
and
that
particular
Citizens
should
not
be
impos'd
upon
,
nor
overaw'd
:
And
if
they
had
formerly
chosen
good
Men
,
and
found
them
so
by
experience
,
that
they
should
not
be
oblig'd
next
year
to
pass
them
by
,
and
choose
others
,
such
as
possibly
might
prove
friends
to
them
the
backward
way
,
and
over
the
left
shoulders
.
The
Electors
might
pick
and
choose
as
they
please
,
which
is
the
benefit
of
a
free
Election
.
And
as
the
Commons
pray
,
so
the
King
grants
,
as
long
as
there
is
good
Government
in
the
City
thereby
▪
What
could
be
desir'd
more
?
As
long
as
the
Aldermen
were
lyable
to
be
pass'd
by
every
year
,
as
well
as
the
Common-Council-Men
,
't
is
very
unlikely
that
they
should
displease
the
City
,
much
less
thwart
and
contradict
the
Common
voice
o●
her
Citizens
for
a
few
sprinklings
of
Court
Holy
Water
.
Observe
,
this
was
at
the
Parliament
hel●
at
Salisbury
,
some
scores
of
Miles
from
London
,
yet
't
was
not
the
distance
of
place
that
could
breed
distance
of
affection
.
Remove
the
national
assembly
to
the
other
end
of
the
Land
,
to
the
utmost
Coasts
of
Great
Brittian
,
yet
Londons
Name
reaches
thither
.
'T
is
not
the
place
that
makes
our
Westminster
Conventions
so
mindful
of
her
,
but
her
Merit
,
her
Power
,
her
Influence
,
the
respect
and
esteem
they
have
for
her
Glory
,
Honour
and
Renown
,
to
see
her
ever
continue
,
the
fixt
unmovable
Defendress
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
under
the
Defender
of
the
Faith
.
In
the
Ninth
,
the
Commons
require
,
at
the
petition
of
the
Mayor
and
Commonalty
of
London
,
that
the
Patent
lately
made
to
the
Constable
of
the
Tower
may
be
Revok'd
.
The
reason
is
plain
,
't
was
prejudicial
to
the
City
,
to
have
the
Victuals
brought
to
her
,
upon
her
dearest
and
best
beloved
Thames
,
made
to
pay
Toll
and
Custom
to
another
.
How
Glorious
and
Gracious
must
we
needs
think
that
City
to
be
in
the
peoples
Eyes
,
when
we
find
their
Representatives
,
not
once
nor
twice
,
but
so
constantly
,
almost
at
every
〈◊〉
,
pleading
her
Cause
,
vindicating
her
Liberties
,
and
asserting
her
Rights
?
And
these
we
know
are
part
of
the
Legislative
power
.
A
general
act
of
Oblivion
is
a
Royal
Grant
not
every
day
bestow'd
upon
the
Subject
,
and
a
grace
not
often
obtain'd
without
much
importunity
and
intercession
.
We
have
reason
therefore
to
believe
the
Londoners
look't
upon
it
as
no
small
favour
,
that
at
the
Common's
request
the
King
granted
a
Pardon
to
the
Citizens
of
London
,
in
the
Eleventh
of
his
Reign
,
of
all
Treasons
,
Felonies
,
and
other
offences
of
loss
of
life
.
For
so
Pardons
run
,
whether
the
parties
were
guilty
of
such
crimes
and
delinquences
,
or
not
;
and
't
is
a
salvo
that
Wise
men
disdain
not
sometimes
to
make
use
of
,
and
why
should
they
not
,
unless
a
Pardon
must
of
necessity
imply
a
Crime
?
We
have
heard
how
careful
the
House
of
Commons
were
,
under
this
King
,
to
secure
the
Cities
Liberties
,
ascertain
her
Rights
,
defend
her
Priviledges
,
and
keep
off
encroachments
,
that
she
might
not
be
abus'd
nor
impos'd
on
:
Let
me
next
have
leave
,
before
I
pass
forwards
,
to
give
a
hint
or
two
to
intimate
,
how
ready
the
Commons
were
to
free
the
City
from
Annoyances
,
in
order
both
to
the
Citizens
health
and
the
Cities
Ornament
,
that
nothing
offensive
,
either
to
the
Eyes
or
the
Nostrils
,
might
be
found
therein
.
'T
is
to
be
seen
Enacted
,
among
the
Commons
Petitions
in
the
sixteenth
of
this
King
,
that
all
the
filth
upon
Thames
side
,
in
a
certain
place
there
mentioned
,
be
utterly
remov'd
against
a
short
time
particularliz'd
:
That
the
Butchers
of
London
build
convenient
Houses
,
to
hold
whatsoever
they
had
noisome
in
their
Calling
,
thence
in
due
time
to
be
carried
in
Boats
into
the
middle
of
the
Thames
at
high-water
,
there
to
be
cast
at
it's
beginning
to
Ebb
,
so
to
be
born
away
with
the
Tide
.
And
that
no
Rubbish
or
the
like
be
cast
into
Thames
between
Westminster
and
the
Tower
on
a
considerable
forfeiture
.
Small
slight
trivial
matters
some
may
haply
think
these
to
be
,
and
not
worth
perhaps
a
remark
:
Yet
to
me
it
seems
a
manifest
sign
of
the
Citizens
care
and
esteem
,
the
House
of
Commons
respect
for
them
,
and
the
influence
the
City
had
upon
their
debates
,
that
they
shew'd
themselves
so
willing
and
ready
,
at
all
times
,
to
take
into
more
especial
consideration
the
slightest
and
minutest
things
,
so
it
came
recommended
to
them
from
the
City
of
London
,
or
appeared
in
their
Eyes
advantagious
to
her
Inhabitants
:
And
that
these
had
an
equal
share
in
making
Laws
with
the
Lords
,
or
even
with
the
King
himself
,
is
as
evident
as
the
shining
of
the
Sun
in
a
hot
Summers-day
.
From
the
Commons
let
us
pass
to
the
King
and
Lords
joyntly
consider'd
.
For
the
esteem
the
Lords
had
for
the
City
,
when
lookt
upon
as
single
in
themselves
,
and
not
expresly
united
with
the
King
,
may
best
be
shewn
either
when
we
come
to
touch
upon
the
Civil
distractions
of
these
times
,
whereof
the
whole
Nation
were
partakers
,
or
the
more
immediate
afflictions
of
the
City
in
particular
,
(
as
some
we
may
be
sure
they
had
in
a
General
Del●ge
of
miseries
)
my
Subject
being
as
yet
principally
of
Proceedings
and
Transactions
carried
on
in
a
Parliamentary
way
,
that
is
or
ought
to
be
,
in
meekness
and
calmness
.
What
I
have
chiefly
to
observe
here
is
in
plain
words
out
of
the
Abridgment
of
the
Records
Relating
to
the
Parliament
of
the
seventeenth
of
this
King
,
where
we
read
it
enacted
,
that
it
is
not
the
Kings
meaning
or
intent
,
nor
meaning
of
the
Statute
made
in
the
twenty
eighth
of
Edward
the
third
,
(
touching
Errors
and
misprisions
in
the
City
of
London
)
that
the
Mayors
,
Sheriffs
and
Aldermen
of
London
,
that
now
are
,
heretofore
have
been
,
or
hereafter
shall
be
,
should
incur
,
or
bear
the
pain
contained
in
the
said
Statute
,
for
any
erroneous
Judgment
given
,
or
to
be
given
in
the
said
City
.
This
is
one
of
the
three
Acts
there
noted
,
to
be
enacted
by
the
King
,
by
the
assent
of
the
Lords
only
:
And
therefore
makes
good
my
assertion
of
the
respect
shewn
the
City
by
the
King
and
Lords
,
as
may
be
made
to
appear
more
obvious
by
giving
the
Reader
the
substance
of
the
forecited
Statute
,
still
to
be
seen
,
among
the
Printed
Statutes
,
in
the
twenty
eighth
of
Edward
the
third
,
Chapter
tenth
,
where
we
find
it
ordain'd
and
established
,
that
the
Mayor
,
Sheriffs
and
Aldermen
,
which
have
the
Governance
of
the
City
of
London
,
shall
cause
to
be
redressed
and
corrected
the
defaults
errors
and
misprisions
above
named
,
and
the
same
duly
punish
from
time
to
time
upon
a
certain
Pain
:
That
is
to
say
,
at
the
first
default
a
thousand
Marks
to
the
King
,
and
at
the
second
default
two
thousand
Marks
,
and
at
the
third
default
that
the
Franchise
and
Liberty
of
the
City
be
taken
into
the
Kings
hand
:
And
it
is
likewise
enacted
,
that
enquiries
shall
be
made
of
these
defaults
by
Enquests
of
people
of
these
Forreign
Counties
,
Kent
,
Essex
,
Sussex
,
Hertford
,
Buckingham
and
Berks:
And
the
receiving
and
execution
of
the
Writs
,
as
well
Originals
as
Judicials
,
is
committed
to
the
Constable
of
the
Tower
,
or
his
Lieutenant
,
in
place
of
the
Sheriffs
of
London
;
so
runs
the
Statute
:
Whence
occasion
might
seem
likely
enough
to
be
taken
,
one
time
or
other
,
by
the
Cities
designing
adversaries
,
to
Hector
the
Mayor
Sheriffs
and
Aldermen
into
compliance
,
by
threatning
to
sue
that
Act
upon
them
,
or
opportunity
given
to
treacherous
friends
,
(
foster'd
within
her
Walls
,
bred
up
under
the
shadow
of
her
wings
,
rais'd
and
enrich'd
through
the
benefit
of
her
Franchises
and
Priviledges
,
and
crept
into
Authority
by
the
overflowings
of
her
favour
)
for
a
lick
or
two
at
the
publick
hony-pot
,
wilfully
to
incur
the
forfeitures
,
that
her
Liberties
might
be
seiz'd
,
and
her
good
old
Charter
,
as
far
as
in
them
lies
,
wholly
lost
.
But
such
an
Honourable
respect
had
both
the
King
and
his
Nobles
at
that
season
for
this
most
deserving
City
,
and
so
glorious
appear'd
she
in
their
Eyes
,
that
they
seem
in
a
manner
resolv'd
,
as
well
as
highly
desirous
according
to
their
power
,
to
prevent
the
very
possibility
of
such
ill
consequences
by
this
favourable
interpretation
,
that
after-ages
might
not
rue
for
the
oversights
of
former
times
,
if
they
could
help
it
.
For
this
rather
looks
like
an
explanation
of
the
Statute
than
a
Repeal
,
an
Act
Declaratory
of
their
good
Will
and
intentions
,
more
than
a
result
of
the
whole
Legislative
power
of
the
Nation
;
here
being
only
the
King
and
his
Lords
assent
mention'd
,
and
not
a
word
of
the
Commons
.
And
yet
possibly
this
Declaration
may
amount
to
little
less
than
a
vertual
,
tho
not
a
formal
repeal
,
if
it
be
joyntly
consider'd
with
what
hath
been
before
related
,
in
the
seventh
of
this
Kings
Reign
,
concerning
the
Clause
,
licet
usi
non
fuerunt
,
vel
abusi
fuerunt
,
notwithstanding
any
Statute
to
the
contrary
,
to
be
found
enacted
among
the
Commons
Petitions
of
that
year
,
in
favour
of
the
Cities
Liberties
.
So
that
upon
this
account
we
find
Authority
in
every
part
of
it
concurring
in
the
point
.
And
that
it
was
in
favour
of
the
City
in
General
,
as
well
as
in
behalf
of
particular
persons
,
is
plain
from
the
sense
and
substance
of
the
original
Statute
,
and
the
consequential
adjuncts
thereto
belonging
.
But
if
any
one
shall
think
this
conclusion
will
not
clearly
follow
from
the
premises
,
I
don't
think
but
I
am
able
to
prove
it
undeniably
(
as
to
the
part
at
least
of
several
of
the
Lords
)
from
Statute
Law
:
As
strong
an
assurance
,
as
we
English-men
can
expect
,
as
being
the
boundary
of
our
Lives
and
Liberties
,
and
giving
us
the
security
of
all
we
enjoy
,
or
can
properly
call
our
own
.
The
Statute
is
to
be
found
in
the
first
of
Henry
the
fourth
,
Chapter
15th
.
where
after
a
recital
of
the
before-mention'd
Statute
of
28
Edward
3.
(
though
through
a
mistake
or
misprint
,
it
is
said
there
to
to
be
made
in
the
seven
and
twentieth
year
)
we
find
as
follows
;
Our
Lord
the
King
considering
the
good
and
lawful
behaviour
of
the
Mayor
,
Sheriffs
,
and
Aldermen
,
and
all
the
Commonalty
of
the
City
of
London
towards
him
,
and
therefore
willing
to
ease
and
mitigate
the
Penalty
aforesaid
by
the
Assent
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
of
the
Commons
aforesaid
,
hath
ordained
and
established
,
that
the
penalty
aforesaid
,
as
well
of
the
thousand
Marks
,
and
of
the
two
thousand
Marks
,
and
of
the
Seisure
of
the
Franchises
comprised
in
the
same
Statute
,
shall
not
be
limited
in
a
certainty
,
but
that
the
Penalty
in
this
Case
be
by
the
advice
and
discretion
of
the
Justices
thereto
assigned
.
To
mitigate
it
doubtless
,
not
inhance
it
at
pleasure
,
to
ruin
particular
persons
and
annihilate
the
City's
Liberties
,
by
pretending
the
loss
of
her
Charter
.
How
respectful
King
,
Lords
and
Commons
,
in
Parliament
assembl'd
,
shew'd
themselves
to
this
honourable
City
hath
been
sufficiently
declar'd
,
prov'd
,
and
made
manifest
,
I
presume
,
already
in
the
foregoing
Relation
.
Let
us
now
call
off
our
Meditations
from
this
particular
point
,
and
fix
our
thoughts
upon
an
other
Argument
,
highly
demonstrative
of
the
City's
power
,
drawn
from
no
less
uncouth
a
Topick
than
tumults
and
disorders
,
insurrections
and
Outrages
of
unruly
people
.
There
having
pass'd
an
Act
of
Parliament
in
the
fourth
of
this
King
,
to
impower
him
to
Collect
and
Gather
Poll
money
throughout
the
Land
,
and
many
exactions
thereupon
,
and
incivilities
being
committed
by
the
new
Collectors
and
other
Officers
,
(
some
of
the
Courtiers
having
procur'd
the
Kings
Commissions
for
a
review
,
and
a
more
exact
Collection
,
under
the
notion
of
the
Kings
being
cheated
and
defrauded
through
the
unfaithfulness
of
his
former
Tax
gatherers
)
the
Commons
thought
themselves
so
abus'd
and
oppress'd
,
that
in
many
places
they
took
Counsel
together
to
make
resistance
,
and
in
several
Counties
assembled
themselves
in
great
numbers
,
to
the
no
small
disturbance
of
the
Land
.
Amongst
these
the
Commons
of
Kent
and
Essex
are
reckon'd
the
greatest
bodies
,
gathered
together
under
such
heads
,
as
Wat
Tyler
,
Jack
Straw
,
and
the
like
obscure
Fellows
.
These
we
find
quickly
coming
to
London
,
where
they
soon
obtain
entrance
,
notwithstanding
the
Mayors
intended
opposition
,
and
then
quickly
carry
all
before
them
,
behead
whom
they
thought
good
,
do
what
they
would
,
burn
great
mens
Palaces
at
their
Pleasure
,
the
Gates
of
the
Tower
are
set
open
to
them
,
the
King
rides
to
'm
in
fear
,
unarm'd
,
and
ill
guarded
,
at
their
sending
for
,
and
grants
them
as
large
Charters
as
they
desired
,
none
of
his
Courtiers
daring
to
oppose
or
resist
their
Insolencies
,
so
that
they
seem
to
have
had
all
things
for
a
small
season
under
their
sole
Power
,
Direction
,
and
Command
,
as
remaining
Masters
of
the
Field
,
without
a
stroak
stricken
by
any
opposite
Party
:
such
a
terrour
did
their
numbers
and
boldness
strike
into
mens
minds
at
the
first
,
and
so
effectual
was
their
success
in
getting
within
the
Walls
of
London
:
either
through
the
joynt
assistance
of
many
Commons
there
inhabiting
,
or
else
rather
under
the
repute
of
having
the
whole
City
at
their
beck
.
But
when
the
first
brunt
was
over
,
and
it
was
visible
,
that
the
greatest
,
best
,
and
most
of
the
Citizens
joyn'd
not
with
the
Country
Commons
,
to
approve
or
abet
them
in
their
furious
outrages
and
violences
,
the
tide
was
soon
turn'd
,
and
deliverance
brought
,
both
to
the
King
and
Court
,
by
the
courage
of
this
Loyal
City
.
The
Mayor
himself
,
as
their
Head
,
made
the
first
open
beginning
,
was
seconded
by
his
Brethren
the
Aldermen
,
and
quickly
followed
by
the
worthy
Citizens
.
He
being
a
man
of
great
boldness
,
by
the
Kings
permission
,
first
arrested
,
and
afterwards
grievously
wounded
one
of
the
chiefest
of
the
Rebells
,
Jack
Straw
,
saith
Fabian
,
Wat
Tyler
,
saith
Stow
,
to
the
great
encouragement
of
those
about
the
King
,
(
among
whom
this
Arch
Rebel
receiv'd
his
death
)
and
daunting
of
the
Rebellious
Commons
;
to
which
valiant
Deed
the
City
is
indebted
for
Walworths
Dagger
,
some
say
,
inserted
upon
this
Account
in
her
Coat
of
Arms.
After
this
Act
away
rides
the
Mayor
with
one
Servant
only
(
the
Annalist
tell
us
)
into
the
City
,
and
crying
out
to
the
Citizens
to
come
speedily
to
the
Kings
assistance
,
raises
a
considerable
strength
,
who
well
arm'd
,
under
the
leading
of
Sir
Robert
Knowles
,
came
in
good
time
into
the
Field
,
where
the
King
was
,
among
the
tumultuous
Commons
,
not
so
well
attended
,
but
that
the
unexpected
coming
of
the
Mayor
,
and
the
armed
Citizens
,
is
expresly
said
to
have
caus'd
rejoycing
in
the
minds
of
the
King
,
and
those
few
Knights
and
Esquires
then
about
him
;
and
the
Issue
acquaints
us
with
the
great
consequence
hereof
,
when
we
read
of
the
Commons
throwing
down
their
weapons
immediately
,
falling
also
themselves
upon
the
ground
,
and
beseeching
pardon
,
who
but
a
little
before
gloried
,
that
they
had
the
Kings
life
in
their
own
power
,
and
so
possibly
might
have
continued
boasting
,
had
not
the
Citizens
thus
rous'd
up
themselves
to
the
Kings
relief
,
and
timely
dispers't
these
seditious
Rioters
in
the
midst
of
their
insulting
Pride
.
That
this
was
a
piece
of
Loyalty
,
as
well
as
valour
,
most
timely
and
seasonably
shewn
,
is
evident
,
from
the
great
influence
what
was
but
barely
done
at
London
,
though
without
London's
consent
,
had
upon
the
Countrey
.
For
from
the
Annalist
we
are
given
to
understand
,
that
there
were
the
like
Insurrections
in
Suffolk
and
Norfolk
and
in
express
words
told
,
that
these
overthrew
House
and
Mannors
of
great
Men
,
and
of
Lawyers
,
slew
the
Students
of
the
Law
,
&c.
according
to
the
manner
of
them
at
London
,
having
for
their
Captain
an
ungracious
Priest
,
nam'd
John
Wraw
,
who
had
been
at
London
just
before
,
had
seen
what
was
done
there
,
and
came
thence
with
Instructions
from
Wat
Tyler
.
So
that
what
's
done
in
the
City
is
very
likely
to
be
imitated
in
the
Countrey
.
A
disorderly
Rout
of
people
were
got
together
round
about
and
within
the
City
,
and
committed
many
unsufferable
Outrages
,
and
several
parts
of
the
Country
were
resolv'd
to
follow
the
Fashion
,
and
do
the
like
.
The
Citizens
courage
quel'd
these
Tumultuous
Commons
in
London
,
and
then
they
were
quickly
suppress'd
,
we
hear
,
in
other
Places
.
Then
had
the
King
reason
to
reward
the
Mayor
,
and
several
Aldermen
,
with
the
honour
of
Knighthood
and
other
recompences
,
and
time
to
assemble
an
Army
of
his
Loyal
Friends
and
Subjects
at
London
,
to
guard
him
,
till
the
Principals
of
these
dispersed
Rebels
were
brought
to
condign
Punishment
by
Law
,
which
was
quickly
done
,
thanks
to
the
worthy
Londoners
,
who
had
thus
vigorously
asserted
the
Kings
Right
,
defended
his
Royalty
,
rescued
his
Person
,
and
regained
him
the
exercise
of
his
Kingly
Power
,
well
near
lost
before
,
through
the
Rebellion
of
his
meaner
Commons
,
and
cowardly
Faintheartedness
of
his
Courtiers
;
Men
it
seems
that
could
speak
big
at
the
Council-board
,
and
talk
high
upon
the
Bench
,
under
the
shelter
of
the
Kings
Authority
;
but
when
they
were
to
come
into
the
Field
of
War
,
to
fight
for
their
Prince
,
they
prov'd
meer
Courtiers
,
all
words
and
no
deeds
.
The
Citizens
were
the
Men
of
valour
.
They
lay
still
,
the
King
was
like
to
be
undone
,
and
the
Court
ruin'd
.
They
appear'd
to
oppose
the
vaunting
Enemies
,
they
fled
before
them
,
and
the
King
regain'd
his
own
.
This
one
famous
City
,
the
terror
of
her
Enemies
,
the
joy
of
her
Friends
,
cooperates
in
the
grand
turns
and
changes
of
affairs
in
the
Brittish
world
,
or
else
such
attempts
,
for
the
most
part
at
least
,
if
not
always
,
prove
vain
,
fruitless
,
and
insignificant
.
And
where
's
the
wonder
of
this
?
The
whole
City
,
as
a
compact
Body
with
Strength
and
Beauty
fitly
united
,
may
well
be
esteemed
most
amiable
,
and
counted
highly
powerful
,
since
she
is
to
be
admired
for
the
goodness
and
greatness
(
under
which
comprehend
the
large
Riches
,
Power
and
Spirit
)
of
particular
Citizens
incorporated
into
Her
.
For
the
first
,
let
me
instance
in
the
commendable
diligence
of
her
Mayor
Adam
Baume
,
who
,
upon
a
very
great
scarcity
of
Corn
in
the
fifteenth
of
this
King
,
providently
took
care
to
have
Corn
brought
to
L●●don
from
forreign
Parts
,
to
the
relief
of
the
whole
Realm
;
and
add
hereunto
the
Charity
of
the
Aldermen
,
who
,
for
the
furtherance
of
so
good
a
Work
,
laid
out
each
of
them
a
sum
of
mony
,
in
those
days
very
considerable
,
to
the
same
purpose
,
and
bestow'd
the
Corn
thus
procur'd
in
convenient
places
,
where
the
Poor
might
buy
at
an
appointed
price
,
and
such
,
as
had
no
ready
mony
,
upon
Surety
to
pay
the
year
following
,
besides
the
common
Act
of
the
Mayor
and
Citizens
in
taking
two
thousand
Marks
out
of
the
Orphans
Chest
in
Guildhall
for
the
same
intent
.
In
Proof
of
the
later
,
viz.
The
Greatness
,
Riches
,
Power
and
Spirit
of
particular
Citizens
,
I
challenge
all
the
Cities
in
the
world
besides
,
to
shew
me
such
another
Example
,
as
that
of
John
Philpot
Citizen
of
London
,
the
Citizens
Orator
to
this
King
in
the
beginning
of
his
Reign
,
who
in
the
second
year
,
observing
the
young
Kings
inability
,
the
Nobles
neglect
,
and
the
oppressions
of
the
poor
Commons
;
voluntarily
hir'd
Souldiers
with
his
own
mony
,
rig'd
out
a
Fleet
at
his
own
charge
,
and
hazarded
his
own
Person
,
to
defend
the
Realm
from
Pirates
,
Robbers
,
and
incursions
of
Enemies
,
and
therewith
successfully
took
in
a
little
time
Mercer
the
Scot
with
all
his
Ships
,
which
he
had
before
violently
taken
from
Scarborow
,
and
fifteen
Spanish
Ships
besides
laden
with
much
Riches
,
which
came
to
his
Aid
.
Can
Rome
her self
shew
me
a
like
Parallel
?
As
for
the
Fabij
,
they
were
a
whole
Family
among
the
Patricians
,
and
Crassus
himself
a
great
Magistrate
in
the
heigth
of
that
Common-wealths
Grandeur
amidst
Equals
and
Inferiors
,
whereas
this
publick-spirited
Person
liv'd
still
a
Subject
,
under
a
limited
Monarchy
,
none
of
the
greatest
nor
the
strongest
then
in
the
World
.
This
noble
Act
some
would
have
thought
should
have
deserved
great
praise
and
commendation
,
and
so
it
had
among
the
Common
People
,
but
among
the
great
Lords
and
Earls
it
met
with
Reproach
and
Detraction
,
as
being
a
manifest
reproof
of
their
carelesness
and
negligence
,
and
he
himself
was
endanger'd
thereby
,
they
speaking
openly
against
it
,
as
done
unlawfully
without
the
Councel
of
the
King
and
his
Realm
▪
though
his
design
could
not
be
denyed
to
have
been
very
honest
in
the
general
.
Had
he
suffered
for
that
unpresidented
Act
,
because
it
was
deficient
in
some
formalities
required
by
Law
,
the
Statesmen
of
the
times
,
therein
instrumental
,
without
all
peradventure
had
appeared
as
odious
in
the
Eyes
of
the
Commons
,
as
some
of
the
chief
Episcopal
Clergy-men
,
in
a
Protestant
Country
,
within
the
Memory
of
Man
,
would
have
made
themselves
obnoxious
to
the
Peoples
Censure
,
should
they
have
publickly
burnt
Vindiciae
Pietatis
,
i.
e.
a
Vindication
of
Godliness
from
the
imputation
of
folly
and
fancy
,
(
which
I
have
heard
intimated
as
if
thought
of
)
because
it
wanted
such
an
Imprimatur
as
the
Law
demanded
,
and
was
writ
possibly
by
an
Author
not
altogether
Episcopal
in
his
declared
Judgment
.
But
to
pass
on
,
If
such
were
the
superemient
and
supererogating
Acts
of
particular
Citizens
so
many
Ages
ago
,
to
what
an
height
of
Wealth
,
Greatness
and
splendor
must
we
needs
think
the
City
to
have
arriv'd
at
this
day
,
some
Centuries
of
years
since
that
time
?
If
ten
thousand
Pounds
was
a
Mayors
Estate
heretofore
,
we
may
give
a
shrew'd
guess
at
the
Cities
advancement
and
encrease
in
Riches
since
,
now
that
the
same
is
made
the
limited
sum
,
for
the
Citizens
to
swear
themselves
not
worth
,
who
desire
to
avoid
the
chargeable
Honour
,
and
Honourable
charge
,
of
the
Shrievalry
.
Nay
,
to
go
a
step
or
two
further
,
now
adays
we
find
her
Sheriffs
Revenue
commonly
reputed
at
double
the
value
,
and
others
of
her
Citizens
thought
able
to
number
their
thousands
by
scores
.
What
if
I
had
also
added
,
that
some
are
esteem'd
so
wealthy
,
as
not
to
know
an
end
of
their
Riches
?
Certainly
such
,
if
any
,
must
needs
come
under
the
denomination
of
men
vastly
rich
in
worldly
goods
.
So
that
this
glorious
and
Triumphant
City
seems
in
many
things
able
to
vy
with
,
if
not
out-vy
,
the
Quondam
Mistress
of
the
World
,
Rome
her self
.
She
exceeds
her
in
Antiquity
,
as
being
founded
(
in
Fabian's
Compute
)
above
four
hundred
years
before
her
,
and
hath
this
advantage
of
her
now
,
that
whereas
Rome
is
confest
and
acknowledged
to
be
in
the
wane
of
her
power
and
Greatness
,
both
as
to
her
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
Authority
,
London
still
continues
on
the
rising
hand
.
Rome
't
is
visible
hath
suffer'd
a
considerable
diminution
,
as
to
her
former
extent
and
Jurisdiction
,
in
both
capacities
,
whether
she
be
lookt
upon
,
as
,
once
head
of
the
world
,
or
now
pretended
head
of
the
Church
,
but
London
plainly
appears
to
be
dayly
getting
ground
both
in
Fame
and
Reputation
,
as
well
as
building
:
And
whereto
she
may
come
in
time
,
belongs
to
a
Prophet
not
an
Historian
to
declare
.
She
is
already
become
the
Fam'd
Metropolis
of
this
our
little
World
,
and
Rome
was
but
Empress
in
a
greater
:
Neither
was
she
anear
so
influential
over
the
greatest
part
of
that
,
how
much
soever
thereof
she
had
under
her
Dominion
,
as
London
is
known
to
be
at
present
over
all
ours
.
Having
thus
shewn
the
influence
this
Honourable
City
had
upon
the
Commons
of
this
Land
in
Peace
and
amidst
tumultuous
disorders
,
and
the
great
respect
both
King
and
Nobles
in
Conjunction
had
for
her
,
I
should
now
proceed
to
disengage
my self
of
an
obligation
,
I
presume
,
lying
on
me
,
from
part
of
a
promise
before
made
,
to
declare
the
esteem
the
Lords
,
when
singly
consider'd
,
had
of
her
strength
and
power
.
But
before
I
pass
on
more
immediately
thereto
,
I
crave
leave
to
observe
the
great
variety
and
difference
in
Parliamentary
transactions
and
proceedings
under
this
King
,
within
the
compass
of
whose
Reign
we
find
but
two
years
on
Record
,
viz
the
nineteenth
and
twenty
second
,
wherein
there
was
not
a
Parliament
called
and
assembled
in
one
place
or
other
by
his
Authority
,
sometimes
oftner
,
and
so
those
Acts
of
Edward
the
third
were
exactly
kept
for
eighteen
years
running
,
wherein
it
is
ordained
and
established
,
that
a
Parliament
shall
be
holden
once
every
year
,
and
more
often
if
need
be
,
which
being
omitted
but
one
year
in
twenty
one
,
and
not
observed
in
the
twenty
second
,
we
may
easily
think
it
prov'd
fatal
to
the
unfortunate
King
,
that
in
the
next
Parliament
he
should
be
depos'd
by
his
own
Subjects
and
the
Crown
set
upon
anothers
head
.
And
is
it
any
wonder
,
to
see
things
so
injurious
and
unjust
sometimes
done
in
National
Assemblies
,
when
in
a
vein
of
contradiction
they
make
Ordinances
so
diametrically
opposite
each
to
other
,
as
was
done
in
this
Kings
time
?
For
we
find
parties
mutually
clashing
in
publick
,
and
what
was
ordain'd
in
one
Parliament
for
the
Commons
good
(
as
was
then
pretended
)
by
an
other
repealed
in
favour
of
the
other
side
,
former
Laws
Annull'd
,
Pardons
revok't
,
Grants
recall'd
,
and
new
punishments
inflicted
for
o●d
offences
.
And
yet
in
an
other
Revolution
,
within
a
very
small
space
of
time
,
the
last
Parliaments
Acts
were
casher'd
and
thrown
out
of
doors
to
make
room
for
the
revival
and
Establishing
the
Elder
Parliament
Statutes
.
Such
changes
were
then
Rung
,
and
so
much
contesting
between
Priviledge
and
Prerogative
,
as
if
the
differences
were
wh●lly
and
altogether
irreconcilable
,
or
at
least
made
to
seem
so
by
some
mens
poli●ies
,
the
better
to
carry
on
their
own
more
particular
Intreagues
.
And
therefore
,
when
fair
words
were
fear'd
not
likely
to
prevail
,
Arms
were
prepar'd
to
force
,
and
there
was
danger
o●
h●ving
Swords
drawn
,
Bows
bended
,
and
Arrows
shot
for
the
promoting
the
designs
on
foot
.
But
of
all
Statutes
,
Acts
,
Ordinances
,
Laws
,
and
Grants
,
most
memorable
and
observable
is
the
Petition
of
the
Commons
,
and
the
Answer
thereto
given
,
in
the
Parliament
begun
at
Westminster
,
April
25th
.
in
the
second
of
this
Kings
Reign
.
The
Petition
is
to
be
seen
among
the
Commons
Petitions
in
Cottons
Abridgment
of
the
Records
in
the
Tower
,
so
often
mention'd
,
and
Printed
1657.
pag.
169.
Tit.
28.
in
these
words
,
That
Answer
reasonably
may
be
given
to
all
their
Petitions
now
,
or
hereafter
to
be
moved
;
and
that
Statutes
be
thereupon
made
before
departure
of
every
Parliament
.
The
Answer
hereto
runs
thus
,
such
Bills
as
Remedy
cannot
otherwise
be
had
but
in
Parliament
,
reasonable
Answer
shall
be
thereto
made
before
such
Departure
.
Now
we
are
to
understand
,
that
Petitions
,
in
the
old
,
are
Bills
,
according
to
the
new
Stile
,
which
in
this
Parliament
were
thus
ordained
to
be
produc'd
at
least
for
the
Royal
Assent
,
if
not
to
be
passed
formerly
into
Laws
.
So
that
if
the
Houses
were
so
minded
,
by
straining
this
grant
to
its
utmost
bounds
(
though
perhaps
further
than
was
design'd
at
the
first
)
't
was
no
hard
matter
for
them
to
sit
e'n
as
long
,
in
a
manner
,
as
they
pleas'd
;
and
the
old
King
of
late
Memory
,
his
present
Majesty's
Royal
Father
,
may
hereby
very
easily
be
vindicated
from
the
Censures
of
those
undutiful
Subjects
,
who
pretend
to
blame
his
conduct
,
and
Arraign
,
if
not
condemn
,
his
Judgment
for
passing
the
continuing
Act
in
the
Parliament
of
forty
,
whereby
he
more
plainly
and
immediately
put
the
dissolution
thereof
out
of
his
own
hands
;
whereas
before
he
had
been
haply
lyable
to
have
been
trickt
out
of
it
,
with
greater
affront
to
his
Prerogative
,
by
the
quirks
that
nimble
wits
would
have
been
apt
enough
at
that
conjuncture
,
to
have
started
out
of
this
Grant
.
For
what
would
not
they
have
attempted
in
that
posture
of
affairs
,
who
actually
did
so
much
afterwards
by
the
noise
of
an
Ordinance
,
a
term
new
to
the
vulgar
,
but
weil
enough
known
(
though
possibly
never
in
that
use
and
extent
before
)
to
the
Learned
Lawyers
,
who
can
easily
inform
the
Questionist
,
out
of
the
Records
in
the
Tower
,
that
in
the
thirty
seventh
of
Edward
the
third
they
met
with
the
name
and
nature
in
a
demand
of
the
Chancellors
to
the
whole
Estates
,
whether
they
would
have
such
things
as
they
agreed
on
,
to
be
by
way
of
Ordinance
,
or
of
Statute
;
and
in
the
Answer
thereto
made
,
by
way
of
Ordinance
,
with
this
reason
then
and
there
given
,
that
they
might
amend
the
same
at
their
pleasure
.
If
we
wonder
at
this
grant
,
which
seems
to
trail
after
it
such
inconveniencies
to
the
Regal
Power
,
as
were
before
hinted
,
or
at
least
might
be
made
an
Inlet
to
pretences
,
as
prejudicial
to
the
Royal
Prerogative
,
we
are
to
understand
,
that
this
was
obtain'd
in
the
Kings
Nonage
,
though
not
perhaps
in
times
absolutely
factious
,
for
I
don't
read
but
that
things
were
carried
then
calmly
and
quietly
enough
.
But
when
the
King
came
to
full
Age
,
then
we
may
observe
that
he
or
his
bosome
Favourites
,
were
not
well
pleased
with
this
or
other
Grants
,
that
confined
the
Regal
Power
within
stricter
Boundaries
,
than
their
own
desires
pe●mitted
them
to
like
,
and
therefore
there
was
striving
amain
to
remove
the
ancient
Landmarks
,
and
the
Court
effected
it
at
last
for
a
short
space
,
but
with
so
ill
an
event
,
that
the
issue
proved
as
fatal
to
the
King
himself
,
as
th●s
counterplottings
had
been
d●structive
to
many
others
before
.
People
hereupon
may
say
what
they
think
fit
,
and
pass
their
Verdicts
as
they
please
:
But
can
any
blame
that
mans
Will
and
Desire
,
to
disintangle
himself
from
Fetters
and
Chains
,
who
thinks
himself
born
free
,
and
so
would
fain
live
according
to
his
own
pleasure
and
good
liking
?
'T
is
his
Judgment
rather
,
that
is
to
be
quessioned
,
when
it
suggests
to
him
,
that
he
may
command
,
and
ought
to
be
obeyed
,
in
such
things
where
no
obedience
was
before
due
,
by
nature
,
or
consent
;
and
the
goodness
of
his
Intellectuals
are
liable
to
be
doubted
of
,
when
they
make
him
to
fancy
he
may
be
absolute
,
where
known
Laws
and
long
continued
Custom
hath
authoriz'd
the
contrary
.
Such
seems
to
have
been
Englands
Case
of
old
,
where
the
Subjects
have
oft
put
on
Arms
to
prevent
encroachments
upon
their
dearly
belov'd
,
and
many
times
dea●ly
bought
,
Liberties
.
And
such
the
Nations
State
under
this
King
,
he
being
come
to
his
full
Age
,
when
several
of
the
Barons
,
headed
by
the
Duke
of
Glocester
his
Uncle
,
thought
it
their
main
interest
and
concern
,
to
speak
high
and
look
big
,
with
Armour
on
their
backs
and
Swords
by
their
sides
,
though
it
subjected
them
to
much
ob●●quy
and
displeasure
at
Court
,
and
brought
themselves
and
all
theirs
into
much
hazard
and
danger
.
But
this
it
seems
they
little
thought
of
,
or
as
little
valued
:
That
the
Court
highly
resented
the
actings
of
such
,
as
indeavoured
in
Parliament
time
to
bring
some
o●
the
Prime
Favourites
to
Judgment
●or
Crimes
laid
to
their
Charge
,
is
evident
,
in
that
they
had
laid
a
Plot
to
invite
the
Principal
Lords
to
a
Supper
in
London
,
and
there
murder
them
,
as
such
who
crossed
the
King's
cours●s
:
But
the
present
Lord
Mayor
utterly
refused
to
do
it
,
though
mov'd
thereto
(
saith
my
Author
)
by
the
King
himself
,
and
thereupon
this
design
miscarried
.
But
then
other
Rodds
were
laid
in
Lavender
,
and
contrivanc●s
secretly
carried
on
,
to
intrap
and
suppress
the
Country
Lords
.
The
King
calls
all
the
High
Sheriffs
of
the
Counties
before
him
,
and
demands
,
what
strength
they
could
make
for
him
against
the
Lords
,
if
there
should
be
occasion
?
But
they
answered
,
that
the
Common
People
did
so
favour
the
Lords
,
as
believing
them
to
be
loyal
and
true
to
the
King
,
that
it
was
not
in
their
power
to
raise
any
great
Force
against
them
.
Then
they
were
commanded
to
take
care
,
that
no
Knight
nor
Burgess
should
afterwards
be
chosen
to
any
Parliament
,
but
those
whom
the
King
and
Council
should
name
;
whereto
they
replied
,
It
was
an
hard
matter
,
in
those
times
of
Jealousy
and
Suspicion
,
to
deprive
the
People
of
their
ancient
Liberties
in
choosing
their
representatives
.
Then
were
the
Judges
consulted
,
(
Men
,
as
my
Author
writes
,
learned
chiefly
in
one
point
,
that
is
,
without
consid●ring
Truth
or
Falshood
,
to
please
those
in
high
places
)
who
gave
several
extrajudicial
opinions
in
favour
of
the
Prerogative
upon
some
Queries
propounded
to
them
,
by
one
of
which
,
viz.
Whether
the
King
might
not
at
his
pleasure
dissolve
the
Parliament
,
and
command
the
Lords
and
Commons
to
depart
,
we
may
guess
what
Exceptions
and
Resentments
were
taken
against
the
Commons
Request
,
in
the
Second
of
this
King
before
mentioned
,
that
the
Parliament
should
not
be
dismist
before
a
reasonable
Answer
was
given
to
all
their
Petitions
.
After
this
was
my
Lord
Mayor
of
London
required
to
give
an
account
,
how
many
able
men
he
could
raise
in
the
City
?
who
answered
,
that
he
thought
they
could
make
fifty
thousand
men
at
an
hours
warning
:
But
when
he
went
about
it
in
good
earnest
,
the
Citizens
cried
out
,
they
would
never
fight
against
the
Kings
Friends
,
and
the
Defenders
of
the
Realm
.
Then
were
there
endeavours
privily
to
apprehend
the
opposing
Lords
singly
by
themselves
,
but
this
design
was
disappointed
,
and
the
Lords
were
quickly
up
in
Arms
to
defend
themselves
.
When
these
devices
would
not
hold
water
,
by
the
interposition
of
Mediators
it
was
ordered
,
that
the
Lords
should
come
to
Westminster
to
the
King
upon
a
day
appointed
them
,
some
Persons
of
Quality
and
Credit
taking
Oaths
on
the
Kings
part
,
that
no
fraud
or
deceit
should
be
used
,
whereupon
the
Lords
prepared
themselves
to
come
up
according
to
agreement
,
but
soon
stopt
their
Journy
,
upon
notice
given
them
of
an
Ambusment
laid
for
them
in
the
Mews
,
which
made
the
King
ready
almost
to
tax
them
of
breach
of
Covenant
,
till
he
was
told
the
reason
,
viz.
the
Ambusment
laid
for
them
,
and
then
to
clear
himself
(
as
Stow
relates
it
)
sware
he
knew
of
no
such
thing
.
He
might
possibly
be
as
innocent
as
the
Child
unborn
,
as
to
any
particular
knowledge
of
this
matter
,
but
certainly
his
Courtiers
were
much
to
blame
,
and
very
bold
,
thus
to
act
in
direct
opposition
to
the
former
Agreement
;
for
that
there
was
such
a
treacherous
piece
o●
Service
intended
,
the
Annalist
assures
us
,
but
that
any
of
the
prime
Engineers
and
designing
Actors
were
punished
,
for
acting
thus
without
the
Kings
more
especial
Warrant
,
Knowledge
,
or
Commission
,
I
do
not
find
.
When
these
tricks
would
not
do
,
then
fair
words
and
promises
were
come
in
fashion
again
,
to
sooth
up
the
angry
Lords
,
who
at
last
were
come
to
Westminster
with
a
sufficient
Guard
of
Attendants
,
and
in
the
upshot
the
speedy
calling
of
a
Parliament
was
concluded
on
,
where
the
Accusers
and
Accused
might
meet
face
to
face
.
But
the
favourite
Lords
durst
not
attend
the
consequence
of
such
a
Meeting
,
and
therefore
the
Duke
of
Ireland
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Faction
,
left
the
Court
to
be
out
of
the
way
,
and
an
Army
was
after
raised
to
conduct
the
Duke
up
to
Court
,
with
which
he
hasted
as
fast
as
he
could
towards
London
,
but
was
miserably
overthrown
at
Radcoat
Bridge
in
Oxfordshire
by
the
contesting
Lords
,
and
so
e●ded
all
his
glory
,
and
a
few
years
after
his
life
.
Upon
this
defeat
the
Lords
thought
they
had
matter
enough
to
justifie
their
Arms
;
with
forty
thousand
men
up
come
they
to
London
and
were
there
received
,
the
King
then
keeping
his
Christmas
in
the
Tower
,
to
whom
they
shew
the
Letter
he
had
sent
to
the
aforesaid
Duke
to
raise
an
Army
for
their
destruction
,
and
the
Letters
the
French
King
had
written
to
him
to
come
into
France
,
there
to
do
acts
to
his
own
dishonour
and
the
Kingdoms
.
These
things
we
may
well
conclude
bred
a
great
deal
of
ill
blood
between
the
King
and
his
Lords
,
and
that
their
Pulses
beat
extraordinary
high
is
plain
from
the
peremptory
message
they
sent
the
King
,
when
they
understood
his
mind
was
alter'd
as
to
keeping
his
promise
before
made
to
them
,
That
if
he
came
not
according
to
his
word
,
they
would
chuse
another
King
,
who
should
hearken
to
the
faithful
Counsel
of
his
Lords
.
This
,
't
is
easie
to
be
thought
,
toucht
the
King
to
the
quick
,
but
being
not
then
strong
enough
to
oppose
,
he
esteem'd
it
his
safest
and
securest
course
to
condescend
to
the
Lords
desires
,
and
order
the
calling
of
a
Parliament
.
A
Parliament
comes
and
then
it
wrought
wonders
.
In
Stow
we
meet
with
a
Story
,
coincident
with
these
times
,
concerning
the
Londoners
,
how
that
they
understanding
,
that
the
French
King
had
got
together
a
great
Navy
,
assembled
an
Army
,
and
set
his
purpose
firmly
to
come
into
England
,
trembling
like
Leverets
,
fearful
as
Mice
they
sought
starting
holes
to
hide
themselves
in
,
even
as
if
the
City
had
been
ready
to
be
taken
,
and
they
,
that
in
times
past
,
brag'd
they
would
blow
all
the
French
men
out
of
England
,
hearing
a
vain
Rumour
of
the
Enemies
coming
,
ran
to
the
Walls
,
brake
down
the
houses
adjoyning
,
destroyed
and
laid
them
flat
,
and
did
all
things
in
great
fear
,
not
one
Frenchman
having
then
set
foot
on
Shipboard
.
But
there
's
not
one
word
of
the
Author
,
whence
this
was
extracted
,
which
we
commonly
find
in
the
Margin
in
other
Relations
.
What
ground
now
there
was
for
this
pannick
fear
,
I
cannot
devise
,
or
rather
reason
,
for
the
relating
of
such
a
heedless
story
,
looking
more
like
a
conjectural
report
,
than
an
historical
relation
,
as
if
the
Writer
himself
had
been
frenchified
,
or
imposed
upon
by
some
French
Translator
,
who
was
desirous
to
render
his
Country
m●n
terrible
to
the
English
by
the
Pen
of
an
English
Historian
since
they
have
been
so
ill
able
to
do
it
by
their
own
Swords
.
For
that
the
English
neither
overmuch
lov'd
nor
fear'd
the
French
Nation
,
is
evident
from
the
Histories
of
ancient
times
,
and
th●
occurrences
of
later
days
and
from
the
Commons
Address
to
the
Purb●ck
Alarum
.
How
then
the
Londoners
should
come
to
be
affraid
of
them
so
all
of
a
sudden
is
a
Riddle
to
me
.
'T
is
certain
enough
of
late
years
,
that
,
when
they
were
burnt
out
of
house
and
home
,
and
had
little
more
perhaps
to
lose
besides
their
lives
,
upon
an
Alarum
of
the
French
coming
and
Papists
rising
,
they
were
like
inraged
Bears
,
robb'd
of
their
young
Ones
,
much
more
ready
to
fall
on
than
the
others
to
set
upon
them
,
so
far
were
they
from
standing
in
fear
of
the
whole
power
of
France
,
though
it
should
have
been
united
with
all
their
Popish
Friends
,
Favourers
,
and
Pensioners
in
England
.
And
that
they
had
little
or
no
grounds
for
such
fear
in
those
elderly
times
,
the
long
train
of
Victories
gain'd
heretofore
in
France
puts
us
out
of
doubt
.
Besides
methinks
the
Instances
in
this
Story
,
which
the
Writer
sets
down
as
Arguments
of
fear
,
are
rather
proofs
of
a
provident
care
and
foresight
.
For
what
else
can
the
running
to
the
Walls
,
and
breaking
down
the
Houses
adjoyning
import
,
but
a
design
and
resolution
to
stand
upon
their
own
Guard
,
which
is
the
property
of
Courage
not
of
Cowardise
.
That
there
were
intentions
,
suitable
to
men
of
valour
,
of
standing
up
vigorously
in
their
own
defence
against
the
forreign
Enemy
,
may
be
prov'd
out
of
the
s●me
Author
,
from
the
great
numbers
of
armed
men
by
the
Nobles
brought
to
the
Parliament
then
at
London
,
and
the
Lord
Chancellors
calling
men
of
Arms
,
out
of
almost
every
part
of
the
Realm
,
to
the
Marches
about
London
,
to
beat
back
the
Frenchmen
with
their
King
,
had
they
come
.
Let
this
therefore
serve
to
disprove
the
Annalists
suggestions
out
of
his
own
mouth
,
and
shew
the
Nobles
care
for
the
Cities
safeguard
,
in
drawing
such
forces
thitherward
,
and
their
hopes
of
considerable
assistance
from
the
City
to
help
them
in
the
Common
cause
of
self-preservation
.
But
suppose
,
without
granting
it
,
that
there
were
some
sparks
of
fear
amongst
them
,
't
is
questionable
,
whether
they
did
not
spring
from
the
mistrust
of
their
principal
Magistrates
,
not
out
of
any
diffidence
and
distrust
of
their
own
strength
,
or
dread
of
a
Foreign
Enemies
power
and
puissance
.
For
to
me
't
is
an
Argument
that
the
Major
of
London
this
year
look't
Courtward
,
since
that
we
read
of
an
endeavour
to
ingage
him
in
such
an
horrid
design
,
as
hath
been
before
spoken
of
,
to
destroy
the
principals
of
the
opposite
party
at
a
private
Supper
in
London
.
Certainly
the
King
would
not
have
utter'd
a
syllable
of
an
intreague
of
this
importance
to
so
powerful
a
Magistrate
;
as
my
Author
affirms
he
did
,
had
there
not
been
hopes
of
prevailing
on
him
in
Reverence
at
least
to
the
Kings
word
and
desire
:
But
upon
the
Tryal
it
seems
he
prov'd
himself
an
honester
man
in
that
point
;
(
whatever
his
principles
and
inclinations
otherwise
were
)
than
his
Predecessor
,
whom
we
read
of
as
deeply
concern'd
in
that
Plot.
Much
about
this
time
't
is
likewise
that
a
Modern
writer
tells
us
,
that
the
Londoners
incur'd
much
obloquy
,
for
that
having
before
been
Pardoned
by
the
King
of
some
Crimes
laid
to
their
charge
,
(
but
what
nor
when
committed
I
find
not
by
him
mentioned
)
they
were
ready
to
comply
with
his
d●sires
,
and
a
Jury
of
them
being
Impannell'd
,
indited
some
Lords
of
many
Crimes
objected
against
them
.
But
this
also
is
to
be
imputed
to
the
Magistrates
influence
and
power
in
calling
out
men
fit
for
the
purpose
,
and
not
to
the
whole
body
of
the
Citizens
.
For
we
read
just
after
,
that
when
the
Mayor
thought
to
have
rais'd
them
against
the
contesting
Lords
,
they
resolutely
,
refus'd
,
and
absolutely
rejected
the
Motion
as
is
before
related
.
So
that
't
was
not
having
the
Mayor
at
their
Beck
,
nor
the
Power
,
they
thought
,
they
had
among
the
high
Sheriffs
of
the
Counties
to
procure
such
men
return'd
up
to
serve
in
Parliament
,
as
were
nominated
by
the
King
and
his
Council
,
that
could
shelter
the
guilty
favourites
at
Cour
from
the
censure
of
that
August
Assembly
,
well
known
afterwards
by
the
name
of
the
Parliament
that
wrought
wonders
.
For
on
the
very
first
day
thereof
all
the
Judges
,
but
one
,
were
Arrested
as
they
sat
in
their
places
,
question'd
for
their
extrajudicial
opinions
and
Arbitrary
actings
,
and
severely
punish'd
by
Banishment
and
Confiscation
of
their
Estates
:
The
Lord
Chief
Justice
Tresilian
lost
his
Life
at
Tyburn
,
and
the
rest
,
my
Author
says
,
had
all
dyed
,
had
it
not
been
for
the
Queens
intercession
.
As
the
Judges
were
thus
brought
under
the
Lash
of
those
Laws
,
which
before
they
had
so
much
abus'd
to
humour
Arbitrary
mens
designs
,
the
better
thereby
to
secure
to
themselves
their
own
Stations
and
Offices
of
Judicature
,
so
the
Patrons
themselves
,
and
reputed
promoters
of
these
Arbitrary
and
illegal
Actings
,
were
reduc't
into
the
same
Predicament
,
Several
of
the
chief
were
impeach'd
of
no
less
than
High
Treason
in
open
Parliament
,
the
absent
for
ever
banish'd
,
and
many
of
them
in
hold
either
Hang'd
,
or
Beheaded
,
upon
Tower-hil
,
or
at
Tyburn
,
notwithstanding
they
had
been
ere
while
Men
of
Name
,
Power
and
Authority
,
and
in
great
favour
at
Court
but
just
before
.
So
uncertain
is
the
State
of
Mortality
,
and
so
slippery
is
walking
in
high
places
.
But
amongst
all
those
,
who
fell
under
the
stroak
of
an
angry
Deity
,
and
so
shamefully
lost
their
lives
by
the
hands
of
Justice
,
most
memorable
is
the
fate
,
that
befel
Sir
Nicholas
Brember
Grocer
,
late
Lord
Mayor
of
London
,
who
,
for
many
oppressions
,
and
seditions
by
him
caus'd
in
the
City
,
was
Beheaded
(
as
Stow
informs
us
)
the
Morrow
after
the
Execution
of
the
Lord
Chief
Justice
Tresilian
,
and
,
which
is
more
remarkable
,
with
the
same
Ax
,
he
had
before
prepared
for
others
of
his
fellow
Citizens
.
So
just
is
Providence
to
suffer
the
wicked
to
be
insnared
by
the
devices
of
their
own
hearts
,
and
to
fall
headlong
into
the
Pit
they
had
dig'd
for
others
.
Stow
tells
us
the
King
had
oft-times
made
him
Mayor
of
London
against
the
mind
of
the
Citizens
.
But
in
Fabian
(
who
methinks
,
being
once
Sheriff
of
this
Honourable
City
,
should
know
best
what
had
been
formerly
Transacted
in
that
City
,
of
whose
good
order
,
Policy
,
and
Government
he
hath
expresly
Treated
in
his
Chronicle
)
I
don't
find
but
that
he
was
Elected
and
Chosen
.
Possibly
there
might
be
an
order
made
at
Court
,
Present
the
King
,
and
sent
into
the
City
to
further
and
promote
his
Election
,
which
by
the
one
might
be
esteem'd
an
imposing
him
on
the
City
,
while
the
other
only
took
notice
of
the
meeting
of
the
Citizens
in
order
to
an
Election
,
without
relating
how
the
matter
was
carried
,
or
whether
he
came
in
fairly
by
a
Majority
,
or
else
by
a
strong
hand
,
through
the
working
of
Court
Favourites
,
who
influencing
the
Judges
might
make
that
pass
for
Law
,
which
was
contrary
thereto
,
let
the
difference
of
voices
be
never
so
great
on
the
other
side
.
So
have
I
heard
of
a
place
,
where
it
was
carried
by
thirteen
against
twenty
one
,
and
when
the
business
came
to
be
scan'd
over
anew
,
it
was
adjudg'd
by
vote
against
the
Majority
:
But
this
was
rather
the
effect
of
Greatness
and
Power
,
overruling
,
than
the
result
of
Equity
and
Justice
dividing
to
every
one
his
right
.
That
this
Man
,
when
Mayor
,
met
with
great
opposition
from
the
most
eminent
of
the
Citizens
,
I
presume
concludable
from
his
Resentments
,
and
what
is
in
plain
words
delivered
of
him
by
the
Annalist
,
how
that
,
whilst
he
was
in
the
full
Authority
of
his
Mayoralty
,
he
caus'd
a
Common
pair
of
Stocks
in
every
Ward
,
and
a
Common
Ax
to
be
made
,
to
behead
all
such
,
as
should
be
against
him
,
and
had
Indited
eight
thousand
and
more
of
the
best
and
greatest
of
the
City
,
so
resolv'd
was
he
to
carry
on
the
design
right
or
wrong
to
please
his
Masters
and
Abettors
.
What
kind
of
principled
Man
he
was
we
may
easily
guess
,
as
from
the
aforementioned
passages
,
so
from
the
Historians
Relations
before
hinted
of
him
,
as
being
deeply
concern'd
in
the
Plot
,
before
intimated
,
to
assassinate
the
contesting
Lords
,
and
also
afterwards
one
of
the
Chief
Men
,
that
had
a
hand
in
laying
the
Ambuscade
,
spoken
of
above
,
unwilling
the
King
,
(
as
he
swore
)
to
intrap
them
,
who
,
upon
promise
of
safe
conduct
,
confirm'd
by
the
Oaths
of
some
persons
of
Quality
,
were
coming
up
to
Westminster
to
the
King
,
which
he
and
Sir
Thomas
Trivet
privately
sent
away
to
London
upon
the
discovery
thereof
.
That
he
was
a
sutable
Tool
to
carry
on
great
mens
intreagues
,
or
at
least
thought
fit
enough
to
be
made
a
Property
to
work
upon
,
why
may
we
not
conclude
,
in
that
we
find
him
elected
,
at
the
latter
part
of
the
last
Kings
Reign
,
and
admitted
at
the
Tower
of
London
into
the
Mayoralty
,
when
the
proud
haughty
Duke
of
Lancaster
had
got
the
other
Mayor
put
out
of
his
Office
,
as
not
quick
enough
it
seems
to
run
along
with
that
aspiring
Dukes
designs
,
who
aimed
at
that
time
to
have
put
by
his
Nephew
from
the
Throne
,
and
have
intruded
thereunto
himself
,
contrary
to
right
,
reason
and
justice
,
and
the
publick
interest
of
the
Nation
?
Who
knows
likewise
by
whose
influence
,
and
for
what
intents
,
he
was
kept
in
the
Office
of
Mayor
for
three
years
together
,
,
in
the
seventh
,
eighth
,
and
nineth
of
this
King
?
What
a
vast
difference
was
there
,
as
to
Principles
and
Practices
,
between
this
man
and
the
fam'd
John
Philpot
,
his
fellow
Sheriff
in
the
forty
sixth
of
the
precedent
King
?
The
one
prov'd
as
great
a
Patriot
to
his
Country
before
,
in
,
and
after
his
Mayoralty
,
as
the
other
shew'd
himself
an
ambitious
Courtier
under
a
Gold
Chain
in
the
City
.
But
what
great
wonder
is
this
,
to
see
men
once
joyn
Partners
in
an
Office
,
vastly
differing
each
from
other
in
their
Judgments
and
Actions
,
when
raised
to
places
of
higher
Dignity
and
Pr●ferment
?
I
don't
think
but
't
is
easie
enough
to
find
an
instance
at
present
,
if
there
were
any
great
occasion
or
necessity
thereof
.
'T
is
said
of
this
Sir
Nicholas
Brembar
,
that
if
he
had
liv'd
,
he
had
been
created
Duke
of
Troy
,
or
of
London
by
the
name
of
Troy
.
What
a
pity
't
was
that
he
had
not
had
a
Patent
,
ready
sign'd
and
seal'd
lying
by
him
,
to
have
shrowded
himself
and
all
his
old
crimes
,
under
this
new
Dignity
upon
Occasion
?
But
this
I
Fancy
would
never
have
past
upon
that
Parliament
,
either
Lords
or
Commons
,
to
have
sheltred
him
from
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
though
he
had
become
really
,
in
act
,
as
well
as
desire
and
design
,
a
Peer
of
the
Realm
.
However
this
intention
of
his
,
if
truly
related
,
sufficiently
shews
us
his
Ambition
to
become
a
Titulado
,
unless
we
shall
venture
upon
a
conjecture
,
that
some
of
the
Courtiers
sham'd
upon
him
,
with
the
empty
promise
of
this
titulary
honour
,
when
they
wheadled
him
out
of
the
directions
they
had
before
sent
him
,
for
the
better
management
of
their
designs
,
which
they
were
unwilling
to
let
remain
in
his
hands
,
(
after
they
had
made
as
much
use
of
his
Place
and
Power
,
as
opportunity
would
permit
)
that
they
might
not
be
produc'd
as
Evidences
against
them
in
a
day
of
Tryal
,
which
they
,
probably
fear'd
,
might
one
time
or
other
come
upon
them
,
and
did
it
seems
in
this
Parliament
with
a
Vengeance
.
For
I
will
take
the
boldness
to
conclude
,
that
it
was
some
other
more
skilful
hand
,
hid
behind
the
Curtain
,
that
order'd
the
Scenes
,
and
manag'd
the
Machines
,
though
he
was
made
the
publick
stalking
horse
,
to
deceive
the
vulgar
Herd
,
the
Skreen
,
to
shelter
other
mens
heads
from
the
violence
of
popular
fury
,
the
open
Actor
in
the
face
of
the
world
,
the
common
Engine
,
to
set
the
Wheels
of
more
politick
mens
contrivances
a
going
,
though
against
Water
,
Wind
,
and
Tide
:
It
being
very
unbecoming
the
Apes
subtilty
to
put
her
own
foot
into
the
fire
,
when
she
may
make
use
of
the
Cats
.
But
if
the
Worshipful
Sir
Nicholas
suffer'd
himself
thus
impolitickly
to
be
trapann'd
,
whom
had
he
to
blame
but
himself
,
if
he
were
made
at
la●●
to
pay
so
dear
for
his
own
folly
and
imprudence
?
And
that
such
is
the
ominous
fate
of
less
wary
men
,
who
venture
upon
Actions
,
not
warranted
by
Law
,
to
serve
a
present
turn
,
and
humour
their
own
ambitious
desires
,
or
other
mens
greatness
,
is
evidently
demonstrable
,
as
in
general
from
History
and
Experience
,
so
more
particularly
from
an
instance
in
Spain
,
under
one
of
the
Philips
,
of
a
certain
Officer
of
that
Kings
,
who
having
by
the
Kings
Order
done
an
Act
,
for
which
he
was
afterwards
questioned
and
thrown
into
Prison
,
and
upon
fair
words
and
promises
parted
with
the
Kings
Letter
,
which
he
could
have
produc'd
for
his
Warrant
,
was
soon
after
left
in
the
lurch
,
and
suffer'd
to
fall
a
Sacrifice
to
his
own
imprudent
Credulity
,
and
the
Law
of
the
Land
.
Whether
I
have
been
exact
,
as
to
all
circumstances
of
the
story
,
I
shall
not
positively
affirm
,
as
not
being
fully
sure
,
but
my
Memory
may
deceive
me
in
twelve
or
thirteen
years
space
,
and
being
uncertain
in
what
Book
to
look
for
it
now
,
or
where
I
read
it
at
first
,
unless
in
some
of
the
famous
Fullers
works
,
perhaps
in
his
holy
or
prophane
State
;
but
as
to
the
substance
and
truth
hereof
,
I
dare
aver
it
from
Historical
Relation
,
and
leave
the
Application
to
more
Philosophical
Logicians
,
that
I
may
press
further
forwards
towards
the
mark
,
the
end
,
intention
and
scope
of
this
my
present
undertaking
,
viz.
To
shew
the
respect
and
esteem
several
of
the
Nobles
in
particular
had
for
this
honourable
City
,
and
their
solicitous
care
for
her
welfare
under
this
King
Richard
.
How
that
,
before
the
Parliament
,
that
wrought
wonders
was
ended
,
particular
care
was
taken
expresly
to
have
the
Citizens
of
London
included
in
●
general
Pardon
,
(
to
prevent
doubtless
new
exactions
upon
old
pretences
)
hath
been
before
related
amongst
the
Commons
requests
as
a
sign
of
their
good
will
,
and
therefore
now
to
be
wav'd
,
though
it
would
not
be
impertinent
in
this
Point
to
shew
the
Lords
affection
,
if
that
be
a
truth
,
which
is
delivered
by
a
modern
Writer
,
that
in
our
Ancestors
time
,
most
of
the
Members
of
the
house
of
Commons
thought
it
an
honour
to
retain
to
some
great
Lord
,
and
to
wear
his
blew
Coat
,
to
make
up
his
train
,
and
wait
upon
him
from
his
own
house
to
the
Lords
,
and
make
a
Lane
for
him
to
enter
thereto
;
which
argues
how
much
the
Lords
did
,
or
might
,
over-rule
them
,
in
their
frequent
Petitions
on
the
City's
behalf
.
But
I
shall
pass
over
the
consequence
of
this
Conclusion
,
as
an
Argument
depending
on
the
Readers
Will
and
Choice
,
which
he
may
grant
or
deny
at
pleasure
,
and
produce
an
instance
or
two
less
dubitable
,
and
not
left
so
much
at
discretion
.
How
hard
a
matter
it
hath
generally
prov'd
,
to
bring
Offenders
,
if
great
in
Power
,
Place
and
Authority
,
to
Justice
,
is
plain
from
History
and
Experience
:
As
evident
likewise
is
it
,
that
the
Offences
,
to
such
imputed
,
have
been
Exactions
,
Extortions
,
oppressions
,
corrupt
Abuses
of
the
Law
,
Illegal
Principles
,
Arbitrary
Designs
,
Unjust
Actions
,
and
the
like
National
Grievances
(
ordinarily
comprehended
under
the
name
〈◊〉
ill
Government
)
dayly
heapt
up
under
wea●
or
negligent
Princes
by
the
exorbitant
Power
o●
headstrong
Favourites
,
who
,
through
the
excess
of
their
Soveraign's
kindness
,
the
easines●
of
his
Nature
,
the
mildness
of
his
Disposition
▪
weakness
of
his
Judgment
,
or
fondness
of
〈◊〉
Affection
,
(
grounded
mostly
on
humour
an●
fancy
)
having
grasp'd
all
publick
affairs
in
,
Church
and
State
into
their
own
hands
,
too
too
oft
make
no
better
use
thereof
,
than
to
Hector
over
those
,
who
were
before
their
Superiours
,
suppress
their
Equals
,
oppress
their
Inferiors
,
and
inslave
the
poor
Commons
,
the
easier
thereby
to
raise
themselves
and
their
own
Families
upon
other
mens
ruins
.
When
these
things
happen
,
and
the
reins
of
Government
fall
into
such
men's
hands
,
the
rich
are
sure
to
be
the
greatest
sufferers
,
and
such
,
as
have
most
of
this
Worlds
goods
,
are
certain
to
be
most
watch'd
and
carpt
at
,
and
all
opportunities
greedily
laid
hold
on
to
bring
them
under
the
Lash
,
that
they
may
be
squeez'd
like
Spunges
,
and
large
sums
exacted
of
them
to
buy
out
their
Pardons
,
and
procure
forgiveness
,
till
another
occasion
offer
it self
to
make
them
be
thought
Offenders
anew
:
of
this
London
sufferings
in
the
fifteenth
of
this
King
are
attesting
proofs
.
For
the
Londoners
having
refus'd
to
lend
the
King
mony
,
as
was
requested
,
and
some
abuses
being
offer'd
to
the
Merchant
Stranger
,
that
proffered
to
lay
it
down
,
Stow
tells
us
the
King
was
marvellously
inrag'd
hereat
,
and
,
calling
a
Council
of
his
Nobles
at
Stamford
,
causes
the
Mayor
,
Sheriffs
,
and
best
of
the
Citizens
to
be
Arrested
,
and
afterwards
(
the
Mayor
and
Sheriffs
being
depos'd
)
sends
them
to
several
Prisons
there
to
be
kept
,
till
he
and
his
Council
had
consider'd
and
decreed
,
what
should
be
done
with
them
,
and
it
was
also
further
determined
,
that
from
thenceforth
the
Londoners
should
not
chose
,
nor
have
any
Mayor
,
but
that
the
King
should
appoint
one
of
his
Knights
to
be
Ruler
of
the
City
;
their
Priviledges
were
revok'd
,
their
Liberties
disannull'd
,
and
their
Laws
abrogated
.
Neither
was
this
all
;
The
Terms
likewise
,
and
the
Courts
of
Kings
Bench
,
Common-pleas
,
Chancery
,
&c.
Were
remov'd
from
London
to
York
,
such
was
the
displeasure
conceiv'd
against
them
by
the
King
,
or
the
ill
Offices
done
them
by
some
busie
Courtiers
about
him
.
For
Fabian
gives
us
another
account
of
this
affair
,
and
says
the
occasion
arose
from
a
contest
,
between
the
Citizens
and
the
Bishop
of
Salisburies
Servants
,
about
one
of
their
fellow
Servants
(
who
had
taken
a
Loaf
out
of
a
Bakers
basket
,
openly
in
the
streets
,
and
then
broke
his
head
with
his
Dagger
for
attempting
to
regain
it
)
which
grew
so
high
,
the
Citizens
striving
to
have
the
offender
seiz'd
on
and
Committed
to
Ward
,
and
the
Bishops
Servants
rescuing
him
,
and
shutting
up
their
Gates
,
that
the
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
Sheriffs
had
much
ado
,
by
their
perswasion
,
presence
,
and
Authority
,
to
stop
further
outrages
,
and
contain
the
multitude
within
bounds
,
though
at
last
they
effected
it
,
and
dismis'd
the
people
home
in
peace
and
quietness
:
But
the
angry
▪
Bishop
so
highly
resented
this
business
,
notwithstanding
the
fault
sprung
Originally
out
of
his
own
House
,
that
he
and
the
Arch-Bishop
of
York
incens'd
the
King
all
they
could
against
the
Londoners
,
even
so
far
,
that
one
expresly
affirms
,
he
was
once
resolv'd
to
have
utterly
ruin'd
and
destroy'd
the
whole
City
.
A
very
sharp
punishment
certainly
for
such
an
offence
,
and
for
a
City
,
publickly
endow'd
with
such
transcendent
Grants
and
Priviledges
,
as
not
to
be
lyable
to
a
just
legal
seizure
of
her
Liberties
and
Franchises
,
unless
for
Treason
or
Rebellion
done
by
the
whole
City
,
as
hath
been
before
observ'd
in
the
first
of
Edward
the
third
,
and
the
seventh
of
this
present
King
.
Now
how
Treason
or
Rebellion
could
be
justly
charg'd
upon
the
whole
City
,
at
this
time
,
and
in
these
instances
,
which
soever
of
them
we
give
credit
to
,
I
cannot
well
conceive
.
The
most
methinks
that
could
be
made
of
it
,
in
the
worst
construction
,
could
amount
no
further
than
a
Riot
,
notwithstanding
the
great
and
hainous
matters
laid
unto
the
Mayors
charge
,
though
not
a
syllable
prov'd
that
I
read
of
,
as
that
he
no
otherwise
Rul'd
the
City
,
but
suffered
the
Citizens
to
make
such
assaults
upon
the
Kings
head
Officers
,
to
the
Kings
great
dishonour
,
and
hazard
of
the
Kings
Treasure
then
in
his
Custody
.
The
Statute
of
the
twenty
fifth
of
Edward
the
third
,
which
makes
it
Treason
to
slay
the
Treasurer
,
must
surely
have
been
very
far
stretched
,
to
have
brought
the
whole
City
within
the
compass
thereof
,
because
some
of
the
meaner
Citizens
assaulted
the
Treasurers
House
,
(
upon
an
injustice
first
done
by
one
,
and
●n
affront
afterwards
offered
by
others
of
his
own
Servants
,
in
refusing
to
deliver
the
Offender
,
or
●uffer
the
Constable
to
enter
to
seize
him
)
he
himself
being
as
many
Miles
distant
at
that
time
,
as
Windsor
is
from
London
,
and
so
not
capable
of
receiving
then
the
least
injury
in
his
own
person
,
●uch
less
to
be
kill'd
out-right
,
without
which
no
Treason
lies
in
the
Case
upon
this
Act.
But
if
●he
King
and
Council
would
have
it
so
,
or
at
least
●ct
,
as
if
it
were
so
,
contrary
to
an
establish'd
●aw
,
and
his
own
Grand-Fathers
grant
,
who
●ould
,
who
would
,
who
durst
contradict
?
Here
●as
no
Parliament
then
Sitting
,
that
I
read
of
,
●o
House
of
Commons
in
Being
,
nor
Lords
erough
present
,
their
Friends
,
to
stave
off
the
first
brunt
,
though
at
length
we
hear
of
a
Reconciliation
depending
before
a
Parliament
was
call'd
,
and
that
too
by
the
mediation
of
powerful
Friends
,
some
of
them
no
less
than
the
Principal
Lords
,
besides
the
Queen
her self
.
Baker
and
Stow
name
the
Duke
of
Gloucester
the
Kings
Uncle
,
who
was
ever
reputed
by
the
Commons
a
great
Friend
and
Patriot
to
his
Country
,
and
his
untimely
end
afterwards
severely
reveng'd
on
the
Actors
and
Contrivers
thereof
,
and
made
the
occasional
cause
of
enraging
the
People
against
the
King
himself
,
who
,
within
few
years
after
the
aforesaid
Dukes
violent
Death
,
was
publickly
dethron'd
by
such
,
as
,
under
the
popular
pretence
of
reforming
ill
Government
,
aim'd
at
their
own
Advancement
to
the
chiefe●●
Honours
,
Preferments
and
Dignities
in
Church
and
State
.
Through
this
Noble
Peer's
Suit
and
Mediation
,
among
others
,
we
hear
the
King
was
somewhat
pacified
,
and
by
little
and
little
abated
the
rigour
of
his
purpose
,
calling
to
mind
the
divers
honours
,
and
great
gifts
he
had
received
of
the
Londoners
,
(
as
certainly
the
securing
his
right
to
the
Crown
against
the
ambitious
pretensions
of
his
aspiring
Uncle
,
and
th●
defending
his
Life
and
Person
from
the
furiou●
Outrages
of
his
mutinous
Commons
,
were
no
mean
pieces
of
Service
done
him
by
them
)
whereupon
he
determined
to
deal
more
mildly
with
them
,
and
gives
them
hopes
of
Grace
and
Pardon
.
Fabian
tells
us
of
a
Reverend
Bishop
,
a
Spiritual
Lord
,
that
joyn'd
with
the
Queen
〈◊〉
procure
the
Kings
favour
for
them
,
and
〈◊〉
their
Liberties
restor'd
them
again
,
That
the
Queen
did
successfully
interceed
in
their
behalf
;
we
may
perhaps
,
not
without
some
shew
of
reason
,
conclude
from
the
many
great
,
rich
and
costly
Presents
made
her
by
the
Citizens
,
at
the
Kings
publick
entrance
into
the
City
,
about
the
latter
end
of
August
in
the
same
Summer
.
Nay
,
one
Writer
goes
so
far
as
to
acquaint
us
,
that
even
the
Duke
of
Lancaster
,
John
of
Gaunt
,
appeared
likewise
in
their
favour
,
an
Intercessor
unto
the
King
.
Whether
out
of
respect
to
them
,
or
secret
dislike
of
his
Nephews
proceedings
,
forgetfulness
of
Londons
past
opposition
,
or
his
desire
at
last
to
become
Popular
,
and
to
ingratiate
himself
with
the
Citizens
,
whose
power
he
had
before
try'd
to
his
loss
,
I
dare
not
venture
to
resolve
,
upon
such
unsure
grounds
as
my
own
bare
surmizes
.
But
this
I
presume
may
easily
be
granted
me
,
that
he
was
then
grown
ancient
,
and
the
burning
fires
of
his
Ambition
were
much
●abated
,
if
not
altogether
quenched
,
through
for●●er
disappointments
,
length
of
time
,
and
the
visible
increase
of
years
,
old
age
growing
fast
upon
him
.
So
that
,
the
first
heats
being
over
,
he
might
probably
be
inclin'd
to
try
his
fortune
in
foreign
Countries
,
and
content
himself
with
the
titulary
●onour
of
a
King
abroad
,
now
that
he
had
long
〈◊〉
the
smart
of
a
frustrated
expectation
at
●ome
.
London
having
then
such
powerful
Friends
,
of
●ame
and
note
,
in
the
time
of
her
adversity
par●icularly
exprest
in
History
,
how
many
more
may
〈◊〉
presume
she
had
,
not
expresly
mention'd
,
of
〈◊〉
same
,
or
somewhat
inferior
rank
and
quality
,
●ho
,
either
out
of
their
own
affection
and
particular
respect
,
or
through
the
prevalency
of
these
great
Examples
,
ingag'd
themselves
in
the
Cities
interest
,
and
became
Reconcilers
and
Repairers
of
her
late
Breaches
?
But
if
the
Readers
candour
will
not
yield
me
this
,
not
irrational
,
supposition
,
these
doubtless
in
themselves
are
enough
to
make
out
the
truth
of
my
assertion
,
and
free
me
from
the
undesirable
imputation
of
a
vain
pretender
,
when
I
offer'd
to
shew
the
esteem
the
Lords
,
singly
consider'd
in
themselves
,
had
for
this
great
and
honourable
City
.
The
aforementioned
passages
shew
their
good
will
,
yet
,
all
this
notwithstanding
somewhat
else
was
expected
at
Court
,
which
the
Cities
Enemies
mainly
drove
at
,
and
seem
resolv'd
by
one
means
or
other
to
compass
and
bring
about
.
The
City
was
Rich
in
Priviledges
,
Rich
in
Glory
,
Rich
in
Coyn
,
besides
the
Spirit
and
Courage
of
her
Citizens
;
all
which
conjoyn'd
made
her
powerful
at
home
and
abroad
,
fam'd
in
Foreign
Countries
for
Trade
and
Commerce
,
and
highly
honour'd
within
the
Circle
of
the
Brittish-Isle
,
through
which
she
was
known
I
lanet-like
to
dart
her
over-ruling
influences
.
Among
Arbitrary
Designers
these
have
been
generally
look't
upon
as
Malign
,
and
therefore
no
wonder
if
at
Court
ill-affected
.
Their
Liberties
and
Priviledges
are
thought
too
great
,
let
's
then
have
'em
les●ened
now
time
serves
:
And
so
they
were
.
For
the
Londoners
being
Commanded
to
come
to
Windsor
,
there
to
shew
them
,
and
product
then
Charters
,
both
old
and
new
,
some
of
them
ar●●atified
,
some
condemn'd
,
some
restor'd
,
others
detain'd
.
Their
Glory
likewise
is
to
be
made
to
suffer
,
if
possible
,
a
diminution
in
the
eyes
of
the
world
,
and
therefore
almost
all
the
Lords
are
gather'd
together
at
Windsor
,
against
their
coming
thither
,
and
also
a
great
Army
,
that
the
people
might
think
them
terrified
thereby
,
and
frighted
into
submission
,
and
so
have
the
less
esteem
for
them
hereafter
,
as
such
as
may
easily
be
accus'd
of
offences
,
and
as
easily
be
made
to
undergo
grievous
penalties
for
them
,
whoever
was
originally
in
fault
.
These
Preparations
must
needs
occasion
considerable
charges
,
but
the
Londoners
must
pay
the
shot
,
if
they
are
Covetous
of
peace
and
quietness
:
And
so
they
did
at
last
,
to
their
no
small
expences
.
'T
was
not
the
Honourable
Cavalcade
of
principal
Citizens
sent
out
in
one
Livery
,
to
meet
and
Conduct
the
King
and
Court
through
the
City
;
'T
was
not
the
Triumphant
Reception
of
him
in
his
passage
,
through
a
lane
of
Livery-men
lowdly
ecchoing
forth
his
Name
,
the
running
of
Cheapside
Conduit
with
more
than
one
sort
of
Wine
,
the
adorning
the
Windows
and
Walls
of
the
Streets
with
Tapistry
,
Cloth
of
Gold
,
Silver
and
Silk
,
nor
other
gawdy
shows
,
to
entertain
him
;
'T
was
not
the
Rich
and
Chargeable
Presents
made
to
him
and
his
Queen
,
as
they
pass'd
along
,
or
afterwards
the
next
day
,
(
the
Costly
Crowns
and
Tables
of
Gold
,
Horses
with
their
Noble
Trappings
,
Plate
of
Gold
and
Silver
,
Cloth
of
Gold
,
Silk
,
Velvets
,
Buttons
,
and
Ewers
of
Gold
,
Gold
in
Coyn
,
Precious
Stones
,
and
Jewels
so
Rich
,
excellent
and
Beautiful
,
that
the
value
and
price
was
inestimable
)
that
could
fully
appease
the
Angry
King
,
or
rather
satisfie
the
ravenous
Courtiers
Covetuousness
,
until
they
had
laid
▪
down
also
Ten
thousand
pounds
in
ready
mony
:
And
this
did
the
feat
for
that
time
.
And
but
for
that
time
as
far
as
I
can
find
.
For
new
Lords
new
Laws
:
New
Favourites
produce
new
Changes
,
and
old
ones
being
cast
out
of
Doors
,
they
are
for
finding
out
new
Crimes
,
Pretences
and
Devices
,
to
empty
other
mens
Purses
and
enrich
themselves
,
under
the
common
notion
of
levying
Fines
and
Amercements
for
the
King
.
King
Richard
had
received
Royal
Gifts
,
and
Noble
Presents
,
of
his
truly
Royal
Chamber
of
London
in
the
sixteenth
year
of
his
Reign
:
Yet
within
less
than
half
a
dozen
years
space
,
this
was
forgotten
and
quite
out
of
memory
,
or
else
so
well
remembred
,
as
to
make
some
heartily
desirous
of
more
such
Boons
,
as
hoping
that
some
of
Da●ae's
showers
might
descend
also
into
their
own
laps
.
These
being
the
true
Chymical
Drops
to
restore
,
enliven
,
and
invigorate
the
tir'd
spirits
of
such
hunger-starv'd
Expectants
.
And
where
,
throughout
the
whole
British
World
,
are
they
to
be
had
in
greater
plenty
than
at
London
?
And
by
the
sequell
of
the
story
,
we
may
believe
this
was
an
approved
Recipe
in
those
days
.
For
some
Informations
had
been
given
in
against
the
Londoners
,
which
incens'd
the
King
to
such
a
degree
,
that
the
Commonalty
,
Fabian
tells
us
,
was
indicted
with
other
Sheriffs
,
and
therefore
consequently
their
own
likewise
,
which
might
have
brought
great
damage
afresh
to
them
,
but
that
Providence
then
rais'd
them
up
two
Potent
Friends
and
Favourers
among
the
Spiritual
Lords
,
by
whose
advice
they
made
an
humble
supplication
to
the
King
,
and
so
by
their
aid
and
assi●●ance
,
with
help
of
other
Lovers
of
the
City
,
the
Kings
anger
was
much
appeased
;
But
yet
nevertheless
Blank
Charters
were
brought
into
the
City
,
and
many
of
the
most
substantial
me●
thereof
forc't
to
seal
them
,
highly
to
their
disadvantage
,
which
was
likewise
soon
after
put
in
practice
in
many
other
Counties
.
So
fatal
was
the
Citizens
Example
to
the
rest
of
the
Land
,
and
so
little
gain'd
they
themselves
in
these
Conjunctures
by
their
Submissions
,
Resignations
,
and
other
like
compliances
to
the
Court
,
besides
expence
,
charge
,
and
much
trouble
,
and
the
continual
fears
of
greater
molestations
for
the
future
.
But
when
was
this
and
how
was
it
brought
about
?
If
we
trace
the
Serids
of
times
and
affairs
a
little
backwards
,
by
the
unerring
Clue
of
Authentick
History
,
we
shall
find
these
transactions
to
bear
date
some
years
after
the
end
of
the
Parliament
,
that
wrought
wonders
,
when
possibly
't
was
almost
forgot
,
and
it's
Statutes
,
by
some
Mens
Artifices
,
slighted
through
disuse
and
inexecution
.
Neither
were
indeed
these
latter
proceedings
attempted
,
till
after
that
,
by
several
tricks
and
devices
(
as
naming
Sheriffs
fit
to
serve
turns
,
and
imposing
such
Representatives
on
the
Borough
Towns
,
as
would
be
byass'd
to
betray
their
Country
,
besides
a
violent
seizure
of
the
Country
Lords
likely
to
oppose
)
the
Court
had
got
a
Parliament
to
their
minds
,
that
would
do
their
own
business
,
not
the
Nations
,
and
prefer
the
private
gain
of
some
few
,
before
the
publick
benefit
of
the
whole
Common-wealth
.
What
sort
of
Parliament
this
was
,
and
how
fairly
things
were
carried
,
we
may
inform
our selves
out
of
Stow's
Annals
,
where
we
find
it
upon
Record
,
in
the
twenty
first
year
of
this
King
,
how
that
all
of
a
suddain
,
in
the
midst
of
a
great
calm
and
outward
serenity
,
the
King
caus'd
the
principals
of
the
party
,
thought
most
opposite
to
Court
designes
,
to
be
feiz'd
on
and
imprison'd
,
and
among
the
rest
his
own
Uncle
,
as
Chief
,
(
so
unsecure
is
Kindred
and
Alliance
among
Kings
and
Princes
,
)
tells
the
Commons
by
Proclamation
that
their
apprehension
was
founded
on
new
Transgressions
not
old
Crimes
,
(
though
these
afterwards
were
the
great
offences
laid
to
their
charge
)
procures
their
Indictment
at
Nottingham
,
suborns
several
Nobles
to
impeach
them
in
the
next
Parliament
,
Assembles
many
Malefactors
of
the
County
of
Chester
in
the
nature
of
a
Guard
,
and
then
summons
the
Parliament
▪
Thither
came
the
Nobles
with
an
Armed
Retinue
,
for
fear
of
the
King
,
such
Knights
are
chosen
Prolocutors
,
as
are
described
to
be
void
of
all
manner
of
goodness
,
as
in
whom
nought
was
to
be
found
,
but
a
natural
Covetuousness
,
unsatiable
Ambition
,
Intollerable
Pride
,
and
Hatred
of
the
truth
,
and
the
Clergy
,
upon
pain
of
losing
their
Temporalties
,
injoyn'd
to
chose
them
a
Common
Proctor
,
who
thereupon
appointed
Sir
Henry
Percy
,
Steward
of
the
Kings
Houshold
,
to
assent
in
their
Names
to
all
things
done
in
the
Parliament
.
How
then
things
were
likely
to
be
ordered
in
the
two
Houses
,
't
is
no
hard
matter
for
us
to
guess
,
especially
when
we
remember
,
that
the
Annalist
tells
us
,
the
Parliament
House
was
compass'd
about
with
four
thousand
of
the
Kings
Archers
,
who
seem
to
have
been
ready
prepar'd
on
all
occasions
for
an
Onset
,
and
once
more
particularly
,
mistaking
the
noise
,
usually
made
at
the
Parliament's
Men
coming
out
of
the
House
,
for
a
Tumultous
Broil
and
Contention
,
with
their
Bows
bent
,
Arrows
fitted
,
and
drawing
,
they
were
upon
the
point
of
shooting
,
to
the
terrour
of
all
present
,
till
the
Kings
coming
rectified
their
mistake
and
pacified
them
.
To
tell
of
recalling
of
Pardons
,
disannulling
of
Charters
,
making
void
of
Commissions
,
revoking
former
Judgments
,
impeaching
,
arraigning
,
condemning
,
and
actually
punishing
the
opposite
Party
,
some
with
loss
of
Estates
,
Lives
and
all
,
others
with
forfeitures
of
all
worldly
Goods
and
perpetual
irrevocable
imprisonment
,
I
esteem
a
needless
labour
.
Suffice
it
therefore
to
remark
,
how
sollicitous
the
Court
was
,
at
this
juncture
,
to
render
their
own
Party
as
Saints
,
and
the
others
as
most
guilty
Criminals
,
to
take
off
the
contesting
Lords
,
as
disloyal
Traytors
,
and
restore
in
the
Eye
of
the
Law
the
Reputation
of
Courtiers
formerly
condemn'd
,
in
the
eleventh
year
of
this
King
,
as
if
they
had
been
the
honestest
and
loyallest
Subjects
in
the
Nation
,
and
undo
,
as
much
as
in
them
lay
,
what
ever
was
then
done
in
the
Parliament
that
wrought
wonders
,
not
withstanding
that
in
many
things
they
imitated
that
Assembly
,
when
they
thought
it
for
their
peculiar
advantage
,
as
in
Lords
Appellants
,
Oaths
to
make
all
the
Judgments
,
Ordinances
and
Statutes
unrepealable
,
and
Excommunication
of
the
Breakers
or
Impugners
of
them
,
but
in
others
far
out
did
it
,
as
in
revoking
all
Pardons
pleaded
by
the
opposite
Lords
,
(
under
the
notion
of
being
unlawfully
made
,
or
so
by
the
King
granted
unto
them
as
not
to
be
against
himself
)
and
excusing
those
equally
guilty
of
the
same
actions
,
because
look'd
on
at
that
time
as
useful
Instruments
in
carrying
on
the
Court
Intreagues
,
viz.
suppressing
the
principal
Assertors
of
Liberty
and
Property
,
in
passing
a
general
Pardon
with
the
Exception
of
fifty
Persons
not
express'd
by
name
,
(
whereby
any
one
at
pleasure
might
be
made
liable
to
censure
,
as
one
of
the
Persons
excepted
,
if
thought
a
Favourer
of
the
contrary
side
)
and
conferring
the
whole
Power
of
the
Parliament
upon
certain
Lords
and
Commons
,
fully
to
answer
all
Bills
,
and
wholly
to
determine
all
other
matters
mov'd
in
Parliament
,
and
not
determined
,
with
all
their
Dependants
(
as
mischievous
a
President
as
Sylla's
Proscription
,
though
't
is
hoped
not
as
practicable
)
besides
the
prejudging
and
confining
of
Parliament
Debates
by
the
Judges
Opinions
,
That
when
Articles
are
propounded
by
the
King
to
be
handled
in
Parliament
,
if
other
Articles
be
handled
before
those
be
first
d●termined
,
that
it
is
Treason
in
them
that
do
it
.
Such
being
the
Acts
of
this
Assembly
,
and
the
consequences
of
the
Courts
present
success
(
in
taking
off
the
Heads
of
the
other
Party
,
who
durst
at
every
turn
contest
therewith
in
behalf
of
those
freeborn
English
Twins
Liberty
and
Property
)
under
which
the
Nation
with
silent
murmurs
languished
and
lamented
,
when
they
so
soon
,
after
the
end
of
this
Parliament
at
Shrewsbury
,
and
the
Kings
Progress
into
the
West
,
saw
no
less
than
seventeen
Counties
in
East
England
indicted
by
the
Kings
command
,
and
as
a
grievous
offence
laid
to
their
charge
,
that
they
had
been
against
him
with
the
Duke
of
Glocester
,
Earls
of
Arundel
and
Warwick
(
the
late
Principals
amongst
the
contesting
Lords
,
but
now
secur'd
fast
enough
,
the
two
first
under
the
undissolvable
Bonds
of
Death
,
the
other
,
under
the
Chains
of
a
perpetual
Imprisonment
in
the
Isle
of
Man
)
and
several
honourable
Persons
sent
to
induce
the
Lords
,
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
to
make
a
Submission
by
Writing
,
seal'd
with
their
own
Hands
,
acknowledging
themselves
Traytors
to
the
King
,
though
they
never
offended
him
in
Word
or
Deed
:
Besides
the
compelling
all
the
Religious
Gentlemen
,
and
Commons
,
to
set
their
Seals
to
Blank-Charters
,
that
they
might
be
oppress'd
severally
,
or
all
at
once
,
at
pleasure
,
some
being
made
to
pay
a
thousand
Marks
,
some
a
thousand
Pounds
:
And
an
Order
issued
out
,
through
every
Shire
in
England
,
that
all
Gentlemen
and
Men
of
Substance
should
be
sworn
firmly
to
maintain
,
according
to
their
power
,
all
the
Statutes
,
Articles
,
and
Constitutions
ordained
in
the
last
Parliament
.
We
may
easily
conclude
the
Court
,
thought
the
Citizens
of
London
were
not
over
much
in
love
with
these
enslaving
Statutes
,
unaccustomed
Oaths
,
insnaring
Blanks
,
and
inforc'd
Submissions
,
and
suspected
them
ready
enough
,
upon
occasion
,
to
oppose
,
and
withstand
these
manifest
encroachments
of
Antinomian
Prerogative
upon
the
Liberty
of
the
Subject
,
and
strive
to
strike
off
these
Fetters
,
and
Shackles
of
Slavery
upon
the
next
opportunity
,
before
they
were
thorowly
rivetted
by
Time
and
Prescription
,
and
therefore
esteemed
it
their
wisest
Course
to
begin
with
them
first
,
by
the
usual
Method
of
Indictments
,
while
they
had
the
Reins
of
Government
in
their
own
hands
,
and
so
consequently
power
enough
to
manage
the
Law
,
as
they
themselves
pleased
,
to
wind
and
turn
it
about
to
their
interests
,
and
bend
it
to
their
own
irregular
Desires
and
Designs
,
since
that
they
lik'd
not
to
have
them
confin'd
within
the
limits
and
bounds
thereof
.
This
manner
of
acting
however
,
by
the
by
appears
to
me
the
most
beaten
Path
to
Destruction
,
and
the
high
way
to
the
Actors
unavoidable
Ruin
,
and
I
think
I
have
reason
,
History
and
Experience
all
on
my
side
.
This
the
City
seems
well
to
have
understood
,
and
therefore
with
Prudence
chose
rather
to
yield
to
the
times
for
a
season
,
than
presently
to
strive
against
the
running
stream
,
and
immediately
to
fall
a
rowing
against
high
wind
and
Tide
;
but
as
soon
as
ever
the
flowing
waters
began
to
Ebb
,
and
the
tide
was
a
turning
,
the
City
Barge
struck
in
with
the
returning
waves
,
and
assisted
to
steer
the
Ship
of
the
Common-wealth
to
a
quite
different
Haven
from
that
,
whither
the
Court
was
furiously
driving
her
before
.
And
then
for
the
most
favourable
of
the
Citizens
to
shew
themselves
but
faint
Regardless
friends
,
was
far
less
beneficial
to
the
desolate
forsaken
King
,
than
for
others
of
them
to
appear
earnest
Enemies
in
so
critical
a
Juncture
,
was
disadvantagious
to
this
unfortunate
Prince
,
as
he
may
well
be
term'd
,
either
for
having
none
but
ill
Councellors
and
faithless
Trencher-friends
about
him
,
and
hearkning
so
much
to
their
pernitious
and
destructive
advice
,
or
else
for
the
defect
of
his
Judgment
in
not
discerning
between
their
private
self
ends
,
and
his
own
special
and
particular
interest
,
viz.
Impartiality
in
doing
Justice
to
all
States
and
Persons
,
from
the
highest
to
the
lowest
,
squaring
all
his
own
actions
by
the
known
Rules
of
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
to
the
pleasing
of
his
people
,
not
by
the
compass
of
other
mens
unstable
fancies
and
anomalous
Plat-forms
,
to
the
loss
of
his
Subjects
love
and
affection
,
and
the
unhappy
fate
,
that
attended
him
upon
this
his
ill
conduct
,
when
he
was
violently
thrown
out
of
the
Chair
of
State
into
a
profound
Abyss
of
miseries
and
infelicities
,
and
irrecoverably
cast
out
of
a
Regal
Throne
into
an
unavoidable
Prison
,
between
which
and
his
grave
he
had
but
few
steps
to
make
.
For
we
are
to
know
that
,
as
in
the
tuming
of
fortunes
wheel
the
spoke
,
that
is
got
upermost
,
presently
begins
to
decline
,
and
so
runs
downwards
,
till
it
comes
to
be
the
under-most
of
all
,
or
like
as
Sysiphus
stone
forc'd
up
;
e'en
almost
to
the
very
top
of
the
Hill
,
presently
tumbles
down
again
to
the
bottom
with
a
swiftness
and
violence
not
to
be
stop't
,
by
the
strength
of
art
or
nature
,
so
this
Prince
,
arriv'd
in
a
manner
to
the
heigth
of
his
desires
,
by
the
Caprice
of
fortune
,
or
rather
by
the
over-ruling
power
of
a
superior
Being
,
was
suddenly
,
and
unexpectedly
,
beyond
Recovery
hurl'd
down
,
from
the
Grandeur
of
a
Potent
King
,
into
the
lowest
Station
among
Men
,
the
Confinement
of
a
Prison
,
and
that
too
occasion'd
by
the
very
same
way
and
means
,
whereby
he
thought
to
have
secur'd
to
himself
amore
fixt
and
setled
enjoyment
of
his
greatness
,
as
comes
now
of
course
to
be
shewn
in
manner
following
.
After
the
suppression
of
the
opposite
Party
,
under
the
shadow
of
Law
,
and
Justice
,
diffention
happening
between
the
two
Dukes
of
Norfolk
and
Hereford
,
both
then
great
at
Court
,
to
the
mutual
accusation
of
each
other
,
the
King
greedily
lays
hold
on
the
opportunity
,
and
instead
of
permitting
them
,
according
to
the
Custom
of
those
times
,
where
clear
proofs
were
wanting
,
to
make
good
their
accusations
by
the
Sword
in
a
single
Combat
,
as
had
been
also
before
appointed
,
unadvisedly
banishes
them
both
the
Land
,
the
first
for
ever
,
and
the
latter
for
a
term
of
years
,
with
this
hard
measure
into
the
bargain
,
that
they
should
not
sue
for
a
release
of
their
Judgments
on
pain
of
Treason
,
whereby
he
made
both
his
Enemies
,
and
the
latter
so
much
the
more
dangerous
,
the
nearer
he
stood
Related
to
the
Crown
,
and
the
more
inveterate
,
in
that
the
King
had
procur'd
the
Letters
Pattents
,
before
granted
him
,
to
sue
by
Attorney
for
Lands
descended
to
him
,
to
be
revok'd
by
Assent
of
Parliament
,
and
declar'd
to
be
against
Law
,
and
had
afterwards
,
upon
his
.
Father
John
of
Gaunts
death
,
violently
seis'd
on
all
his
Estate
,
whereto
Hereford
was
Heir
.
Then
,
amidst
the
murmurs
of
the
People
for
misgovernment
and
ill
guidance
of
the
Realm
,
away
goes
the
King
for
Ireland
with
a
puissant
Army
(
when
he
thought
he
had
left
all
things
secure
in
England
,
by
the
advantage
he
had
made
of
the
last
Parliament
,
by
engrossing
whatever
he
pleased
into
his
own
hands
,
by
the
tricks
found
out
to
raise
Money
of
the
Subject
by
Blanks
,
&c.
and
the
Subsidy
he
had
gain'd
in
Parliament
,
during
his
Life
,
upon
the
continuance
whereof
without
molestation
he
openly
declar'd
his
general
Pardon
should
stand
and
no
otherwise
)
and
managed
his
Arms
therewith
success
enough
,
but
ill
news
out
of
England
,
that
the
Duke
of
Hereford
(
by
his
Fathers
death
Duke
of
Lancaster
)
was
landed
in
England
under
colour
of
claiming
his
Inheritance
,
and
rais'd
people
as
he
went
,
alarm'd
him
,
and
bad
advice
afterwards
,
which
detain'd
him
longer
than
his
promise
in
Ireland
,
(
so
loath
were
his
Counsellors
to
spare
his
company
,
under
the
shelter
of
whose
Person
and
presence
lay
their
greatest
hopes
of
protection
)
quite
ruin'd
him
.
For
coming
over
and
finding
the
Army
gone
away
,
which
the
Earl
of
Salisb●ry
had
rais'd
against
his
coming
,
and
had
newly
voluntarily
disbanded
it self
,
upon
the
Kings
tarrying
too
long
behind
the
Earl
in
Ireland
,
his
courage
fail'd
him
,
and
he
trusting
more
to
flight
than
fighting
the
treachery
of
his
Principal
Officers
deceiv'd
him
,
and
he
himself
also
,
by
soothing
words
and
fai●
promises
,
was
decoy'd
into
the
Duke
of
Lancaster's
hands
,
who
soon
secur'd
him
fast
enough
,
witho●●
any
intent
to
let
him
loose
again
in
haste
.
Now
the
King
is
in
hold
,
let
us
see
how
the
Citizens
behav'd
themselves
in
this
great
Turn
and
Change
of
the
Times
.
They
had
in
this
Kings
Nonage
,
in
his
Grandfathers
dayes
,
appear'd
the
undaunted
Assertors
of
his
Right
and
Title
;
and
in
the
beginning
of
his
Reign
contributed
much
to
his
Security
and
Settlement
on
the
THRONE
:
But
a
new
Generation
being
sprang
up
in
Twenty
Years
space
,
and
their
old
Services
at
last
so
ill
requited
,
by
new
attempts
on
their
Liberties
,
by
Inditements
and
blank-Charters
,
instead
of
standing
up
with
their
Lives
and
Fortunes
in
the
Kings
Defence
and
Vindication
,
they
openly
devoted
themselves
to
anothers
Service
,
and
became
the
known
Favourers
of
that
Party
,
which
assisted
to
Depose
this
unhappy
Prince
,
and
set
up
in
His
Room
the
Duke
of
Lancaster
,
under
the
Name
and
Title
of
Henry
the
Fourth
.
As
is
provable
,
both
from
Statute-Law
(
viz.
the
Act
made
in
the
First
of
this
New
King
,
to
be
seen
in
the
Statute-Book
,
Cap.
15.
An.
1.
H.
4.
Where
we
find
express
mention
of
the
good
and
lawful
behaviour
of
the
Mayor
,
Sheriffs
,
and
Aldermen
,
and
all
the
Commonalty
of
the
same
City
of
London
towards
him
)
and
Stow's
general
Chronicle
of
England
,
wherein
we
read
,
at
the
latter
end
of
the
Life
and
Reign
of
King
Richard
the
Second
,
That
after
the
Duke
was
come
from
Coventry
to
St.
Albans
,
about
five
or
six
Miles
before
his
coming
to
London
,
the
Mayor
,
and
the
Companies
in
the
Liveries
,
with
great
Noise
of
Trumpets
,
met
the
Duke
,
doing
more
Reverence
to
him
,
than
to
the
King
,
Rejoycing
that
GOD
had
sent
them
such
a
Prince
that
had
Conquer'd
the
Realm
,
i.
e.
the
Court-party
,
within
one
Months
space
:
Whereupon
,
when
the
Duke
was
come
within
two
Miles
of
the
City
,
he
stopt
his
Army
,
as
if
out
of
Reverence
,
and
Acknowledgment
,
and
in
Submission
thereto
,
and
ask't
Advice
of
the
Commons
thereof
,
what
they
would
do
with
the
King
;
who
Answered
,
they
would
He
should
be
led
to
Westminster
;
upon
which
,
to
them
He
was
delivered
,
and
they
led
him
accordingly
to
Westminster
,
and
from
thence
by
Water
to
the
Tower
.
Nay
,
some
of
the
Londoners
publickly
shew'd
themselves
so
much
His
Enemies
,
as
to
Assemble
together
with
an
intent
to
have
met
Him
without
the
City
,
and
there
to
have
Slain
him
for
his
former
Severities
:
But
the
Mayor
,
and
Rulers
,
and
best
of
the
Commonalty
,
upon
Information
hereof
,
with
some
difficulty
reclaim'd
them
therefrom
.
After
the
Citizens
had
thus
receiv'd
the
King
into
their
Custody
,
and
in
effect
thereby
made
a
publick
Declaration
of
their
Minds
and
Opinions
,
as
to
the
great
Change
succeeding
the
Duke
,
we
are
told
,
entred
London
by
the
chief
Gate
,
and
Rode
through
Cheapside
to
St.
Pauls
,
and
there
Lodg'd
for
some
time
;
so
secure
was
he
of
the
Citys
good
Will
and
Affection
to
him
,
and
afterward
in
October
held
a
Parliament
in
Westmimster-Hall
,
where
the
old
King's
Deposition
,
and
the
new
King's
Election
were
compleated
.
I
shall
not
stay
to
make
a
long
Paraphrase
upon
the
Cityes
proceedings
in
this
Affair
,
it
being
Matter
of
Fact
,
and
undeniable
,
that
the
City
consented
hereto
,
from
the
aforesaid
passages
,
which
may
be
likewise
thought
very
much
to
have
influenc'd
the
Nation
in
their
Elections
to
that
Parliament
,
if
,
from
the
Annalists
Computation
,
we
may
safely
and
truly
aver
,
that
the
Parliament-Men
were
chosen
after
these
Transactions
at
London
,
because
Forty
dayes
at
least
interven'd
between
this
time
and
the
first
Wednesday
in
October
,
whereon
he
sayes
the
Parliament
began
.
If
any
be
desirous
of
another
Observation
,
I
leave
them
to
their
own
Liberty
to
infer
,
from
History
and
the
Premises
,
that
it
much
conduc't
to
facilitate
the
King's
Deposition
,
that
he
had
no
known
,
and
generally
acknowledg'd
Heir
,
of
his
own
Body
lawfully
begotten
,
boldly
to
stand
up
for
Him
,
and
strongly
plead
his
Cause
in
Armour
,
for
his
own
particular
Interest
,
as
well
as
out
of
a
due
sence
of
his
Duty
.
Neither
indeed
do
I
well
see
how
he
could
have
any
,
since
that
he
had
none
by
his
first
Wife
,
that
I
read
of
,
his
second
Queen
was
too
young
,
another
Heir
was
publickly
pointed
out
to
the
Nation
,
and
he
himself
was
also
loosely
addicted
,
as
seems
plain
beyond
dispute
.
His
Lascivious
living
being
hinted
to
us
in
Burton's
Historical
Remarks
of
London
,
among
the
Articles
drawn
up
against
him
;
and
we
have
great
reason
to
think
it
was
an
imputation
too
true
,
when
we
read
of
several
Ladyes
expell'd
the
Court
in
the
Eleventh
of
his
Reign
,
by
the
Procurement
of
the
contesting
Lords
;
and
a
little
before
the
sitting
of
the
Wonder-Working-Parliament
;
and
take
Notice
,
out
of
Cotton's
Abridgment
,
of
the
House
of
Commons
Request
in
the
Twentieth
Year
,
for
the
avoiding
the
outragious
Expences
of
the
King's
house
,
and
namely
of
Bishops
,
and
Ladyes
,
and
the
King's
Answer
thereto
made
,
That
he
would
be
free
therein
;
and
that
the
Commons
thereby
had
offended
against
him
,
his
Dignity
,
and
Liberty
:
Such
was
his
Indignation
against
them
for
desiring
to
controul
him
in
this
Point
;
and
so
highly
incens'd
was
he
thereat
,
that
,
to
Appease
him
,
the
Exhibiter
of
the
Bill
was
adjudg'd
to
dye
as
a
Traytor
,
though
,
upon
some
great
Ones
importunity
,
his
Life
was
for
that
time
spared
,
and
he
himself
at
length
restor'd
in
Blood
,
and
to
the
recovery
of
his
Goods
,
Livings
,
Lands
,
and
Tennements
,
at
the
next
King
's
comming
to
the
Crown
.
But
how
,
I
trow
,
come
the
Bishops
to
be
complain'd
of
by
the
Commons
among
the
Misses
?
Were
they
such
Courters
of
Ladyes
,
as
,
instead
of
rebuking
,
to
follow
,
or
rather
give
bad
Examples
to
the
King
and
Country
?
Yet
now
I
think
on
't
,
these
were
Popish
,
not
Protestant
Bishops
:
Though
I
scarce
believe
,
every
one
of
them
,
that
,
to
the
view
of
the
World
,
gives
himself
a
Protestant
Title
,
is
able
well
and
truly
to
plead
not
Guilty
:
If
Noli-fet-ole-chery
,
be
a
Motto
rightly
father'd
upon
one
of
our
Western
Diocesans
.
How
all
things
in
a
manner
concur'd
to
further
King
Richard's
Deposition
,
and
that
he
was
actually
depos'd
,
hath
already
been
spoken
of
,
which
nevertheless
barely
did
not
content
the
Party
,
but
they
would
needs
have
it
done
in
a
formal
and
solemn
way
:
First
,
the
King
must
make
a
publick
Renunciation
of
all
Right
,
Title
and
Claim
to
the
Crown
,
then
Commissioners
are
by
the
States
appointed
in
their
Names
to
pronounce
the
Stentence
of
his
Deposition
from
the
Throne
,
and
make
to
him
a
Resignation
of
their
homage
and
fealty
;
for
their
Loyalty
seems
plainly
enough
to
have
been
gone
before
.
Neither
did
they
think
this
enough
,
but
were
resolv'd
over
and
above
to
leave
Articles
against
him
upon
Record
,
wherein
are
expressed
the
ill
things
done
by
others
in
his
Reign
,
and
as
they
say
,
by
his
Authority
,
whereby
they
designed
to
justifie
what
they
had
done
towards
the
unhappy
Kings
Deposition
,
which
visibly
pav'd
the
way
to
his
Grave
.
So
pernicious
is
it
for
Princes
to
suffer
their
Authority
to
be
abus'd
,
to
shelter
other
mens
Crimes
,
or
their
Names
to
be
made
use
of
,
without
a
Present
Resentment
,
to
carry
on
Designs
hateful
to
the
People
,
though
they
never
consent
thereto
themselves
as
their
own
Act
and
Deed.
For
I
hope
we
may
charitably
Conclude
what
the
worshipful
Knights
,
Sir
Mayor
and
Sir
Haughty
,
the
other-ill
belov'd
wight
,
did
,
in
laying
a
trap
to
catch
the
Contesting
Lords
in
the
11th
.
year
of
this
King
,
was
without
the
Kings
privity
because
he
swore
it
,
as
in
page
〈◊〉
,
though
possibly
they
shrouded
themselves
under
the
shelter
of
his
Authority
,
and
pretended
his
Warrant
and
Command
for
what
they
design'd
and
endeavoured
.
And
perhaps
they
had
(
as
Sir
Richard
Bak●r
words
it
)
a
warrant
Dormant
,
to
prosecute
the
Kings
Ends
without
the
Kings
Knowledge
.
The
Articles
and
Objections
laid
against
the
King
are
to
be
found
in
Cotton's
Abridgment
.
1.
H.
4.
whence
I
trust
I
may
securely
transcribe
them
,
without
hazarding
the
Courteous
Readers
Displeasure
,
to
shew
him
the
grievances
of
the
age
,
as
they
are
there
exprest
in
this
form
of
words
;
Besides
the
Kings
Oath
made
at
his
Coronation
,
First
,
for
wasting
and
bestowing
of
the
Lands
of
the
Crown
upon
unworthy
Persons
,
and
over-charging
the
Commons
with
Exactions
.
For
that
the
King
by
undue
means
procur'd
divers
Justices
to
speak
against
the
Law
,
to
the
Destruction
of
the
Duke
of
Gl●ucester
,
and
the
Earls
of
Arundel
and
Warwick
at
Shrewscury
.
For
that
the
King
against
his
Promise
,
procured
the
Duke
of
Ireland
sundry
Rebells
about
Cheshire
,
where
diverse
Murders
by
him
were
committed
.
For
that
the
King
against
his
own
Promise
and
Pardon
,
at
the
Solemn
Procession
apprehended
the
Duke
of
Gloucester
,
and
sent
him
to
Callice
,
there
to
be
choked
and
murdered
,
beheading
the
Earle
of
Arundel
,
and
banishing
the
Earl
of
Warwick
and
the
Lord
Cobham
.
For
that
the
Kings
Retinue
,
and
rout
gathered
out
of
Cheshire
about
the
apprehension
of
those
Nobles
,
committed
diverse
Murders
,
Rapes
,
and
other
Fellonies
,
besides
refusing
to
pay
for
their
Victuals
.
For
that
the
King
condemned
the
Nobles
aforesaid
,
for
divers
rodes
made
within
the
Realm
,
contrary
to
his
open
Proclamation
.
For
that
the
King
doubly
Fined
Men
for
their
Pardons
.
For
that
the
King
to
oppress
his
whole
subjects
,
procured
in
his
last
Parliament
,
that
the
Power
thereof
was
committed
to
certain
Persons
.
For
that
the
King
being
sworn
to
Minister
right
,
did
notwithstanding
enact
in
the
last
Parliament
,
that
no
mediation
should
be
made
for
the
Duke
of
Lancaster
,
contrary
to
his
said
Oath
.
For
that
the
Crown
of
England
being
freed
from
the
Pope
,
and
all
other
forraign
Power
,
the
King
notwithstanding
procured
the
Popes
Excommunication
on
such
as
brake
the
last
Parliament
,
in
derogation
of
the
Crown
,
Statutes
and
Laws
of
the
Realm
.
For
that
the
King
banished
the
Duke
of
Lancaster
for
10
years
,
without
any
Cause
,
as
the
same
King
openly
affirmed
.
For
that
the
King
unlawfully
revoked
the
Letters
Patents
made
to
the
said
Duke
of
Lancaster
,
in
An.
21.
For
that
the
King
contrary
to
the
Laws
and
will
of
the
Justices
,
suffered
Sheriffs
to
continue
longer
than
one
year
,
and
placed
such
therein
,
as
were
unfit
.
For
that
the
King
repayed
not
to
his
Subjects
debts
of
them
borrowed
.
For
that
the
King
in
the
time
of
Truce
and
Peace
,
exacted
great
Subsidies
,
and
wasted
the
same
about
frivilous
matters
.
For
that
the
King
refused
to
execute
the
Laws
,
Saying
that
the
Laws
were
in
his
Mouth
and
Breast
.
For
that
the
King
,
by
procuring
by
Statutes
that
he
might
be
free
as
any
of
his
Progenitors
,
did
under
colour
thereof
subvert
Laws
according
to
his
Will.
For
that
the
King
procured
Knights
of
the
Shires
to
be
made
to
serve
his
own
will
.
For
that
the
King
enforced
Sheriffs
to
be
Sworn
to
execute
all
Commandemens
,
under
the
Great
Seal
,
Privy
Seal
,
or
Signet
,
contrary
to
their
accustomed
Oaths
.
For
that
the
King
to
wrack
mony
from
his
Subjects
,
procured
17
several
Shires
to
submit
themselves
to
his
Grace
,
whereby
great
sums
of
mony
were
Levied
.
For
that
the
King
being
Sworn
to
observe
the
Liberties
of
the
Church
,
notwithstanding
,
at
his
Voyage
into
Ireland
,
enforced
diverse
Religious
Persons
to
give
Horse
,
Armour
,
and
Carts
.
For
that
the
Justices
,
for
their
good
Councel
given
to
the
King
,
were
with
evil
Countenance
,
and
threats
rewarded
.
For
that
the
King
of
his
own
Will
,
in
passing
into
Ireland
,
carried
with
him
,
the
Treasures
,
Reliques
,
and
other
Jewels
of
the
Realm
,
which
were
used
safely
to
be
kept
in
the
Kings
own
Coffers
from
all
hazard
:
and
for
that
the
same
King
cancelled
,
and
razed
sundry
Records
.
For
that
the
King
by
writing
to
Forreign
Princes
,
and
to
his
own
Subjects
,
is
reputed
universally
,
a
most
variable
and
dissembling
man
.
For
that
the
King
would
commonly
say
among
the
Nobles
,
that
all
Subjects
,
Lives
,
Lands
,
and
Goods
,
were
in
his
hands
without
any
forfeiture
.
For
that
the
King
suffered
his
Subjects
to
be
condemned
by
Marshal-Law
,
contrary
to
his
Oath
and
the
Laws
of
the
Realm
.
For
that
the
Subjects
being
only
bound
by
their
Allegiance
,
were
yet
driven
to
take
certain
New
Oaths
,
for
serving
the
folly
of
the
King
.
For
that
the
King
by
his
private
Letters
,
would
charge
the
Ecclesiastical
Ministers
in
any
new
Canonical
matter
,
to
stay
,
contrary
to
his
Oath
.
For
that
the
King
by
force
in
his
Parliament
,
banished
the
Arch
Bishop
of
Canterbury
,
without
any
good
Ground
.
For
that
the
King
by
his
last
Will
passed
under
the
Great
Seal
,
and
Privy
Signet
,
gave
unto
his
Successors
,
certain
Money
and
Treasure
,
upon
Condition
to
perform
all
the
Acts
and
Orders
in
the
last
Parliament
,
which
being
ungodly
and
unlawful
,
he
meant
as
ungodlily
to
dy
in
.
For
that
the
King
in
the
11th
.
of
his
Reign
,
in
his
Chappel
,
in
the
Manour
of
Langley
,
in
the
presence
of
the
Duke
of
Lancaster
and
Yorke
,
and
others
,
received
the
Sacrament
of
the
Lords
Body
,
that
he
would
never
impeach
the
Duke
of
Gloucester
his
Uncle
,
for
any
thing
before
done
;
and
yet
to
the
Contrary
procured
him
to
be
murdered
.
For
that
the
King
most
fraudulently
and
untruely
against
his
own
Oath
,
Banished
the
Arch
Bishop
of
Canterbury
,
and
wasted
his
Goods
:
in
which
Article
▪
in
private
Conference
between
the
said
Arch
Bishop
,
the
King
in
a
manner
prophesied
,
and
doubted
that
the
like
would
happen
of
himself
;
and
thereupon
shewed
a
special
Token
to
the
Arch
Bishop
,
That
if
he
sent
the
same
at
any
time
,
that
the
Arch
Bishop
should
look
that
the
King
would
come
to
him
.
These
were
the
Imputations
laid
to
his
charge
,
and
that
they
were
then
thought
true
,
or
at
least
not
contradicted
,
is
self-Evident
,
all
seeming
highly
desirous
of
a
Change
,
and
few
dispos'd
to
espouse
the
depos'd
Kings
Cause
and
Interest
,
so
furious
and
violent
was
the
Current
of
the
Times
,
as
to
bear
away
well
nigh
all
before
it
:
That
Parliament
being
so
full
of
the
new
Kings
Favourers
,
and
so
empty
of
the
old
Kings
true
and
cordial
Friends
,
that
I
remember
to
have
read
of
but
one
,
viz.
the
Loyal
Bishop
of
Carlisle
;
who
,
after
a
little
Demur
of
a
few
dayes
time
,
upon
a
Motion
made
in
Parliament
about
the
disposal
of
King
Richard
,
stood
up
boldly
,
and
undauntedly
,
for
his
old
Lord
and
Master
,
in
the
midst
of
his
professed
,
and
declared
Enemies
,
and
known
Deserters
.
His
Speech
(
as
a
rare
Example
of
Fidelity
giving
us
the
very
Quintessence
of
Loyalty
)
I
shall
venture
to
set
down
out
of
Sir
Richard
Bakers
Chronicle
,
with
the
Consequents
as
follows
.
My
Lords
,
The
Matter
now
propounded
,
is
of
marvellous
Weight
and
Consequence
,
wherein
there
are
two
Points
chiefly
to
be
considered
;
The
First
,
whether
King
Richard
be
sufficiently
put
out
of
his
Throne
;
The
Second
,
whether
the
Duke
of
Lancaster
be
lawfully
taken
in
.
For
the
First
,
How
can
that
be
sufficiently
done
,
when
there
is
no
Power
sufficient
to
do
it
?
The
Parliament
cannot
,
for
of
the
Parliament
the
King
is
the
Head
;
and
can
the
Body
put
down
the
Head
?
You
will
say
,
but
the
Head
may
bow
it self
down
;
and
may
the
King
resign
?
It
is
true
;
but
what
force
is
in
that
which
is
done
by
force
?
And
who
knows
not
that
King
Richard's
Resignation
was
no
other
?
But
suppose
he
be
sufficiently
out
,
yet
how
comes
the
Duke
of
Lancaster
to
be
lawfully
in
?
If
you
say
by
Conquest
,
you
speak
Treason
;
For
what
Conquest
without
Arms
?
And
can
a
Subject
take
Arms
against
his
lawful
Soveraign
,
and
not
be
Treason
?
If
you
say
by
Election
of
the
State
,
you
speak
not
reason
;
for
what
Power
hath
the
State
to
Elect
,
while
any
is
Living
that
hath
Right
to
Succeed
?
But
such
a
Successor
is
not
the
Duke
of
Lancaster
,
as
descended
from
Edmund
Crouchback
,
the
Elder
Son
of
King
Edward
the
Third
,
though
put
by
the
Crown
for
deformity
of
his
Body
;
for
who
knows
not
the
falseness
of
this
Allegation
?
Seeing
it
is
a
thing
Notorious
,
that
this
Edmund
was
neither
the
Elder
Brother
,
nor
yet
Crook-Back't
(
though
called
so
from
some
other
reason
)
but
a
goodly
Personage
,
and
without
any
deformity
.
And
your selves
cannot
forget
a
thing
so
lately
done
,
who
it
was
that
in
the
Fourth
Year
of
King
Richard
was
declared
by
Parliament
to
be
Heir
to
the
Crown
,
in
case
King
Richard
should
dye
without
Issue
.
But
why
then
is
not
that
Claim
made
?
Because
silent
Leges
inter
Arma
,
What
dispu●●ng
of
Titles
against
the
stream
of
Power
?
But
however
it
i●
extream
Injustice
,
that
King
Richard
should
be
condemn'd
,
without
being
heard
,
or
once
allowed
to
make
his
Defence
.
And
now
,
My
Lords
,
I
have
spoken
thus
at
this
time
,
that
you
may
consider
of
it
before
it
be
too
late
;
for
as
yet
it
is
in
your
Power
to
undo
that
justly
,
which
you
have
unjustly
done
.
Much
to
this
Purpose
was
the
Bishop's
Speech
;
but
to
as
little
purpose
as
if
he
had
gone
about
to
call
back
Yesterday
.
The
Matter
was
too
far
gone
;
and
scarce
a
Person
there
present
,
that
had
not
a
Hope
of
either
a
private
or
publick
Benefit
by
that
which
was
done
.
Yet
against
this
Speech
of
the
Bishop
,
there
was
neither
protesting
nor
excepting
:
It
passed
in
the
House
as
but
one
Man's
Opinion
:
And
as
for
the
King
,
it
was
neither
fit
he
should
use
much
Severity
against
any
Member
of
that
Parliament
,
which
had
so
lately
shewed
so
much
Indulgence
towards
him
;
nor
indeed
safe
,
to
be
too
hot
in
his
Punishment
,
when
he
was
yet
scarce
warm
in
his
Government
.
Yet
for
a
warning
to
use
their
Liberty
of
Speech
with
more
Moderation
hereafter
;
the
Bishop
was
Arrested
by
the
Marshal
,
and
Committed
to
Prison
in
the
Abby
of
St.
Albans
;
but
afterwards
,
without
further
Censure
,
set
at
Liberty
,
till
upon
a
Conspiracy
of
Lords
,
wherein
he
was
a
Party
;
he
was
Condemned
to
Dye
,
though
through
Extremity
of
Grief
he
prevented
Execution
.
Thus
far
the
Chronicle
.
King
Henry
is
now
got
into
the
Throne
,
(
Richard
being
thrust
into
a
Prison
,
and
afterwards
into
his
Grave
)
and
yet
I
don't
find
him
so
secure
and
well
settled
,
but
that
he
had
many
〈◊〉
Enemies
ever
and
anon
to
Contest
with
,
and
〈◊〉
a
few
secret
disguis'd
Ones
to
fear
and
suspect
,
with
so
many
prickly
Thorns
was
his
new-gotten
Crown
lin'd
.
Therefore
we
have
little
reason
to
believe
,
he
would
ever
wilfully
disoblidge
that
City
,
whose
Power
and
Strength
he
so
well
knew
.
The
Mummery
design'd
by
some
discontented
Lords
to
be
acted
upon
him
at
Twelfthtide
at
Windsor
,
in
the
First
of
his
Reign
;
The
Battle
fought
between
him
and
Sir
Henry
Hotspur
,
at
Shrewsbury
in
the
Third
:
The
Rising
about
York
in
the
Sixth
:
And
the
Battle
of
Bram●am
Moore
in
the
Eighth
,
besides
several
other
secret
Attempts
and
Conspiracies
,
were
as
so
many
Admonitions
to
him
to
Fortify
himself
,
what
be
could
,
with
the
Citizens
love
and
affection
,
as
his
surest
earthly
Bulwark
and
Defence
,
next
to
his
prosperous
Success
in
the
aforesaid
Contests
,
which
prevented
the
discontented
from
coming
near
enough
to
London
,
to
attempt
the
raising
there
of
new
Broils
and
Commotions
to
disturb
his
Repose
,
and
the
Cities
Peace
,
if
he
had
any
Evil-willers
therein
capable
of
receiving
ill
Impressions
.
As
perhaps
he
had
but
few
there
,
such
Care
he
took
to
oblidge
them
,
and
scarce
any
occasion
given
to
breed
Murmurs
and
Complaints
among
them
.
For
He
,
who
meerly
at
the
Commons
request
,
in
the
Fifth
of
his
Reign
,
remov'd
Four
of
his
Menial
Servants
out
of
his
House
,
when
he
openly
declar'd
in
Parliament
,
he
then
knew
no
cause
thereof
,
but
only
for
that
they
were
hated
of
the
People
;
and
so
often
gratified
his
House
of
Commons
in
their
Petitions
about
his
prime
and
principal
Officers
,
and
privy
Councellors
,
must
needs
be
thought
more
ready
to
encrease
the
Number
of
his
Friends
,
than
to
make
himself
more
Enemies
,
especially
in
a
City
of
such
〈◊〉
Riches
,
Power
,
and
Strength
,
as
London
was
〈◊〉
known
to
be
beyond
denial
,
dispute
,
or
contradiction
.
The
City
flourished
under
this
King
in
the
Renovation
of
old
,
the
Guildhall
of
London
,
and
the
Erecting
of
new
publick
Structures
,
the
Conduit
upon
Cornhil
,
and
the
Stocks-Market-House
;
was
famous
abroad
for
the
abundance
of
her
Traffique
,
and
number
of
her
Traders
;
and
increas'd
at
home
in
Repute
and
Renown
,
by
the
prevailing
of
her
Mayor
,
and
Commonalty
,
in
their
Contest
with
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
,
and
other
Lords
,
and
Knights
,
about
pulling
up
the
Wares
in
Thames
,
(
over
which
by
their
Charter
they
claim'd
a
large
Power
as
Conservators
of
that
their
beloved
River
)
besides
the
many
grounds
and
reasons
the
King
had
to
Glory
in
his
confidence
of
the
Love
and
Loyalty
of
her
Citizens
,
and
rejoyce
in
the
continuance
of
their
Affection
to
him
and
his
Family
.
As
is
evident
from
the
timely
Advertisement
the
Mayor
brought
him
,
in
the
First
of
his
Reign
,
of
the
Conspiracy
of
the
discontented
Lords
(
who
,
under
the
colour
of
Christmas
Pastimes
,
as
Mumming
,
&c.
design'd
Treacherously
to
have
Slain
him
)
to
the
forcing
him
very
seasonably
,
as
incredulous
as
he
was
before
,
into
a
belief
of
the
reality
of
the
Plot
,
and
accompanied
him
the
same
Night
from
Windsor
to
London
;
whereby
he
purchas'd
to
himself
Security
,
disappointed
the
Conspirators
,
and
got
time
and
opportunity
to
punish
the
Plotters
.
And
may
also
be
inferr'd
from
the
successful
care
the
Mayor
,
Sheriffs
,
and
other
Citizens
took
in
stilling
the
midnight
difference
happening
in
Eastcheap
on
Midsomer-Eve
,
in
the
Twelfth
of
his
Reign
,
when
two
of
his
youn●●●
Sons
Sup't
there
late
at
Night
,
and
might
〈◊〉
have
been
greatly
indanger'd
,
had
the
〈◊〉
lasted
any
time
.
These
are
Instances
I
〈◊〉
expresly
mention'd
in
History
;
and
who
knows
●ow
many
more
there
might
be
,
that
were
never
so
●uch
taken
Notice
of
by
the
Writers
of
that
Age
,
●s
to
be
carefully
transmitted
to
Posterity
by
their
〈◊〉
?
Peradventure
there
were
many
more
Eviden●●s
.
But
I
will
not
so
much
insist
upon
an
Argument
,
●hat
is
but
barely
possible
and
probable
,
nor
,
with
●●lly
and
impertinence
enough
,
stay
to
beg
the
●oint
of
the
Reader
upon
an
uncertain
surmise
and
●●njecture
.
Though
it
would
be
as
absurd
in
him
〈◊〉
affirm
,
That
all
things
ever
done
in
the
World
,
〈◊〉
the
Invention
of
Letters
,
have
been
commit●●d
to
Paper
,
as
it
would
be
monstrously
Ridiculous
〈◊〉
to
pretend
,
to
have
seen
and
read
all
things
remarkable
,
that
ever
were
Wrote
of
this
Honourable
City
,
and
her
praise-worthy
Actions
.
'T
is
enough
for
my
weakness
and
inability
if
I
can
tolerably
make
out
what
I
have
here
design'd
,
concerning
the
Honour
and
Renown
of
this
so
famous
and
powerful
a
City
,
without
offering
at
all
the
attesting
Proofs
,
and
confirming
Evidences
,
that
are
to
be
found
on
Record
.
And
if
this
Attempt
shall
be
well
accepted
,
it
may
haply
be
an
encouragement
to
some
more
Learned
,
more
Able
,
&
more
Skilful
Pen
,
to
produce
the
other
more
convincing
Arguments
,
scatter'd
up
and
down
in
the
Annals
,
Chronicles
,
and
other
Monuments
of
Historians
,
and
by
gathering
together
all
the
divided
fragments
of
Remark
,
reduce
them
into
one
solid
,
firm
,
and
lasting
Peice
,
or
make
better
improvement
of
the
Arguments
and
Evidences
here
produc'd
.
Come
we
now
to
Henry
the
5th
.
A
Prince
not
so
wild
in
his
Youth
,
when
a
Subject
,
and
by
his
Father
supsected
of
ambitious
designs
,
(
though●
Causlesly
,
and
on
no
better
grounds
and
reaso●●
than
the
Calumnies
,
Slanders
,
and
detractions
o●
evil
dispos'd
persons
about
the
Court
)
as
celebrated
,
when
King
,
for
the
prudent
Reformation
o●
his
own
Person
,
wise
Conduct
of
his
affairs
,
and
happy
Government
of
the
Realm
,
for
his
Valour
▪
Magnanimity
,
and
Heroical
Actions
,
and
the
〈◊〉
Glorious
Achievements
of
his
Reign
,
being
one
o●
the
most
Martial
Princes
,
that
ever
sate
upon
th●
English
Throne
,
and
beyond
all
his
Predecesso●●
Succesfull
in
his
French
Expeditions
.
So
that
〈◊〉
Cressy
and
Poictiers
have
highly
advanced
〈◊〉
Name
and
Renown
of
the
famous
Black
Prin●●
Agincourt
shall
eternize
Henry
of
Monm●●●●
through
all
Generations
,
and
with
this
addition
〈◊〉
unparalleld
Glory
,
That
he
liv'd
and
dyed
in
th●
heighth
of
Grandeur
,
and
his
Victories
were
not
sullied
with
after
Reproaches
.
Under
therefore
so
Renowned
a
Conqueror
,
and
so
Good
a
King
,
't
is
no
marvel
that
we
read
of
no
troubles
in
our
English
Jerusalem
,
nor
hear
of
Complaints
in
her
Streets
.
We
may
expect
rather
to
hear
of
the
Gallantry
of
Rareeshews
and
fine
sights
,
Pageants
and
Presents
,
the
harmonious
concent
of
Trumpets
and
Drums
,
and
the
tunable
Musick
of
Bells
,
the
loud
sounding
Acclamation
of
People
,
and
the
unaccountable
Number
of
Bonfires
,
and
fire-works
,
the
Common
consequents
of
Victories
,
and
Tryumphs
,
and
the
usual
Entertainment
of
Conquerours
.
Wherefore
I
should
now
pass
on
of
course
to
the
next
Kings
reign
,
but
that
by
the
way
I
shall
venture
to
trespass
a
little
upon
the
Readers
Patience
,
and
to
make
an
Observation
or
two
upon
the
grounds
and
occasional
Causes
of
reviving
the
War
with
France
,
which
was
under
this
King
attended
with
such
a
Train
of
Victories
.
We
are
to
know
then
from
such
Authentick
Authors
,
as
●abian
,
Baker
and
the
like
,
that
the
Commons
●arping
upon
the
same
string
,
they
did
in
Henry
the
4th
.
days
,
viz.
the
Clergies
Temporaltyes
,
by
bringing
in
a
Bill
to
take
them
away
,
the
Bishops
,
to
divert
the
storm
,
put
the
King
upon
claiming
France
as
his
Right
,
and
offered
him
considerable
sums
of
mony
to
engage
and
assist
him
●herein
,
whereby
the
Cloud
,
before
hanging
over
●heir
heads
,
was
made
to
break
upon
the
French
Coasts
,
&
they
,
who
by
their
Office
should
have
ap●●ov'd
themselves
the
Peace-makers
of
the
world
,
〈◊〉
up
the
Furies
of
War
&
destruction
,
and
inci●●d
their
Country-men
to
sheath
their
Swords
in
their
Neighbours
Bowels
,
to
preserve
to
themselves
●●eir
large
Revenues
and
worldly
grandeur
,
their
much
envied
Lands
,
Honours
,
and
Preferments
.
Another
advantage
they
likewise
laid
hold
on
,
to
Promote
their
own
Earthly
advancement
,
by
making
use
of
this
opportunity
,
to
suppress
the
growth
and
encrease
of
the
Wicklivists
,
the
Puritans
and
Presbyterians
of
the
age
,
whose
Numbers
began
now
more
and
more
to
encrease
in
City
and
Country
,
and
grew
formidable
to
the
whole
Popish
Hierarchy
.
These
men
,
whom
they
could
not
vanquish
by
dint
of
Argument
,
so
conformable
were
their
Doctrines
to
the
Scriptures
,
they
thought
it
easier
to
oppress
by
the
Civil
Authority
,
and
the
Power
of
the
Magistrates
Sword
,
whereon
they
had
of
late
set
a
keener
Edg
,
by
procuring
some
laws
to
be
made
against
them
,
under
the
Name
and
Notion
of
Lollards
.
And
yet
,
such
was
the
ill
fate
of
opposing
the
spreading
of
the
Gospel
,
that
these
Assertors
of
it's
verity
,
like
the
Primitive
Christians
of
old
,
dayly
encreast
in
Numbers
and
Repute
under
their
oppressions
,
and
grew
every
age
more
mumerous
in
spight
of
all
the
malice
and
opposition
of
their
cruel
and
blood
thirsty
Enemies
:
and
much
too
by
the
same
way
and
methods
,
the
Evidence
of
truth
,
and
influence
of
good
lives
and
Exemplary
Conversations
.
Like
the
ancient
Christians
they
were
driven
into
holes
and
secret
places
,
into
private
Conventicles
and
separate
Assemblies
.
And
though
they
were
not
,
like
them
,
at
every
turn
cal'd
upon
to
be
cast
to
the
Lions
,
for
disobeying
the
Emperours
Edicts
and
Commands
,
yet
away
with
them
to
the
fire
,
and
to
burning
of
the
Hereticks
,
or
in
a
little
softer
phraise
,
to
putting
the
Kings
Laws
in
Execution
,
were
the
common
outcryes
made
against
them
.
But
because
the
diversity
of
their
Religion
and
their
difference
in
opinion
from
the
rest
of
the
Nation
,
were
not
thought
Incentives
strong
enough
to
stir
up
the
popular
Rage
&
Fury
,
a
more
Compendious
way
was
found
out
,
instead
of
charging
on
their
account
all
the
Mischiefs
,
Miseries
,
and
Disasters
of
the
Times
,
to
lay
the
detestable
Crimes
of
Treason
and
Conspiracy
at
their
doors
.
Hence
may
we
conclude
sprung
the
Informations
,
given
into
the
King
,
of
some
,
that
had
conspir'd
suddenly
to
have
Slain
Him
and
his
Brethren
,
and
of
numerous
Assemblies
meeting
in
St.
Giles's
Fields
to
that
End
.
Hereon
possibly
may
we
ground
the
Rumour
spread
abroad
of
great
offers
made
of
Money
by
Sir
John
Oldcastles
Favourers
to
the
Scots
,
to
invade
the
Realm
in
the
Kings
absence
in
France
,
of
the
meeting
of
Sir
John
himself
(
who
was
a
known
Wicklivist
)
with
Douglas
the
Scot
at
Pomfract
,
on
the
same
Errand
,
and
of
Indentures
and
other
Writings
made
betwixt
him
and
the
Duke
of
Albany
,
containing
Instructions
to
the
Scots
to
besiege
Roxborough
and
Barwick
.
Such
Stories
may
we
look
upon
,
as
Reports
likely
enough
to
have
been
purposely
spread
abroad
,
to
stir
up
the
Peoples
Animosities
against
the
Dissenters
of
the
times
:
Hitherto
likewise
haply
may
we
impute
the
Original
of
the
Schedules
,
said
to
be
nail'd
upon
the
Church
doors
in
London
,
with
threats
of
an
hundred
thousand
Men
,
ready
to
rise
upon
Occasion
.
Stow
indeed
,
out
of
Walsingham
the
Monk
,
charges
them
upon
Wicklists
favourers
;
yet
have
we
reason
to
suspect
the
first
Author
,
as
too
partial
in
the
Case
,
and
question
whether
these
were
not
Popish
Shams
put
upon
the
Nation
by
the
Wicklivists
Enemies
,
to
raise
a
colour
for
an
Out-cry
against
them
.
For
at
the
Parliament
of
the
Fifth
of
this
King
,
we
read
,
in
Cotton's
Abridgment
,
of
an
haynous
complaint
against
Insurrections
;
&
in
the
end
(
mind
this
)
they
suspect
they
were
Lollards
&
Traitors
;
which
made
a
way
for
a
Request
that
Commissions
at
all
times
be
granted
to
enquire
of
them
.
Whoever
was
Originally
in
fault
,
we
may
see
from
this
where
the
blame
should
light
,
and
the
severest
Prosecution
too
,
could
the
Popish
Prelates
have
had
their
Will
,
notwithstanding
the
slightness
of
their
thin-spun
pretences
,
and
weakness
of
their
groundless
Imputations
.
A
pretty
device
,
to
make
Riots
and
Insurrections
;
and
then
accuse
the
contrary
Party
of
them
,
as
if
they
had
been
so
Fanatical
,
as
tumultuously
to
meet
together
,
vi
&
armis
,
without
any
Arms
about
them
,
or
Weapons
in
their
hands
,
to
disturb
the
Kings
Peace
;
and
with
no
worse
design
,
than
the
Warrant
of
annual
Customs
,
whereon
some
,
in
an
unheard
of
manner
,
without
Law
or
Reason
,
and
contrary
to
common
sence
,
intruded
,
to
deprive
them
of
the
benefit
thereof
.
Out
of
the
forementioned
Monkish
Writer
,
Stow
tells
us
of
an
Army
of
Twenty
Five
Thousand
,
that
were
to
have
met
Sir
John
in
St.
Giles's
Fields
;
and
yet
for
all
this
great
Cry
we
find
not
One
Hundred
taken
,
though
he
affirms
Sixty
Nine
of
them
to
be
condemn'd
of
Treason
(
upon
such
kind
of
proofs
perhaps
,
as
these
,
whereon
the
Composer
of
Sir
Walter
Rawleigh's
Life
makes
him
to
have
been
found
Guilty
of
Treason
in
the
First
of
King
James
,
for
which
he
had
the
honour
to
be
Beheaded
about
Forty
Years
after
,
upon
his
Return
from
his
unsuccessful
Guyana
Voyage
)
and
Thirty
Seven
Hang'd
.
But
the
Record
out
of
the
Kings-Bench
,
the
most
authentick
Evidence
,
mentions
only
,
That
Sir
John
Oldcastle
,
and
others
,
to
the
number
of
Twenty
Men
,
call'd
Lollards
,
at
St.
Giles
,
did
conspire
to
Subvert
the
State
of
the
Clergy
(
this
it
seems
then
was
the
principal
Offence
;
the
rest
Aggravations
,
without
which
the
Scales
could
not
have
been
well
weigh'd
down
)
and
to
Kill
the
King
,
and
his
Brother
,
and
other
Nobles
,
as
any
English
Reader
may
see
in
Cottons
Abridgment
at
the
afore-cited
Parliament
of
the
Fifth
of
this
King
.
Where
now
are
any
good
grounds
for
this
malicious
Out-cry
upon
the
Dissenting
Wicklivists
for
Traiterous
Plotters
and
Conspirators
:
And
what
s
become
of
the
great
Army
that
Fame
and
Report
had
Rais'd
?
But
perhaps
the
Inn-keepers
,
in
the
adjacent
Hamlets
,
and
neighbouring
Villages
,
were
not
only
their
familiar
Friends
,
but
intimate
Acquaintance
;
as
Mr.
Bags
ingenuity
(
to
the
elevating
,
and
surprizing
of
our
Minds
)
hath
taught
us
to
express
it
;
how
otherwise
this
Achilles
,
and
his
dreadful
Army
of
Mirmidons
,
could
have
continued
thus
unseen
,
and
slipt
away
in
Disguise
,
seems
not
reconcileable
to
Sence
and
Reason
.
And
yet
how
such
great
Numbers
could
have
lain
hid
within
the
compass
of
a
Readmote
,
or
have
been
put
like
Homers
Iliads
in
a
Nut-shell
,
is
a
thing
that
passeth
all
my
understanding
to
conceive
.
If
ever
such
a
thing
was
,
as
doubtless
it
never
hapned
in
Europe
,
nor
amongst
either
our
antient
or
modern
Reformers
;
certainly
then
this
unconceivable
Wonder
must
have
fell
out
in
the
Reign
of
Queen
Dick
,
King
of
no
Lands
,
upon
the
Terra
incognita
of
some
other
of
the
Fairy
Islands
,
bordering
upon
Vtopia
;
where
Prince
Oberon
and
Queen
Mab
liv'd
in
dayly
dread
and
fear
of
King
Arthur
,
Sir
Lancelot
,
and
Sir
Tristram
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Knights
of
his
round
Table
,
or
miserably
perplext
themselves
every
hour
and
minute
with
needless
Scruples
,
Jealousies
,
and
Suspicions
,
about
the
unimagin'd
Designs
of
the
Noble
Duke
Ogier
,
to
advance
himself
and
his
little
Mervine
,
who
afterwards
did
such
heroick
Exploits
upon
the
Souldan
of
Babylon
,
and
his
bloody
cut-throat
Army
of
Sarazens
,
when
he
turn'd
to
the
Assistance
of
the
famous
C●arlemain
and
his
Peers
.
But
laying
aside
these
idle
Stories
of
the
Monkish
Romancers
,
I
pass
on
,
from
our
famous
win-All
,
Henry
of
Monmouth
,
to
the
unfortunate
English
lose-All
,
Henry
of
Windsor
,
a
far
better
Man
than
King
,
as
being
more
intentive
upon
the
Devotions
of
the
Times
,
than
the
Government
of
his
Realm
;
and
better
skill'd
in
his
Beads
,
than
his
Scepter
:
and
therefore
seems
rather
cut
out
for
a
Priest
than
a
Prince
.
In
this
Kings
Minority
,
while
such
great
States-men
and
Patriots
,
as
his
most
renowned
Uncles
,
Bedford
and
Gloucester
,
sate
at
the
Helm
,
and
steadily
Steer'd
the
Ship
of
the
Common-Wealth
,
one
by
his
Arms
,
the
other
by
his
Arts
,
Honour
,
and
Renown
attended
upon
the
English
Banners
in
France
;
and
the
Land
at
Home
in
peace
and
quietness
Flourished
under
the
benign
Influence
of
their
successful
Councels
,
for
the
most
part
free
from
civil
Broils
and
Commotions
;
King
Henry
being
in
actual
Possession
of
both
Crowns
,
under
the
conduct
of
such
noble
and
worthy
Directors
.
But
when
Death
had
snatch'd
away
one
from
his
Regency
in
France
;
and
the
other
was
dismist
from
his
Protectorship
in
England
through
the
course
of
time
:
The
King
being
grown
in
Years
,
and
come
to
ripeness
of
Age
,
though
not
it
seems
to
such
a
degree
of
understanding
,
as
might
capacitate
him
to
act
the
part
of
a
King
,
further
than
in
Name
and
Shew
;
his
Affairs
in
forreign
Parts
soon
went
miserably
to
wrack
;
and
being
turn'd
out
of
almost
all
beyond
Sea
,
deadly
Fewds
and
Annimosities
(
the
usual
attendants
of
ill
Success
abroad
)
encreast
so
fast
at
Home
,
between
the
Nobles
and
great
Persons
of
the
Realm
,
and
such
intestine
Jars
sprung
up
in
the
Nation
,
that
after
many
Battles
fought
,
and
much
Royal
Blood
spilt
,
the
York
Party
prevail'd
over
the
Lancastrians
;
and
the
poor
King
himself
,
though
the
Miracle
of
Age
for
Devotion
,
lost
his
Crown
,
Life
,
and
All
at
last
.
Whether
't
was
purely
the
ill
success
abroad
,
or
the
ill
management
of
the
State
at
home
,
the
unhappy
Fate
attending
the
Kings
Matching
with
Queen
Margaret
,
to
the
breach
of
a
former
Contract
,
or
the
unseasonable
stirring
of
her
and
her
accomplices
to
Suppress
,
Ruine
,
and
Root
out
the
other
Party
,
whereby
they
were
compell'd
for
their
own
Security
to
link
themselves
together
in
the
strictest
bonds
of
Confederacy
,
and
stand
continually
upon
their
own
Guard
:
Whether
the
weakness
of
the
King
,
or
the
restless
Spirit
of
the
Queen
(
too
Active
for
her
Sex
)
,
The
much
resented
Death
of
the
Duke
of
Glocester
,
or
the
subtle
Arts
and
Devices
of
the
Duke
of
York
(
into
the
particulars
whereof
I
will
not
now
descend
,
as
being
the
Subject
of
a
distinct
Treatise
by
it self
)
and
the
Popularity
of
the
great
Earl
of
Warwick
.
Whether
't
was
any
of
these
single
,
or
all
of
them
joyntly
concurring
,
or
rather
the
over-ruling
Providence
of
an
Almighty
Being
,
that
made
this
strange
Alteration
in
the
Face
of
things
,
to
the
dethroning
of
one
Prince
(
the
most
devoted
of
his
time
to
religious
Exercises
)
and
exalting
of
another
,
as
much
given
to
Women
,
as
the
former
to
Religion
,
whereby
the
White
Rose
overtopt
the
Red
:
Certain
it
is
,
the
City
of
London
had
a
great
Influence
upon
these
Transactions
,
and
the
favour
the
Citizens
bore
to
the
Duke
of
York
,
and
his
Party
,
contributed
highly
to
the
advancing
of
his
Interest
above
the
King
Regnants
,
if
they
were
not
the
only
grand
causes
under
Heaven
,
that
produc't
such
wonderful
and
stupendious
Effects
.
This
the
more
clearly
to
demonstrate
,
I
shall
not
oblidge
my self
exactly
to
trace
the
whole
Series
of
State
affairs
,
through
the
following
Princes
Reigns
,
nor
over-scrupulously
confine
my self
to
the
Life
of
this
or
that
King
distinctly
and
apart
.
But
design
to
view
the
differences
between
York
and
Lancaster
in
the
lump
,
considering
them
under
the
Notion
of
one
particular
Contest
,
though
of
a
long
and
large
durance
,
and
throughout
with
all
plainness
and
perspicuity
,
I
can
lay
claim
to
,
shew
what
powerful
Rays
of
Influence
from
London
were
shed
abroad
upon
the
Face
of
the
Land
.
For
I
intend
not
to
Write
an
Abridgement
of
Englands
general
History
,
as
having
only
undertaken
a
particular
Argument
relating
to
this
Honourable
Cities
Fame
,
Renown
,
and
Glory
abroad
;
Strength
,
Riches
,
and
Power
at
home
within
her self
;
and
the
various
Influences
she
cast
all
over
England
in
the
more
special
turns
and
changes
of
Affairs
:
For
the
rest
,
the
Curious
may
peruse
the
laborious
Works
of
our
English
Historians
.
Therefore
,
choosing
my
own
Method
,
I
shall
make
a
division
of
what
I
have
to
produce
in
this
place
,
into
two
Parts
or
general
Heads
,
under
which
I
hope
to
comprehend
the
most
material
Passages
I
meet
with
sutable
to
the
design
and
purport
of
this
Attempt
:
The
first
containing
Instances
of
Lon●ons
affection
to
the
Red
Rose
;
and
the
other
shewing
the
sollicitous
care
and
regard
she
had
for
the
preservation
,
growth
,
and
advancement
of
the
White
.
First
then
and
foremost
,
to
begin
with
the
Citizens
respect
to
the
House
of
Lancaster
,
who
bore
the
Red
Rose
for
their
Badg
,
of
their
continued
Favour
and
Affection
thereto
,
in
the
prime
of
its
flourishing
condition
,
while
the
many
and
great
Victories
gain'd
in
France
were
yet
fresh
in
their
Memories
,
and
Henry
the
Sixth
enjoy'd
the
Fruits
of
his
Fathers
Labours
,
and
retain'd
the
English
Conquests
therein
;
there
is
no
doubt
to
be
made
.
But
I
presume
I
have
a
much
stronger
proof
to
produce
,
from
no
less
convincing
an
Argument
than
Statute
Law
(
as
authentick
an
Evidence
in
the
Case
,
as
the
Subject
is
capable
of
)
to
be
found
Anno
octavo
Henrici
sexti
.
cap.
11.
where
we
have
express
mention
made
of
the
entire
affections
and
great
kindnesses
done
,
and
shewed
to
the
said
King
,
in
all
his
Affairs
,
by
the
Citizens
of
the
City
of
London
;
which
to
reward
,
and
for
the
future
the
more
to
encourage
,
the
King
was
induc'd
by
Authority
of
Parliament
to
give
them
leave
to
put
and
take
in
Apprentices
according
to
their
ancient
manner
,
form
,
or
custom
;
of
which
they
had
some
time
before
been
abridg'd
by
a
former
Statute
,
to
the
great
hindrance
and
damage
likely
thereby
to
redound
to
them
.
If
any
shall
require
further
Instances
hereof
,
let
them
but
have
recourse
to
the
Annals
of
this
Kings
Reign
;
and
there
I
doubt
not
but
they
'l
have
their
Expectations
answer'd
,
and
their
Curiosity
highly
satisfied
,
when
they
shall
have
carefully
and
thorowly
boserv'd
the
Noble
Equipage
of
the
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
Citizens
in
the
Tenth
Year
,
when
they
rode
forth
to
meet
the
King
upon
his
return
out
of
France
,
the
Pomp
and
Gallantry
,
wherewith
they
receiv'd
him
at
London
,
and
entertain'd
him
in
his
passage
through
it
,
and
the
costly
Present
they
made
him
afterwards
at
Westminster
:
And
take
Notice
of
their
splendid
appearance
in
Scarlet
,
blew
Gowns
,
broider'd
Sleeves
,
and
red
Hoods
,
to
convey
his
Princely
Bride
,
Queen
Margaret
,
through
the
City
in
the
Twenty-Third
of
his
Reign
.
But
,
when
this
Daysy
Flower
of
France
being
thus
linkt
to
the
Red
Rose
of
England
,
the
Queen
,
and
her
Creatures
rul'd
all
about
the
King
at
home
,
and
things
went
every
day
worse
and
worse
abroad
,
through
Envy
and
Emulation
among
the
Nobles
,
and
negligence
of
the
Kings
Councel
,
ill
conduct
and
management
of
State
Aff●●rs
by
the
new
Favourites
at
Court
;
and
the
good
Duke
of
Glocester
,
greatly
belov'd
and
ador'd
among
the
Commons
,
was
privily
taken
out
of
the
way
in
a
clandestine
manner
,
to
the
great
and
bitter
resentments
of
the
People
;
the
Citizens
soon
began
to
alter
in
their
affections
and
inclinations
,
and
look
with
favourable
Eyes
upon
the
opposite
Party
,
then
springing
up
under
Richard
Duke
of
York
,
the
chief
and
principal
Head
thereof
,
whose
Sails
,
upon
the
aforesaid
Dukes
death
,
being
full
blown
with
fresh
Gales
of
Ambition
,
He
became
a
secret
pretender
to
the
Crown
,
and
privately
among
his
Familiars
whisper'd
a
more
plausible
Right
and
Title
thereto
,
than
the
King
Regnant
himself
had
,
though
in
actual
Possession
.
Yet
they
did
not
so
soon
forget
their
old
Love
,
as
presently
to
side
with
the
Yorkists
against
the
Lancastrians
,
but
seem
for
a
while
to
have
continued
,
as
it
were
,
in
a
state
of
indifferency
,
sometimes
favouring
the
one
,
sometimes
the
other
,
as
if
uncertain
with
whom
to
side
,
till
the
Number
of
publick
Grievances
being
greatly
encreast
,
or
else
more
eagerly
and
plainly
remonstrated
to
them
by
the
other
Party
;
they
more
openly
at
length
shifted
all
their
Sails
,
and
with
fix't
Resolutions
espous'd
the
Yorkist
Interest
,
and
so
that
Family
got
Possession
of
the
Throne
thereby
.
Then
which
,
what
greater
Evidence
can
there
be
of
the
Cities
Power
and
Influence
in
those
Times
?
And
yet
in
this
interval
and
space
of
time
,
which
I
venture
,
and
I
hope
with
truth
enough
,
to
term
the
State
of
her
indifferency
or
neutrality
,
several
other
Instances
of
her
Power
are
produceable
for
the
further
illustration
of
the
Point
in
hand
,
to
demonstrate
beyond
dispute
,
that
the
variation
,
alteration
,
and
change
of
the
Citizens
Minds
over-rul'd
the
Affairs
of
the
State
in
each
turn
and
change
of
Things
,
though
as
mutable
for
a
season
,
as
the
ebbing
and
flowing
of
the
Sea
;
yet
likewise
as
succesful
as
the
turning
,
or
returning
of
the
Tyde
,
in
bearing
all
before
them
.
The
first
Instance
that
comes
to
my
hand
,
shall
be
that
of
Jack
Cade
,
Captain
Mendal
,
who
calling
himself
Mortimer
Couzen
to
the
Duke
of
Yorke
,
upon
the
specious
promises
of
reforming
grievances
,
and
freeing
the
Commons
from
immoderate
Taxes
and
Impositions
,
the
fame
of
keeping
good
Orders
among
his
people
,
and
his
successfull
overthrow
of
the
Staffords
with
other
Hotspurs
of
the
Court
,
at
Seven-Oke-Wood
,
had
so
strengthned
himself
,
(
the
City
of
London
being
at
that
time
saith
Stow
full
favourable
to
him
)
that
,
upon
the
King
and
Queens
remove
from
the
City
to
Killingworth
Castle
,
distrusting
their
own
Servants
and
Soldiers
,
he
came
to
Southwarke
and
marched
over
the
Bridg
in
good
Order
into
the
City
,
with
such
Confidence
and
assurance
that
passing
along
by
London-Stone
,
he
struck
it
with
his
Sword
and
said
,
Now
is
Mortimer
Lord
of
London
;
and
so
possibly
might
have
continued
(
he
had
so
won
the
Hearts
of
the
Commons
by
his
orderly
behaviour
,
and
got
such
an
encrease
of
Power
,
as
to
give
the
Mayor
Orders
how
he
would
have
his
People
dispos'd
of
,
they
coming
and
going
freely
as
they
pleas'd
)
had
he
but
followed
the
Mayors
Advice
,
who
bad
him
take
●eed
,
he
attempted
nothing
against
the
Quiet
of
the
City
,
and
made
good
his
own
Reply
;
Let
the
Wor●●●ake
notice
of
our
honest
Intention
by
our
Actions
.
But
when
he
once
grew
so
inconsiderately
Insolent
,
as
to
fall
a
robbing
the
Citizens
themselves
,
he
presently
lost
their
Favour
and
good
Will
;
the
honest
and
wealthy
Commons
disliking
such
extravagant
Proceedings
,
and
then
the
Mayor
and
Aldermen
,
with
their
Assistance
took
Councel
together
,
to
drive
him
and
his
Adherents
out
of
the
City
,
and
oppose
his
further
entrance
thereunto
.
The
effect
whereof
in
the
Issue
was
,
that
,
After
a
sharp
bickering
and
contest
upon
the
Bridge
,
the
Mayor
and
the
Citizens
got
the
better
,
the
Kentish-Men
were
worsted
,
a
truce
for
a
few
hours
was
concluded
on
,
whereof
the
Lord
Chancellor
took
the
Advantages
by
a
general
pardon
to
disperse
the
malecontent
,
and
Cade
himself
was
within
a
little
time
after
Slain
in
a
Garden
in
Sussex
,
So
fatal
was
it
to
him
by
this
his
Robberies
thus
to
have
displeas'd
the
Citizens
.
For
Fabian
tells
us
expresly
,
that
had
it
not
been
for
that
,
he
might
have
gone
far
,
and
brought
his
purpose
to
good
effect
,
if
he
had
intended
well
.
And
so
Prejudicial
might
it
have
been
to
the
Court
,
had
he
not
by
these
extravagancies
forfeited
that
favour
and
respect
,
which
had
before
been
shewn
him
at
London
to
such
a
degree
,
that
the
Commons
were
very
highly
incens'd
against
Alderman
Horne
,
for
opposing
the
admission
of
him
and
his
company
thereinto
,
at
a
Common-Councel
held
by
the
Mayor
a●
Guild-Hall
,
and
speaking
vehemently
against
such
as
were
for
his
entrance
,
and
ceas'd
not
,
saith
th●
Annalist
,
till
they
had
him
committed
to
New-gate
▪
But
now
the
tide
is
turn'd
again
,
and
the
King
himself
is
joyfully
received
by
the
Citizens
of
that
very
same
place
,
from
whence
ere-while
he
though●
it
his
best
security
to
depart
.
As
the
Citizens
Favour
ebb'd
and
flow'd
,
such
was
the
posture
of
his
affairs
,
in
the
wane
or
the
full
,
so
stoo●
his
fortune
,
either
increasing
or
decreasing
:
where
of
here
is
a
demonstration
,
that
no
body
can
deny
tha●
has
but
an
Historial
Faith
,
unless
he
woul●
have
us
believe
,
that
the
many
Historians
,
th●●
writ
hereof
,
could
joyn
altogether
in
an
unusual
confederacy
,
at
several
times
and
from
several
place●
to
impose
a
manifest
falshood
upon
posterity
.
An
Opinion
almost
as
absur'd
,
(
pardon
the
compari●on
)
though
not
to
that
degree
,
as
theirs
,
who
●s
foolishly
as
prophanely
fancy
the
original
Pen●en
of
the
Scriptures
made
a
mutual
agreement
(
though
in
several
ages
and
from
different
parts
of
●he
Universe
)
to
obtrude
those
writings
●pon
the
World
for
the
Word
of
the
Eternal
God
,
〈◊〉
of
I
know
not
what
design
of
State-Policy
to
keep
〈◊〉
Common
People
in
greater
aw
and
subjection
to
●●eir
Governours
.
How
fair
a
Cast
the
Yorkists
lately
had
for
the
●ame
through
the
City's
Favour
,
till
their
own
〈◊〉
management
lost
it
,
we
have
seen
.
But
that
as
not
all
.
It
left
such
a
rub
in
their
way
,
that
may
be
suppos'd
to
have
spoyl'd
their
bowling
up●●
the
next
open
adventure
.
For
in
the
thirtieth
〈◊〉
the
Duke
of
York
in
Person
having
rais'd
an
●●my
,
upon
disgusts
and
pretences
,
and
the
King
●●ing
in
the
Head
of
another
to
oppose
Him
,
He
〈◊〉
out
of
the
way
,
and
eschews
the
Kings
〈◊〉
,
and
hastens
as
fast
as
he
could
up
to
London
,
●●ping
doubtless
for
assistance
or
recruits
thence
,
〈◊〉
being
deceived
in
his
expectations
,
upon
notice
●●en
him
that
the
Londoners
would
not
admit
his
●rance
,
to
refresh
himself
or
his
People
,
he
●●ightwayspasses
away
from
London
over
the
Thames
〈◊〉
Kent
,
and
what
pray
now
was
the
event
〈◊〉
?
Not
according
to
his
wishes
successful
we
may
〈…〉
.
For
from
the
History
we
may
easily
〈◊〉
,
he
thought
it
his
greatest
interest
to
come
〈◊〉
terms
of
accommodation
with
the
King
(
had
〈◊〉
such
been
his
apprehensions
,
doubtless
he
would
〈◊〉
have
yielded
thereto
)
dismisses
his
Army
,
and
〈◊〉
in
Person
into
his
Majesties
Presence
,
where
〈◊〉
with
the
Duke
of
Somerset
,
he
〈◊〉
was
accused
of
conspiring
the
Kings
Death
,
and
usurpation
of
the
Crown
,
and
sent
before
the
King
as
a
Prisoner
to
London
,
where
he
was
kept
a
while
,
till
upon
a
Report
of
his
Sons
coming
with
another
Army
towards
London
,
the
Queen
and
Her
Councel
thought
it
convenient
to
set
him
at
Liberty
,
upon
taking
openly
his
Oath
of
Submission
and
Allegiance
,
at
the
High-Altar
in
St.
Pauls-Church
,
before
the
King
and
great
part
of
His
Nobility
.
To
what
a
plunge
was
the
Duke
and
his
party
here
driven
,
and
with
how
many
difficultyes
did
the
King
and
his
side
likewise
contest
,
while
neither
of
them
were
absolutely
sure
and
certain
of
the
City
,
that
she
would
cordially
assist
the
one
against
the
other
.
York
was
disappointed
in
his
Hopes
and
Confidence
of
the
Citys
favour
,
and
thereupon
had
run
himself
into
great
danger
,
for
which
he
knew
at
that
Instant
no
better
remedy
,
than
to
swear
over
again
his
Allegiance
to
him
,
whom
he
had
intended
and
designed
for
a
long
time
to
depose
.
The
Kings
Party
heard
of
an
Army
marching
up
towards
London
against
them
,
and
rather
then
venture
to
throw
themselves
upon
the
hazard
of
a
battail
,
withou●
better
assurance
of
the
Citys
Love
and
affection
,
they
consented
to
set
at
Liberty
the
Head
of
the
opposit●
Party
,
then
in
their
Hands
a
Prisoner
,
and
permi●
him
to
go
whither
he
pleas'd
,
notwithstanding
they
had
so
much
reason
to
fear
and
dread
his
Designs
And
possibly
they
esteem'd
it
greater
wisdom
to
Temporise
for
a
Season
,
till
they
had
made
their
Party
visibly
stronger
in
London
,
and
more
able
to
cop●
with
that
secret
reserve
of
favourers
,
which
they
might
fear
the
Duke
of
York
had
still
in
the
City
,
as
concluding
him
and
his
party
a
litle
better
advised
,
than
to
break
out
into
open
Arms
agains●
the
present
established
Government
,
without
som●
probability
of
help
and
assistance
thence
,
or
at
leas●
some
suggestions
thereof
before
they
put
on
thei●
Armour
.
This
seeming
not
an
irrational
supposal
,
appears
to
me
to
carry
the
face
of
another
argument
of
the
Citys
Power
.
For
t
is
undeniably
plain
,
that
the
Yorkists
carryed
the
day
,
when
she
afterwards
within
a
few
years
declared
her self
openly
for
them
,
as
I
shall
come
by
and
by
to
shew
,
when
I
have
produc'd
two
or
three
passages
more
,
as
further
evincing
proofs
of
this
Honourable
Citys
Strength
and
Influence
.
One
is
noted
in
Fabian
in
the
Thirtyfifth
year
,
upon
occasion
of
dissention
and
unkindness
hapning
between
the
young
Duke
of
Somerset
and
the
Earl
of
Salisbury's
Son
,
both
at
that
time
lodg'd
within
the
City
.
For
the
Mayor
,
having
notice
hereof
,
is
expresly
said
to
have
ordain'd
such
Watches
and
Provisions
in
the
City
,
that
if
either
had
stir'd
,
he
was
able
to
have
subdued
both
Partyes
,
and
kept
them
in
duress
till
he
had
known
the
Kings
further
Pleasure
.
And
the
Event
was
answerable
to
his
Intent
.
For
the
Friends
on
both
sides
,
being
well
aware
of
the
strict
Watch
and
Ward
,
and
the
Consequents
thereof
,
labour'd
so
effectually
for
an
Accommodation
,
that
they
concluded
an
Agreement
between
them
for
that
time
,
without
any
further
disturbance
for
the
present
that
we
read
of
:
So
well
able
were
the
Citizens
to
keep
and
preserve
the
Kings
peace
,
whether
they
would
or
no.
They
durst
not
provoke
each
other
to
open
Hostilityes
in
that
City
,
whose
Power
and
Armes
they
had
most
assuredly
raised
about
their
ears
,
to
their
mutual
disadvantage
,
had
they
been
guilty
of
such
unadvised
rashness
and
daring
presumption
,
as
to
slight
and
contemn
her
Magistrates
Order
and
Resolution
.
An
other
stands
on
Record
,
in
the
same
Author
and
other
Writers
,
among
the
next
years
transactions
,
under
the
Ma●oralty
of
Godfery
Boleyn
and
Shrievalries
of
William
Edward
and
Thomas
Reyner
.
For
upon
the
Kings
Calling
of
a
grand
Councel
at
London
,
to
accommodate
differences
,
and
the
Lords
of
each
Party
coming
up
thereto
with
great
Retinues
,
they
having
from
Four-hundred
to
One-thousand-Five-hundred
in
a
Company
,
&
lodging
some
within
&
some
without
the
City
,
holding
their
Consultation
apart
each
from
other
,
as
if
at
mutual
defyance
,
and
ready
to
put
all
to
the
decision
of
the
Sword
,
the
Mayor
kept
Five-thousand
Citizens
(
as
Fabian
Numbers
them
)
dayly
in
Arms
,
riding
about
the
City
and
Subburbs
to
preserve
the
peace
,
and
for
the
night
Watch
provided
Two-thousand
to
give
Attendance
upon
three
Aldermen
till
Seven
a
clock
next
morning
,
that
the
day
Watch
was
set
,
by
reason
whereof
(
continues
my
Author
)
good
order
and
rule
was
kept
,
and
no
man
so
hardy
once
to
attempt
the
breaking
the
Kings
peace
.
The
Councel
was
held
in
quietness
,
and
a
Reconciliation
patch'd
up
for
the
time
.
For
who
durst
move
when
the
City
says
nay
?
Several
such
Instances
are
to
be
seen
in
the
Chronicles
,
and
have
been
hinted
before
in
the
precedent
Relation
:
And
if
need
were
I
might
produce
the
Disturbance
likely
to
have
hapned
in
the
Fourth
year
of
this
King
,
by
the
Bishop
of
Winchesters
meanes
,
then
at
Variance
with
the
Protector
the
Duke
of
Gloucester
,
when
upon
strict
Commandment
given
to
the
Mayor
,
he
set
a
sure
Watch
by
night
,
that
kept
out
the
Bishops
Servants
by
force
,
and
would
not
permit
them
to
enter
the
City
over
the
Bridg
,
whereupon
a
pacification
was
at
length
concluded
between
these
two
great
Men
,
their
differencies
in
time
amicably
adjusted
,
and
the
City
seems
to
have
protected
the
Protector
himself
:
But
that
I
hasten
to
the
fecond
general
Head
,
before
propos'd
,
under
which
I
am
to
make
out
the
visibility
of
the
City's
affection
to
the
house
of
Yorke
,
distinguish'd
from
that
of
Lancastor
by
the
white
Rose
,
their
particular
badg
,
and
thee
ffect
thereof
her
influencing
the
nation
in
their
favour
,
in
behalf
of
the
Yorkists
Interest
,
to
the
raising
it
up
above
the
Lancastrians
.
And
this
may
be
demonstrated
,
beyond
contradiction
,
both
from
the
suspicions
fears
,
and
jealousies
of
the
Queen
and
the
Court
,
that
in
their
Hearts
the
Citizens
bore
too
great
Respect
to
the
other
side
,
and
would
assist
them
upon
Occasion
,
and
from
their
actual
joyning
at
last
openly
with
the
Yorkists
in
word
and
deed
,
to
the
visible
exaltation
of
that
Family
above
the
other
:
whereby
the
White
Rose
grew
up
amain
,
and
flourished
not
only
above
the
rest
of
the
flowers
of
the
field
,
but
also
above
the
Red
,
though
it's
whiteness
was
first
ting'd
with
a
Scarlet
dye
,
and
the
Red
had
lost
much
of
it
's
,
before
lovely
,
ruby
Colour
,
so
much
blood
was
there
shed
in
this
unhappy
Contest
.
It
being
related
out
of
Philip
de-Comines
,
that
,
within
his
Remembrance
,
in
the
Civil-Wars
of
England
dyed
above
Eighty
Persons
of
the
Blood
Royal.
For
the
proof
of
the
Queens
Suspicions
,
or
others
Apprehensions
,
Instances
more
than
one
or
two
,
and
a
triumvirate
of
Witnesses
may
be
brought
.
Stow
tells
us
before
the
battail
of
St.
Albans
,
how
that
the
King
having
assembled
his
Power
to
oppose
the
Duke
of
York
,
then
marching
towards
London
at
the
Head
of
an
Army
,
his
meaning
was
rather
to
meet
the
Duke
in
the
North
parts
,
than
about
London
,
where
it
was
thought
he
had
too
many
friends
,
and
therefore
departs
with
speed
from
Westminster
on
the
same
●ntent
:
And
afterwards
acquaints
us
,
that
upon
the
difcharging
of
York
and
Salisbury
of
their
high
Offices
and
Places
of
Government
about
the
King
,
This
change
among
the
Nobility
caus'd
sudden
alterations
and
attempts
(
which
he
calls
Seditious
)
to
spring
in
the
Commonalty
,
especially
in
the
City
of
London
.
Fabian
informes
us
that
the
Queen
caus'd
the
King
to
remove
in
his
Thirty-fifth
from
London
to
Coventry
,
and
their
held
him
a
long
season
,
as
suspecting
the
City
of
London
,
and
deeming
it
to
be
more
favourable
to
the
Duke
of
York's
Party
,
than
to
Hers.
Baker
gives
us
much
the
same
Story
,
under
the
Notion
of
the
Queens
perswading
the
King
,
for
his
Health
and
Recreation
,
to
make
a
Progress
into
Warwickshire
,
as
finding
the
little
Respect
the
Londoners
bore
to
Her
Party
,
or
the
Kings
.
And
Stow
shall
here
bring
up
the
Rear
,
to
back
their
Informanions
,
with
this
expression
,
that
,
because
the
Duke
was
had
more
in
estimation
among
the
Citizens
,
than
either
the
King
or
Queen
,
she
caus'd
the
King
to
make
his
Progress
,
as
perceiving
she
could
attempt
nothing
against
him
near
to
the
City
of
London
.
If
we
consider
Actions
,
and
respect
Matters
of
Fact
,
we
shall
find
the
Yorkists
often
received
at
London
,
when
the
Lancastrians
were
either
expresly
refus'd
,
or
at
least
compell'd
to
get
further
off
into
other
parts
,
for
their
better
security
and
safeguard
.
After
the
Yorkists
had
won
the
Battel
at
St.
Albans
;
London
was
the
place
whereto
they
presently
remov'd
,
carrying
the
King
along
with
them
,
and
kept
there
their
Whitsuntide
with
great
Joy
and
Solemnity
.
When
an
Assault
was
made
at
Court
upon
the
Potent
Earl
of
Warwick
,
a
great
Yorkist
,
as
he
was
coming
from
the
Councel
Table
,
by
the
Kings
Servants
with
Intentions
to
have
Slain
him
,
London
was
the
place
,
whereto
he
Row'd
in
all
hast
,
as
soon
as
got
into
his
Barge
;
and
thereby
escaping
the
danger
intended
,
he
Consults
with
the
Principals
o●
his
Party
,
and
retires
afterwards
to
Callice
.
Thi●
was
the
place
,
to
which
the
Chronicle
saith
the
Earl
of
Salisbury
,
his
Father
,
was
coming
up
with
some
Thousands
of
Men
,
when
he
was
necessitated
to
Fight
his
Way
through
his
Enemies
i●
Bloreheath
Field
.
Here
likewise
was
Warwick
received
,
encouraged
,
and
refreshed
,
in
the
38th
.
of
Hen.
6.
before
the
Battel
of
Northampton
,
when
the
Lord
Scales
,
appointed
by
the
other
side
with
some
Troops
to
go
and
secure
the
City
,
was
directly
refused
admission
by
the
Mayor
,
and
being
received
into
the
Tower
,
he
was
besieged
by
Land
and
Water
,
and
they
of
the
City
planted
great
Guns
against
it
,
and
break
the
Walls
in
divers
places
:
And
,
after
the
fatal
over-throw
of
the
Lancastrians
at
the
aforesaid
Battels
,
hitherto
was
the
King
conveyed
by
the
Party
,
(
a
Prisoner
in
effect
,
tho'
in
shew
a
King
)
as
if
eager
there
to
shew
their
Triumphant
Success
,
or
else
further
to
secure
to
themselves
the
Londoners
good
will
,
love
and
affections
,
by
their
Presence
.
For
Fabian
tells
us
,
they
return'd
hither
in
haste
,
upon
their
obtaining
this
Victory
,
the
Duke
of
York
comes
out
of
Ireland
to
them
,
and
after
a
Report
banded
about
the
City
,
that
King
Henry
was
to
be
Deposed
,
and
the
Duke
to
be
made
King
,
(
to
make
Tryal
doubtless
of
the
peoples
mind
,
and
sound
the
Citizens
temper
and
inclination
)
he
lays
Claim
to
the
Crown
in
open
Parliament
,
and
had
it
at
last
Entail'd
upon
himself
and
his
Heirs
,
King
Henry
to
retain
the
Name
and
Honour
of
King
during
Life
,
if
he
did
not
voluntarily
Resign
,
and
the
Duke
of
York
to
be
Declared
Heir
Apparent
to
the
Crown
,
and
Protector
of
the
King's
Person
,
Lands
and
Dominions
,
with
some
other
Conditions
,
Exceptions
,
and
Reservations
.
This
we
may
suppose
was
as
much
as
they
then
●ound
the
Citizens
willing
to
agree
and
consent
to
●or
the
present
.
For
we
have
it
from
Stow
on
the
●ne
hand
,
that
the
Duke
of
York
when
he
Challeng'd
●he
Kingdom
as
right
Heir
,
(
which
Cotton's
Abridge●ent
fixes
upon
the
16th
.
of
October
)
purposed
to
have
●een
Crowned
on
Allhollan-day
next
following
:
and
,
●n
the
other
side
,
that
the
King
was
very
much
fa●oured
,
and
highly
honoured
by
the
common
People
for
his
Holiness
of
life
,
and
abundant
Clemency
.
Whether
the
Citizens
would
have
yielded
to
more
or
not
,
I
cannot
be
positive
,
but
this
I
am
sure
of
,
that
they
so
far
gave
way
,
that
now
the
York
Party
had
got
much
the
better
end
of
the
Staff
by
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
as
well
as
by
Arms
,
Title
,
and
the
Cities
Affections
,
and
made
use
of
it
accordingly
to
the
Old
Kings
actual
Deposition
,
and
the
setting
up
of
a
New
one
at
London
,
before
the
next
Spring
was
over
,
by
the
concurrent
consent
of
many
substantial
Citizens
thereof
.
This
the
Yorkist
Faction
had
reason
enough
,
notwithstanding
their
prosperous
success
in
the
Country
,
to
acknowledge
as
a
great
favour
of
the
Commonalty
of
London
,
and
impute
the
following
success
to
their
Corstancy
,
in
adhereing
to
their
Party
,
after
a
double
overthrow
given
the
Yorkists
by
the
Lancastrians
,
when
the
Magistracy
seemed
,
in
part
,
at
least
,
to
have
altered
Opinions
and
Resolutions
,
if
not
their
Affections
.
For
,
would
but
the
Commons
have
sate
still
,
and
continued
Neutral
in
the
Contest
,
the
other
side
was
in
a
fair
way
to
have
made
their
Party
good
against
the
Yorkists
:
but
the
Commons
opposition
to
their
Mayors
Proceedings
,
stem'd
the
Current
,
to
the
others
benefis
,
and
the
manifest
disadvantage
of
the
Queen
and
the
Court.
Whereby
we
may
observe
where
lies
the
orength
of
the
City
,
and
who
are
likeliest
in
the
end
,
to
carry
the
day
,
the
Mayor
,
or
the
Commons
;
when
they
vary
in
their
Sentiments
,
and
as
different
Parties
pull
two
contrrry
ways
.
The
whole
Story
,
the
Occasion
and
the
Consesequences
are
to
be
seen
in
our
English
Historians
;
who
,
among
the
diversity
of
their
Relations
in
many
things
,
and
wonted
variety
in
expressing
the
Transactions
of
the
Times
,
concur
nevertheless
in
the
Issue
and
Event
of
the
Actions
then
i●
hand
:
For
let
any
of
them
write
never
so
partially
out
of
Favour
and
Affection
,
the
Truth
will
out
at
last
,
and
shall
prevail
against
all
opposition
.
The
Queen
with
her
Northern
Army
had
overthrown
and
slain
Richard
Duke
of
York
,
and
routed
his
Party
at
Wakefield
,
and
afterwards
discomfitted
the
Earl
of
Warwick
and
his
Power
at
Saint
Albons
,
upon
Bernard
Heath
,
and
so
delivered
King
Henry
out
of
their
hands
,
who
pretended
to
be
his
Life
Guard
,
but
were
in
reality
his
Keepers
,
Observes
,
Overseers
,
and
Governours
,
or
,
in
an
yet
harsher
term
though
as
true
a
sence
,
his
Jaylors
,
upon
which
important
Successes
,
the
Queen
sent
to
the
Mayor
of
London
,
willing
and
commanding
him
in
the
King's
Name
speedily
to
send
her
Victuals
without
delay
,
for
her
Army
:
which
Command
the
Mayor
strove
presently
with
great
diligence
to
put
in
Execution
,
by
preparing
several
Cart-Loads
of
Lenten
Provision
,
and
sending
them
to
Cripple-Gate
,
towards
the
Lancastrians
Camp
at
Saint
Albans
.
But
there
the
Commons
unanimously
withstood
their
further
passage
,
and
by
strong
hand
kept
the
Carts
from
going
out
of
London
,
saying
,
It
did
not
behoove
them
to
feed
their
Enemies
,
who
intended
to
Rob
the
City
,
and
having
repulsed
the
Northern
Horsemen
robbing
in
the
Subberbs
,
upon
their
attempt
to
enter
that
way
into
the
City
,
and
slain
three
of
them
,
continued
so
firm
and
fixt
in
their
Resolutions
,
that
let
the
Mayor
do
what
he
could
by
Exhortation
and
Arguments
,
to
shew
them
the
danger
,
that
might
ensue
by
stopping
the
Carts
,
he
could
neither
reclaim
nor
alter
their
minds
,
nor
by
any
means
prevail
upon
them
,
but
in
the
end
was
fain
to
send
the
Recorder
and
some
of
the
Aldermen
to
the
Kings
Council
,
to
request
the
Northern
Mens
Dismission
,
besides
two
Female
Mediators
to
interceed
for
him
to
the
Queen
,
and
excuse
his
not
using
force
in
those
dangerous
and
doubtful
times
,
against
the
Commons
opposition
,
least
their
fury
being
once
stir'd
it
might
not
so
easily
have
been
allaid
again
.
Whereupon
the
Queen
was
sending
some
of
the
Lords
,
with
400
Soldiers
to
the
City
,
to
take
a
view
of
the
peoples
demeanour
,
but
having
her
hands
full
,
upon
certain
notice
that
the
Earl
of
March
,
Yorks
Eldest
Son
,
and
the
Earl
of
Warwick
with
joint
Forces
were
coming
up
in
all
haste
to
London
,
she
departed
with
the
King
,
her
Husband
,
and
Son
,
into
the
North
,
her
only
refuge
,
having
little
trust
in
Essex
,
less
in
them
of
Kent
,
but
least
of
all
(
saith
Stow
)
in
the
Londoners
;
so
little
avail'd
it
to
have
the
Mayor
and
some
of
the
chief
Commoners
on
her
side
,
(
as
Fabian
intimates
)
when
the
Commonalty
,
i.
e.
the
vast
majority
,
held
with
the
Duke
of
York
and
his
party
,
wherefore
,
upon
the
Courts
departure
from
St.
Albans
,
the
Earl
of
March
with
his
Yorkists
entered
the
City
in
Lent
,
with
a
great
Attendance
,
and
was
joyfully
received
,
the
people
resorting
to
him
in
great
numbers
out
of
Kent
,
Essex
,
and
other
parts
,
to
see
,
aid
,
and
assist
this
lusty
Prince
,
(
as
the
Annalist
words
it
)
in
whom
the
hope
of
all
their
joy
consisted
,
as
soon
as
his
coming
thither
was
known
,
where
he
was
quickly
Proclaimed
and
acknowledged
King
by
consent
,
in
the
beginning
of
March
,
and
after
eight
or
ten
Battels
,
actually
Crowned
in
June
with
great
Royalty
,
and
a
splendid
appearance
of
Lords
and
Commons
,
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
Citizens
.
In
so
high
a
degree
did
the
Cities
actions
sway
the
Country
,
and
such
an
advantage
was
it
to
the
Yorkists
,
to
have
gained
her
over
to
their
Party
.
I
need
not
here
remark
the
prevalency
of
the
Commonalty
over
the
Temporising
Mayor
,
and
his
time-serving
Interest
,
(
the
event
plainly
she
wing
in
these
particulars
,
Vox
Populi
to
have
been
Vox
Coeli
)
because
I
have
touched
upon
this
string
already
.
But
this
however
I
am
warranted
from
History
to
observe
,
that
the
Londoners
,
after
they
had
once
throughly
placed
their
hearts
upon
the
House
of
York
,
they
continued
so
fixt
and
firm
to
their
Interest
,
that
no
shocks
of
Fortune
,
nor
the
Troubles
and
Commotions
about
the
middle
of
King
Edwards
Reign
,
could
shake
the
firmness
of
their
adherence
to
him
,
so
fast
was
he
Rivetted
in
their
Affections
:
nor
yet
the
Popularity
of
the
great
Earl
of
Warwick
himself
,
so
much
greater
than
a
King
,
as
that
which
makes
is
greater
than
that
it
makes
:
whose
Hospitality
may
be
supposed
to
have
redounded
so
much
to
his
own
advantage
,
and
the
Interest
of
the
York
Family
,
which
he
had
for
a
long
time
before
espoused
,
by
the
favour
he
gained
thereby
among
the
Commons
of
the
Realm
in
general
,
and
of
the
City
in
particular
:
For
when
he
came
to
London
,
the
Analist
informs
us
he
kept
such
an
House
,
that
six
Oxen
were
eaten
at
a
Breakfast
,
and
every
Tavern
was
full
of
his
Meat
,
and
whoso
had
any
acquaintance
in
his
House
might
have
had
as
much
Sodden
and
Rost
,
as
he
might
carry
upon
a
long
Dagger
.
All
this
notwithstanding
,
when
upon
disgust
and
discontent
he
had
turned
to
the
other
side
,
and
became
a
favourer
of
the
Lancastrians
,
he
was
never
the
less
disappointed
in
his
aims
and
expectations
from
the
Londoners
.
For
though
by
his
turning
sides
the
York
Party
had
been
once
routed
,
King
Edward
taken
Prisoner
,
and
King
Henry
resettled
once
more
on
the
Throne
,
and
he
had
in
a
manner
the
whole
power
of
the
Land
in
his
hands
,
besides
the
general
Love
and
Affection
the
Commons
bore
to
him
,
and
the
dread
and
terror
the
sound
of
his
Name
oft
struck
into
his
Enemies
Hearts
,
it
having
in
effect
altered
the
Fortune
and
turned
the
Scales
in
two
Battels
,
one
in
King
Henry's
days
for
the
Yorkists
,
another
in
King
Edwards
for
the
Lancastrians
,
yet
upon
the
return
of
King
Edward
from
beyond
Sea
(
whither
he
had
some
time
before
escaped
out
of
Custody
)
into
England
,
to
recover
his
Inheritance
,
and
regain
his
Crown
,
and
the
News
of
his
Marching
up
to
London
,
both
sides
(
saith
Baker
)
seeking
to
make
the
City
their
Friends
,
the
Citizens
backwardness
to
take
up
Arms
in
Defence
of
Old
King
Henry
,
his
Crown
and
Dignity
,
and
inclination
to
Young
King
Edward
,
was
so
apparent
,
that
Warwicks
,
own
Brother
,
the
Arch-bishop
of
York
,
distrusting
the
Event
,
secretly
sought
King
Edwards
Favour
;
he
himself
was
received
into
London
,
King
Henry
was
redelivered
unto
him
,
and
the
Great
Warwick
slain
not
long
after
at
Barnet
in
a
pitch'd
Battell
,
to
the
utter
Ruin
of
the
Lancastrian
Party
for
that
Age
,
the
consequence
of
this
overthrow
being
enough
to
read
them
their
succeeding
ill
Fate
at
Tewksbury
:
they
themselves
having
sufficient
Cause
to
be
daunted
,
with
the
loss
of
their
most
powerful
friends
and
favourers
,
and
the
Yorkists
to
be
flush'd
with
their
Success
in
gaining
so
important
a
Victory
.
As
the
Citizens
continued
thus
favourable
to
the
King
,
so
I
don't
find
them
them
chang'd
and
alter'd
in
ther
Inclinations
to
the
other
side
,
till
some
of
the
Yorkists
themselves
,
by
their
own
hands
,
began
to
loose
and
untye
those
Bonds
of
Amity
,
Friendship
,
and
Fidelity
,
the
Late
King's
Children
being
dispossest
by
his
own
Brother
,
the
Duke
of
Gloucester
,
and
the
Earl
of
Richmond
,
the
surviving
hopes
of
the
Lancastrians
,
had
openly
declar'd
his
Intentions
,
and
solemnly
Sworn
,
to
marry
King
Edward's
Eldest
Daughter
,
the
rightful
Heir
of
all
the
Yorkists
Greatness
,
which
afterwards
was
as
honourably
as
honestly
perform'd
:
whereby
both
Families
became
united
in
one
Line
,
and
the
two
Roses
happily
inoculated
each
upon
the
other
.
The
expression
I
hope
the
ingenious
Society
of
Gardiners
and
Florists
will
pardon
me
,
if
harmlesly
guilty
of
an
absurdity
in
translating
the
term
from
fruits
to
flowers
.
Did
the
Citizens
of
London
appear
so
zealously
on
the
Yorkists
behalf
,
and
yield
such
powerful
assistance
to
carry
on
their
designs
?
What
other
than
can
we
expect
with
reason
,
but
that
King
Edward
behaved
himself
very
gratefully
towards
that
City
,
which
Espoused
his
flaughtered
Fathers
Cause
,
against
even
the
Governing
Party
,
and
contributed
so
considerably
to
his
own
Restauration
.
Though
it
is
but
too
commonly
seen
that
as
mean
services
are
but
meanly
recompenced
,
or
else
wholly
'
slighted
add
forgotten
,
so
an
excess
of
merit
too
great
to
be
rewarded
,
brings
oftner
danger
than
advantage
to
the
party
concerned
.
Evident
examples
whereof
our
own
and
Foreign
Histories
can
abundantly
afford
us
,
and
it
is
well
if
the
City
of
London
could
produce
no
experience
of
her
own
in
confirmation
of
their
verity
and
validity
,
while
some
others
having
gotten
well
by
their
services
,
to
the
facilitating
their
ascent
into
high
Places
,
have
no
better
improved
them
in
the
Eyes
of
the
World
,
than
in
keeping
their
Coaches
,
their
Horses
,
and
their
Misses
,
and
made
little
other
returns
of
thanks
and
gratitude
to
the
City
,
but
some
small
slight
acknowledgments
and
concessions
,
and
perhaps
a
few
verbal
promises
and
assurance
,
or
else
forgetting
their
former
needs
and
necessities
,
have
endeavoured
,
most
ungratefully
,
to
turn
their
power
upon
her
,
which
they
may
be
thought
to
have
gained
chiefly
and
principally
by
her
means
.
But
King
Edward
it
seems
,
or
those
about
him
had
honester
Principles
in
them
,
or
were
better
tempered
:
For
we
find
in
Baker
,
that
he
furnished
his
Councel
Table
for
the
most
part
with
such
as
were
gracious
among
the
Citizens
;
and
we
Read
in
Stow
of
no
less
than
eleven
Aldermen
,
besides
the
Lord
Mayor
and
Recorder
,
Knighted
by
him
at
one
time
in
the
Highway
betwixt
Islington
and
Shoreditch
,
upon
his
return
from
the
Battel
at
Tewksbury
,
in
reward
of
the
good
service
the
Londoners
had
done
him
.
As
for
the
jovial
Entertainment
of
the
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
Commons
in
Waltham
Forrest
,
by
the
Kings
express
order
and
appointment
,
in
his
presence
,
about
an
year
before
he
dyed
,
't
is
a
Subject
Treated
on
by
more
English
Historians
than
one
,
with
the
circumstances
and
consequents
thereof
,
the
pleasant
lodge
of
Green
boughs
set
up
on
purpose
for
them
,
the
Complemental
condescention
of
the
King
,
in
refusing
to
go
to
his
own
Dinner
till
he
had
saw
them
served
,
the
Hunting
sport
he
shewed
them
,
the
plenty
of
Venison
he
gave
them
at
their
departure
,
and
the
noble
Present
of
two
Harts
and
six
Bucks
,
with
a
Tun
of
Wine
,
he
sent
to
the
Lady
Mayoress
,
and
her
Sisters
the
Aldermens
Wives
,
to
make
merry
with
,
which
they
did
afterwards
at
Drapers
Hall
:
where
without
all
peradventure
,
the
Kings
Health
went
all
round
the
Table
,
if
it
was
then
in
Fashon
,
but
for
this
I
will
not
put
one
finger
in
the
fire
.
If
we
dive
into
the
reasons
of
the
variation
of
the
Pole
at
London
,
and
search
into
the
occasional
Causes
of
the
manifest
change
and
alteration
of
their
Affections
,
from
thr
Family
of
Lancaster
to
the
House
of
York
,
we
may
impute
it
partly
to
the
losses
,
crosses
,
and
unsuccessful
management
of
Affairs
,
under
a
weak
King
and
a
self
seeking
Court
of
Lancastrians
,
but
chiefly
to
the
encrease
of
National
grievances
,
without
timely
care
taken
to
redress
them
,
and
the
fixt
Resolution
of
the
Court
Party
to
oppress
their
opposites
,
the
Yorkists
,
any
manner
of
ways
,
by
right
or
by
wrong
;
for
we
may
easily
observe
from
History
and
experience
,
such
to
have
been
the
usual
motives
to
disgusts
,
and
the
common
incitements
to
discontent
.
Therefore
I
presume
I
may
draw
hence
better
grounds
and
reasons
of
the
Cities
Love
to
King
Edward
,
than
those
alledged
by
Baker
out
of
Comines
,
(
viz.
that
he
got
the
Love
of
the
Londoners
by
owing
them
Money
,
and
the
good
will
of
the
Citizens
,
by
lying
with
their
wives
)
as
looking
at
first
appearance
too
Comical
and
Jocular
to
be
sound
,
when
sifted
to
the
bottom
.
Why
else
did
this
Experiment
never
succeed
before
nor
since
?
I
don't
think
but
there
have
been
other
Princes
,
besides
this
Amorous
Yorkist
,
sitting
upon
the
English
Throne
,
whose
Consciences
would
never
have
boggled
at
borrowing
Money
,
and
then
Cornuting
their
Creditors
,
if
this
Recipe
could
have
shewn
its
Probatum
est
.
But
whatever
Reasons
History
or
Phancy
suggests
,
this
is
most
undeniably
certain
,
as
being
matter
of
fact
,
that
the
City
was
visibly
ingag'd
in
the
Yorkists
Interest
,
before
ever
that
Family
could
attain
to
the
height
of
their
desires
.
From
whence
I
doubt
not
to
conclude
,
that
had
the
Citizens
been
otherwise
inclin'd
,
and
continued
firm
and
fixt
to
the
House
of
Lancaster
,
the
Duke
of
York
might
indeed
have
laid
his
Claim
,
and
pleaded
Title
,
with
many
other
fair-spun
pretences
,
(
as
the
Prerogative
of
Birth
,
Priviledge
of
Law
,
the
impossibility
of
altering
a
Native
Right
by
previous
Contracts
,
Vows
,
Oaths
,
or
Prescription
,
and
the
Injustice
of
breaking
the
Thread
of
an
Orderly
Succession
)
but
,
all
this
notwithstanding
,
he
might
still
have
remained
for
ought
we
can
be
sure
of
,
far
enough
off
from
compassing
his
Ambitious
Desires
,
or
from
the
possibility
of
coming
within
view
of
his
Journeys
End
,
the
City
standing
between
him
and
the
wished
for
Haven
.
The
Observation
is
obvious
from
several
passages
aforegoing
.
The
City
in
it self
is
too
great
to
be
over-aw'd
,
and
her
influence
over
the
Country
consequently
too
powerful
,
to
have
it
long
quietly
over-rul'd
by
any
Party
whatsoever
,
with
whom
she
refuses
to
concur
.
Another
Observation
give
me
leave
to
make
en
passant
,
and
that
shall
be
upon
the
time
and
season
,
not
of
the
Citizens
manifesting
their
Affections
,
but
of
their
actual
appearance
in
behalf
of
the
Duke
and
his
Party
.
This
I
observe
to
have
been
,
not
presently
and
immediately
in
the
fore-front
,
and
the
very
first
beginning
,
but
upon
the
coming
up
of
the
Yorkists
to
London
with
Swords
by
their
sides
,
and
resolution
in
their
minds
:
So
that
they
seem
first
to
have
been
approvers
,
and
then
Seconds
to
the
Dukes
Party
in
their
designs
upon
their
open
Declaration
.
Before
that
the
Commonalty
so
openly
and
resolutely
refused
to
let
Provisions
pass
to
the
Lancastrians
Camp
at
St.
Albans
,
the
Duke
of
York
had
declared
himself
in
the
midst
of
his
Friends
and
Adherents
at
London
ready
to
assist
him
,
and
though
he
was
then
dead
,
having
been
slain
in
Battle
,
and
the
Lancastrians
so
near
the
City
at
that
very
same
time
,
yet
his
Eldest
Son
being
in
the
Head
of
an
Army
in
the
Country
,
was
soon
come
to
London
,
received
,
Elected
,
approved
,
and
set
up
for
King
by
their
approbation
,
consent
,
and
good
liking
.
This
likewise
may
be
observed
to
have
been
the
common
custom
and
usage
of
the
City
,
as
an
ordinary
English
Reader
may
easily
find
in
several
places
of
this
Relation
upon
a
review
,
or
careful
recollection
of
what
hath
been
before
set
down
:
or
else
to
satisfie
his
Curiosity
,
without
trusting
to
this
Transcription
,
he
may
search
after
the
passages
himself
in
such
Authentick
Authors
,
as
Fabian
,
Stow
;
Speed
,
Baker
,
or
the
like
Chronicles
of
the
English
Affairs
,
which
being
easier
met
with
than
the
Original
Writers
of
these
times
,
he
will
be
put
to
the
less
trouble
,
upon
any
doubt
occurring
in
any
things
here
delivered
for
matter
of
Fact
,
in
that
I
have
chose
to
draw
up
this
Treatise
for
the
most
part
out
of
these
laborious
Collectors
.
Where
it
is
observable
that
the
Cities
inclinations
being
by
some
one
or
other
overt
act
,
as
manifestly
declared
,
or
else
plainly
perceived
,
or
shrewdly
guessed
at
,
by
the
industry
and
vigilence
of
the
discrning
Spirits
of
the
Age
,
the
discontented
Nobles
were
quickly
encouraged
thereupon
,
and
inclined
to
withdraw
into
the
Marches
of
Wales
,
or
the
Borders
of
Scotland
,
and
there
gathering
together
their
Party
,
and
Raising
as
great
Forces
as
time
and
opportunity
would
permit
,
away
they
come
in
all
hast
,
as
fast
as
they
can
,
up
to
London
,
where
being
joyfully
and
gladly
received
,
with
great
applause
and
approbation
,
the
Courtiers
were
often
compelled
to
fly
for
their
safety
,
and
the
Governing
Party
desperse
elsewhere
,
to
try
it
out
by
dint
of
Sword
,
(
at
which
they
were
commonly
worsted
)
or
else
quietly
yield
to
such
conditions
,
as
would
be
approved
in
the
City
,
and
were
acceptable
to
the
Party
,
the
result
whereof
generally
was
the
calling
of
a
Parliament
,
as
the
desire
of
the
Subject
,
though
the
dread
and
fear
of
the
Court
.
But
for
the
better
illustration
of
this
remark
,
I
shall
produce
modern
experience
,
and
instance
in
what
hath
hapned
within
the
memory
of
thousands
yet
living
.
That
under
the
late
Usurpation
the
City
was
very
desirous
of
a
Free-Parliament
is
not
to
be
doubted
of
.
And
yet
we
find
she
sate
still
quiet
,
and
pretty
well
contented
to
outward
appearance
,
(
amidst
the
various
changes
from
an
Old
Protector
,
to
a
New
one
,
from
that
to
the
Rump
,
and
thence
to
the
Committee
of
Safety
)
as
if
over
ridden
,
or
like
a
wearied
Beast
,
silently
couching
down
under
her
heavy
burthens
,
almost
wholly
insensible
,
and
as
one
unconcerned
.
But
as
soon
as
General
Monk
,
out
of
Scotland
,
had
openly
declared
his
dislike
of
the
Armies
extravagancies
,
and
was
come
up
from
Coldstream
,
amidst
the
Visits
of
the
Gentry
,
and
Acclamations
of
the
people
,
so
near
the
City
as
Harbrow
,
we
hear
presently
of
Commissioners
come
thither
to
him
from
the
City
,
and
their
proposing
a
re-admission
of
the
Secluded
Members
,
that
the
Parliament
might
be
made
full
and
free
.
This
was
the
first
Publick
Address
I
meet
with
looking
that
way
,
but
after
this
we
read
of
many
from
various
parts
of
the
Land
,
and
almost
all
Counties
of
the
same
Nature
with
that
from
the
Capital
City
of
the
Nation
,
as
if
all
had
been
animated
by
the
influential
Rays
of
her
Inclinations
,
and
her
Results
were
the
superior
faculties
of
the
Soul
,
ove-ruling
the
inferior
Members
of
the
Body
.
But
the
City
staid
not
here
,
for
as
she
addressed
,
so
she
was
resolved
for
a
full
house
,
before
she
would
pay
any
publick
Taxes
.
And
tho'
Monk
upon
stricter
declar'd
Resolutions
put
her
into
a
great
Consternation
for
a
time
,
by
pretending
to
over-aw
her
with
his
Soldiers
,
which
was
not
in
any
wise
expected
at
his
hands
,
yet
upon
his
application
to
her
Common-Council
,
when
he
return'd
the
next
day
with
his
Army
to
regain
their
almost
lost
favour
,
(
and
what
then
might
not
they
have
done
of
themselves
,
when
their
amazement
,
sprung
from
the
suddenness
of
the
unexpected
surprise
,
was
abated
?
)
they
approv'd
of
his
Intentions
to
have
the
House
of
Commons
fill'd
up
,
demonstrated
it
with
Bells
and
Bonfires
,
persuaded
and
procured
his
continuance
amongst
them
;
whereby
his
own
Security
was
consulted
,
and
those
Designs
most
successfully
carried
on
,
which
laid
the
way
open
to
his
present
Majesties
Peaceable
Restauration
.
For
this
Concurrence
of
the
City
with
General
Monk's
Resolutions
,
brought
about
the
Restitution
of
the
Secluded
Members
,
that
procured
a
free
and
fuller
meeting
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
,
and
soon
after
the
King
was
recall'd
from
his
forced
Exile
,
to
the
open
Exercise
of
his
Royal
Power
and
Authority
over
these
his
Three
Nations
,
and
made
his
Publick
Entrance
in
the
greatest
Calm
of
Peace
and
Tranquility
imaginable
.
Thanks
to
the
Honourable
City
for
concurring
so
unanimously
to
the
Revival
of
the
remaining
part
of
the
Old
Parliament
,
which
brought
forth
so
Miraculous
Effects
,
as
to
have
an
Injur'd
and
Exil'd
Prince
fully
restor'd
to
his
Throne
,
and
yet
the
Glory
of
the
Action
not
tinctur'd
with
Blood
.
Such
was
the
Influence
of
Londons
concurrence
,
of
Londons
Power
,
of
Londons
Prayers
.
If
then
the
many
instances
hitherto
related
,
being
conjoyn'd
,
rise
not
up
to
a
demonstration
,
as
much
Mathematical
,
as
the
subject
can
bear
,
I
know
not
what
will
.
As
for
the
truth
of
them
,
I
defie
any
one
to
disprove
me
,
who
hath
but
the
least
grain
of
sence
and
reason
in
him
,
and
as
much
Historical
knowledge
as
may
amount
to
the
sixtieth
part
of
a
scruple
.
The
particular
reasons
of
the
Cities
Potency
have
been
shewn
,
and
the
general
ground
thereof
is
as
plainly
evident
.
For
how
can
it
otherwise
be
,
but
that
a
City
endowed
with
such
Royal
Grants
,
fortified
with
so
many
and
so
great
Priviledges
,
and
exalted
to
the
heighth
of
Grandeur
,
by
the
vastness
of
her
Trade
;
multitude
of
her
Merchants
,
Wealth
and
Riches
of
her
Inhabitants
,
Spirit
and
Courage
of
her
Citizens
,
Stateliness
of
her
Buildings
,
Preheminances
of
her
Antiquity
,
Conveniency
of
her
Scituation
,
and
Regular
Order
of
her
Government
,
so
Ennobled
with
the
highest
Courts
of
Judicature
for
the
Law
,
adorned
with
numerous
Churches
for
the
Gospel
,
and
frequented
by
Strangers
from
all
parts
of
the
habitable
World
,
the
Receptacle
of
all
Arts
and
Sciences
,
the
Haunt
of
the
Commonalty
,
the
Delight
of
the
Gentry
,
the
Habitation
of
the
Nobility
,
the
Residence
of
the
King
,
and
Glory
of
the
whole
Nation
;
so
pleasant
to
Admiration
;
and
so
populous
to
a
Wonder
,
where
many
Scores
,
if
not
Hundreds
of
Thousands
,
can
be
Raised
and
Armed
in
a
few
Hours
Warning
.
How
,
I
say
,
can
it
otherwise
be
,
but
that
such
a
City
must
needs
highly
influence
,
over-rule
and
over-awe
the
Counsels
of
the
Nation
,
and
turn
the
Inclinations
of
the
People
whithersoever
she
please
?
For
Nature
generally
uses
the
common
ordinary
means
and
methods
,
and
I
do
not
see
that
the
All-powerful
God
of
Nature
often
diverts
her
Course
,
or
works
Wonders
and
Miracles
in
every
Age
and
Season
.
Now
that
London
is
such
a
City
,
I
appeal
to
History
and
Experience
for
my
Witnesses
.
These
are
the
Observations
I
had
to
make
concerning
the
Glories
of
the
City
of
London
and
the
Influences
she
had
upon
the
grand
Concerns
of
the
Nation
,
in
that
great
and
famous
Contest
between
the
two
Houses
of
Lancaster
and
York
(
through
the
most
considerable
part
whereof
I
have
hitherto
traced
her
Actions
)
wherein
finding
her
most
triumphant
,
amidst
the
great
variety
of
the
publick
Transactions
of
these
times
,
I
think
it
not
much
material
to
give
so
distinct
a
Relation
of
her
private
Affairs
,
though
among
them
I
might
likewise
find
many
things
most
worthy
of
Remak
,
as
hastening
apace
towards
the
Conclusion
of
this
Treatise
,
that
it
may
not
swell
into
too
great
a
bulk
,
to
the
Reader
's
Discouragement
,
and
the
wearying
out
of
his
Patience
,
I
fear
,
already
almost
tired
.
Wherefore
,
as
to
what
concerns
the
private
Troubles
of
the
City
,
the
Tumults
,
Riots
and
Insurrections
sprung
up
out
of
her
own
Bowels
in
these
perilous
Times
,
and
happily
supprest
by
the
Power
of
her
Majestrates
,
and
the
accidental
Casualties
happening
within
her
Liberties
:
or
else
the
many
Benefits
accruing
to
her
,
by
the
Care
and
Vigilance
of
her
chief
Officers
,
the
good
Rule
and
Order
of
her
Government
,
the
strict
Observation
of
her
particular
Ordinances
,
and
putting
in
Execution
her
Injunctions
:
Or
as
to
what
relates
to
the
external
Augmentation
of
her
Honour
,
her
Splendor
and
Renown
,
by
the
Reparation
of
her
Walls
,
Renovation
of
her
publick
Structures
,
founding
and
erecting
of
new
Fabricks
,
I
pass
them
all
over
without
a
more
particular
mention
,
(
sending
the
curious
and
inquisitive
to
the
Chronicles
,
Baker's
especially
,
who
hath
treated
purposely
of
such
remarkables
in
distinct
Sections
,
at
the
end
of
the
Kings
Lives
)
as
not
so
pertinent
to
my
present
design
,
tho'
in
other
Kings
Reigns
I
may
have
here
and
there
touch'd
upon
some
such
Remarks
:
And
shall
direct
the
Reader
with
an
Instance
of
the
Courage
of
some
bold
spirited
women
of
the
City
,
having
hitherto
entertain'd
him
with
the
Heroick
and
Illustrious
Acts
only
of
the
other
Sex
.
The
Relation
I
have
out
of
Stow
,
who
places
it
in
the
Seventh
of
King
Henry
the
Sixth
,
Anno
1428.
where
,
after
mention
made
of
a
Parliament
Asiembled
at
Westminster
that
Year
,
he
gives
it
us
in
these
words
.
In
this
Parliament
there
was
one
Mrs.
Stokes
,
with
divers
other
stout
Women
of
London
,
of
good
reckoning
,
well
Apparell'd
,
came
openly
to
the
upper-house
of
Parliament
,
and
deliver'd
Letters
to
the
Duke
of
Gloucester
,
and
to
the
Arch-Bishops
,
and
to
the
other
Lords
there
present
,
containing
matter
of
Rebuke
,
and
sharp
reprehension
of
the
Duke
of
Gloucester
,
because
he
would
not
deliver
his
Wife
Jaqueline
out
of
her
grievous
Imprisonment
;
being
then
held
Prisoner
by
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
,
suffering
her
there
to
remain
so
unkindly
,
and
for
his
publick
keeping
by
him
another
Adultress
,
contrary
to
the
Law
of
God
,
and
the
honourable
Estate
of
Matrimony
.
Bold
words
and
bold
women
.
For
this
Duke
was
then
Lord
Protector
of
the
Realm
,
and
so
confequently
of
great
Power
,
Place
,
and
Dignity
therein
.
But
these
were
Londoners
that
durst
be
so
couragious
,
as
to
say
,
to
Princes
,
Ye
are
Wicked
,
and
then
the
wonder
is
not
altogether
so
great
,
on
one
hand
,
that
they
dar'd
to
reprehend
the
great
ones
of
the
Age
,
and
on
the
other
,
that
we
still
find
such
Heroical
Spirits
in
the
City
,
since
they
spring
from
such
a
Race
both
by
the
Fathers
side
,
and
the
Mothers
.
The
Roman
Historians
celebrates
the
Memory
of
that
Noble
Matron
,
who
came
into
open
Court
,
and
with
so
undaunted
a
spirit
of
boldness
,
pleaded
her
own
Cause
,
to
the
great
amazement
of
the
Senate
for
the
present
,
that
they
made
an
Order
to
forbid
the
like
for
the
future
.
What
Viragoes
then
were
these
English
Matrons
of
London
,
that
in
open
Parliament
durst
reprove
the
Nobles
to
their
faces
,
and
were
not
afraid
to
attempt
to
teach
our
Senators
wisdome
?
wherein
they
may
seem
to
have
out-did
that
fam'd
Roman
Matron
,
in
that
what
she
did
may
be
thought
to
have
proceeded
from
self-love
and
self-defence
,
whereas
these
with
a
greater
Courage
espous'd
another
Cause
,
an
excess
of
Charity
and
Humanity
,
and
,
instead
of
staying
for
an
opportunity
of
defending
their
own
Interest
upon
occasion
or
necessity
,
durst
voluntarily
make
an
onset
on
the
more
powerful
with
sharp
rebukes
,
for
neglecting
the
distressed
,
and
refusing
to
assist
the
poor
,
weak
,
and
disconsolate
.
So
that
the
Royal
City
of
London
appears
emulous
of
the
Old
Imperial
City
of
Rome
,
both
in
the
Courage
of
the
Women
,
and
valour
of
her
men
:
as
if
resolved
not
to
yield
to
her
Fame
on
any
account
in
Glory
and
Merit
,
nor
come
behind
her
in
the
Heroick
Acts
of
either
of
the
Sexes
,
while
one
continues
as
potent
in
the
Brittish
World
,
by
the
Spirit
of
the
Citizens
and
influence
of
her
Actions
,
as
the
other
once
was
famous
for
her
Arms
all
over
Europe
,
Asia
and
Africa
.
And
who
knows
whitherto
she
may
come
in
time
,
as
how
far
the
Fates
,
or
rather
Providence
,
have
decreed
to
advance
her
?
Was
she
so
powerful
so
many
Ages
since
,
what
is
she
now
,
since
that
she
's
very
much
encreased
in
the
Strength
and
Number
of
her
Inhabitants
,
and
her
private
Buildings
are
reform'd
from
Wood
and
Earth
into
Brick
,
and
publick
into
Stone
,
low
humble
Cottages
into
stately
Edifices
,
and
who
dares
be
so
positive
to
aver
,
that
they
may
not
in
time
,
be
chang'd
into
Marble
?
Hitherto
have
I
treated
the
Reader
with
variety
of
Proofs
and
Evidences
sufficiently
(
I
hope
)
demonstrative
of
the
Repute
,
Fame
,
Honour
,
Glory
,
and
Renown
,
Magnificence
,
Grandeur
,
Strength
,
Power
and
Influence
of
this
so
Triumphant
a
City
,
whose
Approbation
and
Assistance
,
hath
setled
Kings
upon
their
Thrones
,
and
the
dissatisfaction
of
whose
Inhabitants
hath
sometimes
left
the
way
open
to
the
ruine
of
Princes
;
In
the
Examples
and
Instances
whereof
,
the
Concurrence
of
her
Citizens
was
,
for
the
most
part
,
general
and
universal
,
at
least
so
far
as
concern'd
the
Majority
.
But
now
I
shall
produce
an
Instance
(
and
not
easie
perhaps
to
be
parallell'd
,
from
either
Divine
or
prophane
Writings
,
)
to
shew
,
how
influential
the
bare
shadow
of
her
Name
hath
been
in
State-Affairs
,
and
how
contributary
to
the
transforming
of
a
Subject
into
a
King
,
without
any
apparent
assent
of
the
Main
Body
of
this
ancient
Corporation
;
which
I
am
so
far
from
thinking
a
diminution
of
her
Glory
,
that
I
rather
look
upon
it
,
as
here
circumstantiated
,
to
be
an
Argument
of
the
City's
great
Power
,
Reputation
,
and
Esteem
,
under
this
Consideration
;
That
if
that
aspiring
Protector
,
the
bloody
Duke
of
Gloucester
,
better
known
by
the
Name
of
Crook-back'd
Richard
the
Third
,
could
do
so
much
by
the
shadow
,
what
might
he
not
have
done
,
could
he
have
but
enjoyed
the
substance
?
As
in
Divinity
,
Circumstances
make
many
an
Action
good
or
bad
:
so
in
History
,
the
Design
and
Event
not
seldom
ennobles
or
debases
an
Enterprize
.
'T
is
not
so
much
the
bare
Act
,
or
thing
done
,
in
this
particular
,
that
is
to
make
good
my
Assertion
,
as
the
Deduction
from
the
Consequences
thereof
,
whether
real
or
designed
,
which
come
now
to
be
related
in
this
manner
following
:
When
that
ambitious
,
Crook-back'd
Duke
,
upon
his
Brother's
Death
,
had
got
his
eldest
Son
and
Heir
,
and
the
rightful
King
,
into
his
hands
,
and
by
treacherous
Plots
,
devis'd
Crimes
,
and
false
Calumniations
,
taken
away
the
Lives
of
those
true
and
trusty
Friends
of
the
old
King
,
that
were
most
likely
to
continue
faithful
to
his
young
Son
and
Heir
in
his
Minority
,
and
loyally
stand
by
him
with
their
Lives
and
Fortunes
,
against
the
open
Attempts
or
secret
Designs
of
his
Treacherous
Uncle
,
and
thereby
remov'd
many
of
the
Rubs
out
of
the
way
to
his
aspir'd
greatness
.
His
next
Care
was
to
get
the
Peoples
Consent
to
the
turning
of
his
Ducal
Corronet
into
a
Regal
Crown
,
and
their
Concurrence
to
acknowledge
him
for
their
King
,
whereas
before
he
was
but
Protector
.
But
how
should
this
be
done
?
A
Pretence
must
be
found
to
cajole
them
,
seeing
that
he
had
so
little
Equity
and
Justice
on
his
side
to
confirm
them
to
him
.
The
City
of
London
was
known
to
be
powerful
and
populous
,
and
their
Example
was
thought
to
do
much
with
the
rest
of
the
Nation
,
to
make
them
,
if
not
approve
,
at
least
connive
at
his
Nephew's
Deposition
,
and
his
own
Exaltation
,
therefore
the
Citizens
were
to
be
Caress'd
,
and
their
Approbation
to
be
sought
.
Whereupon
he
seeks
for
and
procures
Instruments
fit
for
his
turn
,
that
,
to
honour
his
ambitious
Desires
,
stuck
not
openly
to
turn
Renegado's
to
Truth
,
Honesty
and
Loyalty
,
so
that
they
migh●
get
Worldly
Honour
and
Preferment
thereby
.
Among
whom
none
of
the
less
noted
,
nor
least
useful
,
are
reckon'd
the
present
Lord
Mayor
of
London
,
(
a
Man
of
a
proud
Heart
,
and
highly
desirous
of
Advancement
,
how
little
soever
he
deserv'd
it
)
and
two
brazen-fac'd
Sons
of
the
Church
,
both
great
Preachers
,
of
more
Learning
than
Virtue
,
of
more
Fame
than
Learning
.
So
useful
hath
the
Pulpit
in
the
Church
been
always
thought
to
carry
on
Intreagues
in
the
State
.
The
Contrivance
was
first
to
prepare
the
People
and
break
the
Matter
at
Paul's-Cross
,
and
then
Motion
it
to
the
Citizens
at
Guild-hall
,
to
accomplish
which
,
and
bring
his
purpose
to
perfection
,
the
Duke
cared
not
,
so
his
dead
Father
were
thought
,
or
call'd
,
a
Cuckold
;
his
Mother
,
a
Whore
;
his
Brethren
,
Bastards
;
and
his
Nephew
,
illegitimate
;
to
the
shame
of
the
whole
House
of
York
,
such
Fires
of
Ambition
rul'd
and
rag'd
in
his
Heart
.
The
flattering
Clergy-men
readily
did
their
Parts
in
the
Pulpit
,
as
far
as
they
were
able
,
but
with
so
ill
success
to
the
Duke's
Cause
,
and
their
own
Reputation
,
that
he
was
wholly
disappointed
of
the
desir'd
Acclamations
,
and
they
lost
their
Credit
and
Estimation
among
the
People
ever
after
.
One
lost
his
Life
after
his
Sermon
,
the
other
his
Voice
in
the
midst
of
his
Preaching
,
and
so
was
forc'd
to
leave
off
and
come
down
.
From
Paul's
Cross
away
go
we
,
the
Tuesday
following
the
Doctor
's
Sermon
,
to
Guild-hall
,
and
there
we
find
the
Mayor
upon
the
Hustings
,
and
all
the
Aldermen
assembled
about
him
,
and
the
Commons
of
the
City
gather'd
before
them
.
To
whom
the
Duke
of
Buckingham
,
newly
come
thither
,
attended
with
divers
Lords
and
Knights
from
the
Court
,
makes
a
long
and
large
Oration
about
the
Grievances
under
the
late
King
,
his
many
unnecessary
Taxations
,
great
Severities
,
and
the
looseness
of
his
Life
,
(
to
cast
dirt
thus
upon
the
late
King's
Government
,
was
thought
then
,
it
seems
,
an
effectual
Means
,
to
make
way
for
this
Popish
Successor
)
〈◊〉
them
of
the
Doctor
's
Sermon
,
and
desires
them
to
joyn
with
him
,
and
others
,
in
a
Petition
to
the
Duke
,
to
take
upon
him
the
Name
and
Office
of
a
King
,
hoping
by
his
many
Arguments
and
Perswasions
,
with
the
volubility
of
his
Tongue
,
to
obtain
the
Citizens
Concurrence
in
a
full
Cry
of
of
King
Richard
,
King
Richard
.
But
they
were
,
it
seems
by
the
story
,
very
deaf
of
hearing
on
that
Ear
,
to
his
no
little
wonder
and
amazement
.
Wherefore
,
upon
further
consultation
with
the
Mayor
and
others
privy
to
the
Design
,
Buckingham
resumes
his
Discourse
,
and
rehearses
the
same
over
again
with
a
louder
Voice
,
as
if
the
Citizens
had
not
all
heard
,
or
not
well
understood
the
meaning
of
his
former
Speech
.
But
neither
did
this
move
their
Affections
,
nor
produce
a
Word
in
favour
of
the
Motion
from
the
Auditors
.
Then
Mr.
Recorder
,
by
the
Mayor's
Advice
,
was
pitch'd
upon
to
second
the
Duke
,
upon
hopes
that
it
might
be
better
accepted
from
him
,
as
the
publick
Mouth
of
the
City
.
Full
loth
,
we
may
well
think
,
was
he
,
an
honest
Man
,
and
newly
come
to
his
Honour
and
Preferment
,
having
never
spoken
to
the
Citizens
before
from
that
place
,
to
begin
upon
so
harsh
and
unpleasing
a
Subject
▪
But
however
the
Mayor's
Commands
must
be
obey'd
.
He
therefore
makes
a
Rehearsal
of
the
Duke's
Words
,
but
so
far
from
being
transpos'd
▪
alter'd
,
or
augmented
,
that
he
plainly
shew'd
wha●
he
did
was
in
Obedience
to
the
Lord
Mayor's
Commands
,
not
out
of
affection
or
good
will
to
th●
Cause
,
or
the
Duke
.
What
then
could
it
avail
th●
Mayor
and
his
Party
,
that
Mr.
Recorder
was
compell'd
to
be
their
Mouth
,
when
't
is
plain
from
hi●
Speech
,
that
he
spoke
others
Sentiments
,
not
hi●
own
?
And
this
was
easily
perceiv'd
on
all
hand●
For
the
Citizens
stood
still
as
mute
as
Fishes
,
or
dea●
as
Adders
,
that
would
not
hearken
to
the
Voic●
of
the
Charmer
,
nor
tune
their
Pipes
to
the
Son●
of
a
base
flattering
Courtier
.
Well
then
,
conse●●
they
could
get
none
?
Hitherto
not
a
word
of
approbation
,
what
must
be
done
next
?
Why
?
when
we
despair
of
Citizens
Words
and
Wishes
,
we
'll
e'en
pretend
to
reject
them
,
as
useless
and
unnecessary
,
seeing
they
will
not
be
model'd
to
our
minds
.
And
therefore
at
last
the
Citizens
are
plainly
told
,
that
all
the
Nobles
of
the
Realm
are
resolv'd
already
upon
the
Point
,
(
a
thing
as
true
,
as
the
Mayor
was
Honest
,
or
the
Duke
Loyal
)
and
their
ultimate
Answer
was
demanded
.
Upon
which
follow'd
secret
Whisperings
,
and
a
confused
Bur
,
among
the
People
,
till
at
last
some
of
the
Duke's
Servants
,
and
others
of
their
procuring
,
(
Prentices
,
and
other
Lads
,
thrust
into
the
Hall
among
the
Press
)
set
up
their
Notes
at
the
lower
end
,
threw
up
their
Caps
in
token
of
Joy
,
and
loudly
cry
out
upon
King
Richard
.
This
the
Duke
and
Mayor
,
seeing
they
could
have
not
better
,
take
advantage
of
,
and
would
have
it
forsooth
pass
for
an
unanimous
Consent
,
and
the
universal
Approbation
of
the
City
,
though
the
whole
multitude
of
Citizens
answer'd
them
not
a
word
,
only
cast
back
their
heads
,
and
marvelled
what
those
meant
behind
them
,
with
their
whoopings
and
hollowings
.
A
goodly
Cry
,
quoth
the
Duke
,
and
thanks
them
,
and
so
departs
.
The
next
News
we
hear
is
of
a
Petition
immediately
made
,
the
Morrow
after
,
to
the
Protector
at
Baynard's
Castle
,
to
take
upon
him
the
Rule
and
Government
of
the
Realm
,
as
rightful
King
,
to
which
,
with
much
ado
and
intreaty
,
(
poor
Man
!
)
he
at
last
yielded
,
as
if
altogether
compell'd
,
through
meer
necessity
,
and
others
importunity
,
the
Duke
of
Buckingham
coming
in
the
Name
of
himself
,
the
Lord
Mayor
and
his
Brethren
,
as
indeed
we
find
them
there
amongst
others
,
to
see
this
notorious
piece
of
dissimulation
acted
over
.
So
slips
this
dissembling
Yorkist
into
the
Throne
,
over
his
young
Nephew's
head
(
whom
afterwards
he
cruelly
caus'd
to
be
murder'd
)
is
Crowned
,
and
Reigns
as
King
for
a
time
,
the
Holla's
and
Huzza's
of
a
few
Courtiers
and
Prentices
being
impos'd
upon
the
Nation
,
for
the
Universal
Consent
of
the
City
of
London
,
though
the
Duke's
Party
could
not
obtain
so
much
as
that
Complement
from
the
Citizens
themselves
.
Seeing
therefore
they
could
not
embrace
the
Substance
,
they
were
resolv'd
,
I
would
say
,
to
grasp
at
the
Shadow
,
were
I
sure
the
Criticks
would
not
Censure
the
Expression
.
For
being
not
able
to
prevail
upon
the
Masters
,
they
endeavour'd
to
try
Experiments
on
the
Apprentices
,
and
failing
of
the
Majority
of
the
Men
,
are
content
to
be
playing
with
the
Boys
:
And
if
this
now
may
be
call'd
the
Concurrence
of
the
City
,
't
is
easie
doubtless
to
be
had
at
any
time
with
Feasting
and
Fudling
.
Let
the
distrustful
,
or
evil
thinking
person
,
consult
Mr.
Stow
,
about
the
Life
and
Reign
of
King
Edward
the
Fifth
,
and
then
he
may
see
Authority
enough
for
the
precedent
Relation
.
Thus
we
see
the
Duke
is
mounted
at
last
up
into
the
Saddle
,
and
from
a
Protector
,
that
might
have
been
legal
,
he
becomes
a
King
most
unlawfully
,
by
very
unjust
Means
and
indirect
Methods
,
by
defrauding
his
poor
innocent
Nephew
of
his
Birth-right
,
and
afterwards
depriving
him
of
his
Life
,
aspersing
his
own
Mother
with
Adultery
,
imputing
Bastardy
to
his
Brethren
,
and
bringing
a
dishonourable
Reflection
upon
his
Father
.
But
can
we
think
such
an
ill-gotten
Crown
could
ever
prosper
with
him
?
No
sure
:
'T
was
improbable
,
and
impossible
.
The
Furies
are
stirr'd
up
to
torment
him
,
for
Providence
sleeps
not
,
nor
could
Vengeance
lag
long
behind
.
The
City
never
gave
her
full
consent
,
notwithstanding
all
the
endeavours
of
that
false
Knave
her
Mayor
,
therefore
she
had
reason
and
occasion
enough
for
the
deepest
Resentments
,
to
see
her
Name
without
her
Authority
basely
abus'd
by
Treachery
and
Deceit
,
to
promote
other
Mens
corrupt
Designs
,
and
the
Duke
so
lately
transpos'd
into
a
King
,
sufficient
Grounds
for
continual
Fears
,
Jealousies
and
Suspicious
,
about
the
fickleness
and
unsetledness
of
his
own
State
and
Condition
,
being
so
insecure
and
uncertain
of
the
City's
hearty
good
will
and
affections
,
as
knowing
the
Cheat
he
had
newly
put
upon
the
Nation
,
and
the
Affront
he
had
offered
to
the
whole
Body
of
the
Citizens
,
in
making
use
of
their
Names
without
their
Consent
and
Concurrence
,
to
settle
himself
in
his
intended
Usurpation
.
Bosworth-field
also
is
drawing
nigh
a
pace
,
where
he
shall
be
forc'd
to
pay
Nature
her
last
Debt
,
Justice
shall
have
her
due
,
and
a
full
period
shall
be
put
to
all
his
villanous
Acts
and
Enterprizes
,
after
a
short
Reign
or
Usurpation
of
two
Years
,
two
Months
,
and
a
Day
or
two
,
the
shortest
Term
by
far
of
any
Kings
Reign
since
the
first
William
,
unless
we
admit
Edward
the
Fifth
,
for
Method
and
Customes
sake
,
into
the
Number
of
our
Kings
,
who
for
Ten
Weeks
space
bore
the
Name
,
though
it
may
be
more
properly
call'd
the
Tyranny
of
the
Duke
,
than
the
Reign
of
the
King
.
Enter
next
the
Earl
of
Richmond
,
a
Lancastrian
,
(
a
Family
directly
opposite
to
the
House
of
York
,
till
now
in
Combination
against
Crook-back
Richard
,
that
did
endeavour
to
destroy
them
all
,
and
on
a
design
of
a
union
of
both
Interests
,
in
the
persons
of
the
Heirs
on
both
sides
)
with
a
few
Friends
and
foreign
Mercinaries
,
at
Milford-Haven
in
Wales
,
and
the
hopes
of
a
considerable
Number
of
Auxiliaries
ready
to
joyn
and
assist
him
in
his
March
up
directly
towards
the
City
of
London
.
For
this
seems
to
have
been
his
main
aim
,
and
intended
purpose
,
from
his
Letters
sent
to
his
Friends
,
to
come
in
with
all
speed
to
his
Assistance
,
as
in
whose
Affections
doubtless
he
put
much
trust
and
confidence
;
neither
was
he
deceiv'd
therein
,
in
that
,
after
his
successful
Victory
over
his
Enemies
at
Bosworth
,
(
where
we
date
the
first
beginning
of
his
Reign
,
under
the
Name
of
Henry
the
Seventh
)
upon
his
remove
towards
London
,
and
his
near
approach
to
the
City
,
we
find
the
City
so
far
from
the
least
shadow
of
opposition
,
that
on
the
contrary
,
they
prepar'd
to
receive
him
with
Demonstrations
of
great
Joy
and
Gladness
,
for
his
safe
and
happy
arrival
there
.
The
Habit
of
the
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
Citizens
,
were
either
Scarlet
or
Violet
,
and
his
Reception
was
in
great
State
and
Pomp
,
they
meeting
him
in
orderly
Array
without
the
City
,
and
so
conveying
him
through
it
to
St.
Pauls
.
Neither
may
we
think
him
insensible
of
their
Favours
,
if
Baker
records
the
truth
,
as
indeed
I
am
not
able
on
any
good
grounds
to
contradict
him
,
when
he
says
,
that
the
City
of
London
was
this
King's
Paradice
,
nor
provably
confute
the
Reasons
he
gives
for
his
Assertion
,
viz.
That
what
good
Fortune
soever
befel
him
,
he
thought
he
enjoy'd
it
not
,
till
he
acquainted
them
with
it
.
And
can
we
fancy
he
had
not
good
Grounds
and
Inducements
,
for
this
honourable
Acknowledgment
of
their
Kindness
and
Goodness
shewn
him
by
them
,
besides
the
first
Expressions
thereof
in
the
beginning
of
his
Reign
,
when
he
was
so
far
from
being
well
warm'd
in
his
Seat
,
that
he
was
not
yet
enter'd
upon
the
Throne
by
the
Solemnity
of
a
Coronation
,
nor
had
taken
possession
of
the
Government
with
the
usual
Ceremonies
and
Customary
Formalities
?
Certain
it
is
,
that
I
read
in
Fabian
,
Sh●riff
of
London
in
his
days
,
that
he
had
considerable
Sums
of
Money
of
the
City
,
more
than
once
,
twice
,
or
thrice
,
an
Assistance
as
requisite
often
times
,
as
Men
in
Arms
,
and
not
seldom
more
difficult
for
Princes
to
obtain
:
There
being
idle
men
enough
generally
at
all
times
ready
to
come
in
at
the
Sound
of
Trumpet
or
Drum
,
if
there
be
but
an
Assurance
or
Probability
of
good
Pay
:
which
to
compass
,
is
commonly
a
difficulty
not
so
easily
surmounted
,
even
by
great
Kings
and
Princes
,
so
scarce
a
Commodity
is
Gold
and
Silver
Coin
.
Neither
do
I
find
the
City
at
any
time
complaining
,
or
opposing
,
or
joyning
with
his
Enemies
:
For
notwithstanding
his
settlement
on
the
Throne
,
and
his
uniting
the
two
Families
into
one
,
by
marrying
Edward
the
Fourth's
eldest
Daughter
,
he
had
a
Lambert
and
a
Perkin
to
disturb
his
Quiet
and
Repose
,
about
Title
.
A
Favour
therefore
doubtless
this
was
not
inconsiderable
in
those
days
.
For
the
City
of
London
is
known
to
have
been
able
to
do
much
,
had
she
been
so
inclined
.
Whereof
we
may
well
believe
the
King
was
very
sensible
,
and
so
were
the
opposers
of
his
peaceable
tranquility
,
were
it
only
from
this
consideration
,
that
when
,
in
the
Second
of
his
Reign
,
it
was
bleer'd
about
by
his
Enemies
,
that
the
Earl
of
Warwick
,
George
,
Duke
of
Clarences
Son
,
was
escap'd
out
of
the
Tower
,
and
a
counterfeited
Earl
was
provided
to
act
the
part
of
the
true
one
,
to
draw
People
to
their
Assistance
,
(
which
might
have
created
no
little
trouble
to
the
King
,
and
greatly
endanger'd
his
Person
and
Dignity
)
to
disappoint
and
frustrate
their
Designs
,
and
fully
lay
open
the
Cheat
,
of
all
Parties
and
Places
of
his
Kingdom
,
he
chose
London
,
to
shew
therein
the
right
Earl
of
Warwick
to
the
People
,
though
the
principal
Scene
of
those
Affairs
were
then
laid
in
Ireland
.
And
the
other
side
appear'd
so
fearful
of
the
Effect
thereof
upon
the
Londoners
,
and
their
Influence
doubtless
upon
the
rest
of
the
Nation
,
even
Ireland
it self
,
though
so
far
distant
,
that
to
buoy
up
the
Spirits
of
their
own
Party
,
they
thought
it
most
effectual
to
report
about
the
Island
,
that
that
was
a
Counterfeit
purposely
train'd
and
taught
by
King
Henry
,
and
shew'd
by
him
in
London
,
to
blind
the
Eyes
of
the
Simple
and
Ignorant
.
So
sollicitous
were
both
to
encrease
the
number
of
their
Adherents
,
and
draw
the
People
of
the
Land
to
a
belief
of
the
honesty
and
sincerity
of
their
Intentions
,
and
Equity
of
their
Actions
,
among
whom
the
City
of
London
is
certainly
the
greatest
Body
,
fitly
joyn'd
together
by
good
Laws
and
Constitutions
,
greatly
confirm'd
by
an
orderly
succession
of
her
Magistrates
,
and
much
strengthned
by
a
long
and
large
train
of
continual
Successes
.
But
the
City
continued
fix
to
the
King's
Interest
,
and
therefore
the
others
Devices
and
Pretences
work'd
little
or
nothing
upon
the
Citizens
.
They
were
rather
ready
to
rejoyce
on
all
occasions
for
his
victorious
Success
,
than
pron●
to
take
part
with
his
Enemies
against
him
,
whereof
they
gave
him
sufficient
Testimonies
at
several
times
and
seasons
,
when
they
had
opportunity
to
express
their
Affections
,
in
a
more
free
and
open
way
,
at
such
glorious
Solemnities
,
as
Coronations
,
Installations
,
publick
Receptions
,
and
Royal
and
Princely
Marriages
.
'T
is
confess'd
,
that
,
towards
the
latter
end
of
this
King's
Reign
,
some
of
her
principal
Officers
,
her
Mayors
and
Sheriffs
,
were
sore
troubled
and
vext
in
the
King's
Courts
,
and
large
Sums
of
Money
demanded
of
them
,
for
things
pretended
to
be
done
by
them
illegally
in
their
Offices
,
and
such
of
them
imprison'd
,
as
refus'd
to
pay
those
Arbitrary
Fines
,
as
may
be
seen
in
Stow's
Annals
;
but
these
were
Troubles
only
of
particular
Men
,
and
common
also
to
many
others
of
the
King's
Subjects
,
when
Empson
and
Dudley
were
got
into
Authority
,
and
,
to
humour
the
old
King
's
covetous
itch
after
Riches
,
(
a
Vice
incident
mostly
to
Old
Age
)
reviv'd
old
forgotten
Laws
,
and
rais'd
large
Sums
of
Money
upon
Offences
against
Penal
Statutes
;
wherein
they
acted
so
exorbitantly
,
and
took
such
arbitrary
,
illegal
and
unjust
Ways
,
(
many
whereof
Baker
reckons
up
in
his
Chronicle
)
to
compass
their
Ends
,
that
they
themselves
at
length
were
become
the
principal
Grievances
of
the
Nation
,
and
suffered
accordingly
in
the
beginning
of
the
next
King's
Reign
,
both
of
them
by
the
hands
of
Justice
,
being
made
to
pay
their
Heads
for
satisfaction
to
the
People
,
and
their
Promoters
most
shamefully
Pillory'd
and
Imprison'd
.
So
little
did
it
avail
them
,
to
pretend
they
put
the
Laws
in
Execution
,
or
to
call
themselves
the
King's
Promoters
or
Informers
.
King
Henry
the
Eighth
,
as
soon
as
he
came
to
the
Crown
,
more
regarding
the
Commons
Crys
,
and
the
Complaints
of
his
People
,
than
he
valued
the
pretended
Loyalty
of
such
profligate
Villains
,
as
had
no
other
way
to
pick
up
a
Livelihood
,
than
by
raking
it
out
of
other
Mens
Miseries
and
Troubles
.
This
Prince
in
his
youth
was
so
much
addicted
to
Pleasures
,
and
Pastimes
,
fine
Sights
and
Shews
,
Masks
,
Justs
,
and
Tournaments
,
and
in
his
elder
years
to
Cruelty
and
Tyrannical
Oppression
,
that
one
might
be
apt
to
expect
,
and
perhaps
with
some
colour
of
reason
,
that
little
was
to
be
found
in
London
,
in
the
beginning
of
this
King's
Reign
,
but
Jollity
,
Joy
,
and
Rejoycing
,
gaudy
Shews
,
and
pleasing
Objects
,
delightful
to
the
Eye
,
and
grateful
to
Sense
,
a
King's
Example
commonly
drawing
along
with
it
his
Subjects
Imitation
;
and
that
in
the
latter
end
,
scarce
any
durst
presume
,
to
make
opposition
to
a
Man
of
so
domineering
a
Spirit
,
as
,
by
his
own
death-bed
Confession
,
never
spar'd
Woman
in
his
Lust
,
nor
Man
in
his
Anger
:
And
yet
notwithstanding
we
meet
with
,
under
this
Prince
,
Instances
of
the
City's
Power
,
Boldness
,
and
undaunted
Resolution
,
and
of
the
King's
Favour
to
the
Citizens
.
The
last
may
haply
be
concluded
,
even
from
the
Effects
of
evil
May-day
,
when
we
read
of
the
King
's
pardoning
the
many
hundreds
Indicted
for
that
day's
Riot
and
Insurrection
,
at
the
three
Queens
intercession
,
upon
Cardinal
Woolsey's
Advice
,
and
perchance
in
Complaisance
to
the
City
.
Not
to
mention
that
eminent
Instance
,
of
the
King's
Charity
,
Love
,
and
Affection
to
the
City
,
when
,
in
so
great
a
scarcity
of
Bread
therein
,
that
many
died
for
meer
want
,
he
freely
and
frankly
sent
thither
,
out
of
his
own
Provisions
,
600
Quarters
of
Corn
,
which
serv'd
for
a
very
seasonable
Supply
,
till
more
could
be
brought
from
other
Parts
.
But
as
to
the
former
,
I
dare
aver
it
from
the
consequence
of
the
Contest
,
between
the
City
and
the
Cardinal
,
in
the
17th
year
of
this
King
,
out
of
Stow
,
and
thence
prove
,
beyond
denial
,
how
like
her self
the
City
always
continued
,
in
opposing
the
Arbitrary
Power
and
Exorbitances
of
over
grown
Favourites
.
Commissions
were
sent
forth
,
by
Order
of
the
Council
,
into
every
Shire
,
to
Levy
the
Sixth
Part
of
every
Man's
Substance
,
towards
the
King's
passage
into
France
,
but
this
was
so
vehemently
oppos'd
by
the
People
,
as
contrary
to
ancient
Laws
and
Customs
,
and
not
granted
by
the
Paliament
,
that
the
King
thought
good
to
deny
,
that
he
ever
knew
of
that
Demand
,
and
,
by
soothing
Letters
,
sent
to
London
and
elsewhere
,
he
requested
only
his
Subjects
Benevolence
.
This
was
a
Term
more
plausible
,
than
a
set
Demand
,
and
a
fix'd
Contribution
,
and
the
Cardinal
forsooth
would
needs
undertake
personally
to
induce
the
City's
consent
thereto
,
and
therefore
sent
for
the
Mayor
,
the
Almen
,
and
the
most
substantial
Common-Councel-Men
,
to
Westminster
,
thinking
by
fair
Speeches
,
good
Words
,
and
large
Promises
,
to
have
overperswaded
them
.
To
him
indeed
they
lent
their
Ears
,
but
we
don't
find
them
over
hasty
to
part
with
their
Purses
.
However
they
sent
Deputies
to
him
,
Four
Aldermen
and
Twelve
Commoners
,
to
return
him
their
thanks
,
and
every
Alderman
assembles
his
Ward
,
and
makes
a
Motion
for
a
Benevolence
,
which
was
openly
deny'd
them
by
the
Commonalty
.
Then
the
Cardinal
sends
again
for
the
Mayor
,
and
his
Brethren
,
who
informs
him
what
they
had
done
.
Whereupon
he
would
have
examined
them
apart
,
and
demands
a
benevolence
of
them
in
the
King's
Name
:
But
for
Answer
,
was
told
,
by
a
City
Councellor
,
that
the
Motion
was
against
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
which
could
not
be
disprov'd
,
though
it
was
in
part
gain-said
.
Thereupon
the
Mayor
resolutely
denies
to
grant
any
thing
;
so
that
upon
his
coming
home
to
London
,
all
publick
endeavours
were
laid
by
,
and
it
was
declar'd
,
that
every
man
should
come
to
the
Cardinal
,
and
grant
privily
what
he
would
.
This
was
so
little
grateful
to
the
Citizens
,
and
upon
the
Mayor's
endeavours
to
qualifie
them
,
by
promising
they
should
be
gently
treated
,
and
exhorting
them
to
go
when
sent
for
,
they
were
so
highly
offended
thereat
,
that
in
their
fury
,
they
would
have
had
several
expell'd
the
Common-Councel
,
and
so
without
further
answer
,
angrily
departed
home
.
Whereby
we
may
be
well
assur'd
of
the
truth
of
Hall's
Observation
,
that
though
the
Mayor
and
Aldermen
had
granted
the
Demand
,
the
Common-Councel
would
never
have
assented
;
For
we
must
know
,
this
was
done
at
the
Common-Councel
call'd
the
next
day
after
my
Lord
Mayor
came
from
Court
.
The
Result
therefore
of
all
was
in
the
Issue
,
that
the
King
openly
protests
,
in
a
great
Council
,
call'd
at
York-place
,
now
White-hall
,
that
his
mind
was
never
to
ask
any
thing
of
his
Commons
,
that
might
sound
to
the
breach
of
the
Laws
,
and
so
this
Project
was
rejected
,
and
laid
aside
,
by
order
of
the
Kings
Letter
sent
into
all
Counties
.
For
seeing
that
the
City
refused
,
how
was
it
possible
to
perswade
the
Country
,
who
look
upon
London
as
their
principal
Guide
and
Directress
,
and
so
generally
square
their
Actions
by
the
Citizens
Rule
?
Doth
not
then
this
seem
a
clear
Example
of
the
Londoners
constant
fixedness
to
their
old
Principles
of
Liberty
?
And
if
the
Reader
likewise
please
,
it
may
pass
for
an
Instance
of
the
Citizens
disclaiming
their
Mayor's
Resolves
,
and
the
prevalency
of
the
Commonalty
over
the
Magistracy
,
when
resolute
in
their
just
opposition
.
As
an
Overplus
,
I
shall
cast
in
a
Passage
out
of
Baker's
Chronicles
,
where
we
find
it
upon
Record
,
under
the
Title
of
King
Henry's
Taxations
,
how
that
,
when
in
the
Fourteenth
Year
,
a
Tenth
Part
of
all
Mens
Substance
was
required
by
the
Cardinal
,
towards
the
Charges
of
the
King's
Wars
,
and
he
would
hav●
had
every
Man
sworn
to
tell
what
he
was
worth
.
The
Londoners
thinking
this
very
hard
,
they
were
thereupon
excus'd
for
taking
the
Oath
,
and
allowed
to
bring
in
their
Bills
upon
their
Honesties
:
from
whence
may
be
argued
,
either
the
Strength
,
Greatness
and
Power
of
this
honourable
City
,
whom
the
Court
,
nor
the
Cardinal
,
durst
not
displease
,
or
the
great
respect
then
shewn
her
,
in
regard
of
those
many
glorious
Rays
of
Influence
she
sheds
all
over
all
the
Land
,
when
the
Word
of
a
Citizen
went
as
far
,
and
was
as
well
accepted
,
as
another
Man's
Oath
.
If
such
then
was
the
Honour
and
Respect
of
the
City
heretofore
,
what
may
we
think
it
to
be
,
now
that
London
hath
since
receiv'd
so
considerable
an
Addition
,
and
Augmentation
,
in
several
respects
,
by
the
happy
concurrence
of
many
more
Circumstances
to
render
it
eternally
famous
.
Was
this
City
able
to
hold
a
Contest
with
so
grand
a
Favourite
and
potent
a
Courtier
,
as
Cardinal
Woolsey
,
and
at
last
to
come
off
with
flying
Colours
,
to
the
vindicating
her
own
Rights
,
and
the
Liberties
of
all
the
Nation
besides
,
and
the
forcing
King
Henry
in
the
strength
of
his
Age
,
as
stout
as
he
was
,
to
so
great
a
Compliance
,
as
hath
been
hinted
before
?
'T
is
plain
then
,
she
was
strong
,
and
her
Citizens
not
destitute
of
Spirit
.
Did
the
King
,
as
cruel
as
he
was
to
others
of
his
Subjects
,
shew
himself
favourable
to
London
?
'T
is
evident
,
he
had
great
cause
and
reason
so
to
do
,
unless
he
was
desirous
to
be
tax'd
with
ungratitude
,
so
un-Prince-like
a
Crime
.
For
we
may
observe
the
Citizens
were
ready
enough
to
please
him
in
any
thing
,
wherein
their
All
was
not
concerned
,
and
in
that
I
never
yet
found
them
ever
prone
to
humour
the
Follies
of
any
King
living
.
Witness
their
readiness
on
all
Occasions
for
the
Honour
of
the
King
,
to
appear
in
the
most
splendid
Equipage
on
publick
Solemnities
.
Among
which
,
the
most
remarkable
,
in
my
Opinion
,
were
the
Coronation
of
Queen
Ann
,
Mother
of
the
never
to
be
forgotten
Queen
Elizabeth
,
of
blessed
Memory
,
with
the
Preparatives
thereto
,
the
Celebrity
of
her
Attendance
by
Water
,
from
Greenwich
to
the
Tower
,
and
her
honourable
Conveyance
from
thence
through
the
City
,
amidst
the
great
variety
of
pleasing
Shews
,
and
delightful
Objects
,
to
Westminster
,
particulariz'd
in
Stow
,
and
the
glorious
appearance
of
the
Citizens
,
at
the
great
Muster
in
St.
Iames's-Park
,
May
the
8th
,
Anno
31.
to
the
Number
of
Fifteen
Thousand
,
in
bright
shining
Armour
,
with
Coats
of
white
Silk
or
Cloth
,
and
Chains
of
Gold
,
where
the
Citizens
strove
in
such
sort
to
exceed
each
other
in
bravery
of
Arms
,
and
forwardness
of
Service
,
as
if
the
City
had
been
a
Camp
,
and
they
not
Men
of
the
Gown
,
but
all
profess'd
Soldiers
,
which
they
perform'd
to
their
great
Cost
,
but
greater
Commendation
,
saith
Sir
Richard
Baker
.
But
the
greatest
Inducement
may
be
supposed
to
have
been
,
that
they
never
appear'd
prone
to
join
with
the
King's
Enemies
,
of
which
he
had
good
store
abroad
,
besides
Domestick
Troubles
and
private
Insurrections
at
home
,
especially
towards
the
latter
end
of
his
Reign
,
when
he
had
taken
away
the
Pope's
Supremacy
,
excluded
his
Authority
,
and
suppressed
the
Abbies
and
Monasteries
,
the
chief
Fortresses
and
Pillars
thereof
,
either
by
force
of
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
or
by
vertue
of
the
Resignations
of
their
Governours
,
either
over-aw'd
by
fear
,
or
brib'd
with
Pensions
:
Not
long
after
which
there
were
several
Commotions
in
the
Land
,
which
might
have
much
shaken
the
Throne
,
had
the
Citizens
openly
shew'd
any
inclination
to
joyn
with
these
disturbers
of
the
Kings
rest
and
repose
,
but
they
continuing
quiet
,
th●se
troubles
were
quickly
compos'd
,
and
so
the
foundation
,
undesignedly
doubtless
,
was
laid
for
a
publick
Reformation
,
which
was
more
vigorously
carried
on
in
the
next
Kings
Reign
,
though
I
hardly
think
it
hath
yet
arriv'd
to
such
perfection
,
as
to
render
it
so
compleat
,
as
might
be
piously
desired
.
Short
was
the
Reign
of
this
pious
Prince
Edward
the
sixth
,
yet
not
so
short
,
but
that
it
gave
such
an
Addition
of
strength
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
by
removing
out
of
the
way
many
of
the
Relicks
of
Popery
,
and
openly
encouraging
the
Preaching
of
the
Gospel
,
that
hitherto
it
could
never
be
rooted
out
of
the
Land
,
notwithstanding
the
damage
it
sustained
under
the
next
Successor
,
a
most
violent
and
rigid
Papist
,
and
the
many
secret
Plots
and
practices
of
Popish
Emissaries
,
to
undermine
it
,
and
introduce
Popery
again
into
England
,
prov'd
upon
them
.
Thus
was
the
outward
face
of
Religion
visibly
chang'd
in
the
City
,
under
this
Religious
King
,
but
yet
her
power
we
find
not
in
the
least
diminished
,
nor
the
esteem
our
great
men
had
thereof
,
of
which
we
meet
with
an
evident
instance
in
History
,
on
account
of
the
difference
arisen
between
the
potent
Earl
of
Warwick
,
and
some
of
the
Privy
Council
,
on
the
one
hand
,
and
the
Lord
Protector
Seymour
,
the
Kings
M●ternal
Uncle
,
on
the
other
.
The
Privy
Counsellors
,
having
designs
upon
the
Protector
,
and
withdrawing
themselves
from
Court
,
got
to
London
with
their
attendance
,
and
taking
possession
of
the
Tower
,
made
it
their
business
to
secure
the
City
to
their
side
,
by
sending
for
the
Lord
Mayor
and
Aldermen
to
Ely
house
in
Holborn
,
where
they
were
assembled
,
and
entertaining
them
with
a
long
Oration
,
about
the
ill
government
of
the
Protector
,
and
the
many
mischiefs
,
that
came
thereby
(
as
they
affirm'd
)
upon
the
Kingdom
,
attended
with
a
request
of
their
joynt
assistance
,
to
help
them
to
remove
him
,
wherein
they
were
so
successful
,
that
,
upon
the
arrival
of
two
Letters
almost
at
the
same
instant
to
the
Common
Council
held
at
Guildhall
,
one
from
the
King
and
Lord
Protector
for
a
thousand
of
the
City
to
be
arm'd
in
defence
of
the
Kings
Person
,
and
the
other
from
the
Lords
to
have
two
thousand
men
to
aid
them
,
with
the
same
Plea
,
for
defence
of
the
Kings
Person
,
and
that
the
City
should
be
well
kept
with
Watches
day
and
night
,
the
Citizens
shew'd
themselves
so
inclinable
to
the
Lords
,
that
they
arm'd
an
hundred
horse
men
,
and
four
hundred
foot
men
,
in
defence
of
the
City
,
suitable
to
the
motion
of
the
Lords
,
and
sent
no
Assistance
to
the
Protector
,
though
it
had
been
desir'd
in
the
Kings
Name
,
but
rather
suffered
a
Proclamation
,
containing
diverse
Articles
against
him
,
to
be
made
in
several
Parts
of
the
City
,
and
the
Lords
were
entertain'd
with
a
Dinner
at
one
of
the
Sheriffs
,
the
eighth
of
October
after
they
had
been
themselves
in
Person
at
Guildhall
,
and
on
the
tenth
they
din'd
at
the
other
Sheriffs
;
after
that
by
a
Common
Council
the
same
day
,
in
Stows
Computation
,
five
hundred
men
of
the
City
had
been
granted
to
be
ready
on
the
next
morning
.
Evident
marks
,
signs
,
and
tokens
doubtless
which
way
the
City
bended
,
and
the
event
is
a
sufficient
confirmation
thereof
.
For
the
next
News
,
we
hear
,
is
the
removal
of
the
Protector
from
about
the
King
,
and
the
sending
him
to
the
Tower
,
within
two
or
three
days
after
,
where
an
humble
Confession
and
Submission
was
his
best
security
for
that
time
,
by
which
he
got
his
Liberty
some
time
after
,
and
was
sworn
again
a
Privy
Counsellor
,
but
no
more
a
Protector
.
Had
the
City
sent
him
the
Aid
requested
,
he
would
possibly
have
had
little
reason
to
have
stood
infear
of
the
combined
Lords
,
or
had
but
her
Magistrates
continued
Neuters
in
the
Case
,
and
not
been
so
openly
favourable
to
his
Enemies
,
he
might
perhaps
have
been
able
enough
to
have
cop't
with
them
,
with
little
or
no
bazard
,
for
he
had
raised
much
People
about
Hampton
Court
in
the
Kings
Name
,
and
conveyed
him
to
Windsor
with
a
great
number
of
Horsemen
and
Footmen
;
But
the
Strength
and
Authority
of
the
City
was
not
to
be
contradicted
,
much
less
opposed
.
Thus
the
Protector
lost
his
Place
,
and
well
it
might
have
been
haply
for
the
King
and
Nation
,
if
that
had
been
all
.
For
his
Enemies
having
remov'd
him
from
his
Protectorship
,
and
thereby
gain'd
the
greater
access
of
Power
to
themselves
,
and
the
Principal
of
them
the
politick
Earl
of
Warwick
,
lately
created
Duke
of
Northumberland
,
advanced
in
Title
and
Honour
equal
with
,
and
in
Authority
and
Power
above
the
highest
,
whereby
his
aspiring
thoughts
were
grown
ripe
to
be
put
in
execution
,
they
were
resolv'd
to
have
the
other
touch
with
him
for
his
Life
,
wherein
they
made
use
of
the
Cities
Power
to
secure
them
for
his
Tryal
,
by
ordering
every
Housholder
in
London
to
take
care
of
his
own
Family
,
keep
his
house
,
and
have
one
ready
in
arms
upon
call
for
the
day
time
,
and
that
by
Night
a
sufficient
Watch
of
substantial
Housholders
should
be
kept
in
every
Ward
.
So
litte
durst
they
attempt
without
ingaging
the
City
therein
,
and
so
frail
and
transitory
had
been
their
projecting
designs
,
had
she
refused
.
But
with
her
concurrence
what
could
they
not
do
?
So
then
at
last
tryed
the
late
Protector
was
,
acquitted
of
Treason
,
and
condemned
for
Felony
,
and
afterwards
beheaded
on
Tower-Hill
,
much
against
the
Kings
Will
,
the
Constables
of
every
Ward
in
London
(
by
vertue
of
a
Precept
directed
from
the
Council
to
the
Lord
Mayor
)
strictly
charging
the
Citizens
not
to
stir
out
of
their
houses
before
a
prefixt
hour
,
for
fear
perhaps
of
a
Rescue
,
for
't
was
known
he
was
well
belov'd
generally
by
the
People
,
and
plainly
evidenced
,
when
,
upon
a
mistake
thinking
him
acquitted
,
they
gave
so
great
a
shout
for
joy
,
that
it
was
heard
(
Stow
tells
us
)
from
Westminster-Hall
to
Long-Arce
,
to
the
Lords
astonishment
.
So
fell
Sommerset
by
the
malice
of
his
Enemies
and
weakness
of
his
Friends
;
and
we
may
easily
believe
't
was
not
design'd
the
King
should
be
long
liv'd
,
if
some
could
prevent
it
,
For
they
,
that
shot
off
his
good
Uncle's
Head
,
would
hardly
stick
at
attempting
secretly
upon
his
health
and
security
,
who
otherwise
might
have
liv'd
to
avenge
the
Protectors
Death
.
But
the
chief
Projector
Northumberland
had
but
little
joy
of
his
ambitious
designs
,
though
King
Edward
was
dead
and
he
had
got
his
two
Sisters
put
by
,
and
the
Lady
Jane
his
Daughter
in
Law
proclaimed
Queen
of
the
Realm
,
by
sound
of
Trumpet
,
through
London
.
For
when
he
might
have
thought
himself
most
secure
,
then
was
he
most
disappointed
,
and
he
,
that
could
do
so
much
in
the
City
with
the
Magistracy
,
either
for
fear
or
love
,
quickly
lost
that
branch
of
his
Power
,
when
he
was
gone
from
the
City
,
though
at
the
head
of
an
Army
,
and
thereby
,
in
effect
,
his
Life
.
The
same
Mayor
who
had
before
consented
in
appearance
to
secure
the
City
for
the
Lady
Jane
,
a
little
after
,
upon
a
motion
from
the
Council
,
going
straight
ways
and
proclaming
the
Lady
Mary
Queen
:
And
then
she
was
quickly
acknowledged
for
such
all
over
the
Land
.
So
that
here
we
see
two
Queens
proclaimed
in
London
within
a
very
short
space
of
time
;
but
she
,
who
was
last
proclaimed
and
the
Citizens
stuck
to
,
continued
Queen
,
and
the
other
was
laid
by
as
useless
,
and
afterwards
brought
to
the
Block
as
a
guilty
Criminal
.
Had
the
City
stuck
to
the
first
,
the
other
probable
had
still
been
counted
the
Offendor
,
and
might
perhaps
have
suffered
accordingly
:
But
the
Stream
was
turn'd
with
the
Tide
,
and
it
was
hard
rowing
against
the
Current
.
Queen
Mary
at
first
had
addressed
her self
by
Letter
to
the
Lord
Mayor
to
proclaim
her
,
and
the
Cities
affections
may
be
thought
inclinable
from
the
beginning
unto
her
,
be
it
only
from
Northumberland's
expression
of
his
thoughts
to
the
Lord
Gray
,
in
his
passage
through
Shoreditch
with
his
Army
against
her
and
her
Forces
,
who
observed
that
the
People
pressed
to
see
them
,
but
could
not
hear
one
that
bid
them
Gods
speed
.
Is
it
so
considerable
to
have
the
Voice
of
the
Citizens
,
how
much
more
than
their
Hearts
?
Thus
came
in
Queen
Mary
,
and
with
her
Popery
upon
the
Protestants
shoulders
.
For
the
Suffolk
men
were
the
first
,
that
espous'd
her
Interest
,
upon
Condition
,
that
she
would
make
no
alteration
in
Religion
,
which
she
then
most
readily
promised
,
but
kept
it
afterwards
like
a
Papist
,
i.
e.
broke
it
;
and
't
is
somewhere
observed
,
that
many
more
of
that
Country
suffered
for
Religion
in
the
Marian
Persecution
,
than
of
any
other
.
So
sutable
she
acted
to
that
avow'd
Principle
of
her
own
Religion
,
that
no
faith
is
to
be
kept
with
Hereticks
,
a
position
publickly
authorized
by
the
Council
of
Constance
,
and
often
since
confirmed
by
many
undeniable
Instances
and
Examples
.
But
't
was
well
for
her
that
the
City
of
London
(
whose
concurrence
with
the
rest
of
the
Nation
first
mounted
her
up
into
the
Throne
,
and
from
whose
Citizens
she
received
so
great
respect
the
day
before
her
Corononation
by
costly
Pageants
,
those
dumb
shews
,
of
respect
and
other
honorary
expressions
of
their
affections
)
continued
firm
in
their
Allegiance
,
otherwise
she
might
perchance
have
paid
dear
enough
for
the
breach
of
her
promise
upon
Sir
Thomas
Wyats
insurrection
.
For
could
he
but
have
got
into
the
City
,
either
by
the
Bridge
or
by
Ludgate
,
how
much
of
his
purpose
he
might
have
brought
to
effect
,
is
easier
to
be
guessed
,
than
declared
in
so
uncertain
a
matter
.
But
he
was
repulsed
at
both
places
,
and
deceived
in
his
expectations
and
hopes
of
aid
from
London
,
he
himself
was
taken
,
his
party
routed
,
and
all
his
designs
vanished
into
smoak
,
to
the
loss
of
his
own
life
and
ruin
of
many
of
his
principal
Friends
and
Followers
.
So
unsuccessful
is
an
enterprize
(
on
what
grounds
soever
and
appearing
likelyhood
of
success
at
first
undertaken
)
wherein
the
Londoners
refuse
to
ingage
themselves
;
whereas
had
but
the
City
joyn'd
her
Forces
to
Wyats
,
let
him
in
within
her
Walls
,
and
not
stood
firm
to
the
Quens
Interest
,
he
might
perhaps
have
been
able
to
have
commanded
what
Conditions
he
pleased
.
Of
this
we
may
well
believe
the
Queen
and
Court
were
extreamly
sensible
.
For
we
find
the
Queen
her self
,
her
Lords
,
and
her
Ladies
,
came
from
Westminster
to
Guildhall
,
where
the
Commons
of
the
City
were
assembled
in
their
Liveries
,
before
Wyat
drew
near
to
the
City
,
and
by
fair
words
and
promises
endeavour'd
to
confirm
the
Citizens
minds
,
and
satisfie
them
of
the
sincerity
of
her
own
intentions
,
and
the
insolent
behaviour
of
her
Enemies
:
Which
I
think
was
no
more
than
the
case
required
,
and
the
necessity
of
her
affairs
obliged
her
to
for
her
own
security
.
The
five
hundred
Men
,
which
the
City
,
at
the
Lord
Treasurers
request
,
had
sent
out
ready
Arm'd
to
oppose
that
insurrection
,
having
turn'd
to
the
other
side
at
the
perswasion
of
their
Captain
and
Leader
,
and
there
being
so
great
a
Consternation
at
Westminster
upon
Wyats
approach
,
that
the
Serjeants
at
Law
,
and
other
Lawyers
pleaded
in
their
harness
.
But
the
Queens
Speech
having
secur'd
the
generality
of
the
Citizens
affections
,
strict
Watch
and
Ward
continued
to
be
kept
in
London
,
the
Mayor
and
Sheriffs
Commanded
each
Man
to
shut
down
their
Shop-windows
,
and
stand
ready
Arm'd
at
their
Doors
,
they
themselves
being
likewise
in
Armour
,
the
draw-bridge
was
cut
down
,
the
Bridg-gate
shut
,
and
convenient
forces
sent
to
keep
it
,
and
others
set
in
fit
places
of
the
City
,
whereby
Wyat's
purpose
was
defeated
,
and
his
expectations
of
assistance
frustrated
,
as
he
himself
complain'd
in
the
Message
he
sent
the
Londoners
by
Merchant
Dorell
,
upon
his
March
out
of
Southwark
toward
Kingstone
.
For
before
he
came
with
such
confidence
towards
London
,
that
he
hoped
for
present
entrance
.
An
eminent
instance
doubtless
of
the
Cities
great
power
and
the
influence
it
had
on
that
bold
undertaking
,
which
seems
to
have
stood
and
fallen
e'en
as
London
stood
affected
and
influenced
.
But
though
the
Queen
prevail'd
thus
upon
the
Londoners
,
yet
death
could
not
be
brib'd
,
nor
sham'd
,
by
any
promises
or
pretences
,
for
die
she
must
,
and
die
she
did
,
after
a
short
,
though
bloody
Reign
,
of
five
years
and
somewhat
better
,
and
so
way
was
made
for
the
famous
and
ever
Renowned
Queen
E●izabeth
,
of
blessed
Memory
,
in
whose
entrance
into
the
Throne
we
find
the
Londoners
interesting
themselves
,
notwithstanding
she
was
publickly
known
,
to
be
of
a
quite
different
Religion
from
that
at
present
Established
;
she
being
forthwith
Proclaimed
in
London
,
upon
knowledge
and
notice
given
of
her
Sister
Queen
Maries
Death
,
and
coming
from
Hatfield
within
three
or
four
days
after
,
Stow
tells
us
,
she
was
very
dutifully
and
honourably
met
by
the
Lord
Mayor
,
and
the
whole
estate
of
London
,
and
so
conducted
to
the
Charter-house
;
and
some
time
after
Rode
through
the
City
in
great
Majesty
to
Westminster
to
her
Coronation
:
At
which
Solemnity
the
Citizens
gave
her
ample
demonstrations
of
their
affections
,
by
the
stately
Pageants
and
sumptuous
Shews
,
wherewith
they
entertain'd
her
.
Her
settlement
caus'd
the
Reduction
,
encrease
,
and
progress
of
the
Protestant
Religion
in
England
,
and
under
the
auspicious
influence
of
her
Reign
the
City
flourish'd
to
such
an
height
of
Grandeur
,
whether
we
respect
the
concourse
of
Forreign
Merchants
from
abroad
,
or
the
stateliness
of
her
publick
buildings
at
home
,
the
freedom
and
security
of
Traffick
,
and
the
flowing
in
of
Riches
and
Wealth
thereby
,
the
famous
exploits
perform'd
by
her
Citizens
in
other
Countries
and
Climates
,
and
the
foundation
in
those
times
laid
for
much
greater
atchievements
,
by
the
necessary
preparatives
of
skill
and
knowledge
in
Military
affairs
,
gain'd
by
the
more
frequent
Musters
,
and
Warlike
ex●rcises
of
her
Inhabitants
,
than
in
former
times
,
or
learn't
at
that
Grand
Nursery
of
Souldiers
,
the
Artillery
Garden
,
that
't
is
easie
to
conjecture
how
secure
her
Majesty
was
in
the
Ctiizens
love
and
loyalty
,
and
how
happy
they
thought
themselves
in
the
favour
and
protection
of
so
good
,
great
,
and
gracious
a
Princess
.
'T
is
not
therefore
to
be
expected
,
that
such
turns
and
changes
should
occur
in
her
days
,
wherein
the
City
might
have
occasion
to
interpose
her
Authority
,
to
settle
and
secure
the
Nation
against
the
furious
attempts
of
arbitrary
Pretenders
,
or
lye
under
any
unavoidable
necessity
of
shewing
her
Power
and
Influence
over
it
,
in
contradiction
to
other
mens
aspiring
and
ambitious
Designs
.
However
I
am
not
destitute
of
an
Instance
,
to
demonstrate
the
consequence
of
her
Example
,
and
how
much
all
England
was
influenced
thereby
to
the
manifestation
of
their
zeal
,
love
,
and
duty
to
their
Soveraign
.
In
88.
a
year
so
famous
for
the
Spanish
Invasion
,
the
Queens
Counsel
had
demanded
,
what
the
City
would
do
for
her
Majesty
and
their
Country
,
and
the
Lord
Mayor
and
Aldermen
had
referr'd
it
to
their
Honours
to
make
their
Proposals
;
whereupon
fifteen
Ships
and
five
thousand
Men
being
required
,
and
two
days
respite
at
the
Cities
desire
granted
for
Answer
,
they
returned
in
convenient
time
and
season
,
and
entreated
their
Lordships
,
in
sign
of
their
perfect
love
and
loyalty
to
their
Prince
and
Country
,
(
they
are
Stows
words
)
kindly
to
accept
ten
thousand
Men
,
and
thirty
Ships
amply
furnished
,
double
the
number
of
what
was
asked
,
and
even
as
London
(
saith
my
Author
)
gave
President
,
the
whole
Nation
kept
ranck
and
equipage
;
so
ready
were
the
other
Cities
,
Counties
,
Towns
and
Villages
to
follow
where
London
went
before
.
A
plain
instance
of
her
powerful
influence
,
deny
it
who
can
.
As
to
what
concerns
the
frequency
of
the
visits
the
Queen
made
to
London
,
and
the
great
splendor
,
wherewith
they
commonly
welcom'd
her
home
at
the
end
of
her
Country
progresses
,
I
pass
them
all
over
,
though
undeniable
demonstrations
of
the
present
content
and
satisfaction
they
took
in
Queen
Elizabeths
good
Government
:
Neither
shall
I
take
notice
of
the
many
Companies
of
Soldiers
she
several
times
rais'd
at
her
own
charges
for
her
Soveraigns
Assistance
,
it
having
been
commonly
done
before
,
under
Princes
in
whom
she
took
delight
,
because
I
would
hasten
to
King
James
,
the
first
Monarch
of
great
Britain
,
in
whose
Person
England
and
Scotland
were
first
united
,
though
his
present
Majesty
,
King
James's
Grand-son
,
was
the
first
born
Heir
of
that
happy
Union
,
that
was
Crowned
King
of
both
Realms
,
and
the
first
English
King
by
Birth
of
the
Scottish
race
,
that
ever
sate
upon
the
English
Throne
that
we
read
of
.
To
tell
how
this
City
flourish'd
under
this
Prince
in
wealth
and
riches
,
in
a
general
encrease
of
trade
,
by
forreign
Merchandizes
and
home-made
Manufactures
:
The
great
ornament
she
received
from
her
publick
and
private
buildings
,
the
strength
that
accrued
to
her
by
the
numerousness
of
her
Inhabitants
,
and
the
enlarging
her
borders
,
the
conveniences
procur'd
her
for
water
by
Midleton's
River
,
for
Recreations
by
Morefields
,
and
pleasantness
by
pa●'d
Streets
,
and
the
various
expressions
she
made
of
her
glory
in
the
many
noble
Entertainments
of
King
James
and
other
great
personages
,
Forreigners
and
Natives
,
and
the
rich
presents
she
frequently
gave
,
besides
the
renown
she
got
abroad
by
sending
greater
Numbers
of
her
Ships
,
than
formerly
,
into
all
trading
Parts
of
the
World
,
and
planting
Colonies
of
her
own
people
in
Ireland
and
Virginia
,
would
be
tiresome
perhaps
to
the
Reader
,
and
needless
for
the
Writer
;
since
that
in
Stows
Chronicle
,
continued
by
How
,
these
particulars
have
been
so
largely
treated
of
,
whether
the
curious
and
inquisitive
may
apply
themselves
for
further
satisfaction
.
Neither
shall
I
trouble
my self
with
making
large
remarks
upon
the
great
honour
and
dignity
,
for
the
City's
sake
,
belonging
to
the
Lord
Mayor
thereof
,
of
which
we
seem
to
have
an
Instance
in
the
beginning
of
this
Kings
reign
,
when
Sir
Robert
Lee
,
then
Lord
Mayor
of
London
,
subscrib'd
in
the
first
place
to
the
invitation
sent
the
King
to
come
into
England
,
before
all
the
great
Officers
of
the
Crown
,
and
all
the
Nobility
;
This
great
Magistrate
,
upon
the
Kings
death
,
being
said
to
be
the
prime
person
of
England
,
than
which
what
greater
honour
can
there
be
appertaining
to
a
Subject
?
I
have
indeed
read
in
Cotton
,
that
upon
a
Poll
Bill
the
Lord
Mayor
paid
four
pound
as
an
Earl
many
years
ago
,
in
King
Richard
the
second
days
,
when
but
few
of
the
Nobility
,
if
any
besides
the
blood
Royal
,
bore
any
higher
title
:
And
find
since
at
our
Kings
Coronations
that
he
hath
had
a
principal
place
and
part
assigned
him
,
particularly
at
his
present
Majesties
,
April
23d
.
61.
and
in
the
honourable
Cavalcade
made
from
the
Tower
to
Westminster
the
day
before
,
in
order
thereunto
,
where
the
Suppliment
to
Baker's
Chronicle
,
out
of
Elias
Ashmole
the
Windsor
Heralds
Copy
,
hath
placed
him
between
the
principal
Officers
of
the
Crown
and
the
Duke
of
York
,
a
place
doubtless
designed
him
as
most
suitable
to
his
Dignity
,
and
the
high
Office
he
bore
;
and
yet
I
count
none
of
these
Honours
comparable
to
that
before
mentioned
,
which
seems
paramount
to
all
others
.
To
be
the
highest
by
place
in
the
Kingdom
of
course
for
a
season
sounds
greater
,
than
to
be
a
Second
,
a
Third
,
or
a
Fourth
,
and
is
more
doubtless
to
the
Honour
,
Credit
,
and
Reputation
of
the
City
,
that
conferrs
this
place
as
she
pleases
.
But
the
chiefest
point
I
intend
here
to
insist
on
,
with
all
convenient
brevity
and
perspicuity
,
is
the
Declaration
of
the
Cities
love
and
affection
to
King
James
,
and
the
requital
made
her
by
him
in
return
.
The
first
I
know
not
how
it
could
be
better
expressed
,
than
by
the
wonderful
readiness
,
and
hearty
gladness
(
as
the
Annalist
words
it
)
of
the
great
City
of
London
,
where
the
Magistrates
,
and
all
other
inferior
Citizens
shewed
all
possible
signs
of
perfect
joy
and
contentment
,
amidst
the
general
applause
of
the
whole
English
Nation
,
when
he
was
first
proclaimed
King
of
the
Realm
;
and
we
have
further
demonstrations
thereof
from
the
Kings
honourable
Reception
,
when
he
came
near
to
London
,
by
the
Lord
Mayor
and
Aldermen
in
Scarlet
Robes
,
and
five
hundred
grave
Citizens
in
Velvet
Coats
and
Chains
of
Gold
,
all
very
well
mounted
like
the
Sheriffs
and
their
train
,
one
of
which
had
threescore
men
attending
him
in
fair
livery
Cloaks
.
Another
instance
may
be
the
care
taken
in
London
to
watch
and
guard
the
Gates
,
upon
the
first
discovery
of
the
Gun-powder
Treason
,
and
the
great
joy
and
rejoycing
manifested
therein
soon
after
,
upon
its
further
detection
,
by
filling
the
Streets
with
Bonfires
,
and
the
Solemn
Assemblies
with
publick
praises
and
thanksgiving
to
the
Almighty
for
the
Kings
happy
Deliverance
.
This
Gunpowder
Treason
(
so
to
observe
by
the
way
)
was
one
of
the
seven
particulars
the
Intelligencer
tells
us
were
sometime
since
set
up
in
a
Table
in
St.
Martins
Church
at
York
,
under
this
Title
,
Things
never
to
be
forgotten
by
Protestants
.
The
other
six
were
,
The
bloody
Reign
of
Queen
Mary
.
The
many
Plots
in
Queen
Elizabeths
Reign
.
The
Massacre
in
Ireland
in
Forty
one
.
The
horrid
Murder
of
King
Charles
in
One
thousand
Six
hundred
and
Forty
eight
.
The
burning
of
London
in
One
thousand
Six
hundred
and
Sixty
six
.
And
the
horrid
Popish-plot
in
One
thousand
Six
hundred
and
Seventy
eight
.
An
Inscription
,
that
some
harmless
well
meaning
persons
would
have
been
apt
doubtless
to
have
thought
very
honest
in
its
self
,
and
deservedly
written
in
Letters
of
Gold
,
till
an
Order
came
to
one
of
the
Church
Wardens
to
take
it
down
,
or
appear
at
the
Spiritual
Court
to
answer
the
Contempt
:
For
't
was
above
the
ordinary
Capacity
of
a
Common
lay-Protestant
to
apprehend
any
thing
ill
or
offensive
therein
,
till
such
wits
among
the
Clergy
,
as
had
far
more
sagacious
intellects
,
perceived
the
drift
and
design
thereof
,
and
judging
it
perhaps
to
be
part
of
the
Presbyterian
Plot
,
might
think
fit
to
have
it
thrown
down
,
that
the
Vulgar
might
be
no
more
amus'd
with
the
dreadful
remembrance
of
such
things
.
But
to
return
to
the
Cities
Love
and
Loyalty
to
King
James
,
another
remarkable
proof
thereof
may
be
deduced
from
the
double
Guards
set
in
all
places
about
London
,
the
Precept
issued
out
by
the
Lord
Mayor
to
the
Wards
to
raise
the
Train
Bands
,
and
the
unexpressible
distraction
of
Mens
minds
,
upon
a
flying
rumour
suddenly
spread
about
the
City
March
22d
.
(
somewhat
above
four
Months
after
the
Powder
Plot
was
discovered
)
of
the
Kings
being
slain
that
morning
at
Oking
,
some
twenty
Miles
from
London
,
which
occasioned
great
weeping
and
wai●ing
and
much
lamentation
in
old
and
young
,
rich
and
poor
,
till
in
three
or
four
hours
time
all
these
Clouds
were
happily
dispers'd
by
better
and
more
certain
news
brought
of
the
Kings
safety
,
and
his
return
to
Whitehall
thereupon
the
same
afternoon
,
where
the
peoples
hearts
were
as
much
raised
with
joy
,
as
before
they
had
been
drowned
in
grief
,
and
the
Lord
Mayor
and
Aldermen
went
to
congratulate
his
Majesty
upon
the
assurance
of
his
continued
Health
and
Security
.
Such
were
the
expressions
of
the
Cities
affections
,
let
us
now
see
the
return
of
Kindness
on
the
Kings
part
,
and
his
Princely
acknowledgment
of
their
singular
love
and
loyalty
to
him
.
Much
doubtless
of
the
Kings
mind
in
this
particular
may
be
guessed
at
from
the
frequent
Visits
he
made
the
City
,
but
I
presume
by
no
one
Act
of
his
better
known
,
than
by
his
repaying
the
Citizens
of
London
,
in
the
seventh
of
his
Reign
,
the
Threescore
thousand
pounds
they
had
lent
Queen
Elizabeth
three
years
before
her
death
.
An
Act
of
the
greatest
Justice
and
Equity
,
and
whereby
likewise
he
got
more
love
,
saith
the
Chronicle
,
than
he
paid
mony
.
This
may
pass
both
for
an
Example
of
the
Kings
Goodness
and
Prudence
,
and
an
Instance
of
Londons
Power
and
Esteem
,
since
his
Majesty
thought
it
good
to
be
at
such
charges
to
oblige
her
.
For
to
pay
their
Predecessors
Debts
is
so
rare
among
Princes
,
that
many
of
them
hardly
ever
pay
their
own
.
Hitherto
have
I
presented
the
Reader
with
variety
of
passages
out
of
our
English
Chronicles
,
to
demonstrate
the
Glory
,
Honour
,
and
Renown
of
the
City
of
London
,
and
the
Courage
of
her
Citizens
,
the
Power
of
her
Magistrates
,
the
Strength
of
the
Commonalty
,
and
the
undeniable
Influence
of
the
whole
Corporation
upon
the
rest
of
the
Kingdom
;
and
have
given
him
here
and
there
the
words
and
expressions
of
private
men
,
as
so
many
illustrative
Arguments
on
the
Points
.
Wherefore
now
I
shall
produce
no
less
than
what
I
account
a
Royal
Testimony
,
in
confirmation
of
the
many
demonstrative
Evidences
already
brought
,
and
that
of
no
less
a
Prince
than
his
present
Majesties
Royal
Father
,
King
Charles
the
First
,
and
out
of
an
Author
so
little
partial
to
the
City
,
that
the
very
name
of
Peter
Heylin
,
and
the
diligent
perusal
of
Arch-Bishop
Lauds
Life
,
by
him
writ
,
may
sufficiently
convince
an
indifferent
Reader
,
that
he
was
none
of
Londons
greatest
Favourers
or
Admirers
,
since
't
was
look'd
on
as
the
Retreat
and
Receptacle
of
the
Grandees
of
the
Puritan
faction
,
as
he
is
pleased
to
stile
all
those
he
thought
contrary
to
that
Party
of
Men
,
he
will
needs
call
the
Church
of
England
.
A
Proof
therefore
out
of
such
an
Adversary's
mouth
,
as
Heylins
,
seems
a
very
convincing
Argument
,
when
he
himself
is
forced
,
meerly
by
truth
and
matter
of
fact
,
to
confess
and
acknowledge
the
influence
of
London
on
all
parts
of
the
Kingdom
,
in
that
passage
,
where
he
intimates
it
to
have
been
generally
look't
upon
as
the
compass
,
by
which
the
lesser
Towns
and
Corporations
were
wont
to
steer
their
course
,
and
to
plead
it's
practice
on
all
occasions
.
What
I
conceive
to
be
the
Kings
Testimony
by
that
writer
deliver'd
,
is
by
him
brought
in
,
as
the
reason
of
his
Majesties
preferring
Laud
to
the
Bishoprick
of
London
,
viz.
For
that
he
was
a
Man
of
a
more
active
Spirit
than
the
former
Bishop
,
and
so
fitter
to
carry
on
the
design
of
rendring
the
City
conformable
to
that
propos'd
Model
of
Church
Government
,
which
was
intended
for
the
whole
Nation
,
and
therein
therefore
principally
to
be
promoted
,
because
of
the
Influence
it
had
,
by
reason
of
it's
wealth
and
trading
,
on
all
parts
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
that
upon
the
correspondence
and
conformity
thereof
the
welfare
of
the
whole
depended
.
This
Testimony
doubtless
is
of
great
authority
,
because
proceeding
from
so
Judicious
a
Prince
,
and
related
by
an
Author
not
to
be
suppos'd
over
ready
to
write
any
thing
in
favour
of
this
City
,
to
which
he
seems
to
have
born
a
very
great
animosity
,
because
the
Citizens
would
not
be
so
thorough-pac'd
Episcopal
,
as
his
Reverend
Doctorship
would
have
had
them
to
have
been
.
But
now
methinks
it
should
be
of
greater
prevalency
than
ever
,
since
that
King
Charles
himself
,
before
he
dyed
,
out
of
his
own
experience
knew
much
more
of
the
Cities
strength
and
Power
,
than
many
of
his
Predecessors
did
for
some
ages
before
.
For
't
is
plain
beyond
denial
,
dispute
,
or
contradiction
,
out
of
the
memory
of
Man
and
the
everlasting
Records
of
time
,
that
in
the
late
Wars
between
him
and
his
two
Houses
of
Parliament
,
't
was
the
Cities
power
and
influence
,
that
rais'd
them
to
that
height
of
Grandeur
,
which
made
them
so
formidable
to
all
the
Royal
party
.
Whereas
,
without
her
help
and
assistance
,
how
little
able
they
had
been
to
have
long
subsisted
,
or
held
up
their
heads
above
ground
,
is
evident
from
the
many
supplies
they
had
from
London
,
of
Men
,
Mony
,
and
Arms
,
the
frequent
applications
they
made
to
her
on
all
extremities
,
and
the
constant
endeavours
they
us'd
to
cultivate
her
friendship
,
and
preserve
her
affections
.
But
over
these
Transactions
I
shall
choose
rather
to
cast
a
vail
of
silence
,
than
industriously
endeavour
to
lay
open
the
bleeding
wounds
of
the
Nation
in
those
days
,
as
being
fully
assur'd
of
the
impossibility
of
guiding
my
pen
so
dextrously
in
delivering
the
truth
,
the
whole
truth
,
and
nothing
but
the
truth
,
as
not
to
subject
my self
to
censure
,
nor
incur
the
anger
,
displeasure
,
and
indignation
of
any
one
.
Suffice
it
then
to
say
,
that
,
in
the
long
Vacation
of
Parliaments
under
King
Charles
the
first
,
such
seeds
of
discontent
were
sown
,
in
City
,
as
well
as
Country
,
that
upon
the
first
opportunity
,
they
sprung
up
into
bitter
herbs
,
and
sour
fruit
,
and
who
tasted
most
thereof
,
I
think
all
the
European
world
knows
sufficiently
by
this
time
of
day
.
But
if
any
in
this
age
is
so
ignorant
as
to
wonder
how
it
was
possible
for
the
two
Houses
in
forty
one
to
bear
up
against
the
King
,
without
being
dismis'd
from
Westminster
by
vertue
of
the
Kings
Prerogative
,
the
usual
method
of
ancient
times
,
and
the
known
practice
of
later
days
,
he
is
to
know
and
understand
,
that
his
late
Majesty
had
formally
pass'd
away
his
grand
Power
of
Prorogations
,
Adjournments
,
and
Dissolutions
by
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
and
so
put
the
staff
out
of
his
own
hands
,
that
he
could
never
recover
,
as
long
as
he
lived
,
by
force
nor
intreaty
.
An
act
of
Grace
this
was
,
that
is
hardly
to
be
parallel'd
,
and
yet
perhaps
it
may
be
lik●ned
to
the
Statute
made
in
the
second
of
Richard
the
second
,
of
which
I
have
made
mention
before
,
against
abrupt
and
untimely
dismissions
,
only
that
this
is
plainer
worded
,
and
seems
enlarged
to
a
further
extent
.
Otherwise
,
considering
the
use
that
might
have
been
possibly
made
of
the
former
,
it
might
have
look't
like
the
same
book
with
additions
new
Printed
in
Octavo
,
which
before
was
bound
up
in
decimo
sexto
.
Neither
of
these
are
to
be
found
in
our
New
Printed
Statute
books
,
they
pretending
not
to
set
down
all
the
Antiquated
,
Repeal'd
,
or
expir'd
Statutes
,
that
ever
were
in
being
.
Therefore
if
any
one
desires
to
humour
his
curiosity
,
he
must
apply
himself
to
Cottons
Abridgment
of
the
Tower
Records
for
the
one
,
and
search
after
the
other
in
some
of
those
books
,
that
treat
of
the
affairs
of
the
late
times
.
Now
the
Observator
in
such
a
case
tells
us
of
Scobel
and
Husbands
Collections
:
Upon
which
so
Authentick
an
Authority
,
as
some
esteem
it
,
if
we
have
recourse
to
Scobels
Collections
of
the
best
Edition
,
't
is
ten
thousand
to
one
but
we
shall
there
find
the
Statute
in
this
manner
following
.
Whereas
great
summs
of
mony
must
of
necessity
he
spe●dily
advanced
and
provided
for
the
relief
of
His
Majesties
Arm●
and
People
in
the
Northern
parts
of
this
Realm
,
and
for
preventing
the
imminent
danger
t●●s
Kingdom
is
in
,
and
for
supply
of
other
His
Majesties
present
and
urgent
occasions
,
which
cannot
be
so
timely
effected
as
is
requisite
,
without
Credit
for
raising
the
said
monies
,
which
credit
cannot
be
obtained
,
until
such
obstacles
be
first
removed
,
as
are
occasioned
by
fears
,
jealo●sies
,
and
apprehensions
of
divers
his
Majesties
Loyal
Subjects
,
that
this
present
Parliament
may
be
Adjourned
,
Prorogued
,
or
Dissolved
,
before
Justice
shall
be
duly
executed
upon
Delinquents
,
publick
grievances
redressed
,
a
firm
Peace
between
the
two
Nations
of
England
and
Scotland
concluded
,
and
before
sufficient
provision
be
made
for
the
repayment
of
the
said
monies
so
to
be
raised
:
All
which
the
Commons
in
this
present
Parliament
assembled
,
having
duly
considered
do
therefore
humbly
beseech
your
most
excellent
M●j●sty
,
that
it
may
be
declared
and
Enacted
;
And
be
it
declared
and
enacted
by
the
King
our
Sovereign
Lord
,
with
the
assent
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
in
this
present
Parliament
Assembled
,
and
by
the
Authority
of
the
same
,
That
this
present
Parliament
now
Assembled
shall
not
be
dissolved
,
unless
it
be
by
Act
of
Parliament
to
be
passed
for
that
purpose
,
nor
shall
be
at
any
time
or
times
during
the
continuance
thereof
,
Pr●r●gued
,
or
Adjourned
,
unless
it
be
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
to
be
likewise
passed
for
that
purpose
:
And
that
the
House
of
Peers
shall
not
at
any
time
or
times
during
this
present
Parliament
,
be
Adjourned
,
unless
it
be
by
themselves
or
by
their
own
Order
:
And
in
like
manner
,
that
the
House
of
Commons
shall
not
any
time
or
times
during
this
present
Parliament
be
Adjourned
,
unless
it
be
by
themselves
or
by
their
own
order
:
And
that
all
and
every
thing
and
things
whatsoever
,
done
or
to
be
done
,
for
the
Adjournment
,
Proroguing
o●
Dissolving
of
this
present
Parliament
cont●●ry
to
this
Act
,
shall
be
utterly
void
,
and
of
none
effect
.
This
Act
in
G●neral
prov'd
the
destruction
of
that
branch
of
the
Royal
Pr●rogative
,
which
related
to
calling
or
dissolving
Parliaments
;
and
that
particular
clause
in
the
end
that
all
and
every
thing
and
things
whatsoever
done
or
to
be
done
,
for
the
Adjournment
,
Proroguing
or
dissolving
of
this
present
Parliament
contrary
to
this
Act
,
shall
be
utterly
void
,
and
of
none
effect
,
was
,
we
may
believe
from
subsequent
passages
,
a
Plea
,
the
wits
of
the
age
durst
have
ventur'd
to
have
stood
by
,
against
any
attempts
to
discontinue
,
disappoint
,
or
frustrate
the
meeting
of
the
two
Houses
of
Parliament
,
if
they
had
Spi●it
and
Courage
enough
to
have
own'd
any
thing
of
the
Law
.
So
that
upon
a
ground
work
so
firm
,
and
a
foundation
so
sure
,
the
Parliamentarians
valued
not
all
the
subtile
Arts
and
devices
of
their
Enemies
,
nor
stood
in
●ear
of
those
Mercu●ial
Engines
,
Pen
Ink
and
Pap●r
,
so
they
could
b●t
defend
themselves
against
those
Martial
Arguments
,
the
bright-shining
Sword
,
and
the
thundring
Cannon
.
By
vertue
of
this
Clause
we
may
conclude
,
that
,
after
the
House
of
Commons
was
violently
depriv'd
of
many
Members
thereof
,
the
House
of
Lords
wholly
put
down
,
and
that
small
remainder
of
a
Parliament
forc'd
out
of
Doors
by
O●iver
and
the
Soldiers
,
after
two
Protectors
,
and
several
Assemblies
,
that
took
on
them
the
venerable
Name
of
Parliaments
,
and
some
of
them
too
chosen
by
the
People
,
part
of
the
Commons
House
nevertheless
again
got
into
power
,
and
being
once
more
thrust
out
by
the
Army
,
afterwards
Recover'd
possession
,
and
the
whole
House
was
in
a
fair
likelyhood
to
have
been
fill'd
up
by
the
Re-admission
of
the
secluded
Members
,
till
they
,
to
make
way
for
a
greater
turn
,
did
all
,
that
lay
in
the
power
of
a
single
House
,
to
dissolve
the
Parliament
,
which
with
us
consists
of
the
King
and
his
two
Houses
.
Treating
now
of
the
late
times
,
and
having
drawn
a
vail
over
the
Transactions
in
the
last
Wars
,
wherein
the
City
was
more
particularly
concern'd
,
(
though
't
is
well
known
,
that
her
power
and
Influence
was
very
considerable
in
the
many
turns
and
changes
,
through
which
the
State
was
then
hurried
)
I
shall
not
stand
to
shew
,
how
much
she
was
Courted
by
Oliver
and
the
rest
of
the
Usurping
powers
on
all
emergencies
,
and
the
great
care
was
taken
to
secure
her
to
their
interest
and
party
,
though
both
are
touch'd
upon
in
the
supplement
to
Bakers
Chronicle
;
but
passing
all
over
I
come
now
to
demonstrate
,
the
great
influence
she
had
upon
the
Nation
in
that
remarkable
turn
of
the
times
,
which
produc'd
so
unparallel'd
a
wonder
,
as
the
peaceable
Restauration
of
an
exil'd
Prince
to
his
Father's
Crown
and
Kingdom
without
blood
:
Which
to
prove
I
need
go
no
further
than
the
aforesaid
supplement
,
where
several
evidences
and
convincing
circumstances
are
to
be
found
,
(
besides
matters
of
fact
already
else
where
related
)
and
I
doubt
not
but
sufficiently
demonstrative
.
These
to
Marshal
in
their
order
,
I
begin
first
of
all
with
the
Citizens
discontentedness
at
the
Committee
of
safety
,
and
Fleetwoods
doubtfulness
of
them
,
and
proceed
to
General
Monk's
Letter
sent
to
the
Lord
Mayor
and
Common
Council
(
some
time
after
he
had
declared
his
Resolution
to
reduce
the
Military
power
under
the
Civil
,
though
principally
intending
,
we
are
since
told
,
the
Kings
Restauration
)
to
heigthen
their
diff●rences
,
wherein
,
upon
a
Declaration
of
his
open
inten●ions
,
he
expresses
his
Expectation
of
their
Assistance
,
lest
it
should
be
too
late
for
them
by
their
own
strength
to
assert
their
freedom
,
if
he
miscarried
through
the
want
of
their
timely
aid
,
and
dishonourable
,
if
he
succeeded
,
for
so
Famous
a
City
and
so
much
concern'd
,
that
it's
Liberties
should
be
asserted
without
its
own
help
.
In
the
next
place
comes
the
encouragement
,
the
Letter
sent
from
some
of
the
old
Council
of
State
privately
met
at
London
,
(
among
whom
we
find
Sir
Anthony
Ashley
Cooper
,
that
Fam'd
Earl
of
Shaftsbury
,
a
Principal
Agent
through
the
whole
course
of
those
affairs
,
and
an
active
Instrument
in
bringing
in
the
King
)
to
Monk
,
brought
his
Officers
in
Scotland
,
and
the
reason
given
thereof
,
viz.
That
the
wisest
of
them
did
conclude
from
these
appearances
of
action
at
London
,
that
their
party
was
encreased
in
England
,
imagining
that
otherwise
they
durst
not
have
so
openly
acted
.
Then
follows
the
Intelligence
he
receiv'd
,
when
at
Coldstream
,
from
his
Brother
Clarges
,
that
there
were
many
great
differences
in
London
,
between
Fleetwood
and
the
City
;
that
the
Prentices
,
and
several
others
in
favour
of
him
,
had
many
Consultations
to
make
disturbances
,
and
were
framing
a
Petition
to
the
Lord
Mayor
and
Common
Council
,
to
press
their
interposition
for
the
restoring
the
Parliament
,
and
preservation
of
Magistracy
,
their
rising
in
a
Tumultuous
manner
,
upon
a
Proclamation
emitted
by
the
Committee
of
Safety
to
prohibit
all
gathering
of
hands
to
Petitions
,
and
the
shutting
up
of
Shops
upon
Hewson's
coming
to
suppress
them
,
the
affronts
put
upon
his
Soldiers
by
scornful
reproaches
and
Hissings
to
that
degree
,
that
they
were
asham'd
to
March
,
and
many
Officers
,
when
they
went
into
the
City
,
durst
not
wear
their
Swords
,
for
fear
of
the
like
;
and
,
which
was
as
material
as
any
▪
that
the
Lord
Mayor
and
several
Alderm●n
had
had
many
ineffectual
Treaties
with
Fleetwood
and
the
Chief
of
the
Army
,
and
Committee
of
Safety
;
the
City
de●anding
the
mannagement
and
conduct
of
their
own
Militia
,
and
the
instant
Restauration
of
the
Parliament
,
or
the
calling
another
,
which
being
refus'd
,
much
augmented
their
discontents
.
These
were
Preparatives
to
the
resitting
of
part
of
the
Commons
house
,
which
soon
after
was
invited
to
reassume
their
former
power
.
Enter
next
to
General
Monk
at
Morpeth
,
the
Sword
bearer
of
London
,
with
a
very
respectful
Letter
from
the
Lord
Mayor
and
Common
Council
.
After
this
we
hear
of
Clarges's
Advice
to
Monk
,
to
get
the
Parliament
Soldiers
remov'd
out
of
London
,
and
to
march
his
own
men
in
thither
,
so
to
be
Master
of
the
City
,
with
the
reason
laid
down
,
that
otherwise
he
could
never
expect
to
do
any
good
for
his
Country
;
since
in
all
those
times
it
had
been
experienced
,
that
to
whatever
was
done
at
London
,
where
they
h●d
nine
or
ten
thousand
men
to
justifie
their
actions
,
all
the
rest
of
the
Regiments
submitted
.
Now
follow
Commissioners
from
the
Lord
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
Common
Council
of
London
to
the
General
,
and
their
Proposition
for
the
readmission
of
the
s●cluded
M●mbers
that
the
Parliament
might
be
made
full
and
free
.
Then
the
discontented
carriage
of
〈◊〉
City
,
the
high
debates
in
the
Common
Council
about
the
Government
,
and
their
resolution
to
pay
no
publick
Taxes
,
till
the
House
were
filled
up
with
equal
Representatives
.
After
this
the
Generals
intercession
to
those
then
of
the
Commons
House
for
a
mitigation
of
their
Commands
laid
on
him
,
among
other
severities
,
to
take
down
Londons
Gates
and
Portcullices
,
for
this
reason
,
that
such
s●v●re
acting
would
highly
incense
the
City
,
and
the
Compliment
of
thanks
,
to
please
the
Lord
Mayor
and
Aldermen
,
sent
them
from
the
House
for
their
moderation
in
that
time
of
disorder
in
the
City
.
But
to
close
all
with
a
sutable
instance
,
Clarges's
Counsel
to
General
Monk
▪
to
endeavour
the
speedy
recovery
of
the
City's
good
opinion
,
almost
lost
by
his
rough
actings
therein
just
before
,
brings
up
the
rear
,
wi●h
the
effectual
representation
he
made
him
of
the
ill
Consequences
of
his
proceedings
in
London
,
and
the
prevalent
motives
,
urgent
reasons
,
and
good
grounds
laid
down
by
him
,
to
back
his
Advice
.
As
,
that
the
influence
the
City
had
by
commerce
,
and
other
Occasions
,
all
over
England
,
would
quickly
diffuse
the
Infamy
of
the
Fact
:
And
all
the
Cities
and
Towns
would
be
alarm'd
,
believing
,
if
that
great
City
should
be
made
a
Village
,
that
all
their
Franchises
and
Priviledges
would
be
quickly
subverted
.
So
that
he
had
no
way
to
redeem
his
Reputation
,
but
the
very
next
morning
to
return
into
the
City
with
his
Army
,
and
declare
for
a
free
Parliament
.
This
Counsel
presently
followed
terminated
in
a
successful
event
,
and
very
happy
to
King
and
Kingdom
,
by
the
Miraculous
Restauration
of
his
most
gracious
Majesty
,
Charles
the
Second
,
to
his
Patrimonial
inheritance
,
and
the
Throne
of
his
Father
.
Thus
have
I
muster'd
up
my
Evidences
in
Rank
and
File
,
all
which
conjoyn'd
,
like
the
old
Country-man's
rods
in
the
Fable
bound
up
together
in
one
bundle
,
will
make
doubtless
a
very
convincing
Argument
of
the
great
power
and
influence
London
had
upon
the
Nation
in
this
grand
turn
of
the
Times
.
I
shall
therefore
leave
it
to
the
Reader
to
make
sutable
remarks
thereon
,
it
being
so
obvious
to
an
unprejudic'd
Person
,
that
great
was
the
encouragement
General
Monk
and
his
Officers
receiv'd
from
London
,
considerable
was
the
hope
and
confidence
he
put
therein
,
when
he
undertook
so
Heroick
an
Enterprise
,
as
the
freeing
his
poor
Country
from
the
Tyranical
exorbitancies
of
the
unruly
Soldiers
,
and
thought
of
marching
up
thither
in
Arms
with
all
convenient
speed
to
that
end
;
and
most
highly
advantagious
to
his
Designs
was
the
unanimous
concurrence
of
this
great
,
honourable
,
and
powerful
City
,
which
was
not
so
furiously
rash
,
presently
to
attempt
to
run
down
the
encroachers
upon
their
dearly
belov'd
Liberties
,
when
they
might
with
greater
ease
,
and
as
effectually
,
gently
walk
them
down
,
as
a
certain
Person
is
said
to
have
express'd
it
on
a
much
later
Occasion
.
The
City
petition'd
and
address'd
,
and
she
was
follow'd
by
the
Country
:
She
waited
a
while
with
patience
,
and
the
secluded
Members
,
that
were
chosen
in
forty
and
from
forty
eight
kept
out
of
the
house
till
fifty
nine
,
for
almost
twelve
years
space
,
were
restor'd
in
peace
and
quietness
,
though
under
some
few
Obligations
;
And
so
there
was
again
the
face
of
a
House
of
Commons
:
Being
restor'd
,
they
dissolv'd
themselves
in
a
short
time
after
,
to
make
way
for
another
ass●mbly
,
call'd
a
Parliament
,
though
some
thought
in
th●se
times
that
the
Parliament
of
Forty
had
been
dissolv'd
long
before
by
his
late
Majesties
death
,
and
so
might
haply
think
this
a
needless
Ceremony
.
It
being
most
certain
,
that
that
Parliament
ow'd
its
beginning
to
the
Kings
Writ
,
although
its
continuance
was
thought
to
depend
on
the
continuing
Act
,
as
long
as
the
King
liv'd
.
Yet
,
notwithstanding
the
House
of
Commons
had
actually
dissolv'd
themselves
,
and
it
was
become
the
receiv'd
opinion
that
the
Parliament
of
Forty
was
in
Law
dissolv'd
before
upon
the
old
Kings
death
,
the
next
Assembly
,
Stylo
Communi
Parliament
,
would
not
barely
stick
to
either
of
these
ways
,
but
thought
good
likewise
themselves
,
by
vertue
of
their
Authority
to
declare
that
Parliament
of
Forty
dissolv'd
.
Whether
or
no
they
thought
,
that
the
bare
Act
of
a
single
house
of
Commons
,
without
King
and
Lords
,
could
not
in
Law
be
took
for
a
formal
Repeal
of
the
former
continuing
Act
,
made
by
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
joyntly
,
and
so
rejected
it
,
as
really
insignificant
in
its
self
,
though
made
use
of
for
the
time
;
and
out
of
a
Cautious
foresight
dreaded
some
ill
consequences
attending
the
receiv'd
opinion
,
[
of
the
long
Parliaments
being
dissolv'd
by
the
Kings
death
,
whether
or
no
the
continuing
Act
were
formally
repeal'd
by
as
good
Authority
as
made
it
]
lest
thence
in
time
,
no
body
knows
when
,
occasion
might
be
taken
to
argue
,
that
if
a
Kings
death
repeals
one
unlimited
Act
,
it
may
likewise
on
the
same
ground
vacate
all
by
him
made
,
and
so
,
by
affirming
the
same
of
all
other
Princes
since
the
first
William
,
a
foundation
might
be
laid
for
the
Introduction
of
Arbitrary
Power
,
when
evil
minded
Pretenders
are
absolute
enough
to
attempt
it
with
hopes
of
Impunity
,
I
pretend
not
to
determine
.
For
I
remember
my self
to
be
a
Relater
of
matters
of
Fact
,
not
a
Reader
of
Law
Cases
.
Therefore
I
proceed
to
acquaint
the
Reader
,
that
that
Assembly
(
though
call'd
without
the
Kings
Writ
,
yet
by
his
Majesty
afterwards
most
Graciously
own'd
and
acknowledg'd
for
a
Parliament
)
thought
it
fitting
and
convenient
,
to
declare
and
enact
,
that
the
Parliament
begun
and
holden
at
Westminster
the
third
day
of
November
,
in
the
sixteenth
year
of
the
Reign
of
the
Late
King
Charles
of
blessed
Memory
,
is
fully
dissolved
and
determined
.
They
are
the
words
of
the
Act
to
be
seen
in
the
Statute-book
,
Cap.
1.
12
Car.
2.
This
was
the
Assembly
that
blessed
us
with
his
Majesties
actual
Restauration
,
towards
which
there
had
been
made
so
many
steps
a
little
before
by
the
Loyal
Nobility
,
Gentry
,
and
Commonalty
of
the
Land
,
and
the
Worthy
Citizens
of
this
Honourable
City
:
Whose
publick
Reception
,
and
Triumphant
Cavalcade
through
the
City
of
London
to
White
hill
was
very
remarkable
,
for
the
splendid
appearance
of
the
Citizens
to
conduct
him
,
the
Gallantry
shewn
by
them
on
so
acceptable
a
Solemnity
,
and
the
many
demonstrations
of
joy
and
gladness
they
gave
him
,
worthy
themselves
,
and
that
glorious
day
,
which
they
had
so
long
expected
,
and
contributed
so
much
of
their
assistance
to
hasten
.
For
which
I
have
a
passage
or
two
more
to
produce
,
besides
what
hath
been
already
brought
.
For
the
first
,
out
of
the
supplement
to
Baker
,
I
quote
his
Majesties
most
Gracious
Letter
,
To
his
Trusty
and
well
belov'd
,
the
Lord
Mayor
,
Aldermen
,
and
Common
Council
of
the
City
of
London
,
wherein
he
Honourably
acknowledges
the
publick
and
frequent
Manifestations
of
their
affections
to
him
,
and
the
Encouragement
and
good
Example
●hey
gave
the
Nation
to
assert
the
Ancient
Government
,
and
thereupon
concludes
with
large
Promises
of
Extraordinary
kindness
to
this
his
Native
City
,
to
the
Renewal
of
their
Charter
,
Confirmation
of
all
priviledges
granted
by
his
Predecessors
,
and
the
adding
of
new
favours
to
advance
the
Trade
Wealth
and
Honour
thereof
The
next
is
a
Commemoration
of
the
Cities
Joyful
Resentment
of
this
Letter
,
and
the
Kings
Declaration
enclos'd
in
it
,
as
it
was
was
express'd
by
the
Grateful
Duty
of
the
Common-Council
,
who
immediately
,
upon
the
reading
of
them
,
ordered
a
Present
of
Ten
thousand
Pounds
to
be
made
to
His
Majesty
,
and
a
thousand
pounds
to
each
of
his
Brothers
:
And
likewise
deputed
several
of
the
Aldermen
and
worthy
Citizens
to
attend
upon
His
Majesty
from
the
City
,
with
a
Presentment
of
their
most
Dutiful
acknowledgments
for
his
Clemency
and
Goodness
towards
them
.
So
desirous
were
they
to
give
him
the
greatest
demonstrations
of
their
affection
and
Loyalty
before
his
Return
,
and
Judiciously
Wise
,
as
well
as
Loyal
,
to
set
all
parts
of
the
Nation
a
good
Example
to
imitate
in
a
ready
manifestation
of
their
Duty
and
Allegiance
to
him
after
his
Return
.
Neither
in
this
would
they
be
behind
hand
with
any
of
them
all
.
For
the
City
of
London
,
as
being
the
first
,
the
richest
,
and
most
Honourable
,
and
the
Seat
of
Kings
for
many
ages
,
might
Judge
it self
oblig'd
(
as
the
Supplementer
insinuates
)
in
point
of
duty
and
Reputation
,
to
exceed
all
the
rest
in
the
Glory
of
their
performances
towards
their
Soveraign
.
But
whatever
the
Citizens
did
think
of
the
Obligation
on
either
side
,
certain
enough
it
is
,
that
the
reiterated
expressions
of
their
Loyalty
to
the
King
were
Honourable
,
and
Meritorious
to
the
highest
degree
.
For
to
the
splendor
of
their
former
Preparations
at
his
first
Reception
and
Triumphal
Entrance
,
they
added
the
cost
of
a
most
magnificent
Entertainment
at
Guild-hal
,
(
for
that
very
purpose
richly
beautified
and
adorned
)
whither
the
King
,
his
two
Brothers
,
the
Lords
of
the
Privy
Council
,
the
two
Houses
of
Parliament
,
and
the
chief
Officers
of
State
were
conducted
(
July
the
fifth
,
1660.
)
in
great
Pomp
by
the
Lord
Mayor
,
and
the
Grandees
of
the
City
and
treated
in
a
Royal
manner
with
the
choicest
of
Delicacies
,
with
excellent
Musick
,
and
whatever
else
could
be
thought
on
,
or
delightful
for
so
Illustrious
an
Assembly
.
As
if
the
Citizens
thought
it
not
enough
to
entertain
the
King
,
but
for
his
sake
were
resolv'd
to
put
themselves
to
the
charge
of
gratifying
others
for
their
Loyalty
.
Where
's
now
the
Man
can
bring
me
a
parallel
hereto
?
General
Monk
appear'd
,
and
London
concur'd
,
and
then
the
House
of
Commons
of
the
Parliament
of
forty
is
immediately
reviv'd
,
a
face
of
the
Ancient
Government
restor'd
,
a
new
Parliamentary
Assembly
call'd
,
the
King
sent
for
home
to
enjoy
his
Fathers
Throne
,
and
most
peaceably
settled
therein
without
the
noise
of
War
,
or
the
cries
of
the
wounded
in
our
streets
.
A
Miraculous
effect
of
the
Cities
influence
.
For
what
parts
of
the
Land
are
so
inconsiderate
to
oppose
,
when
London
is
engag'd
and
resolv'd
?
Former
Examples
may
teach
them
future
wisdom
.
These
having
been
the
necessary
preparatives
,
in
sixty
one
,
on
Saint
Georges
day
,
April
the
23.
comes
the
Kings
Coronation
,
(
the
fairest
day
except
the
Preceding
,
in
which
he
made
his
Cavalcade
through
London
,
the
Nation
enjoy'd
both
before
and
after
,
if
the
supplementers
Observation
be
well
grounded
,
notwithstanding
it
began
to
Thunder
and
Lighten
very
smartly
towards
the
end
of
Dinner
time
,
)
and
soon
after
that
another
meeting
of
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
at
Westminster
,
whither
the
Kings
Writs
had
Summoned
them
to
make
a
New
Parliament
,
the
former
Assembly
having
been
dissolv'd
the
December
before
by
his
Majesties
Order
and
Command
.
How
acceptable
the
Actions
of
that
Assembly
were
to
City
and
Country
hath
been
hinted
before
,
and
the
concurrence
of
the
King
,
when
restor'd
,
was
not
wanting
to
Authorize
their
proceedings
;
yet
this
new
Assembly
,
notwithstanding
,
thinking
the
manner
of
it's
Assembling
not
to
be
drawn
into
Example
,
and
that
therewas
some
defect
,
as
to
the
necessary
point
of
Legality
,
in
the
Statutes
then
made
,
or
at
least
desirous
to
remove
all
doubts
,
fears
and
scruples
about
them
,
would
not
let
several
of
those
Acts
pass
without
being
formally
ratified
,
and
confirm'd
anew
by
it's
own
Authority
.
And
therefore
consequently
,
not
trusting
to
the
receiv'd
opinion
of
the
dissolution
of
the
Parliament
of
forty
by
the
late
Kings
Death
,
nor
relying
on
the
House
of
Commons
Act
to
dissolve
themselves
in
fifty
nine
,
nor
the
dissolution
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
in
sixty
,
another
Declaration
was
made
in
the
point
,
in
these
word
.
To
the
end
,
that
no
Man
bereafter
may
be
misled
into
any
seditious
or
unquiet
demeanor
,
out
of
an
opinion
that
the
Parliament
begun
and
held
at
Westminster
,
upon
the
third
day
of
November
,
in
the
year
of
our
Lord
,
one
thousand
six
hundred
and
forty
,
is
yet
in
being
,
which
is
undoubtedly
dissolved
and
determined
,
and
so
is
hereby
Declared
and
Adjudged
to
be
fully
Dissolved
and
Determined
.
And
it
was
further
Enacted
,
by
the
same
Authority
,
That
if
any
Person
or
Persons
at
any
time
after
the
four
and
twentieth
day
of
June
,
in
the
year
of
our
Lord
,
one
thousand
six
hundred
sixty
and
one
,
shall
Malitiously
and
Advisedly
,
by
Writing
,
Printing
,
Preaching
,
or
other
Speaking
,
Express
,
Publish
,
Vtter
,
Declare
or
affirm
,
that
the
Parliament
begun
at
Westminster
upon
the
third
day
of
November
,
in
the
year
of
our
L●rd
,
one
thousand
six
hundred
and
forty
,
is
not
yet
dissolved
,
or
is
not
yet
determined
,
or
that
it
ought
to
be
in
being
,
or
hath
yet
any
continuance
or
Existence
,
that
then
every
such
Person
and
Persons
so
as
aforesaid
offending
shall
incur
the
danger
and
penalty
of
a
Premunire
mentioned
in
a
Statute
made
in
the
sixteenth
year
of
the
Reign
of
King
Richard
the
second
.
Thus
then
were
all
disputes
upon
this
point
effectually
stil'd
and
suppress'd
by
this
Authority
and
Command
of
King
,
Lords
and
Commons
,
and
the
greatness
of
the
penalty
incur'd
by
the
person
offending
,
which
amounts
to
no
less
than
to
be
put
out
of
the
Kings
Protection
,
and
have
his
Lands
and
Tenements
,
Goods
and
Chattels
,
forfeited
to
the
King
,
and
his
Body
Attach'd
,
if
to
be
found
,
and
brought
before
the
King
and
his
Council
,
there
to
Answer
the
premises
,
or
that
process
be
made
against
him
by
Praemunire
facias
,
and
if
return'd
non
est
inventus
,
than
to
be
Outlaw'd
.
Next
I
proceed
to
observe
,
that
't
was
Petitioning
and
addressing
,
that
prepar'd
the
way
for
His
Majesties
Restauration
,
and
therefore
doubtless
the
remembrance
thereof
should
be
always
grateful
and
acceptable
to
the
Loyal
.
Such
preparatories
to
great
turns
and
changes
being
alwaies
preferrable
to
the
other
rougher
methods
of
drawn
Swords
and
loaded
Pistols
,
which
are
the
general
effects
of
Civil
Broils
and
Commotions
,
while
these
are
the
rational
results
of
Wisdom
and
Prudence
.
With
the
King
was
that
part
of
the
English
Clergy
likewise
restor'd
,
which
appropriates
to
it self
the
name
of
the
Church
of
England
.
A
Term
much
gloried
in
by
many
,
as
if
none
but
themselves
were
the
constitutive
parts
thereof
,
and
which
some
now
adays
pretend
freer
from
Ambiguity
than
the
more
general
Name
of
Protestants
.
What
we
understand
▪
by
that
Term
we
know
very
well
,
and
are
not
asham'd
thereof
.
Yet
,
by
the
way
,
I
don't
think
but
't
is
as
lyable
to
exceptions
,
where
Cavils
take
place
,
as
the
other
title
of
Protestants
,
so
much
of
late
turn'd
into
ridicule
by
some
few
pretenders
to
wit
and
sense
above
the
vulgar
.
For
if
by
Church
we
understand
barely
an
Assembly
of
Men
met
together
in
one
place
,
then
doubtless
,
without
any
incongruity
,
it
may
be
applied
to
many
a
civil
meeting
of
Men
together
about
their
own
private
concerns
.
If
by
Church
we
mean
a
society
of
Men
conjoyn'd
in
Spiritual
duties
,
or
the
Ordinances
of
Divine
Worship
,
then
I
hope
it
will
be
no
Solecism
in
common
Speech
to
affirm
,
many
of
the
Dissenters
meetings
may
reasonably
lay
claim
to
the
Name
.
And
if
a
due
Celebration
of
the
Sacraments
will
make
a
Church
,
why
then
may
not
the
Denomination
as
well
belong
to
some
private
Conventicles
,
as
to
the
publick
Oratories
?
If
it
should
denote
only
the
Association
of
many
distinct
Assemblies
under
the
same
Ecclesiastical
Government
,
what
should
hinder
the
Presbiterians
from
enjoying
the
Title
in
those
places
,
where
they
are
allowed
to
exercise
their
power
in
Classical
,
Provincial
,
or
National
Synods
?
Which
Power
they
once
exercis'd
in
England
publickly
within
the
Memory
of
Man
.
But
if
the
Law
of
the
Land
makes
the
difference
,
and
the
established
Government
of
the
Country
,
in
Ecclesiastical
affairs
,
as
with
us
in
England
,
then
I
am
apt
to
beleive
this
Expression
,
the
Church
of
England
,
is
not
without
it's
Ambiguities
,
and
may
be
a
denomination
comprehensive
of
Men
of
as
many
different
modes
and
forms
,
as
some
would
fain
have
us
think
the
word
Protestant
admits
of
.
Heretofore
at
the
first
planting
of
the
Gospel
in
this
Isle
among
the
Britains
,
we
may
call
it
the
British
Church
.
When
Austin
the
Monk
came
in
,
bringing
with
him
the
Customs
and
Ceremonies
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
and
introduc'd
them
among
the
converted
Saxons
,
then
we
may
term
it
the
Romish
Church
.
When
the
Monks
and
Fryers
,
like
the
Frogs
in
Egypt
,
had
over-spread
the
whole
face
of
the
Land
,
then
we
may
give
it
the
Epithite
of
Monkish
.
In
succeeding
Generations
,
when
Popery
was
arriv'd
to
its
height
,
we
may
name
it
the
Popish
Church
.
In
King
Edward
the
sixth
days
it
may
properly
be
called
Reformed
.
Under
the
Marian
Persecution
't
was
certainly
Popish
.
Queen
Elizabeth
brought
back
the
Reformed
Religion
under
an
Episcopal
Government
,
and
therefore
I
venture
to
give
it
the
Name
of
the
Reformed
Episcopal
Church
.
A
little
before
the
late
Wars
,
when
the
Hierarchy
was
arriv'd
at
its
highest
pitch
of
Pomp
and
Grandeur
by
the
Laudean
principles
and
practises
;
It
was
certainly
then
Prelatical
.
In
the
late
times
't
was
once
the
Presbyterian
,
then
the
Independent
Church
,
and
other
Sectaries
were
puting
in
a
pace
for
a
share
,
and
then
,
had
they
succeeded
,
it
might
have
been
,
without
much
impropriety
,
entitled
to
the
Epithite
of
Fanatical
.
King
Charles
brought
back
the
Bishops
,
and
so
now
't
is
again
Episcopal
.
Should
Popery
come
in
,
it
would
be
Popish
.
Were
there
any
likelihood
of
so
great
an
Impossibility
,
as
the
prevalency
of
Judaism
,
then
it
would
be
the
Jewish
Church
.
If
Mahomets
Religion
,
which
hath
been
publickly
profess'd
in
the
Pulpit
preferable
to
Presbiteriansm
,
why
might
it
not
be
allow'd
the
Title
of
Mahometan
?
And
if
we
should
revert
to
the
Ancient
Barbarity
,
where
would
the
impropriety
be
,
should
we
term
it
the
Heathenish
Church
?
For
the
Heathens
heretofore
had
the
thing
,
though
not
the
Name
,
Temples
instead
of
Churches
,
and
bloody
Sacrifices
to
make
up
the
greatest
part
of
their
Devotion
.
What
a
fine
Company
then
of
different
Epithites
,
of
different
signif●cations
,
would
these
be
for
an
impertinent
Caviller
to
prefix
before
that
so
much
applaud'd
expression
,
the
Church
of
England
,
in
reply
to
his
impertinence
,
that
would
perswade
simple
ignorant
people
,
that
they
know
not
what
they
say
,
when
they
call
themselves
Protestants
?
British
,
Romish
,
Monkish
,
Popi●h
,
Reformed
,
Episcopal
,
Prelatical
,
Presbyterian
,
Independent
,
Fanatical
,
Jewish
,
Mahometan
,
Heathenish
,
and
what
not
?
To
such
a
fine
pass
would
people
once
be
brought
,
when
they
fall
to
wrangling
about
words
and
terms
,
at
the
same
time
,
that
they
know
one
anothers
meaning
well
enough
,
yet
will
pretend
not
to
understand
each
other
:
We
may
have
haply
reason
enough
to
approve
of
,
and
glory
in
the
Name
of
Church
of
England
men
,
though
not
perhaps
in
such
a
restrained
sense
,
as
some
do
,
yet
our
grounds
,
without
all
peradventure
,
are
as
good
to
apply
to
our selves
the
glorious
Title
of
Protestants
,
and
we
can
as
properly
distinguish
our selves
thereby
from
Papists
,
as
if
we
term'd
our selves
only
Sons
of
the
Church
of
England
;
under
this
consideration
,
that
Protestants
at
first
were
such
,
Baker
tells
us
,
as
made
a
Protestation
in
defence
of
their
Doctrine
,
and
now
we
are
such
as
protest
▪
against
Popery
and
Slavery
.
But
to
return
,
how
contributory
this
Honourable
City
was
to
his
Majesties
Restauration
,
and
how
Loyally
affectionate
her
Citizens
shew'd
themselves
to
him
before
and
after
,
hath
been
already
instanced
:
Let
us
then
in
the
next
place
take
a
short
transient
view
of
her
actions
,
and
the
accidents
hapning
to
her
,
under
King
Charles
the
second
,
and
see
whither
she
hath
not
continued
still
the
same
,
as
of
old
,
a
City
of
high
Renown
,
Fame
and
Power
,
and
of
great
sway
and
influence
all
over
the
Kingdom
.
First
then
let
us
consider
her
misfortunes
,
that
we
may
the
better
contemplate
her
glories
.
In
sixty
two
her
Parishes
lost
many
of
their
beloved
Pastors
in
that
great
ejection
of
publick
Ministers
,
among
whom
were
some
that
had
declar'd
in
Print
against
the
pretended
high
Court
of
Justice
in
the
time
of
his
Late
Majesties
Tryal
.
In
sixty
five
the
great
Plague
swept
away
her
Citizens
by
thousands
,
tens
of
thousands
,
and
scores
of
thousands
.
In
sixty
six
the
fire
burn'd
almost
all
the
Remainder
out
of
House
and
home
,
and
laid
in
a
manner
the
whole
City
in
Ashes
:
So
that
,
if
ever
,
she
seem'd
then
near
to
a
very
dismal
Catastrophe
.
And
yet
we
see
now
Providence
hath
delivered
her
out
of
these
her
Calamities
,
and
she
is
become
more
glorious
than
ever
in
the
Eyes
of
the
Nation
.
The
number
of
her
Citizens
is
so
encreas'd
,
and
her
streets
fill'd
with
such
multitudes
of
people
passing
to
and
fro
,
that
those
who
dyed
in
the
sickness
are
neither
miss'd
nor
wanted
.
The
fire
hath
made
such
a
Reformation
within
her
Walls
,
and
the
new
buildings
,
publick
and
private
,
have
been
rais'd
up
,
to
the
admiration
of
all
,
in
so
small
a
space
of
time
,
and
in
so
pompous
and
stately
a
form
,
that
she
may
be
thought
,
like
the
old
Phaenix
burning
in
her
nest
of
odoriferous
Spices
,
only
to
have
shaken
off
her
old
decay'd
feathers
by
the
fire
,
and
out
of
her
own
Ashes
,
Phaenix
like
,
to
have
risen
up
with
more
Splendor
and
Gallantry
than
ever
.
Come
we
now
to
the
late
Discovery
of
the
Grand
Popish
Plot
,
and
the
times
succeeding
,
and
therein
also
we
meet
with
instances
of
Londons
influence
and
Authority
with
the
rest
of
the
Nation
.
She
guarded
her self
with
her
own
Arms
,
and
how
soon
was
she
follow'd
in
other
places
?
After
the
dissolution
of
some
of
the
National
Assemblies
,
(
which
we
English
men
call
Parliaments
,
and
firmly
beleive
the
greatest
liberty
of
the
subject
to
consist
therein
)
upon
a
new
choice
,
when
her
Citizens
made
a
publick
promise
to
their
chosen
Representatives
,
that
they
would
stand
by
them
with
their
lives
and
fortunes
:
Such
a
Copy
was
set
the
Nation
,
that
most
places
strove
to
imitate
it
,
and
the
Example
was
as
influential
,
as
when
before
,
upon
the
Cities
Petitioning
for
the
sitting
of
one
of
those
before
mention'd
Parliaments
,
Petitions
of
the
same
nature
came
thronging
in
amain
from
several
parts
of
the
Land
in
imitation
.
Look
we
now
upon
the
City
,
and
see
how
intent
the
eyes
of
the
Nation
are
fixt
upon
her
actions
,
and
the
great
contest
about
the
Sheriffs
.
How
all
the
Land
seems
concern'd
on
one
side
or
the
other
,
and
think
their
own
well-fare
wrapt
up
in
her
security
.
Such
sollicitousness
of
a
whole
Nation
for
one
particular
City
must
certainly
denote
some
what
extraordinary
therein
:
And
what
is
it
,
can
more
interest
the
Nation
in
her
concerns
,
than
the
great
Influence
't
is
known
she
has
upon
all
their
grand
affairs
,
be
they
more
or
less
publick
?
Even
the
very
business
of
the
Quo
Warranto
,
now
depending
,
will
administer
an
instance
of
her
Power
and
Greatness
.
How
do
all
now
stand
ready
waiting
the
Event
,
depending
upon
her
success
,
or
ready
to
follow
her
fate
?
When
the
Writ
was
brought
against
her
Charter
,
how
great
was
the
Expectation
of
the
people
,
and
their
longings
to
know
what
would
be
the
Issue
?
Some
Resign'd
,
but
when
London
appear'd
to
Stand
up
in
her
own
Vindication
,
what
a
stop
was
there
put
to
Resignations
,
and
how
rare
have
been
surrenders
since
?
Most
seem
now
ready
to
defend
themselves
by
Law
;
Nay
,
Oxford
hath
pitch'd
upon
the
same
way
and
method
with
London
:
Whereas
had
this
Honourable
City
,
but
surrender'd
calmly
and
quietly
,
't
is
a
question
whither
any
would
have
stood
out
,
or
whether
rather
all
Towns
and
Corporations
would
not
have
strove
to
have
out
run
each
other
to
the
Throne
of
Majesty
,
there
to
have
made
an
intire
Resignation
of
all
their
Charters
,
Liberties
,
Priviledges
and
Franchises
,
notwithstanding
the
hazard
they
might
have
run
,
by
dissolving
their
Ancient
Corporations
,
to
have
lost
back
all
the
Estates
,
given
to
them
as
Corporate
bodies
,
to
the
Donors
Heirs
,
sutable
to
the
Reply
said
to
be
made
to
the
Burgesses
of
a
Certain
Corporation
,
when
they
ask'd
advice
in
the
Case
.
Such
having
been
the
influences
of
the
City
of
London
all
along
upon
the
Nation
,
and
such
the
undeniable
proofs
thereof
,
what
then
remains
,
but
that
we
must
needs
acknowledge
and
confess
her
to
be
a
City
most
Triumphant
?
Triumphant
in
the
Antiquity
of
her
Foundation
,
the
continuance
of
her
ancient
renown
,
and
the
Glorious
Acts
of
her
Citizens
:
Triumphant
in
the
Freedom
of
her
Priviledges
,
the
Honourable
respect
shewn
her
Magistrates
,
and
the
Combined
strength
of
her
Commonalty
:
Triumphant
in
the
Prevalency
of
her
Power
,
Victorious
success
of
her
Arms
,
and
unavoidable
Destruction
of
her
Enemies
.
Let
us
therefore
with
an
united
consent
prostrate
our selves
before
the
Throne
of
Grace
with
this
Petitionary
request
,
that
she
may
continue
ever
fixt
and
unmovable
in
her
Duty
to
the
Almighty
,
firm
in
her
Loyalty
to
the
King
,
and
secure
in
an
uninterrupted
enjoyment
of
her
just
Rights
,
Liberties
,
Priviledges
and
Franchises
:
A
Prayer
,
whereto
I
doubt
not
but
every
Loyal
English
Man
,
and
honest
well
meaning
Citizen
will
readily
from
his
heart
say
,
Amen
.
FINIS
.