This is plain from the Practife of those Emperors , who ende avoured as much as they could , to pass over the Empire in part or in whole , like an Inheritance , unto those they loved best . For , Sometimes they preferred Strangers before their own Kindred , and made them Caesars ; and sometimes the Remoter of their own Kindred , before the nearer in Blood . Sometimes they would make one , and sometimes two , or more Caesars , according to the number of their Children , as the Reader will find in the first Chapter of this Answer ; but none of them ever attempted to get it settled upon one man and his future Children after him , much less upon his Heirs Males , or Females in a lineal Succession for ever . They were as Ignorant of this sort of Settlement and Heirship , as their Subjects ; which is worth observing to all those , who read the Latine or Greek Authors , that they be not imposed upon by the words Heir , Hereditary , Inheritance , or Patrimony , which never signifie in that special manner , as they do among us in relation to Entailed Kingdoms and Estates , but as they do in other Countries with respect to goods and Chattels , to which no man succeeds but as a Testamentary Heir , if the deceased person made a Will , or if he died Intestate , as Heir at Law . Vnder the former Character some of the Emperors indeed might be said in a large , and (r) (r) Thus the Panegyrist to Constantine the Great , Ut quum tibi Pater [ Constantius ] Imperium reliquisset , Caesares tamen appellatione contentus expectare malueris , ut idem te qui illum declaret Augustum , si quidemipsum ipsum Imperium hoc fore pulchrius judicabas , si id non haered●●rium ex successione ●●●●sses , sed virtutibus tuis debitum a summo Imperatore meruisses . complemental Sense to have the Empire descend upon them in an Hereditary Succession , because it was bequeathed unto them as much as it could be by the Testaments of their Predecessors : But under the latter , none ever claimed med the Empire , but (s) (s) Vid. Vopiscum in Florian. Florianus the Brother of Tacitus , who had scarce reigned two Months , before the Senate , and Army chose another Emperor after the usual Manner ; whereupon his own Souldiers slew him , as an Vsurper . Indeed the Emperor Quintillus did also succeed his Brother Claudius , but the Historian takes care to let us know that it was by vertue of his (t) (t) Treb. Pollio in Claudio . Quintillus frater ejusdem vir sanctus , et sui fratris vere frater delatum sibi omnium judicio suscepit Imperium nom haereditarium , sed merito virtutum , qui factus esset Imperator , etiamsi frater Claudii Principes non fuisset . Election , and not as Heir at Law , and therefore if the Roman Empire could not descend like a Private Estate from an Intestate Emperor unto a Brother , as Heir at Law , I leave Mr. J. and his Oracle Mr. H. to consider , how far it was from being Hereditary in a limited and lineal Succession , as entailed Kingdoms , and particularly this of England is .

Thus much by way of supplement , to what I had omitted in the first Chapter ; to which I shall add a few other Observations , which I hope will not be unworthy of the Readers notice ; as first , concerning (u) (u) P. 97 , 98. Lucifer Calaritanus , who , as I have shewn , gave his own Soveraign Constantius Junior , though a Christian , as contumelious Names as any Mr. J. can shew the Christians gave Julian , which besides something of extream Severity , which was in the Temper of the Man , is to be resolved into this false Principle which discovers it self in his Tract De non parcendo in Deum delinquentibus , viz. That the Servants of God ( by whom he specially meant the Clergy ) were to take the same liberty in Reproving and Correcting their Kings , that the Prophets did under the Old Testament , and upon this mistaken Principle be justifies his reproachful manner of treating the Emperor , as consistent with his Duty to him . This I thought worth observing by way of Apology for the Good man , who , as he Erroneously followed the Example of the Prophets in the great Liberty , and Severity , which he used in Chastising the Emperor ; so , like a Prophet , he was a great Patron and Example of Passive Obedience , being so far from exhorting the Orthodox to resist Constantius , when he so severely persecuted them , that he wrote a little Book to exhort them to Patience , and Constancy in their Sufferings , Entituled , (x) (x) In Biblioth. Patrum . Ed. Par. Moriendum esse pro Dei Filio .

In the fourth Chapter among other Arguments which I have used , to shew , the utter improbability of Old Gregory's undertaking to kick Julian , I forgot this , That it is not reasonable to believe , that so Good and Apostolick a Bishop , would so deliberately resolve to kick any man , much less his own Soveraign , contrary to the express Rules of the Apostle , who saith , That a Bishop must be no (y) (y) 1 Tim. 3.3 . Tit. 1.7 . Striker , but on the contrary , that (z) (z) 2 Tim. 2.24 . the Servant of the Lord , must not strive , but be Gentle unto all men , apt to teach , and Patient . This special Rule about the Patient and Meek Behaviour of Clergy-men we find enlarged in the 9th . of the Apostolical Canons , in these words ; If any Bishop , or Presbyter , or Deacon beat any Believer , or Unbeliever , that doth him wrong , — we command , that he be deposed , because our Lord hath in no wise taught us so to do ; but on the contrary , when he was stricken , he did not strike again , when he was reviled he reviled not again , when he suffered , he threatned not . And Balsamon , and Zonar . on this Canon both say , That a Clergy-man rather than strike another , ought to him that smiteth him on the one Cheek , to turn the other also . And as the Church does straitly forbid Clergy-men to strike , so did she also severely forbid both Clergy men , and Lay-men to affront an Emperor , or Ruler , the former under the penalty of being deposed , and the latter of being excluded from the Holy Communion , as may be seen in the 84th . Apostolical Canon ; which makes it still more Incredible , that such an Holy Bishop , as young Gregory describes his Father to be , should suffer his Zeal so outragiously to transport him beyond all the Rules of common Decency , and Duty to resolve upon kicking the Emperor , against the Example of Christ , the reiterated Precepts of the Apostle , and the Canons and Censures of the Church .

Among other Examples , which I have brought towards the latter end of the 5th . Chapter to shew , that there was nothing Singular , or Extraordinary in the Behaviour of Valentinian , Publia , &c. towards Julian , as our Author would make his Reader believe , I beg leave to add one more of a (a) (a) Johannes dictus in martyrologio Usuardi , Adonis , Notkeri , et in vetere Romano , die 7 Setp. Valenius in Annotat . ad cap. 5. lib. 8. Hist. Eccl. Eusebii . Christian of great Rank , and Quality in Nicomedia , who , as Eusebius , the Relater of the Story , saith , being acted by a Divine Zeal , and a flaming Faith , pulled down the Imperial Edict for destroying the Churches in Nicomedia , from the Pillar , upon which it was fixed in the most resorted place of all the City , and tore it in pieces , as a most Wicked , and Vngodly Order , although two of the Emperors Dioclesian , and Galerius , were then in the Town . For this Contempts , not of the Authority , but of the Tyranny of the Emperors , he was seized , and tortured to death , & had the Honour to be the Proto-martyr of the Dioclesian Persecution . Now according to Mr. J. had any of the christian Subjects of Julian , like stout Champions of Christ , served him in this manner , it must not have been put upon the score of their Zeal to suffer for Christ , but have been represented as an Effect of their special Hatred , and Contempt of him , as an Apostate , and a Persecutor against Law . But much more if any Christian City had forcibly opposed any of his Officers , or Captains , as the (b) (b) Socrat. Hist. Eccles. l. 2. c. 13. People of Constantinople in a Violent Insurrection opposed Hermogenes one of the Captains of Constantius , ( whose House they set on Fire , and dragged him about the Streets , till be was dead ) or if any Discontented Ambitious Man had by chance Rebelled against Julian , under the Masque of Religion , as (c) (c) Baron . An. 350. n. 1. Am. 353. n. 5. Magnentius did against Constants , and Constantius , Mr. J. according to his way of arguing , would have turned the matter into a general Conclusion , That the same Men who would quietly have submitted under a Nero , and Dioclesian , do nevertheless resist an Apostate , and a Persecutor against Law , and pursue him like a Midnight Robber . But God be praised the Banner of the Cross was never display'd agianst the Apostate by any of his Christian Subjects ; nor did they raise any Seditions against him , having recovered much of the Primitive , and Genuine Temper of Christianity , from which many of them , by reason of the great heats between the Arrians , and Orthodox , had a little degenerated in his Predecessors Reign . But in his time they behaved themselves with Exemplary Patience under the highest Provocations ; for laying aside their Mutual Animosities , they prayed together ( as our (d) (d) Preface p. 28. Author observes ) and like true Champions of Christ , despised the Power , and Threatnings of the Tyrant , being ready in the Apostles passive Sense of the words , to resist him unto Blood .

But what if any of them had risen up in Rebellion against him , or Stirs , and Seditions had hapned in some of the great Cities upon the Account of Religion ? Would the Exorbitant Practises of some , ( according to our Authors way of arguing ) have been a sufficient ground for a General Imputation upon all the Christian of the Empire ? Would the Behaviour of some particular Persons , or Companies , have justified such general Phrases , as are wont to be expressed with they , and their . If this be good Logique , then the Stirs and Tumults at Paul's Cross in Queen Mary's days may be yet authorized by Mr. J. upon all the Protestants of London , and the Rebellion of Wyat , and his Adherents upon all the Protestants of the Nation , as their General Act. He may make another Book , and tell the People in his deceitful way of writing , that they threw Stones , and Daggers at (e) (e) Mr. Bourn . Speed in Q. Mary . Fox Acts in Q. M. Dr. Burnets Hist. Reform . Par. 2. p. 245. some , and discharged Pistols at (f) (f) Dr. Pendleton . Speed . Ib. other Priests , who were sent by the Qu. and Counsel to preach unto them ; that they taught a (g) (g) Id. ib. Maid to speak Seditious Speeches against the Queen in a Wall , so that the People believed it was the Voice of an Angel ; that they put a Cope upon a Cat , shaved her Crown , and tied something like a Waser between her Forelegs , and then in derision of Popery hanged her upon a Gallows at Cheap-Cross . In a word , that they rose up agianst her in Defence of their (h) (h) The Rebellion of Sir Turmas Wyat , was upon the Account of Religion , as is plain our of Fox , who faith , That the Queens Marriage was very ill taken of the People and of many of the Nobility , who for this , and for Religion made a Rebellion ; and that Sir Thomas Wyat the Chief , said , That the Queen by her Marriage would , bring Servitude upon the Realm , and establish the Popish Religion . So faith Mr. Bradford of them , in his Exhortation to the Professors of the Gospel in England . Now for the Victory given to the Queen , if men had any Godly Wit , they might see many things in it : First God hath done it to win her heart to the Gospel . Again , he hath done it , because they that went against her , put their Trust in Horses , and Power of Men , and because in their doing , they fought not the Propagation of Gods Gospel , which thing is now plainly seen . Therefore no marvail , why God fought against them . They were Hypocrites , and under the Cloke of the Gospel would have debarred the Queens Highness of her Right , but God would not so Cloke them . Religion , and so shewed their Hatred to her , and how they held her in the lowest degree of Contempt .

If a Man should set his Wit to give such an Account of the Behaviour of the Protestants towards Queens Mary , picking up such Stories as these , and concealing their Loyalty in setting her upon the Throne , and their Meek and Passive Behaviour under her Persecution , he might make just such another Fallacious Book as that of Mr. Js. who hath gleaned 3 , or 4 , Particular Stories out of the Histories of the Apostate , upon which he hath put false Colours , and suppressed , and concealed as much as he could the Loyalty and Passive Obedience of his Subject , and what he could not conceal , he hath ( and I verily believe against his own Conscience ) resolved into a wrong Cause .

In the 7th . Chapter about Julian's death , I omitted one good Argument to prove he was not Treacherously killed by a Christian , taken from this Expression in his last (i) (i) Amm. Mar. l. 25. c. 3 Hakewells Scutum Reg. p. 148. Speech : Sempiternum veneror Numen , quod non clan destinis insidiis , nee longá morborum asperitate , nee damnatorum fine , sed in medio cursu florentium gloriarum hunc merui clarum e mundo digressum : I bless the Eternal Deity ( saith he ) that I do not dye by secret treachery , &c. which very Expression seems to prove that he himself did not in the least suspect , that he was struck by a Roman , much less a Christian Hand , as Mr. J. designs his Reader should believe . I might also have observed , that Mr. J. is the first Writer of the Church of England , whose Genius hath led him to follow the Example of (k) (k) His verbis : Nobilis Historicus Sozomenus l. 6. c. 2. Militem , si quis forte Julianum Imperatorem occidisset ( uti eo tempore quidam accusabant ) Jure & cum laude fecisse ait . Hakewells Scutum Reg. p. 142. Mariana ( whom Ruteford the Author of Lex Rex accounted an approved Author ) in citing of Sozomen for Justifying ( as he saith ) the Murder of Julian by one of his own Soldiers . But , as I have observed , Soz. did neither justifie , nor commend , but only extenuat the Crime , for which he hath been severely censured by other (l) (l) Sozomenum mendacii arguit Gregorius Magnus , stupiditatis incredibils Baronius . Ibid. Authors ; but Mr. J. let him pass without Rebuke , though , I confess , he hath called the Fact a Traiterous Assassination , but with what appearance of Integrity , let the Impartial Reader judge .

In the beginning of his Preface he makes a mighty Flourish , and in very fallacious Rhetoric , against the Loyal Addressers for being contrary to themselves , promising to maintain his Majesty , and the Religion established , with their Lives , and Fortunes , and a Popish Successor too . But though common Readers cannot , yet others can look through this Malicious Fallacy ; for it was not the Popish Successor , as popish , but the Succession , which they promised to maintain , and not the Person , who shall succeed , in his endeavours to overthrow the Protestant Religion , there they will desert him , as the Suffolk-Protestants did Queen Mary ; but in all other things they will serve a Popish Successor with their Lives , and Fortunes , as the Christians did a Pagan , and particulary Julian , so that he may keep the Horns of Mahomets Angels , which were half Fire , and half Snow , as an Emblem for such Protestants , who can sight against the Person of their Prince in Defence of his Authority , and who are wont to qualisie their professed Zeal for him with such Cooling Considerations , as do perfectly extinguish it , as Snow doth Fire .