THE
HISTORY
OF
THE
Civil
Wars
OF
ENGLAND
.
A.
If
in
time
,
as
in
place
there
were
Degrees
of
high
and
low
;
I
verily
believe
that
the
highest
of
time
,
whould
be
that
which
passeth
betwixt
,
1640
,
and
1660.
For
he
that
thence
as
from
the
Divils
Mountain
,
should
have
looked
upon
the
World
,
and
observed
the
Actions
of
Men
,
especially
in
England
,
might
have
had
a
Prospect
of
all
kinds
of
Injustice
,
and
of
all
kinds
of
Folly
that
the
world
could
afford
;
and
how
they
were
produced
by
then
Hypocrisy
and
self-conceit
,
whereof
the
one
is
double
Iniquity
,
and
the
other
double
Folly
.
B.
I
should
be
glad
to
behold
the
Prospect
.
you
that
have
lived
in
that
time
and
in
that
part
of
your
Age
;
wherein
Men
used
to
see
best
into
good
and
evil
;
I
pray
you
set
me
(
that
could
not
see
so
well
)
upon
the
same
Mountain
,
by
the
relation
of
the
actions
you
then
saw
,
&
of
their
Causes
,
Pretentions
,
Justice
,
Order
,
Artifice
and
Events
.
A.
In
the
year
,
1640.
The
Government
of
England
was
Monarchical
,
and
the
King
that
reigned
,
Charles
the
I.
of
that
Name
,
holding
the
Soveraignty
by
Right
of
a
Discent
continued
above
600
years
;
and
from
a
much
longer
Discent
King
of
Scotland
;
and
from
the
Time
of
his
Ancestors
Henry
the
2.
King
of
Ireland
,
a
Man
that
wanted
no
Vertue
,
either
of
Body
or
Mind
,
nor
endeavour'd
any
thing
more
,
than
to
discharge
his
Duty
towards
his
God
,
in
the
well-governing
of
his
Subjects
.
B.
How
could
he
than
miscarry
,
having
in
every
County
so
many
Train'd-bands
,
as
would
(
put
together
)
have
made
an
Army
of
60000
Men
,
and
divers
Magazenes
of
Ammunition
,
in
Places
fortified
.
A.
If
those
Souldiers
had
been
(
as
they
and
all
others
of
his
Subjects
ought
to
have
been
)
at
his
Majesties
Command
:
the
Peace
and
Hapiness
of
the
Three
Kingdoms
,
had
continued
,
as
it
was
left
by
K.
James
;
but
the
People
were
corrupted
generally
,
and
Disobedient
Persons
esteemed
the
best
Patriots
B
,
But
sure
,
there
were
Men
enough
,
besides
those
that
were
ill-affected
,
to
have
made
an
Army
sufficient
for
to
have
kept
the
People
from
uniting
into
a
Body
able
to
oppose
him
.
A.
Truely
,
if
the
King
had
had
Money
,
I
think
he
might
have
had
Souldiers
enough
in
England
;
for
there
were
very
few
of
the
common
People
that
cared
much
for
either
of
the
Causes
,
but
would
have
taken
any
side
for
pay
and
plunder
:
But
the
Kings
treasure
was
very
low
,
and
his
Enemies
that
pretended
the
Peoples
ease
from
Taxes
,
and
other
specious
things
,
had
the
Command
of
the
Purses
of
the
City
of
London
,
and
of
most
Cities
and
Corporate
Towns
in
England
,
and
of
many
particular
Persons
besides
.
B.
But
how
comes
the
People
to
be
so
corrupted
,
and
what
kind
of
People
were
they
that
did
so
seduce
them
?
A.
The
Seducers
were
of
divers
sorts
.
One
sort
were
Ministers
;
Ministers
(
as
they
called
themselves
)
of
Christ
;
and
sometimes
in
their
Sermons
to
the
People
,
Gods
Embassadors
,
pretending
to
have
a
Right
from
God
to
govern
every
one
his
Parish
,
and
their
Assembly
,
the
whole
Nation
.
Secondly
,
There
were
a
very
great
number
,
though
not
comparable
to
the
other
,
which
notwithstanding
that
the
Popes
Power
in
England
,
both
Temporal
and
Ecclesiastical
had
been
by
Act
of
Parliament
abolished
,
did
still
retain
a
belief
,
that
we
ought
to
be
governed
by
the
Pope
,
whom
they
pretended
to
be
the
Vicar
of
Christ
,
and
in
the
Right
of
Christ
to
be
the
Governour
of
all
Christian
People
,
and
these
were
known
by
the
Name
of
PAPISTS
,
as
the
Ministers
I
mentioned
before
,
were
commonly
called
PRESBYTERIANS
.
Thirdly
,
There
were
not
a
few
,
who
in
the
beginning
of
the
Troubles
were
not
discovered
,
but
shortly
after
declared
themselves
for
a
Liberty
in
Religion
,
and
those
of
different
opinions
one
from
another
:
Some
of
them
(
because
they
would
have
all
Congregations
free
and
independant
upon
one
another
)
were
called
INDEPENDANTS
;
others
that
held
Baptism
to
Infants
,
and
such
as
understood
not
into
what
they
are
Baptized
to
be
ineffectual
,
were
called
therefore
ANABAPTISTS
:
Others
that
held
,
that
Christs
Kingdom
was
at
this
time
to
begin
upon
the
Earth
,
were
called
FIFTH-MOMARCHY-MEN
;
besides
divers
other
Sects
as
QUAKERS
,
ADAMITES
,
&c.
whose
names
and
peculiar
Doctrines
I
do
not
very
well
remember
,
and
these
were
the
Enemies
,
which
arose
against
his
Majesty
from
the
private
Interpretation
of
the
Scripture
exposed
to
every
Mans
scanning
in
his
Mother
Tongue
.
Fourthly
,
There
were
an
exceeding
great
number
of
Men
of
the
better
sort
,
that
had
been
so
educated
,
as
that
in
their
youth
having
read
the
Books
written
by
famous
men
of
the
Antient
Grecian
and
Roman
Commonwealths
,
concerning
their
Policy
and
great
Actions
,
in
which
Book
the
Popular
Government
was
extold
by
that
glorious
Name
of
Liberty
,
and
Monarchy
disgraced
by
the
Name
of
Tyranny
:
they
became
thereby
in
love
with
their
form
of
Government
:
And
out
of
these
men
were
chosen
the
greatest
part
of
the
HOUSE
OF
COMMONS
:
or
if
they
were
not
the
greatest
part
,
yet
by
advantage
of
their
Eloquence
were
always
able
to
sway
the
rest
.
Fifthly
,
The
City
of
London
,
and
other
great
Towns
of
Trade
,
having
in
admiration
the
prosperity
of
the
low
Countries
,
after
they
had
revolted
from
their
Monarch
,
the
King
of
Spain
,
were
inclined
to
think
,
that
the
like
change
of
Government
here
would
to
them
produce
the
like
prosperity
.
Sixthly
,
There
were
a
very
great
Number
,
that
had
either
wasted
their
fortunes
,
or
thought
them
too
mean
for
the
good
part
?
they
thought
were
i●
themselves
:
and
more
there
were
that
had
able
bodies
,
and
saw
no
means
how
honestly
to
get
their
Bread
:
These
longed
for
a
War
,
and
hoped
to
maintain
themselves
hereafter
by
the
lucky
chusing
of
a
Party
to
side
with
,
and
consequently
did
for
the
most
part
serve
under
them
,
that
had
greatest
plenty
of
Money
.
Lastly
,
The
People
in
general
were
so
ignorant
of
their
Duties
,
as
that
not
one
perhaps
of
1000
knew
what
Right
any
man
had
to
command
him
,
or
what
necessity
there
was
of
King
or
Common-wealth
,
for
which
he
was
to
part
with
his
money
against
his
will
,
but
thought
himself
to
be
so
much
Master
of
whatsoever
he
possest
,
that
it
could
not
be
taken
from
him
upon
any
pretence
of
Common
Safety
without
his
own
consent
.
King
,
they
thought
was
but
a
Title
of
the
highest
honour
,
which
Gentlemen
,
Knight
,
Baron
,
Earl
,
Luke
were
but
steps
to
ascend
to
with
the
help
of
Riches
,
and
had
no
Rule
of
Equity
,
but
Precedents
and
Custom
,
and
he
was
thought
wisest
and
fittest
to
be
chosen
for
a
Parliament
,
who
was
most
averse
to
the
granting
of
Subsidies
,
or
other
publick
Payments
.
B.
In
such
a
Constitution
of
People
,
methinks
the
King
is
already
outed
of
his
Government
:
so
as
they
need
not
have
taken
Arms
for
it
:
For
I
cannot
imagine
,
how
the
King
should
come
by
any
means
to
resist
them
.
A.
There
was
indeed
very
great
difficulty
in
the
business
,
but
of
that
point
you
will
be
better
informed
in
the
pursuit
of
this
Narration
.
B.
But
I
desire
to
know
first
the
several
grounds
of
the
Pretences
,
both
of
the
Pope
and
of
the
Presbyterians
,
by
which
they
claim
a
Right
to
govern
us
,
as
they
do
in
chief
,
and
after
that
,
from
whence
,
and
when
crept
in
the
Pretences
of
that
Long
Parliament
for
a
Democrasie
.
A.
As
for
the
Papists
,
they
challenge
this
Right
from
a
Text
in
Deut.
17.
and
other
like
Texts
,
according
to
the
Old
Latin
Translation
in
these
words
,
And
he
that
out
of
Pride
shall
refuse
to
obey
the
Commandment
of
that
Priest
,
which
shall
at
that
time
Minister
before
the
Lord
thy
God
,
that
man
shall
,
by
the
Sentence
of
the
Judge
,
be
put
to
Death
:
and
because
the
Jews
were
the
People
of
God
then
,
so
is
all
Christendom
the
People
of
God
now
,
they
infer
from
thence
,
that
the
Pope
,
whom
they
pretend
to
be
High
Priest
of
all
Christian
People
,
ought
also
to
be
obeyed
in
all
his
Decrees
by
all
Christians
upon
pain
of
Death
:
Again
,
whereas
in
the
New
Testament
:
Christ
saith
,
all
Power
is
given
unto
me
in
Heaven
and
in
Earth
,
go
therefore
and
teach
all
Nations
,
and
baptize
them
in
the
name
of
the
Father
,
and
of
the
Son
,
and
of
the
Holy
Ghost
,
and
teach
them
to
observe
all
those
things
,
that
I
have
commanded
you
,
from
thence
they
in●er
,
that
the
Command
of
the
Apostles
was
to
be
obeyed
,
&
by
consequence
the
Nations
were
bound
to
be
governed
by
them
,
and
especially
by
the
Prince
of
the
Apostles
,
St.
Peter
,
and
by
his
Successors
the
Popes
of
Rome
.
B.
For
the
Text
in
the
Old
Testament
,
I
do
not
see
how
the
Commandment
of
God
to
the
Jews
to
obey
their
Priests
can
be
interpreted
to
have
the
like
force
in
the
Case
of
other
Nations
Christian
,
more
then
upon
Nations
Unchristian
:
For
all
the
world
are
Gods
People
,
unless
we
also
grant
,
that
a
King
cannot
of
an
Infidel
be
made
Christian
without
making
himself
subject
to
the
Laws
of
that
Apostle
or
Priest
,
or
Minister
,
that
shall
convert
him
.
The
Jews
were
a
peculiar
People
of
God
,
a
Sacerdotal
Kingdom
,
and
bound
to
no
other
Law
,
but
what
first
Moses
,
and
afterwards
every
High
Priest
did
go
and
receive
immediately
from
the
Mouth
of
God
in
Mount
Sinai
in
the
Tabernacle
of
the
Ark
,
and
in
the
Sanctum
Sanctorum
of
the
Temple
.
And
for
the
Text
in
St.
Mathew
:
I
know
the
words
in
the
Gospel
are
not
,
Go
teach
,
but
Go
and
make
Disciples
;
and
that
there
is
a
great
difference
between
a
Subject
and
a
Disciple
,
and
between
teaching
and
commanding
;
and
if
such
Texts
as
these
must
be
so
interpreted
,
why
do
not
Christian
Kings
lay
down
their
Titles
of
Majesty
and
Soveraignty
,
and
call
themselves
the
Popes
Lieutenants
?
But
the
Doctors
of
the
Romish
Church
seem
to
decline
that
Title
of
Absolute
Power
,
in
their
distinction
of
Power
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
but
this
Distinction
I
do
not
very
well
understand
.
A.
By
Spiritual
Power
they
mean
the
Power
to
determine
Points
of
Faith
,
and
to
be
Judges
in
the
Inner
Court
of
Conscience
of
Moral
Duties
,
and
of
a
Power
to
punish
those
men
that
obey
not
their
Precepts
by
Ecclesiastical
Censure
,
that
is
by
Excommunication
;
and
this
Power
they
say
the
Pope
hath
immediately
from
Christ
without
dependance
upon
any
King
or
Soveraign
Assembly
whose
Subjects
they
〈◊〉
that
stand
Excommunicate
:
But
for
the
Power
Temporal
,
which
consists
in
judging
and
punishing
those
Actions
,
that
are
done
against
the
Civil
Law
,
they
say
they
do
not
pretend
to
it
directly
,
but
only
indirectly
▪
That
is
to
say
so
far
forth
as
such
Actions
tend
to
the
hinderance
or
advancement
of
Religion
in
ordine
ad
Spiritualia
.
B.
What
Power
then
is
le●t
to
Kings
and
other
Civil
Soveraign●
which
the
Pope
may
not
pretend
to
be
in
ordine
ad
Spiritualia
?
A.
None
,
or
very
little
;
and
this
Power
the
Pope
not
only
pretends
to
in
all
Christendom
,
but
some
of
his
Bishops
also
in
their
several
Di●cesses
,
jure
Divino
〈◊〉
that
is
immediately
from
Christ
,
without
deriving
it
from
the
Pope
.
B.
But
what
if
a
man
refuse
Obedience
to
this
pretended
Power
of
the
Pope
and
his
Bishops
,
what
harm
can
Excommunication
do
him
,
especially
if
he
be
a
Subject
of
an
other
Soveraign
?
A.
Very
great
harm
:
for
by
the
Popes
or
Bishops
Signification
of
it
to
the
Civil
Power
,
he
shall
be
punished
sufficiently
.
B.
He
were
in
an
ill
Case
then
that
adventured
to
write
,
or
speak
in
defence
of
the
Civil
Power
,
that
must
be
punished
by
him
,
whose
Rights
he
des●nded
●ike
Uzza
,
that
was
slain
,
because
he
would
needs
unbidden
,
put
forth
his
hand
to
keep
the
Ark
from
falling
.
But
,
what
if
a
whole
Nation
should
revolt
from
the
Pope
at
once
?
What
effect
could
Excommunication
have
upon
the
Nation
?
A.
Why
they
should
have
no
more
Mass
said
at
least
by
any
of
the
Popes
Priests
.
Besides
the
Pope
would
have
no
more
to
do
with
them
,
but
cast
them
off
,
and
so
they
would
be
in
the
same
Case
as
if
a
Nation
should
be
cast
off
by
their
King
,
and
left
to
be
Governed
by
themselves
,
or
whom
they
would
.
B.
This
would
not
be
taken
so
much
for
a
Punishment
to
the
People
as
to
the
King
,
and
therefore
when
a
Pope
Excommunicates
a
whole
Nation
,
methinks
he
rather
Excommunicates
himself
,
than
them
.
But
I
pray
you
tell
me
what
were
the
Rights
the
Pope
pretended
to
in
the
Kingdoms
of
other
Princes
.
A.
First
an
Exemption
of
all
Priests
,
Fri●rs
,
and
Monks
in
Criminal
Causes
,
from
the
Cognizance
of
Civil
Judges
.
Secondly
,
Collation
of
Benefices
on
whom
he
pleased
,
Native
or
Stranger
;
and
Exaction
of
Tenths
,
Fruits
,
and
other
payments
.
Thirdly
▪
Appeals
to
R●me
,
in
all
Causes
where
the
Church
could
pretend
to
be
concern'd
.
Fourthly
,
To
be
the
●upreme
Judge
concerning
the
Lawfullness
of
Marriage
,
(
i.
e.
concerning
the
Hereditar●
Succession
of
Kings
)
and
to
have
the
Cognizance
of
all
Causes
concerning
Adultery
and
Fornication
.
B
Good
!
A
Monopoly
of
Women
.
A.
Fifthly
,
A
power
of
absolving
Subjects
of
their
Duties
,
and
of
their
Oathes
of
Fidelity
to
their
Lawful
Soveraigns
,
when
the
Pope
should
think
fit
,
for
the
Extirpation
of
Heresie
.
B.
This
power
of
Absolving
Subjects
of
their
Obedience
;
as
also
that
other
of
being
Judges
of
Manners
and
Doctrine
,
is
as
absolute
a
Soveraignty
as
is
possible
to
be
:
and
consequently
there
must
be
two
Kingdoms
in
one
and
the
same
Nation
,
and
so
no
man
be
able
to
know
which
of
his
Masters
he
must
obey
.
A.
For
my
part
I
should
rather
obey
that
Master
that
had
the
Right
of
Making
Laws
,
and
of
inflicting
Punishments
,
then
him
that
pretendeth
only
to
a
Right
of
making
Canons
,
that
is
to
say
,
Rules
;
and
no
Right
of
Coaction
,
or
otherwise
Punishing
,
but
by
Excommunication
.
B.
But
the
Pope
pretends
also
,
that
his
Canons
are
Laws
;
and
for
Punishing
,
can
there
be
a
greater
then
Excommunication
supposing
it
true
(
as
the
Pope
saith
it
is
)
that
he
that
dies
Excommunicate
is
damn'd
:
which
supposition
,
it
seems
,
you
believe
not
,
else
you
would
rather
have
chosen
to
obey
the
Pope
,
that
could
cast
your
Body
and
Soul
into
Hell
,
then
the
King
that
can
only
kill
the
Body
.
A.
You
say
true
;
for
it
were
very
Uncharitable
in
me
to
believe
,
that
all
English
men
(
except
a
few
Papists
)
that
have
been
born
and
called
Hereticks
,
ever
since
the
Reformation
of
Religion
in
England
,
should
be
damn'd
.
B.
But
for
those
that
dye
Excommunicate
in
the
Church
of
England
at
this
day
,
Do
you
not
think
them
also
Damn'd
,
and
he
that
is
Excommunicate
for
Disobedience
to
the
Kings
Law
,
either
,
Spiritual
or
Temporal
,
is
Excommunicate
for
Sin
,
and
therefore
if
he
Dye
Excommunicate
and
without
desire
of
Reconciliation
;
he
Dies
Impenitent
.
you
see
,
what
follows
.
But
to
Dye
in
Disobedience
to
the
Precepts
and
Doctrine
of
those
men
that
have
no
Authority
or
Jurisdiction
over
us
,
is
quite
an
other
Case
,
and
bringeth
no
such
danger
with
it
.
B.
But
what
is
this
Heresie
which
the
Church
of
Rome
so
cruelly
persecutes
,
as
to
Depose
Kings
that
do
not
,
when
they
are
bidden
turn
all
Hereticks
out
of
there
Dominions
?
A.
Heresie
is
a
word
,
which
when
it
is
used
without
Passion
,
signifies
a
private
Opinion
:
so
the
different
Sect
of
the
Old
Philosophers
,
Academians
,
Peripateticks
,
Epicureans
,
Sto●●ks
,
&c.
were
called
Heresie
:
But
in
the
Christian
Church
,
there
was
in
the
signification
of
that
word
,
comprehended
a
sinful
opposition
to
him
that
was
chief
Judge
of
Doctrines
in
order
to
the
Salvation
of
mens
Souls
;
and
consequently
Heresie
may
be
said
to
bear
the
same
Relation
to
the
power
Spiritual
,
that
Rebellion
doth
to
the
power
Temporal
,
and
is
sutably
to
be
persecuted
by
him
that
will
preserve
a
power
Spiritual
,
and
Dominion
over
mens
Consciences
.
B.
It
would
be
very
well
(
because
we
are
all
of
us
permitted
to
read
the
Holy
Scriptures
,
and
bound
to
make
them
the
Rule
of
our
Actions
both
publick
and
private
)
that
Heresie
were
by
some
Law
defined
,
and
the
particular
Opinions
set
forth
,
for
which
a
man
were
to
be
condemned
and
punished
as
Hereticks
;
for
else
,
not
only
men
of
mean
capacity
,
but
even
the
wisest
and
devoutest
Christian
may
fall
into
Heresie
,
without
any
will
to
oppose
the
Church
;
for
the
Scriptures
are
hard
,
and
the
interpretations
different
of
different
men
.
A.
The
meaning
of
the
word
Heresy
is
by
Law
declared
in
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
in
the
First
Year
of
Queen
Elizabeth
;
wherein
it
is
ordained
,
that
the
Persons
who
had
by
the
Queens
Letters
Patents
,
the
Authority
Spiritual
(
meaning
the
High
Commission
)
shall
not
have
Authority
to
Adjudge
any
Matter
or
Cause
to
be
Heresy
,
but
only
such
as
heretofore
have
been
Adjudged
to
be
Heresy
,
by
the
Authority
of
the
Canonical
Scriptures
,
or
by
the
First
4.
General
Counsels
,
or
by
any
other
General
Council
,
where
the
same
was
declared
Heresy
by
the
express
and
plain
words
of
the
said
Canonical
Scripures
or
such
as
hereafter
shall
be
adjudged
Heresy
,
by
the
High
Court
of
Parliament
of
this
Realm
;
with
the
assent
of
the
Clergy
in
their
Convocation
.
B.
It
seems
therefore
,
if
there
arise
any
new
Error
that
hath
not
been
yet
declared
Heresy
,
(
&
many
such
may
arise
)
it
cannot
be
Judged
Heresy
without
a
Parliament
;
for
how
foul
soever
the
error
be
,
it
cannot
have
been
declared
Heresy
,
neither
in
the
Scriptures
nor
in
the
Councils
,
because
it
was
never
before
heard
of
;
and
consequently
,
there
can
be
no
Error
unless
it
fall
within
the
compass
of
Blasphemy
against
God
,
or
Treason
against
the
King
)
for
which
a
Man
can
in
Equity
be
punished
:
Besides
who
can
tell
what
is
declared
by
the
Scripture
,
which
every
man
is
allowed
to
read
and
interpret
to
himself
?
nay
more
what
Protestant
,
either
of
the
Laity
or
Clergy
(
if
every
General
Councel
can
be
a
competent
Judge
of
Heresie
)
is
not
already
condemned
)
for
divers
Councels
have
declar'd
a
great
many
of
our
Doctrines
to
be
Heresie
(
as
they
pretend
)
upon
the
Authority
of
the
Scriptures
.
A.
What
are
those
points
,
that
the
first
four
General
Counsels
have
declared
Heresie
?
B.
The
first
General
Councel
held
at
Nicaea
declared
all
to
be
Heresie
,
which
was
contrary
to
the
Nicene
Creed
.
Upon
occasion
of
the
Heresie
of
Arrius
,
which
was
the
denying
the
Divinity
of
Christ
,
the
Second
General
Counsel
held
at
Constantinople
declar'd
Heresie
the
Doctrine
of
M●cedonius
,
which
was
that
the
Holy
Ghost
was
created
.
The
Third
Counsel
assembled
at
Ephesus
condemned
the
Doctrine
of
Nestorius
,
that
there
were
two
persons
in
Christ
.
The
Fourth
held
at
Calcodon
condemned
the
Error
of
Emtyches
,
that
there
was
but
one
nature
in
Christ
.
I
know
of
no
other
Points
condemned
in
these
4
Counsels
,
but
such
as
concern
Church-Government
,
or
the
same
Doctrines
taught
by
other
Men
in
other
words
:
And
these
Counsels
were
all
called
by
the
Emperors
,
and
by
them
their
Decrees
confirmed
,
at
the
Petition
of
the
Counsels
themselves
.
A.
I
see
by
this
,
that
both
the
Calling
of
the
Counsel
and
the
confirmation
of
their
Doctrine
and
Church
Government
had
no
obligatory
force
,
but
from
the
Authority
of
the
Emperor
;
how
comes
it
then
to
pass
,
that
they
take
upon
them
now
a
Legislative
Power
,
and
say
their
Canons
are
Laws
?
That
Text
,
all
Power
is
given
to
me
in
Heaven
and
Earth
,
had
the
same
force
then
as
it
hath
now
,
&
conferred
a
Legislative
Power
on
the
Counsels
not
only
over
Christian
men
,
but
over
all
Nations
in
the
world
.
B.
They
say
no
;
for
the
Power
they
pretend
to
is
derived
from
this
,
that
when
a
King
was
converted
from
Gentilism
to
Christianity
,
he
did
by
that
very
Submission
to
the
Bishop
that
converted
him
,
submit
to
the
Bishops
Government
,
and
became
one
of
his
sheep
,
which
Right
therefore
he
could
not
have
over
any
Nation
,
that
was
not
Christian.
A.
Did
Silvester
(
which
was
Pope
of
Rome
in
the
time
of
Constantine
the
Great
converted
by
him
)
tell
the
Emperor
his
New
Disciple
before
hand
,
that
if
he
became
a
Christian
he
must
be
the
Popes
Subject
.
B.
I
believe
not
,
for
it
is
likely
enough
,
if
he
had
told
him
so
plainly
,
or
but
made
him
suspect
it
,
he
would
either
have
been
not
Christian
at
all
,
or
but
a
Counterfeit
one
.
A.
But
if
he
did
not
tell
him
so
,
and
that
plainly
,
it
was
foul
play
,
not
only
in
a
Priest
,
but
in
any
Christian
.
And
for
this
Derivation
of
their
Right
from
the
Emperors
consent
,
it
proceeds
only
from
this
,
that
they
dare
not
challenge
a
Legislative
power
,
nor
call
their
Canons
,
Laws
in
any
Kingdom
in
Christendom
,
farther
than
the
Kings
make
them
so
▪
But
in
Peru
,
when
Atabalipa
was
King
,
the
Fry●r
told
him
,
that
Christ
being
King
of
all
the
World
had
given
the
disposing
of
all
the
Kingdoms
therein
to
the
Pope
:
And
that
the
Pope
had
given
Peru
to
the
Roman
Emperor
Charles
the
5.
and
required
Atabalipa
to
resign
it
,
and
for
refusing
it
,
seised
upon
his
Person
by
the
Spanish
Army
there
present
,
and
murdered
him
:
You
see
by
this
how
much
they
claim
,
when
they
have
Power
to
make
it
good
.
B.
When
began
the
Popes
to
take
this
Authority
upon
them
first
?
A.
After
the
Inundation
of
Northern
People
had
overflowed
the
Western
Parts
of
the
Empire
,
and
possessed
themselves
of
Italy
,
the
People
of
the
City
of
Rome
submitted
themselves
,
as
well
in
Temporals
as
Spirituals
to
their
Bishop
;
and
then
first
was
the
Pope
a
Temporal
Prince
,
and
stood
no
more
in
so
great
fear
of
the
Emperors
,
which
lived
far
off
at
Constantinople
:
In
this
time
it
was
that
the
Pope
began
by
pretence
of
his
Power
Spiritual
,
to
encroach
upon
the
Temporal
Rights
of
all
other
Princes
of
the
West
,
and
so
continued
gaining
upon
them
,
till
his
Power
was
at
the
highest
,
in
that
300
years
or
thereabout
,
which
passed
between
the
time
of
Pope
Leo
the
3.
and
Pope
Innocent
the
3.
For
in
this
time
Pope
Zachary
1.
deposed
Chilperick
,
then
King
of
France
,
and
gave
the
Kingdom
to
one
of
his
Subjects
Pepin
:
And
Pepin
took
from
the
Lombards
a
great
part
of
their
Territory
,
and
gave
it
to
the
Church
:
shortly
after
the
Lombards
having
recovered
their
Estate
,
Charles
the
Great
retook
it
,
and
gave
it
to
the
Church
again
,
and
Pope
Leo
the
3.
made
Charles
Emperor
.
B.
But
what
Right
did
the
Pope
there
pretend
for
the
creating
of
an
Emperor
?
A.
He
pretended
the
Right
of
being
Christs
Vicar
,
and
what
Christ
could
give
,
his
Vicar
,
might
give
,
and
you
know
that
Christ
was
King
of
all
the
World
.
B.
Yes
,
as
God
,
and
so
he
gives
all
the
Kingdoms
of
the
World
,
which
nevertheless
,
proceed
from
the
consent
of
People
either
for
fear
,
or
hope
.
A.
But
this
Gift
of
the
Empire
was
in
a
more
special
Manner
,
in
such
a
Manner
,
as
Moses
had
the
Government
of
Israel
given
him
,
or
rather
as
Joshua
had
it
given
him
,
to
go
in
and
out
before
the
People
,
as
the
High
Priest
should
direct
him
,
and
so
the
Empire
was
understood
to
be
given
him
on
condition
to
be
directed
by
the
Pope
:
for
when
the
Pope
inuested
him
with
the
Regal
Ornaments
,
the
People
all
cryed
out
Deus
dat
,
that
is
to
say
,
't
is
God
that
gives
it
:
and
from
that
time
all
,
or
most
of
the
Christian
Kings
do
put
into
their
Titles
the
words
Dei
gratia
,
that
is
by
the
gift
of
God
:
and
their
Successors
use
still
to
receive
the
Crown
and
Scepter
●rom
a
Bishop
.
'T
is
certainly
a
very
good
Custom
for
Kings
to
be
put
in
mind
by
whose
gift
they
reign
,
but
it
cannot
from
that
Custom
be
infer'd
,
that
they
receive
the
Kingdom
,
by
mediation
from
the
Pope
,
or
by
any
other
Clergy
:
for
the
Popes
themselves
received
the
Papacy
from
the
Emperor
,
the
first
that
ever
was
elected
Bishop
of
Rome
,
after
Emperors
were
Christians
,
and
without
the
Emperors
consent
excused
himself
by
Letter
to
the
Emperor
;
with
this
,
that
the
People
and
Clergy
of
Rome
forced
him
to
take
it
upon
him
,
and
prayed
the
Emperor
to
confirm
it
,
which
the
Emperour
did
but
with
Reprehension
of
their
Proceedings
and
prohibition
of
the
like
for
the
time
to
come
the
Emperour
was
Lotharius
,
and
the
Pope
Calixtus
the
first
.
A.
You
see
by
this
the
Emperour
never
acknowledged
this
gift
of
God
was
the
gift
of
the
Pope
,
but
maintained
the
Popedom
was
the
gift
of
the
Emperour
;
but
in
process
of
time
by
the
negligence
of
the
Emperour
(
for
the
greatness
of
Kings
makes
them
that
they
cannot
easily
descend
into
the
obscure
and
narrow
Mines
of
an
ambitious
Clergy
,
)
they
found
means
to
make
the
people
believe
,
there
was
a
Power
in
the
Pope
and
Clergy
:
which
they
ought
to
submit
unto
,
rather
than
unto
the
Commands
of
their
own
King
whensoever
it
should
come
into
Controversy
,
and
to
that
end
devised
and
decreed
many
new
Articles
of
Faith
,
to
the
diminution
of
the
Authority
of
Kings
,
and
to
the
disjunction
of
them
and
their
Subjects
,
and
to
a
closer
adherence
of
their
Subjects
to
the
Church
of
Rome's
Articles
,
either
not
at
all
found
in
,
or
not
well
founded
upon
the
Scripture
,
as
first
▪
That
it
should
not
be
lawful
for
a
Priest
to
Marry
.
What
influence
could
that
have
upon
the
Power
of
Kings
?
do
you
not
see
that
by
this
,
the
King
must
of
necessity
either
want
the
Priesthood
,
and
therewith
a
great
part
of
the
Reverence
due
to
him
from
the
most
Religious
part
of
his
Subjects
,
or
else
want
lawful
Heirs
to
succeed
in
?
by
which
means
being
not
taken
for
the
Head
of
the
Church
,
he
was
sure
in
any
Controversy
between
Him
and
the
Pope
,
that
his
Subjects
would
be
against
him
.
B.
Is
not
a
Christian
King
as
much
a
Bishop
now
,
as
the
Heathen
Kings
were
of
old
?
for
amongst
them
Episcopus
was
a
name
common
to
all
Kings
;
Is
not
he
a
Bishop
now
,
to
whom
God
hath
committed
the
charge
of
all
the
Souls
of
his
Subjects
,
both
of
the
Laity
and
of
the
Clergy
?
And
though
he
be
in
relation
to
our
Saviour
who
is
the
chief
Pasture
of
Sheep
,
yet
compared
to
his
own
Subjects
,
they
are
all
Sheep
,
both
Laick
and
Clergy
and
he
only
Shepheard
,
and
seeing
a
Christian
Bishop
is
but
a
Christian
indued
with
power
to
govern
the
Clergy
,
it
follows
that
every
Christian
King
is
not
only
a
Bishop
but
an
Archbishop
,
and
his
whole
Kingdom
his
Diocess
;
and
though
it
were
granted
that
Imposition
of
Hands
were
necessary
for
a
Priest
,
yet
seeing
Kings
have
the
power
of
Government
of
the
Clergy
that
are
the
Subjects
,
even
before
Baptism
,
the
Baptism
it self
wherein
he
is
received
as
a
Christian
is
a
sufficient
Imposition
of
Hands
,
so
that
whereas
before
,
he
was
a
Bishop
,
now
he
is
a
Christian
Bishop
.
A.
For
my
part
I
agree
with
you
,
this
Prohibition
of
Marriage
to
Priests
came
in
about
the
time
of
Pope
Gregory
the
Seventh
,
and
William
the
First
King
of
England
,
by
which
means
the
Pope
had
in
England
,
what
with
Secular
,
and
what
with
Regular
Priests
,
a
great
many
lusty
Batchelers
at
his
Service
.
Secondly
,
That
Auricular
Confession
to
a
Priest
was
necessary
to
Salvation
.
'T
is
true
,
that
before
that
time
,
Confession
to
a
Priest
was
usual
,
and
performed
for
the
most
part
(
by
him
that
Confessed
)
in
writing
,
but
that
use
was
taken
away
about
the
time
of
King
Edward
the
Third
,
and
Priests
commanded
to
take
Confessions
from
the
Mouth
of
the
Confitent
;
and
men
did
generally
believe
,
that
without
Confession
and
Absolution
before
their
departure
out
of
the
World
they
could
not
be
saved
,
and
having
Absolution
from
a
Priest
they
could
not
be
damned
.
You
understand
by
this
how
much
every
man
would
stand
in
awe
of
the
Pope
and
Clergy
,
more
than
they
would
of
the
King
,
and
what
inconveniency
it
is
for
a
State
to
have
their
Subjects
confess
their
secret
thoughts
to
Spies
.
B.
Yes
,
as
much
as
Eternal
Torture
is
more
terrible
than
Death
,
so
much
they
would
fear
the
Clergy
more
than
the
King
.
A.
And
though
perhaps
the
Roman
Clergy
will
not
maintain
that
a
Priest
hath
power
to
remit
Sins
absolutely
,
but
only
with
a
condition
of
Repentance
,
yet
the
people
were
never
so
instructed
by
them
,
but
were
left
to
believe
that
whensoever
they
had
Absolution
their
precedent
Sins
were
all
discharged
,
when
their
Penance
,
which
they
took
for
Repentance
,
was
performed
;
in
the
same
time
began
the
Article
of
Transubstantiation
,
for
it
had
been
disputed
a
long
time
before
,
in
what
manner
a
man
did
eat
the
Body
of
our
Saviour
Jesus
Christ
,
as
being
a
point
very
difficult
for
a
man
to
conceive
and
imagine
clearly
,
but
now
it
was
made
very
clear
that
the
Bread
was
Transubstantiated
into
Christs
Body
,
and
so
was
become
no
more
Bread
,
but
Flesh.
B.
It
seems
then
that
Christ
had
many
Bodies
,
and
was
in
as
many
places
at
once
as
there
were
Communicants
,
I
think
the
Priests
then
were
so
wanton
as
to
insist
upon
the
dulness
,
not
only
of
common
people
,
but
also
of
Kings
and
their
Councelors
.
A.
I
am
now
in
a
Narration
,
not
in
a
Disputation
,
and
therefore
,
I
would
have
you
at
this
time
to
consider
nothing
else
but
what
effect
this
Doctrine
would
work
upon
Kings
and
their
Subjects
in
relation
to
the
Clergy
,
who
only
were
able
of
a
piece
of
Bread
to
make
our
Saviours
Body
,
and
thereby
at
the
hour
of
death
to
save
their
Souls
.
B.
For
my
part
it
would
have
an
effect
on
me
to
make
me
think
them
Gods
,
and
to
stand
in
awe
of
them
as
of
God
himself
,
if
he
were
visibly
present
.
A.
Besides
these
and
other
Articles
tending
to
the
upholding
of
the
Pope's
Authority
,
they
had
many
fine
points
in
their
Ecclesiastical
Policy
conducing
to
the
same
end
:
of
which
I
will
mention
only
such
as
were
established
within
the
same
time
;
for
then
it
was
the
Order
came
up
of
Preaching-Friars
,
that
wandred
up
and
down
with
power
to
Preach
in
what
Congregation
they
pleased
,
and
were
sure
enough
to
instil
into
the
people
nothing
that
might
lessen
their
obedience
to
the
Church
of
Rome
,
but
on
the
contrary
,
whatsoever
might
give
advantage
to
it
against
the
Civil
Power
,
besides
they
privately
insinuated
themselves
with
Women
and
Men
of
weak
judgments
;
confirming
their
adherence
to
the
Pope
,
and
urging
them
in
the
time
of
their
sickness
to
be
beneficial
to
it
by
contribution
of
Money
,
or
building
Religious
Houses
,
or
works
of
Piety
,
and
necessary
for
the
remission
of
their
Sins
.
B.
I
do
not
remember
that
I
read
of
any
Kingdom
or
State
in
the
World
,
where
liberty
was
given
to
any
private
man
to
call
the
people
together
and
make
Orations
frequently
to
them
,
or
at
all
,
without
first
making
the
State
acquainted
,
except
only
in
Christendom
:
I
believe
the
Heathen
K.
foresaw
that
a
few
such
Orators
would
be
able
to
make
a
great
Sedition
,
Moses
did
indeed
command
to
read
the
Scriptures
,
and
expound
them
in
the
Synagogues
every
Sabbath
day
,
but
the
Scriptures
then
were
nothing
else
,
but
the
Laws
of
the
Nation
delivered
unto
them
by
Moses
himself
,
I
believe
it
would
do
no
hurt
if
the
Laws
of
England
also
were
often
read
and
expounded
in
the
several
Congregations
of
English-men
at
times
appointed
,
that
they
may
know
what
to
do
;
for
they
know
already
what
to
believe
.
A.
I
think
that
neither
the
Preaching
of
Friers
,
nor
Monks
,
nor
of
Parochial
Priests
,
tended
to
teach
men
what
,
but
whom
,
to
believe
;
for
the
Power
of
the
Mighty
hath
no
foundation
,
but
in
the
opinion
and
belief
of
the
people
,
and
the
end
which
the
Pope
had
in
multiplying
Sermons
was
no
other
,
but
to
prop
and
enlarge
his
own
Authority
over
all
Christian
Kings
and
States
.
B.
Within
the
same
time
,
that
is
,
between
the
time
of
the
Emperour
Charles
the
Great
and
of
King
Edward
the
Third
of
England
,
began
their
second
Policy
,
which
was
to
bring
Religion
into
an
Art
,
and
thereby
to
maintain
all
their
Degrees
of
the
Roman
Church
by
Disputation
,
not
only
from
the
Scriptures
,
but
also
from
the
Phylosophy
of
Aristotle
,
both
Moral
and
Natural
,
and
to
that
end
the
Pope
exhorted
the
said
Emperour
by
Letter
to
erect
Schools
of
all
kinds
of
Literature
,
and
from
thence
,
began
the
Institution
of
Universities
,
for
not
long
after
the
Universities
began
in
Paris
,
and
in
Oxford
:
It
is
true
that
there
were
Schools
in
England
before
that
time
,
in
several
places
,
for
the
instruction
of
Children
in
the
Latine
Tongue
;
that
is
to
say
,
in
the
Tongue
of
the
Church
,
but
for
an
University
of
Learning
there
was
none
erected
till
that
time
,
though
it
be
not
unlikely
there
might
be
then
some
that
taught
Philosophy
,
Logick
,
and
other
Arts
,
in
divers
Monastries
,
the
Monks
having
little
else
to
do
but
to
study
.
After
some
Colledges
were
built
to
that
purpose
,
it
was
not
long
before
many
more
were
added
to
them
by
the
Devotion
of
Princes
and
Bishops
,
and
other
wealthy
men
and
the
Dicipline
therein
was
confirmed
by
the
Popes
that
then
were
,
and
abundance
of
Scholars
sent
thither
by
their
friends
to
study
,
as
to
a
place
from
whence
the
way
was
open
and
easy
to
preferment
both
in
Church
and
Commonwealth
.
The
profit
the
Church
of
Rome
expected
from
them
,
and
in
effect
received
,
was
the
Maintenance
of
the
Pope's
Doctrine
,
and
of
his
Authority
over
Kings
and
their
Subjects
,
by
School
Divines
,
who
striving
to
make
good
many
points
of
Faith
incomprehensible
,
and
calling
in
the
Phylosophy
of
Aristotle
to
their
assistance
,
wrote
great
Books
of
School
Divinity
,
which
no
man
else
,
nor
they
themselves
were
able
to
understand
,
as
any
man
may
conceive
that
shall
consider
the
writing
of
Peter
Lombard
,
or
Scotus
,
or
of
him
that
wrote
Commentaries
upon
him
,
or
of
Suarez
,
or
of
any
other
School
Divines
of
later
times
,
which
kind
of
Learning
nevertheless
hath
been
much
admired
by
two
sorts
of
men
,
otherwise
prudent
enough
;
The
one
of
which
sorts
were
those
that
were
already
Devoted
,
and
really
affectionate
to
the
Roman
Church
,
for
they
believed
the
Doctrine
before
,
but
admired
the
Arguments
,
because
they
understood
them
not
,
and
yet
found
the
Conclusions
to
their
mind
;
The
other
sort
were
negligent
men
,
that
had
rather
admire
with
others
,
than
take
the
pains
to
examine
,
so
that
all
sorts
of
people
were
fully
resolved
that
both
the
Doctrine
was
true
,
and
the
Pope's
Authority
no
more
then
what
was
due
to
him
.
I
see
that
a
Christian
King
,
or
State
,
how
well
soever
provided
he
be
,
of
Money
and
Arms
,
(
where
the
Church
of
Rome
hath
such
authority
)
will
have
but
a
hard
match
of
it
,
for
want
of
men
;
for
their
Subjects
will
hardly
be
drawn
into
the
Field
,
and
fight
with
courage
against
their
Consciences
.
A.
It
is
true
that
great
rebellions
have
been
raised
by
Church-men
in
the
Pope's
quarrel
against
Kings
,
as
in
England
against
King
John
,
and
in
France
against
King
Henry
the
Fourth
,
wherein
the
Kings
had
a
more
considerable
part
on
their
sides
,
than
the
Pope
had
on
his
,
and
shall
always
have
so
,
if
they
have
money
;
for
there
are
but
few
,
whose
Consciences
are
so
tender
as
to
refuse
money
when
they
want
it
,
but
the
great
mischief
done
to
Kings
upon
pretence
of
Religion
,
is
when
the
Pope
gives
power
to
one
King
to
Invade
another
.
B.
I
wonder
how
King
Henry
the
Eighth
so
utterly
extinguished
the
Authority
of
the
Pope
in
England
,
and
that
without
any
Rebellion
at
home
,
or
any
Invasion
from
abroad
?
A.
First
,
The
Priests
,
Monks
,
and
Friars
,
being
in
the
heighth
of
their
Power
,
were
now
,
for
the
most
part
grown
insolent
and
licentious
,
and
thereby
the
force
of
their
Arguments
was
now
taken
away
by
the
scandal
of
their
lives
,
which
the
Gentry
,
and
men
of
good
education
,
easily
perceived
,
and
the
Parliament
consisting
of
such
persons
,
were
therefore
willing
to
take
away
their
Power
,
and
generally
the
Common
people
which
for
a
long
time
had
been
in
love
with
Parliaments
were
not
displeased
therewith
.
Secondly
,
The
Doctrine
of
Luther
beginning
a
little
before
,
was
now
by
a
great
many
men
of
the
greatest
Judgments
so
well
received
,
as
that
there
was
no
hope
to
restore
the
Pope
to
his
Power
by
Rebellion
.
Thirdly
,
The
Revenue
of
the
Abbies
and
all
other
Religious
Houses
,
falling
hereby
into
the
Kings
hands
,
and
by
him
being
disposed
of
to
the
most
eminent
Gentlemen
in
every
County
,
could
not
but
make
them
do
their
best
to
confirm
themselves
in
the
possession
of
them
.
Fourthly
,
King
Henry
was
of
a
nature
quick
,
and
severe
in
the
Punishing
of
such
as
should
be
the
first
to
oppose
his
designs
.
Lastly
,
As
to
Invasion
from
abroad
,
if
the
Pope
had
given
the
Kingdom
to
another
Prince
,
it
had
been
in
vain
,
for
England
is
another
manner
of
Kingdom
than
Navarre
,
besides
the
French
and
Spanish
Forces
were
imployed
at
that
time
one
against
another
,
and
though
they
had
been
at
leasure
,
they
would
have
found
perhaps
no
better
success
than
the
Spaniard
found
afterwards
in
1588.
Nevertheless
,
notwithstanding
the
Insolence
,
Avarice
,
and
Hypocrisy
of
the
then
Clergy
,
and
notwithstanding
the
Doctrine
of
Luther
,
if
the
Pope
had
not
provoked
the
King
by
endeavouring
to
cross
his
Marriage
with
his
second
Wife
,
his
Authority
might
have
remained
in
England
till
there
had
risen
some
other
quarrel
.
B.
Did
not
the
Bishops
that
then
were
,
and
had
taken
an
Oath
,
wherein
was
among
other
things
that
they
should
defend
and
maintain
the
Regal
Rights
of
St.
Peter
,
the
words
are
Regalia
Sancti
Petri
,
which
nevertheless
some
have
said
are
Regulas
Sancti
Petri
,
(
that
is
to
say
)
St.
Peter's
Rules
or
Doctrine
,
and
that
the
Clergy
afterwards
did
read
it
,
(
being
perhaps
written
in
Shorthand
)
by
a
mistake
to
the
Pope's
advantage
Regalia
.
Did
not
(
I
say
)
the
Bishops
oppose
that
Act
of
Parliament
against
the
Pope's
,
and
against
the
taking
of
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
?
A.
No
,
I
do
not
find
the
Bishops
did
many
of
them
oppose
the
King
;
for
having
no
power
without
him
it
had
been
great
imprudence
to
provoke
his
Anger
;
there
was
besides
a
Controversy
in
those
times
between
the
Pope
and
the
Bishops
,
most
of
which
did
maintain
,
that
they
exercised
their
Jurisdiction
Episcopal
in
the
Right
of
God
,
as
immediately
as
the
Pope
himself
did
exercise
the
same
over
the
whole
Church
;
and
because
they
saw
that
by
this
Act
of
the
King
in
Parliament
they
were
to
hold
their
Power
no
more
of
the
Pope
,
and
never
thought
of
holding
it
of
the
King
,
they
were
perhaps
better
content
,
to
let
the
Act
of
Parliament
pass
in
the
reign
of
King
Edward
the
Sixth
,
the
Doctrine
of
Luther
had
taken
such
great
root
in
England
that
they
threw
out
a
great
many
of
the
Pope's
new
Articles
of
Faith
,
which
Queen
Mary
succeeding
him
restored
again
,
together
with
all
that
had
been
abolished
by
King
Henry
the
Eighth
▪
saving
(
that
which
could
not
be
restored
)
the
Religious
Houses
,
and
the
Bishops
,
and
Clergy
of
King
Edward
were
partly
burnt
for
Hereticks
,
partly
fled
,
and
partly
recanted
;
and
they
that
fled
betook
themselves
to
those
places
beyond
Sea
,
where
the
Reformed
Religion
was
either
protected
,
or
not
persecuted
,
who
after
the
decease
of
Queen
Mary
returned
again
to
favour
and
preferment
under
Queen
Elizabeth
,
that
restored
the
Religion
of
her
Brother
King
Edward
,
and
so
it
had
continued
to
this
day
excepting
the
interruption
made
in
this
late
Rebellion
of
the
Presbyterians
and
other
Democra●ical
men
:
But
thus
the
Romish
Religion
were
now
cast
out
by
the
Law
,
yet
there
were
abundance
of
people
,
and
many
of
them
of
the
Nobility
that
still
retained
the
Religion
of
their
Ancestors
,
who
as
they
were
not
much
molested
in
points
of
Conscience
,
so
they
were
not
by
their
own
Inclination
very
troublesom
to
the
Civil
Government
,
but
by
the
secret
practice
of
the
Jesuites
and
other
Emissaries
of
the
Roman
Church
,
they
were
made
less
quiet
than
they
ought
to
have
been
;
and
some
of
them
to
venture
upon
the
most
horrid
Act
that
ever
had
been
heard
of
before
,
I
mean
upon
the
Gunpowder
Treason
,
and
upon
that
account
the
Papists
in
England
have
been
looked
upon
as
men
that
would
not
be
sorry
for
any
disorders
here
that
might
possibly
make
way
to
the
restoring
of
the
Pope's
Authority
:
and
therefore
I
named
them
for
one
of
the
distempers
of
the
State
of
England
in
the
time
of
our
late
King
Charles
.
B.
I
see
that
Monsieur
du
Plesis
and
Dr.
Morton
Bishop
of
Durham
writing
of
the
progress
of
the
Pope's
Power
and
intituling
their
Books
,
one
of
them
,
The
Mystery
of
Iniquity
,
the
other
The
Grand
Imposture
,
were
both
in
the
right
,
for
I
believe
there
was
never
such
another
cheat
in
the
world
:
And
I
wonder
that
the
Kings
and
States
of
Christendom
never
perceived
it
.
A.
It
is
manifest
they
did
perceive
it
.
How
else
durst
they
make
War
against
the
Pope
,
and
some
of
them
take
him
out
of
Rome
it self
,
and
carry
him
away
Prisoner
?
but
if
they
would
have
freed
themselves
from
his
Tyranny
,
they
should
have
agreed
together
and
made
themselves
every
one
(
as
Henry
the
Eighth
did
)
Head
of
the
Church
within
their
own
respective
dominions
,
but
not
agreeing
they
let
his
Power
continue
,
every
one
hopeing
to
make
use
of
it
(
when
there
should
be
cause
against
his
neighbour
.
B.
Now
,
as
to
the
other
Distemper
by
Presbyterians
.
How
came
their
Power
to
be
so
great
being
of
themselves
for
the
most
part
but
so
many
poor
Scholars
?
A.
This
Controversie
between
the
Papist
and
Reformed
Churches
could
not
chuse
but
make
every
man
,
to
the
best
of
his
Power
,
examine
by
the
Scriptures
which
of
them
was
in
the
right
,
and
to
that
end
they
were
translated
into
Vulgar
Tongues
:
whereas
be●●●
the
Translation
of
them
was
not
allowed
,
nor
any
man
to
read
them
,
but
such
as
had
express
Licence
so
to
do
,
for
the
Pope
did
concerning
the
Scriptures
the
same
,
that
Moses
did
concerning
Mount
Sinai
,
Moses
suffered
no
man
to
go
up
to
it
,
to
hear
God
speak
or
gaze
upon
him
,
but
such
as
he
himself
took
with
him
,
and
the
Pope
suffered
none
to
speak
with
God
in
the
Scriptures
that
had
not
some
part
of
the
Pope's
Spirit
in
him
,
for
which
he
might
be
trusted
.
B.
Certainly
Moses
did
therein
very
wisely
,
and
according
to
God's
own
Commandment
.
A.
No
doubt
of
it
,
and
the
event
it self
hath
made
it
since
appear
so
;
for
after
the
Bible
was
Translated
into
English
,
every
Man
,
nay
every
Boy
and
Wench
that
could
read
English
,
thought
they
spoke
with
God
Almighty
,
and
understood
what
he
said
,
when
by
a
certain
Number
of
Chapters
a
Day
they
had
read
the
Scriptures
once
or
twice
over
,
the
Reverence
and
Obedience
due
to
the
Reformed
Church
here
,
and
to
the
Bishops
and
Pastors
therein
,
was
cast
off
,
and
every
man
became
a
Judge
of
Religion
and
an
Interpreter
of
the
Scriptures
to
himself
.
B.
Did
not
the
Church
of
England
intend
it
should
be
so
:
what
other
end
could
they
have
in
recommending
the
Bible
to
me
,
if
they
did
not
mean
I
should
make
it
the
Rule
of
my
Actions
,
else
they
might
have
kept
it
,
though
open
to
themselves
,
to
me
Sealed
up
in
Hebrew
,
Greek
and
Latine
,
and
fed
me
out
of
it
,
in
such
measure
as
had
been
requisite
for
the
salvation
of
my
Soul
,
and
the
Churches
peace
.
A.
I
confess
this
Licence
of
Interpreting
the
Scripture
was
the
cause
of
so
many
several
Sects
,
as
have
lain
hid
till
the
beginning
of
the
late
King's
Reign
,
and
did
then
appear
to
the
Disturbance
of
the
Commonwealth
,
but
to
return
to
the
Story
,
Those
persons
that
fled
for
Religion
in
the
time
of
Queen
Mary
,
resided
,
for
the
most
part
,
in
places
where
the
Reformed
Religion
was
professed
and
Governed
by
an
Assembly
of
Ministers
,
who
also
were
not
a
little
made
use
of
(
for
want
of
better
Statesmen
)
in
points
of
Civil
Government
,
which
pleased
so
much
the
English
and
Scotch
Protestants
that
lived
amongst
them
,
that
at
their
return
they
wished
there
were
the
same
Honour
and
Reverence
given
to
the
Ministry
in
their
own
Countries
,
and
in
Scotland
(
King
James
being
then
young
)
soon
(
with
the
help
of
some
of
the
powerful
Nobility
)
they
brought
it
to
pass
;
also
they
that
returned
into
England
in
the
beginning
of
the
Reign
of
Queen
Elizabeth
,
endeavoured
the
same
here
,
but
could
never
effect
it
till
this
last
Rebellion
,
nor
without
the
help
of
the
Scots
,
and
it
was
no
sooner
effected
but
it
was
defeated
again
by
the
other
Sects
,
which
by
the
preaching
of
the
Presbyterians
and
private
Interpretation
of
Scripture
,
were
grown
numerous
.
B.
I
know
indeed
,
that
in
the
beginning
of
the
late
War
,
the
Power
of
the
Presbyterians
was
so
very
great
,
that
not
onely
the
Citizens
of
London
were
,
almost
all
of
them
,
at
their
Devotion
;
but
also
the
greatest
part
of
all
other
Cities
and
Market
Towns
of
England
:
But
you
have
not
yet
told
me
by
what
Art
and
what
Degrees
they
became
so
strong
.
A.
It
was
not
their
own
Art
alone
that
did
it
,
but
they
had
the
Concurrence
of
a
great
many
Gentlemen
that
did
no
less
desire
a
Popular
Government
in
the
Civil
State
than
these
Ministers
did
in
the
Church
;
and
as
these
did
in
the
Pulpit
draw
the
People
to
their
Opinions
and
to
a
dislike
of
the
Church
Government
,
Canons
,
and
Common
Prayer
Book
,
so
did
the
other
make
them
in
love
with
Democracie
by
their
Harangues
in
the
Parliament
,
and
by
their
Discourse
and
Communication
with
people
in
the
Country
,
continnually
extolling
of
Liberty
,
and
inveighing
against
Tyrany
,
leaving
the
people
to
collect
of
themselves
,
that
this
Tyrany
was
the
present
Government
of
the
State
:
and
as
the
Presbyterians
brought
with
them
into
their
Churches
their
Divinity
from
the
Universities
,
so
did
many
of
the
Gentlemen
bring
their
Politicks
from
thence
into
the
Parliament
,
but
neither
of
them
did
this
very
boldly
in
the
time
of
Q.
Eliz.
and
though
it
be
not
likely
that
all
of
them
did
it
out
of
malice
,
but
many
of
them
out
of
error
,
yet
certainly
the
Chief
leaders
were
ambitious
Ministers
and
ambitious
Gentlemen
,
the
Ministers
envying
the
Authority
of
Bishops
,
whom
they
thought
less
Learned
.
And
the
Gentlemen
envying
the
Privy
Council
whom
they
thought
less
wise
than
themselves
;
for
't
is
a
hard
matter
for
men
who
do
all
think
highly
of
their
own
Wits
(
when
they
have
also
acquired
the
Learning
of
the
University
)
to
be
perswaded
that
they
want
any
Ability
requisite
for
the
Government
of
a
Commonwealth
,
especially
having
read
the
Glorious
Histories
,
and
the
Sententious
Politick
of
the
Ancient
Popular
Government
of
the
Greeks
and
Romans
amongst
whom
Kings
were
hated
and
branded
with
the
name
of
Tyrants
;
and
Popular
Government
(
though
no
Tyrant
was
ever
so
cruel
as
a
Popular
Assembly
)
passed
by
the
name
of
Liberty
.
The
Presbyterian
Ministers
in
the
beginning
of
the
Reign
of
Q.
Eliz.
did
not
(
because
they
durst
not
)
Publickly
Preach
against
the
Discipline
of
the
Church
,
but
not
long
after
(
by
the
favour
perhaps
of
some
great
Courtier
)
they
went
abroad
Preaching
in
most
of
the
Market
Towns
of
England
(
as
the
Preaching
Fryers
had
formerly
done
)
upon
working
days
in
the
morning
;
in
which
these
and
others
of
the
same
Tenets
;
that
had
charge
of
Souls
both
by
the
Manner
and
Matter
of
their
Preaching
;
applied
themselves
wholly
to
the
winning
of
the
People
,
to
a
likeing
of
their
Doctrines
,
and
good
Opinion
of
their
Persons
.
And
first
for
the
manner
of
their
Preaching
,
They
so
framed
their
Countenance
and
Gesture
at
the
entrance
into
the
Pulpit
,
and
their
Pronunciation
,
both
in
their
Prayer
and
Sermon
;
and
used
the
Scripture
phrase
,
whether
understood
by
the
People
or
not
,
as
that
no
Tragedian
in
the
World
could
have
Acted
▪
the
part
of
a
right
godly
man
better
then
these
did
,
insomuch
that
a
man
unacquainted
with
such
Art
could
never
suspect
any
Ambitious
Plot
in
them
,
to
raise
Sedition
against
the
State
,
as
they
then
had
designed
,
or
doubt
that
the
Vehemence
of
their
Voice
(
for
the
same
words
with
the
usual
Pronunciation
had
been
of
little
force
)
and
forcedness
of
their
Gesture
and
Looks
could
arise
from
any
thing
else
but
zeal
to
the
service
of
God
.
And
by
this
Art
they
came
into
such
credit
,
that
numbers
of
men
used
to
go
forth
of
their
own
Parishes
and
Towns
on
working
days
,
leaving
their
Calling
;
and
on
Sunday
leaving
their
own
Churches
to
hear
them
Preach
in
other
places
,
and
to
Despise
their
own
and
all
other
Preachers
that
acted
not
as
well
as
they
.
And
as
for
those
Ministers
that
did
not
usually
Preach
,
but
instead
of
Sermons
did
read
to
the
People
such
Homilies
as
the
Church
had
appointed
;
they
esteemed
and
called
them
Dumb
Dogs
.
Secondly
,
For
the
matter
of
their
Sermons
,
because
the
Anger
of
the
People
in
the
late
Roman
Usurpation
was
then
fresh
;
they
saw
there
could
be
nothing
more
gracious
with
them
then
to
Preach
against
such
other
Points
of
the
Romish
Religion
as
the
Bishops
had
not
yet
condemned
,
that
so
receding
farther
from
Popery
then
they
did
,
they
might
with
Glory
to
themselves
leave
a
Suspition
on
the
Bishops
as
men
not
yet
well
purged
from
Idolatry
.
Thirdly
,
before
their
Sermons
their
Prayer
was
▪
or
seemed
to
be
ex
tempore
,
which
they
pretended
to
be
dictated
by
the
Spirit
of
God
within
them
,
and
many
of
the
People
believed
or
seemed
to
believe
it
,
or
any
man
might
see
that
they
did
not
take
care
before
hand
,
what
they
should
say
in
their
Prayers
:
And
from
hence
came
a
dislike
of
the
Common
Prayer-Book
,
which
is
a
set
form
praemeditated
:
that
men
might
see
to
what
they
were
to
say
,
Amen
.
Fourthly
,
They
did
never
in
their
Sermons
,
or
but
lightly
inveigh
against
the
Lucrative
vices
of
Men
of
Trade
or
Handicraft
,
such
as
are
faining
,
lying
,
couzening
,
Hypocrisie
,
and
other
uncharitableness
(
except
want
of
Charity
to
their
Pastor
,
and
to
the
faithful
,
which
was
a
great
ease
to
the
generality
of
Citizens
,
and
the
Inhabitants
of
Market
Towns
,
and
no
little
profit
to
themselves
.
Fifthly
,
by
preaching
up
an
opinion
,
that
men
were
to
be
assured
of
their
Salvation
,
by
the
Testimony
of
their
own
private
Spirit
,
meaning
the
Holy
Ghost
;
dwelling
within
them
:
And
from
this
opinion
,
the
People
,
that
●ound
in
themselves
a
sufficient
hatred
towards
the
Papists
,
and
an
ability
to
repeat
the
Sermons
of
these
men
at
their
coming
home
made
no
doubt
,
but
that
they
had
all
that
was
necessary
,
how
fraudulently
and
spitefully
soever
they
behaved
themselves
to
their
Neighbours
,
that
were
not
reckoned
amongst
the
Saints
,
and
sometimes
to
those
also
.
Sixthly
,
They
did
indeed
with
great
earnestness
,
and
severity
inveigh
often
against
two
Sins
,
Carnal
Lust
,
and
vain
Swearing
,
which
without
question
was
very
well
done
,
but
the
Common
People
were
thereby
inclined
to
believe
,
that
nothing
else
was
Sin
,
but
that
which
was
forbidden
in
the
3d.
and
7th
.
Commandment
:
for
few
men
do
understand
by
the
Name
of
Lust
any
other
Concupiscence
than
that
which
is
forbidden
in
the
7
Commandment
:
for
men
are
not
ordinarily
said
to
lust
after
another
Mans
Catle
,
or
other
goods
or
possessions
,
and
therefore
never
made
much
Scruple
of
the
Acts
of
Fraud
&
Malice
,
but
endeavoured
to
keep
themselves
from
Uncleaness
only
,
or
at
least
from
the
Scandal
of
it
;
and
whereas
they
did
both
in
their
Sermons
and
writings
maintain
and
inculcate
,
that
the
very
first
motions
of
the
Mind
,
that
is
to
say
the
delight
Men
and
Women
took
in
the
sight
of
one
anothers
Form
,
though
they
checked
the
proceeding
therof
,
so
that
it
never
grew
up
to
be
a
Design
,
was
nevertheless
a
Sin
;
they
brought
Young
Men
into
Desperation
and
to
think
themselves
damn'd
because
they
could
not
(
which
no
man
can
,
and
is
contrary
to
the
Constitution
of
Nature
)
behold
a
delightful
Object
without
Delight
;
and
by
this
means
they
became
Confessors
to
such
as
were
thus
troubled
in
Conscience
,
and
were
obeyed
by
them
,
as
these
Spiritual
Doctors
in
all
Cases
of
Conscience
.
B.
Yes
,
divers
of
them
did
preach
frequently
against
Oppression
.
A.
T
is
true
,
I
had
forgot
that
,
but
it
was
before
such
as
were
free
enough
from
it
,
(
I
mean
)
the
Common
People
,
who
would
easily
believe
themselves
oppressed
,
but
never
Oppressors
:
And
therefore
you
may
reckon
this
amongst
their
Artificers
,
to
make
their
People
beleive
they
were
oppressed
by
the
King
,
or
perhaps
by
the
Bishops
or
both
,
and
inclined
the
meaner
sort
to
their
Party
afterward
when
there
should
be
occasion
;
but
this
was
but
sparingly
done
in
the
time
of
Q.
Eliz.
whose
fear
and
Jealousie
they
were
afraid
of
:
nor
had
they
as
yet
any
great
Power
in
the
Parliament
House
,
whereby
to
call
in
question
her
Prerogative
by
Petitions
of
Right
,
and
other
Devices
as
they
did
afterwards
when
Democratical
Gentlemen
had
received
them
into
their
Council
,
for
the
design
of
changing
the
Monarchical
Government
into
Popular
,
which
they
called
Liberty
.
B.
Who
could
think
that
such
Horrible
Designs
as
these
could
so
easily
and
so
long
remain
,
covered
with
the
Cloak
of
Godliness
;
for
that
they
were
most
Impious
Hypocrites
is
manifest
enough
,
by
the
War
these
preceedings
ended
in
,
and
by
the
Impious
Act
in
the
War
committed
?
But
when
began
first
to
appear
in
Parliament
the
attempt
of
Popular
Government
and
by
whom
?
A.
As
to
the
time
of
attempting
the
change
of
Government
from
Monarchical
to
Democratical
,
we
must
distinguish
:
They
did
not
challenge
the
Soveraignty
in
plain
terms
,
and
by
that
name
,
till
they
had
slain
the
King
;
nor
the
Rights
thereof
,
altogether
,
by
particular
Heads
,
till
the
King
was
driven
from
London
by
Tumults
raised
in
the
City
against
him
,
and
retired
for
the
security
of
his
Person
to
York
,
where
he
had
not
been
many
days
when
they
sent
unto
him
Nineteen
Propositions
,
whereof
above
a
Dozen
were
Demands
of
several
Powers
,
Essential
parts
of
the
Power
Soveraign
,
but
before
that
time
they
had
demanded
some
of
them
(
in
a
Petition
which
they
called
a
Petition
of
Right
)
which
nevertheless
the
King
had
granted
them
in
a
former
Parliament
:
though
he
deprived
himself
thereby
,
not
only
of
the
Power
to
Levy
Mony
without
their
consent
,
but
also
of
his
ordinary
Revenue
by
Custome
of
Tonnage
and
Poundage
,
and
of
the
Liberty
to
put
into
Custody
such
men
as
he
thought
likely
to
disturb
the
Peace
and
●●ise
Sedition
in
the
Kingdom
:
As
for
the
men
that
did
this
,
't
is
enough
to
say
,
they
were
the
Members
of
the
last
Parliament
,
and
of
some
other
Parliaments
in
the
beginning
of
the
Reign
of
King
Charles
,
and
the
end
of
the
Reign
of
King
James
:
To
name
them
all
is
not
necessary
,
farther
then
the
Story
shall
require
;
most
of
them
were
Members
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
some
few
also
of
the
Lords
:
But
all
such
as
had
a
great
Opinion
of
their
sufficiency
in
Politicks
which
they
thought
was
not
sufficiently
taken
notice
of
by
the
King
.
B.
How
could
the
Parliament
,
when
the
King
had
a
great
Navy
,
and
a
great
number
of
Train'd
Souldiers
,
and
all
the
Magazines
of
Ammunition
in
his
power
,
be
able
to
begin
the
War
.
A.
The
King
had
these
things
in
his
Right
,
but
that
signifies
little
,
when
they
had
the
Custody
of
the
Navy
and
Magazines
,
and
with
them
all
the
Trained
Souldiers
,
and
in
a
manner
all
the
Subjects
were
by
the
Preaching
of
Presbyterian
Ministers
and
the
seditious
whispering
of
false
and
ignorant
Polititians
made
his
Enemies
,
and
when
the
King
could
have
no
Money
but
what
the
Parliament
should
give
him
,
which
you
may
be
sure
should
not
be
enough
to
maintain
his
Legal
Power
,
which
they
intended
to
take
from
him
.
And
yet
I
think
they
would
never
have
adventured
into
the
Field
but
for
that
unlucky
business
of
imposing
upon
the
Sc●ts
(
who
were
all
Presbyterians
)
our
Book
of
Common
Prayer
,
for
I
believe
the
English
would
never
have
taken
well
that
the
Parliament
should
make
War
upon
the
King
upon
any
provocation
,
unless
it
were
in
their
own
defence
,
in
case
the
King
should
first
make
War
upon
them
,
and
therefore
it
behoved
them
to
provoke
the
King
that
he
might
do
something
that
might
look
like
Hostility
:
It
hapned
in
the
year
1637.
that
the
King
by
the
advice
(
as
it
is
thought
)
of
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
,
sent
down
a
Book
of
Common
Prayer
into
Scotland
,
not
differing
in
substance
from
ours
,
nor
much
in
words
,
besides
the
putting
of
the
word
Presbyter
for
that
of
Minister
,
commanding
it
to
be
used
(
for
Conformity
to
this
Kingdom
)
by
the
ministers
there
,
for
an
ordinary
form
of
Divine
Service
;
this
being
read
out
the
Church
at
Edinburgh
,
caused
such
a
Tumult
there
,
that
he
that
read
it
had
much
adoe
to
escape
with
his
life
,
and
gave
occasion
to
the
greatest
part
of
the
Nobility
,
and
others
,
to
enter
(
by
their
own
Authority
)
into
a
Covenant
amongst
themselves
to
put
down
Episcopacy
without
consulting
the
King
,
which
they
presently
did
,
animated
thereto
by
their
own
Confidence
,
or
by
assurance
from
some
of
the
Democratical
English
men
,
that
in
former
Parliaments
had
been
the
greatest
opposers
of
the
King's
interest
,
that
the
King
would
not
be
able
to
raise
an
Army
to
chastise
them
without
calling
a
Parliament
,
which
would
be
sure
to
favour
them
,
for
the
thing
which
those
Democraticals
chiefly
then
aimed
at
,
was
to
force
the
King
to
call
a
Parliament
,
which
he
had
not
done
of
ten
years
before
,
as
having
found
no
help
,
but
hinderance
,
to
his
designs
in
the
Parliaments
he
had
formerly
called
.
Howsoever
contrary
to
their
expectation
by
the
help
of
his
better
affected
Subjects
of
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
he
made
a
shift
to
raise
a
sufficient
Army
to
have
reduced
the
Scots
to
their
former
obedience
,
if
it
had
proceeded
to
Battle
:
And
with
this
Army
he
marched
himself
into
Scotland
,
where
the
Scotch
Army
was
also
brought
into
the
Field
against
him
,
as
if
they
meant
to
fight
;
but
then
the
Scotch
sent
to
the
King
for
leave
to
treat
by
Commissioners
on
both
sides
,
and
the
King
willing
to
avoid
the
destruction
of
his
own
Subjects
condescended
to
it
,
the
issue
was
Peace
,
and
the
King
thereupon
went
to
Edinburgh
and
passed
an
Act
of
Parliament
there
to
their
Satisfaction
.
B.
Did
he
not
then
confirm
Episcopacy
?
A.
No
,
but
yielded
to
the
abolishing
of
it
,
but
by
the
means
the
English
were
crossed
in
their
hope
of
a
Parliament
,
but
the
Democraticals
,
formerly
opposers
of
the
King's
Interest
,
ceased
not
to
endeavour
still
to
put
the
two
Nations
into
a
War
,
to
the
end
the
King
might
buy
the
Parliament's
help
at
no
less
a
price
than
Soveraignty
it self
.
B.
But
what
was
the
Cause
that
the
Gentry
and
Nobility
of
Scotland
were
so
averse
from
Episcopacy
?
For
I
can
hardly
believe
that
their
Consciences
were
extraordinarily
tender
,
nor
that
they
were
so
very
great
Divines
as
to
know
what
was
the
true
Church
Discipline
established
by
our
Saviour
and
his
Apostles
,
nor
yet
so
much
in
love
with
their
Ministers
as
to
be
over-ruled
by
them
in
the
Government
either
Ecclesiastical
or
Civil
,
for
in
their
lives
they
were
just
as
other
men
are
,
Pursuers
of
their
own
Interests
and
Preferments
,
wherein
they
were
not
more
opposed
by
the
Bishops
than
by
their
Presbyterian
Ministers
.
A.
Truly
I
do
not
know
,
I
cannot
enter
into
other
mens
thoughts
farther
than
I
am
lead
by
the
consideration
of
Human
Nature
in
general
:
But
upon
this
consideration
I
see
.
First
,
That
men
of
antient
Wealth
and
Nobility
are
not
apt
to
brook
,
that
poor
Schollars
should
(
as
they
must
when
they
are
made
Bishops
)
be
their
Fellows
.
Secondly
,
That
from
the
emulation
of
Glory
between
the
Nations
,
they
be
willing
to
see
their
Nation
afflicted
with
Civil
War
,
and
might
hope
by
aiding
the
Rebels
here
to
acquire
some
Power
over
the
English
;
at
least
so
far
as
to
establish
here
the
Presbyterian
Discipline
,
which
was
also
one
of
the
points
they
afterwards
openly
demanded
.
Lastly
,
They
might
hope
for
in
the
War
some
great
sum
of
money
as
a
reward
of
their
assistance
,
besides
great
Booty
which
they
afterwards
obtained
,
but
whatsoever
was
the
cause
of
their
hatred
to
Bishops
,
the
pulling
of
them
down
was
not
all
they
aimed
at
;
if
it
had
(
now
that
Episcopacy
was
abolished
by
Act
of
Parliament
)
they
would
have
rested
satisfied
,
which
they
did
not
;
for
after
the
King
was
returned
to
London
the
English
Presbyterians
and
Democraticals
,
by
whose
favour
they
had
put
down
Bishops
in
Scotland
,
thought
it
reason
to
have
the
assistance
of
the
Scotch
for
the
pulling
down
of
Bishops
in
England
▪
and
in
order
thereunto
,
they
might
perhaps
deal
with
the
Scots
secretly
to
rest
unsatisfied
with
that
pacification
which
they
were
before
contented
with
,
howsoever
it
was
,
not
long
after
the
King
was
returned
to
London
they
sent
up
to
some
of
their
friends
at
Court
a
certain
Paper
containing
(
as
they
pretended
)
the
Articles
of
the
said
Pacification
:
a
false
and
Scandalous
Paper
,
which
was
by
the
King's
Command
burnt
(
as
I
have
heard
)
publickly
,
and
so
both
parts
returned
to
the
same
Condition
as
they
were
in
when
the
King
went
down
with
his
Army
.
B.
And
so
there
was
a
great
deal
of
Money
cast
away
to
no
purpose
;
but
you
have
not
told
me
who
was
General
of
that
Army
.
A.
I
told
you
the
King
was
there
in
Person
,
he
that
commanded
under
him
was
the
Earl
of
Arundel
;
a
man
that
wanted
not
either
Valour
o●
Judgement
:
but
to
proceed
to
Battle
,
or
to
Treaty
,
was
not
in
his
Power
but
in
the
King
's
.
B.
He
was
a
man
of
a
most
Noble
and
Loyal
Family
,
and
whose
Ancestors
had
formerly
given
a
great
overthrow
to
the
Scots
in
their
own
Countrey
,
and
in
all
likelihood
he
might
have
given
them
the
like
now
,
if
they
had
Fought
.
A.
He
might
indeed
,
but
it
had
been
but
a
kind
of
Superstition
to
have
made
him
General
upon
that
account
,
though
many
Generals
heretofore
have
been
chosen
for
the
good
luck
of
their
Ancestors
in
the
like
occasions
.
In
the
long
War
between
Athens
and
Sparta
a
General
of
the
Athenians
by
Sea
,
won
many
Victories
against
the
Spartans
,
for
which
cause
after
his
death
they
chose
his
Son
for
General
with
ill
success
:
The
Romans
that
Conquered
Carthage
by
the
Valor
and
Conduct
of
Scipio
,
when
they
were
to
make
War
again
in
Africk
against
Caesar
,
chose
another
Scipio
,
a
man
Valiant
and
Wise
enough
,
but
he
perished
in
the
imployment
.
And
to
come
home
to
our
own
Nation
,
the
Earl
of
Essex
made
a
fortunate
Expedition
to
Cadiz
,
but
his
Son
sent
afterwards
to
the
same
place
could
do
nothing
.
'T
is
but
a
foolish
Superstition
to
hope
that
God
has
entailed
success
in
War
,
upon
a
Name
or
Family
.
B.
After
the
Pacification
broken
what
succeeded
next
?
A.
The
King
sent
Duke
Hamilton
with
Commission
and
Instructions
into
Scotland
to
call
a
Parliament
there
,
(
but
all
was
to
no
purpose
)
and
to
use
all
the
means
he
could
otherwise
,
but
the
Scots
were
resolved
to
raise
an
Army
,
and
to
enter
into
England
,
to
deliver
(
as
they
pretended
)
their
grievances
to
his
Majesty
in
a
Petition
because
the
King
(
they
said
)
being
in
the
hands
of
evil
Councellors
,
they
could
not
otherwise
obtain
their
right
;
but
the
truth
is
,
they
were
otherwise
animated
to
it
by
the
Democratical
,
and
Presbyterian
English
,
with
a
promise
of
Reward
,
and
hope
of
Plunder
:
some
have
said
that
Duke
Hamilton
also
did
rather
encourage
them
to
,
than
deterr
them
from
the
Expedition
;
as
hoping
by
h●
disorder
of
the
two
Kingdoms
to
bring
to
pass
that
which
he
had
formerly
been
accused
to
endeavour
to
make
himself
King
of
Scotland
;
but
I
take
this
to
have
been
a
very
uncharitable
Censure
upon
so
little
ground
to
judge
so
hardly
of
a
man
,
that
afterwards
lost
his
life
in
seeking
to
procure
the
liberty
of
the
King
his
Master
.
This
resolution
of
the
Scots
to
enter
into
England
being
known
:
the
King
wanting
Money
to
raise
an
Army
against
them
,
was
now
,
as
his
Enemies
here
wished
,
constrained
to
call
a
Parliament
to
meet
at
Westminster
the
13
of
April
1640.
B.
Methinks
a
Parliament
o●
England
,
if
upon
any
occasion
should
furnish
the
King
with
Money
now
in
a
War
against
the
Scots
out
of
an
inveteterate
Disaffection
to
that
Nation
that
had
always
taken
part
with
their
Enemies
the
French
,
and
which
alwayes
esteemed
the
Glory
of
England
for
an
abatement
of
their
own
.
A.
'T
is
indeed
commonly
seen
that
Neighbour
Nations
envy
one
anothers
Honour
,
and
that
the
less
potent
bears
the
greater
malice
;
but
that
hinders
them
not
from
agreeing
in
those
things
which
their
common
ambition
leads
them
to
:
And
therefore
the
King
found
for
the
War
,
but
the
less
help
,
from
this
Parliament
,
and
most
of
the
Members
thereof
in
their
ordinary
discourses
seemed
to
wonder
,
why
the
King
should
make
a
War
upon
Scotland
,
and
in
that
Parliament
sometime
called
them
their
Brethren
the
Scots
,
but
instead
of
taking
the
King's
business
,
which
was
the
raising
of
Money
,
into
their
consideration
,
they
fell
upon
the
redressing
of
grievances
,
and
especially
such
way
of
levying
money
as
in
the
last
intermission
of
Parliament
the
King
had
been
forced
to
use
,
such
as
were
Ship
money
,
for
Knighthood
,
and
such
other
Vails
(
as
one
may
call
them
)
of
the
Regal
Office
which
Lawyers
had
found
justifiable
by
the
antient
Records
of
the
Kingdom
;
besides
they
fell
upon
the
Actions
of
divers
Ministers
of
State
,
though
done
by
the
Kings
own
Command
and
Warrant
,
insomuch
that
before
they
were
called
the
Money
which
was
necessary
for
this
War
(
if
they
had
given
Money
as
they
never
meant
to
do
)
had
come
too
late
;
it
is
true
there
was
mention
of
a
sum
of
Money
to
be
given
the
King
by
way
of
Bargain
,
for
relinquishing
his
Right
to
Ship-money
,
and
some
other
of
his
Prerogatives
;
but
so
seldom
,
and
without
determining
any
Sum
,
that
it
was
in
vain
for
the
King
to
hope
for
any
success
;
and
therefore
on
the
Fifth
of
May
following
he
disolved
them
.
B.
Where
then
had
the
King
Money
to
raise
and
pay
his
Army
?
A.
He
was
forced
the
second
time
to
make
use
of
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
who
contributed
some
more
,
some
less
,
according
to
the
greatness
of
their
Estates
,
but
amongst
them
all
they
made
up
a
very
sufficient
Army
.
B.
It
seems
then
that
the
same
Men
that
crossed
his
business
in
the
Parliament
,
now
out
of
Parliament
advanced
it
all
they
could
,
what
was
the
reason
of
that
?
A.
The
greatest
part
of
the
Lords
in
Parliament
and
the
Gentry
throughout
England
were
more
affected
to
Monarchy
than
to
a
Popular
Government
,
but
so
as
not
to
endure
to
hear
of
the
King
's
absolute
Power
,
which
made
them
in
time
of
Parliament
easily
to
condescend
to
abridge
it
,
and
bring
the
Government
to
a
mixt
Monarchy
,
as
they
called
it
,
wherein
the
absolute
Sovereignty
should
be
divided
between
the
King
,
the
House
of
Lords
,
and
the
House
of
Commons
.
B.
But
how
if
they
cannot
agree
?
A.
I
think
they
never
thought
of
that
,
but
I
am
sure
they
never
meant
the
Soveraignty
should
be
wholly
either
in
one
or
both
Houses
;
besides
they
were
loath
to
desert
the
King
when
he
was
Invaded
by
Forreiners
;
for
the
Scots
were
esteemed
by
them
as
a
Forrein
Nation
.
B.
It
is
strange
to
me
that
England
and
Scotland
being
but
one
Island
,
and
their
Language
almost
the
same
,
&
being
Governed
by
one
King
,
should
be
thought
Forreiners
to
one
another
,
the
Romans
were
Masters
of
many
Nations
,
and
to
oblige
them
the
more
to
obey
the
Edicts
of
the
Law
sent
unto
them
by
the
City
of
Rome
,
they
thought
fit
to
make
them
all
Romans
;
and
out
of
divers
Nations
as
Spain
,
Germany
,
Italy
,
and
France
,
to
advance
some
,
that
they
thought
worthy
,
even
to
be
Senators
of
Rome
,
and
to
give
every
one
of
the
Common
People
the
Priviledge
of
the
City
of
Rome
,
by
which
they
were
protected
from
the
Contumelies
of
other
Nations
where
they
resided
,
why
were
not
the
Scotch
and
English
in
like
manner
united
unto
one
People
?
A.
King
James
at
his
first
coming
to
the
Crown
of
England
did
endeavour
it
,
but
could
not
prevail
,
but
for
all
that
I
believe
the
Scotch
have
now
as
many
priviledges
in
England
as
any
Nation
had
in
Rome
of
those
which
were
so
(
as
you
say
)
made
Romans
;
for
they
are
all
Naturaliz'd
,
and
have
right
to
buy
Land
in
England
to
them
and
their
Heirs
.
B.
'T
is
true
of
them
that
were
born
in
Scotland
after
the
time
that
King
James
was
in
possession
of
the
Kingdom
of
England
.
A.
There
be
very
few
now
that
were
born
before
.
But
why
have
they
a
better
right
that
were
born
after
than
they
that
were
born
before
?
B.
Because
they
were
born
Subjects
to
the
King
of
England
and
the
rest
not
.
A.
Were
not
the
rest
born
Subjects
to
King
James
?
And
was
not
he
King
of
England
?
B.
Yes
,
but
not
then
.
A.
I
understand
not
the
subtilty
of
the
Distinction
,
but
upon
what
Law
is
that
distinction
grounded
?
Is
there
any
Statute
to
that
purpose
?
B.
I
cannot
tell
,
I
think
not
,
but
it
is
grounded
upon
Equity
.
A.
I
see
little
Equity
in
this
,
that
those
Nations
that
are
bound
to
equal
obedience
to
the
same
King
should
not
have
equal
Priviledges
:
and
now
seeing
there
be
so
very
few
born
before
King
James's
comeing
in
;
What
greater
Priviledges
had
those
Ingrafted
Romans
by
their
Naturalization
in
the
State
of
Rome
,
or
in
the
State
of
England
,
the
English
themselves
more
than
the
Scotch
?
B.
Those
Romans
,
when
any
of
them
were
in
Rome
,
had
their
voice
in
the
making
of
Laws
.
A.
And
the
Scotch
have
their
Parliaments
wherein
their
assent
is
required
to
the
Law
there
made
,
which
is
as
good
;
Have
not
many
of
the
Provinces
of
France
their
several
Parliaments
,
and
several
Constitutions
?
Yet
they
are
all
equally
Natural
Subjects
to
the
King
of
France
.
and
therefore
for
my
part
,
I
think
they
were
mistaken
both
English
and
Scotch
in
calling
one
another
Forreiners
.
Howsoever
that
be
,
the
King
had
a
very
sufficient
Army
wherewith
he
marched
towards
Scotland
,
and
by
that
time
he
was
come
to
York
the
Scotch
Army
was
drawn
up
to
the
Frontiers
,
and
ready
to
march
into
England
,
(
which
also
they
presently
did
)
giving
out
all
the
way
,
that
their
march
should
be
without
damage
to
the
Country
,
and
that
their
Errand
was
onely
to
deliver
a
Petition
to
the
King
for
the
redress
of
many
pretended
Injuries
they
had
received
from
such
of
the
Court
whose
Counsel
the
King
most
followed
so
they
passed
through
Northumberland
quietly
till
they
came
to
a
Ford
in
the
River
of
Tine
a
little
above
Newcastle
▪
where
they
found
some
little
opposition
from
a
party
of
the
King's
Army
sent
thither
to
Stop
them
,
whom
the
Scots
easily
mastered
,
and
as
soon
as
they
were
over
,
seized
upon
Newcastle
,
and
coming
farther
on
,
upon
the
City
of
Duresme
,
and
sent
to
the
King
to
desire
a
Treaty
,
which
was
granted
,
and
the
Commissioners
on
both
sides
met
at
Rippon
,
the
conclusion
was
that
all
should
be
referred
to
the
Parliament
which
the
King
should
call
to
meet
at
Westminster
the
third
of
November
following
in
the
same
year
1640.
And
thereupon
the
King
returned
to
London
.
B.
So
the
Armies
were
disbanded
.
A.
No
,
The
Scotch
Army
was
to
be
defrayed
by
the
Counties
of
Northumberland
and
Duresme
,
and
the
King
was
to
pay
his
own
till
the
disbanding
of
both
should
be
agreed
upon
in
Parliament
.
B.
So
in
effect
both
the
Armies
were
maintained
at
the
King's
charge
,
and
the
whole
Controversie
to
be
desided
by
a
Parliament
,
almost
wholly
Presbyterian
,
and
as
Partial
to
the
Scotch
as
themselves
could
have
wished
.
A.
And
yet
for
all
this
they
durst
not
presently
make
War
upon
the
King
;
there
was
so
much
yet
left
of
Reverence
to
him
in
the
Hearts
of
the
People
as
to
have
made
them
odious
if
they
had
declared
what
they
intended
,
they
must
have
some
colour
or
other
to
make
it
be
believed
,
that
the
King
made
War
first
upon
the
Parliament
.
And
besides
they
had
not
yet
sufficiently
disgraced
him
in
Sermons
and
Pamphlets
,
nor
removed
from
about
him
those
they
thought
could
best
counsel
him
,
therefore
they
resolved
to
proceed
with
him
like
skilfull
hunters
,
First
to
single
him
out
by
men
disposed
in
all
parts
to
drive
him
into
the
open
field
,
and
then
in
case
he
should
not
seem
to
turn
head
to
call
that
making
a
War
against
the
Parliament
.
And
first
,
They
called
in
question
such
as
had
either
Preached
,
or
written
,
in
defence
of
those
Rights
which
belonging
to
the
Crown
they
meant
to
usurp
,
and
take
from
the
King
to
themselves
,
whereupon
some
few
Writers
and
Preachers
were
imprisoned
,
or
forced
to
fly
:
The
King
not
protecting
these
,
they
proceeded
to
call
in
question
some
of
the
King
's
own
Actions
in
his
Ministers
,
whereof
they
Imprisoned
some
,
and
some
went
beyond
Sea
,
and
whereas
certain
persons
having
endeavoured
by
Book
and
Sermons
to
raise
Sedition
,
and
committed
other
Crimes
of
high
Nature
,
had
therefore
been
censured
by
the
Kings
Council
in
the
Star-Chamber
and
Imprisoned
;
the
Parliament
by
their
own
Authority
,
to
try
(
it
seems
)
how
the
King
and
the
People
would
take
it
(
for
their
Persons
were
inconsiderable
)
ordered
their
setting
at
Liberty
,
which
was
accordingly
done
,
with
great
Applause
of
the
People
that
flocked
about
them
in
London
in
manner
of
a
Triumph
.
This
being
done
without
resistance
,
the
Kings
Right
to
Ship-mony
—
B.
Ship-mony
!
What
's
that
?
A.
The
Kings
of
England
for
the
defence
of
the
Sea
had
power
to
Tax
all
the
Counties
of
England
whether
they
were
Maritine
or
not
,
for
the
Building
and
furnishing
of
Ships
,
which
Tax
the
King
had
then
lately
found
cause
to
impose
,
and
the
Parliament
exclaimed
against
it
as
an
oppression
:
and
one
of
their
members
that
had
been
Taxed
but
20
shillings
,
(
mark
the
Oppression
,
a
Parliament-man
of
500
lb.
a
year
Land
Taxed
at
20
shillings
)
they
were
forced
to
bring
it
to
a
Trial
at
Law
,
he
refusing
payment
,
and
he
was
cast
again
:
when
all
the
Judges
of
Westminster
were
demanded
their
opinions
concerning
the
legality
of
it
▪
of
Twelve
,
that
there
are
,
it
was
judged
Legal
by
Ten
;
for
which
though
they
were
not
punished
,
yet
they
were
affrighted
by
the
Parliament
.
B.
What
did
the
Parliament
mean
when
they
did
exclaim
against
it
as
illegal
?
Did
they
mean
it
was
against
Statute
Law
,
or
against
the
Judgments
of
Lawyers
given
heretofore
,
which
are
commonly
called
Reports
?
or
did
they
mean
it
was
against
Equity
,
which
I
take
to
be
the
●ame
with
the
Law
of
Nature
?
A.
It
is
a
hard
matter
,
or
rather
impossible
to
know
what
other
men
mean
,
especially
,
if
they
be
crafty
,
but
sure
I
am
Equity
was
not
their
Ground
for
their
pretence
of
Immunity
from
Contributing
to
the
King
,
but
at
their
own
pleasure
,
for
when
they
have
laid
the
Burthen
of
defending
the
whole
Kingdom
and
Governing
it
upon
any
person
whatsoever
;
there
is
little
Equity
he
should
depend
on
others
for
the
means
of
performing
it
,
or
if
he
do
,
they
are
his
Soveraign
,
not
he
theirs
,
and
as
for
the
Common
Law
,
contained
in
Reports
,
they
have
no
force
but
what
the
King
gives
them
,
besides
it
were
unreasonable
that
a
corrupt
or
foolish
Judge's
unjust
Sentence
should
by
any
time
,
how
long
soever
,
obtain
the
authority
and
force
of
a
Law
,
but
amongst
the
Statute
Laws
there
is
one
called
Magna
Charta
,
or
The
great
Charter
of
the
Liberties
of
English
men
,
in
which
there
is
one
Article
that
no
man
shall
be
distrained
,
that
is
,
have
his
Goods
taken
from
him
otherwise
than
by
the
Law
of
the
Land
.
B.
Is
not
that
a
sufficient
ground
for
their
purpose
?
A.
No
,
that
leaves
us
in
the
same
doubt
which
you
think
it
clears
;
for
,
where
was
the
Law
of
the
Land
then
?
Did
they
mean
another
Magna
Charta
that
was
made
by
some
King
more
antient
yet
?
No
,
that
Statute
was
made
not
to
exempt
any
man
from
payments
to
the
Publick
,
but
for
securing
of
every
man
from
such
as
abused
the
King's
Power
by
surreptitious
obtaining
of
the
King's
Warrants
,
to
the
oppressing
of
those
against
whom
he
had
any
Suite
in
Law
:
but
it
was
conducing
to
the
end
of
some
rebellious
Spirits
in
this
Parliament
,
to
have
it
interpreted
in
the
wrong
sense
,
and
suitable
enough
to
the
understanding
of
the
rest
,
or
most
part
of
them
to
let
it
pass
.
B.
You
make
the
members
of
that
Parliament
very
simple
men
,
and
yet
the
People
chose
them
for
the
wisest
of
the
Land
.
A.
If
Craft
be
Wisedom
they
were
wise
enough
,
but
Wise
as
I
de●ino
it
,
is
he
that
knows
how
to
bring
his
business
to
pass
without
the
Assistance
of
Knavery
and
ignoble
shifts
,
by
the
sole
strength
of
his
good
contrivance
,
a
Fool
may
win
from
a
better
Gamester
by
the
advantage
of
false
Dice
,
and
Packing
of
Cards
.
B.
According
to
your
difinition
there
be
few
wise
men
now
adays
,
such
Wisedome
is
a
kind
of
Gallantry
that
few
are
brought
up
to
;
and
most
think
Folly
,
fine
Cloaths
,
great
Feathers
,
Civility
towards
men
that
will
not
swallow
Injuries
,
and
Injury
towards
them
that
will
is
the
present
Gallantry
;
but
when
the
Parliament
afterwards
having
gotten
the
power
into
their
hands
levied
money
to
their
own
use
,
What
said
the
People
to
that
?
A.
What
else
,
but
that
it
was
legal
,
and
to
be
paid
as
being
Imposed
by
consent
of
Parliament
.
B.
I
have
heard
often
that
they
ought
to
pay
what
was
imposed
by
consent
of
Parliament
to
the
use
of
the
King
,
but
to
their
own
use
,
never
before
;
I
see
by
this
it
is
easier
to
gull
the
multitude
than
any
one
man
amongst
them
,
for
what
one
man
that
has
his
Natural
Judgment
depraved
by
accident
,
could
be
so
easily
cousened
in
a
matter
that
concerns
his
Purse
,
had
he
not
been
passionately
carried
away
by
the
rest
to
change
of
Government
,
or
rather
to
a
Liberty
of
every
one
to
Govern
himself
.
A.
Judge
then
what
kind
of
men
such
a
multitude
of
Ignorant
People
were
like
to
elect
for
the
Burgeses
,
and
Knights
of
Shires
.
B.
I
can
make
no
other
Judgment
,
but
that
they
who
were
then
elected
,
were
just
such
as
had
been
elected
for
former
Parliaments
,
and
as
are
like
to
be
elected
for
Parliaments
to
come
,
for
the
Common
people
have
been
,
and
always
will
be
ignorant
of
their
Duty
to
the
Publick
,
as
never
meditating
any
thing
,
but
their
particular
Interest
,
in
other
things
following
their
immediate
Leaders
,
which
are
either
the
Preachers
,
or
the
most
potent
of
the
Gentlemen
that
dwell
amongst
them
as
Common
Souldiers
for
the
most
part
follow
their
Captains
,
if
they
like
them
;
If
you
think
the
late
miseries
have
made
them
wiser
,
that
will
quickly
be
forgot
,
and
then
we
shall
be
no
wiser
than
we
were
?
A.
Why
may
not
men
be
taught
their
Duty
?
that
is
,
the
Science
of
Just
and
Unjust
,
as
divers
other
Sciences
have
been
taught
,
from
true
Principles
and
Demonstrations
?
and
much
more
easily
than
any
of
those
Preachers
and
Democratical
Gent.
could
,
Rebellion
and
Treason
.
B.
But
who
can
teach
what
none
have
learned
?
or
if
any
Man
hath
been
so
singular
as
to
have
studied
the
Science
of
Justice
and
Equity
,
how
can
he
teach
it
safely
when
it
is
against
the
Interest
of
those
that
are
in
possession
of
the
Power
to
hurt
him
.
A.
The
Rules
of
the
Just
and
Unjust
sufficiently
demonstrated
,
and
from
Principles
evident
to
the
meanest
capacity
have
not
been
wanting
,
and
notwithstanding
the
obscurity
of
their
Author
,
have
shined
not
only
in
this
,
but
in
forreign
Countries
,
to
men
of
good
Education
,
but
they
are
few
in
respect
of
the
rest
of
men
,
whereof
many
cannot
read
;
many
though
they
can
have
no
leasure
,
and
of
them
that
have
leasure
,
the
greatest
part
have
their
minds
wholly
imployed
and
taken
up
by
their
private
businesses
or
pleasures
:
so
that
it
is
impossible
that
the
Multitude
should
ever
learn
their
Duty
but
from
the
Pulpit
,
and
upon
Holy-dayes
,
but
then
,
and
from
thence
it
is
that
they
learned
their
Disobedience
;
and
therefore
the
light
of
that
Doctrine
has
been
hitherto
coverred
and
kept
under
;
hereby
a
cloud
of
adversaries
which
no
private
man's
reputation
can
break
through
,
without
the
Authority
of
the
Universities
,
but
from
the
Universities
came
all
those
Preachers
that
taught
the
contrary
.
The
Universities
have
been
to
this
Nation
as
the
Wooden-Horse
was
to
the
Trojans
;
B.
Can
you
tell
me
why
,
and
when
the
Universities
here
first
began
?
A.
It
seems
,
for
the
time
,
they
began
in
the
Reign
of
the
Emperour
Charles
the
Great
,
before
which
time
I
doubt
not
but
there
were
many
Grammar
Schools
for
the
Latine
Tongue
,
which
was
the
Natural
Language
of
the
Roman
Church
,
but
for
Universities
,
that
is
to
say
,
Schools
for
the
Science
in
general
,
and
especially
for
Divinity
;
it
is
manifest
that
the
Institution
of
them
was
recommended
by
the
Pope's
Letter
to
the
Emperor
Charles
the
great
,
and
recommended
farther
,
by
a
Council
held
in
his
time
,
I
think
,
at
Chal.
sur
Saone
;
and
not
long
after
was
erected
an
University
at
Paris
,
and
the
Colledge
called
University
Colledge
at
Oxford
,
and
so
by
degrees
several
Bishops
,
Noblemen
,
and
Rich
men
,
and
some
Kings
and
Queens
contributing
thereunto
,
the
Universities
at
last
obtained
their
present
Splendor
.
B.
But
what
was
the
Pope's
designe
in
it
?
A.
What
other
design
was
he
like
to
have
,
but
what
you
heard
before
?
the
advancement
o●
his
own
Authority
in
the
Countries
where
the
Universities
were
erected
?
There
they
learned
to
Dispute
for
him
,
and
with
unintelligible
Distinctions
to
blind
mens
Eyes
,
whilst
they
encroached
upon
the
Rights
of
Kings
;
and
it
was
an
evident
Argument
of
that
Design
,
that
they
fell
in
hand
with
the
work
so
quickly
;
for
the
first
Rector
of
the
University
of
Paris
,
as
I
have
read
some
where
,
was
Peter
Lombard
,
who
fi●st
brought
it
to
them
the
Learning
called
School
Divinity
,
and
was
seconded
by
John
Scot
of
Duns
,
who
lived
in
,
or
near
,
the
same
time
,
whom
any
Ingenious
Reader
not
knowing
what
was
the
design
would
judge
to
have
been
the
most
egregious
Blockhead
in
the
world
?
so
obscure
and
senseless
are
their
Writings
:
And
from
these
the
School-men
that
succeeded
learnt
the
trick
of
Imposing
what
they
list
upon
their
Readers
,
and
declining
the
force
of
true
Reason
by
verbal
Forks
,
I
mean
distinctions
that
signify
nothing
,
but
serve
only
to
astonish
the
multitude
of
ignorant
men
:
as
for
the
understanding
Readers
they
were
so
few
,
that
these
new
sublime
Doctors
cared
not
what
they
thought
,
these
School
men
were
to
make
good
all
the
Articles
of
Faith
which
the
Pope
from
time
to
time
should
command
to
be
believed
:
Amongst
which
there
were
very
many
inconsistent
with
the
Rights
of
Kings
,
and
other
Civil
Soveraigns
,
as
asserting
to
the
Pope
all
Authority
whatsoever
,
they
should
declare
to
be
necessary
in
ordine
ad
Spiritualia
,
(
that
is
to
say
)
In
order
to
Religion
.
From
the
Universities
also
it
was
that
Preachers
proceeded
,
and
were
poured
out
into
City
and
Country
to
terrify
the
People
into
an
absolute
Obedience
to
the
Pope's
Canons
and
Commands
,
which
for
fear
of
wakening
Kings
and
Princes
too
much
,
they
durst
not
yet
call
them
Laws
.
From
the
Universities
it
was
that
the
Phylosophy
of
Aristotle
was
made
an
Ingredient
to
Religion
,
as
serving
for
a
Salve
to
a
great
many
absurd
Articles
concerning
the
Nature
of
Christs
Body
,
and
the
State
of
Angels
and
Saints
in
Heaven
:
which
Articles
they
thought
fit
to
have
believ'd
because
they
bring
some
of
them
profit
,
and
others
Reverence
to
the
Clergy
,
even
to
the
meanest
of
them
;
for
when
they
shall
have
made
the
People
believe
that
the
meanest
of
them
can
make
the
Body
of
Christ
:
Who
is
there
that
will
not
both
shew
them
Reverence
,
and
be
Liberal
to
them
or
to
the
Church
,
especially
in
the
time
of
their
sickness
,
when
they
think
they
make
and
bring
to
them
their
Saviour
?
B.
But
what
advantage
to
them
in
these
Impostures
was
the
Doctrine
of
Aristotle
?
A.
They
have
made
more
use
of
his
Obscurity
than
his
Doctrine
,
for
none
of
the
Ancient
Phylosophers
Writings
are
Comparable
to
those
of
Aristotle
,
for
their
aptness
to
puzzle
and
entangle
men
with
words
,
and
to
breed
Disputation
,
which
must
at
last
be
ended
in
the
Determination
of
the
Church
of
Rome
.
And
in
the
Doctrine
of
Aristotle
they
made
use
of
many
Points
.
As
First
,
the
Doctrine
of
separated
Essenses
.
B.
What
are
separated
Essenses
?
A.
Separated
Beings
.
B.
Separated
from
what
?
A.
From
every
thing
that
is
.
B.
I
cannot
understand
the
Being
of
any
thing
,
which
I
understand
not
to
Be
:
But
what
can
they
make
of
that
.
A.
Very
much
in
Questions
concerning
the
Nature
of
God
,
and
concerning
the
Estate
of
Mans
Soul
after
Death
in
Heaven
,
Hell
,
and
Purgatory
,
by
which
you
and
every
▪
Man
knows
how
great
Obedience
,
and
how
much
Mony
they
gain
from
the
Common
People
:
whereas
Aristotle
holdeth
the
Soul
of
Man
to
be
the
first
giver
of
Motion
to
the
Body
,
and
consequently
to
it self
:
they
make
use
of
that
in
the
Doctrine
of
Free
Will
,
what
and
how
they
gain
by
that
,
I
will
not
say
.
He
holdeth
forth
,
that
there
be
many
things
that
come
to
pass
in
this
World
,
from
no
necessity
of
Causes
,
but
meer
Contingency
,
Causalty
and
Fortune
.
B.
Me
thinks
in
this
they
make
God
stand
Idle
,
and
to
be
a
meer
Spectator
in
the
Games
of
Fortune
;
for
what
God
is
the
cause
of
must
needs
come
to
pass
.
And
in
my
Opinion
nothing
else
:
but
because
there
must
be
some
Ground
for
Justice
of
the
Eternal
Torment
of
the
Damned
;
perhaps
it
is
this
,
That
mens
Wills
and
Propensions
are
not
(
they
think
)
in
the
hands
of
God
,
but
of
themselves
.
And
in
this
also
I
see
something
conducing
to
the
Authority
of
the
Church
.
A.
This
is
not
much
,
nor
was
Aristotle
of
such
Credit
with
them
,
but
that
when
his
Opinion
was
against
theirs
,
they
could
slight
him
;
whatsoever
he
says
is
impossible
in
Nature
,
they
can
prove
well
enough
to
be
possible
from
the
Almighty
Power
of
God
,
who
can
make
Bodies
to
be
in
one
and
the
self
same
Place
,
and
one
●ody
to
be
in
many
Places
at
the
same
time
;
if
the
Doctrine
of
Transubstantiation
require
it
:
though
Aristotle
deny
it
,
I
like
not
the
Design
of
drawing
Religion
into
an
Arts
▪
whereas
it
ought
to
be
a
Law
.
And
though
not
the
same
in
all
Countries
,
yet
in
every
Country
indisputable
;
nor
that
they
teach
it
not
as
Arts
ought
to
be
taught
,
by
shewing
first
the
meaning
of
their
Terms
,
and
then
deriving
from
them
the
truth
they
would
have
us
believe
.
Nor
that
their
Terms
are
for
the
most
part
unt●lligible
:
though
to
make
it
seem
rather
want
of
Learning
in
the
Reader
,
than
want
of
fair
dealing
in
themselves
;
they
are
for
the
most
part
Latin
and
Greek
words
●ryed
a
little
the
point
towards
the
Native
Languages
of
the
several
Countries
where
they
are
used
.
But
that
which
is
most
intollerable
is
,
That
all
Clerks
are
forced
to
make
as
if
they
believe
them
:
If
they
mean
to
have
any
Church
Preferment
,
the
Keys
whereof
are
in
the
Popes
Hands
;
and
the
Common
People
whatsoever
they
believe
of
those
subtile
Doctrines
,
are
never
esteemed
better
Sons
of
the
Church
for
their
Learning
.
There
is
but
one
way
there
to
Salvation
,
that
is
,
Extraordinary
Devotion
and
Liberality
to
the
Church
,
and
readiness
for
the
Churches
sake
,
of
it
be
required
▪
to
fight
against
their
Natural
and
Lawfull
▪
Sovereigns
.
B.
I
see
what
use
they
make
of
Aristotles
Logick
,
Physick
and
Metaphysick●
.
But
〈…〉
not
yet
how
his
Politicks
can
serve
their
turn
.
A.
Nor
I
,
It
has
(
I
think
)
done
them
no
Good
▪
though
it
●as
done
us
here
much
hurt
by
Accident
;
for
m●n
grown
weary
at
last
of
th●
Insolence
of
the
Priests
,
and
examining
the
〈…〉
Doctrines
that
were
put
upon
them
,
began
to
search
the
sense
of
the
Scriptures
as
they
are
in
the
Learned
Languages
;
and
consequently
Studying
Greek
and
Latin
,
became
acquainted
with
the
Democratical
Principles
of
Aristotle
and
Cicero
,
and
from
the
Love
of
their
Eloquence
▪
fell
in
●ove
with
their
Politicks
,
and
that
more
and
more
,
till
it
grew
into
the
Rebellion
we
now
talk
of
,
without
any
other
advantage
to
the
Roman
Church
,
but
that
it
was
awakening
to
us
,
whom
since
we
broke
out
of
their
Net
in
the
time
of
Henry
8.
they
have
continually
endeavoured
to
recover
.
B.
What
have
they
gotten
by
teaching
of
Aristotles
Ethicks
?
A.
It
is
some
advantage
to
them
,
that
neither
the
Morals
of
Aristotle
,
nor
of
any
other
,
have
done
them
any
〈◊〉
,
nor
us
any
good
.
Their
Doctrine
have
caused
a
great
deal
of
Dispute
concerning
Vertue
and
Vice
,
but
no
knowledge
of
what
they
are
,
nor
any
method
of
attaining
Vertue
,
nor
of
avoiding
Vice
.
The
end
of
Moral
Philosophy
,
is
to
teach
men
of
all
sorts
their
Duty
,
both
to
the
Publick
,
and
to
one
another
.
They
Estemate
Virtue
partly
by
a
Mediocrity
of
the
Passions
of
Men
,
and
partly
by
that
,
that
they
are
praised
;
whereas
it
is
not
the
much
or
little
praise
that
makes
an
Action
Ver●●ous
,
but
the
Cause
;
nor
much
or
little
Blame
that
makes
an
Action
Vitious
,
but
its
being
unconformable
to
the
Laws
,
in
such
men
as
are
subject
to
the
Law
;
or
its
being
unco●●ormable
to
Equity
or
Charity
in
all
men
whatsoever
.
B.
It
seems
you
make
a
difference
between
the
Ethicks
of
Subjects
,
and
the
Ethicks
of
Sovereigns
.
A.
So
I
do
:
The
Vertue
of
a
Subject
is
comprehended
wholly
in
obedience
to
the
Laws
of
the
Commonwealth
.
To
obey
the
Laws
is
Justice
and
Equity
,
which
is
the
Law
of
Nature
,
and
consequently
is
Civil
Law
in
all
Nations
of
the
World
;
and
nothing
is
Injustice
or
Iniquity
,
otherwise
then
it
is
against
the
Law
:
likewise
to
obey
the
Law
is
the
Prudence
of
a
Subject
;
for
without
such
obedience
the
Commonwealth
(
which
is
every
Subjects
Safety
and
Protection
)
cannot
subsist
.
And
though
it
be
Prudence
also
in
private
men
,
justly
and
moderately
to
enrich
themselves
;
yet
craftily
to
withhold
from
the
Publick
,
or
defraud
it
of
such
part
of
the
Wealth
as
is
by
Law
required
,
is
no
sign
of
Prudence
,
but
of
want
of
knowledge
of
what
is
necessary
for
their
own
defence
.
The
Vertues
of
Soveraigns
are
such
as
tend
to
the
maintenance
of
Peace
at
Home
,
and
to
the
Resistance
of
Forreign
Enemies
.
Fortitude
is
a
Royal
Vertue
,
and
though
it
be
necessary
in
such
private
men
as
shall
be
Soldiers
;
yet
for
other
men
the
less
they
dare
the
better
it
is
,
both
for
the
Commonwealth
,
and
for
themselves
.
Frugality
(
though
perhaps
you
will
think
it
strange
)
is
also
a
Royal
Vertue
,
for
it
increases
the
publick
stock
,
which
cannot
be
too
great
for
the
Publick
Use
,
not
any
man
too
sparing
of
what
he
has
in
trust
for
the
good
of
others
.
Liberality
also
is
a
Royal
Vertue
,
for
the
Commonwealth
cannot
be
well
serv'd
without
Extraordinary
Diligence
and
Service
of
Ministers
,
and
great
Fidelity
to
their
Soveraign
,
who
ought
therefore
to
be
incouraged
and
especially
those
that
do
him
service
in
the
Wars
.
In
summ
,
all
Actions
or
Habits
are
to
be
esteemed
Good
or
Evil
,
by
their
Causes
and
Usefulness
in
reference
to
the
Commonwealth
,
and
not
by
their
Mediocrity
,
nor
by
their
being
Commended
;
for
several
men
praise
several
Customes
,
and
that
which
is
vertue
with
one
,
is
blam'd
by
others
and
contrarily
,
what
one
calls
Vice
,
an
other
calls
Vertue
as
their
present
Affections
lead
them
.
B.
Methinks
you
should
have
placed
amongst
the
Vertues
,
that
which
in
my
Opinion
is
the
greatest
of
all
Vertues
,
Religion
.
A.
So
I
have
,
though
it
seems
you
did
not
observe
it
:
But
whether
do
we
Digress
from
the
way
we
were
in
?
B.
I
think
you
have
not
Digressed
at
all
;
for
I
suppose
your
purpose
was
to
acquaint
me
with
the
History
,
not
so
much
of
those
Actions
that
past
in
the
time
of
the
late
Troubles
,
as
of
their
Causes
,
and
of
the
Counsels
,
and
Artifices
by
which
they
were
brought
to
pass
.
There
be
divers
men
that
have
Written
the
History
,
out
of
whom
I
might
have
Learned
what
they
did
,
and
somewhat
also
of
the
Contrivance
:
but
I
find
little
in
them
of
it
.
I
would
ask
therefore
,
since
you
were
pleased
to
enter
into
this
Discourse
at
my
request
;
be
pleased
also
to
inform
me
after
my
own
method
.
And
for
the
danger
of
Confusion
that
may
arise
from
that
,
I
will
take
care
to
bring
you
back
to
the
place
from
whence
I
drew
you
;
for
I
well
remember
where
it
was
.
A
:
Well
then
,
to
your
Question
concerning
Religion
,
Inasmuch
as
I
told
you
,
that
Vertue
is
comprehended
in
Obedience
to
the
Laws
of
the
Commonwealth
,
whereof
Religion
is
one
,
I
have
placed
Religion
amongst
the
Vertues
.
B.
Is
Religion
then
the
Law
of
a
Common-wealth
?
A.
There
is
no
Nation
in
the
World
,
whose
Religion
is
not
Established
,
and
receives
not
its
Authority
from
the
Laws
of
that
Nation
.
It
is
true
that
the
Law
of
God
receives
no
obedience
from
the
Laws
of
Men
;
but
because
men
can
never
by
their
own
Wisdom
come
to
the
knowledge
of
what
God
hath
spoken
and
Commanded
to
be
Observed
,
nor
be
obliged
to
obey
the
Laws
,
whose
Author
they
know
not
;
they
are
to
acquiess
in
some
humane
Authority
or
other
:
So
that
the
Question
will
be
,
Whether
a
man
ought
in
matter
of
Religion
,
(
that
is
to
say
)
when
there
is
question
of
his
Duty
to
God
and
the
King
▪
to
rely
upon
the
Preaching
of
their
Fellow-Subjects
,
or
of
a
Stranger
,
or
upon
the
Voice
of
the
Law
?
B.
There
is
no
great
difficulty
in
that
point
,
for
there
is
none
that
Preach
here
,
or
any
where
else
,
at
least
ought
to
Preach
,
but
such
as
have
Authority
so
to
do
,
from
him
or
them
that
have
the
Sovereign
Power
:
So
that
if
the
King
give
us
leave
,
you
or
I
may
as
lawfully
Preach
as
them
that
do
,
and
I
believe
we
should
perform
that
Office
a
great
deal
better
than
they
,
that
preached
us
into
Rebellion
.
A.
The
Church
Morals
are
in
many
points
very
different
from
these
that
I
have
here
set
down
for
the
Doctrine
of
Vertue
and
Vice
,
and
yet
without
any
conformity
with
that
of
Aristotle
,
for
in
the
Church
of
Rome
the
principle
Vertues
are
to
obey
their
Doctrine
,
though
it
be
Treason
,
and
that
is
to
be
Religious
,
to
be
beneficial
to
the
Clergy
,
that
is
their
Piety
and
Liberality
,
and
to
believe
upon
their
word
,
that
which
a
man
knows
in
his
Conscience
to
be
false
,
which
is
the
Faith
that
they
require
:
I
could
name
a
great
many
more
such
Points
of
their
Morals
,
but
that
I
know
you
know
them
already
,
being
so
well
versed
in
the
cases
of
Conscience
written
by
their
School-men
,
who
measure
the
Goodness
and
Wickedness
of
all
Actions
by
their
Congruity
with
the
Doctrine
of
the
Roman
Clergy
.
B.
But
what
is
the
Moral
Phylosophy
of
the
Protestant
Clergy
in
England
?
A.
So
much
as
they
shew
of
it
in
their
Life
and
Conversation
,
is
for
the
most
part
very
good
,
and
of
very
good
example
,
much
better
than
their
Writing●
.
B.
It
happens
many
times
that
men
live
honestly
for
fear
▪
who
i●
〈◊〉
had
Power
would
live
according
to
their
own
Opinions
;
that
is
,
if
their
Opinions
be
not
right
,
Unrighteously
.
A.
Do
the
Clergy
in
England
pretend
as
the
Pope
does
,
or
as
the
Presbyterians
doe
,
to
have
a
right
from
God
immediately
to
Govern
the
King
and
his
Subjects
in
all
points
of
Religion
and
Manners
?
if
they
do
,
you
cannot
doubt
but
that
if
they
had
Number
and
Strength
(
which
they
are
never
like
to
have
)
they
would
attempt
to
attain
that
Power
,
as
the
others
have
done
.
B.
I
would
be
glad
to
see
a
System
of
the
present
Morals
written
by
some
Divine
of
good
Reputation
and
Learning
,
and
of
the
late
King's
party
.
A.
I
think
I
can
recommend
unto
you
the
best
that
is
extant
,
and
such
an
one
as
(
except
a
few
passages
that
I
mislike
)
is
very
well
worth
your
reading
:
the
Title
of
it
is
,
The
whole
Duty
of
Man
,
laid
down
in
a
plain
and
familiar
way
.
And
yet
I
dare
say
,
that
if
the
Presbyterian
Ministers
,
even
those
of
them
that
were
the
most
dilligent
Preachers
of
the
late
Sedition
;
were
to
be
tried
by
it
they
would
go
near
to
be
found
Not
Guilty
.
He
has
divided
the
Duty
of
Man
into
three
great
Branches
.
His
Duty
to
God
,
to
Himself
,
and
to
his
Neighbour
.
In
his
Duty
to
God
he
puts
the
acknowledgment
of
him
is
his
Essence
,
and
his
Attributes
,
and
,
in
believing
of
his
Word
,
his
Attributes
are
Omnipotence
,
Omniscience
,
Infiniteness
,
Justice
,
Truth
,
Mercy
,
and
all
the
rest
that
are
found
in
Scripture
;
Which
of
these
did
not
those
Seditious
Preachers
acknowledge
equally
with
the
best
of
Christians
?
The
Word
of
God
are
the
Books
of
Holy
Scripture
received
for
C●nonical
in
England
.
B.
They
receive
the
Word
of
God
,
but
't
is
according
to
their
own
Interpretation
.
A.
According
to
whose
Interpretation
was
it
received
by
the
Bishops
and
the
rest
of
the
Loyal
party
but
their
own
?
He
puts
for
another
Duty
Obedience
and
Submission
to
God's
Will
.
Did
any
of
them
,
nay
,
did
any
Man
living
,
do
any
thing
,
at
any
time
,
against
God's
Will
?
B.
By
God's
Will
I
suppose
he
means
there
,
his
revealed
Will
(
that
is
to
say
)
his
Commandments
,
which
I
am
sure
they
did
most
horribly
break
,
both
by
their
Preaching
and
otherwise
.
A.
As
for
their
Actions
there
is
no
doubt
but
all
Men
are
guilty
enough
(
if
God
deal
severely
with
them
)
to
be
damned
:
and
for
their
Preaching
they
will
say
they
thought
it
agreeable
to
God's
revealed
Will
in
the
Scriptures
,
if
they
thought
it
so
,
it
was
not
Disobedience
but
Error
,
and
how
can
any
man
prove
they
thought
otherwise
?
B.
Hypocrisy
hath
this
great
prerogative
above
other
Sins
,
that
it
cannot
be
accused
.
A.
Another
Duty
he
sets
down
is
to
Honour
him
in
his
House
,
that
is
the
Church
,
in
his
Possessions
,
in
his
Day
,
in
his
Word
and
Sacraments
.
B.
They
perform
this
Duty
(
I
think
)
as
well
as
any
other
Ministers
,
I
mean
the
Loyal
Party
;
and
the
Presbyterians
have
always
had
an
equal
care
to
have
Gods
House
free
from
profanation
;
to
have
Tithes
duly
paid
,
to
have
the
Sabbath
day
kept
Holy
,
the
Word
Preached
,
and
the
Lords
Supper
and
Baptism
duely
Administred
:
But
is
not
the
keeping
of
the
Feasts
and
of
the
Fasts
,
one
of
those
Duties
that
belong
to
the
honour
of
God
,
if
it
be
,
the
Presbyterians
fail
in
that
?
A.
Why
so
,
They
kept
some
Holy
Days
,
and
they
had
Feasts
among
themselves
,
though
not
upon
the
same
Days
that
the
Church
Ordains
,
but
when
they
thought
fit
,
as
when
it
pleased
God
to
give
the
King
any
notable
Victory
,
and
they
govern'd
themselves
in
this
point
by
the
Holy
Scriptures
,
as
they
pretend
to
be
;
and
can
prove
they
did
not
believe
so
.
B.
Let
us
pass
over
all
other
Duties
,
and
come
to
that
Duty
which
we
owe
to
the
King
,
and
consider
whether
the
Doctrine
taught
by
these
Divines
which
adhered
to
the
King
be
such
,
in
that
point
,
as
may
justifie
the
Presbyterians
that
incited
the
People
to
Rebellion
;
for
that
's
the
thing
you
call
in
Question
.
A
▪
Concerning
our
Duty
to
our
Rulers
,
he
hath
these
words
,
An
obedience
we
must
pay
either
Active
or
Passive
,
the
Active
in
the
Case
of
all
Lawfull
Commands
,
that
is
,
whenever
the
Magistrate
Commands
something
which
is
not
contrary
to
some
Command
of
God
we
are
then
bound
to
Act
according
to
that
Command
of
the
Magistrate
,
to
do
the
thing
he
requires
:
but
when
he
enjoyns
any
thing
contrary
to
what
God
hath
Commanded
we
are
not
then
to
pay
him
this
〈◊〉
obedience
,
we
may
,
nay
we
must
refuse
thus
to
Act
(
yet
here
we
must
be
very
well
ass●r'd
that
the
thing
is
so
contrary
,
and
not
pretend
Conscience
for
a
Cloak
of
stubborness
)
we
are
in
that
case
to
obey
God
rather
than
men
,
but
even
this
is
a
season
for
the
Passive
obedience
,
we
must
patiently
suffer
what
he
inflicts
on
us
for
such
refusal
,
and
not
,
to
secure
our selves
,
rise
up
against
him
.
B.
What
is
there
in
this
to
give
Colour
to
the
late
Rebellion
?
A.
They
will
say
they
did
it
in
obedience
to
God
,
inasmuch
as
they
did
believe
it
was
according
to
the
Scripture
,
out
of
which
they
will
bring
perhaps
examples
of
David
and
his
Adherents
,
that
resisted
King
Saul
,
and
of
the
Prophets
afterwards
that
vehemently
from
time
to
time
Preached
against
the
Idolatrous
Kings
of
Israel
and
Judah
,
Saul
was
their
Lawfull
King
;
and
yet
they
Paid
him
neither
Active
nor
Passive
obedience
;
for
they
did
put
themselves
into
a
posture
of
defence
against
him
,
though
David
himself
spared
his
Person
,
and
so
did
the
Presbyterians
put
into
their
Commission
to
their
General
,
that
they
should
spare
the
Kings-Person
;
besides
,
you
cannot
doubt
but
that
they
who
in
the
Pulpit
did
animate
the
People
to
take
Arms
in
defence
of
the
then
Parliament
,
alleadged
Scripture
,
that
is
the
Word
of
God
for
it
;
if
it
be
lawful
then
for
Subjects
to
resist
the
K.
when
he
Commands
any
thing
against
the
Scripture
,
that
is
contrary
to
the
Command
of
God
,
and
to
be
Judge
of
the
meaning
of
the
Scripture
it
is
impossible
,
that
the
Life
of
any
King
,
or
the
Peace
of
any
Christian
Kingdom
can
be
long
secure
:
It
is
this
doctrine
that
divides
a
Kingdom
within
it self
,
whatsoever
the
men
be
Loyal
or
Rebels
,
that
Write
or
Preach
it
publickly
:
And
thus
you
see
,
that
if
those
seditious
Ministers
be
tryed
by
this
Doctrine
they
will
come
off
well
enough
.
B.
I
see
it
,
and
wonder
at
People
,
that
having
never
spoken
with
God
Almighty
,
nor
knowing
one
more
than
another
,
what
he
hath
said
,
when
the
Laws
and
the
Preacher
disagree
,
should
so
keenly
follow
the
Minister
,
for
the
most
part
an
ignorant
,
though
a
ready
tongu'd
Scholar
,
rather
than
the
Laws
that
were
made
by
the
King
,
with
the
consent
of
the
Peers
and
the
Commons
of
the
Land
.
A.
Let
us
examine
his
words
a
little
nearer
;
First
concerning
passive
Obedience
,
when
a
Thief
hath
broken
the
Laws
,
and
according
to
the
Law
,
is
therefore
executed
,
can
any
Man
understand
,
that
this
suffering
of
his
is
an
obedience
to
the
Law
?
Every
Law
is
a
Command
to
do
or
to
forbear
,
neither
of
these
is
fulfilled
by
suffering
,
If
any
suffering
can
be
called
obedience
,
it
must
be
such
as
is
voluntary
;
for
no
involuntary
Action
can
be
counted
a
submission
to
the
Law
.
He
that
means
that
his
suffering
should
be
taken
for
obedience
,
must
not
only
not
resist
,
but
also
not
fly
,
nor
hide
himself
to
avoid
his
punishment
.
And
who
is
there
among
them
that
discourses
of
passive
obedience
,
when
his
life
is
in
extream
danger
,
that
will
voluntarily
present
himself
to
the
Officers
of
Justice
.
Do
not
we
see
that
all
Men
when
they
are
led
to
execution
,
are
both
bound
and
guarded
,
and
would
break
loose
if
they
could
and
get
away
?
Such
is
their
passive
Obedience
Christ
saith
,
the
Scribes
and
Pharisees
sate
in
Moses
Chair
,
all
therefore
whatsoever
they
bid
you
observe
,
that
observe
and
do
,
Mat.
23.
3.
which
is
a
doing
an
active
Obedience
,
and
yet
the
Scribes
and
Pharisees
appear
not
by
the
Scripture
to
have
been
such
Godly
men
,
as
never
to
command
any
thing
against
the
Revealed
will
of
God
.
B.
Must
Tyrants
also
be
obeyed
in
every
thing
actively
,
or
is
there
nothing
wherein
a
Lawful
Kings
Commands
may
be
disobeyed
,
what
if
he
should
command
me
with
my
own
hands
to
Execute
my
Father
,
in
Case
he
should
be
Condemned
to
Dye
by
the
Law
?
A.
This
is
a
Case
that
need
not
be
put
,
We
never
have
read
nor
heard
of
any
King
or
Tyrant
so
inhumane
as
to
command
it
;
if
any
did
,
we
are
to
consider
whether
that
Command
were
one
of
his
Laws
,
for
by
disobeying
Kings
,
we
mean
disobeying
his
Laws
,
those
his
Laws
that
were
made
before
they
were
applied
to
any
particular
person
for
the
King
though
as
a
Father
of
Children
,
and
a
Master
of
domestick
Secrets
,
yet
commands
the
people
in
general
never
but
by
a
precedent
Law
,
and
as
a
Publick
not
a
Natural
person
,
and
if
such
a
Command
as
you
speak
of
were
contrived
into
a
general
Law
(
which
never
was
,
nor
never
will
be
)
you
were
bound
to
obey
it
,
unless
you
depart
the
Kingdom
after
the
publication
of
the
Law
,
and
before
the
Condemnation
of
your
Father
.
B.
You
Author
says
farther
in
refusing
Active
obedience
to
the
King
that
Commanded
any
thing
contrary
to
God's
Law
,
we
must
be
very
well
assured
that
the
thing
is
so
contrary
,
I
would
sain
know
how
is
it
possible
to
be
assured
?
A.
I
think
you
do
not
believe
,
that
any
of
those
Refusers
do
immediately
from
God's
own
Mouth
receive
any
Command
contrary
to
the
Command
of
the
King
,
who
is
God's
Lieutenant
,
nor
any
other
way
than
you
and
I
do
,
that
is
to
say
,
than
by
the
Scriptures
,
and
because
men
do
for
the
most
part
rather
draw
the
Scripture
to
their
own
sense
,
then
follow
the
true
sense
of
the
Scripture
,
there
is
no
other
way
to
know
certainly
,
and
in
all
cases
,
what
God
Commands
or
forbids
us
to
do
,
but
by
the
sentence
of
him
,
or
them
,
that
are
constituted
by
the
King
to
determine
the
sence
of
the
Scriptures
upon
hearing
of
the
particular
Case
of
Conscience
which
is
in
question
:
and
they
that
are
so
constituted
are
easily
known
in
all
Christian
Commonwealths
,
whether
they
be
Bishops
,
or
Ministers
,
or
Assemblies
that
Govern
the
Church
under
him
,
or
them
that
have
the
Soveraign
Power
.
B.
Some
doubts
may
be
raised
from
this
that
you
now
say
;
for
if
men
be
to
learn
their
Duty
from
the
sentence
which
other
men
shall
give
concerning
the
meaning
of
the
Scriptures
and
not
from
their
own
Interpretation
,
I
understand
not
to
what
end
they
were
Translated
into
English
,
and
every
man
not
only
permitted
,
but
also
exhorted
,
to
read
them
;
for
what
could
that
produce
but
diversity
of
Opinion
,
and
consequently
(
as
man's
nature
is
)
Disputation
,
breach
of
Charity
,
Disobedience
,
and
at
last
Rebellion
?
Again
since
the
Scriptures
were
allowed
to
be
read
in
English
,
why
were
not
the
Translations
such
as
might
make
all
that
's
read
understood
,
even
by
mean
Capacities
?
Did
not
the
Jews
,
such
as
could
read
,
understand
their
Law
in
the
Jewish
Language
as
well
as
we
do
our
Statute
Laws
in
English
?
and
as
for
such
places
of
the
Scripture
as
had
nothing
of
the
Nature
of
a
Law
,
it
was
nothing
to
the
Duty
of
the
Jews
,
whether
they
were
understood
or
not
,
seeing
nothing
is
punishable
but
the
Transgression
of
some
Law
;
The
same
question
I
may
ask
concerning
the
New
Testament
,
for
I
believe
that
those
Men
to
whom
the
Original
Language
was
natural
did
understand
sufficiently
what
Commands
and
Counsels
were
given
them
by
our
Saviour
and
his
Apostles
,
and
his
immediate
Disciples
:
Again
how
will
you
answer
that
question
which
was
put
by
St.
Peter
and
St.
John
,
Acts
4.
1●
.
when
b●
Ananias
the
High-Priest
,
and
others
of
the
Council
of
Jerusalem
they
were
forbidden
any
more
to
teach
in
the
name
of
Jesus
?
whether
is
it
right
in
the
sight
of
God
to
hearken
to
you
more
than
unto
God
?
A.
The
Case
is
not
the
same
,
Peter
and
John
had
seen
and
daily
conversed
with
our
Saviour
,
and
by
the
Miracles
he
wrote
did
know
he
was
God
,
and
consequently
knew
certainly
〈◊〉
their
Disobedience
to
the
High
Priests
present
command
was
just
.
Can
any
Minister
now
say
that
he
hath
immediately
from
God's
own
Mouth
received
a
Command
to
disobey
the
King
,
or
know
otherwise
than
by
the
Scripture
,
that
any
Command
of
the
King
that
hath
the
form
and
nature
of
a
Law
is
,
against
the
Law
of
God
,
which
in
divers
places
he
directly
and
evidently
Commandeth
to
obey
him
in
all
things
.
The
Text
you
cite
doth
not
tell
us
that
a
Minister's
Authority
,
rather
than
a
Christian
King
's
shall
decide
the
questions
that
arise
from
the
different
Interpretations
of
the
Scripture
.
And
therefore
,
where
the
King
is
head
of
the
Church
,
and
by
consequence
(
to
omit
that
the
Scripture
it self
was
not
receieved
but
by
the
Authority
of
Kings
and
States
)
chief
Judge
of
the
Rectitude
of
all
Interpretations
of
the
Scripture
,
to
obey
the
King's
Laws
and
publick
Edicts
is
not
to
disobey
,
and
obey
God
,
a
Minister
ought
not
to
think
that
his
Skill
in
the
Latine
,
Greek
,
or
Hebrew
Tongues
,
if
he
have
any
,
gives
him
a
priviledge
to
impose
upon
all
his
Fellow-subjects
his
own
sense
,
or
what
he
pretends
to
be
his
sense
of
every
obscure
place
of
Scripture
,
nor
ought
he
,
as
often
as
he
hath
found
some
fine
Interpretation
not
before
thought
on
by
others
,
to
think
he
had
it
by
inspiration
as
fine
as
he
thinks
it
,
is
not
false
;
and
then
all
his
Stubornness
and
Contumacy
towards
the
King
and
his
Laws
is
nothing
but
Pride
of
heart
and
Ambition
or
else
Imposture
,
And
whereas
you
think
it
needless
,
or
perhaps
hurtful
to
have
the
Scriptures
in
English
,
I
am
of
another
mind
,
There
are
so
many
places
of
Scripture
easily
to
be
understood
,
that
teach
both
true
Faith
and
good
Morality
,
and
that
as
fully
as
is
necessary
to
Salvation
,
of
which
no
Seducer
is
able
to
dispose
the
mind
of
any
ordinary
Readers
,
that
the
Reading
of
them
is
so
profitable
as
not
to
be
forbidden
without
great
Damage
to
them
and
the
Commonwealth
?
B.
All
that
is
required
both
in
Faith
and
Manner
's
for
Man's
Salvation
,
is
,
I
confess
,
set
down
in
Scripture
as
plainly
as
can
be
,
Children
Obey
you●
Parents
in
all
things
:
Servants
obey
your
Masters
:
Let
all
men
be
subject
to
the
Higher
Powers
,
whether
it
be
the
King
,
or
those
that
are
sent
by
him
:
Love
God
with
all
your
Soul
,
and
your
Neighbour
as
your self
,
are
words
of
the
Scripture
,
which
are
well
enough
understood
;
but
neither
Children
,
nor
the
greatest
part
of
Men
do
understand
why
it
is
their
Duty
so
to
do
;
they
see
not
that
the
safety
of
the
Commonwealth
,
and
consequently
their
own
,
depends
upon
the
doing
of
it
:
Every
man
by
Nature
without
Discipline
does
in
all
his
Actions
look
upon
,
as
far
as
he
can
see
,
the
benefit
that
shall
redound
to
himself
by
his
Obedience
,
he
Reads
that
Covetousness
is
the
Root
of
all
Evil
,
but
he
thinks
,
and
sometimes
finds
it
is
the
Root
of
his
Estate
.
And
so
in
other
Cases
,
the
Scripture
says
one
thing
and
they
think
another
,
weighing
the
Commodities
or
Incommodities
of
this
present
Life
only
,
which
are
in
their
sight
,
never
putting
into
the
Scales
the
Good
and
Evil
of
the
Life
to
come
,
which
they
see
not
.
A.
All
this
is
no
more
than
happens
where
the
Scripture
is
sealed
up
in
Greek
and
Latine
,
and
the
People
taught
the
same
things
out
of
them
by
Preachers
,
but
they
that
are
of
a
Condition
and
Age
fit
to
examine
the
sence
of
what
they
read
,
and
that
take
a
delight
in
searching
out
the
Grounds
of
their
Duty
,
certainly
cannot
chuse
but
by
reading
of
the
Scriptures
come
to
such
a
sense
of
their
Duty
,
as
not
only
to
obey
the
Laws
themselves
,
but
also
to
induce
others
to
do
the
same
,
for
commonly
Men
of
Age
and
quality
are
followed
by
their
inferiour
Neighbours
that
look
more
upon
the
example
of
those
Men
whom
they
Reverence
,
and
whom
they
are
unwilling
to
displease
then
upon
precepts
and
Laws
.
B.
These
men
of
the
condition
and
Age
you
speak
of
are
in
my
opinion
the
unfittest
of
all
others
to
be
trusted
with
the
reading
of
the
Scriptures
;
I
know
you
mean
such
as
have
studied
the
Greek
or
Latin
,
or
both
Tongues
,
and
that
are
withal
such
as
love
knowledge
,
and
consequently
take
delight
in
finding
out
the
meaning
of
the
most
hard
Texts
,
or
in
thinking
they
have
found
it
in
case
it
be
new
and
not
found
out
by
others
;
these
are
therefore
they
that
pretermitting
the
easiy
places
,
that
teach
them
their
Duty
,
fall
to
scanning
only
the
Mysteries
of
Religion
:
Such
as
are
,
how
it
may
be
made
out
with
wit
,
that
there
be
three
that
bear
Rule
in
Heaven
,
and
those
three
but
one
,
how
the
Deity
could
be
made
flesh
,
how
that
flesh
could
be
really
present
in
many
places
at
once
?
where
's
the
place
,
and
what
the
Torments
of
Hell
and
other
Metaphysical
Doctrines
?
whether
the
Will
of
Man
be
free
,
or
govern'd
by
the
Will
of
God
,
whether
Sanctity
comes
by
inspiration
or
Education
:
by
whom
Christ
now
speaks
to
us
,
whether
by
the
King
,
or
by
the
Bible
to
every
Man
that
reads
it
,
and
interprets
it
to
himself
,
or
by
a
private
Spirit
,
to
every
private
Man
:
These
and
the
like
points
are
the
study
of
the
curious
and
the
cause
of
all
our
late
mischief
;
and
the
cause
that
makes
the
plainer
sort
of
men
whom
the
Scriptures
had
taught
belief
in
Christ
,
love
towards
God
,
obedience
towards
the
King
,
and
sobriety
of
Behaviour
;
forget
it
all
and
place
their
Religion
in
the
Disputable
Doctrines
,
of
these
your
wise
Men.
A.
I
do
not
think
these
men
fit
to
interpret
the
Scriptures
to
the
rest
:
nor
do
I
say
that
the
rest
ought
to
take
their
interpretation
for
the
word
of
God
.
Whatsoever
is
necessary
for
them
to
know
more
,
does
them
no
good
;
but
in
case
any
of
these
unnecessary
Doctrines
shall
be
Authorized
by
the
Laws
of
the
King
or
other
state
:
I
say
it
is
the
duty
of
every
Subject
not
to
speak
against
them
in
asmuch
as
't
is
every
Mans
Duty
to
obey
him
,
or
them
that
have
the
Sovereign
power
,
and
the
wisdom
of
all
such
powers
,
to
punish
such
as
shall
publish
or
teach
their
private
Interpretations
when
they
are
contrary
to
the
Law
:
and
likely
to
incline
men
to
sedition
or
disputing
against
the
Law
.
B.
They
must
punish
then
the
most
of
those
that
have
had
there
breeding
in
the
Universities
,
for
such
curious
questions
in
Divinity
are
first
started
in
the
Universities
;
and
so
are
all
those
politick
questions
concerning
the
Rights
of
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
Government
,
and
there
they
are
furnished
with
arguments
for
liberty
,
out
of
the
works
of
Aristotle
,
Plato
,
C●cero
,
Se●ica
,
and
〈◊〉
of
the
Histories
of
〈…〉
for
their
disputation
against
the
〈…〉
power
of
their
〈…〉
therefore
I
dispare
of
any
〈…〉
our selves
till
the
〈…〉
their
studies
to
the
〈…〉
obedience
to
the
Laws
of
the
〈…〉
to
his
publick
Edicts
under
the
great
Seal
of
England
:
for
I
make
no
doubt
but
that
solid
reason
backt
with
the
Authority
of
so
many
learned
men
,
will
more
prevail
for
the
keeping
of
us
in
peace
within
our selves
than
any
victory
can
do
over
the
Rebells
,
but
I
am
afraid
't
is
unpossible
to
bring
the
Universities
to
such
a
compliance
with
the
Actions
of
state
as
is
necessary
for
the
Business
;
seeing
the
Universities
have
heretofore
from
time
to
time
maintain'd
the
Authority
of
the
Pope
,
contrary
to
all
Laws
;
Divine
,
Civil
,
and
Natural
:
against
the
Right
of
our
Kings
:
why
can
they
not
as
well
when
they
have
all
manner
of
Laws
and
Equity
on
their
side
,
maintain
the
Rights
of
him
that
is
both
sovereign
of
the
Kingdom
and
Head
of
the
Church
.
B.
Why
then
were
they
not
in
all
points
for
the
Kings
power
presently
after
that
King
Henry
the
8.
was
in
Parliament
declared
Head
of
the
Church
,
as
much
as
they
were
before
for
the
Authority
of
the
Pope
.
A.
Because
the
Clergy
in
the
Universities
by
whom
all
things
there
are
Govern'd
,
and
the
Clergy
without
the
Universities
as
well
Bishops
as
inferiour
Clerks
did
think
that
the
pulling
down
of
the
Pope
,
was
the
setting
up
of
them
,
(
as
to
England
)
in
his
place
,
and
made
no
question
the
greatest
part
of
them
,
but
that
their
spiritual
power
did
depend
not
upon
the
Authority
of
the
King
but
of
Christ
himself
derived
to
them
by
successible
Imposition
of
hands
from
Bishop
to
Bishop
?
notwithstanding
they
knew
that
this
derivation
passed
through
the
hands
of
Popes
&
Bishops
whose
Authority
they
had
cast
off
,
for
though
they
were
content
that
the
Divine
right
which
the
Pope
pretended
to
in
England
should
be
denied
him
,
yet
they
thought
it
not
so
fit
to
be
taken
from
the
Church
of
England
,
whom
they
now
supposed
themselves
,
to
represent
.
It
seems
they
did
not
think
it
reasonable
,
that
a
Woman
,
or
a
Child
,
or
a
Man
,
that
could
not
construe
the
Hebrew
,
Greek
,
or
Latin
Bible
,
nor
know
perhaps
the
declensions
and
Conjugations
of
Greek
or
Latin
,
Nounes
and
Verbs
,
should
take
upon
him
to
govern
so
many
learned
Doctors
in
matters
of
Religion
,
meaning
matters
of
Divinity
for
Religion
has
been
for
a
long
time
,
and
is
now
by
most
people
taken
for
the
same
thing
with
Divinity
,
to
the
great
advantage
of
the
Clergie
.
B.
And
especially
now
amongst
the
Presbyterians
for
I
see
few
that
are
esteemed
by
them
very
good
Christians
besides
such
as
can
repeat
their
Sermons
and
wrangle
for
them
about
the
Interpretation
of
the
Scripture
,
and
fight
for
them
also
with
their
Bodies
or
purses
when
they
shal
be
required
to
believe
in
Christ
is
nothing
with
them
,
unless
you
believe
as
they
bid
you
,
Charity
is
nothing
with
them
unless
it
be
Charity
and
liberality
to
them
,
and
partaking
with
them
in
faction
How
we
can
have
peace
while
this
is
our
Religion
,
I
cannot
tell
Haeret
Laterilethalis
arundo
.
The
seditious
Doctrine
of
the
Presbyterians
hath
been
stuck
so
hard
in
the
Peoples
heads
and
memories
,
(
I
cannot
say
into
their
hearts
for
they
understood
nothing
in
it
,
but
that
they
may
lawfully
rebel
)
That
I
fear
the
Common-wealth
will
never
be
cured
.
A.
The
2
Great
vertues
that
were
severally
in
Henry
the
7.
Henry
the
8.
When
they
shall
be
Joyntly
in
one
King
,
will
easily
cure
it
,
that
of
Henry
the
7
was
without
much
noise
of
the
people
to
●ill
his
Coffers
that
of
Henry
the
8
was
an
early
severity
but
this
without
the
former
cannot
be
exercised
.
B.
This
that
you
say
looks
(
me
thinks
)
like
an
advice
to
the
King
to
let
them
alone
till
he
have
gotten
ready
money
enough
to
levy
and
maintain
a
sufficient
Army
,
and
then
to
fall
on
them
and
destroy
them
.
A.
God
forbid
that
so
horrible
Unchirstian
and
unhuman
design
should
ever
enter
into
the
Kings
heart
,
I
would
have
him
have
money
enough
,
readily
to
raise
an
Army
,
able
to
suppress
any
Rebellion
and
to
take
from
the
Enemies
all
hope
of
success
,
that
they
may
not
dare
to
trouble
him
in
the
Reformation
of
the
Universities
,
but
to
put
none
to
death
,
without
the
A●tual
committing
such
crimes
as
are
already
made
Capital
by
the
Laws
,
the
Core
of
Rebellion
as
you
have
seen
by
this
,
and
read
of
other
Rebellions
,
are
the
Universities
,
which
nevertheless
are
not
to
be
cast
away
but
to
be
better
disciplin'd
that
is
to
say
,
that
the
Politicks
there
taught
be
made
to
be
(
as
true
poli●icks
should
be
)
such
as
are
fit
to
make
men
know
that
it
is
their
duty
to
obey
a●
Laws
whatsoever
that
shall
be
by
the
Authority
of
the
King
enacted
▪
till
by
the
same
Authority
they
shall
be
repeal'd
su●●
as
are
fit
to
make
Men
understand
that
the
Civil
Laws
are
Gods
Laws
,
as
they
that
make
them
,
&
to
make
Men
know
that
the
people
and
the
Church
are
one
thing
,
and
have
but
one
Head
,
the
●ing
;
and
that
no
Man
has
Title
to
Govern
under
him
that
has
it
not
from
him
;
that
the
King
owes
his
Crown
to
God
onl●
and
to
no
Man
Ecclesiastick
▪
or
other
,
and
that
the
Religion
they
teach
there
be
a
quiet
waiting
●or
the
coming
again
of
our
blessed
Saviour
,
and
in
the
mean
time
a
Resolution
to
obey
the
Kings
Laws
,
which
are
also
Gods
Laws
,
to
injure
no
man
,
to
be
in
charity
with
all
Men
,
to
cherish
the
Poor
and
Sick
,
and
to
live
Soberly
,
and
free
from
scanal
,
without
mingling
our
Religion
with
points
of
Natural
Phylosophy
,
as
freedom
of
Will
,
Incorporeal
substance
;
Everlasting
News
,
Ubiquities
,
Hypostases
.
Which
the
people
understand
not
,
nor
will
ever
care
for
,
when
the
Universities
shall
be
thus
disciplined
,
there
will
come
out
of
them
from
time
to
time
,
well
Principled
Preachers
,
and
they
that
are
ill
Principled
from
time
to
time
fall
away
.
B.
I
think
it
a
very
good
course
,
and
perhaps
the
only
one
that
can
make
our
peace
amongst
our selves
constant
:
for
if
Men
know
not
their
Duty
,
what
is
there
that
can
force
them
to
obey
the
Laws
?
an
Army
you
l
say
;
But
what
shall
force
the
Army
,
were
not
the
Train'd
Bands
an
Army
?
Were
they
not
the
Janisaries
that
not
very
long
ago
slew
Osman
in
his
own
Palace
at
Constantinople
!
I
am
therefore
of
your
opinion
,
both
that
Men
may
be
brought
to
a
love
of
Obedience
by
Preachers
and
Gentlemen
that
imbibe
good
Principles
in
their
Youth
at
the
Universities
;
and
also
that
we
never
shall
have
a
lasting
peace
,
till
the
Universities
themselves
be
in
such
manner
(
as
you
have
said
)
reformed
,
and
the
Ministers
know
they
have
no
Authority
but
what
the
supream
Civil
Power
gives
them
:
and
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
know
,
that
the
Liberty
of
a
State
is
not
an
Exemption
from
the
Laws
of
their
own
Countrey
,
whether
made
by
an
Assembly
,
or
by
a
Monarchy
,
but
an
Exemption
from
the
constraint
and
Insolence
of
their
Neighbours
.
And
now
I
am
satisfied
in
this
Point
I
will
bring
you
back
to
the
place
from
whence
my
Curiosity
drew
you
to
this
long
digression
;
We
were
upon
the
point
of
Ship-money
;
one
of
those
grievances
,
which
the
Parliament
exclaimed
against
,
as
Tyranny
and
Arbitrary
Government
,
thereby
to
single
out
(
as
you
called
it
)
the
King
from
his
Subjects
,
and
to
make
a
party
aginst
him
,
when
they
should
need
it
:
And
now
you
may
proceed
if
it
please
you
,
to
such
other
Artifices
as
they
used
to
the
same
purpose
.
A.
I
think
it
were
better
to
give
over
here
our
discourse
of
this
business
,
and
refer
it
to
some
other
Day
that
you
shall
think
fit
.
B.
Content
that
Day
,
I
believe
is
not
far
off
:
A.
You
are
welcome
,
yet
if
you
had
stayed
somewhat
longer
:
my
money
would
have
been
so
much
the
better
provided
for
you
.
B.
Nay
!
I
pray
you
give
me
now
what
you
have
about
you
,
for
the
rest
I
am
content
to
take
what
time
you
please
.
A.
After
the
Parliament
had
made
the
People
believe
that
the
Extorting
of
Ship-money
was
unlawful
,
and
the
people
thereby
inclind
to
think
it
Tyrannical
;
in
the
next
place
to
increase
there
disaffection
to
his
Majesty
:
they
accused
him
of
a
purpose
to
introduce
,
and
Authorize
the
Roman
Religion
in
this
Kingdom
:
than
which
nothing
was
more
hateful
to
the
People
,
not
because
it
was
Erroneous
(
which
they
had
neither
Learning
nor
Judgment
enough
to
examine
)
but
because
they
had
been
used
to
hear
it
inveyed
against
,
in
the
Sermons
and
discourses
of
the
Preachers
whom
they
trusted
to
,
and
this
was
indeed
the
most
effectual
callumny
to
alienate
the
Peoples
affections
from
him
that
could
possibly
be
invented
;
the
colour
they
had
for
this
stand
was
;
First
,
that
there
was
one
Rosseti
Resident
,
(
at
and
a
little
before
the
time
)
from
the
Pope
with
the
Queen
.
And
one
Mr.
George
Consecretary
to
the
Cardinal
Francisco
Barbarini
,
Nephew
to
Pope
Urban
the
Eighth
sent
over
under
favour
,
and
protection
of
the
Queen
(
as
was
conceived
)
to
draw
as
many
persons
of
quality
about
the
Court
,
as
he
should
be
Able
,
to
reconcile
themselves
to
the
Church
of
Rome
,
with
what
success
I
cannot
tell
,
But
〈◊〉
likely
he
gained
some
,
especially
of
the
weaker
Sex
,
If
I
may
say
they
were
gained
by
him
,
when
not
his
Arguments
but
hope
of
favour
from
the
Queen
in
all
probability
prevailed
upon
them
.
B.
In
such
a
Conjuncture
as
that
was
,
it
had
perhaps
been
better
they
had
not
been
sent
.
A.
There
was
exception
also
taken
at
a
Covent
of
Fryers
,
Capucines
in
Summerset-house
;
though
allowed
by
the
Articles
of
Marriage
;
and
it
was
reported
that
the
Jesuits
also
were
shortly
after
to
be
allowed
a
Covent
in
Clarkenwel
,
and
in
the
mean
time
the
Principal
Secretary
Sir
Francis
windebank
was
accused
for
having
by
his
Warrant
set
at
liberty
some
English
Jesuits
that
had
been
taken
and
imprisoned
for
returning
into
England
after
Banishment
contrary
to
the
statute
,
which
had
made
it
Capital
,
also
the
resort
of
English
Catholicks
to
the
Queens-Chappel
gave
them
Colour
to
blame
the
Queen
herself
,
not
only
for
that
but
also
for
all
the
favours
that
had
been
shown
to
the
Catholicks
;
insomuch
that
some
of
them
did
not
stick
to
say
openly
that
the
King
was
Governed
by
her
.
B.
Strange
Injustice
!
The
Queen
was
a
Cath●lick
by
profession
,
and
therefore
could
not
but
endeavour
to
do
the
Catholicks
all
the
good
she
could
,
she
had
not
else
been
truely
that
which
she
professed
to
be
,
but
it
seems
they
meant
to
force
her
to
Hypocrisy
,
being
Hypocrites
themselves
:
Can
any
man
think
it
a
crime
in
a
Devout
Lady
(
of
what
Sect
soever
)
to
seek
Favour
and
Benediction
of
that
Church
whereof
she
is
a
Member
.
A.
To
give
the
Parliament
another
Colour
for
their
Accusation
on
foot
for
the
King
,
as
to
introducing
of
Popery
,
there
was
a
great
Controversy
between
the
Episcopal
and
Presbyterian
Clergy
about
Free-will
.
The
Dispute
began
first
in
the
Low-Countries
,
between
Gomar
and
Arminius
,
in
the
time
of
King
James
,
who
foreseeing
it
might
trouble
the
Church
of
England
,
did
what
he
could
to
compose
the
difference
,
an
Assembly
of
Divines
was
thereupon
got
together
at
Dort
,
to
which
also
King
James
sent
a
Divine
or
two
,
but
it
came
to
nothing
,
the
question
was
left
undecided
,
and
became
a
Subject
to
be
disputed
of
in
the
Universities
;
here
all
the
Presbyterians
were
of
the
same
mind
with
Gomar
,
but
a
very
great
many
others
not
,
and
those
were
called
here
Arminians
,
who
because
the
Doctrine
of
Free-will
had
been
exploded
as
Papistical
,
and
because
the
Presbyterians
were
far
the
greater
number
,
and
already
in
favour
with
the
People
,
they
were
generally
hated
;
it
was
easy
therefore
for
the
Parliament
to
make
that
Calumny
pass
currently
with
the
People
;
when
the
Arch
Bishop
of
Canterbury
,
Dr.
Laud
,
was
for
Arminius
,
and
had
a
little
before
,
by
his
Power
Ecclesiastical
,
forbidden
all
Ministers
to
Preach
to
the
People
of
Predestination
and
when
all
Ministers
that
were
gracious
with
him
,
and
hoped
for
any
Church-preferment
fell
to
Preaching
and
Writing
for
Free-will
to
the
uttermost
of
their
Power
,
as
a
proof
of
their
Abillity
and
Merit
.
Besides
they
gave
out
,
some
of
them
,
that
the
Arch-Bishop
was
in
heart
a
Papist
,
and
in
case
he
could
effect
here
a
Tolleration
of
the
Roman
Religion
to
have
a
Cardinal's
Hat
,
which
was
not
only
false
,
but
also
without
any
ground
at
all
for
a
Suspicion
.
B.
It
is
a
strange
thing
that
Scholars
obscure
men
,
that
could
receive
no
Charity
,
but
from
the
flame
of
the
State
should
be
suffered
to
bring
their
unnecessary
Disputes
,
and
together
with
them
their
quarrels
out
of
the
Universities
into
the
Commonwealth
,
and
more
strange
that
the
State
should
engage
in
their
Parties
,
and
not
rather
put
them
both
to
silence
:
A
State
can
constrain
Obedience
,
but
convince
no
Error
,
nor
alter
the
Mind
of
them
that
believe
they
have
the
better
reason
;
Suppression
of
Doctrines
does
but
unite
and
exasperate
,
that
is
,
increase
both
the
malice
and
Power
of
them
that
have
already
believed
them
;
But
what
are
the
Points
they
disagree
in
?
Is
there
any
Controversy
between
Bishop
and
Presbyterian
concerning
the
Divinity
o●
Humanity
of
Christ
?
Do
either
of
them
deny
the
Trinity
,
or
any
Article
of
the
Creed
?
Does
either
Party
Preach
openly
,
or
Write
directly
against
Justice
,
Charity
,
Sobriety
,
,
or
any
other
Duty
,
necessary
to
Salvation
,
except
only
the
Duty
to
the
King
,
and
not
that
neither
,
but
when
they
had
a
mind
either
to
Rule
or
Destroy
the
King
?
Lord
have
mercy
upon
us
.
Can
no
body
be
saved
that
understands
not
their
Disputations
?
or
is
there
more
requisite
either
of
Faith
,
or
Honesty
for
the
Salvation
of
one
Man
than
another
?
What
needs
so
much
Preaching
of
Faith
to
us
that
are
no
Heathens
,
and
that
believe
already
all
that
Christ
and
his
Apostles
have
told
us
is
necessary
to
Salvation
,
and
more
too
?
Why
is
there
so
little
Preaching
of
Justice
?
I
have
indeed
heard
Righteousness
often
recommended
to
the
People
,
but
I
have
seldom
heard
the
word
Justice
in
their
Sermons
:
nay
,
though
in
the
the
Latine
and
Greek
Bible
the
word
Justice
occurr
exceeding
often
,
yet
in
the
English
(
though
it
be
a
word
that
every
man
understands
(
the
word
Righteousness
)
which
few
understand
to
signify
the
same
,
but
take
it
rather
for
Righteousness
of
Opinion
,
than
of
Action
or
Intention
)
is
put
in
the
place
of
it
.
A.
I
confess
I
know
very
few
Controversies
amongst
Christians
of
points
necessary
to
Salvation
;
they
are
the
Questions
of
Authority
and
Power
over
the
Church
,
or
of
Profit
,
or
Honour
to
Church-men
that
for
the
most
part
raise
all
the
Controversies
:
For
,
what
man
is
he
that
will
trouble
himself
,
and
fall
out
with
his
Neighbours
for
the
saving
of
my
Soul
,
or
the
Soul
of
any
other
than
himself
?
When
the
Presbyterian
Ministers
,
and
others
,
did
so
furiously
Preach
Sedition
,
and
animate
men
to
Rebellion
in
these
late
Wars
.
Who
was
there
that
had
not
a
Benefit
,
or
having
one
,
feared
not
to
loose
it
,
or
some
other
part
of
his
Maintenance
by
the
alteration
of
the
Government
,
that
did
voluntarily
,
without
any
eye
to
reward
,
Preach
so
earnestly
against
Sedition
,
As
the
other
party
Preached
for
it
?
I
confess
that
for
ought
I
have
observed
in
History
and
other
Writings
of
the
Heathens
,
Greek
and
Latine
,
that
those
Heathens
were
not
at
all
short
of
us
in
point
of
Vertue
and
Moral
Duties
,
notwithstanding
that
we
have
had
much
Preaching
,
and
they
none
at
all
;
I
confess
also
that
considering
what
harm
might
proceed
form
a
Liberty
that
Men
have
upon
every
Sunday
,
and
oftner
,
to
Harangue
all
the
People
of
a
Nation
at
one
time
,
whilst
the
State
is
ignorant
what
they
will
say
,
and
that
there
is
no
such
thing
permitted
in
all
the
World
out
of
Christendom
,
nor
therefore
any
Civil
Wars
about
Religion
;
I
have
thought
much
Preaching
an
inconvenience
,
nevertheless
I
cannot
think
that
Preaching
to
the
People
the
points
of
their
Duty
both
to
God
and
Man
can
be
too
frequent
,
so
it
be
done
by
Grave
,
Discreet
,
and
Antient
men
that
are
Reverenced
by
the
People
,
and
not
by
light
quibling
young
men
whom
no
Congregation
is
so
simple
as
to
look
to
be
taught
by
,
(
as
being
a
thing
contrary
to
nature
)
or
to
pay
them
any
Reverence
,
or
to
care
what
they
say
,
except
some
few
that
may
he
delighted
with
their
Jingling
:
I
wish
with
all
my
Heart
there
were
enough
of
such
Discreet
and
Antient
men
as
might
suffice
for
all
the
Parishes
of
England
,
and
that
they
would
undertake
it
;
but
this
is
but
a
wish
,
I
leave
it
to
the
wisdom
of
the
State
,
to
do
what
it
pleaseth
,
B.
What
did
they
next
?
A.
Whereas
the
King
had
sent
Prisoners
into
Places
remote
from
London
three
Persons
,
that
had
been
condemned
for
publishing
seditious
Doctrine
,
some
in
Writing
,
some
in
publick
Sermons
;
that
Parliament
(
whether
with
his
Majesties
consent
or
no
I
have
forgotten
)
caused
them
to
be
released
,
and
to
Return
to
London
,
meaning
,
I
think
,
to
try
how
the
People
would
be
pleased
therewith
,
and
by
consequence
,
how
their
endeavours
to
draw
the
Peoples
Affections
from
the
King
had
already
prospered
,
when
these
three
came
through
London
,
it
was
a
kind
of
Triumph
,
the
People
flocking
together
to
behold
them
,
and
receiving
them
with
such
Acclamations
,
and
almost
Adoration
,
as
if
they
had
been
let
down
from
Heaven
:
Insomuch
that
the
Parliament
was
now
sufficiently
assured
of
a
great
and
tumultuous
Party
whensoever
they
should
have
occasion
to
use
it
,
on
confidence
whereof
,
they
proceeded
to
their
next
Plot
,
which
was
to
deprive
the
King
of
such
Ministers
,
as
by
their
Courage
,
Wisdom
and
Authority
they
thought
most
able
to
prevent
,
or
oppose
their
further
Designs
against
the
King
:
And
first
the
House
of
Commons
resolv'd
to
impeach
the
Earl
of
Strafford
;
Lord
Lieutenant
of
Ireland
of
High-Treason
.
B
What
was
that
Earl
of
Strafford
before
he
had
that
Place
:
And
how
had
he
offended
the
Parliament
,
or
given
them
cause
to
think
he
would
be
their
Enemy
?
For
I
have
heard
,
that
in
former
Parliaments
,
he
had
been
as
Parliamentary
as
any
other
.
A.
His
name
was
Sr.
Thomas
Wentworth
,
a
Gentleman
both
for
birth
and
estate
very
considerable
in
his
own
Country
,
which
was
Yorkshire
;
but
more
considerable
for
his
Judgment
in
the
Publick
Affairs
,
not
only
of
that
Country
,
but
generally
of
the
Kingdom
;
either
as
Burgess
for
some
Borrough
,
or
Knight
of
the
Shire
:
for
his
Principles
of
Politicks
,
they
were
the
same
that
were
generally
proceeded
upon
by
all
Men
else
,
that
are
thought
fit
to
be
chosen
for
the
Parliament
:
which
are
commonly
these
,
To
take
for
the
Rule
of
Justice
and
the
Government
,
the
Judgments
and
Acts
of
former
Parliaments
,
which
are
commonly
called
Precedents
;
to
Endeavour
to
keep
the
People
from
being
Subject
to
Extra-Parliamentary
Taxes
of
money
;
And
from
being
with
Parliamentary
Taxes
too
much
oppressed
;
to
preserve
to
the
People
their
Liberty
of
Body
from
their
Arbitrary
Power
of
the
King
out
of
Parliament
:
To
seek
Redress
of
Grievances
.
B.
What
Grievances
?
A.
The
Grievances
were
commonly
such
as
these
;
the
Kings
too
much
Liberality
to
some
favorite
:
The
too
much
power
of
any
Minister
of
State
or
Officer
,
the
Misdemeanours
of
Judges
Civil
or
Spiritual
,
but
especially
all
Unparliamentary
raising
of
Mony
upon
the
Subjects
.
And
commonly
of
late
till
such
grievances
be
redressed
,
they
refuse
,
or
at
least
make
great
difficulty
to
furnish
the
King
with
Mony
necessary
for
the
most
urgent
occasions
of
the
Commonwealth
.
B.
How
then
can
a
King
discharge
his
Duty
,
as
he
ought
to
do
;
or
the
Subject
know
which
of
his
Masters
he
is
to
Obey
?
For
here
are
manifestly
two
Powers
,
which
when
they
chance
to
differ
,
cannot
both
be
Obeyed
.
A.
'T
is
true
,
but
they
have
not
often
differed
so
much
to
the
danger
of
the
Common-wealth
as
they
have
done
in
this
Parliament
of
1640.
In
all
the
Parliaments
of
the
late
King
Charles
before
the
year
1640.
my
Lord
of
Strafford
did
appear
in
opposition
to
the
Kings
Demands
,
as
much
as
any
man
,
and
was
for
that
Cause
very
much
esteemed
and
cried
up
by
the
People
as
a
good
Patriot
,
and
one
that
couragiously
stood
up
in
defence
of
their
Liberties
,
and
for
the
same
cause
was
so
much
the
more
hated
,
when
afterwards
he
endeavoured
to
maintain
the
Royal
and
Just
A●thority
of
his
Majesty
.
B.
How
came
he
to
change
his
mind
so
much
as
it
seems
he
did
.
A.
After
the
Dissolution
of
that
Parliament
holden
in
the
year
1627
and
1628
,
the
King
finding
no
Mony
to
be
gotten
from
Parliaments
,
which
he
was
not
to
buy
with
the
Blood
of
such
Servants
and
Ministers
as
he
loved
best
,
abstained
a
long
time
from
calling
any
more
,
and
had
abstained
longer
,
if
the
Rebellion
of
the
Scotch
had
not
forced
him
to
it
.
During
that
Parliament
the
King
made
Sir
Thomas
Wentworth
a
Baron
,
recommended
to
him
for
his
great
ability
,
which
was
generally
taken
notice
of
by
the
disservice
he
had
done
the
King
in
former
Parliaments
,
but
which
might
be
usefull
also
for
him
in
the
times
that
came
on
,
and
not
long
after
that
he
made
him
of
the
Counsel
,
and
again
Lieutenant
of
Ireland
,
which
place
he
discharged
with
great
satisfaction
and
benefit
to
his
Majesty
,
and
continued
in
that
Office
till
by
the
Envy
and
Violence
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
of
that
unlucky
Parliament
of
1640.
he
died
,
in
which
year
he
was
made
General
of
the
Kings
Forces
against
the
Scotch
that
then
entred
into
England
,
and
the
year
before
Earl
of
Strafford
.
The
Pacification
being
made
,
and
the
Forces
on
both
sides
Disbanded
,
and
the
Parliament
at
Westminster
now
Sitting
:
It
was
not
long
before
the
House
of
Commons
accused
him
to
the
House
of
Lords
of
High
Treason
.
B.
There
was
no
great
probability
of
his
being
a
Traitor
to
the
King
,
from
whose
favour
he
had
received
his
greatness
,
and
from
whose
Protection
he
〈◊〉
to
expect
his
safety
:
What
was
the
Treason
they
laid
to
his
Charge
?
A.
Many
Articles
were
drawn
up
against
him
,
but
the
summ
of
them
was
contained
in
these
two
,
First
,
That
he
had
traiterously
endeavour'd
to
subvert
the
Fundamental
Laws
and
Government
of
the
Realm
,
and
instead
thereof
to
introduce
an
Arbitrary
and
Tyranical
Government
against
Law
.
Secondly
,
That
he
had
laboured
to
subvert
the
Rights
of
Parliaments
,
and
the
Antient
course
of
Parliamentary
Proceedings
.
B.
Was
this
done
by
him
without
the
knowledge
of
the
King
?
A.
No.
B.
Why
then
if
it
were
Treason
,
did
not
the
King
himself
call
him
in
Question
by
his
Attorney
?
What
had
the
House
of
Commons
to
do
without
his
Command
to
accuse
him
to
the
House
of
Lords
?
They
might
have
complain'd
to
the
King
,
if
he
had
not
known
it
before
,
I
understand
not
this
Law
.
A.
Nor
I.
B.
Had
this
been
by
any
former
Statutes
made
Treason
?
A.
Not
that
I
ever
heard
of
;
nor
do
I
understand
that
any
thing
can
be
Treason
against
the
King
,
that
the
King
hearing
and
knowing
does
not
think
Treason
:
But
it
was
a
piece
of
that
Parliaments
Artifice
to
put
the
word
Traiterously
to
any
Article
exhibited
against
a
man
whose
life
they
meant
to
take
away
.
B.
Was
there
no
particular
Instance
of
action
or
words
out
of
which
they
argued
,
that
endeavour
of
his
,
to
subvert
the
fundamental
Laws
of
Parliament
whereof
they
accused
him
.
A.
Yes
,
they
said
he
gave
the
King
Counsel
to
reduce
the
Parliament
to
their
duty
by
the
Irish
Army
,
which
not
long
before
my
Lord
of
Strafford
himself
had
caused
to
be
leavied
there
for
the
Kings
service
;
but
it
was
never
proved
against
him
,
that
he
advised
the
King
to
make
use
of
it
against
the
Parliament
.
B.
What
are
those
Laws
that
are
called
fundamental
?
for
I
understand
not
how
one
Law
can
be
more
fundamental
than
another
,
except
only
that
Law
of
Nature
that
binds
us
all
to
obey
him
whosoever
he
be
,
whom
lawfully
and
for
our
own
safety
wee
have
promised
to
obey
▪
nor
any
other
fundamental
Law
to
a
King
but
Salus
Populi
,
The
safety
and
well
being
of
his
People
.
A.
This
Parliament
in
the
use
of
these
words
when
they
accused
any
Man
never
regarded
the
signification
of
them
,
but
the
weight
they
had
to
aggravate
their
accusation
to
the
Ignorant
multitudes
which
think
all
faults
heinous
that
are
exprest
in
heinous
termes
:
If
they
hate
the
Reason
accused
as
they
did
this
Man
not
only
for
being
of
the
Kings
party
,
but
also
for
deserting
the
Parliaments
party
as
an
Apostate
.
B.
I
pray
you
tell
me
also
what
they
meant
by
Arbitrary
Government
,
which
they
seemed
so
much
to
hate
:
Is
there
any
Governour
of
a
People
in
the
World
that
is
forced
to
Govern
them
,
or
forced
to
make
this
and
that
Law
whether
he
will
or
no!
I
think
,
or
if
any
be
that
forces
him
,
does
certainly
make
Laws
and
Govern
Arbitrarily
.
A.
That
is
true
,
and
the
true
meaning
of
the
Parliament
was
,
that
not
the
King
but
they
themselves
should
have
the
Arbitrary
Government
;
not
only
of
England
but
of
Ireland
,
and
(
as
it
appeared
by
the
event
)
of
Scotland
also
.
B.
How
the
King
came
by
the
Government
of
Scotland
and
Ireland
By
descent
of
his
Ancesters
,
every
body
can
tell
;
but
if
the
King
of
England
and
his
heirs
should
chance
(
which
God-forbid
)
to
fail
I
cannot
imagine
what
Title
the
Parliament
of
England
,
can
acquire
thereby
to
either
of
those
Nations
.
A.
Yet
they
say
they
have
been
conquered
Antiently
by
the
English
Subjects
Money
B.
Like
enough
,
and
suitable
to
the
rest
of
their
Impudence
.
A.
Impudence
In
Democratical
Assemblies
does
almost
all
that
is
done
'T
is
the
Goddess
of
Rhetorick
and
carries
on
proof
with
it
for
ought
ordinary
Man
will
not
from
so
great
boldness
of
Affirmation
conclude
,
there
is
great
boldness
of
affirmation
,
conclude
there
is
great
probability
in
the
King
affirmed
upon
this
accusation
;
he
was
brought
to
his
Tryal
at
Westminster
hall
before
the
House
of
Lords
,
and
found
guilty
;
and
presently
after
declared
a
Traytor
by
a
Bill
of
attainder
,
that
is
by
Act
of
Parliament
.
B.
It
is
a
strange
thing
that
the
Lords
should
be
induced
upon
so
light
Grounds
,
to
give
●
sentence
,
or
give
their
assent
to
a
Bill
so
prejudicial
to
themselves
,
and
their
posterity
.
A.
'T
was
not
well
done
,
and
yet
(
as
it
seems
)
not
ignorantly
,
for
there
is
a
clause
in
the
Bill
,
that
it
should
not
be
taken
hereafter
for
an
example
,
that
is
for
a
prejudice
in
the
like
case
hereafter
.
B.
That
is
worse
then
the
Bill
it self
,
and
is
a
plain
con●ession
that
their
sentence
was
unjust
,
for
what
harm
is
there
in
the
example
of
just
sentences
;
besides
if
hereafter
the
like
case
should
happen
the
sentence
is
not
at
all
made
weaker
by
such
a
provision
.
A.
Indeed
I
believe
that
the
Lords
most
of
them
were
not
willing
to
condemn
him
of
Treason
,
they
were
awed
to
it
by
the
clamor
of
the
Common
People
that
came
to
Westminster
,
crying
out
Justice
,
Justice
against
the
Earl
of
Strafford
,
the
which
were
caused
to
flock
thither
by
some
of
the
House
of
Commons
that
were
well
assured
after
the
Triumphant
Welcom
of
Prinne
,
Burton
,
and
Bastwick
,
to
put
the
People
into
Tumult
upon
any
occasion
they
desired
,
they
were
awed
unto
it
partly
also
,
by
the
House
of
Commons
,
it self
,
which
if
it
desired
to
undo
a
Lord
had
no
more
to
do
but
to
Vote
him
a
Delinquent
.
B.
A
Delinquent
!
what
's
that
?
A
Sinner
,
is
't
not
?
Did
they
mean
to
undoe
all
Sinners
?
A
By
Delinquent
they
meant
only
a
Man
to
whom
they
would
do
all
the
hurt
they
could
,
but
the
Lords
did
not
yet
,
I
think
,
suspect
they
meant
to
Cashier
their
whole
House
.
B.
It
's
a
strange
thing
the
whole
House
of
Lords
should
not
perceive
the
ruine
of
the
King's
Power
,
or
weakening
of
themselves
;
for
they
could
not
think
it
likely
that
the
People
ever
meant
to
take
the
Soveraignty
from
the
King
to
give
it
to
them
who
were
few
in
number
and
less
in
Power
than
so
many
Commoners
,
because
less
beloved
by
the
People
.
A.
But
it
seemes
not
so
strange
to
me
for
the
Lords
,
●or
their
personal
abilities
,
as
they
were
no
less
,
so
also
were
they
no
more
Skilfull
in
the
Publick
affairs
than
the
Knights
and
Burgesses
,
for
there
is
no
reason
to
think
that
if
one
that
is
to
day
a
Knight
of
the
Shire
in
the
Lower
House
,
be
to
morrow
made
a
Lord
,
and
a
Member
of
the
Higher
House
,
is
therefore
wiser
than
he
was
before
;
they
are
all
of
both
Houses
prudent
and
able
Men
as
any
in
the
Land
,
in
the
business
of
their
private
Estates
,
which
requires
nothing
but
dilligence
and
Natural
Wit
to
Govern
them
,
but
for
the
Government
of
a
Commonwealth
,
neither
Wit
nor
Prudence
,
nor
Dilligince
is
enough
without
infallible
rules
,
and
the
true
Science
of
Equity
and
Justice
.
B.
If
this
be
true
it
is
impossible
any
Commonwealth
in
the
World
,
whether
Monarchy
,
Aristocracy
,
or
Democracy
should
continue
long
without
Change
,
or
Sedition
tending
to
change
either
of
the
Government
or
of
the
Governours
.
A.
'T
is
true
,
nor
have
any
the
greatest
Commonwealths
in
the
World
been
long
from
Sedition
,
the
Greeks
had
it
,
first
their
petty
Kings
and
then
by
Sedition
came
to
be
Petty
Commonwealths
,
and
then
growing
to
be
greater
Commonwealths
,
by
Sedition
again
became
Monarchies
,
,
and
all
for
want
of
rules
of
Justice
for
the
Common
people
to
take
notice
of
,
which
if
the
People
had
known
in
the
beginning
of
every
of
these
Seditions
,
the
Ambitious
persons
could
never
have
had
the
hope
to
disturb
their
Government
after
it
had
been
once
settled
,
for
Ambition
can
do
little
without
hands
,
and
few
hands
it
could
have
if
the
Common
People
were
as
dilligently
instructed
in
the
true
Principles
of
their
Duty
,
as
they
are
terrified
and
amazed
by
Preachers
with
fruitless
and
dangerous
Doctrines
,
concerning
〈◊〉
Nature
of
Man's
will
,
and
many
other
Phylosophical
points
that
tend
not
at
all
to
the
Salvation
of
the
Soul
in
the
World
to
come
,
nor
to
their
ease
in
this
life
,
but
only
to
the
Discretion
towards
the
Clergy
,
of
that
Duty
which
they
ought
to
perform
to
the
King
.
B.
For
ought
I
see
all
the
States
of
Christendom
will
be
subject
to
those
fits
of
Rebellion
as
long
as
the
World
lasteth
.
A.
Like
enough
,
and
yet
the
fault
(
as
I
have
said
)
may
be
easily
mended
by
mending
the
Universities
.
B.
How
long
had
the
Parliament
now
sitten
?
A.
It
began
Novemb.
3.
1640.
My
Lord
of
Strafford
was
Impeached
of
Treason
before
the
Lords
,
November
12.
sent
to
the
Tower
Nov.
22.
his
Trial
began
March
22.
and
ended
April
13.
After
his
Trial
he
was
voted
guilty
of
High
Treason
in
the
House
of
Commons
,
and
after
that
in
the
House
of
Lords
May
6.
and
on
the
12
of
May
Beheaded
.
B.
Great
expedition
!
But
could
not
the
King
for
all
that
have
saved
him
by
a
Pardon
?
A.
The
King
had
heard
all
that
passed
at
his
Trial
,
and
had
declared
he
was
unsatisfied
concerning
the
Justice
of
their
Sentence
,
and
(
I
think
)
notwithstanding
the
danger
of
his
own
Person
from
the
sury
of
the
People
,
and
that
he
was
counselled
to
give
way
to
his
Execution
,
not
only
by
such
as
he
most
relied
on
,
but
also
by
the
Earl
of
Strafford
himself
,
He
would
have
pardoned
him
,
if
that
could
have
preserved
him
from
the
Tumult
raised
and
countenanced
by
the
Parliament
it self
,
for
the
terrifying
o●
those
they
thought
might
favour
him
,
and
yet
the
King
himself
did
not
stick
to
confess
afterwards
that
he
had
done
amiss
in
that
he
did
not
rescue
him
.
B.
'T
was
an
Argument
of
a
good
disposition
in
the
King
,
but
I
never
read
that
Augustus
Caesar
acknowledged
that
he
had
a
fault
in
abandoning
Cicero
to
the
fury
of
his
Enemy
Antonius
,
perhaps
because
Cicero
having
been
of
the
contrary
Faction
to
his
Father
had
done
Augustus
no
service
at
all
,
out
of
favour
to
him
,
but
only
out
of
enmity
to
Antonius
and
of
love
to
the
Senate
,
that
is
indeed
out
of
love
to
himself
that
swayed
the
Senate
,
as
it
is
very
likely
the
Earl
of
Strafford
came
over
to
the
King's
party
for
his
own
ends
,
having
been
so
much
against
the
King
in
former
Parliaments
.
A.
We
cannot
safely
judge
of
Men's
Intentions
,
but
I
have
observed
often
that
such
as
seek
preferment
by
their
Stubbornness
have
missed
of
their
aim
,
and
on
the
other
side
,
that
those
Princes
,
that
with
preferment
are
forced
to
buy
the
Obedience
of
their
Subjects
,
are
already
,
or
must
be
soon
after
in
a
very
weak
condition
,
for
in
a
Market
where
Honour
is
to
to
be
bought
with
Stubborness
,
there
will
be
a
great
many
as
able
to
buy
as
my
Lord
Strafford
was
.
B.
You
have
read
that
when
Hercules
fighting
with
the
Hydra
,
had
cut
of
any
one
of
his
many
Heads
,
there
still
arose
two
other
Heads
in
it's
place
,
and
yet
at
last
he
cut
them
off
all
.
A.
The
Story
is
told
false
for
Hercules
at
first
did
not
cut
off
those
Heads
but
bought
them
off
,
and
afterwards
when
he
saw
that
did
him
no
good
,
then
he
cut
them
off
and
g●t
the
Victory
.
B.
What
did
they
next
.
B.
After
the
first
Impeachment
of
the
Earl
of
Strafford
,
the
House
of
Commons
upon
December
18.
accused
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
also
of
High
Treason
,
that
is
,
of
a
design
to
introduce
Arbitrary
Government
,
&c.
For
which
he
was
(
February
18.
)
sent
to
the
Tower
,
but
his
Trial
and
Execution
were
deferred
a
long
time
,
till
January
10.
1643.
for
the
entertainment
of
the
Scots
that
were
come
into
England
to
aid
the
Parliament
.
B.
Why
did
the
Scots
think
there
was
so
much
danger
in
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
?
he
was
not
a
Man
of
War
,
nor
a
Man
able
to
bring
an
Army
into
the
Field
;
but
he
was
perhaps
a
very
great
Politician
.
A.
That
did
not
appear
by
any
remarkable
events
of
his
Councils
,
I
never
heard
but
he
was
a
very
honest
man
for
his
Morals
;
and
a
very
zealous
promoter
of
the
Church
Government
by
Bishops
,
and
that
he
desired
to
have
the
Service
of
God
performed
,
and
the
House
of
God
adorned
as
suitably
as
was
possible
,
to
the
honour
we
ought
to
do
to
the
Divine
Majesty
.
But
to
bring
,
as
he
did
,
into
the
State
his
Former
Controversies
,
I
mean
his
squablings
in
the
University
about
Free
Will
,
and
his
standing
upon
Punctilio's
concerning
the
Service-Book
and
its
Rubricks
was
not
(
in
my
opinion
)
an
Argument
of
his
sufficiency
in
Affairs
of
State
.
About
the
same
time
they
passed
an
Act
(
which
the
King
consented
to
)
for
a
Triennial
Parliament
,
wherein
was
Enacted
,
That
after
the
present
Parliament
,
there
should
be
a
Parliament
call'd
by
the
King
within
the
space
of
three
years
,
and
so
from
three
years
to
three
years
to
meet
at
Westminster
upon
a
certain
day
named
in
the
Act.
B.
But
what
if
the
King
did
not
call
it
;
finding
it
perhaps
inconvenient
or
Hurtfull
to
to
the
Safety
or
Peace
of
his
People
which
God
hath
put
into
his
Charge
;
for
I
do
not
well
comprehend
how
any
Soveraign
can
well
keep
a
People
in
order
when
his
hands
are
ti●d
,
or
when
he
hath
any
other
Obligation
upon
him
,
than
the
benefit
of
those
he
Governs
.
And
at
this
time
for
any
thing
you
told
me
they
acknowledged
the
King
for
their
Sovereign
.
A.
I
know
not
,
but
such
was
the
Act
:
And
it
was
farther
Enacted
,
That
if
the
King
did
it
not
by
his
own
Command
,
then
the
Lord
Chancellour
or
the
Lord
Keeper
for
the
time
being
should
send
out
the
Writs
of
Summons
:
And
if
the
Chancellour
refused
,
then
the
Sheriffs
of
the
several
Counties
of
themselves
at
the
next
County
Courts
before
the
day
set
down
for
the
Parliaments
meeting
,
should
proceed
to
the
Election
of
the
Members
for
the
said
Parliament
.
B.
But
what
if
the
Sheriffs
refused
?
A.
I
think
they
were
to
be
sworn
to
it
,
but
for
that
and
other
particulars
I
refer
you
to
the
Act.
B.
To
whom
should
they
be
sworn
when
there
is
no
Parliament
?
A.
No
doubt
,
but
to
the
King
whether
there
be
a
Parliament
sitting
or
no.
B.
Then
the
K.
may
Release
them
of
their
Oath
.
A.
Besides
,
They
obtained
of
the
King
the
putting
down
the
Star
Chamber
and
the
High
Commission
Courts
.
B.
Besides
,
If
the
King
upon
the
refusal
,
should
fall
upon
them
in
Anger
,
Who
shall
(
the
Parliament
not
sitting
)
Protect
either
the
Chancellor
or
the
Sheriffs
in
their
Disobedience
?
A.
I
pray
you
do
not
ask
me
any
Reason
of
such
things
,
I
understand
no
better
than
you
;
I
tell
you
only
an
Act
passed
to
that
purpose
and
was
S●gned
by
the
King
in
the
middle
of
February
,
a
little
before
the
Arch
Bishop
was
sent
to
the
Tower
.
Besides
this
Bill
,
the
two
Houses
of
Parliament
agreed
upon
another
,
wherein
it
was
Enacted
,
That
the
present
Parliament
would
continue
till
both
the
Houses
did
consent
to
the
Dissolution
of
it
;
which
Bill
also
the
King
Signed
the
same
day
he
Signed
the
Warrant
for
the
Execution
of
the
Earl
of
Strafford
.
B.
What
a
great
Progress
made
the
Parliament
towards
the
ends
of
the
most
seditious
Members
of
both
Houses
in
so
little
time
.
They
sat
down
in
November
,
and
now
it
was
May
;
in
this
space
of
time
,
which
is
but
half
a
year
,
they
won
from
the
King
the
Adhearance
which
was
due
to
him
from
his
People
:
they
drove
his
faithfullest
Servants
from
him
,
beheaded
the
Earl
of
Strafford
▪
Imprisoned
the
Arch
Bishop
of
Canterbury
,
obtained
a
Triennial
Parliament
after
their
Own
dissolution
,
and
a
continuance
of
their
own
sitting
as
long
as
they
listed
;
which
last
a
mounted
to
a
total
extinction
of
the
Kings
right
in
case
that
such
a
grant
were
vaild
,
which
I
think
it
is
not
:
unless
the
soveraignty
it self
be
in
plain
termes
renounced
;
which
it
was
not
,
but
what
money
by
way
of
subsidue
or
otherwise
did
they
grant
the
King
in
recompence
of
all
these
his
large
concessions
.
A.
None
at
all
,
but
often
promised
they
would
make
him
the
most
glorious
King
that
ever
was
in
England
;
which
were
words
that
passed
well
enough
for
wel
meaning
with
the
common
People
.
B.
But
the
Parliament
was
contented
now
:
for
I
cannot
imagine
what
they
should
desire
more
from
the
King
,
than
he
had
now
granted
them
.
A
▪
Yes
they
desired
the
whole
and
absolute
soveraignty
;
and
to
change
the
Monarchical
government
into
an
Oligarchie
,
that
is
,
to
say
to
make
the
Parliament
consisting
of
a
few
Lords
,
and
about
400
Commoners
,
absolute
in
the
soveraignty
for
the
present
,
and
shortly
after
to
lay
the
house
of
Lords
aside
,
for
this
was
the
design
of
the
Presbyterian
Ministers
,
who
taking
themselves
to
be
,
by
Divine
right
,
the
onely
Lawful
governers
of
the
Church
,
endeavoured
to
bring
the
same
form
of
Government
into
the
Civil
state
,
and
as
the
spiritual
Laws
were
to
be
made
by
their
Synods
so
their
Civil
Laws
should
be
made
by
the
House
of
Commons
;
who
as
they
thought
would
no
less
be
ruled
by
them
afterwards
,
than
formerly
they
had
been
:
wherein
they
were
deceived
,
and
found
themselves
out
gon
by
their
own
Disciples
,
though
not
in
malice
yet
in
Wit.
B.
What
followed
after
this
.
A.
In
August
,
following
the
King
supposing
he
had
now
sufficiently
obliged
the
Parliament
,
to
proceed
no
farther
against
him
;
took
a
journey
into
Scotland
,
to
satisfy
his
Subjects
there
,
as
he
had
done
here
;
intending
perhaps
so
to
gain
their
good
wills
,
that
in
case
the
Parliament
here
should
levy
Armes
against
him
;
they
should
not
be
aided
by
the
Scots
,
wherein
he
also
was
deceived
,
for
though
they
seemed
satisfied
with
what
he
did
(
whereof
one
thing
was
his
giveing
away
to
the
A●olction
of
Episcopacy
)
Yet
afterwards
they
made
a
League
with
the
Parliament
,
and
for
money
(
when
the
King
began
to
have
the
better
of
the
Parliament
)
invaded
England
,
in
the
Parliaments
Quarrel
,
but
this
was
a
Year
or
two
after
.
B.
Before
you
go
any
farther
,
I
desire
to
know
the
ground
and
Original
of
that
Right
which
either
the
House
of
Lords
,
or
House
of
Commons
,
or
both
together
pretend
to
.
A.
It
is
a
question
of
things
so
long
past
that
they
are
now
forgotten
;
nor
have
we
any
thing
to
conjecture
by
,
but
the
Records
of
our
own
Nation
:
and
some
small
and
obscure
fragments
of
Roman
Histories
:
And
for
the
Records
seeing
they
are
of
things
only
done
sometimes
justly
,
sometimes
unjustly
,
you
can
never
by
them
know
what
Right
they
had
,
but
only
what
right
they
pretended
.
B.
Howsoever
let
me
know
what
light
we
have
in
this
matter
from
the
Roman
Histories
▪
A.
It
would
be
too
long
,
and
an
useless
digression
to
cite
all
the
Antient
Authors
that
speake
of
the
formes
of
those
Common-wealths
,
which
were
amongst
our
first
Ancesters
,
the
Saxons
and
other
Germans
,
and
of
other
Nations
;
from
whom
we
derive
the
Titles
of
Honour
;
now
in
use
in
England
;
nor
will
it
be
possible
to
derive
from
them
any
Arguments
of
Right
,
but
only
examples
of
fact
,
which
by
the
Ambition
of
Potent
Subjects
have
been
oftner
unjust
then
otherwise
;
and
for
those
Saxons
or
Angels
,
that
in
Antient
times
by
several
Invasions
made
themselves
Masters
of
this
Nation
,
they
were
not
in
themselves
one
Body
of
a
Common-wealth
but
only
a
League
of
Divers
Petty
German
Lords
and
states
such
as
was
the
Graecian
Army
in
the
Trojan
War
,
without
other
Obligations
,
than
that
which
proceeded
from
their
own
fear
and
weakness
;
nor
were
these
Lords
for
the
most
part
the
soveraigns
at
home
in
their
own
Country
,
but
chosen
by
the
People
,
for
the
Captains
of
the
forces
they
brought
with
them
▪
And
therefore
it
was
not
without
Equity
,
that
when
they
had
conquer'd
any
part
of
the
Land
,
and
made
some
one
of
them
King
thereof
,
the
rest
should
have
greater
Priviledges
than
the
Common
People
and
Souldiers
,
amongst
which
Priviledges
a
man
may
easily
conjecture
this
to
to
be
one
;
That
they
should
be
made
acquainted
,
and
be
of
Council
with
him
that
hath
the
Soveraignty
in
matters
of
Government
,
and
have
the
greatest
and
most
honourable
Offices
,
both
in
Peace
and
War
:
But
because
there
can
be
no
Government
where
there
is
more
than
one
Soveraign
,
it
cannot
be
inferr'd
that
they
had
a
Right
to
oppose
the
Kings
Resolutions
by
force
,
nor
to
enjoy
those
honours
and
places
longer
than
they
should
continue
good
Subjects
:
And
we
find
that
the
Kings
of
England
did
upon
every
great
occasion
call
them
together
by
the
name
of
Discreet
and
Wise
men
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
hear
their
Councils
,
and
make
them
Judges
of
all
Causes
that
during
their
Sitting
were
brought
before
them
.
But
as
he
summon'd
them
at
his
own
pleasure
;
so
had
he
also
ever
at
his
pleasure
power
to
Dissolve
them
.
The
Normans
also
that
Descended
from
the
Germans
,
as
we
did
,
had
the
same
Customs
in
this
particular
;
and
by
this
means
,
this
Priviledge
have
the
Lords
to
be
of
your
Kings
great
Council
;
and
when
they
were
assembled
,
to
be
the
highest
of
the
Kings
Court
of
Justice
,
continued
still
after
the
Conquest
to
this
day
.
But
though
there
be
amongst
the
Lords
divers
Names
or
Titles
of
Honour
,
yet
they
have
their
Priviledge
by
the
only
name
of
Baron
,
a
name
receiv'd
from
the
Antient
Gauls
,
amongst
whom
that
name
signified
the
King's
Man
,
or
rather
one
of
his
great
Men
:
By
which
it
seems
to
me
,
that
though
they
gave
him
Council
when
he
requir'd
it
,
yet
they
had
no
Right
to
make
War
upon
him
,
if
he
did
not
follow
it
.
B.
When
began
first
the
House
of
Commons
to
be
part
of
the
King
's
great
Council
?
A.
I
do
not
doubt
but
that
before
the
Conquest
,
some
Discreet
Men
,
and
known
to
be
so
,
by
the
King
,
were
called
by
special
Writ
to
be
of
the
same
Council
,
though
they
were
not
Lords
.
But
that
is
nothing
to
the
House
of
Commons
:
the
Knights
of
Shires
,
and
Burgesses
were
never
called
to
Parliament
,
for
ought
that
I
know
,
till
the
beginning
of
Edward
the
first
,
or
the
latter
end
of
the
Reign
of
Henry
the
third
,
immediately
after
the
mis
behaviour
of
the
Barons
;
and
for
ought
any
man
knows
,
were
called
on
purpose
to
weaken
that
Power
of
the
Lords
,
which
they
had
so
freshly
abused
.
Before
the
time
of
Henry
the
third
,
the
Lords
were
Descended
most
of
them
from
such
as
in
the
Invasions
and
Conquests
of
the
Germans
were
Peers
and
Fellow
Kings
,
till
one
was
made
King
of
them
all
,
and
their
Tenants
were
their
Subjects
,
as
it
is
at
this
day
with
the
Lords
of
France
.
But
after
the
time
of
Henry
the
third
,
the
Kings
began
to
make
Lords
in
the
place
of
them
,
whose
Issue
fail'd
Titularly
only
;
without
the
Lands
belonging
to
their
Title
;
and
by
that
means
their
Tenants
being
bound
no
longer
to
serve
them
in
the
Wars
,
they
grew
every
day
less
and
less
able
to
make
a
Party
against
the
King
,
though
they
continued
still
to
be
his
Great
Council
:
And
as
their
Power
decreased
,
so
the
Power
of
the
House
of
Commons
increased
:
But
I
do
not
find
that
they
were
part
of
the
Kings
Council
at
all
,
nor
Judges
over
other
men
,
though
it
cannot
be
denied
but
a
King
may
ask
their
advice
,
as
well
as
the
advice
of
any
other
.
But
I
do
not
find
that
the
end
of
their
summoning
was
to
give
advice
;
but
only
in
case
they
had
any
Petitions
for
Redress
of
Grievances
,
to
be
ready
there
with
them
whilst
the
King
had
his
Great
Council
about
him
.
But
neither
they
,
nor
the
Lords
,
could
present
to
the
King
as
a
Grievance
;
That
the
King
took
upon
him
to
make
the
Laws
,
to
chuse
his
own
Privy
Council
,
to
raise
Money
and
Souldiers
,
to
defend
the
Peace
and
Honour
of
the
Kingdom
,
to
make
Captains
in
his
Army
,
to
make
Governours
of
his
Castle
whom
he
pleased
;
for
this
had
been
to
tell
the
King
that
it
was
one
of
their
Grievances
that
he
was
King
.
B.
What
did
the
Parliament
do
whilst
the
King
was
in
Scotland
?
A.
The
King
went
in
August
;
after
which
the
Parliament
September
the
8th
.
adjourn'd
till
the
20th
.
of
October
,
and
the
King
return'd
about
the
end
of
November
following
,
in
which
time
the
most
Seditious
of
both
Houses
,
and
which
had
Designed
the
Change
of
Government
,
and
to
cast
off
Monarchy
(
but
yet
had
not
wit
enough
to
set
up
another
Government
in
its
place
,
and
consequently
lest
it
to
the
Chance
of
War
)
made
a
Cabal
amongst
themselves
,
in
which
they
projected
how
by
seconding
one
another
to
Govern
the
House
of
Commons
;
and
invented
how
to
put
the
Kingdom
by
the
Power
of
that
House
into
a
Rebellion
,
which
they
then
called
a
posture
of
Defence
against
such
Dangers
from
abroad
as
they
themselves
should
feign
and
publish
.
Besides
,
whilst
the
King
was
in
Scotland
,
the
Irish
Papists
got
togeter
a
great
Party
,
with
an
Intention
to
Massacre
the
Protestants
there
,
and
had
laid
a
Design
for
the
seizing
of
Dublin
Castle
October
the
20th
.
where
the
King's
Officers
of
the
Government
of
the
County
made
their
Residence
,
and
had
effected
it
,
had
it
not
been
Discovered
the
night
before
:
The
Manner
of
the
Discovery
,
and
the
Murders
they
committed
in
the
Country
afterwards
I
need
not
tell
you
,
since
the
whole
story
of
it
is
extant
.
B.
I
wonder
they
did
not
expect
&
provide
for
a
Rebellion
in
Ireland
as
soon
as
they
began
to
quarrel
with
the
King
in
England
:
For
was
there
any
body
so
ignorant
as
not
to
know
that
the
Irish
Papists
did
long
for
a
Change
of
Religion
there
,
as
well
as
the
Presbyterians
in
England
?
Or
that
in
general
the
Irish
Nation
did
hate
the
name
of
Subjection
to
England
,
or
would
longer
be
quiet
than
they
feared
an
Army
out
of
England
to
chastize
them
?
What
better
time
then
,
could
they
take
for
their
Rebellion
than
this
,
wherein
they
were
encouraged
,
not
only
by
our
weakness
caused
by
this
Division
between
the
King
and
his
Parliament
,
but
also
by
the
Example
of
the
Presbyterians
,
both
of
the
Scotch
and
English
Nation
?
But
what
did
the
Parliament
do
upon
this
occasion
in
the
King's
absence
?
A.
Nothing
;
but
consider
what
use
they
might
make
of
it
to
their
own
ends
;
partly
by
imputing
it
to
the
King
's
evil
Councillors
,
and
partly
by
occasion
thereof
to
demand
of
the
King
the
Power
of
Pressing
and
Ordering
of
Souldiers
,
which
Power
whosoever
has
,
has
also
without
doubt
the
whole
Soveraignty
.
B.
When
came
the
King
back
?
A.
He
came
back
the
25th
.
of
November
,
and
and
was
welcomed
with
the
Acclamations
of
the
Common
People
,
as
much
as
if
had
been
the
most
beloved
of
the
Kings
before
him
,
but
found
not
a
Reception
by
the
Parliament
answerable
to
it
:
They
presently
began
to
pick
new
Quarrels
against
him
out
of
every
thing
he
said
to
them
.
December
the
2d
.
the
King
called
together
both
Houses
of
Parliament
,
and
then
did
only
recommend
unto
them
the
raising
of
Succours
for
Ireland
.
B.
What
Quarrel
could
they
pick
out
of
that
?
A.
None
but
in
order
thereto
,
as
they
may
pretend
,
they
had
a
Bill
in
Agitation
to
assert
the
power
of
Levying
&
Pressing
Souldiers
to
the
two
Houses
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
;
which
was
as
much
as
to
take
from
the
King
the
Power
of
the
Militia
,
which
is
in
effect
the
whole
Soveraign
Power
;
for
he
that
hath
the
Power
of
Levying
,
and
Commanding
of
the
Souldiers
,
has
all
other
Rights
of
Soveraignty
which
he
shall
please
to
claim
:
The
King
hearing
of
it
,
called
the
Houses
of
Parliament
together
again
on
December
the
14th
.
and
then
pressed
again
the
business
of
Ireland
,
(
as
there
was
need
)
for
all
this
while
the
Irish
were
murdering
the
English
in
Ireland
,
and
strengthening
themselves
against
the
Forces
they
expected
to
come
out
of
England
)
and
withall
told
them
,
he
took
notice
of
the
Bill
in
Agitation
for
Pressing
of
Souldiers
;
and
that
he
was
content
it
should
pass
with
a
Salvo
Jure
both
for
him
and
them
,
because
the
present
time
was
unreasonable
to
dispute
it
in
.
B.
What
was
there
unreasonable
in
this
?
A.
Nothing
;
what
's
unreasonable
is
one
question
;
what
they
quarrelled
at
is
another
:
They
quarrelled
at
this
,
that
His
Majesty
took
notice
of
the
Bill
while
it
was
in
debate
in
the
House
of
Lords
,
before
it
was
presented
to
him
,
in
the
Course
of
Parliament
:
And
also
that
he
shewed
himself
displeased
with
those
that
propounded
the
third
Bill
;
both
which
they
declared
to
be
against
the
Priviledges
of
Parliament
,
and
petitioned
the
King
to
give
them
Reparation
against
those
by
whose
evil
Council
he
was
induced
to
it
,
that
they
might
receive
condign
punishment
.
B.
This
was
cruel
proceeding
:
Do
not
the
Kings
of
England
use
to
sit
in
the
Lords
House
when
they
please
?
And
was
not
this
Bill
then
in
debate
in
the
House
of
Lords
?
It
is
a
strange
thing
that
a
man
should
be
lawfully
in
the
company
of
men
,
where
he
must
needs
hear
and
see
what
they
say
and
do
;
and
yet
must
not
take
notice
of
it
,
so
much
as
to
the
same
Company
;
for
though
the
King
was
not
present
at
the
Debate
it self
,
yet
it
was
lawful
for
any
of
the
Lords
to
make
him
acquainted
with
it
.
Any
one
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
though
not
present
at
a
Proposition
,
or
Debate
,
in
the
House
,
nevertheless
hearing
of
it
from
some
of
his
fellow-Members
,
may
certainly
,
not
only
take
notice
of
it
,
but
also
speak
to
it
in
the
House
of
Commons
:
But
to
make
the
King
give
up
his
Friends
and
Councillors
to
them
to
be
put
to
Death
,
Banishment
or
Imprisonment
,
for
their
good
will
to
him
,
was
such
a
Tyranny
over
a
King
,
no
King
ever
exercised
over
any
Subject
,
but
in
cases
of
Treason
,
or
Murder
,
and
seldom
then
.
A.
Presently
hereupon
grew
a
kind
of
War
between
the
Peers
of
Parliament
,
and
those
of
the
Secretaries
,
and
other
able
Men
that
were
with
the
King
.
For
upon
the
15th
.
of
December
they
sent
to
the
King
a
Paper
called
a
Remonstrance
of
the
Sate
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
with
it
a
Petition
,
both
which
they
caused
to
be
published
;
in
the
Remonstrance
they
complained
of
certain
mischievous
Designs
of
a
Malignant
Party
then
before
the
beginning
of
the
Parliament
grown
ripe
,
and
did
set
forth
what
means
had
been
used
for
the
preventing
of
it
by
the
Wisdom
of
the
Parliament
;
what
Rubs
they
had
found
therein
,
what
course
was
fit
to
be
taken
for
the
restoring
and
establishing
the
Antient
Honour
,
Greatness
and
Safety
of
the
Crown
and
Nation
:
And
of
those
Designs
the
Promoters
and
Actors
were
,
they
said
,
1.
Jesuits
and
Papists
.
2.
The
Bishops
,
and
part
of
the
Clergy
,
that
cherish
Formality
as
a
support
of
their
own
Ecclesiastical
Tyranny
and
Usurpation
.
3.
Councillors
and
Courtiers
,
that
for
private
ends
(
they
said
)
had
engaged
themselves
to
farther
the
Interests
of
some
Forein
Princes
.
B.
It
may
well
be
,
that
some
of
the
Bishops
,
and
also
some
of
the
Court
may
have
,
in
pursuit
of
their
private
Interest
,
done
something
indiscreetly
,
and
perhaps
wickedly
;
therefore
I
pray
to
tell
me
particularly
what
their
Crimes
were
;
for
methinks
the
King
should
not
have
conniv'd
at
any
thing
against
his
own
Supream
Authority
.
A.
The
Parliament
were
not
very
keen
against
them
that
were
against
the
King
.
They
made
no
doubt
but
all
they
did
was
by
the
King's
Command
,
but
accused
thereof
the
Bishops
,
Councillors
and
Courtiers
,
as
being
a
more
mannerly
way
of
Accusing
the
King
himself
,
and
and
defaming
him
to
his
Subjects
.
For
the
truth
is
,
the
Charge
they
brought
against
them
was
so
general
,
as
not
to
be
called
an
Accusation
,
but
Railing
.
As
first
;
They
said
,
they
nourished
Questions
of
Prerogatives
and
Liberty
between
the
King
and
his
People
,
to
the
end
,
that
seeming
much
addicted
to
His
Majesties
Service
,
they
might
get
themselves
into
places
of
greatest
Trust
and
Power
in
the
Kingdom
.
B.
How
could
this
be
call'd
an
Accusation
,
in
which
there
is
no
Fact
for
any
Accusers
to
apply
their
Proof
to
,
or
their
Witnesses
?
for
,
granting
that
these
Questions
of
Prerogative
had
been
moved
by
them
,
who
can
prove
that
their
End
was
to
gain
to
themselves
and
Friends
the
Places
of
Trust
and
Power
in
the
Kingdom
?
A.
A
second
Accusation
was
,
that
they
endeavour'd
to
suppress
the
Purity
and
Power
of
Religion
.
B.
That
's
Canting
.
It
is
not
in
Mans
power
to
suppress
the
Power
of
Religion
.
A.
They
meant
,
that
they
supprest
the
Doctrine
of
the
Presbyterians
;
that
is
to
say
,
the
very
Foundation
of
their
Parliaments
Treacherous
Pretensions
.
A
third
;
That
they
cherished
Arminians
,
Papists
,
and
Libertines
(
by
which
they
meant
the
common
Protestants
that
meddle
not
with
Disputes
)
to
the
end
they
might
compose
a
body
fit
to
Act
according
to
their
Counsels
and
Resolutions
.
A
fourth
;
That
they
endeavoured
to
put
the
King
upon
other
courses
of
Raising
Money
,
than
by
the
ordinary
way
of
Parliaments
.
Judge
whether
these
may
be
properly
called
Accusations
,
or
not
rather
spightful
Reproaches
of
the
King's
Government
.
B.
Methinks
this
last
was
a
very
great
fault
;
for
what
good
could
there
be
in
putting
the
King
upon
any
odd
course
of
getting
Money
when
the
Parliament
was
willing
to
supply
him
as
far
as
to
the
security
of
the
Kingdom
,
or
to
the
honour
of
the
King
should
be
necessary
?
A.
But
I
told
you
before
they
would
give
him
none
,
but
with
a
Condition
he
should
cut
off
the
heads
of
whom
they
pleased
,
how
faithfully
soever
they
had
serv'd
him
;
and
if
he
would
have
sacrificed
all
his
Friends
to
their
Ambition
,
yet
they
would
have
found
other
excuses
to
deny
him
Subsidies
;
for
they
were
resolv'd
to
take
from
him
the
Soveraign
Power
to
themselves
,
which
they
would
never
do
without
taking
great
care
that
he
should
have
no
Money
at
all
.
In
the
next
place
,
they
put
into
the
Remonstrance
as
faults
of
them
whose
Council
the
King
followed
,
All
those
things
which
since
the
beginning
of
the
King's
Reign
were
by
them
mis-liked
,
whether
faults
or
not
,
and
whereof
they
were
not
able
to
judge
for
want
of
knowledge
of
the
Causes
and
Motives
that
induced
the
King
to
do
them
,
and
were
known
only
to
the
King
himself
,
and
such
of
his
Privy-Council
as
he
revealed
them
to
.
B.
But
what
were
those
particular
pretended
faults
?
A.
First
,
The
Dissolution
of
his
last
Parliament
at
Oxford
.
Secondly
,
The
Dissolution
of
his
second
Parliament
,
being
in
the
second
year
of
his
Reign
.
Thirdly
,
The
Dissolution
of
his
Parliament
in
the
fourth
year
of
his
Reign
.
Fourthly
,
The
fruitless
Expedition
against
Cales
.
Fifthly
,
The
Peace
made
with
Spain
,
whereby
the
Palatine's
Cause
was
deserted
and
left
to
chargeable
and
hopeless
Treaties
.
Sixthly
,
The
sending
of
Commissions
to
raise
Money
by
way
of
Loan
.
Seventhly
,
Raising
of
Ship-money
.
Eighthly
,
Enlargements
of
Forrests
contrary
to
Magna-Charta
.
Ninthly
,
The
Designment
of
Engrossing
all
the
Gun-powder
into
one
hand
,
and
keeping
it
in
the
Tower
of
London
.
Tenthly
,
A
Design
to
bring
in
the
Use
of
Brass-Money
.
Eleventhly
,
The
Fines
,
Imprisonments
,
Stigmatizings
,
Mutilations
,
Whippings
,
Pillories
,
Gaggs
,
Confinements
and
Banishments
,
by
Sentence
in
the
Court
of
Star-Chamber
.
Twelfthly
,
The
Displacing
of
Judges
.
Thirteenthly
,
The
Illegal
Acts
of
Council-Table
.
Fourteenthly
,
The
Arbitrary
and
Illegal
Power
of
the
Earl-Marshal's
Court.
Fifteenthly
,
The
Abuses
in
Chancery
,
Exchequer-Chamber
,
and
Court
of
Wards
.
Sixteenthly
,
The
selling
of
Titles
of
Honour
,
of
Judges
and
Serjeants
Places
,
and
other
Offices
.
Seventeenthly
,
The
Insolence
of
Bishops
,
and
other
Clarks
in
Suspensions
,
Excommunications
,
and
Degradations
of
divers
painful
,
and
learned
,
and
pious
Ministers
.
B.
Were
there
any
such
Ministers
Degraded
,
Depraved
,
or
Excommunicated
?
A.
I
cannot
tell
:
But
I
remember
I
have
heard
threatned
divers
painful
,
unlearned
and
seditious
Ministers
.
Eighteenthly
,
The
Excess
of
Severity
of
the
High
Commission-Court
.
Nineteenthly
,
The
Preaching
before
the
King
against
the
Property
of
the
Subject
,
and
for
the
Prerogative
of
the
King
above
the
Law
,
and
divers
other
petty
Quarrels
they
had
to
the
Government
;
which
though
they
were
laid
upon
this
Faction
,
yet
they
knew
they
would
fall
upon
the
King
himself
in
the
Judgment
of
the
People
,
to
whom
by
Printing
it
was
communicated
.
Again
,
After
the
Dissolution
of
the
Parliament
May
the
5th
.
1640.
they
find
other
faults
;
as
the
Dissolution
it self
;
the
Imprisoning
some
Members
of
both
Houses
;
a
forced
Loan
of
Money
attempted
in
London
;
the
Continuance
of
the
Convocation
when
the
Parliament
was
ended
;
and
the
favour
shewed
to
Papists
by
Secretary
Windebank
and
others
.
B.
All
this
will
go
current
with
common
people
for
Mis-government
;
and
for
faults
of
the
King
's
,
though
some
of
them
were
Misfortunes
,
and
both
the
Mis-fortunes
and
the
Mis-government
(
if
any
were
)
were
the
faults
of
the
Parliament
,
who
by
denying
to
give
him
Money
,
did
both
frustrate
his
Attempts
abroad
,
and
put
him
upon
those
extraordinary
waies
(
which
they
call
Illegal
)
of
raising
Money
at
home
.
A.
You
see
what
a
heap
of
Evils
they
have
raised
to
make
a
shew
of
ill
Government
to
the
People
,
which
they
second
with
an
enumeration
of
the
many
services
they
have
done
the
King
in
overcoming
a
great
many
of
them
,
though
not
all
,
and
in
divers
other
things
,
and
say
,
that
though
they
had
contracted
a
Debt
to
the
Scots
of
22000
l.
and
granted
six
Subsidies
,
and
a
Bill
of
Pole-money
worth
six
Subsidies
more
,
yet
that
God
had
so
blessed
the
Endeavours
of
this
Parliament
,
that
the
Kingdom
was
a
gainer
by
it
;
and
then
follows
the
Catalogue
of
those
good
things
they
had
done
for
the
King
and
Kingdom
:
For
the
Kingdom
they
had
done
(
they
said
)
these
things
;
They
had
abolished
Ship●
money
,
They
had
taken
away
Coat
and
Conduct-money
,
and
other
Military
Charges
,
which
they
said
amounted
to
little
less
than
the
Ship-money
;
That
they
supprest
all
Monopolies
,
which
they
reckoned
above
a
Million
yearly
sav'd
by
the
Subject
;
That
they
had
quell'd
Living
Grievances
,
meaning
,
Evil
Councillors
and
Actors
by
the
Death
of
my
Lord
Strafford
;
by
the
flight
of
the
Chancellor
Finch
,
and
of
Secretary
Windebank
,
by
the
Imprisonment
of
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
,
and
Judges
;
that
they
had
past
a
Bill
for
a
Triennial
Parliament
,
and
another
for
the
Continuance
of
the
present
Parliament
,
till
they
should
think
fit
to
Dissolve
themselves
.
B.
That
is
to
say
,
for
ever
,
if
they
be
suffered
.
But
the
summe
of
all
those
things
which
they
had
done
for
the
Kingdom
,
is
,
that
they
had
left
it
without
Government
,
without
Strength
,
without
Money
,
without
Law
,
and
without
good
Council
.
A.
They
reckoned
also
putting
down
of
the
High
Commission
,
and
the
abating
of
the
Power
of
the
Council-Table
,
and
of
the
Bishops
,
and
their
Courts
;
the
taking
away
of
unnecessary
Ceremonies
in
Religion
;
removing
of
Ministers
from
their
Livings
,
that
were
not
of
their
Faction
,
and
putting
in
such
as
were
.
B.
All
this
was
but
their
own
,
and
not
the
Kingdoms
business
.
A.
The
Good
they
had
done
the
King
was
,
first
,
(
they
said
)
the
giving
of
25000
l.
a
month
for
the
Relief
of
the
Northern
Counties
.
B.
What
need
of
Relief
had
the
Northern
more
than
the
rest
of
the
Counties
of
England
?
B.
Yes
,
In
the
Northern
Counties
were
quartered
the
Scotch
Army
,
which
the
Parliament
call'd
in
to
oppose
the
King
,
and
consequently
their
Quarter
was
to
be
discharged
.
B.
True
,
but
by
the
Parliament
that
call'd
them
in
.
A.
But
they
say
no
;
and
that
this
Money
was
given
the
King
,
because
he
is
bound
to
protect
his
Subjects
.
B.
He
is
no
farther
bound
to
that
,
than
they
to
give
him
Money
wherewithal
to
do
it
.
This
is
very
great
Impudence
,
to
raise
an
Army
against
the
King
,
and
with
that
Army
to
oppress
their
Fellow-subjects
,
and
then
require
that
the
King
should
relieve
them
;
that
is
to
say
,
be
at
the
Charge
of
Paying
the
Army
that
was
raised
to
fight
against
him
.
A.
Nay
farther
,
they
put
to
the
King's
Accompts
the
30000
l.
given
to
the
Scots
,
without
which
they
would
not
have
Invaded
England
;
besides
many
other
things
that
I
now
remember
not
.
B.
I
did
not
think
there
had
been
so
great
Impudence
and
Villany
in
Mankind
.
A.
You
have
not
observ'd
the
world
long
enough
to
see
all
that
's
ill
:
Such
was
their
Remonstrance
▪
as
I
have
told
you
;
with
it
they
sent
a
Petition
containing
three
points
.
First
,
That
His
Majesty
would
deprive
the
Bishops
of
their
Votes
in
Parliament
,
and
remove
such
Oppressions
in
Religion
,
Church
,
Government
,
and
Discipline
,
as
they
had
brought
in
.
Secondly
,
That
he
would
remove
from
his
Council
,
all
such
as
should
promote
the
Peoples
Grievances
,
and
Imploy
in
his
great
and
publick
Affairs
such
as
the
Parliament
should
confide
in
.
Thirdly
,
That
he
would
not
give
away
the
Lands
Escheated
to
the
Crown
by
the
Rebellion
in
Ireland
.
B.
This
last
point
,
methinks
,
was
not
wisely
put
in
at
this
time
;
it
should
have
been
reserv'd
till
they
had
subdued
the
Rebels
,
against
whom
there
were
yet
no
Forces
sent
over
:
'T
is
like
selling
the
Lions
Skin
,
before
they
had
kill'd
him
.
But
what
answer
was
made
to
the
other
two
Propositions
?
A.
What
answer
should
be
made
but
a
Denial
?
About
the
same
time
the
King
himself
Exhibited
Articles
against
six
persons
of
the
Parliament
,
five
whereof
were
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
and
one
of
the
House
of
Lords
,
accusing
them
of
High
Treason
:
and
upon
the
fourth
of
January
went
himself
to
the
House
of
Commons
to
demand
those
five
of
them
;
but
private
notice
having
been
given
by
some
Treacherous
person
about
the
King
,
they
had
absented
themselves
,
and
by
that
means
frustrated
His
Majesties
Intention
;
and
after
he
was
gone
,
the
House
making
a
hainous
matter
of
it
,
and
a
High
Breach
of
their
Priviledges
,
adjourned
themselves
into
London
,
there
to
sit
as
a
General
Committee
,
pretending
they
were
not
safe
at
Westminster
;
for
the
King
,
when
he
went
to
the
House
to
demand
those
persons
,
had
somewhat
more
attendance
with
him
(
but
not
otherwise
armed
than
his
servants
used
to
be
)
than
he
ordinarily
had
,
and
would
not
be
pacified
(
though
the
King
did
afterwards
wave
the
prosecution
of
those
persons
)
unless
he
would
also
discover
to
them
those
that
gave
him
Counsel
to
go
in
that
manner
to
the
Parliament-House
,
to
the
end
they
might
receive
condign
punishment
,
which
was
the
Word
they
used
instead
of
Cruelty
.
B.
This
was
a
harsh
Demand
:
Was
it
not
enough
that
the
King
should
forbear
his
Enemies
,
but
also
that
he
must
betray
his
Friends
?
If
they
thus
Tyrani●e
over
the
King
before
they
have
gotten
the
Soveraign
Power
into
their
Hands
,
how
will
they
Tyranize
over
their
Fellow-Subjects
when
they
have
gotten
it
?
A.
So
as
they
did
.
B.
How
long
staid
that
Committee
in
London
?
A.
Not
above
2
or
3
Days
,
and
then
were
brought
from
London
to
the
Parliament-House
by
Water
in
great
Triumph
,
guarded
with
a
tumultuous
number
of
Armed
Men
there
to
sit
in
security
in
despite
of
the
King
,
and
make
Traiterous
Acts
against
Him
,
such
and
as
many
as
they
listed
,
and
under
favour
of
these
Tumults
,
to
frighten
away
from
the
House
of
Peers
all
such
as
were
not
of
their
own
Faction
;
for
at
this
time
t●e
Rabble
was
so
insolent
,
that
scarce
any
of
the
Bishops
durst
go
to
the
House
for
fear
of
Violence
upon
their
Persons
:
insomuch
that
Twelve
of
them
excused
themselves
of
Coming
thither
,
and
by
way
of
Perition
to
the
King
remonstrated
that
they
were
not
permitted
to
go
quietly
to
the
Performance
of
that
Duty
,
and
protesting
against
all
Determinations
as
of
none
Effect
,
that
should
pass
in
the
House
of
Lords
during
their
forced
Absence
which
the
House
of
Commons
taking
hold
of
,
sent
up
to
the
Peers
one
of
their
Members
to
accuse
them
of
High
Treason
;
whereupon
Ten
of
them
were
sent
to
the
Tower
,
after
which
time
there
was
no
more
words
of
their
High
Treason
,
but
there
passed
a
Bill
,
by
which
they
were
deprived
of
their
Votes
in
Parliament
:
And
to
this
Bill
they
got
the
Kings
Assent
,
and
in
the
beginning
of
Sept.
after
they
Voted
the
Bishops
should
have
no
more
to
do
in
the
Government
of
the
Church
,
but
to
this
they
had
not
the
Kings
Assent
,
the
War
being
now
begun
.
B.
What
made
the
Parliament
so
averse
to
Episcopacy
,
and
especially
the
House
of
Lords
,
whereof
the
Bishops
were
Members
:
For
I
see
no
reason
why
they
should
do
it
to
gratifie
a
number
of
poor
Parish
Priests
that
were
Presbyterians
,
and
that
were
never
likely
to
serve
the
Lords
;
but
,
on
the
contrary
,
to
do
their
best
,
to
pull
down
their
power
,
and
subject
them
to
their
Synods
and
Classes
.
A.
For
the
Lords
,
very
few
of
them
did
perceive
the
intention
of
the
Presbyterians
;
and
besides
that
,
they
durst
not
,
I
believe
,
oppose
the
Lower
House
.
B.
But
why
were
the
Lower-House
so
earnest
against
them
?
A.
Because
they
meant
to
make
use
of
their
Tenants
;
and
with
pretended
Sanctity
,
to
make
the
King
and
his
Party
odious
to
the
People
,
by
whose
help
they
were
to
set
up
Democrasie
,
and
Depose
the
King
;
or
to
let
him
have
the
Title
only
so
long
as
he
should
Act
for
their
purposes
:
But
not
only
the
Parliament
,
but
in
a
manner
all
the
People
of
England
,
were
their
Enemies
upon
the
account
of
their
behaviour
,
as
being
(
they
said
)
too
imperious
.
This
was
all
that
was
colourably
laid
to
their
charge
;
the
main
of
the
pulling
them
down
was
the
Envy
of
the
Presbyterians
,
that
incensed
the
People
against
them
,
and
against
Episcopacy
it self
.
B.
How
would
the
Presbyterians
have
the
Church
to
be
govern'd
?
A.
By
National
and
Provincial
Synods
.
B.
Is
not
this
to
make
the
National
Assembly
an
Arch-Bishop
,
and
the
Provincial
Assemblies
so
many
Bishops
?
A.
Yes
;
but
every
Minister
shall
have
the
delight
of
sharing
the
Government
,
and
consequently
of
being
able
to
be
reveng'd
on
them
that
do
not
admire
their
Learning
,
and
help
to
fill
their
purses
,
and
win
to
their
service
them
that
do
.
B.
'T
is
a
hard
Case
,
that
there
should
be
two
Factions
to
trouble
the
Common-wealth
without
any
Interest
of
their
own
,
other
than
every
particular
man
may
have
;
and
that
their
quarrels
should
be
only
about
Opinions
,
that
is
,
about
who
has
the
most
Learning
,
as
if
their
Learning
ought
to
be
the
Rule
of
Governing
the
whole
world
.
What
is
it
they
are
Learned
in
?
is
it
Politicks
and
Rules
of
State
?
I
know
it
is
called
Divinity
;
but
I
hear
almost
nothing
preacht
but
matter
of
Philosophy
;
for
Religion
in
it self
admits
of
no
Controversie
:
'T
is
a
Law
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
ought
not
to
be
disputed
.
I
do
not
think
they
pretend
to
speak
with
God
,
and
know
his
will
by
any
other
way
than
reading
the
Scriptures
,
which
we
also
do
.
A.
Yes
,
some
of
them
do
,
and
give
themselves
out
for
Prophets
,
by
extraordinary
Inspiration
;
but
the
rest
pretend
only
(
for
their
Advancement
to
Benefices
,
and
Charge
of
Souls
)
a
greater
skill
in
the
Scriptures
than
other
men
have
by
reason
of
their
breeding
in
the
Universities
,
and
knowledge
there
gotten
of
the
Latin
Tongue
,
and
some
also
of
the
Greek
and
Hebrew
Tongues
,
wherein
the
Scrlptures
was
written
;
besides
their
knowledge
of
Natural
Philosophy
,
which
is
there
publickly
taught
.
B.
As
for
the
Latin
,
Greek
and
Hebrew
,
it
was
once
(
to
the
Detection
of
the
Roman
Fraud
,
and
to
the
Ejection
of
the
Romish
Power
)
very
profitable
,
or
rather
necessary
.
But
now
that
is
done
,
and
we
have
the
Scripture
in
English
,
and
Preaching
in
English
,
I
see
no
great
need
of
Latin
,
Greek
and
Hebrew
:
I
should
think
my self
better
qualified
by
understanding
well
the
Languages
of
our
Neighbours
,
French
,
Dutch
,
and
Italian
.
I
think
it
was
never
seen
in
the
world
,
before
the
Power
of
Popes
was
set
up
,
that
Philosophy
was
much
conducing
to
Power
in
a
Common-wealth
.
A.
But
Philosophy
,
together
with
Divinity
,
hath
very
much
conduced
to
the
Advancement
of
the
Professors
thereof
,
to
places
of
the
greatest
Authority
,
next
to
the
Authority
of
Kings
themselves
,
in
most
of
the
Antient
Kingdoms
of
the
world
,
as
is
manifestly
to
be
seen
in
the
History
of
those
times
.
B.
I
pray
you
cite
me
some
of
the
Authors
and
places
.
A.
First
,
what
were
the
Druids
of
old
time
in
Britany
and
France
,
what
Authority
these
had
you
may
see
in
Caesar
,
Strabo
,
and
others
,
and
especially
in
Diodorus
Siculus
,
the
greatest
Antiquary
perhaps
that
ever
was
,
who
speaking
of
the
Druids
(
which
he
calls
Sarovides
)
in
France
,
says
thus
;
There
be
also
amongst
them
certain
Philosophers
and
Theologians
that
are
exceedingly
honoured
,
whom
they
also
use
as
Prophets
.
These
men
by
their
skill
in
Augury
,
and
Inspection
into
the
Bowels
of
Beasts
sacrificed
,
foretell
what
is
to
come
,
and
have
the
multitude
in
obedience
to
them
,
and
a
little
after
.
It
is
a
custom
amongst
them
,
that
no
man
may
sacrifice
without
a
Philosopher
,
because
(
say
they
)
men
ought
not
to
present
their
Thanks
to
the
Gods
,
but
by
them
that
know
the
Divine
Nature
,
and
are
as
it
were
of
the
same
Language
with
them
;
and
that
all
good
things
ought
by
such
as
these
to
be
prayed
for
.
B.
I
can
hardly
believe
that
those
Druids
were
very
skilful
either
in
Natural
Philosophy
or
Moral
.
A.
Nor
I
;
for
they
held
and
taught
the
Transmigration
of
souls
from
one
body
to
another
,
as
did
Pythagoras
,
which
Opinion
,
whether
they
took
from
him
,
or
he
from
them
,
I
cannot
tell
.
What
were
the
Magi
in
Persia
but
Philosophers
and
Astrologers
?
you
know
how
they
came
to
find
our
Saviour
by
the
Conduct
of
a
Star
,
either
from
Persia
it self
,
or
from
some
Country
more
Eastward
than
Judea
:
were
not
these
in
great
Authority
in
their
Country
?
And
are
they
not
in
most
part
of
Christendom
,
thought
to
have
been
Kings
?
Aegypt
hath
been
thought
by
many
the
most
Antient
Kingdom
and
Nation
of
the
world
,
and
their
Priests
had
the
greatest
power
in
Civil
Affairs
that
any
Subject
ever
had
in
any
Nation
.
And
what
were
they
but
Philosophers
and
Divines
?
Concerning
whom
the
same
Diodorus
Siculus
saies
thus
;
The
whole
Country
of
Egypt
being
divided
into
three
parts
,
the
Body
of
the
Priests
have
One
as
being
of
most
credit
with
the
people
,
both
for
their
Devotion
towards
the
Gods
,
and
also
for
their
Understanding
gotten
by
Education
,
and
presently
after
:
for
generally
those
men
in
the
greatest
Affairs
of
all
the
King's
Councillors
,
partly
Executing
,
and
partly
Informing
and
Advising
;
foretelling
him
also
(
by
their
skill
in
Astrology
and
Art
in
the
Inspection
of
Sacrifices
)
the
things
that
are
to
come
;
and
reading
to
him
out
of
their
Holy
Books
such
of
the
Actions
there
recorded
,
as
are
profitable
for
him
to
know
.
'T
is
not
there
as
in
Greece
,
one
man
,
or
one
woman
that
has
the
Priesthood
,
but
they
are
many
that
attend
the
Honours
and
Sacrifices
of
the
Gods
,
and
leave
the
same
Imployment
to
their
posterity
,
which
next
to
the
King
have
the
greatest
Power
and
Authority
,
concerning
the
Judicature
amongst
the
Aegyptians
,
he
saith
thus
;
from
out
of
the
most
eminent
Cities
,
Hieropolis
,
Thebes
and
Memphis
,
they
those
Judges
,
which
are
a
Council
not
inferiour
to
that
of
Areopagus
in
Athens
,
or
that
of
the
Senate
in
Lacedaemon
;
when
they
are
met
,
being
in
number
thirty
,
they
chuse
one
from
among
themselves
to
be
Chief
Justice
;
and
the
City
whereof
he
is
sendeth
another
in
his
place
:
This
Chief
Justice
wore
about
his
neck
,
hung
in
a
gold
Chain
,
a
Jewel
of
precious
Stones
;
the
name
of
which
Jewel
was
Truth
,
which
when
the
Chief
Justice
had
put
on
,
then
began
the
Pleading
,
&c.
And
when
the
Judges
had
agreed
on
the
Sentence
,
then
did
the
Chief
Justice
put
this
Jewel
of
Truth
to
one
of
the
Pleas.
You
see
now
what
power
was
acquir'd
in
Civil
matters
by
the
Conjuncture
of
Philosophy
and
Divinity
:
Let
us
come
now
to
the
Common-wealth
of
the
Jews
;
was
not
the
Priesthood
in
a
Family
(
namely
the
Levites
)
as
well
as
the
Priesthood
of
Aegypt
?
Did
not
the
High
Priest
give
Judgment
by
the
Breastplate
of
Urim
and
Thummim
?
Look
upon
the
Kingdom
of
Assyria
,
and
the
Philosophers
and
Chaldaeans
;
had
not
they
Lands
and
Cities
belonging
to
their
Family
,
even
in
Abraham's
time
,
who
dwelt
(
you
know
)
in
Ur
of
the
Chaldaeans
;
of
these
the
same
Author
says
thus
;
The
Chaldaeans
are
a
Sect
in
Politicks
,
like
to
that
of
the
Aegyptian
Priests
;
for
being
ordained
for
the
service
of
the
gods
▪
they
spend
the
whole
time
of
their
life
in
Philosophy
,
being
of
exceed●ng
great
reputation
in
Astrology
,
and
pretending
much
also
to
Prophecy
,
foretelling
things
to
come
by
Purifications
&
Sacrifices
;
and
to
find
out
by
certain
Incantations
the
preventing
of
harm
,
and
the
bringing
to
pass
of
good
.
They
have
also
skill
in
Augury
,
and
in
the
Interpretation
of
Dreams
and
Wonders
;
nor
are
they
unskilful
in
the
Art
of
Foretelling
by
the
Inwards
of
Beasts
sacrificed
,
and
have
their
Learning
not
of
the
Greeks
;
for
the
Philosophy
of
the
Chaldaeans
goes
to
their
Family
by
Tradition
,
and
the
Son
receives
it
from
his
Father
.
From
Assyria
let
us
pass
into
India
,
and
see
what
esteem
the
Philosophers
had
there
.
The
whole
Multitude
(
says
Diodoru
)
of
the
Indians
,
is
divided
into
seven
parts
,
whereof
the
first
is
the
Body
of
the
Philosophers
,
for
number
the
least
,
but
for
eminency
the
first
;
for
they
are
free
from
Taxes
;
and
as
they
are
not
Masters
of
others
,
so
are
no
others
Masters
of
them
.
By
private
Men
they
are
called
to
the
Sacrifices
,
and
to
the
care
of
Burials
of
the
Dead
,
as
being
thought
most
beloved
of
the
gods
,
and
skilful
in
the
Doctrine
concerning
Hell
;
and
for
this
Imployment
receive
Gifts
and
Honours
very
considerable
.
They
are
also
of
great
Use
to
the
People
of
India
,
for
being
taken
at
the
beginning
of
the
year
in
the
great
Assembly
they
foretell
them
of
great
D●ouths
great
Rains
,
also
of
Winds
and
of
Sicknesses
,
and
of
whatsoever
is
profitable
for
them
to
know
beforehand
.
The
same
Author
concerning
the
Laws
of
the
Aethiopians
,
saith
thus
,
The
Laws
of
the
Aethiopians
seem
very
different
from
those
of
other
Nations
;
and
especially
about
the
Election
of
their
Kings
:
for
the
Priests
propound
some
of
the
Chief
Men
among
them
named
in
a
Catalogue
:
and
when
the
God
(
which
according
to
a
certain
Custom
is
carried
about
to
Feastings
)
does
accept
of
him
,
the
Multitude
Elect
for
their
King
▪
and
presently
adore
and
honour
him
,
as
a
God
put
into
the
Government
by
Divine
Providence
.
The
King
being
chosen
,
he
has
the
manner
of
his
Life
limited
to
him
by
the
Laws
,
and
does
all
other
things
according
to
the
Custom
of
the
Country
,
neither
rewarding
nor
punishing
any
man
otherwise
than
from
the
begining
is
establisht
amongst
them
by
Law
;
nor
use
they
to
put
any
man
to
death
though
he
be
condemn'd
to
it
,
but
to
send
some
Officer
to
him
with
a
Token
of
Death
,
who
seeing
the
Token
,
goes
presently
to
his
own
house
,
and
kills
himself
presently
after
.
But
the
strangest
thing
of
all
is
that
which
they
do
concerning
the
Death
of
their
Kings
for
the
Priests
that
live
in
Meroe
,
and
spend
their
time
about
the
worship
and
honour
of
the
gods
,
and
are
in
greatest
Authority
;
when
they
have
a
mind
to
it
,
send
a
Messenger
to
the
King
,
to
bid
him
die
,
for
that
the
gods
have
given
such
order
,
and
that
the
Commandments
of
the
Immortals
are
not
by
any
means
to
be
neglected
by
those
that
are
by
nature
Mortal
,
using
also
other
speeches
to
him
,
with
men
of
simple
Judgment
,
that
have
not
reason
enough
to
dispute
against
those
unnecessary
Commands
,
as
being
educated
under
an
old
and
indelible
Custom
,
are
content
to
admit
of
;
therefore
in
former
times
the
Kings
did
obey
the
Priests
,
not
as
mastered
by
force
and
Arms
,
but
as
having
their
reason
mastered
by
superstition
.
But
in
the
time
of
Ptolomy
the
second
,
Ergamenes
,
King
of
the
Aethiopians
,
having
had
his
Breeding
in
Philosophy
after
the
manner
of
the
Greeks
,
being
the
first
that
durst
dispute
their
power
,
took
heart
as
befitted
a
King
;
came
with
souldiers
to
a
place
called
Abaton
,
where
was
then
the
golden
Temple
of
the
Aethiopians
;
killed
all
the
Priests
,
abolished
the
Custom
,
and
rectified
the
Kingdom
according
to
his
will
.
B.
Though
they
that
were
kill'd
were
most
damnable
Impostors
,
yet
the
Act
was
cruel
.
A.
It
was
so
;
But
were
not
the
Priests
cruel
to
cause
their
Kings
,
whom
a
little
before
they
adored
as
Gods
,
to
make
away
themselves
?
The
King
kill'd
them
for
the
safety
of
his
person
,
they
him
,
out
of
Ambition
,
or
love
of
Change
.
The
King's
Act
may
be
coloured
with
the
good
of
his
People
;
the
Priests
had
no
pretence
against
their
Kings
,
who
were
certainly
very
godly
,
or
else
would
never
have
obeyed
the
Command
of
the
Priests
by
a
Messenger
unarmed
to
kill
themselves
.
Our
late
King
,
the
best
King
perhaps
that
ever
was
(
you
know
)
was
murdered
,
having
been
first
persecuted
by
War
at
the
Incitement
of
Presbyterian
Ministers
,
who
are
therefore
guilty
of
the
Death
of
all
that
fell
in
that
War
,
which
were
,
I
believe
,
in
England
,
Scotland
and
Ireland
near
one
hundred
thousand
persons
.
Had
it
not
been
much
better
that
those
seditious
Ministers
which
were
not
perhaps
a
thousand
,
had
been
all
kill'd
before
that
they
had
Preached
?
It
had
been
(
I
confess
)
a
great
Massacre
;
but
the
killing
of
a
hundred
thousand
is
a
greater
.
B.
I
am
glad
the
Bishops
were
out
at
this
business
;
as
ambitious
as
some
say
they
are
,
it
did
not
appear
in
that
business
;
for
they
were
Enemies
to
them
that
were
in
it
.
A.
But
I
intend
not
by
these
Quotations
to
commend
either
the
Divinity
,
nor
the
Philosophy
of
those
Heathen
People
,
but
to
shew
only
what
the
Reputation
of
those
Sciences
can
effect
among
the
People
:
For
their
Divinity
was
nothing
but
Idolatry
,
and
their
Philosophy
(
excepting
the
knowledge
of
the
Aegyptian
Priests
,
and
from
them
the
Chaldaeans
had
gotten
by
long
Observation
and
Study
in
Astronomy
,
Geometry
,
and
Arithmetick
,
very
little
,
and
that
in
great
part
abused
in
Astrology
and
Fortune-telling
;
whereas
the
Divinity
of
the
Clergy
in
this
Nation
now
considered
apart
from
the
mixture
that
has
been
introduced
by
the
Church
of
Rome
,
and
in
part
retained
here
)
of
the
babling
Philosophy
of
Aristotle
,
and
other
Greeks
,
that
has
no
Affinity
with
Religion
,
and
serves
only
to
breed
Disaffection
,
Dissention
,
and
finally
Sedition
and
Civil
War
(
as
we
have
lately
found
by
dear
Experience
in
the
Differences
between
the
Presbyterians
and
Episcopals
)
is
the
true
Religion
.
But
for
these
Differences
,
both
Parties
as
they
were
in
Power
,
not
only
suppressed
the
Tenents
of
one
another
,
but
also
whatsoever
Doctrine
lookt
with
an
ill
aspect
upon
their
Interest
;
and
consequently
all
true
Philosophy
,
especially
Civil
and
Moral
,
which
can
never
appear
propitious
to
Ambition
,
or
to
an
Exemption
from
Obedience
due
to
the
Soveraign
Power
.
After
the
King
had
accused
the
Lord
Kimbolton
,
a
Member
of
the
Lords
House
,
and
Hollis
,
Hasl●rig
,
Hampden
,
Prinn
,
and
Stroud
,
Five
Members
of
the
Lower
House
,
of
High
Treason
;
and
after
the
Parliament
had
Voted
out
the
Bishops
from
the
House
of
Peers
,
they
pursued
especially
two
things
in
their
Petitions
to
His
Majesty
,
the
one
was
,
that
the
King
would
declare
who
were
the
persons
that
advised
him
to
go
as
he
did
to
the
Parliament-House
to
apprehend
them
;
and
that
he
would
leave
them
to
the
Parliament
to
receive
condign
punishment
;
and
this
they
did
to
stick
upon
His
Majesty
the
dishonour
of
Deserting
his
Friends
,
and
betraying
them
to
his
Enemies
:
the
other
was
,
that
he
would
allow
a
Guard
out
of
the
City
of
London
to
be
commanded
by
the
Earl
of
Essex
;
for
which
they
pretended
they
could
not
else
sit
in
safety
,
which
pretence
was
nothing
but
an
upbraiding
of
His
Majesty
for
coming
to
Parliament
,
better
accompanied
than
ordinary
to
seize
the
said
five
seditious
Members
.
B.
I
see
no
reason
in
petitioning
for
a
Guard
,
they
should
determine
it
to
the
City
of
London
in
particular
,
and
the
Command
by
name
to
the
Earl
of
Essex
,
unless
they
meant
the
King
should
understand
it
a
Guard
against
himself
.
A.
Their
meaning
was
,
that
the
King
should
understand
it
so
,
and
as
(
I
verily
believe
)
they
meant
he
should
take
it
as
an
affront
;
and
the
King
himself
understanding
it
so
,
denied
to
grant
it
,
though
he
were
willing
;
if
they
could
not
otherwise
be
satisfied
,
to
Command
such
a
Guard
to
wait
upon
them
,
as
he
would
be
responsible
for
to
God
Almighty
.
Besides
this
,
the
City
of
London
petition'd
the
King
(
put
upon
it
,
no
doubt
,
by
some
Members
of
the
Lower
House
)
to
put
the
Tower
of
London
into
the
hands
of
persons
of
Trust
,
meaning
such
as
the
Parliament
should
approve
of
,
And
so
appoint
a
Guard
for
the
safety
of
His
Majesty
and
the
Parliament
.
This
method
of
bringing
petitions
in
a
Tumultary
Manner
by
great
Multitudes
of
Clamorous
people
,
was
ordinary
with
the
House
of
Commons
,
whose
Ambition
could
never
have
been
served
by
way
of
Prayer
and
Request
,
without
extraordinary
terror
.
After
the
King
had
waved
the
prosecution
of
the
Five
Members
,
but
denied
to
make
known
,
who
had
advised
Him
to
come
in
person
to
the
House
of
Commons
,
they
questioned
the
Attorney
General
,
who
,
by
the
King's
Command
,
had
Exhibited
the
Articles
against
them
,
and
voted
Him
,
A
Breaker
of
the
Priviledge
of
Parliameut
.
And
no
doubt
had
made
him
feel
their
Cruelty
,
if
he
had
not
speedily
fled
the
Land
.
About
the
end
of
January
,
they
made
an
Order
of
both
Houses
of
Parliament
,
to
prevent
the
going
over
of
Popish
Commanders
into
Ireland
;
not
so
much
fearing
that
,
as
that
by
this
the
King
Himself
choosing
his
Commanders
for
that
Service
,
might
aid
Himself
out
of
Ireland
against
the
Parliament
.
But
this
was
no
great
matter
,
in
respect
of
a
Petition
they
sent
His
Majesty
about
the
same
time
,
that
is
to
say
,
about
the
Twenty
seventh
,
or
Twenty
eighth
of
January
,
1641.
wherein
they
desired
,
in
effect
,
the
absolute
Sovereignty
of
England
,
though
by
the
name
of
Sovereignty
they
challeng'd
it
not
,
whil'st
the
King
was
living
;
for
to
the
End
that
the
Fears
and
Dangers
of
this
Kingdom
might
be
removed
,
and
the
mischievous
Designs
of
those
who
are
Enemies
to
the
Peace
of
it
,
might
be
prevented
,
they
pray
that
His
Majesty
would
be
pleased
to
put
forthwith
,
First
,
The
Tower
of
London
.
Secondly
,
All
other
Forts
.
Thirdly
,
The
whole
Militia
of
the
Kingdom
into
the
hands
of
such
persons
as
should
be
recommended
to
him
by
both
the
Houses
of
Parliament
.
And
this
they
stile
a
necessary
Petition
.
B.
Were
there
really
any
such
Fears
and
Dangers
generally
conceived
here
?
or
did
there
appear
any
Enemies
at
that
time
with
such
Designs
as
are
mentioned
in
the
Petition
.
A.
Yes
,
but
no
other
fear
of
Danger
,
but
such
as
discreet
and
honest
Men
might
justly
have
of
the
Designs
of
the
Parliament
it self
,
who
were
the
greatest
Enemies
to
the
Peace
of
the
Kingdom
that
could
possibly
be
.
'T
is
also
worth
observing
,
that
this
Petition
began
with
these
words
,
Most
Gracious
Sovereign
;
so
stupid
they
were
,
as
not
to
know
,
that
he
that
is
Master
of
the
Militia
,
is
Master
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
consequently
is
in
possession
of
a
most
absolute
Sovereignty
.
The
King
was
now
at
Winsor
,
to
avoid
the
Tumults
of
the
Common
People
before
the
Gates
at
Whitehall
,
together
with
the
Clamors
and
Affronts
there
the
Ninth
of
February
;
after
he
came
to
Hampton
Court
,
and
thence
went
to
Dover
with
the
Queen
,
and
the
Princess
of
Orange
his
Daughter
,
where
the
Queen
,
with
the
Princess
of
Orange
,
embarked
for
Holland
,
but
the
King
returned
to
Greenwich
,
whence
he
sent
for
the
Prince
of
Wales
,
and
the
Duke
of
York
,
and
so
went
with
them
towards
York
.
B.
Did
the
Lords
join
with
the
Commons
in
this
Petition
for
the
Militia
?
A.
It
appears
so
by
the
Title
,
but
I
believe
they
durst
not
but
do
it
;
the
House
of
Commons
took
them
but
for
a
Cypher
,
Men
of
Title
onely
,
without
real
power
,
but
they
were
very
much
mistaken
;
for
the
House
of
Commons
never
intended
they
should
be
sharers
in
it
.
B.
What
Answer
made
the
King
to
this
Petition
?
A.
That
when
He
shall
know
the
Extent
of
Power
which
is
intended
to
be
established
in
those
persons
,
whom
they
desire
to
be
the
Commanders
of
the
Militia
in
the
several
Counties
,
and
likewise
to
what
time
it
shall
be
limited
;
that
no
Power
shall
be
Executed
by
His
Majesty
alone
,
without
the
advice
of
Parliament
,
then
he
will
declare
that
(
for
the
securing
them
from
all
Dangers
or
Jealousies
of
any
)
then
His
Majesty
will
be
content
to
put
into
all
the
places
,
both
Forts
and
Militia
in
the
several
Counties
,
such
persons
as
both
the
Houses
of
Parliament
shall
either
approve
,
or
recommend
unto
him
,
so
that
they
declare
before
unto
His
Majesty
,
the
names
of
the
persons
whom
they
approve
,
or
recommend
,
unless
such
persons
shall
be
nam'd
,
against
whom
he
shall
have
just
and
unquestionable
Exceptions
.
B.
What
Power
?
For
what
Time
?
And
to
whom
did
the
Parliament
grant
concerning
the
Militia
?
A.
The
same
Power
which
the
King
had
before
planted
in
his
Lieutenants
,
and
his
Deputy-Lieutenants
in
the
several
Counties
,
and
without
other
limitation
of
time
,
but
their
own
pleasure
.
B.
Who
were
the
Men
that
had
this
Power
?
A.
There
is
a
Catalogue
of
them
Printed
,
they
are
very
many
,
and
most
of
them
Lords
;
nor
is
it
necessary
to
have
them
nam'd
,
for
to
name
them
,
is
(
in
my
opinion
)
to
brand
them
with
the
mark
of
Disloyalty
,
or
of
Folly
.
When
they
had
made
a
Catalogue
of
them
,
they
sent
it
to
the
King
,
with
a
new
Petition
for
the
Militia
.
Also
presently
after
they
sent
a
Message
to
His
Majesty
,
praying
Him
to
leave
the
Prince
at
Hampton
Court
;
but
the
King
granted
neither
.
B.
Howsoever
it
was
well
done
of
them
to
get
Hostages
(
if
they
could
)
of
the
King
,
before
He
went
from
them
.
A.
In
the
mean
time
,
to
raise
Mony
,
for
the
reducing
of
Ireland
,
the
Parliament
invited
Men
to
bring
in
Mony
by
way
of
Adventure
,
according
to
these
Propositions
.
First
,
That
two
Millions
,
and
five
hundred
thousand
Acres
of
Land
in
Ireland
,
should
be
assigned
to
the
Adventurers
in
this
proportion
.
For
an
Adventure
of
-
200
l.
—
1000
Acres
in
Ulster
.
-
300
l.
—
1000
Acres
in
Conaught
.
-
450
l.
—
1000
Acres
in
Munster
.
-
600
l.
—
1000
Acres
in
Leinster
.
All
according
to
English
Measure
,
and
consisting
of
Meadow
,
arable
and
profitable
Pasture
,
Bogs
,
Woods
,
and
Barren
Mountains
,
being
cast
in
over
and
above
.
Secondly
,
A
Revenue
was
reserv'd
to
the
Crown
,
from
1d
.
to
3d.
on
every
Acre
.
Thirdly
,
That
Commissions
should
be
sent
by
the
Parliament
,
to
erect
Mannors
,
settle
Wastes
and
Commons
,
maintain
preaching
Ministers
,
to
create
Corporations
,
and
to
regulate
Plantations
.
The
rest
of
the
Propositions
concern
only
the
times
and
manner
of
payment
of
the
Sums
subscribed
by
the
Adventurers
▪
and
to
those
Propositions
His
Majesty
assented
,
but
to
the
Petition
for
the
Militia
,
His
Majesty
denied
His
Assent
.
B.
If
He
had
not
,
I
should
have
thought
it
a
great
Wonder
.
What
did
the
Parliament
after
this
?
A.
They
sent
Him
another
Petition
,
which
was
presented
to
Him
when
He
was
at
Theobalds
,
in
his
way
to
York
;
wherein
they
tell
Him
plainly
,
That
unless
He
be
pleased
to
assure
them
by
those
Messengers
them
sent
,
that
He
would
speedily
apply
His
Royal
Assent
to
the
satisfaction
of
their
former
Desires
,
they
shall
be
forc'd
,
for
the
Safety
of
His
Majesty
and
His
Kingdoms
,
to
dispose
of
the
Militia
by
the
Authority
of
both
Houses
,
&c.
They
Petition'd
His
Majesty
also
,
to
let
the
Prince
stay
at
St.
James
's
,
or
some
other
of
His
Majesties
Houses
near
London
.
They
tell
him
also
,
That
the
Power
of
Raising
,
Ordering
and
Disposing
of
the
Militia
,
cannot
be
granted
to
any
Corporation
,
without
the
Authority
and
Consent
of
Parliament
.
And
those
Parts
of
the
Kingdom
,
that
have
put
themselves
into
a
posture
of
Defence
,
have
done
nothing
therein
,
but
by
direction
of
both
Houses
,
and
what
is
justifiable
by
the
Laws
of
this
Kingdom
.
B.
What
Answer
made
the
King
to
this
?
A.
It
was
a
putting
of
themselves
into
Arms
,
and
under
Officers
,
such
as
the
Parliament
should
approve
of
.
Fourthly
,
They
Voted
that
His
Majesty
should
be
again
desir'd
,
that
the
Prince
might
continue
about
London
.
Lastly
,
They
Voted
a
Declaration
to
be
sent
to
His
Majesty
by
both
the
Houses
,
wherein
they
accuse
His
Majesty
of
a
design
of
altering
Religion
,
though
not
directly
Him
,
but
them
that
counsel'd
Him
;
whom
they
also
accus'd
of
being
the
Inviters
and
Fomenters
of
the
Scotch
War
,
and
Framers
of
the
Rebellion
in
Ireland
.
And
upbraid
the
King
again
,
for
accusing
the
Lord
Kimbolton
,
and
the
Five
Members
;
and
of
being
privy
to
the
purpose
of
bringing
up
His
Army
,
which
was
rais'd
against
the
Scots
,
to
be
employ'd
against
the
Parliament
.
To
which
His
Majesty
replied
from
Newmarket
.
Whereupon
it
was
Resolv'd
by
both
Houses
,
That
in
this
Case
of
extream
Danger
,
and
of
His
Majesties
Refusal
,
the
Ordinance
agreed
upon
by
both
Houses
,
for
the
Militia
,
doth
oblige
the
People
by
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
this
Kingdom
.
And
also
that
whosoever
should
execute
any
Power
over
the
Militia
,
by
colour
of
any
Commission
of
Lieutenancy
,
without
Consent
of
both
Houses
of
Parliament
,
shall
be
accounted
a
Disturber
of
the
Peace
of
the
Kingdom
.
Whereupon
His
Majesty
sent
a
Message
to
both
Houses
from
Huntingdon
,
Requiring
Obedience
to
the
Laws
Established
,
and
Prohibiting
all
Subjects
,
upon
pretence
of
their
Ordinance
,
to
Execute
any
thing
concerning
the
Militia
,
which
is
not
by
those
Laws
warranted
.
Upon
this
the
Parliament
Vote
a
standing
to
their
former
Votes
;
as
also
,
That
when
the
Lords
and
Commons
in
Parliament
,
which
is
the
Supreme
Court
of
Judicature
in
the
Kingdom
,
shall
declare
what
the
Law
of
the
Land
is
,
to
have
this
not
only
questioned
,
but
contradicted
,
is
a
high
Breach
of
the
Priviledge
of
Parliament
.
B.
I
thought
that
he
that
makes
the
Law
,
ought
to
declare
what
the
Law
is
;
for
what
is
it
else
to
make
a
Law
,
but
to
declare
what
it
is
;
so
that
they
have
taken
from
the
King
not
only
the
Militia
,
but
also
the
Legislative
Power
.
A.
They
have
so
.
But
I
make
account
the
Legislative
Power
(
and
indeed
all
Power
possible
)
is
contain'd
in
the
Power
of
the
Militia
.
After
this
they
seize
such
Mony
as
was
due
to
His
Majesty
upon
the
Bill
of
Tunnage
and
Poundage
,
and
upon
the
Bill
of
Subsidies
,
that
they
might
disable
him
every
way
they
possibly
could
.
They
sent
Him
also
many
other
contumelious
Messages
and
Petitions
after
His
coming
to
York
,
amongst
which
one
was
,
That
whereas
the
Lord
Admiral
,
by
indisposition
of
Body
,
could
not
command
the
Fleet
in
Person
,
He
would
be
pleased
to
give
Authority
to
the
Earl
of
Warwick
to
supply
his
place
;
when
they
knew
the
King
had
put
Sir
John
Pennington
in
it
before
.
B.
To
what
End
did
the
King
entertain
so
many
Petitions
;
Messages
,
Declarations
,
and
Remonstrances
,
and
vouchsafe
His
Answers
to
them
,
when
He
could
not
choose
but
clearly
see
they
were
resolv'd
to
take
from
Him
His
Royal
Power
,
and
consequently
His
Life
?
For
it
could
not
stand
with
their
safety
,
to
let
either
Him
or
His
Issue
live
,
after
they
had
done
Him
so
great
Injuries
.
A.
Besides
this
,
the
Parliament
had
at
the
same
time
a
Committee
residing
at
York
,
to
spie
what
His
Majesty
did
,
and
to
inform
the
Parliament
thereof
;
and
also
to
hinder
the
King
from
gaining
the
People
of
that
County
to
His
Party
:
so
that
when
His
Majesty
was
Courting
the
Gentlemen
there
,
the
Committee
was
Instigating
of
the
Yeomanry
against
him●
;
to
which
also
the
Ministers
did
very
much
contribute
,
so
that
the
King
lost
his
opportunity
at
York
.
B.
Why
did
not
the
King
seize
the
Committee
into
his
hands
,
or
drive
them
out
of
his
Town
?
A.
I
know
not
;
but
I
believe
,
he
knew
the
Parliament
had
a
greater
Party
than
he
,
not
only
in
Yorkshire
,
but
also
in
York
.
Towards
the
End
of
April
the
King
,
upon
Petition
of
the
People
of
Yorkshire
,
to
have
the
Magazine
of
Hull
to
remain
still
there
,
for
the
greater
security
of
the
Northern
Parts
,
thought
fit
to
take
it
into
his
own
hands
.
He
had
a
little
before
appointed
Governor
of
the
Town
the
Earl
of
Newcastle
,
but
the
Townsmen
having
been
already
corrupted
by
the
Parliament
,
refused
to
receive
him
,
but
refus'd
not
to
receive
Sir
John
Hotham
,
appointed
to
be
Governor
by
the
Parliament
.
The
King
therefore
coming
before
the
Town
,
Guarded
only
by
a
few
of
his
own
Servants
,
and
a
few
Gentlemen
of
the
Country
thereabouts
,
was
deny'd
Entrance
by
Sir
John
Hotham
that
stood
upon
the
Wall
;
for
which
Act
,
he
presently
caused
Sir
John
Hotham
to
be
proclaim'd
Traytor
,
and
sent
a
Message
to
the
Parliament
,
requiring
Justice
to
be
done
upon
the
said
Hotham
,
and
that
the
Town
and
Magazine
might
be
delivered
into
his
hands
.
To
which
the
Parliament
made
no
Answer
,
but
instead
thereof
published
another
Declaration
,
in
which
they
omitted
nothing
of
their
former
Slanders
against
His
Majesties
Government
,
but
inserted
certain
Propositions
declarative
of
their
own
pretended
Right
,
viz.
I.
That
whatsoever
they
declare
to
be
Law
,
ought
not
to
be
question'd
by
the
King
.
II.
That
no
Precedent
can
be
Limits
,
to
bound
their
Proceedings
.
III.
That
a
Parliament
,
for
the
Publick
Good
,
may
dispose
of
any
thing
wherein
the
King
or
Subject
hath
a
Right
;
and
that
they
,
without
the
King
,
are
this
Parliament
,
and
the
Judge
of
this
Publick
Good
,
and
that
the
King's
consent
is
not
necessary
.
IV.
That
no
Member
of
either
House
ought
to
be
troubled
for
Treason
,
Felony
,
or
any
other
Crime
,
unless
the
Cause
be
first
brought
before
the
Parliament
,
that
they
may
judge
of
the
Fact
,
and
give
leave
to
proceed
,
if
they
see
Cause
.
V.
That
the
Sovereign
Power
resides
in
both
Hous●s
;
and
that
the
King
ought
to
have
no
Negative
Voice
.
VI.
That
the
Levying
of
Forces
against
the
Personal
Commands
of
the
King
,
(
though
accompanied
with
his
presence
)
is
not
Levying
War
against
the
King
,
but
the
Levying
of
War
against
his
Politique
Person
,
viz.
his
Laws
,
&c.
VII
.
That
Treason
cannot
be
committed
against
his
Person
,
otherwise
than
as
he
is
intrusted
with
the
Kingdom
,
and
discharges
that
Trust
;
and
that
they
have
a
Power
to
judge
,
whether
he
hath
discharged
his
Trust
,
or
not
.
VIII
.
That
they
may
dispose
of
the
King
when
they
will
.
B.
This
is
plain-dealing
,
and
without
hypocrisie
;
Could
the
City
of
London
swallow
this
?
A.
Yes
,
and
more
too
,
if
need
be
;
London
(
you
know
)
has
a
great
Belly
,
but
no
palate
nor
taste
of
Right
and
Wrong
.
In
the
Parliament
Roll
of
Henry
IV.
amongst
the
Articles
of
the
Oath
the
King
at
his
Coronation
took
,
there
is
one
runs
thus
:
Concedes
Justas
Leges
&
Consuetudines
esse
tenendas
,
&
promitos
per
te
eas
esse
protegendas
,
&
ad
honorem
Dei
corroborandas
quas
Vulgus
elegerit
.
Which
the
Parliament
urged
for
their
Legislative
Authority
,
and
therefore
interpret
quas
Vulgus
el●gerit
,
which
the
People
shall
choose
;
as
if
the
King
should
swear
to
protect
and
corroborate
Laws
before
they
were
made
,
whether
they
be
Good
or
Bad
:
whereas
the
words
signifie
no
more
,
but
that
he
shall
protect
and
corroborate
such
Laws
,
as
they
have
chosen
;
that
is
to
say
,
the
Acts
of
Parliament
then
in
being
.
And
in
the
Records
of
the
Exchequer
it
is
thus
,
Will
you
grant
to
hold
and
keep
the
Laws
,
and
rightful
Customs
,
which
the
Commonalty
of
this
your
Kingdom
have
?
And
will
you
defend
and
uphold
them
,
&
c
?
And
this
was
the
Answer
His
Majesty
made
to
that
Point
.
B.
I
think
his
Answer
very
full
and
clear
;
but
if
the
words
were
to
be
interpreted
in
the
other
sense
,
yet
I
see
no
reason
why
the
King
should
be
bound
to
swear
to
them
;
for
Henry
IV.
came
to
the
Crown
by
the
Votes
of
a
Parliament
,
not
much
inferior
in
wickedness
to
this
Long
Parliament
,
that
Deposed
and
Murdered
their
Lawful
King
,
saving
that
it
was
not
the
Parliament
it self
,
but
the
Usurper
that
murdered
King
Richard
II.
A.
About
a
week
after
,
in
the
beginning
of
May
,
the
Parliament
sent
the
King
another
Paper
,
which
they
stil'd
,
The
Humble
Petition
and
Advice
of
both
Houses
:
Containing
Nineteen
Propositions
,
which
when
you
shall
hear
,
you
shall
be
able
to
judge
what
Power
they
meant
to
leave
to
the
King
,
more
than
to
any
of
his
Subjects
.
The
first
of
them
is
this
:
I.
That
the
Lords
,
and
other
of
His
Majesties
Privy
Council
,
and
all
great
Officers
of
State
,
both
at
home
and
abroad
,
be
put
from
their
Imployments
,
and
from
his
Council
,
save
only
such
as
should
be
approved
of
by
both
Houses
of
Parliament
;
and
none
put
into
their
places
,
but
by
approbation
of
the
said
Houses
.
And
that
all
Privy
Councillors
take
an
Oath
for
the
due
Execution
of
their
places
,
in
such
form
as
shall
be
agreed
upon
by
the
said
Houses
.
II.
That
the
great
Affairs
of
the
Kingdom
be
Debated
,
Resolv'd
and
Transacted
only
in
Parliament
;
and
such
as
shall
presume
to
do
any
thing
to
the
contrary
,
to
be
reserv'd
to
the
Censure
o●
the
Parliament
;
and
such
other
Matters
of
State
as
are
proper
for
His
Majesties
Privy
Couneil
,
shall
be
Debated
and
Concluded
by
such
as
shall
from
time
to
time
be
chosen
for
that
place
by
both
Houses
of
Parliament
.
And
that
no
Publick
Act
concerning
the
Affairs
of
the
Kingdom
which
are
proper
for
his
Privy
Council
,
be
esteemed
valid
,
as
proceeding
from
the
Royal
Authority
,
unless
it
be
done
by
the
Advice
and
Consent
of
the
Major
part
of
the
Council
,
attested
under
their
Hands
;
and
that
the
Council
be
not
more
than
25
,
nor
less
than
15
;
and
that
when
a
Councillors
place
falls
,
it
shall
not
be
supplied
,
without
the
Assent
of
the
Major
part
of
the
Council
;
and
that
such
Choice
also
shall
be
void
,
if
the
next
Parliament
after
confirm
it
not
.
III.
That
the
Lord
High
Steward
of
England
,
Lord
High
Constable
,
Lord
Chancellor
,
or
Lord
Keeper
of
the
Great
Seal
,
Lord
Treasurer
,
Lord
Privy
Seal
,
Earl
Marshal
,
Lord
Admiral
,
Warden
of
the
Cinque
Ports
,
Chief
Governor
of
Ireland
,
Chancellor
of
the
Exchequer
,
Master
of
the
Wards
,
Secretaries
of
State
,
Two
Chief
Justices
and
Chief
Baron
,
be
always
chosen
with
the
Approbation
of
both
Houses
of
Parliament
;
and
in
the
Intervals
of
Parliament
,
by
the
Major
part
of
the
Privy
Council
.
IV.
That
the
Government
of
the
King's
Children
shall
be
committed
to
such
as
both
Houses
shall
approve
of
;
and
in
the
Intervals
of
Parliament
,
such
as
the
Privy
Council
shall
approve
of
,
that
the
Servants
then
about
them
,
against
whom
the
Houses
have
just
exception
,
should
be
remov'd
.
V.
That
no
Marriage
be
concluded
,
or
treated
of
,
for
any
of
the
King's
Children
,
without
consent
of
Parliament
.
VI.
That
the
Laws
in
force
against
Jesuits
,
Priests
,
and
Popish
Recusants
,
be
strictly
put
in
execution
.
VII
.
That
the
Votes
of
Popish
Lords
in
the
House
of
Peers
be
taken
away
;
and
that
a
Bill
be
passed
for
the
Education
of
the
Children
of
Papists
in
the
Protestant
Religion
.
VIII
.
That
the
King
will
be
pleas'd
to
reform
the
Church-Government
and
Liturgy
,
in
such
manner
as
both
Houses
of
Parliament
shall
advise
.
IX
.
That
he
would
be
pleased
to
rest
satisfied
with
that
course
the
Lords
and
Commons
have
appointed
for
ordering
the
Militia
,
and
recall
his
Declarations
and
Proclamations
against
it
.
X.
That
such
Members
as
have
been
put
out
of
any
Place
or
Office
since
this
Parliament
began
,
may
be
restor'd
,
or
have
satisfaction
.
XI
.
That
all
Privy
Councillors
and
Judges
take
an
Oath
,
the
form
whereof
shall
be
agreed
on
,
and
setled
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
for
the
maintaining
the
Petition
of
Right
,
and
of
certain
Statutes
made
by
the
Parliament
.
XII
.
That
all
the
Judges
and
Officers
placed
by
Approbation
of
both
Houses
of
Parliament
,
may
held
their
places
quamdiu
bene
se
gesserint
.
XIII
.
That
the
Justice
of
Parliament
may
pass
upon
all
Delinquents
,
whether
they
be
within
the
Kingdom
,
or
fled
out
of
it
;
and
that
all
persons
cited
by
either
House
of
Parliament
,
may
appear
and
abide
the
Censure
of
Parliament
.
XIV
.
That
the
General
Pardon
offered
by
his
Majesty
,
be
granted
with
such
Exceptions
as
shall
be
advised
by
both
Houses
of
Parliament
.
B.
What
a
spightful
Article
was
this
?
All
the
rest
proceeded
from
Ambition
,
which
many
times
well-natur'd
men
are
subject
to
;
but
this
proceeded
from
an
inhumane
and
devilish
cruelty
.
A.
XV.
That
the
Forts
and
Castles
be
put
under
the
Command
of
such
Persons
,
as
with
the
Approbation
of
the
Parliament
the
King
shall
appoint
.
XVI
.
That
the
extraordinary
Guards
about
the
King
be
discharged
,
and
for
the
future
none
raised
but
according
to
the
Law
,
in
case
of
actual
Rebellion
or
Invasion
.
B.
Methinks
these
very
Propositions
sent
to
the
King
,
are
an
actual
Rebellion
.
A.
XVII
.
That
His
Majesty
enter
into
a
more
strict
Alliance
with
the
United
Provinces
,
and
other
Neighbour
Protestant
Princes
and
States
.
XVIII
.
That
His
Majesty
be
pleased
,
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
to
clear
the
Lord
Kimbolton
,
and
the
Five
Members
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
in
such
manner
,
as
that
future
Parliaments
may
be
secur'd
from
the
consequence
of
evil
Precedent
.
XIX
.
That
His
Majesty
be
pleased
to
pass
a
Bill
for
restraining
Peers
,
made
hereafter
from
sitting
or
voting
in
Parliament
,
unless
they
be
admitted
with
consent
of
both
Houses
of
Parliament
.
These
Propositions
granted
,
they
promise
to
apply
themselves
to
regulate
His
Majesties
Revenue
to
his
best
advantage
,
and
to
settle
it
to
the
support
of
his
Royal
Dignity
,
in
Honour
and
Plenty
;
and
also
to
put
the
Town
of
Hull
into
such
hands
as
His
Majesty
shall
appoint
,
with
consent
of
Parliament
.
B.
Is
not
that
to
put
it
into
such
hands
as
His
Majesty
shall
appoint
by
the
consent
of
the
Petitioners
,
which
is
no
more
than
to
keep
it
in
their
hands
,
as
it
is
?
Did
they
want
,
or
think
the
King
wanted
common
sense
,
so
as
not
to
perceive
that
their
promise
herein
was
worth
nothing
?
A.
After
the
sending
of
these
Propositions
to
the
King
,
and
His
Majesties
refusal
to
grant
them
,
they
began
on
both
sides
to
prepare
for
War
,
the
King
raising
a
Guard
for
his
Person
in
Yorkshire
,
and
the
Parliament
thereupon
having
Voted
,
That
the
King
intended
to
make
War
upon
his
Parliament
,
gave
Order
for
the
Mustering
and
Exercising
the
People
in
Arms
,
and
published
Propositions
to
invite
and
encourage
them
to
bring
in
either
ready
Money
or
Plate
,
or
to
promise
under
their
hands
to
maintain
certain
numbers
of
Horse
,
Horsemen
and
Arms
,
for
the
defence
of
the
King
and
Parliament
,
(
meaning
by
King
,
as
they
had
formerly
declar'd
,
not
his
Person
,
but
his
Laws
)
promising
to
repay
their
Money
with
Interest
of
8
l.
in
the
hundred
,
and
the
value
of
their
Plate
with
12
d.
the
ounce
for
the
fashion
.
On
the
other
side
the
King
came
to
Nottingham
,
and
there
did
set
up
his
Standard
Royal
,
and
sent
out
Commissioners
of
Array
to
call
those
to
him
,
which
by
the
ancient
Laws
of
England
were
bound
to
serve
him
in
the
Wars
.
Upon
this
occasion
there
passed
divers
Declarations
between
the
King
and
Parliament
,
concerning
the
Legality
of
this
Array
,
which
are
too
long
to
tell
you
at
this
time
.
B.
Nor
do
I
desire
to
hear
any
Mooting
about
this
Question
,
for
I
think
that
general
Law
of
Salus
Populi
,
and
the
Right
of
defending
himself
against
those
that
had
taken
from
him
the
Sovereign
Power
,
are
sufficient
to
make
Legal
whatsoever
he
should
do
,
in
order
to
the
recovery
of
his
Kingdom
,
or
the
punishing
of
the
Rebels
.
A.
In
the
mean
time
the
Parliament
raised
an
Army
,
and
made
the
Earl
of
Essex
General
thereof
;
by
which
Act
they
declar'd
what
they
meant
formerly
,
when
they
Petition'd
the
King
for
a
Guard
,
to
be
commanded
by
the
said
Earl
of
Essex
.
And
now
the
King
sends
out
his
Proclamations
,
forbidding
Obedience
to
the
Orders
of
the
Parliament
concerning
the
Militia
;
and
the
Parliament
send
out
Orders
against
the
Executions
of
the
Commissions
of
Array
;
hitherto
(
though
it
were
a
War
before
)
yet
there
was
no
Blood
shed
,
they
shot
at
one
another
nothing
but
Paper
.
B.
I
understand
now
how
the
Parliament
destroy'd
the
Peace
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
how
easily
,
by
the
help
of
seditious
Presbyterian
Ministers
,
and
of
ambitious
ignorant
Orators
,
they
reduced
the
Government
into
Anarchy
:
but
I
believe
it
will
be
a
harder
task
for
them
to
bring
in
Peace
again
,
and
settle
the
Government
either
in
themselves
,
or
in
any
other
Governor
,
or
form
of
Government
;
for
granting
that
they
obtain'd
the
Victory
in
this
War
,
they
must
be
beholding
for
it
to
the
Valor
,
good
Conduct
,
or
Felicity
of
those
to
whom
they
give
the
Command
of
their
Armies
,
especially
to
the
General
,
whose
good
success
will
,
without
doubt
,
bring
with
it
the
love
and
admiration
of
the
Soldiers
;
so
that
it
will
be
in
his
power
either
to
take
the
Government
upon
himself
,
or
to
place
it
where
himself
thinks
good
.
In
which
Case
,
if
he
take
it
not
to
himself
,
he
will
be
thought
a
Fool
;
and
if
he
do
,
he
shall
be
sure
to
have
the
Envy
of
his
subordinate
Commanders
,
who
will
look
for
a
share
either
in
the
present
Government
,
or
in
the
Succession
to
it
;
for
they
will
say
,
has
he
obtain'd
this
Power
by
his
own
without
our
Danger
,
Valor
and
Council
?
And
must
we
be
his
Slaves
,
whom
we
have
thus
rais'd
?
Or
is
not
there
as
much
Justice
on
our
side
against
him
,
as
was
on
his
side
against
the
King
?
A.
They
will
and
did
insomuch
that
the
reason
why
Cromwel
,
after
he
had
gotten
into
his
own
hands
the
absolute
Power
of
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
,
by
the
Name
of
Protector
,
did
never
dare
to
take
upon
him
the
Title
of
King
,
nor
was
ever
able
to
settle
it
upon
his
Children
,
his
Officers
would
not
suffer
it
,
as
pretending
after
his
death
to
succeed
him
;
nor
would
the
Army
consent
to
it
,
because
he
had
ever
declared
to
them
against
the
Government
of
a
Single
Person
.
B.
But
to
return
to
the
King
,
What
Means
had
he
to
pay
?
What
Provision
had
he
to
Arm
,
nay
Means
to
Levy
an
Army
,
able
to
resist
the
Army
of
the
Parliament
,
maintained
by
the
great
Purse
of
the
City
of
London
,
and
Contributions
of
almost
all
the
Towns
Corporate
in
England
,
and
furnished
with
Arms
as
fully
as
they
could
require
?
A.
'T
is
true
,
the
King
had
great
disadvantages
,
and
yet
by
little
and
little
he
got
a
considerable
Army
,
with
which
he
so
prospered
,
as
to
grow
stronger
every
day
,
and
the
Parliament
weaker
,
till
they
had
gotten
the
Scotch
with
an
Army
of
21000
Men
to
come
into
England
to
their
assistance
;
but
to
enter
into
the
particular
Narrative
of
what
was
done
in
the
War
,
I
have
not
now
time
.
B.
Well
then
,
we
will
talk
of
that
at
next
meeting
.
B.
WE
left
at
the
Preparations
on
both
sides
for
War
,
which
when
I
considered
by
my self
,
I
was
mightily
puzled
to
find
out
what
possibility
there
was
for
the
King
to
equal
the
Parliament
in
such
a
course
,
and
what
hopes
▪
He
had
of
Money
,
Men
,
Arms
,
Fortified
Places
,
Shipping
,
Council
,
and
Military
Offices
,
sufficient
for
such
an
Enterprize
against
the
Parliament
,
that
had
Men
and
Money
as
much
at
Command
,
as
the
City
of
London
,
and
other
Corporation
Towns
were
able
to
furnish
,
which
was
more
than
they
needed
.
And
for
the
Men
they
should
set
forth
for
Soldiers
,
they
were
almost
all
of
them
spightfully
bent
against
the
King
,
and
his
whole
Party
,
whom
they
took
to
be
either
Papists
,
or
Flatterers
of
the
King
,
or
that
had
design'd
to
raise
their
Fortunes
by
the
Plunder
of
the
City
,
and
other
Corporation
Towns
;
and
though
I
believe
not
that
they
were
more
valiant
than
other
Men
,
nor
that
they
had
so
much
experience
in
the
War
,
as
to
be
accounted
good
Soldiers
;
yet
they
had
that
in
them
,
which
in
time
of
Battel
is
more
conducing
to
Victory
than
Valor
,
and
Experience
both
together
,
and
that
was
Spight
.
And
for
Arms
,
they
had
in
their
hands
the
chief
Magazines
,
the
Tower
of
London
,
and
Kingston
upon
Hull
,
besides
most
of
Powder
and
Shot
that
lay
in
several
Towns
,
for
the
use
of
the
Trained
Bonds
.
Fortified
places
there
were
not
many
then
in
England
,
and
most
of
them
in
the
hands
of
the
Parliament
.
The
King's
Fleet
was
wholly
in
their
Command
,
under
the
Earl
of
Warwick
;
Councillors
they
needed
no
more
,
than
such
as
were
of
their
own
Body
,
so
that
the
King
was
every
way
inferior
to
them
,
except
it
were
perhaps
in
Officers
.
A.
I
cannot
compare
their
chief
Officers
for
the
Parliament
,
the
Earl
of
Essex
(
after
the
Parliament
had
Voted
the
War
)
was
made
General
of
all
their
Forces
,
both
in
England
and
Ireland
,
from
whom
,
all
other
Commanders
were
to
receive
their
Commissions
.
B.
What
moved
them
to
make
the
Earl
of
Essex
General
?
And
for
what
cause
was
the
Earl
of
Essex
so
displeased
with
the
King
,
as
to
accept
that
Office
?
A.
I
do
not
certainly
know
what
to
answer
to
either
of
those
Questions
,
but
the
Earl
of
Essex
had
been
in
the
Wars
abroad
,
and
wanted
neither
Experience
,
Judgment
nor
Courage
to
perform
such
an
undertaking
;
and
besides
that
,
you
have
heard
,
(
I
believe
)
how
great
a
Darling
of
the
people
,
his
Father
had
been
before
him
;
and
what
Honour
he
had
gotten
by
the
success
of
his
Enterprize
upon
Cales
,
and
in
some
other
Military
actions
.
To
which
I
may
add
,
That
this
Earl
himself
was
not
held
by
the
People
to
be
so
great
a
Favourite
at
Court
,
as
that
they
might
not
trust
him
with
their
Army
against
the
King
,
and
by
this
you
may
perhaps
conjecture
the
cause
for
which
the
Parliament
made
choice
of
him
for
General
.
B.
But
why
did
they
think
him
discontented
with
the
Court
?
A.
I
know
not
that
,
nor
indeed
that
he
was
so
;
he
came
to
Court
as
other
Noblemen
did
,
when
occasion
was
to
wait
upon
the
King
,
but
had
no
Office
till
a
little
before
this
time
,
to
oblige
him
to
be
there
continually
;
but
I
believe
verily
,
that
the
unfortunateness
of
his
Marriage
,
had
so
discountenanced
his
Conversation
with
Ladies
,
that
the
Court
could
be
his
proper
Element
,
unless
he
had
had
some
extraordinary
savour
there
,
to
balance
that
calamity
for
particular
discontent
from
the
King
,
or
intention
of
revenge
for
any
supposed
disgrace
,
I
think
he
had
none
;
nor
that
he
was
any
wayes
addicted
to
Presbyterian
Doctrines
,
or
other
Fanatick
Tenets
in
Church
or
State
,
saving
only
that
he
was
carried
away
with
the
stream
,
(
in
a
manner
)
of
the
whole
Nation
,
to
think
that
England
was
not
an
absolute
,
but
a
mixt
Monarchy
,
not
considering
that
the
Supreme
Power
must
alwayes
be
absolute
,
whether
it
be
in
the
King
,
or
in
the
Parliament
.
B.
Who
was
General
of
the
Kings
Army
?
A.
None
yet
but
Himself
,
nor
indeed
had
He
yet
any
Army
but
there
,
coming
to
him
at
that
time
two
Nephews
,
the
Princes
Rupert
and
Maurice
;
He
put
the
Command
of
His
Horse
into
the
hands
of
Prince
Rupert
,
a
Man
then
whom
no
man
living
has
a
better
courage
,
nor
was
more
active
and
diligent
in
prosecuting
his
Commission
;
and
though
but
a
young
Man
then
,
was
not
without
experience
in
the
conducting
of
Soldiers
,
as
having
been
an
Actor
in
part
of
his
Fathers
Wars
in
Germany
.
B.
But
how
would
the
King
find
money
to
pay
such
an
Army
as
was
necessary
for
Him
,
against
the
Parliament
?
A.
Neither
the
King
nor
Parliament
had
much
money
at
that
time
in
their
own
hands
,
but
were
fain
to
relie
upon
the
Benevolence
of
those
that
took
their
parts
,
wherein
(
I
confess
)
the
Parliament
had
a
mighty
great
advantage
;
those
that
helped
the
King
in
that
kind
,
were
only
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
which
not
approving
the
proceedings
of
the
Parliament
,
were
willing
to
undertake
the
payment
every
one
of
a
certain
number
of
Horse
,
which
cannot
be
thought
any
very
great
assistance
,
the
persons
that
payed
them
being
so
few
;
for
other
Monies
that
the
King
then
had
,
I
have
not
heard
of
any
but
what
he
borrow'd
upon
Jewels
in
the
Low-Countries
;
whereas
the
Parliament
had
a
very
plentiful
Contribution
,
not
only
from
London
,
but
generally
from
their
Faction
in
all
other
places
of
England
,
upon
certain
Propositions
,
(
published
by
the
Lords
and
Commons
in
June
1642.
)
at
which
time
they
had
newly
Voted
,
That
the
King
intended
to
make
War
upon
them
,
for
bringing
in
of
Money
or
Plate
,
to
maintain
Horse
and
Horsemen
,
and
to
buy
Arms
for
the
preservation
of
the
Publick
Peace
,
and
for
the
defence
of
the
King
,
and
both
Houses
of
Parliament
;
for
the
Re-payment
of
which
Money
and
Plate
,
they
were
to
have
the
Publick
Faith
.
B.
What
Publick
Faith
is
there
,
when
there
is
no
Publick
?
What
is
it
that
can
be
call'd
Publick
,
in
a
Civil
War
,
without
the
King
?
A.
The
Truth
is
,
the
Security
was
nothing
worth
,
but
serv'd
well
enough
to
gull
those
seditious
Blockheads
that
were
more
fond
of
change
,
than
either
of
their
peace
or
profit
,
having
by
this
means
gotten
Contributions
from
those
that
were
the
well-affected
to
their
Cause
,
they
made
use
of
it
afterwards
,
to
force
the
like
Contribution
from
others
;
for
in
November
following
,
they
made
an
Ordinance
for
Assessing
also
of
those
that
had
not
Contributed
then
,
or
had
Contributed
,
but
not
proportionably
to
their
Estates
.
And
yet
this
was
contrary
to
what
the
Parli●ment
promised
and
declar'd
in
the
Propositions
themselves
;
for
they
declar'd
in
the
first
Proposition
,
That
no
mans
Affection
should
be
measured
by
the
pr●portion
of
his
Offer
,
so
that
he
expressed
his
good
will
to
the
Service
in
any
proportion
whatsoever
.
Besides
this
,
in
the
beginning
of
March
following
,
they
made
an
Ordinance
to
Levy
weekly
a
great
Sum
of
money
upon
every
County
,
City
,
Town
,
Place
and
Person
of
any
Estate
almost
in
England
;
which
weekly
Sum
(
as
may
appear
by
the
Ordinance
it self
,
printed
and
published
in
March
1642
,
by
Order
of
both
Houses
)
comes
to
almost
33000
l.
and
consequently
to
above
1700000
l.
for
the
year
.
They
had
,
besides
all
this
,
the
Profits
of
the
King's
Lands
and
Woods
,
and
whatsoever
was
remaining
unpaid
of
any
Subsidy
formerly
granted
Him
,
and
the
Tunnage
and
Poundage
usually
received
by
the
King
,
besides
the
profit
of
the
Sequestration
of
great
persons
,
whom
they
pleas'd
to
vote
Delinquents
,
and
the
profits
of
the
Bishops
Lands
,
which
they
took
to
themselves
a
year
,
or
a
little
more
after
.
B.
Seeing
then
the
Parliament
had
such
advantage
of
the
King
in
Money
,
Arms
,
and
multitude
of
Men
,
and
had
in
their
hands
the
King's
Fleet
,
I
cannot
imagine
what
hope
the
King
could
have
either
of
Victory
(
unless
He
resign'd
into
their
hands
the
Sovereignty
,
or
subsisting
:
)
for
I
cannot
well
believe
He
had
any
advantage
of
them
either
in
Councillors
,
Conducts
,
or
in
the
Resolution
of
his
Soldiers
.
A.
On
the
contrary
,
I
think
He
had
also
some
disadvantage
in
that
;
for
though
He
had
as
good
Officers
at
least
as
any
then
serv'd
the
Parliament
,
yet
I
doubt
He
had
not
so
useful
Council
as
was
necessary
.
And
for
His
Soldiers
,
though
they
were
Men
as
stout
as
theirs
,
yet
because
their
Valor
was
not
sharpned
so
with
Malice
,
as
theirs
was
of
the
other
side
,
they
sought
not
so
keenly
as
their
Enemies
did
,
amongst
whom
there
was
a
great
many
London
Apprentices
,
who
,
for
want
of
experience
in
the
War
,
would
have
been
fearful
enough
of
death
and
wounds
approaching
visibly
in
glittering
Swords
,
but
for
want
of
judgment
scarce
thought
of
such
a
death
as
comes
invisibly
in
a
Bullet
,
and
therefore
were
very
hardly
to
be
driven
out
of
the
Field
.
B.
But
what
fault
do
you
find
in
the
King's
Councils
,
Lords
,
and
other
Persons
of
Quality
and
Experience
?
A.
Only
that
fault
which
was
generally
in
the
whole
Nation
,
which
was
,
That
they
thought
the
Government
of
England
was
not
an
absolute
,
but
a
mixt
Monarchy
;
and
that
if
the
King
should
clearly
subdue
this
Parliament
,
that
His
power
would
be
what
He
pleased
,
and
theirs
as
little
as
He
pleased
,
which
they
counted
Tyranny
.
This
opinion
,
though
it
did
not
les●en
their
endeavors
to
gain
the
Victory
for
the
King
in
a
Battel
,
when
the
Battel
could
not
be
avoided
,
yet
it
weakned
their
endeavors
to
procure
him
an
absolute
Victory
in
the
War
.
And
for
this
cause
,
notwithstanding
that
they
saw
that
the
Parliament
was
firmly
resolv'd
to
take
all
Kingly
power
whatsoever
out
of
His
Hands
,
yet
their
Council
to
the
King
was
upon
all
occasions
to
offer
Propositions
to
them
of
Treaty
and
Accommodation
,
and
to
make
and
publish
Declarations
which
any
Man
might
easily
have
foreseen
would
be
fruitless
;
and
not
only
so
,
but
also
of
great
disadvantage
to
those
Actions
by
which
the
King
was
to
recover
His
Crown
,
and
preserve
His
Life
;
for
it
took
off
the
courage
of
the
best
and
forwardest
of
his
Soldiers
that
lookt
for
great
benefit
out
of
the
Estates
of
the
Rebels
,
in
case
they
could
subdue
them
,
but
none
at
all
if
the
business
should
be
ended
by
a
Treaty
.
B.
And
they
had
reason
,
for
a
Civil
War
never
ends
by
Treaty
,
without
the
Sacrifice
of
those
,
who
were
on
both
sides
the
sharpest
.
You
know
well
enough
how
things
past
the
Reconciliation
of
Augustus
and
Antonius
in
Rome
▪
But
I
thought
that
after
they
once
began
to
Levy
Soldiers
one
against
another
,
that
they
would
not
any
more
have
return'd
of
either
side
to
Declarations
,
or
other
Paper
War
,
which
if
it
could
have
done
any
good
,
would
have
done
it
long
before
this
.
A.
But
seeing
the
Parliament
continued
writing
,
and
set
forth
their
Declarations
to
the
People
against
the
Lawfulness
of
the
King's
Commission
of
Array
,
and
sent
Petitions
to
the
King
as
fierce
and
rebellions
as
ever
they
had
done
before
,
demanding
of
him
,
That
he
would
di●band
his
Soldiers
,
and
come
up
to
the
Parliament
,
and
leave
those
whom
the
Parliament
called
Delinquents
,
(
which
were
none
but
the
King
's
best
Subjects
)
to
their
Mercy
,
and
pass
such
Bills
as
they
should
advise
Him
.
Would
you
not
have
the
King
set
forth
Declarations
and
Proclamations
,
against
the
Illegality
of
their
Ordinances
,
by
which
they
Levied
Soldiers
against
him
,
and
answer
those
insolent
Petitions
of
theirs
?
B.
No
,
it
had
done
him
no
good
before
,
and
therefore
was
not
likely
to
do
him
any
afterwards
;
for
the
Common
People
,
whose
hands
were
to
decide
the
Controversie
,
understood
not
the
Reasons
of
either
Party
;
and
for
those
that
by
Ambition
were
once
set
upon
the
Enterprize
of
changing
the
Government
,
they
cared
not
much
what
was
Reason
and
Justice
,
in
the
Cause
,
but
what
Strength
they
might
procure
,
by
reducing
the
multitude
with
Remonstrances
from
the
Parliament-House
,
or
by
Sermons
in
the
Churches
;
and
to
their
Petitions
,
I
would
not
have
had
any
answer
at
all
more
than
this
,
That
if
they
would
disband
their
Army
,
and
put
themselves
upon
his
Mercy
,
they
should
find
Him
more
Gracious
than
they
expected
.
A.
That
had
been
a
gallant
answer
indeed
,
if
it
had
proceeded
from
Him
after
some
extraordinary
great
Victory
in
Battel
,
or
some
extraordinary
assurance
of
a
Victory
at
last
in
the
whole
War
.
B.
Why
,
what
could
have
hapned
to
Him
worse
,
than
at
length
He
suffered
,
notwithstanding
His
gentle
answer
,
and
all
His
reasonable
Declarations
?
A.
Nothing
,
but
,
who
knew
that
?
B.
Any
Man
might
see
,
that
He
was
never
like
to
be
restor'd
to
His
Right
without
Victory
,
and
such
His
Statutes
being
known
to
the
People
,
would
have
brought
to
His
assistance
many
more
hands
,
than
all
the
arguments
of
Law
,
or
force
of
Eloquence
,
couched
in
Declarations
,
and
other
Writings
,
could
have
done
by
far
;
and
I
wonder
what
kind
of
Men
they
were
,
that
hindered
the
King
from
taking
this
Resolution
.
A.
You
may
know
by
the
Declarations
themselves
,
which
are
very
long
,
and
full
of
Quotations
of
Records
,
and
of
Cases
formerly
Reported
,
that
the
Penners
of
them
were
either
Lawyers
by
Profession
,
or
such
Gentlemen
as
had
the
ambition
to
be
thought
so
.
Besides
,
I
told
you
before
,
that
those
which
were
then
likeliest
to
have
their
counsel
asked
in
this
business
,
were
averse
to
absolute
Monarchy
,
as
also
to
absolute
Democracy
,
or
Aristocracy
;
all
which
Governments
they
esteemed
Tyranny
,
and
were
in
love
with
Monarchy
,
which
they
us'd
to
praise
by
the
name
of
mixt
Monarchy
,
though
it
were
indeed
nothing
else
but
pure
Anarchy
:
and
those
Men
whose
Pens
the
King
most
us'd
in
these
Controversies
of
Law
,
and
Politick
,
were
such
(
if
I
have
not
been
misinformed
)
as
having
been
Members
of
this
Parliament
,
had
declaim'd
against
Ship-money
,
and
other
Extra-Parliamentary
Taxes
,
as
much
as
any
:
but
when
they
saw
the
Parliament
grow
higher
in
their
demands
,
than
they
thought
they
would
have
done
,
went
over
to
the
King's
Party
.
B.
Who
were
those
?
A.
It
is
not
necessary
to
name
any
Man
,
seeing
I
have
undertaken
only
a
short
Narration
of
the
Follies
and
other
Faults
of
Men
during
this
trouble
,
but
not
(
by
naming
of
persons
)
to
give
you
or
any
man
else
occasion
to
esteem
them
the
less
,
now
that
the
Faults
on
all
sides
have
been
forgiven
.
B.
When
the
Business
was
brought
to
this
heighth
,
by
levying
of
Soldiers
,
and
seizing
on
the
Navy
,
Arms
,
and
other
Provisions
on
both
sides
,
that
no
Man
was
so
blind
,
as
not
to
see
they
were
in
an
estate
of
War
one
against
another
,
why
did
not
the
King
(
by
Proclamation
or
Message
)
according
to
His
undoubted
Right
,
Dissolve
the
Parliament
,
and
thereby
diminish
in
some
part
the
Authority
of
their
Levies
,
and
of
other
their
unjust
Ordinances
?
A.
You
have
forgotten
that
I
told
you
that
the
King
Himself
,
by
a
Bill
that
He
passed
at
the
same
time
when
He
passed
the
Bill
for
the
Execution
for
the
Earl
of
Strafford
,
had
given
them
Authority
to
hold
the
Parliament
,
till
they
should
by
consent
of
both
Houses
dissolve
themselves
:
If
therefore
He
had
by
any
Proclamation
or
Message
to
the
Houses
dissolv'd
them
,
they
would
,
to
their
former
De●amations
of
His
Majesties
actions
,
have
added
this
,
That
He
was
a
Breaker
of
His
Word
,
and
not
only
in
Contempt
of
Him
,
have
continued
their
Session
,
but
also
have
made
advantage
of
it
,
to
the
increase
and
strengthning
of
their
own
Party
.
B.
Would
not
the
King
's
raising
of
an
Army
against
them
,
be
interpreted
as
a
purpose
to
dissolve
them
by
force
?
And
was
it
not
as
great
a
breach
of
promise
to
scatter
them
by
force
,
as
to
dissolve
them
by
Proclamation
?
Besides
,
I
cannot
conceive
that
the
passing
of
that
Act
was
otherwise
intended
than
conditionally
,
so
long
as
they
should
not
ordain
any
thing
contrary
to
the
Sovereign
Right
of
the
King
,
which
condition
they
had
already
by
many
of
their
Ordinances
broken
;
and
,
I
think
,
that
even
by
the
Law
of
Equity
,
which
is
the
unalterable
Law
of
Nature
,
a
man
that
has
the
Sovereign
Power
cannot
,
if
he
would
,
give
away
the
right
of
any
thing
which
is
necessary
for
him
to
retain
,
for
the
good
Government
of
his
Subjects
,
unless
he
do
it
in
express
words
,
saying
,
That
he
will
have
the
Sovereign
Power
no
longer
;
for
the
giving
away
that
which
by
consequence
only
draws
the
Sovereignty
along
with
it
,
is
not
(
I
think
)
a
giving
away
of
the
Sovereignty
,
but
an
error
,
such
as
work
nothing
but
an
invalidity
in
the
Grant
it self
.
And
such
was
the
King's
passing
this
Bill
,
for
the
continuing
of
the
Parliament
,
as
long
as
the
Two
Houses
pleas'd
.
But
now
that
the
War
was
resolv'd
on
,
on
both
sides
,
what
needed
any
more
dispute
in
writings
?
A.
I
know
not
what
need
they
had
,
but
on
both
sides
they
thought
it
needful
to
hinder
one
another
as
much
as
they
could
from
levying
of
Soldiers
,
and
therefore
the
King
did
set
forth
Declarations
in
Print
;
to
make
the
people
know
that
they
ought
not
to
obey
the
Officers
of
the
new
Militia
set
up
by
Ordinance
of
Parliament
,
and
also
to
let
them
see
the
Legality
of
His
own
Commissions
of
Array
;
and
the
Parliament
on
their
part
did
the
like
,
to
justifie
to
the
people
the
said
Ordinance
,
and
to
make
the
Commission
of
Array
appear
unlawful
.
B.
When
the
Parliament
were
Levying
of
Soldiers
,
was
it
not
lawful
for
the
King
to
Levy
Soldiers
,
to
defend
Himself
and
His
Right
,
though
there
had
been
no
other
Title
for
it
,
but
His
own
preservation
,
and
that
the
name
of
Commission
of
Array
had
never
been
heard
of
?
A.
For
my
part
,
I
think
there
cannot
be
a
better
Title
for
War
,
than
the
defence
of
a
Man
's
own
Right
,
but
the
People
at
that
time
thought
nothing
lawful
for
the
King
to
do
,
for
which
there
was
not
some
Statute
made
by
Parliament
.
For
the
Lawyers
,
I
mean
the
Judges
of
the
Courts
of
Westminster
,
and
some
few
others
,
though
but
Advocates
,
yet
of
great
Reputation
for
their
skill
in
the
Common
Laws
,
and
Statutes
of
England
,
had
infected
most
of
the
Gentry
of
England
with
their
Maxims
and
Cases
prejudg'd
,
which
they
call
Precedents
,
and
made
them
think
so
well
of
their
own
knowledge
in
the
Law
,
that
they
were
of
this
occasion
to
shew
it
against
the
King
,
and
thereby
to
gain
a
Reputation
with
the
Parliament
,
of
being
good
Patriots
,
and
wise
Statesmen
.
B.
What
was
this
Commission
of
Array
?
A.
King
William
the
Conqueror
had
gotten
into
his
hands
by
Victory
,
all
the
Lands
in
England
,
of
which
he
disposed
some
part
,
as
Forests
and
Chaces
for
his
own
Recreation
,
and
some
part
to
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
that
had
assisted
him
,
or
were
to
assist
him
in
the
Wars
;
upon
which
he
laid
a
charge
of
service
in
his
Wars
,
some
with
more
Men
,
and
some
with
less
,
according
to
the
Lands
he
had
given
them
;
whereby
,
when
the
King
sent
Men
unto
them
with
Commission
to
make
use
of
their
Service
,
they
were
obliged
to
appear
with
Arms
,
and
to
accompany
the
King
to
the
Wars
,
for
a
certain
time
at
their
own
Charges
,
and
such
were
the
Commissions
by
which
this
King
did
then
make
his
Levies
.
B.
Why
then
was
it
not
Legal
?
A.
No
doubt
but
it
was
Legal
,
but
what
did
that
amount
to
with
Men
that
were
already
resolv'd
to
acknowledge
for
Law
,
nothing
that
was
against
their
design
of
abolishing
Monarchy
,
and
placing
a
sovereign
and
absolute
Arbitrary
power
in
the
House
of
Commons
.
B.
To
destroy
Monarchy
,
and
set
up
the
House
of
Commons
,
are
two
Businesses
.
A.
They
found
it
so
at
last
,
but
did
not
think
it
so
then
.
B.
Let
us
come
now
to
the
Military
power
.
A.
I
intended
only
the
Story
of
their
Injustice
,
Impudence
and
Hypocrisie
;
therefore
for
the
proceeding
of
the
War
,
I
refer
you
to
the
History
thereof
,
written
at
large
in
English
.
I
shall
only
make
use
of
such
a
Thread
as
is
necessary
for
the
filling
up
of
such
Knavery
and
Folly
also
,
as
I
shall
observe
in
their
several
Actions
.
From
York
the
King
went
to
Hull
,
where
was
His
Magazine
of
Arms
for
the
Northern
Parts
of
England
,
to
try
if
they
would
admit
Him
;
the
Parliament
had
made
Sir
John
Hotham
Governor
of
the
Town
,
who
caused
the
Gates
to
be
shut
,
and
presenting
himself
upon
the
walls
,
flatly
denied
Him
entrance
;
for
which
the
King
caused
him
to
be
proclaim'd
Traytor
,
and
sent
a
Message
to
the
Parliament
,
to
know
if
they
own'd
the
Actions
?
B.
Upon
what
grounds
?
A.
Their
pretence
was
this
,
That
neither
this
,
nor
any
other
Town
in
England
was
otherwise
the
Kings
,
than
in
Trust
for
the
People
of
England
.
B.
But
what
was
that
to
the
Parliament
?
A.
Yes
,
say
they
,
for
we
are
the
Representative
of
the
People
of
England
.
B.
I
cannot
see
the
force
of
this
Argument
:
We
represent
the
People
;
Ergo
,
all
that
the
People
has
is
ours
:
The
Mayor
of
Hull
did
represent
the
King
,
Is
therefore
all
the
King
had
in
Hull
the
Mayor's
?
The
People
of
England
may
be
represented
with
Limitations
,
as
to
deliver
a
Petition
,
or
the
like
,
does
it
follow
,
that
they
who
deliver
the
Petition
,
have
Right
to
all
the
Towns
in
England
?
When
began
this
Parliament
to
be
a
Representative
of
England
?
Was
it
not
November
3.
1640
?
Who
was
it
the
day
before
that
had
the
Right
to
keep
the
King
out
of
Hull
,
and
possess
it
for
themselves
?
For
there
was
then
no
Parliament
,
whose
was
Hull
then
?
A.
I
think
it
was
the
King's
;
not
only
because
it
was
called
the
King's
Town
upon
Hull
,
but
because
the
King
Himself
did
then
and
ever
represent
the
Person
of
the
People
of
England
.
If
He
did
not
,
who
then
did
,
the
Parliament
having
no
Being
?
B.
They
might
perhaps
say
,
the
People
had
then
no
Representative
.
A.
Then
there
was
no
Commonwealth
,
and
consequently
all
the
Towns
of
England
being
the
Peoples
,
you
and
I
,
and
any
Man
else
,
might
have
put
in
for
his
share
.
You
may
see
by
this
,
what
weak
People
they
were
,
that
were
carried
into
the
Rebellion
,
by
such
weak
reasoning
as
this
Parliament
used
;
and
how
impudent
they
were
,
that
did
put
such
Fallacies
upon
them
.
B.
Surely
they
were
such
,
as
were
esteem'd
the
wisest
Men
in
England
,
being
upon
that
account
chosen
to
be
the
Parliament
.
A.
And
were
they
also
esteem'd
the
wisest
Men
of
England
,
that
chose
them
?
B.
I
cannot
tell
that
;
for
I
know
it
is
usual
with
the
Freeholders
in
the
Counties
,
and
the
Tradesmen
in
the
Cities
and
Burroughs
to
choose
,
as
near
as
they
can
,
such
as
are
most
repugnant
to
the
giving
of
Subsidies
.
A.
The
King
in
the
beginning
of
August
,
after
He
had
summon'd
Hull
,
and
tryed
some
of
the
Counties
thereabout
,
what
they
would
do
for
Him
,
set
up
His
Standard
at
Nottingham
,
but
there
came
not
in
thither
Men
enough
to
make
any
Army
sufficient
to
give
Battel
to
the
Earl
of
Essex
.
From
thence
He
went
to
Shrewsbury
,
where
He
was
quickly
furnished
;
and
appointing
the
Earl
of
Lins●y
to
be
General
,
He
resolv'd
to
march
towards
London
.
The
Earl
of
Essex
was
at
Worcester
with
the
Parliament
Army
,
making
no
offer
to
stop
Him
in
His
passage
,
but
as
soon
as
He
was
gone
by
,
marched
close
after
Him
.
The
King
therefore
,
to
avoid
being
inclosed
between
the
Army
of
the
Earl
of
Essex
,
and
the
City
of
London
,
turned
upon
him
,
and
gave
him
Battel
at
Edge-hill
;
where
,
though
He
got
not
an
intire
Victory
,
yet
He
had
the
better
,
if
either
had
the
better
;
and
had
certainly
the
fruit
of
a
Victory
,
which
was
to
march
on
,
in
his
intended
way
towards
London
,
in
which
the
next
morning
He
took
Banbury
Castle
,
and
from
thence
went
to
Oxford
,
and
thence
to
Brentford
,
where
he
gave
a
great
Defeat
to
Three
Regiments
of
the
Parliaments
Forces
,
and
so
return'd
to
Oxford
.
B.
Why
did
not
the
King
go
on
from
Brentford
?
A.
The
Parliament
,
upon
the
first
notice
of
the
King
's
marching
from
Shrewsbury
,
caused
all
the
Trained
Bands
,
and
the
Auxiliaries
of
the
City
of
London
(
which
were
so
frighted
,
as
to
shut
up
all
their
shops
)
to
be
drawn
forth
;
so
that
there
was
a
complete
and
numerous
Army
ready
for
the
Earl
of
Essex
,
that
was
crept
into
London
just
at
that
time
to
head
it
,
and
this
was
it
that
made
the
King
retire
to
Oxford
.
In
the
beginning
of
February
,
after
Prince
Ruport
took
Cirencester
from
the
Parliament
,
with
many
Prisoners
,
and
many
Arms
,
for
it
was
newly
made
a
Magazine
.
And
thus
stood
the
business
between
the
King
's
,
and
the
Parliaments
Forces
.
The
Parliament
in
the
mean
time
,
caused
a
Line
of
Communication
to
be
made
about
London
,
and
the
Suburbs
,
of
12
miles
in
compass
,
and
constituted
a
Committee
for
the
Assotiation
,
and
the
putting
into
a
posture
of
defence
the
Counties
of
Essex
,
Cambridge
,
Suffolk
,
and
some
others
;
and
one
of
those
Commissioners
was
Oliver
Cromwel
,
from
which
employment
he
came
to
his
following
greatness
.
B.
What
was
done
,
during
this
time
,
in
other
Parts
of
the
Countrey
?
A.
In
the
West
,
the
Earl
of
Stamford
had
the
employment
of
putting
in
execution
the
Ordinance
of
Parliament
for
the
Militia
;
and
Sir
Ralph
Hopton
,
for
the
King
,
executed
the
Commission
of
Array
.
Between
those
two
was
fought
a
Battel
at
Liscard
in
Cornwal
,
where
Sir
Ralph
Hopton
had
the
Victory
,
and
presently
took
a
Town
called
Saltash
,
with
many
Arms
,
and
much
Ordnance
,
and
many
Prisoners
.
Sir
William
Waller
in
the
mean
time
seized
Winchester
and
Chichester
for
the
Parliament
.
In
the
North
,
for
the
Commission
of
Array
,
my
Lord
of
Newcastle
;
and
for
the
Militia
of
the
Parliament
,
was
my
Lord
Fairfax
.
My
Lord
of
Newcastle
took
from
the
Parliament
Tadcaster
,
in
which
were
a
great
part
of
the
Parliaments
Forces
for
that
County
,
and
had
made
himself
,
in
a
manner
,
Master
of
all
the
North
,
about
this
time
,
that
is
to
say
,
in
February
;
the
Queen
landed
at
Barlington
,
and
was
conducted
by
my
Lord
of
Newcastle
,
and
the
Marquis
of
Montross
,
to
York
;
and
not
long
after
,
to
the
King
.
Divers
other
little
advantages
,
besides
these
,
had
the
King's
Party
of
the
Parliaments
in
the
North.
There
hapned
also
between
the
Militia
of
the
Parliament
,
the
Commission
of
Array
in
Staffordshire
,
under
my
Lord
Brook
for
the
Parliament
,
and
my
Lord
of
Northampton
for
the
King
,
great
contention
,
wherein
both
these
Commanders
were
slain
;
for
my
Lord
Brook
besieging
Lichfield-Close
,
was
kill'd
with
a
shot
,
notwithstanding
which
they
gave
not
over
the
Siege
,
till
they
were
Masters
of
the
Close
.
But
presently
after
my
Lord
of
Northampton
besieged
it
again
for
the
King
,
which
to
relieve
,
Sir
William
Brereston
,
and
Sir
John
Gell
,
advanced
towards
Lichfield
,
and
were
met
at
Hopton-heath
by
the
Earl
of
Northampton
,
and
routed
,
the
Earl
himself
was
slain
,
but
his
Forces
with
Victory
return'd
to
the
Siege
again
;
and
shortly
after
seconded
by
Prince
Rupert
,
who
was
then
abroad
in
that
Countrey
,
carried
the
place
.
These
were
the
chief
Actions
of
this
year
164●
.
wherein
the
King's
Party
had
not
much
the
worse
.
B.
But
the
Parliament
had
now
a
better
Army
,
insomuch
that
if
the
Earl
of
Essex
had
immediately
followed
the
King
to
Oxford
(
not
yet
well
fortified
)
he
might
,
in
all
likelihood
,
have
taken
it
;
for
he
could
not
want
either
Men
or
Ammunition
,
whereof
the
City
of
London
(
which
was
wholly
at
the
Parliaments
devotion
)
had
store
enough
.
A.
I
cannot
judge
of
that
;
but
this
is
manifest
,
considering
the
estate
the
King
was
in
at
his
first
marching
from
York
,
when
He
had
neither
Money
,
nor
Men
,
nor
Arms
enough
,
to
put
Him
in
hope
of
Victory
,
that
this
year
(
take
it
altogether
)
was
very
prosperous
.
B.
But
what
great
Folly
or
Wickedness
do
you
observe
in
the
Parliaments
Actions
for
this
first
year
?
A.
All
that
can
be
said
against
them
in
that
point
,
will
be
excus'd
with
the
pretext
of
War
,
and
come
under
one
Name
of
Rebellion
,
saving
that
when
they
summoned
any
Town
,
it
was
alwayes
in
the
Name
of
the
King
and
Parliament
.
The
King
being
in
the
contrary
Army
,
and
many
times
beating
them
from
the
Siege
,
I
do
not
see
how
the
right
of
War
can
justifie
such
Impudence
as
that
.
But
they
pretended
that
the
King
was
alwayes
vertually
in
the
Two
Houses
of
Parliament
making
a
distinction
between
His
Person
Natural
and
Politique
,
which
made
the
Impudence
the
greater
,
besides
the
folly
of
it
:
For
this
was
but
an
University
Quibble
,
such
as
Boyes
make
use
of
,
in
maintaining
(
in
the
Schools
)
such
Tenets
as
they
cannot
otherwise
defend
.
In
the
end
of
this
year
,
they
sollicited
also
the
Scots
to
enter
England
,
with
an
Army
to
suppress
the
power
of
the
Earl
of
Newcastle
in
the
North
,
which
was
a
plain
Confession
,
that
the
Parliament
Forces
were
at
this
time
inferior
to
the
Kings
;
and
most
Men
thought
,
that
if
the
Earl
of
Newcastle
had
then
marched
Southward
,
and
joined
his
Forces
with
the
Kings
,
that
most
of
the
Members
of
Parliament
would
have
fled
out
of
England
.
In
the
beginning
of
1643.
the
Parliament
seeing
the
Earl
of
Newcastle's
power
in
the
North
grown
formidable
,
sent
to
the
Scots
,
to
hire
them
to
an
Invasion
of
England
;
and
(
to
Compliment
them
in
the
mean
time
)
made
a
Covenant
among
themselves
,
such
as
the
Scots
before
had
made
against
Episcopacy
,
and
demolished
Crosses
,
and
Church-windows
,
(
such
as
had
in
them
any
Images
of
Saints
)
throughout
all
England
.
Also
in
the
middle
of
the
year
,
they
made
a
Solemn
League
with
the
Nation
,
which
was
called
,
The
Solemn
League
and
Covenant
.
B.
Are
not
the
Scots
as
properly
to
be
called
Foreigners
,
as
the
Irish
?
seeing
then
they
persecuted
the
Earl
of
Strafford
,
even
to
death
,
for
advising
the
King
to
make
use
of
Irish
Forces
against
the
Parliament
;
with
what
face
could
they
call
in
a
Scotch
Army
against
the
King
?
A.
The
King's
Party
might
easily
here
have
discern'd
their
design
,
to
make
themselves
absolute
Masters
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
to
dethrone
the
King
.
Another
great
Impudence
,
or
rather
a
Bestial
Incivility
it
was
of
theirs
,
That
they
Voted
the
Queen
a
Traytor
,
for
helping
the
King
with
some
Ammunition
,
and
English
Forces
,
from
Holland
.
B.
Was
it
possible
that
all
this
could
be
done
,
and
Men
not
see
that
Papers
and
Declarations
must
be
useless
?
And
that
nothing
could
satisfie
them
,
but
the
Deposing
of
the
King
,
and
setting
up
of
themselves
in
His
place
.
A.
Yes
,
very
possible
,
for
who
was
there
of
them
,
though
knowing
that
the
King
had
the
Sovereign
Power
,
that
knew
the
Essential
Rights
of
Sovereignty
?
They
dreamt
of
a
mixt
Power
of
the
King
and
the
Two
Houses
,
That
it
was
a
divided
Power
,
in
which
there
could
be
no
Peace
,
was
above
their
understanding
,
therefore
they
were
alwayes
urging
the
King
to
Declarations
,
and
Treaties
,
(
for
fear
of
subjecting
themselves
to
the
King
in
an
absolute
obedience
)
which
increased
the
hope
and
courage
of
the
Rebels
,
but
did
the
King
little
good
;
for
the
People
either
understand
not
,
or
will
not
trouble
themselves
with
Controversies
in
writing
,
but
rather
by
his
compliance
by
Messages
,
go
away
with
an
opinion
,
That
the
Parliament
was
likely
to
have
the
Victory
in
the
War
.
Besides
,
seeing
that
the
Penners
and
Contrivers
of
those
Papers
,
were
formerly
Members
of
the
Parliament
,
and
of
another
mind
,
and
now
revolted
from
the
Parliament
,
because
they
could
not
bear
that
sway
in
the
House
which
they
expected
,
Men
were
apt
to
think
,
they
believed
not
what
they
write
.
As
for
Military
Actions
(
to
begin
at
the
Head-quarters
)
Prince
Rupert
took
Brinningram
,
a
Garison
of
the
Parliaments
.
In
July
,
after
the
King's
Forces
had
a
great
Victory
over
the
Parliaments
near
Devizes
on
Roundway-down
,
where
they
took
2000
Prisoners
,
four
Brass-Pieces
of
Ordnance
,
28
Colours
,
and
all
their
Baggage
.
And
shortly
after
Bristol
was
surrender'd
to
Prince
Rupert
for
the
King
;
and
the
King
Himself
marching
into
the
West
,
took
from
the
Parliament
many
other
considerable
places
.
But
this
good
fortune
was
not
a
little
allay'd
,
by
His
besieging
of
Glocester
,
which
,
after
it
was
reduc'd
to
the
last
gasp
,
was
reliev'd
by
the
Earl
of
Essex
,
whose
Army
was
before
greatly
wasted
,
but
now
recruited
with
Train'd
Bands
,
and
Apprentices
of
London
.
B.
It
seems
not
only
by
this
,
but
also
by
many
Examples
in
History
,
That
there
can
hardly
arise
a
long
or
dangerous
Rebellion
,
that
has
not
some
such
overgrown
City
,
with
an
Army
or
two
in
its
belly
,
to
foment
it
.
A.
Nay
more
,
those
great
Capital
Cities
,
when
Rebellion
is
upon
pretence
of
Grievances
,
must
needs
be
of
the
Rebel
Party
,
because
the
Grievances
are
but
Taxes
to
which
Citizens
,
that
is
Merchants
,
whose
profession
in
their
private
gain
are
naturally
mortal
Enemies
,
their
onely
glory
being
,
to
grow
excessively
rich
,
by
the
wisdom
of
buying
and
selling
.
B.
But
they
are
said
to
be
,
of
all
Callings
,
the
most
beneficial
to
the
Commonwealth
,
by
setting
the
poorer
sort
of
people
on
work
.
A.
That
is
to
say
,
by
making
poor
people
sell
their
labour
to
them
at
their
own
prizes
,
so
that
poor
people
,
for
the
most
part
,
might
get
a
better
Living
by
working
in
Bridewell
,
than
by
spinning
,
weaving
,
and
other
such
labour
as
they
can
do
,
saving
that
by
working
slightly
,
they
may
help
themselves
a
little
,
to
the
disgrace
of
our
Manufacture
.
And
as
most
commonly
they
are
the
first
Encouragers
of
Rebellion
,
presuming
in
their
strength
;
so
also
are
they
,
for
the
most
part
,
the
first
to
repent
,
deceiv'd
by
them
that
command
their
strength
.
But
to
return
to
the
War
:
Though
the
King
withdrew
from
Glocester
,
yet
it
was
not
to
flie
from
,
but
to
fight
with
the
Earl
of
Essex
,
which
presently
after
He
did
at
Newbury
,
where
the
Battel
was
bloody
,
and
the
King
had
not
the
worst
,
unless
Cirencester
be
put
into
the
Scale
,
which
the
Earl
of
Essex
had
in
his
way
a
few
days
before
surpriz'd
.
But
in
the
North
and
the
West
the
King
had
much
the
better
of
the
Parliament
;
for
in
the
North
,
at
the
beginning
of
the
year
,
May
29.
the
Earls
of
Newcastle
and
Cumberland
defeated
the
Lord
Fairfax
(
who
commanded
in
those
Parts
for
the
Parliament
)
at
Bramham-moor
,
which
made
the
Parliament
to
hasten
the
assistance
of
the
Scots
.
In
June
following
,
the
Earl
of
Newcastle
routed
Sir
Thomas
Fairfax
(
Son
to
the
Lord
Fairfax
)
upon
Adderton-heath
,
and
in
pursuit
of
them
to
Bradford
,
took
and
kill'd
2000
Men
,
and
the
next
day
took
the
Town
▪
and
2000
Prisoners
more
,
(
Sir
Thomas
himself
hardly
escaping
)
with
all
their
Arms
and
Ammunition
;
and
besides
,
this
made
the
Lord
Fairfax
quit
Hallifax
,
and
Beverly
.
Lastly
,
Prince
Rupert
reliev'd
Newark
,
besieged
by
Sir
John
Meldrum
,
for
the
Parliament
,
with
7000
Men
,
whereof
1000
were
slain
,
the
rest
upon
Articles
departed
,
leaving
behind
them
their
Arms
,
Bag
and
Baggage
.
To
balance
in
part
this
success
,
the
Earl
of
Manchester
,
whose
Lieutenant
General
was
Oliver
Cromwel
,
got
a
Victory
over
the
Royalists
near
Horn-Castle
,
of
which
he
slew
400
,
took
800
Prisoners
,
and
1000
Arms
,
and
presently
after
took
and
plundered
the
City
of
Lincoln
.
In
the
West
,
May
16.
Sir
Ralph
Hopton
at
Stratton
in
Devonshire
,
had
a
Victory
over
the
Parliamentarians
,
wherein
he
took
1700
Prisoners
,
13
Brass
Pieces
of
Ordnance
,
and
all
their
Ammunition
,
which
was
70
Barrels
of
Powder
,
and
their
Magazine
of
their
other
Provisions
in
the
Town
.
Again
at
Landsdown
,
between
Sir
Ralph
Hopton
,
and
the
Parliamentarians
under
Sir
William
Waller
,
was
fought
a
fierce
Battel
,
wherein
the
Victory
was
not
very
clear
on
either
side
,
saving
that
the
Parliamentarians
might
seem
to
have
the
better
,
because
presently
after
Sir
William
Waller
follow'd
Sir
Ralph
Hopton
to
Devizes
in
Wiltshire
,
though
to
his
cost
;
for
there
he
was
overthrown
,
as
I
have
already
told
you
.
After
this
,
the
King
in
Person
marched
into
the
West
,
and
took
Exeter
,
Dorcester
,
Barnstable
,
and
divers
other
places
,
and
had
He
not
at
His
Return
besieged
Glocester
,
and
thereby
giving
the
Parliament
time
for
new
Levies
,
't
was
thought
by
many
He
might
have
routed
the
House
of
Commons
.
But
the
end
of
this
year
was
more
favourable
to
the
Parliament
;
from
January
the
Scots
entered
England
,
and
March
the
first
crossed
the
Tyne
;
and
whil'st
the
Earl
of
Newcastle
was
marching
to
them
,
Sir
Thomas
Fairfax
gathered
together
a
considerable
Party
in
Yorkshire
,
and
the
Earl
of
Manchester
from
Lyn
advanced
towards
York
;
so
that
the
Earl
of
Newcastle
having
two
Armies
of
Rebels
behind
him
,
and
another
before
him
,
was
forced
to
retreat
to
York
,
which
those
three
Armies
joining
presently
besieged
,
and
these
are
all
the
considerable
Military
Actions
in
the
year
1643.
In
the
same
year
the
Parliament
caused
to
be
made
a
new
great
Seal
,
the
Lord
Keeper
had
carried
the
former
Seal
to
Oxford
:
Hereupon
the
King
sent
a
Messenger
to
the
Judges
at
Westminster
,
to
forbid
them
to
make
use
of
it
;
this
Me●●enger
was
taken
,
and
condemn'd
at
a
Council
of
War
,
and
Hang'd
for
a
Spie
?
B.
Is
that
the
Law
of
War
?
A.
I
know
not
:
But
,
it
seems
,
when
a
Soldier
comes
into
the
Enemies
Quarters
,
without
address
,
or
notice
given
to
the
chief
Commander
,
that
it
is
presum'd
he
comes
as
a
Spie
.
The
same
year
,
when
certain
Gentlemen
at
London
received
a
Commission
of
Array
from
the
King
,
to
Levy
Men
for
His
Service
in
that
City
,
being
discover'd
,
they
were
Condemn'd
,
and
some
of
them
Executed
.
This
Case
is
not
unlike
the
former
.
B.
Was
not
the
making
of
a
new
great
Seal
,
a
sufficient
proof
that
the
War
was
raised
,
not
to
remove
evil
Councillors
from
the
King
,
but
to
remove
the
King
Himself
from
the
Government
;
what
hope
then
could
there
be
had
in
Messages
and
Treaties
?
A.
The
Entrance
of
the
Scots
was
a
thing
unexpected
to
the
King
,
who
was
made
to
believe
by
continual
Letters
from
His
Commissioners
in
Scotland
,
and
Duke
Hamilton
,
that
the
Scotch
never
intended
any
Invasion
.
The
Duke
being
then
at
Oxford
,
the
King
(
assur'd
that
the
Scotch
were
now
entered
)
sent
him
Prisoner
to
Pendennis
Castle
in
Cornwal
.
In
the
beginning
of
this
year
1644.
the
Earl
of
Newcastle
being
(
as
I
told
you
)
besieged
by
the
joint
Forces
of
the
Scots
,
the
Earl
of
Manchester
,
and
Sir
Thomas
Fairfax
,
the
King
sent
Prince
Rupert
to
relieve
the
Town
,
and
as
soon
as
he
could
,
to
give
the
Enemy
Battel
;
Prince
Rupert
passing
through
Lancashire
,
and
by
the
way
having
storm'd
the
seditious
Town
of
Bolton
,
and
taken
in
Stockford
and
Leverpool
,
came
to
York
,
July
1.
and
relieved
it
,
the
Enemy
being
risen
thence
,
to
a
place
called
Marston-moor
,
about
four
miles
off
,
and
there
was
fought
that
unfortunate
Battel
,
that
lost
the
King
,
in
a
manner
,
all
the
North
;
Prince
Rupert
return'd
by
the
way
he
came
,
and
the
Earl
of
Newcastle
to
York
,
and
thence
with
some
of
His
Officers
over
the
Sea
to
Hamburgh
.
The
Honour
of
this
Victory
was
attributed
chiefly
to
Oliver
Cromwel
(
the
Earl
of
Manchester's
Lieutenant
General
)
the
Parliamentarians
return'd
from
the
Field
,
to
the
Siege
of
York
,
which
,
not
long
after
,
upon
honourable
Articles
was
surrendred
;
not
that
they
were
favoured
,
but
because
the
Parliament
employed
not
much
time
,
nor
many
men
in
the
Siege
.
B
This
was
a
great
and
sudden
abatement
of
the
King's
Prosperity
.
A.
It
was
so
,
but
amends
was
made
Him
for
it
within
5
or
6
weeks
after
;
for
Sir
William
Waller
(
after
the
loss
of
his
Army
at
Roundway-down
)
had
another
raised
for
him
by
the
City
of
London
,
who
,
for
the
payment
thereof
,
impos'd
a
weekly
Tax
of
the
value
of
one
Meals
meat
upon
every
Citizen
.
This
Army
,
with
that
of
the
Earl
of
Essex
,
intended
to
besiege
Oxford
,
which
the
King
understanding
,
sent
the
Queen
into
the
West
,
and
marched
Himself
towards
Worcester
.
This
made
them
to
divide
again
,
and
the
Earl
to
go
into
the
West
,
and
Waller
to
pursue
the
King
.
By
this
means
it
so
fell
out
,
that
both
their
Armies
were
defeated
;
for
the
King
turn'd
upon
Waller
,
routed
him
at
Copredy-Bridge
,
took
his
Train
of
Artillery
,
and
many
Officers
,
and
then
presently
followed
the
Earl
of
Essex
into
Cornwal
,
where
he
had
him
at
such
advantage
,
that
the
Earl
himself
was
fain
to
escape
in
a
small
Boat
to
Plymouth
;
his
Horse
broke
through
the
King's
Quarters
by
night
,
but
the
Infantry
were
all
forc'd
to
lay
down
their
Arms
,
and
upon
Conditions
never
more
to
bear
Arms
against
the
King
,
were
permitted
to
depart
.
In
October
following
,
was
fought
a
second
and
sharp
Battel
at
Newbury
;
for
this
Infantry
making
no
Conscience
of
the
Conditions
made
with
the
King
,
being
now
come
towards
London
,
as
far
as
Basing
stoke
,
had
Arms
put
again
into
their
hands
;
to
whom
some
of
the
Train'd
Bands
being
added
,
the
Earl
of
Essex
had
suddenly
so
great
an
Army
,
that
he
attempted
the
King
again
at
Newbury
;
and
certainly
had
the
better
of
the
day
,
but
the
night
parting
them
,
had
not
a
complete
Victory
.
And
it
was
observ'd
here
,
That
no
part
of
the
Earls
Army
fought
so
keenly
,
as
they
who
had
laid
down
their
Arms
in
Cornwal
.
These
were
the
most
important
Fights
in
the
year
1644.
and
the
King
was
yet
(
as
both
Himself
and
others
thought
)
in
as
good
a
condition
as
the
Parliament
,
which
despair'd
of
Victory
by
the
Commanders
then
us'd
,
therefore
they
voted
a
new
modelling
of
the
Army
,
suspecting
the
Earl
of
Essex
,
though
I
think
wrongfully
,
to
be
too
much
a
Royalist
,
for
not
having
done
so
much
as
they
look'd
for
in
this
second
Battel
at
Newbury
.
The
Earls
of
Essex
and
Manchester
perceiving
what
they
went
about
,
voluntarily
laid
down
their
Commissions
;
and
the
House
of
Commons
made
an
Ordinance
,
That
no
Member
of
either
House
,
should
enjoy
any
Office
or
Command
Military
or
Civil
.
With
which
oblique
Blow
they
shook
off
those
that
had
hitherto
serv'd
them
too
well
,
and
yet
out
of
this
Ordinance
they
excepted
Oliver
Cromwel
,
in
whose
Conduct
and
Valor
they
had
very
great
confidence
,
(
which
they
would
not
have
done
,
if
they
had
known
him
as
well
then
,
as
they
did
afterwards
)
and
made
him
Lieutenant
General
.
In
the
Commission
to
the
Earl
of
Essex
,
there
was
a
Clause
for
Preservation
of
His
Majesties
Person
,
which
in
this
new
Commission
was
left
out
,
though
the
Parliament
(
as
well
as
the
General
)
were
as
yet
Presbyterians
.
B.
It
seems
the
Presbyterians
also
(
in
order
to
their
Ends
)
would
fain
have
had
the
King
murdered
.
A.
For
my
part
,
I
doubt
it
not
for
a
Rightful
King
living
,
an
Usurping
Power
can
never
be
sufficiently
secur'd
.
In
this
same
year
the
Parliament
put
to
death
Sir
John
Hotham
and
his
Son
,
for
tampering
with
the
Earl
of
Newcastle
,
about
the
Rendition
of
Hull
.
And
Sir
Alexander
Car●w
,
for
endeavouring
to
deliver
up
Plymouth
,
where
he
was
Governor
for
the
Parliament
.
And
the
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
for
nothing
but
to
please
the
Scots
.
For
the
general
Article
of
going
about
to
subvert
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
the
Land
,
was
no
Accusation
,
but
only
foul
words
.
They
then
also
voted
down
the
Book
of
Common-Prayer
,
and
ordered
the
Use
of
a
Directory
,
which
had
been
newly
compos'd
by
an
Assembly
of
Presbyterian
Ministers
.
They
were
also
then
with
much
ado
prevail'd
with
for
a
Treaty
with
the
King
at
Uxbridge
,
where
they
remitted
nothing
of
their
former
demands
.
The
King
had
also
at
this
time
a
Parliament
at
Oxford
,
consisting
of
such
discontented
Members
as
had
left
the
Houses
at
Westminster
,
but
few
of
them
had
changed
their
old
Principles
,
and
therefore
that
Parliament
was
not
much
worth
.
Nay
rather
,
because
they
endeavour'd
nothing
but
Messages
and
Treaties
;
that
is
to
say
,
defeating
of
Soldiers
hope
of
benefit
by
the
War
,
they
were
thought
by
most
Men
to
do
the
King
more
hurt
than
good
.
The
year
1645.
was
to
the
King
very
unfortunate
;
for
by
the
loss
of
one
great
Battel
,
He
lost
all
He
had
formerly
gotten
,
and
at
length
His
life
.
The
new
model'd
Army
,
after
consultation
whether
they
should
lay
Siege
to
Oxford
,
or
march
Westward
,
to
the
relief
of
Taunton
(
then
besieged
by
the
Lord
Goring
,
and
defended
by
Blake
,
famous
afterward
for
his
Actions
at
Sea
)
resolv'd
for
Taunton
,
leaving
Cromwel
to
attend
the
motions
of
the
King
,
though
not
strong
enough
to
hinder
Him
.
The
King
upon
this
advantage
drew
his
Forces
and
Artillery
out
of
Oxford
.
This
made
the
Parliament
to
call
back
their
General
Fairfax
,
and
order
him
to
besiege
Oxford
.
The
King
in
the
mean
time
relieved
Chester
,
which
was
besieged
by
Sir
William
Brereton
,
and
coming
back
,
took
Leicester
by
force
,
a
place
of
great
importance
,
and
well
provided
of
Artillery
and
Provision
.
Upon
this
success
it
was
generally
thought
,
that
the
King's
Party
was
the
stronger
.
The
King
Himself
thought
so
,
and
the
Parliament
,
in
a
manner
,
confest
the
same
,
by
commanding
Fairfax
to
rise
from
the
Siege
,
and
endeavor
to
give
the
King
Battel
;
for
the
Successors
of
the
King
,
and
the
treacherous
divisions
growing
now
among
themselves
,
had
driven
them
to
relie
upon
the
fortune
of
one
day
,
in
which
at
Naseby
the
King's
Army
was
utterly
overthrown
,
and
no
hope
left
Him
to
raise
another
;
therefore
after
the
Battel
he
went
up
and
down
,
doing
the
Parliament
here
and
there
some
shrewd
turns
,
but
never
much
increasing
His
number
.
Fairfax
in
the
mean
time
first
recovered
Leicester
,
and
then
marching
into
the
West
,
subdued
it
all
,
except
only
a
few
places
,
forcing
,
with
much
ado
,
my
Lord
Hopton
,
(
upon
honorable
Conditions
)
to
disband
his
Army
,
and
with
the
Prince
of
Wales
,
to
pass
over
to
Scilly
,
whence
not
long
after
they
went
to
Paris
.
In
April
1646.
General
Fairfax
began
to
march
back
to
Oxford
,
in
the
mean
time
Rainsburrough
,
who
besieged
Woodstock
,
had
it
surrender'd
.
The
King
therefore
,
who
was
now
also
return'd
to
Oxford
,
from
whence
Woodstock
is
but
six
miles
,
not
doubting
but
that
He
should
there
by
Fairfax
be
besieg'd
,
and
having
no
Army
to
relieve
Him
,
resolv'd
to
get
away
disguised
to
the
Scotch
Army
about
Newark
,
and
thither
he
came
the
4th
of
May
;
and
the
Scotch
Army
being
upon
remove
homewards
,
carried
Him
with
them
to
Newcastle
,
whither
He
came
May
the
13th
.
B.
Why
did
the
King
trust
Himself
with
the
Scots
?
They
were
the
first
that
Rebell'd
.
They
were
Presbyterians
,
i.
e.
cruel
.
Besides
,
they
were
indigent
,
and
consequently
might
be
suspected
would
sell
Him
to
His
Enemies
for
money
.
And
lastly
,
They
were
too
weak
to
defend
Him
,
or
keep
Him
in
their
Countrey
.
A.
What
could
He
have
done
better
?
for
He
had
in
the
Winter
before
sent
to
the
Parliament
,
to
get
a
Pass
for
the
Duke
of
Richmond
,
and
others
,
to
bring
them
Propositions
of
Peace
,
it
was
denied
;
He
sent
again
,
it
was
denied
again
.
Then
He
desir'd
He
might
come
to
them
in
Person
;
this
also
was
denied
.
He
sent
again
and
again
to
the
same
purpose
;
but
instead
of
granting
it
,
they
made
an
Ordinance
,
That
the
Commanders
of
the
Militia
of
London
,
in
the
case
the
King
should
attempt
to
come
within
the
Line
of
Communication
,
should
raise
what
Force
they
thought
fit
to
suppress
Tumults
,
to
apprehend
such
as
came
with
Him
;
and
to
secure
(
i.
e.
to
imprison
)
His
Person
from
danger
.
If
the
King
had
adventur'd
to
come
,
and
had
been
imprison'd
,
what
would
the
Parliament
have
done
with
Him
?
They
had
dethron'd
Him
by
their
Votes
,
and
therefore
could
have
no
security
while
He
liv'd
,
though
in
Prison
;
it
may
be
they
would
not
have
put
Him
to
death
by
a
High
Court
of
Justice
publickly
,
but
secretly
,
some
other
way
.
B.
He
should
have
attempted
to
get
beyond
Sea
.
A.
That
had
been
from
Oxford
very
difficult
.
Besides
,
it
was
generally
believ'd
,
that
the
Scotch
Army
had
promis'd
Him
,
that
not
only
His
Majesty
,
but
also
His
Friends
that
should
come
with
Him
,
should
be
in
their
Army
safe
,
not
only
for
their
Persons
,
but
also
for
their
Honours
and
Consciences
.
'T
is
a
pretty
Trick
,
when
the
Army
,
and
the
particular
Soldiers
of
that
Army
are
different
things
,
to
make
the
Soldiers
promise
what
the
Army
means
not
to
perform
.
July
11.
the
Parliament
sent
their
Propositions
to
the
King
at
Newcastle
,
which
Propositions
they
pretended
to
be
the
onely
way
to
a
setled
and
well-grounded
Peace
.
They
were
brought
by
the
Earl
of
Pembroke
,
the
Earl
of
Suffolk
,
Sir
Walter
Earl
,
Sir
John
Hyppesley
,
Mr.
Goodwin
,
and
Mr.
Robinson
,
whom
the
King
asked
,
If
they
had
power
to
Treat
?
And
when
they
said
No
,
why
they
might
not
as
well
have
been
sent
by
a
Trumpeter
.
The
Propositions
were
the
same
dethroning
ones
which
they
used
to
send
,
and
therefore
the
King
would
not
assent
to
them
.
Nor
did
the
Scots
swallow
them
at
first
,
but
made
some
Exceptions
against
them
;
only
it
seems
,
to
make
the
Parliament
perceive
they
meant
not
to
put
the
King
into
their
hands
gratis
;
and
so
at
last
the
bargain
was
made
between
them
,
and
upon
payment
of
200000
l.
the
King
was
put
into
the
hands
of
the
Commissioners
,
which
the
English
Parliament
sent
down
to
receive
Him
.
B.
What
a
vile
Complexion
hath
this
Action
,
compounded
of
feigned
Religion
,
and
very
Covetousness
,
Cowardize
,
Perjury
,
and
Treachery
?
A.
Now
the
War
that
seemed
so
just
,
by
many
unseemly
things
is
ended
,
you
will
see
almost
nothing
in
these
Rebels
,
but
Baseness
and
Falseness
,
besides
their
Folly
.
By
this
time
the
Parliament
had
taken
in
all
the
rest
●f
the
King's
Garisons
,
whereof
the
last
was
Pendennis
Castle
,
whither
Duke
Hamilton
had
been
sent
Prisoner
by
the
King
.
B.
What
was
done
during
this
time
in
Ireland
and
Scotland
?
A.
In
Ireland
there
had
been
a
Peace
made
,
by
Order
from
His
Majesty
,
for
a
time
,
which
by
divisions
by
the
Irish
was
ill
kept
.
The
Popish
Party
(
the
Pope's
Nuncio
being
then
there
)
took
this
to
be
the
time
for
delivering
themselves
from
their
subjection
to
the
English
;
besides
,
the
time
of
the
Peace
was
now
expir'd
.
B.
How
were
they
subject
to
the
English
,
more
than
the
English
to
the
Irish
?
They
were
subject
to
the
King
of
England
,
but
so
also
were
the
English
to
the
King
of
Ireland
.
A.
The
distinction
is
somewhat
too
subtile
for
common
understanding
.
In
Scotland
the
Marquis
of
Montross
,
for
the
King
with
a
very
few
Men
had
miraculously
with
Victories
over-run
all
Scotland
,
where
many
of
his
Forces
(
out
of
too
much
security
)
were
permitted
to
be
absent
for
a
while
,
of
which
the
Enemy
having
intelligence
,
suddenly
came
upon
them
,
and
forced
them
to
flie
back
into
the
High-lands
to
recruit
;
where
he
began
to
recover
strength
,
when
the
King
commanded
him
(
being
then
in
the
hands
of
the
Scots
at
Newcastle
)
to
disband
,
and
he
departed
from
Scotland
by
Sea
.
In
the
end
of
the
same
year
1646.
the
Parliament
caused
the
King's
great
Seal
to
be
broken
.
Also
the
King
was
brought
to
Holmeby
,
and
there
kept
by
the
Parliaments
Commissioners
,
and
here
was
an
end
of
that
War
as
to
England
and
Scotland
,
but
not
to
Ireland
.
About
this
time
also
dyed
the
Earl
of
Essex
,
whom
the
Parliament
had
discarded
.
B.
Now
that
there
was
Peace
in
England
,
and
the
King
in
Prison
,
in
whom
was
the
Sovereign
Power
?
A.
The
Right
was
certainly
in
the
King
,
but
the
exercise
was
yet
in
no
body
,
but
contended
for
,
as
in
a
Game
at
Cards
,
without
fighting
all
the
years
1647.
and
1648.
between
the
Parliament
and
Oliver
Cromwel
,
Lieutenant
General
to
Sir
Thomas
Fairfax
.
You
must
know
that
when
King
Henry
VIII
.
abolished
the
Pope's
Authority
here
,
and
took
upon
him
to
be
the
Head
of
the
Church
,
the
Bishops
,
as
they
could
not
resist
him
,
so
neither
were
they
discontented
with
it
.
For
whereas
the
Pope
before
allowed
not
the
Bishops
to
claim
Jurisdiction
in
their
Diocesses
,
Jure
Divino
,
that
is
,
of
Right
immediately
from
God
,
but
by
the
Gift
and
Authority
of
the
Pope
;
now
that
the
Pope
was
outed
,
they
made
no
doubt
but
the
Divine
Right
was
in
themselves
.
After
this
the
City
of
Geneva
,
and
divers
other
places
beyond
Sea
,
having
revolted
from
the
Papacy
,
set
up
Presbyteries
for
the
Government
of
thier
several
Churches
;
and
divers
English
Scholars
that
went
beyond
Sea
,
during
the
Persecution
of
Queen
Mary
,
were
much
taken
with
this
Government
;
and
at
their
return
in
the
time
of
Queen
Elizabeth
,
and
ever
since
,
have
endeavor'd
,
to
the
great
trouble
of
the
Church
and
Nation
,
to
set
up
that
Government
here
,
wherein
they
might
domineer
,
and
applaud
their
own
Wit
and
Learning
.
And
these
took
upon
them
not
only
a
Divine
Right
,
but
also
a
Divine
Inspiration
;
and
having
been
connived
at
,
and
countenanced
sometimes
in
their
frequent
Preaching
,
they
introduced
many
strange
and
many
pernicious
Doctrines
,
out-doing
the
Reformation
(
as
they
pretended
both
of
Luther
and
Calvin
)
receding
from
the
former
Divinity
,
or
Church-Philosophy
,
(
for
Religion
is
another
thing
)
as
much
as
Luther
and
Calvin
had
receded
from
the
Pope
,
and
distracted
their
Auditors
into
a
great
number
of
Sects
,
as
Brownists
,
Anabaptists
,
Independents
,
Fifth-Monarchy
Men
,
Quakers
,
and
divers
others
,
all
commonly
called
by
the
name
of
Fanaticks
,
insomuch
as
there
was
no
so
dangerous
an
Enemy
to
the
Presbyterians
,
as
this
Brood
of
their
own
hatching●
.
These
were
Cromwel's
best
Cards
,
whereof
he
had
a
very
great
number
in
the
Army
,
and
some
in
the
house
,
whereof
he
himself
was
thought
one
,
though
he
were
nothing
certain
,
but
applying
himself
always
to
the
Faction
that
was
strongest
,
was
of
a
colour
like
it
.
There
was
in
the
Army
a
great
number
(
if
not
the
part
)
that
aimed
only
at
Rapine
,
and
sharing
the
Lands
and
Goods
of
their
Enemies
;
and
these
also
upon
the
opinion
they
had
of
Cromwel's
Valor
and
Conduct
,
thought
they
could
not
any
way
better
arrive
at
their
Ends
,
than
by
adhering
to
him
.
Lastly
,
In
the
Parliament
it self
,
though
not
the
major
part
,
yet
a
considerable
number
were
Fanaticks
,
enough
to
put
in
doubts
,
and
cause
delay
in
the
Resolutions
of
the
House
;
and
sometimes
also
by
advantages
of
a
thin
House
,
to
carry
a
Vote
in
favour
of
Gromwel
,
as
they
did
upon
the
26th
of
July
;
for
whereas
on
the
4th
of
May
precedent
,
the
Parliament
had
Voted
,
That
the
Militia
of
London
should
be
in
the
hands
of
a
Committee
of
Citizens
,
whereof
the
Lord
Mayor
,
or
the
time
being
,
should
be
one
.
Shortly
after
the
Independents
chancing
to
be
the
major
,
made
an
Ordinance
,
whereby
it
was
put
into
hands
more
favourable
to
the
Army
.
The
best
Cards
the
Parliament
had
,
were
the
City
of
London
,
and
the
Person
of
the
King
.
The
General
,
Sir
Thomas
Fairfax
,
was
right
Presbyterian
,
but
in
the
hands
of
the
Army
,
and
the
Army
in
the
hands
of
Cromwel
,
but
which
Party
should
prevail
,
depended
on
playing
of
the
Game
.
Cromwel
protested
still
Obedience
and
Fidelity
to
the
Parliament
,
but
meaning
nothing
less
,
bethought
him
,
and
resolv'd
on
a
way
to
excuse
himself
of
all
that
he
should
do
to
the
contrary
upon
the
Army
;
therefore
he
and
his
Son-in-law
,
Commissary
General
Ireton
,
as
good
at
contriving
as
himself
,
and
at
speaking
and
writing
,
better
contrive
how
to
mutiny
the
Army
against
the
Parliament
.
To
this
end
they
spread
a
whisper
through
the
Army
,
that
the
Parliament
,
now
they
had
the
King
,
intended
to
disband
them
,
to
cheat
them
of
their
Arrears
,
and
to
send
them
into
Ireland
,
to
be
destroy'd
by
the
Irish.
The
Army
being
herewith
inrag'd
,
were
taught
by
Ireton
to
erect
a
Council
among
themselves
of
two
Soldiers
out
of
every
Troop
,
and
every
Company
to
consult
for
the
good
of
the
Army
,
and
to
assist
at
the
Council
of
War
,
and
to
advise
for
the
Peace
and
Safety
of
the
Kingdom
.
These
were
called
Adjutators
,
so
that
whatsoever
Cromwel
would
have
to
be
done
,
he
needed
nothing
to
make
them
to
do
it
,
but
secretly
to
put
it
into
the
head
of
these
Adjutators
;
the
effect
of
the
first
Consultation
,
was
to
take
the
King
from
Holmeby
,
and
to
bring
him
to
the
Army
.
The
General
hereupon
,
by
Letters
to
the
Parliament
,
excuses
himself
and
Cromwel
,
and
the
Body
of
the
Army
,
as
ignorant
of
the
Fact
;
and
that
the
King
came
away
willingly
with
those
Soldiers
that
brought
Him
,
assuring
them
withall
,
That
the
whole
Army
intended
nothing
but
Peace
,
nor
opposed
Presbytery
,
nor
affected
Independency
,
nor
did
hold
any
licentious
freedom
in
Religion
.
B.
'T
is
strange
,
that
Sir
Thomas
Fairfax
could
be
so
abused
by
Cromwel
,
as
to
believe
this
which
he
himself
here
writes
.
A.
I
cannot
believe
that
Cornet
Joyce
could
go
out
of
the
Army
with
1000
Soldiers
to
fetch
the
King
,
and
neither
the
General
,
nor
the
Lieutenant-General
,
nor
the
Body
of
the
Army
take
notice
of
it
;
and
that
the
King
went
willingly
,
appears
to
be
false
,
by
a
Message
sent
on
purpose
from
His
Majesty
to
the
Parliament
.
B.
Here
is
Perfidy
upon
Perfidy
;
first
the
Perfidy
of
the
Parliament
against
the
King
,
and
then
the
Perfidy
of
the
Army
against
the
Parliament
.
A.
This
was
the
first
Trick
Cromwel
play'd
,
whereby
he
thought
himself
to
have
gotten
so
great
an
advantage
,
that
he
said
openly
,
That
he
had
the
Parliament
in
his
Pocket
,
(
as
indeed
he
had
)
and
the
City
too
.
For
upon
the
news
of
it
,
they
were
both
the
one
and
the
other
in
very
great
disorder
;
and
the
more
,
because
there
came
with
it
a
Rumor
,
that
the
Army
was
marching
up
to
London
.
The
King
in
the
mean
time
,
till
his
Residence
was
setled
at
Hampton
Court
,
was
carried
from
place
to
place
,
not
without
some
ostentation
;
but
with
much
more
Liberty
,
and
with
more
Respect
shewn
Him
by
far
,
than
when
He
was
in
the
hands
of
the
Parliaments
Commissioners
;
for
His
own
Chaplains
were
allow'd
Him
,
and
His
Children
,
and
some
Friends
,
permitted
to
see
Him
:
besides
,
that
He
was
much
Complimented
by
Cromwel
,
who
promised
Him
in
a
serious
and
seeming
passionate
manner
,
to
restore
Him
to
His
Right
against
the
Parliament
.
B.
How
was
he
sure
he
could
do
that
?
A.
He
was
not
sure
,
but
he
was
resolv'd
to
march
up
to
the
City
and
Parliament
,
to
set
up
the
King
again
,
and
be
the
second
Man
;
unless
in
the
attempt
he
found
better
hopes
than
yet
he
had
,
to
make
himself
the
first
Man
,
by
dispossessing
the
King
.
B.
What
assistance
against
the
Parliament
and
the
City
,
could
Cromwel
expect
from
the
King
?
A.
By
declaring
directly
for
Him
,
he
might
have
had
all
the
King's
Party
,
which
were
many
more
now
since
His
misfortune
,
than
ever
they
were
before
;
for
in
the
Parliament
it self
,
there
were
many
that
had
discover'd
the
hypocrisie
and
private
aims
of
their
Fellows
.
Many
were
converted
to
their
Duty
,
by
their
own
natural
Reason
;
and
their
Compassion
for
the
King's
Sufferings
,
had
begot
generally
an
Indignation
against
the
Parliament
;
so
that
if
they
had
been
by
the
protection
of
the
present
Army
brought
together
,
and
embodied
,
Cromwel
might
have
done
what
he
pleas'd
in
the
first
place
for
the
King
,
and
in
the
second
for
himself
;
but
it
seems
he
meant
first
to
try
what
he
could
do
without
the
King
,
and
if
that
prov'd
enough
to
rid
his
hands
of
him
.
B.
What
did
the
Parliament
and
City
do
,
to
oppose
the
Army
?
A.
First
the
Parliament
sent
to
the
General
,
to
have
the
King
re-deliver'd
to
their
Commissioners
.
Instead
of
an
answer
to
this
,
the
Army
sent
Articles
to
the
Parliament
,
and
with
them
a
Charge
against
Eleven
of
their
Members
,
all
of
them
active
Presbyterians
;
of
which
Articles
these
are
some
:
I.
That
the
House
may
be
purged
of
those
,
who
,
by
the
Self-denying
Ordinance
,
ought
not
to
be
there
.
II.
That
such
as
abused
,
and
endeavoured
the
Kingdom
might
be
disabled
,
to
do
the
like
hereafter
.
III.
That
a
day
might
be
appointed
to
determine
this
Parliament
.
IV.
That
they
would
make
an
Accompt
to
the
Kingdom
of
the
vast
Sums
of
Money
they
had
received
.
V.
That
the
Eleven
Members
might
presently
be
suspended
sitting
in
the
House
.
These
were
the
Articles
that
put
them
to
their
Trumps
,
and
they
answered
none
of
them
,
but
that
of
the
Suspension
of
the
Eleven
Members
,
which
they
said
they
could
not
do
by
Law
,
till
the
particulars
of
the
Charge
were
produced
.
But
this
was
soon
answer'd
,
with
their
own
Proceedings
against
the
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
and
the
Earl
of
Strafford
.
The
Parliament
being
thus
somewhat
aw'd
,
and
the
King
made
somewhat
confident
,
he
undertakes
the
City
,
requiring
the
Parliament
to
put
the
Militia
into
other
hands
.
B.
What
other
hands
?
I
do
not
well
understand
you
.
A.
I
told
you
that
the
Militia
of
London
was
on
the
4th
of
May
,
put
into
the
hands
of
the
Lord
Mayor
,
and
other
Citizens
,
and
soon
after
put
into
the
hands
of
other
Men
more
favourable
unto
the
Army
.
And
now
I
am
to
tell
you
,
that
on
July
26.
the
violence
of
certain
Apprentices
,
and
disbanded
Soldiers
,
forced
the
Parliament
to
resettle
it
as
it
was
in
the
Citizens
;
and
hereupon
the
two
Speakers
,
and
divers
of
the
Members
,
ran
away
to
the
Army
where
they
were
invited
,
and
contented
to
sit
and
vote
in
the
Council
of
War
,
in
the
nature
of
a
Parliament
;
and
out
of
these
Citizens
hands
they
would
have
the
Militia
taken
away
,
and
put
again
into
those
hands
out
of
which
it
was
taken
the
26th
of
July
.
B.
What
said
the
City
to
this
?
A.
The
Londoners
mann'd
their
works
,
viz.
the
Line
of
Communication
,
rais'd
an
Army
of
valiant
Men
within
the
Line
,
chose
good
Officers
,
all
being
desirous
to
go
out
and
fight
,
whensoever
the
City
should
give
them
Order
;
and
in
that
posture
stood
,
expecting
the
Enemy
.
The
Soldiers
in
the
mean
time
enter
into
an
Engagement
to
live
and
dye
with
Sir
Thomas
Fairfax
;
the
Parliament
,
and
the
Army
.
B.
That
's
very
fine
;
they
imitate
that
which
the
Parliament
did
,
when
they
first
took
up
Arms
against
the
King
,
stiling
themselves
,
The
King
and
Parliament
;
maintaining
,
That
the
King
was
alwayes
vertually
in
His
Parliament
:
So
the
Army
now
making
War
against
the
Parliament
,
called
themselves
,
the
Parliament
and
the
Army
;
but
they
might
with
more
reason
say
,
That
the
Parliament
(
since
it
was
in
Cromwel's
Pocket
)
was
virtually
in
the
Army
.
A.
Withall
they
send
out
a
Declaration
of
the
grounds
of
their
March
towards
London
,
wherein
they
take
upon
them
to
be
Judges
of
the
Parliament
,
and
of
who
are
fit
to
be
trusted
with
the
business
of
the
Kingdom
,
giving
them
the
name
,
not
of
the
Parliament
,
but
of
the
Gentlemen
at
Westminster
;
for
since
the
violence
they
were
under
July
26.
the
Army
denied
them
to
be
a
lawful
Parliament
.
At
the
same
time
they
sent
a
Letter
to
the
Mayor
and
Aldermen
of
London
,
reproaching
them
with
those
late
Tumults
,
telling
them
,
They
were
Enemies
to
the
Peace
,
Treacherous
to
the
Parliament
,
Vnable
to
defend
either
the
Parliament
or
themselves
,
and
demanded
to
have
the
City
delivered
into
their
hands
,
to
which
purpose
(
they
said
)
they
were
now
coming
to
them
.
The
General
also
sent
out
his
Warrants
to
the
Counties
adjacent
,
summoning
their
Train'd
Soldiers
to
join
with
them
.
B.
Were
the
Train'd
Soldiers
part
of
the
Generals
Army
?
A.
No
,
nor
at
all
in
Pay
,
nor
could
be
,
without
an
Order
of
Parliament
.
But
what
might
not
an
Army
do
,
that
had
master'd
all
the
Laws
of
the
Land
?
The
Army
being
come
to
Hounsloe-heath
,
distant
from
London
but
10
Miles
,
the
Court
of
Aldermen
was
called
,
to
consider
what
to
do
;
the
Captains
and
Soldiers
of
the
City
were
willing
,
and
well-provided
to
go
forth
,
and
give
them
Battel
;
but
a
Treacherous
Officer
,
that
had
charge
of
a
work
on
Southwark
side
,
had
let
in
within
the
Line
a
small
Party
of
the
Enemies
,
who
marched
as
far
as
to
the
Gate
of
London-Bridge
,
and
then
the
Court
of
Aldermen
(
their
hearts
failing
them
)
submitted
on
these
Conditions
:
To
relinquish
their
Militia
.
To
desert
the
Eleven
Members
.
To
deliver
up
the
Forts
and
Line
of
Communication
,
together
with
the
Tower
of
London
,
and
all
Magazines
and
Arms
therein
to
the
Army
.
To
disband
their
Forces
,
and
turn
out
all
the
Reformadoes
,
i.
e.
all
Essex's
old
Soldiers
.
To
draw
off
their
Guards
from
the
Parliament
.
All
which
was
done
,
and
the
Army
marched
triumphantly
through
the
principal
Streets
of
the
C●ty
.
B.
'T
is
strange
that
the
Mayor
and
Aldermen
having
such
an
Army
,
should
so
quickly
yield
.
Might
they
not
have
resisted
the
Party
of
the
Enemies
at
the
Bridge
,
with
a
Party
of
their
own
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Enemies
,
with
the
rest
of
their
own
?
A.
I
cannot
judge
of
that
:
but
to
me
it
would
have
been
strange
if
they
had
done
otherwise
;
for
I
consider
the
most
part
of
rich
Subjects
,
that
have
made
themselves
so
by
Craft
and
Trade
,
as
men
that
never
look
upon
any
thing
but
their
present
profit
,
and
who
to
every
thing
not
lying
in
that
way
are
in
a
manner
blind
,
being
amaz'd
at
the
very
thought
of
Plundering
:
If
they
had
understood
what
vertue
there
is
to
preserve
their
Wealth
in
obedience
to
their
lawful
Soveraign
,
they
would
never
have
sided
with
the
Parliament
;
and
so
we
had
had
no
need
of
arming
:
The
Mayor
and
Aldermen
therefore
assur'd
by
this
submission
to
save
their
Goods
,
and
not
sure
of
the
same
by
resisting
,
seem
to
me
to
have
taken
the
wisest
course
:
Nor
was
the
Parliament
less
tame
than
the
City
,
for
presently
,
August
6.
the
General
brought
the
Fugitive
Speakers
and
Members
to
the
House
with
a
strong
Guard
of
Souldiers
,
and
re-placed
the
Speakers
in
their
Chairs
;
and
for
this
they
gave
the
General
thanks
,
not
only
there
in
the
House
,
but
appointed
also
a
day
for
a
holy
Thanksgiving
;
and
not
long
after
made
him
Generalissim●
of
all
the
Forces
of
England
,
and
Constable
of
the
Tower
:
But
in
effect
,
all
this
was
the
advancement
of
Cromwel
,
for
he
was
the
Usufructuary
,
though
the
Property
were
in
Sir
Tho.
Fairfax
;
for
the
Independents
immediately
cast
down
the
whole
Line
of
Communication
,
divide
the
Militia
of
London
,
Westminster
,
and
Southwark
,
which
were
before
united
,
displaced
such
Governours
of
Towns
and
Forts
as
were
not
for
their
turn
,
though
placed
thereby
Ordinance
of
Parliament
,
instead
of
whom
they
put
in
men
of
their
own
Party
:
They
also
made
the
Parliament
to
declare
null
all
that
had
passed
in
the
Houses
,
from
July
the
26th
to
Aug.
the
6th
,
and
clapt
in
Prison
some
of
the
Lords
,
and
some
of
the
most
Eminent
Citizens
,
whereof
the
Lord
Mayor
was
one
.
B.
Cromwel
had
power
enough
now
to
restore
the
King
,
why
did
he
not
?
A.
His
main
end
was
to
set
himself
in
his
place
;
the
restoring
of
the
King
was
but
a
reserve
against
the
Parliament
,
which
being
in
his
Pocket
,
he
had
no
more
need
of
the
King
,
who
was
now
an
impediment
to
him
:
To
keep
him
in
the
Army
was
a
trouble
,
to
let
him
fall
into
the
hands
of
the
Presbyterians
had
been
a
stop
to
his
hopes
,
to
murder
him
privately
(
besides
the
horrour
of
the
act
)
now
whilst
he
was
no
more
than
Lieutenant
General
,
would
have
made
him
odious
,
without
farthering
his
design
;
there
was
nothing
better
for
his
purpose
,
than
to
let
him
escape
from
Hampton-Court
(
where
he
was
too
near
the
Parliament
)
whither
he
pleased
beyond
Sea
:
For
though
Cromwel
had
a
great
Party
in
the
Parliament
Houses
,
whilst
they
saw
not
his
Ambition
to
be
their
Master
,
yet
they
would
have
been
his
Enemies
as
soon
as
that
had
appear'd
.
To
make
the
King
attempt
an
escape
,
some
of
those
that
had
him
in
Custody
,
by
Cromwel's
direction
told
him
,
that
the
Adjutators
meant
to
murder
him
;
and
withal
,
caused
a
rumour
of
the
same
to
be
generally
spread
;
to
the
end
it
might
that
way
also
come
to
the
Kings
Ear
,
as
it
did
.
The
King
therefore
in
a
dark
and
rainy
night
(
his
Guards
being
retir'd
,
as
it
was
thought
on
purpose
)
left
Hampton-Court
,
and
went
to
the
Sea-side
,
about
Southampton
,
where
a
Vessel
had
been
bespoken
to
transport
him
,
but
fail'd
;
so
that
the
King
was
forced
to
trust
himself
with
Colonel
Hammond
,
then
Governour
of
the
Isle
of
Wight
,
expecting
perhaps
some
kindness
from
him
for
Doctor
Hammonds
sake
,
Brother
to
the
Colonel
,
and
his
Majesties
much-favour'd
Chaplain
;
but
it
prov'd
otherwise
,
for
the
Colonel
sent
to
his
Masters
of
the
Parliament
,
to
receive
their
Orders
concerning
him
.
This
going
into
the
Isle
of
Wight
was
not
likely
to
be
any
part
of
Cromwel's
design
,
who
neither
knew
whither
,
nor
which
way
he
would
go
,
nor
had
Hammond
known
any
more
than
other
men
,
if
the
Ship
had
come
to
the
appointed
place
in
due
time
.
B.
If
the
King
had
escaped
into
France
,
might
not
the
French
have
assisted
him
with
Forces
to
recover
his
Kingdom
,
and
so
frustrated
the
designs
,
both
of
Cromwel
,
and
all
other
the
Kings
Enemies
?
A.
Yes
much
,
just
as
they
assisted
his
Son
,
our
present
most
gracious
Soveraign
,
who
two
years
before
fled
thither
out
of
Cornwal
.
B.
'T
is
methinks
no
great
policy
in
Neighbouring
Princes
,
to
favour
,
so
often
as
they
do
,
one
anothers
Rebels
,
especially
when
they
rebel
against
Monarchy
it self
;
they
should
rather
first
make
a
League
against
Rebellion
,
and
afterwards
(
if
there
be
no
remedy
)
fight
one
against
another
:
Nor
will
that
serve
the
turn
among
Christian
Soveraigns
,
till
Preaching
be
better
lookt
to
;
whereby
the
Interpretation
of
a
Verse
in
the
Hebrew
,
Greek
,
or
Latine
Bible
,
is
oftentimes
the
cause
of
Civil
War
,
and
the
deposing
and
assassinating
of
Gods
Anointed
;
and
yet
converse
with
those
Divinity
Disputers
as
long
as
you
will
,
you
will
hardly
find
one
in
a
hundred
discreet
enough
to
be
imployed
in
any
great
Affairs
,
either
of
War
or
Peace
:
It
is
not
the
Right
of
the
Soveraign
,
though
granted
to
him
by
every
mans
consent
expresly
,
that
can
inable
a
Subject
to
do
his
Office
,
it
is
the
obedience
of
the
Subject
;
and
then
by
and
by
to
cry
out
(
as
some
Ministers
did
in
the
Pulpit
)
to
your
Tents
,
O
Israel
!
Common
people
know
nothing
of
right
or
wrong
by
their
own
Meditation
;
they
must
therefore
be
taught
the
grounds
of
their
Duty
,
and
the
reasons
why
Calamities
ever
follow
Disobedience
to
their
lawful
Soveraigns
:
But
to
the
contrary
,
our
Rebels
were
publickly
taught
Rebellion
in
the
Pulpits
,
and
that
there
was
no
sin
,
but
the
doing
of
what
the
Preachers
forbad
,
or
the
omitting
of
what
they
advis'd
:
But
now
the
King
was
the
Parliaments
Prisoner
,
why
did
not
the
Presbyterians
advance
their
own
Interest
,
by
restoring
him
?
A.
The
Parliament
,
in
which
there
were
more
Presbyterians
yet
than
Independents
,
might
have
gotten
what
they
would
of
the
King
,
during
his
life
,
if
they
had
not
by
an
unconscionable
and
sottish
Ambition
obstructed
the
way
to
their
Ends
:
They
sent
him
four
Propositions
to
be
signed
,
and
past
by
him
as
Acts
of
Parliament
,
telling
him
,
when
these
were
granted
,
they
would
send
Commissioners
to
Treat
with
him
of
any
other
Articles
.
First
,
The
Propositions
are
these
:
That
the
Parliament
should
have
the
Militia
,
and
power
of
levying
Money
to
maintain
it
for
twenty
years
;
and
after
that
term
,
the
exercise
thereof
to
return
to
the
King
,
in
case
the
Parliament
think
the
safety
of
the
Kingdom
concern'd
in
it
.
B.
This
first
Article
takes
from
the
King
the
Militia
,
and
consequently
the
whole
Soveraignty
for
ever
.
A.
The
second
was
,
That
the
King
should
justifie
the
proceedings
of
the
Parliament
against
himself
,
and
declare
void
all
Oaths
and
Declarations
made
by
him
against
the
Parliament
.
B.
This
was
to
make
him
guilty
of
the
War
,
and
of
all
the
Blood
spilt
therein
.
A.
The
third
was
,
To
take
away
all
Titles
of
Honour
conferred
by
the
King
,
since
the
Great
Seal
was
carried
to
him
in
May
1642.
The
fourth
was
,
That
the
Parliament
should
Adjourn
themselves
,
when
,
and
to
what
place
,
and
for
what
time
they
pleas'd
.
These
Propositions
the
King
refus'd
to
grant
,
as
he
had
reason
,
but
sent
others
of
his
own
,
not
much
less
advantagious
to
the
Parliament
,
and
desir'd
a
Personal
Treaty
with
the
Parliament
,
for
the
settling
of
the
Peace
of
the
Kingdom
;
but
the
Parliament
denying
them
to
be
sufficient
for
that
purpose
,
voted
,
that
there
should
be
no
more
Addresses
made
to
him
,
nor
Messages
receiv'd
from
him
,
but
they
would
settle
the
Kingdom
without
him
:
And
this
they
voted
,
partly
upon
the
Speeches
and
Menaces
of
the
Army-Faction
then
present
in
the
House
of
Commons
,
whereof
one
advised
these
three
Points
.
1.
To
secure
the
King
in
some
In-land
Castle
with
Guards
.
2.
To
draw
up
Articles
of
Impeachment
against
him
.
3.
To
lay
him
by
,
and
settle
the
Kingdom
without
him
.
Another
said
,
that
his
denying
the
four
Bills
,
was
the
denying
Protection
to
his
Subjects
;
and
that
therefore
they
might
deny
him
Subjection
;
and
added
,
that
till
the
Parliament
forsook
the
Army
,
the
Army
would
never
forsake
the
Parliament
:
This
was
Threatning
.
Last
of
all
,
Cromwel
himself
told
them
,
it
was
now
expected
that
the
Parliament
should
govern
and
defend
the
Kingdom
,
and
not
any
longer
let
the
people
expect
their
safety
from
a
Man
whose
heart
God
had
hardned
;
nor
let
those
that
had
so
well
defended
the
Parliament
,
be
left
afterward
to
the
rage
of
an
irreconcileable
Enemy
,
lest
they
seek
their
safety
some
other
way
.
This
again
was
threatning
;
as
also
laying
his
hand
upon
his
Sword
when
he
spake
it
.
And
hereupon
the
Vote
of
Non-Addresses
was
made
an
Ordinance
,
which
the
House
would
afterward
have
recalled
,
but
were
forc'd
by
Cromwel
to
keep
their
word
.
The
Scotch
were
displeas'd
with
it
,
partly
because
their
Brethren
the
Presbyterians
had
lost
a
great
deal
of
their
Power
in
England
,
and
partly
also
,
because
they
had
sold
the
King
into
their
hands
.
The
King
now
published
a
passionate
Complaint
to
his
People
of
this
hard
dealing
with
him
,
which
made
them
pity
him
,
but
not
yet
rise
in
his
behalf
.
B.
Was
not
this
,
think
you
,
the
true
time
for
Cromwel
to
take
possession
?
A.
By
no
means
,
there
were
yet
many
Obstacles
to
be
removed
;
he
was
not
General
of
the
Army
;
the
Army
was
still
for
a
Parliament
;
the
City
of
London
discontented
about
their
Militia
;
the
Scots
expected
with
an
Army
to
rescue
the
King
;
his
Adjutators
were
Levellers
,
and
against
Monarchy
,
who
though
they
had
helped
him
to
bring
under
the
Parliament
,
yet
like
Dogs
that
are
easily
taught
to
fetch
,
and
not
easily
taught
to
render
,
would
not
make
him
King
;
so
that
Cromwel
had
these
businesses
following
to
overcome
.
1.
To
be
Generalissimo
.
2.
To
remove
the
King
.
3.
To
suppress
all
Insurrections
.
4.
To
oppose
the
Scots
!
And
Lastly
,
To
dissolve
the
present
Parliament
:
Mighty
businesses
,
which
he
could
never
promise
himself
to
overcome
;
therefore
I
cannot
believe
he
then
thought
to
be
King
,
but
only
by
serving
the
strongest
Party
(
which
was
always
his
main
policy
)
to
proceed
as
far
as
Fortune
,
and
that
would
carry
him
.
B.
The
Parliament
were
certainly
no
less
foolish
than
wicked
,
in
deserting
thus
the
King
,
before
they
had
the
Army
at
a
better
Command
than
they
had
.
A.
In
the
beginning
of
1648.
the
Parliament
gave
Commission
to
Philip
Earl
of
Pembroke
(
then
made
Chancellour
of
Oxford
,
together
with
some
of
the
Doctors
there
,
as
good
Divines
as
he
)
to
purge
the
University
;
by
vertue
whereof
they
turn'd
out
all
such
as
were
not
of
their
Faction
,
and
all
such
as
had
approved
the
use
of
the
Common-Prayer-Book
;
as
also
divers
scandalous
Ministers
and
Scholars
(
that
is
,
such
as
customarily
and
without
need
took
the
Name
of
God
into
their
mouths
,
or
used
to
speak
wantonly
,
or
use
the
company
of
lewd
Women
)
and
for
this
last
I
cannot
but
commend
them
.
B.
So
shall
not
I
;
for
it
is
just
such
another
piece
of
Piety
,
as
to
turn
Men
out
of
an
Hospital
because
they
are
lame
:
Where
can
a
man
probably
learn
Godliness
,
and
how
to
correct
his
Vices
better
,
than
in
the
Universities
erected
for
that
purpose
?
A.
It
may
be
the
Parliament
thought
otherwise
;
for
I
have
often
heard
the
Complaint
of
Parents
,
that
their
Children
were
debauched
there
to
Drunkenness
,
Wantonness
,
Gaming
,
and
other
Vices
,
consequent
to
these
:
Nor
is
it
a
wonder
among
so
many
Youths
,
if
they
did
not
corrupt
one
another
in
despite
of
their
Tutors
,
who
oftentimes
were
little
Elder
than
themselves
:
And
therefore
(
I
think
)
the
Parliament
did
not
much
reverence
the
Institution
of
Universities
,
as
to
the
bringing
up
of
young
men
to
Vertue
,
though
many
of
them
learn'd
there
to
Preach
,
and
became
thereby
capable
of
Preferment
and
Maintenance
;
and
some
others
were
sent
thither
by
their
Parents
,
to
save
themselves
the
trouble
of
governing
them
at
home
,
during
that
time
wherein
Children
are
least
governable
.
Nor
do
I
think
the
Parliament
car'd
more
for
the
Clergy
than
other
men
did
:
But
certainly
an
University
is
an
excellent
servant
to
the
Clergy
,
and
the
Clergy
if
it
be
not
carefully
lookt
to
,
(
by
their
Dissentious
Doctrines
,
and
by
the
advantage
to
publish
their
Dissentions
)
is
no
extraordinary
means
to
divide
a
Kingdom
into
Faction
.
B.
But
seeing
there
is
no
place
in
this
part
of
the
World
,
where
Philosophy
and
other
Humane
Sciences
are
not
highly
valued
,
where
can
they
be
learned
better
,
than
in
the
Universities
?
A.
What
other
Sciences
?
Do
not
Divines
comprehend
all
Civil
and
Moral
Philosophy
within
their
Divinity
?
And
as
for
Natural
Philosophy
,
is
it
not
remov'd
from
Oxford
and
Cambridge
,
to
Gresham-College
in
London
,
and
to
be
learn'd
out
of
their
Gazets
?
But
we
are
gone
from
our
Subject
.
B.
No
,
we
are
indeed
gone
from
the
great
business
of
the
Kingdom
,
to
which
,
if
you
please
,
let
us
return
.
A.
The
first
Insurrection
,
or
rather
Tumult
,
was
of
the
Apprentices
,
on
the
ninth
of
April
;
but
this
was
not
upon
the
Kings
account
,
but
arose
from
a
customary
assembly
of
them
for
recreation
in
Moor-fields
,
whence
some
zealous
Officers
of
the
Train'd-Bands
would
needs
drive
them
away
by
force
,
but
were
themselves
routed
with
stones
,
and
had
their
Ensign
taken
away
by
the
Apprentices
,
which
they
carried
about
in
the
Streets
,
and
frighted
the
Lord
Mayor
into
his
House
,
where
they
took
a
Gun
,
called
a
Drake
,
and
then
they
set
Guards
at
some
of
the
Gates
,
and
all
the
rest
of
the
day
Childishly
swagger'd
up
and
down
:
but
the
next
day
the
General
himself
marching
into
the
City
,
quickly
dispersed
them
.
This
was
but
a
small
business
,
but
enough
to
let
them
see
that
the
Parliament
was
ill
belov'd
of
the
people
.
Next
,
the
Welch
took
Arms
against
them
;
there
were
three
Colonels
in
Wales
,
Langhorn
,
Poyer
,
and
Powel
,
who
had
formerly
done
the
Parliament
good
services
,
but
now
were
commanded
to
disband
,
which
they
refus'd
to
do
;
and
the
better
to
strengthen
themselves
,
declar'd
for
the
King
,
and
were
about
eight
thousand
.
About
the
same
time
in
Wales
also
was
another
Insurrection
,
headed
by
Sir
Nocholas
Keymish
,
and
another
under
Sir
John
Owen
;
so
that
now
all
Wales
was
in
Rebellion
against
the
Parliament
:
And
yet
all
these
were
overcome
in
a
Months
time
by
Cromwel
,
and
his
Officers
,
but
not
without
store
of
blood-shed
on
both
sides
.
B.
I
do
not
much
pity
the
loss
of
those
men
,
that
impute
to
the
King
that
which
they
do
upon
their
own
quarrel
.
A.
Presently
after
this
,
some
of
the
people
of
Surrey
sent
a
Petition
to
the
Parliament
for
a
Personal
Treaty
between
the
King
and
Parliament
,
but
their
Messengers
were
beaten
home
again
by
the
Souldiers
that
quartered
about
Westminster
;
and
then
the
Kentish
men
having
a
like
Petition
to
deliver
,
and
seeing
how
it
was
like
to
be
receiv'd
,
threw
it
away
,
and
took
up
Arms
;
they
had
many
gallant
Officers
,
and
for
General
,
the
Earl
of
Norwich
,
and
increas'd
daily
by
Apprentices
,
and
old
disbanded
Souldiers
,
insomuch
as
the
Parliament
was
glad
to
restore
to
the
City
their
Militia
,
and
to
keep
Guards
upon
the
Thames
side
;
and
then
Fairfax
marched
towards
the
Enemy
.
B.
And
then
the
Londoners
,
I
think
,
might
easily
and
suddenly
have
Master'd
,
first
the
Parliament
,
and
next
Fairfax
his
eight
thousand
,
and
lastly
Cromwels
Army
,
or
at
least
have
given
the
Scotch
Army
opportunity
to
march
unfought
to
London
.
A.
'T
is
true
,
but
the
City
was
never
good
at
venturing
;
nor
were
they
,
or
the
Scots
,
principled
to
have
a
King
over
them
,
but
under
them
.
Fairfax
marching
with
eight
thousand
against
the
Royalists
,
routed
a
part
of
them
at
Maidstone
;
another
part
were
taking
in
of
places
in
Kent
farther
off
,
and
the
Earl
of
Norwich
,
with
the
rest
,
came
to
Black-Heath
,
and
thence
sent
to
the
City
to
get
passage
through
it
,
to
joyn
with
those
which
were
risen
in
Essex
,
under
Sir
Charles
Lucas
,
and
Sir
George
Lisle
;
which
being
denied
,
the
greatest
part
of
his
Kentish
men
deserted
him
;
with
the
rest
,
not
above
five
hundred
,
he
crossed
the
Thames
unto
the
Isle
of
Dogs
,
and
so
to
Bow
,
and
thence
to
Colchester
:
Fairfax
having
notice
of
this
,
crossed
the
Thames
at
Graves-End
,
and
overtaking
them
,
besieg'd
them
in
Colchester
:
The
Town
had
no
defence
but
a
Bulwark
,
and
yet
held
out
,
upon
hope
of
the
Scotch
Army
to
relieve
them
,
the
space
of
two
Months
.
Upon
the
news
of
the
defeat
of
the
Scots
,
they
were
forced
to
yield
;
the
Earl
of
Norwich
was
sent
Prisoner
to
London
,
Sir
Charles
Lucas
and
Sir
George
Lisle
,
two
Loyal
and
Gallant
Persons
,
were
shot
to
Death
.
There
was
also
another
little
Insurrection
headed
by
the
Earl
of
Holland
about
Kingston
,
but
quickly
supprest
,
and
he
himself
taken
Prisoner
.
B.
How
came
the
Scots
to
be
so
soon
dispatcht
?
A.
Meerly
,
as
it
is
said
,
for
want
of
Conduct
:
The
Army
was
led
by
Duke
Hamilton
,
who
was
then
set
at
liberty
,
when
Pendennis
Castle
,
where
he
was
Prisoner
,
was
taken
by
the
Parliament
:
He
entred
England
with
Horse
and
Foot
10000
,
to
which
came
above
3000
English
Royalists
.
Against
these
Cromwel
marched
out
of
Wales
,
with
Horse
and
Foot
11000
,
and
near
to
Preston
in
Lancashire
,
in
less
then
two
hours
,
defeated
them
;
and
the
cause
of
it
is
said
to
be
,
that
the
Scotch
Army
was
so
ordered
,
as
they
could
not
all
come
to
the
Fight
,
nor
relieve
their
Fellows
:
After
the
Defeat
they
had
no
way
to
fly
but
farther
into
England
,
so
that
in
the
Pursuit
they
were
almost
all
taken
,
and
lost
all
that
an
Army
could
lose
,
for
the
few
that
got
home
,
did
not
all
bring
home
their
Swords
,
Duke
Hamilton
was
taken
,
and
not
long
after
sent
to
London
,
but
Cromwel
marched
to
Edenburrough
,
and
there
,
by
the
help
of
the
Faction
which
was
contrary
to
Hamilton's
,
he
made
sure
not
to
be
hindred
in
his
designs
,
the
first
whereof
was
to
take
away
the
Kings
Life
by
the
hand
of
the
Parliament
:
whilst
these
things
passed
in
the
North
,
the
Parliament
(
Cromwel
being
away
)
came
to
it self
,
and
recalling
their
Vote
of
Non-Addresses
,
sent
to
the
King
new
Propositions
,
somewhat
,
but
not
much
easier
than
the
former
,
and
upon
the
King's
answer
to
them
,
they
sent
Commissioners
to
treat
with
him
at
Newport
in
the
Isle
of
Wight
,
where
they
so
long
dodged
with
him
about
Trifles
,
that
Cromwel
was
come
to
London
before
they
had
done
,
to
the
Kings
destruction
,
for
the
Army
was
now
wholly
at
the
Devotion
of
Cromwel
,
who
set
the
Adjutators
on
work
to
make
a
Remonstrance
to
the
House
of
Commons
;
wherein
they
require
:
1.
That
the
King
be
brought
to
Justice
.
2.
That
the
Prince
,
and
Duke
of
York
,
be
summon'd
to
appear
at
a
day
appointed
,
and
proceeded
with
,
according
as
they
should
give
satisfaction
.
3.
That
the
Parliament
settle
the
future
Government
,
and
set
a
reasonable
period
to
their
own
sitting
,
and
make
certain
future
Parliaments
Annual
,
or
Biennial
.
4.
That
a
competent
number
of
the
Kings
chief
Instruments
be
executed
;
and
this
to
be
done
both
by
the
House
of
Commons
,
and
by
a
general
agreement
of
the
people
,
testified
by
their
Subscriptions
:
Nor
did
they
stay
for
an
answer
,
but
presently
set
a
Guard
of
Souldiers
at
the
Parliament-House
Door
,
and
other
Souldiers
in
Westminster-Hall
,
suffering
none
to
go
into
the
House
,
but
such
as
would
serve
their
turns
;
all
others
were
frighted
away
,
or
made
Prisoners
,
and
some
upon
divers
quarrels
suspended
.
About
ninety
of
them
,
because
they
had
refus'd
to
Vote
against
the
Scots
;
and
others
,
because
they
had
voted
against
the
Vote
of
Non-Addresses
;
and
the
rest
were
a
House
for
Cromwel
.
The
Phanaticks
also
in
the
City
being
countenanced
by
the
Army
,
pack
a
new
Common
Council
,
whereof
any
forty
was
to
be
above
the
Mayor
,
and
their
first
work
was
to
frame
a
Petition
for
Justice
against
the
King
;
which
Tichbourn
the
Mayor
(
involving
the
City
in
the
Regicide
)
deliver'd
to
the
Parliament
.
At
the
same
time
,
with
like
violence
they
took
the
King
from
Newport
,
in
the
Isle
of
Wight
,
to
Hurst
Castle
,
till
things
were
ready
for
his
Tryal
;
the
Parliament
,
in
the
mean
time
,
to
avoid
Perjury
,
by
an
Ordinance
declar'd
void
the
Oaths
of
Supremacy
and
Allegiance
;
and
presently
after
made
another
to
bring
the
King
to
his
Tryal
.
B.
This
is
a
piece
of
Law
that
I
understood
not
before
,
that
when
many
men
swear
fingly
;
they
may
when
they
are
assembled
(
if
they
please
)
absolve
themselves
.
A.
The
Ordinance
being
drawn
up
,
was
brought
into
the
House
,
where
after
three
several
readings
,
it
was
voted
,
That
the
Lords
and
Commons
of
England
assembled
in
Parliament
,
do
declare
,
that
by
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
the
Realm
,
it
is
Treason
in
the
King
of
England
to
levy
War
against
the
Parliament
:
And
this
Vote
was
sent
up
to
the
Lords
,
and
they
denying
their
consent
,
the
Commons
in
anger
made
another
Vote
,
That
all
Members
of
Committees
should
proceed
and
act
in
any
Ordinance
,
whether
the
Lords
concurr'd
or
no
;
and
that
the
People
,
under
God
,
are
the
Original
of
all
just
Power
;
and
that
the
House
of
Commons
have
the
Supreme
Power
of
the
Nation
;
and
that
whatsoever
the
House
of
Commons
Enacted
,
is
Law
.
All
this
passed
nemine
contradicente
.
B.
These
Propositions
fight
not
only
against
a
King
of
England
,
but
against
all
the
Kings
of
the
World
:
It
were
good
they
thought
on
't
;
but
yet
I
believe
,
that
,
under
God
,
the
Original
of
all
Laws
was
in
the
People
.
A.
But
the
People
,
for
them
and
their
Heirs
,
by
consent
and
Oaths
,
have
long
ago
put
the
Supreme
Power
of
the
Nation
into
the
hands
of
their
Kings
,
for
them
and
their
Heirs
;
and
consequently
into
the
hands
of
this
King
,
their
known
and
lawful
Heir
.
B.
But
does
not
the
Parliament
represent
the
People
?
A.
Yes
,
to
some
purposes
;
as
to
put
up
Petitions
to
the
King
when
they
have
leave
,
and
are
griev'd
;
but
not
to
make
a
grievance
of
the
Kings
Power
:
Besides
,
the
Parliament
never
represents
the
People
,
but
when
the
King
calls
them
:
Is
it
to
be
imagin'd
,
that
he
calls
a
Parliament
to
depose
himself
?
Put
the
case
every
County
and
Burrough
should
have
given
for
a
benevolence
a
sum
of
Money
,
and
that
every
County
meeting
in
their
County
Court
,
or
elsewhere
,
and
that
every
Burrough
in
their
Town-Hall
,
should
have
chosen
certain
men
to
carry
their
several
sums
respectively
to
the
Parliament
,
had
not
these
men
represented
the
whole
Nation
?
B.
Yes
,
no
doubt
.
A.
Do
you
think
the
Parliament
would
have
thought
it
reasonable
to
be
called
to
account
by
this
Representative
?
B.
No
,
sure
;
and
yet
,
I
must
confess
,
the
Case
is
the
same
.
A.
This
Ordinance
contained
;
First
,
a
Summary
of
the
Charge
against
the
King
;
in
substance
this
,
That
not
content
with
the
Incroachments
of
his
Predecessors
upon
the
freedom
of
the
People
,
he
had
design'd
to
set
up
a
Tyrannical
Power
;
and
to
that
end
,
had
rais'd
and
maintain'd
in
the
Land
a
Civil
War
against
the
Parliament
,
whereby
the
Country
hath
been
miserably
wasted
,
the
Publick
Treasure
exhausted
,
thousands
of
people
murdered
,
and
infinite
other
mischiefs
committed
.
Secondly
,
A
Constitution
passed
of
a
High
Court
of
Justice
;
that
is
,
of
a
certain
number
of
Commissioners
,
of
whom
any
twenty
had
power
to
try
the
King
,
and
proceed
to
Sentence
,
according
to
the
Merit
of
the
Cause
,
and
see
it
speedily
executed
.
The
Commissioners
met
on
Saturday
,
January
20.
in
Westminster-Hall
,
and
the
King
was
brought
before
them
,
sitting
in
a
Chair
:
He
heard
the
Charge
read
,
but
denied
to
plead
to
it
,
either
Guilty
,
or
not
Guilty
,
till
he
should
know
by
what
lawful
Authority
he
was
brought
thither
:
The
President
told
him
,
that
the
Parliament
affirm'd
their
own
Authority
;
and
the
King
persevered
in
his
refusal
to
plead
;
though
many
words
passed
between
him
and
the
President
,
yet
this
is
the
sum
of
all
:
on
Monday
,
January
22.
the
Court
met
again
,
and
the
Sollicitor
moved
,
that
if
the
King
persisted
in
denying
the
Authority
of
the
Court
,
the
Charge
might
be
taken
pro
confesso
;
but
the
King
still
denied
their
Authority
.
They
met
again
,
January
23.
and
then
the
Sollicitor
moved
the
Court
for
Judgment
;
whereupon
the
King
was
requir'd
to
give
his
Final
Answer
,
which
was
again
a
denial
of
their
Authority
.
Lastly
,
They
met
again
,
January
27.
where
the
King
then
desir'd
to
be
heard
before
the
Lords
and
Commons
in
the
Painted
Chamber
;
and
promising
after
that
to
abide
the
Judgment
of
the
Court
;
the
Commissioners
retir'd
for
half
an
hour
to
consider
of
it
;
and
then
returning
,
caused
the
King
again
to
be
brought
to
the
Bar
,
and
told
him
,
that
what
he
propos'd
,
was
but
another
denial
of
the
Courts
Jurisdiction
;
and
that
if
he
had
no
more
to
say
,
they
would
proceed
to
Judgment
:
Then
the
King
answering
,
that
he
had
no
more
to
say
,
the
President
began
a
long
Speech
,
in
justification
of
the
Parliaments
proceedings
,
producing
the
Examples
of
many
Kings
kill'd
or
depos'd
by
wicked
Parliaments
,
Ancient
and
Modern
,
in
England
,
Scotland
,
and
other
parts
of
the
World
:
All
which
he
endeavour'd
to
justifie
from
this
only
Principle
,
that
the
People
have
the
Supreme
Power
,
and
the
Parliament
is
the
People
.
This
Speech
ended
,
the
Sentence
of
Death
was
read
,
and
the
same
upon
Tuesday
after
,
January
the
30.
executed
at
the
Gate
of
his
own
Palace
of
White-Hall
.
He
that
can
delight
in
reading
how
villanously
he
was
used
by
the
Souldiers
,
between
the
Sentence
and
Execution
,
may
go
to
the
Chronicle
it self
,
in
which
he
shall
see
what
courage
,
patience
,
wisdom
,
and
goodness
was
in
this
Prince
,
whom
in
their
Charge
the
Members
of
that
wicked
Parliament
stil'd
Traytor
,
Tyrant
,
and
Murderer
.
The
King
being
dead
,
the
same
day
they
made
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
That
whereas
several
pretences
might
be
made
to
the
Crown
,
&c.
it
is
Enacted
by
this
present
Parliament
,
and
Authority
of
the
same
,
that
no
Person
shall
presume
to
declare
,
proclaim
,
or
publish
,
or
any
way
promote
Charles
Stuart
,
Son
of
Charles
late
King
of
England
,
commonly
called
Prince
of
Wales
,
or
any
other
Person
,
to
be
King
of
England
and
Ireland
,
&c.
B.
Seeing
the
King
was
dead
,
and
his
Successors
barr'd
,
by
what
declar'd
Authority
was
the
Peace
maintained
?
A.
They
had
in
their
anger
against
the
Lords
formerly
declar'd
the
Supreme
Power
of
the
Nation
to
be
in
the
House
of
Commons
;
and
now
,
on
February
the
fifth
,
they
Vote
the
House
of
Lords
to
be
useless
,
and
dangerous
.
And
thus
the
Kingdom
was
turn'd
into
a
Democracy
,
or
rather
an
Oligarchy
;
for
presently
they
made
an
Act
,
That
none
of
those
Members
who
were
secluded
for
opposing
the
Vote
of
Non-Addresses
,
should
ever
be
re-admitted
:
And
these
were
commonly
called
the
Secluded
Members
,
and
the
rest
were
by
some
stiled
a
Parliament
,
and
by
others
a
Rump
.
I
think
you
need
not
now
have
a
Catalogue
either
of
the
Vices
,
or
of
the
Crimes
,
or
of
the
Follies
of
the
greatest
part
of
them
that
composed
the
Long-Parliament
,
than
which
greater
cannot
be
in
the
World
:
What
greater
Vices
than
Irreligion
,
Hypocrisie
,
Avarice
,
and
Cruelty
,
which
have
appear'd
so
eminently
in
the
actions
of
Presbyterian
Members
,
and
Presbyterian
Ministers
?
What
greater
Crimes
than
Blasphemy
,
and
killing
Gods
Anointed
,
which
was
done
by
the
hands
of
the
Independents
,
but
by
the
folly
and
first
Treason
of
the
Presbyterians
,
who
betrayed
and
sold
him
to
his
Murderers
?
Nor
was
it
a
little
folly
in
the
Lords
,
not
to
see
that
by
the
taking
away
of
the
Kings
Power
,
they
lost
withall
their
own
Priviledges
;
or
to
think
themselves
either
for
number
or
judgment
any
way
a
considerable
assistance
to
the
House
of
Commons
:
And
for
those
men
who
had
skill
in
the
Laws
,
it
was
no
great
sign
of
understanding
,
not
to
perceive
that
the
Laws
of
the
Land
were
made
by
the
King
,
to
oblige
his
Subjects
to
Peace
and
Justice
,
and
not
to
oblige
himself
that
made
them
:
Lastly
,
and
generally
,
all
men
are
Fools
which
pull
down
any
thing
which
does
them
good
,
before
they
have
set
up
something
better
in
its
place
:
He
that
would
set
up
Democracy
with
an
Army
,
should
have
an
Army
to
maintain
it
;
but
these
men
did
it
,
when
those
men
had
the
Army
that
were
resolv'd
to
pull
it
down
.
To
these
follies
,
I
might
add
the
follies
of
those
five
men
,
which
out
of
their
reading
of
Tully
,
Seneca
,
and
other
Antimonarchicks
,
think
themselves
sufficient
Politicks
,
and
shew
their
discontents
when
they
are
not
called
to
the
management
of
the
State
,
and
turn
from
one
side
to
the
other
upon
every
neglect
they
fancy
from
the
King
,
or
his
Enemies
.
A.
YOU
have
seen
the
Rump
in
possession
(
as
they
believ'd
)
of
the
Supreme
Power
over
the
two
Nations
of
England
and
Ireland
,
and
the
Army
their
Servant
,
though
Cromwel
thought
otherwise
,
serving
them
diligently
for
the
advancement
of
his
own
purpose
;
I
am
now
therefore
to
shew
you
their
proceedings
.
B.
Tell
me
first
,
how
this
kind
of
Government
,
under
the
Rump
or
Relick
of
a
House
of
Commons
,
is
to
be
call'd
.
A.
'T
is
doubtless
an
Oligarchy
;
for
the
Supreme
Authority
must
needs
be
in
one
man
,
or
in
in
more
;
if
in
one
,
it
is
Monarchy
;
the
Rump
therefore
was
no
Monarchy
;
if
the
Authority
were
in
more
than
one
,
it
was
in
all
,
or
in
fewer
than
all
;
when
in
all
,
it
is
Democracy
;
for
every
man
may
enter
into
the
Assembly
which
makes
the
Soveraign
Court
,
which
they
could
not
do
here
:
It
is
therefore
manifest
,
the
Authority
was
in
a
few
,
and
consequently
the
State
was
an
Oligarchy
.
B.
It
is
not
impossible
for
a
people
to
be
well
govern'd
,
that
are
to
obey
more
Masters
than
one
.
A.
Both
the
Rump
,
and
all
other
Soveraign
Assemblies
,
if
they
have
but
one
voice
,
though
they
be
many
men
,
yet
are
they
but
one
Person
;
for
contrary
Commands
cannot
consist
in
one
and
the
same
voice
,
which
is
the
voice
of
the
greatest
part
;
and
therefore
they
might
govern
well
enough
,
if
they
had
honesty
and
wit
enough
.
The
first
Act
of
the
Rump
,
was
the
Exclusion
of
those
Members
of
the
House
of
Commons
which
had
been
formerly
kept
out
by
violence
,
for
the
procuring
of
an
Ordinance
for
the
Kings
Tryal
;
for
these
men
had
appear'd
against
the
Ordinance
of
Non-Addresses
,
and
therefore
to
be
excluded
,
because
they
might
else
be
an
impediment
to
their
future
designs
.
B.
Was
it
not
rather
,
because
in
the
Authority
of
few
,
they
thought
the
fewer
the
better
,
both
in
regard
of
their
shares
,
and
also
of
a
nearer
approach
in
every
one
of
them
to
the
Dignity
of
a
King
?
A.
Yes
certainly
,
that
was
their
principal
end
.
B.
When
these
were
put
out
,
why
did
not
the
Counties
and
Burroughs
chuse
others
in
their
places
?
A.
They
could
not
do
that
without
Order
from
the
House
:
After
this
,
they
constituted
a
Council
of
forty
persons
,
which
they
termed
a
Council
of
State
,
whose
Office
was
to
execute
what
the
Rump
should
command
.
B.
When
there
was
neither
King
,
nor
House
of
Lords
,
they
could
not
call
themselves
a
Parliament
;
for
a
Parliament
is
a
meeting
of
the
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
,
to
confer
together
about
the
businesses
of
the
Common-wealth
:
with
whom
did
the
Rump
confer
?
A.
Men
may
give
to
their
Assembly
what
Name
they
please
,
what
signification
soever
such
Name
might
formerly
have
had
,
and
the
Rump
took
the
Name
of
Parliament
,
as
most
suitable
to
their
purpose
;
and
such
a
Name
,
as
being
Venerable
among
the
people
for
many
hundred
years
,
had
countenanced
and
sweetned
Subsidies
,
and
other
Levies
of
Money
,
otherwise
very
unpleasant
to
the
Subject
:
They
took
also
afterwards
another
name
,
which
was
,
Custodes
Libertatis
Angliae
,
which
Title
they
used
only
in
their
Writs
issuing
out
of
the
Courts
of
Justice
.
B.
I
do
not
see
how
a
Subject
that
is
tyed
to
the
Laws
,
can
have
more
liberty
in
one
form
of
Government
than
another
.
A.
Howsoever
,
to
the
people
that
understand
by
Liberty
,
nothing
but
leave
to
do
what
they
list
,
it
was
a
Title
not
ingrateful
.
Their
next
work
was
to
set
forth
a
publick
Declaration
,
that
they
were
fully
resolv'd
to
maintain
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
the
Nation
,
as
to
the
preservation
of
the
Lives
,
Liberties
,
and
Proprieties
of
the
people
.
B.
What
did
they
mean
by
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
the
Nation
?
A.
Nothing
but
to
abuse
the
people
;
for
the
only
Fundamental
Law
in
every
Commonwealth
,
is
to
obey
the
Laws
from
time
to
time
,
which
he
shall
make
,
to
whom
the
People
have
given
the
Supreme
Power
:
How
likely
then
are
they
to
uphold
the
Fundamental
Laws
,
that
had
murdered
him
,
who
was
by
themselves
so
often
acknowledged
their
lawful
Soveraign
:
Besides
,
at
the
same
time
that
this
Declaration
came
forth
,
they
were
erecting
the
High
Court
of
Justice
,
which
took
away
the
lives
of
Duke
Hamilton
,
the
Earl
of
Holland
,
and
the
Lord
Capel
;
whatsoever
they
meant
by
a
Fundamentall
Law
,
the
erecting
of
this
Court
was
a
breach
of
it
,
as
being
warranted
by
no
former
Law
,
or
Example
in
England
.
At
the
same
time
also
they
levied
Taxes
by
Souldiers
,
and
permitted
Free
Quarter
to
them
;
and
did
many
other
Actions
,
which
if
the
King
had
done
,
they
would
have
said
had
been
done
against
the
Liberty
and
Propriety
of
the
Subject
.
B.
What
silly
things
are
the
common
sort
of
people
,
to
be
cozen'd
as
they
were
so
grosly
?
A.
What
sort
of
people
,
as
to
this
matter
,
are
not
of
the
common
sort
;
the
craftiest
Knaves
of
all
the
Rump
were
no
wiser
than
the
rest
whom
they
cozen'd
;
for
the
most
of
them
did
believe
,
that
the
same
things
which
they
impos'd
upon
the
generality
,
were
just
and
reasonable
;
and
especially
the
great
Haranguers
,
and
such
as
pretended
to
Learning
:
for
who
can
be
a
good
Subject
in
a
Monarchy
,
whose
Principles
are
taken
from
the
Enemies
of
Monarchy
?
such
as
were
Cicero
,
Seneca
,
Cato
,
and
other
Polititians
of
Rome
,
and
Aristotle
of
Athens
,
who
spake
of
Kings
but
as
Wolves
,
and
other
ravenous
Beasts
?
You
may
perhaps
think
a
man
has
need
of
nothing
else
,
to
know
the
duty
he
owes
to
his
Governour
,
and
what
right
he
has
to
order
him
,
but
a
good
Natural
Wit
:
But
it
is
otherwise
;
for
it
is
a
Science
,
and
built
upon
sure
and
clear
Principles
,
and
to
be
learn'd
by
deep
and
careful
study
,
or
from
Masters
that
have
deeply
studied
it
:
And
who
was
there
in
the
Parliament
,
or
in
the
Nation
,
that
could
find
out
those
evident
Principles
,
and
derive
from
thence
the
necessary
Rules
of
Justice
,
and
the
necessary
Connexion
of
Justice
and
Peace
?
The
people
have
one
day
in
seven
the
leisure
to
hear
Instructions
,
and
there
are
Ministers
appointed
to
teach
them
their
duty
:
But
how
have
these
Ministers
perform'd
their
Office
?
A
great
part
of
them
,
namely
,
the
Presbyterian
Ministers
,
throughout
the
whole
War
,
instigated
the
people
against
the
King
;
so
did
also
Independent
,
and
other
fanatick
Ministers
:
The
rest
contented
with
their
Livings
,
preached
in
their
Parishes
points
of
Controversie
,
to
Religion
importinent
,
but
to
the
breach
of
Charity
,
among
themselves
,
very
effectual
;
or
else
Eloquent
things
,
which
the
people
either
understood
not
,
or
thought
themselves
not
concern'd
in
:
But
this
sort
of
Preachers
,
as
they
did
little
good
,
so
they
did
little
hurt
;
the
mischief
proceeded
wholly
from
the
Presbyterian
Preachers
,
who
by
a
long
practis'd
Histrionick
Faculty
,
preached
up
the
Rebellion
powerfully
.
B.
To
what
end
?
A.
To
the
end
,
that
the
State
becoming
popular
,
the
Church
might
be
so
too
,
and
govern'd
by
an
Assembly
;
and
consequently
(
as
they
thought
)
seeing
Politicks
are
subservient
to
Religion
,
they
might
govern
,
and
thereby
satisfie
their
covetous
humour
with
Riches
,
and
also
their
malice
with
Power
to
undo
all
men
that
admir'd
not
their
wisdom
.
Your
calling
the
people
silly
things
,
oblig'd
me
by
this
digression
to
shew
you
,
that
it
is
not
want
of
Wit
,
but
want
of
the
Science
of
Justice
that
brought
them
into
these
troubles
.
Perswade
,
if
you
can
,
that
man
that
has
made
his
Fortune
,
or
made
it
greater
,
or
an
Eloquent
Orator
,
or
a
ravishing
Poet
,
or
a
subtil
Lawyer
,
or
but
a
good
Hunter
,
or
a
cunning
Gamester
,
that
he
has
not
a
good
Wit
;
and
yet
there
were
of
all
these
a
great
many
so
silly
as
to
be
deceived
by
the
Rump
.
They
wanted
not
wit
,
but
the
knowledge
of
the
Causes
,
and
grounds
upon
which
one
person
has
a
right
to
govern
,
and
the
rest
an
obligation
to
obey
;
which
grounds
are
necessary
to
be
taught
the
people
,
who
without
them
cannot
live
long
in
peace
among
themselves
.
B.
Let
us
return
,
if
you
please
,
to
the
proceedings
of
the
Rump
.
A.
In
the
rest
of
the
year
,
they
voted
a
new
Stamp
for
the
Coyn
of
this
Nation
:
They
considered
also
of
Agents
to
be
sent
into
foreign
parts
;
and
having
lately
receiv'd
Applause
from
the
Army
for
their
work
done
by
the
High
Court
of
Justice
,
and
encouragement
to
extend
the
same
farther
,
they
perfected
the
said
High
Court
of
Justice
,
in
which
were
tryed
Duke
Hamilton
,
the
Earl
of
Holland
,
the
Lord
Capel
,
the
Earl
of
Norwich
,
and
Sir
John
Owen
;
whereof
(
as
I
mention'd
before
)
the
first
three
were
beheaded
.
This
affrighted
divers
of
the
Kings
Party
out
of
the
Land
,
for
not
only
they
,
but
all
that
had
born
Arms
for
the
King
,
were
at
that
time
in
very
great
danger
of
their
lives
:
for
it
was
put
to
the
question
by
the
Army
at
a
Council
of
War
,
whether
they
should
be
all
massacred
or
no
;
where
the
No's
carried
it
but
by
two
Voices
.
Lastly
,
March
24.
they
put
the
Mayor
of
London
out
of
his
Office
,
fined
him
two
thousand
pound
,
disfranchised
him
,
and
condemn'd
him
to
two
Months
imprisonment
in
the
Tower
,
for
refusing
to
proclaim
the
Act
for
abolishing
of
the
Kingly
Power
.
And
thus
ended
the
year
1648.
and
the
Monthly
Fast
,
God
having
granted
that
which
they
fasted
for
,
the
Death
of
the
King
,
and
the
possession
of
his
Inheritance
.
By
these
their
proceedings
,
they
had
already
lost
the
hearts
of
the
generality
of
the
people
,
and
had
nothing
to
trust
to
but
the
Army
,
which
was
not
in
their
power
,
but
in
Cromwel's
,
who
never
fail'd
,
when
there
was
occasion
,
to
put
them
upon
all
Exploits
that
might
make
them
odious
to
the
people
,
in
order
to
his
future
dissolving
them
,
whensoever
it
should
conduce
to
his
ends
.
In
the
beginning
of
1649.
the
Scots
discontented
with
the
proceedings
of
the
Rump
against
the
late
King
,
began
to
levy
Souldiers
,
in
order
to
a
new
Invasion
of
England
.
The
Irish
Rebels
,
for
want
of
timely
resistance
from
England
,
were
grown
terrible
;
and
the
English
Army
at
home
,
infected
by
the
Adjutators
,
began
to
cast
about
,
how
to
share
the
Land
among
the
Godly
,
meaning
themselves
,
and
such
others
as
they
pleas'd
,
who
were
therefore
called
Levellers
:
Also
the
Rump
,
for
the
present
,
were
not
very
well
provided
of
Money
;
and
therefore
the
first
thing
they
did
,
was
the
laying
of
a
Tax
upon
the
people
,
of
ninety
thousand
pound
a
Month
,
for
the
Maintenance
of
the
Army
.
B.
Was
it
not
one
of
their
Quarrels
with
the
King
,
that
he
had
levied
Money
without
the
consent
of
the
people
in
Parliament
?
A.
You
may
see
by
this
what
reason
the
Rump
had
to
call
it self
a
Parliament
;
for
the
Taxes
imposed
by
Parliament
,
were
always
understood
to
be
by
the
peoples
consent
,
and
consequently
legal
.
To
appease
the
Scots
,
they
sent
Messengers
with
flattering
Letters
,
to
keep
them
from
ingaging
for
the
present
King
;
but
in
vain
,
for
they
would
hear
nothing
from
a
House
of
Commons
(
as
they
call'd
it
)
at
Westminster
,
without
a
King
,
and
Lords
:
But
they
sent
Commissioners
to
the
King
,
to
let
him
know
what
they
were
doing
for
him
,
for
they
were
resolv'd
to
raise
an
Army
of
seventeen
thousand
Foot
,
and
six
thousand
Horse
for
themselves
.
To
relieve
Ireland
,
the
Rump
had
resolv'd
to
send
eleven
Regiments
thither
out
of
the
Army
in
England
.
This
happened
well
for
Cromwel
,
for
the
Levelling
Souldiers
,
which
were
in
every
Regiment
many
,
and
in
some
the
major
part
,
finding
that
instead
of
dividing
the
Land
at
home
,
they
were
to
venture
their
lives
in
Ireland
,
flatly
denied
to
go
;
and
one
Regiment
having
cashier'd
their
Colonel
about
Salisbury
,
was
marching
to
joyn
with
three
Regiments
more
of
the
same
resolution
:
but
both
the
General
,
and
Cromwel
,
falling
upon
them
at
Burford
,
utterly
defeated
them
,
and
soon
after
reduced
the
whole
Army
to
their
obedience
:
And
thus
another
of
the
Impediments
to
Cromwel's
Advancement
was
soon
remov'd
.
Thus
done
,
they
came
to
Oxford
,
and
thence
to
London
;
and
at
Oxford
,
both
the
General
,
and
Cromwel
,
were
made
Doctors
of
the
Civil
Law
;
and
at
London
feasted
and
presented
by
the
City
.
B.
Were
they
not
first
made
Masters
,
then
Doctors
?
A.
They
had
made
themselves
Masters
already
,
both
of
the
Laws
,
and
Parliament
.
The
Army
being
now
obedient
,
the
Rump
sent
over
those
eleven
Regiments
into
Ireland
,
under
the
Command
of
Doctor
Cromwel
,
entituled
,
Governour
of
that
Kingdom
,
the
Lord
Fairfax
being
still
General
of
all
the
Forces
,
both
here
,
and
there
.
The
Marquess
,
now
Duke
of
Ormond
,
was
the
Kings
Lieutenant
of
Ireland
;
and
the
Rebels
had
made
a
Confederacy
among
themselves
,
and
those
Confederates
had
made
a
kind
of
League
with
the
Lieutenant
,
wherein
they
agreed
upon
liberty
given
them
in
the
exercise
of
their
Religion
,
to
be
faithful
to
,
and
assist
the
King
.
To
these
also
were
joyned
some
Forces
raised
by
the
Earls
of
Castlehaven
,
and
Clanriccard
,
and
my
Lord
Inchequin
,
so
that
they
were
the
greatest
United
Strength
in
the
Island
;
but
there
were
among
them
a
great
many
other
Papists
that
would
by
no
means
subject
themselves
to
Protestants
,
and
these
were
called
the
Nuncio's
Party
,
as
the
other
were
called
the
Confederate
Party
.
These
Parties
not
agreeing
,
and
the
Confederate
Party
having
broken
their
Articles
,
the
Lord
Lieutenant
seeing
them
ready
to
besiege
him
in
Dublin
,
and
not
able
to
defend
it
;
to
preserve
the
place
for
the
Protestants
,
surrenders
it
to
the
Parliament
of
England
,
and
came
over
to
the
King
,
at
this
time
when
he
was
carried
from
place
to
place
by
the
Army
.
From
England
he
went
over
to
the
Prince
,
now
King
,
residing
then
at
Paris
:
But
the
Confederates
affrighted
with
the
news
that
the
Rump
was
sending
over
an
Army
thither
,
desir'd
the
Prince
,
by
Letters
,
to
send
back
my
Lord
of
Ormond
,
ingaging
themselves
to
submit
absolutely
to
the
Kings
Authority
,
and
to
obey
my
Lord
of
Ormond
as
his
Lieutenant
:
And
thereupon
he
was
sent
back
.
This
was
about
a
year
before
the
going
over
of
Cromwel
;
in
which
time
,
by
the
Dissentions
in
Ireland
between
the
Confederate
Party
,
and
the
Nuncio's
Party
,
and
discontents
about
Command
,
this
otherwise
sufficient
Power
effected
nothing
,
and
was
at
last
defeated
,
August
the
second
,
by
a
Salley
out
of
Dublin
,
which
they
were
besieging
.
Within
a
few
days
after
arriv'd
Cromwel
,
who
with
extraordinary
diligence
,
and
horrid
Executions
,
in
less
than
a
Twelvemonth
that
he
staid
there
,
subdued
,
in
a
manner
,
the
whole
Nation
,
having
kill'd
or
exterminated
a
great
part
of
them
,
and
leaving
his
Son-in-law
Ireton
to
subdue
the
rest
:
But
Ireton
died
there
(
before
the
business
was
quite
done
)
of
the
Plague
.
This
was
one
step
more
towards
Cromwel's
Exaltation
to
the
Throne
.
B.
What
a
miserable
condition
was
Ireland
reduced
to
by
the
Learning
of
the
Roman
,
as
well
as
England
was
by
the
Learning
of
the
Presbyterian
Clergy
?
A.
In
the
latter
end
of
the
preceding
year
,
the
King
was
come
from
Paris
to
the
Hague
,
and
shortly
after
came
thither
from
the
Rump
,
their
Agent
Dorislaus
,
Doctor
of
the
Civil
Law
,
who
had
been
imployed
in
the
drawing
of
the
Charge
against
the
late
King
:
But
the
first
night
he
came
,
as
he
was
at
Supper
,
a
Company
of
Cavaliers
,
near
a
dozen
,
entred
his
Chamber
,
kill'd
him
,
and
got
away
.
Not
long
after
also
,
their
Agent
at
Madrid
,
one
Ascham
,
that
had
written
in
defence
of
his
Masters
,
was
kill'd
in
the
same
manner
.
About
this
time
came
out
two
Books
;
one
written
by
Salmasius
,
a
Presbyterian
,
against
the
Murder
of
the
King
;
another
written
by
Milton
,
an
Independent
in
England
,
in
Answer
to
it
.
B.
I
have
seen
them
both
;
they
are
very
good
Latine
both
,
and
hardly
to
be
judged
which
is
better
;
and
both
very
ill
reasoning
,
and
hardly
to
be
judged
which
is
worst
:
like
two
Declamations
Pro
and
Con
,
for
exercise
only
in
a
Rhetorick
School
,
by
one
and
the
same
man
:
so
like
is
a
Presbyterian
to
an
Independent
.
A.
In
this
year
the
Rump
did
not
much
at
home
,
save
that
in
the
beginning
they
made
England
a
Free
State
,
by
an
Act
which
runs
thus
,
Be
it
Enacted
and
Declared
by
this
present
Parliament
,
and
by
to
Authority
thereof
,
That
the
People
of
England
,
and
all
the
Dominions
and
Territories
thereunto
belonging
,
are
and
shall
be
,
and
are
hereby
constituted
,
made
,
and
declared
a
Common-wealth
,
and
Free
State
,
&c.
B.
What
did
they
mean
by
a
Free
State
and
Common-wealth
?
were
the
people
no
longer
to
be
subject
to
Laws
?
They
could
not
mean
that
:
for
the
Parliament
meant
to
Govern
them
by
their
own
Laws
,
and
punish
such
as
broke
them
.
Did
they
mean
that
England
should
not
be
subject
to
any
foreign
Kingdom
or
Common-wealth
?
That
needed
not
be
Enacted
,
seeing
there
was
no
King
nor
People
pretended
to
be
their
Masters
.
What
did
they
mean
then
?
A.
They
meant
that
neither
this
King
,
nor
any
King
,
nor
any
single
person
,
but
only
that
they
themselves
would
be
the
Peoples
Masters
;
and
would
have
set
it
down
in
those
plain
words
,
if
the
people
could
have
been
cozen'd
with
words
intelligible
as
easily
as
with
words
not
intelligible
.
After
this
they
gave
one
another
Money
and
Estates
out
of
the
Lands
and
Goods
of
the
Loyal
Party
.
They
Enacted
also
an
Engagement
to
be
taken
by
every
man
,
in
these
words
,
You
shall
promise
to
be
true
and
faithful
to
the
Common-wealth
of
England
,
as
it
is
now
established
,
without
King
or
House
of
Lords
.
They
banished
also
from
within
20
Miles
of
London
all
the
loyal
Party
,
forbidding
every
one
of
them
to
depart
more
than
five
Miles
from
his
dwelling-house
.
B.
They
meant
perhaps
to
have
them
ready
,
if
need
were
,
for
a
Massacre
:
But
what
did
the
Scots
in
this
time
?
A.
They
were
considering
of
the
Officers
of
the
Army
which
they
were
levying
for
the
King
,
how
they
might
exclude
from
Command
all
such
as
had
loyally
serv'd
his
now
Majesty's
Father
,
and
all
Independents
,
and
all
such
as
commanded
in
Duke
Hamilton's
Army
:
And
these
were
the
main
things
that
passed
this
year
.
The
Marquess
of
Montross
,
that
had
in
the
year
1645.
with
a
few
men
,
and
in
a
little
time
,
done
things
almost
incredible
against
the
late
King's
Enemies
in
Scotland
,
landed
now
again
in
the
beginning
of
the
Year
1650.
in
the
North
of
Scotland
,
with
Commission
from
the
present
King
,
hoping
to
do
him
as
good
service
as
he
had
formerly
done
his
Father
;
but
the
case
was
alter'd
,
for
the
Scotch
Forces
were
then
in
England
,
in
the
service
of
the
Parliament
;
whereas
now
they
were
in
Scotland
,
and
many
more
(
for
their
intended
Invasion
)
newly
rais'd
:
Besides
,
the
Souldiers
which
the
Marquess
brought
over
were
few
,
and
Forreigners
;
nor
did
the
High-landers
come
in
to
him
,
as
he
expected
,
insomuch
as
he
was
soon
defeated
,
and
shortly
after
taken
;
and
(
with
more
spiteful
usage
than
revenge
requir'd
)
Executed
by
the
Covenanters
at
Edinborough
,
May
the
2d
.
B.
What
good
could
the
King
expect
from
joyning
with
these
men
,
who
,
during
the
Treaty
,
discover'd
so
much
malice
to
him
in
one
of
his
best
Subjects
?
A.
No
doubt
(
their
Church-men
being
then
prevalent
)
they
would
have
done
as
much
to
this
King
,
as
the
English
Parliament
had
done
to
his
Father
,
if
they
could
have
gotten
by
it
that
which
they
foolishly
aspir'd
to
,
the
Government
of
the
Nation
:
I
do
not
believe
that
the
Independents
were
worse
than
the
Presbyterians
;
both
the
one
and
the
other
were
resolv'd
to
destroy
whatsoever
should
stand
in
the
way
to
their
Ambition
:
but
necessity
made
the
King
pass
over
both
this
and
many
other
Indignities
from
them
,
rather
than
suffer
the
pursuit
of
his
Right
in
England
to
cool
,
and
be
little
better
than
extinguished
.
B.
Indeed
,
I
believe
the
Kingdom
,
if
suffered
to
become
an
old
Debt
,
will
hardly
ever
be
recover'd
:
Besides
,
the
King
was
sure
,
where
ever
the
Victory
lighted
,
he
could
lose
nothing
in
the
War
but
Enemies
.
A.
About
the
time
of
Montrosses
death
,
which
was
in
May
,
Cromwel
was
yet
in
Ireland
,
and
his
work
unfinished
;
but
finding
,
or
by
his
Friends
advertis'd
,
that
his
presence
in
the
Expedition
now
preparing
against
the
Scots
,
would
be
necessary
to
his
Design
,
sent
to
the
Rump
,
to
know
their
pleasure
,
concerning
his
return
:
But
for
all
that
,
he
knew
,
or
thought
it
was
not
necessary
to
stay
for
their
Answer
,
but
came
away
,
and
arriv'd
at
London
the
sixth
of
June
following
,
and
was
welcom'd
by
the
Rump
.
Now
had
General
Fairfax
(
who
was
truly
what
he
pretended
to
be
,
a
Presbyterian
)
been
so
Catechis'd
by
the
Presbyterian
Ministers
here
,
that
he
refus'd
to
fight
against
the
Brethren
in
Scotland
;
nor
did
the
Rump
,
nor
Cromwel
,
go
about
to
rectifie
his
Conscience
in
that
point
.
And
thus
Fairfax
laying
down
his
Commission
,
Cromwel
was
now
made
General
of
all
the
Forces
in
England
and
Ireland
,
which
was
another
step
to
the
Soveraign
Power
.
B.
Where
was
the
King
?
A.
In
Scotland
,
newly
come
over
,
he
landed
in
the
North
,
and
was
honourably
conducted
to
Edinborough
,
though
all
things
was
not
yet
well
agreed
upon
between
the
Scots
and
him
:
for
he
had
yielded
to
as
hard
Conditions
,
as
the
late
King
had
yielded
to
in
the
Isle
of
Wight
;
yet
they
had
still
somewhat
to
add
,
till
the
King
enduring
no
more
,
departed
from
them
towards
the
North
again
:
But
they
sent
Messengers
after
him
,
to
pray
him
to
return
;
but
they
furnished
these
Messengers
with
strength
enough
to
bring
him
back
▪
if
he
should
have
refus'd
.
In
fine
,
they
agreed
,
but
would
not
suffer
the
King
,
or
any
Royalist
,
to
have
Command
in
the
Army
.
B.
The
sum
of
all
is
,
the
King
was
their
Prisoner
.
A.
Cromwel
from
Berwick
sends
a
Declaration
to
the
Scots
,
telling
them
,
he
had
no
Quarrel
against
the
people
of
Scotland
,
but
against
the
Malignant
Party
that
had
brought
in
the
King
,
to
the
disturbance
of
the
Peace
between
the
two
Nations
;
and
that
he
was
willing
by
Conference
to
give
and
receive
satisfaction
,
or
to
decide
the
Justice
of
the
Cause
by
Battel
:
To
which
the
Scots
answering
,
declare
,
That
they
will
not
prosecute
the
Kings
Interest
,
before
and
without
his
acknowledgment
of
the
sins
of
his
House
,
and
his
former
ways
;
and
satisfaction
given
to
Gods
people
in
both
Kingdoms
.
Judge
by
this
,
whether
the
present
King
were
not
in
as
bad
a
condition
here
,
as
his
Father
was
in
the
hands
of
the
Presbyterians
of
England
.
B.
Presbyterians
are
every
where
the
same
;
they
would
fain
be
absolute
Governours
of
all
they
converse
with
,
and
have
nothing
to
plead
for
it
;
but
that
where
they
reign
,
't
is
God
that
reigns
,
and
no
where
else
.
But
I
observe
one
strange
demand
,
that
the
King
should
acknowledge
the
sins
of
his
House
;
for
I
thought
it
had
been
certain
from
all
Divines
,
that
no
man
was
bound
to
acknowledge
any
mans
sins
but
his
own
.
A.
The
King
having
yielded
to
all
that
the
Church
requir'd
,
the
Scots
proceeded
in
their
intended
War
.
Cromwel
marched
on
to
Edinborough
,
provoking
them
all
he
could
to
Battel
;
which
they
declining
,
and
provisions
growing
scarce
in
the
English
Army
,
Cromwel
retir'd
to
Dunbar
,
despairing
of
success
,
and
intending
by
Sea
or
Land
to
get
back
into
England
:
And
such
was
the
condition
which
this
General
Cromwel
,
so
much
magnified
for
Conduct
,
had
brought
his
Army
to
,
that
all
his
Glories
had
ended
in
shame
and
punishment
,
if
Fortune's
,
and
the
faults
of
his
Enemies
,
had
not
reliev'd
him
:
for
as
he
retir'd
,
the
Scots
followed
him
close
all
the
way
,
till
within
a
mile
of
Dunbar
.
There
is
a
ridge
of
Hills
,
that
from
beyond
Edinborough
goes
winding
to
the
Sea
,
and
crosses
the
High-way
between
Dunbar
and
Barwick
,
at
a
Village
called
Copperspeith
,
where
the
passage
is
so
difficult
,
that
if
the
Scots
had
sent
timely
thither
a
very
few
men
to
guard
it
,
the
English
could
never
have
passed
:
for
the
Scots
kept
the
Hills
,
and
needed
not
have
●ought
,
but
upon
great
advantage
,
and
were
almost
two
to
one
.
Cromwel's
Army
was
at
the
Foot
of
those
Hills
,
on
the
North
side
;
and
there
was
a
great
Ditch
,
or
Channel
of
a
Torrent
,
between
the
Hills
and
it
;
so
that
he
could
never
have
got
home
by
Land
,
nor
without
utter
ruine
of
the
Army
attempted
to
ship
it
,
nor
have
stayed
where
he
was
for
want
of
provisions
.
Now
Cromwel
knowing
the
Pass
was
free
,
and
commanding
a
good
Party
of
Horse
and
Foot
to
possess
it
,
it
was
necessary
for
the
Scots
to
let
them
go
,
whom
they
brag'd
they
had
impounded
,
or
else
to
fight
,
and
therefore
with
the
best
of
their
Horse
charged
the
English
,
and
made
them
at
first
to
shrink
a
little
,
but
the
English
Foot
coming
on
,
the
Scots
were
put
to
flight
,
and
the
flight
of
their
Horse
hindred
the
Foot
from
engaging
,
who
therefore
fled
,
as
did
also
the
rest
of
their
Horse
.
Thus
the
folly
of
the
Scotish
Commanders
brought
all
these
odds
to
an
even
lay
between
two
small
and
equal
Parties
,
wherein
Fortune
gave
the
Victory
to
the
English
,
who
were
not
many
more
in
number
than
those
that
were
killed
and
taken
Prisoners
of
the
Scots
,
and
the
Church
lost
their
Cannon
,
Bag
and
Baggage
,
with
10000
Arms
,
and
almost
their
whole
Army
;
the
rest
were
got
together
by
Lesby
to
Sterling
.
B.
This
Victory
hapned
well
for
the
King
,
for
had
the
Scots
been
Victors
,
the
Presbyterians
both
there
and
here
would
have
domineer'd
again
,
and
the
King
been
in
the
same
condition
his
Father
was
in
at
Newcastle
,
in
the
hands
of
the
Scotish
Army
.
For
in
pursuit
of
this
Victory
,
the
English
at
last
brought
the
Scots
to
a
pretty
good
habit
of
obedience
for
the
King
,
whensoever
he
should
recover
his
Right
.
A.
In
pursuit
of
this
Victory
the
English
marched
to
Edinborrough
,
quitted
by
the
Scots
,
fortified
Leith
,
and
took
in
all
the
strength
and
Castles
they
thought
fit
on
this
side
the
Frith
,
which
now
was
become
the
Bounds
betwixt
the
two
Nations
;
and
the
Scotch
Ecclesiasticks
began
to
know
themselves
better
,
and
resolved
in
their
new
Army
,
which
they
meant
to
raise
,
to
admit
some
of
the
Royalists
into
Command
:
Cromwel
from
Edinborrough
march'd
towards
Sterling
to
provoke
the
Enemy
to
fight
,
but
finding
danger
in
it
returned
to
Edinborrough
,
and
besieged
the
Castle
:
In
the
mean
time
he
sent
a
Party
into
the
West
of
Scotland
to
suppress
Strangham
and
Kerr
,
two
great
Presbyterians
,
that
were
there
levying
of
Forces
for
their
new
Army
.
And
in
the
same
time
the
Scots
Crowned
the
King
at
Schone
.
The
rest
of
this
year
was
spent
in
Scotland
,
on
Cromwel's
part
in
taking
of
Edinburrough
Castle
,
and
in
attempts
to
pass
the
Frith
,
or
any
other
ways
to
get
over
to
the
Scotish
Forces
;
and
on
the
Scots
part
,
in
hastening
their
Levies
for
the
North.
B.
What
did
the
Rump
at
home
during
this
time
?
A.
They
voted
Liberty
of
Conscience
to
the
Sectaries
;
that
is
,
they
pluckt
out
the
sting
of
Presbytery
,
which
consisted
in
a
severe
imposing
of
odd
Opinions
upon
the
people
,
impertinent
to
Religion
,
but
conducing
to
the
advancement
of
the
power
of
the
Presbyterian
Ministers
.
Also
they
levyed
more
Souldiers
,
and
gave
the
Command
of
them
to
Harrison
,
now
made
Major
General
,
a
Fifth-Monarchy
man
;
and
of
those
Souldiers
,
two
Regiments
of
Horse
and
one
of
Foot
were
raised
by
the
Fifth-Monarchy
men
,
and
other
Sectaries
,
in
thankfulness
for
this
their
liberty
from
the
Presbyterian
Tyranny
.
Also
they
pull'd
down
the
late
Kings
Statue
in
the
Exchange
,
and
in
the
place
where
it
stood
caused
to
be
written
these
words
,
Exit
Tyrannus
Regum
ultimus
,
&c.
B.
What
good
did
that
do
them
?
and
why
did
they
not
pull
down
the
Statues
of
all
the
rest
of
the
Kings
?
A.
What
account
can
be
given
of
actions
that
proceed
not
from
Reason
,
but
spight
and
such
like
passions
?
Besides
this
,
they
received
Ambassadors
from
Portugal
and
Spain
,
acknowledging
their
Power
:
And
in
the
very
end
of
the
year
,
they
prepared
an
Ambassador
to
the
Netherlands
,
to
offer
them
friendship
:
All
they
did
besides
,
was
persecuting
and
executing
of
Royalists
.
In
the
beginning
of
the
Year
1651.
General
Dean
arrived
in
Scotland
;
and
on
the
11th
.
of
April
the
Scotish
Parliament
assembled
,
and
made
certain
Acts
in
order
to
a
better
uniting
of
themselves
,
and
better
obedience
to
the
King
,
who
was
now
at
Sterling
with
the
Scotish
Forces
he
had
,
expecting
more
now
in
levying
.
Cromwel
from
Edinborough
went
divers
times
to
Sterling
,
to
provoke
them
to
fight
:
There
was
no
Ford
there
to
pass
over
his
men
:
At
last
,
Boats
being
come
from
London
and
Newcastle
,
Colonel
Overton
(
though
it
were
long
first
,
for
it
was
now
July
)
transported
1400
Foot
of
his
own
,
besides
another
Regiment
of
Foot
and
four
Troops
of
Horse
,
and
intrencht
himself
at
North-Ferry
on
the
other
side
,
and
before
any
help
could
come
from
Sterling
Major
General
Lambert
also
was
got
over
with
as
many
more
;
by
this
time
Sir
John
Brown
was
come
to
oppose
them
with
4500
men
,
whom
the
English
there
defeated
,
killing
about
2000
,
aud
taking
Prisoners
1600.
This
done
,
and
as
much
more
of
the
Army
transported
as
was
thought
fit
,
Cromwel
comes
before
St.
Johnston's
(
from
whence
the
Scotish
Parliament
,
upon
news
of
his
passing
the
Frith
,
was
removed
to
Dundee
)
and
summons
it
;
and
the
same
day
had
news
brought
him
,
that
the
King
was
marching
from
Sterling
towards
England
,
which
was
true
;
but
notwithstanding
the
King
was
three
days
march
before
him
,
he
resolved
to
have
the
Town
before
he
followed
him
,
and
accordingly
had
it
the
next
day
by
surrender
.
B.
What
hopes
had
the
King
in
coming
into
England
,
having
before
and
behind
him
none
,
at
least
none
armed
,
but
his
Enemies
?
A.
Yes
there
was
before
him
the
City
of
London
,
which
generally
hated
the
Rump
,
and
might
easily
be
reckoned
for
20000
well
armed
Souldiers
;
and
most
men
believed
they
would
have
taken
his
part
had
he
come
near
the
City
.
B.
What
probability
was
there
of
that
?
Do
you
think
the
Rump
was
not
sure
of
the
service
of
the
Mayor
,
and
those
that
Commanded
the
City
Militia
?
And
if
they
had
been
really
the
Kings
Friends
,
what
need
had
they
to
stay
his
coming
up
to
London
?
They
might
have
seiz'd
the
Rump
if
they
had
pleas'd
,
which
had
no
possibility
of
defending
themselves
;
at
least
,
they
might
have
turn'd
them
out
of
the
House
.
A.
This
they
did
not
,
but
on
the
contrary
permitted
the
recruiting
of
Cromwel's
Army
,
and
the
raising
of
men
to
keep
the
Country
from
coming
in
to
the
King
.
The
King
began
his
march
from
Sterling
the
last
of
July
,
and
Aug.
22.
came
to
Worcester
,
by
the
way
of
Carlisle
,
with
a
weary
Army
,
of
about
13000
;
whom
Cromwel
followed
,
and
joining
with
the
new
Levies
,
environ'd
Worcester
with
40000
,
and
on
the
third
of
September
utterly
defeated
the
Kings
Army
:
Here
Duke
Hamilton
,
brother
of
him
that
was
beheaded
,
was
slain
.
B.
What
became
of
the
King
?
A.
Night
coming
on
before
the
City
was
quite
taken
,
he
left
it
,
being
dark
,
and
none
of
the
Enemies
Horse
within
the
Town
to
follow
him
;
the
plundering
Foot
having
kept
the
Gates
shut
,
lest
the
Horse
should
enter
,
and
have
a
share
of
the
Booty
:
The
King
before
morning
got
into
Warwickshire
,
25
Miles
from
Worcester
,
and
there
lay
disguised
a
while
,
and
afterwards
went
up
and
down
in
great
danger
of
being
discovered
,
till
at
last
he
got
over
into
France
from
Brighthempstead
in
Sussex
.
B.
When
Cromwel
was
gone
what
was
farther
done
in
Scotland
.
A.
Lieutenant
Gen.
Monk
whom
Cromwel
left
there
with
7000
took
Sterling
,
August
the
14th
,
by
surrender
;
and
Dundee
the
third
of
September
by
Storm
,
because
it
resisted
;
this
the
Souldiers
plundered
,
and
had
good
booty
,
because
the
Scots
for
safety
had
sent
thither
their
most
precious
Goods
from
Edinburrough
and
St.
Johnston's
;
he
took
likewise
by
surrender
Aberdeen
,
and
the
place
where
the
Scotish
Ministers
first
learn'd
to
play
the
Fools
,
St.
Andrews
;
Also
in
the
Highlands
Colonel
Alured
took
a
knot
of
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
viz.
four
Earls
,
and
four
Lords
,
and
above
twenty
Knights
and
Gentlemen
,
whom
he
sent
Prisoners
into
England
,
so
that
there
was
nothing
more
to
be
fear'd
from
Scotland
:
all
the
trouble
of
the
Rump
was
to
resolve
what
they
should
do
with
it
,
at
last
they
resolv'd
to
Unite
and
Incorporate
it
into
a
Common-wealth
with
England
and
Ireland
,
and
to
that
end
sent
thither
St.
Johns
,
Vane
,
and
other
Commissioners
,
to
offer
them
this
Union
by
publique
Declaration
,
and
to
warn
them
to
chuse
their
Deputies
of
Shires
,
and
Burgesses
of
Towns
,
and
send
them
to
Westminster
.
B.
This
was
a
great
favour
.
A.
I
think
so
;
and
yet
it
was
by
many
of
the
Scots
,
especially
by
the
Ministers
and
other
Presbyterians
refused
:
the
Ministers
had
given
way
to
the
Levying
of
Mony
for
the
payment
of
the
English
Souldiers
,
but
to
comply
with
the
Declaration
of
English
Commissioners
they
absolutely
forbad
.
B.
Methinks
this
Contributing
to
the
Pay
of
their
Conquerors
was
some
mark
of
Servitude
,
where
entring
into
the
Union
made
them
Free
,
and
gave
them
equal
Priviledge
with
the
English
.
A.
The
cause
why
they
refused
the
Union
,
rendered
by
the
Presbyterians
themselves
,
was
this
,
That
it
drew
with
it
a
subordination
of
the
Church
to
the
Civil
State
in
the
things
of
Christ
.
B.
This
is
a
down-right
Declaration
to
all
Kings
and
Common-wealths
in
general
,
that
a
Presbyterian
Minister
will
be
a
true
Subject
to
none
of
them
in
the
things
of
Christ
,
which
things
what
they
are
they
will
be
Judges
themselves
:
what
then
have
we
gotten
by
our
Deliverance
from
the
Popes
Tyranny
,
if
these
pretty
Men
succeed
in
the
place
of
it
,
that
have
nothing
in
them
that
can
be
beneficial
to
the
Publique
,
except
their
silence
?
for
their
Learning
,
it
amounts
to
no
more
than
an
imperfect
knowledge
of
Greek
and
Latin
,
and
acquired
readiness
in
the
Scripture
Language
,
with
a
Gesture
and
Tone
suitable
thereunto
:
but
of
Justice
and
Charity
(
the
Manners
of
Religion
)
they
have
neither
Knowledge
nor
Practice
,
as
is
manifest
by
the
Stories
I
have
already
told
you
:
nor
do
they
distinguish
between
the
Godly
and
Ungodly
,
but
by
Conformity
of
Design
in
Men
of
Judgment
:
or
by
Repetition
of
their
Sermons
in
the
Common
sort
of
People
.
A.
But
this
fullenness
of
the
Scots
was
to
no
purpose
,
for
they
at
Westminster
Enacted
the
Union
of
the
two
Nations
,
and
the
Abolition
of
Monarchy
in
Scotland
,
and
ordained
Punishment
for
those
that
should
transgress
the
Act.
B.
What
other
business
did
the
Rump
this
year
?
A.
They
sent
St.
Johns
and
Strickland
Ambassadors
to
the
Hague
,
to
offer
League
to
the
United
Provinces
,
who
had
Audience
March
the
third
:
St.
Johns
in
a
Speech
shewed
those
States
what
advantage
they
might
have
by
this
League
,
in
their
Trade
and
Navigations
,
by
the
use
of
the
English
Ports
and
Harbors
;
the
Dutch
,
though
they
shewed
no
great
forwardness
in
the
business
,
yet
appointed
Commissioners
to
Treat
with
them
about
it
,
but
the
People
were
generally
against
it
,
calling
the
Ambassadors
and
their
Followers
(
as
they
were
)
Traytors
and
Murderers
,
and
made
such
Tumults
about
their
House
,
that
their
Followers
durst
not
go
abroad
till
the
States
had
quieted
them
:
the
Rump
advertis'd
hereof
,
presently
recall'd
them
;
the
Complement
which
St.
Johns
gave
to
the
Commissioners
,
at
their
taking
leave
,
is
worth
your
hearing
;
You
have
(
said
he
)
an
Eye
upon
the
Event
of
the
Affairs
of
Scotland
,
and
therefore
do
refuse
the
Friendship
we
have
offered
now
.
I
can
assure
you
many
in
the
Parliament
were
of
Opinion
that
we
should
not
have
sent
any
Ambassadors
to
you
,
till
we
had
expected
your
Ambassadors
to
us
:
I
now
perceive
our
Error
,
and
that
those
Gentlemen
were
in
the
right
:
In
a
short
time
you
shall
see
that
Business
ended
,
when
it
shall
perplex
you
that
you
have
refus'd
our
Proffer
.
B.
S.
Johns
was
not
sure
that
the
Scotish
business
would
end
as
it
did
;
for
though
the
Scots
were
beaten
at
Dunbar
,
he
could
not
be
sure
of
the
Event
of
their
entering
of
England
,
which
happened
afterward
.
A.
But
he
guess'd
well
;
for
within
a
Month
after
the
Battel
at
Worcester
,
an
Act
passed
,
forbidding
the
importing
of
Merchandize
in
other
than
English
Ships
:
The
English
also
molested
their
Fishing
upon
our
Coast
:
They
also
many
times
searched
their
Ships
(
upon
occasion
of
our
War
with
France
)
and
made
some
of
them
Prize
:
and
then
the
Dutch
sent
their
Ambassadours
hither
,
to
desire
what
they
before
refus'd
;
but
partly
also
to
inform
themselves
what
Naval
Forces
the
English
had
ready
,
and
how
the
people
were
contented
with
the
Government
.
B.
How
sped
they
?
A.
The
Rump
shewed
now
as
little
desire
of
Agreement
,
as
the
Dutch
did
then
,
standing
upon
terms
never
likely
to
be
granted
.
First
,
For
the
Fishing
on
the
English
Coast
,
that
they
should
not
have
it
without
paying
for
it
.
Secondly
,
That
the
English
should
have
free
Trade
from
Middleburgh
to
Antwerp
,
as
they
had
before
their
Rebellion
against
the
King
of
Spain
.
Thirdly
,
They
demanded
amends
for
the
old
(
but
never-to-be-forgotten
)
business
of
Amboyna
;
so
that
the
War
was
already
certain
,
though
the
Season
kept
them
from
Action
till
the
Spring
following
.
The
true
Quarrel
on
the
English
part
was
,
that
their
proffer'd
Friendship
was
scorn'd
,
and
their
Ambassadours
affronted
:
On
the
Dutch
part
,
was
their
greediness
to
Ingross
all
Traffick
,
and
a
false
Estimate
of
our
and
their
own
Strength
.
Whilst
these
things
were
doing
,
the
Reliques
of
the
War
,
both
in
Ireland
and
Scotland
,
were
not
neglected
,
though
these
Nations
were
not
fully
pacified
till
two
years
after
:
The
Persecution
of
Royalists
also
still
continued
,
among
whom
was
beheaded
one
M.
Love
,
for
holding
Correspondence
with
the
King
.
B.
I
had
thought
Presbyterian
Ministers
,
whilst
they
are
such
,
could
not
be
Royalists
,
because
they
think
their
Assembly
have
the
Supreme
Power
in
the
things
of
Christ
;
and
by
consequence
they
are
in
England
by
a
Statute
Traytors
.
A.
You
may
think
so
still
;
for
though
I
called
Mr.
Love
a
Royalist
,
I
meant
it
only
for
that
one
act
for
which
he
was
condemned
.
It
was
he
,
who
,
during
the
Treaty
at
Uxbridge
,
preaching
before
the
Commissioners
there
,
said
,
It
was
as
possible
for
Heaven
and
Hell
,
as
for
the
King
and
Parliament
to
agree
.
Both
he
and
the
rest
of
the
Presbyterians
are
and
were
Enemies
to
the
Kings
Enemies
,
Cromwel
and
his
Phanaticks
,
for
their
own
,
not
for
the
Kings
sake
:
Their
Loyalty
was
like
that
of
Sir
John
Hotham
,
that
kept
the
King
out
of
Hull
,
and
afterwards
would
have
betrayed
the
same
to
the
Marquess
of
Newcastle
.
These
Presbyterians
therefore
cannot
be
rightly
called
Loyal
,
but
rather
doubly
perfidious
;
unless
you
think
that
as
two
Negatives
make
an
Affirmative
,
so
two
Treasons
make
Loyalty
.
This
Year
also
were
reduced
to
the
obedience
of
the
Rump
,
the
Islands
of
Scilly
and
Man
,
and
the
Barbado's
,
and
St.
Christophers
.
One
thing
fell
out
that
they
liked
not
,
which
was
that
Cromwel
gave
them
warning
to
determine
their
sitting
according
to
the
Bill
for
Triennial
Parliaments
.
B.
That
I
think
was
harsh
.
A.
In
the
year
1652.
May
14.
began
the
Dutch
War
in
this
manner
,
three
Dutch
Men
of
War
,
with
divers
Merchants
from
the
Straights
,
being
discovered
by
one
Captain
Young
,
who
commanded
some
English
Frigats
,
the
said
Young
sent
to
their
Admiral
to
bid
him
strike
his
Flag
(
a
thing
usually
done
in
acknowledgment
of
the
English
Dominion
in
the
Narrow
Seas
)
which
accordingly
he
did
.
Then
came
up
the
Vice-Admiral
,
and
being
called
so
as
the
other
was
to
take
down
his
Flag
,
he
answered
plainly
he
would
not
;
but
after
the
exchange
of
four
or
five
Broadsides
,
and
mischief
done
on
either
part
,
he
took
it
down
;
but
Captain
Young
demanded
also
either
the
Vice-Admiral
himself
,
or
his
Ship
,
to
make
satisfaction
for
the
dammage
already
sustained
.
To
which
the
Vice-Admiral
answered
,
that
he
had
taken
in
his
Flag
,
but
would
defend
himself
and
his
Ship
:
whereupon
Captain
Young
consulting
with
the
Captains
of
his
other
Ships
,
lest
the
beginning
of
the
War
in
this
time
of
Treaty
should
be
charged
upon
himself
,
and
night
also
coming
on
,
thought
fit
to
proceed
no
farther
.
B.
The
War
certainly
began
at
this
time
;
but
who
began
it
?
A.
The
Dominion
of
the
Sea
belonging
to
the
English
,
there
can
be
no
question
but
the
Dutch
began
it
;
and
that
the
said
Dominion
belonged
to
the
English
,
it
was
confest
at
first
by
the
Admiral
himself
peaceably
,
and
at
last
by
the
Vice-Admiral
,
taking
in
their
Flags
.
About
a
Fortnight
after
there
happened
another
Fight
upon
the
like
occasion
,
upon
Tromp
with
42
Men
of
War
,
who
came
back
to
the
back
of
Godwin-Sands
(
Major
Bourn
being
then
with
a
few
of
the
Parliament's
Ships
in
the
Downs
,
and
Blake
with
the
rest
farther
Westward
)
and
sent
two
Captains
of
his
to
Bourn
to
excuse
his
coming
thither
:
To
whom
Bourn
returned
this
answer
,
that
the
Message
was
civil
,
but
that
it
might
appear
real
,
he
ought
to
depart
.
So
Tromp
departed
,
meaning
(
now
Bourn
was
satisfied
)
to
sail
towards
Blake
,
and
he
did
so
;
but
so
did
also
Bourn
,
for
fear
of
the
worst
:
When
Tromp
and
Blake
were
near
one
another
,
Blake
made
a
shot
over
Tromp's
Ship
,
as
a
warning
to
him
to
take
in
his
Flag
:
This
he
did
thrice
,
and
then
Tromp
gave
him
a
Broad-side
,
and
so
began
the
Fight
(
at
the
beginning
whereof
Bourn
came
in
)
and
lasted
from
two
a
Clock
till
night
,
the
English
having
the
better
,
and
the
Flag
as
before
making
the
quarrel
.
B.
What
need
is
there
,
when
both
Nations
were
heartily
resolved
to
fight
,
to
stand
so
much
upon
this
Complement
of
who
should
begin
?
For
as
to
the
gaining
of
Friends
and
Confederates
thereby
,
I
think
't
is
in
vain
;
seeing
Princes
and
States
,
on
such
occasions
,
look
not
much
upon
the
Justice
of
their
Neighbours
,
but
upon
their
own
concernment
in
the
Event
.
A.
It
is
commonly
so
:
but
in
this
case
the
Dutch
knowing
the
Dominion
of
the
Narrow
Seas
,
to
be
a
gallant
Title
,
and
envied
by
all
the
Nations
that
reach
the
Shore
,
and
consequently
that
they
were
likely
to
oppose
it
,
did
wisely
enough
in
making
this
point
the
state
of
the
quarrel
.
After
this
Fight
the
Dutch
Ambassadors
residing
in
England
,
sent
a
Paper
to
the
Council
of
State
,
wherein
they
stiled
this
last
Encounter
a
rash
action
,
and
affirmed
it
was
done
without
the
knowledge
,
and
against
the
will
of
their
Lords
,
the
States
General
,
and
desired
them
that
nothing
might
be
done
upon
it
in
heat
,
which
might
become
irreparable
.
The
Parliament
hereupon
voted
,
First
,
That
the
States
General
should
pay
the
Charges
they
were
at
,
and
for
the
Dammages
they
sustained
upon
this
occasion
.
Secondly
,
That
this
being
paid
,
there
should
be
a
Cessation
of
all
Acts
of
Hostility
,
and
a
mutual
Restitution
of
all
Ships
and
Goods
taken
.
Thirdly
,
And
both
these
agreed
so
,
that
there
should
be
made
a
League
between
the
two
Common-wealths
.
These
Votes
were
sent
to
the
Dutch
Ambassadors
,
in
answer
of
the
said
Paper
;
but
with
a
Preamble
setting
forth
the
former
kindnesses
of
England
to
the
Netherlands
,
and
taking
notice
of
their
new
Fleet
of
150
Men
of
War
,
without
any
other
apparent
Design
than
the
Destruction
of
the
English
Fleet.
B.
What
answer
made
the
Dutch
to
this
?
A.
None
.
Tromp
sailed
presently
into
Zealand
,
and
Blake
with
70
Men
of
War
to
the
Orkney-Islands
,
to
seize
their
Busses
,
and
to
wait
for
five
Dutch
Ships
from
the
East-Indies
;
and
Sir
George
Ascue
,
newly
return'd
from
the
Barbados
,
came
into
the
Downs
with
fifteen
Men
of
War
,
where
he
was
commanded
to
stay
for
a
Recruit
out
of
the
Thames
.
Tromp
,
being
recruited
to
120
Sail
,
made
account
to
get
in
between
Sir
George
Ascue
and
the
Mouth
of
the
River
,
but
was
hindred
so
long
by
contrary
Winds
,
that
the
Merchants
calling
for
his
Convoy
he
could
stay
no
longer
,
and
so
he
went
back
into
Holland
,
and
thence
to
Orkney
,
where
he
met
with
the
said
five
East-India
Ships
,
and
sent
them
home
:
and
then
he
endeavour'd
to
engage
with
Blake
;
but
a
sudden
Storm
forced
him
to
Sea
,
and
so
dissipated
his
Fleet
,
that
only
forty
two
came
home
in
one
Body
,
the
rest
singly
as
well
as
they
could
;
Blake
also
came
home
,
but
went
first
to
the
Coast
of
Holland
,
with
900
Prisoners
and
six
Men
of
War
taken
,
which
were
part
of
twelve
which
he
found
and
took
Guarding
their
Busses
.
This
was
the
first
Bout
after
the
War
declar'd
.
In
August
following
there
hapned
a
Fight
between
De
Ruiter
the
Admiral
of
Zeland
,
with
fifty
Men
of
War
,
and
Sir
George
Ascue
near
Plimouth
,
with
forty
;
wherein
Sir
George
had
the
better
,
and
might
have
got
an
entire
Victory
,
had
the
whole
Fleet
ingaged
.
Whatsoever
was
the
matter
,
the
Rump
(
though
they
rewarded
him
)
never
more
imployed
him
,
after
his
return
,
in
their
Service
at
Sea
:
but
Voted
for
the
year
to
come
three
Generals
,
Blake
that
was
one
already
,
and
Dean
,
and
Monk
.
About
this
time
Arch-Duke
Leopold
Besieging
Dunkirk
,
and
the
French
sending
a
Fleet
to
relieve
it
,
General
Blake
lighting
on
the
French
at
Calais
,
and
taking
seven
of
their
Ships
,
was
cause
of
the
Towns
Surrender
.
In
September
they
fought
again
,
De
Wit
and
Ruiter
commanding
the
Dutch
,
and
Blake
the
English
;
and
the
Dutch
were
again
worsted
.
Again
,
in
the
end
of
November
,
Van
Tromp
with
80
Men
of
War
shewed
himself
at
the
back
of
Godwin-sands
,
where
Blake
,
though
he
had
with
him
but
40
,
adventur'd
to
fight
with
him
,
and
had
much
the
worst
,
and
(
night
parting
the
Fray
)
retir'd
into
the
River
of
Thames
;
whilst
Van
Tromp
keeping
the
Sea
,
took
some
inconsiderable
Vessels
from
the
English
;
and
thereupon
,
(
as
it
is
said
)
with
a
Childish
Vanity
,
hung
out
a
Broom
from
his
Main
Top-Mast
,
signifying
he
meant
to
sweep
the
Sea
of
all
English
Shipping
.
After
this
,
in
Frebruary
,
the
Dutch
with
Van
Tromp
,
were
encountred
by
the
English
under
Blake
and
Dean
,
near
Ports-mouth
,
and
had
the
worst
.
And
these
were
all
the
Encounters
between
them
this
year
in
the
narrow
Seas
:
they
fought
also
once
at
Legorn
,
where
the
Dutch
had
the
better
.
B.
I
see
no
great
odds
yet
on
either
side
,
if
there
were
any
the
English
had
it
.
A.
Nor
did
either
of
them
e're
the
more
incline
to
Peace
,
for
the
Hollanders
,
after
they
had
sent
Ambassadors
into
Denmark
,
Sweeden
,
Poland
,
and
the
Hans
Towns
(
whence
Tar
and
Cordage
are
usually
had
)
to
signifie
the
Declaration
of
the
War
,
and
to
get
them
to
their
Party
,
recalled
their
Ambassadours
from
England
,
and
the
Rump
without
delay
gave
them
their
parting
audience
,
without
abating
a
Syllable
of
their
former
severe
Propositions
,
and
presently
to
maintain
the
War
for
the
next
year
,
laid
a
Tax
upon
the
People
of
120000
l.
per
Mensem
.
B.
What
was
done
in
the
mean
time
at
home
?
A.
Cromwel
was
now
quarrelling
(
the
last
and
greatest
Obstacle
to
his
Design
)
the
Rump
,
and
to
that
end
there
came
out
daily
from
the
Army
Petitions
,
Addresses
,
Remonstrances
,
and
other
such
Papers
,
some
of
them
urging
the
Rump
to
dissolve
themselves
,
and
make
way
for
another
Parliament
;
to
which
the
Rump
unwilling
to
yield
,
and
not
daring
to
refuse
,
determin'd
for
the
end
of
their
sitting
the
5th
of
November
,
1654.
but
Cromwel
meant
not
to
stay
so
long
.
In
the
mean
time
the
Army
in
Ireland
was
taking
Submissions
,
and
granting
Transportations
of
the
Irish
,
and
condemning
who
they
pleased
in
a
High
Court
of
Justice
erected
there
for
that
purpose
.
Among
these
that
were
executed
was
hang'd
Sir
Phelim
Oncale
,
who
first
began
the
Rebellion
in
Scotland
;
the
English
built
some
Citadels
for
the
bridling
that
stubborn
Nation
:
and
thus
ended
the
year
,
1652.
B.
Come
we
then
to
the
year
,
1653.
A.
Cromwel
wanted
now
but
one
step
to
the
end
of
his
Ambition
,
and
that
was
,
To
set
his
Foot
upon
the
Neck
of
this
Long-Parliament
,
which
he
did
April
the
23th
of
this
present
year
,
1653.
a
time
very
seasonable
;
for
though
the
Dutch
were
not
master'd
,
yet
they
were
much
weakened
,
and
what
with
Prizes
from
the
Enemy
,
and
squeezing
the
Royal
Party
,
the
Treasury
was
pretty
full
,
and
the
Tax
of
120000
l.
a
Month
began
to
come
in
,
all
which
was
his
own
in
right
of
the
Army
:
Therefore
without
any
more
ado
,
attended
by
the
Major
Generals
,
Lambert
and
Harrison
,
and
some
other
Officers
,
and
as
many
Souldiers
as
he
thought
fit
,
he
went
to
the
Parliament-house
and
dissolv'd
them
,
turn'd
them
out
,
and
lock'd
up
the
Doors
;
and
for
this
Action
he
was
more
applauded
by
the
people
,
than
for
any
of
his
Victories
in
the
War
,
and
the
Parliament
men
as
much
scorn'd
and
derided
.
B.
Now
that
there
was
no
Parliament
,
who
had
the
Supreme
Power
?
A.
If
by
Power
you
mean
the
right
to
Govern
,
no
body
had
it
;
if
you
mean
the
Supreme
Strength
,
it
was
clearly
in
Cromwel
,
who
was
obeyed
as
General
of
all
the
Forces
in
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
.
B.
Did
he
pretend
that
for
Title
?
A.
No
,
but
presently
after
he
intended
a
Title
,
which
was
this
,
That
he
was
necessitated
for
the
defence
of
the
Cause
,
for
which
at
first
the
Parliament
had
taken
up
Arms
,
(
that
is
to
say
Rebell'd
)
to
have
recourse
to
extraordinary
Actions
:
You
know
the
pretence
of
the
Long-Parliaments
Rebellion
was
Salus
Populi
,
the
safety
of
the
Nation
against
a
dangerous
Conspiracy
of
Papists
,
and
a
Malignant
Party
at
home
;
and
that
every
man
is
bound
,
as
far
as
his
Power
extends
,
to
procure
the
safety
of
the
whole
Nation
,
(
which
none
but
the
Army
were
able
to
do
,
and
the
Parliament
had
hitherto
neglected
)
was
it
not
then
the
General
's
Duty
to
do
it
?
had
he
not
therefore
right
?
for
that
Law
of
Salus
Populi
is
directed
only
to
those
that
have
Power
enough
to
defend
the
People
;
that
is
,
to
them
that
have
the
Supreme
Power
.
B.
Yes
certainly
,
he
had
as
good
a
Title
as
the
Long-Parliament
,
but
the
Long-Parliament
did
represent
the
People
,
and
it
seems
to
me
that
the
Soveraign
Power
is
essentially
annexed
to
the
Representative
of
the
People
.
A.
Yes
,
if
he
that
makes
a
Representative
,
that
is
(
in
the
present
case
)
the
King
,
do
call
them
together
to
receive
the
Soveraign
Power
,
and
he
divest
himself
thereof
,
otherwise
not
;
nor
was
ever
the
lower
House
of
Parliament
the
Representative
of
the
whole
Nation
,
but
of
the
Commons
only
;
nor
had
that
House
the
Power
to
oblige
by
their
Acts
,
or
Ordinances
,
any
Lord
or
any
Priest
.
B.
Did
Cromwel
come
in
upon
the
only
Title
of
Salus
Populi
?
For
this
is
a
Title
very
few
understand
?
A.
His
way
was
to
get
the
Supreme
Power
conferr'd
upon
him
by
Parliament
;
therefore
he
call'd
Parliament
,
and
gave
it
the
Supreme
Power
,
to
the
end
that
they
should
give
it
to
him
again
;
was
not
this
witty
:
First
therefore
he
published
a
Declaration
of
the
Causes
why
he
dissolv'd
the
Parliament
;
the
sum
whereof
was
,
That
instead
of
endeavouring
to
promote
the
good
of
God's
people
,
they
endeavour'd
(
by
a
Bill
then
ready
to
pass
)
to
recruit
the
House
,
and
perpetuate
their
own
Power
.
Next
he
constituted
a
Council
of
State
of
his
own
Creatures
to
be
the
Supreme
Authority
of
England
,
but
no
longer
than
till
the
next
Parliament
should
be
call'd
and
met
:
Thirdly
he
summon'd
a
hundred
forty
two
Persons
,
such
as
he
himself
or
his
trusty
Officers
made
choice
of
,
the
greatest
part
of
whom
were
instructed
what
to
do
,
obscure
Persons
,
and
most
of
them
Phanaticks
,
though
stil'd
by
Cromwel
,
men
of
approv'd
Fidelity
and
Honesty
;
to
these
the
Council
of
State
surrendred
the
Supreme
Authority
;
and
not
long
after
these
Men
surrendred
it
to
Cromwel
.
July
the
fourth
this
Parliament
met
,
and
chose
for
their
Speaker
one
Mr.
Rous
,
and
called
themselves
from
that
time
forward
the
Parliament
of
England
.
But
Cromwel
,
for
the
more
surety
,
constituted
also
a
Council
of
State
,
not
of
such
petty
Fellows
as
most
of
these
were
,
but
of
himself
and
of
his
principal
Officers
.
These
did
all
the
business
both
publique
and
private
,
making
Ordinances
,
and
giving
Audience
to
Foreign
Ambassadors
.
But
he
had
now
more
Enemies
than
before
:
Harrison
,
who
was
the
Head
of
the
Fifth-Monarchy-Men
,
laying
down
his
Commission
,
did
nothing
but
animate
his
party
against
him
,
for
which
afterward
he
was
Imprisoned
.
This
little
Parliament
in
the
mean
time
were
making
of
Acts
so
ridiculous
and
displeasing
to
the
People
,
that
it
was
thought
he
chose
them
on
purpose
to
bring
all
Ruling
Parliaments
into
contempt
,
and
Monarchy
again
into
Credit
.
B.
What
Acts
were
these
?
A.
One
of
them
was
,
That
all
Marriages
should
be
made
by
a
Justice
of
Peace
,
and
the
Banes
asked
three
several
days
in
the
next
Market
.
None
were
forbidden
to
be
married
by
a
Minister
,
but
without
a
Justice
of
Peace
the
Marriage
was
to
be
void
:
so
divers
wary
Couples
(
to
be
sure
of
one
another
,
howsoever
they
might
repent
it
afterwards
)
were
married
both
ways
:
also
they
Abrogated
the
Engagement
whereby
no
man
was
admitted
to
sue
in
any
Court
of
Law
,
that
had
not
taken
it
,
that
is
,
that
had
not
acknowledged
the
late
Rump
.
B.
Neither
of
these
did
any
hurt
to
Cromwel
.
A.
They
were
also
in
Hand
with
an
Act
to
Cancel
all
the
present
Laws
,
and
Law-Books
,
and
to
make
a
new
Code
more
suitable
to
the
Humor
of
the
Fifth-Monarchy-Men
,
of
whom
there
were
many
in
this
Parliament
;
their
Tenent
being
;
That
there
ought
none
to
be
Soveraign
but
King
Jesus
,
nor
any
to
Govern
under
him
but
the
Saints
;
but
their
Authority
ended
before
this
Act
passed
.
B.
What
is
this
to
Cromwel
?
A.
Nothing
yet
;
but
they
were
likewise
upon
an
Act
,
now
almost
ready
for
the
Question
;
That
Parliaments
hence
forward
,
one
upon
the
end
of
another
,
should
be
Perpetual
.
B.
I
understand
not
this
,
unless
Parliaments
can
beget
one
another
like
Animals
,
or
like
the
Phoenix
.
A.
Why
not
like
the
Phoenix
?
Cannot
a
Parliament
at
the
day
of
their
Expiration
send
out
Writs
for
a
new
one
?
B.
Do
you
think
they
would
not
rather
Summon
themselves
anew
,
and
,
to
save
the
labour
of
coming
again
to
Westminster
,
sit
still
where
they
were
?
or
if
they
summon
the
Counties
to
make
new
Elections
,
and
then
Dissolve
themselves
,
by
what
Authority
shall
the
People
meet
in
their
County-Courts
,
there
being
no
Supreme
Authority
standing
?
A.
All
they
did
was
absurd
:
though
they
knew
not
that
,
no
nor
this
,
whose
Design
was
upon
the
Soveraignty
;
the
Contrivers
of
this
Act
it
seems
perceiv'd
not
,
but
Cromwel's
Party
in
the
House
saw
it
well
enough
:
and
therefore
as
soon
as
it
was
laid
,
there
stood
up
one
of
the
Members
and
made
a
Motion
,
that
since
the
Common-Wealth
was
like
to
receive
little
benefit
by
their
Sitting
,
they
should
Dissolve
themselves
.
Harrison
and
they
of
his
Sect
was
troubled
hereat
,
and
made
Speeches
against
it
:
but
Cromwel's
party
,
of
whom
the
Speaker
was
one
,
left
the
House
,
and
with
the
Mace
before
them
went
to
White-Hall
,
and
surrendred
their
Power
to
Cromwel
that
had
given
it
them
;
and
so
he
got
the
Soveraignty
by
an
Act
of
Parliament
:
and
within
four
days
after
,
(
viz.
)
December
16th
.
was
Installed
Protector
,
and
took
his
Oath
to
observe
certain
Rules
of
Governing
engrossed
in
Parchment
,
and
read
before
him
,
the
writing
was
called
,
The
Instrument
.
B.
What
were
the
Rules
he
sware
to
?
A.
One
was
to
call
a
Parliament
every
third
year
,
of
which
the
first
was
to
begin
September
the
third
following
.
B.
I
believe
he
was
a
little
Superstitious
in
the
Choice
,
September
the
third
,
because
it
was
lucky
in
1650
and
1651
at
Dunbar
and
Worcester
,
but
he
knew
not
how
lucky
the
same
would
be
to
the
whole
Nation
,
in
1658.
at
White-Hall
.
A.
Another
was
;
That
no
Parliament
should
be
Dissolv'd
till
it
had
sitten
five
Moneths
,
and
those
Bills
that
they
then
presented
to
him
should
be
passed
within
twenty
days
by
him
,
or
else
they
should
pass
without
him
.
A
third
,
That
he
should
have
a
Council
of
State
of
not
above
twenty
one
,
nor
under
thirteen
,
and
that
upon
the
Protectors
Death
this
Council
should
meet
,
and
before
they
parted
chuse
a
new
Protector
.
There
were
many
more
besides
,
but
not
necessary
to
be
inserted
.
B.
How
went
on
the
War
against
the
Dutch
?
A.
The
Generals
for
the
English
were
Blake
,
and
Dean
,
and
Monk
;
and
Van
Tromp
for
the
Dutch
;
between
whom
was
a
Battel
fought
the
second
of
June
(
which
was
a
Month
before
the
beginning
of
this
little
Parliament
)
wherein
the
English
had
the
Victory
,
and
drove
the
Enemies
into
their
Harbours
,
but
with
the
loss
of
General
Dean
,
slain
by
a
Cannon-shot
.
This
Victory
was
great
enough
to
make
the
Dutch
send
over
Ambassadors
into
England
in
order
to
a
Treaty
.
But
in
the
mean
time
they
prepared
and
put
to
Sea
another
Fleet
,
which
likewise
in
the
end
of
July
was
defeated
by
General
Monk
,
who
got
now
a
greater
Victory
than
before
:
And
this
made
the
Dutch
descend
so
far
,
as
to
buy
their
Peace
with
the
payment
of
the
Charge
of
the
War
,
and
with
the
acknowledgment
,
among
other
Articles
,
that
the
English
had
the
right
of
the
Flag
.
This
Peace
was
concluded
in
March
,
being
the
end
of
this
year
,
but
not
proclaimed
till
April
;
the
Money
it
seems
being
not
paid
till
then
.
The
Dutch
War
being
now
ended
,
the
Protector
sent
his
youngest
Son
,
Henry
,
into
Ireland
,
whom
also
some
time
after
he
made
Lieutenant
there
;
and
sent
Monk
Lieutenant
General
into
Scotland
;
to
keep
those
Nations
in
Obedience
.
Nothing
else
worth
remembring
was
done
this
year
at
home
,
saving
the
discovery
of
a
Plot
of
Royalists
(
as
was
said
)
upon
the
life
of
the
Protector
,
who
all
this
while
had
intelligence
of
the
Kings
Designs
from
a
Traytor
in
his
Court
,
who
afterwards
was
taken
in
the
manner
,
and
kill'd
.
B.
How
came
he
into
so
much
trust
with
the
King
?
A.
He
was
the
Son
of
a
Colonel
that
was
slain
in
the
Wars
on
the
late
King's
side
:
Besides
he
pretended
Employment
from
the
Kings
loyal
and
loving
Subjects
here
,
to
convey
to
his
Majesty
Money
,
as
they
from
time
to
time
should
send
him
:
And
to
make
this
credible
,
Cromwel
himself
caused
Money
to
be
sent
to
him
.
The
following
year
1654.
had
nothing
of
War
,
but
was
spent
in
Civil
Ordinances
,
in
appointing
of
Judges
,
preventing
of
Plots
(
for
Usurpers
are
jealous
)
and
in
executing
of
the
Kings
Friends
,
and
selling
their
Lands
.
The
third
of
September
,
according
to
the
Instrument
,
the
Parliament
met
;
in
which
there
was
no
House
of
Lords
,
and
the
House
of
Commons
was
made
as
formerly
of
Knights
and
Burgesses
,
but
not
as
formerly
two
Burgesses
of
a
Burrough
,
and
two
Knights
for
a
County
;
for
Burroughs
for
the
most
part
had
but
one
Burgess
,
and
some
Counties
six
or
seven
Knights
;
besides
there
were
twenty
Members
for
Scotland
,
and
as
many
for
Ireland
:
So
that
now
Cromwell
had
nothing
to
do
,
but
to
shew
his
Art
of
Government
upon
six
Coach-Horses
newly
presented
him
,
which
being
as
rebellious
as
himself
,
threw
him
out
of
the
Coach-box
,
and
had
almost
kill'd
him
.
B.
This
Parliament
which
had
seen
how
Cromwel
handled
the
two
former
,
the
long
and
the
short
one
,
had
surely
learnt
the
wit
to
behave
themselves
better
to
him
than
those
had
done
.
A.
Yes
,
especially
now
that
Cromwel
in
his
Speech
at
their
first
meeting
,
had
expresly
forbidden
them
to
meddle
with
the
Government
of
a
single
Person
and
Parliament
,
or
with
the
Militia
,
or
with
perpetuating
of
Parliaments
,
or
taking
away
Liberty
of
Conscience
.
And
he
told
them
also
,
that
every
Member
of
the
House
,
before
they
sate
,
must
take
a
Recognition
of
his
Power
in
divers
points
;
whereupon
,
of
above
400
there
appear'd
not
above
200
at
first
;
though
afterwards
some
relenting
,
there
sate
about
300
again
:
Just
at
their
sitting
down
,
he
published
some
Ordinances
of
his
own
,
bearing
date
before
their
meeting
,
that
they
might
see
he
took
his
own
Acts
to
be
as
valid
as
theirs
.
But
all
this
could
not
make
them
know
themselves
,
for
they
proceeded
to
the
debate
of
every
Article
of
the
Recognition
.
B.
They
should
have
debated
that
before
they
had
taken
it
.
A.
But
then
they
had
never
been
suffered
to
sit
:
Cromwell
,
being
informed
of
their
stubborn
proceedings
,
and
out
of
hope
of
any
Supply
from
them
,
dissolv'd
them
.
All
that
passed
besides
in
this
year
,
was
the
Excise
of
the
High-Court
of
Justice
upon
some
Royalists
for
Plots
.
In
the
Year
1655.
the
English
,
to
the
number
of
near
10000
,
landed
in
Hispaniola
in
hope
of
the
plunder
of
the
Gold
and
Silver
,
whereof
they
thought
there
was
great
abundance
in
the
Town
of
Santo
Domingo
;
but
were
well
beaten
by
a
few
Spaniards
,
and
with
the
loss
of
near
1000
Men
,
went
off
to
Jamaica
,
and
possessed
it
.
This
year
also
the
Royal
Party
made
another
Attempt
in
the
West
,
and
proclaimed
there
King
Charles
the
Second
;
but
few
joining
with
them
,
and
some
falling
off
,
they
were
soon
suppressed
,
and
many
of
the
Principal
Persons
Executed
.
B.
In
these
many
Insurrections
,
the
Royalists
,
tho
they
meant
well
,
yet
they
did
but
dis-service
to
the
King
by
their
impatience
.
What
hope
had
they
to
prevail
against
so
great
an
Army
as
the
Protector
had
ready
?
What
cause
was
there
to
despair
of
seeing
the
King's
business
better
done
by
the
Dissention
and
Ambition
of
the
great
Commmanders
in
that
Army
,
whereof
many
had
the
favour
to
be
esteem'd
among
them
as
well
as
Cromwel
himself
?
A.
That
was
somewhat
incertain
:
The
Protector
being
frustrated
of
his
hope
of
Money
at
Santo
Domingo
,
resolv'd
to
take
from
the
Royalists
the
10th
part
yearly
of
their
Estates
:
And
to
this
end
chiefly
,
he
divided
England
into
eleven
Major-General-Ships
,
with
Commission
to
every
Major-General
to
make
a
Roll
of
the
Names
of
all
suspected
persons
of
the
King's
party
,
and
to
receive
the
10th
part
of
their
Estates
within
his
Precinct
:
As
also
to
take
caution
from
them
not
to
act
against
the
State
,
and
to
reveal
all
Plots
that
should
come
to
their
knowledge
,
and
to
make
them
engage
the
like
for
their
Servants
:
They
had
Commission
also
to
forbid
Horse-races
,
and
concourse
of
people
,
and
to
receive
and
account
for
this
Decimation
.
B.
By
this
the
Usurper
might
easily
inform
himself
of
the
value
of
all
the
Estates
in
England
,
and
of
the
Behaviour
and
Affection
of
every
person
of
Quality
,
which
has
heretofore
been
taken
for
very
great
Tyranny
.
A.
The
year
1656
was
a
Parliament-year
,
by
the
instrument
;
between
the
beginning
of
this
year
,
and
the
day
of
the
Parliaments
sitting
,
these
Major-Generals
resided
in
several
Provinces
,
behaving
themselves
most
Tyrannically
.
Amongst
other
of
their
Tyrannies
was
the
awing
of
Elections
,
and
making
themselves
,
and
whom
they
pleas'd
,
to
be
return'd
Members
for
the
Parliament
,
which
was
also
thought
a
part
of
Cromwel's
Design
in
their
Constitution
;
for
he
had
need
of
a
giving
Parliament
,
having
lately
upon
a
Peace
made
with
the
French
,
drawn
upon
himself
a
War
with
Spain
.
This
year
it
was
that
Captain
Stainer
set
upon
the
Spanish
Plate-fleet
,
being
8
in
number
,
near
Cadiz
,
whereof
he
sunk
two
and
took
two
,
there
being
in
one
of
them
two
millions
of
pieces
of
8
,
which
amounts
to
400000
l.
sterling
.
This
year
also
it
was
that
James
Naylor
appear'd
at
Bristol
,
and
would
be
taken
for
Jesus
Christ
;
he
wore
his
Beard
forked
,
and
his
Hair
compos'd
to
the
likeness
of
that
in
the
Volto
Santo
;
and
being
questioned
,
would
sometimes
answer
,
Thou
sayest
it
.
He
had
also
his
Disciples
that
would
go
by
his
Horse
side
to
the
mid-leg
in
dirt
.
Being
sent
for
by
the
Parliament
,
he
was
Sentenced
to
stand
on
the
Pillory
,
to
have
his
Tongue
bored
through
,
and
to
be
marked
in
the
Fore-head
with
the
Letter
B
for
Blasphemy
,
and
to
remain
in
Bridewell
.
Lambert
,
a
great
Favourite
of
the
Army
,
endeavour'd
to
save
him
,
partly
because
he
had
been
his
Souldier
,
and
partly
to
carry
favour
with
the
Sectaries
of
the
Army
;
for
he
was
now
no
more
in
the
Protector
's
Favour
,
but
meditating
how
he
might
succeed
him
in
his
Power
.
About
two
years
before
this
there
appear'd
in
Cromwel's
time
a
Prophetess
much
fam'd
for
her
Dreams
and
Visions
,
and
hearkened
to
by
many
,
whereof
some
were
Eminent
Officers
,
but
she
and
some
of
her
Complices
being
imprison'd
,
we
heard
no
more
of
her
.
B.
I
have
heard
of
another
,
one
Lilly
,
that
Prophesied
all
the
time
of
the
Long-Parliament
,
what
did
they
to
him
?
A.
His
Prophesies
were
of
another
kind
;
he
was
a
Writer
of
Almanacks
,
and
a
Pretender
to
a
pretended
Art
of
Judicial
Astrologie
,
a
meer
Cozener
to
get
Maintenance
from
a
Multitude
of
ignorant
people
,
and
no
doubt
had
been
call'd
in
question
,
if
his
Prophesies
had
been
any
wayes
disadvantageous
to
the
Parliament
.
B.
I
understand
not
how
the
Dreams
and
Prognostications
of
mad
me●
(
for
such
I
take
to
be
all
those
that
foretel
future
Contingences
)
can
be
of
any
great
disadvantage
to
the
Common-Wealth
.
A.
Yes
,
yes
:
know
there
is
nothing
that
renders
Humane
Councils
difficult
,
but
the
incertainty
of
future
time
,
nor
that
so
well
directs
men
in
their
deliberations
,
as
the
fore-sight
of
the
sequels
of
their
Actions
▪
Prophesie
,
being
many
times
the
Principal
Cause
of
the
Event
foretold
.
If
upon
some
prediction
the
people
should
have
been
made
to
believe
confidently
,
That
Oliver
Cromwel
and
his
Army
should
be
upon
a
day
to
come
utterly
defeated
,
would
not
every
one
have
endeavour'd
to
assist
,
and
to
deserve
well
of
the
Party
that
should
give
him
the
defeat
:
upon
this
account
it
was
that
Fortune-tellers
and
Astrologers
were
so
often
banished
out
of
Rome
.
The
last
memorable
thing
of
this
year
was
a
Motion
made
by
a
Member
of
the
House
,
an
Alderman
of
London
,
That
the
Protector
might
be
petitioned
and
advised
by
the
House
to
leave
the
Title
of
Protector
,
and
take
upon
him
that
of
King
.
B.
That
was
indeed
a
bold
Motion
,
and
which
would
,
if
prosperous
,
have
put
an
end
to
many
mens
Ambition
,
and
to
the
licentiousness
of
the
whole
Army
.
I
think
the
Motion
was
made
on
purpose
to
ruine
both
the
Protector
himself
,
and
his
ambitious
Officers
.
A.
It
may
be
so
.
In
the
year
1657
,
the
first
thing
the
Parliament
did
was
the
drawing
up
his
Petition
to
the
Protector
,
to
take
upon
him
the
Title
or
King
;
as
of
other
Parliaments
,
so
of
this
,
the
greatest
part
had
been
kept
out
of
the
House
by
force
,
or
else
themselves
had
forborn
to
sit
,
and
became
guilty
of
setting
up
this
King
Oliver
,
but
those
few
that
sate
presented
their
Petition
to
the
Protector
.
April
the
9th
,
in
the
Banquetting
house
at
Whitehall
,
where
Sir
Thomas
Widdrington
,
the
Speaker
,
used
the
first
Arguments
,
and
the
Protector
desired
some
time
to
seek
God
,
the
Business
being
weighty
:
The
next
day
they
sent
a
Committee
to
him
to
receive
his
answer
,
which
answer
being
not
very
clear
,
they
pressed
him
again
for
a
resolution
,
to
which
he
made
answer
in
a
long
Speech
that
ended
in
a
peremptory
Refusal
,
and
so
retaining
still
the
Title
of
Protector
,
he
took
upon
him
the
Government
according
to
certain
Articles
contained
in
the
said
Petition
.
B.
What
made
him
refuse
the
Title
of
King
?
A.
Because
he
durst
not
take
it
at
that
time
,
the
Army
being
addicted
to
their
great
Officers
,
and
among
their
great
Officers
many
hoping
to
succeed
him
,
and
the
Succession
having
been
promised
to
Major
General
Lambert
,
would
have
mutinied
against
him
,
he
was
therefore
forced
to
stay
for
a
more
propitious
Conjuncture
.
B.
What
were
those
Articles
?
A.
The
most
important
of
them
were
,
first
,
That
he
would
exercise
the
Office
of
chief
Magistrate
of
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
,
under
the
Title
of
Protector
,
and
govern
the
same
according
to
the
said
Petition
and
advice
;
and
that
he
would
in
his
life
time
name
his
Successor
.
B.
I
believe
the
Scots
,
when
they
first
Rebell'd
,
never
thought
of
being
Governed
absolutely
as
they
were
by
Oliver
Cromwel
.
A.
Secondly
,
That
he
should
call
a
Parliament
every
three
years
at
farthest
.
Thirdly
,
That
those
persons
which
were
legally
chosen
Members
should
not
be
secluded
without
consent
of
the
House
.
In
allowing
this
Clause
,
the
Protector
observed
not
that
the
secluded
Members
of
this
same
Parliament
are
thereby
re-admitted
.
Fourthly
,
The
Members
were
qualified
.
Fifthly
,
The
Power
of
the
other
House
was
defin'd
.
Sixthly
,
That
no
Law
should
be
made
but
by
Act
of
Parliament
.
Seventhly
,
That
a
constant
yearly
Revenue
of
a
Million
of
pounds
should
be
setled
for
the
maintenance
of
the
Army
and
Navy
,
and
300000
l.
for
the
support
of
the
Government
;
besides
other
Temporary
supplies
,
as
the
House
of
Commons
should
think
sit
.
Eighthly
,
That
all
the
Officers
of
State
should
be
chosen
by
the
Parliament
.
Ninthly
,
That
the
Protector
should
encourage
the
Ministry
.
Lastly
,
That
he
should
cause
a
profession
of
Religion
to
be
agreed
on
and
published
.
There
are
divers
others
of
less
importance
.
Having
signed
the
Articles
,
he
was
presently
with
great
Ceremonies
installed
a-new
.
B.
What
needed
that
,
seeing
he
was
still
but
Protector
?
A.
But
the
Articles
of
this
Petition
were
not
all
the
same
with
those
of
his
former
Instrument
;
for
now
there
was
to
be
another
House
;
and
whereas
before
his
Council
was
to
name
his
Successors
,
he
had
Power
now
to
do
it
himself
;
so
that
he
was
an
absolute
Monarch
,
and
might
leave
the
Succession
to
his
Son
,
if
he
would
;
and
so
successively
,
or
transfer
it
to
whom
he
pleas'd
.
The
Ceremony
being
ended
,
the
Parliament
adjourn'd
to
the
20th
of
January
following
,
and
then
the
other
House
also
sate
with
their
Fellows
.
The
House
of
Commons
being
now
full
,
took
little
notice
of
the
other
House
,
wherein
there
were
not
of
60
persons
above
nine
Lords
,
but
fell
a
questioning
all
that
their
Fellows
had
done
during
the
time
of
their
Seclusion
;
whence
had
follow'd
the
avoidance
of
the
Power
newly
placed
in
the
Protector
.
Therefore
going
to
the
house
,
he
made
a
Speech
to
them
,
ending
in
these
words
,
By
the
living
God
I
must
and
do
dissolve
you
.
In
this
year
the
English
gave
the
Spaniard
another
great
Blow
at
Santa
Cruz
,
not
much
less
than
that
they
had
given
him
the
year
before
at
Cadiz
.
About
the
time
of
the
dissolution
of
this
Parliament
the
Royalists
had
another
Design
against
the
Protector
,
which
was
to
make
an
Insurrection
in
England
,
the
King
being
then
in
Flanders
ready
to
second
them
from
thence
with
an
Army
:
But
this
also
was
discover'd
by
Treachery
,
and
came
to
nothing
,
but
the
ruine
of
those
that
were
ingaged
in
it
,
whereof
many
in
the
beginning
of
the
next
year
were
by
a
High
Court
of
Justice
imprison'd
,
and
some
executed
.
This
year
also
was
Major
General
Lambert
put
out
of
all
employment
,
a
Man
second
to
none
but
Oliver
in
the
favour
of
the
Army
:
but
because
he
expected
by
that
favour
,
or
by
promise
from
the
Protector
to
be
his
Successor
in
the
Supreme
Power
,
it
would
have
been
dangerous
to
let
him
have
Command
in
the
Army
,
the
Protector
having
design'd
his
Successor
his
Eldest
Son
Richard
.
In
the
year
1658.
September
the
third
,
the
Protector
died
at
White-Hall
,
having
ever
since
his
last
Establishment
been
perplexed
with
fear
of
being
kill'd
by
some
desperate
attempts
of
the
Royalists
.
Being
importun'd
in
his
sickness
by
his
Privy
Council
to
name
his
Successor
,
he
nam'd
his
Son
Richard
;
who
incouraged
thereunto
,
not
by
his
own
Ambition
,
but
by
Fleetwood
,
Desborough
,
Thurloe
,
and
other
of
his
Council
,
was
content
to
take
it
upon
him
;
and
presently
Addresses
were
made
to
him
from
the
Armies
,
in
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
:
His
first
business
was
,
the
chargeable
and
splendid
Funeral
of
his
Father
.
Thus
was
Richard
Cromwel
seated
in
the
Imperial
Throne
of
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
,
Successor
to
his
Father
,
lifted
up
to
it
by
the
Officers
of
the
Army
then
in
Town
,
and
congratulated
by
all
the
parts
of
the
Army
throughout
the
three
Nations
,
scarce
any
Garrison
omitting
their
particular
flattering
Addresses
to
him
.
B.
Seeing
the
Army
approv'd
of
him
,
how
came
he
so
soon
cast
off
?
A.
The
Army
was
inconstant
,
he
himself
irresolute
,
and
without
any
Millitary
Glory
;
and
though
the
two
principal
Officers
had
a
near
relation
to
him
,
yet
neither
of
them
,
but
Lambert
,
was
the
great
Fovorite
of
the
Army
,
and
by
courting
Fleetwood
to
take
upon
him
the
Protectorship
,
and
by
●ampering
with
the
Souldiers
,
had
gotten
again
to
be
a
Colonel
;
he
and
the
rest
of
the
Officers
had
a
Council
at
Wallingfod
House
(
where
Fleetwood
dwelt
)
for
the
dispossessing
of
Richard
,
though
they
had
not
yet
considered
how
the
Nations
should
be
govern'd
afterwards
.
For
from
the
beginning
of
Rebellion
the
method
of
Ambition
was
constantly
this
,
first
to
destroy
,
and
then
to
consider
what
they
should
set
up
.
B.
Could
not
the
Protector
,
who
kept
his
Court
at
White-Hall
,
discover
what
the
business
of
the
Officers
was
at
Wallingford
House
,
so
near
him
?
A.
Yes
:
He
was
by
divers
of
his
Friends
inform'd
of
it
,
and
counsell'd
by
some
of
them
,
who
would
have
done
it
,
to
kill
the
chief
of
them
,
but
he
had
not
courage
enough
to
give
them
such
a
Commission
:
he
took
therefore
the
counsel
of
some
milder
persons
,
which
was
to
call
a
Parliament
,
whereupon
Writs
were
presently
sent
out
to
those
that
were
in
the
last
Parliament
of
the
other
House
,
and
other
Writs
to
the
Sheriffs
for
the
Election
of
Knights
and
Burgesses
to
Assemble
on
the
twenty
seventh
of
January
following
.
Elections
were
made
according
to
the
antient
manner
,
and
a
House
of
Commons
now
of
the
right
English
Temper
,
and
about
four
hundred
in
number
,
including
twenty
for
Scotland
,
as
many
for
Ireland
;
being
met
,
they
take
themselves
,
without
the
Protector
and
other
House
,
to
be
a
Parliament
;
and
to
have
the
Supreme
Power
of
the
three
Nations
.
For
the
first
business
they
intended
the
Power
of
that
other
House
;
but
because
the
Protector
had
recommended
to
them
for
their
first
Business
an
Act
(
already
drawn
up
)
for
the
Recognition
of
his
Protectoral
Power
,
they
began
with
that
,
and
Voted
(
after
a
fortnights
deliberation
)
that
an
Act
should
be
made
,
whereof
this
Act
of
Recognition
should
be
part
,
and
that
another
part
should
be
for
the
bounding
of
the
Protectors
Power
,
and
for
the
securing
the
Priviledges
of
Parliament
and
Liberties
of
the
Subject
,
and
that
all
should
pass
together
.
B.
Why
did
these
Men
own
the
Protector
at
first
in
meeting
upon
his
only
Summons
;
was
not
that
as
full
a
Recognition
of
his
Power
as
was
needful
?
why
,
by
this
example
,
did
they
teach
the
People
that
he
was
to
be
obeyed
,
and
then
by
putting
Laws
upon
him
teach
them
that
he
was
not
?
was
it
not
the
Protector
that
made
the
Parliament
?
why
did
they
not
acknowledge
their
Maker
?
A.
I
believe
it
is
the
desire
of
most
men
to
bear
Rule
,
but
few
of
them
know
what
title
one
has
to
it
more
than
another
,
besides
the
right
of
the
Sword
.
B.
If
they
acknowledged
the
right
of
the
Sword
,
they
were
neither
just
nor
wise
to
oppose
the
present
Government
,
set
up
and
approved
by
all
the
Forces
of
the
three
Kingdoms
.
The
Principles
of
this
House
of
Commons
were
no
doubt
the
very
same
with
theirs
,
who
began
the
Rebellion
,
and
would
(
if
they
could
have
raised
a
sufficient
Army
)
have
done
the
same
against
the
Protector
:
and
the
General
of
their
Army
would
in
like
manner
have
reduced
them
to
a
Rump
;
for
they
that
keep
an
Army
and
cannot
master
it
,
must
be
subject
to
it
,
as
much
as
he
that
keeps
a
Lion
in
his
house
.
The
temper
of
all
the
Parliaments
since
the
time
of
Queen
Elizabeth
have
been
the
same
with
the
temper
of
this
Parliament
,
and
shall
always
be
such
as
long
as
the
Presbyterians
,
and
Men
of
Democratical
Principles
have
the
like
influence
upon
Elections
.
A.
After
they
resolv'd
concerning
the
other
House
,
That
during
this
Parliament
they
would
transact
with
it
,
but
without
intrenching
upon
the
Right
of
the
Peers
to
have
Writs
sent
to
them
in
all
future
Parliaments
.
These
Votes
being
passed
they
proceed
to
another
,
wherein
they
assume
to
themselves
the
power
of
the
Militia
;
also
to
shew
their
Supreme
Power
,
they
deliver'd
out
of
Prison
some
of
those
that
had
been
(
they
said
)
illegally
committed
by
the
former
Protector
.
Other
points
concerning
Civil
Rights
,
and
concerning
Religion
,
very
pleasing
to
the
People
were
now
also
under
consideration
;
so
that
in
the
end
of
this
year
the
Protector
was
no
less
jealous
of
the
Parliament
than
of
the
Council
of
Officers
at
Wallingford
House
.
B.
Thus
't
is
when
ignorant
men
will
undertake
Reformation
:
There
are
three
Parties
,
the
Protector
,
the
Parliament
,
and
the
Army
;
the
Protector
against
the
Parliament
and
Army
,
the
Parliament
against
the
Army
,
and
Protector
;
and
the
Army
against
the
Protector
and
Parliament
.
A.
In
the
beginning
of
1659.
the
Parliament
passed
divers
other
Acts
,
one
was
to
forbid
the
Meetings
in
Council
of
the
Army
Officers
,
without
Order
from
the
Protector
and
both
Houses
.
Another
that
no
man
shall
have
any
Command
or
Trust
in
the
Army
,
who
did
not
first
under
his
Hand
engage
himself
never
to
interrupt
any
of
the
Members
,
but
that
they
might
freely
Meet
and
Debate
in
the
House
.
And
to
please
the
Souldiers
,
they
Voted
to
take
presently
into
their
consideration
the
means
of
paying
them
their
Arrears
:
But
whilst
they
were
considering
this
,
the
Protector
(
according
to
the
first
of
those
Acts
)
forbad
the
meeting
of
Officers
at
Wallingford-House
.
This
made
the
Government
,
which
by
the
disagreement
of
the
Protector
and
Army
,
was
already
loose
,
to
fall
in
pieces
.
For
the
Officers
,
from
Wallingford-House
,
with
Souldiers
enough
,
came
to
White-Hall
,
and
brought
with
them
a
Commission
ready
drawn
(
giving
power
to
Desborough
to
Dissolve
the
Parliament
)
for
the
Protector
to
sign
;
which
also
,
his
heart
and
his
party
fai●ing
him
,
he
signed
.
The
Parliament
nevertheless
continued
sitting
;
but
at
the
end
of
the
week
the
House
Adjourned
,
till
the
Monday
after
,
being
April
the
twenty
fifth
.
At
their
coming
on
Monday
morning
they
found
the
Door
shut
up
,
and
the
passages
to
the
House
fill'd
with
Souldiers
,
who
plainly
told
them
they
must
sit
no
longer
.
Richard's
Authority
and
business
in
Town
being
thus
at
an
end
,
he
retir'd
into
the
Country
,
where
within
a
few
days
(
upon
promise
of
the
payment
of
his
Debts
,
which
his
Fathers
Funeral
had
made
great
)
he
signed
a
Resignation
of
his
Protectorship
.
B.
To
whom
?
A.
To
no
body
.
But
,
after
ten
days
cessation
of
the
Soveraignty
,
some
of
the
Rumpers
that
were
in
Town
,
together
with
the
old
Speaker
Mr.
William
Lenthall
,
resolv'd
among
themselves
,
and
with
Lambert
,
Heslerig
,
and
other
Officers
,
who
were
also
Rumpers
,
in
all
forty
two
,
to
go
into
the
House
,
which
they
did
,
and
were
by
the
Army
declar'd
to
be
the
Parliament
.
There
were
also
in
Westminister-Hall
at
that
time
about
their
private
business
some
few
of
those
whom
the
Army
had
secluded
1648.
and
were
called
the
secluded
Members
.
These
knowing
themselves
to
have
been
Elected
by
the
same
Authority
,
and
having
the
same
Right
to
fit
,
attempted
to
get
into
the
House
,
but
were
kept
out
by
the
Souldiers
:
The
first
Vote
of
the
Rump
,
reseated
,
was
,
That
such
persons
as
heretofore
Members
of
this
Parliament
have
not
sitten
since
the
year
1648.
shall
not
sit
in
this
House
till
farther
Order
of
the
Parliament
:
And
thus
the
Rump
recover'd
their
Authority
May
the
seventh
1659.
which
they
lost
in
April
1653.
B.
Seeing
there
have
been
so
many
shiftings
of
the
Supreme
Authority
,
I
pray
you
,
for
memories
sake
repeat
them
briefly
in
time
and
order
.
A.
First
from
1640
to
1648.
when
the
King
was
murthered
,
the
Soveraignty
was
disputed
between
King
Charles
the
First
,
and
the
Presbyterian
Parliament
:
Secondly
,
From
1648.
to
1653.
The
Power
was
in
that
part
of
the
Parliament
which
voted
the
Tryel
of
the
King
,
and
declar'd
themselves
,
without
King
or
House
of
Lords
,
to
have
the
Supreme
Authority
of
England
and
Ireland
.
For
there
were
in
the
Long-Parliament
two
Factions
,
the
Presbyterian
and
Independents
.
The
former
whereof
sought
only
subjection
of
the
King
,
nor
his
destruction
directly
;
the
latter
sought
his
destruction
:
and
this
part
is
it
which
was
called
the
Rump
.
Thirdly
,
From
April
the
twentieth
to
July
the
fourth
,
the
Supreme
Power
was
in
the
Hands
of
a
Council
of
State
constituted
by
Cromwel
.
Fourthly
,
From
July
the
fourth
to
December
the
twelfth
of
the
same
year
it
was
in
the
Hands
of
Men
called
unto
it
by
Cromwel
,
whom
he
termed
men
of
Fidelity
and
Integrity
,
and
made
them
a
Parliament
,
which
was
called
in
contempt
one
of
the
Members
,
Barebone's
Parliament
.
Fifthly
,
From
December
the
twelfth
1653
to
September
the
third
1658.
it
was
in
the
hands
of
Oliver
Cromwel
,
with
the
Title
of
Protector
.
Sixthly
,
From
September
1658
to
April
the
twenty
fifth
1659.
Richard
Cromwel
had
it
as
Successor
to
his
Father
.
Seventhly
,
From
April
the
twenty
fifth
1659
to
May
the
seventh
of
the
same
year
it
was
no
where
.
Eighthly
,
From
May
the
seventh
1659.
the
Rump
,
which
was
turn'd
out
of
Door
1653.
recovered
it
again
,
and
shall
lose
it
again
to
the
Committee
of
Safety
,
and
again
recover
it
,
and
again
lose
it
to
the
right
Owner
.
B.
By
whom
and
by
what
Art
came
the
Rump
to
be
turn'd
out
the
second
time
?
A.
One
would
think
them
safe
enough
,
the
Army
in
Scotland
,
which
when
it
was
in
London
,
had
helped
Oliver
to
pull
down
the
Rump
,
submitted
now
,
beg'd
pardon
,
and
promis'd
Obedience
.
The
Souldiers
in
Town
had
their
pay
mended
;
and
the
Commanders
every
where
took
the
old
Engagement
,
whereby
they
had
acknowledged
their
Authority
heretofore
;
they
also
received
their
Commissions
in
the
House
it self
from
the
Speaker
,
who
was
Generalissimo
,
Fleetwood
was
made
Lieutenant-General
,
with
such
and
so
many
limitations
as
were
thought
necessary
by
the
Rump
,
that
remembred
how
they
had
been
serv'd
by
their
General
Oliver
:
Also
Henry
Cromwel
,
Lord
Lieutenant
of
Ireland
,
having
resign'd
his
Commission
by
Command
,
return'd
into
England
.
But
Lambert
,
to
whom
(
as
was
said
)
Oliver
had
promis'd
the
succession
,
and
as
well
as
the
Rump
knew
the
way
to
the
Protectorship
by
Olivers
own
foot-steps
,
was
resolv'd
to
proceed
in
it
upon
the
first
opportunity
,
which
presented
it self
presently
after
.
Besides
some
Plots
of
Royalists
,
whom
after
the
old
fashion
they
again
persecuted
,
there
was
an
Insurrection
made
against
them
by
Presbyterians
in
Cheshire
,
headed
by
Sir
George
Booth
,
one
of
the
secluded
Members
,
they
were
in
number
about
three
thousand
,
and
their
pretence
was
for
a
Free-Parliament
:
There
was
a
great
talk
of
another
Rising
or
endeavour
to
Rise
in
Devonshire
and
Cornwal
at
the
same
time
:
To
suppress
Sir
George
Booth
,
the
Rump
sent
down
more
then
a
sufficient
Army
under
Lambert
,
which
quickly
defeated
the
Cheshire
party
,
and
recover'd
Chester
,
Leverpool
,
and
all
the
other
places
they
had
seized
;
divers
of
their
Commanders
in
and
after
the
Battel
were
taken
Prisoners
,
whereof
Sir
George
Booth
himself
was
one
.
This
exploit
done
,
Lambert
,
before
his
return
,
caressed
his
Souldiers
with
an
entertainment
,
at
his
own
House
in
York-shire
,
and
got
their
consent
to
a
Petition
to
be
made
to
the
House
;
that
a
General
might
be
set
up
in
the
Army
;
as
being
unfit
that
the
Army
should
be
judged
by
any
Power
extrinsick
to
it self
.
B.
I
do
not
see
that
unfitness
.
A.
Nor
I.
But
it
was
(
as
I
have
heard
)
an
Action
of
Sir
Henry
Vane's
:
But
it
so
much
displeased
the
Rump
,
that
they
Voted
;
that
the
having
of
more
General
's
in
the
Army
,
than
were
already
setled
,
was
unnecessary
,
burthensome
,
and
dangerous
to
the
Common-Wealth
.
B.
This
was
not
Oliver's
Method
:
for
though
this
Cheshire
Victory
had
been
as
glorious
as
that
of
Oliver
at
Dunbar
;
yet
it
was
not
the
Victory
that
made
Oliver
General
,
but
the
Resignation
of
Fairfax
,
and
the
proffer
of
it
to
Cromwel
by
the
Parliament
.
A.
But
Lambert
thought
so
well
of
himself
,
〈◊〉
to
expect
it
;
therefore
at
his
return
to
London
,
he
and
other
Officers
assembling
at
Wallingford-house
,
drew
their
Petition
into
form
,
and
called
it
a
Representation
,
wherein
the
Chief
point
was
to
have
a
General
;
with
many
other
of
less
Importance
that
were
added
;
and
this
they
represented
to
the
House
Octob.
the
4th
.
by
Major
General
Desborough
:
And
this
so
far
forth
awed
them
,
as
to
reach
them
so
much
good
manners
,
as
to
promise
to
take
it
presently
into
Debate
,
which
they
did
;
and
Octob.
the
12th
having
recovered
their
Spirits
,
Voted
,
That
the
Commissions
of
Lambert
,
Desborough
,
and
others
of
the
Council
at
Wallingford-house
,
should
be
void
.
Item
,
That
the
Army
should
be
governed
by
a
Commission
to
Fleet-wood
,
Monk
,
Heslerig
,
Walton
,
Morley
,
and
Overton
,
till
February
the
12th
following
;
and
to
make
this
good
against
the
Force
they
expected
from
Lambert
,
they
ordered
Heslerig
and
Morley
to
issue
Warrants
to
such
Officers
as
they
could
trust
to
bring
their
Souldiers
next
Morning
into
Westminster
,
which
was
done
somewhat
too
late
,
for
Lambert
had
first
brought
his
Souldiers
thither
,
and
beset
the
house
,
and
turn'd
back
the
Speaker
which
was
then
coming
to
it
;
but
Heslerig's
Forces
,
marching
about
St.
James's
Park
wall
,
came
into
St.
Margarets
Church-yard
,
and
so
both
Parties
looked
all
day
one
upon
another
like
Enemies
,
but
offered
not
to
fight
;
whereby
the
Rump
was
put
out
of
possession
of
the
House
,
and
the
Officers
continued
their
Meeting
,
as
before
,
at
Wallingford-house
;
there
they
chose
from
among
themselves
,
with
some
few
of
the
City
,
a
Committee
,
which
they
called
,
The
Committee
of
safety
,
whereof
the
chief
were
Lambert
and
Vane
;
who
,
with
the
advice
of
a
General
Council
of
Officers
,
had
Power
to
call
Delinquents
to
Tryal
;
to
suppress
Rebellions
;
to
treat
with
Foreign
States
,
&c.
You
see
now
the
Rump
cut
off
,
and
the
Supreme
Power
,
(
which
is
charged
with
Salus
Populi
)
transferred
to
a
Council
of
Officers
,
and
yet
Lambert
hopes
for
it
in
the
end
:
But
one
of
their
Limitations
was
,
That
they
should
within
six
Weeks
present
to
the
Army
a
new
Model
of
the
Government
;
if
they
had
done
so
,
do
you
think
they
would
have
preferr'd
Lambert
,
or
any
other
,
to
the
Supreme
Authority
rather
than
themselves
?
B.
I
think
not
:
when
the
Rump
had
put
into
Commission
(
among
a
few
others
)
for
the
Government
of
the
Army
,
that
is
,
for
the
Government
of
the
three
Nations
,
General
Monk
,
already
Commander
in
chief
of
the
Army
in
Scotland
,
and
that
had
done
much
greater
things
in
this
War
than
Lambert
,
how
durst
they
leave
him
out
of
this
Committee
of
safety
?
or
how
could
Lambert
think
that
Gen.
Monk
would
forgive
it
and
not
endeavor
to
fasten
the
Rump
again
.
A.
They
thought
not
of
him
,
his
Gallantry
had
been
shown
on
remote
Stages
,
Ireland
and
Scotland
;
his
Ambition
had
not
appeared
here
in
their
Contentions
for
the
Government
,
but
he
had
complyed
both
with
Richard
and
the
Rump
.
After
General
Monk
had
signified
by
Letter
his
d●slike
of
the
Proceedings
of
Lambert
and
his
Fellows
,
they
were
much
surpris'd
,
and
began
to
think
him
more
considerable
than
they
had
done
,
but
it
was
too
late
.
B.
Why
,
was
his
Army
not
too
small
for
so
great
an
Enterprize
?
A.
The
General
knew
very
well
his
own
and
their
Forces
,
both
what
they
were
then
,
and
how
they
were
to
be
augmented
,
and
what
generally
City
and
Country
wished
for
,
which
was
the
Restitution
of
the
King
;
which
to
bring
about
,
there
needed
no
more
but
to
come
with
his
Army
(
though
not
very
great
)
to
London
,
to
the
doing
whereof
there
was
no
obstacle
but
the
Army
with
Lambert
.
What
could
he
do
in
this
Case
?
If
he
had
declar'd
presently
for
the
King
,
or
for
a
free
Parliament
,
all
the
Armies
in
England
would
have
joyned
against
him
,
and
,
assuming
the
Title
of
a
Parliament
,
would
have
furnished
themselves
with
Money
.
General
Monk
,
after
he
had
thus
quarrelled
by
his
Letter
with
the
Council
of
Officers
,
he
secur'd
first
those
Officers
of
his
own
Army
which
were
Anabaptists
,
and
therefore
not
to
be
trusted
,
and
put
others
into
their
places
;
then
drawing
his
Forces
together
,
march'd
to
Berwick
.
Being
there
he
indicted
a
Convention
of
the
Scots
,
of
whom
he
desired
,
That
they
would
take
order
for
the
security
of
the
Nation
in
his
absence
,
and
raise
some
maintenance
for
his
Army
in
their
March
.
The
Convention
promised
,
for
the
security
of
the
Nation
,
their
best
endeavour
,
and
rais'd
him
a
sum
of
Money
,
not
great
,
but
enough
for
his
purpose
,
excusing
themselves
upon
their
present
wants
.
On
the
other
side
,
the
Committee
of
Safety
,
with
the
greatest
and
best
part
of
their
Army
,
sent
Lambert
to
oppose
him
;
but
at
the
same
time
,
by
divers
Messages
and
Mediators
,
urged
him
to
a
Treaty
,
which
he
consented
to
,
and
sent
three
Officers
to
London
to
treat
with
as
many
of
theirs
.
These
six
suddenly
concluded
,
without
power
from
the
General
,
upon
these
Articles
;
That
the
King
be
excluded
,
a
Free
State
setled
,
the
Ministry
and
Universities
incouraged
,
with
divers
which
the
General
liked
not
,
and
imprison'd
one
of
his
Commissioners
for
exceeding
his
Commission
;
whereupon
another
Treaty
was
agreed
on
,
of
five
to
five
:
but
whilst
these
Treaties
were
in
hand
,
Haslerig
,
a
Member
of
the
Rump
,
seized
on
Portsmouth
;
and
the
Souldiers
sent
by
the
Committee
of
Safety
to
reduce
it
,
instead
of
that
entred
into
the
Town
,
and
joyned
with
Haslerig
.
Secondly
,
The
City
renewed
their
Tumults
for
a
Free
Parliament
.
Thirdly
,
The
Lord
Fairfax
,
a
Member
also
of
the
Rump
,
and
greatly
favour'd
in
Yorkshire
,
was
raising
Forces
there
behind
Lambert
;
who
being
now
between
two
Armies
,
his
Enemies
,
would
gladly
have
fought
the
General
.
Fourthly
,
there
came
news
that
Devonshire
and
Cornwal
were
listing
of
Souldiers
.
Lastly
,
Lambert's
Army
wanting
Money
,
and
sure
they
should
not
be
furnished
from
the
Council
of
Officers
,
which
had
neither
Authority
nor
Strength
to
levy
Money
,
grew
discontented
,
and
for
their
Free-Quarter
were
odious
to
the
Northern
Countries
.
B.
I
wonder
why
the
Scots
were
so
ready
to
furnish
General
Monk
with
Money
,
for
they
were
no
Friends
to
the
Rump
.
A.
I
know
not
;
but
I
believe
the
Scots
would
have
parted
with
a
greater
sum
,
rather
than
the
English
should
not
have
gone
together
by
the
Ears
among
themselves
.
The
Council
of
Officers
being
now
beset
with
so
many
Enemies
,
produced
speedily
their
Model
of
Government
,
which
was
to
have
a
free
Parliament
,
which
should
meet
December
the
fifteenth
,
but
with
such
Qualifications
of
no
King
,
no
House
of
Lords
,
as
made
the
City
more
angry
than
before
.
To
send
Souldiers
into
the
West
,
to
suppress
those
that
were
rising
there
,
they
durst
not
,
for
fear
of
the
City
;
nor
could
they
raise
any
other
,
for
want
of
Money
;
there
remain'd
nothing
but
to
break
,
and
quitting
Wallingford-House
,
to
shift
for
themselves
.
This
coming
to
the
knowledge
of
their
Army
in
the
North
,
they
deserted
Lambert
;
and
the
Rumpers
the
26th
of
December
re-possessed
the
House
.
B.
Seeing
the
Rump
was
now
re-seated
,
the
business
pretended
by
General
Monk
for
his
marching
to
London
was
at
an
end
.
A.
The
Rump
,
though
seated
,
was
not
well
setled
;
but
(
in
the
midst
of
so
many
Tumults
for
a
free
Parliament
)
had
as
much
need
of
the
General
's
coming
up
now
,
as
before
:
He
therefore
sent
them
word
,
that
because
he
thought
them
not
yet
secure
enough
,
he
would
come
up
to
London
with
his
Army
;
which
they
not
only
accepted
of
,
but
entreated
him
so
to
do
,
and
voted
him
for
his
service
1000
l.
a
year
.
The
General
marching
towards
London
,
the
Country
every
where
Petition'd
him
for
a
free
Parliament
.
The
Rump
to
make
room
in
London
for
his
Army
,
dislodged
their
own
;
the
General
,
for
all
that
,
had
not
let
fall
a
word
in
all
this
time
,
that
could
be
taken
for
a
Declaration
of
his
Final
Design
.
B.
How
did
the
Rump
revenge
themselves
on
Lambert
?
A.
They
never
troubled
him
:
nor
do
I
know
any
cause
of
their
so
gentle
dealing
with
him
;
but
certainly
Lambert
was
the
ablest
of
any
Officer
they
had
to
do
them
service
,
when
they
should
have
means
and
need
to
imploy
him
.
After
the
General
was
come
to
London
,
the
Rump
sent
to
the
City
for
their
part
of
a
Tax
of
100000
l.
a
Month
for
six
Months
,
according
to
an
Act
which
the
Rump
had
made
formerly
before
their
Disseism
by
the
Committee
of
Safety
:
But
the
City
,
who
were
averse
to
the
Rump
,
and
keen
upon
a
free
Parliament
,
could
not
be
brought
to
give
their
Money
to
their
Enemies
,
and
to
purposes
repugnant
to
their
own
;
whereupon
the
Rump
sent
Order
to
the
General
to
break
down
the
City
Gates
,
and
their
Portcullices
,
and
to
imprison
certain
obstinate
Citizens
:
This
he
perform'd
,
and
it
was
the
last
service
he
did
them
.
About
this
time
the
Commission
by
which
General
Monk
with
others
had
the
Government
of
the
Army
put
into
their
hands
by
the
Rump
,
before
the
Usurpation
of
the
Council
of
Officers
,
came
to
expire
,
which
the
present
Rump
renewed
.
B.
He
was
thereby
the
sixth
part
of
the
General
of
the
whole
Forces
of
the
Common-wealth
;
if
I
had
been
as
the
Rump
,
he
should
have
been
sole
General
.
In
such
cases
as
this
,
there
cannot
be
a
greater
Vice
than
pinching
:
Ambition
should
be
liberal
.
A.
After
the
pulling
down
of
the
City
Gates
,
the
General
sent
a
Letter
to
the
Rump
,
to
let
them
know
that
this
service
was
much
against
his
Nature
;
and
to
put
them
in
mind
,
how
well
the
City
had
serv'd
the
Parliament
in
the
whole
War
.
B.
Yes
;
but
for
the
City
the
Parliament
could
never
have
made
the
War
,
nor
the
Rump
ever
have
murdered
the
King
.
A.
The
Rump
considered
not
the
Merit
of
the
City
,
nor
the
good
nature
of
the
General
,
they
were
busie
,
they
were
giving
out
Commissions
,
making
of
Acts
for
Abjuration
of
the
King
and
his
Line
,
and
for
the
Old
Engagement
,
and
conferring
with
the
City
to
get
Money
.
The
General
also
desir'd
to
hear
Conference
between
some
of
the
Rump
,
and
some
of
the
secluded
Members
,
concerning
the
Justice
of
their
Seclusion
,
and
of
the
hurt
that
could
follow
upon
their
re-admission
,
and
it
was
granted
.
After
long
Conference
,
the
General
finding
the
Rumps
pretences
unreasonable
and
ambitious
,
declar'd
himself
with
the
City
for
a
free
Parliament
,
and
came
to
Westminster
with
the
secluded
Members
,
(
whom
he
had
appointed
to
meet
and
stay
for
him
at
White-Hall
)
and
re-placed
them
in
the
House
among
the
Rumpers
;
so
that
now
the
same
Cattle
that
were
in
the
House
of
Commons
in
1640.
(
except
those
that
were
dead
,
and
those
that
went
from
them
to
the
late
King
at
Oxford
)
are
all
there
again
.
B.
But
this
methinks
was
no
good
service
to
the
King
,
unless
they
had
learnt
better
Principles
.
A.
They
had
learnt
nothing
;
the
major
part
was
now
again
Presbyterian
.
'T
is
true
,
they
were
so
grateful
to
General
Monk
,
as
to
make
him
General
of
all
the
Forces
in
the
three
Nations
:
They
did
well
also
to
make
void
the
Engagement
;
but
it
was
because
those
Acts
were
made
to
the
prejudice
of
their
Party
,
but
recalled
none
of
their
own
Rebellious
Ordinances
,
nor
did
any
thing
in
order
to
the
good
of
the
present
King
;
but
on
the
contrary
,
they
declar'd
by
a
Vote
,
that
the
late
King
began
the
War
against
his
two
Houses
.
B.
The
two
Houses
,
considered
as
two
Persons
,
were
they
not
two
of
the
Kings
Subjects
?
If
a
King
raise
an
Army
against
his
Subject
,
is
it
lawful
for
the
Subject
to
resist
with
force
,
when
(
as
in
this
case
)
he
might
have
had
Peace
upon
his
submission
.
A.
They
knew
they
had
acted
vilely
and
sottishly
;
but
because
they
had
always
so
greater
than
ordinary
wisdom
and
godliness
,
they
were
loth
to
confess
it
:
The
Presbyterians
now
saw
their
time
to
make
a
Confession
of
their
Faith
,
and
presented
it
to
the
House
of
Commons
,
to
shew
they
had
not
changed
their
Principles
;
which
(
after
six
Readings
in
the
House
)
was
voted
to
be
printed
,
and
once
a
year
to
be
read
publickly
in
every
Church
.
B.
I
say
again
,
this
re-establishing
of
the
Long
Parliament
was
no
good
service
to
the
King
.
A.
Have
a
little
patience
:
they
were
re-established
with
two
Conditions
;
one
to
determine
their
sitting
before
the
end
of
March
,
another
to
send
out
Writs
before
their
rising
for
new
Elections
.
B.
That
qualifies
.
A.
That
brought
in
the
King
;
for
few
of
the
Long-Parliament
(
the
Country
having
felt
the
smart
of
their
former
service
)
could
get
themselves
chosen
again
.
This
new
Parliament
began
to
sit
April
the
25.
1660.
How
soon
these
called
in
the
King
,
with
what
Joy
and
Triumph
he
was
receiv'd
▪
how
earnestly
his
Majesty
pressed
the
Parliament
for
the
Act
of
Oblivion
,
and
how
few
were
excepted
out
of
it
,
you
know
as
well
as
I.
B.
But
I
have
not
yet
observ'd
in
the
Presbyterians
any
Oblivion
of
their
former
principles
,
we
are
but
return'd
to
the
state
we
were
in
at
the
beginning
of
the
Sedition
.
A.
Not
so
;
for
before
that
time
,
though
the
Kings
of
England
had
the
right
of
the
Militia
in
vertue
of
the
Soveraignty
,
and
without
dispute
,
and
without
any
particular
Act
of
Parliament
directly
to
the
purpose
;
yet
now
after
this
bloody
dispute
,
the
next
,
which
is
the
present
Parliament
,
in
proper
and
express
terms
hath
declar'd
the
same
to
be
the
Right
of
the
King
only
,
without
either
of
his
Houses
of
Parliament
;
which
Act
is
more
instructive
to
the
people
,
than
any
Arguments
drawn
from
the
Title
of
Soveraignty
,
and
consequently
fitter
to
disarm
the
Ambition
of
all
seditious
Haranguers
for
the
time
to
come
.
B.
Pray
God
it
be
so
;
howsoever
I
must
confe●●
that
this
Parliament
has
done
all
that
a
Parliament
can
do
for
the
security
of
our
peace
;
which
I
think
also
would
be
enough
,
if
our
Preachers
would
take
heed
of
instilling
evil
Principles
into
their
Auditory
.
I
have
seen
in
this
Revolution
a
circular
motion
of
the
Soveraign
Power
,
●through
two
Usurpers
,
from
the
late
King
,
to
this
his
Son
;
for
(
leaving
out
the
power
of
the
Council
of
Officers
,
which
was
but
temporary
,
and
no
otherwise
owned
by
them
,
but
in
trust
)
it
moved
from
King
Charles
the
First
to
the
Long
Parliament
,
from
thence
to
the
Rump
,
from
the
Rump
to
Oliver
Cromwel
,
and
then
back
again
from
Richard
Cromwel
to
the
Rump
,
thence
to
the
Long
Parliament
,
and
thence
to
King
Charles
the
Second
,
where
long
may
it
remain
.
A.
Amen
:
And
may
he
have
,
as
often
as
there
shall
be
need
,
such
a
General
.
B.
You
have
told
me
little
of
the
General
,
till
now
in
the
end
:
but
truly
,
I
think
,
the
bringing
of
his
little
Army
entirely
out
of
Scotland
up
to
London
,
was
the
greatest
Stratagem
that
is
extant
in
History
.
FINIS
.