BOOK
I.
CHAP.
I.
Of
Deity
.
FRom
the
observation
of
the
dependance
of
one
thing
upon
another
(
as
of
its
Original
and
Cause
)
we
must
come
at
last
to
fix
on
such
a
cause
as
is
to
all
things
Supreme
and
Independent
:
For
to
proceed
infinitely
we
cannot
,
but
shall
lose
our selves
as
in
a
circle
,
whose
ends
will
be
as
hardly
brought
to
meet
in
our
conceit
,
as
it
is
to
imagine
the
most
remote
cause
,
and
most
remote
effect
,
to
joyn
by
immediate
touch
.
Observe
we
again
,
That
no
Operation
or
Effect
,
could
ever
have
been
produced
in
regular
and
orderly
manner
,
unless
the
direction
thereof
had
(
first
or
last
)
proceeded
from
a
voluntary
Agent
:
So
that
,
when
we
find
the
Superiour
Bodies
,
Elements
,
and
other
Creatures
void
of
sense
and
will
(
by
their
constant
endeavours
)
either
pointing
to
any
end
at
all
,
or
such
other
ends
as
have
respect
and
benefit
beyond
themselves
,
they
must
be
concluded
but
as
Passive
Agents
in
both
cases
:
and
the
latter
respect
(
especially
weighed
)
will
at
last
bring
us
to
pitch
upon
one
Agent
or
Authour
of
such
universal
power
,
and
concern
in
all
things
,
as
to
be
the
true
Creator
and
Director
of
them
all
:
One
,
I
say
;
for
should
each
Element
by
it self
,
or
should
the
will
of
more
then
one
be
the
Guider
of
Productions
and
Effects
,
would
it
not
follow
that
this
Procession
of
chance
,
or
different
aim
and
will
must
necessarily
set
Nature
sometimes
at
a
stand
,
for
want
of
sufficient
power
and
direction
what
course
to
follow
,
or
(
as
it
were
by
a
kinde
of
Civil
War
)
make
her
endeavours
so
distracted
and
weak
,
that
nothing
but
dissolution
and
confusion
could
follow
?
From
all
which
we
may
conclude
both
a
Deity
,
and
the
unity
thereof
;
and
that
(
as
a
free
Agent
)
no
operation
could
have
proceeded
from
him
without
an
end
,
whereby
,
(
as
by
an
immutable
Law
)
the
effects
and
endeavours
of
other
Creatures
,
stand
directed
and
limited
unto
certain
ends
and
bounds
,
which
otherwise
would
not
proceed
at
all
;
or
else
do
it
infinitely
,
or
destructively
to
one
another
.
And
upon
the
same
reason
of
having
the
vertues
and
endeavours
of
natural
Agents
and
Elements
thus
stinted
and
directed
,
it
will
follow
,
that
as
there
must
be
such
original
Elements
,
as
might
have
fitness
to
answer
thes●
Laws
and
Rules
of
Providence
;
so
,
this
pre-existent
matter
could
not
be
equally
eternal
with
Deity
,
but
must
be
at
first
created
by
the
same
hand
it
is
now
guided
:
for
should
they
not
,
or
should
there
have
been
no
creation
at
all
,
but
a
perpetual
pre-existence
of
Elements
(
before
they
had
by
the
Rules
of
Providence
their
vertues
and
abilities
harmoniously
directed
)
they
must
,
by
their
irregular
courses
,
have
been
the
destruction
of
one
another
.
As
therefore
,
in
the
first
case
,
to
skip
and
balk
the
more
immediate
and
instrumental
causes
of
things
,
and
fasten
them
as
immediate
upon
God
the
Supreme
(
after
the
usual
way
of
the
ignorant
)
were
so
to
confound
and
jumble
Causes
and
Effects
,
that
there
should
not
in
nature
be
any
certain
Production
at
all
,
because
if
the
Supreme
Cause
should
be
an
immediate
cause
to
the
most
remote
effect
,
then
,
in
order
backward
,
that
remotest
effect
must
be
a
cause
to
that
which
was
his
immediate
cause
before
,
and
so
on
;
or
else
what
was
the
immediate
effect
to
the
Supreme
before
,
will
now
(
by
its
removal
therefrom
(
and
coming
to
be
as
immediate
cause
to
the
most
remote
effect
)
want
a
cause
for
its
own
Production
)
so
,
in
this
latter
case
,
the
like
would
befal
,
if
(
through
want
of
good
and
true
observation
of
the
dependance
and
reason
of
effects
and
causes
,
till
we
come
to
the
Supreme
Cause
or
Reason
)
we
should
fasten
the
Productions
of
Elements
or
first
matter
on
Chance
:
for
,
if
they
be
constant
and
uniform
,
how
shall
Chance
own
or
lay
claim
to
them
?
Again
,
to
make
them
Co-eternal
with
Deity
,
is
to
deny
his
Eternity
,
or
their
dependance
on
him
,
who
must
precede
the
Chaos
,
in
time
,
as
that
again
must
precede
the
Endowment
and
Regulation
of
the
qualities
of
the
Elements
themselves
,
in
time
also
.
For
so
,
fire
was
before
heat
,
as
the
cause
is
before
the
effect
;
which
,
had
it
been
Eternal
,
and
the
qualites
of
burning
thereto
annexed
without
limit
(
which
must
have
been
had
it
been
from
it self
only
)
what
would
have
become
of
the
race
all
things
else
in
this
general
conflagration
?
which
now
,
keeping
its
degrees
,
and
being
confined
within
such
and
such
subjects
and
bounds
by
a
Superiour
Power
,
is
a
great
and
necessary
help
to
their
Production
;
That
,
and
all
things
else
,
readily
obeying
the
Law
of
their
Maker
;
from
whom
,
as
from
a
most
wise
,
Omnipotent
,
and
Bountiful
Creator
,
nothing
but
works
and
operations
suitable
are
to
be
expected
.
CHAP.
II.
Of
Providence
and
its
Rules
in
general
.
AS
therefore
the
perfection
of
this
Worlds
Maker
doth
sufficiently
argue
the
perfection
of
the
work
;
so
doth
the
perfection
of
the
work
as
justly
plead
for
continuance
.
Continue
it
could
not
by
any
other
Power
then
that
whereby
it
was
founded
;
yet
,
as
before
,
no
want
in
God
,
or
merit
elsewhere
(
but
a
natural
propension
to
extend
and
express
his
own
goodness
and
beneficence
)
caused
a
Creation
:
So
in
the
course
of
Preservation
and
Government
(
that
stood
thereunto
necessary
as
to
an
end
)
God
was
yet
at
liberty
and
free
in
the
way
and
manner
of
applying
it
:
that
is
,
whether
to
proceed
by
more
express
and
personal
execution
of
his
will
,
or
else
to
operate
by
natural
Rules
and
Laws
:
And
so
far
it
is
from
abating
the
just
esteem
of
the
Act
of
Providence
,
in
comparison
of
that
of
Creation
,
because
God
doth
not
in
this
(
as
there
)
so
immediately
work
;
as
(
on
the
contrary
)
the
very
imposition
of
Natures
Law
,
and
the
Endowment
of
creatures
of
all
sorts
with
such
Instincts
and
Properties
,
as
in
the
prosecution
and
exercise
thereof
,
they
shall
be
continually
able
to
keep
up
both
the
common
and
their
private
preservations
,
argues
,
by
how
much
the
means
is
the
weaker
,
the
greater
to
be
the
strength
of
him
that
enabled
and
appointed
it
.
But
then
,
as
every
thing
became
hereby
positively
good
,
so
,
proportionable
to
the
impression
of
Divine
favour
,
and
similitude
of
the
workman
imparted
to
the
work
,
a
comparative
degree
of
Perfection
and
Goodness
did
arise
;
and
consequently
,
the
greater
care
for
their
preservation
may
be
seen
to
have
been
taken
.
For
to
have
made
all
creatures
,
Men
or
Angels
,
had
not
only
overthrown
that
beauty
and
goodness
arising
by
the
universal
variety
;
but
,
inasmuch
as
the
Perfection
of
those
creatures
stands
chiefly
in
comparison
of
things
below
them
,
(
for
in
regard
of
God
they
are
all
base
and
poor
,
)
these
lower
Perfections
being
taken
off
,
see
we
not
how
the
Perfection
aimed
at
,
in
respect
of
that
higher
,
must
have
necessarily
ceased
also
?
Whereas
now
,
they
of
themselves
keep
it
by
comparison
,
and
those
inferior
creatures
,
by
their
several
uses
to
the
preservation
of
the
whole
world
,
of
one
another
,
and
of
man
in
particular
,
have
therein
also
their
distinct
degrees
of
Perfection
and
Goodness
.
So
that
each
creature
having
nothing
but
what
he
had
thus
received
,
it
follows
,
that
what
is
now
in
them
,
was
in
him
as
in
its
original
before
;
their
limited
receipts
,
in
all
kinds
,
only
differing
them
from
him
in
Almightiness
.
The
first
impression
or
communication
of
Divine
Resemblance
,
was
that
of
Entity
or
Positive
existence
;
and
this
,
necessarily
entring
with
Creation
it self
to
be
more
or
less
imparted
,
all
creatures
stood
yet
differenced
,
and
beneath
their
Maker
in
point
of
eternity
and
degree
of
continuance
.
But
that
which
was
Personally
denyed
,
by
the
mortality
and
decay
of
Individuals
,
is
by
another
way
,
to
wit
,
by
Propagation
(
in
a
sort
)
made
good
.
Amongst
others
,
Man
,
as
bearing
the
most
universal
and
nearest
resemblance
in
the
attributes
of
his
Maker
;
so
hath
he
(
above
other
creatures
)
a
nearer
stamp
of
Eternity
conferred
on
him
:
insomuch
as
,
by
the
benefit
of
Resurrection
,
he
stands
exempted
from
that
rule
of
total
decay
,
wherein
(
with
the
whole
world
it self
)
other
things
are
inevitably
involved
.
Come
we
more
neerly
to
observe
all
creatures
in
their
natural
operations
,
and
how
they
are
all
directed
to
mutual
preservation
by
the
wise
and
well
set
Rules
of
Providence
;
Inanimates
necessarily
,
and
creatures
of
life
voluntarily
,
pursuing
those
actions
that
lead
most
directly
thereunto
.
See
we
not
the
elements
(
and
other
things
wanting
life
)
by
their
constant
observation
of
Natures
Law
,
to
preserve
themselves
and
creatures
of
life
;
to
whose
use
,
as
being
more
noble
,
they
seem
in
a
manner
wholly
intent
and
directed
?
In
these
heavenly
bodies
we
may
easily
discern
this
Rule
of
Providence
,
in
their
constant
Preservation
and
ours
,
although
the
means
by
which
it
is
done
,
be
as
far
removed
from
our
knowledge
,
as
they
are
from
our
sight
:
but
their
correspondence
and
endeavours
in
this
work
of
universal
Preservation
,
we
have
reason
to
acknowledge
and
admire
;
for
by
means
of
their
several
vertues
and
influences
it
is
,
that
the
ambient
ayr
is
continually
enabled
to
hatch
and
nourish
all
sorts
of
creatures
,
which
the
earth
and
water
(
as
the
common
Wombs
and
Parents
of
things
)
do
afford
in
such
variety
.
And
in
these
lower
Elements
also
,
see
we
not
how
regular
and
constant
they
are
in
the
course
of
common
Preservation
,
and
maintenance
of
the
degrees
of
Creation
and
Providence
?
For
,
rather
then
a
Vacuum
shall
again
be
to
destroy
Creation
,
the
ayr
will
not
only
admit
degrees
of
extension
and
compression
in
its
self
;
but
the
water
and
earth
will
yield
to
transmutation
of
part
of
their
own
bodies
thereinto
:
whereby
,
taking
up
more
room
,
they
afford
sufficient
supply
,
to
avoid
non-entity
and
confusion
.
Mark
we
not
how
,
by
their
endowments
of
dense
and
rare
,
heavier
and
lighter
,
they
are
constantly
able
to
keep
their
ranks
and
places
in
regard
of
the
Centre
:
And
thereby
orderly
to
obey
the
Laws
of
Nature
in
Production
and
Maintenance
of
other
Creatures
?
So
that
when
water
soaks
into
the
earth
,
or
remains
below
it
(
as
in
the
Sea
,
Ponds
,
Rivers
,
&c.
)
it
is
not
to
displace
the
earth
,
which
,
by
means
of
this
compactness
,
is
kept
on
heaps
and
hills
,
from
taking
that
his
proper
room
it self
,
but
to
remove
so
much
ayr
as
was
there
before
,
into
a
more
natural
and
higher
station
.
And
truly
,
the
knowledge
of
weight
and
levity
,
and
how
to
put
nature
to
struggle
in
endeavouring
a
Vacuum
,
and
altering
the
natural
consistencies
of
bodies
,
is
the
mother
of
all
natural
motions
,
and
mechanical
operations
.
Come
we
yet
to
consider
the
species
and
race
of
creatures
more
particularly
,
and
how
they
are
all
made
apt
to
receive
and
bestow
the
vertues
and
bounties
of
Nature
for
the
good
of
themselves
and
others
.
How
ready
and
constant
supplies
find
Plants
and
Vegetables
from
the
earth
?
And
,
as
if
they
knew
their
individual
Preservations
were
not
valuable
to
that
of
their
Race
,
see
we
not
how
they
spend
their
whole
endeavours
in
the
growth
and
security
of
their
seed
?
And
till
they
come
to
the
ability
to
propagate
,
we
call
them
in
no
kinde
perfect
;
as
,
on
the
other
side
,
when
this
ability
is
once
over
,
their
decay
is
as
apparent
.
To
what
purpose
●●●ve
those
goodly
Blossoms
,
Leaves
,
Fruits
and
Flowers
,
but
to
mellow
and
defend
the
Seed
?
To
what
purpose
the
Stem
and
Boughs
,
but
to
reach
out
this
Seed
to
receive
growth
and
ripeness
,
from
the
influences
of
Superiour
bodies
,
and
to
remove
them
from
the
injuries
of
things
beneath
?
the
seed
being
now
ripe
and
fallen
,
Natures
care
seems
removed
from
the
Plant
,
who
now
(
as
if
her
work
were
done
)
doth
droop
and
wither
;
and
to
maintain
the
perpetuite
by
her
course
of
succession
,
usually
makes
the
leaves
of
the
Plants
(
by
their
fall
)
a
covering
to
the
seed
;
till
the
fitted
earth
hath
afforded
it
some
fastness
and
receipt
.
Mark
we
lastly
Creatures
of
life
and
sense
being
by
that
means
capable
of
Pleasure
and
Pain
,
and
we
shall
finde
them
hereby
(
as
by
Reward
and
Punishment
)
stirr'd
up
most
to
avoid
or
execute
those
actions
that
have
directest
tendencies
to
their
subsistence
and
preservation
;
that
action
that
tends
to
the
more
universal
Preservation
of
the
Species
,
having
greater
delight
annexed
to
it
then
that
of
food
that
maintains
the
individual
only
.
So
that
,
Creation
is
but
Providence
begun
,
as
Providence
is
but
Creaation
compleat
;
and
,
however
Creation
did
precede
Providence
in
the
execution
,
yet
doth
Providence
that
in
dignity
,
as
being
the
end
and
aym
thereof
;
even
as
that
again
is
excelled
by
its
end
also
,
which
the
glory
of
God
.
CHAP.
III.
Of
particular
or
self
Providence
.
AS
the
Preservation
of
the
several
Races
and
Kindes
of
Creatures
was
unto
the
continuance
and
supply
of
the
whole
Creation
necessary
:
So
again
,
to
the
Preservation
of
each
Species
,
the
Preservation
of
Individuals
was
necessary
also
;
and
that
(
consequently
)
there
should
be
appetites
implanted
in
them
leading
thereunto
:
For
although
some
lower
sort
of
creatures
have
no
individual
Perfections
at
all
to
seek
,
but
,
as
parts
of
a
greater
mass
(
being
parcels
of
earth
,
water
,
stone
,
mettals
,
&c.
)
have
(
with
things
of
like
kindes
)
their
welfares
by
Nature
readily
furnished
:
yet
creatures
of
life
,
(
which
thereupon
come
to
be
called
individuals
,
)
must
have
this
appetite
of
Self-good
and
Preservation
,
conferred
on
it
with
such
degrees
of
intention
,
as
to
aim
at
the
utmost
Perfection
in
its
power
,
without
such
sense
of
duty
elsewhere
as
might
cause
it
to
intermit
its
proper
care
,
and
(
it
may
be
)
in
its
divided
endeavour
,
be
negligent
of
the
good
of
both
.
For
to
think
there
could
be
separate
subsistences
,
and
yet
depend
on
forreign
Preservation
only
,
were
impossible
:
because
if
Thomas
his
being
should
depend
on
Johns
,
Johns
must
again
depent
on
Williams
,
and
so
infinitely
,
till
one
Person
had
all
dependencies
;
which
should
not
then
be
many
,
but
one
man
.
Or
should
they
reciprocally
change
,
and
the
reason
and
will
that
Thomas
now
hath
,
be
in
William
,
and
so
Williams
in
Thomas
or
John
:
how
should
either
know
the
others
wants
,
and
consequently
provide
for
his
good
and
safety
?
And
therefore
,
this
endowment
of
separate-sense
,
will
,
and
understanding
,
whereby
each
particular
is
enabled
to
provide
and
have
regard
unto
it self
apart
,
makes
it
manifest
that
the
maintenance
of
Creatures
(
as
before
said
)
was
necessary
to
be
kept
up
by
this
appetite
of
self-seeking
and
following
a
private
end
and
soveraign
good
respective
to
it self
only
.
For
although
the
many
mischiefs
(
hereafter
to
be
spoken
of
)
arose
from
hence
,
yet
(
on
the
other
side
)
was
it
the
fountain
of
all
the
good
they
had
:
inasmuch
as
good
men
we
cannot
be
,
except
we
be
men
,
and
well-being
must
presuppose
being
;
which
had
herein
its
necessary
foundation
.
It
was
again
necessary
,
in
maintenance
of
that
variety
of
Creation
,
and
of
that
Oeconomy
and
rule
of
Providence
God
had
appointed
.
For
should
all
creatures
have
passively
and
unwittingly
followed
impulsive
directions
,
as
inanimates
do
their
Instincts
and
Properties
,
this
had
been
to
overthrow
Sense
,
Reason
,
and
Will
,
as
things
useless
,
and
to
forbid
the
Almighties
goodness
,
(
in
some
resemblance
to
himself
)
to
make
creatures
sensible
of
felicity
;
and
thereupon
,
lessening
our
benefit
,
so
should
it
abate
his
praise
and
thanks
.
And
further
,
it
would
stint
the
race
of
Creatures
,
from
coming
above
that
of
Vegetables
.
Or
should
God
have
furnished
all
creatures
with
reason
suffic●ent
,
to
have
known
good
and
evil
perfectly
unto
the
degree
of
Angels
,
(
so
as
to
have
followed
it
without
reluctancy
in
themselves
,
or
injury
to
others
)
this
had
been
to
overthrow
both
man
and
all
degrees
of
Species
below
him
.
Or
should
(
again
)
all
creatures
have
had
sense
,
and
an
end
apart
of
their
own
to
follow
,
this
must
have
put
a
great
stop
to
those
many
affordments
and
offices
,
which
inanimates
now
supply
to
sensitives
,
as
seem●ng
made
wholly
for
them
.
For
so
(
for
example
)
should
the
Sun
,
the
Earth
,
the
Water
,
&c.
have
had
private
and
self-desires
,
would
not
the
good
of
both
vegetives
and
sensitives
be
interrupted
,
and
many
times
fore-slowed
?
And
so
also
,
if
vegetives
should
have
had
life
,
and
(
thereupon
)
sense
of
those
many
sufferings
which
the
continual
imployments
of
men
and
other
sensitives
put
them
unto
,
both
for
food
and
otherwise
;
would
it
not
,
on
the
other
hand
,
have
been
inconsistent
with
the
goodness
of
God
to
have
thus
inevitably
tyed
his
Creatures
to
perpetual
torment
and
affliction
,
even
to
their
equals
in
nature
(
for
so
to
sensitives
they
must
have
been
if
they
had
been
sensitives
also
;
)
and
,
on
the
other
hand
,
would
not
the
knowledge
and
sense
of
these
h●rms
have
made
them
shrink
and
decline
that
readiness
wherewith
they
now
stand
serviceable
?
Whereas
now
,
by
this
appetite
and
ability
of
self-preservation
,
prosecuted
in
some
willingly
,
and
in
others
not
,
they
keep
up
their
several
Species
;
and
are
thereby
enabled
in
the
variety
and
order
appointed
them
,
severally
to
set
forth
the
praise
of
their
Maker
.
Upon
this
it
follows
,
that
although
the
act
of
Generation
,
(
which
tends
to
specifical
Preservation
,
)
be
in
each
creature
hotlier
pursued
then
any
that
reacheth
to
individual
conservation
onely
;
yet
it
is
done
and
maintained
out
of
self-respect
;
either
in
sensitives
voluntarily
,
as
being
thereto
allured
by
the
greatness
of
pleasure
,
which
is
their
private
end
;
or
in
inanimates
necessarily
,
where
Self-Preservation
,
(
their
general
end
)
is
by
natural
instinct
so
closely
involved
therein
that
the
whole
Perfection
of
the
thing
it self
dependeth
thereupon
.
And
so
far
are
creatures
herein
from
intending
any
thing
beyond
themselves
,
or
shewing
specifical
aim
,
that
their
endeavours
stint
themselves
to
the
individuals
of
their
own
race
:
it
being
done
in
so
high
a
degree
of
Propriety
,
as
,
having
therein
(
as
it
were
)
transplanted
their
whole
strength
,
it
obtains
(
by
this
transmigration
)
a
kinde
of
Identity
.
In
pursuit
of
this
appetite
of
Philautia
,
we
may
observe
Plants
and
Vegetables
to
follow
their
individual
Preservations
so
greedily
,
that
they
are
ready
to
rob
of
growth
and
nourishment
all
within
the
verge
of
their
own
activity
,
even
of
their
own
kind
;
nay
each
single
fruit
,
grain
,
or
berry
of
the
same
Plant
will
do
the
like
to
his
fellow
;
and
by
too
covetous
engrossing
the
common
sap
,
leave
many
of
the
same
stock
to
pine
and
wither
.
And
so
again
creatures
of
sense
,
having
life
and
motion
,
and
a
greater
desire
and
ability
to
attain
(
then
them
)
the
objects
of
their
use
and
d●light
,
are
ready
,
with
all
kinde
of
violence
,
to
enter
possession
,
without
due
consideration
of
their
fellows
like
desires
and
wants
.
Upon
this
ground
depend
all
those
conflicts
for
mastery
amongst
beasts
,
which
reach
many
times
to
mutual
slaughter
;
the
most
harmless
creatures
exercising
this
force
in
some
kinde
,
or
time
,
or
other
.
But
,
above
all
,
man
,
being
a
Creature
of
most
divine
resemblance
,
and
his
Preservation
of
higher
esteem
,
had
this
Philautia
more
strongly
implanted
.
For
with
inanimates
he
resembles
him
in
positive
existence
or
being
,
with
creatures
of
life
and
sense
in
being
capable
of
pleasure
and
content
;
but
,
above
them
all
,
he
comes
nearest
(
by
much
)
in
strength
of
reason
and
understanding
.
And
as
sensitives
go
beyond
inanimates
in
enjoying
the
benefits
of
Natures
store
,
so
have
men
,
beyond
them
again
,
an
appetite
(
above
comparison
)
both
in
the
generality
of
desiring
and
the
ability
of
attaining
.
Insomuch
as
,
both
in
regard
of
their
serviceableness
and
readiness
,
and
the
largeness
of
mans
appetite
to
entertain
and
make
use
of
them
(
as
beforesaid
)
we
may
be
called
little
worlds
by
our selves
;
having
,
in
us
,
their
vertues
epitomized
,
as
well
as
uses
stinted
:
All
things
seeming
but
made
for
us
,
and
no
creature
exempt
and
useless
from
our
imployment
,
for
benefit
or
pleasure
.
What
can
he
wish
?
above
him
is
an
indulgent
God
,
enduing
him
with
appetites
and
reason
,
to
desire
and
attain
the
objects
of
his
content
in
abundant
variety
:
Below
him
all
creatures
standing
obedient
,
and
thereunto
serviceable
.
CHAP.
IV.
Of
Government
as
it
stands
in
Natural
Reason
:
and
of
its
reputed
Original
.
IN
this
happy
estate
of
innocent
coveting
and
enjoying
,
we
at
first
stood
by
the
goodness
of
him
that
made
the
delight
of
all
things
ours
,
and
ours
his
;
until
,
ungratefully
intermitting
our
acknowledgement
and
delight
upwards
,
we
forfeited
our
delight
below
,
by
breaking
that
command
which
should
have
been
the
pledge
and
type
of
both
.
Wherein
(
besides
Ingratitude
,
)
mans
fault
seemed
Pride
or
Presumption
;
in
ayming
to
break
the
link
of
that
Golden
chain
and
rank
of
Subordination
,
wherein
Nature
had
limited
us
;
and
so
,
balking
our
dependance
on
God
,
be
as
it
were
gods
unto
our selves
,
in
the
knowledge
of
good
and
evil
.
Now
is
it
that
the
most
ordinary
and
useful
parts
of
our
bodies
come
to
be
accompted
nakedness
or
sin
,
which
had
we
been
content
to
enjoy
according
to
the
natural
simplicity
of
our
first
state
and
the
example
of
other
creatures
,
we
had
continued
innocent
in
their
use
;
and
other
injuries
done
by
self-seeking
,
being
according
to
nature
,
and
she
being
content
with
self-sufficency
,
she
had
therein
been
,
as
well
our
warrant
as
our
spur
.
Whereas
now
,
our
unbridled
lusts
leading
us
beyond
all
bounds
and
measure
;
and
then
,
having
those
former
innocent
acts
mingled
with
our
inordinate
desires
(
and
so
with
them
taken
upon
our
own
scores
)
they
thereby
become
sin
also
.
From
hence
come
we
to
be
assaulted
,
from
without
,
with
the
revolt
of
the
creature
,
and
,
from
within
,
by
our
own
concupiscence
,
which
proves
now
both
our
sin
and
our
punishment
.
For
whilst
,
in
our
greedy
and
hasty
pursuits
,
Reason
wants
either
ability
,
or
time
to
consult
of
good
or
bad
,
our
wo
instead
of
our
weal
is
many
times
embraced
.
Before
,
when
we
were
content
to
follow
the
natural
Laws
of
our
kinde
,
we
could
do
nothing
ill
;
and
now
,
trusting
to
our selves
,
we
can
do
nothing
well
:
And
seeming
not
content
with
those
miseries
that
singly
assail
us
,
our
unsociable
dispositions
finding
occasion
to
make
others
the
objects
of
our
malice
and
revenge
,
pull
on
our selves
the
like
,
or
greater
punishment
then
they
did
strive
to
inflict
.
And
again
,
instead
of
those
reciprocal
helps
(
in
our
decay
)
which
should
have
grown
from
consort-ship
,
our
enterfering
desires
continually
engage
us
to
mutual
prejudice
.
And
then
,
when
the
whole
store
and
variety
of
nature
can
hardly
satisfie
the
boundles
appetite
of
one
man
:
how
should
they
content
all
?
Whereas
beasts
(
neither
covetous
of
Propriety
,
nor
relishing
their
price
by
difficulty
)
are
content
with
the
simple
and
ready
food
of
grass
or
the
like
.
They
quietly
and
peaceably
enjoy
their
loves
and
rest
:
and
,
after
their
own
repasts
,
can
without
envy
or
dislike
see
the
satisfaction
of
others
.
Whereas
man
,
in
his
unlimited
appetite
,
seeking
to
engross
the
common
revenue
of
Nature
,
and
esteeming
the
content
of
others
a
privation
to
himself
,
in
a
restless
covetousness
,
makes
a
dearth
in
plenty
.
For
,
be
himself
never
so
throughly
glutted
,
he
yet
grudges
at
the
satisfaction
of
another
;
and
would
(
at
least
)
have
it
his
bounty
.
It
would
trouble
our
Arithmetique
to
sum
up
the
variety
of
our
food
,
apparel
,
and
other
delights
,
wherewith
(
not
nature
,
but
)
the
satisfaction
of
our
inordinate
desires
makes
us
perpetually
industrious
:
and
when
all
is
done
,
it
is
not
self-sufficiency
that
can
please
us
;
but
we
become
as
unsatiable
for
quantity
as
kinde
.
And
further
,
since
equal
things
cannot
but
have
equal
desire
and
claim
;
and
since
neither
mens
prerogatives
amongst
themselves
,
nor
proprieties
over
other
Creatures
are
by
Nature
distinguished
;
how
should
the
possession
of
one
happen
without
the
discontent
of
another
?
what
's
the
issue
of
this
discontent
but
strife
and
fighting
?
and
of
fighting
but
death
?
to
the
disturbance
of
Nature
,
and
destruction
of
her
chief
Master-Piece
.
The
riches
of
the
earth
,
that
without
labour
sprang
up
,
and
satisfied
the
desires
of
our
innocent
Parents
,
must
now
only
be
the
reward
of
our
travel
;
but
who
will
till
the
field
before
he
can
be
assured
of
the
Crop
?
and
if
when
Nature
,
out
of
her
general
regard
,
and
intending
the
good
of
all
,
set
no
bounds
or
distinctions
for
the
private
possession
of
any
,
(
but
that
all
may
lay
equal
claim
to
the
soil
and
fruit
,
)
why
should
any
take
more
pains
,
when
afterwards
his
propriety
shall
be
but
equal
?
and
,
as
the
issues
of
his
labour
,
so
himself
,
in
defence
thereof
,
but
rendred
a
more
probable
prey
to
the
next
violent
hand
.
To
sum
up
all
,
consider
on
one
side
the
variety
of
Nature
and
the
Creatures
,
in
objects
for
our
use
and
delight
;
and
on
the
other
side
,
our
proness
to
strife
for
their
possession
:
or
(
for
better
instance
)
suppose
all
those
things
free
again
wherein
men
now
enjoy
their
unquestioned
propriety
,
and
Nature
as
loose
to
make
equal
tender
of
them
to
all
:
what
but
hatred
,
confusion
,
and
destruction
,
could
we
imagine
would
follow
,
instead
of
our
now
peaceable
agreement
?
Therefore
supposing
(
as
is
usually
done
)
mankinde
to
have
at
first
lived
in
this
confused
condition
,
(
wherein
equality
of
persons
and
community
of
goods
set
every
one
against
another
,
where
while
all
things
were
all
mens
,
no
man
had
the
enjoyment
of
any
thing
)
and
then
,
no
doubt
,
this
sense
of
the
miseries
arising
by
dissention
,
would
be
the
chief
motive
to
bring
men
to
submit
to
Government
,
and
think
of
some
way
of
unity
.
For
,
partly
out
of
remorse
of
the
slaughter
of
others
,
and
partly
out
of
just
fear
that
the
like
might
befal
themselves
or
friends
,
the
occasions
of
their
miseries
would
begin
to
be
enquired
;
and
withal
,
the
likeliest
means
of
preservation
and
peace
.
And
because
quarrels
had
for
the
most
part
arisen
about
propriety
,
propriety
would
be
the
chief
thing
which
,
by
Laws
and
Rules
amongst
themselves
,
they
would
go
about
to
establish
.
In
which
doing
,
besides
the
abatement
of
strife
,
they
foresaw
a
general
positive
benefit
to
ensue
:
for
where
before
they
found
that
what
was
every
mans
profit
,
was
no
mans
care
;
and
while
all
might
reap
,
none
would
plough
;
or
while
the
herd
and
fleece
was
common
,
the
breed
was
neglected
;
fear
of
famine
and
other
humane
indigencies
quickly
taught
them
(
with
most
reason
)
to
expect
the
best
return
of
publique
utility
and
trust
,
where
private
hands
might
gain
by
managery
;
and
to
make
the
wheel
of
common
,
concentrique
with
that
of
private
advantage
.
They
quickly
found
that
a
small
proportion
,
enjoyed
with
security
and
peace
,
renders
more
content
and
encrease
to
the
owner
,
then
a
larger
which
fear
of
disseisen
makes
unuseful
.
Therefore
necessity
(
the
mother
of
wisdom
)
having
taught
them
to
embrace
peace
and
unity
,
reason
farther
taught
this
way
unto
it
:
namely
,
that
(
as
the
division
of
their
wills
and
appetites
had
before
made
disturbance
,
so
)
the
only
means
to
acquit
themselves
thereof
was
to
submit
to
some
definitive
sentence
and
determination
in
all
controversies
;
hereby
,
many
became
one
in
this
grand
Politique
body
;
and
as
in
the
natural
,
though
the
arms
,
legs
,
and
all
other
parts
,
draw
greedily
for
themselves
apart
that
nourishment
which
is
for
common
supply
(
and
that
with
self-consideration
only
;
)
yet
all
of
them
keeping
their
natural
order
and
rules
,
and
relying
on
the
affordment
of
such
members
as
are
of
publike
concern
and
trust
,
not
only
their
single
,
but
joynt
preservations
did
follow
.
For
the
brain
affords
nerves
,
the
heart
arteries
,
the
liver
blood
to
all
parts
,
as
having
the
like
interest
in
them
all
:
and
while
each
member
is
thus
supplyed
,
according
to
the
proportion
which
its
oeconomy
and
service
to
the
whole
doth
require
,
and
that
Geometrically
every
one
hath
alike
while
they
have
enough
,
why
should
one
repine
at
another
?
For
if
(
according
to
the
old
allusion
)
the
hands
or
feet
,
alledging
their
greater
pains
and
service
,
should
ignorantly
quarrel
and
envy
the
greater
rest
and
supplies
of
other
parts
,
and
hereupon
grow
so
stubborn
as
to
refuse
the
directions
of
the
common
head
,
so
far
as
to
disable
it
and
those
publique
useful
members
of
heart
,
liver
,
&c.
from
performing
their
offices
,
must
it
not
follow
,
that
the
whole
body
thus
perishing
,
the
hands
and
feet
must
therewith
perish
also
?
For
the
whole
body
(
subsisting
by
,
and
)
being
but
collectively
these
members
,
each
of
their
particular
growth
and
good
made
that
of
the
whole
swell
also
:
So
in
this
Politique
Body
,
the
several
benefits
and
advancements
of
particular
members
are
made
,
by
this
union
of
will
and
application
,
to
be
the
encrease
of
the
publique
.
But
it
is
(
by
the
way
)
to
be
considered
,
that
in
submitting
thus
Politiquely
to
have
each
private
wil
swayed
by
a
publique
,
(
which
thereupon
became
the
only
legal
will
or
sentence
,
)
it
is
not
to
be
supposed
that
the
faculty
of
willing
could
be
resigned
:
for
that
is
impossible
,
and
beyond
our
power
,
it
being
not
capable
so
far
to
reflect
on
it self
,
as
to
will
to
be
willing
,
or
not
willing
in
any
thing
:
for
(
if
so
)
such
kinde
of
choice
would
proceed
infinitely
;
nor
could
the
actions
necessary
for
preservation
of
each
individual
,
have
any
setled
,
certain
,
and
final
sentence
for
direction
or
execution
on
its
own
behalf
:
but
the
effect
of
our
wills
(
or
the
power
to
execute
the
same
)
is
that
we
(
promise
,
and
)
are
to
suspend
,
or
deny
,
if
contrary
to
publique
allowance
.
And
,
as
not
the
faculty
of
willing
,
so
not
that
of
understanding
and
judging
can
be
wholly
left
and
silenced
;
because
that
also
is
to
the
preservation
and
subsistence
of
each
man
as
man
,
(
that
is
in
his
separate
and
personal
capacity
)
and
to
the
constitution
of
will
it self
absolutely
necessary
.
But
,
because
my
private
understanding
(
taking
me
distinctly
for
a
single
person
)
was
for
self-preservation
only
,
I
can
from
my self
claim
no
right
farther
to
use
or
apply
it
;
but
in
such
cases
where
Polity
hath
placed
me
in
the
relation
of
a
subject
and
member
of
a
Politique
Body
,
united
for
common
good
,
there
it
is
reasonable
that
,
as
my
particular
good
is
unvaluable
to
that
of
the
general
,
so
my
liberty
and
right
of
judging
Publique
benefits
and
expedients
should
be
as
unvaluable
also
.
And
although
in
this
course
of
Politique
submission
,
men
could
not
but
expect
decisions
many
times
contrary
to
their
private
opinions
and
desires
;
yet
,
since
this
was
the
only
way
to
common
peace
and
safety
,
they
thought
it
reasonable
that
a
general
good
should
be
preferred
before
a
particular
;
and
as
we
in
our
Natural
,
so
they
in
this
Politique
Body
,
were
curing
with
mutilation
or
patience
the
impotencies
and
griefs
of
particular
members
,
rather
then
the
whole
body
(
with
all
other
Members
,
)
should
run
into
common
hazard
,
and
,
while
striving
to
shew
partial
affection
to
the
grieved
part
only
,
the
life
and
subsistence
of
all
should
be
endangered
.
For
as
when
life
is
taken
from
our
natural
body
,
it
remains
a
body
no
longer
but
a
carcase
:
so
Politique
bodies
being
berest
of
their
life
,
which
is
general
agreement
and
submission
to
Authority
,
continues
no
longer
a
Commonwealth
but
Anarchy
.
Wherefore
we
may
observe
that
Monarchy
was
not
only
the
most
ancient
and
useful
form
of
Government
,
as
having
in
it
the
most
apparent
unity
:
But
also
that
this
chief
office
was
that
of
a
Judge
,
being
in
all
causes
,
and
over
all
persons
,
supreme
head
and
governor
.
Not
that
any
single
benefit
,
or
the
advancement
or
good
of
any
one
person
was
thereby
intended
;
because
that
otherwise
,
and
without
this
relation
,
they
were
to
be
presumed
but
of
equal
merit
.
And
so
,
if
we
shall
diligently
consider
all
those
examples
of
more
special
and
extraordinary
favour
and
abilities
bestowed
by
God
Almighty
in
Holy
Writ
,
we
shall
finde
that
the
good
of
the
whole
,
or
some
more
considerable
part
of
the
people
,
was
the
end
of
those
miraculous
and
personal
endowments
,
and
not
single
honor
:
it
carrying
too
great
a
disagreement
to
Gods
justice
,
and
too
plain
a
shew
of
partiality
,
that
whole
Societies
and
Orders
of
men
should
be
to
no
other
end
abased
but
to
the
advancement
and
good
of
one
.
And
to
this
end
only
were
all
those
Prerogatives
and
Priviledges
annexed
to
the
persons
of
Princes
,
as
(
amongst
others
)
that
of
irresistible
power
.
For
their
chief
end
being
the
peace
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
ceasing
of
strife
and
slaughter
;
in
the
doing
thereof
it
must
be
aswel
in
his
power
to
decide
(
if
equity
shall
so
lead
him
,
)
on
the
fewer
and
weaker
side
,
as
on
the
more
and
stronger
;
and
so
much
his
Obligation
of
Protection
must
imply
:
Else
,
if
the
stronger
should
of
it self
(
and
notwithstanding
such
decision
)
have
still
power
by
force
to
atchieve
their
own
desires
,
and
refuse
submission
,
to
what
end
should
Government
be
?
for
without
it
,
the
stronger
side
did
before
judge
and
prevail
for
it self
;
but
now
,
all
Power
being
resigned
into
a
third
determinate
hand
,
it
is
no
more
of
right
in
them
but
him
:
and
the
offer
to
reassume
it
,
is
the
highest
breach
of
Trust
,
and
the
Treason
of
all
Treasons
even
the
betraying
of
all
Order
and
Government
it self
.
By
all
which
we
may
discern
the
Original
reason
of
Government
and
power
of
one
man
over
another
;
we
may
see
why
every
soul
should
be
subject
to
the
higher
powers
;
and
how
all
powers
come
to
be
of
God
:
prayer
for
the
peace
of
Jerusalem
,
the
God
of
peace
,
so
our
Saviour
the
Prince
of
Peace
,
Rom.
15.33
.
Isa.
9.6
.
Iohn
20.21
.
who
,
(
as
a
complement
of
all
blessings
)
saith
,
Peace
be
unto
you
:
and
enjoyns
it
as
a
common
and
summary
benediction
to
others
,
Peace
to
this
house
,
or
,
Peace
to
this
City
.
But
because
peace
in
it self
seems
but
a
Negative
happiness
,
CHAP.
V.
Of
each
Mans
private
End
and
Felicity
WE
before
touched
how
the
different
Perfections
of
Creatures
arose
from
the
different
neerness
to
Divine
resemblance
;
and
that
the
whole
Creation
took
effect
out
of
Gods
intention
to
express
his
goodness
,
and
reap
thereby
due
praise
and
glory
;
and
that
this
difference
of
participation
and
resemblance
appeared
most
in
man
,
as
a
creature
most
lively
enabled
both
to
the
rellishing
and
enjoying
this
goodness
and
bounty
,
and
withal
of
greatest
engagement
and
ability
to
return
due
praise
.
We
are
now
to
consider
,
that
as
it
would
have
seemed
unreasonable
in
God
,
to
expect
praise
from
us
for
such
things
whose
use
and
possession
we
could
not
at
all
apprehend
or
acquire
:
so
to
encrease
this
praise
and
thanks
,
it
was
necessary
that
the
objects
of
our
felicity
,
and
our
vigor
in
enjoying
and
possessing
them
,
should
be
encreased
also
.
And
again
,
as
for
to
have
coveted
and
delighted
in
any
by
means
of
our
affections
,
and
then
have
wanted
the
benefit
of
reason
and
discourse
to
attain
it
,
had
been
and
abuse
:
so
to
imagine
we
should
have
ever
put
forth
to
the
possession
of
any
thing
,
the
pleasure
or
benefit
whereof
we
did
no
ways
apprehend
,
were
absurd
;
and
therefore
in
this
necessary
conjunction
,
our
reason
and
affections
are
heightned
and
helped
by
each
other
:
yet
Reason
doth
usually
play
the
part
of
the
Servant
or
Ministerial
Officer
to
the
attaining
of
what
we
apprehend
as
Pleasant
:
which
Reason
having
assented
unto
on
the
behalf
of
the
object
,
(
out
of
which
Pleasure
is
expected
)
it
is
then
called
Good
:
or
when
on
the
behalf
of
the
way
and
means
to
attain
it
,
it
is
then
called
Vertue
:
especially
if
it
overthrow
not
a
greater
Pleasure
in
others
,
to
which
end
all
Laws
are
framed
Politically
,
appointing
punishments
to
keep
off
the
seeking
of
such
Pleasures
.
They
that
have
hitherto
defined
mans
felicity
,
have
stinted
it
to
such
and
such
particular
objects
,
wherein
(
for
the
most
part
guessing
by
the
measure
of
their
own
rellishes
and
apprehensions
)
they
themselves
thought
greatest
happiness
to
consist
;
but
we
not
making
mans
felicity
narrower
then
the
objects
thereof
will
afford
,
(
and
reckoning
small
pleasures
even
to
be
parts
thereof
also
)
do
not
mean
to
contend
in
what
particular
object
or
exercise
this
delight
doth
most
consist
,
leaving
it
to
ties
proper
and
indisputable
judge
,
each
mans
own
appetite
)
but
do
affirm
mans
end
to
be
pleasure
.
At
which
,
if
any
seem
startled
,
as
esteeming
a
difference
should
be
put
between
that
which
is
good
and
that
which
is
pleasant
,
(
and
that
goodness
may
be
had
where
pleasure
is
not
,
)
their
mistake
ariseth
from
the
observation
that
since
many
men
and
creatures
take
often
delight
in
such
things
as
procure
them
afterwards
great
harm
and
sorrow
;
and
,
on
the
other
side
,
finding
many
things
which
are
painful
in
the
present
possession
to
prove
afterwards
good
;
they
seek
(
thereupon
)
to
divide
Good
from
Pleasant
:
Not
duly
considering
that
,
besides
God
,
no
object
can
have
in
it self
a
positive
or
perfect
degree
of
goodness
;
but
it
is
in
them
comparative
only
,
even
according
to
that
serviceableness
they
yield
to
other
things
,
as
for
food
,
cloathing
,
or
other
use
.
Therefore
the
measure
of
good
received
from
any
thing
,
must
be
rated
according
to
the
rellish
,
entertainment
and
serviceableness
it
finds
in
the
receiver
,
which
must
make
it
good
,
or
not
.
For
if
by
good
we
understand
what
is
commodious
and
necessary
for
the
preserving
and
perfecting
our
nature
,
without
regard
whether
it
be
pleasant
or
not
;
see
we
not
how
they
take
away
the
use
of
sense
and
reason
,
and
make
the
felicity
of
living
Creatures
not
to
exceed
that
of
stones
and
other
Inanimates
:
for
these
have
this
felicity
conferred
on
them
with
greater
constancy
and
assurance
then
Sensitives
;
and
,
if
such
kind
of
passive
or
negative
happiness
could
dignifie
,
would
be
more
excellent
of
the
two
:
Whereas
they
,
having
no
apprehension
,
rellish
,
or
delight
in
what
they
do
,
we
may
justly
account
them
excelled
by
Creatures
of
sense
:
as
they
are
again
by
man
,
surpassing
them
all
in
the
variety
and
vigour
of
his
enjoyments
.
As
,
for
instance
,
in
that
intellectual
pleasure
of
honour
,
wherein
man
seems
so
delighted
as
if
he
were
a
second
Deity
,
they
have
either
none
,
or
small
apprehension
.
Their
ears
are
not
capable
of
harmony
,
or
the
sweetness
of
eloquence
;
nor
their
eyes
delighted
with
Colours
,
Figures
,
method
,
&c.
They
want
also
many
varieties
of
tastes
and
smells
which
we
possess
.
And
,
(
in
a
word
,
)
as
man
hath
brain
(
the
root
of
sense
)
in
greater
quaintity
then
they
,
so
also
he
exceeds
them
in
the
use
and
effects
thereof
:
being
more
various
and
abundant
in
his
desires
,
and
more
vigorous
and
steady
in
his
possession
.
All
which
will
conclude
,
that
goodness
in
Sensitives
(
as
such
)
cannot
be
where
pleasure
is
not
;
and
that
goodness
is
but
another
name
for
Pleasure
,
or
(
commonly
,
)
the
way
our
reason
apprehends
to
it
.
For
when
for
the
health
of
my
body
I
endure
Physick
,
(
or
other
observations
which
are
troublesom
and
unpleasant
)
or
,
for
the
good
of
my
soul
,
abstain
from
any
thing
pleasant
,
or
undergo
any
task
or
pennance
;
see
we
not
how
that
which
is
called
good
in
both
kindes
,
is
but
in
respect
it
is
the
way
to
what
is
pleasant
afterwards
for
the
appetite
following
Pleasure
as
her
general
end
,
and
preferring
the
greater
to
the
less
,
by
the
help
of
reason
finds
,
that
in
these
and
like
cases
,
this
end
is
not
otherwise
attainable
.
For
this
lasting
pleasure
of
health
,
doth
far
countervail
the
temporary
sufferings
of
Physick
;
and
the
reward
of
heaven
any
momentany
punishment
;
and
(
in
both
cases
)
proves
not
the
avoidance
,
but
Pursuit
of
Pleasure
.
For
,
is
any
thing
Pleasant
to
the
taste
for
other
cause
eschewed
but
out
of
fear
of
some
other
detriment
?
nor
can
we
make
an
Athiest
forbear
his
pleasure
,
when
the
terror
of
shame
or
the
Law
are
off
him
:
or
the
Glutton
his
appetite
in
any
thing
which
fear
of
sickness
forbids
not
.
From
the
first
instance
,
we
may
conclude
this
Maxim
That
slighter
and
less
durable
pain
is
to
be
suffered
,
rather
then
greater
as
if
that
of
Physick
,
to
that
of
Sickness
and
Death
)
and
,
in
the
other
case
,
That
greater
pleasure
is
to
be
preferred
to
less
,
as
well
as
some
is
better
then
none
at
all
.
Mark
all
we
do
,
and
it
will
be
as
feed
to
this
harvest
.
We
labour
for
money
,
not
for
it self
,
but
because
it
is
the
sure
and
common
Purchaser
of
things
pleasurable
.
It
is
this
natural
thirst
we
pursue
,
even
when
in
things
we
seem
least
to
look
that
way
:
For
,
who
are
they
that
most
deny
themselves
in
the
contents
of
this
life
,
but
such
as
have
greatest
hope
of
heaven
hereafter
,
and
the
reward
by
God
there
promised
?
Having
in
his
presence
fullness
of
joy
,
and
at
his
right
hand
pleasures
for
evermore
.
From
all
which
,
we
may
plainly
see
Pleasure
to
be
our
good
or
end
,
and
only
then
to
be
avoided
when
it
procures
pain
,
or
by
its
possession
thrusts
out
a
greater
.
The
scandal
and
exceptions
commonly
taken
against
making
pleasure
our
aim
,
is
because
some
thinking
pleasure
to
be
only
placed
in
our
sense
,
common
to
us
with
beasts
,
they
have
thereupon
thought
it
below
mans
dignity
.
But
why
so
?
since
we
have
senses
alike
,
should
not
their
use
be
alike
?
And
since
,
as
we
formerly
proved
,
men
by
their
senses
be
capable
of
more
pleasure
then
other
things
,
why
should
we
think
it
done
in
vain
?
If
to
this
,
be
added
that
of
his
intellect
,
minde
and
contemplation
,
what
shall
we
think
all
these
advantages
to
pleasure
afforded
him
but
in
jest
?
and
not
rather
conclude
,
that
whatever
delight
,
content
or
pleasure
man
is
capable
of
,
the
same
is
truly
his
end
.
To
think
otherwise
,
were
to
tax
God
with
cruelty
and
deceit
;
in
fixing
our
desires
to
objects
of
our
ruine
,
or
hooking
in
our
overthrow
by
this
golden
bait
.
For
is
it
not
by
this
appetite
that
all
the
pursuits
of
living
Creatures
are
guided
,
insomuch
as
what
is
naturally
and
kind-like
done
,
is
also
pleasurable
;
and
whatever
is
harmful
or
destructive
,
is
painful
and
irksom
?
Is
not
the
food
which
preserves
each
individual
take
with
delight
;
and
that
act
that
preserves
the
Species
taken
with
more
delight
?
because
the
more
good
is
not
what
is
most
nourishing
,
of
best
rellish
,
and
(
on
the
contrary
)
what
is
worse
;
have
beasts
any
other
rule
to
feed
them
by
then
this
?
and
are
they
not
herein
more
infallible
and
happy
then
we
,
who
(
by
way
of
Physick
or
Pride
)
making
some
unpleasant
tastes
familiar
,
do
many
times
so
adulterate
our
gusts
,
as
wanting
that
truer
guid
,
we
come
(
through
familiarity
)
to
encline
afterwards
to
both
tastes
alike
,
and
then
,
wanting
reason
sufficient
to
follow
and
know
our
own
constitution
,
our
sickness
(
instead
of
health
)
is
often
procured
?
In
which
regard
we
may
call
Pleasure
the
natural
Probat
of
good
,
or
the
aim
of
each
sensitive
individual
(
as
such
)
by
natures
governor
prudentially
appointed
,
that
thereby
it
s
own
,
and
the
general
good
and
subsistence
of
the
whole
might
be
preserved
;
and
so
Gods
end
and
the
Creatures
might
have
a
constant
way
of
meeting
;
which
left
to
be
done
by
such
means
as
their
own
understandings
and
fancies
should
contrive
,
they
could
never
certainly
nor
uniformly
do
:
For
,
should
Creatures
private
ends
be
immediately
the
same
with
Gods
,
Reluctance
,
disobedience
,
and
confusion
must
follow
:
In
as
much
as
Sensitive
agents
,
(
with
reservation
of
their
specifical
differences
)
could
neither
be
universally
endued
with
such
sufficiency
of
understanding
and
comprehension
,
as
throughly
to
discover
what
was
truly
tending
to
common
Preservation
,
and
the
glory
of
God
,
(
things
in
themselves
the
only
chief
good
and
end
of
all
things
;
)
nor
could
they
again
(
in
respect
of
will
)
be
supposed
,
either
generally
,
or
equally
one
to
another
,
so
strongly
and
steadily
inclined
,
(
out
of
sense
of
vertue
or
piety
)
as
to
endeavour
an
end
and
good
of
more
high
or
equal
concern
to
others
;
as
when
now
,
led
by
the
more
proper
,
sensible
,
and
pressing
invitation
,
each
one
doth
by
constant
following
pleasure
,
it
s
own
end
,
more
constantly
and
generally
prosecute
that
which
is
Gods
end
also
,
his
glory
,
arising
by
our
contents
and
preservations
.
So
that
,
in
a
word
,
place
any
creature
in
such
a
condition
as
to
be
furnished
with
continual
pleasure
to
the
utmost
degree
which
its
kinde
is
capable
of
,
and
who
can
doubt
its
felicity
?
It
is
true
,
he
might
take
delight
in
such
things
as
might
be
hurtful
afterwards
:
but
when
this
cometh
to
pass
,
the
supposition
is
broken
:
for
the
pleasure
is
over
,
and
pain
is
come
instead
thereof
:
unless
we
can
imagine
there
can
be
harm
without
pain
,
as
a
sickness
or
disease
which
(
having
sense
)
we
should
not
be
sensible
of
.
And
,
in
this
case
,
we
fall
upon
the
rule
of
comparison
before
mentioned
;
better
forbear
a
present
Pleasure
,
when
a
greater
Pain
is
the
necessary
consequent
thereof
;
and
so
again
on
the
contrary
:
both
ways
concluding
that
the
most
lasting
and
highest
pleasure
is
preferrable
to
that
which
is
shorter
and
less
:
and
therewithal
,
that
pleasure
is
that
we
seek
,
and
pain
what
we
would
avoid
.
For
,
if
I
take
delight
in
such
things
or
actions
as
bereave
me
of
health
,
do
they
not
thereby
bereave
me
of
Pleasure
also
,
by
taking
away
the
only
necessary
taste
and
subject
thereof
:
and
,
on
the
contrary
,
possessing
me
with
the
pain
of
sickness
or
death
?
If
again
,
I
take
such
delight
in
all
,
or
any
the
things
of
this
life
,
as
thereby
to
lose
the
more
full
and
lasting
pleasures
of
a
future
and
better
,
and
to
be
also
in
danger
of
torment
:
do
I
not
again
transgress
the
rules
of
comparison
,
and
prefer
a
less
pleasure
to
a
greater
,
and
a
greater
pain
to
a
less
?
Is
it
any
thing
but
the
pleasures
and
joys
of
heaven
that
draws
our
wishes
that
way
?
for
,
if
heaven
and
hell
were
to
change
conditions
,
and
the
torments
of
hell
be
in
heaven
,
and
the
pleasures
of
heaven
in
hell
,
I
would
know
if
any
would
choose
heaven
,
which
now
men
do
,
as
knowing
that
in
a
place
of
Gods
continual
presence
(
the
Fountain
and
Authour
of
all
good
)
the
harm
and
torment
of
his
Creature
is
not
to
be
feared
.
Again
,
making
good
the
object
of
our
wills
and
appetites
,
and
by
good
understanding
eminency
and
beneficialness
only
,
and
not
pleasure
:
how
can
the
soveraign
good
of
all
men
be
the
same
,
or
they
thought
equally
inclined
to
embrace
it
in
respect
of
will
?
for
since
that
kind
of
goodness
must
have
measure
and
issue
from
the
understanding
,
(
as
being
properly
the
object
thereof
)
how
shall
the
end
or
soveraign
good
of
wise
men
and
fools
be
the
same
?
No
,
they
will
plainly
differ
,
both
in
degree
and
kinde
:
whereas
now
,
by
their
joynt
seeking
pleasure
,
they
differ
not
in
regard
of
their
end
:
For
the
Fool
that
fails
either
in
the
choice
of
the
object
,
(
whereout
Pleasure
was
expected
or
fitness
of
the
means
to
attain
it
,
must
be
presumed
to
have
as
naturally
and
strongly
coveted
it
as
the
wisest
.
So
as
not
only
the
wisest
and
fools
,
but
beasts
and
all
Sensitives
follow
Pleasure
as
their
common
end
:
which
,
according
to
their
utmost
abilities
,
they
necessarily
covet
,
reason
only
making
them
differ
in
choice
and
pursuit
.
In
which
respect
,
although
that
addition
to
pleasure
which
understanding
must
yield
,
from
the
contemplation
of
prudential
choice
or
managery
,
may
make
wise
mens
pleasures
more
good
;
yet
doth
it
not
deny
the
other
to
be
in
degree
good
too
,
no
more
then
the
acknowledgement
that
full
pleasure
or
acquiescence
of
mind
,
which
is
nowhere
but
in
God
to
be
had
,
as
the
only
object
that
can
fill
both
the
Sensitive
and
Rational
appetite
with
full
acquiescence
as
in
its
full
and
final
object
,
doth
deny
every
degree
of
pleasure
and
content
to
be
in
proportion
good
also
.
CHAP.
VI.
Of
Honor.
OUr
discourse
past
was
to
prove
mans
end
to
be
Pleasure
;
wherein
we
proceeded
no
further
then
in
declaring
that
part
of
it
which
was
not
altogether
proper
to
him
as
man
,
but
as
an
individual
Sensitive
:
But
now
,
being
to
enter
on
the
discourse
of
Society
,
it
is
necessary
we
treat
of
the
other
part
thereof
,
which
is
proper
to
him
as
a
moral
and
intellectual
agent
,
and
doth
arise
from
very
Society
it self
;
because
as
from
company
and
converse
with
others
,
I
come
to
affect
and
be
provoked
to
imitation
;
so
again
the
desire
to
have
my
proficence
therein
appear
,
makes
me
for
honor
sake
to
affect
Society
and
Company
.
Whereupon
we
may
say
that
Honor
,
Estimation
,
Reputation
,
Pride
,
&c.
grow
from
without
us
,
and
do
receive
both
their
appearance
and
encrease
through
degrees
of
subordination
:
being
(
for
the
most
part
)
the
return
of
gratitude
from
Inferiours
to
Superiors
.
For
,
if
all
were
equal
,
as
in
nature
,
outward
honor
or
shame
could
not
be
,
in
comparison
of
one
to
another
.
Now
,
as
Superiors
have
high
Power
above
those
under
them
,
so
have
they
advantage
of
being
pleasurable
to
them
in
their
many
senses
;
which
because
it
cannot
be
from
them
adequately
repaid
in
kind
to
him
that
hath
but
the
sense
of
one
person
,
therefore
by
the
expressions
of
the
Inferiors
joy
in
possessing
this
benefit
,
he
hath
so
lively
a
sense
in
his
contemplation
hereof
,
that
the
joys
of
many
come
to
be
his
.
And
hence
is
it
,
that
it
is
a
more
blessed
thing
to
give
then
to
receive
;
and
that
not
only
in
respect
of
God
,
Whilst
a
beneficial
action
is
in
intention
and
execution
,
it
is
merit
;
and
when
received
it
is
duty
:
which
do
again
differ
in
proportion
,
as
the
Courtesie
and
the
freedom
thereof
do
;
that
is
,
as
the
one
is
free
and
intentional
in
the
gift
,
and
as
the
other
is
so
also
in
the
return
.
When
merit
is
assumed
without
sense
of
desert
,
it
is
pride
,
and
when
given
without
it
,
it
is
flattery
:
flattery
being
but
the
be-lying
of
our
one
sense
to
the
honouring
of
another
.
And
therefore
,
vulgar
flattery
is
the
basest
,
because
they
can
be
but
little
worthy
:
Whereas
flatter
God
we
cannot
,
because
he
deserves
beyond
any
expression
of
ours
.
In
this
intercourse
of
obligation
,
between
superiours
and
inferiors
,
a
paction
may
seem
implyed
,
and
the
benefit
or
courtesie
to
call
for
gratitude
.
If
this
gratitude
come
from
a
particular
person
,
it
is
called
thanks
;
if
from
many
,
applause
;
which
when
it
is
past
present
sense
,
and
is
a
fruit
of
memory
,
is
called
honour
.
In
the
pleasure
formerly
spoken
of
,
every
mans
own
sense
is
judge
;
this
is
judged
by
the
sense
of
others
,
for
they
had
the
benefit
,
and
our
pleasure
is
in
the
intellect
;
as
being
the
reflex
of
theirs
.
And
,
as
good
and
bad
actions
have
the
private
testimony
of
the
parties
conscience
,
so
have
they
also
the
publike
attestation
of
the
people
,
or
those
that
receive
them
,
called
honor
or
shame
.
Without
this
way
of
being
sensible
of
the
pleasures
of
others
,
the
rule
of
Do
as
thou
wouldest
be
done
unto
,
would
not
have
its
availe
,
for
upholding
the
mutual
benefit
of
one
another
in
society
.
For
since
pleasure
was
our
end
,
why
should
I
labour
the
pleasure
of
others
,
if
my self
had
no
share
therein
?
Therefore
God
,
to
provoke
us
to
common
preservation
and
good
,
imparts
to
us
of
this
ability
of
being
sensible
of
pleasure
received
by
others
:
and
even
as
,
for
our
individual
preservation
,
he
makes
us
apprehensive
of
pleasures
proper
to
senses
of
our
own
,
so
hereby
,
for
common
preservation
sake
,
he
makes
us
sensible
of
the
pleasures
of
others
.
When
we
assume
this
honour
,
and
yet
conscience
consents
not
,
it
is
(
as
aforesaid
)
pride
.
If
we
affect
it
to
publike
disturbance
,
it
is
ambition
,
vain-glory
,
&c.
Yet
ambition
seems
to
regard
the
mark
of
it
,
to
wit
,
publike
imployment
,
but
vain-glory
and
applause
may
rest
in
self-content
.
Honour
arising
from
being
beneficial
to
others
,
it
must
be
more
,
as
that
is
more
true
and
general
:
and
,
being
the
reward
that
inferiors
give
to
superiors
,
it
is
in
the
first
place
due
to
God
,
as
obliging
all
creatures
for
all
those
pleasures
they
enjoy
.
Then
,
as
it
is
to
him
onely
due
,
so
from
him
onely
to
be
had
;
as
being
part
of
his
right
:
and
as
from
the
abliest
Judgeto
value
the
deserts
of
others
herein
.
For
whilest
it
remaines
in
the
peoples
acclamations
,
it
is
like
bullion
:
but
when
God
or
his
Vicegerent
have
stampt
it
,
the
people
know
what
quantity
of
respect
or
gratitude
each
honourable
person
must
have
.
Else
,
as
bullion
,
according
to
different
esteems
,
would
be
valued
by
some
more
,
by
some
less
,
(
so
that
no
use
could
be
of
it
:
)
so
honor
also
,
without
this
coynage
,
would
come
at
last
to
be
quite
deprived
of
its
worth
.
They
that
placed
mens
felicity
in
good
,
vertue
,
and
contemplation
;
might
have
regard
to
this
intellectual
pleasure
:
for
if
reason
(
through
its
confirmation
of
the
attainableness
and
lastingness
of
that
object
of
pleasure
which
my
appetite
chooseth
)
hath
made
it
good
;
the
very
use
of
this
good
,
doth
(
through
familiarity
)
insinuate
it self
,
and
so
become
pleasure
also
.
So
vertuous
actions
,
that
have
political
pleasure
their
end
,
or
make
way
to
their
own
,
pleasure
by
promoting
that
of
others
;
and
contemplation
,
which
hath
pleasure
of
any
kinde
for
its
aime
,
do
,
from
custome
to
attain
pleasurable
subjects
,
become
the
objects
of
pleasure
themselves
.
This
makes
Religious
and
Civil
duties
to
be
performed
with
delight
:
no
otherwise
then
as
men
used
to
hunting
,
do
not
onely
place
content
in
the
end
of
it
,
namely
the
catching
some
creature
for
use
or
pleasure
;
but
this
very
labour
,
exercise
,
and
toile
in
catching
it
,
comes
to
be
pleasure
it self
:
and
the
cry
and
barking
of
Dogs
,
comes
to
be
like
musick
.
Hence
also
it
comes
,
that
the
covetous
desire
of
riches
,
makes
even
those
wayes
to
attain
them
to
lose
their
usual
relish
of
care
and
labour
,
and
become
content
and
pleasure
.
According
to
the
answer
of
a
rich
father
,
that
being
told
(
by
way
of
reproof
)
of
his
sons
whole
delight
in
spending
what
with
such
great
affliction
he
had
gotten
;
he
answered
,
He
had
more
delight
in
getting
,
then
his
son
could
have
in
spending
.
For
pleasure
that
depends
not
on
the
bodily
sense
,
but
on
the
fancy
,
can
have
no
judge
but
the
fancy
:
and
then
,
being
made
up
of
use
and
custome
,
pleasure
must
differ
according
thereunto
:
therefore
that
which
is
most
honourable
in
estimation
of
others
,
is
so
with
me
.
For
as
my
sense
cannot
err
in
judging
of
things
pleasurable
to
me
,
so
cannot
the
opinion
of
others
,
in
matters
of
opinion
or
knowledge
of
what
themselves
enjoy
.
So
then
,
this
estimation
is
either
of
things
,
or
persons
.
As
for
things
,
all
the
rate
they
usually
have
,
above
necessary
use
,
ariseth
from
hence
:
and
they
can
be
no
otherwise
rateable
then
by
common
esteem
.
But
this
common
esteem
arose
at
first
from
the
particular
esteem
and
use
of
them
by
persons
of
honor
:
which
had
also
its
encouragement
from
scarcity
,
whereby
the
appropriation
might
be
more
firme
and
entire
.
For
as
the
honouring
do
(
in
outward
regard
)
make
and
constitute
the
persons
honourable
;
even
so
also
the
honourable
persons
make
the
honorable
things
.
So
that
then
,
all
pleasure
may
be
comprehended
under
these
two
maine
heads
:
that
is
,
either
pleasure
of
the
sense
,
proper
to
the
body
;
or
of
honour
,
proper
to
the
minde
.
The
last
is
the
greater
,
and
more
sought
;
as
carrying
with
it
the
interpretation
of
vertue
and
merit
,
by
beneficial
actions
to
others
;
which
the
more
communicable
,
the
more
good
:
and
hath
again
degrees
;
according
to
the
resentment
of
pleasure
in
the
receiver
,
and
according
to
the
generality
of
that
acknowledgement
which
gives
it
esteem
.
Whereas
pleasure
of
sense
,
looking
only
at
private
satisfaction
gives
way
to
this
;
at
least
in
publike
competition
hides
it self
:
and
is
judged
onely
by
the
sense
of
the
particular
party
,
whether
it
be
pleasure
or
no.
Yet
it
seemeth
that
this
pleasure
of
sense
is
more
true
,
natural
,
and
necessary
.
For
first
,
the
other
,
being
founded
but
on
opinion
of
others
,
hath
not
like
evidence
to
sense
,
which
as
more
natural
,
is
common
to
all
men
with
other
Sensitives
:
and
is
so
necessary
,
that
it
is
the
promoter
of
all
actions
;
nay
of
honor
it self
,
if
it
be
marked
.
For
the
reason
why
honor
is
had
,
or
expected
;
is
from
knowledge
,
or
opinion
of
something
done
beneficial
to
others
;
which
benefit
could
not
have
been
or
perceived
,
but
in
such
things
as
were
pleasurably
received
elsewhere
,
even
by
testimony
of
sense
.
For
so
shall
we
finde
the
highest
marks
of
honor
,
affixed
to
such
as
invented
the
means
of
mens
living
in
greater
security
and
delight
:
things
which
have
respect
to
all
.
For
should
we
make
honor
depending
on
it self
onely
,
as
of
a
race
or
stock
(
which
we
call
Gentry
)
this
is
to
countenance
pride
,
and
obstruct
the
way
to
vertue
,
by
suffering
such
to
assume
honor
,
who
will
not
go
the
way
to
it
themselves
;
and
do
by
possession
of
the
reward
,
discourage
such
as
would
.
Truly
,
to
be
of
good
parentage
,
is
of
great
advantage
and
encouragement
to
vertue
,
but
we
see
it
ordinarily
to
fall
out
otherwise
:
and
then
,
when
the
antiquity
of
Arms
and
true
Discent
,
is
all
that
can
be
bragged
of
,
I
would
first
ask
,
since
these
Arms
are
derived
as
from
their
Fathers
,
and
so
on
from
father
to
father
,
what
assurance
in
such
length
of
time
,
that
no
one
of
the
Wives
played
not
foul
play
?
Which
happening
to
any
one
,
the
advantage
of
blood
is
to
all
that
follow
.
I
will
then
again
,
(
as
in
favour
to
their
side
)
suppose
those
Arms
they
now
bear
,
were
not
bought
,
or
gotten
by
other
indirect
course
;
but
as
a
reward
of
some
notable
service
to
the
Commonweal
(
or
Prince
,
the
life
thereof
,
)
were
bestowed
on
their
first
Ancestor
,
to
remain
as
in
memory
of
this
vertue
to
posterity
.
And
then
I
shall
ask
,
how
they
that
come
from
his
stock
,
and
derive
their
honor
as
from
him
,
can
be
more
honorable
then
he
;
more
then
a
stream
,
be
greater
then
the
fountain
?
If
not
,
how
is
this
usual
brag
of
of
antiquity
?
Again
,
if
the
fountain
of
their
Gentry
were
the
best
man
,
though
the
first
of
his
stock
;
they
then
plainly
place
true
honor
in
vertue
.
It
is
therefore
worthy
notice
,
that
since
every
thing
is
best
preserved
by
the
same
means
it
was
first
begun
,
the
best
and
onely
way
to
keep
up
or
increase
the
reputation
of
their
house
,
is
in
imitation
,
or
increase
of
their
progenitors
vertue
:
and
native
or
hereditary
honor
,
serves
but
as
Ciphers
in
Arithmetick
;
that
is
,
to
add
so
much
more
honor
or
shame
to
all
the
parties
actions
,
as
his
ranke
gives
him
advantage
of
power
above
other
men
.
Not
but
that
honor
is
due
to
Nobility
that
have
Offices
by
birth
,
as
Dukes
,
Counts
,
&c.
for
this
being
given
to
them
by
Kings
,
as
to
hereditary
Officers
in
such
places
,
which
always
make
them
publikely
honorable
(
as
having
thereby
power
and
designation
of
serving
the
Commonweal
above
others
,
)
remains
due
to
such
.
Else
,
the
honor
of
a
race
is
but
negative
:
that
is
,
absence
of
the
shame
of
ignominious
birth
.
Whereupon
it
may
appear
,
that
honor
is
gained
by
advancing
sensitive
pleasure
;
and
honor
being
the
end
,
is
more
worthy
then
pleasure
that
is
the
means
.
For
so
usually
,
the
forbearance
of
the
parties
own
pleasure
in
private
enjoyments
,
is
made
the
way
of
getting
and
increasing
honor
.
For
if
naturally
and
ordinarily
,
there
were
more
pleasure
or
self-benefit
,
in
performing
the
act
whereout
honor
is
sought
,
then
in
the
contrary
,
what
thanks
or
honor
can
be
due
?
In
which
case
,
honor
is
plainly
preferred
to
the
sensitive
pleasure
of
my
particular
.
And
honor
(
for
the
most
part
)
is
difficultly
attainable
;
and
the
other
is
in
custom
varied
.
And
on
the
other
side
,
they
that
have
this
sensible
pleasure
,
lose
no
honor
thereby
:
and
perhaps
at
another
time
,
may
gain
honor
by
like
means
:
so
that
neither
then
,
did
they
prefer
sensitive
pleasure
to
honor
,
and
now
they
plainly
put
honor
before
it
.
That
is
,
they
do
on
both
hands
prefer
the
gain
of
some
honor
,
to
the
loss
of
some
pleasure
:
although
none
would
prefer
a
continual
torment
to
a
continual
shame
.
It
faring
in
this
case
between
the
comparison
of
pleasure
and
honor
,
as
between
meat
and
mony
:
for
although
each
man
is
ready
to
spare
and
abate
of
his
diet
to
advance
his
estate
,
yet
would
none
choose
to
be
rather
wholly
deprived
of
the
sure
and
natural
way
of
sustentation
by
food
,
then
of
the
artificial
way
of
doing
it
by
mony
.
So
that
,
honor
seems
the
onely
reward
to
vertue
.
For
as
nature
,
by
sensitive
pleasure
,
stirs
us
up
to
beneficial
things
to
our
own
behoofs
,
so
the
politick
pleasure
of
honor
,
to
what
is
good
for
others
.
For
the
pleasure
or
suffering
of
others
,
being
not
perceptible
by
my
bodily
sense
,
how
should
I
else
be
provoked
,
if
this
politick
sense
of
shame
and
reward
had
not
been
(
as
aforesaid
)
entertained
?
whereby
,
(
still
retaining
my
natural
appetite
of
self-seeking
)
I
covet
,
and
promote
mine
own
pleasure
,
by
advancing
that
of
others
.
And
this
appetite
of
honor
seems
natural
also
:
for
beasts
and
children
have
some
sense
thereof
:
but
this
is
as
far
as
they
are
sociable
,
and
have
lookers
on
.
For
though
children
,
in
their
sports
,
make
preheminence
or
honor
their
end
,
it
is
not
till
they
come
to
some
ripeness
:
but
then
,
honor
being
only
due
where
vertue
or
beneficial
actions
did
precede
;
and
children
having
no
knowledge
of
them
,
how
should
honor
be
due
to
them
?
so
that
then
it
is
not
honor
,
but
pride
.
And
then
,
by
the
same
rule
,
as
none
know
good
and
vertue
perfectly
,
it
will
fall
out
that
all
men
are
both
comparatively
honorable
,
or
proud
one
to
another
:
and
that
none
but
God
can
be
truely
honorable
.
For
in
men
,
honor
is
so
far
from
being
estranged
from
pride
,
that
pride
is
its
usual
parent
:
&
honorable
things
and
actions
,
please
us
but
in
reference
to
publication
;
which
may
be
then
termed
ostentation
.
And
so
,
it
fareth
also
in
matters
of
shame
:
for
we
blush
not
when
faults
are
spoken
of
in
such
company
,
where
we
think
they
suspect
us
not
guilty
of
them
:
nor
blush
we
when
we
are
alone
,
or
privately
thinking
on
the
same
,
or
other
things
which
we
are
guilty
of
:
and
again
are
ready
to
blush
,
though
not
guilty
,
if
we
think
the
present
company
suspect
and
observe
us
as
guilty
.
Honor
being
thus
made
the
mark
and
reward
of
vertuous
and
beneficial
actions
,
we
need
not
wonder
at
the
esteem
of
it
amongst
men
:
and
consequently
of
the
great
strife
amongst
us
,
for
the
having
all
kinds
of
things
pleasurable
and
beneficial
in
our
power
:
insomuch
,
as
the
poorest
vassal
in
the
world
cannot
be
so
far
destitute
of
this
appetite
,
as
not
always
to
covet
,
and
sometimes
to
presume
,
he
hath
laid
an
obligation
:
whereby
some
honor
,
(
at
least
in
the
lowest
degree
(
thanks
)
seems
to
him
due
.
And
hence
(
on
the
other
side
)
it
is
,
that
Soveraigns
themselves
,
are
so
jealous
of
powers
under
them
,
to
eclipse
obligations
.
For
honor
being
,
in
a
manner
,
all
that
subjects
can
give
him
,
he
cannot
but
be
herein
very
tender
.
And
truely
,
man
is
in
nothing
brought
neerer
to
resemble
his
Maker
(
whose
glory
and
praise
was
the
end
of
all
he
did
)
nor
in
any
thing
so
truely
differenced
and
exalted
above
beasts
,
(
being
in
pleasure
of
sense
ready
to
equal
him
)
then
in
this
appetite
.
But
we
must
take
heed
of
the
extreams
thereof
,
Pride
and
Ambition
;
that
seek
it
without
desert
,
or
order
:
the
one
,
as
slothful
,
and
the
other
,
as
restless
,
deserving
it
not
.
For
as
it
is
necessary
only
to
Deity
to
be
unlimited
in
power
,
and
consequently
to
have
all
obligations
due
;
so
,
to
other
creatures
this
omnipotency
being
denyed
,
their
merit
in
honor
can
but
rise
according
to
that
limited
power
their
species
is
naturally
bounded
with
.
So
that
for
any
to
attempt
to
ascend
,
and
be
like
the
most
High
in
power
,
will
prove
their
weakness
and
fall
:
as
to
that
first
man
it
was
,
who
would
be
like
him
in
knowledge
.
As
thus
in
nature
and
the
course
of
providence
,
so
in
policy
also
,
(
where
it
is
by
Law
and
rule
set
down
how
each
one
shall
be
serviceable
to
another
,
and
which
doth
limit
a
degree
of
obligation
,
by
limiting
their
powers
according
to
their
ranks
and
callings
)
the
same
rule
of
moderation
must
take
place
.
We
may
hereupon
define
true
honor
,
to
consist
in
the
ful
discharge
of
the
beneficial
duties
belonging
to
each
mans
rank
or
place
.
For
,
if
he
do
assume
till
this
be
done
,
it
is
arrogance
and
pride
;
and
,
if
he
seek
honor
by
gaining
power
beyond
political
limits
,
it
is
ambition
.
And
hence
it
is
,
that
ambition
is
one
leading
cause
in
all
publike
disturbance
and
rebellion
.
For
so
glorious
a
thing
,
it
seems
,
to
have
power
to
lay
general
obligations
,
that
finding
it
no
otherwise
attainable
,
but
by
seising
on
that
power
which
now
hinders
;
I
am
provoked
to
use
all
the
means
I
can
thereunto
:
and
although
the
same
good
I
now
seek
to
do
,
be
already
done
by
others
,
yet
my
restless
desire
of
estimation
will
not
let
me
alone
;
till
by
engrossing
all
power
,
I
shall
be
able
to
merit
all
obligation
.
And
nothing
in
a
Kingdom
can
be
more
dangerous
then
this
affected
popularity
:
for
it
puts
all
in
disorder
,
by
its
unorderly
proceeding
in
the
search
of
honor
.
For
(
as
beforesaid
)
all
honor
is
Gods
right
,
whether
you
take
him
as
the
universal
Author
of
all
benefits
,
or
whether
you
take
it
as
the
onely
thing
inferiours
(
as
such
)
have
power
to
bestow
:
in
both
respects
it
is
to
him
in
the
first
place
due
;
as
by
way
of
gratitude
for
his
benefits
,
so
by
way
of
submission
to
his
power
,
and
therefore
we
shall
finde
,
that
,
in
Scripture
phrase
,
to
honor
,
and
to
obey
,
signifie
usually
the
same
.
And
,
as
to
God
primarily
,
so
to
others
,
according
to
the
trust
and
charge
he
allows
them
(
to
be
more
or
less
publikely
serviceable
)
honor
(
as
derived
from
him
)
must
be
holden
and
acknowledged
:
so
that
whatever
benefit
others
by
our
means
receive
,
and
do
therefore
acknowledge
obligation
,
we
must
take
heed
we
forget
not
(
like
Herod
)
the
true
Author
of
this
power
,
in
assuming
it
wholly
to
our selves
.
Amongst
the
persons
by
God
trusted
with
charge
for
beneficial
actions
,
the
chief
are
Kings
:
for
these
,
in
their
several
Dominions
,
are
,
as
(
under
him
)
fountains
of
power
,
so
of
honor
also
.
For
they
,
(
in
Gods
stead
)
are
the
onely
able
and
authorized
Judges
,
of
the
reality
and
generallity
of
publike
benefits
:
insomuch
,
as
if
receivers
should
be
sole
Judges
,
they
(
as
parties
)
would
but
regard
their
own
satisfactions
onely
;
and
call
that
publike
,
which
was
but
private
benefit
.
For
these
are
subject
both
to
flatter
and
mistake
:
but
he
,
having
the
publike
in
his
peculiar
trust
,
and
looking
on
all
with
like
interest
,
can
,
as
the
representative
whole
or
common
Sensory
,
best
and
most
impartially
judge
of
common
utilities
:
and
to
him
onely
it
must
therefore
belong
to
confer
honor
,
and
the
marks
thereof
:
for
else
,
while
ambitious
and
proud
persons
,
were
seeking
and
arrogating
as
they
like
,
true
honor
would
not
be
:
and
while
people
did
,
through
continual
strife
and
slaughter
of
one
another
,
set
up
such
as
should
be
still
undertaking
their
greater
benefit
,
they
should
lose
(
as
in
the
Fable
)
their
bone
for
a
shadow
.
We
must
therefore
(
as
before
said
)
reckon
honor
as
it
is
in
the
subjects
or
people
,
but
as
Bullion
;
of
no
use
to
them
,
nor
to
those
that
have
it
:
and
that
the
value
of
it
must
be
according
to
the
coynage
of
that
Prince
whose
image
and
authority
it
bears
.
Hence
we
may
observe
,
that
in
Republikes
,
and
where
Monarchies
are
not
,
setled
honors
are
not
neither
.
For
there
is
onely
applause
,
estimation
,
or
the
like
momentany
and
uncertain
shadows
:
because
with
them
,
honoring
and
honored
are
the
same
in
degree
;
&
honor
signifying
pre-excellence
,
must
needs
be
to
none
,
when
it
is
equal
to
all
;
or
at
least
equally
divided
amongst
so
many
.
And
then
,
how
shall
they
confer
on
others
,
what
they
have
not
themselves
?
And
,
as
upon
this
ground
,
honor
can
be
onely
in
Monarchy
,
so
must
it
also
follow
(
from
what
hath
hitherto
been
spoken
)
that
it
must
therein
also
flow
from
him
to
the
people
,
and
not
from
the
people
to
him
,
as
some
would
construe
that
maxime
,
That
honor
is
in
the
honoring
,
and
not
in
the
honored
.
For
since
(
as
before
noted
)
the
honorable
or
beneficial
act
,
must
precede
the
honor
or
thanks
thereof
,
as
the
cause
must
precede
the
effect
;
even
so
,
the
honorable
person
(
which
must
again
precede
as
the
cause
of
that
act
)
must
also
much
more
precede
,
and
be
the
cause
of
the
honor
that
follows
thereupon
.
And
in
this
respect
,
the
subjects
or
people
are
so
far
from
being
originals
of
honor
,
that
they
can
therein
(
at
most
)
but
carry
the
force
of
an
Eccho
,
in
the
return
and
report
of
that
voice
or
rate
of
honor
which
must
come
from
above
:
to
wit
,
from
God
,
or
such
as
from
him
have
benefits
to
give
.
As
for
example
,
all
the
people
said
,
God
save
King
Solomon
;
as
they
could
not
be
understood
thereby
radically
and
primarily
to
confer
the
Office
and
power
it self
,
so
neither
to
be
fountains
and
originals
of
the
honor
then
given
:
but
the
power
and
pleasure
of
David
,
testified
by
the
presence
of
his
own
servants
,
and
other
attestations
of
his
approbation
and
assent
,
must
be
looked
upon
as
efficient
causes
of
this
honor
;
and
the
people
but
as
subservient
and
instrumental
therein
.
Even
as
also
that
honor
which
Mordecai
received
by
being
brought
on
horse
back
through
the
street
of
the
City
,
was
originally
to
be
ascribed
to
Abasuerus
that
had
commanded
it
to
be
so
done
to
the
man
whom
the
King
would
honor
:
and
,
And
as
thus
,
the
honorable
must
precede
the
honoring
in
time
:
so
must
they
in
dignity
too
,
as
the
cause
doth
the
effect
.
For
although
(
as
to
the
present
act
wherein
the
cause
and
the
effect
stand
as
relatives
)
they
are
alike
in
time
,
and
constitute
equally
one
another
,
as
all
Relatives
do
,
(
so
that
one
cannot
(
as
to
that
relation
)
be
set
or
substracted
,
without
establishment
or
overthrow
of
the
other
:
)
yet
,
if
we
measure
excellency
by
that
power
,
vertue
,
and
force
,
whereby
any
act
is
maintained
between
two
relatives
,
we
may
well
,
in
that
regard
,
account
the
Agent
before
the
Patient
:
even
because
he
was
first
,
and
more
eminent
in
the
action
by
which
the
relation
was
effected
:
as
the
father
is
before
,
and
more
excellent
then
the
son
,
although
(
as
to
the
relation
it self
,
)
he
was
not
a
father
till
he
had
a
son
.
So
in
Monarchy
,
although
there
cannot
be
a
King
till
there
be
Subjects
,
because
(
as
they
stand
in
the
relation
of
governour
and
governed
)
one
must
constitute
another
;
yet
because
,
even
in
that
very
act
of
Government
,
the
Monarch
or
King
must
(
as
the
Agent
)
precede
both
in
time
and
dignity
any
vertue
or
worth
that
can
come
from
the
subjects
,
he
must
be
accounted
original
of
the
power
thereto
belonging
;
and
not
they
,
who
can
be
onely
passive
;
and
that
(
at
most
)
in
proportion
answerable
to
the
power
of
him
that
rules
.
For
if
his
power
and
force
therein
be
never
so
little
;
yet
cannot
they
in
their
relation
of
obedience
exceed
it
:
whereas
they
may
very
often
be
defective
,
in
the
ability
of
their
performance
of
what
he
doth
command
.
Whereupon
,
as
the
command
must
precede
the
execution
,
so
must
the
Commander
precede
the
commanded
,
both
in
time
and
dignity
;
even
so
far
,
as
to
be
the
constitutive
and
efficient
cause
thereof
;
that
is
,
as
to
the
whole
relation
;
although
,
in
the
single
and
separate
acts
,
they
may
stand
reciprocally
and
equally
constituted
.
Nay
,
although
,
in
respect
of
each
single
act
,
honor
may
be
said
to
be
in
the
honoring
first
,
as
the
ball
projected
(
for
the
rebound
sake
)
must
(
as
to
that
rebound
)
proceed
from
the
place
it
was
thrown
against
,
before
it
can
come
to
the
projectors
self
;
yet
,
because
this
rebound
took
beginning
from
the
ability
and
intention
of
the
projector
,
even
as
the
honorable
act
did
at
first
,
from
the
honored
person
,
we
must
therefore
confess
,
the
honored
to
be
the
original
of
the
honor
thence
arising
;
and
not
they
that
are
passive
.
For
so
far
as
the
peoples
honor
shall
proceed
without
,
or
beyond
consideration
of
approved
desert
,
so
far
it
is
flattery
,
and
not
honor
.
And
therefore
,
upon
the
same
reason
that
the
Creator
may
be
said
to
precede
the
Creature
,
(
even
in
that
very
work
of
Creation
)
although
he
were
not
(
as
to
that
relation
)
Creator
till
there
were
a
Creature
:
and
as
again
,
the
Father
doth
precede
in
time
and
dignity
the
son
,
(
even
in
reference
to
that
very
constitution
of
sonship
)
although
he
were
not
a
Father
till
he
had
a
son
:
so
(
for
conclusion
)
the
Monarch
and
Governor
,
is
so
far
from
receiving
his
essential
honor
and
power
from
the
subjects
and
governed
,
as
he
may
(
on
the
otherside
)
be
accounted
constitutive
of
them
;
even
in
that
very
relation
:
and
must
(
however
)
be
acknowledged
the
Author
of
that
honor
that
ariseth
from
the
work
it self
:
which
,
as
it
had
issue
according
to
the
vertue
of
the
Agent
,
so
must
the
power
thereof
be
ascribed
unto
him
;
and
so
from
him
to
God
above
,
who
is
the
fountain
of
all
power
and
beneficial
acts
:
and
not
to
the
people
below
;
who
are
onely
passive
and
receivers
.
Of
whose
farther
care
and
power
over
us
in
this
act
of
Government
we
shall
next
treate
,
by
discoursing
of
his
Laws
sent
amongst
us
,
for
conferring
this
honor
on
persons
here
below
:
whereby
we
might
be
enabled
to
prevent
those
inconveniences
in
Society
which
the
private
and
unlimitted
seeking
our
own
ends
,
(
hitherto
spoken
of
)
might
else
prodduce
.
CHAP
VII
.
Of
the
Laws
of
God
leading
to
Government
.
THe
dignity
of
man
above
other
Creatures
we
have
heretofore
in
part
touched
;
as
also
,
why
(
thereupon
)
a
greater
care
should
be
taken
for
his
preservation
:
and
therefore
,
lest
a
matter
of
so
high
concern
should
be
left
unto
so
slender
protection
and
guidance
as
that
of
his
own
reason
,
God
himself
hath
furnished
him
with
Precepts
and
Laws
from
above
for
his
direction
:
Religion
being
nothing
else
but
Gods
supply
of
natures
light
for
our
good
;
or
an
expression
of
Gods
love
and
Charity
to
us
,
by
directing
us
how
to
be
charitable
one
towards
another
.
And
,
to
divide
the
Law
of
Nature
,
from
having
the
same
end
with
that
of
Religion
,
is
to
divide
the
Author
,
and
set
him
against
himself
.
For
although
,
to
strengthen
the
observation
of
his
Laws
(
in
regard
of
his
known
power
,
and
our
necessary
dependance
upon
him
)
he
doth
accept
and
call
for
our
performance
as
a
service
to
himself
;
yet
,
I
see
not
how
any
can
,
without
injury
to
his
al-sufficiency
,
think
Gods
condition
thereby
any
ways
bettered
.
But
in
these
performances
,
we
are
to
consider
that
saying
of
Eliphaz
in
Job
,
Can
a
man
be
profitable
to
God
,
as
he
that
is
wise
may
be
profitable
to
himself
:
is
it
any
pleasure
to
the
Almighty
that
thou
art
righteous
,
or
is
it
gain
to
him
,
that
thou
makest
thy
way
perfect
?
No
,
we
must
(
with
the
most
Religious
King
,
)
believe
and
confess
,
that
our
goodness
extendeth
not
to
him
,
but
to
the
Saints
that
are
on
earth
,
and
such
as
excel
in
vertue
:
that
is
to
say
,
to
such
as
live
in
society
with
us
:
which
sociable
living
is
inclusive
of
all
vertue
.
And
although
it
is
a
Saint-like
quality
to
be
conversant
in
vertuous
and
benificent
actions
,
and
to
be
obedient
unto
the
good
Laws
of
God
;
yet
is
the
good
of
keeping
them
their
benefit
onely
whom
we
converse
with
on
earth
,
and
not
directly
his
.
The
value
and
credit
of
all
things
,
and
particularly
of
Laws
,
must
arise
in
our
esteem
,
either
as
they
are
apprehended
by
our
own
reason
available
for
our
good
;
or
else
they
must
have
the
known
testimony
of
such
an
Author
,
whose
wisdom
and
love
towards
us
may
no
ways
be
questioned
.
But
,
in
this
case
,
for
one
man
(
without
farther
authority
)
to
impose
upon
another
,
with
what
reason
shall
he
expect
success
?
for
being
but
my
equal
in
nature
,
how
shall
I
know
him
my
superior
in
wisdom
?
Because
(
in
respect
of
will
)
we
being
all
equally
enclined
to
seek
good
and
avoid
evil
,
and
each
one
doing
it
to
himself
in
the
first
place
;
I
have
(
no
doubt
)
in
that
regard
,
reason
to
prefer
my
own
wish
or
inclination
before
that
of
others
.
And
then
also
,
although
the
will
cannot
fail
in
the
constant
choice
of
good
,
yet
it
being
dependent
on
the
guidance
of
the
understanding
,
according
to
the
strength
or
weakness
thereof
,
it
attains
what
is
really
so
,
or
is
beguiled
with
appearances
:
yet
it
will
fall
out
,
that
these
appearances
shall
have
equal
credit
with
that
which
is
real
and
more
beneficial
.
For
,
be
the
measure
of
my
understanding
never
so
small
and
weak
,
yet
it
being
all
I
have
,
and
in
me
the
supream
and
onely
judicatory
;
how
shall
I
judge
the
insufficiency
thereof
?
For
,
if
we
should
have
in
us
one
understanding
above
another
to
be
judge
thereunto
;
we
should
again
need
another
understanding
,
to
give
testimony
and
direction
to
that
:
nor
could
we
herein
come
to
any
pause
.
And
then
farther
,
although
error
commonly
happen
for
want
of
true
induction
,
and
sufficient
enquiry
into
the
particulars
,
out
of
which
our
conclusions
are
,
or
ought
to
be
framed
;
yet
when
education
,
or
other
prejudice
hath
so
far
forestalled
my
judgement
,
as
already
to
fill
and
settle
it
;
it
is
almost
bootless
for
any
then
to
perswade
me
to
new
enquiry
:
it
being
,
but
is
as
if
you
should
wish
me
to
believe
,
that
my
desire
of
my
own
good
hath
been
so
weak
,
that
competent
care
and
pains
hath
not
been
taken
therein
:
or
in
effect
to
entreat
me
to
believe
,
another
loves
it
more
then
my self
.
Add
to
this
,
that
since
the
general
acknowledgement
of
mans
excellency
above
other
creatures
,
and
of
one
man
above
another
,
is
chiefly
accounted
in
respect
of
understanding
;
therefore
,
for
me
to
acknowledge
any
insufficiency
herein
,
cannot
be
expected
:
as
concluding
too
much
to
mine
own
shame
.
Whereupon
,
we
may
see
how
scornfully
the
name
of
Fool
is
taken
,
even
by
them
that
are
most
so
:
for
first
,
how
should
he
know
it
,
and
then
how
should
he
like
it
?
And
when
men
are
heard
to
confess
their
insufficiency
in
respect
of
others
,
it
is
for
the
most
part
fained
,
and
in
complement
to
them
:
thinking
to
commend
and
advance
their
sufficiency
by
their
humility
.
Or
if
it
be
real
,
it
is
in
such
and
such
particulars
,
wherein
themselves
have
not
put
forth
with
like
endeavors
;
as
our
ready
and
common
excuses
for
all
sorts
of
failings
may
witness
.
Which
is
so
far
from
acknowledging
any
comparative
insufficiency
,
as
my
being
confident
,
that
if
my self
had
bestowed
equal
pains
,
I
should
therein
have
excelled
;
it
will
argue
my
pride
rather
then
submission
.
And
even
in
practical
arts
and
operations
,
where
sense
can
be
judge
of
present
good
and
bad
,
how
partial
are
we
to
conclude
for
our selves
?
Or
when
the
effect
makes
it
too
apparent
against
us
,
we
lay
not
the
fault
on
want
of
inward
sufficiency
or
understanding
:
but
on
some
corporal
,
or
external
wants
and
impediments
.
All
which
doth
plainly
discover
the
difficulty
,
if
not
impossibility
,
of
one
mans
submission
to
the
guidance
of
another
.
And
especially
in
matters
of
speculation
,
this
stubborness
doth
arise
:
for
so
we
finde
in
matters
of
Religion
,
which
all
men
look
upon
with
like
interest
and
concern
,
and
consequently
concluding
that
they
have
therein
taken
the
directest
course
;
each
on
becomes
so
inflexible
,
that
no
re-examination
will
be
admitted
.
And
to
come
to
our
purpose
,
for
making
and
entertaining
of
laws
for
all
men
to
live
by
:
if
they
be
such
as
have
that
proportion
and
agreement
with
my
reason
,
as
it
can
discern
their
goodness
,
I
shall
then
for
their
own
,
and
not
for
their
authors
sake
accept
them
.
But
what
law
can
be
so
framed
as
to
finde
universal
acceptance
:
or
if
some
could
,
yet
,
so
many
as
(
for
number
and
use
)
are
fit
for
the
goverment
of
whole
nations
in
all
kinds
(
amidst
so
great
variety
)
what
agreement
can
be
hoped
for
in
their
receipt
?
Are
not
men
usually
in
this
case
found
rather
inclinable
to
rules
of
their
own
invention
,
then
obedient
to
the
directions
of
others
?
Who
till
they
are
by
some
supernatural
natural
power
differenced
,
must
be
presumed
in
command
but
equal
:
and
in
that
respect
,
want
that
authority
which
is
unto
all
Law-makers
requisite
.
And
hence
it
is
,
that
the
most
famous
founders
of
Common
weals
,
have
still
avouched
a
God
for
their
Author
.
Whereupon
,
since
the
force
of
law
,
must
depend
on
the
authority
of
the
Maker
:
and
that
,
according
to
our
belief
of
his
sufficiency
in
himself
,
and
interest
in
us
,
our
obedience
to
his
commands
will
proceed
;
it
pleased
our
All-seeing
God
in
the
first
Table
to
settle
our
reverence
and
attention
to
himself
:
He
first
tells
us
he
is
God
,
and
that
we
must
have
none
but
him
:
for
untill
we
be
brought
from
the
condition
of
Athiesm
,
what
authority
can
precepts
from
Divinity
have
?
And
secondly
,
By
denying
us
the
making
of
Images
(
the
usual
expression
of
other
Deities
)
he
doth
remove
a
great
bait
to
this
alienation
of
minde
,
And
as
his
credit
should
not
be
impaired
by
mingling
,
so
neither
by
perjury
nor
by
common
and
unnecessary
discourse
of
him
,
as
of
a
person
of
ordinary
esteem
:
therefore
thirdly
,
under
the
prohibition
,
Of
taking
of
his
name
in
vain
,
That
his
fear
might
be
before
their
faces
,
that
they
sin
not
:
that
is
,
break
not
his
laws
.
And
fourthly
,
knowing
the
weakness
of
our
capacities
,
in
conceit
&
remembrance
of
things
so
sublime
;
and
that
by
practice
and
iteration
,
we
are
best
wonn
to
approve
&
keep
these
things
in
our
mind
;
he
appointed
a
seventh
part
of
our
time
to
be
kept
holy
to
that
purpose
.
In
which
last
command
that
seems
most
strictly
enjoyned
,
yet
we
may
observe
him
to
point
out
,
that
the
end
of
all
laws
was
more
ours
then
his
service
:
That
the
Sabbath
was
made
for
man
,
and
not
man
for
it
.
And
God
having
thus
given
fit
and
sufficient
rules
,
for
fastning
his
own
authority
in
our
belief
,
he
comes
to
those
main
precepts
which
establish
our
preservation
and
mutual
peace
:
and
begins
with
the
foundation
of
society
and
government
,
to
wit
,
obedience
to
superiours
:
and
that
under
the
notion
of
the
most
common
and
unquestionable
relation
of
that
kinde
,
which
is
parentall
.
the
first
commandment
with
promise
:
and
the
end
and
benefit
of
it
is
plainly
annexed
,
That
our
dayes
may
be
long
in
the
land
.
For
if
(
slighting
the
honor
and
respect
due
to
them
and
their
commands
)
we
trust
to
our
private
Rules
and
Wills
for
publike
guidance
,
what
will
follow
but
civil
discention
,
blood
,
and
slaughter
?
which
in
the
sixth
and
next
command
,
he
expresly
forbids
,
saying
,
Thou
shalt
not
kill
:
a
crime
so
foul
,
that
nothing
but
the
life
of
the
offender
can
satisfie
it
.
And
then
seventhly
,
To
prevent
occasions
of
quarrel
and
murther
,
most
commonly
arising
about
propriety
;
he
,
by
saying
,
Thou
shalt
not
commit
adultery
,
removes
it
in
the
chief
rise
thereof
,
our
wives
and
posterity
.
For
to
what
other
use
(
almost
)
labour
we
the
possession
of
all
other
things
,
but
to
furnish
and
transmit
unto
them
?
but
if
my
issue
be
not
mine
,
or
uncertain
,
with
what
heart
shall
I
bestow
labour
for
them
?
And
then
,
if
this
parental
love
and
care
shall
cease
,
shall
not
nature
and
providence
want
one
of
her
maine
supports
:
whilst
these
younglings
,
unable
to
provide
for
,
or
help
themselves
,
are
left
in
danger
of
perishing
.
Again
,
suppose
them
all
brought
up
,
yet
when
with
the
strength
of
body
,
the
knowledge
of
their
different
begettings
doth
come
to
appear
;
what
will
follow
but
scorns
,
derisions
,
and
slaughters
?
Therefore
,
as
marriage
was
to
be
a
means
to
unite
families
one
to
another
(
and
was
therefore
forbidden
in
the
same
kindred
,
as
having
this
union
already
made
)
so
doth
the
due
observation
of
wedlock
(
especially
on
the
womans
part
)
unite
each
family
in
it self
:
and
is
the
most
excellent
means
to
peace
and
agreement
:
Whereas
,
adultery
administers
occasions
of
quarrels
of
parents
and
families
one
with
another
,
and
of
the
same
family
in
it self
.
And
therefore
we
finde
,
however
tende●
God
is
of
the
life
of
man
,
the
breach
of
this
command
is
punished
with
death
.
And
then
eighthly
,
to
steal
is
to
destroy
propriety
directly
,
Bearing
false
witness
against
our
neighbour
is
forbidden
.
And
lastly
,
Having
given
us
such
commands
as
will
cut
off
the
chief
branches
of
our
quarrels
,
he
now
by
saying
,
Thou
shalt
not
covet
,
kills
them
in
the
root
.
For
because
I
cannot
commit
external
upon
another
,
Multiply
,
increase
,
and
replenish
the
earth
;
and
in
the
noblest
race
of
his
Creatures
,
man
;
we
may
see
plain
reason
why
God
should
be
so
careful
in
giving
these
and
other
Rules
for
our
preservation
:
and
why
(
to
enforce
those
Rules
the
better
)
he
should
be
so
express
and
careful
of
his
own
honour
and
service
,
as
their
ground
and
foundation
.
Nor
doth
the
Moral
Law
,
and
Old
Testament
look
this
way
onely
,
but
Gospel-Precepts
(
by
comparing
those
cardinal
vertues
of
Faith
,
Hope
,
and
Charity
,
and
giving
to
Charity
the
precedence
(
as
their
end
)
do
teach
us
the
same
thing
also
.
For
though
Faith
was
enjoyned
in
the
first
place
,
it
was
not
for
its
pre-excellence
;
but
because
,
as
my
belief
of
Deity
,
or
hope
of
Heaven
stands
in
measure
and
degree
,
increased
or
remitted
:
so
(
in
proportion
)
my
practice
in
Precepts
of
Charity
will
follow
.
Which
vertue
of
Charity
,
being
the
end
thereof
,
and
the
true
substance
of
al
other
Graces
;
they
without
it
come
to
be
reckoned
but
as
sounding
brass
,
and
tinkling
Cymballs
.
For
as
we
before
shewed
,
CHAP.
VIII
.
Of
the
Master
of
the
Family
.
THe
discourses
hitherto
,
have
been
to
shew
the
end
of
Government
,
which
is
Peace
;
and
the
foundation
of
it
,
unity
and
subjection
;
and
the
tye
and
Authority
for
both
,
which
is
Religion
.
For
without
this
,
how
could
Nature
have
set
one
man
above
another
?
And
if
reason
(
grounded
on
such
agreement
and
consent
as
before
supposed
)
should
have
done
it
,
yet
what
Obligation
for
continuance
,
longer
then
the
same
reason
of
respective
good
that
set
them
up
,
should
in
the
same
measure
make
it
reasonable
for
continuance
?
For
the
same
natural
tye
of
self-seeking
,
that
caused
men
to
submit
at
one
time
,
would
be
as
available
and
just
,
for
them
to
take
contrary
course
at
another
:
nor
could
Contract
or
Paction
be
then
in
force
,
because
a
stronger
Obligation
then
seeking
our
own
,
could
not
be
had
.
Therefore
untill
the
fear
of
an
irresistable
Power
for
punishing
this
breach
was
added
,
that
first
conceit
of
mine
own
particular
benefit
,
which
caused
me
to
make
my
promise
,
would
also
warrant
me
(
if
I
saw
cause
)
to
break
it
.
Nor
can
fear
of
punishment
,
from
those
to
whom
I
submitted
;
or
fear
of
suffering
my self
by
consequent
or
example
from
others
,
prevail
otherwise
,
then
as
in
my
apprehension
over-poyzing
that
benefit
I
expect
:
which
,
if
yet
by
force
,
fraud
,
faction
,
or
other
practice
,
I
can
secure
my self
against
,
and
avoid
;
the
best
course
for
my self
,
is
the
most
justifiable
.
And
,
until
a
positive
Law
comes
from
God
to
state
and
make
sin
,
sin
there
cannot
be
:
but
folly
there
may
be
,
and
is
,
if
through
neglect
or
weakness
,
I
stray
from
Nature
,
and
prefer
anothers
benefit
to
mine
own
,
by
any
tye
above
self-consideration
.
For
Man
,
considered
in
meer
Nature
,
must
be
presumed
as
inculpable
in
pursuit
of
his
desires
,
and
remove
of
obstacles
,
as
all
things
else
;
though
like
them
,
it
should
extend
to
the
death
of
the
Oponent
.
For
that
which
warrants
the
end
,
warrants
the
means
;
and
except
the
difference
be
made
else
how
,
be
they
greater
or
less
,
they
are
equally
allowable
.
And
till
Religion
be
,
Conscience
or
fear
of
guilt
,
cannot
be
.
Therefore
we
may
see
just
cause
,
that
God
himself
should
come
in
with
his
Commands
amongst
us
,
and
enjoyn
us
so
often
to
make
him
our
onely
fear
:
for
Precepts
or
Religion
,
as
they
give
us
great
light
what
to
do
in
policy
,
so
are
they
the
onely
strong
Obligations
to
make
it
valid
.
Because
from
hence
it
comes
to
pass
,
that
men
considered
in
Nature
as
self-seekers
onely
,
and
thereby
destructive
to
one
another
;
are
now
by
policy
made
to
do
the
same
still
;
and
therewith
to
promote
that
good
of
others
also
:
so
that
whilst
it
is
impossible
(
without
Natures
subversion
)
but
for
individuals
(
as
such
)
to
minde
their
own
benefit
onely
;
they
have
now
,
their
hopes
and
fears
(
arising
out
of
all
things
to
be
done
or
omitted
in
their
power
)
so
increased
by
promises
and
threats
annexed
to
divine
Precepts
;
that
the
guidance
of
divine
light
,
and
not
of
our
own
,
must
be
the
choice
of
our
reasonable
Will.
Therefore
if
I
do
injure
or
do
not
love
my
neighbour
as
my self
,
as
God
Commands
,
I
do
thereby
not
love
my self
as
Nature
enjoyns
;
and
do
,
in
committing
sin
against
Religion
,
commit
also
folly
against
Reason
;
by
so
much
injuring
my self
.
And
so
again
,
for
keeping
Commerce
and
Society
:
He
that
sweareth
to
his
neighbour
and
disappointeth
him
not
,
though
it
be
to
his
hinderance
,
In
the
treating
of
this
Oeconomical
policy
,
it
is
not
to
be
expected
that
I
should
in
this
place
descend
to
particulars
so
far
,
as
to
set
out
the
respective
duties
of
all
the
Members
of
the
Family
one
to
another
,
more
then
I
do
in
Kingdoms
;
but
onely
to
set
out
the
power
of
the
Governor
thereof
,
and
the
grounds
of
the
others
obedience
:
and
that
,
upon
the
like
grounds
of
Reason
and
Scripture
as
I
do
in
the
other
.
So
that
in
the
confirmation
of
the
power
of
this
Master
,
whereby
Children
and
Servants
were
to
obey
in
all
things
,
we
finde
in
holy
Writ
those
many
Precepts
for
perfect
obedience
:
to
command
his
children
and
houshold
,
to
keep
the
way
of
the
Lord
,
and
to
do
judgement
and
justice
.
to
be
the
man
involved
in
equal
guilt
:
even
as
the
adopted
elder
Brother
David
,
did
afterwards
upon
like
occasion
.
Therefore
for
Abraham
to
have
killed
his
son
,
was
not
to
have
exceeded
his
rightful
power
:
for
had
it
so
been
,
God
would
not
have
commanded
;
and
Abraham
not
knowing
any
intention
of
diverting
him
,
might
have
bogled
at
it
.
But
for
more
full
explanation
why
one
person
and
no
more
should
have
power
in
each
Family
(
the
reasons
being
the
same
)
shall
be
discoursed
in
the
title
of
Soveraignty
,
and
other
places
of
Government
Monarchical
.
For
this
Dominion
being
scarce
anywhere
absolute
in
that
relation
,
but
all
Families
being
included
in
other
Soveraignties
,
the
duties
of
those
subordinate
thereunto
cannot
be
determined
otherwise
,
then
by
saying
they
owe
their
obedience
to
him
in
all
things
,
not
prohibited
by
such
as
are
superior
unto
them
both
.
Against
those
that
make
the
institution
of
the
family
,
the
eldest
(
as
fitting
best
that
ancient
thinness
of
people
)
we
shall
not
contend
much
:
though
we
might
instance
in
the
Government
of
God
himself
;
and
that
of
Michael
the
Arch-Angel
among
the
good
,
and
of
the
devil
(
as
Prince
)
among
the
bad
:
as
also
that
Adam
(
before
he
had
family
)
was
by
God
made
Monarch
of
all
Creatures
below
;
and
of
Eve
also
.
But
for
answer
to
such
as
hold
it
barely
natural
,
or
at
least
more
natural
or
reasonable
then
that
of
Kings
;
I
shall
first
say
,
That
if
by
most
natural
they
mean
that
practice
which
is
common
to
men
and
sensitives
also
,
they
shall
finde
the
contrary
in
many
instances
.
For
when
there
is
any
association
of
Birds
,
Beasts
,
or
Fishes
,
it
is
always
under
one
remarkable
Commander
of
that
Flock
,
Herd
,
or
Shoal
.
And
as
for
that
Government
of
Family
,
it
is
among
none
of
them
;
nor
can
be
:
for
except
some
sorts
of
Fowl
,
they
have
not
their
proper
Females
,
and
so
must
want
the
propriety
of
the
young
,
whereby
to
make
their
family
.
And
Fowl
we
see
,
as
soon
as
their
brood
can
flye
,
beat
off
them
,
and
part
with
one
another
;
all
becoming
strangers
.
And
from
the
coupling
and
payring
of
the
Fowle
,
we
cannot
conclude
for
marriage
:
unless
therewith
,
we
say
,
that
the
having
more
then
one
wife
is
unnatural
.
And
then
,
for
the
natural
subjection
of
the
females
,
many
kindes
of
them
speak
the
contrary
.
Insomuch
as
the
designation
of
number
,
and
the
power
over
Wives
,
is
not
natural
and
constant
,
but
political
and
differing
.
And
as
for
the
Males
equal
care
of
the
yong
ones
nurture
(
practised
in
some
Fowl
)
it
ariseth
from
his
extraordinary
assurance
of
propriety
in
the
brood
:
for
from
the
time
of
their
first
congression
,
to
her
hatching
,
he
is
never
so
absent
from
his
Hen
,
as
to
endanger
his
jealousie
.
Yet
all
those
Cocks
that
have
more
Hens
then
one
,
though
there
be
no
other
Cock
in
the
company
to
cause
suspition
,
beat
and
hate
the
young
.
And
then
,
as
for
the
way
of
being
a
servant
appropriate
to
one
another
in
any
sort
,
no
Creature
knows
it
.
Come
we
now
to
men
;
we
hear
of
Nations
practising
,
and
some
men
of
reputation
propounding
the
natural
community
of
Wives
,
and
so
overthrowing
Families
:
both
which
do
yet
entertain
Monarchy
.
The
like
we
may
say
of
the
Amazons
,
who
have
no
Families
,
and
yet
have
Monarchy
.
But
now
,
if
by
saying
the
Government
of
a
Family
under
one
head
is
natural
,
they
mean
thereby
reasonable
,
we
agree
;
and
that
for
the
reason
heretofore
,
and
hereafter
to
be
given
;
namely
for
unity
of
Government
in
Commonwealths
:
which
Reasons
are
most
of
them
so
agreeing
to
both
,
that
they
shall
not
need
recital
.
And
truly
,
when
I
have
impartially
considered
,
how
both
of
them
have
foundation
from
Divine
Authority
and
political
prudence
,
I
can
lay
the
mistake
of
this
partiality
onely
to
this
;
that
such
as
write
hereof
,
are
usually
themselves
Fathers
of
Children
,
Masters
of
Servants
,
or
Husbands
,
or
likely
to
be
so
;
and
then
,
to
strengthen
the
duties
of
all
those
relations
(
as
in
order
to
themselves
)
we
may
finde
good
reason
.
And
therefore
are
not
onely
all
those
Texts
of
Scripture
looking
that
way
,
taken
in
,
without
any
to
oppose
them
;
but
Nature
is
also
brought
as
its
first
groundwork
;
so
confidently
,
that
one
would
think
God
Almighty
might
have
spared
his
Precepts
.
But
,
on
the
other
side
.
Kings
are
not
themselves
writers
:
and
if
they
did
(
as
in
justification
of
their
own
Power
,
and
subjects
Duty
)
it
would
be
called
partiality
;
because
so
many
have
interest
against
him
.
And
if
any
of
the
Subjects
,
out
of
Conscience
of
Truth
,
and
for
the
subjects
good
too
,
(
if
they
well
considered
it
)
write
in
defence
of
Monarchy
and
its
power
,
(
not
onely
such
as
have
prejudice
,
by
being
under
other
forms
,
but
)
other
subjects
also
,
that
have
all
of
them
their
particular
interests
and
hopes
(
by
encrease
of
liberty
)
will
accuse
him
of
flattery
.
For
a
Monarch
is
a
head
above
them
,
and
so
remains
the
object
of
continual
envy
and
trouble
,
as
eclipsing
them
all
:
which
if
away
,
they
in
democratick
equalities
(
if
some
of
them
be
not
more
ambitious
)
might
be
all
Monarchs
;
both
absolute
over
their
own
families
,
and
,
as
they
could
make
faction
over
others
also
:
whereas
now
,
they
of
their
family
and
others
may
appeale
in
case
of
oppression
.
Another
prejudice
against
Monarchs
is
,
for
that
their
subjects
being
numerous
,
they
must
trust
the
guidance
of
them
in
many
things
to
others
:
against
whose
pride
(
as
knowing
them
to
be
but
their
fellow
subjects
)
the
repine
is
greater
,
then
if
the
Prince
(
as
the
Master
)
should
act
himself
:
all
whose
miscarriages
comes
ever
to
be
laid
to
the
fault
of
the
Government
it self
,
by
such
as
would
be
rid
of
it
.
Which
unjust
censures
or
revilings
come
again
through
secresie
of
offendors
(
amongst
a
multitude
)
or
through
multitude
of
offenders
(
as
considered
in
themselves
)
to
be
unespied
or
unpunished
by
the
Prince
:
whereas
the
paucity
in
the
Family
enables
the
Master
to
act
by
his
own
knowledge
,
and
quickly
to
discover
complaints
:
which
you
may
well
think
,
he
will
(
for
his
credit
sake
)
by
power
or
craft
smother
:
at
least
you
may
think
,
that
if
he
do
write
or
speak
of
the
Masters
duty
,
it
shall
not
be
in
a
language
as
to
involve
or
tax
himself
.
As
thus
in
Government
of
persons
,
so
in
matter
of
propriety
,
there
is
another
great
prejudice
arising
to
the
Monarch
above
the
Master
of
the
Family
:
and
that
from
the
same
inconvenience
in
number
of
subjects
also
.
Which
is
,
that
the
Master
(
in
regard
of
his
smaller
charge
)
can
hold
all
the
distributions
of
his
fortune
,
(
that
are
alotted
to
the
trust
of
sons
or
servants
)
so
within
the
verge
of
his
own
knowledge
and
account
,
that
he
need
not
grant
so
high
proprieties
as
the
Prince
must
;
whereby
to
cause
grumbling
,
when
any
part
shall
be
recalled
.
But
however
,
their
disagreement
is
but
accidental
:
and
that
,
either
in
regard
of
number
,
or
in
regard
of
subjection
.
For
the
first
respect
(
as
aforesaid
)
may
make
them
differ
in
their
manner
of
exercise
and
managery
of
power
,
and
in
the
latter
they
must
differ
in
the
measure
:
because
Families
are
usually
included
under
other
Governments
;
and
so
the
Master
is
tyed
by
the
Laws
of
the
same
from
exercising
Arbitrary
power
.
Yet
they
agree
in
institution
:
both
of
them
having
absolute
power
of
Government
from
God
.
For
the
Prince
by
his
Laws
cannot
be
said
to
give
the
power
of
Master
,
but
rather
to
remit
it
as
he
thinks
good
:
because
the
whole
Family
,
and
each
one
in
it
,
must
be
looked
on
as
subjects
to
him
,
as
well
as
the
Master
.
And
indeed
,
Families
as
now
they
stand
under
other
Governments
streightned
in
power
,
may
be
called
politick
Governments
for
the
education
of
children
chiefly
.
And
therefore
why
other
Creatures
have
it
not
,
is
because
they
are
not
onely
less
considerable
,
but
also
for
that
their
young
are
so
soon
able
to
shift
for
themselves
:
which
women
could
not
throughly
do
between
childe
and
childe
,
if
this
divine
political
institution
of
marriage
,
had
not
been
to
engage
the
man
also
.
And
yet
,
though
marriage
(
or
having
the
propriety
of
wives
)
and
also
their
subjection
be
from
Divine
positive
law
,
yet
I
finde
not
but
the
quantity
of
that
subjection
,
and
number
of
wives
,
is
at
the
dispose
of
the
higher
power
:
and
where
none
is
,
at
the
husbands
.
But
let
us
go
on
,
to
examine
the
particulars
of
a
Family
,
how
they
stand
in
nature
.
First
,
the
foundation
of
the
Family
is
in
the
wife
.
Now
all
say
marriage
is
not
natural
:
but
that
propriety
of
wives
,
was
one
of
the
first
positive
precepts
:
when
yet
there
was
but
one
man
and
one
woman
;
and
they
could
not
have
choice
.
Now
in
nature
,
children
are
the
mothers
,
as
amongst
all
other
Creatures
,
the
young
belong
to
the
female
,
and
to
the
male
onely
as
having
propriety
in
the
female
.
If
it
be
said
man
hath
power
natural
over
the
woman
,
as
the
male
of
other
things
hath
over
the
female
:
this
is
indeed
natural
,
for
the
stronger
to
rule
the
weaker
,
and
not
proper
to
the
sex
:
for
such
females
as
are
stronger
then
males
(
as
in
some
Creatures
it
chanceth
)
rule
them
too
:
and
for
ought
this
imports
,
a
strong
wife
may
govern
a
weak
husband
,
as
the
Nation
of
Amazons
do
practice
.
But
what
is
this
to
the
ruling
of
women
in
general
;
or
to
having
of
particular
wives
?
Now
suppose
the
power
of
the
father
derive
it self
from
having
it
over
the
wife
,
and
so
naturally
governing
as
in
her
right
;
then
the
question
will
be
,
How
long
,
and
till
what
age
this
power
shall
last
?
And
what
Creatures
example
they
will
follow
therein
?
If
they
say
it
is
at
the
parents
dispose
:
this
is
still
indeed
the
arbitrary
government
of
the
stronger
over
the
weaker
:
and
unless
they
claim
the
just
authority
of
Gods
precepts
,
nature
gives
them
little
other
right
.
I
but
(
you
will
say
)
the
childe
is
bound
to
the
father
,
in
so
high
an
obligation
of
gratitude
as
he
can
never
requite
.
But
not
bound
to
him
(
I
hope
)
till
he
know
him
.
Well
,
but
suppose
he
is
first
to
take
his
mothers
word
for
that
;
then
we
are
to
suppose
again
,
that
as
his
mother
hath
(
during
his
infancy
)
natural
power
over
him
,
so
hath
she
(
with
her self
)
resigned
this
power
to
her
husband
.
In
this
case
,
we
must
consider
,
that
gratitude
is
a
free
and
intended
return
for
a
benefit
,
which
in
the
receivers
apprehension
was
freely
intended
.
For
if
the
giver
were
not
free
from
constraint
elsewhere
in
what
he
did
,
or
else
did
it
according
to
paction
with
the
relative
party
;
in
the
first
case
it
obligeth
not
,
and
in
the
second
but
as
other
pactions
do
.
But
if
it
be
free
,
without
indenting
for
return
(
such
as
we
call
a
gratuity
)
then
is
the
obliged
as
free
in
measuring
and
proportioning
the
return
,
as
the
obliger
was
in
bestowing
the
benefits
:
and
the
Agents
in
both
kinds
must
be
reciprocally
Judges
.
For
although
a
courtesie
(
as
in
reference
to
the
good
of
Society
)
may
imply
a
secret
paction
for
return
,
yet
it
differs
much
from
a
true
paction
.
First
in
that
pactions
have
their
returns
exprest
:
and
next
that
a
third
superior
party
is
called
to
see
performance
:
but
in
gratituties
,
as
the
Donor
could
be
alone
judge
of
the
benefit
intended
,
so
the
grateful
of
the
measure
of
benefit
received
,
and
consequently
,
what
return
is
most
proportionable
;
both
to
his
present
power
,
and
that
receit
also
.
And
if
you
put
it
in
the
obligers
power
,
to
demand
return
according
as
he
shall
say
his
intentions
were
,
you
will
at
last
leave
no
steady
place
,
or
measure
for
return
or
obligation
at
all
.
Children
(
while
little
)
can
neither
apprehend
benefit
,
nor
make
return
:
unless
you
will
say
that
the
sport
of
the
childe
is
return
;
as
acceptance
from
the
loved
,
is
requital
to
the
loving
:
for
men
are
not
alwayes
traders
in
what
they
do
;
but
the
pleasure
of
doing
is
many
times
the
cause
of
doing
.
If
this
be
the
case
(
as
having
parents
provoked
by
the
affection
of
propriety
,
and
pleasure
of
doing
)
they
lay
no
obligation
beyond
self
respect
:
at
least
,
until
the
childe
be
of
such
yeers
,
as
to
be
able
to
discover
and
value
truely
the
benefit
received
,
his
return
cannot
be
expected
:
which
can
then
onely
be
what
he
thinks
good
;
except
Gods
positive
precepts
strengthen
his
gratitude
beyond
nature
.
But
since
this
obligation
of
the
childes
is
first
placed
for
his
generation
,
and
then
for
his
education
,
we
will
a
little
enquire
into
both
,
and
will
begin
with
that
of
generation
.
In
this
,
man
must
be
considered
(
like
other
males
)
as
prompted
by
natural
appetite
,
with
no
farther
direct
intention
of
laying
an
obligation
on
providence
for
continuance
of
his
kinde
,
then
when
the
like
appetite
,
causing
him
to
eat
or
sleep
,
he
thinks
expresly
on
preservation
of
his
individual
.
And
,
if
the
behaviour
of
the
males
be
well
marked
after
this
meeting
,
they
will
seldom
be
found
in
any
glorying
or
exulting
humor
,
as
confident
of
good
done
:
but
rather
shame
and
reluctance
.
And
again
,
what
shall
we
think
of
those
,
that
through
poverty
or
other
considerations
,
might
be
unwilling
to
have
been
the
parents
of
children
at
all
?
So
,
for
the
woman
or
female
again
,
although
she
(
besides
her
share
in
generation
)
ha●h
pa●t
of
her
own
substance
imployed
in
nourishment
of
the
young
whilst
it
is
within
her
(
and
passeth
her
time
in
bearing
,
not
in
pleasure
,
but
mostly
in
affliction
)
yet
,
since
nothing
of
it
is
voluntary
,
it
remembers
me
of
an
undutiful
,
but
pertinent
answer
of
one
(
that
was
reproved
as
unnatural
for
slighting
his
mother
)
which
was
,
That
she
got
him
for
her
pleasure
,
and
brought
him
forth
for
her
ease
.
But
now
you
will
say
,
that
nurture
and
education
after
birth
is
voluntary
,
and
so
obligatory
.
And
truely
so
say
I
too
;
because
in
nature
(
as
to
her
equity
)
it
is
in
the
mothers
power
to
expose
it
if
she
will
:
yet
it
is
not
so
in
Religion
,
for
direct
precept
obligeth
the
parents
to
nurture
and
education
of
them
,
thereby
proving
the
duty
more
positive
then
natural
.
And
then
,
what
shall
we
say
of
children
as
they
are
usually
nursed
elsewhere
?
what
shall
their
duty
go
to
the
nurse
?
No
(
you
will
say
)
the
nurse
is
paid
by
the
parent
:
if
so
,
then
(
if
this
education
and
nurture
be
not
done
as
a
duty
from
the
parent
in
respect
of
Gods
precept
)
there
lies
an
obligation
but
for
so
much
as
the
cost
is
.
But
then
againe
,
if
an
exposed
,
or
other
acquired
infant
,
be
adopted
and
taken
in
,
and
instead
of
being
nourished
for
money
,
is
(
it
may
be
)
bought
from
the
parent
with
money
,
to
which
parent
lies
the
greater
obligation
?
If
any
speak
of
the
affection
of
parents
to
the
young
,
this
is
strong
indeed
in
the
female
,
but
not
lasting
enough
to
make
a
family
of
.
But
if
the
male
have
any
thing
hereof
,
it
is
increased
as
the
conceit
of
his
propriety
is
:
For
males
of
other
Creatures
use
it
not
;
because
the
female
onely
knoweth
her
brood
:
and
men
love
their
children
,
not
as
they
are
really
so
,
but
as
they
believe
them
so
:
wherein
no
revealing
natural
sympathy
leads
them
,
but
opinion
,
which
many
times
deceives
them
,
as
shall
be
more
fully
discoursed
in
the
title
of
property
.
But
what
is
this
to
the
natural
duty
of
children
to
parents
?
Truely
this
affection
runs
so
coldly
upwards
,
and
so
differently
,
that
if
God
,
the
Law
,
and
the
Parents
authority
kept
them
not
in
duty
(
when
they
were
of
equal
power
)
they
might
naturally
enough
(
if
the
example
of
other
Creatures
might
be
trusted
)
use
force
against
any
assault
.
For
as
each
individual
is
by
nature
furnished
(
as
aforesaid
)
with
competent
ability
to
preserve
and
maintain
it self
,
therefore
the
youngling
(
that
as
yet
wants
strength
and
understanding
so
to
do
)
is
in
natures
account
not
fully
separate
from
the
individual
of
the
female
:
but
this
being
now
effected
,
it
is
then
by
natural
course
to
follow
self-guidance
,
as
the
parent
did
before
.
And
lastly
,
as
for
the
power
of
a
Master
over
his
Servants
;
if
they
be
hired
,
none
will
(
I
presume
)
doubt
,
but
that
it
is
political
and
pactional
.
Indeed
the
government
over
slaves
is
natural
;
depending
on
force
:
and
here
pactional
or
political
precepts
meddle
not
:
leaving
them
to
the
Lords
dispose
,
in
as
high
a
degree
of
propriety
,
as
any
other
goods
.
But
now
while
we
have
been
thus
vindicating
Monarchy
,
against
such
as
would
not
have
one
in
a
Commonwealth
to
be
as
natural
a
government
as
that
of
one
in
a
family
,
if
any
should
think
what
hath
hitherto
been
spoken
,
is
to
take
off
the
reputation
and
authority
of
the
Father
or
Master
of
the
Family
,
or
to
weaken
the
obedience
of
any
under
him
,
they
quite
mistake
our
intent
:
for
our
aime
is
to
strengthen
it
,
that
therewith
the
other
(
having
the
same
end
and
foundation
(
and
that
more
general
and
strong
)
might
be
therewith
strengthened
also
.
For
as
all
power
is
from
God
,
so
all
obedience
must
run
in
respect
of
his
commands
:
either
express
to
himself
,
or
such
as
he
hath
delegated
,
and
though
he
gave
to
Kings
and
Fathers
,
so
large
a
portion
of
his
power
,
as
to
enable
them
in
their
governments
here
to
be
assisting
unto
him
in
the
course
of
humane
providence
,
yet
they
are
not
to
Idolize
themselves
;
but
to
think
,
that
since
they
are
no
otherwayes
set
up
then
by
his
authority
,
that
therefore
those
under
them
are
not
subjected
in
that
degree
by
nature
,
but
by
his
precepts
:
for
as
all
things
should
refer
to
his
glory
,
so
the
neerer
we
come
in
our
expressions
of
it
,
the
better
.
Whereupon
I
conceive
that
the
Master
of
a
Family
,
challenging
obedience
by
Gods
direct
and
many
precepts
to
that
purpose
given
,
is
upon
more
warrantable
ground
,
then
relying
on
nature
,
and
referring
to
God
from
thence
,
as
at
greater
distance
.
And
as
this
will
be
(
if
well
considered
)
a
stronger
obligation
to
duty
,
for
wives
,
children
,
servants
,
&c.
so
it
will
be
therewithal
more
noble
also
,
if
when
(
as
voluntary
Agents
)
they
may
expect
reward
of
their
performances
from
God
that
enjoyned
them
,
then
if
,
out
of
innate
brutish
principles
,
common
to
them
with
other
Creatures
,
their
reward
went
not
higher
then
their
direction
.
We
therefore
say
,
that
the
head
of
the
family
hath
the
true
power
of
a
Monarch
in
himself
;
and
where
he
is
out
the
jurisdiction
of
anothers
Soveraignity
,
is
a
Soveraign
himself
:
and
may
judge
,
sentence
,
and
execute
(
according
to
Gods
and
his
own
laws
)
wife
,
children
,
or
servants
,
as
truely
as
the
greatest
Prince
.
For
as
some
Families
may
be
greater
then
some
kingdomes
,
so
the
same
person
,
at
the
same
time
,
may
be
a
Monarch
or
Soveraign
,
and
yet
but
head
of
one
family
:
even
as
Abraham
,
though
he
might
want
unction
,
Coronation
,
or
other
Ceremonies
to
entitle
him
a
King
,
yet
had
the
same
authority
at
home
and
force
abroad
,
as
had
those
other
four
victorious
Kings
,
which
he
with
his
own
military
servants
overcame
.
Therefore
we
will
now
compare
the
power
and
exercise
of
this
government
to
Monarchy
,
as
hereafter
we
shall
that
of
Monarchy
to
this
.
The
father
we
will
compare
to
the
King
;
and
so
he
is
to
have
all
those
royal
prerogatives
(
where
he
is
absolute
and
independent
)
that
enable
a
Governor
in
chief
:
namely
the
Office
of
supream
Judge
,
with
its
attendants
;
the
power
of
making
and
interpreting
his
own
Laws
,
that
is
,
to
have
aswell
the
power
to
instruct
and
direct
what
to
do
,
as
the
sword
of
Justice
,
to
punish
those
that
shall
do
otherwise
:
and
in
all
these
cases
to
have
the
last
appeal
,
&c.
For
,
if
wife
,
children
,
or
servants
,
or
a
faction
of
them
,
shall
take
upon
them
to
decide
controversies
,
or
to
make
,
interpret
,
or
execute
laws
to
that
purpose
(
without
,
or
beside
him
,
and
not
allowing
any
their
fellows
of
the
family
liberty
to
appeal
to
him
as
supream
)
the
unity
,
peace
,
and
government
of
that
family
is
broken
and
lost
.
Then
,
as
the
Monarch
makes
Magistrates
,
so
the
Master
hath
power
to
appoint
what
Stewards
,
Bailiffs
,
Receivers
and
other
Officers
he
thinks
good
;
without
the
leave
of
any
of
the
same
family
.
Then
,
as
the
King
lets
out
the
stock
and
wealth
of
his
Kingdom
in
several
properties
for
the
good
of
the
whole
kingdome
(
that
is
,
for
encrease
of
the
publike
stock
by
private
managery
)
so
the
Master
entrusts
the
wife
,
children
,
or
servants
,
as
he
sees
occasion
:
taking
of
them
(
as
the
use
of
the
family
requires
)
such
proportions
as
he
thinks
fit
:
whether
it
be
tenth
,
or
twentieth
part
of
the
encrease
;
which
answers
the
taxes
in
kingdomes
.
So
lastly
,
hath
he
power
over
their
liberties
and
personal
services
,
for
his
own
or
the
families
occasions
.
But
these
,
and
other
similitudes
of
jurisdiction
,
will
be
spoken
of
more
largely
under
Monarchy
.
Some
have
thought
that
a
family
could
not
be
rightly
called
so
,
under
such
a
number
of
persons
,
that
is
five
at
least
:
and
that
in
it
,
there
must
he
all
relations
;
that
is
,
of
wife
,
children
and
servants
.
They
might
also
have
aswel
put
down
servants
of
all
sorts
,
that
is
,
slaves
too
,
because
most
families
in
other
Countries
have
them
:
but
I
,
considering
a
family
as
to
preservation
of
mankind
by
government
,
and
not
as
to
the
encrease
of
it
barely
,
say
that
the
sole
power
of
each
family
,
as
a
family
,
belongs
to
the
head
thereof
;
and
that
in
the
relation
of
Master
too
.
And
I
do
farther
conceive
,
that
,
as
wife
and
children
are
commanded
as
members
of
the
family
where
they
are
,
so
,
if
they
dye
or
depart
the
family
,
the
Master
doth
still
remaine
the
head
of
the
family
,
although
he
be
now
neither
husband
nor
father
:
and
that
,
although
it
be
but
over
two
servants
,
aswel
as
before
:
For
although
his
power
be
not
so
extensive
over
few
,
yet
it
is
as
absolute
.
And
the
same
is
to
be
judged
againe
,
though
he
have
none
but
children
,
or
none
but
wives
:
for
though
these
may
alter
his
relation
to
those
under
him
;
yet
having
sole
power
,
he
continues
in
the
full
right
of
government
as
Master
of
the
family
:
for
,
considering
them
in
their
general
relation
of
governors
and
governed
,
though
the
Master
(
from
their
differing
relations
that
are
under
him
)
may
differ
in
notion
or
title
,
yet
the
power
is
of
God
,
and
not
from
their
relations
,
as
inferiours
.
If
the
wife
,
before
marriage
(
and
being
yet
free
)
make
paction
for
part
of
his
power
,
yet
she
is
so
far
from
constituting
the
power
belonging
to
his
office
,
that
he
(
when
he
shall
judge
it
necessary
)
may
reassume
this
for
ought
she
(
as
of
proper
power
)
can
hinder
.
The
like
may
be
said
of
children
and
servants
;
unto
whom
,
by
promise
or
without
,
he
may
suspend
,
or
remit
the
execution
of
his
power
,
as
he
shall
judge
fit
:
and
yet
cannot
he
be
said
to
have
derived
power
from
them
.
Let
us
now
proceed
to
resemble
their
orders
and
relations
,
and
then
speak
of
the
Anarchy
or
overthrow
of
a
Family
.
The
Master
himself
we
have
compared
to
the
King
,
and
now
his
Wife
we
will
compare
to
the
Order
of
Priesthood
in
the
Kingdom
:
which
is
to
be
ruled
more
by
love
then
fear
,
and
yet
is
to
be
subject
to
the
same
head
.
The
Children
we
may
compare
to
the
Nobility
and
Magistrates
;
who
standing
in
degree
between
Monarch
and
people
,
or
Master
and
Servants
,
serve
as
the
Ministers
and
conveyers
of
Justice
and
protection
downwards
;
and
by
their
sole
dependance
of
the
good
of
the
Monarch
or
Master
,
serve
as
Bulwarks
against
any
forcible
attempt
.
The
servants
in
the
Family
,
do
resemble
the
other
subjects
in
a
Kingdom
.
Now
this
Government
in
a
Family
is
changed
through
remisness
or
weakness
in
the
Master
,
as
is
the
Kingdom
through
the
like
in
the
King
:
for
if
he
act
onely
by
others
,
the
acknowledgement
will
follow
the
power
,
and
themselves
through
contempt
,
lose
or
hazard
their
Soveraignty
.
As
,
if
the
Master
be
uxorious
,
then
(
as
the
undertaking
Clergy
can
make
Religious
Cognizance
stretch
as
far
as
they
please
,
so
)
the
Wife
(
as
incident
to
Women
)
being
grown
proud
of
Government
,
will
(
as
it
were
now
her
own
right
,
)
take
all
upon
her
to
general
discontent
.
But
if
he
be
indulgent
,
and
trust
his
power
to
Children
,
then
they
,
neglecting
all
above
them
(
that
is
power
,
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
)
fall
a
trampling
on
all
the
Servants
,
as
ambitious
Nobles
in
a
Kingdom
;
till
the
Subjects
be
Rebels
,
or
Slaves
.
And
lastly
,
if
(
as
making
himself
equal
with
his
servants
)
he
affect
popularity
too
much
,
he
thereby
loseth
his
bulwarks
of
Nobility
and
Religion
,
things
of
no
esteem
with
them
:
and
lies
as
a
deserved
prey
,
to
his
servants
and
subjects
next
violent
attempt
.
Let
us
now
see
their
likeness
in
their
Anarchies
.
If
(
in
the
weakness
or
absence
of
the
Master
,
or
infancie
of
the
heir
)
the
power
be
exercised
partly
by
the
Wife
,
followed
with
one
part
of
the
servants
;
and
by
the
Children
,
followed
with
others
of
the
Servants
,
(
so
that
there
is
division
by
factions
)
Anarchy
is
begun
.
If
the
Wife
prevail
,
as
in
title
to
her
Husband
,
or
as
Protector
to
her
son
and
heir
,
Monarchy
is
not
in
much
danger
;
because
she
and
the
Clergy
have
great
interest
in
the
Crown
.
But
if
Master
and
heir
dye
in
the
contest
,
and
the
Children
prevail
and
Govern
joyntly
,
then
it
is
one
sort
of
setled
Anarchy
;
which
is
Aristocracy
.
If
the
servants
that
took
the
part
with
the
Masters
Title
prevail
against
the
Children
,
or
the
Childrens
insolence
shall
make
the
servants
that
followed
them
desert
and
joyn
with
others
against
them
(
so
as
to
overcome
them
and
rule
themselves
)
then
it
is
the
other
sort
of
Anarchy
;
namely
Democracy
:
both
which
are
(
upon
the
same
reason
)
as
opposite
to
Government
in
a
Family
,
as
in
a
Kingdom
.
But
now
,
although
there
be
more
mutterings
and
repinings
in
each
Family
(
that
is
against
the
exercise
of
the
Government
of
the
present
Master
thereof
)
then
is
in
a
Monarchy
,
(
having
consideration
to
their
proportionable
numbers
)
yet
to
set
up
such
standing
Factions
,
or
to
prosecute
them
so
far
as
to
overthrow
the
form
of
Government
thereof
,
cannot
be
in
like
manner
subject
to
the
Family
as
Kingdom
:
and
this
,
because
the
Master
or
his
heirs
interest
,
is
by
Superiors
Laws
still
upheld
:
and
then
,
the
Masters
of
all
other
Families
having
concern
in
the
example
,
do
so
order
things
,
that
the
Faction
of
one
Family
can
never
have
force
enough
,
to
prevail
(
by
president
)
against
so
many
.
Whereas
in
the
Monarchy
,
(
discontented
parties
having
made
a
Faction
so
great
as
to
overpower
the
appointed
head
therein
)
there
is
not
another
present
superior
fear
to
keep
them
from
destructive
proceedings
:
for
other
Monarchs
will
rather
help
it
for
gain
to
themselves
;
and
other
heads
of
Families
will
forward
it
,
out
of
consideration
of
their
share
in
Government
,
when
this
one
is
taken
away
.
And
none
can
doubt
,
but
that
Children
and
Servants
are
throughout
as
desirous
,
and
covetous
of
the
Fathers
and
Masters
power
and
riches
,
as
the
factious
Subjects
are
of
these
of
a
King
:
and
would
as
assuredly
make
their
associations
to
deprive
him
thereof
,
and
also
joyn
in
confederacy
to
enjoy
them
amongst
themselves
as
the
other
do
,
if
they
had
but
equal
hopes
of
prevailing
,
and
of
being
unopposed
.
And
could
these
of
a
Family
secure
themselves
in
their
narrow
bounds
,
against
the
Prince
and
his
Laws
,
and
the
disturbance
and
intermedling
of
the
Masters
of
other
Families
,
as
well
as
Republikes
can
fortifie
against
other
Monarchs
:
we
should
soon
finde
more
Anarchical
Families
then
Kingdoms
:
I
mean
number
for
number
.
For
since
we
all
know
that
the
Fathers
estate
is
more
often
and
with
more
covetousness
sought
then
the
Kings
,
if
Fathers
had
nothing
but
their
sons
Consciences
for
their
defence
,
as
Kings
have
,
they
would
often
fall
into
worse
fortune
.
But
Monarchs
wanting
,
first
present
undertakers
of
their
common
protection
when
their
Offices
are
invaded
,
as
the
Prince
is
to
the
Fathers
;
and
Monarchs
again
,
being
not
unanimous
and
active
in
upholding
each
others
rights
,
as
Fathers
are
;
it
is
no
wonder
,
if
we
finde
here
and
there
an
Anarchical
Kingdom
,
even
daring
to
profess
themselves
so
;
which
Families
do
not
.
But
,
would
Monarchs
take
the
common
interest
to
heart
,
as
Fathers
do
;
and
be
as
vigilant
to
preserve
their
neighbors
power
as
others
are
to
overthrow
them
;
they
would
finde
that
it
would
be
the
steadiest
course
to
maintain
their
own
power
at
home
:
and
that
,
when
other
Kingdoms
could
never
have
been
known
successful
in
enterprising
their
Kings
subversion
,
their
subjects
would
never
undertake
it
;
no
more
,
then
the
Children
or
Servants
of
a
Family
dare
for
the
like
cause
,
attempt
the
like
against
their
Father
and
Master
:
The
main
reason
that
Subjects
usually
have
to
desire
such
Change
,
being
the
example
of
such
or
such
a
neighboring
people
,
as
have
thriven
therein
:
and
so
,
making
fortune
and
success
the
onely
judge
of
right
and
wrong
,
they
do
proceed
accordingly
:
all
stories
telling
us
,
that
until
Anarchies
came
into
the
world
,
such
a
thing
as
limited
Monarchy
was
not
in
being
.
Let
us
now
again
see
their
likeness
in
Rebellions
,
and
its
pretences
.
The
Wife
,
if
she
be
of
greater
spirit
then
to
be
confined
in
her
proper
employment
,
takes
occasion
from
her
Husbands
remisness
,
or
too
great
trust
in
her
,
to
enlarge
her
power
in
the
Family
,
and
to
encroach
on
her
Husbands
also
.
With
these
she
lays
Obligations
,
and
raises
dependances
as
to
her self
:
and
having
now
(
as
she
believes
)
gotten
strength
to
stand
alone
,
or
above
her
Husband
,
she
becomes
more
insolent
and
open
:
Which
if
it
shall
awake
him
to
curb
by
his
just
power
,
then
comes
she
to
spread
through
the
Family
the
charge
and
power
she
hath
.
She
saith
,
That
the
power
of
the
head
of
the
Family
,
grew
from
the
Family
:
for
as
the
Family
was
in
greatness
or
power
,
so
was
the
head
thereof
also
:
and
therefore
that
they
(
as
the
fountains
of
power
)
might
use
the
same
to
their
just
vindication
from
oppression
.
She
saith
,
that
as
all
kindes
of
good
is
increased
by
communication
,
so
the
good
of
the
whole
Family
,
is
to
be
preferred
in
reason
to
the
single
good
of
any
one
;
especially
since
(
as
the
case
now
stands
)
that
one
seeks
but
his
own
hurt
also
,
led
and
blinded
with
evil
Counsel
.
In
which
case
,
necessity
of
self-preservation
,
will
not
onely
justifie
;
but
duty
to
their
Master
,
requires
the
other
members
,
to
joyn
in
a
course
to
force
these
from
him
,
and
take
the
charge
of
his
person
and
Government
themselves
.
She
tells
them
,
that
a
Family
(
as
a
Family
)
hath
foundation
on
the
Wife
:
and
that
(
as
without
Religion
(
well
instructed
)
there
could
be
no
firm
obligation
for
subjects
obedience
;
so
)
without
a
Wife
no
Children
,
no
Family
:
and
so
no
Master
thereof
.
Besides
(
though
truly
she
is
loth
to
say
so
much
her self
,
yet
)
her
Husbands
late
disrespect
and
forwardness
to
cross
her
,
makes
her
fear
(
as
men
are
now
easily
enclined
to
heresie
,
so
)
he
hath
turned
his
affection
to
some
other
women
:
and
therefore
she
would
divorce
her self
from
him
;
that
so
he
might
be
as
excommunicate
in
his
Family
.
For
,
although
it
is
true
,
that
obedience
is
to
be
given
to
him
by
the
Law
of
God
,
yet
again
it
is
as
true
,
that
he
is
to
keep
Gods
Laws
as
well
as
we
:
if
not
,
obey
God
rather
then
men
.
Nay
,
when
he
hath
neglected
his
duty
to
his
Family
,
in
not
providing
for
them
(
as
this
man
hath
done
)
Saint
Paul
expressly
saith
,
He
is
worse
then
an
infidel
.
Now
,
whether
it
be
not
fit
that
one
that
hath
denied
the
Faith
,
But
above
all
,
through
her
Husbands
often
absence
about
other
imployments
,
and
remitting
the
directive
part
of
Government
to
her
in
many
particulars
,
she
lays
the
greatest
claim
to
make
herself
(
as
it
were
)
Governor
in
chief
;
leaving
to
her
Husband
(
as
pertinent
to
him
that
hath
none
but
the
coercive
part
)
the
honor
and
authority
only
of
a
subservient
officer
:
that
is
,
to
execute
&
punish
according
to
her
determination
and
censure
.
No
otherwise
,
then
as
the
popish
and
Presbyterian
Clergy
,
upon
advantage
of
their
sole
exercise
in
the
Office
of
publike
instruction
,
do
come
to
believe
at
last
,
they
are
supreme
and
uncontrolable
herein
:
and
do
thence
infer
,
that
as
the
body
is
to
be
subservient
to
the
mind
,
so
the
Prince
(
or
Civil
Magistrate
as
they
call
him
)
ought
with
his
coercive
part
of
Government
,
to
be
reckoned
but
as
subordinate
,
and
Ministerial
to
what
they
in
their
spiritual
capacities
shall
enjoyn
.
Not
remembring
,
that
all
that
external
jurisdiction
and
power
she
exerciseth
in
t●e
Family
,
is
subordinate
,
and
to
be
acknowledged
as
derived
from
his
supreme
headship
;
even
as
done
by
her
as
his
Wife
in
his
family
,
by
vertue
of
that
choice
and
designation
he
then
made
at
the
time
he
personally
ordained
her
to
be
his
Wife
,
and
so
consequently
took
her
into
this
consortship
and
share
of
power
.
For
although
the
positive
power
and
honor
belonging
to
her
as
a
mother
and
Mistris
of
a
family
be
to
be
derived
from
God
onely
,
even
from
the
sacramental
efficacy
of
marriage
and
Ordination
it self
;
yet
since
it
cannot
be
imagined
that
the
constitution
of
a
less
and
subordinate
power
was
intended
to
be
the
overthrow
of
a
greater
,
therefore
should
she
have
considered
,
that
she
is
negatively
in
all
things
by
him
restrainable
in
the
execution
thereof
.
Nay
more
,
in
those
things
which
she
acts
as
Mistress
of
the
Family
,
over
any
but
her
own
Children
,
she
is
to
hold
her self
as
well
impowered
as
restrainable
by
him
:
although
in
respect
of
that
obedience
(
or
honor
rather
)
which
her
own
children
give
her
,
she
be
not
to
acknowledge
any
humane
derivation
therein
,
but
is
impowered
as
mother
,
both
by
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
;
and
that
in
chief
,
where
no
other
head
or
Monarch
is
.
With
these
and
such
like
insinuations
she
may
be
supposed
to
win
Children
and
others
of
the
Family
into
a
faction
and
association
with
her
:
by
whose
help
she
may
be
able
to
work
her
ends
.
For
although
women
be
(
rather
)
more
desirous
of
Government
then
men
,
yet
they
,
wanting
bodily
strength
,
are
forced
to
draw
in
others
to
their
assistance
,
by
setting
up
of
their
interests
also
.
Thus
Children
shall
be
won
in
,
by
hope
of
some
parity
of
power
with
the
Father
,
as
well
as
Peerage
among
themselves
;
for
,
by
the
Text
of
Fathers
provoke
no●
your
children
to
wrath
,
they
would
both
have
the
duty
of
Fathers
implyed
,
Then
,
the
Children
,
when
they
meet
with
an
easie
and
indulgent
Father
,
and
one
that
hath
never
so
much
as
said
to
them
,
why
do
you
so
?
but
hath
suffered
them
to
rule
and
sway
over
the
servants
as
of
their
own
right
,
wise
servants
over
these
his
sons
that
cause
his
shame
;
how
will
they
begin
to
cry
out
on
their
slavery
,
If
the
Father
,
finding
his
Wife
more
true
,
do
particularly
use
her
assistance
or
advice
,
Oh
what
scorn
will
they
cast
upon
their
mother
.
What
shall
they
be
ruled
by
the
distaff
!
Are
women
fit
for
such
employment
!
What
shall
they
be
Priest-ridden
!
Let
women
(
on
Gods
Name
)
spin
,
and
govern
their
own
maids
:
have
they
not
Callings
of
their
own
?
As
if
there
could
not
be
a
greater
injury
offered
them
,
then
to
tell
them
that
they
must
be
subject
to
any
other
precepts
of
Religion
,
but
what
was
of
their
own
contrivance
.
But
all
other
clamorous
maxims
,
come
far
short
of
those
used
by
the
ordinary
servants
;
being
now
left
with
none
above
them
:
the
Children
and
Nobility
being
dead
,
or
disheartned
by
long
contention
;
and
others
now
content
,
to
joyn
with
them
in
their
heady
alterations
.
Now
come
they
to
conceive
and
cry
out
,
That
since
the
main
body
of
the
Family
or
Kingdom
consists
of
the
servants
or
subjects
:
that
therefore
their
good
and
advice
,
should
be
most
taken
into
concern
.
The
Master
had
no
other
power
over
them
,
then
what
he
had
by
paction
;
they
(
by
that
)
made
him
to
be
a
Master
:
and
since
they
entered
thereinto
but
in
order
to
their
own
good
,
why
should
they
be
hindered
at
any
other
mans
pleasure
for
the
future
?
No
,
since
they
are
now
restored
to
their
own
just
natural
freedom
again
,
they
will
not
be
subject
to
any
sort
of
rule
,
but
what
shall
be
for
their
own
good
;
yea
,
and
at
their
own
choice
.
Which
once
resolved
,
what
strange
fancies
and
models
of
Government
,
do
they
at
once
contrive
&
practise
over
one
another
?
What
a
many
of
play-days
will
they
make
,
till
,
under
the
notion
of
slavery
,
all
necessary
ways
to
sustain
the
Family
be
neglected
?
How
are
the
names
of
Tyranny
,
Slavery
,
Liberty
,
Freedom
,
&c.
tossed
up
and
down
like
Tennis-balls
?
And
,
because
their
weakness
and
inexperience
cannot
let
them
see
what
proportion
of
Liberty
just
Government
will
admit
,
they
,
for
fear
of
want
,
are
still
crying
out
Liberty
,
Liberty
:
and
as
(
amongst
Children
)
there
is
a
contest
(
by
way
of
sport
)
for
saying
some
word
or
sentence
oftenest
in
a
breath
;
so
amongst
them
,
these
that
in
their
Proposals
of
Government
,
can
name
and
promise
Liberty
most
,
and
can
put
the
other
political
railing
terms
of
Tyranny
,
Slavery
,
Oppression
,
&c.
oftenest
upon
others
,
are
concluded
to
have
most
infallibly
found
out
the
best
Government
for
them
to
follow
.
In
the
passed
discourse
of
the
power
of
the
Father
and
Master
of
the
Family
,
and
of
the
subjection
and
obedience
which
those
that
are
under
them
do
owe
;
it
will
not
(
I
hope
)
be
expected
,
I
should
enter
into
the
particulars
of
his
duty
again
,
in
the
government
of
them
;
or
of
things
belonging
to
the
Family
;
more
then
I
shall
afterwards
,
set
forth
the
manner
of
kingly
administration
:
therefore
(
upon
the
reasons
before
given
)
leaving
the
Masters
part
towards
his
Family
,
to
be
treated
of
when
I
shall
speak
of
the
Kings
towards
his
Subjects
,
what
hath
been
said
will
(
I
conceive
)
be
sufficient
to
set
forth
the
ground
and
right
of
the
Masters
power
,
so
far
as
to
estate
the
obedience
of
all
under
him
:
and
the
inferences
thereupon
,
will
I
hope
,
prove
pertinent
(
by
their
likeness
)
to
encourage
our
subjection
,
and
disprove
our
insurrection
against
Kings
:
to
which
end
this
Discourse
was
chiefly
intended
.
CHAP.
IX
.
Of
Soveraignty
,
and
its
Original
;
and
,
of
Monarchy
or
Kingly
power
.
BY
what
hath
been
delivered
,
both
in
explaining
those
many
particular
Laws
from
God
himself
,
and
those
many
Documents
deduceable
from
the
light
of
Nature
for
the
establishment
of
Government
,
we
cannot
in
reason
now
own
its
Original
,
or
that
power
whereby
it
is
made
and
found●d
to
any
other
then
him
.
For
,
in
respect
the
thing
it self
is
of
so
great
honor
,
we
may
well
think
God
to
relate
to
the
particular
glory
of
conferring
hereof
,
when
upon
occasion
of
impowring
the
King
of
Kings
,
he
saith
,
My
glory
will
I
not
give
to
another
.
For
God
,
that
hath
all
power
belonging
to
him
having
resigned
this
Scepter
into
the
hands
of
Chri●t
,
to
set
judgement
in
the
earth
,
and
cause
the
Isles
to
wait
for
his
Law
;
of
kingdom
,
power
,
and
glory
;
even
by
refusing
or
opposing
such
Ministers
and
forms
of
Administration
,
Insomuch
,
that
if
any
should
think
it
of
humane
production
,
and
argue
,
that
because
the
good
and
preservation
of
the
people
was
the
cause
of
this
power
in
Princes
,
that
therefore
these
people
must
be
the
originals
thereof
also
;
they
would
by
this
assertion
,
rob
God
of
his
due
.
For
,
although
they
and
their
good
are
partly
the
final
cause
,
yet
are
they
so
passive
therein
as
it
cannot
be
reasonably
conceived
,
how
they
shall
be
able
to
act
above
,
or
upon
that
power
they
must
suffer
under
:
and
their
good
again
,
being
subservient
and
much
inferior
to
a
higher
and
better
end
,
Gods
glory
,
it
will
follow
that
this
,
as
the
more
worthy
,
must
,
upon
the
same
ground
prove
the
final
cause
also
:
and
the
other
remain
but
as
a
means
thereunto
.
And
if
the
people
be
thus
weak
herein
,
what
claim
shall
they
lay
to
be
efficient
causes
?
How
can
they
be
brought
to
bestow
what
they
had
not
?
Or
shall
we
think
,
that
now
,
in
corrupted
Nature
,
men
have
farther
power
to
order
and
govern
themselves
,
then
while
it
was
pure
?
For
even
then
,
by
right
of
Creation
,
Providence
,
and
Protection
,
man
,
with
other
Creatures
,
stood
subject
;
and
had
,
in
the
very
state
of
innocence
,
a
Law
to
observe
:
and
well
had
it
been
for
him
to
have
had
more
regard
to
this
power
:
but
now
,
lapsed
and
depraved
as
we
are
,
our
acknowledgement
and
subjection
to
this
power
and
soveraignty
will
agree
more
,
both
with
our
benefit
and
duty
,
then
before
.
Nor
can
we
think
,
because
our
present
distempers
need
,
or
call
for
this
coercive
power
,
that
therefore
we
are
the
radical
cause
thereof
:
no
more
then
the
sick
patient
,
can
reckon
himself
the
cause
of
cure
,
or
of
the
Physicians
skill
.
Whereupon
,
since
power
cannot
own
its
original
to
impotency
,
we
must
derive
it
from
its
onely
Author
,
namely
God
:
and
therefore
the
judgement
which
kings
give
,
is
by
God
owned
as
his
;
and
he
is
called
Gods
Minister
.
If
power
were
from
the
people
,
Again
,
supposing
power
at
first
from
the
multitude
,
it
must
be
from
each
person
,
according
to
that
Maxim
quisque
nascitur
liber
;
and
then
,
if
all
be
free
by
birth
(
as
each
one
must
,
or
none
must
)
how
can
the
children
of
contractors
be
bound
to
the
compacts
of
their
fathers
,
more
then
they
were
to
theirs
before
:
or
why
have
they
not
power
of
alteration
aswel
as
they
?
for
if
universal
consent
makes
it
,
it
is
a
thing
which
never
was
,
nor
never
can
be
had
;
women
,
children
,
servants
,
and
many
people
more
(
under
one
arbitrary
qualification
or
other
,
made
by
such
as
bare
sway
)
being
secluded
.
And
therefore
,
the
persons
of
Electors
decaying
,
and
others
of
equal
birth-right
daily
succeeding
(
if
general
consent
makes
governors
lawful
)
the
question
must
be
daily
asked
:
Nay
,
if
major
Votes
of
these
Electors
,
may
,
in
equity
pretend
to
binde
the
other
,
then
no
power
can
be
of
any
continuance
without
new
capitulation
:
because
part
of
the
old
Major
Voters
will
be
still
dying
,
and
so
a
number
of
non-consenters
now
succeeding
,
they
must
be
still
asking
consent
anew
,
or
else
it
may
be
doubted
,
that
these
new
ones
added
to
the
old
minor
vote
of
non-consenters
,
may
make
the
major
number
,
and
so
make
it
to
be
no
lawful
government
.
And
so
farther
,
by
this
maxime
,
how
can
conquest
or
succession
have
any
right
?
which
it
hath
,
by
confession
of
all
.
Again
,
since
rebellion
is
a
resistance
made
by
a
less
rightful
power
against
a
more
(
for
so
disobedience
and
stuborness
comes
to
be
called
Rebellion
against
God
;
)
why
should
we
not
call
Kings
rebels
to
the
people
(
if
his
power
be
from
them
)
aswel
as
call
them
rebels
to
him
?
acknowledging
hereby
all
power
of
right
in
him
.
We
may
further
finde
that
God
,
to
express
his
own
propriety
in
conferring
the
power
of
kingship
,
taketh
often
to
him
the
title
of
King
,
as
of
the
supream
and
high
power
amongst
men
,
and
never
of
any
Aristocratick
or
Democratick
compellation
:
sometimes
putting
it
before
,
and
above
his
own
name
of
power
;
as
if
it
were
most
highly
emphatick
to
express
the
original
thereof
:
as
when
farther
to
set
forth
himself
as
a
great
God
,
he
adds
,
and
a
great
King
above
all
Gods
:
Moses
commanded
in
a
Law
,
even
the
inheritance
of
the
congregation
of
Jacob
;
and
he
was
King
in
Jesurun
,
when
the
people
and
tribes
were
gathered
together
:
And
so
againe
,
God
,
for
the
farther
enabling
and
honoring
of
Kings
,
usually
gives
unto
them
of
his
own
titles
of
kingdome
,
power
,
might
,
majesty
,
honor
,
&c.
which
he
doth
not
to
any
,
but
these
his
own
Lieutenants
:
whom
in
the
Psalms
he
most
particularly
owns
as
his
second
self
,
and
under
the
appellation
of
Gods
(
there
given
them
)
shews
that
their
power
must
be
acknowlegded
from
him
onely
:
I
have
said
ye
are
Gods
,
and
all
of
you
children
of
the
most
high
.
And
as
this
his
so
saying
,
confers
on
them
the
stampe
of
his
power
,
so
keeps
he
to
himself
,
the
sole
prerogative
of
being
God
of
Gods
,
and
great
King
above
all
Gods
:
for
he
judgeth
among
the
Gods
;
to
see
if
they
deliver
the
poor
and
needy
:
rid
them
out
of
the
hand
of
the
oppressor
.
he
called
them
Gods
unto
whom
the
word
of
God
came
,
and
the
Scripture
cannot
be
broken
,
how
say
ye
of
him
whom
the
Father
hath
sanctified
and
sent
into
the
world
,
thou
blasphemest
;
because
I
said
I
am
the
Son
of
God
.
children
of
the
most
High
)
ought
to
be
acknowledged
Gods
,
how
much
more
he
,
that
(
being
expresly
by
the
Father
sanctified
and
sent
into
the
world
)
might
truely
assume
and
say
,
I
am
the
Son
of
God
:
and
that
he
was
eminently
(
above
others
)
this
natural
Son
of
God
,
he
there
attests
his
works
:
which
,
although
the
stronger
proof
,
abolisheth
not
the
strength
of
the
proof
of
the
Kings
power
;
namely
the
word
of
God
,
the
Scripture
that
cannot
be
broken
.
And
for
that
exception
,
of
Kings
unlikeness
to
God
in
regard
of
immortality
,
But
ye
shall
die
like
men
,
and
fall
like
one
of
the
princes
,
all
the
foundations
of
the
earth
are
out
of
course
.
Nay
,
so
far
are
people
or
subjects
from
having
any
authority
to
confer
these
high
places
,
or
of
having
from
God
any
rightful
power
over
one
another
,
that
they
have
it
not
wholly
over
themselves
:
so
that
no
man
can
kill
or
destroy
himself
,
but
he
is
so
far-forth
culpable
,
as
a
transgressor
of
the
Laws
of
God
and
nature
.
For
as
the
measure
of
our
good
abearing
to
others
,
is
from
presumption
of
our
good
inclinations
to
our selves
:
if
we
proceed
by
such
self-injuries
,
how
shall
the
damage
of
our
neighbour
be
avoided
?
in
whose
,
and
our
destruction
,
there
will
happen
a
diminution
to
Gods
general
property
in
mankinde
,
by
loss
of
so
many
individuals
.
Upon
which
ground
,
we
see
that
Kings
as
Gods
Vicegerents
,
and
under
him
proprietors
of
their
whole
territories
,
must
(
for
the
enabling
them
in
their
account
)
have
account
given
them
for
the
life
of
each
one
of
his
subjects
:
which
although
destroyed
by
himself
,
is
yet
murther
,
and
the
party
culpable
,
as
Felo
de
se.
So
then
,
There
is
no
power
but
of
God
,
and
the
powers
that
are
,
are
ordained
of
him
:
he
it
is
that
taketh
away
kings
and
setteth
up
Kings
,
a
God
of
Gods
and
Lord
of
Kings
he
is
:
and
he
himself
by
paramount
right
,
beareth
rule
over
the
kingdoms
of
men
,
and
giveth
them
to
whom
he
will
.
The
which
to
deny
,
and
to
ascribe
this
gift
and
power
to
any
earthly
derivation
,
And
Daniel
farther
tells
Baltshazar
,
The
most
high
God
gave
thy
father
a
kingdom
,
and
majesty
,
and
honor
,
and
glory
:
and
for
the
majesty
that
he
gave
him
,
all
people
,
nations
,
and
languages
trembled
and
feared
before
him
:
he
put
to
death
whom
he
would
,
and
whom
he
would
he
set
up
,
and
whom
he
would
he
put
down
:
to
whom
all
the
kingdoms
of
the
earth
belong
,
to
put
to
death
whom
he
would
?
Which
general
power
of
the
sword
of
justice
,
we
may
find
given
to
Kings
,
at
the
same
time
God
gave
over
the
immediate
managery
thereof
himself
:
for
so
are
we
to
understand
the
words
,
at
the
hand
of
every
mans
brother
will
I
require
the
life
of
man
:
namely
,
to
denote
unto
us
that
Officer
,
who
is
appointed
to
the
execution
of
this
power
.
For
although
God
will
have
mans
blood
now
punished
by
man
himself
,
yet
it
is
not
to
be
done
by
every
one
,
but
by
such
an
one
as
should
personate
and
represent
every
man
,
as
being
every
mans
brother
:
so
that
by
the
words
hand
,
and
brother
(
in
the
singular
number
)
we
are
to
understand
that
this
power
of
life
and
death
,
is
hereby
put
into
the
trust
of
this
publike
and
general
person
,
now
the
adopted
elder
brother
under
and
after
the
law
;
as
it
was
in
the
natural
elder
brother
before
the
law
.
And
that
this
verse
was
not
idlely
added
to
the
former
,
but
to
signifie
this
common
person
the
King
,
will
most
plainly
appear
by
comparing
it
with
that
description
of
Kingly
office
particularly
given
to
the
Jews
:
in
which
,
this
officer
is
there
specified
under
that
relation
of
brother
three
times
,
and
under
no
notion
else
:
one
from
among
thy
brethren
shalt
thou
set
king
over
thee
,
thou
mayest
not
set
a
stranger
over
thee
,
which
is
not
thy
brother
:
and
againe
it
is
there
said
,
that
his
heart
be
not
lift
up
above
his
brethren
.
In
which
places
,
since
the
relation
of
brotherhood
is
so
often
used
,
and
not
any
other
word
or
relation
(
as
of
bidding
them
choose
one
of
their
own
nation
,
country
,
kindred
,
religion
,
&c.
)
it
must
shew
it
to
be
a
direct
paraphrase
on
this
place
.
And
that
which
will
yet
most
of
all
clear
it
,
will
be
the
observation
that
this
first
prediction
,
and
appointment
of
Kingship
by
God
all
the
world
over
,
was
upon
the
same
occasion
with
this
prophesie
,
and
appointment
of
kingship
by
Moses
amongst
the
Jews
:
because
that
in
both
places
,
the
relation
and
notion
of
brother
,
is
set
down
by
occasion
of
the
establishment
of
the
like
chief
mark
of
their
office
,
namely
supream
judicature
.
For
as
in
this
place
this
publike
officer
and
judge
,
was
appointed
upon
occasion
of
Gods
first
setting
down
positive
laws
for
men
to
be
governed
by
,
so
in
this
place
of
Moses
it
is
set
down
after
,
and
upon
occasion
of
setling
the
power
of
supreme
judicature
between
blood
and
blood
,
&c.
in
one
judge
amongst
that
people
.
Some
have
thought
the
judiciary
power
,
and
the
designation
of
magistracy
,
not
to
be
set
down
till
the
sixth
verse
:
and
that
in
the
most
general
terms
of
who
so
sheddeth
,
and
the
blood
of
your
lives
will
I
require
at
the
hand
of
every
beast
.
By
which
words
,
since
we
cannot
conceive
how
beasts
should
be
otherwise
(
in
that
kind
)
responsible
to
God
,
then
by
his
Minister
of
justice
amongst
us
,
we
must
therefore
conclude
,
the
requiring
hereof
at
the
hand
of
every
beast
,
and
at
the
hand
of
every
man
,
is
to
be
made
good
by
that
judiciary
authority
of
every
mans
brother
next
following
.
All
which
will
plainly
appear
to
be
the
sense
hereof
,
by
the
21
Chap.
of
●xodus
:
where
laws
are
set
down
for
men
and
beasts
in
that
kind
offending
:
which
are
to
be
exercised
by
the
present
judiciary
power
,
and
not
left
to
every
man
in
the
literal
sense
.
But
,
to
return
to
the
other
part
of
kingly
power
according
to
Daniels
description
.
By
setting
up
and
pulling
down
whom
he
pleas●th
,
we
may
see
the
subordination
of
all
estates
,
orders
,
and
degrees
of
subjects
unto
him
:
inasmuch
as
the
power
of
all
other
magistrates
,
must
be
reckoned
but
as
derived
from
him
as
supreme
,
and
their
power
but
as
parts
and
slips
of
his
entire
trust
.
And
this
was
well
denoted
,
when
God
took
part
of
Moses
spirit
to
enable
the
subordinate
Ministers
to
exercise
their
functions
:
for
,
although
God
had
sufficient
of
his
own
to
give
as
yet
unbestowed
,
yet
,
to
shew
the
necessity
of
their
dependance
and
subordination
for
establishment
of
government
,
he
grants
them
portions
onely
of
what
had
been
entirely
conferred
on
one
before
:
that
so
agreement
and
unity
might
be
preserved
,
by
this
unity
of
spirit
and
bond
of
peace
;
which
would
else
be
distracted
by
plurality
of
persons
.
And
to
this
end
,
were
these
persons
to
be
at
Moses
choice
also
:
for
the
Lord
said
unto
Moses
,
Gather
unto
me
seventy
men
of
the
Elders
of
Israel
,
whom
thou
knowest
to
be
Elders
of
the
people
,
&c.
and
I
will
come
down
and
talk
with
thee
,
and
will
take
of
the
spirit
which
is
upon
thee
,
and
will
put
it
upon
them
,
and
they
shall
bear
the
burthen
of
the
people
with
thee
,
that
thou
bear
it
not
thy self
alone
.
Which
places
plainly
shew
,
that
although
God
,
at
Moses
suit
,
did
give
others
power
to
bear
part
of
the
burthen
,
yet
is
their
manner
of
constitution
so
ordered
,
as
to
minde
them
of
subordination
to
the
Monarch
:
and
again
,
there
is
nothing
of
popular
consent
herein
:
All
which
would
be
well
considered
,
by
such
as
are
so
credulous
of
the
soveraign
power
of
the
Sanhedrim
.
This
delegation
of
power
from
God
to
Kings
,
was
usually
conferred
under
the
name
of
Unction
:
for
so
saith
Samuel
in
annointing
Saul
,
is
it
not
because
the
Lord
hath
annointed
thee
to
be
Captain
over
his
inheritance
:
plainly
implying
,
the
power
and
office
to
be
conferred
with
the
unction
:
and
that
also
as
coming
from
God
;
the
Lord
hath
annointed
thee
.
And
therefore
,
under
this
incommunicable
and
sacred
title
of
Gods
anointed
,
their
protection
is
again
by
God
more
expresly
owned
,
then
of
other
persons
.
This
unction
or
mark
of
power
,
is
in
the
first
place
due
and
proper
to
Christ
;
thereupon
called
the
Christ
,
or
the
annointed
of
God
.
all
the
kingdoms
of
the
earth
are
our
Lords
;
and
he
also
is
King
of
kings
,
and
Lord
of
lords
and
prince
of
the
Kings
of
the
earth
.
Moreover
,
he
being
the
eternal
wisdom
of
his
father
,
by
and
under
him
it
is
,
that
kings
raign
,
and
princes
decree
justice
:
nay
,
the
very
heathen
are
his
inheritance
,
and
the
utmost
ends
of
the
earth
his
possession
.
And
as
in
acknowledgement
of
derivation
of
office
and
power
from
Christ
,
Kings
(
as
anointed
under
him
)
do
waer
his
cross
on
their
Crowns
:
so
by
vertue
of
this
Unction
(
as
by
a
kinde
of
Sacrament
)
it
is
that
their
persons
have
ever
been
held
so
sacred
,
that
none
have
ever
yet
found
out
a
way
,
or
dared
to
practice
the
annihilation
of
the
stile
it self
of
King
,
more
then
that
of
Father
from
the
same
persons
that
were
really
so
:
as
in
other
officers
set
up
by
humane
authority
,
is
usually
done
,
by
way
of
degradation
.
The
which
amongst
Christians
,
hath
been
chiefly
confirmed
by
the
example
of
Davids
usage
towards
Saul
and
Ishbosheth
,
both
of
them
his
open
and
professed
enemies
:
Against
the
first
of
which
,
although
there
might
be
high
faults
objected
,
and
that
against
God
also
(
who
did
thereupon
by
Samuel
make
so
much
known
of
his
will
of
rejecting
him
,
that
the
people
could
not
be
ignorant
thereof
)
yet
,
because
they
wanted
express
warrant
from
God
to
be
actors
therein
(
as
Jehu
had
)
they
durst
not
presume
to
lift
up
their
hands
against
the
Lords
annointed
.
Lords
anointed
,
not
the
peoples
:
It
was
therefore
his
part
,
and
much
more
is
it
the
part
of
others
now
,
to
permit
that
powerful
hand
that
brought
this
rod
upon
them
,
to
have
liberty
to
remove
it
in
a
way
and
time
of
his
own
.
For
how
can
they
do
it
as
subjects
?
and
from
whence
should
they
derive
insubjection
?
If
then
they
be
Gods
anointed
,
the
rightful
power
to
govern
accordingly
,
must
be
therewith
conferred
:
or
else
the
Unction
were
vaine
,
and
in
a
mockery
of
God
.
If
the
politick
corporation
confer
the
power
,
let
the
charter
and
seal
of
Office
that
speaks
it
be
produced
:
let
us
see
the
hands
and
seals
of
those
that
conferred
this
power
,
as
also
their
Commissions
and
authorities
for
so
doing
;
that
we
may
be
satisfied
with
the
just
derivation
thereof
.
But
now
,
as
donations
and
assignations
of
humane
interests
,
use
to
pass
and
be
conferred
from
one
party
to
another
by
such
like
wayes
of
conveyance
and
none
else
;
so
,
this
passing
by
anointing
,
it
must
shew
it
to
be
confessedly
of
a
different
nature
.
But
to
give
a
cleerer
light
to
the
comprehension
and
distinction
of
Divine
Right
and
Authority
in
these
things
,
we
shall
here
take
leave
a
little
to
digress
.
As
to
deny
God
Almighty
to
be
the
prime
and
supreme
cause
of
all
things
,
and
of
those
vertues
and
abilities
whereby
each
thing
is
effected
,
is
perfect
Atheism
,
so
(
on
the
other
hand
)
to
submit
and
fasten
on
him
(
as
immediate
Agent
)
those
operations
,
which
by
the
ordinary
course
of
his
Providence
he
hath
appointed
to
be
the
productions
of
natural
causes
,
doth
as
strongly
argue
ignorance
:
but
if
in
those
effects
and
productions
which
may
to
our
sense
be
observed
to
come
to
pass
by
the
interposition
of
such
second
Agents
,
as
neither
by
any
naturalness
in
themselves
,
nor
observation
of
ours
could
be
reasonably
concluded
the
causes
of
them
;
in
that
case
again
,
to
deny
divine
power
,
and
ascribe
to
Nature
and
second
Agents
what
is
above
their
reach
,
is
both
Athiesm
and
folly
too
.
To
ascribe
the
hardening
of
the
Clay
to
God
Almighty
,
and
not
to
the
Sun
or
Fire
,
is
to
be
foolishly
derogatory
to
him
:
even
as
it
is
also
,
to
deny
him
to
be
the
cause
of
that
heat
and
vertue
in
the
Sun
or
Fire
,
whereby
it
came
to
pass
.
And
no
less
then
so
it
is
,
to
ascribe
to
the
vertue
of
the
Clay
,
that
Cure
which
our
Saviour
wrought
on
the
blinde
man
:
for
neither
any
known
naturalness
in
that
Agent
,
nor
observation
of
the
like
elswhere
,
could
reasonably
warrant
such
presumption
therein
.
As
thus
in
Inanimates
and
the
general
course
of
Providence
,
there
ought
to
be
a
discreet
distinction
made
by
us
,
in
the
setting
down
of
what
operations
are
immediately
Divine
,
and
what
Natural
;
so
much
more
,
in
those
things
which
are
wrought
by
Creatures
reasonable
;
and
where
as
well
the
Agent
as
Patient
are
voluntary
,
as
in
Matters
of
Government
and
instruction
it
fareth
.
In
which
respect
,
since
there
cannot
be
any
natural
Reason
or
Cause
assigned
,
why
the
will
of
one
should
be
efficatious
to
the
Government
of
the
will
of
another
(
as
in
it self
)
it
must
follow
,
that
that
constant
course
and
setled
way
of
so
doing
,
must
be
attributed
to
Divine
Authority
only
.
Constant
and
setled
way
,
I
say
:
for
that
there
may
many
humane
contrivances
be
made
,
to
introduce
temporary
subjection
and
agreement
,
which
cannot
lay
claim
to
be
of
divine
institution
:
and
because
again
,
although
this
Monarchical
Government
be
alone
Jure
Divino
,
and
so
onely
constant
as
to
the
way
and
form
,
yet
(
through
humane
frailty
)
it
may
many
times
fail
in
the
measure
and
end
of
its
efficacy
.
The
Officers
that
are
to
claim
their
Functions
and
Authority
as
Jure
Divino
,
are
first
the
King
or
Monarch
:
who
is
from
and
under
God
himself
,
established
as
well
in
causes
Ecclesiastical
as
Civil
,
supreme
Governor
.
And
then
Fathers
,
Masters
,
and
Husbands
:
as
Civil
Governors
.
And
then
those
of
the
Clergy
,
as
spiritual
guides
and
directors
,
under
this
their
chief
guide
and
director
:
unless
it
be
where
,
and
when
this
Master
or
Father
of
the
Family
is
insubjected
and
independent
:
at
which
time
he
(
being
himself
a
supreme
Monarch
)
hath
(
as
Elder
Brother
)
those
Priest-like
and
Civil
Offices
of
instruction
and
coertion
,
by
the
Law
of
God
united
in
the
same
unsubordinate
person
:
even
as
amongst
those
great
and
more
ancient
Families
it
fared
,
before
Nations
came
to
be
under
kingship
;
or
that
the
Priesthood
was
divided
from
the
Civil
power
.
Nor
doth
matter
of
Reason
alone
(
as
already
and
hereafter
to
be
shewed
)
prove
the
Authority
of
these
Functions
to
be
Divine
,
but
the
express
precepts
by
God
himself
to
that
purpose
given
,
do
(
beyond
dispute
)
settle
these
Officers
,
and
none
else
as
of
Divine
right
,
immediately
to
them
derived
,
for
authorising
them
in
their
acts
of
Government
and
Power
.
By
which
words
of
immediately
derived
,
we
may
know
how
to
put
a
difference
,
between
that
Power
and
Authority
which
is
exercised
by
Kings
themselves
,
who
hold
of
none
but
God
above
them
,
and
that
which
others
their
Magistrates
perform
:
who
,
being
ordained
in
their
power
by
the
Prince
,
cannot
be
said
to
hold
their
powers
otherwise
then
as
immediately
received
from
him
.
But
although
(
in
this
regard
of
subordination
)
it
may
be
in
some
sense
true
,
that
the
Priest
and
Master
of
the
Family
may
be
also
said
to
derive
their
power
from
the
King
(
where
Kingship
is
)
even
because
in
the
exercise
thereof
they
may
be
by
him
directed
or
limited
,
yet
is
there
a
great
difference
to
be
put
between
them
and
Magistrates
,
in
respect
of
claim
to
divine
right
in
performance
of
their
Functions
.
The
Magistrate
,
as
he
is
positively
&
affirmatively
impowred
by
the
Prince
,
so
is
he
also
negatively
under
him
in
the
execution
thereof
:
the
Priest
and
Master
of
the
Family
(
on
the
other
side
)
have
all
their
positive
power
of
instruction
and
jurisdiction
from
God
alone
derived
:
being
negatively
onely
restrainable
by
the
Monarch
in
the
outward
act
and
execution
thereof
:
whereas
,
to
the
King
himself
it
is
alone
peculiar
,
as
to
be
by
none
but
God
affirmatively
impowered
,
so
to
be
by
none
but
him
negatively
restrainable
.
But
then
again
,
although
in
each
independent
family
,
the
offices
of
instruction
and
coercion
be
united
in
chief
in
the
person
of
the
same
Master
,
yet
between
the
Authorities
which
those
of
the
Priesthood
and
the
Masters
of
Families
do
severally
execute
(
where
they
are
not
united
)
there
is
unto
the
Order
of
Priesthood
a
greater
honor
annexed
(
in
respect
of
divine
Claym
and
Authority
)
then
to
the
other
:
and
that
not
onely
because
instruction
must
be
supposed
to
precede
coercion
in
time
and
order
,
but
also
in
dignity
:
in
respect
or
the
different
dignities
of
those
that
are
to
be
the
objects
of
their
Authorities
;
the
Priestly
Function
presupposing
always
a
more
noble
Object
(
namely
such
an
one
as
is
indued
with
understanding
and
wit
)
whereas
bare
coercion
can
reach
unto
neither
of
them
.
And
under
the
Gospel
again
,
a
farther
addition
of
honor
and
divine
Authority
will
arise
,
from
the
observation
of
that
more
spiritual
charge
and
Function
,
they
inwardly
claim
towards
the
promotion
and
exercise
of
Gods
kingdom
in
our
hearts
:
whereas
amongst
the
Jews
,
the
drift
of
the
Priests
instructions
had
for
objects
the
outward
acts
and
Ceremonies
chiefly
.
In
which
regard
of
instruction
and
preaching
the
Fundamentals
of
Christianity
(
taken
as
Gospel
duties
)
they
stand
by
means
of
special
ordination
thereto
,
not
onely
separately
distinguished
and
enabled
above
other
humane
power
(
as
the
persons
to
instruct
and
teach
Gods
will
are
distinct
,
and
in
that
respect
above
those
that
are
to
obey
)
but
also
,
whilst
they
meddle
not
with
such
things
as
have
tendency
to
civil
Peace
and
Duty
,
they
are
unsubordinate
to
the
Prince
himself
:
nay
above
him
too
;
as
his
spiritual
Fathers
:
and
as
having
their
efficacy
,
and
holding
their
authority
herein
immediately
from
Christ
,
as
his
Ministers
;
and
not
of
the
political
head
of
the
Commonweal
.
The
Father
and
Master
of
the
family
enter
upon
their
authorities
and
function
according
to
natural
course
and
equity
,
without
personal
designation
and
appointment
from
the
Prince
and
his
power
,
and
are
afterwards
restrainable
in
all
things
as
he
shall
think
good
:
but
those
of
the
Priesthood
although
they
were
by
the
laws
and
authority
of
the
prince
personally
ordained
to
stand
as
Gods
Ministers
,
yet
are
they
(
on
the
other
side
)
as
Gods
immediate
Ambassadors
and
prophets
,
subordinate
to
none
.
And
this
Gospel
duty
of
preaching
,
besides
publike
prayers
and
administrations
of
the
Sacraments
,
are
to
remaine
as
the
proper
duties
of
persons
in
holy
orders
,
without
exemption
of
the
prince
himself
:
For
although
to
each
prince
(
in
order
to
peace
and
government
)
the
chief
and
general
care
of
instruction
in
the
wayes
of
righteousness
doth
appertain
,
as
it
doth
also
in
each
family
to
the
Master
thereof
,
yet
doth
the
office
and
efficacy
of
instruction
in
the
mysteries
of
Gods
inward
kingdome
depend
on
the
authority
of
none
but
God
himself
.
But
these
things
are
to
be
understood
of
the
Clergy
in
their
spiritual
Functions
onely
;
and
as
they
relate
to
one
another
as
equally
Gods
Ministers
:
and
not
as
they
are
differenced
amongst
themselves
,
in
reference
to
that
distinct
proportion
of
external
jurisdiction
and
power
,
alotted
them
for
peace
and
order
sake
.
For
as
in
the
first
respect
they
are
under
none
but
God
,
so
in
the
second
,
they
are
wholly
subjected
to
the
Prince
:
he
being
(
as
great
Bishop
and
overseer
of
the
whole
Church
)
to
preside
over
the
Bishops
of
the
particular
Diocesses
thereof
,
upon
the
same
Reason
and
divine
Authority
,
that
the
Diocesan
doth
preside
over
the
Parochial
Minister
.
And
upon
the
same
ground
that
the
Prince
(
as
great
and
general
Father
and
Master
of
the
whole
kingdom
)
doth
preside
in
the
Government
of
each
Family
,
by
means
of
that
civil
Magistracy
which
is
exercised
under
him
,
in
like
manner
doth
he
as
head
of
the
Church
,
preside
over
the
whole
Clergy
in
Ecclesiastical
administrations
;
by
means
of
this
Episcopal
jurisdiction
,
which
is
to
be
by
him
directed
or
restrained
:
of
all
which
more
hereafter
.
Having
thus
far
premised
in
the
declaration
and
distinction
of
Officers
and
Functions
of
Divine
right
,
for
the
better
understanding
the
present
Question
,
as
well
as
many
other
discourses
which
will
hereafter
follow
,
where
the
same
shall
be
farther
proved
by
Scripture
,
I
hope
it
will
to
all
unprejudiced
men
appear
,
That
although
God
doth
not
now
(
as
sometimes
formerly
)
so
immediately
&
expresly
operate
in
the
unction
and
designation
of
particular
persons
,
or
that
there
is
not
now
any
special
Ordinances
sent
from
Heaven
by
the
Ministery
of
Angels
or
Prophets
(
as
amongst
the
Jews
sometimes
it
was
)
yet
can
we
not
hence
infer
,
that
their
power
can
now
arise
from
nothing
else
amongst
Christians
,
but
the
pactions
and
agreements
of
such
and
such
politick
Corporations
:
unless
they
will
also
say
,
that
nothing
is
to
be
acknowledged
as
from
God
,
but
where
himself
or
his
express
Messenger
is
seen
.
But
they
should
observe
the
difference
of
Gods
pleasure
,
in
the
degrees
of
his
manifestations
to
us
under
the
Gospel
,
over
it
was
to
them
of
former
times
:
and
how
that
since
God
was
manifest
in
the
flesh
,
those
former
and
more
express
extraordinary
ways
for
setting
up
of
Kings
,
have
ceased
amongst
other
things
.
For
God
,
who
at
sundry
times
and
in
divers
manners
spake
in
times
past
unto
the
Fathers
by
the
Prophets
,
hath
in
these
last
days
spoken
unto
us
by
his
son
:
whom
he
hath
appointed
heir
of
all
things
,
by
whom
as
God
made
the
world
,
so
doth
he
now
uphold
all
things
by
the
word
of
his
power
.
A
great
part
of
which
power
,
is
that
power
of
Kingship
:
whereby
,
as
God
hath
committed
all
power
to
the
son
,
so
Christ
again
,
being
ascended
on
high
(
amongst
other
gifts
he
gave
unto
men
)
this
of
power
of
Government
was
one
.
And
in
Christs
hand
it
shall
alone
continue
,
till
the
end
of
the
world
;
at
which
time
,
the
son
also
himself
shall
be
subject
unto
him
that
put
all
things
under
him
;
that
God
might
be
all
in
all
:
that
is
,
may
personally
and
immediately
again
govern
that
new
Heaven
and
new
earth
,
wherein
dwelleth
righteousness
:
whereas
the
iniquities
and
violence
of
men
in
this
world
,
had
by
degrees
caused
him
to
make
this
his
recess
from
appearing
in
their
government
himself
,
as
we
shall
in
brief
declare
.
In
the
first
age
God
appears
as
in
person
,
and
speaks
by
lively
voice
in
the
emergencies
of
mans
directions
;
for
so
appears
he
to
Adam
in
his
instructions
:
and
although
he
hide
himself
for
fear
of
guilt
,
yet
his
acknowledging
to
have
heard
his
voice
in
the
Garden
,
shews
plainly
he
was
used
thereunto
.
Am
I
my
brothers
keeper
?
all
flesh
had
corrupted
their
way
,
and
that
God
saw
the
immaginations
of
mans
heart
was
evil
,
and
that
continually
,
he
resolved
his
Spirit
should
no
more
strive
with
man
:
repenting
that
he
made
man
,
After
the
flood
,
God
begins
to
give
standing
directions
for
mans
guidance
;
and
submits
the
execution
of
them
to
man
also
:
God
will
not
longer
immediately
reprove
and
punish
(
as
in
the
case
of
Abel
)
but
whosoever
sheddeth
mans
blood
,
by
man
shall
his
blood
be
shed
.
Which
Precept
,
as
we
may
not
(
as
before
noted
)
conceive
given
,
that
murther
should
be
punished
with
murther
;
by
leaving
every
person
power
to
kill
in
revenge
,
as
he
saw
cause
;
so
,
we
may
farther
gather
what
was
the
Officer
designed
hereunto
,
by
that
blessing
which
God
gave
unto
Abraham
(
the
person
he
next
appeared
unto
)
when
he
said
,
I
will
make
Nations
of
thee
,
and
Kings
shall
come
out
of
thee
.
After
this
promise
,
we
shall
finde
that
Gods
next
appearance
to
Abraham
is
by
Angels
,
not
by
himself
,
as
formerly
to
him
and
others
he
may
be
noted
to
have
onely
done
:
and
in
this
way
of
manifestation
,
he
ordinarily
continued
till
Moses
:
after
whom
another
sort
of
messengers
succeeded
of
a
lower
allay
,
namely
Prophets
.
The
which
as
they
served
to
give
divine
direction
in
that
particular
kingdom
of
the
Jews
(
during
its
time
of
Theocrity
)
so
did
they
cease
at
the
coming
of
our
Saviour
,
and
calling
of
the
Gentiles
:
for
they
prophesied
but
till
John
;
who
may
be
said
to
conclude
these
appearances
for
direction
in
our
Government
,
which
should
come
from
that
person
of
the
God-head
that
made
the
world
,
and
to
foreshew
all
power
to
be
managed
by
that
person
that
redeemed
it
;
that
is
by
Christ
:
by
whose
Authority
and
Precepts
we
were
to
be
outwardly
governed
,
as
well
as
to
be
inwardly
guided
by
those
of
the
Holy
Ghost
:
of
which
,
more
in
the
Discourse
of
Religion
,
as
also
of
the
surcease
of
miraculous
appearances
.
Christ
being
thus
become
King
of
Kings
,
we
are
not
to
expect
him
expresly
putting
in
these
his
several
Deputies
;
no
more
then
while
he
is
doing
any
thing
else
.
It
is
enough
that
he
hath
left
us
his
own
,
and
his
Apostles
many
Precepts
for
obedience
unto
them
:
which
surely
he
would
never
have
done
,
if
such
an
office
were
not
to
have
still
continued
.
It
is
enough
we
have
Moses
and
the
Prophets
setting
forth
this
succession
of
kingship
as
Gods
Vicegerents
:
if
through
stubbornness
,
We
will
not
believe
them
,
neither
will
we
believe
though
one
should
rise
from
the
dead
.
Therefore
,
as
Christ
was
to
succeed
his
Father
in
his
Regency
of
men
here
below
,
so
doth
he
not
alter
the
way
and
form
of
administration
thereof
by
Kings
formerly
used
:
nor
yet
the
substance
and
general
scope
of
those
former
Precepts
,
by
God
given
to
that
purpose
:
but
leaving
the
one
as
well
as
the
other
to
stand
in
force
by
his
not
repealing
them
,
he
may
then
be
supposed
also
to
have
made
his
recess
from
personal
administration
for
our
good
,
upon
the
same
ground
that
God
himself
did
before
:
to
wit
,
that
those
frequent
repetitions
of
impiety
,
oppression
,
and
other
sins
which
we
hourly
commit
,
might
not
be
continually
provoking
divine
Justice
to
our
destruction
.
For
so
we
finde
God
saying
to
the
Israelites
,
Exod.
33
3.
I
will
not
go
up
in
the
midst
of
thee
,
for
thou
art
a
stiff-necked
people
,
lest
I
consume
thee
in
the
way
.
And
as
this
was
by
God
spoken
after
the
promulgation
of
the
Law
,
and
just
upon
his
promise
of
sending
an
Angel
or
chief
governor
(
like
Joshua
)
before
them
(
as
is
set
down
in
the
verse
before
)
so
may
we
finde
Christ
also
,
for
the
space
of
forty
days
spoken
of
the
things
pertaining
to
the
kingdom
of
God
,
(
and
that
to
the
Apostles
his
then
supreme
Deputies
)
to
make
his
recess
likewise
,
from
immediate
administration
in
the
things
of
this
world
:
reteining
to
himself
still
,
his
high
prerogative
of
King
of
Kings
,
his
actual
Session
at
the
right
hand
of
God
,
far
above
all
principalities
and
powers
.
And
so
far
should
this
delegation
be
from
lessening
Gods
or
Christs
just
power
in
our
esteem
,
as
it
will
upon
due
consideration
increase
it
:
for
omnipotency
should
not
be
omnipotency
,
if
potency
of
any
kind
were
excluded
.
And
therefore
,
as
in
the
general
course
of
Providence
,
his
Almightiness
is
the
more
apparent
,
by
enabling
second
causes
and
weak
instruments
to
produce
and
execute
effects
proper
to
deity
onely
:
so
in
this
particular
of
Government
(
by
delegation
)
to
authorise
and
enable
others
,
which
of
themselves
could
otherwise
claim
neither
power
nor
right
herein
,
it
doth
,
by
conferring
one
another
without
diminution
in
himself
,
so
far
(
by
addition
)
imply
an
augmentation
of
power
:
inasmuch
as
self-ability
(
simply
considered
)
is
not
so
large
,
as
when
(
unconfinedly
all
things
)
,
or
any
thing
can
be
made
susceptible
of
this
strength
.
In
which
doing
,
the
weakness
of
the
instrument
will
also
increase
the
reputation
of
the
Agent
,
by
having
his
strength
made
perfect
and
apparent
in
weakness
:
when
from
so
low
a
degree
,
So
that
now
,
we
ought
rather
to
admire
and
magnifie
the
ways
of
Gods
government
amongst
us
,
then
by
such
reprobate
and
Athiestical
Tenents
,
seek
to
dethrone
him
,
and
set
up
our selves
in
his
stead
.
For
if
our
Pactions
and
Associations
here
below
,
can
once
make
us
independent
on
him
;
what
will
they
be
,
but
Conjurations
and
Conspiracies
against
Heaven
?
and
so
(
upon
the
matter
)
must
he
be
subject
to
our
apprehensions
and
appetites
;
and
either
in
the
way
of
government
,
operate
as
expresly
and
personally
as
in
former
times
,
or
else
,
must
we
conclude
it
reasonable
to
deny
his
care
,
or
interest
therein
at
all
?
As
if
,
because
God
was
onely
known
more
immediately
to
create
the
first
man
,
therefore
,
all
now
must
owe
their
Creation
to
their
Parents
only
;
as
not
having
in
our
sense
any
other
cause
of
production
,
then
the
known
way
of
generation
,
common
to
us
with
all
other
things
.
Or
,
because
God
doth
not
now
rain
Manna
,
Quails
,
or
other
things
from
Heaven
,
as
to
the
Jews
he
sometimes
did
;
but
that
the
Sun
,
the
Earth
,
and
other
Elements
(
together
with
mans
industry
)
are
the
onely
sensible
immediate
conveyers
and
causes
of
all
our
food
and
other
benefits
we
enjoy
,
it
is
therefore
reason
that
our
ignorance
in
his
ways
of
dispensation
;
should
forthwith
exclude
our
acknowledgement
of
his
care
and
providence
:
and
make
the
usual
returns
of
thanks
we
give
for
such
things
,
appear
rather
to
proceed
from
complement
then
duty
.
By
this
Doctrine
,
we
may
as
well
also
conclude
against
mans
right
of
Dominion
over
other
Creatures
;
because
the
first
Dominion
was
immediately
given
to
Adam
and
Noah
onely
:
when
yet
,
(
by
priviledge
of
birth
)
we
have
right
to
inherit
also
whatsoever
belonged
to
them
as
men
:
this
being
a
natural
and
common
,
and
not
a
personal
prerogative
onely
.
The
like
we
must
hold
,
of
heirship
to
the
government
of
a
Family
:
not
making
its
power
dependant
on
the
Will
,
or
any
consent
to
be
derived
from
Wife
,
Children
,
or
Servants
;
but
he
exercising
and
enjoying
it
as
proper
to
the
Office
.
And
what
were
this
Doctrine
,
but
to
overthrow
and
walk
quite
contrary
to
the
Doctrine
of
Christianity
?
which
constitutes
,
and
commends
Faith
,
where
present
sense
is
wanting
:
and
in
matters
of
divine
doctrine
or
example
pronounceth
him
happy
that
shall
not
see
and
yet
believe
.
that
we
know
not
so
much
as
whether
there
be
a
Holy
Ghost
or
no
?
But
,
in
sum
,
this
power
of
Kings
,
belongs
to
them
as
Kings
:
and
by
vertue
of
these
their
Offices
,
it
is
that
God
owns
the
very
Heathen
,
as
servants
and
Deputies
to
himself
:
Nebuchadnezzar
,
Cyrus
,
&c.
held
and
exercised
their
Authorities
,
and
yet
had
no
special
revelation
or
Ministery
for
their
enthroning
,
as
had
Saul
,
or
David
;
or
different
from
other
Princes
.
And
(
indeed
)
if
this
power
came
not
by
office
,
then
are
all
hereditary
Princes
but
usurpers
;
and
falsly
said
,
to
reign
in
their
fathers
stead
:
for
how
could
they
reign
without
power
,
and
have
power
without
special
ministration
?
As
for
example
,
Solomon
held
his
Kingdom
from
God
,
and
by
as
good
right
as
his
Father
;
and
that
by
force
of
his
Office
and
Unction
;
although
ministred
but
in
the
ordinary
way
,
and
at
his
Fathers
command
onely
:
he
held
it
not
from
any
paction
of
the
people
;
who
rather
looked
on
Adoniah
as
the
true
heir
,
and
accordingly
joyned
with
him
in
rebellion
.
And
if
any
think
,
that
it
was
in
regard
of
some
special
occasion
,
God
was
to
employ
Nebuchadnezzar
,
&c.
that
they
were
thus
particularly
owned
;
this
is
not
denyed
;
but
the
question
is
,
whether
that
extraordinary
power
,
or
that
ordinary
one
over
their
Subjects
(
common
to
them
with
other
Princes
)
came
by
any
extraordinary
revelation
or
designation
from
Heaven
?
so
,
as
both
to
enable
their
subjects
to
elect
and
appoint
those
individual
persons
,
(
without
regard
to
their
right
otherwise
)
and
then
,
those
persons
also
to
act
and
execute
accordingly
.
But
although
nothing
extraordinarily
appeared
,
yet
do
these
Kings
confess
their
power
from
God
:
Dei
Gratia
;
and
acknowledge
the
holding
their
kingdoms
and
powers
from
God
onely
.
To
this
purpose
(
amongst
Christians
especially
)
their
Crowns
,
Scepters
,
Swords
,
&c.
(
as
Emblems
of
power
)
are
first
offered
,
and
then
received
from
the
Altar
:
by
the
last
act
acknowledging
their
power
from
God
onely
;
by
the
other
offering
it
to
his
glory
and
service
,
the
main
end
of
policy
.
And
therefore
,
though
Jephtah
had
an
ordinary
way
of
entrance
to
the
Government
,
namely
(
by
making
Association
)
he
was
brought
in
by
the
faction
and
assistance
of
the
Gileadites
;
yet
is
he
reckoned
sent
of
God
,
as
well
as
Jerubaal
,
Bedan
,
and
Samuel
;
who
had
extraordinary
ministration
,
So
that
,
although
God
do
leave
those
intervenient
actions
of
Succession
,
Election
,
Conquest
,
&c.
to
the
same
ordinary
event
of
Providence
with
other
things
in
mens
choice
and
dispose
,
(
which
may
therefore
(
in
a
sort
)
be
called
a
humane
Creature
)
yet
the
collation
of
power
is
from
him
onely
:
no
otherwise
then
in
marriage
,
the
Husbands
power
over
the
Wife
depends
of
it self
,
and
not
on
any
resignation
from
〈◊〉
:
although
,
for
her
greater
obligation
toobedience
,
her
consent
be
ne●●ssary
.
And
therefore
,
those
that
would
wrest
those
words
of
humane
Creature
,
to
import
that
all
kindes
of
Regiment
and
power
which
men
exercise
one
over
another
,
is
but
of
humane
Authority
and
institution
,
would
make
the
Apostle
contrary
to
himself
:
for
it
is
plain
,
that
he
,
writing
to
the
converted
Jews
(
amongst
other
admonitions
to
good
behavior
)
to
observe
this
of
submission
to
Authority
,
could
not
be
imagined
to
have
made
that
an
Argument
thereunto
,
which
should
have
been
quite
destructive
thereof
.
For
if
the
Argument
had
run
thus
,
You
are
to
submit
your selves
to
all
such
forms
of
Government
as
you
shall
be
under
;
inasmuch
as
they
being
all
but
things
of
humane
device
,
and
having
no
power
but
what
they
(
as
a
new
sort
of
humane
Creatures
)
had
received
from
those
many
deities
their
own
Subjects
,
it
is
therefore
Reason
that
you
should
submit
your selves
unto
them
for
the
Lords
sake
,
even
because
your selves
,
as
setters
of
them
up
,
have
power
above
them
.
No
certainly
,
it
is
best
to
interpret
humane
Creature
(
or
Man
in
the
general
)
to
imply
,
and
be
put
,
by
way
of
excellence
,
for
man
in
particular
:
that
is
,
for
that
supreme
and
eminent
person
in
each
Country
,
who
,
as
the
representer
of
all
men
therein
,
had
Authority
to
command
every
humane
creature
in
his
jurisdiction
.
For
we
are
to
submit
our selves
to
every
Ordinance
of
man
,
thus
vertually
and
collectively
considered
,
and
not
to
every
Ordinance
of
every
man
else
,
that
should
take
upon
him
to
command
us
.
Because
this
were
to
confound
the
persons
submitting
,
with
those
to
be
submitted
unto
:
and
to
make
the
injunction
useless
,
if
to
be
fulfilled
by
what
we
,
as
men
,
did
enjoyn
to
our selves
;
or
impossible
,
if
bound
to
submit
to
every
man
besides
.
Whereupon
we
may
conceive
,
that
,
by
way
of
pre-occupation
,
those
words
of
humane
Creature
,
or
humane
Ordinance
,
are
put
in
with
that
latitude
by
St.
Peter
.
Namely
,
the
better
to
fasten
their
subjection
,
who
(
having
had
amongst
themselves
,
the
office
and
race
of
their
Kings
so
expresly
designed
from
God
himself
,
)
might
else
have
bogled
at
the
submission
to
kingship
elsewhere
:
as
thinking
them
but
of
humane
device
and
power
.
And
therefore
we
may
interpret
him
,
admonishing
them
(
who
were
now
to
have
their
conversation
honest
amongst
the
Gentiles
)
to
be
subject
to
these
higher
powers
,
although
no
such
express
divine
designation
did
so
appear
,
powers
were
of
God
:
for
the
Lords
sake
,
that
was
the
Author
of
every
just
derived
power
.
Which
words
for
the
Lords
sake
,
as
they
may
serve
to
explain
the
power
to
be
of
God
,
Lords
sake
:
namely
to
Kings
as
supreme
,
or
to
governors
as
sent
of
him
:
of
which
more
hereafter
.
submission
one
to
another
,
shall
be
made
good
,
by
giving
it
to
our
Elders
;
or
to
such
as
from
the
Lord
have
power
to
require
it
:
honor
all
men
,
(
which
would
have
seemed
a
strange
as
well
as
difficult
precept
)
is
in
the
same
verse
explained
,
by
Honor
the
King
.
honor
all
men
,
and
give
every
one
their
due
.
For
as
by
fearing
God
above
all
,
I
give
fear
to
whom
fear
;
so
by
honoring
the
King
,
I
give
honor
to
whom
honor
?
So
that
lastly
,
by
this
restriction
of
all
humane
Ordinance
and
Authority
unto
Kings
as
supreme
,
we
may
note
St.
Peter
to
be
explanatory
of
his
brother
Paul
:
who
,
in
his
Epistles
,
as
he
had
many
things
hard
to
be
understood
,
and
which
the
unlearned
and
unstable
did
wrest
to
their
own
destruction
;
so
this
wresting
,
and
the
damnation
or
destruction
thereupon
following
,
was
nowhere
to
be
so
much
feared
,
as
by
interpreting
that
those
higher
Powers
he
appoints
us
to
be
subject
unto
,
are
but
such
as
are
indeed
the
lowest
powers
;
being
but
such
as
are
ordained
of
our selves
:
and
not
such
as
are
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
rightfully
derived
powers
from
the
true
I
am
,
or
original
Being
himself
:
and
so
given
by
him
to
one
Deacon
or
Minister
here
below
,
viz.
to
the
King
:
to
whom
therefore
we
are
to
be
subject
for
the
Lords
sake
,
that
is
,
in
acknowledgement
of
Gods
power
abiding
in
him
,
so
far
as
to
authorize
him
in
this
his
Office
.
And
therefore
,
it
will
now
appear
a
most
unreasonable
supposition
,
that
any
should
give
what
they
never
had
:
for
from
whom
had
the
people
this
power
?
Why
should
we
confound
,
or
substract
their
relation
as
subjects
;
and
,
instead
of
a
capacity
to
be
governed
,
think
they
had
power
of
governing
?
Or
,
if
they
had
,
who
was
then
the
governed
?
For
take
away
one
relation
,
the
other
will
also
fall
.
Or
,
will
you
suppose
in
them
a
vain
power
,
that
should
never
be
brought
into
act
in
them
,
as
in
the
hands
it
was
first
put
?
Why
should
we
think
God
so
unnecessary
in
his
dispensations
?
Is
it
not
more
agreeable
with
reason
and
truth
,
to
put
this
power
directly
into
the
hands
of
the
persons
that
should
manage
it
,
then
by
such
long
deviations
,
first
to
give
it
to
the
people
,
that
the
people
may
give
it
to
the
Prince
,
that
the
Prince
may
again
give
,
and
make
use
of
it
unto
,
and
upon
the
people
:
and
all
to
no
other
end
,
but
by
this
reciprocal
dependency
,
to
be
at
last
,
both
of
them
independent
on
the
true
Author
of
all
power
,
which
is
God
himself
.
But
this
opinion
of
the
Prince
his
dependent
power
on
the
Peoples
,
grows
usually
from
the
observation
men
make
,
of
the
different
powers
which
Princes
have
over
their
Subjects
,
in
comparison
of
one
another
:
as
thereupon
concluding
,
that
if
this
power
belong
to
the
Office
,
and
to
Kings
as
Kings
,
and
that
from
God
(
who
is
no
respecter
of
persons
,
but
gives
to
every
man
,
and
so
to
Kings
,
what
is
due
and
necessary
for
their
callings
)
how
comes
one
King
to
be
less
absolute
then
another
?
Is
it
not
(
say
they
)
from
the
different
stipulations
with
their
people
,
at
their
Coronations
and
Elections
;
when
by
them
,
they
are
tyed
to
the
observation
of
such
Laws
and
Customs
as
do
more
or
less
streighten
them
?
By
which
means
(
changing
the
former
Argument
about
derivation
of
Kingly
power
it self
,
into
the
manner
or
measure
of
its
execution
)
they
think
to
obtain
their
conclusion
.
But
the
Question
is
not
,
whether
the
proprietors
of
any
thing
by
the
Law
of
God
or
Nature
(
not
being
particulary
restrained
)
may
suspend
or
dispose
of
part
of
their
rights
,
or
not
;
but
it
is
,
whether
Princes
be
hereof
proprietors
,
or
not
.
And
they
that
think
Princes
are
impowered
from
their
subjects
,
have
their
mistake
hereof
,
because
from
these
obtrusions
or
Pactions
they
think
them
to
have
their
power
,
when
instead
of
giving
they
are
but
restrictions
and
abatements
thereof
:
for
so
,
upon
good
heed
it
wil
be
found
;
and
that
these
liberties
of
people
,
have
arisen
but
from
the
grants
of
former
Princes
;
and
not
Princes
power
from
them
:
even
thereby
acknowledging
,
all
power
to
spring
from
its
proper
root
.
So
that
,
when
people
lay
claim
to
any
Priviledge
,
the
Charter
or
Grant
of
such
and
such
a
Prince
is
alledged
,
as
its
ground
and
Authority
:
wherein
they
then
being
petitioners
,
and
●●il
stiling
themselves
subjects
,
there
is
no
more
reason
why
the
indulgence
of
former
Princes
,
or
Rebellion
or
Force
of
Subjects
,
should
be
of
more
avail
to
despoil
Princes
of
their
just
power
and
Soveraignty
,
then
for
Wife
or
Children
,
in
any
Association
of
theirs
(
by
way
of
Fact
)
to
take
on
them
the
rights
and
power
of
Master
of
the
Family
.
For
although
in
different
Countries
and
places
,
the
Marital
or
Paternal
power
is
more
or
less
,
and
so
also
,
Bishops
,
Pastors
,
&c.
are
in
some
places
restrained
more
then
in
others
(
in
Ordaining
,
Preaching
,
Baptizing
,
and
also
in
jurisdiction
and
government
)
shall
we
therefore
conclude
,
their
Offices
and
Powers
was
not
at
first
founded
,
and
so
to
continue
as
from
God
;
but
is
at
the
liberty
of
Wife
,
Children
,
or
People
,
both
how
far
,
and
whether
it
shall
be
so
or
no.
And
to
come
yet
neerer
,
because
they
are
usually
esteemed
the
greatest
Princes
that
have
greatest
store
of
Subjects
;
it
should
be
thence
thought
that
their
power
was
from
people
;
because
encreased
according
to
their
power
,
and
number
.
What
shall
we
then
think
of
such
as
have
power
encreased
from
their
wealth
,
from
their
Forts
,
Magazines
,
Arms
,
Navy
;
or
by
the
valour
and
military
discipline
of
their
people
?
What
is
power
therefore
first
in
these
things
,
and
from
them
derived
to
Princes
?
doth
the
Artificer
receive
the
power
or
skill
belonging
to
him
,
as
Artificer
,
from
the
instruments
?
can
they
make
no
difference
between
having
power
over
,
and
receiving
power
from
?
What
do
Princes
Treasures
,
Militia
,
&c.
convene
in
their
underived
Majesties
;
and
freely
elect
also
?
have
Military
subjects
double
or
treble
Votes
,
because
they
have
more
power
?
Nay
,
are
not
Princes
to
derive
all
their
power
from
them
,
for
they
usually
set
them
up
and
uphold
them
?
nothing
less
reasonable
.
For
,
as
that
Father
,
that
hath
none
but
weak
or
indigent
Children
,
is
yet
as
much
,
and
truely
a
Father
,
as
he
that
hath
rich
and
potent
ones
:
even
so
,
these
additions
do
not
constitute
formally
the
power
or
office
of
any
King
or
Monarch
,
but
are
onely
accessory
qualifications
,
to
difference
them
in
their
comparative
powers
from
one
another
.
And
therefore
,
although
in
the
glory
of
such
actions
of
Children
or
Subjects
,
that
flow
not
formally
from
their
relations
as
such
,
and
do
yet
reach
to
the
honoring
of
their
Father
or
Prince
,
it
may
be
said
,
that
honor
is
in
the
honoring
,
and
not
in
the
honored
,
(
meaning
that
it
is
in
the
honoring
first
)
yet
can
neither
they
,
nor
any
subordinate
Corelate
(
as
heretofore
noted
)
be
truely
said
to
be
originals
of
any
honor
or
power
,
formally
in
them
,
by
vertue
of
that
relation
,
wherein
Father
,
Prince
,
or
other
Superiors
stood
to
them
as
principle
:
but
,
on
the
other
side
,
since
they
voluntarily
entred
not
into
these
relations
,
nor
had
been
Sons
or
Subjects
,
had
not
the
intervenient
acts
of
Generation
,
Conquest
,
&c.
made
them
such
,
it
must
follow
,
that
what
was
the
Author
and
Cause
of
that
relation
,
must
be
Author
and
Original
of
that
Honor
which
is
thereby
caused
:
and
may
consequently
,
challenge
the
propriety
and
disposal
thereof
.
Whereupon
we
may
infer
,
that
such
Concessions
of
predecessors
,
are
no
more
binding
,
then
the
presidents
of
an
indulgent
Parent
,
ought
of
right
to
take
from
the
heir
that
power
,
which
afterwards
,
as
Father
of
a
Family
,
shall
come
to
be
necessary
and
due
unto
him
:
but
as
forceable
Entries
,
are
in
Law
and
Equity
held
invalid
towards
the
disseisin
of
a
true
proprietor
,
the
like
must
be
held
in
these
usurpations
and
encroachments
on
the
Soveraignty
.
And
therefore
,
as
they
,
supposing
power
in
the
people
,
do
thence
infer
,
that
as
they
are
trusters
,
so
,
they
are
to
re-assume
as
they
think
good
:
so
,
it
now
truly
appearing
that
power
is
from
the
Soveraign
,
if
he
,
or
his
predecessors
,
have
indulged
more
then
he
findes
,
will
now
stand
with
publike
good
,
he
may
rightfully
reassume
also
.
From
all
which
premises
we
may
conclude
,
Soveraignty
to
be
a
Power
deputed
from
God
to
one
person
;
for
the
Government
of
such
or
such
a
Kingdom
or
Society
.
From
God
I
call
it
;
because
(
as
elsewhere
shewed
)
all
power
is
from
him
onely
:
and
to
one
person
it
must
be
,
because
as
the
original
of
power
affects
unity
in
himself
,
so
was
he
never
found
equally
to
distribute
or
entrust
it
otherways
.
If
you
will
,
you
may
call
Soveraignty
the
puissance
of
any
Society
,
united
in
one
person
,
for
the
attaining
political
ends
.
Where
(
by
Puissance
)
is
understood
that
natural
Force
,
Vertue
,
Vigor
,
or
Ability
,
which
the
Subjects
had
before
to
operate
externally
;
which
doth
now
come
by
this
congression
,
as
the
sticks
of
a
Faggot
by
the
band
,
(
according
to
the
usual
tale
or
allusion
of
the
old
man
to
his
Children
for
Unity
)
to
receive
such
augmentation
of
strength
,
as
to
accomplish
and
subdue
those
ends
and
difficulties
,
which
divided
,
were
not
to
be
done
:
so
that
as
without
it
,
the
Major
part
took
on
them
(
as
the
representative
whole
)
uncontrolable
power
over
the
Minor
,
so
the
Prince
being
no
more
truely
the
whole
,
hath
irresistable
power
also
.
By
external
operations
,
is
meant
the
prosecution
of
such
desires
as
may
be
of
a
forraign
concern
onely
,
or
that
have
influence
or
respect
beyond
the
party
acting
;
for
otherwise
,
my
own
will
is
still
director
.
But
,
where
loss
or
gain
cannot
be
wholly
centred
in
my self
,
rules
of
association
do
require
,
that
application
and
direction
be
made
and
sought
from
the
common
center
of
a
Commonwealth
.
Therefore
although
,
in
natural
strength
and
bodily
force
,
the
Prince
continue
still
but
of
equal
ability
to
others
,
yet
,
through
this
resignation
(
by
submission
)
having
more
then
all
,
he
is
of
power
to
act
against
all
opposition
;
according
as
reason
and
political
good
shall
dictate
.
Political
ends
,
or
the
good
of
association
;
is
either
that
of
Peace
,
or
that
of
Plenty
:
the
one
made
by
submitting
our
own
several
powers
of
decision
unto
the
determination
of
one
uncontrolable
Judge
,
the
other
by
his
distributing
(
as
from
a
Center
again
)
to
people
(
the
circumference
)
the
assurances
of
propriety
,
protection
,
&
other
benefits
,
consistent
with
political
utility
&
justice
.
This
vigor
is
not
onely
gotten
by
way
of
addition
or
accumulation
,
as
when
(
for
the
removal
of
the
strength
or
opposition
of
a
powerful
faction
)
he
is
assisted
with
the
strength
of
others
,
but
sometimes
,
by
suspention
of
vigor
in
the
subjects
:
whereby
,
his
power
comes
to
be
more
,
by
their
having
less
:
or
,
by
their
obedience
,
he
grows
able
to
command
.
If
you
will
have
a
larger
description
,
Soveraignty
,
which
establisheth
true
policy
,
is
an
apparent
,
certain
,
and
accessible
union
of
irresistable
power
.
Apparent
and
certain
(
I
say
)
for
else
how
shall
littigant
parties
know
where
to
make
their
addresses
?
accessible
it
must
be
also
,
both
for
the
last
appeals
sake
,
or
what
else
it
shall
choose
to
act
by
it self
;
otherwise
it
s
being
is
in
vain
:
And
thereupon
,
union
it
must
have
in
it self
;
how
else
can
it
give
to
others
?
For
,
in
this
respect
,
it
must
be
(
as
before
said
)
like
the
Center
in
a
circle
;
for
there
,
as
the
singleness
of
the
Center
makes
the
union
and
meeting
of
the
circumference
,
and
consequently
but
one
Circle
;
so
two
Centers
,
though
never
so
like
and
neer
,
yet
(
having
circumferences
drawn
from
them
)
will
make
two
Circles
.
And
further
,
as
the
Center
gives
being
to
the
circumference
,
so
the
circumference
to
it
again
:
for
until
this
be
drawn
,
the
center
is
but
a
point
;
as
untill
the
subjects
be
,
the
King
is
but
as
another
man
.
And
as
,
until
this
Center
be
fixed
(
whereby
to
measure
equal
distances
on
all
hands
)
it
will
remaine
an
uncertain
round
,
and
not
a
Circle
:
so
in
policy
,
till
the
body
of
the
people
are
fixed
upon
an
unity
(
as
upon
a
Center
)
they
have
no
assurance
of
equal
and
certain
proportions
amongst
themselves
:
but
,
as
all
lines
are
made
of
points
,
so
,
these
individuals
,
striving
to
make
up
this
Circle
without
a
Center
,
or
making
two
or
more
Centers
,
they
will
in
the
latter
case
,
make
two
or
more
Circles
or
Common-weales
;
and
in
the
other
(
as
wanting
a
common
and
perfect
rule
or
measure
)
make
it
(
like
an
unequal
round
or
circumference
)
to
consist
of
many
irregularities
and
factions
.
And
then
again
,
as
the
Center
of
the
earth
hath
in
its
union
the
vertue
of
the
whole
Globe
,
insomuch
as
the
desire
of
approach
of
massy
bodies
(
which
we
commonly
call
motion
of
gravity
)
is
directed
to
it
,
and
not
to
all
or
any
part
of
the
circumference
besides
;
so
,
this
union
of
property
and
power
,
must
first
be
united
in
one
Center
of
Soveraignty
;
that
so
,
the
whole
force
and
vigour
,
resting
now
there
(
like
as
one
foot
of
the
compass
must
fix
and
make
the
Center
before
the
other
can
make
the
Circle
)
subjects
may
be
capable
of
an
harmonious
receit
and
direction
from
thence
againe
,
by
the
strait
lines
of
attraction
and
entercourse
:
which
,
as
it
will
prove
neerest
their
journeys
end
,
namely
the
attaining
political
good
(
called
peace
&
plenty
)
so
will
it
also
keep
them
,
from
justling
or
enterfering
upon
one
another
,
in
their
addresses
and
desires
;
and
thereby
avoid
political
evil
,
which
is
civil
war
.
For
if
any
faction
of
the
people
,
should
grow
to
that
greatness
and
temerity
,
as
to
disanul
soveraign
command
;
then
should
soveraignty
be
no
soveraignty
,
nor
political
happiness
at
all
attainable
;
the
measure
or
way
thereunto
being
thus
lost
or
uncertain
:
no
more
,
then
if
the
force
of
union
or
attraction
,
should
be
greater
or
equal
in
any
part
of
the
earths
circumference
then
in
the
Center
,
it
could
still
keep
its
round
figure
;
or
indeed
have
any
determinate
figure
at
all
:
but
,
by
this
uncertain
,
or
unequal
direction
and
addition
of
massy
bodies
,
some
one
part
of
the
circumference
unproportionably
swelling
,
the
Center
must
alter
also
:
whereby
,
for
want
of
setled
place
in
that
element
,
it
should
not
be
able
to
operate
in
due
manner
.
So
in
States
and
Kingdomes
,
if
they
have
not
a
common
Center
of
desire
and
good
,
or
have
not
the
same
so
definite
and
certain
,
but
that
all
or
any
parts
of
the
people
may
take
upon
them
,
according
to
their
separate
appetites
to
judge
and
determine
of
good
and
bad
,
what
equality
or
proportion
can
the
whole
have
?
for
this
differing
and
doubtful
application
,
will
not
onely
render
it
weak
and
disfigured
,
but
also
one
part
destructive
to
another
.
So
that
no
government
can
be
rightly
called
a
Commonwealth
,
or
one
Commonwealth
,
where
the
supreme
power
and
interest
is
not
centred
in
one
person
.
For
,
in
Monarchy
,
as
there
is
a
personal
,
so
is
there
a
natural
and
necessary
union
:
when
as
in
all
Pollarchies
,
there
is
still
a
natural
and
necessary
division
of
persons
and
interest
,
and
only
an
accidental
and
contingent
union
,
occasioned
by
some
foraign
fear
.
In
which
case
,
they
may
be
supposed
for
a
time
strengthened
and
united
by
way
of
Antiperistasis
only
:
Whereas
the
Monarch
,
having
an
unity
in
himself
,
must
constantly
remain
so
.
As
we
have
a
pertinent
simile
of
this
agreggation
of
power
,
property
,
&c.
in
the
Monarch
,
in
that
vision
of
Nebuchadnezzar
(
wherein
himself
as
that
great
goodly
tree
,
is
represented
as
the
common
author
of
protection
and
food
for
all
sorts
)
even
so
we
have
a
plain
direction
to
this
unity
,
If
there
arise
a
matter
too
hard
for
thee
in
judgement
,
between
blood
and
blood
,
between
plea
and
plea
,
and
between
stroak
and
stroak
,
being
matters
of
controversie
within
thy
gates
:
then
shalt
thou
rise
and
get
thee
to
the
place
which
the
Lord
thy
God
shall
choose
,
and
thou
shalt
come
unto
the
Priests
and
Levits
(
meaning
for
decision
in
matters
of
Religion
)
and
unto
the
Judge
that
shall
be
in
those
dayes
,
and
enquire
,
and
they
shall
shew
thee
the
sentence
of
judgement
:
and
thou
shalt
do
according
to
the
sentence
of
judgement
which
they
of
that
place
which
the
Lord
thy
God
shall
choose
,
shall
shew
thee
:
and
thou
shalt
observe
to
do
according
to
all
that
they
inform
thee
,
according
to
the
sentence
of
law
which
they
shall
teach
thee
,
and
according
to
the
judgement
which
they
shal
tell
thee
thou
shalt
do
:
thou
shalt
not
decline
from
the
sentence
which
they
shall
shew
thee
,
to
the
right
hand
or
to
the
left
,
and
the
man
that
will
do
presumptously
;
and
will
not
hearken
unto
the
Priest
that
standeth
to
Minister
before
the
Lord
thy
God
,
or
unto
the
Judge
:
even
that
man
shall
dye
,
and
thou
shalt
put
away
evil
from
Israel
:
and
all
the
people
shall
hear
and
fear
,
and
do
no
more
presumptuously
.
Here
we
finde
an
express
and
direct
injunction
to
obey
the
supreme
definitive
sentence
,
aswell
as
a
promise
to
constitute
one
:
no
pretence
of
our
private
judgements
,
can
warrant
us
to
decline
from
their
sentence
,
to
the
right
hand
nor
to
the
left
.
Marke
we
not
,
how
many
strong
,
and
urgent
commands
here
are
,
and
how
often
pressed
and
repeated
,
for
maintenance
of
this
Soveraigne
united
power
in
the
person
of
one
Judge
.
For
as
all
Israel
was
contained
in
the
tribes
,
and
every
tribe
united
in
its
own
Fathers
and
Elders
,
so
,
for
common
unity
,
and
quieting
their
differences
again
amongst
themselves
(
being
there
called
Blood
and
blood
,
and
between
plea
and
plea
)
one
common
and
uncontroleable
Judge
is
to
be
set
up
and
obeyed
:
from
whose
sentence
they
are
not
to
depart
,
under
any
pretence
of
law
or
equity
to
the
contrary
.
For
although
the
Law
had
been
given
to
the
whole
people
,
yet
are
they
not
to
interpret
it
,
but
to
do
according
to
the
sentence
of
law
which
they
shall
teach
.
And
,
under
the
notion
of
the
Judge
that
shall
be
in
those
dayes
,
he
is
to
be
obeyed
either
actively
or
passively
,
however
tyrannical
or
unjust
his
sentence
may
appear
:
because
between
plea
and
plea
(
or
where
law
is
on
both
sides
pleaded
)
there
the
definitive
sentence
is
to
be
enquired
and
obeyed
from
this
supreme
Judge
onely
:
that
is
(
as
before
said
)
either
actively
by
prosecuting
(
according
to
their
utmost
devoire
)
all
his
lawful
commands
,
or
passively
,
by
enduring
the
penalty
or
punishment
,
in
cases
plainly
against
the
Law
of
God
.
For
as
Gods
Law
,
in
regard
he
is
the
fountaine
of
power
,
and
supreme
Judge
of
all
,
ought
in
the
first
place
to
be
obeyed
;
so
,
even
in
that
very
case
,
disobey
the
Magistrate
they
did
not
,
inasmuch
as
,
where
obedience
or
penalty
were
both
set
before
them
as
eligible
,
they
might
chuse
either
of
them
.
But
however
,
active
resistance
or
rebellion
(
there
called
doing
presumptuously
and
not
hearkening
)
is
neither
in
lawfull
or
unlawfull
commands
,
(
that
is
,
neither
on
the
right
hand
,
nor
on
the
left
)
to
be
tolerated
;
but
to
be
punished
(
as
so
presumptuous
an
offence
doth
deserve
)
with
no
less
then
death
;
to
the
end
that
all
Israel
,
(
or
the
whole
People
)
may
fear
,
and
do
no
more
presumptuously
;
or
attempt
again
to
rebell
.
And
,
least
it
might
yet
be
doubted
what
manner
of
person
this
should
be
that
must
have
such
great
obedience
,
the
next
Verse
(
by
way
of
Prophesie
)
shews
the
other
Officer
that
should
follow
Judges
:
that
when
they
should
come
unto
the
Land
which
the
Lord
God
gave
them
,
and
should
possess
it
,
and
dwell
therein
,
they
should
both
desire
,
and
have
a
King
set
over
them
.
And
this
,
being
a
state
of
Government
best
befitting
that
Peace
and
Plenty
they
were
then
to
enjoy
,
must
needs
be
acknowledged
given
as
an
accomplishment
and
increase
of
their
other
blessings
:
For
under
that
notion
God
promiseth
it
to
Abraham
as
aforesaid
,
That
Kings
should
come
out
of
him
:
That
Kings
of
People
should
be
of
her
:
the
like
was
promised
to
Jacob
,
Kings
shall
come
out
of
thy
Loins
:
Scepter
should
not
depart
from
Judah
,
nor
a
Law-giver
from
between
his
feet
,
till
the
Shiloh
come
.
In
which
last
Promise
,
under
the
notion
of
Lawgiver
and
of
Scepter
,
in
the
singular
number
,
we
may
well
understand
the
Judge
and
King
before
mentioned
.
All
which
,
would
be
well
considered
by
those
that
fancy
other
Governments
to
that
of
Kings
;
or
think
that
the
Israelites
might
,
at
the
time
when
they
had
full
Possession
of
the
Land
,
have
chosen
any
other
Government
aswell
.
Not
marking
,
that
it
was
as
expresly
foretold
they
should
have
a
King
,
as
that
they
should
possess
the
Land
:
for
the
words
run
in
the
future
;
When
thou
art
come
into
the
Land
which
the
Lord
thy
God
giveth
thee
,
and
shalt
possess
it
,
and
shalt
dwell
therein
,
and
shalt
say
,
I
will
set
a
King
over
me
,
like
as
all
the
Nations
that
are
about
me
.
It
is
not
said
,
If
thou
shalt
say
;
no
such
conditionall
,
but
an
express
duty
or
Prophecy
:
For
the
conjunction
and
here
used
,
And
shalt
possess
it
,
and
dwell
therein
,
and
shalt
say
,
&c.
makes
all
of
them
equally
certain
.
And
the
Peoples
fault
in
choosing
a
King
afterwards
,
&
Gods
punishment
of
giving
him
in
his
anger
,
we
must
impute
to
other
circumstances
:
as
being
done
in
a
hasty
humor
of
diffidence
of
Gods
protection
,
who
was
then
their
King
:
that
is
,
till
then
had
governed
in
chief
himself
,
and
was
to
have
his
advice
and
consent
asked
,
in
all
great
and
extraordinary
occasions
.
During
which
time
of
more
personal
and
immediate
undertaking
their
protection
,
their
suddain
desire
of
alteration
,
was
the
same
reproach
to
him
,
in
his
providence
and
care
for
their
personal
securities
,
as
their
murmuring
for
choice
of
food
was
formerly
in
the
wilderness
:
for
as
then
,
Quailes
,
Manna
,
&c.
(
things
in
themselves
good
,
and
to
be
acknowledged
great
blessings
)
were
given
in
anger
;
because
unseasonably
and
distrustfully
demanded
;
so
now
also
,
this
promised
blessing
of
kingship
,
because
asked
upon
the
fear
of
Nahash
and
the
power
of
the
Ammonites
,
was
the
occasion
of
Gods
punishing
them
in
the
first
person
that
should
have
it
,
in
regard
they
had
demanded
it
in
a
way
derogatory
to
him
,
as
if
distrusting
his
care
or
power
in
their
preservation
.
It
was
unseasonable
also
,
because
they
had
not
as
yet
the
full
possession
of
the
land
,
and
so
no
time
as
yet
(
according
to
Moses
appointment
)
for
asking
of
kingship
from
God
.
And
that
they
were
not
as
yet
in
full
possession
of
the
land
,
nor
such
a
state
of
secure
dwelling
therein
as
could
be
called
rest
,
appears
(
amongst
other
things
)
in
that
they
had
not
as
yet
attempted
the
rooting
out
of
Amaleck
,
which
should
have
been
done
upon
their
first
setling
according
to
Moses
words
.
It
shall
be
,
when
the
Lord
thy
God
giveth
thee
rest
from
all
thine
enemies
round
about
,
in
the
land
which
the
Lord
thy
God
giveth
thee
for
an
inheritance
to
possess
it
,
that
thou
shalt
blot
out
the
remembrance
of
Amalek
from
under
heaven
,
thou
shalt
not
forget
it
:
And
because
they
neither
had
yet
so
possessed
the
land
as
to
do
this
thing
,
therefore
did
God
appoint
that
person
to
do
it
,
which
he
had
given
them
as
King
by
way
of
anticipation
,
in
answer
to
their
hasty
unseasonable
petition
.
And
that
this
prediction
of
kingship
was
aswell
mandatory
as
prophetick
to
this
their
time
of
future
rest
and
enjoyment
of
the
promised
land
,
and
so
unseasonable
as
yet
to
be
put
in
execution
,
will
most
plainly
appear
by
the
comparison
of
it
with
that
prediction
and
appointment
of
setting
up
a
Temple
,
when
they
should
be
in
the
like
condition
,
for
the
establishment
of
Gods
house
,
and
of
his
deputy
in
that
house
,
as
the
tokens
of
Glory
and
rest
of
the
Nation
:
being
to
be
accomplished
together
(
as
shall
be
more
fully
declared
hereafter
)
for
it
was
plainly
then
foretold
them
,
Ye
shall
not
do
after
all
the
things
that
we
do
here
this
day
every
man
whatsoever
is
right
in
his
own
eyes
.
there
was
no
King
in
Israel
;
it
must
import
,
that
then
they
should
be
under
a
higher
restraint
then
before
;
For
ye
are
not
as
yet
come
to
the
rest
and
to
the
inheritance
which
the
Lord
your
God
giveth
you
,
but
when
ye
go
over
Jordan
,
and
dwell
in
the
land
which
the
Lord
your
God
giveth
you
to
inherit
:
and
when
he
giveth
you
rest
from
all
your
enemies
round
about
,
so
that
ye
dwell
in
safety
(
which
they
had
not
,
nor
did
not
at
their
election
of
Saul
)
then
there
shall
be
a
place
which
the
Lord
your
God
shall
coohse
to
cause
his
name
to
dwell
there
.
It
savoured
of
ingratitude
to
Samuel
also
;
who
,
now
grown
old
in
their
service
,
they
might
have
patiently
attended
to
have
let
him
honorably
end
his
dayes
in
the
government
.
And
,
besides
that
Gods
granting
it
makes
the
having
of
a
King
lawful
,
they
that
then
refused
or
slighted
the
Office
(
saying
How
shall
this
man
save
us
)
are
called
sons
of
Belial
:
that
is
,
that
he
should
walk
before
Gods
anointed
for
ever
:
They
that
would
urge
this
expression
of
they
have
not
rejected
thee
,
but
me
they
have
rejected
,
to
import
their
direct
abandoning
Gods
regency
,
as
God
,
and
not
their
desire
onely
of
the
change
of
the
Function
and
Officer
he
had
before
deputed
over
them
(
and
so
think
that
now
Princes
had
not
their
power
from
God
as
his
Ministers
,
but
were
to
derive
it
from
the
peoples
pactions
)
should
rather
(
methinks
)
have
grounded
their
opinion
on
the
Israelites
former
expression
,
at
their
election
and
submission
to
their
first
earthly
governor
in
chief
,
Moses
.
For
thereby
,
a
refusal
of
God
and
Paction
with
Moses
may
be
rather
inferred
:
Speak
thou
with
us
and
we
will
hear
:
but
let
not
God
speak
with
us
,
least
we
dye
.
Here
,
rejected
me
,
is
to
be
construed
as
in
relation
to
their
disobedience
and
rejecting
of
Gods
commands
onely
;
and
not
of
his
person
,
but
as
by
consequence
.
In
which
way
of
interpretation
,
there
are
many
places
of
Scripture
that
may
warrant
us
,
but
none
that
can
instance
where
the
Jews
,
or
any
of
the
Gentile
Churches
or
people
,
did
either
wholly
,
or
at
all
so
abandon
Gods
or
Christs
regency
,
as
to
choose
or
submit
to
any
absolute
or
Independent
Prince
or
governor
;
and
not
rather
(
as
to
Gods
Deputy
and
Minister
)
think
themselves
obliged
to
obedience
unto
him
aswel
in
conscience
,
as
for
fear
of
wrath
and
bare
political
respect
.
And
if
any
think
these
expressions
,
I
will
set
a
King
over
me
like
,
&c.
and
again
,
him
thou
shalt
set
over
thee
,
&c.
do
import
that
therefore
their
power
is
from
the
people
;
they
may
observe
the
people
to
come
to
Samuel
to
make
a
King
over
them
:
and
although
he
delayed
it
,
yet
they
,
Samuel
said
unall
Israel
,
Behold
I
have
hearkened
unto
your
voice
in
all
that
you
said
unto
me
,
and
have
made
a
King
over
you
:
and
verse
the
13
it
is
said
,
Behold
the
Lord
hath
set
a
King
over
you
;
as
truely
shewing
whence
his
power
came
:
for
however
(
as
aforesaid
)
circumstances
made
it
evil
,
as
good
things
may
be
evilly
done
,
yet
their
having
and
desiring
a
King
,
were
both
from
God
.
And
that
the
Office
was
given
to
them
as
a
blessing
,
may
be
farther
noted
from
Gods
speech
to
Samuel
:
To
morrow
about
this
time
I
will
send
thee
a
man
out
of
the
land
Benjamin
,
and
thou
shalt
anoint
him
to
be
Captain
over
my
people
Israel
,
that
he
may
save
my
people
out
of
the
hand
of
the
Philistines
;
for
I
have
looked
upon
my
people
,
because
their
cry
is
come
unto
me
:
Which
last
words
do
plainly
declare
the
intended
end
and
benefit
of
this
Kingly
Function
:
and
they
may
well
prove
Gods
designation
thereof
,
as
the
means
;
even
as
he
had
designed
the
end
;
the
safety
and
good
of
his
people
.
And
as
these
words
prove
the
constitution
of
the
Office
,
and
that
in
kindeness
(
although
their
hasty
demand
might
make
the
person
given
as
a
punishment
)
even
so
the
former
part
of
the
verse
,
Thou
shalt
anoint
him
to
be
Captain
over
my
people
,
must
shew
both
his
supreme
power
,
and
from
whence
the
Authority
of
this
Officer
was
derived
:
that
is
,
from
God
,
not
from
the
People
.
A
farther
proof
that
the
desire
of
Kingship
was
not
a
fault
in
the
Jews
,
is
,
that
neither
David
,
nor
Stephen
,
nor
any
else
,
reckoning
up
the
faults
of
that
Nation
committed
from
time
to
time
against
God
,
did
account
this
for
one
.
Nay
this
particular
person
and
his
power
were
from
God
,
in
such
sort
,
that
it
was
no
more
in
their
power
to
refuse
,
then
to
steal
or
murther
,
and
yet
be
innocent
:
renewing
of
the
kingdom
at
Gilgal
with
him
,
and
the
Covenanting
of
the
Israelites
with
David
,
to
be
nothing
else
but
to
shew
to
the
people
the
person
whom
God
had
chosen
;
that
they
might
continue
in
obedience
to
him
and
his
stock
.
Whereupon
,
as
this
was
necessary
in
Saul
and
David
,
because
the
first
of
their
Families
,
so
was
it
after
left
off
in
their
Children
;
who
still
raigned
in
their
stead
:
that
is
,
in
their
right
onely
;
according
to
Gods
promise
to
David
,
to
establish
the
Throne
upon
his
seed
for
ever
.
And
therefore
(
I
hope
)
it
was
not
in
the
peoples
power
(
as
in
right
of
their
paramount
Soveraignty
)
to
refuse
this
Family
or
take
another
:
if
it
had
,
sure
God
did
them
great
wrong
,
to
settle
it
thus
without
their
just
consents
.
So
that
Gods
not
shewing
them
these
Kings
,
till
himself
had
determinately
anointed
and
appointed
them
that
Power
and
Office
,
shews
he
acknowledged
no
Negative
voice
of
Government
to
reside
in
them
,
but
onely
the
duty
of
subjection
:
to
which
end
,
their
Oaths
and
Promises
of
Alleageance
were
to
be
made
before
him
,
as
is
signified
by
the
offering
Sacrifice
at
Gilgal
:
of
which
more
hereafter
.
And
as
the
fore-cited
Prophecy
and
Direction
of
Moses
,
did
plainly
shew
Kingship
to
follow
this
first
setling
the
Jewish
Nation
in
safety
and
honor
;
so
,
almost
all
the
Prophesies
of
their
restauration
,
do
again
run
in
the
same
manner
.
But
,
because
we
shall
speak
of
some
of
the
rest
elsewhere
,
we
will
here
onely
speak
of
that
set
forth
in
these
eight
last
Chapters
of
Ezechiel
,
which
is
undeniably
pregnant
and
express
herein
.
There
this
Office
of
kingship
is
so
particularly
described
,
that
the
usual
gloss
of
Antimonarchical
men
,
in
attributing
to
Christ
that
power
and
honor
which
in
some
places
is
given
to
Kings
,
finds
no
colorable
shift
in
this
place
,
because
it
is
said
,
And
my
Prince
;
shall
no
more
oppress
my
people
.
Which
Oppression
being
not
to
be
feared
from
Christ
himself
,
and
the
admonition
being
in
the
plural
number
,
it
cannot
be
thought
congruous
for
him
:
as
,
on
the
otherside
,
the
assignation
of
a
certain
portion
of
Land
for
his
maintenance
;
not
to
be
alienated
or
encroached
by
any
of
his
servants
,
but
to
remain
to
his
Children
only
,
must
intend
Kings
,
not
Christ
.
And
so
must
shew
also
,
both
the
designation
,
and
setled
perpetuity
of
that
Office
:
who
,
as
the
supreme
Officer
of
power
and
honor
,
is
,
in
this
recess
of
God
,
to
retain
the
Image
of
his
Authority
,
and
be
acknowledged
as
in
his
stead
.
As
may
most
plainly
appear
,
by
that
command
of
keeping
the
Eastgate
for
him
only
;
saying
,
This
gate
shall
be
shut
,
it
shall
not
be
opened
:
and
no
man
shall
enter
by
it
,
because
the
Lord
the
God
of
Israel
hath
entred
by
it
:
therefore
it
shall
be
shut
:
it
is
for
the
Prince
,
the
Prince
he
shall
sit
in
it
to
eat
bread
before
the
Lord
:
he
shall
enter
by
way
of
the
porch
of
that
gate
,
and
shall
go
out
by
way
of
the
same
.
Nor
can
we
by
Prince
understand
chief
Priest
(
as
some
would
)
because
they
neither
had
this
power
of
Oppression
:
and
also
were
distinguished
from
the
Prince
under
the
notion
of
the
sons
of
Zadock
;
put
difference
between
Holy
and
Prophane
,
and
to
judge
in
the
Assemblies
of
God
:
the
sons
of
Zadock
:
which
are
to
be
presumed
Loyal
,
as
having
been
by
the
King
put
into
that
ministration
for
that
very
reason
;
when
Abiathar
,
for
joyning
in
rebellion
with
the
rest
of
Israel
,
was
by
the
King
thrust
out
.
So
that
the
Priests
here
spoken
of
,
being
always
set
under
the
notion
of
sons
of
Zadock
,
it
seemed
needless
to
set
down
that
,
in
this
,
or
other
things
,
they
should
be
subordinate
to
the
Prince
:
for
this
Zadock
and
his
successors
(
representing
the
Evangelical
Priesthood
)
were
by
Gods
appointment
,
1
Sam.
2.35
.
to
have
a
sure
house
built
them
,
and
to
walk
before
Gods
anointed
for
ever
:
the
last
words
signifying
at
once
,
And
if
we
shall
take
these
chapters
as
prophetick
,
to
set
forth
the
state
and
pattern
of
the
Christian
Church
(
as
usually
is
done
by
Christians
)
and
not
as
literall
to
the
Jews
onely
(
as
they
usually
do
)
then
,
nothing
can
remain
more
luculent
and
cleer
,
then
the
divine
direction
hereof
,
for
the
perpetuity
of
this
Office
in
the
Christian
Church
:
in
order
to
other
Prophecies
elsewhere
mentioned
;
of
having
Kings
to
be
their
nursing
Fathers
,
and
Queens
their
Nurses
:
and
of
the
Churches
having
sons
,
whom
they
may
set
as
Princes
in
all
Lands
.
Which
Office
,
as
it
is
undeniably
therein
appointed
,
If
they
be
ashamed
of
all
they
have
done
,
shew
them
the
form
of
the
house
,
and
the
fashion
thereof
,
&c.
that
they
may
keep
the
whole
form
thereof
,
and
all
the
Ordinances
thereof
,
and
do
them
.
By
which
we
may
finde
,
that
in
policies
established
according
to
the
pattern
in
the
Mount
,
Kingship
and
Priesthood
must
be
:
and
that
the
one
can
be
no
more
omitted
then
the
other
.
How
this
Office
of
Kingship
was
ordained
to
accompany
and
compleat
the
flourishing
estate
of
the
Jewish
Church
,
and
to
precede
and
be
instrumental
in
building
the
Temple
,
will
be
more
fully
discoursed
hereafter
:
when
we
shall
have
occasion
to
speak
of
such
places
of
Scripture
,
as
contain
a
connexion
of
promises
to
that
purpose
;
as
2
Sam.
10.11
,
&c.
&
2
Chr.
17.9
,
10
,
11
,
&c.
and
other
places
.
All
of
them
plainly
shewing
,
that
Jerusalem
(
or
the
Church
)
is
(
or
ought
to
be
)
builded
as
a
City
that
is
compact
together
,
or
is
at
unity
in
it self
:
that
is
,
setting
there
the
Thrones
of
judgement
,
the
Thrones
of
the
house
of
David
:
But
because
some
Anti-Monarchical
men
do
believe
that
it
was
no
more
lawful
for
the
people
to
desire
a
King
afterwards
,
then
at
that
time
,
and
are
very
urgent
,
that
the
words
,
I
gave
thee
a
King
in
mine
Anger
,
should
be
interpreted
as
though
the
Office
of
Kingship
were
so
given
,
(
without
considering
also
,
that
he
was
taken
away
in
wrath
,
and
so
rightly
construing
the
absence
of
the
Office
to
be
a
greater
punishment
then
the
imposition
)
it
is
to
be
noted
that
these
and
many
other
expressions
uttered
in
reference
to
Saul
,
had
relation
to
him
as
a
person
hastily
demanded
,
and
so
given
as
a
punishment
;
and
not
as
to
one
,
on
whom
(
and
his
posterity
)
the
flowrishing
estate
of
that
Church
was
to
be
setled
.
For
that
promise
we
shall
finde
annexed
to
the
Tribe
of
Judah
(
as
before
noted
)
of
whose
lynage
also
our
Saviour
was
to
come
;
whereas
Saul
,
being
a
Benjamite
,
it
could
not
be
thought
that
he
was
the
person
to
be
setled
herein
.
Nay
,
so
much
himself
doth
acknowledge
to
Samuel
,
while
Samuel
is
telling
him
of
his
Election
.
viz.
Am
not
I
a
Benjamite
of
the
smallest
of
the
Tribes
of
Israel
,
Wherefore
then
speakest
thou
so
to
me
?
But
then
it
may
be
asked
,
how
we
shall
make
good
those
expressions
which
Samuel
used
unto
him
,
God
would
have
established
his
kingdom
upon
Israel
for
ever
?
Why
,
this
might
have
been
fulfilled
by
means
of
his
lynage
in
a
feminine
line
,
matched
into
the
Tribe
of
Judah
,
as
was
that
match
of
Michal
to
David
.
But
you
will
answer
,
that
Michal
was
made
childless
for
a
fault
of
her
own
,
and
not
other
Fathers
.
It
is
true
,
she
committed
a
fault
to
deserve
this
punishment
,
but
it
hinders
not
,
but
the
same
punishment
was
in
pursuance
of
a
former
fault
of
the
Family
also
:
as
we
●inde
many
presidents
in
Scripture
,
and
in
particular
one
done
about
the
same
time
,
namely
the
punishment
of
Elies
house
,
which
will
come
home
to
this
.
For
we
shall
finde
Solomon
thrusting
out
Abiathar
from
the
Priesthood
,
to
punish
his
personal
act
of
disloyalty
to
his
Father
,
and
yet
,
it
was
by
Gods
secret
appointment
ordered
to
be
done
,
to
make
good
the
threat
against
Elies
house
(
namely
,
to
fulfil
the
word
of
the
Lord
concerning
the
house
of
Elie
)
even
so
,
we
may
interpret
the
punishment
of
Sauls
first
fault
(
that
is
,
For
so
are
we
instructed
by
the
direction
which
Moses
gave
concerning
matters
of
Appeals
;
the
Judge
that
shall
be
in
those
dayes
,
not
only
denotes
another
manner
of
Judge
then
formerly
,
but
the
Priests
and
he
,
and
the
place
which
the
Lord
should
choose
being
conjoyned
,
for
to
none
of
the
other
Judges
God
had
said
,
Why
have
yee
not
built
me
an
house
?
nor
was
Kingship
nor
Preisthood
setled
but
in
Solomon
and
Zadock
the
sons
of
David
and
Samuel
,
and
immediate
instruments
in
building
this
Temple
,
Nay
this
Office
and
power
of
kingship
is
so
cleer
in
Scripture
,
that
it
is
usual
with
the
abetters
of
Polarchies
now
adays
,
to
balk
it
in
the
plain
sense
thereof
,
and
to
hearken
to
Philo
,
Josephus
,
and
I
know
not
what
Antichristian
Authors
,
to
learn
from
them
the
Authority
of
the
people
,
of
the
Sanhedrim
,
and
such
like
Magistrates
:
not
considering
the
interest
and
prejudice
wherewith
these
men
writ
.
For
they
,
designing
to
bring
their
Writings
and
Nation
into
the
more
esteem
amongst
the
learned
persons
of
those
times
,
and
having
so
long
lived
,
and
been
so
well
entertained
,
the
first
among
the
Grecians
,
and
the
other
amongst
the
Romans
,
as
to
be
affected
with
their
humors
and
way
of
learning
;
they
had
the
same
reason
to
commend
those
other
Forms
,
and
to
depress
this
Kingly
Office
and
Power
,
as
they
had
to
commend
thereby
,
their
own
writings
and
Country
.
And
as
in
Kings
all
power
is
thus
united
,
so
he
alone
it
is
,
that
is
the
true
Representative
whole
:
and
whose
actions
may
binde
the
people
,
without
their
consent
,
but
not
theirs
,
without
his
.
And
so
much
is
often
by
God
acknowledged
;
making
the
good
or
ill
of
the
King
and
Kingdom
all
one
.
Thus
Abimilechs
particular
detaining
of
Sarai
:
in
the
high
places
,
to
seek
the
God
of
their
Fathers
,
or
the
like
:
yet
if
this
general
Representative
person
was
upright
before
God
,
even
for
his
sake
,
a
blessing
did
ensue
:
which
is
nowhere
observed
to
be
done
in
respect
of
any
subjects
piety
.
And
this
may
seem
less
strange
,
since
we
finde
that
Adam
(
being
made
Monarch
of
all
Creatures
)
should
have
the
violence
of
his
race
,
imputed
and
charged
on
them
;
so
,
as
to
involve
them
in
the
same
guilt
and
destruction
by
flood
.
Nor
is
this
degree
of
power
before
spoken
of
,
much
more
then
what
before
was
practised
by
Moses
himself
,
according
to
the
advice
of
his
Father-in-Law
;
as
we
read
Exod.
18.20
.
namely
,
to
make
Laws
and
Ordinances
for
them
to
live
by
,
and
where
Law
was
already
made
by
God
,
to
reserve
to
himself
the
interpretation
thereof
,
as
also
all
appeals
,
and
all
difficult
and
important
causes
:
and
(
for
the
better
dispatch
sake
)
to
refer
common
causes
to
subordinate
Judges
.
All
which
is
again
farther
expressed
,
Deut.
19
,
to
the
18.
where
he
owns
the
making
Judges
,
and
last
appeal
.
Our
of
all
which
it
may
be
found
,
that
the
most
material
marks
of
Soveraignty
were
in
many
of
these
temporary
Judges
:
as
the
power
of
making
some
Laws
,
and
interpreting
them
;
the
last
appeal
,
and
supreme
decision
of
controversies
:
especially
in
Moses
,
because
he
was
a
King
too
(
as
formerly
noted
)
and
so
made
by
God
,
and
not
by
the
people
.
And
unto
Ioshua
next
,
as
made
by
Moses
:
for
on
him
by
Gods
appointment
was
he
(
by
imposition
of
hands
)
to
put
some
of
his
honor
,
that
all
the
Congregation
of
Israel
might
be
obedient
:
that
is
,
that
he
,
by
receit
of
this
justly
derived
power
from
God
his
Vicegerent
,
might
have
full
power
to
command
them
.
And
therefore
are
they
also
called
Kings
;
as
in
the
inte-rregnum
,
(
when
there
was
no
Judge
)
it
is
said
,
there
was
no
King
in
Israel
:
and
yet
was
these
Judges
power
inferior
to
that
of
Kings
,
coming
after
.
This
soveraign
power
of
Kings
,
we
may
finde
implyed
in
that
answer
of
Samuel
to
the
people
,
of
the
manner
,
or
power
of
a
King
:
which
,
had
it
but
been
equal
to
that
of
their
former
Judges
,
that
they
should
cry
out
in
that
day
because
of
their
King
,
and
the
Lord
should
not
hear
them
:
meaning
,
that
they
had
none
but
God
in
that
case
to
appeal
to
;
by
whose
forbearance
to
hear
them
therein
,
they
had
no
lawful
remedy
left
them
.
For
had
his
words
imported
no
more
terror
to
their
understanding
,
but
what
they
had
right
and
power
to
remedy
,
they
might
have
answered
,
Nay
,
but
we
will
have
a
King
under
us
,
and
not
over
us
.
No
,
he
shall
be
onely
King
of
the
less
number
of
the
people
,
and
their
Representatives
:
but
unto
the
major
part
or
Vote
;
he
shall
be
subject
upon
all
occasions
they
shall
think
good
:
and
so
making
our selves
Soveraigns
over
our
Soveraign
,
we
shall
prevent
those
threats
:
for
thereby
having
(
upon
the
matter
)
no
King
,
we
shall
do
but
what
unto
every
one
seems
good
in
his
own
eys
.
And
by
the
expression
over
thee
,
so
often
there
used
,
must
be
meant
over
the
whole
people
;
being
the
same
thee
that
should
choose
him
:
so
that
if
his
election
were
by
the
major
part
,
or
such
as
stood
for
them
(
as
so
it
must
be
,
or
elese
it
could
be
no
Election
)
his
power
must
be
above
the
major
part
or
their
Representatives
:
and
as
common
relation
bindes
him
to
be
King
of
the
whole
,
that
is
,
of
major
as
well
as
minor
,
so
must
he
be
also
over
them
both
.
And
accordingly
the
practice
of
these
Kings
ran
:
for
so
David
commands
,
and
is
obeyed
by
Joab
,
and
the
Rulers
or
Representatives
of
the
people
,
in
numbring
of
them
;
though
themselves
knew
it
to
be
unlawful
,
and
that
it
would
be
a
trespass
or
harm
to
Israel
,
or
the
whole
people
:
the
Kings
word
prevailed
against
Joab
and
the
●lders
of
the
people
:
word
of
a
King
is
,
there
is
power
,
and
who
may
say
unto
him
what
doest
thou
?
What
doest
Thou
?
Is
in
Scripture
onely
applyed
to
God
himself
.
sent
of
him
)
they
never
have
this
phrase
given
them
;
nor
have
they
ever
(
like
him
)
any
of
those
appellations
proper
to
Christ
given
them
,
as
of
Messiah
,
Christ
,
or
Anointed
:
or
of
Saviour
:
they
being
to
Kings
(
his
immediate
Vicegerents
)
in
the
first
place
due
.
And
when
they
are
any
where
given
to
other
persons
,
it
is
upon
their
receit
of
some
extraordinary
power
from
God
:
and
if
they
have
them
in
right
of
their
Offices
,
then
it
may
be
observed
to
be
ascribed
to
such
Offices
,
which
were
anciently
annexed
to
Monarchy
(
paterno
jure
)
to
wit
Priesthood
and
Prophesie
,
as
shall
more
fully
appear
hereafter
.
So
that
then
you
may
see
,
the
Office
and
Authority
of
a
King
is
not
separable
from
his
person
,
nor
is
it
lawful
for
people
(
after
a
kinde
of
idolatry
)
to
pay
obedience
to
any
other
kinde
of
resemblance
:
For
so
,
at
last
,
having
(
by
these
strange
resemblances
of
Authority
made
in
our
fancies
)
blotted
out
the
knowledge
and
fear
of
the
true
Object
,
and
rejecting
his
personal
Will
to
be
of
force
at
all
without
the
Authority
of
Law
,
and
this
Law
of
our
interpreting
also
;
we
necessarily
again
fall
into
Anarchy
:
having
no
Will
or
Understanding
but
our
own
to
direct
us
.
No
,
David
and
Solomon
knew
too
well
this
kingly
Prerogative
,
to
be
beguiled
with
the
seeming
shew
of
Authority
in
,
or
from
the
people
:
and
followed
not
the
example
of
Saul
their
Predecessor
,
to
lose
their
power
by
complying
,
and
submitting
it
to
the
Vote
of
the
people
:
and
therefore
,
it
proved
an
unvaluable
excuse
which
he
made
to
Samuel
,
saying
,
I
have
sinned
,
for
I
have
transgressed
the
Commandment
of
the
Lord
,
and
thy
word
:
because
I
feared
the
people
and
obeyed
their
voice
.
But
he
should
have
remembred
,
that
he
was
set
over
the
people
,
and
not
they
over
him
:
That
,
as
it
was
one
of
his
Prerogatives
,
to
be
for
the
people
,
to
Godward
,
as
Moses
was
,
(
or
to
have
none
above
,
or
between
God
and
him
)
so
,
there
would
an
account
by
God
be
exposed
from
him
onely
;
as
being
his
next
Vicegerent
;
and
,
as
God
on
earth
,
entrusted
with
sufficient
power
.
And
if
he
had
not
had
power
over
the
people
,
how
could
God
in
justice
punish
him
,
for
obedience
to
them
that
might
command
?
Nor
was
this
fear
of
the
people
a
fained
pretence
;
for
if
it
had
,
Samuel
would
not
have
spared
to
tell
him
so
.
Therefore
when
these
people
took
of
the
spoil
,
sheep
,
and
oxen
,
and
the
chief
of
the
things
that
should
have
been
utterly
destroyed
,
to
sacrifice
to
the
Lord
,
he
might
have
withstood
their
major
Vote
by
his
denyal
:
and
have
told
them
as
Samuel
did
him
,
Obedience
is
beter
then
sacrifice
.
For
,
as
it
was
a
vain
imagination
in
him
,
For
rebellion
is
like
the
sin
of
witchcraft
,
and
stubbornness
as
idolatry
:
that
is
,
For
not
onely
Soveraignty
it self
,
but
all
kinde
of
Rule
and
power
else
,
cannot
derive
any
other
foundation
of
Authority
then
what
is
from
above
,
as
was
well
noted
in
our
Saviours
answer
to
Pilate
:
nor
can
these
below
them
,
And
when
it
is
affirmed
that
power
is
in
the
people
,
it
would
be
known
whether
that
word
include
the
Magistrates
also
?
if
it
do
,
where
is
the
relation
between
governing
and
governed
?
and
if
it
do
not
include
them
,
then
is
the
people
above
,
and
the
Magistrate
beneath
:
or
else
,
according
to
truth
,
the
Magistrate
hath
power
to
govern
,
and
the
people
onely
power
(
that
is
ability
)
to
obey
.
For
if
this
supreme
indisputable
Power
of
Kings
had
not
been
taken
as
a
real
and
confessed
truth
,
but
that
the
people
or
their
Major
Vote
should
have
in
themselves
the
highest
Soveraignty
and
Command
,
and
he
onely
be
as
a
titular
thing
to
countenance
their
acts
,
then
how
should
it
be
a
wo
to
a
Land
when
their
king
shall
be
a
childe
,
So
be
it
,
to
all
that
his
subjects
shall
command
.
But
if
people
in
that
condition
be
under
a
woe
,
it
is
because
of
their
Prince
his
disability
to
judge
and
act
in
his
own
person
:
for
surely
,
his
resemblance
of
Children
in
innocence
cannot
be
a
woe
:
it
must
follow
,
that
the
more
the
Prince
is
made
a
childe
by
his
Subjects
,
and
hath
his
power
eclipsed
,
the
more
woe
will
that
kingdom
proportionably
have
.
And
they
that
yet
think
the
whole
,
or
major
part
of
the
people
above
the
King
,
and
not
subject
to
his
commands
,
let
them
consider
(
even
)
the
power
given
to
Ieroboam
himself
from
God
,
to
reign
according
to
all
his
soul
desired
.
Let
them
also
(
that
think
the
generality
,
And
Israel
rebelled
against
the
house
of
David
unto
this
day
:
neither
the
major
Vote
of
eleven
Tribes
to
one
,
nor
their
pretention
of
oppression
under
Solomon
,
could
excuse
them
of
the
guilt
of
this
imputation
:
nay
,
although
the
action
were
but
in
pursuance
of
what
was
before
appointed
by
God
,
in
punishment
of
Solomon
his
Fathers
fault
.
Which
was
the
reason
why
Rehoboam
was
forbidden
to
take
vengeance
on
these
Rebels
,
as
his
Grandfather
David
had
before
,
on
these
major
numbers
and
representative
bodies
of
the
people
,
gathered
against
him
in
Absolom
and
Adonijahs
rebellions
:
therefore
is
he
,
and
the
people
with
him
,
bidden
to
return
to
their
houses
.
That
the
Priest
and
Levites
,
and
all
whose
hearts
were
right
set
to
serve
God
,
returned
from
following
Ieroboam
.
And
therefore
that
expression
of
all
Israels
coming
to
Sechem
to
make
Rehoboam
King
,
must
be
understood
,
not
as
having
power
to
elect
another
,
but
,
as
summoned
by
Rehoboams
command
to
pass
their
fealties
and
acknowledgements
to
him
,
that
was
already
in
actual
possession
of
his
Father
Solomons
Throne
:
for
so
,
we
shall
finde
it
noted
,
in
the
verse
foregoing
the
recital
of
this
story
;
And
Solomon
slept
with
his
Fathers
,
and
Rehoboam
his
son
reigned
in
his
stead
.
And
we
may
yet
more
plainly
see
,
what
this
phrase
of
the
peoples
making
of
Kings
doth
import
,
by
the
like
expression
used
at
the
time
of
their
acknowledgements
to
Solomon
his
Father
:
for
,
although
the
people
had
no
hand
of
Authority
in
it
,
but
that
as
David
made
Solomon
his
son
King
over
Israel
,
yet
,
David
then
summoning
all
the
Princes
of
Israel
,
the
Priests
and
the
Levites
to
take
notice
of
this
and
other
his
directions
about
the
Temple
,
and
so
concluding
with
a
Sacrifice
(
as
was
usual
at
the
peoples
promise
of
Fealty
and
Alleageance
)
it
is
said
,
that
they
did
eat
and
drink
before
the
Lord
with
great
gladness
,
and
they
made
Solomon
the
son
of
David
King
the
second
time
:
and
anointed
him
to
be
chief
Governor
to
the
Lord
,
and
Zadock
to
be
Priest
.
Which
words
second
time
must
relate
to
their
first
making
of
him
:
God
save
King
Solomon
,
great
ones
,
Princes
,
&c.
we
may
suppose
some
actual
Fealty
to
pass
unto
this
chief
Governor
unto
the
Lord
;
both
when
that
Congregation
did
bow
their
heads
and
worship
the
Lord
and
the
King
;
and
also
when
it
is
said
,
all
the
Princes
and
the
mighty
men
,
and
the
sons
likewise
of
King
David
submitted
themselves
unto
Solomon
the
King
:
that
is
,
acknowledged
him
their
King
;
by
such
personal
outward
acts
of
homage
,
as
were
usual
amongst
that
people
:
for
so
the
word
submitted
doth
bear
in
the
original
.
Besides
,
it
is
likely
,
that
at
this
time
also
they
took
their
Oaths
of
Alleageance
,
in
other
places
implyed
under
the
name
of
Covenants
.
Which
Oaths
are
alluded
unto
in
that
precept
of
Solomon
,
My
son
,
I
councel
thee
to
keep
the
Kings
command
,
and
that
in
respect
of
the
Oath
of
God
.
And
as
for
the
expression
of
the
peoples
annointing
of
Solomon
,
used
before
,
and
to
other
Kings
,
it
is
not
to
be
understood
,
as
if
they
had
right
to
confer
the
power
belonging
to
Kingly
Office
on
any
:
for
they
had
it
no
more
,
then
they
had
right
to
confer
the
power
of
Priestly
Office
.
And
therefore
,
Zadock
being
joyned
in
this
their
anointing
,
who
it
is
well
known
was
put
in
by
Solomon
before
,
shews
that
the
phrase
was
but
equivalent
with
acknowedging
.
And
that
,
because
at
Solomons
first
establishment
,
the
greater
part
of
the
people
were
absent
;
as
being
sharers
in
Adonijahs
Rebellion
.
Who
indeed
(
if
he
had
thriven
)
might
have
been
called
a
King
of
the
peoples
making
(
as
to
his
personal
election
)
whereas
Solomon
and
other
Kings
,
are
to
own
their
Thrones
and
power
from
God
.
And
therefore
it
is
said
,
That
Solomon
sat
on
the
Throne
of
the
Lord
as
King
,
&c.
and
all
Israel
obeyed
him
:
that
is
,
viz.
The
Lord
magnified
Solomon
exceedingly
in
the
sight
of
all
Israel
,
and
bestowed
upon
him
such
royal
Majesty
,
as
had
not
been
on
any
King
before
him
.
But
let
us
examine
more
neerly
,
those
places
that
seem
most
to
restrain
Soveraignty
,
as
the
last
verse
of
Deut.
17.
That
his
heart
be
not
lifted
up
above
his
brethren
:
which
may
seem
to
imply
that
he
had
no
absolute
power
over
them
.
But
it
was
not
to
forbid
him
any
necessary
power
and
authority
over
them
,
for
punishment
of
vice
,
or
maintenance
of
peace
;
nor
of
any
external
honor
or
jurisdiction
above
them
,
for
then
had
the
Office
been
useless
;
but
as
a
caveat
to
humility
:
and
that
he
should
consider
,
that
however
he
were
thus
advanced
,
it
was
more
in
relation
to
the
good
of
the
people
,
then
his
own
:
and
that
,
since
his
supreme
authority
over
them
,
was
to
make
them
happy
by
unity
,
and
not
him
proud
by
preferment
,
he
should
therefore
not
have
his
heart
lifted
up
above
them
,
by
nation
his
brethren
,
and
by
nature
his
equals
:
but
the
consideration
hereof
,
imprinting
the
sense
of
compassion
and
fellow-feeling
in
him
,
it
might
restraine
all
exorbitance
in
the
exercise
of
this
high
power
,
so
far
,
as
not
to
insult
or
afflict
beyond
measure
.
And
this
is
the
cause
,
why
succession
of
Princes
,
and
continuance
in
the
same
stock
,
is
so
generally
preferred
before
election
:
namely
,
that
they
are
then
sure
to
have
one
of
their
own
nation
,
or
brethren
.
Even
so
again
,
by
forbidding
him
to
multiply
horses
,
or
much
silver
and
gold
to
himself
(
there
also
expressed
)
it
was
not
simply
to
forbid
him
these
things
as
unlawful
;
for
the
two
next
and
greatest
Kings
of
eminency
(
David
and
Solomon
)
had
them
in
great
abundance
without
blame
,
but
to
give
another
like
caveat
against
pride
:
that
is
,
least
presuming
upon
these
advantages
,
he
might
be
brought
to
forget
God
his
strength
,
and
think
to
keep
under
his
subjects
,
more
by
the
fear
of
tyranny
,
then
the
love
of
a
brother
:
And
also
to
admonish
him
,
that
he
should
not
put
his
people
to
unnecessary
charges
,
in
supplying
him
beyond
publike
use
.
And
to
cleer
this
,
by
instance
,
in
multiplying
horses
,
we
shall
finde
the
prohibition
point
particularly
towards
Egypt
:
as
a
prophetick
admonition
against
their
leaning
of
the
strength
of
that
staffe
,
which
should
run
into
their
hands
:
which
was
afterwards
verified
in
Hosea
and
Zedekiah
,
who
put
vain
trust
in
these
Egyptian
forces
:
and
the
24
and
43
Chapters
of
Jeremiah
,
are
full
of
disswasions
from
this
Egyptian
confidence
,
and
from
returning
again
thither
.
And
as
that
people
were
extreamly
inclined
to
set
their
faces
towards
that
place
,
so
could
not
these
admonitions
but
be
very
necessary
for
their
King
,
both
to
keep
them
from
so
doing
,
and
to
forbear
making
flesh
his
arme
himself
.
To
which
purpose
Isaiah
is
very
full
;
Wo
to
them
that
go
down
to
Egypt
for
help
,
and
stay
on
horses
,
and
trust
in
Chariots
because
they
are
many
,
and
in
horsemen
because
they
are
strong
:
but
they
look
not
unto
the
holy
one
of
Israel
,
neither
seek
unto
the
Lord
.
As
for
the
law
there
mentioned
,
it
cannot
be
understood
of
any
particular
one
made
for
his
restraint
,
and
so
proper
to
him
as
King
,
but
of
those
general
Laws
of
Moses
,
given
for
all
men
to
live
by
:
And
therefore
,
it
is
enjoyned
him
write
it
out
of
that
which
was
before
the
Priest
,
to
whom
he
is
now
to
succeed
in
the
chief
charge
thereof
.
In
which
charge
,
He
might
learn
to
fear
the
Lord
his
God
,
and
to
keep
the
word
of
this
law
and
statutes
to
do
them
.
He
is
not
bidden
(
you
see
)
to
be
affraid
of
his
People
,
Representative
,
or
Collective
:
nor
are
they
or
any
one
earth
,
hereby
authorised
to
look
unto
his
performance
of
this
law
;
or
to
resist
or
punish
him
,
in
case
he
transgress
:
the
which
is
the
thing
in
question
;
and
not
whether
Kings
are
subject
to
God
and
his
Laws
or
no
:
for
none
will
deny
but
they
are
,
and
are
also
(
for
many
considerations
)
more
obliged
to
keep
and
press
these
laws
then
any
of
their
subjects
:
As
none
(
on
the
other
side
)
will
I
hope
say
,
that
his
subjects
are
to
be
to
him
in
Gods
stead
,
so
as
to
judge
and
punish
him
,
if
he
do
not
.
But
then
it
may
be
answered
,
that
the
people
have
a
dry
right
without
a
remedy
:
They
have
a
right
indeed
to
be
free
from
oppression
,
but
such
an
one
as
serves
to
no
stead
,
since
it
may
be
taken
from
them
at
the
pleasure
of
another
.
What
,
shall
we
call
an
appeal
to
God
no
remedy
?
or
shall
we
say
there
is
no
remedy
or
justice
for
subjects
,
but
when
and
where
themselves
shall
be
judges
and
executioners
in
it
?
for
if
so
,
what
use
of
this
common
judiciary
power
,
when
one
part
of
the
people
may
still
have
power
to
judge
of
another
?
It
was
the
partiallity
and
injustice
incident
to
this
way
of
proceeding
,
that
made
it
reasonable
for
people
to
subject
themselves
to
a
common
umpire
or
judge
:
whose
sentence
should
alwayes
be
taken
as
indifferent
.
Because
else
they
did
nothing
;
and
are
yet
but
in
the
same
first
state
of
Anarchy
they
were
:
For
he
that
is
not
supreme
in
all
causes
and
things
,
but
onely
such
as
the
people
shall
assent
unto
,
is
not
truely
supreme
in
any
thing
:
forasmuch
as
their
judgement
coming
after
his
,
as
of
power
to
confirme
or
disanull
,
they
will
still
be
without
a
supreme
,
and
their
Major
vote
allowing
his
affirmative
,
or
rejecting
his
negative
sentence
,
will
at
last
conclude
the
whole
definitive
sentence
to
be
come
into
their
hands
.
No
,
if
rulers
of
policy
,
peace
,
and
government
be
maintained
,
the
King
onely
(
as
aforesaid
)
can
be
supreme
,
and
all
other
of
his
subjects
can
have
but
derivative
powers
;
that
is
,
a●
sent
of
him
.
The
complaint
of
misusage
must
still
run
to
the
higher
;
the
people
cannot
appeal
to
the
people
,
when
the
King
(
their
onely
supreme
Judge
on
earth
)
hath
oppressed
them
.
They
have
in
this
condition
,
none
but
God
above
him
to
appeal
unto
;
he
is
the
onely
King
of
Kings
,
and
to
him
onely
(
in
this
case
)
vengeance
doth
belong
.
All
which
was
well
intimated
in
Samuels
reply
,
foreshewing
that
these
oppressions
should
irremediably
happen
sometimes
:
In
that
day
shall
ye
cry
unto
the
Lord
,
but
he
shall
not
hear
you
.
So
that
then
(
after
all
these
warnings
and
threats
)
the
people
chusing
to
submit
to
this
government
and
power
,
it
makes
their
resignation
of
power
and
trust
to
him
to
be
implicite
,
and
for
better
or
worse
.
It
makes
it
appear
,
that
they
had
considered
before
hand
of
these
things
,
as
mischiefs
that
might
sometimes
befall
them
;
the
which
patience
and
sufferance
,
not
rebellion
and
resistance
were
to
remedy
.
And
so
far
were
they
from
pretending
,
or
desiring
any
caution
against
it
,
that
their
reply
(
Nay
but
me
will
have
a
King
over
us
,
that
we
also
may
be
like
all
the
nations
,
and
that
our
King
may
Judge
us
and
go
out
before
us
,
and
fight
our
battailes
)
imports
an
acknowledgement
of
his
unquestionable
supremacy
over
them
,
and
that
aswell
in
Civil
as
Martial
affairs
;
which
is
meant
by
judging
them
and
fighting
their
battailes
.
And
then
,
by
their
proposing
herein
to
be
like
other
Nations
,
whose
Kings
(
it
is
well
known
)
had
at
that
time
absolute
Soveraignty
,
the
condition
of
perfect
subjection
will
be
farther
manifest
.
And
again
,
in
desiring
a
King
in
the
place
of
Judges
(
who
already
had
supreme
authority
as
far
as
positive
law
went
)
must
farther
imply
their
acknowledgements
of
an
extraordinary
obedience
,
to
this
new
and
extraordinary
power
.
For
when
Samuel
tells
them
that
now
God
was
their
King
(
meaning
that
in
all
extraordinary
and
urgent
occasions
his
advice
and
direction
was
to
be
sought
)
and
they
notwithstanding
this
,
chusing
to
have
a
King
,
it
makes
that
absolute
degree
of
submission
yet
more
apparent
,
which
was
to
be
given
to
this
high
Officer
,
who
should
succeed
in
this
Divine
place
of
Authority
:
which
,
as
it
might
subject
them
to
many
unavoidable
miseries
when
evil
Kings
came
,
so
,
on
the
other
hand
,
they
might
foresee
much
benefit
to
ensue
when
good
ones
came
:
as
it
proved
shortly
after
,
in
the
days
of
David
and
Solomon
.
So
that
,
untill
this
latter
age
of
the
world
,
that
men
through
vulgar
and
popular
flattery
,
could
be
brought
both
to
forget
Gods
precepts
and
their
own
reason
,
such
Maximes
and
positions
as
are
now
frequent
in
the
mouths
of
some
seditious
persons
,
would
have
been
abandoned
as
undutiful
,
aswell
as
scorned
as
ridiculous
.
It
would
have
sounded
strange
in
their
ears
,
to
have
heard
men
affirm
,
That
they
had
contrived
a
way
of
limitation
for
Kings
;
whereby
he
should
yet
have
all
power
left
him
to
do
good
unto
his
people
,
but
none
at
all
to
hurt
them
:
and
yet
,
such
is
our
present
aversion
to
government
,
that
the
hasty
and
inconsiderate
swallowing
down
of
such
like
Maxims
for
the
limitation
of
Monarchical
Power
,
hath
been
the
cause
of
all
our
publike
disturbances
.
All
which
right
reason
must
say
we
are
ever
in
danger
of
,
whilst
Soveraignty
is
not
entire
,
and
perfect
in
the
person
it
ought
to
be
.
For
what
,
shall
he
have
such
power
of
doing
good
,
as
it
shall
not
be
in
the
power
of
others
to
hinder
it
?
if
so
,
then
(
supposing
him
a
voluntary
Agent
)
you
must
also
suppose
,
that
(
if
he
think
fit
)
he
hath
power
of
forbearing
it
;
and
so
doth
ill
,
by
not
doing
good
.
Or
,
if
he
work
as
an
instrument
and
necessary
Agent
,
by
the
force
and
impulsion
of
another
,
then
is
the
power
of
doing
good
,
to
be
properly
ascribed
where
this
direction
is
:
because
the
Ministerial
Vertue
or
Power
of
the
instrument
,
may
be
thereby
implyed
other
wayes
,
or
not
at
all
.
And
so
,
if
you
make
him
to
carry
the
same
force
in
the
work
of
government
,
as
the
Carpenters
chizel
doth
in
all
his
work
;
then
,
how
shall
a
voluntary
Agent
be
imagined
such
?
or
what
is
the
difference
of
the
Kings
power
,
from
that
of
the
meanest
subject
;
when
he
must
do
so
as
he
is
directed
,
and
no
otherwise
?
And
so
lastly
,
how
can
that
be
called
good
,
which
is
done
necessarily
and
unwillingly
?
But
these
things
will
be
best
seen
by
instance
.
The
power
of
each
kingdom
is
in
the
Militia
:
now
,
as
he
that
hath
power
hereof
,
may
benefit
the
kingdom
by
the
invasion
of
another
,
or
by
defence
of
his
own
;
and
as
he
may
use
the
same
at
home
,
in
maintenance
of
laws
and
equity
against
opposers
,
so
may
he
thereby
do
the
contrary
.
Whereupon
Reason
and
Experience
tells
us
,
how
ridiculous
this
their
device
is
.
For
since
the
Militia
must
be
somwhere
,
and
of
absolute
power
,
if
it
be
not
in
one
mans
hand
,
it
will
be
in
more
.
What
will
they
then
be
the
neer
?
will
they
now
set
some
in
trust
over
these
again
?
to
the
end
,
that
as
those
were
trusted
above
the
King
,
to
hinder
him
from
doing
wrong
,
so
these
again
,
shall
have
power
to
be
over
them
,
that
they
abuse
not
that
their
power
,
which
they
before
had
over
the
King
?
when
will
they
have
done
setting
of
watchmen
upon
watchmen
?
and
must
they
not
be
men
still
that
they
shall
so
entrust
?
In
which
respect
being
alike
subject
to
transgress
,
will
they
not
necessarily
be
more
in
danger
of
injury
being
now
under
the
power
of
many
,
then
they
were
before
while
under
one
?
And
truely
,
they
that
thus
can
fancy
a
possibility
,
of
stating
a
person
in
such
a
condition
,
as
he
should
alwayes
have
power
to
do
good
,
must
next
contrive
him
such
a
will
,
as
he
shall
be
doing
it
also
;
or
else
this
power
is
but
vain
:
because
he
may
do
ill
in
forbearing
it
.
And
they
again
,
that
(
on
the
other
side
)
would
take
from
him
all
power
to
do
evil
,
and
yet
think
he
may
be
all
this
while
a
voluntary
Agent
,
do
in
both
respects
,
seem
to
me
to
condemn
God
Almighty
of
imprudence
or
injustice
,
in
not
governing
all
men
in
the
world
,
as
these
would
do
some
in
kingdoms
:
That
is
,
not
knowing
how
thus
to
take
from
men
the
power
of
doing
ill
,
without
taking
from
them
(
thereby
also
)
the
power
of
doing
well
;
but
suffering
sin
thus
needlesly
to
raigne
in
the
world
.
Out
of
what
hath
been
hitherto
spoken
,
we
may
gather
the
reason
,
both
for
the
establishment
of
Monarchy
,
and
also
for
annexing
unto
it
those
absolute
degrees
of
Soveraignty
;
not
to
be
wrested
or
alienated
from
the
person
of
the
Prince
by
any
of
his
subjects
:
who
cannot
,
without
overthrow
of
Monarchy
,
be
such
sharers
or
engrossers
of
the
Soveraignty
,
as
under
pretence
of
bridling
him
from
evil
,
To
say
unto
him
what
dost
thou
?
because
he
hath
power
by
his
Office
to
do
whatsoever
pleaseth
him
.
Oath
of
God
,
as
aforesaid
.
And
therefore
,
to
Kings
are
we
to
give
obedience
,
not
onely
for
wrath
,
but
for
conscience
sake
:
the
fear
of
a
King
is
as
the
roaring
of
a
Lyon
,
he
that
provoketh
him
to
anger
sinneth
against
his
own
soul
:
it
is
not
a
crime
in
policy
onely
,
whose
wrath
is
as
messengers
of
death
,
but
a
sin
also
against
Religion
.
And
least
any
should
use
their
Christian
liberty
for
a
cloak
to
their
maliciousness
,
and
the
better
to
act
their
own
revenge
or
ambition
,
pretend
that
in
unlawful
commands
obedience
is
not
due
(
which
once
granted
how
easie
would
it
be
to
make
any
thing
unlawful
we
had
no
minde
to
obey
)
we
are
enjoyned
to
be
subject
,
Not
onely
to
the
good
and
gentle
(
superiors
)
but
also
to
the
froward
;
for
this
is
thank
worthy
,
if
a
man
for
conscience
towards
God
endure
grief
,
suffering
wrongfully
:
for
what
glory
is
it
if
when
we
be
buffeted
for
our
faults
we
take
it
patiently
,
but
if
when
we
do
well
and
suffer
for
it
,
we
take
it
patiently
,
this
is
acceptible
with
God
:
for
even
hereunto
were
we
called
,
because
Christ
also
suffered
,
as
leaving
us
an
example
that
we
should
follow
his
steps
:
who
did
no
sin
,
neither
was
guile
found
in
his
mouth
:
who
when
he
was
reviled
,
reviled
not
again
,
when
he
suffered
threatned
not
,
but
committed
himself
to
him
that
judgeth
righteously
.
submit
themselves
to
every
ordinance
of
man
for
the
Lords
sake
;
unto
Kings
as
supreme
,
and
unto
other
governors
as
to
such
as
are
sent
of
him
:
for
such
was
the
will
of
God
and
their
well
doing
,
that
hereby
they
should
put
to
silence
,
the
ignorance
and
foolishness
of
men
:
even
of
such
men
,
as
not
knowing
that
the
foundation
of
Society
was
laid
upon
the
united
and
irresistable
authority
of
the
person
,
And
then
lastly
,
least
any
should
object
,
that
because
(
as
aforesaid
)
these
governors
were
but
for
the
punishment
of
evildoers
,
and
praise
of
them
that
do
well
;
therefore
,
if
they
should
do
the
contrary
(
as
their
Commission
or
authority
would
fail
,
so
)
their
obedience
to
him
might
faile
also
:
We
shall
farther
finde
him
giving
precepts
of
suffering
patiently
,
though
they
knew
it
wrongfully
.
And
this
he
confirms
by
the
example
of
our
Saviour
himself
,
who
,
as
he
was
infinitely
more
innocent
,
so
was
his
usage
more
hard
and
unjust
:
and
tha●
many
times
,
from
under
Kings
that
had
neither
natural
nor
rightful
authority
over
him
.
As
for
one
instance
,
in
the
case
of
paying
tribute
;
for
although
(
as
appears
by
Peters
answer
)
it
was
but
what
he
had
used
to
do
,
he
makes
an
expostulation
purposly
to
cleer
all
doubt
that
might
be
made
:
Of
whom
(
said
he
)
do
the
Kings
of
the
earth
take
custome
or
tribute
,
of
their
own
children
or
of
strangers
?
Peter
saith
unto
him
of
strangers
;
Jesus
saith
unto
him
,
then
are
the
children
free
,
notwithstanding
least
we
should
offend
t●em
,
go
thou
to
the
sea
,
and
cast
an
hook
,
and
take
up
the
fish
that
cometh
first
,
and
when
thou
hast
opened
his
mouth
thou
shalt
finde
a
piece
of
money
,
So
that
(
you
see
)
rather
then
he
will
offend
them
,
that
is
resist
authority
and
give
occasion
to
rebellion
,
by
standing
out
and
refusing
(
as
he
proved
he
might
have
done
in
this
illegal
command
)
he
works
a
miracle
to
perform
it
:
and
doth
it
for
Peter
also
,
of
whom
it
was
not
demanded
.
Nor
was
this
done
out
of
fear
,
as
wanting
power
to
resist
,
if
resistance
had
been
lawful
;
For
he
was
able
to
have
commanded
more
then
twelve
Legions
of
Angels
:
commit
all
to
him
that
judgeth
righteously
,
doth
belong
.
For
,
as
God
was
the
alone
author
of
their
power
and
Office
,
so
,
will
he
be
the
onely
judge
of
their
defaults
therein
;
according
to
that
of
David
,
against
thee
onely
have
I
sinned
:
The
man
that
hath
done
this
shall
surely
dye
,
and
make
restitution
.
But
,
although
David
had
power
thus
to
punish
any
of
his
subjects
,
the
man
,
he
concludes
none
on
earth
above
him
:
but
that
he
is
subject
to
God
onely
;
in
the
said
words
,
Against
thee
only
have
I
sinned
.
Marke
also
the
use
of
this
kingly
power
,
in
enforcing
or
abateing
the
rigor
of
the
law
:
For
restitution
was
by
Gods
law
onely
set
down
as
a
punishment
of
theft
,
which
was
the
onely
fault
,
and
not
adultery
which
appeared
in
the
parable
of
the
Lamb
:
but
he
,
for
the
punishment
of
a
fault
so
aggravated
by
circumstances
,
though
fit
to
have
death
added
:
and
should
no
doubt
have
been
therein
by
his
subjects
obeyed
,
without
imputation
of
guilt
for
using
arbitrary
power
;
no
more
then
when
he
took
the
shewbread
,
To
conclude
therefore
,
Soveraignty
is
the
supreme
judge
and
disposer
of
Publike
interest
:
where
,
by
●ublike
,
is
meant
whatever
may
be
of
general
concern
between
that
Kingdom
and
another
,
or
of
mutual
concern
to
others
in
the
same
kingdom
;
although
the
same
be
kept
as
a
propriety
in
private
hands
.
The
particulars
of
this
authority
,
we
will
briefly
here
set
down
.
The
chief
is
(
that
so
largely
heretofore
spoken
of
,
namely
)
the
sword
of
Justice
,
or
the
last
appeal
,
aswel
in
Religious
as
Civil
Causes
:
and
is
inseparable
,
and
incommunicable
.
The
next
,
is
the
power
of
making
,
and
interpreting
of
laws
.
The
next
,
is
to
lay
taxes
,
and
grant
privilidges
and
exemptions
:
tribute
Masters
;
and
so
Saul
also
(
out
of
his
known
prerogative
)
promised
to
them
that
should
slay
Goliah
,
to
make
his
fathers
house
free
in
Israel
:
The
next
is
to
make
Magistrates
and
state
officers
:
for
he
having
delegation
from
God
,
and
being
the
common
Fountain
and
Center
of
power
,
their
power
must
be
but
derivative
and
part
of
his
.
The
next
is
,
to
make
peace
and
war
:
all
of
them
comprehended
under
those
general
terms
of
submission
,
mentioned
in
the
Jews
first
election
of
their
Kings
:
namely
to
judge
them
and
fight
their
battailes
.
And
,
Although
in
the
passed
Treatise
the
name
of
King
be
only
commonly
used
,
yet
what
is
spoken
of
him
is
to
be
applied
unto
Monarchy
in
general
;
under
what
other
title
of
Emperor
,
Prince
,
Duke
,
Lord
,
&c.
so
they
be
free
and
holding
of
God
onely
.
For
unto
the
Monarch
,
in
right
of
his
Office
,
and
not
to
the
name
,
is
the
Power
and
Soveraignty
due
:
even
as
the
head
of
the
family
,
is
,
in
relation
to
his
wife
called
husband
,
to
his
children
father
,
to
his
servants
Master
,
and
yet
is
the
same
person
:
so
,
if
a
Duke
or
Lord
(
as
those
of
Edom
and
the
Philistins
sometimes
were
)
be
absolute
,
their
smalness
of
territory
debars
not
their
right
to
Monarchy
;
more
then
the
Master
of
a
less
Family
,
to
be
in
his
Office
of
government
,
as
absolute
as
he
that
hath
a
greater
.
And
the
like
may
be
said
of
a
Soveraign
Officer
in
a
Commonwealth
also
,
if
he
be
supreme
and
not
accountable
to
any
one
earth
for
his
actions
:
as
was
that
famous
Cesar
,
and
other
the
dictators
in
Rome
.
For
whosoever
hath
the
sole
independent
prerogative
of
Kan-ning
,
from
which
the
word
King
is
derived
,
he
is
truely
a
King
also
;
but
so
far
as
he
hath
not
,
his
soveraignty
,
is
so
far
defective
,
and
Anarchy
introduced
:
which
shall
be
our
next
discourse
.
THE
SECOND
BOOK
OF
GOVERNMENT
AND
Its
Ground
and
Foundation
,
according
to
VULGAR
POSITIONS
.
The
Introduction
.
IN
pursuance
of
my
first
Proposal
,
for
establishment
of
publike
Peace
and
good
,
I
have
in
the
passed
Book
,
brought
Monarchy
to
its
just
height
:
and
that
,
from
such
general
and
obvious
Arguments
from
Reason
and
Scripture
,
as
do
,
to
my
thinking
,
point
directly
to
that
end
,
and
no
way
else
.
But
,
being
to
write
in
an
age
,
where
contrary
prejudice
will
not
ordinarily
give
men
ability
or
leisure
to
attend
the
discovery
,
it
fareth
therefore
with
me
,
as
with
that
Artificer
,
who
,
having
brought
something
unexpectedly
to
pass
,
is
forced
for
the
farther
confirmation
of
the
thing
it self
,
to
submit
it
to
the
handling
and
tryal
of
the
spectators
in
their
own
way
.
And
because
it
may
again
be
objected
,
to
what
purpose
all
this
ado
,
since
these
very
ends
are
,
or
may
as
well
be
attained
,
by
the
ways
already
approved
of
:
and
that
,
by
men
of
great
Eminence
and
Learning
amongst
us
?
It
seems
therefore
now
again
needful
to
take
all
this
Structure
of
Government
in
pieces
,
and
to
examine
it
farther
,
part
by
part
,
according
to
that
Fabrick
,
and
those
materials
,
which
are
usually
brought
to
the
constitution
thereof
.
In
which
Discourse
,
having
first
cleered
and
rectified
those
vulgar
political
Maxims
from
their
former
rubbish
and
disguise
,
I
shall
then
prove
,
that
so
much
of
each
of
them
as
is
compatible
with
just
Government
,
and
the
ends
thereof
,
are
to
be
appropriate
to
Monarchy
onely
.
In
this
my
undertaking
,
in
the
defence
of
Gods
true
Vicegerent
amongst
us
,
there
seems
to
lye
on
my
part
,
the
like
task
as
there
did
formerly
on
Moses
,
in
the
manifestation
of
God
himself
:
that
is
,
not
onely
to
prove
the
Monarch
to
be
so
by
way
of
plain
demonstration
,
but
also
to
extend
this
Reason
,
to
the
eating
up
of
all
those
serpentine
shews
,
CHAP.
I.
Of
Anarchy
.
THey
that
suppose
the
word
to
imply
onely
that
state
and
condition
of
men
where
no
Government
at
all
is
exercised
,
will
much
to
seek
to
finde
out
any
instance
or
example
for
proof
of
their
Assertion
:
or
indeed
,
any
possibility
how
it
should
at
all
come
to
pass
.
Therefore
,
that
which
hath
hitherto
been
spoken
of
the
original
of
Government
,
in
the
fourth
chapter
of
the
precedent
book
,
must
be
understood
onely
as
supposing
it
to
have
its
Reason
in
Nature
,
and
that
thereby
it
might
have
been
known
,
although
the
same
had
been
by
no
other
light
or
positive
Law
found
out
and
appointed
:
and
not
as
determining
that
ever
men
were
,
or
could
be
left
by
a
careful
God
in
such
a
confused
condition
,
where
,
like
a
brood
of
Cadmus
,
wanting
all
manner
of
Breeding
and
Instruction
,
they
should
fall
to
the
slaughter
of
one
another
;
till
their
bleeding
wounds
,
and
not
his
Precepts
or
Providence
,
had
taught
them
rules
of
Subjection
.
No
,
it
would
be
too
plain
and
great
compliance
with
Athiesm
to
think
Gods
Omniscience
in
foreseeing
,
or
his
Goodness
in
preventing
,
so
small
or
slack
,
as
to
leave
man
,
a
Creature
upon
whom
(
above
all
the
rest
)
he
had
bestowed
such
workmanship
and
care
,
to
the
common
hazard
and
condition
of
that
which
was
meanest
.
Leaving
therefore
these
fancies
aside
,
that
think
men
should
(
like
swarms
of
Bees
)
be
brought
to
choice
of
Policy
without
any
foregone
experience
or
knowledge
of
Government
,
we
must
make
Government
the
elder
brother
to
Anarchy
.
For
so
we
finde
,
that
while
there
were
but
two
persons
in
the
world
,
the
woman
,
by
special
appointment
,
was
to
have
her
desires
subject
to
her
husbands
,
and
he
was
to
rule
over
her
.
And
,
as
Wives
,
And
this
prime
or
more
natural
Prerogative
of
Primo-geniture
,
and
Father
of
the
Family
,
although
it
had
not
the
name
;
yet
it
had
the
truth
and
reality
of
Monarchy
:
and
that
as
well
in
the
Authority
as
Unity
of
the
person
:
as
by
that
phrase
,
the
father
of
the
Moabites
and
Amonites
to
this
day
,
may
appear
:
which
must
signifie
succcession
of
these
Monarchical
Governors
,
in
right
of
the
fir●t
Father
.
So
that
now
,
under
the
name
of
King
,
there
is
but
a
continuance
and
restitution
of
that
ancient
form
,
by
change
of
the
name
from
Pater
Familiae
,
to
Pater
Patriae
:
importing
a
continuance
of
Power
and
Office
,
notwithstanding
the
encrease
of
t●rritory
and
number
of
Subjects
.
For
the
length
of
life
that
gave
these
Ancients
advantage
to
see
many
Families
peopled
out
of
their
own
loyns
,
gave
them
also
right
of
Government
in
chief
.
But
this
common
Parent
now
dead
,
Pride
,
Covetousness
,
Ambition
,
&c.
quickly
clouded
the
respect
due
by
birthright
to
the
elder
brother
,
who
by
the
Law
of
God
should
rule
over
the
other
,
and
have
their
desires
subject
to
him
:
and
so
,
through
stubbornness
,
did
break
that
course
which
,
if
it
had
been
observed
,
would
have
made
Monarchy
perpetual
:
but
not
being
so
,
Anarchies
succeed
.
For
the
divided
Families
,
finde
many
occasions
of
controversie
amongst
themselves
,
which
they
,
in
their
reputed
equality
of
Jurisdiction
,
knew
not
how
to
determine
:
because
,
not
submitting
to
that
hereditary
right
(
before
spoken
of
)
by
the
which
Isaac
had
appointed
Esau
as
servant
to
Jacob
(
as
apprehending
him
the
elder
)
and
which
Jacob
also
,
for
Peace-sake
,
gave
to
Judah
amongst
the
Tribes
of
Israel
(
namely
to
be
perpetual
Law-giver
)
discord
and
dissention
quickly
broke
in
upon
them
.
And
this
(
no
doubt
)
was
the
state
of
the
old
world
before
the
flood
;
for
we
read
not
of
any
Monarchs
;
but
that
,
as
men
began
to
multiply
in
the
earth
,
so
began
they
,
for
want
of
restraint
,
to
be
ruled
onely
by
their
own
likings
:
which
the
heads
of
Tribes
,
for
want
of
a
common
Head
,
exercising
over
one
another
as
men
of
renown
,
the
whole
earth
came
to
be
filled
with
violence
.
For
although
each
Family
had
its
Government
within
it self
,
and
so
all
men
within
one
Government
or
other
,
yet
,
since
there
wanted
a
definitive
sentence
or
Monarch
to
unite
these
Governors
amongst
themselves
,
they
were
in
the
true
estate
of
Anarchy
.
But
to
Noah
and
his
sons
,
that
were
to
people
the
world
afterwards
,
as
these
mischiefs
were
well
known
,
so
were
they
avoided
.
For
after
that
the
earth
came
to
be
so
fully
inhabited
that
now
Families
must
interfere
one
upon
another
,
and
could
not
part
peaceable
as
Abraham
and
Lot
did
,
we
finde
them
under
Kings
;
as
a
necessary
form
for
preservation
of
mankinde
.
Which
blessed
Government
was
ever
accompanied
with
Gods
promises
of
fruitfulness
,
as
before
recited
.
But
if
,
by
accident
,
they
were
removed
,
these
people
were
in
the
sense
of
Antiquity
,
if
without
Kings
,
without
Government
also
,
and
in
the
estate
of
Anarchy
and
confusion
.
And
thereupon
,
we
finde
it
threatned
,
Isa.
7.16
.
that
before
the
overthrow
of
Judah
and
Israel
,
the
Land
should
be
forsaken
of
both
her
Kings
.
And
so
much
as
will
suffice
to
convince
Anarchy
to
be
absence
of
Monarchy
,
is
in
Holy
Writ
implyed
,
when
,
in
the
inter-regnum
of
the
Judges
,
it
is
said
,
there
was
no
King
in
Israel
,
but
every
man
did
that
which
was
righteous
in
his
own
eyes
.
And
yet
were
all
men
,
at
the
same
time
,
subject
to
the
Fathers
and
chief
of
their
Tribes
;
as
appears
by
the
act
of
the
Danites
:
they
had
also
the
same
Laws
they
had
before
for
their
direction
.
But
,
because
there
was
now
no
single
judge
,
who
might
interpret
and
inforce
this
Law
,
and
give
direction
and
command
in
chief
,
it
was
reckoned
a
state
of
Anarchy
.
The
like
,
at
that
time
was
imputed
to
the
men
of
Laish
;
and
made
a
reason
of
their
easie
destruction
:
for
there
was
no
Magistrate
in
the
Land
that
might
put
them
to
shame
in
any
thing
.
or
heir
of
restraint
(
for
so
the
original
will
bear
)
we
may
conceive
their
want
of
Monarchy
was
intended
:
wo
to
a
Land
when
many
were
the
Princes
thereof
.
And
indeed
,
is
the
punishment
of
rebellion
,
for
casting
off
the
one
first
head
,
and
so
making
many
in
their
divided
Factions
and
Tribes
.
And
again
,
the
state
thereof
is
in
the
Text
counted
as
preserved
,
by
having
one
Prince
:
called
there
a
man
of
understanding
and
knowledge
.
Meaning
one
of
such
capacity
,
They
that
think
understanding
and
knowledge
was
here
more
pointed
at
then
the
unity
of
the
person
,
will
be
then
troubled
to
finde
,
why
the
plurality
of
Princes
should
be
disliked
:
since
,
in
that
respect
,
many
understanding
men
must
in
quantity
be
more
then
one
.
And
again
,
likely
it
was
for
one
single
person
to
want
it
,
and
almost
impossible
for
a
number
of
any
greatness
:
whereupon
it
might
,
upon
that
supposition
,
have
been
set
down
,
but
by
many
men
of
understanding
,
&c.
But
the
truth
is
,
the
curse
and
malediction
is
in
the
word
many
;
or
else
many
understanding
Princes
might
have
been
a
blessing
,
as
well
as
one
.
But
why
this
one
Prince
is
here
set
down
,
on
the
other
side
,
as
a
man
of
understanding
,
is
because
Princes
that
want
understanding
,
are
great
oppressors
:
the
Lands
woe
.
For
if
,
at
all
,
the
equal
Government
of
Peers
or
People
,
either
independently
amongst
themselves
,
or
as
joyntly
sharing
therein
with
the
King
,
had
been
good
or
commendable
,
then
this
nonage
of
the
King
,
which
must
necessarily
produce
it
,
should
not
have
been
reckoned
as
in
it self
a
woe
.
But
so
we
shall
finde
it
undenyably
to
be
accompted
,
if
we
look
into
the
third
chapter
of
Isa.
Children
to
be
their
Princes
,
and
Babes
to
rule
over
them
.
And
,
in
the
next
verse
,
tells
the
consequential
punishment
that
should
follow
the
Anarchical
rule
of
others
in
their
names
and
rooms
:
viz.
and
the
people
shall
be
oppressed
every
one
by
another
,
and
every
one
by
his
neighbor
.
the
childe
shall
behave
himself
proudly
against
the
ancient
,
and
the
base
against
the
honorable
.
But
then
,
a
man
shall
take
hold
of
his
Brother
of
the
house
of
his
Father
,
saying
,
Thou
hast
cloathing
,
be
thou
our
Ruler
,
and
let
this
ruine
be
under
thy
hand
.
Which
desolation
,
to
follow
the
absence
or
inability
of
the
Monarch
,
is
again
expressed
in
the
twelfth
verse
,
viz.
as
for
my
people
,
children
are
their
oppressors
,
and
women
rule
ever
them
;
under
which
notions
of
women
and
children
oppressors
,
we
are
to
conceive
persons
disabled
in
the
execution
of
their
Governments
themselves
,
through
personal
disability
,
and
want
of
power
and
judgement
.
For
since
,
we
cannot
think
women
and
children
could
do
it
most
in
their
own
persons
,
we
must
thereupon
conceive
their
punishment
&
oppression
to
arise
from
that
divided
,
&
Aristocratick
way
of
Government
which
the
Nobility
or
others
should
act
,
by
reason
of
this
want
of
superior
restraint
.
Whereupon
,
in
the
following
verses
,
God
,
in
the
disability
or
absence
of
his
Deputy
,
undertakes
the
cause
of
the
oppressed
himself
:
The
Lord
standeth
up
to
plead
,
and
standeth
up
to
judge
the
people
:
the
Lord
will
enter
into
judgement
with
the
ancient
of
his
people
,
and
the
Princes
thereof
:
for
ye
have
eaten
up
the
vineyard
,
the
spoile
of
the
poor
is
in
your
houses
:
what
mean
you
that
you
beat
my
people
to
pieces
,
and
grinde
the
faces
of
the
poor
,
saith
the
Lord
of
hosts
.
And
if
we
look
into
the
New-Testament
,
and
the
time
of
our
Saviour
,
we
shall
finde
,
not
onely
this
malediction
actually
removed
from
the
world
,
by
the
presence
of
him
that
came
not
to
destroy
mens
lives
but
to
save
them
,
but
,
But
although
our
Saviour
seem
not
to
point
against
Polarchy
expresly
herein
,
yet
St.
James
,
that
knew
well
his
minde
,
and
perceived
the
mystery
of
Antichristianism
already
working
,
doth
it
plainly
;
saying
,
My
Brethren
be
not
many
Masters
,
knowing
that
we
shall
receive
the
greater
condemnation
.
Surely
,
he
meant
not
by
this
word
many
,
to
forbid
any
man
to
be
Master
of
his
own
Servants
or
Family
:
to
which
end
,
as
he
did
allow
more
Families
then
one
,
so
must
he
allow
several
Masters
to
them
.
Nor
could
he
be
supposed
generally
to
reprove
Pride
or
any
other
Vice
,
as
barely
Vices
.
First
,
for
that
he
,
and
others
,
used
to
name
such
crimes
more
plainly
that
all
might
know
them
:
and
next
,
for
that
such
like
Vices
,
being
not
allowable
in
any
man
at
all
,
it
had
been
more
fit
to
have
said
be
not
any
,
then
be
not
many
.
And
therefore
,
I
conceive
the
Master
here
meant
,
is
that
one
publike
supreme
Commander
,
which
is
set
over
us
:
into
which
rank
he
forbids
any
more
then
one
to
enter
,
when
he
saith
,
be
not
many
.
And
,
that
his
meaning
was
of
these
supreme
Masters
,
will
farther
appear
by
the
consequential
guilt
likely
to
follow
in
the
great
account
of
these
publike
Stewards
,
although
rightfully
undertaken
;
for
in
many
things
we
offend
all
:
that
is
,
we
have
so
many
offences
to
answer
for
in
our
seperate
and
private
callings
already
(
in
relation
to
things
submitted
to
our
own
guidance
)
that
we
need
not
increase
them
by
increase
of
our
charge
and
trust
.
But
,
if
any
there
be
,
that
do
yet
doubt
that
these
last
alleadged
Texts
(
prohibiting
parity
in
command
)
do
reach
to
Political
or
State
Governors
,
because
set
down
many
Masters
onely
:
or
that
the
former
alleadged
woe
of
Solomon
,
set
down
to
attend
the
disability
of
the
King
,
were
not
applyable
to
that
disability
which
his
subjects
stubbornness
did
cause
,
as
well
as
to
that
which
his
natural
incapacity
did
produce
,
let
them
here
this
wise
man
once
again
most
plainly
pronouncing
them
both
:
My
son
fear
thou
the
Lord
and
the
King
,
and
meddle
not
with
them
that
are
given
to
change
:
For
their
calamity
shall
rise
suddenly
,
and
who
knoweth
the
ruine
of
them
both
.
The
first
verse
expresly
points
out
the
onely
Officer
and
person
who
,
next
unto
God
,
we
are
to
make
the
object
of
our
highest
obedience
and
fear
:
and
the
other
,
plainly
sets
forth
the
woe
and
ruine
following
,
both
to
the
seditious
and
seduced
.
They
that
would
interpret
the
prohibition
against
sedition
and
change
here
set
down
,
as
also
the
fore-recited
punishment
of
many
Princes
for
the
wickedness
of
a
Land
,
not
to
import
the
admission
of
Polarchy
in
the
place
of
Monarchy
,
but
the
change
of
Princes
one
after
another
;
do
then
(
thereupon
)
confess
,
that
all
Lands
and
People
that
practise
such
seditious
courses
are
wicked
:
inasmuch
as
fear
and
obedience
to
an
evil
King
might
else
have
been
excepted
;
and
subjects
themselves
allowed
to
change
him
for
a
man
of
understanding
:
without
consideration
that
they
were
blessings
or
punishments
sent
and
set
over
us
by
God
onely
.
If
it
had
been
said
,
For
the
wickedness
of
a
Land
many
are
the
evil
Princes
thereof
,
or
,
my
son
fear
the
present
good
King
,
and
meddle
not
with
them
that
would
change
him
for
another
;
then
we
might
well
indeed
have
thought
,
the
words
many
,
and
change
,
to
import
succession
.
But
then
,
why
should
not
many
Princes
or
men
of
understanding
,
ruling
successively
or
at
once
,
be
set
down
as
a
blessing
and
preservative
to
a
state
,
as
well
as
one
?
For
,
if
understanding
make
the
blessing
,
as
in
it self
,
there
will
(
as
before
noted
)
be
more
in
this
many
,
then
in
one
.
And
lastly
,
what
evasion
will
they
finde
against
the
prohibition
of
many
masters
?
What
,
must
it
intend
suddain
succession
too
?
and
so
tolerate
many
at
once
to
be
in
equal
command
,
either
in
the
Family
or
elsewhere
:
in
such
sort
,
as
we
might
serve
God
and
Mammon
both
at
once
,
but
not
presently
one
after
another
,
so
as
to
change
Mammon
to
serve
God
?
No
certainly
,
the
word
many
can
admit
of
no
such
wresting
;
especially
being
put
in
the
present
Tense
by
are
,
it
must
plainly
denote
them
to
be
such
as
are
to
be
at
the
same
time
,
and
all
at
once
;
and
not
such
as
shall
,
or
have
been
successively
raigning
,
and
so
may
come
to
be
called
many
,
in
respect
of
those
many
ages
and
times
wherein
they
reigned
.
For
if
so
,
how
shall
we
do
to
state
and
compute
any
Lands
Malediction
,
for
want
of
a
determinate
present
time
wherein
these
many
Princes
might
be
said
to
raign
,
more
then
,
then
at
another
time
?
For
if
succession
be
unhappiness
,
then
are
all
Lands
so
.
It
is
not
therefore
to
be
doubted
,
but
that
Solomon
intended
Polarchy
by
many
,
as
the
plainest
expression
he
could
give
thereof
:
having
not
learnt
his
wisdom
from
their
Schools
,
where
the
notions
of
Aristocracies
and
Democracies
were
invented
.
Or
,
if
the
word
many
should
be
thought
importing
that
condition
of
any
people
wherein
many
competitors
are
at
once
striving
for
the
Regality
,
so
as
to
introduce
Civil
War
,
then
is
the
malediction
confessed
to
be
want
of
Monarchy
.
For
although
it
be
the
height
of
Polarchical
mischief
to
be
in
actual
Civil
War
,
and
in
open
Arms
,
yet
it
takes
not
off
the
cause
thereof
from
being
malediction
too
:
which
is
that
faction
and
siding
,
which
must
always
be
where
many
Governors
are
at
once
.
But
if
any
there
be
,
who
,
from
Gods
permission
of
these
Governments
to
be
in
the
world
,
do
therefore
think
them
lawful
;
and
so
are
slow
to
interpret
any
place
of
Scripture
to
make
against
them
,
there
is
no
better
way
to
discover
their
partiality
to
these
forms
above
Monarchy
,
then
by
supposing
the
one
to
be
put
in
the
others
stead
;
and
so
to
think
with
themselves
,
if
it
had
been
said
,
For
the
wickedness
of
a
Land
one
is
the
Prince
thereof
,
but
by
many
men
of
understanding
the
state
thereof
is
preserved
:
and
so
also
,
My
son
fear
God
and
this
or
that
sort
of
Polarchy
,
&c.
whither
they
would
not
(
thereupon
)
have
more
readily
concluded
against
Monarchy
,
then
now
against
Polarchy
?
And
hence
(
as
our
Preface
noted
)
we
may
observe
that
there
is
not
in
Scripture
to
be
found
the
mention
of
any
people
without
a
King
;
nor
can
any
other
Record
instance
in
any
state
of
eminence
,
which
oweth
not
its
foundation
to
that
form
of
policy
.
For
it
was
after-times
onely
,
that
,
as
the
inordinate
lusts
of
men
began
more
to
abound
,
so
sought
they
to
be
rid
of
restraint
:
and
therefore
by
little
and
little
strived
to
take
wholly
away
,
or
clip
the
wings
of
Majesty
:
that
under
pretence
of
ruling
by
Law
,
and
so
interpreting
and
ruling
those
Laws
by
themselves
,
they
might
at
last
be
under
no
rule
at
all
.
And
now
come
Aristocracies
and
Democracies
,
being
but
Anarchies
,
and
onely
differing
in
number
of
Commanders
from
one
another
,
to
be
called
Governments
lawful
,
against
all
Reason
.
For
since
political
government
must
be
onely
where
there
is
a
distinct
relation
in
the
persons
of
Governors
and
governed
,
here
they
are
both
the
same
,
and
so
confounded
,
that
they
are
not
to
be
known
one
from
another
,
and
so
cannot
be
rightly
called
Governments
.
For
Government
is
then
onely
,
when
the
Governor
,
as
Agent
,
and
the
governed
,
as
Patient
,
stand
reciprocally
ready
to
operate
towards
the
Governors
ends
.
Towards
the
Governors
ends
I
say
,
for
so
far
as
the
Patient
or
governed
,
hath
design
respective
to
it self
in
any
thing
,
it
cannot
be
called
passive
or
subject
,
but
active
rather
;
and
so
no
Government
.
And
although
Government
may
be
in
degree
more
or
less
,
in
comparison
of
one
government
to
another
,
as
the
vertue
of
Agency
and
Patibility
stand
in
measure
increased
or
remitted
,
yet
doth
the
due
execution
of
smaller
commands
make
government
as
well
as
the
greater
;
and
obedience
to
the
smaller
Prince
is
as
truly
constitutive
of
Government
,
as
to
the
greatest
;
whilst
his
Subjects
stand
to
their
powers
ready
to
receive
and
obey
his
Laws
.
For
albeit
that
Government
,
being
an
active
quality
,
ows
its
chief
essence
to
the
Governor
,
from
whence
it
did
at
first
proceed
and
take
force
,
yet
since
this
active
quality
is
not
of
force
to
act
otherwise
then
as
in
the
Patient
,
as
its
proper
subject
,
it
cannot
therefore
be
called
government
farther
then
that
Correlate
the
Patient
or
Subject
stands
reciprocally
fitted
to
admit
the
Governors
power
and
impression
.
Fitted
I
say
it
must
be
hereunto
,
according
to
its
relation
as
aforesaid
,
so
as
to
work
as
the
Agent
or
Governor
shall
see
cause
:
which
fitness
doth
then
constitute
Government
to
be
and
continue
,
even
whilst
there
is
no
real
execution
according
to
the
vertue
thereof
.
For
Government
may
be
while
this
Agency
is
not
outwardly
exercised
,
but
cannot
at
all
be
where
the
relations
themselves
are
not
distinctly
and
properly
ready
and
kept
up
to
act
according
to
occasions
.
So
that
now
,
in
the
confused
fabrick
of
these
Polarchies
,
we
can
by
no
means
finde
true
Government
,
as
being
so
disabled
to
finde
where
to
fixe
and
place
this
active
quality
of
governing
,
and
the
passive
quality
of
governed
.
For
we
shall
not
onely
finde
it
uncertain
whether
the
people
or
their
own
Magistrates
and
Senate
are
Governors
,
because
sometimes
the
people
or
governed
are
really
taking
on
them
to
act
their
own
wills
as
chief
,
but
also
(
supposing
the
Government
in
the
Senate
)
it
will
be
still
as
hard
so
to
fix
it
there
,
as
to
make
it
to
be
Government
.
For
in
that
fancied
equality
which
they
have
in
power
to
one
another
,
who
shall
be
superior
?
and
if
the
persons
in
the
major
Vote
be
Soveraigns
,
and
the
lesser
Vote
and
the
rest
of
the
people
Subjects
,
who
shall
then
be
Soveraigns
when
these
major
voters
come
,
by
variety
of
occasions
,
to
be
many
of
them
on
the
minor
side
?
will
not
this
render
both
relations
,
and
the
Government
it self
thereupon
founded
,
to
be
a
thing
unfixed
and
uncertain
;
or
but
Anarchy
new-named
?
For
the
whole
body
cannot
be
Soveraigns
,
because
the
minor
part
must
be
still
subject
to
the
major
:
which
major
part
again
,
having
no
personal
or
certain
assurance
it
shall
continue
so
,
the
Government
also
may
be
so
,
or
not
so
;
and
consequently
,
the
same
persons
be
Governors
or
not
,
as
occasions
shall
lead
them
.
Take
then
away
,
or
unsettle
the
relation
of
Governors
,
and
that
of
governed
will
cease
and
be
unfixed
also
.
And
whereas
,
again
,
Monarchies
receive
their
main
assurance
from
the
mutual
oaths
between
Governor
and
governed
,
where
are
the
Oaths
between
State
and
people
,
as
between
Monarch
and
people
?
do
they
swear
to
observe
the
Laws
,
or
do
the
people
swear
to
them
Alleagiance
?
Or
if
God
be
omitted
,
as
not
seemly
to
call
him
in
as
party
or
witness
to
a
mock
Government
,
so
unlike
his
,
then
the
trust
must
be
supposed
implicite
from
the
people
to
them
;
and
so
to
pass
with
their
election
.
Whereupon
,
since
this
Election
and
trust
is
to
the
several
and
particular
members
,
all
alike
,
and
equal
,
as
they
came
to
be
chosen
,
how
can
some
Members
,
under
a
minor
Vote
be
excluded
,
without
breach
of
that
trust
whereby
they
had
equal
power
?
Or
was
the
trust
to
the
whole
joyntly
(
which
is
yet
hard
to
be
conceived
since
they
must
be
elected
personally
and
severally
)
how
can
a
Major
Vote
exclude
John
,
Will
:
Thomas
,
and
it
may
be
a
hundred
more
of
equal
trust
to
themselves
?
To
say
they
trusted
a
major
is
unconceiveable
;
because
trust
follows
Election
,
and
Election
must
have
a
personal
and
definite
,
and
not
a
notional
object
:
such
as
a
Major
Vote
is
;
which
must
be
always
contingent
and
unfixed
.
And
,
if
this
major
Vote
have
not
its
power
from
Election
,
how
comes
it
to
have
it
?
or
,
how
differs
it
from
the
tyranny
of
Anarchy
,
which
is
of
all
tyranny
the
worst
?
for
every
man
is
herein
oppressed
of
his
neighbour
,
and
the
weaker
and
fewer
in
continual
vexation
of
the
stronger
and
more
in
number
:
with
this
aggravation
also
,
that
herein
they
seem
remediless
;
that
since
it
is
requisite
that
all
controversies
should
be
ended
,
it
is
therefore
fit
that
a
major
part
should
be
taken
as
the
whole
:
forasmuch
as
in
few
,
or
no
cases
universal
assent
being
to
be
expected
,
without
this
rule
,
no
decision
,
or
opinion
of
the
Assembly
could
be
had
.
But
then
,
I
pray
,
what
necessity
of
putting
your selves
into
such
a
condition
of
Government
as
must
put
you
to
this
necessity
?
Indeed
this
collection
of
a
major
Vote
is
many
times
necessary
and
good
in
Parliaments
,
and
Assemblies
in
Monarchies
;
where
the
results
and
opinions
of
the
whole
Council
can
no
otherwise
appear
to
the
Prince
,
who
for
that
cause
assembled
them
:
and
where
he
himself
,
representing
the
whole
people
joyntly
,
shall
in
the
determination
,
afterwards
be
on
which
side
he
pleaseth
:
and
so
leave
none
uninterressed
,
or
unconsenting
:
Joyntly
I
say
,
for
that
in
him
onely
,
as
being
but
one
person
,
there
can
be
an
united
and
general
consent
and
representation
.
For
,
if
that
rule
be
true
,
that
what
is
the
concern
of
all
should
have
the
consent
of
all
,
how
shall
these
Shires
and
Burroughs
that
come
now
,
as
minor
voters
,
to
have
their
Representatives
overborn
,
be
obliged
to
the
determinations
of
a
major
Vote
,
not
by
them
elected
or
entrusted
,
if
by
their
joynt
subordination
to
the
Monarch
,
who
did
before
give
them
power
thus
to
elect
,
they
stood
not
still
obliged
?
So
that
,
they
that
alleadge
a
major
Vote
ought
of
it self
to
prevail
,
because
it
is
to
be
presumed
that
,
in
case
of
opposition
,
even
by
by
strength
it
would
so
fall
out
,
where
is
then
their
Government
founded
on
pretended
consent
,
if
meer
force
must
be
the
rule
?
For
what
think
they
shall
become
of
Equity
,
which
alone
should
take
place
,
as
having
Reason
and
Wisdom
for
its
guide
?
what
doth
Equity
and
Reason
so
abound
,
as
that
the
major
part
of
men
in
general
,
or
of
any
Society
in
particular
should
be
always
the
juster
and
wiser
?
if
not
,
what
do
we
but
endanger
to
follow
a
multitude
to
do
evil
,
and
speak
in
a
cause
to
decline
after
many
to
wrest
judgement
.
In
a
word
,
in
this
fained
Government
or
political
Paction
,
how
can
Peace
or
Unity
be
expected
,
where
it
is
not
so
much
as
designed
in
shew
or
appearance
?
For
,
whereas
the
submission
of
all
in
general
to
some
kinde
of
coercive
and
superior
power
is
in
Government
on
all
hands
necessary
,
here
the
greater
part
are
exempted
and
left
at
liberty
.
And
where
political
order
appoints
an
Union
in
the
body
,
by
means
of
an
Union
in
the
head
,
in
Democracy
the
head
is
made
of
many
;
and
,
by
a
monstrous
deformity
,
made
biger
then
the
body
.
And
where
again
,
in
Monarchy
the
whole
people
are
subject
to
the
Prince
,
and
he
to
God
(
so
that
there
remains
but
one
personate
Liberty
as
to
the
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
)
here
the
greater
part
have
no
Laws
to
restrain
them
;
but
,
according
to
the
dictates
of
unbridled
Nature
good
and
bad
,
Justice
and
injustice
;
are
at
their
own
determination
.
Against
which
,
it
will
be
bootless
to
object
that
the
good
of
the
major
part
is
in
reason
to
be
preferred
to
that
of
the
fewer
,
for
that
none
will
deny
,
supposing
it
in
things
equally
concerning
them
:
but
who
shall
judge
of
that
,
when
,
instead
of
one
person
,
of
common
concern
and
interest
in
the
whole
people
,
one
faction
shall
thus
be
still
judging
another
,
and
so
,
reckoning
themselves
the
whole
State
,
endeavor
the
subversion
of
their
opposites
,
without
conceit
of
publike
detriment
.
But
that
which
is
most
direct
to
shew
this
Government
null
or
unlawful
,
is
their
want
of
Authority
.
For
their
deriving
power
from
the
people
onely
,
must
argue
they
s●ill
want
it
:
because
the
people
having
it
not
themselves
,
they
cannot
(
as
elsewhere
proved
)
give
it
to
others
.
For
how
can
the
people
give
power
to
the
people
,
more
then
a
man
can
be
said
to
give
power
to
himself
?
whereupon
,
these
Polarchs
,
having
no
mission
from
God
,
or
Authority
from
that
rule
of
Government
by
him
set
down
,
how
can
they
be
but
in
their
administrations
tyrannical
;
and
be
in
danger
,
when
they
put
any
man
to
death
,
to
commit
murther
with
the
sword
of
Justice
?
And
where
again
,
it
is
alleadged
,
That
all
power
is
founded
in
the
Will
,
and
that
voluntary
submission
makes
Authority
lawful
and
tolerable
;
these
forms
are
but
so
in
pretence
,
and
carry
on
their
executions
by
continual
and
irresistable
terror
and
force
,
in
regard
of
their
number
not
to
be
withstood
.
Whereas
the
single
Prince
,
can
be
obeyed
but
voluntarily
;
according
as
sense
of
Loyalty
,
Duty
,
or
Love
shall
direct
:
and
when
,
or
so
far
as
he
shall
use
force
,
so
as
to
be
called
tyranny
or
oppression
,
this
must
arise
as
he
makes
use
of
a
major
number
or
strength
,
and
by
the
force
of
other
men
prevails
against
a
minor
part
which
he
thinks
fit
to
punish
:
but
as
King
,
or
as
one
person
in
himself
considered
▪
he
can
never
be
but
voluntarily
obeyed
.
For
it
is
the
gross
vulgar
mistake
,
that
because
there
is
in
some
Republikes
freedom
to
elect
Representatives
allowed
to
the
people
by
such
as
sway
in
the
present
domineering
faction
,
that
therefore
they
are
also
free
and
personally
consenting
in
what
these
Representatives
do
.
And
under
this
flattering
disguise
popular
Orators
prevail
:
affirming
,
that
as
we
singly
cannot
will
to
destroy
or
harm
our selves
,
so
communities
also
cannot
be
supposed
to
injure
themselves
.
For
although
(
say
they
)
they
should
enact
a
Law
of
some
universal
damage
,
yet
since
their
enacting
of
it
must
conclude
this
damage
was
to
them
insensible
,
they
cannot
therein
be
harmful
to
themselves
in
general
,
or
injurious
to
others
in
particular
.
Not
harmful
to
themselves
,
because
upon
any
experience
thereof
they
may
alter
it
;
not
injurious
to
others
,
because
,
according
to
the
foresaid
supposition
,
each
one
being
consenting
,
the
Maxim
of
volenti
non
fit
injuria
acquits
them
thereof
.
Whereas
in
truth
,
these
formal
Elections
can
never
be
general
nor
free
:
nor
can
the
particular
actings
and
Laws
of
Governors
be
any
more
stiled
the
voluntary
actings
of
the
governed
,
then
any
other
arbitrary
Authoriry
(
for
such
it
must
be
,
if
it
be
any
)
can
be
called
the
voluntary
act
of
such
as
must
obey
.
But
,
when
they
say
a
Community
cannot
harm
it self
,
the
falacy
lies
under
the
notion
of
Community
.
For
they
would
have
it
comprehend
in
our
conceits
the
whole
people
:
as
though
each
one
should
be
still
personally
acting
and
consenting
in
all
things
concerning
their
own
harm
or
benefit
.
It
is
true
this
community
of
Trustees
and
Representatives
(
who
indeed
usually
make
themselves
signifie
the
whole
Community
)
can
never
(
as
taking
them
to
be
of
one
minde
and
interest
)
hurt
themselves
irremediably
:
but
why
may
they
not
,
nay
why
must
they
not
(
as
a
separate
body
)
have
a
separate
interest
from
the
people
under
them
,
and
so
joyn
for
enacting
such
things
as
may
concern
their
power
or
riches
in
general
?
And
why
must
they
not
again
,
as
having
several
proprieties
and
seperate
places
of
Honor
and
Power
of
their
own
to
seek
,
(
seperate
from
these
of
their
fellow
Senators
)
and
divide
amongst
themselves
likewise
,
and
also
divide
the
people
,
by
siding
to
gain
and
joyn
a
major
Vote
to
attain
them
?
at
which
time
(
truely
)
those
that
are
of
that
part
of
the
Community
which
is
on
the
minor
and
weaker
side
,
will
think
and
finde
themselves
harmed
,
although
the
major
community
,
taking
on
them
to
be
the
whole
community
,
do
not
hurt
it self
.
And
whereas
the
preservation
of
Peace
and
Unity
of
Society
,
consists
in
the
Unity
of
the
definitive
Sentence
,
here
,
through
the
many
heads
,
the
Union
cannot
be
:
Or
if
,
as
to
the
definitive
part
,
they
say
there
may
be
an
Union
by
collection
of
major
Votes
:
It
is
true
so
indeed
,
that
there
is
an
Union
in
the
major
Vote
to
that
purpose
;
but
is
there
not
another
Union
in
the
minor
Vote
also
against
the
major
?
and
then
it
will
come
to
pass
,
that
this
Affirmative
and
Negative
Unions
(
as
contrary
to
one
another
)
will
make
a
plain
disunion
:
and
so
,
this
supposed
great
head
of
the
State
be
two
heads
at
least
;
and
consequently
,
this
political
body
,
being
divided
also
,
it
cannot
resemble
the
natural
;
which
is
therefore
called
individual
.
Nor
can
there
be
any
firm
Unity
here
expected
;
because
the
true
cause
and
foundation
thereof
is
wanting
:
in
that
they
can
never
look
on
one
anothers
proprieties
,
or
theirs
below
them
with
equal
concern
and
interest
,
as
the
Monarch
doth
to
the
generality
of
his
Subjects
.
For
he
,
having
his
honor
and
profit
arising
from
all
in
general
and
each
one
in
particular
,
is
careful
of
all
alike
:
whereas
they
unite
and
agree
but
out
of
necessity
.
For
at
first
,
whilst
they
were
yet
rising
,
and
were
called
factions
,
they
were
united
in
their
several
interest
by
hope
of
common
gain
,
and
now
having
attained
it
,
they
settle
upon
this
confederacy
through
a
common
fear
of
losing
it
.
So
that
hope
chiefly
unites
Factions
,
and
fear
chiefly
keeps
them
so
,
and
settles
Anarchies
.
Because
,
if
their
hope
of
gain
,
by
overthrowing
their
own
former
Authority
,
had
not
exceeded
their
fear
of
so
doing
,
they
had
not
associated
ar
first
;
and
so
now
if
their
common
fear
of
loss
from
a
Soveraign
Authority
did
not
exceed
their
present
hopes
of
gaining
from
one
another
,
they
would
not
so
continue
.
And
farther
,
if
in
States
the
major
part
be
the
whole
;
why
have
not
the
Magistrates
and
Decrees
their
derivative
Power
from
them
onely
?
If
they
be
not
the
whole
,
as
indeed
no
part
can
be
the
whole
,
(
but
that
it
is
necessary
for
more
fulness
of
power
that
the
acts
proceed
in
the
name
of
the
whole
)
how
come
the
lesser
and
absent
parties
,
which
might
perhaps
together
make
the
major
,
to
be
rightly
brought
in
to
authorise
those
actions
that
are
not
theirs
,
but
done
against
their
consents
?
So
that
,
to
make
an
Unity
in
this
head
or
definitive
sentence
,
since
the
whole
body
of
them
and
each
one
severally
was
alike
trusted
,
there
must
be
first
a
full
Union
of
consent
amongst
themselves
:
and
then
,
no
remedy
but
to
serve
them
as
the
Cardinals
in
the
Popes
election
,
that
is
,
to
keep
them
immured
without
Light
or
Food
till
they
agree
.
At
which
time
,
it
may
be
,
the
minor
side
will
be
as
likely
to
overcome
the
major
by
their
gift
of
abstinence
,
as
the
major
would
have
before
probably
done
them
by
force
.
But
as
this
would
make
the
Office
of
a
Statesman
little
desired
,
so
would
it
give
causes
a
slow
dispatch
:
and
yet
,
till
it
be
done
,
I
see
not
how
the
opinion
of
the
major
part
can
carry
the
sense
of
the
whole
,
so
as
to
make
the
whole
and
a
part
to
be
but
the
same
thing
.
Again
,
if
acts
must
pass
in
the
name
of
the
whole
,
as
the
body
intrusted
;
and
in
nature
and
reason
more
worthy
then
a
part
,
why
must
not
an
appeal
proceed
so
also
?
And
since
they
which
bring
their
causes
thither
,
bring
them
to
the
whole
assembly
,
until
they
have
their
unamous
verdict
,
they
have
not
what
they
came
for
:
their
trust
to
the
whole
being
but
in
part
satisfied
.
Nay
,
if
things
be
well
considered
,
they
never
or
seldome
have
the
major
sence
of
the
Senate
neither
;
for
to
omit
external
force
(
which
is
wont
to
awe
them
)
if
there
were
such
an
equal
number
deducted
from
the
major
side
as
will
answer
those
on
the
minor
that
disagreed
from
the
major
in
opinon
,
there
will
be
(
many
times
)
so
inconsiderable
a
number
of
persons
left
to
make
the
odds
,
that
one
would
think
it
strange
that
three
or
four
men
should
be
held
for
,
and
represent
the
whole
Senate
.
And
yet
it
must
so
usually
be
with
such
,
that
instead
of
multitude
of
Councellors
,
would
have
multitude
of
Commanders
;
whereupon
all
Publike
debates
come
to
be
managed
as
in
a
kind
of
Lottery
,
which
none
knows
the
issue
of
,
until
the
casting
up
of
Votes
be
taken
.
For
none
can
say
that
reason
doth
at
all
prevaile
there
,
as
of
it self
,
but
as
swayed
by
heat
of
passion
and
contention
:
not
by
weight
or
number
of
arguments
,
but
by
noise
or
number
of
voices
.
And
this
,
because
in
taking
the
issue
of
the
debate
,
the
reasons
or
arguments
given
by
either
side
are
not
left
to
be
considered
of
by
those
that
are
to
take
the
resolutions
of
the
Senate
or
Parliament
,
but
the
greater
number
of
persons
on
either
side
doth
constantly
of
it self
so
prevaile
,
as
it
cannot
be
called
the
reasonable
,
but
accidental
or
occasional
result
or
determination
of
such
or
such
a
counsel
.
Which
is
only
avoidable
,
where
one
person
of
power
hath
liberty
to
give
his
reasonable
sentence
and
judgement
therein
:
and
that
,
according
as
he
shall
finde
the
force
of
the
reasons
given
on
either
side
to
prevaile
:
and
not
to
be
any
way
tyed
to
the
blind
hazard
of
number
.
One
person
he
must
be
,
and
that
of
power
above
them
also
.
For
if
they
be
more
,
you
shall
fall
into
the
same
hazard
again
,
of
having
their
sentence
and
debate
ended
by
meer
force
and
number
also
.
And
if
this
one
person
have
not
sole
power
,
but
be
obnoxious
unto
any
;
then
terror
from
without
,
and
not
reason
from
within
may
again
sway
his
determination
.
But
it
is
answered
,
That
the
major
part
is
representatively
the
whole
Senate
,
as
the
whole
Senate
is
representatively
the
whole
people
.
But
how
(
I
pray
)
can
this
be
brought
to
pass
?
how
can
a
shaddow
make
a
shaddow
,
or
deputies
make
deputies
?
Whence
can
the
major
part
derive
their
power
?
Not
from
the
people
,
they
trusted
the
whole
;
not
from
the
minor
part
,
for
they
oppose
them
,
and
cannot
give
what
they
have
not
.
Why
did
not
the
major
Vote
of
the
eleven
Tribes
pretend
to
this
right
against
Benjamen
?
No
,
they
knew
they
could
not
of
right
assume
the
power
of
the
whole
of
themselves
,
they
being
but
a
part
;
therefore
,
in
absence
of
their
Judges
(
the
next
united
whole
on
earth
)
they
take
power
and
authority
from
the
fountain
thereof
,
namely
from
God
himself
:
by
whose
assent
and
direction
they
came
to
be
enabled
herein
:
and
until
then
,
their
resolutions
in
their
assemblies
had
no
rightful
power
for
execution
;
but
should
have
been
reckoned
amongst
other
Anarchical
acts
of
self-liking
,
as
wanting
lawful
authority
otherwise
to
impose
on
their
brethren
and
equals
.
And
if
delegates
have
not
this
power
of
delegation
in
themselves
,
where
is
it
expressed
or
warranted
from
their
originals
,
the
People
?
And
therefore
,
supposing
the
voice
and
determination
of
the
whole
Senate
may
be
of
force
to
binde
the
people
,
as
having
their
power
vertually
in
their
several
members
by
them
chosen
to
that
purpose
,
yet
this
domineering
power
of
a
major
Vote
will
prove
unlawful
:
as
having
nothing
of
the
pretended
paction
and
consent
,
or
political
association
therein
:
whose
end
and
aime
was
chiefly
protection
,
or
defending
the
minor
or
weaker
side
against
the
stronger
,
if
justice
so
required
:
at
least
,
not
to
suffer
the
major
part
to
judge
of
their
own
cause
:
but
to
appoint
a
definitive
and
certain
determination
,
that
might
be
above
all
orders
,
numbers
,
and
degrees
.
So
that
Anarchy
is
where
the
major
and
stronger
do
alwayes
govern
the
less
and
weaker
;
and
is
it self
not
subject
to
any
third
differenced
authority
.
And
true
policy
is
where
this
tyrannical
force
is
avoided
,
and
that
,
by
a
just
submision
of
the
major
,
aswel
as
of
the
minor
,
unto
a
third
common
and
indivissible
judge
:
who
thereupon
becomes
stronger
then
them
both
.
And
,
although
in
all
disputes
there
must
be
disagreement
,
and
a
major
and
minor
side
,
yet
he
being
the
vertual
whole
,
and
both
parts
submitting
to
him
,
union
and
peace
must
follow
.
Till
this
be
done
,
nature
is
not
holpen
by
policy
.
For
,
if
government
imply
no
more
then
the
exercise
of
force
or
power
,
answerable
onely
to
such
rules
as
the
stronger
shall
judge
fitting
,
beasts
have
it
aswel
as
men
:
who
by
numbers
and
strength
prevaile
upon
one
another
.
But
,
unto
men
,
this
decision
seemed
too
unreasonable
:
For
they
found
it
on
all
hands
prejudicial
.
Inasmuch
,
as
themselves
that
were
on
the
major
side
in
one
case
,
might
anon
be
on
the
minor
in
another
:
and
that
then
,
as
they
would
be
themselves
protected
from
violence
being
weak
,
so
they
should
not
inflict
or
use
it
being
strong
.
They
found
that
,
whilst
this
way
of
prevailing
was
continued
,
men
studied
not
equity
,
but
association
:
not
to
get
right
,
but
force
and
numbers
on
their
side
.
And
they
found
,
that
,
as
each
man
judgeth
for
himself
,
so
did
each
faction
and
party
also
.
In
which
controversies
the
dangers
of
mens
lives
were
more
to
be
feared
(
in
relation
to
the
whole
State
)
whilst
they
thus
contended
in
multitudes
,
then
while
they
strove
singly
:
as
set
battailes
destroy
more
then
duels
,
and
the
two
Israelites
striving
in
Moses
time
before
the
Law
,
made
not
equal
destruction
to
the
combination
of
Israel
and
Benjamin
against
each
other
after
the
Law
.
On
all
sides
they
confessed
,
that
right
,
and
not
force
should
prevaile
in
decision
:
but
who
should
judge
of
this
right
?
Would
not
each
party
pretend
to
it
?
was
it
to
be
expected
that
either
should
say
we
contend
for
what
belongs
not
to
us
?
Therefore
,
while
this
course
held
,
right
had
no
certain
aboad
in
causes
or
persons
,
but
fleeted
up
and
down
as
the
major
side
did
.
Should
any
third
person
interpose
,
out
of
charity
,
and
to
reconcile
them
,
both
sides
would
answer
as
the
said
Israelite
to
Moses
,
Who
made
thee
a
Prince
and
a
Judge
over
us
?
And
if
any
should
argue
,
That
,
since
the
number
of
contenders
in
these
state
assemblies
are
not
to
be
presumed
so
great
as
when
before
the
people
judged
themselves
,
and
that
therefore
,
the
danger
and
mischief
to
follow
the
disagreements
will
probably
not
be
so
great
and
general
.
We
will
therefore
suppose
them
least
,
namely
an
Aristocracy
or
Oligarchy
of
two
persons
:
yet
the
danger
of
disagreement
will
be
then
most
.
Suppose
them
(
for
peace
sake
)
three
;
because
two
being
alwayes
on
a
side
,
it
will
probably
scare
the
third
to
agreement
:
yet
then
,
will
not
there
be
the
continual
terror
of
a
major
part
upon
the
minor
?
wil
not
the
force
be
equal
,
or
more
as
of
2
against
one
,
of
the
1000
people
against
600
,
or
of
40
Senators
against
30
?
In
which
cases
,
the
people
,
by
their
elections
and
resignations
,
have
not
lost
,
but
changed
their
miseries
.
For
first
,
the
manner
and
fear
of
disagreement
is
the
same
amongst
their
pretended
peacemakers
now
,
as
it
was
with
them
before
:
and
the
mischief
in
prosecution
thereof
is
not
abated
neither
:
because
in
then
disagreements
the
people
cannot
secure
themselves
as
lookers
on
:
they
cannot
shift
their
own
interests
:
but
will
in
the
con●ention
be
engaged
on
one
side
or
other
.
And
therefore
it
is
now
manifest
,
that
Anarchy
is
not
want
of
government
,
but
want
of
unity
:
and
,
being
the
same
with
Poliarchy
,
is
not
where
no
governors
are
(
for
no
people
can
be
so
)
but
where
there
is
equality
and
power
alike
,
or
in
more
then
one
as
the
word
or●ginally
doth
import
.
As
in
the
Inter-regnum
of
the
Judges
(
before
mentioned
)
because
there
was
no
single
authority
or
King
in
Israel
,
it
was
said
Every
man
did
that
which
was
right
in
his
own
eyes
.
It
could
not
be
meant
of
single
persons
:
for
as
they
belonged
to
some
Tribe
or
other
,
so
were
they
unde
the
authority
of
the
Fathers
thereof
;
but
of
the
plurality
of
governors
,
and
their
equality
amongst
themselves
:
whereby
the
leaders
(
not
their
whole
tribes
following
them
)
did
what
seemed
good
in
their
own
eyes
,
without
any
controle
or
coercive
power
above
them
.
And
Anarchy
is
where
such
equal
authorities
are
,
as
while
some
condemn
others
may
acquit
:
so
that
,
at
the
end
,
it
will
be
,
as
with
the
people
of
Laish
in
their
inter-regnum
,
Wherein
was
no
Magistrate
that
should
put
them
to
shame
for
any
thing
.
And
is
onely
avoidable
,
by
entrusting
one
governor
with
unrepealable
power
of
punishment
and
protection
.
For
as
in
a
family
,
whose
head
is
wanting
or
otherwise
disabled
,
although
the
wife
,
children
,
or
some
more
eminent
person
may
(
as
they
can
raise
strength
by
faction
and
association
)
exercise
authority
over
the
rest
,
yet
,
because
this
cannot
be
called
the
right
government
,
that
family
is
in
the
true
state
of
Anarchy
;
as
being
destitute
of
its
head
:
as
is
also
that
state
or
Kingdome
,
which
hath
the
like
want
.
And
lastly
,
Anarchy
is
worse
after
the
abandoning
or
removal
of
this
unity
in
government
,
t●en
is
the
approach
or
preparation
to
it
:
as
a
relapse
is
worse
in
our
natural
bodies
,
then
a
state
of
recovery
.
And
so
it
is
also
where
the
factions
are
fewer
,
then
where
they
are
more
:
as
appears
by
the
former
example
,
when
all
Israel
was
on
the
one
side
,
and
all
Benjamin
on
the
other
.
For
,
as
all
Anarchy
is
disunion
or
division
of
the
whole
body
politicke
,
so
is
the
division
of
it
into
two
parts
most
dangerous
:
because
,
being
therein
wholy
in
contrary
parties
interessed
,
they
will
want
a
third
(
as
a
medium
)
to
unite
them
.
Whereas
,
in
petty
and
more
divisions
and
factions
,
there
cannot
be
so
strong
contrarieties
and
eager
engagements
of
emnity
:
because
,
as
two
cannot
be
contrary
to
one
,
nor
parties
disagreeing
amongst
themselves
will
not
so
probably
unite
against
a
third
which
doth
but
so
too
,
there
may
be
hope
that
others
may
escape
as
being
but
lookers
on
,
and
equally
well
willers
,
or
averse
to
both
.
All
this
past
discourse
I
foreknow
cannot
but
extremly
offend
many
,
whom
interest
or
ignorance
have
hitherto
blinded
with
the
specious
shews
and
formalities
of
that
freedom
which
these
imitations
of
government
make
such
boast
of
.
So
readily
it
falls
into
every
mans
fancy
,
that
since
he
is
hereby
impowered
to
be
acting
and
consenting
to
all
that
shall
be
done
,
his
share
of
advantage
will
be
great
.
Not
considering
,
that
he
can
no
wayes
be
advantaged
without
his
fellows
loss
;
and
then
,
where
is
general
freedome
?
Not
thinking
that
as
thus
,
under
shew
of
liberty
,
he
aimes
at
power
to
act
his
liking
upon
others
,
so
he
yeilds
others
the
like
advantage
against
himself
:
Insomuch
,
as
he
can
neither
chuse
to
act
according
to
every
ones
command
,
nor
but
to
suffer
at
every
ones
dispose
.
But
however
,
I
,
that
was
to
treat
of
policy
and
government
in
its
divine
and
natural
foundation
,
and
not
according
to
humane
authority
and
example
,
cannot
be
blamed
(
as
I
formerly
said
)
for
leaving
these
out
of
the
number
;
when
I
found
them
not
warranted
thereby
.
For
in
government
(
as
government
)
I
finde
one
must
govern
another
;
but
here
,
every
one
is
aiming
to
be
governing
himself
:
which
,
if
it
be
not
Anarchy
(
as
being
but
the
first
natural
condition
)
I
know
not
what
is
,
nor
where
to
finde
any
such
thing
.
Neither
could
I
,
as
I
conceive
,
be
true
to
my
design
of
setling
publike
peace
,
without
seclusion
of
these
forms
.
For
the
very
conceit
of
their
justice
and
lawfulness
,
and
the
hope
to
attain
and
be
sheltered
under
them
,
is
the
most
usual
and
ready
cause
of
civil
disturbance
and
insurrections
,
and
of
subjects
associations
against
their
Prince
.
And
many
(
without
doubt
)
are
of
the
same
mind
;
who
yet
,
in
a
kinde
of
flattering
modesty
,
as
loath
to
condemn
the
practise
of
so
many
,
that
do
or
say
otherwise
,
are
unwilling
to
express
themselves
in
so
plain
a
truth
.
Nor
could
these
forms
have
bin
so
readily
fancyed
by
so
many
men
,
eminent
both
for
goodness
and
Learning
,
had
not
the
mischiefs
and
absurdities
thence
arising
been
hastily
clouded
in
each
ones
conceit
,
by
the
hope
he
had
that
in
these
general
meetings
himself
should
still
prevaile
by
those
reasonable
propositions
he
had
to
make
,
tending
evidently
to
the
Publike
good
and
his
own
honor
:
and
that
therefore
,
in
order
to
both
,
he
had
just
reason
to
cry
them
up
.
Forgetting
all
that
while
,
how
likely
it
was
he
might
be
mistaken
in
his
proposals
himself
,
or
else
might
be
unapprehended
by
his
auditors
:
how
that
others
might
,
in
these
assemblies
,
prevaile
aswel
as
himself
,
and
those
of
the
worser
sort
aswell
as
the
others
.
But
,
most
of
all
forgetting
,
how
,
by
the
obtaining
this
his
conceit
and
supposition
of
any
one
mans
prevalence
,
he
should
quite
overthrow
the
other
supposition
of
a
community
in
government
.
For
,
since
many
cannot
speak
at
once
,
if
some
one
mans
advice
do
not
take
place
,
there
can
be
no
administration
or
government
at
all
;
if
one
man
constantly
do
so
,
then
is
that
person
a
true
Monarch
,
because
the
most
absolute
Monarch
can
aske
no
more
then
to
have
his
councel
followed
.
And
indeed
,
as
Anarchies
are
no
farther
capable
of
councel
or
execution
in
their
governments
then
as
they
are
Monarchical
,
so
they
,
coming
to
be
occasionally
led
by
their
popular
orators
and
heads
,
are
but
unfixed
Monarchies
:
being
thereupon
so
much
more
ill
,
as
more
unfixed
.
For
,
while
they
decline
the
subjection
and
guidance
of
one
mans
will
,
they
are
thereby
enthralled
to
the
lust
of
all
.
There
is
also
a
great
occasion
taken
for
casting
off
Monarchy
,
from
that
ready
apprehension
each
one
hath
,
that
where
the
Soveraignty
is
taken
from
one
and
put
into
many
,
he
hath
great
probability
of
being
one
of
that
number
;
and
the
more
especially
,
in
regard
of
that
high
degree
of
desert
and
ability
every
man
is
in
his
own
opinion
endued
with
above
others
.
Not
considering
,
how
,
through
the
like
partial
respect
and
expectations
of
others
,
he
might
fail
hereof
:
and
then
should
he
come
to
have
many
masters
instead
of
one
.
Nay
,
not
considering
,
how
afterwards
the
many
crossings
of
his
will
to
be
received
from
his
fellows
in
Office
,
would
,
as
coming
from
equals
,
or
such
to
whom
he
held
himself
superiour
in
birth
or
merit
,
be
more
irksome
then
from
superiors
already
acknowledged
.
But
there
being
a
farther
and
longer
discourse
required
to
foresee
those
evils
that
would
follow
to
each
one
from
this
parity
in
command
,
then
there
is
to
apprehend
the
pleasure
and
benefit
to
arise
from
the
command
and
power
it self
,
and
because
again
positives
sway
us
beyond
privatives
,
it
is
no
wonder
if
men
,
in
their
thirst
after
Polarchical
governments
,
come
to
be
affected
as
men
with
lotteries
:
wherein
,
although
we
do
,
or
might
beforehand
know
the
certain
loss
that
must
generally
befall
the
Casters
,
yet
shall
we
alwayes
finde
multitudes
venturing
that
way
:
as
being
so
hastily
carryed
on
by
the
imagination
of
his
present
share
of
those
prizes
which
may
befall
him
,
that
he
considers
not
(
withall
)
those
many
chances
that
may
fall
out
otherwise
.
There
is
another
great
inducement
for
entertainment
of
these
Anarchies
,
for
that
vulgarly
men
are
led
to
conceive
that
the
Commonweal
doth
signifie
the
same
with
the
Polarchs
themselves
that
do
therein
bear
sway
:
and
this
,
because
these
States-men
are
wont
to
act
all
their
designs
in
the
Common-wealths
name
.
But
,
if
men
would
well
consider
it
,
these
tearms
of
Commonwealh
,
and
Publike
good
are
but
bare
political
notions
,
not
living
creatures
,
capable
of
address
or
interest
:
and
that
they
are
not
otherwise
manageable
,
or
to
be
represented
or
collected
into
a
sum
or
total
,
then
as
in
relation
to
the
persons
therein
intrusted
:
so
that
,
as
they
shall
have
their
interests
more
or
less
united
amongst
themselves
,
and
are
more
or
less
comprehensive
of
the
whole
,
so
will
the
good
of
the
Commonwealth
be
more
or
less
convertible
with
theirs
.
And
therefore
,
since
the
Polarchs
cannot
act
but
as
separate
persons
,
differing
in
interest
from
one
another
(
for
when
they
do
make
a
major
vote
it
is
but
what
fear
or
hope
did
first
make
them
agree
to
in
order
to
their
distinct
interests
)
therefore
their
good
can
neither
be
reciprocal
amongst
themselves
,
nor
can
the
good
of
the
Commonweal
be
convertible
with
them
all
in
general
.
As
for
example
,
suppose
the
whole
riches
or
stock
of
any
place
to
be
ten
hundred
thousand
pound
;
and
that
the
present
Polarchs
may
in
their
several
proprieties
contain
the
half
thereof
,
it
must
fall
out
,
that
,
although
in
that
respect
they
shall
know
the
loss
or
good
of
the
whole
will
involve
that
of
their
particulars
,
yet
,
it
happening
that
in
all
Publike
debates
some
part
of
the
whole
is
more
concerned
then
another
,
they
must
consequently
be
induced
to
favour
that
part
most
wherein
their
particulars
are
most
involved
:
and
they
will
generally
chuse
,
rather
to
have
their
half
encreased
by
one
third
part
out
of
their
subjects
wealth
,
then
to
have
their
subjects
wealth
to
be
generally
encreased
one
third
part
more
then
it
was
by
any
foraign
acquisition
whereof
themselves
have
no
share
.
And
this
,
because
they
being
but
separate
persons
,
cannot
have
whole
interest
:
In
which
regard
also
,
each
one
amongst
them
,
will
again
be
ready
to
joyn
in
faction
against
others
of
his
fellows
;
&
rather
desire
to
have
his
own
private
stock
of
riches
or
honor
to
be
encreased
one
third
part
out
of
theirs
,
then
to
assent
to
any
thing
that
may
double
that
of
all
the
rest
of
his
fellows
;
or
of
the
whole
people
,
without
encrease
of
his
own
.
From
which
it
plainly
appears
that
men
are
but
deluded
with
this
notion
of
a
Commonwealth
:
as
thinking
there
can
be
under
Polarchy
of
any
sort
such
an
unity
of
interest
or
agreement
as
really
to
make
but
one
Commonwealth
.
Whereas
,
in
truth
,
there
are
to
be
found
in
all
places
and
countries
governed
under
the
name
of
Republikes
or
Commonwealths
,
as
many
Commonwealths
and
Republiks
as
there
are
parties
and
factions
:
whilst
each
of
them
is
taking
to
it self
the
name
of
the
whole
,
and
pursuing
their
more
distinct
interests
under
that
notion
.
Which
things
can
never
happen
unto
an
unlimited
Monarch
;
whose
honor
and
riches
being
in
the
whole
,
and
inseparably
subsisting
by
,
and
increasing
and
diminishing
with
that
of
his
people
in
general
,
it
must
follow
that
his
care
will
be
led
to
respect
the
whole
good
;
as
having
his
and
that
convertible
:
in
such
sort
,
that
he
cannot
lose
any
part
of
his
whole
kingdom
,
but
he
will
himself
be
a
proportionable
loser
.
Whereas
the
Polarchs
proprieties
and
interests
being
no
higher
in
the
whole
,
then
in
reference
to
their
part
,
they
cannot
but
respect
this
their
part
in
the
first
place
,
and
the
whole
but
in
order
thereunto
.
But
the
truest
ground
for
Scholastical
mens
entertaining
this
opinion
,
is
that
they
have
derived
it
,
as
also
that
other
opinion
of
paction
from
the
Grecian
Philosophers
:
who
,
being
all
of
them
born
and
bred
in
Republikes
,
it
is
no
wonder
if
we
finde
them
,
in
self-regard
,
so
ready
to
commend
something
these
forms
:
as
not
daring
to
gainsay
the
practice
of
their
own
country
.
From
whom
therefore
we
receiving
in
a
manner
all
our
Philosophy
and
opinions
,
and
this
amongst
the
rest
,
it
is
no
marvail
if
from
thence
,
and
the
general
hope
of
share
of
power
hence
arising
(
as
formerly
noted
)
we
are
so
inclinable
to
the
defence
thereof
.
Yet
truely
,
unto
any
that
considers
with
what
prejudice
the
Greek
and
Roman
Authors
were
to
be
supposed
to
write
in
the●e
things
,
the
preferment
of
Monarchy
,
even
by
some
of
the
chief
of
them
,
is
an
argument
undeniably
concluding
that
the
sufferance
of
the
other
was
from
necessity
,
and
not
choice
.
For
,
although
they
durst
not
reprove
it
as
a
fault
in
that
kind
of
government
,
yet
(
doubtless
)
the
many
sad
exampl●s
of
those
ungrateful
and
fatal
rewards
and
usages
,
by
them
continually
practised
towards
such
of
their
own
Citizens
and
subjects
as
have
been
most
eminent
in
any
kind
of
vertue
,
or
most
deserving
or
serviceable
to
their
country
,
could
not
but
,
in
conscience
and
reason
,
make
them
resolve
that
it
must
naturally
arise
from
that
form
of
administration
.
For
their
form
of
policy
subsisting
by
,
and
openly
aiming
at
parity
and
equality
in
honor
and
power
(
whilst
each
one
in
it
was
yet
arrogating
to
himself
)
they
must
necessarily
stomack
any
pre-eminence
that
shall
be
given
to
any
one
above
themselves
:
as
justly
fearing
,
he
might
thereupon
take
advantage
of
making
himself
their
Master
.
Who
(
again
)
if
(
out
of
cautionary
compliance
)
he
shall
never
so
lowly
makes
his
acknowledgements
and
submission
to
the
whole
Senate
,
yet
if
he
do
not
so
also
to
such
particular
men
as
be
leaders
,
and
such
as
do
speak
for
and
uphold
him
,
he
will
still
be
subject
to
envy
and
ruine
:
Nay
,
if
he
do
it
not
to
such
also
as
do
not
appear
for
him
,
he
will
be
hazarded
by
their
revenge
also
.
So
that
,
in
truth
,
vertue
and
merit
have
herein
no
longer
security
,
then
the
party
can
protect
himself
by
secret
bribery
of
their
Factious
leaders
,
and
by
popular
and
base
flattery
and
compliance
:
which
can
yet
serve
his
turn
but
for
a
time
.
His
surest
course
to
prevent
their
malice
&
ill
,
being
to
advance
himself
above
their
power
,
and
to
make
use
of
those
forces
to
defend
himself
against
them
,
with
which
he
hath
so
often
defended
them
against
others
.
And
,
except
it
be
by
this
course
,
I
know
not
that
any
one
famous
servant
to
any
Polarchy
hath
been
recorded
to
scape
censure
and
punishment
for
his
reward
:
the
surest
way
not
to
suffer
like
Scipio
,
being
to
act
like
Caesar.
But
to
this
kind
of
Scholy
some
are
so
ignorantly
inclined
,
as
finding
the
tearms
and
notions
of
government
usually
imployed
about
these
devised
forms
,
and
that
in
their
best
sense
,
they
come
to
think
them
no
where
due
and
proper
but
there
:
For
so
,
they
think
that
true
policy
is
(
from
its
name
and
derivation
)
to
import
,
not
the
government
of
a
kingdome
by
a
King
,
but
of
a
City
,
and
that
by
Citizens
in
equal
authority
.
Not
well
considering
,
that
in
ancient
times
each
territory
or
kingdom
took
its
usual
name
from
its
City
,
as
that
did
again
from
its
most
eminent
King
or
founder
:
and
that
,
as
each
City
had
its
King
,
and
was
Monarchical
onely
,
so
the
notion
of
Citizen
signified
but
the
same
with
another
subject
;
and
not
power
and
rule
.
Nay
,
it
should
seem
to
infer
greater
subjection
;
as
to
those
,
who
,
by
their
habitation
were
more
civilized
by
Laws
and
obedience
,
then
to
those
in
villages
,
called
therefore
Pagans
.
The
like
misapprehension
ariseth
from
the
notions
of
people
and
Magistrates
:
which
have
different
values
in
Republikes
,
over
they
have
in
Monarchies
.
But
however
,
these
Greeks
(
before
mentioned
)
having
cast
off
Kings
,
and
the
acknowledgement
of
all
power
above
themselves
,
they
must
next
found
it
on
themselves
;
that
is
,
in
the
community
or
people
from
whom
also
they
must
suppose
even
Kings
to
arise
.
Hereupon
the
title
of
Anarchy
came
to
want
difinition
and
existence
.
For
to
say
it
was
in
the
Community
,
was
to
overthrow
that
main
end
for
which
this
notion
of
a
community
was
invented
:
namely
,
to
pact
and
consent
for
conferring
of
power
.
For
how
can
men
in
that
condition
be
general
or
free
pacters
or
consenters
?
If
they
say
men
are
not
to
be
supposed
born
unanimous
,
like
Aunts
of
a
litter
,
but
rather
(
as
formerly
discoursed
)
like
Cadmus-brood
by
Poets
feined
to
that
purpose
(
in
their
different
appetites
)
pursuing
one
another
in
a
confusion
of
every
one
against
every
one
,
and
that
from
thence
they
come
to
be
a
community
,
then
they
make
a
community
and
agreement
to
arise
from
that
which
is
quite
contrary
:
for
how
shall
these
disagreers
be
brought
to
voluntary
and
equal
Parity
and
Paction
.
Therefore
there
is
no
way
but
to
say
,
Anarchy
is
absence
of
Unity
;
or
the
exercise
of
power
without
it
:
For
it
is
not
only
a
privation
of
good
,
by
destroying
precedent
union
in
the
single
person
that
did
govern
,
but
also
an
infliction
of
evil
,
by
setting
up
contention
in
the
many
heads
now
ruling
.
And
therefore
,
to
say
that
Anarchy
is
then
onely
,
when
there
is
such
a
condition
as
that
every
one
should
be
against
every
one
,
is
to
deny
that
it
can
be
.
For
how
should
it
come
to
pass
?
Because
,
as
no
settled
government
can
be
overthrown
but
by
union
of
opposition
,
and
men
cannot
live
without
such
relations
of
kindred
and
other
interests
as
must
keep
them
bound
in
some
associations
,
so
cannot
they
,
as
ab
origines
(
such
as
the
Greeks
to
this
purpose
supposed
themselves
)
be
so
born
or
brought
together
,
without
all
union
by
former
friendship
and
relation
,
as
to
be
,
each
one
to
each
one
,
contra-distinguished
and
equal
in
all
things
.
Without
due
consideration
of
which
impossibility
,
and
of
the
intervenient
degrees
between
the
perfection
of
unity
which
true
Monarchy
will
afford
,
and
that
confusion
which
the
extream
of
Anarchy
will
yeild
,
men
are
usually
led
to
this
mistake
.
For
,
as
we
may
,
and
justly
do
stile
that
a
Monarchy
,
where
the
last
appeal
,
and
some
other
inseparable
marks
of
Soveraignty
do
remain
in
one
man
,
although
many
prerogatives
may
be
parted
with
,
even
so
,
on
the
contrary
,
we
must
judge
Anarchy
to
be
where
the
Soveraignty
is
in
more
:
and
if
we
do
not
this
,
there
cannot
be
such
a
thing
as
Monarchy
,
aswell
as
no
such
thing
as
Anarchy
.
Because
,
as
disability
and
remisness
will
occasionally
more
or
less
make
Princes
leave
and
entrust
their
power
to
others
,
so
,
in
like
manner
,
are
we
to
conceive
of
Anarchy
:
namely
,
that
although
the
people
(
viritim
)
cannot
,
or
do
not
personally
act
or
agree
in
all
administrations
to
Soveraignty
proper
(
but
that
some
one
man
at
once
may
be
trusted
in
several
parts
thereof
;
whereby
,
in
respect
of
their
approach
to
Monarch
,
they
are
for
the
present
so
far
kept
from
the
mischiefs
of
absolute
Anarchy
)
yet
since
the
right
of
government
is
at
liberty
claimed
to
be
exercised
by
all
,
the
government
must
be
Anarchical
too
:
although
,
as
we
said
,
one
Anarchy
may
be
less
Anarchical
then
another
,
in
regard
of
their
approach
to
unity
and
Monarchical
administration
;
like
as
also
one
Monarchy
may
be
less
so
then
another
;
even
so
far
as
these
Anarchical
forms
shall
be
mingled
therewith
.
Nor
hath
Monarchy
gained
precedence
(
as
aforesaid
)
by
the
confessions
of
Polarchical
writers
,
but
it
's
open
and
active
enemies
,
the
Polarchs
themselves
,
by
their
endeavors
to
resemble
the
real
unity
thereof
in
those
representations
of
themselves
by
presidents
,
speakers
,
or
the
like
,
and
by
contrivances
to
unite
their
votes
and
opinions
in
such
sort
as
to
be
capable
of
command
and
government
(
by
making
their
many
wills
seem
but
one
)
do
all
of
them
(
by
deed
and
experience
)
confess
that
they
have
neither
worth
nor
fitness
for
government
in
themselves
;
and
are
so
far
only
good
,
or
rather
so
far
distanced
from
ill
,
as
they
can
approach
that
exemplar
of
union
which
in
Monarchy
is
essential
.
Again
,
if
we
shall
observe
them
in
their
fundamentals
for
laws
,
and
forms
of
execution
of
their
governments
,
we
shall
farther
finde
that
as
themselves
are
usually
but
some
fragments
and
scraps
of
Monarchies
rent
off
by
Rebellion
,
so
will
the
main
body
of
their
laws
and
semblance
of
policy
,
be
found
such
onely
as
were
by
their
former
Soveraigns
and
Kings
enacted
and
contrived
.
But
(
to
return
)
if
Anarchy
must
be
supposed
but
the
first
beginnings
to
the
overthrow
of
established
government
,
what
shall
we
say
of
lawful
conquest
?
Or
,
if
it
be
in
civil
or
intestine
strifes
onely
,
then
,
since
(
in
these
)
men
cannot
strive
singly
,
but
as
united
in
Factions
,
when
shall
it
begin
;
and
when
shall
Anarchy
end
?
Shall
it
begin
from
the
first
underminings
,
or
from
the
first
overt
act
,
or
from
which
,
or
what
sort
of
them
?
Shall
it
end
when
the
other
government
is
overthrown
,
and
there
be
no
enemy
left
to
hinder
its
peaceable
settlement
in
an
union
by
it self
?
How
shall
it
be
known
?
and
who
shall
judge
when
this
government
or
other
opposition
is
wholly
subdued
,
or
so
far
as
is
requisite
to
its
establishment
in
a
government
by
it self
?
What
if
this
government
be
thirty
or
fourty
yeers
destroying
?
And
what
if
at
last
,
it
stand
still
on
its
own
strength
without
farther
fear
from
this
opposing
faction
:
which
(
it
may
be
)
now
hath
set
up
for
it self
also
:
and
as
a
free
State
(
as
they
call
them
)
entred
into
aliance
or
agreement
with
them
?
In
which
and
other
cases
,
since
the
form
of
government
in
the
faction
established
is
the
same
in
prevailing
over
one
another
now
,
as
it
was
over
those
that
held
the
government
before
;
that
is
by
force
of
a
major
part
,
why
should
not
the
same
government
aswel
be
an
Anarchy
now
,
as
before
?
And
,
if
there
must
be
a
set
time
when
this
prevailing
faction
ought
,
and
may
(
though
still
the
same
people
and
faction
)
take
on
them
the
title
of
lawful
government
,
which
is
it
?
If
you
say
,
when
they
have
made
agreement
,
or
utterly
subdued
their
former
Prince
;
this
I
conceive
can
(
at
best
)
but
acquit
them
of
rebellion
,
in
order
to
himself
;
because
done
against
him
:
and
thereupon
,
for
a
Monarchy
so
gained
,
it
will
serve
to
make
it
a
just
government
afterwards
,
because
it
is
so
in
its
form
.
But
since
Anarchy
(
consisting
in
division
)
must
arise
from
the
form
of
government
,
that
is
from
the
divided
heads
and
persons
whereby
it
is
enforced
,
and
not
from
the
divers
hands
used
in
the
managery
(
for
all
governments
must
have
such
)
it
must
be
confessed
that
Anarchy
must
be
distinguished
as
a
different
thing
from
rebellion
;
and
remaine
in
the
form
of
government
,
and
not
in
the
manner
or
circumstances
of
beginning
or
using
it
:
or
else
,
such
a
thing
as
Anarchy
cannot
be
at
all
.
I
know
the
common
division
of
government
was
formerly
into
Monarchy
,
Aristocracy
,
and
Democracy
;
and
their
deviations
,
Tyranny
,
Oligarchy
,
and
Anarchy
:
so
making
six
sorts
.
But
,
as
it
is
since
found
that
there
is
but
three
sorts
,
by
including
their
deviations
,
as
Tyranny
into
Monarcy
,
Oligarchy
into
Aristocracy
,
and
Anarchy
into
Democracy
,
so
I
,
concluding
but
one
onely
right
government
(
viz.
of
Monarchy
)
have
reckonnd
both
the
other
under
the
common
deviation
of
Anarchy
:
esteeming
it
all
one
,
whither
a
lesser
or
greater
number
of
people
preside
therein
,
which
only
thing
doth
difference
Aristocracy
from
Democracy
.
And
as
for
that
fancy
of
co-ordination
,
it
may
be
reckoned
an
Oligarchy
,
consisting
of
so
many
Governors
and
Governments
as
the
co-ordinates
are
:
and
as
Monarchy
is
limited
above
,
or
under
this
supposed
equality
in
co-ordination
,
so
far
is
it
more
or
less
uncapable
of
its
chief
end
,
peace
and
protection
.
For
,
as
all
Parity
must
breed
confusion
,
so
dissention
also
:
and
the
more
Parity
in
governors
the
more
dissention
.
Which
,
as
it
may
rationally
be
foreknown
to
arise
from
the
very
nature
of
that
Government
it self
,
so
will
it
by
instance
most
lively
appear
in
that
government
of
family
:
wherein
,
notwithstanding
there
is
greatest
interest
and
obligations
towards
concordance
and
mutual
assistance
,
there
are
yet
more
observable
disputes
and
differences
arising
between
man
and
wife
(
even
to
the
bringing
the
whole
family
in
divisions
and
sidings
)
then
between
him
and
children
,
or
between
him
and
servants
;
who
come
not
so
neer
to
him
in
pretence
of
equality
of
power
.
For
as
they
,
pretending
to
less
power
,
are
therefore
probably
less
subject
to
be
sensible
of
the
loss
,
so
is
he
less
subject
to
be
covetous
of
the
gain
of
that
little
.
Therefore
it
may
be
concluded
,
that
the
greater
the
power
of
the
co-ordinate
is
,
the
more
subject
is
that
place
to
Faction
and
Rebellion
:
which
we
will
next
speak
of
.
CHAP.
II.
Of
Faction
and
its
Original
,
and
usual
Supports
.
AS
we
have
already
shewed
the
necessity
of
self-seeking
in
Nature
,
so
now
we
are
to
shew
,
that
since
Nature
cannot
be
altered
,
how
in
Polity
her
course
may
be
steered
to
publike
good
:
so
that
men
still
retaining
their
sense
of
good
and
bad
,
separate
and
distinct
to
themselves
,
they
might
therewith
,
and
thereby
also
,
be
more
provoked
to
the
good
of
others
.
Therefore
,
after
the
vulger
manner
,
to
dream
of
publike
spirited
persons
or
publike
souls
(
meaning
such
as
have
no
private
interest
)
is
not
onely
untrue
,
but
,
could
it
be
,
it
would
,
instead
of
benefit
,
be
the
ruine
of
that
whole
State
.
For
,
through
the
distracted
endeavors
of
so
many
voluntary
publike
undertakers
,
the
whole
would
perish
by
degrees
:
and
while
each
particular
failed
,
for
want
of
due
self-regard
,
the
whole
would
fail
by
consequent
.
Experience
of
those
many
mischiefs
and
disturbances
generally
arising
in
the
world
through
mens
inconsiderate
and
violent
prosecution
of
their
own
appetites
and
wills
,
without
due
regard
to
the
sufferings
of
others
,
hath
brought
it
into
the
serious
doubt
of
many
,
whether
this
Philautia
be
lawful
to
be
prosecuted
or
no
:
and
while
some
(
as
finding
it
natural
)
have
necessarily
thought
it
warrantable
,
yet
have
they
onely
thought
it
an
allowable
rule
to
be
made
the
beginner
,
but
not
the
ender
of
our
enterprises
.
As
though
the
end
and
design
of
each
action
,
must
not
,
in
all
voluntary
and
intelligent
Agents
,
be
before
any
attempt
thereof
.
Or
,
as
if
any
reasonable
creature
,
could
,
out
of
self-regard
begin
any
thing
,
which
,
in
the
issue
,
he
did
foresee
would
prove
otherwise
.
But
it
hath
not
been
well
considered
,
that
those
very
Rules
of
Do
as
thou
wouldst
be
done
unto
,
and
,
Love
thy
neighbour
as
thy self
,
(
on
which
their
conceit
is
grounded
)
do
of
themselves
imply
and
warrant
each
mans
separate
good
to
be
both
first
and
last
preferred
before
that
of
any
other
.
Nay
,
these
Rules
being
chiefly
intended
to
avoid
partiality
in
such
dealings
and
distributions
as
concern
other
parties
,
and
so
to
be
used
by
such
as
are
to
execute
the
Office
of
Judges
and
Umpires
,
doe
in
that
case
onely
(
as
hereafter
shall
be
shewed
)
appoint
both
the
Judge
on
the
one
hand
,
and
the
two
contending
parties
on
the
other
,
to
square
his
sentence
upon
them
,
and
they
their
obedience
unto
him
,
as
fancying
themselves
reciprocally
interessed
.
In
which
case
,
themselves
not
being
immediate
parties
,
every
act
of
partiality
is
injustice
:
they
having
no
rule
to
love
one
man
better
then
another
.
Whereas
,
on
the
other
side
,
if
any
man
be
party
with
another
,
all
things
he
doth
to
the
advantage
of
another
against
his
own
,
is
not
onely
unnatural
and
foolish
,
but
unjust
and
sinful
also
.
What
if
we
shall
say
farther
,
that
in
all
dealings
between
one
man
and
another
,
no
man
can
be
otherwise
sinful
,
then
as
he
is
to
himself
foolish
and
neglectfull
of
his
own
good
?
It
is
not
hard
for
men
to
conceive
in
the
general
,
that
wickedness
and
folly
fall
one
into
another
;
and
that
no
man
can
prejudice
himself
,
but
he
must
thereby
sin
:
nor
sin
,
but
he
must
thereby
prejudice
himself
.
All
the
mistake
being
for
want
of
consideration
,
that
when
any
doth
,
by
warrant
from
above
,
sense
of
Honor
,
or
dictate
of
his
Conscience
,
prefer
the
benefiting
of
another
to
the
enjoyment
of
some
present
content
of
his
own
,
that
,
even
in
this
case
,
it
was
self
consideration
of
procuring
reward
or
avoiding
punishment
to
himself
,
that
was
the
end
of
this
good
deed
he
did
to
them
.
In
which
regard
,
so
far
as
he
had
not
present
self
design
(
namely
delight
in
the
act
it self
)
but
was
considerative
of
an
end
,
even
so
far
that
end
must
have
self
design
upon
the
whole
issue
in
every
voluntary
Agent
,
as
it
is
such
;
however
they
may
differ
from
one
another
in
degree
of
Wisdom
and
Prudence
:
that
is
,
eithe●
inability
to
apprehend
and
believe
how
these
courses
are
available
to
his
good
,
or
prudence
in
the
managery
or
application
of
them
accordingly
.
Wisdom
in
these
cases
grounding
herself
upon
her
sure
Rule
of
comparison
;
Better
forego
a
present
less
pleasure
to
my self
,
by
doing
it
to
another
,
then
by
not
doing
good
to
another
as
I
am
commanded
,
to
incur
that
punishment
,
and
lose
that
greater
reward
which
is
to
succeed
to
my self
in
place
thereof
.
Therefore
,
as
in
Natures
polity
in
the
Government
of
the
World
,
there
is
pleasure
annexed
to
such
enjoyments
as
are
most
beneficial
,
to
direct
and
incite
us
what
to
do
in
pursuit
of
our
single
preservations
,
(
and
so
of
the
whole
species
)
and
pain
on
the
contrary
,
to
deter
from
what
is
hurtful
;
so
,
in
political
foundations
,
(
that
the
whole
Kingdom
may
be
preserved
)
the
duties
necessary
to
be
performed
or
avoided
by
the
several
members
thereof
to
that
end
,
are
to
have
such
rewards
and
punishments
annexed
to
their
Edicts
,
that
each
particular
member
,
being
naturally
led
to
seek
pleasure
and
avoid
pain
,
may
,
in
the
pursuit
hereof
,
(
by
politick
designation
)
follow
the
good
of
the
Commonwealth
also
.
As
for
example
,
should
the
Commonwealth
appoint
(
as
out
of
duty
to
the
whole
,
and
out
of
common
Charity
to
one
another
)
that
men
should
,
without
any
self
regard
;
have
spent
their
whole
time
and
labours
in
Tillage
or
otherwise
,
they
would
quickly
finde
the
Proverb
verified
,
That
the
common
Ass
is
ill
sadled
.
And
they
would
finde
,
that
since
men
are
properly
and
expresly
onely
sensible
of
their
own
good
,
that
therefore
,
as
this
stood
remitted
,
their
actions
would
remit
also
.
Reason
therefore
quickly
taught
all
Founders
of
Laws
and
Rules
for
sociable
living
,
that
because
the
whole
stock
of
common
improvement
must
arise
from
private
managery
,
to
annex
unto
publike
employments
and
duties
such
private
advantages
and
rewards
as
might
encourage
their
undertakings
.
And
therefore
,
those
that
have
gone
about
to
propound
the
dis-impropriation
of
Goods
,
Wives
,
&c.
as
thinking
upon
taking
off
the
notions
of
meum
and
tuum
,
to
take
off
all
Civil
War
,
do
not
onely
(
as
aforesaid
)
undertake
what
is
impossible
(
as
supposing
,
Man
,
a
Creature
of
so
much
appetite
and
leisure
can
be
without
something
in
that
kinde
to
seek
)
but
that
which
would
be
hurtful
also
.
For
although
Bees
,
Ants
,
and
such
like
creatures
,
which
some
inconsiderately
think
imitable
,
do
enjoy
a
parity
,
and
have
their
private
good
and
the
publike
all
one
,
in
the
same
dire●t
line
for
intention
and
execution
,
yet
if
their
different
condition
from
mans
be
examined
,
it
would
be
found
as
reasonable
that
man
should
do
otherwise
,
as
they
should
do
so
.
For
they
are
born
all
at
once
,
so
as
being
but
one
litter
,
and
seeming
but
one
thing
,
they
do
accordingly
keep
up
co-habitation
.
And
as
this
strict
co-habitation
keeps
them
from
intermedling
with
other
creatures
,
whereby
to
be
affected
with
imitation
of
their
appetites
,
so
their
own
appetite
of
self-preservation
for
necessary
food
,
keeps
them
so
wholly
intent
in
the
provision
thereof
,
that
they
want
the
sole
occasion
to
faction
and
disunion
,
which
is
idleness
.
And
therefore
they
may
be
discerned
always
in
haste
,
and
imployed
about
that
very
one
thing
,
namely
provision
of
food
:
and
that
not
without
need
;
for
the
whole
yeers
expence
lies
upon
a
short
times
gathering
.
Whereas
men
,
that
have
such
difference
of
age
,
company
,
appetite
,
judgement
,
and
so
much
leisure
,
cannot
but
be
thought
to
have
as
different
and
private
ayms
.
And
to
think
that
a
man
shall
not
have
self-aym
in
all
he
doth
,
is
to
think
he
shall
have
no
aym
at
all
;
but
to
do
always
one
thing
,
and
that
out
of
present
haste
and
necessity
,
as
Ants
do
.
But
,
as
we
finde
all
Sensitives
,
as
such
,
must
,
according
to
their
degree
of
Knowledge
,
have
self-aym
(
in
so
much
as
Beasts
of
most
leisure
have
it
most
)
so
man
,
as
the
most
contemplative
,
long-lived
,
rational
creature
,
must
have
it
most
.
Which
things
duely
considered
,
and
the
respective
and
different
cares
and
parts
of
Prince
and
Subject
,
it
will
easily
appear
what
things
are
,
and
must
be
the
aim
of
both
.
For
the
one
,
seeing
that
the
whole
good
was
his
particular
good
,
and
thereupon
following
the
natural
rule
of
self-seeking
,
he
must
,
as
he
desired
his
own
good
,
seek
that
of
the
whole
people
:
because
,
if
any
part
of
the
publike
be
decayed
or
lost
,
even
so
much
his
private
is
decayed
and
lost
also
.
For
the
Prince
should
be
in
the
body
politique
as
the
Brain
to
the
body
natural
;
without
sense
to
it self
,
and
yet
be
the
common
sense
to
all
other
parts
.
Then
the
Subject
on
the
other
side
,
as
naturally
seeking
pleasure
and
avoiding
the
contrary
,
is
,
as
regarding
his
particular
herein
,
stirred
up
by
the
rewards
and
punishments
of
the
Law
,
to
do
,
or
avoid
such
things
as
are
agreeable
to
publike
interest
.
By
which
means
,
every
man
seeking
necessarily
his
own
private
,
and
then
publike
and
private
benefits
being
in
all
relations
the
same
and
convertible
,
Polity
is
established
,
and
Charity
also
:
while
our
neighbours
benefits
are
established
in
our
own
.
And
while
Prince
and
people
thus
move
in
course
,
according
to
each
ones
order
,
the
general
welfare
is
maintained
.
But
if
the
harmony
and
proportions
be
broken
,
by
any
ones
invading
on
the
others
imployment
,
mischief
will
follow
.
For
if
any
order
or
estate
of
the
people
shall
forsake
their
own
bounds
,
and
take
upon
them
to
judge
of
publike
expedients
and
mischiefs
,
and
act
accordingly
,
then
,
as
the
publike
good
will
fail
for
want
of
care
,
so
will
their
own
good
fail
therewith
also
.
And
so
again
it
is
,
if
the
Prince
,
upon
the
terror
of
any
discontented
parties
,
hath
parted
with
some
of
his
Soveraignty
or
common
interest
to
other
hands
:
will
not
his
care
,
that
should
be
common
to
all
alike
,
as
Subject
,
come
to
be
less
to
those
;
because
they
are
less
Subjects
then
others
?
And
then
again
,
if
the
King
himself
,
out
of
favour
to
any
,
shall
give
exemptions
or
priviledges
derogatory
to
his
just
Prerogative
,
this
will
cause
a
partial
eye
towards
them
in
his
time
,
&
(
it
is
like
)
an
angry
one
towards
them
afterwards
:
in
both
cases
hazarding
publike
care
and
Justice
;
because
the
whole
is
not
looked
upon
with
equal
interest
.
But
the
truth
is
,
Princes
errors
this
way
can
seldom
go
far
:
for
that
the
successors
,
finding
this
indulgence
prejudicial
,
will
still
recal
them
into
common
again
.
For
,
as
it
is
probable
their
Fathers
favorites
were
none
of
theirs
,
so
(
you
may
be
sure
)
none
of
the
peoples
;
so
far
as
to
fear
part-takings
in
devesting
them
.
But
now
,
when
this
politique
direction
and
rule
for
self-seeking
is
laid
aside
,
and
the
rewards
and
threats
to
obedience
cannot
so
prevail
,
but
that
some
daring
spirits
,
of
more
then
ordinary
ayms
and
affections
(
hoping
to
have
their
Ambition
,
Covetousness
,
and
Revenge
satisfied
better
in
an
extraordinary
way
then
what
is
by
Law
appointed
)
will
be
acting
to
publike
disquiet
,
then
it
is
that
Faction
is
beginning
:
which
is
nothing
else
,
but
an
unlawful
association
of
Subjects
,
in
opposition
to
their
one
supreme
Authority
:
which
association
is
by
each
one
run
into
,
as
he
findes
his
own
hopes
or
fears
therein
attained
or
secured
.
In
which
case
each
Faction
is
in
its
actings
without
publike
allowance
,
to
be
looked
on
as
a
private
person
.
The
original
and
rise
of
Faction
being
discontent
,
hence
it
is
that
no
Government
whatsoever
can
be
wholly
without
it
:
that
is
,
in
aym
and
design
,
however
it
may
be
kept
from
act
and
execution
,
through
fear
to
prevail
.
And
this
,
not
onely
,
as
all
Government
is
in
it self
to
be
considered
as
a
re●●raint
of
our
wills
,
and
so
prompting
us
to
contrivement
of
ease
,
but
inasmuch
as
there
can
be
but
few
persons
so
constantly
and
entirely
favored
or
be
friended
by
the
present
power
of
any
place
,
as
not
to
have
many
things
in
their
ayms
and
hopes
(
in
order
to
Revenge
or
Covetousness
)
to
be
got
by
siding
and
complyance
elsewhere
,
therefore
all
men
whatsoever
are
to
be
presumed
more
or
less
enclined
to
Faction
,
as
they
are
more
or
less
discontented
.
But
then
because
men
singly
,
and
in
small
numbers
,
cannot
act
,
or
secure
themselves
against
established
polity
and
the
penalties
thereof
,
they
must
next
endeavor
such
strength
by
association
,
as
to
be
thereby
enabled
to
bring
on
their
own
aims
by
complying
with
the
interests
of
others
.
And
although
again
,
there
can
be
no
two
men
found
of
alike
interest
and
aim
in
all
things
,
yet
men
,
not
finding
agreement
so
fully
as
they
would
,
do
then
seek
it
in
the
neerest
proportion
they
can
:
and
since
they
finde
none
to
make
companions
in
all
their
ayms
,
they
then
joyn
with
such
as
concur
in
most
.
And
so
,
having
gotten
(
as
they
believe
)
association
and
strength
enough
to
carry
on
their
design
,
they
now
begin
to
separate
and
divide
the
Kingdom
,
by
separating
themselves
.
These
that
side
with
them
they
call
(
for
reputation
sake
)
the
people
,
and
the
good
party
:
and
those
that
joyn
not
,
enemies
to
the
publike
,
ill-affected
,
&c.
By
this
means
having
gotten
such
strength
as
to
be
able
to
pursue
their
own
interests
in
opposition
to
lawful
Authority
,
they
proceed
with
less
fear
towards
the
accomplishment
thereof
:
whether
it
be
that
more
neer
interest
,
the
advantage
of
pleasure
belonging
to
each
ones
person
(
commonly
included
under
riches
and
desire
of
property
)
or
that
which
is
more
distant
,
as
of
Wives
,
Children
,
Kindred
,
Friends
,
&c.
which
may
be
ranked
under
the
sense
of
Honor.
For
still
,
our
pursuit
in
attaining
them
is
heightned
,
as
we
conceive
our
propriety
and
interest
in
them
to
lye
.
Now
,
as
the
leaders
private
ends
were
(
as
beforesaid
)
Ambition
,
Covetousness
,
or
Revenge
;
so
,
to
joyn
interest
and
engage
the
people
,
they
flatter
them
with
the
notions
of
Liberty
,
Propriety
,
and
Justice
;
corresponding
with
their
own
aims
before
mentioned
.
For
Liberty
answers
Ambition
;
both
proceeding
from
Pride
,
and
impatience
of
Government
.
The
desire
of
increase
of
Propriety
,
answers
Covetousness
.
And
popular
Justice
is
nothing
else
but
Cruelty
and
Revenge
.
And
now
have
they
engaged
all
affections
too
.
For
Ambition
is
the
extream
of
Honor
,
the
pleasure
of
the
Minde
.
Covetousness
includes
all
the
pleasures
that
sense
can
desire
.
And
Revenge
is
the
utmost
bound
of
our
malice
against
the
things
we
hate
,
tending
to
the
satisfaction
of
the
irrascible
faculty
,
as
the
other
did
of
the
concupiscible
.
Therefore
the
Leaders
,
never
defining
or
telling
what
civil
Liberty
,
Property
,
or
Justice
is
,
or
ought
to
be
,
they
leave
it
for
the
people
(
who
have
them
promised
as
great
matters
)
to
think
that
by
Liberty
,
they
mean
,
not
onely
freedom
from
all
subjection
themselves
,
but
,
because
they
are
told
all
Power
comes
from
them
,
and
is
at
their
dispose
,
they
think
they
shall
now
have
power
over
others
also
.
By
Propriety
,
they
are
led
to
think
,
not
onely
to
have
their
own
estates
altogether
independ●nt
,
but
to
be
freed
of
all
Taxes
and
Obligations
besides
.
For
the
meanest
cannot
but
expect
(
if
he
be
not
directly
promised
)
that
upon
overthrow
of
the
enemy
,
great
encrease
will
then
come
to
his
share
And
then
,
as
the
weakest
Natures
are
ever
most
revengeful
,
and
cruel
,
so
Subjects
can
never
want
objects
of
this
kinde
,
whom
,
under
shew
of
publike
Justice
,
they
will
always
implacably
prosecute
.
Nor
do
the
Leaders
of
Factions
hide
themselves
and
meanings
on
the
naming
of
things
onely
,
but
of
persons
also
.
For
having
themselves
cast
off
subjection
,
and
teaching
others
to
do
the
like
,
they
use
not
the
name
of
Subject
any
longer
;
it
is
now
the
people
a
word
which
(
as
used
in
Anarchies
)
signifies
insubjection
:
and
therefore
can
be
never
proper
but
in
Anarchy
)
and
sometimes
it
is
the
Commons
they
represent
and
stand
for
.
And
then
,
there
is
none
so
low
,
but
thinks
he
is
included
in
one
of
these
notions
:
there
is
not
one
of
the
meanest
servants
in
a
Family
,
but
is
in
his
conceit
one
of
the
People
,
or
one
of
the
Commons
at
least
:
and
answerably
,
he
is
ready
to
take
the
side
that
makes
him
such
fair
promises
.
And
he
may
hope
also
,
that
as
the
greater
includes
the
less
,
so
a
free-born
Subject
,
as
he
is
,
shall
be
freed
of
Master
,
as
well
as
Prince
:
for
he
is
sure
that
all
his
bondage
hath
been
from
the
one
,
and
not
from
the
other
.
They
(
poor
souls
)
little
thought
that
by
People
and
Commons
are
meant
onely
such
as
the
Leaders
shall
choose
(
after
they
have
made
themselves
by
their
helps
Masters
of
the
other
party
)
to
stand
as
for
the
People
,
or
to
choose
,
or
to
be
their
Representatives
.
At
which
time
(
I
hope
)
being
the
people
themselves
,
they
will
not
break
their
former
Promises
of
having
no
intention
but
the
good
of
the
People
.
Upon
occasion
of
which
deceits
and
mistakes
it
comes
to
pass
,
that
the
generality
of
the
people
are
ever
murmuring
against
these
Governments
,
and
more
ready
to
change
again
then
the
Subjects
in
Monarchies
:
as
now
finding
that
those
large
promises
of
general
Liberty
,
&c.
comes
to
none
other
end
then
to
be
at
the
continual
dispose
of
their
fellows
;
and
that
their
own
share
in
power
or
riches
,
answers
not
that
great
hopes
they
had
thereof
when
they
deposed
their
former
Prince
.
When
this
Association
or
Faction
divides
against
the
Ecclesiastical
Government
it
is
called
by
a
peculiar
name
of
Schism
:
which
is
seldom
wanting
where
the
other
is
.
For
Religion
,
being
taken
of
general
concern
to
all
,
the
reaping
up
of
abuses
herein
cannot
but
deeply
engage
:
and
,
in
order
to
this
,
the
peoples
Liberty
in
interpreting
Scripture
must
be
asserted
:
and
then
,
having
set
up
Levites
to
scholly
them
to
their
purpose
,
Conscience
comes
to
be
engaged
for
them
also
in
this
pretended
Reformation
,
and
as
much
as
much
as
may
be
drawn
from
the
other
side
.
But
now
,
as
all
Faction
hath
in
its
aim
the
overthrow
of
Government
,
so
it
is
,
from
its
own
divisions
again
,
always
a
ruine
to
it self
,
as
it
had
been
to
the
Kingdom
by
division
before
.
For
the
common
enemy
(
as
they
call
them
)
now
subdued
,
which
was
the
cause
of
their
uniting
,
they
begin
to
reflect
upon
themselves
,
both
in
the
division
and
managery
of
the
power
and
profits
now
come
into
their
hands
,
and
also
of
the
neerer
prosecution
of
those
particular
interests
that
brought
them
into
this
association
.
Both
which
occasions
will
again
necessarily
break
them
into
sub-divisions
:
and
lead
them
to
finde
out
new
associations
of
such
as
come
yet
neerest
to
correspond
with
them
,
against
such
as
are
farthest
off
:
and
upon
like
Grounds
and
Arguments
as
they
had
associated
against
others
before
,
they
associate
against
one
another
now
.
Nor
can
this
well
be
otherwise
,
because
(
as
I
said
)
publike
good
was
not
the
cause
of
their
joyning
:
except
a
forraign
fear
yet
remain
,
or
do
arise
to
keep
them
united
:
or
except
the
Leaders
be
allyed
by
kindred
,
or
have
all
of
them
a
common
interest
.
The
last
commonly
happens
,
when
claim
is
laid
to
the
Crown
and
Government
.
For
then
,
as
one
mans
interest
made
them
associate
,
it
will
keep
them
so
.
The
other
is
when
the
heads
are
few
,
and
their
interests
so
agreeing
,
that
more
is
probably
to
be
got
by
a
great
and
sure
share
now
possessed
in
the
Government
,
then
in
adventuring
for
all
.
Therefore
,
the
present
successors
to
Monarchies
overthrown
by
Faction
are
Aristocracies
:
but
these
many
times
so
short-lived
,
as
their
Government
is
not
to
be
setled
and
known
.
For
one
,
or
some
amongst
them
,
as
courting
more
the
people
,
will
still
,
by
their
help
,
set
themselves
in
the
Throne
:
or
if
that
fail
,
rather
then
submit
again
to
his
incensed
fellows
,
he
perswades
,
and
sets
up
the
peoples
general
power
above
them
,
under
shew
of
more
liberty
:
and
so
comes
usually
Democracies
:
which
,
if
they
fall
not
into
Monarchy
again
by
the
force
and
choice
of
their
souldiery
,
grow
by
degrees
more
Aristocratick
.
For
those
that
call
themselves
the
people
,
secluding
always
as
many
as
they
can
,
and
taking
in
none
to
share
with
them
in
power
,
their
number
at
last
must
be
few
.
Besides
,
as
Nature
in
all
things
,
being
left
to
her
own
working
,
will
by
gentle
and
orderly
steps
tend
to
that
perfection
she
was
forcibly
deprived
of
,
so
it
may
be
observed
,
how
by
degrees
all
Governments
do
of
their
own
nature
,
and
uninterrupted
by
violence
,
always
lead
to
that
perfection
and
state
of
Unity
again
from
which
by
force
onely
they
were
hitherto
debarred
.
And
,
unto
the
undeniable
proof
of
the
natural
right
of
Monarchical
Government
,
it
may
be
asserted
,
that
,
as
no
Government
of
it self
(
let
alone
in
the
hands
of
the
governors
,
without
the
forcible
intermedling
of
the
governed
)
but
would
still
come
to
be
Monarchy
,
so
,
no
government
was
ever
brought
from
fewer
to
more
,
but
by
the
force
and
terror
of
the
people
upon
the
Governors
themselves
:
who
now
(
as
in
the
Fable
of
the
Serpent
that
would
be
governed
by
his
own
Tayl
)
will
be
governing
themselves
:
and
so
make
all
lawfulness
of
Government
(
at
last
)
vanish
into
forcible
obtrusion
.
There
are
many
other
particulars
by
which
Faction
useth
to
make
its
rise
and
support
;
which
shall
be
spoken
of
in
the
next
chapter
of
Rebellion
,
amongst
other
things
which
are
the
originals
of
that
also
.
For
these
two
are
of
such
like
extraction
,
and
so
neer
a
kin
,
that
what
is
properly
the
cause
to
one
,
is
(
for
the
most
part
)
so
to
the
other
:
Faction
being
but
Rebellion
in
its
birth
,
and
as
yet
but
in
devise
and
contrivance
;
and
Rebellion
being
but
Faction
brought
into
act
and
execution
:
even
as
Polarchy
,
or
Anarchy
is
but
both
of
them
,
brought
to
such
maturity
and
perfection
,
as
to
be
capable
of
self-subsistance
.
CHAP.
III.
Of
Rebellion
,
and
its
most
notable
Causes
and
Pretences
.
AS
the
inordinate
thirst
of
pleasure
,
and
its
consequent
(
Liberty
to
attain
it
)
is
in
us
all
,
both
natural
and
unlimited
,
so
,
where
Rules
and
Laws
of
Polity
and
Government
(
the
onely
means
of
restraint
)
are
not
strictly
enjoyned
or
duely
obeyed
,
it
commonly
falls
out
,
that
what
should
have
been
a
bridle
,
proves
rather
a
Spur
;
and
the
possession
of
one
inordinate
lust
,
doth
by
it self
make
way
for
another
:
even
as
the
abundance
of
drink
,
to
the
drunkard
,
is
the
cause
of
greater
thirst
to
ensue
.
Observe
we
this
,
First
,
in
that
lesser
Government
of
a
Family
:
and
you
shall
finde
Children
and
Servants
nowhere
so
unquiet
and
discontented
,
as
where
the
indulgencies
of
the
Parent
or
Master
do
most
appear
.
And
so
it
is
in
Kingdoms
also
:
where
Subjects
that
have
soft
and
mild
spirited
Princes
,
and
from
whose
more
gentle
and
easie
natures
they
,
having
already
attained
many
things
of
Liberty
and
Freedom
,
do
come
at
last
to
forget
how
inconsistent
these
things
may
be
with
their
duty
or
publike
peace
,
and
to
think
that
their
very
asking
should
now
be
the
onely
rule
for
his
granting
.
Whereupon
,
as
it
happens
that
there
is
most
brawling
,
contention
and
unquietness
in
such
Families
,
so
,
in
such
Commonweals
,
Mutinies
and
Rebellions
do
ever
abound
.
And
,
to
keep
the
Scripture
president
herein
,
what
other
Reason
can
be
given
of
those
many
murmurrings
and
insurrections
of
the
Jews
:
even
while
under
the
government
of
Moses
:
one
so
far
from
oppressing
their
liberty
,
that
he
was
the
meekest
man
on
the
earth
.
And
when
again
,
they
had
all
things
in
such
plenty
as
even
their
very
Lust
was
supplyed
with
miracles
:
he
smote
the
rock
and
the
water
gushed
out
:
they
are
still
asking
,
can
he
give
bread
,
can
he
provide
flesh
for
his
people
?
And
when
they
had
this
flesh
,
this
manna
,
it
was
found
too
light
food
for
their
satisfaction
:
and
this
very
food
of
Angels
,
was
insufficient
to
stint
their
boundless
desires
.
Therefore
,
while
the
very
meat
was
in
their
mouths
,
Look
again
to
them
under
their
Kings
,
and
you
shall
finde
none
so
ill
used
as
the
best
of
them
;
even
David
,
and
Solomon
.
In
the
last
of
whose
time
it
is
expressed
,
Judah
and
all
Israel
was
then
many
as
the
sand
which
is
by
the
sea
in
a
multitude
,
eating
,
and
drinking
,
and
making
merry
.
And
again
,
Judah
and
all
Israel
dwelt
safely
,
every
man
under
his
own
vine
,
and
under
his
own
fig.
tree
,
from
Dan
to
Beersheba
all
the
days
of
Solomon
.
of
the
children
of
Israel
did
Solomon
make
no
bondmen
:
and
having
riches
in
such
abundance
amongst
them
,
that
he
made
silver
and
gold
to
be
in
Jerusalem
as
stones
,
&c.
And
yet
,
as
in
a
kinde
of
wantonness
and
surfet
,
they
come
to
his
son
Rehoboam
to
ask
release
of
this
grievous
yoak
of
Solomon
his
Father
.
But
in
truth
,
we
can
interpret
this
their
coming
to
Sechem
to
no
other
end
then
to
make
a
Covenant
and
association
to
rebel
:
and
the
pretence
to
make
Rehoboam
King
,
was
but
the
outside
of
their
appearance
:
when
they
intended
to
unmake
him
.
For
first
,
Rehoboams
raign
was
not
Elective
but
in
right
of
his
Father
and
Grandfather
,
as
heretofore
noted
:
and
he
might
as
well
have
reigned
in
their
stead
without
the
peoples
approbation
,
as
Ishbosheth
Sauls
son
did
over
them
in
Davids
time
,
or
as
Nadab
in
Jeroboams
stead
,
over
the
same
Israelites
,
without
any
such
confirmation
.
So
that
this
Assembly
was
indeed
to
settle
Jeroboams
new
Principality
,
and
not
to
confirm
Rehoboams
.
And
therefore
,
sent
for
him
to
come
in
the
head
of
them
,
whom
they
knew
to
lay
claim
to
the
Crown
,
this
action
looks
purposely
to
aim
at
a
quarrel
,
and
gain
a
denyal
;
whereby
to
get
a
pretence
to
rebel
.
And
was
indeed
the
threatned
punishment
of
Solomons
offence
against
God
,
and
not
of
Rehoboams
to
the
people
:
and
so
suffered
to
be
done
in
pursuance
of
that
end
:
the
punishing
his
offence
with
the
rod
of
the
children
of
men
.
Whereupon
this
his
refusing
the
councel
of
the
old
men
,
But
,
to
affirm
that
this
Rebellion
was
a
punishment
of
Rehoboams
answer
onely
,
were
to
give
God
the
lye
:
both
for
the
reasons
already
mentioned
,
and
as
plainly
crossing
his
direct
Promise
to
Jeroboam
:
saying
,
I
will
rent
the
Kingdom
out
of
the
hands
of
his
son
,
and
give
it
unto
thee
,
even
ten
Tribes
.
Plainly
arguing
a
forepassed
fault
to
God
,
and
not
of
oppression
to
the
people
:
upon
which
onely
Reason
he
is
warned
to
desist
.
For
of
that
war
,
what
good
issue
could
be
?
To
have
Jeroboam
beaten
,
were
to
fight
against
God
and
his
purpose
:
and
to
have
Rehoboam
beaten
,
were
to
countenance
rebellion
in
people
.
But
if
you
look
to
the
fruit
of
these
Concessions
in
David
,
you
will
finde
him
the
fittest
instance
for
retaliation
in
both
kindes
:
whether
you
respect
him
as
a
gracious
Prince
,
or
an
indulgent
Father
:
as
may
appear
by
some
instances
formerly
given
.
The
like
will
all
other
stories
do
,
being
but
confirmations
of
this
Maxim
,
That
those
people
that
have
largest
Immunities
and
Liberties
,
are
ever
the
most
seditious
for
more
:
and
that
civil
war
and
rebellion
,
doth
not
arise
from
want
of
Liberty
and
Freedom
in
the
Subjects
,
but
from
having
too
much
:
That
is
,
from
Princes
intrusting
so
great
a
portion
of
Soveraign
power
into
their
hands
,
under
colour
of
giving
them
Liberty
,
as
shall
encourage
and
enable
them
to
stand
in
open
opposition
and
defiance
against
him
and
his
remaining
Authority
for
more
:
and
,
by
degrees
to
demand
,
or
rather
command
all
,
if
they
shall
think
good
.
For
as
it
comes
to
pass
with
all
such
prodigal
persons
,
as
well
Princes
as
others
,
as
use
or
know
no
other
way
for
gaining
love
and
credit
,
then
by
wasting
of
that
whereby
it
should
have
had
foundation
and
continuance
,
they
in
the
end
finde
,
that
as
(
before
)
their
estates
was
the
cause
of
their
Loves
,
so
,
this
being
now
gone
,
the
other
would
fail
also
.
And
therefore
they
should
beforehand
have
considered
,
that
what
was
the
onely
mean
to
their
desire
,
should
have
been
the
chiefest
object
of
their
care
:
lest
in
the
end
they
come
to
finde
,
that
too
great
liberality
unto
private
and
undeserving
beggers
,
makes
them
but
publique
and
unpittied
beggars
themselves
.
Even
so
,
when
Princes
are
soothed
up
with
the
specious
shews
of
winning
love
by
condescension
,
and
parting
with
the
fundamental
rights
of
Soveraignty
,
to
please
and
gain
the
people
,
they
must
now
expect
,
that
what
directed
their
love
to
them
,
while
they
had
it
,
will
be
a
cause
of
want
of
love
,
being
parted
with
.
They
must
consider
,
that
since
the
different
love
and
respect
of
Princes
above
others
,
was
but
in
regard
of
their
different
power
;
whereby
it
also
came
to
pass
,
that
what
was
beneficially
by
them
done
,
was
therefore
more
meritorious
,
as
less
constrained
;
abate
them
then
this
power
of
doing
so
,
or
otherwise
,
and
how
shall
the
love
and
thanks
to
Princes
differ
from
that
of
other
men
?
And
since
Government
,
as
Government
,
requires
the
administration
and
execution
of
things
according
to
the
will
of
the
Governors
(
when
as
the
pretended
government
by
love
respects
onely
the
desires
of
the
loved
)
how
can
it
then
be
government
?
And
Princes
so
governing
,
that
is
,
by
the
will
of
the
governed
,
as
he
and
they
are
in
their
wills
different
,
so
must
one
necessarily
be
the
overthrow
of
another
.
Wherefore
,
if
fear
and
reverence
be
not
made
use
of
,
but
Subjects
always
courted
by
loving
condiscentions
,
Experience
,
as
well
as
Reason
,
tells
us
,
that
his
Authority
will
stand
on
fickle
ground
.
Nor
do
Princes
hereby
onely
offend
against
interest
,
but
Duty
also
:
to
wit
,
against
that
prime
and
incommunicable
trust
of
power
from
God
to
them
derived
,
to
enable
them
to
govern
their
subjects
according
to
his
Laws
.
When
they
,
beyond
their
own
Commission
to
give
,
or
the
peoples
capacity
to
receive
,
shall
strive
to
dis-invest
themselves
of
so
inherent
a
propriety
,
and
by
a
strange
and
preposterous
way
of
proceeding
,
endeavor
to
invert
Nature
,
Reason
,
and
all
kinde
of
Order
and
Rule
,
to
their
own
ruine
,
by
this
setting
the
commanded
above
the
Commander
,
and
making
the
Subject
not
subject
.
Whereof
,
what
other
sequel
can
we
expect
,
but
that
,
as
a
punishment
justly
deserved
,
and
most
adequate
and
congruous
to
such
an
offence
,
all
Insurrections
and
Rebellions
against
them
,
from
hence
most
naturally
should
proceed
.
So
that
,
when
it
shall
once
come
to
pass
,
that
either
fear
to
enjoyn
or
command
what
he
knows
to
be
fit
,
or
the
hopes
for
countenance
or
assistance
in
what
he
believes
otherwise
,
shall
so
far
work
on
his
resolution
,
as
to
make
his
Subjects
the
objects
of
his
fear
and
courtship
,
he
shall
finde
,
that
what
is
hereby
,
for
the
present
gained
,
will
come
to
him
at
so
dear
a
rate
,
as
,
upon
the
issue
,
to
endanger
and
cost
him
his
whole
estate
:
whereas
Nations
under
absolute
Soveraigns
,
are
,
in
respect
of
these
,
but
seldom
observed
to
rebel
.
For
as
,
when
the
childe
hath
once
so
far
prevailed
over
his
indulgent
Father
,
as
that
his
wanton
appetite
cannot
be
satisfied
without
the
enjoyment
of
what
is
offensive
to
others
;
nay
,
not
without
those
very
morsels
and
what
else
belongs
to
the
necessary
sustentation
of
the
Parent
(
which
must
now
be
the
only
object
and
remedy
of
its
peevishness
;
)
it
wil
be
found
that
as
this
too
great
kindness
was
the
cause
this
stubbornness
,
so
it
will
,
at
last
,
prove
a
lessening
of
respect
and
duty
in
the
childe
:
and
the
childe
will
thereupon
also
,
be
more
truely
called
the
guide
of
the
Father
,
then
the
Father
of
him
.
And
seldom
have
the
Concessions
of
Princes
any
other
fruit
then
to
be
invitations
to
new
demands
;
till
at
last
,
Subjects
have
so
wholly
freed
themselves
from
the
more
milde
and
tolerable
government
of
one
,
that
,
through
the
greedy
pursuit
of
such
natural
and
universal
liberty
as
is
with
government
it self
inconsistent
,
they
again
fall
into
the
perfect
slavery
of
Anarchy
,
where
every
man
is
oppressed
of
his
neighbour
:
and
,
instead
of
one
,
have
many
Tyrants
to
disturb
them
.
The
usual
issue
of
all
unhappy
people
,
grown
wanton
with
too
much
Liberty
:
where
the
commonnels
,
and
easiness
of
former
grants
,
is
made
the
onely
rule
for
desiring
,
and
obtaining
new
Petitions
:
which
come
at
length
to
be
reckoned
as
acts
of
duty
,
not
of
grace
.
But
to
these
in
brief
it
may
be
answered
,
if
they
may
not
be
denyed
,
why
do
they
petition
?
if
they
may
,
why
do
they
rebel
?
And
having
so
far
considered
Rebellion
in
its
prime
cause
,
the
division
of
Soveraignty
,
we
will
examine
it
by
its
usual
pretences
,
and
give
some
answers
.
In
the
mean
time
,
I
shall
desire
such
as
may
conceive
these
last
passed
discourses
or
others
elsewhere
used
,
to
be
impertiment
for
a
Treatise
where
Subjects
,
and
not
Princes
parts
are
to
be
set
forth
,
to
consider
that
I
intend
not
here
to
shew
Kings
what
to
do
,
but
to
shew
Subjects
what
to
obey
.
And
if
this
encroachment
of
Subjects
on
the
Prerogatives
of
Princes
be
well
considered
,
it
will
be
found
no
less
needful
to
be
propounded
to
their
consideratitions
in
regard
of
the
inconveniences
thereof
inticing
them
to
Rebellion
,
then
in
regard
of
that
proneness
again
which
Princes
do
hereupon
take
to
fall
into
acts
of
Tyranny
:
insomuch
as
all
tyrannous
and
severe
regiment
may
be
observed
to
have
arisen
,
either
to
remove
,
or
prevent
this
danger
:
tyranny
being
nothing
else
but
soveraign
revenge
or
severity
,
according
to
the
presumption
of
injury
past
,
or
to
be
feared
.
The
evil
of
Anarchy
,
and
benefits
of
Government
have
ever
been
in
all
mens
eys
so
apparent
,
that
none
have
been
hitherto
found
so
desperate
,
as
directly
to
profess
to
introduce
the
one
by
destroying
the
other
:
but
deceived
sometimes
themselves
are
,
and
always
they
strive
to
deceive
others
,
by
shew
of
Liberty
and
Freedom
:
either
from
suffering
some
evil
,
or
for
attaining
some
forbidden
content
.
For
(
say
they
)
the
more
general
good
and
content
is
ever
to
be
preferred
to
the
more
particular
:
which
is
the
good
of
the
whole
people
to
that
of
the
Rulers
.
For
look
into
Nature
,
she
made
them
equal
:
intending
no
more
the
satisfaction
of
one
,
then
another
.
And
the
very
end
and
aim
of
Society
it self
,
was
primarily
the
good
of
the
governed
,
and
of
the
Governors
but
in
order
thereunto
.
That
hereupon
,
all
,
or
most
people
subject
not
themselves
to
the
arbitrary
rule
of
the
Prince
,
but
unto
the
known
and
established
Law
:
by
which
onely
,
according
to
his
oath
and
compact
,
he
is
bound
to
govern
.
For
could
men
(
say
they
)
be
imagined
to
have
parted
with
their
native
freedom
of
Will
,
and
debar
themselves
of
the
many
pleasures
of
life
,
to
no
other
end
,
but
hereby
to
advance
to
a
state
of
felicity
some
one
,
or
more
men
,
unto
whom
they
could
in
nothing
acknowledge
themselves
inferior
?
No
,
since
Kings
and
Rulers
were
set
up
,
and
had
obedience
given
unto
them
for
the
onely
good
of
the
people
(
for
of
them
is
the
whole
power
derived
,
and
they
may
at
pleasure
settle
what
Government
they
please
,
and
as
they
think
fit
to
restrain
or
enlarge
it
)
therefore
,
when
they
shall
be
found
to
fail
of
this
trust
,
and
turn
their
power
to
their
peoples
hurt
,
they
might
with
good
reason
re-assume
their
own
strength
,
and
imploy
it
to
the
attainment
of
those
benefits
,
which
by
the
wilfulness
or
foolishness
of
the
other
is
crossed
or
neglected
.
And
if
in
pursuance
of
this
course
,
civil
war
and
slaughter
do
follow
;
it
must
be
imputed
to
the
stubbornness
of
them
in
Authority
:
which
then
must
be
endured
as
a
cure
to
the
state
:
when
as
,
by
a
momentany
suffering
of
some
mens
loss
,
the
perpetual
hazard
of
all
mens
slavery
is
avoided
:
and
is
no
other
,
then
like
tolerating
a
less
evil
to
avoid
a
greater
.
And
this
power
of
resistance
(
say
they
)
must
be
in
all
limited
Monarchies
;
else
the
limitation
is
nothing
:
but
he
remains
as
absolute
as
the
other
.
But
because
these
and
the
like
propositions
,
have
for
the
most
part
been
bred
and
countenanced
by
some
of
the
Romish
and
Jesuited
Clergy
,
we
will
(
by
the
way
)
look
thereunto
:
leaving
the
farther
censure
of
their
intermedling
to
another
place
:
and
also
referring
the
full
answer
and
satisfaction
in
other
things
to
the
ensuing
chapters
:
wherein
,
under
the
titles
of
Liberty
,
Slavery
,
Property
,
&c.
shall
be
shewed
how
Faction
and
Rebellion
have
unjustly
laid
claim
to
any
justification
under
these
notion
.
A
great
Argument
,
and
associate
of
mans
frailty
it
is
,
that
even
from
our
best
and
most
holy
performances
,
advantages
to
sin
and
impiety
have
been
taken
.
Arising
chiefly
,
from
the
malice
of
that
wicked
one
;
always
ready
,
(
if
the
sowing
of
the
Wheat
cannot
be
wholly
hindred
)
by
his
Agents
to
cause
such
Tares
to
spring
amongst
,
and
from
it
,
that
for
their
very
sakes
,
the
other
might
have
none
,
or
at
least
less
use
and
esteem
.
For
who
would
else
have
thought
,
that
that
very
height
of
Piety
,
Religion
,
and
Devotion
,
that
caused
the
first
nursing
Fathers
of
the
Church
,
as
in
honor
and
duty
to
God
,
to
bestow
divers
great
Priviledges
and
Powers
upon
the
(
at
that
time
)
well-deserving
Clergy
,
should
,
by
a
strange
and
inconsiderate
ingratitude
,
prove
the
readiest
Feathers
,
with
which
the
shafts
were
made
for
their
own
destruction
?
For
so
we
finde
,
when
Popes
became
inheritors
onely
of
the
Revenue
and
Prerogative
of
the
Church
,
and
not
at
all
of
their
predecessors
devotion
or
humility
,
they
first
begin
to
seat
themselves
above
Kings
,
and
all
that
is
called
God
:
and
thinking
they
could
never
bring
low
enough
that
power
,
whose
due
height
they
had
just
cause
to
fear
would
be
a
curb
to
their
pride
,
they
not
onely
tread
on
their
necks
themselves
,
but
,
by
their
Agents
and
Factors
,
they
everywhere
teach
and
authorise
the
Princes
own
Subjects
to
do
the
like
.
Telling
them
that
all
civil
power
is
originally
in
the
people
:
and
that
from
them
,
and
their
underived
majesty
it
was
,
that
Kings
had
their
Soveraignties
:
which
as
they
might
be
by
them
streightened
as
they
saw
occasion
,
so
were
they
to
judge
of
his
defaults
in
case
of
tyranny
or
oppression
.
And
then
,
reserving
to
themselves
the
power
of
deposing
and
sentencing
them
,
in
case
of
heresie
or
schism
;
and
of
defining
what
they
were
,
they
had
poor
Kings
(
they
thought
)
beneath
them
low
enough
:
even
as
far
as
man
is
beneath
God
:
Kings
being
the
peoples
,
but
themselves
(
as
jure
divino
)
Gods
Deputies
.
These
things
seem
not
so
to
be
wondred
at
,
in
a
time
when
implicit
devotion
and
superstition
had
caused
such
general
ignorance
,
that
any
thing
almost
would
take
:
but
,
for
a
sort
of
men
,
undertaking
to
reform
all
errors
even
according
to
Gods
Word
,
and
professing
such
great
hatred
to
Popery
,
as
to
cast
off
some
harmless
things
,
onely
because
they
think
them
popish
;
for
these
(
I
say
)
to
contradict
a
thing
so
expresly
taught
in
Scripture
,
and
(
on
the
contrary
)
to
assert
a
thing
onely
fraudulently
brought
in
,
and
by
none
taught
but
Jesuits
,
can
have
no
other
ground
,
but
that
they
agree
in
common
aim
;
the
aim
of
ambition
and
insubjection
.
For
so
,
as
the
Pope
puts
Kings
under
the
people
,
to
advance
himself
in
his
room
,
as
in
Gods
stead
;
so
do
Presbyters
put
him
under
too
,
that
themselves
,
in
their
consistories
,
may
dethrone
,
and
be
above
him
,
as
in
Christs
stead
.
By
which
means
,
Christ
being
no
longer
King
of
Kings
,
but
King
of
Presbyters
,
we
should
(
for
advancement
of
our
Liberties
)
have
(
besides
the
domineering
consistories
)
a
King
and
a
Pope
in
every
Parish
.
Concerning
the
sum
of
which
Doctrine
,
namely
that
all
power
,
and
that
of
Kings
is
from
God
onely
,
we
have
already
spoken
:
but
because
I
finde
that
divers
learned
men
,
favorers
to
neither
of
these
sects
,
but
lovers
of
Monarchy
,
did
yet
hold
by
consequent
the
same
opinions
,
it
will
not
be
amiss
to
speak
something
hereof
:
and
of
the
inconveniencies
&
absurdities
arising
from
that
conceit
of
derivation
of
power
from
Paction
and
consent
:
leaving
the
more
particular
handling
of
the
Nature
and
reality
of
Paction
it self
to
its
proper
place
.
These
,
though
they
thought
that
,
notwithstanding
this
Concession
,
they
would
still
evince
all
active
resistance
to
be
unlawful
,
even
because
it
broke
a
Paction
(
made
between
I
know
not
what
King
and
their
people
(
and
so
I
also
sometimes
thought
from
the
plausibleness
of
the
scholly
)
yet
,
upon
stricter
enquiry
,
an
error
on
one
hand
or
other
cannot
be
avoided
.
That
is
,
either
acknowledging
that
this
is
a
thing
useless
,
and
serving
the
people
to
no
purpose
,
or
else
all
those
consequences
of
Rebellion
will
naturally
flow
from
it
.
For
you
admitting
it
the
peoples
right
,
they
put
you
to
shew
where
you
finde
that
they
by
any
Paction
utterly
resigned
this
right
into
the
Princes
hand
?
as
you
may
affirm
such
a
Paction
,
so
they
deny
.
And
for
conquest
,
they
say
it
can
no
more
take
away
a
known
right
,
then
any
other
force
.
And
if
it
be
the
peoples
right
,
it
is
their
right
as
well
against
him
as
any
other
.
Will
you
suppose
such
a
contract
when
they
elect
a
King
;
they
press
you
to
shew
it
:
and
say
,
they
are
to
be
supposed
as
all
other
rational
Agents
,
to
have
done
it
for
some
advantage
to
themselves
:
and
consequently
,
as
trusters
,
may
demand
accompt
from
the
trusted
,
and
make
redresses
also
:
else
they
have
a
dry
right
without
a
remedy
.
Therefore
they
appeal
to
these
Pactions
also
,
and
say
,
That
as
they
are
tyed
by
Oaths
of
Alleagiance
,
so
is
the
Prince
by
oath
tyed
to
observance
of
the
Law
:
and
that
,
if
he
break
his
Oath
,
theirs
is
fallen
of
consequence
:
and
then
the
power
and
trust
returns
.
If
it
happen
they
onely
swear
,
and
that
to
implicite
obedience
,
they
then
say
it
is
a
force
:
and
so
invalid
to
binde
any
,
since
(
as
granted
by
you
)
all
power
is
founded
on
the
Will.
So
that
we
may
plainly
see
the
mischief
of
this
Scholly
,
when
,
as
to
make
government
the
more
easie
(
as
in
a
kinde
of
flattery
)
people
are
told
,
that
although
they
have
originally
this
power
,
yet
having
once
devested
themselves
thereof
,
what
hath
been
their
voluntary
resignation
,
they
have
not
now
power
to
recal
at
pleasure
.
But
let
us
a
little
examine
these
grounds
,
and
their
inferences
.
Their
first
is
,
quisque
nascitur
liber
,
in
which
they
must
suppose
that
peo-people
can
be
like
(
like
Mushromes
)
springing
up
all
at
once
out
of
the
earth
;
without
all
relations
one
to
another
:
so
as
not
onely
without
Princes
or
Magistrates
,
but
sons
without
fathers
,
wives
without
husbands
,
servants
without
masters
,
families
without
heads
,
and
people
without
pastors
.
If
not
so
,
then
is
the
son
of
every
father
,
as
he
expects
the
same
protection
for
person
and
estate
his
father
had
,
bound
to
the
same
obedience
his
father
was
.
If
they
decline
this
power
of
government
in
the
diffusive
body
of
the
people
(
out
of
the
same
reason
,
and
the
impossibility
of
its
convening
)
and
thereupon
say
that
the
heads
of
families
have
onely
power
to
elect
and
dispose
;
for
that
it
is
to
be
supposed
all
in
their
families
have
already
resigned
to
them
all
their
power
:
then
,
this
neither
is
,
nor
can
be
done
by
the
heads
of
all
families
;
since
women
,
Church-men
,
infants
,
and
divers
people
under
such
and
such
qualifications
for
estates
come
to
be
left
out
.
So
that
,
when
authority
comes
to
be
derived
from
the
people
,
it
will
be
(
as
heretofore
noted
)
but
the
contrivement
of
some
Faction
;
using
such
or
such
restrictive
qualifications
,
as
they
may
not
be
hindred
in
their
aims
.
But
this
done
,
they
have
lost
their
first
ground
of
free-birth
:
for
(
I
hope
)
they
will
not
leave
children
and
slaves
at
choice
for
obedience
:
and
for
that
obedience
that
wife
and
servants
give
,
their
Pactions
express
not
(
I
suppose
)
any
such
resignation
of
will
or
power
from
themselves
to
the
head
of
the
family
,
as
thereby
to
oblige
them
to
his
Pactions
in
the
state
.
Yea
but
(
they
say
)
none
but
such
persons
as
have
some
share
in
the
kingdom
,
as
having
an
estate
of
some
value
shall
have
share
of
power
.
To
this
it
may
be
first
answered
,
how
shall
such
a
law
or
appointment
be
made
generally
binding
,
unless
we
first
allow
of
a
precedent
governor
amongst
them
to
establish
it
?
Who
again
,
if
he
were
settled
by
former
Paction
,
how
come
they
now
to
be
free
?
If
not
by
Paction
,
then
is
not
government
grounded
on
Paction
.
But
let
us
proceed
in
their
way
of
supposition
.
A
Master
of
a
family
of
a
hundred
servants
is
but
equal
to
him
that
hath
but
three
.
And
again
,
if
the
Master
of
a
hundred
servants
be
impoverished
,
and
not
able
to
maintain
his
former
rank
,
his
affection
and
ability
to
serve
his
country
must
be
supposed
lost
,
and
a
single
man
with
fourty
shillings
per
ann
.
put
in
before
him
.
And
then
again
,
if
estate
enable
men
to
be
in
the
number
of
people
,
and
so
,
fit
to
govern
,
me
thinks
it
should
proportionably
do
it
;
and
so
,
four
hundred
pound
yeerly
will
make
one
man
two
hundred
people
:
and
then
it
will
be
Regina
peeunia
indeed
.
These
,
and
the
like
differencing
rules
are
good
to
be
made
and
observed
in
Monarchies
:
where
the
Monarch
himself
(
to
the
end
he
may
know
his
subjects
desires
and
grievances
)
doth
,
by
his
writs
,
give
the
people
of
such
and
such
distinct
places
,
ranks
and
qualifications
power
to
elect
,
and
also
gives
and
permits
the
elected
to
have
power
to
proceed
,
according
to
former
rules
of
his
progenitors
,
or
new
ones
of
his
own
,
but
cannot
at
all
prove
derivation
of
power
from
below
.
For
if
the
original
power
be
in
the
whole
community
,
and
every
one
have
his
native
and
equal
share
,
how
comes
it
to
be
never
so
used
?
Is
it
due
to
all
Masters
of
families
?
then
is
it
from
God
,
and
due
by
Office
:
and
not
by
Paction
from
them
.
And
if
we
suppose
power
to
arise
from
the
Master
,
as
Master
,
then
will
one
Master
,
as
his
family
is
greater
,
have
more
power
then
another
.
Estate
cannot
make
it
,
for
the
reasons
before
given
.
If
natural
force
and
strength
make
it
,
the
stronger
will
have
most
.
If
wisdome
rule
it
,
who
shall
decide
who
are
wise
:
and
in
what
measure
it
is
to
be
stated
?
Put
it
to
age
,
or
what
you
will
,
it
will
be
as
hard
to
make
any
certain
rate
thereof
,
or
to
imagine
how
any
should
freely
consent
to
be
excluded
by
any
relation
,
as
to
agree
those
in
the
chosen
relations
,
by
stint
or
size
of
estate
,
yeers
,
wisdom
,
&c.
And
then
,
when
the
community
have
not
the
power
equal
,
the
others
have
it
by
force
,
or
usurpation
.
And
therefore
,
all
power
is
by
Office
:
and
to
such
Offices
as
are
appointed
of
God
:
as
Fathers
,
and
Kings
.
They
have
it
Jure
Divino
:
and
are
restrainable
therein
only
by
those
above
,
not
by
those
under
them
.
And
therefore
it
is
a
most
fond
supposition
,
that
because
those
assemblies
of
Parliaments
,
or
the
like
,
which
are
made
in
Monarchies
by
such
like
rules
of
distinction
,
and
have
their
acts
reputed
as
afterwards
binding
,
that
therefore
other
inventions
should
do
so
too
.
For
in
this
case
they
are
to
consider
,
first
,
that
there
is
a
superior
power
constituting
these
differencing
rules
,
and
making
up
(
as
before
noted
)
the
whole
representation
in
himself
.
And
then
,
they
are
to
consider
,
that
the
different
ends
of
these
and
the
other
supposed
conventions
,
will
make
them
extreamly
differ
in
their
force
of
binding
.
For
in
the
Monarchical
conventions
men
may
well
be
convened
under
the
estimate
of
riches
,
because
,
being
summoned
to
advise
and
determine
concerning
publike
leavies
and
the
Kingdoms
wealth
or
Commonwealth
,
they
may
be
thought
inclusive
of
it
all
:
whereas
in
the
suppposed
convention
for
disposing
mens
natural
power
and
right
to
govern
,
none
can
reasonably
binde
another
by
vote
,
in
that
where
all
are
equal
by
their
own
supposition
.
But
if
they
(
in
their
supposed
way
of
conferring
of
power
)
shall
exclude
children
and
servants
,
and
leave
none
but
the
Master
power
to
elect
,
then
break
they
their
supposition
of
equal
and
native
freedom
,
because
the
major
part
is
excluded
.
If
they
have
power
to
elect
,
then
,
being
so
much
the
greater
number
,
I
hope
they
will
chuse
such
a
government
as
shall
now
binde
their
Master
and
Father
,
and
not
he
them
.
But
let
us
go
on
by
way
of
supposition
.
These
selected
heads
are
met
to
chuse
and
empower
a
governor
,
and
to
give
them
all
their
power
;
that
is
,
their
power
of
their
several
families
,
that
so
he
having
power
of
all
families
,
may
consequently
have
power
of
the
whole
kingdom
:
which
done
,
they
intend
(
belike
)
to
give
up
house-keeping
.
If
so
,
he
will
have
a
great
task
indeed
.
If
not
,
I
would
know
whether
they
mean
to
have
less
power
over
their
families
then
before
?
No
(
they
say
)
they
mean
to
govern
them
under
him
.
Well
,
I
suppose
you
can
give
this
power
you
have
over
them
so
far
as
you
had
it
,
and
over
your self
too
:
but
then
,
since
the
power
of
life
and
death
,
and
other
things
necessary
for
the
Prince
to
have
,
you
neither
had
over
them
nor
your self
,
how
can
you
give
what
you
have
not
?
Again
,
suppose
the
people
the
original
of
power
,
and
farther
(
to
make
this
power
useful
)
suppose
they
may
recal
it
to
right
themselves
when
they
finde
it
abused
,
and
that
thereupon
,
the
liberty
to
appeal
to
them
must
ever
lye
open
;
why
then
,
this
serves
to
defeat
the
power
of
their
representatives
,
aswel
as
of
Princes
.
For
these
,
being
set
up
also
for
the
peoples
good
,
have
no
farther
power
neither
then
while
they
act
that
way
:
the
people
must
still
retain
power
to
hinder
them
from
doing
otherwise
;
and
consequently
,
must
have
power
to
judge
whether
they
do
so
or
not
.
And
then
,
this
power
must
extend
and
exercise
it self
in
all
causes
;
because
their
good
or
ill
must
be
therein
concerned
.
And
so
,
I
pray
how
shall
business
go
on
?
must
the
governor
ask
the
governed
their
consent
before
he
command
?
What
is
this
but
(
as
in
mockery
)
to
say
to
them
,
Do
as
you
list
or
I
will
make
you
?
What
is
this
but
for
people
to
command
,
and
Magistrates
to
obey
?
Again
,
although
that
maxime
,
Salus
populi
suprema
lex
,
may
be
good
in
popular
governments
(
as
shall
be
shewed
anone
)
where
governing
and
governed
are
supposed
alternative
and
the
same
(
because
all
come
to
be
included
)
but
yet
,
where
there
is
difference
,
there
the
good
of
both
,
as
making
up
the
whole
,
must
be
taken
into
proportionable
and
joynt
consideration
;
unless
they
can
imagine
that
,
by
contract
,
the
King
should
render
himself
purposly
miserable
,
to
make
others
happy
by
his
infelicity
.
If
so
,
David
and
others
,
that
had
promises
of
kingship
from
God
by
way
of
reward
,
had
certainly
no
such
benefit
.
And
if
this
right
and
duty
of
resistance
were
so
in
the
people
as
is
alleaged
,
why
,
in
so
many
thousand
yeers
,
and
in
the
raign
of
so
many
unjust
and
evil
Kings
as
are
set
down
in
the
Old
and
New
Testament
,
do
we
never
find
Prophet
,
Apostle
,
or
other
men
instructing
the
people
in
a
duty
of
so
great
concern
.
They
,
if
they
had
liked
,
might
as
easily
have
said
fight
as
obey
;
and
resist
,
as
not
resist
.
As
for
the
Kings
observation
of
the
Laws
and
seeking
the
good
of
the
people
,
I
believe
no
good
Kings
but
will
make
it
their
imployment
;
and
,
in
order
to
it
,
no
discret
people
but
must
thereupon
grant
,
that
it
is
his
part
to
to
know
and
interpret
what
this
law
and
good
is
;
for
if
it
be
left
to
be
done
by
any
other
Party
or
Faction
,
not
he
,
but
they
have
now
the
charge
.
For
to
say
they
will
submit
in
all
things
just
and
reasonable
and
no
farther
,
is
to
appeal
back
to
themselves
;
and
is
not
submission
to
another
:
but
all
things
are
left
to
their
private
determination
as
before
;
and
just
and
reasonable
must
be
but
what
they
will
esteem
such
.
For
(
as
before
shewed
)
men
could
not
make
question
whether
reason
or
equity
should
take
place
or
no
,
it
was
by
all
agreed
it
should
:
but
men
differing
amongst
themselves
on
which
side
this
right
was
and
both
parties
confident
of
their
own
cause
,
there
was
no
possibility
to
avoid
destraction
and
attain
peace
,
but
by
this
voluntary
and
joynt
submission
to
be
herein
governed
by
others
.
So
that
laws
of
equity
,
peace
,
and
government
,
require
that
all
parties
submit
to
their
common
and
appointed
judge
and
sentence
.
For
as
each
man
singly
becomes
a
man
by
having
a
proper
will
and
understanding
;
even
so
it
comes
to
pass
,
that
there
can
arise
no
difference
against
himself
,
because
understanding
and
will
do
in
him
alwayes
unite
.
Whereas
,
if
Thomas
his
will
were
to
be
guided
by
Iohns
understand
,
or
contrary
,
and
either
of
them
want
will
or
understanding
,
or
have
them
over-born
by
another
,
it
were
in
the
first
place
to
overthrow
the
personal
being
of
men
,
and
in
the
other
to
make
it
useless
.
For
should
,
or
could
my
will
incline
to
nothing
but
what
aforaign
understanding
saw
good
,
it
would
then
be
the
will
of
him
that
had
,
and
not
of
him
that
wanted
this
understanding
:
and
for
want
of
understanding
,
I
should
want
will
also
.
Or
,
should
I
suppose
there
could
be
an
understanding
that
could
submit
to
that
of
another
,
this
were
to
destroy
personality
by
confounding
it
:
and
to
imagine
an
impossibility
:
fancing
an
understanding
which
should
be
,
and
not
to
be
at
the
same
time
.
Therefore
,
when
by
the
help
of
anothers
understanding
mine
is
so
cleared
as
to
see
reason
to
consent
to
what
it
saw
not
before
,
and
upon
it
,
my
will
inclined
to
action
,
this
assent
of
my
will
is
the
issue
of
the
light
now
apprehended
in
mine
own
understanding
,
and
not
as
it
was
before
in
anothers
.
So
in
the
body
politick
,
to
keep
the
essence
and
union
thereof
entire
,
there
must
be
the
same
residence
for
understanding
and
councel
(
at
least
for
the
last
result
thereof
)
as
is
for
will
and
execution
.
And
therefore
,
as
it
would
argue
high
arogance
in
any
single
subject
to
presume
his
own
judgement
better
then
anothers
,
especially
then
his
superiors
,
so
is
it
but
the
same
thing
from
subjects
,
to
commend
that
councel
themselves
follow
,
before
that
which
their
Prince
follows
.
For
since
goodness
of
councel
doth
not
move
by
being
but
by
being
apparent
,
and
since
this
trial
and
apparency
must
depend
on
the
ability
and
judgement
of
him
that
chuseth
it
(
none
being
able
to
take
good
councel
but
he
that
is
in
measureable
to
give
it
)
it
must
therefore
be
granted
,
that
the
following
of
anothers
councel
after
mine
own
choice
,
differs
little
from
following
mine
own
.
If
it
should
be
argued
,
that
Princes
may
be
carried
away
by
partiallity
and
private
interest
,
and
so
some
should
think
that
the
Councel
of
subjects
should
in
that
regard
take
place
,
this
were
to
beg
the
question
upon
a
supposition
against
all
apparant
reason
.
For
how
can
any
be
supposed
to
be
so
equally
and
universally
interessed
as
the
Prince
?
How
will
they
have
this
liberty
stinted
,
both
for
persons
and
causes
?
And
who
shall
be
superiour
to
see
it
on
all
hands
performed
?
Will
they
allow
subjects
indefinitely
to
have
power
herein
as
they
themselves
shall
see
cause
?
they
then
invert
and
overthrow
government
.
If
these
prudent
considerations
cannot
prevaile
with
rational
men
to
stop
the
current
of
rebelion
,
yet
methinks
the
conscientious
ties
of
Religion
and
the
due
observation
of
those
Gospel
duties
of
patience
,
humility
,
obedience
,
long-suffering
,
&c.
might
.
Christian
Subjects
should
consider
how
Princes
are
of
Gods
setting
up
and
not
theirs
:
so
that
when
he
that
hath
their
hearts
in
his
hand
shall
send
them
such
an
one
as
they
deserve
,
and
in
a
fatherly
way
shall
make
them
his
rods
to
punish
their
faults
,
they
are
not
to
attempt
the
throwing
these
rods
into
the
fire
themselves
:
but
to
kiss
them
,
in
acknowledgement
of
submission
:
and
,
unless
they
will
undertake
to
measure
their
own
sins
,
they
must
leave
it
to
the
same
hand
to
withdraw
,
that
did
impose
.
And
to
this
purpose
,
let
them
well
consider
that
place
of
Job
,
Is
it
fit
to
say
to
a
King
thou
art
wicked
,
or
to
Princes
ye
are
ungodly
?
if
not
to
say
so
,
to
strike
Princes
for
equity
.
Nay
,
to
hate
right
:
yet
,
being
our
King
,
and
Gods
Minister
,
over
whom
we
can
have
no
lawful
jurisdiction
,
we
cannot
condemn
them
more
then
he
that
is
most
just
.
Who
shall
(
in
his
own
way
and
time
)
break
in
pieces
mighty
men
without
number
,
and
set
others
in
their
stead
.
CHAP.
IV.
Of
Liberty
.
AS
we
have
heretofore
shewed
the
glory
of
God
to
be
the
end
of
creation
,
and
that
this
glory
was
encreased
from
the
variety
of
creatures
;
inasmuch
as
from
their
augmentation
of
benefit
,
one
above
another
,
the
encrease
of
his
praise
must
proportionably
arise
:
As
we
have
also
declared
mankinde
amongst
other
creatures
greatest
receivers
,
and
most
capable
of
return
,
so
now
,
as
to
the
same
end
,
we
are
to
consider
men
amongst
themselves
,
as
they
stand
in
degrees
of
honour
and
power
one
above
another
.
For
as
we
shall
finde
them
generally
much
elevated
above
other
creatures
,
so
also
,
much
differenced
by
their
own
degrees
of
perfection
.
Insomuch
as
,
whilst
the
meanest
rank
of
men
have
great
degrees
of
Divine
resemblance
above
other
creatures
below
them
,
so
have
also
men
of
higher
stations
,
as
coming
hereby
to
be
called
Gods
by
God
himself
,
both
an
advantage
and
obligation
above
those
of
ordinary
condition
:
to
the
end
,
that
,
as
their
power
and
eminence
did
encrease
above
others
below
,
so
their
gratitude
upwards
should
encrease
also
.
For
as
every
workman
is
himself
expressed
in
his
work
,
and
hath
his
goodness
,
power
,
and
skil
made
apparent
by
the
general
perfection
of
all
he
doth
,
so
is
he
yet
more
eminently
herein
represented
,
when
of
the
same
lumpe
or
kind
again
,
he
shall
cause
vessels
of
different
honor
and
perfection
to
arise
.
In
order
to
this
,
as
we
finde
that
those
large
abilities
which
men
in
general
have
above
other
creatures
do
chalenge
and
establish
their
right
of
dominion
over
them
,
so
,
since
one
man
hath
as
great
(
almost
)
above
another
,
it
is
supposeable
thereby
to
chalenge
also
proportionable
superiority
amongst
themselves
.
Nor
fares
it
so
with
man
alone
,
but
it
is
generally
observable
;
that
as
the
Species
of
creatures
have
more
of
perfection
one
then
another
,
so
have
they
also
more
variety
of
degrees
in
the
individuals
thereof
,
one
above
another
.
In
inanimates
,
that
have
not
wil
,
their
different
vertues
are
without
claim
or
use
in
the
exercise
of
power
and
dominion
:
yet
(
comparatively
)
we
may
see
one
Loadstone
of
greater
efficacy
then
another
:
so
as
to
draw
from
him
,
upon
even
tearms
,
the
same
mass
of
Iron
.
Look
amongst
plants
;
their
different
perfections
in
the
same
kinds
are
to
all
apparant
;
and
how
also
one
tree
or
fruit
,
that
is
perfectest
in
the
same
kind
or
plant
,
over
powereth
that
which
is
less
.
In
such
sort
,
as
when
we
are
to
set
forth
Gods
power
and
bounty
in
the
vertues
and
endowments
of
stones
or
plants
of
any
kind
,
it
is
our
custome
,
and
duety
,
to
instance
it
in
such
as
are
the
most
rare
and
perfect
particulars
of
the
same
kind
,
which
may
by
their
worth
eminently
include
the
whole
.
Beasts
have
their
degrees
of
prudence
and
courage
,
whereby
they
come
to
resemble
men
,
and
be
differenced
above
others
of
the
same
kind
,
recompensed
with
the
dominion
over
one
another
also
.
Look
above
our selves
,
and
although
our
happiness
cannot
yet
extend
to
know
any
thing
of
the
true
nature
of
Angels
,
yet
,
supposing
them
in
that
one
known
relation
of
ministring
spirits
,
their
different
degrees
and
orders
in
this
office
of
ministration
,
must
assure
to
us
their
different
gifts
and
abilities
in
performance
thereof
.
And
here
again
we
are
more
particularly
to
consider
what
was
before
spoken
;
namely
,
that
as
creatures
are
in
their
kinds
more
perfect
,
so
are
the
degrees
in
the
same
kind
more
various
:
that
from
eminence
herein
,
eminence
in
power
might
proportionably
arise
.
For
as
to
have
made
any
one
Species
imperfect
in
it self
could
not
be
imagined
from
the
power
of
such
an
Author
,
so
also
,
not
to
have
made
some
individuals
thereof
more
perfect
then
others
(
whereby
(
as
it
were
)
to
confess
that
the
Authors
power
by
this
certain
stint
was
come
to
its
highest
pitch
)
could
not
be
expected
from
omnipotency
either
:
no
more
then
it
could
from
his
justice
or
goodness
,
not
to
Communicate
more
of
his
power
and
particular
presence
in
things
thus
made
perfect
.
Not
that
any
the
lowest
thing
hath
hereupon
cause
or
reason
to
complain
;
because
each
one
having
a
stock
of
blessing
suitable
to
its
capacity
,
and
the
smaller
and
greater
vessel
being
both
alike
full
,
they
must
,
in
that
respect
,
be
alike
pleased
.
Nor
could
God
but
hereby
be
much
advantaged
in
general
acknowledgement
,
whilst
,
in
their
grateful
sense
of
enjoyment
,
all
things
rest
contented
with
the
measure
of
their
receits
.
Thus
while
each
superiour
order
of
Angels
(
in
that
celestial
Hierarchy
)
looks
upon
those
successively
below
,
they
must
acknowledge
their
encreased
obligations
of
praise
:
whilst
the
lowest
of
all
,
standing
yet
satisfied
with
continual
benefit
(
and
also
beholding
it self
so
far
enabled
above
other
creatures
)
all
that
it
can
do
will
be
thought
too
little
to
requite
so
large
a
gratuity
.
If
men
take
also
the
same
course
,
how
shall
those
of
higher
power
have
reason
to
acknowledge
higher
praise
:
and
the
meanest
Subject
,
even
for
his
being
man
,
and
for
that
proportion
of
Religion
,
Liberty
,
Protection
,
&c.
which
he
enjoyes
above
other
creatures
,
have
cause
also
to
bless
that
inexhaustible
fountain
of
goodness
?
Whereas
,
if
men
and
other
creatures
had
been
made
for
vertue
or
power
equal
in
the
individuals
of
the
same
kind
,
then
,
for
want
of
eminent
obligation
,
and
examples
of
vertue
and
power
in
the
particulars
in
each
kind
,
Gods
goodness
and
power
should
not
have
been
so
remarkably
set
forth
as
now
.
Nay
,
this
very
Office
of
Kingship
will
not
be
lost
by
his
subjection
:
for
its
chief
duty
being
protection
,
this
will
be
alwayes
residing
more
or
less
in
his
power
:
so
far
as
,
by
such
redresses
of
oppression
amongst
men
or
other
creatures
as
shall
be
the
occasional
objects
of
his
pity
,
he
shall
prove
himself
actually
a
King
herein
:
and
also
so
much
more
resembling
God
then
he
,
as
he
shall
be
more
ready
and
propense
thereto
,
rateable
to
his
small
degree
of
power
.
And
the
same
order
may
creatures
below
us
go
,
untill
they
come
to
inanimates
:
on
which
the
lowest
of
sensitives
taking
its
pleasure
and
content
,
as
it
is
thereby
provoked
to
rejoyce
(
which
is
in
its
kinde
to
thank
and
praise
●is
Maker
)
so
,
that
inanimate
or
vegetive
again
,
being
not
sensible
of
any
pain
or
injury
,
continues
in
its
kinde
still
obliged
as
before
.
For
as
power
can
be
no
where
in
perfection
but
in
God
himself
,
so
,
to
make
it
subsistent
in
other
things
,
as
approaching
him
,
it
must
be
in
making
them
so
only
in
comparison
of
one
another
.
And
as
the
original
of
power
is
one
,
so
the
more
it
is
diffused
,
the
more
weak
and
unworthy
it
is
.
For
if
all
men
should
have
power
over
all
men
(
after
a
Democratick
supposition
)
as
all
men
have
power
over
all
other
creatures
,
or
as
all
Lyons
or
other
Species
of
creatures
have
power
over
other
Species
below
them
also
;
how
would
power
come
to
nothing
for
want
of
eminence
?
for
being
thus
levelled
,
he
that
should
have
most
power
,
having
but
what
the
meanest
would
have
had
in
the
degree
of
subordination
,
and
so
,
he
that
hath
least
having
still
but
what
he
hath
above
other
things
(
for
over
his
fellows
he
must
be
supposed
to
have
none
)
he
of
the
lowest
rank
is
not
increased
in
his
obligation
,
and
all
the
other
orders
are
decreased
in
theirs
.
So
that
then
,
if
there
were
not
the
necessity
of
subordination
as
for
peace
and
government
sake
,
yet
,
as
to
perfection
,
and
approach
to
Divine
resemblance
(
by
bringing
the
diffused
power
in
perfect
creatures
to
unity
and
existence
)
it
would
be
needful
to
men
,
as
with
Angels
,
that
from
the
lowest
order
of
all
it
should
be
gathered
to
fewer
in
the
next
rank
;
and
so
on
to
fewer
still
;
till
,
after
the
Divine
examplar
,
it
were
centred
in
one
.
Whereby
,
as
man
is
the
perfection
and
Epitome
of
all
other
creatures
,
and
as
Adam
contained
all
men
,
so
should
he
,
or
some
other
,
if
our
fall
had
not
crossed
,
have
stood
as
the
more
worthy
for
receit
of
Divine
favor
in
himself
,
and
distribution
of
it
to
others
;
with
no
small
advantage
to
the
whole
race
;
even
as
now
we
finde
it
come
to
pass
by
that
fountain
of
mercy
,
but
in
a
far
higher
degree
,
since
the
dignifying
of
our
nature
by
that
one
person
of
our
Saviour
;
and
so
,
by
him
,
having
access
,
we
come
to
be
capable
of
those
benefits
which
without
him
could
not
be
expected
.
In
which
respect
we
may
finde
him
so
often
expressing
himself
under
the
notion
of
the
Son
of
man
:
even
as
one
who
having
taken
on
him
the
Semen
,
or
original
element
of
our
kinde
,
should
,
to
our
undoubted
comfort
,
thereby
make
the
whole
race
capable
of
dignity
and
bliss
also
.
And
this
,
not
only
in
respect
of
our
future
condition
,
as
Jesus
;
being
that
fundamental
Corn
of
wheat
by
whose
Resurrection
and
exaltation
the
several
Individual
graines
of
mankinde
should
be
drawn
unto
him
,
In
order
to
the
receit
of
which
temporal
advantages
,
Christ
himself
having
in
the
several
parts
of
his
Church
his
particular
deputed
Christs
(
by
means
of
them
and
their
representing
of
him
amongst
us
)
it
comes
to
pass
,
that
each
particular
man
is
again
made
capable
of
the
benefit
of
Divine
protection
:
at
least
so
far
as
concerns
society
and
government
,
as
shall
be
more
fully
declared
in
the
next
book
.
And
therefore
we
may
observe
,
that
when
God
appears
in
kindness
it
is
to
one
at
once
;
and
that
he
never
makes
a
general
manifestation
of
himself
but
in
judgement
and
terror
,
as
to
those
stubborn
Israelites
;
who
thereupon
said
Let
God
speak
no
more
to
us
least
we
die
:
Meaning
that
they
would
have
some
worthy
and
eminent
person
,
like
Moses
,
to
beare
their
person
and
represent
them
to
Godward
.
The
which
people
again
,
although
,
as
they
were
then
Gods
peculiar
Church
and
people
,
and
had
all
other
nations
blessed
or
punished
,
as
they
were
to
them
benigne
or
averse
,
yet
was
that
very
love
and
favor
God
cast
towards
them
,
both
at
first
placed
,
and
afterwards
continued
,
from
that
more
eminent
love
and
favor
setled
in
their
first
father
and
original
:
In
such
sort
,
that
,
after
their
rejection
of
their
and
our
Saviour
,
a
remnant
according
to
the
election
of
grace
,
should
come
still
to
be
beloved
for
the
Fathers
sakes
,
the
God
of
Abraham
.
And
so
we
shall
again
finde
favors
and
blessings
promised
them
,
even
for
his
servant
Davids
sake
:
the
King
and
representer
of
that
Church
and
people
.
From
all
which
it
will
be
evident
that
subordination
in
power
is
from
God
:
and
for
the
good
of
the
people
it
is
that
one
is
by
his
providence
thus
set
over
them
:
who
should
as
their
Representative
stand
for
them
to
Godward
.
But
to
come
neerer
,
to
shew
what
that
power
or
liberty
is
which
is
requisite
or
proper
in
political
constitutions
,
we
must
consider
each
man
as
having
an
appetite
and
end
to
follow
.
But
then
,
inasmuch
as
before
shewed
,
in
the
attaining
and
pursuit
of
these
our
ends
we
did
often
cross
and
interfere
one
upon
another
,
it
was
necessary
that
Laws
and
Rules
of
Government
should
be
setled
to
accommodate
our
actions
to
Peace
and
Agreement
.
For
the
same
Liberty
we
might
before
justly
claim
as
men
,
and
due
to
us
by
Nature
,
we
cannot
now
expect
as
Subjects
linked
in
politique
Societies
:
because
as
I
then
acted
for
my self
onely
,
I
needed
no
prohibitions
from
evil
,
or
invitations
to
good
;
but
now
,
common
concern
makes
Liberty
suspensible
to
common
approbation
.
And
because
this
first
natural
Liberty
was
by
our
fall
forfeited
,
and
would
,
(
if
by
our
corrupted
wills
put
in
full
use
)
prove
our
destruction
,
it
was
necessary
the
same
should
by
his
power
and
Laws
(
and
such
as
he
should
therewith
intrust
for
Society
and
Government
sake
)
be
so
far
restrained
,
as
the
mutual
good
and
peace
of
the
whole
should
be
advanced
;
and
not
the
wanton
affected
Liberty
of
any
part
of
the
State
or
Kingdom
,
in
prejudice
thereof
regarded
.
And
therefore
,
the
true
Liberty
of
Sub●ects
will
appear
to
be
in
the
removal
of
all
external
impediments
which
cross
his
desires
,
without
regard
of
more
publike
utility
.
And
the
two
extreams
thereof
are
first
Slavery
:
when
this
Liberty
of
the
Subject
is
not
regarded
at
all
as
to
his
,
but
to
the
Rulers
benefit
:
and
then
licentiousness
,
which
,
without
respect
of
peace
and
Government
,
or
the
good
of
others
,
reacheth
at
all
things
without
controul
.
We
may
call
it
a
desire
of
freedom
from
external
impediments
:
external
(
I
say
)
because
inwardly
I
cannot
be
divided
against
my self
.
And
though
the
Affections
and
Reason
may
have
temporary
disputes
,
yet
when
the
Will
puts
forth
to
the
attaining
any
object
,
the
impediment
that
hinders
my
obtaining
it
must
be
without
my self
:
and
I
can
lay
no
complaint
or
reparation
elsewhere
.
Wherefore
this
desire
being
external
,
and
of
a
thing
in
the
power
and
possession
of
another
(
for
if
it
were
in
my
own
I
should
not
deny
my self
,
or
had
reason
to
complain
)
it
will
follow
,
that
this
obtaining
Liberty
in
me
to
acquire
,
will
be
the
loss
of
Liberty
in
him
that
is
dispossessed
.
For
if
our
desires
are
(
as
indeed
usually
they
are
)
most
heightened
and
fixed
to
those
things
which
are
most
rare
and
scarce
in
their
kind
,
and
such
as
through
the
common
endeavor
of
others
have
obtained
price
and
estimation
,
will
it
not
come
to
pass
that
my
liberty
to
get
from
him
what
is
already
in
his
possession
or
expectation
,
will
prove
as
great
a
loss
of
freedom
to
him
,
as
it
is
gain
to
me
?
So
that
then
,
Liberty
as
it
is
usually
endeavoured
and
sought
,
is
but
the
acquisition
of
power
to
act
or
obtain
something
we
have
a
minde
unto
,
which
is
now
in
the
possession
or
power
of
another
.
If
then
I
,
laying
claim
to
my
natural
liberty
,
and
forsaking
the
determination
of
my
rightful
superior
,
will
proceed
to
execution
of
mine
own
desires
without
considering
those
of
others
what
can
follow
but
confusion
?
For
all
men
having
in
Nature
equal
desires
and
claim
,
why
should
mine
prevail
in
mine
own
case
,
so
far
,
as
,
without
leave
,
to
inflict
on
another
what
I
did
before
complain
of
as
a
grievance
towards
my self
?
For
instance
,
when
fault
is
found
with
the
yoak
of
Government
in
Church
or
State
,
as
oppressing
the
liberty
of
Conscience
or
person
of
the
Subjects
wrongfully
,
and
men
,
in
order
thereunto
,
seek
to
dispossess
the
present
executioners
,
as
abusing
their
power
,
and
to
settle
it
on
themselves
or
such
as
they
have
most
interest
in
,
or
confidence
of
(
which
must
necessarily
and
doth
always
follow
)
what
is
this
to
the
advancement
of
liberty
of
Subjects
in
general
,
or
beyond
their
own
particular
party
?
and
is
to
shift
,
but
not
to
ease
the
Yoak
.
What
is
this
but
for
parties
to
take
upon
them
to
be
Judges
:
and
for
one
part
of
the
Subjects
,
renouncing
the
sentence
of
judgement
and
determination
that
was
before
held
as
publike
and
indifferent
to
all
parties
,
now
to
usurp
power
over
their
fellows
and
equals
?
If
they
plead
it
is
not
another
Government
they
seek
,
but
say
,
"
There
ought
to
be
no
restraint
in
such
and
such
things
at
all
:
do
they
not
hereby
seek
to
introduce
that
liberty
of
Anarchy
,
and
overthrow
all
possibility
of
Peace
and
Agreement
?
For
since
strife
and
competition
can
never
happen
but
about
such
things
as
are
desired
by
others
as
well
as
themseves
;
if
then
,
in
this
prosecution
of
these
desires
on
both
sides
,
the
common
rule
of
determination
be
not
observed
as
indifferent
,
must
not
one
party
fall
out
to
be
judge
over
the
other
?
Whereupon
,
as
that
one
party
may
,
in
the
conquest
,
call
themselves
free
,
so
may
the
other
,
being
subjected
and
overcome
,
call
themselves
slaves
.
From
all
which
we
may
gather
the
usual
mistake
in
application
of
this
notion
of
Liberty
,
as
proper
to
the
governed
;
when
it
is
proper
to
the
governor
onely
.
For
to
say
the
Liberty
of
a
Subject
is
none
other
then
a
contradiction
:
for
wherein
he
is
a
Subject
,
he
is
not
at
liberty
;
and
wherein
any
is
at
liberty
,
he
is
not
a
Subject
.
But
because
no
government
can
be
so
extensive
,
as
not
to
remit
some
things
to
the
choice
of
the
Subject
,
he
may
still
justly
be
called
a
Subject
,
even
in
what
he
is
for
the
present
free
:
because
having
been
therein
restrainable
by
his
superior
,
his
freedom
and
power
to
act
therein
by
his
own
Will
proceeded
from
the
freedom
and
power
of
the
other
and
is
thereupon
originally
and
truely
the
governors
power
and
freedom
,
and
not
the
others
.
For
since
,
to
the
stating
of
government
,
an
explicite
act
or
execution
is
not
always
required
,
but
a
true
stating
the
Corelates
of
governing
and
governed
(
whereby
the
Governor
may
act
as
he
shall
see
occasion
)
it
will
follow
that
freedom
in
the
Subject
or
Patient
,
will
in
order
to
polity
,
depend
on
the
freedom
of
the
Governor
and
Agent
:
and
that
as
these
are
more
or
less
obnoxious
,
so
will
the
governed
be
more
or
less
free
.
For
as
the
brain
could
not
impart
sense
to
its
own
Membrances
and
Nerves
if
it
were
in
its
own
substance
in
any
sort
patible
,
and
affected
by
impression
of
objects
that
way
subjected
unto
it
,
nor
could
the
eye
judge
of
colors
if
the
Christaline
humor
stood
any
ways
particularly
tainted
,
even
so
the
freedom
of
Subjects
can
be
but
proportionable
to
that
of
the
person
whom
they
serve
:
both
in
order
to
the
singleness
and
worth
of
the
Commanders
,
(
considered
in
themselves
)
and
also
in
regard
of
the
paucity
of
precepts
from
them
proceeding
.
Hence
as
God
can
be
onely
perfectly
free
,
as
being
alone
and
onely
in
all
kindes
and
degrees
unsubjected
,
so
can
his
service
be
onely
perfect
freedom
.
Not
that
service
and
obedience
(
as
such
)
can
be
freedom
:
but
the
singleness
and
high
worth
of
the
Commander
,
must
make
the
commanded
to
be
comparatively
free
to
all
others
,
even
in
the
execution
of
the
command
it self
.
And
so
will
the
abatement
of
number
in
the
persons
commanding
do
the
like
,
even
until
it
comes
to
Unity
or
Monarchy
:
so
as
to
make
the
benefit
and
good
of
commanding
and
commanded
,
to
be
reciprocal
.
For
considering
the
commanded
as
a
voluntary
Agent
,
and
so
having
an
end
proper
to
follow
(
and
not
to
be
governed
like
the
meer
passive
instrument
)
the
known
good
intention
and
power
of
the
commander
will
be
always
so
ready
a
stop
to
his
reluctance
,
that
the
performance
of
the
Governors
will
shall
be
the
same
with
his
own
:
as
knowing
his
good
to
be
in
all
things
respected
.
As
these
considerations
will
make
the
freedom
of
such
as
are
Subjects
to
the
Monarch
onely
,
to
be
greater
then
the
freedom
of
servants
:
because
the
Prince
hath
none
but
God
to
obey
;
whereas
the
Master
hath
the
Prince
,
and
Magistrates
also
:
so
again
,
will
he
be
more
free
then
the
Subjects
in
Polarchies
:
who
have
so
many
above
them
,
that
they
can
,
by
their
equality
,
neither
have
any
eminence
of
freedom
or
honor
amongst
themselves
,
so
as
to
give
it
to
their
subjects
;
nor
can
have
such
true
reciprocal
concern
in
their
subjects
good
,
as
upon
the
like
assurance
of
their
sincerity
,
to
make
the
obedience
to
their
commands
the
continual
object
of
their
Wills
,
as
the
Prince
may
,
for
that
cause
,
do
.
And
also
because
,
in
obeying
him
,
they
do
,
upon
the
matter
,
obey
God
onely
;
who
hath
so
commanded
:
and
so
arive
at
a
state
of
perfect
freedom
:
that
is
to
say
the
highest
degree
of
freedom
which
humane
subjection
can
admit
.
For
liberty
(
as
before
noted
)
cannot
consist
in
bare
freedom
to
will
,
for
then
all
would
have
it
alike
,
but
in
liberty
to
act
which
must
imply
power
:
and
that
the
party
having
it
,
must
,
as
an
Agent
and
Superior
,
have
others
again
relating
to
him
,
as
Patients
and
Inferiors
.
So
that
,
degrees
of
subjection
being
necessary
,
men
then
onely
come
to
think
they
have
lost
their
liberty
when
they
forget
that
necessary
and
sure
token
of
duty
and
obedience
,
to
wit
humility
:
and
,
proudly
overlooking
their
equals
or
inferiors
,
would
still
retain
that
freedom
and
power
they
have
over
those
beneath
,
and
be
also
freed
from
those
above
him
.
Thus
an
insulting
Peer
,
or
proud
Wife
,
if
restrained
by
their
Prince
or
husband
,
from
taking
their
full
liberty
,
calls
their
subjection
slavery
:
and
do
repine
and
complain
thereof
(
usually
)
oftner
,
then
the
meaner
and
inferior
Subjects
,
or
Servants
.
Therefore
,
we
may
say
that
slavery
is
thirst
of
Liberty
:
and
is
not
proportioned
to
the
measure
of
Liberty
wanting
,
but
to
what
is
desired
.
And
,
enjoyment
of
Liberty
being
in
regard
of
the
Will
,
he
that
cheerfully
obeys
twenty
commands
is
freer
then
he
that
stomacks
any
one
.
And
therefore
,
contentedness
can
never
truely
be
tearmed
slavery
.
But
they
that
seem
to
speak
most
against
extream
servitude
,
say
that
it
wholly
abates
the
courages
of
men
:
so
that
they
become
unuseful
for
defence
of
their
Country
.
A
man
might
answer
,
that
when
all
Kingdoms
should
have
due
subjection
,
all
being
valiant
alike
,
none
would
be
cowards
.
For
valour
is
not
proper
to
Subjects
,
as
Subjects
;
or
to
be
exercised
without
leave
by
one
man
against
another
.
And
if
rebellion
and
stubbornness
can
onely
make
valiant
,
what
if
we
wanted
it
?
But
if
it
be
necessary
to
be
used
against
such
,
then
it
is
true
that
meaner
and
baser
people
are
not
(
on
the
suddain
)
so
fit
for
martial
affairs
as
others
.
But
this
happens
rather
for
want
of
education
and
discourse
,
whereby
to
know
and
apprehend
sence
of
honor
and
shame
.
For
(
doubtless
)
they
have
their
lives
in
as
little
esteem
as
the
other
;
and
should
usually
dare
do
more
,
as
less
apprehensive
of
danger
.
And
wise
men
(
as
wise
)
must
be
fearful
:
and
therefore
(
usually
)
is
the
Commander
better
armed
then
the
common
man
.
But
the
mean
bred
man
is
most
subject
to
run
,
because
not
so
apprehensive
of
the
shame
.
And
,
if
cowardliness
follow
subjection
,
then
the
very
discipline
of
souldiery
should
amate
men
most
;
for
that
it
calls
for
strict
obedience
and
duty
;
and
under
such
tearms
of
rigour
and
severity
,
that
nothing
but
necessity
can
make
the
meanest
subject
undertake
it
.
The
truth
is
,
though
men
of
servile
condition
be
at
first
unswayed
by
honor
(
the
cause
of
valor
)
and
also
for
a
while
(
through
ignorance
)
causelesly
scared
,
as
apprehending
battails
above
their
true
danger
,
yet
experience
every
day
tells
us
that
of
these
are
made
good
,
if
not
the
best
,
souldiers
;
at
least
for
foot
:
for
as
sense
of
honor
and
encouragement
encrease
with
them
,
so
will
valor
also
.
Again
,
they
coming
from
an
inferior
tank
and
state
of
former
obedience
,
are
more
hardned
against
affliction
then
the
other
:
and
are
beyond
them
also
in
discipline
and
obedience
,
the
main
supporters
of
an
Army
.
And
,
however
an
Army
of
voluntiers
may
,
through
suddain
heat
,
avail
in
some
present
enterprise
,
yet
an
Army
can
never
continue
and
long
subsist
of
such
kinde
of
souldiers
onely
.
But
let
us
suppose
valour
to
follow
degrees
of
honor
,
and
that
the
Yeoman
hath
more
then
the
Peasant
,
the
Gentleman
more
then
the
Yeoman
,
the
Knight
,
the
Lord
,
the
Earl
,
Marquess
,
Duke
,
each
above
other
;
what
way
shall
be
now
taken
to
encrease
the
prowess
and
strength
of
a
Nation
?
shall
we
enlarge
the
number
of
Nobility
or
Gentry
,
by
taking
in
and
enfranchising
those
below
them
,
to
encrease
souldiery
?
how
shall
they
then
be
free
,
when
they
come
by
this
means
to
be
the
meanest
and
most
servile
themselvs
?
Shall
we
place
between
the
Gentry
and
Peasantry
,
a
middle
degree
of
Yeomandry
,
to
make
the
body
of
an
Army
of
;
and
so
refuse
the
Peasant
?
Each
Country
hath
its
own
rules
herein
.
But
it
is
generally
to
be
known
,
that
places
of
command
have
voluntaries
enow
:
but
Souldiers
,
as
to
the
Bulk
of
them
,
are
first
made
from
necessitous
persons
,
and
then
perfected
by
Discipline
.
But
to
come
to
an
issue
,
Freedom
and
Rebellion
,
Tyranny
and
Slavery
,
are
tearms
of
relation
;
and
are
the
one
,
or
the
other
,
as
they
exceed
their
due
limits
.
The
Master
of
the
Family
,
that
exceeds
in
his
power
beyond
the
law
of
God
,
Nature
,
and
his
Prince
,
is
a
Tyrant
;
and
his
servants
slaves
:
and
so
is
the
Prince
that
rules
beyond
the
Law
of
God
and
Nature
.
And
the
Prince
,
or
Master
,
that
is
straightned
from
rules
or
Power
below
them
,
are
Slaves
also
.
And
again
,
as
the
Servants
or
Subjects
that
resist
against
such
as
are
lawfully
above
them
are
Rebels
;
so
,
when
their
submission
is
no
farther
,
they
are
free
:
be
their
service
as
servile
as
it
will
.
For
the
tearms
of
slavery
and
tyranny
express
most
usually
the
parties
hatred
or
anger
against
such
or
such
persons
or
authorities
:
and
not
the
truths
of
the
things
themselves
.
But
,
if
things
be
rightly
understood
and
considered
,
sociable
Freedome
,
or
the
true
liberty
of
Subjects
cannot
be
separated
from
subjection
and
obedience
.
In
which
condition
he
is
more
or
less
Free
,
as
his
Prince
or
Commander
is
more
or
less
powerfull
.
And
this
,
because
all
Laws
of
restraint
having
in
their
intention
and
aim
the
hinderance
of
the
actings
of
some
few
Subjects
that
would
else
likely
break
forth
to
the
prejudice
of
the
liberty
and
free
enjoyment
of
others
,
it
will
follow
,
that
as
Laws
are
more
or
less
enforced
and
kept
up
,
and
as
Princes
are
more
or
less
obeyed
,
their
Subjects
will
generally
be
more
or
less
free
:
that
is
,
unrestrained
in
their
enjoyments
.
As
for
example
,
if
the
Laws
against
Murther
and
Theft
,
(
with
all
their
subordinate
attendants
to
the
disturbance
of
Subjects
safeties
or
properties
)
be
more
or
less
particularly
and
severely
made
and
executed
,
so
will
their
liberties
living
under
them
,
be
truely
more
or
less
stated
also
:
being
thereby
rid
of
the
Tyranny
of
one
another
,
which
is
ever
most
,
where
the
persons
are
more
.
So
that
their
mistake
is
now
evident
,
that
are
so
ready
to
teach
Subjects
to
cal
out
for
possession
of
that
,
which
,
as
they
are
Subjects
,
is
no
ways
proper
unto
them
:
inasmuch
as
liberty
supposeth
power
,
and
not
subjection
.
For
as
none
can
govern
another
wherein
himself
is
not
free
,
so
,
to
suppose
any
one
free
,
is
to
suppose
him
a
Governor
:
for
so
potentially
he
is
:
wanting
onely
a
relative
object
of
subjection
to
bring
this
power
into
act
.
At
which
time
he
that
stood
before
as
a
free
man
(
separately
considered
)
,
is
now
a
Governor
;
in
relation
to
this
his
object
of
subjection
.
And
the
servant
or
subject
can
be
no
otherwise
free
,
then
as
left
so
by
their
superior
:
even
as
the
Prince
is
no
otherwise
free
,
then
as
left
so
by
God
.
For
as
power
to
act
,
whether
naturally
,
or
civily
,
came
from
him
,
so
are
we
by
such
superiors
restrainable
as
by
just
derivation
of
power
from
him
are
to
this
end
set
over
us
.
In
which
case
(
as
before
noted
)
our
obedience
is
truely
our
liberty
:
as
being
but
subject
to
God
,
and
in
pursuance
of
our
own
good
,
the
object
and
end
of
liberty
.
And
so
we
shall
,
whilst
complying
with
the
end
of
the
Prince
(
the
good
of
his
subjects
)
pursue
therein
our
own
good
also
.
In
which
consideration
,
it
will
fare
with
the
Prince
,
in
those
restraints
he
lays
on
his
subjects
for
their
good
(
by
maintenance
of
publike
Peace
and
Society
)
as
it
doth
with
Parents
in
those
tasks
and
restraints
they
impose
on
their
children
,
for
their
better
education
and
benefit
hereafter
:
to
wit
,
that
,
as
children
,
if
left
at
liberty
to
be
continually
spending
their
time
in
play
and
sports
,
according
to
their
present
desires
,
would
inconsiderately
make
their
liberty
their
ruine
,
even
so
,
subjects
also
,
if
the
Prince
,
in
a
fatherly
care
toward
them
,
should
not
restrain
them
of
such
liberty
to
act
on
one
another
as
might
engage
them
in
civil
broils
,
his
indulgence
would
be
their
destruction
.
And
as
all
men
do
confess
,
that
such
Parents
as
do
use
those
restraints
do
best
perform
their
offices
towards
their
children
,
even
so
must
it
be
acknowledged
of
Princes
:
however
it
may
,
and
doth
usually
fall
out
,
that
,
as
such
Parents
are
by
the
children
themselves
esteemed
unnatural
and
severe
,
even
so
,
such
Princes
,
by
heady
and
licencious
Subjects
,
are
many
times
reckoned
as
Tyrants
:
of
which
we
shall
next
discourse
.
CHAP.
V.
Of
Tyranny
.
IN
great
alterations
,
especially
of
Government
,
we
are
not
to
expect
that
the
Authors
should
give
other
then
fair
titles
to
what
they
themselves
do
,
and
as
bad
to
the
contrary
.
Thus
the
Athenians
,
after
Codrus
,
would
have
no
more
Kings
,
because
he
was
so
good
:
and
the
Romans
,
imitating
them
in
fondness
of
liberty
,
would
after
Tarquin
have
no
more
neither
,
because
he
was
so
bad
.
But
the
truth
is
,
they
were
both
of
them
people
of
impetuous
spirits
;
as
their
neighbours
,
as
well
as
their
Kings
might
witness
.
But
,
from
the
Greeks
we
have
the
name
of
Tyrant
;
importing
primarily
a
Lord
or
absolute
Commander
;
and
of
no
farther
ill
.
For
they
were
wont
to
give
this
name
,
even
to
lawful
Kings
;
if
they
thought
them
more
Lordly
and
absolute
in
their
Government
then
they
approved
of
:
but
generally
to
all
Kings
after
their
rejection
amongst
themselves
:
the
more
to
disgrace
that
form
themselves
had
cast
off
.
After
whom
,
by
way
of
imitation
,
the
Romans
hated
the
names
of
King
and
Dictator
both
,
upon
Tarquinius
and
Sillaes
expulsions
.
For
the
ambitious
heads
in
both
places
,
so
exasperated
things
in
the
peoples
memories
,
that
,
through
personal
failings
,
the
very
Offices
and
their
Titles
came
to
be
held
odious
;
as
importing
oppression
and
cruelty
.
But
as
(
hereupon
)
their
dislike
of
that
kinde
of
Government
made
them
so
hasty
to
fasten
this
Title
to
all
Princes
,
so
that
very
use
of
commonness
took
away
at
last
from
the
opprobriousness
of
the
Title
:
insomuch
as
,
coming
in
the
end
to
signifie
(
as
at
first
)
but
an
absolute
and
severe
Prince
,
or
else
one
that
through
force
or
polity
had
gotten
the
Soveraignty
,
it
came
to
pass
that
thereupon
,
the
Princes
themselves
to
whom
it
was
given
,
answered
thereto
;
as
not
reckoning
it
derogatory
.
For
so
Plato
directs
his
Epistle
,
To
Dionysius
the
Tyrant
:
and
he
answers
,
Dionisius
the
Tyrant
to
Plato
health
.
And
by
this
name
were
Ptittacus
and
Periander
,
both
Sages
of
Greece
called
.
But
process
of
time
hath
made
that
word
to
be
now
constantly
taken
in
a
much
worse
sense
:
as
it
doth
another
word
also
from
them
received
,
namely
Barbarian
.
Which
name
,
by
them
formerly
given
to
all
not
of
their
own
Nation
,
and
then
,
by
reason
of
their
greater
learning
and
civility
,
having
more
esteem
then
their
neighbors
,
in
time
it
came
also
to
signifie
,
not
onely
such
as
were
not
Greeks
,
but
such
as
were
rude
and
uncivilized
also
:
be
they
of
what
Nation
they
would
.
Even
as
the
Jew
,
calling
all
Gentile
but
his
own
Nation
,
and
other
Nations
being
at
that
time
idolaters
,
Gentile
and
Idolater
came
to
signify
the
same
thing
.
But
to
return
to
our
enquiry
;
If
the
name
of
Tyrant
be
due
to
such
as
enter
without
the
express
election
or
consent
of
the
major
part
of
the
universal
people
,
then
was
there
never
any
but
Tyrants
:
for
no
such
election
ever
was
had
,
or
could
be
.
If
to
such
as
come
by
the
ordinary
way
of
Providence
,
namely
by
power
of
the
sword
,
what
shall
we
think
of
the
Cesars
,
with
many
other
famous
Emperors
of
Rome
:
and
of
Philip
,
Alexander
,
and
others
over
Greece
,
and
other
nations
;
that
by
conquest
and
force
of
the
souldiers
were
holpen
to
their
soveraignties
;
and
so
the
major
part
of
the
people
not
freely
consenting
:
and
yet
have
been
in
Histories
famous
without
such
imputation
?
They
that
say
conquest
may
give
title
indeed
,
but
that
it
is
consent
onely
that
gives
right
:
If
by
consent
they
mean
the
major
part
of
the
whole
multitude
freely
and
expresly
voting
,
they
will
(
as
formerly
said
)
never
finde
any
so
elected
:
but
if
by
consent
they
mean
non-opposition
of
his
power
and
command
,
and
so
think
that
possession
(
as
right
of
prescription
in
other
things
)
should
give
him
herein
right
also
,
they
must
then
finde
out
some
reason
to
shew
,
why
,
since
the
force
by
which
he
entred
is
the
same
with
that
by
which
he
rules
,
the
facts
he
did
in
his
entrance
should
be
more
unlawful
then
those
he
doth
afterwards
:
and
the
subject
(
if
other
circumstances
alter
it
not
)
not
bound
to
obedience
as
well
then
as
now
.
For
fear
prevails
at
both
times
;
and
it
may
be
in
the
last
time
more
;
as
having
all
the
Militia
in
his
power
.
Unless
we
shall
think
that
the
Prince
,
in
complyance
to
this
opinion
shall
,
in
complemental
imprudence
,
resign
all
his
Majesty
and
power
;
and
,
laying
aside
all
that
God
and
his
own
prowess
had
already
bestowed
,
put
himself
(
as
a
man
of
no
greater
right
then
others
)
to
the
suffrages
of
those
his
Subjects
whom
he
hath
hitherto
so
much
offended
by
forceable
intrusion
and
Go●ernment
,
whether
he
shall
continue
their
King
or
no.
But
it
may
be
by
some
replyed
,
that
If
he
continue
his
absoluteness
,
the
people
(
as
exasperated
)
may
endanger
him
by
some
violent
attempt
.
True
indeed
;
but
then
this
is
most
probable
to
grow
from
his
remisness
:
for
,
against
him
they
fear
least
(
as
most
unlike
to
punish
them
)
and
against
the
mildest
Princes
people
rebel
most
.
And
therefore
,
for
farther
security
,
Princes
use
to
impose
Oaths
of
Alleageance
on
such
they
fear
:
that
where
his
own
terror
cannot
prevail
,
Gods
may
.
But
,
to
come
neerer
the
present
business
;
he
that
by
any
means
makes
himself
a
Soveraign
against
the
right
of
another
is
an
usurper
:
and
if
he
,
or
a
lawful
Prince
,
shall
,
through
flattery
,
covetousness
,
or
revenge
,
have
respect
onely
to
himself
or
some
of
his
own
favorites
,
without
equal
justice
to
all
,
according
to
the
Laws
of
God
,
Nature
,
and
his
Conscience
,
he
is
so
far
a
Tyrant
as
he
shall
then
press
it
forcibly
to
the
overthrow
of
anothers
Liberty
or
Property
.
For
,
in
so
doing
,
he
ceaseth
to
act
in
the
capacity
of
a
publike
person
:
and
,
taking
on
him
the
affections
incident
to
a
private
man
,
he
doth
thereupon
become
tyrannical
and
unjust
.
Nay
more
,
if
he
,
for
favor
or
fear
of
the
seeming
whole
people
or
any
party
thereof
,
shall
,
against
known
Equity
or
his
Conscience
,
put
to
death
any
one
of
his
Subjects
,
upon
no
other
consideration
but
in
complyance
to
them
,
or
shall
not
protect
him
to
the
hazard
of
his
life
or
estate
,
in
case
of
oppression
,
he
is
a
murtherer
to
boot
:
upon
the
same
ground
that
Pilate
was
;
who
by
washing
of
his
hands
,
could
not
cleer
his
fault
of
deserting
the
innocent
.
And
of
this
kinde
of
Tyranny
,
soft
and
weak
Princes
can
hardly
be
free
.
For
they
are
ever
over-ruled
by
seperate
orders
or
persons
of
their
Subjects
:
who
must
,
in
their
prosecutions
,
have
partial
designs
.
For
these
Princes
,
being
by
their
unactive
spirits
,
kept
from
knowledge
of
the
true
state
and
dangers
of
things
,
the
threats
and
power
of
such
as
they
are
most
obnoxious
unto
prevail
with
them
to
believe
their
private
ends
,
dangers
,
and
wrongs
to
be
his
:
and
thereupon
,
is
his
Authority
made
to
become
tyrannical
;
by
execution
of
these
mens
interest
and
revenge
upon
their
fellow
Subjects
.
But
they
that
are
so
ready
to
accuse
and
cry
out
against
the
severe
Governments
of
Princes
as
tyrannies
(
because
by
degrees
themselves
would
be
lawless
)
may
consider
that
Princes
can
never
tyrannize
,
that
is
,
seek
to
destroy
or
severely
punish
their
subjects
,
as
subjects
;
but
as
under
the
notion
of
their
rebels
;
and
such
that
will
not
be
subjects
,
he
always
doth
,
and
may
punish
.
They
are
to
consider
,
that
tyranny
can
never
proceed
from
a
Prince
of
the
same
Religion
to
any
height
,
where
stubbornness
did
not
precede
as
a
cause
:
and
which
humility
might
not
extinguish
,
or
abate
.
For
as
it
is
not
tyranny
when
a
Prince
,
subjecting
a
forraign
people
that
war
with
him
,
punisheth
them
,
or
useth
them
with
severity
;
no
more
is
it
when
done
against
such
of
his
own
people
as
disobey
or
resist
.
For
they
,
in
that
case
,
taking
the
event
upon
their
own
hazard
,
have
their
punishment
as
enemies
,
and
not
as
subjects
:
which
may
be
cruelty
,
but
cannot
be
Tyranny
.
For
that
must
onely
be
the
unjust
and
excessive
infliction
of
a
power
submitted
unto
;
and
not
from
the
degrees
of
triumph
or
possession
made
by
a
victor
.
And
those
reports
of
such
as
Nero
To
wish
all
Rome
one
neck
,
that
it
might
be
cut
off
at
a
blow
,
do
become
his
murtherers
to
tell
,
more
then
us
to
believe
.
For
I
cannot
see
how
a
rational
man
(
which
none
denied
him
to
be
)
should
,
at
the
same
time
he
aims
at
Empire
and
Dominion
,
wish
or
plot
the
lessening
of
it
.
And
,
from
hence
,
most
evident
it
is
,
that
Tyranny
is
(
as
before
noted
)
but
the
usual
term
of
political
railing
;
used
by
such
as
aim
at
total
insubjection
:
for
otherwise
,
they
would
have
better
agreed
in
stating
of
Tyranny
,
and
its
marks
and
degrees
,
so
as
Princes
might
have
known
and
avoided
it
.
If
usually
Government
it self
(
at
least
such
wherein
themselves
were
not
chief
)
were
not
the
intended
extream
they
meant
to
abolish
under
the
odium
of
Tyranny
,
I
would
fain
know
why
we
have
not
found
out
as
odious
a
name
to
express
the
other
extream
by
;
that
is
,
the
excess
of
Princes
rewards
and
favors
,
as
well
as
that
of
Tyranny
to
express
their
punishments
?
Being
onely
,
because
that
no
man
is
afraid
of
being
too
much
rewarded
,
but
rather
would
have
that
extream
pass
as
a
vertue
,
that
it
may
always
be
run
into
by
Princes
.
And
upon
this
reason
again
,
in
the
severe
carriage
of
the
Master
of
the
Family
,
we
use
no
such
expression
of
Tyranny
,
because
it
might
come
about
to
our selves
:
and
yet
is
the
Father
and
Husband
,
more
subject
to
contract
irreconcileable
displeasure
against
Wife
and
Children
,
then
the
Prince
against
his
subjects
.
For
he
may
suspect
his
Wifes
honesty
,
and
his
childrens
extraction
;
which
by
no
action
,
complyance
,
or
submission
of
theirs
can
be
avoided
.
But
the
Subject
cannot
but
be
beloved
in
that
relation
of
a
Subject
:
and
always
in
his
power
it
is
,
to
make
himself
known
to
be
such
an
one
.
And
if
severity
in
punishment
must
make
Princes
to
be
Tyrants
,
who
can
judge
of
that
,
or
its
excess
,
or
just
measure
,
but
he
must
thereupon
be
above
the
Prince
?
And
will
not
all
Government
be
more
or
less
Tyranny
;
because
there
is
always
more
or
less
severity
?
If
Tyranny
be
when
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
are
transgressed
(
as
is
sometimes
defined
)
we
are
still
to
seek
how
to
be
bettered
by
this
information
:
for
who
shall
judge
of
that
above
the
Prince
also
,
so
far
as
to
condemn
him
of
the
breach
of
any
positive
Law
of
God
;
since
he
is
,
as
chief
Magistrate
under
God
,
to
have
their
custody
and
interpretation
;
or
of
any
injustice
in
Government
,
which
,
as
his
trust
,
can
be
tryed
onely
by
his
Conscience
?
But
this
definition
will
inform
us
that
Tyranny
is
so
far
from
proceeding
from
power
,
that
it
is
alwayes
in
the
want
thereof
.
For
Princes
are
accompted
Tyrants
as
they
stand
Subjects
;
that
is
,
to
the
laws
of
God
or
Nature
.
Whence
we
may
inferr
,
That
Tyranny
is
the
act
of
Oppression
forceably
committed
by
one
Subject
upon
another
.
For
so
was
the
taking
Naboths
Vineyard
tyranny
:
not
solely
because
Ahab
had
private
respect
therein
,
but
because
he
proceeded
according
to
sentence
of
authority
derived
from
himself
,
in
a
particular
wherein
God
had
not
referred
any
jurisdiction
unto
him
;
but
wherein
they
stood
both
equally
subject
.
For
that
God
having
,
by
express
command
from
himself
,
(
during
the
time
that
state
was
in
a
Theocracy
)
forbidden
the
alienation
of
inheritances
,
and
the
People
being
yet
bound
severally
to
look
to
the
external
obedience
of
these
Laws
as
they
were
set
down
by
Moses
,
Naboth
might
well
make
that
answer
he
did
,
God
forbid
I
should
give
the
Inheritance
of
my
Fathers
unto
thee
.
Importing
,
that
because
God
had
expresly
forbid
it
me
,
(
to
whom
I
am
in
the
first
place
to
be
subject
)
therefore
I
cannot
alienate
or
give
it
unto
thee
.
And
that
this
reply
was
more
grounded
on
fear
of
displeasing
God
,
then
sense
of
injury
to
himself
,
may
be
also
concluded
by
the
reasonableness
of
Ahabs
offer
unto
him
;
namely
,
of
Money
or
exchange
above
the
worth
.
But
because
,
in
the
Jewish
State
,
(
although
Kings
were
eminently
entrusted
,
)
the
literall
observation
of
the
Law
was
still
universally
obliging
,
and
to
be
obeyed
by
each
one
in
particular
,
in
order
to
the
outward
way
of
regiment
God
then
exercised
:
therefore
could
not
any
King
therein
,
by
his
command
,
free
them
from
guilt
in
such
externall
performances
as
their
conscience
told
them
were
against
Divine
precept
.
Therefore
,
in
these
cases
,
the
Jewish
subject
had
his
only
way
to
avoid
rebellion
on
one
hand
or
other
,
by
being
subject
to
both
:
namely
,
by
being
actively
subject
to
all
Gods
commands
,
and
passively
to
such
as
the
Prince
commanded
contrary
:
as
formerly
noted
.
But
although
the
usual
acceptation
of
the
tearm
of
Tyranny
is
in
acts
of
high
severity
,
yet
,
for
mine
own
part
,
I
believe
whilst
the
Prince
,
in
his
Government
or
punishments
,
is
guided
with
publike
consideration
,
he
can
never
deserve
the
name
of
Tyrant
.
For
even
that
indiscretion
which
suddain
passion
may
cause
him
in
any
thing
to
commit
,
must
(
at
least
)
be
excused
by
the
goodness
of
his
intention
.
But
then
,
Princes
hearts
being
inscrutable
,
who
shall
judge
his
intentions
?
Not
Subjects
certainly
.
For
,
besides
that
it
is
against
their
duty
,
it
is
unreasonable
,
as
being
parties
.
And
,
although
an
other
subject
(
then
the
present
sufferer
)
do
judge
,
yet
is
he
a
party
by
consequent
too
:
because
he
will
presently
be
applying
it
,
The
case
may
be
mine
own
.
And
this
self-consideration
works
with
all
Subjects
in
general
to
cry
out
upon
all
strictness
in
Government
,
as
Tyranny
.
But
however
,
all
men
must
confess
that
the
punished
cannot
judge
over
the
punisher
;
that
is
,
of
the
measure
of
the
execution
of
his
lawful
Office
.
And
as
for
the
name
of
Tyrant
,
me
thinks
Christians
should
rather
imitate
that
modesty
used
by
the
Penmen
of
Gods
Word
,
in
not
using
it
all
,
amids
the
Stories
of
so
many
that
deserved
it
,
then
now
to
impute
to
Christian
Kings
,
so
commonly
,
the
Heathen
phrases
of
such
as
never
knew
the
precept
,
Thou
shalt
not
revile
the
Gods
,
nor
curse
the
Ruler
of
thy
people
.
CHAP.
VI.
Of
Slavery
.
AMongst
other
devices
men
have
for
the
decrying
the
reputations
of
such
as
oppose
them
in
their
ambitious
designs
,
the
chief
is
to
render
them
odious
by
fastening
to
them
the
name
,
and
therewith
the
guilt
and
scorn
of
that
extream
unto
which
they
seem
more
neer
then
themselves
:
not
regarding
herein
whether
it
be
a
truth
or
no.
So
,
(
for
example
amongst
other
things
)
they
that
would
make
their
intended
innovations
please
and
take
with
the
people
(
who
are
ever
listening
to
all
offers
of
liberty
)
were
wont
to
call
all
government
differing
from
their
own
Tyranny
,
and
all
people
so
governed
Slaves
.
The
word
(
as
report
goeth
)
cometh
unto
us
from
that
extream
drudgery
&
servile
usage
which
the
Venetians
put
the
Slavi
or
Slavonii
unto
,
after
they
had
subdued
them
:
and
from
thence
,
all
base
and
Arbitrary
servitude
comes
to
be
called
Slavery
.
But
antiquity
,
and
the
best
Commonwealths
and
men
in
them
,
have
,
by
use
,
made
this
subjection
lawful
:
and
the
word
Family
takes
its
name
from
Famulus
,
as
having
slaves
the
greatest
part
of
its
composure
.
Strict
slavery
we
may
call
a
degree
of
servitude
;
wherein
the
Life
,
Liberty
,
and
Property
of
a
man
,
hath
no
assurance
or
redress
beyond
the
will
of
the
Lord
:
for
he
is
owned
by
him
in
so
high
a
degree
of
propriety
,
that
the
Commonwealth
with
her
Laws
,
seems
not
to
regard
or
protect
him
as
a
member
.
Whereas
the
Citizen
,
or
him
we
call
a
free
Subject
,
claims
a
right
or
assurance
in
all
these
,
by
the
common
Rule
or
Law
of
his
Country
:
and
hath
power
of
appeal
in
case
of
injustice
.
But
then
again
,
these
Citizens
stand
in
all
things
as
lyable
to
the
dispose
of
the
Law
,
and
him
or
those
that
have
the
Soveraigne
interpretation
and
execution
thereof
,
as
the
other
doth
to
the
dispose
of
his
private
Lord
:
so
that
,
when
it
shall
be
hereby
interpreted
that
the
Life
,
Liberty
,
or
Property
of
any
one
is
forfeited
,
there
is
no
remedy
,
more
then
to
the
Slave
.
Nay
,
the
Lord
,
in
respect
of
his
more
assurance
of
his
Slaves
obedience
,
can
never
look
on
him
as
an
enemy
:
and
in
regard
(
again
)
of
his
more
particular
benefit
by
the
life
and
health
of
his
slave
,
he
seems
likely
to
take
more
care
hereof
,
then
the
publike
Lord
or
Soveraign
;
who
,
in
regard
of
his
more
common
and
more
multiplyed
relations
,
holds
(
it
is
likely
)
each
particular
not
of
so
great
loss
and
concern
.
And
therefore
(
comparing
their
numbers
)
more
Subjects
then
Slaves
have
violent
deaths
:
not
onely
as
souldiers
and
luxurious
,
but
as
criminals
.
Forasmuch
as
slavery
,
wanting
hope
of
farther
Property
or
Liberty
then
shall
stand
with
his
Lords
liking
,
wants
also
the
two
usual
spurs
to
rebellion
against
his
Lord
,
as
the
other
hath
against
his
Prince
.
And
the
veriest
slave
cannot
be
so
wholly
deprived
of
his
Will
and
things
delightful
,
but
sometimes
to
have
them
:
in
which
case
,
absence
may
,
like
abstinence
in
diet
,
make
his
relish
more
delightful
:
whereas
the
Sub●ects
possessions
,
usually
causing
covetousness
of
more
,
makes
him
undelightful
with
what
he
hath
.
And
then
,
since
in
all
strong
and
eager
covetings
,
what
is
past
is
forgotten
,
and
the
anxious
care
for
enjoyment
of
what
is
sought
,
growing
to
be
more
to
him
that
seeks
more
then
to
him
that
seeks
less
,
the
slave
that
,
for
reward
of
some
past
labour
,
hath
a
tester
given
him
to
drink
or
buy
what
he
likes
,
is
(
no
doubt
)
better
rewarded
and
comforted
,
then
where
gain
is
onely
for
propriety
sake
:
and
to
the
owner
accrews
nothing
,
but
the
beholding
it
with
his
eys
.
And
the
true
use
of
Property
the
slave
cannot
want
:
that
is
,
meat
and
drink
,
and
things
necessary
.
Nor
is
he
equally
afraid
to
lose
them
with
the
Citizen
.
For
,
whilst
his
Lord
hath
it
,
he
must
,
for
his
own
sake
,
help
him
too
:
but
if
his
Lord
be
attainted
,
or
suddainly
or
wholly
despoiled
,
he
is
free
,
and
may
go
to
another
:
but
the
Citizen
failing
,
ruines
himself
,
and
usually
his
Family
.
But
then
,
it
may
be
said
the
subjects
Trade
,
by
which
he
lives
,
consists
not
of
so
base
Offices
as
the
slaves
doth
.
And
yet
,
there
is
nothing
done
by
slaves
,
how
base
soever
,
but
is
done
by
free-men
(
as
they
call
them
)
where
they
are
not
:
and
since
these
can
be
hired
with
mony
,
I
see
not
but
Obedience
and
Duty
should
make
the
deed
as
commendable
.
And
then
,
as
the
Subject
may
appeal
from
any
injuring
him
to
the
Prince
,
so
may
the
slave
from
any
of
the
Family
to
his
Lord
:
and
as
he
is
then
remediless
,
so
is
the
other
.
And
the
slave
hath
this
advantage
,
that
his
duty
is
more
easily
managed
then
the
other
;
as
it
is
easier
to
follow
plain
verbal
directions
,
then
intricate
Laws
:
especially
when
another
must
interpret
them
.
To
conclude
,
as
the
onely
difference
between
the
Lord
of
a
Family
and
the
Lordly
Monarch
is
not
in
power
to
command
,
but
in
multitude
of
the
commanded
;
so
it
will
happen
,
that
through
impossibility
of
personal
inspection
,
the
Subject
avoids
the
continual
eye
of
his
Prince
,
and
thereby
he
is
like
one
that
hath
his
copy
set
,
that
may
manage
his
duty
more
as
he
pleaseth
:
yet
the
slave
,
that
hath
,
by
continual
reproof
and
direction
his
hand
guided
,
is
more
sure
to
do
his
work
better
,
and
so
avoid
blame
likelier
then
the
other
:
in
whom
,
liberty
may
cause
pride
,
and
pride
contempt
,
and
contempt
punishment
.
And
therefore
,
we
are
not
to
wonder
that
many
have
voluntarily
gone
into
slavery
:
and
that
some
,
after
experience
,
and
being
now
free
,
have
(
by
suffering
their
ears
to
be
boared
)
chosen
it
for
perpetuity
.
For
certain
it
is
,
that
the
condition
of
the
one
is
more
setled
then
the
other
:
and
that
very
degree
of
liberty
the
subject
hath
above
him
resolves
to
this
,
that
the
slave
must
do
his
duty
presently
,
where
the
other
may
fail
,
and
be
punished
.
Nay
,
in
present
possession
the
slave
seems
more
happy
;
because
more
contented
.
For
since
some
liberty
must
sometimes
come
to
the
slave
,
who
expects
little
,
and
some
restraint
(
incident
to
all
Government
)
must
come
to
the
Subject
,
who
is
still
gaping
after
more
freedom
;
the
one
must
be
more
content
in
the
little
he
enjoys
,
then
the
other
in
that
great
measure
he
vainly
expects
.
But
having
spoken
all
this
to
take
down
the
prejudice
of
such
as
(
not
knowing
what
slavery
is
)
are
ready
to
fasten
it
on
all
such
as
have
not
(
as
they
believe
)
equal
freedom
to
themselves
,
we
shall
therefore
now
,
determine
a
slave
to
be
him
That
is
in
all
things
at
the
arbitrary
dispose
of
a
Subject
,
and
so
out
of
common
protection
.
For
if
any
be
enthralled
to
the
Prince
,
I
see
not
but
that
,
as
his
appeal
and
protection
is
equal
,
his
condition
of
freedom
should
be
so
also
.
As
in
Families
,
the
life
of
Wife
and
Children
have
sometimes
been
at
the
same
persons
dispose
,
to
wit
,
to
the
head
of
the
Family
,
as
well
as
the
slave
.
And
therefore
as
we
see
there
is
difference
in
the
Soveraignty
of
Princes
,
one
in
the
comparison
of
another
,
so
is
there
in
degrees
of
serv●tude
,
of
one
Princes
subjects
from
anothers
,
and
of
the
same
subjects
amongst
themselves
.
And
if
all
be
slaves
where
absolute
rule
is
,
then
are
the
subjects
in
Aristocracies
and
Democracies
all
slaves
:
with
this
aggravation
,
that
,
in
regard
of
their
many
Lords
,
it
is
hard
to
escape
either
task
or
punishment
.
But
I
look
on
slavery
as
having
its
foundation
in
Reason
:
where
the
stronger
and
Conquerer
,
having
power
to
kill
,
saves
for
his
own
farther
service
:
hereby
obliging
the
other
,
by
way
of
gratitude
,
to
obedience
.
But
(
in
after
policies
especially
)
it
was
scarce
practised
on
fellow
subjects
or
natives
;
but
usually
on
such
as
were
spared
in
wars
:
and
so
David
and
Solomon
served
many
they
took
.
Whither
this
kinde
of
servitude
may
be
fit
to
be
continued
for
to
save
some
sorts
of
condemned
mens
lives
,
and
make
them
profitable
to
the
Commonwealth
,
we
will
not
now
dispute
:
onely
,
we
wish
the
fault
of
giving
this
title
where
it
is
not
due
were
left
off
.
For
if
it
must
follow
Arbitrary
Government
,
then
(
as
before
said
)
all
Republikes
have
it
:
unless
you
will
esteem
it
an
case
,
that
some
of
the
people
may
rule
by
turns
:
by
which
means
,
as
by
a
kinde
of
revenge
,
their
discontent
will
abate
.
And
the
truth
is
,
in
Aristocracies
and
Democracies
(
such
as
those
of
Greece
Carthage
,
Rome
,
&c.
)
slavery
is
most
usual
,
and
most
severely
exacted
.
For
there
,
as
each
one
comes
to
esteem
himself
a
King
,
having
none
above
him
,
and
yet
comes
to
have
so
little
share
of
Soveraignty
,
having
it
divided
amongst
so
many
,
it
will
come
more
severely
to
be
managed
over
few
;
for
power
is
an
active
quality
.
But
Kings
,
that
have
many
at
their
command
,
cannot
be
so
severe
,
nor
the
burthen
of
one
so
heavy
that
is
born
by
many
shoulders
,
as
where
the
same
is
by
fewer
persons
more
distinctly
born
.
Again
,
subjects
in
Monarchies
are
by
Laws
of
superiors
in
their
houshold
authorities
stinted
,
and
seldom
is
any
vassalage
great
in
degree
,
but
where
an
appeal
lies
not
in
case
of
misusage
.
For
in
Republikes
,
where
a
Faction
and
number
of
persons
by
conspiracy
and
agreement
come
to
rule
over
others
,
each
one
hath
his
interest
in
the
case
:
and
the
servant
must
look
to
be
more
a
slave
then
elsewhere
.
For
as
slavery
is
the
lowest
degree
of
servitude
,
so
is
it
incident
to
the
lowest
degree
of
Commanders
:
and
the
subject
in
a
Republike
differs
in
freedom
from
the
Subject
of
a
Monarch
,
as
a
King
doth
in
power
or
honor
from
that
of
a
Burgomaster
.
Therefore
,
if
I
had
onely
respected
recrimination
,
and
not
truth
,
I
needed
not
to
have
made
any
Apology
for
slavery
:
but
have
turned
it
,
with
its
odium
,
upon
its
true
Authors
,
the
Polarchs
themselves
.
But
that
which
these
people
would
have
be
considered
and
meant
by
slavery
,
is
not
that
servitude
they
impose
themselves
on
their
Subjects
,
but
what
is
by
Princes
imposed
on
theirs
:
that
so
,
under
the
noise
of
slavery
,
they
might
cause
all
Monarchs
subjects
to
become
indeeed
slaves
to
themselves
.
But
,
farther
to
answer
them
that
will
make
arbitrary
power
such
an
odious
thing
,
and
yet
grant
it
to
so
many
;
that
will
make
Government
depend
on
Paction
and
consent
,
and
yet
use
force
therein
themselves
;
let
us
a
little
examine
their
Justice
by
these
Rules
.
Suppose
those
that
call
themselves
the
people
be
(
as
in
Athens
and
Rome
have
been
enrolled
)
usually
not
the
tenth
part
so
many
,
as
the
number
of
Tradesmen
,
Artificers
,
freed
men
,
and
slaves
come
too
within
their
own
City
,
besides
other
Cities
and
people
they
ruled
over
(
which
it
may
be
in
all
made
more
then
a
hundred
to
one
)
how
come
these
fewer
number
to
rule
over
the
other
,
and
to
make
Laws
to
binde
them
thus
arbitrarily
without
their
consents
?
where
are
the
Pactions
they
can
shew
to
warrant
their
so
doing
?
what
,
are
these
the
whole
people
,
and
yet
not
the
tenth
part
of
them
?
how
com●s
this
name
of
people
to
be
appropriate
to
so
few
,
and
to
impart
Soveraignty
?
Did
the
major
part
of
subjects
grant
it
?
No
sure
.
Do
they
claim
Dominion
over
their
slaves
as
taken
in
war
?
Then
they
make
right
of
Conquest
lawful
Dominion
.
And
when
they
appoint
their
measure
of
s●rvitude
,
and
time
for
continuance
,
is
not
this
arbitrary
?
What
are
these
many
,
and
variable
Laws
for
shutting
out
,
and
taking
into
freedom
,
and
the
several
degrees
thereof
but
Arbitrary
Government
?
How
comes
mankinde
into
this
thraldom
of
one
another
?
Nay
how
comes
it
that
whole
Nations
are
to
be
subject
to
this
arbitrary
disposal
of
the
prevailing
people
of
another
City
?
Was
it
their
fault
their
Prince
fought
against
them
?
It
may
be
they
were
not
in
the
battail
:
if
they
were
,
what
must
they
be
punished
for
being
overcome
?
If
fight
,
or
not
fight
,
or
well
,
or
ill
fighting
be
the
same
,
is
not
their
enslaving
arbitrary
?
And
hereupon
,
we
shall
finde
that
Republikes
are
ever
most
greedy
of
Empire
,
and
do
make
greatest
use
of
conquest
for
the
subjection
of
the
liberties
of
Nations
and
other
Cities
:
they
having
so
many
to
share
in
the
spoils
.
And
if
we
shall
agree
to
their
usual
definition
of
freedom
,
calling
him
onely
a
Citizen
and
free
that
hath
a
share
and
voice
in
the
Government
,
then
all
under
their
obeysance
must
be
reckoned
slaves
,
as
indeed
they
are
:
the
exclusion
of
Tradesmen
,
in
some
Commonweals
,
the
different
admission
of
freed
men
,
and
different
yeers
of
emancipation
and
admission
of
children
to
be
Citizens
,
shews
all
their
rule
to
be
arbitrary
,
and
not
depending
on
their
pretended
Paction
or
consent
.
Nor
is
the
little
finger
of
these
Polarchies
heavier
then
the
loyns
of
Kings
in
point
of
Liberty
onely
,
but
in
Property
also
:
the
publike
Levies
and
Taxes
being
always
rateably
more
in
them
,
then
in
Monarchies
that
are
of
like
extent
for
Territorie
or
number
of
Subjects
.
The
which
must
so
come
to
pass
,
because
they
can
never
subsist
without
Armies
:
both
to
force
their
own
vassals
to
obedience
,
and
also
to
keep
the
major
part
of
the
whole
commonalty
and
people
from
having
power
and
opportunity
to
set
up
some
more
eminent
person
in
trust
and
charge
with
the
Commonwealth
in
their
stead
.
And
,
to
conclude
,
as
we
defined
the
Liberty
of
a
Subject
to
be
when
he
shall
be
suffered
to
enjoy
his
own
delight
and
good
so
far
as
publike
utility
is
not
crossed
,
to
slavery
is
hereof
to
be
deprived
without
the
same
regard
:
but
in
neither
case
,
is
the
reason
and
measure
left
to
the
parties
own
judgement
,
but
to
that
which
is
publike
and
common
.
CHAP.
VII
.
Of
Property
.
WE
have
formerly
discoursed
how
pleasure
is
the
end
of
all
sensi●ives
,
and
that
,
as
man
had
the
most
variety
of
perfection
herein
,
so
stood
his
obligation
of
gratitude
and
praise
higher
then
of
other
creatures
.
And
this
is
not
only
remarkable
,
in
that
every
thing
one
way
or
other
is
made
delightful
,
but
then
farther
,
because
the
stock
of
nature
(
in
many
kinds
)
is
not
of
it self
sufficient
,
and
because
again
,
the
covetous
appetites
of
others
will
not
many
times
let
things
extend
to
general
satisfaction
,
therefore
,
to
preserve
our
contents
,
and
thereby
invite
us
to
thankfulness
,
we
may
observe
that
each
one
hath
his
pleasure
and
delight
affixed
to
what
he
possesseth
:
even
so
,
that
,
be
it
of
what
kind
it
will
,
the
possessions
of
others
,
in
the
same
,
or
other
kinde
,
passeth
with
less
repining
.
For
as
the
food
we
eat
,
be
it
never
so
unlike
the
body
it self
,
or
never
so
differing
from
other
sorts
,
doth
yet
,
by
long
retention
and
the
divers
concoctions
and
passages
of
the
body
,
attain
at
last
to
a
perfect
degree
of
assimulation
;
even
so
our
sence
,
through
daily
presence
of
our
own
particular
enjoyments
,
doth
at
last
imprint
them
unto
the
fancy
with
such
steady
delight
,
that
they
come
to
be
valued
in
a
kinde
of
Identity
,
or
second
self
.
Answerable
hereunto
,
both
in
end
and
effect
,
is
that
property
of
properties
;
or
that
property
that
usually
provokes
us
to
seek
all
others
,
namely
that
great
love
of
parents
towards
their
children
:
which
,
as
a
thing
of
greatest
use
for
preservation
of
mankinde
,
and
esteemed
of
great
concern
to
parents
,
comes
to
stick
so
close
to
our
affections
out
of
no
other
consideration
.
Insomuch
as
,
in
all
creatures
,
this
affection
prevailes
as
acquired
to
its
particular
object
,
and
not
out
of
any
innate
sympathy
in
nature
.
And
therefore
another
yongling
,
of
the
same
or
divers
kind
,
if
the
dam
be
ignorant
of
the
change
,
obtains
as
great
love
as
the
true
would
do
:
So
that
Hens
(
we
see
)
and
other
fowl
will
hatch
and
bring
up
fowl
of
other
and
different
sorts
to
their
own
:
and
all
,
because
in
eggs
they
were
not
easily
distinguishable
:
whereas
,
after
they
have
taken
full
notice
of
their
own
,
a
remarkable
stranger
shall
not
be
admitted
.
So
,
in
other
beasts
,
before
their
sense
have
had
time
to
take
notice
of
the
shape
or
smell
of
their
brood
,
part
of
,
or
all
their
litter
may
be
changed
:
especially
for
others
of
the
same
kind
,
where
there
is
no
disparity
of
size
,
or
yeers
.
As
for
men
,
mark
such
as
have
their
wives
in
suspition
;
how
they
will
pick
and
choose
among
their
children
,
not
as
any
other
affection
,
but
as
conceit
of
propriety
shall
lead
them
.
And
again
,
such
as
have
just
cause
to
suspect
,
but
yet
are
not
at
all
jealous
(
under
this
conceit
of
propriety
)
either
love
all
alike
,
or
distinguish
not
by
any
revealing
sympathy
.
Nay
,
what
mother
,
at
the
same
time
of
her
delivery
,
might
not
be
cozened
with
a
change
;
as
also
,
while
children
are
at
nurse
?
Their
best
security
being
,
that
this
affectionate
esteem
of
propriety
makes
the
poorest
parent
of
all
even
loth
to
yeild
thereunto
.
And
although
our
particular
goods
and
estates
,
as
being
reckoned
not
of
so
great
concern
,
nor
being
so
long
or
often
in
our
sight
,
comes
to
have
a
less
regard
:
Yet
an
especial
indulgence
we
may
observe
cast
towards
them
:
in
such
sort
,
that
the
true
fountain
from
whom
they
flow
comes
many
times
to
be
forgotten
.
For
so
full
of
pride
and
vain-glory
are
all
sorts
of
men
by
nature
,
and
so
heavy
a
burthen
doth
the
due
return
of
received
benefits
seem
to
our
ungrateful
dispositions
,
that
rather
then
any
diminution
of
content
(
through
the
acknowledgement
of
such
receit
)
shall
lye
upon
us
,
we
are
ready
by
all
inventions
we
can
make
,
to
shift
off
the
plain
confession
of
any
dependance
whatsoever
.
And
because
It
is
a
more
blessed
thing
to
give
then
to
receive
,
we
would
in
nothing
,
or
at
least
in
due
measure
,
The
prevailence
of
this
humor
appears
in
all
those
goods
and
〈◊〉
which
by
the
bounty
of
God
,
the
earth
and
other
elements
and
creatur●
〈◊〉
so
plentifully
afford
us
:
For
,
how
ready
are
we
herein
to
finde
out
a
〈◊〉
relinquish
and
forget
our
common
dependance
and
obligation
,
and
to
impale
and
impropriate
to
our selves
set
portions
of
them
,
answerable
to
our
desires
?
From
which
,
as
from
a
stock
now
our
own
,
our
wants
being
supplied
,
our
acknowledgement
and
gratitude
comes
many
times
to
be
forgotten
.
And
this
is
not
onely
practised
by
mankind
in
general
against
the
common
right
of
other
creatures
(
as
accounting
himself
sole
Master
and
Proprietor
of
natures
common
revenue
)
but
also
by
Kingdoms
,
Societies
,
and
particular
persons
,
to
the
detriment
of
one
another
.
To
meet
with
this
inconvenience
,
many
things
are
by
our
All-seeing
God
in
his
law
enjoyned
;
in
acknowledgement
of
his
original
and
Paramount
propriety
:
for
so
comes
a
seventh
of
our
time
,
a
tenth
of
our
substance
,
the
first
of
our
fruits
,
liquors
,
cattel
,
nay
of
our
own
sons
to
be
his
:
to
keep
us
in
remembrance
that
we
have
not
in
our selves
any
unconditionate
propriety
,
not
so
much
as
over
our
own
persons
.
And
,
to
shew
that
these
things
are
of
common
interest
(
as
between
men
,
so
)
between
men
and
beasts
,
every
seventh
yeer
the
land
is
to
rest
and
lye
still
:
That
the
poor
may
eat
,
and
what
they
leave
the
beasts
of
the
field
may
eat
.
the
land
is
Gods
:
and
so
,
they
being
but
Stewards
or
Tennants
,
no
humane
right
of
prescription
can
prevail
against
his
original
right
.
And
,
in
a
word
,
to
keep
his
right
and
our
gratitude
in
continual
memory
,
were
all
those
sacrifices
and
other
feasts
instituted
:
serving
but
as
so
many
Indexes
and
Lessons
,
to
shew
that
the
earth
is
the
Lords
and
the
fulness
thereof
.
And
although
we
,
on
whom
the
dregs
of
Time
are
come
,
of
honouring
God
with
our
substance
,
yet
,
as
a
continual
remembrance
of
his
undoubted
propriety
,
Which
being
so
,
all
Societies
and
men
must
be
looked
upon
but
as
Tennant
,
for
such
term
and
condition
as
the
Landlord
pleaseth
.
So
that
when
this
great
King
,
after
the
manner
of
going
into
a
far
country
,
shall
be
pleased
not
so
immediately
to
operate
in
worldly
affairs
and
dispensations
,
but
trust
the
several
talents
of
his
bounty
to
others
,
as
namely
to
Kings
(
from
whom
he
expects
account
to
himself
onely
,
as
by
him
onely
trusted
)
we
are
still
to
acknowledge
Gods
propriety
in
them
;
and
For
this
cause
are
to
pay
tribute
;
for
they
are
Gods
Ministers
attending
continually
upon
this
very
thing
:
And
as
for
Gods
acknowledging
his
Minister
herein
for
himself
,
it
is
well
set
forth
by
that
speech
of
Zelophedads
daughters
,
pleading
that
their
inheritances
should
still
remaine
in
propriety
to
them
,
because
their
father
had
not
forfeited
them
by
any
rebellion
against
Gods
chief
Minister
,
that
is
,
against
Moses
the
then
King
of
Jesurun
(
or
Israel
)
saying
,
Our
father
died
in
the
wilderness
,
and
was
not
in
the
company
of
them
that
gathered
themselves
together
against
the
Lord
in
the
company
of
Rorah
:
but
died
in
his
own
sin
.
By
which
,
we
may
plainly
perceive
that
they
claim
right
for
continuance
of
those
the
proprieties
of
their
family
which
were
by
Gods
Minister
formerly
settled
,
Which
was
the
reason
why
,
in
the
case
of
Naboths
vineyard
(
before
mentioned
)
Jezabel
did
advise
to
have
him
accused
For
blaspheming
God
and
the
King
;
that
,
under
colour
of
these
crimes
,
she
might
cause
that
inheritance
to
return
;
Ministers
of
God
attending
continually
upon
this
very
thing
shall
see
fit
:
either
for
advancement
of
Gods
(
the
great
owners
)
service
,
or
the
good
of
himself
,
or
others
in
order
thereunto
.
Which
portions
,
in
the
New
Testament
,
are
usually
included
under
the
general
names
of
custome
and
tribute
:
because
amongst
the
Romans
,
to
whom
these
taxes
and
contributions
were
given
,
they
were
the
usual
appellations
for
publike
leavies
.
And
this
precept
of
Saint
Paul
for
acknowledging
the
Prince
his
paramount
propriety
,
under
the
notion
of
paying
tribute
,
is
answerable
to
another
of
our
Saviours
,
including
Caesars
propriety
in
all
things
,
under
the
proper
notion
of
money
.
For
,
in
deciding
that
question
of
the
lawfulness
of
paying
tribute
,
he
takes
a
sure
way
towards
making
our
proprieties
to
be
Caesars
:
In
that
,
calling
the
piece
of
money
Caesars
,
because
it
had
Caesars
image
upon
it
,
he
concludes
him
to
have
the
same
right
to
all
money
as
to
that
peice
;
for
that
all
money
had
his
image
upon
it
.
He
doth
not
say
give
unto
Caesar
of
your
money
,
but
,
give
him
his
own
,
Or
,
give
unto
Caesar
the
things
that
are
Caesars
:
of
tribute
to
whom
tribute
,
custome
to
whom
custome
,
&c.
we
should
thereby
,
amidst
our
common
duties
of
giving
to
all
their
dues
,
And
demand
it
(
no
doubt
)
he
doth
,
aswel
from
Christians
now
,
as
from
the
Jews
formerly
:
nor
hath
he
lost
his
true
right
,
although
he
be
not
so
immediate
in
his
claim
.
For
then
,
because
the
law
was
instituted
in
the
time
when
God
himself
was
King
(
that
is
,
had
no
such
direct
Officer
under
him
amongst
the
Jews
)
the
acknowledgement
of
his
propriety
(
as
under
the
notion
of
tenths
and
offerings
)
was
claimed
in
his
own
name
:
and
God
having
thereupon
disposed
of
it
,
takes
the
wrong
done
in
Tythes
and
offerings
as
robberies
of
himself
.
But
although
these
tenths
and
offerings
,
as
Gods
gift
to
them
,
instituted
by
that
Law
which
was
still
to
continue
,
were
to
remain
to
the
Priests
and
Levites
unalterably
,
without
the
impeachment
of
those
Kings
that
succeeded
(
inasmuch
as
they
had
their
taxes
besides
)
yet
now
amongst
Christians
,
whom
that
Law
binds
not
as
positive
,
but
as
natural
,
those
Tythes
(
where
they
are
collected
)
are
,
or
should
be
,
paid
to
Princes
in
the
first
place
,
as
Gods
next
Ministers
.
And
although
Princes
do
,
upon
just
grounds
,
appropriate
them
to
the
Clergies
maintenance
,
yet
,
in
acknowledgement
of
his
headship
and
propriety
above
them
also
,
he
hath
tenths
,
fifteens
,
&c.
reserved
from
them
again
.
And
this
is
done
to
each
King
under
the
Gospel
,
even
as
King
;
that
is
,
as
Christs
Deputy
:
after
the
example
of
Abraham
,
Who
,
on
the
behalf
of
the
Levites
,
paid
Tythes
of
all
he
had
.
For
as
Melchisedeck
(
the
King
of
righteousness
and
of
peace
)
was
a
Type
of
our
Saviour
unto
whom
all
kingdoms
do
belong
,
so
do
the
tenths
and
tributes
,
as
Gods
and
Christs
right
,
belong
to
Kings
their
Deputies
now
:
unto
whose
Office
that
of
High
Priest
is
subordinately
annexed
.
Whereupon
,
as
Kings
are
Tenants
to
God
for
their
whole
territories
(
be
they
greater
or
less
)
so
are
the
people
again
Tenants
to
him
;
according
to
their
several
allotments
and
trusts
.
Upon
which
ground
we
may
observe
,
that
as
every
Prince
hath
the
whole
power
and
propriety
of
all
within
his
dominions
from
God
,
and
he
thereupon
called
King
of
such
or
such
a
Countrey
,
so
are
all
lands
held
,
or
to
be
held
,
again
of
the
Soveraign
after
one
tenure
or
other
:
nor
can
any
alienation
(
though
never
so
independent
)
exclude
his
power
from
making
use
thereof
upon
publike
occasion
:
whereby
to
answer
his
great
trust
to
God
in
respect
of
his
service
,
or
for
general
benefit
of
his
people
:
nor
from
his
own
occasions
leading
that
way
also
.
The
which
was
well
proved
by
our
Saviours
example
,
who
,
sending
for
another
mans
Ass
,
bad
his
Disciples
bring
him
away
without
other
legal
satisfaction
,
or
answer
to
any
for
their
so
doing
,
Then
that
the
Lord
hath
need
of
him
.
Which
speech
of
our
Saviours
will
the
more
directly
prove
each
Kings
indisputable
propriety
,
In
pursuance
of
which
Original
Right
and
Claim
,
or
of
doing
what
he
will
with
his
own
,
as
we
find
God
,
during
the
Theocrity
,
making
Laws
of
restraint
both
for
the
use
and
bequest
of
mens
proprieties
,
That
share
of
the
Commonwealth
which
by
the
Law
is
held
in
severalty
to
the
possessor
,
free
from
the
dispose
of
any
but
the
law-maker
himself
.
Which
thing
,
as
it
is
by
them
done
by
power
from
God
,
because
the
earth
is
the
Lords
and
the
fulness
thereof
,
so
cannot
he
lose
the
hold
and
claim
of
general
right
,
but
the
Subject
must
loose
his
right
of
particular
propriety
also
,
which
is
derived
from
him
by
vertue
thereof
.
But
,
for
a
plainer
example
of
Gods
claiming
his
propriety
,
and
particularly
of
power
to
impose
tribute
in
acknowledgment
thereof
,
we
may
observe
the
same
fully
set
down
in
the
31
Chap.
of
Numb
.
In
which
,
God
as
their
present
King
,
imposing
such
a
leavy
and
tribute
upon
the
people
both
of
persons
and
goods
as
he
saw
fit
,
did
thereupon
become
a
plain
and
warrantable
president
for
his
succeeding
Deputies
to
take
the
like
from
their
subjects
also
,
even
as
his
Ministers
attending
for
this
very
thing
:
that
is
,
to
receive
Gods
due
,
in
acknowledgement
of
that
propriety
and
protection
they
(
by
Gods
blessing
)
enjoy
under
them
.
In
which
Chapter
,
we
shall
finde
the
tribute
owned
by
God
six
several
times
,
as
the
Lords
tribute
:
although
it
were
given
away
to
others
,
And
as
this
maxim
,
that
God
and
the
Prince
are
proprietors
of
all
things
,
is
in
it self
most
true
,
so
,
if
people
would
rightly
consider
it
,
it
is
by
God
upon
good
ground
established
for
their
benefit
:
because
,
as
every
one
is
most
careful
of
his
own
,
so
the
Prince
,
looking
upon
the
possessions
of
the
whole
subjects
and
of
every
one
in
particular
as
his
,
will
be
more
circumspect
to
encrease
and
preserve
them
,
then
when
they
aim
to
recover
or
possess
any
propriety
or
power
more
fully
,
shall
set
him
at
strife
within
his
own
Dominions
.
For
Princes
(
as
such
)
should
have
nothing
in
the
dispose
of
subjects
exempt
from
their
Power
,
but
Honor.
For
this
he
can
never
have
by
force
,
and
without
their
consents
;
or
the
most
or
best
of
them
:
and
therefore
he
will
study
,
by
Complacency
,
Justice
,
and
meritorious
deeds
towards
them
,
to
be
daily
acquiring
this
so
precious
a
Jewel
.
And
they
will
finde
,
that
whilst
he
is
to
make
his
sole
imployment
after
the
search
of
this
onely
,
that
their
common
and
respective
benfits
will
be
necessarily
sought
:
whereas
,
by
putting
him
to
struggle
for
other
things
which
they
cannot
keep
justly
from
him
,
his
care
will
be
neglected
,
and
the
mischief
of
Civil
disturbance
inevitably
will
follow
.
And
,
when
all
is
done
,
men
are
but
abused
by
an
affectionate
conceit
of
the
word
:
For
propriety
can
never
be
in
that
degree
they
fancy
:
and
if
it
be
not
at
the
dispose
of
one
Prince
,
it
must
be
of
more
.
For
since
Laws
are
but
the
will
and
sentence
of
the
Lawmakers
,
and
since
proprieties
are
also
but
the
sentence
of
Law
,
it
will
follow
that
proprieties
of
particulars
are
but
the
proprieties
of
the
publike
person
that
is
in
soveraignty
and
power
;
though
not
in
present
act
,
yet
so
,
as
that
soveraign
may
reduce
his
power
to
act
,
as
he
shall
see
fit
.
And
hence
it
is
,
namely
to
debar
Princes
from
occasion
of
seeking
farther
,
that
such
large
revenews
are
allowed
in
all
kinds
:
that
,
through
their
power
of
interpreting
law
(
the
judge
of
propriety
)
they
need
not
covet
beyond
what
they
have
to
their
own
use
already
.
For
to
allow
those
that
have
the
particular
proprieties
aright
to
judge
the
rule
of
propriety
,
is
not
only
partial
but
to
themselves
prejudicial
:
opening
,
by
that
gap
to
soveraignty
,
an
occasion
to
perpetual
Civil
war.
For
since
every
particular
propriety
is
but
parcel
of
the
publike
(
that
is
,
of
the
general
propriety
of
that
particular
kingdom
)
if
that
publike
have
not
a
person
of
whole
&
equal
interest
herein
,
&
thereby
of
whole
and
equal
in
the
particulars
hereof
,
how
can
the
whole
be
duly
regarded
:
since
particular
proprietors
can
have
no
aim
but
what
is
respective
to
themselves
?
But
let
us
enquire
a
little
farther
into
these
things
,
&
make
them
plain
by
instance
,
and
consideration
of
some
sorts
of
publike
good
,
and
of
the
manner
how
particular
subjects
come
to
have
their
proprieties
therein
.
That
stock
of
honor
which
each
kingdom
hath
,
one
in
respect
of
another
,
no
man
doubts
but
the
same
is
at
the
Prince
his
dispose
onely
:
that
is
,
who
shall
be
more
honorable
then
others
:
and
so
also
,
for
matter
of
Offices
,
and
of
power
and
command
over
one
another
.
For
if
these
things
should
not
all
be
appropriated
to
subjects
,
as
from
him
the
general
proprietor
,
how
should
they
proceed
with
Justice
,
or
agree
in
sharing
them
to
themselves
?
would
not
each
one
,
to
encrease
his
particular
propriety
,
be
so
covetously
contentious
as
to
destroy
thereby
the
stock
of
the
whole
propriety
?
But
the
reason
why
Princes
cannot
be
in
the
particular
propriety
of
riches
such
immediate
dispensors
,
as
in
Honors
,
Offices
,
&c.
but
must
refer
them
to
divers
other
Magistrates
to
be
managed
according
to
his
general
pleasure
signified
by
Law
,
is
for
that
land
and
(
the
fruit
thereof
)
riches
being
continually
necessary
for
each
subject
in
particular
to
have
,
the
business
of
continual
allotment
thereof
would
be
so
great
,
that
one
person
could
not
arbitrarily
dispose
of
it
according
to
the
occasion
and
proportions
of
that
food
,
apparel
,
&c.
which
should
generally
,
and
to
each
one
be
necessary
;
and
which
cannot
to
any
one
,
at
any
time
be
wanting
:
Whereas
Honor
,
Command
,
Power
,
&c.
being
necessary
,
but
to
few
,
doth
both
afford
him
ability
personally
to
act
,
and
time
to
consult
in
each
particular
.
So
then
,
wealth
,
riches
,
&c.
are
,
from
their
general
use
and
possession
,
to
be
guided
by
common
rule
or
law
;
but
honors
are
still
manageable
by
particular
rule
,
or
prerogative
law
.
And
indeed
,
as
this
necessary
and
general
use
of
food
,
&c.
makes
that
kind
or
possession
that
is
more
immediate
in
acquiring
it
to
be
called
and
take
on
it
the
general
name
of
Propriety
,
so
is
it
(
in
a
maner
)
the
whole
subject
of
law
it self
.
And
therefore
,
we
may
say
the
Prince
hath
no
more
right
to
disimpropriate
any
one
contrary
to
law
,
then
any
man
hath
to
take
back
from
another
any
thing
that
by
his
general
appointment
was
given
to
him
;
which
is
unjust
,
without
other
circumstances
to
authorize
it
.
And
therefore
it
will
be
considerable
,
whether
this
gift
were
absolute
,
and
without
all
kind
of
reservation
or
no
:
or
whether
the
Prince
proceed
herein
according
to
interest
and
increase
of
his
particular
propriety
,
or
no
?
For
if
private
propriety
have
encroached
on
that
which
should
have
remained
as
yet
publike
and
common
,
and
that
without
leave
,
or
if
there
be
any
conditionate
reservation
of
rent
,
taxes
,
or
of
repossession
at
a
certain
time
,
or
upon
such
,
or
such
default
,
or
the
like
;
by
the
same
general
law
and
rule
set
down
,
the
Prince
may
with
better
right
(
by
his
Magistrates
)
recover
his
own
,
then
his
subjects
could
dispossess
him
.
And
as
thus
to
himself
and
his
own
use
,
so
although
no
reservation
be
expressed
,
but
where
the
proprieties
seem
most
high
and
absolute
,
the
Prince
(
as
aforesaid
)
may
for
the
publike
occasion
make
a
publike
leavy
as
he
shall
think
good
.
For
since
all
private
proprieties
will
in
themselves
increase
,
and
be
more
,
as
that
publike
whereof
their
parts
is
more
,
and
doth
increase
,
and
so
on
the
contrary
,
it
will
follow
(
as
a
thing
of
great
equity
)
that
private
proprietors
should
contribute
to
this
purpose
:
and
that
,
according
to
such
degree
of
exigence
,
as
he
that
is
publike
proprietor
shall
finde
fitting
;
that
is
,
for
the
ways
for
increasing
it
by
invention
of
Arts
of
all
sorts
,
by
foraign
invasion
,
with
Armies
,
Navies
,
&c.
or
by
maintenance
of
it
,
by
Religion
,
publike
persons
,
buildings
,
works
,
foraign
traffick
,
agriculture
,
or
such
like
,
&c.
To
keep
it
from
decay
,
by
the
same
,
or
like
means
.
For
the
necessity
of
having
these
things
to
each
subject
in
particular
,
making
it
necessary
that
there
should
be
one
to
judge
and
take
care
thereof
in
general
,
must
also
imply
a
necessity
in
the
means
,
that
is
,
publike
maintenance
,
aswel
as
of
the
end
,
which
is
publike
good
.
But
now
,
although
few
doubt
,
that
either
there
should
be
care
or
allowance
for
publike
advantage
,
or
to
resist
publike
detriment
,
there
are
many
do
yet
actually
,
and
by
consequent
,
interrupt
and
deny
it
:
by
putting
such
exceptions
and
restraints
on
Princes
herein
,
as
,
whilst
they
would
disable
him
from
taking
more
then
is
fit
,
they
disable
him
from
taking
what
truely
is
so
:
&
(
thereby
)
also
from
doing
that
good
which
they
ought
;
as
experience
too
often
shew
us
.
How
Princes
should
guide
themselvs
in
their
own
particular
revenues
,
and
collection
and
managery
of
publike
charges
,
is
a
proper
discourse
for
hereafter
.
In
the
mean
time
,
I
shall
answer
in
general
;
that
since
all
these
kinds
of
trusts
,
as
also
all
others
that
are
in
mens
managery
,
will
be
subject
to
abuse
,
therefore
if
it
should
happen
that
the
Prince
should
in
these
things
exceed
publike
regard
,
the
damage
and
dishonor
is
not
so
great
to
the
people
to
be
by
him
over-reached
,
as
by
others
of
less
note
and
concern
in
the
publike
.
For
he
,
as
the
publike
Minister
,
ought
to
be
by
them
maintained
;
and
the
more
his
honor
,
the
more
theirs
:
but
to
be
cozened
by
their
fellows
,
and
to
have
them
thereby
made
rich
above
them
(
which
in
all
Republikes
must
come
to
pass
)
will
neither
gain
them
thanks
nor
credit
.
And
again
,
the
more
the
Prince
shall
gain
by
frugallity
in
the
managery
of
those
publike
imployments
and
trusts
,
so
much
less
need
have
they
to
add
to
his
maintenance
and
Royal
support
:
Which
as
it
is
their
duty
to
do
as
subjects
,
so
though
the
same
should
be
done
in
a
manner
more
plentifully
then
ordinarily
,
yet
could
not
the
whole
kingdom
be
therein
a
loser
:
seeing
it
is
spent
upon
its
members
,
and
within
the
bounds
thereof
.
For
the
Prince
himself
can
eat
or
wear
but
the
share
of
another
man
,
and
what
would
have
been
eaten
by
others
if
he
had
not
been
:
and
having
nothing
of
the
rest
but
the
beholding
it
with
his
eyes
,
it
is
eaten
and
enjoyed
by
their
fellow
subjects
:
for
such
even
those
are
that
are
more
particularly
waiting
on
him
and
called
his
servants
.
All
which
,
well
considered
,
together
with
what
was
formerly
spoken
of
,
the
reason
and
beginning
of
property
(
namely
common
improvement
by
private
managery
)
as
it
will
(
on
the
one
hand
)
shew
it
to
be
the
duty
of
Kings
that
none
of
those
talents
should
be
hid
by
them
,
or
lye
idle
in
their
own
use
without
necessity
,
(
whereby
publike
benefit
might
be
hindred
)
so
(
on
the
other
hand
)
how
heavy
will
it
make
the
offence
of
Subjects
,
that
,
instead
of
Tenants
,
shall
make
themselves
such
absolute
and
unconditionate
proprietors
,
as
to
withstand
or
deny
publike
occasions
?
For
if
they
,
after
the
manner
of
the
husbandmen
in
the
Gospel
,
should
seek
to
make
the
inheritance
their
own
,
and
,
by
way
of
association
and
Covenant
amongst
themselves
,
seek
to
kill
or
dispossess
the
true
heir
,
what
think
we
shall
the
great
Lord
at
his
coming
say
to
such
husbandmen
?
Therefore
,
as
private
mens
judgements
must
submit
to
publike
sentence
,
so
their
property
to
publike
use
:
and
as
all
mens
proprieties
are
settled
by
Law
,
so
,
upon
occasion
of
preservation
of
that
Law
,
they
may
be
disposed
of
:
&
that
according
to
the
judgement
of
the
King
,
the
Maker
,
Keeper
,
and
Interpreter
of
these
Laws
.
For
the
Soveraigns
office
being
to
protect
his
subjects
liberties
&
properties
against
all
others
,
he
cannot
do
it
against
himself
,
no
more
then
he
can
binde
his
own
hands
.
It
cannot
be
done
by
another
,
because
on
earth
he
hath
none
equal
,
or
Superior
in
his
own
Dominions
.
And
if
it
could
be
,
Government
would
not
be
:
because
our
persons
and
estates
are
the
onely
objects
of
Government
.
And
the
same
rule
is
in
a
Family
that
is
independent
:
for
,
in
both
,
all
is
to
be
supposed
at
the
proper
disposal
of
the
Prince
and
Master
.
And
upon
the
same
ground
that
the
sojourner
in
the
Family
,
and
Ambassador
or
stranger
in
the
Commonwealth
,
have
their
freedom
in
persons
or
estates
(
that
is
,
because
unsubjected
)
those
that
are
subjected
may
be
justly
made
lyable
.
And
as
these
Reasons
wil
allow
him
power
in
general
to
lay
Taxes
according
to
publike
occasions
;
so
thereupon
also
,
to
judge
in
particular
what
is
the
concern
of
these
occasions
;
and
the
charges
and
expence
in
them
required
:
according
whereunto
he
must
have
power
in
his
Levies
.
And
they
that
from
the
instance
of
Naboths
Vineyard
,
would
conclude
for
the
same
absoluteness
of
Proprieties
under
the
Gospel
,
will
farther
finde
themselves
mistaken
:
for
that
unto
the
Jews
their
promises
for
reward
of
obedience
ran
still
in
a
strain
of
this
kinde
,
Blessed
shalt
thou
be
in
thy
basket
,
in
thy
store
,
&c.
but
under
the
Gospel
,
not
a
Promise
that
way
:
but
rather
,
Blessed
are
the
poor
,
woe
to
the
rich
,
But
,
after
our
Saviors
birth
(
the
heir
of
all
things
)
our
Proprieties
are
to
be
retaken
in
him
on
other
conditions
,
Of
Lands
,
or
houses
,
and
laying
them
at
the
Apostles
feet
.
By
which
deed
,
they
,
in
the
name
and
behalf
of
succeeding
Christians
,
did
renounce
legal
unconditionate
Propriety
:
and
shew
themselves
now
willing
to
accept
of
the
distributions
of
Christs
Ministers
,
to
be
held
no
otherwise
from
the
common
enjoyment
of
others
then
the
common
owner
shall
authorise
.
And
however
the
Apostles
,
during
the
power
of
heathen
Magistracy
,
could
not
have
compelled
Ananias
to
have
submitted
his
former
title
to
their
dispose
,
(
but
that
he
might
have
kept
it
still
his
own
)
yet
was
their
fact
that
did
so
,
left
as
a
commendable
president
for
Christian
submission
to
authority
upon
publike
occasions
.
But
now
,
upon
all
these
grounds
and
reasons
before
mentioned
,
it
will
appear
that
Polarchies
must
(
amongst
other
their
defects
of
right
Government
)
be
faulty
also
in
this
matter
of
Propriety
.
First
,
for
that
they
,
in
their
separate
and
unwarrantable
jurisdictions
,
being
not
capable
to
unite
and
represent
(
as
from
under
God
)
the
whole
and
intire
Propriety
of
each
Country
,
cannot
thereupon
be
able
to
distribute
and
settle
legal
and
rightful
portions
to
each
particular
person
and
Family
:
but
each
separate
person
and
Family
herein
,
undertaking
to
be
possessors
and
sharers
by
Authority
derived
from
themselves
onely
,
and
not
from
any
above
them
,
must
thereupon
be
unjust
and
partial
usurpers
.
And
again
,
the
Polarchs
having
distinct
Proprieties
(
whether
you
respect
them
as
divided
amongst
themselves
by
Factions
,
or
from
one
another
singly
,
by
that
particular
love
which
must
follow
the
care
of
each
mans
Propriety
)
they
can
in
neither
consideration
accompt
their
Proprieties
and
the
publike
to
be
the
same
and
convertible
;
but
must
be
supposed
to
proceed
both
partially
and
oppressively
in
their
Levies
.
And
because
the
Governors
themselves
consist
of
different
interests
and
judgements
from
one
another
,
they
must
also
be
guided
in
what
they
do
upon
those
below
,
or
upon
one
another
respectfully
to
that
self-regard
:
according
as
they
can
drive
it
on
by
Faction
;
and
not
out
of
general
consideration
,
as
before
noted
.
And
,
as
this
will
cause
them
to
be
partial
and
unjust
,
and
by
reason
of
unequal
concern
laying
more
on
one
part
of
their
subjects
then
another
,
as
they
shall
conceive
them
friends
or
enemies
(
under
the
notion
of
well-affected
or
ill-affected
)
so
will
this
their
own
multitude
cause
them
generally
to
be
oppressive
:
in
that
they
,
with
all
their
allyes
and
dependances
,
striving
still
to
engross
so
large
a
part
of
the
publike
stock
in
their
private
hands
,
will
hereupon
be
put
upon
continual
plots
to
make
and
raise
Taxes
;
out
of
which
they
may
raise
their
own
fortunes
also
:
which
is
the
reason
why
the
Taxes
and
Levies
in
Polarchies
run
so
high
,
over
they
do
in
Monarchies
of
proportionable
bigness
.
CHAP.
VIII
.
Of
Law
,
Justice
,
Equity
,
&c.
EXcept
God
Almighty
,
who
alone
is
omniscient
,
and
to
whom
,
by
creation
and
omnipresence
,
the
goodness
,
deserts
,
intentions
,
and
actions
of
all
creatures
,
with
all
their
circumstances
and
relations
are
truely
valued
and
known
,
there
is
not
unto
any
thing
else
imparted
such
a
sufficiency
of
comprehension
,
as
to
make
a
perfect
and
true
estimate
of
the
morality
of
actions
,
and
distinguish
between
right
and
wrong
,
equity
and
iniquity
.
For
as
unto
him
,
the
rightful
Judge
of
all
things
,
this
ability
was
only
necessary
and
proper
,
so
,
to
men
and
other
creatures
,
to
whom
subjection
did
onely
belong
,
it
is
more
fit
we
should
know
what
,
then
why
to
obey
.
And
indeed
,
the
sad
price
of
our
fall
hath
furnished
us
no
farther
,
then
with
a
seeming
knowledge
herein
:
and
to
no
other
avail
,
then
to
prove
us
thereby
the
more
blinde
,
because
we
now
think
we
see
.
Examine
our
abilities
in
this
search
,
even
of
those
things
that
concern
most
each
mens
particular
,
and
we
shall
finde
,
that
while
cu●●om
,
education
,
or
the
like
,
prevail
as
the
censures
of
good
and
bad
,
in
objects
and
actions
and
that
this
is
differing
again
according
to
each
parties
inclination
and
constitution
,
the
knowledge
of
good
and
bad
must
consequently
have
no
certain
or
fixed
aboad
.
And
if
thus
in
what
is
so
nigh
unto
us
and
concerning
our
own
more
private
good
,
what
can
be
expected
in
things
or
actions
of
more
general
concern
;
and
wherein
more
general
approbation
should
concur
?
Will
it
not
hence
follow
,
that
if
I
have
no
sufficient
ability
to
judge
what
is
good
for
my self
,
I
should
have
much
less
to
do
it
for
another
?
So
that
,
experience
of
the
different
disputes
hence
arising
,
not
to
be
satisfied
and
silenced
by
every
mans
own
wisdom
,
brought
men
everywhere
for
quietness
sake
to
refer
themselves
herein
to
custom
and
publike
allowance
:
insomuch
as
now
,
Justice
,
Equity
,
and
Right
,
is
whatsoever
the
lawful
Authority
of
each
Country
says
it
to
be
.
They
that
think
that
the
rectitude
of
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
should
correct
and
set
right
the
positive
constitutions
of
men
,
will
finde
great
difficulty
truely
to
number
and
state
what
these
Laws
are
.
In
which
doing
,
and
in
the
interpreting
and
applying
them
,
so
much
difference
and
uncertainty
will
still
arise
,
that
we
shall
again
(
many
times
)
want
another
light
,
to
distinguish
the
beams
of
these
lights
from
other
lights
,
and
also
to
shew
when
they
point
directly
to
the
business
in
question
,
and
when
not
.
As
for
instance
,
in
these
Laws
known
to
be
received
from
God
himself
,
how
ready
are
we
to
balk
their
litteral
interpretation
,
and
judge
of
the
fitness
of
their
execution
according
as
they
refer
to
publike
Utility
:
and
that
by
rules
of
our
own
several
reasons
:
and
many
times
again
,
to
trust
to
their
letteral
interpretation
onely
?
Nay
,
all
that
acknowledge
them
for
rules
,
practise
sometimes
one
way
,
&
sometimes
another
.
Wherupon
,
denying
that
either
way
is
to
be
wholly
followed
,
it
must
needs
leave
it
doubtful
,
whether
in
our
so
doing
in
each
particular
,
we
lean
not
too
much
to
one
hand
or
other
.
For
so
,
theft
by
them
punished
with
restitution
,
is
in
other
places
capital
:
and
on
the
contrary
,
Adultery
by
them
punished
with
death
,
is
by
others
censured
in
a
less
degree
.
Look
we
to
the
Laws
of
Nature
;
if
thereby
they
intend
those
rules
and
customs
which
are
universally
common
to
us
with
beasts
,
how
shall
man
,
which
so
much
differs
from
them
,
pick
competent
rules
of
good
,
and
fitting
both
his
and
their
particular
?
What
,
shall
he
live
in
Herds
and
Droves
,
and
again
destroy
Policy
and
Property
to
enjoy
their
communion
?
And
,
because
we
would
not
have
them
kill
us
,
must
we
(
with
the
Banians
)
think
it
unlawful
to
kill
them
?
And
,
in
particular
,
what
Law
in
Nature
shall
we
finde
to
found
marriage
upon
?
And
if
we
seclude
man
,
to
follow
some
rule
proper
to
his
own
species
,
and
put
him
for
his
practice
and
imitation
to
learn
what
is
done
by
others
,
you
will
finde
this
practical
direction
still
render
him
as
defective
in
ability
to
determine
what
is
just
and
good
,
and
what
not
,
as
before
:
For
here
,
if
you
take
in
that
practice
of
mankinde
which
is
most
common
for
a
rule
,
who
shall
be
●udge
of
that
:
or
shall
the
fewer
and
wiser
Nations
be
governed
by
the
more
foolish
?
Shall
Idolatry
and
slavery
be
thought
founded
on
Nature
,
because
so
generally
heretofore
,
and
yet
practised
?
If
by
Law
of
Nature
you
mean
the
best
Reason
,
who
shall
judge
of
that
also
?
Can
you
think
that
any
Nation
,
People
,
Faction
or
single
person
,
will
condemn
themselves
of
imprudence
and
injustice
in
what
they
do
?
And
since
each
people
hath
its
peculiar
Reasons
for
what
they
act
or
determine
,
and
it
may
be
unknown
to
any
but
themselves
,
how
shall
they
therin
be
guides
to
the
practice
of
others
,
and
their
Reason
be
found
a
reason
every
way
fit
for
guidance
of
such
as
must
necessarily
differ
from
them
?
But
experience
being
so
ready
to
testifie
both
these
differences
and
their
irreconcilableness
,
amidst
that
partial
respect
each
people
casteth
to
its
own
customs
.
I
shall
not
need
to
instance
therein
:
but
shall
here
somewhat
examine
that
rule
which
men
have
more
generally
concluded
to
be
so
infallibly
and
universally
binding
,
as
to
suffice
for
application
and
direction
in
all
particulars
;
namely
the
rule
of
Do
as
thou
wouldst
be
done
unto
.
This
rule
must
in
it self
be
acknowledged
as
a
direction
most
fit
and
full
for
the
steering
us
in
our
deportments
and
abearances
one
towards
another
;
being
accompanied
with
such
other
helps
and
qualifications
as
hereafter
shall
be
spoken
of
:
but
if
taken
alone
,
and
at
liberty
made
use
of
,
according
to
each
ones
separate
judgement
,
it
will
put
us
upon
the
same
uncertainty
(
almost
)
we
had
before
,
For
it
makes
the
will
and
choice
of
each
man
the
direction
for
good
and
equity
:
so
that
what
I
would
be
content
another
should
do
to
me
,
I
may
do
to
him
.
And
then
,
considering
how
weak
and
differing
the
judgements
and
wills
of
men
are
,
right
and
wrong
must
have
the
same
chance
.
So
that
he
that
is
a
fool
and
cannot
tell
what
is
for
his
own
avail
,
may
yet
have
hereby
liberty
to
prejudice
and
impose
on
me
.
And
again
,
he
that
through
vitious
inclination
and
custom
cannot
distinguish
of
good
or
bad
,
just
or
unjust
,
will
have
the
same
advantage
over
me
too
.
As
for
example
,
one
that
is
brought
up
,
or
otherwise
agrees
in
opinion
with
such
as
allow
a
Community
of
wives
or
other
things
,
may
he
not
by
this
rule
make
use
of
my
wife
,
being
himself
before
willing
,
I
should
not
do
the
like
to
his
?
They
that
seem
to
make
this
Rule
more
pointing
and
express
,
by
enlarging
it
,
say
that
because
I
would
not
have
any
thing
done
to
me
against
my
liking
,
I
should
not
therefore
act
on
another
against
his
.
And
then
,
according
to
this
rule
;
they
say
the
taking
away
a
mans
wife
against
his
liking
is
a
plain
wrong
:
(
and
a
sin
I
hope
it
is
,
although
all
private
parties
should
consent
)
By
this
turning
of
the
rule
,
they
conclude
indeed
against
the
first
inconvenience
,
but
avoid
not
the
uncertainty
of
the
direction
,
but
onely
alter
it
.
For
whereas
before
,
I
might
act
according
to
my
own
will
and
opinion
of
right
and
wrong
,
now
is
not
the
Will
and
Opinion
of
the
Agent
,
but
of
the
Patient
made
Judge
:
and
I
am
to
suspend
execution
till
the
consent
thereof
be
had
and
known
.
And
then
,
what
help
to
the
discovery
of
right
or
wrong
;
since
every
mans
Will
and
judgement
(
as
before
)
is
still
made
Judge
?
And
besides
,
by
its
limitation
,
it
will
put
a
stand
to
all
business
.
For
if
I
must
not
act
until
I
know
anothers
liking
,
I
shall
then
,
it
is
to
be
presumed
,
not
act
his
liking
but
in
what
may
be
first
apprehended
to
my
own
advantage
:
nor
he
so
from
me
.
And
then
,
in
case
of
stubbornness
,
how
shall
business
be
done
,
and
who
shall
judge
when
the
denyal
is
just
,
or
unjust
;
for
nothing
in
the
rule
can
do
it
?
Again
,
what
right
hath
the
Will
of
another
to
be
a
stint
and
direction
to
mine
?
as
though
my
Will
could
not
tell
mine
own
desires
,
and
were
not
as
infallible
in
judging
right
and
wrong
as
anothers
.
And
take
it
which
way
you
please
,
instead
of
giving
the
rules
of
directions
for
mens
Wills
to
follow
in
the
choice
of
good
and
bad
,
mens
wills
are
made
directive
to
it
.
And
although
it
be
a
rule
certain
and
infallible
(
as
aforesaid
)
in
its
self
,
as
to
the
general
stating
of
us
just
or
unjust
before
God
(
who
judgeth
by
the
heart
and
general
inclination
as
hereafter
shall
more
appear
)
yet
in
respect
of
us
,
and
the
imbe●ility
and
partiality
of
our
Reasons
in
using
and
applying
it
,
it
comes
to
be
but
contingent
and
fallible
in
particular
managery
:
as
not
having
direction
and
plainness
enough
,
to
shew
in
each
action
whether
we
have
done
well
or
no.
As
for
example
,
I
that
am
to
contract
with
another
for
House
or
Land
,
or
any
Commodity
I
want
,
am
I
to
give
the
seller
the
price
he
asketh
,
because
;
supposing
my self
the
seller
of
any
thing
,
I
should
be
willing
the
buyer
should
give
me
the
price
which
I
should
then
demand
?
or
shall
the
seller
be
bound
to
let
the
buyer
have
it
at
the
price
he
offers
,
because
when
himself
is
to
buy
of
another
,
he
would
have
it
at
the
price
he
bids
?
If
you
suppose
neither
of
these
prices
to
take
place
,
how
shall
Contracts
go
on
?
If
either
of
them
,
how
will
you
avoid
the
inconveniencies
of
partiality
,
arising
through
each
mans
judging
for
himself
;
but
make
it
onely
unnatural
;
whilst
they
must
thus
wholly
be
prosecuting
each
others
good
,
and
be
in
danger
,
whilst
they
are
thus
neglecting
their
own
wants
and
desires
,
which
they
do
know
,
to
be
,
as
in
a
kinde
of
Complement
,
reciprocally
prejudicing
each
other
,
in
obtruding
to
supply
those
wants
and
desires
which
they
know
not
:
unless
we
shall
suppose
all
mens
judgements
,
wants
,
and
desires
equal
?
Or
shall
we
suppose
that
course
to
be
taken
which
can
make
this
rule
alone
most
pointing
,
namely
that
we
should
neither
so
wholly
consider
our selves
without
others
,
nor
others
without
our selves
,
as
to
be
forgetful
of
either
:
but
that
,
both
parties
are
to
be
taken
into
equal
consideration
.
The
Question
will
be
,
whether
the
buyer
or
seller
shall
be
the
judge
and
determiner
herein
?
and
next
upon
what
manner
of
evidence
shall
he
proceed
towards
the
discovery
of
the
others
wants
and
desires
,
so
as
to
secure
himself
that
upon
a
just
conference
thereof
with
his
own
,
he
hath
judged
impartially
:
and
so
avoided
sin
,
by
observing
the
rule
?
The
seller
,
it
may
be
,
through
good
husbandry
or
good
fortune
got
his
commodity
very
cheap
;
it
may
be
it
cost
him
dear
at
first
,
or
is
grown
so
to
him
through
casuality
or
neglect
:
what
now
shall
he
do
?
Shall
he
sell
proportionably
cheap
or
deer
to
the
rate
the
thing
stands
him
in
,
he
must
then
prejudice
himself
or
another
?
shall
he
,
as
he
knows
the
buyers
poverty
or
riches
,
or
as
he
findes
the
thing
more
fit
and
useful
for
him
then
others
,
encrease
or
abate
accordingly
his
price
?
How
shall
he
know
these
things
?
and
how
shall
he
be
a
competent
judge
?
And
if
you
make
the
buyer
Judge
,
upon
like
considerations
,
how
shall
he
know
the
others
condition
also
?
Now
,
as
for
matter
of
Government
,
this
rule
will
of
it self
alone
be
so
far
from
estating
men
regular
and
obedient
therein
,
that
it
will
take
off
all
kinde
of
subjection
at
all
.
For
since
the
Prince
or
Magistrate
would
not
be
willing
that
I
should
have
command
over
him
,
how
can
he
justly
have
command
over
me
?
If
we
give
the
superior
leave
to
apply
the
rule
otherwise
and
say
forasmuch
as
he
himself
wronged
and
in
distress
,
would
be
glad
to
be
relieved
by
the
power
of
another
,
therefore
ought
he
also
to
preserve
and
encrease
his
power
that
he
may
in
the
like
kinde
be
serviceable
to
others
:
then
,
supposing
the
present
possession
of
power
in
the
Superior
a
just
bar
against
the
inferiors
assumption
of
the
rule
,
and
desiring
power
and
superiority
to
be
doing
the
like
to
his
superior
,
or
others
,
we
are
fallen
upon
a
right
rule
against
revolt
and
insubjection
towards
the
present
higher
Powers
:
and
so
we
will
next
see
how
this
rule
can
alone
steer
us
under
Government
.
If
it
point
at
equal
and
Arithmetical
Justice
and
proceeding
,
making
the
good
and
liking
of
Kings
and
beggers
alike
valuable
and
controleable
at
the
arbitrary
discretion
of
each
other
,
then
,
by
overthrowing
distinction
and
proportion
,
it
overthrows
Government
and
Society
.
Or
take
it
to
point
Geometrically
and
respectively
,
and
so
determining
that
beggers
should
do
unto
Kings
as
they
would
if
themselves
were
Kings
be
done
unto
,
and
so
on
the
contrary
,
how
will
they
come
to
fancy
(
through
so
different
educations
)
the
same
inclination
to
vertue
,
or
ability
to
judge
thereof
?
and
since
experience
tells
us
,
how
hard
it
is
for
us
to
manage
aright
those
callings
we
were
bred
in
,
what
hope
of
ability
or
skill
in
those
so
far
removed
?
For
though
David
,
as
proper
to
his
Office
of
King
,
could
rightly
judge
amongst
subjects
,
saying
,
the
man
that
hath
done
this
shall
dye
the
death
,
&
shal
make
restitution
four
fold
,
yet
when
he
comes
to
be
told
thou
art
the
man
,
but
submits
to
God
,
as
having
onely
power
of
punishment
over
him
.
And
from
this
uncertainty
and
diversity
of
appliation
,
it
was
that
men
first
entertained
polity
,
and
more
positive
and
express
rules
of
decision
.
But
here
again
the
same
hazard
overtakes
us
.
For
since
these
rules
and
directions
are
to
be
expressed
by
words
,
as
the
current
Tokens
of
mens
mindes
,
and
words
have
not
onely
different
interpretations
themselves
,
but
men
also
differ
in
the
manner
of
expressing
them
,
how
shall
it
be
known
what
the
words
themselves
import
,
or
whether
poetical
or
Rhetorical
improprieties
have
not
so
far
abused
us
,
as
not
to
know
whether
litterally
taken
they
are
to
express
the
Authors
minde
or
no
?
To
remedy
which
,
there
is
no
way
to
Peace
but
to
admit
a
positive
Authority
for
interpretation
of
this
Authors
minde
,
as
we
did
before
for
yeilding
thereunto
.
So
that
when
all
is
done
,
the
result
of
right
and
wrong
is
but
the
sentence
of
Law
,
and
the
sentence
of
Law
the
sentence
of
the
present
supreme
Judge
That
is
,
either
the
direct
sentence
of
God
himself
,
in
what
is
undoubtedly
set
down
by
him
;
or
the
sentence
of
the
Prince
;
interpreting
and
judging
in
his
stead
,
in
all
things
here
amongst
us
:
unto
whom
the
application
and
managery
of
this
general
rule
was
intrusted
.
For
he
,
having
in
him
,
as
universal
Representative
,
the
universal
will
included
,
can
be
onely
in
all
particulars
directly
said
to
do
as
he
would
be
done
unto
,
and
to
love
his
neighbour
as
himself
:
because
having
a
common
and
like
interest
in
,
and
with
them
,
and
subsisting
by
their
good
and
benefit
,
it
must
consequently
be
always
by
him
measured
as
his
own
:
that
is
,
equally
and
impartially
so
,
because
totally
his
.
Whereas
I
,
in
doing
as
I
would
be
done
unto
,
or
doing
but
as
any
other
private
person
would
have
me
,
the
dealing
must
be
unjust
because
partial
:
one
Will
and
Understanding
being
onely
judge
of
what
was
of
concern
to
both
.
And
though
both
should
consent
,
yet
the
rule
might
be
broken
,
and
commonly
is
:
because
few
things
can
be
of
such
separate
concern
,
as
wherein
directly
,
or
by
consequent
or
example
,
others
besides
themselves
were
not
interessed
:
and
so
,
not
having
full
content
,
the
rule
of
Do
as
thou
wouldst
be
done
unto
is
broken
by
both
of
them
.
For
our
Wills
,
in
choice
of
good
and
bad
,
following
each
ones
separate
Understanding
,
and
that
again
depending
on
,
and
varying
according
to
the
several
observations
which
each
one
hath
made
of
what
is
most
constant
and
usual
,
it
will
follow
that
the
nature
and
sense
of
right
and
good
,
must
in
our
judgements
be
as
variable
as
those
inductions
out
of
which
we
concluded
it
were
.
And
this
,
because
we
are
not
here
put
into
the
world
to
be
Standards
of
good
and
bad
our selves
,
but
to
estimate
and
conclude
it
,
either
out
of
that
tacite
verdict
which
the
harmony
of
effects
and
operations
in
the
course
of
Nature
informs
us
of
(
whereby
constancy
proves
at
once
both
God
the
Author
,
and
the
Act
good
)
or
else
implicitely
to
yeild
to
a
positive
command
of
God
,
determining
good
by
his
direct
Precepts
to
us
himself
:
and
in
case
Gods
own
directions
appears
not
,
by
referring
us
to
Princes
for
what
he
leaves
,
and
to
Masters
or
Fathers
for
what
they
both
leave
undetermined
:
Lest
else
,
our
different
Judgements
and
Affections
,
causing
differing
prosecutions
in
the
attainment
of
more
less
and
private
good
,
they
should
lead
us
to
lose
our
greatest
earthly
good
,
which
is
Peace
and
Agreement
.
And
therefore
,
as
all
Government
was
at
first
Arbitrary
,
so
it
is
not
probable
,
until
God
himself
by
Moses
had
given
set
Rules
for
mens
sociable
living
,
any
other
composed
or
setled
Rule
was
established
for
knowledge
of
good
and
right
,
then
what
proceeded
from
the
Dictates
of
this
Prince
or
head
of
the
Family
.
For
each
Father
had
it
as
well
in
his
power
as
duty
,
(
like
Abraham
)
to
command
his
children
and
houshold
to
keep
the
way
of
the
Lord
,
and
to
do
Judgement
and
Iustice
.
Nor
stood
they
in
such
need
of
positive
Edicts
to
keep
them
steady
in
case
of
change
,
because
,
through
length
of
age
,
he
might
live
to
see
many
Families
,
and
as
it
were
whole
Territories
peopled
out
of
his
own
loyns
.
Then
was
he
probably
brother
,
or
neer
of
kin
to
the
great
Father
of
the
next
Territory
:
and
so
,
kept
from
forreign
injury
.
Whereupon
,
what
by
knowledge
of
their
duety
,
and
what
by
force
of
Education
,
and
remembrance
of
these
rules
and
precepts
themselves
formerly
learned
,
the
fathers
of
the
several
inferior
Tribes
and
families
had
means
of
sociable
entercourse
and
neighorhood
.
And
,
where
maxims
drawn
from
natural
Law
and
equity
were
not
so
plain
a
guide
,
there
,
usual
custome
and
practise
was
their
supply
:
and
where
custom
was
dubious
,
parental
authority
was
definitive
,
and
bore
sway
.
And
as
that
course
of
life
is
alwayes
most
pleasant
to
which
we
have
been
most
enured
,
so
it
seemed
also
to
them
most
reasonable
,
to
continue
those
rules
that
publike
consent
,
long
use
,
and
tacite
agreement
,
had
now
made
to
have
the
force
of
Law
.
And
,
in
a
manner
,
all
laws
(
especially
such
as
are
called
common
)
are
but
the
customes
and
usages
of
our
country
.
Therefore
,
with
them
question
was
never
made
,
whether
customs
should
be
kept
or
nor
,
but
whether
any
such
custom
were
;
or
whether
it
did
make
for
the
side
of
Plaintiff
or
Defendant
?
And
the
old
definitive
sentence
being
now
dead
,
the
dispersed
and
divided
families
found
Law
,
in
it self
,
no
more
available
to
Peace
and
Unity
,
then
the
Light
of
Nature
had
been
before
.
For
when
Custom
or
Law
was
alleadged
,
what
and
if
the
other
side
denyed
it
,
or
gave
it
a
contrary
interpretation
?
In
this
case
,
no
way
to
Peace
,
but
to
rely
on
some
sentence
beyond
appeal
,
for
the
decision
and
interpretation
of
these
Laws
.
For
,
to
imagine
a
Government
to
meerly
arbitrary
,
as
where
there
is
no
kinde
of
Law
,
Custom
,
or
Rule
of
Government
agreed
unto
or
practised
,
is
against
Reason
:
because
,
even
the
prudence
of
Governors
must
,
for
their
own
ease
sake
,
lead
them
to
permit
this
course
.
And
,
it
being
for
themselves
impossible
to
entervene
in
all
the
emergencies
of
their
subjects
,
it
will
be
expedient
to
commend
and
enjoyn
unto
them
,
the
observation
of
all
such
old
usages
as
to
them
seem
most
expedient
:
which
thence
coming
to
be
Laws
,
we
may
call
Law
a
rule
of
deportment
enforced
by
a
Superior
:
and
hath
with
us
according
to
its
several
aims
,
several
names
.
That
which
directs
us
to
future
bliss
,
divine
Law
.
That
which
concerns
us
as
men
,
and
directs
to
the
attaining
the
felicities
of
our
kinde
,
we
may
call
natures
Law
,
or
the
rule
of
Reason
.
That
which
concerns
men
linkt
in
society
.
National
,
or
Civil
Law
:
which
is
nothing
else
but
a
publike
direction
for
mens
sociable
abearances
one
towards
another
.
For
as
Peace
,
Union
,
and
ceasing
of
strife
,
is
the
main
end
of
polity
and
Government
,
so
is
this
end
,
not
onely
to
be
attained
by
the
decisive
power
when
controversies
are
on
foot
,
but
by
the
directive
power
also
:
that
prevents
,
as
far
may
be
,
their
birth
and
growth
.
And
for
our
failing
or
following
this
rule
,
it
is
not
the
law
it self
that
can
or
doth
determine
:
although
the
Judge
,
in
his
decision
,
take
direction
from
thence
,
by
way
of
president
,
how
to
proceed
.
They
that
think
law
hath
in
it self
a
power
to
decide
controversies
,
let
them
consider
that
there
are
no
where
so
many
,
as
where
laws
do
most
abound
.
For
men
are
there
oftenest
found
enquiring
the
meaning
of
them
:
which
(
with
us
)
is
called
going
to
Law
.
A
thing
which
none
would
do
,
for
the
loss
thereby
received
in
case
he
be
overthrown
,
if
he
had
before
hand
known
that
the
Law
would
have
made
against
him
:
but
each
side
through
private
passion
and
partiallity
thinking
it
make
for
him
,
it
would
be
considered
,
if
there
were
not
a
definitive
sentence
in
the
interpretation
of
law
,
of
how
little
availe
to
peace
Law
would
be
in
it self
.
So
that
,
Laws
now
appearing
to
be
made
chiefly
for
the
governed
,
that
thereby
they
might
have
directions
how
to
attain
or
avoid
the
benefit
or
punishment
of
sociable
duties
,
we
shall
therefore
finde
them
still
promulged
and
addressed
to
the
people
.
But
as
for
Governors
,
having
the
oversight
of
the
whole
publike
good
unto
them
committed
,
these
rules
are
either
by
them
framed
,
or
by
God
and
Nature
set
down
as
to
be
enforced
and
enjoyned
to
that
end
:
and
all
other
secluded
the
interpretation
or
application
of
them
.
To
which
end
,
namely
to
shew
that
the
sentence
of
the
Judge
is
still
made
the
Standard
and
Rule
of
judgement
,
we
are
to
interpret
those
words
of
Solomon
,
A
King
that
sitteth
on
the
Throne
of
judgement
scattereth
away
all
evil
with
his
eys
:
that
is
,
to
punish
the
just
is
not
good
,
nor
to
strike
Princes
for
Equity
.
But
the
contexts
of
these
two
places
do
most
plainly
confirm
Justice
to
be
positive
upon
Authority
,
and
not
depending
on
the
various
judgement
of
private
mens
opinions
:
and
this
is
done
by
adding
the
Precept
of
right
Ballances
and
Weights
presently
after
.
A
just
weight
and
ballance
are
the
Lords
,
all
the
weights
of
the
bag
are
his
work
.
By
which
words
,
God
owning
the
original
of
the
measure
of
Justice
to
be
from
himself
,
(
which
we
know
he
doth
no
otherwise
execute
and
manage
then
by
that
divine
sentence
he
put
into
the
Kings
mouth
)
it
must
follow
,
that
as
the
proportion
of
Justice
in
all
things
is
rated
by
those
Standards
which
are
by
his
Authority
appointed
,
so
also
,
Divers
weights
and
divers
measures
are
both
of
them
alike
abomination
to
the
Lord
)
it
is
in
effect
to
conclude
as
aforesaid
,
For
except
there
be
such
a
positive
and
standing
way
and
rule
for
establishment
and
defining
righteousness
and
judgement
,
as
by
a
King
sitting
in
the
Throne
of
judgement
,
who
can
say
(
as
in
the
next
verse
follows
)
I
have
made
my
heart
clean
,
I
am
pure
from
my
sin
?
because
,
Whereupon
we
must
say
,
that
since
Laws
are
necessary
in
Government
,
and
since
a
publike
definitive
sentence
in
their
interpretation
is
necessary
to
Peace
,
and
since
in
the
Cases
and
Questions
of
misgovernment
,
the
breach
of
Laws
is
as
well
denyed
on
the
part
of
the
Governors
,
as
affirmed
on
the
part
of
the
governed
,
it
is
against
all
Reason
and
Rule
of
Equity
,
for
any
body
or
order
of
the
people
to
usurp
this
inseparable
and
prime
mark
of
Soveraignty
:
and
become
judge
to
their
fellows
,
and
to
judge
those
that
should
have
been
their
Judges
also
.
And
if
it
be
granted
Princes
to
have
power
to
make
Laws
,
it
must
be
presumed
that
themselves
should
best
know
their
own
meanings
.
And
,
a
thing
against
reason
it
must
seem
,
first
to
affirm
that
Rulers
or
Princes
are
to
govern
according
to
Law
,
and
yet
deny
them
the
power
of
knowing
and
interpreting
them
.
What
,
would
they
have
him
follow
a
rule
he
understands
not
,
how
shall
it
be
a
rule
then
?
Therefore
,
when
men
think
it
necessary
for
Kings
to
be
sworn
to
govern
according
to
Law
,
they
must
conclude
they
have
liberty
of
interpretation
allowed
them
;
or
his
oath
is
null
and
useless
.
And
so
we
must
conclude
,
that
since
all
positive
Laws
are
to
be
founded
on
those
of
God
and
Nature
(
for
Law-makers
can
have
no
Laws
but
these
above
them
)
and
since
the
meaning
and
measuring
of
these
are
disputable
(
as
hath
been
hitherto
shewed
)
Reason
and
Duty
do
enjoyn
us
to
submit
to
the
known
and
undenyable
precept
of
obedience
,
rather
then
(
after
the
sin
of
breach
hereof
)
we
should
be
but
at
the
same
uncertainty
of
interpretation
as
before
:
with
this
aggravation
,
that
in
the
first
case
our
excuse
for
failing
is
easie
,
but
in
this
last
,
it
is
no
better
then
pride
.
But
they
that
yet
think
there
are
within
the
compass
of
natural
Reason
such
general
rules
and
maxims
of
Justice
and
Equity
as
to
enable
men
to
judge
of
right
and
wrong
in
things
done
by
Superiors
,
let
them
tell
me
why
Ely
(
of
whom
we
finde
nothing
of
ill
mentioned
besides
)
should
be
so
severely
punished
for
his
sons
faults
whom
he
did
reprove
:
the
judge
of
all
the
word
doth
right
;
in
respect
of
his
equal
and
paramount
propriety
in
persons
and
things
,
the
heart
of
the
King
which
is
unsearchable
.
For
,
as
it
is
the
glory
of
God
to
conceal
a
thing
(
that
is
to
keep
his
judgements
from
common
apprehension
)
so
it
is
the
honor
of
Kings
to
search
out
a
matter
:
and
,
by
vertue
of
his
deputation
from
God
,
a
divine
sentence
,
whereby
not
to
err
in
judgement
:
that
is
,
not
so
to
err
,
Understanding
,
Wisdom
,
Instruction
,
Justice
,
Iudgement
and
Equity
,
the
fear
of
the
Lord
is
the
beginning
of
Wisdom
;
but
fools
despise
wisdom
and
Instruction
;
that
is
,
My
son
hear
the
instruction
of
thy
Father
,
and
forsake
not
the
Law
of
thy
Mother
:
that
is
,
learn
Religion
,
Law
,
Equity
,
&c.
from
thy
ghostly
and
civil
superiors
.
Whereupon
we
may
farther
say
,
that
justice
and
●quity
,
so
far
as
it
concerns
a
Commonwealth
,
is
to
be
that
way
and
course
which
is
most
advantageous
to
publike
utility
;
and
that
Law
is
the
rule
set
down
by
those
that
have
chief
Authority
and
trust
therein
.
And
therefore
is
that
maxim
avowed
as
the
ground
of
Law
and
Equity
in
a
popular
State
,
Salus
populi
suprema
lex
:
For
the
directest
course
to
that
end
is
the
greatest
Equity
:
and
those
that
have
the
charge
of
the
end
,
have
also
the
charge
of
the
means
,
in
assigning
that
which
is
most
just
and
fit
.
And
therefore
in
this
case
,
we
must
reckon
the
society
,
as
it
is
united
for
common
good
,
as
one
person
:
So
that
then
,
as
Nature
teacheth
all
men
to
benefit
themselves
,
so
doth
polity
direct
the
publike
.
But
then
again
,
as
each
man
in
wronging
another
doth
wrong
himself
,
so
societies
,
when
they
practice
injustice
,
oppression
,
&c.
do
in
regard
of
Gods
punishments
feared
to
follow
thereupon
,
wrong
themselves
also
:
and
do
(
as
we
before
observed
of
particular
men
)
prefer
a
less
and
momentany
benefit
,
to
a
more
high
and
lasting
one
.
Upon
which
ground
there
is
another
maxim
avowed
in
Monarchy
,
that
the
King
can
do
no
wrong
.
Not
denying
he
may
do
himself
and
others
harm
:
but
so
long
as
we
do
(
according
to
our
duties
)
submit
to
that
he
doth
command
,
he
can
do
no
wrong
.
For
he
can
of
himself
have
no
private
respect
,
but
must
judge
all
alike
as
out
of
common
regard
:
except
where
,
and
when
some
persons
or
order
of
the
people
,
taking
on
them
his
Office
of
judging
equity
,
and
,
in
partiality
to
themselves
,
thinking
and
seeking
more
then
is
already
allotted
,
make
it
a
wrong
to
the
other
side
,
by
having
the
cause
decided
by
a
private
and
partial
judgement
:
for
,
take
away
Justice
in
the
fountain
,
you
may
vainly
seek
it
in
the
streams
.
And
thereupon
,
Solomon
prays
to
God
to
give
him
an
understanding
heart
:
to
judge
the
people
,
and
to
discern
between
good
and
bad
.
And
such
as
are
not
openly
denying
supreme
Authority
to
be
obeyed
,
and
would
yet
by
consequent
overthrow
it
,
by
allowing
inferiors
a
liberty
to
judg
and
act
beyond
,
or
otherwise
then
is
enjoyned
,
let
them
consider
the
answer
that
God
gives
to
his
chief
Magistrate
that
would
undertake
to
know
the
way
and
means
of
honoring
and
serving
God
better
then
himself
,
and
would
make
that
solemn
established
Law
of
Sacrifice
,
defeat
his
present
command
which
was
but
extemporary
;
namely
that
Obedience
is
better
then
sacrifice
,
and
to
hearken
better
then
the
fat
of
Rams
.
For
I
verily
believe
that
no
subordinate
Magistrate
or
subject
can
have
a
fairer
plea
for
disobeying
his
King
commanding
in
Gods
stead
,
then
Saul
might
have
had
here
for
refusing
Samuel
.
For
if
it
had
been
at
all
lawful
for
inferiors
to
judge
of
fitness
and
morality
,
or
to
set
a
former
command
or
Law
against
a
latter
,
what
more
just
and
reasonable
then
,
first
to
preserve
innocent
creatures
,
whose
destruction
(
on
one
hand
)
could
have
been
a
benefit
to
none
,
when
as
(
on
the
other
side
)
they
(
being
thus
imployed
)
should
have
so
expresly
advanced
Gods
way
of
service
constituted
so
solemnly
already
.
And
we
might
thereunto
add
(
that
which
some
would
make
of
highest
value
in
judging
good
and
bad
)
that
the
importunity
and
request
of
the
people
ran
that
way
also
.
And
as
our
prying
into
the
reason
of
Gods
Laws
,
and
not
obeying
his
direct
Precepts
,
was
our
Original
fault
,
and
a
sin
in
the
government
of
nature
,
as
shewing
a
mistrust
of
Gods
wisdom
or
care
of
us
,
so
,
in
obedience
to
civil
Laws
,
to
seek
out
another
equity
then
they
import
,
is
not
to
be
subject
to
Law
,
but
to
controle
it
.
And
as
God
said
to
Adam
,
Who
told
thee
that
thou
wast
naked
,
hast
thou
eaten
the
fruit
I
commanded
thee
that
thou
shouldst
not
eat
?
So
Princes
may
say
to
subjects
,
that
without
authority
undertake
to
judge
of
publike
good
and
bad
,
Justice
and
injustice
,
how
come
you
to
know
these
things
except
you
have
transgressed
the
bounds
I
set
you
?
Have
you
not
proper
stations
of
your
own
to
walk
in
?
Why
meddle
you
with
mine
?
For
if
thou
judge
the
law
,
thou
art
not
a
doer
of
the
law
,
but
a
Judge
.
So
that
then
,
all
obedience
to
Laws
must
be
implicite
:
that
is
,
to
Gods
Laws
,
as
his
;
and
Civil
Laws
,
as
the
Princes
.
For
if
in
either
sort
,
I
obey
but
what
upon
examination
I
finde
reasonable
,
I
take
the
Law-makers
part
upon
me
:
and
obey
not
him
,
but
my self
.
For
Law
and
Justice
being
the
instruments
whereby
Governors
Act
upon
the
Governed
,
they
must
be
at
the
choice
and
guidance
of
the
workman
and
agent
;
and
not
of
the
work
or
patient
,
as
heretofore
noted
.
Law
(
then
)
is
Councel
imposed
:
Justice
is
equity
executed
.
In
Laws
,
the
Subjects
are
to
act
:
in
Justice
the
Prince
,
or
Magistrate
for
him
.
In
Laws
he
shews
how
much
of
his
Will
Subjects
shall
do
;
in
Justice
how
much
he
will
do
himself
.
So
that
Law
may
be
called
Equity
taught
;
and
Justice
Equity
practised
:
and
is
when
the
Judges
own
Councels
are
acted
by
himself
;
whether
in
pursuance
of
Law
,
or
not
.
For
Justice
and
Equity
may
be
without
standing
Law
,
as
in
the
less
government
of
a
family
,
but
not
Law
without
them
;
that
is
the
Authority
of
the
Prince
.
Now
for
Justice
it self
,
it
proceeding
from
Equity
,
as
being
the
sentence
of
the
Judge
upon
the
judged
,
it
may
be
blinde
as
to
execution
;
because
that
part
concerns
Ministerial
Officers
,
but
cannot
as
to
the
sentence
and
Judge
:
for
taking
,
seeing
,
for
understanding
,
his
eyes
must
be
only
open
,
as
to
stating
of
Equity
.
Disinterest
,
nor
equal
interest
alone
,
cannot
make
men
competent
Judges
:
because
they
may
be
so
qualified
,
and
yet
strangers
and
unknowing
of
the
cause
.
And
therefore
Judges
must
(
besides
knowledge
)
have
Concern
,
equal
Concern
,
and
whole
Concern
:
and
the
like
we
must
say
of
Power
.
For
if
all
the
matter
and
persons
contending
be
not
at
his
dispose
,
to
what
purpose
his
sentence
?
Nay
,
if
his
propriety
be
not
the
highest
,
and
his
power
highest
,
he
will
in
judgement
proceed
but
faintly
,
for
want
of
compleat
interest
and
courage
.
For
though
the
Concern
and
Power
of
the
Judge
may
be
equal
in
,
and
over
both
,
or
all
the
subject
persons
,
yet
if
be
not
supreme
,
he
must
so
far
want
the
perfection
of
a
Judge
,
as
he
wants
interest
to
make
him
concerned
to
judge
at
all
,
and
power
to
execute
his
sentence
.
And
more
persons
then
one
,
or
not
having
authority
from
one
,
cannot
be
competent
Judges
over
others
:
for
they
must
have
unequal
concern
through
unequal
passions
and
interests
:
and
must
,
through
unequal
power
also
(
as
being
of
different
strength
or
courage
)
proceed
differently
and
partially
in
their
sentence
.
For
whilst
the
same
Plea
or
Cause
is
estimated
by
divers
ballances
according
to
that
divers
judgement
and
interest
abiding
in
those
divers
persons
in
the
seat
of
Justice
,
their
sentence
can
never
be
uniform
to
the
interest
of
the
persons
and
the
cause
they
judge
,
however
they
may
be
in
their
sentence
outwardly
agreeing
amongst
themselves
;
as
in
order
to
fear
,
or
other
interests
of
their
own
.
Nor
can
two
or
more
persons
judge
their
own
causes
,
because
of
the
same
reasons
:
and
also
for
that
in
this
equality
,
none
can
have
whole
interest
or
power
.
But
to
make
these
things
plainer
by
instance
.
When
any
two
parties
that
are
at
difference
shall
have
their
cause
decided
by
any
of
the
ordinary
Judges
appointed
to
that
purpose
,
the
failing
of
that
Judge
therein
,
so
far
as
to
make
him
culpable
,
must
happen
upon
the
grounds
before
noted
.
For
if
he
have
not
concern
enough
,
so
as
to
think
his
duty
,
honor
,
and
benefit
to
be
founded
and
established
by
the
practice
of
his
imployment
of
a
Judge
,
he
will
then
wholly
neglect
it
,
or
proceed
so
coldly
therein
,
as
for
want
of
through
examination
of
the
full
evidence
of
the
truth
of
things
on
both
sides
,
his
judgement
can
be
no
otherwise
then
accidentally
true
and
upright
.
And
this
inconvenience
will
not
only
be
subject
to
mislead
him
in
his
first
sentence
and
decision
of
causes
,
but
farther
also
,
in
case
that
bribery
,
friendship
,
&c.
have
caused
partial
judgement
,
through
want
of
entire
and
equal
concern
,
it
is
the
usual
hindrance
to
all
re-examination
that
should
arise
from
equity
by
way
of
appeal
:
insomuch
as
,
untill
the
oppressed
party
can
find
a
way
how
to
make
the
redress
of
his
grivance
appear
of
more
availe
and
concern
to
the
party
appealed
unto
,
then
it
is
to
him
in
the
state
it
now
stands
,
he
can
never
rationally
expect
reparation
,
or
furtherance
from
him
therein
.
From
all
which
it
must
come
to
pass
,
that
none
but
God
Almighty
can
be
held
as
the
onely
universal
,
ready
,
and
upright
Judge
:
so
far
as
to
be
the
onely
true
object
of
appeal
.
Because
,
as
he
hath
onely
omniscience
sufficient
to
know
all
circumstances
that
are
necessary
to
the
stating
of
Equity
in
each
cause
,
so
hath
he
alwayes
such
whole
and
high
interest
and
concern
in
the
good
of
his
creatures
,
as
to
make
him
always
ready
to
hear
all
complaints
:
Whereas
all
other
subordinate
Judges
must
,
as
they
stand
in
degree
below
him
,
and
so
differenced
in
respect
of
concern
,
differ
in
their
readiness
to
entertain
appeals
and
make
redress
.
By
which
means
,
the
Monarch
,
who
hath
highest
interest
,
power
,
and
trust
delegated
from
God
,
and
hath
his
honor
and
interest
of
more
concern
in
performance
of
Acts
of
Justice
then
any
other
(
even
in
such
degree
that
he
cannot
find
any
reward
else
so
valuable
to
divert
him
)
must
be
presumed
thereupon
the
readiest
to
hear
and
amend
,
when
any
thing
in
this
kind
shall
be
offered
.
And
if
the
ordinary
grievances
of
the
poor
or
meaner
sort
,
be
not
by
him
taken
into
consideration
,
like
the
more
remarkable
appeals
from
great
ones
,
it
proceeds
still
from
the
same
cause
of
want
of
concern
,
not
in
him
,
who
,
if
he
be
an
entire
Monarch
,
and
no
wayes
made
obnoxious
or
defective
in
propriety
,
would
hear
poor
and
rich
alike
,
as
equally
sub●ects
;
but
for
want
of
concern
in
other
persons
of
ranke
and
eminence
,
that
should
present
it
and
state
it
unto
him
.
Which
is
a
thing
so
difficult
to
be
done
,
as
experience
tells
us
,
that
it
is
the
great
obstacle
of
all
redress
:
namely
for
want
of
concern
to
make
another
take
so
much
pains
as
throughly
to
examine
the
state
of
the
grievance
,
and
so
apply
himself
towards
redress
.
For
we
shall
finde
all
private
men
to
be
still
so
full
of
their
own
business
,
as
not
to
be
sufficiently
enclined
to
make
any
other
of
such
equal
concern
,
as
to
remit
the
present
care
thereof
,
to
intend
his
,
beyond
respect
to
themselves
.
And
although
the
sense
of
pitty
and
Justice
be
in
all
men
naturally
,
yet
the
difficulty
will
still
lye
,
How
,
for
want
of
concern
,
to
make
him
attentive
in
such
length
of
discourse
as
must
be
requisite
to
make
my
cause
appear
so
.
Upon
which
ground
it
is
,
that
Fees
are
given
to
Advocates
,
Councellors
,
&c.
by
those
that
are
appellants
and
suters
:
hereby
engaging
them
to
take
their
Clients
business
into
concern
,
and
make
it
their
own
.
Men
have
hitherto
thought
Justice
in
the
abstract
to
be
before
it
in
the
concrete
:
as
though
truth
,
or
the
affections
or
adjuncts
of
things
could
have
been
before
the
things
themselves
.
But
as
Divine
Justice
is
but
the
procession
of
that
equity
which
resideth
in
God
the
supreme
Judge
of
all
(
whereby
the
affairs
of
all
creatures
are
disposed
and
ordered
according
to
the
known
measure
and
equality
which
their
respective
merits
in
relation
to
the
good
and
Oeconomy
of
the
whole
doth
require
)
so
neither
was
humane
Justice
before
the
administrators
thereof
:
no
more
then
positive
Law
was
before
the
Law-maker
:
who
,
by
that
did
publikly
determine
what
was
fittest
to
be
done
in
the
Vierge
of
his
jurisdiction
also
.
Therefore
,
men
making
Justice
to
be
juris
statio
,
or
dependant
on
the
sentence
or
determination
of
the
Law
,
could
not
choose
but
to
have
considered
(
onward
)
that
that
jus
or
law
,
must
again
have
dependance
on
the
Law-maker
,
or
him
that
hath
juris-dictio
,
had
not
a
kind
of
conspiracy
in
the
flattery
of
private
mens
abilities
towards
the
judging
right
and
wrong
,
made
them
determine
Justice
measurable
by
Law
,
and
Law
by
themselves
:
that
so
(
onward
)
publike
Justice
might
be
submitted
to
private
sense
of
equity
:
whereby
at
last
all
should
resolve
into
opinion
.
In
which
regard
,
it
is
no
wonder
that
subjects
in
general
,
do
,
in
order
to
obtain
their
fancyed
degree
of
liberty
,
agree
amongst
themselves
upon
such
maximes
as
they
conceive
restrictive
of
the
exercise
of
their
Princes
power
over
them
;
upon
the
same
ground
as
servants
use
to
do
towards
that
of
their
masters
.
For
so
experience
tells
us
of
those
measures
of
good
and
bad
masters
which
are
by
servants
usually
entertained
amongst
themselvs
,
in
order
to
deny
all
masters
and
their
actions
to
be
good
,
farther
then
they
are
respective
to
,
or
carried
on
towards
their
interests
or
approbations
.
Thus
the
master
that
is
most
profuse
for
diet
,
apparel
,
&c.
is
called
the
best
and
most
kind
,
by
his
own
,
and
by
all
other
servants
too
.
Whereas
that
master
that
measures
these
things
by
his
own
conveniencies
of
estate
,
&c.
and
makes
restraint
accordingly
,
is
called
Churle
and
miserable
.
And
so
again
,
such
masters
as
permit
liberty
and
licentiousness
,
have
the
servants
joynt
applause
as
just
and
kinde
unto
them
:
whereas
such
as
restrain
and
punish
them
for
faults
,
are
by
them
called
cruel
and
unjust
.
For
how
should
it
be
expected
they
should
like
to
be
straightned
or
punished
for
what
they
had
formerly
approved
?
Nor
can
men
under
servitude
of
any
kind
,
separate
themselves
so
far
from
their
interests
in
relation
that
way
(
that
is
in
desiring
freedom
)
as
to
take
the
interest
of
the
correlate
into
equal
concern
with
their
own
:
and
not
rather
still
to
chose
and
fix
upon
such
reasons
and
maximes
as
shall
most
confine
the
will
of
their
governor
to
be
submitted
to
theirs
:
and
,
in
order
thereunto
,
to
fancy
(
as
we
see
it
come
to
pass
)
that
there
are
general
rules
and
laws
whereby
justice
and
right
are
as
measurable
by
inferiors
as
others
:
yea
even
whilst
they
are
inferiors
.
But
suppose
there
is
in
every
man
implanted
the
maximes
and
grounds
of
general
Justice
,
as
God
to
be
worshiped
,
parents
and
superiors
to
be
honoured
,
every
man
to
have
his
own
,
or
the
like
,
yet
since
they
were
in
several
men
,
variously
concluded
from
several
inductions
and
observations
in
the
course
of
humane
affairs
(
for
they
encrease
and
differ
in
men
as
yeers
and
ability
do
)
it
must
come
to
pass
,
that
when
they
come
to
refer
back
and
are
to
be
applyed
to
particular
occasions
,
they
must
be
both
different
,
and
falible
also
:
as
not
determining
how
to
worship
God
,
or
w●erein
to
obey
susuperiors
,
or
what
every
mans
due
is
.
Upon
which
grounds
,
it
is
no
wonder
that
Astraea
was
fained
to
leave
the
world
about
the
same
time
when
Laws
began
most
to
abound
;
and
men
undertook
to
fancy
,
that
that
obedience
to
the
Laws
which
was
constitutive
of
Magistrates
and
subjects
justice
towards
one
another
,
was
also
to
be
definitive
and
bounding
of
justice
in
the
original
.
But
,
if
we
make
not
justice
to
be
residing
in
that
sentence
and
determination
of
equity
which
each
rightful
superiour
imposeth
,
then
hath
it
indeed
no
certain
aboad
amongst
men
:
Or
,
if
they
bound
it
by
any
other
positive
Law
then
what
is
to
be
by
him
interpreted
and
enforced
,
then
they
not
onely
take
away
all
justice
from
the
golden
age
of
the
world
,
which
was
therefore
chiefly
called
so
because
the
publike
person
to
whose
sence
of
equity
things
were
intrusted
did
particularly
judge
in
emergencies
,
and
so
more
exactly
measure
causes
then
can
be
now
by
standing
rules
and
laws
,
but
they
also
(
for
the
present
)
take
it
from
fathers
,
masters
of
families
,
and
the
like
:
where
right
and
justice
is
depending
on
their
arbitrary
and
accasional
directions
.
And
therefore
,
as
Divine
Justice
,
or
the
general
rule
of
equity
in
government
of
the
world
,
is
dependent
on
the
Divine
Edict
and
determination
of
God
,
who
hath
the
government
hereof
;
and
as
the
rule
of
justice
of
the
family
is
dependant
on
him
that
hath
that
charge
also
,
so
is
the
same
to
be
granted
in
each
kingdom
:
even
to
be
the
decision
of
him
that
hath
Legislative
power
,
and
trust
to
determine
of
things
towards
the
stating
political
peace
or
happiness
.
To
which
purpose
some
have
conceived
the
word
jus
to
be
the
abrievation
of
Jovis
os
;
which
we
may
call
the
Divine
sentence
in
the
lips
of
the
King
:
making
it
the
positive
decree
of
the
soveraign
power
.
For
although
this
Synterisis
(
or
inward
assent
to
the
general
maxims
of
equity
)
be
usefully
in
all
men
,
because
they
must
more
or
less
have
dominion
,
yet
for
inferiors
or
●quals
,
as
such
,
at
any
time
to
use
them
upon
their
own
authority
,
cannot
make
the
execution
take
the
name
of
Justice
;
however
the
sentence
may
be
in
it self
equal
,
or
proportionable
to
the
equity
of
the
cause
.
And
indeed
,
that
common
definition
of
this
vertue
,
of
giving
every
one
his
own
,
would
have
caused
men
necessarily
to
conclude
this
the
proper
vertue
of
the
person
in
supreme
power
and
propriety
,
(
for
how
else
shall
he
have
right
to
distribute
)
had
not
(
as
before
noted
)
private
covetousness
and
arrogance
of
judgement
,
made
men
conclude
it
not
to
be
justice
,
except
under
that
notion
of
his
own
,
each
man
had
such
distribution
,
as
should
not
onely
be
directed
by
positive
Law
,
but
by
it
according
to
their
interpretation
also
.
As
though
there
could
be
private
propriety
against
the
publike
,
or
that
the
Prince
,
the
Master
of
a
Family
,
or
other
publike
superior
,
were
to
regard
the
good
and
propriety
of
the
contenders
,
or
any
other
separate
private
persons
,
without
regard
to
the
whole
propriety
and
good
:
and
not
rather
make
his
distributions
of
the
publike
stock
of
honor
,
riches
,
&c.
to
private
persons
with
repsective
care
to
the
whole
.
In
which
respect
,
we
may
again
call
publike
Justice
The
exercise
of
authority
proceeding
from
each
rightful
superior
,
as
his
sense
of
equity
in
particular
distributions
shall
lead
them
,
with
regard
to
publike
advantage
.
So
that
,
he
judging
according
to
sense
of
equity
,
as
between
two
,
both
the
parties
contending
are
to
be
taken
as
one
:
and
decission
is
to
be
so
made
between
them
,
that
the
other
more
worthy
party
,
the
Commonwealth
,
be
Geometrically
considered
.
And
this
,
although
the
whole
present
people
be
present
contenders
in
the
two
parties
:
yet
is
the
succeeding
community
or
their
own
future
inconveniencies
to
be
considered
.
From
whence
we
may
conclude
a
just
man
and
a
governor
to
be
convertible
:
as
also
is
the
notion
of
Justice
with
that
of
government
:
having
both
issue
from
his
authority
and
determination
.
Saving
that
under
the
notion
of
government
(
as
more
general
)
we
usually
comprehend
both
equity
and
justice
:
that
is
both
the
directive
and
coercive
parts
:
but
by
Justice
,
we
commonly
conceive
but
the
bare
vindicative
part
to
be
acted
,
separate
from
the
Legislative
.
If
in
this
his
sentence
,
he
bear
such
particular
eye
to
the
parties
in
competition
as
to
forget
or
neglect
common
interest
,
he
is
unjust
to
God
his
superior
;
as
failling
in
his
general
trust
:
however
,
to
his
inferiors
he
must
alwayes
,
upon
the
same
reason
,
be
acknowledged
just
.
We
are
also
accustomed
to
apprehend
the
notion
of
justice
to
have
(
in
reference
to
the
persons
subjected
)
a
more
particular
regard
then
that
of
government
:
namely
when
then
the
Justiciar
shall
more
expresly
respect
the
comparative
fitness
or
interest
of
any
two
separate
parties
:
at
which
time
,
the
governor
being
more
remarkable
by
an
explicite
determination
,
it
may
thence
be
called
particular
government
,
as
government
it self
may
be
called
general
and
implicite
Justice
:
both
of
them
being
stated
and
defined
by
the
due
exercise
and
receit
of
that
power
which
caused
their
relations
,
that
is
of
the
governor
or
Justiciar
as
agent
,
upon
the
governed
or
justified
as
patient
.
In
which
case
,
the
Agent
and
patient
standing
reciprocally
constituting
each
other
,
according
to
their
relations
,
to
impose
and
receive
,
it
follows
that
where
the
governor
is
not
endued
with
his
proper
power
to
impose
on
the
governed
,
according
to
his
vertue
of
Agency
,
and
the
governed
,
on
the
other
hand
,
endued
with
the
vertue
of
receit
and
patibillity
,
there
cannot
be
government
.
But
,
in
proportion
,
as
the
inferior
invades
the
power
of
Agency
,
or
is
insusceptible
of
the
others
Agency
,
so
far
the
political
harmony
and
order
is
broken
and
inverted
,
and
approach
is
made
unto
Anarchy
.
And
many
times
also
we
difference
Justice
from
Government
by
its
object
:
as
making
it
conversant
about
the
Government
of
our
proprieties
,
and
apprehending
the
notion
of
the
Government
to
have
most
particular
reward
to
the
Subjects
personall
liberties
:
and
this
way
that
definition
of
giving
every
man
his
own
,
and
of
the
division
of
Justice
into
distributive
and
commutative
may
seem
to
look
.
Philosophers
,
in
their
usual
Scholy
,
desiring
to
make
it
a
vulgar
and
common
vertue
,
for
their
own
applause
sake
amongst
their
Scholars
,
have
fought
to
define
and
defference
it
from
other
vertues
by
its
object
or
effect
,
without
assigning
unto
it
a
proper
subject
(
by
inherence
whereunto
,
it
might
,
like
all
other
abstracted
notions
,
stand
formally
differenced
,
)
have
thereupon
made
it
to
import
as
large
as
vertue
it self
:
of
which
they
would
have
it
understood
to
be
a
kind
.
For
so
in
our
apprehensions
,
a
just
mans
imports
as
large
a
commendation
as
a
good
man
,
or
a
vertuous
man
.
But
it
is
to
be
considered
,
as
before
noted
,
that
this
vertue
can
no
otherwise
be
supposed
common
to
all
men
,
or
every
man
,
then
as
that
man
may
at
the
same
time
be
supposed
a
full
superior
or
proprietor
,
in
the
distributions
or
commutations
he
is
to
make
and
that
thereupon
,
it
is
not
a
vertue
proper
to
him
as
a
man
,
but
as
such
a
man
:
that
is
,
as
relating
to
him
in
his
present
power
and
superiority
in
what
he
is
to
distribute
,
and
his
full
propriety
in
the
thing
he
doth
exchange
.
And
from
thence
it
will
still
follow
,
that
as
this
occassonal
relation
of
superiority
did
make
the
notion
of
Justice
assignable
as
aforesaid
,
so
,
to
make
it
capable
of
a
constant
specifical
difference
,
there
is
no
way
but
to
affix
it
to
him
that
is
by
Office
a
constant
superior
.
For
they
should
have
considered
,
that
although
this
vertue
cannot
be
without
the
others
,
namely
without
prudence
preceding
,
and
temperance
and
fortitude
accompanying
its
execution
,
yet
it
having
its
objects
wholly
foraign
,
and
respecting
such
persons
onely
as
stand
relating
to
other
men
in
superiority
,
and
not
as
each
man
hath
power
and
government
over
himself
(
as
the
other
vertues
do
)
it
must
thereupon
have
its
different
definition
accordingly
.
As
for
example
,
Temperance
,
that
wholly
relates
to
each
one
as
having
jurisdiction
in
himself
for
Government
of
his
own
appetites
and
affections
,
must
therefore
belong
to
all
men
,
because
all
men
have
such
things
to
govern
:
and
can
have
foraign
jurisdiction
onely
as
accompaning
the
Justice
of
a
superior
.
And
so
must
prudence
and
fortitude
,
that
partly
relate
to
others
good
and
partly
to
our
own
guidance
,
be
communicable
to
all
men
likewise
;
because
of
the
daily
and
general
use
of
both
,
for
the
benefit
of
others
,
and
their
own
separate
good
.
Whereas
Justice
,
that
hath
its
object
wholly
in
the
good
of
others
,
and
doth
thereupon
suppose
the
party
quallified
with
abillity
proportionable
,
must
be
appropriate
to
such
onely
as
have
by
their
relations
power
to
act
accordingly
.
And
then
it
will
come
to
pass
,
that
although
Justcie
may
have
perfection
of
degrees
,
and
be
more
or
less
a
vertue
as
this
governor
is
more
or
less
prudent
,
temperate
,
or
magnanimous
,
yet
must
the
notion
of
Justice
be
alwayes
assigned
to
the
actings
of
superiors
upon
inferiors
,
as
such
,
notwithstanding
occasional
deviations
.
For
as
to
be
a
reasonable
creature
remaines
the
definition
of
all
men
,
as
men
,
yea
though
they
be
most
foolish
,
so
cannot
the
violent
actions
of
some
,
deprive
men
in
supreme
authority
from
having
the
notion
of
Justice
appropriate
to
that
sort
of
men
onely
.
And
this
,
because
a
man
in
supreme
Authority
being
the
subject
wherein
Justice
can
onely
reside
,
even
as
mankind
in
general
is
the
subject
of
reason
,
It
is
not
therefore
the
pravity
of
some
Monarch
,
or
other
occasional
deviations
in
some
Acts
,
can
deprive
them
of
the
definition
of
just
,
more
then
the
unreasonableness
or
imprudence
of
some
men
,
or
of
some
actions
of
any
man
,
can
take
from
them
or
him
that
definition
of
a
reasonable
creature
.
For
the
question
being
not
concerning
the
perfection
of
the
predicate
,
but
of
its
propriety
of
inherence
,
therefore
,
as
mankinde
is
amongst
sublunary
creatures
the
proper
subject
of
reason
,
because
none
else
can
so
truly
or
perfectly
have
it
,
so
doth
justice
remain
proper
to
men
in
supreme
authority
:
although
they
may
be
in
degree
much
inferior
,
or
defective
one
to
another
.
And
this
truth
we
shall
finde
asserted
by
one
that
was
incomparably
wiser
and
more
knowing
in
these
things
then
any
of
the
Philosophers
;
even
by
Solomon
himself
:
Also
to
punish
the
Just
is
not
good
,
nor
to
strike
Princes
for
equity
.
In
which
words
the
just
man
and
the
superior
stand
plainly
convertible
:
John
,
My
little
children
let
no
man
deceive
you
,
he
that
doth
righteousness
is
righteous
,
even
as
he
is
righteous
:
that
is
,
since
God
the
fountain
of
Justice
gave
them
power
to
be
doers
,
And
therefore
,
lastly
,
as
the
abuse
of
this
prerogative
and
advantage
of
reason
,
prevailes
not
with
God
to
take
it
from
mankinde
,
because
of
that
general
good
which
the
use
of
it
doth
ordinarily
afford
,
(
both
in
mens
deportments
toward
one
another
,
and
other
creatures
also
)
no
more
are
the
accidental
abuses
in
the
seat
of
Justice
,
of
availe
to
take
off
,
and
defeat
that
continual
benefit
arising
to
mankinde
by
the
general
exercise
thereof
.
For
in
these
cases
,
wisdom
grounding
her self
upon
an
infallible
rule
of
comparison
,
raises
this
her
maxim
,
Better
to
suffer
a
misc●ief
then
an
inconvenience●
:
better
that
the
common
benefit
of
Justice
should
be
kept
up
,
notwithstanding
its
occasional
mischiefs
,
then
the
avoiding
of
those
occasional
mischiefs
,
should
defeat
the
common
benefit
of
Justice
.
And
indeed
,
the
two
extreams
of
this
vertue
mi●ht
have
denoted
the
proper
subject
thereof
,
had
men
had
as
great
readiness
to
have
acknowledged
their
Princes
vertues
,
as
to
mark
their
vices
.
For
as
unto
none
but
men
of
power
it
can
be
a
fault
to
neglect
Justice
,
or
extend
it
to
tyranny
or
rigor
,
so
can
the
vertue
it self
be
formally
agreeing
to
none
,
but
such
neither
.
So
that
then
,
we
may
plainly
finde
that
they
that
have
hitherto
defined
Justice
to
be
a
vertue
giving
every
one
his
own
,
by
their
not
setting
down
certain
rules
to
judge
what
these
proprieties
were
,
and
how
to
be
known
,
and
ont
determining
the
persons
that
shall
have
this
power
of
distribution
,
they
have
made
justice
,
that
was
ordained
to
be
the
great
instrument
of
publike
peace
and
quiet
,
to
be
the
occasion
of
Civil
war
.
They
that
think
they
have
come
neerer
the
mark
,
by
determining
Justice
to
be
Juris
statio
,
meaning
the
sentence
of
Law
,
they
have
thereby
indeed
found
out
a
good
remedy
to
bridle
the
exorbitance
or
Magistrates
,
and
also
to
direct
them
in
each
particular
execution
of
their
charge
;
but
then
,
since
justice
is
not
a
contemplative
vertue
,
as
depending
upon
the
knowledge
of
the
Law
,
but
upon
the
due
execution
thereof
,
it
will
still
follow
,
that
as
Juris
statio
doth
depend
on
Juris
dictio
,
and
the
execution
of
the
Law
is
not
otherwise
justice
then
as
the
person
executing
the
same
hath
above
others
power
therein
derived
from
that
person
that
is
Law-maker
,
even
so
also
,
justice
it self
must
be
acknowledged
more
or
less
such
to
inferiors
,
as
it
is
more
or
less
in
its
execution
approaching
and
derived
from
its
originall
.
Whereupon
we
must
say
that
when
the
tearm
of
Justice
is
given
to
inferiors
,
as
denoting
their
upright
dealing
in
the
discharge
of
any
trust
,
it
is
then
(
as
before
noted
)
confounded
with
the
vertue
or
honesty
:
for
honesty
is
the
proper
commendation
of
any
in
that
case
,
even
as
denoting
trust
and
inferiority
.
Whereas
,
to
do
justice
,
or
justly
,
supposeth
a
power
to
impose
and
distribute
.
But
when
we
do
suppose
any
inferior
person
(
as
such
)
to
be
capable
of
justice
,
so
far
as
he
hath
been
equal
to
the
rule
and
proportion
of
his
trust
,
we
do
thereby
grant
justice
not
to
be
any
wayes
originally
in
him
,
but
to
be
properly
onely
assignable
where
the
rule
is
;
that
is
,
to
the
party
that
holds
the
ballances
,
as
being
possessed
of
power
:
And
therefore
is
Justice
painted
with
a
sword
in
the
right
hand
,
and
scales
in
the
lest
,
as
betokening
that
the
estimation
and
decision
of
causes
and
controversies
is
the
proper
office
of
him
that
is
in
the
supreme
seat
of
authority
and
power
,
who
is
to
be
conceived
the
Trustor
,
and
not
on
the
judgement
or
censure
of
such
as
are
inferior
,
or
trusted
.
And
this
,
because
the
Trusted's
justice
or
equal
dealing
being
to
be
measured
by
the
Trustor
or
superior
,
he
can
no
otherwise
be
just
then
by
him
justified
:
which
is
not
to
be
actively
or
formally
just
,
but
proportionably
so
.
For
although
he
might
have
been
upright
or
honest
in
his
return
,
as
having
herein
done
to
the
utmost
of
his
abillity
or
conscience
,
yet
cannot
he
be
therefore
truely
called
just
:
because
the
superior
in
his
trust
,
might
have
had
other
ends
or
intentions
in
the
assignment
of
the
trust
,
then
hath
been
,
or
could
be
by
him
adequately
returned
:
in
which
case
,
falling
short
of
the
rule
,
he
failes
in
point
of
Justice
also
.
And
to
manifest
these
things
more
clearly
,
namely
that
the
Justice
of
superiors
is
not
dependent
on
the
judgement
and
sentence
of
men
below
,
and
that
againe
,
our
own
conscience
cannot
justifie
alone
,
we
shall
finde
Saint
Paul
saying
With
me
it
is
a
very
small
thing
to
be
judged
of
you
,
or
mans
judgement
:
yea
I
judge
not
mine
own
self
,
for
I
know
nothing
by
my self
,
yet
am
I
not
thereby
justified
,
but
he
that
justifieth
me
is
the
Lord
.
From
whence
we
may
truly
infer
,
that
no
man
can
be
just
before
God
in
this
life
:
not
onely
,
because
not
fully
knowing
his
will
,
but
also
in
respect
of
inabillity
;
in
coming
short
thereof
,
even
when
we
are
most
conscientious
.
And
so
again
,
taking
injustice
to
import
negatively
(
that
is
,
absence
of
justice
)
we
may
call
all
inferiors
more
or
less
unjust
:
and
that
also
,
whilst
to
their
utmost
they
are
most
honest
.
Even
as
on
the
contrary
,
we
may
say
all
inferiors
are
more
or
less
just
,
as
more
or
less
justified
.
Upon
which
ground
,
the
Publican
,
a
neglecter
of
the
Law
,
went
away
rather
justified
then
the
Pharisee
,
So
that
now
,
the
attribute
of
Justice
being
formally
proper
onely
to
supreme
power
,
hence
it
comes
that
the
acts
of
no
superior
but
God
can
be
universally
and
strictly
called
just
.
For
Princes
being
,
as
his
chief
Magistrates
,
in
some
things
restrained
,
and
to
be
directed
by
his
Laws
,
they
can
in
those
things
be
no
farther
esteemed
just
in
execution
,
then
as
they
are
observant
of
them
:
Whereas
in
other
things
,
by
God
referred
to
them
as
to
his
next
entrusted
Deputies
,
the
stating
of
right
or
law
must
be
dependant
again
on
their
sentence
.
In
which
case
,
as
those
Magistrates
by
them
entrusted
with
execution
of
their
Laws
,
must
have
above
other
subjects
power
to
interpret
,
and
act
according
to
their
own
sense
of
equity
and
right
,
which
is
to
be
obeyed
as
justice
by
all
others
,
even
so
again
,
the
actions
of
Princes
,
as
Gods
supreme
Magistrates
,
must
,
as
in
duty
to
God
,
be
submitted
unto
by
subjects
in
general
.
And
we
must
farther
also
say
,
that
as
Gods
universal
power
and
interest
makes
his
actions
to
be
alwayes
equal
and
just
,
even
because
they
are
his
,
even
so
(
in
proportion
)
Princes
must
be
held
in
their
actions
more
or
less
just
,
as
they
are
more
or
less
powerful
or
whole
proprietors
in
what
they
judge
.
And
farther
,
that
as
no
man
can
be
the
proper
and
formal
subject
of
justice
but
he
that
stands
in
relation
a
superior
,
so
none
unjust
,
but
as
he
stands
by
relation
an
inferior
:
even
as
failing
of
,
or
exceeding
in
,
the
execution
of
that
trust
of
power
and
propriety
received
from
such
as
were
herein
above
him
.
And
,
from
the
premises
,
we
may
farther
say
,
that
as
the
true
stating
and
observance
of
the
relations
of
governing
and
governed
makes
government
,
and
the
execution
of
this
government
makes
Justice
,
so
,
in
Republicks
,
where
these
relations
are
not
fixed
and
certain
,
but
that
the
governed
as
Agents
do
sometimes
act
on
the
governing
as
patients
,
there
Justice
must
be
proportionably
wanting
or
uncertain
.
Out
of
all
hitherto
spoken
it
will
(
I
hope
)
appear
to
be
each
mans
duty
now
,
as
he
would
be
freed
of
the
guilt
of
doing
ill
,
aswell
as
that
of
stubborness
and
disobedience
,
not
to
take
upon
him
to
judge
of
the
morality
of
laws
and
institutions
,
above
,
or
without
the
leave
of
his
superior
.
For
as
sin
in
the
wil
must
proceed
from
error
in
the
understanding
,
if
I
respite
my
particular
inquisitivenes
,
and
suffer
my self
to
be
guided
by
the
general
perswasion
that
right
and
wrong
are
better
known
to
these
I
am
bound
to
obey
then
to
my self
,
the
result
of
my
actions
,
whether
they
did
what
was
good
or
no
,
must
yet
be
safer
to
me
that
perform
them
by
implicite
obedience
,
then
they
can
be
otherwise
.
For
if
they
be
right
and
good
,
the
merit
of
that
obedience
by
which
they
were
done
will
encrease
their
good
:
and
if
otherwise
,
it
will
abate
it
,
as
being
therein
my
just
excuse
.
For
the
less
will
I
had
therein
,
the
less
sin
I
must
also
have
:
as
shall
be
more
fully
discoursed
of
when
we
treat
of
Religion
.
And
bootless
it
is
,
to
say
that
obedience
to
humane
authority
is
to
be
given
in
things
indifferent
:
For
if
the
doing
or
not
doing
be
indifferent
for
legality
or
benefit
in
my
conceit
,
I
yeild
to
authority
,
not
as
out
of
duty
as
such
,
but
as
doing
what
I
should
have
done
to
any
ordinary
request
.
Or
if
,
besides
the
sense
of
duty
,
I
go
to
set
my self
a
rule
how
far
,
and
how
far
n●t
,
my
own
reason
and
conscience
is
to
submit
;
so
far
as
I
take
on
me
to
ju●ge
of
the
equity
of
the
precept
and
the
measure
of
my
obedience
,
so
far
the
vertue
and
merit
of
obedience
must
cease
.
So
that
now
,
to
conclude
this
discou●●●
of
Law
and
Justice
,
we
are
to
esteem
them
the
proper
right
and
honor
of
him
that
hath
the
soveraignty
:
who
,
being
to
judge
his
subjects
and
fight
their
battailes
,
is
to
have
this
prime
and
inseparable
mark
of
his
office
preserved
inviolable
.
For
,
unless
we
will
be
again
content
to
be
let
loose
to
our
first
natural
liberty
of
having
no
certain
proprieties
,
but
make
dominion
again
fleeting
,
and
dependant
on
the
issue
of
each
mans
occasional
strength
,
to
hold
or
acquire
,
and
,
in
pursuance
thereof
,
to
his
own
censure
of
right
and
wrong
to
possess
,
there
is
no
remedy
but
we
must
submit
in
matters
of
judgement
and
sense
of
legality
and
morality
,
to
the
same
person
we
now
publikely
submit
our
bodily
force
:
unless
we
should
fondly
think
,
that
it
were
fit
men
should
be
put
by
rules
of
true
policy
in
such
a
wretched
condition
,
as
to
be
left
free
to
judge
of
right
and
wrong
,
that
,
to
their
greater
torment
,
they
may
be
by
force
deprived
.
Or
,
unless
we
shall
farther
suppose
,
that
use
of
force
and
resistance
was
in
these
cases
remitted
also
;
and
so
,
absurdly
make
each
subject
a
superior
;
by
being
his
own
judge
and
Magistrate
.
CHAP.
IX
.
Of
the
Publike
good
,
Common
good
,
or
Commonweal
.
WHat
hath
been
hitherto
spoken
of
the
necessity
of
self-seeking
,
as
to
the
preservation
of
that
whole
species
which
must
consist
of
those
particulars
,
must
,
upon
like
reason
,
be
now
considered
in
the
justification
of
wha●
each
Kingdom
doth
for
its
separate
good
apart
,
without
equal
regard
to
●e
good
of
one
another
.
For
although
the
good
of
the
whole
race
of
mankinde
be
in
common
reason
preferable
to
that
of
any
Kingdom
,
yet
since
neither
men
themselves
,
nor
all
Countries
in
general
,
can
be
so
reduced
or
associated
under
one
entire
government
and
care
as
to
Call
any
man
father
or
master
on
earth
;
it
must
therefore
fall
out
that
this
general
good
,
subsisting
by
,
and
arising
according
to
that
of
particulars
,
the
necessity
of
each
kingdoms
having
separate
propriety
and
interest
,
and
of
an
understanding
and
will
proper
to
it self
,
will
to
it
be
the
same
(
I
mean
to
the
preservation
of
each
kingdom
)
as
the
having
proprieties
distinct
to
the
particular
subjects
of
the
same
kingdom
,
is
to
the
saubsistance
and
advancement
of
the
general
propriety
of
the
whole
kingdome
:
or
as
having
distinct
understanding
and
will
,
is
necessary
to
constitute
each
single
person
.
And
as
God
,
who
is
,
and
can
onely
be
the
universal
Monarch
of
all
mankinde
,
doth
so
fasten
mans
specifical
being
and
preservation
,
by
pleasurable
objects
accompanying
his
generation
and
food
,
or
the
contrary
on
things
contrary
(
in
such
sort
as
we
are
thereby
preserved
from
danger
of
total
decay
)
so
are
particular
parcels
hereof
left
to
the
particular
guidance
of
stewards
and
officers
of
his
own
appointing
:
who
,
having
their
distinct
allotments
for
improvement
,
are
through
the
natural
sense
of
honor
and
greatness
provoked
to
look
to
the
encreasing
thereof
as
their
proper
duties
:
and
that
,
although
,
in
their
exchange
or
usury
of
these
talents
,
other
kingdoms
be
proportionable
or
greater
losers
.
From
all
which
,
gathering
how
each
kingdome
is
to
be
justified
in
prosecuting
their
own
good
apart
,
we
are
next
to
consider
what
this
good
is
.
In
this
case
also
,
we
must
,
as
conceiving
these
notions
of
Kingdom
or
Commonwealth
to
include
a
distinct
multitude
of
mankind
there
associated
by
union
of
a
common
head
,
attribute
unto
them
the
same
end
we
did
unto
men
in
general
before
:
namely
the
prosecution
of
pleasure
;
although
under
another
name
,
to
wit
that
of
plenty
:
which
do●h
suppose
and
imply
that
stock
or
store
of
things
pleasurable
,
which
each
kingdome
is
to
have
for
the
use
and
benefit
thereof
.
But
because
the
care
and
charge
for
acquisition
and
preservation
of
the
particulars
that
serve
to
promote
and
make
up
this
plenty
or
pleasure
doth
belong
to
the
Prince
,
we
shall
not
here
speak
thereof
.
In
the
mean
time
,
considering
all
political
happiness
united
,
and
that
under
the
general
notion
of
pleasure
,
we
must
say
,
that
as
other
pleasures
of
privat
persons
,
so
the
different
pleasures
of
one
Kingdome
or
Common-wealth
above
another
,
is
in
vigor
and
sincerity
of
fruition
,
or
in
continuance
and
extent
thereof
.
For
if
a
people
should
be
pleased
with
appearing
contents
,
or
with
riches
and
its
appurtenances
onely
:
as
ease
,
dainty
fair
,
fine
cloaths
,
houses
,
or
the
like
;
these
,
as
they
came
short
of
what
might
have
been
added
in
the
same
kinds
,
and
as
they
stood
unaccompanied
of
other
political
benefits
,
as
Religion
,
Fertility
,
Arts
,
Militia
,
&c.
and
as
again
they
wanted
certainty
for
continuing
in
their
possession
or
esteem
,
they
wanted
also
of
degree
for
compleating
their
political
happiness
.
Nay
farther
,
collecting
the
happiness
of
each
Kingdom
into
a
total
,
it
is
not
onely
needful
that
all
and
every
member
thereof
be
,
so
far
as
may
be
,
made
sensible
thereof
,
but
,
because
goodness
and
benefit
is
more
or
less
,
as
it
is
extended
,
each
Kingdom
is
also
more
or
less
happy
,
as
it
hath
more
or
fewer
to
participate
thereof
.
For
as
the
happiness
of
a
whole
Kingdome
must
(
collectively
considered
)
be
greater
then
the
happiness
of
any
single
person
or
order
in
the
same
,
so
must
the
happiness
of
one
Kingdom
increase
above
that
of
another
in
proportion
,
as
the
persons
by
them
made
happy
do
differ
in
number
.
And
therefore
we
must
also
say
,
that
by
Happiness
of
a
Kingdom
,
we
understand
that
whole
stock
of
pleasures
and
benefits
of
all
sorts
wherewith
each
Kingdom
is
furnished
:
and
withal
,
the
fit
application
and
distribution
thereof
,
according
to
the
general
capacities
and
numbers
of
the
subjects
.
As
for
example
,
if
one
party
of
the
kingdom
,
being
too
strong
to
be
awed
by
the
supreme
power
,
do
enrich
themselves
by
the
spoile
and
plunder
of
other
subjects
,
it
is
not
their
taking
upon
them
the
shew
of
the
whole
people
or
Commonwealth
,
that
can
make
their
particular
gain
the
gain
of
the
whole
kingdom
:
but
it
is
rather
really
the
loss
:
whilst
,
besides
what
is
truely
spoiled
by
fire
,
rapine
,
other
mischiefs
accompanying
Civil
war
so
many
men
as
must
be
imployed
for
souldiers
,
are
kept
not
only
from
agriculture
,
manifacture
,
and
other
necessary
imployments
for
publike
encrease
;
but
also
to
live
luxuriously
upon
the
labor
of
others
:
to
their
disheartening
,
and
decay
of
the
Publike
stock
:
as
famine
,
the
consequent
of
Civil
war
,
doth
well
declare
.
But
all
this
,
is
little
to
the
most
considerable
loss
of
so
many
mens
lives
:
which
,
as
man
is
more
valuable
then
any
thing
else
,
is
the
greatest
loss
can
befal
any
Kingdom
:
not
onely
as
in
its
self
,
but
as
it
is
wholly
irreparable
.
No
,
when
we
see
the
ploughman
,
the
shepherd
,
the
spinster
,
or
the
like
;
to
be
intent
in
their
labors
and
providing
food
and
clothing
for
us
.
These
we
may
truely
call
Commonwealths-men
:
forasmuch
as
they
do
by
their
occupations
make
real
improvement
without
the
loss
of
others
.
Whereas
he
that
through
publike
disturbance
,
hath
seated
himself
as
high
in
Office
and
Power
as
his
ambitious
heart
can
desire
,
cannot
at
all
be
called
a
Commonwealths-man
in
what
he
hath
done
:
nor
in
what
he
shal
do
in
this
his
imployment
and
power
,
otherwise
then
as
directed
and
warranted
by
his
Soveraign
.
Even
because
in
all
distributions
and
disposals
made
by
any
Magistrate
of
any
of
the
Kingdoms
stock
already
gained
,
a
consequential
loss
must
light
on
them
that
were
before
possessed
:
when
as
they
that
make
an
encrease
from
nature
or
art
,
as
they
do
thereby
empoverish
none
,
so
are
they
alwayes
to
be
held
publikely
beneficial
,
whilst
they
manage
their
proper
imployments
.
And
as
publike
good
may
be
thus
damnified
by
private
actings
of
subjects
one
upon
another
by
force
,
so
may
it
by
commerce
also
.
For
if
some
persons
or
degrees
of
subjects
,
do
encrease
their
happiness
or
riches
onely
by
consequent
affliction
or
poverty
of
others
,
none
can
call
this
an
addition
of
happiness
to
the
Commonwealth
or
Kingdome
in
general
.
But
if
this
be
effected
by
lawful
and
usual
wayes
of
contract
,
commerce
,
and
traffick
of
subjects
amongst
themselves
,
then
(
at
the
worst
)
what
one
looseth
another
gets
:
and
so
the
whole
Kingdom
neither
gets
nor
loses
in
the
general
,
or
whole
stock
thereof
.
But
,
if
this
way
of
acquiring
from
one
another
be
without
publike
leave
,
then
,
by
destruction
and
neglect
of
so
much
of
that
Kingdomes
stock
and
improvement
,
as
great
lots
must
follow
to
the
whole
thereupon
.
For
since
to
the
whole
Kingdom
there
can
be
no
improvement
but
what
is
acquired
either
from
nature
,
or
husbandry
,
or
invention
of
Arts
;
or
from
other
kingdoms
;
as
by
Merchants
,
Arms
,
or
the
like
,
so
can
nothing
be
lost
to
the
whole
but
by
neglect
of
these
,
through
diversion
of
endeavor
,
or
by
actual
destruction
of
what
hath
been
so
gained
.
We
may
therefore
well
compare
those
distributions
and
partitions
of
honors
,
lands
,
&c.
made
amongst
subjects
by
the
Prince
,
unto
that
dole
of
bread
,
or
the
like
,
which
,
upon
pre-regard
had
to
each
parties
wants
,
is
distinctly
and
orderly
given
according
to
the
direction
of
authority
;
and
so
nothing
comes
to
be
lost
.
Whereas
we
may
compare
that
way
of
partition
which
subjects
do
factiously
and
partially
take
one
them
to
make
amongst
themselves
,
to
a
kind
of
scrambling
:
wherein
,
while
each
party
or
person
is
confusedly
endeavouring
to
engross
to
himself
,
without
considering
the
wants
of
others
,
a
great
part
comes
to
be
spoiled
in
the
contest
,
and
by
neglect
:
besides
that
danger
of
quarrelling
,
which
must
follow
thereupon
.
Upon
consideration
of
all
which
,
it
will
appear
,
that
as
the
publike
or
whole
good
of
the
kingdom
is
not
to
be
estimated
by
every
private
possession
,
but
by
all
in
general
;
so
can
it
have
no
competent
judge
of
its
reality
and
extent
,
but
that
publik
person
that
hath
universal
share
therein
:
And
so
(
farther
,
)
that
none
but
he
that
hath
common
interest
in
all
the
persons
of
his
subjects
,
can
be
well
able
impartially
to
minde
their
universal
contents
,
and
provide
against
the
covetous
engrossements
of
publike
and
common
benefits
.
And
this
,
not
only
for
deviding
the
present
stocks
of
riches
,
honors
,
offices
,
&
arms
,
amongst
subjects
,
but
also
in
differencing
and
setting
the
true
value
and
proportions
of
each
of
them
according
to
publike
benefits
,
one
in
comparison
of
another
.
Else
may
his
subjects
place
all
their
delight
in
riches
,
and
so
neglect
Religion
and
Gods
service
:
or
,
growing
thereby
secure
,
neglect
the
means
of
their
preservation
,
and
acknowledge
of
arms
.
Or
they
may
set
their
mindes
wholly
on
honour
:
so
as
,
through
emulation
,
to
fall
into
faction
and
civil
war.
For
,
as
in
our
natural
bodies
,
although
the
humors
themselves
be
necessary
for
our
preservation
,
yet
if
they
exceed
in
quantity
,
so
as
to
defeat
and
interupt
one
anothers
workings
,
or
be
not
in
that
proportion
as
the
state
of
that
body
requires
,
they
then
destroy
the
body
:
so
,
in
politick
bodies
,
although
the
having
of
all
politicke
benefits
be
useful
therein
,
yet
may
the
unequal
and
immoderate
possession
of
some
so
them
,
destroy
(
without
good
care
)
the
enjoyment
and
good
of
the
whole
.
And
thereforefore
,
as
the
proper
will
and
appetite
of
each
person
is
in
him
supreme
and
uncontrolable
Judge
against
all
other
foraign
wills
,
and
also
over
the
private
and
single
appetites
of
his
own
particular
members
,
so
is
the
will
of
the
publike
person
,
in
the
same
kingdom
,
uncontrolable
judge
of
that
kingdoms
benefit
:
both
against
the
publike
judgement
of
other
kingdoms
,
and
also
against
the
judgement
of
any
of
its
own
private
members
:
or
else
there
will
(
at
last
)
be
no
such
thing
as
publike
good
at
all
.
For
when
one
Faction
doth
prevail
on
another
,
or
one
Community
or
Corporation
upon
another
,
so
far
as
to
encrease
in
riches
or
other
necessary
appurtenances
of
pleasure
;
since
what
is
by
one
order
of
Subjects
gained
is
in
the
same
proportion
lost
to
another
order
,
the
gain
of
the
Kingdom
can
be
no
otherwise
conceited
to
encrease
in
the
whole
,
then
as
these
tradings
and
gainings
one
upon
another
had
licence
and
direction
from
publike
Reason
:
even
therein
foreseeing
how
that
Kingdoms
publike
stock
might
be
therein
encreased
by
forraign
supply
,
or
kept
undiminished
by
avoiding
home
neglect
.
In
the
first
case
prevailing
by
way
of
acquisition
and
gain
,
in
the
other
by
way
of
parsimony
and
thrift
.
No
,
it
is
not
the
assuming
to
themselves
the
name
and
notion
of
the
Commonwealth
,
and
so
,
by
reason
of
their
present
supreme
and
uncontroleable
power
,
commanding
without
general
agreement
or
leave
of
the
common
head
,
that
can
make
the
actings
of
any
prevailing
party
or
faction
to
be
rightly
and
justly
called
the
Government
of
that
Commonwealth
:
much
less
can
it
be
conceiveable
,
how
the
particular
gain
of
this
powerful
ruling
Faction
,
and
that
separate
and
distinct
encrease
which
is
thereby
raised
to
themselves
and
their
party
,
by
the
consequential
loss
of
a
greater
number
of
the
people
and
inhabitants
of
the
same
place
(
by
them
kept
in
subjection
)
can
in
any
true
sence
,
be
called
the
gain
of
the
Commonwealth
:
let
their
pretensions
of
acting
for
,
and
in
name
of
the
Commonwealth
or
people
,
be
as
fair
and
plausible
as
they
will
.
CHAP.
X.
Of
Paction
and
Commerce·
VNder
God
Almighty
who
alone
is
Omnipotent
,
and
in
himself
All-sufficient
,
there
is
no
sensitive
Agent
but
stands
in
need
of
security
and
advantage
to
be
obtained
elsewhere
:
and
which
(
according
to
the
sence
and
knowledge
thereof
)
doth
not
,
to
the
utmost
of
its
power
,
finde
out
means
of
trust
,
for
avoiding
the
objects
of
its
fear
,
or
attaining
those
of
its
hopes
.
Thus
,
the
Lion
hath
his
Teeth
and
Tallons
as
his
confidence
to
defend
himself
,
and
also
to
obtain
his
prey
.
The
Fox
trusts
to
his
craft
for
both
.
But
generally
,
all
Beasts
,
Fishes
,
and
Birds
,
seek
to
shun
their
present
fears
,
by
the
nimbleness
of
their
Legs
,
Fins
,
and
Wings
:
their
food
being
usually
so
ready
,
to
all
that
live
not
on
prey
,
that
little
provision
or
care
need
to
be
taken
.
In
men
,
the
weapons
offensive
and
defensive
are
chiefly
their
reason
:
for
as
their
fears
and
hopes
encrease
above
other
creatures
,
both
through
the
knowledge
of
what
truely
is
,
or
may
be
hurtful
or
good
unto
them
(
which
beasts
do
not
)
or
through
the
variety
of
those
objects
of
harm
or
delight
(
which
beasts
have
not
)
so
they
have
accordingly
made
larger
provision
for
their
securities
and
advantages
.
For
supply
of
our
continual
wants
,
so
far
as
they
refer
to
Nature
or
God-ward
,
we
,
like
other
creatures
,
have
no
cause
of
fear
or
mistrust
,
that
the
Covenant
of
Seed-time
or
Harvest
,
Summer
and
Winter
,
day
and
night
,
with
the
continuation
of
other
influences
and
affordments
of
the
creatures
,
should
ever
quite
fail
:
because
in
him
that
appointed
them
,
as
there
is
no
self-want
to
divert
,
there
is
no
variableness
or
shadow
of
change
.
Whereas
,
in
those
supplies
that
are
necessary
for
our
use
,
and
yet
are
in
the
power
of
others
that
have
like
use
with
our selves
,
the
acquiring
or
possession
of
them
cannot
reasonably
be
expected
,
without
a
voluntary
and
free
resignation
.
To
suppose
it
voluntary
,
is
first
to
suppose
it
reasonable
in
the
opinion
of
the
party
from
whom
the
curtesie
is
expected
.
And
reasonable
it
cannot
be
,
till
something
equivalent
,
in
the
eye
of
the
proprietor
,
be
granted
in
satisfaction
and
lieu
thereof
:
whither
it
be
in
equal-goods
,
or
curtesie
,
or
onely
in
thanks
,
as
a
free
gift
.
In
which
latter
case
onely
,
no
pledge
or
contract
useth
to
pass
:
though
,
to
a
generous
minde
,
it
be
the
straightest
obligation
that
may
be
.
But
,
in
the
other
cases
,
the
kinde
of
return
or
requital
,
with
the
weight
,
measure
,
number
,
or
other
estimation
thereof
is
always
agreed
upon
.
For
although
it
might
be
alleadged
,
That
since
in
Nature
there
is
no
Propriety
,
why
should
not
he
that
had
store
of
Corn
,
Cattel
,
&c.
share
with
him
that
wants
,
who
is
both
his
equal
and
hath
like
interest
.
And
what
more
noble
then
in
this
case
freely
to
give
.
All
which
is
true
:
but
since
these
are
things
which
each
one
cannot
want
,
who
shall
have
power
to
see
this
distribution
made
,
or
force
one
man
to
drudge
for
another
?
And
since
it
is
not
to
be
presumed
that
he
which
plows
and
soweth
,
will
be
so
far
delighted
in
that
expence
and
labour
,
as
to
do
it
for
such
as
from
whom
(
it
may
be
)
not
so
much
as
thanks
is
to
be
expected
;
therefore
there
will
be
danger
,
that
either
he
that
expected
bread
from
him
will
want
it
,
or
else
,
bestowing
his
whole
labor
in
getting
bread
for
himself
and
others
,
he
should
,
for
want
of
time
to
imploy
in
other
things
,
want
all
other
food
,
and
apparel
also
.
And
therefore
,
as
the
setling
of
Propriety
encreased
tillage
and
other
sorts
of
husbandry
(
which
otherwise
would
have
lain
still
)
so
Trade
and
Commerce
make
Propriety
useful
,
to
the
improvement
both
of
the
goods
of
Nature
and
Art
.
For
hereby
the
Husbandman
,
the
Grasier
,
the
Shoomaker
,
the
Tayler
,
&c.
have
mutually
to
supply
each
others
wants
:
and
he
that
hath
more
food
then
he
needs
,
may
exchange
the
overplus
for
apparel
or
what
else
he
wants
.
And
so
,
whilst
mens
abilities
are
not
diverted
,
but
wholly
imployed
in
one
Trade
,
each
one
(
to
the
common
improvement
)
will
grow
of
greater
excellency
therein
.
And
thereby
also
,
mens
several
gifts
and
endowments
come
to
be
alternatively
and
publikely
useful
and
beneficial
.
For
the
strong
and
able
bodied
man
,
who
(
perhaps
(
hath
not
equal
judgement
to
him
that
is
weak
,
is
fittest
for
execution
and
labour
in
those
things
which
the
invention
of
the
other
hath
by
his
Art
and
Study
made
more
easie
:
each
ability
finding
an
imployment
proper
.
And
although
,
at
the
first
,
while
Families
were
great
,
they
were
like
little
Commonweales
or
Cities
in
themselves
,
and
so
might
,
through
their
many
hands
,
and
unity
of
Command
and
applycation
,
be
in
all
things
well
furnished
,
according
to
such
proportion
as
their
simplicity
then
required
;
yet
less
Families
,
being
now
collected
in
narrow
bounds
within
Cities
and
Commonweals
,
as
they
could
not
otherwise
subsist
,
so
they
are
hereby
served
with
greater
ease
and
variety
.
But
,
necessity
,
the
mother
of
invention
,
saw
yet
a
defect
.
For
he
that
imployed
himself
in
shoe-making
,
&c.
might
want
food
or
other
necessaries
,
at
such
a
time
as
they
in
whose
hands
these
things
were
had
no
need
of
his
shoes
:
but
it
may
be
of
such
other
things
as
were
not
in
his
power
.
In
this
case
there
was
no
way
,
but
to
agree
to
some
one
or
few
things
,
that
should
serve
as
common
values
and
exchanges
for
all
others
:
which
at
first
(
it
is
like
)
was
of
Leather
,
Iron
,
or
what
was
generally
most
useful
.
But
this
not
serving
to
all
wants
and
occasions
,
and
through
its
plenty
being
subject
to
deceit
,
mettals
of
greatest
scarcity
come
to
be
politickly
brought
in
,
and
stampt
by
Authority
,
to
give
it
denomination
and
value
:
So
that
,
where
anciently
estates
were
reckoned
by
cattel
or
goods
,
it
is
now
computed
by
mony
.
But
let
us
go
on
to
discover
what
is
just
and
not
in
matters
of
Commerce
,
(
supposing
men
as
under
rules
of
Religion
)
:
A
man
comes
to
buy
or
bargain
with
another
for
any
thing
he
wants
,
what
gain
shall
we
allow
the
seller
?
shall
it
be
twenty
in
the
hundred
,
a
double
,
or
treble
value
:
or
else
what
can
he
get
?
Where
shall
Conscience
stint
it self
?
Shall
the
Law
appoint
the
proportion
?
Why
so
?
Is
not
the
seller
a
Subject
as
well
as
the
buyer
?
And
if
then
the
Law
rate
and
stint
not
all
commodities
and
dealings
,
it
is
partial
:
if
it
do
,
to
what
use
;
since
the
gain
might
as
well
have
gone
round
;
by
my
enhansing
proportionably
my
commodities
to
him
or
others
,
as
now
our
losses
do
,
as
being
all
of
us
low
rated
?
But
what
if
the
buyer
have
not
commodities
,
for
all
men
cannot
be
stored
alike
?
Why
then
commonly
you
discourage
Trade
:
and
so
,
through
a
general
dearth
of
things
,
prejudice
all
men
.
Therefore
authority
interposeth
but
in
few
cases
with
success
:
and
,
in
my
judgement
,
in
the
silence
of
Authority
,
they
are
under
no
rule
but
of
their
own
Consciences
:
namely
of
the
rule
of
Doe
as
thou
wouldest
be
done
unto
.
For
the
buyer
and
seller
,
trusting
to
their
own
judgements
and
skill
in
their
bargains
,
may
advantage
themselves
as
they
shall
see
good
.
For
where
is
no
trust
to
be
understood
,
there
is
no
cozenage
:
otherwise
all
Trades
would
be
unlawful
.
For
if
you
measure
unlawfulness
by
proportion
of
gain
,
the
least
again
is
unlawful
also
.
But
for
this
partial
respect
to
generally
sheyed
towards
the
buyer
against
the
seller
,
there
is
the
same
reason
to
be
given
as
was
formerly
for
these
many
declamations
against
the
atbitrary
power
of
Princes
,
and
for
the
many
inventions
of
bounding
their
single
powers
more
then
the
powers
of
the
many
superiors
in
Aristocracies
and
Democracies
:
namely
,
that
as
Subjects
and
parties
are
onely
writers
of
those
things
,
so
few
writers
of
Moral
or
Political
duties
are
Tradesmen
or
sellers
,
but
all
buyers
:
and
so
,
for
their
own
interest
sake
,
having
not
regard
to
the
equal
justice
of
the
thing
it self
,
would
have
them
bounded
,
and
not
themselves
.
And
as
it
thus
fareth
at
the
Market
or
Tradesmans
shop
(
namely
that
the
buyer
is
at
the
sellers
choice
for
the
proportion
of
mony
or
other
exchange
to
be
given
him
in
satisfaction
for
what
he
takes
)
the
like
it
is
with
Officers
,
Artificers
,
or
other
persons
,
from
whom
any
thing
belonging
to
their
offices
or
labor
of
minde
is
desired
.
To
wit
,
that
,
where
the
rate
of
their
pains
and
imployment
is
not
stinted
by
a
superior
,
there
,
he
,
being
an
equal
subject
with
the
other
that
hath
need
of
his
imployment
,
is
not
,
like
his
slave
or
drudge
,
to
be
made
to
serve
him
without
such
requital
as
himself
shall
judge
reasonable
.
And
so
also
it
is
in
the
case
of
that
great
publike
officer
the
King
:
for
,
he
having
none
on
earth
above
him
,
who
shall
set
any
stint
upon
him
:
so
far
that
if
any
will
make
use
of
his
protection
,
he
shall
not
again
have
liberty
to
encrease
the
rate
thereof
,
according
to
occasion
:
as
Merchants
do
of
their
wares
,
or
other
Officers
or
Artificers
do
of
their
skill
?
And
upon
the
same
reason
that
he
may
make
rich
and
great
men
pay
him
greater
Rates
and
Taxes
for
their
protections
,
as
having
greater
shares
therein
,
why
may
he
not
generally
upon
occasion
,
encrease
or
diminish
these
Rates
from
all
or
any
of
his
Subjects
,
as
he
findes
this
his
office
of
protecting
them
to
be
more
or
less
dangerous
to
himself
,
as
well
as
difficult
and
expensive
?
For
where
God
(
his
superior
)
hath
not
bounded
him
,
I
see
not
why
he
should
be
rated
by
any
others
:
much
less
by
the
parties
themselves
,
for
that
great
hazard
of
his
person
he
undergoes
,
in
that
security
of
person
and
estate
which
he
gives
unto
them
.
Let
us
look
neerer
to
this
in
Pactions
,
where
performance
on
both
sides
is
not
present
,
as
in
contracts
before
mentioned
,
but
that
both
are
future
,
or
one
party
must
perform
before
another
.
This
Paction
,
and
the
security
thereupon
will
be
found
void
,
without
a
common
Authority
to
hold
the
obliged
party
to
performance
:
For
else
the
first
cannot
in
reason
begin
.
Therefore
,
since
all
trust
doth
require
due
return
and
discharge
,
men
,
for
their
mutual
securities
herein
,
do
not
relye
upon
the
single
assurances
of
one
anothers
bare
promises
,
but
either
engage
witnesses
therein
,
or
trust
to
some
such
deed
under
hand
&
seal
,
as
may
be
available
to
call
in
publike
justice
to
their
assistance
,
in
case
that
breach
of
Covenant
should
be
offered
.
In
which
case
,
as
neither
side
hath
right
to
determine
for
it self
,
so
can
they
not
refuse
the
appeal
and
umperage
of
the
superior
Authority
therewith
intrusted
.
For
so
,
in
all
Commonweals
there
is
Law
,
and
,
by
a
just
subordination
,
there
is
a
Superior
for
decision
of
all
things
;
till
we
come
therein
to
the
supreme
of
all
:
beyond
whom
,
no
appeal
on
earth
is
to
be
had
.
For
that
,
if
I
should
appeal
from
the
Prince
to
any
on
earth
,
I
change
the
Government
:
placing
the
soveraignty
where
the
last
appeal
is
.
And
because
in
these
things
we
must
come
to
some
pawse
,
therefore
if
we
place
a
supreme
above
a
supreme
,
we
make
all
controversies
undecideable
:
and
lose
our selves
as
in
a
circle
of
giddyness
.
So
then
,
the
difference
between
a
Contract
and
a
Pact
is
,
that
,
the
one
being
a
present
exchange
of
Property
,
the
alternative
possession
gives
and
secures
their
rights
,
without
supposition
of
superior
civil
power
to
the
new
proprietors
,
as
firmly
as
it
did
to
the
old
.
Whereas
in
Pactions
,
the
possession
of
the
new
property
being
not
yet
had
,
he
that
performs
last
hath
for
his
future
possession
no
assurance
but
what
ariseth
from
a
power
superior
and
common
to
them
both
:
Into
whose
hands
the
whole
Propriety
must
thereupon
be
supposed
to
be
put
;
(
as
is
usually
done
by
deed
in
his
name
attested
by
witness
)
and
that
,
according
to
the
degree
that
this
third
power
stands
therein
presently
concerned
and
powerful
,
the
trusting
party
hath
his
security
.
And
therefore
,
to
make
Pactions
and
Contracts
the
same
in
Reason
and
Equity
,
the
superior
must
have
whole
Propriety
in
the
thing
pacted
for
,
and
equal
and
supreme
power
over
the
pacting
parties
:
or
else
they
contract
for
contingencies
instead
of
certainties
.
But
then
they
agree
,
that
either
party
,
being
a
voluntary
Agent
,
may
gain
on
the
other
to
his
utmost
.
For
in
case
the
superior
person
do
mittigate
or
alter
,
he
doth
it
as
in
relation
to
his
own
common
and
supreme
Propriety
:
because
in
those
Pacts
which
he
personally
and
expresly
doth
not
ratifie
,
but
onely
by
general
rules
,
he
may
vary
as
he
shall
finde
those
general
rules
mistaken
or
wrested
:
otherwise
you
both
ingage
and
dis-impropriate
him
against
his
consent
.
For
since
each
superior
,
being
to
be
supposed
with
many
in
subordinate
relation
under
him
,
cannot
personally
and
particularly
preside
in
all
bargains
,
but
must
for
direction
of
his
pleasure
in
these
things
give
and
make
Laws
,
it
stands
with
no
reason
that
for
his
good
intention
herein
(
that
is
for
dispatch
of
the
business
of
others
)
he
should
be
by
them
disadvantaged
himself
.
Now
,
imagining
a
Paction
between
King
and
people
(
as
is
by
some
done
,
)
this
difference
will
arise
between
the
ties
and
securities
which
subiects
make
one
with
another
,
and
those
they
make
with
their
King
.
First
,
Subjects
bargains
are
expressed
,
and
that
usually
under
hand
and
seal
before
witness
:
and
then
have
they
a
person
,
and
way
of
decision
ready
to
reconcile
their
differences
.
Whereas
,
between
Prince
and
people
,
nothing
like
Paction
appears
:
but
is
onely
supposed
.
Again
,
the
Prince
having
onely
God
above
him
,
the
Subjects
have
no
appeal
but
thither
;
who
onely
is
King
of
Kings
:
for
how
should
the
Subjects
judge
,
they
are
parties
,
and
beneath
the
Prince
?
How
shall
the
Law
judge
;
for
that
must
be
under
its
maker
also
?
Again
,
in
Pactions
one
is
performing
before
another
:
between
Prince
and
people
it
is
not
known
which
is
to
begin
,
or
which
is
to
end
:
for
their
ties
are
continual
,
and
reciprocal
:
the
Prince
is
continually
to
protect
them
,
and
they
continually
to
obey
him
.
Is
he
sworn
to
keep
the
Laws
and
do
Justice
;
they
are
sworn
and
obliged
to
obey
the
Laws
,
and
him
in
execution
of
them
.
Therefore
when
Monarchs
take
oaths
for
maintenance
of
the
Laws
made
,
or
for
doing
of
Justice
or
other
things
,
having
none
but
God
to
judge
hereof
above
him
,
he
can
be
to
him
onely
accomptable
,
as
to
a
superior
,
for
any
breach
:
and
if
he
be
,
he
is
no
Soveraign
.
And
if
oaths
do
but
what
humane
Law
or
Polity
can
do
or
secure
without
them
,
the
attestation
of
Gods
name
and
presence
is
but
taking
his
Name
in
vain
:
the
obligation
of
an
oath
being
in
value
as
far
above
Law
,
as
God
is
above
the
Prince
.
And
when
the
oath
of
Allegeance
passeth
from
Subjects
to
Princes
,
it
is
for
farther
securing
him
against
opposition
and
revolt
:
because
if
sence
of
duty
to
God
do
not
,
it
is
not
possible
for
the
fear
of
one
man
to
keep
all
in
subjection
.
They
that
imagine
Kingly
Government
is
grounded
on
Paction
with
people
,
as
deriving
from
them
his
power
over
them
,
will
appear
in
a
farther
mistake
herein
,
from
consideration
of
the
nature
of
Paction
it self
:
which
we
shall
a
little
more
particularly
examine
.
For
first
,
they
supposing
that
the
community
is
at
that
time
associated
by
mutual
Paction
so
as
to
act
in
the
capacity
of
one
person
,
do
fail
,
in
that
neither
express
Articles
to
that
purpose
could
ever
be
made
or
produced
,
nor
could
there
be
any
witness
,
nor
a
third
present
obliging
superior
party
supposed
.
For
,
witness
there
can
be
none
,
but
such
as
are
parties
:
and
third
common
obliging
and
powerful
party
there
cannot
be
,
but
God
.
For
if
another
on
earth
,
he
is
their
Prince
already
:
and
it
is
he
,
not
they
,
must
give
content
.
So
that
God
not
being
present
,
as
to
manifestation
of
express
consent
in
what
they
do
,
otherwise
then
by
his
Will
already
known
by
his
Laws
;
the
people
having
none
but
themselves
(
equal
parties
)
to
judge
how
far
their
Pactions
are
consonant
to
these
Laws
,
must
,
as
wanting
present
power
to
hold
them
obliged
to
one
another
,
want
also
power
to
grant
any
thing
one
to
another
.
And
therefore
,
they
failing
to
think
that
such
a
body
can
be
at
all
,
or
that
a
body
without
a
head
can
perform
the
Offices
of
Discourse
,
Will
,
and
Understanding
,
which
is
to
the
making
Pactions
requisite
,
we
will
next
see
what
likeness
of
Paction
there
is
in
any
thing
that
appears
between
Prince
and
people
,
supposing
them
as
pactors
;
which
some
do
fancie
for
making
subjects
submission
(
as
they
think
)
lawful
,
because
voluntary
.
In
this
,
the
first
great
difficulty
will
be
,
how
to
bring
the
people
into
a
capacity
of
appearance
for
making
this
stipulation
.
For
if
by
their
mutual
and
reciprocal
Pactions
amongst
one
another
,
they
have
but
,
(
as
is
usually
supposed
to
make
them
one
body
)
transferred
each
others
power
,
they
are
as
far
from
being
one
body
as
before
:
because
,
as
they
were
before
separate
in
having
their
own
distinct
personal
powers
,
so
are
still
as
distinct
in
possession
of
the
powers
of
each
other
.
For
,
if
John
have
given
his
power
to
Thomas
,
it
must
be
(
I
suppose
)
that
Thomas
should
also
give
his
own
power
to
Willsam
:
And
then
,
as
William
may
be
supposed
to
have
a
treble
power
(
that
is
his
own
and
the
two
resigned
)
to
at
last
,
by
his
transferring
these
resigned
powers
onward
,
they
will
come
into
one
hand
.
But
this
will
be
a
long
work
,
and
much
trouble
there
will
be
with
whom
to
begin
,
and
in
what
order
to
follow
therein
;
and
who
shall
be
the
supreme
obliging
party
,
to
see
performance
of
these
many
Pactions
.
But
if
they
be
supposed
to
pact
all
at
once
,
how
shall
we
in
this
confusion
be
able
to
finde
out
and
distinguish
the
pacting
persons
from
one
another
;
and
the
third
obliging
party
and
witnesses
from
both
?
For
if
John
say
to
Thomas
,
I
give
you
all
my
right
in
governing
my self
,
upon
condition
that
you
give
the
same
and
all
yours
to
such
and
such
,
and
this
we
mutually
oblige
our selves
by
oaths
to
do
,
Then
,
taking
these
pactors
by
pairs
,
here
will
be
a
long
work
again
,
and
to
no
purpose
:
unless
the
third
person
to
be
impowered
with
all
power
,
do
severally
stipulate
with
these
pares
:
and
then
he
will
have
as
many
Kingdomes
as
pairs
of
Subjects
.
And
to
suppose
each
party
pacting
with
the
whole
community
,
and
saying
I
give
all
my
power
to
this
Community
,
that
they
again
may
give
it
unto
such
a
man
;
Then
must
each
man
singly
come
to
do
to
.
Which
done
,
each
man
will
come
but
to
have
the
same
power
he
had
at
the
first
:
forasmuch
as
every
one
being
a
member
of
the
Community
,
hath
also
his
equal
share
therein
still
.
And
therefore
each
one
,
as
sharer
in
the
power
of
the
Community
,
must
anew
consent
,
or
we
are
never
the
neerer
of
having
a
political
person
to
Pact
with
;
or
of
having
made
any
Community
or
Corporation
.
And
as
this
cannot
be
without
a
present
superior
Authority
for
so
doing
neither
,
(
by
force
of
whose
Law
the
same
must
be
done
)
so
will
much
more
follow
,
that
as
they
could
not
by
Paction
have
become
a
Community
without
some
Superior
Law
and
Power
;
so
,
beyond
the
leave
of
that
Superior
Law
or
Power
,
cannot
they
,
as
a
Community
,
act
any
thing
of
force
:
much
less
can
they
set
a
Superior
above
what
is
Superior
to
them
already
.
Again
,
it
would
be
considered
what
they
pact
for
in
these
their
supposed
Pactions
with
Princes
,
because
all
rational
creatures
must
have
an
aym
.
In
this
case
we
must
still
continue
supposing
(
for
matter
of
Fact
will
never
appear
)
:
either
then
they
pact
for
their
right
to
govern
others
,
or
for
their
right
to
govern
themselves
:
If
the
latter
,
it
must
be
meant
onely
so
far
as
their
separate
deportments
come
to
be
publikely
useful
,
for
still
I
suppose
each
one
must
have
power
to
manage
his
proper
business
.
Then
,
Question
being
what
shall
be
publike
,
what
not
,
the
supposed
Paction
must
be
invalid
:
because
,
expressing
it
not
,
it
saves
not
,
nor
remedies
not
one
pacting
party
from
the
power
of
the
other
:
that
is
,
the
Subject
from
the
Superior
;
to
whom
it
belongs
to
have
power
to
judge
in
all
,
or
else
he
can
judge
in
none
.
If
it
be
meant
of
the
first
(
that
is
;
of
his
share
of
government
of
others
)
then
must
each
person
singly
pact
:
to
the
end
that
the
Community
(
including
all
)
may
have
joynt
right
to
govern
.
But
then
,
how
can
they
give
what
they
have
not
?
For
since
(
as
formerly
shewed
)
none
have
by
Nature
,
and
as
men
,
rule
over
one
another
,
but
what
is
derived
the
natural
way
from
constraint
,
how
shall
force
or
fear
be
reconciled
with
the
supposed
voluntary
Paction
?
Again
,
if
precedent
Paction
must
be
supposed
to
make
Government
lawful
,
how
shall
we
do
for
establishment
of
Democracies
?
Do
the
people
of
such
a
place
Covenant
with
themselves
,
both
to
transfer
to
themselves
,
and
retain
to
themselves
the
government
of
such
a
place
?
Do
they
thus
derive
power
from
one
to
another
,
to
no
other
purpose
then
to
do
every
one
as
they
like
still
,
and
to
be
just
as
much
,
and
no
more
powerful
,
then
before
?
Here
is
a
mad
work
indeed
.
Or
if
it
be
not
done
,
then
by
their
Argument
these
Governments
are
but
Anarchies
;
which
is
true
indeed
.
But
if
we
should
(
to
avoid
some
of
the
passed
absurdities
)
suppose
no
Paction
to
pass
between
Prince
and
people
,
then
,
(
grounding
Justice
and
injury
on
the
observation
or
violation
of
Pactions
)
we
make
them
uncapable
(
by
that
supposition
)
of
doing
Justice
to
,
or
receiving
injury
from
his
Subjects
:
and
so
destroy
Government
,
for
want
of
mutual
obligation
and
sense
of
duty
.
Lastly
,
these
considerations
will
much
puzzle
us
on
what
to
ground
the
duty
of
those
in
the
Family
towards
the
Master
.
If
he
need
not
derive
his
Authority
from
Paction
,
but
as
due
by
Office
,
then
is
power
of
Office
,
and
founded
on
Gods
Precepts
:
not
on
consent
below
.
If
children
and
servants
must
pact
with
one
another
to
impower
their
Father
or
Master
,
then
must
he
get
them
and
take
them
in
all
at
once
:
or
else
,
upon
the
birth
and
admission
of
every
new
childe
and
servant
,
they
must
all
pact
anew
,
for
fear
that
these
new
ones
,
for
want
of
being
Covenanters
,
should
be
injured
when
any
thing
is
by
their
Father
or
Master
done
against
their
liking
,
And
then
,
what
shall
we
say
of
the
Wifes
subjection
?
Must
the
husband
have
many
Wives
,
that
one
may
pact
with
another
to
empower
him
?
Can
he
not
also
have
Fatherly
or
Masterly
power
while
he
hath
but
one
childe
or
one
servant
for
the
like
reason
?
At
what
yeers
must
Children
be
supposed
able
to
pact
?
And
by
what
Authority
must
the
Father
command
in
the
mean
time
?
Some
,
that
first
founded
Government
and
power
on
this
supposed
way
of
pacting
,
have
reckoned
amongst
sociable
creatures
Bees
,
Pismires
,
&c.
which
being
bred
all
at
once
,
do
romain
as
it
were
but
one
litter
:
And
again
,
they
being
of
equality
for
wit
,
Courage
,
Size
,
Strength
,
&c.
must
have
,
according
to
their
agreement
in
these
things
and
shortness
of
life
,
their
particular
sense
of
good
undistinguished
from
that
which
is
common
:
and
are
therefore
onely
instances
,
amongst
sensitive
Agents
,
for
an
independent
Community
,
as
heretofore
shewed
.
But
how
shall
these
things
be
fancied
amongst
men
?
What
are
our
supposed
Pactions
no
more
then
theirs
?
It
is
like
indeed
.
But
how
shall
we
contrive
men
to
be
so
contemtemporary
:
or
in
such
equality
o●
Birth
,
Appetite
,
&c.
to
resemble
them
?
Suppose
a
Collony
of
men
agree
to
go
to
a
new
Plantation
,
their
agreement
to
future
Government
will
have
example
and
reason
from
former
sense
and
Education
in
Governments
whereupon
to
found
it self
.
And
although
,
with
them
,
force
prevailes
not
for
the
present
establishing
one
man
above
another
,
yet
riches
or
craft
will
:
so
as
,
by
the
unequal
power
thereof
,
to
destroy
that
supposed
equal
Paction
,
upon
their
coming
to
this
new
Colony
,
and
also
in
receiving
others
to
them
:
towards
whom
,
if
they
proceed
not
by
open
force
,
yet
in
their
new
Agreements
(
as
formerly
amongst
themselves
)
they
prevail
on
one
another
by
opinion
of
Power
and
Force
:
which
must
consequently
overthrow
supposition
of
equal
Community
.
For
the
share
of
Power
cannot
be
equal
amongst
such
as
have
it
in
degree
one
more
then
another
:
and
where
then
is
their
formal
consenting
to
set
up
others
in
power
above
them
,
since
it
arose
but
from
the
considerations
they
could
not
avoid
it
?
And
men
may
make
suppositions
this
way
while
they
please
,
yet
it
is
in
truth
no
more
possible
for
men
in
a
perfect
state
of
freedom
to
consent
to
any
degree
of
subjection
,
then
to
consent
to
endure
any
other
evil
.
For
when
men
in
this
new
Collony
or
in
any
other
condition
do
submit
to
another
,
as
in
discretion
,
and
out
of
choice
of
two
evils
to
choose
the
less
,
it
is
but
the
same
thing
as
to
submit
to
a
conquering
Monarch
.
In
which
case
,
as
the
feared
evil
is
more
plain
,
so
will
it
more
prudentially
justifie
their
submission
.
The
benefit
and
design
of
this
prudential
choice
of
subjection
,
is
lively
set
down
by
Jacob
in
Issacars
blessing
:
viz.
He
saw
that
rest
was
good
,
and
the
Land
that
it
was
pleasant
,
and
bowed
his
shoulder
to
bear
,
and
became
a
servant
to
tribute
.
That
is
,
he
finding
that
it
was
not
to
probable
that
he
should
gain
perfect
Freedom
or
Dominion
by
resistance
,
as
it
was
apparent
that
he
should
thereby
hazard
and
lose
the
benefits
arising
by
subjection
,
he
therefore
of
two
evils
chose
the
less
:
and
since
he
could
not
avoid
the
choice
of
subjection
it self
,
he
discreetly
chose
that
kinde
of
submission
therein
as
should
render
him
most
happy
.
And
this
kinde
of
prudential
Freedom
is
not
onely
all
that
humane
condition
is
capable
of
in
matters
of
subjection
,
but
in
all
things
else
.
For
absolute
freedom
,
that
is
,
not
to
be
liable
to
inconvenencies
in
the
entertainment
of
the
objects
of
choice
(
so
far
as
that
which
shall
be
in
it self
most
pleasing
,
shall
not
upon
other
consequential
and
unavoidable
inconveniences
be
often
subject
to
be
past
by
)
is
a
prerogative
of
him
that
is
omnipotent
onely
:
as
having
his
power
in
all
things
equal
to
his
will
:
and
not
of
mankind
;
who
,
as
bounded
by
the
Laws
of
God
,
Nature
and
other
his
superiors
,
hath
his
power
alwayes
so
stinted
by
his
own
imbecillity
and
the
will
of
others
,
that
the
objects
of
his
liking
can
be
none
other
free
to
him
,
then
as
quallified
and
accompanied
with
such
continual
difficulties
and
hazards
,
as
must
render
it
inconsideration
thereof
,
the
object
of
deliberation
whether
to
take
or
leave
,
and
not
of
absolute
freedom
whether
to
take
or
leave
that
particular
object
,
simply
and
in
it self
alone
considered
.
If
sense
of
tast
or
honor
prompt
us
to
the
enjoyment
of
any
particular
food
or
place
of
preferment
,
these
objects
in
themselves
desirable
,
do
through
those
abatements
of
dangers
and
inconveniencies
arising
in
their
acquisition
or
possession
,
become
so
far
still
the
object
of
deliberation
,
that
we
many
times
decline
as
evil
,
the
prosecution
of
what
we
apprehend
or
know
to
be
good
:
and
whether
we
choose
or
leave
,
our
freedom
is
not
higher
then
of
two
evils
to
choose
the
less
:
that
is
,
the
evil
of
want
of
the
object
we
desire
,
or
the
evil
of
presence
of
it
with
its
inconveniencies
:
Our
liberty
being
never
higher
nor
lower
in
any
thing
then
absence
of
constraint
in
taking
or
leaving
.
Nay
more
,
he
that
in
the
highest
objects
of
his
delight
is
not
bounded
by
laws
of
superiors
(
as
not
being
under
government
)
yet
since
these
usually
are
by
others
desireable
aswel
as
himself
,
he
will
have
the
consideration
of
feared
prejudice
of
his
equals
,
still
make
it
the
object
of
deliberation
:
whereas
the
same
liberty
of
choice
and
deliberation
,
cannot
be
so
taken
off
by
the
highest
and
most
severe
law
and
penalty
set
down
by
authority
,
but
that
there
will
still
be
absence
from
constraint
and
place
left
for
deliberation
,
and
consequently
for
volition
either
way
.
For
as
God
alone
is
onely
altogether
unsubjected
to
the
will
of
others
,
so
inanimates
and
creatures
below
us
,
that
wholly
want
will
of
their
own
,
can
be
onely
wholly
subjected
to
the
will
of
others
.
And
therefore
,
to
return
to
farther
examination
of
the
Princes
power
as
grounded
on
the
content
of
the
community
and
particularly
by
oaths
,
we
say
,
that
if
things
be
duely
searcht
,
the
Princes
oath
is
only
voluntary
and
subjects
to
be
enforced
by
Law
of
the
Country
,
or
Law
of
nature
,
in
prudence
to
his
security
.
And
oaths
proceed
not
from
mutual
trust
,
but
distrust
.
If
either
of
them
break
these
oaths
,
they
are
so
far
only
punishable
by
God
.
For
the
Prince
punisheth
his
Rebellious
subjects
,
not
as
perjured
,
but
as
they
are
offenders
;
and
subject
to
the
laws
:
And
therefore
those
that
take
not
these
oaths
are
for
such
offences
equally
punishable
herein
to
those
that
do
.
And
the
truth
is
,
that
without
these
oaths
,
both
King
and
People
stood
obliged
to
all
reciprocal
duties
belonging
to
their
offices
:
And
if
oaths
should
be
taken
to
disable
them
in
due
performance
of
their
offices
,
or
enjoyn
them
to
unlawful
or
unfit
actions
beyond
their
respective
relative
duties
,
they
are
invalid
.
But
although
these
Oaths
cannot
amount
to
a
Paction
,
yet
is
their
use
good
.
For
first
,
the
solemn
manner
and
place
of
delivery
(
being
at
the
alter
)
cannot
but
deeply
imprint
in
Kings
their
duty
to
God
,
to
whom
,
and
his
Laws
they
are
to
be
obedient
,
aswell
as
the
meanest
subject
:
then
,
by
promising
to
govern
according
to
Law
,
Justice
,
or
the
like
,
they
are
put
in
minde
,
that
since
their
office
is
chiefly
for
their
subjects
good
,
they
are
to
apply
these
rules
to
that
purpose
:
at
least
so
far
as
they
see
them
thereto
available
.
And
so
again
,
subjects
by
these
oaths
come
to
know
that
God
,
aswell
as
the
law
enjoyns
them
obedience
.
In
Aristocraties
and
Democraties
,
the
capitulation
is
supposed
between
the
whole
state
and
each
member
:
but
in
a
Monarch
,
between
the
whole
community
and
the
Monarch
.
Subjects
in
Polarchies
have
no
Oaths
from
the
collective
body
,
nor
do
the
particular
members
of
the
state
give
any
to
the
whole
,
as
the
subjects
in
Monarchies
do
to
the
Prince
.
And
this
,
because
each
member
in
the
state
,
as
having
a
share
in
the
state
,
and
the
state
being
not
the
whole
state
or
soveraignty
without
him
,
he
is
neither
in
reason
obliged
to
do
it
to
them
,
nor
much
less
they
to
him
.
For
as
in
the
first
case
(
his
share
being
something
)
it
were
absurd
to
demand
of
himself
security
for
himself
,
so
in
the
second
,
to
give
security
where
none
is
taken
seems
unreasonable
.
So
that
the
maine
security
which
Polarchies
have
against
the
revolt
of
the
people
is
in
their
own
forces
and
numbers
:
making
so
great
a
share
of
them
,
that
,
with
themselves
and
dependants
,
they
are
commonly
the
greater
party
of
such
as
have
arms
.
And
therefore
subjects
can
never
ease
themselves
of
the
oppression
of
Polarchies
without
foraign
help
,
or
of
some
of
the
States
against
the
rest
:
or
else
,
when
war
hath
so
far
wasted
these
heads
themselves
and
their
forces
,
as
the
subjects
may
have
strength
enough
to
revolt
.
But
the
single
persons
of
Monarchs
,
being
disabled
to
prevail
altogether
by
force
,
must
relye
also
upon
Oaths
:
and
such
obligations
as
may
prevaile
more
by
love
then
fear
.
Now
,
to
come
to
the
example
of
Kings
Covenanting
with
their
people
,
it
is
oftenest
urged
in
David
.
Who
,
as
first
of
his
family
,
and
one
that
God
intended
to
have
firmely
settled
in
that
office
,
was
thereupon
to
have
the
more
solemn
and
notified
entrance
:
And
,
for
the
peoples
stronger
obligation
to
acknowledge
and
serve
him
,
he
was
to
receive
his
annointings
again
as
by
their
appointment
and
consent
;
and
they
also
,
to
that
purpose
,
to
promise
him
obedience
and
service
.
For
surely
,
none
can
think
it
was
in
Judahs
or
Israels
power
,
whether
or
no
he
should
have
been
their
King
:
being
before
annointed
by
Gods
direction
,
without
consent
of
either
of
them
.
So
that
their
former
King
being
now
dead
,
we
must
suppose
that
in
Justice
they
could
do
no
otherwise
:
A
great
host
like
the
host
of
God
.
Although
these
considerations
,
as
also
his
gifts
,
made
the
Elders
of
Iudah
first
anoint
him
,
yet
I
finde
no
expression
of
the
peoples
doing
it
:
or
that
the
people
or
Elders
made
any
Covenant
with
him
.
And
as
for
Israel
,
the
Covenant
spoken
of
must
be
understood
in
pursuance
of
that
made
with
Abner
:
who
,
as
in
the
chief
command
,
had
made
Ishbosheth
,
Sauls
son
,
King
before
:
to
whose
face
he
threatens
to
give
the
kingdom
to
David
.
David
to
bring
all
Israel
to
him
;
David
,
Lord
and
King
:
He
will
gather
all
Israel
to
David
to
make
a
league
with
him
,
that
he
might
raign
over
all
that
his
heart
desired
.
Here
is
indeed
obedience
and
subjection
promised
on
the
peoples
part
when
they
should
make
this
league
with
him
;
but
what
was
the
engagement
from
this
or
any
other
King
to
subjects
,
by
way
of
Covenant
,
I
finde
not
.
But
to
proceed
on
this
enquiry
concerning
Davids
Covenanting
,
that
which
was
probably
Abners
aime
(
besides
his
thirst
of
treacherous
revenge
was
)
indemnity
for
his
past
act
against
David
:
and
therefore
he
durst
not
come
till
he
had
sent
messengers
on
his
own
behalf
.
Which
David
accepts
upon
condition
that
he
should
bring
his
wife
Michal
with
him
:
or
else
no
forgiveness
:
expressed
in
that
phrase
of
anger
,
Thou
shalt
not
see
my
face
except
,
To
bring
Israel
and
Benjamin
to
him
.
But
their
not
doing
it
(
as
not
having
offended
by
resisting
David
as
Israel
had
done
seven
yeers
together
)
makes
it
evident
that
this
covenant
imported
nothing
but
an
act
of
oblivion
,
or
the
like
:
and
that
it
was
not
at
Davids
suite
,
as
summoning
them
to
settle
him
in
his
throne
,
but
at
theirs
,
to
be
settled
by
him
in
their
liberties
,
which
were
probably
to
be
the
same
that
their
brethren
of
Iudah
already
had
:
And
therefore
they
say
unto
him
,
We
are
thy
bone
and
thy
flesh
:
being
his
kin
:
acknowledging
also
to
him
(
before
they
speak
of
Covenant
)
that
God
had
appointed
and
said
unto
him
Thou
shalt
be
ruler
over
my
people
Israel
.
They
annointed
David
King
over
Israel
,
according
to
the
word
of
the
Lord
by
Samuel
:
that
is
,
acknowledged
him
King
as
God
had
appointed
.
And
to
shew
that
this
League
or
Covenant
imported
but
some
promises
of
grace
,
or
the
like
from
the
King
to
the
people
,
and
did
not
imply
equal
stipulation
,
we
may
observe
that
he
is
alwayes
set
down
as
the
free
author
and
agent
hereof
:
and
that
both
to
Abner
and
the
people
it
is
thrice
called
his
League
.
In
answer
to
which
promise
of
indemnity
or
the
like
,
we
find
that
when
the
League
is
set
down
to
be
made
from
the
people
to
David
,
it
is
added
(
to
denote
their
promise
of
fealty
on
the
other
side
)
that
thou
mayest
raign
over
all
that
thy
soul
desireth
.
Upon
which
ground
also
,
And
this
covenanting
with
David
could
not
truely
be
supposed
to
import
any
greater
freedom
to
Israel
then
formerly
they
had
under
the
government
of
Saul
and
his
son
;
for
this
had
been
to
have
given
David
less
Soveraignity
then
Saul
:
and
to
have
made
Israel
more
free
then
Iudah
.
Which
(
if
so
)
makes
against
the
whole
drift
of
the
argument
:
namely
that
Princes
have
their
power
by
Paction
from
their
subjects
,
when
the
example
proves
rather
he
thereby
loseth
it
:
and
so
comes
at
last
to
confess
that
Kings
have
all
Civil
power
by
God
given
as
of
right
to
their
office
,
and
that
as
Gods
Vicegerent
,
he
may
grant
,
by
Oath
and
promise
,
to
his
subjects
such
exemptions
and
immunities
as
he
shall
think
good
:
not
derogating
from
his
honor
,
or
disabling
him
in
his
publike
trust
.
Which
promises
,
when
they
come
to
be
publikely
and
solemnly
made
,
as
at
Coronations
or
the
like
,
are
usually
taken
for
Pactions
:
and
the
subjects
thought
givers
,
even
in
what
they
are
but
receivers
.
But
this
matter
of
Covenanting
between
King
and
people
,
will
be
best
conceived
,
as
to
the
intention
thereof
(
which
as
before
noted
was
chiefly
to
acknowledge
and
confirme
subjection
and
obedience
to
a
new
questionable
Prince
)
by
that
Covenant
which
Iehoida
the
high
Priest
caused
to
be
made
with
young
Ioash
:
where
,
at
the
time
of
his
making
,
it
is
said
,
And
all
the
Congregation
made
a
Covenant
with
the
King
in
the
house
of
God
,
He
said
unto
them
behold
the
Kings
son
shall
raign
as
the
Lord
hath
said
of
the
sons
of
David
.
the
house
of
God
must
imply
their
solemn
Oaths
of
fealty
and
obedience
:
the
which
are
expresly
set
down
as
implicitly
and
unconditionately
given
him
.
And
the
seaventh
yeer
Iehoida
sent
and
fet
the
rulers
over
hundreds
with
the
Captaines
and
the
guards
,
and
brought
them
unto
him
into
the
house
of
the
Lord
,
and
made
a
Covenant
with
them
,
and
took
an
Oath
of
them
in
the
house
of
the
Lord
,
and
shewed
them
the
Kings
son
.
The
people
here
swearing
,
and
that
to
a
King
of
seven
yeers
old
(
that
therefore
could
not
be
supposed
to
capitulate
with
them
,
)
and
their
doing
it
in
the
house
of
the
Lord
,
clearly
interprets
what
was
meant
by
renewing
Sauls
kingdom
before
the
Lord
in
Gilgall
,
and
of
Davids
covenantings
formerly
mentioned
:
namely
,
by
Oaths
solemnly
taken
,
to
establish
obedience
to
a
new
race
more
strongly
in
the
people
:
and
not
to
crave
their
authority
for
impowring
his
Office
.
In
like
manner
are
we
to
understand
,
2
Chron.
23.16
.
where
it
is
said
,
And
Iehoida
made
a
Covenant
between
him
and
between
all
the
people
,
and
between
the
King
:
that
is
,
he
promised
obedience
to
the
King
,
both
in
his
own
and
the
peoples
behalf
,
that
they
should
be
the
Lords
people
:
and
walk
as
obedient
children
to
his
Minister
.
Which
last
words
do
denote
to
us
,
that
it
was
the
custome
of
those
people
,
at
these
conventions
to
make
promise
of
obedience
to
God
also
:
the
state
of
Theocrity
still
continuing
,
whilst
God
had
a
Prophet
amongst
them
.
Which
will
yet
be
more
likely
to
be
the
sense
thereof
,
if
we
compare
it
with
a
paralel
text
and
expression
used
at
the
making
of
Solomon
King
.
Where
David
,
as
Gods
chief
Minister
,
commands
the
people
to
make
their
acknowledgement
to
God
(
as
here
the
chief
Priest
doth
in
the
Kings
minority
)
saying
,
Now
bless
the
Lord
your
God
,
after
which
it
follows
,
And
all
the
Congregation
blessed
the
Lord
God
of
their
fathers
,
and
bowed
down
their
heads
and
worshipped
the
Lord
and
the
King
.
Nay
this
young
Joash
,
though
(
as
other
Kings
)
said
to
be
made
by
the
people
,
yet
was
it
not
to
be
understood
as
if
his
right
had
depended
on
their
consent
.
For
he
was
to
raign
as
in
right
of
inheritance
from
his
father
David
:
who
had
also
all
his
right
and
authority
from
God
:
and
the
people
had
no
more
rightful
power
to
reject
those
individual
persons
,
then
they
had
power
to
refuse
the
keeping
of
Gods
other
commands
;
for
all
power
(
as
heretofore
noted
)
must
come
from
above
:
that
is
from
God
to
Kings
,
and
from
God
or
Kings
to
people
:
and
not
from
inferiors
to
superiors
.
For
none
can
,
as
from
themselves
alone
,
make
others
more
powerful
then
themselves
,
more
then
they
can
make
themselves
other
,
or
more
then
themselves
.
And
when
God
himself
is
often
mentioned
in
holy
writ
as
covenanting
with
people
,
he
is
never
to
be
understood
as
if
done
for
increasing
his
authority
by
this
means
:
but
,
whether
he
express
the
return
of
general
obedience
to
his
laws
(
which
thereupon
come
to
be
called
Covenant
also
)
or
not
,
he
is
in
both
respects
so
far
from
acknowledging
any
derivative
power
from
them
to
accrew
by
their
consents
,
that
,
on
the
other
side
,
what
they
receive
is
of
free-grace
and
goodness
from
him
.
For
though
this
obedience
,
as
due
for
the
receit
of
more
extraordinary
and
remarkable
favors
,
come
to
claim
a
greater
willingness
,
as
carrying
a
token
of
more
high
obligation
(
through
such
expressions
of
goodness
)
to
certain
people
and
persons
,
yet
(
as
God
)
he
had
right
to
the
same
obedience
and
measure
of
gratitude
,
from
those
and
all
other
his
creatures
:
and
must
be
presumed
,
as
herein
only
applying
himself
to
help
our
backwardness
in
this
due
return
,
by
this
repetition
of
extraordinary
mercies
.
For
however
it
be
in
peoples
power
to
be
more
or
less
willing
in
obedience
and
gratitude
,
yet
the
duty
thereof
can
never
cease
:
nor
the
duty
of
willingness
herein
neither
:
whether
God
be
more
particularly
beneficient
or
no.
Even
so
(
in
measure
)
it
is
with
Kings
,
and
parents
also
:
who
cannot
be
in
any
thing
empowered
from
below
,
but
must
also
,
in
the
expressions
of
such
Covenants
and
leagues
,
nor
to
be
thought
as
equal
Pactors
.
But
so
far
as
they
,
and
those
under
them
,
can
be
according
to
their
relations
mutual
Covenanters
,
it
can
be
in
no
wise
understood
of
such
things
as
were
formally
constitutive
of
them
in
these
relations
:
as
for
the
inferior
to
give
power
of
government
,
or
the
superior
to
give
the
other
power
of
obedience
.
For
this
had
been
to
have
supposed
them
to
have
been
before
stated
towards
each
other
in
a
contrary
respect
:
as
the
superior
to
have
been
an
inferior
,
and
the
inferior
a
superior
:
and
that
they
were
now
but
exchangers
.
It
is
indeed
many
times
practised
,
for
superiors
to
promise
protection
,
justice
,
and
such
like
things
as
are
proper
for
them
that
have
power
,
and
for
inferiors
(
on
the
other
side
)
to
promise
fidelity
,
obedience
,
and
the
like
.
And
these
things
have
their
use
:
because
they
both
,
as
voluntary
agents
,
might
be
by
this
means
reciprocally
the
better
minded
of
the
discharge
of
their
mutual
obligations
.
But
since
the
same
things
had
been
due
from
each
to
other
;
had
they
not
been
expressed
,
they
cannot
therefore
be
reasonably
thought
constitutive
of
that
separate
power
and
vertue
whereby
the
relatives
act
.
Hereupon
as
Gods
particular
benefits
promised
unto
men
are
sometimes
called
Covenants
,
so
mens
solemn
promises
of
obedience
to
God
are
called
Covenants
also
:
but
whether
we
vow
to
him
,
or
he
promiseth
to
us
,
yet
,
as
long
as
there
is
not
at
the
same
time
any
mutual
express
consent
of
both
parties
for
acceptance
of
conditions
,
I
see
not
how
they
can
properly
be
counted
stipulations
or
Pactions
;
in
any
sense
to
be
applied
to
the
intended
purpose
.
Nor
do
I
also
know
how
to
admit
the
like
phrase
of
what
passeth
between
Prince
and
people
:
where
the
conditions
or
breach
are
not
set
down
;
but
are
onely
implicite
promises
:
and
that
commonly
but
on
one
side
.
And
if
we
look
to
Scripture
phrase
,
we
shall
finde
Covenant
and
promise
to
import
the
same
thing
:
as
in
that
promise
to
Noah
of
not
drowning
the
world
any
more
:
God
calls
it
making
his
covenant
(
not
onely
)
with
Noah
and
his
seed
,
with
fowl
,
cattel
,
and
every
beast
of
the
earth
.
Here
the
name
of
Covenant
is
seven
times
mentioned
:
sure
it
could
not
import
any
stipulation
:
for
we
find
nothing
expresly
required
back
from
them
:
nor
could
irrational
creatures
be
capable
of
bargaining
in
this
kind
.
And
as
the
Rainbow
was
a
sign
of
this
Covenant
or
general
promise
,
so
was
circumcision
a
sign
of
that
particular
Covenant
or
promise
to
Abraham
,
for
performance
in
due
time
of
the
promised
land
and
promised
seed
:
they
were
not
stipulations
;
as
if
the
parties
were
equal
:
or
as
if
God
wanted
,
or
men
had
something
in
their
powers
,
which
otherwise
then
by
voluntary
bargains
could
not
be
granted
.
So
that
whether
Gods
gracious
promises
to
men
,
or
mens
promises
of
obedience
to
God
come
to
be
stiled
Covenants
,
It
is
not
to
be
thought
that
God
and
man
can
come
to
such
terms
of
equality
as
thus
to
stipulate
:
or
as
though
God
must
entreat
first
:
And
therefore
both
are
never
promising
reciprocally
at
the
same
time
.
But
however
that
these
Covenants
or
promises
of
obedience
from
us
served
not
to
estate
God
in
a
right
of
power
over
us
,
yet
they
have
great
availe
to
minde
us
(
under
this
notion
)
more
strictly
of
our
duty
and
obedience
to
him
:
as
also
have
these
signes
of
Unction
,
coronation
,
&c
,
towards
the
settling
our
obedience
to
Princes
.
All
which
(
well
considered
)
may
instruct
us
what
to
think
of
those
condiscending
phrases
used
by
David
and
others
in
Scripture
,
when
they
would
by
this
adulatory
means
win
their
subjects
,
or
some
eminent
persons
amongst
them
to
some
extraordinary
performance
:
as
when
the
Arke
is
to
be
brought
back
,
or
the
revolted
Israelites
to
be
won
to
obedience
by
Abner
or
Amasa
.
In
which
,
and
such
like
cases
,
when
subjects
have
by
force
taken
upon
them
to
be
more
powerful
then
they
should
,
it
is
no
wonder
that
Princes
must
,
as
in
discretion
,
be
forced
to
appear
so
much
less
then
they
ought
.
But
yet
,
even
in
this
condition
,
they
can
(
for
all
that
)
be
no
more
truely
said
to
derive
the
power
of
their
office
from
Paction
,
although
they
should
in
those
cases
pact
with
their
subjects
,
then
the
father
or
master
can
be
said
●o
derive
their
authorities
from
those
of
their
houshold
.
For
these
,
for
the
like
ends
,
may
likewise
entreat
where
they
might
rightfully
command
:
even
in
case
they
should
be
by
stubborn
or
Rebellious
children
or
servants
awed
,
or
kept
in
durance
:
and
so
forced
,
for
their
release
or
security
sake
,
or
for
fear
of
their
running
from
them
and
betraying
them
,
to
use
the
fairest
speeches
they
can
,
and
also
to
make
such
promises
as
the
other
will
demand
.
For
in
these
cases
,
the
power
of
their
offices
being
indivisible
,
and
so
they
having
the
same
right
from
God
to
all
as
any
,
this
forceable
deprivation
can
yeild
to
subjects
,
sons
,
or
servants
,
no
higher
propriety
in
what
they
thus
bereave
them
of
,
then
the
robber
hath
to
what
he
takes
from
the
owner
:
who
may
have
as
good
reason
as
subjects
,
children
,
or
servants
,
to
say
hereupon
,
that
he
gave
the
owner
what
is
left
;
even
because
he
took
not
all
away
,
aswell
as
the
other
.
And
therefore
,
the
name
of
Paction
cannot
be
proper
where
all
the
thing
promised
or
mentioned
is
onely
in
the
rightful
power
of
one
,
and
where
none
is
superior
to
that
one
,
as
in
cases
between
God
and
man
.
And
therefore
is
God
said
to
swear
by
himself
as
having
none
greater
.
For
he
,
Saul
,
David
,
Abraham
,
Samuel
,
&c.
have
been
in
our
sense
deprived
of
those
promises
that
seem
made
to
them
and
their
seed
for
ever
,
we
are
herein
to
consider
,
that
as
God
could
not
give
away
his
power
more
then
deny
himself
,
so
not
cease
to
be
judge
of
his
own
meaning
in
making
the
Covenant
,
or
of
theirs
or
his
performance
.
Even
so
also
(
in
proportion
)
it
befalleth
Kings
:
who
,
having
none
but
God
above
them
,
they
cannot
be
obliged
by
Paction
from
their
people
;
farther
then
either
conscience
and
sense
of
honor
shall
lead
:
and
as
God
in
his
attestations
is
said
to
swear
by
himself
as
having
none
greater
,
so
is
their
Royall
words
the
highest
assurance
that
subjects
can
have
.
And
therefore
,
though
Kings
as
promisers
and
Covenanters
be
hound
as
men
,
yet
,
as
Kings
,
they
have
onely
power
on
earth
to
be
Judges
of
their
own
or
the
peoples
performance
.
For
though
Kings
extreamly
differ
from
God
in
degree
of
superioriry
,
yet
(
as
superiors
)
they
have
both
the
same
reason
for
exercise
thereof
.
And
(
on
the
behalf
of
both
of
them
)
it
must
seem
a
thing
aswell
unreasonable
as
ungrateful
,
for
inferiors
and
receivers
to
make
the
good
deeds
of
those
above
them
in
power
and
office
,
to
serve
as
a
means
of
their
deprivation
.
Nor
can
that
Paction
but
be
invallid
,
where
superior
and
inferior
treating
,
as
such
should
,
Covenant
to
destroy
those
relations
,
whilst
they
yet
pretend
thereby
to
estate
and
settle
them
.
So
if
a
man
in
his
wooing
,
promise
the
wife
freedom
of
restraint
or
command
other
then
what
shall
be
to
her
liking
,
or
to
have
power
to
execute
or
manage
her
own
or
the
affairs
of
the
family
independent
of
him
,
this
,
though
it
might
induce
her
marriage
or
putting
her self
into
his
power
,
yet
,
it
cannot
take
away
any
power
necessarily
belonging
to
his
office
for
the
good
and
quiet
of
the
family
:
but
rather
,
as
the
promise
shewed
an
extraordinary
affection
towards
her
,
it
should
the
more
obliege
her
to
obedience
.
Nor
can
she
,
or
children
,
or
servants
,
have
any
freedom
against
him
,
but
what
a
power
superior
to
him
allows
:
For
so
far
as
law
restrains
his
arbitrary
power
,
and
doth
(
for
instance
)
design
in
what
cases
joyntures
,
portions
,
and
degrees
of
servitude
shall
rest
in
compact
with
him
,
this
must
be
derived
from
power
of
a
superior
,
and
not
from
a
power
below
,
and
in
themselves
.
For
they
being
appellants
to
law
and
a
higher
power
,
shew
they
can
have
no
power
above
him
;
and
that
this
superior
power
,
and
not
themselves
alone
can
restrain
him
.
No
more
can
after
Pactions
between
Prince
and
people
,
given
by
his
free
grant
and
promise
,
or
forced
by
their
rebellions
,
prevaile
more
to
the
disinvesting
him
of
any
just
power
,
then
the
after
indulgent
promises
to
wife
,
children
,
or
servants
for
non-restraint
,
can
deprive
the
Master
of
what
power
is
by
law
left
him
,
and
useful
in
the
execution
of
his
office
:
because
as
their
power
is
given
from
above
,
so
can
it
be
onely
restrained
from
above
.
The
Master
cannot
give
away
the
power
that
makes
the
office
and
yet
continue
the
office
:
nor
they
assume
power
beyond
the
degree
of
children
and
servants
,
and
yet
continue
such
.
For
when
wife
,
children
,
or
servants
,
refuse
any
command
of
the
Master
,
they
do
it
not
as
they
stand
in
these
relalations
to
him
,
but
as
they
are
joynt
subjects
to
a
command
superior
:
and
so
this
is
not
liberty
from
his
power
,
otherwise
then
as
thraldome
to
anothers
.
So
when
Princes
command
any
thing
contrary
to
Gods
law
,
the
subjects
suspension
to
do
it
is
not
to
disobey
him
,
but
to
obey
God
:
unto
whom
both
stand
subject
:
who
,
if
he
shall
own
and
protect
them
therein
,
they
are
so
far
discharged
of
their
obedience
,
otherwise
not
.
Whereupon
,
in
all
capitulations
between
Prince
and
people
,
the
case
will
have
great
difference
from
that
wherein
wives
or
servants
(
before
they
are
such
)
do
stand
considered
as
Pactors
with
their
husbands
or
masters
:
because
these
alwayes
have
a
present
immediate
superior
to
them
both
;
namely
the
Prince
or
his
Magistrate
:
unto
whom
they
joyntly
relating
as
Subjects
,
have
a
ready
means
for
decision
of
any
differences
that
shall
arise
between
them
about
breach
of
Articles
,
if
they
had
not
the
Law
it self
.
Else
their
stipulations
would
prove
but
the
ready
disturbers
of
that
peace
and
charity
which
they
intended
to
establish
:
even
by
adding
those
new
occasions
of
quarrels
that
should
arise
to
them
hereabouts
,
to
those
formerly
incident
to
them
as
men
.
Even
as
we
finde
,
that
amongst
such
as
do
not
acknowledge
God
to
have
any
present
magistrate
settled
here
above
themselves
to
decide
differences
and
demand
obedience
,
the
like
continual
breaches
daily
to
arise
about
the
meaning
of
his
Laws
.
But
it
will
plainly
appear
that
this
plot
of
paction
was
but
of
late
times
devised
by
sons
of
Beliall
(
or
such
as
would
not
be
under
restraint
)
to
serve
their
own
ends
,
and
not
truths
,
if
we
consider
that
we
finde
not
any
one
urging
for
the
Jews
right
in
chosing
and
impowering
of
their
Judges
.
And
all
because
men
,
being
not
now
under
the
authority
of
such
temporary
officers
,
are
not
so
careful
to
devise
wayes
and
maxims
for
taking
to
themselves
power
to
set
them
up
,
and
make
their
restrictions
by
.
But
that
which
is
the
truth
herein
is
,
that
since
it
is
never
urged
that
the
Jews
did
challenge
a
right
of
setting
up
these
lesser
powers
,
it
proves
that
their
meaning
is
mistaken
by
those
that
think
they
had
right
to
set
up
the
greater
.
For
if
they
could
not
set
over
them
Moses
,
Joshua
,
and
the
rest
,
why
should
they
have
power
to
confer
the
office
of
Kingship
?
If
they
could
not
,
or
did
not
make
Moses
King
of
Jesurun
,
how
came
they
to
have
right
to
make
David
?
And
therefore
,
to
sum
up
all
,
kingly
office
being
by
Divine
institution
,
the
power
necessary
for
execution
thereof
is
not
by
Paction
from
inferiors
,
but
by
gift
from
God
above
.
When
Princes
upon
occasion
promise
the
imparting
of
any
power
to
magistrates
or
others
of
his
people
,
this
,
as
coming
from
a
rightful
superior
,
is
on
them
bestowed
as
of
grace
and
gift
;
and
not
any
way
arguing
,
that
the
power
remaining
is
from
Inferiors
to
Superiors
by
capitulation
.
For
though
those
Monarchical
Judges
and
High-Priests
that
ruled
while
Kings
came
,
had
not
so
much
power
as
Kings
,
yet
because
they
were
straightned
from
above
onely
(
by
Gods
continuing
King
upon
great
and
extraordinary
occasions
)
that
Government
was
a
Monarchy
:
no
otherwise
then
those
still
continue
Families
,
where
Laws
of
superiors
streighten
the
power
of
the
Master
most
:
by
taking
the
cognizance
and
judgement
of
those
under
him
,
as
in
the
relation
of
Subjects
.
Therefore
when
Government
(
as
in
neither
of
these
cases
)
is
not
straitned
by
power
from
below
,
it
continues
right
Government
;
because
nothing
of
subjection
is
remitted
.
For
that
power
the
Father
exerciseth
not
,
the
Prince
doth
:
and
what
the
Prince
doth
not
,
nor
cannot
,
is
done
by
God
:
who
is
onely
above
him
.
And
again
,
although
the
governeds
obedience
be
to
more
then
one
,
(
as
touching
their
general
subjection
)
yet
since
in
each
particular
command
they
have
but
one
determinate
Commander
,
and
have
but
one
in
chief
to
appeal
to
,
their
Government
is
still
right
and
Monarchical
.
CHAP.
XI
.
Of
Magistrates
,
Councellors
,
&c.
AS
we
have
hitherto
declared
the
necessity
of
Government
,
and
confined
it
to
one
person
,
so
it
must
be
supposed
,
that
so
great
a
charge
cannot
be
managed
by
any
single
man
without
the
assistance
of
others
.
Whereupon
,
these
assistants
being
in
many
thing
the
immediate
executioners
of
power
and
commands
,
in
,
and
upon
the
Subjects
,
it
comes
many
times
to
pass
that
the
original
of
power
is
forgotten
,
and
the
very
right
of
Soveraignty
it self
usurped
by
,
and
imputed
to
these
subordinate
Ministers
.
This
chiefly
appears
in
those
useful
Ministers
in
each
Kingdom
,
to
wit
,
Councellors
and
Magistrates
;
by
whose
help
the
single
eys
and
hands
of
the
Prince
do
receive
information
and
execution
elsewhere
;
and
are
thereby
enabled
to
contrive
and
act
what
other
ways
in
his
proper
person
he
could
not
.
The
which
inconvenience
is
not
so
incident
to
the
Master
of
the
Family
:
because
in
his
less
charge
,
he
is
able
personally
to
look
into
his
affairs
,
&
to
direct
according
to
occasion
himself
:
and
so
needs
but
seldom
to
ask
Counsel
,
or
to
appoint
standing
Laws
or
Officers
for
execution
therein
.
For
Magistrates
are
but
the
executioners
of
Laws
,
and
Laws
are
but
the
Processions
of
Councel
,
and
Councel
again
,
is
but
the
result
of
particulars
debated
:
we
shall
therefore
speak
of
it
in
the
first
place
,
as
the
ground
to
the
rest
.
The
excellency
of
man
above
other
Creatures
,
and
of
one
man
above
another
,
is
in
Wisdom
,
Discourse
,
Reason
,
Councel
,
&c.
which
is
imployed
either
in
aiming
at
the
best
ends
,
or
chusing
the
best
means
for
attaining
them
:
either
in
the
knowledge
and
discovery
of
good
and
bad
,
or
in
knowledge
of
prosecution
or
avoidance
thereof
.
Mans
end
we
said
(
before
)
to
be
pleasure
:
which
being
of
different
sorts
and
degrees
,
according
to
the
supply
of
the
object
,
and
capacity
of
the
receiver
;
it
will
produce
two
differences
of
pleasure
:
that
is
,
the
difference
in
degree
,
vigor
,
and
reality
of
fruition
;
and
difference
of
the
time
of
its
lasting
and
continuance
.
The
knowledge
of
the
first
of
these
belongs
to
each
sensitive
Agent
,
even
as
it
is
such
:
the
other
must
depend
upon
Discourse
:
as
must
also
the
difficulties
and
expediences
in
attaining
it
.
In
all
these
things
,
if
we
consider
men
in
Nature
,
that
is
,
separate
and
unsubordinate
,
they
will
depend
upon
his
own
Sense
and
Reason
:
but
as
he
stands
in
relation
or
subjection
to
others
,
it
must
have
measure
and
approbation
from
them
accordingly
.
Wherefore
now
,
being
to
consider
men
as
linked
in
society
,
where
private
good
is
to
give
place
to
general
,
and
the
judgement
of
what
is
general
belongs
to
those
that
have
general
trust
,
the
discourse
both
of
the
lastingness
of
the
possession
,
and
the
way
to
acquire
it
,
must
belong
to
others
also
.
Nay
,
as
the
Prince
hath
charge
of
all
in
general
,
so
hath
he
over
each
one
in
particular
:
and
as
fewer
persons
are
not
to
be
pleasured
to
the
harm
of
more
,
so
is
no
one
,
or
many
,
to
harm
themselves
unavoidably
.
Therefore
if
the
whole
people
,
deceived
with
a
false
appearance
of
things
(
occasioned
by
their
own
weakness
,
or
through
fraudulent
disguise
of
others
)
should
request
any
thing
which
he
foresaw
would
not
be
pleasant
in
possession
,
or
would
be
overvalued
in
consequential
inconveniences
,
he
may
justly
deny
.
For
it
is
his
part
,
as
to
seek
the
subjects
continual
pleasure
and
good
,
so
to
avoid
and
divert
what
may
produce
their
harm
and
affliction
.
And
the
same
we
may
say
of
single
persons
,
or
few
:
which
if
they
shal
choose
to
act
without
experience
,
and
deceive
themselves
in
the
true
estimation
of
pleasure
,
though
herein
they
think
they
cross
not
others
,
yet
,
they
are
to
be
by
him
debarred
:
as
having
the
charge
of
each
ones
good
.
For
the
same
reason
that
forbids
the
pleasure
of
few
to
the
damage
of
more
,
in
regard
of
the
equal
relations
they
all
have
to
him
as
subjects
,
forbids
his
permission
in
harming
any
one
solitarily
considered
in
the
same
relation
.
And
as
,
when
subjects
are
comparatively
considered
,
the
pleasure
of
more
is
to
be
preferred
to
that
of
few
,
and
the
harme
of
more
to
be
diverted
to
that
of
few
(
in
things
equally
prejudicial
and
unavoidable
)
so
the
pleasure
or
harm
of
all
,
many
,
or
one
,
is
,
in
the
absence
of
such
comparison
and
modification
,
to
be
absolutely
granted
or
denyed
.
So
that
then
,
all
that
Subjects
(
as
such
)
can
have
implicite
trust
to
be
judges
of
,
is
,
in
the
vigor
and
reality
of
the
pleasure
of
what
they
desire
:
and
this
each
one
can
have
but
for
himself
neither
.
For
if
it
be
of
a
pleasurable
object
which
he
hath
not
tried
,
he
may
over
or
under
conceit
it
:
as
also
,
he
is
less
able
to
judge
or
apprehend
what
will
be
the
fruition
of
another
therein
.
Therefore
now
,
to
come
to
application
,
the
good
of
the
whole
Kingdom
being
the
object
Councel
,
and
the
good
of
the
whole
arising
from
that
of
particulars
,
the
first
enquiry
must
be
what
truely
are
those
several
desires
and
aims
of
the
subjects
?
The
next
must
be
,
whether
they
have
not
deceived
themselves
,
as
to
the
valuing
of
their
fruitions
,
or
to
the
consequents
attending
them
?
And
then
,
whether
the
possession
or
means
of
attaining
them
?
be
feasible
and
lawful
:
that
is
to
say
,
unprejudicial
to
others
.
All
these
things
have
their
degrees
of
comparison
to
make
them
capable
of
choice
or
refusal
,
according
to
the
general
maxims
of
a
less
evil
to
be
endured
before
a
greater
,
and
a
greater
good
to
be
chosen
before
a
less
:
else
,
if
many
subjects
,
in
a
kinde
of
wantonness
:
should
desire
a
pleasure
which
would
highly
and
necessarily
prejudice
a
fewer
number
,
it
is
not
to
be
granted
:
for
that
the
Prince
having
equal
interest
and
relation
,
the
more
in
number
would
be
the
less
in
value
:
as
would
be
the
death
or
ruine
of
one
Subject
,
to
satisfie
the
anger
or
avarice
of
many
.
In
this
case
therefore
,
the
rule
of
comparison
still
stands
true
;
the
less
evil
of
displeasing
many
:
to
be
preferred
to
the
greater
evil
of
undoing
few
:
&
these
things
depend
on
particulars
,
which
are
infinite
.
As
these
considerations
may
give
us
light
to
judge
of
things
debated
in
those
more
general
Councels
which
are
called
Parliaments
,
where
the
desires
and
grievances
of
particular
Subjects
go
upward
,
and
are
by
degrees
collected
and
represented
unto
the
Prince
,
the
general
and
common
sense
of
good
and
bad
,
to
the
end
suitable
accommodations
and
remedies
may
be
granted
,
so
when
this
common
Sensory
and
Judge
of
good
and
bad
,
gathering
ground
from
hence
,
or
by
information
elsewhere
gotten
,
shall
act
downwards
by
those
Magistrates
neerest
him
,
and
,
according
to
the
fitness
of
any
thing
to
be
done
or
avoided
,
make
any
Edict
or
Law
to
that
purpose
,
these
comparative
values
must
be
acknowledged
the
prime
guide
of
what
is
to
be
done
both
ways
:
and
thereupon
,
that
none
but
he
hath
power
to
admit
and
conclude
of
debates
.
And
this
,
because
if
any
Councel
have
power
to
admit
and
receive
what
they
like
,
and
to
make
what
conclusions
thereupon
they
like
too
,
what
shall
hinder
them
of
absolute
Soveraignty
?
For
implicitly
to
follow
Councel
,
is
all
one
as
to
follow
Command
.
And
therefore
,
this
peremptoriness
of
Councel
being
proper
onely
to
such
as
have
the
highest
power
,
because
it
is
to
be
supposed
the
guide
to
power
,
it
is
the
reason
why
Christ
takes
it
as
an
honorable
and
powerful
name
to
be
called
wonderful
Councellor
.
And
in
the
Scripture
sense
,
My
son
I
counsel
thee
,
is
the
same
as
if
it
should
have
been
said
,
My
son
I
command
thee
:
all
of
them
shewing
,
that
such
as
are
under
subjection
in
things
that
are
commanded
,
must
be
under
subjection
for
that
counsel
also
whereupon
those
commands
are
grounded
:
or
else
it
will
be
to
be
really
superior
,
and
to
be
under
but
in
shew
onely
.
For
if
the
Prince
,
like
an
ordinary
Subject
,
must
submit
his
Will
to
the
guidance
of
a
superior
understanding
,
he
is
himself
a
Subject
:
and
if
you
take
away
his
negative
voice
,
you
take
away
his
Soveraignty
.
Which
thing
you
also
do
,
when
you
deprive
him
of
his
rightful
power
either
to
chose
publick
Councellors
,
or
to
admit
of
things
Councelable
;
and
to
limit
proceedings
in
debates
.
For
as
no
man
can
command
in
what
he
is
not
himself
free
,
or
with
Justice
demand
Obedience
from
another
,
to
what
he
hath
not
yet
approved
as
just
in
himself
:
so
ought
Princes
to
have
their
Understandings
and
Consciences
satisfied
and
free
in
themselves
,
before
they
should
impose
on
their
subjects
.
Therefore
,
I
should
think
that
those
which
meet
in
Parliaments
to
represent
the
desires
of
such
and
such
particular
places
and
people
,
can
neither
of
right
assemble
without
leave
,
from
the
Prince
,
whose
Authority
can
onely
make
them
a
publike
and
lawful
Convention
,
nor
Debate
or
Councel
remedies
further
then
they
have
leave
and
direction
from
him
too
:
or
else
,
they
shall
become
both
Parties
and
Judges
.
Because
,
in
these
expedients
,
the
whole
Kingdom
,
or
a
greater
part
then
themselves
and
those
they
stand
for
,
coming
many
times
to
be
involved
,
their
private
interest
and
judgement
must
in
reason
and
duty
submit
to
that
which
is
impartial
and
common
.
Nay
if
the
Prince
should
give
them
leave
to
Debate
and
Vote
,
and
they
,
by
joyning
many
private
interests
,
should
,
by
a
kinde
of
confederacy
,
make
a
joint
claim
to
the
effecting
any
thing
to
the
ruine
of
a
few
,
all
were
yet
free
for
the
Prince
,
out
of
his
common
and
impartial
relation
to
them
all
,
to
approve
or
deny
,
as
shall
stand
most
valuable
by
generality
or
neerness
of
concern
,
according
to
the
rules
before
spoken
of
.
But
when
persons
representing
particular
places
,
shall
so
far
be
suffered
to
proceed
in
Debates
of
remedies
,
as
to
come
to
Vote
,
conclude
,
and
councel
what
is
to
be
done
,
and
have
for
their
so
doing
no
Authority
but
what
was
issuing
from
themselves
;
there
can
be
nothing
more
destructive
to
the
good
government
of
a
Kingdom
then
it
,
for
it
quite
subverts
the
whole
frame
of
Monarchy
;
and
runs
that
nation
into
the
mischiefs
of
Anarchy
,
whose
absurdities
have
been
formerly
spoken
off
.
And
this
is
none
other
then
if
a
single
induction
,
or
else
some
single
appetite
or
affection
,
should
of
it self
,
and
by
its
own
presure
upon
us
,
prevail
to
the
determination
or
execution
of
any
thing
we
do
,
without
taking
notice
of
that
general
appetite
and
affection
in
us
,
called
Will
:
which
,
by
reason
it
hath
been
founded
upon
the
continual
experience
of
the
different
concerns
and
issues
of
these
lesser
appetites
can
be
onely
able
to
say
which
,
and
how
far
any
of
them
should
prevail
.
For
subjects
are
to
be
taken
onely
as
competent
Judges
of
pleasant
and
unpleasant
:
but
it
is
the
Prince
his
Prerogative
from
God
,
to
judge
of
good
and
bad
.
And
again
,
although
a
negative
voice
of
Soveraignty
should
be
allowed
to
restrain
execution
in
these
debates
,
yet
the
inconvenience
of
the
subjects
discontent
will
necessarily
follow
:
Inasmuch
as
they
shall
finde
their
desires
now
ackowledged
fit
in
the
resolutions
of
so
many
,
and
onely
crossed
by
one
:
which
shall
never
fail
to
be
construed
out
of
some
private
interest
of
his
own
,
or
of
some
neer
about
him
.
Therefore
,
as
these
Assemblies
of
Parliaments
are
necessary
,
that
thereby
the
wants
and
grievances
of
subjects
may
be
known
,
so
do
some
Kingdoms
wisely
order
to
have
many
of
them
;
that
is
in
every
Province
or
Shire
one
:
by
which
means
the
peoples
desires
might
be
more
particularly
and
distinctly
known
;
and
accordingly
represented
to
the
Prince
in
a
more
general
Councel
to
be
considered
of
.
Whereupon
,
these
Assemblies
of
several
Provinces
meeting
in
several
places
,
cannot
at
the
same
time
joyn
in
the
same
Vote
(
as
out
of
plot
)
in
their
desires
and
remedies
;
but
their
several
requests
and
opinions
being
referred
to
a
superior
common
censure
and
determination
,
each
one
will
conclude
that
their
private
desires
were
denyed
or
delayed
out
of
publike
regard
.
And
then
the
Prince
,
truely
knowing
the
general
desire
and
grievance
of
his
subjects
,
may
accordingly
provide
for
them
,
without
endangering
publike
discontent
:
which
is
like
to
fall
out
,
when
people
shall
be
pu●
in
minde
of
any
new
suit
by
knowledge
of
their
Representatives
Votes
,
which
they
will
be
always
thinking
the
most
equal
and
just
rule
to
follow
:
especially
while
they
are
consonant
to
their
own
desires
:
And
yet
in
truth
,
nothing
more
unreasonable
.
For
suppose
the
major
number
wise
and
unprejudiced
,
yet
when
the
number
of
dissenters
are
taken
out
of
them
,
the
over
number
can
be
onely
taken
as
concluding
that
way
:
who
cannot
avail
in
credit
against
the
Prince
,
the
representative
whole
.
And
therefore
he
,
for
that
very
cause
,
and
for
that
general
account
and
trust
sake
,
he
is
put
into
,
he
ought
in
all
reason
to
have
his
Conscience
and
judgement
left
free
:
and
to
be
first
satisfied
,
whether
these
proposals
are
correspondent
to
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
,
and
truely
conducent
to
publike
benefit
.
But
partiality
and
interest
doth
so
commonly
cloud
and
byass
subjects
in
these
kinde
of
determinations
,
that
we
may
observe
that
in
those
places
,
and
those
very
men
that
do
most
enveigh
against
this
negative
voice
in
the
King
,
as
leaving
too
arbitrary
a
power
in
him
that
is
to
rule
,
are
all
that
while
,
assuming
to
themselves
,
that
should
be
ruled
,
an
indisputable
power
of
suspention
or
refusal
in
any
Law
or
Precept
of
his
,
in
case
they
in
their
judgements
finde
them
contrary
to
the
rules
of
Religion
or
publike
Justice
.
And
since
all
the
reason
which
private
persons
can
give
for
this
their
denyal
,
is
but
for
some
particular
danger
and
hazard
to
themselves
,
they
must
thereupon
grant
,
that
he
that
is
to
answer
for
the
welfare
and
safeties
of
others
ought
much
more
to
have
this
liberty
allowed
him
.
But
certainly
,
had
not
Scripture
and
Antiquity
acknowledged
the
Prince
to
have
an
indisputable
right
unto
a
Negative
voice
,
and
to
be
himself
so
supreme
in
all
Councels
and
Debates
,
as
that
their
chief
value
and
reputation
should
depend
on
him
,
and
not
on
them
,
I
see
not
how
the
frequent
threats
of
giving
Children
,
Babes
,
and
Women
to
be
Kings
and
Princes
,
could
be
taken
as
a
true
woe
or
malediction
,
but
rather
otherwise
.
For
that
,
in
such
places
where
their
Kings
were
restrained
from
personal
medling
by
such
disability
,
it
must
follow
that
the
Councellors
proceeding
with
greater
freedom
in
the
deliberations
and
conclusions
,
they
shall
proportionably
also
cause
the
happiness
of
that
State
or
Kingdom
to
encrease
:
by
that
encrease
of
uncontrolable
Authority
they
shall
by
this
means
have
.
By
all
which
we
may
finde
,
that
it
is
so
far
from
being
Tyranny
or
Oppression
,
that
it
is
true
prudence
and
duty
in
Princes
,
as
to
admit
of
no
Councels
or
Councellors
of
whose
sufficiency
and
integrity
themselves
are
not
satisfied
,
so
never
to
grant
them
general
and
arbitrary
power
to
conclude
or
vote
:
thereby
to
have
their
sense
of
things
published
till
they
shall
be
his
too
.
For
as
it
is
distastful
to
do
things
without
Councel
,
so
much
more
against
it
.
And
it
will
be
prudence
in
him
too
,
by
no
means
to
add
their
Authority
to
his
acts
,
or
very
seldom
to
do
it
:
because
it
will
in
time
eat
out
his
power
by
its
growing
reputation
,
or
cause
Rebellion
when
he
shall
withdraw
.
And
again
the
Nature
of
the
thing
it self
will
require
this
superintendency
,
for
nothing
more
incident
to
Councels
then
partiality
and
siding
,
according
to
interest
,
either
of
bribes
,
kindred
,
or
friendship
in
debates
that
concern
parties
and
affairs
in
the
same
Kingdom
:
Or
if
it
concern
other
Kingdoms
or
States
,
there
is
nothing
more
usual
then
to
have
them
Pensioners
to
forraigners
.
All
which
the
Prince
is
in
reason
free
from
.
For
as
he
hath
alike
interest
to
all
within
his
own
Kingdom
,
so
can
he
not
have
an
equal
wish
to
the
welfare
of
himself
and
another
Prince
:
which
the
Councellors
may
have
,
through
ambition
,
bribery
,
or
revenge
to
him
or
others
:
as
Ahitophel
and
Abner
,
and
other
examples
do
declare
.
Again
,
as
in
all
other
meetings
of
equals
,
Councels
cannot
be
without
faction
:
where
some
one
mans
reputation
wins
many
after
him
,
like
flocks
of
sheep
,
which
way
he
shall
encline
.
In
which
case
,
I
see
not
how
poling
and
numbring
of
the
persons
voting
,
can
justly
estimate
right
and
wrong
,
or
the
result
of
the
Councel
either
:
for
that
these
cannot
be
reckoned
in
the
number
of
Counsellors
to
the
Prince
,
but
as
servants
to
others
.
Add
to
this
,
that
usual
height
of
arrogance
which
men
ordinarily
take
to
themselves
in
presumption
of
their
abilities
in
this
kinde
;
insomuch
as
truth
is
not
so
much
desired
,
as
victory
.
All
which
Passions
,
as
they
shall
come
to
be
by
the
Prince
discovered
,
it
were
strange
if
an
odds
of
two
or
three
in
a
number
,
should
be
thought
sufficient
to
conclude
against
the
stronger
integrity
and
Reason
that
shall
appear
to
him
to
be
in
a
less
number
of
persons
:
as
though
the
whole
number
of
any
Councel
could
be
for
Wisdom
and
Honesty
equal
,
or
that
these
things
must
ever
follow
the
greater
number
.
But
,
in
these
last
discourses
,
I
would
not
be
again
understood
as
teaching
Princes
in
this
place
what
to
do
,
otherwise
then
may
serve
to
let
subjects
know
what
they
are
to
obey
.
Now
concerning
Magistrates
,
and
the
reasons
both
for
institution
and
limitation
of
their
Offices
,
it
may
well
appear
out
of
what
hath
been
hitherto
spoken
of
Councellors
.
For
as
the
one
being
chosen
or
admitted
to
be
helpers
to
the
Prince
in
the
farther
information
of
his
Understanding
,
are
not
thereupon
to
be
so
far
consultative
or
deliberative
as
by
their
peremptoriness
therein
to
overthrow
and
exclude
that
very
end
for
which
they
were
ordained
,
even
so
also
Magistrates
,
being
by
him
chosen
or
admitted
as
helpers
to
his
Will
in
the
better
execution
of
what
shall
be
by
him
decreed
and
appointed
are
not
thereupon
to
proceed
upon
their
own
Decrees
without
leave
of
him
that
authorized
them
.
Else
it
may
happen
,
that
Councellors
determining
as
in
their
own
rights
,
and
Magistrates
acting
so
too
,
they
should
(
as
too
often
it
cometh
to
pass
)
thrust
out
and
seclude
that
Soveraignty
that
set
them
up
,
and
engross
it
to
themselves
.
So
that
we
may
call
the
Magistrate
a
publike
Officer
appointed
and
authorized
by
his
Superior
power
for
the
oversight
and
execution
of
so
much
of
his
authority
as
he
shall
command
and
entrust
unto
him
.
From
whence
,
the
Magistrates
may
be
apprehended
to
be
of
divers
sorts
;
according
to
the
nature
of
those
trusts
which
that
superior
power
shall
commit
unto
them
.
For
as
he
shall
delegate
them
as
chief
Judges
and
disposers
of
things
,
either
in
Ecclesiastical
,
Civil
,
or
Martial
affairs
,
so
may
they
come
to
differ
in
denominations
,
as
Bishops
,
Judges
,
Commissioners
,
Ambassadors
,
and
such
like
.
But
,
as
,
by
the
words
appointed
and
authorised
,
he
must
be
presumed
under
the
Soveraign
(
especially
when
he
is
present
)
so
,
by
the
word
oversight
,
he
must
be
taken
as
of
absolute
power
in
his
absence
:
or
else
his
deputation
and
power
is
useless
.
And
therefore
when
some
are
saying
Magistrates
are
bound
to
the
Laws
,
so
as
to
rule
according
to
them
;
this
is
true
,
as
far
as
concerns
their
trust
and
charge
received
from
those
above
them
,
But
as
for
such
as
are
to
be
ruled
by
them
,
they
must
be
(
in
the
Soveraigns
stead
)
absolutely
above
them
:
and
the
whole
interpretation
and
enforcement
of
the
Law
must
depend
on
them
also
.
So
that
from
hence
it
will
appear
,
that
none
but
God
Almighty
is
an
absolute
Soveraign
:
because
Princes
,
being
by
him
intrusted
with
Divine
and
Natural
Laws
,
are
but
as
Magistrates
under
him
.
For
when
he
shall
immediately
appear
in
any
thing
,
by
voice
from
himself
,
or
by
extraordinary
direction
from
some
Prophet
,
(
which
for
our
belief
he
attests
by
miracle
)
their
power
is
to
cease
;
upon
the
same
reason
that
the
power
of
their
own
Magistrates
ceases
,
or
alters
when
themselves
appear
,
or
give
to
others
more
late
or
extraordinary
Commission
under
their
hands
and
seals
.
But
although
it
be
true
,
that
,
in
respect
of
God
above
,
they
be
but
Magistrates
,
yet
the
usual
calling
them
Magistrates
,
as
thereby
making
them
but
of
equal
rank
and
power
with
others
,
hath
bred
the
fame
misapprehension
to
abate
their
just
power
,
as
the
calling
Subjects
People
,
hath
prevailed
towards
the
belief
of
the
encrease
of
theirs
.
For
as
Magistrates
and
people
are
republike
compellations
,
which
,
subsisting
by
,
and
aiming
at
equality
,
do
by
their
expressions
signifie
as
much
,
so
Prince
and
subjects
are
onely
proper
in
a
Kingdom
,
where
greater
disparity
is
the
foundation
thereof
.
But
,
while
the
King
hath
the
title
of
supreme
Magistrate
given
him
,
as
importing
his
more
large
power
from
God
,
he
is
still
in
his
true
seat
of
power
:
for
while
he
is
such
,
he
must
in
all
Gods
Laws
,
and
where
God
presides
not
himself
,
be
obeyed
as
in
his
stead
:
as
that
Statute
and
setled
Officer
for
execution
of
his
will
according
to
all
Laws
already
received
.
But
if
God
send
any
Ambassador
,
or
Commissioner
,
or
Prophet
,
or
Apostle
,
with
an
extraordinary
message
of
his
pleasure
(
as
before
shewed
)
then
is
he
to
be
obeyed
upon
our
knowledge
thereof
:
as
having
neerer
instructions
from
the
fountain
of
power
.
For
as
it
would
be
unreasonable
for
the
Axe
to
boast
it self
against
him
that
heweth
therewith
,
.
&c.
In
like
manner
would
it
also
be
,
But
now
,
as
for
such
who
doe
acknowledge
it
unreasonable
for
the
Magistrate
or
subordinate
Officer
to
resist
or
rise
up
against
that
power
that
gave
it
Essence
to
be
such
,
and
would
yet
countenance
disobedience
against
Princes
,
by
affirming
Magistrates
and
Officers
in
their
Kingdomes
to
be
in
some
Employments
and
cases
so
far
from
being
Subordinate
,
and
his
Magistrates
,
that
they
may
,
as
having
power
therein
from
God
,
both
refuse
his
commands
,
and
also
subject
him
to
the
obedience
of
their
own
Authorities
and
Offices
,
they
should
doe
well
to
consider
that
God
can
have
but
one
supreme
Magistrate
,
namely
,
the
King
:
and
that
all
others
can
have
power
but
as
sent
of
him
.
Now
it
might
be
demanded
of
these
men
,
That
since
these
Magistrates
and
intrusted
Officers
had
their
places
from
the
Prince
onely
,
and
since
without
Commission
and
power
from
him
they
could
not
have
had
Power
in
any
thing
outwardly
to
be
exercised
,
more
then
other
ordinary
Subjects
,
how
should
it
therefore
come
to
pass
that
by
vertue
of
a
Deputation
to
serve
,
and
be
subordinately
assisting
unto
him
,
they
can
claim
right
and
power
to
be
unsubjected
,
and
in
any
thing
above
him
?
But
we
shall
here
somewhat
examine
the
usuall
ground
of
this
stubbornness
:
which
is
by
distinguishing
(
at
their
pleasures
)
Religious
and
Civil
duties
,
one
from
another
,
and
then
making
men
obliged
to
obedience
in
the
first
sort
to
Gods
precepts
onely
;
with
this
farther
supposition
,
that
themselves
,
or
such
are
they
fancy
are
to
be
obeyed
as
his
Magistrates
therein
.
And
they
then
stint
the
Princes
power
to
be
onely
exercised
in
what
they
refuse
,
and
shall
call
Civil
matters
:
of
which
distinction
of
duties
we
shall
speak
more
fully
anon
.
In
the
mean
time
,
because
the
conceit
of
Magistrates
distinct
and
unsubordinate
power
,
hath
arisen
from
belief
of
this
distinction
of
duties
,
we
are
to
consider
in
brief
,
that
being
now
Christians
,
we
cannot
at
our
private
pleasures
renounce
and
take
off
that
general
relation
,
and
say
that
in
such
and
such
particulars
we
act
as
natural
men
,
in
such
as
civil
men
,
and
in
such
onely
as
Christians
:
but
since
now
,
all
unrighteousness
is
sin
,
of
an
idle
word
;
so
hath
God
united
the
high
trust
and
oversight
of
all
these
things
to
this
his
onely
supreme
Magistrate
:
And
this
in
so
neer
a
tye
of
obedience
,
as
where
he
is
not
divided
in
himself
,
that
is
to
say
,
differenced
from
us
in
Religion
(
but
is
a
Christian
as
well
as
we
)
there
we
cannot
more
divide
from
his
Authority
in
our
Christian
obedience
,
then
we
can
in
our
Civil
:
without
dividing
Christ
that
gave
him
this
Office
,
and
separating
him
likewise
from
his
right
of
Kingship
over
us
:
and
so
affirm
that
we
are
to
obey
Kings
as
Gods
deputies
in
the
State
,
but
not
as
Christs
in
the
Church
.
For
albeit
in
some
Assemblies
of
Christian
Subjects
,
where
persons
in
holy
Orders
do
more
particularly
appear
and
preside
,
(
as
being
an
Assembly
by
the
Prince
constituted
for
more
neer
examination
and
stating
what
in
the
Scripture
is
more
particularly
contayned
,
or
what
is
more
expresly
tending
to
Gods
Worship
and
Service
)
Princes
may
be
thought
thereupon
secluded
,
yet
since
they
are
still
Christians
Subjects
as
others
,
and
have
(
as
we
said
)
their
whole
Assembly
and
their
particular
powers
therein
authorized
from
the
same
head
that
other
Assemblies
have
,
we
may
conclude
that
each
Kingdom
is
as
well
such
a
Church
as
such
a
Kingdom
:
And
as
Christ
is
head
of
the
Church
,
and
King
of
Kings
too
,
so
is
each
King
,
under
him
,
head
of
both
also
:
and
,
while
he
continues
a
Christian
Magistrate
,
he
must
be
always
so
obeyed
and
acknowledged
.
And
although
,
where
the
Prince
or
Supreme
Magistrate
is
no
Christian
(
as
in
the
infancie
of
Christianity
it
fared
)
the
saying
is
useful
of
giving
to
Caesar
the
things
that
are
Caesars
,
and
to
God
the
things
that
are
Gods
,
of
obeying
God
rather
then
man
:
because
,
in
that
case
,
the
Magistrate
not
undertaking
to
be
Gods
or
Christs
Vicegerent
at
all
,
(
so
as
to
promote
their
honor
and
worship
,
but
it
may
be
the
contrary
)
it
were
strange
to
give
him
the
power
of
the
Church
which
he
will
not
own
,
but
rather
refuseth
.
Therefore
he
refusing
to
act
as
a
Christian
Magistrate
in
matters
of
Divine
Precept
,
we
must
have
recourse
to
Gods
command
our selves
:
or
to
such
representation
as
any
Assembly
of
the
Church
at
that
time
can
have
.
But
where
the
supreme
Magistrate
is
a
Christian
,
there
,
as
in
all
his
relations
,
he
is
supreme
to
the
rest
of
his
Subjects
,
so
is
he
in
all
his
commands
to
be
obeyed
as
a
Christian
Magistrate
.
For
if
that
rule
of
giving
to
Caesar
,
&c.
be
taken
litterally
and
expresly
,
so
as
to
exclude
Kings
(
as
Kings
)
from
being
Gods
Ministers
and
Magistrates
in
Church
matters
,
it
must
again
exclude
God
from
medling
in
secular
affairs
or
matters
of
the
Commonwealth
:
doing
thereby
not
so
much
wrong
to
Kings
,
as
to
God
himself
.
For
since
without
a
Magistrate
nothing
can
be
done
in
the
Law-makers
absence
,
all
Laws
of
Religion
must
then
remain
arbitrary
and
useless
:
and
God
would
(
by
consequent
)
be
as
well
thrust
out
of
religious
power
,
as
directly
hereby
excluded
out
of
the
Civil
.
So
that
,
when
that
,
or
the
Precept
of
obeying
God
rather
then
man
is
to
be
taken
of
direct
use
and
force
,
it
must
be
when
Subjects
stand
subjected
as
aforesaid
:
or
else
(
as
we
said
)
in
the
case
of
new
express
command
from
God
or
Christ
himself
received
:
who
,
as
the
higher
power
,
must
then
be
obeyed
;
as
in
that
particular
case
wherein
this
sentence
was
spoken
may
appear
.
For
Christ
having
himself
particularly
and
expresly
said
to
his
Apostles
,
Go
teach
all
Nations
,
forbidding
them
to
teach
any
more
in
his
Name
,
had
been
expresly
to
have
obeyed
man
rather
then
God
:
and
to
have
put
them
in
danger
of
Woe
if
they
preach
not
.
Even
as
,
on
the
other
side
,
to
hearken
to
such
Precepts
as
come
to
be
invented
and
pressed
by
private
men
,
contrary
to
the
sense
of
Gods
publike
Minister
,
and
without
express
revelation
therein
from
God
(
which
he
is
evidently
to
prove
)
is
,
as
done
against
Gods
command
,
to
obey
man
rather
then
God
also
.
And
this
,
not
onely
,
whether
the
doers
be
private
persons
,
or
else
subordinate
Magistrates
.
For
all
power
being
in
the
King
,
and
they
deriving
theirs
as
sent
of
him
,
as
they
cannot
claim
obedience
from
others
but
by
Authority
from
him
,
so
they
must
,
as
private
persons
in
respect
of
him
,
give
obedience
to
him
,
by
whose
power
(
under
God
)
they
had
this
their
jurisdiction
.
CHAP.
XII
.
Of
the
Right
of
Dominion
.
HAving
hitherto
spoken
of
the
duty
of
subjection
,
and
particularly
to
Kings
,
it
will
farther
be
necessary
to
say
something
in
designation
of
the
persons
:
that
so
the
stubborn
may
be
without
excuse
,
and
the
Consciencious
have
direction
and
satisfaction
(
as
far
as
may
be
)
what
to
follow
.
We
must
now
again
therefore
consider
,
that
as
mans
obligation
of
Praise
and
Thanks
to
God
above
other
Creatures
,
arose
from
his
different
receit
of
things
beneficial
and
pleasurable
,
so
the
use
of
these
things
standing
necessary
,
some
way
for
possession
of
them
stood
necessary
also
:
else
,
while
God
had
been
so
bountiful
in
giving
,
we
might
yet
lose
the
benefit
of
enjoying
them
.
For
mankinde
to
make
good
his
content
against
the
molestation
of
other
Creatures
is
not
hard
;
because
of
his
great
skill
and
ability
above
them
:
but
then
,
how
to
enjoy
them
from
the
disturbance
of
one
another
,
we
have
no
other
way
then
that
natural
one
,
common
to
them
also
:
which
is
by
the
decision
of
force
;
or
by
that
other
way
,
proper
almost
to
man
,
which
is
by
craft
.
For
if
such
decision
were
not
,
but
that
every
one
,
as
having
a
like
appetite
and
equal
natural
right
,
should
have
equal
force
also
,
one
man
would
be
a
continual
hinderance
to
another
:
which
now
,
by
the
decision
of
victory
,
or
the
fear
thereof
,
comes
to
be
possessed
by
all
:
that
is
,
by
the
victor
first
,
and
by
the
weaker
afterwards
.
When
two
beasts
have
their
prey
or
love
the
same
,
if
the
issue
of
their
contest
were
as
equal
as
their
right
,
their
enjoyment
would
be
none
:
And
therefore
,
the
same
Law
that
gives
them
right
to
the
thing
,
gives
them
also
right
in
remove
of
opposition
.
But
then
again
,
as
they
want
discourse
so
far
as
to
make
them
provident
for
the
future
,
so
,
having
secured
themselves
of
their
present
enjoyments
,
when
that
is
over
,
the
fear
of
dispossession
is
over
also
.
But
man
,
having
as
well
his
future
as
present
wants
in
his
care
,
by
the
same
reasons
that
he
provides
for
the
one
,
he
may
likewise
do
it
for
the
other
:
and
as
then
(
like
them
)
I
use
means
not
to
be
disturbed
in
what
I
presently
did
,
even
so
also
(
beyond
them
)
I
should
take
care
not
to
be
disturbed
hereafter
.
Whereupon
,
we
may
gather
that
propriety
of
command
and
propriety
of
possession
arose
from
the
same
root
.
For
beasts
,
that
looked
onely
at
present
possession
of
things
,
looked
no
farther
also
then
security
against
present
disturbance
.
But
men
,
that
aim
at
continual
possession
,
must
also
provide
against
future
inconvenience
,
and
may
,
by
the
same
reason
that
beasts
beat
or
scare
away
one
another
now
,
so
subject
those
that
are
in
their
present
power
,
that
they
be
not
able
to
do
the
like
for
the
future
.
So
that
then
,
propriety
is
but
continued
possession
:
and
possession
but
present
Propriety
.
And
force
is
but
present
Government
:
as
Government
is
but
continued
force
.
As
beasts
and
men
differ
thus
in
continuance
of
their
power
over
one
another
,
so
also
in
managery
thereof
.
For
when
one
beast
hath
been
victorious
over
another
,
he
hath
not
onely
disabled
him
against
future
opposition
,
by
fear
,
but
as
many
others
also
as
were
present
,
at
least
such
as
held
themselves
weaker
then
that
which
they
saw
subdued
.
For
they
,
having
not
ability
so
far
to
discourse
as
to
engage
others
to
their
assistance
(
to
the
end
that
what
cannot
singly
may
be
joyntly
mastered
)
therefore
,
present
and
future
subjection
is
to
them
the
same
.
But
because
men
can
both
watch
advantages
,
whereby
they
may
be
singly
able
to
recover
,
and
can
contrive
association
,
in
case
they
cannot
,
it
remains
reasonable
for
the
present
possessor
,
if
he
sees
his
fear
of
any
thing
in
these
kinds
to
be
just
(
while
the
persons
are
or
may
be
gotten
into
his
power
)
to
provide
for
his
security
:
and
that
not
only
against
single
persons
,
but
against
associations
also
;
as
of
more
danger
.
Which
subjection
and
government
comes
,
by
continuance
,
to
establish
as
great
a
right
over
mens
personal
liberties
and
actions
,
as
continuance
of
possession
doth
in
other
proprieties
:
for
it
is
founded
thereupon
.
To
remedy
which
inconveniencies
amongst
mankinde
,
we
shall
find
the
positive
and
statute
right
of
dominion
in
the
elder
brother
to
be
declared
upon
the
first
mention
of
propriety
:
even
to
avoid
those
continual
contests
for
mastery
amongst
brethren
,
which
else
the
natural
trial
of
right
by
meer
force
after
the
example
of
other
creatures
might
continually
endanger
:
and
so
makes
mans
propriety
,
by
its
uncertain
issue
,
to
be
on
the
one
side
more
coveted
through
hope
,
and
on
the
other
side
never
possessed
through
fear
.
For
so
we
find
the
birthright
given
to
Cain
,
presently
upon
the
mention
of
his
and
Abels
several
callings
and
interests
.
And
so
much
may
easily
be
conceived
to
be
implyed
under
those
very
names
of
theirs
,
given
them
at
that
time
by
their
parents
,
which
knew
how
to
do
it
most
properly
:
Cain
signifying
possession
or
inheritance
,
whereas
Abel
signified
vanity
or
emptiness
.
And
although
they
could
not
as
yet
,
and
during
the
life
of
their
father
,
have
absolute
proprieties
,
yet
the
nature
of
their
several
imployments
may
seem
to
foreshew
the
same
thing
:
the
elder
being
hereby
put
into
a
neerer
possession
of
the
soile
;
and
so
made
as
it
were
a
Landlord
unto
the
other
.
That
this
unction
or
donation
of
the
power
of
dominion
in
the
definite
office
of
father
of
the
family
,
or
elder
brother
(
which
was
to
succeed
theretherein
)
was
both
institutive
and
also
grounded
upon
the
former
natural
right
,
appears
by
that
speech
which
Jacob
useth
to
Reuben
while
he
is
blessing
his
sons
.
Reuben
thou
art
my
first
born
,
my
might
,
and
the
beginning
of
my
strength
:
the
excellency
of
dignity
,
and
the
excellency
of
power
.
So
that
the
foregoing
discourse
is
but
to
shew
how
government
in
general
stands
pointed
out
by
nature
,
left
alone
to
her self
:
and
how
that
it
is
Monarchical
in
particular
amongst
men
,
even
as
among
other
creatures
.
For
they
,
for
the
time
they
obey
,
it
is
ever
to
one
in
chief
:
and
we
may
observe
,
that
amongst
them
,
there
is
no
such
thing
as
a
parity
in
command
:
but
,
by
continued
subordination
,
they
are
one
under
another
,
in
the
same
heard
and
circuit
of
power
,
from
the
highest
to
the
lowest
.
From
whence
it
may
appear
,
this
government
of
one
amongst
men
was
but
the
dictate
of
nature
also
:
and
that
it
is
aswell
against
natural
practise
as
reason
,
either
for
many
equally
to
command
many
,
or
many
equally
to
obey
many
.
Notwithstanding
which
,
we
do
not
therefore
affirm
that
this
way
before
spoken
of
was
the
onely
rise
to
government
at
first
;
for
we
elsewhere
shewed
,
that
God
,
by
establishing
obedience
first
to
parents
,
and
then
,
for
succession
,
to
primogeniture
,
he
left
men
in
so
settled
a
condition
for
mutual
peace
and
agreement
,
as
the
blessing
thereof
could
not
have
been
lost
,
unless
forfeited
by
rebellion
and
Anarchical
confusion
.
But
when
these
rules
shall
be
broken
and
interrupted
,
and
the
Laws
of
God
for
obedience
to
this
present
lawful
Prince
so
far
slighted
as
by
force
to
subvert
the
government
,
and
,
for
the
present
,
to
bring
our selves
into
such
confusion
as
what
or
who
to
obey
is
uncertain
,
then
onely
(
I
suppose
)
enquiry
is
to
be
made
,
what
direction
for
well
settled
obedience
can
follow
this
disorder
.
In
which
case
,
as
men
must
be
first
presumed
to
have
forsaken
the
command
of
God
and
King
,
and
all
that
hath
power
above
them
,
so
being
now
to
be
supposed
to
have
no
other
then
the
guide
of
nature
and
self-interest
to
follow
,
it
might
be
by
some
thought
that
what
was
before
shewed
as
allowable
in
nature
in
the
dealings
of
each
man
towards
other
,
in
order
to
self-defence
and
security
,
should
be
warrantable
to
each
faction
during
their
contest
:
as
supposing
them
to
be
as
so
many
single
men
,
united
by
their
distinct
interests
.
Whereupon
they
might
argue
that
as
each
one
is
by
nature
or
reason
directed
and
warranted
to
secure
it self
to
the
utmost
against
fear
,
and
the
quantity
of
that
fear
,
and
the
security
thereupon
to
be
taken
,
being
left
to
his
judgement
also
,
it
will
follow
that
any
faction
may
herein
proceed
,
even
to
the
death
or
other
overthrow
of
its
opposers
and
enemies
;
if
in
its
judgement
his
own
preservation
so
require
.
For
in
doing
otherwise
,
and
out
of
pitty
onely
sparing
,
it
would
be
to
transgress
the
Law
of
Nature
and
Reason
,
and
to
prefer
the
sence
of
anothers
preservation
before
its
own
.
Therefore
each
party
being
diversly
affected
,
and
so
looking
upon
each
other
as
enemies
,
they
must
consequently
be
each
of
them
intent
to
provide
for
their
own
securities
:
and
whether
they
put
it
to
the
issue
of
war
or
not
,
the
weaker
is
necessarily
at
the
discretion
of
the
stronger
:
even
so
,
that
what
of
liberty
or
property
is
remaining
,
he
is
bound
in
gratitude
to
the
other
,
as
of
a
free
gift
.
But
in
this
case
there
is
great
disparity
:
for
the
single
man
had
a
separate
will
and
understanding
by
nature
implanted
for
his
own
guide
and
security
even
as
all
other
natural
agents
:
but
we
cannot
say
that
nature
hath
so
united
a
multitude
of
any
sort
:
nor
can
we
pick
out
any
example
amongst
creatures
,
where
,
by
joynt
understanding
and
will
,
multitudes
did
command
multitudes
:
nor
can
they
so
do
with
any
colour
of
right
,
otherwise
then
as
they
are
now
Monarchical
,
and
under
one
man
:
or
were
made
an
independent
community
by
their
Prince
.
And
therefore
I
should
rather
think
,
that
the
most
rational
course
that
in
this
case
can
be
taken
to
recover
their
former
happiness
and
peace
(
I
am
sure
that
most
Religious
and
conscientious
it
is
)
that
they
return
to
the
same
form
of
government
and
obedience
under
which
they
formerly
enjoyed
them
.
For
although
it
might
seem
(
for
the
present
)
tollerable
,
for
each
faction
to
stand
upon
tearms
of
safety
and
defence
against
the
other
,
yet
since
the
destruction
of
their
former
government
must
be
acknowledged
unlawful
,
they
are
to
consider
that
till
they
return
to
that
form
again
they
are
in
no
true
political
way
,
but
do
altogether
depend
upon
the
natural
way
of
continual
force
.
And
that
,
though
for
the
present
what
they
do
as
men
,
and
in
order
to
their
securities
might
be
allowable
,
yet
looking
on
themselves
as
Christians
,
they
must
make
what
hast
they
can
to
be
settled
in
the
onely
commended
and
right
form
again
:
as
knowing
their
present
actions
have
no
ground
in
true
Religion
.
For
though
it
might
be
,
in
meer
nature
,
allowable
for
their
whole
body
(
supposed
as
one
man
as
aforesaid
)
to
impose
on
the
other
,
yet
since
they
can
never
be
truely
one
in
interest
whilst
not
acting
by
one
mans
command
,
it
will
still
fall
out
that
several
parties
of
them
will
impose
too
:
then
which
nothing
more
unreasonable
.
No
nor
unjust
:
it
being
plain
partiality
thus
to
prosecute
the
designs
and
interest
of
one
party
to
the
overthrow
of
another
.
For
although
self-love
be
natural
and
just
,
as
heretofore
noted
,
in
which
regard
any
one
man
on
either
side
might
warrantably
act
his
designs
to
the
prejudice
of
any
one
on
the
other
,
yet
since
none
of
the
particular
parties
can
have
an
entire
interest
,
it
must
therefore
follow
,
that
in
acting
all
the
other
interests
of
the
rest
of
the
faction
to
the
overthrow
of
others
equally
his
neighbor
,
he
is
partial
and
unjust
:
having
in
nature
no
warrant
to
love
one
man
better
then
another
.
This
injustice
being
onely
avoided
in
that
party
that
adheres
to
a
Monarch
or
Prince
,
and
so
joyning
with
him
in
his
entire
interest
and
claim
,
do
all
of
them
act
but
as
one
person
.
Whereas
else
,
that
different
degree
of
love
,
or
hatred
,
or
interest
,
which
each
person
on
the
one
side
bears
to
each
one
on
the
other
,
must
make
them
unequal
and
unjust
prosecuters
.
So
that
although
in
case
of
self-defence
against
an
unlawful
invasion
,
or
in
some
cases
of
acquisition
and
gain
,
it
may
be
for
the
present
allowable
for
men
in
this
sort
to
unite
and
act
without
a
joynt
supreme
authority
,
especially
where
it
cannot
for
the
present
be
had
,
yet
in
case
of
government
,
wherein
a
constant
and
settled
way
of
managery
of
this
common
security
and
stock
of
riches
is
required
,
the
case
will
be
otherwise
.
For
in
the
first
condition
,
each
one
may
be
supposed
firmly
and
uniformly
united
,
and
equally
acting
his
own
interest
both
in
relation
to
self-defence
and
gain
,
even
because
each
one
seeking
these
things
in
the
highest
measure
he
can
,
doth
thereupon
equally
consider
each
one
on
the
opposing
side
as
an
enemy
to
himself
;
nor
doth
look
on
those
of
his
fellows
but
as
equally
his
friends
.
Whereas
,
on
the
other
side
,
when
places
of
honor
and
command
(
tending
to
common
security
or
the
common
revenew
and
stock
of
a
Nation
)
come
to
be
divided
or
assertained
amongst
the
subjects
themselves
in
these
cases
,
there
being
a
differing
enmity
and
competition
necessarily
to
arise
about
the
distribution
and
managery
of
these
offices
and
proprieties
between
party
and
party
in
the
same
association
,
it
cannot
be
avoided
but
that
the
unequal
ambition
and
covetousness
,
residing
in
the
several
persons
must
make
them
(
without
a
common
united
head
)
unequal
and
unjust
guides
and
distributors
of
those
things
wherein
they
must
constantly
have
such
partial
and
unequal
respect
to
one
another
.
Therefore
,
I
conclude
that
true
natural
reason
or
justice
no
more
warrants
them
to
continue
and
exercise
this
kinde
of
authority
in
shew
of
a
lawful
government
,
then
Scripture
and
nature
warranted
them
in
remove
of
their
old
.
So
that
now
,
out
of
a
conscientious
prudence
,
they
should
have
a
fellow
feeling
of
each
others
sufferings
:
and
not
continue
perpetual
judges
over
such
as
they
can
have
no
jurisdiction
upon
.
They
are
not
now
to
think
they
have
right
to
continue
this
their
present
tyranny
over
their
fellows
.
For
none
other
it
is
,
when
government
is
exercised
by
any
persons
or
orders
of
men
but
such
as
have
by
their
offices
power
from
God
:
which
since
these
cannot
have
,
as
heretofore
noted
,
It
is
not
their
specious
and
formal
way
of
proceeding
can
make
their
actings
to
the
prejudices
of
others
just
;
more
then
can
the
actings
by
other
robbers
do
the
like
.
For
as
he
that
takes
a
purse
by
force
upon
the
high
way
,
is
as
culpable
as
he
that
steals
it
,
and
as
theeves
that
shall
come
so
armed
and
accompanied
as
to
beat
off
Guards
and
Watch
,
are
as
much
robbers
as
others
,
so
is
it
not
publication
of
the
act
,
which
can
but
denote
their
present
power
,
that
can
make
Democratick
censures
lawful
:
more
then
if
thieves
,
before
they
kill
or
spoil
a
man
,
should
first
hold
a
formal
court
of
judicature
amongst
themselves
,
and
there
sentence
him
.
For
,
in
neither
case
,
it
takes
off
the
guilt
or
illegallity
of
the
fact
,
where
parties
become
judges
over
their
equals
:
but
aggravates
it
rather
,
through
imprudence
and
impunity
.
And
therefore
,
although
what
was
before
alledged
in
justification
of
the
dealings
of
one
faction
towards
another
,
might
be
allowable
as
in
order
to
self-defence
,
and
for
security
of
the
invaded
party
against
the
others
force
as
beforesaid
,
yet
can
it
not
establish
them
in
a
right
to
continue
doing
wrong
to
others
,
for
it
was
onely
allowable
as
a
course
that
should
have
prevented
it
.
It
is
also
to
be
understood
,
that
in
Christian
policy
,
it
is
onely
practicable
in
the
absence
of
Monarchy
:
as
a
temporary
way
to
safety
:
and
that
neither
numbers
nor
prescription
,
can
ever
make
it
a
lawful
government
.
For
if
there
be
a
Monarch
,
then
is
that
party
that
obeys
and
acts
in
his
name
not
to
be
called
a
faction
but
subjects
:
and
those
that
appose
them
oppose
him
,
and
are
Rebells
.
In
which
case
,
prevalence
of
number
or
power
,
nor
all
the
specious
pretences
of
leaglity
,
can
no
more
make
attempts
against
their
fellows
lawful
,
then
can
the
like
pretences
warrant
any
association
of
the
servants
of
a
family
to
attempt
the
like
against
such
of
their
fellows
as
are
put
into
office
and
authority
by
their
Master
.
For
,
in
that
case
,
the
loyal
and
faithful
subjects
and
servants
while
their
Prince
or
Master
continue
in
their
offices
,
and
while
they
pursue
their
quarrel
,
and
stand
up
against
their
enemies
,
are
to
be
presumed
as
lawfully
acting
:
because
acting
by
an
authority
from
God
derived
.
And
unto
them
,
being
so
united
in
the
interest
and
cause
of
one
supreme
person
,
is
the
dealing
of
one
party
against
another
warrantable
and
allowable
.
For
they
,
in
pursuance
of
the
loyal
quarrel
or
their
own
safeties
,
may
deal
with
the
other
as
lawful
enemies
:
but
the
other
party
cannot
do
so
towards
them
:
for
that
they
not
onely
want
a
supreme
joynt
authority
amongst
themselves
,
whereby
to
difference
subjects
from
enemies
,
but
do
also
still
oppose
him
they
have
,
in
opposing
their
fellow
subjects
that
take
his
part
.
Whereupon
it
will
follow
,
that
in
case
the
revolted
party
have
overthrown
the
other
,
they
are
now
to
count
all
their
actions
unlawful
farther
then
they
can
derive
them
from
an
officer
authorized
by
God
Almighty
;
who
is
onely
superior
to
them
both
.
In
conscience
whereof
,
when
they
shall
return
to
their
old
form
again
under
one
head
,
nature
and
policy
come
to
be
satisfied
in
all
their
claims
.
For
first
,
the
subdued
faction
or
party
will
by
this
means
be
freed
from
the
partiallity
of
dominion
under
so
many
professed
adversaries
,
and
have
one
indifferent
Judge
to
them
both
:
and
so
it
must
be
reckoned
as
done
with
their
consents
.
Then
,
the
prevailing
faction
must
be
supposed
to
do
it
willingly
;
as
it
is
likely
to
a
common
favorite
,
and
as
being
singly
weary
of
each
others
precessure
.
And
then
lastly
,
supposing
himself
willing
to
undertake
it
,
there
comes
consent
all
along
.
And
then
,
because
as
men
,
we
cannot
quite
shake
off
the
natural
way
of
gaining
power
by
force
,
we
are
next
to
consider
how
these
prevailing
factions
were
again
prevailed
over
by
their
own
chief
head
.
In
which
last
deed
,
we
must
remember
what
was
formerly
allowed
to
man
,
as
one
of
his
proper
wayes
of
conquest
;
namely
craft
.
For
how
else
shall
one
man
conquer
and
keep
under
so
many
;
be
it
by
money
,
flattery
,
or
the
like
,
it
skilleth
not
.
But
he
being
now
in
power
,
as
the
conquering
party
had
before
taken
security
of
others
against
their
fears
,
so
much
more
may
he
,
being
but
one
,
and
having
so
many
that
have
natural
power
to
hurt
also
,
use
it
if
he
see
danger
.
Of
which
securities
the
most
usual
is
the
force
of
guards
for
his
person
,
after
the
example
of
the
best
of
Kings
,
David
himself
.
Which
,
if
not
done
when
occasion
of
just
fear
requires
,
the
former
prevailing
faction
may
at
liberty
oppress
the
other
still
;
and
themselves
also
be
still
in
danger
of
mutual
mischief
,
for
want
of
restraint
from
injuring
one
another
.
And
to
speak
truely
,
this
is
so
far
from
force
,
that
there
is
but
this
way
to
make
known
the
strength
or
desires
of
a
people
,
and
to
know
whether
they
have
any
,
or
no.
For
as
their
strength
and
desires
must
be
known
by
such
as
appear
therein
,
and
not
by
polling
the
whole
,
so
the
strength
and
desires
of
these
appearers
,
must
,
in
what
they
act
,
be
taken
for
the
deed
of
all
.
And
as
when
an
Army
of
one
country
conquers
another
,
although
they
be
far
the
less
number
,
and
not
elected
by
the
people
,
yet
we
usually
phrase
it
that
such
a
Nation
have
overcome
such
a
Nation
;
even
so
,
things
properly
concerning
action
being
to
be
measured
by
the
active
part
onely
,
it
follows
that
what
is
done
by
the
active
and
prevailing
parts
of
the
people
,
must
be
reckoned
the
act
of
the
whole
people
:
especially
if
the
other
do
acquiess
,
or
else
they
can
have
no
action
attributed
to
them
at
all
.
And
upon
no
other
ground
then
extraordinary
eminence
and
appearance
,
are
the
actions
of
Princes
made
the
actions
of
the
whole
people
.
For
as
all
vertue
gathers
strength
by
union
,
so
are
the
fewer
united
herein
,
to
be
reckoned
to
have
both
the
vertue
and
appearance
of
the
whole
.
For
,
in
this
regard
,
it
fareth
with
those
associations
made
by
the
more
active
people
of
any
place
or
country
,
as
it
doth
with
those
more
active
and
pressing
affections
and
passions
whereby
every
particular
man
is
provoked
unto
action
:
to
wit
,
that
as
the
will
in
each
person
could
never
be
brought
to
any
determinate
design
and
execution
,
if
those
differing
passions
and
affections
,
which
are
in
every
single
man
naturally
abiding
,
should
be
severally
and
continually
pressing
upon
him
with
equal
importunity
and
vigor
;
so
neither
,
could
any
nation
or
people
be
brought
to
any
attempt
at
all
,
or
conceived
to
be
such
or
such
a
dictinst
company
of
men
,
united
and
associated
in
a
Commonwealth
,
did
not
the
sence
of
honor
,
popularity
,
ambition
,
covetousness
,
or
the
like
,
finde
so
great
and
continual
a
prevalence
in
some
,
as
to
unite
and
provoke
them
to
publike
undertakings
:
whilst
the
rest
,
again
,
being
of
a
more
dull
and
fearful
temper
,
are
content
to
sit
still
and
enioy
with
quietness
their
present
fortunes
,
or
to
move
onely
in
the
condition
of
followers
to
that
party
that
promiseth
greatest
advantage
and
security
.
And
as
thus
,
the
more
vigorous
and
appearing
party
of
any
nation
or
people
is
to
carry
with
it
the
reputation
of
the
whole
people
,
so
also
,
is
the
more
eminent
and
active
person
of
each
faction
and
party
to
carry
with
him
the
reputation
thereof
also
,
as
having
as
much
more
courage
then
the
rest
,
as
they
had
above
others
of
the
Nation
.
Even
as
,
when
in
any
man
there
is
such
a
prevalent
compliance
and
association
of
several
vertuous
inclinations
and
affections
as
to
make
him
to
be
deemed
just
,
honest
,
valiant
,
temperate
,
or
the
like
,
yet
,
the
merit
and
force
thereof
can
never
be
equally
ascribed
to
those
several
considerations
and
affections
by
which
these
vertuous
acts
or
habits
were
performed
or
acquired
,
but
the
same
is
still
,
eminently
and
chiefly
to
be
applyed
to
the
prevalence
of
some
one
more
natural
inclination
of
that
particular
party
:
as
to
sense
of
honor
,
conscience
,
reputation
,
frugallity
,
&c.
which
in
each
of
those
acts
did
most
from
strongly
operate
.
And
now
comes
policy
to
its
perfection
:
other
governments
without
a
King
,
looking
like
a
Pyramis
without
a
vertical
point
.
For
the
people
,
diffusedly
considered
,
and
contradistinguished
,
are
of
no
force
or
availe
to
others
or
themselves
:
but
serve
onely
for
the
foundation
.
When
they
associate
,
they
make
some
appearance
above
ground
.
As
the
heads
of
factions
grew
fewer
and
fewer
,
so
the
work
riseth
in
beauty
:
till
it
come
to
its
vertical
point
of
unity
.
But
then
,
though
government
is
founded
on
force
,
yet
it
is
not
so
often
on
inbred
force
as
foraign
.
For
albeit
,
dominions
have
usually
natural
bounds
,
as
seas
,
rivers
,
mountains
,
&c.
or
artificial
,
as
walls
,
forts
,
&c.
to
keep
them
from
mutual
invasion
,
yet
since
(
as
to
the
generality
of
mankind
)
these
are
but
particular
associations
for
self-ends
,
it
is
also
warrantable
for
any
of
these
foraigners
,
as
hope
of
gain
or
fear
of
damage
shall
direct
(
if
divine
law
or
particular
contract
hinder
not
)
to
use
such
force
,
and
to
take
such
caution
of
others
,
as
shall
serve
for
their
content
and
security
.
And
as
this
is
most
usual
,
so
more
reasonable
then
the
other
.
For
first
here
was
no
precedent
common
government
over
them
both
,
to
whose
decision
they
stood
bound
.
Then
,
there
is
seldom
such
enmity
as
in
homebred
factions
:
whereby
the
prosecution
comes
to
be
more
milde
from
the
victor
,
and
more
tollerable
in
the
vanquished
:
both
for
that
,
and
also
because
the
insolence
of
fellow
subjects
seems
usually
more
heavy
then
of
strangers
.
Then
again
,
homebred
factions
divide
unity
already
settled
:
but
this
makes
unity
,
by
joyning
two
dominions
.
So
then
there
is
no
remedy
,
but
that
in
all
matters
of
civil
subjection
and
interest
,
we
are
to
submit
to
that
politick
governor
we
are
born
under
:
though
we
had
no
more
hand
in
the
choice
of
him
then
of
our
own
fathers
:
yet
,
as
to
a
person
of
more
general
concern
,
by
duty
and
interest
we
stand
much
more
bound
to
his
authority
.
And
as
we
have
nothing
,
but
the
credit
of
our
mother
to
assure
us
our
right
father
,
so
nothing
but
the
ordinary
rule
of
providence
to
set
up
our
right
King
:
&
therefore
,
possession
doth
as
strongly
binde
us
to
our
reputed
Prince
,
as
reputed
father
.
For
as
Christ
was
obedient
to
his
parents
in
all
things
,
though
he
knew
his
father
was
not
indeed
so
,
so
(
like
him
)
we
must
be
to
our
present
Prince
;
although
a
foraginer
,
and
having
no
right
but
conquest
:
it
being
indeed
the
onely
rule
of
providence
in
this
kinde
:
succession
depending
thereon
,
and
election
having
been
never
general
and
free
;
but
onely
sometimes
made
semblance
of
,
for
flattery
and
engagement
of
the
people
.
And
the
same
we
may
say
of
their
expulsion
also
:
it
being
usually
done
on
a
suddain
,
and
not
upon
deliberate
and
full
consent
,
but
only
by
a
prevailing
party
or
faction
.
And
yet
,
all
Kings
conquering
and
governing
by
fear
,
must
be
supposed
the
voluntary
head
of
his
own
party
whereby
he
prevails
and
rules
,
which
(
it
is
probable
)
is
as
great
as
any
that
elects
or
deposeth
Kings
.
And
as
general
willingness
is
not
necessary
to
make
the
entrance
into
government
lawful
;
so
neither
is
continued
general
willingness
more
necessary
to
make
the
exercise
lawful
in
general
,
then
is
particular
willingness
to
obey
him
in
every
particular
:
for
that
general
willingness
must
arise
from
particulars
,
and
these
may
vary
according
to
occasion
.
And
if
any
yet
think
strange
that
force
onely
should
have
been
at
first
the
usual
distinguisher
of
this
property
and
right
,
as
thinking
that
by
Gods
particular
Precepts
peaceable
division
might
have
been
made
,
they
are
to
consider
that
after
the
time
that
God
was
more
immediately
conversant
amongst
men
in
the
disposal
of
their
worldly
affairs
and
government
,
(
at
which
time
the
Lord
at
first
divided
the
earth
amongst
the
Nations
)
he
is
not
in
his
recess
,
to
be
again
expected
as
apparently
and
immediately
intermedling
,
in
rectifying
those
confusions
which
our
stubbornness
and
rebellions
have
brought
.
And
this
,
both
for
the
reasons
heretofore
mentioned
for
this
recess
from
government
,
and
also
because
,
if
God
should
have
immediately
appeared
in
sharing
proprieties
,
how
should
his
Justice
and
more
true
knowledge
of
our
differing
deserts
have
been
able
,
through
each
ones
covetousness
and
pride
,
to
have
past
to
our
liking
?
Whereas
now
,
we
may
complain
of
fortune
or
our
own
weakness
,
but
not
of
his
partiality
.
And
yet
,
we
must
not
imagine
him
as
an
idle
spectator
.
For
though
governments
,
by
the
appearing
uncertainty
of
victory
and
conquest
,
seem
thus
cast
into
the
lap
of
Fortune
,
yet
the
disposition
is
Gods
.
And
he
it
is
,
that
as
surely
sets
up
Kings
now
,
as
he
did
Nebuchadnezzar
,
Cyrus
,
Darius
,
and
others
of
old
.
And
Conquest
,
or
fear
thereof
,
(
the
usual
ways
for
disposing
Kingdoms
)
he
by
his
Providence
as
particularly
now
disposes
,
as
of
that
lot
which
the
Children
of
Israel
cast
at
their
formal
election
of
Saul
.
For
as
we
formerly
mentioned
,
that
the
positive
right
of
Dominion
in
the
elder
brother
was
at
first
grafted
upon
the
natural
stock
of
force
,
as
supposing
him
ordinarily
most
able
,
so
we
are
now
to
consider
,
that
the
right
of
Dominion
being
transferred
again
to
the
elective
primogeniture
of
kingship
,
which
is
not
amongst
Christians
openly
by
God
determined
to
any
line
or
person
under
the
Gospel
,
as
formerly
to
Saul
and
David
,
it
must
therefore
fall
out
,
that
it
is
to
be
determined
the
secret
way
of
divine
Election
and
Providence
,
manifested
by
the
common
and
meer
natural
rule
of
force
and
strength
of
body
:
which
must
now
make
known
and
decide
that
personal
or
lyneal
right
unto
this
Office
amongst
men
,
which
is
by
divine
Providence
appointed
.
And
it
must
therewithal
follow
,
that
the
person
so
gaining
possession
,
is
to
have
rightful
claim
unto
all
those
Prerogatives
which
conquest
can
afford
:
being
not
otherwise
to
be
limited
then
by
the
Laws
of
God
,
his
own
Conscience
,
and
sense
of
honor
.
For
as
the
decision
of
right
and
Justice
between
two
contending
subjects
depends
(
as
to
them
)
on
the
determination
of
the
Prince
,
so
is
the
right
and
Justice
of
Dominion
,
between
two
contending
Princes
,
to
depend
(
as
to
manifestation
thereof
to
subjects
)
on
the
determination
of
the
Lord
of
hosts
,
manifested
by
victory
.
The
which
,
undoubtedly
,
in
order
to
humane
preservation
and
establishment
of
the
peace
of
kingdoms
,
may
satisfie
the
Consciences
of
Subjects
so
far
,
as
to
claim
a
just
right
to
their
submission
and
obedience
:
however
the
Conquerer
himself
,
cannot
farther
expect
peace
in
his
own
Conscience
,
nor
a
blessing
to
himself
or
posterity
from
God
,
then
as
he
hath
been
just
and
Consciencious
in
his
Claim
and
Conquest
.
It
faring
in
this
case
,
with
subjects
in
general
,
towards
their
Prince
,
as
with
the
Tenants
of
any
particular
Landlord
.
For
as
these
are
to
pay
their
Rents
and
Acknowledgements
to
him
that
by
the
present
Judiciary
power
is
put
into
possession
,
without
being
bound
to
examine
whether
he
be
a
deseisor
or
not
;
or
did
by
bribery
,
or
other
fraud
thrust
out
the
former
owner
;
even
so
,
subjects
,
being
to
pay
their
Obedience
and
Acknowledgements
to
their
Prince
,
as
Gods
Minister
,
must
likewise
acknowledge
him
for
such
,
whom
they
finde
by
the
usual
way
of
Providence
put
into
possession
.
And
further
also
,
as
the
Tenant
hath
no
avoidance
against
encrease
of
Rent
or
Service
at
the
Will
of
his
present
Lord
,
but
by
leaving
his
Land
and
quitting
his
Tenancy
;
even
so
,
is
each
subject
lyable
to
such
encrease
of
Taxes
and
personal
duties
,
as
his
present
Prince
shall
impose
,
whilst
he
is
remaining
within
his
Territories
and
Protection
.
And
as
natural
Reason
will
thus
finde
cause
to
submit
to
Gods
rule
of
Providence
now
used
for
the
establishment
of
the
person
of
the
conquering
King
,
so
will
the
same
reason
lead
them
to
suffer
it
to
descend
to
his
heir
:
left
they
should
again
subject
themselves
to
new
Civil
wars
;
which
is
ever
incident
to
Elective
Monarchies
.
And
therefore
this
ought
to
be
avoided
by
the
observation
of
the
Law
of
Primogeniture
,
in
these
Offices
now
succeeding
in
paternal
right
of
power
;
upon
the
same
consideration
that
this
fixed
Law
of
birth-right
was
instituted
:
namely
to
avoid
the
like
diffention
and
quarrel
in
succession
to
the
heirship
of
the
Family
,
while
this
power
was
formerly
seated
in
the
natural
Father
thereof
.
Nay
this
right
of
inheritance
not
onely
follows
in
Reason
,
but
as
graffed
also
and
comprised
in
the
right
of
meer
natural
possession
.
For
as
the
elder
brother
(
as
aforesaid
)
was
to
be
presumed
most
natural
heir
to
the
Fathers
Dominion
in
regard
of
his
more
probable
degree
of
strength
,
so
also
it
is
to
be
presumed
that
,
as
being
born
,
he
will
have
advantage
of
the
natural
way
of
right
,
which
is
first
seisure
.
Upon
which
score
,
if
there
were
no
Precepts
for
hereditary
Monarchy
,
natural
Right
,
as
well
as
Reason
,
would
settle
it
in
the
possessors
issue
,
and
particularly
on
the
elder
brother
,
as
heir
to
his
Fathers
acquisitions
.
The
which
rule
we
shall
finde
approved
by
Saint
Paul
:
and
upon
the
like
words
as
God
gave
Cain
the
power
of
Eldership
,
he
confirms
this
right
to
the
man
over
the
woman
:
saying
,
Adam
was
first
formed
,
and
then
Eve
.
Upon
which
grounds
,
the
lawfulness
to
Elect
Monarchs
,
or
institute
Poliarchies
will
be
taken
away
:
inasmuch
as
the
Office
and
Possession
of
Kingship
in
right
of
the
Father
and
elder
Brother
,
having
first
Seisure
before
any
other
,
it
must
follow
,
that
none
can
have
just
right
but
God
against
him
or
his
heir
.
And
if
the
beginnings
and
first
rises
of
Kings
be
examined
,
towards
the
proof
of
settlement
by
Conquest
,
they
will
come
so
far
short
of
deriving
themselves
from
Adam
in
a
natural
line
,
as
it
will
appear
how
their
Ancestors
,
from
a
small
stock
,
have
by
success
and
encrease
of
force
,
risen
to
that
present
height
.
And
even
by
this
scale
of
Providence
did
David
himself
climbe
;
although
God
had
determined
him
the
kingdom
:
That
is
,
first
by
some
magnanimous
act
to
gain
reputation
,
and
thereby
some
few
friends
and
followers
to
assist
upon
occasion
:
with
these
to
encrease
by
degrees
,
till
he
become
so
formidable
,
that
people
had
rather
submit
to
his
Government
,
then
adventure
their
lives
in
opposition
.
In
which
case
,
their
power
of
Election
is
not
so
large
as
to
choose
him
or
not
,
or
him
or
another
,
but
whether
they
will
take
him
on
such
terms
as
he
proposeth
,
or
put
lives
,
liberties
,
and
all
to
the
hazard
of
war.
In
which
condition
,
since
fear
was
their
guide
,
how
are
people
more
free
before
Election
then
afterwards
:
when
Princes
,
for
fear
of
punishment
,
are
obeyed
in
then
Governments
and
commands
?
And
why
should
not
fear
be
a
wiser
Passion
then
love
?
For
they
that
are
governed
in
their
choice
by
love
,
consult
not
of
dangers
or
inconveniences
that
may
happen
;
for
this
fear
is
against
the
nature
of
love
:
and
therfore
the
loved
hath
always
power
over
the
loving
,
and
not
on
the
contrary
.
And
none
do
so
usually
curb
the
people
,
as
those
that
through
flattery
of
the
noise
of
liberty
have
gotten
to
be
their
darlings
;
and
so
come
to
have
sole
trust
and
power
:
at
which
time
,
discretion
bids
him
hold
the
streight
reins
of
power
upon
their
wavering
affections
,
lest
,
by
another
,
using
his
policy
,
he
should
be
again
supplanted
.
When
as
,
all
Princes
entrances
which
are
made
through
fear
,
are
made
with
as
great
deliberation
and
policy
as
may
be
;
at
least
with
as
much
as
the
adverse
Faction
hath
present
power
to
use
.
And
it
is
probable
,
that
he
that
findes
himself
afterwards
thus
streightned
,
through
the
peoples
fearing
him
in
his
entrance
,
will
,
as
in
order
to
his
own
honor
and
release
of
fear
,
seek
as
far
as
he
may
to
gain
their
love
.
And
the
truth
is
,
Princes
cannot
well
rule
without
both
:
the
great
difficulty
resting
,
when
to
use
one
,
when
another
.
And
if
any
Prince
should
be
by
people
elected
into
a
Government
hereditary
,
out
of
particular
love
and
affection
to
his
person
,
yet
,
since
his
person
and
those
Electors
could
not
always
have
it
alike
,
or
were
sure
(
at
least
)
to
have
sufficient
degree
of
power
and
respect
,
there
might
be
occasion
for
him
(
but
much
more
for
his
successor
)
to
have
power
and
force
in
readiness
to
make
use
of
,
if
reason
should
offer
.
For
as
there
might
be
reasons
of
mutual
trust
between
the
first
Prince
and
people
,
so
of
distrust
in
the
other
:
because
nothing
is
more
giddy
or
uncertain
then
popular
liking
.
So
that
,
although
the
present
Prince
his
vertues
were
equal
,
or
alike
,
to
the
others
at
first
setled
by
them
,
yet
they
being
not
the
same
people
,
or
having
changed
their
mindes
,
it
is
not
reason
he
should
be
so
much
their
enemy
,
as
not
by
force
to
keep
them
from
forcible
alteration
,
and
injuring
themselves
by
Civil
war
.
And
as
for
such
Princes
as
come
in
by
Conquest
,
I
see
not
why
force
in
the
continuance
should
not
be
as
lawful
as
in
acquisition
:
more
necessary
to
him
(
I
am
sure
)
it
is
;
at
least
to
have
it
in
readiness
.
And
this
,
not
onely
in
respect
of
custody
(
answerable
to
that
common
rational
maxim
,
that
all
things
are
best
preserved
by
the
same
means
they
were
acquired
)
but
also
in
respect
of
recovery
:
inasmuch
as
,
Government
and
Soveraignty
never
continuing
at
the
same
just
height
,
it
must
at
last
come
to
nothing
;
without
some
active
and
able
Prince
set
himself
again
upon
an
equal
recovery
of
those
Prerogatives
which
his
predecessors
have
lost
:
which
necessarily
causing
the
subjects
aversion
,
as
judging
it
a
new
Conquest
,
he
must
first
be
Master
of
a
good
force
,
or
else
look
to
be
quite
overthrown
.
And
if
we
consider
all
Governments
and
Governors
in
their
stories
,
we
shall
finde
nothing
so
remarkable
as
this
their
variation
in
power
;
and
the
different
carriages
of
several
Princes
in
their
designs
and
ways
of
acquiring
,
losing
,
or
recovering
it
.
And
both
reasonable
and
necessary
it
must
be
,
that
as
the
Prince
hath
his
Civil
Magistrates
for
government
of
Properties
,
and
his
Ecclesiastical
for
guide
of
religious
duties
,
so
must
he
upon
occasion
have
his
Military
Officers
for
Government
of
the
subjects
persons
:
or
else
in
case
of
resistance
,
the
other
Governments
will
fall
to
nothing
.
But
now
,
having
only
hitherto
determined
obedience
to
the
present
Prince
,
without
differencing
whether
he
be
an
usurper
or
not
,
it
will
be
expected
as
necessary
that
I
give
my
opinion
what
prescription
of
time
is
requisite
to
constitute
a
●ight
in
the
peoples
obedience
.
Truely
I
know
not
what
time
to
set
,
amidst
such
variety
of
circumstances
as
may
make
difference
:
but
believe
,
if
there
be
equal
competition
of
Title
,
present
Obedience
is
due
to
the
present
higher
power
:
and
,
without
doubt
,
if
any
Prince
have
now
made
his
Laws
generally
obeyed
,
taken
oaths
of
his
subjects
,
and
they
have
served
him
in
the
field
,
he
is
their
true
Soveraign
against
all
others
.
But
although
I
suppose
these
three
ways
of
confirmation
will
establish
a
right
to
any
Prince
,
yet
I
conclude
not
that
all
are
necessary
at
once
.
For
the
last
of
them
may
not
come
to
be
used
in
a
long
time
after
his
entrance
:
and
both
it
and
the
next
,
it
may
be
practised
but
by
few
of
his
subjects
.
Yet
,
till
he
have
been
acknowledged
in
the
seat
of
Justice
,
I
know
not
how
he
can
be
acknowledged
as
setled
in
the
Throne
of
his
Kingdom
.
As
for
Subjects
that
have
deposed
or
thrust
out
their
King
,
to
make
themselves
Free-States
(
as
they
call
them
)
they
can
never
have
right
against
him
and
his
heirs
:
because
his
Property
cannot
be
altered
but
by
new
possession
.
For
,
the
former
Soveraignty
of
one
being
not
to
be
possessed
by
many
,
that
Property
cannot
be
lost
to
that
line
for
present
right
,
or
,
in
defailance
thereof
to
any
other
for
future
right
;
to
be
established
by
possession
also
:
Because
he
comes
to
be
as
rightly
estated
herein
,
as
in
any
other
of
Gods
blessings
that
are
now
let
loose
without
proprietor
or
owner
.
Now
the
reasons
why
these
things
do
fully
estate
a
right
to
persons
for
Government
,
is
,
because
they
contain
all
the
tokens
that
the
subjects
(
as
subjects
)
can
give
of
their
joynt
consents
and
willingness
:
and
if
such
a
thing
as
Paction
must
be
implyed
between
Prince
and
people
,
whereby
each
may
stand
reciprocally
obliged
(
as
on
Soveraignty
voluntarily
assumed
,
and
subjection
voluntarily
undergone
)
it
must
be
herein
,
how
the
Prince
his
assumption
of
the
Soveraignty
appears
voluntary
,
needs
no
proof
beyond
his
search
thereafter
:
and
to
have
subjection
to
the
person
of
any
Prince
known
to
be
voluntary
,
there
is
no
proof
beyond
fact
it self
:
that
is
,
their
voluntary
continuance
under
it
,
and
submission
thereunto
.
For
if
he
continue
to
live
under
his
Laws
and
Government
,
and
might
yet
depart
,
he
cleerly
evinceth
his
choice
and
approbation
thereof
.
If
he
have
taken
an
oath
of
obedience
and
fealty
unto
him
,
he
stands
obliged
in
Conscience
also
:
for
an
unlawful
oath
he
was
not
to
take
,
and
a
lawful
one
he
must
keep
.
But
above
all
,
if
he
have
not
onely
acknowledged
his
willingness
by
obedience
,
but
by
activity
also
,
so
as
to
have
fought
for
him
,
he
must
be
more
expresly
presumed
as
approving
him
.
For
though
he
may
be
pressed
to
war
,
yet
the
continuance
therein
for
any
time
,
as
under
his
Government
also
,
being
necessarily
to
afford
many
opportunities
of
departure
,
the
not
doing
it
,
maketh
the
submission
and
approbation
voluntary
:
I
mean
,
as
to
general
approbation
of
him
and
his
right
.
For
that
,
as
no
Government
,
as
Government
,
can
be
without
constraint
;
so
many
particulars
of
obedience
must
be
unpleasant
.
And
however
strange
it
may
seem
,
that
there
should
be
in
humane
appearance
no
other
right
then
that
of
Force
and
Conquest
unto
the
estating
the
first
person
of
each
Kingly
race
,
yet
if
we
will
diligently
observe
the
predictions
of
the
New
Testament
pointing
at
the
government
of
the
Church
,
we
shall
finde
them
still
declaratory
as
to
the
same
effect
.
One
of
which
we
will
explain
in
this
place
:
setting
this
very
thing
forth
in
most
open
terms
:
and
that
shall
be
the
speech
of
our
Saviour
made
to
the
Jewish
multitude
,
concerning
the
Government
of
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
,
or
the
Church
.
For
these
his
Auditors
,
having
heard
the
message
sent
from
John
to
him
,
demanding
an
answer
whether
our
Saviour
were
he
that
should
come
,
or
that
they
should
look
for
another
;
and
being
ready
to
expect
a
temporal
kingdom
to
be
presently
undertaken
by
our
Saviour
,
it
caused
him
(
after
the
declaration
of
Johns
office
to
be
the
Elias
to
this
Messiah
)
to
give
them
satisfaction
why
it
was
inconvenient
for
him
personally
to
undertaken
.
And
this
he
doth
,
upon
the
ground
of
the
different
manner
of
the
entrance
and
possession
of
Government
under
the
Gospel
,
over
it
was
under
the
Law
.
For
under
the
Law
,
as
there
was
both
a
rule
for
peaceable
entry
(
the
persons
being
by
God
appointed
that
were
to
have
the
Crown
setled
on
their
race
)
so
was
there
both
Priests
and
Prophets
who
had
a
part
of
Monarchical
jurisdiction
in
some
things
allowed
them
:
thereby
also
keeping
Monarchical
power
from
that
absoluteness
it
should
arrive
at
after
the
days
of
John
.
In
whom
the
Law
and
the
Prophets
ceasing
(
meaning
amongst
other
things
)
that
separate
power
of
Priestly
and
Prophetick
jurisdiction
,
so
far
as
they
shared
in
the
Soveraignty
)
it
is
the
reason
why
our
Saviour
frames
an
answer
which
did
both
imply
this
difference
,
and
shew
the
reason
why
himself
could
not
take
this
charge
upon
him
.
So
that
we
may
conceive
,
that
that
limitation
until
now
,
was
added
onely
to
give
the
Jews
satisfaction
why
he
then
undertook
not
this
charge
himself
:
the
Kingdom
of
God
is
preached
,
and
every
man
presseth
into
it
:
we
cannot
conceive
it
of
any
present
pressing
into
the
Church
;
but
as
spoken
of
what
should
follow
in
the
Churches
encrease
and
splendor
:
at
which
time
there
should
follow
the
most
frequent
use
of
violence
for
possessing
of
Christian
Kingship
also
.
And
that
,
by
this
Kingdom
of
God
in
this
place
spoken
of
,
is
intended
Gods
own
inward
immediate
rule
he
should
have
in
our
hearts
,
&
was
different
from
that
outward
exercise
of
outward
jurisdiction
which
he
should
give
to
others
in
his
Church
(
called
there
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
)
appears
plainly
in
the
occasion
of
delivery
therof
.
Because
it
was
spoken
to
convince
them
,
that
,
No
man
can
serve
two
masters
;
but
went
about
to
justifie
themselves
before
men
,
by
shews
of
legal
or
moral
righteousness
:
and
could
not
yet
well
conceive
how
God
should
judge
men
according
to
their
hearts
:
such
that
could
not
believe
that
the
single
eye
and
light
of
love
,
was
the
fullfilling
of
the
Law
:
even
of
every
tittle
thereof
:
for
the
letter
thereof
was
to
last
till
John
;
and
after
that
time
,
Gods
Kingdom
to
be
preached
.
That
is
,
men
were
to
be
won
thereunto
by
the
milde
and
still
voice
of
the
Gospel
:
whereas
his
outward
Kingdom
over
mens
persons
,
was
to
be
acquired
and
managed
by
the
help
of
natural
Reason
and
force
;
together
with
such
divine
light
as
God
should
furnish
the
Prince
with
.
For
although
,
as
the
God
of
Nature
and
great
preserver
of
men
,
he
do
by
the
rule
of
Reason
,
and
by
Precepts
and
Examples
of
Scripture
,
plainly
determine
obedience
and
Monarchical
Government
(
as
heretofore
shewed
)
,
yet
doth
he
reserve
to
himself
(
as
Lord
of
hosts
)
the
secret
approbation
and
disposal
of
those
particular
persons
and
Families
that
shal
from
time
to
time
rule
amongst
us
here
as
his
deputies
.
And
hence
it
is
that
all
Kings
and
free
Princes
write
themselves
Dei
Gratia
,
not
Electione
Populi
:
for
although
prudence
may
many
times
lead
Princes
to
make
semblance
of
their
having
,
and
relyance
on
the
free
consent
or
choice
of
the
people
;
(
even
that
they
may
be
the
more
endeered
towards
him
by
this
his
professed
acknowledgment
and
dependance
on
their
favors
;
)
yet
that
this
election
was
never
but
by
some
party
onely
,
and
a
thing
in
it self
not
to
be
relyed
upon
,
will
appear
in
that
no
Monarch
,
being
fully
possessed
,
was
ever
yet
known
to
resign
his
other
holds
,
and
wholly
to
submit
thereunto
,
for
lawful
title
to
be
setled
to
him
or
his
.
Nor
looks
it
but
with
a
plain
face
of
partiality
and
injustice
,
when
we
allow
the
Gentry
and
Nobility
(
amongst
our selves
)
to
be
derived
from
the
Arms
and
Ensigns
of
war
,
and
yet
allow
not
unto
Conquest
it self
the
like
force
to
estate
Kingly
right
.
As
though
the
same
military
Art
or
vertue
did
not
adorn
the
leader
,
as
well
as
the
follower
:
or
that
Viriatus
were
not
Vertus
in
the
Chieftain
,
more
then
in
the
ordinary
souldier
.
Whereupon
,
fortitude
being
so
much
all
other
vertues
,
as
to
be
the
hand
or
instrument
wherby
they
are
(
as
to
Society
)
made
useful
,
and
to
be
conveyor
of
them
to
the
notice
of
others
,
it
hath
made
the
world
unanimously
to
submit
to
the
plain
eminence
of
this
vertue
,
as
the
steadiest
rule
for
judging
the
hidden
aboad
of
the
rest
.
But
although
our
Savior
make
that
additional
expression
of
until
now
,
the
onely
reason
for
the
answering
the
Jews
why
he
undertook
not
this
Kingdom
himself
,
yet
were
there
many
other
important
reasons
for
it
besides
.
As
first
,
the
assumption
of
any
such
like
State
was
not
congruous
to
him
that
was
in
his
own
person
so
ignominiously
to
suffer
.
Then
,
if
he
had
sat
down
in
Davids
right
onely
,
as
the
Jews
expected
,
he
had
lost
right
unto
the
Gentile
Church
.
Then
again
,
wanting
lyneal
race
of
his
own
to
succeed
after
him
,
he
could
not
have
stayed
but
encreased
the
Churches
division
.
To
prevent
which
,
should
he
have
set
down
rules
to
any
other
for
succession
,
it
would
have
been
called
partiality
by
the
persons
neglected
:
especially
in
the
disposition
of
Christian
Kingdoms
;
where
he
could
not
,
as
son
of
David
,
claim
power
at
all
:
and
wherein
,
until
his
Gospel
had
been
entertained
,
he
could
not
expect
obedience
as
Christ
neither
.
In
regard
of
which
,
it
chiefly
may
be
understood
why
our
Saviour
should
so
often
be
found
saying
,
I
came
not
to
send
peace
but
sword
:
and
such
like
Prophesies
of
the
necessary
following
wars
and
contentions
which
should
arise
for
the
obtaining
those
Governments
amongst
men
.
So
that
we
must
say
,
that
as
the
Prince
of
each
Country
sits
down
in
the
natural
right
of
strength
and
first
possessor
,
and
thereby
in
the
positive
right
of
elder
brother
,
so
doth
he
thereby
also
,
silence
and
extinguish
all
right
in
the
use
of
force
to
any
other
under
his
jurisdiction
and
obeysance
:
even
because
their
proprieties
have
their
separation
and
assurance
from
his
.
For
,
as
we
formerly
noted
in
right
of
that
part
of
his
Office
over
his
subjects
,
namely
to
judge
them
,
he
was
to
be
indisputably
submitted
unto
in
matters
of
legality
and
morality
,
so
is
he
in
the
other
part
also
,
namely
for
fighting
their
battails
;
and
that
of
both
sorts
:
as
well
that
of
publike
protection
,
whereby
the
whole
Kingdoms
Proprieties
are
defended
from
forraign
invasion
,
as
that
of
separate
protection
,
whereby
each
particular
subject
is
defended
from
the
force
of
each
other
.
For
since
none
of
the
Subjects
in
each
Kingdom
,
can
say
of
his
Lands
and
Possessions
that
they
were
gotten
by
any
independent
force
and
manner
of
acquisition
,
but
were
both
gained
and
held
by
him
in
the
relation
of
a
Subject
,
and
that
by
such
ways
and
courses
as
were
by
the
Laws
of
that
Country
prescribed
or
allowed
,
there
can
be
no
reason
why
unto
Subjects
(
as
such
)
there
should
be
any
such
absoluteness
of
propriety
granted
,
nor
other
way
of
gain
from
one
another
allowed
,
then
what
the
publike
Laws
for
Commerce
do
set
down
.
For
although
one
Prince
to
another
be
left
to
the
natural
way
of
force
for
decision
of
Propriety
,
where
Religion
bindes
not
,
yet
have
their
Subjects
no
right
to
encroach
or
possess
the
Proprieties
of
one
another
,
by
other
way
of
acquisition
then
that
of
allowable
commerce
:
as
heretofore
declared
.
But
,
be
these
things
as
cleer
and
apparent
in
Scripture
or
Reason
as
they
will
,
it
is
not
to
be
presumed
,
but
that
those
different
interests
which
will
be
still
arising
from
those
daily
changings
of
Governments
and
Governors
,
will
,
through
that
different
hope
of
advantage
to
be
gained
by
one
form
of
Government
,
or
person
governing
,
more
then
another
,
be
continually
prompting
them
with
Arguments
of
contradiction
,
at
such
time
as
they
shall
apprehend
that
person
in
whom
their
hopes
do
lye
,
and
whom
they
would
have
seated
in
the
Soveraignty
,
to
be
by
any
of
these
discourses
disadvantaged
in
his
claim
.
In
which
regard
large
declamations
are
from
them
to
be
expected
for
taking
away
the
right
by
Conquest
;
and
for
branding
and
enfeebling
it
with
the
odious
terms
of
Tyranny
and
Usurpation
:
whilst
others
,
although
not
so
personally
interessed
,
yet
,
being
discontented
with
that
share
of
riches
or
preferment
which
the
present
settlement
hath
allotted
them
,
are
willing
to
call
out
for
the
peoples
right
to
choose
;
and
to
joyn
with
,
and
accompany
them
in
any
thing
of
change
and
alteration
in
the
Government
:
in
hope
that
,
from
that
new
shuffling
of
fortunes
and
interest
which
must
hence
arise
,
they
shall
have
a
better
game
dealt
them
then
before
:
not
at
all
regarding
that
general
mischief
and
confusion
which
must
follow
hereupon
.
For
will
they
say
that
it
is
fit
this
power
should
follow
publike
and
free
election
,
then
,
to
bring
any
Prince
this
way
into
power
,
without
danger
of
Civil
war
,
they
must
first
imagine
that
that
whole
Nation
out
of
which
he
is
to
be
chosen
hath
but
one
person
fit
for
this
employment
;
and
also
that
that
person
hath
so
publikely
and
equally
demeaned
himself
in
his
merits
and
favors
,
that
they
should
be
always
so
equally
known
,
and
equally
beneficial
,
as
to
engage
each
one
in
an
unanimous
consent
and
agreement
in
his
election
.
Will
they
(
for
peace-sake
)
put
it
to
the
Major
Vote
;
how
shall
it
be
known
,
except
voices
and
consent
be
taken
viritim
?
And
how
shall
it
be
done
but
under
government
;
where
some
must
be
imagined
with
general
Authority
to
give
direction
herein
?
In
which
case
,
how
shall
those
in
present
power
be
thought
willing
to
submit
to
the
suffrages
of
such
as
have
none
,
whether
they
shall
continue
in
it
or
no
,
or
have
their
enemies
(
it
may
be
)
chosen
in
their
rooms
?
If
the
major
or
stronger
party
do
elect
,
and
by
force
(
or
fear
of
it
)
prevail
against
the
other
,
then
what
differs
this
from
the
course
before
spoken
of
;
where
the
conquering
Faction
sets
up
its
own
chief
in
supreme
power
?
Will
they
say
,
that
since
Princes
are
to
be
chosen
more
for
eminence
in
wisdom
,
then
in
valor
and
prowess
,
that
therefore
his
election
for
fitness
,
is
to
be
tryed
out
by
force
of
Argument
,
and
not
by
force
of
hands
,
then
,
what
hopes
in
this
case
to
have
an
end
of
the
controversie
;
since
the
minor
party
will
no
more
conceive
it self
justly
overcome
this
way
then
the
other
?
For
when
do
we
see
any
person
yeild
to
another
in
any
Argument
that
is
to
be
tryed
out
by
discourse
?
Whereas
victory
will
presently
decide
the
contest
of
two
Combatants
.
Besides
,
what
greater
assurance
and
demonstration
of
wisdom
,
then
those
effects
thereof
,
whereby
this
greatness
was
acquired
?
Unless
they
would
have
it
judged
by
talk
onely
,
and
not
by
action
.
For
mine
own
part
,
I
do
not
believe
there
hath
been
any
more
studious
then
my self
to
finde
out
a
way
how
Subjects
might
free
themselves
from
these
kinde
of
inconveniences
,
as
of
Tyranny
,
Usurpation
,
&c.
and
yet
,
all
that
while
maintain
publike
peace
:
but
,
when
I
had
throughly
considered
all
those
ways
of
redress
that
in
this
case
I
could
think
upon
,
and
compared
their
probable
benefit
with
those
more
certain
consequents
of
Civil
war
which
would
attend
them
,
I
was
at
last
forced
to
reckon
these
chances
amongst
those
irremediable
miseries
which
humane
condition
stood
subject
unto
,
and
which
God
,
as
in
his
more
secret
Justice
,
had
to
himself
reserved
for
punishment
of
our
sins
:
even
in
this
very
case
,
making
us
sensible
of
that
our
original
pride
and
insubjection
to
him
,
which
had
now
brought
us
from
his
more
immediate
care
and
rule
over
us
,
to
be
thus
made
subject
to
the
oppression
of
such
as
are
in
Nature
our
equals
;
and
thereupon
to
resolve
,
that
no
way
could
so
assuredly
prevent
those
torrents
of
Civil
war
,
which
upon
these
pretences
would
be
continually
let
in
,
then
by
making
a
stop
at
that
first
gap
made
for
entrance
.
For
experience
doth
tell
us
,
that
,
under
pretence
of
the
unlawfulness
of
the
first
seisure
by
Conquest
and
Usurpation
,
Princes
of
a
long
continued
race
have
been
opposed
,
and
by
Civil
War
dispossessed
,
as
Usurpers
:
thereby
plainly
shewing
,
that
no
Government
or
Governor
can
be
in
security
,
or
publike
peace
kept
up
,
if
a
discontented
party
may
be
still
hearkened
unto
.
For
if
we
admit
Usurpation
a
just
excuse
for
disobedience
to
a
present
Prince
,
and
any
party
or
order
of
the
Subjects
to
be
judge
thereof
,
there
will
never
want
a
party
who
will
make
all
Conquest
to
be
the
same
:
inasmuch
as
none
can
usurp
Regal
Authority
to
the
dispossession
of
another
,
who
were
not
by
Conquest
holpen
in
.
And
if
it
were
unlawful
for
the
first
to
command
and
govern
by
that
claim
,
then
is
it
so
to
all
that
succeed
to
govern
,
as
upon
his
right
.
I
considered
that
Usurpation
and
Tyranny
were
usually
the
expressions
of
Passion
and
Interest
:
many
times
laid
without
desert
;
and
that
by
the
fewer
in
number
also
:
for
had
not
the
greatest
part
thought
them
otherwise
they
could
never
have
got
in
.
And
hence
it
grew
,
that
the
old
Prince
was
over
called
Tyrant
,
and
the
new
one
Usurper
,
by
those
parties
that
were
their
enemies
.
And
whilst
some
,
out
of
their
interests
against
Monarchy
would
reject
all
Government
;
as
denying
either
the
ways
of
Conquest
or
Usurpation
to
have
Lawfulness
of
title
,
there
are
others
again
,
that
are
ready
to
yield
to
the
right
of
Conquest
made
by
a
forraign
Prince
,
but
strongly
urge
against
Usurpation
of
a
Subject
:
Whilst
those
on
the
side
of
the
Usurper
,
say
,
That
all
Conquest
is
not
onely
Usurpation
,
but
with
this
aggravation
,
that
thereby
a
forraigner
makes
entrance
,
and
rules
in
despight
of
a
whole
Nation
:
Whereas
the
other
cannot
come
in
without
the
assistance
and
consent
of
the
major
part
;
and
being
a
native
is
not
so
like
to
alter
their
Laws
and
Religion
as
the
other
:
and
they
are
ready
to
give
instances
for
it
amongst
the
Jews
.
When
I
foresaw
,
that
,
when
all
was
done
,
Subjects
were
(
upon
their
removal
)
still
to
run
the
same
hazard
from
the
next
Possessor
;
when
I
foresaw
that
there
was
no
other
remedy
against
Usurpation
and
Tyranny
,
then
what
was
certainly
accompanyed
with
a
greater
evil
then
the
disease
it self
,
and
yet
,
all
that
while
,
no
certainty
of
cure
,
I
then
concluded
that
I
could
not
go
lower
then
I
have
done
,
in
asserting
submission
to
the
present
Prince
in
possession
;
unless
I
should
have
been
false
to
my
main
design
of
publike
peace
and
good
.
Nay
,
truely
,
I
looked
upon
loyalty
and
subjection
,
as
the
onely
sure
remedy
to
defend
people
against
usurpation
:
Inasmuch
as
none
being
able
to
dispossess
another
,
already
in
power
,
but
by
the
help
of
his
own
subjects
,
disloyalty
must
precede
,
and
be
a
cause
of
Usurpation
:
And
therefore
,
if
nothing
but
Civil
war
will
remedy
it
,
better
to
be
loyal
,
then
,
by
it
,
cure
one
Usurpation
by
another
.
And
I
shall
ingenuously
say
,
that
could
any
yet
inform
me
how
it
may
be
done
,
I
shall
more
heartily
recant
and
withdraw
my
former
Tenents
,
then
I
did
propose
them
:
looking
upon
it
as
an
evil
in
it self
,
onely
tolerable
to
avoid
a
greater
:
insomuch
as
,
if
right
to
command
should
depend
on
general
approbation
there
is
no
Prince
but
must
come
to
be
disobeyed
:
and
in
that
case
we
shall
be
much
troubled
who
there
shall
be
to
state
it
,
and
to
appoint
what
number
or
quality
of
Subjects
may
be
thought
fit
to
be
hearkened
unto
herein
.
But
since
I
cannot
finde
how
any
in
the
condition
of
a
Subject
stands
answerable
for
the
guilt
thereof
,
if
he
have
been
passive
onely
,
or
that
he
is
obliged
to
search
into
his
Soveraigns
Right
,
or
break
his
Allegeance
upon
any
jealousie
of
his
Title
(
who
being
to
rule
over
others
besides
himself
,
there
is
no
appearing
reason
his
single
judgement
or
Conscience
should
bear
sway
against
theirs
)
,
I
therefore
saw
no
lawful
way
of
prevention
or
redress
but
what
must
come
from
God
.
He
,
he
,
if
we
will
at
all
conceive
him
to
be
,
or
to
be
regardful
of
humane
affairs
,
must
with
submission
be
lookt
upon
as
a
setter
up
and
guider
of
persons
and
affairs
of
so
great
import
,
which
have
the
good
or
ill
of
so
many
depending
on
them
.
When
any
Prince
,
by
force
or
craft
,
shall
ascend
the
Throne
,
although
the
several
Victories
by
him
gained
,
and
Plots
by
him
laid
,
as
also
all
those
ways
and
contrivances
by
which
they
were
brought
to
pass
,
be
to
us
fully
discovered
,
and
they
do
thereupon
look
but
like
things
of
ordinary
production
and
hazard
;
what
,
shall
we
thereupon
acknowledge
no
deity
but
that
of
Fortune
?
Or
,
that
which
is
worse
,
shall
we
acknowledge
his
power
and
Government
,
and
yet
so
far
mistrust
his
Wisdom
or
Goodness
,
as
to
think
he
hath
not
done
it
with
due
respect
to
his
own
glory
and
our
deserts
?
In
which
case
,
how
can
disobedience
become
us
,
who
cannot
at
all
be
knowing
of
Gods
intentions
herein
,
and
therefore
ought
with
patience
to
expect
the
event
?
for
many
times
,
he
that
subjects
may
for
the
present
look
upon
as
an
Usurper
,
may
be
by
him
that
can
onely
search
Kings
hearts
sent
as
a
blessing
,
in
the
place
of
him
that
in
ordinary
humane
judgement
had
a
greater
right
thereunto
.
But
when
I
say
this
may
so
happen
,
it
is
not
to
grant
Subjects
any
liberty
to
assist
any
one
against
their
present
Prince
,
under
hopes
or
colour
of
any
such
blessing
,
or
to
excuse
them
that
did
so
:
for
this
were
to
overthrow
what
was
said
before
towards
publike
Peace
,
and
of
submission
to
the
present
Soveraign
.
That
which
I
would
have
men
in
this
case
seriously
to
consider
of
,
is
,
that
if
they
will
not
admit
possession
to
have
right
in
those
Changes
,
then
they
must
conceive
the
Government
of
each
Christian
Nation
to
be
for
perpetuity
impropriate
to
one
single
Family
by
God
Almighty
,
as
that
of
the
Jews
was
to
the
lyneage
of
David
:
so
as
,
notwithstanding
any
irreligious
,
unjust
,
or
oppressive
acts
in
them
,
no
alteration
from
Heaven
should
be
expected
,
either
for
abdication
of
that
lyneage
,
or
dispossession
of
the
right
heir
by
any
other
of
the
same
Family
.
But
if
there
be
neither
president
or
hope
,
that
such
an
establishment
hath
ever
anywhere
been
,
or
can
reasonably
be
looked
for
,
then
it
must
fall
out
that
all
bonds
of
Government
and
Allegeance
stand
now
dissolved
upon
failance
of
just
Title
,
or
else
it
is
to
be
justly
claimed
by
possession
.
For
certainly
,
the
heirs
of
Conquerers
and
Usurpers
can
reign
by
no
higher
right
then
was
that
of
their
predecessors
,
from
whom
their
Title
was
derived
;
but
it
may
be
often
lower
,
as
failing
of
the
vertue
of
their
first
founder
.
And
I
do
(
for
my
part
)
believe
,
that
Caesar
had
a
greater
right
to
the
Soveraignty
of
Rome
then
any
of
his
posterity
:
not
because
he
conquered
more
forraign
Nations
,
or
added
more
to
the
Roman
Territory
then
they
(
for
that
he
did
not
)
but
for
such
like
crafts
and
policies
,
whereby
he
purchased
that
his
perpetual
Dictatorship
,
and
for
those
very
Conquests
he
made
at
home
:
by
all
which
he
became
enabled
to
assume
(
which
others
may
interpret
usurp
)
the
Soveraignty
to
himself
.
For
having
hereby
power
to
keep
those
his
warlike
Country-men
at
peace
and
Agreement
amongst
themselves
,
and
restore
them
to
their
general
liberty
from
the
Tyranny
of
all
those
factious
heads
,
who
,
like
true
Usurpers
indeed
,
had
engrossed
all
liberty
and
power
to
themselves
,
by
pretence
of
being
Keeepers
of
the
Liberties
of
the
people
,
and
were
so
continually
ready
to
engage
their
Nation
in
Civil
war
through
their
own
sidings
:
he
might
(
I
say
)
more
truely
in
that
case
be
called
his
Countries
preserver
,
then
where
a
Forraign
enemy
is
onely
resisted
;
by
how
much
Civil
war
is
more
destructive
and
dangerous
then
any
other
;
and
by
how
much
the
establishment
of
good
Government
and
order
in
our
native
Country
,
is
more
heroick
then
to
do
it
abroad
.
In
which
respect
also
,
Caesar
may
worthily
have
precedence
in
his
parallel
with
Alexander
:
who
on
the
other
side
quietly
at
home
succeeded
in
a
Monarchy
already
setled
by
his
victorious
Father
;
and
his
Conquests
over
other
Nations
were
but
victories
to
his
own
honor
and
benefit
,
and
not
to
their
encrease
of
liberty
,
being
under
Monarchs
before
.
And
although
Caesars
victories
are
usually
thought
more
honorable
,
as
being
more
dangerous
and
difficult
,
yet
,
it
is
not
hardness
alone
in
the
means
,
but
goodness
of
the
end
that
must
compleat
true
honor
.
In
consideration
of
all
which
,
as
I
see
not
how
the
imputation
of
an
Usurper
,
or
the
like
,
can
in
Conscience
make
any
good
excuse
for
Subjects
resistance
or
insubjection
to
that
present
Soveraign
which
is
now
by
divine
Providence
set
over
them
,
and
who
is
thereupon
to
be
taken
as
the
Ordinance
of
God
;
so
not
in
prudence
neither
:
inasmuch
as
their
opposing
or
repining
at
him
is
but
the
likely
way
to
make
him
,
that
was
an
Usurper
before
against
the
right
of
another
,
to
become
hereby
also
a
Tyrant
against
them
;
as
fearing
their
insurrections
.
Whereas
else
,
it
is
like
,
he
will
,
by
milde
and
meritorious
usages
towards
them
,
strive
to
gain
by
vertue
,
what
he
wants
in
Title
.
More
safe
therefore
(
no
doubt
)
it
is
for
subjects
to
acquiesce
,
and
in
this
case
,
to
testifie
their
obedience
and
submission
to
God
,
by
submission
to
this
higher
power
by
his
Providence
set
over
them
:
who
,
as
his
Vicegerent
,
and
by
reason
of
that
present
Office
he
is
by
him
put
in
,
is
(
as
it
were
)
espoused
into
part
of
his
power
:
and
cannot
from
thenceforth
,
and
whilst
he
continues
their
Soveraign
,
be
any
more
charged
with
any
personal
faults
and
failings
then
a
married
Wife
can
,
by
those
of
the
Family
,
be
taxed
with
any
former
dishonest
act
,
whereby
that
respect
due
to
her
as
Mistress
of
the
Family
should
be
taken
off
:
nay
although
formerly
she
had
been
but
one
of
their
own
fellow
servants
:
because
this
duty
is
not
due
to
her
as
such
a
woman
,
seperately
considered
,
but
according
to
her
present
relation
,
as
being
such
a
mans
Wife
:
and
so
comes
to
be
part
of
that
duty
they
owe
to
their
Master
.
Nor
do
I
believe
but
those
that
through
interest
and
partiality
would
decline
obedience
to
the
present
Prince
,
would
yet
,
on
their
parts
,
expect
his
protection
in
case
any
violence
should
be
offered
.
But
men
are
led
to
misconceive
of
actions
of
this
nature
,
for
want
of
due
regard
how
the
same
person
stands
accountable
for
what
he
doth
herein
,
according
to
that
different
condition
he
stood
in
at
the
time
of
doing
.
Whosoever
shall
oppose
,
or
make
insurrection
against
that
Prince
that
is
in
present
possession
,
and
under
whose
protection
he
lives
,
he
,
and
all
that
side
with
him
,
are
,
all
that
while
,
not
onely
guilty
of
the
sin
of
rebellion
before
the
divine
Tribunal
,
but
before
that
political
Tribunal
also
,
wherein
this
Prince
doth
preside
.
Whereas
all
those
that
do
assist
this
their
present
Soveraign
,
are
to
be
counted
loyal
,
both
by
Law
of
God
and
Man
.
But
if
divine
providence
or
permission
,
have
given
such
success
to
any
subject
,
as
to
deprive
the
present
Prince
,
and
to
seat
himself
in
the
Regal
Throne
,
from
that
time
,
both
he
,
and
those
that
took
his
part
cease
to
be
rebels
,
as
to
the
political
Tribunal
,
for
any
thing
they
shall
act
afterwards
:
but
both
of
them
stand
Criminals
before
God
as
for
their
rebellion
past
.
And
he
also
,
so
far
as
he
is
an
Usurper
,
stands
accountable
,
both
there
,
and
in
his
own
Conscience
,
for
al
those
injuries
which
are
or
shall
be
committed
in
his
present
usurpation
;
as
wel
by
himself
as
those
that
obey
him
.
Whereas
they
again
,
that
were
by
the
Laws
of
God
and
man
,
to
be
accounted
loyal
to
the
former
Prince
,
in
respect
of
that
obedience
they
then
gave
him
as
their
present
higher
power
,
shall
become
now
rebels
to
this
,
if
,
while
they
live
under
his
Government
and
Jurisdiction
,
they
pay
not
that
respect
and
obedience
which
is
to
Soveraignty
due
:
and
they
do
(
therein
)
stand
accountable
as
Criminals
,
aswel
before
the
divine
Throne
,
as
that
of
their
present
Soveraign
.
To
the
present
Soveraign
(
I
say
)
this
subjection
must
be
given
,
if
(
at
all
)
we
will
allow
subjection
as
a
duty
to
be
acted
,
and
not
as
a
bare
contemplative
vertue
onely
.
For
in
this
case
,
as
obedience
is
due
to
the
higher
power
,
even
because
it
is
so
,
so
must
it
be
actually
given
to
him
that
is
actually
seised
thereof
:
who
onely
,
having
present
power
to
command
,
and
also
to
punish
in
case
of
refusal
,
must
be
understood
to
be
the
true
object
of
obedience
and
subjection
,
not
onely
for
wrath
,
but
also
for
Conscience
sake
:
●nd
whose
resistance
,
as
the
resistance
of
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
makes
that
party
a
Criminal
,
not
onely
in
respect
of
judgement
hereafter
,
but
also
in
respect
of
that
present
Judiciary
power
wherein
the
Prince
is
now
seated
.
For
this
tribute
of
subjection
must
be
held
as
legally
due
to
that
person
in
whose
name
the
Laws
are
enforced
and
executed
,
as
the
payment
of
other
tribute
doth
belong
to
that
Image
and
Circumscription
which
is
stampt
upon
the
Coyn
;
which
was
enjoyned
to
Caesar
:
a
stranger
by
birth
and
religion
,
and
one
that
had
not
so
much
as
legal
title
at
home
;
and
yet
being
acknowledged
by
him
that
had
all
title
,
it
will
thereupon
make
the
duty
of
subjection
to
the
present
power
much
more
apparent
.
But
then
again
,
although
those
that
now
take
part
with
the
present
power
are
to
be
accounted
loyal
in
all
thy
do
in
his
obeisance
,
whilst
he
continues
their
Soveraign
,
and
,
on
the
contrary
,
those
that
were
formerly
loyal
,
are
now
to
be
held
for
Criminals
for
what
they
act
contrary
to
their
present
supremacy
,
yet
are
they
to
be
lookt
upon
with
this
difference
in
relation
to
their
actings
past
.
Those
that
were
loyal
cannot
justly
be
punished
by
him
that
succeeds
,
for
any
opposition
against
him
before
he
was
possessed
:
for
that
were
to
discourage
and
punish
loyalty
.
Whereas
those
that
took
part
for
setting
up
a
new
power
,
having
all
that
while
no
lawful
Authority
for
what
they
did
,
are
for
all
those
acts
legally
punishable
by
the
deposed
Prince
;
in
case
he
shall
be
restored
:
none
but
he
having
power
to
pardon
what
was
done
against
his
Jurisdiction
onely
.
For
certainly
,
as
caths
of
Alleageance
and
other
ties
of
duty
,
were
given
to
Princes
by
Subjects
,
with
respect
,
and
in
relation
to
that
power
they
then
held
,
even
so
must
Subj●●●s
be
held
Criminals
to
that
power
,
for
all
disloyal
acts
done
while
that
power
was
up
:
even
as
they
must
also
be
criminals
when
they
do
oppose
that
which
succeeds
.
And
it
will
concern
every
new
Prince
(
even
in
point
of
prudence
)
to
be
careful
hereof
.
And
although
he
cannot
,
in
discretion
and
good
nature
,
but
be
exemplar
in
depressing
and
rewarding
some
few
that
have
more
eminently
opposed
or
assisted
him
,
yet
generally
to
punish
or
discourage
such
as
have
been
true
to
the
former
established
Government
,
onely
because
they
have
been
so
,
and
to
reward
such
as
sided
for
alteration
,
onely
because
they
did
so
,
will
be
found
of
most
dangerous
consequence
,
not
onely
to
himself
,
but
to
the
publike
peace
also
:
by
leaving
a
president
for
necessitous
and
discontented
persons
to
attempt
the
like
innovations
for
the
future
,
upon
the
like
incouragements
and
hopes
of
reward
.
Upon
due
regard
of
the
necessary
rendring
this
obedience
to
the
present
Prince
,
in
order
to
duety
and
maintainance
of
publike
peace
,
and
in
tenderness
of
the
indemnity
of
Subjects
for
so
doing
,
was
that
most
gracious
and
beneficial
Law
made
,
by
that
most
prudent
and
politick
Prince
of
our
Nation
Henry
the
seventh
:
enacting
that
none
should
be
questioned
as
Traytors
,
for
any
thing
done
in
obedience
to
the
present
King
.
This
most
wise
Prince
had
well
considered
how
often
the
subjects
of
this
Land
had
been
punished
,
even
for
being
true
Subjects
,
by
such
as
,
being
wholly
swayed
by
sense
of
self-interest
and
revenge
,
did
herein
deal
otherwise
by
them
,
then
themselves
would
in
like
case
be
dealt
by
.
For
they
would
not
themselves
have
been
content
that
their
followers
should
,
for
their
loyalty
to
them
,
be
so
used
by
such
as
should
again
succeed
in
this
power
:
and
much
less
would
they
be
content
,
that
any
should
withdraw
their
subjection
from
themselves
,
now
in
present
power
,
under
colour
of
the
better
Title
of
another
.
And
much
less
yet
would
they
have
been
content
,
if
themselves
had
been
in
the
condition
of
subjection
to
any
Prince
,
and
had
therein
been
constantly
loyal
;
that
this
former
Prince
,
having
now
neither
occasion
to
imploy
or
means
to
maintain
them
elsewhere
,
should
ingratefully
stomack
and
reckon
as
a
fault
,
that
necessary
livelihood
he
were
now
forced
to
seek
in
his
native
Country
,
under
the
protection
and
obeisance
of
another
.
He
foresaw
that
while
that
way
of
claim
by
Title
was
pleadable
amongst
the
Subjects
themselves
,
that
they
were
not
onely
still
at
a
loss
for
want
of
true
evidence
herein
,
but
the
whole
Kingdom
perpetually
infested
with
Civil
war
;
by
that
disagreement
that
must
happen
thereabout
:
whilst
Subjects
might
,
upon
this
pretence
,
be
no
subjects
;
by
withdrawing
obedience
from
the
present
subjector
,
to
whom
it
is
naturally
,
apparently
,
and
presently
due
,
to
give
it
to
such
as
were
now
but
equals
in
Soveraignty
:
and
so
,
being
not
able
for
the
present
to
command
it
as
a
duty
,
what
is
to
them
herein
done
,
can
carry
no
other
interpretation
then
as
acts
of
love
,
friendship
,
respect
,
or
the
like
▪
and
not
of
loyalty
and
subjection
.
Which
duty
,
obliging
us
to
actual
performance
,
the
Question
is
not
who
should
be
,
but
who
is
in
the
feat
of
Authority
.
He
foresaw
,
that
,
under
colour
of
setling
obedience
by
evidence
of
Right
and
Title
,
friendship
and
interest
were
still
put
into
the
scale
,
in
the
preferment
of
one
person
before
another
;
to
the
perpetual
disturbance
of
the
Subjects
by
their
disagreements
herein
.
Whereas
,
if
right
to
possession
had
still
followed
possession
,
all
Civil
war
should
be
avoided
:
because
,
being
then
guided
by
a
thing
so
apparent
to
each
ones
sense
,
there
could
be
none
found
to
oppose
or
disturb
him
whom
all
did
obey
.
Wheras
those
that
withdrew
their
obedience
from
him
that
was
actually
possessed
,
under
colour
of
that
right
which
any
other
had
to
possess
,
as
they
must
thereby
confess
it
due
in
respect
of
that
office
he
hath
right
unto
,
so
(
if
they
should
separate
themselves
from
their
own
interests
and
passions
)
they
must
acknowledge
it
,
by
the
same
rule
,
to
be
for
the
present
,
due
to
this
present
possessor
.
Else
,
by
a
strange
and
unnatural
contradiction
,
he
that
is
actually
possessed
,
as
King
,
should
be
,
at
the
same
time
,
actually
dispossessed
,
and
no
King
;
by
this
absurd
diversion
and
application
of
obedience
unto
a
power
which
is
not
in
being
.
Sense
and
experience
of
his
own
former
condition
had
rightly
told
him
,
that
as
this
belief
or
opinion
of
the
right
of
him
that
is
dispossessed
,
can
,
during
that
his
private
condition
,
claim
from
his
former
Subjects
a
willingness
&
propension
only
to
perform
actual
subjection
when
he
shall
be
again
possessed
and
restored
to
a
capacity
of
actual
command
,
so
,
in
the
mean
time
,
the
actual
possession
of
this
other
,
must
,
by
the
same
rule
,
claim
actual
subjection
and
obedience
unto
him
,
from
all
that
live
under
his
obedience
and
jurisdiction
:
unless
(
as
we
said
)
we
should
make
that
Precept
for
subjection
to
the
higher
power
vainly
given
;
when
such
as
should
be
subject
,
should
have
a
liberty
hereby
left
them
whether
they
will
at
any
time
be
so
or
no
;
by
making
some
pretence
or
other
,
that
it
is
not
rightly
due
to
him
that
hath
now
onely
power
to
command
it
.
And
therefore
although
this
Prince
,
like
others
,
did
wisely
cause
such
of
his
Subjects
as
were
eminent
,
or
to
be
suspected
,
to
take
oaths
of
Allegeance
and
Fidelity
to
himself
and
posterity
,
yet
,
by
that
truely
self-denying
Ordinance
before
mentioned
,
he
may
well
be
thought
more
considerative
of
that
future
establishment
of
publike
peace
and
benefit
,
then
so
peevishly
respective
to
the
setling
his
race
alone
,
as
,
upon
any
turn
,
to
involve
all
men
in
the
hazard
of
guilt
and
blood
:
by
making
that
oath
,
which
was
made
to
preserve
and
encourage
loyalty
,
a
continual
snare
and
punishment
to
all
that
had
been
so
:
and
to
such
onely
,
who
,
in
Conscience
and
friendship
,
stand
enclined
to
his
side
.
But
now
,
for
conclusion
of
this
Discourse
,
we
shall
say
something
in
answer
to
such
scruples
as
may
arise
concerning
those
that
are
cast
into
that
unhappy
condition
as
to
be
under
any
of
these
Polarchies
:
because
(
else
)
it
might
be
supposed
,
from
what
hath
hitherto
been
spoken
,
or
may
hereafter
,
that
I
did
conclude
that
no
man
could
live
honestly
or
Conscienciously
but
under
a
Monarch
.
It
is
therefore
to
be
considered
(
as
we
have
formerly
hinted
)
that
as
all
these
Polarchies
have
been
formerly
Monarchies
,
so
are
their
Laws
and
Constitutions
,
for
the
most
part
,
onely
such
as
have
been
before
setled
and
Authorized
by
a
Monarch
.
In
which
case
it
will
fall
out
,
that
the
Subject
living
in
any
imployment
and
Calling
allowed
by
the
former
Laws
,
is
to
be
concluded
lawfully
authorized
in
his
deportments
:
as
obeying
and
submitting
to
the
Ancient
and
right
Authority
still
.
But
in
all
new
Constitutions
and
Commands
on
him
imposed
by
these
unauthorized
Guides
,
by
which
he
shall
be
put
to
act
any
thing
that
may
have
relation
beyond
himself
,
he
is
,
in
that
case
,
for
want
of
warrant
from
Christs
direct
Deputy
,
to
secure
his
innocence
the
best
he
may
,
by
assuming
to
himself
the
power
of
judging
of
Morality
;
and
to
act
no
farther
then
the
Conscientious
rule
of
Do
as
thou
wouldest
be
done
unto
shall
give
leave
.
And
,
in
that
condition
,
is
he
to
make
use
of
that
distiction
of
obedience
into
Active
and
Passive
:
and
of
obeying
God
rather
then
man
.
So
that
,
by
his
Patience
and
Willingness
to
suffer
in
his
own
person
,
rather
then
wrong
another
,
he
shall
acquit
himself
of
the
guilt
of
that
suffering
he
might
bring
on
another
,
through
want
of
a
justly
derived
power
.
For
when
it
shall
be
any
mans
unhappiness
,
not
to
have
Christ
,
by
his
proper
Deputy
,
outwardly
directing
him
how
to
love
his
neighbour
as
himself
,
as
well
as
,
by
his
Spirit
and
Gospel
,
inwardly
fitting
him
thereunto
,
he
is
then
,
by
his
Consciencious
abstenance
from
all
appearance
of
evil
,
and
by
his
readiness
to
be
assisting
unto
him
in
all
that
shall
be
in
his
power
;
and
which
according
to
his
wants
,
shall
be
justly
or
reasonably
demanded
of
him
,
to
make
up
that
measure
of
bounden
good
to
his
neighbour
,
which
he
cannot
actively
undertake
and
perform
.
In
this
last
Chapter
I
have
again
raised
up
and
united
the
former
Fabrick
of
Monarchy
,
which
in
all
those
precedent
,
seemed
to
be
buried
in
the
rubbish
of
popular
mistake
and
confusion
.
And
as
in
the
first
Book
,
the
foundation
thereof
was
laid
on
that
stock
of
discourse
which
Divine
Edict
,
and
the
Rules
of
humane
Nature
or
reason
would
afford
,
here
I
have
again
added
,
to
the
strengthening
and
establishing
of
the
Work
,
such
farther
supply
as
the
presidents
of
other
meer
naturall
agents
would
readily
contribute
;
although
men
(
like
them
)
should
be
supposed
put
into
the
world
at
randome
,
and
without
other
direction
or
law
then
what
their
owne
senses
could
frame
.
It
seems
now
therefore
seasonable
,
that
for
confimation
of
all
,
we
should
have
our
recourse
to
Religion
;
so
called
,
because
it
is
the
tye
of
all
politie
and
commerce
;
to
see
how
all
these
things
stand
therein
warranted
;
and
are
both
allowed
and
commanded
by
that
great
Guide
and
preserver
of
Man
kinde
:
all
which
,
by
divine
assistance
,
the
following
Book
shall
declare
.
THE
THIRD
BOOK
OF
GOVERNMENT
AND
Of
the
Obedience
thereunto
due
,
according
to
Arguments
more
particularly
drawn
from
SCRIPTURE
.
The
Introduction
.
HOw
long
since
,
or
who
it
was
that
first
made
that
distinction
of
the
Decalogue
into
two
Tables
as
now
received
,
I
know
not
:
but
sure
I
am
,
that
that
common
liberty
every
day
taken
of
dividing
mens
duties
and
obedience
into
religious
and
civil
,
hath
been
the
cause
of
much
distraction
and
division
amongst
men
.
For
whilst
some
are
ranking
under
the
classis
of
Gods
particular
service
what
share
of
humane
actions
they
please
,
they
have
on
the
one
hand
almost
taken
peace
from
the
earth
,
by
substracting
that
our
bounden
obedience
from
his
immediate
vicegerent
,
which
should
have
been
the
tye
thereof
:
whilst
others
again
,
out
of
a
desire
to
make
themselves
absolute
in
the
managery
of
State
affairs
,
have
come
to
seclude
God
,
and
the
rules
of
religigion
from
having
any
immediate
influence
and
authority
therein
;
which
are
in
these
things
,
and
to
the
support
of
that
obedience
which
is
on
their
behalf
necessary
,
the
chiefe
securities
and
directions
.
Against
some
inconveniencies
arising
from
the
practise
and
opinions
of
those
of
the
last
sort
,
I
have
framed
much
of
my
discourse
in
the
two
precedent
books
;
in
which
,
by
reason
as
well
as
Scripture
,
I
have
plainly
shewn
the
necessary
tye
and
dependance
of
political
good
and
peace
on
religion
and
its
precepts
;
and
how
it
is
,
not
onely
injurious
to
God
,
but
wrong
to
our selves
,
to
deprive
him
of
superintendant
dominion
and
administration
,
either
in
the
government
of
our
persons
,
or
estates
.
And
indeed
to
deny
Gods
care
and
superintendency
over
moral
agents
and
actions
as
well
as
natural
ones
,
is
an
opinion
bordering
not
only
on
Atheism
,
but
on
absurdity
also
;
when
as
men
shall
be
hereby
thought
not
so
valuable
in
the
eye
of
Divine
care
and
providence
as
beasts
;
nay
as
stocks
and
stones
.
In
this
present
work
,
my
intention
is
to
set
forth
the
inconveniences
that
arise
from
the
sole
undertakings
of
those
of
the
other
sort
;
that
is
,
such
as
oppose
this
power
upon
the
score
of
religion
.
And
more
particularly
those
of
the
Romish
party
,
who
first
made
use
of
,
and
applyed
that
notion
of
Civil
Magistrate
unto
the
Christian
Prince
;
that
thereby
he
might
,
under
that
distinction
of
Civil
,
be
not
only
separated
&
secluded
from
any
farther
intermedling
in
the
Church
then
as
if
he
had
still
been
a
pagan
,
but
also
that
,
under
the
appellation
of
Magistrate
(
instead
of
that
of
King
)
he
might
be
but
thought
subordinate
herein
neither
;
even
to
that
their
own
supream
head
,
as
well
as
were
the
Bishops
and
other
Church
guides
and
Officers
;
whom
certainly
they
intend
should
be
opposed
unto
him
in
this
his
civil
relation
:
and
be
not
onely
absolute
in
Ecclesiastical
jurisdiction
and
government
of
the
Church
,
but
to
be
super-eminent
in
the
State
also
.
And
although
,
amongst
Protestants
,
this
sole
superintendency
is
not
given
to
any
Ecclesiastical
person
,
yet
when
we
find
those
that
pretend
greatest
reformation
&
departure
from
Rome
,
stil
retaining
this
notion
of
Civil
Magistrate
,
and
applying
it
to
the
Prince
,
we
may
conceive
it
purposely
also
so
done
,
that
thereupon
another
independent
Magistracy
,
even
themselves
,
might
be
closely
insinuated
,
and
also
acknowledged
and
obeyed
in
Church
affairs
.
Which
done
,
and
having
hereby
made
themselves
the
next
and
more
immediate
Ministers
to
God
and
Christ
,
their
next
work
is
to
stretch
and
draw
out
religious
cognizance
as
far
as
they
can
,
&
to
leave
unto
Kings
,
as
persons
in
a
sphere
below
them
,
the
managery
of
such
other
duties
and
vertues
as
they
are
pleased
to
list
under
the
notion
of
Moral
;
calling
the
greatest
proficients
in
vertue
,
(
in
a
kinde
of
scorne
)
Moral
men
,
or
men
civilly
honest
.
As
though
the
very
Decalogue
,
and
the
whole
Jewish
law
given
from
God
himself
,
carried
not
moral
consideration
with
them
;
and
were
any
otherwise
binding
then
as
moral
precepts
to
us
now
.
In
farther
evidence
whereof
,
I
shall
also
shew
how
the
very
Gospel-precepts
do
make
moral
duties
their
subject
also
,
even
as
our
Saviour
ordinarily
made
mans
body
the
subject
of
his
miracles
:
and
that
the
substance
of
the
former
more
large
moral
direction
is
abreviated
and
fulfilled
in
the
gospel
precept
of
love
:
and
how
again
,
love
is
made
useful
by
the
tye
and
effects
thereof
,
obedience
,
humility
,
patience
,
&c.
in
such
sort
,
that
civil
good
and
society
is
by
Gospel-directions
more
neerly
and
directly
pointed
to
,
and
maintained
then
before
.
Of
all
which
,
by
Gods
assistance
,
in
that
which
follows
.
CHAP.
I.
Of
Religion
in
its
true
ground
.
OUR
discourse
hitherto
hath
been
to
manifest
that
the
end
of
all
divine
,
natura
,
and
positive
laws
,
are
both
for
the
preservation
of
the
whole
world
,
and
of
man
in
particular
.
In
which
doing
,
we
are
not
to
consider
God
Almighty
,
(
like
our selves
in
our
sports
)
as
taking
delight
in
the
action
it self
,
and
entertaining
it
by
way
of
pastime
,
as
having
nothing
else
to
do
:
but
as
an
understanding
,
free
,
and
voluntary
Agent
;
and
having
an
end
in
all
things
he
doth
.
For
otherwise
would
not
his
works
be
regulated
and
stinted
as
now
they
are
:
but
,
there
being
no
end
of
doing
,
the
deeds
would
be
also
infinite
as
the
Author
.
End
he
could
have
none
,
above
,
or
without
respect
to
himself
:
because
this
must
be
the
necessary
consequent
of
choice
also
:
For
to
do
,
or
not
to
do
anything
,
wherein
self-good
,
interest
,
or
liking
is
no
wayes
concerned
,
is
not
imaginable
;
but
,
in
all
knowing
and
voluntary
Agents
,
must
be
presupposed
.
Therefore
now
,
to
come
to
examine
what
this
end
of
God
is
,
and
how
it
is
both
true
that
all
things
were
made
for
his
own
sake
,
&
again
,
how
all
was
made
for
the
use
of
man
;
we
must
take
care
that
,
in
no
consideration
,
But
,
because
returnes
of
gratitude
are
,
as
neer
as
may
be
,
to
be
proportioned
to
the
measure
of
benefits
received
;
and
because
(
amongst
sublunary
Creatures
)
man
had
the
largest
measure
imparted
;
it
will
follow
that
from
him
,
as
from
a
Creature
most
bounden
for
receipt
,
and
best
enabled
for
return
,
this
duty
of
praise
and
thanksgiving
should
be
chiefly
expected
:
nay
,
in
a
manner
,
from
him
onely
it
can
be
had
.
For
although
the
Heavens
may
declare
the
glory
of
God
,
and
the
Firmament
shew
his
handy
work
;
yet
because
those
beauties
and
excellencies
,
which
by
the
wisdom
and
power
of
God
are
bestowed
on
them
and
other
irrational
Creatures
,
are
not
at
all
apprehended
by
themselves
,
and
are
,
for
the
most
part
,
but
subservient
to
others
,
how
should
such
return
of
praise
or
acknowledgement
be
expected
from
them
,
or
any
but
man
?
who
alone
,
(
in
these
endowments
and
perfections
received
)
appeares
,
of
all
Creatures
,
least
tyed
in
a
subservient
relation
:
but
on
the
contrary
,
having
all
the
vertues
and
benefits
of
other
things
directed
and
made
appliable
towards
him
,
and
his
own
abilities
again
standing
directly
pointing
at
the
service
and
honour
of
his
Maker
,
it
may
thereupon
be
fitly
said
,
That
all
things
were
made
for
man
:
as
the
most
able
creature
in
regard
of
his
reason
to
apprehend
his
owne
interest
and
obligations
,
and
to
make
suitable
expression
of
thanks
to
Gods
glory
.
By
all
which
,
it
appears
that
the
end
of
all
our
whole
religion
and
endeavours
should
be
to
the
glory
of
God
:
even
such
a
God
,
that
,
being
so
infinite
in
power
above
us
,
is
yet
so
particularly
extensive
of
his
goodness
towards
us
,
that
whosoever
shall
but
considerately
weigh
the
measure
thereof
,
must
ever
think
himself
to
high
a
debtor
,
that
with
an
holy
extasie
he
may
cry
out
,
What
shall
I
render
unto
the
Lord
for
all
his
benefits
towards
me
?
What
can
be
more
proportionable
,
and
becoming
both
our
duty
and
benefit
,
then
,
in
immitation
of
that
(
thereby
)
most
pleasing
person
,
to
have
his
praises
alwaies
in
our
mouths
:
these
must
so
shine
before
men
,
that
they
seeing
our
good
works
,
may
glorifie
our
Father
which
is
in
heaven
.
When
Birds
or
Beasts
sing
,
or
play
,
in
the
sense
and
exultation
of
benefits
received
from
this
universal
Author
of
plentiousness
to
all
things
living
,
they
,
in
their
kind
,
nor
with
all
our
might
,
nor
with
all
our
strength
.
And
this
reason
of
ours
,
we
must
,
in
so
needful
a
work
,
strengthen
with
all
the
help
we
can
;
especially
out
of
,
that
portion
of
his
owne
unerring
wisdome
,
revealed
in
the
holy
Scripture
.
And
,
for
farther
fear
that
their
meaning
herein
should
be
mistaken
,
we
are
not
to
trust
our
single
,
and
private
judgements
for
their
interpretation
:
but
take
direction
from
those
that
have
rule
over
us
,
whose
faith
we
are
to
follow
.
By
which
means
,
we
shall
also
most
assuredly
keep
up
,
and
preserve
our
other
duty
,
(
the
chiefe
means
of
his
praise
on
earth
)
namely
the
good
of
our
Neighbour
.
For
,
as
God
keeps
on
the
whole
Creation
and
our
particular
preservations
,
for
a
means
to
express
his
glory
by
;
so
we
,
by
observing
his
commands
of
Charity
,
beneficence
,
peace
,
and
love
to
one
another
,
must
make
that
,
(
as
having
most
necessary
and
direct
tendency
to
this
preservation
)
the
onely
alowable
means
to
give
him
that
praise
and
glory
.
By
this
means
it
will
come
to
pass
,
that
although
,
we
sin
or
multiply
our
transgressions
,
we
do
nothing
against
him
,
nor
that
he
,
(
as
directly
in
himself
)
doth
receive
gaine
or
advantage
by
our
righteousness
;
yet
,
these
our
wickednesses
may
hurt
men
as
we
are
,
and
our
righteousness
(
on
the
other
side
)
may
profit
them
;
therefore
comes
our
good
or
ill
deeds
towards
them
,
And
as
this
is
the
end
of
Religion
,
so
of
nature
also
:
for
as
both
of
them
proceeded
from
him
,
so
both
of
them
point
at
the
same
end
,
the
glory
of
God
:
but
in
the
means
thereunto
they
somewhat
differ
.
For
because
,
in
nature
,
God
stands
as
the
most
supream
and
remote
cause
,
and
therefore
(
the
exigence
of
his
manifestation
so
requiring
)
is
sometimes
,
by
miracles
,
forced
to
make
himself
known
to
us
,
by
being
the
immediat
cause
of
some
extraordinary
production
,
(
it
being
else
very
difficult
for
the
wit
of
man
,
(
through
so
many
intermediate
causes
,
and
such
long
circuits
of
effects
depending
one
upon
another
)
to
pass
in
order
through
all
the
links
of
this
golden
chaine
,
till
they
come
at
last
to
that
which
(
according
to
the
Fable
)
is
fastned
to
Jupiters
toe
)
therefore
God
is
by
precepts
of
Religion
,
brought
to
an
easie
,
plaine
,
and
immediate
appearance
in
our
conceits
.
Whereupon
,
having
our
duties
of
praises
and
acknowledgments
unto
him
manifested
,
even
for
the
least
good
we
receive
,
we
are
hereby
(
as
by
most
plain
direction
)
fixed
and
taught
,
both
in
the
duty
it self
,
and
manner
of
our
return
of
gratitude
:
which
is
,
by
this
means
,
made
intelligible
to
all
in
general
,
and
each
one
in
particular
.
Whereas
,
if
the
light
and
direction
of
nature
had
been
therein
alone
entrusted
,
this
supream
cause
and
end
of
our
being
,
either
,
through
its
intricacy
and
our
weakness
,
could
not
;
or
,
through
the
hasty
pursuits
of
our
desires
,
would
not
in
such
due
manner
have
been
discovered
,
as
to
fix
our selves
on
the
Creator
:
and
nor
,
by
a
kinde
of
Idolatry
,
on
the
creature
it self
.
And
as
it
had
thus
fared
in
the
great
end
of
all
things
,
Gods
glory
;
so
,
in
the
chief
appointed
means
to
it
,
mans
preservation
,
it
would
have
come
to
pass
that
the
knowledge
and
practice
of
our
duty
(
without
precepts
of
religion
)
would
have
been
,
in
many
things
,
at
a
loss
.
For
example
,
although
,
by
long
circuit
of
reason
and
such
discourses
as
heretofore
spoken
of
,
some
men
might
come
to
have
found
,
that
obedience
should
be
given
to
the
Prince
or
chief
Magistrate
,
even
in
order
to
that
we
owe
to
God
;
yet
,
considering
the
great
number
of
the
ignorant
,
and
the
differences
of
others
about
the
measure
and
manner
of
affording
it
,
(
without
direct
precepts
of
Religion
commanding
and
determining
it
)
nothing
but
civil
war
and
slaughter
would
follow
.
In
which
war
,
as
my
person
must
be
equally
hazarded
with
others
,
so
,
in
lessening
the
number
of
mankinde
,
the
lessening
of
Gods
praises
,
in
the
instrument
thereof
,
would
ensue
.
Therefore
,
as
well
out
of
care
of
Gods
glory
as
my
owne
good
,
my
submission
to
government
and
a
publique
desinitive
sentence
was
necessary
:
but
the
ability
to
apprehend
it
by
discourse
hapning
to
few
,
and
yet
the
end
of
it
being
the
duty
of
all
;
it
was
behoofful
that
obedience
should
peremtorily
be
appointed
by
precepts
of
Religion
:
whether
unto
Kings
as
Supreum
,
or
unto
others
as
sent
of
him
.
As
thus
,
in
many
matters
of
Charity
,
divine
direction
was
usefull
,
so
,
to
the
particular
direction
of
our
Christian
faith
,
(
on
which
as
a
ground-work
)
our
Charity
was
to
be
built
)
this
direction
was
much
more
necessary
.
For
since
none
could
come
to
God
except
he
first
know
that
God
is
,
and
that
he
is
a
rewarder
of
them
that
seek
him
;
so
,
the
stating
our
faith
standing
necessary
as
to
the
stating
our
obedience
,
we
we
may
see
cause
for
the
frequent
commendation
and
injunctions
thereof
in
the
New
Testament
:
where
it
is
expresly
said
,
that
without
it
t
is
impossible
to
please
God
:
that
is
,
without
confidence
of
his
being
,
and
of
his
rewards
and
punishments
following
our
good
or
bad
actions
,
we
shall
not
be
zealous
of
good
works
or
duties
of
Charity
.
And
having
so
far
shewed
what
the
ground
of
Religion
should
be
,
we
will
next
shew
what
it
usually
is
,
both
in
ground
and
practice
.
CHAP.
II.
Of
Religion
as
commonly
received
.
BEfore
the
knowledge
of
good
and
evil
entred
into
man
,
Nature
was
his
religion
:
and
what
was
by
her
law
done
,
was
also
thereby
justified
.
But
being
once
possessed
with
the
apprehension
of
this
discovery
,
all
our
thoughts
and
actions
were
so
involved
herein
,
that
nothing
we
said
or
did
,
could
escape
censure
on
one
side
or
other
:
and
so
consequently
,
for
well
or
ill
doing
,
we
could
not
but
expect
reward
or
punishment
.
But
because
(
on
the
one
hand
)
the
natural
pride
and
arrogancy
of
each
man
,
was
ready
to
put
a
greater
rate
and
desert
upon
his
intents
and
doings
,
then
he
saw
them
rewarded
with
in
this
life
;
and
(
on
the
other
side
)
knowing
the
great
and
many
faults
that
had
escaped
him
or
others
,
not
at
all
espied
by
men
,
or
by
law
so
throughly
punished
as
he
thought
their
gift
required
;
the
two
main
guides
of
our
nature
,
hope
and
fear
;
led
on
our
expectations
to
a
future
reckoning
;
in
such
a
sort
,
that
,
where
the
souls
immortallity
and
our
resurrection
are
not
by
special
revelation
manifested
,
men
are
yet
generally
found
believing
thereof
;
the
craft
of
persons
in
authority
(
many
times
)
helping
on
,
and
biassing
these
Superstitions
of
inferiours
to
sociable
advantages
,
or
self
respects
.
Now
the
wayes
men
take
for
the
obtaining
of
this
future
reward
,
or
a
voiding
the
like
punishment
,
is
their
religion
.
And
then
,
religion
having
its
ground
from
conscience
,
and
each
mans
conscience
following
the
light
of
his
understanding
,
in
judging
good
and
bad
and
their
degree
,
from
the
diversity
of
understanding
,
followeth
the
diversity
of
religions
:
which
,
as
they
had
their
first
rise
and
fashion
from
their
several
Authours
,
so
each
one
yeilds
himself
a
Disciple
,
as
he
findes
his
hopes
,
or
the
fears
of
his
owne
conscience
therewith
satisfied
.
Therefore
now
,
concluding
mens
religion
and
conscience
to
be
according
to
their
understanding
,
and
their
understandings
being
not
onely
differing
but
altogether
imperfect
,
it
is
impossible
that
any
Religion
should
be
true
,
but
what
is
from
God
himself
received
.
But
then
again
,
because
truth
doth
not
move
by
being
,
but
by
being
apparent
;
and
because
there
is
no
way
for
this
apparency
till
it
be
made
conceivable
to
my
understanding
,
will
it
not
follow
,
that
therein
also
,
we
must
be
subject
to
much
difference
&
uncertainty
?
So
that
men
generally
acknowledging
a
deity
,
&
that
no
religion
can
be
true
but
what
shal
be
from
him
received
,
they
do
,
by
means
of
this
fallible
guide
,
so
usually
mistake
in
their
choice
.
For
knowledg
in
this
kinde
is
not
innate
,
but
acquired
:
for
why
else
are
not
Children
,
and
innocents
,
as
well
as
men
of
riper
capacity
,
(
by
priviledge
of
birth
and
species
)
without
more
ado
)
instructed
?
Why
is
that
long
stay
made
,
until
,
(
by
natural
course
)
the
sences
and
organs
of
the
body
receiving
their
due
growth
and
perfection
,
the
understanding
(
together
therewith
)
arrive
also
at
a
sufficient
capacity
for
the
same
reason
to
work
by
?
So
that
then
,
the
priority
,
and
worth
of
divine
truths
,
being
not
able
of
themselves
to
enter
our
capacities
,
otherwise
then
as
let
in
by
the
senses
,
or
else
made
familiar
by
such
things
as
formerly
were
so
,
as
types
,
parables
,
similitudes
,
and
the
like
;
it
comes
to
pass
,
that
,
according
to
the
several
prepossessions
of
men
,
and
their
several
fashions
in
entertaining
them
,
our
several
beliefes
and
opinions
do
arise
.
And
although
we
are
seldome
able
to
remember
those
sensible
inductions
out
of
which
they
grew
,
yet
from
such
they
must
needs
at
first
grow
;
inasmuch
as
,
had
they
come
in
without
mixture
,
they
would
(
like
truths
)
have
remained
to
all
men
the
same
,
and
alike
:
whereas
now
,
their
variety
,
shews
the
variety
of
their
entertainment
and
admittance
.
And
therefore
,
although
naturally
as
men
,
and
for
satisfaction
of
our
hope
and
fears
sake
,
we
generally
adhere
to
one
sort
of
Religion
or
another
,
yet
,
when
we
come
to
entertain
the
kindes
,
we
stand
not
onely
disabled
in
our
Election
,
but
for
the
most
part
use
no
Election
at
all
:
depending
rather
on
chance
,
then
choice
.
For
what
one
is
there
of
a
thousand
,
that
ever
doubts
of
,
or
alters
the
religion
he
was
brought
up
in
?
For
do
we
not
Scholly
,
and
Catechise
our
Children
in
the
same
opinion
with
our selves
?
do
we
not
carry
and
send
them
,
(
with
directions
for
beliefe
and
attention
)
unto
such
Churches
and
Preachers
,
where
we
are
sure
the
truth
and
benefit
of
this
,
and
the
falsehood
and
dangers
of
all
others
shall
be
exemplified
to
the
height
?
What
probability
then
,
that
he
should
prefer
an
opinion
unknown
,
at
least
alwayes
discommended
before
one
he
doth
know
,
and
hears
alwaies
praised
?
Whereupon
,
we
shall
finde
preoccupation
of
judgement
of
such
force
,
that
,
whether
they
be
Christian
,
Jew
,
Mahumetan
,
Heathen
,
or
a
distinct
Sect
under
any
of
these
generals
,
yet
all
of
them
to
resolute
to
their
owne
side
,
that
they
will
embrace
Martyrdom
rather
then
a
recantation
.
Not
that
all
in
any
kinde
will
do
so
;
(
for
all
men
stand
differenced
between
perfect
Atheism
and
height
of
belief
;
)
but
where
such
tenderness
of
conscience
and
disposition
is
met
withall
,
as
can
be
subdued
to
entertain
Myrterdome
on
one
side
,
the
same
party
would
also
have
entertained
it
on
another
,
had
education
and
other
fore-stalling
arguments
been
applyed
unto
him
.
And
even
as
in
Christianity
it self
,
and
the
sects
thereof
,
we
may
find
both
Martyrs
and
Renegates
,
as
strength
of
belief
leades
them
,
so
in
other
religions
also
,
(
upon
tryal
)
these
kindes
have
been
apparent
.
For
as
the
Magitians
feigned
Miracles
found
greater
belief
with
the
Egyptians
then
the
true
ones
of
Moses
,
so
a
false
information
,
having
nothing
to
contradict
it
,
or
education
having
forestalled
our
judgements
,
prevailes
as
true
with
us
,
and
the
contradictory
thereof
as
false
.
For
all
men
thinking
it
reasonable
,
that
the
proof
of
divine
authority
should
be
evinced
by
something
more
then
humane
;
and
that
supernatural
truths
,
otherwaies
not
conceiveable
by
sense
,
(
and
so
demonstrable
)
should
be
ascertained
and
illustrated
by
such
as
were
,
it
made
the
founders
of
all
Religions
pretend
miracles
;
as
thinking
their
endeavours
vain
without
them
.
Therefore
,
as
the
miracles
of
the
Old
Testament
were
occasioned
for
confirmation
of
all
,
or
part
of
the
Law
,
and
the
maker
thereof
;
so
,
when
alteration
in
that
,
and
confirmation
of
the
Gospel
was
required
,
it
was
requisite
as
great
,
or
greater
should
be
shewed
.
Till
these
things
were
done
,
it
was
impossible
for
natural
discourse
to
assent
to
misteries
so
much
above
its
reach
:
Nay
an
infidelity
it
had
been
,
to
have
departed
from
truths
already
so
firmly
established
,
without
higher
ground
.
Therefore
our
Saviour
saith
,
If
I
had
not
done
amongst
them
those
works
that
never
any
man
did
,
they
had
not
had
sin
.
But
if
when
custome
and
education
,
(
as
in
the
other
example
,
and
these
of
our
Saviour
to
the
Jewes
)
was
so
prevalent
as
not
to
give
sense
(
the
greatest
assurance
we
have
)
leave
to
discern
between
truth
and
falsehood
;
what
can
be
expected
from
men
now
living
;
that
have
onely
an
historical
faith
in
that
case
to
relye
upon
?
For
although
,
in
each
Religion
,
the
proof
of
miracles
be
brought
in
as
a
divine
and
infalible
evidence
of
its
truth
,
yet
the
truth
of
their
story
depending
upon
the
truth
of
that
traditional
Doctrine
,
or
that
Scripture
out
of
which
the
relation
it self
is
framed
,
it
must
follow
that
,
where
difference
in
these
things
is
not
made
by
reason
,
Religion
(
ordinarily
)
must
have
its
ground
and
rise
from
meer
education
.
And
so
,
however
the
founders
of
each
religion
have
left
unto
their
Disciples
some
set
or
standing
record
or
written
direction
,
both
for
guidance
of
their
belief
and
actions
,
yet
when
the
same
comes
to
be
taken
into
credit
onely
upon
the
score
of
tradition
and
humane
authority
,
it
will
follow
that
the
proof
thereof
can
have
(
in
our
belief
)
no
higher
certainty
then
the
evidence
of
education
and
authority
will
bear
:
which
was
all
the
premises
we
made
use
of
to
frame
this
conclusion
by
.
But
,
by
this
means
,
having
entertained
a
ground
work
in
our
phancy
,
for
beliefe
of
some
principle
for
our
direction
and
guidance
in
all
things
else
,
hence
comes
the
Bible
with
Christians
,
the
Talmud
with
the
Jewes
,
and
Alcoran
with
the
Turks
to
be
had
in
such
esteem
,
that
what
is
in
them
asserted
is
firmly
believed
.
For
although
to
some
men
there
may
happen
such
freedom
and
ability
as
sometimes
to
e●quire
the
foundations
of
things
;
yet
then
,
as
it
must
,
on
the
one
hand
,
distaste
through
a
plain
affront
to
their
judgement
setled
the
other
way
already
,
so
cannot
it
,
on
the
other
hand
,
be
naturally
of
avail
,
farther
then
as
true
reason
can
(
without
prejudice
)
be
brought
to
assist
in
the
discovery
.
For
(
without
it
)
pretence
of
divine
attestation
to
be
gathered
from
that
particular
majesty
and
elegancy
of
stile
,
(
which
Mahomet
himself
and
his
followers
do
so
much
brag
of
)
to
be
found
in
their
Alcoran
,
as
an
infalible
signe
that
it
was
delivered
by
the
holy
Ghost
)
will
be
far
from
carrying
the
force
of
demonstration
to
persons
unprejudiced
.
It
being
most
apparent
that
,
since
thousands
have
,
and
do
dayly
read
it
without
any
such
discovery
,
that
this
assent
of
theirs
,
going
alwayes
along
with
such
,
and
none
but
such
as
have
,
in
their
education
,
had
it
perpetually
inculcated
unto
them
that
it
was
indeed
so
written
,
can
proceed
from
nothing
else
but
prejudice
and
prepossession
of
judgement
.
For
they
cannot
but
conceive
that
if
God
had
intended
conviction
that
way
,
he
could
have
so
plainly
and
efficaciously
have
done
it
,
as
that
those
miracles
they
put
upon
him
might
well
have
been
spared
.
But
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
although
from
reading
of
books
containing
new
argumentations
and
reasonings
men
may
be
altered
in
their
judgement
from
what
they
were
,
yet
in
things
delivered
Magistrally
,
and
by
way
of
authority
onely
,
the
assent
must
arise
from
prepossession
.
For
I
read
not
of
any
Proselites
made
,
amongst
the
Egyptians
or
others
,
from
those
translations
of
the
books
of
several
Religions
,
wherewith
Ptolomies
Library
was
furnished
.
So
that
now
tradition
and
authority
being
the
chief
evidence
,
it
will
rest
the
chief
object
of
enquiry
:
even
from
the
universality
,
soundness
,
and
other
strength
thereof
,
for
reason
to
lay
her
grounds
for
future
certainty
and
belief
.
and
that
,
not
onely
in
preferring
the
sacred
Scriptures
in
general
above
the
records
of
other
religions
,
but
also
in
discovery
and
distinction
of
the
true
Cannon
thereof
from
other
counterfeit
or
Apocriphal
writings
.
For
how
else
shall
he
satisfie
himself
,
(
amidst
those
many
disputes
that
have
been
from
time
to
time
raised
in
the
Church
it self
,
and
by
the
prime
members
thereof
)
what
books
were
true
,
and
what
forged
(
as
well
in
the
Old
as
in
the
New
Testament
)
which
for
so
great
a
part
of
them
have
been
controverted
;
And
,
whilst
some
of
those
received
have
been
disputed
of
,
how
shall
he
know
that
those
refused
,
might
not
with
more
reason
have
been
brought
in
in
their
rooms
?
And
so
again
,
of
the
particular
Chapters
and
Texts
in
these
books
;
how
shall
he
finde
any
assurance
,
that
,
amidst
those
many
Heresies
that
have
from
time
to
time
gotten
such
strength
in
the
Church
,
some
of
them
have
not
been
corrupted
to
serve
their
turns
?
Which
,
happening
but
to
some
,
will
cause
all
to
be
suspected
:
for
,
unless
those
places
could
be
distinguished
,
it
may
(
for
ought
I
know
)
happen
to
be
that
Book
,
or
place
of
Scripture
which
I
am
most
to
relye
upon
.
In
which
doubts
,
Scripture
alone
cannot
satisfie
me
.
For
(
besides
that
nothing
can
be
an
evidence
to
it self
)
if
one
book
should
undertake
for
attesting
the
rest
,
that
book
must
still
want
his
attestation
:
it
being
impossible
to
be
higher
,
or
other
to
us
,
that
stand
so
far
removed
from
evidence
of
the
miracles
brought
to
confirm
it
,
then
is
our
confidence
of
the
ability
and
sincerity
of
the
tradition
;
or
those
several
hands
and
conveyances
,
by
which
the
record
and
report
hereof
hath
come
unto
our
hand
.
On
which
if
we
will
not
altogether
implicitly
rest
,
and
take
the
truth
of
our
religion
on
the
hazard
of
our
Births
and
education
,
we
must
then
(
as
in
a
matter
of
so
great
weight
and
concern
)
make
use
of
that
stock
of
reason
and
discourse
God
hath
blessed
us
withall
,
to
discover
and
direct
us
in
the
way
we
are
to
go
.
Which
,
when
done
with
humble
petition
for
divine
assistance
,
it
usually
follows
that
the
same
grace
of
ingenuity
,
that
made
us
thus
able
to
reach
above
ordinary
,
is
usually
accompanied
with
ability
thus
prudentially
to
be
advised
.
That
since
the
light
of
nature
and
reason
discover
to
them
a
deity
,
and
also
a
necessity
of
his
worship
;
although
herein
they
can
settle
themselves
on
no
demonstration
;
yet
,
for
satisfaction
of
their
fears
and
hopes
(
which
in
Atheism
could
never
be
)
they
shall
finde
it
more
reasonable
to
rest
on
the
highest
probability
they
can
get
,
then
have
no
rest
at
all
.
Nor
can
this
prudent
course
be
yet
left
off
.
For
,
unless
we
will
be
altogether
implicite
in
our
beliefs
,
and
rest
wholly
on
education
for
the
sense
and
meaning
of
these
Scriptures
,
our
reason
againe
must
be
taken
up
;
to
unfold
and
distinguish
the
truth
of
the
texts
themselves
.
For
when
(
as
Christians
)
we
are
fully
brought
to
consent
unto
,
and
credit
the
Books
and
parts
of
the
Bible
,
we
become
now
as
much
amazed
and
dazled
with
too
great
light
,
as
with
too
great
darkness
confounded
before
.
For
with
too
much
familiarity
and
presumption
,
daring
to
approach
too
boldly
those
glorious
rayes
,
(
instead
of
true
discovery
,
such
cloudiness
and
mists
have
arisen
in
some
understandings
,
that
their
owne
conceipts
have
been
believed
for
divine
;
and
,
instead
of
the
direct
beam
of
truth
,
the
reflected
and
refracted
beam
of
ignorance
and
opinion
have
been
embraced
.
For
as
he
that
looks
against
the
Sun
without
some
spectacle
for
his
sight
,
doth
both
miss
his
discovery
there
,
and
also
weaken
his
sight
for
other
things
;
so
fares
it
with
men
,
when
,
scorning
to
take
in
natural
helps
,
or
the
spectacle
of
reason
and
sense
,
they
usually
(
instead
of
truth
and
satisfaction
)
reap
nothing
but
opinion
and
error
.
And
this
,
because
experience
tells
us
,
that
from
it self
alone
no
evidence
can
be
had
of
its
meaning
.
And
therefore
,
to
discover
the
rectitude
or
inequallity
of
opinions
thence
arising
,
rhere
must
be
still
some
such
rule
made
use
of
,
as
may
direct
us
in
our
inquiry
.
For
example
,
when
we
finde
that
all
Christians
do
believe
,
and
relye
upon
the
guidance
and
authority
of
the
Bible
;
and
that
yet
;
(
because
of
the
prejudice
,
before
mentioned
)
that
there
is
no
Schisme
or
Heresie
,
but
is
thence
derived
,
and
endeavoured
to
be
proved
,
what
course
by
me
,
that
am
a
lover
of
peace
and
truth
,
should
be
taken
?
For
,
do
I
alleadge
that
no
doctrine
but
what
is
proved
by
Scripture
ought
to
be
believed
;
so
much
they
confess
also
that
oppose
me
:
and
,
for
satisfaction
that
they
really
thinke
so
,
are
ready
to
attest
it
with
their
lives
.
Tell
I
them
farther
,
that
upon
more
strict
search
of
the
Scripture
,
and
comparing
one
place
with
another
they
may
be
convinced
;
they
will
answer
,
that
,
As
they
beleive
the
whole
Scripture
to
be
Canonical
,
so
have
they
examined
it
all
over
,
and
still
find
no
reason
but
to
believe
as
they
do
.
And
why
that
part
,
or
those
Texts
of
Scripture
on
which
they
ground
their
opinion
should
be
otherwise
,
or
by
other
places
interpreted
;
must
be
as
distasteful
to
their
understanding
,
as
it
is
different
from
former
apprehension
and
education
:
because
more
then
probable
arguments
being
not
to
be
brought
by
any
,
it
must
be
expected
that
custome
and
familiarity
have
made
their
entertainment
both
pleasant
and
fixed
.
All
which
well
considered
,
&
the
contemplation
thereof
compared
to
those
sad
effects
of
blood
and
war
,
under
which
not
onely
whole
mankind
labours
(
through
distinct
religions
)
but
of
those
more
fierce
and
uncivil
slaughters
and
contentions
,
wherewith
Christians
themselves
are
so
continually
and
impetuously
carryed
to
mutual
destruction
,
it
cannot
but
abate
much
of
that
peremtoriness
which
men
usually
take
to
themselves
in
phancying
the
truth
of
their
owne
tenents
and
doctrines
,
and
in
condemning
and
punishing
that
of
others
.
It
must
methinks
move
the
heart
of
any
that
hath
at
all
any
true
intention
of
being
a
Disciple
to
the
God
of
peace
,
or
of
love
to
his
brother
,
to
begin
to
examine
somewhat
better
the
ground
of
this
his
impetuous
and
bloody
devotion
:
and
(
if
a
Christian
)
to
fear
least
that
prophesie
of
his
Saviour
of
killing
men
under
colour
of
doing
God
good
service
,
leave
to
stand
or
fal
to
their
own
Master
:
In
consideration
of
all
which
,
there
are
that
think
that
none
should
be
oppressed
or
molested
in
the
peaceable
use
of
his
conscience
:
for
they
find
,
that
after
all
those
heaps
of
blood
&
slaughter
shed
over
all
Christendom
,
in
design
and
pretence
to
promote
Christs
sole
truth
,
and
bring
men
to
agreement
herein
,
that
this
truth
is
still
as
far
from
attaining
farther
certainty
and
evidence
as
it
was
before
;
and
that
the
stock
of
division
is
but
hereby
exasperated
,
and
not
at
all
allayed
.
To
amend
,
and
put
a
stop
to
which
inconveniencies
and
mischiefes
,
all
such
as
will
put
themselves
into
the
number
of
the
blessed
peacemakers
will
find
no
readier
way
,
then
seriously
to
consider
(
as
we
have
endeavoured
to
shew
in
our
past
discourses
)
that
since
faith
and
charity
are
to
be
the
foundations
of
our
religion
,
and
we
,
to
our
utmost
,
to
serve
God
in
both
;
it
must
also
follow
,
that
we
are
to
perform
them
with
more
or
less
zeal
and
order
,
as
we
find
the
plainness
of
their
precepts
more
or
less
evident
.
And
therefore
since
in
matters
of
faith
(
either
concerning
the
full
comprehension
of
deity
,
and
also
of
his
manner
of
worship
)
things
have
been
but
sparingly
and
darkly
delivered
,
we
are
to
presume
that
no
farther
speculation
and
discovery
is
necessary
for
us
herein
then
what
God
hath
been
pleased
to
impart
:
who
could
have
manifested
himself
to
general
conviction
if
he
had
thought
it
fit
.
But
since
,
in
this
and
in
the
manner
of
his
worship
,
he
hath
already
done
so
fully
as
will
serve
for
manifestation
of
his
will
,
and
so
far
as
to
bring
us
to
salvation
,
what
need
we
search
farther
?
It
will
therefore
be
necessary
for
them
that
would
avoid
the
danger
of
lukewarmness
and
neglect
of
Gods
service
,
on
the
one
hand
,
and
also
the
peril
of
breach
of
charity
(
through
blind
zeal
)
on
the
other
,
to
make
a
distinction
between
things
fundamental
and
what
is
not
.
The
first
he
shall
find
(
in
order
to
his
salvation
)
so
plainly
taught
and
delivered
,
that
he
that
runs
may
read
:
and
to
those
things
onely
(
as
of
immediate
divine
authority
)
are
we
to
give
such
firm
assent
,
as
not
onely
to
Obey
God
rather
then
men
,
but
also
,
Though
an
Angel
from
heaven
preach
unto
us
other
doctrine
,
we
are
not
to
believe
him
.
But
,
in
the
other
things
not
so
neccessary
,
as
we
find
them
more
darkly
delivered
and
not
fully
cleared
by
God
himself
,
so
have
they
their
appointed
Gods
and
interpreters
here
amongst
us
:
unto
whom
we
are
to
be
obedient
as
to
those
that
watch
for
our
souls
.
In
the
first
case
,
(
that
is
,
He
that
is
not
for
Christ
is
against
him
:
whereas
,
in
the
other
,
Church
,
the
pillar
and
ground
of
truth
:
and
,
in
that
sence
it
is
,
that
he
that
is
not
against
him
is
for
him
.
But
if
he
do
not
observe
these
,
and
other
inducements
to
moderation
and
charity
,
he
will
be
very
subject
to
persecute
Christ
in
his
members
,
while
he
is
about
to
serve
and
vindicate
him
in
his
truth
.
He
will
be
subject
by
his
zealous
prosecution
under
the
form
of
godliness
,
to
lose
the
power
thereof
:
to
follow
those
things
that
make
for
peace
:
we
will
next
speak
of
the
Church
,
CHAP.
III.
Of
the
Church
Catholick
,
and
of
the
Fundamentals
of
Religion
.
THe
end
of
all
religion
being
to
praise
and
glorifie
God
befo●e
men
,
and
the
praising
him
before
men
,
inferring
such
a
manner
of
doing
it
as
in
humane
judgement
is
most
honourable
;
and
then
again
,
that
which
is
most
honourable
being
that
which
,
through
custome
and
general
acknowledgement
,
is
held
most
beneficial
to
man
himself
,
it
still
brings
Gods
glory
to
be
the
Alpha
and
Omega
of
all
we
do
;
and
the
good
of
our
Neighbour
the
steady
and
only
sure
means
thereunto
.
For
to
us
men
,
that
cannot
intuitively
behold
his
face
and
live
,
and
so
,
out
of
rapture
of
his
express
excellence
,
glorifie
him
with
immediate
Halelujahs
;
our
approach
to
him
must
be
by
his
back-parts
,
his
Image
in
our
brother
:
and
our
praise
of
him
here
(
if
at
all
)
must
be
by
such
light
and
works
before
men
,
that
,
moveing
them
as
men
here
,
They
may
thereupon
glorifie
God
which
is
in
Heaven
.
At
first
,
there
was
no
distinction
of
such
as
were
to
honour
God
before
men
from
others
▪
whom
we
might
(
thereupon
)
call
by
the
separate
name
of
a
Church
:
but
,
whilst
mankind
was
thin
,
the
Church
was
as
large
as
mankind
it self
.
But
that
encreasing
,
the
Nation
of
the
Jewes
were
particularly
chosen
from
the
rest
,
to
have
his
name
more
eminently
put
and
worshipped
:
and
amongst
,
and
unto
them
,
for
the
preservation
of
his
more
immediate
service
and
honour
he
appoints
a
particular
law
to
be
written
and
observed
,
Whereupon
,
that
sign
of
Circumcision
that
served
for
a
mark
to
distinguish
them
from
others
,
as
being
the
pledge
of
their
promised
obedience
,
took
on
it
the
name
of
Covenant
;
to
wit
,
the
Covenant
of
works
.
Not
that
God
was
not
still
(
worthily
)
the
only
true
object
of
the
praises
of
all
mankind
;
but
,
inasmuch
as
his
former
precepts
and
our
natural
ability
,
had
been
so
forgotten
and
insufficient
,
that
Idolatry
and
oppression
had
now
(
in
a
manner
)
wholly
supplanted
his
worship
and
mutual
charity
,
(
except
in
that
single
family
of
Abraham
)
it
seemed
necessary
;
that
,
as
well
an
increase
of
direction
should
be
given
,
for
increase
of
his
service
,
as
an
appropriation
thereof
to
some
select
people
;
for
its
better
intention
and
security
for
the
future
.
By
this
means
,
the
race
of
Abraham
come
at
once
to
receive
the
reward
of
their
Father
constancy
in
Gods
service
,
(
in
regard
of
many
promised
blessings
by
them
received
)
and
also
,
(
by
having
the
Oracles
of
God
committed
unto
them
)
they
come
to
be
a
means
for
Gods
honour
to
be
more
encreased
;
Not
that
the
common
Salvation
of
man
was
lessened
,
by
this
more
express
care
of
his
owne
glory
,
but
rather
encreased
.
For
,
as
the
Jewes
had
open
advantage
by
encrease
of
light
,
so
other
Nations
had
the
same
light
of
reason
continued
to
them
as
before
:
with
this
advantage
,
that
if
they
were
diligent
there
with
to
examine
those
precepts
delivered
to
the
Jewes
,
they
could
not
but
discover
(
as
we
formerly
noted
in
the
Decalogue
)
great
benefit
by
using
them
themselves
.
And
since
we
find
no
other
reward
or
punishment
,
then
temporal
,
annexed
to
legal
obedience
or
default
,
(
for
works
as
works
cannot
deserve
higher
)
and
since
those
vailes
of
Rites
and
Ceremonies
were
so
thick
,
that
it
was
neer
as
hard
for
the
Jewes
expresly
to
discern
Christ
by
faith
through
them
,
as
for
the
rest
of
the
world
to
difference
him
by
the
light
of
reason
,
I
cannot
but
charitably
presume
,
the
great
preserver
of
men
might
finde
a
way
for
the
saving
m●ny
of
them
,
worshiping
the
same
God
;
though
not
under
that
notion
of
the
God
of
Abraham
.
For
as
the
having
of
Circumcision
did
not
save
all
that
had
it
,
so
neither
the
want
of
it
,
did
of
it self
destroy
:
but
as
those
which
were
without
the
law
of
Moses
,
were
a
law
unto
themselves
,
by
the
law
of
reason
,
so
it
follows
,
Yet
,
as
we
said
,
untill
the
law
was
given
,
whereby
another
way
of
direction
for
mens
honouring
of
God
,
and
sociable
abearance
to
one
another
did
arise
,
the
restrictive
name
of
a
Church
could
not
be
applyed
to
one
Nation
or
part
of
mankind
more
then
another
.
For
although
the
closer
observation
of
the
first
light
and
way
given
to
Adam
and
other
of
the
Fathers
might
make
some
of
them
more
truly
called
the
sons
of
God
then
others
,
as
the
truer
and
more
sincere
worship
of
those
of
Judah
,
above
those
of
Israel
,
might
do
the
like
;
yet
,
as
long
as
these
Israelites
did
still
make
their
acknowledgements
to
be
guided
by
the
same
law
and
rule
of
Circumcision
with
the
other
,
it
was
not
their
Calves
nor
other
failings
could
hinder
them
from
being
of
the
Catholique
Church
;
no
more
then
could
the
corruptions
of
the
sons
of
Adam
,
the
son
of
God
,
hinder
men
from
being
equally
his
seed
,
the
whole
earth
to
be
filled
with
violence
,
Catholique
Church
,
although
,
by
their
deeds
there
after
,
they
might
differently
be
of
the
Communion
of
Saints
.
But
although
God
might
in
mercy
accept
of
that
ready
literal
obedience
in
the
Iew
,
and
also
of
that
substantial
obedience
in
the
Gentile
;
and
,
albeit
the
law
of
Moses
or
reason
,
were
not
exactly
kept
by
either
,
might
impute
Christs
satisfaction
unto
them
,
and
so
receive
them
into
the
merit
of
a
Saviour
,
(
as
well
as
Job
and
other
of
the
Patriachs
)
yet
,
unto
us
that
now
live
,
after
the
time
that
this
Saviour
hath
been
by
miracles
proved
to
have
been
and
appeared
in
the
flesh
,
as
there
can
nothing
save
us
but
actual
belief
and
profession
(
especially
where
it
may
be
had
)
so
,
(
where
this
profession
of
Christ
is
,
)
nothing
can
hinder
the
party
from
being
a
member
of
his
body
the
visible
Church
;
nor
the
Church
(
hereupon
)
to
admit
him
into
her
fellowship
by
the
dore
of
Baptisme
.
Which
Sacrament
,
being
by
the
Church
given
to
us
as
a
seal
of
the
performance
of
Gods
gracious
promises
on
our
behalf
,
is
called
a
Covenant
also
;
and
particularly
the
Covenant
of
Grace
:
and
that
,
because
salvation
comes
to
us
by
free
gift
,
and
not
by
performance
of
any
positive
outward
law
of
God
,
as
to
the
Iewes
it
did
.
Nor
yet
stand
we
now
obliged
(
with
the
Gentile
)
to
the
observation
of
the
whole
law
of
nature
:
for
although
the
precepts
of
Love
the
Lord
withall
thine
heart
,
&c.
and
love
thy
Neighbour
as
thy self
,
be
positively
set
down
in
holy
Writ
,
(
because
the
general
insufficiency
of
that
portion
of
reason
which
is
committed
unto
men
,
could
not
ordinarily
otherwise
discover
so
much
)
yet
they
are
as
natural
as
creation
and
providence
it self
;
even
as
upholding
the
same
.
For
,
(
as
heretofore
declared
in
the
particular
of
man
)
each
one
,
in
reason
,
being
obliged
to
do
all
things
to
the
preservation
and
advantage
of
another
,
because
even
thereby
Gods
praise
and
glory
is
preserved
and
encreased
,
by
the
preserving
and
benefiting
one
another
;
it
followed
that
,
in
whatsoever
the
least
thing
we
neglected
,
or
thwarted
our
duty
of
acting
herein
,
we
were
so
far
culpable
against
the
law
of
reason
;
which
was
,
and
alwayes
is
divine
;
both
as
being
part
of
Gods
inexhaustable
fountain
,
and
ayming
also
at
the
same
end
,
the
continuance
and
furtherance
of
his
creation
and
providence
.
But
because
in
Adam
we
had
taken
the
morality
of
actions
upon
our
owne
score
,
the
portion
of
humane
wisdome
which
would
have
sufficed
to
guide
us
as
natural
Agents
in
implicite
obedience
,
was
not
now
sufficient
to
steer
us
unblamable
in
all
things
whatsoever
,
(
no
,
though
we
should
be
most
intent
upon
it
)
but
that
God
and
our
Neighbour
might
have
been
better
served
;
therefore
God
,
to
the
Jew
,
abreviates
this
Universal
strict
rule
to
some
set
precepts
;
which
,
being
observed
,
he
makes
his
Covenant
to
accept
of
,
for
performance
of
the
whole
Moral
law
,
or
law
of
natural
reason
.
And
therefore
we
may
observe
,
that
there
was
something
in
it
of
providence
and
charity
of
all
kinds
:
As
forbidding
to
eat
blood
,
the
life
of
Creatures
,
mercy
to
the
poor
and
stranger
,
letting
the
land
take
rest
,
forbidding
to
take
the
young
bird
with
the
old
,
or
to
seeth
the
kid
in
the
mothers
milk
,
But
exact
obedience
being
found
yet
too
difficult
for
men
to
attain
salvation
by
,
and
the
very
knowledge
of
these
precepts
being
in
the
absence
of
the
Lawmaker
difficult
also
,
it
pleased
God
,
to
us
Christians
,
to
make
his
Kingdom
to
be
chiefly
inward
,
and
accept
of
the
will
for
the
deed
:
and
the
litteral
exact
performance
being
done
by
a
Saviour
in
our
stead
,
we
are
accepted
,
(
not
for
doing
all
we
should
,
but
)
for
having
done
what
we
can
.
So
that
,
by
belief
and
adhesion
in
,
and
to
him
,
and
doing
what
he
commands
,
we
come
by
,
and
through
him
,
to
be
accepted
,
as
having
done
all
that
he
did
.
And
thereupon
,
we
,
that
(
in
respect
of
breach
of
Gods
precepts
)
were
enemies
and
rebells
to
him
,
and
so
could
not
be
received
into
that
Kingdome
of
his
which
was
designed
for
innocent
mankind
;
came
,
through
faith
,
to
be
made
so
much
on
with
Christ
,
(
who
hath
taken
our
nature
upon
him
)
as
to
be
accepted
by
God
,
as
actual
performers
of
the
whole
law
.
Which
faith
,
being
the
work
of
the
holy
Ghost
,
doth
,
by
its
reception
in
each
person
,
constitute
him
a
member
of
that
Society
which
we
call
the
Catholick
Church
:
which
consisting
of
parts
or
members
triumphant
,
militant
,
and
future
,
are
all
yet
,
by
means
of
this
owne
Spirit
,
received
into
the
union
of
Christs
mystical
body
or
communion
,
The
communion
of
Saints
.
From
all
which
it
will
not
be
hard
to
conceive
how
God
was
in
Christ
reconciling
the
world
unto
himself
,
not
imputing
their
trespasses
unto
them
:
Gods
knowing
good
and
evil
)
we
had
undertaken
,
CHAP.
IV.
Of
each
particular
Church
and
its
power
.
HAving
hitherto
spoken
of
the
Reason
and
Foundation
of
the
Church
in
general
,
and
of
the
necessity
of
our
participation
of
her
communion
:
so
now
again
it
will
be
necessary
,
to
speak
of
each
particular
Church
and
its
jurisdiction
.
For
since
we
cannot
otherwise
attain
to
be
members
of
this
Catholick
body
,
then
as
being
first
members
of
some
particular
Church
,
it
will
therefore
follow
,
that
as
the
necessary
observation
of
the
law
of
providence
,
which
we
could
not
explicitely
and
perfectly
do
upon
our
owne
abilities
,
was
the
cause
Christ
became
obedient
to
God
for
us
;
that
we
might
be
made
the
righteousness
of
God
in
him
;
made
conformable
to
the
image
of
his
Son
,
the
image
of
God
.
And
therefore
although
the
Catholick
Church
cannot
be
aggregate
,
or
represented
der
any
single
head
or
rule
but
of
Christ
himself
,
yet
since
it
is
integrated
,
and
(
by
parts
)
made
up
of
particular
Churches
;
and
,
in
these
,
Christs
power
being
to
be
represented
by
other
Christs
or
anointeds
under
him
;
it
will
follow
that
our
obedience
to
this
Church
and
the
head
thereof
,
must
have
of
us
,
all
that
obedience
which
unto
the
other
we
cannot
give
;
else
would
that
precept
of
obedience
to
the
Church
come
to
nothing
:
as
indeed
(
for
the
most
part
)
is
intended
by
such
as
would
have
the
Writers
of
their
owne
mind
to
be
held
for
the
Catholick
Church
onely
.
Therefore
now
,
being
to
consider
the
Christian
Church
as
an
assembly
of
Believers
,
separate
from
other
for
Gods
more
immediate
honour
and
worship
,
we
cannot
well
appropriate
this
phrase
to
that
part
of
the
Catholick
which
is
past
and
unconversant
with
men
,
nor
(
for
the
present
)
to
that
part
of
it
which
is
yet
to
suceeed
:
although
,
both
the
one
,
and
the
other
,
have
done
,
or
are
to
do
their
personal
parts
herein
:
but
must
interpret
that
notion
of
Catholick
Church
,
(
used
either
when
those
duties
are
in
general
given
which
are
fit
for
the
Church
to
observe
in
obedience
to
Christ
,
or
when
againe
given
for
her
members
to
observe
to
her
)
to
intend
that
part
of
Christs
body
which
shall
be
successively
militant
on
earth
:
to
whom
alone
,
these
instructions
can
be
necessary
and
useful
in
both
kinds
.
But
then
again
,
as
this
general
duly
of
praising
God
before
men
can
onely
be
performed
by
the
visible
Church
,
because
she
hath
onely
power
and
opportunity
therein
;
yet
since
this
power
,
here
on
earth
,
is
subsistant
by
the
separate
jurisdiction
of
those
particular
Churches
which
constitute
her
Catholick
body
,
and
she
can
in
no
other
sence
be
termed
Catholick
,
with
reference
to
any
other
head
then
of
Christ
himself
;
it
must
be
therefore
granted
,
that
all
those
precepts
for
general
obedience
to
the
Church
,
must
be
meant
of
every
Church
in
particular
:
as
having
onely
use
of
jurisdiction
to
this
purpose
.
And
as
having
besides
(
according
to
the
several
inclinations
of
their
owne
people
,
and
the
known
affections
of
those
of
the
world
amongst
whom
they
live
)
the
best
and
onely
ability
to
know
and
command
what
is
fittest
to
be
done
for
advancing
Gods
glory
,
according
to
the
exigence
of
their
particulars
:
which
otherwise
,
in
the
strange
mixture
of
Christianity
with
other
religions
throughout
the
world
,
were
not
possible
to
be
comprised
under
one
certain
or
equal
rule
;
or
to
be
known
and
executed
,
by
one
single
persons
power
.
And
that
the
Church
and
civil
jurisdiction
of
each
place
signifie
the
same
,
and
that
by
obedience
to
the
Church
,
obedience
to
the
particular
Church
is
ment
,
will
appear
by
that
of
our
Saviour
,
Mat.
18.
where
controversies
are
,
(
if
not
decideable
by
umperage
)
to
be
told
to
the
Church
.
Under
which
name
must
be
comprehended
the
present
particular
authority
of
that
place
,
because
else
how
shall
they
go
to
it
?
And
it
must
be
the
civil
as
well
as
ecclesiastical
authority
also
(
as
having
them
conjoined
)
because
it
determines
particular
personal
injuries
;
where
brother
offends
against
brother
,
and
one
servant
takes
another
by
the
throate
,
saying
pay
what
thou
owest
,
And
those
that
will
not
hear
the
Church
,
are
to
be
unto
us
as
Heathens
and
Publicans
:
Whatsoever
is
bound
on
Earth
,
shall
be
bound
in
Heaven
;
and
whatsoever
they
shall
loose
on
earth
,
shall
be
loosed
in
Heaven
.
So
that
Christ
having
now
blotted
out
that
hand
writing
of
Iewish
Ordinances
which
was
against
us
,
and
released
them
from
their
litteral
strictness
,
And
therefore
Christs
Gospel
might
well
be
called
Glad
tytings
;
because
his
yoke
was
easy
,
and
his
burthen
light
,
Insomuch
that
when
he
came
in
particlar
to
be
asked
what
it
was
,
he
answered
,
thou
shalt
love
,
&c.
including
,
under
the
precept
of
love
to
God
and
our
Neighbour
,
all
the
law
and
the
Prophets
;
that
is
,
all
things
of
faith
and
charity
,
or
of
faith
and
obedience
,
which
is
charities
support
.
First
,
for
our
faith
and
its
fundamental
object
,
life
eternal
is
to
know
God
,
and
Iesus
whom
he
hath
sent
:
he
is
the
way
the
truth
and
the
life
,
the
Authour
and
finisher
of
our
faith
:
on
whom
whosoever
believeth
hath
everlasting
life
,
and
on
him
that
believeth
not
the
wrath
of
God
abideth
.
Which
one
article
,
comes
therefore
to
be
eminently
necessary
,
because
it
is
the
onely
foundation
:
for
other
foundation
then
this
can
no
man
lay
;
And
as
for
our
obedience
outward
,
we
are
freed
from
those
many
rites
,
ceremonies
and
observations
of
the
Jewes
,
which
God
in
particular
favour
of
the
Jewish
Nation
had
appointed
:
most
of
them
being
but
shadows
of
Christ
himself
,
and
of
that
great
and
plain
way
which
by
the
Gospel
should
be
revealed
.
Nay
the
very
judicial
part
,
though
instituted
by
God
himself
for
that
government
,
bindes
us
not
as
positive
laws
,
but
as
useful
presidents
upon
like
occasion
:
that
is
to
say
,
where
their
and
our
causes
were
alike
:
which
is
not
binding
as
such
or
such
laws
,
formerly
made
and
authorised
by
God
,
but
as
parts
of
the
general
law
of
reason
.
For
as
unto
them
God
was
immediate
lawgiver
,
and
,
being
given
before
Kings
,
was
both
God
and
King
;
so
was
the
litteral
observation
of
them
in
both
respects
necessary
;
that
is
,
as
religious
,
and
as
civil
duties
also
.
For
both
were
the
same
to
them
;
because
God
at
that
time
undertaking
the
managery
of
the
Civil
as
well
as
Ecclesiastical
Estate
,
made
both
one
then
,
no
otherwise
then
his
remitting
both
to
the
Prince
makes
both
of
one
sort
now
:
that
is
,
under
the
same
chief
relation
to
duty
and
obedience
,
namely
that
of
conscience
.
But
because
of
Gods
express
undertaking
herein
,
to
them
it
was
do
this
and
live
:
by
the
deeds
of
the
law
shall
no
flesh
be
justified
.
As
Gods
rule
to
them
was
outward
and
litteral
,
so
were
his
promises
and
threats
for
performance
temporal
,
and
respecting
this
life
onely
.
Wherein
they
failed
(
as
needs
they
must
)
their
failing
was
expiated
by
sacrifice
,
pointing
at
a
Saviour
to
come
to
fulfill
these
things
for
them
:
but
Christ
being
now
come
,
and
having
fulfilled
all
righteousness
,
the
observation
of
the
letter
is
released
,
(
as
to
direct
divine
authority
)
and
we
Christians
(
standing
bound
but
to
the
general
precept
of
love
and
charity
)
are
referred
for
our
particular
managery
and
guidance
therein
,
to
the
higher
powers
;
whom
we
are
to
obey
,
not
onely
for
wrath
,
but
also
for
conscience
sake
:
All
which
in
the
Epistle
to
the
Hebrews
is
plainly
signified
:
where
God
is
brought
in
,
speaking
of
the
difference
of
the
Jewish
,
and
Christian
Covenant
and
obedience
,
(
according
to
the
many
Prophesies
to
that
purpose
)
and
saying
,
Not
according
to
the
Covenant
that
I
made
with
their
Fathers
,
in
the
day
when
I
took
them
by
the
hand
to
lead
them
out
of
the
land
of
Egypt
:
that
is
,
not
like
as
it
was
whilst
I
gave
them
particular
precepts
for
all
their
outward
duties
,
because
they
continued
not
in
my
Covenant
,
and
I
regarded
them
not
saith
the
Lord
:
that
is
,
because
I
found
humane
frailty
so
great
,
I
will
put
my
laws
into
their
minde
,
and
write
them
in
their
hearts
,
and
I
will
be
to
them
a
God
,
and
they
shall
be
to
me
a
people
.
And
they
shall
not
teach
every
man
his
Neighbour
,
and
every
man
his
brother
,
saying
know
the
Lord
;
for
all
shall
know
me
even
from
the
least
to
the
greatest
:
that
is
,
by
the
love
of
God
,
shed
abroad
in
our
hearts
,
all
shall
be
taught
of
God
,
and
by
his
Spirit
led
into
all
fundamental
and
saving
truth
:
so
that
by
being
all
taught
of
God
to
love
one
another
,
which
is
the
life
and
soul
of
the
moral
law
,
they
shal
by
keeping
that
one
precept
of
love
,
keep
the
whole
law
.
But
,
for
our
direction
outward
therein
,
we
are
not
come
unto
a
mount
that
might
not
be
touched
,
and
that
burned
with
fire
nor
unto
blackness
,
and
darkness
,
and
tempests
;
(
that
is
,
and
the
sound
of
a
Trumpet
,
and
the
voice
of
words
;
which
voice
they
that
heard
entreated
that
the
word
should
not
be
spoken
to
them
any
more
,
for
they
could
not
endure
that
which
was
commanded
.
That
is
,
neither
are
we
now
to
be
terrified
,
are
come
unto
mount
Sion
,
and
unto
the
City
of
the
living
God
,
the
Heavenly
Jurusalem
:
and
to
an
innumerable
company
of
Angels
:
that
is
,
the
general
assembly
,
and
Church
of
the
first
born
which
are
written
in
Heaven
:
and
to
God
the
judge
of
all
,
and
to
the
spirits
of
just
men
made
perfect
:
that
is
,
are
made
perfe●t
by
suffering
.
And
then
(
that
both
these
may
be
made
beneficial
to
us
and
to
our
salvation
)
we
are
come
to
Jesus
the
Mediator
of
the
New
Covenant
:
and
to
the
blood
of
sprinkling
,
that
speaketh
better
things
then
the
blood
of
Abel
.
And
these
Gospel
duties
of
love
and
obedience
,
the
Law
and
the
Prophets
,
and
to
be
Christs
forerunner
:
as
it
is
most
fully
,
(
though
mystically
)
expressed
by
the
Prophet
Malachy
,
and
also
by
Saint
Luke
,
in
their
descriptions
of
Iohn
the
Baptist
his
office
and
message
.
The
first
of
these
duties
is
couched
in
these
words
;
He
shall
turn
the
hearts
of
the
Father
to
the
Children
:
that
is
,
And
then
,
secondly
,
for
performance
of
the
duty
of
obedience
(
whereby
to
make
this
love
to
be
advantagious
)
it
is
added
by
Malachy
,
and
the
heart
of
the
children
to
their
Fathers
:
the
which
Saint
Luke
,
disobedient
to
the
wisdome
of
the
just
,
preparation
of
the
Gospel
of
peace
;
make
ready
a
people
prepared
for
the
Lord
,
was
by
bringing
them
into
such
a
state
of
humility
and
obedience
,
as
that
they
should
give
unto
their
superiours
(
endued
with
power
over
them
from
the
just
One
)
the
same
indisputable
respect
as
Children
did
to
their
own
Fathers
:
and
so
,
(
like
obedient
children
)
trust
to
them
for
the
exposition
of
the
Law
of
Moses
,
and
the
former
statutes
and
judgements
.
This
pronoune
their
being
restrictively
added
to
Fathers
in
the
clause
for
obedience
,
whereas
the
pronoune
the
is
added
to
Fathers
in
the
other
,
will
again
shew
us
how
large
our
love
should
be
,
and
not
at
all
exclusive
:
whereas
our
obedience
is
to
be
to
our
own
heads
or
fathers
.
So
that
now
,
by
means
of
Christs
taking
on
him
the
kingly
office
under
the
Gospel
,
and
so
by
his
Church
and
deputies
therein
,
affording
us
both
places
and
persons
continually
accessible
,
we
may
say
of
his
Kingly
office
in
like
manner
as
was
said
of
his
taking
the
Priestly
office
upon
him
;
namely
,
that
(
as
we
have
a
high
Priest
that
may
be
touched
with
our
infirmities
,
so
)
we
have
a
kingship
also
from
him
the
King
of
Kings
,
whereby
(
as
from
persons
knowing
and
sensible
of
our
want
)
we
may
be
continually
supplyed
(
after
a
new
and
living
way
)
both
with
ghostly
and
temporal
directions
,
by
the
grace
,
and
power
of
him
who
hath
uniued
thesese
two
offices
,
and
is
(
after
the
order
of
Melchisedec
)
King
both
of
righteousness
and
peace
.
Upon
which
ground
,
we
may
find
a
ready
reason
for
our
Saviours
speech
;
that
,
God
had
given
him
authority
to
execute
judgement
,
because
he
is
the
son
of
man
:
meaning
that
as
God
had
made
his
recess
under
the
Law
(
before
mentioned
)
in
compassion
of
mans
weakness
,
Whereupon
it
must
now
follow
,
that
as
a
medicine
doth
not
work
by
being
,
but
by
being
applyed
;
and
that
as
Gods
new
Covenant
of
inward
grace
,
is
to
be
made
effectual
by
our
outward
obedience
;
so
must
now
our
condition
of
innocence
,
and
fulfilling
of
the
law
by
the
precepts
of
love
,
be
interpreted
then
onely
subsistent
,
when
we
act
with
,
or
not
contrary
to
such
as
are
by
God
and
Christ
entrusted
,
with
the
custody
and
direction
of
these
precepts
;
and
have
power
to
command
us
accordingly
.
And
although
God
himself
rule
not
in
us
now
by
Tables
of
Stone
,
so
much
as
formerly
,
but
by
the
fleshly
tables
of
our
hearts
;
yet
since
these
are
still
ruling
by
them
in
his
stead
,
our
obedience
to
them
is
necessary
,
acceptable
in
the
sight
of
God
our
Saviour
,
that
we
may
lead
quiet
and
peaceble
lives
in
all
Godliness
and
honestly
:
and
so
make
good
(
on
all
parts
)
his
saying
,
that
he
came
not
to
destroy
the
Law
but
to
fulfill
:
that
is
,
not
to
let
this
inward
obedience
to
God
(
in
the
precept
of
love
)
prove
fruitless
,
For
we
are
to
esteem
and
believe
them
as
keepers
of
both
Tables
;
that
is
as
to
the
outward
Minstration
:
and
since
(
in
this
kinde
)
we
cannot
hear
God
plainly
and
expresly
speaking
as
from
the
mount
that
cannot
be
touched
,
we
are
yet
to
hear
them
as
in
his
stead
,
according
to
that
admonition
,
obey
them
that
have
the
rule
over
you
and
submit
your selves
;
for
they
watch
for
your
souls
,
as
they
who
must
give
accompt
;
that
they
may
do
it
with
joy
and
not
with
grief
:
for
this
is
profitable
for
you
.
Which
precept
of
obedience
,
for
fear
of
wrath
,
I
am
also
commanded
to
submit
my self
;
that
is
,
to
do
it
for
conscience
sake
to
his
authority
as
one
that
is
in
duty
subjected
unto
it
.
And
to
cut
off
that
usual
cavil
against
obedience
to
Christian
authority
,
namely
the
hazard
of
our
souls
;
we
are
here
told
that
they
are
the
watchmen
of
our
souls
,
and
that
they
must
give
accompt
thereof
.
And
this
office
of
watching
our
souls
,
they
shall
then
perform
with
joy
,
and
not
with
grief
;
when
we
shall
readily
yeild
them
this
our
bounden
obedience
and
submission
;
and
consider
with
our selves
how
profitable
this
subjection
is
unto
us
;
even
for
securing
our
souls
,
and
estating
us
innocent
.
And
least
any
shold
think
this
admonition
reach
to
civil
duties
onely
,
and
not
to
directions
for
,
and
in
matters
of
faith
;
the
Apostle
,
in
the
same
chapter
,
did
before
bid
them
remember
them
that
have
the
rule
over
you
,
who
have
spoken
unto
you
the
word
of
God
:
whose
faith
follow
,
considering
the
end
of
their
conversation
.
That
is
,
since
the
end
of
their
imployment
and
rule
overus
,
was
that
we
might
lead
quiet
and
peaceable
lives
in
all
godliness
and
honestly
:
or
to
be
directed
by
them
in
matters
pertaining
to
godliness
as
well
as
honesty
,
we
are
therefore
to
follow
their
faith
in
delivery
of
the
meaning
of
the
Scripture
,
as
we
have
already
followed
their
authority
in
receiving
it
as
the
word
of
God
.
And
again
,
to
take
off
the
objection
of
personal
defect
and
errour
,
which
might
be
made
to
defeat
obedience
to
some
men
in
lawful
authority
,
let
our
Saviour
himself
be
heard
:
The
Scribes
and
Pharisees
(
saith
he
)
sit
in
Moses
seat
,
all
therefore
whatsoever
they
bid
you
observe
,
that
observe
and
do
.
all
,
and
whatsoever
,
the
generallity
of
our
obedience
to
the
persons
in
Moses
seat
;
or
seat
of
supream
and
just
authority
.
Against
which
,
if
any
exception
or
suspition
of
errour
was
to
have
been
a
sufficient
excuse
,
Christ
would
never
have
so
enjoyned
it
;
as
supposing
the
Scribes
and
Pharisees
put
into
that
seat
:
a
people
which
he
well
knew
to
be
in
many
particulars
erronious
.
But
yet
however
,
whilst
they
sat
in
Moses
seat
,
that
is
(
as
from
,
and
under
God
)
acknowledged
and
taught
the
fundamentals
of
the
law
,
so
long
were
their
disciples
secured
in
a
state
of
innocence
by
obedience
:
no
otherwise
then
Christians
are
,
by
obedience
to
those
that
are
over
them
in
Christs
seat
in
the
Church
.
Undeniably
clear
to
this
purpose
is
Saint
Paul
to
the
Philippians
:
Do
all
things
without
murmurings
and
disputings
,
that
ye
may
be
blameless
and
harmless
the
sons
of
God
,
without
rebuke
,
in
a
crooked
and
perverse
Nation
,
amongst
whom
ye
shine
as
lights
in
the
world
:
holding
forth
the
word
of
life
,
that
I
may
rejoyce
in
the
day
of
Christ
,
that
I
have
not
run
in
vain
,
nor
laboured
in
vain
.
In
which
words
,
he
shews
what
is
to
hold
forth
,
or
make
use
of
the
word
of
life
:
namely
,
to
do
all
things
without
murmurings
and
disputings
.
For
this
obedience
to
Gods
vicegerents
,
will
not
onely
make
the
persons
themselves
blameless
,
or
to
be
the
sons
of
God
;
but
will
also
redound
to
God
and
his
Gospels
glory
:
when
men
(
like
the
Philippians
amongst
the
rebellions
Greeks
)
shall
shine
by
exemplary
submission
to
authority
,
as
lights
in
the
world
;
or
as
directors
to
humane
preservations
and
peace
.
And
it
will
cause
them
that
have
this
guide
over
them
,
to
do
it
(
as
aforesaid
with
joy
●nd
not
with
grief
:
so
that
both
here
,
and
in
the
day
of
Christ
they
shall
have
comfort
:
when
,
being
to
give
account
for
their
souls
,
it
shall
appear
that
they
have
not
run
in
vain
,
nor
laboured
in
vain
.
And
if
the
end
and
occasion
of
this
precept
for
implicite
obedience
be
marked
,
it
will
make
it
clearly
maninfest
that
the
same
is
this
way
,
and
by
no
othea
means
to
be
accomplished
.
For
what
way
so
likely
to
have
their
conversation
honest
amongst
the
Gentiles
,
and
such
as
becometh
the
Gospel
of
Christ
:
even
the
Gospel
of
him
,
who
,
being
equal
with
God
,
yet
(
to
be
an
example
of
obedience
)
took
on
him
the
form
of
a
servant
,
and
became
obedient
unto
death
,
even
the
death
of
the
Cross
,
as
by
continuance
of
this
their
obedience
unto
him
,
not
in
his
presence
onely
,
but
now
much
more
in
his
absence
:
whereby
working
out
their
Salvations
with
fear
and
trembling
,
they
might
then
shine
as
lights
in
the
world
,
when
their
obedience
shall
be
thus
known
unto
all
men
?
what
way
so
likely
to
stand
fast
in
one
Spirit
,
with
one
mind
,
to
be
like
minded
,
having
the
same
love
,
being
of
one
accord
,
of
one
mind
,
but
to
have
nothing
done
through
strife
or
vain
glory
,
but
in
lowliness
of
mind
(
or
by
putting
on
the
form
of
a
Servant
)
each
one
to
esteem
other
(
especialy
his
Superiors
)
better
then
himself
?
things
of
others
:
even
by
maintenance
of
publick
peace
and
agreement
.
Whereby
we
may
more
assuredly
enjoy
the
consolation
of
Christ
,
the
comfort
of
love
,
the
fellowship
of
the
Spirit
,
fulfil
the
joy
of
such
as
are
by
Christ
set
over
us
.
For
the
only
ready
way
to
walk
by
the
same
rule
,
&
to
mind
the
same
thing
,
is
to
be
followers
together
of
these
,
and
to
mark
those
that
walk
so
as
they
have
them
for
an
example
.
Whereas
,
if
men
shall
be
left
to
walk
otherwise
,
enemies
to
the
cross
of
Christ
,
and
shall
be
left
to
dispute
and
contrive
wayes
of
Salvation
to
themselves
,
their
end
will
be
destruction
;
and
love
,
charity
,
and
union
will
be
quite
lost
,
through
their
division
and
disobedience
:
I
am
of
Paul
,
and
I
of
Apollos
,
and
I
of
Cephas
,
and
I
of
Christ
;
and
so
prove
themselves
not
followers
of
the
God
of
peace
,
whilst
not
doing
thes
things
as
learned
,
and
received
,
and
heard
,
and
seen
,
in
our
owne
Christian
Superiour
.
that
I
may
rejoyce
,
that
I
have
not
,
&c.
whereas
he
that
was
the
Author
of
the
Epistle
to
the
Hebrews
,
sets
down
the
persons
in
general
terms
unto
whom
this
obedience
is
to
be
given
:
as
obey
them
that
have
the
rule
over
you
,
&c.
and
remember
them
that
have
the
rule
over
you
.
For
neither
was
Saint
Paul
their
head
himself
,
nor
had
these
Jews
(
that
still
remained
in
Judea
)
as
yet
any
setled
single
head
:
because
the
most
of
the
Apostles
were
there
resident
,
and
still
in
equal
authority
amongst
them
.
And
as
for
the
dispersed
Jewes
,
it
was
to
the
Author
of
that
Epistle
uncertain
who
was
their
rulers
;
as
also
how
many
they
had
:
they
being
(
not
improbably
)
at
that
present
governed
by
Elders
,
after
a
Synagogue
fashion
,
and
not
having
a
single
supream
head
,
constantly
residing
amongst
them
.
And
such
as
would
go
about
to
interpret
,
that
these
words
cannot
be
construed
for
estating
the
Prince
,
or
Civil
Magistrate
(
as
they
call
him
)
in
the
capacity
of
religious
authority
,
because
at
that
time
they
were
heathens
;
and
therefore
say
it
must
intend
Apostolical
or
Church
teachers
onely
:
they
do
thereupon
confess
,
the
same
thing
to
be
now
due
,
to
that
Supream
Magistrate
which
is
a
Christian
,
and
hath
Church
jurisdiction
as
well
as
civil
.
For
if
then
perfect
obedience
,
both
in
the
one
and
the
other
sort
,
were
to
be
given
by
each
member
to
several
persons
then
claiming
it
,
it
must
follow
that
it
must
be
in
like
manner
done
entirely
to
that
one
now
,
that
hath
the
united
supream
power
in
both
.
CHAP.
V.
Of
the
forms
of
the
Church
Government
;
and
of
the
jurisdiction
claimed
by
Church
men
.
ALthough
those
that
would
disturbe
the
peace
of
Kingdomes
by
setting
up
an
Universal
Monarch
in
Church
affaires
,
and
they
that
would
set
up
the
whole
Clergy
uncontrolable
to
govern
in
each
Kingdome
,
after
a
democratique
fashion
,
are
both
of
them
dissalowably
out
of
what
hath
been
already
spoken
;
yet
for
mens
better
information
,
we
will
hear
speak
more
particularly
of
both
.
The
first
I
conceive
cannot
be
at
all
,
both
for
the
reasons
before
given
in
the
discourse
of
the
Church
,
and
because
it
is
that
particular
prerogative
which
Christ
hath
reserved
to
himself
,
being
with
them
as
Catholick
head
to
the
end
of
the
world
.
And
as
in
particular
Kingdomes
and
parts
thereof
,
Christ
presides
by
special
deputies
,
as
King
of
Kings
;
even
so
,
upon
the
same
reason
of
Universal
jurisction
and
care
,
he
is
to
take
the
immediate
charge
of
the
whole
unto
himself
.
In
which
regard
,
as
there
should
be
no
man
called
Father
on
earth
,
Kingdome
,
power
and
glory
)
so
are
not
the
heads
of
any
particular
Church
,
to
transcend
their
Apostolical
pa●ity
,
and
encroach
on
Christs
prerogative
of
Universal
Church
power
:
because
one
is
their
Master
,
even
Christ
;
and
they
are
brethren
.
obeyed
in
all
things
;
because
they
were
then
the
onely
proper
denominations
of
such
as
were
in
supream
authority
as
Christians
,
Apostles
,
Patriarchs
,
Bishops
,
and
the
like
,
being
not
Officers
to
continue
in
supream
authority
as
such
;
nor
being
so
continually
nor
Vniversally
resident
,
as
to
be
able
to
determine
all
differences
:
nay
they
may
be
conceived
included
in
the
injunction
too
;
because
they
exercised
their
present
power
in
a
patriarchal
right
and
way
,
as
shall
be
hereafter
noted
.
So
that
,
in
regard
of
this
injunction
to
obedience
under
the
notion
of
Father
,
&c.
the
Christian
Church
had
resemblance
with
the
Jewish
also
:
for
their
laws
and
commandments
,
being
given
by
God
before
they
were
at
that
heigt
as
to
be
fitted
to
enjoy
that
statute
officer
,
who
should
as
a
constant
publick
Father
command
amongst
them
,
they
had
likewise
their
precept
for
obedience
and
respect
,
couched
under
the
notion
of
Father
too
in
the
fifth
Commandment
:
within
the
generality
thereof
,
including
as
well
such
temporary
publick
officers
as
should
immediately
command
,
as
that
future
setled
officer
of
King
,
prophetically
designed
to
be
over
them
in
both
Churches
,
Now
as
these
Fathers
and
Masters
had
,
and
have
entire
jurisdiction
in
their
families
and
Kingdomes
,
because
these
could
have
but
one
head
in
chief
;
so
must
it
be
granted
that
since
there
can
be
but
one
Church
,
(
that
is
to
say
Catholick
)
because
Christ
can
have
but
one
body
,
and
that
body
again
but
one
head
;
that
therefore
proportionably
,
as
any
other
authority
and
head
shall
come
between
Christ
and
this
body
,
so
much
will
the
separation
and
disunion
of
him
with
his
body
be
encreased
.
For
to
represent
Christ
in
the
whole
Catholick
Church
,
is
not
so
much
to
represent
him
as
head
,
as
to
be
head
in
his
room
And
in
abatement
of
this
ambitious
humour
,
is
our
Saviours
reply
to
be
construed
which
he
made
to
the
Children
of
Zebedee
;
who
would
have
transcended
their
Apostolical
rank
of
parity
,
and
have
been
(
alone
)
sitting
above
their
fellow
heads
of
Churches
,
at
the
right
and
left
hand
of
Christ
.
For
if
their
suit
had
been
but
for
equality
,
they
needed
not
to
ask
it
:
nor
do
I
see
why
any
of
the
rest
should
have
been
so
angry
at
it
.
to
exercise
domini-over
one
another
here
.
The
like
are
we
to
conceive
of
that
example
of
washing
his
Disciples
feet
,
As
for
the
other
Government
by
an
independent
consistory
of
the
Clergy
,
it
must
to
all
unbiassed
judgements
appear
unreasonable
:
for
since
(
as
Subjects
)
they
are
included
in
the
general
jurisdiction
and
authority
of
each
kingdome
;
so
,
for
order
and
peace
sake
,
they
should
by
the
same
authority
be
subject
to
their
diocessans
;
as
they
again
are
to
be
to
the
Prince
,
the
head
of
that
particular
Church
.
Where
by
the
word
Church
,
is
meant
that
assembly
of
Christian
Believers
,
which
is
divided
from
others
by
an
entire
jurisdiction
of
their
owne
,
and
do
thereupon
come
to
be
called
this
or
that
Church
.
No●
Clergy
men
onely
,
as
if
these
were
the
sole
members
of
Christs
body
:
and
so
(
as
being
more
immediately
imployed
by
authority
about
Church
matters
)
they
(
as
more
strictly
called
Church
men
and
spiritual
guides
)
might
be
judged
(
as
some
do
)
do
have
the
sole
and
absolute
power
of
the
Church
,
and
to
be
the
onely
watch-men
and
guide
of
souls
.
No
,
their
mission
and
power
,
as
immediately
received
from
Christ
,
is
onely
inward
unto
us
;
that
is
,
over
Gods
kingdome
ther●
:
they
are
perswade
men
to
turn
to
the
Lord
with
purpose
of
heart
:
that
is
,
so
settle
in
our
hearts
the
foundations
of
faith
and
love
;
Ministers
of
the
Spirit
,
not
of
the
Letter
:
being
,
for
directing
men
in
their
outward
duties
,
to
have
their
power
from
that
Church
and
Christian
authority
unto
which
themselves
are
subject
.
As
God
hath
power
,
and
will
have
glory
alone
;
so
it
is
necessary
,
in
the
constitution
of
those
things
in
which
he
will
have
his
glory
more
eminently
to
abide
,
that
he
have
his
power
making
and
stateing
them
to
be
more
remarkably
and
particularly
manifest
.
Thus
,
in
the
Creation
,
that
was
the
foundation
of
all
things
else
,
he
acts
alone
;
and
so
much
alone
,
that
his
very
word
was
the
deed
.
In
that
particular
designation
of
a
Church
(
for
his
glory
to
be
more
eminent
amongst
men
)
that
the
honour
of
doing
might
be
more
his
owne
,
he
did
first
make
use
of
the
weakest
means
in
humane
reason
for
the
foundation
and
establishment
thereof
.
In
the
first
Church
,
amongst
the
Jews
,
and
whilst
they
were
in
their
weak
and
wandering
condition
,
(
as
their
need
was
greater
,
so
)
his
personal
protection
and
guidance
of
them
was
more
express
and
apparent
.
And
therefore
,
whilst
they
were
in
this
Theocraty
,
their
government
was
not
to
be
managed
by
any
setled
Vniversal
authority
besides
himself
;
or
any
one
who
took
not
,
in
all
weighty
things
,
immediate
direction
from
him
;
least
the
eminence
of
his
owne
glory
should
be
hereby
abated
:
but
they
were
to
continue
in
their
wonted
obedience
to
the
natural
fathers
of
their
families
and
tribes
,
until
such
time
as
being
throughly
setled
in
peace
and
security
from
their
enemies
,
he
might
make
his
recess
;
and
according
to
his
former
promises
,
permit
and
appoint
them
a
King
of
their
owne
Nation
.
Who
,
as
standing
in
his
stead
and
authority
now
,
and
being
entrusted
with
the
future
preservation
and
guidance
of
that
which
God
had
so
carefully
brought
to
perfection
;
there
was
the
same
reason
why
he
should
have
remarkable
eminence
and
authority
then
;
as
why
he
should
not
at
all
have
it
before
.
The
same
course
we
may
see
taken
,
in
the
founding
of
the
Christian
Church
also
:
for
they
,
during
the
time
of
their
owne
persecution
,
were
(
as
their
weakness
required
)
in
a
Theocraty
too
;
that
is
to
say
,
guided
by
the
express
direction
of
our
Saviour
himself
,
given
to
his
Apostles
during
the
time
he
was
on
earth
:
and
particularly
,
as
being
conversant
with
them
for
the
space
of
fourty
dayes
,
and
speaking
of
the
things
pertaining
to
the
Kingdome
of
God
.
they
were
to
wait
for
the
promise
of
the
Father
:
even
the
promise
of
the
holy
Ghost
,
who
should
lead
them
into
all
truth
.
So
that
Gods
dealing
in
matters
of
Government
,
between
the
Jewish
and
Christian
Church
seems
in
every
respect
alike
;
save
that
,
with
the
Jews
,
the
Ministery
of
Eldership
went
by
birth
,
according
to
the
course
of
nature
;
but
here
,
by
election
of
the
members
of
the
Church
.
For
they
being
the
adopted
sons
of
God
through
Christ
,
the
particular
Priests
and
Fathers
that
were
to
govern
in
this
Church
,
were
to
be
at
this
Churches
election
and
choice
also
:
or
rather
of
its
representative
head
Christs
deputy
.
For
so
are
we
to
understand
Saint
Pauls
words
to
Titus
,
For
this
cause
left
I
thee
Crete
,
that
thou
shouldest
set
in
order
the
things
that
are
wanting
:
and
ordain
Elders
in
every
City
as
I
had
appointed
thee
.
And
those
Epistles
to
Timothy
and
Tytus
(
men
that
by
Saint
Paul
had
been
put
into
authority
)
will
plainly
declare
,
that
(
as
themselves
,
so
)
others
had
also
different
power
one
over
another
,
as
in
relation
to
the
Churches
government
.
The
office
and
power
of
this
Elder
,
was
in
it self
distinct
from
that
of
the
preacher
:
as
was
formerly
that
of
the
Father
of
the
Tribe
,
from
that
of
the
Priest
,
although
for
sometime
added
and
involved
under
the
notion
of
Presbyter
in
the
same
person
that
primarily
had
his
authority
for
instruction
sake
;
even
as
before
the
priesthood
was
divided
,
it
was
by
patriarchal
right
executed
by
the
same
father
of
the
family
.
So
that
now
,
these
Presbyters
having
,
(
during
the
time
Magistrates
were
not
Christian
)
power
of
civil
judicature
in
what
concerned
men
estates
,
as
well
as
of
external
duties
concerning
them
as
Christians
;
it
came
to
pass
,
where
they
might
exercise
this
their
rightful
jurisdiction
,
Brother
was
not
to
go
to
law
with
Brother
before
the
unbelievers
.
And
when
we
find
those
eminent
persons
(
called
Apostles
)
directing
in
matters
of
external
obedience
,
they
do
it
as
Elders
or
Fathers
:
which
power
and
office
was
unto
them
annexed
,
as
in
right
of
their
offices
as
heads
of
Churches
:
Peter
he
was
also
an
Elder
.
And
again
many
of
these
Elders
did
labour
in
the
word
and
doctrine
,
and
were
therefore
more
especially
worthy
of
the
double
honour
,
which
was
due
unto
an
Elder
that
ruled
well
.
Moses
Minister
:
as
if
the
Pastor
(
for
so
they
sometimes
rightly
enough
call
him
)
could
be
called
a
servant
to
the
sheep
:
but
they
shall
never
finde
them
called
Ministers
or
servants
,
but
in
relation
to
God
or
Christ
,
or
the
whole
Church
.
And
they
also
do
hereby
confound
those
Officers
they
would
distinguish
.
For
that
inferiour
Officer
by
them
called
a
Deacon
,
is
by
name
but
the
same
with
Minister
,
whom
they
would
seem
to
place
higher
:
as
if
by
way
of
tautology
they
should
call
them
Minister
and
Minister
.
But
be
they
of
what
sort
they
will
,
evident
enough
it
is
,
they
were
still
at
the
appointment
,
and
subordinate
to
the
Apostles
,
or
other
heads
in
chief
:
who
now
as
Christs
deputies
,
were
equally
presiding
for
the
guidance
and
rule
of
several
Churches
,
distinct
in
authority
from
one
another
.
The
which
may
be
concluded
as
we
said
,
from
many
passages
set
down
in
the
Epistles
to
Timothy
and
Titus
:
who
being
by
Saint
Paul
put
in
as
Bishops
or
Overscers
over
other
Pastours
,
are
in
and
by
these
Epistles
,
taught
from
him
the
chief
head
:
and
for
what
was
not
in
them
taught
,
they
were
to
be
guided
by
Apostolical
tradition
:
the
things
which
thou
hast
heard
of
me
among
many
witnesses
(
that
is
,
my
avowed
life
and
doctrine
)
the
same
commit
thou
unto
faithful
men
,
who
shall
be
able
to
teach
others
also
.
And
by
that
expression
the
things
which
thou
hast
heard
of
me
among
many
witnesses
,
&c.
we
may
know
how
to
expound
our
Saviours
restriction
given
concerning
our
obedience
to
them
that
sit
in
the
seat
of
authority
,
when
he
saith
but
do
not
as
they
do
:
Now
,
as
this
greater
number
of
persons
in
separate
jurisdiction
,
was
necessitated
for
want
of
civil
entire
power
to
make
any
one
Churches
jurisdiction
of
large
extent
;
so
it
fitted
best
that
persecuted
condition
of
the
Church
:
that
is
,
to
accommodate
them
in
having
of
one
guide
in
chief
,
to
rule
each
Church
in
all
their
dispersions
.
And
as
the
meanness
of
these
rulers
was
then
best
agreeable
to
that
their
present
condition
,
so
was
it
advantagious
also
:
because
eminence
in
authority
would
have
made
them
,
(
as
more
remarkable
,
so
)
more
obnoxious
to
be
oppressed
and
destroyed
,
by
those
Heathen
Magistrates
,
amongst
whom
they
lived
:
as
would
also
their
publick
congregating
in
Churches
have
done
the
like
.
But
now
,
after
the
time
God
hath
perfected
his
work
of
the
Churches
deliverance
,
and
free
establishment
in
peace
and
rest
from
all
about
her
;
after
the
time
of
his
prophesie
is
fulfilled
by
appointing
Kings
her
nursing
fathers
,
and
Queens
her
Nurses
,
and
of
the
Church
her
having
sons
to
be
set
as
Princes
in
all
lands
(
so
that
now
under
Constantine
(
as
formerly
under
Solomon
)
the
upper
Roomes
and
wandering
Tabernacles
are
converted
into
stately
Temples
)
for
men
to
think
of
running
into
their
wilderness
and
persecuted
condition
again
,
And
those
that
shall
well
compare
those
Prophesies
that
set
out
the
Christian
Churches
happy
and
flourishing
condition
,
with
that
which
Moses
made
to
the
Jewes
of
having
Kings
when
their
afflicted
condition
should
cease
,
will
finde
the
same
reason
and
practice
for
both
;
although
neither
Iewes
nor
Christians
,
had
by
Moses
,
or
Christ
,
direct
precept
for
doing
either
:
no
more
then
Moses
gave
direction
for
building
a
Temple
,
or
Christ
or
his
Apostles
for
erecting
Churches
.
But
these
things
being
supposed
to
follow
(
as
out
of
duty
of
gratitude
)
that
flourishing
estate
God
should
bring
them
unto
,
are
less
mentioned
then
that
future
succession
of
Kings
:
concluding
(
as
we
may
gather
)
that
it
would
follow
upon
it
:
as
both
Solomons
,
and
Constantines
examples
(
before
mentioned
)
so
well
declare
.
But
(
in
this
regard
)
we
shall
finde
God
Almighty
observing
the
same
method
,
in
bringing
the
whole
Church
to
its
state
of
eminence
and
freedome
from
the
bondage
of
forraign
enemies
,
as
he
doth
in
bringing
each
one
of
its
members
from
the
thraldome
of
sin
and
the
Flesh
:
that
is
,
both
in
the
time
of
their
birth
and
afterwards
,
leading
them
through
wildernesses
and
persecutions
;
to
wean
them
from
the
former
relishes
of
their
Onyons
and
Flesh.
pots
,
and
to
prove
them
whether
they
be
fit
for
that
promised
land
and
state
of
happiness
;
that
peace
and
joy
in
the
holy
Ghost
,
which
is
requisite
to
their
perfection
.
Unto
which
state
being
once
arrived
,
through
the
Almighty
assistance
of
him
that
can
do
all
things
,
and
(
proportionable
to
the
greatness
and
splendor
of
the
Church
)
having
raised
them
up
a
more
eminent
officer
for
their
government
,
for
men
now
to
be
affecting
of
Elderships
,
Presbyteries
,
and
what
other
former
temporary
models
they
please
to
phancy
,
(
in
presumption
that
God
must
thereupon
(
as
before
)
more
immediately
appear
(
as
by
miracles
,
guift
of
tongues
,
prophesie
,
&c.
)
because
of
the
weakness
of
those
his
present
Ministers
,
seems
to
me
none
other
then
that
temptation
of
the
Devil
offered
to
our
Saviour
,
of
casting
himself
down
headlong
;
and
so
ingratefully
neglect
that
ordinary
way
of
safety
he
was
now
in
,
on
presumption
of
Gods
miraculous
delivery
.
It
seems
to
me
none
other
,
then
as
if
the
Israelites
in
the
land
of
promise
,
flowing
with
milk
and
honey
,
should
be
asking
Quailes
and
Manna
,
or
the
pillar
of
a
Cloud
;
their
former
food
,
and
way
of
direction
.
And
lastly
,
these
that
will
distrust
Gods
guidance
,
if
he
manifest
it
not
after
their
owne
way
,
seem
to
me
closly
resembling
those
sons
of
Belial
also
,
that
at
the
Israelites
institution
of
Kingship
,
were
ingratefully
asking
how
shall
this
man
save
us
.
say
not
thou
in
thy
heart
,
what
is
the
reason
that
the
former
times
were
better
then
these
;
for
thou
dost
not
enquire
rightly
concerning
this
:
for
he
hath
made
every
thing
beautiful
in
its
time
:
so
that
a
man
cannot
say
that
this
is
better
then
that
,
for
in
their
season
they
are
all
excellent
.
And
more
excellent
and
honourable
no
doubt
it
is
,
and
more
redounding
to
the
glory
of
God
;
that
having
promised
to
bring
his
Church
to
a
flourishing
condition
,
(
so
as
to
be
eminent
in
the
world
for
its
owne
strength
and
greatness
)
he
should
in
such
measure
do
it
as
that
it
should
be
now
able
to
subsist
by
it self
(
according
to
the
ordinary
way
of
providence
common
to
other
Nations
)
then
to
be
alwayes
extraordinarily
holding
them
by
the
hand
himself
:
as
thereby
confessing
he
could
not
,
or
had
not
as
yet
made
good
his
engagement
.
But
,
as
concerning
worldly
splendour
and
greatness
,
it
may
be
observed
that
the
same
degrees
of
different
appearance
have
risen
in
the
lustre
of
Christs
deputies
,
by
reason
of
his
farther
recess
from
extraordinary
assistance
and
presence
with
them
,
as
there
is
in
the
difference
of
the
Moons
shining
,
by
reason
of
her
distance
from
the
Sun
,
her
fountain
of
light
also
.
For
although
those
primitive
heads
,
might
in
themselves
be
nearer
and
fuller
partakers
of
Christs
gracious
and
powerful
influence
,
even
as
the
Moon
in
her
nearer
approach
to
the
Sun
is
the
like
;
yet
was
the
radiation
and
light
thereof
,
then
most
gloriously
and
apparently
beneficial
to
the
Churches
present
direction
and
guidance
,
when
shewed
unto
us
by
a
compleat
lustraction
of
that
body
in
our
present
view
.
Nay
this
promise
of
kingship
,
(
to
be
for
compleating
the
blessing
to
a
land
)
is
worthy
the
observation
of
all
these
Antichrists
that
would
seat
themselves
above
all
that
is
called
God
:
the
land
should
be
forsaken
of
both
her
Kings
:
the
having
them
being
in
it self
as
sure
a
signe
of
Gods
blessing
,
And
however
some
are
ready
,
in
the
flourishing
instances
of
some
Polarchies
,
to
frame
arguments
for
the
lawfulness
of
those
governments
,
yet
can
neither
those
examples
equal
for
number
or
eminence
,
those
of
Monarchies
and
Kingdomes
:
nor
can
the
prosperity
or
success
of
some
rebellion
in
some
people
,
(
even
so
far
as
to
be
in
some
worldly
security
and
happiness
)
conclude
for
their
lawfulness
:
more
then
Gods
premission
of
sinners
of
other
sorts
,
(
to
prosper
and
go
unpunished
here
)
can
prove
for
their
vindication
in
iniquity
.
And
therefore
although
God
seems
sometimes
slacker
in
bringing
on
his
threatned
punishments
upon
some
people
upon
their
kings
removall
,
yet
that
this
removeall
is
a
threatning
of
punishment
may
farther
appear
by
Hosea
;
who
,
thrice
in
one
chapter
,
threatens
Israels
calamity
by
that
sign
:
for
now
they
shall
they
say
we
have
no
King
,
for
we
feared
not
the
Lord
,
and
what
then
should
a
King
do
to
us
?
and
again
the
King
of
Samaria
is
destroyed
like
the
foam
upon
the
water
;
and
againe
,
in
a
morning
shall
the
king
of
Israel
be
cut
off
.
Nay
we
may
observe
this
Monarchical
administration
so
much
owned
by
God
,
as
to
declare
the
absence
thereof
as
the
fittest
and
surest
token
of
his
dereliction
and
punishment
of
a
people
that
had
been
first
false
to
himself
,
and
were
now
repudiated
by
him
:
as
may
appear
in
that
other
Prophesie
.
For
the
Children
of
Israel
shall
abide
many
dayes
without
a
King
and
without
a
Prince
,
without
a
Sacrifice
,
and
without
an
Image
,
and
without
an
Ephod
,
and
without
Teraphim
.
And
,
as
the
man
Michah
did
;
but
this
disorder
should
increase
,
David
,
shall
be
their
King
,
then
also
shall
those
several
Kings
under
him
maintain
and
settle
order
amongst
the
Priesthood
and
in
religion
it self
as
David
also
did
.
Now
,
concerning
that
separate
jurisdiction
which
some
Church-men
would
claim
,
under
colour
of
dividing
our
duties
into
religious
and
civil
,
it
cannot
I
conceive
but
plainly
appear
,
that
(
notwithstanding
sacred
pretence
)
this
division
is
but
of
humane
invention
,
being
not
to
be
found
in
the
Scripture
:
and
,
as
it
is
(
for
the
most
part
)
made
of
no
other
use
but
to
make
division
and
discord
(
by
abating
our
obedience
to
the
Magistrate
under
colour
of
giving
it
to
God
,
)
so
are
men
not
at
agreement
in
stating
thereof
.
For
while
some
think
that
whatever
the
Magistrate
commands
it
but
of
civil
obedience
,
and
so
lyable
to
temporal
reward
and
punishment
onely
;
and
again
,
what
is
of
Gods
command
(
that
is
expresly
set
down
in
Scripture
)
is
to
be
only
obeyed
out
of
conscience
of
divine
authority
;
and
then
,
leaving
men
to
private
judgement
what
precepts
are
thence
deduceable
,
or
when
the
Magistrates
commands
be
such
,
they
must
consequently
leave
them
no
certain
rule
,
whereby
,
either
to
preserve
duty
,
or
unity
.
As
also
those
other
sort
do
,
who
,
distinguishing
men
in
their
several
relations
by
them
phancied
,
say
that
in
whatever
we
do
as
subjects
and
men
linked
in
Society
,
the
same
is
of
civil
cognizance
and
duty
;
but
in
whatever
we
act
as
Christians
,
we
are
to
be
guided
by
precept
from
God
alone
.
In
which
doing
also
,
being
neither
able
to
bring
from
Scripture
all
things
that
concern
Gods
outward
worship
,
and
finding
many
precepts
of
Ethical
,
Political
,
and
Oeconomical
nature
,
and
which
do
concern
our
duty
and
good
even
as
men
,
although
we
had
not
been
Christians
,
they
must
needs
fall
themselves
,
and
drive
others
,
by
these
doubtfull
precepts
,
from
giving
any
right
obedience
at
all
,
instead
of
directing
them
therein
.
For
although
(
as
to
some
intents
)
men
may
be
usefully
considered
in
these
different
relations
,
yet
when
the
same
person
is
now
both
a
man
and
a
Christian
,
such
distinctions
as
should
●imply
a
possibility
of
personal
devision
again
,
so
as
for
the
same
Christian
to
act
as
a
man
in
any
thing
without
being
a
Christian
,
must
(
besides
absurdity
)
bring
upon
us
the
many
inconveniences
of
rebellion
and
civil
war
.
And
therefore
,
although
in
our
being
Christian
,
we
lose
not
the
reality
of
manhood
,
more
then
in
being
rational
creatures
or
men
,
we
lose
the
properties
of
sensitive
Creatures
:
yet
inasmuch
as
being
rational
Creatures
,
and
so
having
a
greater
and
surer
light
to
direct
our
actions
,
all
that
we
do
answerable
to
other
meer
sensitives
,
is
therefore
now
to
be
attributed
to
us
in
the
capacity
of
men
,
as
of
the
nobler
and
higher
relation
.
Even
so
also
it
fareth
with
us
,
after
,
and
while
we
are
Christians
:
namely
that
all
those
actions
,
in
which
,
in
execution
and
direction
(
I
mean
so
far
as
is
humane
)
we
resemble
other
meer
natural
men
onely
,
yet
these
things
,
being
by
us
now
acted
under
the
inseparable
relation
of
Christians
,
are
,
although
not
of
express
litteral
divine
precept
,
yet
,
if
done
in
obedience
to
lawful
authority
,
a
Christian
duty
;
or
,
if
acted
against
it
,
a
Christian
fault
.
And
it
will
follow
that
what
was
in
us
(
as
men
)
before
,
but
moral
vertue
or
vice
,
is
now
righteousness
or
sin
;
even
to
the
degree
of
an
idle
word
.
And
so
again
(
considering
us
as
subjects
)
those
things
that
are
onely
by
the
light
of
nature
investigable
as
civil
duties
,
when
they
come
to
be
enforced
by
a
Superiour
,
having
his
power
and
office
from
God
,
have
the
obligations
of
religious
actions
:
as
being
part
of
our
obedience
to
that
God
,
who
said
them
to
be
in
that
respect
Gods
also
,
and
children
of
the
most
high
.
and
to
the
Lord
:
obey
in
all
things
:
and
it
is
as
sinful
to
disobey
Supream
authority
in
the
payment
of
taxes
,
as
in
the
observation
of
the
Sabboth
.
For
God
not
now
giving
particular
precepts
as
unto
the
Iewes
,
but
leaving
us
herein
to
the
direction
of
the
higher
power
ordained
for
that
purpose
of
him
,
we
are
to
be
obedient
to
our
Masters
in
the
flesh
as
unto
Christ
,
and
willingly
to
do
them
service
as
unto
the
Lord
,
and
not
as
men
:
That
is
,
we
are
now
always
to
obey
him
as
Christs
Minister
and
head
of
our
particular
Church
,
So
that
now
,
as
the
entire
trust
&
power
of
Vniversal
headship
of
the
Catholike
Church
is
unto
Christ
resigned
,
and
he
thereupon
to
be
obeyed
as
under
a
religious
tye
in
all
causes
whatsoever
,
by
all
such
as
acknowledge
themselves
Christians
;
although
they
seem
of
never
so
civil
a
nature
:
even
so
,
his
supream
deputy
in
each
Christian
Church
or
Kingdome
,
being
entirely
entrusted
like
him
from
whom
his
power
is
derived
)
is
under
the
tye
of
religion
also
,
to
be
entirely
obeyed
by
all
that
acknowledg
his
Christian
jurisdiction
:
we
being
no
more
duely
able
to
divide
the
supremacy
of
the
one
,
then
of
the
other
.
And
therfore
,
the
mistake
and
inconvenience
of
their
opinion
will
plainly
appear
,
that
would
from
a
short
and
groundless
distinction
,
of
the
several
objects
and
ends
of
our
obedience
,
deduce
a
several
and
distinct
tye
,
whereby
the
same
person
in
the
performance
of
this
duty
to
lawful
authority
should
stand
diversly
obliged
:
As
if
,
because
the
good
of
men
and
humane
Society
were
the
next
ayme
of
my
forbearance
to
defraud
or
oppress
,
&c.
it
were
therefore
the
last
end
,
and
not
rather
Gods
glory
,
as
heretofore
shewed
.
Whereupon
,
since
I
,
as
a
Christian
,
had
light
sufficient
given
me
to
discover
how
God
is
herein
served
,
by
this
my
advancement
of
the
good
of
my
brother
,
cannot
thereupon
but
account
my self
as
well
serving
God
.
When
I
do
any
thing
as
a
subject
to
the
Prince
,
out
of
general
tye
of
conscience
to
Gods
precept
that
commandeth
obedience
to
the
higher
powers
,
then
it
is
,
or
should
have
been
,
if
I
had
done
it
in
obedience
to
the
perticular
precepts
of
thou
shalt
not
steal
,
or
thou
shalt
not
covet
.
And
had
Cato
,
or
Scipio
,
had
the
like
advantage
of
instruction
with
us
,
so
as
to
have
seen
through
to
Gods
glory
and
their
owne
salvation
,
as
the
great
and
last
end
and
reward
of
all
our
actions
,
(
as
they
had
been
obliged
in
conscience
,
so
)
they
would
(
no
doubt
)
out
of
respect
and
love
to
God
and
their
owne
future
good
,
have
performed
all
those
Heroick
acts
,
which
,
for
want
thereof
,
could
not
have
in
them
higher
consideration
then
temporary
benefits
of
themselves
or
country
;
and
so
come
to
be
imputed
unto
them
as
bare
moral
vertues
and
duties
,
having
in
their
conceipts
,
neither
direction
nor
intention
higher
.
But
for
farther
clearing
the
understanding
of
these
things
,
we
will
instance
in
a
particular
most
common
amongst
us
,
namely
our
food
.
What
the
vegetative
appetite
(
as
necessary
to
growth
and
nourishment
)
doth
herein
covet
,
the
same
being
in
sensitive
Creatures
controlled
and
judged
by
their
pallats
and
tasts
,
is
ascribed
as
an
action
done
by
such
or
such
a
sensitive
.
And
,
in
the
same
food
again
,
the
pallat
being
for
choice
and
quantity
(
as
all
other
senses
)
controlable
by
reason
,
for
what
we
do
therein
,
we
are
accountable
as
men
onely
,
and
not
as
beasts
.
And
so
lastly
,
when
,
in
this
particular
of
food
,
a
higher
authority
then
our
owne
doth
command
,
we
must
be
then
reckoned
in
all
we
do
therein
,
but
as
in
relation
,
and
subordinate
to
that
last
and
highest
authority
.
For
as
Christ
is
above
them
all
,
so
is
our
relation
as
Christia●s
to
include
and
involve
that
of
men
or
subjects
.
So
that
if
I
now
follow
too
much
my
vegetative
appetite
,
or
sensative
taste
;
and
also
transgress
reason
,
so
as
to
be
drunken
and
glutonise
;
this
,
being
done
by
me
that
am
a
Christian
,
is
a
sin
endangering
punishment
hereafter
;
and
not
singly
a
moral
or
civil
vice
;
as
transgressing
onely
in
regard
to
my
health
,
or
the
rule
of
society
.
And
so
farther
againe
,
when
abstinence
from
any
,
or
all
sort
of
food
is
by
lawful
authority
enjoyned
,
whereby
the
use
of
what
was
indifferent
to
us
(
in
respect
of
any
direct
former
Christian
precept
)
comes
to
be
streigthened
,
we
are
then
tyed
in
conscience
to
the
obedience
thereof
:
and
that
,
not
onely
when
a
Lent
or
Fast
day
shall
be
enjoyned
for
an
explicite
religious
end
,
but
also
,
when
abstinence
shall
be
publickly
commanded
,
without
such
end
expressed
at
all
:
or
although
the
preservation
of
Cattel
or
the
like
,
be
the
known
end
thereof
.
And
this
,
because
the
person
commanding
being
the
same
,
and
alwayes
Gods
Minister
,
where
our
ability
of
performance
is
equall
,
our
sin
of
disobedience
must
be
equal
also
:
and
that
,
without
thought
of
dividing
his
jurisdiction
and
authority
,
and
so
disobeying
the
Prince
as
as
oft
as
we
please
,
by
taking
on
us
(
as
Priests
in
a
separat
jurisdiction
)
the
sole
interpretation
of
Gods
law
.
Whereupon
,
as
every
Master
of
a
family
is
Priest
also
so
far
as
concerns
his
jurisdiction
,
so
the
appellations
of
Princes
and
Priests
are
in
many
places
of
Scripture
used
as
equipollent
.
But
as
the
King
,
in
regard
of
the
multitude
under
him
,
is
to
use
Magistrates
to
help
him
in
civil
administrations
,
so
Priests
also
,
in
matters
of
the
Church
and
religion
.
How
far
this
their
power
is
to
extend
,
and
how
,
and
by
what
order
of
them
to
be
managed
,
will
be
a
proper
discourse
when
the
Kings
part
in
government
and
peace
shall
be
treated
of
.
Therefore
now
(
to
return
)
by
the
name
of
Church
we
are
not
to
conceive
there
can
be
any
congregation
of
Christian
subjects
by
order
so
distnct
from
others
,
as
to
have
immediat
power
from
God
over
the
fortunes
or
persons
of
their
fellows
;
without
,
or
against
the
Soveraigns
leave
.
For
since
the
time
,
manner
,
place
,
and
other
things
essential
to
the
constituting
the
meeting
it self
must
(
as
heretofore
noted
)
depend
on
the
leave
and
direction
of
the
governour
in
chief
,
and
their
authority
,
as
an
assembly
,
can
be
but
subordinate
to
that
from
whence
they
derived
it
,
it
cannot
in
no
wise
be
collected
,
that
their
power
should
be
independent
.
They
of
the
Romish
Clergy
,
that
would
clayme
a
divine
right
to
succeed
the
Apostles
,
in
the
exercise
of
external
jurisdiction
and
power
,
by
vertue
of
an
uninterrupted
ordination
from
them
at
first
derived
,
(
after
the
same
manner
as
those
ancient
Romans
were
superstitious
to
place
the
vestal
virgins
for
keeping
in
of
their
holy
fire
in
their
temple
,
)
and
would
have
the
Office
and
power
of
high
Priest
or
Bishop
,
in
the
Catholike
,
or
each
particular
Church
,
depend
on
like
uninterrupted
succession
to
his
predecessor
under
the
Gospel
,
no
otherwise
then
the
high
Priestship
did
descend
amongst
the
Jewes
,
had
(
no
doubt
)
an
ayme
,
by
this
peculiar
way
of
puting
one
another
into
authority
,
not
only
to
set
up
themselves
in
Apostolical
power
,
but
to
exclude
Kings
or
Masters
of
families
from
having
any
divine
right
at
all
;
since
no
such
uninterrupted
derivation
of
succession
,
can
be
on
their
side
brought
.
But
as
they
cannot
find
any
text
to
warrant
any
claim
hereby
,
so
they
are
to
consider
,
that
as
to
the
Iewes
their
particular
Church
was
the
same
with
the
Catholike
,
so
in
order
to
Gods
care
for
direction
and
government
of
that
particular
onely
Church
,
he
did
appoint
,
as
well
a
distinct
family
and
linage
for
their
Kingship
,
as
he
did
for
their
Priesthood
:
it
being
as
unlawful
to
alter
the
line
of
David
,
as
that
of
Aaron
.
But
,
under
the
Gospel
,
where
like
appointment
was
not
made
,
nor
outward
prosperity
was
not
promised
,
as
to
the
Jewes
,
it
will
be
very
severe
,
to
censure
any
particular
Church
as
untrue
,
and
her
Pastors
unlawful
,
upon
the
hazard
of
having
some
interruption
in
succession
;
or
for
want
of
intention
or
the
like
:
whereby
(
having
had
some
ineffectual
ordination
administred
)
all
ordinations
succeeding
,
and
jurisdiction
grounded
thereupon
,
should
come
to
be
void
also
.
However
,
before
the
time
that
the
Magistrate
was
Christian
,
the
claim
of
immediate
succession
or
possession
were
a
good
plea
in
it self
,
and
fit
to
be
observed
by
others
,
to
avoide
the
danger
of
Schism
,
as
it
was
also
then
reasonable
enough
,
that
in
consideration
the
Bishop
in
each
place
was
also
supream
head
of
the
same
under
Christ
;
that
thereupon
the
designation
or
ordination
of
persons
into
offices
of
power
might
be
at
his
dispose
too
,
yet
since
,
even
then
this
his
own
ordination
or
choice
,
and
appointment
into
office
was
done
by
the
people
;
and
in
the
same
form
whereby
they
constituted
other
Magistrates
,
it
will
thereupon
appear
but
reasonable
,
that
as
this
power
to
govern
,
was
by
them
then
executed
,
not
as
Evangelists
barely
,
but
as
the
present
supream
Christian
heads
,
so
should
it
be
afterwards
resigned
to
him
that
did
succeed
as
supream
,
in
causes
Ecclesiastical
as
well
as
Civil
.
And
as
their
ordination
,
that
is
,
personal
succession
and
appointment
into
these
functions
of
power
(
not
their
consecrations
)
doth
(
or
should
)
depend
on
his
choice
or
negative
voice
,
as
it
did
formerly
on
the
people
and
Emperours
,
it
cannot
be
now
thought
reasonable
they
should
claime
any
outward
independent
jurisdiction
,
over
the
liberties
or
estates
of
others
.
By
due
consideration
whereof
we
may
know
how
to
distinguish
between
those
several
ordintions
of
power
and
Office
,
which
Saint
Paul
admonisheth
Timothy
to
make
use
of
.
For
by
that
which
in
his
first
Epistle
to
him
is
set
down
as
a
gift
given
by
Prophesie
,
with
the
laying
on
of
the
hands
of
the
Presbytery
:
we
may
understand
,
that
more
civil
election
and
ordination
,
which
is
in
thee
by
the
putting
on
of
my
hands
.
laying
on
of
hands
;
so
shall
we
elsewhere
finde
them
both
at
once
comprised
under
the
expression
proper
to
election
of
other
Magistrates
,
signifying
holding
up
of
hands
called
there
ordaining
.
If
we
suppose
those
of
the
Clergy
,
to
be
successors
to
Apostolical
power
by
vertue
of
ordination
received
from
the
hands
of
one
another
(
as
by
a
kinde
of
confederacy
)
then
,
since
the
efficacy
of
ordination
is
the
same
to
all
of
them
,
there
must
be
now
amongst
us
as
many
men
in
Apostolical
power
,
as
there
are
men
in
orders
:
because
ordination
having
its
efficacy
as
primarily
inherent
in
the
Apostles
,
it
must
follow
that
all
those
derived
ordinations
must
be
equal
one
to
another
,
even
as
that
f●rst
act
of
ordination
from
the
Apostles
received
,
was
the
same
,
or
equal
to
it self
.
But
,
of
those
that
would
set
up
an
Vniversal
Pope
,
and
of
those
that
would
set
up
a
Pope
(
by
this
means
)
in
every
Parish
,
I
would
ask
how
far
they
would
have
their
jurisdiction
to
extend
?
If
they
say
they
have
right
to
all
the
Apostles
had
,
then
have
they
right
to
command
and
be
obeyed
in
all
things
:
for
such
right
had
the
Apostles
,
as
shall
be
shewed
anon
.
If
they
say
they
have
right
to
no
more
them
was
by
then
practised
,
and
so
claime
to
succeed
in
the
power
of
excommunication
and
Church
censure
,
so
far
as
to
extend
it
to
corporal
punishment
,
then
they
will
have
much
ado
to
make
this
all
one
with
a
spiritual
jurisdiction
and
censure
.
The
truth
is
,
that
we
must
look
on
the
Apostles
in
their
sentence
of
excommunication
,
as
punishing
men
in
the
highest
measure
they
then
could
;
in
regard
of
the
engrosment
of
all
coercive
and
vindicative
power
,
by
the
then
Pagan
Magistrates
they
lived
under
;
and
not
as
thinking
their
refraining
to
keep
a
Blasphemer
or
an
incestuous
person
company
,
were
a
punishment
adequate
to
such
offences
,
forbear
to
eat
whilst
he
was
in
the
company
.
So
that
now
,
if
the
Church-men
claime
but
the
same
measure
of
power
the
Apostles
did
,
or
might
then
exercise
,
and
(
againe
)
allow
the
person
now
excommunicate
the
like
power
with
the
other
,
they
will
then
finde
the
force
and
terrour
of
their
excommunication
(
as
from
themselves
alone
proceeding
,
and
without
leave
and
assistance
from
the
Magistrate
)
to
amount
to
just
nothing
.
If
they
claime
all
the
jurisdiction
and
power
that
the
Apostles
as
heads
of
Churches
then
had
right
unto
,
they
will
have
right
to
all
power
whatever
,
that
is
power
outward
and
civil
,
as
well
as
inward
and
spiritual
.
For
,
of
that
nature
we
shall
finde
many
things
,
that
were
taken
into
cognisance
by
those
primitive
heads
,
and
so
lyable
also
to
the
censure
and
punishment
of
the
Magistrates
and
civil
laws
of
the
Countrey
,
as
was
that
Incestuous
act
;
and
would
,
no
doubt
,
upon
notice
,
have
been
by
them
that
had
present
power
punished
in
a
more
remarkable
and
sensible
degree
,
then
could
be
by
the
Apostles
that
wanted
it
.
Whereupon
,
as
we
finde
Saint
Paul
comprising
,
Fornication
,
Covetousness
,
Railing
,
Drunkenness
,
and
Extortion
,
under
the
then
Church
cognisance
and
censure
,
as
well
as
Idolatry
,
All
which
,
no
doubt
,
(
with
some
other
things
elsewhere
spoken
)
will
displease
some
of
that
order
.
For
although
self
interest
(
as
highest
)
may
make
them
differ
about
precedence
amongst
themselves
,
yet
to
have
their
order
eclipsed
in
any
thing
of
honour
or
power
,
cannot
but
displease
:
because
even
self
interest
,
though
not
so
direct
,
is
yet
plainly
therein
also
.
And
therefore
,
since
Church-men
are
usually
the
best
learned
,
and
commonly
the
onely
Writers
of
Church
matters
,
and
of
State
affairs
also
as
often
as
any
other
:
it
is
no
marvil
,
if
in
so
long
a
tract
of
time
,
so
many
arguments
and
contrivances
for
deviding
the
Kings
,
and
establishing
their
separate
authority
,
have
been
craftily
laid
by
some
,
and
as
hastily
entertained
by
others
,
in
order
to
the
making
them
more
powerful
.
Amongst
other
things
,
it
may
be
observed
how
pride
and
arrogance
hath
brought
those
notions
of
Laicks
and
Ideots
,
which
were
brought
in
by
them
whereby
to
be
distinguished
from
other
subjects
,
to
import
rudeness
,
ignorance
,
and
inferiority
:
when
as
,
by
means
of
their
greater
learning
and
favour
,
divers
priviledges
and
immunities
were
reserved
to
themselves
.
The
which
(
God
knows
)
I
dislike
not
otherwise
,
then
as
finding
it
made
destructive
to
publike
peace
and
good
.
For
it
is
an
order
,
which
of
all
other
should
(
I
conceive
)
have
the
highest
rank
and
esteem
amongst
Subjects
:
even
for
that
their
imployment
is
in
such
matters
,
as
are
apparently
in
themselves
,
and
by
publick
approbation
and
appointment
,
held
of
most
immediate
concern
in
Gods
worship
and
service
amongst
us
:
and
is
(
in
many
things
)
of
that
nature
,
as
is
not
by
others
undertakable
.
In
which
regard
(
truly
)
as
much
grieved
I
am
,
to
finde
that
present
contrary
,
and
proportionable
want
of
eminence
and
esteem
given
them
,
in
those
places
where
Monarchy
hath
been
ecclipsed
or
thrust
out
,
(
even
by
bringing
them
thereby
so
much
lower
as
there
followes
to
be
more
above
them
)
as
I
am
offended
,
at
the
extraordinary
height
,
and
success
of
their
Antichristian
pride
,
where
some
inseparable
marks
of
Monarchy
and
government
are
held
in
their
owne
hands
.
But
,
however
their
success
proves
,
it
will
concern
men
that
would
be
truly
careful
of
their
salvation
,
and
followers
of
things
that
make
for
peace
,
If
we
do
not
this
,
and
keep
not
close
to
Christ
himself
,
that
is
,
to
that
authority
which
is
next
and
most
representing
him
,
we
shall
be
in
continual
danger
to
be
made
believe
by
subordinat
Ministers
,
not
following
of
us
(
that
is
,
not
being
of
our
Sect
)
is
all
one
as
not
to
be
Christians
,
and
to
be
against
him
.
And
if
self
conceitedness
could
thus
blinde
our
Saviours
owne
Disciples
,
so
far
as
to
lead
them
to
this
rash
mistake
,
and
that
notwithstanding
known
miracles
and
profession
made
in
Christs
name
,
what
may
we
expect
from
the
ambitious
aims
of
men
now
living
;
but
that
this
following
of
us
,
should
be
continually
made
(
as
too
good
experience
tells
us
it
is
)
the
dayly
bait
to
draw
us
farther
from
Christ
,
under
pretence
of
bringing
us
nearer
?
So
that
whilst
some
are
declaiming
against
authority
,
and
branding
their
commands
as
superstitious
,
even
in
things
wherein
Christs
honour
and
worship
are
neerly
concerned
,
they
are
yet
found
so
resolute
in
their
own
particular
sects
and
tenents
,
that
they
would
have
mens
belief
and
adherence
to
Christ
,
to
be
measured
onely
by
their
belief
and
adherence
to
them
:
which
,
to
my
thinking
,
is
as
high
and
plain
Idolatry
as
any
can
be
.
But
the
immediate
following
discourse
of
that
text
,
shews
the
temper
and
ayme
of
this
humor
:
when
those
very
Disciples
are
endeavouring
to
wrest
Eliahs
president
,
by
drawing
fire
from
heaven
against
that
authority
which
opposed
them
:
the
which
although
they
were
of
another
religion
and
jurisdiction
too
,
is
yet
rebuked
by
our
Saviour
;
as
proceeding
from
a
most
ungospel-like
spirit
:
and
shewing
him
to
be
subject
to
like
passions
with
others
.
And
therefore
,
for
the
true
stating
of
these
things
,
we
shall
more
briefly
say
,
that
so
far
as
they
are
to
perform
the
work
of
Evangelists
,
that
is
,
to
preach
unto
us
Jesus
,
and
to
prove
and
declare
him
to
be
the
only
fundamental
object
of
faith
and
salvation
,
so
far
have
they
their
power
from
God
alone
:
but
so
far
as
they
have
diocessan
or
parochial
charge
,
and
are
in
paticulars
to
shew
unto
us
how
we
are
to
obey
him
as
Christ
and
King
in
any
outward
deportment
,
so
far
are
they
to
derive
their
authority
from
that
Church
power
which
had
from
Crhist
power
to
ordain
and
separate
them
unto
that
work
.
So
far
as
they
are
entrusted
with
the
guidance
of
Gods
inward
kingdom
in
our
hearts
,
that
is
,
to
perswade
men
to
faith
in
Christ
(
which
was
the
chief
work
of
the
primitive
teachers
amongst
the
Infidels
)
so
far
are
they
Gods
Ministers
and
not
mans
,
but
,
as
they
are
to
meddle
with
mens
abbearances
and
external
behaviour
in
Christs
Kingdome
the
Church
(
that
is
to
shew
how
to
perform
obedience
to
him
being
converted
and
acknowledging
his
power
)
so
far
are
they
to
have
warrant
from
those
his
chief
deputies
in
the
Church
.
Whereupon
two
things
will
plainly
follow
to
the
advantage
of
the
Clergy
above
others
.
First
,
that
,
in
respect
of
their
ordination
,
they
are
to
be
held
so
properly
Gods
Ministers
,
that
,
in
preaching
and
administration
of
the
Sacraments
and
some
other
things
,
none
but
they
have
power
to
intermeddle
:
and
yet
are
they
not
hereby
excluded
from
having
external
jurisdiction
and
power
over
mens
persons
also
,
if
the
authority
of
the
Church
wherein
they
live
shall
so
think
fit
.
Nay
,
when
the
representative
authority
of
that
Church
shall
have
distinguished
between
holy
and
prophane
,
I
conceive
that
,
in
all
such
things
as
are
concluded
of
religious
jurisdiction
and
cognisance
,
the
Church-members
of
the
Clergy
are
,
by
the
Church
her
head
,
to
be
therein
imployed
more
eminently
then
any
other
subject
:
especially
if
they
do
therein
acknowledge
themselves
subordinate
and
subject
unto
him
.
All
which
I
have
in
this
part
set
down
,
to
avoid
such
umbrage
as
might
have
been
by
some
taken
at
the
passed
discourse
.
And
for
farther
avoidance
of
mistake
,
about
those
persons
or
orders
of
the
Clergy
by
me
gla●ced
at
in
any
censure
here
or
elsewhere
,
I
shall
also
now
crave
leave
to
say
,
that
,
as
I
profess
my self
a
dutiful
son
of
the
same
Mother
,
so
do
I
also
highly
respect
and
honour
that
Classical
order
of
the
Clergy
which
the
Church
of
Engand
owns
as
hers
:
being
men
that
have
approved
themselves
the
true
sons
of
Zadock
,
the
type
of
Evangelical
Priesthood
,
and
been
as
eminent
for
loyalty
as
learning
.
But
,
the
disturbances
of
Christendome
are
to
be
imputed
to
those
of
the
Romish
party
,
who
,
in
favour
to
their
owne
head
,
are
to
subject
(
with
Abiather
)
to
miscary
that
arke
wherewith
they
are
entrusted
;
and
to
make
the
power
and
cognisance
of
those
sacred
orders
,
which
should
separate
them
from
worldly
imploment
,
to
serve
as
a
plea
and
pretence
thereunto
;
as
in
order
to
spiritual
cognisance
and
jurisdiction
.
As
also
,
to
that
miscellaneous
brood
,
who
,
as
in
hatred
to
their
exteram
,
entring
their
ordinations
at
a
wrong
dore
,
or
not
entring
them
at
all
,
have
as
shamefully
demeaned
theselves
in
the
Priesthood
,
as
they
did
ignorantly
and
shamefully
decline
the
title
it self
,
and
that
honotr
which
is
thereunto
due
:
and
have
,
by
those
strange
fires
of
sedition
and
rebellion
which
they
every
where
offer
,
under
shew
of
reformation
and
zeal
,
approved
themselves
the
true
sons
of
Nadab
and
Abihu
.
These
are
they
that
are
deare
declaiming
against
Prelacy
,
on
purpose
to
gain
higher
preferment
:
whilst
the
name
of
Bishop
is
by
them
declined
as
an
unlawful
jurisdiction
in
in
the
Church
,
they
are
grasping
after
the
thing
,
and
striving
to
exercise
EEpiscopacy
and
oversight
over
both
Church
and
State
,
under
the
claim
of
power
from
Christ
himself
received
,
as
his
immediate
Ministers
:
thereby
shewing
,
that
their
slighting
of
orders
is
but
because
they
would
not
be
by
them
confined
to
Ecclesiastical
superintendency
onely
.
CHAP.
VI.
Of
the
head
of
the
Church
and
of
the
Scriptures
interpretations
.
FRom
what
hath
been
hitherto
spoken
of
our
Security
whilst
retaining
the
fundamentalls
of
our
religion
,
as
men
may
gather
courage
to
resist
such
superstitious
fears
as
some
would
put
into
them
on
purpose
to
draw
them
to
their
owne
sects
,
so
may
they
plainly
see
it
their
duty
(
these
foundations
being
laid
)
that
their
directest
obedience
which
they
can
(
as
Christians
)
in
other
things
give
unto
that
person
Christ
hath
most
eminently
entrusted
,
and
by
whom
he
is
most
lively
represented
,
is
the
strongest
argument
of
performance
of
their
duty
and
obedience
to
himself
.
For
he
being
(
as
the
chief
Master
builder
)
to
direct
us
in
all
things
towards
our
actual
edification
,
upon
these
ground
works
of
faith
and
charity
laid
in
our
hearts
,
may
seem
to
be
Gods
great
accomptant
for
the
sins
of
the
people
,
and
to
prefigured
unto
us
under
the
scape
goat
in
the
law
:
who
,
as
denoting
the
high
and
uncontroleable
power
of
his
office
here
,
was
both
to
be
free
and
unmolested
in
the
wilderness
of
this
life
,
and
also
to
bear
on
him
all
the
iniquities
and
transgression
of
the
people
.
And
therefore
to
this
purpose
,
(
as
formerly
noted
)
we
shall
find
good
warrant
given
from
him
that
said
,
Do
all
things
without
murmurings
and
disputings
,
that
ye
may
be
blameless
and
harmless
the
sons
of
God
:
in
the
midst
of
a
froward
and
perverse
generation
,
wherein
ye
shine
as
lights
in
the
world
.
Here
is
no
distinction
made
of
our
duties
;
here
is
no
referment
of
us
to
Scripture
;
but
a
general
direction
to
universal
and
ready
obedience
:
which
being
done
,
we
shall
be
blameless
and
harmless
for
obeying
,
however
the
thing
wherein
we
do
obey
may
prove
harmful
to
others
;
and
to
blameable
in
the
Commanders
.
And
that
the
Apostle
did
hereby
entend
implicite
and
perfect
obedience
,
may
farther
appear
by
the
foregoing
occasion
which
lead
him
to
this
precept
:
namely
for
avoiding
of
divisions
,
and
Standing
fast
in
one
Spirit
,
with
one
mind
:
unto
the
which
,
implicite
obedience
and
subjection
to
one
head
is
the
onely
ready
way
.
And
to
the
end
they
should
fulfill
his
joy
,
and
be
like
minded
,
having
the
same
love
,
being
of
one
accord
,
of
one
minde
:
he
admonisheth
th●t
nothing
should
be
done
through
strife
or
vain
glory
,
but
in
lowliness
of
mind
,
let
each
esteem
others
better
then
themselves
.
And
then
he
tells
the
way
to
it
:
First
,
by
inward
charity
and
love
,
Look
not
every
man
on
his
owne
things
,
but
every
man
on
the
things
of
others
:
Let
this
minde
be
in
you
which
was
also
in
Christ
Jesus
:
who
being
in
the
form
of
God
,
thought
it
no
robbery
to
be
equal
with
God
,
but
made
himself
of
no
reputation
,
and
took
on
him
the
form
of
a
servant
,
and
was
made
in
the
likeness
of
men
.
And
being
found
in
the
fashion
of
a
man
,
he
humbled
himself
and
became
obedient
to
death
,
even
the
death
of
the
Cross
:
A
death
which
was
proper
to
such
as
were
under
the
highest
degree
of
subjection
,
And
so
,
having
set
forth
the
reward
of
this
his
humility
and
obedience
to
encourage
us
therein
,
he
then
proceeds
:
Wherefore
,
my
beloved
,
as
ye
have
always
obeyed
,
not
as
in
my
presence
onely
,
but
now
much
more
in
my
absence
,
work
out
your
owne
salvation
with
fear
and
trembling
.
is
God
that
worketh
in
us
both
to
will
and
to
do
of
his
good
pleasure
.
For
his
care
and
trust
being
above
mine
,
the
fault
must
light
on
him
;
according
to
his
determination
that
said
,
He
that
shall
break
one
of
the
least
of
these
Commandments
,
and
shall
teach
men
so
,
he
shall
be
least
in
the
Kingdome
of
heaven
:
that
is
,
shall
have
no
share
in
heaven
,
or
be
most
punished
hereafter
:
But
he
that
shall
do
and
teach
them
,
he
shall
be
greatest
in
the
Kingdome
of
Heaven
,
or
in
heavenly
reward
.
Which
words
,
Unto
whomsoever
much
is
given
,
of
him
much
shall
be
required
:
and
to
whom
men
have
committed
much
,
of
him
will
they
ask
the
more
.
And
that
this
was
meant
in
regard
of
power
of
government
intrusted
,
and
that
also
of
that
particular
deligation
of
power
and
trust
made
to
the
higher
powers
in
the
Church
,
appears
by
the
occasion
of
its
delivery
:
having
relation
to
the
foregoing
parable
and
admonition
:
where
the
Church
,
under
the
notion
of
the
house
of
Christ
(
its
Lord
)
is
to
be
carefully
watched
by
its
present
overseer
put
in
authority
by
Christ
:
from
whom
these
Stewards
are
to
expect
their
reward
or
punishment
,
according
to
their
behaviour
in
this
charge
.
Where
(
by
the
way
)
we
may
note
,
the
Monarchical
designation
of
each
Churches
government
;
because
the
Steward
or
Master
of
the
house
,
is
still
set
downe
and
alluded
unto
in
the
singular
number
.
And
we
may
also
note
,
that
it
could
not
be
meant
as
appropriate
to
the
Apostles
or
others
,
as
they
were
Ecclesiastical
men
and
preachers
onely
,
but
must
intend
such
as
are
to
have
civil
authority
also
:
as
appeares
by
that
prohibition
of
beating
the
men
servants
and
maidens
:
which
,
From
all
which
,
our
benefit
and
duty
in
obedience
being
apparent
,
we
are
not
to
be
carryed
about
with
every
winde
of
doctrine
.
So
that
,
even
by
the
slight
of
men
and
cunning
craftiness
whereby
they
lye
in
wait
to
deceive
;
nor
,
on
the
other
hand
,
fall
into
the
danger
of
such
,
the
unlearned
and
unwary
,
do
rest
Scripture
to
their
own
damnation
.
But
we
are
to
know
,
that
no
Scripture
of
God
is
of
private
interpretation
:
that
is
,
to
be
interpreted
by
private
persons
;
At
first
it
was
,
the
Pr●ests
lips
should
preserve
knowledge
,
and
thou
shalt
seek
the
law
at
his
mouth
:
he
was
to
have
a
book
thereof
,
and
to
do
thereafter
.
Ministers
thereof
were
Ministers
not
of
the
Letter
,
but
of
the
Spirit
.
Whereupon
it
still
appears
that
the
whole
drift
of
the
Gospel
and
new
Testament
,
were
but
to
set
forth
Christ
the
foundation
unto
us
;
and
to
leave
us
unto
the
present
higher
powers
for
direction
of
our
practice
thereafter
;
according
to
the
light
of
Scripture
,
or
natural
reason
.
Therefore
as
we
first
find
,
the
scope
of
each
Gospel
,
to
record
the
miracles
Christ
did
in
proof
hereof
;
so
shall
we
finde
the
other
discourses
and
doctrines
therein
contained
,
usually
to
follow
but
as
occasioned
thereupon
,
For
Saint
Iohn
speaks
plainly
,
That
if
all
that
Iesus
did
should
be
written
,
the
whole
world
would
not
contain
the
books
that
should
be
written
:
but
these
things
are
written
,
that
ye
may
believe
,
that
Jesus
is
Christ
the
son
of
God
;
and
that
believing
ye
might
have
life
through
his
name
.
And
so
again
,
for
the
other
part
of
the
New
Testament
,
namely
the
Epistles
;
we
are
not
to
conceive
that
all
that
was
written
by
the
Apostles
or
such
as
had
inspiration
,
is
now
left
unto
us
:
for
of
some
of
them
there
appears
nothing
at
all
,
and
of
some
very
little
.
Nay
,
Saint
Paul
,
that
wrot
most
,
we
may
think
yet
wrot
more
then
is
come
to
our
hands
:
even
as
he
had
more
gentile
Churches
in
his
charge
,
then
what
his
Epistles
do
mention
by
their
directions
and
titles
.
All
which
(
no
doubt
)
would
have
been
divine
and
edifying
also
,
as
well
as
those
that
are
come
;
had
not
want
of
care
in
those
particular
Churches
,
or
the
calamitous
condition
of
those
times
deprived
us
of
them
.
But
now
,
however
we
are
to
acknowledge
and
admire
,
the
care
and
providence
of
God
and
the
Church
,
in
preserving
and
delivering
to
us
those
books
and
Epistles
left
;
yet
,
in
and
by
them
,
we
may
observe
,
that
they
were
all
but
occasionally
written
:
and
that
no
Writer
did
undertake
to
set
down
the
whole
platform
of
Christian
obedience
;
or
to
compose
an
entire
and
perfect
body
of
Divinity
,
but
in
delivery
of
these
instructions
they
were
still
respective
:
and
even
as
they
had
particular
and
separate
charge
of
Churches
,
so
wrote
they
unto
them
such
instructions
and
precepts
,
as
they
conceived
most
fit
for
their
proper
directions
.
And
therefore
we
may
finde
those
writers
,
not
onely
to
differ
from
one
another
in
those
directions
,
but
also
Saint
Paul
,
whose
Epistles
we
have
written
to
several
Churches
,
doth
in
them
differ
in
his
directions
also
;
according
to
that
exigence
and
occasion
,
which
he
foresaw
the
present
condition
of
that
people
required
.
For
since
,
at
that
time
,
all
Churches
could
not
have
all
his
or
the
other
Apostles
Epistles
(
for
if
they
could
,
the
same
things
needed
not
at
all
to
have
been
repeated
)
it
must
be
supposed
,
that
what
was
to
them
already
written
,
was
sufficient
to
instruct
them
in
things
necessary
to
salvation
:
and
that
they
,
in
their
other
necessary
Christian
behaviours
,
had
direction
by
Tradition
from
him
,
or
elsewhere
;
which
was
the
occasion
of
that
frequent
admonition
of
keeping
them
.
And
for
what
might
be
wanting
in
both
these
,
he
refers
them
to
be
guided
by
the
Church
,
and
such
as
had
the
rule
over
them
;
under
the
general
notions
of
whatsoever
things
are
true
,
whatsoever
things
are
honest
,
whatsoever
things
are
just
,
whatsoever
things
are
pure
,
whatsoever
things
are
lovely
,
whatsoever
things
are
of
good
report
:
if
there
be
any
vertue
,
if
there
be
any
praise
,
think
on
these
things
:
and
this
most
especially
he
doth
,
to
those
he
wrot
least
.
For
it
is
likely
,
that
they
that
were
to
be
their
guides
,
had
been
before
instructed
in
the
way
of
Church
regiment
by
Saint
Paul
himself
;
so
far
,
as
to
be
able
(
by
tradition
)
to
keep
their
charge
upright
,
in
all
things
tending
to
Godliness
and
honesty
;
according
to
those
things
which
they
had
learned
,
and
received
,
and
heard
,
and
seen
in
him
.
He
,
space
of
fourty
dayes
(
he
was
on
earth
after
his
resurrection
)
directed
his
Apostles
in
things
pertaining
to
the
Kingdome
of
God
,
or
government
of
the
Church
.
And
that
Saint
Pauls
directions
in
other
matters
given
to
the
particular
Churches
,
contained
neither
all
expresly
that
was
necessary
for
them
to
do
,
nor
what
was
so
generally
fit
and
proper
for
all
Churches
as
that
to
whom
it
was
directed
(
being
to
others
in
most
things
onely
usefull
upon
occasions
as
presidents
)
will
appear
,
in
that
Saint
Paul
writing
a
particular
short
Epistle
to
the
Colossians
,
refers
them
their
knowledge
of
what
is
farther
useful
,
unto
his
Epistle
written
unto
the
Laodiceans
:
willing
them
that
when
this
Epistle
is
read
of
you
.
You
cause
it
to
be
read
of
the
Laodiceans
also
:
and
that
you
likewise
read
the
Epistle
from
Laodicea
,
Which
two
Epistles
,
To
manifest
that
these
duties
of
external
Christian
behaviour
,
were
indisputably
referred
to
each
Christian
head
of
the
Church
,
and
that
all
in
that
kind
necessary
was
not
set
down
in
the
Scripture
,
appears
in
that
Saint
Paul
writing
more
plentifully
to
the
Corinthians
hereof
then
to
any
other
Church
,
doth
not
yet
profess
to
have
set
down
all
that
was
necessary
:
but
having
,
as
he
conceived
,
set
down
what
was
expedient
for
them
according
to
the
present
occasion
,
And
the
rest
will
I
set
in
order
when
I
come
.
Thereby
making
a
plain
difference
,
between
his
power
in
those
things
he
was
to
command
them
as
an
head
of
the
Church
(
in
order
to
their
duty
of
obedience
)
and
those
fundamentals
of
faith
and
love
,
which
he
was
to
preach
to
them
as
an
Evangelist
;
or
a
difference
in
what
he
did
as
a
general
preacher
of
the
Gospel
,
and
what
he
did
as
their
Apostle
and
Teacher
:
even
as
one
that
particularly
had
authority
over
them
as
Christs
Ambassadour
,
and
as
being
their
father
in
the
Faith
.
And
that
Scripture
,
and
the
interpretation
and
enforcement
of
the
precepts
thereof
,
was
committed
to
the
guidance
and
care
of
the
heads
of
the
Churches
(
even
under
the
Gospel
also
)
appears
by
Saint
Pauls
commending
them
unto
Timothy
:
to
the
end
that
he
,
as
a
guide
to
the
Church
,
might
make
them
profitable
for
doctrine
,
for
reproof
,
for
correction
,
for
instruction
in
righteousness
;
that
the
man
of
God
(
or
the
man
having
Gods
authority
)
may
be
perfect
,
throughly
furnished
unto
all
good
works
:
know
how
to
behave
himself
in
the
houshold
of
God
,
the
Church
:
which
is
the
pillar
and
ground
of
truth
.
of
Berea
searched
the
Scripture
,
whether
the
things
by
Saint
Paul
alledged
were
so
:
it
is
first
to
be
considered
,
that
it
was
before
the
people
had
acknowledged
Saint
Paul
their
guide
:
And
that
the
Scriptures
charge
and
custody
was
entrusted
unto
the
heads
of
Churches
,
and
not
vulgarly
dispersed
in
copies
,
may
appear
by
our
not
having
at
this
day
,
any
assurance
of
the
language
some
of
the
Gospels
and
Epistles
were
written
in
:
nor
have
we
any
Hebrew
copy
that
we
now
can
relye
upon
.
And
all
,
because
the
first
copy
coming
to
be
afterwards
translated
into
that
language
the
people
best
understood
,
it
caused
the
care
of
the
single
original
to
be
neglected
;
or
in
time
of
persecution
to
be
lost
by
the
traditors
of
those
times
:
whereas
,
had
each
one
,
or
many
men
had
their
distinct
copies
,
such
a
total
losse
could
not
have
happened
.
And
although
it
may
be
well
thought
,
that
the
gift
of
tongues
might
have
enabled
such
of
the
holy
penmen
as
wanted
natural
learning
,
to
deliver
themselves
notwithstanding
in
Greek
,
yet
this
cannot
make
it
supposable
that
all
of
them
(
the
Epistles
especially
)
were
so
written
originally
;
because
their
address
is
not
to
the
Grecians
or
Gentiles
:
And
that
Epistle
to
the
Hebrews
and
those
of
Saint
Peter
,
and
Saint
Iames
,
&c.
must
imply
them
to
be
written
in
that
language
,
which
was
best
understood
by
those
they
were
addressed
unto
;
and
who
were
to
be
directed
by
him
.
Else
it
were
to
suppose
a
miracle
wrought
to
a
wrong
end
;
even
that
which
Saint
Paul
doth
elswhere
dislike
;
namely
the
speaking
in
an
unknown
tongue
;
Upon
which
grounds
,
I
do
believe
(
against
them
that
doubt
)
that
the
Gospel
of
Saint
Matthew
,
was
(
like
the
other
Gospels
)
written
in
Greeks
;
and
that
because
its
general
address
did
require
it
to
be
set
forth
in
that
language
which
was
most
generally
understood
:
but
for
some
of
the
Epistles
,
I
cannot
be
so
perswaded
.
And
if
that
first
exercised
gift
of
tongues
be
marked
,
we
shall
finde
those
endewed
therewith
,
speaking
to
every
Auditour
in
his
owne
language
.
And
although
question
be
made
,
whether
those
auditours
of
divers
nations
,
might
not
at
the
same
time
have
been
endewed
with
the
miraculous
gift
of
interpreting
and
understanding
a
strange
tongue
(
to
avoyd
a
greater
difficulty
of
supposing
all
of
them
speaking
at
once
,
or
any
one
speaking
several
tongues
at
once
(
the
which
Saint
Peters
after-speaking
alone
may
give
countenance
unto
)
yet
it
will
plainly
appear
,
that
,
And
as
for
Authors
quotation
of
Scripture
texts
in
this
language
onely
,
(
none
beginning
to
write
till
these
books
had
been
by
the
Church
all
collected
into
one
volume
,
and
so
put
into
that
one
most
intelligible
language
)
it
proves
no
more
their
writing
at
first
in
the
Greek
,
then
our
Saviours
and
others
quotations
of
the
Greek
translation
of
the
Septuagint
proves
the
old
Testament
to
have
been
written
in
that
language
also
.
Not
that
we
would
be
understood
(
by
what
hath
bin
spoken
)
as
forbidding
the
publike
knowledg
of
the
Scriptures
:
for
even
the
same
reason
that
makes
them
chiefly
to
be
trusted
to
the
Church
and
its
head
,
namly
to
know
the
better
how
to
govern
all
others
under
them
,
will
,
in
that
regard
also
,
make
them
useful
to
Fathers
,
Masters
,
and
many
of
the
Subjects
themselves
:
who
by
their
offices
and
callings
,
shall
have
things
or
persons
under
their
power
and
government
.
In
both
which
respects
,
if
they
come
not
occasionally
to
concern
every
one
,
as
he
may
have
his
Neighbors
good
or
ill
under
his
trust
and
power
,
(
even
in
cases
remitted
by
his
Superiour
)
yet
will
they
concern
every
one
in
their
general
precepts
to
patience
,
humility
,
obedience
,
&c.
which
(
as
the
proper
and
necessary
vertues
of
Subjects
,
and
which
must
constitute
government
)
are
fit
for
the
notice
of
all
in
general
;
without
exception
of
the
Prince
himself
:
who
,
as
,
under
the
power
of
God
almighty
,
must
submit
in
a
far
higher
degree
,
then
his
Subjects
can
to
him
.
The
knowledge
of
which
,
and
other
necessary
duties
,
fit
to
direct
us
in
our
charitable
abearances
,
whither
in
acting
upon
,
or
suffering
from
one
another
,
may
also
afford
sufficient
reason
why
there
should
be
many
precepts
of
all
sorts
of
duties
,
and
concerning
all
sorts
of
people
,
promiscuously
set
down
in
the
New
Testament
;
notwithstanding
that
Gods
immediate
rule
was
to
be
inward
:
even
for
that
our
Saviour
and
his
Apostles
,
having
charge
and
guidance
of
souls
under
them
,
it
was
needful
(
for
their
good
deportment
sake
)
that
they
should
leave
to
them
,
and
unto
such
as
should
succeed
in
the
Christian
Churches
,
(
besides
the
fundamentals
)
such
farther
precepts
and
directions
,
●s
might
keep
them
in
a
steady
course
of
Charity
and
peace
one
towards
another
;
when
they
found
their
duties
set
forth
by
so
good
authority
.
For
want
of
due
regard
whereof
,
and
of
that
different
respect
which
the
Scriptures
do
carry
in
their
instructions
,
and
for
want
of
that
necessary
and
truly
Christian
grace
of
humility
,
instead
of
learning
and
practicing
those
more
proper
duties
which
concern
us
in
our
distinct
callings
and
relations
(
for
which
onely
we
stand
accomptable
before
God
)
we
are
through
pride
and
partiality
too
often
found
to
be
studious
and
inquisitive
after
so
much
onely
as
doth
concern
others
,
in
theirs
even
such
as
are
above
us
;
for
whose
faults
we
are
not
to
answer
,
that
(
thereupon
)
we
may
appear
more
fit
to
teach
then
be
taught
,
to
govern
then
be
governed
.
And
this
is
not
onely
practised
in
the
more
civil
relation
of
Subjects
or
Servants
against
their
Prince
or
Master
,
but
through
this
misused
liberty
,
a
general
usurpation
is
almost
every
where
now
made
,
for
interpreting
Scripture
against
the
sence
and
authority
of
the
whole
Church
,
and
of
our
more
spiritual
guides
therein
,
to
whose
charge
they
are
most
particularly
entrusted
;
from
which
preposterous
proceeding
what
can
be
expected
,
but
what
sad
experience
doth
witness
,
even
Heresie
,
Schisme
,
disorder
,
and
civil
broyles
,
to
the
scandal
of
Christian
religion
it self
.
But
now
,
when
we
finde
,
the
persons
in
authority
to
be
expressed
in
the
plural
number
,
as
Those
that
have
the
guide
over
you
,
those
that
must
give
an
account
for
your
souls
,
&c.
or
else
our
obedience
directed
to
the
Church
in
general
;
we
are
to
understand
thereby
,
the
head
of
each
Church
to
be
chiefly
meant
.
In
which
respect
,
as
there
were
many
distinct
Churches
,
and
thereupon
also
many
heads
,
(
as
before
shewed
)
so
the
Apostle
might
,
in
his
general
admonitions
to
obedience
,
put
them
in
the
plural
number
of
those
and
them
.
And
,
as
in
this
sence
we
are
to
understand
that
precept
of
tell
it
to
the
Church
,
And
hereupon
,
we
shall
finde
this
power
to
be
expresly
given
to
the
Apostles
in
Saint
John
:
where
Christ
is
saying
to
them
,
As
my
Father
sent
me
,
even
so
send
I
you
;
that
the
Son
of
man
had
power
on
earth
to
forgive
sins
.
whose
sins
ye
remit
they
are
remitted
unto
them
,
and
whose
sins
ye
retain
they
are
retained
.
Paul
,
When
ye
are
met
together
and
my
Spirit
,
&c.
And
therefore
,
tell
it
to
the
Church
,
we
are
to
denote
that
the
power
of
the
keyes
in
the
next
verse
,
was
directed
to
the
Apostles
in
the
word
ye
:
when
it
was
said
,
Whatsoever
ye
bind
on
earth
,
shall
be
bound
in
heaven
,
and
whatsoever
ye
loose
on
earth
,
shall
be
loosed
in
heaven
;
for
unto
them
was
most
of
this
chapter
directed
:
How
oft
shall
my
brother
offend
?
&c.
This
power
,
comonly
called
the
power
of
the
keyes
,
and
by
the
Romanists
appropriate
to
the
chief
of
that
Sea
only
,
is
that
divine
obsignation
of
Christian
authority
and
precept
:
whereby
those
laws
and
edicts
of
him
that
sitteth
in
the
seat
of
judgment
,
as
the
head
of
each
Church
,
that
were
but
civilly
or
morally
criminal
in
their
own
nature
,
and
obnoxious
to
temporal
wrath
onely
for
their
breach
,
come
now
to
be
sinful
and
damnable
;
as
being
violations
against
God
and
the
heavenly
thrown
it self
,
by
whom
they
are
impowred
,
and
whose
authority
they
do
represent
:
according
to
that
sentence
to
be
given
at
the
last
day
,
inasmuch
as
ye
have
,
or
have
not
done
it
,
&c.
Upon
which
grounds
,
we
may
know
what
to
conceive
of
that
article
of
our
Creed
,
I
believe
the
holy
Catholike
Church
:
which
some
would
wrest
,
and
make
use
of
to
draw
mens
obedience
which
way
they
pleased
,
by
proposing
unto
us
what
they
pleased
for
Catholike
doctrine
.
But
we
are
to
conceive
,
that
this
primitive
form
of
profession
of
Christian
faith
(
therefore
called
the
Apostles
Creed
)
was
offered
to
,
and
taken
by
such
as
were
to
be
admitted
into
the
Christian
Church
,
to
shew
and
state
their
beliefe
before
their
admittance
;
and
not
to
direct
their
obedience
afterwards
.
For
,
although
to
believe
in
God
,
in
Christ
,
in
the
holy
Ghost
,
do
,
together
with
the
acknowledgement
of
their
deity
,
draw
on
obedience
by
just
consequence
,
yet
was
this
form
of
profession
of
faith
(
therefore
called
the
Creed
)
made
but
to
denote
their
beliefe
of
their
true
existence
:
by
which
means
being
received
into
the
Church
,
their
obedience
was
thence
to
be
learnt
.
For
strange
it
had
been
,
for
the
Church
to
have
proposed
to
men
the
matter
of
obedience
to
any
,
of
whom
as
yet
they
had
no
beliefe
in
.
And
therefore
,
when
I
profess
to
believe
the
holy
Catholike
Church
,
the
word
holy
will
make
it
unconceiveable
how
it
should
directly
import
my
profession
of
obedience
:
and
that
,
not
onely
because
the
Catholike
Church
or
Christs
universal
body
,
cannot
(
as
before
noted
)
be
ever
comprehended
under
one
notion
and
conception
,
so
as
to
be
definitive
to
me
concerning
their
determinations
,
but
also
,
because
I
can
never
rightly
say
of
the
present
,
or
past
militant
Church
to
whom
I
seek
for
direction
,
that
they
are
all
holy
:
nor
can
men
that
live
in
a
particular
Church
,
be
ordinarily
able
to
know
what
is
,
and
what
is
not
Catholike
doctrine
,
besides
that
which
is
proposeth
.
Whereupon
understanding
our
belief
in
,
or
of
the
holy
Catholike
Church
,
to
import
our
beliefe
that
Christ
hath
a
true
sanctified
body
,
which
being
so
made
by
means
of
the
holy
Ghost
in
the
article
foregoing
,
comes
through
their
union
in
Christ
and
his
Spirit
,
to
be
of
one
communion
from
the
rest
of
the
world
;
and
so
to
be
the
Communion
of
Saints
,
as
in
the
article
following
.
So
that
then
,
although
the
Creed
(
as
a
Creed
)
cannot
of
it self
oblige
to
obedience
,
yet
since
the
beliefe
of
the
articles
thereof
,
do
by
consequent
bring
men
to
Christs
Church
,
and
,
out
of
desire
to
attain
that
Communion
of
Saints
,
doth
also
farther
prompt
me
to
acts
of
obedience
to
that
Church
to
whom
I
made
this
profession
;
it
will
therefore
follow
,
that
that
obedience
which
I
cannot
give
to
the
Catholick
Church
,
as
such
,
must
be
(
to
this
end
)
given
to
that
part
of
it
under
which
I
live
:
since
that
I
cannot
otherwise
obey
the
Catholike
,
then
by
obeying
the
particular
.
All
which
will
be
cleared
by
one
instance
of
Saint
Pauls
:
who
(
as
the
present
head
of
that
Church
)
gives
liberty
to
the
Corinthians
in
eating
of
things
offered
to
Idols
;
begotten
them
in
Christ
.
And
that
this
power
of
the
keyes
,
was
not
given
to
the
Apostles
onely
as
a
collective
body
of
Church
heads
,
and
so
to
the
Catholike
Church
onely
,
but
was
also
conferred
upon
the
particular
heads
of
the
Churches
,
appears
in
that
it
was
upon
occasion
particularly
given
to
Saint
Peter
:
And
as
they
were
in
one
place
spoken
to
Saint
Peter
alone
,
to
declare
against
consistorial
parity
:
so
were
they
elsewhere
given
joyntly
to
all
the
Apostles
(
the
then
visible
heads
of
Churches
)
to
abate
Popish
usurpation
.
For
they
were
not
to
be
commanding
one
another
,
out
of
their
Churches
,
as
they
might
those
within
them
;
which
was
forbidden
them
in
the
persons
of
Zebedees
Children
:
But
in
those
equalities
,
they
were
(
in
love
)
to
serve
one
another
:
submit
your selves
one
to
another
,
Minister
and
Servant
to
his
fellows
)
will
even
thereby
make
himselfe
chief
among
them
.
converted
and
become
as
little
Children
,
they
shall
then
be
greatest
in
the
kingdome
of
heaven
:
Who
so
shall
receive
one
such
little
Child
in
my
name
,
receiveth
me
:
that
is
,
in
hearing
and
obeying
him
,
he
shal
hear
and
obey
me
;
but
Who
so
shall
offend
one
of
these
little
ones
which
believe
in
me
,
it
were
better
a
milstone
were
hanged
about
his
neck
,
and
he
were
drowned
in
the
depth
of
the
sea
.
As
there
is
a
distinction
of
the
greatest
in
the
kingdom
of
heaven
,
verse
4
to
note
that
these
things
could
not
be
spoken
of
Christians
universally
(
for
then
received
and
receiving
should
be
confounded
and
still
the
same
)
so
to
shew
it
could
not
be
meant
of
many
in
each
Kingdom
or
Church
that
should
by
us
be
thus
received
,
it
follows
in
the
singular
number
in
the
fifth
verse
,
Who
so
shall
receive
one
;
and
so
in
the
sixth
verse
,
Who
so
shall
offend
one
of
these
little
ones
which
believe
in
me
,
&c.
By
which
last
expression
of
believe
in
me
,
as
we
finde
children
in
the
litteral
sence
excluded
,
so
may
we
finde
our
obedience
to
Christ
,
to
be
unquestionably
due
to
such
our
rightful
Superiours
as
are
Christians
and
believing
on
him
.
But
because
Christ
himself
had
formerly
foreseen
,
that
our
owne
natural
pride
and
lusts
would
ordinarily
draw
us
,
both
to
Antichristian
disobedience
against
our
Superiours
,
and
unto
neglect
of
the
dutyes
of
love
and
charity
to
our
neighbours
;
it
was
the
occasion
of
his
expressions
that
he
came
to
send
fire
on
earth
,
and
that
he
came
not
to
send
peace
,
&c.
For
in
that
consideration
,
he
here
saith
that
it
must
needs
be
that
offences
must
come
;
but
then
,
wo
to
them
by
whom
the
offence
cometh
:
and
admonisheth
,
of
hell
,
by
dispising
one
of
these
little
ones
;
who
were
by
office
,
who
came
to
save
that
which
was
lost
:
so
it
was
also
their
duty
,
to
regard
the
strayings
of
every
particular
sheep
in
their
foulds
:
and
it
came
thereupon
to
be
the
will
of
God
,
that
none
of
these
little
ones
should
parish
:
that
is
,
perish
by
violence
and
insurrection
.
The
farther
proof
,
that
these
phrases
of
little
and
least
,
were
parabolically
meant
of
persons
to
be
substituted
in
Christs
power
,
appears
in
that
(
through
all
the
three
forementioned
Evangelists
)
the
immediate
following
discourses
do
set
out
unto
us
the
plain
description
of
some
persons
by
Christ
in
that
sort
owned
.
Saint
Mark
and
Saint
Luke
do
it
as
of
one
that
had
no
direct
mission
from
him
,
who
yet
is
by
Christ
owned
,
because
he
did
his
works
of
power
in
his
name
:
and
owned
also
according
to
Saint
Marke
,
under
the
same
expression
for
obedience
,
as
he
had
formerly
set
downe
to
the
little
Children
,
viz.
whosoever
shall
offend
,
&c.
little
ones
as
all
one
.
And
to
ascertain
us
that
by
them
he
intended
his
Disciples
,
and
his
succeeding
deputyes
,
he
directs
his
speech
of
receipt
to
them
directly
:
Whosoever
shall
give
you
a
Cup
of
water
to
drinke
in
my
name
because
ye
belong
to
Christ
,
Verily
I
say
unto
you
he
shall
not
lose
his
reward
:
and
whosoever
shall
offend
one
of
these
little
ones
that
believe
in
me
,
&c.
by
that
means
making
them
and
these
little
ones
all
one
.
As
for
Saint
Matthew
,
he
sets
downe
the
description
of
the
Apostles
power
of
the
keyes
immediately
after
the
discourse
of
these
little
ones
:
so
that
,
by
setting
downe
the
chief
mark
of
the
power
of
the
Churches
head
next
,
we
have
farther
instruction
that
both
discourses
belong
to
the
same
person
.
Our
Saviour
,
in
setting
downe
the
office
of
the
Churches
heads
under
these
notions
of
little
ones
,
and
little
Children
,
and
of
defining
their
duty
of
humility
answerable
thereunto
,
might
have
allusion
unto
the
like
manner
of
expressions
used
by
his
typical
Father
David
,
who
was
usually
personated
as
the
Churches
head
:
as
we
find
it
expressed
in
the
131
Psalm
,
saying
,
My
heart
is
not
haughty
,
&c.
and
again
,
surely
I
have
behaved
and
quieted
my self
as
a
child
that
is
weaned
of
his
Mother
,
my
soul
is
even
as
a
weaned
child
.
And
as
thus
he
answers
for
his
mind
and
inward
behaviour
,
so
is
it
to
be
noted
that
himself
(
as
the
Paragon
king
)
was
in
his
person
very
little
:
whereas
his
predecessour
Saul
,
was
not
onely
haughty
,
but
also
higher
then
others
by
the
shoulders
;
and
so
not
so
fit
as
David
,
to
be
one
of
these
little
ones
by
our
Saviour
spoken
of
.
And
indeed
this
caveat
for
humility
,
given
by
our
Saviour
to
such
as
were
to
succeed
as
heads
and
guides
in
the
Christian
Church
,
is
but
the
same
in
effect
that
was
given
in
the
Jewish
Church
to
be
put
in
practise
by
their
Kings
:
that
his
heart
be
not
lift
up
above
his
brethren
.
And
although
our
Saviour
do
thus
set
downe
obedience
to
the
Church
heads
under
the
notion
of
little
ones
,
to
take
off
occasion
of
their
pride
;
yet
that
he
intended
such
persons
as
should
be
in
greater
charge
then
ordinary
,
appears
notably
by
his
telling
us
(
by
way
of
terror
)
of
their
power
:
namely
,
that
in
heaven
their
Angels
do
alwayes
behold
the
face
of
God
:
that
is
,
they
have
in
regard
of
their
great
trust
amongst
us
,
the
Angels
which
should
be
judged
at
the
last
Judgement
:
that
is
,
that
such
of
them
as
had
been
more
particularly
trusted
with
the
guardianship
of
particular
Churches
,
And
that
we
were
to
distinguish
these
little
ones
,
or
the
Churches
rulers
here
spoken
of
,
from
her
other
members
(
commonly
called
Children
,
but
without
the
addition
of
little
)
will
farther
appear
by
the
observation
of
what
was
spoken
of
before
.
For
unless
we
so
construe
them
,
I
see
not
how
that
discourse
can
be
direct
,
in
answer
to
the
Disciples
question
,
of
who
shall
be
greatest
,
that
is
,
whom
he
would
make
governor
over
the
rest
:
which
is
in
three
places
done
.
And
although
he
deny
them
this
power
over
one
another
,
yet
doth
he
not
theirs
,
or
others
having
it
over
ordinary
Church-members
:
upon
condition
they
must
be
converted
from
pride
,
and
become
humble
and
little
before
God
.
And
by
the
word
little
thus
received
,
may
we
interpret
that
speech
of
our
Saviours
concerning
Iohn
the
Baptist
:
He
that
is
least
in
the
Kingdome
of
heaven
is
greater
then
he
.
For
as
by
the
kingdome
of
heaven
we
are
to
understand
the
Church
,
was
the
greatest
of
those
which
were
born
of
women
:
but
because
these
little
ones
,
or
these
least
in
the
Kingdome
of
heaven
,
have
(
as
elsewhere
shewed
)
received
from
Christ
the
honour
and
trust
of
binding
and
loosing
,
greater
then
he
.
And
so
again
,
when
Christ
brings
in
himself
speaking
at
the
last
judgement
,
he
useth
the
like
expressions
:
Inasmuch
as
ye
have
done
it
,
or
not
done
it
unto
one
of
the
least
of
these
my
brethren
,
ye
have
done
it
,
or
not
done
it
unto
me
.
By
one
of
the
least
,
Children
and
Bret●ren
,
that
,
(
together
with
the
distinction
of
them
from
other
children
and
brethren
)
he
might
both
set
forth
that
extraordinary
humility
that
should
be
in
all
governours
,
and
might
also
relate
litterally
to
that
mean
estate
of
his
Disciples
,
the
Churches
present
governours
:
who
being
probably
to
be
most
persecuted
of
any
other
,
therefore
are
those
instances
of
charity
brought
in
which
become
men
in
that
condition
.
That
these
Epithetes
of
little
and
least
(
when
added
to
children
)
do
both
signifie
persons
substituted
in
Christs
authority
,
and
was
also
given
to
teach
humility
and
love
(
especially
one
toward
another
)
will
lastly
appear
by
those
passages
discribed
by
the
other
Evangelist
Saint
Iohn
:
because
spoken
while
Christ
is
deligating
his
Apostles
,
as
is
related
in
the
13
chapter
and
afterward
.
For
in
these
chapters
his
speech
of
little
children
,
But
although
here
,
as
elsewhere
,
he
is
most
copious
in
putting
them
in
mind
of
that
duty
of
meekness
and
humility
which
becometh
their
large
power
;
yet
that
a
great
power
was
delegated
unto
them
,
appeares
in
the
beginning
of
the
Chapter
.
Now
when
Iesus
knew
that
his
hour
was
come
,
that
he
should
depart
out
of
this
world
unto
the
Father
:
that
is
,
therefore
Jesus
knowing
that
the
Father
had
given
all
things
into
his
hands
,
and
that
he
was
come
from
God
,
and
went
to
God
:
As
my
Father
sent
me
,
so
send
I
you
:
and
whosoever
heareth
you
,
heareth
me
,
and
the
like
;
but
this
beloved
Disciple
,
(
after
his
usual
manner
)
coucheth
all
under
the
notion
of
love
.
And
therefore
their
power
or
mission
is
amongst
other
things
parabolically
set
downe
:
As
my
Father
hath
loved
me
,
so
have
I
loved
you
;
continue
in
my
love
:
that
is
,
As
thou
hast
sent
me
into
the
world
,
even
so
have
I
also
sent
them
into
the
world
.
All
which
,
and
other
considerations
before
spoken
of
,
(
in
confirming
the
Churches
power
under
her
owne
Ministers
)
should
methinks
be
sufficient
to
stop
the
haste
of
such
,
as
do
so
headily
obtrude
their
owne
private
interpretation
of
Scripture
against
that
which
is
publike
,
and
made
by
lawful
authority
.
For
unless
they
can
make
some
extraordinary
mission
appear
,
whereby
God
hath
something
to
say
by
them
,
not
said
before
;
why
should
men
be
so
beguiled
,
as
to
think
them
not
subject
to
like
passions
and
infirmities
with
those
that
have
the
interpretation
of
Gods
word
already
?
And
truly
,
their
crying
out
for
obedience
to
Gods
word
onely
,
and
yet
proposing
it
as
such
,
when
guided
according
to
their
sence
onely
,
imports
none
other
,
then
an
ayme
thereby
to
engross
all
honour
and
authority
to
themselves
only
.
And
therefore
,
that
command
appears
at
this
time
extreamly
necessary
;
to
put
them
in
mind
to
be
subject
to
principalities
and
powers
,
to
obey
Magistrates
,
to
be
ready
to
every
good
work
,
to
speak
evil
of
no
man
,
to
be
no
brawlers
,
but
gentle
,
shewing
meekness
to
all
men
.
And
a
greater
truth
cannot
be
spoken
,
nor
a
mo●e
seasonable
admonition
given
,
then
to
mark
them
that
cause
divisions
and
offences
,
contrary
to
the
doctrine
which
they
have
learned
,
and
to
avoid
them
:
for
they
that
are
such
,
serve
not
our
Lord
Jesus
Christ
but
their
owne
belly
,
and
by
good
words
and
fair
speeches
deceive
the
hearts
of
the
simple
.
Paul
,
Apollo
,
Cephas
;
and
our
hatred
,
varience
,
emulations
,
wrath
,
strife
,
seditions
,
envyings
,
murthers
,
&c.
are
works
of
the
flesh
,
not
of
the
spirit
:
and
are
because
we
are
carnal
and
walk
as
men
.
faith
that
worketh
holy
love
;
we
will
now
speak
more
fully
of
that
grace
of
love
or
charity
which
must
be
joyned
to
keep
us
innocent
;
and
also
of
that
other
grace
of
obedience
,
which
is
requisite
to
make
charity
effectual
.
CHAP.
VII
.
Of
love
and
obedience
,
and
of
our
state
of
innocence
thereby
.
TO
be
sensible
of
good
or
happiness
is
to
be
living
,
and
to
be
the
more
hereof
sensible
is
to
be
more
living
.
For
as
there
is
a
positive
dignity
by
sensation
it self
,
that
is
,
of
sensitive
above
Inanimates
,
so
is
there
a
comparative
exellence
therein
again
,
arising
from
degree
thereof
.
Whereby
each
thing
stands
in
degree
of
happiness
and
excellence
differenced
,
by
that
degree
of
vigour
and
intensness
in
apprehension
,
and
also
by
degree
of
steadiness
and
continuance
in
possession
.
Now
as
experience
in
the
natural
course
of
things
doth
inform
,
that
in
all
progression
there
must
be
a
perfection
and
summety
,
so
in
this
case
especially
;
where
perfection
of
degrees
must
also
arise
from
perfection
of
parts
:
even
from
that
more
inward
and
lively
sence
of
happiness
and
fruition
,
which
the
contemplations
of
its
own
inherent
worth
must
constantly
afford
.
For
as
it
is
unconceivable
how
there
could
be
a
progression
in
dignity
without
coming
to
an
acme
and
perfection
,
so
also
is
it
not
imaginable
that
this
perfection
can
be
in
any
less
degree
therein
stated
,
then
to
be
causally
and
originally
so
:
because
if
this
happiness
or
the
sence
thereof
should
depend
on
the
enjoyment
of
foraign
objects
and
helps
(
as
in
man
)
then
,
for
want
of
an
original
of
life
and
perfection
,
all
derivatives
must
cease
also
.
From
all
which
as
we
may
conclude
the
being
of
a
deity
from
the
necessary
progression
of
life
&
well
being
,
so
also
must
we
conclude
that
nothing
under
God
Almighty
can
be
perfectly
happy
.
For
as
in
him
alone
an
absolute
perfection
of
essence
can
always
be
found
,
so
it
must
be
to
him
alwayes
so
clearly
perceptible
and
known
,
as
to
fill
himself
with
such
full
acquiescence
and
delight
,
that
,
with
due
regard
to
his
omnipotency
,
no
foraigne
want
or
fear
can
be
supposed
any
wayes
available
to
impoverish
or
delete
that
impression
,
which
the
vision
and
contemplation
of
the
beatifical
glory
of
himself
must
,
from
eternity
,
make
within
himself
.
When
we
contemplate
our selves
,
or
our
own
happiness
or
perfection
,
there
being
many
things
observable
more
perfect
and
happy
then
we
,
and
through
diversion
of
other
objects
engaging
us
to
farther
hope
or
fear
,
and
through
weakness
of
comprehension
and
understanding
,
being
alwayes
ready
to
be
so
diverted
and
foyled
in
our
contemplations
,
it
is
not
to
be
expected
that
this
unsteady
and
weak
consideration
of
an
object
so
unworthy
as
our selves
,
made
within
our selves
,
should
leave
any
such
noble
and
firm
character
there
,
as
to
fill
and
settle
us
with
any
degree
of
acquiescence
and
delight
,
or
to
bring
it
to
an
existent
perfection
.
Whereas
,
in
God
,
that
could
never
be
but
perfect
,
and
also
knowingly
and
delightedly
so
,
that
resemblance
of
himself
which
must
from
eternity
have
conception
&
being
in
himself
,
must
be
supposed
even
naturally
generating
the
like
existence
and
continuance
of
such
another
self
,
under
the
relation
of
a
Son
.
For
all
cause
of
extinction
or
abatement
being
taken
away
,
that
which
was
from
eternity
thus
naturally
begotten
,
must
be
to
eternity
thus
necessary
continued
.
And
easily
it
may
be
conceived
,
that
were
any
one
stated
in
such
an
unchangeable
degree
of
essential
perfection
in
himself
,
as
to
have
all
perfection
there
centred
and
confined
;
and
then
to
be
endued
with
such
high
and
steady
degree
of
understanding
and
comprehension
,
as
to
be
hereof
alwayes
sensible
,
and
herewith
alwayes
delighted
;
and
then
lastly
,
supposing
this
person
to
be
alwayes
accompanied
with
omnipotency
too
,
then
,
as
nothing
could
hinder
him
from
his
continual
enjoyment
of
himself
,
so
also
cannot
any
cause
of
change
be
conceived
;
whereby
that
which
was
thus
lively
impressed
,
should
not
have
like
continuance
and
self
existence
also
.
A
strong
confirmation
and
help
to
our
conceipts
in
these
things
may
be
taken
from
our selves
:
who
constantly
and
naturally
(
as
shewing
whence
we
derived
it
)
are
moved
in
the
love
and
delight
we
take
to
any
object
,
according
to
that
impress
or
conception
which
is
inwardly
entertained
of
them
:
and
experience
telling
us
that
the
fruition
doth
never
answer
the
expectation
,
because
it
comes
alwaies
short
of
the
perfection
of
the
Idea
,
it
doth
prove
that
that
degree
of
delight
ariseth
from
degree
of
excellence
of
the
object
in
it self
,
and
from
degree
of
inward
perception
thereof
.
In
us
,
as
all
knowledge
is
admitted
by
degrees
at
the
dores
of
the
sences
,
according
to
iuch
feeble
representations
as
the
weakness
of
the
sences
themselves
and
the
unworthiness
of
created
objects
will
afford
,
It
is
no
wonder
if
,
by
reason
of
so
large
disparity
,
such
unsteady
and
unaffecting
impressions
do
remain
,
in
comparison
of
what
we
may
conceive
to
be
where
all
these
defects
are
taken
off
:
especially
since
,
by
this
foraign
way
of
knowledge
(
to
wit
by
sence
)
we
are
not
able
to
know
or
appreh●nd
truly
our selves
,
as
the
divine
essence
is
,
by
means
of
continual
presence
and
intuition
:
and
so
beget
,
and
be
possessed
with
a
continual
self-love
,
which
is
the
strongest
impression
and
delight
that
may
be
.
As
thus
to
the
manner
,
so
,
to
the
measure
of
the
generation
,
it
will
follow
,
that
as
this
infinite
comprehension
of
God
,
stood
entirely
implyed
in
the
contemplation
of
that
full
beauty
,
glory
,
and
perfection
of
his
whole
essence
,
so
must
the
person
hereby
generated
be
equally
God
also
:
for
where
the
worker
and
the
substance
wrought
upon
are
the
same
,
what
is
thereby
wrought
must
be
the
same
too
.
Now
,
as
it
a
natural
and
necessary
property
of
every
inteligent
and
voluntary
agent
to
be
to
it self
regardful
in
the
first
place
,
and
to
other
things
as
they
stand
thereto
like
and
relating
,
which
we
call
love
,
so
,
in
this
case
,
that
perfect
similitude
and
essential
same-ness
which
must
cause
the
Father
and
Son
with
high
and
continual
entercourse
off
affection
to
be
perpetually
beholding
each
other
,
must
,
as
proceeding
from
,
and
bestowed
upon
persons
of
such
omnipotency
and
dignity
,
produce
also
a
third
like
personal
existence
;
even
that
of
the
holy
Ghost
.
Because
(
as
before
said
)
where
the
subject
wrought
upon
and
the
worker
are
both
God
,
that
which
proceedeth
there
from
must
be
God
also
;
very
God
of
very
God
.
As
thus
for
the
coequality
of
Son
and
holy
Ghost
,
so
for
their
coeternity
:
since
that
perfection
of
the
divine
ess●nce
must
from
the
very
first
be
,
and
be
by
it self
conceived
,
and
also
loved
,
it
must
follow
that
these
two
presons
must
be
also
as
much
without
begining
as
the
other
.
For
although
,
with
us
,
that
have
our
beings
and
conceptions
imperfect
and
depending
upon
foraign
helps
,
and
by
reason
that
our
knowledge
was
by
degrees
attained
from
observation
of
figurate
and
material
bodies
as
they
stand
limitted
in
time
and
place
of
operations
,
it
is
not
to
be
imagined
that
any
perfect
conception
should
be
made
in
us
of
a
substance
so
spiritual
and
sublime
,
much
less
any
such
rational
deffinition
or
discourse
made
for
the
satisfaction
of
others
of
a
substance
transcending
the
similitude
and
comparison
of
any
other
,
therefore
the
best
expressions
of
himself
is
from
himself
,
saying
,
I
am
that
I
am
:
yet
,
were
all
these
impediments
taken
off
,
we
may
conceive
being
and
well
being
to
be
eternally
the
same
;
and
that
omniscience
should
necessarily
arise
from
,
and
accompany
omnipresence
;
and
that
again
,
being
inseparably
accompanied
with
omnipotence
,
it
must
follow
,
that
to
be
,
and
to
know
,
and
to
will
,
and
to
act
,
are
all
the
same
in
him
,
that
could
never
be
devided
into
parts
in
himself
,
nor
circumscribed
nor
limitted
by
any
other
,
in
time
,
place
,
or
measure
,
of
energy
;
whereby
,
as
to
these
personal
relations
,
he
should
not
be
from
,
and
continue
to
eternity
the
same
that
now
he
is
:
that
is
,
not
onely
be
really
the
same
three
,
but
,
by
this
divers
manner
of
existence
of
these
three
ones
in
the
same
one
substance
,
we
may
,
through
their
union
amongst
themselves
,
conceive
deity
it self
to
be
more
fixed
and
setled
in
unity
or
one-ness
then
it
would
be
otherwise
.
From
the
observation
of
the
manner
of
existence
and
working
of
any
thing
objected
to
humane
sence
,
where
agent
and
patient
stand
circumscribed
and
limitted
by
the
laws
of
matter
,
it
must
be
very
heard
to
deduce
any
satisfactory
conception
how
these
things
should
be
brought
to
pass
.
It
must
needs
be
hard
for
us
to
apprehend
how
one
God
should
thus
be
three
:
at
the
same
time
truly
one
,
as
to
the
Godhead
,
and
truly
three
,
as
to
the
persons
:
and
this
,
without
division
of
substance
,
or
confusion
of
peresons
:
that
he
that
was
begotten
should
be
as
ancient
as
he
which
did
beget
him
;
and
againe
,
that
that
person
that
had
procession
from
the
other
two
should
yet
be
as
much
without
beginning
as
either
of
them
.
And
all
,
because
created
bodies
being
to
work
according
to
those
rules
which
nhe
Creator
did
appoint
,
to
the
intent
that
that
end
which
was
by
him
aimed
at
in
the
course
of
his
providence
might
have
a
regular
and
certain
effect
,
it
was
necessary
that
they
should
be
ascertained
,
stated
,
and
limitted
,
by
the
laws
of
number
,
time
,
place
,
&c.
Forasmuch
as
,
if
any
one
or
more
of
them
should
not
be
numerically
and
separately
that
very
one
,
or
that
very
number
more
,
a
perpetual
miscellany
and
confusion
would
follow
;
to
the
defeating
nature
in
her
operations
,
and
to
the
depriving
her
of
her
variety
,
for
want
of
distinct
subsistences
and
individuals
.
And
should
not
natural
Agents
be
confined
to
time
and
place
,
whereby
that
which
is
now
done
,
or
here
done
,
was
not
at
all
times
,
and
every
where
done
,
it
must
then
fall
out
,
that
things
thus
left
at
liberty
,
must
work
infinitely
to
the
degree
of
deity
:
or
else
,
being
impeded
by
the
like
unconfined
operation
of
others
,
all
must
perish
by
reluctance
and
disorder
:
Whereas
God
,
that
had
thus
by
number
and
measure
stated
and
bounded
other
things
,
must
be
looked
upon
as
unlimitted
in
himself
by
those
limitations
which
he
puts
upon
others
.
That
unity
,
that
moment
,
that
point
,
from
whose
simpleness
the
numbers
,
times
,
proportions
,
wherewith
other
things
,
stand
bordered
do
take
their
original
and
derivation
(
although
they
were
from
him
,
yet
)
they
are
not
at
all
afficient
on
him
,
he
cannot
be
confined
by
those
confinements
he
puts
on
others
;
but
remaines
in
himself
still
so
much
more
simple
then
they
,
as
not
to
be
patible
by
them
.
It
would
be
derogatory
to
him
to
think
him
so
numerically
and
determinately
one
,
as
to
say
he
is
but
one
:
for
that
were
to
say
or
suppose
there
were
more
ones
,
which
this
one
did
not
comprehend
;
and
so
,
he
not
the
whole
and
incomprehensible
one
.
No
,
he
is
one
,
as
being
all
:
his
oneness
is
from
his
allness
;
his
unity
from
his
ubiquity
.
Not
seperately
and
singly
one
as
in
relation
to
another
,
but
as
comprehending
all
things
else
;
he
is
totally
and
universally
one
,
and
that
,
without
confinement
of
time
or
place
.
But
however
there
be
coequality
and
coeternity
amongst
those
three
,
as
considered
in
themselves
,
and
in
relation
to
that
one
divine
substance
whereof
they
are
possessed
,
and
wherein
they
do
unite
,
yet
,
as
they
stand
differenced
in
order
amongst
themselves
according
to
their
relations
,
so
are
they
,
in
their
emanations
and
operations
upon
men
and
other
Creatures
,
distinguishable
by
their
order
of
working
also
.
For
whatever
is
done
by
God
the
Father
,
is
done
in
the
Son
,
and
through
the
holy
Ghost
:
who
,
as
last
in
order
,
is
neerest
unto
us
in
the
participations
of
deity
here
.
For
that
second
person
in
the
Trinity
,
who
in
his
natural
and
eternal
generation
,
as
God
,
was
begotten
of
God
the
Father
,
when
he
took
our
nature
upon
him
,
and
did
in
it
perform
the
work
of
our
redemption
,
was
then
conceived
by
the
holy
Ghost
:
by
whom
also
we
receive
all
those
spiritual
blessings
,
graces
,
and
favours
,
which
,
by
means
of
Christs
Mediatorship
and
merits
,
are
from
God
the
Father
to
be
expected
by
us
,
as
the
earnest
of
his
love
in
his
Son
.
From
whence
it
comes
to
pass
,
that
the
sin
against
this
person
is
set
downe
as
unpardonable
;
as
including
all
the
rest
:
by
being
a
more
neer
contempt
against
them
all
,
because
none
can
act
alone
.
Lastly
although
by
these
divers
personal
subsistencies
in
the
same
substance
,
we
may
conceive
deity
,
as
to
inward
operations
and
respects
,
to
be
so
fully
compleated
that
no
farther
generation
or
procession
needed
(
because
understanding
and
will
stand
hereby
alwayes
satisfied
with
adequate
objects
of
truth
and
good
)
yet
as
those
incomprehensible
rayes
of
love
and
glory
which
before
all
time
were
mutually
and
continually
communicated
by
these
three
most
blessed
persons
(
as
coming
from
omnipotent
Agents
)
could
not
otherwise
otherwise
be
confined
in
operation
then
by
their
owne
good
pleasure
,
so
it
being
the
property
of
glory
and
goodness
to
be
extensive
,
and
as
natural
to
do
good
as
be
good
,
it
came
to
pass
(
in
time
)
that
that
inward
contemplation
which
was
at
first
the
generation
of
him
that
was
the
Image
of
his
Fathers
glory
,
In
the
former
way
of
working
,
the
divine
substance
it self
is
wrought
upon
and
communicated
;
in
this
,
only
the
attributes
thereof
are
imparted
,
according
to
matter
newly
created
.
The
working
of
deity
in
the
first
way
,
was
natural
and
necessary
:
but
in
this
,
voluntary
.
For
the
Father
could
not
be
said
to
will
to
beget
the
Son
;
nor
could
the
holy
Ghost
be
thought
to
take
voluntary
procession
from
the
other
two
:
because
none
could
be
said
to
will
that
to
be
done
,
which
at
no
time
was
,
or
could
be
undone
.
The
cause
of
the
operations
in
the
first
case
was
perfect
love
,
arising
from
perfect
similitude
;
in
this
,
as
the
similitude
was
more
imperfect
,
so
the
intercourse
of
affection
also
was
more
properly
an
expression
of
charity
or
gift
upon
objects
of
want
,
then
an
ayme
at
f●uition
through
sence
of
likeness
and
same-ness
;
the
which
we
may
make
the
definition
of
love
,
and
thereby
somewhat
difference
it
from
charity
:
because
the
one
seeks
to
enjoy
,
the
other
to
bestow
:
though
usually
they
are
taken
for
the
same
,
and
fall
into
one
another
.
For
that
,
whosoever
loves
is
alwayes
ready
to
bestow
;
and
none
was
ever
bountiful
to
any
thing
unloved
,
or
unlike
.
In
declaration
of
these
sublime
misteries
much
more
might
be
said
:
but
,
when
we
have
said
all
we
can
,
it
is
not
to
be
conceived
that
the
feeble
brain
of
man
can
ever
attain
any
steady
degree
of
comprehension
of
that
in
accessible
light
:
it
being
more
easy
to
lose
our
reason
in
a
curious
search
,
then
satisfie
it
in
any
full
discovery
.
And
therefore
,
our
safest
course
is
to
confess
we
know
him
not
:
having
indeed
no
warrantable
rule
for
our
direction
herein
,
but
what
God
himself
,
hath
of
himself
,
in
the
holy
Scripture
set
downe
.
The
which
,
had
it
not
stiled
the
second
person
the
the
Image
of
the
invisible
God
,
the
brigh●ness
of
his
fathers
glory
,
and
the
express
Image
of
his
persons
;
And
so
leading
us
to
conceive
of
the
procession
of
the
holy
Ghost
,
I
see
not
how
the
true
personal
existence
of
those
three
that
bear
record
in
heaven
could
have
been
apprehended
.
As
for
that
hypostatical
union
of
the
two
natures
in
that
one
person
of
our
Saviour
(
a
mystery
also
necessary
in
some
sort
to
be
comprehended
and
believed
)
it
is
learnedly
done
by
others
;
especially
by
the
pen
of
Judicious
Hooker
:
and
is
not
to
our
present
occasion
so
proper
.
But
so
much
I
thought
necessary
to
premise
in
this
place
,
for
the
better
conception
of
the
personal
subsistance
of
deity
;
by
way
of
supply
to
what
was
briefly
spoken
of
the
unity
thereof
,
and
its
operations
,
in
the
entrance
of
the
first
book
;
and
what
shall
be
spoken
thereof
in
the
last
chapter
of
this
book
:
this
being
as
necessary
to
be
known
to
state
us
Christians
,
as
that
was
to
remove
us
from
Atheism
:
and
also
for
the
better
understanding
the
original
and
nature
of
love
it self
,
whereof
we
are
now
to
treat
.
For
hence
we
may
perceive
how
God
himself
is
said
to
be
love
,
if
we
love
one
another
,
God
dwelleth
in
us
,
and
his
love
is
made
perfect
in
us
.
The
which
is
not
onely
true
in
the
natural
state
,
wherein
all
creatures
had
existence
and
perfection
from
the
love
of
God
manifested
in
Christ
by
whom
he
made
the
world
,
which
moved
upon
the
waters
;
the
love
of
God
shed
abroad
●n
our
hearts
by
the
holy
Ghost
which
is
given
us
.
As
the
general
praise
of
love
is
most
plainly
and
largly
discoursed
of
by
Saint
John
,
so
is
he
most
of
all
copious
to
shew
how
love
and
charity
(
being
the
general
precept
for
Christians
)
are
the
fulfilling
of
the
law
:
and
how
they
secure
us
in
a
state
of
innocence
.
And
therefore
,
commending
love
to
us
,
he
saith
,
I
write
no
new
Commandment
unto
you
,
but
that
which
ye
have
heard
from
the
beginning
:
meaning
,
from
Christ
himself
,
who
had
shewed
that
this
precept
of
charity
or
love
was
(
as
hath
been
hitherto
shewed
)
the
sum
and
scope
of
all
the
Law
and
the
Prophets
:
that
is
,
a
new
Commandment
I
write
unto
you
,
which
things
is
true
in
him
and
in
you
:
because
the
darkness
is
past
,
and
the
true
light
shineth
.
That
is
,
true
in
him
that
hath
thus
rid
us
of
strict
legal
observance
,
For
he
that
saith
he
is
in
the
light
,
and
hateth
his
Brother
,
is
in
darkness
even
until
now
:
but
he
that
loveth
his
brother
,
abideth
in
the
light
,
and
there
is
no
occasion
of
stumbling
in
him
.
That
we
should
believe
the
name
of
Christ
Jesus
,
and
love
one
another
.
And
therefore
is
this
Gospel
single
light
,
hinted
unto
us
as
a
single
eye
,
which
enlighteneth
the
whole
body
.
This
state
of
innocence
through
love
,
strait
Gate
:
both
for
its
singleness
of
precept
,
(
in
regard
of
those
many
precepts
formerly
given
us
)
and
for
its
difficult
too
:
as
for
loving
of
Enemies
and
the
like
.
This
is
that
wedding
garment
,
which
whilst
we
have
on
,
we
need
not
doubt
our selves
true
members
of
,
and
truly
fitted
for
Christs
Church
and
kingdome
:
but
if
wanting
it
,
we
are
then
to
be
rejected
and
cast
out
.
For
without
this
roab
of
charity
,
we
shall
be
ready
to
devide
this
his
kingdome
against
it self
,
by
breach
of
peace
and
order
;
this
being
the
leaven
that
must
season
all
we
do
.
This
is
that
rock
,
on
which
we
founding
our
Christian
duties
,
through
faith
in
Christ
,
they
shall
stand
unmoveable
against
the
stormes
and
tempests
of
the
world
:
whereas
else
,
prophesie
,
miracles
,
mighty
works
,
though
done
in
Christs
name
,
and
with
never
so
religious
pretences
,
shall
not
make
him
owne
us
,
without
its
being
their
ground
work
.
And
to
this
purpose
he
saith
,
If
ye
keep
my
Commandments
ye
shall
abide
in
my
love
,
even
as
I
have
kept
my
Fathers
Commandments
and
abide
in
his
love
:
and
then
he
ads
,
this
is
my
Commandment
that
ye
love
one
another
,
as
I
have
loved
you
.
And
least
any
one
should
think
,
that
this
Commandment
was
but
a
single
precept
,
and
not
general
,
and
including
all
the
rest
of
his
Commandments
,
he
farther
adds
;
these
things
I
Commanded
you
,
that
ye
love
one
another
.
Where
the
command
of
love
is
put
in
the
plural
number
,
excepted
from
sin
,
notwithstanding
his
likeness
to
us
in
the
frailty
and
infirmities
of
nature
;
even
because
of
that
perfect
love
to
men
,
and
perfect
obedience
to
God
with
which
they
stood
accompanied
and
directed
;
even
so
is
each
one
in
degree
innocent
,
according
to
that
degree
of
love
and
obedience
they
bear
towards
their
brethren
,
and
to
him
their
head
.
And
indeed
none
speaks
so
home
herein
as
our
Saviour
himself
,
both
to
make
love
the
fulfilling
of
the
law
,
and
also
to
make
obedience
our
secure
direction
herein
:
for
in
three
several
places
,
Matth.
19.19
.
Mark
10.19
.
Luke
18.20
.
being
recorded
to
give
the
summ
of
the
Commandments
to
be
observed
by
him
that
should
inherit
eternal
life
,
he
puts
the
command
honour
thy
Father
and
Mother
,
And
then
,
this
command
being
set
downe
as
last
of
the
first
Table
,
it
must
be
supposed
put
for
the
rest
:
implying
,
that
our
love
and
honor
to
God
himself
,
(
now
absent
)
is
best
discovered
in
what
we
do
to
these
his
deputies
present
amongst
us
.
And
take
it
as
of
the
first
,
or
second
Table
;
yet
his
words
are
express
,
for
making
this
obedience
the
fulfilling
of
the
law
,
Matth.
19.19
.
Honour
thy
Father
and
thy
Mother
,
and
thou
shalt
love
thy
Neighbour
as
thy self
:
shewing
thereby
(
as
heretofore
noted
)
that
the
precepts
of
Do
as
thou
wouldest
be
done
unto
,
and
love
thy
Neighbour
as
thy self
,
can
never
have
right
proportion
and
valew
,
without
the
authority
and
coynage
of
a
just
and
common
superiour
to
us
both
:
by
the
standard
of
whose
precepts
it
is
to
be
impartially
estimated
.
For
Christ
had
before
recited
the
particular
precepts
of
our
love
to
our
Neighbour
:
but
now
he
summs
them
up
to
be
perfected
and
fulfilled
in
love
;
even
as
that
love
is
to
be
compleated
and
directed
by
obedience
to
superiours
.
Else
when
we
think
our selves
least
biassed
with
self
respect
,
and
do
most
really
examine
our
thoughts
before
we
act
,
how
that
they
are
none
other
but
what
(
with
like
circumstances
)
we
would
be
content
to
have
received
from
him
or
others
,
we
might
yet
be
deceived
.
For
since
first
,
all
the
intervening
circumstances
could
not
be
by
us
throughly
considered
,
nor
what
measure
of
concern
they
had
unto
that
person
and
me
,
and
all
other
parties
besides
:
it
cannot
be
avoided
,
but
that
taking
the
judgment
upon
mine
owne
score
herein
,
I
must
have
failed
,
in
doing
(
through
ignorance
and
mistake
)
wrong
to
my self
,
to
that
my
Neighbour
,
or
to
some
other
.
For
although
I
have
but
don
as
I
would
be
done
unto
,
as
to
my
judgment
did
appear
,
yet
when
it
must
fall
out
,
that
no
one
man
can
foresee
and
state
all
other
mens
concerns
fully
,
it
must
follow
that
judging
upon
wrong
evidence
,
he
hath
made
wrong
judgement
:
and
so
not
loved
his
Neighbour
as
himself
.
And
therefore
all
innocence
must
proceed
from
obedience
:
for
at
the
last
judgment
,
when
all
things
shall
be
truly
stated
and
laid
open
,
and
it
shall
be
made
appear
,
how
in
this
or
that
particular
,
I
did
to
my self
or
some
other
an
evil
which
I
thought
not
of
,
it
will
not
be
a
sufficient
excuse
,
for
me
that
took
upon
me
to
judge
herein
,
to
say
I
was
not
aware
thereof
;
or
that
I
was
ignorant
it
was
at
all
,
or
in
such
measure
any
harm
;
or
that
such
persons
were
therein
at
all
,
or
so
much
concerned
.
For
since
every
one
is
to
be
alike
loved
as
my
Neighbour
,
my
intent
of
loving
and
regarding
,
some
one
or
few
herein
as
my self
,
will
not
(
though
rightly
done
)
assoyle
me
of
such
failings
and
dangers
,
as
must
hereby
happen
to
others
also
:
by
whom
(
when
it
comes
to
be
truly
stated
)
I
must
acknowledge
I
have
not
done
as
I
would
be
done
unto
:
for
I
would
be
loath
that
another
should
injure
me
,
under
colour
of
doing
right
to
another
.
And
therefore
that
admonition
of
Saint
James
,
is
to
be
carefully
remembred
by
all
Subjects
,
that
in
their
deportments
towards
others
,
would
keep
themselves
unblameable
:
My
Brethren
be
not
many
Masters
,
knowing
that
we
shall
receive
the
greater
condemnation
:
clearly
evincing
that
guilt
sticks
so
close
to
all
our
commerce
with
others
;
And
therefore
was
it
not
sin
in
the
Israelites
,
according
to
the
words
of
Moses
)
to
borrow
of
their
Neighbours
,
with
an
intent
to
deceive
them
:
because
he
that
commanded
it
,
had
from
God
(
by
his
office
)
perfect
propriety
in
the
dispose
of
their
actions
.
For
though
it
might
be
objected
,
that
they
would
not
have
been
to
dealt
withall
by
the
Egyptians
themselves
:
this
was
true
as
to
the
usage
of
the
thing
,
considered
separate
from
that
authority
by
which
it
was
done
,
but
not
in
relation
to
their
equal
obligation
to
superiours
in
matters
of
obedience
.
For
although
they
would
not
themselves
have
been
content
to
have
been
so
deceived
;
yet
,
in
obeying
a
superiours
command
,
they
did
but
unto
him
as
they
would
be
done
unto
,
had
they
been
in
his
case
.
For
he
having
whole
interest
,
is
thereupon
to
be
wholly
looked
on
,
as
in
relation
to
the
performance
of
the
divine
precept
of
do
as
thou
wouldest
be
done
unto
.
For
as
it
is
easy
,
so
alwayes
just
,
for
a
man
to
distribute
and
give
to
others
of
those
things
that
are
all
his
owne
:
Whereas
he
that
hath
but
an
uncertain
share
,
and
that
mingled
with
many
,
must
in
his
decision
(
through
partial
and
uncertain
interest
)
give
a
partial
and
uncertain
judgement
:
and
so
many
times
falls
short
of
the
rules
of
charity
,
and
loving
others
as
our selves
,
when
he
most
intends
it
.
Nay
,
if
our
Saviours
words
be
well
weighed
,
(
who
gave
us
this
rule
)
we
shall
finde
publike
allowance
appointed
to
be
our
guidance
therein
:
and
that
the
usage
of
others
,
was
not
left
to
each
ones
private
judgement
.
For
although
men
of
late
(
out
of
arrogance
,
and
to
valew
their
single
judgments
)
have
put
it
into
the
singular
number
of
do
as
thou
wouldest
be
done
unto
;
yet
from
the
beginning
it
was
not
so
.
But
when
it
was
set
downe
as
a
rule
for
fulfilling
the
law
and
the
Prophets
,
whatsoevey
ye
would
that
men
should
do
unto
you
,
do
ye
even
so
to
them
,
&c.
plainly
shewing
that
no
man
had
warrant
from
hence
to
act
any
kind
of
wickedness
,
if
he
could
gaine
a
third
persons
consent
;
but
the
words
men
and
them
must
imply
publick
approbation
,
or
that
persons
approbation
that
hath
publike
charge
.
When
the
precept
of
love
is
set
downe
,
it
being
each
mans
duty
to
be
affected
therewith
,
and
ready
to
perform
to
the
utmost
of
his
power
,
it
is
therefore
commanded
in
the
singular
number
,
thou
shalt
love
thy
Neighbour
as
thy self
.
For
this
being
not
onely
in
the
first
place
necessary
,
as
the
root
of
that
tree
on
which
our
outward
charitable
works
must
grow
,
but
being
also
hidden
in
our
hearts
,
where
none
on
earth
can
have
cognisance
,
it
could
not
refer
to
the
approbation
of
others
.
But
because
in
the
outward
exercise
of
this
love
,
I
might
transgress
in
quantity
,
and
so
(
as
heretofore
shewed
)
do
otherwise
to
some
of
my
Neighbours
,
then
I
would
be
done
unto
my self
,
even
whilst
I
am
vehemently
loving
others
as
my self
,
therefore
am
I
not
to
act
by
private
light
,
and
as
a
single
man
in
this
case
;
but
as
having
direction
or
leave
from
that
publike
person
that
hath
common
interest
.
For
although
this
root
of
love
,
be
onely
or
chiefly
to
be
watered
by
the
dew
of
heaven
,
as
having
its
formal
seed
from
thence
alone
,
yet
is
the
plant
it self
of
that
nature
,
as
without
the
culture
of
the
gardner
,
not
onely
to
become
barren
or
adulterate
in
its
fruit
,
but
also
by
its
manner
of
growth
,
to
disorder
and
overshadow
the
rest
of
the
trees
of
the
same
garden
.
Every
man
therefore
is
to
love
every
man
as
himself
,
as
they
are
to
be
considered
in
their
general
equallity
of
men
;
but
since
under
policy
and
government
,
we
cannot
be
externally
separate
from
those
different
relations
which
the
rule
of
that
polity
hath
submitted
us
unto
,
therefore
is
the
guidance
of
private
mens
actions
in
these
different
relations
,
to
be
regulated
by
him
that
hath
the
charge
of
the
whole
Kingdome
:
who
is
to
order
every
one
under
him
,
as
the
general
Oeconomy
thereof
shall
require
:
and
who
,
according
to
their
joynt
and
common
relations
unto
him
,
as
subjects
,
may
do
to
men
as
he
(
in
his
publike
capacity
)
would
have
men
do
to
him
.
And
if
we
do
not
interpret
the
meaning
of
this
rule
against
private
judging
,
we
make
it
destructive
,
and
contradictory
to
the
Antecedent
,
and
consequent
discourses
(
used
by
Saint
Matthew
and
Saint
Luke
)
of
mens
taking
on
them
to
judge
one
another
,
and
to
spye
the
moats
in
their
brothers
eye
:
the
which
things
are
plainly
in
those
places
set
downe
as
bringing
condemnation
and
not
innocence
.
The
which
innocence
,
by
the
precedent
context
in
Saint
Matthew
,
is
placed
on
implicite
reliance
and
obedience
to
those
above
us
,
for
that
which
we
would
have
done
unto
us
.
So
that
because
we
are
to
relye
upon
the
greatness
of
the
knowledg
and
care
of
God
&
our
Fathers
in
the
flesh
,
therefore
no
man
should
presume
to
be
wiser
then
they
:
nor
,
by
judging
others
without
their
leave
,
to
do
by
them
otherwise
then
he
would
be
done
unto
.
Wherefore
without
this
interpretation
,
I
see
not
how
the
coherence
of
therefore
in
Saint
Matthew
can
be
made
good
.
And
although
Saint
Matthew
have
the
instance
from
reliance
on
God
most
especially
,
Saint
Luke
hath
it
for
submission
to
humane
authority
:
for
we
cannot
think
Christians
obliged
to
give
to
other
askers
,
or
stand
still
to
their
smiters
,
then
what
are
warranted
by
authority
,
as
elsewhere
noted
.
And
if
we
mark
the
subsequent
texts
,
they
will
clearly
inform
us
against
mens
reliance
on
the
obliquity
or
variety
of
their
owne
guidance
,
by
bidding
us
enter
in
at
the
strait
gate
,
broad
gate
and
wide
way
of
morality
which
men
are
subject
to
enter
at
,
when
they
are
to
act
any
thing
.
And
so
Saint
Matthew
goes
on
to
warn
men
against
these
false
Prophets
,
that
shall
hereafter
be
so
prone
to
seduce
us
by
their
specious
precepts
to
innocence
,
by
reliance
on
doctrines
by
themselves
brought
in
:
who
are
to
be
known
by
the
fruits
of
dissention
and
civil
war
,
even
because
none
but
such
fruits
can
be
expected
to
come
from
a
Tree
whose
root
is
not
love
to
their
brother
,
and
obedience
to
Christ
.
Nay
implicite
obedience
too
,
for
though
they
should
Prophesie
,
or
work
miracles
in
his
name
;
yet
since
these
might
have
been
done
but
out
of
self
likeing
and
regard
onely
,
there
is
nothing
but
founding
obedience
on
him
(
as
on
a
rock
)
that
can
secure
our
foundation
.
For
we
are
to
know
,
that
since
Christ
the
master
of
the
house
is
now
risen
up
(
and
hath
finished
legal
and
moral
righteousness
)
and
hath
shut
to
the
dore
;
that
is
,
bound
up
the
law
and
the
testimony
,
and
their
meaning
,
among
his
Disciples
;
it
is
not
then
for
men
to
knock
more
at
that
dore
of
entrance
:
But
if
their
works
were
not
done
in
obedience
to
him
as
Lord
,
they
were
workers
of
iniquity
,
though
they
called
him
so
when
they
did
them
:
neither
communion
with
him
in
the
visible
Church
,
nor
hearing
his
Gospel
can
excuse
them
.
Again
,
the
subsequent
text
in
Saint
Luke
joyned
thereunto
(
for
if
ye
love
them
that
love
you
what
thank
have
you
,
for
sinners
also
love
those
that
love
them
)
doth
plainly
also
shew
,
And
therefore
,
we
can
then
onely
safely
reckon
our selves
innocent
,
(
as
before
noted
)
whilst
obeying
our
Superious
direction
in
commands
and
prohibitions
:
and
in
case
none
appear
,
we
are
to
guide
our selves
the
best
we
may
,
by
applying
the
said
Maxim
between
our
Neighbour
and
our selves
.
Which
truly
done
,
our
failings
are
to
be
excused
upon
our
Superiours
permission
given
us
herein
:
as
having
to
the
best
of
our
consciences
and
judgements
loved
and
done
,
as
we
would
be
loved
and
done
unto
:
both
in
relation
to
our
Neighbours
owne
interest
,
and
also
in
the
upright
managing
that
trust
of
impartial
dealing
,
by
God
or
our
Superiour
committed
unto
us
.
And
this
,
because
his
authority
is
equal
in
both
;
and
the
same
to
permit
as
enjoyn
.
For
where
authority
leaves
any
thing
to
be
ruled
by
my
conscience
and
discretion
,
it
is
the
same
as
if
he
had
commanded
me
to
order
them
after
the
same
manner
:
and
it
shall
thereupon
follow
,
that
I
performing
my
utmost
devoire
therein
,
am
in
my
actings
to
remain
still
innocent
,
as
having
but
obeyed
my
Superiour
.
And
from
this
necessary
referment
of
the
managery
of
many
actions
to
the
power
of
particular
Subjects
,
and
because
of
the
necessary
submission
of
some
deportments
also
to
the
guidance
of
fathers
and
Masters
of
families
,
(
as
proper
to
their
charge
and
duty
)
grows
the
reason
why
we
finde
in
some
of
the
Epistles
and
places
of
Scripture
,
such
general
direction
and
intimation
of
duty
:
namely
,
because
those
,
or
some
of
those
precepts
,
or
presidents
in
them
contained
,
may
be
upon
occasion
as
we
said
,
usefull
to
the
general
direction
of
the
several
persons
contained
in
each
Church
;
when
he
shall
either
stand
by
his
proper
office
,
or
by
power
and
leave
from
his
Prince
,
under
no
positive
restraint
but
of
God
alone
.
At
which
time
,
and
at
all
times
when
he
is
not
by
the
Church
debarred
,
it
seems
highly
expedient
,
that
the
same
person
thus
entrusted
with
the
execution
of
affairs
,
wherein
himself
or
others
may
be
concerted
,
should
have
liberty
to
have
his
recourse
to
the
Scripture
,
for
the
farther
enabling
him
in
his
demeanor
,
in
things
and
persons
submitted
to
his
trust
and
power
:
and
that
upon
the
same
reason
and
grounds
,
that
were
formerly
given
to
shew
their
sole
custody
and
power
of
interpretation
given
to
superiour
powers
:
namely
for
them
to
have
assistance
of
divine
guidance
,
in
execution
of
their
charge
of
government
also
.
Upon
which
ground
and
consideration
,
it
became
in
particular
manner
necessary
also
,
to
have
the
general
rules
of
do
as
ye
would
be
done
unto
,
and
love
thy
Neighbour
as
thy self
,
to
be
commended
in
common
to
each
ones
observation
:
to
the
end
that
each
one
,
having
his
Neighbours
good
or
harm
more
or
less
in
his
separate
power
,
might
by
this
conscientious
rule
and
tye
of
examination
,
be
more
readily
provoked
and
directed
in
his
sociable
abearance
.
For
the
rule
it self
being
but
a
general
rule
for
inoffensive
living
,
by
introducing
a
common
and
equall
sensation
,
or
fellow
feeling
of
each
others
wants
and
benefits
(
that
thereupon
(
as
to
our selves
)
the
good
of
others
might
be
sought
,
and
their
harm
avoided
)
therefore
is
it
by
our
Saviour
placed
as
the
sum
and
fullfilling
of
the
law
.
Meaning
,
that
as
God
had
formerly
by
Moses
and
the
Prophets
,
given
particular
precepts
and
directions
for
the
sociable
abearance
of
the
nation
of
the
Jewes
,
so
the
onely
standing
divine
rule
to
us
Christians
now
,
was
this
summary
direction
for
the
good
of
Society
:
whereby
preserving
the
good
of
our
Neighbour
,
we
should
also
thereby
to
our
power
,
maintaine
the
glory
and
service
of
God
.
So
that
the
said
rules
,
of
love
thy
Neighbour
,
&c.
and
whatsoever
ye
would
that
men
should
do
unto
you
,
&c.
importing
generally
,
as
if
it
had
been
commanded
to
all
sorts
of
men
to
be
ready
according
to
their
severall
stations
and
degrees
,
to
promote
the
good
,
and
to
ease
and
sustaine
the
harms
of
one
another
;
it
must
therefore
follow
,
that
those
persons
that
have
publike
and
whole
trust
and
power
in
each
society
,
are
in
the
first
place
to
have
the
interpretation
and
application
of
this
rule
:
and
so
each
one
under
him
,
as
he
shall
entrust
them
therein
;
in
order
to
the
good
and
welfare
of
that
society
.
For
since
the
care
and
trust
of
the
Prince
is
more
then
that
of
others
,
it
must
also
follow
,
that
the
application
of
that
rule
which
is
directive
therein
,
must
be
primarily
in
him
too
:
the
subject
having
onely
liberty
to
guide
himself
in
what
he
is
to
act
on
another
,
as
supposing
the
rule
a
fresh
said
unto
him
from
Christs
Minister
set
over
him
.
Because
else
(
as
before
shewed
)
generall
harm
may
be
the
consequent
of
general
liberty
independently
to
act
by
these
rules
:
whereas
in
our
assistances
to
them
,
and
in
our
submissive
deportments
,
(
if
we
bear
one
anothers
burdens
)
we
shall
fulfill
the
law
of
Christ
;
The
rule
of
do
as
thou
wouldest
,
&c.
being
thus
hard
to
be
kept
(
as
from
private
direction
onely
)
causeth
it
to
fall
out
,
that
our
works
(
as
our
works
)
cannot
justifie
us
before
God
:
because
they
cannot
,
as
proceeding
from
separate
persons
onely
,
have
throughly
,
and
on
all
hands
charitable
and
perfect
performance
;
but
as
done
in
Christ
;
that
is
in
obedience
to
his
,
or
his
deputies
authority
:
and
failing
in
the
faith
hereof
,
or
in
our
impartial
dealing
with
our
Neighbours
,
in
things
by
authority
permitted
unto
us
,
it
will
follow
,
that
whatsoever
is
not
of
faith
is
sin
.
conscience
condemn
us
,
yet
God
is
greater
then
our
consciences
and
knoweth
all
things
:
to
wit
,
knoweth
,
that
as
his
glory
is
to
be
increased
by
humane
preservation
,
For
if
we
must
be
judging
of
morallity
,
and
being
under
lawful
authority
,
act
their
commands
on
others
no
farther
then
the
supposal
of
our
case
and
suffering
to
be
theirs
will
give
leave
,
I
would
fain
know
,
whether
the
Judge
,
and
other
officers
and
executioners
of
civil
Justice
,
that
joyne
in
the
sentence
and
infliction
of
death
on
any
their
fellow
Subjects
;
or
whether
the
Souldier
,
that
for
press
or
pay
doth
the
like
on
his
owne
country
men
or
others
,
do
either
of
them
imagine
themselves
in
their
case
;
and
so
acquit
themselves
,
by
not
being
instrumental
in
infliction
of
more
,
then
themselves
would
have
again
suffered
from
them
?
If
they
do
not
,
nor
need
not
,
then
doth
their
innocence
follow
their
obedience
:
even
by
Imagining
themselves
to
have
been
in
their
superiours
case
,
&
him
their
subject
:
for
as
then
,
they
would
have
expected
obedience
to
what
themselves
had
conceived
fit
to
be
done
,
so
are
they
now
to
give
it
.
In
which
case
(
by
my
obedience
)
doing
as
I
would
be
done
unto
by
him
that
hath
whole
concern
and
represents
all
,
it
must
follow
,
that
I
do
as
I
would
be
done
unto
by
all
men
else
;
and
so
by
my
obedience
have
fulfilled
the
law
of
Christ
.
Whereupon
as
we
finde
Abrahams
faith
imputed
for
righteousness
,
and
he
called
Father
of
the
Church
or
Faithful
;
so
was
this
attributed
unto
and
made
appear
in
a
matter
of
obedience
:
In
thy
seed
shall
all
the
Nations
of
the
earth
be
blessed
,
because
thou
hast
obeyed
my
voice
.
for
as
by
one
mans
disobedience
many
were
made
sinners
,
so
by
the
obedience
of
one
shall
many
be
made
righteous
.
He
tels
us
there
,
that
Circumcision
is
that
of
the
heart
and
Spirit
,
not
in
the
letter
:
the
work
of
the
law
written
in
their
hearts
)
and
not
by
the
observation
of
the
letter
according
to
their
owne
sence
.
professed
themselves
wise
:
Thou
art
inexcusable
O
man
whosoever
thou
art
that
judgest
:
for
wherein
thou
judgest
another
,
thou
condemnest
thy self
:
for
thou
that
judgest
doest
the
same
things
.
That
is
,
inasmuch
as
thou
takest
upon
thee
to
guide
others
and
thy selfe
by
thine
own
judgement
,
thou
must
consequently
break
Charity
,
the
end
of
the
law
:
and
so
involve
thy self
in
the
guilt
of
thine
owne
,
and
others
sins
,
that
must
follow
thereupon
.
For
now
we
are
delivered
from
the
law
,
being
dead
to
that
wherein
we
are
held
:
that
is
,
being
released
(
as
heretofore
noted
)
of
the
penalty
of
observing
legal
precepts
,
we
should
serve
in
the
newness
of
Spirit
(
that
is
by
love
)
and
not
in
the
oldness
of
the
Letter
.
So
that
then
,
the
law
of
God
being
to
be
served
with
the
mind
inwardly
,
and
not
by
fleshly
wisdom
,
to
make
it
the
law
of
sin
,
it
follows
,
that
there
is
no
condemnation
to
them
which
are
in
Christ
Jesus
:
which
walk
not
after
the
flesh
,
but
after
the
Spirit
.
That
is
,
because
they
that
act
after
the
flesh
(
or
take
upon
them self
guidance
)
do
minde
the
things
of
the
flesh
(
their
owne
interests
)
:
but
they
that
walk
after
the
Spirit
,
mind
the
things
of
the
Spirit
:
that
is
,
being
alwayes
guided
by
the
fruit
of
the
Spirit
,
inward
love
,
they
alwayes
mind
the
effects
thereof
:
in
which
they
could
not
err
,
whilst
remaining
obedient
.
For
else
,
authority
and
law
onely
defining
and
measuring
in
particular
acts
what
is
murther
,
adultery
,
theft
,
&c.
and
rating
accordingly
the
punishments
thereupon
due
,
we
should
,
in
our
particular
biassed
interpretations
,
commit
often
the
same
,
or
worse
faults
,
then
those
we
went
about
to
amend
.
And
this
,
because
God
,
who
from
himself
and
in
his
owne
name
gave
these
precepts
at
first
,
gave
also
a
continual
succession
of
Prophets
,
Urim
and
Thummim
,
and
other
divine
ways
of
revealing
his
pleasure
in
their
interpretation
upon
doubtful
occasions
;
so
that
being
both
wayes
expresly
divine
,
their
observance
litterally
(
as
so
)
was
each
mans
duty
then
:
but
now
,
being
not
to
be
litterally
and
particularly
so
construed
by
private
men
,
they
break
or
keep
them
,
when
they
break
or
keep
their
substance
,
charity
and
inward
love
;
and
are
more
or
less
obedient
to
Superiours
therein
.
And
therefore
although
there
could
be
but
one
truth
,
amidst
those
different
exercises
of
Christianity
between
the
Jewish
and
Gentile
Churches
;
yet
the
Apostles
being
to
promote
and
encourage
Christianity
all
they
could
,
and
Christians
again
to
obey
implicitely
in
all
things
not
fundamental
;
the
one
might
justly
command
,
and
the
other
be
also
obedient
,
although
in
things
differing
and
contrary
:
which
otherwise
in
the
commanders
,
must
have
been
Heresie
on
the
one
side
or
other
.
And
besides
,
must
have
been
Schism
and
Scandal
in
each
sort
of
the
disagreeing
Subjects
,
that
in
absence
of
their
common
head
,
obtruded
upon
each
other
their
differing
constitutions
:
having
no
other
authority
to
act
,
or
impose
to
the
dislike
of
one
another
,
then
in
relation
to
their
joynt
authority
;
as
thereby
holding
of
the
head
:
for
that
a
divine
sentence
is
in
the
lips
of
a
King
,
and
his
mouth
transgresseth
not
in
judgement
.
In
the
original
it
is
in
the
future
tense
,
shall
not
transgress
:
which
I
note
to
avoid
the
Exposition
that
might
be
made
against
the
allowing
the
judgement
of
Kings
in
general
to
be
such
;
And
this
place
of
Solomon
is
a
good
comment
and
confirmation
to
another
of
like
sort
:
namely
,
to
punish
the
just
is
not
good
,
nor
to
strike
Princes
for
equity
.
Where
we
may
finde
,
that
a
Prince
in
his
definition
,
is
held
the
same
with
a
just
man
,
(
as
formerly
noted
in
the
title
of
justice
)
:
is
it
fit
to
say
to
a
King
thou
art
wicked
,
and
to
Princes
ye
are
ungodly
?
Therefore
,
by
the
words
shall
not
transgress
in
judgement
,
divine
Oracle
,
or
Divination
,
as
having
whole
interest
by
divine
deputation
and
precept
:
but
erroneous
it
may
be
,
and
is
in
him
(
as
he
stands
in
relation
accomptable
to
God
)
so
far
,
and
so
often
,
as
he
againe
transgresseth
his
law
,
who
hath
whole
interest
,
both
in
those
persons
,
and
him
,
and
all
things
else
.
For
if
he
take
upon
him
to
prescribe
rules
according
to
his
owne
iudgement
,
where
God
hath
made
positive
ones
already
;
or
do
in
those
cases
left
to
his
care
,
(
through
passion
or
interest
)
respect
himself
,
or
some
one
party
above
another
,
and
not
resyect
Gods
superiour
interest
before
his
owne
subordinate
interest
(
doing
by
God
as
he
would
be
done
unto
)
he
doth
not
do
as
he
would
be
done
unto
.
For
as
he
would
not
have
his
Judges
,
and
such
as
he
trusts
do
the
like
by
him
,
so
is
he
not
to
deceive
and
abuse
Gods
delegation
;
in
forgetting
that
all
his
power
is
but
usurpation
and
injustice
,
when
not
according
to
the
best
of
his
judgement
and
conscience
,
directed
to
Gods
honor
above
his
owne
:
as
also
,
to
the
general
and
impartial
good
of
his
subjects
.
So
that
Subjects
justice
or
justification
,
consisting
chiefly
in
submission
to
the
judgement
of
their
Superiour
,
we
may
well
know
how
to
interpret
that
wise
King
and
Preacher
:
be
not
righteous
over
much
,
neither
make
thy self
ever
wise
,
why
shouldest
thou
destroy
thy self
?
Be
not
over
much
wicked
,
neither
be
thou
foolish
,
why
shouldest
thou
dye
before
thy
time
?
By
which
words
,
over
righteous
,
and
overwise
:
That
is
to
say
,
by
private
useing
and
applying
the
rules
of
do
as
thou
wouldest
be
done
unto
,
and
love
thy
Neighbour
as
thy self
,
not
left
unto
him
by
the
higher
power
.
Whereupon
,
being
over
wise
,
that
is
wise
in
his
owne
conceit
,
he
neglects
the
precept
that
said
Honour
thy
Father
and
thy
Mother
and
thou
shalt
love
thy
Neighbour
as
thy self
,
over
much
wicked
and
a
fool
:
and
,
offending
against
charity
,
puts
himself
into
the
same
danger
also
.
For
although
obedience
be
in
it self
matter
of
Apostolical
precept
and
rejoycing
;
yet
should
we
be
wise
unto
that
whis
is
good
,
and
simple
concerning
evil
.
For
alas
the
uncharitable
designes
of
self
interest
,
do
so
often
intermingle
in
what
we
do
,
even
in
order
to
superiour
command
;
that
we
shall
not
need
to
fear
men
will
not
have
sins
enough
to
answer
for
.
We
are
all
of
us
(
God
knows
)
so
far
the
sons
of
Adam
,
as
to
be
too
prone
to
yeild
to
the
temptatiof
tasting
of
the
forbiddin
fruit
of
good
and
evil
in
what
is
commanded
;
whereby
we
lose
the
innocence
of
doves
:
and
not
to
be
wise
enough
again
,
in
doing
that
good
to
our
Neighbour
,
which
is
left
and
referred
to
our
owne
discretion
and
power
;
whereby
we
fail
of
the
wisdome
of
Serpents
.
But
however
,
if
we
will
be
innocent
it
must
be
by
casting
of
our
owne
wisdome
,
and
by
implicite
following
Christs
precepts
for
obedience
and
charity
to
our
neighbour
:
and
for
what
we
have
done
otherwise
,
we
must
re-estate
our selves
in
innocence
by
repentance
,
even
to
the
degree
of
little
children
;
who
we
know
obey
implicitely
,
and
act
without
malice
.
And
this
is
the
scope
of
Christs
thanks
giving
;
that
these
things
were
hid
from
the
wise
and
prudent
(
that
is
such
as
trusted
in
their
moral
righteousness
)
,
and
were
revealed
unto
Babes
:
that
is
,
to
such
as
(
considering
the
load
of
legal
precepts
)
should
,
lowliness
and
meekness
(
the
two
concomitants
of
obedience
)
find
rest
for
their
souls
.
old
leaven
,
and
that
guilt
of
morality
incurred
by
the
old
Adam
.
And
in
this
sence
,
are
all
those
and
the
like
places
to
be
understood
,
how
the
children
of
God
sin
not
:
Whosoever
is
borne
of
God
doth
not
commit
sin
,
for
his
seed
remaineth
in
him
,
and
he
cannot
sin
because
he
is
born
of
God
.
Which
places
may
well
allude
unto
,
and
are
explained
by
our
Saviour
himself
in
his
answer
to
the
Pharisees
(
a
people
that
use
to
mak
religious
pretences
to
discountenance
lawful
obedience
;
and
would
have
made
their
unauthorised
interpretations
of
the
law
,
(
in
superstitious
observation
of
the
Sabboth
and
some
other
things
)
act
their
militious
designes
against
Christs
honour
,
and
their
neighbours
good
)
If
ye
were
blinde
(
saith
Christ
)
ye
would
have
no
sin
;
but
now
ye
say
we
see
,
therefore
your
sin
remaineth
:
if
they
had
not
opposed
their
owne
prying
humour
,
but
going
about
to
establish
their
owne
righteousness
,
have
not
submitted
themselves
to
the
righteousness
of
God
.
judgement
for
the
which
Christ
came
into
the
world
,
they
(
trusting
to
their
own
may
of
seeing
)
came
to
be
made
blind
:
whereas
others
,
that
pretended
not
to
see
of
themselves
,
through
obedience
to
him
,
were
made
to
see
.
And
if
the
forementioned
places
of
Saint
Matthew
be
well
consulted
,
we
shall
find
the
interpretation
and
guidance
of
religious
precepts
and
duties
left
wholly
to
the
supream
Magistrate
:
and
that
Christ
,
by
this
liberty
in
the
great
legal
injunction
of
the
Sabboth
,
shews
that
offices
of
Charity
,
(
or
judgment
,
mercy
and
faith
)
are
the
end
or
weightier
matters
of
the
law
:
&
mercy
better
then
sacrifice
.
greater
then
the
Temple
,
yet
he
saith
the
Son
of
man
Lord
also
of
the
Sabboth
.
If
he
had
said
the
Son
of
God
had
been
Lord
thereof
,
Son
of
man
,
to
countenance
his
deputies
,
and
stop
the
mouths
of
such
as
(
under
colour
of
the
weakness
of
humane
authority
)
would
deny
the
supream
Magistrates
power
herein
,
so
he
did
before
instance
what
men
they
are
that
have
it
:
that
is
,
Kings
personated
in
David
:
and
Priests
,
alluded
unto
in
Abiathar
,
in
whose
dayes
it
was
done
;
both
of
them
having
sole
trust
of
law
.
And
therefore
as
they
in
the
law
,
so
he
,
as
a
great
King
and
Priest
in
the
Gospel
,
had
this
power
also
.
Whereupon
since
the
observation
of
legal
precepts
(
as
barely
such
)
cannot
have
(
as
from
us
alone
)
any
such
exact
performance
as
to
be
justifiable
and
meritorious
;
but
this
being
done
by
Christ
,
the
morality
of
our
works
can
be
justified
but
as
through
him
:
that
is
,
as
done
in
obedience
to
his
authority
,
who
hath
bin
fully
meritorious
therein
already
.
Hereupon
it
must
be
plicite
,
where
direct
precept
is
;
or
according
to
the
general
precepts
of
love
,
in
things
remitted
to
us
.
And
this
was
the
great
mystery
of
Godliness
,
God
manifest
in
the
flesh
:
through
obedience
to
which
manifestation
we
come
to
be
justified
in
the
Spirit
.
For
Christ
saith
of
himself
,
as
long
as
I
am
in
the
world
,
I
am
the
light
of
the
world
:
Masters
in
the
flesh
as
unto
Christ
:
and
in
the
Lord
(
that
is
,
in
his
stead
)
it
follows
that
he
that
dispiseth
them
,
dispiseth
him
that
sent
them
.
And
to
prove
that
this
obedience
to
Christs
Minister
is
to
be
the
pre-required
condition
that
should
justifie
men
in
their
Christian
deportments
,
we
shall
finde
that
the
Apostles
,
and
such
as
he
was
to
delegate
as
his
Ambassadours
,
are
by
Christ
not
onely
called
the
lights
of
the
world
,
a
City
on
a
hill
,
the
salt
of
the
earth
.
And
he
expresly
sayes
,
that
every
one
shall
be
salted
with
fire
:
that
is
,
every
sacrifice
shall
be
salted
with
salt
:
that
is
,
as
every
sacrifice
under
the
law
was
to
be
so
seasoned
;
so
he
that
came
to
fulfill
the
Law
and
the
Prophets
,
And
although
it
were
reserved
for
the
clearer
light
of
the
Gospel
,
to
discover
that
all
wickedness
proceeded
from
malice
,
and
other
the
works
of
the
flesh
:
and
on
the
other
side
▪
that
love
was
the
only
thing
to
estate
men
r●ghteous
:
yet
we
finde
the
same
in
many
places
hinted
at
in
the
old
Testament
▪
And
Solomon
in
particular
is
very
express
to
this
purpose
,
when
he
saith
hatred
stirreth
up
strife
,
but
love
covereth
all
sins
.
viz.
because
iniquity
shall
abound
,
the
love
of
many
shall
wax
cold
.
This
accomplishment
of
our
innocence
through
this
saving
grace
of
love
or
charity
,
is
that
more
excellent
way
by
Saint
Paul
shewed
to
the
Corinthians
:
less
honourable
members
,
that
could
not
attain
to
be
Apostles
,
Prophets
,
Teachers
,
or
the
like
;
might
yet
,
by
means
of
this
common
band
of
union
and
perfection
,
finde
an
equal
capacity
,
with
those
that
were
highest
gifted
,
to
attain
to
the
edification
and
support
of
the
general
body
.
This
way
being
to
them
also
the
most
excellent
and
sure
,
because
that
without
it
,
all
their
other
endowments
will
prove
but
as
sounding
brass
,
and
tinkling
Symbals
.
Of
which
bond
or
union
,
and
also
of
the
union
of
the
other
Christian
graces
,
we
shall
farther
discourse
in
the
ensuing
Chapter
.
CHAP.
VIII
.
Of
the
Coincidence
of
Christian
graces
.
HOw
the
affection
of
unity
is
accompanying
the
whole
race
of
things
,
hath
been
abundantly
declared
(
as
a
metaphisical
or
supernatural
speculation
)
by
such
as
have
not
had
any
other
light
to
direct
them
in
the
inquiry
,
then
that
which
meer
nature
would
afford
:
being
drawn
from
contemplation
of
her
procession
in
things
here
below
.
But
,
unto
us
Christians
,
who
have
from
above
been
confirmed
in
the
knowledg
of
deity
,
and
also
of
its
unity
,
as
the
ground
of
our
divinity
must
grow
more
firm
and
steady
in
knowledge
of
God
himself
,
so
will
the
contemplation
of
that
unity
(
as
considered
in
him
that
is
the
cause
of
all
things
)
lead
us
by
a
plain
way
of
demonstration
,
to
disscover
why
in
each
thing
by
him
made
,
the
same
affection
should
be
also
necessarily
implanted
:
not
only
in
order
of
resemblance
herein
to
its
Author
,
but
to
the
formal
stating
of
it
such
,
or
such
.
Concerning
some
of
the
nearer
resemblances
of
deity
in
the
things
of
life
(
which
we
call
individuals
)
we
have
formerly
spoken
;
as
also
of
mans
above
them
all
.
But
this
affection
of
unity
,
is
so
much
more
closely
accompanying
them
,
that
it
not
onely
formally
constitutes
them
,
but
thereby
also
differenceth
them
from
inanimates
:
who
can
receive
no
formal
unity
,
but
what
must
arise
from
the
definition
of
their
whole
Mass
:
whereas
,
in
the
definition
of
any
species
of
individuals
,
that
natural
unity
which
appears
therein
,
can
have
no
other
true
existence
or
perfection
then
what
was
first
really
inherent
in
,
and
constituted
by
the
individuals
themselves
:
as
being
the
observable
properties
in
them
severally
abiding
.
As
therefore
all
things
,
together
with
their
creation
and
existence
from
God
proceeding
,
received
from
him
this
affection
of
unity
also
,
as
necessarily
constituting
them
distinct
from
the
whole
race
of
things
,
so
,
to
the
end
that
the
Makers
praise
might
yet
receive
addition
and
increase
,
though
the
increase
of
the
several
objects
of
his
bounty
and
goodness
;
and
that
this
division
of
the
whole
Mass
,
might
not
(
by
civil
war
and
disunion
amongst
themselves
)
prove
the
overthrow
of
one
another
,
(
but
that
one
thing
might
be
a
continual
support
unto
the
good
and
preservation
of
another
,
and
thereby
all
conspire
to
the
same
end
Gods
glory
)
,
we
may
observe
all
those
friendly
instincts
and
properties
,
bestowed
by
God
on
natural
Agents
,
as
heretofore
noted
.
By
means
of
which
propensity
,
and
benigne
aspect
of
one
thing
towards
another
,
ariseth
that
other
affection
which
we
call
goodness
.
So
that
,
when
the
separate
existencies
of
things
(
which
states
truth
)
are
by
this
affection
of
goodness
made
agree
in
things
to
their
own
mutual
preservation
and
to
Gods
glory
also
,
then
doth
the
prevalence
of
union
appear
herein
again
;
as
joyning
good
to
truth
,
and
creation
to
providence
;
and
making
the
Creatures
end
,
or
preservation
,
conspire
to
that
of
Gods
,
his
owne
glory
:
and
Gods
glory
to
meet
in
direct
points
with
their
good
.
But
now
,
although
these
benevolent
inclinations
of
things
might
suffice
to
mutual
preservation
in
Inanimates
,
and
such
sensitives
as
had
none
,
or
small
cause
of
division
,
through
largeness
of
private
appetite
and
will
,
so
,
to
the
end
that
voluntary
Agents
(
which
were
most
to
seek
it
)
might
not
be
subject
to
recompence
their
owne
higher
sence
of
felicity
from
God
received
,
with
the
ingrateful
diminution
of
his
glory
in
the
disturbance
of
the
course
of
his
providence
,
it
was
onward
necessary
,
that
for
maintenance
of
the
same
unity
(
which
was
made
as
aforesaid
by
inward
instincts
in
other
things
)
there
should
not
onely
be
an
inward
natural
appetite
to
union
implanted
(
which
we
call
love
)
but
also
such
outward
directions
given
to
them
;
that
through
the
due
observance
hereof
,
their
union
and
meeting
amongst
themselves
might
tend
to
the
like
end
with
the
other
things
before
spoken
of
:
namely
the
preservation
and
maintenance
of
Gods
glory
,
and
their
own
good
.
All
which
considerations
,
will
now
make
manifest
the
great
reason
,
not
onely
of
that
simplicity
and
fewness
of
the
Gospel
precepts
,
as
in
order
to
our
more
easie
performance
,
and
for
their
approaching
so
much
neerer
to
the
perfection
and
unity
of
him
that
gave
them
,
but
also
of
that
plain
coincidence
they
have
amongst
themselves
:
whereby
they
come
,
like
the
whole
race
of
things
themselves
,
(
the
object
of
their
directions
)
to
unite
and
conspire
in
the
common
end
of
all
things
,
Gods
glory
;
and
(
the
subservient
end
thereof
)
each
particular
things
natural
preservation
:
For
as
there
is
an
union
in
the
end
,
so
must
there
be
also
in
the
means
and
directions
leading
thereunto
.
All
which
we
shall
declare
by
instance
;
it
being
a
thing
not
only
usefull
in
it self
,
but
also
necessary
for
to
understand
those
many
texts
,
where
sometimes
love
,
sometimes
faith
,
sometimes
hope
,
sometimes
obedience
,
or
the
like
,
are
singly
set
downe
as
comprehensive
of
all
duty
and
perfection
beside
:
and
not
constantly
any
one
grace
alone
After
that
I
shall
give
farther
evidence
thereof
:
by
producing
some
places
of
Scripture
,
cleerly
setting
out
their
conjunction
and
harmony
.
When
the
threats
due
to
sin
or
the
breach
of
the
law
,
are
by
any
in
such
sort
resented
,
as
to
cause
him
to
have
recourse
unto
the
remedies
laid
downe
in
the
Gospel
;
or
else
,
when
the
enjoyments
and
promises
by
the
Gospel
it self
set
for
t
,
do
of
themselves
invite
;
then
is
the
first
putting
forth
of
appetite
to
attend
these
objects
as
good
,
called
by
the
name
of
hope
.
After
which
,
the
rational
faculty
comes
to
be
set
on
work
,
for
the
entertainment
or
contrivance
of
the
means
:
which
being
apprehended
as
feasable
,
doth
then
become
the
object
of
our
faith
;
and
so
of
our
reasonable
appetite
called
will
.
For
although
the
sensitive
appetite
,
(
as
more
general
and
as
next
unto
life
or
individual
being
)
do
readily
at
first
attend
every
thing
(
as
its
object
)
that
is
presented
under
the
Classis
of
hope
or
fear
;
yet
,
when
understanding
hath
had
leisure
to
work
,
the
reasonable
will
prosecutes
no
farther
,
in
attainment
or
avoidance
of
these
objects
of
hope
or
fear
,
then
as
the
consideration
of
those
mediums
lying
between
them
and
us
,
makes
these
objects
(
by
their
neerness
of
approach
to
us
)
to
be
afterwards
,
in
a
second
measure
,
hopeful
or
formidable
.
In
which
consideration
,
hope
and
faith
doe
alwayes
accompany
one
another
:
and
although
hope
,
as
more
general
,
do
inchoat
in
order
to
the
end
,
(
namely
the
enjoyment
of
bliss
and
avoidance
of
torment
)
yet
faith
,
in
order
to
the
means
,
to
wit
,
our
laying
hold
on
Christ
)
doth
so
instantly
follow
,
that
some
have
believed
these
graces
to
come
together
:
Which
may
be
true
in
relation
to
that
one
divine
spirit
which
(
entring
at
the
same
time
)
was
the
cause
to
both
;
but
yet
it
hinders
not
,
but
that
this
spirit
might
produce
its
effects
in
their
natural
order
,
as
before
shewed
.
It
being
aterwards
true
indeed
,
that
these
graces
are
mutually
encreased
and
strengthened
by
each
other
:
the
hope
and
beliefe
,
or
beliefe
and
hope
of
the
end
,
(
by
its
valew
)
exciting
the
beliefe
and
hope
,
or
hope
and
beliefe
of
these
means
that
are
tending
thereunto
.
Which
means
coming
hereupon
to
be
more
constantly
and
fully
pursued
;
hope
or
beliefe
to
be
therefore
accepted
,
grows
by
degrees
(
in
each
one
)
into
stronger
hope
and
beliefe
that
he
is
accepted
.
Which
beliefe
,
or
strong
faith
of
Gods
acceptance
and
love
to
us
;
doth
againe
increase
on-ward
,
in
our
love
to
him
.
Unto
which
onely
hapy
estate
,
being
by
these
blessed
degrees
once
come
,
then
doth
hope
and
faith
become
silenced
and
swallowed
up
by
this
most
high
and
compleat
grace
of
love
:
for
we
now
live
no
longer
by
desire
,
but
fruition
.
But
because
,
in
this
life
,
and
whilst
we
carry
this
treasure
in
earthen
Vessels
,
we
cannot
arrive
at
any
perfection
,
much
less
at
any
degree
of
continuance
and
perseverance
in
this
happy
enjoyment
of
God
by
love
,
we
are
therefore
(
as
elsewhere
noted
)
to
cherish
in
our selves
all
those
means
,
whereby
our
faith
and
hope
may
be
kept
in
or
restored
unto
their
pitch
and
vigour
:
so
that
,
notwithstanding
our
many
relapses
,
we
may
be
still
reintegrated
again
to
a
state
of
love
.
In
which
regard
,
we
are
next
to
consider
of
that
which
is
the
general
grace
of
supply
and
sustentation
to
all
the
rest
:
namely
the
grace
of
obedience
.
For
from
the
efficacy
of
this
grace
it
is
,
that
hope
and
faith
gather
their
joynt
and
mutual
strength
:
even
from
conscience
of
our
continual
actings
,
and
endeavours
in
performance
of
the
commands
and
dire●●ions
of
God
.
For
these
things
must
follow
as
necessary
consequents
of
one
another
:
First
to
obey
out
of
fear
to
displease
,
and
hope
to
kept
favour
;
and
then
farther
,
still
to
obey
,
even
as
we
believe
our
obedience
accepted
and
available
.
And
lastly
,
obedience
will
still
increase
it self
,
with
that
increase
of
grace
it
brings
:
and
as
it
hath
perfected
our
first
feeble
hope
to
strength
of
faith
,
so
will
it
accompany
our
state
of
highest
perfection
;
even
our
state
of
love
.
For
then
shall
our
readiness
in
execution
of
Gods
commands
be
doubled
:
because
being
united
to
him
by
this
affection
,
we
shall
not
onely
do
his
will
as
his
,
but
as
our
owne
too
.
So
that
when
faith
shall
fail
,
obedience
shall
not
:
being
a
grace
so
proper
and
necessary
to
each
Creature
,
that
it
cannot
(
in
order
to
its
subordinate
relation
)
be
truly
such
without
it
.
And
this
,
not
only
in
the
will
,
but
also
in
act
,
so
far
as
lyeth
in
its
power
.
For
although
none
wil
deny
the
omniscience
of
God
Almighty
,
so
far
as
to
doubt
his
inspection
into
the
most
inward
thoughts
and
inclination
of
his
Creature
;
even
to
the
discerning
that
proportion
of
faith
and
love
,
which
is
in
their
hearts
;
yet
,
it
being
the
most
natura●
for
justice
,
to
proceed
in
rewards
and
punishments
(
especially
such
as
outward
)
according
to
overt
acts
,
we
shall
still
finde
God
himself
recompencing
those
that
were
endowed
with
strongest
measure
of
these
graces
,
proportionable
to
that
publike
estimate
thereof
which
they
in
their
life
times
,
by
more
remarable
obedience
did
make
apparent
:
as
our
Saviours
obedience
to
the
death
of
the
Cross
,
and
Abrahams
in
the
death
of
his
son
,
and
divers
others
examples
in
holy
Writ
do
declare
.
As
for
the
duties
of
prayer
,
preaching
,
almes
,
sacraments
▪
&c.
they
are
the
several
objects
and
expressions
of
our
obedience
:
through
perseverance
in
which
Christian
precepts
,
(
as
outwardly
administred
in
Christs
kingdome
the
Church
)
Gods
inward
kingdome
of
grace
in
our
hearts
,
is
made
to
have
its
efficacy
and
growth
.
And
as
for
the
Theological
vertues
of
meekness
,
humility
,
patience
,
gentleness
,
long-suffering
,
&c.
they
may
all
be
comprehended
under
the
aforesaid
grace
of
obedience
:
serving
as
necessary
qualifications
to
the
stating
thereof
:
as
shall
in
their
due
place
be
declared
.
From
all
which
,
as
the
simplicity
of
the
Gospel
may
plainly
appear
,
so
will
it
be
farther
manifest
,
how
by
this
coincidence
of
Christian
graces
(
sum'd
up
in
love
and
obedience
,
or
in
love
alone
,
or
obedience
alone
,
(
as
presuming
they
cannot
be
one
without
another
)
that
men
now
under
Christ
the
second
Adam
,
are
come
(
as
before
noted
)
to
be
stated
in
a
capacity
of
Innocence
,
upon
almost
as
easie
tearms
as
under
the
first
:
and
how
we
are
again
brought
to
be
more
resembling
his
condition
,
while
implicite
obedience
is
our
perfection
now
,
as
it
was
to
him
then
.
To
the
farther
confirmation
whereof
,
we
might
also
add
the
coincidence
of
the
sins
opposite
to
these
graces
:
as
contrarily
tending
to
diminution
of
Gods
glory
,
and
humane
good
:
Even
declaring
how
infidelity
and
uncharitableness
,
are
ever
accompanied
with
,
and
heightned
from
the
sin
of
obedience
.
But
I
shal
now
proceed
to
Scripture
proofs
in
these
things
:
and
in
farther
confirmation
of
the
precedent
chapter
,
beginning
with
some
out
of
the
New
Testament
.
Saint
Paul
having
declared
somewhat
to
the
Ephesians
of
his
knowledge
in
the
mystery
of
Christ
,
all
men
may
see
what
was
the
fellowship
of
the
mistery
:
that
is
,
both
the
fellowship
of
Christian
precepts
amongst
themselves
,
and
our
fellowship
or
communion
with
Christ
through
obedience
.
Which
(
mistery
)
from
the
beginning
of
the
world
hath
bin
hid
in
God
;
who
created
all
things
by
Jesus
Christ
:
that
is
,
heretofore
hid
under
the
legal
observations
,
To
the
intent
that
now
unto
the
principalities
and
powers
in
heavenly
places
,
that
is
,
unto
the
higher
powers
seated
and
deputed
by
Christ
,
might
be
known
by
the
Church
,
(
that
is
,
by
the
vertue
of
illumination
and
authority
,
given
to
them
through
Christs
headship
of
the
Church
)
the
manifold
wisdome
of
God
.
And
therefore
Saint
Pauls
prayer
was
,
that
Christ
might
dwell
in
their
hearts
by
faith
:
so
that
they
being
rooted
and
grounded
in
love
,
they
may
be
able
to
comprehend
with
all
Saints
,
what
is
the
breadth
,
and
length
,
and
depth
,
and
height
:
that
is
,
this
mistery
of
the
love
of
Christ
which
passeth
all
knowledge
.
those
that
walk
worthy
of
the
vocation
wherewith
they
are
called
:
do
it
with
all
lowliness
and
meekness
,
with
long
suffering
,
forbearing
one
another
in
love
:
endeavouring
to
keep
the
unity
of
the
spirit
in
the
bond
of
peace
:
that
is
,
in
obedience
to
our
owne
Christian
head
,
which
is
the
only
bond
of
peace
.
Apostles
and
Prophets
,
(
as
then
they
were
called
)
given
for
the
perfecting
of
the
Saints
,
and
for
the
work
of
the
ministry
;
we
come
to
be
united
as
Citizens
of
the
houshold
of
God
,
or
Catholick
Church
;
of
which
Christ
himself
is
the
chief
corner
stone
.
framed
and
built
together
in
this
life
,
tossed
to
and
fro
of
every
winde
of
doctrine
:
even
by
being
come
to
the
unity
of
faith
,
through
the
knowledge
of
the
Son
of
God
:
or
to
have
attained
that
measure
and
stature
of
fulness
,
Of
which
Christian
submission
and
obedience
,
having
set
downe
positive
precepts
in
the
names
of
Husbands
,
Parents
,
and
Masters
,
he
finally
exhorts
them
to
be
still
furnished
with
the
whole
armour
of
God
,
that
is
,
faith
,
love
,
and
obedience
:
that
they
may
be
able
to
stand
against
the
wils
of
the
Devil
:
That
is
,
these
his
most
crafty
wiles
and
insinuations
,
as
an
Angel
of
light
,
under
religious
pretences
,
to
acts
of
obedience
:
even
by
the
Prince
of
the
power
of
the
aire
,
the
spirit
that
worketh
in
the
children
of
disobedience
.
For
(
saith
he
)
we
wrestle
not
against
flesh
and
blood
,
meaning
against
fleshly
rules
or
Masters
(
for
against
the
works
of
the
flesh
we
must
wrestle
)
but
against
principalities
and
powers
,
agaist
the
rules
of
the
darkness
of
the
world
(
that
is
)
against
spiritual
wickedness
in
in
high
(
or
heavenly
)
places
.
Or
against
the
wills
of
the
Devil
,
overthrow
the
mystery
of
Christ
,
by
the
mysterie
of
iniquity
.
For
these
are
to
know
,
(
as
Saint
Paul
saith
to
Tymothy
)
that
the
end
of
the
commandment
is
Charity
;
or
peaceable
submission
and
obedience
for
charity
sake
:
out
of
a
pure
heart
,
and
a
good
conscience
,
and
faith
unfeigned
.
From
which
(
saith
he
)
some
having
swearved
,
are
turned
aside
unto
vain
jangling
;
that
is
,
unprofitable
questionings
of
legalty
:
desiring
to
be
Teachers
of
the
law
when
they
should
hearers
)
understanding
neither
what
they
say
nor
whereof
they
affirm
.
But
we
know
that
the
law
is
good
,
if
a
man
use
it
lawfully
:
that
is
,
an
obeyer
of
legal
authority
,
whereby
to
retain
innocence
,
Knowing
this
that
the
law
is
not
made
for
the
rsghteous
(
or
just
)
man
;
that
is
,
to
condemn
a
just
or
obedient
man
;
but
for
the
lawless
and
disobedient
,
for
ungodly
and
sinners
,
&c.
Where
,
all
wickedness
being
reckoned
after
,
as
subsequent
and
attendant
on
disobedience
,
and
by
opposing
the
disobedient
and
lawless
against
the
righteous
man
,
we
must
understand
obedience
and
righteousness
to
be
contivertible
:
For
as
the
fruit
of
the
Spirit
is
love
,
so
the
fruit
thereof
again
,
is
joy
,
peace
,
long
suffering
,
gentleness
,
goodness
,
faith
,
meekness
,
temperance
:
against
such
there
is
no
law
;
that
is
,
And
this
mistical
way
of
accomplishing
our
innocence
,
is
farther
repeated
to
the
Collossians
:
that
their
hearts
might
be
comforted
,
being
knit
together
in
love
:
and
unto
all
riches
of
the
full
assurance
of
understanding
,
to
the
acknowledgement
of
the
mistery
of
God
,
and
of
the
father
,
and
of
Christ
:
in
whom
are
hid
all
the
treasures
of
wisdome
and
knowledge
.
Which
,
as
the
Apostle
spake
least
any
should
beguile
them
with
entising
words
,
so
he
joyes
in
beholding
(
the
fruit
of
this
inward
love
)
their
order
,
and
stedfastness
of
their
faith
in
Christ
;
that
is
,
their
peace
and
agreement
in
the
faith
.
And
thereupon
proceeds
to
admonish
them
,
least
any
man
spoil
them
through
Philolosophy
and
vain
deceit
:
meaning
,
through
the
Greekish
popular
Philosophy
of
their
Country
,
(
teaching
righteousness
to
be
attained
by
their
many
precepts
of
morall
justice
)
,
or
vain
legall
deceit
of
the
Iews
amongst
them
:
after
the
Tradition
of
men
,
after
the
Rudiments
of
the
world
(
or
worldly
wisdome
)
and
not
after
Christ
,
in
the
simplicity
of
this
Gospell
precept
of
obedience
.
in
him
(
that
is
,
dwelleth
all
the
fulness
of
the
Godhead
bodily
.
Where
the
word
bodily
is
added
,
to
express
our
reall
participation
of
his
corporeall
fulness
,
that
are
to
be
rooted
and
built
up
in
him
;
according
as
in
the
following
words
is
expressed
:
And
yee
are
compleat
in
him
,
which
is
the
head
of
all
Principality
and
Power
:
And
so
also
,
being
grounded
in
love
in
him
,
we
are
circumcised
with
the
Circumcision
made
without
hands
,
in
putting
of
the
body
of
the
sins
of
the
flesh
;
or
the
observation
of
the
Law
that
causeth
sin
,
by
the
circumcision
of
Christ
;
buried
with
him
in
baptism
:
That
is
,
following
him
by
our
patience
in
those
afflictions
,
which
love
to
our
neighbours
,
and
obedience
to
our
Superiours
must
produce
,
we
shall
then
,
like
as
the
Captain
of
our
salvation
was
made
perfect
by
suffering
,
and
was
thereupon
exalted
;
so
we
(
proving
our selves
able
to
endure
our
shares
of
that
baptism
which
he
was
baptized
with
)
shall
rise
with
him
through
the
faith
of
the
operation
of
God
,
who
hath
raised
him
from
the
dead
.
being
dead
in
sins
,
and
the
uncircumcision
of
the
flesh
;
That
is
,
kept
under
the
bondage
of
sin
,
through
the
weakness
of
our
flesh
,
hath
he
quickned
together
with
him
:
having
forgiven
us
all
trespasses
,
blotting
out
the
hand
writing
of
Ordinances
that
was
against
us
,
which
was
contrary
to
us
;
and
took
it
out
of
the
way
,
nailing
it
to
his
Cross
:
For
having
by
his
Cross
spoyled
principalities
and
powers
;
that
is
,
the
principality
and
power
of
death
,
(
and
the
Law
that
caused
it
)
he
made
a
shew
of
them
openly
:
triumphing
over
them
in
it
.
Let
no
Man
therefore
judge
you
in
Meat
or
in
drink
,
or
in
respect
of
a
holy
day
,
or
of
the
new
Moon
,
or
of
the
Sabbath
dayes
:
these
were
shadows
of
things
to
come
,
but
the
body
is
of
Christ
;
that
is
,
by
putting
on
of
charity
,
which
is
the
bond
of
perfectness
.
He
therfore
proceeds
,
let
no
man
beguile
you
of
your
reward
,
in
a
voluntary
humility
and
worship
of
Angels
:
that
is
,
let
no
private
man
bereave
you
of
heaven
,
(
the
reward
of
obedience
to
Christ
)
by
making
you
believe
that
your
own
voluntary
humility
to
any
such
Minister
or
Messenger
,
that
like
Angels
would
appear
most
divinely
authorised
,
can
excuse
you
of
default
in
not
giving
your
rightfull
obedience
to
him
that
holds
his
power
by
direct
office
from
Christ
:
Intruding
into
those
things
which
he
hath
not
seen
;
that
is
,
proceeding
by
his
presumptuous
and
self-willed
refusall
of
Christs
authority
in
the
flesh
,
under
colour
of
spiritually
serving
him
:
being
vainly
puft
up
by
his
fleshly
minde
;
and
not
holding
of
the
head
(
or
right
chief
;
)
from
which
all
the
body
,
or
the
Church
,
by
joints
and
bands
,
(
that
is
,
by
just
degrees
of
subordination
)
having
nourishment
ministred
and
knit
together
:
or
being
nourished
by
her
own
Angels
and
Ministers
(
in
the
bond
of
obedience
united
)
increaseth
with
the
increase
of
God
:
that
is
,
Wherefore
if
we
be
dead
with
Christ
from
the
Rudiments
of
the
world
:
that
is
,
if
we
confess
the
sting
of
death
and
the
Law
nailed
to
his
Cross
,
and
worldly
wisdome
to
be
abolished
in
our
Christian
perfection
.
Why
as
though
living
in
the
world
,
are
we
subject
to
Ordinances
?
the
King
as
supreme
under
Christ
,
we
must
(
for
the
Lords
sake
)
be
subject
:
when
as
those
things
which
,
by
any
else
should
be
put
upon
us
,
touch
not
,
taste
not
,
handle
not
;
are
all
to
perish
with
the
using
,
after
the
commandments
and
doctrines
of
men
That
is
,
the
Precepts
in
these
things
are
not
otherwise
of
Divine
authority
,
Having
indeed
a
shew
of
Wil-worship
,
and
humility
,
and
neglecting
of
the
body
,
not
in
any
honour
to
the
satisfying
of
the
flesh
:
That
is
,
they
have
but
a
shew
of
spirituall
sanctity
,
or
form
of
godliness
:
as
though
they
did
not
intend
the
honouring
of
the
flesh
,
For
this
worshipping
or
obeying
Christ
,
or
Christian
Authority
,
according
to
the
wayes
and
forms
of
our
own
wisdomes
only
,
is
not
truly
worshipping
or
obeying
him
,
or
them
,
but
our selves
;
whom
we
Idolize
in
his
,
and
his
Ministers
stead
.
For
whilst
we
take
the
interpretation
of
the
Morall
Law
on
our
own
scores
,
and
will
,
as
by
and
from
our selves
presume
to
hear
God
himself
only
therein
(
as
once
generally
heard
from
Mount
Sinai
)
We
sacrifice
to
our
own
nets
and
snares
:
and
do
forfeit
that
glorious
liberty
of
the
Gospel
,
whose
mysterie
is
to
fulfill
the
Law
in
this
one
word
,
Thou
shalt
love
thy
Neighbour
as
thy self
:
and
are
again
entred
into
bondage
.
For
so
St
Paul
interprets
our
literall
observation
of
the
morall
Law
,
as
given
by
Moses
from
Mount
Sinai
,
even
as
answering
to
that
Jerusalem
which
is
in
bondage
with
her
children
;
Ierusalem
which
is
above
:
whom
we
are
now
to
hear
in
all
things
in
Moses
stead
;
The
Lord
God
shall
raise
up
unto
thee
,
a
Prophet
from
the
midst
of
thee
of
thy
Brethren
like
unto
me
unto
him
shall
ye
hearken
:
according
to
all
that
thou
desirest
of
the
Lord
thy
God
in
Horeb
,
saying
,
Let
me
not
hear
again
the
voice
of
the
Lord
my
God
;
neither
let
me
see
this
great
fire
any
more
,
least
I
die
.
The
which
fault
St
Paul
complains
of
in
his
giddy
and
disobedient
Corinthians
,
being
jealous
over
them
with
a
godly
jealousie
;
least
,
by
listening
to
others
,
they
should
through
subtilty
be
beguiled
,
as
the
Serpent
beguiled
Eve
,
from
the
simplicity
that
was
in
Christ
.
suffer
themselves
to
be
brought
into
bondage
,
by
relying
on
the
wisdomes
of
such
false
Apostles
,
and
deceitfull
workers
,
as
transforming
themselves
into
the
Apostles
of
Christ
,
would
,
under
colour
of
Mission
and
authority
immediately
received
from
God
,
be
directing
men
in
their
Christian
Morall
duties
,
contrary
,
or
above
the
direction
of
their
own
generall
and
authorized
head
:
who
must
now
be
in
danger
to
be
accounted
as
a
fool
,
transformed
Angels
of
light
,
and
Ministers
of
righteousness
.
To
warn
us
against
which
seduction
,
and
to
shew
that
the
interpretation
of
Divine
rules
and
precepts
were
by
God
and
Christ
now
referred
to
that
person
who
was
next
representing
them
,
it
is
observable
,
that
whensoever
Christ
is
urged
with
the
text
of
the
Law
,
or
when
himself
is
expounding
it
,
he
always
makes
the
sense
thereof
other
then
was
formerly
received
:
releasing
it
to
the
generall
law
of
reason
or
morality
,
and
not
tying
himself
to
the
Letter
as
it
was
particularly
morall
to
the
Jews
:
as
by
making
Murther
and
Adultery
to
be
inward
,
and
releasing
by
his
Power
,
sometimes
,
the
outward
acts
,
as
by
dispencing
with
that
strict
precept
of
the
Sabbath
,
and
other
instances
may
appear
:
These
precepts
binding
the
Jews
as
Divinely
Morall
,
but
Christians
no
farther
then
as
rationally
or
politically
so
.
And
St
Paul
having
thus
largely
in
the
fore-recited
,
and
in
the
next
Chapter
,
spoken
to
the
Colossians
of
our
participation
of
God
through
●hrist
,
and
of
Christ
through
Christian
obedience
(
in
this
precept
of
love
)
he
then
particularly
instances
how
this
love
is
to
be
outwardly
stated
,
and
made
perfect
by
obedience
to
rightfull
Superiours
in
Christ
:
naming
such
Masters
in
the
flesh
as
were
then
Christians
,
and
saying
,
Whatever
yee
doe
,
doe
it
heartily
as
to
the
Lord
,
And
not
unto
men
:
Knowing
that
of
the
Lord
ye
shall
receive
the
reward
of
his
inheritance
;
for
we
serve
the
Lord
Christ
:
that
is
,
we
serve
him
by
these
in
his
stead
:
But
he
that
doth
wrong
,
that
is
,
disobeys
,
or
serves
him
according
to
his
own
will
(
which
must
cause
wrong
)
shall
receive
for
the
wrong
which
he
hath
done
,
and
there
is
no
respect
of
persons
:
And
in
the
next
Epistle
(
being
the
first
to
the
Thessalonians
)
having
set
down
some
particular
commands
for
them
to
follow
,
(
saying
,
Yee
know
what
Commandments
we
gave
you
by
the
Lord
Jesus
)
he
after
adds
,
He
that
despiseth
,
despiseth
not
man
but
God
;
who
hath
also
given
to
us
his
holy
spirit
,
he
might
be
bold
in
as
the
Apostle
of
Christ
.
as
touching
brotherly
Love
,
ye
need
not
that
I
write
unto
you
;
for
your selves
are
taught
of
God
to
love
one
another
:
The
Lord
make
you
to
increase
and
abound
in
love
one
towards
another
,
and
towards
all
men
,
even
as
we
doe
towards
you
:
to
the
end
he
may
establish
your
hearts
unblamable
in
holiness
before
God
,
even
our
Father
,
at
the
coming
of
our
Lord
Jesus
Christ
with
all
his
Saints
.
Charity
shall
cover
the
multitude
of
sins
:
And
so
far
would
he
have
them
seek
Peace
(
the
fruit
of
this
love
)
That
they
should
study
to
be
quiet
,
and
to
doe
their
own
business
;
not
taking
upon
them
to
censure
the
actions
of
others
,
We
beseech
you
,
Brethren
,
to
know
them
which
labour
among
you
,
and
are
over
you
in
the
Lord
,
and
admonish
you
,
and
to
esteem
them
very
highly
in
love
for
their
works
sake
.
That
is
,
count
them
directors
of
your
love
(
so
far
as
it
is
operative
:
)
and
be
at
Peace
among
your selves
:
study
to
be
quiet
.
Because
being
obedient
to
them
,
we
shall
be
at
peace
with
one
another
:
but
if
we
follow
and
beleeve
them
not
in
the
manner
how
Christ
is
to
be
served
,
and
this
our
love
to
be
exercised
outwardly
,
as
well
as
we
have
already
believed
that
these
things
are
to
be
inwardly
embraced
;
it
will
follow
that
our
private
Will-worships
to
him
,
and
private
apprehensions
of
love
to
our
Brother
,
will
,
by
their
Crossings
and
thwartings
one
upon
another
,
prove
to
be
their
mutuall
subversion
:
and
upon
occasion
of
division
and
discontent
hereabouts
,
rankor
and
malice
will
break
in
,
to
the
reall
overthrow
of
both
true
Faith
and
Charity
.
It
being
impossible
that
any
voluntary
particular
act
of
my
love
to
any
Neighbor
,
can
be
so
great
and
extensive
,
as
that
more
generall
good
to
all
,
which
obedience
must
produce
.
Whereupon
follow
directions
,
both
to
Superiors
and
others
for
effecting
it
:
Warn
them
that
are
unruly
,
comfort
the
feeble
minded
,
support
the
weak
,
be
patient
towards
all
men
:
that
is
,
see
that
no
man
render
evill
for
evill
unto
any
man
,
or
take
upon
him
to
avenge
his
own
wrong
:
but
ever
follow
that
which
is
good
,
both
among
your selves
,
and
to
all
men
:
return
of
evil
for
evil
by
the
severall
Members
of
a
Kingdom
one
against
another
,
dissolve
all
bonds
of
Peace
and
Charity
;
whilst
every
man
should
be
both
persecuting
and
persecuted
.
Whereas
by
a
joynt
submission
and
acknowledgment
of
them
that
are
over
them
in
the
Lord
,
and
acquiescence
to
them
in
their
publick
Charge
and
Trust
,
all
rankor
will
cease
,
and
generall
Amity
be
preserved
.
And
these
two
fundamentall
precepts
of
Faith
and
Love
,
(
wrought
by
God
in
the
Thessalonians
)
he
again
mentions
in
his
second
Epistle
to
them
,
as
he
had
done
in
his
former
Epistle
:
for
as
there
he
thanks
God
alwayes
for
them
in
his
prayers
,
remembring
without
ceasing
their
work
of
faith
,
and
labor
of
love
:
So
here
he
saith
,
We
are
bound
to
thank
God
always
for
you
Brethren
,
as
it
is
meet
,
because
that
your
faith
groweth
exceedingly
,
and
the
Charity
of
every
one
of
you
all
towards
each
other
aboundeth
:
that
we
our
sel●es
glory
for
you
in
the
Church
of
God
:
That
is
,
for
your
good
example
;
for
your
patience
(
the
effect
of
love
)
and
faith
in
all
your
persecutions
and
tribulations
that
ye
endure
:
which
is
a
manifest
token
of
the
righteous
judgment
of
God
,
(
or
of
these
graces
of
God
in
you
that
makes
you
righteous
)
that
yee
may
be
counted
worthy
of
the
kingdom
of
God
:
(
both
to
the
participation
of
him
in
his
Church
here
,
and
hereafter
:
)
for
which
yee
also
suffer
:
That
is
,
those
tribulations
which
ye
endure
in
obedience
to
Authority
,
For
although
the
Law
it
in
self
were
holy
,
righteous
,
and
good
,
and
would
have
proved
effectually
so
to
us
also
,
if
we
had
had
sufficiency
and
integrity
enough
to
have
been
fully
comprehensive
and
observant
of
every
particle
thereof
,
yet
sin
,
taking
occasion
by
the
commandment
,
through
those
motions
which
were
in
the
flesh
unto
sin
,
made
us
come
to
lose
Charity
and
Peace
,
the
end
of
the
Law
,
through
a
mistaken
interpretation
of
keeping
the
Law
according
to
the
Letter
thereof
;
and
so
made
it
to
be
the
Law
of
sin
and
of
death
.
And
therefore
are
we
to
esteem
our selves
as
dead
unto
that
wherein
we
were
held
;
being
now
to
serve
this
husband
in
newness
of
Spirit
,
and
not
in
the
oldness
of
the
Letter
.
Meaning
,
that
through
obedience
made
from
the
heart
to
that
form
of
Doctrine
which
was
delivered
unto
us
,
we
shall
now
be
made
free
from
sin
,
and
born
the
servants
of
righteousnesse
:
That
is
,
by
having
our
righteousness
perfected
after
this
new
and
living
way
,
even
by
obedience
to
that
life
and
spirit
of
Christ
,
those
Precepts
and
directions
which
from
the
holy
Ghost
are
received
from
those
that
represent
him
in
Authority
here
amongst
us
.
By
which
it
shall
come
to
pass
,
that
what
the
Law
could
not
doe
in
that
it
was
weak
through
the
fl●sh
,
God
sending
his
Son
in
the
likeness
of
sinfull
flesh
,
and
for
sinn
,
condemned
sin
in
the
flesh
;
that
the
righteousness
of
the
Law
,
or
that
righteousness
which
the
Law
aimed
at
,
might
be
fulfilled
by
us
,
who
walk
not
after
the
flesh
,
but
after
the
spirit
:
for
they
that
are
after
the
flesh
,
that
is
,
doe
trust
to
their
own
fleshly
wisdomes
in
the
interpretation
of
literall
precepts
,
will
,
from
thence
,
take
occasion
to
minde
the
things
of
the
flesh
,
and
so
make
it
prove
the
law
of
sin
and
death
,
and
not
of
life
and
peace
.
Nor
is
this
Doctrine
of
the
simplicity
of
Gospel-precepts
,
and
accomplishment
of
Innocence
by
Christian
submission
,
other
then
what
was
formerly
prophesied
to
be
the
estate
of
the
Christian
Church
:
viz.
In
that
day
shall
the
Lord
of
Hosts
be
for
a
Crown
of
glory
,
and
a
diadem
of
beauty
unto
the
residue
of
his
people
:
for
a
spirit
of
judgement
to
him
that
sitteth
in
judgment
;
and
for
strength
to
them
that
turn
the
battell
into
the
Gate
:
sitteth
in
Judgment
:
who
being
also
mentioned
by
him
in
the
singular
number
,
and
the
glory
and
beauty
of
the
Church
being
expressed
under
the
notions
of
Crown
and
diadem
,
it
cannot
but
personate
the
Kingship
of
Christ
and
his
adopted
sons
;
Behold
,
a
King
shall
reign
in
Righteousness
,
and
Princes
in
Judgment
.
such
as
are
weaned
from
the
Milk
,
and
drawn
from
the
breasts
:
Meaning
such
as
are
content
to
obey
the
voice
of
Christs
authority
as
little
Children
.
But
the
persons
usually
erring
in
this
case
,
and
that
think
the
simple
food
of
Milk
too
weak
for
them
,
and
therefore
must
taste
the
Tree
of
good
and
evill
,
strong
drink
and
wine
)
are
decyphered
under
the
notions
of
Priests
and
Prophets
,
the
usuall
leaders
in
disobedience
.
For
whereas
the
Lord
said
,
This
is
the
rest
,
wherewith
yee
shall
cause
the
weary
to
rest
;
and
this
is
the
refreshing
,
yet
they
would
not
hear
:
but
the
Word
of
the
Lord
was
unto
them
(
that
is
,
to
their
apprehension
)
precept
upon
precept
,
precept
upon
precept
;
Line
upon
line
,
line
upon
line
;
here
a
little
,
and
there
a
little
:
that
they
may
goe
and
fall
backward
,
and
be
broken
,
and
snared
,
and
taken
:
that
is
,
their
Covenant
with
death
and
hell
.
Upon
which
ground
it
is
,
that
God
there
threatens
to
speak
with
stammering
lips
,
and
another
tongue
to
that
people
:
meaning
,
that
dark
parabolicall
way
of
delivery
,
used
in
Scripture
.
The
which
should
be
also
encreased
by
these
mens
own
devised
phrases
and
select
words
of
interpretation
used
amongst
themselves
:
whereby
(
as
by
a
sort
of
Canting
)
they
should
speak
as
with
stammering
lips
and
another
tongue
:
and
so
be
punished
with
darkness
,
because
of
their
incredulity
and
disobedience
to
him
;
and
for
having
trusted
to
their
own
Morall
wisdomes
:
and
because
also
through
dark
and
intricate
instructions
of
legality
,
lies
and
falshood
their
refuge
.
But
it
is
there
declared
,
who
shall
be
the
sure
foundation
of
the
Churches
safety
:
namely
,
the
Corner
stone
,
or
the
seat
of
Judgment
;
He
that
believeth
shall
not
make
haste
:
That
is
,
for
a
spirit
of
Judgement
to
him
that
undertaketh
to
be
the
Line
and
Plummet
of
Iudgement
and
Righteousness
.
treading
down
and
overflowing
these
hiding
places
:
from
the
time
it
goeth
forth
it
shall
take
hold
,
for
morning
by
morning
shall
it
pass
over
,
by
day
and
by
night
:
That
is
,
A
vexation
only
to
understand
the
report
:
bed
is
shorter
then
that
a
Man
can
stretch
himself
on
it
,
and
the
covering
narrower
,
then
that
he
can
wrap
himself
in
it
:
There
is
no
room
for
lyes
,
the
Lord
shall
rise
up
as
in
Mount
Perazim
,
he
shall
be
wrath
,
as
in
the
valley
of
●ibeon
;
That
he
may
doe
his
work
,
his
strange
work
,
and
bring
to
pass
his
act
,
his
strange
act
:
That
is
,
by
these
that
sit
in
Iudgement
,
and
turn
the
battail
to
the
gate
,
shall
cause
the
waters
of
Mount
Perazim
to
overflow
their
hiding
places
,
and
the
hailstones
of
his
wrath
to
sweep
away
the
refuge
of
lyes
.
And
then
shall
those
Prophets
,
Rulers
,
and
Seers
,
finde
themselves
so
confounded
,
by
the
spirit
of
deep
sleep
from
the
Lord
,
that
their
delusive
speculations
shall
afford
them
no
better
satisfaction
,
dream
of
Meat
or
drink
to
him
that
is
hungry
or
thirsty
.
And
all
,
because
of
these
pretenders
to
serve
God
in
another
way
then
by
the
direction
of
their
Superior
,
Do
but
draw
near
to
him
with
their
mouth
,
and
honour
him
with
their
lips
,
but
their
hearts
is
far
from
him
:
in
vain
(
making
semblance
of
)
worshipping
him
,
teaching
for
doctrines
the
commandments
of
Men
:
That
is
,
preferring
the
rule
of
righteousness
or
judgment
of
their
own
setting
up
,
Therefore
saith
the
Prophet
,
behold
I
will
proceed
to
doe
a
marvailous
work
amongst
this
people
,
even
a
marvailous
work
and
a
wonder
:
for
the
wisdome
of
their
wise
Men
shall
perish
,
and
the
understanding
of
the
prudent
Men
shall
be
hid
:
That
is
,
the
wisdom
of
these
pretenders
shall
come
to
nought
.
And
therefore
it
is
added
,
Woe
to
them
that
seek
deep
to
hide
their
counsell
from
the
Lord
,
and
their
works
in
the
dark
:
and
they
say
.
Who
seeth
us
,
and
who
knoweth
us
:
That
is
,
they
finde
such
multiplication
of
contrivances
,
as
if
they
would
out-wit
God
Almighty
.
But
he
saith
,
Surely
your
turning
of
things
upside
down
(
a
fit
expression
for
such
as
will
be
judging
their
Iudge
)
shall
be
esteemed
as
the
Potters
clay
:
for
shall
the
work
say
of
him
that
made
it
,
he
made
it
not
?
Or
shall
the
thing
framed
,
say
of
him
that
framed
it
,
he
had
no
understanding
:
Who
;
when
he
hath
made
plain
the
face
of
the
Earth
,
and
cast
in
his
appointed
grain
;
doth
not
then
continue
ploughing
himself
still
:
but
(
expecting
such
Crop
as
this
prepared
earthy
Heart
of
man
will
yeeld
)
;
he
doth
afterwards
(
by
divers
afflictions
)
cause
those
severall
sorts
of
Grain
,
to
be
cleansed
and
made
acceptable
.
But
as
for
them
that
think
there
can
be
no
fruitful
place
where
God
is
not
the
immediate
holder
of
the
Plough
,
and
where
are
not
many
Precepts
from
him
given
;
he
adds
,
Is
it
not
a
very
little
while
,
and
Lebanon
shall
be
turned
into
a
fruitfull
field
,
and
the
fruitfull
field
shall
be
esteemed
as
a
forrest
?
and
in
that
day
shall
the
deaf
eares
hear
the
word
of
the
Book
;
and
the
eyes
of
the
blinde
shall
see
out
of
obscurity
,
and
out
of
darkness
:
That
is
,
Meek
and
Poor
,
they
shall
increase
their
joy
in
the
Lord
:
For
the
terrible
one
is
brought
to
nought
,
and
the
scorner
is
consumed
;
and
all
that
waiteth
for
Iniquity
is
cut
off
:
Even
suck
kinde
of
men
,
as
would
scare
men
with
the
multitude
and
strength
of
their
Precepts
,
as
if
they
were
all
expresly
Divine
;
and
doe
again
scorn
the
simplicity
of
the
Gospel-rule
;
and
so
make
themselves
workers
of
iniquity
:
That
make
a
Man
an
offender
for
a
Word
;
and
lay
a
snare
for
him
that
reproveth
in
the
Gate
;
and
turn
aside
the
just
for
a
thing
of
naught
.
Which
verse
cleerly
expresseth
all
their
practice
:
first
by
making
Religious
,
and
Divine
precepts
to
stretch
to
every
thing
,
they
cause
men
to
be
in
danger
to
be
offenders
to
God
for
ordinary
matters
:
and
so
make
him
that
is
in
the
seat
of
judgement
,
appear
a
stumbling
block
or
rock
of
offence
:
seeming
to
them
an
usurper
of
authority
,
in
offering
to
direct
and
reprove
us
:
thereby
causing
the
just
,
or
the
rule
of
Justice
,
to
cease
and
desist
upon
no
occasion
.
As
though
a
King
sitting
in
the
seat
of
judgement
,
not
scatter
away
evil
with
his
eyes
;
as
though
he
that
doth
righteousness
were
not
righteous
;
as
though
judgement
and
righteousness
,
had
not
a
certain
line
and
plummet
for
their
measure
;
or
that
the
weight
or
measure
of
justice
appointed
by
Cods
Vicegerents
,
were
not
to
be
the
true
standard
;
but
that
men
might
make
divers
weights
and
measures
thereof
.
For
when
subjects
take
on
them
to
interpret
and
judge
of
righteousness
and
justice
,
by
any
other
way
and
rule
then
that
set
up
by
Christs
deputy
,
they
then
make
him
a
stumbling
block
to
them
,
chief
corner
stone
for
the
Churches
direction
)
was
made
unto
the
Jews
:
who
would
be
still
following
legal
righteousness
,
and
not
submit
to
that
which
was
of
faith
in
Christ
.
By
means
of
these
snares
,
laid
for
him
that
reproveth
in
the
gate
,
we
may
also
interpret
that
these
Priests
and
Prophets
should
not
onely
(
through
strong
drink
)
err
in
vision
and
stumble
themselves
in
judgement
,
also
to
err
through
wine
and
strong
drink
:
that
is
,
in
too
much
listening
to
their
shews
of
Divine
revelation
and
authority
.
But
generally
the
ensnaring
there
spoken
of
,
is
in
regard
of
those
vulgar
errors
which
should
prevaile
in
the
Christian
Church
,
notwithstanding
this
judgement
seat
of
Christ
executed
by
his
deputies
:
even
as
it
formerly
had
done
amongst
the
Israelites
,
called
there
the
drunkards
of
Ephraim
.
Therefore
saith
the
Lord
who
redeemed
Abraham
,
concerning
the
house
of
Jacob
:
Jacob
shall
not
now
be
ashamed
,
neither
shall
his
face
wax
pale
.
But
when
he
seeth
his
children
the
work
of
mine
hands
in
the
midst
of
him
(
that
is
,
such
as
are
begotten
to
him
through
the
power
of
mine
inward
Kingdom
)
they
shall
sanctifie
my
name
:
and
shall
sanctifie
the
holy
one
of
Jacob
,
and
shall
fear
the
God
of
Israel
:
that
is
,
They
also
that
erred
in
spirit
,
that
is
,
such
as
were
not
yet
thus
inwardly
guided
but
were
led
by
multitude
of
litteral
precepts
,
shall
come
to
understond
(
that
is
,
to
know
this
right
way
of
sanctifying
me
)
and
they
that
murmured
(
that
is
,
such
as
were
made
stubborn
by
relyance
upon
their
own
interpretations
of
legality
)
shall
learn
Doctrine
:
that
is
,
shall
learn
the
doctrine
of
obedeince
,
As
this
Office
of
Teaching
or
Instruction
,
is
to
be
understood
here
set
down
as
in
the
first
place
proper
to
Christ
(
who
was
anointed
to
preach
good
tydings
)
so
,
Shall
build
the
old
wasts
,
and
raise
up
the
former
desolations
of
the
Jewish
Church
,
by
this
advancement
of
Christs
kingdome
amongst
the
Gentiles
:
These
strangers
shall
stand
and
feed
the
Churches
flock
,
and
the
sons
of
the
Aliens
shall
be
her
plowmen
and
vine-dressers
:
all
which
are
the
Gospel
expressions
for
Christs
Shepherds
or
Pastors
.
Nor
can
it
appear
otherwise
then
reasonable
and
necessary
,
that
those
that
are
to
be
in
the
seat
of
judgement
under
Christ
,
should
have
in
chief
the
power
and
office
to
teach
and
instruct
,
as
well
as
to
censure
and
reform
.
Which
,
although
not
fit
to
be
personally
practised
by
Kings
,
in
that
sence
of
preaching
as
now
understood
(
especially
having
under
them
persons
in
holy
orders
to
that
purpose
separately
ordained
)
yet
is
that
general
Office
of
instruction
to
be
esteemed
so
properly
their
right
,
as
that
(
for
the
matter
and
measure
thereof
)
it
is
alwayes
subordinately
to
be
executed
by
others
.
For
as
they
are
to
be
the
keepers
of
both
tables
,
so
upon
extraordinary
and
exorbitant
occasions
,
they
may
also
(
no
doubt
)
as
Gods
Ministers
entrusted
in
chief
with
the
advancement
of
his
glory
and
service
publikely
and
personally
also
,
perform
that
Office
under
the
Gospel
,
much
more
rightfully
then
good
Josiah
under
the
Law
.
Who
,
to
his
great
commendations
,
had
formerly
done
the
like
,
In
the
ears
of
the
Priests
and
Prophets
,
and
all
the
people
both
small
and
great
:
and
yet
was
the
custody
and
interpretation
of
the
Law
much
more
appropriate
to
the
Priesthood
then
,
than
now
.
Nay
indeed
this
Office
must
both
be
in
the
same
person
,
and
in
the
first
place
setled
also
:
or
else
I
see
not
how
they
should
have
power
or
ability
to
reprove
,
in
such
things
where
they
had
no
power
or
right
to
constitute
and
ordaine
.
And
therefore
we
may
observe
,
that
the
first
Mission
of
power
which
our
Saviour
gave
,
was
under
the
notion
of
this
Office
of
Preachers
or
Evangelists
:
and
by
vertue
thereof
,
and
obedience
thereunto
,
did
the
Apostles
at
first
claim
obedience
from
their
Churches
in
other
things
;
as
shall
more
fully
appear
anon
.
But
to
return
,
so
much
of
the
prophesie
as
concerns
the
Church
her
encrease
and
prosperity
,
is
to
be
interpreted
as
not
made
good
fully
in
Christ
himself
,
nor
in
some
time
after
:
that
is
,
whilst
the
Church
was
so
under
persecution
,
that
those
deputies
of
Christ
in
the
seat
of
judgement
,
had
not
power
and
honor
enough
to
preserve
the
members
from
shame
,
or
fear
.
But
it
is
to
be
compleated
unto
the
residue
,
or
latter
time
of
the
Church
:
when
God
shall
more
eminently
appear
like
a
Crown
and
diadem
:
in
being
the
spirit
of
judgement
and
strength
,
to
them
that
have
the
crown
and
diadem
.
That
is
,
when
Christ
as
King
shall
raign
in
righteousness
,
and
his
deputies
of
Princes
shall
rule
in
judgement
:
then
shall
a
man
(
the
Prince
in
Christs
seat
)
be
for
a
hiding
place
from
the
winde
(
of
divers
doctrines
wherewith
they
were
formerly
tossed
)
and
a
cover
from
the
tempest
(
that
is
,
of
persecution
)
he
shall
be
as
rivers
of
waters
in
a
dry
place
:
That
is
,
(
from
the
spirit
of
truth
now
met
in
the
seat
of
mercy
and
judgement
)
he
shall
cause
instructions
to
flow
forth
as
waters
in
a
dry
land
:
and
by
means
of
strength
(
to
him
that
is
to
turn
the
battle
to
the
gate
)
he
shall
be
as
the
shaddow
of
a
great
rock
;
By
this
word
man
set
down
in
this
second
verse
in
the
singular
number
(
saying
,
A
man
shall
be
,
&c.
)
we
may
gather
,
first
,
that
there
should
be
but
one
at
once
in
each
Church
that
should
supply
the
place
of
a
rock
and
spirit
of
judgement
:
although
,
in
respect
of
the
whole
number
of
Christs
deputies
in
the
Catholike
Church
,
they
were
to
be
Princes
in
the
plural
number
,
under
him
the
Churches
universal
head
and
King
of
Kings
.
And
then
again
;
this
person
being
set
down
under
the
notion
of
a
man
,
will
denote
unto
us
that
it
could
not
be
meant
of
Christ
himself
neither
.
But
this
(
as
before
said
)
shall
chiefly
come
to
pass
,
after
the
former
Palaces
of
the
Jewish
Church
shall
be
forsaken
:
spirit
from
on
high
,
to
be
powered
on
the
Gentile
Church
,
judgement
shall
dwell
in
the
wilderness
:
that
is
,
in
the
Gentile
Church
,
formerly
a
wilderness
,
and
righteousness
remain
in
the
fruitful
field
:
meaning
the
now
flourishing
Gentile
Church
.
And
the
work
of
righteousness
shall
be
peace
,
and
the
effects
of
righteousness
shall
be
quietness
and
assurance
for
ever
.
That
is
,
by
means
of
righteousness
looking
down
from
heaven
,
The
Church
shall
dwell
in
a
peaceable
habitation
,
and
in
sure
dwellings
,
and
in
quiet
resting
places
:
that
is
,
the
Church
by
the
means
of
this
blessed
protection
of
kingship
,
These
blessings
of
peace
and
prosperity
,
to
come
to
the
Church
by
means
of
Gods
judgement
and
righteousness
given
to
the
King
and
the
Kings
son
,
the
Moon
shall
endure
,
we
may
know
how
to
interpret
Isaiahs
prediction
of
quietness
and
assurance
for
ever
:
and
so
be
confirmed
that
these
promises
import
temporal
happiness
,
to
acrew
to
us
by
a
temporal
Saviour
.
All
which
prophesies
were
to
be
fullfilled
,
after
those
prophesies
concerning
Christs
humiliation
in
his
own
person
should
have
an
end
:
and
also
his
own
prophesies
concerning
those
miserable
times
of
calamity
that
should
(
for
sometime
)
befall
his
Church
after
his
departure
.
In
which
respect
it
is
,
that
he
is
come
to
send
fire
on
earth
and
a
sword
,
&c.
meaning
persecution
:
and
also
to
set
men
in
neerest
relations
at
variance
one
against
another
:
meaning
that
for
fear
thereof
they
should
betray
one
another
.
For
if
we
be
not
regardful
of
the
true
times
of
compleating
the
prophesies
of
universal
peace
of
the
Church
,
we
shall
be
at
a
loss
to
finde
their
accomplishment
.
For
I
conceive
the
prophesies
of
universal
peace
(
as
of
beating
swords
into
pruning-hooks
,
&c.
)
to
have
accomplishment
at
the
general
peace
,
when
Christ
the
Prince
of
peace
came
:
and
our
Saviours
prophesies
of
his
Churches
persecution
,
to
have
an
end
in
Constantines
time
.
After
whom
,
I
look
on
the
Christian
Church
,
in
her
relapses
under
Julian
the
Apostate
,
&c.
as
in
a
temporary
trembling
motion
:
till
she
fix
in
her
state
of
quietness
and
assurance
.
For
we
are
not
to
expect
that
Christ
should
cry
,
or
cause
his
voice
to
be
heard
in
the
streets
of
the
world
as
a
King
,
Untill
he
had
sent
judgement
into
victory
:
that
is
,
untill
by
means
of
victories
obtained
by
these
his
deputies
in
the
seat
of
judgement
,
he
shall
have
made
himself
notable
for
his
power
.
For
the
expression
of
sending
judgement
into
victory
,
must
import
his
doing
these
things
by
others
:
even
by
these
anointed
persons
under
him
.
In
the
mean
time
,
those
his
former
Deputies
,
Apostles
,
Bishops
,
Patriarchs
,
&c.
that
like
weak
and
feeble
reeds
,
were
shaken
to
and
froe
of
the
winde
of
persecution
,
he
should
not
break
;
or
quench
the
smoaking
(
or
dimnly
burning
)
flax
:
That
is
,
should
both
powerfully
defend
them
against
others
breaking
;
and
should
also
promote
the
encreasing
state
of
his
Church
:
which
like
to
smoaking
flax
,
should
shortly
burn
forth
brightly
under
Monarchy
:
and
by
means
of
these
nursing
fathers
of
the
Church
,
should
shew
judgement
to
the
Gentiles
.
This
fault
of
mens
adding
precept
to
precept
,
and
of
Forsaking
the
fountain
of
living
water
,
and
digging
to
themselves
broken
Cisterns
that
can
hold
no
water
,
Say
ye
not
a
confederacy
to
all
them
whom
this
people
shall
say
a
confederacy
;
neither
fear
you
their
fear
,
nor
be
afraid
.
Sanctifie
the
Lord
of
hoasts
himself
,
and
let
him
be
your
fear
and
your
dread
:
that
is
,
sanctifie
him
according
to
the
precepts
of
faith
and
love
,
his
inward
law
written
in
your
hearts
.
And
then
He
shall
be
for
a
sanctuary
(
a
place
of
safety
to
you
)
but
for
a
stone
of
stumbling
,
and
a
rock
of
offence
to
both
the
houses
of
Israel
:
for
a
gin
,
and
for
a
snare
to
the
inhabitants
of
Jerusalem
.
And
many
among
them
(
that
is
,
all
such
as
will
trust
to
their
own
light
and
neglect
the
simplicity
of
Christs
Gospel-light
)
shall
stumble
and
fall
:
and
be
broken
,
and
be
snared
,
and
be
taken
.
And
then
he
proceeds
to
tell
what
this
new
,
and
living
way
is
,
and
how
the
letter
of
the
Law
is
to
be
made
lively
,
and
effectual
by
means
of
a
living
keeper
:
and
so
he
brings
in
Christ
speaking
Binde
up
the
testimony
,
seal
the
law
among
my
Disciples
:
that
is
,
let
judiciary
power
be
in
those
that
rule
in
Christs
name
and
stead
:
And
I
will
wait
for
the
Lord
,
that
hideth
his
face
from
the
house
of
Iacob
(
that
is
,
such
of
them
as
sacrifice
to
their
own
snares
)
and
will
look
for
him
.
Behold
I
and
the
children
whom
the
Lord
hath
given
me
,
are
for
signs
and
for
wonders
in
Israel
:
because
our
way
agrees
not
with
the
interests
of
their
moral
contrivances
.
After
which
,
the
admonition
comes
against
our
listening
to
these
diviners
and
such
as
would
finde
Christ
in
the
secret
places
.
When
they
shall
say
unto
you
seek
unto
them
that
have
familiar
Spirits
;
and
unto
them
that
peep
and
that
matter
;
such
as
have
canting
ways
and
expressions
of
their
own
,
do
not
follow
such
:
for
,
should
not
a
people
seek
unto
their
God
?
Is
it
fit
that
they
should
seek
for
the
living
sense
of
the
Law
,
to
the
dead
,
letter
?
But
if
they
do
seek
to
the
Law
and
to
the
Testimony
,
if
they
speak
not
according
to
this
word
,
(
namely
shewing
how
all
Law
is
fulfilled
in
this
one
word
of
love
)
it
is
because
there
is
no
light
in
them
:
that
is
,
because
God
hath
suffered
the
God
of
this
world
to
blinde
their
mindes
.
dig
deep
to
hide
their
Councels
from
God
,
shall
pass
through
it
hardly
bestead
and
hungry
:
they
shall
be
caught
in
their
own
snares
and
be
as
him
that
dreameth
of
meat
and
behold
he
is
an
hungry
.
And
it
shall
come
to
pass
when
they
be
hungry
,
they
shall
fret
themselves
:
and
curse
their
King
and
their
God
,
and
look
upward
.
That
is
,
the
shame
and
confusion
of
their
own
deceitful
way
,
shall
drive
them
into
so
great
desparation
,
that
instead
of
amendment
by
obedience
to
God
,
to
be
shewed
to
the
King
his
Minister
,
they
shall
curse
the
parties
themselves
;
that
is
,
curse
God
by
cursing
their
King
:
whereby
they
shall
curse
upward
,
as
well
as
look
upward
.
The
which
is
the
issue
of
all
such
blinde
guidance
:
namely
to
finde
trouble
,
darkness
,
dimness
,
anguish
,
and
the
like
;
And
this
consequence
of
dimness
and
anguish
,
as
we
finde
by
example
to
have
been
the
issue
of
the
absence
of
Monarchical
direction
,
in
the
Idolatry
,
Civil
war
,
and
other
wickedness
of
the
Israelites
,
When
they
had
no
King
,
but
every
man
did
what
seemed
good
in
his
own
eys
(
that
is
,
interpreted
and
followed
the
letter
of
the
Law
as
he
thought
good
)
so
,
is
it
also
foretold
to
happen
to
Israel
,
and
in
them
to
the
Christian
Church
,
when
she
shall
be
an
empty
Vine
,
or
fruitless
,
by
bringing
forth
fruit
unto
himself
:
that
is
,
serve
God
after
his
own
invention
,
signified
by
increasing
his
Altars
and
goodly
Images
.
For
then
,
when
their
heart
is
divided
;
that
is
,
they
shall
be
found
faulty
,
and
their
Altars
and
Images
shall
be
broken
down
:
be
snared
and
taken
.
They
shall
then
finde
their
sin
of
disobedience
to
prove
their
punishment
.
For
they
shall
say
we
have
now
no
King
,
because
we
feared
not
the
Lord
,
what
then
shall
a
King
do
to
us
?
That
is
,
and
have
spoken
words
swearing
falsly
in
making
a
Covenant
(
the
Covenant
of
our
own
works
with
death
and
hell
)
therefore
do
we
deserve
to
have
judgement
springing
up
like
Hemlock
in
the
furrows
of
the
field
:
that
is
,
We
shall
also
finde
the
Prophet
Amos
imputing
it
as
a
fault
in
Israel
and
a
sure
sign
of
their
calamity
that
they
hated
him
that
reproved
in
the
gate
,
and
abhorred
him
that
speaketh
uprightly
:
that
is
,
desire
the
day
of
the
Lord
:
as
if
a
man
did
flee
from
a
Lion
,
and
a
Bear
met
him
and
went
into
the
House
and
leaned
his
hand
on
the
wall
,
and
a
Serpent
bit
him
.
abhor
their
Offerings
,
their
Feast
days
,
and
other
solemn
ways
appointed
for
his
own
worship
:
because
,
under
colour
of
serving
him
,
they
had
turned
judgement
into
wormwood
,
and
left
off
righteousness
in
the
earth
:
or
had
made
it
spring
up
like
Hemlock
,
as
formerly
noted
.
Nor
need
there
farther
instances
be
given
of
that
simplicity
and
coincidence
of
Gospel
Precepts
,
and
how
that
Faith
and
Love
,
or
Faith
that
worketh
by
love
,
and
Love
made
useful
by
Obedience
,
are
asserted
in
the
New-Testament
,
as
necessarily
,
and
onely
fundamental
;
since
,
if
the
whole
Scripture
be
diligently
examined
,
they
will
be
found
the
usual
drift
of
them
all
.
So
that
as
salvation
is
sometimes
,
and
in
some
places
promised
to
such
as
believe
the
Gospel
,
so
in
other
places
,
to
such
as
obey
the
Gospel
.
Faith
uniting
us
to
Christ
,
and
Obedience
uniting
us
to
his
Church
.
He
that
with
prepossession
of
this
Doctrine
,
shall
read
the
holy
Scriptures
,
shall
finde
the
difficult
places
thereof
to
assent
to
a
ready
opening
and
interpretation
;
offering
themselves
to
unlock
easily
with
this
Key
:
it
being
the
door
of
entrance
into
most
of
the
mysteries
thereof
,
which
are
usually
turning
upon
these
hinges
.
Which
plenty
and
readiness
of
discovery
,
as
it
hath
been
the
occasion
of
my
passed
tediousness
in
these
Discourses
,
so
must
it
be
the
excuse
also
;
both
for
my
want
of
order
,
and
also
for
any
repetition
that
shall
be
found
therein
.
For
as
the
known
benefit
arising
by
peace
(
through
obedience
)
made
me
attentive
to
such
remarkable
Texts
as
did
confirm
this
duty
,
so
these
Texts
again
,
by
the
abundance
of
matter
accompanying
them
and
leading
to
that
subject
,
caused
me
both
to
fail
of
method
,
and
to
transcend
my
intended
bounds
in
the
Treaty
hereof
.
And
yet
,
to
avoid
this
tediousness
,
I
have
neither
undertaken
to
Comment
on
many
places
(
neither
in
Old
nor
New-Testament
)
;
and
in
some
of
those
I
do
undertake
,
it
may
be
observed
that
I
have
but
cursorily
glossed
:
leaving
the
farther
discovery
to
each
mans
easie
observation
that
will
attend
it
.
I
know
many
will
look
strangely
at
the
first
,
upon
this
Doctrine
of
mens
innocence
by
implicite
obedience
in
all
we
do
:
that
is
,
to
Christ
himself
in
things
fundamental
,
and
which
formally
state
us
Christians
,
and
to
our
Prince
(
his
deputy
)
in
all
things
necessary
for
the
security
and
advance
thereof
.
But
when
the
scope
of
Scripture
,
and
the
good
of
Peace
and
common
Charity
(
thereby
,
and
no
way
else
to
be
attained
)
shall
be
well
considered
of
,
the
apparent
benefit
,
will
in
reality
(
I
hope
)
exceed
the
seeming
novelty
.
For
without
it
,
how
shall
we
be
able
to
ground
and
settle
our selves
,
upon
such
a
constant
course
for
Unity
and
Agreement
,
where
private
judgements
(
under
the
colour
of
Conscience
)
shall
not
be
able
to
interrupt
Gods
appointed
way
of
providence
,
by
setting
him
to
act
against
himself
?
Even
to
interrupt
and
abate
of
that
glory
which
should
be
given
to
God
in
the
highest
,
by
not
providing
for
this
Peace
one
earth
,
and
good
will
towards
men
:
according
to
that
heavenly
Hymn
sung
at
the
birth
of
the
Prince
of
Peace
.
And
if
such
a
thing
as
Government
must
thereupon
be
acknowledged
necessary
,
and
that
obedience
again
is
a
duty
necessary
to
estate
Government
;
then
must
there
necessarily
a
difference
follow
(
in
point
of
guilt
)
between
him
that
performs
it
,
and
him
that
doth
it
not
:
and
so
consequently
he
that
hath
been
more
implicite
and
ready
in
his
obedience
,
must
be
confessed
to
have
better
performed
it
,
then
he
who
hath
therein
but
observed
the
Dictate
of
his
own
sence
and
Conscience
,
and
not
that
of
his
Superior
.
Nor
can
I
see
,
how
men
,
generally
granting
Superiors
to
be
accountable
for
the
sins
which
were
acted
by
vertue
of
their
commands
,
can
thereupon
avoid
the
acknowledgement
,
that
as
this
guilt
lights
on
them
because
the
other
obeys
out
of
sense
of
duty
,
so
must
it
proportionably
abate
in
the
obeyer
:
unless
they
can
make
obedience
no
duty
at
all
,
or
(
that
which
is
more
absurd
)
can
make
men
never
the
juster
for
having
done
it
.
But
so
hard
a
thing
it
is
to
overcome
that
thirst
of
rule
and
insubjection
that
is
naturally
graffed
in
us
,
that
some
objections
must
always
be
expected
to
shake
off
implicite
restraint
,
and
to
leave
us
still
to
the
liberty
and
condition
of
our
first
Parents
,
in
examining
the
Ground
and
Reason
of
each
command
,
before
we
come
to
act
.
It
faring
with
men
,
in
the
rendring
of
their
obedience
,
as
it
doth
in
their
Charity
.
For
although
none
will
deny
that
Charity
lies
upon
him
as
a
duty
,
even
as
they
will
grant
that
Obedience
doth
also
,
yet
when
we
are
to
act
this
Precept
of
Love
or
Charity
we
shall
finde
interest
and
covetousness
,
so
to
sway
us
in
making
of
Objections
against
such
as
do
really
need
it
,
that
it
will
in
the
end
amount
to
very
little
:
even
as
in
like
manner
Pride
and
Interest
are
always
ready
to
defeat
the
duty
of
Obedience
;
by
one
objection
or
other
against
the
person
commanding
,
or
the
Command
it self
.
Thus
,
Children
and
Servants
,
being
told
of
those
Texts
of
obey
in
all
things
,
or
the
like
,
will
presently
answer
,
that
,
by
all
things
,
must
be
understood
onely
things
lawful
:
For
else
,
our
Father
or
Master
may
command
us
to
do
contrary
to
the
Laws
of
our
Prince
and
Country
;
he
may
command
us
to
Kill
,
to
Steal
,
&c.
And
the
like
answer
we
must
also
expect
from
some
who
live
under
the
notion
of
Subjects
,
but
have
no
minde
to
be
so
:
to
wit
,
That
no
man
is
bound
to
such
implicite
obedience
,
as
is
by
me
formerly
set
down
;
nor
the
subject
obliged
to
obey
his
King
commanding
contrary
to
the
Law
of
God
and
Nature
.
And
then
,
assuming
to
themselves
a
liberty
to
know
,
interpret
,
and
apply
these
Laws
,
they
have
made
that
Precept
of
obey
in
all
things
,
equivalent
to
obey
in
nothing
:
since
that
I
do
no
more
for
him
,
then
I
would
have
done
for
a
friend
that
should
have
entreated
me
:
even
to
have
satisfied
his
desire
as
far
as
my
own
Conscience
or
judgement
did
lead
me
.
But
they
have
not
well
considered
,
that
as
the
reason
why
Children
and
Servants
cannot
follow
implicite
directions
,
is
,
because
the
Prince
their
common
Superior
,
hath
nowhere
left
the
Father
and
Master
to
this
liberty
,
by
saying
obey
in
all
things
,
or
the
like
,
but
on
the
contrary
,
doth
expect
immediate
and
particular
obedience
from
them
,
as
Subjects
,
to
many
of
his
Laws
:
which
,
had
he
not
,
but
had
bidden
them
to
Submit
to
those
that
had
the
rule
over
them
,
&
to
do
all
things
without
murmurings
and
disputings
,
&c.
It
cannot
be
doubted
but
an
implicite
obedience
to
their
Parent
or
Master
would
have
excused
them
against
their
Prince
:
inasmuch
as
in
all
those
cases
,
where
no
reservation
was
expresly
made
,
obedience
to
them
was
but
obedience
to
him
.
Nor
have
they
well
considered
the
condition
of
humane
frailty
;
which
is
,
and
will
be
,
while
man
continues
in
this
vail
of
misery
,
obnoxious
unto
sundry
unavoidable
inconveniences
and
mischiefs
.
It
is
not
for
men
to
fancy
their
happiness
can
be
in
any
thing
so
stated
here
,
as
not
to
be
lyable
to
cross
and
adverse
accidents
:
all
they
can
do
,
is
to
bow
and
submit
to
that
way
and
course
by
Providence
appointed
them
,
and
where
these
things
are
least
to
be
feared
.
And
therefore
,
to
those
that
shall
object
against
the
degree
of
arbitrariness
we
have
assigned
to
Princes
,
What
if
Kings
shall
command
their
Subjects
to
commit
murther
,
or
lye
with
another
mans
wife
,
or
the
like
:
We
may
make
answer
by
another
Question
;
Whether
they
think
it
more
probable
that
those
things
should
come
to
pass
and
be
acted
in
Civil
war
and
Anarchy
(
the
usual
remedy
of
this
fear
)
when
each
man
is
left
at
liberty
to
perform
what
he
is
by
natural
inclination
provoked
unto
,
or
when
their
actings
,
are
,
in
that
case
bounded
by
one
that
can
have
no
such
self-delight
therein
.
Where
there
is
a
King
set
up
with
due
power
,
that
can
have
no
pleasure
in
any
mans
revenge
or
lust
,
it
is
not
supposeable
that
this
one
person
shall
be
alike
prone
to
command
in
that
kinde
(
nay
,
even
to
any
one
person
)
as
that
,
the
neerer
provocations
of
Anger
and
Concupiscence
where
no
irresistable
power
is
,
should
universally
instigate
to
be
committed
,
in
order
to
that
liberty
in
which
each
one
is
left
.
If
men
do
really
hate
these
and
the
like
evils
,
and
do
accordingly
desire
that
the
most
sure
way
should
be
taken
for
their
avoidance
(
for
to
do
it
in
such
degree
that
they
shall
not
be
supposeable
to
happen
is
impossible
)
they
should
then
(
me
thinks
)
not
countenance
those
maxims
and
courses
that
tend
to
Rebellion
and
Civil
war.
For
,
where
it
is
but
possible
that
under
a
Monarch
equally
obeyed
,
some
things
may
be
,
at
some
times
commanded
,
in
case
of
insurrection
and
Civil
war
,
it
falls
out
of
necessity
that
such
things
must
be
often
,
and
more
generally
perpetrated
.
And
where
,
in
the
first
case
,
it
can
never
happen
but
with
some
knowledge
and
remorse
of
the
thing
as
evil
,
(
whereby
through
Conscience
or
sense
of
honor
the
execution
may
be
prevented
or
mitigated
)
here
Conscience
it self
comes
many
times
to
be
so
blindely
engaged
,
that
each
disagreeing
party
is
ready
to
believe
that
their
revenge
and
rapine
against
each
other
,
is
but
as
done
against
Gods
enemies
;
and
so
is
both
duty
and
service
to
him
.
In
which
case
,
to
spare
out
of
any
natural
or
moral
relation
of
Father
,
or
Master
,
or
the
like
,
is
all
one
as
to
prefer
worldly
respects
to
divine
,
and
the
love
of
men
to
that
of
God
:
too
sad
experience
telling
us
,
how
men
,
in
this
case
,
are
wont
to
heighten
one
anothers
rage
by
the
abused
applycation
of
this
or
such
like
Texts
.
Cursed
be
he
that
doth
the
work
of
the
Lord
deceitfully
:
and
cursed
be
he
that
keepeth
back
his
sword
from
blood
.
But
for
fuller
satisfaction
in
these
scruples
,
men
are
to
consider
that
as
Murther
,
Theft
,
Adultery
and
the
like
are
in
themselves
Vices
notoriously
destructive
to
humane
preservation
and
peace
,
so
in
the
eye
of
divine
Providence
it
was
found
necessary
,
not
onely
to
forbid
them
by
express
Laws
and
Precept
from
himself
,
but
also
to
substitute
amongst
men
such
living
Magistrates
as
should
have
the
charge
for
the
interpretation
and
enforcing
of
them
.
To
say
that
any
man
may
commit
Murther
,
Theft
,
or
the
like
,
and
yet
commit
no
sin
,
were
not
to
speak
like
a
Christian
;
but
then
again
,
to
say
that
the
determination
of
what
is
,
or
is
not
Murther
or
Theft
,
is
not
left
unto
him
that
is
to
interpret
and
enforce
this
Law
,
is
as
erroneous
and
unbecoming
a
subject
.
When
Moses
commanded
to
slay
every
man
his
brother
,
and
to
borrow
of
the
Egyptians
rayment
,
Jewels
&c.
the
Israelites
that
were
to
look
on
him
as
the
keeper
and
interpreter
of
the
Law
,
thereby
Obedience
to
him
assayl'd
both
of
Murther
and
Theft
.
For
as
these
Laws
(
as
we
said
)
were
made
for
the
good
of
Society
,
so
is
their
definition
and
particular
enforcement
entrusted
to
him
that
hath
share
of
each
Society
.
In
which
consideration
it
may
often
fall
out
,
that
the
putting
of
some
to
death
by
publike
command
,
is
necessary
to
the
saving
of
more
from
being
murthered
upon
private
revenge
;
and
the
confiscation
of
some
mens
estates
,
the
ready
way
to
secure
other
subjects
in
a
more
quiet
possession
.
And
if
those
that
are
by
Princes
in
these
kindes
to
be
imployed
as
executioners
of
Justice
,
are
not
obliged
to
enter
into
the
examination
of
the
legality
of
the
Precept
or
Sentence
whereby
any
is
bereft
of
life
,
liberty
,
or
estate
,
even
because
of
those
great
inconveniences
that
might
follow
such
delay
or
refusal
;
why
should
not
Subjects
in
the
general
be
held
excusable
by
implicite
obedience
also
?
For
it
is
nowhere
found
but
the
Subjects
of
the
one
sort
do
stand
equally
,
and
as
strictly
obliged
as
the
other
;
and
therefore
,
if
the
Prince
his
particular
employment
of
some
certain
of
his
subjects
this
way
,
did
,
for
his
very
Precept
sake
,
tye
them
to
stricter
obedience
,
and
also
excuse
them
therein
;
what
and
if
another
subject
should
upon
occasion
be
willed
to
act
this
part
?
What
and
if
as
many
subjects
as
should
make
an
Army
should
be
called
together
to
execute
his
commands
upon
such
numbers
of
others
as
could
not
be
awed
by
the
ordinary
way
of
Justice
,
(
for
an
Army
is
nothing
else
but
an
extraordinary
leavy
of
men
for
publike
vindication
)
?
Are
subjects
in
this
case
to
refuse
listing
,
till
they
be
farther
satisfied
in
the
justice
of
their
Soveraigns
proceeding
then
what
his
Declarations
doth
intimate
?
Or
may
they
afterwards
susped
execution
in
every
new
Command
,
until
they
be
fully
satisfied
in
the
justness
thereof
?
If
this
be
thought
unreasonable
,
as
the
ready
was
to
defeat
all
Military
Discipline
,
so
must
it
likewise
be
held
destructive
in
Civil
proceedings
also
;
which
is
but
a
more
stationary
and
setled
Army
;
as
the
Army
is
a
more
moveable
Commonwealth
,
in
a
more
warlike
posture
:
Obedience
being
the
Life
and
Soul
of
both
.
But
,
if
the
Prince
,
upon
some
Reasons
known
to
himself
;
command
any
of
his
Subjects
to
carry
a
Reprieve
,
or
be
otherwise
instrumental
in
the
saving
of
any
person
condemned
for
Murther
,
or
Theft
,
or
the
like
,
is
that
person
,
that
hath
the
life
of
this
man
now
in
his
power
,
to
suspend
or
deny
the
prosecution
of
this
Precept
,
because
,
for
ought
appears
to
him
,
the
condemned
party
is
not
guiltless
?
If
the
condemned
party
shall
be
saved
by
his
Obedience
to
his
Prince
his
Command
,
and
shall
afterwards
commit
more
Murthers
,
or
Thefts
,
or
the
like
;
on
whose
score
score
shall
all
these
light
?
For
it
is
(
certainly
)
as
well
a
fault
to
justifie
and
acquit
the
wicked
,
But
if
after
all
this
,
the
truth
of
what
hath
hitherto
been
delivered
finde
but
slow
belief
and
practise
;
it
is
not
to
be
wondred
at
.
Considering
first
,
that
the
thing
it self
is
a
mystery
;
even
hid
from
the
wise
and
prudent
,
and
revealed
unto
Babes
:
that
is
,
to
them
that
(
like
Babes
and
Sucklings
)
can
be
content
innocently
to
relye
on
Christs
sincere
milk
of
the
Word
,
(
his
Precept
of
Love
)
and
to
draw
it
from
the
Breasts
of
the
nursing
Fathers
and
Mothers
of
the
Church
.
To
these
humble
souls
,
will
God
give
his
Grace
:
but
will
resist
the
proud
in
their
prudent
speculations
.
For
how
is
it
otherwise
to
be
hoped
,
but
that
since
men
do
fancy
themselves
to
have
sufficiency
of
discretion
and
integrity
,
(
which
all
more
or
less
do
)
so
proportionably
,
they
shall
also
balk
all
guidance
but
their
own
;
or
(
which
is
all
one
)
such
onely
as
themselves
like
of
?
For
,
since
the
Reason
why
I
decline
the
others
guidance
to
follow
theirs
,
is
onely
because
I
first
found
their
Principles
,
and
Commands
were
such
as
were
agreeable
to
mine
own
judgement
or
interest
;
it
must
then
be
granted
,
that
I
follow
therein
but
my self
,
and
also
obey
none
other
.
They
therefore
that
can
well
be
content
to
acknowledge
that
Faith
in
Christ
is
necessary
for
making
us
capable
of
the
blessing
of
Deity
,
will
yet
make
a
stand
to
confess
it
to
be
solely
that
Faith
that
worketh
by
love
,
or
is
always
ready
so
to
do
:
and
that
then
,
as
we
cannot
be
Members
of
Christ
otherwise
then
as
by
being
Members
of
his
Church
,
so
neither
of
his
Church
,
otherwise
then
by
obedience
to
that
power
therein
residing
in
his
stead
.
But
now
,
for
Conclusion
of
this
Discourse
,
we
will
see
how
far
these
things
stand
good
and
justifiable
in
the
very
light
of
Nature
also
:
to
the
end
it
may
finde
readier
entertainment
,
when
they
shall
appear
reasonable
in
humane
prudence
,
as
well
as
divinely
positive
;
both
that
there
should
be
an
inward
Plantation
of
Love
and
Charity
in
the
Creature
,
to
serve
towards
mutual
affordment
in
the
work
of
Providence
;
and
that
,
to
make
this
love
effectual
to
the
same
end
,
there
should
be
Order
and
Regulation
appointed
:
lest
through
the
pursuance
of
benificence
separately
and
unlimitedly
undertaken
,
the
contrary
might
be
produced
.
For
as
we
have
in
this
whole
work
propounded
Scripture
and
Reason
for
our
onely
proof
and
Authority
,
so
in
this
particular
(
as
well
as
in
all
the
rest
)
it
is
our
endeavor
to
let
men
see
the
agreement
of
those
two
:
and
that
Scripture
is
nothing
but
Reason
enlightened
and
rectifyed
;
and
so
bringing
sundry
sorts
of
truth
more
neer
to
our
understanding
.
CHAP.
IX
.
Of
Charity
as
it
stands
in
Nature
.
AS
some
there
are
,
who
in
their
height
of
admiration
of
those
many
excellent
endowments
and
Prerogatives
of
mankinde
,
have
left
unto
us
their
Eloquent
and
abundant
discourses
of
his
perfection
and
felicity
;
so
others
again
there
are
,
who
in
contemplation
of
his
many
weaknesses
,
pravities
,
and
imperfections
,
have
been
as
excessive
in
their
pathetick
expressions
of
his
misery
and
wretchedness
.
And
observe
whom
you
will
that
write
of
this
Subject
,
and
do
consider
man
in
a
separate
condition
,
and
you
shall
finde
them
falling
into
intemperance
on
one
hand
or
other
.
Not
that
man
is
not
the
same
he
was
,
but
the
object
of
the
comparison
they
still
make
unto
him
,
having
between
him
and
them
such
large
degree
of
perfection
,
or
meaness
of
beatitude
or
goodness
,
we
need
not
wonder
,
if
from
such
different
conference
,
man
arise
with
such
like
different
censure
and
estimation
.
For
one
sort
comparing
him
to
God
,
or
such
things
as
are
in
their
specifick
degree
more
happy
or
perfect
,
it
cannot
be
expected
but
that
from
such
a
comparison
he
should
arise
other
then
a
Creature
of
low
and
most
miserable
condition
and
esteem
.
The
other
again
,
comparing
him
to
other
sensitives
and
Creatures
below
him
,
must
in
contemplation
of
those
many
abilities
of
his
(
in
Understanding
and
Will
)
above
them
,
and
of
his
more
lively
Image
of
his
Maker
in
the
appetite
of
good
,
make
their
Discourses
high
in
his
comendations
.
But
however
his
Felicity
or
Vertue
,
be
thus
abased
or
extolled
,
we
cannot
but
justly
esteem
him
positive
in
both
:
and
that
,
though
from
God
he
differ
most
highly
in
all
things
in
degree
of
perfection
,
yet
in
reality
of
resemblance
,
he
doth
most
remarkably
retain
his
image
and
favor
;
and
that
in
both
kindes
.
As
for
that
state
of
felicity
which
is
proportionable
to
his
degree
,
and
proper
to
him
as
a
man
,
none
can
make
doubt
of
,
that
attentively
considers
him
:
nor
can
those
miseries
that
befall
him
,
be
ascribed
to
other
then
accidental
causes
;
and
not
as
arising
from
his
natural
incapacity
.
And
let
this
pravity
and
corruption
of
manners
be
again
weighed
,
and
they
will
for
the
most
part
be
found
accidental
,
and
unnatural
also
:
insomuch
that
there
is
no
man
(
nay
no
sensitive
)
that
hath
not
his
Will
wholly
averted
from
evil
,
as
known
to
be
such
.
And
further
,
since
nothing
can
be
sin
or
evil
,
but
wherein
mine
own
or
some
other
Creatures
prejudice
is
reached
,
(
to
prove
it
is
not
primarily
natural
in
us
)
it
is
to
be
noted
that
there
is
no
Creature
,
but
doth
unfainedly
and
continually
covet
the
good
of
both
.
And
although
the
good
and
benefit
of
others
,
be
(
for
reasons
heretofore
shewed
)
in
case
of
present
competition
post-posed
,
yet
are
they
positively
and
continually
existent
in
our
Wills
:
even
so
,
as
there
was
never
Creature
in
the
world
,
that
did
,
or
could
,
considerately
,
and
unprovoked
by
self-respect
,
act
,
or
intend
the
harm
and
prejudice
of
another
.
Which
natural
quality
of
Love
and
Charity
,
(
belonging
unto
sensitive
Agents
,
and
Creatures
,
as
such
,
and
according
to
their
approach
to
divine
resemblance
,
and
that
degree
of
Will
and
Understanding
which
the
divine
fountain
of
these
things
hath
made
them
partakers
of
,
in
order
to
be
the
assisting
instruments
in
the
course
of
his
Providence
,
appears
most
eminently
in
man
;
as
having
most
of
God
in
him
:
that
is
,
of
this
love
and
desire
of
benificence
.
And
although
Women
and
Children
,
(
for
want
of
intention
or
understanding
sufficient
)
do
not
place
their
Love
and
Charity
on
so
high
and
worthy
objects
as
men
,
(
unto
whom
the
true
ends
of
Society
and
honor
are
more
apparent
)
,
yet
,
that
this
affection
of
love
and
benificence
is
naturally
and
perpetually
existent
in
them
,
is
manifest
by
their
constant
exercise
hereof
towards
Dogs
,
Birds
,
Monkeys
,
and
the
like
.
Nay
,
we
shall
finde
girls
(
that
cannot
in
judgement
reach
so
high
as
those
)
providing
apparel
and
food
for
their
Babies
,
with
most
high
and
great
indulgence
:
as
supposing
they
do
hereby
as
really
pleasure
and
benefit
these
,
as
their
Parents
do
them
.
Observe
we
again
in
them
,
what
aversion
they
have
(
on
the
other
side
)
to
the
doing
of
harm
:
even
so
,
that
from
the
time
they
do
once
begin
to
know
what
death
is
,
they
will
not
be
induce
to
kill
any
thing
:
especially
,
if
it
have
not
been
represented
or
made
known
unto
them
as
a
Creature
very
harmful
to
others
:
at
which
time
,
their
appetite
of
more
general
benefit
may
well
be
supposed
to
lead
them
thereunto
.
And
when
any
doth
carelesly
and
in
sport
kill
innocent
Creatures
,
it
is
onely
want
of
remembrance
,
and
full
apprehension
of
the
true
loss
and
suffering
thereof
:
for
had
we
not
by
incogitancy
and
custom
been
led
thereunto
,
a
man
should
no
more
kill
a
Fly
,
then
a
souldier
without
other
engagement
would
kill
a
Man
.
Nay
farther
,
that
vindicative
prosecution
of
other
things
,
(
as
it
hath
its
aim
in
Justice
,
and
intends
natural
security
)
is
a
part
of
our
divine
resemblance
:
and
that
pravity
of
our
Wills
therein
,
may
seem
to
arise
from
the
want
of
right
understanding
of
right
and
wrong
,
and
of
the
true
intentions
and
provocations
of
others
to
our
prejudice
:
and
not
out
of
premised
purpose
of
harming
them
,
without
self-respect
.
For
it
is
no
more
possible
for
any
man
,
to
intend
another
any
ill
,
otherwise
then
out
of
self-consideration
,
then
it
is
for
him
to
un-man
himself
.
The
particulars
of
our
failings
,
and
deviations
from
divine
exemplar
in
harming
of
other
things
,
(
so
as
to
cause
sin
)
is
therefore
chiefly
incogitancy
:
cy
:
either
harming
them
ignorantly
,
or
above
the
measure
of
the
harme
received
.
So
that
self-respect
,
is
so
far
from
being
the
sole
fault
that
misleads
us
in
the
punishment
of
other
things
,
that
it
is
all
the
warrant
or
reason
we
can
have
for
doing
it
.
Nay
so
far
as
we
do
it
not
,
we
are
then
transgressors
of
Natures
Law
:
being
then
onely
become
unlike
to
God
our
pattern
,
when
without
,
or
beyond
,
just
self-consideration
,
we
neglect
their
good
,
or
procure
their
harm
.
And
as
the
state
of
things
did
thus
stand
good
in
point
of
Nature
and
Reason
,
so
still
,
God
having
given
every
man
charge
concerning
his
neighbor
,
and
bidden
us
love
our
neighbors
as
our selves
,
it
alters
not
the
first
end
and
intention
of
loving
my self
best
,
but
rather
directs
a
way
to
it
,
when
it
doth
by
consequence
make
others
good
to
be
mine
.
As
for
example
,
God
having
now
,
by
the
Light
and
Precepts
of
Religion
,
reserved
to
himself
all
execution
of
injury
and
revenge
,
and
(
the
better
to
provoke
our
reasonable
Wills
to
the
obedience
hereof
,
and
to
the
entertainment
of
patience
,
)
having
annexed
promises
and
threats
of
highest
nature
,
to
encourage
and
deter
us
herein
,
it
will
follow
,
that
since
divine
command
is
now
stept
in
,
the
case
of
benefit
arising
by
private
revenge
stands
altered
in
true
Reason
;
and
will
,
(
if
pursued
,
)
prove
a
ready
course
to
bring
upon
my self
the
like
,
or
greater
mischief
it
strived
to
inflict
:
by
making
me
lyable
(
in
that
regard
)
to
the
vengeance
of
an
irresistable
and
all
powerful
deity
.
Whereas
,
if
I
love
and
serve
God
,
or
do
good
to
my
neighbor
as
my self
;
as
God
requires
,
I
shall
thereby
,
most
assuredly
do
and
seek
mine
own
good
,
as
Nature
enjoyns
.
Now
,
as
all
Sensitive
Agents
have
(
as
we
said
)
so
much
of
God
in
them
as
to
have
a
continual
readiness
and
inclination
to
acts
of
beneficence
,
(
as
may
appear
by
their
readiness
in
acts
of
pity
and
succor
)
so
man
hath
it
most
as
most
resembling
him
:
Insomuch
as
there
is
not
any
one
,
but
had
he
unlimited
and
irresistable
power
,
would
make
it
his
whole
endeavor
(
af●er
personal
supplies
are
satisfyed
)
to
be
continually
,
undertaking
such
acts
,
as
should
procure
to
others
greatest
benefit
,
and
to
himself
(
thereupon
)
greatest
thanks
.
Nor
can
he
act
or
intend
the
harm
of
any
thing
as
it
stands
a
Creature
in
Nature
,
but
onely
as
in
consideration
of
its
inclination
and
readiness
to
harm
others
:
which
must
still
carry
on
the
proof
of
ma●s
general
intention
to
beneficial
performances
.
Nay
,
in
our
most
firce
pursuits
of
revenge
against
any
one
or
few
,
it
is
still
by
us
designed
and
intended
,
as
a
way
to
acquire
advantage
to
the
atchieving
a
more
high
and
general
benefit
to
others
.
For
let
all
our
endeavours
be
observed
,
(
for
the
attaining
power
or
riches
,
beyond
personal
use
or
expence
)
,
and
they
will
be
found
of
direct
intention
that
we
may
thereby
be
able
to
lay
obligations
on
others
.
As
this
(
I
say
)
will
be
found
true
in
the
first
intentions
of
all
such
as
do
set
themselves
for
the
gaining
any
eminence
of
honor
or
greatness
,
so
from
hence
,
we
may
discover
the
ground
of
that
peremptory
desire
and
presumtion
of
success
,
that
each
one
concludes
should
answer
the
reasonableness
of
their
own
designs
.
Which
,
as
it
is
made
good
use
of
by
Fortune-tellers
,
in
their
constant
promises
of
good
luck
,
so
is
it
the
great
cause
of
State
alterations
:
even
because
each
one
,
being
to
himself
more
presuming
of
his
good
intentions
and
deserts
,
then
of
the
contrary
,
he
is
thereupon
more
ready
to
entertain
hopes
of
increase
by
change
,
then
fear
of
miscarriage
therein
,
from
the
examples
of
other
mens
misfortunes
happening
upon
like
occasion
:
of
whose
good
intentions
he
could
have
no
knowledge
at
all
,
but
might
well
have
observed
them
,
to
have
done
both
imprudently
and
ill
.
In
which
,
or
the
like
enterprizes
,
being
again
by
the
will
of
others
hindered
,
hence
it
is
also
,
that
those
passions
,
first
of
Anger
,
and
then
of
Revenge
,
do
in
each
one
:
arise
namely
from
the
testimony
of
his
own
Conscience
,
of
the
benefit
and
goodness
of
his
own
ends
by
him
designed
,
when
he
shall
be
seated
in
his
power
.
For
although
Custom
of
Revenge
,
do
(
like
Custom
in
all
other
sins
)
,
beget
many
times
prosecution
,
even
out
of
the
pleasure
thereby
onely
arising
,
yet
this
must
be
ascribed
to
the
pravity
of
unbridled
Custom
,
and
not
as
growing
out
of
pure
Nature
;
which
hath
in
each
Creature
primarily
placed
a
desire
of
beneficence
;
even
so
eminently
and
apparently
,
that
we
may
confidently
affirm
,
that
in
the
worst
of
actions
which
was
ever
yet
perpetrated
by
any
,
the
project
and
design
of
good
and
beneficence
was
still
in
intention
:
and
that
,
that
very
act
of
Revenge
it self
,
was
but
executed
as
proceding
of
discontent
in
being
therein
hindred
.
Where
is
then
mans
fault
,
if
it
be
not
in
the
Will
to
good
,
but
for
want
of
knowledge
which
he
could
not
remedy
?
Nor
seems
the
disturbance
of
other
things
to
be
his
fault
either
,
since
they
first
make
a
disturbance
to
him
,
and
what
he
doth
is
but
to
remove
it
,
that
thereby
the
intended
good
may
proceed
?
Yes
,
he
hath
his
fault
in
them
both
:
even
because
,
through
pleasure
of
present
revenge
,
he
neglects
to
consider
of
the
prejudices
and
sufferings
of
other
things
through
his
means
;
and
this
in
most
things
he
hath
ability
enough
to
do
.
In
which
course
if
he
fail
through
want
of
knowledge
and
ability
,
it
excuses
not
,
but
adds
to
his
fault
:
because
(
as
heretofore
declared
)
he
presumed
upon
the
guidance
of
his
own
knowledge
herein
.
Another
fault
is
want
of
equity
;
in
fancying
his
desires
and
actings
higher
,
then
the
poize
of
his
equality
with
other
things
would
bear
:
and
from
thence
comes
his
injustice
,
in
ballancing
distributory
and
vindicative
prosecutions
.
For
man
being
placed
amongst
others
his
equals
,
cannot
,
but
,
with
the
same
appetite
that
leads
him
to
affect
himself
above
others
(
in
regard
he
knows
his
own
good
intentions
and
not
theirs
,
)
come
also
in
his
acts
to
be
unjust
to
others
;
and
this
,
because
he
must
be
partial
.
For
,
taking
upon
him
to
be
judge
and
director
,
according
to
this
particular
light
and
interest
,
he
must
in
his
proceedings
be
unjust
.
Whereas
onely
God
Almighty
,
that
hath
whole
,
and
equal
interest
and
knowledge
in
all
things
,
and
is
not
capable
of
personal
injury
or
wrong
(
otherwise
then
by
having
his
Creatures
wronged
)
cannot
in
his
punishment
of
his
Creatures
be
unjust
:
because
he
doth
it
for
their
sakes
;
in
that
he
had
the
onely
consideration
of
their
general
benefit
the
cause
and
measure
thereof
.
But
man
must
be
so
far
partial
and
unjust
,
as
he
is
patible
in
the
cause
he
judges
,
or
differently
interessed
in
the
parties
.
And
were
any
like
Adam
at
first
,
put
to
be
amongst
all
sorts
of
Creatures
so
far
below
him
,
where
his
actions
without
impeachment
might
take
place
,
and
in
whose
benefits
he
had
entire
and
equal
share
,
he
would
no
doubt
proceed
in
all
things
with
great
justice
,
according
to
his
measure
of
knowledge
.
But
because
there
is
no
man
,
but
(
let
alone
)
,
would
be
like
a
God
also
over
all
his
fellows
;
and
would
(
if
his
wish
might
take
place
)
,
arise
from
one
degree
of
eminence
unto
another
,
until
he
had
gotten
absolute
power
of
conferring
all
benefits
and
receiving
all
honors
;
it
became
necessary
in
stay
of
those
prejudices
that
might
hereby
grow
,
for
God
to
come
in
with
his
positive
Precepts
of
lowliness
,
humility
,
brotherly
love
,
and
love
to
our
neigbour
as
our selves
.
Whereby
we
come
to
be
put
in
minde
,
that
as
the
honor
and
thanks
of
beneficent
actions
,
is
onely
at
his
dispose
that
is
the
fountain
of
good
;
so
others
are
of
as
great
concern
as
our selves
:
none
having
farther
power
of
acting
therein
then
from
God
received
.
And
that
however
this
appetite
of
search
of
honor
and
pleasuring
others
,
were
divine
and
useful
,
we
should
notwithstanding
(
in
the
particulars
wherein
anothers
interest
is
concerned
as
well
as
our
own
)
not
proceed
without
leave
of
him
that
hath
whole
interest
.
For
if
men
can
at
all
be
differenced
from
one
another
in
their
actings
,
in
respect
of
good
and
bad
,
just
and
unjust
,
(
so
far
as
to
make
them
warrantable
or
not
)
,
it
must
arise
from
the
difference
of
that
additional
light
and
warrant
they
shall
be
helped
to
from
without
and
above
themselves
.
For
since
all
men
(
as
bearing
Gods
Image
)
are
by
that
higher
part
of
their
minde
(
which
we
call
Synterysis
)
universally
and
continually
assenting
unto
to
the
general
Rules
of
Justice
and
Probity
(
which
we
call
the
Laws
of
Nature
)
if
they
be
not
by
others
farther
helped
in
the
exercise
of
these
generals
,
(
at
such
time
as
they
come
to
make
them
frameable
to
use
)
,
it
will
happen
,
that
since
each
single
person
did
from
divers
instances
and
inductions
of
his
own
framing
and
collection
,
raise
and
conclude
these
maxims
to
himself
,
they
must
also
diversly
,
as
well
as
fallibly
,
demean
themselves
,
when
they
come
to
descend
to
the
particular
application
of
them
,
in
those
emergencies
which
concern
our
moral
duties
and
sociable
abearances
,
as
heretofore
noted
.
As
for
example
,
all
men
of
ordinary
discourse
and
reason
do
knowingly
and
unfeignedly
assent
to
those
general
moral
maxims
,
of
God
to
be
worshipped
and
served
,
Parents
to
be
honored
,
Theft
,
Murther
,
Adultery
,
and
other
vices
to
be
punished
,
and
the
like
:
yet
since
this
they
do
,
as
thereunto
lead
from
their
own
several
observations
,
of
the
mischiefs
following
or
to
be
feared
from
the
contrary
practises
or
neglect
of
these
things
,
it
must
follow
,
that
as
men
come
differently
to
raise
these
conclusions
,
so
must
these
prejudices
and
prepossessions
differently
byass
and
direct
them
again
,
when
they
come
to
refer
back
and
apply
them
to
particular
use
and
action
.
Whereupon
,
although
all
men
do
agree
to
the
reasonableness
of
Gods
worship
and
Service
,
and
the
punishment
of
Vice
,
and
reward
of
Vertue
;
yet
will
it
be
hard
to
finde
any
considerable
number
directly
to
agree
wherein
,
and
in
what
sort
this
worship
is
to
be
manifested
:
and
so
again
,
how
to
state
and
bound
each
Vertue
or
Vice
,
and
to
proportion
their
just
rewards
or
punishments
.
In
which
regard
,
as
a
divers
ability
,
interest
,
and
prepossession
,
will
make
men
disagree
in
what
is
Adultery
,
Murther
,
Theft
,
&c.
and
how
far
punishable
;
so
may
the
like
considerations
generally
cause
aversion
,
from
entertaining
other
moral
maxims
as
necessary
as
these
:
nay
more
(
indeed
)
as
being
their
support
and
foundation
.
As
for
example
,
in
that
of
implicit
obedience
.
For
as
publike
preservation
and
good
doth
depend
on
the
due
reward
and
punishment
of
Vertue
and
Vice
;
so
doth
the
same
again
,
depend
on
the
maintenance
of
his
Authority
that
is
to
have
the
trust
therein
:
And
therefore
by
right
reason
,
should
this
have
been
set
down
in
the
first
place
,
and
next
to
our
obedience
to
God
,
had
not
thirst
of
licenciousness
made
men
(
in
all
conclusions
and
maxims
of
subjection
and
obedience
)
to
fancy
the
greatest
number
of
restraints
and
qualifications
,
to
be
observed
in
the
commands
of
such
Superiors
whose
places
themselves
should
never
probably
act
,
(
as
to
Princes
or
the
like
)
and
on
the
contrary
place
more
implicite
obedience
towards
Parents
,
Masters
,
&c.
which
Offices
themselves
always
did
,
or
were
likely
to
supply
.
As
if
those
that
had
the
greatest
command
and
trust
,
were
upon
good
reason
to
have
the
least
power
to
see
the
same
performed
.
But
these
things
seem
naturally
to
fall
upon
us
:
for
as
every
man
doth
submit
to
Government
in
general
,
out
of
consideration
of
his
own
private
good
to
be
therein
enjoyed
;
and
not
out
of
care
advance
the
publike
,
otherwise
then
in
order
thereunto
;
so
must
it
again
fall
out
,
that
in
all
deliberations
for
the
manner
or
measure
of
exercise
thereof
,
that
form
of
administration
should
be
still
chosen
,
that
in
each
parties
judgement
affords
to
himself
most
full
and
free
enjoyment
:
placing
his
first
respect
to
his
own
particular
,
and
regarding
the
publike
but
in
order
thereuto
:
from
whence
such
difference
of
judgement
in
forms
of
Government
do
arise
.
And
from
hence
also
it
comes
to
pass
,
that
the
Subjects
in
Polarchies
are
always
(
upon
experience
)
more
complaining
and
desirous
to
return
under
Monarchy
again
,
then
they
were
at
first
to
abandon
it
:
even
because
they
now
finde
themselves
deluded
,
and
defeated
of
that
share
and
degree
of
Power
and
Government
,
which
they
upon
their
princes
removal
did
before
vainly
expect
.
By
all
which
it
will
appear
,
that
intention
of
good
according
to
our
own
light
,
cannot
estate
any
guiltless
,
for
then
all
would
be
so
:
but
publike
good
must
arise
by
joynt
submission
unto
one
Judge
of
common
good
.
Else
it
will
prove
that
this
strong
desire
to
do
good
,
will
be
the
continual
cause
of
harm
.
For
malice
it self
being
but
in
order
to
envy
and
revenge
,
if
men
are
no
farther
enclined
to
such
like
prosecution
(
as
before
noted
)
then
as
being
hindered
in
their
own
way
of
doing
good
,
it
must
then
follow
,
that
to
do
good
disorderly
is
the
ready
way
to
be
malicious
.
For
though
the
will
to
good
must
always
reside
in
private
and
separate
persons
,
yet
the
understanding
and
direction
thereof
,
must
be
conform
to
such
as
are
in
Authority
:
and
the
judgement
of
such
as
are
under
subjection
,
is
to
be
imployed
in
knowing
what
,
but
not
why
to
obey
.
By
which
means
we
shall
preserve
and
maintain
undenyably
that
which
is
t●e
most
general
and
highest
step
to
Providence
and
general
benefit
,
namely
publike
peace
.
Whereas
pursuing
our
neighbors
benefit
according
to
rules
and
ways
of
our
own
framing
,
the
truth
of
our
private
speculations
towards
beneficence
,
can
be
but
as
contingent
(
if
not
more
)
then
that
of
Authority
:
and
must
by
the
distraction
of
mine
own
and
others
obedience
,
(
through
exemplar
encouragement
for
each
one
to
follow
his
own
judgement
in
ways
and
acts
of
benoficence
)
,
unavoidably
defeat
all
publike
good
and
Charity
:
in
defeating
the
bond
of
peace
,
that
unity
of
direction
that
should
have
led
thereunto
.
For
upon
the
same
warrant
I
follow
mine
own
,
or
others
private
judgement
against
publike
command
now
,
I
may
do
so
again
:
as
often
as
I
pretend
,
or
really
conceive
,
my
neighbors
good
to
be
thereby
encreased
.
And
the
same
liberty
being
taken
by
others
also
,
what
can
follow
,
but
that
men
differently
acting
and
obeying
,
according
to
different
Consciences
and
Interests
,
they
must
force
difference
to
arise
amongst
themselves
in
their
services
one
towards
another
:
to
the
final
overthrow
of
Charity
and
publike
good
?
As
for
example
,
I
,
that
am
unknowing
or
heedless
of
the
good
and
benefit
of
strangers
and
such
as
are
more
remote
,
in
comparison
of
those
neer
me
and
such
as
I
converse
with
;
and
which
must
again
,
make
such
difference
between
those
which
are
of
my
neighborhood
,
in
respect
of
that
different
affection
I
shall
cast
towards
them
,
as
they
have
in
particular
friendships
and
kindnesses
deserved
at
my
hands
,
or
do
in
affections
or
interests
simpathize
and
comply
with
me
;
cannot
thereupon
,
but
out
of
this
my
unequal
regard
,
dispense
so
unequally
of
my
Charity
,
that
those
I
know
not
shall
have
no
share
or
provision
at
all
,
and
of
those
I
do
know
,
either
through
contrariety
of
humor
,
or
thwarting
of
designs
,
some
will
come
to
be
esteemed
and
prosecuted
as
enemies
:
even
for
that
they
stood
contrary
in
affection
or
act
,
to
that
way
or
course
I
had
resolved
on
,
or
put
in
practice
for
the
advancement
of
the
good
of
those
which
I
esteemed
more
:
as
being
my
particular
kindred
or
friends
.
Whereupon
,
another
(
again
)
that
held
greater
relation
or
friendship
to
those
I
slighted
or
disesteemed
,
was
thereupon
induced
,
from
the
height
of
my
more
fierce
and
private
love
towards
the
promoting
the
good
of
these
above
others
whom
he
loved
better
,
to
labor
(
on
the
contrary
)
the
hindrance
and
harm
of
them
above
others
.
By
which
means
it
shall
come
to
pass
,
that
each
subject
in
particular
shall
be
truely
wanting
of
his
due
measure
of
Charity
and
beneficence
,
in
execution
and
enjoyment
,
whilst
,
through
private
design
and
power
,
the
same
is
onely
measured
and
practised
:
even
,
to
the
overthrow
of
all
true
Charity
,
and
publike
peace
also
.
The
which
considerations
well
weighed
,
might
methinks
perswade
any
to
the
obedience
of
Christ
in
his
deputed
Minister
,
for
direction
of
their
Charity
.
Namely
to
consider
,
that
since
love
and
propension
to
acts
of
beneficence
,
were
placed
in
us
for
publike
good
sake
,
and
for
that
of
others
more
then
of
their
own
;
it
is
therefore
reason
,
we
should
submit
to
be
therein
guided
by
the
publike
direction
of
others
also
.
Whom
obeying
according
to
Christs
Precept
given
to
that
very
end
,
doing
all
things
without
murmuring
and
disputing
,
why
should
we
doubt
of
being
blameless
and
harmless
the
sons
of
God
:
Wherefore
the
summe
of
all
is
,
That
God
made
man
upright
,
but
he
sought
out
many
inventions
.
And
that
therefore
publick
good
acted
by
private
direction
onely
,
is
always
evil
:
and
the
more
intently
and
confidently
so
done
,
the
more
evil
.
That
private
equity
,
is
publike
iniquity
.
That
that
natural
former
inclination
to
beneficence
,
which
leant
on
the
principles
of
our
dark
fleshly
wisdom
,
ayming
at
,
(
and
so
corrupted
through
)
original
pride
and
presumption
of
our
own
managery
,
is
to
be
now
abandoned
:
and
we
renewed
in
the
spirit
of
our
mindes
through
love
(
and
its
fruits
)
Meekness
,
Gentleness
,
Patience
,
&c.
Which
inward
root
of
love
,
as
it
comes
from
God
onely
,
so
is
it
at
his
onely
dispose
:
being
made
perfect
by
obedience
to
him
,
or
Officers
holding
direct
Authority
from
and
under
him
.
By
which
means
,
we
may
perceive
how
Nature
comes
to
be
perfected
by
Grace
;
and
how
that
natural
and
original
intention
to
beneficence
that
through
our
fall
was
defeated
by
pride
,
comes
to
be
made
useful
by
the
Gospel
light
and
directions
of
Obedience
,
Humility
,
Long-suffering
,
Patience
,
Meekness
,
Gentleness
,
&c.
this
inward
root
of
love
being
always
ready
to
bridle
us
against
envy
,
hatred
,
malice
,
and
all
uncharitable
actings
against
others
;
even
so
far
,
as
according
to
the
light
of
our
own
Conscience
,
(
not
otherwise
authorized
)
we
are
to
abstain
from
all
appearance
of
evil
.
For
our
state
of
innocency
consisteth
more
in
negative
,
then
in
positive
acts
;
that
is
,
more
in
being
harmless
,
then
beneficial
;
because
innocence
(
or
abstinence
from
harm
)
is
always
a
praise
,
and
compatible
to
all
men
(
inferior
as
well
as
others
)
but
to
be
positively
beneficial
,
is
the
attribute
and
sole
honor
of
the
Fountain
of
good
;
and
is
to
mankind
no
otherwise
communicable
and
proper
,
then
as
impowered
and
deputed
from
him
,
and
acting
in
his
stead
.
And
therefore
is
Lord
said
to
be
the
fulfilling
of
the
Law
,
because
it
worketh
no
ill
to
his
neighbor
:
Higher
Power
is
most
strictly
enjoyned
,
and
may
be
understood
compleating
the
Precepts
of
the
first
Table
,
and
so
inclusive
of
that
Law
of
,
Honor
thy
father
and
mother
:
So
is
the
love
of
our
neighbors
as
our selves
,
set
all
down
in
negative
Precepts
,
Thou
shalt
not
commit
adultery
,
Thou
shalt
not
steal
,
Forgive
us
our
trespasses
,
as
we
forgive
those
that
trespass
against
us
:
Heaven
it self
being
the
reward
of
our
innocence
,
not
of
our
merit
,
and
that
because
we
cannot
without
derogation
to
Gods
honor
,
take
on
us
to
act
in
matters
of
beneficence
without
him
.
And
so
again
,
the
Devil
being
the
father
of
malice
,
the
more
we
take
upon
us
to
act
therein
,
the
more
we
shew
our selves
his
servants
:
Of
which
his
delight
in
malice
,
contrary
to
the
Precept
of
love
,
we
have
a
plain
instance
in
Witches
,
who
spend
their
whole
power
in
things
destructive
and
mischievous
,
being
wholly
swayed
by
desire
of
revenge
,
which
as
it
did
at
first
grow
from
being
crossed
in
their
own
designs
,
so
they
had
beneficence
in
their
aims
.
And
therefore
,
so
far
as
any
is
malicious
to
others
(
that
is
,
is
wilfully
set
to
prosecute
his
own
ways
of
doing
future
good
by
present
evil
)
so
far
hath
he
listed
himself
under
this
Destroyer
,
and
thrust
himself
out
of
Divine
favour
and
protection
,
by
renouncing
Divine
obedience
;
are
passed
from
death
to
life
,
not
only
because
they
love
the
brethren
;
but
also
for
that
they
are
obedient
to
Gods
minister
in
the
manner
thereof
.
For
without
God
,
every
one
may
be
truly
said
to
act
,
that
hath
not
from
him
as
great
and
full
direction
and
authority
as
was
in
his
power
to
procure
,
even
in
that
particular
in
which
he
acts
;
but
doth
relie
only
on
such
general
directions
,
as
were
(
for
ought
he
knows
)
not
proper
to
the
cause
in
question
:
And
so
not
being
by
Gods
Minister
interpreted
and
warranted
,
as
to
license
therein
,
he
must
remain
still
,
as
much
as
before
,
without
true
warrant
to
act
on
another
;
and
the
other
again
,
without
just
cause
of
suffering
at
his
hands
.
For
since
both
of
these
,
having
from
Reason
and
Scripture
alike
power
to
judge
,
interpret
and
impose
upon
each
other
,
he
must
be
concluded
to
have
been
most
innocent
,
and
obeyed
God
most
,
that
hath
most
obeyed
his
Vicegerent
,
and
stuck
to
his
direction
therein
.
And
this
,
because
the
positive
Precepts
of
Scripture
and
Religion
,
coming
only
to
supply
,
and
make
more
applyable
those
general
and
ambiguous
rules
of
natural
reason
,
to
which
end
determinate
Interpreters
were
again
put
to
see
the
meaning
of
these
Scriptures
applyed
to
these
cases
and
persons
unto
which
they
are
proper
)
it
must
thereupon
follow
,
that
as
those
that
undertake
to
judge
cases
by
the
light
of
nature
only
(
without
regard
therein
had
to
Scripture
)
cannot
in
so
doing
be
guiltless
;
so
also
they
that
undertake
to
be
their
own
judges
from
the
immediate
rules
of
Scripture
,
and
do
balk
the
the
direction
of
the
authorized
Intepreter
and
Keeper
,
they
must
thereby
become
lyable
to
guilt
also
.
So
that
now
,
to
sum
up
all
these
Discourses
concerning
love
and
obedience
,
it
is
still
to
shew
how
men
under
the
second
Adam
,
stand
(
in
respect
of
works
)
in
a
like
condition
for
innocence
as
they
did
at
first
.
For
as
then
,
the
only
Precept
was
to
forbear
tasting
of
the
knowledge
of
good
and
evil
,
even
so
it
is
the
only
Precept
still
.
For
so
much
(
in
brief
)
our
Saviour
explains
,
saying
,
For
judgement
am
I
come
into
this
world
,
that
they
which
see
not
,
might
see
;
and
they
that
see
,
might
be
made
blind
:
If
ye
were
blind
ye
should
have
no
sin
:
But
now
ye
say
we
see
,
therefore
your
sin
remaineth
.
The
God
of
this
World
hath
not
blinded
to
their
own
destruction
.
And
however
formerly
amongst
the
Jews
,
where
God
was
immediate
Law-giver
,
and
by
plain
litteral
Precepts
did
set
down
his
pleasure
to
be
observed
by
each
one
in
particular
,
the
differencing
of
obedience
into
active
and
passive
was
useful
;
that
thereby
upon
occasion
subjects
might
perform
their
duties
to
God
and
his
Vicegerent
also
;
as
also
it
was
before
the
higher
Powers
were
Christians
;
yet
now
,
unto
Christian
Subjects
,
that
have
not
from
Christ
rules
set
down
for
their
external
abearance
one
towards
another
(
but
they
are
to
be
taught
his
commands
from
his
Deputies
and
Ambassadors
)
the
case
is
otherwise
,
For
so
the
words
are
,
Teaching
them
to
observe
whatsoever
I
have
commanded
you
;
Nor
can
I
find
what
other
reason
to
give
for
that
expression
of
our
Saviours
,
saying
,
that
God
hath
given
him
authority
to
execute
judgement
,
because
he
is
the
son
of
man
,
then
thereby
to
shew
how
God
,
in
his
recess
from
matters
of
earthly
judicature
,
doth
not
take
upon
him
to
set
down
rules
for
external
obedience
,
immediately
from
himself
,
under
the
Gospel
,
as
formerly
under
the
Law
;
but
mediately
,
by
humane
instruments
;
&
that
as
the
salvation
of
our
souls
,
and
also
of
our
bodies
,
was
committed
unto
him
that
had
taken
our
whole
nature
upon
him
(
and
so
he
might
be
called
the
Son
of
man
as
well
as
the
Son
of
God
)
so
this
salvation
of
our
bodies
(
which
is
the
object
of
Government
and
Society
,
and
of
all
things
pertaining
to
judgment
and
morality
)
being
not
by
him
to
be
personally
managed
,
it
must
be
done
by
these
more
eminent
Sons
of
Men
,
each
Christian
Prince
.
And
surely
,
as
our
Saviours
frequent
assumption
unto
himself
of
this
expression
,
The
Son
of
man
,
is
not
to
be
construed
impertinently
or
casually
done
;
so
will
it
clearly
explain
,
that
as
God
hath
referred
all
judgement
to
him
,
that
contains
in
his
own
person
the
radical
excellence
of
our
nature
,
and
that
because
he
is
the
Son
of
man
:
even
so
(
and
to
the
same
end
)
are
these
other
more
eminent
Sons
of
men
to
be
in
matters
of
judgement
obeyed
in
his
stead
.
And
if
the
method
and
order
of
dispensation
used
by
that
great
and
wise
Creator
and
Disposer
of
all
things
be
duly
observed
,
we
shall
finde
,
that
as
in
order
to
continuance
and
preservation
of
men
(
both
personally
,
and
in
their
kind
)
he
hath
not
only
implanted
those
natural
provocations
to
pleasure
heretofore
spoken
of
,
but
also
that
natural
readiness
to
acts
of
conference
and
kindness
,
as
now
declared
:
so
,
to
prevent
all
such
abuses
as
might
arise
through
the
exorbitant
or
irregular
use
of
things
thus
naturally
ingraffed
(
and
likely
thereupon
to
be
as
violently
coveted
)
we
may
also
observe
Divine
bounty
and
providence
,
to
be
as
continually
intent
and
careful
in
restoring
and
assisting
of
us
,
being
lasped
,
as
at
first
to
create
and
state
us
happy
.
The
food
which
we
take
,
as
it
hath
in
it self
personal
respect
only
,
so
hath
it
in
each
one
a
proper
way
of
judicature
to
determine
both
of
choyce
and
satiety
,
as
well
as
of
appetite
and
hunger
.
In
those
other
inclinations
that
have
aim
beyond
the
party
acting
(
the
one
for
bringing
men
into
the
world
,
and
the
other
for
preserving
and
advantaging
of
them
,
being
there
)
they
also
,
by
divine
appointment
,
are
to
have
their
publike
rules
of
direction
and
limitation
,
set
down
by
those
Societies
of
men
wherein
they
are
to
be
exercised
;
lest
else
,
the
means
might
prove
distructive
of
its
own
end
.
For
I
that
in
nature
,
and
as
a
man
,
could
not
more
kind-like
,
or
meritoriously
imploy
my self
,
then
in
such
like
actions
,
may
yet
,
by
intemperance
or
partiality
in
prosecution
,
prove
my self
to
be
in
these
things
more
highly
ignoble
and
vitious
,
then
in
any
thing
else
.
As
for
those
rules
and
restraints
put
upon
mens
acting
in
the
first
sort
,
by
the
appointment
and
limitation
of
Wed-lock
,
or
for
avoiding
of
unchaste
acts
,
none
do
doubt
of
the
fitness
of
positive
direction
and
evidence
herein
,
in
order
to
publike
benefit
,
although
against
the
good
liking
of
the
obeyer
:
Whereas
,
if
publike
good
were
rightly
known
,
and
weighed
,
the
other
,
that
hath
a
more
high
and
general
influence
thereupon
(
even
as
it
is
more
continually
practicable
by
each
person
)
ought
also
much
more
to
have
its
directions
and
confinements
set
down
by
publike
appointment
;
for
else
it
may
happen
,
that
that
more
particular
regard
towards
those
of
mine
own
family
,
and
other
relations
;
which
might
at
first
arise
from
the
marriage
tye
,
and
that
precept
of
a
mans
providing
for
his
own
family
,
might
from
too
eager
love
fixed
on
some
,
contract
by
consequent
,
as
great
hatred
and
neglect
towards
others
,
whereby
to
destroy
in
the
street
,
that
which
was
thus
carefully
preserved
in
the
house
.
For
as
it
is
observed
in
the
food
of
our
natural
bodies
,
that
the
greatest
and
most
dangerous
surfeits
do
arise
from
the
inordinate
and
irregular
use
of
that
which
is
in
it self
most
wholsom
and
best
;
even
so
in
the
politick
frame
,
there
is
nothing
which
more
usually
,
or
with
greater
danger
,
doth
procure
the
disturbance
and
dissolution
thereof
,
then
this
arbitrary
application
of
our
loves
,
even
when
we
as
men
,
do
so
far
follow
our
own
natural
tye
of
affection
and
interest
in
the
placing
of
our
good
deeds
,
as
to
be
neglectful
of
that
our
more
high
and
near
kindred
and
relation
we
have
towards
them
as
Christians
:
wherein
,
as
that
common
and
equal
affinity
of
Brotherhood
and
Fellow-members
,
is
always
to
fill
us
with
due
readiness
to
be
beneficent
to
all
,
so
must
it
be
directed
and
differenced
in
choyce
of
object
,
and
degree
of
exercise
,
by
Laws
and
Rules
received
from
him
that
hath
the
common
Headship
and
Superintendency
herein
.
And
if
such
a
liberty
to
dispute
the
warrantableness
of
commands
,
should
be
left
as
some
men
do
insist
upon
,
strange
it
is
,
that
amongst
all
those
large
and
express
Precepts
for
general
obedience
;
as
,
Obey
in
all
things
;
D●
all
things
without
disputing
,
&c.
that
no
destinction
of
duties
into
civil
and
religious
is
ever
made
,
nor
exception
set
down
of
unlawful
commands
.
But
if
men
could
but
a
little
separate
themselves
from
their
own
humors
,
and
that
conceitedness
of
their
private
abilities
in
judging
good
and
bad
,
they
would
then
find
the
judgement
and
interpretation
of
these
things
,
must
be
supposed
left
to
their
Christian
Superior
,
or
else
large
volumns
should
have
been
left
,
comprizing
in
every
particular
what
duties
and
actions
were
to
be
held
Civil
,
and
what
Religious
;
and
what
lawful
and
what
nor
;
because
otherwise
,
the
liberty
of
disputing
of
these
things
,
would
render
men
truly
obedient
in
nothing
;
and
thereupon
also
make
the
said
Precepts
vainly
given
.
And
having
so
far
shewed
how
the
Precepts
of
General
Good
and
Charity
stand
pointed
out
in
Scripture
and
Reason
,
as
the
duty
of
each
one
in
particular
,
and
under
the
pain
of
most
heavy
guilt
and
punishment
;
and
how
it
is
best
effected
by
obedience
;
it
seems
now
requisite
,
to
speak
something
also
of
those
benefits
and
advantages
which
will
hereby
acrew
,
even
unto
the
particular
persons
that
imploy
themselves
herein
,
and
out
of
duty
undergo
those
difficulties
and
hardships
which
usually
attend
this
obedience
:
As
of
Patience
,
Humility
,
Gentleness
,
Meekness
,
Long-suffering
,
&c.
To
the
end
that
none
may
grow
heartless
in
the
work
;
as
being
always
held
in
a
task
to
the
benefit
of
others
,
and
not
at
all
to
himself
.
CHAP.
X.
Of
Patience
,
Long-suffering
,
Humility
,
Meekness
,
&c.
HE
that
shall
well
consider
that
great
and
sudden
growth
of
the
Saracen
Empire
,
shall
never
be
able
to
stop
his
admiration
therein
,
till
he
consider
withal
,
the
prevalence
of
those
enchanting
promises
of
sensual
delights
and
rewards
,
in
that
Religion
offered
to
the
Sectators
thereof
:
For
while
Mahomet
himself
,
is
standing
(
like
the
Devil
)
on
his
high
Mountain
of
Prosperity
,
and
offering
the
Kingdoms
of
the
world
,
and
the
glory
of
them
,
to
such
as
would
fall
down
and
worship
him
:
Who
can
expect
other
event
,
then
such
a
crowd
of
followers
?
when
,
on
the
other
side
,
worldly
peace
and
prosperity
was
not
only
not
promised
,
but
the
contrary
prophesied
to
be
the
usual
lot
of
such
as
should
list
themselves
in
Christs
service
.
For
as
our
Saviour
was
content
to
become
vile
in
all
worldly
esteem
himself
,
so
did
he
plainly
profess
,
that
the
Disciple
was
not
to
be
above
his
Master
;
whosoever
would
be
his
,
must
(
thereupon
)
take
up
his
cross
and
follow
him
;
that
is
,
follow
him
in
meekness
,
patience
,
long-suffering
,
&c.
In
which
doing
,
they
should
not
yet
be
so
unhappy
(
even
in
this
life
)
as
worldly
and
ordinary
judgements
might
conceive
.
For
as
in
him
,
the
reward
of
humbling
and
subjecting
himself
(
in
obedience
to
God
)
was
rewarded
with
as
great
eminence
in
honor
,
and
a
name
above
all
names
:
So
to
us
,
that
shall
be
obedient
and
subject
to
him
,
and
such
as
shall
command
in
his
stead
,
those
present
pressures
,
which
the
practise
of
these
graces
should
cause
,
an
exceeding
and
eternal
,
weight
of
glory
hereafter
,
but
even
here
also
,
the
unprejudiced
and
sound
judgements
of
men
,
may
from
the
practise
of
these
vertues
discern
a
present
benefit
to
arise
:
and
that
,
not
only
to
mankind
in
general
,
but
even
to
that
person
,
who
shall
conscionably
undergo
them
as
his
duty
;
who
shall
find
godliness
to
have
the
reward
(
as
well
as
promises
)
of
both
lives
;
as
well
of
this
,
as
that
which
is
to
come
.
All
which
will
be
plainly
made
good
to
them
,
in
the
judgement
of
any
that
hath
but
so
far
pierced
into
the
true
state
of
things
,
as
to
find
that
happiness
consisteth
in
the
measure
of
enjoyment
and
content
;
and
not
in
the
proportion
of
our
covetousness
and
anxiety
.
Therefore
,
as
we
formerly
noted
(
in
the
Prophesie
concerning
the
flourishing
estates
of
whole
Regions
and
People
in
general
)
that
the
promise
and
designment
of
the
Jews
or
others
for
having
of
Kings
,
was
when
they
should
possess
their
land
,
and
dwell
therein
;
so
in
the
behalf
of
the
firm
and
real
possession
of
each
single
Christian
,
that
the
meek
should
inherit
the
earth
?
for
although
som
haughty
and
turbulent
persons
have
more
of
possessions
under
their
present
command
,
For
as
we
cannot
say
of
any
whole
people
:
they
are
in
a
true
state
of
possession
and
dwelling
in
any
Countrey
,
which
is
by
them
but
newly
acquired
,
and
that
by
force
;
and
unto
which
claim
is
openly
laid
by
others
,
or
in
the
possession
whereof
they
have
no
agreement
amongst
themselves
;
even
so
,
single
persons
are
then
to
be
esteemed
true
Inheritors
of
their
earthly
possessions
,
when
they
have
assurance
it
is
because
their
hope
is
in
God
:
even
that
it
is
sent
unto
them
from
him
,
by
means
of
a
just
expectation
and
endeavor
;
and
can
in
a
pious
degree
of
humility
,
acknowledge
,
It
is
not
by
their
own
bow
,
nor
by
their
own
sword
(
that
is
,
not
by
their
wisdom
and
contrivance
gotten
)
but
through
the
bounty
of
that
Eternal
Fountain
of
Goodness
,
the
giver
of
every
good
and
perfect
gift
.
This
is
that
estate
of
Christian
Fortitude
and
Perfection
,
which
now
under
the
glorious
rayes
of
the
Gospel
,
comes
to
be
so
clearly
shewn
to
the
sons
of
men
.
It
is
through
this
assurance
and
grace
,
that
the
patient
and
meek
can
in
the
midst
of
all
violence
,
find
themselves
more
then
Conquerors
.
For
first
,
having
confidence
of
Gods
care
of
them
in
all
things
through
Christ
(
so
as
to
make
all
things
work
for
the
good
of
them
that
love
him
)
as
they
cannot
(
on
the
one
hand
)
but
think
themselves
highly
in
Gods
favour
,
that
hath
given
unto
them
not
only
to
believe
,
but
also
to
suffer
for
his
sake
;
so
can
they
not
,
but
from
this
measure
of
affliction
plainly
gather
,
that
he
reckons
their
Christian
grace
of
patience
at
such
a
great
perfection
,
as
to
call
them
into
so
great
sufferings
:
For
as
he
will
lay
on
his
children
no
greater
burthen
then
they
can
bear
,
so
thereupon
they
cannot
but
in
a
double
Obligation
,
acknowledge
themselves
tyed
to
Obedience
and
Submission
.
In
the
old
World
,
where
little
besides
the
light
of
Nature
was
left
for
direction
,
how
did
the
violence
of
those
Men
of
Renown
,
work
to
the
disturbance
of
themselves
and
others
,
in
their
erronious
prosecution
of
content
and
happiness
,
under
the
maxims
of
Quicquid
libet
licet
.
Under
the
Law
,
men
were
brought
to
moderation
,
An
eye
for
an
eye
,
and
a
tooth
for
a
tooth
:
but
this
looking
still
with
a
face
of
revenge
,
was
to
be
perfected
by
Precepts
from
the
only
Patern
and
Doctor
of
Divine
Wisdom
and
Perfection
,
Christ
himself
:
I
say
unto
you
,
love
your
enemies
,
&c.
For
we
cannot
consider
men
in
their
commerce
one
with
another
,
at
any
such
constant
rate
of
goodness
and
perfection
,
but
that
interest
or
insufficiency
,
will
ordinarily
lead
them
to
the
envying
of
one
another
:
In
which
case
,
if
it
should
be
allowed
each
person
(
according
to
his
presumption
of
the
right
thereof
)
to
proceed
to
revenge
and
self-repairation
,
what
shall
become
of
peace
?
And
although
for
peace
sake
,
the
Law
provide
against
external
private
prosecution
,
by
appointment
of
a
common
Judge
;
yet
,
while
the
root
of
mischief
is
remaining
within
,
how
oft
will
power
and
craft
find
evasion
,
to
act
its
own
malice
to
publike
disturbance
?
besides
,
that
torture
which
this
restless
passion
must
breed
in
the
party
possessed
with
this
Devil
,
not
otherwise
to
be
cast
out
or
cured
,
but
by
this
command
of
Christ
himself
.
And
although
to
the
most
wise
and
learned
amongst
the
Heathen
,
God
would
not
afford
any
through
light
herein
;
yet
may
we
discover
and
admire
the
prevalence
of
that
truth
,
which
should
enable
them
with
such
large
speculation
and
progression
this
way
:
so
that
as
well
in
Philosophical
Doctrine
,
as
Heroical
practise
,
they
could
discern
and
prefer
it
as
a
complement
and
crown
to
their
other
vertues
.
For
what
had
Pride
,
Revenge
,
or
Arrogance
(
with
their
turbulent
deportments
)
to
do
with
Prudence
,
or
in
the
seat
of
Justice
?
How
could
those
things
lead
to
temperance
,
which
were
even
in
their
own
nature
intemperate
?
And
since
vertue
and
felicity
,
must
be
in
the
even
temper
of
the
mind
;
how
shall
we
find
them
,
where
these
passions
(
by
their
abode
)
have
first
overthrown
all
moderation
?
And
so
lastly
,
if
the
end
of
Fortitude
be
to
overcome
evils
,
what
other
way
shall
we
so
assuredly
do
it
,
as
with
such
fortification
of
our
minds
;
whereby
they
shall
not
so
much
as
seem
evils
at
all
,
but
rather
blessings
and
benefits
?
Whereas
(
alas
)
to
others
,
who
are
ignorantly
and
impetuously
whirled
with
the
thirst
of
honor
,
riches
,
or
worldly
pleasure
of
any
sort
;
how
often
must
those
crosses
and
thwartings
(
in
their
attainment
and
possession
)
which
they
must
encounter
from
the
hands
of
Competitors
,
render
them
through
revenge
,
anger
,
and
discontent
,
not
only
most
afflictedly
defeated
of
that
particular
,
but
through
sense
hereof
,
deprived
of
all
their
possessions
else
.
Or
could
you
fancy
a
person
(
like
Solomon
,
uncrossed
of
all
that
could
in
this
world
be
asked
;
yet
he
(
as
in
his
experience
and
true
wisdom
)
shall
tell
you
(
as
if
set
up
on
purpose
)
That
all
is
vanity
and
vexation
of
spirit
;
nay
,
all
of
them
in
their
fullest
glut
,
that
gladness
which
God
put
into
his
heart
;
and
that
in
comparison
of
other
mens
corn
and
wine
,
the
blessing
of
peace
:
he
acknowledgeth
it
to
be
good
for
him
also
:
in
whatsoever
estate
,
he
was
to
be
therewith
content
:
And
as
he
stood
in
his
God
thus
steady
like
a
tree
plant●d
by
the
rivers
of
water
,
driven
to
and
fro
like
chaff
upon
the
face
of
the
earth
:
neither
had
they
(
like
him
)
a
father
in
heaven
,
to
seek
daily
bread
from
;
but
it
was
first
their
curse
and
unhappiness
to
have
no
trusty
and
steady
support
for
food
(
but
to
seek
it
in
desolate
places
,
wandering
up
and
down
)
and
then
also
,
to
grudge
if
they
be
not
satisfied
.
Or
let
us
suppose
again
,
any
person
at
the
higest
pitch
of
power
,
so
as
to
be
able
to
recompence
all
those
his
conceited
injuries
and
displeasures
which
must
befall
him
with
revenge
;
yet
how
shall
we
ever
find
this
remedy
,
to
do
none
other
then
encrease
his
disease
?
For
while
he
is
taking
it
,
how
much
trouble
will
this
passion
put
him
into
,
and
yet
be
both
as
unsatisfactory
then
,
of
having
done
it
full
enough
,
as
afterwards
(
even
out
of
the
natural
sense
of
pitty
)
how
will
he
find
himself
troubled
with
perpetual
reluctance
,
of
having
done
so
much
?
For
when
he
shall
be
restored
to
his
reason
again
,
he
must
find
,
that
whilst
he
hath
been
judging
another
,
he
hath
been
condemning
himself
.
For
was
not
the
harm
done
by
another
,
given
as
the
reason
of
this
revenge
?
well
then
,
since
hereby
he
hath
not
,
nor
cannot
recover
the
harm
or
loss
,
it
must
fall
out
,
that
so
far
as
he
is
punishing
him
,
he
is
arraigning
himself
:
First
as
rebel
to
God
,
in
dethroning
him
or
his
sole
Prerogative
Of
repaying
with
vengeance
:
And
then
farther
,
this
act
of
revenge
is
so
far
from
abating
or
allaying
the
pressing
tortures
of
this
passion
(
which
un-erring
truth
justly
calls
Travelling
with
mischief
)
that
it
necessarily
encreaseth
it
:
In
which
respect
,
we
may
well
find
how
those
Gospel
Promises
came
to
be
made
good
,
of
,
Whosoever
hath
left
house
,
or
brethren
,
or
sisters
,
or
father
,
or
mother
,
or
wise
,
or
children
,
or
lands
for
my
sake
,
and
the
Gospels
:
he
shall
receive
an
hundred
fold
now
in
this
time
,
houses
,
and
brethren
,
and
sisters
,
and
mothers
,
and
children
,
and
lands
,
with
persecutions
:
and
in
the
world
to
come
eternal
life
.
All
which
well
observed
,
would
make
the
condition
of
Kings
and
great
Persons
,
not
so
much
desirable
by
Subjects
and
Inferiors
;
even
for
that
the
fare
and
usage
proper
to
them
(
which
in
regard
of
scarcity
with
us
,
we
call
dainty
)
is
,
by
reason
of
commonness
,
with
them
more
loathsome
then
ours
;
whose
freedom
they
often
envy
,
being
themselves
so
enclosed
and
imprisoned
with
set
order
,
and
multitude
of
ceremonies
and
attendants
,
that
they
esteem
themselves
then
only
at
liberty
,
when
they
can
most
imitate
and
practice
the
freedom
of
our
condition
.
But
the
weakness
of
this
passion
being
so
well
found
in
natural
reason
and
example
,
I
may
leave
it
as
a
common
place
sufficiently
treated
of
.
For
how
many
and
eminent
are
t●ese
instances
(
even
amongst
Heathens
)
of
such
as
would
not
acknowledge
their
Prosecutors
power
,
or
their
own
weakness
so
far
,
as
to
prove
by
repine
or
desire
of
revenge
,
that
they
were
more
then
they
could
bear
:
and
did
therefore
usually
leave
this
pusillanimous
part
,
to
be
acted
by
the
weaker
tempers
of
women
and
children
.
But
as
for
Precepts
this
way
set
down
in
Scripture
,
I
believe
,
that
,
next
to
the
Doctrine
of
Faith
in
Christ
(
which
must
precede
,
as
well
as
be
accompanied
with
these
vertues
)
these
Lessons
of
Patience
,
Humility
,
&c.
will
be
found
the
chief
drift
of
the
Gospel
:
if
not
the
only
Precepts
,
that
private
persons
can
of
their
own
judgements
relye
upon
:
they
proceeding
from
the
same
Precept
of
Love
and
Charity
.
These
teaching
us
how
with
Charity
to
suffer
from
others
:
as
the
orher
doth
,
how
to
be
inwardly
affected
in
my
actings
towards
them
.
For
as
,
Whatsoever
things
were
written
aforetime
,
were
written
for
our
learning
;
so
was
it
done
,
that
we
,
through
Patience
and
comfort
of
the
Scriptures
(
that
is
,
through
the
Precepts
and
Examples
thereof
,
therein
set
down
as
practised
,
and
the
comfort
and
reward
thereof
thence
also
arising
)
might
have
hope
,
of
the
God
of
patience
and
consolation
,
we
may
be
hereby
enabled
to
be
like
minded
one
towards
another
,
according
to
Christ
Jesus
:
seek
to
please
himself
,
but
his
neighbour
:
but
also
,
the
same
example
will
teach
us
to
be
passively
charitable
too
,
by
our
readiness
to
submit
to
authority
,
the
only
way
to
the
peace
and
unity
of
the
Church
;
one
mind
,
and
one
mouth
,
we
may
glorifie
God
,
even
the
father
of
our
Lord
Jesus
Christ
.
However
I
cannot
tell
,
whether
(
from
these
lights
)
I
have
given
sufficient
reason
or
no
,
for
casting
off
revenge
and
disobedience
,
and
entertainment
of
patience
and
humility
;
yet
sure
I
am
,
that
I
can
by
mine
own
good
experience
say
,
that
as
I
become
every
day
a
more
true
Disciple
of
my
Saviour
,
even
by
willingly
taking
up
my
cross
and
following
him
;
that
chasteneth
every
son
whom
he
loveth
)
So
do
I
more
and
more
encrease
every
day
in
true
comfort
:
Nor
can
I
,
or
any
man
else
(
that
considers
these
usuages
of
God
with
a
well
measured
judgement
)
but
thereby
find
advantage
to
arise
even
in
this
worlds
consideration
also
:
It
faring
no
otherewise
with
men
in
the
behalf
of
their
Reputation
and
Honour
,
then
in
consideration
of
worldly
estate
and
fortune
.
For
as
he
that
will
always
be
living
at
the
height
of
his
fortune
,
will
be
so
much
the
nearer
to
poverty
,
by
how
much
he
is
more
expensive
and
in
the
sight
of
envy
,
and
yet
have
no
more
true
inward
content
then
others
;
even
so
,
such
as
live
in
the
height
of
reputation
,
must
be
subject
to
the
same
diminutions
and
hazard
:
for
when
those
faults
which
really
all
men
must
more
or
less
have
,
or
those
which
meer
envy
shall
discover
,
shall
be
divulged
to
the
world
;
he
cannot
then
but
be
rendred
,
both
to
other
men
,
so
much
the
more
ill
,
by
how
much
he
hath
formerly
been
held
more
good
:
and
to
himself
(
hereby
)
so
much
more
miserable
,
by
how
much
he
deemed
himself
before
more
happy
.
Whereas
he
that
is
really
good
,
cannot
but
be
always
in
a
thriving
and
prosperous
condition
;
although
that
steady
course
of
vertue
and
honesty
which
he
walks
in
,
may
through
difference
of
the
common
practise
of
the
World
(
as
making
God
and
his
Neighbours
good
his
aym
,
and
not
Covetousness
or
Vain-Glory
)
make
him
to
differ
from
the
rest
of
the
World
in
his
Deportments
,
and
so
for
a
time
displease
.
For
a
time
I
say
:
For
as
men
can
never
wholly
banish
truth
,
so
this
mans
innocence
and
integrity
,
cannot
but
by
degrees
appear
;
at
which
time
,
the
very
height
of
former
calumny
,
will
redound
to
his
encrease
of
reputation
.
And
,
all
men
being
ready
to
take
occasions
for
extolling
their
own
abilities
in
matters
of
extraordinary
discovery
,
they
will
from
hence
,
take
occasion
the
more
to
set
forth
and
admire
this
mans
Merits
or
Innocence
;
even
for
that
others
have
heretofore
so
much
leaned
to
the
contrary
.
Which
Commendations
again
,
growing
to
this
party
by
continual
encrease
and
degrees
,
and
those
deserved
;
must
thereby
render
him
also
in
point
of
reputation
,
both
continually
prosperous
,
and
likewise
steady
therein
.
But
,
if
it
fall
out
otherwise
,
and
that
Gods
love
to
us
,
above
the
rest
of
the
world
,
shall
be
made
farther
appear
by
their
unjust
and
oppressive
usage
of
us
in
matters
of
our
estates
,
or
by
the
dislike
and
rejection
of
our
communion
by
such
as
are
riotous
or
factious
;
as
we
have
hereby
fresh
comfort
in
our selves
,
in
respect
of
our
Christian
Faith
and
Assurance
(
in
order
to
Gods
promises
made
that
way
)
so
may
we
also
reap
true
inward
content
,
even
in
point
of
Heroick
Resolution
and
Prudence
:
out
of
the
consideration
,
that
this
their
mislike
of
our
cause
or
carriage
,
arose
not
from
any
well
grounded
estimate
of
justice
or
vertue
.
Vulgar
justice
being
many
times
nothing
else
but
the
effect
of
Bribery
,
Importunity
,
Friendship
,
or
the
knotting
together
of
some
party
for
the
preferring
some
such
mans
cause
as
hath
insinuated
himself
into
most
favour
.
The
which
cannot
be
expected
from
him
that
hath
his
confidence
so
much
in
God
and
the
goodness
of
his
cause
,
that
he
cannot
,
he
dare
not
,
distrust
providence
so
far
,
as
not
to
resolve
on
and
prefer
a
noble
suffering
before
an
ignoble
prevention
.
And
so
again
,
in
point
of
civil
behaviour
,
and
in
that
reputation
which
is
to
be
expected
from
mens
sociable
deportments
,
so
little
regard
is
usually
had
to
the
general
and
publike
benefit
of
society
,
that
the
Commendations
of
Breeding
,
Comity
,
Urbanity
,
or
the
like
:
are
often
times
but
the
flattering
compliances
and
endearments
of
some
sorts
or
orders
of
the
subjects
one
towards
another
,
whose
usual
issue
is
in
a
Faction
.
And
the
ordinary
way
of
winning
worldly
friendship
and
esteem
is
,
either
by
open
applauding
each
others
abilities
and
courses
,
or
else
by
such
profession
and
insinuation
of
our
services
and
affections
towards
them
,
as
to
give
occasion
upon
all
opportunities
(
even
out
of
self-regard
)
to
commend
their
friends
,
and
their
abilities
,
as
esteeming
themselves
commended
in
these
that
so
much
own
and
approve
them
.
Whereas
he
that
is
truly
conscientious
of
Gods
Service
and
his
Neighbours
,
so
farre
as
to
place
them
above
Popular
shews
,
dares
not
undertake
this
kind
of
serving
himself
by
his
neighbors
ruine
;
but
will
watch
all
seasonable
opportunities
to
perform
the
office
of
a
true
friend
;
by
expression
of
such
deeds
and
Councels
,
as
shall
advance
other
mens
benefit
in
the
first
place
,
and
his
own
honor
amongst
them
in
the
second
.
By
which
means
,
as
I
shall
really
do
the
part
of
a
true
Commonwealths-man
and
Christian
,
so
shall
I
never
want
the
true
comfort
thereof
;
as
of
having
truly
served
God
,
and
my
neighbour
;
although
to
the
world
it
were
not
otherwise
apparent
,
then
by
my
suffering
for
both
.
And
the
like
condition
(
no
doubt
)
will
be
found
in
all
dutiful
sufferings
,
by
all
that
can
lay
aside
all
malice
,
hypocrisie
,
guil
,
anger
,
and
evil
speaking
;
and
can
as
new
born
babes
(
with
patience
and
humility
)
commit
all
to
him
that
judgeth
righteously
;
they
have
but
tasted
that
the
Lord
is
gracious
,
and
found
the
fruits
of
that
blessed
and
promised
Comforter
,
shall
quickly
feel
the
sting
of
worldly
afflictions
,
so
taken
out
by
him
that
hath
undergone
and
overcome
them
for
him
,
that
,
in
the
midst
of
Prisons
and
Confinements
,
they
shall
sing
with
more
real
solace
and
delight
,
in
their
magnimous
sustentation
of
any
injury
or
Cross
,
then
their
adversary
can
do
in
the
infliction
of
his
revenge
.
For
be
it
never
so
great
,
yet
when
I
(
by
my
patience
)
have
proved
my self
Superior
in
all
that
his
malice
could
reach
unto
,
I
shall
thereby
,
at
once
,
both
repel
his
strokes
,
and
also
return
them
upon
himself
,
to
the
redoubling
of
his
angry
and
revengeful
torment
;
even
to
see
himself
thus
miserably
defeated
by
my
resolution
:
When
,
as
on
the
other
side
also
,
he
cannot
but
deny
his
own
want
of
courage
and
true
fortitude
,
in
being
so
highly
sensible
,
or
affected
with
a
mistaken
,
small
,
or
occasional
injury
,
as
to
lead
him
to
this
fruitless
reparation
.
And
then
further
,
Patience
having
had
its
perfect
work
,
so
as
not
only
to
suffer
the
spoiling
of
our
Goods
,
but
even
to
glory
in
tribulation
:
it
will
estate
men
in
a
condition
of
outward
felicity
also
.
For
as
none
but
children
,
are
satisfied
with
the
strokes
which
are
given
to
the
stones
against
which
they
fell
:
so
when
(
besides
insensibility
through
patience
)
our
adversaries
shall
perceive
us
advantaged
by
such
misuage
,
he
will
then
leave
to
do
us
evil
,
even
for
fear
of
doing
us
good
.
And
as
thus
in
single
persons
,
so
will
this
height
of
fortitude
,
be
prudentially
found
the
steady
and
true
promoter
of
Political
and
State
interest
,
as
well
as
of
all
vertue
besides
:
For
how
can
Justice
,
Honesty
,
or
any
true
vertue
be
duly
expected
,
while
terror
of
any
sort
shall
stand
up
to
amate
the
Actor
from
Execution
?
And
since
in
wordly
Dispensations
,
the
gain
of
one
must
be
the
loss
of
another
;
and
since
again
,
the
fear
or
hope
of
rewards
from
great
and
rich
men
prevails
most
,
will
not
hope
of
gain
,
and
fear
of
opposition
continually
endanger
justice
,
and
bring
on
the
oppression
of
the
poor
?
For
say
men
what
they
will
,
no
man
(
as
a
natural
man
)
can
have
that
degree
of
fortitude
,
as
not
to
be
many
times
awed
by
political
greatness
,
or
personal
courage
.
And
could
we
suppose
some
person
informidable
,
so
as
(
in
things
of
inconcern
to
himself
)
he
could
dare
to
act
according
to
the
true
sense
of
Justice
;
must
it
not
still
follow
,
that
when
again
his
interest
is
mixed
therewith
,
the
same
want
of
true
fear
must
render
him
as
partial
to
himself
.
So
that
,
in
a
meer
natural
man
,
you
cannot
so
place
fortitude
as
to
make
it
always
a
Vertue
:
whereas
he
that
hath
God
in
all
causes
for
his
second
and
Judge
,
(
making
him
his
onely
fear
)
as
(
on
the
one
hand
)
he
will
not
fear
what
flesh
can
do
unto
him
,
so
,
(
on
the
other
side
)
,
will
he
always
fear
what
he
doth
unto
them
.
By
which
means
being
habituated
to
a
steady
Vertuous
deportment
in
all
his
actions
,
he
shall
finde
honesty
(
even
in
this
worlds
respect
)
to
prove
the
best
policy
.
Inasmuch
as
,
all
advantage
and
gain
(
in
that
kinde
)
arising
according
to
the
value
of
trust
and
employment
,
his
approved
fidelity
and
integrity
will
so
far
advance
him
herein
,
as
to
make
honor
and
preferment
attend
him
as
his
due
.
The
proof
and
discourse
of
all
which
,
(
as
the
sure
Crown
and
reward
of
Devotion
,
Humility
,
and
Patience
)
takes
up
(
by
Precepts
and
Examples
)
the
greatest
part
of
Holy
Writ
it self
:
as
if
on
purpose
to
shew
us
,
that
its
chief
aim
were
to
exhort
and
encourage
us
herein
.
And
the
humble
and
devout
searcher
of
the
Scriptures
shall
be
sure
never
to
return
empty
of
this
blessing
:
whereas
he
that
is
not
grounded
in
love
,
but
carries
with
him
the
spirit
of
Pride
and
●ontention
,
returns
usually
ten
times
more
the
Childe
of
the
devil
then
before
.
But
that
which
most
of
all
is
the
occasion
of
this
present
discourse
,
and
comes
neerest
our
present
business
;
is
to
let
Subjects
hereby
see
,
that
that
degree
of
submission
and
Patience
I
had
formerly
commended
unto
them
,
was
a
state
of
happiness
as
well
as
duty
:
and
that
especially
for
Christian
subjects
towards
Christian
Princes
.
Against
whom
,
Anger
,
Malice
,
and
Revenge
(
in
all
their
degrees
)
must
most
of
all
be
laid
aside
.
Whatsoever
we
suffer
from
them
,
we
must
look
upon
as
coming
from
him
that
set
them
up
in
this
high
power
:
and
who
hath
their
hearts
so
always
in
his
hand
,
as
to
turn
them
which
way
he
pleaseth
:
whom
there
is
no
rising
up
)
then
against
God
himself
:
of
suffering
wrongfully
,
if
we
allow
them
not
a
power
of
doing
so
;
and
that
beyond
any
warrantable
restraint
of
ours
.
Those
evils
that
come
from
the
hands
of
others
without
Authority
from
them
,
I
may
prevent
or
resist
as
mine
own
discretion
and
Conscience
shall
direct
;
with
consideration
had
to
the
Precepts
of
Love
and
Charity
:
and
in
this
kinde
we
commonly
make
a
Vertue
of
necessity
.
But
where
lawful
Authority
doth
impose
,
the
ties
of
publike
Charity
and
Obedience
do
both
lye
upon
me
;
and
although
I
may
do
my
best
by
petition
or
perswasion
to
alter
his
Will
from
prosecution
,
yet
can
I
not
at
all
use
mine
own
will
for
resisting
him
therein
.
All
which
will
not
prove
of
great
difficulty
,
to
him
that
shall
remember
his
Saviours
prophesie
;
that
in
the
world
we
should
have
afflictions
:
and
that
promise
also
annexed
therewith
,
in
me
ye
shall
have
peace
.
This
man
I
say
,
in
hope
of
that
high
price
and
reward
which
is
set
before
him
,
will
be
ever
running
his
race
with
all
cheerfulness
.
through
envy
being
sold
and
put
from
home
,
was
thereby
delivered
from
famine
,
and
brought
into
a
richer
soyl
,
and
greater
preferment
elsewhere
:
whereupon
he
might
now
have
power
to
express
true
goodness
,
in
returning
good
for
evil
.
And
,
upon
a
discreet
examination
,
he
shall
also
generally
finde
,
that
these
Crosses
were
but
the
effects
of
love
;
and
put
in
his
way
,
like
so
many
pauses
and
stops
,
to
delay
or
divert
him
from
some
course
he
had
headily
undertaken
;
which
in
the
pursuit
would
have
proved
more
destructive
to
him
;
either
in
his
spiritual
or
temporal
condition
,
then
are
those
opportunities
and
advantages
which
divine
Providence
hath
now
brought
him
unto
.
Oh
thou
admirable
and
blessed
Grace
of
Charity
!
How
dost
thou
,
by
thy
due
exercise
,
at
once
both
make
us
good
and
happy
?
as
well
in
exciting
us
to
acts
of
beneficence
,
as
delighting
and
rewarding
us
for
doing
them
.
To
call
thee
a
moral
Vertue
is
too
low
:
thou
art
them
all
,
and
their
Crown
.
For
,
in
order
to
humane
preservation
,
(
and
of
all
things
that
have
sense
and
will
)
thou
art
of
as
large
and
necessary
extent
,
as
is
that
Vertue
of
Union
and
Sympathy
,
which
is
the
preserver
of
the
whole
worlds
Fabrick
besides
.
Nay
in
us
thou
art
the
same
Union
and
Sympathy
;
under
the
name
of
Love
,
doing
the
same
thing
:
that
is
,
hereby
preventing
the
destruction
of
voluntary
Agents
,
as
that
doth
of
all
natural
ones
:
and
so
being
not
onely
(
like
that
)
providence
her
right
hand
,
but
also
so
much
more
above
it
,
as
thy
execution
is
more
above
it
in
difficulty
,
and
the
object
of
thy
imployment
more
noble
.
How
much
below
thee
stand
all
other
Graces
and
Vertues
!
Even
so
far
,
as
to
be
of
no
use
without
thee
;
like
as
thou
also
art
(
again
)
so
much
more
worthy
,
as
thou
art
more
thy self
:
that
is
art
more
extensive
.
For
when
by
any
of
them
alone
,
I
chuse
to
exercise
any
moral
duty
,
if
thou
take
it
not
by
the
hand
,
how
will
self-respect
byass
it
to
pride
?
Or
,
if
without
thee
I
imploy
my
zeal
,
it
will
be
found
little
other
then
a
gilded
trifle
,
or
a
Sacrifice
of
that
which
costs
me
nothing
:
to
be
seen
of
men
:
and
that
,
either
by
thanks
from
the
poor
,
or
by
having
my
name
set
or
known
in
the
Temple
:
by
which
means
,
carrying
a
face
and
design
towards
pride
,
how
will
it
take
off
from
that
freeness
which
should
Crown
Devotion
?
But
when
,
against
my
will
,
(
it
may
be
)
all
my
fortune
,
and
that
which
is
yet
dearest
,
my
good
name
is
now
snatcht
from
me
,
(
and
that
by
my
professed
enemies
)
and
I
can
yet
be
joyful
as
well
as
patient
,
hence
,
together
with
the
difficulty
,
must
arise
the
highest
pitch
of
honor
.
Difficulty
did
I
say
,
nay
impossibility
;
for
naturally
it
is
so
:
inasmuch
as
in
so
doing
,
I
do
make
contradictions
both
true
at
once
.
For
if
my
deprivation
or
suffering
be
in
a
thing
I
esteem
not
,
or
am
not
sensible
of
,
what
need
,
or
use
of
Patience
?
And
if
I
must
be
willing
to
suffer
,
what
I
am
unwilling
to
suffer
,
as
it
can
onely
be
done
by
a
miraculous
and
divine
help
,
so
the
Vertue
thereby
wrought
must
be
most
highly
divine
also
.
How
is
a
natural
perfection
put
into
a
non-plus
herein
?
My
injury
must
be
the
reason
of
my
patience
,
my
wrong
of
my
forgiveness
;
nay
more
,
I
must
in
the
highest
measure
be
actively
charitable
to
this
my
known
enemy
,
even
because
he
is
so
:
expressing
it
in
the
highest
degrees
;
feed
him
,
cloath
him
,
(
if
he
want
)
;
and
above
all
,
pray
for
him
howsoever
.
Compare
that
which
great
ones
deserve
with
this
,
and
you
may
call
it
Pride
and
Arrogance
.
For
with
what
ease
do
they
sit
and
command
;
and
then
assume
the
atchievement
of
publike
Utility
and
Peace
as
proper
to
themselves
,
when
alas
the
true
burthen
and
thanks
for
these
things
,
rests
on
the
part
of
the
obedient
.
For
what
use
of
power
but
through
submission
?
and
how
soon
without
Patience
,
would
prosecution
of
revenge
set
whole
Kingdoms
in
a
civil
flame
:
whilst
revenge
should
thus
generate
,
and
my
revenge
on
him
,
call
for
his
revenge
on
me
?
Therefore
as
Charity
is
the
preserver
and
establisher
of
other
Vertues
and
Graces
,
so
is
Patience
,
and
subjection
the
true
tryal
and
establisher
of
Charity
.
For
Kings
and
great
ones
,
have
their
honor
and
power
but
from
this
relation
of
subjection
and
obedience
:
and
so
far
onely
as
they
have
first
submitted
their
Wills
to
God
,
and
are
themselves
obedient
,
and
truely
passive
under
his
Authority
and
command
,
can
they
have
true
power
to
act
upon
or
command
others
,
By
which
means
,
patience
under
subjection
,
will
prove
the
best
Jewel
in
their
Crowns
;
as
well
as
a
Crown
to
other
Vertues
of
their
Subjects
.
Nor
can
Princes
be
excused
from
the
personal
exercise
of
this
Vertue
of
Patience
also
,
by
being
sometimes
sharers
in
those
chastisments
,
which
must
testifie
them
to
be
sons
and
no
bastards
:
iniquity
shall
be
punished
with
the
rod
of
the
children
of
men
,
shall
fill
up
that
which
is
behinde
of
the
afflictions
of
Christ
in
the
flesh
,
for
his
bodies
sake
which
is
the
Church
.
Not
that
they
can
add
in
merit
;
sons
of
Zebedee
were
not
able
to
drink
so
great
a
a
draught
,
nor
suffer
in
so
high
a
measure
,
as
being
to
have
but
a
subordinate
and
particular
charge
under
our
Savior
,
yet
that
they
were
able
to
drink
of
that
cup
,
and
should
also
bear
a
share
in
this
Baptism
,
is
there
ascertained
:
when
as
yet
the
entrance
and
admission
into
Dominion
and
Power
,
as
on
the
right
hand
and
left
hand
of
Christ
in
his
Church
,
But
now
,
it
is
not
every
Patience
,
or
dull
insensibility
under
every
affliction
that
is
to
have
this
honor
and
reward
;
but
that
Patience
most
properly
that
is
accompanied
with
the
duty
of
Obedience
.
For
I
may
give
all
I
have
to
the
poor
,
nay
my
body
to
be
burnt
,
and
yet
be
but
charitable
to
my self
,
in
design
to
mine
own
honor
.
But
when
I
am
so
taken
up
with
the
good
of
others
,
(
in
order
to
my
love
of
him
whose
image
they
bear
)
that
(
in
sure
token
thereof
)
I
can
forgive
all
injuries
,
and
them
also
that
did
them
;
here
is
Charity
upon
Charity
:
which
(
in
care
of
publike
Peace
and
Good
)
suffereth
long
,
is
kinde
,
envieth
not
,
is
not
puffed
up
,
but
beareth
all
things
.
Which
expressions
,
as
they
properly
betoken
the
Vertues
of
such
as
are
to
be
subject
to
Authority
,
so
may
they
serve
to
expound
to
us
those
sayings
of
our
Saviour
,
whosoever
shall
smite
thee
,
&c.
namely
that
the
right
use
of
Patience
is
thereby
meant
;
even
Patience
under
Authority
,
and
not
any
stupid
neglect
of
our
own
safeties
.
For
so
in
Saint
Matthew
it
is
,
whosoever
shall
smite
thee
on
the
right
cheek
,
Whosoever
will
sue
thee
at
Law
,
&c.
to
him
we
must
with
Patience
give
our
Cloak
also
,
And
these
Gospel
Precepts
,
carry
but
the
same
meaning
toward
Patience
and
Humility
under
Authority
,
as
Solomons
prudential
Precept
formerly
did
:
if
the
spirit
of
the
Ruler
rise
up
against
thee
,
leave
not
thy
place
:
for
yielding
pacifyeth
great
offences
:
and
all
because
of
that
relation
of
obedience
we
stand
bound
unto
,
in
regard
of
his
Authority
that
thus
commanded
us
.
And
therefore
,
when
we
finde
these
Graces
of
Humility
and
Meekness
set
down
and
commended
unto
us
,
they
are
to
be
taken
as
necessarily
implying
the
duty
of
obedience
:
inasmuch
as
they
are
the
onely
proper
Vertues
of
such
as
are
stated
in
the
relation
of
subjection
.
For
this
Vertue
of
Patience
is
as
necessary
to
the
constitution
of
things
voluntary
in
the
relation
of
Patients
,
towards
the
receit
of
the
Vertue
of
that
Agency
which
from
the
Governor
is
to
be
acted
on
the
governed
,
as
is
the
endowment
of
other
natural
Vertues
and
Properties
on
inanimates
,
to
make
them
susceptible
of
that
efficacy
which
on
the
part
of
their
Agents
is
required
also
.
Whereupon
Patience
comes
to
be
a
Vertue
of
such
great
influence
,
and
concern
in
the
establishment
of
Charity
,
(
making
the
Precept
of
love
useful
to
humane
preservation
and
Gods
honor
,
)
that
sometimes
it
supplies
the
place
of
Charity
,
and
is
joyned
to
Faith
in
Christ
,
as
the
other
fundamental
requisite
to
salvation
:
nay
sometimes
goeth
alone
,
as
the
most
sure
ground-work
thereof
,
and
true
token
also
of
Christian
Faith
it self
.
For
so
runs
our
Saviors
admonition
,
in
patience
possess
ye
your
souls
.
And
to
that
purpose
saith
Saint
James
,
the
tryal
of
your
Faith
worketh
Patience
:
and
then
,
(
to
shew
the
perfection
that
follows
Patience
)
,
he
adds
,
but
let
Patience
have
her
perfect
work
,
that
ye
may
be
perfect
and
entire
wanting
nothing
.
And
St.
Paul
having
set
forth
our
access
to
God
through
Faith
,
after
adds
,
and
not
onely
so
,
but
we
glory
in
tribulation
also
:
knowing
that
tribulation
worketh
Patience
,
and
Patience
Experience
,
and
Experience
Hope
,
and
Hope
maketh
not
ashamed
;
because
the
love
of
God
is
shed
abroad
in
our
hearts
;
by
the
Holy
Ghost
which
is
given
us
:
that
is
,
Tribulation
and
Patience
,
do
uphold
and
supply
that
fundamental
and
saving
Grace
of
love
,
And
as
in
the
Epistle
to
the
Hebrews
,
we
are
exhorted
to
be
followers
of
them
who
through
Faith
and
Patience
inherit
the
Promises
,
viz.
Not
rendring
evil
for
evil
,
and
railing
for
railing
.
That
is
,
contrariwise
blessing
;
knowing
that
ye
are
thereunto
called
,
that
ye
should
inherit
a
blessing
:
meaning
the
blessed
reward
of
our
Patience
,
in
suffering
of
that
share
of
afflictions
unto
which
we
are
in
this
life
called
.
For
he
that
will
love
life
,
and
see
good
days
,
(
that
is
,
he
that
desires
to
enjoy
a
future
life
or
good
days
here
)
let
him
refrain
his
tongue
from
evil
,
and
his
lips
that
they
speak
no
guile
:
let
him
eschew
evil
and
do
good
.
Which
is
the
same
with
the
former
admonition
,
of
not
rendring
evil
for
evil
,
nor
railing
for
railing
:
onely
there
,
our
resistance
by
act
was
put
first
;
but
here
,
the
resistance
by
words
is
put
first
;
under
the
Precept
of
refraining
our
tongues
from
evil
.
And
then
follows
the
admomonition
for
actions
:
let
him
eschew
evil
and
do
good
:
let
him
not
onely
forbear
resistance
,
but
be
obedient
also
:
and
thereupon
shall
he
be
in
a
state
,
both
to
seek
peace
and
ensue
it
.
As
generally
thus
amongst
mankinde
,
Patience
is
added
to
Faith
to
make
us
inheritors
of
the
Promises
,
and
a
necessity
of
compliance
with
Christ
in
sufferings
,
that
we
may
be
also
glorified
together
,
so
,
she
shall
be
saved
by
childe-bearing
,
if
she
continue
in
the
Faith
.
By
which
words
,
as
we
are
not
to
understand
that
none
but
Child-bearing
women
shall
be
saved
,
or
that
the
others
should
not
be
sharers
also
of
these
common
sufferings
incident
to
the
rest
of
mankinde
;
so
may
we
perceive
this
particular
instance
of
Childe-bearing
put
,
both
to
set
out
Patience
in
the
highest
degree
of
suffering
known
amongst
us
,
and
also
(
being
put
under
the
notion
of
Childe-bearers
)
,
may
be
taken
as
comprehending
such
as
are
married
:
who
being
subject
to
husbands
may
farther
serve
to
shew
,
that
this
Patience
is
occasioned
from
that
degree
of
subjection
and
bondage
,
which
God
(
by
reason
of
their
appointed
subordination
)
had
put
them
under
,
when
he
said
,
In
sorrow
shalt
thou
conceive
,
and
thy
desire
shall
be
subject
to
thy
husbands
.
So
that
then
,
each
one
that
travelleth
in
pain
under
this
yoak
of
bondage
to
the
Laws
of
Superiors
,
by
reason
of
,
and
for
punishment
of
our
corruption
,
of
him
that
subjected
the
same
in
hope
:
and
to
reckon
that
the
sufferings
of
this
present
time
are
not
worthy
to
be
compared
to
the
glory
which
shall
be
revealed
in
us
,
when
we
shall
be
restored
to
the
glorious
liberty
of
the
sons
of
God
.
Nor
need
we
wonder
why
immortality
and
eternal
life
,
should
be
promised
to
them
who
by
patient
continuance
in
well
doing
seek
for
glory
and
honor
;
and
(
on
the
contrary
)
indignation
and
wrath
unto
them
that
are
contentious
,
and
do
not
obey
the
truth
;
if
(
besides
the
benefits
arising
to
mankinde
by
this
Vertue
(
formerly
spoken
of
)
,
we
also
consider
its
efficacy
in
advancement
of
the
Praise
and
Honor
of
God
amongst
us
also
.
For
where
Patience
and
Humility
are
practised
(
as
all
outward
strife
ceases
,
so
)
general
contentment
will
arise
:
Wherupon
,
Kings
,
as
well
as
subjects
,
being
reciprocally
pleased
in
having
,
and
yeilding
ready
obedience
,
men
on
all
hands
will
have
cause
to
Thank
and
Praise
their
Maker
:
whose
greatest
delight
being
in
the
good
of
his
Creature
,
and
their
grateful
acknowledgement
thereupon
,
so
is
their
murmuring
and
affliction
to
him
most
unpleasant
:
as
abating
the
sense
of
his
goodness
and
praise
.
From
which
grounds
,
we
may
easily
discern
the
Reason
,
why
this
Vertue
should
be
so
especially
commended
to
us
by
that
great
preserver
of
men
.
So
that
since
it
was
necessary
,
that
in
token
of
our
zeal
and
love
to
his
service
,
something
of
difficulty
should
be
enjoyned
;
what
in
the
eye
of
his
all-seeing
Providence
more
fit
then
this
?
whereby
,
as
his
glory
is
upheld
by
the
establishment
of
the
Kingdoms
peace
here
,
so
are
the
Patient
themselves
,
(
besides
the
reward
of
his
Grace
in
this
life
,
)
to
receive
the
deserved
Crown
thereof
in
the
world
to
come
.
Wherefore
now
,
lift
up
the
hands
that
hang
down
,
and
the
feeble
knees
:
and
seeing
also
we
are
compassed
with
so
great
a
cloud
of
witnesses
,
let
us
lay
aside
every
weight
,
and
the
sin
(
namely
of
rebellion
)
that
doth
so
easily
beset
us
,
and
let
us
run
with
patience
the
race
that
is
set
before
us
:
looking
unto
,
&c.
For
though
no
chastning
for
the
present
seemeth
joyous
,
but
grievous
;
nevertheless
afterward
,
it
yeildeth
the
peaceable
fruit
of
righteousness
,
unto
them
which
are
exercised
thereby
.
here
at
the
pleasure
of
fleshly
Fathers
,
we
be
for
a
few
days
c●astened
;
yet
God
turns
it
to
our
profit
,
that
we
might
be
partakers
of
his
holiness
.
By
this
proper
note
of
persecutions
and
afflictions
,
left
unto
us
as
a
Legacy
by
him
that
was
the
Author
and
finisher
of
our
Faith
,
and
that
once
so
highly
suffered
for
us
;
we
stand
,
in
a
peculiar
manner
,
not
onely
distinguished
from
the
rest
of
the
world
,
as
in
testimony
of
the
truth
of
our
Religion
above
theirs
,
(
who
,
as
an
Argument
of
their
humane
device
and
extraction
are
still
closing
with
Nature
in
promises
of
sensual
delights
)
,
but
,
according
to
the
true
and
sanctified
use
of
these
afflictions
again
by
the
several
members
of
the
Church
,
each
Christian
professor
therein
comes
to
be
a
more
true
Disciple
and
Christian
one
then
another
.
Inasmuch
,
as
my
being
by
my
profession
and
belief
a
Christian
,
cannot
of
it self
make
me
a
true
one
:
because
it
may
be
a
thing
not
of
my
choice
,
or
bestowed
on
me
out
of
particular
Grace
and
Election
:
but
happening
(
for
ought
I
know
)
from
no
other
ground
or
assurance
,
nor
having
other
reason
or
influence
,
then
the
hazard
of
birth
or
Education
.
Had
I
been
born
and
educated
where
other
Religions
are
professed
,
I
had
,
in
all
probability
,
been
even
such
an
one
in
belief
as
they
;
and
those
others
of
those
Religions
,
had
(
doubtless
)
upon
like
change
been
of
mine
.
In
which
case
,
as
I
should
have
thought
it
hard
that
they
,
for
their
good
fortune
of
being
Christened
when
I
was
Circumcised
,
should
be
thereupon
rewarded
and
I
punished
,
so
cannot
I
reasonably
now
think
that
as
regeneration
must
be
something
else
then
this
,
so
also
that
that
Baptism
that
must
purge
out
the
old
man
,
must
be
(
where
it
may
be
had
)
something
else
then
that
of
outward
washing
;
the
Baptism
of
the
Holy
Ghost
and
of
fire
,
must
be
added
to
that
of
John
.
Yea
and
baptism
of
afflictions
,
rightly
applyed
it
must
also
be
.
For
that
else
,
it
may
be
again
,
that
as
they
came
but
occasionally
upon
me
,
so
was
I
by
my
own
natural
constitution
and
softness
of
temper
drawn
both
to
the
search
after
God
by
these
afflictions
,
and
to
the
Patient
enduring
of
them
.
It
may
be
ignorance
or
inability
to
resist
or
avoid
my
sufferings
in
the
condition
I
am
now
in
,
makes
me
,
as
in
a
kinde
of
Melancholly
revenge
,
appeal
to
Heaven
for
reparation
:
and
,
for
want
of
natural
fortitude
dejectedly
to
yeild
,
and
sit
down
in
some
Stoical
contempt
or
melancholly
retirement
.
If
so
,
what
praise
can
I
expect
for
my
seeming
neglect
thereof
,
when
it
was
but
what
I
cannot
overcome
and
avoid
?
In
which
doing
,
I
may
also
naturally
reap
inward
satisfaction
,
and
so
far
flatter
my self
in
this
my
degree
of
Patience
and
well-doing
,
that
I
may
go
yet
one
step
farther
,
and
receive
consolation
and
content
by
my
endurance
of
those
things
,
and
be
yet
no
true
partaker
of
that
baptism
with
which
the
Captain
of
my
salvation
was
made
perfect
.
If
I
finde
not
my self
still
ready
for
fresh
encounters
,
and
that
out
of
sense
of
duty
and
publike
regard
,
as
one
that
is
strengthened
with
all
might
according
to
his
glorious
power
,
unto
all
Patience
and
Long-suffering
with
joyfulness
;
but
do
now
hide
or
cloyster
up
my self
from
being
any
more
publikely
beneficial
to
others
,
And
as
Patience
may
in
it self
alone
be
an
uncertain
sign
of
true
Regeneration
,
so
may
faith
also
.
For
if
,
in
many
a
Christian
,
we
should
examine
the
ground
of
this
too
,
it
would
be
found
grounded
on
Nature
also
:
even
although
it
should
be
so
strong
as
to
submit
to
martyrdom
.
For
since
I
,
in
another
Religion
,
or
another
in
mine
,
might
have
so
dyed
,
had
we
been
so
brought
up
,
it
can
in
it self
evidence
little
of
the
truth
of
that
duty
we
profess
:
but
oftentimes
may
have
issue
from
peevishness
or
stubbornness
,
without
respect
to
Love
or
Obedience
.
And
certainly
,
to
suffer
for
disobedience
to
Christian
Authority
,
can
scarce
deserve
the
honor
of
Martyrdom
,
onely
due
to
those
that
undergo
it
for
the
honor
of
Christs
Name
.
For
that
Childe
deserves
little
pitty
,
that
would
rather
die
under
the
rod
,
and
perish
by
famine
,
then
accept
of
such
wholsom
food
as
is
appointed
him
by
his
Father
;
onely
because
it
is
not
such
,
or
so
dressed
,
as
to
be
altogether
suitable
to
his
present
fancy
.
Nay
,
neither
is
love
only
a
sure
sign
of
this
Regeneration
:
for
this
also
may
proceed
from
natural
propension
;
and
respect
to
honor
and
thanks
may
make
us
Charitable
,
as
well
as
Martyrs
.
Whereas
he
that
is
the
true
Christian
,
and
fitted
with
grace
of
Regeneration
,
is
never
slothful
;
but
stands
always
diligent
in
works
and
labour
of
love
:
God
who
is
not
unrighteous
will
not
forget
to
be
continually
assisting
him
with
his
grace
of
perseverance
here
,
or
reward
hereafter
;
therefore
he
sits
not
down
disconsolate
under
the
burthen
,
for
he
knows
who
hath
called
him
to
the
combate
;
and
he
will
be
thereupon
always
ready
to
entertain
it
.
He
was
not
,
he
knows
,
born
for
himself
onely
:
nor
can
the
sense
of
injuries
to
himself
draw
him
from
being
publikely
beneficial
:
even
although
he
get
nothing
but
reproach
for
his
labour
:
as
knowing
,
that
,
through
this
difficulty
also
,
his
reward
will
be
higher
.
He
,
he
is
still
looking
into
all
these
things
with
the
eys
of
love
and
publike
Charity
:
whereby
he
stands
always
magnanimous
and
resolved
to
undergo
any
thing
for
the
good
of
those
that
bear
the
image
of
their
Master
,
and
that
according
to
such
rules
as
those
that
have
publike
charge
under
him
shall
direct
.
For
each
true
Christians
love
and
patience
,
must
,
through
his
obedience
to
the
head
of
his
own
Church
,
make
useful
that
general
end
of
humane
peace
and
preservation
,
for
which
Christian
Patience
was
by
Christ
himself
enjoyned
to
the
whole
Church
,
and
therefore
he
sits
not
down
sullenly
and
discontentedly
,
like
a
stubborn
childe
,
under
his
task
and
duty
,
that
will
act
no
more
because
he
cannot
do
as
he
likes
.
Because
he
findes
himself
crossed
in
what
is
enjoyned
him
to
do
,
or
in
the
measure
thereof
;
he
will
therefore
,
by
way
of
murmur
and
regret
,
run
into
the
extream
thereof
.
Because
he
hath
been
in
the
world
crossed
,
therefore
,
like
those
children
that
are
fallen
out
with
their
play-fellows
,
he
will
hide
himself
and
play
no
more
.
And
as
thus
his
Patience
could
not
have
continued
and
been
rightly
steered
without
Charity
,
so
neither
Charity
without
it
.
It
is
not
,
as
we
said
,
every
natural
propension
and
voluntary
beneficence
that
can
,
of
it self
,
be
called
the
labor
of
love
:
for
that
may
be
the
pleasure
of
love
:
and
Pride
may
be
its
Parent
.
But
when
nature
shal
be
holpen
by
the
grace
of
obedience
,
when
that
Patience
that
was
enjoyned
for
publike
benefit
shal
also
wait
on
publike
direction
,
then
comes
he
to
give
a
lively
testimony
of
the
Grace
of
Regeneration
.
For
he
knows
he
may
decline
harm
,
but
cannot
duty
:
Nature
obligeth
us
to
one
,
Religion
to
the
other
.
Where
he
is
strucken
on
the
right
cheek
,
where
the
spirit
of
the
Ruler
doth
rise
upon
him
he
must
not
leave
his
place
,
the
performance
of
Loyalty
and
Service
to
his
rightful
Superior
,
although
that
he
know
that
through
false
information
he
is
for
the
present
bent
against
him
;
as
know
,
that
he
is
thereunto
called
by
him
that
hath
his
heart
in
his
hand
,
and
can
turn
it
which
way
he
pleaseth
.
Therefore
now
,
when
I
shall
have
so
far
subdued
rebellious
Nature
,
as
to
submit
unto
,
and
undergo
my
task
with
patience
,
not
as
out
of
necessity
,
but
out
of
duty
:
When
,
our
of
no
other
reason
but
because
God
hath
commanded
it
,
I
shall
obey
what
is
enjoyned
me
,
and
what
I
might
with
my
first
Parents
,
finde
Arguments
against
,
in
a
presumptuous
knowledge
of
good
and
evil
;
then
it
is
that
the
strong
man
begins
to
be
bound
by
a
stronger
then
he
.
When
,
in
the
exercise
and
expression
of
my
Love
and
Charity
,
I
suffer
not
my self
to
be
swayed
by
interest
or
natural
propension
in
the
choice
of
the
object
or
apportioning
of
my
love
,
but
can
be
content
,
as
being
in
Christ
now
born
again
,
and
through
Grace
become
a
new
creature
,
to
love
all
men
as
bearing
Gods
image
,
and
more
especially
Christians
and
such
as
are
made
conformable
to
the
image
of
his
son
,
and
that
without
the
exclusion
of
any
under
the
apprehension
of
enemies
,
or
differing
from
me
in
judgement
or
opinion
;
then
it
is
that
I
may
esteem
my self
renewed
in
the
spirit
of
my
minde
,
and
may
gather
a
well
grounded
assurance
of
particular
mercy
and
adoption
for
that
:
as
Christianity
is
by
this
sign
of
the
Cross
differenced
from
other
Religions
,
so
may
I
by
this
my
discreet
and
obedient
taking
of
it
up
,
assure
my self
that
more
then
Nature
or
Chance
hath
confirmed
me
herein
.
For
if
,
in
love
to
Christ
and
the
Peace
and
welfare
of
his
Church
,
a
Christian
can
be
for
a
while
content
to
be
in
subjection
to
these
his
Fathers
in
the
flesh
,
he
thereby
gives
the
best
proof
,
that
he
will
much
more
be
willing
to
be
in
subjection
to
the
Father
of
spirits
and
live
.
Even
to
that
God
,
who
as
an
earnest
of
the
acceptance
of
his
endeavors
,
restoration
into
the
glorious
liberty
of
the
sons
of
God
,
when
he
shall
have
fought
his
fight
and
finished
that
his
course
of
cleansing
,
which
was
by
divine
Providence
appointed
him
in
the
Purgatory
of
this
life
.
Not
that
we
would
be
hereby
thought
bounding
that
inexhaustible
riches
of
Gods
mercy
:
as
though
it
stood
confined
to
these
or
the
like
means
,
in
the
appointment
of
particular
mens
salvations
;
but
as
setting
down
the
best
proofs
of
a
true
and
well
grounded
Faith
;
where
these
things
are
practicable
.
For
although
Faith
cannot
be
good
without
Works
,
nor
Works
without
Christian
Obedience
,
yet
God
forbid
we
should
exclude
infants
from
salvation
for
want
of
them
.
I
say
therefore
,
that
there
is
no
true
confidence
and
glory
save
in
the
Cross
of
Christ
by
whom
the
world
is
crucified
unto
me
,
and
I
unto
the
world
:
even
until
I
come
to
be
a
new
Creature
,
by
bearing
in
my
body
the
marks
of
the
Lord
Jesus
.
And
as
many
as
walk
according
to
this
rule
,
that
is
,
endeavouring
to
reform
the
rebellion
and
stubbornness
of
the
world
by
their
own
exemplary
Patience
,
Peace
be
on
them
,
and
Mercy
,
and
upon
the
Israel
of
God
.
By
the
passed
discourses
,
we
may
gather
how
corrupted
and
depraved
nature
comes
to
be
perfected
and
restored
by
Grace
:
we
may
see
how
that
former
way
we
had
,
with
other
natural
Agents
,
of
glorifying
God
in
our
contents
and
pleasures
being
forfeited
,
we
come
now
,
through
endurance
of
afflictions
,
to
arive
at
such
a
state
of
delight
(
abstracted
from
sensuality
)
as
to
be
enabled
in
the
condition
of
new
Creatures
,
to
honor
him
in
a
supernatural
way
;
in
such
measures
as
naturally
we
could
not
do
.
For
we
taking
on
us
our
own
guidance
,
and
so
not
being
content
with
the
enjoyments
of
what
delights
natural
sense
did
outwardly
afford
,
(
common
to
us
with
other
sensitives
)
,
and
also
not
trusting
to
general
Providence
like
other
things
,
but
rather
to
our
own
contrivances
and
stocks
of
Propriety
,
could
not
be
rightly
said
in
the
exultations
of
pleasures
thence
proceeding
,
to
be
thanking
and
praising
God
like
them
:
who
,
in
their
simplicity
of
not
undertaking
to
know
the
particular
Author
of
their
benefits
,
or
have
stores
of
their
own
,
did
(
as
his
Creatures
and
workmanship
)
expresly
,
though
not
intentionally
praise
him
in
every
thing
they
did
:
but
then
most
,
when
(
as
sensitives
)
,
in
their
singings
,
playings
,
and
other
ways
of
rejoycings
,
they
did
most
eminently
confess
and
acknowledge
his
bounty
and
goodness
,
by
this
their
more
lively
resentment
of
benefit
.
In
regard
whereof
,
namely
of
our
proneness
to
derogate
from
God
through
conceit
of
our
P●oprieties
,
we
may
finde
reason
why
in
the
Old-Testament
,
(
where
promises
run
in
a
temporal
strain
)
there
should
be
such
frequent
admonitions
of
rejoycing
before
him
,
with
the
first
fruits
,
and
best
of
them
.
For
as
else
,
we
in
our
pleasures
had
but
thanked
our selves
,
so
this
being
done
,
we
are
then
to
provide
what
our
souls
lusteth
after
:
But
this
course
and
way
of
honoring
God
,
seemed
not
yet
refined
and
abstracted
enough
for
cleering
us
of
the
old
leaven
:
and
therefore
in
the
Gospel
our
Saviour
will
have
us
wholly
renouncing
this
trust
to
Propriety
,
and
with
the
Sparrows
and
Lillies
of
the
field
,
trust
for
our
food
and
cloathing
to
general
Providence
again
.
How
this
may
be
done
,
by
using
them
as
if
we
used
them
not
,
hath
been
partly
heretofore
shewed
:
by
declaring
that
we
should
not
reckon
our selves
such
absolute
proprietors
,
as
to
serve
Mammon
more
,
or
equal
with
God
;
but
should
esteem
our
interests
in
them
but
so
conditionate
and
usu-fructuary
,
as
not
to
take
off
our
obligation
of
thanks
to
God
in
every
particular
we
receive
.
For
,
when
I
can
so
forget
and
relinquish
my
trust
and
relyance
on
mine
own
Propriety
,
as
to
count
every
new
enjoyment
to
be
as
a
new
favor
from
God
received
;
I
shall
then
be
freed
from
Idolatry
to
Mammon
:
and
while
remaining
willing
to
relinquish
my
Propriety
to
Gods
Ministers
dispose
,
in
order
to
Gods
service
or
publike
good
,
I
may
then
reckon
all
lawful
enjoyments
and
pleasure
thereby
attained
to
be
sent
me
of
God
.
And
so
by
making
worldly
things
instrumental
for
the
encrease
of
my
joy
in
him
,
I
shall
then
make
good
that
saying
of
Solomon
,
There
is
nothing
better
for
a
man
,
then
that
he
should
eat
and
drink
,
and
that
he
should
make
his
soul
enjoy
good
in
his
labor
:
this
I
saw
was
from
the
hand
of
God
.
And
so
again
,
Go
thy
way
,
eat
thy
bread
with
joy
;
and
drink
thy
wine
with
a
merry
heart
,
for
God
now
accepteth
thy
works
.
We
may
then
rejoyce
,
and
again
rejoyce
in
the
Lord
,
when
our
moderation
should
be
thus
manifest
:
Wherefore
now
,
(
for
our
spiritual
way
of
pleasing
God
by
our
pleasures
)
,
how
great
cause
have
we
to
acknowledge
and
admire
that
goodness
and
wisdom
of
his
,
that
whilest
he
is
extolling
his
mercy
,
in
not
taking
the
forfeiture
of
our
inability
of
praising
him
expresly
and
sufficiently
enough
in
every
particular
pleasure
we
enjoyed
,
he
had
contrived
this
way
of
satisfying
his
justice
without
our
destruction
,
or
subversion
of
the
course
of
Nature
formerly
established
.
For
since
in
these
pleasures
that
arise
in
us
after
our
state
of
Regeneration
,
it
cannot
be
said
that
they
come
from
depraved
Nature
,
or
a
cause
barely
Natural
,
(
because
effected
in
us
by
that
which
is
rather
contrary
thereunto
,
namely
from
what
is
in
it self
painful
and
troublesom
)
it
must
therefore
follow
,
that
in
the
pleasures
and
contents
we
now
express
(
after
this
renewing
of
our
mindes
,
)
we
must
in
them
praise
God
in
a
most
spiritual
and
divine
manner
:
as
being
now
again
freed
from
the
corruption
of
the
old
Adam
.
In
this
new
birth
the
Holy-Ghost
is
our
Parent
:
by
whom
,
(
presenting
unto
us
the
promises
of
the
Gospel
)
;
seed
of
the
word
to
be
begotten
unto
a
lively
hope
.
Which
hope
,
causing
us
more
and
more
to
adhere
,
and
be
incorporate
into
Christ
,
comes
then
to
be
called
Faith
:
By
which
,
we
may
say
we
come
to
receive
our
quickening
and
vivifycation
.
After
which
,
we
may
call
afflictions
,
persecutions
,
&c.
the
throws
and
pangs
of
child-birth
:
and
those
hands
from
whom
we
have
them
,
we
may
call
our
Midwives
.
When
we
are
brought
into
this
new
Kingdom
of
the
Church
,
then
is
the
Grace
of
love
,
to
be
that
food
and
nourishment
we
are
afterwards
to
receive
,
and
grow
by
:
at
least
it
must
serve
us
as
that
spiritual
stomach
,
whereby
all
things
must
be
digested
to
our
use
and
benefit
.
Which
time
of
new-birth
,
being
the
time
for
casting
forth
this
strong
man
armed
by
a
stronger
then
he
,
makes
it
to
each
one
a
time
of
more
remarkable
trouble
:
not
so
much
for
the
quantity
of
affliction
,
as
the
strugling
conflict
made
within
us
;
by
that
spirit
now
raging
most
,
when
he
is
to
be
thrown
out
.
But
this
is
not
all
;
for
there
is
in
all
of
us
states
and
degrees
of
weaning
,
necessarily
following
afterwards
:
by
the
sufferings
whereof
,
we
come
by
little
and
little
,
farther
to
shake
off
those
remaining
corruptions
of
our
former
Nature
:
until
,
being
,
at
last
,
so
throughly
rooted
and
grounded
in
love
,
as
to
be
spiritually
united
to
God
by
our
blessed
Mediator
,
we
come
then
to
the
measure
of
the
stature
of
the
fulness
of
Christ
.
Adam
with
the
affections
and
lusts
,
hath
been
so
throughly
crucified
in
us
,
that
we
can
neither
look
on
our
sufferings
as
ills
,
nor
their
Authors
as
enemies
;
we
may
be
able
then
to
say
,
that
the
life
we
now
live
in
the
flesh
we
will
live
by
the
Faith
of
the
son
of
God
,
who
loved
us
,
and
gave
himself
for
us
.
But
now
,
although
it
be
our
parts
always
to
be
ayming
at
this
mastery
and
perfection
,
(
in
which
regard
our
life
is
compared
to
a
race
or
warfare
)
yet
,
until
we
have
in
death
concluded
our
sufferings
and
conquered
our
last
enemy
,
we
shall
never
be
able
(
with
the
Captain
of
our
salvation
)
to
say
it
is
finished
:
but
must
,
(
whilst
we
live
)
be
subject
to
divers
fresh
assaults
and
encounters
:
one
while
provoking
us
to
presumption
,
(
through
abundance
of
revelation
)
,
one
while
to
despair
,
(
through
thorns
in
the
flesh
)
in
such
measure
,
that
we
shall
need
to
be
still
taking
to
our
assistance
,
not
only
the
inward
weapons
of
humility
and
love
,
but
the
outward
exercises
of
all
such
religious
duties
and
performances
,
as
may
again
strengthen
these
Graces
,
or
any
way
direct
and
incourage
us
in
a
steady
course
of
recovery
by
the
degrees
of
hope
and
faith
;
and
so
re-estate
us
into
the
former
degree
of
adherence
:
until
this
faith
,
the
substance
of
things
not
seen
,
shall
grow
into
the
fruition
of
God
by
love
,
the
bond
of
perfection
.
For
our
unskilfulness
in
the
word
of
righteousness
,
will
make
us
(
like
new
born
babes
wanting
milk
)
need
to
be
continually
attendant
on
our
Apostolike
keepers
and
interpreters
of
the
Oracles
of
God
,
to
have
the
foundation
of
repentance
from
dead
works
,
and
of
faith
towards
God
again
and
again
laid
:
and
to
have
the
doctrine
of
baptisms
,
and
laying
on
of
hands
,
and
of
the
resurrection
of
the
dead
,
and
of
eternal
judgement
,
again
and
again
preached
.
By
which
means
being
continually
strengthened
in
our
work
and
labor
of
love
,
slothful
but
followers
of
them
who
by
Faith
and
patience
inherit
the
Promises
.
And
so
also
although
Prayers
,
Preaching
,
Repentance
,
Fasting
,
&c.
(
nay
the
Sacraments
themselves
)
are
but
Ceremonies
compared
to
that
final
object
of
Religion
(
Gods
Praise
and
mans
Salvation
,
and
are
not
in
themselves
fundamental
)
yet
,
since
this
love
can
never
be
to
perfect
in
this
life
,
as
not
to
put
us
in
need
of
these
helps
for
apprehension
of
these
divine
truths
,
and
also
to
keep
our
mindes
fixt
and
intent
on
our
duties
,
and
since
neglect
or
alteration
in
them
may
be
damnable
through
disobedience
:
it
seems
therefore
now
expedient
,
that
something
should
be
said
thereof
,
and
of
those
errors
of
Idolatry
and
Superstition
,
which
do
usually
attend
their
wrong
administration
.
CHAP.
XI
.
Of
Idolatry
and
Superstition
,
and
of
the
Power
of
each
Church
her
Head
,
in
the
establishment
of
Ceremonies
and
Divine
Worship
.
NExt
unto
Atheism
,
that
would
wholly
substract
Deity
,
is
the
error
of
Polytisme
,
that
by
division
would
so
confound
him
,
as
through
irregularity
and
confusion
in
our
practice
,
his
real
and
true
service
should
be
defeated
.
For
although
the
Atheist
do
only
profess
not
serving
him
,
yet
doth
the
Idolater
(
by
multiplying
and
adulterating
his
appearance
)
so
multiply
and
disguise
both
his
person
and
his
wil
,
that
in
the
end
,
we
are
not
able
to
know
,
what
is
truly
the
one
,
or
the
other
.
Nor
is
this
crime
and
error
of
Idolatry
subject
only
to
outward
and
bodily
representations
,
such
as
did
usually
accompany
Gentilism
:
But
inasmuch
as
honor
and
adoration
are
to
be
the
end
of
our
knowledge
,
and
because
again
the
goodness
and
soundness
of
this
adoration
will
take
admeasurement
and
proportion
from
the
truth
and
worth
of
that
Divine
Existence
and
Perfection
which
is
by
each
one
conceived
,
it
must
also
follow
,
that
men
are
to
be
accounted
more
or
less
Idolaters
,
as
that
Image
of
God
conceived
in
their
minds
is
more
or
less
truly
representing
him
.
For
he
being
not
to
be
perceived
by
any
of
our
bodily
senses
,
or
otherwise
known
to
mankind
,
then
by
the
effects
of
his
being
,
to
wit
,
his
goodness
,
power
,
wisdom
,
justice
,
and
such
operations
as
must
properly
denote
him
,
it
must
therefore
come
to
pass
that
such
as
shall
fail
or
mistake
in
the
apprehension
of
these
emanations
,
and
shall
attribute
unto
him
such
works
or
way
of
energy
,
as
are
neither
worthy
of
him
nor
proportionable
unto
him
,
are
thereupon
to
be
accounted
Idolatrous
.
As
for
example
,
such
as
having
not
rightly
conceived
and
observed
God
in
the
continual
and
general
expression
of
that
his
most
eminent
attribute
of
goodness
and
mercy
,
nor
well
considered
,
that
true
glory
and
honor
doth
arise
from
the
generality
and
extent
of
benefits
,
nor
(
indeed
)
well
understood
the
true
import
of
these
phrases
of
Election
,
Predestination
,
&c.
and
how
,
and
what
works
do
,
and
do
not
save
,
are
ready
,
in
a
hasty
partiality
to
themselves
,
to
judge
him
,
like
one
of
the
vulgar
,
as
exercising
only
his
power
and
greatness
in
the
acts
of
Election
and
Reprobation
;
and
that
,
not
only
in
prejudice
of
his
wisdom
,
as
being
guided
by
no
discrimination
in
the
Election
of
some
before
others
;
but
,
in
prejudice
of
his
goodness
and
justice
,
as
thereby
rejecting
others
of
equal
merit
and
condition
.
By
which
means
the
Image
these
men
have
conceived
will
come
to
be
truly
an
Idol
,
by
having
eyes
and
see
not
,
&c.
and
thereupon
so
much
below
,
even
the
vulgar
;
because
they
,
in
their
sentences
to
life
or
punishment
,
would
have
respect
to
merit
or
demerit
,
so
far
as
possibly
they
could
perceive
or
forefee
them
,
and
not
proceed
therein
,
as
in
a
kind
of
lottery
.
And
as
these
and
such
like
false
representations
must
introduce
Idolatry
within
,
by
means
of
a
shorter
or
unstable
impression
:
so
when
men
come
to
adapt
and
proportion
their
outward
Service
and
Worship
,
it
must
also
come
to
pass
that
the
same
must
be
defective
,
false
,
or
frivolous
,
and
consequently
so
much
more
or
less
superstitious
,
as
they
shall
be
more
or
less
unknowing
of
God
or
his
will
,
and
shall
be
therein
onely
guided
by
particular
fear
and
fancy
.
Upon
which
ground
,
we
may
finde
reason
why
Almighty
God
(
both
in
reference
to
his
own
honor
,
and
for
estating
men
upright
and
blameless
in
their
religious
duties
)
did
always
either
himself
appoint
some
established
form
and
rule
therein
;
or
else
authorize
some
person
under
him
to
do
it
,
and
not
leave
it
to
the
hazard
of
private
and
single
mens
devotion
,
whether
to
be
done
or
no
;
nor
to
their
differing
judgements
,
to
fancy
what
variety
and
contradiction
therein
they
pleased
.
By
which
doing
,
not
only
Gods
continual
and
constant
Worship
,
will
be
more
secured
and
uniform
,
but
men
will
continue
more
free
from
the
guilt
of
Idolatry
and
Superstition
;
whilst
they
shall
not
be
thus
let
loose
to
private
contrivance
of
what
the
passion
of
fear
shall
suggest
,
but
be
therein
guided
by
the
will
of
Gods
publike
Minister
:
whereby
they
must
,
with
the
performance
of
their
duties
of
obedience
therein
to
him
,
be
acquit
of
the
sin
of
Superstition
towards
God
also
.
Under
the
Law
,
as
all
the
outward
forms
of
Worship
and
Service
were
by
God
himself
instituted
(
and
so
expresly
set
down
that
none
could
doubt
)
so
was
there
a
strict
injunction
given
against
any
alteration
,
even
of
that
very
part
of
his
Service
which
seemed
most
Ceremonial
.
Which
happened
not
solely
for
that
God
instituted
them
(
because
we
find
David
and
other
good
Kings
making
alteration
in
some
things
of
like
institution
)
but
this
peremptoriness
arose
from
the
continuance
of
that
end
which
at
first
gave
them
institution
and
being
.
For
so
far
as
they
were
typical
and
representative
of
Christ
or
his
Church
to
succed
(
of
which
sort
most
of
them
were
)
it
must
follow
that
till
Christ
were
come
,
any
alteration
in
them
made
(
as
of
unfitness
for
publike
use
)
were
none
other
then
to
accuse
God
himself
of
weakness
that
had
enjoyned
them
.
And
,
as
upon
this
ground
,
the
High
Priest
and
Tribe
of
Levi
stood
in
many
things
,
independent
of
the
Authority
of
their
Kings
,
even
so
also
,
because
much
depended
on
the
preservation
of
that
Jewish
State
(
as
in
order
to
have
it
continue
until
our
Saviour
should
come
to
put
an
end
to
that
Church
)
God
therefore
,
(
even
after
the
establishment
of
Kingship
)
reserved
to
himself
a
Super-intendency
of
their
State-Government
also
;
and
had
his
Prophets
to
declare
his
pleasure
upon
all
great
and
exorbitant
occasions
:
lest
otherwise
,
their
transactions
with
their
Neighbours
,
or
misgovernment
at
home
,
might
prove
so
destructively
prejudicial
,
that
his
own
purpose
might
be
defeated
by
their
ruine
.
After
the
time
our
Saviour
himself
appeared
,
and
had
the
whole
Government
laid
on
his
shoulders
,
these
offices
were
wholly
resigned
up
unto
him
;
King
and
Priest
after
the
order
of
Melchisedec
(
and
who
was
the
Prophet
which
Moses
foretold
of
to
be
raised
up
like
him
,
which
was
anointed
to
preach
glad
tidings
)
they
come
to
be
by
him
conferred
in
chief
on
his
adopted
sons
,
the
several
heads
of
his
Church
;
If
we
look
for
the
knowledge
of
these
things
in
the
practice
of
the
primitive
Christian
Church
,
we
shall
not
find
any
separate
jurisdiction
or
authority
claimed
,
either
in
Priestly
or
Prophetical
way
,
but
what
was
subordiate
,
if
not
appointed
by
the
Apostles
,
the
then
Heads
of
the
Church
.
The
which
is
plainly
intimated
by
S.
Paul
,
when
he
tells
the
Corinthians
(
who
had
in
many
things
presumed
against
the
authority
of
his
Apostleship
as
their
Head
)
Though
ye
have
ten
thousand
Instructers
in
Christ
,
yet
have
ye
not
many
fathers
:
for
in
Christ
Jesus
I
have
begotten
you
through
the
Gospel
;
wherefore
I
beseech
you
be
ye
followers
of
me
.
For
although
many
of
these
their
Preachers
or
Instructers
,
had
(
no
doubt
)
by
their
Doctrine
won
many
particular
souls
amongst
them
to
the
faith
,
and
so
might
be
called
the
spiritual
Fathers
to
those
persons
;
yet
,
since
they
(
generally
considered
as
a
collective
Church
and
body
of
men
)
had
first
been
instructed
by
him
,
and
were
also
the
Seal
of
his
Apostleship
in
the
Lord
:
Whereupon
,
having
signified
to
them
his
Power
of
Super-intendency
,
under
a
relation
that
might
claim
sole
and
undeniable
authority
(
as
their
general
Father
or
Head
)
he
then
tells
them
of
his
practise
thereupon
:
For
this
cause
I
sent
Timotheous
unto
you
,
who
is
my
beloved
son
and
faithful
in
the
Lord
,
who
shall
bring
you
into
remembrance
of
my
wayes
which
be
in
Christ
,
as
I
teach
every
where
,
in
every
Church
.
That
is
,
I
have
sent
him
by
my
Apostolical
Authority
,
And
so
he
goeth
on
,
reproving
such
as
had
demeaned
themselves
proudly
against
his
Authority
,
under
colour
of
their
office
of
Instruction
,
or
as
Waterers
to
what
he
planted
:
And
thereupon
says
,
The
Kingdom
of
God
is
not
in
word
,
but
in
power
;
that
is
,
he
would
not
regard
the
speech
of
him
that
was
puffed
up
,
but
the
power
.
For
although
they
might
preach
in
Christs
name
,
yet
if
they
had
not
power
from
that
Supreme
Deputy
,
which
Christ
hath
intrusted
with
his
Churches
Power
,
their
Authority
was
nothing
;
as
elsewhere
he
says
,
How
shall
they
preach
except
they
be
sent
?
Indeed
,
those
Epistles
to
the
Corinthians
,
are
very
intent
and
copious
in
the
defence
of
S.
Pauls
Authority
;
and
the
six
first
Chapters
are
particularly
bent
that
way
,
and
carry
an
especial
reproof
against
those
Schisms
and
Divisions
which
had
hapned
amongst
them
for
want
of
this
unity
.
Whilst
some
would
choose
one
Master-builder
,
and
some
another
;
and
that
with
such
vehemence
of
affection
,
as
Idolatrously
to
neglect
or
forget
Christ
himself
,
whose
Deacons
they
were
.
And
whilst
others
,
as
Superstitiously
again
,
would
balk
those
Ministers
of
Christ
set
over
them
,
as
thinking
obededience
no
where
due
but
to
him
alone
.
Therefore
(
saith
he
)
I
beseech
you
brethren
,
by
the
name
of
our
Lord
Jesus
Christ
,
that
ye
all
speak
the
same
thing
,
and
that
there
be
no
divisions
amongst
you
;
but
that
ye
be
perfectly
joyned
together
in
the
same
mind
,
and
in
the
same
judgement
:
Which
thing
cannot
be
,
while
Every
one
of
you
saith
,
I
am
of
Paul
,
and
I
of
Apollo
,
and
I
of
Cephas
,
and
I
of
Christ
.
After
which
(
like
a
faithful
Minister
and
Steward
)
he
first
vindicates
the
honor
of
his
Master
against
such
as
would
divide
him
,
by
their
Idolatrous
regard
to
his
Ministers
to
his
stead
:
Is
Christ
divided
,
was
Paul
crucified
for
you
,
or
w●re
you
baptized
in
the
name
of
Paul
?
obedience
to
Christ
their
wisdom
,
and
righteousness
,
and
sanctification
,
and
redemption
.
The
wisdom
of
God
is
now
a
Mysterie
,
even
a
way
to
Justification
,
Having
therefore
afterwards
again
,
warned
them
against
these
carnal
courses
that
caused
these
divisions
,
as
also
told
them
that
this
worldly
wisdom
is
foolishness
with
God
,
Spirit
of
judgement
,
to
be
judged
of
mans
judgement
.
For
the
Superior
cannot
be
justified
(
as
elsewhere
shewed
)
from
below
:
Nay
though
,
saith
he
,
I
know
nothing
by
my self
,
yet
am
I
not
hereby
justified
;
but
he
that
judgeth
me
is
the
Lord
;
that
is
,
the
act
of
Justification
must
come
from
above
;
and
therefore
Inferiors
are
not
to
do
it
,
but
leave
it
to
the
last
judgement
,
where
every
man
shall
have
praise
of
God
.
In
the
next
verse
,
he
comes
home
to
what
was
the
drift
of
all
the
rest
:
These
things
brethren
,
I
have
in
a
figure
transferred
to
my self
,
and
to
Apollo
for
your
sakes
;
that
ye
might
learn
in
us
,
not
to
think
of
men
above
that
which
is
written
:
that
no
one
of
you
be
puffed
up
,
for
one
against
another
;
that
is
,
Forasmuch
as
ye
know
me
to
be
your
Planter
,
and
that
Apollo
and
I
are
all
one
,
by
subordination
to
God
that
gave
us
our
powers
,
therefore
are
ye
not
to
regard
other
mens
authorities
above
that
written
warrant
they
can
bring
for
the
same
.
For
difference
in
power
must
come
from
God
;
if
it
come
from
below
,
it
will
cause
divisions
and
puffing
up
one
against
another
:
For
who
maketh
one
man
to
differ
from
another
(
but
God
)
and
what
hast
thou
that
thou
didst
not
receive
;
now
if
thou
didst
receive
it
why
dest
thou
glory
,
as
if
thou
hadst
not
received
it
?
that
is
,
since
Christ
hath
given
his
power
in
the
Church
to
us
in
chief
,
and
to
all
others
as
subordinate
,
why
should
they
act
without
us
,
as
though
they
had
not
received
it
from
us
?
Why
should
you
,
in
your
popular
fancy
of
underived
power
,
thick
to
raign
as
Kings
without
us
?
For
although
we
have
suffered
our selves
to
be
accounted
weak
and
despised
,
that
ye
might
be
strong
and
honorable
,
and
also
to
try
if
by
any
means
we
might
win
you
;
yet
it
is
not
to
deny
that
we
have
(
as
your
father
)
just
power
to
command
you
:
I
write
not
to
shame
you
(
for
your
neglect
)
but
as
my
beloved
sons
to
warn
you
,
that
I
may
not
have
occasion
to
come
with
a
rod
,
but
in
love
,
and
in
the
Spirit
of
meekness
,
as
I
have
always
done
.
And
therefore
,
although
S.
Paul
do
now
beseech
them
to
be
followers
of
him
,
as
the
only
way
to
be
of
the
same
mind
,
and
of
the
same
judgement
,
yet
it
is
but
what
he
might
as
an
Apostle
of
Christ
have
been
bold
in
,
and
have
commanded
them
in
Christs
name
;
and
what
they
as
commanded
in
the
Lord
,
that
is
,
by
the
stewards
of
the
Mysteries
of
God
(
nay
,
as
labourers
together
with
God
,
in
this
building
and
husbandry
)
ought
to
obey
.
And
therefore
is
it
that
S.
Paul
faith
,
I
praise
you
brethren
,
that
ye
remember
me
in
all
things
,
and
keep
the
Ordinances
as
I
delivered
them
to
you
;
even
as
I
,
the
Disciple
or
Follower
of
Christ
,
have
by
vertue
of
my
Mission
from
him
appointed
you
.
Not
(
as
some
would
have
it
)
follow
me
no
farther
in
any
thing
then
you
find
me
following
Christ
;
because
this
had
been
to
overthrow
all
he
had
said
before
,
and
to
have
given
new
toleration
to
schism
,
under
pretence
of
following
Christ
:
For
if
men
be
not
followers
of
those
their
Supreme
Heads
that
are
followers
of
Christ
,
but
will
make
divisions
by
honouring
God
their
own
way
,
then
will
the
Author
of
peace
be
made
the
Author
of
confusion
;
whilst
some
(
in
their
publike
worship
)
have
a
Psalm
,
some
a
doctrine
,
a
Revelation
,
and
Interpretation
,
&c.
to
the
overthrow
of
all
true
publike
worship
and
service
,
And
this
is
the
reason
,
why
,
writing
to
the
Ephesians
of
our
publique
duties
of
praising
God
,
he
presently
enjoyns
them
submission
,
as
the
only
means
to
make
it
right
and
uniform
:
Speaking
to
your selves
in
Psalms
,
and
Hymns
,
and
Spiritual
Songs
,
singing
and
making
melody
in
your
hearts
to
the
Lord
;
giving
thanks
always
for
all
things
unto
God
the
father
,
in
the
name
of
our
Lord
Jesus
Christ
,
submitting
your selves
one
unto
another
in
the
fear
of
God
;
let
every
soul
be
subject
unto
the
higher
power
,
because
they
are
of
God
:
And
so
he
goes
on
,
to
state
obedience
in
all
the
present
Christian
relations
;
as
unto
Christ
,
and
as
to
the
Lord
,
and
not
to
men
:
But
by
his
beginning
with
the
duty
of
wives
,
and
staying
so
long
upon
it
,
we
may
well
conceive
him
to
have
herein
a
particular
drift
,
to
set
forth
,
under
the
figure
of
womens
obedience
to
their
husbands
,
as
their
heads
,
each
Churches
obedience
to
its
Husband
or
Head
under
Christ
;
who
is
the
head
of
the
whole
Church
his
spouse
:
of
which
more
hereafter
.
As
for
the
authority
of
that
office
of
Priesthood
(
so
far
as
related
to
sacrifice
and
legal
Ceremonies
)
none
make
doubt
of
its
abolition
under
the
Gospel
:
Whose
Ministers
(
or
Preachers
)
being
now
Ministers
of
the
Spirit
,
not
of
the
letter
,
themselves
can
by
no
pretence
,
as
heretofore
shewed
,
claim
external
jurisdiction
and
obedience
.
As
for
the
other
office
of
Prophet
,
it
had
indeed
a
continuance
for
some
time
in
the
Christian
Church
,
whilst
it
was
in
its
weak
condition
,
as
a
necessary
means
to
give
them
and
their
guides
direction
what
to
do
in
their
continual
distresses
.
Thus
is
S.
Pauls
bands
,
and
ensuing
death
prephesied
to
happen
in
those
times
.
For
as
there
could
not
,
under
a
good
space
of
time
,
be
a
sufficient
number
of
able
persons
found
to
receive
Ordination
,
and
so
to
be
disposed
of
for
the
peculiar
care
of
Churches
,
as
now
(
but
in
this
their
unsetled
and
weak
condition
,
Christ
himself
(
by
the
means
of
the
promised
Holy
Ghost
)
being
necessitated
extraordinarily
to
endue
men
with
several
gifts
,
for
general
edification
in
the
absence
of
humane
learning
it
was
no
wonder
if
this
gift
of
prophesie
,
did
many
times
come
along
therewith
;
since
all
proceeded
from
the
same
spirit
.
Yet
although
this
gift
of
prophesie
,
were
thus
necessary
to
be
held
up
from
Christ
,
for
the
support
and
direction
of
his
Church
during
her
weakness
and
infancy
;
yet
being
usually
accompanied
with
the
gift
of
Doctrine
and
Instruction
also
,
it
afterwards
came
to
pass
,
that
Prophesie
and
Doctrine
did
come
to
signifie
the
same
thing
;
as
in
that
place
where
it
is
said
,
No
prophesie
of
scripture
is
of
private
interpretation
.
But
however
,
even
in
those
times
,
there
was
still
subordination
;
nor
was
it
in
the
power
of
those
Prophets
,
or
any
other
,
to
take
on
them
to
settle
any
Doctrine
,
or
Church
order
,
against
,
or
without
Apostolical
leave
;
namely
,
the
leave
of
that
general
Father
or
Head
of
the
Church
,
under
whom
they
had
received
their
first
Christian
foundation
;
and
who
was
thereupon
(
as
a
Master
builder
)
to
have
power
over
each
workman
that
undertook
their
spiritual
edification
.
As
was
intimated
to
the
Corinthians
;
where
S.
Paul
complains
of
this
abuse
,
in
the
practices
of
such
as
had
ventured
to
build
on
that
foundation
without
leave
which
he
,
as
head
of
the
Church
,
had
first
laid
:
saying
,
according
to
the
grace
of
God
given
me
,
have
I
laid
the
foundation
,
and
another
buildeth
thereon
:
but
let
every
man
take
heed
how
he
buildeth
thereupon
.
And
this
right
of
Government
and
Authority
,
to
be
given
to
those
persons
from
and
under
whom
they
had
been
taught
and
brought
to
Christianity
,
we
may
find
noted
in
those
two
forementioned
places
to
the
Hebrews
;
where
the
first
admonition
,
for
obedience
(
to
such
as
have
the
rule
over
you
)
is
given
under
the
notion
of
such
as
had
spoken
to
them
the
word
of
God
.
But
then
,
having
put
them
in
remembrance
of
them
,
Obey
them
that
have
the
rule
over
you
,
&c.
intimating
,
that
Christian
education
gives
an
unquestionable
right
to
Christian
obedience
.
Nay
,
in
those
very
Doctrines
which
the
primitive
Prophets
(
for
the
present
)
taught
,
they
were
censurable
by
the
rest
of
their
fellows
,
until
this
higher
authority
had
confirmed
it
.
All
which
,
in
the
Epistle
to
the
Corinthians
,
may
be
further
understood
;
where
S.
Paul
makes
use
of
his
Apostolical
authority
,
in
ordering
those
of
that
rank
how
to
make
use
of
those
many
gifts
they
had
received
unto
edification
:
for
they
(
it
seems
)
being
proud
of
their
manifold
dispensations
,
God
of
peace
to
be
the
Author
of
confusion
,
which
caused
him
to
fall
upon
that
objurgation
,
What
,
came
the
word
of
God
out
from
you
,
or
came
it
unto
you
only
;
that
is
,
received
you
not
the
word
from
us
?
why
then
should
ye
not
be
obedient
to
us
as
well
as
other
Churches
,
to
whom
we
have
preached
it
also
?
he
therefore
says
,
that
the
Spirits
of
the
Prophets
are
subject
to
the
Prophets
;
God
the
Author
of
peace
,
and
not
of
confusion
,
he
disclaims
any
private
mans
gift
to
be
able
to
disanul
his
authority
;
and
therefore
further
says
,
If
any
man
think
himself
to
be
a
Prophet
,
or
spiritual
,
let
him
acknowledge
that
the
things
I
now
write
unto
you
are
the
Commandments
of
the
Lord
;
And
this
subjection
of
inferior
Prophets
or
Teachers
under
the
Gospel
,
unto
the
chief
Prophet
or
Head
of
the
Church
,
is
doubtless
to
succeed
,
and
be
continued
upon
the
same
ground
it
was
formerly
given
to
Moses
;
Whosoever
will
not
hearken
unto
my
words
which
he
shall
speak
in
my
name
,
I
will
require
it
of
him
;
and
that
Prophet
which
shall
presume
to
speak
a
word
in
my
name
,
which
I
have
not
commanded
him
to
speak
;
or
that
shall
speak
in
the
name
of
other
Gods
,
even
that
Prophet
shall
surely
dye
.
And
as
this
jurisdiction
in
matters
of
Doctrine
,
is
interpreted
by
some
to
be
given
our
Saviour
in
regard
of
his
Prophetical
Office
,
to
doth
Nathaniel
the
true
Israelite
,
make
these
Prophesies
of
our
Saviour
made
by
Moses
,
to
allude
and
be
appliable
to
him
as
King
of
Israel
,
or
head
of
the
Church
.
From
all
which
subordination
in
the
Spirit
of
Teaching
or
Prophesie
appearing
to
be
continually
necessary
,
Christ
himself
must
remain
in
heaven
,
until
the
restitution
of
all
things
,
that
this
power
must
,
for
truth
and
peace
sake
,
rest
in
these
his
chief
Deputies
,
that
ar●
anointed
with
this
power
from
him
that
was
that
great
Prophet
;
and
so
a
Prophet
of
Prophets
,
as
well
as
King
of
Kings
.
And
therefore
we
may
observe
,
that
Christ
being
not
able
in
his
own
person
,
to
perform
and
supply
all
that
measure
of
preaching
and
instruction
,
which
should
be
continually
necessary
for
the
edification
of
his
Church
;
and
it
being
again
necessary
,
that
there
should
be
,
for
order-sake
,
certain
persons
more
eminently
entrusted
herein
,
it
is
the
reason
why
,
as
the
Prophet
Isaiah
sets
him
down
in
the
first
or
chief
place
,
Anointed
to
preach
,
to
have
Gods
Spirit
put
upon
him
,
and
his
words
put
into
his
mouth
;
meaning
(
that
the
Spi●it
should
not
be
given
him
by
measure
)
so
,
for
perpetuating
this
necessary
office
and
high
trust
,
God
there
promiseth
to
Christ
a
particular
seed
to
that
purpose
:
My
words
shall
not
depart
out
of
thy
mouth
,
nor
out
of
the
mouth
of
thy
seed
,
nor
out
of
the
mouth
of
thy
seeds
seed
,
saith
the
Lord
,
from
henceforth
even
for
ever
.
Of
the
Kings
right
by
office
to
be
of
this
adopted
seed
,
we
shall
anon
alledge
the
parable
of
Solomon
to
that
effect
;
as
we
may
instance
his
example
,
by
being
Preacher
as
well
as
King
.
For
we
are
to
conceive
it
to
be
no
otherwise
with
the
Prophets
and
Teachers
under
the
Gospel
,
then
formerly
under
the
Law
;
where
,
if
any
would
take
a
prediction
upon
him
,
if
he
could
not
bring
a
present
miracle
or
Sign
sufficient
to
win
belief
,
he
was
censurable
by
the
event
it self
.
as
Master-builders
)
set
down
for
the
peoples
edification
;
against
which
,
although
an
Angel
from
heaven
should
teach
,
they
were
to
be
accursed
.
But
because
these
Precepts
and
Doctrines
of
our
Saviour
,
were
neither
so
numerous
,
nor
by
him
so
exactly
set
down
as
the
Law
of
Moses
,
but
left
in
trust
to
the
Heads
and
Guides
of
his
Kingdom
the
Church
;
it
therefore
came
to
pass
,
that
the
inferiour
members
of
the
Church
,
should
be
much
more
subject
then
formerly
,
to
these
their
Teachers
directions
,
even
because
they
were
not
elsewhere
to
be
learnt
.
Nor
should
it
seem
strange
to
any
,
that
the
power
of
these
Functions
,
formerly
clipt
away
from
Monarchy
,
should
thus
under
the
Gospel
be
restored
;
by
vertue
of
deputation
from
that
Supreme
Head
of
the
Christian
Church
,
The
first
born
of
every
creature
,
and
the
first
born
amongst
many
brethren
:
since
they
were
anciently
annexed
by
God
unto
the
Prerogative
of
Birth-right
,
and
so
seated
(
Paterno
Jure
)
in
the
Master
of
the
family
:
as
in
order
to
enable
him
in
his
sole
Government
and
Authority
;
for
so
we
read
of
Enoch
and
Jacob
prophesying
,
and
of
Abraham
and
other
the
Patriarchs
sacrificing
.
But
when
the
numerousness
of
the
Church
did
require
to
be
governed
by
an
adopted
Father
or
Head
,
although
the
absoluteness
of
his
trust
was
somewhat
pared
by
the
division
as
aforesaid
,
yet
both
of
them
were
to
be
generally
subordinate
to
this
one
Supreme
Power
:
for
so
although
the
Priesthood
went
to
Aaron
,
even
as
he
was
the
first
born
,
and
because
that
Function
was
to
be
settled
for
continuance
,
yet
was
MOSES
to
be
to
him
as
a
god
.
In
whose
time
,
K
I
N
G
,
we
read
of
the
first
that
had
the
title
of
PROPHETS
;
and
these
remarkably
set
to
be
such
as
had
part
of
Moses
spirit
put
upon
them
;
namely
,
those
Seventy
appointed
to
help
in
Government
.
Against
which
Right
of
Kings
(
as
Heads
of
Churches
)
although
some
have
hitherto
disputed
,
as
being
blinded
by
the
fallacious
distinction
of
duties
into
Ecclesiastical
and
Civil
,
and
thereupon
thinking
the
jurisdiction
in
matters
of
Religious
cognizance
should
rest
in
others
,
as
more
rightful
Successors
to
Apostolical
power
;
yet
can
this
Church
jurisdiction
,
and
superintendency
of
Priestly
and
Prophetick
charge
,
be
by
no
good
reason
pared
away
now
:
For
that
the
same
person
,
who
as
Christs
Deputy
,
is
to
succeed
in
the
Supreme
Power
of
each
Church
,
and
the
jurisdiction
belonging
thereunto
,
must
also
be
acknowledged
to
be
entirely
successive
therein
(
by
vertue
of
,
and
in
respect
of
that
union
and
entireness
of
these
powers
,
primarily
in
Christ
as
great
Head
of
the
whole
Church
,
and
by
him
resigned
and
entrusted
to
that
person
that
presides
and
represents
him
in
every
part
thereof
;
to
be
by
him
wholly
managed
as
under
the
relation
of
his
Deputy
,
and
not
as
due
to
the
particular
Stiles
and
Titles
of
Apostle
,
or
Father
,
or
as
King
only
.
And
we
can
no
more
rightfully
now
seclude
Kings
from
any
part
of
this
entire
trust
and
power
,
then
we
could
Apostles
formerly
.
And
if
we
will
observe
it
,
they
shall
be
found
sitting
down
in
the
same
right
of
claim
that
those
Apostles
themselves
did
;
namely
,
the
natural
and
prudential
claim
of
possession
;
the
particular
persons
of
the
one
sort
,
having
,
from
Christ
,
no
more
open
designation
then
the
other
.
For
this
is
the
natural
derivation
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
from
him
that
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
original
of
all
existence
and
being
;
and
so
also
comes
it
to
be
the
right
of
each
Christian
chief
man
,
by
derivation
from
him
,
that
,
by
pre-excellence
,
is
the
man
,
even
the
man
Christ
Jesus
.
The
which
deserves
our
grateful
observation
,
as
done
in
great
favour
to
mankind
;
to
wit
,
to
silence
those
many
disputes
which
might
else
have
arisen
about
the
Kings
right
to
command
,
and
succeed
not
only
in
Church
matters
,
but
in
Civil
also
.
Whereas
now
,
the
Apostles
(
the
first
Heads
)
claiming
their
right
of
Headship
by
the
rational
way
of
possession
,
as
Kings
do
theirs
,
it
makes
the
Titles
of
future
Heads
(
so
succeeding
)
to
be
legitimate
that
way
also
:
This
we
shall
find
verified
in
many
places
by
the
Apostle
Saint
Paul
;
who
is
exercising
this
Authority
most
,
and
over
most
Churches
;
and
yet
could
least
claim
particular
designation
.
Three
of
these
places
we
have
lately
mentioned
;
the
first
was
,
where
he
claims
his
Headship
over
the
Corinthians
in
the
Paternal
right
of
Primier
Seisen
;
I
have
begotten
you
through
the
Gospel
;
which
Kings
(
as
Heads
)
may
say
now
;
viz.
You
are
to
be
subject
to
me
,
inasmuch
as
you
received
the
Gospel
,
and
your
Christianity
,
from
under
me
and
my
authority
,
being
my
subjects
before
you
were
Christians
.
The
most
remarkable
difference
herein
,
being
,
that
the
former
Christian
Heads
(
coming
to
govern
by
the
sword
of
the
Spirit
chiefly
,
and
so
by
it
to
make
Christians
of
such
as
were
under
the
material
sword
already
)
made
their
claim
of
jurisdiction
and
power
from
their
instruction
,
even
as
attested
by
miracle
from
above
:
Whereas
the
now
Heads
of
Churches
;
being
usually
to
govern
such
(
as
subjects
)
that
had
been
by
their
Predecessors
made
Christians
already
,
are
(
in
case
of
dispute
one
with
another
)
to
be
differenced
in
their
right
of
Headship
over
those
that
are
to
obey
,
by
the
ordinary
way
of
providence
;
even
by
the
material
sword
of
conquest
and
possession
.
And
as
the
right
and
exercise
of
civil
power
,
was
then
made
subsequent
,
and
annexed
to
the
manifestation
of
Priestly
right
,
so
now
Priestly
power
is
to
follow
,
and
depend
on
that
of
Regal
.
The
next
place
we
may
observe
was
like
to
it
;
claiming
jurisdiction
over
over
them
,
Master-builder
)
had
laid
the
foundation
.
Then
,
in
the
place
last
mentioned
,
he
claims
jurisdiction
over
their
Prophets
upon
like
reason
;
What
came
the
word
of
God
out
from
you
;
that
is
,
But
this
he
makes
to
be
most
clear
,
when
,
in
the
ninth
Chapter
,
he
would
set
forth
his
claim
of
jurisdiction
most
fully
,
he
yet
makes
this
his
only
available
title
:
For
in
that
he
was
an
Apostle
,
or
free
,
or
had
seen
Jesus
Christ
:
Are
not
you
my
work
in
the
Lord
?
And
so
pursues
that
Title
in
the
next
Verse
,
If
I
be
not
an
Apostle
unto
others
,
yet
doubtless
I
am
to
you
:
for
the
seal
of
mine
Apostleship
are
ye
in
the
Lord
.
Unto
all
which
,
if
we
shall
add
the
right
of
mans
dominion
in
spirituals
over
the
woman
,
And
if
it
were
free
for
Saint
Paul
to
claim
equality
with
the
chief
of
the
Apostles
,
in
answer
to
such
as
thought
his
Commission
not
so
high
,
because
he
was
not
conversant
with
Christ
,
like
them
;
how
much
more
may
seisure
entitle
Kings
now
,
against
such
as
can
claim
no
such
advantage
.
Therefore
(
to
return
)
as
Prophets
were
first
mentioned
in
the
time
of
him
that
was
first
Stiled
KING
;
so
,
to
make
it
farther
clear
that
this
gift
and
power
did
originally
belong
to
the
person
of
the
Monarch
or
chief
Governor
,
it
is
also
observable
,
that
the
first
established
and
really
anointed
King
(
namely
Saul
)
had
with
his
Unction
from
God
,
this
Spirit
of
Prophecy
poured
on
him
also
.
Unction
from
God
,
I
say
,
for
that
this
only
did
confer
power
from
the
fountain
of
Power
,
as
heretofore
noted
;
the
other
material
unction
,
received
at
the
hands
of
men
,
serving
but
sacramentally
to
confirm
people
in
their
duties
of
subjection
to
that
Authority
which
from
heaven
alone
could
be
received
.
Which
material
Unction
,
being
in
that
regard
necessary
to
be
applyed
to
the
persons
that
should
Hereditarily
hold
that
established
office
of
power
,
yet
it
hindred
not
,
but
that
such
other
particular
persons
as
were
by
God
occasionally
or
extraordinarily
empowered
with
any
gift
for
the
good
of
men
,
might
be
still
really
,
and
truly
held
and
reputed
as
Gods
anointed
.
In
which
sense
we
are
to
interpret
that
saying
,
Touch
not
mine
anointed
,
and
do
my
Prophets
no
harm
;
Upon
which
grounds
,
we
must
say
also
of
the
first
Heads
of
Churches
,
the
Apostles
and
such
like
,
that
although
they
could
not
(
because
of
their
subjection
to
heathen
Kings
)
make
much
use
of
their
power
in
Government
over
mens
persons
,
yet
were
they
as
heads
of
Churches
thereunto
as
rightfully
empowered
,
as
if
they
had
been
Kings
,
and
had
had
material
unction
;
the
power
(
as
before
noted
)
belonging
to
Christs
Vicar
,
and
not
to
the
notions
of
Apostle
,
King
,
or
the
like
.
But
in
after
times
(
amongst
the
Jews
)
when
the
Power
and
Office
of
Kingship
did
succeed
,
those
former
Unctions
of
power
did
now
resolve
and
unite
into
this
,
which
was
of
highest
eminence
above
any
other
;
and
this
stile
of
Gods
Anointed
,
was
appropriate
to
Kings
.
And
although
those
other
Functions
,
of
Priests
and
Prophets
(
as
parts
clipt
from
the
entire
trust
of
Monarchy
)
were
therefore
formerly
sharers
in
this
Unction
,
and
so
were
sometimes
materially
anointed
also
,
yet
,
for
that
their
anointings
did
signifie
but
some
particular
reservation
of
trust
,
it
might
make
them
sons
of
oyl
,
but
could
not
confer
on
them
the
eminent
stile
of
the
Lords
Anointed
:
Which
in
the
first
place
was
due
to
the
Christ
,
that
had
all
Power
given
him
,
and
next
to
his
Adopted
Christs
in
the
Church
.
And
therefore
we
shall
observe
in
Sacred
Story
,
that
those
Kings
that
were
most
upright
in
their
Offices
and
Trusts
towards
God
,
had
least
of
their
power
shared
by
these
other
anointed
persons
.
Thus
will
you
find
David
and
Solomon
,
and
other
good
Kings
,
not
only
in
Supreme
power
,
and
exercising
their
Authority
without
impeachment
of
these
other
anointed
Officers
,
but
also
,
some
of
them
prophesying
themselves
,
and
using
authority
over
the
Priests
.
Whereas
in
the
times
of
Jeroboam
,
Ahab
,
and
such
like
,
you
shall
find
the
Prophets
in
greatest
power
,
and
most
intermeddling
;
and
to
that
end
was
Elisha
anointed
:
And
also
,
to
warn
these
Kings
and
people
,
from
taking
such
courses
as
might
draw
down
Gods
vengeance
to
their
destruction
;
and
so
proceed
to
the
overthrow
of
the
Monarchy
of
that
Church
,
before
the
appointed
time
that
the
great
Monarch
of
the
Christian
Church
,
should
change
that
former
way
of
administration
.
And
as
we
before
noted
,
the
first
stiled
Prophets
to
be
such
as
were
sharers
of
the
unction
of
power
of
the
first
stiled
King
;
and
that
the
Kings
,
Saul
,
David
and
Solomon
,
had
also
this
spirit
of
Prophesie
,
in
testimony
of
their
right
thereto
,
for
enabling
them
in
their
Offices
of
Government
,
so
shall
we
find
this
spirit
of
Jewish
prophesie
,
to
expire
with
the
last
person
that
had
this
unction
of
power
remaining
;
namely
Caiphas
the
high
Priest
;
being
the
last
person
that
succeeded
in
that
Church
in
the
Seat
and
Authority
of
Moses
and
the
Law
.
For
so
it
is
plainly
there
set
down
,
that
he
Spake
not
this
of
himself
,
but
being
high
Priest
that
year
,
he
prophesied
that
Jesus
should
dye
for
that
Nation
,
Caiphas
was
he
that
gave
Counsel
to
the
Jews
,
that
it
was
expedient
that
one
man
should
dye
for
the
people
.
And
if
we
make
not
this
Prophetick
Office
and
Trust
a
part
of
Monarchical
and
Kingly
Function
,
and
so
for
some
time
executed
by
the
High
Priest
,
I
see
not
how
any
footsteps
or
remains
of
the
Government
and
Scepter
of
Judah
,
could
be
found
visibly
continuing
until
the
coming
of
our
Saviour
.
So
that
now
,
since
the
time
of
Christs
uniting
these
Offices
in
himself
,
and
thereby
also
abolishing
the
necessity
of
any
fixed
Ceremonial
Law
,
and
consequently
of
any
external
Priestly
jurisdiction
separate
from
that
of
the
Monarch
;
and
again
,
by
the
division
of
the
kingdom
&
government
of
his
Church
,
amongst
so
many
heads
subordinate
unto
him
,
that
there
need
not
,
as
amongst
the
Jews
(
where
was
but
one
nation
)
be
any
distinct
settlement
of
the
Prophetick
to
direct
against
the
overthrow
of
kingship
therein
,
there
seemed
no
such
use
of
reservation
:
because
,
if
one
or
two
should
through
iniquity
or
indiscretion
fail
,
yet
all
could
not
.
Therefore
,
it
cannot
now
be
reasonably
contradicted
,
that
the
power
of
each
Churches
jurisdiction
is
wholly
centred
in
the
person
of
each
Christian
Prince
,
by
deputation
from
that
supreme
head
thereof
that
was
Priest
and
Prophet
as
well
as
King
.
The
full
proof
of
this
connexion
will
appear
by
due
consideration
of
that
place
of
Moses
;
where
he
,
(
recounting
again
Gods
recess
from
Government
and
instruction
,
as
from
himself
,
and
commending
the
peoples
desire
herein
)
,
promiseth
that
God
will
raise
them
up
a
Prophet
from
among
their
brethren
like
unto
him
:
a
Prophet
like
unto
me
,
we
are
to
understand
a
chief
Ruler
or
King
like
unto
Moses
;
for
the
notion
of
Prophet
,
seperately
considered
,
was
never
rightly
given
to
Moses
.
And
so
doth
Nathaniel
interpret
this
Prophet
to
be
the
King
of
Israel
.
And
generally
,
to
make
him
a
King
,
that
great
Prophet
that
should
come
into
the
world
.
Whence
we
may
plainly
perceive
,
that
,
as
to
be
a
Prophet
in
chief
,
imports
to
the
same
as
to
be
a
Governor
in
chief
,
so
is
the
Governor
in
chief
to
be
reputed
and
obeyed
as
the
Prophet
or
instructer
in
chief
:
Prophesie
signifying
the
same
with
Instruction
,
and
Instruction
being
proper
to
persons
in
Authority
.
And
therefore
,
if
the
Apostles
and
other
heads
of
Churches
in
the
Primitive
times
,
had
this
power
over
persons
miraculously
gifted
by
God
,
and
whom
themselves
had
not
set
up
in
Authority
;
(
being
extraordinarily
by
God
Called
and
Ordained
thereunto
)
How
much
more
may
the
heads
of
Churches
now
claim
it
over
such
as
have
not
extraordinary
revelation
from
Heaven
,
nor
any
Church
jurisdiction
but
what
is
from
themselves
derived
.
For
these
may
now
challenge
,
as
supreme
Christian
heads
of
each
Church
,
the
re-union
of
that
power
which
was
separately
by
other
Christian
heads
enjoyed
whilst
they
were
none
:
and
,
upon
the
same
reason
of
infidelity
that
made
their
former
Christian
subjects
deny
them
obedience
in
some
things
,
they
are
now
,
(
being
Christians
)
to
claim
it
as
entire
to
themselves
.
And
therefore
,
as
we
before
noted
,
the
Apostles
and
such
like
former
Christian
heads
to
have
sole
rightful
power
whilst
the
King
was
not
a
Christian
,
and
that
he
was
but
an
usurper
in
what
he
did
in
the
Church
,
so
,
they
being
now
Christians
,
it
follows
that
all
that
intermeddle
without
their
leave
,
are
usurpers
also
.
From
all
which
,
and
what
hath
heretofore
been
said
in
the
Argument
,
we
may
easily
conceive
how
to
determine
concerning
Apostolical
succession
:
in
right
whereof
,
those
of
the
Romish
Prelacy
would
at
this
day
take
to
themselves
supreme
and
independent
power
in
Church
affairs
:
even
because
the
Apostles
had
so
in
relation
to
their
contemporary
Pagan
Kings
and
Magistrates
;
and
would
,
on
the
other
side
,
leave
to
Christian
Kings
onely
civil
coercion
and
Authority
;
because
so
much
,
and
no
more
,
was
formerly
possessed
by
Infidels
.
We
shall
therefore
say
,
that
where
the
Bishop
is
(
in
his
City
or
Diocess
)
the
supreme
Christian
Governor
,
(
as
to
many
of
those
Ancient
Bishops
and
Patriarchs
it
happened
before
Kings
were
Christians
,
and
at
this
day
,
in
Rome
,
Collen
,
Trier
,
&c.
is
practised
)
there
,
and
then
are
they
to
lay
claim
to
direct
Apostolical
succession
:
as
having
none
on
earth
their
superior
in
Ecclesiastical
power
.
But
when
,
and
where
that
City
or
Diocess
is
but
part
of
a
greater
Church
,
united
under
a
Christian
head
superior
to
these
particular
and
inferior
heads
;
then
,
and
there
is
that
chief
Bishop
or
overseer
of
that
Church
to
be
held
the
rightful
successor
of
Apostolical
power
;
and
the
other
Bishops
to
be
subordinate
unto
him
:
even
as
Timothy
and
Titus
were
formerly
to
St.
Paul
.
It
is
not
to
be
doubted
,
but
as
this
office
of
Ecclesiastical
super-intendency
is
to
be
acknowledged
as
of
Divine
Right
,
so
may
Bishops
(
so
far
as
their
power
is
extensive
)
account
themselves
the
Apostles
successors
therein
:
which
as
it
will
estate
them
in
rightful
power
to
govern
the
Presbyters
and
others
below
them
,
so
will
it
again
subject
them
to
their
head
in
chief
:
even
to
him
,
that
is
the
more
direct
and
entire
successor
of
Apostolical
jurisdiction
.
From
whom
,
(
in
that
regard
)
they
are
to
derive
their
personal
Ordination
(
or
appointment
into
determinate
jurisdiction
and
power
)
;
even
as
Zadock
,
the
type
of
Evangelical
Priesthood
,
received
his
from
Solomon
,
the
Type
of
Christian
Kingship
:
although
the
act
and
Ceremonies
of
Consecration
are
to
be
,
under
the
Gospel
,
as
formerly
under
the
Law
,
received
from
those
of
the
Priesthood
onely
;
in
acknowledgement
of
divine
constitution
of
that
Function
.
But
for
this
omission
of
Princes
in
assuming
their
right
upon
their
conversion
,
he
may
easily
see
the
reason
,
that
shall
consider
that
great
splendor
of
the
Roman
Emperors
,
and
that
poverty
and
more
mean
condition
which
the
Bishops
and
such
like
Church
heads
did
at
first
live
in
:
who
,
being
at
that
time
well
studyed
in
their
Masters
Precepts
of
Obedience
and
Humility
,
had
so
little
strugled
for
jurisdiction
or
riches
,
that
there
might
seem
rather
scorn
to
take
,
then
desire
to
assume
and
engross
what
they
had
.
And
,
it
may
be
,
more
fresh
sense
of
Piety
and
Devotion
,
might
make
these
first
Christian
Emperors
willingly
rather
enlargers
,
then
detractors
from
men
of
such
pious
and
harmless
conversation
.
The
which
might
make
them
also
less
studious
of
those
inconveniences
which
might
grow
from
hence
afterwards
;
not
only
to
themselves
,
but
all
other
Christian
Kings
:
who
,
from
their
examples
,
were
often
made
believe
,
that
their
highest
expressions
of
devotion
was
to
be
measured
by
their
advancemene
of
Christs
Church
,
meaning
Clergy-men
:
and
that
also
,
by
taking
the
Jewels
out
of
their
own
Crowns
,
and
therewith
embellishing
their
Myters
.
Whether
this
omission
were
begun
,
and
continued
through
ignorance
,
pride
,
or
blinded
zeal
,
is
not
so
certain
,
as
is
that
absurdity
which
from
thence
hath
arisen
:
namely
of
Kings
having
no
more
power
in
the
Church
allowed
them
being
become
Christians
then
they
had
before
:
nay
and
less
too
,
since
some
of
these
will
now
put
in
for
so
great
a
share
,
But
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
as
the
admonition
was
then
most
proper
,
of
fear
not
them
that
can
kill
the
body
,
&c.
in
respect
that
Pagan
Kings
had
not
Ecclesiastical
coertion
so
was
the
distinction
of
duties
and
obedience
into
Religious
and
Civil
,
then
most
proper
also
.
The
which
will
upon
the
same
reason
come
now
to
be
united
:
because
of
the
union
of
that
person
commanding
under
Christ
in
chief
in
both
.
And
therefore
,
had
the
Primitive
Christian
Princes
well
examined
Saint
Pauls
distinction
of
his
own
and
others
Apostolical
jurisdiction
,
they
would
have
found
in
them
the
whole
rights
of
their
Crowns
comprised
:
when
he
said
,
Let
a
man
so
account
of
us
as
Ministers
of
Christ
,
and
Stewards
of
the
mysteries
of
God
.
Under
the
first
expression
of
Ministers
of
Christ
,
(
or
his
Deacons
or
Deputies
)
they
shall
finde
Magistracy
and
more
Civil
power
over
Christian
persons
and
actions
within
their
Church
contained
:
in
the
other
,
all
power
given
over
the
way
and
manner
of
Gods
outward
worship
;
and
also
the
chief
charge
and
care
of
Preaching
or
Instruction
.
Which
makes
St.
Paul
proceed
in
the
description
of
his
Stewards
Office
onely
,
because
he
undertook
little
in
the
other
.
For
since
it
was
the
most
natural
and
reasonable
course
,
to
lay
down
Rules
and
Instructions
for
men
to
follow
,
before
any
outward
execution
of
Government
,
by
Rewards
or
Punishments
(
in
observing
or
neglecting
them
)
could
be
established
,
we
may
finde
good
reason
why
our
Saviour
did
delegate
his
Authority
to
those
first
Fathers
and
heads
of
the
Church
,
by
vertue
of
that
power
they
should
from
him
receive
to
represent
him
herein
:
saying
to
them
,
all
power
is
given
to
me
in
Heaven
and
in
Earth
,
Go
ye
therefore
and
teach
all
Nations
,
&c.
teaching
them
to
observe
all
things
whatsoever
I
have
commanded
you
,
and
lo
I
am
with
you
always
even
unto
the
end
of
the
world
.
And
,
it
must
be
acknowledged
a
thing
reasonable
,
that
since
the
actions
of
voluntary
Agents
must
have
issue
from
their
understanding
,
that
therefore
,
in
order
to
that
obedience
which
was
expected
to
follow
,
there
should
be
appointed
a
powerful
way
of
instruction
to
precede
.
Which
Office
of
instruction
,
although
it
did
for
this
cause
precede
,
yet
since
Christ
had
promised
the
continuance
of
his
presence
or
power
with
it
unto
the
end
of
the
world
,
as
knowing
it
to
be
at
all
times
necessary
for
him
that
is
to
have
the
charge
of
Government
under
him
,
we
cannot
but
resolve
that
this
Office
of
Instruction
or
Preaching
is
to
be
held
and
exercised
by
all
others
but
subordinately
,
and
in
dependence
of
that
present
head
of
the
Church
:
who
holds
,
amongst
other
Unctions
,
a
deputation
herein
in
chief
from
Christ
himself
;
who
was
anointed
to
preach
.
In
the
first
heads
,
the
attestation
of
miracles
,
which
gave
them
Authority
to
be
hearkened
unto
in
their
message
of
Instruction
,
gave
them
thereby
also
,
upon
all
necessary
occasions
,
Authority
to
be
obeyed
as
Heads
and
Governors
.
In
the
last
heads
,
as
Conquest
and
the
ordinary
ways
of
Providence
doth
design
the
Governor
first
,
so
doth
it
therewith
also
estate
him
in
the
right
of
supreme
Instruction
,
as
necessary
thereto
.
And
surely
,
they
that
would
deny
the
necessary
conjunction
of
these
two
essential
parts
of
Government
,
that
is
of
the
Indicative
and
Vindicative
,
not
allowing
to
the
same
person
as
well
a
power
to
direct
how
to
live
and
do
well
,
as
to
punish
for
doing
otherwise
,
and
all
because
he
doth
not
personally
execute
this
Office
of
Instruction
,
but
leaves
it
to
others
,
may
upon
like
ground
deny
his
right
and
power
in
condemning
and
punishing
,
because
the
same
is
performed
by
others
also
.
From
all
which
we
may
see
the
Kings
Title
and
Right
now
,
as
Gods
Minister
and
Steward
,
to
order
things
pertaining
to
his
Worship
,
as
well
as
we
may
finde
that
the
Title
of
each
individual
Prince
to
this
Office
of
Gods
Minister
and
Head
of
the
Church
doth
rest
now
upon
the
same
evidence
of
right
,
which
each
person
hath
to
the
enjoyment
of
his
own
propriety
in
severalty
from
others
.
For
as
God
made
such
and
such
Creatures
for
the
general
use
of
men
,
so
did
he
institute
such
and
such
Offices
for
their
use
too
:
In
the
vacancy
of
which
Offices
,
there
lies
an
equal
right
to
the
next
possessor
upon
the
same
natural
reason
,
as
there
doth
to
the
next
possessor
of
Land
,
Cattel
,
or
any
other
goods
,
which
have
for
the
present
no
rightful
proprietor
.
And
if
any
should
think
the
Christian
Prince
now
debarred
from
claim
to
Apostolical
succession
and
power
in
ordering
of
Church-discipline
and
affairs
,
according
to
the
exegencies
of
times
and
places
,
as
the
Apostles
,
by
their
Traditions
,
formerly
did
;
and
all
because
they
are
not
now
,
like
them
,
miraculously
inspired
and
assisted
;
they
may
,
upon
the
same
reason
,
even
forbid
the
use
of
preaching
and
instruction
to
be
by
any
now
exercised
also
;
until
,
by
some
miraculous
attestation
and
proof
,
those
separated
to
that
Function
can
evidence
their
Call
and
Authority
herein
to
be
more
then
ordinary
,
and
to
have
been
conferred
on
them
by
hands
as
holy
as
those
of
the
Apostles
also
.
But
,
as
this
more
express
appearance
of
divine
assistance
&
approbation
of
persons
,
is
not
now
to
be
expected
or
relyed
upon
,
so
neither
,
(
in
justice
)
can
it
be
brought
as
a
bar
to
the
divine
right
of
execution
of
the
one
,
more
then
another
;
nor
to
regal
super-intency
in
both
.
Therefore
,
as
we
have
formerly
shewed
the
necessity
of
our
submission
to
the
Prince
his
guidance
in
our
outward
observation
of
that
Law
of
the
second
Table
,
Thou
shalt
love
thy
neighbor
as
thy self
;
so
must
we
conclude
it
much
more
necessary
,
that
that
form
and
manner
of
service
,
which
is
requisite
to
express
our
devotions
in
fulfilling
that
Precept
,
Thou
shalt
love
the
Lord
thy
God
with
all
thine
heart
,
&c.
should
not
be
left
to
the
hazard
of
each
ones
,
fancy
but
be
at
the
dispose
of
Gods
chief
Minister
,
even
for
the
avoiding
scandal
;
which
must
always
be
subject
to
private
and
new
devices
and
forms
;
but
cannot
be
to
what
is
of
publike
practice
and
institution
.
For
if
the
authorized
worship
of
any
Kingdom
,
should
be
subject
to
be
sin
or
scandal
to
any
the
subjects
of
the
same
kingdom
,
and
professing
the
same
Religion
also
,
then
can
God
never
be
outwardly
worshipt
,
nor
any
Religion
publikely
exercised
,
but
the
parties
must
commit
sin
in
doing
it
:
because
some
or
other
will
still
be
of
a
contrary
minde
;
and
so
take
offence
and
scandal
thereat
.
And
therefore
,
scandal
must
ever
arise
from
the
fewer
number
to
the
greater
.
For
although
the
use
and
continuance
of
some
Jewish
and
heathenish
Ceremonies
,
were
in
the
Primitive
times
scandalous
;
they
were
not
called
so
because
Jews
or
Heathens
used
them
,
but
because
a
few
men
(
having
now
included
themselves
in
the
common
profession
and
number
of
Christianity
)
would
therein
dissent
from
the
common
practice
of
Christians
,
which
ran
otherwise
.
And
then
again
,
since
God
himself
doth
not
prescribe
the
whole
outward
form
of
expressing
our
Love
and
Praises
of
him
,
and
that
he
doth
,
it
is
yet
recommended
for
execution
to
the
supreme
Magistrates
trust
,
it
must
follow
,
that
so
often
as
we
decline
his
Rule
,
we
must
be
scandalous
;
and
in
danger
of
error
and
sin
.
And
to
this
purpose
we
shall
finde
Saint
Paul
very
express
,
when
he
gives
the
Romans
warning
to
avoid
scandal
or
offences
;
saying
,
Now
I
beseech
you
brethren
mark
them
which
cause
division
and
offences
,
contrary
to
the
doctrine
which
ye
have
learned
,
and
avoid
them
.
Where
we
may
see
the
doctrine
received
,
is
to
be
as
the
ancient
land-mark
,
which
(
set
up
by
our
Fathers
)
is
not
to
be
removed
:
but
remain
as
a
standing
rule
for
decision
and
enclosure
of
differences
.
they
that
are
such
,
(
that
is
,
which
cause
divisions
contrary
to
the
Doctrine
learned
)
serve
not
our
Lord
Jesus
Christ
:
(
that
is
,
do
not
rightly
obey
him
,
(
though
they
pretend
it
)
,
by
not
obeying
his
chief
Minister
)
but
their
own
belly
:
and
by
fair
speeches
deceive
the
heart
of
the
simple
.
And
to
prove
farther
,
that
innocence
from
scandal
is
in
obedience
,
he
after
expresseth
his
joy
,
that
their
obedience
is
come
abroad
to
all
men
.
For
if
(
as
before
proved
)
,
obedience
be
a
necessary
duty
to
be
observed
towards
the
making
our
Love
and
Services
to
our
neighbors
effectual
,
it
must
be
concluded
much
more
necessary
and
expedient
,
to
be
imployed
in
keeping
up
that
which
is
the
end
thereof
,
the
glory
and
publike
worship
of
God
.
And
therefore
as
it
would
seem
absurd
in
our
actions
,
to
drive
at
such
an
end
which
we
did
never
intend
to
perform
and
enjoy
,
(
as
it
would
be
to
be
always
practizing
Offices
tending
to
mutual
preservation
,
that
thereby
God
might
have
the
greater
number
of
Praisers
,
and
yet
never
practice
this
duty
of
Praise
and
Worship
)
,
so
must
we
thence
infer
,
that
in
,
and
towards
the
stating
and
exercise
of
this
duty
,
obedience
is
most
especially
required
;
as
to
the
meritorious
and
final
object
of
all
the
rest
.
So
that
,
if
,
by
means
of
our
obedience
to
Christ
in
the
Church
,
(
his
Kingdom
here
upon
earth
,
)
there
be
not
an
uniformity
kept
up
,
in
our
publike
exercises
of
all
those
duties
that
serve
for
the
advancement
of
Gods
Kingdom
in
our
hearts
,
and
for
setting
forth
his
Worship
and
praise
for
benefits
received
,
that
Unity
and
Coition
of
the
Christian
Grace●
and
Precepts
amongst
themselves
(
formerly
spoken
of
)
will
come
to
be
made
void
and
useless
.
For
however
it
may
be
allowable
to
each
single
man
(
as
best
sensible
of
his
own
enjoyments
and
wants
)
,
to
thank
God
or
pray
to
him
privately
,
in
such
manner
and
words
as
himself
findes
most
warrantable
and
behoofeful
;
yet
,
must
it
be
acknowledged
reasonable
,
that
all
those
publike
forms
of
Worship
and
Praise
,
whose
practise
is
necessary
for
constituting
each
place
an
unite
and
distinct
Christian
Church
or
Assembly
,
should
be
at
the
dispose
and
appointment
of
that
publike
person
onely
,
who
under
Christ
is
the
supreme
and
entire
head
and
Representativ●
thereof
:
Even
out
of
necessary
consideration
,
of
keeping
up
conformity
therein
;
and
by
that
means
keeping
Gods
publike
Worship
in
existence
;
which
else
,
by
mens
differing
practises
in
opposition
to
one
another
,
would
come
to
be
defeated
and
lost
:
no
otherwise
then
would
our
practises
in
the
Precepts
of
Charity
,
if
not
by
uniform
obedience
directed
.
For
these
things
have
a
natural
and
necessary
coherence
:
the
Unity
of
the
end
requires
Coition
and
Unity
in
the
means
;
and
that
again
requires
uniformity
in
the
directions
themselves
,
as
well
as
Unity
in
the
person
directing
:
all
of
them
to
be
made
useful
by
the
Grace
of
Obedience
before
noted
.
But
because
much
dissention
hath
hitherto
)
arisen
about
that
Officer
or
person
we
are
to
give
the
obedience
unto
,
in
regard
of
the
different
names
of
power
in
Scripture
used
.
We
will
speak
something
farther
here
,
of
that
Coition
or
succession
of
this
supreme
Officer
now
under
the
Gospel
.
This
we
shall
finde
briefly
done
by
Christ
himself
,
when
he
is
impowring
these
several
little
ones
.
Where
he
begins
with
those
that
should
first
represent
him
,
namely
such
as
should
presently
succeed
as
his
own
Desciples
and
followers
:
he
that
receiveth
you
receiveth
me
,
&c.
Under
which
(
no
doubt
)
the
first
Apostles
were
to
be
comprized
:
who
,
in
regard
of
their
mean
worldly
condition
,
might
sometimes
be
objects
of
Charity
also
;
even
to
the
receiving
a
cup
of
cold
water
.
The
next
object
of
our
obedience
is
set
down
under
the
notion
of
Prophet
:
he
that
receiveth
a
Prophet
in
the
name
of
a
Prophet
,
shall
receive
a
Prophets
reward
.
the
just
man
,
or
righteous
man
:
And
he
that
receiveth
a
righteous
man
in
the
name
of
a
righteous
man
,
shall
receive
a
righteous
mans
reward
.
That
is
,
shall
be
made
capable
of
justice
or
justification
,
by
means
of
his
obedience
to
this
chief
representer
of
Christs
Authority
,
who
is
thereupon
called
a
just
or
righteous
man
:
this
appellation
of
righteous
man
being
equivalent
with
that
of
Ruler
in
chief
,
as
divers
places
of
the
Old-Testament
do
also
Warrant
.
In
which
the
attribute
could
not
be
formally
due
to
him
whose
words
were
perverted
by
gifts
:
Whenas
,
by
reason
of
the
place
they
execute
,
And
therefore
unto
him
,
as
the
person
of
jurisdiction
and
power
,
shall
those
other
Offices
of
Prophesie
or
Instruction
be
annexed
and
made
subservi●nt
:
no
otherwise
then
in
the
Jewish
Church
,
it
at
first
was
unto
Moses
their
first
King
.
For
so
we
shall
finde
it
plainly
delivered
concerning
Aaron
and
him
:
Thou
shalt
speak
unto
him
(
meaning
Moses
to
Aaron
)
and
put
words
in
his
mouth
:
and
I
will
be
with
thy
mouth
,
and
with
his
mouth
;
and
will
teach
you
what
ye
shall
do
:
Which
is
the
same
with
being
a
spirit
of
judgement
,
in
the
mouth
of
their
seed
,
and
seeds
seed
for
ever
,
before
spoken
of
.
And
then
follows
the
subordination
of
the
Prophets
:
and
he
shall
be
thy
spokesman
(
or
Angel
)
unto
the
people
:
and
he
shall
be
,
even
he
shall
be
,
to
thee
instead
of
a
mouth
,
and
thou
shalt
be
to
him
as
a
God
.
And
in
the
first
verse
of
the
seventh
Chapter
,
he
is
expresly
called
Moses
Prophet
:
Aaron
thy
brother
shall
be
thy
Prophet
or
Angel
.
The
which
doth
plainly
foreshew
the
Coincidence
of
Christian
Authority
,
under
each
Christian
King
and
Monarch
:
to
make
useful
the
coition
of
the
means
before
spoken
of
.
For
he
,
as
the
last
most
glorious
deputed
Minister
to
Christ
amongst
us
,
is
to
claim
our
obedience
in
his
name
;
in
all
things
done
towards
the
stating
of
Charity
:
and
,
as
Steward
in
the
mysteries
of
God
,
is
to
be
obeyed
in
all
our
outward
religious
deportments
.
Nay
,
that
very
Argument
of
mysteriousness
and
profoundness
in
matters
of
divine
truth
and
worship
,
(
which
some
would
urge
in
bar
to
the
Kings
intermedling
in
causes
of
Religion
as
the
true
Steward
of
the
mysteries
of
God
)
,
is
by
the
wisest
King
and
Preacher
,
made
to
be
the
proper
glory
and
part
of
his
Office
:
It
is
the
glory
of
God
to
conceal
a
thing
,
but
the
honor
of
Kings
is
to
search
out
a
matter
.
In
which
words
,
Kings
being
set
in
the
plural
number
,
of
his
Seers
and
Prophets
under
him
were
performed
,
should
be
accompted
to
the
honor
of
the
King
:
as
being
done
by
him
,
because
of
their
subordination
to
his
supreme
Authority
therein
.
And
those
persons
that
are
most
subject
,
to
inveigh
against
publike
forms
,
as
Will-worship
,
Superstition
,
and
Scandal
,
are
themselves
the
onely
men
that
are
truly
guilty
of
Will-worship
and
Scandal
,
by
relying
on
their
own
private
Wills
and
Judgements
,
and
preferring
their
own
devises
and
forms
to
the
practises
of
all
others
;
whereby
to
introduce
general
offence
and
scandal
.
And
so
again
,
when
they
refuse
to
joyn
with
others
in
their
publike
services
,
out
of
the
fear
of
superstition
in
giving
too
much
;
and
do
choose
to
proceed
in
contrary
or
negative
performances
,
this
,
as
being
induced
and
carryed
on
by
superstitious
and
ungrounded
fear
to
displease
,
offends
in
the
worse
extream
,
and
turns
to
be
true
Superstition
indeed
.
And
I
verily
believe
,
that
men
are
generally
more
superstitious
in
avoidance
of
Ceremonies
,
then
they
are
in
observing
them
:
for
this
is
Superstition
upon
Superstition
.
For
the
truth
is
,
if
publike
reason
and
appointment
be
excluded
in
appointing
forms
of
Gods
Service
and
Worship
,
then
,
since
himself
hath
appointed
no
form
to
us
Christians
(
as
such
)
,
he
can
now
have
no
right
external
Worship
given
to
him
at
all
:
which
(
doubtless
)
for
honor
sake
,
is
eternally
due
to
him
as
God
;
and
,
by
way
of
gratitude
,
to
be
returned
from
us
.
But
although
he
knew
it
to
be
a
thing
necessary
to
be
done
,
yet
knowing
also
that
we
now
have
Moses
and
the
Prophets
,
(
as
useful
presidents
for
general
directions
in
what
we
are
to
do
)
that
is
,
since
we
have
all
that
light
which
was
formerly
given
to
any
people
;
if
these
,
and
those
many
general
Precepts
since
given
cannot
be
sufficient
,
together
without
great
helps
of
natural
learning
and
reason
we
now
enjoy
,
we
are
left
without
all
excuse
.
And
if
we
mark
the
gradations
of
Gods
immediate
appearance
to
man
since
the
beginning
in
these
instructions
,
we
shall
finde
it
to
decrease
by
degrees
,
even
in
this
particular
also
,
as
mans
instructions
and
reason
have
grown
to
be
more
.
To
Adam
and
the
Fathers
,
he
was
often
directer
in
the
way
of
his
Worship
,
as
the
Father
of
the
Family
:
that
is
,
Viva
voce
.
After
mankinde
encreased
,
he
ruled
as
King
,
by
positive
Laws
.
After
which
,
as
men
grew
more
and
more
knowing
of
their
duty
,
he
withdrew
his
immediate
appearance
by
degrees
.
And
if
men
will
consider
things
without
vulgar
prejudice
,
it
must
be
acknowledged
a
course
both
rendring
God
highest
Praise
,
and
us
consequently
most
benefit
.
For
since
all
our
Worship
and
Service
of
him
,
must
be
so
much
the
more
acceptable
as
it
shall
be
more
voluntary
;
and
since
it
must
be
by
so
much
more
voluntary
,
as
more
agreeing
to
our
understanding
;
it
must
thereupon
also
be
an
addition
to
his
Worship
and
Praise
,
when
,
being
left
in
the
manner
and
measure
indefinite
,
we
know
it
our
duties
to
do
it
continually
and
all
we
can
;
then
if
in
performance
of
his
positive
commands
,
we
should
have
rested
,
as
having
throughly
performed
our
whole
service
.
As
we
see
it
come
to
pass
in
the
examples
of
the
Jews
,
Scribes
,
and
Pharisees
,
that
had
their
literal
appointed
Worship
and
Ceremonies
;
how
ready
they
were
to
acquiess
,
as
having
performed
all
their
bounden
duties
;
and
to
neglect
the
continual
serving
and
honoring
him
,
even
in
weightier
matters
.
And
again
,
when
God
doth
not
prescribe
his
own
outward
Worship
and
manner
of
service
,
we
may
farther
acknowledge
our
benefit
herein
;
even
for
that
our
occasional
breaches
are
not
now
so
highly
dangerous
to
us
Christians
,
as
formerly
to
the
Jews
.
Amongst
whom
(
upon
that
consideration
)
how
frequent
shall
we
find
the
crime
of
Idolatry
laid
to
their
charge
;
encreasing
not
only
from
the
malicious
instigation
of
that
wicked
Serpent
,
always
most
ready
to
wreath
himself
into
our
fancies
,
and
to
contrive
ways
to
break
those
Precepts
God
doth
most
immediately
command
;
but
by
reason
also
of
the
aggravation
of
their
offence
,
in
the
least
deviation
from
things
to
commanded
,
without
due
license
and
Authority
.
Whereas
amongst
Christians
,
where
God
is
not
immediate
in
these
injunctions
,
but
(
only
requiring
the
measure
thereof
to
be
with
all
our
heart
,
with
all
our
mind
,
with
all
our
strength
)
hath
left
the
manner
of
doing
it
to
the
Churches
authority
,
there
cannot
be
such
danger
of
that
kind
of
Idolatry
about
the
manner
of
celebrating
Gods
outward
Worship
:
But
our
danger
of
Idolatry
is
chiefly
in
the
measure
;
that
is
,
in
preferring
Mammon
before
him
,
or
looking
with
such
affectionate
eyes
on
our
own
proprieties
,
as
to
make
Covetousness
to
be
Idolatry
.
By
means
of
leaving
those
outward
Forms
to
the
Churches
power
of
institution
and
contrivement
,
God
is
not
(
again
)
so
subject
to
have
his
Almightiness
and
All-sufficiency
mistaken
;
by
mens
thinking
that
he
hath
need
of
these
,
or
any
the
like
things
:
And
so
also
are
we
more
like
to
avoid
,
the
danger
of
Idolatry
and
Superstition
,
which
should
be
incident
to
be
given
to
such
things
as
should
be
by
him
immediately
chosen
to
that
purpose
.
true
Worship
is
in
spirit
and
truth
,
and
that
these
outward
Forms
are
but
to
mind
us
,
and
make
us
perceptible
of
the
inward
graces
they
signifie
,
and
to
strengthen
in
our selves
,
and
confirm
in
others
,
our
real
and
hearty
acknowledgement
of
his
deserved
praise
and
glory
)
do
thereupon
choose
,
from
instance
of
what
is
most
honourable
in
our
esteem
,
to
set
forth
our
thankfulness
in
the
esteem
of
others
;
this
,
as
it
cannot
be
to
subject
to
Idolatry
,
so
must
it
be
more
lively
and
fervent
,
in
expressing
and
raising
our
Devotion
.
And
therefore
we
may
observe
,
that
whilst
God
did
prescribe
the
matter
and
manner
of
his
Worship
and
Adoration
,
it
was
in
such
things
and
ceremonies
as
had
highest
esteem
amongst
men
;
and
it
was
(
in
common
acknowledgement
)
a
good
rule
for
examination
of
fitness
herein
,
by
comparing
it
to
the
usage
and
esteem
of
persons
of
highest
rank
amongst
our selves
,
Offer
it
now
to
thy
Governor
,
and
see
if
he
will
accept
it
.
And
with
these
very
Kings
and
all
else
,
it
was
rule
of
honouring
him
with
our
substance
:
Which
they
did
with
most
wonderful
expence
,
giving
the
world
thereby
to
understand
,
the
high
value
they
esteemed
him
at
.
When
if
they
should
have
sacrificed
unto
him
of
that
which
cost
them
nothing
,
men
might
well
have
judged
they
had
served
Mammon
better
then
he
;
and
so
through
Covetousness
have
commited
Idolatry
,
as
before
noted
.
And
let
men
(
with
Judas
)
cry
out
whilst
they
will
,
Wherefore
all
this
waste
?
yet
,
As
these
considerations
,
prove
the
leaving
the
form
of
Gods
outward
Worship
to
man
himself
,
as
the
most
likely
means
to
have
it
thereupon
to
.
be
oftenest
practised
,
and
so
his
heart
kept
aright
in
doing
it
;
so
will
it
appear
farther
reasonable
,
that
it
be
the
peculiar
charge
of
that
(
the
)
man
that
hath
the
whole
trust
of
each
Church
where
the
same
is
to
be
done
,
inasmuch
as
he
himself
,
being
greatest
,
cannot
but
be
best
able
to
judge
what
Solemnities
are
fittest
to
be
given
,
for
advancement
and
expression
of
the
praise
of
one
so
great
as
God
is
;
and
must
be
also
most
able
,
to
see
the
same
performed
publikely
and
in
decent
manner
.
Nay
,
his
very
doing
it
,
will
advance
Gods
honor
in
mens
esteem
,
above
the
doing
it
by
others
,
as
far
as
his
dignity
is
above
that
of
his
ordinary
subjects
:
Which
may
seem
one
main
reason
for
instituting
Monarchy
;
namely
,
that
by
the
contracting
the
power
and
glory
of
a
people
into
one
person
,
God
may
by
him
be
more
entirely
and
eminently
honoured
in
his
publique
Worship
and
Service
.
For
as
the
institution
of
a
Church
,
and
the
reason
of
Gods
more
particular
bounty
and
presence
to
them
above
the
rest
of
mankind
,
was
(
as
heretofore
noted
)
from
the
consideration
of
the
encrease
of
Gods
glory
,
through
their
more
remarkable
way
of
expressing
their
service
and
gratitude
for
so
high
favours
;
even
so
also
may
we
think
,
that
this
extraordinary
dignifying
of
some
persons
in
the
same
Church
above
others
(
and
so
of
one
person
especially
above
all
the
rest
)
was
also
(
through
his
more
high
and
remarkable
dignity
and
obligation
)
to
have
himself
more
dignified
in
his
Worship
,
proportionable
to
the
quality
of
the
person
doing
it
.
And
therefore
as
we
shall
never
find
God
Almighty
deputing
or
impowering
above
one
person
in
chief
as
his
Representant
to
the
people
,
either
in
declaring
what
his
Divine
Will
is
,
or
for
seeing
the
same
executed
:
So
this
may
be
the
reason
also
,
of
those
many
more
strict
injunctions
for
Kings
duties
to
God
,
and
of
those
more
particular
examples
of
punishing
and
rewarding
his
zeal
or
neglect
,
as
if
it
had
been
that
of
all
the
rest
.
Wherefore
we
will
set
down
this
rule
,
That
where
the
Supreme
Magistrate
is
a
Christian
,
there
all
our
outward
deportments
,
for
expressing
our
obedience
to
Gods
command
in
serving
and
honoring
him
,
or
loving
our
neighbour
,
must
be
subject
to
his
direction
;
and
whensoever
done
against
it
,
we
cannot
,
but
(
by
following
our
own
wills
)
be
in
danger
,
not
only
to
commit
Superstition
and
Idolatry
,
but
Rebellion
also
.
Whereas
,
doing
these
things
according
to
inward
devotion
,
and
that
also
guided
by
the
duty
of
obedience
,
we
cannot
be
culpable
of
either
of
them
.
For
although
there
may
be
Ceremonies
(
as
we
find
in
some
Churches
)
which
may
seem
to
lean
that
way
;
yet
I
see
not
how
the
obedient
member
should
in
the
exercise
of
his
devotion
according
to
the
Institution
of
Authority
,
have
the
guilt
of
Superstition
charged
on
him
,
for
performance
of
such
duties
as
truly
are
Superstitious
,
more
then
for
what
is
not
;
since
he
had
no
more
liberty
to
institute
,
or
examine
the
one
then
the
other
.
For
however
superstitious
fear
or
misguided
zeal
,
might
cause
the
Authority
of
that
Church
to
erre
in
the
establishment
of
them
;
yet
can
it
not
be
the
fault
of
him
,
whose
part
is
to
obey
in
all
things
,
but
not
to
direct
in
any
.
And
(
for
conclusion
)
we
shall
again
say
,
that
as
all
the
other
good
and
happiness
of
each
Kingdom
,
must
have
existence
and
vigour
from
the
truth
and
sincerity
of
Religion
therein
publikely
practised
,
and
the
truth
and
vigour
of
this
Religion
and
Gods
Worship
therein
,
must
again
be
maintained
in
ours
and
others
knowledge
and
esteem
,
by
frequent
exercises
of
devotion
(
whereby
to
cause
it
to
take
impression
)
we
must
also
set
it
down
,
that
as
to
give
unto
God
no
outward
Form
of
Worship
at
all
will
resolve
into
Atheism
,
so
(
in
the
same
Kingdom
)
to
do
it
publiquely
more
ways
then
one
,
will
resolve
into
Polytheism
;
which
,
if
not
Atheism
,
will
soon
turn
thereinto
.
The
which
,
experience
too
clearly
shews
to
come
to
pass
,
in
those
places
where
(
publike
Forms
being
decryed
as
humane
inventions
(
and
too
full
of
Superstition
)
private
men
,
led
with
true
Superstition
indeed
(
that
is
,
with
private
conscience
and
fear
)
do
severally
stretch
their
inventions
on
such
few
insignificant
Ceremonies
and
Forms
,
as
being
themselves
of
no
esteem
in
our
sense
,
must
consequently
render
that
devotion
they
would
express
to
be
in
the
end
so
also
;
and
,
in
the
mean
time
,
involve
us
into
all
those
civil
disturbances
,
which
are
wont
to
be
deserved
and
attended
by
scandal
and
breach
of
Charity
.
CHAP.
XII
.
Of
Antichrist
.
ALthough
those
two
Offices
of
Kingship
and
Priesthood
,
be
by
none
denyed
as
necessary
for
him
,
that
is
to
protect
and
redeem
us
from
all
enemies
and
afflictions
temporal
and
ghostly
;
yet
do
mens
prejudices
in
unwary
disjoyning
them
,
and
eclipsing
the
one
by
too
sole
reliance
on
the
other
,
make
both
of
them
many
times
uneffectual
;
and
by
too
much
coveting
and
bending
our
belief
and
endeavors
,
in
pursuit
and
acknowledgement
of
him
,
under
that
capacity
only
we
list
to
fancy
(
as
nearest
our
own
aims
)
we
hazard
,
or
deservedly
lose
that
whole
benefit
,
that
can
acrew
but
to
such
onely
,
as
do
wholly
own
,
and
relye
upon
him
in
both
.
Thus
the
Jews
,
that
had
their
promises
running
always
in
a
strain
of
temporal
felicity
,
were
subject
to
interpret
and
expect
,
all
the
Prophesies
of
Redemption
and
Restauration
,
to
run
in
the
same
sense
also
:
This
prejudice
sticking
so
close
,
that
those
very
Disciples
that
waited
on
our
Saviours
person
,
and
had
both
his
life
and
doctrine
witnesses
to
the
contrary
,
yet
they
became
so
wholly
intent
hereon
,
that
because
it
failed
but
a
little
in
the
present
expectation
,
their
hopes
in
him
as
to
the
other
,
seems
wholly
obscure
and
overcome
:
For
so
Cleophas
(
having
told
how
the
chief
Priests
and
Rulers
had
put
to
death
and
crucified
our
Saviour
)
saith
,
But
we
trusted
that
it
had
been
he
that
should
have
redeemed
Israel
:
This
over-hasty
,
slow
of
heart
to
believe
all
that
the
Prophets
had
spoken
,
Christ
ought
to
have
suffered
first
,
and
then
to
enter
into
his
glory
:
On
the
other
hand
again
,
amongst
Christians
(
that
do
not
so
litterally
lay
claim
to
those
particular
promises
made
to
the
Jewish
Nation
)
the
other
Office
of
Mediatorship
,
which
he
performeth
as
the
only
High
Priest
,
comes
because
of
its
nearer
concern
in
our
spiritual
benefits
and
good
,
so
wholly
to
take
up
the
conceits
of
many
,
that
the
name
of
Christ
seems
drowned
in
that
of
Jesus
;
not
well
considering
also
how
by
omitting
our
acknowledgement
of
him
and
his
power
,
we
hazard
the
receipt
of
those
his
benefits
,
which
stand
promised
on
that
condition
;
namely
,
how
those
that
would
not
that
he
should
reign
over
them
here
,
are
counted
his
enemies
;
Which
speech
,
being
by
him
uttered
just
upon
his
going
to
Ierusalem
,
to
take
possession
of
his
temporal
Kingdom
in
right
of
his
father
David
,
may
well
instruct
Christians
against
their
usual
prejudices
,
in
acknowledging
Christs
exercise
of
temporal
power
,
onely
because
he
doth
not
personally
appear
therein
:
For
so
it
is
set
down
;
And
when
he
had
thus
spoken
,
(
that
is
,
declared
his
right
to
raign
as
Christ
)
he
went
before
,
ascending
up
to
Ierusalem
.
Concerning
the
manner
of
Christs
raigning
,
we
have
spoken
in
some
places
before
:
both
to
shew
how
he
denyeth
the
personal
exercise
of
his
Kingship
amongst
us
as
yet
,
and
how
again
he
doth
it
by
Deputies
or
Vice-Roys
(
as
sub-Christs
under
him
)
in
several
places
of
his
Church
;
reserving
so
often
to
himself
the
stile
King
of
Kings
:
Thereby
declaring
,
that
as
all
Crowns
and
Scepters
are
now
derived
from
him
,
so
are
they
hereafter
to
be
laid
at
his
feet
.
But
though
,
in
regard
of
the
particular
incredulity
of
the
Jews
,
with
whom
he
only
conversed
,
he
bend
his
most
frequent
arguments
in
confirmation
of
the
necessity
of
the
other
Office
,
yet
this
is
always
asserted
too
,
or
remains
undenyed
.
And
therefore
,
when
his
Disciples
(
full
of
Jewish
prejudice
)
ask
him
,
Lord
,
wilt
thou
at
this
time
restore
the
Kingdom
to
Israel
:
He
denies
not
his
own
right
,
in
exercise
of
temporal
power
over
his
Church
;
but
strives
to
inform
them
,
that
the
time
of
doing
it
was
their
mistake
.
For
Christ
being
(
as
aforesaid
)
to
perform
his
first
Office
by
suffering
here
,
and
the
other
not
till
he
enter
into
his
glory
;
he
therefore
answers
,
It
is
not
for
you
to
know
the
times
and
the
seasons
,
which
the
Father
hath
put
into
his
own
power
:
but
ye
shall
receive
power
,
after
that
the
holy
Ghost
is
come
upon
you
:
and
ye
shall
be
witnesses
unto
me
,
both
in
Ierusalem
,
and
in
all
Iudea
,
and
in
Samaria
,
and
unto
the
utmost
part
of
the
earth
;
whereby
it
appears
,
that
the
time
appointed
by
God
for
the
exercise
of
compleat
Monarchical
power
in
the
Church
was
not
yet
come
;
and
therefore
he
tells
them
of
that
power
that
should
in
the
mean
time
be
exercised
by
them
.
Of
which
Apostolical
power
we
have
spoken
somewhat
before
;
and
therewith
shewed
,
how
their
Government
was
Monarchical
,
and
that
by
reason
of
Unction
of
power
from
Christ
,
they
had
the
right
to
be
his
chief
Deputies
in
all
things
in
each
Church
where
they
did
preside
,
although
their
modesty
,
and
the
Heathen
Magistrates
usurpation
,
would
not
suffer
them
then
to
shew
it
.
And
if
we
mark
the
precedent
discourse
,
Christ
may
be
found
giving
them
this
real
power
of
Headship
,
proportionable
to
that
degree
of
glory
the
Church
was
then
in
:
For
it
would
have
been
strange
,
for
a
distressed
,
and
despised
Church
,
to
have
had
a
glorious
or
high
tituled
Head
.
So
that
,
although
that
sort
of
glorious
Kingdom
,
which
they
fancied
,
could
not
yet
be
restored
to
the
Church
,
yet
that
they
should
in
the
mean
time
be
his
sole
Deputies
in
the
managery
of
this
Kingdom
,
appears
in
that
he
was
with
them
forty
days
,
giving
them
commandment
,
and
speaking
of
the
things
pertaining
to
the
Kingdom
of
God
;
and
so
he
bids
them
abide
at
Ierusalem
for
the
promised
baptism
of
the
Holy
Ghost
,
to
be
endued
with
power
from
on
high
:
The
which
we
may
conceive
to
be
the
Unction
of
Church
power
,
because
this
promise
is
made
a
reason
of
this
their
demand
about
the
execution
thereof
:
viz.
When
they
therefore
were
come
together
,
they
asked
him
saying
,
Lord
wilt
thou
,
&c.
And
his
answer
is
negative
only
,
to
the
glorious
exercise
thereof
as
yet
;
but
affirmative
to
their
doing
it
by
that
power
which
they
should
receive
from
the
Holy
Ghost
:
Whereby
,
and
by
the
words
Witnesses
to
me
,
we
may
well
understand
represent
me
in
my
power
,
both
of
doing
and
suffering
;
according
to
that
Commission
which
he
elsewhere
gives
them
:
As
my
father
sent
me
,
so
send
I
you
.
So
that
the
sum
of
all
is
,
that
as
it
behoved
him
that
was
the
head
to
be
made
perfect
by
sufferings
;
even
so
his
Church
to
arise
to
her
glory
,
and
particularly
to
the
glory
of
Kingship
,
by
such
degrees
of
sufferings
,
as
her
great
King
should
be
pleased
to
appoint
.
In
the
mean
time
,
how
unlike
soever
the
means
seemed
to
them
,
yet
should
the
advancement
of
his
Kingdom
thereby
be
to
his
greater
honor
;
that
could
give
them
power
by
sending
of
the
Holy
Ghost
,
to
be
witnesses
and
promoters
thereof
.
And
therefore
as
God
before
(
in
the
Theocrity
)
appeared
in
setting
up
the
Church
of
the
Jews
,
so
Christ
in
the
beginning
,
acts
more
powerfully
from
Heaven
in
his
,
it
seeming
a
thing
unreasonable
to
make
a
recess
,
and
to
give
over
his
miraculous
assistance
,
until
the
work
it self
had
attained
such
height
and
strength
,
as
to
be
fit
to
be
performed
by
Deputies
;
and
that
in
a
Monarchical
form
,
according
to
the
patern
of
Government
used
in
Heaven
it self
.
But
it
is
like
,
that
the
Apostles
had
more
confidently
made
this
Interrogation
,
upon
mistake
of
our
Saviours
speeches
unto
them
:
First
,
Of
giving
them
the
Kingdom
;
and
afterwards
in
bidding
them
now
provide
themselves
of
swords
:
As
if
their
former
way
of
dependance
on
extraordinary
providence
,
were
to
be
now
abandoned
,
and
this
Kingly
way
of
acquisition
and
administration
to
be
by
them
exercised
.
And
that
they
thought
this
way
proper
to
themselves
,
may
appear
by
their
present
shewing
him
two
swords
,
and
of
S.
Peters
hasty
using
one
of
them
afterwards
.
But
the
Kingdom
in
the
first
place
promised
to
these
his
little
flock
,
or
flock
of
little
ones
,
was
the
Kingdom
;
that
is
,
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
,
and
not
any
glorious
Judicature
here
,
more
then
he
their
present
Master
had
:
No
,
they
were
first
to
seek
the
righteousness
of
the
Kingdom
of
God
after
the
same
way
their
Master
had
done
:
Royal
Robes
of
any
Solomon
,
even
then
those
more
majestick
robes
which
succeeding
Christian
Kings
should
wear
:
To
which
purpose
,
they
might
have
considered
his
former
designation
of
their
manner
of
Glory
and
Judicature
,
wherein
he
he
saith
,
that
he
that
serveth
,
should
not
expect
to
be
greater
then
he
that
sitteth
at
meat
.
And
that
therefore
,
they
who
had
continued
with
him
,
as
his
companions
,
should
have
a
kingdom
appointed
to
them
,
as
his
Father
had
appointed
one
to
him
:
and
not
have
their
time
of
Judicature
,
till
the
last
judgement
;
at
which
time
,
they
that
had
followed
him
in
the
regeneration
;
that
is
,
had
here
mostly
executed
the
Offices
of
Evangelists
,
when
the
Son
of
man
,
should
sit
on
the
throne
of
his
glory
,
they
also
should
sit
upon
twelve
thrones
,
judging
the
twelve
tribes
of
Israel
.
So
that
then
,
their
exercise
of
Kingship
being
to
be
like
that
of
their
Master
,
namely
,
by
witnessing
for
him
and
his
Gospel
in
Judea
,
&c.
as
he
had
already
witnessed
a
good
witness
before
Pontius
Pilate
,
and
so
making
up
what
was
behind
of
the
affli●tion
of
Christ
,
for
his
bodies
sake
the
Church
:
we
are
to
enterpret
the
other
part
of
Christs
speech
to
them
(
which
might
import
their
now
making
themselves
friends
of
the
unrighteous
Mammon
;
Purses
and
Scrips
(
and
especially
by
taking
to
themselves
swords
,
when
he
said
but
now
,
He
that
hath
a
purse
let
him
take
it
,
and
likewise
his
scrip
,
and
he
that
hath
no
sword
let
him
sell
his
garments
and
buy
one
,
)
to
be
made
good
and
accomplished
upon
the
glorious
establishment
of
his
Church
under
his
glorious
Deputies
.
At
which
time
,
his
Vice-roys
should
be
in
a
capacity
to
provide
for
themselves
and
others
by
these
swords
;
and
were
not
(
under
pain
of
tempting
God
)
again
to
grow
altogether
careless
of
supplying
themselves
,
as
the
former
labourers
were
.
And
that
his
meaning
herein
was
prophetique
and
future
,
they
might
have
gathered
by
that
which
followed
,
saying
,
That
the
things
written
must
yet
(
or
first
)
be
accomplished
in
me
:
that
is
,
as
he
was
numbred
amongst
the
transgressors
,
having
had
an
end
concerning
him
,
then
should
the
power
and
eminence
of
his
Church
so
arise
by
degrees
,
that
through
the
glory
of
his
succeeding
deputed
Christs
(
which
exercised
their
dominion
in
his
name
)
the
rest
of
the
prophesie
should
be
made
good
unto
him
;
viz.
That
God
would
divide
him
a
portion
with
the
great
,
and
that
(
by
these
his
Deputies
swords
)
he
himself
should
divide
the
spoil
with
the
strong
;
that
is
,
when
he
shall
have
made
his
soul
an
offering
for
sin
,
he
shall
see
his
seed
(
meaning
more
especially
these
his
adopted
Sons
)
and
,
by
means
of
their
ministration
,
he
shall
prolong
his
days
;
that
is
,
in
exercise
of
temporal
Kingship
.
And
thereby
,
the
pleasure
of
the
Lord
,
concerning
the
Churches
temporal
salvation
and
glory
(
as
well
as
eternal
)
shall
prosper
in
his
hands
.
So
that
the
Apostles
mistake
in
the
forementioned
demand
,
was
in
the
time
and
season
of
Christs
more
majestick
appearance
in
the
exercise
of
Kingly
power
in
this
kingdom
of
the
Church
by
God
given
him
,
and
not
in
the
true
right
he
had
thereunto
.
Their
mistake
also
was
in
fixing
their
thoughts
too
strictly
on
the
Jewish
Nation
;
as
if
Israel
,
in
the
litteral
sense
,
and
not
the
whole
Church
had
been
the
Kingdom
to
be
thus
dignified
and
advanced
by
his
Government
.
These
mistakes
they
were
also
the
rather
led
into
,
in
regard
of
those
many
promises
made
in
particular
to
the
Jewish
Nation
;
and
also
,
for
that
those
promised
blessings
were
always
exemplified
under
the
person
of
David
,
whose
natural
son
they
knowing
our
Saviour
to
be
,
it
made
them
to
expect
he
should
thereupon
be
himself
the
executioner
and
undertaker
thereof
;
and
so
to
be
actually
seated
in
the
Throne
of
his
father
David
,
as
it
was
before
promised
to
the
blessed
Virgin
.
Yet
if
they
had
withal
considered
that
other
prediction
concerning
our
Saviour
made
to
Joseph
,
namely
,
that
he
should
save
his
people
from
their
sins
;
they
would
not
then
have
gone
about
to
make
the
execution
of
his
Office
of
temporal
Jesuship
,
precipitately
to
defeat
that
other
his
Office
of
saving
souls
.
But
our
Saviour
,
that
knew
best
his
appointed
time
and
manner
for
performance
of
these
offices
,
executed
first
the
higher
and
greater
work
in
his
own
person
,
and
leaves
the
other
to
be
brought
about
and
executed
by
Substitutes
anointed
under
him
:
He
upholding
all
things
by
the
word
of
his
power
,
when
he
had
by
himself
purged
our
sins
,
and
sate
down
at
the
right
hand
of
Majesty
on
high
.
In
which
regard
,
although
every
member
of
his
Church
were
equally
his
seed
,
and
equal
to
one
another
in
reference
to
that
Mediatorship
(
which
was
consummated
in
his
own
person
,
without
other
future
assistance
save
that
of
the
Holy
Ghost
)
yet
,
in
regard
of
the
Prophetick
and
Kingly
part
(
or
the
part
of
Instruction
and
Government
)
which
was
to
be
compleated
by
Humane
deputation
,
they
were
again
severally
dignified
and
differenced
one
from
another
;
and
so
might
be
unequally
esteemed
his
seed
,
as
they
stood
in
that
respect
nearer
in
relation
unto
him
,
for
the
perfecting
of
the
Saints
,
for
the
work
of
the
Ministery
,
for
the
edifying
of
●he
body
of
Christ
.
that
we
be
not
like
children
(
without
a
Father
)
carried
to
and
fro
of
every
wind
of
doctrine
,
by
the
sleight
of
men
,
and
cunning
craftiness
whereby
they
lie
in
wait
to
deceive
:
that
we
come
to
the
stature
of
the
fulness
of
Christ
.
So
that
the
glory
of
the
Church
(
this
Kingdom
of
God
given
unto
Christ
)
being
to
arise
by
these
means
and
degrees
,
it
is
the
reason
of
that
petition
of
Thy
kingdom
come
.
That
his
will
may
be
done
on
earth
,
as
it
is
in
heaven
.
For
although
before
it
,
Christs
Will
and
Law
(
for
the
matter
of
them
)
was
as
truly
(
if
not
more
)
performed
in
the
Apostles
time
,
and
by
the
primitive
Church
then
afterwards
;
no
otherwise
,
then
in
the
Jewish
Church
,
Gods
service
was
generally
more
unstained
before
Kings
then
afterwards
;
yet
,
as
amongst
them
,
the
accomplishment
of
Gods
aim
and
promise
of
having
a
place
to
put
his
name
in
,
was
made
the
object
of
their
desires
(
as
therewith
importing
their
own
promised
happiness
also
)
so
in
the
Christian
Church
you
may
find
reason
why
it
should
be
commanded
us
to
conform
our
desires
to
that
of
Gods
;
and
that
,
besides
the
matter
of
our
own
inward
devotions
and
charity
(
whereby
we
severally
and
privately
performed
his
will
)
we
should
desire
the
manner
of
performance
of
it
,
to
be
outwardly
glorious
and
uniform
also
:
that
it
may
answer
,
as
near
as
may
be
,
that
ready
service
which
Angels
do
in
heaven
.
For
if
we
hallow
and
glorifie
his
name
,
power
and
kingdom
on
earth
,
as
it
is
in
heaven
,
we
shall
(
no
doubt
)
then
best
do
his
will
in
earth
,
as
it
is
in
heaven
.
Whereupon
concluding
also
,
on
earth
as
it
is
in
heaven
(
because
we
have
no
need
,
nor
warrant
to
doubt
,
or
wish
the
doing
it
in
Heaven
)
it
is
farther
evident
,
that
the
petition
of
Kingdom
come
,
must
relate
to
the
Churches
future
prosperity
;
according
to
whose
splendor
and
greatness
,
God
himself
and
his
Kingdom
may
be
rightly
said
to
be
more
or
less
come
or
present
amongst
us
,
even
as
he
is
more
or
less
majestically
r●presented
,
in
the
eminence
of
that
officer
which
is
substituted
with
his
authority
.
And
therefore
,
we
being
to
ascribe
all
kingdom
,
power
,
and
glory
unto
him
(
without
wresting
from
him
the
right
of
his
everlasting
kingdom
amongst
men
)
we
may
explain
this
petition
of
Thy
kingdom
come
,
in
our
Gospel
precept
of
prayer
,
by
that
petition
of
the
Jewish
Churches
prosperity
,
included
in
their
injunction
,
To
pray
for
the
peace
of
Jerusalem
.
to
make
prayers
and
supplications
for
such
as
shall
be
chiefly
instrumental
therein
;
that
is
,
for
Kings
,
and
all
that
are
in
Authority
.
This
our
commanded
Petition
,
pointing
at
the
glory
and
encrease
of
the
Church
,
and
particularly
under
Kingship
,
may
also
well
be
understood
as
proportioned
and
answering
the
many
Gospel-Promises
made
to
that
purpose
;
and
those
particular
promises
also
,
heretofore
made
to
Abraham
,
and
other
the
Church
Fathers
and
Founders
;
namely
,
that
their
encrease
of
race
and
posterity
should
be
crowned
with
the
blessing
of
Kingship
also
,
as
we
have
formerly
noted
.
So
that
,
besides
the
expression
of
our
desire
that
Gods
honor
(
by
the
encrease
of
his
Power
and
Kingdom
amongst
men
)
may
be
advanced
,
(
which
we
are
always
to
seek
before
any
thing
that
concerns
our selves
)
this
Petition
for
the
encrease
of
the
Churches
power
,
was
inclusive
also
of
our
own
benefits
;
as
secretly
importing
a
request
for
the
abatement
and
diversion
of
those
grivous
persecutions
which
the
power
of
Heathenish
Authority
did
then
inflict
;
conform
to
that
natural
desire
of
our
Saviour
himself
(
so
often
repeated
)
Father
,
if
it
be
thy
will
,
let
this
cup
pass
from
me
.
From
which
persecutions
,
as
they
were
to
hope
release
answerable
to
those
many
Prophesies
formerly
made
of
the
Churches
prosperity
and
eminence
in
Power
,
so
were
they
to
pray
that
God
would
bring
it
to
pass
,
by
setting
the
mountain
of
the
Lords
house
,
on
the
top
of
every
mountain
,
and
above
every
him
;
that
is
,
by
advancing
Christs
Kingdom
and
Power
to
such
height
,
as
it
might
be
of
highest
eminence
amongst
men
.
By
which
means
(
notwithstanding
all
those
many
oppositions
made
in
the
beginning
by
Pagan
Kings
and
others
)
God
would
perform
his
promise
,
of
,
Yet
have
I
set
my
King
upon
my
holy
hill
;
The
power
of
the
Church
being
thus
to
be
seated
in
Christ
the
Heir
of
all
things
,
tempting
of
Christ
,
brings
in
the
example
where
the
Israelites
tempted
and
spake
against
Moses
:
as
may
appear
by
Moses
words
in
his
Expostulation
with
God
(
taking
their
complaints
as
aimed
at
himself
)
saying
,
Whence
should
I
have
flesh
to
give
unto
all
this
people
,
for
they
weep
unto
me
,
saying
,
give
us
f●esh
that
we
may
eat
:
Which
words
denote
to
us
,
that
he
being
anointed
by
God
as
the
chief
Magistrate
over
them
,
and
so
personating
that
power
of
judgement
and
Government
which
by
God
the
Father
should
be
committed
unto
Christ
the
Son
,
under
the
notion
of
Unction
,
the
tempting
of
him
is
stiled
the
tempting
of
Christ
;
and
that
more
especially
,
because
he
was
more
expresly
representing
him
in
that
office
of
kingship
that
had
most
of
his
unction
;
as
being
King
of
Israel
or
Jesurun
.
So
that
,
although
Christ
and
his
Gospel
appeared
to
the
Jews
as
under
a
cloud
,
yet
while
they
were
all
baptized
unto
Moses
(
Christs
Minister
)
in
the
cloud
,
and
in
the
sea
(
that
is
,
were
observant
and
obedient
unto
him
in
Christs
stead
)
they
did
all
eat
the
same
spiritual
meat
,
and
drink
the
same
spiritual
drink
;
for
they
drank
of
that
spiritual
rock
that
followed
them
,
and
that
rock
is
Christ
:
But
because
their
not
following
and
obeying
him
,
are
they
put
for
examples
and
admonitions
to
us
,
upon
whom
the
ends
of
the
world
are
come
;
that
we
should
not
murmure
against
Christ
chief
Minister
,
and
so
tempt
him
as
they
did
.
And
that
murmuring
against
Gods
Minister
,
is
by
God
reckoned
as
against
himself
,
farther
appears
,
in
that
it
is
said
,
All
the
Congregation
murmured
against
Moses
,
and
against
Aaron
:
And
in
the
11
Verse
,
God
says
,
How
long
will
this
people
provoke
me
,
&c.
And
in
the
29
Verse
,
How
long
shall
I
bear
with
this
evil
Congregation
,
which
murmure
against
me
:
I
have
heard
the
murmurings
of
the
children
of
Israel
which
they
murmure
against
me
.
So
that
now
,
all
Government
being
committed
unto
Christ
the
second
Person
in
the
Trinity
,
they
that
oppose
those
Anointed
Powers
that
act
under
him
as
Christi
,
are
to
be
deemed
opposers
of
him
as
the
Christ
,
even
as
those
former
opposers
of
Gods
Substitutes
were
called
murmurmurers
against
Cod
,
while
they
acted
under
the
Notion
of
Elohim
.
But
although
every
opposition
of
Christs
chief
Minister
in
Church-Authority
,
may
(
upon
former
reasons
)
be
esteemed
done
in
opposition
to
Christ
,
yet
shall
we
not
find
the
term
of
Antichristianism
set
down
til
after
our
Saviours
Ascension
.
For
until
he
had
revealed
himself
,
so
far
as
to
institute
and
authorise
Officers
under
him
,
and
they
again
to
hold
and
exercise
their
power
as
in
direct
acknowledgement
of
him
,
the
opposition
of
these
Officers
could
not
be
formally
that
crime
of
Antichristianism
,
which
we
may
call
the
Gospel
term
for
Rebellion
:
And
is
the
resistance
of
Christs
Kingly
power
,
excented
by
himself
or
his
chief
immediate
Officer
.
But
because
himself
was
little
seen
herein
,
as
never
partaking
of
the
visible
and
material
unction
,
the
Scripture
usually
makes
that
sin
to
be
the
rebellion
against
the
Christian
Monarch
,
by
any
inferior
person
or
order
of
men
.
For
although
the
opposition
in
the
primitive
times
made
against
this
flourishing
State
or
Kingdom
of
Christs
Church
(
set
down
in
the
Prophesie
of
the
Psalms
)
is
to
be
interpreted
against
Christ
,
(
where
it
is
demanded
,
Why
do
the
Heathen
rvge
,
and
the
people
imagine
a
vain
thing
,
the
Kings
of
the
earth
set
themselves
,
and
the
Rulers
take
counsel
together
against
the
Lord
,
and
against
his
anointed
;
saying
,
let
us
break
their
bands
in
sunder
,
and
cast
their
cords
from
us
)
yet
because
they
were
done
by
Heathens
,
and
such
as
acknowledged
not
God
the
Father
,
set
on
his
holy
hill
of
Sion
,
or
the
Church
)
and
that
many
of
these
Kings
had
made
their
acknowledgements
unto
God
and
him
;
of
kissing
the
Sonne
.
Whereupon
,
divers
of
the
Penmen
of
the
New
Testament
,
foreseeing
the
sundry
oppositions
of
this
deputed
power
,
do
call
the
person
so
doing
Antichrist
;
a
word
proper
for
such
as
oppose
persons
anointed
.
Which
as
in
the
first
place
is
due
to
the
Anointed
,
the
Christ
of
God
,
the
Lord
Christ
,
or
the
Messiah
,
being
anointed
with
the
oyl
of
gladness
above
his
fellows
:
So
next
to
Kings
,
who
(
as
heretofore
noted
)
are
only
stiled
Gods
Anointed
,
or
the
Lords
Anointed
;
and
so
by
derivation
of
power
from
God
,
obtain
with
Christ
a
kind
of
fellowship
.
And
thus
much
we
shall
find
plainly
discovered
unto
us
in
the
Parable
of
the
talents
;
where
Christs
trust
of
his
Kingdom
and
Power
here
committed
to
Deputies
(
during
his
absence
to
possess
another
Kingdom
)
is
set
down
upon
the
occasion
of
the
prejudice
of
such
as
thought
,
because
of
his
going
to
Jerusalem
hims●lf
,
that
therefore
the
Kingdom
of
God
should
presently
appear
;
that
is
,
be
forthwith
gloriously
managed
by
himself
:
He
therefore
says
,
a
certain
nobleman
went
into
a
far
Country
,
to
receive
for
himself
a
kingdom
,
and
to
return
;
and
he
called
his
ten
servants
,
and
delivered
them
ten
pounds
;
and
said
,
occupy
till
I
come
;
By
which
is
set
forth
that
trust
of
power
,
which
in
his
absence
should
be
committed
to
the
several
Heads
of
Churches
.
But
his
Citizens
hated
him
,
and
sent
a
message
after
him
,
saying
,
we
will
not
have
this
man
raign
over
us
.
Where
we
may
see
Antichrianism
stated
and
defined
;
that
is
,
when
such
as
are
members
of
Christs
Church
,
or
his
Citizens
,
do
so
far
express
their
hatred
unto
him
,
as
to
deny
his
deputed
Christs
to
Raign
,
or
have
power
over
them
.
And
therefore
,
after
he
hath
taken
the
accompt
of
his
Deputies
trusted
talents
,
he
then
comes
to
censure
these
Rebels
against
his
Vice-gerents
,
just
as
if
they
had
been
so
to
himself
,
saying
,
But
these
mine
enemies
which
would
not
that
I
should
raign
over
them
,
bring
them
hither
,
and
slay
them
before
me
.
And
that
this
sentence
was
directly
intended
to
such
as
refuse
this
his
power
in
his
Deputies
,
So
that
now
,
who
is
a
lyar
,
but
he
that
denyeth
that
Jesus
is
the
Christ
?
he
is
Antichrist
that
denieth
the
father
and
the
Son
.
And
that
this
mysterie
of
Antichristianism
is
the
denial
of
the
Father
and
the
Son
,
and
that
in
regard
of
power
to
be
exercised
by
persons
here
below
,
and
from
them
sent
and
empowered
,
may
be
notably
gathered
from
these
very
words
of
Mission
and
Delegation
,
which
Christ
always
used
at
the
empowering
of
any
from
him
,
using
stil
these
speeches
or
the
like
;
He
that
despiseth
you
,
despiseth
me
,
and
he
that
despiseth
me
,
despiseth
him
that
sent
me
.
In
which
,
there
being
always
mention
of
delegation
of
power
from
the
Father
and
the
Son
,
and
never
from
the
Holy
Ghost
,
it
comes
to
pass
that
Antichristianism
is
plainly
opposition
in
the
execution
of
such
power
as
is
from
God
the
Father
,
and
Christ
delegated
.
In
which
delegation
,
because
Christ
is
to
them
the
immediate
Donor
,
it
therefore
takes
the
name
of
Antichristianism
For
these
being
anointed
and
established
by
God
in
Christ
,
although
they
are
not
to
personate
Christ
in
having
dominion
over
ther
faith
(
as
being
the
object
thereof
)
yet
are
they
to
personate
Christ
in
claiming
their
obedience
in
all
things
;
and
so
forgive
also
,
as
in
the
person
of
Christ
,
lest
Satan
should
have
advantage
over
them
;
So
that
now
,
the
means
of
accomplishment
of
our
welfare
here
,
being
by
Christ
reckoned
as
his
service
(
under
the
notions
of
Love
and
Charity
)
and
our
obedience
to
him
therein
,
making
us
participants
with
him
of
what
he
meritoriously
did
in
obedience
to
God
,
in
performance
of
the
Moral
Law
for
us
,
it
follows
,
that
as
we
deny
the
Holy
Ghost
in
denial
of
Jesuship
,
so
also
God
the
Father
in
denial
of
his
Christ-ship
.
For
all
things
being
ours
through
Christ
;
and
as
through
him
that
was
both
God
and
man
,
all
mankind
came
to
be
capable
of
the
benefits
and
favor
of
the
Godhead
;
so
single
men
,
being
members
of
particular
Churches
,
through
obedience
to
particular
Christs
under
him
,
come
to
be
participant
of
Christ
also
;
and
of
those
benefits
promised
to
the
whole
Church
his
body
under
the
condition
of
obedience
.
Again
,
as
by
faith
we
lay
immediate
hold
on
him
the
second
Adam
,
for
forgiveness
of
original
sin
,
so
by
obedience
to
him
and
his
Church
,
we
attain
the
benefit
of
his
obedience
,
and
remission
of
actual
sins
.
In
the
first
way
,
by
our
particular
offerings
to
him
of
inward
faith
and
love
,
we
are
all
of
us
(
through
Christ
,
made
Kings
and
Priests
to
God
on
our
own
behalfs
;
in
the
second
way
,
we
(
as
members
of
particular
Churches
)
must
have
for
what
we
do
,
warrant
and
direction
on
from
other
Kings
and
Priests
,
having
therein
Authority
from
him
.
Nor
are
Kings
Supreme
Deputies
as
Christi
only
;
that
is
,
because
their
oyl
and
unction
is
ever
in
Scripture
distinguished
from
what
is
ordinary
,
but
they
are
also
his
most
immediate
and
eminent
Deputies
,
for
execution
and
accomplishment
of
his
Jesu-ship
:
(
I
mean
so
much
of
it
as
concerns
the
Churches
temporal
safety
)
which
was
part
of
that
work
which
(
as
King
)
Christ
was
to
do
;
as
appears
by
that
his
speech
,
The
son
of
man
came
not
to
destroy
mens
lives
,
but
to
save
them
.
the
son
of
man
)
himself
,
it
must
be
presumed
entrusted
to
those
;
who
to
that
purpose
,
are
so
often
in
Scripture
eminently
adorned
with
this
title
of
Saviour
.
The
Lord
is
our
king
,
he
will
save
us
:
so
likewise
is
Christ
called
A
Prince
and
Saviour
,
the
Saviour
of
the
body
that
is
,
of
his
whole
Church
,
by
his
deputed
Saviours
in
the
several
parts
thereof
.
But
most
remarkably
clear
to
this
purpose
,
and
also
to
shew
the
following
advancement
of
the
Church
by
these
Saviours
under
the
Saviour
,
and
that
this
Church
,
in
that
glorious
condition
,
is
that
which
is
to
be
called
Gods
Kingdom
,
is
that
last
verse
of
Obadiah
;
And
Saviours
shall
come
up
on
mount
Zion
,
to
judge
the
mount
of
Esau
;
and
the
kingdom
shall
be
the
Lords
:
For
the
Prophet
having
before
set
forth
the
Churches
enemies
and
oppressors
under
the
notion
of
Edom
,
doth
at
length
foretel
all
their
deliverance
and
glory
,
to
arise
by
the
means
of
these
Saviours
;
and
that
,
in
regard
of
this
more
eminent
and
glorious
condition
of
the
Church
at
that
time
then
before
,
it
shall
be
more
rema●kably
owned
by
God
as
his
Kingdom
:
And
the
kingdom
shall
be
the
Lords
.
And
so
,
being
his
and
Christs
by
means
of
these
Deputies
;
it
will
follow
,
that
they
that
oppose
them
,
oppose
Christ
,
and
so
are
Antichrists
.
But
to
know
these
things
the
better
,
and
the
persons
defined
,
we
will
more
particularly
take
notice
of
two
places
,
set
down
amongst
many
in
the
New
Testament
to
this
purpose
.
The
one
is
of
the
lesser
and
many
Antichrists
,
or
the
petty
insurrection
of
people
and
subjects
;
which
began
,
even
in
the
Apostles
time
,
towards
the
effecting
the
mysterie
of
iniquity
;
according
to
the
popular
vain
philosophy
of
the
Greeks
and
Romans
.
Yet
because
these
,
claiming
right
in
their
names
only
,
and
from
Philosophical
principles
,
did
come
far
short
of
the
mischiefs
and
contrivances
herein
wrought
by
the
Antichrist
(
called
therefore
the
man
of
sin
)
we
will
begin
with
his
particular
discription
first
.
He
opposeth
and
exalteth
himself
above
all
that
is
called
God
,
or
is
worshipped
;
that
is
,
sets
himself
above
Kings
and
Monarchs
;
so
that
he
,
as
God
,
sitteth
in
the
Temple
of
God
,
shewing
himself
that
he
is
God
;
that
is
,
under
pretence
of
being
God
of
the
Temple
,
or
whole
Church
,
he
hath
so
far
insinuated
,
under
colour
of
Gods
own
right
here
,
that
he
should
reign
over
orher
Gods
as
a
very
God
indeed
:
The
Preposition
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
signifying
aswel
pro
as
contra
;
or
,
such
an
one
as
may
seem
for
Christ
,
whilst
really
against
him
.
And
,
that
the
person
here
set
down
under
the
notion
of
God
,
should
intend
Christian
Monarchy
(
as
the
only
anointed
person
under
Christ
)
may
be
presumed
,
for
that
the
appellation
of
God
is
only
properly
applyed
to
the
Ruler
of
the
people
in
the
singular
number
;
denoting
there
can
be
but
one
God
in
each
Church
ruling
at
once
.
And
whensoever
we
shall
find
this
notion
of
God
applyed
to
any
other
,
as
to
the
High
Priest
,
Moses
,
Thou
shalt
not
revile
the
gods
,
nor
curse
the
ruler
of
thy
people
,
The
Priests
and
the
Levites
,
set
down
in
the
plural
number
also
:
whereas
,
The
Judge
that
shall
be
in
those
days
,
as
their
succeeding
Ruler
,
is
set
down
in
the
singular
number
.
In
this
sense
,
we
may
also
conceive
Moses
giving
the
name
of
Gods
to
present
ordinary
Judges
:
even
because
their
respect
might
not
be
more
called
into
question
then
the
others
.
By
that
means
,
putting
upon
the
more
uncomely
parts
the
more
abundant
honor
:
and
not
preposterously
preferring
ordinary
Judges
,
(
as
such
)
before
him
that
was
single
in
Authority
,
and
the
supreme
Ruler
of
the
people
.
So
that
Moses
(
having
for
honor-sake
)
,
given
this
appellation
of
Gods
to
those
that
were
at
that
time
indeed
so
,
(
because
they
had
their
power
immediately
from
him
,
and
had
none
but
him
above
them
)
,
he
could
not
without
tautology
,
have
after
put
the
name
of
God
in
the
place
of
Ruler
:
And
he
might
besides
,
by
placing
this
Ruler
(
or
King
)
last
,
have
the
like
respect
towards
his
singular
honor
above
them
,
as
David
gave
to
God
,
when
he
stiled
him
a
great
King
above
all
Gods
.
Upon
all
which
considerations
,
we
may
finde
reason
why
St.
Paul
(
as
before
noted
)
should
now
under
the
Gospel
,
apply
that
former
admonition
of
Moses
unto
the
Ruler
of
the
people
onely
:
as
knowing
,
that
there
is
but
one
now
in
each
place
that
is
to
have
this
appellation
.
Whose
opposition
,
as
it
was
no
doubt
foreseen
to
come
to
pass
by
Saint
Paul
,
so
he
saith
he
had
told
somewhat
of
it
to
these
Thessalonians
while
he
was
with
them
:
assuring
them
,
that
he
should
be
revealed
in
his
time
.
Farther
telling
them
,
the
mystery
of
iniquity
did
already
work
:
meaning
under
those
popular
claims
of
liberty
;
which
in
some
particulars
(
it
may
be
)
,
having
concern
in
some
places
and
persons
where
St.
Paul
had
to
do
,
made
him
forbare
to
put
it
into
writing
.
But
the
government
of
the
Roman
Emperor
,
did
yet
let
,
and
would
let
,
until
he
be
taken
out
of
the
away
:
that
is
,
until
that
Monarchy
be
overthrown
,
then
shall
that
wicked
one
be
revealed
:
that
is
,
shall
appear
rising
up
in
glory
in
his
place
:
and
shall
put
all
the
Arguments
of
the
many
Antichrists
into
method
,
adding
unto
them
more
of
his
own
.
In
which
course
he
shall
prevail
and
continue
,
he
shall
be
consumed
by
the
spirit
of
the
Lords
mouth
,
and
destroyed
by
the
brightness
of
his
coming
.
That
is
,
after
his
revelation
and
full
height
,
he
shall
consume
and
waste
by
evidence
of
Arguments
drawn
from
Scripture
,
and
other
illuminations
proceeding
from
the
spirit
of
truth
,
which
was
promised
from
the
Lords
own
mouth
,
to
be
sent
for
a
comfort
and
guide
to
his
Deputies
in
the
Church
;
and
shall
at
last
be
destroyed
by
that
eminence
of
Majesty
and
power
,
which
shall
be
manifest
when
the
great
King
himself
(
at
his
second
coming
)
shall
be
revealed
from
Heaven
with
his
mighty
Angels
(
in
flaming
fire
)
,
taking
vengeance
on
them
that
know
not
God
:
and
that
obey
not
the
Gospel
of
our
Lord
Jesus
Christ
.
That
is
,
when
such
Christians
as
will
not
obey
Christs
power
revealed
in
the
Gospel
,
shall
be
equally
punished
with
such
as
know
not
God
at
all
.
So
that
we
may
hence
probably
gather
,
that
this
grand
enemy
shall
not
quite
be
destroyed
till
the
last
day
:
that
honor
being
reserved
for
Christ
himself
;
although
we
finde
him
to
have
been
daily
declining
,
by
the
revelation
of
greater
truth
and
light
in
the
Church
.
And
that
Antichristianism
consists
in
breach
of
publike
Charity
,
or
in
the
opposition
and
overthrow
of
the
prosperity
of
the
Church
,
may
appear
farther
by
that
his
Character
the
son
of
perdition
.
For
God
having
appointed
,
the
glory
of
this
Church
to
arise
by
means
of
kingship
,
he
that
shall
hinder
this
will
prove
the
son
of
perdition
,
by
that
destruction
which
his
opposition
must
bring
.
This
increase
and
splendor
of
this
Christian
Church
,
to
succeed
in
place
of
the
former
,
is
(
under
the
Jewish
figure
)
notably
described
by
the
Prophet
Joel
.
Where
also
,
(
under
the
name
of
Iehoshaphat
,
(
or
the
Lord
will
judge
(
twice
repeated
)
,
the
kingdom
of
God
to
come
is
apparently
set
forth
as
to
follow
that
glorious
increase
of
the
Gentile
Church
,
which
these
his
mighty
ones
shal
bring
to
the
valley
of
Iehoshaphat
,
or
into
the
Church
.
Where
,
by
means
of
these
Saviors
,
God
will
sit
to
judge
all
the
heathen
round
about
it
:
that
is
,
all
those
that
remain
the
Churches
enemies
.
By
means
of
which
glorious
deliveries
,
it
follows
that
,
(
not
onely
Gods
power
and
terror
shall
light
on
the
rest
of
the
world
,
but
)
the
Church
it self
should
know
him
to
be
the
Lord
their
God
,
dwelling
in
Sion
his
holy
mountain
.
At
which
time
also
,
God
will
more
particularly
own
his
Church
;
then
shall
Ierusalem
be
holy
,
and
there
shall
no
strangers
pass
thorow
her
any
more
:
the
sons
of
violence
shall
not
oppress
her
as
in
former
times
.
For
in
that
day
the
mountains
(
or
kingdoms
of
the
Church
)
shall
drop
down
with
new
wine
:
and
the
hills
shall
flow
with
milk
:
and
all
the
rivers
of
Iudah
shall
flow
with
waters
:
and
a
fountain
shall
come
forth
of
the
house
of
the
Lord
,
and
shall
water
the
valley
of
Shittim
.
Under
which
expressions
,
the
abundance
of
instruction
and
learning
is
also
comprised
:
when
,
on
the
other
side
,
the
Churches
enemie●
,
Egypt
and
Edom
shall
be
desolations
and
wildernesses
,
but
Iudah
shall
dwell
for
ever
,
and
Ierusalem
from
generation
to
generation
.
a
spirit
of
judgement
,
and
are
to
be
Christs
Ministers
and
instruments
in
bringing
on
and
preserving
this
prosperity
of
his
Church
and
kingdom
)
,
do
oppose
Christ
;
and
so
are
Antichrists
.
Saint
Pauls
next
description
whereby
we
are
to
note
him
,
is
,
that
his
coming
and
working
,
shall
be
after
the
coming
and
working
of
Satan
:
with
all
power
,
and
signes
,
and
lying
wonders
:
even
as
at
this
day
,
miracles
are
pretended
by
him
and
his
,
for
confirming
his
Authority
.
This
thing
is
also
further
evidenced
,
by
their
prevailing
in
their
deceiveableness
of
unrighteousness
in
those
that
perish
.
Because
that
in
this
mystery
of
iniquity
,
unrighteousness
prevailed
by
its
deceivableness
:
that
is
,
not
as
unrighteousness
,
but
as
having
put
on
a
form
of
godliness
,
he
deceived
those
that
perish
under
pretence
of
zeal
.
because
they
received
not
the
love
of
the
truth
:
that
is
,
received
not
the
truth
in
love
,
but
wresting
it
through
their
temptations
to
Pride
,
Ambition
,
Revenge
,
&c.
they
made
it
the
instrument
(
in
this
Antichristian
hierarchy
)
,
to
their
own
and
others
destructions
;
through
breach
of
Publike
Charity
,
and
through
placing
their
Christian
obedience
on
a
pretended
,
and
not
on
the
true
Deputy
of
Christ
.
that
is
,
that
they
should
believe
that
to
be
Gods
Truth
and
Service
which
was
not
:
might
be
damned
who
believed
not
the
truth
but
had
pleasure
in
unrighteousness
.
That
is
,
because
they
preferred
those
pleasures
arising
by
the
unrighteous
courses
of
opposing
Christs
Regency
,
therefore
are
they
said
not
to
have
loved
or
believed
the
truth
.
But
Saint
Paul
gives
thanks
for
the
Thessalonians
,
that
through
sanctification
of
the
spirit
,
and
belief
of
the
truth
and
his
Gospel
,
they
had
been
so
established
in
a
way
of
salvation
,
as
to
be
freed
thereof
:
exhorting
them
to
stand
fast
in
the
Traditions
they
had
been
taught
,
whether
by
word
or
Epistle
.
And
that
we
may
know
the
purport
of
these
Traditions
,
(
here
mentioned
)
and
that
it
may
appear
that
matter
of
manners
and
external
behavior
were
but
traditionally
delivered
upon
occasion
,
and
not
to
be
of
universal
precept
to
all
Churches
as
positively
divine
,
he
tells
us
their
sum
in
the
sixth
verse
of
the
next
Chapter
.
Now
we
command
you
brethren
in
the
name
of
our
Lord
Iesus
Christ
,
that
you
withdraw
your selves
from
every
brother
that
walketh
disorderly
;
and
not
after
the
tradition
which
he
received
af
us
.
God
had
called
them
by
his
Gospel
,
(
or
by
means
of
his
instruction
and
begetting
them
as
a
Father
)
unto
sanctification
of
spirit
and
belief
of
the
truth
;
so
was
it
necessary
that
obedience
and
observance
of
his
Traditions
,
should
be
used
as
a
means
to
continue
,
and
manifest
this
sanctification
and
truth
in
them
:
and
so
make
them
of
the
number
of
those
that
obey
,
as
well
as
believe
the
Gospel
.
For
as
we
are
to
conceive
,
that
this
phrase
,
our
Gospel
,
was
not
to
propose
to
them
another
Gospel
then
that
of
Christ
,
But
,
more
especially
to
our
present
purpose
,
we
may
learn
by
Saint
Pauls
setting
down
the
Gospel
of
Christ
in
this
place
as
his
,
and
by
making
their
obedience
and
belief
thereof
as
the
cause
of
their
avoidance
of
Antichristianism
,
These
and
other
signes
,
have
been
heretofore
brought
by
many
to
evince
the
Pope
to
be
the
Antichrist
:
for
indeed
,
in
him
and
in
his
See
,
have
all
the
other
Antichrists
hitherto
centred
and
confined
their
opinions
:
they
being
but
petty
ones
to
him
.
But
most
of
these
interpreters
,
having
the
discovery
of
his
erroneous
Tenents
in
Religion
onely
in
their
eye
,
did
bring
in
these
civil
usurpations
but
as
proofs
to
that
,
by
the
by
:
as
though
,
because
the
Pope
offered
to
joyn
Merits
,
Free-will
,
&c.
in
the
work
of
salvation
,
he
had
therefore
been
Antichrist
,
and
not
rather
an
Anti-Jesus
then
an
Anti-Christus
.
Not
well
marking
,
how
these
and
other
his
Doctrines
of
Purgatory
,
Infallibility
,
Indulgencies
,
&c.
were
not
for
themselves
;
but
,
as
a
necessary
train
,
did
wait
upon
the
advancement
of
him
in
his
Antichristian
humor
of
setting
himself
above
all
that
is
called
God
.
Being
useful
(
as
experience
hath
told
us
)
for
recovering
money
and
strength
,
towards
the
seating
and
possessing
himself
of
that
his
usurped
power
,
as
well
as
this
his
power
should
,
and
did
prevail
to
the
same
end
also
;
namely
overthrow
of
Kings
:
and
that
under
all
those
fair
pretences
of
Reformation
,
Liberty
,
Law
,
Justice
,
&c.
which
the
Aristocracies
,
Democracies
,
and
the
lesser
Antichrists
had
made
in
their
rebellious
contrivances
.
True
it
is
,
that
corruption
of
manners
,
or
the
deceivableness
of
unrighteousness
,
as
well
as
Heresie
of
Doctrine
,
or
belief
of
a
lye
,
do
follow
(
as
a
necessary
train
)
,
this
sin
of
insubjection
to
Christs
Authority
:
and
so
make
the
Antichrist
deservedly
to
be
stiled
the
man
of
sin
,
and
son
of
perdition
.
And
this
may
be
the
reason
,
why
the
name
of
Antichrist
is
not
by
Saint
Paul
given
to
this
great
one
:
even
because
he
should
appear
in
the
latter
age
of
the
world
;
wherein
the
consequences
of
heresie
and
corruption
of
manners
,
should
be
more
notorious
in
him
then
was
(
their
first
main
cause
)
the
sin
of
stubbornness
and
rebellion
:
which
by
that
time
,
should
(
through
possession
and
blinde
devotion
)
,
have
gained
to
it self
a
shew
of
right
.
It
faring
no
otherwise
(
in
this
respect
)
,
with
the
application
of
this
Gospel
term
of
Rebellion
,
then
it
formerly
did
(
under
the
Law
)
with
that
other
proper
name
of
Rebels
,
viz.
sons
of
Belial
.
For
as
that
,
(
in
after
times
)
came
,
(
from
the
experience
of
that
concomitant
degree
of
lewdness
&
vileness
which
always
attended
disobedient
and
ungovernable
persons
)
,
to
be
applyed
to
persons
notoriously
wicked
,
as
well
as
to
such
as
were
formally
Rebels
;
even
so
,
in
this
latter
age
,
it
is
no
wonder
if
the
notion
of
Antichristianism
be
otherwise
used
also
,
then
in
the
strict
sense
of
insubjection
.
Like
as
the
vertue
and
grace
of
obedience
,
(
upon
a
contrary
reason
)
is
in
usual
speech
made
comprehensive
of
all
,
or
any
other
commendation
;
unto
that
person
unto
whom
it
is
given
.
And
that
he
was
called
Antichrist
in
opposition
to
Unction
and
Monarchical
Government
,
may
undeniably
appear
by
that
which
hindred
him
from
taking
upon
him
publikely
this
power
:
namely
,
the
Roman
Emperor
.
For
had
his
Antichristianism
consisted
in
such
Doctrines
as
had
concerned
Christian
Faith
onely
,
why
should
the
Emperor
be
at
that
time
a
let
therein
;
liking
them
one
no
better
then
another
?
But
because
the
Apostle
saw
such
Doctrines
set
on
foot
,
as
would
overthrow
Christs
Regency
in
his
Deputies
afterwards
,
he
calls
it
the
mystery
of
iniquity
already
working
;
and
concludes
the
onely
let
to
keep
it
from
being
actually
in
the
person
of
the
Antichrist
,
was
the
Emperors
present
possession
.
And
this
was
the
reason
why
the
actual
Session
of
the
Pope
in
this
Authority
,
is
called
Antichrist
revealed
:
even
as
the
broaching
of
the
Doctrines
tending
thereto
,
was
called
the
mystery
of
iniquity
,
or
Antichrist
working
:
aim
,
and
possession
of
jurisdiction
,
making
him
properly
Antichrist
in
both
;
and
not
Heresie
in
Doctrine
.
Having
thus
far
shewed
,
in
brief
,
how
Antichristianism
consists
in
opposing
Christ
,
that
is
,
in
regard
of
his
Regency
;
it
must
farther
follow
,
that
since
this
opposition
cannot
be
to
him
now
in
Heaven
,
otherwise
then
as
done
against
such
as
are
anointed
under
him
here
,
(
which
are
to
act
in
his
name
and
Authority
)
,
that
thereupon
Antichristianism
is
to
oppose
Christian
Monarchs
:
who
onely
now
are
anointed
as
proper
immediate
Officers
under
him
:
and
who
are
holding
their
Office
in
the
Christian
Church
,
according
to
prophetick
designation
of
what
should
befal
her
in
her
flourishing
condition
:
namely
,
have
sons
whom
she
should
set
as
Princes
in
all
Lands
.
And
this
farther
appears
,
according
to
that
model
of
the
Christian
Church
in
the
eight
last
Chapters
of
Ezekiel
:
where
the
Priesthood
also
being
designed
,
the
chief
of
them
is
put
under
such
a
Name
and
Notion
as
may
minde
them
continually
of
their
duty
of
loyalty
and
submission
to
Princes
:
since
from
a
King
,
their
predecessor
Zadock
was
first
preferred
to
that
Office
as
heretofore
noted
.
And
to
take
off
Presbyterial
parity
from
this
Antichristian
hope
of
Regency
;
Ezekiel
in
the
34
Chapter
,
(
reproving
and
setting
forth
the
mischiefs
arising
from
their
Anarchical
rule
)
,
prophesies
that
God
will
set
up
one
shepherd
over
them
,
and
he
shall
feed
them
;
even
his
servant
David
:
Which
as
it
was
to
be
understood
first
in
Christ
himself
,
We
shall
finde
this
future
condition
of
Monarchy
prophesied
plainly
by
Jeremy
,
to
accompany
also
the
flourishing
estate
of
the
Church
:
saying
,
their
Nobles
shall
be
of
themselves
,
and
their
Governor
should
proceed
from
the
midst
of
them
:
that
is
,
shall
be
my
servants
also
.
And
I
will
cause
him
to
draw
neer
,
and
he
shall
approach
unto
me
:
that
is
,
as
I
have
the
hearts
of
Kings
in
my
power
,
so
will
I
guide
his
:
for
who
is
this
(
or
who
else
is
this
)
that
engaged
his
heart
to
approach
unto
me
saith
the
Lord
.
Where
,
Governor
,
He
,
and
His
,
to
be
set
down
in
the
singular
number
,
we
may
infer
Monarchy
to
be
meant
.
And
then
follows
Gods
more
remarkable
owning
his
Church
,
when
his
Kingdom
shall
be
thus
come
amongst
us
:
and
ye
shall
be
my
people
,
and
I
will
be
your
God
.
The
like
we
may
observe
done
largely
by
Isaiah
in
the
49
Chapter
;
both
to
express
the
increase
,
and
flourishing
estate
of
Christs
Church
,
to
arise
and
recover
by
degrees
from
its
former
distress
,
and
also
that
this
should
come
to
pass
in
the
time
of
Christs
adopted
sons
,
and
through
that
glorious
addition
of
kingship
following
the
Gentile
Princes
entertainment
of
the
Gospel
,
and
acknowledgement
of
their
fealties
unto
him
.
The
Children
which
thou
shalt
have
after
thou
hast
lost
the
other
,
shall
say
again
in
thine
ears
,
the
place
is
too
straight
for
me
,
give
place
to
me
that
I
may
dwell
.
Then
shalt
thou
say
in
thine
heart
,
who
hath
begotten
me
these
,
seeing
I
have
lost
my
Children
and
am
desolate
:
a
captive
,
and
removing
to
and
fro
:
and
who
hath
brought
up
these
?
Behold
I
was
left
alone
,
these
where
had
they
been
?
Thus
saith
the
Lord
God
,
Behold
I
will
lift
up
mine
hand
to
the
Gentiles
,
and
set
up
my
Standard
to
the
people
:
and
they
shall
bring
thy
sons
in
their
arms
,
and
thy
daughters
shall
be
carryed
upon
their
shoulders
.
And
Kings
shall
be
thy
nursing
Fathers
,
and
their
Queens
thy
nursing
mothers
,
they
shall
bow
down
to
thee
with
their
face
towards
the
earth
,
and
lick
up
the
dust
of
thy
feet
:
and
thou
shalt
know
that
I
am
the
Lord
,
for
they
shall
not
be
ashamed
that
wait
for
me
.
The
like
we
shall
finde
in
the
60
Chapter
:
the
Gentiles
shall
come
to
thy
light
,
and
Kings
to
the
brightness
of
thy
rising
.
And
again
,
the
sons
of
strangers
shall
build
up
thy
walls
:
and
Kings
shall
minister
unto
thee
.
For
in
my
wrath
I
smote
thee
,
but
in
my
favor
have
I
had
mercy
on
thee
.
Therefore
shall
thy
gates
be
open
continually
,
they
shall
not
be
shut
day
nor
night
,
that
men
may
bring
unto
thee
the
wealth
of
the
Gentiles
:
and
that
their
Kings
may
be
brought
,
&c.
Which
,
and
many
more
places
,
neither
form
nor
comliness
:
and
(
as
to
these
things
)
,
was
despised
and
rejected
of
men
:
a
man
of
sorrows
,
and
acquainted
with
grief
:
and
we
hid
as
it
were
our
faces
from
him
,
and
we
esteemed
him
not
:
performing
onely
in
himself
(
as
after
followeth
)
the
work
of
Jesuship
,
and
so
healing
his
Church
by
his
wounds
and
stripes
.
And
therefore
,
as
we
are
to
interpret
those
many
promises
of
prosperity
,
(
made
to
the
Church
in
general
under
a
Jewish
figure
)
,
to
be
accomplished
in
the
prosperity
of
the
Christian
Church
;
so
must
also
many
of
those
other
Promises
,
made
of
the
Churches
Kings
in
the
name
of
David
and
Solomon
,
be
interpreted
of
Christian
Kings
:
Else
we
shall
not
know
how
to
make
good
those
sure
mercies
of
David
:
for
ever
in
his
seed
:
and
that
his
mercy
should
not
depart
from
him
,
as
it
did
from
Saul
,
who
was
taken
away
from
before
him
.
The
same
again
repeated
1
Chron.
17.13
.
promising
,
that
as
his
Temple
should
be
built
by
Solomon
,
(
who
was
a
Type
of
Christian
Kings
as
David
was
of
Christ
)
so
God
says
,
I
will
not
take
my
mercy
from
him
,
as
I
took
it
from
him
that
was
before
thee
:
but
I
will
settle
him
in
mine
house
,
and
in
my
kingdom
for
ever
:
and
his
Throne
shall
be
estaalished
for
ever
.
And
David
himself
did
so
understand
it
also
:
and
therefore
said
,
Now
O
Lord
let
the
thing
that
thou
hast
spoken
concernig
thy
servant
,
and
concerning
his
house
be
established
for
ever
:
and
do
as
thou
hast
said
.
And
so
he
proceeds
with
a
reason
for
establishment
of
that
Government
:
Let
it
even
be
established
,
that
thy
name
may
be
magnified
for
ever
:
saying
the
Lord
of
hosts
is
the
God
of
Israel
,
even
a
God
to
Israel
:
and
let
the
house
of
thy
servant
be
established
before
thee
.
For
thou
O
Lord
God
hast
told
thy
servant
,
that
thou
wilt
build
him
a
house
:
that
is
,
supply
it
by
adopted
Children
:
for
so
the
word
,
wilt
build
,
must
import
beyond
Solomon
already
born
.
Therefore
,
understanding
and
interpreting
,
the
conditonal
promises
made
to
Solomon
and
David
,
to
extend
and
have
been
fulfilled
in
their
own
personal
loyns
according
to
Nature
,
and
these
by
default
on
their
part
to
be
cut
off
;
and
understanding
again
,
that
succession
of
perpetuity
and
the
glorious
Promises
of
the
Church
,
to
be
made
good
in
Solomons
typified
sons
(
the
Christian
Monarchs
)
,
these
seeming
contradictions
may
be
easily
reconciled
;
as
having
been
both
made
good
.
And
it
is
observable
(
by
the
way
)
,
that
the
expressions
used
verse
the
14.
shew
that
the
kingdom
of
God
here
is
the
Kings
,
(
as
before
shewed
in
the
Petition
Thy
Kingdom
come
)
,
and
that
again
the
Kingship
of
Kings
is
Gods
:
for
so
the
words
run
,
I
will
settle
him
in
mine
house
,
and
my
Kingdom
for
ever
:
and
his
Throne
shall
be
established
for
evermore
:
that
Gods
will
may
be
done
in
earth
as
it
is
in
Heaven
.
But
since
(
for
the
far
greater
part
of
the
time
past
,
)
we
cannot
find
as
aforesaid
these
Promises
fulfilled
to
the
natural
or
direct
seed
of
Solomon
or
David
in
the
kingdoms
of
Israel
or
Judah
,
we
cannot
without
great
partiality
and
prejudice
but
conceive
that
they
must
(
typically
)
be
accomplished
in
Christian
Kings
:
in
like
manner
,
as
we
are
to
understand
,
that
the
many
Promises
of
Judah
and
Israel
,
and
the
Jewish
Church
and
Temples
happiness
and
perpetuity
,
are
to
be
made
good
in
the
Christian
Church
:
answerable
to
that
prophetical
description
of
the
Christian
Church
(
under
the
Jewish
figure
)
made
by
David
himself
:
viz.
For
there
are
set
Thrones
of
Iudgement
,
the
Thrones
of
the
house
of
David
.
Where
the
names
of
Thrones
,
being
twice
set
in
the
plural
number
,
must
signifie
succession
of
Kingship
:
which
coming
to
Christ
as
naturally
Davids
son
,
and
to
Kings
as
Christs
adopted
sons
,
it
follows
that
the
opposers
of
them
,
do
oppose
Christ
;
and
so
are
Antichrists
.
And
without
the
like
interpretation
,
and
taking
in
the
adopted
Christian
Kings
,
(
as
with
Christ
typified
in
Solomon
Psal.
72
)
,
it
will
be
hard
to
be
understood
,
how
many
of
those
Prophesies
of
prosperity
and
outward
greatness
here
and
in
other
Prophesies
given
to
Christ
,
can
personally
be
made
good
in
him
:
considering
that
mean
condition
Christ
himself
lived
in
amongst
us
;
where
he
was
so
far
from
expressing
,
or
exercising
any
thing
like
the
Throne
,
or
judgement
of
a
King
or
Kings
son
,
that
he
had
not
whereon
to
lay
his
head
.
But
there
can
be
no
more
better
Commentator
of
the
meaning
of
these
Promises
then
David
himself
:
who
in
his
last
words
cleerly
explains
to
us
,
the
spirit
of
the
Lord
spake
by
me
,
and
his
word
was
in
my
tongue
.
Afterwards
we
shall
finde
,
that
that
perfection
of
the
Ruler
he
speaks
of
,
belongs
to
his
typified
son
Christ
,
and
not
to
himself
:
because
it
speaks
of
a
perfection
,
and
an
extent
of
Dominion
,
which
he
in
his
own
person
was
not
capable
of
.
He
that
ruleth
over
men
,
or
is
appointed
Ruler
over
mankinde
,
(
which
David
nor
his
natural
race
as
Kings
of
the
Jews
could
not
claim
to
be
)
,
must
be
just
:
ruling
in
the
fear
of
God
.
And
he
shall
be
as
the
light
of
the
morning
,
when
the
sun
ariseth
:
even
a
morning
without
clouds
:
as
the
tender
grass
springing
out
of
the
earth
,
by
cleer
shining
after
rain
.
All
which
are
expressions
of
excellence
which
David
could
not
personally
essume
:
although
my
house
be
not
so
with
God
,
yet
he
hath
made
me
an
everlasting
Covenant
,
ordered
in
all
things
and
sure
:
for
this
is
all
my
salvatin
,
and
all
my
desire
,
although
he
make
it
not
to
grow
:
That
is
,
rule
over
men
in
the
fear
of
God
:
and
,
by
vertue
of
their
derived
power
,
be
as
the
light
of
the
morning
,
even
as
a
morning
without
clouds
when
the
Sun
ariseth
:
or
after
this
Son
of
Righteousness
is
arisen
:
and
be
as
the
tender
grass
springing
out
of
the
earth
,
by
cleer
shineing
after
rain
:
that
is
,
that
cleer
shining
light
of
Justice
from
him
imparted
,
shall
in
them
spring
up
like
tender
grass
,
in
their
earthly
administrations
.
And
then
he
foretels
the
state
of
Antichristianism
to
follow
,
and
that
under
the
Jewish
notion
of
insubjection
and
Rebellion
,
viz.
Sons
of
Belial
,
(
or
men
without
yoak
)
:
but
the
sons
of
Belial
,
shall
be
all
of
them
as
thorns
thrust
away
,
because
they
cannot
be
taken
with
hands
:
That
is
,
because
they
cannot
be
kept
under
by
Laws
,
thrust
away
.
But
the
man
that
shall
touch
them
,
must
be
fenced
with
Iron
,
and
the
staffe
of
a
spear
.
That
is
,
as
he
that
will
meddle
with
cutting
down
of
Thorns
,
must
have
his
person
defended
against
their
pricking
as
it
were
with
Iron
,
and
also
must
have
a
staffe
or
fork
to
manage
them
with
,
and
not
his
bare
hands
,
so
,
prudence
must
direct
Christian
Princes
,
to
have
in
readiness
Davids
Chelethites
and
Pelethites
,
and
the
assistance
of
their
Militia
,
(
typified
under
Iron
and
a
spear
)
,
and
then
they
shall
be
utterly
burnt
with
fire
in
the
same
place
:
That
Christ
and
the
Christian
Kings
were
in
these
Promises
meant
,
appears
yet
more
fully
by
that
Promise
which
God
makes
of
the
prosperity
of
his
people
at
the
same
time
;
which
could
not
have
likelihood
of
accomplishment
in
the
Jews
.
Moreover
I
will
appoint
a
place
for
my
people
Israel
,
and
will
place
them
that
they
may
dwell
in
a
place
of
their
own
,
and
move
no
more
:
neither
shall
the
Children
of
wickedness
afflict
them
any
more
,
as
before
time
.
Which
Promise
was
not
made
good
to
the
Israelites
,
whom
the
Assyrian
and
other
Nations
did
so
many
times
afflict
,
and
whom
the
Romans
did
utterly
subdue
and
remove
;
but
was
made
good
after
the
time
of
Christian
Kingship
:
in
that
this
Christian
Church
was
ever
more
glorious
and
strong
,
then
to
be
oppressed
by
her
enemies
.
And
so
David
himself
farther
instructs
us
:
acknowledging
these
things
spoken
of
his
house
for
a
great
while
to
come
.
In
this
fore-recited
Prophesie
,
and
those
whereto
it
alludes
,
it
is
farther
observable
;
that
,
as
it
,
is
the
first
that
speaks
particularly
and
largely
of
the
perpetuity
and
glory
of
the
Church
,
so
doth
it
also
of
the
kingship
that
should
be
therein
:
coupling
them
so
together
,
as
to
make
it
apparent
,
that
,
as
the
glory
of
a
Church
and
Nation
doth
arise
by
Gods
vouchsafeing
to
own
them
,
and
by
having
a
place
amongst
them
,
so
this
owning
them
,
and
this
place
,
is
still
accompanyed
with
the
Promise
of
kingship
:
nay
made
subsequent
thereunto
.
For
so
we
finde
,
that
while
Moses
is
directing
the
people
to
go
with
their
hard
controversies
(
or
appeals
,
)
from
the
ordinary
Judges
unto
the
Iudge
that
shall
be
in
those
days
,
(
meaning
that
future
Government
of
kings
,
he
appoints
them
to
go
up
unto
the
place
which
the
Lord
their
God
should
choose
.
All
which
,
as
it
appears
in
the
examples
of
David
and
Solomon
,
so
doth
the
words
of
Solomon
cleerly
manifest
it
:
shewing
,
That
God
chose
no
City
out
of
all
Israel
to
build
an
house
for
his
name
,
before
he
chose
David
to
be
over
his
people
.
to
raise
up
to
him
a
son
,
that
should
come
forth
of
his
loyns
,
and
that
he
should
build
this
house
to
his
Name
.
Which
son
of
his
we
cannot
think
otherwise
of
,
then
as
having
his
kingdom
purposely
made
glorious
and
established
,
it
was
not
a
work
which
God
required
to
be
done
by
any
of
the
former
Iudges
:
but
the
height
and
glory
belonging
to
each
Church
and
Nation
,
And
,
by
having
this
future
regard
to
things
,
we
may
finde
those
Gospel
promises
of
restitution
or
reward
,
(
which
could
not
in
kinde
be
made
good
to
the
Primitive
persecuted
Church
and
the
oppressed
Christians
therein
)
,
to
be
made
good
to
the
Catholike
Church
,
and
the
generality
of
Christians
under
the
protection
of
Christian
Kings
since
.
Namely
,
that
,
in
comparison
of
those
former
losses
,
the
Church
hath
since
been
rewarded
,
(
both
in
respect
of
increase
of
possession
,
and
degree
of
continuance
)
,
with
an
hundred
fold
,
now
in
this
time
of
houses
,
and
brethren
,
and
sisters
,
and
mothers
,
and
children
,
and
lands
,
&c.
Whereupon
,
we
may
make
the
whole
issue
and
interpretation
of
this
forementioned
.
Promise
to
be
,
that
Christ
(
typified
in
David
)
,
is
represented
as
desirous
out
of
his
zeal
to
Gods
house
,
to
be
as
active
and
forward
as
he
can
for
advancing
of
Gods
own
glory
;
and
also
for
the
promotion
of
his
Churches
happiness
;
represented
under
the
figure
of
the
Jewish
Temple
.
But
because
he
(
in
regard
of
those
Victories
he
was
to
make
over
sin
and
death
)
was
in
his
own
person
disabled
to
perform
it
,
(
even
as
David
was
for
the
wars
which
were
about
him
on
every
side
,
until
the
Lord
had
put
them
under
the
soles
of
his
feet
)
,
therefore
is
he
,
by
God
the
Father
Promised
(
in
the
person
of
David
)
,
When
thy
days
shall
be
fulfilled
,
and
thou
shalt
sleep
with
thy
fathers
,
(
that
is
,
when
thou
shalt
have
accomplished
the
days
of
thy
flesh
,
and
by
being
seated
at
the
right
hand
of
thy
Father
,
shalt
have
thy
foes
made
thy
footstool
)
,
then
shall
God
make
good
the
word
he
had
spoken
concerning
him
and
his
house
,
to
establish
it
for
ever
.
That
is
,
in
accomplishing
the
glory
of
the
Church
under
his
adopted
sons
,
(
the
Christian
Emperors
and
Monarchs
)
;
as
the
glory
of
the
Jewish
Church
and
Temple
,
was
setled
under
Solomon
,
and
not
under
David
.
By
which
words
for
ever
,
we
are
also
to
understand
Christian
kingship
to
be
promised
to
last
till
the
worlds
end
,
notwithstanding
all
opposition
:
as
we
may
finde
them
typified
under
Solomon
the
Kings
son
,
in
the
seventy
second
Psalm
:
where
the
flourishing
estate
and
increase
of
the
Church
,
is
foretold
to
continue
to
the
glory
of
Christs
name
,
by
reason
of
these
that
held
their
Crowns
of
him
.
His
Name
shall
endure
for
ever
:
his
Name
shall
be
continued
as
long
as
the
Sun
:
and
men
shall
be
blessed
in
him
:
all
Nations
shall
call
him
blessed
.
That
is
,
each
Christian
Monarch
(
from
him
anointed
)
,
shall
be
as
a
Son
to
continue
his
Fathers
Name
for
ever
:
meaning
so
long
as
the
Sun
and
Moon
shall
endure
.
For
if
this
Psalm
had
intended
,
the
setting
forth
of
the
continuance
of
Christs
own
Name
,
as
the
second
person
in
the
Trinity
,
and
not
in
relation
to
his
Office
of
Christ
or
King
,
(
to
be
accomplished
by
Christian
Kingship
,
Kings
of
Tarshish
and
of
the
Isles
,
that
shall
bring
him
presents
)
,
then
this
limitation
of
earthly
time
had
not
been
so
proper
,
as
now
,
if
it
had
not
foretold
of
something
,
wherein
(
more
remarkably
)
the
whole
earth
should
be
filled
with
his
glory
:
that
is
,
their
several
Mountains
and
little
hills
in
his
stead
)
be
judging
the
poor
of
the
people
,
save
the
Children
of
the
needy
,
and
break
in
pieces
the
Oppressor
:
whereby
,
the
rod
of
his
power
out
of
Sion
being
generally
manifest
,
men
shall
fear
him
so
long
as
the
Sun
and
Moon
endure
:
And
again
,
those
acts
of
protection
here
set
down
,
are
the
proper
Offices
of
Kings
or
Gods
on
earth
:
as
appears
by
the
like
duties
,
appointed
for
them
to
do
in
the
82
Psalm
:
defend
the
poor
and
fatherless
,
do
justice
to
the
afflicted
and
needy
,
deliver
the
poor
and
needy
,
rid
them
out
of
the
hand
of
the
wicked
.
All
(
in
effect
)
declaring
,
that
God
being
unto
them
a
spirit
of
judgement
,
and
putting
a
divine
sentence
in
the
lips
of
the
Christian
Kings
(
as
Solomon
did
prophesie
)
,
they
should
now
by
their
due
and
diligent
execution
of
their
Offices
,
bring
all
these
things
to
pass
:
and
so
make
righteousness
and
peace
to
kiss
each
other
.
Wherefore
now
the
glory
and
prosperity
of
the
Church
,
(
Gods
house
and
kingdom
,
)
being
thus
promised
under
the
blessing
of
kingship
,
we
are
to
esteem
them
Antichrists
or
sons
of
Belial
(
most
especially
)
,
that
do
oppose
Kings
.
And
by
those
words
of
David
,
the
man
that
toucheth
them
must
be
fenced
with
iron
,
and
the
staffe
of
a
spear
;
we
may
understand
this
opposition
chiefly
predicted
to
happen
from
within
her self
;
when
the
Church
shall
have
arisen
to
that
strength
to
be
thus
fortified
.
That
is
,
when
Christs
succeeding
deputies
(
as
he
foretold
to
his
Apostles
)
,
should
have
taking
to
themselves
both
Purses
and
Swords
:
and
so
(
under
Kingship
)
make
use
of
those
Swords
,
and
that
Mammon
:
at
which
time
,
although
forraign
force
should
harm
the
Church
no
more
,
yet
sons
of
Belial
should
.
And
into
the
onely
hands
of
these
deputies
of
Christ
any
may
observe
them
put
,
that
shall
mark
this
speech
at
both
times
particularly
directed
to
his
then
Deputies
,
the
Apostles
;
and
shall
farther
observe
,
how
these
things
could
be
accomplished
by
those
persons
that
were
not
to
fight
;
but
(
in
their
prosecutions
)
,
to
flye
from
one
City
to
anothher
.
Who
were
,
for
attaining
their
Kingdom
,
that
is
,
in
attaining
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
,
to
sell
what
they
had
and
give
Almes
:
Treasure
in
Heaven
that
faileth
not
.
Therefore
in
their
case
of
more
immediate
divine
protection
,
they
could
not
serve
God
and
Mammon
;
but
were
to
take
no
thought
for
their
life
,
&c.
But
now
,
because
we
have
before
spoken
of
that
prediction
of
the
swords
,
we
shall
here
speak
something
more
of
the
other
.
And
he
said
to
his
Desciples
,
There
was
a
certain
rich
man
which
had
a
Steward
,
and
I
say
unto
you
make
unto
your selves
friends
of
the
Mammon
of
unrighteousness
,
that
when
ye
fail
,
they
may
receive
you
into
everlasting
habitations
.
stould
fail
.
At
which
time
,
for
the
preservation
of
publick
Peace
and
Good
,
it
might
be
commendable
and
lawful
for
the
latter
more
glorious
deputies
to
support
their
dignities
,
by
keeping
back
part
of
those
revenues
which
were
in
the
hands
of
their
subjects
;
since
the
propriety
of
the
whole
was
undeniably
in
that
their
great
Lord
and
Master
,
whose
steward
he
was
.
And
as
for
the
everlasting
habitations
,
it
is
to
be
meant
that
the
Church
and
her
future
Heads
,
should
by
Gods
assistance
relieve
themselves
this
way
unto
the
end
of
the
world
;
as
in
the
words
For
ever
(
formerly
spoken
of
)
hath
been
noted
.
That
Parable
where
God
suffers
himself
to
be
put
under
the
notion
of
an
unjust
Judge
,
will
farther
clear
to
us
that
the
meaning
was
to
foreshew
that
alteration
;
and
not
the
whole
withdrawing
of
trust
and
protection
,
as
through
abuse
.
For
there
it
is
noted
,
how
God
in
his
recess
should
seem
not
to
hear
,
because
not
so
apparently
and
presently
,
avenging
and
protecting
as
formerly
;
insomuch
,
as
infidelity
should
generally
infect
the
earth
at
Christs
coming
.
And
to
shew
that
this
alteration
was
not
substraction
of
trust
of
Stewardship
,
it
is
after
added
,
that
the
future
Stewards
fidelity
in
their
trust
of
this
Mammon
,
shall
make
them
as
acceptable
as
those
that
were
formerly
trusted
with
goods
of
more
Divine
Nature
:
He
that
is
faithful
in
that
which
is
least
,
is
faithful
also
●n
much
.
So
that
now
,
the
glory
and
protection
of
Christs
Church
,
being
conjoyned
with
,
and
made
subsistent
by
that
of
its
Head
,
and
the
glory
of
protection
of
its
Head
,
being
now
to
be
maintained
also
by
these
helps
of
swords
and
mammon
;
it
follows
,
that
as
any
do
go
about
to
bereave
them
of
these
trusts
(
by
God
and
Christ
put
into
their
hands
for
the
good
of
the
Church
)
they
do
also
thereby
rise
against
the
Church
,
and
oppose
Christ
himself
;
and
so
are
Antichrists
.
And
if
we
look
to
experience
for
proof
of
these
Prophesies
,
there
is
nothing
more
plain
,
then
that
as
Christian
kingship
did
increase
in
glory
or
number
,
so
did
the
Church
(
Christs
kingdom
)
increase
also
;
and
that
again
,
as
those
Nursiing
Fathers
of
the
Church
,
were
(
through
the
insurrections
and
oppositions
of
those
many
,
or
the
Antichrist
)
eclipsed
or
lessened
,
so
did
heresies
encrease
,
and
the
truth
decay
.
Our
own
present
senses
being
able
to
witness
,
that
where
this
unity
is
lost
,
in
the
person
that
should
represent
Christ
in
the
administration
of
power
,
there
also
is
unity
of
Doctrine
lost
,
and
schism
is
also
brought
into
the
Church
,
as
well
as
confusion
into
the
State
.
The
which
needs
the
less
to
be
wondered
at
in
us
,
on
whom
the
ends
of
the
earth
are
come
,
if
we
consider
what
befel
the
Jews
themselves
,
when
there
was
no
King
in
Israel
.
For
although
they
had
the
oracles
of
God
committed
unto
them
(
that
is
,
they
had
not
only
more
aboundance
of
divine
precepts
,
Micahs
Idols
tells
us
,
how
subject
each
one
is
at
such
times
to
fraim
to
themselves
(
not
only
new
forms
of
Worship
,
but
)
new
gods
of
their
own
devising
and
setting
up
.
Which
by
little
and
little
,
may
come
to
be
taken
up
and
countenanced
by
their
divided
authority
,
as
that
was
by
the
Danites
,
All
which
(
well
considered
)
may
instruct
us
of
the
reason
of
our
Saviours
dark
answer
(
to
such
as
had
no
minde
to
believe
him
therein
,
when
he
saith
,
My
kingdom
is
not
of
this
world
.
This
was
true
first
,
in
that
this
worlds
kingdom
(
being
not
to
be
compared
to
his
Kingdom
in
heaven
with
his
Father
)
did
not
(
therefore
)
deserve
comparatively
to
be
called
his
,
King
of
the
Jews
,
and
he
beholding
his
present
mean
condition
(
so
unlike
that
of
a
King
)
it
made
him
scornfully
ask
,
Art
thou
a
King
then
?
aswel
as
afterwards
,
King
of
Kings
.
Whereupon
he
also
saith
,
The
Father
judgeth
no
man
,
but
hath
committed
all
judgement
to
the
Son
.
And
he
is
so
far
from
renouncing
his
true
being
a
King
,
I
am
a
King
;
and
that
the
testification
of
this
truth
(
meaning
his
right
in
this
Office
)
was
the
cause
of
his
coming
into
the
world
;
adding
,
that
every
one
that
is
of
the
truth
,
heareth
his
voyce
;
So
that
we
are
to
interpret
this
denial
of
our
Saviours
Kingship
,
to
be
upon
the
same
reason
at
this
time
done
,
as
he
had
formerly
charged
his
Disciples
,
that
they
should
tell
no
man
that
he
was
Jesus
the
Christ
.
For
although
he
had
wrought
all
those
miracles
to
evince
so
much
,
not
to
cast
pearls
before
swine
;
that
is
,
he
would
have
them
to
be
wary
,
in
declaring
his
Divinity
before
unbelieving
Jews
,
as
himself
was
now
reserved
in
publishing
his
Kingship
before
a
scornful
Roman
;
lest
he
being
so
straitly
bound
to
another
Master
,
might
be
but
the
more
moved
thereupon
,
to
turn
upon
him
with
reproach
.
And
therefore
they
that
think
that
Christ
did
deny
his
true
Kingly
Right
and
Office
,
by
that
answer
,
Thou
sayest
it
;
may
also
,
by
the
same
rule
say
,
that
at
the
same
time
he
did
also
deny
himself
to
be
Christ
the
Son
of
the
living
God
;
Thou
hast
said
it
.
But
in
this
place
(
being
newly
spoken
before
the
other
)
he
may
be
conceived
to
have
made
answer
enough
for
both
;
and
so
to
adjoyn
that
time
of
fuller
manifestation
of
his
external
regency
and
glory
,
which
was
the
occasion
of
their
demand
;
namely
,
at
that
time
when
he
,
Son
of
man
shall
be
sitting
at
the
right
hand
of
the
power
of
God
.
By
which
means
his
Deputies
shall
be
endued
with
power
of
earthly
dominion
;
and
at
that
time
also
when
he
shall
make
his
own
personal
appearance
in
the
clouds
of
Heaven
,
to
judge
all
men
at
the
last
day
.
And
that
he
had
openly
acknowledged
this
truth
himself
before
,
Pilate
,
Write
not
the
King
of
the
Jews
,
but
that
he
said
,
I
am
king
of
the
Jews
.
So
that
now
,
unto
the
deniers
or
opposers
of
this
truth
of
his
Kingship
(
by
obejection
of
any
other
truth
)
we
may
make
demand
,
with
Pilate
,
What
is
truth
?
Unto
which
I
suppose
they
can
make
no
answer
,
but
by
proposing
to
us
some
wilde
fancies
and
collections
of
their
own
.
For
whilst
they
would
make
the
known
duty
of
Charity
,
producing
real
good
by
peace
,
be
interrupted
by
some
of
their
speculative
duties
which
cause
division
,
and
all
under
pretence
of
preferring
truth
to
peace
,
they
would
have
us
leave
that
good
which
evidence
of
sense
and
experience
tells
us
to
be
so
,
in
hope
to
enjoy
some
contemplative
good
(
by
them
called
truth
)
which
we
cannot
apprehend
.
But
we
conceive
,
that
when
Christ
,
the
Way
,
the
Truth
,
and
the
Life
,
the
kingdom
of
God
and
its
righteousness
(
that
is
,
his
Church
,
the
pillar
and
ground
of
truth
,
then
,
to
study
to
be
quiet
,
to
seek
peace
and
ensue
it
,
are
by
the
God
of
peace
,
called
unto
peace
.
And
therefore
,
although
the
Prophet
Zachery
(
speaking
of
the
restauration
of
the
Jews
,
and
their
receipt
of
the
Gospel
)
would
have
them
seek
peace
after
truth
;
that
is
,
prefer
that
truth
before
all
worldly
blessings
;
yet
,
where
this
truth
is
once
received
,
there
peace
is
to
be
preferred
to
lesser
truths
;
according
to
good
Hezekiahs
saying
(
now
settled
and
confirmed
in
Gods
Worship
)
Peace
and
truth
shall
be
in
my
days
.
The
like
was
promised
to
the
Jews
in
their
restauration
,
or
rather
to
the
Gentile
Church
,
abundance
of
peace
and
truth
.
And
to
doth
holy
David
also
,
put
mercy
before
it
in
his
blessing
to
Ittai
,
saying
,
Mercy
and
truth
be
with
thee
.
Nay
,
of
such
advantage
to
the
preservation
of
truth
it self
and
of
sanctify
of
life
this
grace
is
,
that
we
shall
find
it
put
first
,
as
the
way
to
that
,
Follow
peace
with
all
men
,
and
holiness
,
without
which
no
man
shall
see
the
Lord
:
looking
diligently
,
lest
any
man
should
fail
of
the
grace
of
God
.
That
is
,
lest
failing
of
the
usual
concommitant
and
conveyer
of
grace
,
ye
should
,
Lest
any
bitterness
springing
up
trouble
you
,
and
thereby
may
be
defiled
.
Where
malice
,
hatred
,
&c.
(
the
attendants
on
war
)
being
also
set
down
under
the
name
of
bitterness
,
Peace
with
all
men
:
And
again
,
to
let
them
see
it
is
wrought
by
patience
chiefly
,
it
follows
the
large
commendations
thereof
set
down
in
the
twelfth
to
the
Hebrews
.
However
(
to
make
answer
to
some
that
would
have
us
endanger
both
peace
and
truth
,
by
putting
the
name
of
truth
always
in
,
to
prevent
peace
)
we
have
made
instances
of
Peace
,
being
put
before
truth
,
and
also
before
Holiness
;
yet
the
truth
hereof
is
,
they
are
so
coincident
and
depending
one
upon
another
,
Righteousness
and
Peace
have
kissed
each
other
:
They
do
become
inseparable
in
themselves
,
and
are
so
inseparably
our
duties
to
follow
and
practise
,
that
we
can
never
truly
do
the
one
,
whilst
we
are
not
highly
regardful
of
the
other
also
;
and
must
then
be
guilty
,
when
we
prefer
(
as
some
do
)
a
very
uncertain
discovery
of
truth
,
to
a
certain
loss
of
peace
,
and
so
(
under
colour
of
new
Gospel-light
)
lose
the
benefits
of
the
Gospel
of
Peace
,
and
make
it
cease
to
be
an
Evangel
or
glad
tidings
.
And
if
men
would
consider
what
hath
been
hitherto
spoken
,
concerning
Gods
owning
the
Seat
and
Throne
of
Christian
judgement
now
settled
amongst
us
;
and
so
being
(
according
to
his
promise
)
A
spirit
of
judgement
to
him
that
sitteth
in
judgement
,
they
might
thereby
perceive
,
how
(
amongst
other
things
of
salvation
and
glory
which
should
come
to
the
Church
)
that
mercy
and
truth
are
met
together
,
and
that
righteousness
and
peace
(
as
aforesaid
)
have
kissed
each
other
:
So
that
now
,
truth
shall
spring
out
of
the
earth
(
as
from
this
earthly
Throne
of
judgement
)
by
means
of
righteousness
that
shall
look
down
from
heaven
;
to
the
King
(
Christ
himself
)
and
his
righteousness
(
or
justice
)
to
the
Kings
Son
(
Christs
adopted
sons
of
oyl
)
that
so
,
Mercy
and
truth
,
and
of
righteousness
and
peace
,
they
may
be
enabled
to
judge
Gods
people
with
righteousness
,
and
his
poor
with
judgement
.
And
having
thus
far
spoken
of
the
Antichrist
,
according
to
S.
Pauls
description
;
we
will
again
re-assume
,
and
speak
farther
of
the
many
Antichrists
,
mentioned
by
S.
John
.
Although
S.
Paul
gives
the
liveliest
discovery
of
the
one
;
and
S.
John
only
names
the
other
,
yet
are
they
both
of
them
(
as
Ring-leaders
in
the
breach
of
Charity
and
publike
Peace
)
the
subject
and
occasion
of
many
Precepts
in
holy
Writ
;
the
admonitions
and
examples
that
way
given
,
taking
up
a
very
considerable
part
thereof
;
and
being
(
for
the
greatest
part
)
the
object
and
aim
of
what
our
Saviour
either
did
or
suffered
.
For
as
this
general
good
or
charity
,
consisted
in
,
or
at
least
had
dependance
upon
,
the
reciprocal
duties
of
commanding
and
obeying
,
so
are
we
from
him
furnished
with
Precepts
and
Examples
of
both
kinds
:
To
this
end
he
rides
to
the
Temple
,
and
there
,
by
exercising
his
authority
over
the
Temple
,
(
the
type
of
the
Christian
Church
)
as
a
King
,
he
leaves
example
and
authority
for
the
higher
powers
to
demand
subjection
;
not
only
for
wrath
,
but
also
for
conscience
sake
,
and
that
either
to
Kings
as
Supreme
,
or
to
others
as
sent
of
him
.
To
this
end
again
(
as
being
the
harder
duty
)
he
not
only
sets
down
those
many
Precepts
of
Humility
,
but
in
his
own
Person
becomes
the
patern
(
to
all
admiration
)
of
Patience
and
Long-suffering
:
We
being
to
learn
of
him
to
be
lowly
and
meek
,
to
take
up
our
cross
and
follow
him
.
That
the
formal
cause
of
Antichristianism
is
insubjection
to
Christian
Headship
,
S.
John
makes
plain
,
saying
of
the
many
Antichrists
of
his
time
,
they
went
out
from
us
,
but
they
were
not
of
us
;
for
if
they
had
been
of
us
,
they
would
have
continued
with
us
:
but
they
went
out
that
they
might
be
made
manifest
that
they
were
not
all
of
us
:
that
is
,
they
were
like
such
as
receive
seed
amongst
thorns
,
Go
forth
and
are
choaked
with
cares
,
and
riches
,
and
pleasures
of
this
life
;
and
so
minding
division
and
separation
,
they
do
(
for
their
sakes
)
overthrow
Charity
,
and
bring
not
fruit
to
perfection
.
But
nothing
can
,
to
my
thinking
,
be
a
clearer
evidence
,
that
this
sin
of
Antichristianism
is
the
same
with
Rebellion
of
one
or
more
Church
members
against
their
Christian
Head
,
then
to
consider
that
we
shall
never
find
this
phrase
of
Antichrist
set
down
by
any
in
the
plain
terms
,
but
by
S.
Iohn
,
the
only
person
whom
we
shall
plainly
and
expresly
read
of
,
to
be
in
that
sort
opposed
and
disturbed
.
For
although
S.
Paul
by
his
Corinthians
,
and
others
,
puffed
up
against
him
,
(
who
had
raigned
as
kings
without
him
)
might
be
induced
(
through
the
sense
of
the
mysterie
of
iniquity
already
working
)
to
speak
so
largely
of
the
Antichrist
to
come
,
in
not
receiving
or
submitting
unto
him
,
and
as
loving
that
pre-eminence
,
which
was
only
due
to
the
other
,
And
not
being
content
therewith
,
that
is
,
with
his
own
departure
,
doth
neither
himself
receive
,
or
take
into
his
care
and
protection
,
the
brethren
,
such
members
as
have
no
head
:
and
so
doth
not
make
his
preeminence
,
lawful
,
as
over
a
charge
of
his
own
,
but
forbiddeth
them
that
would
;
that
is
,
such
as
would
come
to
S.
Iohn
,
and
casteth
them
out
of
the
Church
,
or
takes
upon
him
to
excommunicate
,
This
fault
he
warns
his
beloved
Gaius
against
,
under
the
general
notion
of
evil
:
as
though
it
might
be
called
the
evil
,
as
being
the
occasion
of
so
much
evil
.
By
which
evil
we
may
know
he
means
Antichristianism
,
by
saying
,
he
that
doth
it
,
hath
not
seen
God
;
that
is
,
hath
not
God
,
or
the
fear
of
God
,
by
not
having
or
receiving
us
,
and
the
doctrine
of
Christ
,
namely
,
that
Christ
is
come
or
present
in
the
flesh
:
And
so
denying
the
Son
,
he
hath
not
the
Father
,
because
he
and
his
Father
are
one
:
for
whosoever
transgresseth
,
and
abideth
not
in
the
doctrine
of
Christ
,
hath
not
God
,
&c.
It
is
farther
highly
observable
,
towards
the
clearing
Antichristianism
to
consist
in
the
breach
of
Charity
or
Love
(
even
by
defeating
the
fruit
thereof
through
disobedience
)
that
these
two
fore-alledged
Writers
,
that
do
most
speak
of
this
crime
in
direct
terms
,
are
themselves
the
most
plentiful
of
any
,
in
pressing
and
commending
this
duty
of
Charity
or
Love
,
The
latter
of
them
(
Saint
Iohn
the
beloved
Disciple
)
making
it
the
chief
argument
of
his
whole
Epistles
;
and
is
(
by
occasion
hereof
)
found
to
be
more
often
stating
and
discoursing
of
Antichrist
then
the
other
.
Who
yet
,
by
reason
of
his
more
frequent
conversation
amongst
the
Gentiles
,
and
those
subjected
unto
the
Roman
Emperor
,
had
occasion
most
to
speak
of
,
and
discover
that
great
man
of
sin
(
the
Antichrist
)
that
should
hereafter
(
in
the
Churches
splendor
)
axalt
himself
above
her
glorious
heads
,
called
gods
,
even
as
S.
John
again
(
being
more
confined
in
his
charge
)
had
more
occasion
to
speak
of
those
lesser
Antichrists
,
that
(
for
the
present
)
opposed
himself
and
his
fellow
Heads
;
whom
,
by
reason
of
their
smaller
eminence
in
power
,
he
writes
unto
under
the
notion
of
little
children
,
as
shall
be
shewed
anon
.
But
although
we
have
not
in
S.
Jude
the
name
of
Antichrist
,
yet
almost
his
whole
Epistle
sets
forth
his
description
,
and
particularly
by
that
mark
of
separation
;
wherein
he
doth
also
refer
back
to
these
and
like
former
admonitions
herein
given
from
the
Apostles
:
Remember
(
saith
he
)
the
words
that
were
spoken
before
,
by
the
Apostles
of
our
Lord
Iesus
Christ
,
how
that
they
told
you
there
should
be
mockers
in
the
last
time
,
who
should
walk
after
their
own
ungodly
lusts
:
these
be
they
that
separate
themselves
sensual
,
having
not
the
spirit
.
Where
(
by
the
note
of
Separaters
to
come
in
the
last
time
)
we
may
well
account
his
Mockers
to
be
S.
Johns
Antichrists
.
And
farther
(
to
make
the
same
mockers
to
be
like
,
and
coming
on
to
S.
Pauls
Antichrist
)
he
saith
,
These
filthy
dreamers
defile
the
flesh
,
despise
dominion
,
and
speak
evil
of
dignities
(
the
which
is
like
unto
seating
themselves
as
gods
,
above
all
that
is
called
God
:
)
Yet
Michael
thi
Arch-angel
,
saith
he
,
when
contending
with
the
Devil
,
disputed
about
the
body
of
Moses
,
durst
not
bring
against
him
a
railing
accusation
,
but
said
,
the
Lord
rebuke
thee
.
And
if
the
Devil
himself
(
in
so
clear
a
case
)
must
not
be
reviled
,
but
left
to
God
;
what
pretences
can
subjects
have
to
justifie
themselves
by
,
that
will
strike
Princes
for
equity
,
unless
they
can
prove
them
worse
then
he
?
By
the
expression
of
defilers
of
the
fl●sh
,
he
comes
plainly
home
to
S.
Iohns
d●niers
of
Christ
come
in
the
flesh
,
and
so
he
makes
it
plain
he
means
the
same
Antichrists
that
this
his
brother
Apostle
had
told
should
come
into
the
world
,
and
were
already
entred
.
For
how
else
should
we
conceive
that
defiling
of
the
flesh
,
should
be
thus
put
properly
to
accompany
dispising
dominion
,
dignity
,
&c.
if
it
were
not
,
that
,
through
Christs
manifestation
in
power
in
these
our
Masters
of
the
flesh
,
our
dispising
them
,
came
to
be
dispising
of
him
.
The
which
their
Antichristian
humour
of
dispising
dominion
,
is
also
hinted
to
grow
from
the
same
root
of
insubjection
we
formerly
noted
in
Isaiah
:
that
is
,
as
men
would
be
there
tasting
the
strong
drink
of
Morality
,
and
Divine
Precept
upon
Precept
,
they
should
in
the
end
be
found
of
no
farther
assurance
,
then
such
as
dream
of
meat
,
and
behold
he
is
empty
,
&c.
So
these
,
that
(
through
temptations
of
fleshly
Pride
and
Lust
,
should
despise
Dominion
,
in
hope
to
gain
thereby
power
to
act
without
control
,
should
be
found
silthy
dreamers
also
.
And
as
lust
and
concupiscence
is
the
usual
parent
of
stubborness
and
rebellion
;
so
is
that
a
parent
to
these
again
;
as
heretofore
noted
in
the
mysterie
of
iniquity
.
And
to
euince
so
much
,
and
clear
these
places
or
S.
Iude
to
intend
the
crime
of
Antichristianism
,
he
,
in
his
first
description
of
these
defilers
of
the
flesh
,
makes
it
the
same
with
S.
Iohns
other
description
of
Antichrist
,
which
we
shall
speak
of
anon
;
where
they
are
noted
to
have
been
such
people
as
did
profess
the
same
faith
with
others
,
and
that
were
not
manifested
to
be
against
Christ
,
but
by
deserting
Apostolical
Communion
or
Authority
.
the
common
salvation
,
and
desiring
Christians
to
conttnd
for
faith
once
delivered
to
the
Saints
(
that
is
,
the
faith
that
is
accompanied
with
patience
,
certain
men
are
crept
in
unawares
;
that
is
,
they
are
such
as
professing
the
same
common
salvation
(
or
the
same
Jesus
)
do
thereupon
creep
into
our
Communion
unespied
.
Although
their
Antichristian
departure
or
separation
,
be
not
here
set
down
as
by
S.
Iohn
,
yet
,
because
we
cannot
think
them
blamable
for
being
of
their
Communion
,
it
is
to
be
necessarily
supposed
as
the
cause
,
for
which
,
these
ungodly
men
were
of
old
ordained
to
this
condemnation
;
and
then
the
reason
of
their
Antichristianism
is
plainly
set
down
,
Turning
the
grace
of
God
into
lasciviousness
;
that
is
,
using
Christian
liberty
as
a
cloak
to
maliciousness
;
they
shall
proceed
to
the
fact
of
Antichristianism
,
denying
the
only
Lord
God
,
and
our
Lord
Iesus
Christ
;
he
is
Antichrist
that
denieth
the
father
and
the
son
.
By
the
title
of
Lord
,
added
to
God
and
Christ
,
we
may
also
gather
that
their
denyal
of
them
was
in
regard
of
power
.
And
the
two
instances
following
,
of
the
stubborn
Jews
,
and
revolting
Angels
,
do
farther
manifest
that
Christian
insubjection
,
was
the
fault
which
S.
Jude
did
here
forewarn
and
reprove
.
And
the
disobeent
Angels
being
set
out
to
us
,
as
such
as
kept
not
their
first
estate
,
but
left
their
habitation
,
he
gives
us
a
farther
paralel
of
S.
Iohns
Antichrists
,
they
went
out
from
us
;
that
is
,
they
left
that
first
estate
,
or
habitation
they
had
under
Christs
Government
,
as
Angels
left
that
they
had
under
God
.
Then
S.
Iude
proceeds
:
But
these
(
despisers
of
Authorities
)
speak
evil
of
those
things
which
they
know
not
;
that
is
,
they
know
not
,
or
at
least
will
not
consider
,
what
is
the
end
or
good
of
humane
society
,
and
how
the
same
is
preserved
by
subjection
and
obedience
;
but
what
they
know
naturally
(
as
bruit
beasts
)
in
those
things
they
corrupt
themselves
.
Wo
unto
them
,
for
they
have
gone
in
the
way
of
Cain
,
and
run
greedily
after
the
error
of
Baalim
for
reward
;
and
perished
in
the
gain
saying
of
Core
.
Baalim
.
These
are
spots
in
your
feasts
of
Charity
when
they
feed
with
you
;
that
is
,
they
are
such
as
would
overthrow
Charity
,
by
overthrowing
Government
,
and
serving
their
own
ends
,
and
feeding
themselves
without
fear
thereof
.
Clouds
they
are
without
water
,
carried
about
of
winds
;
that
is
,
all
their
pretensions
of
publike
good
,
consists
in
popular
oratory
;
whose
fruit
withereth
,
twice
dead
,
plucked
up
by
the
roots
;
being
spiritually
,
or
civilly
rotten
,
or
dead
members
,
they
are
sit
only
,
as
thorns
,
for
the
fire
and
destruction
.
By
raging
waves
of
the
sea
,
foaming
out
their
own
shame
:
we
may
understand
popular
insurrections
,
which
are
but
to
their
own
shame
;
and
by
wandring
stars
we
may
conceive
their
gidd●
leaders
;
for
whose
unrepented
sin
,
is
reserved
the
blackness
of
darkness
for
ever
;
when
,
Enochs
prophesie
,
the
lord
shall
come
with
ten
thousand
and
of
his
Saints
,
to
execute
judgement
upon
all
,
&
to
convince
all
that
are
ungodly
among
them
,
of
all
their
ungodly
deeds
,
which
they
have
ungodly
committed
;
that
is
,
of
all
things
done
in
disobedience
to
Gods
commands
,
and
of
all
their
hard
speeches
,
which
ungodly
sinners
,
or
sinners
not
fearing
God
,
have
spoken
against
him
;
that
is
,
For
these
mockers
,
or
Antichrists
,
are
murmurers
,
complainers
,
walking
after
their
own
lusts
:
and
their
mouth
speaketh
great
swelling
words
;
having
mens
persons
in
admiration
because
of
andvantage
.
The
like
description
of
these
Antichrists
hath
St.
Peter
:
but
he
is
something
more
express
in
setting
forth
the
way
of
their
prevalence
amongst
us
:
namely
,
through
promises
of
Liberty
,
and
such
things
as
are
taking
with
flesh
and
blood
.
And
this
again
they
do
,
as
under
colour
of
moral
equity
or
legal
right
.
for
(
saith
he
)
when
they
speak
great
swelling
words
of
vanity
(
as
of
the
peoples
paramount
power
,
and
Authority
)
they
allure
through
the
lusts
of
the
flesh
,
through
much
wantonness
,
(
that
is
,
through
temptations
thereby
to
enjoy
our
lusts
and
wanton
appetites
)
those
that
were
clean
escaped
from
them
,
who
live
in
error
;
while
they
promise
them
liberty
,
they
themselves
are
the
servants
of
corruption
.
for
of
whom
a
man
is
overcome
,
of
the
same
he
is
brought
in
bondage
.
For
if
after
they
have
escaped
the
pollutions
of
this
world
,
through
the
knowledge
of
our
Lord
and
Saviour
Jesus
Christ
,
that
is
,
Pride
and
Lust
(
which
causeth
pollution
)
,
through
the
Gospel
of
love
,
they
are
again
entangled
therein
and
overcome
,
the
latter
end
is
worse
with
them
then
the
beginning
.
For
it
had
been
better
for
them
not
to
have
known
the
way
of
righteousness
,
then
after
they
have
known
it
,
to
turn
from
the
holy
commandment
delivered
unto
them
:
these
things
I
command
you
,
that
ye
love
one
another
.
Saint
Paul
also
warns
Timothy
,
how
that
in
the
latter
times
some
should
depart
from
the
Faith
,
giving
heed
to
seducing
spirits
and
Doctrines
of
Devils
:
that
is
,
Angel
of
light
,
and
that
these
shall
thereupon
speak
lies
in
hypocrisie
,
or
deceive
others
under
shew
of
Religion
.
Being
men
so
wilfully
set
to
entangle
and
ensnare
the
Conscienres
of
others
,
and
lead
them
to
the
ways
of
destruction
,
as
if
their
own
Consciences
were
seared
with
hot
irons
:
even
by
prohibiting
as
unlawful
,
But
more
particularly
he
afterwards
sets
down
the
nature
and
practises
of
these
men
,
that
by
their
unsociable
dispositions
shall
make
perilous
times
in
the
last
days
,
when
he
calls
them
lovers
of
their
own
selves
,
covetous
,
boasters
proud
,
blasphemers
,
disobedient
to
parents
,
unthankful
,
unholy
,
without
natural
affection
,
truce-breakers
,
false
accusers
,
incontinent
,
fierce
,
despisers
of
those
that
are
good
,
traitors
,
heady
,
high
minded
,
lovers
of
pleasures
more
then
lovers
of
God
.
putting
on
a
form
of
godliness
and
denying
the
power
thereof
in
their
lives
and
actions
:
even
whilst
they
are
truely
found
lovers
of
themselves
and
their
own
pleasures
more
then
God
,
by
their
covetousness
and
pride
,
being
lead
to
blaspheme
and
dishonor
his
name
amongst
men
by
their
daily
disobedience
to
their
Christian
Parents
and
superiors
:
and
thereupon
also
to
be
unthankful
and
unholy
in
their
lives
.
And
while
they
stand
partially
affected
to
one
another
under
the
notion
of
more
spiritual
brotherhood
they
come
to
forget
all
natural
ties
and
relations
;
to
the
breach
of
all
Truce
and
Commerce
;
and
also
by
being
make-bates
,
incontinent
,
and
fierce
in
their
despightful
usage
and
censure
of
such
as
be
good
and
peaceable
,
they
shew
themselves
to
be
Traitors
,
heady
,
high-minded
,
&c.
But
when
they
are
set
down
for
such
as
creep
into
houses
(
plainly
shewing
their
love
to
Conventicles
and
private
Meetings
)
,
and
there
leading
captive
silly
women
laden
with
sins
,
that
is
,
such
weak
dispositions
as
are
by
them
frighted
with
their
Sermons
of
damnation
,
and
also
such
as
are
led
away
with
divers
lusts
,
or
listening
after
novelty
of
Doctrine
,
such
as
are
ever
learning
and
never
able
to
come
to
the
knowledge
of
the
truth
,
the
ground
and
piller
thereof
,
the
Church
,
and
that
publike
Ministers
of
Christ
that
should
uphold
it
,
after
the
same
manner
that
Iannes
and
Iambres
formerly
withstood
Mosses
.
Being
reprobate
concerning
the
Faith
,
tryal
of
Faith
,
the
work
of
Patience
,
and
work
of
love
;
and
so
being
not
able
to
endure
persecutions
,
they
shew
themselves
to
be
none
of
those
that
will
live
godly
in
Christ
Jesus
:
waxing
worse
and
worse
,
deceiving
and
being
deceived
.
But
our
comfort
is
in
the
confinement
of
their
prevalence
,
they
shall
proceed
no
farther
,
that
is
,
no
farther
then
with
such
silly
Auditors
;
for
their
folly
shall
be
manifest
to
all
men
as
theirs
also
was
:
they
shall
be
discovered
in
their
plots
against
Christs
Ministers
,
as
those
that
formerly
opposed
Gods
Ministery
in
Moses
.
And
now
farther
,
to
prove
that
Antichristianism
is
not
onely
denial
of
Christ
as
God
,
but
also
the
denial
of
him
or
his
power
in
the
flesh
,
(
that
is
,
as
before
shewed
denying
of
dignities
and
fleshly
power
under
him
)
,
we
will
note
a
little
of
Saint
Johns
other
description
of
him
.
Every
spirit
(
saith
he
)
that
confesseth
not
that
Jesus
Christ
is
come
in
the
flesh
,
is
not
of
God
:
and
the
same
is
the
spirit
of
Antichrist
.
And
again
he
saith
,
Many
deceivers
are
entred
into
the
world
,
who
confess
not
that
Iesus
Christ
is
come
in
the
flesh
.
is
come
in
the
flesh
;
and
therefore
cannot
mean
Jews
or
Infidels
,
or
such
as
openly
professed
denyal
to
Christian
Doctrine
in
matters
of
Faith
;
but
such
,
as
professing
the
Doctrine
of
Jesus
Christ
,
did
overthrow
it
by
consequent
:
especially
in
matters
of
Charity
;
and
to
endanger
the
lo●s
of
that
full
reward
,
which
this
Doctrine
of
Christ
,
he
(
as
King
)
shall
answer
and
say
unto
them
,
Verily
say
unto
you
,
inasmuch
as
you
have
done
it
to
one
of
the
least
of
these
my
brethren
,
ye
have
done
it
unto
me
.
Under
which
notion
of
King
,
he
taking
upon
him
to
vindicate
the
Authority
of
such
as
he
had
deputed
in
the
exercise
of
his
Kingship
amongst
us
(
until
himself
shall
come
in
his
glory
with
all
the
holy
Angels
,
and
shall
sit
upon
the
Throne
of
his
glory
)
makes
it
farther
manifest
,
that
the
very
title
of
Kingship
was
to
be
the
most
usual
and
eminent
stile
of
his
Deputy
.
And
therefore
,
under
the
expression
of
the
least
of
these
my
brethren
,
in
the
day
of
Christs
earthly
power
,
as
well
to
make
Sion
or
the
Church
the
rod
of
Christs
strength
,
whereby
to
rule
in
the
midst
of
his
enemies
,
as
to
settle
his
Worship
in
the
beauties
of
holiness
;
For
if
we
cannot
otherwise
(
litterally
)
conceive
,
that
to
do
these
things
to
the
least
Christian
,
or
but
to
one
,
were
in
themselves
such
high
services
unto
him
,
otherwise
then
as
that
one
,
and
that
least
,
were
the
Representatives
of
many
,
or
all
,
even
so
,
understanding
those
particulars
of
Charity
or
love
(
there
set
down
)
,
to
stand
for
the
whole
duty
of
love
,
(
the
which
these
Deputies
of
Christ
were
to
make
useful
to
all
in
general
and
each
one
in
particular
,
by
being
our
directors
,
according
to
that
Talent
in
power
and
trust
,
which
their
proportionable
charge
in
each
Church
did
require
)
,
we
may
then
well
conceive
,
how
,
as
Christ
is
not
to
be
wronged
but
by
his
Members
,
so
then
most
,
when
the
wrong
is
done
against
such
,
as
being
more
neerly
his
,
their
wrong
must
be
more
neerly
said
to
be
his
;
and
so
reputed
Antichristianism
.
And
although
the
ordinary
rank
of
believers
,
be
not
in
this
place
distinguished
from
his
Deputies
(
under
the
notion
of
Citizens
)
as
they
are
by
St.
Luke
,
(
which
might
have
regard
to
the
Jewish
Nation
,
who
more
generally
were
to
refuse
the
Authority
of
his
substitutes
,
which
the
Gentiles
should
be
but
partly
guilty
of
,
and
partly
not
,
)
yet
may
we
discern
a
distinction
made
by
their
separate
sentence
:
beginning
with
his
servants
that
had
Talents
of
great
trust
first
,
before
the
general
judgement
of
the
rest
.
And
we
may
observe
also
,
that
in
approving
or
condemning
them
,
under
the
notions
of
sheep
and
goats
,
(
the
one
a
Creature
full
of
inward
love
and
innocence
,
and
therewithal
most
tractable
and
obedient
to
their
shepherd
,
whereas
the
other
was
contrary
,
)
that
as
well
the
necessity
of
outward
obedience
,
as
inward
love
was
intended
.
And
therefore
whosoever
transgresseth
,
and
abideth
not
in
the
Doctrine
of
Christ
,
(
that
is
,
obeyeth
him
not
here
as
King
,
as
well
as
hopeth
in
him
as
Saviour
)
hath
not
God
:
but
he
that
abideth
in
the
Doctrine
of
Christ
,
he
hath
both
the
Father
and
the
Son
.
is
sent
,
denyeth
also
him
that
sent
him
:
And
farther
,
to
shew
that
Antichristianism
here
meant
,
is
not
opposition
to
Christian
Doctrine
as
such
,
they
are
called
deceivers
,
that
is
,
such
as
did
make
profession
that
way
,
for
how
else
could
an
open
enemy
deceive
?
Appearing
yet
more
plainly
to
be
such
,
by
St.
Iohns
former
description
:
they
went
out
from
us
,
&c.
meaning
they
had
been
of
the
same
outward
profession
.
And
that
Antichristianism
is
opposition
to
the
precepts
of
love
,
and
not
matters
of
Faith
,
appears
also
by
St.
Iohns
former
description
:
where
the
spirit
of
Antichrist
being
said
not
to
be
of
God
,
he
that
is
not
of
God
heareth
not
us
:
hereby
know
we
the
spirit
of
truth
and
the
spirit
of
error
.
beloved
let
us
love
one
another
,
for
love
is
of
God
;
and
every
one
that
loveth
is
born
of
God
,
and
knoweth
God
:
he
that
loveth
not
,
knoweth
not
God
,
for
God
is
love
.
Which
last
words
,
if
God
so
loved
us
,
we
ought
also
to
love
one
another
.
For
since
no
wan
hath
seen
God
at
any
time
,
(
that
is
,
cannot
personally
requite
him
)
if
we
love
one
another
(
that
is
,
his
next
image
in
our
brother
,
)
God
dwelleth
in
us
,
and
his
love
is
perfect
in
us
:
for
he
that
dwelleth
in
love
,
dwelleth
in
God
,
and
God
in
him
.
herein
is
our
love
made
perfect
,
(
that
is
,
brought
to
its
issue
)
that
we
may
have
boldness
in
the
day
of
judgement
:
for
there
is
no
fear
in
love
:
And
if
we
consider
the
persons
unto
whom
more
particularly
this
description
of
Antichrist
is
addressed
,
(
as
most
concerning
them
)
it
will
give
us
full
light
and
confirmation
herein
.
For
the
warning
hereof
is
particularly
given
to
the
Apostles
,
(
or
heads
of
Churches
)
under
the
notion
of
little
Children
:
a
loving
term
,
which
this
beloved
Disciple
useth
to
difference
them
;
in
imitation
of
his
Master
(
as
formerly
noted
,
)
saying
,
Children
,
it
is
the
last
time
,
&c.
And
that
the
persons
comprised
under
this
notion
of
little
Children
,
were
different
from
others
,
whom
he
therefore
stiles
my
Children
,
and
my
Beloved
&c.
because
he
hath
begotten
them
in
the
Faith
,
appears
,
And
the
matter
comprehended
under
these
different
addresses
,
will
(
by
its
difference
)
,
shew
the
difference
of
persons
thereby
meant
.
And
therefore
,
when
we
finde
little
Children
spoken
to
before
Fathers
,
it
must
shew
some
of
higher
rank
:
for
if
we
should
have
thought
him
,
to
have
proceeded
with
the
instruction
of
the
lower
rank
first
,
then
,
young
men
would
have
been
spoken
to
next
,
and
Fathers
last
of
all
.
But
by
writing
to
those
little
Children
first
,
twice
over
;
and
that
under
such
descriptions
and
representations
as
were
to
them
most
proper
,
must
shew
that
they
were
different
persons
from
these
Fathers
and
young
men
:
and
from
those
he
calls
my
little
Children
,
Brethren
,
Beloved
,
and
the
like
:
all
which
are
indifferently
used
when
he
is
to
express
those
duties
which
may
generally
concern
all
men
.
And
because
some
of
those
admonitions
and
duties
,
may
also
concern
all
in
a
second
degree
,
which
are
given
to
the
heads
of
Churches
under
the
notion
of
little
Children
,
therefore
do
we
not
finde
them
set
down
in
restrictive
terms
.
And
this
,
not
onely
in
regard
of
that
common
engagement
to
mutual
love
and
obedience
,
(
they
as
others
are
concerned
in
)
,
but
also
,
in
regard
care
is
always
taken
,
not
to
make
the
difference
too
plain
:
whereby
persons
in
Authority
might
be
too
proud
,
or
the
mystery
of
Antichristianism
too
much
revealed
.
Which
may
be
the
reason
why
our
Saviour
(
speaking
of
these
things
)
,
would
not
give
St.
Peter
a
direct
answer
,
when
he
asked
,
Lord
speakest
thou
this
Parable
to
us
,
or
even
to
all
;
but
goes
on
with
the
description
of
their
duties
,
as
Stewards
or
Rulers
over
Gods
houshold
:
not
letting
them
know
their
own
power
(
it
is
like
)
till
after
his
Resurrection
;
that
he
spoke
of
the
things
pertaining
to
the
kingdom
of
God
.
So
that
when
he
says
,
My
little
children
I
write
unto
you
that
ye
sin
not
,
and
then
tells
them
that
if
they
do
,
they
have
an
Advocate
with
the
Father
,
we
are
to
conceive
them
to
be
such
as
he
had
newly
converted
to
the
Faith
,
and
so
needed
instruction
to
know
that
Christ
was
the
propitiation
of
sins
.
had
known
the
Father
,
(
according
to
Christs
former
Promises
)
,
might
be
said
(
by
vertue
of
that
washing
they
had
from
him
,
and
many
exhortations
made
for
loving
one
another
and
keeping
his
Commandments
)
,
to
have
their
sins
forgiven
for
his
names
sake
:
or
to
be
more
remarkably
sanctified
by
the
promised
spirit
of
truth
,
and
by
Gods
word
to
be
left
in
their
trust
.
By
which
means
also
,
they
come
to
have
higher
degree
of
illumination
into
this
mystery
of
Antichrist
,
according
to
the
following
words
;
but
ye
have
received
an
Unction
from
the
Holy
One
,
and
know
all
things
.
For
no
doubt
,
(
in
the
number
of
all
those
truths
they
were
to
be
guided
into
,
)
they
should
have
the
revelation
of
this
mystery
more
then
other
men
:
which
was
(
it
is
like
)
,
some
of
those
many
things
Christ
had
to
say
unto
them
,
which
were
not
fit
for
their
knowledge
,
He
shall
glorifie
me
,
for
he
shall
recive
of
mine
,
and
shall
shew
it
unto
you
:
which
we
may
presume
to
import
,
something
of
eminence
and
power
,
by
the
following
words
,
all
things
that
the
Father
hath
are
mine
,
therfore
said
I
,
he
shall
take
of
mine
,
and
shall
shew
it
unto
you
.
shew
it
unto
you
:
whereby
we
may
conclude
it
was
not
the
Unction
of
power
onely
,
but
of
Revelation
of
something
concerning
the
exercise
of
that
Power
and
Function
.
And
this
may
be
farther
evinced
by
the
following
words
:
where
his
departure
is
made
an
Argument
of
his
greater
manifestation
unto
them
.
Again
a
little
while
and
ye
shall
me
,
because
I
go
to
the
Father
:
that
is
,
as
at
by
my
departure
ye
shall
be
sent
by
me
,
And
therefore
,
since
this
anointing
could
not
but
teach
them
of
these
things
,
(
in
the
next
mention
of
little
Children
)
,
these
heads
of
Churches
are
spoken
to
by
way
of
exhortation
,
to
be
notwithstanding
abiding
in
him
,
that
is
,
to
be
keeping
themselves
(
like
good
Stewards
)
in
the
just
execution
of
their
charge
,
according
to
his
commandment
:
that
then
when
he
shall
appear
,
they
may
have
confidence
,
and
not
be
ashamed
before
him
at
his
coming
:
as
expecting
his
sentence
of
well
done
thou
good
and
faithful
servant
,
that
abide
with
them
which
they
heard
from
the
beginning
,
then
shall
they
continue
in
the
Son
,
and
in
the
Father
:
That
is
,
the
Power
and
Unction
from
them
received
,
shall
be
both
their
director
and
protector
.
According
to
that
former
saying
of
our
Savior
to
his
Disciples
,
if
ye
keep
my
Commandments
,
ye
shall
abide
in
my
love
:
even
as
I
have
kept
my
Fathers
Commandments
,
and
abide
in
his
love
.
As
for
the
next
verse
,
it
contains
also
an
assurance
to
them
of
uprightness
,
or
justice
in
the
execution
of
their
Offices
,
whilst
they
continued
as
obedient
Children
to
him
that
was
the
Fountain
of
Justice
or
Righteousness
.
If
ye
know
that
he
is
Righteous
(
or
just
)
ye
know
that
every
one
that
doth
righteousness
(
or
Justice
)
is
born
of
him
:
that
is
,
such
as
are
his
particular
seed
for
righteousness
sake
,
and
are
by
him
entrusted
for
administration
of
justice
or
righteousness
,
are
by
his
power
and
grace
so
illuminathed
and
upheld
,
that
the
righteousness
of
their
acts
,
is
not
to
be
questioned
by
any
below
them
.
For
so
are
we
to
understand
the
next
place
,
where
the
term
of
little
Children
is
set
down
:
little
children
let
no
man
deceive
you
,
he
that
doth
righteousness
is
righteous
.
That
is
to
say
,
be
not
terrifyed
at
the
voice
of
these
deceivers
that
say
,
Iesus
is
not
come
in
the
flesh
:
nor
let
the
shews
of
moral
or
legal
righteousness
,
of
those
that
would
lay
a
stumbling
block
for
him
that
reproveth
in
the
gate
dishearten
you
;
for
greater
is
he
that
is
in
you
then
he
that
is
in
the
world
.
Even
so
great
,
that
he
is
both
able
to
confirm
you
in
Justice
,
that
are
his
Deputies
,
and
do
act
in
his
name
,
the
Prince
of
this
world
(
Covetousness
)
with
his
usual
ministers
and
servants
,
(
legal
and
moral
sanctity
)
shall
be
cast
out
and
judged
by
the
coming
of
the
Holy
Ghost
:
when
there
came
such
a
voice
to
him
from
the
excellent
glory
,
this
is
my
beloved
son
in
whom
I
am
well
pleased
hear
him
;
so
,
he
that
heareth
you
heareth
me
,
&c.
made
Righteousness
to
be
fixed
to
his
Deputies
.
Whereby
,
as
Gods
name
was
glorifyed
by
the
glorifying
of
his
son
;
And
if
our
Saviours
own
speech
to
his
Disciples
,
when
he
is
giving
them
their
Mission
and
Power
be
marked
,
we
shall
plainly
finde
him
setting
forth
the
same
thing
:
namely
that
his
minister
,
and
the
righteous
man
are
convertible
:
and
that
obedience
to
such
an
one
,
doth
estate
righteousness
or
innocence
to
the
obedient
party
also
,
even
as
if
they
had
received
himself
as
their
Prophet
or
director
,
or
as
their
righteous
man
or
administrator
of
Justice
.
He
that
receiveth
you
,
receiveth
me
:
and
he
that
receiveth
me
,
receiveth
him
that
sent
me
:
he
that
receiveth
a
Prophet
in
the
name
of
a
Prophet
,
shall
not
lose
a
Prophets
reward
;
and
he
that
receiveth
a
righteous
man
,
in
the
name
of
a
righteous
man
,
shall
not
lose
a
righteous
mans
reward
:
even
he
shall
be
as
assuredly
rewarded
for
his
obedience
,
Whosoever
shall
give
to
drink
to
one
of
tehse
little
ones
,
a
cup
of
cold
water
in
the
name
of
a
Disciple
,
verily
I
say
unto
you
,
he
shall
in
no
wise
lose
his
reward
.
And
although
it
be
no
wonder
for
worldly
minded
men
to
be
inclined
to
Antichristianism
,
(
for
covetousness
is
commonly
the
root
of
this
,
as
well
as
all
other
evil
)
yet
it
is
to
be
presumed
,
that
(
through
Christs
assistance
)
those
little
Children
have
overcome
them
,
For
we
are
to
conceive
,
that
as
this
Tempter
at
first
tempted
our
Saviour
himself
,
to
fall
down
and
worship
him
for
these
things
,
so
are
his
members
every
day
enticed
by
these
worldly
ends
,
to
deserting
of
Christ
also
:
and
to
yield
homage
to
them
,
rather
then
to
his
Deputies
and
Ministers
.
But
that
this
despising
of
Christs
Ministers
,
is
deserting
of
God
and
Christ
,
and
so
is
Antichristianism
,
appears
most
plainly
by
the
next
verse
:
We
are
of
God
,
he
that
knoweth
God
heareth
us
:
he
that
is
not
of
God
heareth
not
us
;
hereby
know
we
the
spirit
of
truth
and
the
spirit
of
error
.
to
be
with
to
the
end
of
the
world
)
is
a
deceiver
;
in
the
flesh
,
an
Antichrist
also
.
The
last
mention
of
little
Children
is
to
warn
them
against
this
idolatry
of
covetousness
:
saying
,
little
children
keep
your selves
from
Idols
.
That
is
,
since
the
lusts
of
the
flesh
,
the
lust
of
the
eys
,
and
the
pride
of
life
(
being
not
of
God
)
are
to
be
most
avoided
by
you
that
represent
his
Authority
,
so
will
Covetousness
and
Ambition
work
greater
mischief
,
being
sought
after
by
you
that
are
in
high
places
,
then
it
can
do
by
others
.
And
therefore
,
are
they
strictly
and
particularly
charged
by
our
Saviour
against
this
Vice
of
Covetousness
,
upon
his
giving
them
their
first
Mission
:
provide
neither
gold
,
nor
silver
,
nor
brass
in
your
purses
;
and
the
like
.
Answerable
thereunto
,
was
that
admonition
by
S.
Paul
given
to
Timothy
,
the
head
of
the
Ephesian
Church
under
him
;
having
,
food
and
rayment
let
us
therewith
be
content
.
But
they
that
will
be
rich
,
fall
into
temptation
and
a
snare
:
and
into
many
foolish
and
hurtful
lusts
,
which
drown
men
in
destruction
and
perdition
.
For
the
love
of
money
is
the
root
of
all
evil
:
which
while
some
have
coveted
after
,
they
have
erred
from
the
Faith
(
or
been
seduced
to
do
,
or
teach
otherwise
then
becomes
the
Doctrine
of
Faith
)
,
and
pierced
themselves
through
with
many
sorrows
.
But
thou
O
man
of
God
,
fl●e
these
things
:
and
follow
after
righteousness
,
godliness
,
faith
,
love
,
patience
,
meekness
:
that
is
,
the
man
of
God
(
or
Gods
Minister
)
,
is
to
be
exampler
in
fleeing
youthful
lusts
,
so
also
in
fleeing
Covetousness
,
And
that
the
not
hearing
of
us
(
before
mentioned
)
is
the
denyal
of
God
and
Christ
,
and
is
formally
the
crime
of
Antichristianism
,
will
further
appear
by
consideration
of
those
many
places
,
where
Christ
,
delegating
his
Disciples
and
the
seventy
with
power
to
personate
him
in
the
power
of
the
Kingdom
of
God
,
doth
acount
their
refusal
to
be
his
:
he
that
shall
deny
me
before
men
,
(
that
is
,
deny
me
by
denying
my
Authority
in
you
)
,
him
will
I
deny
before
my
Father
which
is
in
Heaven
.
Which
,
denyed
in
the
flesh
,
then
by
denying
obedience
to
his
Deputies
,
it
must
consequently
prove
disobedience
or
denyal
of
them
,
to
be
denyal
of
him
;
and
so
Antichristianism
.
And
the
like
must
be
understood
of
every
other
succeding
little
one
in
the
Church
or
Kingdom
of
Heaven
:
namely
,
that
whosoever
shall
receive
one
such
little
one
in
Christs
name
,
receiveth
him
;
but
whoso
shall
offend
,
&c.
shall
have
a
punishment
denoting
the
greatness
of
the
sin
of
Antichristianism
.
But
now
(
at
last
)
,
to
appeal
from
discourse
to
matter
of
fact
,
we
may
with
great
grief
finde
,
both
the
description
of
the
Antichrist
,
and
the
many
Antichrists
,
but
too
plainly
made
good
in
our
days
.
How
is
this
falling
away
from
the
life
and
power
of
godliness
,
accompanied
with
the
sad
consequences
of
destroying
Kings
more
now
then
ever
?
How
doth
the
Antichrist
prove
himself
more
and
more
,
as
well
a
man
of
sin
(
by
his
Doctrines
)
as
a
son
of
perdition
,
by
his
many
encouragements
to
,
that
the
day
of
Christ
is
at
hand
.
For
now
,
is
Nation
risen
against
Nation
,
&c.
and
not
onely
so
,
but
to
make
good
that
a
mans
enemies
shall
be
them
of
his
own
house
,
how
doth
the
Doctrine
of
this
son
of
perdition
,
prevail
in
setting
up
Civil
wars
in
every
corner
?
And
I
would
to
God
,
that
many
that
have
taken
pains
in
discovery
of
this
man
of
sin
,
had
not
been
themselves
partakers
and
guilty
of
the
same
sin
of
Antichristianism
also
.
It
is
not
enough
to
cleer
themselves
,
by
crying
whore
first
:
for
let
the
Pope
be
the
whore
of
Babylon
whilst
he
will
,
yet
if
they
joyn
with
him
in
this
Doctrine
of
Antichrist
,
it
is
not
their
leaning
their
heads
another
way
can
excuse
the
mischief
and
effects
thereof
:
whilst
(
like
Samsons
Foxes
)
they
joyn
with
him
in
their
tayls
,
by
throwing
abroad
those
fire-brands
of
Civil
war
,
wherewith
all
Christendom
is
inflamed
.
By
which
,
they
prove
to
be
the
many
Antichrists
(
heretofore
spoken
of
)
;
and
to
be
real
friends
to
that
son
of
perdition
also
.
So
that
as
we
have
heard
,
that
in
the
last
time
Antichrist
shall
come
;
even
now
are
there
many
Antichrists
,
whereby
we
know
it
to
be
the
last
time
.
For
as
he
that
did
let
(
to
wit
the
Roman
Emperor
)
was
by
little
and
little
taken
out
of
the
way
(
or
his
seat
)
,
and
as
the
man
of
sin
therein
,
and
thereupon
,
did
set
up
and
reveal
himself
;
how
many
Antichrists
did
(
under
Aristocracies
and
Democracies
)
set
up
for
themselves
also
in
sundry
parts
thereof
?
How
have
they
since
encreased
,
in
encroaching
not
onely
thereon
,
but
on
parcels
of
the
Dominions
of
other
Christian
Kings
besides
?
And
as
it
is
the
nature
of
sin
,
(
and
particularly
that
of
rebellion
)
,
to
encrease
and
steal
on
us
by
degrees
(
like
witchcraft
)
,
mark
we
(
with
grief
and
astonishment
)
,
to
what
height
and
temerity
we
are
now
grown
herein
.
So
that
(
at
this
day
)
,
men
are
not
content
to
pare
away
from
Kings
some
parcels
of
their
Dominions
,
but
now
they
think
fit
,
(
yea
and
duty
)
to
take
all
:
and
would
have
it
every-where
believed
,
that
while
they
can
but
pretend
Christs
service
,
and
so
(
with
a
fair
Corban
)
be
sitting
in
the
Temple
of
God
,
they
must
be
all
that
while
doing
his
will
:
as
though
Antichristianism
were
not
a
sin
of
fact
;
or
that
to
be
against
,
and
for
Christ
were
the
same
thing
.
In
that
which
hath
been
hitherto
spoken
(
in
the
description
of
Antichrist
)
,
if
I
be
not
throughly
convincing
,
it
is
not
to
be
wondred
at
;
considering
the
prejudice
which
every
reader
will
have
against
it
:
he
being
in
some
kinde
or
degree
or
other
,
guilty
in
act
or
desire
,
of
the
encroachment
of
Authority
himself
.
And
next
considering
,
that
the
thing
it self
is
both
set
down
to
be
,
and
accordingly
delivered
to
us
as
a
mystery
.
But
yet
,
since
the
description
and
prophesie
of
his
coming
,
was
to
warn
true
Christians
of
his
danger
,
it
is
our
duty
to
be
intent
to
finde
out
whom
this
mystery
doth
concern
.
In
which
doing
,
the
mystery
it self
is
made
(
by
the
good
providence
of
God
)
our
best
help
,
to
discover
the
persons
that
prevail
by
this
mystical
working
:
that
is
,
not
by
open
opposition
against
God
or
Christ
,
but
by
being
secretly
against
them
,
whilst
sitting
in
the
Temple
,
and
pretending
to
be
most
zealous
and
religious
.
Such
were
the
persons
,
and
such
were
the
practices
of
the
Pharisees
at
first
,
against
the
person
of
Christ
himself
,
under
colour
of
serving
God
.
A
people
so
bewitching
unwary
mindes
with
their
legal
pretensions
of
sanctity
,
that
all
Christs
miracles
could
not
be
sufficient
to
convince
his
divine
Authority
.
And
such
are
the
persons
,
and
such
are
the
pretensions
of
their
Disciples
,
and
followers
,
the
Antichristian
zealots
of
our
time
.
So
that
besides
the
Antichrist
,
(
under
shew
of
religious
power
over
the
whole
Temple
)
doth
bare-faced
trample
on
sacred
Authority
,
how
cleerly
may
we
(
and
with
grief
)
behold
,
this
form
of
godliness
always
most
closely
put
on
by
the
many
Antichrists
now
,
when
any
of
Christs
Deputies
are
to
be
opposed
.
Inasmuch
,
as
there
is
not
an
Antichristian
attempt
,
which
Christ
is
not
brought
to
own
,
under
some
religious
pretence
or
other
,
)
by
these
kind
of
men
:
who
now
(
against
his
Vicegerents
)
,
conform
themselves
unto
all
the
examples
of
those
that
at
first
most
opposed
himself
.
Thus
shall
we
observe
this
generation
of
vipers
,
(
and
who
(
like
vipers
)
are
ready
to
gnaw
out
the
bowels
of
the
Church
and
State
that
bred
them
)
,
to
be
hypocrites
like
them
:
that
is
,
they
say
and
do
not
.
They
binde
(
like
them
)
heavy
burthens
and
grievous
to
be
born
,
and
lay
them
on
mens
shoulders
:
but
they
themselves
will
not
move
them
with
one
of
their
fingers
.
Even
so
,
is
line
upon
line
,
precept
upon
precept
,
added
as
fundamental
in
Religion
:
greetings
in
the
market-place
,
(
that
is
,
popular
applause
)
may
be
gotten
:
that
they
may
be
called
of
men
Rabbi
,
and
to
have
the
chief
seats
in
the
Synagogues
,
and
the
uppermost
rooms
in
feasts
?
long
Prayers
,
put
down
any
ancient
Pharisee
:
even
to
the
devouring
of
all
widdows
houses
they
can
creep
into
.
How
do
our
Pharisees
resemble
old
ones
,
in
compassing
sea
and
land
to
make
Proselites
?
How
do
they
again
,
in
pressing
some
superstitious
observations
;
in
Judgement
Mercy
and
Faith
?
How
do
they
resemble
them
in
straining
at
a
gnat
,
and
swallowing
at
a
Camel
?
But
above
all
,
(
as
if
by
divine
Providence
permitted
,
to
shew
of
what
extraction
the
Antichristian
Pharisees
of
our
time
are
)
,
how
is
the
Corban
and
the
Sabbath
,
(
the
two
old
Pharisaical
marks
of
Devotion
)
,
re●●rained
and
pressed
still
by
Papists
and
Sectaries
:
with
such
Superstitious
degree
of
observation
,
that
they
would
have
men
think
that
their
Church
and
Sabbath
,
were
inclusive
of
all
Sanctity
and
duty
besides
.
But
truely
,
when
we
consider
(
in
the
last
of
these
)
,
how
often
the
strict
observation
of
the
Sabbath
hath
been
by
Christ
and
his
Apostles
reproved
,
and
never
once
spoken
for
in
the
New-Testament
(
it
looking
like
a
command
appropriate
to
that
Nation
to
be
kept
in
remembrance
of
their
deliverance
out
of
Egypt
,
But
,
while
they
are
thus
drawing
neer
God
with
their
lips
,
and
honoring
him
with
their
mouths
,
in
their
works
they
deny
him
;
and
make
it
manifest
that
it
is
Mammon
they
serve
.
For
,
all
the
while
they
are
so
clamorous
for
a
day
for
God
to
rest
on
(
because
it
costs
them
nothing
)
,
they
will
not
allow
him
a
house
to
rest
in
,
because
that
will
yeild
them
something
.
Our
Saviour
(
with
that
other
man
after
Gods
own
heart
)
could
say
,
the
zeal
of
thine
house
hath
eaten
me
up
,
when
as
these
mens
zeal
doth
everywhere
eat
up
the
houses
themselves
.
Our
Saviour
drove
the
buyers
and
sellers
,
and
such
as
made
Merchandice
,
out
of
the
Temple
:
but
these
bring
in
such
as
are
to
make
Marchandice
of
the
Temple
.
And
,
while
they
are
thus
taking
to
themselves
all
the
houses
of
God
into
possession
;
and
,
with
sacrilegious
hands
,
robbing
him
and
his
Ministers
of
all
those
honorable
Monuments
of
Devotion
and
Charity
wherewith
their
more
pious
and
holy
Ancestors
had
made
Christ
and
his
Religion
honorable
in
the
eys
of
the
world
,
these
men
,
in
relation
those
bags
they
carry
and
adore
,
are
(
with
Judas
)
crying
out
wherefore
all
this
waste
?
A
Barn
,
and
a
Cobler
,
are
,
in
thir
esteem
,
places
and
persons
good
enough
for
the
service
of
that
great
God
before
men
,
whom
,
in
a
hypocritical
zeal
,
they
so
much
pretend
to
reverence
and
respect
.
And
while
we
are
solemnly
serving
our
Father
,
in
houses
of
Prayer
dedicated
to
his
Worship
,
they
are
serving
their
Father
and
their
God
,
their
belly
,
in
places
of
like
dedication
:
a
Dining-room
or
a
Kitchin
;
on
a
Table
for
an
Altar
,
and
with
a
Cook
for
a
Priest
:
and
yet
all
this
while
,
that
they
are
thus
without
God
in
the
world
,
and
denying
Christ
before
men
,
they
would
be
apprehended
as
the
onely
heirs
of
Heaven
,
and
so
inwardly
and
heartily
addicted
to
their
service
above
others
,
that
it
cannot
at
all
break
forth
into
action
of
Love
or
Obedience
.
As
though
holiness
and
righteousness
were
contemplative
graces
onely
,
or
that
any
one
could
be
a
true
and
worthy
member
of
Christs
Church
who
endeavored
not
his
praise
before
men
,
but
were
by
their
disobedient
and
unsociable
lives
a
scandal
to
that
Religion
which
hath
the
highest
Reason
and
morality
in
its
practice
of
any
in
the
world
.
How
is
that
old
pharisaical
Tradition
of
washing
of
hands
,
pots
,
cups
,
&c.
imitated
by
the
select
tones
and
phrases
of
our
modern
Pharisees
?
whereby
(
as
by
a
sort
of
canting
language
)
they
take
liberty
(
with
their
predecessors
)
at
once
to
commend
themselves
,
and
condemn
others
:
as
if
in
this
kinde
of
devotion
(
because
they
devised
it
)
all
Religion
were
to
be
put
.
By
this
light
,
and
rule
of
distinction
,
do
our
Pharisees
(
like
those
of
old
)
,
spie
the
moats
in
their
brothers
eys
.
And
as
those
of
old
could
boast
they
were
not
as
other
men
,
so
these
be
they
that
separate
themselves
now
:
rashly
judging
all
that
are
not
of
their
crew
,
to
be
worldlings
,
ungodly
,
malignant
,
reprobate
,
and
what
not
.
And
that
themselves
are
not
thus
carnally
minded
,
they
do
most
evidently
declare
by
fact
;
for
after
,
by
their
devout
pretensions
,
they
have
seated
themselves
in
that
earthly
dominion
and
power
they
did
seem
to
despise
,
they
will
thrust
out
these
their
ungodly
and
worldly
brethren
out
of
their
legal
estates
and
possessions
,
as
being
but
usurpers
in
that
right
of
the
creature
which
is
peculiar
unto
themselves
.
Which
Antichristian
fatal
badge
of
separation
,
and
going
out
from
us
,
me
thinks
they
should
have
prudently
declined
also
:
not
onely
because
they
finde
it
so
often
reproved
,
in
their
predecessors
by
our
Savior
,
but
also
by
the
Prophets
;
admonishing
them
to
ask
for
the
old
paths
,
where
is
the
good
way
,
and
to
walk
therein
;
to
finde
rest
for
their
souls
.
But
since
they
have
refused
to
walk
therein
,
or
to
hearken
to
the
watchmen
by
God
set
over
them
,
and
are
thereupon
run
into
a
mutual
course
of
stumbling
and
perishing
,
by
following
their
new
and
private
speculations
,
I
see
not
why
any
conscientious
man
should
be
scandalized
with
their
obloquy
:
since
it
is
but
equal
,
or
short
of
what
their
predecessors
gave
our
Savior
himself
.
Yes
,
the
true
successors
,
and
imitators
of
those
hypocrites
of
old
,
are
all
these
whom
we
daily
finde
extolling
themselves
above
others
,
by
models
and
rules
of
distinction
of
their
own
framing
.
For
as
of
old
,
those
that
were
rebellious
against
Christ
and
his
Gospel
,
are
by
the
Evangelical
Prophet
set
down
saying
to
others
,
Stand
by
thy self
,
come
not
neer
me
,
for
I
am
holier
then
thou
;
even
so
now
,
how
do
our
late
Pharisees
vilifie
and
abandon
,
under
the
like
notions
of
Publicans
and
sinners
,
all
that
are
not
by
themselves
cannonized
for
Saints
and
Holy
?
For
it
is
not
now
the
being
members
of
Christs
body
the
Church
;
alas
,
that
's
a
common
grace
;
but
being
of
their
gang
therein
,
that
can
truely
sanctifie
.
No
,
that
glorious
appellation
of
Saints
,
in
the
New-Testament
given
to
the
houshold
of
Faith
in
honor
of
the
Master
thereof
,
even
to
such
as
were
sanctified
through
Faith
in
Christ
,
son
of
God
that
(
at
first
)
believed
on
his
name
:
)
as
the
beginning
of
most
of
the
Epistles
do
declare
,
(
addressing
them
sometimes
to
the
Church
,
sometimes
to
the
Saints
)
must
be
no
longer
appropriate
to
Christs
followers
,
but
to
their
own
.
make
havock
of
in
one
place
,
himself
calleth
Saints
in
another
,
confessing
to
have
done
it
in
opposition
to
the
name
of
Jesus
.
The
which
appellations
Ananias
also
indifferently
useth
when
he
is
setting
forth
S.
Pauls
persecution
against
the
Church
:
calling
them
in
one
verse
the
Saints
,
and
in
the
next
,
such
as
called
on
Christs
name
,
every
one
that
nameth
the
name
of
Christ
should
depart
from
iniquity
,
therefore
it
came
to
pass
that
a
believer
and
a
Saint
,
came
to
signifie
the
same
.
But
let
not
us
now
take
this
ill
:
for
S.
Paul
,
S.
Peter
,
and
other
of
Christs
own
Disciples
,
(
because
not
of
them
)
shall
not
be
by
them
called
Saints
also
:
no
not
so
much
as
Mr.
Paul
,
&c.
Whenas
,
if
any
Author
is
mentioned
by
them
,
he
hath
the
addition
of
Mr.
as
Mr.
Calvin
,
or
the
like
.
And
their
excuse
for
not
doing
it
,
is
the
greatest
Argument
of
their
pride
:
which
is
,
because
the
Apostles
(
in
their
parity
)
used
not
to
give
these
titles
to
one
another
:
therefore
are
they
not
to
give
it
to
them
neither
.
Concluding
(
as
it
should
seem
)
that
because
they
had
now
attained
an
equal
pitch
of
sanctity
with
them
,
they
might
thereupon
say
our
brother
Paul
,
Peter
,
or
the
like
.
But
they
should
remember
,
that
as
God
alone
is
the
searcher
of
hearts
,
in
such
sort
as
to
to
distinguish
between
men
of
the
same
outward
profession
and
say
,
Behold
a
true
Israelite
in
whom
there
is
no
guile
,
so
is
it
becoming
Christian
Duty
and
Charity
,
to
leave
men
in
these
censures
,
to
stand
or
fall
to
their
own
Master
.
To
him
that
hath
the
Keys
of
Heaven
and
of
Hell
,
we
must
leave
the
judgement
and
distinction
of
those
persons
and
their
qualities
,
that
are
fit
for
the
one
or
the
other
.
Whereas
to
us
,
that
cannot
discover
the
hypocrisie
of
persons
,
nor
tell
who
in
the
visible
Church
are
of
the
Communion
of
Saints
,
and
who
not
;
it
is
no
ways
safe
nor
becoming
,
to
make
these
arrogant
and
deceivable
distinctions
:
so
as
to
call
some
Saints
,
&
count
others
cast-aways
,
in
regard
of
any
secret
tokens
of
Grace
and
Salvation
by
our selves
discoverable
.
Whereas
our
Saviour
,
that
could
best
foretel
of
these
hypocrisies
,
bids
us
have
an
especial
regard
to
these
kinde
of
men
that
should
come
in
sheeps
cloathing
but
inwardly
were
ravening
wolves
.
Yes
,
ravening
Wolves
indeed
,
even
too
plainly
found
to
be
such
,
by
those
seditions
and
destructive
courses
which
do
every
day
appear
to
be
the
fruit
of
these
Trees
of
shew
.
In
which
respect
,
although
none
on
earth
can
judge
of
these
hidden
Graces
and
Endowments
by
which
one
man
is
preferred
before
another
as
a
Citizen
of
Heaven
,
yet
so
far
as
men
are
here
to
be
Citizens
in
Christs
Kingdom
the
Church
,
in
that
respect
,
there
are
again
,
certain
moral
Vertues
and
qualities
differently
seated
and
appearing
in
the
Meembers
of
each
Church
:
whereby
the
head
thereof
may
,
in
reference
to
publike
Peace
and
Order
judge
one
man
better
or
more
holy
then
another
.
But
because
these
sorts
of
men
do
usually
raise
their
Discipline
and
Tenents
by
abusing
some
Texts
and
Phrases
of
Scripture
;
as
supposing
them
plainly
appliable
to
their
uses
when
they
are
therein
but
set
down
as
mysteries
,
we
shall
now
shew
some
Reasons
for
the
darkness
therein
sometimes
used
.
CHAP.
XIII
.
Of
the
Mystical
Delivery
of
some
Divine
Truths
,
and
the
Reason
thereof
.
SOme
there
are
,
who
contend
very
seriously
,
and
with
many
arguments
,
to
make
it
appear
,
that
that
work
of
Creation
which
is
to
ordinary
apprehensions
,
set
down
to
be
the
imployment
of
six
days
,
was
wholly
effected
in
one
;
chiefly
perswading
themselves
,
that
the
contrary
assertions
of
allowing
six
days
time
was
derogatory
to
the
Almightiness
of
such
an
Agent
as
was
occupied
herein
.
In
those
that
oppose
them
,
there
is
as
much
invention
used
to
shew
why
we
should
keep
our selves
to
the
belief
of
six
days
work
;
and
that
the
litteral
sense
of
that
story
could
import
none
other
.
And
truly
,
were
I
to
judge
,
I
should
assign
to
these
last
the
greater
hold
of
truth
;
as
not
deeming
it
a
diminution
to
the
sufficiency
of
any
workman
,
that
is
not
bound
by
any
thing
besides
his
own
will
,
to
be
as
long
,
or
as
short
a
time
as
he
pleaseth
in
the
finishing
of
what
he
undertakes
;
especially
,
since
it
is
not
therewithal
set
down
,
that
he
had
not
ability
to
do
it
sooner
.
For
,
if
the
dispatch
of
the
Creation
in
one
day
,
should
have
argued
Almightiness
,
more
then
in
six
,
then
,
they
should
have
left
him
but
one
hour
,
or
rather
but
one
minute
for
the
doing
thereof
;
if
they
must
suppose
him
measuring
his
Almightiness
in
his
operations
,
by
the
time
of
their
production
.
Therefore
,
as
the
only
will
and
good
pleasure
of
God
Almighty
,
was
at
first
the
cause
why
all
things
were
by
him
at
all
,
or
in
such
and
such
manner
created
,
so
was
it
also
the
only
rule
and
guid
,
that
set
measure
and
form
to
the
way
and
means
of
their
preservation
,
and
so
consequently
was
it
the
reason
why
the
several
species
of
creatures
came
to
be
endued
with
such
friendly
aspects
and
inclinations
,
as
that
they
prosecuting
the
same
naturally
and
continually
should
therewith
also
,
preserve
and
promote
the
good
of
their
fellow
creatures
.
Which
affection
,
although
to
that
end
,
common
to
all
,
was
yet
only
necessarily
and
insensibly
to
themselves
,
imposed
on
the
lower
sorts
of
things
;
when
as
the
most
noble
race
of
creatures
,
which
had
more
resemblance
to
him
,
had
also
so
much
knowledge
and
will
implanted
,
as
to
enable
them
,
not
only
to
be
so
far
apprehensive
,
as
to
be
expresly
thankful
for
these
favours
,
but
also
to
furnish
them
with
power
for
farther
acquisition
of
things
delightful
and
good
,
and
of
avoidance
of
what
was
contrary
,
as
hath
been
heretofore
observed
.
In
which
course
of
liberty
and
freedom
of
will
,
whereby
the
welfare
of
voluntary
Agents
comes
to
be
referred
to
their
own
demeanor
and
guidance
,
God
makes
another
manner
of
condition
with
us
men
,
then
he
did
with
Angels
:
For
the
Angels
that
fell
,
he
hath
so
abandoned
in
his
justice
,
that
they
cannot
rise
;
and
these
that
do
stand
,
he
hath
so
surrounded
with
his
grace
and
providence
,
that
they
cannot
fall
.
For
they
sinning
actually
and
personally
,
or
else
,
after
the
same
manner
continuing
upright
and
obedient
,
could
not
but
from
his
justice
or
goodness
,
expect
personal
sentence
accordingly
;
whereas
to
us
men
,
that
sinned
by
imputation
,
as
transgressing
in
the
originals
and
representatives
of
our
kind
we
(
in
our
separate
persons
)
are
neither
irremediably
censured
to
punishment
,
nor
yet
to
mercy
or
reward
.
For
although
traduction
made
eternal
death
liable
to
all
(
even
to
such
as
had
not
sinned
after
the
similitude
of
Adams
transgression
)
yet
forasmuch
as
we
had
not
(
like
our
first
Parents
)
personally
so
sinned
,
Brazen
Serpent
for
cure
.
But
then
farther
,
some
of
mankind
being
for
their
original
fault
(
as
aforesaid
)
in
justice
to
be
punished
,
and
some
again
in
mercy
to
be
freed
,
it
stood
not
agreeable
to
Gods
impartial
rule
of
administration
,
particularly
to
appoint
and
prosecute
any
peremptory
and
unavoidable
means
of
distinct
saving
of
all
those
persons
which
shall
hereafter
be
taken
into
mercy
,
because
even
thereupon
the
rest
(
who
could
in
Adam
be
looked
upon
but
with
equal
guilt
)
must
have
been
unequally
punished
;
but
it
became
expedient
,
ordinarily
to
leave
them
free
to
the
contrary
.
As
therefore
,
that
medicine
or
plaister
,
which
is
made
for
any
disease
,
doth
not
cure
by
being
,
but
by
being
applyed
;
so
(
in
this
common
cure
of
mankinde
)
it
became
expedient
,
that
Christ
should
(
for
application
)
be
freely
offered
to
all
;
that
each
mans
destruction
might
be
from
his
own
fault
,
and
the
means
of
salvation
not
forcably
imposed
on
all
that
are
saved
,
to
involve
the
rest
in
inevitable
ruine
:
Wherefore
,
when
we
read
of
a
Pharaoh
hardned
,
or
a
Paul
particularly
chosen
by
God
,
for
some
special
and
extraordinary
uses
(
and
to
shew
Gods
freedom
and
power
over
his
creature
,
as
the
Potter
over
the
clay
)
we
must
not
take
it
as
his
ordinary
course
.
No
more
,
then
when
(
in
our
fortunes
and
affairs
of
this
life
)
we
find
God
sometimes
making
use
of
his
good
pleasure
and
power
,
in
more
remarkably
blessing
and
countenancing
some
particular
Nations
or
persons
more
then
ordinary
,
we
are
thence
to
conclude
,
that
the
good
or
ill
fortune
of
each
Nation
in
general
,
or
each
person
of
that
Nation
in
particular
,
is
not
usually
to
be
ascribed
,
as
left
unto
the
guidance
of
their
,
and
his
own
judgement
and
will
.
Which
thing
(
well
considered
)
might
silence
much
controversie
in
point
of
Predestination
.
But
now
(
upon
the
grounds
before
shewed
)
it
appearing
fit
that
this
general
means
of
salvation
,
should
be
in
such
manner
set
forth
,
as
all
should
not
accept
,
although
offered
,
nor
none
with
just
excuse
deny
,
we
shall
find
reason
,
why
the
name
and
notion
of
Mystery
,
is
so
often
applied
both
to
the
Gospel
,
and
Christ
himself
:
and
why
our
Saviour
was
so
frequent
in
parables
.
Doubted
it
cannot
be
,
but
that
it
stood
within
the
compass
of
Gods
Almightiness
to
have
made
such
inward
preparation
of
mans
heart
,
and
to
have
so
encreased
the
light
and
evidence
of
divine
truth
(
both
by
continuance
of
miracles
,
and
increase
and
plainness
of
discourse
)
that
it
had
been
impossible
for
any
one
to
have
denied
his
assent
and
obedience
thereunto
:
For
so
even
the
unbelieving
Jews
,
and
malicious
Scribes
and
Pharisees
that
could
not
be
convinced
and
brought
to
acknowledgement
of
the
truth
by
those
many
other
miracles
wrought
by
our
Saviour
,
are
yet
professing
that
if
he
would
(
shew
one
of
their
choosing
,
Descend
from
his
cross
and
save
himself
they
would
then
believe
on
him
also
:
Whereas
now
,
by
this
offer
of
salvation
,
in
such
a
way
as
cannot
by
all
be
accepted
or
refused
,
his
mercy
and
justice
,
in
saving
or
punishing
part
of
mankind
,
are
both
preserved
without
partiality
.
For
thus
,
when
we
find
the
Gospel
preached
to
any
particular
Nation
or
People
(
whereby
God
may
have
a
Church
,
or
Company
of
men
more
expresly
serving
and
praising
him
)
it
is
yet
so
ordered
,
that
the
necessity
of
particular
and
definite
persons
believing
unto
salvation
,
follows
not
thereupon
:
for
that
the
many
resplendent
beams
,
of
divine
light
and
truth
in
scripture
contained
,
do
so
dazel
and
divert
mens
understandings
,
that
they
prove
for
the
most
part
unable
,
truly
to
make
use
of
,
and
distinguish
that
direct
beam
,
pointing
at
their
most
necessary
duties
:
but
pleasing
themselves
with
the
forms
of
godliness
,
lose
the
true
vertue
and
power
thereof
that
should
bring
them
to
heaven
.
When
as
,
on
the
contrary
,
such
sorts
of
people
to
whom
so
much
hath
not
been
given
,
and
have
not
so
well
known
their
Masters
will
,
shall
,
by
obedience
to
the
substance
of
the
Law
written
in
their
hearts
,
prove
themselves
better
Disciples
of
the
two
.
For
these
,
having
never
refused
or
opposed
,
as
the
others
have
,
must
therein
be
acknowledged
as
for
him
,
whilst
not
denying
,
or
against
him
.
And
so
,
because
(
in
works
)
all
we
can
call
our
own
is
absence
,
of
ill
;
therefore
faith
being
the
gift
of
God
,
absence
of
dis-belief
frees
us
from
condemnation
,
where
it
is
with
innocence
accompanied
.
Upon
which
grounds
,
it
should
follow
,
that
men
in
their
future
condition
,
should
be
distinguished
into
three
ranks
;
that
is
,
first
,
such
as
through
actual
faith
in
Christ
,
attain
remission
by
repentance
,
and
participation
of
the
reward
of
heaven
,
through
imputation
of
good
works
done
in
his
obedience
.
The
other
,
of
such
as
dis-believe
him
;
or
else
,
not
knowing
him
,
do
(
besides
the
miss
of
heaven
)
pull
upon
themselves
the
deserved
punishments
of
hell
;
by
breaches
of
charity
in
those
punishments
they
bring
on
others
.
The
middle
rank
may
be
supposed
of
such
,
as
,
missing
the
desert
and
reward
of
heaven
(
through
want
of
actual
faith
in
Christs
merits
)
do
yet
avoid
the
punishment
and
condemnation
of
hell
,
by
observing
the
substance
of
the
Law
,
which
is
love
;
and
avoiding
those
crimes
that
accompany
actual
and
known
disobedience
and
breach
of
Charity
.
From
which
it
might
be
farther
gathered
,
that
had
man
continued
innocent
,
hell
had
not
been
for
punishments
of
his
charity
,
nor
a
heaven
appointed
for
the
reward
of
his
faith
;
but
being
then
led
by
the
light
of
his
uncorrupted
nature
,
as
it
would
h●●e
kept
him
from
guilt
,
so
the
good
he
did
(
through
charitable
propension
)
being
by
her
light
done
too
,
and
she
having
her
object
of
benefit
not
higher
then
here
below
;
he
could
not
merit
beyond
an
earthly
Paradise
,
had
not
a
divine
person
(
by
owning
our
Charity
as
his
)
made
them
more
highly
rewardable
.
For
so
in
the
Gospel
,
shall
we
find
our
Sentence
at
the
last
judgement
running
according
to
works
:
and
as
works
also
done
to
,
or
against
our
Saviour
himself
;
he
answering
,
Inasmuch
as
ye
did
it
,
or
did
it
not
unto
one
of
the
least
of
these
my
brethren
,
ye
did
it
,
or
did
it
not
unto
me
.
But
because
now
,
all
men
are
more
or
less
harmful
,
and
transgressors
of
the
moral
Law
,
or
Law
of
Providence
,
this
third
middle
condition
is
quite
taken
off
:
And
as
men
stand
differenced
in
degrees
of
reward
and
punishment
,
answerably
as
they
have
been
faithful
and
charitable
,
or
otherwise
:
So
,
there
being
none
that
can
say
of
himself
,
he
is
at
all
times
free
from
uncharitableness
,
it
follows
,
that
all
without
Christ
,
must
be
liable
in
degree
to
future
punishment
also
,
These
things
thus
stated
,
we
may
find
reason
,
why
,
as
there
is
a
hell
and
heaven
prepared
for
mankind
,
so
those
qualities
and
conditions
leading
thereunto
,
should
rest
for
the
most
part
in
his
own
power
;
and
that
,
as
God
is
not
to
be
accused
for
those
punishments
of
the
wicked
,
in
what
he
doth
to
the
glorifying
of
his
justice
,
so
,
that
the
rewards
of
the
righteous
may
be
the
more
to
his
honor
,
in
their
services
and
obediences
towards
him
,
he
will
have
it
done
with
,
and
through
as
great
difficulties
as
humane
frailty
is
capable
of
,
even
making
his
strength
perfect
in
their
weakness
;
least
they
doing
it
,
as
lead
in
too
plain
a
way
,
Job
;
Do
these
serve
God
for
nought
,
hath
he
not
put
them
in
such
a
condition
as
they
could
not
do
otherwise
?
To
which
purpose
(
as
Iob
in
the
fortunes
of
this
world
,
so
)
we
,
for
tryal
of
our
faith
,
are
suffered
to
have
tares
and
false
lights
,
sowed
amongst
us
by
that
wicked
one
,
that
we
from
thence
escaping
,
might
arise
more
glorious
in
the
praise
of
the
goodness
and
power
of
that
God
,
to
whose
glory
and
service
we
directed
it
:
and
to
the
greater
condemnation
of
him
,
that
in
so
great
a
light
fell
away
.
Nor
yet
can
there
be
any
ground
taken
from
thence
for
any
such
impious
conjecture
;
as
that
God
proposed
these
lights
and
truths
to
his
Church
as
in
mockery
:
and
with
direct
intention
of
rendring
them
ineffectual
through
obscurity
;
and
not
,
as
truly
and
sincerely
therein
,
purposing
their
benefit
and
salvation
.
For
we
may
confidently
affirm
,
that
the
discovery
of
the
errors
and
inconveniencies
of
Atheism
,
Antichristianism
,
Uncharitableness
,
Disobedience
,
&c.
are
in
nature
,
and
many
places
of
Scripture
so
plainly
delivered
:
and
the
contrary
truths
and
duties
so
evidently
exprest
and
asserted
,
that
it
were
not
possible
for
any
man
(
whom
licentiousness
hath
not
prejudiced
,
and
pre-possessed
with
the
spirit
of
Infidelity
,
Rebellion
,
Malice
,
Stubornness
,
or
the
like
)
to
be
ignorant
thereof
upon
any
reasonable
inquiry
.
But
if
the
corruption
of
our
depraved
nature
,
helped
on
with
the
malice
of
that
wicked
one
(
most
forward
to
sow
his
tares
in
the
field
of
the
Church
,
and
most
ready
to
enter
the
places
thus
swept
and
garnished
)
do
so
commonly
keep
us
from
discerning
those
truths
and
duties
,
which
we
are
so
loath
to
find
and
conceive
to
be
such
,
it
is
not
(
as
before
noted
)
to
be
wondred
at
.
And
,
to
come
nearer
our
own
present
business
by
instance
;
if
there
should
have
been
set
down
in
Scripture
such
plain
Precepts
for
settling
the
office
and
power
of
Monarchy
,
as
should
have
necessarily
and
universally
,
driven
men
to
implicite
obedience
to
that
Government
and
none
else
,
it
would
not
only
have
overthrown
our
liberty
,
and
rendred
all
men
equally
good
and
bad
,
as
aforesaid
,
but
also
have
endangered
the
loss
of
Gods
honor
(
the
end
of
mans
conservation
)
whilst
it
thus
,
for
peace
sake
,
went
about
to
confer
it
too
closely
and
absolutely
on
his
deputy
;
on
whom
(
as
in
a
kind
of
Idolatry
,
men
might
else
come
to
fix
those
express
returns
of
thanks
and
praise
,
which
to
God
himself
were
only
due
,
as
to
their
fountain
and
original
.
These
lessons
intending
as
well
to
enjoyn
obedience
in
subjects
,
to
whom
all
places
of
obedience
must
be
understood
,
as
to
take
off
arrogance
in
Princes
,
and
so
each
one
to
learn
their
own
parts
,
not
that
of
others
.
And
therefore
,
when
we
shall
find
Christ
so
obsure
in
his
description
of
the
Kingdom
of
God
or
heaven
,
and
of
his
appearing
,
as
to
give
occasion
to
some
to
think
the
words
altogether
to
imply
Gods
inward
Kingdom
,
or
Christs
coming
to
judgement
at
the
last
day
,
and
not
his
glorious
appearance
in
his
Kingdom
,
the
Church
,
it
is
not
much
to
be
admired
to
be
misconstrued
,
and
that
construction
always
made
use
of
,
by
such
prejudiced
minds
as
are
loath
to
examine
how
then
it
should
be
true
,
that
the
Apostles
themselves
should
desire
to
see
one
of
the
days
of
the
Son
of
man
,
and
should
not
see
it
:
Upon
which
grounds
we
may
also
find
reason
,
why
our
Saviour
was
so
close
and
reserved
in
all
those
places
,
where
he
hath
occasion
to
speak
of
that
power
he
was
to
delegate
and
leave
to
his
Apostles
;
even
so
,
that
he
not
only
forbears
to
put
their
Authority
under
the
plain
notion
of
obedience
,
and
doth
it
under
the
more
familiar
terms
of
hearing
or
receiving
(
saying
,
He
that
receiveth
,
or
heareth
you
,
heareth
,
or
receiveth
me
:
But
also
,
whilst
he
is
giving
them
this
power
,
he
doth
so
intermix
it
with
such
other
discourses
(
that
may
seem
,
or
are
common
to
others
also
)
that
the
Apostles
themselves
could
not
(
it
is
like
)
understand
the
plenitude
of
their
own
power
,
until
after
his
Resurrection
;
that
he
had
particularly
spoken
to
them
of
the
things
pertaining
to
the
Kingdom
of
God
:
Which
things
,
being
the
proper
duties
and
instructions
of
the
Apostles
only
,
And
when
,
by
reason
of
this
obscurity
,
S.
Peter
is
asking
whether
themselves
or
all
are
spoken
to
,
he
neither
gives
answer
I
,
nor
no
;
but
(
as
before
noted
)
goes
on
with
the
description
of
the
duty
of
their
Offices
,
But
,
when
there
,
or
in
other
places
,
he
is
instructing
to
humility
most
,
we
are
to
conceive
it
done
because
the
Authority
of
this
office
is
most
subject
to
tempt
to
pride
and
oppression
.
And
where
we
find
him
so
frequent
in
giving
admonitions
to
mutual
love
,
and
particularly
,
so
often
giving
his
Apostles
warning
for
loving
one
another
,
and
so
expresly
,
forbidding
them
to
seek
to
exercise
Authority
one
over
another
(
as
it
cannot
be
construed
as
excluding
their
just
authority
over
such
as
are
under
them
,
Which
Gentile
imitation
,
or
striving
to
obtain
a
sole
Monarchy
in
Christs
whole
Church
(
as
formerly
the
Greeks
,
We
may
also
find
reason
from
hence
,
why
the
Apostles
themselves
were
so
mysterious
and
dark
,
in
declaring
their
own
great
Power
in
the
Church
.
So
that
S.
Paul
having
been
put
to
it
by
his
stubborn
Corinthians
,
doth
yet
do
it
as
in
a
mystery
:
for
fear
of
arrogating
too
much
to
himself
,
and
through
his
too
great
eminence
in
power
,
to
prove
more
obnoxious
to
the
rest
of
the
world
,
and
more
scandalous
to
his
new
Believers
.
Therefore
,
saith
he
,
These
things
brethren
I
have
in
a
figure
transferred
to
my self
,
and
to
Apollo
for
your
sakes
:
that
ye
might
learn
in
us
,
not
to
think
of
men
above
that
which
is
written
:
that
no
one
of
you
be
puffed
up
for
one
against
another
.
Meaning
,
that
as
he
had
mysterously
thus
avowed
his
own
power
,
and
still
used
meek
and
loving
intreaties
;
whereas
he
might
have
come
with
a
rod
,
power
in
the
kingdom
of
God
,
it
was
out
of
jealousie
of
robbing
God
of
his
honor
,
by
thinking
of
men
above
what
was
written
;
and
to
leave
them
also
an
example
of
greater
humility
;
since
he
that
was
chief
amongst
them
took
no
more
upon
him
.
Having
also
,
by
this
abatement
of
himself
(
who
as
an
Apostle
was
their
chief
Head
)
an
aim
to
reduce
them
from
Schism
,
caused
through
their
esteeming
too
highly
of
others
that
were
puffed
up
,
and
yet
had
no
Mission
;
nothing
written
for
their
so
doing
,
as
he
had
;
who
was
endued
with
power
to
command
them
in
the
Lord
,
or
in
Christs
name
;
according
to
the
written
texts
of
,
He
that
receiveth
you
,
receiveth
me
,
&c.
So
that
we
may
see
,
the
mysterie
of
their
duty
of
obedience
to
Christs
Minister
plainly
inferred
,
when
by
forbidding
to
think
of
men
above
what
is
written
,
it
must
be
supposed
their
duty
,
to
give
what
is
written
.
Without
this
way
of
interpretation
,
and
by
consideration
and
regard
had
unto
the
Dignity
and
Authority
of
Christs
Ministers
,
and
the
Stewards
of
the
Mysteries
of
God
,
That
no
one
of
you
be
puffed
up
for
one
against
another
:
Because
we
are
to
conceive
,
that
although
faithfulness
be
required
in
Stewards
,
yet
it
being
not
(
as
heretofore
noted
)
subjected
to
mans
judgement
,
shall
bring
to
light
the
hidden
things
of
darkness
;
that
is
,
by
making
manifest
the
counsel
of
hearts
,
convince
men
that
many
things
were
by
their
Superiors
done
upon
good
counsel
and
consideration
,
which
they
,
by
hearkning
to
private
Doctrines
and
Guides
,
might
misconstrue
,
and
so
be
led
into
schisms
and
seditions
,
whilst
they
shall
be
thus
puffed
up
for
one
another
(
as
they
stood
each
one
distinctly
conceited
and
interessed
in
their
several
Congregations
and
Heads
)
and
thereby
come
to
be
really
and
effectually
one
against
another
:
in
respect
of
that
breach
of
publike
Peace
and
Charity
which
this
factious
proceeding
and
dis-respect
to
one
Head
must
produce
.
And
of
this
mystical
delivery
of
his
authority
,
we
shall
farther
instance
in
one
place
,
as
particularly
remarkable
,
for
setting
the
power
of
each
Churches
Head
in
such
a
way
,
as
not
to
be
subject
either
to
rob
God
of
his
honor
,
or
to
give
scandal
,
by
his
own
claiming
authority
to
himself
in
too
plain
a
manner
.
He
having
praised
the
Corinthians
,
for
keeping
the
Ordinances
delivered
unto
them
(
whereby
they
had
shewed
themselves
Disciples
,
followers
of
him
as
he
was
of
Christ
:
he
then
adds
(
to
take
off
all
shew
of
boasting
)
But
I
would
have
you
know
,
that
the
head
of
every
man
is
Christ
,
and
the
head
of
the
woman
is
the
man
,
and
the
head
of
Christ
is
God
:
That
is
,
I
would
not
be
understood
as
claiming
this
obedience
in
mine
own
name
,
but
as
under
Christ
,
the
head
of
every
man
:
that
is
,
more
especially
of
every
man
thus
exalted
in
power
.
For
as
we
cannnot
interpret
Christ
to
be
Head
of
every
single
man
,
so
as
to
exclude
the
whole
sex
of
women
,
no
more
can
we
think
,
that
in
regard
of
power
and
subjection
one
to
another
(
which
is
the
scope
of
what
went
before
,
and
what
follows
)
that
every
man
stands
in
like
relation
to
Christ
.
But
that
,
although
all
single
men
and
women
(
so
far
as
they
are
Christians
)
are
alike
his
members
,
yet
do
they
differ
as
they
stand
in
their
Oeconomy
,
relating
as
Ministers
and
Members
in
each
particular
Church
.
Therefore
we
cannot
conceive
,
that
all
this
serious
discourse
should
be
litterally
taken
;
as
driving
at
nothing
but
womens
covering
their
heads
,
or
of
mens
being
bare-headed
in
time
of
praying
or
prophesying
:
as
if
God
cared
for
the
one
or
the
other
,
as
in
themselves
:
But
to
shew
,
that
(
according
to
the
drift
of
the
former
Chapters
)
there
ought
to
be
order
kept
in
all
our
publike
services
;
and
that
also
,
this
order
and
uniformity
is
to
be
directed
by
obedience
.
So
that
by
Man
,
we
may
understand
the
Head
of
each
Church
;
and
by
women
,
the
members
thereof
,
and
most
especially
those
of
the
Clergy
;
who
are
(
as
wives
)
to
be
directed
herein
by
their
husbands
:
And
Praying
and
Prophesying
,
we
may
understand
put
for
the
whole
outward
service
.
That
this
was
only
Parabolically
spoken
of
women
,
with
intention
that
(
under
the
instance
of
their
subjection
to
their
husbands
)
general
subjection
might
be
inferred
,
will
appear
in
that
the
woman
is
herein
proposed
as
doing
that
which
she
is
not
permitted
to
do
;
that
is
to
prophesie
,
and
especially
publikely
.
Let
your
women
keep
silence
in
the
Churches
,
for
it
is
not
permitted
unto
them
to
speak
,
but
they
are
commanded
to
be
under
obedience
,
as
also
saith
the
Law
;
and
if
they
will
learn
any
thing
,
let
them
ask
their
husbands
at
home
,
for
it
is
a
shame
for
women
to
speak
in
the
Church
,
In
which
place
,
the
occasion
of
the
speech
was
also
the
same
;
namely
,
the
avoidance
of
Schisms
,
by
having
all
things
done
decently
,
and
in
order
;
that
is
,
by
means
of
subordination
and
subjection
,
of
the
second
and
third
ranks
of
Prophets
and
Teachers
,
unto
Apostolical
Authority
,
Again
,
it
will
appear
parabollically
put
,
for
that
the
tokens
of
subjection
there
put
down
,
are
not
pertinent
to
set
forth
the
subordination
of
women
to
men
(
litterally
taken
)
but
are
mysteriously
proper
to
set
forth
the
subjection
of
each
Church
to
that
husband
,
unto
whom
in
Christ
she
is
married
.
For
being
bare-headed
,
did
not
signifie
Power
and
Freedom
;
nor
being
covered
,
signifie
servitude
,
but
the
quite
contrary
,
both
in
the
sense
of
those
times
and
ours
.
But
if
it
be
supposed
not
fit
,
for
the
Head
of
the
Church
to
pray
with
his
head
covered
,
for
dishonoring
his
head
;
that
is
,
Christ
,
from
whom
all
his
Authority
is
derived
;
even
so
again
,
by
covering
,
understanding
publike
Church
Rights
and
Orders
,
each
Church
is
not
then
to
be
supposed
left
bare
,
and
at
liberty
in
these
things
by
her
Head
,
as
the
Head
thereof
is
by
Christ
his
Head
:
But
that
she
is
to
observe
them
as
her
covering
,
being
shorn
.
Again
,
apprehending
the
duties
of
obedience
and
subjection
to
be
signified
under
signs
contrary
,
we
may
observe
,
that
the
man
ought
not
to
cover
his
head
,
forasmuch
as
he
is
the
glory
of
God
;
that
is
,
the
woman
is
the
glory
of
the
man
.
And
when
it
is
said
,
The
man
is
not
of
the
woman
,
it
is
meant
the
Commander
and
his
Power
is
not
derived
from
the
commanded
:
But
the
woman
is
of
the
man
,
meaning
the
subject
from
the
Subjector
.
And
so
again
,
when
it
is
said
,
The
man
was
not
created
for
the
woman
,
but
the
woman
for
the
man
;
But
to
make
God
the
God
of
order
here
below
,
The
woman
ought
to
have
power
on
her
head
because
of
the
Angels
:
Afterwards
,
the
Apostle
explains
how
the
Head
and
his
Angels
(
or
Ministers
)
are
to
be
reciprocally
supporters
of
each
other
.
For
in
the
Lord
(
that
is
,
in
the
execution
of
Church
matters
)
the
King
is
not
to
act
without
his
Bishops
,
nor
they
without
him
:
even
as
the
man
is
not
without
the
woman
,
nor
the
woman
without
the
man
in
the
Lord
:
And
therefore
,
after
the
pacting
fashion
the
Commanders
and
Obeyers
(
in
their
reciprocal
relations
)
are
not
to
shut
out
God
:
but
the
Superiors
themselves
should
be
careful
to
attribute
that
honor
to
God
,
which
they
do
by
his
power
receive
,
because
all
things
are
of
God
.
For
looking
upwards
to
the
honor
and
end
of
the
work
,
neither
he
that
planteth
,
nor
he
that
watereth
are
any
thing
,
but
God
that
giveth
the
encrease
.
And
looking
downwards
again
,
to
the
object
of
their
imployment
,
the
whole
Church
,
All
things
are
theirs
also
,
whether
Paul
,
or
Apollo
,
or
Cephas
,
and
they
are
Christs
,
and
Christs
is
God
:
that
is
,
In
the
three
next
verses
,
the
necessity
of
each
Churches
observance
of
appointed
order
in
her
publike
service
to
God
,
is
farther
implyed
and
urged
as
consonant
to
ordinary
reason
:
Judge
in
your selves
,
is
it
comely
for
a
woman
to
pray
unto
God
uncovered
;
that
is
,
Doth
not
even
nature
it self
teach
you
,
that
if
a
man
(
in
Authority
)
have
long
hair
(
that
is
,
be
subjected
in
Church
Orders
)
it
is
a
shame
to
him
:
but
if
a
woman
have
long
hair
,
it
is
a
glory
,
for
her
hair
was
given
her
for
a
covering
;
where
on
the
other
side
we
may
find
,
This
Allegory
is
largely
continued
,
and
set
forth
in
his
Epistles
to
the
Ephesians
,
taking
occasion
there
also
,
to
press
it
in
the
like
behalf
of
submission
and
obedience
,
and
in
particular
,
about
publike
Church
Orders
.
In
which
place
likewise
,
Wives
were
to
submit
to
their
own
husbands
,
as
unto
the
Lord
:
But
because
those
Texts
,
may
be
easily
conceived
by
what
hath
been
already
delivered
,
I
shall
omit
the
application
of
the
particular
allusions
of
the
power
of
each
Churches
Head
,
and
of
each
Churches
reciprocal
subjection
again
,
there
set
down
under
the
figure
of
Man
and
Wife
.
But
plain
it
is
that
the
Apostle
doth
expresly
there
set
it
down
not
to
be
meant
litterally
,
but
as
a
great
mysterie
concerning
Christ
and
his
Church
:
viz.
Nevertheless
,
let
every
one
of
you
in
particular
,
so
love
his
wife
,
even
as
himself
:
and
the
wife
see
that
she
reverence
her
husband
;
that
is
,
although
I
have
before
appointed
each
Church
to
be
in
subjection
to
her
Head
or
Husband
,
as
the
whole
Church
is
to
Christ
,
its
Head
and
Husband
;
so
now
I
do
litterally
intend
to
direct
you
in
these
conjugal
duties
.
All
which
the
words
Nevertheless
,
and
,
In
particular
,
do
manifest
;
by
cutting
it
off
from
the
other
discourse
,
and
appropriating
it
to
this
;
implying
,
that
before
he
alluded
to
another
thing
;
even
the
general
relation
between
each
Church
and
its
Head
,
but
here
,
of
the
particular
relation
of
each
man
and
his
wife
.
And
by
this
means
we
may
know
how
to
unfold
the
mystical
delivery
of
the
power
of
each
Churches
Head
under
Christ
,
which
else
(
by
stubborn
persons
)
might
have
seemed
so
great
a
mysterie
,
as
not
to
be
conceived
farther
extensive
,
then
of
the
Catholique
Church
her
obedience
to
Christ
himself
.
A
thing
not
to
be
otherwise
performed
then
by
each
Churches
obedience
to
its
own
Head
in
his
stead
,
as
heretofore
declared
:
nor
at
all
available
to
stopping
of
Schisms
and
Divisions
,
by
settling
of
Order
in
each
Church
,
which
was
the
drift
of
the
admonitions
,
but
rather
to
encrease
them
,
the
followers
of
Christ
himself
are
reckoned
amongst
other
Schismaticks
.
Nor
need
we
much
wonder
why
the
Apostle
,
in
setting
forth
the
duty
of
Obedience
,
should
personate
the
wife
;
and
allude
unto
that
relation
more
then
any
other
,
since
we
shall
find
this
perfect
obedience
to
be
first
enjoyned
to
wives
;
and
that
,
not
only
to
be
given
upon
most
strict
terms
,
but
as
done
upon
reason
foregoing
;
and
upon
the
first
promise
of
prevalence
of
Christ
and
his
Church
,
as
the
seed
of
the
woman
:
Thy
desire
shall
be
subject
to
thy
husbands
,
and
he
shall
rule
over
thee
.
So
that
as
the
general
rule
for
Civil
subjection
was
first
given
under
the
notion
of
Father
and
Mother
,
Houshold
the
Church
,
that
they
may
evidence
themselves
men
of
Orders
,
whilst
serving
and
obeying
the
God
of
Order
,
by
submission
to
this
their
spiritual
Husband
,
in
such
degree
and
manner
as
he
appointed
.
The
case
therefore
thus
standing
,
between
the
fear
of
robbing
God
of
his
proper
glory
,
and
the
fear
of
destruction
of
men
(
the
instruments
thereof
)
by
Civil
war
,
as
we
may
see
good
ground
for
divine
permission
of
those
many
changes
of
Families
in
Christian
Monarchies
;
to
wit
,
least
too
much
should
be
arrogated
by
them
in
right
of
succession
,
or
derogated
from
Gods
honor
by
that
continued
obedience
given
to
such
a
race
only
(
which
by
Gods
appearance
in
a
remarkable
change
is
taken
off
)
So
also
we
may
finde
reason
,
both
why
the
Direction
and
Precepts
for
Monarchy
and
Obedience
should
be
so
many
(
as
in
maintenance
of
so
necessary
a
duty
)
and
why
again
they
should
not
only
be
sometimes
darkly
delivered
,
but
why
also
,
there
should
be
some
scattered
examples
,
that
seemed
to
speak
the
contrary
,
permitted
to
stand
in
the
Scripture
without
express
censure
.
Thus
shall
you
find
Amaziah
slain
,
Son
on
the
Murthers
,
as
himself
had
before
commendably
done
,
on
those
that
murthered
his
Father
Joash
.
An
eye
for
an
eye
,
&c.
)
to
provoke
him
also
,
not
only
to
call
his
King
the
Son
of
a
Murtherer
,
but
(
with
intention
of
returning
evil
for
evil
)
to
instigate
the
Elders
of
his
City
to
resistance
also
,
as
thereby
shewing
himself
subject
to
like
passions
with
others
.
And
so
farther
,
as
there
may
be
examples
picked
from
Scripture
,
of
some
Prophets
reproving
their
Kings
,
without
any
express
mention
of
their
warrant
from
God
so
to
do
(
which
might
yet
be
evidently
enough
presumed
)
so
are
there
such
now
to
be
found
,
as
,
by
vertue
of
their
Priestly
power
,
would
from
thence
gather
warrant
for
their
boldness
to
vent
their
open
reproofs
in
the
face
of
Majesty
,
pride
or
interest
carrying
them
so
headily
herein
,
as
not
to
consider
that
the
very
calling
and
spirit
of
these
Prophets
was
both
extraordinary
and
miraculous
,
and
their
power
and
office
,
as
heretofore
noted
,
was
instituted
to
the
very
intent
of
being
extraordinary
Monitors
towards
the
preservation
of
that
Nation
and
Kingdom
.
And
therefore
if
some
find
Isaiah
set
down
as
coming
to
reprove
Hezekiah
,
without
such
express
direction
as
Nathan
and
others
had
,
they
will
be
thence
collecting
,
that
those
of
the
Clergy
may
do
the
like
now
;
without
marking
that
it
is
afterwards
by
Isaiah
declared
as
a
message
to
come
extraordinary
from
God
,
and
not
by
him
pronounced
by
vertue
of
any
Text
of
the
Law
.
Whereupon
,
since
we
shall
never
find
those
of
the
Priesthood
,
who
were
the
Statute-Officers
for
instruction
and
interpretation
of
Law
,
offering
to
reprove
any
Prince
;
and
yet
it
is
plain
that
these
Laws
have
been
by
their
Kings
manifestly
broken
(
as
in
the
prohibition
of
multiplying
treasure
and
horses
,
and
other
things
)
it
is
most
apparent
,
that
there
can
be
no
just
claim
to
any
such
Authority
for
reproof
challenged
by
any
of
the
Priest-hood
now
,
having
no
pretence
of
claim
to
higher
Authority
then
those
formerly
.
And
therefore
from
all
these
and
like
instances
we
may
(
in
truth
)
as
soon
gather
arguments
for
Rebellion
,
as
others
do
for
Drunkenness
,
Incest
,
or
Adultery
,
from
the
facts
of
Noah
,
Lot
,
Judah
,
&c.
which
are
all
set
down
without
reproof
.
But
in
the
discovery
of
this
,
and
other
sins
,
as
there
is
still
plainness
enough
used
,
to
enable
him
to
hear
that
hath
ears
to
hear
;
so
darkness
sufficient
,
to
let
him
that
is
filthy
be
filthy
still
.
Which
was
the
reason
of
S.
Pauls
words
,
when
he
said
,
we
speak
the
wisdom
of
God
in
a
mysterie
:
but
not
so
to
them
that
are
perfect
,
but
unto
them
that
perish
.
Nor
need
we
wonder
that
these
and
such
like
presidents
,
should
prevail
with
men
now
,
amidst
their
many
worldly
temptations
,
when
our
Saviours
own
Disciples
(
as
before
noted
)
would
have
had
him
been
imitating
Eliah
by
fire
from
heaven
,
in
the
pursuit
of
this
revengeful
and
resisting
humour
.
So
that
,
when
we
finde
the
particular
instances
of
Jeoiadah
,
or
the
peoples
sole
,
or
more
remarkable
intermedling
recorded
as
instrumental
in
setting
the
Crowns
on
Jehoash
and
Azariahs
Head
,
made
(
now
adays
)
by
Priests
or
Subjects
)
as
good
arguments
to
wear
them
when
they
have
doneour
;
admiration
will
be
well
abated
,
by
consideration
of
that
degree
of
self-interest
and
prejudice
,
which
prevails
with
men
usually
,
to
search
the
Scripture
and
its
examples
,
to
serve
as
proofs
of
those
things
they
like
already
,
and
not
to
submit
their
wills
to
be
guided
by
it
:
In
which
respect
it
is
no
wonder
,
if
we
come
forth
ten
times
more
the
children
of
wrath
then
before
.
For
in
this
case
,
it
will
fare
with
men
,
balking
plain
Precepts
,
and
seeking
to
find
Gods
pleasure
to
be
in
some
other
places
of
Scripture
signified
more
consonant
to
their
aims
and
interests
,
as
it
did
with
Balaam
:
who
,
being
tempted
with
riches
and
preferment
,
and
loving
the
wages
of
unrighteousness
,
did
thereupon
make
a
demur
upon
Gods
plain
Precept
,
Thou
shalt
not
go
with
them
,
Rise
up
and
go
with
them
.
in
the
night
,
contrary
to
the
plain
Precepts
they
received
before
,
the
which
their
worldly
lusts
and
engagements
shall
make
them
readily
obey
in
the
morning
,
without
farther
search
,
as
Balaam
did
.
Thus
,
in
that
plain
Precept
of
Honor
the
Lord
with
thy
substance
,
&c.
Covetousness
will
prompt
them
with
Texts
of
limitation
and
excuse
against
all
this
waste
,
&c.
The
true
Worshippers
are
those
that
worship
in
spirit
and
truth
,
and
the
like
.
Whereby
,
under
colour
of
rendring
the
Church
more
glorious
within
,
the
former
cloathing
of
wrought
gold
and
needle
work
,
shall
be
thought
unbecoming
a
Kings
Daughter
.
And
so
again
,
to
elude
those
plain
texts
of
,
Let
every
soul
be
subject
,
and
that
for
conscience
sake
also
,
and
the
like
,
the
text
of
Fear
not
them
that
can
kill
the
body
,
and
some
oothers
will
readily
be
embraced
as
limitations
of
their
duty
,
by
such
who
being
resolved
on
a
course
of
stubbornness
and
insubjection
,
may
thereupon
think
they
do
still
yield
obedience
to
their
Prince
,
whilst
they
obey
him
in
such
Civil
matters
as
they
shall
think
fit
:
even
as
they
may
think
they
serve
and
honor
God
well
enough
,
whilst
they
say
they
do
it
inwardly
and
in
the
heart
,
and
so
may
carry
some
flattery
of
conscience
along
with
them
,
like
unto
Balaam
:
who
thought
he
might
now
go
,
so
long
as
according
to
Gods
direction
,
yet
in
such
cases
,
where
a
plain
Precept
is
transgressed
,
even
so
plain
that
every
vulgar
capacity
,
like
Balaams
Ass
,
reprove
the
madness
of
the
Prophet
:
for
men
to
think
of
venturing
upon
their
own
interpretations
,
and
think
they
can
stop
soon
enough
in
their
rebellious
journey
,
must
be
always
dangerous
:
as
rendring
them
subject
to
be
beguiled
by
the
Prince
of
the
ayr
,
instead
of
an
Angel
of
Light
.
And
we
are
by
so
much
the
more
in
danger
of
abuse
and
misinterpretation
of
Scripture
,
by
how
much
the
design
and
advantage
thereby
to
arise
is
more
general
,
as
leaving
none
to
contradict
,
or
bring
us
to
rights
therein
;
as
doth
too
evidently
appear
in
the
interpretation
of
all
those
Texts
where
insubjection
is
aimed
at
.
For
each
one
being
himself
a
subject
,
and
having
a
desire
and
interest
towards
encrease
of
freedom
,
it
is
to
be
expected
that
all
wayes
of
plausible
addition
should
be
still
found
out
for
advancement
of
a
speculation
so
pleasing
to
all
.
Whereas
in
the
divided
interests
and
opinions
between
Sect
and
Sect
,
the
violence
of
one
is
kept
in
moderation
by
the
fear
of
his
opposite
;
who
will
be
sure
to
use
all
the
skill
and
diligence
he
can
to
detect
him
of
error
,
and
to
extol
his
own
contrary
tenent
;
even
so
that
an
indifferent
adjudication
may
be
made
between
them
.
And
therefore
,
if
we
put
not
on
the
whole
armour
of
God
,
and
have
not
our
feet
shod
with
the
preparation
of
the
Gospel
of
peace
(
that
is
,
with
meekness
and
poorness
of
spirit
)
we
shall
not
be
able
to
stand
against
the
wiles
of
the
Devil
,
nor
his
stratagems
devised
,
to
the
breach
of
Charity
;
nor
be
able
to
quench
the
fiery
darts
of
the
wicked
:
But
because
many
now
under
the
Gospel
,
have
been
the
more
drawn
into
these
,
and
other
errors
in
matter
of
their
practise
,
out
of
their
mistaken
liberty
,
in
the
imitations
of
some
such
presidents
as
they
find
in
the
Old
Testament
recorded
without
reproof
,
it
will
not
be
amiss
to
discourse
somewhat
of
their
and
our
different
conditions
;
that
so
,
making
it
appear
how
their
doings
might
be
lawful
in
such
things
,
and
how
it
comes
otherwise
to
pass
in
ours
,
we
may
then
take
off
the
ground
of
so
much
abuse
.
After
man
had
taken
on
him
the
knowledge
of
good
and
evil
,
he
stood
thereby
obliged
(
as
heretofore
declared
)
to
the
performance
of
all
such
explicite
pious
duties
as
were
requisite
for
Gods
service
;
and
all
such
vertuous
moral
actions
as
were
advantagious
for
the
good
of
others
.
And
albeit
under
the
Law
these
were
abreviated
,
and
under
the
Gospel
contracted
again
into
one
Precept
,
yet
until
that
time
it
still
remained
so
much
their
duties
,
that
men
were
more
or
less
good
or
evil
,
as
they
more
or
less
kept
,
or
violated
these
Rules
.
And
from
thence
it
again
followed
,
that
those
promises
made
to
Adam
,
as
in
the
state
of
innocence
,
and
those
threats
sentenced
on
him
as
lapsed
,
remained
,
for
rewards
and
punishments
,
differently
due
and
proper
to
his
race
.
The
first
great
transgressor
in
this
kind
was
Cain
,
in
the
cruel
slaughter
of
his
brother
:
and
on
him
and
his
race
(
as
now
exiled
from
Gods
more
particular
care
and
right
of
the
Creature
)
we
shall
find
the
first
curse
of
sterility
to
be
again
particularly
laid
.
And
so
himself
understands
it
;
as
appears
by
his
answer
,
Thou
hast
driven
me
out
this
day
from
the
face
of
the
earth
,
and
from
thy
face
shall
I
be
hid
,
&c.
But
when
Seth
is
born
,
and
his
first
son
reckoned
,
you
will
presently
find
,
the
distinction
of
the
righteous
seed
from
the
other
:
Then
began
men
to
call
upon
the
name
of
the
Lord
:
And
then
,
we
may
next
gather
him
and
his
,
for
this
cause
estated
in
the
right
of
their
Fathers
promises
,
as
the
other
was
of
his
Curse
:
For
it
is
after
said
,
That
Adam
beg
at
a
Son
in
his
own
likeness
,
after
his
image
,
and
called
his
name
Seth
:
So
that
he
being
represented
in
his
Sonship
to
Adam
,
under
very
same
expressions
of
Image
and
likeness
as
Adam
was
made
the
Son
of
God
,
But
when
afterwards
these
Sons
of
God
began
to
mingle
,
and
learn
the
vices
of
the
other
,
then
by
degrees
did
the
whole
world
become
corrupt
:
and
had
been
universally
involved
,
in
natural
death
and
destruction
by
flood
,
had
not
Noah
(
as
a
person
upright
in
his
generations
)
found
favour
with
God
,
Amongst
whom
,
we
may
again
find
this
separation
made
,
and
men
still
to
be
distinguished
,
in
regard
of
more
eminent
acts
of
Justice
and
Iudgement
,
until
the
promises
come
more
remarkably
to
descend
,
and
be
conferred
on
Abraham
,
and
on
his
seed
:
that
is
,
to
the
particular
Nation
of
the
Jews
.
Unto
whom
,
those
common
blessings
of
nature
,
were
so
often
particularly
promised
,
as
if
they
were
their
onely
right
:
whereas
we
shall
find
little
mention
in
Holy
Writ
of
the
rest
of
the
world
,
other
then
as
in
relation
to
their
affairs
with
this
peculiar
people
.
In
which
,
we
shall
find
them
blessed
,
as
they
were
to
them
more
kind
,
or
punished
or
destroyed
,
as
to
them
more
malignant
:
as
the
utter
overthrow
of
Amaleck
,
and
the
compleating
of
those
many
prophesies
,
against
all
Nations
that
had
any
ways
distressed
them
,
makes
it
plainly
to
appear
.
These
considerations
being
well
weighed
,
we
may
find
reason
for
that
right
which
the
Israelites
had
unto
the
Land
of
Canaan
.
We
may
finde
a
good
right
they
had
unto
the
Egyptians
goods
.
And
of
that
right
also
which
Moses
had
of
being
a
god
unto
Pharaoh
,
in
demanding
liberty
of
him
for
the
Israelites
departure
:
to
wit
,
because
these
things
were
done
and
enjoyned
in
the
name
of
that
God
that
was
supreme
Lord
of
all
,
as
it
was
both
to
the
Israelites
and
Pharaoh
evidenced
by
miracles
.
And
so
we
may
find
a
good
right
Iacob
had
unto
the
Amorites
goods
too
,
although
his
sons
had
unjustly
taken
them
away
(
because
done
without
his
authority
)
and
so
of
divers
other
instances
,
which
would
be
by
men
(
now
adays
)
reduced
into
practise
;
not
considering
our
different
conditions
,
and
how
our
Saviour
(
the
second
Adam
)
took
not
on
him
to
restore
,
or
establish
the
rights
of
any
particular
People
or
Nation
,
but
dyed
for
all
mankind
:
and
that
in
him
,
the
right
of
the
creature
became
equally
and
universally
restored
.
For
that
now
,
the
wall
of
Separation
being
taken
down
,
there
is
no
distinction
in
these
things
,
between
the
posterities
of
Cain
and
Seth
,
or
Cham
and
Iaphet
:
but
as
the
Christian
duty
of
faith
,
is
of
a
more
spiritual
allay
then
that
former
Covenant
of
works
,
so
is
their
promises
of
a
higher
nature
also
.
Insomuch
,
as
we
shall
not
find
any
where
in
the
Gospel
,
that
there
is
warrant
given
to
make
these
things
the
object
of
our
aims
or
hopes
,
as
to
the
Jews
was
usually
done
,
but
rather
to
the
contrary
.
Whereupon
we
may
say
,
that
however
a
Church
or
particular
members
may
(
as
additional
blessings
to
the
righteousness
of
the
kingdom
of
God
)
expect
these
blessings
to
follow
,
yet
have
they
no
such
particular
right
,
as
(
for
gain
sake
onely
)
,
to
dispossess
the
greatest
infidel
.
And
much
less
can
particular
Christians
,
under
colour
of
distinctions
by
themselves
made
,
have
right
against
one
another
:
and
so
make
God
,
the
Author
of
Peace
,
to
be
the
Author
of
Confusion
and
Civil
war
.
And
as
the
Scriptures
and
their
meaning
are
thus
difficult
,
and
subject
to
misinterpretation
,
in
regard
of
the
temporal
promises
made
in
the
Old-Testament
,
so
are
the
more
spiritual
promises
of
the
Gospel
and
New-Testament
,
(
for
want
of
due
regard
to
alteration
of
times
and
difference
of
persons
)
,
made
the
occasions
of
much
abuse
and
disquiet
also
:
through
mens
hasty
and
partial
interpretations
of
all
things
,
as
relating
to
their
particulars
,
and
to
their
own
benefits
onely
.
To
avoid
which
,
we
are
to
observe
a
difference
of
persons
:
and
to
know
,
that
whereas
our
Saviour
usually
addressed
his
speech
to
his
Disciples
,
(
as
those
he
chiefly
intended
to
teach
,
because
they
should
teach
others
)
,
so
many
of
those
speeches
concerned
them
as
present
Teachers
and
Guides
chiefly
,
and
not
their
successors
:
as
that
place
,
fear
not
little
flock
,
&c.
sell
what
ye
have
and
give
Alms
,
&c.
Some
again
,
concerned
their
successors
and
not
them
:
as
those
places
before
mentioned
,
of
taking
the
swords
,
and
making
friendship
with
Mammon
.
Some
things
again
,
concerned
both
them
and
their
successors
:
as
the
power
of
the
keys
,
whatsoever
ye
shall
binde
on
earth
,
shall
be
bound
in
heaven
:
and
the
power
of
Mission
and
Instruction
,
as
,
he
that
heareth
you
,
heareth
me
,
&c.
thereby
making
a
necessary
difference
between
such
as
should
teach
and
govern
,
and
such
as
should
learn
and
obey
.
Which
distinction
hath
been
of
late
so
little
considered
of
in
the
world
,
or
rather
so
preposterously
practiced
,
that
those
that
should
be
,
by
their
places
,
obeyed
as
Governors
and
Teachers
,
are
now
made
the
only
objects
of
Discipline
and
Instruction
.
For
there
is
not
the
meanest
Subject
or
Artisan
but
are
daring
to
censure
and
direct
both
Prince
and
Priest
in
performance
of
their
duties
:
as
if
these
Texts
Do
all
things
without
murmuring
and
disputing
,
&c.
and
obey
them
that
have
the
guide
over
you
,
&c.
had
been
purposely
spoken
to
Kings
and
Preachers
;
that
thereby
they
might
learn
submission
and
attention
to
their
Subjects
and
and
Auditors
.
Some
things
were
spoken
that
concerned
other
Christians
also
,
but
themselves
in
the
first
place
,
as
whosoever
will
be
my
Disciple
,
let
him
take
up
his
Cross
and
follow
me
,
&c.
And
lastly
,
some
things
are
generally
set
down
,
as
concerning
all
men
;
as
the
Doctrines
of
Faith
,
Love
,
Humility
,
Patience
,
Obedience
,
&c.
although
men
may
differently
be
concerned
in
the
outward
exercise
of
them
,
as
heretofore
related
.
As
concerning
such
Promises
and
Precepts
,
as
had
different
regard
to
Christians
through
alteration
of
times
,
we
shall
finde
some
that
concerned
the
primitive
Believers
,
and
not
those
that
followed
in
the
latter
age
:
as
in
those
glorious
signes
promised
to
accompany
Believers
,
to
cast
out
devils
,
to
speak
with
tongues
,
to
heal
the
sick
,
&c.
The
which
,
as
should
ask
in
Christs
name
,
and
had
but
Faith
to
the
quantity
of
a
grain
of
Mustard-seed
,
some
in
these
latter
times
,
cast
out
devils
in
his
name
:
But
when
his
name
should
be
the
most
glorious
of
any
,
and
his
Church
should
have
attained
that
degree
of
strength
and
learning
,
as
to
be
able
to
provide
for
its
own
safety
and
illumination
in
an
ordinary
way
,
then
came
the
time
again
,
when
(
upon
the
contrary
reason
)
,
these
endowments
to
private
persons
ceasing
,
we
are
to
construe
some
admonitions
as
chiefly
proper
to
Christians
in
the
last
times
,
and
to
happen
when
his
service
shall
be
an
honor
:
as
are
these
Admonitions
,
to
beware
of
(
pretenders
to
new
lights
,
)
such
as
shall
say
,
Lo
here
is
Christ
,
and
loe
there
is
Christ
,
&c.
And
having
hitherto
so
largely
endeavoured
to
prove
our
Assertions
out
of
the
Texts
of
the
holy
Scriptures
,
and
having
done
it
with
such
strength
of
evidence
,
as
to
me
seemeth
of
value
to
convince
any
that
hath
real
and
firm
belief
that
they
are
truely
proceeding
from
God
;
or
that
rather
,
there
is
indeed
any
God
at
all
;
it
seems
lastly
necessary
,
for
conviction
of
both
these
sorts
of
men
,
that
is
,
open
Athiests
,
and
such
secret
ones
,
that
confessing
a
God
and
the
Authority
of
Scripture
,
(
the
better
to
serve
their
own
turns
thereby
)
,
do
yet
in
their
works
deny
him
,
to
say
something
for
conviction
of
Deity
,
and
the
daily
exercise
of
divine
Providence
amongst
us
.
The
which
,
shall
serve
by
way
of
addition
,
to
our
first
enterprize
therein
at
the
beginning
of
this
work
:
which
,
for
haste
to
other
things
,
was
but
cursorily
there
handled
.
CHAP.
XIV
.
Of
Athiesm
.
AS
the
Nature
of
all
kinde
of
vertue
is
to
be
operative
,
so
,
by
the
degree
and
extent
of
operation
,
is
the
proportion
and
extent
of
the
vertue
to
be
measured
.
For
,
neither
to
do
by
help
,
is
so
powerful
as
to
act
alone
;
nor
to
do
one
or
few
things
,
as
many
or
all
.
Again
,
as
extent
of
ability
is
best
measured
by
extent
of
operation
,
in
the
objects
it
undertakes
,
so
is
the
proportion
of
vigor
by
distance
in
execution
:
even
as
that
loadstone
that
can
attract
at
greatest
distance
is
best
;
and
that
fire
that
can
heat
or
burn
farthest
of
,
is
so
also
.
And
as
potency
and
vigour
,
are
to
be
thus
measured
by
distance
between
Agent
and
Patient
;
so
much
more
,
when
that
distance
shall
be
so
encreased
,
as
the
presence
of
the
Agent
shall
not
sensibly
appear
,
as
to
the
present
work
▪
but
a
weak
or
unlike
thing
,
(
having
of
it self
no
effectualness
thereunto
)
sh●●l
by
its
power
,
be
made
the
Author
of
his
proper
execution
.
Thus
,
when
●
knifes
point
empowered
by
touch
from
the
Load-stone
,
or
an
Iron
or
oth●r
thing
heated
by
fire
,
do
in
such
degree
draw
and
burn
,
as
if
the
Loadstone
or
fire
were
present
;
it
must
undeniably
,
argue
more
strength
in
that
case
,
then
where
,
without
personal
presence
,
the
same
could
not
be
performed
.
And
,
(
to
proceed
in
examination
and
comparison
of
the
causes
of
things
according
to
distance
)
,
if
there
could
be
found
,
a
Load-stone
or
fire
of
such
efficacy
,
as
to
have
empowered
or
heated
any
Iron
to
such
perfection
as
it
should
have
continued
that
vertue
without
itteration
;
or
could
again
one
Load-stone
or
fire
,
without
so
much
as
touch
but
only
with
one
efflux
of
power
,
have
at
distance
so
strongly
impowered
all
iron
,
that
each
piece
and
part
thereof
can
now
,
(
as
of
an
inherent
and
proper
vertue
of
its
own
)
,
effectually
and
perpetually
burn
and
attract
,
without
farther
immediate
communication
with
its
first
cause
or
original
power
,
it
should
then
happen
,
that
the
power
of
that
power
must
be
acknowledged
so
much
greater
in
it self
:
although
its
efficatiousness
herein
,
must
(
through
its
distance
in
operation
)
,
be
in
a
manner
wholly
concealed
and
clowded
from
our
knowledge
.
Even
as
in
our
sports
,
that
gamester
that
can
make
one
Bowl
or
Ball
strike
another
,
and
that
another
,
in
such
certain
places
successively
,
as
to
cause
the
last
of
them
to
rest
or
move
as
he
desires
,
is
more
to
be
admired
for
his
power
and
artifice
,
then
he
that
can
do
it
but
with
his
hand
:
and
he
most
,
that
can
do
it
at
greatest
distance
,
and
with
most
itteration
and
repetition
of
successive
stroaks
,
in
the
Bowls
or
Balls
.
After
the
same
manner
we
may
conceive
of
Deity
,
making
one
thing
the
cause
to
another
,
for
the
effecting
of
that
course
of
providence
he
determined
.
In
which
doing
,
his
working
in
,
and
through
all
intervenient
causes
and
occurrents
,
without
being
seen
in
any
,
and
making
them
to
do
it
with
so
great
ease
to
himself
as
not
to
be
seen
therein
,
must
discover
as
well
his
real
being
,
as
our
ignorance
in
not
conceiving
it
.
For
to
fix
and
fasten
those
effects
we
daily
behold
as
issuing
onely
from
nature
,
chance
,
or
I
know
not
what
occult
quality
,
(
without
through
light
into
Deity
and
Providence
,
as
the
prime
cause
)
,
is
as
if
one
cast
at
Dice
or
Bowls
,
were
more
from
chance
then
another
:
and
not
necessarily
depending
on
,
and
following
that
strength
of
casting
,
and
those
occurrences
of
bounds
,
rubs
,
&c.
as
well
as
others
:
but
these
having
turns
beyond
our
expectations
or
notice
,
we
put
them
on
chance
;
because
we
cannot
see
through
all
that
variety
of
intervenient
causes
that
must
make
them
such
.
For
as
the
several
motions
,
and
change
of
place
in
the
particular
Cards
,
in
shuffling
,
and
cutting
,
if
leasurely
demonstrated
to
us
,
would
make
those
dealings
we
count
most
strange
and
depending
on
chance
,
seem
most
reasonable
;
even
so
also
,
(
were
we
artificial
enough
)
,
when
the
hits
of
a
Bowl
or
bound
of
a
Ball
is
shewed
us
,
we
might
by
estimation
and
measuring
the
effect
,
know
and
measure
the
cause
,
and
say
,
that
Bowl
or
Ball
that
did
it
,
must
come
from
such
and
such
a
point
,
and
be
projected
with
such
and
such
a
strength
.
In
which
regard
as
we
finde
such
different
abilities
,
even
amongst
our selves
in
the
comprehension
and
practice
how
these
things
are
or
may
be
effected
,
so
may
it
easily
be
conceived
that
,
by
degrees
of
proportion
,
he
that
could
not
be
by
any
defect
impeded
in
notice
or
comprehension
,
no
more
then
in
act
and
execution
,
must
have
both
his
existence
and
providence
made
apparent
hereby
:
for
as
the
Bowl
or
Ball
have
no
power
to
act
of
themselves
without
our
impulsion
or
a
forraign
mover
,
even
so
the
Elements
of
which
they
are
composed
,
cannot
without
the
influence
of
a
Deity
,
be
reasonably
presumed
to
have
power
to
move
and
act
also
.
Although
these
instances
of
fire
,
of
Load-stone
,
and
of
sports
,
may
serve
to
bring
to
our
conceits
something
of
the
manner
of
appearance
of
Gods
Omnipotency
in
his
works
of
Providence
and
Government
of
the
world
,
yet
,
being
themselves
but
created
bodies
and
vertues
,
they
must
in
proportion
of
vigor
,
(
even
in
that
kinde
wherein
they
so
much
excel
all
other
things
)
,
be
infinitely
excelled
by
that
power
that
caused
it
:
and
that
,
even
by
the
same
reason
of
ability
of
power
before
mentioned
,
namely
working
at
greater
distance
.
For
as
the
Load-stone
doth
excel
in
vertue
of
attraction
,
that
of
the
touched
knife
,
(
as
being
thereof
the
formal
cause
)
so
must
that
again
which
was
the
cause
hereof
in
the
Loadstone
,
excel
in
power
that
also
;
(
especially
,
being
the
cause
of
other
things
besides
)
;
and
so
on
,
till
we
come
to
the
universal
cause
of
all
things
and
their
Vertues
:
who
,
as
the
more
distant
from
the
immediate
effect
and
execution
,
must
proportionably
,
have
the
prime
,
and
highest
degree
of
energy
and
power
ascribed
unto
him
.
And
then
again
,
although
absence
from
present
execution
prove
distance
,
and
distance
prove
power
in
that
cause
which
is
the
cause
of
any
thing
,
yet
,
because
unto
men
,
the
inward
and
formal
causes
of
effects
are
seldom
known
,
but
our
knowledge
is
meerly
experience
,
(
that
is
to
say
,
from
the
experience
of
so
many
constant
effects
proceeding
from
such
or
such
an
immediate
Agent
,
to
conclude
that
to
be
the
sole
cause
thereof
)
.
It
is
therefore
hard
for
us
to
look
beyond
that
present
cause
:
(
especially
if
its
cause
had
but
few
effects
,
and
those
hardly
remarkable
)
,
and
so
to
look
on
,
till
we
come
to
God
the
cause
of
all
.
As
for
example
,
could
the
effect
of
the
Load-stone
upon
iron
,
or
the
Mariners
Needle
,
have
been
to
invisibly
repeated
,
as
no
man
could
have
by
present
sense
known
it
to
be
the
cause
,
we
should
(
beyond
all
peradventure
)
from
the
constancy
of
effects
proceeding
from
the
same
Needle
,
have
imagined
it
the
sole
cause
thereof
.
So
then
,
we
,
that
can
neither
from
true
inspection
into
the
formal
Nature
and
activity
of
heat
,
and
of
the
influence
of
the
superior
bodies
,
nor
susceptibility
of
the
lower
Elements
,
as
severally
mingled
,
tell
from
thence
that
such
and
such
species
must
be
produced
;
or
that
again
cannot
tell
,
that
these
principles
we
finde
in
Nature
,
were
necessarily
to
be
such
and
so
many
,
for
maintenance
of
the
effects
of
unity
and
propriety
of
place
,
(
as
those
were
again
for
maintenance
of
Creation
)
,
we
(
I
say
)
,
cannot
be
wondred
at
,
for
not
being
able
to
forejudge
more
,
or
other
species
in
Nature
,
then
those
we
know
by
sense
;
and
that
also
,
in
productions
neerest
us
.
And
since
in
our
most
ordinary
and
familiar
sports
(
as
aforesaid
)
,
we
cannot
judge
of
events
,
although
their
true
causes
be
within
the
compass
of
present
sense
,
we
are
still
less
to
be
wondred
at
,
when
ignorance
and
doubtings
shall
often
arise
of
a
cause
so
far
of
:
which
is
never
,
but
by
way
of
miracle
,
made
the
Author
of
any
immediate
effect
.
Whereas
,
in
truth
and
plain
reason
,
this
Ascension
and
Progression
of
causes
,
must
(
as
elsewhere
declared
)
,
end
in
an
omnipotent
Author
:
whose
power
is
more
rationally
to
be
concluded
the
prime
and
sole
cause
of
all
things
,
as
standing
in
that
supreme
order
he
now
doth
,
then
if
he
should
be
acting
beneath
;
and
of
but
one
thing
at
once
.
And
as
he
is
more
admirable
in
his
own
Throne
of
power
,
ordering
all
things
by
his
sole
word
and
command
,
then
if
he
should
descend
to
be
personally
doing
of
every
thing
,
so
,
(
could
we
rightly
consider
it
)
,
any
one
thing
,
is
(
in
it self
)
as
miraculously
and
powerfully
wrought
,
in
that
kinde
of
efficiency
which
we
call
ordinary
,
as
when
done
in
an
extraordinary
way
.
So
for
example
,
if
wood
should
have
been
by
God
endued
with
power
to
draw
Iron
,
or
one
Iron
to
draw
another
,
as
now
the
Load
stone
doth
,
would
not
the
ordinary
effect
that
way
,
have
made
the
Load-stones
attraction
as
great
a
miracle
,
as
it
seemeth
for
wood
to
do
it
now
?
And
if
none
can
give
reason
,
why
other
things
should
not
have
as
great
attractive
force
as
these
,
why
should
it
not
be
a
greater
proof
of
Deity
,
to
be
constantly
powerful
in
all
and
every
operation
,
then
to
be
so
but
now
and
then
:
which
is
all
the
proof
that
miracles
have
?
And
therefore
,
as
men
of
riper
judgement
and
experience
,
would
much
laugh
at
the
folly
and
weakness
of
such
,
as
(
beholding
the
Mariners
compass
)
do
ascribe
the
effect
of
the
Needle
to
some
hidden
quality
,
or
secret
property
residing
in
it self
:
and
as
again
,
the
ascribing
and
occult
quality
unto
those
operations
of
the
Load-stone
,
(
without
farther
knowledge
or
derivation
of
its
cause
)
,
is
but
a
(
shift
of
ignorance
,
as
the
setting
down
of
all
other
hidden
causes
are
;
(
each
thing
having
a
cause
beyond
it self
,
so
is
there
none
but
fools
that
say
in
their
hearts
,
or
really
think
,
there
is
no
God
:
because
they
cannot
discern
his
efficacy
through
,
and
beyond
intermediate
causes
.
And
they
are
(
at
most
)
,
but
middle
witted
men
:
for
that
,
albeit
they
can
(
from
a
little
farther
experience
)
,
tell
of
Causes
above
the
lowest
degree
of
men
,
yet
are
they
not
wise
enough
to
search
farther
.
So
that
Athiesm
is
always
bordering
on
folly
and
narrowness
of
comprehension
:
being
nothing
else
,
but
a
stubborn
relyance
on
present
sense
:
as
from
the
certainty
of
effects
in
things
we
ordinarily
behold
,
concluding
those
Causes
within
reach
of
our
observation
to
be
the
most
supreme
.
And
farther
,
thinking
that
if
a
voluntary
Agent
were
in
those
things
universal
Cause
and
Author
,
he
would
(
as
fancying
his
inclination
by
our
own
)
be
more
personally
appearing
for
his
greater
credit-sake
amongst
us
:
and
make
his
present
operation
serve
to
direct
our
acknowledgements
unto
him
.
Not
duly
considering
,
that
it
would
be
so
far
from
encreasing
the
worth
,
as
it
would
redound
to
the
actors
disesteem
:
as
arguing
decay
of
the
Vertue
of
Agency
,
if
the
supreme
and
higher
Cause
,
should
(
for
want
of
strength
otherwise
)
,
be
forced
immediately
to
work
on
a
lower
effect
:
for
that
,
(
hereby
again
)
the
supreme
Cause
ceasing
,
(
by
becoming
an
intermediate
one
)
,
it
must
follow
,
that
as
Causes
were
fewer
,
Effects
and
Creatures
must
be
fewer
also
.
And
when
all
is
done
,
that
supreme
Cause
that
is
now
intermediate
in
operation
,
would
by
its
constancy
in
so
doing
,
be
as
far
from
discovering
a
Deity
,
as
the
other
was
before
:
unless
they
could
imagine
,
that
for
their
onely
satisfaction
sake
,
causes
of
things
should
not
have
been
constant
and
uniform
,
but
on
purpose
various
,
to
have
drawn
on
their
notice
.
Again
,
if
God
Almighty
should
have
been
disabled
to
the
degree
of
an
humane
Artificer
,
and
have
been
ineffectual
farther
then
where
his
own
hand
hath
been
express
,
(
as
is
the
workmans
in
making
the
Watch
)
,
then
it
must
next
follow
,
that
either
Creatures
must
have
been
so
few
and
perishable
,
as
Watches
made
by
one
hand
,
or
else
they
must
have
supposed
,
this
Agents
power
advanced
to
such
degree
,
that
,
as
a
Monarch
can
manage
a
Kingdom
by
his
Laws
,
(
so
as
the
same
needed
not
to
be
afterwards
guided
by
him
,
but
by
instruments
obedient
to
him
)
,
or
as
the
Artificer
can
frame
and
contrive
a
Watch
,
to
go
for
as
long
time
as
he
pleaseth
,
(
so
as
the
same
can
now
go
without
his
appearance
)
in
like
manner
,
there
should
be
also
such
procession
of
the
first
cause
of
operation
and
motion
in
these
things
,
as
they
shall
be
infinitely
continued
.
If
this
course
could
have
gone
on
,
this
first
Cause
would
have
been
a
God
:
because
his
operation
and
existence
must
have
been
eternal
.
But
on
it
could
not
go
to
any
degree
of
eternity
;
inasmuch
as
all
progressive
operations
and
motions
must
be
finite
and
determinate
:
in
regard
that
that
end
and
rest
,
which
caused
motion
through
desire
of
approach
,
must
cease
it
,
having
now
attained
it
.
And
therefore
,
to
make
things
continue
,
there
must
be
a
circulation
of
Causes
and
Effects
allowed
:
whereby
,
each
individual
thing
having
attained
that
proper
end
,
(
for
which
its
last
Cause
or
next
Agents
produced
it
in
Nature
)
,
must
return
into
its
first
matter
,
through
corruption
and
alteration
of
its
last
specifick
forms
;
and
be
ready
to
obey
the
more
general
Causes
in
Nature
,
and
the
Laws
of
that
matter
which
is
most
homogenius
unto
it
;
in
correspondence
to
the
next
more
proper
and
powerful
Agent
.
Even
as
in
the
affairs
and
atchievements
in
kingdoms
,
(
although
the
hands
of
the
lowest
sort
of
individual
Officers
is
most
immediate
in
the
work
,
yet
these
,
having
their
power
from
the
next
general
Officer
,
and
so
he
again
from
next
above
him
,
till
these
Officers
(
growing
higher
and
fewer
)
,
do
at
last
terminate
in
the
King
,
as
Fountain
of
all
their
power
;
so
,
)
any
of
those
next
perishable
individual
Officers
deceasing
,
that
formal
power
that
made
them
such
,
returns
to
the
hands
of
those
next
Officers
above
him
:
who
constitutes
others
,
and
those
more
or
fewer
in
these
places
,
as
they
finde
the
exigence
of
that
Kingdoms
affairs
call
for
in
relation
thereunto
:
no
otherwise
then
as
(
with
us
)
,
a
Constable
dying
,
the
Justices
(
as
the
more
general
Officers
)
,
do
by
vertue
of
their
Commissions
and
derived
power
,
constitute
new
in
the
place
.
In
which
course
,
as
the
affairs
of
the
Kingdom
,
is
ordinarily
managed
without
the
Prince
his
appearance
,
or
again
,
the
spring
can
move
the
several
wheels
of
the
Watch
,
without
particular
touch
of
any
but
that
next
him
;
why
may
there
not
,
nay
why
must
there
not
be
a
Deity
;
to
be
the
first
mover
in
things
of
this
universe
?
Who
,
(
according
to
his
good
pleasure
)
,
ordering
that
the
appointed
continuance
of
this
world
,
should
be
maintained
by
perishable
individuals
,
hath
in
his
providence
(
to
that
end
)
ordered
that
the
corruption
of
one
thing
,
should
be
still
progressive
to
the
generation
of
another
.
Why
may
he
not
again
(
in
the
doing
thereof
)
,
be
yet
as
far
,
or
more
removed
from
our
notice
in
ordinary
operations
,
as
the
cause
of
Government
,
or
the
motion
of
Watches
(
or
the
like
)
,
is
hid
and
unknown
to
the
weaker
sort
of
people
,
and
to
other
Creatures
below
us
;
and
are
of
them
thought
to
proceed
from
no
farther
cause
,
then
what
present
sense
can
discover
?
For
should
the
King
be
as
much
hidden
from
our
bodily
sence
,
as
God
is
,
and
should
we
again
know
no
more
of
the
Commissions
and
powers
granted
to
Justices
in
each
Kingdom
,
then
we
do
of
the
Laws
of
matter
and
internal
forms
in
Nature
,
it
would
be
as
hard
to
apprehend
any
prime
Agent
above
those
Justices
in
the
Kingdom
,
as
to
conceive
the
power
and
existence
of
Deity
in
the
world
.
A
supposition
that
may
be
well
made
good
,
if
consideration
be
had
of
those
strange
conceits
of
the
form
and
figure
of
Kings
,
which
are
entertained
by
some
ignorant
people
,
that
as
yet
never
saw
any
,
nor
heard
them
described
.
And
the
reason
is
the
same
,
for
our
ignorance
in
appearance
of
Gods
operation
in
Creation
,
Providence
,
and
natural
Causes
,
as
is
for
the
ignorance
of
these
before
mentioned
,
in
the
knowledge
of
the
Causes
of
political
or
artificial
productions
with
us
:
unless
we
shall
impiously
,
as
well
as
arrogantly
conclude
,
that
we
should
have
knowledge
in
this
life
in
such
perfection
,
as
to
see
him
intuitively
:
as
Angels
do
now
,
or
as
our selves
shall
do
hereafter
.
Of
the
reason
of
the
present
course
of
Gods
proceeding
in
many
particulars
both
of
Creation
and
Providence
,
we
did
speak
in
the
beginning
,
and
other
parts
of
this
work
:
in
which
we
declared
the
divers
sympathies
and
natural
propensities
wherewith
Vegetatives
and
Inanimates
are
indued
:
all
of
them
tending
to
specifical
,
and
mutual
preservation
and
Providence
.
We
also
shewed
,
how
Sensitives
were
provoked
by
the
affection
of
pleasure
,
(
naturally
implanted
in
them
,
and
accompanying
things
beneficial
)
,
to
be
continually
active
in
pursuance
of
what
was
to
themselves
:
and
others
behoof-ful
.
We
also
manifested
,
how
rational
Creatures
(
by
the
affection
of
love
and
desire
of
beneficence
,
and
by
the
thirst
of
honor
accompanying
them
as
their
reward
)
,
were
provoked
also
unto
the
like
continual
endeavors
towards
mutual
good
and
preservation
.
All
of
them
infallibly
concluding
that
there
must
be
an
Author
or
prime
Agent
,
of
such
universal
concern
,
and
such
continual
care
in
constituting
and
ordering
these
things
,
as
to
be
their
original
Cause
,
and
perpetual
guide
and
support
according
to
the
method
of
his
own
good
pleasure
.
For
should
there
not
be
these
natural
propensions
to
love
and
pitty
,
nay
to
acts
of
justice
,
and
of
submission
therein
to
others
,
as
to
honor
Parents
and
the
like
,
it
would
come
to
pass
that
through
that
too
great
thirst
of
self-seeking
heretofore
spoken
of
,
and
through
anger
and
envy
of
being
crossed
therein
,
no
one
man
would
now
be
left
alive
:
inasmuch
as
there
is
no
man
but
is
by
one
or
other
so
much
hated
as
to
cause
his
death
to
be
heartily
desired
,
were
not
manifold
hinderances
by
divine
Providence
and
appointment
put
in
,
to
keep
off
execution
.
And
in
this
regard
,
was
may
also
collect
another
strong
proof
for
Deity
and
Providence
,
from
that
awful
and
reverential
respect
which
is
by
each
one
born
towards
Authority
.
For
experience
every
day
tells
us
,
that
those
very
persons
that
are
come
to
that
height
of
daring
,
as
to
challenge
and
enter
the
field
for
a
lye
,
an
abuse
to
their
Mistress
,
or
the
like
,
(
where
,
besides
the
equal
hazard
of
their
lives
in
present
,
they
must
have
a
certain
expectation
to
suffer
according
to
Law
,
in
case
they
do
out-live
the
other
)
are
yet
so
kept
in
order
by
that
divine
and
providential
terror
by
God
impressed
on
his
Image
of
Authority
here
on
earth
,
as
not
to
have
courage
to
withstand
the
Attachment
of
a
publike
Officer
.
Whereupon
,
our
Discourse
formerly
,
and
ordinary
reason
it self
always
testifying
,
that
these
his
works
,
and
the
way
of
Government
of
them
,
are
such
as
cannot
be
bettered
;
why
should
we
think
,
Change
and
Alteration
any
ways
convenient
?
For
if
it
be
an
act
proper
to
goodness
,
wisdom
,
power
,
&c.
to
make
things
well
and
good
,
and
afterwards
to
dispose
them
so
,
will
not
constancy
herein
,
be
as
commendable
to
the
same
goodness
,
wisdom
,
and
power
,
in
their
continuance
in
that
order
,
as
it
was
for
creating
and
thus
stating
them
?
And
so
,
if
God
had
not
made
and
ordered
all
things
so
as
cannot
be
bettered
,
he
could
not
have
been
God
:
and
if
he
should
not
keep
them
in
the
same
order
,
whilst
they
remain
the
same
things
,
he
should
not
be
God
neither
:
wisdom
in
designation
,
requiring
constancy
in
prosecution
;
and
irresistible
power
being
the
necessary
attendant
of
both
.
And
having
thus
far
spoken
in
defence
of
the
constancy
of
the
course
of
Nature
and
Providence
,
against
such
as
would
not
believe
a
God
,
because
since
the
Fathers
fell
asleep
,
all
things
are
alike
till
now
,
so
also
,
for
conviction
of
such
,
as
from
inconstancy
and
irregularity
of
the
actions
in
voluntary
Agents
,
because
sentence
against
an
evil
work
is
not
executed
speedily
,
therefore
the
heart
of
the
sons
of
men
,
is
fully
set
in
them
to
do
evil
,
we
shall
now
farther
speak
.
In
this
saying
of
the
wise
man
,
we
may
apprehend
the
two
usual
grounds
that
make
men
lean
to
Atheism
.
The
first
is
,
in
thinking
all
the
acts
and
works
of
men
evil
which
they
cannot
apprehend
as
good
:
not
being
many
times
able
,
to
look
through
the
mistaken
or
present
particular
suffering
of
some
few
,
unto
that
real
and
more
lasting
good
,
thereby
procured
to
many
.
The
other
,
in
thinking
that
the
acts
permitted
unto
,
and
proceeding
from
humane
Judgement
and
Will
,
(
as
it
is
seated
in
divers
persons
for
the
guidance
of
their
own
affairs
)
,
should
be
alike
constant
to
those
of
God
,
in
the
Government
of
the
world
and
course
of
his
Providence
;
who
hath
an
uniform
end
to
cause
steadiness
of
his
actions
therein
.
Unto
which
an
answer
may
be
also
made
,
out
of
the
same
consideration
before
spoken
of
:
namely
,
the
sufficiency
of
the
one
above
the
other
.
And
if
they
wil
allow
any
Creature
to
be
so
perfect
,
as
to
have
Will
and
Understanding
separate
,
they
must
in
order
to
their
specifical
freedom
of
Will
,
allow
them
variety
of
actions
also
:
especially
,
since
their
private
ends
must
differ
,
as
before
noted
.
And
therefore
,
as
we
must
conclude
Gods
works
must
be
uniform
and
constant
,
in
reference
to
his
Unity
of
Will
and
end
to
design
,
and
all-sufficiency
of
power
to
atchieve
;
so
,
we
must
allow
to
things
submitted
to
the
power
of
inferior
voluntary
Agents
,
(
if
at
all
you
will
grant
them
voluntary
)
,
freedom
unto
variety
of
productions
and
execution
:
and
that
in
bad
,
as
well
as
in
good
.
Unless
we
shall
at
once
,
and
against
sense
conclude
,
all
men
are
alike
good
,
wise
,
or
powerful
:
and
that
,
from
such
plurality
and
disparity
of
Judgement
,
Interest
,
and
Will
,
we
should
think
that
constant
procession
could
be
expected
.
From
which
liberty
and
freedom
of
action
,
in
good
or
bad
,
guided
according
to
the
true
light
or
corruption
of
humane
judgement
and
Will
,
it
must
also
follow
that
the
evidences
and
directions
given
for
mens
guidance
,
should
not
be
in
such
continuing
and
pressing
manner
repeated
to
each
single
person
as
that
by
peremptory
conviction
to
good
,
his
liberty
to
ill
should
,
(
as
heretofore
noted
)
by
consequence
be
debarred
.
But
that
God
should
be
as
mysterious
and
reserved
in
the
dispensation
of
his
Providence
in
Nature
,
as
in
his
Precepts
in
Scripture
.
It
is
enough
,
that
there
is
Moses
and
the
Prophets
,
such
sufficient
revelation
already
given
to
all
men
in
general
,
as
to
save
any
one
in
particular
:
when
as
a
miraculous
extraordinary
defeat
,
or
conviction
of
every
evil
action
,
like
one
risen
from
the
dead
,
destroys
not
onely
mans
liberty
,
but
will
look
like
partiality
:
yielding
hereby
,
greater
light
to
direct
evil
persons
,
then
was
before
given
to
good
ones
.
And
,
to
instance
in
that
which
yet
comes
neerer
our
present
business
,
(
for
the
conviction
of
the
demi-Athiest
of
the
world
,
(
such
as
oppose
God
,
in
that
God
he
hath
placed
over
us
)
if
there
should
in
all
such
Enterprises
new
Advertizements
from
Heaven
be
given
,
to
prevent
,
or
always
infelicity
follow
,
to
deter
,
then
could
no
such
things
as
Loyalty
and
Rebellion
have
been
existent
.
Whereas
now
,
God
permitting
the
stubborn
and
obdurate
hearted
sometimes
to
prosper
in
that
evil
,
as
he
thereby
leaves
us
to
our
freedoms
,
so
yet
,
by
means
of
those
many
Precepts
against
it
,
and
examples
of
punishment
,
he
leaves
us
unexcusable
for
all
our
attempts
therein
:
notwithstanding
success
may
for
a
time
attend
this
,
as
well
as
it
doth
other
sins
.
Which
success
,
we
may
well
conjecture
also
tolerated
for
a
just
punishment
,
as
well
to
subjects
Rebellion
,
which
on
their
parts
caused
it
,
by
having
the
woe
of
many
Princes
,
as
also
for
a
common
punishment
to
other
Princes
and
Monarchs
themselves
:
who
,
out
of
their
greater
hatred
and
malice
to
one
another
,
and
covetous
desire
of
gain
,
have
suffered
these
common
disturbers
and
enemies
to
them
all
,
thus
to
settle
and
prosper
,
divine
permission
ordering
those
things
in
such
sort
,
that
we
may
well
believe
,
that
,
as
an
adequate
punishment
for
these
faults
on
both
sides
,
these
lesser
Antichrists
shall
,
like
the
great
one
before
noted
,
continue
in
the
World
till
Christs
second
coming
in
brightness
also
.
Again
,
as
the
essential
freedom
of
Will
must
produce
variety
of
actions
,
so
must
the
privacy
thereof
and
of
its
inclination
and
aym
in
atchieving
them
,
cause
or
endanger
such
mens
mistake
,
that
undertake
to
judge
and
censure
them
,
either
to
good
or
bad
.
And
the
like
must
also
happen
through
ignorance
of
Circumstances
accompanying
the
acts
themselves
;
and
also
through
ignorance
of
former
merit
or
demerit
in
the
parties
now
prosperous
or
unsuccessful
:
all
which
may
alter
the
state
of
the
present
event
,
from
what
we
now
see
and
apprehend
to
be
called
just
,
or
otherwise
.
Besides
,
since
the
best
of
humane
actions
cannot
be
in
full
degree
perfect
,
if
,
evil
ones
had
not
been
permitted
,
all
would
have
been
not
onely
naught
comparatively
,
as
being
much
beneath
the
perfection
of
God
or
Angels
,
but
naught
also
in
the
highest
degree
;
as
having
none
worse
.
Whereupon
,
Gods
justice
against
sin
might
have
lighten
upon
whole
mankinde
,
as
equally
evil
and
guilty
,
and
the
work
of
mercy
in
saving
some
,
could
not
,
for
want
of
disparity
,
take
effect
,
without
partiality
:
whereas
now
,
by
his
fixed
rule
of
Providence
,
he
hath
so
bounded
the
power
of
the
most
wicked
as
they
cannot
make
destruction
in
this
life
to
any
great
height
.
And
this
,
because
the
pleasures
and
appetites
of
Food
and
Generation
,
the
natural
affection
of
Storge
,
pitty
,
and
sense
of
honor
,
will
be
so
perpetually
prevalent
to
the
advance
and
preservation
of
specifical
and
personal
being
,
that
the
most
malicious
and
tyrannical
Athiests
cannot
make
any
contrivance
,
or
have
any
certainty
to
be
generally
prevalent
to
destroy
others
,
but
they
shall
(
withal
)
thereby
injure
themselves
here
,
besides
most
assured
destruction
(
by
this
means
)
brought
to
themselves
hereafter
.
At
which
time
,
the
good
shall
also
have
their
reward
:
it
being
unreasonable
,
that
that
sentence
and
reward
which
must
have
respect
to
the
actions
of
mens
whole
life
,
should
be
expected
until
after
it
is
finished
.
And
therefore
,
as
to
the
other
part
of
the
wise
mans
Reason
given
for
entertainment
of
Athiesm
and
wickedness
amongst
men
,
namely
Gods
forbearance
to
execute
sentence
speedi●y
against
and
evel
work
,
as
the
forepassed
reasons
may
in
part
satisfie
why
he
should
so
do
,
so
is
there
a
farther
ground
thereof
.
Which
is
,
our
inconsiderate
measuring
Gods
time
and
motives
in
execution
of
Justice
to
be
the
same
with
ours
;
and
according
to
our
own
present
sense
thereof
.
For
because
,
when
any
thing
is
done
against
our
Commands
or
Authority
,
we
should
our selves
be
presently
and
personally
shewing
our
mislike
,
and
proceed
to
correction
or
reproof
,
even
so
we
may
imagine
God
should
do
also
:
not
duly
weighing
those
differences
between
him
and
us
that
might
justly
make
alteration
herein
.
As
first
,
we
our selves
,
being
personally
and
more
immediately
affected
with
the
injuries
which
are
wrought
unto
us
,
must
,
out
of
natural
desire
and
delight
in
acts
of
revenge
,
needs
be
more
personally
and
presently
pressing
to
self-repairation
:
and
that
,
without
thought
of
the
prejudices
of
others
to
arise
thereby
.
Whereas
God
Almighty
,
being
not
patible
himself
,
nor
otherwise
to
be
prejudiced
then
by
those
harms
done
to
others
of
his
Creatures
,
and
that
disturbance
which
our
sins
do
cause
in
the
course
of
his
Providence
,
cannot
be
imagined
to
be
so
hastened
in
the
course
of
his
punishments
,
as
thereby
to
cause
a
greater
and
more
general
harm
to
ensue
:
but
,
as
he
doth
punish
but
in
order
to
universal
care
and
Providence
,
so
,
to
contrive
and
watch
such
means
and
opportunity
for
doing
it
,
as
may
best
advance
the
general
good
of
all
.
Again
,
unto
us
that
have
but
an
uncertain
and
momentary
time
of
abidance
in
this
world
,
it
must
therefore
seem
necessary
that
we
should
be
always
as
speedy
as
we
can
in
execution
of
all
acts
of
Justice
,
for
fear
it
will
not
be
after
in
our
power
here
,
and
knowing
it
will
not
be
at
all
in
our
power
hereafter
:
whereas
these
hazards
,
being
not
compatible
with
Gods
eternity
,
both
in
existence
and
power
,
as
well
in
this
life
as
that
to
come
,
he
cannot
thereupon
be
streightned
in
time
like
us
.
Whereupon
,
since
a
thousand
yeers
are
with
him
but
as
one
day
,
therefore
are
we
to
answer
these
scoffers
with
S.
Peter
,
that
that
which
some
men
count
slackness
,
is
not
to
be
attributed
to
God
:
but
we
are
rather
gratefully
to
admire
his
long-suffering
to
us-ward
,
not
willing
that
any
should
perish
,
but
that
all
should
come
to
repentance
.
And
could
men
but
silence
or
suspend
that
partial
respect
and
estimation
which
each
one
is
ready
to
cast
towards
the
justice
of
their
own
Cause
,
and
also
that
natural
impatience
and
thirst
of
present
revenge
and
reparation
which
he
expects
should
appear
in
maintenance
of
his
right
,
and
in
vindication
of
his
sufferings
,
he
might
then
finde
great
reason
why
God
should
not
expresly
appear
in
his
redress
;
although
his
case
should
be
as
deplorable
,
and
his
usage
as
injust
as
himself
doth
now
judge
it
to
be
.
For
since
these
injust
and
oppressive
acts
are
usual
amongst
men
;
nay
since
in
all
kinde
of
judicature
and
dealing
,
one
party
or
another
will
think
himself
defrauded
or
oppressed
,
if
therefore
divine
Justice
should
interpose
in
all
cases
where
wrong
were
done
,
it
must
also
proceed
to
reparation
of
the
party
wronged
upon
him
that
did
it
,
to
the
utter
disheartening
and
defeat
of
humane
Judicature
:
where
,
many
times
,
for
want
of
sufficiency
of
judgement
or
information
,
wrong
sentence
is
given
against
their
Wills
.
Or
should
God
appear
but
in
some
more
remarkable
occasions
of
redress
,
how
would
their
discontent
be
hereupon
increased
,
who
were
not
in
their
distresses
so
righted
and
relieved
also
?
Each
one
being
to
be
presumed
to
carry
as
partial
a
valuation
of
his
own
merits
,
and
to
be
as
impatient
in
the
sense
of
his
own
sufferings
,
as
he
must
be
presumed
to
be
separately
persceptible
of
them
by
his
proper
Understanding
and
sense
,
and
not
that
of
another
.
It
must
therefore
come
to
pass
that
either
God
Almighty
,
by
his
remarkable
appearance
in
some
mens
Causes
,
must
consequently
leave
others
but
so
much
the
more
discontented
:
or
else
,
altering
that
more
majestick
way
of
Providence
and
Government
he
now
exerciseth
,
descend
to
judge
in
every
case
whatever
.
Which
done
,
what
neerer
hope
of
general
content
?
since
even
therein
the
Verdict
and
Sentence
can
but
pass
on
one
side
still
,
and
must
thereupon
leave
the
other
as
it
were
directly
discontented
with
God
himself
:
and
it
will
besides
submit
the
justice
of
his
proceedings
to
the
censure
of
every
one
also
.
Whereas
now
,
the
party
that
by
prosperity
enjoys
the
things
of
this
world
,
is
not
at
all
taken
off
from
the
acknowledgement
of
Gods
supreme
guidance
and
favour
;
and
the
other
,
laying
his
misfortunes
on
humane
partiality
and
corruption
,
is
the
more
stirred
up
to
seek
and
relye
upon
supernatural
redress
and
sustentation
:
the
sense
of
affliction
and
oppression
here
,
being
by
divine
Providence
made
the
most
ordinary
and
effectual
means
,
of
any
,
for
the
bringing
men
to
be
Religious
,
and
to
acknowledge
both
himself
and
his
goodness
,
as
heretofore
declared
.
And
then
again
,
why
may
we
not
,
from
example
in
our selves
,
finde
reason
(
on
the
other
side
)
to
conclude
both
for
Gods
existence
and
Providence
;
and
that
,
even
from
this
his
concealment
from
present
sense
in
this
case
likewise
.
For
is
it
not
usual
with
Parents
,
Masters
,
and
persons
in
Authority
,
out
of
design
to
reap
to
themselves
the
highest
assurances
they
can
of
the
loves
and
faithfulness
of
their
Children
and
Servants
,
wholly
to
leave
unto
their
full
dispose
the
execution
of
some
Commands
and
Directions
;
and
then
so
to
withdraw
and
conceal
themselves
,
as
that
the
parties
put
in
trust
herein
shall
suppose
them
without
the
compass
of
any
knowledge
of
theirs
,
whether
they
have
in
these
things
done
their
duties
or
no
?
And
again
,
is
it
not
with
them
usual
,
as
to
fix
this
tryal
upon
such
objects
and
imployments
wherein
they
had
first
used
such
Providence
and
circumspection
that
,
in
case
of
failance
of
duty
,
the
evil
thereby
to
happen
should
neither
be
general
nor
great
,
so
also
,
it
is
usual
not
to
take
notice
of
the
performance
or
neglect
of
duty
in
the
present
act
:
but
to
suspend
the
reward
and
punishment
thereupon
due
,
to
be
expressed
in
a
fuller
measure
afterwards
.
Even
so
may
we
conceive
of
God
Almighty
,
as
,
on
the
one
side
,
trying
our
love
and
respect
to
him
through
these
great
obscurities
and
difficulties
,
so
also
,
respiting
our
punishments
or
rewards
till
the
world
to
come
.
Beyond
all
which
,
as
that
divers
necessary
regard
which
humane
preservation
doth
require
should
be
thereunto
continually
had
with
due
respect
to
men
as
they
are
either
naturally
or
politickly
to
be
considered
,
will
,
in
the
conduct
of
these
things
,
lay
such
an
exigence
of
having
both
a
continual
and
steady
,
and
yet
of
a
secret
and
impartial
care
,
so
,
when
it
shall
be
well
weighed
,
it
will
be
found
a
work
proper
and
superable
by
Almightiness
onely
,
between
things
and
actions
,
in
themselves
so
jarring
and
enterfering
,
to
carry
so
even
and
respective
a
hand
to
both
,
that
man
shall
neither
be
pined
through
want
of
care
in
one
,
nor
suffocated
through
indulgence
in
the
other
.
Should
that
natural
thirst
to
pursue
and
obtain
things
pleasurable
,
be
unto
men
permitted
,
as
unto
other
Sensitive
Agents
,
without
any
stint
of
positive
Rule
or
Law
,
how
soon
(
as
heretofore
shewed
)
should
we
finde
this
heady
pursuit
of
each
ones
delight
to
prove
each
ones
torment
and
ruine
?
Or
if
,
again
,
in
all
the
actions
and
emergencies
of
mans
life
,
he
should
be
onely
considered
as
a
sociable
Agent
,
and
by
strict
rules
of
polity
,
be
wholly
limited
in
his
desires
and
attempts
by
the
good
of
others
,
and
not
permitted
to
follow
in
any
thing
his
own
pleasure
,
must
it
not
then
follow
,
that
as
each
single
man
did
,
by
this
way
of
restraint
,
come
to
be
defeated
of
his
separate
content
,
so
(
consequently
)
must
all
men
want
it
:
since
all
must
needs
want
that
which
no
one
man
could
have
.
And
thereupon
,
that
natural
way
of
serving
and
honoring
that
great
God
of
all
beneficence
,
must
,
for
want
of
relish
and
more
fresh
resentment
of
the
particulars
of
his
bounty
,
come
to
be
smothered
or
lost
.
As
the
necessity
therefore
of
having
regard
to
both
,
is
the
reason
(
on
the
one
hand
)
of
all
those
natural
instincts
and
abilities
,
and
of
those
large
affordments
of
the
Creature
for
mans
use
and
delight
,
so
(
on
the
other
hand
)
is
it
the
cause
of
all
those
positive
Edicts
and
Precepts
,
whereby
,
in
reference
to
Society
,
we
come
to
be
directed
and
bounded
in
their
use
.
When
therefore
we
finde
God
Almighty
,
in
the
general
way
of
sustentation
of
his
Creation
,
both
working
at
distance
,
and
also
by
second
Causes
,
and
yet
doing
it
so
strongly
and
assuredly
as
to
manifest
both
care
and
Almightiness
in
him
,
(
through
weakness
of
the
intermediate
Agent
and
constancy
of
operation
)
so
,
in
rules
of
Government
and
Society
,
and
in
those
ways
and
directions
to
be
set
for
mens
restraint
,
it
was
(
on
the
other
side
)
likewise
expedient
,
that
he
should
be
no
more
apparently
and
convincingly
express
,
then
in
the
other
:
but
ordinarily
,
to
submit
and
entrust
to
his
Authorised
Deputies
,
the
execution
of
those
affairs
which
he
held
necessary
for
prosecuion
of
that
course
&
degree
of
providence
which
was
by
him
appointed
.
In
the
atchievement
whereof
,
as
the
Prince
or
Magistrate
,
without
his
supreme
influence
and
sustentation
,
could
be
no
more
effectual
to
preserve
mankinde
politikely
,
then
second
Causes
could
,
of
themselves
,
preserve
them
naturally
,
so
would
it
seem
partial
and
destructive
for
God
to
appear
more
express
in
one
then
another
:
as
well
as
it
would
be
a
derogation
to
his
Almightiness
,
to
be
ordinarily
express
and
personally
working
in
either
sort
.
Even
as
we
see
,
in
Kings
and
Governors
,
the
greatest
difficulty
to
rest
in
their
even
carriage
between
acts
of
severity
or
indulgence
:
in
such
ordering
of
positive
Laws
for
preservation
of
mans
life
,
that
,
through
their
abundance
or
rigor
,
his
happy
life
be
not
defeated
.
And
,
no
otherwise
then
as
it
rests
as
the
highest
proof
of
each
single
mans
judgement
and
ability
,
to
carry
himself
in
such
a
just
and
seasonable
moderation
between
Epicurism
and
Stoicism
,
between
natural
enjoyment
and
vertuous
restraint
,
that
neither
the
vigor
of
youth
may
be
suffered
to
defeat
its
own
or
after
pleasures
by
intemperate
abuse
,
nor
the
too
great
care
for
enjoyment
hereafter
,
not
onely
needlesly
deprive
him
of
present
possession
,
but
render
him
unfit
for
delight
for
the
future
,
like
him
that
hath
lost
his
stomack
through
too
long
fasting
:
or
like
him
that
hath
borrowed
beyond
ability
to
repay
.
All
which
reasons
seem
to
me
of
so
much
weight
,
that
I
cannot
but
in
humility
joyn
with
that
unerring
wisdom
and
truth
,
in
esteeming
him
a
fool
that
saith
in
his
heart
there
is
no
God
:
they
are
become
corrupt
and
abominable
in
their
own
doings
,
being
ignorant
wherein
true
pleasure
doth
consist
:
and
because
also
they
would
with
greater
freedom
act
in
their
own
way
of
licenciousness
,
and
continue
in
their
rapine
and
uncharitableness
:
eating
the
people
of
God
as
they
would
eat
bread
;
and
then
flatter
themselves
with
a
belief
that
God
seeth
it
not
.
For
Religion
must
be
acknowledged
the
onely
thing
that
can
steadily
keep
loyalty
and
and
all
other
vertues
in
perfection
.
For
the
terrors
of
shame
and
the
Law
may
,
through
secrecy
,
power
,
and
corruption
of
manners
be
many
times
wholly
defeated
of
their
force
of
restraint
:
but
,
to
him
that
believs
the
eye
of
an
all-seeing
God
is
perpetually
over
him
,
as
no
severity
can
be
found
sufficient
to
scare
him
from
goodness
,
so
no
encouragement
can
arise
valuable
to
entice
him
to
evil
.
No
,
no
,
no
certainly
,
let
men
boast
of
their
godliness
,
or
of
eying
or
seeking
God
while
they
will
,
if
they
were
but
so
far
removed
from
Atheism
as
really
to
believe
his
power
and
continual
presence
over
them
,
those
daily
acts
of
disloyalty
and
uncharitableness
would
not
then
be
so
frequently
sounding
in
our
ears
.
Can
we
think
,
that
if
any
one
did
verily
believe
,
that
to
resist
the
higher
powers
were
to
receive
to
himself
certain
damnation
,
that
he
would
then
adventure
his
salvation
upon
such
nice
grounds
and
distinctions
,
as
,
for
any
temporal
hope
or
gain
,
to
make
doubt
of
obeying
his
King
as
supreme
,
did
not
his
belief
of
Gods
veracity
,
and
this
fear
of
offending
him
grow
slack
,
and
Ambition
,
Pride
,
or
Covetousness
,
(
on
the
other
hand
)
more
forcibly
draw
him
on
to
perpetrate
such
actions
,
as
he
had
stronger
belief
should
yield
him
a
present
gain
,
then
was
that
terror
of
forbearing
them
,
out
of
a
more
remote
and
less
feared
punishment
to
ensue
.
In
the
mean
time
,
however
want
of
Conscience
may
make
such
as
these
forget
God
,
yet
generally
,
such
as
have
more
real
thoughts
and
aims
of
publike
good
and
humane
conservation
,
are
,
for
want
of
sufficient
judgement
and
insight
wherein
general
and
more
publike
good
doth
consist
,
led
to
the
mistake
of
divine
Providence
:
even
when
the
private
sence
of
the
sufferings
of
themselves
or
friends
,
amidst
those
changes
and
calamities
which
are
incident
to
the
sons
of
men
,
do
press
them
to
be
impatient
for
want
of
present
redress
.
Yet
,
could
we
separate
our selves
from
our
Passions
and
interests
,
why
might
we
not
plainly
see
,
that
Rebellion
,
Civil
war
,
and
the
like
ways
of
humane
destruction
,
were
,
like
Plagues
and
Famines
,
many
times
by
God
sent
and
permitted
for
the
general
good
of
men
also
.
For
these
,
naturally
and
ordinarily
happening
but
unto
such
places
and
people
that
are
so
crouded
with
company
that
the
blessings
and
benefits
of
Nature
cannot
,
through
the
envye
and
strife
of
neighbors
one
towards
another
,
be
by
any
one
truely
and
quietly
enjoyed
,
why
may
we
not
in
this
case
suppose
God
,
even
by
way
of
Providence
,
to
make
use
of
our
sins
and
the
punishment
of
them
;
and
hereby
to
cut
off
and
take
away
such
as
are
most
haughty
and
entermedling
that
the
more
meek
and
patient
may
,
through
their
more
free
and
quiet
enjoyment
,
have
greater
cause
to
praise
him
then
before
?
Nay
,
why
might
we
not
herein
perceive
him
to
be
most
truly
and
impartially
vindictive
also
?
For
since
himself
,
in
his
good
pleasure
and
secret
wisdom
,
and
for
reasons
heretofore
given
,
had
determined
not
to
be
personally
and
expresly
intermedling
in
the
present
judging
and
vindication
of
humane
affairs
,
what
cleerer
way
could
there
be
to
argue
,
both
Almightiness
,
Justice
,
and
Providence
,
then
to
make
the
sins
themselves
to
be
the
constant
punishments
to
the
offenders
?
Thus
,
personally
,
may
we
finde
that
lust
,
intemperance
,
and
the
other
exorbitances
which
each
person
entertains
contrary
to
the
rules
of
Vertue
or
modesty
,
are
to
himself
prejudicial
also
.
And
so
,
in
polity
again
,
disobedience
,
insurrection
,
and
all
disloyal
acts
,
which
are
introductive
of
publike
disturbance
and
Civil
war
,
are
,
by
means
of
the
same
Civil
war
,
a
certain
punishment
to
the
Authors
.
Wherein
,
although
those
that
have
perhaps
had
the
least
share
of
introducing
them
,
may
,
for
tryal
of
their
Loyalty
or
Patience
,
be
the
greatest
sufferers
,
yet
,
as
none
can
say
but
he
hath
suffered
far
under
his
deserts
,
and
may
well
think
themselves
happy
that
in
this
life
their
portion
of
punishments
and
afflictions
have
been
shared
,
so
are
the
other
,
in
the
life
to
come
,
to
expect
that
fuller
measure
of
punishment
,
which
their
more
full
contribution
in
these
violations
of
Charity
may
claim
from
the
divine
and
impartial
Justice
of
that
great
presever
of
men
.
In
the
mean
time
,
because
none
,
as
bearing
Gods
Image
,
and
because
of
that
inward
plantation
of
love
,
can
be
without
some
charitable
deeds
and
intentions
,
therefore
,
as
that
their
portion
of
prosperity
which
they
shall
be
in
this
life
possessed
of
,
may
be
understood
as
a
full
reward
for
what
hath
been
by
them
well
done
here
,
so
is
that
measure
of
happiness
they
therein
have
above
others
,
but
like
the
advantage
that
fatted
Oxen
have
above
lean
:
even
while
they
,
in
their
jollity
,
are
filling
up
that
measure
of
wickedness
,
which
may
provoke
divine
vengeance
,
both
to
deprive
them
of
life
here
,
and
also
bring
them
to
eternal
punishment
hereafte
.
Thus
far
have
I
laboured
,
in
setting
forth
that
perfect
harmony
which
is
between
the
voice
of
Scripture
and
Reason
;
and
declaring
(
as
far
as
was
to
our
present
purpose
necessary
)
how
they
do
joyntly
conspire
and
point
to
the
same
ends
,
Gods
glory
and
mans
good
:
●etween
which
too
great
a
divorce
hath
been
hitherto
apprehended
and
made
use
of
,
by
some
,
who
,
discovering
how
in
some
particulars
they
seem
to
cross
and
turn
several
ways
,
have
thereupon
in
a
hasty
zeal
,
followed
one
alone
,
with
such
neglect
and
direliction
of
the
other
,
that
they
have
not
endeavoured
to
finde
where
they
do
again
meet
and
unite
.
Thus
,
because
it
hath
been
often
observed
that
men
in
the
prosecution
of
their
own
benefits
or
pleasures
,
do
interrupt
or
grow
careless
of
Gods
service
and
glory
,
a
conclusion
is
thereupon
presently
drawn
,
that
mans
profit
or
pleasure
is
to
be
laid
aside
,
as
we
do
in
any
case
aim
at
the
honor
and
glory
of
God
:
whereas
,
if
they
had
but
ability
or
Patience
enough
to
consider
it
,
they
might
finde
how
both
of
them
do
still
meet
in
that
very
point
of
humane
content
and
preservation
,
as
heretofore
declared
.
And
so
again
,
such
as
have
reflected
upon
the
many
self-respects
and
designes
by
some
Princes
practised
after
they
attained
unto
their
great
pitch
of
power
;
and
that
,
without
due
regard
to
Gods
glory
whose
servants
they
are
;
or
to
the
good
or
welfare
of
their
subjects
,
one
main
end
of
their
greatness
,
they
think
that
they
have
then
arrived
at
no
small
height
or
reputation
,
when
they
have
so
far
abased
that
worth
and
respect
which
is
due
to
him
,
in
comparison
of
what
it
due
to
God
;
of
men
shall
,
in
a
manner
,
be
brought
to
judge
them
as
enemies
and
contrary
to
one
another
;
and
to
conceive
there
is
no
duty
or
respect
due
to
them
at
all
.
Not
duly
weighing
how
these
things
do-again
meet
and
conspire
in
the
same
end
:
and
how
it
is
not
the
honor
or
good
of
Princes
(
personally
and
separately
considered
of
men
)
which
is
hereby
aimed
at
.
But
that
it
is
to
be
given
him
in
reference
to
that
representation
of
power
he
hath
from
God
himself
,
and
in
respect
of
that
preservation
and
good
of
man-kinde
by
this
means
brought
to
pass
:
which
is
Gods
end
as
well
as
ours
.
And
having
so
far
proceeded
in
giving
proofs
and
reasons
to
confirm
those
Propositions
we
have
delivered
,
our
next
work
shall
be
to
shew
those
grounds
whereby
many
shall
come
to
receive
prejudice
against
them
,
and
think
them
otherwise
:
which
we
shall
do
in
that
which
follows
.
THE
FOURTH
BOOK
OF
GOVERNMENT
and
OBEDIENCE
,
AS
They
stand
grounded
on
,
and
relating
to
each
ones
natural
inclination
and
affection
.
The
Introduction
.
AS
that
general
good
to
arise
by
publike
Peace
and
Agreement
was
the
end
of
this
whole
undertaking
,
so
were
those
many
and
sad
examples
of
Civil
disturbance
every
day
set
on
foot
upon
the
score
of
Religion
,
the
cause
also
why
,
in
the
passed
Book
,
I
made
such
particular
discourses
on
that
subject
;
that
upon
a
short
view
of
Religion
,
as
in
it self
,
and
a
more
strict
enquiry
into
such
Texts
as
did
look
most
directly
that
way
,
it
might
be
found
whether
these
Wars
and
Fightings
could
be
rightly
attributed
to
that
faith
which
we
profess
;
or
were
not
rather
to
be
imputed
to
our
lusts
which
war
in
our
members
.
By
the
which
,
suffering
our selves
to
be
too
impetuously
swayed
,
it
doth
thereupon
come
to
pass
,
that
when
Authority
doth
oppose
us
in
any
thing
of
our
desired
enjoyments
,
we
do
presently
cast
about
how
our
cause
may
be
made
Gods
,
that
so
,
under
colour
of
more
near
relation
and
subjection
unto
him
,
we
may
shake
off
all
that
our
bounden
duty
which
by
the
Laws
we
owe
to
our
Prince
,
his
Vice-gerent
.
That
Pride
and
Interest
,
and
not
desire
of
any
Self-Reformation
,
is
the
usual
cause
of
mens
extraordinary
search
of
the
Scriptures
,
may
appear
from
the
manner
of
choice
therein
made
;
even
for
that
no
places
are
so
much
quoted
and
insisted
upon
,
as
those
that
are
Prophetique
and
most
Mysterious
;
such
as
are
those
texts
of
the
Revelation
:
a
Book
the
most
controverted
of
any
other
,
as
being
the
greatest
stranger
to
the
Apostles
times
(
which
some
would
seem
wholly
to
relic
upon
)
and
having
in
it
least
instructions
of
any
how
to
steer
our selves
in
the
course
of
our
lives
.
But
because
the
understanding
hereof
is
generally
acknowledged
most
difficult
,
and
because
again
,
by
reason
of
this
mysteriousness
,
no
good
agreement
can
be
yet
found
where
justly
and
precisely
to
fix
those
descriptions
of
the
Beast
,
The
Whore
of
Babylon
,
Antichrist
,
and
the
like
,
therefore
,
as
well
for
renown
and
glory
sake
in
the
discovery
,
as
for
anger
and
revenge
against
those
they
most
hate
,
shall
we
find
some
so
resolute
and
peremptory
in
their
expositions
,
as
if
they
would
have
us
believe
that
these
Prophesies
were
but
respective
to
their
interests
,
not
only
to
bring
them
honor
by
interpretation
,
but
thereby
prove
thems●lves
the
Saints
and
People
of
God
there
spoken
of
.
In
these
following
Discourses
,
I
shall
therefore
let
men
see
how
our
natural
and
proper
constitutions
,
educations
,
customs
,
&c.
nay
our
own
interests
also
,
do
inter-weave
themselves
in
all
we
do
;
and
that
as
w●ll
our
Opinions
and
Tenets
in
Religion
,
as
those
in
Polity
and
Government
do
take
tincture
from
these
.
So
that
,
as
in
my
second
Book
,
I
took
that
Political
body
again
into
pieces
,
which
I
had
reared
up
in
the
first
,
to
handle
and
examine
its
grounds
according
to
such
notions
and
parcels
of
policy
,
as
were
vulgarly
entertained
and
insisted
upon
;
so
now
,
in
further
proof
of
this
third
Book
,
I
shall
take
man
himself
into
pieces
,
and
search
him
in
his
very
first
principles
,
and
the
natural
rise
and
cause
of
both
his
appetites
and
affections
and
of
his
dislike
&
aversions
;
to
the
end
that
each
one
discerning
how
these
things
come
to
be
framed
in
us
,
and
how
,
all
along
,
they
receive
such
influence
from
our
breeding
and
manner
of
life
,
a●
easily
to
pre-occupate
and
mislead
us
,
he
may
be
the
sooner
induced
to
an
ingenuous
review
of
his
own
opinions
,
and
before
he
grow
too
magistral
in
any
thing
,
be
careful
he
is
not
overtaken
by
any
of
these
prejudices
.
But
then
,
as
in
this
Tract
,
I
bring
in
these
more
Philosophical
Speculations
,
but
by
way
of
illustration
,
and
farther
proof
of
what
was
formerly
handled
in
the
d●scourses
of
Religion
and
Polity
,
so
is
it
not
to
be
expected
,
that
I
should
here
deliver
any
thing
of
this
kind
as
in
an
entire
Treatise
;
or
make
any
such
long
stay
,
as
generally
to
accommodate
them
with
a
proper
method
or
demonstration
,
or
with
definition
of
terms
,
since
they
are
now
only
to
be
Probationers
and
Remonstrants
themselves
;
and
,
in
that
kinde
,
to
be
attendant
on
that
which
all
this
while
hath
been
our
main
Argument
.
BOOK
IV.
Of
the
Causes
of
LIKE
and
DISLIKE
OF
CONTENT
&
DISCONTENT
;
AND
Whether
it
be
possible
to
frame
a
Government
in
it self
pleasing
and
durable
,
without
Force
and
Constraint
.
IN
many
of
the
Discourses
hitherto
,
Government
hath
been
treated
of
,
as
having
its
rise
,
and
also
its
efficacy
and
support
,
from
constraint
and
force
;
that
is
,
from
the
exercise
of
the
power
of
the
Governor
upon
the
Governed
;
which
being
the
occasion
of
that
continual
reluctance
and
resistance
in
the
Subjects
,
and
consequently
the
author
of
all
Civil
broils
;
it
will
not
be
amiss
to
enquire
what
remedy
may
be
herein
found
,
or
whether
any
may
be
found
or
no
?
It
may
therefore
be
doubted
,
since
(
as
before
shewed
)
the
love
of
our selves
was
only
purely
natural
,
how
those
forraign
affections
come
to
hav●
their
rise
and
being
.
Whereupon
,
we
must
again
consider
,
that
as
Gods
praise
and
glory
was
the
end
of
all
things
,
and
accordingly
(
as
heretofore
shewed
)
the
reason
why
things
naturally
done
should
be
pleasurable
also
,
to
wit
,
that
the
Creature
thereby
exulting
as
in
a
benefit
received
,
God
might
be
honored
,
as
having
performed
the
work
he
intended
,
even
the
expression
of
his
power
goodness
;
so
now
,
men
being
to
live
in
Society
(
that
the
honor
and
praise
of
all
,
as
his
onely
due
,
might
therein
be
increased
also
,
it
was
expedient
that
our
content
should
by
natural
instincts
and
rules
be
affixed
most
to
what
was
most
usual
amongst
us
,
and
our
discontent
upon
such
things
only
as
were
but
few
,
and
of
rare
event
.
All
things
do
hereupon
come
to
be
loved
by
custom
and
acquaintance
:
For
so
,
I
love
an
English
face
better
then
another
,
and
think
that
worst
that
most
differs
.
Out
of
which
custom
also
,
doth
the
Blackmore
prefer
his
colour
,
flat
nose
,
great
lips
,
&c.
to
that
which
is
contrary
in
us
.
From
this
reason
also
,
we
come
to
set
particular
affection
upon
some
faces
;
and
(
although
we
have
forgotten
it
)
to
place
most
affection
,
and
to
be
soonest
taken
with
the
like
face
unto
that
of
Nurse
,
Mother
,
or
such
we
conversed
with
in
our
youth
.
Which
inclination
and
strength
of
appetite
,
being
by
custom
made
familiar
(
although
by
such
various
and
insensible
degrees
as
we
did
neither
heretofore
consider
,
nor
do
now
remember
)
comes
for
want
of
farther
knowledge
of
its
original
,
to
be
stiled
sympathy
;
and
that
which
is
hateful
upon
contrary
reason
of
disaquaintance
,
or
from
some
extraordinary
composure
of
our
fancy
to
dislike
at
the
time
of
its
first
impression
,
to
be
called
Antipathy
.
For
we
must
not
say
,
that
God
made
any
thing
ill
favoured
or
mis-shapen
;
but
our
oftner
sight
of
the
same
,
then
other
Creatures
,
makes
us
even
love
their
shape
better
,
then
of
such
things
as
be
hiders
,
and
do
seldom
appear
.
Not
,
but
that
the
shapes
of
Rats
,
Hedge-hogs
,
Snakes
,
Frogs
,
Owls
,
Bats
,
&c.
are
as
good
as
those
of
Horses
or
Dogs
;
or
that
the
braying
of
an
Ass
,
is
a
worse
noise
then
the
crowing
of
a
Cock
;
but
the
new
and
unusual
presentation
of
these
things
to
our
senses
,
puts
our
already
settled
and
composed
fancies
,
to
a
sudden
startle
and
new
labour
.
Therefore
,
when
we
will
paint
a
Devil
,
or
set
forth
any
thing
as
ugly
,
the
usual
way
to
do
it
is
by
most
unusal
shapes
.
But
,
because
nothing
can
come
from
the
pencil
,
but
what
was
before
in
the
fancy
;
nor
from
fancy
,
but
what
came
in
by
sense
,
we
are
constrained
to
make
up
this
deformity
by
misapplication
of
members
in
the
intire
constitution
of
a
body
,
together
with
some
unusal
figure
or
colour
;
all
which
apart
,
and
in
their
proper
creatures
or
posture
,
had
been
nothing
terrible
or
strange
.
So
that
,
to
put
wings
to
a
Beast
,
or
four
feet
to
a
Bird
,
a
mans
head
to
a
Beasts
body
,
or
a
Beasts
head
to
a
mans
,
cannot
but
disaffect
.
And
if
any
shape
hath
in
it self
priority
,
then
mans
would
have
it
;
and
thereupon
,
the
Ape
,
a
creature
most
like
him
,
would
be
handsomest
,
which
now
,
with
us
,
not
used
to
such
a
shape
,
is
esteemed
ugly
,
upon
the
same
reason
that
Devils
are
painted
white
by
Blackmores
.
And
as
several
Species
and
Shapes
come
to
affect
by
their
own
oftner
appearances
one
above
another
,
so
do
they
by
common
resemblance
one
to
another
;
whereby
things
most
like
come
by
this
means
to
be
oftner
in
presence
then
things
of
more
proper
shapes
.
Thus
Hogs
,
though
we
may
be
more
used
to
the
sight
of
them
then
Deer
,
are
yet
from
their
different
shapes
and
qualities
to
that
of
other
four
footed
creatures
in
general
,
esteemed
less
lovely
;
upon
which
ground
,
Bears
appear
more
ugly
then
Lyons
or
Leopards
.
So
again
,
though
those
women
,
&c.
that
are
accounted
most
beautiful
,
are
more
rare
and
few
then
the
ill-favoured
;
it
is
to
be
conceived
that
they
are
so
only
as
to
the
general
and
whole
number
of
them
;
but
,
divide
the
ill
favoured
ones
into
sorts
(
according
to
their
likeness
to
one
another
)
and
you
shall
find
fewer
of
any
sort
of
the
ill
favoured
,
and
greater
difference
between
those
sorts
(
compared
one
to
another
)
then
between
handsome
faces
compared
one
to
another
.
And
with
us
that
use
not
to
go
naked
,
a
man
is
not
so
comely
naked
,
as
adorned
with
cloathes
;
which
also
by
custom
of
wearing
,
is
distinguished
into
fashions
;
and
so
made
pleasant
.
And
those
people
that
cloath
not
themselves
,
have
their
accustomed
decorums
of
painting
,
or
the
like
,
for
setting
forth
of
their
shapes
and
bodies
;
shewing
that
custom
,
and
not
natural
shapes
of
themselves
please
us
.
And
so
farther
,
although
there
be
more
ill
then
good
hands
written
,
yet
the
best
hands
are
those
that
come
nearest
that
copy
which
is
in
each
Country
esteemed
most
perfect
of
the
kind
;
which
must
thereupon
be
more
like
one
another
then
bad
ones
;
because
they
maintain
method
,
through
evenness
of
line
,
and
equality
of
distance
and
proportion
in
the
letters
;
which
bad
ones
do
not
;
and
so
come
,
more
or
less
to
disaffect
.
As
we
see
that
those
coloured
horses
which
we
call
pye-bald
,
are
because
of
strangeness
,
called
and
counted
ugly
:
For
first
,
few
horses
are
of
these
so
different
colours
in
their
bodies
,
in
such
sort
placed
and
mingled
,
but
are
usually
of
one
and
the
same
colour
,
and
with
like
marks
.
And
then
again
,
these
Pye
balds
have
as
great
difference
amongst
themselves
,
as
they
have
to
the
rest
.
Whereas
Spaniels
,
that
are
not
usually
of
an
entire
or
like
colour
and
mark
,
do
please
in
this
varity
.
A
Tune
takes
above
other
confused
noises
,
for
that
because
of
the
method
therein
used
,
we
are
able
to
remember
and
conceive
it
:
But
an
Outlandish
Tune
is
unpleasant
at
first
to
us
,
and
ours
to
them
,
as
they
differ
from
the
usual
ayrs
of
each
other
.
Nor
are
they
,
nor
any
new
Tune
made
pleasant
,
until
by
our
fancy
they
are
apprehended
and
made
familliar
,
in
such
degree
,
as
we
are
able
to
conceive
the
cadences
thereof
before
they
are
founded
.
And
those
fashions
and
tunes
which
we
ordinarily
call
new
,
are
but
small
variations
from
those
generals
formerly
entertained
;
and
yet
please
us
not
at
first
sight
or
hearing
,
so
well
as
afterwards
.
So
that
Custom
frames
appetites
;
and
appetite
provokes
the
will
to
particular
applications
of
good
and
bad
,
of
like
and
dislike
.
Besides
our
wills
,
there
is
nothing
that
can
be
properly
called
ours
;
for
the
desire
of
property
and
enjoyment
of
others
things
is
but
in
order
to
that
;
nay
,
my
very
body
and
the
parts
thereof
,
are
valued
as
they
are
useful
to
the
reaching
and
fruition
of
such
content
as
fancy
offereth
not
to
be
enjoyed
without
them
.
So
that
,
should
I
want
arms
,
legs
,
or
any
or
more
parts
(
not
depriving
me
of
life
,
and
so
of
will
)
I
should
yet
be
I
;
and
those
parts
reckoned
as
additional
,
not
essential
;
even
as
they
are
my
arms
,
my
legs
,
&c.
and
we
may
properly
enough
say
,
my
body
,
my
soul
;
because
the
will
arising
from
the
harmony
of
both
,
is
not
either
of
them
;
but
the
individual
is
there
only
,
where
the
unity
of
direction
and
application
is
;
whereas
in
separated
parts
,
the
general
Laws
of
Nature
(
in
corruption
,
alteration
,
&c.
)
take
place
,
and
local
motion
ceaseth
,
as
to
proper
and
intern
direction
.
And
from
the
usefulness
of
members
and
organs
,
comes
their
number
,
posture
,
and
symetry
to
be
such
and
such
,
each
creature
and
thing
being
handsomest
,
that
hath
that
shape
which
is
most
usual
:
Whereas
all
distortions
,
pluralities
,
and
defects
carry
(
by
their
strangeness
to
us
,
and
difference
amongst
themselves
)
a
loathing
with
them
.
But
if
that
will
which
ariseth
from
collections
in
our selves
,
may
be
called
ours
,
what
shall
we
think
of
those
affections
which
we
call
Innate
,
as
almost
all
so●ts
of
Creatures
to
fear
Men
,
Lyons
,
&c.
and
Birds
to
fear
Hawks
?
this
only
proceeds
from
the
like
grounds
,
namely
,
from
unusualness
of
shape
,
deportment
,
and
countenance
;
and
is
proportionably
entertained
according
to
our
conceits
of
that
their
supposed
power
to
harm
us
(
appearing
in
those
individuals
we
now
see
)
and
not
from
innate
knowledge
of
any
thing
truly
formidable
in
the
species
feared
.
And
hence
our
first
fears
are
usually
bigger
or
lesser
,
as
the
size
of
the
feared
thing
is
.
For
a
Bird
in
the
nest
,
or
which
never
yet
saw
Bird
but
its
dam
,
will
be
then
more
afraid
of
a
Goose
,
then
of
a
Hawk
.
But
after
it
hath
observed
its
dam
or
others
to
be
scared
with
the
last
,
and
not
with
the
first
,
it
is
otherwise
.
But
if
a
Hawk
be
brought
to
hatch
a
Pidgeon
,
or
harmlesly
associate
another
Bird
,
these
Birds
fear
not
Hawks
afterwards
.
And
so
,
we
see
creatures
that
are
not
used
to
the
sight
,
nor
are
able
to
know
that
a
Wheel-barrow
,
or
other
such
engines
,
are
not
living
creatures
,
stand
more
scared
because
of
the
bigness
and
strange
appearance
of
these
things
(
which
they
could
not
so
much
as
fancy
before
)
then
of
other
living
creatures
which
they
are
used
unto
,
and
which
may
indeed
,
and
do
sometimes
really
hurt
them
And
Creatures
fly
us
not
after
they
have
been
sometimes
conversant
amongst
us
,
which
we
call
made
tame
,
even
as
upon
trial
of
indemnity
,
Birds
and
Beasts
come
to
relish
the
company
of
Haws
,
Lyons
,
Bears
,
&c.
well
enough
;
but
if
the
first
sight
or
usage
of
any
thing
,
or
if
formidable
and
strange
report
hath
made
an
extraordinary
a
version
in
our
fancy
,
then
we
carry
to
that
thing
a
particular
hatred
a●d
dread
.
And
although
all
sorts
of
things
are
at
first
equally
feared
,
because
new
born
creatures
(
till
they
have
observed
so
far
as
to
make
difference
)
must
fear
and
trust
every
thing
alike
;
yet
when
experience
of
security
hath
once
passed
under
the
power
of
any
thing
,
we
thereby
come
to
fear
other
things
as
they
do
there-from
differ
;
nor
can
we
forbid
our selves
(
out
of
natural
desire
of
Safety
)
to
fear
all
strange
things
,
accounting
a
stranger
and
an
enemy
the
same
.
And
however
the
passion
of
fear
be
natural
and
common
to
all
,
as
tending
to
each
sensitives
preservation
;
yet
,
as
touching
the
choice
of
the
particular
objects
of
its
dread
,
custom
and
prejudice
,
and
not
nature
nor
reason
do
usually
bear
sway
:
for
we
find
that
weakest
creatures
,
and
women
,
and
children
,
are
most
subject
to
these
antipathies
and
aversions
;
for
as
they
have
least
knowledge
and
observation
elsewhere
,
so
as
from
sense
of
security
from
other
inductions
,
to
stop
themselves
in
this
particular
fear
,
so
they
may
be
observed
to
be
so
over-mastered
by
extreamity
of
this
sudden
fear
even
of
that
very
object
now
before
them
as
not
at
any
time
too
look
wistly
upon
it
,
or
to
acquaint
their
sense
therewith
;
but
they
still
flying
it
,
it
must
thereupon
be
kept
from
ever
being
familiar
;
for
else
we
find
they
are
,
and
may
be
won
by
degrees
,
if
they
will
intend
it
.
And
,
that
fear
is
the
beginner
of
all
dislike
(
and
attendant
to
the
first
sense
of
new
differing
objects
)
we
may
conclude
from
our
proneness
to
startle
upon
sudden
occurences
;
and
then
most
especially
,
when
least
resolved
against
it
,
or
apprehending
our selves
least
secure
;
and
although
(
in
strong
and
confirmed
impressions
)
the
name
of
hatred
and
dislike
be
drowned
in
the
passion
of
fear
:
yet
these
always
follow
and
are
where
fear
is
.
For
so
experience
tells
us
,
that
subjects
do
at
first
ordinarily
contract
greater
dread
and
dislike
against
the
Goverment
of
Kings
and
Monarchs
,
then
against
Polarchies
,
even
because
of
their
greater
distance
from
them
,
whereas
the
more
near
familiarity
and
converse
with
the
other
is
a
means
to
abate
of
their
dread
.
And
generally
those
Laws
and
Governments
are
by
subjects
most
disliked
,
that
carry
greater
strictness
against
offences
:
and
anger
is
dislike
with
courage
,
as
fear
is
dislike
without
courage
.
And
as
this
fear
may
keep
us
from
seeing
or
conversing
with
any
thing
(
and
so
from
loving
it
)
so
,
after
things
have
been
loved
,
a
violent
or
unexpected
strangeness
may
dilete
(
by
its
difference
)
all
former
conception
;
and
consequently
induce
loathing
of
the
thing
;
which
usually
we
see
come
to
pass
in
meats
,
after
surfeits
and
sickness
gotten
by
them
,
or
in
them
,
or
other
things
upon
occasional
discourses
.
And
yet
have
we
our
proper
tastes
,
whereby
(
according
to
our
accustomed
feedings
)
we
are
able
to
like
and
relish
such
things
as
are
of
neerness
of
savour
,
above
what
is
otherwise
.
Upon
which
score
again
,
such
subjects
that
have
lived
under
Monarchy
,
and
upon
some
insinuation
of
Tyranny
,
Oppression
,
or
the
like
,
have
been
induced
to
a
change
thereof
,
are
afterwards
,
by
experience
of
the
benefits
and
enjoyments
received
under
that
Regiment
,
brought
the
more
strongly
to
affect
it
again
,
and
all
things
that
lead
,
and
are
like
thereunto
.
But
some
affections
seem
altogether
hereditary
,
especially
such
as
are
proper
to
the
species
or
sex
:
in
which
we
must
look
for
custom
farther
off
,
to
wit
,
that
those
portions
of
the
Parents
spirits
,
that
now
find
in
the
womb
fit
matter
and
temperament
for
action
,
put
themselves
into
the
same
method
of
operation
,
they
were
before
habituated
unto
:
and
so
producing
a
like
creature
,
produce
also
those
stronger
affections
and
impressions
.
Whereupon
all
creatures
have
like
natural
voyces
and
gate
to
the
rest
of
their
species
:
for
as
the
like
motion
of
the
generative
spirit
produceth
like
shape
and
posture
of
parts
,
so
doth
the
same
again
continue
and
adapt
them
to
like
motions
of
limbs
and
instruments
of
voyce
,
they
having
nothing
objected
to
their
appetites
to
introduce
forraign
imitation
,
as
men
do
in
their
language
and
gate
.
When
Birds
build
nests
,
it
taketh
its
first
instigation
from
hence
:
and
also
the
young
ones
lying
therein
till
they
can
fly
,
learn
by
sense
to
do
the
like
for
their
own
broods
afterwards
:
and
therefore
we
may
observe
,
that
those
birds
that
soon
run
when
they
are
hatched
,
build
no
nests
,
or
such
as
have
little
workmanship
.
And
all
birds
of
a
kind
build
nests
alike
,
whose
artifice
,
and
the
webs
of
Spiders
,
Silk-worms
,
&c.
in
all
things
,
beyond
necessity
,
is
the
procession
of
custom
and
fancy
.
For
fancy
,
to
its
utmost
ability
,
produceth
method
;
and
as
long
as
it
can
be
able
to
hold
on
in
that
(
as
a
thing
comprizable
)
it
proceeds
with
eagerness
and
delight
;
but
where
it
cannot
be
master
of
method
,
it
undertakes
nothing
.
The
Pye
,
Crow
,
Cucko
,
and
such
Birds
as
have
differing
noats
from
the
ordinary
,
have
not
in
our
ears
the
same
pleasure
as
the
Nightingal
;
who
resembling
in
her
several
Noats
,
that
which
is
usual
in
other
particular
Birds
,
differs
only
in
generality
of
perfection
and
imitation
;
and
though
the
proper
voyces
of
Pyes
,
Crows
,
&c.
are
as
usual
to
us
as
those
of
the
Nightingal
,
separately
and
apart
considered
,
yet
are
they
not
equally
usual
to
those
of
the
Nightingal
,
and
all
other
Birds
besides
of
like
tone
.
And
Parrats
displease
in
their
own
singular
and
unusual
tones
,
but
please
us
when
they
speak
and
resemble
ours
:
and
then
most
,
when
most
imitating
.
As
for
musick
,
we
see
little
children
,
not
yet
acquainted
or
used
to
one
voyce
or
tone
more
then
another
,
as
soon
stilled
and
pleased
with
any
other
noise
,
as
that
which
we
have
reduced
into
a
method
,
and
call
harmony
:
discords
and
concords
take
them
alike
,
and
a
sixth
is
as
pleasant
as
an
eight
.
But
now
,
as
pleasure
ariseth
from
custom
,
so
pleasure
from
continuance
and
custom
,
may
again
decrease
,
as
to
the
present
sense
thereof
,
and
become
that
which
we
call
nature
,
which
is
nothing
else
but
custom
upon
custom
:
as
we
find
it
come
to
pass
in
matter
of
food
,
aswel
in
choice
of
quantity
as
kind
,
where
custom
manytimes
so
prevails
upon
appetite
,
through
frequency
of
admittance
,
that
from
thence
,
more
then
from
sense
it self
,
now
decayed
,
it
covets
still
to
acts
as
formerly
,
to
the
great
prejudice
of
health
:
For
although
the
direct
profluence
and
evaporation
of
the
Spirit
is
its
most
natural
way
and
means
of
release
,
and
thereupon
yields
greatest
ease
and
delight
:
yet
is
there
a
delight
also
arising
from
that
freedom
and
exitation
in
motion
which
they
are
put
into
by
means
of
those
vapors
that
arise
from
the
stomack
,
whereupon
it
will
come
to
pass
,
that
through
custom
of
being
so
moved
,
at
such
time
as
the
stomack
is
so
filled
,
they
wil
be
prompting
him
to
the
like
degree
of
feeding
through
memory
&
the
former
pleasures
thence
arising
,
until
by
degrees
it
pass
into
such
an
habitual
affection
to
delight
,
that
the
thought
of
insufficiency
,
or
subsequent
harms
come
to
be
unconsidered
.
No
otherwise
then
in
Kingdoms
,
where
the
benefits
arising
from
Peace
and
Government
it self
,
or
the
particular
indulgences
of
Princes
,
are
for
the
time
our
sense
of
want
is
fresh
,
and
our
only
guide
taken
with
gratitude
and
true
delight
,
which
when
use
and
necessity
are
satisfied
,
and
coming
to
be
desired
by
custom
only
,
do
afterwards
in
our
desires
,
both
exceed
use
,
and
ungratefully
and
covetously
are
entertained
,
as
well
to
our
own
,
as
that
Kingdoms
ruine
:
Like
as
rich
and
great
men
also
,
who
,
from
the
custom
of
their
voluptuousness
and
freedom
of
life
,
are
still
impetuously
pressing
to
fresh
or
like
enjoyments
,
even
after
the
loss
of
their
wealth
or
honor
.
And
the
like
may
be
also
affirmed
of
pain
,
grown
otherwise
by
custom
of
indurance
:
Prisoners
,
Millers
,
and
Musicians
,
distinguish
little
of
dislike
or
content
,
in
those
sents
and
noises
they
are
habituated
unto
.
And
so
comes
the
motion
of
heart
,
brain
,
and
bowels
to
be
undiscerned
,
and
the
touch
of
one
finger
or
limb
against
another
,
to
pass
without
notice
.
And
yet
is
custom
the
relisher
of
new
objects
;
those
smells
and
those
colours
,
that
have
greatest
affinity
to
ayr
and
light
,
do
most
please
,
because
these
things
are
perpetually
objected
to
the
sense
(
when
any
thing
is
)
and
are
the
conveyers
of
other
objects
to
the
senses
;
but
yet
the
excess
and
quickness
of
pleasure
and
displeasure
,
arising
from
particular
smells
and
colours
,
encreaseth
or
diminisheth
by
usuage
and
continuance
:
For
children
we
find
at
first
little
affected
with
any
particular
sort
of
them
;
and
Dogs
,
which
are
creatures
of
quickest
sent
,
and
can
best
make
distinction
,
do
not
yet
choose
or
avoid
any
object
or
place
for
the
smells
sake
only
,
the
smels
of
Roses
,
Violets
,
and
other
sweet
flowers
,
pleasing
them
no
better
then
the
various
and
more
differing
smells
of
those
scarcer
plants
which
we
call
weeds
:
And
this
,
for
want
of
customary
usage
sufficient
,
whereby
to
make
some
sents
affect
above
others
:
for
they
stand
not
affected
or
dis-affected
to
any
smell
,
as
of
it self
,
but
as
it
came
into
notice
,
or
hath
usually
accompanied
the
prevalent
appetites
of
food
,
or
resentment
of
the
kind
.
Which
hath
also
great
prevalence
in
men
(
and
things
of
longer
life
)
both
to
provoke
to
particular
like
and
dislike
of
many
objects
out
of
no
other
rule
but
what
ariseth
from
these
or
like
customs
and
inducements
;
for
good
smells
and
tastes
in
plants
,
is
the
resemblance
to
what
we
use
,
and
therefore
call
esculent
:
but
Wormwood
,
Rue
,
&c.
cannot
otherwise
affect
them
,
through
particular
custom
as
Tobacco
doth
.
In
which
cases
forestalled
prejudice
prevails
no
otherwise
towards
like
and
dislike
,
then
when
by
reason
other
interest
,
we
are
wont
to
rate
or
set
forth
the
praise
or
dispraise
of
any
person
,
calling
him
honest
or
vertuous
whom
we
love
most
,
and
who
,
by
relation
or
benefit
,
are
nearest
unto
us
,
and
rating
otherwise
again
,
all
such
as
disoblige
us
,
proceeding
therein
according
to
proportions
and
rules
of
self-consideration
and
charity
only
;
whereby
,
out
of
private
regard
we
impose
upon
persons
the
names
of
those
vertues
,
which
have
their
true
worth
only
by
generallity
of
performance
.
For
so
we
are
wont
to
find
out
abatements
,
or
denials
of
vertues
themselves
,
or
to
impose
or
insinuate
what
odiums
or
scandals
we
can
on
our
enemies
and
competitioners
against
the
first
,
because
we
would
give
reason
and
satisfaction
why
we
hate
them
,
against
the
latter
,
because
we
would
satisfie
why
we
should
be
preferred
before
them
,
in
each
condition
striving
to
make
publique
good
and
concern
to
cover
,
and
be
the
same
with
ours
.
After
the
same
manner
,
may
be
observed
,
that
the
rank
of
subjects
that
is
most
commending
and
aiming
at
Democrates
,
&c.
are
such
as
have
greatest
hopes
and
probabilities
to
be
Governors
of
others
therein
:
In
which
case
,
our
inbred
pride
and
stubbornness
may
through
the
frequent
contemplation
of
benefit
therein
to
arise
,
provoke
to
action
as
the
smell
or
sight
of
food
may
excite
and
awaken
the
stomack
.
And
as
thus
in
persons
,
so
in
actions
and
things
,
we
strive
always
to
have
the
like
commended
to
what
we
have
or
do
,
and
so
on
the
contrary
.
For
let
a
vice
be
cryed
out
upon
,
unto
which
we
are
subject
,
and
we
cannot
forbid
self-consideration
to
step
in
with
some
excuses
and
abatements
;
making
it
look
like
vertue
,
or
let
any
vertue
be
extolled
,
of
which
we
are
not
in
practise
or
ability
,
we
are
then
as
prone
with
our
abatements
towards
vice
.
As
for
example
,
when
self-consideration
and
advantage
hath
caused
us
in
civil
factions
and
disturbances
to
choose
one
side
before
another
,
we
are
then
become
prejudiced
and
shut
up
against
all
arguments
to
the
contrary
:
for
to
discommend
our
cause
,
is
to
discommend
us
,
and
we
can
be
no
more
desirous
to
be
satisfied
by
others
whether
we
do
justly
or
no
,
then
to
be
satisfied
whether
we
intend
our
own
benefit
or
not
;
for
as
we
are
ashmed
to
confess
to
seek
the
latter
without
regard
to
the
former
:
So
there
is
no
remedy
,
but
to
endeavor
so
to
clear
and
set
forth
our
practise
and
intentions
to
publike
utility
and
justice
,
that
our
private
aims
and
endeavors
may
be
therein
excused
or
hidden
.
And
as
smells
(
as
aforesaid
)
do
affect
from
general
agreement
with
ayr
,
or
resemblance
to
food
,
or
the
like
:
so
also
do
tastes
affect
from
salt
,
because
from
salt
they
have
entrance
upon
the
pallat
,
and
yet
hath
particular
custom
prevalence
herein
,
so
as
to
make
some
things
more
pleasant
then
others
;
and
those
that
are
most
different
,
are
most
offensive
to
such
as
have
been
least
accustomed
unto
them
.
All
which
is
of
as
great
use
for
the
avoiding
of
pain
,
as
the
satiety
of
pleasure
(
through
long
custom
)
is
for
procuring
new
pleasure
:
For
if
one
thing
should
have
always
and
alike
pleased
,
we
should
have
had
no
encouragement
to
variety
,
but
might
have
ingratefully
past
over
those
many
other
things
by
God
and
Nature
afforded
for
our
use
:
And
again
,
love
and
hatred
,
honor
and
shame
,
pleasure
and
displeasure
,
being
stated
and
encreased
by
comparison
of
one
another
,
it
is
necessary
that
some
things
should
be
occasionally
and
for
a
time
hateful
,
dishonorable
,
and
unpleasant
;
for
if
all
things
,
as
they
are
alike
good
in
their
kinds
,
were
alike
lovely
and
pleasant
to
us
,
there
would
be
,
for
want
of
choice
,
want
of
will
;
and
for
want
of
will
,
want
of
action
;
and
such
a
thing
as
a
rational
or
sensitive
creature
there
could
not
be
.
Upon
which
grounds
,
and
from
custom
of
indurance
beforementioned
,
it
comes
to
passe
that
Patience
,
Humility
,
and
other
hardships
accompanying
obedience
and
persecutions
,
have
such
efficacy
and
force
;
both
to
the
sustaining
of
afflictions
,
while
present
,
and
also
to
the
relishing
of
all
such
enjoyments
as
the
party
is
possessed
of
,
with
higher
and
more
steady
delight
then
those
persons
can
whose
custom
and
expectation
hath
always
run
a
contrary
way
:
divine
providence
so
guiding
these
things
to
general
good
and
content
,
that
since
no
man
could
be
without
crosses
,
nor
the
greater
part
without
many
of
them
(
through
reluctance
of
the
creature
,
and
pride
and
covetousness
of
men
)
therefore
it
is
made
come
to
passe
,
that
all
,
(
at
least
the
greater
part
of
men
)
are
by
making
a
vertuous
use
of
necessity
,
enabled
to
raise
to
themselves
pleasure
out
of
what
is
in
it self
otherwise
,
new
custom
dileting
the
old
.
Now
again
,
to
enquire
after
the
pleasingness
of
Custom
and
Method
,
we
will
make
instance
in
musick
.
We
find
the
Scale
to
be
reckoned
from
one
to
eight
,
these
notes
of
unison
and
diapason
,
including
the
method
of
all
the
other
,
do
come
thereupon
within
most
notice
:
No
otherwise
,
then
the
turnings
and
angles
of
knots
and
borders
in
gardens
do
,
which
maintaing
order
and
method
,
come
more
readily
and
delightfully
to
be
looked
upon
,
then
the
streight
intermediate
lines
,
or
the
flowers
that
are
inclosed
amongst
them
.
Which
flowers
have
usually
greater
delight
,
considered
apart
,
then
the
herbs
or
other
particulars
whereof
the
knot
is
made
;
but
because
they
have
neither
method
amongst
themselves
,
nor
do
share
in
the
Common
method
,
they
must
so
far
be
defective
of
beauty
:
for
they
can
have
none
but
what
must
arise
from
separate
consideration
of
Method
in
their
own
leaves
and
colours
.
As
in
the
stars
of
the
firmament
,
in
which
we
can
comprehend
no
order
,
because
their
postures
have
no
affinity
with
any
method
usual
amongst
us
:
we
therefore
take
in
them
no
delight
,
but
what
ariseth
from
their
excellencies
in
themselves
considered
:
even
so
on
the
contrary
,
Musick
being
a
thing
abstracted
,
and
consisting
in
Juncture
and
Method
only
,
must
consequently
have
the
first
and
eight
most
lovely
,
as
the
borders
and
foundation
of
this
method
:
for
so
the
unison
and
diapason
falling
out
to
be
Terminators
,
do
come
to
have
the
same
or
like
sound
to
one
another
,
as
the
meeting
of
two
lines
make
one
angle
,
which
no
two
of
the
other
notes
have
,
and
will
thereon
(
according
to
equal
succession
of
notes
in
the
same
Scale
)
come
to
be
oftner
repeated
,
and
(
thereby
)
win
more
delight
:
But
the
second
and
seventh
that
are
farthest
from
one
another
,
are
the
worst
in
the
Scale
.
If
Musick
had
gone
to
ten
,
as
Arithmetick
doth
,
the
tenth
would
then
have
been
a
concord
to
the
first
,
as
now
the
eighth
is
,
and
so
would
also
the
sixth
,
if
it
had
ended
in
that
number
:
Even
as
a
Ring
of
six
or
seven
bells
is
as
pleasant
as
that
of
five
or
eight
,
rung
either
in
Peal
or
Changes
:
and
are
more
or
less
delightful
,
as
men
are
accustomed
to
hear
the
like
Bells
or
way
of
Ringing
,
which
is
called
understanding
them
.
And
so
might
Arithmetick
have
ended
in
eight
,
as
Musick
doth
,
or
in
any
other
number
short
,
or
above
ten
:
so
that
eight
times
eight
,
or
twelve
times
twelve
might
have
been
called
a
hundred
;
and
eight
or
twelve
of
them
again
call
one
thousand
,
and
so
on
.
For
ten
is
but
ten
units
,
and
one
thousand
is
but
ten
times
ten
unites
:
so
that
one
and
ten
fall
into
one
another
,
and
are
the
foundation
and
termination
of
all
number
;
and
come
oftner
to
be
repeated
,
even
ten
times
to
one
above
any
other
number
.
For
after
you
have
reckoned
from
one
to
ten
,
you
begin
from
ten
again
,
as
you
did
from
one
;
so
that
twenty
is
two
times
ten
,
as
thirty
is
three
times
ten
,
and
so
on
:
Ten
still
keeping
his
denomination
,
not
only
in
order
after
nine
,
but
in
computing
of
one
and
thirty
,
two
and
thirty
,
three
and
thirty
,
four
and
thirty
,
five
and
thirty
,
&c.
)
the
number
of
ten
comes
to
be
reckoned
ten
times
to
each
one
of
the
digits
or
single
number
.
So
in
the
scale
of
musick
,
you
may
suppose
the
same
itteration
,
although
not
so
apparent
,
because
musick
is
not
so
far
progressive
as
Arithmecal
numeration
is
.
For
the
cipher
put
to
one
,
makes
it
ten
,
although
it
be
stil
but
the
same
figure
of
one
;
and
we
properly
call
the
other
a
cypher
,
having
no
value
of
it self
;
but
(
by
its
numbers
)
shewing
the
numbers
of
tens
.
So
in
Musick
(
which
is
but
numbers
played
withal
)
the
diapason
is
an
unison
with
a
supposed
cypher
,
and
comes
in
ascension
and
descension
(
according
to
the
usual
method
of
teaching
Schollars
)
to
be
eight
times
repeated
to
any
other
note
.
For
all
Tones
are
but
measures
of
distance
,
or
difference
of
rise
and
fall
from
the
first
note
:
as
a
third
is
measured
by
one
between
,
the
fourth
by
two
,
and
fifth
by
three
notes
between
the
first
and
him
,
and
so
on
.
In
which
doing
,
the
first
note
being
Terminas
à
quo
,
and
each
other
note
Terminus
ad
quem
,
and
the
Terminus
ad
quem
being
not
computable
(
as
to
Method
)
but
from
Terminus
à
quo
,
the
first
or
unison
comes
(
as
aforesaid
)
to
be
reckoned
eight
times
for
once
of
all
the
other
numbers
.
As
for
example
,
in
reckoning
Sol
,
la
,
mi
,
and
then
Sol
,
mi
,
and
,
Sol
,
la
,
mi
,
fa
,
and
then
Sol
,
fa
,
and
so
on
,
the
first
note
being
itterated
severally
to
each
other
,
comes
to
be
as
often
mentioned
as
them
all
:
The
like
may
be
observed
,
on
the
part
of
the
eight
,
when
you
come
to
descend
and
go
back
again
.
Now
for
the
pleasantness
of
the
third
and
fifth
above
the
fourth
and
sixth
,
and
for
the
pleasantness
of
fourth
and
sixth
above
the
second
and
seventh
,
we
are
to
consider
that
as
all
things
please
by
often
presence
(
where
by
they
become
familiar
)
,
to
this
presence
and
familiarity
may
be
made
either
by
often
repetition
and
succession
in
the
fancy
,
or
by
length
of
abode
there
;
as
for
example
,
by
the
iteration
of
four
footed
beasts
in
my
fancy
,
I
come
to
esteem
those
sorts
handsomest
that
come
nearest
to
the
most
agreeing
and
usual
form
:
So
again
,
by
oftner
and
longer
seeing
the
shape
of
a
man
then
them
all
,
it
may
please
better
,
as
more
seen
then
their
shapes
altogether
:
and
so
also
the
barking
of
Dogs
,
though
a
noise
singular
to
that
creature
,
yet
it
is
tollerable
by
often
hearing
it
,
nay
it
is
Musick
to
Huntsmen
that
hear
it
very
much
:
but
the
howling
of
Dogs
,
being
in
all
kinds
rare
,
is
unpleasant
to
all
.
And
so
farther
,
although
handsomness
and
beauty
usually
move
affection
,
because
it
is
the
most
usual
and
uniform
feature
,
yet
through
familiarity
and
often
presence
,
I
may
come
to
like
better
of
a
face
or
person
differing
from
the
general
rule
,
and
commonly
co-habitation
proves
a
match-maker
;
and
frequent
notice
is
the
most
effectual
means
which
lovers
can
use
,
even
as
we
see
other
Creatures
made
friendly
and
loving
hereby
:
For
two
Pidgeons
,
although
at
first
never
so
disagreeing
,
will
mate
and
like
one
another
,
being
a
while
enclosed
.
So
now
(
to
return
to
Musick
)
the
second
and
seventh
are
but
used
as
transient
notes
,
and
have
not
usually
above
the
eight
part
of
time
allowed
them
for
their
prolation
in
the
ear
and
fancy
,
which
the
other
notes
have
:
for
proceeding
;
from
the
unison
or
first
term
,
I
cannot
make
a
stop
at
the
next
,
it
being
so
near
the
first
as
there
wants
a
note
to
measure
the
distance
between
them
;
for
all
harmony
being
made
up
of
proportion
,
there
will
want
a
middle
term
to
proportionate
the
extreams
.
So
in
Sol
,
la
,
mi
,
la
is
the
measure
between
Sol
and
mi
,
and
serves
but
to
number
withal
:
Nor
can
I
make
such
a
stand
at
la
,
from
Sol
,
as
to
make
a
musical
tone
,
until
I
come
to
a
note
of
greater
distance
:
For
should
I
say
Sol
,
la
,
and
stop
at
la
,
as
I
do
at
mi
,
when
I
say
,
Sol
,
la
,
mi
;
Sol
,
mi
,
Musick
would
not
be
harmony
or
proportion
,
but
numeration
only
.
So
,
in
descending
the
Scale
again
,
the
note
that
was
seventh
to
the
first
,
is
now
second
to
the
eight
.
But
then
,
although
in
thus
scaling
of
notes
,
for
teaching
of
young
Schollars
,
we
use
but
one
sort
of
time
to
all
of
them
,
yet
when
we
come
to
make
such
Musick
as
we
call
Tunes
,
we
must
use
difference
of
time
,
and
make
the
greatest
stops
at
the
most
methodical
and
useful
notes
,
which
by
this
means
will
also
farther
come
to
be
most
pleasant
.
And
as
a
second
is
the
Numerator
between
the
first
and
third
,
so
is
the
fourth
between
the
third
and
fifth
;
unto
which
third
,
the
fifth
is
a
third
also
,
and
the
fourth
is
a
second
,
but
the
fourth
is
as
much
a
better
note
then
the
second
,
as
the
unison
or
diapason
are
better
then
the
third
:
for
goodness
being
but
by
comparison
,
as
the
second
is
more
ill
then
the
fourth
or
sixth
,
so
is
the
first
or
eight
better
then
the
third
or
fifth
.
If
a
seventh
should
be
a
concord
,
as
being
a
third
to
the
fifth
,
then
would
there
want
a
discord
to
set
off
other
notes
,
and
the
eighth
would
be
imperfect
by
wanting
his
discord
:
For
these
seconds
are
never
used
,
but
(
by
time
and
way
of
quaver
)
as
slides
and
passes
to
eights
.
A
fifth
hath
priority
of
a
third
,
as
having
more
proportions
in
it
,
and
(
being
more
distant
)
hath
less
debasement
from
the
unison
or
eight
.
All
which
we
have
spoken
more
largely
concerning
Musick
,
to
shew
how
(
in
respect
to
Method
and
Harmony
)
some
notes
must
be
oftner
used
then
others
;
and
how
in
regard
of
this
usuage
,
and
the
longer
stay
upon
such
notes
)
they
come
to
be
more
pleasant
:
And
again
,
for
that
Musick
(
being
a
thing
disputable
how
its
pleasure
should
arise
,
might
by
being
thus
discoursed
upon
)
serve
to
illustrate
other
things
.
For
from
hence
we
may
ground
the
chief
reason
why
we
come
to
be
so
wedded
unto
those
customs
and
opinions
we
have
been
bred
in
and
used
unto
,
especially
in
matters
of
Religion
,
which
(
having
little
proof
from
sense
)
relies
chiefly
on
this
course
of
prevalence
,
namely
to
affect
by
inculcation
of
Doctrines
and
Tenets
,
as
the
experience
of
Sermons
and
Preaching
makes
good
:
for
thus
God
himself
being
first
and
last
in
Religion
,
is
as
the
unison
and
diapason
,
terminating
all
things
;
and
as
in
Musick
,
the
sweetness
of
those
notes
above
others
,
ariseth
from
their
longer
continuance
and
oftner
repetition
:
So
in
Religion
,
the
more
we
press
,
and
oftner
we
mention
Gods
Glory
,
Gods
Worship
,
Gods
Commands
,
&c.
that
which
we
utter
besides
is
the
more
acceptable
,
even
as
those
things
are
in
value
above
others
,
and
that
especially
,
if
compared
to
any
thing
in
our selves
;
whereby
God
appearing
so
much
above
us
,
our
perfections
appear
so
much
worse
as
his
is
better
.
And
this
is
wel
known
to
undertakers
for
Church
Reformation
,
first
to
cast
into
Gods
Service
,
Gods
Glory
,
&c.
all
that
they
would
have
acted
in
pursuance
of
their
own
designs
,
then
to
put
such
Laws
and
Customs
as
oppose
them
on
the
score
of
Humane
Inventions
,
that
so
by
the
answerable
disproportion
in
goodness
(
as
between
an
eight
and
second
)
all
that
they
like
not
may
be
disliked
of
others
also
.
But
then
again
,
if
an
eight
should
be
always
stricken
(
without
other
variety
)
it
would
cease
to
please
:
So
,
to
say
nothing
but
Gods
Service
,
Gods
Glory
,
&c.
would
not
make
a
harmony
to
please
above
the
degree
of
children
:
and
therefore
Faith
,
Charity
,
and
the
like
,
are
taken
in
,
as
thirds
and
fifths
;
according
as
their
usage
and
esteem
hath
made
them
preferrable
in
each
Country
and
Sect
:
For
where
Solisidians
are
,
there
Faith
is
the
fifth
,
or
best
note
,
and
Love
and
Charity
is
made
the
worser
;
and
on
the
other
side
,
where
Charity
is
rightly
understood
,
it
is
made
chief
as
the
end
of
the
other
.
And
as
for
the
other
duties
of
Humility
,
Prayer
,
Repentance
,
Zeal
,
&c.
they
are
placed
in
the
composure
of
the
harmony
of
each
Religion
,
as
they
have
different
esteem
in
the
Authors
thereof
:
Whereupon
,
as
the
tunes
of
our
Country
please
us
beyond
others
,
so
that
form
of
expressing
our
devotion
which
custom
hath
wedded
us
unto
:
but
as
we
may
fancy
other
tunes
by
degrees
,
so
other
forms
that
have
their
differences
at
first
small
:
Nay
,
we
ordinarily
have
a
natural
itch
to
variety
;
and
it
may
be
observed
,
that
as
the
the
same
tune
always
played
,
causeth
weariness
:
so
,
to
such
as
cannot
understand
the
true
reason
of
things
that
Religion
soonest
cloyeth
,
whose
exercise
or
doctrine
hath
least
variety
and
most
confinement
,
and
therefore
set
forms
displease
ordinary
capacities
,
as
grave
set
set
musick
to
those
that
are
unskilled
in
the
art
,
pleaseth
not
so
much
as
a
Jig
.
And
as
Musick
being
an
abstracted
Method
is
not
examinable
by
any
thing
but
the
ear
it self
:
So
in
Religion
,
the
farther
you
sequester
your self
from
Charity
,
so
much
the
more
you
confine
its
grounds
to
custom
and
opinion
:
for
if
it
be
placed
all
in
the
ear
(
as
Musick
is
)
then
(
being
only
a
spiritual
method
)
it
will
follow
,
that
that
method
we
apprehend
best
(
and
consequently
that
Religion
we
are
most
used
unto
)
will
without
more
ado
please
most
;
and
thereupon
each
person
must
be
rendred
an
uncontrollable
judge
therein
:
but
so
far
as
Love
and
Charity
shall
be
taken
in
,
this
(
being
operative
)
will
make
it
fall
within
notice
of
other
senses
,
and
so
become
examinable
by
other
method
:
For
Charity
having
its
ground
in
Reason
and
Nature
(
as
it
is
made
to
stand
in
harmony
with
them
)
it
may
serve
to
justifie
or
condemn
Religions
,
as
the
goodness
of
the
tree
may
be
judged
by
its
fruits
.
To
enquire
into
the
reason
of
Comprehension
and
Method
a
little
farther
,
we
are
to
conceive
that
the
brain
in
each
man
being
the
common
sense
to
discover
what
is
of
benefit
or
damage
,
hath
the
Nerves
as
so
many
Scouts
and
Centinels
for
information
:
Now
as
any
thing
is
by
these
apprehended
,
some
impression
is
made
in
the
soft
substance
of
the
brain
.
This
at
first
coming
must
make
an
unusal
dislocation
and
posture
therein
,
and
so
displease
within
,
no
otherwise
then
distortion
of
any
member
doth
displease
without
.
And
knowledge
and
comprehension
is
nothing
else
but
the
ready
turning
and
cession
of
the
brain
to
such
figures
as
are
offered
:
and
reasoning
and
discourse
is
succession
of
configuration
,
according
to
such
Concomitants
and
Appearances
as
have
accompanied
it
;
which
now
more
or
less
readily
appearing
and
answering
,
as
they
were
formerly
oftener
seen
or
fancied
therewith
,
come
thereupon
to
be
esteemed
more
or
less
reason
.
But
all
new
ojects
must
for
a
time
displease
,
according
to
their
strangeness
;
for
that
this
common
sensory
,
being
thus
wholly
imployed
,
and
as
it
were
,
imprisoned
and
confined
in
apprehending
and
configuring
this
new
guest
,
hath
not
time
to
watch
and
attend
other
informations
,
that
might
be
by
sense
offered
to
it
at
the
same
time
.
For
so
we
find
,
that
in
great
agitation
of
mind
,
and
when
our
fancies
are
intent
on
the
contrivance
of
things
more
eminently
pressing
,
we
are
heedless
of
what
else
is
presented
unto
us
:
And
hence
it
is
that
two
things
at
once
cannot
be
studied
on
,
if
they
be
so
differing
as
not
comprisable
in
the
same
method
.
Pain
is
more
external
,
and
differs
from
this
inward
offence
;
being
the
stoppage
of
Spirits
in
their
methodical
motions
in
the
parts
of
the
body
;
whereby
,
being
hindred
from
recourse
to
their
fountain
the
brain
,
the
place
that
obstructs
them
will
(
through
their
irregular
motion
therein
)
find
pain
;
and
pleasure
is
,
when
these
spirits
are
excited
in
motion
or
evacuation
with
their
proper
humor
.
When
any
violent
or
unusal
posture
is
offered
to
the
Nerves
,
diffused
in
the
senses
and
exterior
parts
,
the
brain
is
sensible
through
them
,
no
otherwise
then
the
Spider
is
of
any
thing
that
toucheth
any
part
of
her
web
;
in
which
,
every
forraign
touch
makes
her
sensible
,
by
altering
the
posture
of
those
threds
unto
which
she
is
joyned
.
For
as
the
Spider
sitting
upon
the
Center
and
●oition
of
her
work
with
her
body
,
and
having
her
legs
extended
to
the
several
Angles
thereof
is
hereby
made
preceptible
of
those
touches
and
impressions
which
forraign
bodies
do
make
upon
it
;
even
so
the
brain
,
by
those
his
long
legs
of
nerves
,
every
where
dispersed
through
the
body
,
may
be
conceived
to
be
much
more
sensible
of
those
several
forms
of
twitching
and
convulsion
made
in
its
membranes
,
by
the
like
impression
made
upon
its
nerves
by
any
forraign
touch
.
And
as
by
degrees
,
and
many
tryals
from
our
infancy
,
our
senses
are
enabled
to
conform
themselves
unto
outward
figures
and
objects
:
so
is
the
brain
also
by
degrees
brought
to
receive
and
retain
those
:
and
doth
as
easily
fall
into
the
like
posture
or
figure
,
when
those
objects
shall
be
raised
in
the
fancy
which
did
usually
accompany
them
.
If
there
be
alteration
in
the
body
of
the
brain
it self
(
without
forraign
touch
of
feeling
)
it
is
not
then
called
pain
,
but
horror
,
confusion
,
amazement
,
or
the
like
.
For
the
Spirits
(
used
to
watch
in
the
senses
themselves
without
)
are
now
here
extraordinarily
imployed
in
putting
this
new
object
into
method
,
whereby
it
may
be
capable
of
memory
and
use
,
and
do
thereupon
for
a
time
make
disturbance
,
as
in
a
Crowd
.
So
that
Pain
and
Pleasure
are
properly
only
in
touch
or
sense
of
feeling
:
the
objects
of
other
senses
being
by
them
immediately
let
into
the
brain
(
as
having
the
nerves
that
serve
them
more
contiguous
to
his
substance
)
they
impart
not
pleasure
and
pain
to
it
,
as
directly
from
themselves
,
nor
are
capable
thereof
,
as
senses
,
but
as
outward
parts
and
organs
,
to
be
affected
by
forraign
touch
.
Now
health
is
negative
to
sickness
,
as
pleasure
is
(
for
the
most
part
)
but
absence
of
pain
;
and
is
when
each
individual
body
hath
its
humours
enjoying
their
wonted
proportion
,
seats
,
and
motions
,
according
to
the
proper
constitution
thereof
,
so
as
the
spirits
may
not
be
inwardly
stopped
to
make
us
inwardly
sensible
,
as
pain
makes
us
outwardly
.
But
sicknesse
affects
more
generally
,
because
the
obstruction
being
in
common
passages
of
all
parts
of
the
body
,
the
sense
thereof
must
be
more
universal
then
in
pain
,
where
a
single
nerve
it
may
be
,
is
only
affected
.
But
then
again
,
pain
is
more
quick
,
as
more
intire
and
unite
.
For
in
sickness
(
till
it
be
mortal
)
there
is
not
a
total
stoppage
,
because
the
bowels
and
other
passages
have
some
recourse
left
them
to
the
stomack
,
&c.
and
thereupon
those
nerves
that
attend
them
can
be
but
in
part
stopped
.
But
usually
sicknesse
hath
some
pain
,
as
having
some
part
or
passage
more
obstructed
then
another
.
When
I
see
a
heavy
thing
tend
downwards
,
it
is
a
motion
so
conformable
to
all
other
,
that
(
as
a
thing
whose
operation
and
concernment
is
al●eady
fully
known
)
it
is
passed
over
with
content
of
security
and
mastery
:
But
the
operation
of
the
Loadstone
,
seeming
proper
to
it self
,
distracts
and
puzzles
us
for
want
of
ability
to
conceive
(
and
consequently
)
to
apply
it
to
knowledge
and
use
.
For
knowledge
refers
to
use
,
as
truth
doth
to
goodness
;
for
from
the
observation
of
the
motions
and
operations
of
Loadstones
,
men
apply
them
to
nautical
,
and
some
other
uses
.
And
Bonum
differs
from
Verum
but
in
application
,
things
being
true
as
they
are
real
,
and
good
as
they
are
modal
:
Whereby
,
that
which
at
first
had
entity
and
existence
by
Creation
,
in
respect
of
those
affections
,
and
that
serviceableness
it
carries
to
other
things
,
comes
afterwards
in
the
rule
of
Providence
to
be
held
as
good
.
And
my
will
differs
from
my
understanding
as
knowledge
abstracted
doth
,
from
that
which
hath
reference
to
me
and
my
use
.
And
it
is
as
natural
for
the
understanding
to
affect
truth
and
enquiry
,
as
it
is
for
the
will
to
affect
good
,
and
the
exercise
thereof
.
And
therefore
as
I
may
want
personal
liberty
to
perform
my
will
,
so
may
I
want
liberty
in
my
understanding
,
when
I
want
Method
to
conceive
,
or
variety
(
suitable
thereunto
)
for
making
farther
discovery
,
being
then
subject
to
be
lead
by
the
judgement
of
others
,
which
is
indeed
the
greatest
thraldom
of
any
.
But
the
want
of
this
I
cannot
know
,
because
the
want
and
the
wanter
are
all
one
,
but
experience
will
inform
in
the
other
.
So
now
we
may
call
Method
an
Art
proper
to
every
fancy
,
of
registring
its
own
particular
observations
in
a
kind
of
total
.
For
after
that
I
have
,
from
induction
,
observed
,
that
every
single
man
is
more
rational
then
other
creatures
,
I
conclude
also
;
thereby
differencing
men
from
other
things
.
And
when
again
,
I
come
to
observe
that
he
agrees
with
them
in
the
search
of
things
pleasurable
,
I
then
conclude
this
done
as
out
of
some
principle
common
to
them
all
,
wherein
they
must
agree
as
Sensitives
.
For
as
knowledge
or
memory
precedes
,
being
the
observation
of
things
in
particular
,
so
method
succeeds
in
collecting
these
particulars
,
and
placing
them
in
totals
with
other
things
of
the
same
kind
,
and
agreeing
in
properties
.
And
when
fancy
hath
an
object
not
so
placed
already
,
or
comprisable
in
some
rank
or
classis
of
our
entertained
method
,
it
is
troubled
.
For
if
it
be
a
thing
altogether
unknown
,
so
as
I
cannot
discover
between
the
homogenial
and
heterogenial
properties
thereof
,
or
if
those
properties
are
not
reducable
into
some
classis
of
comprehension
of
that
Method
I
have
already
framed
,
what
use
or
pleasure
can
I
make
thereof
?
and
all
those
Arts
and
Sciences
we
have
entertained
,
are
but
methodical
collections
of
those
distinguishable
inclinations
,
effects
and
properties
of
men
,
creatures
and
things
,
which
Authors
have
made
and
agreed
upon
,
and
are
true
or
false
as
they
are
more
or
less
comprehensive
,
and
exactly
discussive
of
all
those
particulars
they
undertake
.
In
which
course
of
proceeding
,
the
subject
is
usually
considered
as
it
hath
reference
to
pleasure
and
benefit
.
And
those
Arts
and
Sciences
that
seem
most
speculative
,
have
yet
(
through
Method
)
pleasure
in
speculation
:
but
generally
knowledge
and
enquiry
look
to
good
,
as
mony
doth
to
commodity
;
that
is
,
although
it
be
not
pleasurable
in
it self
,
yet
is
the
general
ready
thing
for
procuring
what
is
so
,
humane
benefit
being
the
end
of
the
Art
it self
,
and
private
gain
or
honor
of
the
Artist
.
Now
as
all
men
have
aims
,
and
those
higher
or
lower
,
according
to
their
way
of
breeding
,
so
have
they
their
proper
Method
and
means
for
accomplishing
them
answerable
to
their
understandings
.
And
although
the
true
aims
of
great
men
,
in
respect
of
honor
and
generosity
,
may
not
be
discovered
by
the
vulgar
,
yet
the
greatness
it self
,
and
the
advantages
thereof
being
necessarily
always
observed
by
them
.
Hence
it
comes
to
pass
that
their
conceptions
are
still
running
along
,
to
fancy
their
method
and
aim
to
be
according
to
their
own
.
Thus
children
that
for
want
of
engagement
and
observation
are
not
yet
able
to
apprehend
the
true
benefit
or
value
of
riches
or
honor
,
or
to
conceive
upon
what
inducements
men
are
led
to
most
of
their
actions
,
must
also
want
method
and
understanding
in
themselves
to
approve
and
like
of
what
they
do
,
for
play
and
liberty
being
their
end
,
and
having
fancied
other
things
as
they
stood
in
order
thereunto
,
they
cannot
be
imagined
to
bend
their
studies
to
the
attaining
of
food
or
apparel
:
because
they
always
found
these
things
ready
;
when
as
being
debarred
in
the
other
,
it
caused
them
to
use
contrivance
therein
.
And
therefore
they
are
not
able
to
conceive
that
their
Parents
should
be
put
to
such
labour
and
study
in
getting
their
maintenance
;
but
do
think
that
in
these
acquisitions
,
and
in
their
commerce
with
other
men
,
they
are
but
following
their
own
liberty
and
pastimes
,
as
themselves
do
with
their
play-fellows
.
And
so
again
,
the
vulgar
sort
of
men
,
having
only
riches
and
some
other
more
sensual
enjoyments
in
their
aims
,
and
having
also
another
and
more
short
way
of
getting
those
things
amongst
themselves
,
must
needs
be
as
much
at
a
loss
and
mistake
in
their
censures
,
when
they
come
to
look
into
the
actings
of
great
men
or
their
Governors
.
For
being
themselves
neither
able
to
fancy
the
way
and
difficulty
of
getting
this
greatness
,
or
of
protecting
them
therewith
;
nor
the
true
end
and
use
of
this
power
(
more
then
children
do
apprehend
the
difficulty
and
cost
of
their
breeding
and
maintenance
)
they
are
ready
,
according
to
those
conceits
within
themselves
,
to
think
that
these
things
came
by
their
good
fortune
,
and
were
accordingly
no
otherwise
useful
then
to
enable
them
to
live
splendidly
and
deliciously
,
and
to
exercise
arbitrary
power
in
extolling
or
abasing
some
few
as
they
saw
good
:
because
,
if
themselves
were
in
like
condition
,
their
aims
should
not
be
other
then
the
reward
or
punishment
of
friends
or
enemies
.
And
if
at
any
time
they
be
brought
into
some
speculation
of
the
means
of
entrance
,
&
end
of
this
power
;
this
,
as
being
a
thing
altogether
beyond
their
own
comprehension
,
they
must
be
supposed
as
well
implicitely
following
those
methods
which
ambitious
heads
have
put
upon
them
herein
,
as
also
delightfully
and
eagerly
doing
it
;
even
for
that
the
method
and
satisfaction
which
they
now
find
therein
,
must
needs
fill
them
with
the
belief
of
so
much
knowledge
,
as
to
think
they
have
arrived
at
the
top
thereof
.
And
therefore
being
not
able
,
for
want
of
sufficient
observation
and
insight
into
Divine
or
Political
matters
,
to
discover
the
true
ground
and
reason
of
things
,
they
presently
judge
all
those
actions
which
are
not
agreeable
to
those
rules
of
scripture
,
of
pacton
,
of
consent
,
or
the
like
,
which
they
find
interpreted
and
scholied
by
their
guides
,
to
be
superstitious
and
unjust
.
The
which
also
is
much
helped
on
,
aswell
out
of
desire
to
avoid
the
shame
of
being
ignorant
,
as
out
of
vain-glory
to
appear
wise
and
knowing
in
things
of
such
difficulty
.
And
this
peremptoriness
of
opinion
and
judgement
is
most
incident
to
our
first
inlet
into
these
discoveries
.
For
then
it
is
to
be
supposed
that
we
are
most
swayed
with
delight
of
these
new
speculations
,
and
do
also
most
want
time
to
examine
whether
the
particulars
we
now
apprehend
are
every
way
agreeable
and
comprehensive
of
those
things
we
undertake
to
judge
,
or
no
:
or
else
that
we
are
not
carried
on
by
our
own
partialities
and
interests
,
so
as
to
judge
that
Person
a
Tyrant
,
an
Usurper
,
or
the
like
,
whom
we
have
no
interest
in
,
nor
hope
of
:
but
by
our
partial
(
that
is
to
say
,
our
short
and
weak
Methods
and
Collections
)
we
are
subject
to
proceed
too
hastily
to
the
liking
or
condemning
of
a
Government
or
Governor
,
upon
the
like
sudden
apprehension
as
the
Barbarians
did
of
S.
Paul
:
who
must
one
while
be
no
better
then
a
Murtherer
,
&
presently
again
concluded
for
no
less
then
a
god
,
from
single
indications
and
accidents
,
and
such
as
had
no
coherence
with
that
which
they
would
apply
them
unto
.
Upon
which
ground
it
may
be
observed
,
that
Princes
and
great
men
are
by
vulgar
judgements
never
permitted
to
go
under
a
middle
censure
:
they
are
still
extreamly
good
,
or
extreamly
bad
.
For
being
by
some
sudden
accident
brought
to
alter
that
conceit
they
had
before
entertained
as
suddenly
and
ungroundedly
of
his
vertues
or
vices
,
it
is
no
wonder
if
they
hereupon
become
as
hasty
and
extream
in
their
censures
of
him
this
way
,
as
they
did
the
other
way
.
For
it
being
to
be
supposed
natural
unto
man
to
affect
farther
discovery
and
knowledge
,
it
comes
therefore
to
pass
that
the
delight
in
contemplation
and
prosecution
of
what
is
now
in
view
,
keeps
him
for
the
time
inconsiderate
of
what
more
may
be
had
,
and
so
it
must
consequently
leave
the
weak
and
empty
comprehension
as
full
and
peremptory
(
as
to
its
self
and
its
own
satisfaction
)
as
he
that
hath
more
and
better
ground
to
go
upon
.
The
which
we
find
verified
upon
mens
first
undertaking
to
read
and
expound
the
Scripture
:
the
many
examples
there
found
of
Gods
miraculous
attestation
and
reward
of
some
such
as
have
been
eminent
for
goodness
and
piety
,
presently
raises
in
us
a
conceit
of
our
own
deserts
herein
also
;
and
men
are
usually
thereupon
ready
to
fancy
and
expect
(
even
to
a
degree
of
temptation
)
that
God
should
in
some
like
manner
appear
in
the
honoring
and
acknowledging
of
them
.
And
,
upon
a
contrary
rule
again
,
finding
many
examples
therein
of
Gods
displeasure
and
punishment
of
men
for
oppression
,
injustice
,
and
other
notorious
wickedness
,
they
are
as
ready
,
out
of
the
conceit
of
their
own
wrong
suffering
and
subjection
at
the
hand
of
their
own
Enemies
or
Superiors
,
to
make
a
paralel
of
the
one
with
the
other
;
and
think
that
neither
Patience
nor
Obedience
is
on
their
part
due
,
to
these
so
apparent
enemies
to
God
and
goodness
,
as
their
prejudice
and
ignorance
doth
now
judge
to
these
so
apparent
enemies
to
God
and
goodness
,
as
their
prejudice
and
ignorance
doth
now
judge
them
to
be
.
The
which
is
most
especially
instigated
from
the
example
and
insinuations
of
persons
of
greater
repute
for
learning
or
judgement
then
themselves
;
who
having
many
times
ambitious
or
factious
aims
,
are
ready
(
as
we
said
)
to
cast
before
them
such
forms
of
examination
as
shall
be
sure
to
leave
a
dislike
in
them
towards
the
actions
and
commands
of
their
Superiors
,
and
consequently
intice
them
to
siding
with
them
:
which
must
prevail
,
because
they
are
so
far
defective
of
observation
and
experience
of
their
own
,
and
consequently
entice
them
to
siding
with
them
,
which
must
prevail
,
because
they
are
so
far
defective
of
observation
and
experience
of
their
own
,
as
to
find
and
frame
just
Methods
to
themselves
,
and
so
to
examine
how
far
these
and
other
particulars
are
,
or
are
not
agreeable
and
comprisable
within
the
true
rules
and
limits
of
Religion
and
Polity
.
And
of
these
kinds
of
deceits
,
taken
up
upon
too
easie
examination
and
credulity
,
I
can
speak
more
confidently
,
having
had
so
great
experience
of
them
in
my self
,
and
that
in
both
kinds
.
For
I
believe
that
no
man
was
more
averse
to
Episcopacy
,
and
Church
Orders
and
Ceremonies
,
and
such
like
,
then
my self
in
my
youth
,
and
while
I
continued
to
converse
with
such
only
as
had
these
things
in
detestation
;
and
all
because
the
method
of
examination
which
was
then
put
into
me
for
to
try
cases
of
this
kind
by
,
(
as
to
their
approach
to
evil
)
was
to
search
whether
Papist
used
them
or
no.
So
that
I
,
not
having
then
knowledge
or
experience
enough
to
examine
how
those
things
stood
grounded
in
themselves
,
or
to
understand
that
Papists
,
even
as
they
were
Christians
,
could
not
choose
but
be
in
the
right
in
somethings
,
was
thereupon
in
danger
to
abandon
some
Christian
truths
and
duties
,
because
I
found
them
within
my
rule
of
dislike
,
as
being
acted
and
believed
by
Papists
.
Being
once
prepossessed
with
these
and
such
like
short
Rules
and
Methods
of
distinction
and
adjudication
,
I
was
quickly
tainted
also
with
the
Pharisaical
humour
of
judging
for
my self
,
and
those
of
my
belief
,
against
such
as
differed
,
thinking
that
all
that
were
not
as
invective
against
the
thing
called
Popery
(
which
truly
for
a
good
while
I
understood
not
)
and
as
conversant
in
Sermons
,
and
some
select
phrases
and
demeanors
,
were
(
notwithstanding
their
unblamable
lives
otherwise
,
and
that
according
to
Christian
faith
)
to
be
esteemed
but
bare
moral
men
.
Their
outstripping
me
in
the
real
duties
of
general
love
and
beneficence
to
men
,
and
in
the
rendring
God
more
honorable
by
their
publike
and
more
solemn
adoration
and
acknowledgement
of
him
before
men
,
were
not
,
as
I
thought
arguments
comparable
to
prove
them
of
the
number
of
the
godly
and
Saints
,
as
were
those
Rules
of
distinction
which
I
had
framed
to
my self
.
And
so
again
,
in
matter
of
Government
and
Political
speculation
,
none
more
pleased
and
taken
then
my self
,
with
all
those
fine
Maxims
and
Rules
of
Examination
,
which
,
in
the
beginning
of
our
unhappy
troubles
,
were
set
on
foot
for
tryal
and
control
of
the
actions
of
Princes
.
My
thought
I
was
now
much
elevated
in
my
rank
and
ability
,
being
enabled
to
give
a
just
censure
of
all
that
was
done
by
one
so
much
above
me
,
and
whom
I
had
ignorantly
hitherto
thought
should
have
guided
me
.
When
he
acted
in
Civil
matters
,
the
Law
of
the
Land
was
to
be
his
bound
and
director
;
and
when
in
affairs
of
Religion
,
the
Scripture
.
If
I
had
staid
there
it
had
been
well
.
No
,
as
I
was
told
that
it
was
not
fit
that
Kings
should
be
unlimitted
and
arbitrary
in
their
rule
;
So
also
,
that
his
single
judgement
or
conscience
were
not
to
be
trusted
herein
neither
,
therefore
I
did
next
fancy
,
that
the
Judges
were
to
determine
the
meaning
of
the
Law
,
and
the
Divines
of
Scriptures
.
In
which
I
was
not
yet
so
far
out
of
the
way
,
but
what
a
few
caveats
might
set
right
.
But
I
proceeded
farther
still
in
pressing
onwards
,
that
I
at
last
thought
none
to
be
trusted
in
these
high
powers
but
the
people
themselves
:
The
Judges
and
Divines
,
alas
,
they
might
be
corrupted
,
but
a
community
could
not
wrong
it self
.
And
therefore
,
over
all
,
as
the
Paramont
Power
,
I
conceived
there
was
to
be
a
Parliament
,
to
give
final
determination
,
and
see
execution
done
.
This
at
first
I
thought
to
import
the
King
in
Parliament
;
afterwards
I
was
lead
to
believe
it
was
the
King
and
Parliament
;
afterwards
it
came
to
be
the
two
houses
of
Parliament
which
were
apprehended
to
be
the
Supreme
Authority
.
And
as
the
pleasing
speculations
of
paction
and
derived
power
from
the
people
did
generally
take
&
encrease
,
so
came
the
lower
house
to
be
the
upper
house
,
&
afterwards
the
sole
house
of
Parliament
;
as
being
thought
the
peoples
only
true
Representors
.
So
that
,
at
last
,
a
King
beset
with
all
these
limitations
,
did
look
like
a
Duck
in
a
Garden
,
brought
to
eat
up
the
Snailes
and
Worms
,
and
then
tied
up
by
the
leg
,
for
fear
of
trampling
over
the
flowers
,
or
meuting
in
the
Walks
.
But
the
examples
of
inconveniences
arising
from
Kings
exorbitant
use
of
Power
(
by
their
strong
and
fresh
impression
)
making
me
on
the
sudden
heedless
,
how
by
bridling
his
Power
to
do
ill
,
I
did
also
take
away
the
power
of
doing
good
:
and
then
also
there
having
been
no
president
in
stories
of
a
perpetual
or
unlimitted
Parliament
,
and
consequently
of
any
evil
thence
arising
,
I
came
to
be
so
taken
up
with
the
apprehension
of
the
good
they
might
do
,
according
to
that
power
they
had
anciently
practised
,
that
I
did
not
then
consider
withal
(
I
mean
for
a
great
while
I
did
not
)
that
if
one
man
,
that
did
acknowledge
himself
subject
to
Law
,
could
by
his
power
do
so
much
mischief
,
what
then
might
be
feared
where
a
multitude
shall
joyn
in
a
mischief
,
who
shall
say
they
are
above
Law
.
But
it
fareth
with
men
in
entertaining
those
narrow
Schems
for
comprehension
of
any
thing
,
as
it
doth
in
making
knots
and
plats
for
Gardens
or
Building
,
which
each
one
at
the
time
of
doing
,
will
think
done
after
the
best
manner
,
because
done
according
to
advisement
of
workmen
or
the
like
,
and
according
to
that
stock
of
materials
he
then
knew
of
,
or
stood
furnished
with
:
But
when
he
shall
make
observation
farther
,
and
find
both
other
materials
and
other
methods
more
fit
and
capable
of
their
receit
,
he
will
then
alter
his
own
method
of
adjudication
also
:
For
it
is
to
be
conceived
that
in
this
course
of
methodising
,
our
fancy
carrieth
the
form
of
a
Pyramid
,
wherein
the
particulars
observable
in
nature
make
the
Basis
;
which
lessens
towards
the
top
,
as
the
particulars
unite
and
agree
in
such
generals
as
we
may
call
notions
.
But
then
,
as
these
notions
come
to
be
imployed
and
to
receive
approbation
from
experience
,
they
are
again
,
for
ready
ease
and
use
,
collected
into
other
totals
called
affections
;
which
,
having
obtained
settlement
from
the
harmony
of
experiments
,
come
to
guide
us
in
what
we
do
without
reference
back
to
particulars
,
more
then
he
that
can
now
read
should
be
put
to
make
use
of
spelling
.
For
so
,
Beauty
,
Honor
,
&c.
have
place
in
my
desire
,
but
the
particulars
out
of
which
I
did
at
first
come
to
the
general
liking
of
them
,
are
out
of
my
memory
;
nor
indeed
could
their
variety
and
repetition
be
remembred
,
being
the
observation
of
my
whole
life
,
of
the
common
rate
and
esteem
of
these
things
by
others
;
which
could
never
serve
us
for
use
and
proficience
in
knowledge
,
unless
we
did
proceed
to
this
way
of
abreviation
.
For
particulars
,
whilst
they
are
remarkable
,
are
the
objects
of
memory
,
but
after
they
are
made
familiar
by
instances
of
the
like
kind
,
they
are
amassed
altogether
,
and
pass
into
notions
and
affections
.
Unto
the
constitution
of
which
notions
,
as
each
sense
carrieth
his
part
,
so
are
they
soveraigns
in
their
own
order
;
that
is
,
where
they
are
not
in
particular
objects
dependent
upon
one
another
,
there
their
inductions
pass
as
peremptorily
and
uncontroulably
into
affections
one
as
another
.
Even
as
we
formerly
noted
in
Religion
,
and
the
Opinions
and
Doctrines
thence
derived
,
which
(
having
not
Charity
for
their
object
,
but
depending
on
the
ear
only
)
come
(
through
often
repetition
and
commendation
)
to
prevail
and
pass
into
affections
and
sciences
,
upon
the
same
grounds
that
(
by
sight
)
this
or
that
Figure
,
Fashion
or
Face
comes
to
please
.
And
so
it
is
in
the
particular
smells
and
tastes
we
are
accustomed
unto
;
wherein
(
former
repetitions
growing
too
numerous
for
memory
of
particulars
)
custom
is
(
then
)
uncontrolable
,
and
begets
affections
and
science
in
inductions
proceeding
from
them
,
as
observations
from
sight
breed
affections
in
things
objected
unto
it
.
In
this
way
of
discovering
causes
by
various
coincidence
of
effects
,
and
of
common
causes
to
them
again
,
according
to
their
concurrence
,
until
we
come
to
the
prime
cause
of
all
things
,
Gods
glory
,
we
seem
to
reintegrate
our
knowledge
and
comprehension
,
as
if
received
from
the
fountain
by
intuition
.
For
hereby
,
if
rightly
proceeded
in
,
we
are
able
to
judge
of
all
things
within
the
verge
of
humane
sense
,
even
as
taught
by
themselves
.
And
as
we
learn
upwards
,
so
we
judge
and
discourse
downwards
;
that
is
,
from
general
notions
to
particulars
.
We
will
(
for
better
instance
and
application
in
these
things
)
look
more
nearly
into
our
learning
it self
,
and
the
labour
therein
used
.
We
that
read
now
(
having
forgot
the
difficulties
that
attended
us
in
our
learning
thereof
)
do
wonder
at
the
backwardness
of
others
:
First
,
in
distinguishing
letters
one
from
another
,
then
in
knowing
and
distinguishing
their
several
values
and
pronounciations
:
then
,
having
understood
their
agreements
and
disagreements
amongst
themselves
,
how
to
collect
,
apply
,
and
place
them
in
syllables
:
Then
how
(
in
like
manner
)
to
make
of
these
syllables
,
words
;
and
of
these
words
again
,
to
frame
sentences
or
notions
.
And
lastly
,
how
to
apply
and
judge
of
these
sentences
,
as
they
shall
seem
consonant
and
proper
to
those
several
artificial
methods
by
me
entertained
already
,
which
we
call
Affections
;
which
having
good
for
their
object
,
do
accordingly
relish
and
transmit
things
to
the
common
affection
,
the
will
,
to
determine
how
it
stands
in
interest
with
other
affections
,
and
also
to
have
the
approbation
of
the
understanding
whether
it
be
attainable
or
no
,
For
will
disputes
not
whether
the
affections
propound
what
is
good
(
that
is
to
say
,
pleasant
)
or
no
,
but
whether
this
pleasure
be
so
continuing
and
attainable
as
to
make
it
good
.
But
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
the
fancy
doth
differently
imploy
itself
in
the
methodising
of
particulars
towards
the
constitution
of
affections
and
passions
,
over
it
doth
in
methodising
and
retaining
such
other
particulars
which
are
to
be
imployed
by
way
of
Discourse
and
Reason
.
In
the
first
way
,
particulars
are
amassed
according
to
their
genus
,
and
so
,
from
a
broad
foot
or
basis
(
as
we
said
)
do
agree
and
point
in
streight
lines
towards
the
constitution
of
some
affection
in
us
.
The
which
affection
,
being
that
which
provokes
us
to
delight
and
action
,
doth
,
as
the
end
,
by
degrees
instigate
the
fancy
,
and
fit
it self
therein
with
a
proper
method
of
comprehension
,
how
,
amongst
all
the
other
observations
made
and
collected
,
things
may
be
so
chosen
and
so
ordered
and
placed
,
as
to
be
instrumental
and
serviceable
to
the
furtherance
of
this
end
.
So
far
as
impressions
are
topically
,
figurately
and
particularly
retained
,
they
have
still
reference
to
the
objects
,
and
do
penetrate
the
brain
only
,
being
used
but
as
instruments
and
servants
to
the
attaining
of
that
which
each
affection
doth
prompt
to
the
enjoyment
of
:
For
each
affection
and
appetite
hath
its
proper
method
of
judication
and
acquisition
,
as
it
had
its
own
method
and
way
of
amassing
from
particulars
,
whilst
it
was
making
its
inward
impression
and
resentment
in
the
heart
;
which
is
now
its
seat
,
from
whence
the
brain
is
set
on
work
as
a
Minister
to
produce
figures
conformable
when
an
object
of
import
is
presented
.
Each
affection
rangeth
particular
objects
in
her
method
,
as
the
Gardener
doth
flowers
in
his
knots
and
borders
,
even
as
they
are
accounted
prisable
and
delightful
.
However
,
we
have
used
the
terms
of
fancy
and
method
severally
,
yet
they
are
the
same
;
being
the
orderly
collection
and
configurations
of
particulars
in
the
brain
,
contrived
for
the
use
of
each
affection
.
And
so
again
,
we
may
conceive
memory
and
imagination
to
be
the
same
,
being
the
impresses
and
representations
of
particular
objects
and
figures
,
whereby
the
often
or
serious
observation
of
them
,
as
presented
to
the
sense
from
without
,
doth
cause
us
to
imagine
we
still
see
,
hear
,
&c.
them
in
the
same
manner
and
form
within
.
And
as
affections
did
at
first
arise
from
particular
outward
objects
,
relishing
them
according
to
experience
of
the
pleasure
accompanying
them
:
so
also
do
they
take
encrease
from
the
methodical
application
of
objects
as
a
means
to
this
end
.
And
thereupon
also
,
as
figures
were
first
impressed
from
particular
and
more
distinct
objects
,
and
did
thereupon
by
degrees
come
to
the
comprised
in
Methods
and
Configurations
amongst
themselves
:
so
likewise
do
they
unite
and
become
serviceable
towards
the
constitution
of
other
,
or
new
Methods
:
Even
as
the
several
persons
,
ranged
in
a
Scene
or
Antimask
,
may
be
comprehended
under
one
figure
:
or
as
the
several
hounds
in
hunting
may
be
considered
as
one
pack
,
or
their
several
barkings
taken
as
one
cry
.
Whereby
also
,
through
use
,
that
which
was
at
first
cast
into
this
method
for
the
use
of
other
affections
,
may
become
an
affection
by
it self
.
For
it
is
to
be
supposed
that
the
same
figures
&
impressions
of
the
brain
may
stand
diversely
considerable
and
affecting
us
,
as
they
have
already
passed
into
affections
by
their
use
,
or
else
are
no
farther
pleasurable
,
then
what
the
now
use
and
application
of
them
in
some
methodical
course
must
afford
,
towards
the
service
of
some
affection
.
In
one
sort
they
are
considered
as
true
;
in
the
other
as
good
.
The
figure
of
a
letter
is
a
different
thing
from
its
value
,
the
which
continues
the
same
as
to
its
use
in
making
of
words
,
although
the
letter
it self
may
be
figured
in
a
diverse
character
,
and
those
words
and
sentences
made
of
them
,
are
differently
considered
in
the
spelling
and
pronounciation
,
over
they
are
in
their
signification
and
import
.
As
affections
do
come
to
be
thus
bred
in
us
from
outward
objects
,
and
also
by
degrees
to
encrease
in
strength
,
so
there
is
more
reason
for
will
to
follow
the
guidance
of
affections
,
so
bred
in
estimating
good
and
bad
,
then
is
for
it
to
follow
authority
;
for
the
inductions
framed
by
my self
are
the
observations
of
mine
own
sense
;
but
my
grounding
on
the
discourses
of
others
,
is
grounding
on
their
senses
,
which
is
not
farther
prevalent
,
then
corresponding
with
mine
own
.
And
inductions
from
Authority
,
move
as
other
inductions
by
uniformity
and
consent
,
and
that
according
to
such
paterns
of
truth
as
are
fore-conceived
;
else
a
single
Authority
,
by
joynture
of
my
former
affections
and
inductions
may
prevail
in
my
acceptance
,
as
over-numbring
the
contradictors
.
Like
as
we
may
find
in
particular
it
fareth
with
the
weaker
and
more
credulous
sort
in
matters
of
belief
;
unto
whom
(
as
not
able
to
contradict
from
contrary
collection
and
experience
in
themselves
,
or
to
apprehend
their
Reasons
and
Arguments
)
those
few
Authorities
they
imbrace
,
come
to
be
followed
as
of
unquestionable
power
and
force
.
For
these
sort
of
people
being
not
able
to
apprehend
many
things
of
Divinity
in
general
,
or
indeed
any
principle
on
its
true
ground
and
foundation
,
have
their
hopes
and
fears
(
for
the
most
part
)
terminated
in
certain
select
phrases
and
expressions
of
Scripture
,
which
(
themselves
not
well
understanding
)
they
are
(
through
their
ambiguity
)
brought
to
fancy
them
in
all
uses
,
as
carrying
the
sense
of
the
whole
Scriptures
themselves
;
and
thereupon
to
make
use
of
them
in
judging
of
what
is
fi●
and
lawful
for
themselves
or
others
,
in
all
kinds
of
actions
and
deportments
,
as
though
they
had
been
the
very
particular
directions
which
were
proper
thereunto
.
Insomuch
,
as
where
the
translator
is
at
a
loss
for
rendring
the
genuine
and
true
sense
of
an
Hebraism
,
or
the
like
;
they
are
wont
to
take
up
those
phrases
and
expressions
so
affectedly
,
as
to
f●ame
,
in
a
manner
,
a
new
Religion
to
themselves
out
of
their
customary
use
and
approbation
of
them
.
In
which
case
it
fareth
with
them
,
as
it
doth
with
children
who
are
by
way
of
sport
,
turning
themselves
often
round
,
not
only
for
pride
and
affectation
sake
,
to
see
who
can
turn
oftenest
,
but
on
purpose
also
,
that
they
may
then
stand
delighted
with
those
transient
and
giddy
figures
and
apprehensions
which
are
then
made
in
their
brain
.
Even
so
it
befalleth
those
sorts
of
men
in
these
vertigoes
and
intoxications
made
in
them
by
their
affected
use
of
unintelligible
and
insignificant
forms
and
phrases
.
When
as
,
out
of
pride
to
excel
others
in
degree
of
speculation
,
whom
they
see
already
so
much
before
them
in
the
ordinary
and
intelligible
course
,
they
are
thereupon
lead
to
fancy
this
course
.
Which
having
in
it
no
correspondence
or
ground-work
in
Nature
or
Reason
,
both
because
the
terms
themselves
are
destitute
of
Figure
and
Comprehension
,
and
because
they
cannot
be
configurated
by
other
real
bodies
and
figures
neither
,
they
must
consequently
remain
like
men
in
a
Maze
,
without
a
clew
of
Method
to
direct
them
.
But
they
become
hereupon
so
wedded
,
that
whosoever
,
in
offering
to
convert
or
farther
instruct
these
people
,
shall
not
,
for
admission
into
their
conceits
,
hide
his
meaning
under
these
their
familiar
expressions
,
shall
lose
his
labour
,
and
that
not
only
as
being
unconceived
by
them
for
want
of
sufficient
prenotion
,
but
as
contradicting
,
as
they
conceive
,
such
plain
truths
,
as
(
by
the
customary
use
of
these
phrases
)
they
conceive
their
opinions
as
to
be
.
And
as
observation
and
practise
of
particulars
become
at
last
affections
in
such
things
as
are
performed
and
fancied
in
our selves
,
so
also
the
the
often
sight
and
notice
of
the
signs
and
figures
of
these
affections
in
others
come
by
degrees
to
affect
also
so
far
as
to
promote
and
induce
the
same
in
us
;
even
as
yawning
affects
to
imitation
both
of
that
action
and
of
the
drowsiness
it
denotes
,
and
the
signs
and
attendants
of
the
lust
and
fear
of
others
affects
thereunto
also
.
No
otherwise
then
the
●xamples
of
success
and
impunity
of
persons
in
their
courses
of
stubbornness
,
or
the
conversation
and
discourses
of
them
,
are
strong
motives
for
other
children
and
subjects
to
do
the
like
.
But
then
this
works
not
in
children
and
creatures
very
yong
,
until
practise
and
contemplation
,
hath
so
rooted
and
conformed
these
affections
in
our selves
as
they
have
strength
to
take
rebound
from
others
,
which
in
them
cannot
be
,
as
also
they
must
want
observation
of
the
signs
themselves
,
and
motives
unto
them
;
both
for
want
of
time
,
and
for
want
of
that
affection
that
should
spur
thereunto
.
Nor
can
these
signs
be
of
much
force
again
on
men
or
creatures
very
ancient
;
where
want
of
spirits
in
the
brain
must
leave
the
appetite
and
affection
to
these
very
dull
and
almost
delete
,
and
leave
also
the
nerves
and
organs
of
the
body
so
empty
and
hollow
,
that
they
represent
not
with
any
steadiness
or
strength
,
as
also
the
experience
of
danger
to
arise
,
must
make
them
slow
in
new
undertakings
.
But
to
return
to
enquiry
,
after
the
rise
of
knowledge
and
reason
,
from
instance
in
reading
and
learning
.
At
first
every
letter
must
by
its
often
admission
through
the
vissual
nerve
,
receive
an
answerable
impression
and
figure
in
the
brain
,
before
any
difference
can
be
estimated
and
valued
between
it
and
another
letter
by
comparison
;
for
else
could
there
be
no
difference
put
between
any
thing
but
what
the
ey●
could
see
at
once
.
And
this
comprehension
cannot
be
well
made
at
first
sight
,
but
according
to
appliableness
of
the
organ
,
and
intention
of
mind
in
the
learner
;
and
therefore
in
teaching
of
Birds
and
Beasts
,
we
use
watchings
,
corrections
and
rewards
to
make
them
attend
.
In
children
,
that
have
their
brain
of
a
more
tender
substance
,
and
less
distorted
by
former
figures
,
and
have
also
(
according
to
their
bigness
)
more
store
of
it
then
men
,
we
find
how
easie
it
s
to
teach
them
to
read
over
older
folks
;
notwithstanding
they
have
not
usually
the
like
desire
and
intention
of
mind
.
So
that
the
first
step
to
knowledge
is
to
feel
and
see
well
,
and
to
have
good
senses
;
the
next
is
to
compare
and
make
differences
.
Younglings
coming
first
to
see
,
look
upon
every
thing
with
like
amazement
:
but
,
because
the
light
is
the
most
usual
thing
they
behold
(
for
the
various
session
thereof
makes
colours
)
they
therefore
,
after
they
have
by
custom
past
over
its
first
dislike
(
caused
through
strangeness
first
like
the
brightest
,
and
such
colours
as
shew
it
most
lively
.
And
hence
they
come
to
be
pleased
with
glasses
,
candles
,
&c.
before
shapes
and
figures
;
and
Babies
come
to
be
but
after-plays
to
toys
of
shew
,
for
they
see
nothing
without
light
,
but
many
shapes
and
figures
besides
those
of
men
and
women
;
which
shape
again
,
as
being
oftenest
notified
in
comparison
of
all
others
,
comes
to
be
most
familiar
&
pleasing
.
And
upon
like
reason
,
come
yonglings
to
like
of
that
particular
party
that
is
most
present
to
their
sense
,
it
being
much
encreased
by
experience
of
indemnity
:
So
Ducks
will
follow
the
Hen
that
hatched
them
;
and
so
children
that
Nurse
,
or
other
body
that
is
most
conversant
,
familiar
,
and
kind
unto
them
:
and
they
like
and
dislike
others
of
the
same
kind
,
as
they
resemble
or
differ
most
from
these
.
The
pleasure
of
motion
which
young
ones
have
in
being
rocked
,
or
in
playing
one
with
another
,
seems
to
affect
from
that
accustomed
tumbling
they
had
in
the
womb
;
for
feeling
is
the
first
of
senses
,
coming
with
life
it self
,
if
not
the
same
.
But
then
,
as
the
brain
and
animal
spirit
of
each
creature
stands
chiefly
imployed
in
the
womb
in
the
motion
and
sense
of
feeling
of
the
limbs
and
outward
parts
,
and
doth
thereupon
prompt
to
exercise
and
delight
in
like
agitation
and
motion
afterwards
,
yet
,
when
objects
from
the
senses
do
afterwards
come
to
imploy
the
brain
and
spirits
inwardly
,
and
when
sense
from
the
inward
parts
do
draw
the
fancy
and
intention
that
way
,
then
by
degrees
doth
the
exercise
and
delight
in
the
motion
of
the
limbs
cease
,
and
men
become
not
only
sedentary
and
studious
,
as
in
relation
to
figures
entertained
in
the
brain
,
but
also
to
be
strongly
affected
with
the
pleasures
of
eating
and
drinking
,
and
such
other
enjoyments
as
may
be
performed
with
least
shaking
and
dislocation
of
the
stomack
and
other
inward
parts
.
Those
loud
and
harsher
noises
that
prevail
in
quieting
of
children
,
that
cannot
please
from
custom
,
do
take
their
effect
from
diversion
;
that
is
,
by
recalling
their
imagination
from
the
sense
of
some
other
suffering
,
to
attend
this
strange
noise
now
in
their
ears
,
and
not
from
pleasure
of
the
noise
it self
;
which
can
please
but
by
comparison
of
a
less
affliction
to
a
greater
.
But
all
our
delights
,
while
very
young
,
are
most
corporal
,
and
have
,
like
to
other
Sensitives
,
reference
to
our
own
sensible
Customs
:
But
when
we
come
to
observe
what
rate
the
sense
and
custom
of
others
put
upon
things
,
persons
or
actions
,
we
then
,
according
to
our
own
particular
sense
of
the
ability
of
the
persons
so
rating
them
,
judge
and
conclude
of
their
worth
,
or
otherwise
,
which
we
call
honour
and
dishonor
.
And
hence
it
comes
that
bigger
Childrens
most
eager
sports
are
usually
made
in
imitation
of
what
they
see
men
do
;
and
the
end
of
them
to
aim
at
victory
and
pre-excellence
one
above
another
.
And
as
we
come
to
be
in
liking
of
persons
,
and
then
of
actions
,
so
children
,
at
first
,
are
imitating
the
actions
of
such
they
most
converse
with
,
and
take
notice
of
:
so
that
sometimes
they
are
washing
,
sweeping
,
making
fires
,
or
the
like
(
from
their
converse
and
familiarity
amongst
servants
:
but
,
when
they
come
abroad
into
the
world
,
persons
of
greatest
honor
,
come
,
through
the
observation
of
the
respect
by
others
given
that
way
,
to
be
most
observed
by
them
,
and
consequently
,
those
actions
that
are
performed
by
and
to
them
,
to
please
above
other
actions
:
For
these
having
uniformity
,
as
being
regulated
by
Law
and
Custom
,
must
affect
above
the
lose
,
incoherent
,
and
disorderly
actions
of
others
,
as
handsome
faces
and
good
hands
do
above
those
that
are
common
:
For
it
is
not
the
persons
,
but
the
dignity
we
affect
.
And
all
actions
and
things
,
that
refer
not
to
sensible
good
,
refer
to
honor
▪
and
things
come
to
have
esteem
as
attendants
and
causes
of
honor
:
For
as
honorable
actions
draw
on
our
observation
and
esteem
,
so
self-respect
leads
us
to
affect
and
pursue
the
causes
of
them
:
But
,
unto
the
observation
of
the
causes
of
honor
children
seldom
reach
,
for
the
effect
must
first
so
highly
please
as
to
provoke
to
ambition
.
And
therefore
with
them
,
and
the
more
ordinary
sort
of
people
,
flattery
is
apprehended
to
be
the
same
with
honor
:
And
,
for
want
of
observatoin
and
intelligence
wherein
true
honor
doth
consist
,
they
take
all
kind
of
praises
and
commendations
to
be
the
same
with
it
.
And
,
upon
this
score
,
they
may
well
indeed
conclude
that
honor
is
in
the
honoring
first
,
and
not
in
the
honored
:
for
that
there
being
no
true
cause
or
reason
in
the
party
this
way
honored
,
why
this
praise
or
honor
should
be
given
,
but
the
cause
and
design
of
it
taking
issue
from
the
flatterer
,
it
must
thence
follow
,
that
as
honor
is
in
the
honored
first
,
so
flattery
in
the
flattered
first
.
From
the
custom
of
feeling
(
before
spoken
of
)
it
is
that
very
young
infants
or
creatures
,
finding
nothing
under
them
for
support
as
they
had
in
the
womb
,
do
,
when
we
would
make
shew
of
letting
them
fall
,
put
their
bodies
and
parts
into
posture
of
resistance
and
aversion
:
not
against
falling
it self
,
as
knowing
the
danger
or
damage
to
follow
thereupon
;
but
because
they
find
their
present
posture
strange
and
uneasie
:
And
therefore
for
want
of
the
like
sustentation
to
be
left
under
them
,
they
are
teady
to
catch
at
new
hold
and
support
.
For
to
a
childe
new
born
,
that
hath
not
apprehended
the
difference
of
sights
,
the
fright
of
falling
from
a
precipice
will
be
but
equal
to
that
of
falling
out
of
its
Nourses
lap
:
And
children
receive
displeasure
at
first
from
lying
on
any
thing
that
makes
them
not
sensible
of
a
like
general
and
equal
sopport
they
had
in
the
womb
.
And
therefore
we
find
them
laid
on
beds
and
laps
made
even
,
and
yet
hardly
enduring
the
unequal
application
of
arms
or
legs
under
them
,
until
they
are
so
swadled
up
that
these
partial
supports
seem
thereby
to
be
equal
and
even
.
For
the
motion
of
gravity
or
propriety
of
place
,
being
a
necessary
property
of
all
bodies
and
their
parts
,
it
will
follow
to
be
soonest
,
and
so
consequently
,
most
universally
known
:
Therefore
this
strugling
of
children
is
caused
through
sense
of
feeling
to
avoid
a
present
injury
it
now
feels
through
uneasiness
,
and
not
out
of
innate
conception
of
danger
,
as
some
do
think
.
For
if
such
instincts
and
knowledge
were
,
then
would
children
be
afraid
of
drowning
,
or
burning
,
or
the
like
?
This
instance
hath
been
prosecuted
,
to
give
occasion
to
discover
how
we
may
come
to
be
habituated
and
affected
to
certain
postures
in
the
exercise
and
enjoyment
of
our
minde
and
will
,
as
well
as
of
our
bodies
;
and
how
that
thereupon
,
those
restraints
which
Government
imposeth
upon
our
liberties
in
the
one
,
most
cause
reluctance
and
desire
of
release
,
as
well
as
in
the
other
;
and
that
sense
and
experience
of
alteration
and
discomposure
is
the
cause
of
dislike
in
our
wills
aswel
as
our
bodies
.
When
therefore
these
things
are
ascribed
to
nature
,
it
must
be
understood
of
secondary
or
acquired
nature
.
For
children
or
creatures
new
born
,
for
want
of
experience
and
observation
,
stand
affected
from
no
sense
but
that
of
feeling
.
Nor
do
the
objects
of
other
senses
please
or
displease
at
first
,
unless
they
imprint
and
move
so
violently
as
to
induce
feeling
,
by
affecting
the
heart
and
other
parts
and
habits
of
the
body
,
by
means
of
those
inward
pares
of
nerves
.
Whereupon
the
humors
and
parts
within
do
heighten
(
as
it
were
,
by
their
proper
experience
)
the
relish
of
that
figure
or
object
in
the
brain
,
to
like
or
dislike
,
after
the
rate
they
stood
themselves
formerly
made
sensible
thereof
from
it
.
And
therefore
time
and
experience
being
required
to
make
fear
or
other
passions
strong
,
we
find
that
mandkind
till
they
come
to
ripeness
and
tryal
,
stand
not
apprehensive
or
averse
to
Government
.
After
which
,
sense
and
knowledge
of
its
use
and
benefit
,
and
also
of
his
own
suffering
thereunder
,
makes
him
(
proportionably
)
contented
or
reluctant
.
Proportionably
(
I
say
)
for
that
as
Reason
and
Religion
do
out
of
sense
of
duty
more
or
less
bear
sway
over
the
more
natural
and
bodily
sense
of
suffering
,
and
restraint
of
will
,
so
will
Government
be
to
each
one
more
or
less
offensive
:
there
being
but
these
two
great
motives
for
children
and
subjects
obedience
,
sense
of
benefit
and
interest
,
and
sense
of
conscience
and
duty
.
For
want
of
true
experience
and
knowledge
whereof
,
the
family
as
well
as
the
Kingdom
comes
to
be
troubled
with
mutinies
and
insurrections
,
even
for
that
ignorance
and
incogitancy
of
the
benefit
or
harm
to
arise
to
themselves
by
obedience
,
or
the
contrary
,
leaves
them
to
be
lead
by
the
present
sense
of
trouble
in
being
guided
by
the
direction
of
another
,
which
must
thereupon
come
to
be
by
them
that
are
not
able
to
apprehend
their
own
advantages
by
peace
and
submission
,
nor
that
their
benefits
are
reciprocal
,
interpreted
as
done
out
of
private
interest
and
design
of
their
Prince
and
father
only
.
Nor
need
we
wonder
,
that
,
in
the
course
of
our
lives
,
Custom
should
bear
such
sway
,
since
life
it self
is
but
custom
;
that
is
,
a
Methodical
and
Customary
motion
of
an
active
spirit
,
which
by
means
of
his
circular
and
regular
course
,
is
diverted
from
eager
pursuit
of
penitration
and
ascension
.
For
the
heat
of
the
Sun
or
parental
body
,
by
degrees
turning
into
spirit
or
ayr
,
such
portion
of
seed
or
first
matter
as
is
apt
to
sublime
,
this
spirit
(
according
to
its
lighter
nature
)
grows
presently
motive
and
restless
,
as
seeking
a
more
high
and
open
habitation
:
but
partly
out
of
similitude
of
the
matter
whereof
it
was
bred
,
and
the
similitude
and
constancy
of
the
same
degree
of
heat
it
now
hath
to
that
which
begot
it
;
and
partly
through
the
present
succession
of
skinny
enclosure
,
arising
from
the
slymy
nature
of
the
matter
it self
:
and
partly
through
those
other
inclosures
of
skins
and
shels
,
in
Wombs
,
Eggs
,
&c.
it
is
invited
and
contented
,
at
length
to
satisfie
its
proneness
to
direct
upward
motion
,
with
this
circular
passage
:
as
being
from
habit
cozened
to
take
and
choose
this
easier
way
,
rather
then
to
press
earnestly
any
more
to
that
direct
course
,
in
which
it
had
been
so
often
diverted
by
such
high
difficulties
.
And
as
this
Spirit
is
by
reason
of
its
tenuity
made
motive
and
naturally
desirous
of
enlargement
and
aire
,
so
again
,
by
reason
of
its
smaller
and
more
indifferent
degree
of
sublimation
,
as
being
generated
by
that
moderate
heat
of
the
body
,
of
a
substance
which
is
neither
suffered
to
addle
through
cold
,
nor
harden
through
heat
,
it
is
therefore
kept
so
well
allayed
,
as
to
be
retarded
both
in
ability
and
desire
of
penetration
.
Which
is
also
holpen
on
by
the
closeness
of
those
vessels
and
cells
where
it
is
contained
,
and
by
the
likeness
and
proximity
of
that
matter
whereof
it
is
generated
,
and
wherewith
it
is
accompanied
:
which
is
not
only
the
same
with
that
whereof
it
was
begotten
,
but
also
is
but
one
degree
beneath
it
in
thinness
.
For
it
is
to
be
supposed
,
that
the
Chylus
being
turned
into
blood
,
as
it
doth
attain
some
degree
towards
sublimation
it self
:
So
also
that
most
attenuated
and
concocted
spirit
which
is
in
the
cells
of
the
brain
,
doth
likewise
still
retain
a
good
degree
towards
condensation
:
even
so
,
as
,
according
to
course
and
vicissitude
,
to
be
again
apt
to
be
turned
back
into
s●eam
,
and
so
into
blood
.
Like
as
also
the
blood
,
on
the
contrary
,
stands
ready
and
affected
to
turn
into
steam
,
and
so
into
spirit
,
in
their
circulation
and
passage
up
and
down
the
body
.
In
which
course
of
Version
and
Transmutation
they
are
holpen
by
the
mediation
of
the
humour
remaining
in
the
arteries
,
being
as
it
were
a
mixture
of
spirit
and
blood
,
caused
through
the
refinement
of
the
blood
in
its
passage
through
the
heart
:
Whereupon
we
find
that
nature
hath
provided
a
thicker
coat
for
them
then
for
that
thicker
blood
which
is
contained
in
the
veins
,
even
as
the
finer
animal
spirit
in
the
brain
,
hath
its
whole
substance
,
besides
its
two
coats
,
for
inclosure
.
And
therefore
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
as
the
first
spirit
generated
of
the
egg
,
or
the
like
,
was
homogenious
unto
it
;
so
,
by
degrees
,
as
bodies
,
and
the
humours
in
them
do
receive
mixture
and
alteration
,
the
spirit
thereof
generated
doth
suffer
change
also
,
until
,
in
age
,
the
one
do
become
as
heavy
and
indigested
as
the
other
:
and
the
spirit
to
be
wholly
suffocated
and
lost
in
the
humours
.
But
the
first
quickning
spirit
being
by
the
means
aforesaid
raised
up
and
invited
unto
a
regular
motion
,
doth
then
,
through
habit
of
so
moving
,
make
it self
the
organical
continents
and
enclosures
of
heart
,
arteries
,
brain
,
nerves
,
&c.
serving
as
well
for
methodical
motion
,
as
for
places
of
test
and
Rendezvouz
to
the
spirits
and
humours
,
being
then
called
life
.
And
it
is
to
be
supposed
that
this
confinement
and
imprisonment
of
spirits
in
bodies
,
is
in
it self
unnatural
,
and
at
first
a
causer
of
pain
:
and
living
Creatures
are
by
degrees
only
released
of
the
sense
thereof
,
through
custom
of
indurance
and
diversion
;
by
the
means
of
maintenance
of
this
methodical
inward
motion
:
So
that
so
long
as
this
is
kept
orderly
and
free
pain
is
avoided
:
but
if
it
be
excited
through
too
great
and
unusual
proportion
of
spirits
,
as
we
find
after
drinking
,
where
the
strength
of
the
liquor
doth
excessively
turn
into
spirit
,
then
the
membranes
of
the
b●ain
being
extraordinarily
pressed
,
the
party
grows
,
from
their
restlesness
,
to
be
restless
also
,
and
prone
to
ways
of
evacuation
,
as
to
venery
and
motion
;
the
one
causing
greater
delight
,
because
it
affords
a
more
free
and
methodical
delivery
,
the
other
less
and
more
insensible
,
because
more
slow
and
difficult
:
as
forcing
through
the
substance
and
coats
of
the
nerves
themselves
.
In
like
manner
as
a
Commonwealth
is
enlivened
and
preserved
,
by
having
the
natural
vigour
and
spirit
of
the
people
kept
in
a
regular
and
methodical
motion
,
by
the
due
observation
of
such
regular
Customes
and
Laws
as
shall
be
by
the
Prince
thereof
established
;
when
as
the
intemperate
use
of
things
,
accordding
to
their
own
several
and
occasional
likings
,
would
be
subject
to
bring
on
change
and
alteration
,
to
the
destruction
of
the
Body
Politique
,
as
well
as
the
Natural
.
And
,
in
the
Kingdom
,
we
may
account
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
as
answering
the
humour
in
the
Arteries
;
and
,
by
their
middle
temper
and
condition
,
carrying
great
force
to
unite
the
other
extreams
;
that
is
,
that
more
sublime
spirit
remaining
in
the
head
thereof
,
the
Prince
,
(
which
is
chiefly
swayed
by
sense
of
honor
)
and
those
more
gross
humors
of
the
ordinary
sort
,
swayed
by
more
earthly
and
sensual
delights
.
When
as
they
,
being
participant
of
both
,
may
attemperate
the
Prince
against
so
great
sublination
in
attempts
of
ambition
and
vain
glory
,
whereby
to
put
his
people
into
too
violent
heat
and
feverish
motion
;
And
also
raise
up
and
quicken
the
more
slow
sense
of
the
people
,
from
their
aguish
dulness
in
matters
of
obedience
,
to
be
more
apprehensive
and
respectful
of
their
Princes
commands
,
even
as
the
natural
members
are
to
the
directions
of
their
head
.
Like
as
also
doth
the
degree
of
Yeomanry
unite
the
Gentry
with
the
Peasant
;
and
thereby
impart
some
influence
of
courage
and
civility
into
those
of
the
lowest
rank
,
who
else
become
heartless
and
unserviceable
,
as
experience
tells
us
of
those
Countreys
where
they
are
not
.
Through
custom
of
Walking
we
make
it
so
familiar
,
that
the
fancy
need
not
alwayes
intend
that
action
by
expresse
direction
,
as
in
the
extraordinary
running
it
must
:
But
custome
of
so
doing
,
having
made
a
fit
collocation
in
the
brain
,
it
is
able
,
while
it
continues
that
posture
which
is
unto
this
notion
requisite
,
to
intend
other
objects
also
.
But
in
this
faculty
of
going
,
we
may
,
from
the
daily
observation
of
the
practise
of
children
herein
,
be
put
in
minde
with
what
trouble
we
are
at
first
reduced
from
our
natural
proneness
to
be
leaping
with
both
feet
at
once
,
and
from
thence
to
be
taught
to
set
down
one
foot
after
another
,
after
the
manner
of
going
.
The
which
whilst
it
was
in
doing
as
a
matter
of
great
difficulty
,
did
(
although
we
have
now
quite
forgot
it
)
take
up
the
whole
imployment
of
our
fancy
;
the
trouble
thereof
abating
by
degreees
,
as
custom
and
practice
made
it
easie
,
and
secured
us
against
fear
of
falling
,
incident
to
that
first
trust
to
a
new
support
,
as
well
as
fear
generally
is
to
all
new
objects
:
But
these
things
now
over
,
the
custom
of
walking
keepeth
my
brain
from
trouble
,
as
it
doth
my
limbs
from
weariness
.
For
it
is
not
any
naturalness
in
this
motion
of
walking
,
that
makes
it
thus
easily
indured
.
Nay
,
it
seems
that
only
Birds
,
that
have
indeed
but
two
legs
,
are
inartificial
and
upright
walkers
;
and
that
this
posture
in
mankinde
is
at
first
forced
.
For
the
infant
comes
from
the
womb
with
the
knees
up
;
and
what
pains
with
swadling
do
we
take
to
stretch
his
body
in
length
,
and
kept
it
so
?
With
what
aversion
doth
every
one
of
them
submit
to
this
inforcement
,
and
how
pleased
are
they
when
released
,
so
as
the
knees
may
be
gotten
up
again
?
When
we
come
afterwards
to
teach
them
to
go
,
how
ready
are
they
to
lean
forward
,
and
set
their
hands
to
the
ground
?
What
strange
footing
do
they
at
last
make
in
this
uncoth
motion
?
And
after
we
are
men
we
may
finde
the
naturalness
of
four-footed
goings
still
pointed
at
.
Inasmuch
as
the
Arms
,
when
they
are
at
liberty
and
not
otherwise
imployed
,
do
in
our
several
gates
keep
pace
with
our
legs
,
especially
in
fast
walking
;
wherein
,
greater
strength
being
required
,
we
may
observe
men
moving
their
Arms
answerable
to
their
Legs
,
and
that
cross
ways
,
after
the
fashion
of
a
trot
.
And
so
again
,
when
they
are
to
run
,
the
arms
are
gathered
up
close
,
as
ready
to
move
in
an
exilient
or
leaping
manner
:
which
is
the
usual
way
of
procession
of
such
things
as
have
their
hinde
legs
long
.
In
swiming
also
man
imploys
all
four
,
like
other
things
:
especially
like
such
as
have
broad
forefeet
and
the
hindparts
long
;
as
Frogs
and
such
like
.
And
as
for
any
difference
that
is
in
the
joynts
,
between
men
and
Apes
,
&c.
they
may
well
proceed
but
from
custom
,
as
crookedness
doth
:
in
which
case
,
experience
tells
us
how
that
continuance
and
usage
of
any
posture
,
whilst
the
bones
and
gristles
are
yet
tender
,
will
cause
the
same
so
to
fix
afterwards
,
that
unto
that
party
,
it
will
be
as
it
were
natural
,
and
so
encrease
by
traduction
also
.
And
we
may
further
observe
,
that
the
legs
and
thighs
of
infants
are
so
bent
,
as
not
to
be
too
long
for
the
Armes
:
the
trunks
of
their
bodies
being
then
also
proportionably
much
longer
;
and
the
plants
of
the
feet
so
turned
,
as
to
be
accommodated
to
a
four-footed
motion
well
enough
,
especially
after
a
leaping
fashion
.
And
therefore
mankinde
seems
only
incident
to
crookedness
,
in
the
distortion
of
the
joynts
of
the
back-bone
:
for
although
shortness
of
the
trunk
follow
this
peculier
erected
posture
,
yet
for
further
ease
of
the
weight
thereof
(
wanting
support
like
other
Creatures
that
use
four
feet
)
,
some
way
of
leaning
and
standing
comes
to
be
affected
,
bringing
on
crookedness
;
and
so
farther
shortning
the
trunk
also
.
Upon
which
consideration
we
may
suppose
mens
Limbs
fitted
for
upright
going
even
as
Parats
have
one
claw
turned
backward
:
that
is
,
because
the
whole
race
of
them
,
feeding
out
of
their
feet
,
and
not
being
able
to
hold
their
meat
to
their
mouths
without
turning
their
claws
,
it
came
at
last
so
to
settle
:
although
the
distortion
be
still
apparent
.
And
yet
why
may
not
men
naturally
enough
go
on
their
hinde
feet
onely
,
as
we
see
some
horses
born
amblers
?
for
as
in
them
custom
and
habit
do
often
pass
by
traduction
,
so
,
all
men
being
goers
,
why
should
not
children
be
naturally
walkers
?
and
since
it
may
be
presumed
that
Adam
and
Eve
were
set
upright
,
why
not
their
posterity
,
insomuch
as
there
should
be
no
sort
of
people
without
this
posture
?
It
may
be
so
,
if
we
could
have
spoken
without
teaching
;
but
as
Adam
was
to
have
his
knowledge
infused
,
and
not
acquired
from
childhood
,
so
the
faculty
of
upright
going
also
if
he
had
it
;
otherwise
it
is
like
he
would
not
have
so
gone
,
more
then
spoken
.
But
this
gate
(
no
doubt
)
is
of
great
advantage
to
mans
use
in
some
things
:
and
that
even
in
the
exercise
of
the
faculties
of
his
minde
and
judgement
,
because
he
is
hereby
able
to
carry
his
head
and
neck
more
steadily
then
when
they
should
be
prominent
,
and
hang
out
fore-right
;
whereupon
the
senses
Nerves
,
and
parts
of
the
body
may
have
a
more
direct
and
steady
entercourse
with
the
brain
,
so
as
to
hold
on
,
and
keep
fresh
such
objects
and
figures
as
shall
be
entertained
therein
;
that
so
,
by
summoning
all
its
concomitant
impressions
,
after
each
parties
artificial
way
of
topical
method
and
adjudication
,
a
full
discovery
may
be
made
to
serve
for
instruction
or
use
,
against
another
time
,
before
that
figure
be
parted
with
.
And
therefore
we
may
observe
that
while
we
are
in
great
inquiry
and
study
concerning
any
thing
,
we
hold
our
heads
very
steady
:
whereas
those
that
have
a
loose
carriage
of
their
necks
,
are
proportionably
weak
in
their
intellectuals
:
And
truly
,
to
be
a
good
Peripatetick
is
a
great
step
to
be
a
good
Philosopher
:
because
,
in
this
erect
gate
,
the
bones
being
in
a
straight
line
,
do
bear
the
weight
of
the
body
;
so
as
the
brain
may
not
be
diverted
from
its
inward
work
and
agitation
,
to
any
great
supply
of
the
Nerves
and
Muscles
without
.
And
besides
this
,
we
have
some
advantage
to
knowledge
by
keeping
our
hands
by
this
means
more
tender
,
whereby
to
imprint
more
exactly
by
feeling
with
them
.
But
then
again
,
there
is
no
doubt
but
in
many
bodily
exercises
,
the
other
motion
and
gate
would
be
advantageous
;
as
in
leaping
,
running
,
climbing
,
and
all
sorts
of
nimbleness
.
And
for
tryal
sake
hereof
it
were
not
amiss
that
some
children
were
so
brought
up
and
nourished
,
as
to
be
without
sight
of
company
,
that
they
might
take
their
natural
course
herein
,
until
some
degree
of
years
,
at
least
those
that
come
to
them
,
to
feed
or
teach
them
to
speak
,
should
come
upon
all
four
,
and
then
sit
,
after
the
eastern
fashion
;
but
the
greatest
and
best
advantage
would
be
,
if
men
could
conveniently
be
brought
to
use
both
ways
of
gate
upon
occasion
;
but
this
by
the
way
.
Now
as
there
is
an
creation
of
body
,
so
is
there
an
erection
of
minde
;
wherein
(
indeed
)
the
pourtrait
and
image
of
God
is
to
be
sought
.
And
unto
this
estate
of
upright
walking
and
looking
towards
heaven
,
we
are
by
more
slow
and
difficult
degrees
reduced
,
in
our
souls
,
then
we
are
in
our
bodies
:
even
because
of
those
natural
and
inbred
affections
of
Pride
,
Covetousness
,
Sensuality
,
Stubbornness
,
and
the
like
,
whereby
we
are
carryed
with
a
perpetual
delight
to
lye
groveling
on
the
things
of
this
world
.
The
first
great
help
to
this
straightness
of
minde
are
those
swathings
of
Precepts
and
discipline
,
wherewith
and
whereby
,
from
our
infancy
,
and
from
the
same
time
we
begin
to
go
,
we
have
the
Rebellion
and
irregularities
of
our
nature
rectifyed
by
the
Laws
and
Rules
of
our
Parents
;
by
the
due
application
and
exercise
whereof
,
while
our
affections
(
as
well
as
our
limbs
)
are
yet
pliant
and
tender
,
we
come
to
be
well
fitted
and
prepared
to
undergo
and
act
,
as
Christians
and
subjects
in
our
political
relation
,
that
measure
of
duty
and
submission
which
,
in
our
Oeconomical
relation
,
we
had
been
habituated
unto
as
children
;
when
either
our
heavenly
Father
,
or
the
Father
of
our
Country
shall
have
farther
occasion
to
make
tryal
of
our
growth
and
steadiness
in
perfection
,
by
those
afflictions
and
hardships
which
through
humility
and
obedience
to
them
,
we
shall
be
put
unto
.
So
that
there
will
be
these
differences
between
the
erection
of
the
body
,
and
that
of
the
soul.
All
the
difficulty
of
upright
going
,
in
the
first
sort
,
rests
in
our
infancy
,
even
in
keeping
the
limbs
of
our
body
straight
;
whereas
the
difficulty
of
upright
walking
,
in
the
other
sort
,
is
chiefly
afterwards
;
when
,
by
reason
of
obdurate
natural
stubborness
and
crookedness
of
disposition
,
we
stand
in
more
need
of
the
ligaments
and
tyes
of
Laws
and
Discipline
then
before
.
After
we
come
to
growth
,
the
elevation
of
our
minde
is
helping
to
the
body
,
in
continuance
of
this
his
elevation
,
even
through
pride
and
affection
,
as
striving
to
excel
in
that
which
we
see
to
be
so
generally
practised
;
whereas
to
the
true
elevation
and
upright
walking
of
the
inward
man
,
the
pride
and
haughtiness
of
the
outward
man
is
altogether
averse
,
and
there
is
no
surer
way
to
the
true
raising
and
dignifying
of
our
mindes
,
then
by
the
depressing
and
keeping
under
of
our
bodies
:
when
as
by
due
applycation
and
use
of
afflictions
and
Patience
,
we
may
make
those
true
Christian
graces
of
humility
and
lowliness
of
minde
,
in
our
own
and
worldly
esteem
,
to
become
our
true
glory
and
exaltation
in
the
sight
of
God
.
For
it
is
to
be
considered
that
there
are
ghostly
and
gracious
habits
,
as
well
as
bodily
and
natural
ones
:
and
that
these
,
as
the
more
worthy
,
ought
to
take
up
our
chief
endeavour
.
To
proceed
farther
into
search
of
the
degrees
of
knowledge
and
comprehension
,
we
may
observe
,
that
those
that
can
perfectly
read
are
past
the
trouble
of
spelling
:
and
those
that
can
do
that
well
,
do
it
so
without
disturbance
to
their
fancy
,
that
they
can
intend
the
matter
treated
of
;
without
distraction
,
(
through
notice
of
the
words
)
more
then
the
action
of
walking
doth
disturb
the
party
,
from
entertaining
other
objects
and
thoughts
.
As
for
the
usual
tryal
and
difficulty
of
rubbing
with
one
hand
,
and
patting
with
another
both
at
once
,
it
proceeds
from
want
of
custom
,
whereby
the
brain
cannot
accommodate
it self
to
both
actions
at
the
same
instant
:
but
through
practice
and
custom
both
may
be
done
,
and
yet
the
fancy
have
ability
and
leisure
to
intend
something
else
;
even
as
Turners
and
Spinsters
can
use
hands
and
feet
in
different
motions
,
and
yet
think
on
other
things
at
the
same
time
.
For
those
different
motions
come
at
last
to
be
but
one
,
because
the
Brain
(
by
little
and
little
)
findes
a
posture
accommodated
equally
to
supply
those
Nerves
that
serve
the
Muscles
in
both
motions
,
and
that
at
once
,
as
he
that
hath
been
sufficiently
enured
to
the
shapes
of
a
,
and
b
,
can
be
brought
to
make
one
syllable
of
them
,
and
as
well
say
ab
,
as
a
first
,
and
then
b
;
so
,
another
syllable
may
be
added
to
that
;
and
yet
(
making
but
one
word
)
the
Brayn
may
joyntly
intend
them
as
one
work
.
And
farther
,
if
it
have
more
to
do
,
that
,
or
more
words
,
may
,
through
habit
in
reading
,
be
so
kept
from
disturbing
the
fancy
,
that
the
sense
of
them
,
and
not
the
particular
words
,
shall
occupy
the
minde
.
Even
as
in
Arithmetick
,
which
is
learned
for
things
sake
,
and
not
for
pleasure
of
seeing
the
figures
of
3
,
4
,
5
,
6
,
&c.
the
things
thereby
wrought
,
and
not
the
Instrument
comes
to
exercise
our
fancy
.
No
otherwise
then
the
tools
of
Carpenters
,
&c.
please
but
in
relation
to
the
work
.
Yet
men
seek
to
have
their
tools
fitting
:
which
handsomness
accompanies
,
as
the
most
usual
form
:
but
,
to
have
a
good
work
done
by
ill
favoured
tools
,
or
an
ill
work
by
handsom
ones
,
can
hold
no
comparison
in
the
Artificers
choice
.
So
the
skill
in
Arithmetick
may
be
a
thing
pleasing
in
it self
:
as
also
the
Arts
of
good
Printing
or
Writing
,
and
the
well
forming
and
placing
of
figures
and
letters
,
may
be
pleasing
in
themselves
,
considered
apart
;
but
come
they
once
to
be
brought
to
use
,
then
,
not
they
,
but
the
things
which
they
signifie
and
import
,
take
up
our
fancy
.
So
in
Musick
also
,
the
Tune
and
harmony
is
attended
,
and
not
every
eighth
or
fifth
:
nay
there
may
be
(
and
usually
is
)
progression
:
and
that
Tune
may
prompt
us
to
some
Song
made
thereafter
;
and
that
song
again
minde
us
of
some
mirth
,
company
,
or
other
accidents
that
accompanied
it
in
the
times
of
our
hearing
.
For
the
ends
and
utmost
discoveries
of
things
are
always
coveted
;
and
where
knowledge
and
the
figure
is
already
sufficiently
comprehended
,
nature
is
progressive
in
her
enquiry
,
and
cannot
,
out
of
common
duty
,
be
idle
.
And
things
are
kept
in
memory
as
they
were
let
in
;
that
is
with
their
most
usual
,
or
which
is
all
one
,
with
their
strongest
concomitants
.
As
we
see
it
come
to
pass
in
dreams
;
what
strange
progression
will
they
make
?
So
as
fancy
,
in
her
method
of
transition
from
one
thing
to
another
,
will
make
as
it
were
an
history
;
if
the
affections
move
not
to
such
height
and
passion
as
to
awake
the
party
.
And
the
object
that
begins
therein
is
commonly
that
which
we
last
went
to
sleep
with
,
if
it
be
of
much
concern
;
but
then
,
that
quickly
runs
into
things
and
objects
of
strongest
impression
:
and
therefore
the
Stage
and
Company
is
usually
what
our
youth
was
accustomed
unto
,
because
then
,
as
things
came
with
greatest
notice
,
so
they
have
greatest
settlement
.
For
although
many
times
,
in
the
morning
,
we
remember
not
the
series
and
coherence
of
our
dreams
,
because
these
(
it
may
be
)
made
little
impression
,
yet
a
method
of
transition
they
must
needs
have
had
.
All
which
will
inform
us
that
affections
arise
not
from
present
objects
as
now
in
themselves
,
but
as
in
relation
to
our
collections
,
and
memory
of
their
former
abearance
towards
us
,
which
is
not
grounded
on
one
,
but
many
observations
;
except
that
one
were
equivalent
to
many
in
strength
:
for
it
is
all
one
to
have
a
dead
or
absent
party
in
remembrance
because
of
long
acquaintance
,
as
it
is
to
remember
another
for
some
extraordinary
favour
and
obligation
.
For
he
that
brings
one
stone
a
day
for
one
hundred
days
,
make
the
like
heap
to
him
that
lays
down
one
hundred
all
at
once
.
And
,
so
also
,
a
repitition
of
stroaks
upon
the
forehead
,
with
an
Egg
or
the
like
,
will
at
last
make
as
great
a
swelling
as
one
greater
blow
with
a
stronger
thing
;
even
for
that
the
blood
and
humors
,
by
little
and
little
arrested
in
their
passage
by
the
small
stroak
,
do
by
degrees
amass
equally
to
that
more
total
stopage
made
by
the
great
contusion
.
As
the
outward
parts
stand
affected
and
sensible
by
the
recourse
of
the
humors
and
mediation
of
the
Nerves
and
annimal
spirit
,
so
much
more
the
Brain
.
And
as
he
that
hath
had
the
Gout
doth
again
remember
and
know
the
precise
pain
thereof
upon
the
recourse
of
the
same
humors
,
even
so
is
the
Brain
put
in
minde
and
made
sensible
of
its
impressions
,
as
well
from
the
motion
and
recourse
of
the
humors
therein
,
as
from
outward
objects
.
So
that
in
sleep
our
dreams
take
often
rise
from
hence
also
:
and
from
those
vapours
arising
from
the
Stomack
;
which
do
commonly
minde
us
of
the
same
thoughts
then
,
as
did
accompany
the
like
food
or
disgestion
in
the
day
time
.
From
these
strong
concomitant
impressions
accompanying
objects
,
it
comes
that
the
weaker
sort
of
men
are
so
impetuous
in
Religion
.
For
they
,
relying
on
Authority
of
particular
persons
,
their
zeal
and
devotion
is
heightened
according
to
the
passion
and
fervency
accompanying
the
preacher
in
his
delivery
,
and
not
from
the
reason
of
what
he
propounded
.
Whereupon
Impression
and
Custom
moves
in
Religion
as
it
doth
in
other
things
;
that
is
by
constancy
and
asseveration
:
for
looser
men
,
though
more
,
are
not
so
remarkable
,
for
want
of
sedulity
and
asseveration
in
what
they
do
.
And
as
that
side
hath
most
sectators
that
hath
most
zealous
patrons
,
so
also
State
alterations
are
swayed
by
the
numbers
of
such
as
are
most
uniformly
active
:
and
although
such
as
dislike
the
order
of
things
established
and
done
by
them
,
may
be
of
far
greater
number
,
yet
if
they
be
not
unanimous
in
their
number
,
so
as
to
agree
to
choose
another
before
it
,
and
to
agree
in
fervency
of
opposition
,
they
are
as
like
to
hinder
one
another
,
as
them
.
Now
as
to
know
is
little
more
then
to
remember
,
so
Conscience
is
but
the
memory
of
things
,
actions
,
&c.
as
they
relate
to
morality
.
For
the
Brayn
(
from
sense
)
taking
objects
entire
;
Conscience
picks
thereout
,
what
future
hope
or
fear
may
make
of
concern
,
and
puts
them
into
his
own
method
,
as
other
affections
do
.
For
Conscience
hath
not
onely
her
rule
,
as
other
affections
,
but
arising
from
all
things
that
have
morality
,
(
which
accompanyeth
every
thing
in
one
kinde
or
other
)
is
an
affection
upon
other
affections
.
And
therefore
Conscience
comes
not
until
yeers
of
discretion
,
that
other
affections
have
some
growth
:
all
which
she
masters
,
according
as
hope
and
fear
master
her
.
And
so
Conscience
,
in
her
jurisdiction
,
is
a
Will
or
general
affection
by
her self
;
Having
Reasons
proper
.
For
Reason
is
when
memory
holds
forth
two
things
at
once
,
that
by
comparison
of
them
,
according
to
their
usual
effects
and
consequents
observed
formerly
,
conclusion
may
be
made
of
the
like
to
happen
again
.
And
,
as
Conscience
is
memory
of
things
,
as
to
Religious
fear
,
so
Honor
is
memory
of
things
,
actions
,
persons
,
&c.
as
to
Civil
hope
.
Conscience
hath
not
his
correlate
(
as
shame
which
is
opposite
to
Honor
)
unless
the
passion
of
Hope
be
taken
in
.
Honor
and
shame
respect
reward
and
punishment
present
,
or
rather
carry
it
with
them
;
Conscience
,
that
which
is
hereafter
.
And
thereupon
,
one
regards
the
Sentence
and
Judgemen
of
such
as
have
present
power
,
the
other
the
commands
and
power
of
such
as
shall
judge
for
the
future
.
So
that
one
sort
of
good
Conscience
may
be
want
of
memory
or
unaccusing
,
but
Honor
must
be
active
.
Absence
of
guilt
contents
the
one
,
but
the
other
must
be
possessive
.
And
as
Conscience
is
an
affection
upon
affections
,
as
they
relate
to
guilt
and
punishment
hereafter
,
so
Honor
governs
affections
as
they
have
judgement
of
things
,
&c
here
:
and
as
the
known
Will
of
that
God
I
fear
,
can
onely
oblige
me
in
the
one
,
so
the
Will
of
those
men
I
esteem
,
in
the
other
.
And
indeed
,
all
our
affections
are
(
as
instigated
so
)
Governed
by
hope
and
fear
.
For
under
these
two
,
as
under
the
desire
of
attaining
good
or
avoiding
bad
in
the
general
,
all
things
are
included
:
and
all
other
affections
in
the
choice
of
objects
have
respect
towards
them
,
that
is
,
(
from
observation
)
to
judge
what
expectations
of
good
or
harm
;
that
is
,
pleasure
of
sense
or
honor
,
or
pain
of
sense
or
shame
,
here
or
hereafter
,
is
like
to
proceed
from
them
,
or
their
different
managery
and
application
.
But
then
,
as
more
go
to
Heaven
by
the
way
of
Hell
,
and
we
had
rather
have
our
commendable
actions
suppressed
then
the
contrary
much
divulged
,
so
fear
is
stronger
then
hope
;
for
although
pleasure
be
the
object
of
the
one
,
and
pain
of
the
other
,
yet
because
pleasure
is
never
so
perfect
as
pain
,
nor
can
be
so
fixed
and
continuing
;
nor
again
without
fear
of
loss
,
it
must
therefore
belooked
upon
as
the
most
general
and
steady
guide
of
our
actions
.
Upon
which
ground
we
need
not
wonder
at
the
commonness
of
superstition
;
nor
why
,
as
children
are
scared
with
Hobgoblins
,
&c.
so
some
men
(
little
differing
from
them
)
should
be
so
obnoxious
to
the
terrors
and
affrights
of
such
as
they
credit
.
In
which
case
it
may
happen
to
these
that
are
negatively
superstitious
,
as
being
scandalized
at
some
Ceremonies
which
they
understand
not
themselves
,
but
which
their
guides
are
pleased
to
blast
,
as
under
the
notion
of
humane
inventions
,
or
the
like
,
as
it
doth
with
that
way
of
affrightment
of
children
also
,
by
telling
them
of
Raw
head
and
bloody
bones
:
for
as
to
them
that
for
the
present
understand
not
that
all
living
things
should
be
so
,
these
things
are
apprehended
as
really
dangerous
and
terrible
because
terribly
delivered
;
even
so
,
under
the
odium
of
humane
invention
,
Popery
or
the
like
,
are
we
many
times
brought
to
be
superstitiously
flying
those
things
that
are
in
themselves
good
:
and
are
also
by
so
much
the
better
,
as
being
by
Christian
Authority
approved
,
&
as
having
the
more
ancient
and
Catholike
President
of
the
Christian
Churches
usage
.
For
(
doubtless
)
they
cannot
be
so
weak
as
seriously
to
believe
that
those
that
do
refuse
communion
with
the
Papists
,
even
for
that
very
difference
sake
which
is
in
many
things
between
them
,
should
at
the
same
time
they
account
them
erroneous
in
the
service
of
God
and
in
matters
of
Ceremonies
also
,
implicitely
follow
them
in
some
other
things
;
and
upon
no
other
score
but
because
they
do
so
.
But
by
these
and
such
like
arts
it
is
usual
with
seditious
persons
to
steal
away
peoples
hearts
from
their
own
Church
guides
and
Rulers
.
For
upon
the
same
reason
that
a
second
dis-affects
(
so
far
as
to
spoil
the
whole
harmony
)
so
one
crossing
and
unexpected
fear
raceth
that
whole
method
of
belief
and
perswasion
we
stood
before
possessed
of
,
as
to
the
goodness
of
our
Religion
,
or
of
our
practice
therein
.
And
that
fear
is
more
pressing
and
prevalent
then
hope
,
appears
in
that
our
hope
to
attain
good
can
never
want
our
fear
of
missing
it
;
nor
can
the
possession
of
pleasure
want
the
fear
of
deprivation
.
We
may
also
observe
that
deaf
men
do
ever
suspect
things
are
spoken
to
their
ill
or
prejudice
,
even
when
they
may
as
likely
speak
to
their
good
.
The
like
jealousie
is
entertained
when
any
whisper
in
our
Company
,
or
speak
to
one
another
in
a
language
we
understand
not
.
Nay
pleasure
is
but
absence
of
pain
,
especially
that
of
sense
:
and
then
we
need
not
wonder
why
a
positive
thing
should
affect
more
then
a
negative
.
For
pain
being
(
as
before
noted
)
when
the
spirits
are
stopped
in
their
wonted
motions
,
and
it
must
still
happen
but
they
should
be
more
or
less
so
,
pleasure
can
neither
be
high
nor
lasting
,
but
(
at
best
)
mixed
;
and
be
but
by
comparison
of
a
less
pain
to
a
greater
.
Upon
knowledge
and
due
consideration
of
the
prevalence
of
this
passion
of
fear
towards
the
guidance
of
men
as
in
a
state
of
subjection
,
it
seemed
good
in
the
eye
of
divine
wisdom
,
to
rank
his
service
,
and
all
our
returns
of
duty
and
obedience
,
as
under
that
notion
.
Nay
we
may
observe
that
he
doth
not
onely
set
down
the
commendations
of
such
as
have
been
dutiful
and
obedient
unto
him
under
the
oppression
of
such
as
feared
him
,
but
also
,
for
the
encrease
of
this
return
of
duty
and
service
towards
himself
,
he
is
wont
to
promise
a
new
increase
and
implantation
of
fear
into
the
hearts
of
those
parties
and
people
from
whom
he
expects
it
,
as
being
the
only
steady
grace
that
is
effectual
herein
.
If
we
look
unto
Creatures
below
us
,
we
shall
finde
that
onely
such
of
them
are
disciplinable
,
and
to
be
made
tame
and
cohabitable
as
can
be
brought
to
be
made
sensible
and
subject
to
our
corrections
,
and
also
kept
in
such
a
continual
fear
of
us
,
as
not
to
resist
,
or
rise
against
us
to
our
prejudice
:
Whereas
Lions
,
Wolves
,
Foxes
,
and
the
like
,
which
cannot
be
constantly
awed
,
are
called
Salvage
,
amongst
which
sort
we
come
to
reckon
mankinde
it self
,
when
it
shall
once
arive
at
that
degree
of
temerity
as
to
be
incorrigible
and
disrespective
to
Law
and
Government
,
being
then
become
indisciplinable
and
impolitical
.
For
as
to
be
informidable
,
is
to
be
indomitable
,
so
to
be
indomitable
is
to
be
unsociable
.
Because
if
it
were
not
for
this
mutual
fear
,
every
man
would
be
daily
affronted
and
injured
by
every
man
.
Nay
,
the
boys
and
youths
as
we
passed
the
streets
might
be
inclined
even
for
sport
sake
,
to
abuse
us
with
dirt
or
stones
or
the
like
,
did
not
the
terror
of
punishment
to
come
from
us
or
their
Master
keep
them
in
aw
.
In
which
case
,
as
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
as
they
are
most
ready
to
offer
these
abuses
to
other
boys
or
those
of
their
own
rank
,
because
less
to
be
feared
either
for
personal
revenge
or
complaints
,
so
,
were
it
not
for
fear
sake
,
especially
for
that
fear
which
must
come
from
Authority
,
no
society
could
be
maintained
;
especially
in
cases
of
great
import
;
where
revenge
is
ready
to
work
more
high
.
And
therefore
those
that
say
a
Prince
ought
to
rule
by
love
onely
,
understand
not
what
they
say
;
but
,
out
of
an
hasty
affectation
to
be
eminent
in
a
popular
expression
,
forget
that
absurdity
that
attends
it
.
Amongst
equals
,
it
is
in
vain
for
any
man
to
expect
that
another
should
be
serviceable
unto
him
,
who
stands
not
by
natural
relation
,
it
is
not
by
some
antecedent
obligation
,
brought
to
a
degree
of
loving
him
:
in
which
case
it
may
be
called
,
a
return
of
gratitude
and
not
of
subjection
.
That
Prince
also
that
is
to
attain
a
Principality
or
new
Empire
it
will
be
necessary
that
he
should
in
like
manner
demean
himself
towards
those
he
intends
afterwards
to
rule
as
Subjects
.
But
as
there
is
a
manifest
difference
,
both
in
material
and
fashion
,
between
the
stirrup
by
which
we
get
up
,
and
the
saddle
by
which
we
ride
,
so
is
there
between
that
relation
he
had
to
them
before
they
were
Subjects
,
and
that
which
he
hath
to
them
afterwards
,
being
then
their
equal
,
and
now
their
ruler
:
and
therefore
it
cannot
but
be
thought
that
a
different
managery
belongs
to
him
that
is
to
command
,
over
it
doth
to
him
that
is
to
entreat
.
When
any
one
is
actually
seised
and
estated
in
an
office
of
rightful
power
,
he
can
then
be
no
otherwise
loving
as
a
superior
,
then
as
the
other
had
first
merited
of
him
by
his
submission
and
obedience
.
In
which
case
,
as
power
and
command
must
precede
the
return
of
duty
and
obedience
,
so
must
that
approbation
which
must
come
from
the
superior
in
the
acknowledgement
of
the
desert
of
one
more
then
another
,
be
esteemed
a
reward
in
requital
of
some
work
done
by
the
person
,
and
not
an
affection
to
the
person
,
without
any
such
consideration
.
So
that
although
Princes
may
have
their
peculiar
friends
or
favorites
,
(
like
other
men
)
,
yet
,
in
reference
to
the
act
of
Government
and
obedience
,
the
eye
thereof
cannot
be
firm
without
Law
,
nor
Law
without
fear
;
until
such
a
golden
age
shall
be
light
upon
,
wherein
the
Edicts
and
commands
of
superiors
shall
be
to
the
will
of
every
one
,
at
all
times
,
so
pleasing
and
conformable
,
as
that
the
Commander
shall
not
be
distinguishable
from
the
obeyer
.
So
that
this
passion
of
Fear
being
so
necessary
,
both
for
making
of
us
sociable
,
and
for
keeping
us
fitted
and
prepared
for
a
due
return
of
obedience
according
to
our
relation
of
subjection
,
we
are
not
onely
to
conceive
the
total
privation
thereof
to
be
a
total
defeat
to
Government
and
its
force
,
but
that
proportionably
,
as
there
is
a
course
taken
for
substracting
or
lessening
of
this
fear
,
from
that
person
that
can
onely
immediately
claim
and
make
present
use
of
it
,
so
is
there
a
proportionable
stop
given
to
the
efficacy
of
that
Government
which
he
is
to
execute
.
As
for
example
,
in
the
divisions
and
distinctions
of
obedience
into
Religious
and
Civil
,
and
active
and
passive
,
formerly
spoken
of
:
whereby
men
are
brought
from
reckoning
the
breach
of
their
Prince
his
Commands
to
be
a
thing
of
such
terror
as
was
formerly
thought
:
and
in
the
latter
of
these
cases
,
to
wit
,
in
the
distinction
of
obedience
into
active
and
passive
,
their
haste
to
be
rendred
famous
in
so
popular
a
speculation
,
hath
made
them
become
frivolous
or
unintelligible
.
For
I
would
fain
know
,
if
he
that
did
sit
still
,
or
keep
at
home
,
according
to
his
Prince
his
command
,
were
not
to
be
called
actively
obedient
unto
him
,
as
well
as
he
that
was
put
to
the
greatest
labour
and
toyl
in
the
performance
of
what
he
was
enjoyned
?
Or
(
On
the
contrary
)
whether
he
were
not
as
well
passive
that
did
suffer
punishment
for
being
active
,
when
he
was
enjoyned
to
be
quiet
,
as
he
was
that
endured
punishment
for
being
quiet
and
forbearing
,
when
he
should
have
been
active
and
stirring
.
And
the
truth
is
,
to
say
actively
obedient
,
is
none
other
then
a
contradiction
:
for
Government
being
it self
to
be
looked
upon
as
a
work
ayming
at
an
end
,
as
then
the
Prince
must
be
looked
upon
as
directer
and
Agent
,
so
can
the
subject
in
all
Offices
of
imployment
he
is
put
to
herein
,
as
well
for
motion
as
station
,
be
considered
but
as
instrumental
and
passive
onely
:
and
so
far
as
he
suffers
for
neglect
or
contumacy
,
he
cannot
be
called
passive
as
in
relation
to
his
obedience
,
but
as
to
his
stubbornness
or
disobedience
.
And
therefore
they
should
consider
that
since
the
benefits
of
Government
and
Polity
are
not
to
be
had
,
unless
some
as
instruments
shall
submit
to
have
their
wills
guided
by
the
wills
of
those
that
are
to
direct
,
so
is
there
no
steady
way
but
that
of
Conscience
and
Fear
to
make
voluntary
and
sensitive
Agents
continually
ready
to
be
directed
by
the
judgements
of
such
as
are
above
them
;
after
the
same
manner
as
other
instruments
do
depend
on
the
hand
of
the
Artificer
.
These
passions
of
hope
and
fear
,
although
most
prevalent
,
yet
are
not
innate
:
but
arise
from
experience
of
objects
pleasurable
and
painful
.
For
children
,
till
some
collection
of
Knowledge
,
hope
not
,
nor
fear
not
,
as
before
noted
.
As
remembrance
of
pain
,
at
first
,
causeth
fear
(
for
pain
is
the
thing
feared
)
so
men
that
have
thin
skins
,
and
are
thereupon
more
sensible
,
have
more
fear
then
other
Creatures
;
and
those
creatures
that
are
most
docible
,
are
as
we
see
most
fearful
and
attentive
,
as
Dogs
,
Parrats
,
&c.
And
as
wise
men
have
tenderer
sense
of
feeling
then
fools
,
so
,
more
sense
,
more
fear
,
and
consequently
,
more
wisdom
;
for
fear
causeth
enquiry
to
be
rid
thereof
.
But
as
thus
,
fear
makes
men
generally
come
to
be
more
wise
,
(
insomuch
as
all
wise
men
may
be
observed
fearful
,
)
yet
this
being
in
more
things
then
fools
,
whose
ignorance
and
inexperience
will
not
let
them
know
the
danger
of
many
things
,
this
their
generality
of
fearing
of
more
things
according
to
truth
,
keeps
the
fear
of
fewer
things
from
being
so
superstitious
and
intense
.
For
as
all
superstition
comes
of
ignorance
,
so
zeal
that
should
be
according
to
knowledge
,
should
not
put
a
man
besides
his
senses
:
and
if
men
had
more
wisdom
,
God
might
be
more
rationally
served
then
usually
he
is
.
And
if
our
zeal
and
exercise
of
Region
be
not
according
to
knowledge
,
(
so
as
to
be
called
our
reasonable
service
of
God
)
we
cannot
rightly
be
said
to
serve
God
as
men
and
reasonable
Creatures
.
For
after
the
ground-work
is
laid
,
and
we
have
transcended
sense
in
apprehending
Christ
(
with
his
mysteries
)
in
our
hearts
by
Faith
,
our
outward
service
and
worship
is
so
much
the
better
,
as
the
more
knowing
;
that
is
,
in
imploying
of
our
abilities
in
discovering
of
what
the
true
sense
of
Scripture
,
or
the
light
of
Reason
will
afford
:
as
the
next
and
best
direction
to
attain
what
we
desire
to
know
or
practise
,
as
truth
or
good
.
Nay
,
as
we
are
in
search
of
the
Scriptures
to
imploy
our
own
utmost
abilities
,
so
are
we
not
wholly
to
relye
upon
them
;
but
,
having
in
the
first
place
freed
our selves
of
all
prejudice
and
prepossession
,
and
in
humility
implored
divine
illumination
and
assistance
in
all
things
,
we
are
then
to
proceed
according
to
the
rules
of
Christian
Faith
and
love
in
all
deportments
and
actions
,
not
otherwise
directed
by
our
superiors
:
who
also
are
in
this
case
to
be
looked
upon
as
the
authorized
interpreters
of
the
Scriptures
,
as
heretofore
noted
,
Else
it
will
fall
out
,
that
each
one
undertaking
to
examine
and
interpret
them
according
to
his
own
wilde
fancy
,
and
weak
and
ungrounded
method
of
comprehension
,
and
being
also
strongly
,
through
education
or
interest
forestalled
in
his
judgement
,
there
will
arise
to
be
as
many
Religions
and
Opinions
,
as
men
and
interests
.
And
that
which
is
yet
worse
,
mens
natural
pride
and
vainglory
will
prompt
to
such
presumption
of
extraordinary
revelation
,
that
even
things
blasphemous
and
destructive
of
humane
society
,
shall
,
in
despite
of
the
Church
,
Reason
,
or
Authority
,
be
set
on
foot
.
Whereas
,
in
truth
in
things
of
most
private
and
separate
concern
,
the
sense
of
the
Church
,
and
the
Analogy
of
Faith
is
to
be
venerably
regarded
,
even
as
the
supreme
Christian
Magistrate
is
also
in
all
things
of
publike
concern
.
For
in
this
case
we
are
again
fallen
within
the
limits
of
moral
care
and
consideration
.
And
therefore
,
as
each
mans
reason
is
in
him
the
best
guide
of
what
to
do
in
the
course
of
his
own
affairs
,
so
publike
Reason
in
that
which
hath
publike
respect
to
the
end
,
that
from
the
knowledge
of
what
is
there
done
,
there
may
be
a
fit
and
a
constant
way
left
for
attaining
moral
prudence
and
obedience
:
and
that
according
to
a
well
grounded
experience
and
observation
of
moral
and
political
directions
and
Edicts
.
Whereby
each
Subject
may
,
from
the
constancy
of
the
measure
and
manner
of
application
,
used
by
his
Prince
in
rewards
and
punishments
,
come
to
frame
to
himself
political
methods
and
schemes
of
comprehension
and
knowledge
of
his
duty
and
benefit
in
civil
deportments
,
as
well
as
he
may
learn
Philosophy
by
observation
of
that
constancy
which
is
kept
up
in
the
course
of
Nature
.
For
she
being
preserved
and
governed
by
uniform
rules
and
laws
,
the
same
Causes
must
ever
produce
the
same
effects
,
if
the
Agent
and
Patient
be
in
themselves
and
circumstances
alike
vertuous
and
the
same
,
the
which
wisdom
must
discover
,
from
a
well
grounded
observation
of
constancy
in
her
observations
:
for
should
not
natures
course
be
constant
,
species
and
individual
things
could
not
have
any
steady
provision
for
existence
and
benefit
,
but
causes
being
indeterminable
,
effects
would
be
so
also
.
For
it
was
from
the
constant
observation
of
one
thing
following
another
,
in
all
respects
alike
considered
,
that
I
come
to
know
any
thing
;
even
as
by
continually
observing
heat
to
accompany
fire
,
I
know
fire
to
be
the
cause
of
heat
.
And
from
this
constancy
in
Nature
it
comes
also
to
pass
,
that
what
is
most
naturally
done
is
most
uniformly
done
,
and
so
most
handsomly
and
delightfully
done
.
Which
coming
to
be
imitated
by
us
,
will
be
also
most
vertuously
and
wisely
done
:
but
what
is
not
done
in
natural
imitation
(
as
following
no
rule
)
is
vitious
and
ill
favoured
.
For
folly
being
a
short
and
false
observation
in
the
course
of
things
,
it
concludes
to
act
upon
half
premises
:
Whereupon
the
irregular
processions
and
effects
thereof
,
come
through
inequality
to
be
inequity
.
For
as
truth
can
be
but
one
,
but
errors
divers
:
even
so
(
as
we
noted
formerly
of
beauty
and
handsom
faces
)
vertuous
actions
have
more
likeness
to
one
another
then
vitious
.
For
all
virtuous
actions
are
done
by
certain
rules
and
copies
,
and
as
they
agree
to
these
measures
,
their
goodness
is
known
:
and
as
they
differ
therefrom
,
they
do
differ
from
themselves
also
,
and
approach
to
vice
.
Things
being
thus
stated
,
it
will
follow
,
that
more
reason
,
knowledge
and
understanding
,
is
but
more
observation
,
and
that
an
uncontradicted
observation
is
taken
for
a
supreme
reason
in
it self
.
For
so
(
for
example
)
the
motion
of
gravity
,
because
it
is
observed
to
accompany
all
things
,
none
,
or
few
search
the
reason
of
it
,
for
there
is
not
a
more
general
or
uniform
rule
in
nature
to
examine
it
by
;
all
proof
going
from
things
more
generally
observed
and
known
to
such
as
are
less
.
Whereas
to
believe
the
Antipodes
,
and
that
men
,
upon
the
same
reason
of
motion
of
gravity
,
should
tend
in
the
same
line
towards
us
,
as
we
do
towards
them
;
this
seems
as
difficult
for
belief
,
as
it
is
different
from
the
usual
tendency
of
things
,
as
to
our
appearance
,
which
we
call
upwards
and
downwards
.
Nor
can
it
be
conceivable
to
any
that
will
not
take
pains
to
get
it
comprehended
from
observation
elsewhere
.
In
which
case
,
if
men
have
made
and
methodized
observations
aright
,
it
may
appear
that
the
sum
and
superiour
bodies
move
in
spheres
,
even
because
the
time
they
are
absent
and
unseen
is
equal
to
that
they
compleat
in
compassing
that
half
of
the
sphere
which
is
seen
,
from
whence
,
and
the
observation
of
eccilpses
,
the
earth
must
be
supposed
to
be
spherical
also
.
And
if
this
be
farther
enquired
into
,
we
shall
find
that
this
motion
of
heavy
things
downwards
,
is
but
part
of
a
more
general
motion
,
and
to
be
so
concluded
from
that
more
general
observation
of
union
:
And
is
but
the
appetite
thereof
made
more
observable
through
this
more
apparent
motion
toward
union
after
separation
.
For
the
common
knowledge
and
observance
of
boldness
as
they
are
unite
,
and
keeping
close
together
,
as
by
so
much
more
general
then
the
motion
of
gravity
,
as
rest
it self
is
more
general
then
local
motion
,
for
indeed
what
is
usually
called
motion
and
rest
,
are
but
these
two
:
but
it
is
not
so
observable
as
the
other
,
because
rest
,
or
union
already
made
,
hath
no
variety
to
cause
intent
observance
,
as
variety
of
motion
doth
in
the
other
.
And
therefore
it
is
onely
discoverable
to
such
as
can
un-ravel
nature
in
their
contemplation
,
until
they
come
to
the
bottom
and
first
ground-work
thereof
.
For
then
they
shall
find
both
this
constant
practise
of
union
or
adhesion
of
bodies
,
and
also
the
cause
thereof
to
be
(
the
general
cause
of
all
causes
)
that
is
,
the
will
and
law
of
God
in
order
to
his
providence
.
And
although
inanimates
have
a
kind
of
specification
amongst
themselves
,
whereby
defire
of
proper
union
hath
some
force
(
as
may
be
seen
in
that
active
part
of
earth
,
the
Loadstone
,
in
his
variation
,
yet
they
follow
in
their
whole
mass
)
the
general
law
of
matter
,
in
the
common
and
general
thirst
of
union
.
For
should
there
not
be
a
common
centre
of
gravity
,
whereby
all
earthly
things
,
as
they
stood
differenced
in
weight
by
dense
and
rare
,
might
have
and
keep
the
proper
places
assigned
them
,
Chaos
and
confusion
would
follow
.
And
therefore
,
this
motion
of
heavy
things
to
the
earth
being
both
necessary
and
natural
,
both
for
affording
a
place
of
receipt
and
production
of
creatures
,
and
for
leaving
all
without
,
so
rare
and
transparent
,
that
the
influences
of
superiour
bodies
might
approach
them
,
we
must
conclude
,
that
as
the
whole
earth
is
more
then
a
part
,
so
hath
it
this
attractive
force
of
union
,
greater
also
in
the
whole
then
apart
.
And
therefore
for
a
stone
(
or
the
like
)
to
tend
that
way
,
and
not
to
be
diverted
by
the
desire
of
union
through
proximity
of
a
like
less
body
,
is
no
wonder
.
And
,
as
it
is
to
the
whole
,
so
it
is
to
the
centre
or
middle
part
of
the
whole
,
that
this
desire
of
approach
is
annexed
.
And
hence
it
may
easily
be
conceived
,
that
with
our
Antipodes
this
motion
of
bodies
to
the
centre
,
in
their
hemisphere
,
is
but
the
same
with
us
,
in
our
hemisphere
.
For
the
desire
of
union
is
equal
in
proportion
to
all
parts
of
the
whole
mass
,
as
well
in
the
greater
body
attracting
,
as
the
lesser
(
which
we
may
call
passive
and
)
attracted
,
and
is
from
centre
to
centre
in
both
.
And
as
the
centre
of
attraction
governs
thus
in
all
natural
motions
,
so
doth
the
centre
of
resistance
in
all
violent
motions
.
But
as
there
,
they
imploy
their
force
to
Union
and
Agreement
,
so
here
,
to
repulse
and
victory
.
For
the
ballance
,
the
leaver
,
the
wheel
,
and
other
mechanical
instruments
have
their
force
,
and
are
appliable
to
use
,
from
the
just
computation
of
distance
from
the
centre
,
in
the
parts
where
the
strife
lies
in
each
of
the
opponents
;
whereby
that
part
of
the
ballance
,
leaver
,
&c.
that
is
,
shortest
,
and
so
nearest
the
centre
of
the
whole
opposition
,
will
consequently
,
as
most
oppressed
with
its
burthen
,
have
least
force
in
resistance
;
and
the
other
,
upon
contrary
reasons
,
will
have
most
force
:
and
this
both
of
them
proportionable
to
their
distances
in
things
of
like
weight
and
resistance
:
even
as
in
fencing
,
he
that
is
to
put
by
the
sword
of
another
,
will
find
proportionable
ease
,
as
there
is
difference
of
length
between
so
much
of
the
sword
which
the
party
incloseth
in
his
hand
,
and
of
that
part
beyond
and
without
it
.
For
the
upper
part
of
the
hand
(
where
the
defendants
forefinger
joynt
is
)
being
the
centre
of
opposition
,
it
will
follow
that
the
assailant
will
have
difference
of
force
,
as
he
hath
difference
of
distance
from
it
;
that
is
,
answerably
,
as
the
length
of
the
sword
without
his
hand
,
is
longer
,
from
the
place
touched
by
the
assailant
to
the
handle
,
then
the
defendants
hand
is
broad
.
We
before
said
the
Brain
to
be
the
common
sensory
,
and
the
Senses
the
scouts
and
intelligencers
for
information
and
knowledge
:
For
colours
,
figures
,
&c.
may
be
said
to
be
by
the
brain
felt
,
through
the
windows
of
eyes
;
and
savours
and
sounds
through
the
nose
and
ears
.
But
,
of
the
forraign
intelligencers
,
the
eye
hath
most
advantage
to
knowledge
;
being
capable
of
more
variety
of
objects
,
and
that
at
once
;
and
of
apprehending
them
at
greatest
distance
.
Now
since
,
between
men
and
beasts
,
there
appears
little
,
and
but
occasional
difference
in
the
number
or
excellence
of
the
senses
,
and
that
all
knowledge
is
acquired
in
us
,
and
acquired
by
help
of
these
senses
,
it
would
be
known
how
this
ability
is
attained
.
In
which
discourse
we
will
begin
with
sight
,
whose
object
is
a
luminous
or
an
opacous
body
,
and
that
by
means
of
beams
of
light
directly
issuing
from
the
one
,
or
reflected
from
the
other
.
After
the
first
way
I
see
the
Sun
a
candle
,
&c.
after
the
other
way
,
all
opacous
bodies
that
return
their
beams
;
in
both
cases
the
beam
of
light
being
the
object
of
sight
,
colour
,
figure
,
&c.
are
but
its
concomitants
.
There
may
be
thought
another
way
of
discovery
,
that
is
,
by
Eclypse
,
where
the
body
is
discerned
,
not
by
reflecting
or
discovering
the
beam
,
but
by
impeaching
and
hiding
it
.
So
the
Moon
,
in
the
Suns
Eclypse
,
discovers
her
own
body
,
not
by
sending
,
but
by
preventing
the
light
:
and
indeed
,
colours
so
far
as
they
are
in
degree
distant
from
white
or
light
,
unto
black
or
dark
,
in
which
last
the
beam
is
wholly
entred
and
lost
.
So
far
,
and
all
that
while
doth
the
beam
suffer
degree
of
Eclypse
,
in
the
different
penetration
and
return
it
finds
in
the
superficies
of
that
body
.
But
although
light
beams
be
the
only
proper
objects
of
sight
,
yet
hereby
is
the
opacous
body
differenced
in
the
manner
of
perception
six
ways
.
By
Figure
,
by
Motion
,
by
Colour
,
by
Magnitude
,
by
Number
,
and
by
Scite
or
Posture
.
All
which
properties
are
so
inseparably
adjoyned
unto
every
material
body
,
that
neither
in
themselves
,
nor
(
consequently
in
our
contemplation
,
a
body
can
be
without
them
,
nor
they
without
a
body
,
except
it
be
motion
,
For
we
may
see
and
imagine
a
body
endued
with
Colour
,
Proportion
,
or
Figure
without
motion
,
but
a
body
with
,
or
without
motion
,
wanting
Colour
,
Figure
,
Dimension
,
&c.
we
cannot
apprehend
,
because
there
can
be
nothing
in
the
fancy
,
but
what
was
first
in
the
sense
;
and
therefore
since
no
body
was
ever
seen
wanting
these
properties
,
it
cannot
enter
into
the
imagination
without
them
,
nor
they
without
it
.
True
it
is
,
that
I
may
conceive
a
body
of
a
different
Figure
,
Proportion
,
&c.
unto
any
that
I
ever
saw
,
as
to
the
whole
fabrick
,
yet
must
it
be
made
up
and
have
analogy
unto
some
Figures
formerly
represented
.
For
so
let
a
Traveller
tell
of
some
strange
Beast
,
he
must
(
to
make
it
conceiveable
)
give
it
some
resemblance
of
head
,
feet
,
back
,
belly
,
or
other
shape
,
to
the
likeness
of
Lyon
,
Dog
,
Horse
,
or
such
like
;
whereupon
having
finished
his
discourse
by
such
similitude
,
you
have
a
body
figured
in
your
fancy
of
such
a
shape
as
entire
you
had
not
before
,
but
not
so
of
the
several
parts
.
But
now
,
to
imagine
a
body
void
of
colour
,
or
a
body
of
such
a
colour
as
I
never
saw
,
is
impossible
,
because
this
property
is
descernable
by
sight
only
,
and
must
have
come
from
thence
,
or
not
at
all
,
even
from
the
divers
observance
of
colorate
objects
.
And
although
,
I
seldom
can
remember
the
instance
or
shape
or
the
body
that
gave
me
this
colour
,
because
the
variety
of
Figures
is
more
then
that
of
colours
(
and
thereupon
not
so
easily
retained
in
memory
)
even
so
Colours
may
remain
after
the
Figures
are
abolished
.
And
for
a
little
better
discussion
and
satisfaction
herein
,
we
will
examine
and
instance
in
the
miracle
Christ
wrought
on
the
man
born
blind
,
who
(
upon
his
eyes
opening
)
said
he
saw
men
Walking
as
trees
.
To
satisfie
which
,
we
are
to
know
,
that
Figure
,
Motion
,
Proportion
,
&c.
are
not
the
proper
objects
of
sight
,
but
of
feeling
:
For
although
I
cannot
remember
the
particulars
,
yet
I
did
at
first
feel
the
different
Shapes
and
Figures
of
things
,
before
I
could
distinguish
them
by
sight
;
and
if
we
observe
children
,
while
they
are
very
little
,
all
their
learning
is
but
a
conference
between
their
hands
and
eyes
;
that
is
,
to
instruct
their
eyes
to
make
true
estimation
of
Figure
,
Proportion
,
&c.
For
after
that
by
feeling
they
have
observed
the
different
shadows
were
made
in
rounds
,
flats
,
corners
,
and
all
other
shapes
and
dimensions
whatsoever
,
they
are
consequently
ready
to
make
observation
for
all
Figures
following
.
So
now
this
blind
man
having
(
it
is
likely
)
upon
some
occasion
been
left
to
rest
himself
under
,
or
against
a
tree
,
he
could
not
but
(
thereupon
)
be
knowing
of
the
shape
thereof
:
And
therefore
the
erect
stature
and
size
of
men
,
in
his
new
illumination
,
seemed
most
to
resemble
that
of
trees
,
of
any
other
which
he
could
know
;
For
it
is
to
be
conceived
he
could
not
reach
beyond
the
trunks
of
them
.
And
therefore
Feeling
being
the
next
informer
of
the
understanding
(
or
rather
understanding
it self
)
is
to
be
looked
upon
as
the
original
and
most
exact
sense
;
sight
and
other
senses
being
only
necessary
for
the
quaintity
and
extent
of
its
information
:
whose
reports
,
having
but
respect
to
the
appearances
of
things
,
are
not
farther
capable
of
evidence
and
certainty
,
then
as
consenting
with
,
and
controulable
by
feeling
.
Which
sense
,
as
it
began
to
be
with
our selves
,
and
shall
last
leave
us
(
as
being
the
assurance
of
that
life
by
which
we
are
we
)
So
is
to
us
the
assurance
of
the
realities
of
things
in
nature
;
even
by
making
us
perceptible
of
that
which
is
the
foundation
and
original
;
to
wit
of
that
their
principle
of
existence
or
being
.
For
hereby
onely
we
come
to
gather
our
assurance
that
any
thing
at
all
really
is
:
whereas
by
the
other
we
do
but
discover
farther
of
the
manner
how
;
which
must
proportionably
have
dependance
on
the
truth
of
the
existence
or
being
of
thing
it self
.
And
therefore
is
the
eye
is
of
largest
contribution
to
the
intellect
(
not
from
generality
of
object
and
receipt
at
distance
only
,
but
)
because
it
can
take
in
more
of
the
Figure
and
Appearance
of
the
object
,
then
the
others
;
by
means
of
those
several
colorate
rays
emitted
from
the
several
corners
and
object
parts
of
opacous
bodies
,
into
the
expanded
end
of
the
optick
nerve
spread
round
the
puple
of
the
eye
.
Even
so
,
to
the
encrease
and
extent
of
mans
knowledge
above
beasts
,
in
the
sense
of
feeling
,
we
are
advantaged
by
our
hands
,
which
serve
to
inform
the
brain
by
the
spinal
marow
,
as
other
senses
do
by
their
inward
pares
of
nerves
.
And
then
this
paradox
may
be
brought
in
,
that
mens
hands
are
greatest
outward
advantages
to
their
knowlesge
.
For
in
them
men
having
excellence
above
other
things
,
do
not
only
excel
them
as
Mechanicks
,
but
by
them
they
are
able
also
to
understand
more
.
And
even
as
Cats
that
play
most
catch
best
,
so
also
,
because
we
are
by
them
,
and
the
speading
of
the
fingers
,
made
perceptible
of
divers
parts
of
the
object
body
at
once
,
and
thereby
able
to
make
more
full
figure
thereof
,
as
the
retina
tunica
doth
to
the
visual
nerve
.
Whereas
in
the
touchings
that
are
apprehended
by
other
parts
,
so
small
a
circuit
of
the
object
body
is
placed
upon
so
small
an
extension
and
portion
of
the
nerves
of
my
body
,
that
no
such
perception
of
difference
can
arise
between
touch
and
touch
,
as
to
beget
knowledge
and
affection
to
one
thing
much
above
another
.
And
therefore
we
may
observe
that
men
cannot
let
their
hats
remain
on
their
heads
in
the
same
posture
they
are
put
on
by
others
,
but
must
again
place
themselves
to
that
kind
of
settlement
they
were
accustomed
unto
.
For
the
hat
,
covering
and
pressing
the
head
round
and
in
divers
parts
at
once
,
must
render
it
in
a
higher
degree
perceptible
and
affected
with
differences
,
then
where
,
in
that
and
other
parts
of
the
body
,
forraign
touches
are
in
so
small
measure
received
.
But
because
each
sense
can
but
inform
in
its
own
proper
sphere
and
object
,
we
will
see
a
little
how
they
lead
to
error
,
when
brought
from
the
controul
of
feeling
.
The
Sun
and
Moon
,
&c.
have
neither
,
to
fight
,
their
true
Dimensions
nor
Figures
,
and
this
because
nothing
could
be
felt
at
distance
.
An
oar
in
the
water
,
hath
such
a
different
Posture
or
Scite
,
that
mine
eyes
alone
can
never
inform
me
,
that
that
part
which
is
within
,
and
that
part
which
is
without
the
water
,
do
make
but
one
streight
piece
:
And
multiplying
glasses
deceive
us
by
numbers
,
as
travelling
by
water
doth
deceive
us
in
motion
;
and
this
upon
no
other
reason
,
but
because
the
same
direction
and
crossing
of
lines
is
made
by
my
passing
by
the
trees
and
land
,
as
would
be
if
they
passed
by
me
,
or
one
another
.
And
the
like
is
for
hearing
and
other
senses
,
which
(
having
their
single
proper
objects
)
must
refer
to
feeling
,
for
science
and
assurance
in
other
things
not
proper
unto
them
.
For
although
a
perfect
sight
,
hearing
,
smelling
,
or
tasting
,
can
never
fail
(
with
due
mediums
)
in
differencing
of
colours
,
noises
and
savours
without
and
beyond
controul
of
feeling
(
which
hath
nothing
to
do
with
these
things
,
but
by
these
his
proper
organs
)
yet
can
they
not
know
farther
then
as
from
and
for
him
.
And
the
more
remote
any
thing
is
from
feeling
,
the
more
uncertain
its
discovery
.
Which
happens
to
sight
chiefly
because
it
undertakes
at
greatest
distance
from
it
.
Whereupon
we
find
,
that
colours
come
to
be
lost
afar
off
,
and
pictures
,
land-scapes
,
&c.
do
make
things
that
are
plain
and
even
,
to
seem
such
risings
,
as
by
sight
alone
(
having
reference
to
like
shadows
in
faces
and
things
that
had
such
risings
)
we
might
be
deceived
.
For
different
session
of
light
or
colour
making
Figure
conceivable
in
our
sense
,
and
not
any
real
quality
in
the
object
,
as
the
Painters
Art
(
which
is
able
to
express
all
Figures
by
colours
only
)
doth
clearly
demonstrate
,
it
must
follow
that
Figure
and
all
the
rest
are
(
as
we
said
)
truly
demonstrable
from
feeling
only
;
which
also
deceives
the
brain
in
crossing
of
nerves
,
as
it
is
deceived
by
sight
in
crossing
of
lines
:
for
from
hence
it
comes
to
pass
that
one
bullet
felt
by
two
fing●●s
a
cross
seems
to
be
two
.
But
now
although
motion
be
not
so
inseparable
a
property
of
bodies
(
and
so
ordinarily
the
object
of
sense
,
as
some
of
the
rest
)
yet
,
because
it
is
of
so
great
variety
in
its
self
,
it
gives
the
greatest
information
to
the
understanding
of
all
others
:
For
that
it
denotes
more
of
the
inward
qualities
of
a
body
;
And
again
,
you
cannot
conceive
any
one
figure
or
proportion
not
capable
of
divers
motions
.
But
then
,
though
a
body
is
many
times
seen
,
and
so
may
be
imagined
without
motion
,
yet
,
as
it
was
never
seen
alone
,
so
motion
cannot
be
conceived
without
a
figurate
body
;
and
therefore
although
again
,
this
property
of
figure
be
not
so
directive
,
as
of
it self
,
yet
it
is
more
necessary
,
as
to
method
,
by
its
presence
and
assistance
,
because
my
fancy
cannot
be
comprehensive
of
any
object
without
a
Figure
.
And
this
we
cannot
forbid
our selves
in
the
contemplation
of
God
himself
,
and
all
other
spiritual
substances
,
namely
,
to
fancy
them
under
one
shape
or
another
,
wherein
we
conceive
those
attributes
,
and
operations
we
ascribe
to
them
should
be
most
fitly
exercised
.
Which
,
as
it
was
the
main
rise
to
Idolatry
,
so
was
it
of
Heresie
,
Schism
and
Superstition
also
;
mistaking
Gods
attributes
under
a
wrong
figure
:
which
always
coming
far
short
of
expressing
his
ability
to
act
,
must
fall
short
also
of
rendring
his
Almightiness
in
all
kinds
of
due
esteem
in
our
understandings
.
And
again
,
as
these
our
conceived
figures
do
differ
from
one
another
,
so
will
there
be
difference
in
the
opinions
of
the
par●ies
that
do
frame
their
conceptions
from
them
.
And
although
men
now
grown
to
some
years
,
can
remember
names
and
words
without
their
figures
that
first
imprinted
them
;
yet
(
as
experience
tells
us
)
we
cannot
remember
the
name
of
any
single
or
distinct
thing
or
person
,
but
his
shape
will
first
come
into
our
fancy
;
shewing
,
that
as
natural
notions
and
the
comprehensions
of
separate
things
arose
and
were
confirmed
in
us
from
frequent
or
intent
admittance
through
outward
sense
:
So
the
peremptory
conceipt
of
the
fitness
of
Method
and
Rules
of
adjudication
framed
thereupon
,
must
arise
also
from
divers
essays
and
observations
of
the
analogy
and
correspondenc●
between
them
.
And
in
childrens
learning
to
speak
,
the
articulation
of
words
is
not
so
great
a
hindrance
as
want
of
fancy
through
want
of
impression
of
some
Figure
of
that
thing
which
these
words
should
express
;
for
Paria●s
that
can
articular
well
enough
,
are
for
this
cause
uncapable
to
speak
many
things
,
or
indeed
any
thing
,
but
what
must
arise
from
large
itteration
,
which
must
serve
to
them
,
as
an
affection
arising
from
height
and
sharpness
,
or
manner
of
sound
and
impression
,
through
often
hearing
of
the
same
tone
,
and
not
as
an
object
of
memory
so
distinctly
figured
by
it self
,
as
to
mind
him
of
the
object
whereof
he
speaks
;
although
indeed
their
speech
is
usually
brought
on
by
way
of
memory
from
Figure
,
as
by
the
sight
of
persons
or
places
that
did
teach
or
accompany
their
learning
.
As
the
eye
is
the
sense
of
largest
supply
to
Feeling
and
memory
,
so
(
through
variety
of
its
objects
)
fancy
hath
more
ability
to
conceive
and
distinguish
the
impressions
thereof
,
then
by
any
other
of
the
senses
.
For
sight
hath
all
varieties
of
Figure
,
Number
,
Proportion
,
&c.
for
its
observation
;
whereas
the
other
senses
are
,
for
the
most
part
,
single
in
their
objects
:
Nay
,
Figure
alone
is
of
such
variety
,
as
there
cannot
be
such
exactness
between
any
two
things
,
take
them
of
leaves
of
the
same
tree
,
stones
;
or
what
natural
thing
;
you
will
,
but
some
such
difference
to
the
eye
may
still
be
discovered
,
as
a
man
may
be
said
to
know
them
by
it
.
But
Savours
and
Sounds
,
being
,
like
single
colours
,
without
such
remarkable
difference
,
can
seldom
so
imploy
and
affect
the
fancy
,
as
to
be
remembred
distinct
from
one
another
,
as
of
themselves
;
but
as
accompanied
with
that
figurate
body
,
or
some
other
sensible
accident
at
the
time
of
their
admittance
.
And
hence
comes
another
advantage
men
have
to
knowledge
abeve
other
creatures
,
namely
,
this
greater
variety
of
induction
,
by
relying
on
sight
and
feeling
more
then
they
.
For
smelling
(
which
is
the
sense
they
most
relye
upon
,
and
make
use
of
)
is
capable
but
of
little
variety
of
impression
;
and
their
knowledge
and
instruction
gathered
from
difference
herein
,
serveth
seldom
to
other
imployment
then
to
distinguish
food
by
,
it
being
indeed
but
as
one
and
the
same
sense
with
tasting
,
or
being
but
tasting
at
distance
;
even
as
tasting
again
is
but
the
proper
sense
of
feeling
for
one
part
,
namely
the
stomack
.
And
it
will
hence
follow
,
that
as
the
variety
of
the
objects
of
sight
exceed
those
of
smell
;
and
as
the
variety
of
feeling
with
the
hand
exceeds
that
of
feeling
with
the
Pallat
;
so
doth
mens
advantage
to
knowledge
exceed
,
even
in
this
respect
also
,
that
of
other
creatures
.
And
again
,
as
Beasts
(
relying
and
usuage
of
these
more
confined
enquiries
of
Taste
and
Smelling
)
can
produce
(
thereupon
)
but
little
knowledge
,
so
such
men
or
such
creatures
,
as
are
in
their
senses
most
confined
(
whether
in
this
kind
,
or
in
any
other
)
must
be
also
most
confined
in
knowledge
;
as
on
the
contrary
,
they
that
are
intent
on
Figures
,
have
advantage
to
memory
;
and
so
to
knowledge
.
And
therefore
we
can
never
remember
that
which
happened
unto
us
in
our
infancy
,
or
very
young
,
because
we
had
not
as
then
throughly
learned
to
distinguish
and
retain
Figures
.
But
then
,
although
smelling
have
hereupon
least
influence
upon
us
,
as
to
our
intellectual
and
moral
habits
;
yet
,
by
reason
of
its
vicinity
and
entercourse
with
the
spirits
themselves
,
it
is
most
strongly
operative
for
introducing
affections
in
us
,
as
in
our
natural
condition
,
and
thereby
to
move
us
more
strongly
to
liking
and
action
then
the
other
senses
can
.
And
however
we
are
not
,
like
other
Sensitives
(
that
are
not
capable
of
making
use
of
figurate
objects
,
and
receiving
impression
from
them
)
lead
to
fancy
,
and
distinguish
particular
things
and
persons
from
custom
and
usage
hence
only
arising
,
but
are
able
from
those
greater
and
more
observable
agreements
and
disparities
which
appear
to
sight
and
other
senses
,
and
from
the
oftner
imployment
of
them
thereabouts
,
many
times
to
put
a
stop
and
controul
upon
what
is
approved
by
the
other
,
and
to
choose
and
stand
affected
from
them
,
and
not
from
the
other
;
yet
in
those
things
that
depend
upon
more
general
acquaintance
and
commerce
,
and
where
long
conversation
hath
grown
up
into
habit
and
custom
,
without
controul
or
notice
of
other
senses
,
there
the
sense
of
smelling
doth
with
us
,
as
well
as
them
,
so
far
prevail
as
to
pass
into
that
we
call
Nature
:
For
and
towards
the
liking
of
such
sorts
or
species
of
creatures
,
with
whom
we
are
most
conversant
,
by
means
of
those
vapours
and
spirits
that
flow
from
them
.
And
hence
it
is
,
that
as
all
creatures
do
from
their
more
usual
association
,
come
to
like
those
of
their
own
kind
more
then
others
,
so
also
do
they
by
degrees
do
it
;
even
as
each
individual
of
the
same
species
attains
to
full
growth
and
perfection
,
whereby
they
may
be
reciprocally
enabled
both
to
give
and
take
from
each
other
these
more
strong
impressions
.
Upon
which
ground
each
Sensitive
at
the
time
of
its
ripeness
comes
to
be
imbued
and
possessed
with
correspondent
degree
of
delight
in
each
others
company
,
and
also
with
that
high
desire
of
more
near
personal
union
and
congression
;
even
so
far
,
until
by
means
thereof
,
and
of
that
mixture
of
more
spiritous
parts
therein
made
,
a
third
creature
of
their
own
kind
is
made
up
and
generated
.
That
this
inclination
is
but
emergent
from
that
Natura
Naturata
,
those
Laws
of
matter
which
the
great
Natura
Naturans
did
at
first
impose
,
for
and
towards
the
mutual
preservation
of
the
Universe
and
its
Species
,
and
not
from
such
discreet
instinct
and
original
perception
,
as
that
each
thing
(
as
by
a
kind
of
miracle
,
or
as
being
a
God
to
its
self
)
should
be
knowingly
led
to
choice
and
discrimination
herein
,
will
plainly
appear
in
those
mixtures
which
are
produced
from
those
meetings
of
creatures
of
several
sorts
at
common
watering
places
,
or
the
like
.
The
which
we
might
well
think
would
be
much
more
common
and
strong
,
if
any
thing
from
its
birth
should
have
been
kept
to
herd
amongst
those
of
that
kind
,
then
can
be
now
,
where
at
the
meetings
at
Nilus
,
or
the
like
,
there
is
but
a
short
and
occasional
acquaintance
,
and
that
not
till
some
maturity
neither
,
when
we
must
presume
each
thing
necessarily
imbued
before
with
the
relish
of
its
own
race
.
But
were
any
creature
from
the
time
of
its
birth
brought
to
herd
amongst
those
of
another
sort
,
there
is
no
doubt
but
that
creature
,
at
years
of
full
growth
and
perfection
,
would
have
had
its
spirits
so
assimulated
to
those
of
that
herd
,
as
to
choose
congression
there
before
any
of
its
own
kind
,
which
it
did
but
newly
or
suddenly
meet
with
.
Although
therein
again
,
some
allay
and
impediment
must
be
supposed
,
from
that
aversion
which
each
one
of
that
herd
would
bear
towards
this
single
creature
,
from
that
greater
familiarity
and
converse
they
have
one
towards
another
.
Not
but
that
as
there
are
degrees
of
likeness
of
flesh
and
humors
in
the
several
kinds
of
creatures
one
to
another
,
and
so
consequently
of
that
steam
or
spirit
thence
generated
,
and
issuing
out
of
the
nostrils
or
pores
;
even
so
also
are
we
to
conceive
that
each
thing
is
soonest
won
to
the
liking
of
that
which
is
most
near
to
its
own
kind
:
As
the
Ass
(
a
Creature
that
is
more
subject
to
stray
then
herd
)
is
to
choose
a
Mare
;
whereas
she
again
,
that
is
used
more
to
heard
with
those
of
her
own
kind
,
yields
not
but
upon
force
or
necessity
.
Upon
which
score
,
and
also
for
that
all
Creatures
both
in
the
Nest
and
Litter
,
and
from
Conversation
and
Nourishment
by
their
Dam
,
are
possessed
with
an
early
tincture
,
they
do
ordinarily
come
to
receive
a
greater
impression
towards
the
future
liking
of
one
another
in
the
same
kind
,
then
can
be
afterwards
dileted
or
taken
off
,
without
a
very
long
tract
of
time
.
As
for
distinction
and
choice
of
Sex
,
it
proceeds
from
precedent
discourses
or
practical
experiment
,
and
not
from
natural
instinct
or
knowledge
.
For
two
Dogs
or
other
Creatures
will
,
in
their
play
,
while
they
are
mutually
more
affected
by
the
nearness
and
heat
of
each
others
breath
,
be
ready
to
ride
one
another
,
till
experience
have
told
them
their
mistake
:
Not
but
that
,
as
there
are
times
of
maturity
in
Vegitables
and
Fruits
,
so
in
Sensitives
also
;
at
which
time
(
no
doubt
)
two
individuals
in
a
herd
,
or
the
like
,
will
have
degree
of
perception
and
inclination
towards
each
other
(
as
to
knowledge
of
natural
ripeness
and
perfection
)
from
that
degree
of
quantity
and
fervor
of
vapour
and
spirits
reciprocally
emitted
,
In
which
case
,
a
short
experience
,
in
so
plain
a
difference
,
may
teach
the
male
(
who
is
commonly
the
assailant
and
chooser
)
easily
to
distinguish
that
female
from
the
rest
which
is
fittest
for
him
,
even
by
his
sense
of
smelling
.
Nay
,
as
nature
hath
furnished
us
with
a
sense
of
tasting
proper
for
our
stomacks
;
even
so
may
we
observe
all
sorts
of
Sensitives
to
be
saluting
each
other
with
billing
,
smelling
,
or
the
like
;
whereby
,
as
by
a
natural
way
of
complement
,
a
farther
tryal
might
be
made
of
that
liking
and
agreement
which
was
already
induced
by
the
eye
.
Now
although
mankind
stands
not
so
wholly
obnoxious
to
be
captivated
by
these
affections
which
are
induced
from
the
sense
of
smelling
only
,
even
because
he
hath
affections
stirred
up
in
him
from
other
senses
also
which
are
likewise
prevalent
in
his
actions
,
yet
that
naturally
,
and
as
men
and
sensitive
agents
,
we
come
to
be
hereby
also
provoked
and
swayed
,
is
not
to
be
doubted
.
But
true
it
is
,
that
in
us
these
affecting
vapours
do
make
their
entrance
more
imperceptibly
,
because
of
that
weakness
of
our
smelling
faculty
,
caused
through
rawness
and
indigestion
in
the
stomack
;
whereby
the
same
foulness
and
crudity
that
doth
make
a
stinking
breath
,
is
also
thereby
hindred
from
the
smell
of
that
,
or
any
thing
else
which
is
not
very
strong
;
which
yet
doth
not
hinder
the
receipt
of
those
insinuating
vapours
,
whereby
the
humours
and
habits
of
the
body
may
come
by
degrees
to
be
embued
and
affected
.
From
what
hath
been
hitherto
spoken
,
we
may
also
know
how
to
put
a
difference
between
those
two
several
affections
which
use
to
pass
under
the
same
notion
of
Love
.
For
that
appetite
before
spoken
of
,
may
more
properly
be
called
natural
lust
or
desire
,
and
,
being
more
sensual
,
is
not
proper
to
man
as
man
,
but
affects
him
as
a
Sensitive
:
Whereas
the
other
,
taking
its
rise
and
ground
from
figure
and
impression
in
the
fancy
,
as
all
sorts
of
knowledge
doth
,
it
may
be
called
Noble
,
as
to
its
beginning
,
as
well
as
Heroick
and
Divine
,
as
to
its
aim
and
end
.
And
although
it
be
true
that
they
are
usually
heightned
by
each
other
(
as
to
particular
application
)
yet
may
they
be
one
without
another
:
For
I
may
love
like
a
man
,
without
lustful
thought
,
and
lustful
thoughts
may
again
sway
me
beyond
personal
liking
;
neither
of
them
being
to
be
known
(
as
to
perfection
)
but
when
they
are
alone
:
for
that
love
is
but
small
that
must
be
enlivened
from
thought
of
sex
,
or
continued
by
youth
only
;
and
as
great
a
defect
in
nature
it
must
also
argue
,
to
acquiess
but
to
an
eminent
beauty
.
As
both
these
affections
take
their
rise
and
growth
from
generals
,
so
have
they
general
and
specifical
aim
and
intention
in
the
eye
of
providence
and
nature
:
but
when
they
come
to
be
reduced
into
act
,
they
have
in
us
personal
inducement
and
design
;
at
which
time
those
affections
that
were
amassed
from
many
,
cannot
shew
their
proficience
and
full
strength
but
to
one
at
once
.
And
therefore
to
keep
them
from
being
destructive
to
their
first
end
,
they
ought
in
men
(
especially
so
far
as
they
are
sociable
)
to
be
bridled
and
guided
by
reason
.
In
which
doing
,
that
more
rational
and
noble
affection
of
love
is
to
precede
and
give
direction
to
the
other
,
as
to
the
person
,
with
respect
had
to
Law
and
Charity
.
Which
Love
again
,
although
(
as
in
it self
considered
)
it
cannot
be
too
high
to
any
one
,
yet
for
fear
least
that
general
duty
of
Love
and
Charity
which
we
owe
towards
all
,
should
by
too
great
intention
towards
this
one
come
to
be
diverted
or
neglected
,
we
are
both
to
take
our
own
reason
along
with
us
,
and
also
that
of
the
publike
,
as
heretofore
noted
.
And
farther
also
,
for
fear
least
too
great
sense
of
contrariety
and
difference
from
those
we
so
entirely
love
should
(
besides
the
espousal
of
personal
quarrels
and
injuries
)
contract
in
us
a
consequential
hatred
and
dis-affection
towards
others
,
we
are
in
this
case
also
,
to
take
to
our
guidance
the
rules
of
Religion
also
;
whereby
we
are
taught
to
love
all
alike
.
And
indeed
,
more
controversies
,
quarrels
,
and
publike
disturbances
do
arise
from
too
great
fondness
and
indulgence
,
then
any
thing
else
.
When
as
,
through
too
great
love
and
care
to
provide
for
those
that
have
relation
to
us
by
family
or
friendship
,
others
come
to
be
neglected
or
injuriously
dealt
with
;
who
otherwise
would
still
have
been
looked
upon
as
friends
;
there
being
more
hatreds
and
discontents
raised
upon
second
and
relative
considerations
,
then
from
any
primary
difference
,
which
the
parties
have
to
one
another
,
in
reference
to
themselves
apart
,
or
to
the
rules
of
vertue
or
goodness
.
And
hence
it
comes
that
we
not
onely
stand
liking
and
disliking
others
as
they
are
friends
or
enemies
to
our
prime
favorite
,
but
because
love
and
hatred
do
arise
and
encrease
by
comparison
,
it
may
be
also
observed
,
how
that
in
the
same
family
,
that
greater
affection
which
one
brother
or
servant
carrieth
towards
another
above
the
rest
,
doth
by
consequence
draw
him
into
as
great
hatred
and
dis-esteem
of
others
in
the
same
relation
,
upon
that
onely
consideration
:
Insomuch
as
we
shall
find
anger
and
revenge
no
where
so
implacably
prosecuted
as
by
one
brother
against
another
.
No
otherwise
,
then
as
subjects
in
the
same
Kingdom
,
are
ready
to
break
into
factions
and
sidings
through
those
diversities
of
sects
and
opinions
amongst
themselves
;
whereby
we
see
it
come
to
pass
,
that
,
by
reason
of
that
continual
exasperation
which
must
arise
from
the
daily
sight
and
discourses
of
such
things
wherein
they
stand
contrary
,
this
repeated
difference
doth
more
strongly
engage
them
to
mutual
discontent
and
deadly
hatred
,
then
it
doth
against
strangers
,
and
such
as
do
more
differ
from
them
.
Insomuch
as
there
are
more
Christians
slain
by
one
another
,
upon
the
score
of
Religion
,
then
are
by
them
upon
others
;
or
those
of
all
other
Religions
upon
them
,
upon
the
like
ground
:
nay
,
we
too
truly
find
it
,
that
,
even
in
the
sub-divisions
and
sects
of
Christianity
,
those
that
have
lesser
differences
,
will
yet
,
by
reason
of
vicinity
,
be
drawn
into
more
and
more
dangerous
quarrels
against
one
another
,
then
against
that
sect
which
differs
most
from
them
both
.
In
which
case
,
if
the
publike
rule
and
judgement
for
determination
be
not
regarded
,
it
will
fare
with
them
as
it
doth
with
men
falling
out
about
a
mistaken
word
,
gesture
,
look
,
or
the
like
;
even
that
(
for
want
of
a
sit
means
of
reconciliation
)
the
discontent
and
hatred
will
daily
encrease
,
until
it
come
to
be
determined
in
the
field
.
The
names
of
Sympathy
and
Antipathy
are
usually
given
to
the
affections
of
both
sorts
,
as
well
to
those
strong
likings
and
aversions
introduced
at
the
nostrils
,
as
those
at
the
eyes
;
but
if
we
respect
more
occult
naturalness
herein
,
then
those
of
the
first
sort
may
be
onely
called
natural
,
because
they
take
their
impression
so
inwardly
,
and
by
such
insensible
degrees
,
as
seldom
to
admit
controulment
by
other
senses
,
or
the
impressions
drawn
from
them
.
Whereas
the
other
,
that
hath
its
rise
from
more
artificial
collections
(
as
loving
or
liking
other
things
according
to
their
conformity
to
these
Figures
or
Ideas
of
perfection
,
which
,
in
each
kind
,
are
raised
in
mens
fancies
)
may
in
both
respects
be
brought
to
be
controuled
and
examined
by
other
Figures
and
Methods
,
as
they
shall
be
called
up
and
judged
by
the
Spirits
and
Humors
;
which
in
the
other
case
cannot
be
,
because
these
Spirits
themselves
do
,
in
the
affections
that
way
brought
in
,
become
tainted
in
their
own
nature
and
substance
.
Those
kinds
of
aversions
which
proceed
from
sight
,
as
from
difference
and
abhorrence
of
figure
,
may
be
easily
reconciled
and
made
familar
by
an
ingenious
patience
;
nor
is
it
dangerous
to
give
them
of
that
food
to
eat
.
Whereas
those
things
that
have
contrariety
to
the
particular
humors
or
temperament
of
the
stomach
,
are
not
in
that
kinde
to
be
jested
with
;
for
that
although
outward
smell
or
taste
should
not
be
perceptive
of
difference
(
which
many
times
it
wonderfully
is
in
that
case
)
yet
it
is
not
to
be
questioned
but
the
vitiated
stomack
of
the
party
will
quickly
nauseat
and
disgust
it
;
and
therefore
we
find
that
these
sorts
of
longings
or
aversions
are
incident
to
the
weaker
and
more
sickly
constitutions
.
Here
and
in
other
places
we
have
been
the
more
copious
for
setting
down
the
more
concealed
causes
of
those
operations
which
use
to
pass
under
the
rank
of
natural
instincts
,
that
,
by
placing
every
wheel
of
providence
in
its
due
order
and
motion
,
the
real
existence
,
wisdom
and
power
of
God
might
be
more
readily
seen
and
acknowledged
.
The
usual
ground
that
leads
men
to
Atheism
and
doubt
whether
there
be
any
God
at
all
,
being
many
times
scandal
taken
at
the
vulgar
and
ordinary
assignation
of
effects
unto
God
himself
,
as
if
they
were
by
him
immediately
done
:
when
as
they
,
coming
to
find
the
same
,
like
other
things
,
to
have
their
own
natural
cause
of
production
also
,
they
thereby
come
to
think
that
men
are
mistaken
in
the
one
,
as
well
as
the
other
.
When
as
by
help
of
a
through
insight
and
sufficiency
of
their
own
,
to
discover
how
no●hing
is
by
chance
done
,
but
that
the
greatest
and
most
important
things
being
by
divine
wisdom
and
order
brought
to
pass
by
those
things
which
to
us
do
appear
most
weak
and
contemptible
,
they
may
thereby
,
and
by
means
of
that
obseavable
gradation
of
causes
,
come
to
discern
a
God
at
the
top
of
all
:
From
whom
,
as
they
did
at
first
take
their
source
and
original
,
as
being
in
their
whole
mass
but
rays
of
divine
bounty
,
so
do
they
,
in
all
their
variations
amongst
themselves
,
still
make
some
expressions
and
demonstrations
of
that
perfection
and
simplicity
which
at
first
gave
them
their
being
.
Thus
the
natural
desire
of
union
(
induced
through
custom
)
is
by
providence
directed
towards
variety
and
multiplication
,
as
before
declared
.
In
which
again
,
as
the
individuals
do
through
their
natural
pursuit
of
pleasure
attain
to
their
several
perfections
,
they
do
then
again
,
as
in
pursuit
of
the
highest
of
these
natural
provocations
,
aim
at
a
new
union
and
coition
also
.
By
successive
repetitions
whereof
,
as
each
man
,
and
each
sensitive
seems
to
reintegrate
it self
into
that
first
Parent
of
their
kind
,
so
doth
the
submission
of
them
,
in
their
several
kinds
,
to
the
same
common
Laws
of
Adam
,
or
first
matter
,
bring
on
a
confession
also
that
there
is
a
common
Parent
and
cause
of
union
for
them
all
.
In
which
course
,
custom
and
variety
are
affections
semblably
made
use
of
for
the
sustentation
of
Sensitives
,
as
motion
and
rest
are
for
prrservation
of
Naturals
.
Whereby
it
comes
to
pass
,
that
as
matter
doth
naturally
affect
closeness
and
settlement
,
which
is
answerable
to
union
and
rest
,
so
doth
it
,
by
customary
degrees
observed
in
motion
,
release
it self
,
in
,
and
of
that
tendency
to
separation
,
which
its
own
sublimed
part
,
(
by
means
of
heat
)
had
forced
upon
it
:
All
things
cheerfully
dancing
those
rounds
which
are
by
Divine
Rule
and
Providence
appointed
unto
them
.
As
we
are
thus
prevailed
upon
by
custom
to
cast
a
different
choice
and
liking
towards
things
and
persons
,
as
they
are
in
their
naturals
,
so
come
we
,
through
custom
and
constancy
in
company
and
conversation
,
to
stand
diversly
affected
towards
them
also
,
as
in
relation
to
their
morals
;
there
being
a
gracefulness
and
winning
insinuation
taken
from
behaviour
,
as
well
as
from
person
.
And
this
especially
towards
years
,
when
as
time
sufficient
hath
passed
for
making
observation
of
difference
herein
,
and
naturalizing
our
fancies
to
those
garbs
and
habits
which
cohabitation
brings
within
our
notice
;
at
which
time
the
other
affections
induced
from
personal
beauty
,
&c.
do
also
abate
of
their
vigour
,
so
as
not
to
divert
in
these
.
Hence
it
comes
,
that
old
folks
are
ever
condemning
,
not
only
the
present
fashions
,
but
the
manners
and
deportments
of
men
also
in
the
present
age
,
over
what
they
were
formerly
,
even
because
,
from
continued
impression
,
and
that
taken
whilst
they
were
young
,
they
must
stand
already
filled
and
prepossessed
in
their
fancies
against
any
figure
that
can
now
be
offered
.
The
which
prejudication
is
most
holpen
on
by
compliance
of
interest
and
opinion
,
as
we
find
by
that
ready
assistance
which
each
one
of
a
sect
casteth
towards
his
fellow
,
as
supposing
himself
holpen
in
that
help
which
he
yields
unto
them
.
And
so
again
,
in
matters
of
Moral
opinion
and
conversation
,
we
are
inclined
and
won
to
fancy
and
practise
the
like
principles
in
matters
of
polity
and
obedience
,
as
do
the
rest
of
our
familiars
and
acquaintance
.
That
child
,
that
servant
,
that
hath
observed
others
of
his
brothers
,
or
fellows
,
or
others
in
others
families
,
to
gain
liberty
or
any
thing
else
,
or
to
pass
without
punishment
or
reproof
for
dis-respect
to
their
Parent
or
Master
,
will
thereupon
come
to
be
inclined
to
desire
and
attempt
the
like
.
After
the
same
manner
,
such
subjects
and
people
as
are
wonted
to
hear
and
read
Stories
of
the
commendations
of
such
as
have
been
Tyranicids
,
or
have
boldly
opposed
their
Princes
in
their
commands
,
or
that
have
thriven
themselves
into
the
fancied
liberty
of
Free-States
,
they
do
thereupon
also
come
to
be
addicted
more
then
others
to
the
like
degree
of
boldness
and
temerity
.
And
indeed
,
there
is
nothing
more
dangerous
in
a
State
,
then
too
much
toleration
of
Philosophical
Discourses
and
Books
of
this
kind
,
it
being
one
sure
step
to
disloyalty
and
Civil
disturbance
.
For
as
no
man
can
come
to
any
great
height
of
evil
on
a
sudden
,
so
,
in
matters
of
obedience
,
we
are
brought
to
be
Rebels
upon
these
first
grounds
of
dis-respect
and
irreverence
cast
towards
Superiours
,
when
,
by
too
ordinary
and
familiar
discourses
,
subjects
shall
be
informed
of
their
Princes
faults
or
weakness
,
and
that
he
is
not
otherwise
to
be
respected
then
as
prosecuting
the
good
of
his
people
,
whose
servant
he
is
,
or
the
like
.
By
which
means
the
judgements
and
affections
of
people
come
to
be
forestalled
and
prejudiced
against
their
present
Government
and
Governors
;
no
otherwise
then
a
vitiated
stomack
,
as
before
noted
,
doth
through
its
own
inward
corrupt
humors
contract
an
antipathy
and
loathing
against
wholsom
food
.
In
respect
of
the
danger
of
such
like
company
,
and
such
like
Doctrine
,
is
that
Divine
saying
to
be
understood
.
Can
a
mon
touch
pitch
,
and
not
be
defiled
therewith
.
To
make
us
the
better
apprehensive
of
the
rise
and
derivation
of
our
knowledge
from
Figure
,
we
may
take
another
instance
in
our
learning
to
number
also
,
when
as
those
Characters
of
Arithmetick
,
which
we
call
Figures
,
are
used
in
an
artificial
way
,
as
outward
helps
to
enable
the
fancy
and
memory
to
make
comprehension
and
numeration
inwardly
of
such
natural
things
as
were
themselves
the
original
ob●ects
,
whereby
,
as
well
as
wherefore
,
the
number
themselves
were
framed
.
For
as
we
finde
children
,
one
with
another
,
making
it
one
of
the
first
tryals
of
their
abilities
to
pose
each
other
in
mental
addition
of
numbers
,
so
is
it
to
be
conceived
,
that
as
they
did
at
first
learn
from
fight
and
experience
that
any
thing
single
was
called
One
(
because
none
can
be
presumed
to
know
what
One
is
,
that
was
never
by
sense
made
perceptive
of
any
one
thing
)
so
come
they
by
degrees
to
comprehend
,
from
the
posture
and
form
of
two
,
three
,
or
four
Ones
placed
together
,
that
these
are
the
numbers
which
do
answer
the
artificial
computation
of
two
,
three
;
four
,
&c.
And
therefore
having
the
question
asked
them
how
many
two
and
three
do
make
,
or
the
like
,
they
do
at
first
help
themselves
herein
by
real
natural
figures
,
as
by
calling
into
memory
the
figure
of
any
three
and
two
things
so
and
so
posited
;
and
so
,
by
comparing
them
do
know
what
they
amount
unto
.
Or
else
they
help
themselves
in
their
numeration
by
an
outward
figure
,
as
by
counting
on
their
fingers
,
or
the
like
.
And
hence
it
is
that
other
sensitives
are
very
little
apprehensive
of
numbers
,
because
they
are
so
little
apprehensive
and
intent
on
Figures
.
For
although
from
sight
they
are
loosly
able
to
configurate
and
remember
the
forms
and
shapes
of
such
particular
things
as
they
account
of
concern
,
yet
want
they
both
time
and
inducement
to
remember
what
kind
of
figure
three
,
four
,
or
five
of
these
did
make
when
they
were
placed
together
,
which
is
the
prime
way
whereby
fancy
doth
measure
discrete
quantities
.
From
whence
we
may
conclude
,
that
Algebra
is
more
natural
and
solid
then
Arithmetick
.
Some
persons
can
remember
great
numbers
of
strange
words
that
have
no
import
or
figure
,
but
they
do
onely
,
as
Parrats
,
remember
them
as
impressed
from
syllables
and
tone
of
delivery
.
If
this
be
done
by
children
,
they
must
repeat
them
in
the
same
order
they
were
heard
:
In
which
case
,
the
brain
succeeding
in
its
motion
according
as
it
received
impression
from
the
articulation
of
the
several
words
,
doth
then
perform
that
office
which
is
called
Memory
.
But
some
can
also
repeat
them
out
of
that
order
,
as
backward
,
or
the
like
,
and
can
also
remember
and
give
an
account
of
multitudes
of
different
things
seen
presently
one
after
another
,
in
a
different
order
also
to
what
they
saw
them
in
;
the
which
cannot
be
done
,
but
by
such
as
have
attained
years
of
ripeness
;
who
,
by
that
time
have
framed
artificial
common
placs
and
Receptories
in
their
brain
,
whereby
to
help
themselves
in
the
art
of
memory
.
Which
art
we
find
may
be
holpen
and
attained
by
the
use
of
outward
Figures
,
directing
men
to
fancy
common
places
of
this
kind
,
even
as
Arithmetique
and
the
art
of
numbring
is
holpen
by
its
figures
:
and
we
now
see
Books
written
on
this
artificial
way
of
recognition
,
by
proposing
Schemes
to
that
purpose
.
But
usually
boys
,
in
repetition
of
a
lesson
,
or
something
without
Book
,
or
any
thing
which
they
understand
not
,
are
holpen
by
memory
of
the
different
forms
of
some
of
the
letters
,
lines
,
and
part
of
the
leaf
,
where
the
same
is
set
down
.
Insomuch
,
as
the
remembrance
hereof
,
all
along
,
directs
them
in
repetition
of
what
is
therein
contained
:
Even
so
,
that
they
can
tell
you
what
page
,
and
part
thereof
they
are
now
saying
;
and
when
the
memory
of
this
figure
fails
,
the
other
fails
also
.
And
so
in
all
other
things
whilst
a
Figure
can
be
held
,
it
serveth
the
understanding
as
an
index
for
discourse
,
and
farther
discovery
of
things
accompanying
it
.
But
all
discourse
and
arguments
upon
subjects
not
figurable
,
produce
nothing
but
mazes
and
intoxications
,
as
it
fareth
in
some
metaphysical
notions
and
speculations
.
By
what
hath
passed
we
may
know
what
things
and
arts
are
the
objects
of
Science
,
and
what
of
probability
onely
.
For
as
they
depart
from
controlment
of
sense
,
they
depart
from
Science
;
and
if
they
come
to
be
entertained
as
affections
,
upon
repetition
and
authority
only
,
they
must
take
their
hazards
to
be
more
or
less
true
and
reasonable
,
as
these
figures
were
more
or
less
fit
for
them
which
the
party
makes
use
of
in
his
fancy
to
conceive
them
by
;
for
the
diffeence
of
abilities
in
apprehension
of
abstracted
things
wil
be
in
choice
of
fittest
Figures
.
For
example
,
as
we
have
helped
our selves
in
the
conceipt
of
superiour
bodies
and
their
postures
and
Motions
,
by
representing
them
in
globes
and
spheres
(
by
remembrance
of
whose
shape
and
linemeants
,
we
can
remember
and
conceive
the
others
;
for
so
,
if
we
would
examine
the
question
of
diurnal
motion
(
between
Copernicus
and
others
)
we
are
then
fancying
the
Earth
and
Heavens
turning
round
,
as
we
have
seen
these
Globes
do
.
And
so
,
to
make
us
mindful
and
observant
of
matters
of
high
and
special
import
as
Coronations
,
Ordinations
,
witnessing
of
Deeds
between
party
and
party
,
or
the
like
there
are
certain
remarkable
tokens
exhibited
unto
the
eyes
;
by
whose
order
and
sensible
method
of
performance
,
the
thing
by
them
expressed
comes
to
have
proportionable
esteem
in
our
fancy
,
above
other
things
that
have
not
such
ceremony
used
about
them
.
Nay
,
of
such
force
are
these
sensible
expressions
,
that
Religion
it self
would
soon
vanish
without
their
use
in
many
things
.
For
although
all
our
outward
worship
and
expression
of
devotion
and
obedience
,
as
Sacraments
,
Prayer
,
Alms
,
&c.
may
be
called
Ceremonial
(
as
they
are
but
expressions
of
that
inward
root
of
charity
and
love
of
God
,
we
have
in
our
hearts
)
yet
must
they
be
all
acknowledged
as
necessary
,
to
the
quickning
&
supportation
thereof
.
And
so
again
,
to
the
supportation
and
enlivening
of
these
,
must
such
Ceremonies
as
are
unto
them
proper
,
be
allowed
also
;
our
minds
and
devotion
being
not
otherwise
able
to
conceive
and
attend
what
they
are
or
do
import
.
And
as
for
those
that
do
so
bitterly
inveigh
against
Ceremonies
as
humane
inventions
(
for
such
they
must
be
,
as
heretofore
noted
(
if
any
be
)
they
are
not
themselves
able
to
keep
up
their
own
devotions
without
them
;
and
although
they
make
not
so
much
use
of
expressions
to
the
eye
,
they
requite
it
in
sedulity
and
constancy
of
what
is
performed
by
the
ear
,
and
the
numbring
Sermons
and
other
select
phrases
of
theirs
,
as
Papists
do
their
prayers
upon
beads
,
serves
with
them
to
the
like
end
,
namely
,
to
keep
their
devotion
in
exercise
.
Besides
,
all
men
,
to
secure
themselves
against
this
strong
and
importunate
affection
of
fear
,
must
always
be
ready
,
according
to
the
pressure
thereof
in
their
consciences
,
to
encrease
the
other
affection
of
hope
,
by
all
such
actions
as
they
conceive
to
be
their
duties
;
which
prevailing
upon
,
and
passing
into
affections
,
by
itteration
and
custom
(
and
so
much
the
sooner
and
more
firmly
doing
it
,
as
they
are
more
sensible
and
methodical
in
themselves
)
we
need
not
wonder
why
those
that
most
decline
and
cry
out
against
Ceremonies
,
and
Set-forms
of
Worship
,
as
superstitious
,
are
themselves
most
superstitious
;
that
is
,
most
fearful
and
scrupulous
of
having
(
in
general
,
or
in
any
particular
)
served
God
,
so
,
or
otherwise
then
they
ought
:
for
as
there
is
no
comparison
(
in
assurance
of
a
work
done
)
betwixt
those
evidences
that
flow
from
sight
,
and
those
that
come
from
hearing
,
so
(
the
performance
of
holy
duties
consisting
in
actions
)
there
must
remain
greater
security
and
satisfaction
of
conscience
,
to
him
that
hath
performed
in
most
sensible
,
solemn
and
orderly
manner
,
those
duties
he
conceived
were
enjoyned
him
,
then
to
him
that
imployeth
not
himself
in
practise
of
his
devotions
,
in
such
serious
and
deliberate
form
.
To
search
a
little
more
nearly
into
the
cause
why
affections
should
be
so
strongly
raised
in
us
from
reiteration
of
Tenents
,
and
inculcation
of
Doctrines
received
from
others
only
,
of
which
we
never
had
experience
in
our selves
,
nor
are
impressible
from
proper
Figures
,
we
are
to
consider
,
that
although
those
collections
can
be
only
properly
called
Science
,
which
do
arise
from
real
figurate
and
perceptible
objects
,
and
were
thereupon
gathered
into
notions
,
and
thence
into
affections
,
even
because
in
this
case
onely
the
affections
(
in
their
disputes
amongst
themselves
,
and
also
for
the
satisfaction
of
others
by
tradition
,
and
giving
a
reason
or
demonstration
of
things
)
may
have
recourse
to
the
brain
,
to
receive
a
judicious
and
deliberate
determination
,
according
to
such
evidences
as
the
senses
have
there
laid
up
,
yet
,
as
to
the
introducing
of
an
affection
,
the
often
repetition
of
any
thing
to
us
under
the
Classis
of
hope
or
fear
,
prevails
towards
the
belief
of
what
is
thereupon
offered
and
presented
,
in
as
high
manner
,
as
if
it
had
been
impressed
by
a
figurate
object
of
its
own
;
nay
more
,
in
all
likelihood
,
because
the
ground
and
reason
which
it
takes
for
its
support
,
to
wit
,
these
passions
of
hope
and
fear
are
there
strongly
placed
and
proved
already
:
Whereupon
,
being
set
so
much
onward
on
his
way
,
as
towards
affirmation
and
proof
,
there
is
nothing
can
hinder
its
progress
towards
assurance
,
but
plain
sensible
contradictions
,
or
strong
preoccupations
.
As
we
formerly
instanced
how
a
repetition
of
strokes
,
made
by
an
Egg
or
other
like
thing
on
the
forehead
,
would
by
degrees
make
as
great
a
tumor
as
one
greater
blow
given
by
a
stronger
or
harder
thing
:
so
may
we
conceive
onward
,
that
by
successive
continuance
of
these
strokes
,
the
same
may
be
still
more
raised
,
untill
it
exceed
,
by
far
,
that
other
swelling
taken
from
the
one
only
stroke
:
especially
when
it
is
to
work
upon
a
tumor
and
impression
already
made
,
like
as
Tenets
and
Doctrines
usually
doe
;
insinuating
themselves
as
under
the
consent
and
command
of
prenotion
and
demonstration
already
conceived
and
assented
unto
,
by
the
help
of
Similitudes
,
Types
and
Figures
.
That
blow
which
Logick
gives
with
its
conclusion
from
premises
newly
represented
;
however
it
may
,
for
the
sudden
,
strongly
affect
,
by
its
more
pointing
and
entire
stroke
;
yet
can
it
not
raise
an
impression
or
swelling
,
answerable
to
those
repeated
blows
made
upon
the
affections
and
passions
themselves
;
whereby
,
as
building
upon
a
groundwork
already
made
and
laid
,
it
may
well
be
supposed
to
proceed
more
thrivingly
and
assuredly
for
setting
up
a
compleat
Fabrick
,
then
can
be
expected
from
a
Figure
and
Idea
impressed
by
it self
;
which
must
,
on
the
other
side
,
be
supposed
to
be
continually
declining
in
its
presence
and
force
in
the
fancy
,
for
want
of
progression
or
repair
.
For
a
Syllogism
can
give
but
one
blow
,
and
so
depending
on
figurate
induction
,
cannot
produce
higher
assent
then
they
can
yield
;
which
in
wise
men
may
be
by
observation
contradicted
,
and
by
fools
,
for
want
thereof
,
unapprehended
.
Whereas
relying
and
grounding
upon
the
strength
of
affections
already
made
,
a
discreet
pressure
can
never
fail
of
receipt
and
encrease
.
Logick
must
clear
his
way
to
the
will
by
the
understanding
,
and
must
appeal
to
the
Indicative
mood
before
it
can
make
use
of
the
Imparative
;
when
as
those
things
that
enter
as
Rhetorical
impressions
,
by
their
insinuation
and
mixture
with
those
affections
and
passions
that
do
already
rule
and
command
us
,
cannot
fail
of
a
constant
power
to
govern
&
guide
us
also
:
and
thereupon
they
,
depending
not
so
wholly
on
sense
,
but
being
usually
above
its
controul
,
are
not
in
like
danger
of
a
defeat
by
a
negative
from
thence
.
For
Logick
must
assertain
us
by
the
rule
of
all
or
none
:
whereas
the
other
needs
but
look
like
truth
,
and
,
by
joyning
with
that
which
hath
been
so
fully
assented
unto
already
,
stands
always
generally
proved
,
where
it
is
not
totally
contradicted
.
To
prove
that
there
is
a
God
,
a
Resurrection
,
and
future
judgement
,
and
the
like
,
faith
is
enabled
,
by
absence
of
negatives
from
sense
,
by
degrees
to
silence
doubtings
,
and
to
contract
a
positive
assurance
.
In
which
case
when
that
which
,
from
authority
or
report
of
others
,
or
conceit
raised
in
my self
,
is
at
first
apprehended
as
a
thing
that
may
be
:
it
will
afterwards
,
through
absense
of
dissent
or
denial
,
shake
off
its
first
state
of
doubting
,
and
become
as
a
certaine
conclusion
of
that
which
most
assuredly
is
:
when
neither
experience
in
my self
,
nor
sufficient
aurhority
elsewhere
,
doth
or
can
demonstratively
contradict
.
Demonstratively
,
and
highly
demonstratively
it
must
be
also
,
after
such
time
that
this
opinion
hath
once
fastened
it self
upon
these
prevailing
affections
.
Even
as
we
find
that
children
will
be
so
far
scared
by
formidable
tales
,
and
the
apprehensions
of
such
objects
&
things
as
they
could
never
from
sense
have
notice
of
,
as
to
avoid
being
in
the
dark
,
lying
alone
,
or
the
like
:
And
although
these
conceits
were
first
entertained
from
the
ungrounded
reports
of
such
persons
as
are
of
much
less
credit
with
them
for
ability
and
learning
,
then
those
that
do
contradict
it
,
yet
can
it
not
take
off
the
prevalence
of
that
which
hath
so
steady
a
support
within
,
and
hath
not
strong
experiments
to
contradict
it
from
without
.
This
steady
and
effectual
way
of
prevalence
,
it
pleased
the
All-seeing
providence
to
make
use
of
in
the
propagation
of
the
Gospel
it self
,
divine
wisdom
never
overthrowing
nature
,
but
by
his
grace
steering
and
directing
her
.
For
although
,
at
the
first
,
for
the
remove
of
pre-occupation
,
and
making
an
impression
in
the
hearts
and
affections
of
men
,
he
did
extraordinarily
appeal
to
sense
by
miracle
,
yet
had
the
encrease
of
the
Christian
faith
its
ordinary
and
next
dependance
on
this
effectual
way
of
preaching
,
even
as
that
had
again
on
the
efficacy
of
the
holy
Ghost
.
Towards
the
furtherance
whereof
,
as
well
in
the
first
receipt
,
as
growth
afterwards
,
it
pleased
God
Almighty
also
to
make
that
natural
thirst
to
be
always
living
,
and
that
imbred
sense
of
Morality
,
(
accompanied
with
that
continual
humor
of
each
mans
adjudication
for
his
own
merit
,
and
for
the
demerit
of
others
)
to
serve
as
steps
and
degrees
whereby
to
enter
,
as
well
as
preside
in
the
belief
of
mankind
;
and
that
in
a
more
high
and
steady
degree
of
energy
and
effectual
operation
,
then
could
be
done
by
any
doctrine
brought
in
,
and
made
dependant
on
such
philosophical
disputes
as
were
then
raised
in
the
Grecian
Schools
.
For
although
it
be
not
hard
to
prove
both
a
Deity
,
and
the
excellency
of
the
Christian
faith
by
such
like
disputations
as
S.
Paul
once
used
in
the
School
of
Tyranus
(
which
may
also
be
sometimes
necessary
for
conviction
of
such
as
are
capable
of
impressions
that
way
soonest
)
yet
considering
that
even
the
wise
and
best
learned
are
swayed
by
natural
affections
as
well
as
others
,
it
is
not
to
be
doubted
,
but
that
the
reliance
on
these
two
mastering
passions
of
hope
and
fear
,
would
render
the
instructer
to
be
most
generally
and
steadily
prevalent
,
even
by
proposal
and
pressing
upon
them
rewards
and
punishments
of
so
great
height
,
as
were
above
the
degree
of
any
former
comprehension
.
In
which
case
of
exaltation
of
,
and
pressure
upon
these
affections
(
especially
that
of
fear
)
we
shall
be
often
drawn
to
seek
or
avoid
benefits
or
dangers
which
are
neither
present
,
nor
can
have
other
sensible
assurance
that
they
will
be
;
and
in
the
mean
time
,
stand
neglectful
of
those
which
sense
it self
demonstrates
both
to
be
,
and
to
be
formidable
.
For
there
is
none
that
can
have
equal
assurance
of
the
reality
of
Purgatory
or
Hell
fire
,
as
of
that
which
is
in
his
kitchin
,
yet
,
by
reason
of
this
so
often
and
pressing
presentations
thereof
to
the
fancy
;
and
so
to
the
affections
by
fear
,
he
will
,
through
the
instigation
thereof
,
have
his
will
inclined
to
take
notice
of
that
which
he
believes
is
most
to
be
feared
;
and
so
consequently
will
prosecute
or
avoid
all
those
courses
which
he
is
made
believe
will
acquit
him
of
the
danger
hereof
.
These
things
well
considered
,
there
will
be
good
cause
found
,
even
in
reason
also
,
for
that
prevalency
and
spreading
ability
which
attended
the
Professors
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
over
those
of
the
Church
of
Rome
.
For
those
more
nice
and
retired
speculations
of
the
Schoolmen
could
not
,
with
all
their
fine
subtilties
,
so
accurately
delivered
in
their
Books
and
Disputations
,
be
reasonably
presumed
half
so
efficatious
for
conviction
in
those
things
where
reason
was
but
subservient
,
as
was
those
more
familiar
insinuations
which
the
Protestant
Preachers
applied
themselves
unto
in
their
sermons
,
made
suitable
to
the
affections
of
their
present
Auditors
.
For
first
,
there
are
more
that
hear
Sermons
;
then
read
Books
;
and
again
,
the
Preacher
can
better
know
and
distinguish
the
temper
and
inclination
of
his
Auditory
,
then
the
writer
can
of
those
that
shall
read
him
:
And
besides
,
there
is
a
great
efficacy
to
be
attributed
to
elocution
and
gracefulness
of
delivery
.
And
in
the
sub-divisions
of
Protestants
again
,
we
find
that
side
still
most
prevalent
and
encreasing
,
that
is
most
sedulous
in
this
course
of
Preaching
also
:
and
that
also
in
the
plainest
manner
.
For
that
language
and
exact
method
that
would
hecome
a
Sermon
made
at
S.
Maries
,
would
be
unfit
and
ineffectual
to
be
used
in
a
Country
Auditory
:
In
the
first
it
is
expected
he
should
be
exact
in
his
observation
of
Order
and
Scholastick
Rules
and
Expressions
;
whereas
he
that
makes
a
Sermon
,
or
writes
a
Book
of
a
vulgar
address
,
it
behoves
him
to
be
more
copious
and
plain
in
his
delivery
,
even
so
far
as
he
conceives
his
hearers
or
readers
not
fitted
with
pre-notion
enough
to
conceive
and
understand
him
in
a
more
compendious
and
exact
method
;
and
in
case
he
find
them
possessed
with
strong
aversions
and
pre-occupations
he
is
then
to
enlarge
himself
,
and
to
make
use
of
repetition
and
inculcation
of
Doctrine
;
whereby
he
may
be
able
to
convict
at
several
times
,
and
by
degrees
,
such
as
could
not
or
would
not
be
won
at
once
,
and
on
a
sudden
;
the
which
I
hope
may
serve
as
an
apology
for
my self
in
those
itterations
and
ways
of
pressure
I
have
used
all
along
this
present
Treatise
;
by
which
or
by
transferring
and
reflection
on
my self
,
if
I
have
become
a
fool
for
truths
sake
,
and
for
conviction
of
such
as
are
puffed
up
against
one
another
,
and
against
Christs
Ministers
too
,
But
to
return
to
the
discourse
of
Figure
,
although
particular
words
did
arise
from
,
and
were
made
conceivable
by
particular
figurate
things
and
their
accidents
,
yet
when
we
can
make
notions
and
sentences
,
by
joyning
particular
words
,
it
is
because
many
figures
may
be
by
use
so
brought
into
one
,
as
to
be
conceived
all
at
once
;
even
as
the
whole
story
of
any
thing
,
wherein
are
several
figures
painted
,
may
(
by
often
sight
)
be
brought
into
one
figure
in
our
fancy
,
in
such
sort
as
if
it
were
but
one
figure
,
as
it
is
now
but
one
whole
piece
.
And
as
again
,
in
this
whole
piece
or
figure
we
are
able
to
distinguish
,
upon
occasion
,
the
several
figures
therein
one
from
another
,
according
to
their
several
postures
and
scituations
;
so
,
in
each
figurate
body
,
these
adjuncts
of
Number
,
Scite
,
Habit
,
Proportion
,
&c.
are
but
parts
of
figure
it self
,
as
constituting
his
whole
form
.
Nay
motion
it self
is
not
otherwise
conceivable
,
then
as
altering
the
Figure
of
a
body
from
what
it
was
while
,
it
was
resting
and
quiessent
:
And
therefore
as
any
of
them
are
change
,
the
whole
figure
must
be
changed
also
,
in
regard
the
lines
from
thence
issuing
to
our
sight
,
will
not
be
the
same
they
were
before
.
Whereupon
it
will
also
follow
,
that
as
that
party
shall
never
so
little
alter
his
standing
,
or
divers
other
persons
,
shall
be
beholding
the
same
object
,
it
must
:
by
means
of
those
several
lines
issuing
from
the
diversly
scituated
parts
thereof
unto
the
eyes
of
the
several
beholders
,
put
on
a
differing
representation
of
shape
and
figure
,
except
it
be
in
pictures
,
or
the
like
,
which
have
such
real
levels
and
smoothness
,
as
not
to
make
an
alteration
in
the
return
of
the
beam
through
inequality
of
the
object
.
As
words
and
figures
,
so
Sciences
collect
into
totals
in
our
fancies
,
under
the
general
notion
of
good
and
bad
,
and
useful
or
not
.
For
we
can
no
more
seriously
consider
any
thing
without
respect
to
our selves
,
then
we
can
see
with
other
mens
eyes
,
or
judge
of
them
by
their
reason
,
for
particulars
had
their
admission
through
hope
and
fear
,
like
or
dislike
.
And
from
hence
it
is
we
find
that
subjects
(
especially
such
as
look
not
to
have
share
in
the
mannagery
of
them
)
are
ever
finding
fault
with
the
execution
and
rigour
of
the
Laws
,
and
will
ever
like
those
Laws
best
that
themselves
may
interpret
and
mannage
.
And
hence
it
is
also
that
Merchants
,
and
such
as
propound
to
raise
themselves
by
trade
and
action
,
will
not
be
brought
to
attend
the
discourses
and
speculations
of
schollers
and
contemplative
persons
:
nor
they
again
descend
to
the
imployment
of
the
others
,
each
of
them
having
long
fancied
their
honor
and
benefits
to
arise
their
own
way
soonest
:
which
they
now
apprehending
themselves
skilful
in
,
are
not
to
be
expected
so
far
to
remit
their
intention
of
benefit
their
own
way
,
as
to
divert
to
an
imployment
that
can
but
betray
their
ignorance
.
Although
,
as
we
said
,
knowledge
flow
from
sense
,
and
beasts
have
them
in
equal
number
with
us
,
it
will
not
follow
that
therefore
they
should
be
as
wise
.
For
first
they
ordinarily
come
short
of
us
in
quickness
of
feeling
:
and
although
they
have
equal
acuteness
of
sight
,
yet
they
usual
trust
to
smelling
as
aforesaid
,
which
can
yield
little
observation
or
variety
,
but
chiefly
they
want
time
to
learn
:
for
they
are
at
their
perfection
before
children
(
of
like
years
)
have
learnt
any
thing
.
But
most
of
all
,
they
want
so
much
quickness
of
sense
,
by
reason
of
their
hard
breeding
and
thick
senced
skins
,
as
to
make
them
sensible
of
want
.
And
again
,
their
appetites
are
so
few
and
cold
,
that
they
want
spur
to
enquiry
,
and
so
to
knowledge
.
Which
last
consideration
appears
in
Innocents
,
who
are
always
laughing
,
and
so
far
pleased
with
what
they
get
or
see
,
that
they
put
not
themselves
forth
to
any
enquiry
after
the
possession
or
removal
of
any
thing
,
whereby
to
encrease
their
understanding
.
Though
this
stupidity
have
its
original
cause
from
numbness
of
feeling
,
as
beasts
have
(
for
we
find
that
they
will
endure
pain
or
smart
better
then
wise
folk
,
who
are
commonly
thinnest
skinned
)
yet
the
nearest
reason
is
easie
content
and
satisfaction
.
And
as
we
see
beasts
of
prey
to
be
the
wisest
,
of
such
as
live
not
with
us
,
because
their
food
is
of
hardest
acquisition
,
so
of
those
that
are
domestique
,
those
that
through
necessity
of
getting
food
from
us
,
do
observe
us
most
,
are
consequently
most
crafty
.
For
craft
is
but
particular
wisdom
,
as
theirs
is
:
which
reacheth
only
at
getting
food
,
or
avoiding
of
blows
.
But
wisdom
beasts
cannot
have
:
for
it
must
be
a
general
know
and
compleatness
of
comprehension
,
in
some
measure
proportioned
to
humane
ability
.
For
as
all
things
in
nature
are
dependant
upon
one
another
,
so
no
one
can
be
throughly
known
without
something
be
known
of
all
:
in
such
sort
as
nothing
may
be
left
to
stand
so
far
wanting
or
negative
,
as
to
the
spoiling
of
our
Method
.
And
therefore
as
in
the
Mathematicks
,
he
is
to
be
held
for
the
ablest
Architect
or
Engineer
,
that
,
through
natural
sufficiency
and
foregoing
observation
,
is
endued
with
a
capacity
to
retain
,
and
most
exactly
to
comprehend
in
his
brain
the
entire
and
precise
models
and
methods
of
several
buildings
and
engines
,
whereby
,
upon
occasion
of
erection
of
house
or
engine
,
he
may
be
able
out
of
those
frames
and
plots
conceived
in
his
fancy
,
by
way
of
theory
,
and
out
of
knowledge
of
the
true
nature
and
use
of
materials
,
to
contrive
afterwards
such
a
house
or
engine
as
may
correspond
with
his
end
and
desire
,
or
to
know
whether
it
be
feasiable
or
no
:
Even
so
,
in
matters
of
polity
also
,
they
are
to
be
held
as
the
most
sufficient
artists
that
,
being
most
knowing
of
all
those
several
parts
whereof
the
political
body
is
framed
,
and
of
their
true
nature
and
use
,
can
frame
to
themselves
the
largest
and
most
comprehensive
methods
and
schemes
of
government
;
even
such
as
by
an
entire
configuration
may
include
each
several
rank
and
order
of
men
,
so
disposed
of
and
set
on
work
,
as
that
the
whole
political
frame
or
building
may
be
held
up
unto
that
way
of
work
and
rule
which
is
fittest
for
it
.
Whereas
he
that
will
go
about
to
contrive
an
engine
for
motion
,
or
the
like
,
without
precedent
knowledge
of
the
Trochlick
and
Statick
principles
,
and
of
the
true
natures
of
those
materials
whereof
it
is
to
be
framed
,
and
without
full
and
exact
comprehension
of
every
part
useful
and
necessary
to
his
work
:
or
he
that
will
undertake
to
reform
or
set
up
a
Government
without
fore-consideration
of
the
true
differences
and
properties
of
command
and
obedience
,
and
of
the
natural
tempers
and
inclinations
of
men
in
their
several
orders
,
and
how
they
may
be
made
appliable
and
useful
therein
;
and
who
is
not
also
entirely
comprehensive
hereof
,
so
as
in
his
Scheme
or
Model
,
to
place
every
one
in
such
a
proper
station
,
as
by
union
and
application
of
endeavour
,
the
whole
frame
may
be
preserved
and
kept
in
motion
,
without
neglect
or
leaving
out
of
any
,
or
suffering
them
to
croud
one
upon
another
,
even
he
shall
find
himself
as
much
mistaken
in
his
Politicks
,
as
the
other
in
his
Mathematicks
.
And
the
danger
of
falling
short
,
and
running
into
mistake
,
is
by
so
much
the
more
to
be
feared
in
making
schemes
and
methods
of
this
sort
,
then
of
the
other
,
by
how
much
we
are
less
capable
of
autoptical
figures
and
means
of
connection
and
juncture
here
then
there
.
For
he
that
is
to
frame
an
engine
,
cannot
but
from
sight
and
experience
be
informed
how
one
board
or
piece
of
wood
is
ordinarily
joyned
to
another
,
by
taking
part
from
one
and
part
from
another
,
and
so
making
them
even
,
and
as
it
were
one
intire
piece
;
and
also
how
that
is
holpen
on
,
and
upon
occasion
farther
secured
in
fastness
and
strength
,
by
pins
,
nails
,
plates
of
iron
,
or
the
like
.
Whereas
,
to
the
framing
of
Polity
and
Society
,
it
is
not
so
easie
to
conceive
how
the
natural
implantation
of
love
,
is
by
Precepts
of
Religion
,
enjoyning
to
bear
one
another
burthens
,
made
efficacious
for
fastening
of
one
man
to
another
;
and
how
again
the
application
of
divine
and
positive
Rules
and
Laws
,
like
pins
and
bolts
,
for
the
farther
and
more
orderly
securing
of
this
political
fabrick
and
structure
,
are
necessary
to
be
applyed
also
:
for
accomplishment
of
the
entire
frame
,
according
as
he
that
hath
charge
and
oversight
of
the
whole
work
shall
think
fit
.
Vulgar
capacities
can
easily
make
to
themselves
a
representation
of
a
King
riding
abroad
,
and
occasionaly
righting
or
relieving
of
a
single
person
,
because
these
and
such
like
stories
use
to
be
figured
and
represented
in
Tales
and
Ballads
;
and
they
can
also
,
because
of
instance
in
themselves
,
and
their
own
prompting
desires
and
hopes
,
be
able
to
raise
a
figure
of
two
persons
appealing
before
him
in
his
judgement
seat
,
to
give
sentence
between
them
,
in
like
manner
as
the
two
harlots
are
painted
before
Solomon
his
majestical
Throne
;
when
as
yet
,
it
will
be
very
hard
for
such
as
have
not
been
conversant
in
Histories
,
and
often
ruminated
on
the
causes
of
Civil
disturbance
,
to
fancy
how
the
whole
people
may
be
divided
into
two
parties
and
factions
,
even
as
it
were
two
persons
;
and
how
in
that
case
there
is
no
way
to
peace
,
and
to
prevent
the
danger
of
the
whole
by
their
quarrel
,
but
by
their
joynt
submission
to
the
same
Soveraign
power
also
.
But
most
of
all
they
want
prenotion
enough
to
conceive
,
&
wariness
enough
to
consider
,
that
the
most
common
and
usual
way
for
men
to
be
lead
into
these
sidings
and
divisions
amongst
themselves
,
and
into
associations
and
insurrections
against
Authority
,
is
from
the
doctrines
of
dis-affected
persons
vented
in
private
Meetings
and
Congregations
.
In
which
case
,
to
hope
that
the
seeds
of
separation
and
discontent
shall
not
be
farther
sowed
by
such
as
from
dislike
of
what
is
already
publikely
taught
and
allowed
,
have
already
begun
and
set
up
this
division
,
is
as
if
one
should
permit
those
fires
that
used
to
burn
publickly
on
the
hearth
of
his
house
,
to
be
now
carried
into
several
corners
thereof
,
on
belief
that
,
in
requital
of
this
liberty
,
it
will
now
be
neglectful
of
its
own
nature
,
and
amidst
variety
of
combustible
matter
,
obey
him
,
saying
,
Good
Fire
,
burn
so
discreetly
,
as
not
to
endanger
that
Fabrick
wherein
thou
art
maintained
.
So
that
as
men
,
from
the
time
they
begin
to
be
apprehensive
and
knowing
of
morality
,
do
stand
affected
with
a
different
sense
of
honor
and
conscience
,
so
do
they
accordingly
proceed
to
make
methods
and
collections
towards
the
satisfaction
of
those
strong
affections
of
hope
and
fear
,
and
that
in
their
several
kinds
.
In
which
doing
,
as
we
come
to
attain
knowledge
and
discovery
in
the
nature
and
course
of
things
from
the
instigation
of
appetites
to
attain
satisfaction
,
so
do
we
differently
attain
wisdom
and
knowledge
,
as
these
appetites
and
affections
do
differently
,
engage
in
discovery
,
and
in
ploting
of
means
and
methods
for
attaining
them
,
and
do
more
hardly
or
easily
arrive
at
satisfaction
.
So
for
example
,
a
fool
can
neither
be
much
or
stadily
covetous
or
ambitious
(
especially
the
letter
)
or
indeed
have
much
of
any
virtue
or
vice
,
which
grow
chiefly
from
society
,
because
things
of
Society
are
by
him
little
regarded
and
understood
,
farther
then
to
the
outside
and
pride
thereof
:
and
so
also
must
want
virtue
or
vice
,
because
so
far
as
he
wants
understanding
,
he
wants
will
.
So
then
it
should
seem
necessary
that
the
concupiscible
and
irascible
appetites
should
precede
knowledge
;
and
that
I
must
have
sense
of
want
before
I
can
have
instigation
to
attain
the
means
of
content
.
For
he
that
is
content
,
and
cannot
give
a
reason
of
his
content
,
is
a
fool
,
and
the
more
content
,
the
more
folly
,
and
the
less
hope
of
wisdom
:
and
the
more
sense
of
want
,
the
more
enquiry
;
and
the
more
enquiry
,
the
more
wisdom
:
And
therefore
as
the
proverb
is
true
,
that
of
an
unknown
thing
there
can
be
no
desire
,
because
(
as
before
shewed
)
observation
and
knowledge
of
particulars
do
grow
into
affections
and
appetites
,
so
is
it
true
again
,
that
of
undesired
things
,
there
can
be
no
knowledge
,
because
none
will
contrive
or
invent
any
means
to
attain
any
thing
which
they
have
not
first
a
liking
unto
.
But
as
Wisdom
is
generally
found
of
such
as
seek
her
;
so
,
in
every
particular
,
men
are
more
or
less
knowing
and
crafty
,
as
their
desire
to
the
thing
hath
made
their
diligence
and
attention
to
exceed
.
And
towards
our
instigation
to
knowledge
and
discovery
,
we
are
much
holpen
on
by
the
humour
of
choller
;
for
by
its
irritation
,
we
are
kept
,
as
it
were
,
awake
and
intent
on
objects
,
and
provoked
also
towards
action
.
But
then
again
,
for
wisdom
and
moderation
in
our
actions
,
we
are
beholding
to
the
humor
of
melancholly
;
for
by
its
dulness
and
fearfulness
,
we
are
brought
to
hesitation
and
advisement
.
Hence
we
may
learn
what
insinuations
are
best
for
youth
,
towards
their
proficience
in
wisdom
;
namely
,
things
of
hardest
acquisition
,
and
that
have
their
benefit
arising
through
engagements
to
largest
enquiry
:
And
these
are
chiefly
sense
of
Religion
,
and
sense
of
honor
,
for
these
oblige
us
to
diligent
attention
and
search
in
all
things
,
and
all
the
circumstances
of
them
also
;
insomuch
as
nothing
can
be
looked
upon
but
as
through
these
considerations
,
both
generally
,
and
differently
concerning
us
in
our
benefit
or
harm
.
And
these
two
may
well
go
hand
in
hand
,
fixing
them
upon
right
objects
,
that
is
,
works
of
Beneficence
and
Charity
;
for
as
Conscience
directs
us
to
love
,
and
to
do
good
to
our
neighbour
,
in
obedience
to
God
;
so
doth
honor
prompt
us
to
do
the
like
,
by
encouragement
and
direction
of
the
Laws
and
Rules
of
our
Prince
and
Country
.
By
these
means
all
engagements
will
be
taken
in
,
because
intervening
,
with
their
concerns
,
in
all
we
do
,
we
shall
in
those
secret
things
and
occasions
where
honor
cannot
reach
,
be
tyed
by
conscience
to
hearty
performance
also
.
But
then
we
are
to
consider
,
that
conscience
is
of
far
more
advantage
to
knowledge
then
honor
;
and
that
,
not
only
,
as
more
strongly
terrifying
and
engaging
,
but
also
as
more
universally
doing
it
.
For
there
are
more
things
which
in
conscience
I
stand
bound
to
perform
,
then
those
which
honor
takes
notice
of
:
whereas
there
is
nothing
truly
honorable
,
but
what
conscience
doth
encourage
and
accompany
,
even
as
its
best
guide
and
surveyor
.
And
this
especially
in
matters
of
society
,
and
our
moral
deportments
therein
,
because
men
,
out
of
interest
or
prejudicate
custom
or
education
,
may
make
things
honorable
which
are
not
,
and
may
also
make
that
honorable
at
one
time
which
was
not
so
at
another
,
the
which
may
prove
thereby
also
dangerous
to
mislead
us
in
matters
of
duty
and
obedience
.
Whereas
,
by
a
due
regard
had
unto
conscience
,
we
shall
be
always
kept
both
upright
and
steady
.
Yet
then
again
,
by
that
which
some
call
Conscience
,
men
may
be
both
kept
and
led
into
error
;
for
if
Religion
be
made
to
consist
on
a
few
slothful
observances
,
or
if
,
by
dividing
mens
duties
,
you
separate
some
of
them
from
the
religious
tye
of
conscience
,
and
so
make
their
concern
less
:
Or
if
lastly
(
through
flattery
)
men
be
made
proud
of
what
they
have
already
,
by
too
soon
assuming
to
themselves
the
title
of
Saints
,
or
believing
they
cannot
sin
or
fall
away
,
or
the
like
;
then
,
I
say
,
knowledge
must
want
of
its
extent
,
by
how
much
each
one
is
more
easily
satisfied
then
otherwise
he
would
be
.
And
from
hence
,
we
seldom
find
great
heirs
,
notwithstanding
the
advantage
education
might
afford
them
,
become
so
eminent
for
wisdom
or
ability
;
as
those
whose
harder
breeding
and
greater
wants
,
engage
them
to
invent
and
study
means
of
supply
and
encrease
;
for
the
first
,
thinking
only
of
enjoying
what
they
have
already
,
grow
proud
,
without
search
of
more
honor
.
So
for
Religion
,
too
strict
relyance
on
set
tasks
may
well
induce
slothfulness
;
nor
it
is
not
zeal
alone
that
can
attain
wisdom
,
because
it
may
be
too
implicit
and
negligent
;
that
is
,
it
may
be
placed
in
the
observance
of
a
few
private
directions
and
precepts
,
and
not
in
the
general
observation
of
all
devout
and
charitable
actions
,
according
to
the
Laws
and
Rules
of
his
Country
.
And
therefore
when
many
men
,
appearing
of
great
tenderness
and
scrupelousity
,
are
yet
known
to
be
fools
,
it
ariseth
for
that
they
(
as
all
fools
else
)
are
slothfully
implicite
,
and
want
such
general
scrupelousness
or
enquiry
of
their
own
as
they
seem
to
have
.
For
when
,
they
with
most
ardency
,
enveigh
against
the
opinion
and
practices
of
some
other
person
or
order
,
it
is
but
out
of
implicite
belief
of
others
,
and
not
out
of
precedent
enquiry
and
satisfaction
of
their
own
;
no
,
not
in
these
very
things
they
practise
or
condemn
:
And
their
devotion
being
still
fixed
but
upon
a
few
observations
,
and
the
rest
carelesly
rejected
as
abominable
,
they
must
so
far
want
wisdom
,
as
they
want
general
zeal
and
enquiry
,
and
can
(
at
most
)
be
but
religious
craft
.
And
therefore
as
in
covetousness
,
and
appetites
of
less
general
engagement
,
their
discovery
can
amount
to
no
more
then
a
stare
of
craftiness
;
even
so
,
when
these
greater
engagers
are
not
closely
followed
,
they
produce
neither
wisdom
nor
craft
in
any
perfection
.
We
see
then
,
that
to
resist
affections
and
passions
altogether
,
is
to
dilete
our
natural
and
individual
beings
.
For
if
the
diffused
observations
of
things
should
not
at
last
collect
themselves
into
affections
,
it
would
not
be
possible
to
have
any
promptness
towards
pursuit
&
desire
,
for
want
of
present
appearance
of
former
particulars
therein
concerned
,
or
to
have
any
steady
rule
for
discourse
within
,
for
want
of
union
and
agreement
amongst
the
notified
observations
towards
determination
:
but
they
being
now
transmitted
into
affections
,
carry
so
general
and
ready
a
sway
in
judging
and
willing
of
all
things
else
,
that
it
is
not
to
be
supposed
that
the
doing
or
not
doing
,
having
or
not
having
of
any
thing
,
can
be
equally
sought
or
avoided
,
and
not
differently
,
according
to
the
degrees
of
instigation
from
them
proceeding
.
And
from
this
ground
do
passions
proceed
,
which
as
they
rise
from
affections
,
as
being
heightned
from
extraordinary
concern
in
objects
,
so
is
one
passion
generative
of
an
other
.
And
therefore
the
wisest
men
(
although
it
be
part
of
their
wisdom
to
conceal
them
)
have
the
most
and
most
eager
passions
;
which
may
be
easily
proved
bp
their
breaking
out
upon
pressure
or
sudden
occasio●s
,
wherein
discretion
cannot
,
or
is
not
warned
of
concealing
them
.
Affections
work
more
inward
,
passions
more
outward
,
because
I
must
like
or
dislike
first
,
before
I
can
act
accordingly
;
and
therefore
mens
affections
are
seldom
truly
to
be
discovered
,
but
by
their
passions
;
even
as
those
again
are
best
by
their
actions
.
Actions
without
passion
,
differ
from
passionate
ones
but
in
measure
,
for
all
proceed
from
affections
;
the
first
only
proceed
from
affections
counterpoised
by
comparison
of
one
to
another
,
which
we
call
discourse
and
reason
,
these
from
one
violent
affection
alone
.
When
the
affections
move
toward
the
enjoying
any
thing
,
called
desire
,
the
prosecution
outward
is
accompanied
with
the
passions
of
joy
,
love
,
jealousie
,
envy
,
ambition
,
covetousness
,
&c.
and
when
they
are
averse
to
any
thing
,
called
hatred
,
they
are
(
in
their
outward
means
of
avoiding
it
)
accompanied
with
grief
,
anger
,
scorn
,
malice
,
revenge
,
&c.
Amongst
all
which
Government
finds
so
few
steady
supporters
,
as
she
is
forced
to
make
use
of
those
including
and
commanding
passions
of
hope
and
fear
,
under
whose
force
she
is
able
,
by
means
of
rewards
and
punishments
,
to
keep
the
other
within
rule
.
We
cannot
forbid
our selves
affections
by
reason
,
for
they
and
reason
are
all
one
:
for
as
they
did
first
proceed
from
the
same
root
of
in
induction
and
experiment
;
so
when
they
come
to
provoke
to
action
,
they
point
at
the
same
end
,
my
particular
good
.
But
this
consideration
of
my
particular
good
may
,
from
new
observation
,
forbid
the
prosecution
of
an
affection
in
some
present
thing
.
And
affections
,
if
they
be
violent
,
do
turn
into
passions
,
and
so
sometimes
awake
a
contrary
affection
to
stand
up
against
execution
,
if
his
enjoyment
be
more
then
proportionable
to
the
others
,
and
this
may
be
then
called
an
inward
reason
for
so
doing
,
as
a
new
argument
or
induction
may
be
called
an
outward
:
For
the
many
passed
inconveniencies
sustained
through
violent
prosecutions
,
create
in
us
a
ready
fear
,
to
make
stoppage
till
farther
enquiry
;
but
if
against
this
pressing
affection
,
no
other
affection
appear
then
what
have
heretofore
been
remitted
as
unvaluable
to
stop
the
other
,
then
this
affection
passeth
uncontrolled
afterwards
,
as
to
that
affection
;
these
two
affections
uniting
and
becoming
one
as
experimented
inductions
do
.
And
so
affections
become
satiate
upon
use
,
when
particular
objects
have
not
proficiency
,
so
as
to
persist
in
pleasing
by
variety
;
even
as
observation
grows
satiate
and
weak
,
upon
itteration
of
the
same
inductions
and
experiments
also
.
So
then
,
will
differs
from
other
affections
as
a
double
to
a
single
,
and
is
the
issue
of
two
reasons
or
affections
aiming
at
precedence
.
For
although
the
greater
affection
hath
always
mastery
,
yet
is
it
not
so
entire
as
to
the
others
total
defeat
,
having
no
more
pressure
or
prevalence
for
execution
,
then
he
was
exceeding
of
the
less
affection
in
the
promise
of
good
or
pleasure
,
or
in
the
threats
of
avoidance
.
And
as
a
greater
affection
may
over
power
a
less
,
so
many
less
affections
or
reasons
may
do
one
that
is
greater
,
or
a
greater
affection
may
over
power
many
lesser
;
the
will
enforcing
execution
but
ratable
to
the
excess
in
difference
.
For
though
appetite
(
as
appetite
)
covet
infinitely
,
yet
,
upon
conference
with
another
reason
or
affection
,
the
will
assents
and
acts
but
so
far
and
much
of
them
as
is
attainable
;
and
that
,
as
it
is
conceived
undestructive
to
other
appetites
.
But
then
although
each
object
and
thing
have
its
peculiar
method
and
affection
for
comprehension
and
estimation
,
yet
because
these
lesser
affections
,
for
readier
use
and
guidance
of
the
will
,
do
,
through
usage
and
custom
,
unite
and
place
themselves
in
and
under
those
general
affections
called
Hope
and
Fear
,
it
therefore
falls
out
,
that
these
two
are
the
most
general
and
express
appearers
in
all
we
do
:
Appetite
or
hope
of
pleasure
usually
leading
and
provoking
to
to
act
,
and
fear
of
pain
and
prejudice
to
forbear
,
except
where
a
sudden
temptation
,
or
a
sudden
affright
doth
violently
move
to
present
enjoyment
or
avoidance
,
without
all
kind
of
deliberation
;
in
which
case
a
man
may
be
truly
said
to
be
guided
by
passion
,
and
not
by
will
;
that
is
,
by
the
violence
of
a
single
affection
.
But
generally
,
fear
is
the
affection
that
keeps
us
in
rules
of
wisdom
and
moderation
;
for
else
hope
would
lead
us
to
do
all
and
every
thing
presented
under
the
apprehension
of
good
or
pleasure
.
And
without
it
,
Religion
and
Loyalty
would
quickly
be
at
a
loss
heretofore
noted
.
And
thus
comes
wisest
men
,
that
have
most
pressing
affections
and
passions
to
have
them
ordinarily
best
regulated
,
because
through
knowledge
and
experience
the
one
is
still
used
and
made
a
stop
to
the
others
extravagancy
,
unless
when
the
pressure
to
sudden
execution
,
as
we
said
,
gives
not
time
to
consider
them
.
But
towards
years
,
most
affections
lose
their
height
,
because
the
experirience
of
their
hindrance
(
through
other
affections
)
makes
them
press
us
but
rateable
to
that
abatement
.
And
therefore
cannot
aged
persons
be
so
strongly
in
love
,
both
because
the
object
cannot
print
so
deeply
as
before
;
and
also
because
the
affection
it self
is
now
grown
less
that
should
entertain
it
.
And
the
reason
why
young
folks
are
not
wiser
at
their
strength
of
years
and
affections
,
then
afterwards
,
is
because
their
affections
provoke
in
their
full
strength
,
without
any
allay
from
fear
and
experiment
of
inconvenience
:
onely
in
age
the
affection
to
that
particular
covetousness
of
riches
,
doth
encrease
upon
a
contrary
reason
,
namely
,
experiment
of
convenience
and
use
of
them
,
having
seldom
any
abatement
to
the
contrary
.
By
what
hath
been
hitherto
said
concerning
the
rise
and
beginning
of
knowledge
and
perception
,
we
may
be
informed
what
to
judge
of
that
peremptoriness
which
the
Peripateticks
and
Galenists
do
take
against
each
other
.
For
if
the
enquiry
should
be
,
in
what
part
of
us
this
discovery
is
first
made
,
and
by
which
part
the
knowledge
of
each
thing
is
first
attained
,
the
answer
must
be
,
in
the
brain
:
because
in
that
,
as
the
first
sentient
,
the
figures
of
things
are
first
impressed
,
and
a
discrimination
made
by
comparison
,
before
any
of
the
more
inward
parts
can
be
made
consentient
and
stand
affected
therewith
.
But
if
the
question
should
be
,
from
whence
that
act
of
adjudication
and
determination
towards
action
doth
proceed
which
in
us
is
the
guide
of
all
our
essays
?
it
must
be
answered
,
from
the
heart
and
affections
;
for
from
these
the
brain
is
instigated
to
raise
figures
,
and
to
continue
and
pursue
them
as
as
they
shall
be
judged
to
be
of
concern
by
the
other
.
For
the
brain
may
be
said
to
apprehend
and
regard
objects
,
as
they
are
in
themselves
separate
and
absolute
,
but
the
heart
,
as
they
are
modal
and
respective
to
our selves
;
it
is
a
different
knowledge
to
know
and
distinguish
a
man
as
a
man
,
and
as
he
is
a
friend
or
enemy
,
or
the
like
.
Whereupon
we
may
make
the
brain
the
seat
of
understanding
and
discourse
,
and
the
heart
of
the
will
;
we
may
place
natural
Philosophy
and
the
Mathematicks
in
the
one
,
and
moral
Philosophy
in
the
other
;
because
this
points
to
good
as
the
other
doth
to
truth
.
But
then
again
,
as
the
desire
to
know
is
for
honor
or
other
benefit
sake
,
and
my
desire
of
acquaintance
and
knowledge
of
things
is
for
some
ends
of
mine
own
;
so
these
ends
having
place
in
some
affection
in
the
heart
,
it
may
,
in
that
respect
,
be
called
the
original
of
knowledge
also
;
especially
of
all
that
points
to
action
.
Again
,
as
we
instanced
how
outward
senses
might
be
deceived
,
so
must
we
say
that
feeling
it self
cannot
be
called
full
and
steady
,
as
in
the
brain
;
but
so
far
as
the
heart
is
consentient
therewith
.
So
that
as
the
heart
is
the
first
and
chief
of
life
,
so
of
feeling
;
for
upon
his
resentment
of
any
thing
,
as
from
experience
,
we
have
the
highest
assurance
of
the
realities
of
things
which
our
nature
can
afford
.
But
if
we
respect
the
contemplative
part
only
,
then
is
it
true
that
the
brain
is
the
seat
even
of
moral
knowledge
also
,
because
when
any
is
to
deliver
any
thing
on
that
subject
,
that
method
by
which
he
proceeds
must
be
first
conceived
in
his
own
brain
.
To
which
,
notwithstanding
the
affections
must
give
trial
and
judgement
;
even
by
comparing
and
estimating
how
his
own
appetites
and
affections
stand
inclinable
in
the
case
.
For
as
in
water
face
answereth
to
face
,
even
so
doth
the
heart
of
man
to
the
heart
of
man
.
The
which
is
as
necessary
to
direct
him
in
making
his
method
for
the
tradition
of
Moral
Philosophy
,
as
a
due
consideration
of
the
ability
and
capacity
of
the
present
hearers
or
Readers
,
is
pre-required
to
be
rendred
intelligible
and
effectual
in
both
.
For
as
he
that
is
not
advertized
and
respectful
of
the
prenotions
and
comprehensions
of
those
he
would
instruct
,
may
,
by
too
great
assention
in
his
discourses
above
their
sense
,
be
rendred
but
as
if
he
had
spoken
non-sense
,
(
by
appealing
unto
and
relying
upon
principles
and
premises
which
were
never
by
them
apprehended
and
granted
(
an
error
ere-while
noted
in
preaching
)
;
even
so
,
success
,
cannot
be
in
moral
discourses
;
much
hoped
for
,
where
the
Instructer
or
Preacher
hath
not
due
knowledge
and
regard
of
the
present
affections
and
inclinations
of
his
hearers
.
It
being
(
indeed
)
the
highest
help
and
proof
of
ability
,
to
excogitate
and
examine
at
home
,
by
what
steps
and
degrees
he
came
himself
to
attain
to
the
knowledge
of
things
;
and
by
what
inducements
he
hath
been
brought
to
the
liking
or
aversion
of
them
;
and
also
upon
what
grounds
and
considerations
he
hath
been
again
brought
to
entertain
contrary
thoughts
,
towards
those
things
which
he
liked
or
disliked
before
;
that
so
,
upon
a
due
comparison
of
his
condition
to
that
of
others
,
he
may
make
a
true
estimate
and
judgement
of
a
method
,
and
way
of
discourse
and
delivery
,
most
fit
for
the
others
instruction
therein
.
From
all
which
we
may
discover
that
some
of
late
have
been
too
inconsiderately
hasty
in
their
censures
put
upon
those
ancient
assignments
of
wisdom
and
knowledge
to
the
heart
.
There
is
no
doubt
but
when
God
calls
for
,
and
claims
mens
hearts
to
be
exercised
his
service
and
worship
,
and
when
Solomon
prays
for
an
understanding
heart
to
know
good
evil
,
but
that
both
of
them
did
very
well
know
whence
our
actions
and
indeavours
took
their
source
and
original
,
that
is
,
from
the
affections
:
and
as
our
moral
abearances
,
as
well
one
towards
another
,
as
in
carrying
our selves
in
a
right
and
steady
course
of
subjection
towards
God
,
was
the
thing
chiefly
aimed
at
,
and
not
Philosophical
speculation
,
so
may
we
finde
reason
why
we
should
be
so
often
minded
of
searching
and
examining
our
hearts
;
because
from
them
,
and
the
affections
therein
abiding
,
the
issues
of
life
and
death
did
proceed
.
And
certainly
,
had
Solomon
been
endued
with
a
little
more
melancholy
hesitation
,
and
suffered
the
passion
of
fear
to
have
been
more
often
made
use
of
as
a
stop
and
temperament
to
those
jolities
and
enjoyments
which
in
his
greatness
were
so
frequently
presented
unto
him
as
the
objects
of
hope
and
desire
,
and
had
not
so
inconsiderately
trusted
to
his
own
heart
,
he
would
have
proved
himself
more
wise
,
then
by
that
book
written
of
all
things
from
the
Cedar
in
Lebanon
to
the
Moss
on
the
Wall
.
If
he
had
I
say
but
suffered
the
reverential
fear
of
offending
God
to
have
come
in
with
an
arrest
of
judgement
,
and
so
,
by
its
counterpoise
,
call
him
to
a
deliberate
examination
before
execution
,
he
would
then
no
doubt
have
been
as
happy
and
famous
for
the
wise
guidance
of
himself
,
and
for
giving
a
right
sentence
between
his
Passions
and
Affections
within
and
at
home
,
as
he
was
in
that
sentence
he
gave
between
the
Harlots
.
In
which
case
of
advisement
and
deliberation
,
we
may
look
upon
the
Brain
as
the
Judgement-seat
,
where
the
Affections
in
competition
,
being
by
the
heart
summoned
to
plead
,
each
one
calls
up
and
assists
it self
with
such
figurate
Presidents
and
Examples
as
it
thinks
fit
to
imploy
as
evidences
on
its
own
side
;
the
heart
,
as
from
a
majestick
Throne
or
Tribunal
,
may
be
supposed
to
give
that
determination
which
is
called
Will
.
But
it
is
by
the
way
to
be
conceived
,
that
when
the
Ancients
attributed
Wisdom
to
the
Heart
,
as
the
seat
of
affections
,
and
the
source
from
whence
appetites
and
actions
did
proceed
,
they
then
reputed
it
as
the
noblest
and
chief
of
the
inward
parts
;
and
did
not
thereby
intend
to
deny
that
serviceableness
,
both
for
raising
and
resenting
of
objects
,
which
come
from
the
stomack
,
the
Diaphragm
,
and
other
membranous
and
highly
sensible
parts
;
nor
how
other
Affections
,
by
long
contract
may
be
induced
upon
other
parts
of
the
body
;
even
as
that
more
natural
resentment
of
the
kinde
before
spoken
of
,
may
be
by
this
means
well
thought
seated
in
the
Liver
.
But
now
to
make
farther
application
of
some
of
these
Discourses
;
since
Affections
have
arisen
(
for
the
most
part
)
from
society
,
and
the
example
and
imitation
of
others
,
it
seems
most
requisite
that
(
in
society
)
such
means
of
prevention
should
be
used
,
that
their
exorbitance
be
not
the
destruction
therof
.
Our
general
custom
of
living
is
that
which
pleaseth
us
,
even
upon
no
other
reason
but
because
it
is
so
,
and
is
the
ground
of
what
in
each
Nation
called
Fundamental
and
Common
Law
,
that
is
to
say
,
common
custom
.
Now
although
a
man
may
love
his
own
home
or
manner
of
living
better
then
another
,
yet
to
be
confined
to
the
same
house
,
food
,
&c.
would
be
but
imprisonment
,
so
the
desire
of
Liberty
(
in
sociable
living
)
is
the
same
with
that
of
variety
in
private
usages
;
and
Liberty
in
Government
is
nothing
else
but
freedom
of
choice
to
follow
mine
own
will
in
the
various
prosecution
of
mine
own
customs
.
And
publike
Law
is
nothing
else
but
the
restraint
of
this
liberty
in
some
particular
usages
.
For
the
Laws
of
no
Government
prescribe
to
men
all
they
shall
do
or
forbear
;
but
onely
direct
and
stint
them
in
such
and
such
practises
,
wherein
custom
and
affection
to
some
things
above
others
,
were
otherwise
like
to
prevail
upon
them
to
publike
prejudice
.
And
so
again
,
since
understanding
is
(
as
beforeshewed
)
so
fallible
,
and
must
be
so
differing
in
its
grounds
,
it
will
appear
necessary
,
for
avoiding
contention
and
disturbance
,
that
each
one
in
things
of
common
concern
,
do
submit
to
a
common
understanding
.
For
in
this
case
we
may
regard
the
appetites
and
affections
as
they
are
conceived
in
the
subjects
,
in
their
separate
orders
and
factions
,
to
be
unto
the
Prince
,
as
those
single
figurate
objects
or
inductions
conceived
in
each
ones
brain
;
which
are
not
to
carry
any
peremptoriness
of
conclusion
,
as
in
themselves
,
but
to
serve
as
evidences
and
instances
of
choice
unto
him
how
to
proceed
in
the
execution
of
them
,
as
they
shall
be
found
agreeable
and
approved
by
his
experimented
method
and
rule
of
publike
good
.
So
that
in
all
differences
which
shall
arise
between
one
order
and
another
,
or
between
party
and
party
in
the
Kingdom
,
the
King
is
,
in
the
body
politick
,
to
resemble
the
heart
in
the
body
natural
,
in
bearing
sway
and
determination
between
the
disagreeing
affections
and
interests
of
his
subjects
;
after
the
same
manner
as
Solomon
did
between
the
Harlots
,
as
before
set
down
.
By
which
means
subjects
enuring
themselves
to
a
constant
way
of
decision
and
reconciling
of
differences
,
and
thereby
also
being
reduced
into
a
constant
course
in
the
observation
of
uniform
and
fixed
Laws
,
Custom
of
observation
and
practise
will
make
the
same
generally
pleasant
,
upon
the
like
reason
that
(
through
use
)
each
mans
particular
customs
were
to
him
pleasant
before
:
insomuch
as
it
may
be
a
doubt
,
whether
all
customs
were
not
from
positive
Laws
at
first
:
so
that
men
having
,
from
the
usual
practise
of
their
superiors
commands
,
throughly
habituated
themselves
therein
,
they
may
(
at
last
)
be
thought
to
perform
them
with
delight
,
the
Law
it self
becoming
exolete
and
forgotten
,
as
to
its
letter
,
and
affection
and
custom
serving
to
the
upholding
thereof
.
And
this
may
seem
the
reason
also
why
not
onely
one
kingdom
differs
from
another
in
Customs
and
Fundamentals
,
but
divers
places
of
the
same
kingdom
do
differ
amongst
themselves
:
namely
,
from
divers
Authorities
which
have
therein
born
sway
.
And
as
in
nature
we
may
observe
,
that
such
Creatures
as
have
dread
of
others
,
are
(
notwithstanding
)
by
cohabitation
brought
to
liking
of
each
others
company
:
so
when
the
first
terrors
of
oppression
and
severity
(
which
all
Government
is
accompanied
with
)
are
by
indurance
made
familiar
,
(
as
commonly
coming
under
the
rate
they
were
feared
,
)
it
comes
then
to
be
so
pleasant
also
,
that
all
governable
people
will
be
found
averse
from
change
.
Whereas
else
,
if
the
publike
and
general
way
for
decision
of
common
Justice
and
good
should
be
interrupted
,
it
would
procure
sickness
and
disease
in
the
body
politick
,
no
otherwise
then
obstructions
do
in
our
natural
bodies
.
For
as
each
body
hath
its
proper
constitution
and
habit
,
for
measure
and
motition
of
its
humors
,
so
hath
each
kingdom
its
proper
method
and
proportion
of
Laws
and
politick
executions
;
the
which
,
when
accordingly
followed
,
doth
not
onely
keep
that
kingdom
in
health
,
but
also
,
by
their
free
passage
according
to
custom
,
administer
content
and
delight
to
all
the
members
.
And
this
is
made
most
apparent
in
those
two
great
objects
of
Government
,
Liberty
and
Property
.
It
being
evident
that
the
happy
and
contented
estate
in
either
of
them
,
is
not
in
greatness
of
extent
and
proportion
,
but
in
that
pleasure
which
custom
bringeth
.
For
since
the
greatest
possessors
in
these
kindes
have
desire
of
addition
,
and
since
in
the
lowest
possession
natural
necessity
is
supplied
,
all
the
rest
will
be
but
as
coveted
for
Credit
or
Honor
sake
:
which
honor
and
estimation
,
being
more
sought
by
great
and
rich
persons
,
(
thereunto
used
)
then
by
the
low
and
poor
,
it
will
follow
,
that
the
condition
of
the
servant
and
poorer
sort
of
men
hath
generally
more
steady
and
equal
content
;
and
that
therefore
,
the
stating
and
measuring
the
publike
Liberty
must
be
referred
to
publike
judgement
and
care
;
and
that
the
grants
herein
must
regard
the
real
benefit
of
all
,
and
not
importunity
of
demanders
onely
.
In
which
respect
of
judging
and
estimating
of
the
reality
and
value
of
publike
benefits
,
the
Prince
,
as
the
heart
in
the
body
politick
,
is
again
to
be
looked
upon
as
doing
that
other
office
,
as
in
the
body
natural
before
set
down
:
that
is
,
by
vertue
that
life
and
soul-ship
whereby
he
animates
the
whole
kingdom
,
to
be
ready
to
give
true
evidence
and
demonstration
whether
the
things
disputed
and
stroven
for
,
are
things
that
have
real
beings
and
entities
,
or
are
not
fictions
and
apparitions
,
entertained
by
weak
and
credulous
persons
:
and
how
far
also
they
are
practicable
and
conducent
to
publike
benefit
.
Else
it
may
happen
,
with
easie
Princes
,
as
with
indulgent
Parents
,
who
,
to
still
their
children
,
leave
them
knives
or
the
like
,
which
instead
of
use
turn
to
their
dammage
:
no
otherwise
then
uncontrolable
priviledges
of
subjects
turn
to
their
ruine
through
civil
dissention
,
as
heretofore
observed
.
And
therefore
we
see
by
experience
that
those
very
children
,
that
have
their
private
Wills
and
Affections
least
satisfied
,
are
,
in
the
general
,
best
pleased
and
contented
,
as
being
least
crossed
through
least
coveting
:
whereas
those
that
have
them
most
,
are
most
restless
and
clamorous
for
more
.
For
as
that
course
and
manner
of
life
must
be
much
more
uniform
and
constant
,
that
is
,
directed
by
Law
or
one
universal
method
or
order
,
then
that
which
(
having
no
certain
and
determinate
restraint
,
but
being
at
liberty
to
and
chose
as
it
thinks
good
,
in
objects
that
concern
others
as
well
as
himself
)
is
left
irregular
;
and
must
consequently
have
more
crosses
,
by
how
much
he
deals
with
more
objects
and
aims
to
hinder
him
:
by
which
means
,
his
liberty
proving
his
restraint
,
it
were
much
better
and
happier
for
him
,
to
have
his
present
liberty
subjected
by
one
,
to
his
momentany
discontent
,
then
,
by
taking
it
upon
him
,
to
have
it
crossed
by
many
,
to
his
continual
torment
.
For
as
an
unusual
posture
will
at
first
displease
,
which
yet
,
through
custom
of
enduring
,
may
become
as
pleasant
as
walking
it self
:
so
when
I
,
using
liberty
in
many
things
,
am
thereby
put
to
many
postures
of
restraint
,
this
must
continually
displease
,
no
otherwise
then
when
the
parts
of
our
natural
bodies
are
put
into
any
other
method
or
posture
;
then
hath
been
hitherto
familiar
.
And
as
a
natural
body
is
not
an
individual
longer
then
it
is
guided
by
a
single
Will
,
no
more
is
the
body
politick
this
or
that
kingdom
,
that
is
guided
in
publick
actions
by
more
wills
then
one
.
And
as
again
,
the
parts
separated
in
a
natural
body
do
not
by
their
absence
demolish
the
essence
of
the
whole
,
while
those
that
remain
continue
subject
to
uniform
direction
,
whenas
,
by
being
seperate
,
they
fal
,
like
as
natural
divided
parts
do
,
into
the
general
accidents
of
corruption
:
even
so
politick
parts
fall
into
Anarchy
,
after
their
separation
from
the
common
Affection
and
Will
:
But
while
they
remain
conformable
thereto
,
they
will
,
like
bodily
members
,
gain
to
themselves
joint
content
,
and
the
reputation
of
symetry
and
comeliness
.
For
if
subjects
do
at
at
any
time
finde
fault
with
their
government
,
it
is
either
occasioned
through
some
new
and
extraordinary
injunctions
,
in
not
keeping
a
way
of
Government
constant
enough
,
(
which
makes
arbitrary
Government
so
much
cryed
out
upon
)
,
or
else
,
because
some
other
particular
interest
or
pleasure
draws
their
appetite
so
strongly
another
way
,
that
it
grows
weary
and
insensible
of
this
.
No
otherwise
then
dogs
and
other
creatures
,
who
having
the
acquisition
of
food
and
generation
only
in
pursuit
and
contemplation
,
stand
affected
with
those
smells
onely
that
tend
thereunto
:
through
eagerness
herein
,
being
made
unapprehensive
of
the
danger
of
runing
into
new
pastures
,
nor
delighted
with
the
content
and
security
they
enjoy
already
.
And
the
like
as
is
said
of
liberty
,
may
be
said
of
property
;
wherein
covetousness
provokes
to
the
same
inconvenience
which
too
much
liberty
doth
;
for
as
one
is
covetousness
of
riches
,
so
is
the
other
covetousness
of
Will
,
and
then
as
sense
of
want
must
precede
desire
,
so
all
covetousness
is
poverty
:
and
in
these
two
cases
men
must
be
looked
upon
,
as
so
strongly
respective
to
their
own
interests
and
concerns
,
as
hastily
to
fall
upon
schemes
and
methods
of
adjudication
and
contrivance
,
without
any
equal
regard
to
comprehend
or
take
in
the
interests
of
others
.
For
if
the
partial
desires
of
any
party
,
order
,
or
faction
of
the
people
should
be
suffered
to
pass
and
act
for
it self
,
in
relation
to
liberty
or
property
,
or
the
like
,
it
would
soon
be
found
that
all
others
would
be
thereby
dis-impropriate
and
made
slaves
.
And
this
upon
the
same
ground
that
,
in
the
course
of
Nature
and
Providence
,
the
good
of
Succession
and
Posterity
would
be
defeated
,
if
that
natural
desire
not
to
die
,
might
be
fulfilled
to
such
as
are
for
the
time
alive
.
For
men
that
can
,
from
the
pressure
of
their
own
affections
,
well
enough
fancy
themselves
possessing
of
such
a
part
of
the
earth
,
and
of
being
thereon
,
as
on
a
Stage
,
acting
their
parts
amongst
amongst
divers
others
;
cannot
yet
be
(
ordinarily
)
ingenuous
and
comprehensive
enough
to
consider
onward
,
(
by
enlarging
of
their
figure
)
that
divers
other
persons
are
thereon
to
act
their
successive
parts
also
:
and
that
thereupon
it
must
necessarily
follow
,
(
as
well
for
order
sake
as
to
make
room
for
others
)
that
each
person
must
withdraw
when
that
part
is
acted
which
was
assigned
him
;
for
as
himself
is
now
possessing
of
his
fathers
stock
and
possession
,
upon
occasion
of
his
death
,
so
must
he
,
by
his
death
,
make
room
for
the
possession
of
others
,
else
the
whole
plot
must
take
end
and
fall
into
confusion
.
Even
so
,
in
a
stare
,
we
may
easily
conceive
how
soon
the
constitution
and
welfare
thereof
would
perish
by
disorder
,
if
the
Statute
and
determinate
rule
of
the
Soveraign
were
not
inviolably
observed
:
for
subjects
would
forget
to
do
as
they
would
be
done
unto
,
in
regard
of
those
liberties
they
would
leave
to
posterity
and
their
fellows
;
as
men
,
in
nature
,
are
usually
inconsiderate
,
that
since
their
Fathers
and
Progenitors
death
made
way
for
them
,
so
ought
they
to
do
the
like
for
their
children
.
In
which
case
of
restraining
the
general
actions
of
men
to
be
guided
by
the
same
uniform
Rules
and
politick
Laws
,
as
natural
Agents
are
in
their
courses
,
although
the
number
of
those
that
would
be
thereby
offended
,
would
exceed
any
number
of
men
offended
by
particular
crosses
arising
from
prosecutions
of
their
own
devisings
,
because
a
far
greater
number
were
this
way
ruled
then
the
other
,
yet
let
the
discontented
parties
of
the
whole
Kingdom
,
governed
by
no
other
restraint
then
what
they
occasionally
make
one
upon
another
,
be
compared
to
those
in
any
Kingdom
of
the
same
number
,
where
an
uniform
constraint
is
imposed
,
and
the
persons
in
the
first
sort
restrained
will
be
more
,
and
also
(
because
of
unexpectedness
and
want
of
order
)
their
restraints
will
be
more
unpleasant
in
the
kinde
then
the
other
:
which
hath
now
through
custom
of
induration
,
lost
the
sense
thereof
,
even
as
Millers
and
Jaylors
,
of
those
noises
and
sents
they
are
used
unto
.
For
as
we
finde
by
experience
,
that
the
onely
reason
of
the
discontent
of
the
subjects
of
one
Kingdom
above
those
of
another
,
is
for
that
there
is
difference
in
their
Governments
and
Customs
,
it
must
be
much
more
likely
to
happen
between
Subjects
and
the
same
Kingdom
,
where
the
different
usages
and
customs
must
be
in
the
continual
notice
of
one
another
.
And
thus
it
fareth
not
onely
in
case
of
licentiousness
(
or
where
no
Government
is
)
but
upon
the
like
reason
(
when
Authority
doth
make
restraint
in
any
thing
)
it
will
follow
,
that
as
this
restraint
is
more
or
less
,
(
that
is
,
as
the
subjected
parties
have
more
or
less
possibility
of
breaking
it
,
)
so
will
the
continuance
of
obedience
be
more
or
less
also
.
For
although
appetite
affect
pleasure
and
custom
of
each
sort
,
yet
,
when
such
high
difficulty
or
inconveniency
shall
appear
,
the
reasonable
will
doth
soon
decline
it
;
and
being
thereupon
turned
to
the
choice
of
an
object
or
action
for
the
present
less
affected
in
it self
,
doth
through
custom
therein
bring
it
(
as
aforesaid
)
into
pleasure
;
and
make
our
Obedience
prove
our
Liberty
.
And
the
very
reason
why
men
living
under
one
Government
are
many
times
affected
with
another
,
is
not
from
unpleasantness
of
that
uniformity
they
are
under
,
but
(
on
the
contrary
)
supposing
a
greater
uniformity
of
actions
set
by
Law
in
that
Government
they
commend
then
indeed
there
is
.
For
in
this
case
,
usually
considering
their
own
contrivances
onely
,
which
must
be
regular
;
and
that
without
just
estimation
,
how
the
contrivances
of
others
might
,
or
do
cross
them
,
they
mistake
pleasure
,
by
plotting
an
uniformity
in
the
fancy
which
can
never
be
in
act
;
and
so
come
to
pursue
pain
and
trouble
instead
thereof
.
For
it
is
not
variety
,
as
variety
,
that
affects
,
but
it
is
custom
varied
,
which
will
imply
custom
and
not
variety
:
because
to
affect
variety
of
customs
,
is
to
affect
Custom
.
And
therefore
when
men
through
the
often
contemplation
and
contrivance
of
an
Idea
or
platform
of
Government
in
their
fancy
,
come
thereby
to
attain
an
affection
and
Will
thereunto
;
this
comes
no
otherwise
to
pass
,
then
if
a
remarkable
object
should
,
through
often
presentation
in
the
fancy
,
come
to
pass
in
the
extream
of
love
or
hatred
,
according
to
that
relish
it
was
at
first
entertained
with
,
and
thereupon
be
called
sympathy
or
antipathy
;
even
so
also
,
this
apprehension
takes
sometimes
with
men
,
as
if
by
sensible
practice
and
induction
their
likings
had
been
won
;
and
they
may
(
thereupon
)
be
as
well
said
to
be
guided
by
custom
to
like
and
approve
that
unexperienced
form
,
as
that
they
live
under
:
and
it
may
be
more
,
as
having
oftener
and
more
attentively
considered
it
and
its
benefits
;
when
(
on
the
contrary
)
the
inconveniences
and
the
pressures
of
the
Government
under
which
he
lives
,
work
so
strongly
towards
the
abatement
of
his
affections
,
through
the
allay
of
fear
,
that
he
becomes
not
so
intent
in
his
relishes
that
way
:
and
peradventure
,
out
of
that
general
love
every
man
carries
to
his
own
contrivance
,
the
inconveniences
of
the
Government
he
now
fancies
,
are
as
far
removed
from
his
conceit
,
as
sense
.
And
it
fares
(
in
this
case
)
with
Government
upon
tryal
,
as
with
any
other
beloved
and
much
desired
object
,
namely
that
they
never
answer
(
in
possession
)
that
measure
of
delight
they
were
coveted
with
,
because
the
Idea
in
our
fancy
was
the
thing
which
we
were
in
love
with
:
which
,
as
it
was
oftener
seen
in
our
fancy
then
the
original
in
our
sense
,
so
was
it
pleasanter
;
and
it
was
perfecter
also
,
as
being
contemplated
without
those
inconveniences
,
which
are
now
found
in
the
others
enjoyment
.
And
besides
this
,
our
senses
themselves
are
cozened
with
the
inconveniences
of
things
;
for
as
each
person
(
in
their
natural
affectation
of
glory
and
reputation
)
is
willing
to
appear
publikely
without
faults
,
even
so
each
Government
,
(
and
the
people
therein
)
do
their
utmost
to
set
forth
their
power
,
riches
,
freedom
,
peace
,
honor
,
&c.
but
their
sufferings
they
so
strive
to
conceal
,
that
we
may
be
,
and
are
as
often
deceived
in
judging
a
good
Government
,
or
a
happy
and
peaceabele
State
or
Kingdom
,
as
of
a
vertuous
,
rich
,
or
honest
person
:
or
in
discovering
the
many
discords
any
marryed
couple
may
have
,
by
those
outward
kinde
appearances
that
may
pass
betwixt
them
.
The
like
reason
leads
for
regulating
and
stinting
men
in
the
exercise
of
Religion
:
which
,
as
it
is
taken
of
much
more
concern
,
must
be
made
equally
acceptable
and
pleasing
to
all
by
set
and
positive
rules
;
or
else
,
through
necessary
exasperation
(
which
difference
wil
beget
amongst
subjects
)
their
discontents
will
be
higher
then
in
other
things
:
encreasing
,
as
it
were
,
by
a
continual
Antiperistasis
,
until
it
break
forth
into
the
thunder
and
lightning
of
civil
war
and
commotion
.
For
to
be
divided
in
sect
and
opinion
,
must
by
degrees
turn
into
a
division
in
Love
and
Charity
:
even
because
,
as
there
is
a
coincidence
between
Faith
and
Charity
;
so
is
it
,
as
well
the
beginner
of
quarrels
,
as
the
highest
proof
of
uncharitableness
,
upon
unauthorized
grounds
and
suspitions
,
to
censure
or
condemn
any
one
in
respect
of
his
judgement
or
belief
:
and
if
done
by
any
towards
that
Church
whereof
they
are
members
it
is
undutiful
also
.
And
this
discord
we
shall
finde
arising
,
even
from
natural
and
necessary
grounds
also
.
For
since
the
Will
must
follow
the
light
of
the
Understanding
,
how
shall
any
be
thought
willing
to
associate
and
accompany
those
that
do
amiss
?
And
since
the
reason
why
those
of
any
Church
do
order
their
discipline
and
practise
different
from
that
of
another
,
is
but
because
they
do
proportionably
differ
in
their
belief
and
judgements
in
matters
of
Doctrine
and
Discipline
,
must
it
not
then
be
presumed
,
that
so
far
as
the
members
of
each
Christian
Church
shall
decline
in
their
reverential
regard
towards
their
Churches
soundness
and
veracity
,
even
so
far
will
they
conquently
judge
it
fit
to
divide
themselves
by
seperate
Congregations
,
or
the
like
;
whereupon
,
since
a
Christian
Church
and
State
are
but
the
same
(
as
heretofore
proved
)
,
it
will
soon
be
found
that
this
schism
in
the
Church
will
be
the
same
with
a
revolt
in
the
State
;
and
wants
but
strength
and
opportunity
to
actuate
its
dislike
into
a
rebellion
.
For
although
they
may
at
first
,
for
a
countenance
to
their
actions
,
and
to
draw
in
associates
,
make
use
of
that
deceivable
distinction
of
Religious
and
Civil
affairs
,
and
so
pretend
that
they
intend
not
at
all
to
trench
on
the
Civil
jurisdiction
,
yet
when
by
strength
of
Allies
and
Confederates
they
shall
once
have
arrived
at
their
desired
degree
of
power
,
it
will
then
appear
that
they
which
at
first
did
intreat
to
be
independent
in
relation
to
the
Church
,
will
now
practise
to
be
so
in
reference
to
the
State
too
;
and
so
by
degrees
to
be
super-eminent
and
command
in
both
.
For
must
it
not
be
expected
,
that
that
thirst
of
ambition
and
rule
(
by
them
called
Zeal
and
Charity
)
which
first
caused
them
to
draw
in
sectators
,
as
the
objects
and
trophies
of
their
glory
and
power
,
should
ever
stoop
to
any
stint
or
moderation
afterwards
;
whenas
,
in
order
to
spiritual
things
and
religious
cognizance
,
it
is
so
easie
a
matter
to
draw
in
State
affairs
also
;
and
then
,
as
Christs
immediate
Ministers
,
to
preside
in
them
without
controle
.
And
must
it
not
then
be
expected
,
that
that
greater
and
higher
tye
of
terror
and
fear
by
which
men
are
kept
in
obedience
,
as
in
a
religious
subjection
,
must
also
make
them
,
in
case
of
difference
with
their
civil
head
,
to
seem
regardless
of
terror
from
him
,
as
having
but
power
over
the
body
onely
;
and
so
consequently
,
stick
fast
to
the
obedience
of
the
other
against
him
.
For
if
the
separation
was
not
at
first
made
upon
such
grounds
as
were
hazardous
of
salvation
,
why
was
it
made
?
and
being
made
and
continued
,
how
can
it
be
expected
they
should
be
thought
less
?
so
that
when
opportunity
shall
leave
men
at
liberty
which
side
to
follow
,
they
will
certainly
choose
that
which
they
acknowledge
for
right
in
the
main
.
Although
some
have
in
these
cases
stept
in
with
an
Apology
,
and
thought
tolleration
of
dissent
from
the
Church
allowable
where
a
breach
of
Charity
was
not
presently
made
by
schism
,
but
the
points
in
question
were
meerly
speculative
,
yet
will
the
example
of
the
Arrians
and
others
of
old
,
and
the
Remonstrants
and
others
of
late
,
truely
satisfie
us
of
the
danger
hereof
;
and
how
by
degrees
it
will
also
arise
to
Civil
faction
and
commotion
.
For
in
this
case
as
formerly
noted
,
the
discontented
preacher
is
to
be
looked
upon
as
fire
,
and
the
people
in
their
natural
thirst
to
dislike
and
insubjection
,
to
be
looked
upon
as
fewel
.
And
therefore
although
instance
may
be
made
,
and
hope
may
be
gathered
,
that
these
Tolerations
have
not
arisen
to
a
Civil
war
;
yet
can
none
make
instance
,
nor
reasonably
presume
that
publike
discontents
should
not
be
hereby
exasperated
and
encreased
,
even
to
a
due
height
and
fitness
to
break
forth
into
open
insurrection
upon
any
fit
opportunity
:
For
as
in
our
bodies
natural
,
there
is
an
amassment
of
corrupt
humors
and
habits
from
intemperance
and
irregularity
of
diet
,
exercise
,
&c.
before
some
extraordinary
cold
or
the
like
discover
any
thing
in
a
Feaver
,
or
other
formal
disease
.
Even
so
,
they
should
do
well
to
consider
that
Civil
war
and
Rebellion
in
States
and
Kingdoms
,
are
never
to
be
feared
to
work
to
any
strength
or
continuance
,
where
there
is
not
a
precedent
amassment
of
discontents
:
by
which
there
may
be
a
juncture
made
to
obstruct
the
ordinary
course
of
Regiment
upon
a
revolt
,
and
it
is
in
this
case
to
be
highly
observable
,
that
the
discontents
of
Religion
,
are
ever
chief
and
ringleaders
.
For
as
it
is
natural
for
mankinde
to
know
,
so
also
to
be
known
to
know
;
in
such
sort
that
we
many
times
covet
to
know
but
through
pride
to
appear
knowing
;
it
must
therefore
be
presumed
that
the
Authors
and
Abetters
of
each
Sect
and
Congregation
,
seeking
to
make
themselves
famous
by
the
number
and
quality
of
those
proselites
they
shall
gain
from
one
another
,
that
therefore
,
in
order
to
this
encrease
,
and
that
of
their
own
reputation
,
they
must
vilifie
and
deprave
the
Judgement
and
Practise
of
their
opposites
;
and
thereby
,
of
necessary
consequence
,
draw
on
exasperation
and
breach
of
Charity
;
and
if
the
separation
be
made
from
the
whole
Church
it
must
introduce
disobedience
also
.
For
Faith
,
Love
,
and
Obedience
,
as
they
have
a
natural
Coincidence
,
where
there
is
some
equal
respect
carryed
towards
them
,
so
have
they
as
necessary
a
separation
and
loss
,
where
any
of
them
is
slighted
or
omitted
.
For
as
that
Love
and
Obedience
we
are
to
give
to
God
,
doth
depend
on
that
belief
we
have
of
his
Power
,
Goodness
,
and
Truth
;
so
also
doth
that
respect
and
obedience
which
we
are
to
give
to
the
Church
his
representative
power
on
earth
,
depend
on
our
perswasion
of
its
veracity
and
Authority
.
So
that
if
men
can
be
once
brought
to
to
dis-believe
her
soundness
or
insufficiency
,
(
even
so
far
as
her
communion
may
be
hazardous
and
damnable
)
,
Obedience
to
her
in
any
sort
is
not
to
be
long
expected
.
And
therefore
although
God
have
reserved
to
himself
the
Prerogative
of
trying
the
heart
and
reins
,
and
Princes
can
have
no
Cognizance
and
jurisdiction
over
the
thoughts
and
belief
of
men
,
yet
so
far
as
these
their
thoughts
and
perswasions
do
by
words
or
actions
make
open
tendendency
to
the
seduction
of
others
in
a
course
of
sedition
,
contrary
to
the
rules
of
Charity
,
so
far
are
they
censurable
by
the
present
Higher
Power
.
hast
thou
Faith
,
have
it
to
thy self
before
God
:
that
is
,
let
not
the
desire
of
eminence
and
practise
in
thy
different
judgement
make
thee
neglectful
of
Charity
and
those
things
that
make
for
Peace
,
as
is
largely
in
that
chapter
set
down
:
but
rather
know
that
for
this
very
end
thou
art
for
conscience
sake
also
to
be
subject
to
the
higher
power
;
as
is
also
largely
commanded
in
the
Chapter
foregoing
.
And
although
it
be
true
again
,
that
in
many
matters
of
Religion
,
Princes
cannot
command
as
Law-makers
,
and
in
their
own
names
,
as
in
more
civil
matters
he
doth
;
yet
,
as
the
supreme
Magistrate
entrusted
from
above
with
the
interpretation
and
execution
of
these
Laws
and
Rules
,
he
may
command
under
God
,
with
the
same
authority
which
a
High
Constable
,
Lieutenant
,
or
other
Supreme
State
Officer
,
doth
in
the
absence
of
himself
.
And
upon
the
same
reason
that
Civil
Laws
would
be
fond
and
useless
things
,
if
subjects
should
be
thereby
only
told
their
duties
,
and
not
to
have
Magistrates
to
see
them
do
it
,
and
direct
them
in
cases
of
doubt
;
the
same
would
also
happen
,
in
the
Laws
of
God
himself
:
which
,
considering
the
blindness
of
our
understandings
,
and
aversion
of
our
wills
and
affections
to
obey
at
all
,
as
well
as
difference
in
doing
it
,
have
much
more
need
of
such
direction
and
constraint
.
The
Prince
being
always
to
be
regarded
as
the
living
Law
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
life
thereof
;
because
Law
without
an
Interpreter
to
give
it
understanding
,
and
an
inforcer
to
give
it
will
,
is
but
a
dead
Letter
;
and
(
for
the
most
part
)
useless
.
So
that
,
since
Laws
cannot
live
or
go
without
the
two
supports
of
reward
and
punishment
,
if
there
be
not
a
present
powerful
judge
to
see
these
kept
up
,
the
performance
of
Law
will
be
but
arbitrary
;
for
why
should
any
fear
a
punishment
,
or
hope
for
a
reward
from
a
present
authority
that
is
uncertain
or
unable
.
Nay
,
unto
those
very
Laws
which
by
God
himself
are
sent
for
our
Government
,
what
from
incredulity
,
and
what
from
natural
reluctance
,
little
observance
can
be
expected
,
whilst
his
Minister
shall
be
thought
to
bear
the
sword
in
vain
.
For
can
men
once
find
means
to
avoid
his
coercion
therein
,
they
are
then
left
to
the
partialities
of
their
own
interpretations
,
to
make
them
signifie
but
what
they
please
.
And
then
(
considering
the
general
infection
of
Atheism
,
and
the
wrong
and
partial
conceits
of
divine
retribution
,
what
likelihood
of
terror
or
hopes
of
prevailing
,
when
the
evil
day
,
or
day
of
judgement
shall
be
put
so
far
from
them
?
since
experience
tells
us
,
present
terrors
cannot
many
times
do
it
.
Upon
no
other
consideration
then
this
,
namely
want
of
present
appearance
in
acts
of
terror
and
Government
,
it
doth
fall
out
(
as
before
noted
)
that
the
divisions
and
differences
between
child
and
child
,
and
between
subject
and
subject
,
do
by
degrees
amount
unto
such
deadly
heights
;
they
being
nothing
else
but
the
mutual
encroachments
of
censure
and
controul
exercised
upon
one
another
,
after
an
extemporary
and
occasional
way
of
rule
and
authority
,
for
want
of
a
common
and
present
superior
Government
for
restraint
of
this
liberty
in
them
all
.
For
as
it
is
most
true
,
that
each
one
stands
strongly
perswaded
towards
the
goodness
of
his
own
actions
and
enterprises
(
or
else
he
would
not
do
them
)
so
must
he
of
consequent
dissent
from
those
of
others
,
and
also
do
his
utmost
for
reducing
them
to
conformity
with
himself
;
which
being
nothing
else
but
the
execution
of
Power
and
Government
,
it
must
follow
that
such
families
and
Kingdoms
which
are
under
such
indulgent
Parents
,
or
milde
and
fearful
Princes
,
must
be
perpetually
in
danger
of
such
mutinies
and
quarrels
;
because
,
for
want
of
those
bands
of
reverential
fear
and
respect
towards
him
,
that
mutual
●ye
of
love
towards
each
other
comes
to
be
dissolved
.
For
it
being
the
nature
of
love
(
as
all
things
else
)
to
gather
strength
and
steadiness
by
that
confederacy
and
union
which
is
made
against
it
by
an
outward
and
common
fear
of
disturbance
,
so
must
it
fall
out
,
that
there
being
now
no
such
binding
dread
of
Authority
kept
up
,
for
the
uniting
and
associating
of
them
to
one
another
,
through
consent
and
fellow
feeling
of
equal
condition
,
that
thereupon
there
will
be
time
and
oportunity
left
to
those
natural
apperites
of
Censure
and
Rule
to
break
forth
to
publike
disturbance
.
For
as
the
Prince
or
Parent
shall
defist
,
or
neglect
to
make
use
of
fear
and
power
,
(
those
his
proper
instruments
to
rule
by
)
so
consequently
must
subjects
and
children
be
supposed
ready
to
take
them
up
;
and
,
in
contention
thereabouts
,
to
forget
and
neglect
their
own
equal
ties
of
Love
and
Charity
.
And
to
speak
directly
,
if
Gods
and
Natures
Laws
have
not
a
living
coercive
force
for
obedience
(
even
as
positive
constitutions
of
the
Supreme
Magistrate
)
they
will
be
of
much
less
avail
to
guide
us
in
outward
deportments
,
then
the
Civil
Constitutions
of
the
Prince
(
without
subordinate
Magistrates
)
to
determine
their
civil
suites
;
inasmuch
as
the
Prince
(
being
more
personally
present
with
us
)
might
decide
many
of
his
subjects
differences
himself
.
And
therefore
as
God
would
have
all
obedience
to
him
go
by
the
name
of
fear
,
and
threatens
even
such
large
temporal
punishments
to
the
breakers
of
his
Law
,
(
as
well
knowing
that
we
should
be
more
certainly
guided
,
by
an
affection
of
such
universal
and
near
concern
,
then
by
any
other
more
private
affection
,
which
would
be
but
of
doubtful
concern
)
so
must
it
follow
,
that
as
this
fear
will
be
more
or
less
,
as
it
is
more
or
less
present
,
there
must
therefore
be
some
present
Minister
for
our
good
,
or
f●r
wrath
,
to
execute
rewards
and
punishments
here
accordingly
.
For
since
,
in
this
life
,
(
in
respect
of
reward
or
punishment
executed
by
God
himself
)
none
is
able
to
distinguish
of
good
or
evil
of
all
that
is
before
him
;
so
that
we
may
observe
(
with
the
wise
man
)
that
all
things
come
alike
to
all
,
there
is
one
event
to
tho
righeeous
,
and
to
the
wicked
,
to
the
good
,
and
to
the
clean
and
unclean
,
to
him
that
sacrificeth
,
and
to
him
that
sacrificeth
not
:
As
is
the
good
,
so
is
the
sinner
,
and
he
that
sweareth
,
as
he
that
feareth
an
oath
.
It
must
therefore
be
granted
,
that
since
these
Laws
were
made
for
our
guidance
here
,
they
must
have
their
living
Magistrate
here
also
,
to
reinforce
them
as
to
execution
,
in
respect
of
those
rewards
and
punishments
which
,
in
regard
of
his
present
Power
,
he
is
enabled
to
make
use
of
.
And
therefore
,
in
reference
to
this
essential
support
and
relation
which
fear
carrieth
towards
the
establishment
of
subjection
and
obedience
,
we
may
call
obedience
a
correspondence
ef●action
,
and
deportment
of
the
inferior
,
according
to
the
command
of
the
superior
,
through
the
sense
of
duty
and
fear
:
For
as
sense
of
duty
or
conscience
must
keep
up
obedience
,
so
sence
of
fear
must
keep
up
conscience
.
By
which
definition
,
as
we
may
know
how
to
distinguish
between
that
subjection
and
obed●ence
which
other
creatures
give
,
who
obey
out
of
fear
only
,
and
not
of
sense
of
duty
,
as
wanting
understanding
to
apprehend
it
;
so
may
we
also
perceive
that
since
sense
of
duty
must
bring
on
a
submission
of
will
,
that
therefore
hope
can
be
very
seldom
,
and
love
never
made
the
proper
cause
of
obedience
,
as
heretofore
noted
.
For
hope
of
benefit
or
advantage
to
arise
by
any
thing
commanded
to
be
done
,
being
the
proper
end
and
motive
by
which
the
superior
was
led
to
make
this
his
command
and
direction
,
it
must
therefore
follow
,
that
hope
of
benefit
cannot
be
also
directly
assigned
as
an
end
to
him
that
obeys
.
But
here
again
,
degrees
are
to
be
admitted
and
considered
of
,
and
that
according
as
the
Commander
is
more
or
less
All-sufficient
and
powerful
in
himself
,
or
defective
and
obnoxious
.
When
God
commands
any
thing
,
as
he
cannot
in
himself
be
any
ways
respected
as
indigent
,
or
necessitated
for
assistance
to
the
atchieuing
his
designs
(
as
to
those
very
instruments
and
agents
which
are
now
commanded
and
set
on
work
)
even
so
the
benefit
thence
arising
,
being
intentionally
theirs
,
voluntary
creatures
may
in
the
performance
of
his
Edicts
be
well
said
to
be
sometimes
guided
by
hope
also
;
and
that
,
not
only
because
hope
cannot
be
then
so
much
esteemed
the
Commanders
end
,
as
the
commandeds
;
but
also
in
reference
to
that
greater
power
and
readiness
of
reward
and
retribution
which
is
in
God
above
others
.
Next
unto
whom
,
Princes
,
as
most
representing
him
on
earth
in
Office
and
Power
,
and
as
having
honor
their
end
(
whereby
in
their
commands
to
be
kept
from
justling
with
their
subjects
in
the
end
of
their
obedience
)
may
be
also
said
to
have
obedience
given
them
with
more
willingness
,
for
those
very
hopes
sakes
;
or
rather
,
because
of
hope
,
to
be
given
with
less
reluctance
;
for
there
may
be
degrees
of
aversion
in
dislike
of
one
Government
more
then
another
,
but
none
of
willingness
towards
the
choice
of
any
Government
,
as
Government
,
which
,
as
we
said
,
must
make
his
steady
reliance
on
fear
.
And
it
is
observable
,
that
in
these
very
Laws
and
Edicts
that
do
make
their
enforcement
through
hope
and
promise
of
reward
(
which
are
but
very
few
in
comparison
of
what
build
upon
terror
and
punishment
)
they
may
be
reckoned
as
grounded
on
fear
also
;
as
being
but
negative
to
that
,
and
seldom
other
then
promises
of
exemption
or
limition
in
the
execution
of
Government
and
Power
,
so
as
not
to
proceed
to
substraction
of
some
benefit
,
as
well
as
to
the
imposition
of
some
evil
;
as
by
those
examples
of
promises
of
obedience
made
in
the
Old
Testament
under
the
Theoraty
,
and
that
made
by
Saul
,
of
making
his
fathers
house
free
in
Israel
,
that
should
slay
Goliah
,
and
by
observation
of
the
usual
constitution
of
other
Nation
may
appear
.
For
as
hope
,
as
we
formerly
said
,
cannot
be
without
fear
of
loss
and
missing
;
so
in
things
already
possessed
,
fear
to
to
lose
is
antecedent
to
hope
to
enjoy
,
and
is
thereupon
its
ground
also
.
And
as
for
that
mixture
and
influence
which
love
carrieth
towards
obedience
,
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
when
,
like
other
irrational
agents
,
we
do
by
natural
propension
and
instinct
only
,
pursue
in
any
thing
those
general
rules
of
providence
,
whereby
particular
and
mutual
preservation
is
aymed
at
;
in
those
cases
men
being
looked
upon
(
like
other
Sensitives
)
as
involuntary
,
or
in
small
degree
so
;
the
name
of
obedience
is
not
to
them
assignable
in
a
proper
and
strict
construction
;
because
,
for
want
of
a
known
explicite
precept
,
and
sufficiency
of
understanding
to
apprehend
sense
of
duty
and
direction
in
relation
to
a
superior
power
,
and
for
want
of
understanding
to
discover
that
oeconomy
and
relation
creatures
bear
towards
God
,
as
well
as
one
towards
another
,
they
may
thereupon
be
said
to
want
,
as
well
the
tye
of
fear
,
as
of
love
also
.
When
again
,
or
so
far
at
least
,
as
we
do
attain
to
angelical
perfection
of
comprehension
and
understanding
,
so
as
throughly
to
know
,
as
well
all
the
several
relations
which
creatures
do
mutually
bear
one
towards
another
,
as
also
that
relation
and
respect
they
all
of
them
joyntly
bear
towards
God
their
fountain
and
original
;
in
that
respect
again
,
as
no
external
precept
and
direction
seems
needful
to
provoke
to
do
or
avoid
that
which
its
own
understanding
hath
cleared
unto
it
already
,
so
may
that
performance
of
duty
which
was
practised
and
given
in
that
condition
,
be
called
love
indeed
;
which
cannot
be
in
the
other
.
So
that
to
man
alone
,
as
seated
in
a
middle
rank
,
between
creatures
irrational
and
throughly
intelligent
,
this
notion
of
obedience
is
most
due
;
even
because
he
,
in
those
multitude
of
appetites
raised
from
observation
and
converse
with
other
things
,
and
want
of
true
knowledge
of
his
reciprocal
relation
to
other
things
,
together
with
his
and
their
joynt
subordination
and
dependance
on
God
,
is
in
both
respects
to
have
his
love
and
obedience
led
on
and
directed
by
express
Law
and
sense
of
duty
:
In
which
his
middle
station
,
as
having
here
that
more
perfect
comprehension
which
Angels
now
have
,
and
himself
shall
hereafter
have
,
but
in
part
communicated
unto
him
,
he
may
also
in
some
degree
be
said
to
be
guided
by
love
in
those
commands
which
he
performes
;
and
that
,
not
only
as
led
by
natural
and
charitable
propension
,
but
knowingly
and
gratefully
led
by
sense
of
obligation
to
God
;
even
as
also
sensible
creatures
below
us
,
and
whom
we
have
occasion
to
imploy
,
may
in
our
discipline
over
them
be
stiled
obedient
,
when
brought
to
the
performance
of
our
wills
by
awe
and
terror
.
There
being
nothing
but
sense
of
duty
and
gratitude
that
can
reconcile
love
and
fear
;
because
else
,
obedience
and
fear
do
(
as
in
their
own
nature
)
draw
on
hatred
.
And
in
heaven
alone
,
they
shall
be
throughly
coincident
,
when
our
inlightned
understandings
shall
be
able
truly
to
apprehend
Gods
favour
and
our
own
steady
condition
of
perseverance
and
continuance
therein
;
and
then
only
can
it
be
truly
said
of
us
in
our
obedience
,
that
perfect
love
casteth
out
fear
.
But
here
it
is
to
be
considered
,
as
was
formerly
noted
,
that
all
things
at
first
,
and
while
they
are
strange
,
do
move
to
fear
,
and
also
to
hatred
and
dislike
,
and
that
they
do
by
so
much
the
sooner
and
more
strongly
do
so
,
as
each
sensitive
doth
conceive
that
first
seen
or
known
thing
to
have
more
or
less
power
to
hurt
him
,
and
also
apprehends
it self
more
or
less
within
the
danger
thereof
.
As
therefore
experience
of
indemnity
,
and
sense
and
experience
of
acceptance
and
reward
for
yielding
of
obedience
to
this
object
of
fear
and
power
,
doth
by
degrees
abate
of
that
,
and
make
it
looked
upon
as
an
object
of
love
and
goodness
,
so
doth
it
therewith
testifie
,
that
love
was
but
the
consequent
of
former
obedience
,
even
as
obedience
was
of
former
fear
;
and
so
farther
also
,
that
the
love
of
the
commanded
is
subsequent
and
dependant
on
the
love
of
the
commanding
,
and
that
,
not
for
obedience
and
imposition
of
the
command
it self
,
but
for
his
kind
resentment
and
acceptance
of
the
obeyers
duty
.
So
that
then
,
to
make
a
difference
between
that
grateful
return
of
kindness
which
passeth
between
equals
,
and
friend
and
friend
,
upon
the
score
and
sense
of
good
nature
only
,
and
that
return
of
respect
and
service
which
any
,
as
in
the
state
of
subjection
,
doth
yield
at
the
appointment
of
a
superior
,
and
as
fearing
punishment
for
defailance
:
We
may
farther
say
,
that
obedience
is
begun
in
fear
,
continued
by
sense
of
duty
,
and
perfected
in
love
;
and
also
,
that
the
terror
for
performance
and
observation
of
Laws
,
ought
to
be
,
and
is
still
proportionable
to
the
greatness
of
the
Law-maker
.
And
therefore
,
in
the
constitution
and
promulgation
of
the
Moral
Law
,
or
ten
Commandments
,
we
find
those
terrible
apparitions
made
,
that
Gods
fear
might
be
so
before
their
faces
,
that
they
sin
not
.
As
for
promises
,
not
a
word
then
,
as
being
but
tokens
of
his
love
to
such
as
had
been
regardful
of
this
his
fear
.
And
so
it
must
still
follow
,
that
those
that
are
by
office
of
command
most
powerful
and
terrible
,
are
also
soonest
,
and
in
the
highest
degree
rendred
most
lovely
in
their
service
,
as
having
(
by
reason
of
this
power
)
their
own
ends
soonest
sasisfied
.
Thus
God
,
that
hath
no
direct
service
to
be
done
him
here
as
to
himself
,
is
the
best
Master
;
and
neither
he
nor
others
having
need
of
our
service
hereafter
,
love
and
thanksgiving
shall
make
up
our
obedience
.
In
all
which
respects
Princes
are
most
resembling
him
of
any
any
terrene
Power
;
and
so
can
most
truly
(
of
any
)
said
to
be
served
by
love
;
which
indeed
they
ought
always
to
seek
,
but
never
to
trust
to
.
And
therefore
,
since
our
observations
(
as
before
noted
)
come
at
last
to
be
collected
into
affections
,
and
that
when
these
affections
come
to
interfere
one
upon
another
,
they
are
guided
by
the
general
affection
called
will
:
So
it
is
also
necessary
for
ceasing
of
strife
in
the
publike
body
,
that
the
affections
of
particular
orders
and
persons
,
should
be
guideded
by
the
publike
will
of
the
King
,
against
whom
there
is
no
rising
up
.
For
he
can
only
be
supposed
competent
judg
,
which
,
and
what
affections
ought
to
take
place
,
and
how
far
the
granting
to
the
desires
of
some
,
may
stand
with
the
desire
and
good
of
others
.
And
none
but
he
can
be
the
common
and
entire
sensory
or
centre
of
attraction
and
preservation
;
but
subjects
affections
,
being
guided
by
several
interests
(
even
as
they
are
severally
collected
in
several
persons
)
must
make
(
in
their
dealings
with
others
)
several
centres
,
which
must
thereupon
be
centres
of
opposition
,
that
is
of
division
and
civil
war
.
And
as
the
will
,
so
the
exercise
of
passions
(
the
necessary
attendants
of
will
)
must
be
in
him
onely
;
for
if
anger
and
hatred
be
at
private
dispose
in
punishments
,
they
will
proceed
too
destructively
;
and
(
as
having
no
regard
beyond
self-consideration
)
turn
to
malice
and
revenge
.
And
so
again
(
whilst
these
affections
are
in
prosecution
)
how
may
covetousness
,
ambition
,
jealousie
,
envy
,
&c.
make
us
(
through
partial
respect
only
)
to
be
common
disturbers
?
whereas
he
that
hath
whole
and
equal
concern
,
can
no
more
proceed
distructively
to
his
subjects
(
in
that
relation
of
subjects
)
then
to
himself
.
For
when
publike
good
is
crossed
by
any
,
his
anger
and
hatred
of
the
Author
will
be
terminated
in
justice
,
as
to
any
punishment
;
because
no
man
can
be
too
severe
to
himself
;
where
he
hath
whole
interest
.
And
since
(
as
we
noted
)
observation
and
knowledge
must
arise
from
concern
;
so
publique
good
and
peace
being
of
nearest
concern
to
him
,
his
understanding
must
be
supposed
ordinarily
more
able
to
judge
and
determine
what
it
is
,
then
such
as
have
private
concern
only
to
looke
after
,
who
therefore
,
in
publike
things
,
can
only
have
craft
.
When
as
he
,
having
his
honor
and
benefit
intermixed
and
emergent
from
all
things
rightly
and
duly
done
towards
publike
benefit
,
must
be
supposed
always
intent
thereon
,
even
for
his
own
interest
and
advantage
sake
.
Whereby
it
is
to
be
supposed
,
that
he
shall
be
not
only
rendred
the
most
able
in
understanding
and
judging
how
publike
expedients
may
be
best
attained
and
managed
,
but
also
,
by
reason
of
often
observation
of
the
consequents
and
events
of
things
,
and
which
of
them
in
possession
hath
proved
most
beneficial
and
pleasurable
and
which
not
,
he
may
be
justly
also
esteemed
as
the
centre
of
political
consensation
,
as
being
enabled
,
in
regard
of
his
great
share
and
general
experience
and
presence
in
all
publike
dealings
,
to
give
the
truest
report
of
publique
liking
and
inclination
.
For
it
is
to
be
supposed
,
that
political
bodies
have
their
proper
genius
and
constitution
,
as
well
as
natural
ones
have
,
and
that
then
he
,
as
the
life
and
spirit
thereof
,
can
best
judge
,
and
soonest
discover
how
the
humor
of
the
people
stand
generally
tainted
and
affected
.
So
that
when
the
inclinations
and
desires
of
subjects
,
in
their
dealing
one
with
another
,
shall
obtain
his
consent
,
it
will
then
prove
a
coition
towards
the
encrease
of
publike
good
:
But
so
far
as
they
shall
undertake
to
act
on
one
another
without
his
liking
or
assent
,
so
far
will
they
rendred
not
only
barren
of
any
good
issue
,
but
ready
also
to
be
productive
of
those
monsters
of
civil
war
and
rebellion
.
And
as
thus
to
the
resentment
of
the
general
affections
of
the
people
,
so
to
the
differencing
and
discovering
of
the
perfections
and
beauties
of
separate
persons
in
regard
of
excellency
and
fitness
towards
publique
imployment
,
he
is
to
be
looked
upon
as
the
most
proper
and
able
judge
of
what
is
in
that
kind
lovely
also
.
For
as
external
feature
and
decorum
hath
its
excellency
measured
by
conformity
to
the
most
usual
figures
and
shapes
of
the
kind
,
the
which
they
must
be
acknowed
the
most
able
to
judge
of
that
have
made
the
most
exact
and
general
observations
,
even
so
the
perfection
and
fitness
of
publike
ministers
being
to
be
estimated
by
that
conformity
which
is
between
their
breeding
and
ability
,
and
those
imployments
they
are
to
manage
;
it
must
thence
follow
that
the
Prince
being
most
conversant
and
interessed
,
and
having
again
most
general
acquaintance
and
knowledge
of
both
publike
persons
and
imployments
(
as
being
in
himself
both
the
perfection
and
epitome
of
such
Officers
,
as
well
)
as
the
centre
of
such
offices
he
must
be
consequently
thought
the
best
judge
of
what
persons
are
in
this
kind
beautiful
,
and
fit
to
be
entrusted
or
rewarded
with
offices
and
badges
of
honor
;
the
which
we
may
call
political
or
publike
love
.
By
conformity
unto
the
Prince
his
commands
and
directions
,
as
to
a
standing
examplar
and
copy
,
it
will
also
come
to
pass
,
that
there
shall
be
such
things
stated
as
vertue
and
vice
in
morality
,
and
righteousness
and
unrighteousness
in
Religion
.
For
when
there
is
a
certain
and
determinate
rule
set
down
in
both
,
according
to
Divine
and
Natural
Precept
,
it
will
follow
that
that
which
comes
nearest
to
it
will
be
most
vertuous
or
righteous
,
and
that
which
most
differs
will
be
most
vitious
and
sinful
.
And
then
,
by
reason
of
this
uniformity
,
not
only
peace
and
agreement
will
be
secured
,
but
our
fancies
being
for
a
while
accustomed
thereunto
,
content
and
delight
will
follow
also
.
Even
as
(
on
the
contrary
)
we
see
discontent
,
distraction
and
civil
war
,
most
frequently
to
follow
those
places
,
where
least
constraints
to
uniformity
is
kept
up
.
For
there
is
a
beauty
and
handsomness
arising
in
actions
and
deportments
,
in
keeping
a
method
and
order
in
them
according
to
their
rule
and
copy
,
as
there
is
a
fairness
and
comliness
in
writing
according
to
copy
also
.
We
shall
therefore
,
for
conclusion
of
this
quere
,
whether
Government
and
Peace
may
be
preserved
without
force
or
no
,
say
,
that
since
obedience
,
as
obedience
,
will
always
displease
,
and
since
power
and
authority
will
be
always
affected
and
sought
after
;
it
will
be
evident
that
superiors
shall
be
more
or
less
such
,
as
they
are
more
or
less
endued
with
power
and
irresistability
;
and
that
,
as
power
is
necessary
for
the
Governor
,
so
is
fear
for
the
governed
,
as
heretofore
noted
;
even
for
the
necessary
preservation
of
those
relations
,
according
to
that
saying
,
If
I
be
a
father
,
where
is
mine
honor
,
if
I
be
a
Master
where
is
my
fear
.
For
although
a
willing
and
hearty
service
be
most
acceptable
,
and
onely
rewardable
(
as
to
the
doer
)
yet
the
benefit
of
others
will
many
times
be
gained
by
the
deed
itself
;
Whereas
a
known
impunity
will
,
by
example
,
and
as
it
finds
hope
to
attain
the
like
,
procure
common
detriment
,
both
by
neglect
of
the
deed
it self
,
and
by
common
invitation
to
disobedience
.
But
if
the
subject
,
from
his
own
or
others
experience
,
once
find
that
his
obedience
,
in
respect
of
other
damages
and
inforcements
in
the
Princes
power
is
unavoidable
,
he
must
be
supposed
even
through
discreet
willingness
to
submit
,
and
then
through
custom
of
so
doing
,
to
arrive
(
at
last
)
at
a
state
of
natural
willingness
in
obedience
it self
,
experience
telling
us
that
steadiest
loyalty
is
in
such
subjects
as
have
been
used
to
greatest
subjection
,
and
most
discontents
and
rebellions
in
such
Families
and
Kingdoms
,
where
children
and
subjects
have
been
most
free
.
And
it
will
ever
be
a
most
certain
truth
,
that
that
obedience
which
must
unavoidably
be
given
,
will
ever
(
in
equal
things
)
be
more
ready
,
free
,
and
unreluctant
,
then
that
which
may
have
hopes
of
avoidance
.
CONCLUSION
:
BUt
it
is
now
time
to
have
done
,
having
perhaps
as
much
tyred
others
as
my self
in
these
tedious
discourses
,
driven
so
vehemently
on
to
the
cure
of
that
evil
,
which
,
while
men
are
men
,
can
never
enter
into
a
steady
thought
should
be
wholly
done
.
For
when
all
is
said
,
Government
will
have
its
faults
;
and
when
in
the
rule
of
nature
,
we
see
it
sometimes
come
to
pass
,
that
the
stobborness
of
the
matter
is
such
,
as
will
not
admit
of
that
form
which
to
her
policy
in
general
,
or
to
the
production
of
some
more
perfect
creature
were
in
particular
species
necessary
,
(
but
that
pestilence
,
murrains
,
mildews
,
&c.
)
to
the
destruction
of
men
,
beasts
and
vegitables
;
as
also
monstruous
and
imperfect
shapes
(
incident
to
the
generation
of
each
race
and
kind
,
do
sometimes
happen
)
why
should
we
wonder
at
ineffectualness
herein
?
when
,
besides
matter
,
there
is
a
perpetual
aversion
of
will
in
the
governed
;
and
(
alas
the
while
)
the
workmans
skill
or
care
in
this
,
is
too
often
so
to
seek
,
that
,
through
his
default
also
,
the
malady
is
increased
.
Since
therefore
nothing
in
this
life
can
be
to
us
perfect
and
without
its
inconveniences
,
we
can
only
call
that
Government
good
which
is
best
,
and
which
,
upon
tryal
,
hath
fewest
and
least
settled
mischiefs
;
as
not
arising
from
its
form
,
but
contingent
accidents
in
its
ministration
;
and
this
is
that
which
I
have
propounded
as
the
drift
of
this
whole
Treatise
.
Yet
then
again
,
as
the
many
unavoidable
diseases
of
our
natural
bodies
,
are
not
at
all
to
discommend
or
excuse
the
Physicians
care
and
pains
for
their
mittigation
or
removal
,
so
I
hope
in
this
grand
disease
of
the
politique
Body
(
called
Civil
War
)
although
I
cannot
attain
to
a
perfect
or
constant
cure
,
yet
if
the
application
of
those
remedies
I
have
proposed
,
shall
sometimes
cause
diversion
,
and
sometimes
mittigation
,
I
shall
have
comfort
in
my
labours
.
But
in
this
(
as
all
things
else
)
we
must
leave
the
success
to
God
,
whose
work
alone
it
is
,
to
still
(
as
the
raging
of
the
Sea
,
so
)
the
madness
of
the
people
.
Even
that
mad
and
raging
humor
of
liberty
,
which
being
blown
to
a
rebellious
height
by
the
breath
of
seditious
Oratory
,
as
seas
by
the
wind
,
it
is
none
other
then
if
(
in
our
natural
bodies
)
the
allurement
of
our
pallats
should
tempt
us
to
that
food
which
should
bring
us
to
a
feavor
.
And
as
these
surfeits
seldom
come
but
from
such
things
as
are
best
,
and
then
again
loathing
of
that
very
thing
doth
follow
;
so
in
the
politique
constitution
(
though
nothing
more
necessary
and
commodious
then
peace
)
yet
nothing
more
incident
to
mans
fickle
nature
,
then
,
in
a
giddy
thirst
for
variety
,
to
grow
weary
thereof
;
which
,
as
a
thing
bringing
Kingdoms
and
States
to
their
fatal
periods
,
no
otherwise
then
bodily
surfeits
and
sicknesses
do
single
persons
to
their
natural
deaths
,
shall
we
say
that
as
they
are
permitted
for
the
punishment
of
our
sins
(
which
we
can
never
want
)
so
to
this
end
also
.
And
then
,
shall
we
say
,
that
not
so
much
in
consideration
of
ours
,
or
our
progenitors
sins
,
as
that
the
will
of
God
might
be
made
manifest
,
are
these
things
befallen
us
?
Shall
we
say
,
that
since
none
(
of
themselves
)
can
be
called
righteous
or
good
,
that
it
may
therefore
be
a
reason
that
wickedness
and
vice
are
thus
suffered
,
as
to
the
estating
us
good
by
comparison
,
and
that
even
again
in
Government
,
as
to
the
adorning
loyalty
and
other
civil
vertues
,
disobedience
and
rebellion
is
permitted
also
;
and
to
make
us
thereby
more
sensible
and
thankful
when
peace
shall
again
be
restored
.
But
be
the
reasons
what
they
will
(
our
duties
of
obedience
and
submission
being
plain
enough
)
it
is
our
parts
to
look
to
that
,
and
to
leave
these
hidden
things
to
God
,
whose
judgements
are
unsearchable
,
and
●is
ways
past
finding
out
.
For
sure
I
am
,
that
however
God
for
the
punishing
of
a
sinful
people
,
permit
their
Princes
,
as
he
did
David
in
the
fact
of
numbring
,
to
fall
upon
such
unwarrantable
acts
as
may
bring
on
their
punishments
,
yet
can
this
punishment
never
warrant
any
active
resistance
of
his
Authority
.
Or
be
the
King
not
good
,
as
David
was
,
but
such
another
as
Saul
was
,
yet
since
he
is
our
King
,
and
the
Lords
anointed
,
who
can
without
sin
lift
up
their
hand
against
him
.
And
why
should
we
be
more
impatient
of
enduring
those
punishments
from
God
,
that
come
from
the
hands
of
evil
Kings
,
then
those
of
pestilence
,
famine
,
or
the
like
,
that
come
more
immediately
from
nature
,
since
all
come
from
the
same
hand
,
and
to
the
same
end
,
the
punishment
of
our
sins
.
And
since
God
owns
the
giving
of
them
in
his
anger
,
and
the
having
their
hearts
in
his
hand
,
and
turning
them
wheresoever
he
pleaseth
,
why
should
we
think
of
resisting
one
more
then
another
?
Thus
is
wicked
Pharoahs
heart
hardned
,
and
his
subjects
the
●gyptians
thereby
plagued
.
And
thus
,
as
aforesaid
,
is
good
Davids
heart
stirred
up
to
number
the
people
,
and
these
people
thereupon
punished
with
pestilence
.
And
who
would
have
thought
a
three
years
famine
so
long
after
Sauls
death
,
should
be
the
punishment
of
surviving
subjects
for
a
past
fact
of
zeal
done
by
a
King
so
long
dead
?
Or
that
the
house
of
Jehu
,
and
his
people
by
consequent
,
should
be
threatned
with
Gods
punishment
for
the
execution
of
that
his
justice
upon
the
house
of
Ahab
▪
three
hundred
years
after
the
fact
done
;
when
as
yet
the
very
fact
it self
was
so
plainly
appointed
and
warranted
by
divine
authority
.
In
which
examples
of
Kings
sins
being
made
causes
of
punishing
peoples
sins
with
plagues
,
pestilence
,
famine
,
civil
war
,
or
the
like
,
I
would
know
if
resisting
of
Kings
had
not
been
resisting
of
God
,
or
if
any
such
thing
could
have
averted
their
punishment
,
but
rather
aggravated
their
offences
,
by
adding
this
rebellion
against
their
Prince
,
to
their
former
against
God
,
and
so
breaking
more
of
his
Laws
.
For
suppose
the
people
never
so
innocent
,
as
in
some
of
the
alledged
cases
may
appear
,
or
suppose
as
all
of
us
are
ready
to
flatter
our
own
hypocrisies
,
that
neither
we
nor
our
Fathers
have
sinned
,
as
to
those
punishments
,
but
that
the
Will
of
God
might
be
made
manifest
,
Oh
let
us
not
resist
that
Will
,
who
owns
all
the
evils
that
befalls
each
City
,
that
is
to
say
publike
evils
;
lest
while
we
will
not
be
punished
,
as
he
appoints
,
by
a
King
in
his
anger
,
he
,
by
suffering
him
to
be
taken
away
,
should
,
by
Anarchy
,
plague
us
in
his
wrath
.
In
tender
sense
of
publick
Peace
and
Charity
,
and
the
blessed
condition
of
the
Peace
makers
themselves
and
those
that
are
promoters
and
assistants
in
it
,
I
shall
now
appeal
to
the
Consciences
and
Judgements
of
all
such
as
are
wont
to
gild
over
their
own
Covetousness
and
Ambition
with
the
shews
of
Justice
and
Religion
,
and
are
so
forward
to
kill
all
that
will
not
submit
and
joyn
in
opinion
with
them
:
you
that
will
undertake
to
controle
Heaven
in
its
dispensations
,
and
under
colour
of
Tyranny
or
Usurpation
,
of
wrong
rule
or
wrong
entry
,
will
at
your
pleasure
be
withdrawing
your
own
and
others
obedience
from
your
present
Prince
,
give
me
leave
to
summon
your
thoughts
to
a
serious
consideration
of
all
those
sad
consequents
that
must
attend
it
,
that
by
calling
your self
to
an
accompt
before
the
time
of
that
general
accomptcom
,
you
may
be
both
eased
in
your
own
reckoning
then
,
and
have
your
Conscience
here
eased
of
those
sins
and
miseries
which
your
stubbornness
must
produce
.
Suppose
then
that
you
,
with
all
those
fair
declamations
of
Law
and
Justice
,
or
of
Religion
and
Zeal
,
which
you
,
in
your
popular
Oratory
,
are
so
copious
and
ready
in
,
shall
be
able
to
seduce
and
draw
to
your
party
such
a
considerable
number
of
your
fellow
Subjects
,
as
to
form
the
same
into
a
Civil
war
,
wherein
thousands
must
lose
their
lives
as
well
on
one
side
as
the
other
,
suppose
I
say
,
these
several
parties
through
thy
perswasion
slain
by
each
other
in
the
height
of
uncharitableness
should
now
present
themselves
before
thee
with
their
wounded
and
macerated
bodies
,
and
all
besmeared
with
gore
and
blood
,
and
with
grim
and
ghastly
visages
stare
thee
in
the
face
as
the
horrid
spectacles
of
thy
confusion
and
amazement
.
But
this
is
not
all
;
seest
thou
that
throng
of
desolate
Widdows
and
Orphans
,
and
of
disconsolate
Parents
,
who
,
as
in
sacrifice
of
thy
ambition
or
avarice
,
are
by
the
death
of
each
other
bereft
of
comforts
,
and
left
to
a
necessity
of
dying
while
they
live
;
and
so
the
never
dying
monuments
of
thy
cruelty
and
Rebellion
.
Let
the
shrikes
and
yellings
of
defloured
and
ravished
Virging
and
Matrons
,
the
groans
,
the
tears
,
the
sighs
,
of
such
as
are
in
every
corner
,
after
the
manner
of
civil
war
,
murthered
,
plundered
,
imprisoned
,
or
otherwise
dispoyled
of
life
,
or
livelihood
;
let
all
those
arise
to
thy
remose
.
If
not
,
nor
the
thought
of
that
Forrest-face
which
thy
native
country
must
now
put
on
,
in
respect
of
that
destruction
which
must
be
introduced
on
its
goodly
Edifices
,
Corn
,
and
Cattel
,
can
move
thee
,
as
in
Honor
or
Charity
,
yet
let
Piety
:
Piety
I
say
,
if
thou
hast
any
,
the
sense
of
the
Honor
of
that
God
thou
seemest
to
worship
,
let
this
move
thee
to
think
how
in
these
Civil
wars
,
those
publike
Oratories
and
publike
places
of
worship
dedicated
to
his
name
,
must
be
alway
in
danger
of
ruine
and
sacriledge
also
,
and
how
then
canst
thou
persist
in
a
course
that
must
at
once
destroy
all
bonds
of
Love
,
Loyalty
,
and
Religion
;
that
must
at
once
,
and
that
with
so
high
hand
,
offer
such
violence
,
the
utmost
violencence
in
thy
power
,
to
thy
neighbour
,
to
thy
Prince
,
to
thy
God
.
Doth
not
thy
heart
yet
feel
remorse
?
Heark
,
the
Trumpet
calls
thee
to
the
Judgement-seat
of
that
great
God
himself
,
whose
Honor
and
Authority
on
earth
thou
hast
so
often
slighted
and
offended
.
Now
for
a
Mountain
,
now
for
a
Rock
,
to
cover
thee
from
the
face
of
the
all-incenced
Deity
.
Dost
thou
not
now
finde
that
the
common
Cause
of
condemnation
against
Christians
is
made
for
living
and
dying
in
hatred
and
malice
?
and
how
many
are
there
now
eying
thee
as
the
Author
of
,
and
ring-leader
in
those
Civil
disturbances
where
Christian
against
Christian
have
by
thousands
killed
each
other
in
the
height
and
heat
of
uncharitableness
?
And
seest
thou
not
again
how
the
sentence
of
blessed
runs
to
the
meek
,
to
the
patient
,
to
the
peace-makers
?
&
while
thou
art
setting
forward
thy
trembling
limbs
,
and
stepping
in
,
with
an
Apology
for
thy
Rebellion
,
how
hath
new
confusion
seized
thee
,
at
the
sight
of
that
King
and
Prophet
who
did
so
often
flye
from
his
persecuting
Prince
,
and
had
his
heart
smiting
him
but
for
cutting
off
but
the
hemn
of
his
Garment
?
what
seest
thou
now
?
where
are
thy
Texts
of
Scripture
thy
Pretexts
of
Law
?
See
if
thou
canst
make
thy
warrant
and
call
unto
publike
Authority
and
Command
,
in
any
degree
apparent
and
equal
to
his
,
or
canst
make
thy
sufferings
equal
to
all
that
other
(
therefore
)
glorified
company
of
Martyrs
and
Conf●ssors
,
who
,
amids
all
those
dismal
persecutions
,
even
for
the
most
righteous
cause
of
all
,
and
plainly
so
,
durst
not
lift
up
against
him
that
was
but
a
heathenish
Prince
,
but
chose
to
follow
both
the
Precept
and
Example
of
him
,
who
is
now
in
the
highest
Throne
of
Honor
,
as
a
reward
of
his
Patience
.
Oh
horror
of
horrors
,
what
is
thy
Judge
become
a
party
too
;
a
Mountain
,
a
Mountain
,
a
Mountain
.
No
sooner
hath
thy
all-dispairing
soul
caused
thine
all
confounded
eys
to
sink
and
settle
on
objects
below
,
but
,
oh
torment
of
torments
.
Who
is
this
that
is
now
to
be
thy
Prince
,
and
under
whose
Dominion
thou
must
now
for
ever
live
?
Thou
shalt
not
need
here
to
study
pretensions
of
Tyranny
and
Oppression
against
thy
Prince
,
nor
invectives
and
standers
against
his
Officers
and
Ministers
.
What
is
it
which
thou
truly
feelest
now
?
Oh
—
If
this
be
the
expectation
,
as
(
without
Repentance
)
it
can
be
none
other
,
of
all
that
are
promoters
of
civil
disturbance
,
how
necessary
then
is
it
that
we
should
timously
thinking
of
bridling
our
covetous
and
unruly
appetites
,
and
learn
patiently
to
submit
unto
that
Regiment
and
condition
of
life
wherein
Providence
hath
places
us
.
When
discontent
of
any
sort
assaults
us
to
impatience
,
think
we
then
,
this
is
not
our
rest
.
No
happiness
to
be
here
expected
,
all
things
in
this
life
comes
to
us
mingled
;
as
well
to
manifest
and
draw
down
our
acknowledgement
of
Deity
and
Providence
for
the
receipt
of
what
is
good
,
as
to
wean
and
withdraw
our
affections
from
this
world
to
a
better
;
in
such
sort
that
those
very
things
wherein
our
greatest
temporal
preservation
and
good
doth
consist
,
are
attended
and
accompanied
with
such
as
are
of
greatest
mischief
.
From
the
food
with
which
our
bodies
are
nourished
,
do
we
contract
the
most
of
our
diseases
;
nay
from
those
sorts
of
it
which
are
best
too
,
do
we
by
intemperance
,
draw
on
those
maladies
which
are
most
desperate
and
deadly
.
From
that
very
root
of
Love
,
and
desire
of
beneficence
and
thirst
of
Honor
,
ingraffed
for
mutual
comfort
and
assistance
,
do
we
daily
finde
contrary
effects
to
be
produced
;
when
by
too
strict
and
irregular
fixation
and
use
thereof
,
according
to
the
particular
interest
and
guidance
of
our
private
appetite
and
discretions
,
we
are
led
into
Faction
and
Civil
war
.
And
so
lastly
,
from
that
course
of
prevention
and
restraint
which
by
divine
appointment
was
setled
amongst
us
as
the
onely
Soveraign
remedy
and
cure
of
these
exorbitances
,
namely
the
constitution
and
power
of
Monarchical
government
;
even
this
doth
,
together
with
the
cure
,
make
us
lyable
and
obnoxious
to
those
fatal
mischiefs
of
Tyranny
and
Oppression
also
.
Against
which
as
we
have
neither
reasonable
or
lawful
remedy
but
that
of
Patience
,
so
shall
we
finde
it
a
true
remedy
indeed
,
and
to
usher
us
into
an
habitation
and
Kingdom
where
neither
a
natural
distemper
,
nor
a
civil
distraction
shall
any
more
afflict
us
.
No
,
no
,
all
cause
of
fear
,
either
of
loss
or
punishment
is
now
banished
;
our
obedience
is
become
all
love
here
,
for
a
full
comprehension
of
the
pleasure
of
our
present
Soveraign
,
together
with
a
full
assurance
of
his
continual
ready
acceptance
,
as
well
as
of
our
own
continual
ready
ability
of
performance
shall
make
all
apprehension
of
power
stand
as
it
were
forgotten
in
that
of
goodness
.
And
whereas
we
now
know
neither
our
own
duties
,
nor
Gods
love
and
acceptance
but
in
part
,
seeing
them
as
through
a
glass
darkly
,
then
shall
we
know
him
,
as
to
his
Will
and
good
pleasure
,
even
as
we
are
known
of
him
,
as
to
our
hearty
desire
of
serving
and
honoring
him
;
and
this
,
face
to
face
.
We
shall
not
longer
wait
on
tedious
Inductions
and
Observations
for
some
slender
and
fallible
comprehension
of
these
things
,
but
at
such
time
as
Charity
shall
make
up
our
Obedience
,
our
knowledge
shall
be
inherent
,
arising
from
presence
and
intuition
.
There
is
no
such
opacity
here
as
to
necessitate
us
to
rays
of
light
to
discover
,
(
at
most
)
but
skin-deep
into
the
qualities
of
things
;
no
,
then
the
true
Nature
of
things
shall
be
as
soon
known
as
their
names
;
and
their
inward
,
as
their
outward
form
.
And
therefore
what
cause
then
of
fear
that
any
thing
should
separate
us
from
the
love
of
God
our
present
Soveraign
?
Where
there
shall
not
be
so
much
as
a
false
accuser
left
to
appear
in
that
Kingdom
;
whereby
to
disturb
us
in
our
civil
life
,
more
then
a
disease
to
disturb
us
in
our
natural
.
The
life
and
health
of
our
then
refined
bodies
shall
no
more
run
the
hazard
of
either
famine
or
surfeit
,
by
relying
on
such
food
as
could
not
nourish
us
until
dead
,
nor
but
bring
death
by
nourishment
.
Our
then
no
longer
sickly
nor
mortal
bodies
,
shall
now
have
their
more
spiritual
life
and
perfection
secured
and
encreased
from
a
food
far
more
spiritual
and
perfect
then
our selves
.
In
this
true
Paradise
shall
we
finde
the
true
tree
of
life
it self
;
that
bread
of
life
that
once
came
down
from
Heaven
cloathed
with
our
nature
,
that
we
might
be
made
capable
and
Participant
of
his
.
With
this
food
shall
we
be
always
delightfully
fed
,
never
full
;
always
satisfied
,
never
satiate
.
As
thus
to
our selves
,
so
to
our
present
society
:
instead
of
those
thwartings
and
injuries
which
used
to
come
from
the
hands
of
competitors
or
enemies
,
we
shall
,
on
all
hands
,
be
saluted
with
the
ready
Offices
of
complacency
and
love
,
for
how
can
envy
or
malice
have
either
Author
or
Object
,
where
encrease
of
eminence
or
property
cannot
be
so
much
as
wisht
for
?
Our
enjoyments
then
shall
not
be
purchased
or
endeared
at
the
price
of
want
and
difficulty
:
for
fruition
shall
here
antecede
appetite
,
even
so
,
as
there
shall
not
be
so
much
as
time
or
room
left
for
a
wish
.
And
whilst
thou
shalt
be
thus
steadily
compleat
with
happiness
in
thy self
,
so
as
neither
to
have
cause
to
hope
more
,
nor
fear
wors●
,
and
that
through
the
gift
and
participation
of
divine
love
,
so
shalt
thou
finde
this
love
so
much
refined
also
,
as
to
be
universally
and
reciprocally
efficacious
,
not
onely
to
procure
the
possession
against
fear
of
intrusion
through
others
wants
,
but
to
encrease
it
through
consensation
of
like
benefit
in
them
.
Each
one
that
could
not
as
one
,
contain
more
content
,
shall
,
by
this
union
,
contain
all
.
We
shall
not
then
know
one
another
by
our
old
dividing
relations
of
consanguinity
or
friendship
,
whereby
petty
unions
were
made
destructive
of
the
common
,
and
introductive
of
general
disagreement
:
No
,
every
one
is
lookt
upon
with
the
heightened
affection
of
a
brother
,
by
means
of
that
more
close
tye
and
relation
to
be
derived
from
that
Our
father
which
is
in
Heaven
.
Hath
any
one
been
so
heroick
,
as
but
to
taste
what
it
is
to
be
truely
in
love
with
any
person
here
?
Let
him
then
think
,
that
every
one
now
shall
be
that
he
,
or
that
she
,
but
withour
thought
of
a
he
or
a
she
.
Not
so
hazardously
now
beloved
as
to
relye
on
the
courtesie
of
a
Idea
,
from
the
intent
observation
of
whose
perfection
in
our
conceit
,
the
imperfections
of
the
original
might
come
to
be
clouded
.
No
,
as
we
shall
no
longer
depend
on
the
help
of
deceiveable
notions
,
nor
Affections
or
Passions
for
our
comprehension
and
understanding
,
so
shall
we
not
be
in
danger
to
be
captivated
with
the
glance
of
a
single
sense
;
and
that
from
an
outward
perishing
and
deceiveable
figure
.
Our
Understanding
and
intuistive
knowledge
shall
now
make
way
for
our
will
;
it
shall
not
stand
to
the
issue
of
two
contending
passions
here
.
Where
nothing
is
farther
to
be
hoped
for
or
feared
,
all
such
composition
must
cease
.
We
shall
not
in
this
place
love
at
the
hazard
of
our
discretions
,
nor
endanger
the
loss
of
our selves
by
the
love
of
another
:
for
in
this
society
every
other
shall
be
truely
known
to
be
an
other
self
,
even
so
much
thy self
,
that
thou
shalt
not
be
to
thy self
,
but
in
that
self
:
for
we
shall
be
so
like
and
so
much
one
another
,
as
not
to
know
distinction
or
separation
but
what
number
must
make
.
Oh
that
happy
practice
of
love
below
that
prepared
thee
for
this
blessed
enjoyment
of
love
above
!
Oh
that
happy
performance
of
Obedience
to
thy
former
Fathers
in
the
flesh
,
although
unto
death
,
that
hath
now
redeemed
thee
from
death
,
and
fitted
thee
for
this
subjection
unto
the
Father
of
Spirits
unto
life
!
Oh
happy
participation
in
a
Cross
that
makes
thee
now
a
sharer
with
thy
Saviour
in
his
Crown
!
Thy
former
bread
of
affliction
and
tears
of
sorrow
shall
be
by
thy
blessed
Savior
here
turned
into
wine
of
comfort
and
food
of
life
;
not
to
be
now
tasted
in
a
Sacramental
sip
or
broken
piece
,
and
then
onely
in
a
topick
Communion
;
but
,
in
this
true
and
real
Communion
with
thy
Redeemer
himself
,
thou
shalt
totally
and
eternally
enjoy
that
Catholike
and
blissful
Communion
of
Saints
.
Truely
blissful
now
indeed
,
and
that
in
act
and
possession
;
free
from
the
resentment
and
fear
of
all
those
persecutions
and
afflictions
which
formerly
gave
abatement
to
that
fulness
of
joy
which
in
the
militant
Communion
could
be
expected
.
For
here
thou
shalt
,
in
and
with
them
,
in
a
continual
and
triumphant
manner
,
be
made
a
more
neer
and
firm
participant
of
all
the
gracious
influences
of
deity
:
whose
blessings
and
bounty
can
now
be
no
more
denyed
or
hid
from
thee
,
then
thy
most
blessed
meditator
can
be
again
separate
from
that
nature
of
thine
,
which
was
by
him
for
thy
sake
assumed
.
But
thou
,
thou
ravished
and
exulting
soul
,
what
canst
thou
now
finde
to
do
,
when
thou
hast
found
thy self
thus
full
and
hast
found
others
thus
full
also
,
even
to
such
a
mutual
encrease
of
joy
and
fulness
?
Why
then
thou
and
they
must
run
over
.
Yes
,
yes
,
that
thou
shalt
yet
finde
a
new
joy
,
nay
thy
greatest
joy
,
in
acknowledging
thy
joy
.
Thy
grateful
spirit
shall
now
run
and
croud
into
the
Chorus
of
the
heavenly
host
,
and
there
cheerfully
accompany
thy
fellow
Saints
and
Angels
in
symphony
of
Alleluiahs
to
that
inexhaustible
fountain
of
goodness
.
When
thou
hearest
the
Cherubin
and
Seraphim
crying
out
Holy
,
Holy
,
Holy
,
Lord
God
of
Sabboth
,
how
will
thy
heart
leap
?
how
readily
wilt
thou
also
thrust
thy self
into
the
glorious
company
of
the
Apostles
into
the
goodly
fellowship
of
the
Prophers
,
and
into
the
noble
Army
of
Martyrs
,
and
there
joyn
with
that
triumphant
Church
,
in
a
Magnificant
or
Te
deu●
,
or
other
publike
forms
of
Doxology
;
and
therein
acknowledge
him
the
God
of
this
thy
rest
and
rejoycing
too
:
for
our
Bibles
themselves
shall
now
shrink
into
Ps●lteries
,
and
our
Prayers
into
Praises
;
and
as
our
greatest
delight
,
so
our
greatest
strife
shall
now
be
to
be
foremost
in
the
Quire
,
and
to
be
standing
up
and
as
eminent
as
we
can
in
those
grateful
and
uniform
acclamations
,
of
glory
,
glory
,
glory
;
and
again
,
and
again
,
in
the
same
words
,
glory
,
glory
,
glory
,
&c.
eve●
to
eternity
giving
glory
to
those
three
most
blessed
persons
;
to
whom
be
Praise
and
Glory
here
on
earth
both
now
and
for
ever
,
Amen
.
FINIS
.