Of
the
House
of
ANGUS
,
before
it
came
to
the
name
of
DOUGLAS
.
THe
great
and
potent
House
of
Douglas
(
of
which
we
may
say
,
the
best
subjects
that
ever
served
Prince
,
the
worthiest
seconds
that
ever
seconded
any
,
worthie
for
their
modestie
to
be
seconded
by
others
,
second
to
none
in
all
vertue
,
and
true
worth
of
valour
,
magnanimitie
,
kindenesse
,
courtesie
,
faithfulnesse
to
King
,
Countrey
;
and
kinred
,
serving
their
Prince
,
and
served
by
the
rest
,
worthily
served
,
worthie
to
be
served
,
as
knowers
of
service
,
and
recompencers
thereof
in
due
proportion
,
and
degree
,
as
Charters
of
Lands
liberally
given
do
testifie
)
being
thus
brought
to
this
pitifull
end
,
there
arose
in
place
thereof
the
House
of
Angus
,
of
which
we
come
now
to
speak
,
and
to
view
in
the
descent
of
it
.
If
we
shall
consider
it
in
our
best
discourse
,
with
all
circumstances
due
to
it
,
and
compare
it
with
the
former
,
to
which
it
succeeded
,
ballancing
all
things
aright
,
we
shall
finde
it
,
as
not
fully
so
great
in
that
huge
puissance
and
large
extent
of
lands
and
rents
that
the
house
of
Douglas
had
(
which
did
surpasse
all
others
that
were
before
,
or
have
been
since
amongst
subjects
,
)
so
shall
it
be
seen
otherwise
nothing
inferiour
.
In
antiquitie
Angus
is
thus
far
beyond
it
,
that
there
have
been
diverse
●…hanes
of
Angus
(
which
was
a
degree
of
honour
in
those
dayes
equall
to
that
of
Earles
now
)
as
also
that
the
Earles
of
Angus
were
created
amongst
the
first
that
carried
the
title
of
Earles
in
the
year
1057.
or
1061.
at
the
Parliament
of
Forfaire
in
the
dayes
of
King
Malcolme
Kenmore
;
whereas
the
house
of
Douglas
was
honoured
onely
with
the
title
of
Barons
,
or
Lords
.
This
is
much
preferment
,
yet
it
is
more
,
that
in
our
Chronicles
the
name
of
the
house
of
Douglas
is
then
first
found
,
whereas
Angus
is
found
200.
years
before
that
time
in
the
839.
year
,
howbeit
we
have
already
showne
that
there
were
Douglasses
in
the
year
767.
though
not
mentioned
by
our
Writers
.
In
bloud
they
are
equall
on
the
fathers
side
,
as
being
descended
of
the
same
progenitours
;
so
that
what
ever
belongs
to
the
house
of
Douglas
before
James
slain
at
Otterburn
,
belongs
also
to
the
house
of
Angus
;
the
first
Earle
of
Angus
of
that
surname
being
brother
to
him
,
and
both
of
them
sonnes
to
W●…lliam
the
first
Earle
of
Douglas
,
or
rather
the
first
Earle
of
Douglas
,
being
also
Earle
of
Angus
in
effect
,
seeing
his
wife
was
Countesse
of
Angus
,
howbeit
he
used
not
the
stile
.
By
the
mothers
side
,
the
house
of
Angus
hath
the
preeminence
,
being
descended
of
the
greatest
in
the
Kingdome
,
and
even
of
the
Royall
stock
,
having
been
divers
wayes
mingled
therewith
.
In
vertue
,
valour
,
and
love
of
their
Countrey
,
it
resemblet●…
the
spring
from
whence
it
●…owes
,
and
comes
nothing
short
of
it
.
In
c●…edit
,
authority
,
place
,
and
action
,
account
,
favour
,
and
affection
of
men
,
we
shall
finde
it
no
lesse
beloved
and
popular
,
and
no
lesse
respected
and
honoured
.
So
that
with
all
this
(
both
likenesse
,
and
no
great
inequalitie
)
bearing
the
name
of
Douglas
,
together
with
the
armes
,
and
title
of
Lords
of
Douglas
,
the
fall
of
this
former
house
was
the
lesse
felt
,
it
seeming
not
so
much
cut
off
,
as
transplanted
;
nor
destroyed
,
as
transferred
;
some
comfort
it
is
,
when
it
comes
so
to
passe
,
as
may
be
seen
in
many
others
.
To
deduce
then
the
house
of
Angus
from
the
first
originall
thereof
,
〈◊〉
B●…chanan
)
Aeneas
,
and
the
younger
Merns
.
These
two
brothers
dividing
that
Province
betwixt
them
,
gave
each
of
them
his
name
to
that
half
he
possessed
,
and
so
of
one
they
made
two
,
calling
the
one
Angus
,
and
the
other
the
Merns
,
as
these
Countreyes
are
so
called
at
this
present
.
This
is
the
first
Thane
of
Angus
,
from
whom
that
Countrey
took
the
name
.
2.
After
him
we
read
of
other
Thanes
,
as
of
Rohardus
,
Radardus
,
or
Cadhardus
,
who
slew
Culenus
(
the
79.
King
)
for
ravishing
his
daughter
.
3.
Also
there
was
one
Cruthnetus
(
in
the
reigne
of
Kenneth
;
brother
to
Duffe
,
in
the
year
961.
)
who
was
slain
by
Crathelint
;
who
was
his
own
grand-childe
by
his
daughter
Fenella
,
or
Finabella
;
married
to
the
Thane
of
the
Merns
.
4.
Then
we
have
one
Sinel
,
(
in
the
reigne
of
Malcolm●…
the
second
son
to
this
Kenneth
,
who
began
his
reigne
1104.
and
reigned
30
:
years
)
who
married
Do●…
or
Doada
,
younger
daughter
to
King
Malcolm●…
,
whose
elder
sister
Beatrix
,
was
married
to
Crinen
,
Thane
of
the
Isles
;
and
principall
of
the
Thanes
,
whom
that
age
called
Abthane
.
5.
Of
this
marriagé
was
procreat
Mackbeth
,
or
Mackbed
,
or
Mac●…abee
,
Thane
of
Angus
,
and
afterward
King
of
Scotland
,
of
whom
the
History
is
sufficiently
knowne
.
6.
The
last
Thane
was
Luthlack
,
son
to
Mackbeth
,
who
was
installed
King
at
Scone
after
his
fathers
death
,
but
within
three
moneths
he
was
encountered
by
King
Malcolme
;
and
slain
at
Strabogie
.
This
was
about
the
year
1056
,
or
57.
And
so
much
of
the
first
period
of
the
house
of
Angus
,
under
the
title
of
Thanes
.
The
second
period
of
the
house
of
Angus
,
is
under
the
title
of
Earles
,
before
it
come
to
the
name
of
Stuart
.
The
first
is
,
one
made
Earle
by
King
Malcolme
,
at
the
Parliament
of
Forfaire
,
where
Boetius
telleth
expresly
,
that
the
Thane
of
Angus
was
made
Earle
of
Angus
.
The
next
is
in
the
dayes
of
King
David
(
called
Saint
David
)
in
the
warres
with
Stephen
King
of
England
,
in
the
battell
at
Alerton
,
where
the
Generall
the
Ea●…
of
Glocester
was
taken
prisoner
;
the
Scottish
Army
is
said
to
have
been
conducted
by
the
Earles
of
March
,
Stratherne
,
and
Angus
,
in
the
year
1136.
or
37.
but
he
is
no●…
named
.
The
third
is
Gilchrist
(
in
the
year
1153.
)
in
the
reigne
of
Malcolme
the
maiden
,
who
did
good
service
against
Sumerledus
,
Thane
of
Argyle
,
and
being
married
to
the
Kings
sister
;
having
found
her
false
,
put
her
to
death
;
and
fearing
the
King
,
fled
into
England
,
and
afterward
was
pardoned
.
Then
we
have
John
Cumin
in
the
dayes
of
Alexander
the
second
,
in
the
year
1239.
of
whom
wee
read
nothing
,
but
that
he
was
sent
Ambassadour
into
France
to
Lewis
then
King
,
and
that
he
died
by
the
way
before
he
had
delivered
his
Ambassage
:
Boetius
,
〈◊〉
.
This
was
about
1330.
The
third
period
is
in
the
surname
of
Stuarts
;
of
whom
the
first
is
one
John
Stuart
entitled
Earle
of
Angus
,
Lord
of
Boncle
,
and
Abernethie
,
in
a
Charter
given
by
him
to
Gilbert
Lumsden
of
Blainerne
,
yet
extant
in
the
hands
of
the
house
of
Blainerne
.
It
is
not
dated
,
but
the
witnesses
show
the
time
,
for
Randolphus
custos
regni
Scotiae
is
one
.
What
this
John
was
is
uncertain
,
but
in
likelihood
he
hath
been
brother
to
Walter
(
the
seventh
from
the
first
Walter
)
and
sonne
to
John
,
and
so
also
uncle
to
Robert
the
first
King
of
that
Name
,
for
so
the
time
doth
bear
,
and
his
father
John
(
or
himself
)
married
the
heir
of
Boncle
,
and
was
slain
at
the
battell
of
Falkirk
in
the
year
1299.
This
John
was
slain
at
Halidoun
hill
,
together
with
his
brother
James
,
and
Alan●…
.
(
Bu●…h
.
lib.
9.
)
2.
The
second
is
,
Thomas
(
apparantly
sonne
to
John
)
who
assisted
the
Earle
of
Douglas
,
and
the
Earle
of
March
in
their
taking
of
Berwick
,
in
the
year
1357.
or
58.
he
died
in
the
Castle
of
Dumbartan
,
having
bin
imprisoned
there
,
but
for
what
,
is
not
known
.
3.
Then
Thomas
again
,
father
to
Margaret
Stuart
Countesse
of
Marre
and
Angus
.
4.
Last
of
all
Margaret
Stuart
,
daughter
to
this
Thomas
,
married
first
to
Thomas
Marre
Earle
of
Marre
in
her
fathers
lifetime
apparantly
.
And
after
her
fathers
death
(
who
died
without
heirs
male
)
she
was
heir
to
her
father
by
the
renunciation
of
her
sister
Elizabeth
(
who
was
married
afterward
to
Alexander
Hamilton
of
Cadyowe
)
and
so
she
was
Countesse
of
Marre
and
Angus
,
Dowager
(
or
Lady
tercer
)
of
Marre
,
and
inheritrix
of
the
Earldome
of
Angus
.
Her
first
husband
dying
without
issue
,
she
was
married
after
his
death
to
William
the
first
Earle
of
Douglas
,
she
being
his
third
wife
(
as
hath
bin
shewed
)
in
the
year
1381.
She
was
a
kinde
Lady
to
her
friends
,
loving
to
her
sister
Elizabeth
,
and
a
carefull
mother
to
her
sonne
George
Earle
of
Angus
.
She
is
never
designed
Countesse
of
Douglas
,
either
for
distinction
,
being
better
known
by
her
titles
of
Marre
and
Angus
,
or
because
these
were
more
ancient
,
and
no
lesse
honon●…able
.
She
is
the
twelfth
from
Bancho
,
and
tenth
from
Walter
the
first
Stuart
,
and
she
is
the
last
of
that
Name
in
the
house
of
Angus
.
And
thus
much
of
the
house
of
Angus
in
generall
before
it
came
to
the
Douglasses
,
of
whom
now
it
is
time
to
speak
.
Of
the
first
Earle
of
Angus
of
the
Name
of
Douglas
.
Of
William
the
first
Earle
of
Douglas
and
Angus
.
WE
shall
do
no
wrong
to
reckon
William
(
the
first
Earle
of
Douglas
)
as
the
first
Earle
of
Angus
,
also
of
the
Name
of
Douglas
,
seeing
he
married
the
inheritrix
of
Angus
.
Nay
we
should
do
him
wrong
to
omit
him
,
being
the
root
from
which
all
the
rest
are
sprung
.
He
was
the
first
Earl
of
Douglas
,
and
first
Earl
of
Angus
of
the
Name
of
Douglas
,
though
it
be
true
that
he
was
23.
or
24.
years
Earl
of
Douglas
before
he
came
to
be
Earl
of
Angus
,
and
that
is
all
the
difference
betwixt
the
antiquitie
of
these
two
houses
in
the
possession
of
that
Name
.
Now
that
it
was
Earle
William
himself
,
and
none
else
,
it
is
evident
by
a
bond
made
by
the
said
Earle
William
to
his
sister
Marjorie
(
Countesse
of
Marre
)
for
the
due
payment
of
the
said
Marjories
third
,
let
to
him
and
Margaret
Stuart
(
Countesse
of
Marre
and
Angus
)
where
he
calls
her
his
wife
.
Also
that
the
same
Earle
William
was
father
to
George
,
it
is
clear
by
a
Charter
of
Tutorie
,
and
entaile
made
by
Sir
James
Sandilands
of
West-Calder
to
George
,
in
which
Sir
James
speaking
sayes
thus
,
The
Land
of
Calder
were
given
to
my
father
and
mother
of
good
memorie
by
my
Lord
Sir
William
Earle
of
Douglas
and
Marre
his
father
:
that
is
,
father
to
George
.
Of
the
life
of
this
William
we
have
spoken
in
the
house
of
Douglas
,
whither
we
referre
the
Reader
.
Of
George
Douglas
,
second
Earle
of
that
Name
,
and
sonne
to
Margaret
Stuart
Countesse
of
Marre
and
Angus
.
GEorge
his
sonne
entreth
to
the
Earledome
in
the
year
1389.
the
9.
He
had
to
wife
Mary
Stuart
daughter
to
King
Robert
the
third
,
being
Mary
Stuart
his
wife
was
twice
married
,
first
to
the
Lord
Kennedie
,
and
bare
to
him
John
Lord
Kennedie
,
and
James
Arch-bishop
of
Saint
Andrews
,
who
are
called
brothers
to
his
sonne
George
Earle
of
Angus
.
Then
she
was
married
to
the
Lord
John
Grahame
of
Dindaffe-moore
,
and
bare
to
him
Patrick
Grahame
Bishop
also
of
Saint
Andrews
,
and
James
Grahame
first
Laird
of
Fintrie
.
His
children
were
William
and
George
,
both
Earles
of
Angus
afte●…
him
.
Of
William
the
third
Earle
of
Angus
,
and
second
of
that
Name
(
of
William
)
TO
George
succeeded
William
his
sonne
by
Mary
Stuart
,
as
all
our
writers
do
testifie
,
and
all
men
acknowledge
,
He
was
amongst
those
that
were
committed
to
prison
by
King
James
the
first
,
in
the
year
1424.
After
this
he
was
employed
to
receive
the
Castle
of
Dumbarre
,
when
the
Earle
of
March
was
imprisoned
,
in
the
year
1435.
the
29.
of
King
James
the
first
his
Raigne
,
he
was
made
warden
of
the
In
the
year
1436.
he
was
sent
against
Percie
,
who
,
either
by
private
Adam
Hepburne
of
Hales
,
Alexander
Ramsay
of
Dalhousie
,
Sir
Gilbert
Johnstoun
of
Elphinston
.
They
fought
at
Piperdain
or
Piperdean
(
as
Henry
Cliddisdale
,
Sir
John
Ogle
,
Sir
Richard
Percie
Knights
;
taken
prisoners
1500.
Of
the
Scots
one
onely
of
note
was
slaine
,
Sir
Gilbert
Johnstoun
of
Elphinston
(
Buchanan
cals
him
Alexander
,
Gilbert
〈◊〉
of
Elph●…nston
〈◊〉
.
but
amisse
)
a
gentleman
of
singular
approved
vertue
(
sayes
Buchanan
)
and
Boetius
tells
the
manner
,
while
he
pursues
the
enemy
too
eagerly
.
Before
this
,
Archbald
Earle
of
Douglas
,
and
Wigton
was
gone
into
France
male-contented
with
the
government
,
having
been
twice
committed
prisoner
,
to
receive
his
Dukedome
of
Turaine
.
Every
mis-hap
is
good
for
some
body
:
that
gave
occasion
and
way
to
this
employment
,
for
while
the
house
of
Douglas
was
present
,
who
but
they
for
service
against
England
?
who
but
they
were
able
to
do
it
?
Now
they
being
absent
,
who
but
a
Douglas
?
A
branch
of
that
tree
,
and
not
long
since
come
of
it
,
especially
being
the
Kings
Cousin
so
near
.
So
they
begin
,
and
so
they
shall
continue
with
the
like
vertue
.
We
hear
not
whom
he
married
,
nor
any
thing
of
his
children
,
save
of
his
sonne
James
who
did
succeed
to
him
.
Neither
is
it
known
when
he
died
precisely
:
onely
we
finde
that
he
was
dead
before
the
1437.
the
27.
of
Februarie
.
So
that
reckoning
from
the
first
year
of
his
fathers
marriage
(
in
the
1398.
)
he
hath
lived
some
41.
years
in
all
,
and
13.
years
Earle
,
from
the
1424.
Of
James
the
fourth
Earle
of
Angus
of
the
surname
of
Douglas
.
AFter
William
,
his
sonne
James
was
Earle
.
Our
warrand
is
a
writ
;
where
he
is
served
heir
to
William
his
father
in
Killiemoore
,
of
the
date
1437.
Febr.
27.
some
6.
or
7.
years
after
the
death
of
King
James
the
first
.
There
are
also
diverse
other
writs
of
this
kinde
extant
▪
which
do
witnesse
that
he
hath
been
,
but
of
no
use
in
publick
,
or
for
historie
.
Whither
ever
he
was
married
,
or
had
any
children
we
hear
nothing
.
There
is
one
thing
not
to
be
omitted
,
which
is
a
bo●…d
of
Robert
Fleming
of
Cummernald
,
to
him
(
where
he
is
entitled
James
Earle
of
Angus
Lord
of
Liddisdale
,
and
Jedward
Forrest
)
to
enter
within
the
iron
gate
of
the
Castle
of
Tantallon
or
Hermitage
,
under
the
pain
of
2000
▪
marks
upon
eight
dayes
warning
.
The
cause
is
subjoyned
,
because
he
had
burnt
the
Earles
Corne
within
the
Baronie
of
North-Berwick
,
and
taken
away
his
Cattell
there
on
Fasting-even
,
or
Shrove-tuesday
.
It
is
dated
in
the
year
1444.
the
24.
of
September
.
This
burning
is
a
token
of
no
good
will
even
then
betwixt
the
house
of
Angus
,
and
the
house
of
Douglas
,
whereof
the
Lord
Fleming
was
a
follower
.
Even
then
,
I
say
,
before
the
time
of
William
slain
at
Stirlin
.
For
this
seemes
to
have
fallen
out
about
the
time
of
Grosse
James
,
or
(
it
may
be
)
in
the
beginning
of
Earle
William
.
But
it
is
hard
to
conceive
how
this
man
(
a
depender
of
the
Earles
of
Douglas
)
should
thus
farre
have
bowed
himself
,
and
it
is
a
token
,
that
the
Earle
of
Angus
authority
hath
not
been
small
.
Howsoever
,
on
these
grounds
we
restored
him
to
his
own
place
,
being
left
out
altogether
by
all
other
that
I
have
seen
.
Of
George
Douglas
,
the
second
George
and
fifth
Earle
of
Angus
.
TO
James
succeeded
his
uncle
George
,
by
the
consent
of
our
whole
writers
,
who
(
all
)
speaking
of
King
James
the
second
,
call
this
George
the
Kings
fathers
sisters
sonne
.
So
the
King
and
he
,
are
brother
and
sisters
children
.
We
need
not
to
impugne
the
received
op●…nion
;
The
time
and
computation
of
years
will
admit
it
sufficiently
,
for
though
he
were
born
two
years
after
his
fathers
marriage
1400.
yet
shall
he
not
passe
63.
at
his
death
.
Neither
doth
any
other
thing
that
I
know
of
,
hinder
us
from
beleeving
this
deduction
.
Wherefore
we
will
follow
them
,
though
we
have
no
other
monument
to
testifie
so
much
expressely
,
or
to
hinder
him
from
being
sonne
to
James
.
There
is
this
scruple
in
it
,
that
Buchanan
calls
James
Kennedie
(
Arch-bishop
of
Saint
Andrews
)
of
greater
age
then
George
Douglas
.
Which
if
it
be
true
,
then
George
could
not
be
his
brother
,
for
their
mother
was
first
married
to
Angus
.
We
have
monuments
of
him
as
Earle
in
the
year
1452.
May
24.
and
in
the
1461.
the
last
of
September
;
and
of
his
sonne
retoured
heir
to
him
in
the
1463.
So
that
he
hath
been
Earle
about
10.
or
11
years
.
But
our
histories
say
it
was
he
that
assisted
Creightoun
to
spoile
the
Earle
Douglas
Lands
of
Strabroke
,
&c.
from
about
1445.
or
46.
years
,
and
so
his
time
shall
be
17.
years
.
He
married
Elizabeth
Sibauld
daughter
to
Sibauld
of
Balgonie
Treasurer
of
Scotland
for
the
time
,
profitably
,
and
not
dishonourably
.
For
his
place
of
Treasurer
was
a
place
of
credit
and
honour
,
and
himself
Malcolme
Ke●…more
,
and
Grandfather
to
the
said
Malcolme
by
his
mother
,
and
had
the
leading
of
the
Buch.
lib.
7.
〈◊〉
English
Army
that
was
sent
in
for
his
aide
against
Mackbeth
,
to
the
number
His
children
were
Archbald
,
and
another
son
▪
whose
name
we
have
Robert
Grahame
of
Fintrie
;
second
Margaret
,
to
Duncan
Campbell
;
third
Giles
;
and
fourth
Alison
,
of
whose
marriage
there
is
no
mention
.
He
had
also
a
son
naturall
,
of
whom
are
descended
the
house
of
Bonjedward
.
His
daughters
Robert
Grahame
of
Fintrie
,
to
marry
his
sister
Elizabeth
,
failing
her
,
Margaret
;
and
failing
Margaret
,
Giles
;
and
failing
Giles
,
Alison
;
so
soon
as
a
dispensation
can
be
obtained
,
for
they
were
within
the
degrees
then
forbidden
,
she
being
the
third
from
Mary
Stuart
the
Kings
Daughter
,
and
Robert
Grahame
in
the
same
degree
(
belike
)
son
to
James
Grahame
.
The
portion
is
400.
Marks
.
Margaret
was
married
to
Duncan
Campbell
(
we
know
not
of
what
house
)
in
the
year
1479.
Her
brother
contracts
for
600.
Marks
,
and
findes
Robert
Douglas
of
Loghleven
,
and
Alexander
Ramsay
of
Dalhousie
suretie
for
it
.
Her
mother
gives
her
bond
for
their
relief
.
To
return
to
Earle
George
,
we
finde
that
he
was
a
man
very
well
accomplished
;
Robert
Fleming
therefore
did
burn
and
spoile
in
the
Baronie
of
North-Berwick
.
And
now
that
course
begun
then
,
is
here
prosecuted
by
Earle
George
to
the
utmost
point
.
A
pitie
of
such
dissention
in
these
houses
,
or
one
house
rather
,
against
which
if
it
had
not
been
thus
divided
in
it self
,
their
enemies
could
hardly
have
prevailed
.
For
it
cannot
be
denyed
but
the
house
of
Douglas
had
great
wrong
,
and
was
treacherously
dealt
with
by
Creighton
,
neither
did
it
ever
intend
any
thing
against
the
King
;
but
the
King
was
drawn
to
the
partie
against
it
:
though
in
the
good
cause
of
it
,
it
committed
errours
,
it
is
to
be
pitied
,
and
lamented
;
for
who
doth
not
.
Also
George
Earle
of
Angus
declares
not
himself
openly
against
the
house
of
Douglas
for
a
time
.
The
support
that
he
is
said
to
have
given
to
William
Creighton
is
said
to
have
been
done
covertly
at
the
spoiling
of
Strabroke
and
Abercorne
.
Neither
after
that
,
untill
such
time
as
the
King
declared
himself
openly
,
slew
William
Earle
Douglas
at
Stirlin
,
and
made
open
Warre
against
James
who
succeeded
to
him
.
Then
he
also
declared
for
the
King
,
and
bent
his
whole
force
and
power
to
aide
him
.
He
had
that
same
year
before
1452.
the
24.
of
May
,
taken
a
course
for
keeping
good
order
in
his
Countrey
of
Liddesdale
,
and
to
keep
his
Castle
of
the
Hermitage
safe
for
him
,
and
that
his
folks
should
do
no
hurt
to
others
,
nor
receive
any
of
the
enemies
.
He
had
for
that
purpose
made
Sir
Archbald
Douglas
of
Cavers
(
Sheriffe
of
Roxbrough
)
and
William
his
sonne
,
Bailiffs
of
Liddesdale
,
and
keepers
of
the
Castle
,
who
undertook
,
and
bound
themselves
to
do
what
we
have
said
,
for
which
he
allowed
them
a
large
recompence
and
reward
,
as
the
Indenture
thereof
(
yet
extant
)
doth
testifie
.
He
is
stiled
in
it
Warden
of
the
east
marches
,
William
Earle
of
Douglas
being
then
alive
.
Some
give
unto
him
the
honour
of
the
battell
in
which
the
Earle
Douglas
was
defeated
in
Annandale
,
where
the
Earle
Murray
was
slain
,
and
Ormond
taken
in
the
year
1455.
Others
attribute
all
to
the
Lord
Carlile
,
and
Johnston
.
But
however
that
was
,
in
the
year
1457.
he
defeated
the
said
Earle
,
Henrie
Percie
Earle
of
Northumberland
on
the
east
border
(
which
So
the
Earle
Douglas
being
now
forfeited
,
his
brother
slain
,
himself
banished
,
and
with
small
either
effect
,
or
effort
,
entertaining
hostility
by
small
incursions
,
rather
than
doing
any
thing
for
the
advan●…ing
of
his
main
businesse
,
the
face
of
the
world
was
quite
changed
.
The
Earle
of
Angus
was
now
made
Lord
of
Douglas
;
and
howbeit
he
came
somewhat
short
of
that
huge
greatnesse
and
puissance
of
the
former
,
yet
was
he
nothing
inferiour
in
place
of
authority
,
in
credit
and
account
,
in
action
and
employment
,
as
we
said
in
the
beginning
.
Nothing
was
done
but
by
him
,
and
under
his
shadow
.
Bishop
Kennedie
had
the
greatest
vogue
;
he
upheld
the
Bishop
by
his
power
,
and
by
him
men
did
come
to
finde
favour
,
and
did
seek
to
have
credit
.
We
will
set
down
two
examples
for
all
the
rest
,
but
those
remarkeable
,
and
sufficient
to
show
of
what
great
account
and
authority
he
hath
been
.
The
one
is
of
our
own
Nation
,
the
other
of
a
Forrainer
.
The
first
is
in
the
same
year
1457.
the
13.
of
May.
We
heard
of
James
Lord
Hamilton
a
faithfull
,
franke
,
and
forward
friend
for
the
Earle
Douglas
,
so
long
as
he
was
a
friend
to
himself
by
any
action
.
He
leaving
himself
,
Hamilton
also
left
him
:
I
mean
,
seeing
the
Earle
had
lost
that
so
fair
occasion
(
if
not
to
cast
the
Dice
for
the
Crown
,
as
the
Lord
Hamilton
said
to
him
)
yet
to
cast
the
Dice
for
the
victory
,
and
to
give
or
take
conditions
of
peace
,
which
he
had
at
Abercorne
,
being
moe
in
number
than
the
King
;
the
Lord
Hamilton
was
come
in
to
the
King
upon
this
,
that
same
night
.
He
was
received
by
the
King
,
but
not
greatly
credited
,
for
he
was
committed
to
Rosselin
(
a
Castle
then
of
the
Earle
of
Orkneyes
)
and
afterwards
(
say
our
writers
)
freinds
interceding
for
him
,
he
was
released
out
of
prison
,
and
received
into
most
inward
friendship
.
Thus
sarre
they
go
,
but
what
friends
these
were
,
or
how
the
friendship
was
made
they
do
not
tell
.
The
Earle
of
Angus
evidents
tell
us
;
and
show
that
it
hath
been
he
that
did
him
this
friendly
office
.
For
whether
before
to
move
him
to
intercede
for
him
,
or
after
in
token
of
thankfulnesse
(
though
it
be
most
likely
it
was
after
,
because
it
is
done
at
Tantallon
,
which
must
be
after
his
releasement
out
of
Rosselin
)
he
giveth
to
this
Earle
George
a
memorable
remembrance
.
He
,
I
say
,
being
a
noble
man
,
and
a
notable
active
man
besides
,
gives
him
his
bond
of
service
(
or
Manreid
)
and
that
in
ample
forme
,
and
submisse
terms
,
excepting
none
but
the
King
and
Queen
.
And
that
I
may
not
seeme
to
speak
without
a
warrant
in
so
great
a
matter
,
scarce
to
be
beleeved
of
some
,
and
that
I
do
rather
amplifie
things
than
set
down
the
naked
truth
,
I
will
set
down
the
very
words
of
the
band
,
as
it
is
extant
in
the
hands
of
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
Be
it
knowne
to
all
men
by
thir
present
Letters
,
me
James
Lord
Hamilton
,
&c.
to
be
comen
,
and
by
these
presents
to
become
Man
of
speciall
service
and
retinue
,
for
all
the
dayes
of
my
life-time
,
to
an
high
and
mighty
Lord
George
Earle
of
Angus
,
Lord
Douglas
,
and
Warden
of
the
East
and
middle
marches
of
Scotland
,
foregainst
England
.
Before
,
and
against
all
them
that
live
,
or
die
may
;
mine
allegeance
to
our
soveraigne
Lord
the
King
,
and
my
band
of
service
to
our
soveraigne
Lady
the
Queen
Mary
now
present
,
allanerly
out-tane
.
Promising
all
and
sundry
dutifull
points
in
bands
of
retinue
contained
,
to
observe
and
keep
to
my
Lord
foresaid
,
as
effeirs
,
for
all
the
said
time
.
In
witnesse
of
the
which
thing
I
have
gard
set
my
seale
.
At
Tantallon
the
13.
day
of
the
moneth
of
May
,
the
year
of
our
Lord
1457
,
&c.
It
hath
been
no
small
matter
,
nor
small
authoritie
of
him
to
whom
it
is
given
,
that
hath
moved
such
a
man
to
give
such
a
Band.
His
credit
hath
been
great
,
and
Hamilton
hath
either
received
great
benefit
at
his
hand
,
or
expected
to
receive
some
.
I
take
it
,
that
he
hath
procured
his
libertie
,
and
obtained
to
him
that
favour
in
Court
that
our
Writers
speak
of
,
to
be
of
the
Kings
inward
friends
.
I
suppose
also
that
kinred
hath
been
of
some
moment
to
move
him
to
it
.
The
reason
of
my
conjecture
is
,
because
we
have
heard
before
,
that
Elizabeth
,
sister
to
Margaret
(
Countesse
of
Marre
and
Angus
,
and
Grandmother
to
this
Earle
George
)
was
married
to
Sir
Alexander
Hamilton
of
Cadyow
(
as
some
call
him
)
by
which
mean
this
James
Lord
Hamilton
might
be
third
from
her
,
and
the
Earle
of
Angus
and
he
Cousins
twice
removed
,
or
fourths
in
kin
,
as
we
speak
.
But
this
I
referre
to
them
that
have
the
monuments
of
that
House
.
However
,
what
more
honour
could
have
been
done
to
the
great
House
of
Douglas
in
the
greatest
grandour
thereof
,
than
what
is
here
done
to
the
House
of
Angus
?
Neither
is
it
any
dishonour
to
him
that
doth
it
.
It
is
but
folly
to
think
so
:
Houses
have
their
beginning
and
grouth
:
Mine
to
day
,
thine
to
morrow
.
This
same
Lord
Hamilton
by
these
beginnings
,
within
a
few
years
(
17.
or
18.
at
most
)
shall
lay
such
grounds
of
greatnesse
,
as
shall
lift
his
House
above
any
subjects
,
to
the
very
top
of
all
,
so
as
to
have
the
Crown
entailed
to
his
Posteritie
,
and
to
enjoy
it
for
a
while
as
Regent
and
Governour
.
Let
us
remember
the
changes
of
the
world
,
and
the
vicissitudes
of
Fortune
,
and
let
every
man
bear
with
patience
,
and
hear
with
calmnesse
,
either
what
he
is
now
,
or
what
he
was
before
.
And
this
for
the
first
domestick
witnesse
of
honour
and
authoritie
,
credit
and
greatnesse
of
the
House
of
Angus
in
this
mans
person
.
The
other
amongst
Forrainers
was
greater
;
which
is
this
:
The
King
This
Indenture
took
no
effect
,
it
being
now
too
late
,
and
King
Henries
estate
brought
to
so
low
an
ebbe
,
that
both
his
friends
and
his
fortune
having
forsaken
,
and
turned
their
backs
upon
him
,
his
aide
could
not
suffice
against
the
whole
power
of
England
to
make
head
against
King
Edward
,
and
to
stoppe
the
current
of
his
victories
.
Notwithstanding
Angus
gave
him
a
taste
of
what
he
could
have
done
for
him
,
and
shewed
him
in
a
notable
exploite
,
how
available
his
service
would
have
been
,
if
his
case
had
not
been
desparate
,
and
past
recovery
.
Which
though
it
were
not
rewarded
with
a
Dutchie
,
yet
doth
it
not
want
,
nor
ever
shall
want
the
due
reward
of
high
praise
and
honour
as
one
of
the
hardiest
,
and
greatest
interprises
,
that
hath
been
atcheived
by
any
subject
.
The
Queen
(
King
Henries
wife
)
had
obtained
of
her
friends
in
France
a
few
souldiers
,
300.
of
which
were
in
the
Castle
of
Anwick
with
Monsieur
Notwithstanding
of
this
greatnesse
and
power
,
to
make
him
yet
stronger
,
and
more
puissant
on
the
borders
,
he
did
excambe
his
Lands
in
the
Maines
and
Clarberon
with
Robert
Grahame
of
old
Monrosse
,
and
got
for
them
the
Lands
of
Eskedale
upon
the
border
.
He
contracted
his
sonne
Archbald
,
and
his
heir
apparant
to
Catherine
daughter
to
Alexander
Earle
of
Huntly
,
or
to
any
other
of
his
daughters
which
the
said
George
should
choose
.
The
portion
2000.
markes
,
the
termes
of
payment
10.
years
,
100.
markes
every
terme
.
That
if
Archbald
should
die
,
his
brother
(
whom
the
Indenture
doth
not
name
)
should
marrie
one
of
the
said
Earle
of
Huntlies
daughters
.
That
the
Earle
of
Angus
should
give
his
sonne
100.
mark
Land
in
Angus
.
That
Archbald
after
he
be
seven
years
old
shall
be
given
to
the
Earle
of
Huntly
,
and
the
Earle
of
Huntlies
daughter
to
the
Earle
of
Angus
.
The
Indenture
is
dated
at
Saint
Andrews
1461.
the
last
of
September
.
This
marriage
took
no
effect
,
what
ever
were
the
cause
thereof
.
Either
before
or
after
this
there
fell
out
a
dissention
amongst
the
Estates
about
the
choosing
of
a
governour
and
protectour
for
the
young
King
James
the
third
.
In
which
he
and
his
brother
Bishop
Kennedie
with
the
greatest
part
of
the
Nobilitie
,
opposed
themselves
to
the
Queen
,
who
pretended
to
be
Tutrix
,
and
had
now
usurped
that
place
a
year
,
while
as
the
Nobilitie
being
busied
in
the
Warres
,
had
no
leasure
to
look
into
these
things
.
The
Queene
and
such
as
followed
her
remained
in
the
Castle
,
and
the
other
party
in
the
Abbey
of
Halyroodhouse
.
A
Convention
being
appointed
,
the
Queene
and
her
faction
came
to
the
Parliament
house
,
and
declared
her
Tutrix
,
So
soon
as
this
was
known
,
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
and
James
Kennedie
came
up
to
the
market
place
,
where
the
said
Bishop
declares
that
their
intention
was
nothing
else
but
to
maintain
their
old
law
,
and
the
ancient
practice
of
the
Countrey
,
which
was
that
in
such
cases
the
Nobilitie
should
choose
one
whom
they
thought
most
fit
to
undergo
that
charge
of
governing
,
which
was
for
the
good
both
of
the
King
and
Countrey
,
whereas
they
of
the
other
party
intended
nothing
but
their
own
particular
advantage
,
as
he
should
show
more
evidently
,
in
time
and
place
convenient
.
After
this
speech
,
as
they
retired
to
their
lodging
,
they
were
advertised
that
those
who
were
in
the
Castle
with
the
Queen
,
were
coming
down
in
armes
to
assault
them
,
or
to
have
hindered
them
from
making
this
declaration
.
The
Earle
of
Angus
thinking
it
a
great
indignitie
,
that
they
being
more
in
number
,
and
better
in
qualitie
,
should
give
place
to
the
weaker
,
and
the
meaner
and
inferiour
partie
,
and
that
in
such
sort
as
might
seeme
to
be
a
direct
flight
,
could
scarce
be
retained
,
but
that
he
would
needs
turne
upon
them
and
fight
,
though
he
were
not
armed
,
as
they
were
.
But
the
matter
was
composed
by
the
mediation
of
the
Bishops
of
Glasgow
,
Galloway
,
and
Dumblane
,
and
assurance
given
for
a
moneth
.
After
the
expiring
whereof
,
having
entred
into
a
new
consultation
,
with
more
peaceable
and
calme
mindes
,
both
parties
agreed
,
that
the
King
and
Countrey
should
be
governed
by
foure
Noblemen
,
two
of
which
should
be
chosen
out
of
the
Queenes
partie
,
and
two
out
of
the
other
.
For
the
Queen
she
chose
William
Lord
Grahame
,
and
Robert
Lord
Boyd
,
then
Chancellour
;
for
the
oother
side
they
chose
Robert
Earle
of
Orkney
,
and
John
Lord
Kennedie
,
all
chief
of
their
Name
and
Families
.
Here
is
no
mention
of
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
which
makes
me
think
he
hath
died
in
this
mean
time
,
during
the
Truce
,
otherwise
being
principall
of
this
other
side
,
they
would
not
have
neglected
him
.
Sure
he
died
much
about
this
time
,
which
seemes
to
His
wife
(
after
his
death
)
is
said
to
have
married
a
younger
brother
of
the
Captain
of
Crawford
,
and
that
she
got
from
her
sonne
Archbald
the
Lands
of
Balmoodie
in
Fife
,
and
that
the
house
of
Balmoodie
is
descended
of
her
.
Which
notwithstanding
,
we
finde
her
binde
her self
for
relief
of
her
sonne
for
the
payment
of
her
daughters
portion
,
1479.
as
a
free
person
making
no
mention
of
a
husband
.
It
is
true
he
might
also
have
been
dead
;
then
the
space
being
17.
or
18.
years
.
But
if
her
sonne
were
so
liberall
as
to
give
her
such
Lands
,
he
would
never
have
troubled
her
to
binde
her self
for
his
relief
in
the
payment
of
his
sisters
portion
in
likelihood
.
Of
the
first
Archbald
,
sixth
Earle
of
Angus
,
called
commonly
,
Bell
the
Cat.
TO
George
succeeded
Archbald
his
sonne
and
heir
,
a
boy
about
5.
or
6.
years
of
age
at
the
most
.
For
in
the
year
1461.
the
last
of
September
,
he
is
not
7.
as
appears
by
the
Indenture
made
betwixt
his
father
and
the
Earle
of
Huntly
concerning
his
marriage
.
It
took
no
effect
:
but
in
place
thereof
he
marries
EliZabeth
Boyde
,
daughter
to
Robert
Lord
Boyde
,
then
one
of
the
Governours
of
Scotland
,
viz.
in
the
year
1468.
the
fourth
of
May.
Which
makes
it
seem
that
the
match
Thomas
Boyde
(
sonne
to
Robert
)
banished
,
and
his
wife
(
the
Kings
sister
)
taken
from
him
,
and
his
brother
Alexander
Boyde
execute
.
As
for
their
father
Lord
Robert
himself
,
he
fled
into
England
.
And
this
is
all
the
fruits
he
reaps
by
his
marrying
for
Court
.
He
was
by
this
our
calculation
14.
years
of
age
at
the
most
;
and
yet
his
Lady
gets
seasing
of
Abernethie
upon
his
resignation
the
same
year
the
1.
of
May.
It
is
not
unlikely
that
one
William
Douglas
of
Clunie
hath
had
some
hand
in
the
guiding
of
his
minoritie
,
for
we
finde
that
the
wardship
of
the
Lands
of
Tantallon
,
and
Earledome
of
Douglas
was
given
to
him
;
and
he
having
again
resigned
it
into
the
Kings
hands
,
the
King
makes
a
new
disposition
thereof
to
Archbald
,
non
obstante
non
aetate
ejusdem
,
notwithstanding
his
nonage
,
which
was
then
16.
years
1470.
the
26.
of
June
.
Six
years
after
,
he
And
so
it
was
with
him
:
for
he
had
by
his
wife
foure
sonnes
;
and
Elizabeth
Authenleck
,
heir
of
Glenbarvie
.
Third
Gawin
,
who
was
Bishop
of
Duncale
,
a
man
of
singular
wisedome
and
prudencie
,
and
well
lettered
according
to
the
times
.
This
〈◊〉
had
a
base
daughter
,
of
whom
the
house
of
Foulewood
(
Semple
)
is
descended
.
We
shall
have
occasion
to
speak
something
of
him
in
the
life
of
Archbald
his
brothers
son
,
in
whose
time
he
lived
.
The
Duke
of
Albanie
being
Governour
,
having
conceived
some
jealousie
against
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
and
the
Douglasses
,
whereupon
Angus
was
sent
to
France
,
and
his
uncle
this
Bishop
was
sent
for
to
Rome
by
letters
from
the
Pope
,
at
the
Governours
procuring
,
to
answer
to
such
accusations
as
were
given
in
against
him
.
As
he
was
going
thither
,
he
was
seased
of
the
plague
at
London
in
the
year
1522
▪
and
died
there
;
leaving
behinde
him
great
approbation
of
his
vertues
,
and
love
of
his
person
,
in
the
hearts
of
all
good
men
.
For
besides
the
nobilitie
of
his
birth
,
the
dignitie
and
comelinesse
of
his
personage
,
he
was
learned
,
temperate
,
and
of
singular
moderation
of
minde
;
and
in
thefe
so
turbulent
times
,
had
alwayes
carried
himself
amongst
all
the
Factions
of
the
Nobilitie
equally
,
and
with
a
minde
to
make
peace
,
and
not
to
stir
up
parties
;
which
qualities
were
very
rare
in
a
Clergie-man
of
those
dayes
.
He
wrote
in
his
native
tongue
diverse
things
.
But
his
chiefest
work
is
the
translation
of
Virgil
,
yet
extant
in
verse
,
in
which
he
ties
himself
so
strictly
as
is
possible
,
and
yet
it
is
so
well
expressed
,
that
whosoever
shall
assay
to
do
the
like
,
will
finde
it
a
hard
piece
of
work
to
go
through
with
.
In
his
Prologues
before
every
Book
,
where
he
hath
his
libertie
,
he
sheweth
a
naturall
,
and
ample
vein
of
poesie
,
so
pure
,
pleasant
,
and
judicious
,
that
I
beleeve
there
is
none
that
hath
written
before
,
or
since
,
but
cometh
short
of
him
.
And
in
my
opinion
,
there
is
not
such
a
piece
to
be
found
,
as
is
his
Prologue
to
the
8.
Book
,
beginning
(
of
Dreams
and
of
Drivelings
&c.
)
at
least
in
our
language
.
The
fourth
son
was
Archbald
Douglas
of
Kilspindie
,
who
married
a
daughter
James
.
Patrick
was
married
to
one
Murray
,
a
daughter
of
the
house
of
Balbaird
,
by
whom
he
had
William
.
After
that
he
married
Agnes
,
daughter
to
the
Lord
Gray
,
and
had
by
her
two
sons
,
and
two
daughters
.
And
thus
much
of
his
sons
.
His
daughters
were
first
Marjori●…
,
married
to
Cudbert
Lord
of
Kilmaers
Robert
Lile
Lord
Chief
Justice
.
Her
portion
was
1000.
Marks
,
whereof
100.
pounds
was
to
be
payed
at
the
first
Terme
,
and
then
50.
pounds
termely
till
all
were
payed
.
It
is
with
dispensation
,
which
is
a
signe
that
they
have
been
in
kin
before
the
year
1493.
Thirdly
,
Jennet
,
whom
we
finde
contracted
to
Robert
Lord
Harris
,
in
the
year
1495.
Novemb.
22.
to
be
married
,
and
that
he
〈◊〉
divorce
from
the
wife
he
had
,
so
soon
as
can
be
.
That
she
in
the
mean
time
shall
not
marry
elsewhere
.
For
which
caufe
she
is
infeft
in
his
Lands
of
Tarrigla
,
with
the
Kings
confirmation
past
thereupon
,
the
same
year
and
day
.
Her
portion
is
,
that
the
said
Earle
then
Chancellour
,
shall
procure
his
Lands
to
be
new
holden
of
the
King
.
This
fact
,
for
a
man
to
contract
to
part
with
the
wife
he
hath
,
and
marry
another
,
as
it
is
harsh
to
conceive
,
so
being
done
so
solemnely
by
such
persons
,
we
must
suppose
it
had
sufficient
and
honest
grounds
.
For
certainly
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
being
withall
Chancellour
for
the
time
;
needed
not
to
hunt
after
unlawfull
or
unseemly
marriages
for
his
daughters
.
Some
reckon
a
fourth
daughter
,
whom
they
name
not
,
but
say
she
was
eldest
,
and
married
to
the
Earle
of
Montrose
,
this
Earles
great
Grandfathers
father
:
but
because
I
have
not
seen
any
monument
of
her
,
I
reserved
her
to
the
last
place
.
He
had
also
sundry
bastard
sonnes
after
his
wifes
death
.
First
William
To
come
to
himself
:
we
have
heard
how
his
father
Earle
George
raised
the
house
of
Angus
to
such
greatnesse
of
credit
and
authoritie
,
that
it
was
become
not
much
inferiour
to
the
house
of
Douglas
,
to
which
it
had
succeeded
.
Archbald
his
son
did
no
way
diminish
it
.
But
when
he
came
to
be
of
years
fit
for
managing
affairs
,
he
so
behaved
himself
,
and
gained
so
good
opinion
of
his
wisedome
and
courage
,
that
the
whole
burden
of
the
estate
of
the
Countrey
did
lye
upon
him
〈◊〉
.
And
for
that
cause
chiefly
he
is
commonly
designed
by
the
epithete
of
The
great
Earle
of
Angus
.
For
as
touching
his
Lands
and
Rents
,
we
finde
no
great
augmentation
of
them
,
save
that
he
provided
his
children
well
.
If
we
consider
the
means
,
it
hath
been
his
own
worth
and
sufficiencie
that
hath
brought
him
to
it
:
for
he
began
indeed
his
marriage
with
Court
,
as
a
fit
mean
whereby
to
rise
;
but
that
lasted
but
short
while
,
as
we
have
heard
.
The
Court
changing
,
it
was
rather
a
mean
to
have
wrought
him
discredit
.
Notwithstanding
of
which
,
and
though
he
was
young
himself
,
we
finde
nothing
,
but
that
his
businesse
went
right
.
He
got
his
own
wardship
,
even
when
his
alliance
were
at
the
hardest
pinch
,
that
same
very
year
that
Thomas
Boyd
had
his
wife
taken
from
him
,
and
married
to
another
.
His
successe
in
the
marriage
of
his
sisters
doth
also
show
the
same
.
Neither
hear
wee
of
any
hard
effect
that
their
dis-courting
did
produce
toward
him
.
It
was
he
that
was
the
chief
actor
in
taking
order
with
Robert
Cochran
,
Robert
Coghran
a
Mason
by
his
trade
,
whom
he
made
Earle
of
Marre
,
An
English
singing
man
called
William
Rogers
,
whom
he
honoured
with
Knight-hood
,
with
diverse
others
of
meane
rank
and
qualitie
,
whose
chief
commendation
was
that
they
were
impudently
wicked
,
and
villanous
.
This
Rogers
is
thought
also
to
have
been
his
Pander
,
and
an
enticer
of
him
to
lewdnesse
and
wronging
his
Queen
.
Amongst
these
base
men
,
there
was
one
Gentleman
of
good
birth
,
but
he
seeing
the
Kings
inclination
,
had
set
himself
fully
to
follow
it
in
all
things
;
wherefore
he
had
given
his
daughter
to
Robert
Coghran
in
marriage
as
a
bond
of
friendship
and
soci●…tie
,
his
name
was
Thomas
Preston
.
There
was
also
a
young
page
John
Ramsay
,
who
was
of
the
same
combination
.
These
were
the
Kings
Minions
,
Counsellours
,
and
whole
confidence
.
On
these
he
reposed
,
and
cast
the
burden
of
affaires
.
Their
hopes
were
built
upon
the
ruine
of
the
Nobilitie
,
that
by
their
fall
they
themselves
might
rise
.
These
were
Counsellours
and
Executioners
of
the
murder
of
his
younger
brother
John
;
and
had
caused
him
to
commit
his
other
brother
Alexander
to
prison
in
the
Castle
,
who
had
died
likewise
,
if
he
had
not
found
means
to
escape
in
the
night
,
by
making
a
rope
of
his
bed-clothes
,
and
so
got
over
the
wall
.
To
these
great
evils
there
were
joyned
worse
things
.
He
had
given
himself
to
seek
responses
,
and
predictions
of
things
to
come
,
chiefly
concerning
his
own
estate
,
of
Magiciens
,
and
Witches
.
He
had
for
that
purpose
brought
one
out
of
Flanders
that
was
thought
very
skilfull
in
divining
,
named
Andrew
a
Physician
by
profession
,
and
Astrologer
.
This
man
had
given
the
Kings
Ambassadours
some
proof
of
his
cunning
when
they
went
through
Flanders
to
the
Duke
of
Burgundie
.
He
hearing
whether
they
were
going
,
told
them
they
needed
not
to
make
any
great
haste
,
for
they
should
hear
news
of
the
Duke
ere
it
were
long
.
And
so
they
did
indeed
,
for
within
three
dayes
they
heard
that
he
was
slain
.
When
they
came
home
they
related
this
to
the
King
,
extoll
his
skill
,
and
inflame
his
minde
;
which
was
too
prone
of
it self
,
with
desire
to
hear
him
.
So
he
was
sent
for
,
and
being
come
,
was
presented
with
many
rich
gi●…ts
.
And
good
reason
he
should
,
if
he
could
withall
have
instructed
the
King
how
to
avoide
the
evils
that
were
to
come
.
But
meerly
to
foretell
evill
which
could
not
be
shunned
,
it
was
too
dear
bought
evil
tidings
.
Yet
that
is
all
he
doth
,
tels
him
that
his
own
should
be
his
ruine
.
The
King
interprets
it
of
his
brethren
,
his
kins-men
,
and
his
subjects
,
especially
the
chief
of
the
Nobilitie
.
Whereupon
being
suspicious
and
jealous
of
all
others
,
he
trusted
none
but
his
foresaid
Minions
.
By
these
doings
he
makes
way
for
the
fates
,
by
slaying
or
warding
his
brother
,
he
irritates
the
Nobilitie
,
he
suspecting
them
,
and
being
suspected
of
them
by
a
mutuall
fear
.
They
to
secure
themselves
,
put
hand
into
the
Courteours
who
were
the
authours
of
these
evils
;
he
interprets
that
to
be
Rebellion
against
himself
,
and
seeks
how
to
be
revenged
.
They
for
their
safety
are
driven
from
point
to
point
,
constrained
by
necessitie
for
the
preservation
of
their
lives
,
cast
off
all
respect
,
and
take
Arms
openly
,
drawes
his
sonne
to
the
party
(
his
own
nearest
according
to
his
responses
)
whereon
ensues
his
ruine
.
This
is
the
effect
of
seeking
to
Magiciens
and
sooth-sayers
,
whereof
we
seldome
hear
a
better
end
.
And
it
is
but
deservedly
,
that
those
that
leave
the
authour
and
fountaine
of
all
good
▪
who
guides
all
by
his
providence
,
to
follow
follies
and
superstition
,
and
the
authour
of
all
evil
and
wickednesse
should
be
thus
served
.
This
is
the
effect
of
pride
and
arrogancie
,
that
leans
onely
to
its
own
judgement
,
and
will
not
give
way
and
libertie
to
admonish
and
informe
rightly
.
Upon
which
,
other
inconvenients
do
follow
by
degrees
:
First
with-drawing
the
ear
from
faithfull
Counsellours
,
then
giving
themselves
to
flatterers
,
then
entertaining
of
these
,
and
rejecting
and
casting
off
others
,
whereof
ariseth
suspicions
,
jealousies
,
wrongs
,
injustice
,
from
hence
shedding
of
bloud
under
colour
of
law
,
or
without
colour
in
open
Tyranny
,
as
no
man
at
first
becomes
extreamly
wicked
.
At
last
followes
the
ruine
of
the
authours
,
together
with
the
ruine
of
others
.
To
return
to
our
point
,
it
came
so
about
here
.
The
warre
began
betwixt
Scotland
and
England
;
An
Army
behooved
to
be
raised
,
and
for
the
raising
thereof
the
Nobilitie
must
be
conveened
.
Loath
were
those
new
men
to
the
work
,
they
knew
not
what
they
might
think
when
they
were
conveened
.
But
there
was
no
remedie
,
their
privie
counselling
could
not
sustaine
the
warres
.
That
was
the
part
of
the
Noblemen
,
and
could
not
be
done
without
them
.
So
they
are
conveened
;
My
honourable
Lords
,
I
hold
it
not
needfull
to
go
about
with
many
words
to
set
before
you
the
Estate
of
this
Kingdome
.
For
some
things
you
your selves
remember
,
some
you
see
before
your
eyes
.
Our
chief
Noblemen
are
thrust
into
exile
,
and
forced
either
to
suffer
into
lerably
,
or
do
unjustly
.
And
you
who
are
the
Arms
and
Limbs
of
this
Kingdome
are
left
without
a
head
,
as
a
Ship
without
a
Pilot
and
Master
,
exposed
to
the
storms
and
tempests
of
fortune
.
Our
fields
are
burnt
,
our
goods
carried
away
,
the
labourers
killed
,
or
seeing
no
other
remedie
of
their
manifold
miseries
,
have
yeelded
themselves
to
the
enemy
.
His
Majestie
in
the
mean
time
a
man
indeed
(
if
he
were
himself
)
of
a
generous
minde
and
rare
understanding
,
bewitched
in
his
affection
,
asketh
no
advice
or
counsell
of
his
Nobilitie
,
but
consulteth
of
peace
and
warre
,
of
the
good
of
the
Countrey
,
and
safety
of
us
all
with
a
few
base
,
vile
,
and
ignorant
fellows
,
who
by
relating
the
predictions
of
Sorcerers
and
Magicians
,
fill
his
sick
minde
with
vaine
fear
and
superstition
.
And
these
men
determine
and
set
down
decrees
of
our
lives
and
estates
,
who
knowing
that
they
merit
the
hatred
of
all
men
,
do
therefore
hate
all
men
.
Neither
do
they
seek
onely
to
lessen
your
authority
,
but
to
strike
off
your
heads
by
one
plot
or
other
.
Some
of
you
they
have
already
made
away
by
death
,
others
by
banishment
.
Neither
do
they
,
as
commonly
new
risers
do
,
climbe
up
to
the
highest
places
by
degrees
,
but
they
make
the
carcasses
of
the
Kings
sonnes
steps
for
them
to
mount
upon
,
and
water
their
growing
honours
with
the
Bloud
Royall
it self
.
One
of
his
brothers
they
have
most
cruelly
murdered
,
the
other
they
have
constrained
for
fear
to
forsake
his
Countrey
,
and
become
a
Captain
in
the
enemies
Camp
.
And
now
being
rid
of
them
,
they
lye
in
wait
for
the
rest
.
For
being
conscious
of
their
own
basenesse
,
they
cannot
endure
any
that
is
excellent
or
eminent
.
Whoso
hath
riches
to
satisfie
their
avarice
,
or
power
to
assist
their
bold
attempts
,
him
they
reckon
for
their
enemy
.
And
do
we
prepare
our selves
to
withstand
the
common
enemy
?
And
encampe
against
England
?
As
if
any
were
more
deadly
and
more
to
be
feared
then
he
whose
greedinesse
our
goods
cannot
suffice
,
and
whose
thirst
of
slaughter
our
bloud
is
not
able
to
quench
.
Now
that
you
may
know
how
much
this
inward
plague
is
worse
than
that
outward
foe
,
put
the
case
that
England
(
which
God
forbid
)
should
overcome
,
what
could
we
look
for
at
their
hands
?
what
would
they
make
the
end
of
their
hatred
,
or
reward
of
their
victory
?
The
death
of
the
King
do
you
think
,
or
of
yourselves
?
verily
,
I
beleeve
neither
.
Our
contentions
have
not
been
for
lives
,
but
for
honour
and
empire
.
And
a
noble
heart
,
as
it
is
vehement
and
violent
against
those
that
oppose
,
so
is
it
easily
mitigated
by
prayer
and
entreaty
;
and
even
with
the
consideration
of
the
〈◊〉
of
humane
affairs
it
is
moved
to
pity
and
compassion
.
But
let
us
suppose
the
〈◊〉
,
that
they
being
〈◊〉
of
our
old
debates
,
and
〈◊〉
up
with
present
victory
would
take
the
Kings
life
,
which
of
these
two
doth
deal
more
easily
with
us
?
He
that
by
depriving
us
of
life
,
doth
also
take
away
all
sense
of
evil
;
or
he
that
reserveth
that
to
daily
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
,
which
next
after
our
God
,
should
be
most
dear
to
us
?
who
besotting
the
minde
with
Witch
-
〈◊〉
,
do
〈◊〉
the
King
to
the
destruction
of
his
nearest
kindred
,
who
detaine
him
like
a
captive
▪
and
will
not
〈◊〉
him
at
any
time
to
show
his
face
to
his
loyall
Subjects
?
that
they
may
enjoy
the
comfort
of
his
countenance
,
and
he
behold
their
service
〈◊〉
his
honour
and
safety
.
They
are
not
so
much
to
be
reputed
enemies
,
who
with
displayed
banner
professe
hostility
,
as
they
who
within
the
wals
lye
in
Ambush
for
your
overthrowe
.
who
drawing
away
his
Majesties
affection
from
his
friends
betray
him
to
his
enemies
,
and
making
you
destitute
of
a
leader
,
would
expose
you
to
the
mercie
of
your
enemies
.
Into
whose
hands
if
you
do
fall
,
though
perhaps
you
escape
death
,
yet
shall
you
not
eschew
shame
and
ignominie
,
and
which
is
wors●…
than
a
thousand
deaths
,
〈◊〉
,
and
bondage
.
If
you
get
the
day
and
〈◊〉
victorious
,
you
shall
not
for
all
that
,
acquire
that
which
is
the
end
and
fruit
of
victory
,
honour
and
renown
to
your
King
,
rest
and
〈◊〉
to
your selves
,
and
to
your
posteritie
,
a
flourishing
and
prosperous
●…state
of
your
Countrey
,
but
on
the
contrary
a
greater
liberty
to
your
adversaries
for
the
present
,
and
greater
security
for
the
time
to
come
,
ruine
and
destruction
to
your selves
;
and
to
your
King
a
worse
slavery
,
So
that
by
vanquishing
you
shall
not
be
so
much
freed
from
troubles
abroad
,
as
you
shall
increase
your
miseries
at
home
.
Wherefore
my
opinion
is
,
to
speak
it
in
a
word
,
that
first
we
shake
off
this
yoke
of
servltude
at
home
,
before
we
enter
into
fight
with
the
forraine
enemie
.
Otherwise
all
of
us
shall
be
slaves
to
the
will
and
pleasure
of
a
●…ew
,
we
shall
strengthen
our
enemies
,
and
become
Traitours
to
the
common-wealth
.
What
you
shall
resolve
to
do
,
I
pray
God
to
prosper
.
When
the
Earle
had
ended
his
speech●…
,
there
arose
a
confused
murmure
throughout
the
whole
Assembly
,
for
they
had
not
the
patience
to
give
their
votes
in
order
,
but
all
cryed
out
together
,
testifying
their
approbation
and
assent
to
his
speech
and
opinion
.
Amongst
others
there
present
,
the
Lord
Gray
was
one
,
whom
some
would
have
to
be
he
that
slew
However
,
the
Lord
Gray
heard
all
,
and
seeing
their
forwardnesse
,
craved
audience
,
and
told
them
the
Apologue
of
the
Mice
,
who
consulting
in
a
publick
meeting
,
how
to
be
sure
from
the
Cats
surprising
of
them
,
found
out
a
very
good
way
,
which
was
to
hang
a
bell
about
her
neck
,
that
would
ring
as
she
st●…pped
,
and
so
give
them
warning
of
her
approach
,
that
they
might
save
themselves
by
flight
.
But
when
it
came
to
be
questioned
who
would
undertake
to
ti●…
the
bell
about
the
Car●…
〈◊〉
,
there
was
never
a
mouse
durst
cheep
or
undertake
it
.
The
Earle
of
Angus
understood
his
meaning
,
and
what
application
was
to
be
made
of
it
▪
wherefore
he
answered
shortly
,
Bell
the
Cat.
I
will
Bell
the
Cat
,
and
what
your
Lordships
conclude
to
be
done
,
shall
not
lack
execution
.
For
this
answer
,
he
was
alwayes
after
this
named
Archbald
Bell
the
Cat.
And
so
they
concluded
,
that
these
wicked
Counsellours
,
and
their
Complices
the
Courtiers
of
the
same
qualitie
,
and
stamp
,
should
be
brought
to
judgement
,
and
punished
according
to
their
deserts
.
In
the
execution
whereof
their
main
care
was
that
no
inconvenient
should
come
to
the
King
,
which
because
it
might
fall
out
in
a
tumult
,
they
ordained
that
the
Army
should
lye
quiet
,
and
onely
the
Noblemen
with
their
houshold
servants
should
go
to
Court
,
and
apprehend
them
as
peaceably
and
calmly
as
possible
they
could
.
After
the
meeting
was
broken
up
,
as
they
were
going
along
,
they
encountred
by
the
way
with
Robert
Coohran
,
whom
the
King
(
informed
of
their
meeting
)
had
sent
to
know
what
the
matter
was
:
For
it
seemed
to
be
some
businesse
of
moment
,
and
great
importance
that
had
moved
such
men
to
conveen
at
such
an
houre
,
so
early
in
the
morning
.
He
had
about
his
neck
a
gold
chain
of
great
weight
,
which
the
Earle
of
Angus
took
hold
of
,
and
straining
it
a
little
,
This
chain
,
said
he
,
doth
not
become
a
man
of
your
rank
,
but
I
shall
ere
long
,
give
you
one
that
will
become
you
to
weare
farre
better
,
and
so
pulling
the
chain
from
his
neck
,
he
delivered
him
to
one
of
his
men
to
be
kept
sure
.
After
that
he
went
on
to
the
Kings
lodging
,
where
the
Guard
and
others
that
were
present
astonished
with
the
suddennesse
of
his
coming
,
or
reverencing
the
dignitie
and
majestie
of
his
person
gave
place
,
and
shrank
away
,
so
that
the
rest
were
easily
apprehended
without
resistance
or
tumult
.
Onely
John
Ramsay
fled
to
the
King
,
and
clasped
his
arms
about
his
middle
,
and
at
the
Kings
request
was
pardoned
in
respect
of
his
youth
which
excused
his
errours
,
and
seemed
to
promise
for
him
,
that
he
would
do
no
more
so
.
The
rest
were
led
forth
,
and
accused
.
1.
Of
causing
kill
the
Kings
brother
John
.
2.
Of
inciting
the
King
,
and
animating
him
against
his
other
brother
Alexander
Duke
of
Albaine
,
so
as
to
banish
him
:
3.
Of
sowing
dissention
betwixt
the
King
and
his
Nobles
.
4.
Of
drawing
him
to
superstition
,
witch-craft
,
and
magick
to
the
offence
of
God
,
and
slander
of
Religion
.
5.
Of
perswading
him
to
coyne
a
certain
kinde
of
brasse
,
coyne
of
no
value
,
which
the
people
called
the
black
coyne
,
which
fact
of
all
other
was
most
odious
to
the
vulgar
.
For
hereupon
had
ensued
great
dearth
of
corns
and
victuall
,
while
as
the
owners
did
choose
rather
to
suffer
their
graine
to
rot
in
their
Garners
,
then
under
the
name
of
selling
to
give
them
to
the
buyers
,
for
so
they
thought
it
to
be
a
gift
,
and
not
a
sale
.
Their
accusations
were
no
sooner
read
,
but
all
cryed
out
against
them
;
and
so
they
were
condemned
to
be
hanged
over
the
bridge
of
Lawder
.
That
sentence
pronounced
,
was
so
acceptable
to
all
that
heard
it
,
that
they
ran
and
brought
their
horse
halters
,
and
bridle
reines
to
serve
for
ropes
,
and
strive
who
should
have
John
Ramsay
(
who
was
pardoned
at
Lawder
)
procured
an
edict
from
the
King
,
that
none
but
he
and
his
followers
should
go
armed
in
those
places
where
the
Kings
Court
did
converse
.
The
King
thought
it
was
hard
for
him
to
deale
with
them
all
at
once
,
therefore
they
must
be
divided
.
For
this
effect
he
insinuates
himself
,
and
becomes
very
familia●…
with
a
part
of
them
,
and
advanceth
them
to
honours
.
He
makes
the
Earle
of
Crawford
,
Duke
of
Monrosse
,
a
great
and
powerfull
man
.
But
who
was
so
fit
for
his
service
as
the
Earle
of
Angus
?
he
makes
as
if
he
were
fully
reconciled
to
him
,
hath
him
continually
about
him
,
countenanceth
him
every
way
,
communicates
with
him
his
most
secret
affairs
,
some
say
he
made
him
Chancellour
;
but
the
Chancellour
(
Andrew
Stuart
Lord
of
Evendale
)
was
even
now
living
,
at
the
coming
in
of
Alexander
Duke
of
Albanie
;
neither
hear
we
of
his
death
,
neither
do
we
finde
in
old
Evidents
,
that
the
Earle
of
Angus
is
entituled
Chancellour
,
before
1493.
which
is
after
this
Kings
death
,
in
King
James
the
fourth
his
time
,
though
we
have
Evidents
of
the
year
1488.
and
89.
To
him
the
King
opens
his
mind
so
far
,
as
finding
that
the
principal
of
the
Nobility
were
in
Edinburgh
the
K.
sends
for
Angus
to
the
Castle
,
tells
him
that
now
he
hath
a
fair
occasion
to
be
avenged
of
his
enemies
,
that
he
wóuld
cause
seize
and
apprehend
them
:
for
if
the
Leaders
and
Chief
of
the
Faction
w●…e
once
cut
off
,
the
rest
would
not
dare
to
stirre
:
that
if
he
should
neglect
this
opportunitie
,
he
could
hardly
look
for
the
like
hereafter
.
Some
say
,
that
he
purposed
to
have
invited
them
to
a
supper
in
the
Castle
,
and
so
to
have
laid
hands
on
them
,
others
say
,
that
he
meant
to
have
caused
take
them
in
their
lodgings
in
the
night
,
which
is
not
unlikely
.
The
Earle
of
Angus
,
though
he
were
no
very
old
Cat
(
some
31.
or
32.
)
if
that
was
1486.
as
it
should
seem
,
yet
was
he
too
warie
and
circumspect
to
be
drawne
by
a
straw
.
He
knew
himself
to
be
as
guilty
as
any
of
them
,
and
as
much
hated
for
his
guilt
.
But
he
was
now
within
the
Castle
,
and
had
need
to
carry
himself
wisely
.
To
refuse
,
might
endanger
his
life
;
to
consent
he
could
not
,
it
was
so
grosse
and
foule
.
Wherefore
he
frames
his
answer
after
such
a
kinde
,
as
might
be
both
safe
for
himself
,
and
no
waies
prejudiciall
to
the
rest
.
He
tells
him
what
a
disgrace
it
would
be
for
him
,
if
without
order
of
law
he
should
(
all
of
a
sudden
)
bring
so
many
Noblemen
to
the
scaffold
without
a
crime
,
to
whom
he
was
but
lately
reconciled
,
and
had
promised
remission
of
all
that
was
past
,
especially
at
such
a
time
when
they
trusted
to
the
publick
assurance
given
them
for
their
securitie
.
Neither
will
those
that
●…emain
,
said
he
,
be
terrified
,
and
dismayed
with
the
death
of
these
few
,
but
be
irritated
and
driven
to
despair
,
and
so
to
greater
violence
.
But
if
it
will
please
your
Majestie
to
follow
my
advice
,
I
shall
tell
you
a
better
way
to
give
you
satisfaction
.
Do
but
charge
and
summond
any
of
them
at
any
time
to
under-lye
the
law
,
and
I
with
my
friends
and
followers
shall
bring
them
in
by
force
openly
,
and
in
fair
day
light
,
to
what
place
you
please
,
where
execution
may
be
done
according
to
law
,
which
is
not
onely
more
safe
,
but
more
honourable
,
than
either
to
betray
them
under
colour
of
friendship
,
and
feasting
,
or
to
invade
them
in
the
night
,
as
if
they
were
set
on
bytheeves
and
robbers
.
This
being
spoken
with
that
grace
and
courage
wherewith
he
used
to
accompanie
his
actions
,
the
King
acknowledging
it
was
true
that
he
said
,
and
knowing
he
was
able
to
performe
what
he
promised
,
supposing
he
spake
in
sinceritie
,
gave
him
many
thanks
▪
and
having
loaded
him
with
as
many
promises
,
dismissed
him
.
Assoon
as
he
was
come
to
his
lodging
,
he
revealed
all
to
the
Noblemen
,
and
withall
went
himself
out
of
the
Town
.
From
that
time
forth
there
was
no
more
peace
.
The
Kings
counsell
being
revealed
,
he
distrusted
all
men
.
The
Nobilitie
seeing
his
resolution
to
ruine
them
,
and
that
there
was
no
trust
to
be
given
to
his
words
,
despairing
of
concord
;
whereas
they
had
before
sought
his
amendement
,
and
not
his
over-throw
,
retaining
ever
a
But
the
Warre
did
not
end
with
the
death
of
the
King
.
The
old
Kings
faction
was
rather
scattered
than
broken
,
chiefly
his
Navy
and
Sea
Forces
,
of
which
the
Captain
(
Andrew
Wood
)
stood
out
obstinatly
.
In
the
North
the
Lord
Forbes
had
gotten
the
Kings
bloudy
shirt
,
&
carrying
it
upon
a
spears
point
like
an
ensinge
,
through
Aberdene
and
other
Towns
stirred
up
all
he
could
to
revenge
the
Kings
slaughter
.
In
the
Westerne
parts
of
the
Kingdome
,
the
Earle
of
Lennox
assembled
his
power
,
and
divers
moe
with
him
did
send
their
messengers
to
and
fro
,
exhorting
the
people
every
where
not
to
suffer
so
detestable
a
murder
un-revenged
;
forbidding
them
to
scarre
at
the
shadow
of
the
present
Kings
authority
,
whom
these
Parricides
did
detaine
a
captive
to
countenance
their
wickednesse
,
he
being
rather
a
prisoner
than
a
Prince
,
the
whole
power
resting
in
the
hands
of
the
Douglasses
,
Humes
,
and
Hepburnes
.
That
even
in
that
regard
they
would
take
Arms
to
free
him
from
their
tyrannie
,
who
would
make
the
World
beleeve
that
he
being
but
a
childe
of
15.
years
of
age
were
so
unnaturall
as
to
allow
of
his
fathers
murder
.
Besides
all
this
the
English
made
some
trouble
by
Sea
with
five
Ships
,
which
lay
in
the
mouth
of
Forth
,
and
not
onely
infested
the
Merchants
and
such
as
did
trade
by
Sea
,
but
also
many
times
came
a
Shore
,
and
pillaged
the
Countrey
.
These
were
prognosticks
of
a
storm
arising
,
and
of
a
tempest
as
great
as
had
been
from
the
West
,
from
the
North
,
and
from
the
Sea
.
But
these
droping
Clouds
which
threatned
an
after-clap
were
quickly
Andrew
Wood.
dispersed
by
the
prudent
handling
of
the
other
party
.
Andrew
Wood
was
intreated
,
and
brought
not
onely
to
be
no
enemy
,
but
also
to
set
upon
the
English
Ships
,
which
he
did
with
his
own
two
onely
,
and
brought
in
the
five
English
to
Leith
.
Lennox
was
defeated
by
the
Lord
Drummond
,
whose
daughter
George
master
of
Angus
had
married
:
and
the
Northern
men
hearing
of
it
sat
quiet
,
and
stirred
not
.
And
for
conclusion
Douglasses
,
Humes
,
and
Hepburnes
,
the
chief
authors
and
actors
in
these
matters
;
I
see
no
reason
why
we
should
defraude
them
of
their
due
commendation
of
being
men
that
were
dutifull
to
their
Countrey
,
and
withall
very
respective
to
their
King
,
having
laboured
all
they
could
to
reclaim
him
,
and
after
he
had
shut
himself
up
in
the
Castle
,
restoring
him
to
his
full
authority
,
and
even
when
he
was
seeking
their
lives
,
they
did
tolerate
him
a
good
while
,
being
very
loath
to
come
to
extremity
.
And
last
being
forced
to
it
by
necessitie
for
the
preservation
of
their
own
lives
,
they
had
regard
to
the
race
of
their
Princes
,
yea
to
himself
,
and
his
life
in
the
greatest
heat
of
the
battell
,
ever
willing
and
desirous
to
save
him
.
And
then
after
the
victorie
,
we
●…ee
how
moderate
they
were
against
their
detractours
,
slanderers
,
and
profest
enemies
that
had
taken
Arms
against
them
,
how
meek
in
bearing
with
them
,
how
carefull
too
,
with
calmnesse
to
reconcile
them
,
how
gentle
in
using
of
them
,
how
wise
and
prudent
in
thè
whole
progresse
of
pacification
.
And
above
all
the
moderation
of
their
desires
is
to
be
remarked
;
for
they
did
neither
increase
their
estates
,
nor
enrich
themselves
on
whit
,
by
spoiling
or
viole●…●…eizing
of
any
mans
Lands
or
Goods
.
The
Earle
of
Angus
was
made
Chancellour
.
But
that
was
after
the
death
of
the
Lord
Evendale
,
and
so
it
was
not
taken
from
any
other
man
,
neither
was
there
any
wrong
in
it
.
And
on
whom
could
it
have
been
so
well
bestowed
?
who
was
so
〈◊〉
for
it
?
and
who
so
worthy
of
it
?
Besides
,
it
seemes
that
he
got
it
not
in
the
Kings
minority
,
when
he
had
all
power
in
his
own
hand
under
the
shadow
of
the
Kings
name
,
and
so
might
have
extorted
it
from
the
King
in
those
troublous
times
,
for
he
is
never
termed
Chancellour
〈◊〉
the
year
1493.
which
was
5.
years
after
Bannock-burne
,
and
then
all
the
troubles
were
quieted
and
pacified
,
and
the
King
came
to
be
20.
years
of
age
,
able
to
guide
his
affairs
by
himself
.
The
Lord
Hume
is
also
made
From
this
time
the
Earle
of
Angus
continued
Chancellour
,
so
named
Hugh
Douglas
Deane
of
Buchan
,
and
sonne
to
the
late
Earle
of
Ormond
,
in
two
severall
Indentures
,
whereof
the
condition
of
the
one
is
to
pursue
for
the
lands
of
Evendale
in
the
year
1493.
the
other
in
the
year
1496.
the
14.
of
January
,
is
to
this
purpose
;
That
the
said
Hugh
shall
pursue
for
Glenwhome
,
Gladstanes
,
and
any
other
Lands
pertaining
to
the
Earles
of
Douglas
,
Lord
of
Evendale
,
or
his
father
the
Earle
of
Ormond
,
and
that
having
obtained
them
he
shall
resigne
them
in
favour
of
the
Earle
of
Angus
.
Other
things
remarkeable
we
have
none
,
untill
about
the
time
of
the
Field
of
Flowden
,
which
makes
it
seem
to
be
probable
(
which
some
allege
)
that
all
this
time
he
was
confined
in
Arane
.
The
pretended
cause
(
as
they
say
)
was
secret
intelligence
with
King
Henry
of
England
;
but
the
true
cause
(
they
say
)
was
his
taking
Jean
Kennedie
,
daughter
to
the
Earle
of
Cassils
out
of
Galloway
,
to
whom
the
King
bare
affection
,
and
to
whom
the
Earle
gave
infeftement
,
and
seizing
of
the
Lands
of
Bothwel
,
although
he
never
married
her
.
As
touching
the
pretended
cause
it
hath
no
appearance
at
all
,
seeing
there
was
alwayes
peace
and
friendship
betwixt
us
and
both
the
Henries
(
the
7.
and
8.
)
untill
the
warre
was
denounced
,
or
a
very
short
time
before
.
And
concerning
that
of
Jeane
Kennedie
,
we
have
a
note
of
an
Indenture
betwixt
Angus
Chancellour
,
and
the
Lord
Kennedie
,
but
they
have
neglected
to
set
down
about
what
it
hath
been
in
the
year
1496.
So
that
we
are
uncertain
what
to
think
of
it
.
And
contrary
to
this
we
finde
that
the
Lands
of
Bothwel
were
not
in
the
Earles
hands
,
but
in
his
sonne
Georges
,
who
got
them
from
the
Lord
Bothwel
in
exchange
for
the
Lordship
of
Liddisdale
,
which
for
that
cause
he
resigned
into
the
Kings
hands
in
favor
of
the
Earle
Bothwel
in
the
year
1492.
so
that
the
Earle
could
not
give
her
the
Lands
that
belonged
to
his
sonne
.
Further
our
Histories
tels
us
,
that
when
James
Earle
of
Aran
,
who
was
sent
with
the
Navy
which
the
King
had
prepared
for
a
present
to
Queene
Anne
of
France
,
had
turned
in
upon
Ireland
,
and
having
burnt
Knockfergus
,
was
come
to
Air
a
Sea-port
in
Coile
,
the
King
offended
with
his
folly
,
gave
the
charge
of
the
Ships
to
Angus
for
prosecuting
of
the
voyage
.
But
Aran
having
heard
of
it
,
hoysed
saile
,
and
was
gone
before
Angus
could
come
to
the
place
where
the
Ships
lay
.
Now
although
it
should
seem
by
this
that
the
King
continued
his
favour
toward
him
,
yet
there
are
some
apparant
reasons
to
move
us
to
think
that
it
hath
been
somewhat
diminished
.
For
Alexander
Lord
Hume
was
made
Warden
of
all
the
three
marches
(
and
that
before
Flowdon
)
of
which
the
east
and
middle
march
at
least
had
continued
under
the
government
of
the
Earles
of
Angus
,
for
the
space
of
three
or
foure
generations
,
descending
from
father
to
sonne
by
succession
,
from
Earle
William
in
the
persons
of
James
,
and
George
to
this
present
Archbald
.
Other
mention
,
or
monument
of
him
we
have
none
till
the
Warres
betwixt
King
James
the
4.
and
King
Henry
the
8.
of
England
.
It
is
reported
Sir
(
said
he
)
your
Majestie
When
the
Earle
had
ended
his
speech
,
all
that
were
present
shewed
by
their
countenance
,
that
they
did
approve
and
assent
unto
his
counsell
.
But
the
King
who
had
solemnely
sworn
to
give
battell
,
heard
him
unwillingly
,
and
answered
angerly
;
bidding
him
,
if
he
were
afraid
,
go
home
.
Then
Angus
seeing
the
King
obstinate
,
and
fore-seeing
in
his
minde
what
would
be
the
event
of
such
headinesse
,
burst
forth
in
teares
,
and
after
a
while
having
gathered
his
spirits
again
,
when
he
was
able
to
speak
,
If
my
former
life
,
said
he
,
doth
not
free
me
from
the
imputation
of
fearfulnesse
,
I
know
not
by
what
other
evidence
I
can
clear
my self
;
while
this
body
of
mine
was
able
to
endure
labour
and
toyle
,
I
spared
it
not
for
the
defence
of
our
Countrey
,
and
honour
of
our
Kings
.
Now
seeing
my
counsell
,
by
which
onely
I
am
able
to
do
good
,
can
have
no
place
,
I
leave
here
my
two
sonnes
,
who
next
after
my
Countrey
are
dearest
to
me
,
together
with
the
rest
of
my
friends
and
kinsmen
;
the
surest
pledge
that
I
can
give
of
my
affection
to
your
Majestie
,
and
to
the
rest
that
are
here
present
.
And
I
pray
God
that
this
my
fear
may
prove
frivolous
,
and
that
I
be
rather
esteemed
a
false
prophet
,
than
that
those
things
happen
,
which
I
think
I
see
before
mine
eyes
.
And
so
he
took
his
leave
,
and
departed
,
leaving
behinde
him
with
the
King
his
eldest
son
George
,
and
Sir
William
of
Glenbarvie
,
whom
he
exhorted
to
carry
themselves
valiantly
,
as
those
they
were
come
of
had
ever
done
,
and
recommending
them
to
God
and
their
good
fortune
,
he
rode
home
.
As
the
Earle
of
Their
father
the
Earle
went
to
Saint
Mains
in
Galloway
.
He
lived
there
a
year
after
,
an
austere
and
hard
life
,
where
he
died
also
,
and
was
buried
He
was
a
man
every
way
accomplished
both
for
minde
and
body
.
He
was
for
stature
tall
,
and
of
a
strong
composition
.
His
countenance
was
full
of
majestie
,
and
such
as
bred
reverence
in
the
beholders
;
wise
and
eloquent
of
speech
;
upright
and
square
in
his
actions
;
sober
and
moderate
in
his
desires
,
valiant
and
couragious
,
a
man
of
action
and
undertaking
,
liberall
also
of
heart
and
hand
,
loving
and
kinde
to
his
friends
;
which
made
him
to
be
beloved
,
reverenced
,
and
respected
of
all
men
.
He
gave
proof
of
his
personall
valour
in
a
duell
which
is
reported
to
have
been
thus
.
Archibaldus
Angusiae
primus
.
Palponum
dum
turba
ferox
illudere
regi
Non
timet
;
idque
palam
plebsque
patresque
fremunt
;
Amissum
decus
imperii
;
vilescere
sceptrum
;
Omnia
turbari
tum
foris
atque
domi
;
Cochronum
extinxi
(
caput
horum
&
dux
nebulonum
Is
fuit
)
&
laqueo
colla
scelesta
ded●…
.
Talibus
infestus
quod
sim
Gnathonibus
,
atro
Dente
petit
,
famam
rodit
&
aula
meam
.
Faex
hominum
,
procerum
pestis
,
Regumque
ruina
;
Quo
magis
oblatras
,
hoc
magis
illa
nitet
.
Archbald
of
Angus
,
the
first
of
that
name
.
Whiles
bloudy
flatterers
did
not
fear
T'
abuse
their
Princes
name
and
ear
:
Whiles
great
,
and
mean
,
and
all
repine
,
Whiles
the
Kings
honour
doth
decline
,
His
rule
too
much
despis'd
by
all
,
And
State
affairs
to
ruine
fall
.
Cochran
their
Head
was
hang'd
by
me
:
And
for
I
punisht
such
as
he
,
They
do
attempt
my
name
to
stain
With
slanders
,
but
these
dregs
of
men
,
The
pest
of
Courts
,
the
shame
of
Kings
,
Their
greatest
hate
most
honour
brings
.
Of
George
Master
of
Angus
,
and
sonne
to
Archbald
the
first
.
HIs
eldest
son
(
as
hath
been
said
)
was
George
slain
at
Flowdon
,
designed
commonly
by
the
appellation
of
Master
of
Angus
.
He
was
married
to
Elizabeth
Drummond
,
daughter
to
the
Lord
Drummond
of
whom
we
told
how
he
defeated
the
Earle
of
Lennox
.
His
children
by
her
were
three
sonnes
.
First
Archbald
,
afterward
Earle
of
Angus
.
Secondly
Sir
George
of
Pittendrich
.
Thirdly
William
Priour
of
Colding
hame
.
His
daughters
were
,
First
the
Lady
Yester
.
Secondly
the
Lady
Basse.
Thirdly
Jeane
Lady
Glames
.
Fourthly
Alison
,
married
first
to
Robert
Blackader
,
of
Blackader
,
and
afterward
to
Sir
David
Hume
of
Wedderburne
.
Fifthly
the
Lady
Drumlanerige
,
as
I
take
it
.
Also
they
mention
a
sixth
,
married
to
a
Baron
in
the
North
,
whom
they
name
not
,
neither
do
I
know
who
he
should
be
.
His
age
at
his
dea
th
(
to
reckon
from
the
15.
year
of
his
fathers
age
in
the
1469.
to
the
year
of
his
own
death
at
Flowdon
1513.
)
was
not
above
44.
His
actions
,
because
he
never
came
to
be
Earle
,
are
not
recorded
.
Some
dealing
there
was
betwixt
him
as
Governour
of
Liddisdale
,
and
the
Lord
Dacres
in
England
,
with
whose
Deputies
he
agrees
to
meet
at
Dumfreis
,
for
doing
of
Justice
in
the
year
1489.
the
year
after
the
King
was
killed
Robert
Lundie
of
Bagonie
,
Treasurer
for
a
generall
remission
to
Ewsdalde
,
Eskdale
,
and
Niddisdale
,
which
I
think
should
rather
be
Liddisdale
,
for
a
1000.
pounds
,
being
at
this
time
not
above
20.
years
of
age
,
not
out
of
Curatorie
by
the
Laws
,
though
that
was
in
his
fathers
hands
.
Yet
we
see
also
Courts
held
in
his
name
,
by
his
Bailiffs
,
as
a
retoure
of
Adam
Ker
,
to
some
Lands
in
Selkrig
,
in
the
said
year
,
which
makes
me
to
think
he
hath
been
then
married
.
Also
he
it
is
,
as
we
told
above
,
that
excambes
the
Lands
of
Liddisdale
for
Bothwell
with
Patrick
Earle
Bothwell
,
resigning
the
Lands
of
Liddisdale
,
and
the
King
disponing
them
upon
the
resignation
in
the
year
1492.
upon
what
reason
either
the
Earle
Bothwelshould
have
affected
In
the
year
1510.
he
indents
for
the
marriage
of
his
fourth
daughter
Robert
Blackaders
sonne
,
and
apparent
heir
to
Andrew
Blackader
of
that
Ilk.
Her
portion
300.
marks
,
the
terms
,
1.
at
the
compleating
40.
pounds
,
and
20.
pounds
,
at
the
feast
of
Martimasse
next
a●…ter
;
and
so
20.
pounds
termly
till
it
were
payed
.
That
same
year
he
is
in●…eft
in
Abernethie
.
And
this
is
all
we
have
of
him
,
which
we
have
set
down
chiefly
for
his
children
,
and
the
Historie
that
followeth
of
them
.
Of
Archbald
the
seventh
Earle
of
Angus
and
the
second
Archbald
.
TO
Archbald
the
first
,
succeeded
Archbald
the
second
,
his
Grand-childe
by
his
sonne
George
Master
of
Angus
.
He
was
thrice
married
,
first
to
Margaret
Hepburne
daughter
to
Patrick
Hepburne
the
first
Lord
Bothwell
,
being
as
yet
very
young
:
for
at
his
second
marriage
he
was
not
old
,
but
a
youth
,
or
stripling
,
Adolescens
.
She
died
in
childe-birth
within
the
year
(
as
they
say
)
immediatly
a●…ter
the
Field
of
Flowdon
.
2.
His
second
wife
was
Queen
Margaret
relict
of
King
James
the
4.
and
daughter
to
King
Henry
7.
of
England
.
She
bare
to
him
a
daughter
Lady
Margaret
Douglas
,
who
was
married
to
Matthew
Stuart
Earle
of
Lennox
,
and
bare
to
him
Henry
Lord
Darnly
,
that
married
Queen
Mary
of
Scotland
,
and
father
to
King
James
the
sixt
of
Scotland
,
and
first
of
great
Brittain
now
happily
reigning
.
Lady
Margaret
had
also
another
sonne
named
Charles
,
who
was
father
to
the
Lady
Arabella
.
3.
His
third
wife
was
Margaret
Maxwell
daughter
to
the
Lord
Maxwell
.
She
bare
to
him
a
sonne
and
a
daughter
,
who
died
both
of
them
before
they
were
8.
years
old
.
He
had
also
a
base
daughter
by
a
daughter
of
Traquairs
,
Jeane
Douglas
married
to
the
Lord
Ruthven
.
Some
say
that
he
begot
this
daughter
in
the
Queens
time
,
while
she
lying
in
of
Lady
Margaret
Douglas
in
England
,
after
her
delivery
went
to
London
and
stayed
there
with
her
brother
King
Henry
the
8
and
with
her
sister
the
late
Queen
of
France
,
and
then
Duchesse
of
Suffolk
.
Others
say
that
it
was
before
.
He
had
also
a
base
sonne
(
as
I
take
it
)
commonly
called
George
the
Postulant
to
a
by-name
,
because
(
I
know
not
upon
what
claim
or
title
)
he
did
postulate
and
claim
the
Abbacie
of
Aberbroth
(
or
Abernethock
)
and
not
onely
did
postulate
it
,
but
apprehended
it
also
,
and
used
it
as
his
own
.
Having
brought
the
house
of
Angus
still
increasing
,
and
growing
in
greatnesse
,
and
honour
unto
this
man
Archbald
the
second
,
shall
we
suffer
it
now
to
decay
,
or
to
take
halt
in
his
person
?
No
,
but
we
shall
see
it
increase
so
much
the
more
,
as
he
approacheth
nearer
unto
that
descent
,
which
is
able
to
give
honour
unto
basenesse
it self
,
far
more
to
adde
and
multiply
honour
upon
that
which
is
already
honourable
.
Men
do
not
onely
take
honour
from
their
progenitors
;
their
posterity
makes
them
honourable
,
when
they
have
much
honour
,
and
that
variable
according
to
the
degrees
of
their
honour
more
or
lesse
.
Which
seeing
it
is
undeniable
,
in
what
place
of
honour
shall
we
rank
this
Archbald
,
father
to
the
Lady
Margaret
Douglas
,
and
by
her
great
Grandfather
to
our
Soveraigne
King
James
of
great
Brittain
?
This
one
thing
is
enough
to
list
him
up
to
the
highest
top
of
honour
.
All
other
things
are
but
accessary
;
yet
are
they
additions
of
great
importance
.
Men
are
honourable
by
their
marriage
:
Who
then
so
honourable
as
he
?
Having
married
a
Queen
,
a
Kings
daughter
,
a
Kings
sister
,
a
Kings
mother
.
Others
also
of
the
Subjects
of
this
Countrey
have
married
Queens
(
I
grant
)
But
none
of
them
did
marry
Queen
Margaret
,
a
Lady
so
vertuous
;
None
did
marry
a
Queen
so
Royally
descended
,
and
every
way
Regall
in
her
father
,
her
mother
,
her
brother
,
her
sister
,
her
husband
,
her
sonne
being
all
of
them
Kings
or
Queens
.
None
did
marry
a
Queen
without
some
blemish
and
diminition
of
her
reputation
but
he
.
None
with
the
approbation
of
all
men
;
even
of
the
Queens
own
chief
Kinred
,
with
the
allowance
,
desire
,
and
exhortation
of
her
Kinsfolks
,
of
King
Henry
the
8.
But
you
will
say
perhaps
,
that
this
hath
been
chance
or
fortune
,
or
ignorance
in
her
,
blindnesse
of
an
impotent
woman
,
who
placed
her
affection
without
desert
,
or
that
it
hath
been
ignorance
in
King
Henry
her
brother
,
a
forrain
Prince
ill
informed
.
Let
us
therefore
hear
such
witnesses
as
were
not
blinded
,
either
with
womanly
affection
,
or
with
the
ignorance
of
a
stranger
;
such
as
were
unpartiall
,
and
who
had
neither
fear
nor
hope
,
love
or
hatred
,
which
are
the
common
causes
of
partiality
.
These
are
ourhistories
,
which
if
they
record
truth
(
as
they
are
recorders
of
truth
)
if
there
was
any
more
worthy
,
or
before
him
in
any
good
quality
,
then
let
it
be
accounted
folly
in
her
,
and
weaknesse
in
her
brother
.
What
do
these
our
Histories
then
say
?
First
of
his
place
and
descent
,
they
say
he
was
the
first
of
the
youth
of
Scotland
for
Nobility
.
Lo
here
is
one
good
quality
,
and
that
a
very
main
one
,
wherein
her
choyce
and
her
brothers
approbation
are
justified
,
and
he
shown
to
be
worthy
,
nay
most
worthy
by
hi●…
place
and
birth
,
whereof
we
have
said
enough
heretofore
.
But
let
that
be
thought
of
no
moment
or
value
if
there
be
no
more
.
What
say
they
next
?
What
of
himself
?
In
himself
?
in
his
personage
?
The
first
of
the
youth
of
Scotland
for
favour
and
comelinesse
of
personage
.
I
dare
not
consent
to
them
that
make
no
account
hereof
.
It
hath
ever
been
in
account
;
men
have
thought
it
worthy
,
whereon
to
bestow
a
Kingdome
.
It
is
yet
regarded
,
it
affects
all
humane
creatures
,
and
moves
us
whither
we
will
or
no
;
They
say
that
beasts
discern
it
not
.
I
doubt
of
it
,
though
we
are
not
able
to
discern
their
discerning
of
it
.
But
let
them
be
beasts
that
do
so
.
And
let
this
also
be
nothing
in
him
,
if
there
be
yet
no
more
in
him
;
if
there
be
no
qualities
joyned
to
it
,
which
it
gives
lustre
to
,
as
gold
to
a
Diamond
.
Let
it
be
(
as
in
all
men
and
women
)
like
a
ring
of
gold
on
a
Swines
snout
,
ill
placed
,
and
matched
;
unseemly
,
and
unworthily
.
Yet
it
is
gold
,
and
gold
is
ever
precious
,
and
to
be
desired
;
although
the
Swines
snout
of
ill
conditions
be
not
worthy
to
be
so
fairly
and
finely
deckt
,
or
adorned
.
What
are
then
his
other
properties
and
qualities
of
minde
and
man-hood
,
soule
and
body
?
which
is
the
third
point
.
The
first
and
principall
(
say
they
)
of
the
youth
of
Scotland
in
all
good
exercise
,
knowledge
,
cunning
,
skill
and
understanding
,
belonging
to
a
man
of
his
place
!
for
I
doubt
not
there
were
many
more
cunning
Clerks
than
he
;
yet
not
more
sufficient
in
uprightnesse
,
honest
vertue
,
dexterity
,
and
good
addresse
,
both
in
politick
matters
belonging
to
the
good
government
of
the
Countrey
;
and
Gentleman-like
,
exercise
becoming
his
estate
,
for
body
or
minde
,
for
peace
,
or
warre
.
What
particulars
they
are
we
shall
see
in
his
particuliar
actions
;
viz.
valour
,
and
true
courage
,
with
love
and
kindnesse
to
his
Countrey
,
hereditarie
properties
from
the
very
root
of
which
he
is
sprung
.
Also
wisedome
and
magnanimity
,
truth
and
uprightnesse
in
words
and
actions
,
with
others
which
will
appear
,
as
the
occasion
occurres
.
And
so
we
have
him
by
these
testimonies
thrice
(
that
is
every
way
)
first
,
or
chief
and
principall
.
1.
Chiefe
in
Nobility
beyond
all
.
2.
Chiefe
in
personage
,
beyond
all
.
3.
Chiefe
in
vertue
,
and
all
good
arts
(
for
so
is
the
word
)
or
qualities
,
beyond
all
.
Worthy
therefore
whom
the
Queen
should
have
preferred
,
and
made
choyce
of
to
be
her
husband
beyond
,
and
before
all
.
Worthy
of
whom
should
descend
that
race
of
Kings
so
Noble
,
beyond
all
.
Which
as
it
honours
him
,
so
doth
it
not
disgrace
or
disparage
that
Noble
and
Princely
race
,
to
be
come
of
such
an
one
in
his
person
;
of
such
stock
in
the
whole
race
and
descent
of
that
whole
Family
,
so
noble
,
so
worthy
,
and
heroicall
every
way
.
Not
so
much
private
in
place
,
as
Princely
in
worth
,
all
vertue
and
magnanimity
;
though
otherwise
Subjects
.
And
thus
the
honour
of
the
house
doth
rise
in
his
person
,
whom
we
see
accounted
by
all
every
way
honourable
,
honourable
by
bloud
,
honourable
by
vertue
,
honourable
by
marriage
,
honourable
by
affinitie
and
alliance
,
honourable
by
progenie
and
posteritie
,
honourable
by
all
actions
,
by
all
valiant
,
and
alwayes
worthy
acts
.
As
for
his
greatnesse
and
puissance
,
we
finde
it
at
his
entry
and
beginning
matched
(
yea
over-matched
)
by
the
Lord
Hume
Chamberlaine
;
But
in
end
harderto
be
matched
by
any
,
nay
matching
(
almost
)
what
should
not
be
matched
in
any
sort
,
wherewith
no
Subject
should
match
himself
.
Which
however
good
or
evil
it
be
in
using
,
yet
it
is
greatnesse
to
have
done
so
.
To
come
to
his
particular
actions
;
The
first
we
finde
is
his
marriage
,
The
Queen
was
by
the
King
her
husbands
testament
left
Regent
during
her
widow-hood
.
That
lasted
not
long
;
from
the
25.
of
September
untill
the
next
Spring
was
ended
,
say
some
:
others
fay
untill
the
6.
of
August
almost
a
year
.
Then
she
marrieth
,
and
so
fals
from
that
charge
.
He
had
answered
her
,
that
he
warred
against
the
Scots
,
when
they
made
war
against
him
;
and
that
he
would
keep
peace
with
them
when
they
kept
peace
with
him
.
This
was
a
magnanimous
minde
,
and
a
Princely
(
say
our
writers
,
not
envious
of
the
praife
of
the
English
)
though
indeed
it
were
not
without
a
good
policie
.
For
by
that
meane
he
had
leasure
to
prosecute
his
French
intentions
without
fear
of
being
disturbed
or
diverted
by
the
Scottish
incursions
.
But
we
will
not
extenuate
it
:
he
had
indeed
the
better
hand
of
it
,
and
at
this
time
peace
was
more
needfull
for
Scotland
.
And
therefore
this
reason
brought
by
Angus
for
the
continuation
of
the
Queens
authoritie
was
so
much
the
greater
.
But
it
could
not
move
the
other
party
,
whereo●…
the
Lord
Hume
(
Chamberlain
)
was
Chief
.
They
shew
their
willingnesse
to
honour
the
Queen
.
That
appeared
(
say
they
)
in
this
;
that
contrary
to
the
ancient
custome
of
this
Kingdome
,
they
had
suffered
and
obeyed
her
authority
,
whiles
she
her self
kept
her
right
by
keeping
her
widow-hood
.
Now
that
she
had
quit
it
by
marrying
,
why
should
they
not
choose
another
to
succeed
into
the
place
which
she
had
left
?
which
the
old
laws
would
also
have
taken
from
her
,
which
do
not
permit
that
a
woman
should
govern
in
the
most
peaceable
times
,
far
lesse
now
,
when
such
evils
do
threaten
,
as
can
scarce
be
resisted
by
the
wisest
and
most
sufficient
men
.
This
they
pretended
,
and
touched
the
point
that
did
annoy
them
.
The
marrying
of
the
Earle
of
Angus
had
made
him
too
great
already
,
the
continuing
of
her
authority
would
make
him
farre
greater
.
This
they
can
not
endure
;
especially
the
Chamberlain
who
was
jealous
of
his
greatnesse
,
which
he
thought
would
impair
and
lessen
his
own
,
already
beginning
to
decline
,
by
the
retiring
and
with-drawing
of
Liddisdale
and
Anandale
from
following
him
,
and
casting
them
again
under
the
wings
of
the
Douglasses
,
to
whom
they
had
wont
to
belong
.
This
point
being
once
obtained
,
that
the
Queen
should
governe
no
more
,
the
next
was
,
who
then
should
be
the
man
.
Here
also
was
no
lesse
strife
and
Alexander
,
said
he
,
what
do
you
mean
by
this
?
that
man
is
a
stranger
to
us
,
and
understandeth
not
our
language
no
more
than
we
do
his
.
He
will
work
his
own
ends
,
and
who
knoweth
after
what
manner
?
Whether
or
not
to
the
Kings
prejudice
,
who
is
onely
between
him
and
the
Crown
.
Certainly
,
he
will
never
regard
either
of
us
,
whom
he
will
rather
seek
to
depresse
than
to
advance
.
Go
to
therefore
,
let
us
agree
amongst
our selves
.
Take
you
the
government
of
the
borders
,
and
of
all
that
lieth
on
that
side
of
the
river
of
Forth
,
and
let
me
have
the
command
on
the
other
side
.
A
fair
offer
,
and
a
wise
consideration
,
which
the
Chamberlain
shall
acknowledge
hereafter
too
late
,
and
shall
himself
say
the
like
to
him
that
now
doth
thus
admonish
him
.
For
the
present
he
refused
obstinately
,
and
(
as
it
may
be
thought
)
fatally
,
persisting
in
his
former
resolution
.
Whereof
when
I
consider
what
might
have
been
the
cause
,
I
think
it
hath
been
not
any
distrust
to
obtain
some
place
in
the
guiding
of
affairs
,
but
a
doubting
how
to
keep
it
:
if
by
chance
any
thwarting
or
insociablenesse
of
Empire
should
fall
out
between
them
at
any
time
thereafter
:
in
which
case
Angus
could
not
but
be
the
stronger
by
the
power
of
England
his
allies
,
they
having
no
partie
so
great
to
counterpoize
them
.
For
this
cause
he
hath
thought
it
fit
to
bring
in
the
French
to
equall
the
ballance
as
principall
,
himself
onely
as
accessarie
,
not
doubting
of
a
chief
place
both
by
his
desert
in
bringing
him
home
,
and
the
necessitie
of
his
service
,
which
could
never
be
lacking
.
On
this
rather
than
the
other
ground
(
as
I
take
it
)
he
hath
laid
down
his
course
.
But
as
well
as
he
laid
his
grounds
,
hereupon
he
built
both
his
ruine
before
three
years
were
come
about
,
and
speedie
repentance
soon
after
the
arrivall
of
his
Governour
.
Howbeit
upon
this
occasion
the
Duke
of
Albanie
(
so
called
afterward
)
is
sent
for
,
arrives
,
is
made
Earle
of
March
,
Duke
of
Albanie
(
which
his
John
Hepburne
Prior
of
S.
Andrews
was
his
enemie
on
this
occasion
.
Andrew
Stuart
Archbishop
of
S.
Andrews
was
slain
at
Flowdon
.
Three
divers
pretended
to
the
place
by
divers
meanes
.
Gawin
Douglas
Bishop
of
Dunkel
,
uncle
to
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
by
the
Qneens
admission
,
Hepburne
.
by
the
election
of
the
Chapter
,
Andrew
Foreman
by
the
Popes
gift
.
This
Foreman
was
Abbat
of
Dumfermling
,
and
Aberbrothe
,
Legat
from
the
Pope
,
and
had
gotten
this
to
maintain
his
grandour
,
or
as
a
reward
of
his
service
.
The
question
was
hard
to
decidè
.
All
pretended
right
and
reason
.
Gawin
Douglas
had
gotten
possession
of
the
Castle
,
and
had
put
servants
into
it
;
but
the
Priour
was
stronger
about
the
town
,
and
findes
a
mean
to
thrust
them
out
.
Foreman
cannot
get
his
Bulls
proclaimed
:
none
durst
take
it
in
hand
so
long
as
Hume
and
Hepburne
.
agreed
.
He
workes
wisely
,
having
been
born
under
the
Lord
Hume
,
he
flees
to
him
as
his
Patron
,
agrees
with
him
as
a
friend
,
and
gives
the
Abbacie
of
Coldinghame
to
his
youngest
brother
David
.
He
doth
his
turne
,
proclaimeth
his
Bull
,
but
had
no
power
in
Fife
to
prosecute
it
any
further
.
Yet
it
causeth
Hepburne
to
come
to
a
point
,
to
take
composition
,
the
Bishoprick
of
Murray
,
and
3000.
crownes
by
year
,
and
a
discharge
for
all
his
by-past
intromissions
.
So
he
agrees
with
Foreman
,
but
dis-agrees
with
the
Lord
Hume
,
and
despites
him
with
such
malice
,
because
of
that
morsell
pulled
out
of
his
jawes
,
that
he
ceased
not
to
work
him
what
mischief
he
could
.
He
did
so
possesse
the
Governour
with
jealousie
of
the
Lord
Humes
and
Angus
greatnesse
,
and
aspiring
,
that
he
thought
there
was
no
way
to
secure
himself
▪
and
his
Government
,
but
by
ridding
the
Countrey
of
them
both
.
Wherefore
the
Lord
Hume
repairing
to
him
,
and
finding
by
his
neglectfull
carriage
,
and
cold
entertainment
,
the
little
good-will
he
bare
him
,
repenting
too
late
his
forwardnesse
in
his
election
,
and
calling
to
minde
what
Angus
had
foretold
him
,
though
he
had
contemned
his
counsell
,
yet
now
seeing
no
other
remedie
,
went
to
him
,
and
the
Queen
his
wife
,
condemning
his
fact
,
and
regrating
the
present
estate
of
the
King
and
Countrey
,
and
advised
them
to
flie
into
England
with
the
young
King
.
When
the
Governour
had
notice
of
this
consultation
,
he
used
such
diligence
and
expedition
,
that
coming
to
Stirlin
unlooked
for
,
he
surprized
the
Queen
;
and
removing
her
,
and
the
Douglasses
from
about
the
King
,
he
gave
the
keeping
of
him
to
the
Lord
John
Ereskin
,
and
other
three
Noblemen
.
Hereupon
the
Queen
and
Angus
,
as
also
the
Lord
Hume
,
and
his
brother
William
,
with-drew
themselves
into
England
,
and
the
Governour
upon
their
departure
,
sent
Ambassadours
to
King
Henry
to
clear
himself
,
that
he
had
done
nothing
why
they
should
be
so
afraid
of
him
,
or
leave
their
Countrey
.
He
dealt
also
privately
with
themselves
by
their
friends
,
promising
and
protesting
to
give
them
all
content
and
satisfaction
,
in
such
wayes
,
that
they
beleeving
and
desiring
to
live
at
home
,
returned
all
of
them
,
save
onely
the
Queen
,
who
being
then
near
the
time
of
her
childe-birth
,
remained
at
Harbottle
in
Northhumberland
,
Margaret
Douglas
born
at
Harbottle
in
England
.
where
she
was
brought
to
bed
of
Lady
Margaret
Douglas
.
Then
assoon
as
she
was
able
to
endure
travell
,
she
went
to
London
,
where
she
was
kindly
welcomed
,
and
lovingly
entertained
by
her
brother
King
Henry
,
and
her
sister
Mary
Queen
of
France
,
and
afterward
Dutchesse
of
Suffolk
.
But
the
Governours
head
being
once
filled
with
suspitions
,
and
new
causes
of
distrust
arising
dayly
,
could
not
be
quieted
by
their
return
,
nor
the
Queens
absence
,
neither
could
he
think
himself
bound
by
promises
.
Gawin
Douglas
Bishop
of
Dunkel
,
uncle
to
Angus
,
was
committed
to
prison
:
John
Lord
Drummond
his
Grandfather
,
or
mothers
brother
,
&
David
Panetier
Secretarie
to
the
late
King
,
were
likewise
laid
fast
.
Alexander
Lord
Hume
,
and
his
brother
William
,
were
executed
,
their
goods
confiscat
,
their
lands
forfeited
,
and
their
heads
affixed
on
the
Citie
Gate
of
Edinburgh
,
called
the
Nether-Bow
.
Being
thus
rid
of
the
Chamberlain
,
he
did
much
fear
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
whom
he
left
to
governe
in
his
absence
(
for
he
went
into
France
)
but
joyned
with
him
the
Earles
of
Arran
,
Argyle
,
Huntley
,
the
Archbishop
of
S.
Andrews
,
and
Glasgow
,
together
with
a
Frenchman
,
named
Antonius
Darsius
,
commonly
known
A●…t
.
Darsius
or
De
la
Beau●…e
slain
1517.
by
the
title
of
Sieur
de
la
Beaute
.
To
this
La
Beaute
he
allotted
Dumbar
,
the
Shires
of
Lowthian
,
and
the
Merse
,
where
the
Chamberlaines
lands
and
friends
were
.
This
Darsius
was
slain
by
Sir
David
Hume
of
Wedderburn
,
occasionally
,
in
the
year
1517.
the
18.
of
September
.
For
this
Sir
David
was
out-lawed
,
his
house
seized
,
and
Sir
George
Douglas
(
Angus
brother
)
suspected
to
be
accessarie
,
imprisoned
in
Garvet
Castle
,
they
not
daring
to
meddle
with
the
Earl
himself
,
who
was
no
lesse
suspected
to
have
been
conscious
of
it
(
though
falsely
)
because
Sir
David
had
married
their
sister
Alison
.
Not
long
after
this
,
there
fell
out
an
occasion
of
great
troubles
betwixt
Andrew
Ker
of
Farnihaste
challenged
a
right
and
priviledge
of
doing
justice
,
and
punishing
male-factors
as
hereditarie
Bailiff
.
In
this
controversie
Arrane
sided
with
Farnihaste
,
not
for
any
particular
relation
,
or
because
he
thought
his
right
was
good
,
but
onely
in
opposition
to
Angus
,
whom
he
hated
inwardly
.
What
the
cause
of
his
hatred
was
,
we
●…ear
not
,
and
they
had
been
good
friends
before
.
Arrans
base
sonne
James
Hamilton
,
as
he
was
on
his
way
towards
Farnihaste
to
assist
him
,
John
Summervale
of
Camnethen
set
upon
him
,
killed
five
or
six
of
his
company
,
took
thirty
men
and
horses
,
and
pursued
himfelf
so
near
,
that
he
was
forced
to
turne
in
to
Hume
Castle
for
his
safetie
.
This
fact
was
imputed
to
Angus
,
on
whom
Summervale
did
for
the
most
part
depend
,
men
thinking
that
it
was
done
by
his
direction
.
But
it
is
well
known
that
besides
this
quarrell
of
the
Earles
,
that
man
had
ever
a
particular
feude
with
the
Hamiltons
.
But
if
the
Earle
had
been
guiltie
of
this
wrong
and
offence
done
unto
them
,
it
is
not
likely
that
he
would
have
been
so
slightly
accompanied
at
Edinburgh
,
and
have
stayed
their
coming
thither
with
so
small
forces
,
if
he
had
suspected
any
ill
meaning
from
them
,
or
known
any
such
deserving
in
himself
.
Besides
they
having
so
just
cause
,
they
might
have
complained
and
gotten
redresse
and
satisfaction
of
the
Earle
by
order
of
law
,
if
they
could
have
made
it
appear
that
he
had
any
hand
in
it
,
and
not
have
taken
this
violent
course
.
Wherefore
in
all
likelihood
this
was
but
a
colour
and
pretext
.
Hereupon
(
however
)
in
the
year
1520.
the
27.
of
April
,
a
convention
being
appointed
Archbald
Douglas
of
Kilspindie
(
the
Earle
of
Robert
Logane
a
Burgesse
of
Edinburgh
.
Then
they
came
to
the
City
,
and
finding
the
Earle
of
Angus
there
but
meanly
attended
,
and
weakly
guarded
,
his
friends
not
being
yet
conveened
,
they
assembled
together
with
the
chief
Noblemen
of
the
West
in
Archbishop
Betons
house
in
the
Black-Frier-Winde
(
this
Beton
was
also
Chancellour
)
and
there
resolve
by
all
means
to
apprehend
Angus
;
alledging
that
his
power
was
so
great
,
that
nothing
could
be
discerned
freely
,
so
long
as
he
was
free
.
The
cause
was
plausible
,
their
malice
great
,
and
the
occasion
fair
,
considering
his
singlenesse
,
and
their
multitude
.
So
soon
as
Angus
heard
of
their
consultation
,
he
sent
to
them
his
uncle
the
Bishop
of
Dunkell
,
desiring
that
if
they
had
any
grievance
,
or
just
quarrell
against
him
,
they
would
complain
thereof
to
the
convention
,
to
whose
censure
he
would
submit
himself
,
and
make
such
satisfaction
as
it
should
please
them
to
ordain
.
And
to
this
purpose
Dunkell
spake
to
Glasgow
the
Chancellour
,
to
move
the
rest
to
accept
of
this
offer
,
and
that
he
would
not
be
an
instrument
of
civill
dissention
.
But
he
had
fair
perswading
of
him
:
no
man
was
deeper
in
it
than
he
,
who
was
ringleader
to
the
rest
,
and
very
Episcopally
had
put
on
armour
to
be
present
at
it
,
and
to
assist
them
himself
in
person
:
yet
he
sought
to
excuse
himself
,
and
laid
all
the
blame
upon
the
Earle
of
Arran
,
who
,
said
he
,
is
highly
offended
with
the
Earle
of
Angus
for
many
occasions
,
but
chiefly
for
the
affront
done
to
his
son
by
Sommervale
,
and
for
the
slaughter
of
De
la
Beaute
committed
by
his
brother-in-law
Sir
David
Hume
,
not
without
his
knowledge
,
consent
,
and
councell
.
For
this
cause
Arran
will
needs
have
him
to
go
to
prison
.
There
is
no
remedie
,
sayes
Glasgow
,
upon
my
conscience
I
cannot
help
it
.
And
in
the
heat
of
his
asseveration
he
beat
his
breast
with
his
hand
,
where
his
conscience
lay
well
covered
with
a
jack
of
Maile
,
or
a
Secret
hid
under
his
Seton
or
Cassock
.
And
now
being
knocked
upon
,
it
answered
with
a
ratling
noise
,
which
the
plates
of
iron
did
yeeld
,
bearing
witnesse
against
him
how
little
he
cared
for
that
inward
witnesse
,
which
be-lyed
him
when
he
protested
he
was
desirous
to
pacifie
matters
,
being
indeed
thus
preparing
for
warre
.
Neither
did
Dunkell
stick
to
tell
him
so
,
saying
,
How
now
my
Lord
,
me
thinks
your
conscience
clatters
.
We
are
Priests
,
it
is
not
lawfull
for
us
to
put
on
armour
,
or
bear
Arms
,
it
makes
us
irregular
.
And
so
leaving
him
,
he
returned
to
his
Nephew
,
and
told
him
shortly
that
there
was
no
possibility
of
composing
matters
,
and
as
little
of
escaping
or
fleeing
,
for
the
City
Gates
were
shut
,
and
his
enemies
were
assembling
.
For
me
I
am
a
Church-man
,
I
will
go
to
my
Chamber
and
pray
for
you
.
And
so
he
did
,
but
he
sent
his
servants
with
the
Earle
to
aide
him
.
Some
ascribe
this
to
want
of
strength
,
and
to
his
debilitie
and
old
age
;
but
it
was
indeed
,
because
he
held
it
not
lawfull
,
as
a
thing
forbidden
in
the
Canon-law
,
and
which
he
had
reproached
to
Bishop
Beton
.
For
in
the
year
1513.
his
eldest
brother
George
slain
at
Flowdon
was
but
44.
and
Gawin
the
fourth
brother
not
above
38.
or
39.
so
that
now
in
the
year
1520.
he
hath
not
been
more
than
46.
which
is
no
age
of
Decrepitnesse
.
Dunkell
being
gone
to
his
devotion
,
Angus
without
further
consultation
resolves
rather
to
die
honourably
defending
himself
against
his
enemies
,
than
to
be
hailed
(
he
and
his
friends
)
forth
to
the
Scaffold
,
and
lay
their
necks
upon
the
block
to
be
be-headed
by
their
proud
and
insulting
enemies
.
So
he
conveens
his
small
troup
,
tels
them
what
his
minde
was
,
and
exhorts
them
to
stand
to
it
manfully
.
They
all
commended
his
resolution
,
and
shewed
themselves
most
willing
to
hazzard
their
lives
for
his
safety
.
Wherefore
that
they
might
not
be
surprized
in
their
Chambers
,
they
came
forth
,
and
went
down
the
High-Street
(
for
the
Earle
did
lodge
at
the
Straight-Bow
)
being
in
all
but
80.
or
100.
at
most
;
but
they
were
all
of
them
choice
men
,
valarous
,
and
hardie
.
Angus
was
well
beloved
in
the
Town
,
so
that
when
he
came
by
the
Shops
where
the
Pikes
and
Speares
are
made
,
they
had
libertie
to
furnish
themselves
with
long
Weapons
,
and
many
also
were
reached
to
them
by
the
Citizens
out
at
the
Windows
,
and
from
the
Stairs
;
which
was
no
small
advantage
,
their
enemies
having
no
long
Weapon
at
all
.
The
Chief
Street
is
so
seated
that
the
Gates
being
shut
there
is
no
entrie
to
it
,
but
by
some
few
Lanes
that
reach
from
the
Cow-gate
;
in
one
of
which
called
the
Black-frier-Winde
the
adverse
party
had
conveened
.
Now
that
they
might
not
issue
forth
upon
him
at
divers
places
,
and
so
oppresse
him
with
their
multitude
,
Angus
had
caused
his
men
to
close
up
and
barre
the
entrances
of
the
Lanes
with
Coale-horses
,
and
Ale-barrels
,
Carts
,
and
such
things
as
would
best
serve
for
that
purpose
,
and
could
be
gotten
on
a
sudden
.
He
placed
also
some
few
men
at
every
Lanes
head
to
defend
the
Barricadoes
;
but
he
himself
with
the
choycest
and
most
resolute
of
his
company
,
planted
themselves
directly
over
against
the
Black-frier-Winde
,
which
he
had
left
open
for
them
,
and
as
they
thronged
out
,
he
assailed
them
with
Pikes
and
long
Weapons
.
There
having
slain
many
of
the
formest
that
came
out
,
and
scattered
them
all
,
he
drave
the
rest
down
the
Lane
,
which
by
the
narrownesse
thereof
,
made
their
number
unprofitable
,
as
had
been
rightly
fore-seen
by
Angus
,
who
knew
that
a
few
would
be
able
to
make
good
a
straight
passage
against
many
,
their
multititude
availing
nothing
,
scarce
one
of
ten
having
room
to
fight
at
once
,
and
come
to
strokes
together
.
The
Earle
of
Arran
and
his
sonne
James
Hamilton
(
having
been
apparantly
of
that
number
that
issued
forth
at
the
Lanes
head
at
first
,
or
else
he
could
not
have
gone
that
way
)
crossing
the
High-Street
,
fled
down
a
Lane
on
the
Northside
of
the
City
,
and
finding
a
Coale-horse
standing
in
their
way
,
they
threw
off
his
loading
,
and
rode
through
the
North-logh
at
a
foord
where
there
is
none
known
now
,
and
so
escaped
easily
,
no
man
pursuing
them
that
way
.
The
rest
were
scattered
on
the
other
side
of
the
Town
,
of
which
some
fled
to
the
Gray-Friers
Monasterie
for
sanctuary
,
the
Chancellour
fled
on
foot
to
Lithgow
.
In
the
mean
time
,
while
they
were
at
this
bickering
within
the
City
with
great
tumult
,
William
Douglas
Priour
of
Coldingham
(
Angus
his
brother
)
and
Sir
David
Hume
(
his
brother
in
law
)
came
to
the
City
Gates
with
800.
horse
which
they
had
brought
out
of
the
Merse
;
and
finding
them
shut
,
broke
open
the
wicket
with
Smiths
hammers
,
and
so
entred
.
But
before
they
could
get
in
,
the
fray
was
ended
.
Angus
strengthened
and
emboldened
with
this
supply
,
because
the
City
was
still
full
of
his
enemies
,
caused
it
to
be
proclaimed
with
sound
of
Trumpet
at
the
Market-Crosse
,
that
none
should
be
seen
abroad
with
Arms
but
he
and
his
,
under
pain
of
death
.
This
enforced
them
of
his
adverse
party
to
crave
leave
to
depart
,
which
was
granted
unto
them
.
Such
was
his
moderation
towards
those
who
had
plotted
his
ruine
and
overthrow
.
He
had
fought
for
his
life
and
honour
,
not
out
of
malice
,
or
hatred
;
and
now
that
these
were
out
of
danger
he
lets
his
enemies
go
away
safe
and
sound
.
And
so
there
departed
of
them
in
one
company
800.
horse
well
laughed
at
,
and
derided
of
the
beholders
,
to
see
so
many
beaten
and
chased
by
so
few
.
Besides
these
there
were
many
others
that
had
fled
before
,
and
divers
stayed
still
in
the
City
lurking
.
This
conflict
fell
out
in
the
year
1520.
the
last
of
April
,
in
which
there
were
70.
Patrick
Hamilton
brother
to
Arran
,
and
the
Master
of
Montgomerie
.
The
Chancellour
(
as
we
have
said
)
fled
disguised
to
Stirlin
to
the
Queen
.
After
this
,
Sir
David
Hume
returning
to
the
Merse
,
and
being
thus
strengthened
by
the
authority
and
countenance
of
Angus
,
found
means
to
take
his
own
house
of
Wedderburne
from
those
that
had
kept
it
since
the
killing
of
De
la
Beaute
.
He
took
also
the
Castle
of
Hume
at
the
same
time
which
had
been
seized
on
by
the
Governour
,
and
was
kept
by
men
that
he
had
put
into
it
.
And
thus
was
the
Earle
of
Angus
partie
settled
and
strengthened
in
the
Merse
.
Also
in
Lowthian
he
had
no
opposition
or
contrary
,
neither
in
Tividale
,
and
such
other
parts
of
the
borders
.
The
Hamiltons
were
the
onely
great
men
that
had
any
equality
to
match
him
,
and
were
now
incensed
by
their
losse
at
Edinburgh
.
Some
of
his
friends
lay
near
unto
them
,
Robert
Lord
Boyde
was
his
depender
,
and
speciall
friend
.
He
was
also
near
to
him
in
bloud
,
for
Angus
his
Grand-mother
(
Elizabeth
Boyde
)
was
sister
to
Thomas
Boyde
,
Grand-father
to
this
Robert
.
The
Lord
Boyde
was
nearer
to
Arran
;
for
King
James
the
third
his
sister
was
mother
to
Arran
,
and
Grand-mother
to
Boyde
,
as
is
probable
.
But
Boyde
followed
Angus
more
than
him
.
His
house
of
Kilmarnock
in
Cunninghame
,
lay
nearest
to
their
Forces
in
Cliddisdale
,
and
farthest
from
the
Earle
of
Angus
his
power
and
friendship
.
Therefore
they
besiege
it
,
but
without
successe
,
it
being
so
well
defended
,
that
they
rose
and
went
away
without
getting
of
it
.
The
next
year
(
1521.
the
18.
of
July
)
Angus
came
to
Edinburgh
,
accompanied
About
the
28.
of
October
,
the
Governour
returned
out
of
France
.
Angus
his
power
seemed
to
him
to
be
too
great
.
He
determines
to
diminish
it
.
For
which
purpose
he
commands
himself
to
go
into
France
,
But
though
he
returned
no
more
,
yet
others
returned
for
him
,
those
Simon
Panango
,
and
obtained
licence
of
K.
Henry
,
by
whom
he
was
received
lovingly
,
and
dismissed
liberally
.
For
K.
Henry
desired
greatly
the
diminishing
of
the
Governours
authoritie
,
&
was
glad
of
the
alterations
in
Scotland
,
&
therefore
did
make
the
more
of
Angus
,
because
he
knew
that
he
was
opposite
to
the
Duke
.
At
his
returne
he
found
the
estate
of
the
Countrey
in
this
case
.
We
told
before
,
how
in
the
year
1518.
the
Queen
his
wi●…e
,
and
he
,
had
with-drawn
themselves
into
England
,
and
stayed
at
Harbottle
,
where
she
bare
her
daughter
Lady
.
Margaret
Douglas
:
how
her
husband
having
returned
into
Scotland
,
she
(
after
her
deliverie
)
went
to
the
Court
of
England
to
visit
her
brother
and
her
sister
,
with
whom
she
stayed
for
the
space
of
a
whole
year
.
In
which
time
the
Earle
her
husband
becomes
acquainted
with
a
daughter
of
Traquair
,
by
whom
he
had
a
daughter
called
Jeane
Douglas
,
married
afterward
to
Patrick
Lord
Ruthven
.
When
the
Queen
came
home
again
,
he
meets
her
at
Berwick
,
and
brought
her
to
Edinburgh
.
She
having
gotten
notice
of
this
wrong
he
had
done
her
,
never
lived
with
him
in
that
love
they
had
done
before
.
And
now
having
set
her
affection
upon
a
younger
brother
of
the
Lord
Ochletrees
,
whom
she
intended
to
create
Lord
Methven
,
she
was
become
altogether
his
enemie
:
And
that
so
obstinately
,
that
howbeit
her
brother
K.
Henry
wrote
to
her
,
that
for
her
own
honour
,
for
the
peace
and
quietnesse
of
the
countrey
,
and
for
the
advantage
of
his
affaires
,
she
would
be
reconciled
to
him
▪
yet
she
not
onely
would
not
yeeld
to
it
,
but
even
sued
for
a
divorcement
before
the
Pope
,
at
the
Court
of
Rome
,
alledging
that
Angus
had
been
affianced
,
betrothed
,
or
hand-fasted
to
that
Gentlewoman
who
bare
the
childe
to
him
before
he
had
married
her
,
and
so
by
reason
of
that
pre-contract
,
could
not
be
her
lawfull
husband
.
She
prevailed
not
in
her
sute
,
for
her
alledgance
could
not
be
proved
,
being
also
untrue
:
but
she
increased
in
spight
and
hatred
against
him
,
and
was
set
(
by
all
the
means
she
could
)
to
overthrow
him
.
This
drew
Arran
to
be
of
her
Faction
;
both
of
them
disliking
that
Angus
should
be
in
the
first
place
,
and
suspecting
he
would
not
be
contented
with
the
second
,
bent
their
Forces
to
contend
against
him
as
for
dominion
and
empiring
.
On
the
other
side
there
were
the
Earle
of
Lennox
,
and
Argyle
,
who
had
assisted
the
Queen
and
Arran
,
and
helped
them
to
abrogate
the
Duke
of
Albanies
authority
,
and
to
establish
the
King
himself
in
the
Government
of
the
Kingdome
.
But
now
finding
that
the
Queen
and
Arran
took
all
the
guiding
of
the
King
and
Countrey
into
their
own
hands
onely
,
and
did
not
admit
them
George
Creichton
being
advanced
to
be
Bishop
of
Dunkell
.
Angus
conferres
this
Abbacie
on
his
brother
William
,
Prior
of
Coldinghame
,
either
by
himself
and
his
own
power
,
or
by
moving
the
King
to
conferre
it
upon
him
,
and
that
without
the
consent
of
the
other
two
,
which
he
thought
he
needed
not
,
seeing
he
was
absolute
Governour
for
his
time
.
The
other
two
thought
themselves
wronged
by
this
balking
,
and
thought
that
howsoever
he
was
for
those
moneths
to
attend
the
King
alone
,
yet
that
he
ought
not
to
governe
,
or
dispose
of
any
thing
of
moment
by
himself
alone
.
So
they
take
offence
at
it
,
and
Argyle
retires
,
and
with-drawes
himself
home
into
Argyle
.
Lennox
would
gladly
have
done
the
like
,
but
the
King
detained
him
for
the
love
he
bare
him
,
yet
did
he
utter
his
discontentednesse
many
wayes
.
Thus
is
the
Trium-virate
dissolved
:
Alexander
Gordon
,
and
having
gotten
the
Wardship
from
the
King
;
so
that
now
he
had
the
friends
and
dependers
of
the
house
of
Huntly
to
be
his
.
In
this
mean
time
fell
out
the
slaughter
of
Patrick
Blackader
Archdeacon
Patrick
Blackader
,
Archdeacon
of
Dumblane
.
of
Dumblane
,
Cousin
Germane
to
Robert
Blackader
,
sometime
Priour
of
Coldingham
,
and
brother
Germane
to
Robert
Blackader
late
of
Blackader
.
Robert
the
Priour
of
Coldingham
had
been
slain
before
by
Sir
David
Hume
of
Wedderburne
,
and
his
brother
John
Hume
being
in
his
company
,
is
thought
to
have
given
him
the
deadly
stroake
.
This
Sir
David
married
Alison
Douglas
sister
to
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
and
relict
of
Robert
Blackader
of
Blackader
.
She
had
two
onely
daughters
,
married
to
two
of
Sir
Davids
brothers
;
the
eldest
to
this
John
Hume
,
and
the
younger
to
Robert
Hume
,
who
claimed
,
and
possest
the
Lands
of
Blackader
in
the
right
of
their
wives
,
who
were
heirs
of
Line
.
Hence
arose
deadly
feude
betwixt
them
,
and
the
name
of
Blackader
,
who
challenged
to
be
heirs
by
entailment
of
the
Lands
to
the
heirs
male
.
Wherefore
they
had
laid
wait
for
John
divers
times
to
have
slain
him
:
especially
at
one
time
he
being
in
a
Taverne
in
Edinburgh
,
and
his
men
being
all
abroad
,
or
in
another
room
with
a
Gentleman
or
two
of
his
acquaintance
,
and
companions
,
a
Priest
of
Arch-deacon
Blackaders
came
into
the
room
where
he
was
.
John
,
not
knowing
who
he
was
,
desired
him
to
drink
with
him
out
of
courtesie
,
but
he
refused
,
and
went
forth
presently
.
When
he
was
gone
,
one
of
the
house
sayes
to
John
,
if
ye
had
known
who
that
man
was
,
ye
would
not
have
offered
him
any
wine
,
for
it
was
such
an
one
.
If
I
had
known
(
sayes
John
)
that
it
had
been
he
,
I
should
have
made
him
drink
his
bellie
full
whether
he
would
or
not
.
As
they
were
thus
talking
,
a
servant
of
the
house
going
to
the
door
,
espies
the
Arch-deacon
coming
with
a
great
company
of
men
,
and
came
running
to
John
and
told
him
of
it
,
who
leaping
to
the
door
just
as
they
were
ready
to
enter
,
made
good
the
door
,
and
drave
them
back
,
so
that
with
much
ado
,
he
and
those
that
were
with
him
found
means
to
shut
it
.
This
attempt
so
incensed
him
,
that
having
understood
of
the
Arch-deacons
coming
to
Edinburgh
at
this
time
,
he
lay
in
wait
for
him
by
the
way
,
and
slew
him
.
This
slaughter
was
imputed
to
the
Earle
of
Angus
by
his
enemies
;
at
least
some
aspersion
thereof
was
rubbed
upon
him
,
because
(
as
they
alledged
)
Angus
had
sent
for
the
Arch-deacon
,
and
he
was
come
upon
his
sending
for
,
and
(
as
some
said
)
upon
an
appointment
of
agreeance
to
be
made
betwixt
John
Hume
and
him
.
But
John
ever
in
all
discourse
,
or
conference
of
that
businesse
denied
that
everthere
was
any
appointment
,
or
overture
of
agreement
,
or
that
he
ever
knew
of
Angus
his
sending
for
him
.
That
which
made
it
the
rather
beleeved
to
be
done
by
Angus
consent
,
or
privity
was
,
because
when
in
the
tumult
raised
upon
the
slaughter
,
divers
went
out
to
have
apprehended
John
,
Sir
George
Douglas
(
the
Earls
brother
)
went
out
also
to
have
taken
him
at
the
Earls
command
,
who
was
highly
offended
that
he
should
have
committed
this
insolencie
in
his
government
;
whom
when
the
others
saw
,
they
suspected
that
he
being
Johns
wives
uncle
,
and
seeing
many
Douglasses
and
Humes
in
his
company
(
who
were
friends
and
allied
with
John
)
was
come
out
,
not
to
apprehend
but
to
defend
and
assist
him
.
Wherefore
they
returned
from
pursuing
of
him
.
Sir
George
also
returned
shortly
after
without
finding
him
;
neither
was
there
any
search
made
for
him
after
that
:
Angus
(
besides
that
he
was
uncle
to
Johns
wife
)
having
almost
continuall
use
of
serviceable
and
active
men
,
being
loath
to
offend
his
brother
Sir
David
,
and
his
other
friends
in
the
Merse
.
And
now
were
things
in
working
,
The
mean
is
devised
thus
,
that
Balcleugh
(
who
dwelt
within
a
little
of
Jedbrough
)
should
invite
the
King
to
his
house
,
and
retain
him
there
(
being
not
unwilling
)
till
more
were
come
and
conveened
.
But
that
plot
failed
by
chance
,
or
by
discovery
,
the
King
being
brought
back
to
Melrosse
.
Notwithstanding
hereof
,
Balcleugh
resolving
to
prosecute
,
what
he
intended
,
would
assay
to
do
by
force
what
he
had
failed
in
by
craft
.
He
assembled
about
1000.
horse
of
his
friends
and
other
borderers
accustomed
to
theft
.
He
cast
himself
to
be
in
the
Kings
way
,
as
he
was
to
passe
into
Lowthian
at
the
Bridge
of
Melrosse
upon
Tweed
.
The
Ker
,
George
Lord
Hume
,
and
Andrew
Ker
of
Cesford
,
all
valiant
and
active
men
,
he
resolved
to
hazzard
battell
.
And
because
they
were
all
come
out
on
horse-back
,
he
gave
order
that
they
should
alight
,
and
fight
on
foot
.
The
Lord
Hume
answered
,
he
would
do
so
if
the
King
would
command
him
to
do
it
.
We
hear
not
what
answer
was
made
,
or
that
the
King
commanded
,
but
he
alighted
,
and
took
part
very
honestly
with
the
rest
.
Balcleugh
also
alighted
,
but
he
had
no
sooner
joyned
battell
,
than
a
great
number
of
his
men
(
better
accustomed
to
steal
then
to
fight
)
fled
away
and
left
him
.
He
himself
,
and
his
friends
,
stood
to
it
manfully
,
and
continued
the
fight
,
which
was
for
a
space
very
fierce
and
hard
;
as
being
in
the
presence
of
the
King
,
who
was
a
beholder
,
and
was
to
be
the
reward
of
the
victor
.
At
last
Walter
Scot
of
Balcleugh
,
being
hurt
,
his
whole
company
turned
their
backs
,
there
being
fourscore
of
them
slain
,
and
having
first
slain
Andrew
Ker
of
Cesford
.
Balcleugh
escaped
himself
out
of
the
Field
.
Hereupon
began
deadly
feude
betwixt
the
Kers
and
Scots
;
or
was
renued
and
continued
divers
years
after
,
and
divers
murthers
and
slaughters
followed
upon
it
,
amongst
which
was
the
slaughter
of
Sir
Walter
Scot
himself
in
Edinburgh
.
There
my
Lord
Fleming
also
alighted
with
Angus
,
and
took
part
in
the
conflict
▪
but
the
Earle
of
Lennox
sate
still
on
his
horse
by
the
King
,
as
an
indifferent
spectatour
,
and
looker
on
.
He
being
before
a
suspected
,
but
now
(
by
this
)
a
declared
enemie
to
the
Douglasses
with-drew
himself
from
Court
.
This
fell
out
about
the
18.
of
July
1526.
After
this
attempt
,
Angus
perceiving
so
many
evil-affected
toward
him
,
entred
into
parleying
with
the
Earle
of
Arran
;
and
having
composed
George
Douglas
could
come
to
them
,
who
desired
greatly
to
be
with
his
brother
,
but
was
held
back
by
the
Kings
pretences
.
It
is
constantly
reported
,
that
Sir
George
seeing
the
King
linger
thus
,
and
knowing
that
he
did
it
of
purpose
,
said
to
him
in
great
fury
,
It
is
as
much
as
our
lives
are
worthy
,
if
our
enemies
get
you
from
us
to
day
;
which
,
rather
than
they
shall
do
,
we
will
hold
fast
one
half
of
you
,
and
let
them
pull
away
the
other
.
These
words
the
King
never
forgot
,
nor
forgave
;
neither
would
ever
hear
of
pardoning
him
;
when
he
seemed
not
to
be
implacable
towards
the
rest
.
When
the
King
could
not
stay
Augus
any
longer
from
going
to
aide
the
Hamiltons
,
he
sent
Andrew
Wood
of
Largoe
to
have
saved
Lennox
life
by
all
means
.
But
he
was
slain
in
the
chace
by
the
Earle
of
James
Hamilton
,
who
used
the
victory
cruelly
,
and
whom
afterwards
a
Groom
of
Lennox
wounded
almost
to
death
,
having
stabbed
him
in
five
or
six
places
,
in
revenge
of
his
Lords
death
.
He
was
lamented
of
his
uncle
Arran
with
many
tears
;
by
Angus
with
sorrow
and
sadnesse
of
heart
;
but
above
all
,
the
King
took
his
death
ill
,
seeing
his
care
to
save
him
not
to
have
succeeded
.
It
is
said
that
when
he
was
coming
from
Stirlin
,
Arran
sent
to
him
,
and
prayed
him
not
to
come
forward
,
but
to
stay
,
otherwise
that
he
would
force
him
to
fight
him
,
which
he
desired
not
to
do
.
To
which
Lennox
answered
;
That
he
would
not
stay
,
but
would
go
and
see
the
King
maugre
him
,
and
all
that
would
take
his
part
.
But
his
purpose
was
directly
to
fight
the
Hamiltons
,
and
not
to
go
to
the
King
;
for
he
could
not
go
to
him
,
and
leave
them
strong
behinde
him
,
having
the
Douglasses
before
him
.
There
were
slain
with
him
the
Laird
of
Howstoun
,
and
the
Master
of
Glencarne
was
sore
wounded
,
and
hardly
saved
by
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
whose
Cousin
he
was
(
brother
and
sisters
children
)
as
is
said
above
.
After
the
Battell
,
those
that
had
born
arms
against
the
King
were
enquired
after
,
and
summoned
to
compeere
in
judgement
;
but
some
of
them
compounded
for
money
,
some
became
dependers
to
the
house
of
Angus
,
some
to
the
Earle
of
Arran
.
The
obstinate
were
pursued
by
Law
,
such
as
the
Earle
of
Cassils
,
who
alledged
for
himself
,
that
he
had
the
Kings
Letter
to
show
for
his
warrant
,
to
do
what
he
had
done
;
whereupon
they
desisted
from
further
processe
against
him
;
which
I
see
no
ground
why
they
should
have
done
upon
a
private
Letter
;
and
as
little
reason
is
there
why
they
could
not
charge
him
with
the
hurting
or
slaying
of
some
man
,
seeing
he
was
in
the
Battel
.
It
should
seem
they
would
not
have
been
so
malicious
,
&
vehement
against
men
,
as
our
writers
give
out
;
or
not
so
pregnant
in
the
inventing
of
crimes
and
quarrells
,
as
men
are
now
a
dayes
.
Cassills
was
slain
by
the
Sheriffe
of
Aire
his
friends
(
a
little
after
)
at
the
instigation
of
Arrans
bastard
,
who
had
killed
Lennox
at
Linlithgow
,
because
he
stood
to
justifie
himself
,
and
refused
to
become
a
depender
of
the
house
of
Arran
.
His
son
betook
himself
to
the
protection
of
the
Douglasses
,
came
to
Archbald
Douglas
of
Kilspindie
(
who
was
then
Thesaurer
to
the
King
)
and
was
kindely
received
by
him
,
and
lovingly
entreated
,
as
one
who
for
his
noble
birth
and
towardlinesse
he
intended
to
make
his
son-in-law
.
Now
the
Earle
of
Angus
knowing
well
that
Archbishop
Beton
was
one
of
the
chief
stirrers
up
of
the
Earle
of
Lennox
in
this
enterprise
against
him
,
remembring
also
how
he
had
before
stirred
up
Arran
in
the
same
manner
,
and
his
assisting
of
him
at
Edinburgh
,
and
many
other
times
,
goes
now
to
S.
Andrews
,
takes
the
Castle
by
force
,
and
pillageth
it
,
but
could
not
apprehend
the
Fox
himself
,
who
fled
from
hole
to
hole
,
and
linked
secretly
amongst
his
friends
.
The
Queen
also
(
lest
she
should
come
intoher
husbands
hands
)
kept
her self
hid
and
solitarie
.
These
escaped
their
search
.
After
this
he
went
to
the
Border
,
where
he
caused
the
principall
of
every
Name
to
give
pledges
and
hostages
for
their
good
behaviour
,
and
keeping
of
good
order
.
And
first
he
went
into
Liddisdale
with
an
army
,
where
they
came
and
yeelded
themselves
to
him
;
and
the
rest
of
the
Borderers
followed
their
example
.
And
now
had
the
Earle
of
Angus
settled
all
things
,
in
all
appearance
.
His
enemies
were
overcome
on
the
East
hand
at
Melrosse
;
on
the
West
at
Lithgow
;
the
Earle
of
Lennox
was
dead
,
and
his
Faction
dispersed
and
broken
,
the
Queens
authoritie
dashed
,
and
Bishop
Beton
beaten
out
of
the
cock-pit
,
both
put
to
save
themselves
by
hiding
,
all
husht
,
and
under
hatches
;
no
partie
,
no
faction
,
no
men
to
make
head
against
him
.
An
estate
highly
esteemed
,
greatly
affected
,
and
much
sought
for
by
men
.
But
as
in
our
bodies
,
fulnesse
of
health
hath
the
own
danger
,
so
in
our
estates
,
too
great
prosperitie
and
ease
are
the
fore-runners
of
change
,
which
(
as
experience
doth
teach
)
is
even
then
at
the
doores
when
there
is
least
appearance
otherwise
.
It
fell
Gawin
Dumbar
the
Kings
Pedagogue
in
law
matters
,
one
who
was
no
ill
man
,
but
who
was
thought
to
be
a
greater
Schollar
,
than
wise
and
prudent
for
government
.
The
Thesaurers
place
was
taken
from
Kilspindie
,
and
given
to
Robert
Carnecrosse
,
a
man
better
knowne
by
his
bags
of
money
,
than
for
his
vertues
.
Thus
driven
to
their
last
hopes
,
they
labour
to
hinder
the
meeting
of
the
Parliament
,
by
taking
of
Edinburgh
where
it
was
to
sit
,
and
from
whence
the
King
was
returned
to
Stirlin
.
For
this
end
they
send
Archbald
of
Kilspindie
,
with
some
troops
of
horse
,
to
assay
what
he
could
do
.
A
poor
shift
,
if
they
had
gotten
it
.
But
the
King
had
prevented
them
,
and
sent
thither
Robert
Maxwell
,
who
with
his
friends
and
dependers
,
assisted
by
a
great
number
of
the
Commons
,
excluded
them
,
and
with
watch
and
ward
kept
the
town
till
the
Kings
return
.
Hereupon
Angus
retired
to
his
house
at
Tantallon
.
The
day
of
the
Parliament
being
come
,
they
were
cited
,
accused
,
condemned
,
and
forfeited
;
the
Earle
,
Sir
George
,
Kilspindie
,
and
Drummond
of
Carnock
.
The
main
cause
,
and
clearest
John
Ballandine
,
who
was
then
one
of
their
dependers
,
&
afterward
Justice-Clerk
,
knew
it
well
,
and
did
freely
and
courageously
protest
in
open
audience
,
that
nothing
done
there
should
be
hurtfull
,
or
prejudicial
to
the
Earle
,
because
he
had
just
cause
of
fear
,
&
so
of
his
absence
,
which
should
be
declared
in
the
own
time
;
which
was
both
an
honest
part
toward
his
patron
,
and
a
wise
and
stout
part
in
it self
.
Upon
this
protestation
the
forfeiture
was
reduced
seventeen
years
after
this
.
But
for
the
present
it
goeth
on
,
and
an
act
was
also
made
against
such
as
should
receive
,
them
,
that
they
should
be
liable
to
the
same
punishment
of
forfeiture
.
Soon
after
this
,
William
,
Abbot
of
Halyroodhouse
(
Angus
his
brother
)
died
through
sicknesse
which
he
had
contracted
by
grief
and
sorrow
for
their
estate
.
The
rest
,
seeing
no
appearance
of
pardon
,
make
now
for
open
violence
.
Who
can
think
but
it
was
as
unfit
now
,
as
fit
to
have
used
it
when
they
stayed
from
going
to
Stirlin
?
But
then
they
have
had
hope
of
more
favour
,
which
hath
marred
all
their
course
.
Better
late
wise
than
never
,
time
was
driven
,
but
they
counted
it
not
lost
,
because
by
their
so
long
patience
they
had
given
proof
of
their
goodwill
;
now
they
will
shew
their
enemies
what
power
they
had
then
;
and
that
it
was
willingnesse
,
not
weaknesse
,
made
them
to
forbeare
doing
more
than
they
did
.
They
burn
Cowsland
,
and
Cranston
,
and
daily
rode
about
Edinburgh
in
view
of
the
City
,
so
that
it
was
in
a
manner
besieged
,
the
mean
sort
suffering
for
the
faults
of
the
great
ones
.
By
this
their
proceeding
,
the
theeves
and
broken
men
of
the
borders
,
and
elsewhere
(
whom
they
had
before
restrained
in
their
government
)
loosed
from
all
fear
of
them
,
waxed
bold
to
come
out
of
their
lurking
places
,
and
greatly
molested
the
Countrey
people
about
them
.
Many
outrages
were
committed
by
many
,
in
many
places
;
oppression
,
theft
,
murders
,
and
robberies
.
All
was
imputed
to
the
Douglasses
,
and
called
their
doing
by
the
Courtiers
,
thinking
thereby
to
please
the
King
well
.
There
was
a
Ship
(
called
the
Martin
)
which
being
loaden
with
rich
Ware
,
brake
about
the
Skate-raw
,
and
the
common
people
came
and
took
away
the
goods
from
the
owners
;
this
was
laid
also
upon
them
,
and
their
faction
and
followers
,
though
nothing
of
it
came
to
their
use
,
unlesse
it
were
that
some
of
their
stragling
horsemen
,
happening
to
be
there
at
that
time
,
might
perhaps
get
their
share
with
others
.
About
this
time
the
King
resolves
to
besiege
Tantallon
Castle
in
Simcon
Penangoe
,
with
a
competent
number
of
men
,
well
furnished
and
provided
both
of
Victuals
and
Munition
.
The
Earle
himself
remained
at
Billie
in
the
Merse
,
within
his
Baronie
of
Bonkle
,
not
willing
to
shut
himself
up
within
the
Wals
of
any
strength
,
having
ever
in
his
mouth
this
maxime
(
which
he
had
received
from
his
Predecessours
)
That
it
was
better
to
hear
the
Lark
sing
,
than
the
Mouse
cheep
.
The
Castle
was
well
defended
for
certain
dayes
,
none
hurt
within
;
many
without
were
wounded
with
shot
from
the
Castle
,
and
some
burnt
and
scalded
with
their
own
Powder
,
which
took
fire
unawares
,
and
divers
killed
.
The
besiegers
were
troubled
without
by
the
horsemen
,
who
assaulted
them
daily
at
their
trenches
,
so
that
seeing
no
hope
of
carrying
it
,
they
raised
their
siege
,
and
retired
.
In
their
retreat
they
were
set
upon
in
the
Reare
by
Angus
his
horsemen
;
and
one
David
Falconer
(
a
principall
Cannonier
)
slain
with
some
otherhired
Musketiers
,
and
two
of
the
Cannons
cloyed
.
This
the
K.
took
so
highly
(
esteeming
it
an
affort
and
scorn
put
upon
him
)
that
he
●…wore
openly
,
that
so
long
as
he
lived
,
the
Douglasses
should
never
be
received
into
favour
.
He
was
then
young
,
and
in
his
hot
bloud
,
and
saw
not
their
worth
,
or
at
least
looked
upon
it
through
the
prospective
of
an
angry
passion
;
but
before
he
died
,
he
saw
it
more
setledly
and
clearly
,
and
that
their
service
was
more
steadable
than
all
theirs
that
were
now
about
him
.
Being
come
to
Edinburgh
,
he
adviseth
what
was
next
to
be
done
.
It
was
thought
fit
to
keep
a
company
at
Coldingham
,
which
needed
not
to
be
very
great
,
but
onely
to
lye
there
constantly
,
to
preserve
and
protect
the
common
people
from
their
incursions
.
But
that
was
to
Bell
the
Cat
;
a
good
designe
,
but
difficult
to
prosecute
.
Billie
(
where
Angus
made
his
residence
)
is
within
five
miles
of
Coldingham
,
and
all
the
Countrey
about
did
favour
him
;
yea
,
some
in
that
same
Town
it self
did
bear
him
good
will
.
The
task
to
execute
this
conclusion
,
was
laid
upon
the
Earle
Bothwell
,
who
was
the
most
powerfull
man
in
Lowthian
.
He
refuses
it
absolutely
,
as
that
which
he
was
not
able
to
perform
.
So
is
the
King
driven
to
think
of
another
.
The
Earle
of
Arran
was
the
greatest
in
power
and
friendship
;
but
he
had
slain
the
Earle
of
Lennox
at
Linlithgow
,
and
was
in
societie
with
the
Douglasses
.
He
doubts
with
what
zeal
or
fidelity
he
would
prosecute
the
businesse
.
Argyle
was
in
great
account
,
for
warrelike
and
politick
wisedome
;
But
he
lay
farre
off
,
The
Earle
of
Argyle
is
bound
to
ride
From
the
border
of
Edge-bucklin
bray
,
And
all
his
Habergeons
him
beside
,
Each
man
upon
a
sonke
of
Stray
,
They
made
their
vow
that
they
would
slay
,
&c.
Neither
did
the
Lord
Hume
take
any
particular
dealing
against
him
;
neither
did
he
leave
Scotland
,
being
compelled
thereto
by
force
(
as
our
traditioners
say
)
but
upon
the
King
of
Englands
desire
,
who
wished
him
That
the
Castle
of
Tantallon
being
rendred
,
the
King
should
under
his
hand-writing
assure
them
of
the
rest
of
their
petitions
.
Yet
the
Castle
being
rendred
,
the
rest
were
not
(
for
all
that
)
sincerely
kept
.
What
he
speaks
of
the
rendering
of
the
Castle
,
ou●…
old
men
(
acquainted
with
these
mysteries
)
speak
also
of
the
Earles
leaving
Scotland
;
That
both
were
done
upon
these
promises
.
They
tell
also
what
the
promises
were
,
that
they
should
be
received
again
,
pardoned
,
and
get
their
peace
(
the
Kings
honour
being
once
thus
salved
by
his
going
out
of
the
Countrey
,
and
rendering
of
the
Castle
)
within
such
a
space
as
was
agreed
on
.
Our
Histories
also
signifie
no
lesse
by
the
exception
which
it
makes
in
this
:
The
rest
(
sayes
he
)
were
not
sincerely
kept
,
except
that
favour
was
granted
to
Alexander
Drumond
to
return
,
&c.
Then
his
return
hath
been
one
of
the
conditions
,
seeing
it
is
accepted
as
one
of
them
that
were
performed
.
Neither
hath
the
condition
been
that
he
alone
should
return
,
but
that
they
should
be
brought
home
all
of
them
.
He
signifies
also
,
that
Drumonds
return
was
not
permitted
out
of
any
respect
to
the
promise
,
but
at
the
request
of
Robert
Bartaine
.
So
that
the
exception
is
no
exception
;
and
so
nothing
hath
been
keeped
.
But
the
King
of
England
(
to
whom
the
promise
was
made
)
was
not
at
this
time
disposed
to
exact
the
performance
of
it
,
and
to
back
his
exacting
of
it
with
▪
40000.
men
,
as
Princes
promises
should
be
urged
.
Men
say
he
had
other
work
in
hand
,
and
businesse
of
his
own
to
request
for
;
which
was
to
desire
his
Nephew
James
to
be
quiet
,
and
not
to
trouble
his
Kingdome
while
he
made
Warre
against
the
Emperour
Charles
.
Yet
afterward
in
the
year
1532.
he
sought
it
directly
amongst
the
conditions
of
peace
▪
that
the
Douglas
(
according
to
his
promise
)
should
be
restored
.
For
The
Kings
anger
still
continued
against
them
in
such
sort
,
that
nine
years
after
,
in
1537.
he
was
contented
that
Jeane
Douglas
Lady
Glames
(
who
was
Angus
sister
)
should
be
accused
by
false
witnesses
,
condemned
and
execute
.
The
point
of
her
accusation
was
,
that
she
,
and
her
husband
(
Archbald
Campbell
then
)
and
her
sonne
and
an
old
Priest
,
had
gone
about
to
make
away
the
King
by
Witch-craft
.
Their
servants
were
tried
and
racked
,
but
confessed
nothing
,
the
accuser
John
Lion
(
a
Kinsman
George
Hume
of
Wedderburne
(
who
was
Angus
his
sisters
son
)
to
the
Black-Nesse
,
for
whom
his
mother
Dame
Alison
Douglas
coming
often
to
entreat
the
King
for
him
,
though
he
alwayes
used
her
courteously
,
and
gave
her
good
countenance
(
and
that
almost
onely
to
her
of
all
their
friends
)
so
that
his
language
was
by
way
of
excusing
without
deniall
,
yet
she
could
obtain
nothing
till
a
little
before
his
death
about
the
rode
of
Fawla
,
when
hee
began
to
misse
their
service
,
then
he
set
him
at
libertie
.
His
implacabilitie
did
also
appear
in
his
carriage
toward
Archbald
of
Kilspindie
,
whom
he
(
when
he
was
a
childe
)
loved
singularly
well
for
his
ability
of
body
,
and
was
wont
to
call
him
his
Gray
Steell
.
Archbald
being
banished
into
England
,
could
not
well
comport
with
the
humour
of
that
Nation
,
which
he
thought
to
be
too
proud
,
and
that
they
had
too
high
a
conceit
of
themselves
,
joyned
with
a
contempt
and
despising
of
all
others
.
Wherefore
being
wearied
of
that
life
,
and
remembring
the
Kings
favour
of
old
toward
him
,
he
determined
to
trie
the
Kings
mercifulnesse
and
clemency
.
So
he
comes
into
Scotland
,
and
taking
occasion
of
the
Kings
hunting
in
the
Park
at
Stirlin
,
he
casts
himself
to
be
in
his
way
,
as
he
was
comming
home
to
the
Castle
.
So
soon
as
the
King
saw
him
afar
off
,
ere
he
came
near
,
he
ghessed
it
was
he
,
and
said
to
one
of
his
Courtiers
,
yonder
is
my
Gray
Steell
,
Archbald
of
Kilspindie
,
if
he
be
alive
.
The
other
answered
,
that
it
could
not
be
he
,
and
that
he
durst
not
come
into
the
Kings
presence
.
The
King
approaching
,
he
fell
upon
his
knees
,
and
craved
pardon
,
and
promised
from
thence
forward
to
abstain
from
all
meddling
in
publick
affairs
,
and
to
lead
a
quiet
and
a
private
life
.
The
King
went
by
without
giving
him
any
answer
,
and
trotted
a
good
round
pace
up
the
hill
.
Kilspindie
followed
,
and
(
though
he
wore
on
him
a
Secret
,
or
shirt
of
Maile
for
his
particular
enemies
)
was
as
soon
at
the
Castle
gate
as
the
King
.
There
he
sat
him
down
upon
a
stone
without
,
and
entreated
some
of
the
Kings
servants
for
a
cup
of
drink
,
being
wearie
and
thirstie
:
but
they
fearing
the
Kings
displeasure
,
durst
give
him
none
.
When
the
K.
was
sat
at
his
dinner
,
he
asked
what
he
had
done
,
what
he
had
said
,
and
whither
he
was
gone
?
It
was
told
him
,
that
he
had
desired
a
cup
of
drink
,
and
had
gotten
none
.
The
King
reproved
them
very
sharply
for
their
discourtesie
,
and
told
them
,
that
if
he
had
not
taken
an
oath
,
that
no
Douglas
should
ever
serve
him
,
he
would
have
received
him
into
his
service
,
for
he
had
seen
him
sometime
a
man
of
great
abilitie
.
Then
he
sent
him
word
to
go
to
Leith
,
and
expect
his
farther
pleasure
.
Then
some
kinsman
of
David
Falconer
(
the
Cannonier
that
was
slain
at
Tantallon
)
began
to
quarell
with
Archbald
about
the
matter
,
wherewith
the
King
shewed
himself
not
well
pleased
when
he
heard
of
it
.
Then
he
commanded
him
to
go
to
France
for
a
certain
space
,
till
he
heard
farther
from
him
.
And
so
he
did
,
and
died
shortly
after
.
This
gave
occasion
to
the
King
of
England
(
Henry
the
8.
)
to
blame
his
Nephew
,
alledging
That
a
Kings
face
should
give
grace
.
For
this
Archbald
(
whatsoever
were
Anguses
or
Sir
George
his
fault
)
had
not
been
principall
actor
of
any
thing
,
nor
no
counsellour
or
stirrer
up
,
but
onely
a
follower
of
his
friends
,
and
that
no
wayes
cruelly
disposed
.
He
caused
also
execute
Sir
James
Hamilton
of
Evendale
,
for
divers
reasons
:
but
that
which
incensed
him
most
,
was
his
correspondencie
,
and
secret
trafficking
and
meeting
with
the
banished
Douglasses
,
especially
with
Sir
George
,
whom
he
met
with
in
the
Park-head
,
as
the
King
was
informed
.
There
was
no
man
that
he
could
hear
had
but
received
them
into
his
house
,
but
he
caused
apprehend
,
and
execute
the
rigour
of
the
law
upon
them
.
He
caused
the
Laird
of
Blackader
bring
in
John
Nisbet
of
the
Spittell
,
and
made
him
to
be
executed
to
death
,
for
receiving
(
as
was
alledged
at
least
)
the
Earle
of
Angus
into
his
house
.
These
many
executions
proceeding
from
many
reports
and
delations
given
to
him
,
bred
great
suspition
in
his
minde
,
all
the
woods
seemed
full
of
theeves
.
Many
were
put
to
death
for
the
Douglasses
;
this
was
a
token
that
they
had
many
favourers
:
many
were
offended
by
these
executions
,
and
so
many
ill-willers
by
being
offended
.
So
his
suspition
against
the
Nobilitie
was
daily
increased
,
his
jealousie
growes
,
cares
multiply
,
his
minde
is
disturbed
,
which
would
not
suffer
him
to
sleep
sound
,
but
troubled
his
head
with
dreames
and
fansies
.
In
the
mean
time
the
Warres
began
with
England
by
mutuall
incursions
George
Gordon
Earle
of
Huntley
to
the
Border
to
represse
the
English
.
But
they
seeing
his
Forces
so
small
,
came
forward
to
have
burnt
Jedburgh
.
The
Lord
Hume
hearing
of
their
intention
,
went
and
lay
in
their
way
.
The
Earle
of
Angus
had
been
sent
down
to
the
Border
by
the
K.
of
England
,
to
wait
for
occasion
to
do
something
against
Scotland
,
and
was
now
with
these
English
here
.
Hee
disswaded
them
from
fighting
,
and
told
them
,
that
the
Lord
Hume
would
not
flee
,
nor
his
men
leave
him
,
and
that
they
would
all
die
at
his
feet
.
But
they
would
needs
fight
,
and
were
overthrowne
.
The
Earle
of
Angus
himself
was
almost
taken
,
for
he
was
caught
about
the
neck
,
and
rid
himself
again
with
his
dagger
,
and
so
escaped
.
There
were
some
slaine
,
more
taken
,
all
scattered
and
chased
.
The
King
was
so
glad
hereof
,
that
A.
Ker.
Fawla
.
he
gave
the
lands
of
the
Hirsell
to
Sir
Andrew
Ker
of
Little-dean
for
bringing
the
first
newes
hereof
:
but
he
that
was
the
chief
actor
the
Lord
Hume
got
nothing
.
This
was
at
Halden
rig
.
Then
was
the
rode
of
Fawla
,
where
the
Nobilitie
did
flatly
refuse
to
fight
,
and
suffered
the
English
to
retire
,
and
escape
without
battell
or
skirmish
.
The
King
being
there
in
person
,
was
so
enraged
hereat
,
that
he
burst
forth
into
open
railing
against
them
,
calling
them
cowards
,
and
beasts
that
were
not
worthy
of
their
places
or
Predecessours
;
and
withall
told
them
,
that
he
should
bring
home
those
that
durst
and
would
fight
,
meaning
the
Earle
of
Angus
Oliver
Sinclar
being
deserted
by
the
Nobility
,
was
〈◊〉
to
flie
,
and
so
lost
the
day
,
and
many
were
taken
prisoners
;
many
also
yeelded
themselves
to
the
English
.
The
King
,
who
was
not
farre
off
,
when
he
heard
of
it
,
was
wonderfully
commoved
,
having
his
minde
distracted
with
indignation
,
anger
,
grief
and
sorrow
;
now
thinking
how
to
be
avenged
on
them
that
had
dealt
thus
traiterously
with
him
;
then
of
new
preparation
for
the
Warres
,
&
how
it
should
be
managed
.
For
which
he
saw
now
there
was
but
one
way
left
,
which
was
to
bring
home
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
upon
what
ever
terms
;
seeing
at
last
what
a
subject
he
had
thrust
from
him
,
and
repenting
him
,
said
he
should
bring
him
home
,
that
would
take
order
with
them
also
.
But
it
was
too
late
,
for
his
death
But
although
he
lived
not
to
effect
his
determination
,
yet
he
gave
them
an
honourable
testimony
of
their
worth
,
and
withall
made
a
confession
of
the
wrong
he
had
done
to
them
,
and
gave
them
a
clear
absolviture
from
all
former
imputation
.
And
so
for
their
part
they
rest
satisfied
with
it
,
and
seek
no
other
.
The
King
was
dead
,
who
had
purposed
to
have
brought
them
home
,
his
will
is
enough
to
them
;
they
stand
not
on
ceremonies
,
they
come
home
now
unsent
for
.
There
were
taken
prisoners
at
the
Solom-Mosse
,
seven
Earles
and
Lords
,
foure
and
twenty
others
of
inferiour
,
but
good
place
and
quality
.
When
King
Henry
of
England
had
triumphed
a
while
over
them
(
causing
to
lead
them
from
the
Towre
of
London
to
Court
through
Cheapside
Street
the
20.
of
December
upon
Saint
Thomas
day
)
he
rebuked
them
as
breakers
of
Covenant
by
a
long
harangue
of
his
Chancellour
▪
who
magnified
the
Kings
mercy
,
who
did
(
said
he
)
remit
much
of
the
rigour
he
might
justly
have
used
against
them
.
After
this
they
had
some
more
freedome
;
and
when
the
news
of
the
Kings
death
was
come
,
he
dealt
kindly
with
them
,
and
told
them
his
intention
;
which
was
to
have
their
Kings
daughter
married
to
his
sonne
Prince
Edward
,
that
so
the
Nations
of
England
and
Scotland
might
be
joyned
together
by
that
alliance
;
for
affecting
of
which
match
he
takes
their
promise
to
favour
his
designe
,
and
to
set
it
forward
at
home
as
farre
as
they
might
without
dammage
to
their
Countrey
,
or
reproach
and
infamy
to
themselves
.
So
(
having
first
taken
pledges
and
hostages
of
them
at
New-Castle
,
by
the
Duke
of
North-folke
,
for
their
return
,
in
case
the
peace
were
not
agreed
on
)
he
sent
them
home
to
Scotland
the
first
of
January
1543.
with
these
returned
our
Douglasses
(
the
Earle
and
Sir
George
)
after
fifteen
years
exile
,
and
were
received
of
all
with
great
joy
and
gratulation
.
Onely
they
were
not
welcome
to
the
Cardinall
.
They
had
been
ever
at
variance
,
they
ranne
divers
courses
in
policie
,
he
suspected
their
Religion
,
specially
Sir
Georges
.
He
knew
they
would
not
approve
nor
ratifie
the
Kings
testament
which
he
had
forged
▪
wherein
he
was
made
Protectour
and
Governour
,
with
three
Noblemen
to
be
his
Assessours
.
He
doubted
not
,
but
that
they
would
oppose
him
in
the
Parliament
;
and
therefore
here
he
found
means
to
be
chosen
Governor
before
their
retu●…n
.
Yet
his
fraud
was
detected
before
they
came
home
,
and
he
debouted
,
and
James
Hamilton
Earle
of
Arran
was
chosen
,
as
being
the
man
to
whom
it
properly
belonged
,
as
next
heire
,
and
best
beloved
,
partly
because
they
had
a
good
opinion
of
his
towardly
disposition
,
and
that
he
was
not
averse
from
the
reformed
Religion
(
whereof
he
willingly
read
the
controversies
)
partly
because
they
hated
the
Archbishop
Beton
and
his
priests
crueltie
,
which
put
every
man
in
fear
of
their
government
.
That
businesse
was
settled
ere
they
came
home
.
The
next
point
was
the
marriage
of
the
young
Queen
,
which
they
were
to
set
forward
with
England
.
The
Queen
mother
,
and
the
Cardinall
,
and
the
whole
faction
of
the
Priests
,
oppose
this
way
with
all
their
might
and
power
.
But
they
prevailed
not
,
and
the
Cardinall
because
he
troubled
all
,
and
would
suffer
nothing
to
be
done
orderly
,
he
was
shut
up
in
a
Chamber
till
the
matters
were
concluded
,
and
pledges
promised
to
bee
given
to
the
English
Ambassadour
Sir
Ralphe
Sadler
for
performance
.
Ambassadours
also
were
sent
into
England
to
treat
on
the
conditions
▪
They
were
,
the
Earle
of
Glencarne
,
Sir
George
Douglas
,
Sir
William
Hamilton
of
Machane
,
and
the
Secretarie
of
estate
.
These
remained
foure
moneths
in
England
,
agreed
at
last
,
and
concluded
all
articles
and
conditions
.
But
in
their
absence
,
the
Cardinall
was
set
at
liberty
,
who
troubled
all
,
gathered
a
contribution
of
the
Clergie
,
and
what
by
bribing
,
what
by
other
practices
used
by
him
,
and
the
Queen
,
turns
the
Nobilitie
quite
an
other
way
.
When
those
that
had
been
sent
into
England
were
returned
,
and
found
things
in
this
estate
,
they
were
much
grieved
at
it
,
and
laboured
to
recall
things
,
and
to
perswade
them
to
keep
their
promise
made
to
King
Henry
.
To
move
them
hereto
,
Sir
George
Douglas
Georg●…
Dougla●…
hi●…
speech
concerning
marrying
with
England
.
spake
to
them
very
earnestly
,
and
told
them
the
apologue
of
the
asse
,
which
a
King
did
love
so
dearly
,
that
he
had
a
great
minde
and
desire
to
have
her
to
speak
:
and
having
dealt
with
divers
Physicians
to
make
her
to
speak
,
they
told
him
it
was
a
thing
impossible
,
and
gainst
nature
;
but
he
being
impatient
,
and
not
enduring
to
have
his
desire
crossed
,
slew
them
because
they
told
him
the
truth
.
At
last
he
trying
about
what
others
could
doe
,
one
,
who
was
made
wise
by
their
example
,
being
required
to
do
it
,
he
undertook
it
;
but
withall
he
shew
him
,
that
it
was
a
great
work
,
and
would
be
very
chargeable
.
The
King
being
set
upon
it
to
have
it
done
,
told
him
he
should
have
what
allowance
he
pleased
,
and
bade
him
spare
for
no
charges
:
and
that
besides
he
would
reward
him
liberally
.
The
Physician
told
him
that
it
would
prove
also
a
long
cure
,
and
could
not
be
done
in
a
day
;
ten
years
were
the
fewest
that
could
be
allotted
to
it
.
The
King
considered
of
it
,
and
was
contented
to
allow
him
that
time
for
performing
it
;
and
so
they
agreed
,
and
the
Physician
began
to
fall
to
work
about
his
asse
.
His
friends
hearing
of
it
,
came
to
him
,
and
asked
him
what
he
meant
,
to
take
in
hand
that
which
could
not
be
performed
in
nature
.
He
smiled
,
and
said
unto
them
,
I
thought
you
had
been
wiser
than
to
ask
me
such
a
question
:
if
I
had
(
sayes
he
)
refused
to
take
it
in
hand
,
he
had
put
me
to
death
presently
,
now
I
have
gained
ten
years
time
,
before
which
be
expired
,
who
can
tell
what
may
happen
.
The
King
may
die
,
the
asse
may
die
,
I
my self
may
die
;
and
if
any
of
these
happen
,
I
am
freed
.
In
the
mean
time
I
shall
be
in
good
estate
,
wealth
,
honour
,
and
the
Kings
favour
.
Even
so
(
sayes
Sir
George
)
stands
the
case
with
us
at
this
time
:
if
wee
refuse
and
leap
back
from
the
conditions
that
are
propounded
and
agreed
on
,
wee
enter
into
present
Warre
,
for
which
we
are
very
unfit
,
and
ill
provided
.
If
we
embrace
them
,
we
gain
time
,
we
shall
enjoy
peace
and
quietnesse
during
the
Queens
childe-hood
,
and
before
that
be
expired
,
Prince
Edward
may
die
,
our
Queen
may
die
,
King
Henry
may
die
,
or
the
parties
when
they
come
to
age
,
may
refuse
one
another
,
or
then
perhaps
(
as
things
may
fall
out
)
it
may
be
thought
the
best
way
by
us
all
.
But
he
could
not
perswade
them
to
it
,
the
Queen
mother
,
and
the
Cardinall
,
the
Pop●…sh
and
Politick
Faction
standing
for
France
,
and
drawing
all
to
that
end
,
had
so
wrought
the
matter
,
that
there
was
no
place
le●…t
to
any
wholesome
councell
.
These
two
for
strengthening
of
their
party
had
sent
to
France
,
and
moved
that
King
to
send
home
Matthew
Earle
of
Lennox
a
competitour
and
George
Douglas
,
and
Alexander
Cunninghame
Master
of
Glencarne
,
were
given
as
pledges
(
the
one
for
his
brother
,
and
the
other
for
his
father
)
to
the
Governour
Hamilton
,
upon
promise
to
be
released
within
a
few
dayes
,
but
they
were
kept
till
the
English
Army
came
.
Angus
himself
also
,
and
the
Lord
Maxwell
going
to
mediate
a
peace
Margaret
Douglas
to
wife
.
On
her
Of
these
dissentions
at
home
,
the
Forrein
enemie
takes
advantage
,
the
K.
of
England
sends
an
Armie
to
Scotland
,
burnes
Jedburgh
,
and
Kelso
,
For
my
part
(
saith
he
)
●…had
had
rather
die
honourably
,
than
live
with
shame
,
though
with
never
so
much
riches
and
ease
.
Ye
that
are
my
friends
and
companions
in
armes
,
do
what
you
think
best
,
but
I
shall
either
bring
home
this
Ordnance
,
or
shall
not
bring
home
my self
alive
,
and
one
and
the
same
day
shall
end
both
my
life
and
my
honour
.
Having
spoken
thus
,
he
commanded
them
to
go
on
with
the
Ordnance
,
and
he
with
his
Companie
,
and
some
few
moe
that
stayed
with
him
for
shame
,
marched
after
,
to
keep
off
the
English
that
pursued
them
,
and
so
brought
them
safely
to
Dumbar
.
Then
turning
him
to
the
Master
of
the
Ordnance
,
Take
them
there
to
thee
(
saith
he
)
better
thus
,
than
either
broken
,
or
left
behinde
.
A
sober
and
gentle
reproof
to
those
that
had
abandoned
him
,
yet
such
as
might
put
them
in
minde
of
their
fault
.
The
honour
was
his
,
but
the
fault
(
more
observed
oftentimes
)
redounded
to
the
discouraging
of
the
Countrey
,
and
emboldening
of
the
English
,
which
gave
new
occasion
of
stirring
up
in
him
the
ancient
vertues
Ra●…
Ivers
,
and
Sir
Bria●…
Laitons
expedition
.
proper
to
the
name
,
valour
,
and
love
of
his
Countrey
.
Sir
Ralph
Ivers
,
and
Sir
Brian
Laiton
,
had
made
divers
in-rodes
into
Scotland
,
in
the
Merse
,
Tividale
,
and
Lawderdale
,
with
good
successe
,
finding
no
man
to
oppose
or
make
head
against
them
.
The
Inhabitants
of
those
places
,
had
for
the
most
part
yeelded
and
taken
on
the
badge
of
England
,
the
red
Crosse
,
or
at
least
kept
themselves
in
strong
places
in
safetie
from
the
enemie
.
They
esteemed
all
conquered
,
and
for
that
which
rested
,
they
made
account
to
conquer
all
unto
Forth
.
So
to
Court
they
go
,
and
sue
to
the
King
for
a
reward
of
their
service
,
the
inlarging
of
his
Dominions
.
The
Duke
of
North-folk
,
who
had
made
warre
in
Scotland
divers
times
,
and
knew
the
fashion
of
the
Countrey
,
how
easie
a
matter
it
was
to
make
the
Commons
(
when
they
wanted
a
Head
in
time
of
Civill
and
intestine
dissention
)
to
yeeld
to
any
conditions
;
but
withall
know
also
,
that
they
would
presently
cast
off
the
yoke
so
soon
as
they
found
any
to
lead
them
into
the
field
,
he
perswades
the
King
to
bestow
upon
them
for
their
reward
,
all
the
Land
that
they
had
conquered
,
and
to
encourage
them
to
go
on
,
promiseth
unto
them
all
the
Land
that
they
could
conquer
more
thereafter
.
They
come
to
the
Borders
full
of
hopes
,
and
increase
their
Forces
by
the
addition
of
3000.
hired
souldiers
,
with
intention
to
go
on
with
their
conquest
.
This
did
greatly
grieve
such
Scots
as
remained
true
Scots
indeed
.
The
flight
from
Coldingham
had
discouraged
them
;
they
could
look
for
no
good
from
the
Governour
.
But
he
who
had
his
Rose
Garland
unstained
there
,
must
be
the
man
to
do
the
turn
here
also
.
Angus
had
large
possessions
in
the
Merse
and
Tividale
:
therefore
he
had
his
particular
interest
,
and
could
not
so
easily
leave
his
lands
for
a
prey
to
the
enemy
,
nor
suffer
so
great
an
indignitie
in
publick
,
and
reproach
to
his
Countrey
.
Being
moved
with
both
these
considerations
,
he
goeth
to
the
Governour
,
and
layeth
before
him
the
greatnesse
of
the
danger
,
and
how
he
did
suffer
in
his
own
reputation
for
the
businesse
at
Coldingham
,
and
would
now
suffer
more
if
he
sat
still
and
did
nothing
at
this
time
:
Wherefore
he
exhorteth
him
to
take
some
course
for
the
safety
of
the
Countrey
,
and
to
repair
his
own
honour
.
The
Governour
bewailes
his
own
estate
and
condition
,
that
he
was
not
able
to
do
any
thing
;
being
deserted
by
the
Nobility
,
whereof
he
complained
heartily
.
Angus
replyed
,
and
told
him
it
was
his
own
fault
;
For
The
Governour
considering
the
truth
,
and
honourable
counsell
given
him
,
promised
to
follow
his
and
the
rest
of
the
Nobilities
advice
.
Hereupon
Proclamation
is
made
and
sent
into
all
the
Provinces
about
,
commanding
the
Nobiltie
to
repair
to
the
Governour
with
all
the
haste
they
could
,
wheresoever
he
should
happen
to
be
.
There
came
not
above
300.
horse
,
with
these
they
march
toward
England
▪
and
by
the
way
some
few
of
Lowthian
,
and
some
of
the
Merse
joyn
with
them
.
So
they
come
to
Melrosse
upon
Tweed
,
where
they
intended
to
stay
,
and
wait
for
the
rest
that
were
coming
.
The
English
were
come
to
Jedbrough
before
,
and
now
being
advertised
of
the
small
number
of
the
Scottish
Army
,
they
march
toward
Melrosse
,
having
5000.
men
in
their
Army
,
in
great
confidence
to
defeat
so
small
a
number
as
was
with
the
Governour
,
who
besides
that
they
were
so
few
,
were
also
▪
wearied
with
their
journey
.
The
Scots
had
notice
of
their
coming
,
and
thereupon
retire
to
the
next
hils
,
where
they
might
with
safety
espie
what
course
the
enemie
would
take
.
The
English
frustrate
of
their
hope
(
which
was
to
have
surp●…zed
them
)
stay
about
the
Town
and
Abbey
of
Melrosse
,
which
had
been
spoyled
not
long
before
,
to
see
what
more
spoil
they
could
light
on
,
untill
it
were
day
;
for
this
was
in
the
night
time
.
As
soon
as
it
was
day
,
they
began
to
march
back
toward
Jedbrough
,
and
the
Scots
(
to
whom
had
now
joyned
Norman
Lesly
with
300.
Fifemen
,
and
Sir
Walter
Scot
of
Balcleugh
,
with
a
very
few
of
his
domesticks
)
encountered
them
by
the
way
.
Both
Armies
alighted
from
their
horses
,
and
fought
on
foot
.
The
English
confiding
in
their
number
,
and
hoping
with
a
few
houres
travell
,
to
perchase
honour
and
riches
with
peaceable
and
quiet
possession
of
the
Lands
that
were
granted
to
them
by
their
Kings
gift
,
fought
very
valarously
.
They
had
divided
their
Army
into
three
battels
;
and
seeing
the
Scots
Grooms
(
who
rode
up
the
hill
with
their
masters
horses
,
which
they
had
put
from
them
)
they
supposing
they
had
been
the
Scottish
Army
fleeing
,
made
great
haste
to
overtake
them
.
And
so
ere
they
were
aware
,
they
were
hard
upon
the
Scottish
battell
,
which
stood
in
array
in
the
valley
at
the
foot
of
the
hill
unseen
till
now
.
At
the
first
encounter
their
Foreward
was
beaten
back
upon
the
middle
,
and
both
together
upon
the
Reer-ward
;
so
that
their
Ranks
being
broken
,
and
all
in
confusion
,
they
were
constrained
to
flee
,
and
the
Scots
following
hard
upon
them
in
grosse
,
slew
them
down
right
without
resistance
.
At
night
when
the
Scots
were
returned
from
the
chace
,
every
man
repairing
to
his
Colours
,
they
found
but
two
of
their
own
slain
;
&
of
the
enemie
(
besides
Sir
Ralph
Ivers
,
and
Brien
Laton
)
200.
or
(
as
others
say
)
800.
amongst
whom
there
were
divers
Gentlemen
of
good
note
and
qualitie
.
There
were
taken
prisoners
▪
1000.
or
as
others
2000.
(
with
all
their
baggage
which
had
been
left
at
Melrosse
)
of
which
there
were
80.
of
good
birth
and
qualitie
.
It
was
no
little
furtherance
to
the
victory
,
the
advantage
which
the
Scots
had
of
the
Sunne
going
down
,
and
so
beating
full
in
the
eyes
of
the
enemy
:
as
also
of
the
Winde
that
blew
the
smoak
of
the
Powder
on
their
faces
likewise
,
so
that
they
were
blinded
two
wayes
.
They
had
also
marched
so
fast
to
overtake
the
Scots
,
that
they
were
quite
out
of
breath
almost
ere
they
came
to
strokes
;
and
when
they
came
to
them
,
at
the
first
joyning
,
the
Scots
that
were
on
their
side
fled
without
fighting
.
It
is
said
that
the
Earle
of
Angus
was
so
resolute
and
void
of
feare
,
that
when
they
were
going
to
joyn
battell
,
he
perceiving
a
Heron
flie
over
their
heads
,
cryed
out
aloud
;
``
O
that
I
had
my
white
Gose-hawke
here
,
we
should
all
yoke
at
once
.
The
honour
of
the
victorie
was
wholly
given
to
him
,
and
the
profit
came
to
the
Governour
.
But
the
more
honour
that
Angus
got
at
home
of
his
own
countrey-men
,
the
more
hatred
he
had
of
the
Enemy
the
English
.
King
Henry
blamed
him
,
saying
he
was
ungratefull
,
and
vowed
to
be
avenged
of
him
for
it
.
As
if
any
gratitude
could
binde
a
man
to
betray
his
Countrey
,
or
any
benefite
tie
him
to
omit
his
duty
toward
it
:
Angus
had
never
learned
such
gratitude
of
his
Predecessours
,
nor
could
his
noble
heart
stoop
to
such
mercenarinesse
.
And
as
for
his
threatnings
,
he
looked
upon
them
with
the
same
courage
and
resolution
.
Is
our
brother-in-law
offended
(
sayes
he
)
that
I
am
a
good
Scottish
man
?
Because
I
have
revenged
the
defacing
of
the
tombes
of
my
Ancestors
at
Melrosse
upon
Ralph
Ivers
?
They
were
better
men
than
he
,
and
I
ought
to
have
done
no
lesse
:
And
will
he
take
my
life
for
that
?
Little
knows
King
Henry
the
skirts
of
Kirnetable
,
I
can
keep
my self
there
from
all
his
English
hoste
.
The
newes
of
this
victory
being
come
to
France
,
the
King
sent
Monsieur
de
L'orge
Earle
of
Montgomerie
into
Scotland
with
3000.
foot
,
and
500.
horse
,
to
assist
against
England
.
He
gave
him
also
commission
to
bestow
the
order
of
the
Cockle
(
or
S.
Michael
)
on
the
Governour
,
Angus
,
Huntley
,
and
Argyle
,
which
he
did
accordingly
.
De
L'orge
arrived
about
the
fourth
or
fifth
of
July
1545.
and
moved
the
Governour
to
assemble
some
power
of
men
,
about
15000.
which
were
mustered
at
Hadington
.
From
thence
they
went
to
the
Borders
,
and
encamped
over
against
Warke
,
an
English
Castle
upon
Tweed
.
But
they
did
nothing
to
any
purpose
.
Hereupon
the
Count
Montgomerie
returnes
into
France
the
rest
of
that
year
,
and
the
next
following
,
with
a
good
part
of
the
year
1547
▪
there
was
nothing
done
abroad
,
or
at
home
,
save
that
the
Cardinall
was
busied
in
causing
execute
such
as
were
of
the
reformed
Religion
,
whereupon
followed
his
own
tragicall
death
,
and
the
French
Galleyes
coming
,
besieged
S.
Andrewes
Castle
,
and
carried
away
the
authors
of
the
Cardinals
slaughter
into
France
.
The
Earle
of
Angus
hath
had
no
hand
in
all
these
broyles
;
for
he
is
never
mentioned
in
any
of
them
.
Only
his
naturall
son
George
is
said
to
have
gotten
the
Abbacie
of
Arbrothe
.
But
then
(
if
he
got
it
)
he
might
have
been
called
Abbot
,
and
not
Postulat
,
or
Postulant
,
which
▪
implies
,
that
he
was
ever
asking
it
,
but
got
it
not
.
In
the
same
year
1547.
in
August
,
King
Henry
of
England
dying
,
his
son
Edward
(
a
childe
of
some
eight
or
nine
years
of
age
)
succeeded
,
and
his
Uncle
the
Earle
of
Hereford
was
created
Duke
of
Sommerset
,
and
made
Protectour
of
England
.
He
levied
two
Armies
to
come
against
Scotland
,
one
by
sea
,
another
by
land
,
in
which
he
came
himself
in
person
,
George
Durie
▪
Abbot
of
Dumfermling
,
Archbald
Beton
,
and
Hugh
Rigge
)
puffed
him
▪
up
with
idle
hope
of
a
sure
victory
.
So
the
Letter
is
supprest
,
and
preparation
made
for
battell
.
The
Armies
were
thus
ordered
.
The
English
were
divided
into
three
battels
;
Whereof
Warwick
led
the
Vaunt-guard
,
together
with
Sir
Francis
Brien
,
who
commanded
800.
light
horsemen
which
were
in
the
wings
.
The
Protectour
himself
commanded
in
the
mid
battell
,
having
with
him
Sir
Peter
Mewtas
with
600.
Musketiers
,
and
Jamboas
a
Spaniard
with
1000.
horse
with
Carabins
.
The
Reer
was
conducted
by
the
Lord
Dacres
,
to
whom
was
joyned
Sir
Richard
Manners
with
600.
light
horsemen
.
The
men
at
Arms
,
and
demilances
,
were
commanded
by
the
Lord
Gray
.
The
Scottish
Army
was
also
tripartite
,
of
which
Angus
had
the
Vaunt-guard
;
to
whom
were
joyned
Coile
,
Carrict
,
and
Cunningham
,
with
Stirlin-shire
,
and
Stratherne
,
to
the
number
of
10000.
in
all
.
The
like
number
was
with
the
Governour
in
the
middle
Ward
,
and
as
many
with
the
Earle
Huntley
in
the
Reer
.
The
English
had
resolved
on
a
fair
retreat
toward
Berwick
,
thinking
it
not
fit
to
hazzard
a
battell
upon
such
disadvantage
in
the
number
of
men
;
and
not
being
able
to
stay
without
fighting
,
for
want
of
vivers
,
which
they
could
not
bring
in
out
of
the
Countrey
by
forraging
,
in
regard
of
the
neernesse
of
the
enemy
.
In
the
mean
time
they
perceive
Angus
with
the
Vantguard
coming
marching
up
the
hill
against
them
.
He
made
no
great
haste
at
the
first
,
knowing
they
could
not
stay
long
,
thinking
it
better
to
assaile
them
in
their
retreat
.
But
the
Governour
sent
him
word
to
advance
,
and
yet
for
all
that
he
marched
but
leisurely
,
till
he
sent
to
him
again
,
and
commanded
him
to
mend
his
pace
,
assuring
him
that
he
and
Huntley
should
be
hard
at
his
hand
to
support
him
.
Then
he
marched
so
fast
that
the
English
beholding
them
from
the
hill
,
beleeved
they
had
been
all
on
horseback
.
Wherefore
the
Lord
Gray
wàs
sent
with
his
men
at
Arms
,
and
demilances
,
on
barbed
horses
,
to
stay
them
,
and
(
if
he
could
)
to
break
their
Ranks
.
The
Scots
were
close
joyned
together
(
as
their
manner
is
)
and
carried
long
speares
,
not
unlike
the
Macedonian
Phalanx
:
Angus
encourages
them
,
exhorts
them
to
fight
manfully
,
&
adviseth
them
to
kill
the
horses
by
pricking
them
in
the
belly
,
for
they
were
armed
in
the
Counter
.
These
men
(
said
he
)
shall
be
our
prey
if
ye
do
so
.
They
followed
his
counsell
,
charged
the
enemy
fiercely
,
and
kept
their
Ranks
so
whole
and
close
,
that
200.
of
the
English
were
brought
to
the
ground
and
killed
;
the
rest
retired
to
their
companies
.
The
Protectour
commands
the
Lord
Gray
to
charge
again
,
but
he
answered
;
that
he
might
as
well
command
him
to
runne
against
the
walls
of
Boloigne
,
for
it
was
as
impossible
to
break
through
the
Scots
Ranks
,
as
to
break
through
a
Brick-wall
.
Hereupon
the
Protectour
resolved
either
to
retire
,
or
flee
as
they
could
,
&
called
for
some
Scots
in
his
army
,
who
knew
the
wayes
,
to
be
their
guides
.
One
of
these
was
named
Thomas
Lorraine
,
a
Tenant
to
the
Laird
of
Red-brayes
in
the
Merse
,
of
whom
many
have
often
heard
this
report
.
The
Earl
of
Warwick
adviseth
to
try
another
way
;
he
causeth
Jamboas
the
Spaniard
with
his
Carabins
to
set
upon
them
in
flanke
.
Hereupon
they
,
lest
they
should
break
their
Phalanx
,
turned
softly
toward
him
,
from
the
right
ascending
of
the
hill
,
which
way
they
were
in
before
.
The
Governour
with
his
mid
battell
seeing
them
declining
from
the
straight
way
which
led
to
the
enemy
,
and
which
they
had
been
in
before
,
supposed
they
had
fled
,
aud
so
brake
their
own
Ranks
,
and
fled
first
themselves
.
Huntley
with
his
Reer
followed
the
Governours
example
,
and
fled
likewise
.
The
George
Hume
of
Wedderburne
.
The
Earle
Angus
his
brother
,
Sir
George
,
and
Glenbarvie
were
commanded
to
keep
themselves
on
horseback
,
and
ride
about
the
companies
to
exhort
them
and
keep
them
in
order
.
It
was
so
much
the
more
easie
for
them
to
flee
,
yet
Glenbarvie
was
hardly
pursued
for
the
space
of
foure
miles
,
being
taken
for
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
because
he
rode
on
a
py-bald
horse
that
was
known
to
be
the
Earles
.
Angus
himself
escaped
,
and
came
that
night
to
Calder
,
very
heavie
and
sorrowfull
for
the
losse
of
the
battell
,
and
of
his
friends
.
Many
fled
to
the
Castle
of
Dalkeeth
,
amongst
whom
was
James
Douglas
Earle
of
Morton
,
afterward
Regent
of
Scotland
;
and
David
Hume
of
Wedderburne
,
brother
to
Sir
George
Hume
that
was
slain
in
the
field
.
The
Castle
was
besieged
by
the
English
,
and
defended
a
while
,
but
wanting
provision
of
victuall
for
such
a
number
of
men
as
had
fled
thither
,
and
having
no
hope
of
any
relief
to
come
to
them
against
a
victorious
Army
,
it
was
rendered
,
and
these
fore-named
made
prisoners
.
The
Earle
of
Angus
complained
heavily
that
he
had
been
thus
abandoned
by
the
Governour
and
Huntley
,
and
laid
the
blame
on
them
of
the
losse
of
the
day
,
and
of
his
so
many
dear
kinsmen
ând
friends
,
especially
to
the
Queen-mother
;
whom
he
went
to
visit
at
Stirlin
.
She
seemed
to
be
much
grieved
therewith
,
but
was
thought
not
to
be
discontented
that
the
Hamiltons
had
suffered
this
disgrace
,
and
their
pride
and
authoritie
was
thus
abated
,
which
made
for
the
setting
forward
of
her
project
,
which
was
to
wring
the
Government
out
of
their
hands
,
and
winde
in
her self
into
that
place
;
as
also
to
bring
in
the
Frenchmen
,
under
the
pretext
that
the
Countrey
was
not
able
to
maintain
the
warre
against
the
English
,
who
had
fortified
Insh-Keith
,
Saint
Columbs
Insh
in
Forth
,
Broghtie
on
Tay
,
Hadington
on
Tine
;
at
Lawder
and
Roxburgh
built
Forts
,
and
taken
the
Castles
of
Hume
,
and
Fascastle
.
The
French
were
sent
for
▪
and
came
into
Scotland
at
her
request
,
these
places
were
all
regained
by
their
assistance
,
the
young
Queen
Mary
was
conveighed
into
France
,
to
de
Termes
besieged
Broghtie
upon
Tay
,
Angus
is
said
to
have
been
with
him
,
and
lying
at
Breeghen
with
some
horsemen
to
have
skirmished
daylie
with
the
enemie
.
At
last
both
Broghtie
,
and
another
Castle
near
unto
it
were
taken
,
and
almost
the
whole
Garrisons
slain
that
were
in
them
.
And
now
the
Queen-Mother
being
Regent
,
all
her
care
and
endeavour
was
to
bring
Scotland
into
subjection
of
the
French
.
For
this
purpose
a
motion
was
made
,
that
all
men
should
be
taxed
proportionably
,
according
to
their
meanes
,
and
the
moneyes
levied
thence
,
should
be
imployed
to
wage
souldiers
for
the
defence
of
the
Countrey
,
that
so
the
Gentlemen
and
Nobilities
travell
and
bloud
might
be
spared
.
None
liked
of
this
course
,
but
every
one
eschewed
to
be
the
first
refuser
and
opposer
of
it
.
At
last
the
small
Barons
sent
Sir
James
Sandilands
of
Calder
,
and
the
Laird
of
Weemes
to
her
,
whose
speeches
are
set
down
at
length
.
Thus
our
Writers
say
:
But
the
ancient
men
report
,
that
the
Earle
of
Angus
was
the
man
that
made
the
refusall
(
it
may
be
he
joyned
with
them
)
and
that
he
came
to
Edinburgh
,
accompanied
with
1000.
horse
,
which
was
against
her
Proclamation
,
whereby
it
was
forbidden
that
any
man
should
have
any
moe
in
train
then
his
domesticks
and
houshold
servants
,
which
was
to
make
way
for
,
and
was
another
meane
of
their
intended
tyranny
.
She
reproved
him
for
transgressing
the
Proclamation
by
being
so
accompanied
.
He
answered
;
That
the
Knaves
would
not
leave
him
,
that
he
would
gladly
be
rid
of
them
,
for
they
did
eat
all
his
Bread
and
his
Beefe
:
that
he
would
think
himself
much
bound
to
her
,
if
she
would
make
him
free
and
quit
of
them
.
Concerning
the
tax
which
she
desired
to
be
made
,
he
said
briefly
;
We
will
fight
our selves
,
and
that
better
than
any
hired
fellows
;
our
Prededecessours
have
done
it
,
and
so
will
we
do
also
.
They
tell
also
how
at
another
time
,
she
desired
of
him
to
have
his
Castle
of
Tantallon
to
keep
warders
,
in
or
upon
I
know
not
what
pretext
,
or
for
what
use
.
To
this
hee
gave
no
direct
answer
for
a
long
time
,
but
having
a
Gose-hawke
on
his
fist
which
he
was
feeding
,
that
she
had
already
too
much
,
and
yet
desired
more
.
But
when
the
Queen
insisted
(
not
understanding
,
or
not
willing
to
understand
his
meaning
)
he
told
her
,
Yes
Madam
,
why
not
,
all
is
yours
,
ye
shall
have
it
,
it
is
at
your
service
:
But
Madam
,
I
must
be
Captain
and
keeper
of
it
:
I
shall
keep
it
for
you
as
well
as
any
man
you
shall
put
into
it
.
They
tell
also
how
the
Queen
Regent
had
intention
to
make
the
Earle
of
Huntley
a
Duke
;
whereof
when
she
was
discoursing
with
Angus
she
told
him
,
how
Huntley
had
done
her
very
good
service
,
for
which
she
intended
to
advance
him
and
make
him
a
Duke
,
to
which
he
answered
,
Why
not
Madam
,
we
are
happy
that
have
such
a
Princesse
,
that
can
know
and
will
acknowledge
mens
service
,
and
is
willing
to
recompense
it
:
But
by
the
might
of
God
(
this
was
his
oath
when
he
was
serious
and
in
anger
,
at
other
times
it
was
by
Saint
Bride
of
Douglas
)
if
he
be
a
Duke
,
I
will
be
a
Drake
(
alluding
to
the
word
Duke
,
which
in
Scotland
signifies
a
Duck
as
well
as
that
title
and
dignitie
,
which
being
the
female
,
and
the
Drake
the
male
,
his
meaning
was
he
would
be
above
and
before
him
)
Our
Predecessours
(
sayes
he
)
have
done
as
good
service
as
he
or
his
,
for
which
they
have
the
priviledge
to
be
the
first
of
the
Nobilitie
after
those
of
the
blood
Royall
,
and
I
will
not
lose
it
in
my
time
upon
any
such
pretext
.
So
she
desisted
from
further
prosecuting
of
that
purpose
.
Not
long
after
this
he
died
in
Tantallon
,
and
was
buried
in
Abernethie
,
John
Hume
,
who
was
a
near
Kinsman
to
the
Lord
Hume
,
but
for
some
unkindnesse
or
hard
dealing
and
usage
of
the
said
Lords
towards
him
,
he
chose
rather
to
sell
them
to
Sir
George
Douglas
.
To
put
his
brother
in
possession
(
or
to
keep
it
)
the
Earle
assembled
out
of
Cliddisdale
,
Tividale
,
and
other
parts
to
the
number
of
3000.
men
.
He
was
also
assisted
by
Sir
George
Hume
of
Wedderburne
,
and
the
Laird
of
Blackader
,
together
with
the
rest
of
Wedderburnes
father
brothers
,
all
of
them
except
Broom-house
,
who
followed
the
Lord
Hume
.
Angus
brought
with
him
field-pieces
,
and
all
provision
of
Warre
.
The
Lord
Hume
with
his
forces
came
to
the
Moor
above
the
Park-gate
of
Cockburnspeth
,
and
alighting
from
their
horses
,
put
their
men
in
order
of
battell
.
But
when
he
saw
Angus
begin
to
march
toward
him
,
and
that
none
came
between
to
bring
the
matter
to
a
Parley
,
he
shrunk
back
over
the
ditch
that
was
near
by
.
Hereupon
Angus
(
thinking
it
enough
to
retain
his
brothers
possession
)
stayed
his
Companies
,
and
stood
still
.
The
Lord
Hume
retired
,
and
going
homeward
,
scattered
his
Company
,
and
the
Earle
did
the
like
.
Here
a
quarrell
was
like
to
have
arisen
betwixt
John
H●…
of
Blackader
,
and
one
Douglas
of
Jedward
forrest
.
For
when
Angus
began
to
march
against
the
Lord
Hume
,
this
Douglas
sayes
to
Blackader
;
Now
we
of
the
Forrest
,
will
teach
you
of
the
Merse
to
sight
.
The
other
answered
a
little
angerly
onely
for
the
time
:
but
when
all
were
retired
,
he
challenged
Douglas
for
those
words
:
to
whom
Douglas
answered
,
were
ye
angry
at
my
words
?
when
the
other
said
he
was
,
It
is
well
(
sayes
he
)
that
ye
were
;
for
I
was
afraid
you
would
not
have
been
half
angry
,
nor
have
fought
half
eagerly
,
there
being
so
many
Humes
on
the
other
side
.
Besides
his
wisedome
and
brotherly
affection
,
the
Earle
of
Angus
is
also
reported
to
have
had
a
great
dexteritie
in
conciliating
mens
favour
.
There
was
no
man
whom
he
would
not
winne
with
his
courtesie
and
affabilitie
,
no
man
but
he
would
take
notice
of
him
;
and
pretended
to
know
either
himself
,
or
his
father
,
or
his
Grandfather
,
or
some
of
his
friends
,
whom
he
would
praise
unto
them
,
and
tell
what
honest
men
they
had
been
,
and
what
good
service
they
had
done
in
such
and
such
a
place
,
at
such
and
such
times
.
Of
which
they
relate
this
instance
,
how
being
in
Edinburgh
talking
(
in
the
Tolbooth
)
with
the
Lord
Drummond
,
there
came
a
friend
to
Drummond
,
and
took
him
aside
to
speak
with
him
a
little
.
When
the
Gentleman
had
ended
,
and
was
going
away
,
Angus
takes
him
kindly
by
the
hand
,
and
spake
familiarly
to
him
as
if
he
had
been
of
his
acquaintance
.
After
he
was
gone
,
my
Lord
Drummond
asked
Angus
whether
he
knew
the
Gentleman
or
not
;
he
answered
,
that
he
knew
him
not
at
all
,
and
had
never
so
much
as
seen
him
before
.
How
com●…s
it
then
(
sayes
Drummond
)
that
ye
spake
so
familiarly
to
him
?
He
answered
,
I
saw
he
was
a
friend
of
yours
,
and
your
friends
are
my
friends
:
And
besides
,
this
doth
gain
mens
hearts
,
If
I
were
now
in
danger
,
or
had
to
do
,
yonder
man
would
assist
me
,
and
take
my
part
.
Archibaldus
Secundus
.
Quam
praestans
animi
juvenis
formâque
decorus
,
Et
fuerim
tantis
,
tunc
quoque
dignus
avis
.
Testis
erit
thalamo
quae
me
dignata
Superbo
,
Nympha
,
parens
Regis
,
filia
,
sponsa
,
soror
.
Consiliis
promptumque
manu
Teviotia
laudat
,
Quae
stratas
acies
vidit
Ivere
tuas
.
Atque
tuas
Latone
:
loquetur
nos
quoque
fort●…s
Esca
lothi
,
&
dextra
hac
me
meruisse
mori
.
Quin
jam
victor
eram
,
ni
Prorex
Gordoniusque
,
Sive
metus
trepidasuasit
abire
fuga
.
Seu
dolus
aut
error
,
liquissent
turpiter
hostem
,
Dum
premo
qui
fugiens
jam
mihi
terga
dabat
.
Summus
at
hinc
mihi
surgit
quod
sanguine
Creti
,
Sint
nostro
reges
terra
Britanna
tui
.
Archbald
the
second
Earle
of
that
name
.
How
lovely
was
my
shape
!
how
sweet
a
grace
Dwelt
in
my
looks
!
how
like
the
Douglas
race
!
How
gallant
was
my
minde
!
what
hopes
were
had
Of
my
fresh
youth
!
witnesse
the
Royall
bed
Of
her
who
had
been
daughter
,
sister
,
wife
,
To
three
brave
Kings
;
how
my
ensuing
life
Made
good
these
hopes
;
how
wise
my
projects
were
,
Ivers
and
Laiton
vanquish'd
,
witnesse
beare
.
Pinkie
beheld
my
strength
,
there
had
I
gain'd
The
field
,
but
Huntley
,
and
the
Regent
stain'd
Their
honour
:
fear
or
errour
made
them
flee
,
Ev'n
when
I
wonne
ground
of
the
Enemie
:
Yet
do
not
these
such
height
of
honour
bring
As
t'
have
been
Grandsire
to
Great
Brittains
King
.
Of
David
the
eighth
Earle
of
Angus
:
And
of
his
father
George
,
called
Sir
George
of
Pittendrigh
.
TO
Archbald
the
second
,
dying
without
heires
male
of
his
own
body
,
his
brother
Sir
George
of
Pittendrigh
should
have
succeeded
,
if
he
had
out-lived
him
,
wherefore
we
will
speak
a
word
of
him
.
He
got
the
Lands
of
Pittendrigh
by
marriage
.
His
children
by
the
heire
of
Pittendrigh
(
whose
name
was
Douglas
also
)
were
David
,
who
succeeded
to
the
Earledome
of
Angus
,
and
James
Earle
of
Morton
,
and
Regent
of
Scotland
.
This
James
got
the
Earledome
of
Morton
by
marrying
the
third
daughter
to
the
Earle
of
Morton
,
who
was
Douglas
also
,
and
so
was
made
Earle
by
provision
.
Her
other
two
sisters
were
married
before
,
one
to
the
Lord
Hamilton
Governour
,
and
the
other
to
the
Lord
Maxwell
.
He
had
also
a
naturall
son
,
called
George
of
Park-head
,
because
he
married
the
heire
of
Park-head
in
Douglas
,
she
was
also
Douglas
to
name
,
of
whom
he
begat
James
,
afterward
Lord
Torthorall
,
by
marriage
likewise
,
and
Sir
George
of
Mordington
.
He
had
also
a
naturall
daughter
by
the
Lady
Dundas
,
in
her
husbands
time
,
called
Elizabeth
,
who
was
married
to
Smeton
Richeson
.
Of
this
Sir
George
we
have
spoken
above
in
his
brothers
life
,
and
how
he
died
before
his
brother
.
His
son
David
married
Elizabeth
Hamilton
daughter
to
John
Hamilton
of
Samilston
,
called
John
of
Cliddisdale
,
brother
German
to
Duke
Hamilton
who
was
Governour
.
She
bare
to
him
one
onely
son
called
Archbald
,
and
two
daughters
,
Margaret
first
Lady
Balcleugh
,
then
Countesse
of
Bothwell
;
and
Elizabeth
Lady
Maxwell
.
His
wife
after
his
death
married
the
Laird
of
Whitelaw
,
and
had
before
been
married
to
the
Laird
of
Johnston
.
This
David
lived
not
long
,
was
little
above
a
year
Earle
of
Angus
,
neither
hear
we
of
any
of
his
actions
,
being
so●…e
what
sickly
and
infirme
of
body
.
He
died
in
Cockburnspeth
in
the
year
1558.
The
ninth
Earle
of
Angus
,
Archbald
the
third
,
and
of
his
Uncle
and
Tutour
James
Douglas
,
Earle
of
Morton
.
TO
David
succeeded
his
son
Archbald
,
a
childe
not
above
two
years
old
.
His
Tutour
and
Guardian
was
James
Douglas
Earle
of
Morton
his
Uncle
,
and
mother
to
David
.
Wherefore
it
is
no
wayes
out
of
our
way
,
or
impertinent
for
our
History
,
but
rather
necessary
and
most
requisite
,
that
we
should
first
speak
of
him
,
being
a
branch
and
a
brother
of
the
house
of
Angus
,
and
in
effect
,
Earle
of
Angus
,
as
well
as
Morton
,
though
under
the
name
of
Tutour
,
or
Guardian
.
Of
his
marriage
,
we
have
told
before
,
how
he
was
married
to
Douglas
his
wife
,
and
daughter
to
the
Earle
of
Morton
.
She
bare
to
him
divers
children
(
ten
as
is
reported
)
but
none
of
them
lived
long
,
but
died
all
young
,
ere
they
came
to
perfect
age
.
She
her self
became
distracted
of
her
wits
,
and
would
not
company
with
her
husband
,
alledging
he
was
not
her
husband
,
but
that
he
was
Master
Archbald
Douglas
,
who
was
brother
to
William
Douglas
of
Whittinghame
,
that
her
husband
was
dead
,
and
that
Master
Archbald
Douglas
had
killed
him
.
She
was
kept
and
entertained
by
him
as
became
her
place
,
and
had
her
residence
at
Tantallon
,
but
he
being
deprived
of
her
Company
,
loosed
the
rains
to
others
,
and
begat
three
naturall
Children
:
1.
James
(
whose
mother
was
one
High
in
Dal●…th
)
who
was
made
Captain
of
Black-Nesse
Castle
,
Priour
of
Plusquardain
;
and
afterwards
became
Laird
of
Spot
,
by
marrying
the
heir
thereof
,
Anna
Hume
onely
daughter
to
George
Hume
of
Spot
.
2.
His
second
son
was
Archbald
,
whom
he
provided
to
the
estate
of
Pittindreigh
,
which
belonged
to
his
father
Sir
●…rge
.
3.
The
third
son
was
named
Master
George
Douglas
who
was
lame
of
his
feet
.
Thus
much
his
Children
.
Touching
himself
,
during
his
childe-hood
and
youth
he
lived
obseurely
,
James
the
Greeve
,
or
James
〈◊〉
:
First
with
his
Cousin
of
Glenbarvie
,
afterward
,
for
fear
of
being
discovered
with
so
near
a
Kinsman
,
with
some
Gentleman
in
the
more
Northern
parts
of
Scotland
.
And
as
he
〈◊〉
the
name
,
so
did
he
also
〈◊〉
the
office
of
a
Greeve
,
and
over-seer
of
the
Lands
and
R●…
,
the
Corne
and
Cattell
of
him
with
whom
he
lived
.
Neither
was
this
(
howsoever
mean
)
imployment
without
great
use
,
as
nothing
else
in
providence
ever
is
,
if
it
be
rightly
observed
.
It
fitted
him
for
those
weighty
matters
,
which
afterward
he
was
to
meddle
in
,
and
schooled
him
for
that
charge
in
which
he
was
to
be
employed
ere
long
.
For
by
this
meane
he
became
acquainted
with
the
humours
and
disposition
of
the
vulgar
and
inferiour
sort
of
the
common
people
,
which
knowledge
is
usefull
and
necessary
to
greatest
Governours
,
that
so
they
may
know
how
to
deale
with
them
,
and
manage
them
according
as
they
shall
have
occasion
.
He
attained
also
hereby
such
skill
in
husbandrie
,
and
such
perfection
in
oeconomy
and
thriftinesse
,
that
having
acquired
a
habite
of
frugalitie
,
he
not
onely
repaired
the
decayed
and
shattered
Estates
of
these
two
Earledomes
(
Angus
and
Morton
)
but
also
helped
to
recover
,
and
augment
the
revenues
of
the
Crown
and
Kingdome
,
more
than
any
other
Regent
.
So
long
as
his
uncle
,
father
,
and
brother
were
alive
,
we
do
not
hear
any
thing
of
him
,
neither
is
there
any
mention
at
all
made
of
him
,
save
that
in
the
year
1547.
as
hath
been
said
,
after
the
battell
at
Muscleburgh
,
he
yeelded
up
to
the
English
his
Castle
of
Dalkeeth
,
together
with
himself
At
his
return
,
after
the
death
of
his
brother
David
,
he
being
Tutour
,
Margaret
Douglas
Countesse
of
Lennox
had
the
better
right
,
and
was
before
him
,
she
being
sole
heir
of
Line
to
Archbald
that
married
the
Queen
,
and
so
inheritrix
of
Angus
.
It
is
true
she
lived
in
England
with
her
husband
Lennox
,
who
was
banished
,
but
who
knew
how
soon
he
might
be
recalled
and
restored
?
Wherefore
to
prevent
that
danger
,
and
to
strengthen
his
Nephew
and
himself
against
their
attempts
hee
contracts
him
to
Monsieur
D'Osels
daughter
,
that
by
his
means
and
friendship
(
he
being
a
French
man
)
he
might
have
the
Queens
favour
and
good-will
to
uphold
him
against
their
claims
.
But
this
contract
took
no
effect
,
for
she
was
married
afterward
to
Monsieur
D'Aubespine
,
and
Angus
to
others
,
as
wee
shall
hear
in
his
life
.
After
that
he
had
thus
settled
his
affairs
at
home
,
he
began
to
come
abroad
James
Stuart
brother
to
the
young
Queen
(
afterward
Earle
of
Murray
)
the
Earle
of
Arran
(
son
to
the
Duke
)
Argyle
,
Glencairne
,
Rothes
,
Sutherland
,
Monteth
,
Huntley
,
Caithnesse
,
Arrol
,
Marshal
,
Montrose
,
Cassils
,
Eglinton
:
The
Lords
Ruthven
,
Oglebye
,
Ereskin
,
Drummond
,
Hume
,
Rosse
,
Creighton
,
Levingston
,
Sommervale
,
the
whole
Nobilitie
almost
.
Their
cause
and
their
company
being
so
good
,
Morton
could
not
but
take
part
with
them
:
The
common
liberty
of
their
Countrey
against
the
French
,
and
Religion
was
no
lesse
dear
to
him
than
it
was
to
them
.
In
matter
of
Religion
,
he
was
so
forward
,
that
the
Book
of
Discipline
being
compiled
by
some
appointed
for
that
purpose
,
though
divers
refused
to
approve
of
it
,
and
to
set
to
their
hands
,
yet
he
did
it
with
the
first
,
&
received
it
willingly
.
Wherefore
these
two
(
then
which
there
is
nothing
dearer
unto
men
)
being
in
danger
,
he
was
forced
in
a
manner
to
lend
his
helping
hand
for
their
defence
,
pro
aris
&
focis
,
as
the
common
saying
is
.
And
that
the
rather
,
for
that
he
saw
there
was
no
hope
of
peace
,
seeing
the
truce
which
he
had
procured
till
the
10.
of
January
was
not
kept
.
For
before
the
middle
of
September
Monsieur
La
Croque
,
being
sent
out
of
France
to
certifie
the
Queen
of
the
new
Forces
which
were
in
levying
for
her
aide
under
the
leading
of
Marquesse
D'Elbeufe
her
brother
,
she
began
to
fortifie
Leith
with
those
French
which
were
already
in
the
Countrey
.
Not
long
after
arrived
Octavian
(
a
French
Colonel
)
with
1000.
men
,
and
immediatly
followed
him
at
the
heeles
La
Brosse
,
Knight
of
the
Cockle
,
with
2000.
more
.
The
next
spring
came
also
the
Count
Marquesse
of
the
house
of
Luxemberg
,
afterward
Duke
D'Estamps
,
with
1000.
foot
,
and
some
horse
.
These
all
remained
and
abode
in
Leith
,
which
they
had
fortified
;
but
the
Queen
to
secure
her
own
Person
,
retired
to
the
Castle
of
Edinburgh
,
though
the
Captain
thereof
,
the
Lord
Ereskin
,
were
on
the
contrary
part
.
The
Nobilitie
assembling
themselves
at
Dalkeeth
Castle
,
which
belonged
to
Morton
,
hard
by
Edinburgh
,
from
thence
do
write
to
her
,
desiring
that
she
would
dismisse
the
French
,
who
were
forrainers
,
and
set
open
the
Town
of
Leith
,
that
the
Natives
might
have
free
recourse
and
commerce
thither
.
When
they
could
not
obtain
these
things
at
her
hands
,
the
English
,
to
the
number
of
seven
or
eight
thousand
being
already
entred
into
Scotland
,
they
sate
down
before
Leith
the
4.
of
William
Metellan
of
Lithington
,
Secretary
,
were
sent
to
thank
the
Queen
of
England
for
her
ready
succour
.
Morton
had
also
a
private
message
from
the
Earle
of
Arran
,
sonne
to
Duke
Hamilton
,
to
lay
out
marriage
to
her
,
but
it
is
not
likely
that
he
would
deliver
it
,
being
so
unprobable
,
and
such
a
proposition
as
he
knew
would
not
be
very
acceptable
unto
her
.
In
this
journey
,
Morton
procured
of
his
Cousin
Lady
Margaret
Douglas
Countesse
of
Lennox
,
hèr
renunciation
of
all
claime
and
title
she
had
to
the
Earledome
of
Angus
,
in
favours
of
his
Nephew
Archbald
,
but
being
done
without
the
consent
of
her
husband
(
Matthew
Earle
of
Lennox
)
it
was
renewed
again
afterward
.
The
sixteenth
of
August
1561.
Queen
Mary
returned
out
of
France
to
Murray
behooved
to
accompany
her
,
and
Morton
would
not
forlake
Murray
.
Who
can
imagine
that
their
counsels
should
be
disappointed
?
The
Forces
which
Murray
and
Morton
had
,
were
very
small
,
and
they
were
farre
from
their
friends
,
which
dwelt
in
the
south
parts
of
the
Kingdome
.
Huntley
commanded
all
in
those
quarters
,
being
Lieutenant
and
Sheriff
by
inheritance
:
and
compassed
about
with
his
friends
and
dependers
:
So
the
Game
seemed
sure
.
But
what
can
prevaile
a
gainst
that
which
God
hath
ordained
?
He
had
decreed
to
frustrate
them
,
and
that
by
themselves
.
The
Queens
intentions
and
Huntleys
did
not
jumpe
in
all
things
:
they
had
their
severall
ends
.
They
agreed
in
their
desire
of
being
rid
of
those
who
opposed
the
re-establishing
of
Poperie
,
but
Huntley
had
a
further
drift
.
He
propounded
to
himself
as
the
reward
of
his
service
,
no
lesse
than
the
Queens
Person
,
to
be
married
to
his
sonne
John
,
and
so
in
effect
the
Crown
and
Kingdome
.
But
howsoever
the
Queen
by
her
carriage
toward
the
young
man
,
was
contented
they
should
please
themselves
with
that
conceit
;
yet
neither
did
she
ever
go
so
farre
as
to
promise
any
such
thing
,
neither
was
it
indeed
her
meaning
:
for
she
desired
no
lesse
to
be
rid
of
Huntley
,
and
hated
him
much
more
than
she
did
Murray
,
having
had
many
proofs
of
his
perfidious
dealing
both
toward
her
father
,
and
her
mother
.
Besides
,
she
thought
him
too
great
and
more
powerfull
than
was
fit
for
a
Subject
,
or
safe
for
the
Prince
.
Wherefore
before
she
began
her
journey
into
the
North
,
she
left
his
sonne
John
in
prison
behinde
her
.
The
pretext
was
,
because
he
had
hurt
the
Lord
Oglebie
in
a
Skirmish
on
the
Street
of
Edinburgh
;
but
the
true
cause
was
,
that
he
might
be
kept
there
as
a
pledge
of
his
Fathers
fidelitie
,
and
that
he
being
absent
,
Huntley
might
not
constraine
her
to
marry
him
,
nor
force
her
to
any
thing
shee
had
not
a
minde
to
.
But
John
made
an
escape
out
of
prison
,
and
followed
the
Queen
,
that
his
absence
might
not
bee
any
hinderance
to
the
marriage
.
So
Huntley
and
his
son
gather
their
Forces
together
to
meet
the
Queen
,
and
to
cut
off
Murray
and
Morton
,
as
they
would
have
her
beleeve
,
but
their
main
aim
was
withall
to
compel
her
to
marry
if
she
should
refuse
.
This
the
Queen
knew
well
enough
▪
so
that
when
the
Countesse
of
Huntley
did
tell
her
from
the
Earle
her
husband
,
that
he
was
ready
to
put
in
execution
what
had
been
determined
,
the
Queen
told
her
,
that
there
was
one
thing
which
Huntley
must
needes
do
first
of
all
,
before
any
thing
else
were
taken
in
hand
.
His
sonne
John
had
broken
prison
,
which
was
a
manifest
contempt
of
her
authoritie
,
and
such
a
thing
as
she
could
not
in
honour
wink
at
,
and
therefore
he
behooved
to
returne
and
enter
himself
prisoner
in
the
Castle
of
Stirlin
,
though
it
were
but
for
some
few
dayes
,
to
shew
his
obedience
and
subjection
to
the
Lawes
.
Huntley
would
none
of
that
,
for
he
saw
that
so
his
son
should
be
made
to
answer
for
whatsoever
should
be
done
contrary
to
the
Queenes
liking
,
so
there
was
a
demurre
in
the
businesse
.
In
the
mean
time
the
Queen
goes
from
Aberdene
to
Bawhan
,
the
house
of
one
Master
Lestie
a
Gentleman
,
some
twelve
miles
from
the
Town
.
This
was
thought
a
fit
place
to
execute
their
designe
upon
Murray
and
Morton
:
but
the
Gentleman
,
though
he
was
Huntlies
friend
,
would
upon
no
termes
give
way
to
have
done
in
his
house
.
Then
the
Queen
went
toward
Strabogie
(
a
house
of
Huntleyes
,
where
he
had
resolved
to
make
an
end
of
all
)
but
by
the
way
she
told
the
Earle
,
as
they
rode
together
,
that
unlesse
his
son
would
returne
to
his
prison
,
she
could
not
in
honour
go
to
his
house
.
But
he
not
〈◊〉
Gordon
beheaded
.
of
Innernesse
,
and
caused
execute
Alexander
Gordon
the
Captain
thereof
,
which
was
a
sufficient
testimonie
of
her
alienation
from
Huntley
.
All
this
did
not
quail
the
Earle
,
or
divert
him
from
his
purpose
.
His
ambition
spurred
him
on
before
,
necessitie
doth
now
drive
him
forward
.
He
had
gone
too
far
to
thinke
of
a
retreat
.
Therefore
he
followes
the
Queen
Arthur
)
Forbes
.
The
townsmen
were
most
of
them
,
either
of
his
kinred
,
or
allied
to
him
;
and
all
of
them
so
affected
,
as
that
they
neither
would
,
or
durst
oppose
him
.
But
letters
being
intercepted
,
which
Sutherland
and
Bawhan
wrote
to
him
,
their
plots
were
discovered
,
and
they
defeated
of
their
intendments
once
more
.
Then
Murray
and
Morton
thinking
it
both
tedious
and
perillous
,
to
be
alwayes
on
their
guard
,
and
to
be
defenders
only
,
resolved
to
take
their
turne
of
assailing
,
and
pursuing
,
if
so
happily
they
might
break
his
Forces
,
and
disperse
them
.
And
howbeit
they
had
not
of
their
own
,
that
William
Douglas
of
Glenbarvie
,
(
who
was
afterward
Earle
of
Angus
)
requested
them
to
stay
(
as
is
reported
)
saying
,
No
horses
,
my
Lords
,
we
are
strong
enough
for
Huntley
,
and
these
men
,
though
they
flee
,
yet
will
they
not
fight
against
us
.
Wherefore
let
us
present
our
pikes
and
spears
to
keep
them
out
,
that
they
come
not
in
amongst
us
,
to
break
our
ranks
,
and
the
rest
will
prove
easie
.
This
advice
was
liked
,
and
followed
,
so
that
Huntley
expecting
nothing
lesse
,
than
to
finde
resistance
,
and
being
destitute
of
long
weapons
,
was
forced
(
some
of
his
men
being
slain
)
to
give
ground
,
and
at
last
to
flee
as
fast
as
before
he
had
followed
the
counterfeit
fleers
.
Then
the
Hather-tops
perceiving
that
Huntley
fled
,
turned
upon
him
,
and
to
make
amends
,
slew
most
of
them
that
were
slain
that
day
,
which
were
some
hundred
and
twentie
,
and
an
hundred
taken
prisoners
,
amongst
whom
was
Huntley
himself
,
and
his
sonnes
John
,
and
Adam
.
The
Earle
being
an
aged
and
corpulent
pur●…ie
man
,
was
stifled
with
his
armour
,
and
for
want
of
breath
in
the
taking
.
Some
say
,
that
he
received
a
stroke
on
the
head
with
a
pistoll
,
but
it
seemes
to
be
false
:
for
it
is
reported
,
that
when
Huntley
saw
his
men
routed
,
he
asked
of
those
that
were
by
him
;
what
the
name
of
the
ground
was
upon
which
they
fought
,
and
having
learned
that
it
was
commonly
called
Corraighie
,
he
repeated
the
name
thrice
,
Corraighie
,
Corraighie
,
Corraighie
,
then
God
be
mercifull
to
me
.
The
name
of
the
place
put
him
in
minde
of
a
response
or
oracle
(
if
we
may
so
call
it
)
which
was
given
by
a
Witch
in
the
Highland
,
to
whom
he
had
sent
to
enquire
of
his
death
,
and
she
had
told
,
that
he
should
die
at
Corraighie
.
But
whether
the
messenger
,
or
he
himself
mis-took
the
word
,
he
understood
it
of
Creigh
,
a
place
which
was
in
his
way
to
Aberdene
,
and
which
(
riding
thither
)
he
alwayes
did
shunne
,
by
reason
of
this
Sooth-sayers
speech
;
or
if
at
any
time
he
did
adventure
to
go
by
it
,
he
was
sure
to
be
well
accompanied
,
and
to
have
the
fields
cleared
and
curried
before
.
But
this
event
discovered
his
mistaking
.
It
was
also
told
him
by
some
of
the
same
profession
,
that
the
same
day
,
on
which
he
was
taken
,
he
should
be
in
Aberdene
,
maugre
those
that
would
not
so
,
neither
should
one
drop
of
his
bloud
be
spilt
.
This
seemed
to
promise
him
a
successefull
journey
;
but
the
ambiguitie
thereof
was
cleared
by
his
death
:
for
he
was
indeed
that
night
in
Aberdene
,
being
carried
thither
upon
a
paire
of
creels
,
or
panniers
,
and
that
against
the
will
of
all
his
friends
,
who
would
not
have
had
him
brought
thither
in
such
a
guise
.
Neither
did
he
lose
any
bloud
,
but
was
choak'd
for
want
of
breath
.
Such
are
commonly
the
answers
of
such
spirits
,
ambiguous
,
and
of
no
use
to
the
receivers
;
yet
mens
curiositie
is
so
prevalent
,
that
posterity
wil
take
no
warning
of
former
examples
.
Murray
being
glad
of
this
so-unlooked-for-victory
,
sent
to
the
Ministers
of
Aberdene
,
to
be
ready
against
his
coming
,
to
go
to
the
Churches
,
and
give
God
thanks
for
that
dayes
successe
:
which
they
did
very
solemnely
,
and
(
no
question
)
heartily
,
as
men
are
wont
to
do
while
the
memory
of
a
great
delivery
is
yet
fresh
in
their
mindes
.
The
next
day
John
Gordon
(
the
Earles
son
)
was
execute
,
and
his
brother
Adam
was
pardoned
in
regard
of
his
youth
.
George
the
eldest
brother
fled
to
his
father-in-law
Duke
Hamilton
,
and
afterward
being
arraigned
&
condemned
of
high
treason
,
he
was
sent
prisoner
to
the
Castle
of
Dumbar
:
Who
doth
not
see
through
this
whole
journey
,
but
especially
in
this
catastrophe
,
an
over-ruling
power
and
providence
doth
either
willingly
shut
his
eyes
,
or
else
hath
his
understanding
blinded
by
partiality
or
prejudice
.
Five
severall
times
(
at
Bawhan
,
at
Straboggie
,
at
Inner-Nesse
,
at
Aberdene
,
and
last
of
all
,
at
Corraighie
)
did
Huntley
attempt
to
cut
off
these
men
,
who
were
many
degrees
weaker
;
and
five
times
is
hee
disappointed
.
And
that
neither
by
their
wisedome
or
strength
,
but
by
him
who
confounds
the
wisedome
of
the
wise
,
and
who
delivers
without
the
help
of
the
arme
of
flesh
.
Neither
were
they
delivered
onely
,
but
their
enemies
were
also
taken
in
the
trap
,
and
fell
into
the
pit
which
they
had
digged
for
them
.
Let
men
observe
it
,
and
let
them
learne
not
to
confide
in
their
own
(
never
so
seeming
wisely
grounded
)
projects
,
lest
they
be
thus
disappointed
as
Huntley
was
.
This
fell
out
in
the
year
1562.
After
this
they
returned
with
the
Queen
to
Edinburgh
,
where
we
will
leave
them
in
rest
,
and
so
in
silence
a
year
or
two
.
In
the
year
1564.
Matthew
Stuart
Earle
of
Lennox
returned
into
Scotland
after
22.
years
exile
,
and
was
restored
to
his
estate
in
a
Parliament
.
Margaret
Douglas
,
the
Queen
began
to
think
him
a
fit
husband
for
her
,
Margaret
Douglas
and
he
being
brothers
children
.
Wherefore
having
endeavoured
to
draw
those
that
stood
against
it
to
be
of
his
opinion
,
when
he
could
not
prevaile
,
he
professed
openly
he
would
do
what
lay
in
him
to
set
it
forward
;
and
speaking
to
the
Duke
and
Murray
,
It
will
be
long
(
sayes
he
)
ere
you
two
agree
on
a
husband
for
her
,
if
she
marry
not
till
you
do
,
I
fear
me
she
marry
not
these
seven
years
;
and
so
he
left
them
.
The
rest
bound
themselves
to
withstand
it
.
Her
Uncles
of
Guise
did
also
oppose
it
,
intending
to
bestow
her
on
some
forraine
Prince
,
so
to
strengthen
themselves
by
some
great
alliance
.
The
Queen
of
England
did
not
so
much
dislike
it
,
as
she
desired
to
have
some
hand
and
stroke
in
it
.
Notwithstanding
all
this
opposition
the
marriage
Margaret
Douglas
(
born
at
Harbottle
)
by
Archbald
Earle
of
Angus
her
second
husband
.
James
the
fifth
left
behinde
him
but
one
childe
,
Mary
,
sole
heire
to
the
Crowne
of
Scotland
.
Lady
Margaret
Douglas
,
being
brought
up
with
her
Uncle
Henry
the
eight
,
was
married
to
Matthew
Stuart
Earle
of
Lennox
,
who
being
banished
,
and
living
in
England
,
had
by
her
Henr●…
,
Lord
Darnely
,
and
Charles
,
father
to
Arabella
.
So
that
by
this
marriage
of
Queen
Mary
to
Henry
Lord
Darnely
,
the
whole
right
that
was
in
Queen
Margaret
to
the
Crowne
of
England
(
failing
the
heires
of
King
Henry
the
eight
)
was
combined
and
united
in
the
persons
of
these
two
,
and
their
off
spring
.
What
eye
is
so
blinde
as
not
to
see
evidently
the
hand
of
the
Almighty
in
this
match
?
In
taking
away
her
former
husband
(
the
King
of
France
)
in
bringing
her
back
again
into
Scotland
;
in
sending
Lennox
into
England
,
there
to
marrie
Lady
Margaret
Douglas
,
in
bringing
him
and
his
sonne
(
Henry
)
home
again
after
22.
years
absence
,
and
in
moving
Queen
Mary
to
set
her
affection
on
him
.
I
make
no
question
but
this
consideration
(
of
strengthening
the
title
to
England
)
hath
been
amongst
the
motives
that
drew
on
this
match
,
though
we
finde
none
,
or
very
slender
mention
thereof
in
our
writers
.
The
next
day
after
the
marriage
,
they
were
proclaimed
with
sound
of
Trumpet
at
the
Market-Crosse
of
Edinburgh
by
a
Herauld
,
Henry
and
Mary
,
King
and
Queen
of
Scotland
.
This
was
ill
taken
both
of
the
Nobility
and
Commons
.
A
King
made
by
Proclamation
!
The
voice
of
a
Herauld
to
be
in
stead
of
a
Parliament
!
King
Francis
,
her
former
husband
had
not
done
so
;
he
had
sought
a
matrimoniall
Crowne
from
the
three
estates
,
and
hardly
obtained
it
,
after
he
had
been
refused
at
first
,
yet
not
without
consent
of
a
Parliament
.
But
by
this
it
appeared
they
made
no
account
of
the
estates
,
nor
bare
no
respect
unto
the
customes
of
the
Kingdome
.
Every
man
thought
it
a
great
neglect
and
derogation
to
their
priviledges
,
but
the
male-contented
called
it
,
a
tyrannicall
usurpation
.
Thus
many
of
the
Nobility
being
discontented
withdrew
themselves
,
and
the
want
of
their
presence
and
countenance
in
guiding
of
affaires
,
did
alienate
the
people
.
The
principall
male-contents
were
Hamilton
,
Murray
,
Argyle
,
Rothuse
,
Glencairne
.
Against
these
the
King
goeth
to
Glasgow
with
4000.
men
.
They
lay
at
Pasley
;
and
though
they
were
together
,
yet
they
were
not
all
of
one
minde
.
The
Hamiltons
would
not
hear
of
any
peace
,
alledging
there
could
be
no
true
and
firme
reconciliation
with
Princes
once
offended
.
The
rest
were
not
of
their
opinion
:
they
said
that
matters
had
been
hitherto
carried
without
bloud
;
neither
were
their
differences
such
,
but
that
they
might
be
composed
without
stroke
of
sword
;
especially
in
regard
that
there
were
some
about
their
Princes
,
that
would
both
mediate
their
peace
,
and
endeavour
to
have
it
faithfully
kept
,
The
constant
practice
of
their
Predecessours
,
and
the
rule
they
had
ever
followed
had
been
this
;
To
passe
by
,
and
not
to
take
notice
of
the
secret
and
hidden
faults
of
their
Princes
,
and
to
salve
those
things
which
were
doubtfull
by
a
favourable
and
charitable
construction
;
yea
even
to
tolerate
and
beare
with
their
open
faults
and
errours
,
as
far
as
might
be
,
without
the
ruine
of
the
common
wealth
;
of
which
nature
they
esteemed
these
slips
in
government
to
be
proceeding
from
their
youth
,
and
want
of
experience
,
which
might
be
redressed
by
calme
and
fair
means
.
Duke
Hamilton
himself
did
like
of
their
moderation
,
but
the
rest
of
the
Hamiltons
refused
to
assist
them
upon
these
terms
;
wherefore
they
departed
all
of
them
,
save
the
Duke
,
with
some
sixteen
that
attended
his
Person
.
By
this
departure
they
were
so
weakened
,
that
not
daring
to
abide
the
Kings
coming
,
they
went
first
to
Hamilton
,
and
the
day
following
toward
Edinburgh
,
but
being
shot
at
from
the
Castle
,
they
took
their
way
through
Bigger
to
Dumfreis
,
to
the
Lord
Harris
,
who
had
desired
them
to
do
so
,
and
had
made
them
many
faire
promises
.
But
he
failing
them
,
they
dismissed
their
Troupes
,
and
fled
into
England
.
All
this
way
the
King
with
his
Companies
dogged
them
at
the
heeles
,
whereupon
it
was
called
,
the
Runne-away
Rode
(
or
runne-about
)
and
,
the
wilde-goose
All
this
while
the
Earle
of
Morton
took
part
with
the
King
and
Queen
,
but
he
was
suspected
to
favour
the
other
side
,
which
he
did
indeed
so
farre
,
as
to
wish
that
the
matter
might
be
so
taken
up
,
that
none
of
their
lives
were
endangered
.
Otherwise
he
was
in
a
good
place
,
and
William
Metellan
(
Secretary
of
estate
)
finding
himself
prejudiced
by
him
,
who
had
encroached
upon
his
office
,
as
also
out
of
the
love
he
bare
to
Murray
(
to
whom
Rizio
was
a
professed
enemy
)
bethought
himself
how
to
be
rid
of
him
.
Wherefore
he
appointed
a
meeting
with
Morton
,
and
the
Lord
Harris
,
in
which
he
used
all
the
perswasions
he
could
to
induce
them
to
cut
off
that
base
stranger
,
who
took
upon
him
to
disturb
the
Countrey
,
did
abuse
the
Queens
favour
,
and
set
all
in
a
combustion
,
to
the
dishonour
of
the
Prince
and
Nobilitie
;
telling
them
,
that
it
belonged
to
them
,
and
such
as
they
were
,
to
have
a
care
that
such
disorders
were
not
suffered
unpunished
.
And
the
more
to
incite
them
thereto
,
he
alledged
the
examples
of
former
times
,
omitting
nothing
which
he
thought
might
move
them
to
undertake
it
.
But
Morton
(
as
the
Proverb
is
)
was
as
wise
as
he
was
w●…ely
:
He
told
him
flatly
,
he
would
take
no
such
violent
course
,
he
would
do
what
he
could
by
fair
meanes
for
Murrays
peace
and
restitution
:
but
as
for
that
way
,
it
would
o●…d
the
Queen
highly
,
and
therefore
he
would
not
meddle
with
it
.
Metellan
seeing
that
he
could
not
draw
him
to
it
by
perswasion
,
casts
about
how
to
drive
him
to
it
by
necessity
.
He
betakes
himself
to
Rizio
,
m●…es
shew
as
if
he
were
very
desirous
of
his
friendship
,
and
proffers
him
his
〈◊〉
so
farre
as
he
was
able
.
After
he
had
so
insinuated
with
him
,
that
he
began
to
have
some
trust
with
him
,
he
told
him
that
the
place
he
had
(
to
be
the
Queens
Closet-Secretarie
)
was
neither
gainefull
,
nor
usuall
in
this
Countrey
,
and
that
he
might
easily
come
by
a
better
:
The
Lord
Chancellours
office
(
sayes
he
)
is
the
most
honourable
,
which
is
in
Mortons
hands
,
a
man
no
wayes
fit
for
the
place
,
as
being
unlettered
and
unskilfull
.
Do
but
deal
with
the
Queen
to
estrange
her
countenance
from
him
,
as
one
th●…
savours
Murray
a
Rebell
,
and
with
the
King
to
insist
in
his
right
to
the
Earledome
of
Angus
,
Morton
will
be
glad
to
sue
to
you
for
your
favour
,
and
to
obtain
your
friendship
;
will
be
content
to
demit
his
place
of
Chancellour
in
your
behalf
:
Onely
;
in
regard
that
the
place
(
being
the
chief
office
in
the
Kingdome
)
must
be
possessed
by
a
Scottish
Nobleman
,
you
must
first
be
made
a
free
Denizan
,
and
naturalized
,
and
have
the
title
of
an
Earle
,
which
the
Queen
may
conferre
upon
you
of
her self
.
This
Metellan
thought
would
incense
Morton
against
Rizio
,
and
force
him
to
do
him
a
mischief
.
Rizio
began
to
follow
this
advice
,
in
so
much
that
the
Castle
of
Tantallon
was
summoned
,
and
delivered
into
the
Kings
hands
.
Likewise
the
King
entred
heir
to
his
Grandfather
Archbald
Earle
of
Angus
.
The
Queen
also
intending
to
create
Rizio
an
Earle
,
would
have
bought
Melvin
Castle
with
the
Lands
belonging
thereto
for
the
first
step
of
his
preferment
,
but
the
owner
would
by
no
meanes
part
with
them
.
And
it
is
very
probable
,
that
he
would
have
prosecuted
the
rest
of
the
Plot
,
if
he
had
not
been
interrupted
,
and
dispatched
before
he
could
bring
it
to
passe
:
for
his
credit
increased
so
farre
with
the
Queen
;
that
like
too
big
a
Saile
for
a
small
Barke
,
he
was
not
able
to
bear
his
good
fortune
,
but
being
puft
up
therewith
beyond
measure
,
he
forgot
his
duty
to
the
King
,
and
carried
himself
so
insolently
toward
him
,
that
the
King
resolved
to
rid
himself
of
him
upon
any
terms
.
So
he
imparts
his
minde
to
his
friends
,
that
Rizio
must
needs
George
Douglas
(
commonly
called
the
Postulate
)
a
naturall
brother
of
his
mothers
,
an
understanding
and
active
man
;
the
Lord
Ruthven
who
had
married
a
naturall
sister
of
his
mothers
,
and
the
Lord
Lindsay
,
who
was
his
Cousin
German
,
and
had
to
wife
a
sister
of
the
Earle
of
Murrayes
;
and
his
own
father
the
Earle
of
Lennox
.
These
had
concluded
to
lay
hold
on
him
as
he
came
from
the
Tennesse-Court
,
where
he
used
much
,
but
he
having
gotten
some
inkling
hereof
,
kept
a
Guard
about
him
of
some
fifty
Halbards
,
which
constrained
them
to
think
of
a
new
course
.
And
because
their
power
was
neither
sufficient
to
effect
it
,
nor
to
bear
it
out
when
it
were
done
,
they
thought
good
to
joyne
the
Earle
of
Morton
.
He
being
somewhat
alienated
,
and
discontented
with
the
Kings
insisting
in
his
claime
to
the
Earledome
of
Angus
,
they
sent
to
him
Andrew
Ker
of
Fadunside
,
and
Sir
John
Ballindine
Justice-Clerk
to
deal
with
him
,
who
prevailed
so
farre
,
that
he
was
content
to
come
to
Lennox
Chamber
where
the
King
was
.
There
they
came
soon
to
an
agreement
,
the
King
and
his
father
for
themselves
,
and
undertaking
also
for
Lady
Margaret
Douglas
(
whose
consent
they
promised
to
obtaine
,
and
that
she
should
renue
and
ratifie
what
had
been
done
by
her self
before
)
renounced
all
title
,
right
,
interest
,
or
claim
they
had
or
could
make
to
the
Earledome
of
Angus
in
favours
of
Archb●…ld
sonne
to
David
,
sometime
Earle
thereof
.
Having
obtained
this
,
he
consented
to
assist
the
K.
with
all
his
power
on
these
conditions
.
1.
That
nothing
should
be
altered
in
the
received
Religion
,
but
that
it
should
be
established
as
fully
,
and
in
as
ample
manner
,
as
it
was
before
the
Queen
came
home
out
of
France
.
2.
That
the
banished
Lords
should
be
brought
home
and
restored
.
3.
That
the
King
would
take
the
fact
upon
himself
,
and
warrant
them
from
whatsoever
danger
might
follow
thereon
by
the
Queens
displeasure
.
These
Articles
were
given
him
in
writing
to
subscribe
,
lest
afterward
out
of
his
facilitie
or
levitie
he
should
either
deny
it
,
or
alter
his
minde
,
which
he
did
very
willingly
,
and
even
eagerly
.
Prosently
hereupon
Lennox
went
into
England
to
acquaint
the
banished
Lords
herewith
,
and
to
bring
them
near
to
the
Borders
of
Scotland
,
that
when
Rizio
were
slaine
,
they
might
be
ready
to
lay
hold
of
the
occasion
for
their
restitution
.
And
now
the
day
of
the
Parliament
drew
near
,
in
which
they
were
to
be
forfeited
;
and
Rizio
did
bestirre
himselfe
notably
to
bring
it
to
passe
.
He
went
about
to
all
those
that
had
vote
in
Parliament
,
to
trie
their
mindes
,
and
to
terrifie
them
,
by
telling
it
was
the
Queens
pleasure
to
have
it
so
,
and
that
whosoever
voted
to
the
contrary
should
incurre
her
high
displeasure
,
and
no
waies
do
any
good
to
the
Noblemen
.
This
made
them
hasten
his
death
,
to
prevent
the
sentence
which
the
Parliament
might
have
given
out
against
the
Lords
by
Rizio
his
practises
.
Wherefore
that
they
might
take
him
,
when
his
Guard
was
from
him
,
and
that
it
might
the
more
clearly
be
seen
,
that
the
King
was
the
chief
author
of
it
,
they
determined
to
take
him
along
with
them
,
who
should
bring
him
out
of
the
Queens
Chamber
,
from
when●…
he
should
be
carried
to
the
City
and
have
his
triall
by
assise
,
and
so
legally
and
formally
(
for
they
had
matter
enough
against
him
)
condemned
The
Scots
were
greater
threatners
,
than
doers
.
They
say
also
,
that
one
Signior
Francese
admonished
him
to
carry
himself
more
soberly
,
and
not
to
irritate
the
Nobilitie
;
for
as
he
understood
they
bare
him
no
great
good
will
,
and
would
not
faile
to
do
him
some
mischief
one
time
or
another
;
but
he
answeredhim
in
Italians
,
Parole
,
parole
,
all
was
but
words
,
he
feared
them
not
,
they
were
no
body
,
they
were
but
like
Ducks
,
which
if
some
of
them
be
stricken
down
,
the
rest
will
lie
in
.
To
whom
the
other
replied
,
Take
heed
you
finde
them
not
rather
like
Geese
,
of
which
if
you
stirre
but
one
,
all
the
rest
will
flie
upon
you
,
and
so
plume
you
,
that
they
will
leave
you
neither
Feather
,
nor
Down
.
So
when
he
was
desired
by
some
Diviner
,
or
Sooth-sayer
,
to
beware
of
the
Bastard
,
he
said
,
That
Bastard
should
not
have
power
to
do
much
hurt
in
Scotland
,
so
long
as
he
lived
;
understanding
it
to
be
spoken
of
Murray
,
who
was
Bastard-brother
to
the
Queen
.
But
the
Bastard
that
slew
him
,
was
George
Douglas
(
as
is
the
most
received
opinion
)
who
stabbed
him
with
the
Kings
dagger
;
having
none
of
his
own
then
about
him
.
This
brought
Morton
into
great
trouble
;
for
the
next
day
being
the
day
of
the
Parliament
,
the
banished
Lords
compeered
in
the
Parliament-House
,
as
they
had
been
summoned
,
where
finding
no
accuser
;
now
that
Rizio
was
gone
,
the
Parliament
was
deserted
,
and
the
Queen
reconciled
unto
them
,
intending
to
use
their
help
against
the
slayers
of
Rizio
.
Wherefore
she
went
first
to
Seton
,
then
to
Dumbar
,
where
she
assembled
a
sufficient
number
David
Hume
of
Wedderburne
,
onely
because
he
was
Mortons
kinsman
,
was
sent
first
to
Dumbar
,
then
to
the
Ken-moore
in
Galloway
.
It
is
true
,
it
was
his
brother-in-laws
house
,
and
Loghen-varre
was
indeed
a
loving
brother
,
yet
was
it
farre
from
home
,
neither
was
he
set
free
without
bail
to
re-enter
when
he
should
be
required
.
Thus
were
the
dice
changed
.
Morton
was
at
Court
,
when
Murray
and
his
complices
were
banished
:
now
they
are
in
Court
,
when
he
and
his
associats
are
dis-courted
,
and
forced
to
●…e
.
He
had
favoured
them
,
but
had
not
joyned
with
them
:
they
favour
him
,
but
think
it
not
good
to
take
part
with
him
.
Yet
had
they
more
reason
to
do
it
,
for
his
fact
had
wrought
out
their
Libertie
,
theirs
had
made
him
to
be
suspected
.
But
whether
they
would
not
,
or
could
not
do
him
any
good
,
or
that
they
thought
the
time
was
not
fit
,
and
a
better
time
was
to
be
expected
,
the
King
(
who
was
the
chief
authour
and
first
mover
of
it
)
having
forsaken
him
,
he
was
constrained
to
with-draw
himself
into
England
,
as
we
have
said
.
There
he
did
not
remain
long
in
ease
and
quiet
,
for
about
the
beginning
of
May
,
the
Queen
sent
Master
John
Thornton
(
Chanter
of
Murray
)
desiring
that
he
and
the
rest
,
might
not
be
suffered
to
harbour
within
the
Queen
of
Englands
Dominions
.
She
sent
the
same
Thornton
also
to
France
with
the
like
message
,
but
it
needed
not
,
for
they
never
meant
to
go
thither
.
Queen
Elizabeth
sent
one
of
her
servants
(
William
Killigrew
)
and
by
him
promised
to
cause
them
voide
her
Realme
before
Mid-summer
.
It
was
so
done
in
shew
,
they
were
warned
to
depart
,
and
did
depart
from
Newcastle
,
abstained
from
conversing
in
publick
,
but
they
lurked
privately
in
a
place
not
far
from
Anwick
.
No
search
was
made
for
them
,
and
the
Messenger
had
whispered
them
in
the
ear
,
when
he
commanded
them
to
be
gone
,
that
England
was
broad
and
wide
.
Before
they
came
from
Newcastle
,
he
lost
his
good
friend
the
Lord
Ruthven
,
whom
God
called
to
his
rest
in
mercy
.
Thus
was
he
banished
from
Scotland
,
England
,
But
he
lurked
not
long
;
for
matters
were
in
brewing
at
home
,
which
Arch.
Douglas
,
a
brother
of
the
house
of
Whittingame
,
by
his
mediation
all
former
quarrels
were
taken
away
on
both
sides
,
&
Mortons
peace
procured
from
the
Q.
on
condition
he
should
not
come
within
a
mile
of
the
Court
.
This
restraint
he
reckoned
to
be
rather
beneficiall
,
than
hurtfull
to
him
;
seeing
that
by
that
mean
,
he
should
be
the
farther
off
from
whatsoever
should
happen
amisse
.
Wherefore
being
returned
before
the
Q.
was
To
declare
the
estate
of
those
times
,
and
to
dilate
it
,
let
them
do
it
that
can
delight
to
blaze
the
weaknesse
of
those
,
whom
they
ought
to
love
and
honour
,
and
who
have
that
task
imposed
upon
them
,
by
whatsoever
necessitie
.
For
my self
,
neither
am
I
any
way
necessitated
thereunto
,
neither
could
my
soul
ever
delight
in
the
reproach
of
any
.
I
wish
I
could
cover
the
sins
of
the
world
,
they
should
never
be
uncovered
,
or
known
,
but
where
necessity
did
require
it
,
that
so
they
might
be
taken
away
by
order
.
My
endeavour
should
rather
be
with
the
blessed
sons
of
Noah
,
to
overspread
,
with
the
mantle
of
silence
and
oblivion
,
the
nakednesse
of
those
to
whom
we
owe
even
a
filial
dutie
&
pietie
.
Concerning
that
Princesse
,
my
heart
inclineth
more
to
pitie
;
I
see
good
qualities
in
her
,
and
love
them
:
I
see
errours
,
and
pity
them
:
I
see
gentlenesse
,
courtesie
,
humilitie
,
beautie
,
wisedome
,
liberalitie
;
who
can
but
affect
these
?
If
they
be
carried
to
inconvenience
,
who
can
but
lament
it
?
In
that
sex
,
in
that
place
,
in
that
education
,
in
that
company
:
a
woman
,
a
Princesse
,
accustomed
to
pleasure
,
to
have
their
will
,
by
Religion
,
by
sight
,
by
example
,
by
instigation
,
by
soothing
,
and
approbation
.
Happie
,
yea
thrice
happy
are
they
who
are
guided
through
these
rocks
without
touch
,
nay
,
without
shipwrack
.
I
do
advert
more
than
I
finde
set
down
by
Writers
,
while
I
search
into
all
the
causes
which
might
have
drawn
on
these
lamentable
events
.
Besides
the
secret
loathings
in
the
estate
of
marriage
(
which
who
knows
but
the
actors
?
)
bringing
forth
dislike
,
then
quarrels
on
both
sides
,
then
crossing
&
thwarting
,
then
hatred
,
then
desire
to
be
freed
;
besides
all
this
,
impotencie
,
and
desire
of
revenge
,
being
seconded
with
shew
of
reason
,
and
backed
with
a
colour
of
law
and
justice
;
what
wil
it
not
do
?
Her
husband
had
killed
a
servant
of
hers
,
whom
he
had
dragged
violently
out
of
her
bed-chamber
.
Behold
him
therefore
(
as
Lawyers
,
or
such
as
pretended
skill
in
law
would
alledge
)
guiltie
of
death
in
their
judgment
.
He
was
not
crowned
,
but
proclaimed
King
only
by
her
sole
authority
,
never
acknowledged
by
a
Parliament
,
so
was
he
but
a
private
man
,
&
a
subject
to
her
his
Soveraigne
,
as
are
the
wives
and
children
of
Kings
.
Wherefore
his
Fact
(
in
slaying
Rizio
)
was
flat
treason
,
for
which
he
might
have
bin
arraigned
,
and
suffered
according
to
law
.
But
bearing
the
name
of
a
King
,
&
having
many
friends
and
kinred
,
a
legall
proceeding
could
hardly
be
attempted
without
great
difficulty
,
and
might
have
caused
an
insurrection
,
and
much
bloud-shed
with
uncertain
event
.
Wheresore
in
wisedome
the
most
convenient
way
was
to
do
it
privatly
and
secretly
;
secret
justice
,
is
justice
notwithstanding
;
formalities
are
but
for
the
common
course
of
things
.
This
was
an
extraordinary
case
.
Justice
is
absolutly
necessary
,
the
form
(
whether
this
,
or
that
way
)
is
indifferent
,
it
may
be
altered
,
or
omitted
;
the
Princes
power
may
dispense
with
forms
in
case
of
necessitie
or
conveniencie
,
so
the
substance
be
observed
.
Well
,
I
conceive
that
a
Prince
upon
such
suggestions
,
upon
dislike
,
in
anger
and
indignation
,
might
be
drawn
by
his
counsellours
,
neither
can
I
but
conceive
,
that
these
colours
have
been
here
represented
to
perswade
,
or
to
sooth
.
To
be
short
,
that
fact
so
lamentable
,
and
(
which
I
can
never
remember
without
lamenting
)
every
way
in
her
The
Lord
Hume
also
being
summoned
to
enter
,
would
not
obey
.
Notwithstanding
Bothwell
goeth
on
with
his
intended
journey
,
and
so
the
Queen
and
he
come
to
Borthwick
Castle
,
there
to
make
all
things
ready
for
this
expedition
.
The
adverse
party
thought
this
place
was
not
unfit
to
surprize
him
in
it
:
and
therefore
they
appointed
their
Rendezvous
at
Liberton
,
whither
Morton
onely
came
.
The
Earle
of
Athole
(
whither
through
his
naturall
slownesse
or
fearfulnesse
)
by
his
not
keeping
that
appointment
,
caused
the
rest
to
break
also
,
and
to
stay
still
at
James
Belfoure
(
whom
Bothwell
had
made
Captain
thereof
,
and
who
had
been
his
intimate
friend
,
and
pr●…vie
to
all
his
secrets
:
But
upon
some
distaste
or
distrust
,
Bothwell
had
sought
to
put
him
out
of
the
place
;
which
he
finding
,
had
made
himself
full
Master
thereof
:
and
he
was
now
entred
in
termes
of
agreement
,
and
capitulation
with
the
Lords
to
put
it
into
their
hands
,
but
had
not
yet
concluded
and
transacted
with
them
.
There
were
in
the
City
at
this
time
of
the
other
party
,
John
Hamilton
Bishop
of
S.
Andrews
,
the
Earle
of
Huntley
,
and
the
Bishop
of
Rosse
John
Lesly
.
These
when
they
heard
that
the
Lords
were
come
into
the
Citie
,
came
forth
into
the
Street
,
hoping
the
Citizens
would
assist
them
and
help
them
to
expell
the
Lords
;
but
when
they
saw
that
few
or
none
did
resort
to
them
,
they
fled
to
the
Castle
,
where
they
were
received
(
the
Captain
thereof
not
having
as
yet
agreed
with
the
Lords
)
and
some
few
dayes
after
were
let
out
at
a
posterne
,
and
so
escaped
.
In
the
David
Hume
of
Wedderburne
,
with
his
Uncle
Blackader
,
notwithstanding
their
Chief
the
Lord
Hume
,
and
his
Cousin
German
Morton
,
were
on
the
other
side
.
Besides
these
,
they
had
200.
hired
Souldiers
under
the
leading
of
Captain
Anstrudder
,
mounting
in
all
to
2000.
and
500.
with
these
they
set
forward
from
Dumbar
,
with
intention
to
go
to
Leith
,
that
so
they
might
be
nearer
the
enemy
,
and
lose
no
opportunity
of
taking
advantage
of
them
.
A
wrong
course
;
and
ill
advised
:
Whereas
if
they
had
but
stayed
a
space
in
the
Castle
of
Dumbar
,
the
Lords
not
having
sufficient
forces
to
assault
them
there
,
nor
Ordnance
,
or
any
other
necessary
provision
for
a
seige
,
had
been
constrained
to
disperse
themselves
,
and
retire
home
to
their
own
houses
.
Which
if
they
had
done
,
they
might
easily
have
been
overthrown
being
separated
and
scattered
,
before
they
could
have
joyned
their
forces
again
.
But
there
is
a
directour
of
all
things
,
who
had
not
ordained
that
Bothwell
should
prosper
in
his
wayes
;
which
fell
out
also
by
his
own
temeritie
,
and
the
counsel
of
Master
Edmond
Hay
(
his
Lawyer
)
who
is
said
to
have
advised
him
thus
,
alledging
that
the
Lords
neither
would
nor
durst
abide
their
coming
,
but
would
presently
flee
upon
the
first
noise
of
their
approach
;
and
that
if
they
did
but
once
shew
themselves
in
the
fields
,
the
Commons
would
all
come
flocking
to
them
.
But
it
fell
out
clean
contrary
,
for
neither
did
the
people
concurre
with
them
(
because
they
hated
Bothwell
)
and
the
Lords
having
once
taken
Arms
,
were
enforced
by
necessity
to
fight
for
their
own
safety
.
Their
number
was
about
some
2000.
most
part
Gentlemen
of
good
quality
and
ranke
;
of
the
which
,
the
chief
were
Morton
,
Marre
,
〈◊〉
,
Glencairne
,
Montrose
;
the
Lords
,
Hume
,
Lindsay
,
Ruthven
,
Semple
,
and
Sanwhere
;
Small
Barons
,
Cesford
,
Drumlenrigge
,
Tillebardine
,
Grange
.
They
had
no
Artillerie
,
neither
any
Musketiers
,
save
a
few
from
Edinburgh
.
They
caused
to
be
drawn
on
their
ensignes
,
the
late
King
lying
dead
,
and
his
young
son
the
Prince
James
sitting
on
his
knees
,
with
his
hands
heaved
up
to
Heaven
with
this
Motto
,
Judge
and
revenge
my
cause
,
O
LORD
.
While
they
were
in
Edinburgh
,
word
was
brought
to
them
about
midnight
,
that
the
Queen
and
Bothwell
were
come
to
Seton
and
Salt-Preston
,
within
six
miles
of
them
.
Whereupon
they
made
haste
,
and
having
armed
,
went
speedily
toward
Muscleburgh
,
lest
the
enemie
should
seize
the
Bridge
and
Foords
of
the
River
which
was
within
two
miles
of
Preston
.
So
having
passed
it
without
disturbance
a
little
after
the
Sun-rising
,
finding
that
the
enemy
did
not
stirre
,
they
took
their
refreshment
,
and
broke
their
fast
at
leasure
.
Not
long
after
,
those
whom
they
had
sent
before
to
currie
the
fields
,
and
to
give
notice
what
the
enemie
was
about
,
having
perceived
a
few
horsemen
without
the
village
;
drove
them
back
again
,
but
not
daring
to
follow
them
for
fear
of
some
ambuscade
,
could
learne
nothing
else
,
save
that
the
enemie
was
ready
to
march
.
Hereupon
the
Lords
also
began
to
set
forward
toward
them
,
and
being
now
without
the
Towne
of
Muscleburgh
they
perceived
the
enemy
,
ranged
in
order
of
battell
all
along
Carburie
hill
,
ready
to
encounter
David
Hume
of
Wedderburne
,
in
regard
of
his
friendship
and
Kinred
with
the
Lord
Hume
,
and
Earle
of
Morton
.
Wherefore
he
moved
the
Queen
to
ask
him
whether
he
would
abide
constantly
by
her
,
and
performe
his
part
faithfully
.
He
answered
freely
,
that
he
was
come
to
serve
her
,
as
his
Soveraigne
out
of
duty
,
and
in
sincerity
,
which
he
would
do
to
the
utmost
of
his
power
,
against
whomsoever
,
without
respect
of
whatsoever
friendship
or
kindred
with
any
.
Blackader
said
the
like
,
and
added
withall
,
speaking
to
Bothwell
,
I
wish
my
Lord
,
you
stay
as
well
by
it
,
as
we
shall
.
That
which
made
them
the
more
to
fear
Sir
David
was
,
because
a
servant
of
his
,
as
he
went
to
drink
at
a
well
not
farre
from
the
enemie
,
was
taken
,
and
brought
to
Morton
,
who
hearing
whose
man
he
was
,
dismissed
him
,
and
bade
him
tell
his
Master
from
him
;
That
if
he
were
the
man
he
should
be
,
he
alone
might
put
an
end
to
that
dayes
work
,
which
is
like
enough
he
might
have
done
,
if
either
he
would
have
revolted
to
the
Lords
,
or
forsaken
Bothwell
,
and
gone
home
.
The
rest
of
the
Nobles
and
Gentlemen
being
in
like
manner
exhorted
by
the
Queen
to
fight
valiantly
,
promised
that
for
their
own
parts
they
would
do
it
faithfully
,
but
they
said
,
the
hearts
of
the
common
Souldiers
were
averse
from
Bothwell
;
and
thought
it
more
reasonable
that
he
should
adventure
his
own
Person
in
his
own
quarrell
for
maintaining
his
innocency
,
than
that
either
her
Majestie
,
or
so
many
of
her
good
Subjects
should
adventure
or
endanger
their
lives
for
him
.
But
if
she
were
resolved
to
trie
the
hazard
of
a
battell
,
it
was
her
best
to
deferre
it
till
the
next
day
,
that
the
Hamiltons
,
who
were
on
their
journey
,
might
joyne
with
them
.
As
they
were
about
to
joyne
battell
,
the
French
Ambassadour
(
La
Croque
)
would
have
mediated
a
Peace
,
and
came
to
the
Lords
,
promising
to
obtain
their
pardon
at
the
Queens
hands
for
what
was
past
,
and
that
none
of
them
should
ever
be
called
in
question
for
their
taking
Armes
against
her
,
so
that
they
would
now
lay
them
down
,
and
proceed
no
further
:
Morton
made
answer
,
that
they
had
not
taken
Armes
against
the
Queen
,
but
against
Bothwell
,
who
had
murthered
their
King
,
whom
if
her
Majestie
would
be
pleased
to
abandon
,
they
would
quickly
make
it
appear
,
that
they
desired
nothing
more
than
to
continue
in
all
dutifull
obedience
and
allegeance
to
her
,
as
became
Loyall
Subjects
;
but
so
long
as
Bothwell
remained
unpunished
,
they
could
not
in
duty
and
conscience
be
so
forgetfull
of
their
late
King
,
as
not
to
avenge
his
murther
.
La
Croque
not
being
able
to
perswade
them
,
retired
to
Edinburgh
.
All
hope
of
peace
and
agreement
being
cut
off
,
Bothwell
being
jealous
of
his
Souldiers
,
and
either
intending
in
good
earnest
to
fight
,
or
for
a
Bravado
,
sent
a
Trumpet
to
the
Lords
to
declare
his
innocency
,
in
confidence
whereof
,
if
any
would
accuse
him
,
and
stand
to
his
allegation
,
he
was
ready
to
maintain
his
cause
against
whosoever
would
attach
him
,
in
Duel
,
and
single
Combate
.
There
were
two
of
the
Lords
faction
that
undertook
to
make
it
good
against
him
,
William
Kirkadic
of
Grange
,
and
James
Murray
brother
to
Tilliberdine
;
but
he
rejected
these
as
not
being
his
equals
,
and
Peeres
,
he
being
an
Earle
,
and
they
but
Gentlemen
onely
.
Wherefore
he
challenged
Morton
by
name
.
He
accepted
of
the
challenge
,
and
appointed
the
Weapons
two-handed
Swords
,
and
to
fight
on
foot
.
But
the
Lord
Lindsay
stepping
forth
,
besought
Morton
and
the
rest
,
that
for
all
the
service
that
ever
his
Predecessours
,
or
himself
had
done
,
or
could
do
unto
the
country
,
that
they
would
do
him
that
honour
as
to
suffer
him
to
undertake
that
Combate
;
which
he
said
did
also
duly
belong
unto
him
,
in
regard
of
his
nearnesse
in
bloud
to
the
defunct
King
.
They
condescended
,
and
Bothwell
having
nothing
to
accept
against
him
,
they
prepared
on
both
sides
.
Morton
gave
Lindsay
the
Sword
which
had
been
Earle
Archbalds
(
called
commonly
Bell
the
Cat
)
wherewith
he
cut
asunder
Spenses
thigh
,
as
is
shewed
in
his
life
.
With
this
(
which
Lindsay
wore
ever
after
▪
)
and
a
buckler
,
as
the
manner
then
was
,
he
presents
himself
before
the
Army
,
to
attend
Bothwels
coming
.
But
the
Queen
would
not
suffer
him
to
fight
,
and
interposing
her
authority
,
commanded
him
to
desist
.
Then
she
sent
a
He●…auld
to
the
Lords
,
requiring
them
to
send
Grange
to
her
,
that
she
might
conferre
with
him
,
and
that
in
the
mean
time
the
Army
should
stand
quiet
.
While
the
Queen
did
Parley
with
Grange
,
Bothwell
(
as
it
had
been
fore-plotted
)
conveyes
himself
secretly
out
of
the
Army
,
and
fled
to
Dumbar
.
When
the
Queen
had
talked
so
long
with
Grange
,
as
that
Bothwell
had
time
enough
to
escape
,
and
be
out
of
their
reach
,
free
from
all
danger
of
being
overtaken
,
she
went
with
him
to
the
Lords
;
and
desiring
them
to
suffer
her
Army
to
depart
in
safetie
(
which
they
easily
granted
)
she
dismissed
them
.
Then
she
requested
,
that
she
might
go
to
the
Hamiltons
,
who
were
not
farre
off
,
at
Corstorphing
,
to
give
them
thanks
for
their
good
will
,
promising
faithfully
to
return
,
whereupon
she
desired
Morton
to
passe
his
word
,
and
be
suretie
for
her
.
A
strange
request
for
her
to
ask
in
such
a
case
;
farre
stranger
for
them
to
have
granted
,
or
for
Morton
to
have
undertaken
that
which
lay
not
in
his
power
to
▪
see
performed
.
Bothwell
had
escaped
to
their
great
grief
and
discontentment
;
the
Queen
onely
remained
,
the
pledge
of
peace
,
and
foile
of
their
enemies
,
who
wanting
her
did
want
a
head
.
Therefore
her
suite
was
denied
,
and
she
brought
to
Edinburgh
.
There
a
consultation
was
held
,
what
were
fittest
to
be
done
with
her
.
Amongst
great
diversitie
of
opinions
,
Morton
would
by
no
means
yeeld
to
have
her
life
meddled
withall
,
desiring
onely
that
some
such
course
might
be
taken
,
as
that
the
professed
Religion
might
not
be
prejudiced
,
and
that
they
themselves
might
be
secured
from
future
danger
.
Yet
there
were
some
that
pressed
the
matter
very
hard
against
him
,
alledging
that
there
was
no
possibilitie
,
either
to
preserve
Religion
,
or
secure
themselves
,
so
long
as
she
were
alive
.
Promises
were
to
no
purpose
,
and
of
no
value
.
They
might
be
easily
eluded
,
as
proceeding
from
a
just
fear
,
and
compulsion
,
as
they
would
call
it
.
And
to
imprison
her
were
no
better
▪
seeing
there
would
not
want
a
party
ere
long
to
set
her
free
.
And
though
there
were
no
party
,
yet
she
her self
might
use
means
to
escape
,
and
others
might
help
her
;
yea
,
without
all
these
,
time
and
occasion
would
work
her
delivery
.
Nay
some
went
so
far
with
him
,
as
to
denounce
GODS
judgements
against
him
,
as
a
hinderer
of
the
execution
of
justice
,
which
he
himself
should
feele
upon
his
own
person
,
because
he
would
not
give
way
to
it
in
the
person
of
another
.
For
it
is
but
justice
(
said
they
)
else
if
it
be
unlawfull
,
so
is
this
detaining
of
her
unlawfull
,
and
whatsoever
we
have
done
is
unlawfull
,
and
flat
treason
.
All
this
notwithstanding
,
Morton
would
not
consent
unto
it
,
but
made
answer
,
That
howsoever
they
had
gone
thus
farre
being
drawne
to
it
by
necessity
,
for
the
preservation
of
Religion
,
the
good
of
their
Countrey
,
their
own
honour
and
credit
,
and
even
led
by
nature
to
look
to
their
own
safetie
,
yet
they
ought
not
to
meddle
with
the
life
of
their
Soveraign●…
.
To
secure
themselves
,
it
was
sufficient
to
have
her
kept
in
some
place
of
suretie
and
strength
,
which
he
thought
even
too
much
,
if
he
could
see
any
other
remedie
.
And
so
it
was
concluded
,
that
shee
should
be
sent
to
Logh-leven
,
there
to
be
kept
by
William
Douglas
owner
thereof
,
a
very
honest
Gentleman
,
and
who
had
sided
with
neither
Partie
.
And
although
the
same
matter
was
agitate
again
,
while
she
remained
in
Logh-leven
(
the
25.
of
August
,
at
a
solemne
meeting
of
the
Estates
,
after
Murray
was
come
home
,
and
had
accepted
the
Regencie
)
and
many
did
incline
to
have
her
executed
,
(
some
out
of
zeal
to
Religion
,
and
love
of
Justice
,
as
they
deemed
it
)
some
out
of
love
to
the
Hamiltons
,
(
who
by
her
death
would
be
but
one
step
from
the
Crown
)
yet
Morton
stuck
to
his
former
opinion
and
resolution
:
Shee
was
no
sooner
committed
,
but
some
began
to
plot
her
deliverie
;
supposing
that
undoubtedly
she
would
get
out
at
last
by
one
mean
or
other
,
they
strove
to
anticipate
her
favour
,
and
make
her
beholding
to
them
for
that
which
could
not
faile
to
come
to
passe
.
Neither
did
they
fear
the
consequent
,
if
once
she
were
set
at
libertie
,
for
they
made
no
question
to
make
their
partie
good
.
The
authoritie
was
hers
,
time
would
make
the
peoples
heart
to
relent
and
fold
to
their
naturall
Princesse
;
the
Faction
that
was
against
her
,
was
the
weaker
;
and
diversitie
of
opinions
would
bring
forth
division
amongst
them
.
Of
those
that
sought
her
favour
,
Sir
William
Metellane
Secretarie
was
one
.
His
dis-like
and
hatred
of
Bothwell
,
had
made
him
joyne
with
the
Lords
:
being
now
rid
of
him
,
he
returned
to
his
old
byas
again
,
and
bent
his
course
toward
her
.
But
not
daring
to
do
it
openly
,
he
wrote
privately
to
her
,
and
assured
her
of
his
good-will
,
and
promised
his
best
endeavour
to
serve
her
;
and
that
howsoever
his
power
were
none
of
the
greatest
,
he
shewed
that
he
might
prove
steadable
to
her
by
the
Apologue
of
the
Lion
,
which
being
taken
in
a
net
,
was
delivered
from
thence
by
the
help
of
a
Mouse
,
that
did
shear
the
net
,
and
cut
it
in
pieces
with
her
teeth
.
Morton
did
constantly
prosecute
the
course
begun
,
with
great
courage
and
wisedome
,
over-coming
all
difficulties
before
the
Earle
of
Murrays
returne
(
who
had
gone
to
France
in
the
beginning
of
these
stirres
)
which
were
neither
small
,
nor
few
.
His
Associates
found
them
moe
than
they
had
expected
.
They
had
promised
themselves
the
approbation
of
all
men
,
and
that
all
would
joyne
with
them
,
at
least
,
the
best
affected
.
It
fell
out
otherwise
;
time
diminished
envie
,
change
of
their
Princes
estate
begate
pity
,
fear
of
the
event
kept
aloof
;
doubt
of
dutie
restrained
some
,
and
desire
of
rest
and
securitie
,
others
.
So
that
no
new
Forces
came
to
them
;
but
on
the
contrary
,
some
of
their
own
side
forsook
them
,
and
went
to
the
other
;
new
hopes
not
onely
cooling
,
but
even
changing
their
affections
.
Wherefore
they
were
much
perplexed
,
and
had
it
not
been
for
Morton
,
they
had
quite
deserted
the
cause
.
But
he
perswaded
them
to
keep
together
at
Edinburgh
,
and
to
write
to
the
other
Lords
that
were
assembled
at
Hamilton
,
to
desire
them
to
come
to
Edinburgh
,
that
so
they
might
consult
together
what
were
fittest
to
bee
done
for
the
good
and
peace
of
the
Kingdome
.
But
they
would
neither
receive
Letter
nor
Message
,
saying
,
It
was
great
presumption
in
them
to
have
possessed
themselves
of
the
chief
City
,
and
to
offer
to
send
for
them
,
and
not
to
come
to
them
,
who
were
(
so
they
thought
)
the
stronger
,
and
had
the
better
cause
.
The
others
to
give
them
satisfaction
in
that
point
,
caused
the
Ministers
of
Edinburgh
to
write
to
them
jointly
,
as
also
severally
to
their
particular
friends
and
acquaintance
,
both
to
excuse
that
which
they
took
exception
at
,
(
which
they
told
they
had
done
,
not
because
they
did
challenge
or
claime
any
preeminence
or
prerogative
to
themselves
beyond
them
,
or
for
any
other
cause
,
save
onely
the
conveniencie
of
the
place
for
both
parties
to
meet
in
)
and
withall
to
exhort
them
,
that
in
so
perillous
a
time
,
setting
aside
all
particular
respects
and
quarrels
,
they
would
have
a
care
of
the
common
good
of
the
Countrey
.
But
these
Letters
prevailed
no
more
than
the
former
.
Yet
though
they
would
not
concurre
with
them
,
they
did
nothing
against
them
;
whether
because
they
were
not
able
(
they
being
within
the
town
of
Edinburgh
)
or
,
because
they
did
not
agree
among
themselves
,
or
that
they
wanted
a
Commission
,
and
a
sufficient
Warrant
from
the
Queen
,
they
dissolved
,
and
returned
every
man
to
his
own
home
.
This
their
attempt
to
have
kept
some
forme
of
meeting
and
Parliament
in
the
Queens
name
,
admonished
the
Lords
to
take
away
that
which
would
beare
greatest
shew
against
them
,
the
Queens
authoritie
.
Wherefore
they
deale
with
her
to
resigne
it
to
her
sonne
,
which
she
was
very
loath
to
do
;
yet
at
last
shee
consented
to
it
,
and
having
subscribed
a
formall
renunciation
and
dimission
:
shee
made
also
,
and
signed
a
Procuration
,
or
Letters
of
Attourney
,
to
cause
crown
her
sonne
at
Stirlin
,
or
where
they
pleased
.
She
named
likewise
his
Curators
,
Murray
(
if
he
would
accept
of
it
at
his
returne
)
failing
him
,
these
seven
;
The
Duke
(
Hamilton
)
Lennox
(
the
Childes
grandfather
)
Argyle
,
Morton
,
Glencairne
,
Marre
,
and
Athole
.
It
was
presently
put
in
execution
,
for
within
two
dayes
(
the
26.
of
July
)
the
Prince
was
Having
gained
this
point
,
they
had
now
this
advantage
of
the
others
,
that
not
only
were
their
enemies
deprived
of
the
countenance
and
colour
of
authoritie
,
but
they
themselves
were
armed
therewith
.
And
thus
they
remained
till
Murrays
returne
,
who
at
first
would
not
accept
of
the
Place
,
which
by
the
Queens
direction
was
reserved
for
him
,
but
being
pressed
by
the
rest
,
that
they
might
have
an
established
and
certain
The
15.
of
December
,
a
Parliament
was
held
at
Edinburgh
,
where
most
part
of
the
Nobilitie
were
present
,
and
amongst
others
,
the
Earle
of
Huntley
,
which
when
the
Queen
heard
of
,
she
said
,
Bothwell
might
as
well
have
been
there
,
as
he
;
meaning
that
they
were
both
alike
guiltie
.
In
this
Parliament
,
the
Queens
resignation
of
the
Crown
,
the
Kings
Coronation
,
and
Murrays
Regencie
were
confirmed
,
their
Fact
was
approved
that
had
taken
the
Queen
at
Carburie
,
and
William
Douglas
was
authorized
to
keep
her
still
in
the
Castle
of
Logh-leven
.
Things
being
thus
settled
,
the
Regent
being
acknowledged
of
all
,
and
his
authoritie
ratified
,
Religion
established
,
&
the
fear
of
Bothwel
removed
,
they
seemed
to
be
in
great
suretie
,
yet
were
they
never
lesse
sure
;
for
these
very
things
which
seemed
to
make
them
strong
and
sure
,
were
the
causes
of
change
,
for
many
did
envie
the
Regent
,
some
hated
Religion
,
and
others
there
were
,
that
being
rid
of
Bothwell
,
applied
themselves
to
the
Queen
,
whom
only
out
of
hatred
to
Bothwell
,
they
had
forsaken
.
Of
the
last
sort
was
Secretary
Metellane
,
of
the
second
Tillebardin
,
who
had
also
some
particular
against
the
Regent
,
which
Writers
do
not
specifie
.
The
Hamiltons
were
of
the
first
Rank
,
who
thought
themselves
injured
by
him
,
and
esteemed
his
Office
due
to
them
,
together
with
Argyle
,
whose
mother
and
Huntley
,
whose
wife
was
of
the
house
of
Hamilton
.
These
had
some
hopes
from
France
,
where
Beton
Archbishop
of
Glasgow
,
lay
as
Lieger
for
the
Queen
,
and
fed
them
with
faire
promises
of
men
and
money
.
Yet
they
carried
things
very
closely
,
and
made
shew
of
friendship
to
those
of
the
Kings
side
,
till
such
time
as
the
Queen
escaped
out
of
Logh-leven
,
by
the
means
of
George
Douglas
brother
to
William
of
Loghleven
,
and
to
the
Regent
also
by
his
mother
.
This
George
had
corrupted
a
naturall
brother
of
his
who
was
often
trusted
by
William
with
the
Keyes
of
the
Castle
.
One
day
William
being
at
dinner
,
this
man
desired
the
Keyes
of
him
(
as
he
had
done
divers
times
before
)
to
let
out
the
Queens
waiting
Gentlewoman
;
and
having
gotten
them
,
he
let
out
the
Queen
her self
in
her
Gentlewomans
apparell
,
and
masked
.
He
also
went
out
with
her
,
and
having
locked
the
Gates
,
threw
the
Keyes
into
the
Lake
,
and
rowed
the
Queen
over
in
the
Boat
to
the
Lake
side
,
where
George
and
Tillibarne
were
staying
for
her
with
nine
horse
onely
.
Our
Writers
say
,
it
was
without
the
mothers
knowledge
;
but
others
affirme
,
that
she
had
a
hand
in
it
,
being
moved
with
pity
and
commiseration
to
see
her
Princesse
in
such
estate
;
and
upon
the
Queens
promise
to
preferre
her
sonne
George
,
She
went
that
night
to
Nidderie
,
where
by
the
way
the
Lord
Seton
,
and
John
Hamilton
of
Orbiston
did
meet
her
:
and
the
next
day
they
went
to
Hamilton
with
500.
horse
.
The
Regent
was
then
at
Glasgow
,
keeping
of
justice
Courts
.
When
these
news
were
brought
to
him
,
some
counselled
him
to
go
to
Stirlin
,
where
the
King
was
,
and
where
he
would
be
the
stronger
.
But
William
Douglas
of
Drumlenrig
,
not
having
the
patience
to
stay
till
it
came
to
his
turne
to
speak
,
and
before
his
opinion
was
asked
:
If
you
do
so
my
Lord
(
sayes
he
)
I
will
get
me
straight
to
the
Queen
,
as
Boyde
hath
done
.
For
Boyde
indeed
was
gone
to
her
,
with
intention
(
as
he
would
have
made
them
beleeve
)
to
play
Husha's
part
;
for
he
wrote
back
to
Morton
by
his
sonne
,
that
he
would
be
more
steadable
,
and
do
them
better
service
being
with
her
,
than
if
he
should
remain
with
them
.
There
is
a
Proverb
,
a
foot
backward
,
a
mile
backward
,
a
mile
a
million
,
and
so
never
forward
:
Whereby
is
signified
,
that
there
is
much
moment
in
the
beginnings
and
first
efforts
,
and
great
danger
in
recoiling
,
and
letting
slip
the
present
opportunitie
.
So
thought
Drumlenrig
,
and
the
Lord
Semple
also
was
of
his
minde
.
Morton
did
confirme
their
opinion
,
and
reduced
at
large
how
necessary
it
was
for
them
to
stay
still
in
Glasgow
,
shewing
that
it
was
their
best
to
make
all
the
haste
they
could
,
&
that
their
safetie
did
consist
in
celeritie
;
in
regard
that
so
soon
as
it
were
known
that
she
was
at
libertie
,
the
opinion
of
her
authoritie
and
name
of
a
Queen
would
daily
draw
more
and
more
followers
to
her
:
especially
seeing
the
most
remote
parts
of
the
Kingdome
were
most
affectionated
to
her
service
.
We
are
enough
here
(
said
he
)
together
with
the
Towns
men
(
who
being
enemies
to
the
Hamiltons
,
we
need
not
doubt
of
their
fidelittie
)
to
keep
this
place
,
and
make
it
good
against
them
.
The
Cunninghames
and
Semples
(
potent
families
)
are
hard
at
hand
,
and
so
is
the
Lennox
,
the
Kings
own
patrimonie
:
Neither
is
Douglas-dale
very
farre
off
,
nor
Stirlin-Shire
,
and
the
Earle
of
Marres
Forces
.
These
will
suffice
to
oppose
the
enemie
till
such
time
as
our
friends
that
dwell
further
off
,
be
advertised
.
Mortons
judgement
was
respected
,
and
his
opinion
followed
;
whereupon
messengers
were
immediatly
dispatched
,
and
sent
into
Lowthian
,
and
the
Merse
,
and
other
parts
which
lay
farre
off
,
to
give
them
notice
of
their
danger
,
and
of
their
intentions
;
and
to
desire
them
to
make
all
the
haste
that
possibly
they
could
to
come
to
their
aid
,
and
assistance
.
The
first
that
came
was
Claude
Hamilton
of
Pasley
sonne
to
the
Duke
,
and
Sir
James
Hamilton
of
Evendale
,
consisting
most
of
Hamiltons
,
together
with
their
friends
and
followers
.
James
Stuart
of
Castleton
,
and
Arthur
Hamilton
of
Mirrinton
,
were
Commanders
of
the
Musketiers
,
which
were
some
300.
The
Lord
Harris
commanded
the
horsemen
,
which
were
most
part
Borderers
,
dependers
and
servants
to
his
brother
the
Lord
Maxwell
.
The
Regent
did
likewise
divide
his
men
in
two
battels
,
the
Vant-guard
was
conducted
by
Morton
,
with
whom
were
the
Lord
Hume
,
and
Semple
.
The
Regent
himself
was
in
the
Reer
,
and
with
him
Marre
,
Glencairne
,
Monteith
,
the
Lord
Ruthven
,
Ochletree
,
and
Kirkart
,
with
the
small
Barons
of
the
Lennox
,
and
the
Citizens
of
Glasgow
.
The
horsemen
were
committed
to
William
Douglas
of
Drumlenrig
,
and
Alexander
Hume
of
Manderston
,
and
John
Carmichell
of
Carmichell
.
They
were
inferiour
in
horse
,
and
therefore
upon
the
first
encounter
they
retired
,
and
fell
back
to
the
footmen
,
who
made
out
to
succour
them
,
and
drave
back
the
enemies
horse
by
the
means
of
the
High-Landers
,
especially
who
bestowed
a
flight
of
arrowes
amongst
them
,
and
so
galled
them
,
that
they
could
no
longer
endure
it
.
The
Queens
Vant-guard
coming
to
joyn
battell
with
the
Vant-guard
of
the
enemy
,
marched
through
a
narrow
Lane
,
near
unto
which
the
Regents
shot
were
placed
in
the
Yards
,
Gardens
,
and
Orchards
of
the
Village
of
Langside
so
conveniently
,
that
they
being
at
covert
did
annoy
the
enemie
,
and
shoot
at
them
as
at
a
mark
without
any
danger
,
or
hurt
to
themselves
.
In
this
Lane
many
were
slain
before
they
could
get
through
;
and
having
passed
it
they
were
assaulted
by
Morton
very
fiercely
with
Pikes
and
Speares
,
and
other
long
Weapons
on
both
sides
of
the
Lane
.
They
fought
very
eagerly
a
while
,
in
so
much
that
when
their
long
Weapons
were
broken
,
being
so
close
together
,
that
they
could
not
draw
their
Swords
,
they
fell
to
it
with
Daggers
,
and
Stones
,
and
and
what
so
came
readiest
to
hand
.
In
the
midst
and
heat
of
the
fight
,
Mackfarlane
with
his
High-Landers
fled
out
of
the
last
Ranks
of
the
Regents
Companies
(
as
our
Writers
say
)
but
indeed
it
was
from
this
wing
where
they
were
placed
,
as
I
have
heard
it
of
those
that
were
present
.
The
Lord
Lindsay
,
who
stood
next
to
him
in
the
Regents
own
battell
,
when
he
saw
them
go
away
;
Let
them
go
(
saith
he
)
and
be
not
afraid
,
I
shall
supply
their
place
:
and
withall
stepping
forward
with
his
Company
,
charged
the
enemy
afresh
.
Their
long
Weapons
being
broken
,
and
themselves
well
nigh
overcome
before
,
they
were
not
able
to
sustaine
a
new
impression
,
but
turned
their
backs
,
and
fled
.
The
Regent
and
his
Squadron
stood
still
and
kept
their
Ranks
and
places
,
till
they
saw
that
the
victory
was
clearly
theirs
,
and
that
the
enemy
did
flee
disorderly
;
then
they
also
brake
their
order
and
followed
the
chase
,
in
the
which
moe
were
killed
,
than
in
the
fight
;
and
that
most
part
by
the
High-Landers
:
who
seeing
that
their
side
had
the
day
,
returned
and
made
great
slaughter
to
make
amends
for
their
former
fleeing
.
There
were
many
wounded
,
and
many
taken
,
but
300.
slain
,
who
had
been
many
moe
,
had
not
the
Regent
sent
horsemen
throughout
all
quarters
with
command
to
spare
the
fleers
.
There
were
taken
of
note
,
The
Lord
Seton
,
and
Rosse
,
Sir
James
Hamilton
,
the
Sheriff
of
Aire
,
and
Linlithgow
with
others
.
On
the
Victors
side
one
man
onely
slain
,
John
Balonie
of
Preston
in
the
Merse
,
a
servant
of
Mortons
:
few
hurt
,
the
Lord
Hume
with
a
stone
on
the
face
very
ill
:
and
Andrew
Stuart
Lord
Ochletree
,
by
the
Lord
Harris
.
The
Queen
,
who
stood
as
a
spectatour
about
a
mile
off
,
seeing
the
field
lost
,
fled
away
with
the
Lord
Harris
,
and
his
horsemen
.
For
after
he
was
repulsed
by
the
Regents
Vant-guard
,
and
the
High-Landers
,
he
went
to
her
,
and
stayed
by
her
.
From
thence
she
fled
to
England
,
suspecting
the
Lord
Harris
his
fidelitie
.
Some
do
reckon
amongst
the
causes
of
this
victory
,
a
contention
which
fell
out
between
John
Stuart
,
and
Arthur
Hamilton
,
two
Captains
of
the
Queens
Musquetiers
,
who
that
morning
before
they
set
out
,
strove
for
precedencie
,
and
the
matter
being
referred
to
the
Queens
decision
,
she
adjudged
it
to
Stuart
for
the
names
sake
and
because
he
had
been
sometime
Captain
of
her
Guard
.
Hamilton
took
this
so
ill
,
that
when
they
came
neare
to
the
enemie
,
he
cryed
out
aloud
,
Where
are
now
these
Stuarts
that
did
contest
for
the
first
place
,
let
him
now
come
and
take
it
.
The
other
hearing
him
,
answered
presently
:
And
so
I
will
,
neither
shalt
thou
,
nor
any
Hamilton
in
Scotland
set
his
foot
before
me
to
day
:
whereupon
they
rushed
forward
unadvisedly
,
and
were
followed
as
inconsiderately
by
Claude
Hamilton
of
Pasley
,
with
the
Vantguard
,
which
was
the
occasion
of
their
disconfiture
.
The
battell
was
fought
the
13.
of
May
,
eleven
dayes
after
the
Queen
came
out
of
Logh-leven
.
The
Regent
returned
to
Glasgow
,
and
after
publick
thanksgiving
for
the
victorie
,
and
mutuall
congratulation
,
the
rest
of
the
day
was
spent
in
taking
order
with
the
prisoners
.
Morton
sought
to
have
had
the
Lord
Seton
in
his
keeping
,
but
he
was
withstood
by
Andrew
Ker
of
Fadunside
,
whose
prisoner
he
was
,
whether
out
of
fear
of
hard
dealing
towards
him
,
or
lest
he
should
lose
his
thanks
in
saving
of
him
,
wherefore
Morton
modestly
desisted
.
The
day
after
they
went
into
Cliddesdale
,
and
cast
down
Draphan
,
and
some
Houses
that
belonged
to
the
Hamiltons
.
Afterward
there
was
a
day
appointed
for
a
Convention
of
the
Estates
at
Edinburgh
,
for
staying
of
which
the
other
faction
did
use
all
possible
means
.
They
caused
rumours
to
be
spread
of
some
help
to
come
out
of
France
;
which
had
come
indeed
under
the
conduct
of
Martige
(
of
the
House
of
Luxemburg
)
but
that
the
Civill
Warres
at
home
made
him
to
be
called
back
again
.
The
Earle
of
Argyle
came
to
Glasgow
with
600.
horse
,
and
had
some
conference
with
the
Hamiltons
,
and
others
of
that
faction
,
but
they
not
agreeing
,
he
went
home
again
and
did
nothing
.
Huntley
also
with
1000.
men
was
coming
toward
Edinburgh
,
and
was
on
his
journey
as
farre
as
the
water
of
Erne
;
but
the
Bridges
and
Foords
being
guarded
by
the
Lord
Ruthven
,
he
went
likewise
home
again
.
Last
of
all
they
procured
Letters
from
the
Queen
of
England
,
in
which
she
desired
that
they
would
delay
the
meeting
till
such
time
as
she
were
informed
of
their
proceedings
,
and
justnesse
of
their
cause
,
why
they
took
Arms
against
their
Queen
her
Cousin
,
of
whose
wrongs
she
behooved
to
take
notice
,
and
be
sensible
.
It
was
hard
to
offend
her
,
but
harder
to
suffer
their
adversaries
to
gain
the
poynt
they
aimed
at
,
which
was
in
the
Queens
name
,
and
by
her
authoritie
to
keep
a
meeting
,
and
to
forfeit
all
those
who
were
on
the
K.
side
,
having
already
appointed
a
day
for
that
purpose
.
Wherefore
they
go
on
with
their
Convention
,
and
punish
some
few
for
example
to
terrifie
others
.
And
for
suppressing
the
daily
incursions
of
the
Niddisdale
,
Anandale
,
and
Galloway
men
,
they
raised
an
Army
of
5000.
horse
,
and
1000.
Musketiers
;
which
expedition
,
because
it
was
memorable
for
the
extreame
scarcitie
of
victuals
when
they
came
to
Hoddam
,
was
called
,
The
chief
thing
that
they
did
in
that
journey
,
was
,
that
they
seized
the
houses
of
Bog-hall
,
Crawford
,
Sanwhere
,
Logh-wood
,
Hoddam
,
Logh-Maban
,
and
Annand
.
Logh
Maban
is
a
house
of
the
Kings
,
and
was
then
in
the
Lord
Maxwels
keeping
:
but
now
being
surrendred
,
Drumlenrigge
is
made
keeper
of
it
,
who
was
also
made
Warden
of
the
West
Marches
.
Assoone
as
the
Regent
was
gone
from
thence
with
his
Armie
,
Maxwels
folks
,
who
had
hidden
themselves
in
some
secret
corner
of
the
Castle
,
turned
out
Drumlenrigges
men
,
and
re-possessed
themselves
thereof
again
.
Logh-wood
belonged
to
Johnston
,
Hoddam
to
the
Lord
Harris
,
and
the
rest
to
their
severall
Lords
and
Owners
,
which
were
all
spared
,
on
hope
of
their
promised
obedience
:
Onely
Skirlin
was
razed
,
and
Ken-Moore
,
a
house
of
Loghen-varres
,
who
was
obstinate
,
and
would
not
yeeld
upon
any
condition
.
The
Regent
and
Morton
sent
Sir
David
Hume
of
Wedderburne
to
him
,
who
was
brother
to
his
wife
,
but
no
entreatie
nor
threatning
could
prevail
with
him
,
or
move
him
to
submit
himselfe
:
When
they
threatned
to
pull
down
his
house
,
he
said
,
They
should
by
so
doing
save
him
a
labour
;
for
he
meant
to
take
it
down
himselfe
,
and
build
it
up
again
better
:
Which
was
performed
on
both
sides
:
for
it
was
cast
down
(
the
16
of
July
)
and
he
did
afterward
re-edifie
it
much
better
.
Many
yeelded
,
divers
stood
out
,
of
whom
there
came
a
thousand
within
a
mile
of
the
Regents
Camp
.
Who
were
their
heads
,
is
not
mentioned
,
but
as
yet
Maxwel
,
Johnston
,
Loghen-varre
,
and
Cowehill
were
not
come
in
;
and
whether
it
were
any
of
these
,
or
some
other
,
we
have
not
learned
.
Morton
and
the
Lord
Hume
with
a
thousand
horse
went
out
against
them
,
but
they
were
gone
before
they
came
neere
,
and
fled
to
the
Boggs
and
waste
Marishes
.
In
their
return
,
at
Peebles
they
received
Letters
again
from
the
Morton
,
Lindsay
,
the
Bishop
of
Orknay
,
Master
Pitcarne
Abbot
of
Dumfermeling
,
Sir
William
Metellan
Secretary
,
Master
James
Mackgill
,
Master
Henry
〈◊〉
,
and
Master
George
Buchanan
.
The
Queene
having
heard
their
Justification
and
Defences
,
made
answer
,
That
she
saw
nothing
for
the
present
to
object
against
their
proceedings
,
yet
she
desired
them
to
leave
some
of
their
company
behinde
,
to
answer
to
such
things
as
might
be
objected
afterward
by
their
Queens
Ambassadours
.
While
they
are
there
,
Duke
Hamilton
came
over
out
of
France
,
and
desired
the
Queene
of
England
to
cause
Murray
give
over
the
Regents
place
to
him
,
being
(
as
he
alledged
)
his
due
,
seeing
he
was
next
heire
to
the
Crowne
.
But
the
Queen
perceiving
that
he
intended
to
make
some
stirre
,
and
to
raise
new
troubles
in
Scotland
,
commanded
him
to
stay
,
and
not
depart
till
he
were
licensed
.
The
Regent
with
his
company
was
dismissed
,
and
returned
into
Scotland
the
2
of
February
.
Within
a
while
after
,
the
Duke
returned
also
,
being
made
Lieutenant
for
the
imprisoned
Queene
,
and
adopted
to
be
her
father
.
He
sent
forth
his
Proclamations
,
commanding
that
no
authority
should
be
obeyed
,
but
his
,
which
no
man
would
obey
:
And
that
none
might
fear
him
,
the
Regent
went
to
Glasgow
with
an
Armie
,
and
there
Hamilton
came
ro
him
,
and
promising
to
acknowledge
the
King
and
Regents
authoritie
,
he
gave
pledges
to
be
kept
,
till
such
time
as
he
should
do
it
,
prefixing
a
day
when
he
would
come
in
.
When
the
day
was
come
,
he
came
to
Edinburgh
,
and
began
to
shift
,
and
desire
a
longer
day
,
while
he
might
have
the
Queens
consent
.
Then
being
asked
what
he
would
do
if
the
Queen
would
not
give
her
consent
;
he
answered
,
that
he
would
do
nothing
,
and
what
he
had
done
already
,
he
had
done
it
out
of
fear
.
Hereupon
he
and
the
Lord
Harris
were
sent
to
prison
in
the
Castle
of
Edinburgh
.
The
next
to
be
taken
order
with
,
were
Argyle
,
and
Huntley
.
Both
had
been
busie
in
the
Regents
absence
,
but
not
alike
.
Argyle
had
onely
showne
himself
in
the
fields
,
but
had
done
hurt
to
no
man
.
Huntleys
case
was
worse
,
he
had
vexed
the
Mernes
and
Angus
,
made
Lieutenants
about
the
water
of
Dee
,
and
behaved
himself
in
all
things
as
if
he
had
been
King
.
After
much
debate
,
Argyle
was
onely
made
to
take
an
oath
,
that
he
should
be
obedient
in
time
coming
,
and
Huntley
was
also
pardoned
,
save
that
he
was
ordained
to
make
satisfaction
and
restitution
to
the
parties
who
were
robbed
and
spoyled
by
him
and
his
followers
.
For
the
performance
of
which
,
the
Regent
and
Morton
went
to
Aberdene
,
Elgin
,
and
Inner-nesse
,
with
two
Companies
of
Harquebusiers
,
and
Musquetiers
,
where
having
received
hostages
and
sureties
of
Huntley
,
they
returne
to
Perth
,
to
hold
a
Convention
of
the
States
.
Thither
were
brought
two
Packets
of
Letters
from
the
two
Queens
.
Robert
Pitcarne
(
Abbot
of
Dumfermling
)
was
sent
to
her
from
a
Convention
holden
at
Stirlin
for
the
nonce
.
About
the
very
same
time
that
he
came
to
London
,
the
Duke
of
Northfolke
was
committed
to
the
Tower
(
the
11.
of
October
)
and
the
conspiracie
discovered
,
the
partie
still
remaining
so
strong
,
that
she
not
daring
to
meddle
with
Queen
Mary
,
was
purposed
to
have
sent
her
into
Scotland
by
sea
;
but
things
beginning
to
settle
,
she
altered
that
resolution
.
Now
in
confidence
of
this
so
strong
a
partie
,
Secretary
Metellane
had
taken
himself
to
that
side
,
and
stirred
up
all
he
could
against
the
Regent
.
He
had
so
dealt
with
the
Lord
Hume
,
and
Grange
(
Captain
of
the
Castle
of
Edinburgh
)
that
he
Thomas
Crawford
(
afterward
Captain
Crawford
)
a
follower
of
the
Earle
of
Lennox
,
accused
him
of
being
accessarie
to
the
late
Kings
death
;
whereupon
he
was
committed
to
a
close
chamber
in
the
Castle
.
Sir
James
Balfoure
(
one
of
his
Complices
)
was
also
sent
for
,
and
the
Convention
were
of
opinion
,
that
both
of
them
should
be
used
as
enemies
to
the
King
,
and
guiltie
of
treason
.
But
the
Regents
lenitie
marred
all
;
he
pardoned
Sir
James
,
and
sent
Metellane
to
Edinburgh
,
to
be
kept
by
Alexander
Hume
of
North-Berwick
.
Grange
counterfeiting
the
Regents
hand
,
brought
a
Warrant
to
Alexander
,
to
deliver
Metellane
to
him
,
which
he
did
;
and
so
Grange
carried
him
up
to
the
Castle
.
After
this
,
the
Regent
went
to
the
Merse
,
and
spake
with
the
Lord
Hume
,
whom
he
found
to
be
alienate
from
the
Kings
side
,
and
inclined
to
the
North-folcian
Faction
.
From
thence
he
went
to
Jedburgh
,
where
Morton
and
others
came
to
him
.
He
past
with
them
to
Hawick
(
the
20.
of
October
)
and
from
thence
he
rode
through
the
whole
Dales
;
he
riding
on
the
Scottish
side
upon
the
Borders
,
and
a
Company
of
Englishmen
on
the
English
side
,
that
they
might
not
flee
from
one
side
to
another
,
nor
any
of
them
escape
.
He
lay
two
nights
at
Cannabee
,
one
at
Copshae-holme
,
two
on
the
water
of
Milke
,
and
so
came
to
Dumfreis
.
In
this
circuite
he
constrained
the
Borderers
to
put
in
pledges
and
hostages
(
to
the
number
of
72.
)
for
keeping
of
the
peace
and
good
order
,
whereby
he
gave
great
contentment
to
the
whole
Countrey
,
and
gained
great
reputation
and
admiration
,
even
of
his
very
enemies
.
He
returned
to
Edinburgh
before
the
21.
of
November
,
the
day
appointed
for
the
triall
and
arraignment
of
Secretary
Metellane
.
There
finding
that
he
had
assembled
so
many
great
men
that
were
for
him
(
Hamilton
,
Huntley
,
Argyle
,
and
others
)
he
adjourned
the
arraignment
,
and
deferred
the
judgement
.
That
Faction
was
now
become
very
powerfull
;
many
were
fallen
off
from
the
Regent
;
many
had
joyned
themselves
to
the
North-folcians
,
relying
mainly
on
the
Dukes
power
.
And
although
he
were
now
committed
,
yet
the
Faction
held
good
,
and
the
plot
went
on
.
The
Earles
of
Northumberland
,
and
Westmerland
,
with
six
thousand
Foot
,
and
two
thousand
Horse
,
came
with
displayed
Banner
to
Durham
,
and
there
burnt
the
Bible
and
Service-Book
,
heard
Masse
in
Darnton
,
and
besieged
Bernard-Castle
,
which
was
rendered
upon
composition
.
But
being
pursued
by
the
Earle
of
Warwick
,
with
an
Army
of
twelve
thousand
,
and
Sussex
with
another
of
seven
thousand
men
,
they
were
forced
to
flee
into
Scotland
about
the
22.
of
December
,
and
put
themselves
into
the
hands
of
theeves
that
lived
on
the
Scottish
Border
,
with
whom
they
abode
and
lurked
a
while
,
but
not
very
long
.
For
Morton
dealt
with
one
Hector
Arme-strang
,
by
Sir
John
Carmichael
,
and
got
the
Earle
of
Northumberland
into
his
hands
,
and
delivered
him
to
the
Regent
;
This
made
her
give
the
better
ear
to
Robert
Pitcarne
,
Ambassadour
from
the
Regent
,
and
to
desist
from
requesting
any
more
,
that
Queen
Mary
might
be
restored
again
to
her
former
place
and
estate
.
Shee
declared
also
,
that
she
took
that
which
the
Regent
had
done
very
kindely
in
pacifying
the
Borders
,
apprehending
Northumberland
,
and
imprisoning
of
him
,
pursuing
Westmerland
and
his
Faction
,
as
enemies
,
his
offering
his
best
aid
and
assistance
to
her
Captains
and
Governour
of
Berwick
.
She
promised
to
be
ever
mindefull
of
these
his
good
offices
,
and
good-will
shewed
towards
her
,
and
that
she
should
be
readie
to
aid
him
when
he
should
need
;
yea
,
that
he
might
use
and
command
all
the
Forces
in
England
as
his
own
.
Thus
by
the
over-throw
of
the
English
Rebels
,
by
the
favour
of
the
Queen
of
England
,
and
the
love
of
his
Countrey
people
at
home
,
the
Regent
was
more
strengthened
,
and
the
Kings
side
became
the
more
powerfull
.
His
adversaries
therefore
seeing
no
other
remedie
resolved
to
cut
him
off
,
and
make
him
away
by
treachery
.
James
Hamilton
of
Bothwell-hawke
,
(
one
whose
life
the
Regent
had
spared
before
,
when
he
was
taken
prisoner
in
the
field
bearing
arms
against
him
)
under-took
to
kill
him
.
Wherefore
having
watched
his
opportunitie
,
when
the
Regent
was
at
Lithgow
,
he
placed
himself
in
a
house
there
,
by
which
the
Regent
was
to
passe
as
he
rode
out
of
the
town
,
and
shot
him
with
an
Harquebuse
out
at
a
window
;
the
Bullet
whereof
,
after
it
had
gone
through
the
Regent
,
killed
the
Horse
of
George
Douglas
of
Park-head
,
a
naturall
brother
of
the
Earle
Mortons
.
This
He
was
much
lamented
of
all
,
but
especially
of
Morton
,
who
had
best
reason
to
be
sensible
of
this
losse
,
seeing
by
his
death
the
common
cause
did
want
a
main
pillar
and
supporter
thereof
;
and
the
Kings
side
which
he
followed
,
was
deprived
of
a
sufficient
and
able
leader
.
He
himself
also
had
lost
a
dear
friend
,
with
whom
he
had
so
long
entertained
honest
and
faithfull
friendship
,
and
who
had
borne
so
great
a
part
of
that
heavie
burden
,
and
weight
of
State
affairs
with
him
.
For
now
the
whole
burden
of
guiding
the
Kingdome
and
managing
the
State
lay
upon
him
almost
alone
,
and
that
even
in
the
time
of
the
two
succeeding
Regents
,
for
the
space
of
some
three
years
,
or
thereby
.
They
indeed
bare
the
name
,
and
the
authoritie
,
but
he
was
the
man
by
whose
advice
and
counsell
,
by
whose
travels
and
paines
both
of
body
and
minde
,
yea
and
upon
whose
charges
also
(
often
times
)
most
things
were
performed
,
till
at
last
he
himself
was
chosen
Regent
,
and
did
then
all
things
alone
without
a
helper
.
This
was
well
known
to
all
,
and
was
plainly
spoken
in
the
time
of
Lennox
his
Regencie
.
A
staff
under
a
Hood
(
so
they
termed
Lennox
.
)
Morton
rules
all
.
Yet
was
it
not
so
altogether
,
neither
was
Lennox
so
devoide
of
judgement
,
but
behaved
himself
very
well
,
very
judiciously
,
courageously
,
and
courtiously
(
even
in
Mortons
absence
)
in
the
taking
of
Pasley
and
Dumbartan
,
and
in
his
courteous
usage
of
the
Lady
Fleming
,
who
was
within
the
Castle
of
Dumbartan
.
Onely
because
matters
seemed
to
rely
most
upon
Mortons
good
advice
,
action
,
and
means
;
the
ruder
interpreters
made
that
hard
construction
of
it
,
as
if
Morton
,
because
he
did
much
,
had
therefore
done
all
,
as
commonly
men
are
wont
to
judge
and
speak
.
And
it
is
very
true
that
is
said
of
Lennox
in
that
Epitaph
of
him
,
famam
virtute
resellit
.
Yet
it
cannot
be
denied
,
but
that
even
while
Murray
was
Regent
,
Morton
did
very
much
;
and
though
he
were
not
equall
with
him
in
place
and
dignitie
,
for
there
was
but
one
Regent
,
yet
he
was
such
a
second
as
might
well
be
esteemed
a
yoke-fellow
both
in
consulting
and
performing
,
being
a
partaker
with
him
in
all
perrils
and
burdens
.
So
that
of
all
that
is
set
down
here
of
Murray
,
Morton
was
ever
an
equall
sharer
,
and
may
justly
challenge
the
one
halfas
his
due
.
And
therefore
it
is
that
we
have
been
so
particular
,
and
insisted
so
long
in
Murrayes
actions
,
because
of
Mortons
perpetuall
concurrence
with
him
in
all
things
,
and
his
interest
in
every
businesse
.
Wherefore
we
hope
it
will
not
be
thought
impertinent
to
our
Historie
thus
to
have
handled
them
,
although
Morton
were
not
the
sole
actor
,
since
he
was
a
prime
and
maine
one
.
For
whoso
will
rightly
consider
,
shall
finde
that
saying
to
be
true
of
these
two
,
which
Permenio
said
of
Alexander
and
himself
(
Nihil
Alexander
absque
Permenione
,
multa
Permenio
absque
Alexandro
)
being
applied
to
Morton
.
For
Morton
did
many
things
without
Murray
,
but
Murray
nothing
without
Morton
.
And
thus
it
went
even
when
Murray
was
alive
,
when
all
acknowledged
his
authority
.
Now
he
being
dead
,
many
swarved
,
many
made
defection
;
and
,
as
if
they
had
forgotten
what
they
had
promised
,
became
open
enemies
.
The
Kings
party
was
weakened
,
the
adverse
party
strengthened
both
by
forrain
and
home-bred
power
.
Fear
might
have
terrified
him
,
ease
sollicited
,
honour
and
profit
allured
him
to
have
left
it
,
and
joyned
with
the
other
side
.
But
he
shrinks
not
for
any
perill
,
hatred
,
or
envie
,
for
no
pains
or
travell
to
be
sustained
,
no
case
or
security
could
allure
him
,
no
hope
of
favour
,
of
riches
,
of
honour
could
move
him
to
abandon
it
.
Which
doth
evidently
justifie
,
and
clear
him
of
all
the
imputations
which
the
wit
of
man
can
devise
,
or
imagine
against
him
.
Whether
it
be
that
he
conspired
with
Murray
to
make
him
King
:
he
was
now
dead
,
and
that
hope
with
him
:
Or
if
it
be
any
particular
end
and
aime
of
his
own
,
what
appearance
is
there
that
he
could
have
any
private
end
,
which
he
followed
forth
with
certain
danger
,
and
uncertain
event
,
or
profit
?
For
clearing
of
which
,
let
us
weigh
the
parties
,
and
the
forces
and
meanes
at
home
and
abroad
on
both
sides
.
First
there
were
of
the
Queens
side
Duke
Hamilton
,
Argyle
,
Athole
,
Huntley
,
almost
all
pettie
Princes
in
their
severall
Countries
and
Shires
.
Also
the
Earles
of
Crawford
,
Rothuse
,
Eglinton
,
Cassils
,
the
Lord
Harris
,
with
all
the
Maxwels
,
Loghenvarre
,
Johnston
,
the
Lord
Seton
,
Boyde
,
Gray
,
Oglevie
,
Levingston
,
Flemin
,
Oliphant
,
the
Sheriff
of
Air
,
and
Linlithgow
,
Balcleugh
,
Fa●…hast
,
and
Tillibardine
.
The
Lord
Hume
did
also
countenance
them
,
though
few
of
his
friends
or
name
were
with
him
,
safe
one
meane
man
,
Ferdinando
of
Broom-house
.
Metellan
the
Secretarie
(
a
great
Polititian
)
and
Grange
an
active
Gentleman
,
who
was
Captain
of
the
Castle
and
Provest
of
the
Town
of
Edinburgh
;
they
had
the
chief
Castles
and
places
of
strength
in
their
hands
,
Edinburgh
,
Dumbartan
,
Logh-Maban
.
France
did
assist
them
,
Spain
did
favour
them
,
and
so
did
his
Holinesse
of
Rome
,
together
with
all
the
Roman
Catholiques
every
where
.
Their
faction
in
England
was
great
,
all
the
North-folcians
,
Papists
,
and
male-contents
had
their
eye
upon
Queen
Mary
.
Neither
was
she
(
though
in
prison
)
altogether
unusefull
to
her
side
:
for
besides
her
countenance
,
and
colour
of
her
authoritie
(
which
prevailed
with
some
)
she
had
her
rents
in
France
,
and
her
Jewels
,
wherewith
she
did
both
support
the
common
cause
,
and
reward
her
private
servants
and
followers
;
especially
they
served
her
to
furnish
Agents
and
Ambassadours
to
plead
her
cause
,
and
importune
her
friends
at
the
Court
of
France
,
and
England
;
who
were
helped
by
the
banished
Lords
,
Dacres
,
and
Westmoreland
,
to
stirre
up
forraine
Princes
all
they
could
.
Thus
was
that
partie
now
grown
great
,
so
that
it
might
seeme
both
safe
,
and
most
advantagious
to
follow
it
.
The
other
was
almost
abandoned
,
there
were
but
three
Earles
that
took
part
with
Morton
at
first
;
Lennox
,
Marre
,
Glencairne
.
Neither
were
these
comparable
to
any
one
of
the
foremost
foure
.
In
Fyfe
there
was
the
Lord
Lindsay
,
and
Glames
in
Angus
,
no
such
great
men
,
and
no
wayes
equall
to
Crawford
,
and
Rothuse
.
The
Lord
Semple
was
but
a
simple
one
in
respect
of
Cassils
,
Maxwell
,
Loghenvarre
,
and
others
.
Methvaine
in
Stratherne
a
very
mean
Lord
;
Ochletree
amongst
the
meanest
that
bare
the
title
of
a
Lord
,
and
yet
Kirkart
was
meaner
than
he
,
both
in
men
and
means
.
Neither
was
Ruthven
so
great
,
but
that
Tillibardine
,
and
Oliphant
were
able
to
overmatch
him
.
They
had
no
Castles
but
Stirlin
and
Tantallon
,
which
belonged
to
Morton
.
The
commons
indeed
were
very
forwardly
set
that
way
,
but
how
uncerraine
and
unsure
a
prop
is
the
vulgar
?
England
did
befriend
them
some
times
,
but
not
so
fully
as
they
needed
;
and
even
so
farre
as
did
concern
their
own
safetie
.
So
that
when
all
is
duely
considered
,
we
shall
not
finde
any
ground
for
one
to
build
on
,
that
would
seek
nothing
else
,
but
his
own
private
ends
of
honour
or
preferment
.
Wherefore
it
is
no
wonder
if
Secretarie
Metellane
,
and
Grange
(
men
that
sought
themselves
onely
)
did
joyne
with
that
partie
which
was
likest
to
thrive
and
prosper
,
in
all
discourse
of
reason
and
humane
wisedome
.
Neither
can
any
man
think
that
Morton
did
aime
at
his
own
greatnesse
,
or
that
it
was
out
of
any
self-respect
that
he
followed
the
other
partie
with
such
disadvantage
,
if
we
will
acknowledge
that
he
was
a
wise
and
judicious
man
.
And
therefore
if
we
search
with
an
unpartiall
eye
,
what
could
have
been
the
motives
that
made
him
cleave
so
stedfastly
to
this
cause
,
we
shall
finde
them
to
have
been
no
particular
of
his
own
,
nor
any
thing
else
besides
the
equitie
and
justnesse
thereof
(
as
he
conceived
)
his
love
to
the
young
King
,
as
his
King
and
Kinsman
,
together
with
the
preservation
of
Religion
,
and
the
welfare
of
his
Countrey
,
which
he
thought
did
stand
,
and
fall
with
this
quarrell
and
cause
.
This
in
all
likelihood
hath
been
his
minde
;
which
whether
it
was
right
or
wrong
,
let
them
dispute
who
list
:
our
purpose
is
onely
to
shew
so
farre
as
may
be
gathered
by
discourse
of
reason
,
what
it
was
that
did
induce
him
to
follow
this
course
.
Now
although
he
had
bent
all
his
power
and
endeavours
this
way
;
yet
there
lacked
not
some
who
did
blame
him
,
as
not
zealous
enough
to
revenge
Murrays
death
.
His
brothers
Uterine
(
Loghleven
,
and
Buchain
)
craved
justice
against
the
murtherers
;
so
much
the
rather
,
for
that
he
was
not
slain
for
any
private
quarrell
or
enmitie
,
but
for
the
publick
defence
of
the
King
and
Countrey
.
When
it
came
to
a
consultation
,
some
were
of
opinion
,
that
those
who
were
suspected
,
should
be
summoned
to
appear
against
a
certain
day
,
according
to
custome
,
and
order
of
Law
.
Others
again
thought
that
such
processe
and
legall
proceeding
needed
not
to
be
observed
toward
them
,
who
had
already
taken
arms
to
maintain
by
force
,
what
they
had
committed
by
treacherie
and
treason
,
but
that
an
Army
should
be
levied
against
them
;
and
not
only
against
them
,
but
also
against
all
such
as
had
been
declared
Rebels
by
the
former
Parliament
.
But
Morton
did
not
like
of
this
last
course
,
nor
Athole
:
because
neither
was
that
meeting
frequent
enough
to
determine
of
those
things
:
and
besides
,
they
foresaw
that
the
joyning
of
many
faults
would
take
away
or
diminish
,
and
make
men
forget
the
principall
;
and
to
mingle
other
crimes
with
the
murther
,
were
but
to
make
all
the
guiltie
,
in
what
ever
kinde
,
to
joyn
with
the
murtherers
,
and
so
raise
a
generall
and
open
insurrection
,
and
a
most
dangerous
Civill
Warre
.
Wherefore
they
deferred
all
till
the
first
of
May
,
the
day
appointed
for
a
Convention
,
as
also
for
choosing
of
a
new
Regent
.
These
delayes
were
motioned
by
Secretary
Metellane
,
who
(
at
Granges
request
,
upon
his
oath
that
he
was
innocent
of
the
Kings
and
Regents
murther
,
and
of
the
Rebellion
raised
in
England
,
and
having
found
sureties
to
appear
,
and
answer
whensoever
he
should
be
legally
pursued
)
was
released
by
the
Nobility
here
conveened
.
For
what
ever
respect
Metellane
made
this
motion
,
Athole
consented
to
it
,
and
Morton
also
,
because
he
saw
there
could
be
no
orderly
proceeding
at
this
time
.
This
was
ill
taken
of
the
vulgar
,
who
did
interpret
this
delay
,
of
which
they
knew
Metellane
to
be
authour
,
to
be
nothing
else
but
a
plot
of
his
to
gain
time
to
strengthen
his
own
faction
;
and
that
Murrayes
death
might
be
forgotten
,
or
at
least
the
heat
of
revenging
it
might
cool
,
and
relent
,
which
they
thought
should
not
have
been
granted
,
and
given
way
to
.
This
was
done
the
14.
of
February
,
the
day
after
the
Regents
Funerall
.
The
15.
of
February
,
Argyle
,
and
Boyde
,
wrote
to
Morton
from
Glasgow
,
where
the
principall
of
the
Queens
side
were
conveened
,
that
they
were
willing
to
joyn
with
the
rest
of
the
Nobility
against
such
as
were
guilty
of
the
Regents
death
;
but
because
it
was
not
yet
perfectly
known
who
they
were
,
they
desired
that
they
might
meet
,
and
conferre
about
it
,
so
that
they
of
the
Kings
side
would
come
to
Lithgow
,
or
Fawkirk
,
or
Stirlin
,
for
they
would
not
come
to
Edinburgh
.
Morton
did
impart
the
businesse
,
and
communicate
these
Letters
with
Metellane
(
as
they
had
wished
him
to
do
)
but
he
refusing
to
meet
any
where
else
save
in
Edinburgh
,
there
was
no
meeting
at
this
time
.
But
afterward
the
24.
of
February
,
they
came
to
Morton
to
Dalkeeth
,
and
laboured
to
perswade
him
to
come
over
to
their
side
;
but
he
was
so
farre
from
listening
to
them
,
that
he
did
assure
them
,
he
would
stand
to
the
maintenance
of
the
Kings
authority
to
the
utmost
of
his
power
.
It
may
be
,
some
will
think
that
this
constancie
did
proceed
from
distrust
,
according
to
that
Pseudo
politick
and
Machiavillian
maxim
,
qui
offensa
,
non
pardóna
,
who
once
offends
,
never
forgives
:
and
that
he
thought
his
fault
so
great
in
opposing
the
Queen
,
that
it
could
not
be
pardoned
.
But
why
should
he
have
thought
so
?
His
was
no
greater
,
than
were
some
of
theirs
,
who
were
pardoned
,
than
the
Lord
Humes
by
name
.
And
certainly
by
all
appearance
,
he
could
have
made
a
far
better
mends
:
he
might
have
put
an
end
to
the
controver●…ie
,
and
restored
the
Queen
again
to
her
own
place
,
which
might
have
sufficiently
expiated
all
his
former
transgressions
.
Wherefore
we
may
justly
call
it
constancy
,
which
was
accompanied
with
courage
,
in
undertaking
so
hard
and
difficult
a
task
,
and
with
wisedome
in
atchieving
,
and
bringing
of
it
through
.
In
the
beginning
of
March
he
went
to
Edinburgh
,
whither
the
principals
of
the
other
party
came
also
,
Huntley
,
Crawford
,
Oglebee
,
and
the
Lord
Hume
,
Seton
,
and
Metellane
.
There
were
but
few
with
Morton
,
till
Marre
and
Glencairne
came
in
to
him
.
The
next
day
after
,
they
met
to
consult
of
businesse
;
but
because
Argyle
was
absent
(
whose
power
was
great
)
they
could
conclude
nothing
.
Wherefore
Huntley
goes
to
him
,
with
intention
to
bring
him
along
with
him
,
but
he
came
back
without
him
,
which
every
body
thought
was
done
by
Metellans
cunning
,
who
hindred
all
agreement
,
that
he
might
the
better
fish
in
troubled
waters
.
The
night
following
,
these
Lords
,
who
were
on
the
Queens
side
,
took
such
a
sudden
apprehension
,
and
panick
fear
,
without
any
apparant
cause
,
that
having
watched
all
the
night
in
their
Arms
,
they
departed
next
morning
,
without
order
,
and
very
dismayedly
.
About
the
end
of
April
1570.
the
Earle
of
Marre
set
forth
from
William
Drury
with
300.
horse
,
and
1000.
foot
came
into
Scotland
to
pursue
the
Queens
Rebels
,
and
such
as
received
them
(
as
was
given
out
)
but
the
Lords
at
Linlithgow
fearing
they
might
be
brought
against
them
,
assoon
as
they
heard
of
their
coming
,
went
toward
Glasgow
,
and
besieged
the
Castle
thereof
,
which
Minto
had
in
keeping
.
But
he
being
absent
,
and
not
above
24.
of
the
Garrison
Souldiers
within
,
the
Castle
notwithstanding
was
so
well
defended
,
that
having
slain
moe
of
the
besiegers
than
they
were
themselves
in
number
,
after
six
dayes
stay
,
hearing
of
the
approaching
of
the
contary
partie
,
they
raised
their
siege
,
and
went
every
man
unto
his
own
home
.
The
Kings
side
with
Drury
(
and
the
English
)
went
into
Cliddisdale
,
and
cast
down
Hamilton
,
and
other
Houses
belonging
to
the
Queens
faction
.
After
this
the
English
returned
to
Berwick
,
and
Morton
did
go
along
with
them
the
3.
of
June
,
having
stayed
some
20.
or
22.
dayes
,
from
the
2.
of
May.
The
13.
of
July
1570.
they
chose
Lennox
to
be
Regent
,
in
a
Convention
The
Winter
following
was
quiet
,
and
free
from
trouble
.
In
the
beginning
of
February
,
Morton
was
sent
into
England
to
Queen
Elizabeth
James
Mackgill
Clerk
Register
.
Being
come
to
the
Court
the
18.
of
February
,
he
was
remitted
to
seven
of
the
Councel
,
who
were
appointed
to
treat
with
him
.
These
propounded
two
heads
to
be
spoken
of
;
one
was
,
that
the
Queen
might
be
better
informed
of
their
proceedings
,
and
the
equity
of
their
cause
,
then
as
yet
she
was
,
and
that
their
reasons
and
proofs
might
be
so
clear
,
and
such
,
that
both
she
her self
might
be
fully
perswaded
thereof
,
and
that
she
might
be
able
to
satisfie
others
,
who
should
require
her
help
against
them
.
The
other
point
was
,
to
make
some
overture
of
Peace
,
and
to
finde
out
some
way
of
reconcilement
,
that
so
the
Kingdome
of
Scotland
might
be
quieted
and
settled
.
For
the
first
point
,
they
gave
in
their
Reasons
in
writing
,
the
last
of
February
;
which
when
the
Queen
had
read
,
she
answered
by
her
seven
Counsellours
,
that
she
was
not
satisfied
therewith
fully
,
and
therefore
desired
them
to
come
to
the
second
point
;
what
course
was
to
be
taken
for
pacification
.
She
propounded
the
first
Head
onely
for
a
shew
,
she
knew
well
enough
before
what
they
could
say
,
and
was
sufficiently
satisfied
,
but
would
not
be
so
,
at
least
she
would
not
seem
to
be
so
.
As
for
the
second
Head
,
they
answered
,
that
their
Commission
was
limited
,
and
that
they
could
not
consult
of
any
such
thing
as
tended
to
the
diminution
of
their
Kings
authoritie
,
neither
would
they
take
it
upon
them
(
though
they
might
)
nor
use
any
such
power
,
although
it
had
been
given
them
.
The
Queen
was
at
Greenwich
,
whither
she
sent
for
them
,
and
in
a
manner
,
chid
them
for
their
obstinacie
,
that
they
would
not
listen
to
a
Treatie
of
Peace
,
but
did
rather
avoide
that
which
did
concerne
their
good
so
much
,
and
made
large
Protestation
of
her
good-will
toward
them
and
their
King
,
willing
them
,
at
least
,
if
they
would
do
no
more
,
to
hear
what
her
Counsellours
would
say
unto
them
.
On
the
morrow
her
Counsellours
propounded
many
things
,
for
deciding
the
Title
of
the
Crown
betwixt
the
Mother
and
the
Son
,
Morton
craved
the
Propositions
in
writing
,
in
regard
there
were
many
Articles
,
and
of
great
importance
.
Which
being
given
him
,
after
he
,
and
the
others
that
were
with
him
,
had
considered
of
them
,
they
found
them
to
be
such
as
did
diminish
the
Kings
authoritie
,
and
were
without
the
bounds
of
their
Commission
;
wherefore
they
returned
answer
;
that
these
were
things
of
so
high
a
nature
,
that
they
belonged
only
to
the
three
Estates
,
and
could
not
be
medled
withall
by
so
few
as
they
were
.
This
answer
the
Counsellours
craved
also
to
have
in
writing
,
which
was
done
accordingly
the
day
following
.
The
10.
of
March
,
they
had
presence
of
the
Queen
,
and
were
again
importuned
to
come
to
some
proffers
of
agreement
,
but
they
absolutely
refused
.
Again
,
the
20.
of
March
,
they
were
brought
before
the
Queen
,
who
confessed
that
these
matters
belonged
to
a
Parliament
,
which
(
sayes
she
)
seeing
it
is
to
be
shortly
,
go
home
to
it
with
Gods
blessing
,
and
take
such
order
,
as
that
there
may
be
men
chosen
of
both
sides
,
to
consult
how
to
put
an
end
to
these
controversies
.
And
for
the
furthering
thereof
,
I
will
send
my
Ambassadors
thither
,
and
will
now
presently
deale
with
the
Ambassadours
of
the
Scottish
Queen
,
and
move
them
to
gothither
also
,
if
it
be
possible
.
And
so
she
did
,
but
they
could
give
her
no
present
answer
,
untill
such
time
as
they
had
acquainted
their
Queen
therewith
,
and
received
some
direction
from
her
thereabout
.
So
they
were
forced
to
stay
till
Letters
were
sent
,
and
brought
again
from
her
:
which
being
come
,
the
4.
of
April
they
got
presence
again
,
and
the
Queen
told
them
,
how
Queen
Mary
had
rated
her
Ambassadours
for
their
boldnesse
,
in
daring
to
go
so
farre
,
as
to
enter
into
any
terms
of
agreement
.
Wherefore
(
sayes
she
)
seeing
she
is
so
averse
from
this
way
,
I
will
stay
you
no
longer
;
but
if
afterwards
she
shall
repent
her
,
and
be
contented
to
hear
of
it
,
she
said
,
she
hoped
they
would
be
ready
to
follow
the
way
of
peace
.
And
so
they
were
dismissed
very
lovingly
the
8.
of
April
,
and
came
to
Stirlin
the
first
of
May
,
During
Mortons
absence
in
England
,
Lennox
the
Regent
had
taken
Pasley
,
and
the
Castle
of
Dumbartan
;
but
on
the
contrary
,
the
other
Faction
(
by
Granges
means
,
and
their
own
Forces
)
had
made
themselves
Masters
of
the
town
of
Edinburgh
,
with
intention
to
keep
out
the
Lords
,
&
to
hinder
them
from
meeting
in
Parliament
.
Wherefore
Morton
being
come
to
Dalkeith
,
kept
100.
Musquetiers
about
him
,
together
with
a
Company
of
horsemen
,
both
to
be
a
Guard
to
himself
(
if
they
should
happen
to
attempt
any
thing
against
him
)
as
also
to
hinder
their
excursions
,
&
to
keep
them
from
pillaging
the
countrey
about
.
This
company
of
foot
,
with
some
70.
horse
,
he
sent
to
Leith
to
assist
the
Herauld
in
making
a
Proclamation
in
the
Kings
name
,
to
discharge
all
men
to
relieve
or
support
the
city
of
Edinburgh
with
victuals
,
or
munition
,
or
any
other
necessary
provision
.
As
they
returned
out
of
Leith
(
out
of
a
braverie
,
or
because
it
was
the
nearest
way
)
the
footmen
would
needs
go
hard
by
the
City
gates
,
&
the
horsmen
(
though
they
liked
it
not
)
would
not
forsake
them
.
They
in
the
town
not
knowing
what
might
be
their
meaning
,
armed
themselves
,
and
seeing
so
smal
a
number
,
issued
out
at
the
two
gates
,
(
called
the
Nether-Bow
,
and
the
Cow-gate-Port
)
and
skirmished
with
them
.
Mortons
men
(
though
they
were
fewer
in
number
)
had
the
better
of
them
,
and
beat
them
back
again
within
the
gates
.
This
fight
was
called
The
day
appointed
for
holding
of
the
Parliament
being
come
(
which
was
the
14.
of
May
)
the
Regent
comes
to
Leith
,
and
Morton
with
him
;
but
not
being
strong
enough
to
force
the
Town
of
Edinburgh
,
they
went
hard
to
the
Gate
,
and
having
caused
cast
up
a
trench
to
keep
the
enemie
from
sallying
out
,
they
held
the
Parliament
,
though
without
the
Gates
,
yet
within
the
liberties
of
the
Citie
,
which
Lawyers
said
,
was
as
good
,
as
if
it
had
been
within
the
walls
.
In
this
Parliament
,
Secretary
,
Metellane
,
with
his
two
brethren
(
John
and
Thomas
)
and
the
Abbot
of
Kilwinning
were
declared
Rebels
,
their
Lands
were
forfeited
,
and
their
Goods
confiscated
.
They
sate
five
dayes
,
during
which
,
the
Ordnance
from
the
Castle
did
play
upon
them
continually
,
and
the
Bullets
did
often
fall
amongst
them
,
yet
not
any
man
was
slain
,
or
hurt
,
as
if
by
speciall
providence
they
had
been
protected
.
Afterward
they
adjourned
it
,
and
transferred
it
to
Stirlin
against
the
4.
of
August
.
They
in
Edinburgh
also
kept
their
Parliament
,
where
they
had
the
Crowne
,
Sword
,
and
Scepter
(
which
they
had
gotten
from
Grange
out
of
the
Castle
)
and
declared
some
of
the
Kings
side
Rebels
,
and
in
end
adjourned
it
likewise
till
a
new
day
.
The
Regent
returned
to
Stirlin
,
and
Morton
went
with
him
to
bring
him
on
his
way
as
farre
as
Corstorphin
:
As
he
returned
to
Dalkeith
,
they
of
the
Citie
issued
out
,
as
if
they
would
have
fought
him
,
and
the
Castle
at
the
same
time
did
shoot
at
him
;
but
he
being
without
their
reach
,
and
the
Enemy
not
daring
to
go
farther
from
the
Town
,
than
the
Cannons
could
shoot
,
he
went
home
without
fighting
.
His
house
being
near
to
Edinburgh
,
he
kept
all
those
that
lay
about
him
,
or
offered
to
come
that
way
,
from
bringing
any
victuall
thither
.
Wherefore
they
issued
out
of
the
Citie
to
the
number
of
220.
Foot
,
and
100.
Horse
,
with
intention
to
surprize
him
,
and
either
to
burn
his
town
of
Dalkeith
,
or
at
least
to
brave
him
at
his
own
gate
,
supposing
that
hee
durst
not
come
out
to
fight
them
,
now
that
his
Friends
were
all
gone
home
to
their
own
houses
,
and
not
above
200.
or
few
more
of
waged
souldiers
left
with
him
.
So
they
march
,
and
carry
with
them
two
Field-Pieces
,
and
were
come
to
Lugton
(
within
half
a
mile
of
him
)
before
they
were
espied
.
But
assoon
as
the
Alarme
was
given
in
Dalkeith
,
Mortons
men
(
about
200
foot
,
and
Not
long
after
this
,
Morton
was
advertised
,
that
they
of
Edinburgh
were
gone
to
Leith
,
to
intercept
Captain
Weemes
,
and
100.
Souldiers
who
had
served
in
Denmark
,
and
now
being
come
home
were
waged
by
the
Kings
side
.
They
had
gone
to
Fyfe
,
and
having
refreshed
themselves
there
a
little
while
,
were
now
coming
over
to
Leith
,
to
enter
into
the
Kings
service
,
and
some
24.
of
them
being
in
a
little
Ferrie-Boat
,
were
taken
by
the
enemie
,
and
carried
to
the
Castle
of
Edinburgh
,
the
rest
being
William
Drury
(
Marshall
of
Berwick
)
to
deale
with
them
,
and
trie
what
conditions
of
agreement
John
Metellane
Priour
of
Coldinghame
,
had
the
leading
of
the
foot
,
Balcleugh
and
Farnihaste
were
Captains
of
the
horse
.
These
came
as
farre
as
the
hill
where
the
Gibbet
William
Drury
rode
betwixt
the
Armies
,
and
made
them
promise
not
to
fight
that
day
,
but
then
there
arose
a
question
which
of
them
should
retire
first
.
Morton
alledged
that
those
of
Edinburgh
ought
to
do
it
,
because
they
came
out
first
,
and
were
in
a
manner
the
provokers
.
But
Drury
to
decide
the
controversie
desired
,
that
when
he
standing
in
the
mid-way
betwixt
them
should
give
a
signe
,
they
should
both
retire
together
at
the
same
instant●…
.
Morton
was
content
,
but
the
other
partie
refused
flatly
,
threatning
withall
,
that
unlesse
he
retired
first
,
they
would
make
him
do
it
with
shame
,
and
would
scarcely
forbear
till
Drury
withdrew
himself
;
who
when
he
could
not
prevaile
with
them
,
went
aside
,
and
looked
on
,
saying
,
GOD
shew
the
right
.
Morton
,
who
had
yeelded
before
not
out
of
fear
,
but
onely
to
satisfie
the
English
,
thinking
that
he
had
done
enough
to
show
his
moderation
unto
them
,
began
to
march
toward
the
enemie
.
There
were
with
him
3.
Companies
of
foot
,
which
were
Mercenaries
,
under
the
leading
of
Captain
Thomas
C●…ord
,
David
Hume
of
Fishick
,
and
Captain
Weemes
,
who
was
come
out
of
Denmark
,
all
expert
and
valiant
Captains
.
Besides
these
there
were
some
Voluntiers
of
the
Townsmen
of
Leith
,
and
of
Edinburgh
also
,
who
had
left
the
City
to
follow
the
Kings
side
.
The
horsemen
about
130.
were
conducted
by
William
Douglas
of
Drumlenrigge
,
James
Hume
of
Coldinknowes
,
and
one
Jordan
of
Aplegirth
.
Morton
had
about
himself
a
Company
of
Pikemen
,
and
such
as
carried
Speares
,
and
long
Weapons
.
The
fore-named
Captains
began
the
fight
,
and
made
the
enemies
shot
quickly
to
give
ground
,
and
drave
them
back
.
The
horsemen
in
like
manner
beat
the
Rebels
horsemen
,
and
routed
them
;
which
Huntley
perceiving
,
fled
also
as
they
did
.
There
was
no
head
or
resistance
at
all
made
against
them
,
save
onely
by
a
few
of
the
foot
men
in
the
Abbey
Church-yard
,
who
made
shew
as
if
they
would
have
defended
that
place
of
advantage
,
but
they
were
quickly
forced
to
leave
it
,
and
flee
with
the
rest
.
For
some
of
them
being
slain
,
some
trampled
under
foot
,
and
divers
crushed
to
death
in
the
throng
and
crowde
,
the
rest
ran
away
so
disorderly
,
and
fearfully
,
that
they
forgot
to
shut
the
Citie-gates
,
and
fled
straight
to
the
Castle
.
And
so
great
was
their
●…r
and
confusion
,
that
if
the
followers
had
not
been
too
much
bent
,
and
eagerly
set
upon
the
pillage
and
spoyle
,
they
might
easily
have
entred
,
and
taken
the
City
.
There
were
slain
in
this
fight
about
some
50.
of
whom
Gawin
Hamilton
Abbot
of
Kilwinning
was
one
:
there
were
150.
taken
prisoners
,
the
chief
of
which
was
the
Lord
Hume
,
being
a
little
hurt
by
the
falling
of
his
horse
,
James
Culen
Captain
of
a
foot
Company
,
and
a
Kinsman
of
the
Earle
of
Huntleyes
had
hid
himself
in
a
poor
wives
Aumerie
,
and
being
found
,
was
drawne
out
from
thence
by
the
heeles
,
and
brought
to
Leith
:
There
so
soon
as
the
people
saw
him
,
they
made
a
great
noise
and
clamour
,
desiring
that
he
might
not
be
spared
,
but
punished
according
to
his
deserts
.
For
in
the
time
of
the
Civill
Warre
at
home
,
hee
had
behaved
himself
both
covetously
and
cruelly
,
more
like
a
thief
and
robber
,
than
a
Captain
or
generous
Souldier
:
and
abroad
in
France
,
he
was
very
infamous
for
many
vile
and
base
pranks
he
had
played
there
.
And
in
the
Warre
betwixt
Sweden
and
Denmark
,
he
had
taken
Money
of
both
Kings
to
levie
men
,
and
promised
to
aide
both
,
but
performed
to
neither
.
For
these
things
,
besides
many
moe
foule
and
horrible
crimes
which
he
had
committed
,
hee
was
publickly
executed
,
to
the
great
contentment
of
all
the
commons
.
Sir
William
Drury
,
when
he
saw
how
things
went
(
contrary
to
his
desire
,
as
is
supposed
)
being
(
as
was
thought
)
a
North-folcian
,
went
away
to
Berwick
.
After
this
,
the
Regent
came
to
Leith
,
and
caused
fortifie
it
,
and
make
it
as
strong
as
he
could
,
to
hinder
any
victuall
to
be
carried
from
thence
to
Edinburgh
;
and
having
appointed
the
Lord
Lindsay
to
remain
there
as
Governour
,
he
returned
to
Stirlin
,
and
Morton
went
with
him
to
hold
John
Douglas
▪
(
who
was
Provest
of
the
new
Colledge
in
S.
Andrews
)
to
bear
the
name
of
Bishop
,
and
to
gather
the
rents
(
till
such
time
as
the
solemnity
of
inauguration
could
be
obtained
)
for
which
he
was
countable
to
him
.
This
he
did
immediatly
after
he
came
home
out
of
England
.
Now
he
wil
have
him
to
sit
in
Parliament
,
and
to
vote
there
as
Archbishop
.
The
Superintendent
of
Fyfe
did
inhibite
him
to
sit
there
,
or
to
vote
under
paine
of
excommunication
;
Morton
commanded
him
to
do
it
under
pain
of
Treason
and
Rebellion
.
The
Petition
given
in
to
the
Parliament
,
desiring
a
competent
provision
for
the
maintenance
of
Preachers
,
in
which
they
complained
of
the
wrong
done
unto
them
by
the
Courtiers
,
who
intercepted
their
means
,
was
cast
over
the
Barre
,
and
rejected
;
and
by
the
most
common
report
,
Morton
was
the
cause
thereof
.
Afterward
Morton
in
a
meeting
of
some
Delegates
,
and
Commissioners
of
the
Church
at
Leith
,
by
the
Superintendent
Dune's
meanes
,
used
the
matter
so
,
that
he
obtained
their
consent
to
have
his
Bishop
admitted
,
and
installed
.
Wherefore
the
3.
of
February
,
he
caused
affix
a
Schedule
on
the
Church
doore
of
S.
Andrews
,
wherein
he
charged
the
Ministers
to
conveene
,
and
admit
him
to
the
place
,
which
they
did
accordingly
,
but
not
without
great
opposition
.
For
Master
Patrick
Adamson
(
then
a
Preacher
,
but
afterward
Archbishop
there
himself
)
in
a
Sermon
which
he
preached
against
the
order
and
office
of
Bishops
,
said
,
there
were
three
sorts
of
Bishops
▪
1.
The
Lords
Bishop
(
to
wit
Christs
)
and
such
was
every
Pastour
:
2.
My
Lord
Bishop
,
that
is
,
such
a
Bishop
as
is
a
Lord
,
who
sits
,
and
votes
in
Parliament
,
and
exercises
jurisdiction
over
his
brethren
.
3.
And
the
third
sort
was
(
my
Lords
Bishop
)
that
is
,
one
whom
some
Lord
,
or
Nobleman
at
Court
did
put
into
the
place
to
be
his
receiver
,
to
gather
the
Rents
,
and
let
Leases
for
his
Lordships
behoofe
,
but
had
neither
the
meanes
nor
power
of
a
Bishop
.
This
last
sort
he
called
a
Tulchan
Bishop
,
because
as
the
Tulchan
(
which
is
a
Calves
skin
stuffed
with
straw
)
is
set
up
to
make
the
Cow
give
down
her
milk
;
so
are
such
Bishops
set
up
,
that
their
Lords
by
them
may
milk
the
Bishopricks
.
Likewise
Master
Knox
preached
against
it
the
10.
of
February
,
and
in
both
their
hearings
(
Mortons
,
and
his
Archbishop
)
to
their
faces
pronounced
,
Anathema
danti
,
anathema
accipienti
,
a
curse
on
the
giver
,
and
a
curse
on
the
taker
.
This
much
I
thought
fit
to
mention
here
,
and
to
cast
these
things
together
which
are
of
one
nature
,
though
done
at
severall
times
,
yet
which
began
at
this
Parliament
in
Stirlin
.
While
the
Lords
assembled
at
Stirlin
lay
there
securely
and
negligently
,
George
Bell
(
an
Ensigne-bearer
to
a
Company
there
,
and
a
Stirlin-man
borne
)
who
knew
all
the
Town
,
and
every
Lane
,
and
Street
,
every
turning
and
corner
in
it
.
He
had
learned
also
in
what
particular
houses
everie
Nobleman
was
lodged
.
This
Bell
knowing
by
intelligence
how
carelesse
the
Lords
were
,
how
few
they
had
with
them
,
and
that
there
was
either
no
watch
kept
at
all
,
or
else
but
very
negligently
,
&
the
Centinels
very
thin
placed
,
thought
it
possible
to
surprize
them
with
a
very
few
men
;
wherefore
having
imparted
it
,
and
acquainted
the
chief
Commanders
withall
,
they
liked
,
and
approved
of
it
.
So
with
all
speed
they
prepare
for
the
journey
,
and
march
from
Edinburgh
with
200.
horse
,
and
300.
foot
;
the
Earle
of
Huntley
,
Claude
Hamilton
of
Pasley
,
and
Walter
Scot
of
Balcleugh
being
their
Captains
and
Leaders
.
They
used
such
expedition
,
and
were
so
fortunate
,
that
having
got
thither
undescried
,
they
planted
themselves
in
the
Market-place
,
and
setting
men
to
guard
all
the
Lanes
,
and
narrow
passages
of
the
Town
,
they
entred
the
Noblemens
lodgings
,
and
took
them
prisoners
;
the
Regent
,
Glencairne
,
and
others
.
Onely
Mortons
house
made
some
resistance
;
which
being
so
well
defended
,
that
seeing
they
could
not
enter
otherwayes
,
they
set
it
on
fire
,
and
he
,
seeing
all
filled
with
fire
and
smoak
,
one
or
two
of
his
servants
also
being
slain
,
yeelded
himself
to
Balcleugh
,
who
had
married
his
Neece
Margaret
Douglas
.
And
thus
having
made
all
sure
,
as
they
supposed
,
the
Souldiers
began
to
roame
up
and
down
the
Town
,
and
rifle
the
houses
,
seeking
for
spoyle
and
bootie
.
In
the
mean
time
the
Earle
of
Mar●…e
,
and
his
folks
,
who
were
in
the
Castle
,
and
had
essayed
divers
times
to
break
into
the
Market-place
,
but
in
vain
,
all
the
passages
and
entries
being
so
well
guarded
,
that
they
could
by
no
means
do
it
;
at
the
last
he
sent
some
16.
of
his
men
,
with
small
brasse
pieces
of
Founds
(
as
they
call
them
)
to
his
own
new
house
,
which
was
then
a
building
:
and
because
no
body
dwelt
in
it
(
for
it
was
not
yet
finished
)
the
Enemy
had
not
regarded
it
.
These
entring
in
at
a
back-gate
,
got
up
to
the
top
of
the
house
,
and
to
the
windows
which
did
look
directly
into
that
Street
where
the
Enemie
was
,
and
began
to
shoot
among
the
thickest
of
them
.
Hereupon
they
presently
fled
so
fast
,
that
they
〈◊〉
one
upon
another
thronging
out
at
the
gate
.
Marres
folks
came
presently
down
and
pursued
them
,
but
the
lodging-gatebeing
shut
,
they
could
not
get
out
at
the
little
narrow
wicket
but
one
at
once
,
and
that
very
slowly
,
whereby
the
Enemie
had
time
to
flee
safely
.
And
now
many
that
before
kept
within
doores
for
fear
,
began
to
creep
out
of
their
corners
,
and
come
forth
to
the
Street
,
and
joyne
themselves
with
the
Earle
of
Marres
men
;
so
that
the
case
was
quite
altered
▪
For
the
Victours
and
Conquerours
,
leaving
their
prisoners
and
their
spoyle
,
fled
for
life
to
save
themselves
;
and
divers
became
prisoners
unto
their
prisoners
,
namely
those
who
had
taken
Morton
and
Glencairne
.
The
Regent
was
taken
by
David
Spense
of
Wormiston
,
who
was
himself
The
Grand-father
being
dead
,
the
next
Regent
was
Marre
,
being
chosen
The
first
that
wascalled
(
they
being
all
assembled
together
in
Mortons
lodging
at
Leith
)
was
Sir
David
Hume
of
Wedderburne
,
who
flatly
refused
to
subscribe
it
;
but
said
,
Hee
was
ready
to
serve
the
King
,
as
became
a
faithfull
Subject
,
so
farre
as
hee
was
able
;
but
that
hee
would
not
binde
himself
in
any
Band
to
any
man
,
further
than
hee
was
already
bound
in
duty
,
especially
such
men
,
with
whom
he
would
not
enter
into
any
societie
,
fellowship
,
or
combination
.
He
understood
chiefly
the
Trumbles
and
Rutherfords
,
which
names
were
infamous
,
and
most
of
them
reputed
theeves
,
and
Badrule
a
notorious
one
.
Morton
seeing
him
thus
resolute
,
lest
the
rest
might
by
his
example
refuse
likewise
,
caused
him
go
aside
into
a
back-room
,
and
called
in
the
rest
.
The
first
of
which
was
Patrick
Hume
of
Polwart
,
who
hearing
of
the
Trumbles
and
Rutherfords
,
refused
also
to
be
joyned
with
them
,
or
to
subscribe
.
When
Morton
asked
him
his
reason
,
he
answered
roundly
,
Because
,
sayes
he
,
it
may
be
some
of
these
men
have
helped
to
steal
Wedderburnes
cattell
.
And
hath
Wedderburne
any
cattell
stollen
from
him
,
sayes
Morton
?
Yes
,
my
Lord
,
answered
the
other
,
that
he
hath
.
He
did
not
tell
me
so
much
,
sayes
Morton
.
But
it
is
true
,
my
Lord
,
saith
Polwart
.
Well
,
sayes
Morton
,
will
ye
subscribe
this
Bond
?
I
cannot
,
my
Lord
,
saith
he
,
as
the
case
stands
.
If
you
do
not
,
saith
he
,
you
shall
do
worse
.
Worse
,
my
Lord
,
saith
the
other
,
nay
,
rather
than
do
worse
,
I
will
do
it
.
No
,
but
saith
Morton
,
I
do
not
mean
to
compell
you
.
No
;
but
my
Lord
,
saith
hee
,
you
have
said
enough
;
and
so
he
signed
it
,
accounting
it
threatning
and
compulsion
,
and
so
himself
no
whit
bound
by
his
subscribing
.
The
rest
of
the
Gentlemen
being
called
,
seeing
Polwarts
hand
at
it
,
made
no
more
scruple
,
but
set
to
theirs
likewise
.
After
this
,
Morton
went
to
dinner
,
and
being
set
,
hee
remembred
himself
,
and
sent
one
to
call
Wedderburne
out
of
the
back-roome
,
and
when
hee
came
,
he
asked
him
,
Why
he
did
not
come
to
dinner
?
I
was
(
saith
he
)
lawfully
committed
,
my
Lord
,
and
I
would
not
break
prison
,
but
stayed
till
I
was
lawfully
released
.
These
dealings
made
some
that
were
rigid
censurers
think
hardly
of
Morton
,
that
hee
would
use
such
infamous
men
,
and
tolerate
them
for
his
own
ends
,
especially
being
a
publicke
person
,
and
in
the
place
of
justice
:
Yet
others
did
excuse
him
,
as
being
necessitated
thereunto
by
the
times
;
there
being
no
other
way
to
counter-poyse
the
power
of
Farnihaste
and
Balcleugh
,
but
by
these
Trumbles
and
Rotherfords
;
alledging
withall
,
that
it
is
not
fit
,
or
possible
,
to
observe
those
Schoolrules
precisely
in
Politick
affairs
,
which
it
seemes
hath
been
his
opinion
also
.
In
February
,
Morton
being
absent
in
S.
Andrews
,
about
the
John
Douglas
,
those
in
Edinburgh
watching
and
laying
hold
on
this
opportunitie
,
went
forth
,
and
setting
fire
in
the
town
of
Dalkeith
,
burnt
some
twenty
houses
thereof
,
and
having
spoyled
and
pillaged
it
,
returned
safe
to
Edinburgh
.
There
was
little
other
thing
of
moment
done
by
either
side
,
during
Marres
time
.
And
now
by
the
Garrisons
(
which
lay
about
Edinburgh
)
hindering
Victuall
to
be
brought
to
them
,
their
scarcitie
increased
so
much
,
that
they
sent
to
procure
an
Ambassadour
from
France
,
and
another
from
Queen
Elizabeth
,
to
mediate
a
Peace
.
And
for
the
preamble
of
a
full
Peace
,
the
Thus
have
wee
waded
through
those
times
and
actions
of
the
Earle
Mortons
which
were
inter-mingled
with
those
of
other
mens
;
in
which
though
he
were
not
the
sole
agent
,
nor
the
principall
and
first
in
place
,
yet
had
he
a
main
hand
in
all
of
them
,
and
in
all
the
affaires
of
Estate
,
he
was
ever
a
chief
Actour
,
during
the
reigne
of
the
Queen-Mother
,
and
Queen
Mary
(
her
daughter
)
in
the
time
of
the
three
Regents
,
Murray
,
Lennox
,
and
Marre
;
to
all
whom
,
he
was
ever
even
more
than
a
second
.
Now
we
are
come
to
that
time
and
those
actions
,
which
are
absolutely
and
fully
his
own
;
where
he
is
the
deviser
and
executer
,
sole
counsellour
and
sole
commander
of
all
,
where
there
is
none
to
go
before
him
,
none
to
share
or
partake
with
him
in
his
praise
,
or
blame
.
What
hee
doth
aright
,
the
honour
thereof
is
due
to
himself
alone
;
and
if
hee
do
any
thing
amisse
,
the
blame
thereof
must
lye
upon
him
onely
.
The
pain
or
pleasure
,
the
gain
or
losse
,
touch
and
concerne
him
,
and
none
else
.
For
Marre
being
dead
,
wee
do
not
finde
so
much
as
any
question
made
,
who
should
succeed
him
in
the
Government
;
mens
mindes
had
by
presage
designed
him
to
it
,
and
the
Lords
meet
to
accomplish
that
presage
,
rather
than
to
consult
of
it
.
Wherefore
the
twentie
fourth
of
November
,
he
They
sought
(
sayth
he
)
a
new
Regent
to
succeed
in
Marres
place
,
that
might
in
all
respects
defend
the
Kings
Person
,
and
the
Realme
,
as
he
had
done
before
.
Wherefore
the
Noblemen
assembling
,
did
select
by
one
consent
,
the
Earle
of
Morton
to
that
Office
,
a
man
no
lesse
wise
than
provident
,
and
such
a
person
,
as
both
for
the
nobilitie
of
his
birth
,
and
service
to
the
Realme
and
to
the
King
,
did
well
merit
the
same
.
By
which
it
appeares
,
that
he
did
neither
ambitiously
seek
the
Place
,
nor
got
it
by
faction
,
but
was
chosen
to
it
for
the
good
of
the
Countrey
,
freely
and
advisedly
.
He
sayes
indeed
,
that
it
was
after
long
consultation
,
but
it
could
not
be
very
long
,
being
little
more
than
a
moneth
,
which
was
short
enough
time
to
be
spent
in
making
the
late
Regents
Funerall
,
and
to
conveen
the
Nobilitie
therein
.
For
according
to
himself
,
the
election
was
in
December
;
but
our
Acts
of
Parliament
(
which
are
more
authentick
)
say
,
it
was
the
24.
of
November
.
But
how
ever
long
their
consultations
were
,
we
do
not
hear
that
he
had
any
Competitour
,
or
that
there
was
any
other
mentioned
or
nominated
with
him
;
and
seeing
he
sayes
,
it
was
done
(
by
one
consent
)
then
was
there
not
any
contrary
Votes
,
or
contradiction
and
contesting
;
but
a
perfect
and
full
uniformitie
and
harmonie
of
minde
amongst
all
of
that
side
.
Nay
,
even
of
those
of
the
other
side
also
,
who
sent
(
as
some
Notes
say
which
I
have
seen
)
Commission
and
Proxees
to
that
purpose
,
and
namely
,
the
Duke
and
Earle
of
Huntley
.
Others
say
,
these
were
at
the
Parliament
,
where
this
Regencie
was
confirmed
,
holden
the
26.
of
January
,
in
Edinburgh
.
They
that
delay
it
longer
,
cast
their
yeelding
in
February
at
Perth
,
where
they
name
Huntley
,
Argyle
,
Athole
,
and
in
generall
,
the
greatest
part
(
say
they
)
of
the
Nobilitie
,
and
so
we
see
his
entrie
was
free
and
right
,
and
duly
approved
by
all
;
the
rest
of
his
Office
we
have
to
consider
.
It
lasted
the
space
of
five
years
and
three
moneths
,
till
the
twelfth
of
March
,
1577.
which
is
the
time
of
his
dismission
.
All
this
time
the
Countrey
injoyed
a
full
and
perfect
Peace
,
save
so
much
warre
as
they
had
in
recovering
the
Castle
of
Edinburgh
out
of
the
enemies
hands
.
There
were
Upon
these
,
or
such
like
considerations
,
being
also
not
altogether
forsaken
of
the
French
(
who
sent
some
small
supply
of
Moneyes
,
but
large
promises
by
James
Kircadie
,
brother
to
Grange
,
who
landing
at
Black-Nesse
,
conveyed
himself
and
it
secretly
into
the
castle
)
they
resolved
to
be
the
last
in
yeelding
,
and
to
hold
out
so
long
as
possibly
they
could
,
assuring
themselves
that
they
could
make
their
peace
when
they
listed
(
if
it
should
come
to
the
worst
)
by
surrendring
the
place
upon
good
conditions
.
There
were
with
these
forenamed
(
as
their
followers
)
the
Lord
Hume
,
who
was
altogether
led
by
Metellans
counsell
,
and
Logan
of
Rastarig
,
who
depended
upon
Hume
.
Pittadraw
was
Lieutenant
to
Grange
the
Captain
,
and
Sir
Robert
Melvill
was
Uncle
to
Grange
.
The
Regent
being
resolved
to
pull
this
thorne
out
of
his
foot
,
caused
the
Castle
to
be
inclosed
with
a
trench
,
and
Souldiers
set
to
keep
it
,
under
the
command
of
Captain
Crawford
,
and
Captain
David
Hume
before
mentioned
.
And
because
they
of
the
Castle
watered
at
a
Well
(
called
S.
Margarets
Well
)
Captain
Michell
was
appointed
to
lie
with
his
Company
at
S.
Cutberds
Kirk
,
who
hindred
them
from
fetching
water
from
thence
,
and
after
a
while
,
he
found
means
to
poyson
it
,
and
so
left
it
without
any
Guard
.
While
the
Castle
was
thus
blocked
up
,
one
Captain
Bruce
issued
forth
thereof
,
to
bring
in
victuals
,
but
he
was
taken
by
the
Regents
men
,
saith
Master
Thin
:
a
thing
very
hard
to
be
conceived
,
how
he
either
durst
,
or
could
do
it
;
neither
is
there
any
mention
or
memorie
of
his
being
there
,
o
rany
where
els
to
be
found
.
Now
because
the
Castle
did
annoy
the
City
with
their
Ordnance
,
so
that
none
could
walk
in
the
Street
(
which
lies
open
in
a
straight
line
from
the
Castle
exposed
to
their
mercy
)
without
danger
of
their
lives
,
the
Regent
caused
make
three
Traverses
or
Dikes
,
〈◊〉
ramparts
of
earth
,
turfe
and
dung
,
over-thwart
and
crossing
the
Street
,
so
thick
,
as
that
they
were
Cannon-proofe
,
and
could
not
be
pierced
,
and
so
high
,
that
they
took
away
the
view
of
the
Street
from
them
of
the
Castle
.
One
of
these
was
raised
hard
by
the
Land-Market
above
the
Tolbooth
,
and
the
other
two
(
with
proportionable
distance
one
from
another
)
nearer
the
Castle
;
so
that
the
Citizens
and
others
walked
safely
to
and
fro
about
their
businesse
,
Wherefore
the
Regent
determining
no
more
to
dally
with
him
(
not
William
Drury
Generall
.
With
these
and
500.
hired
Souldiers
of
Scots
,
besides
the
Gentlemen
Voluntiers
,
and
the
Citizens
of
Edinburgh
(
after
he
had
summoned
the
Castle
,
and
they
not
obeying
)
he
sate
down
before
it
the
20.
of
April
1573.
They
raised
five
Mounts
or
Terrasses
,
whereon
to
plant
their
batterie
,
in
that
place
where
now
Heriots
work
is
built
.
These
(
being
called
by
the
severall
names
of
the
chief
Commanders
,
First
,
the
Kings
,
Secondly
,
Mount
Drury
,
Thirdly
,
Mount
Leyes
,
from
Sir
George
Leyes
,
Fourthly
,
Mount
Carie
,
from
Sir
George
Carie
,
and
fifthly
,
Mount
Sutton
,
from
Thomas
Sutton
Master
of
the
Ordnance
)
were
finished
the
17.
of
May
,
with
great
toyle
and
labour
,
and
not
without
some
losse
of
men
by
shot
from
the
Castle
.
They
began
their
batterie
the
17.
of
May
,
and
continued
it
till
the
26.
The
Castle
is
situate
on
a
steep
and
inaccessible
Rock
,
having
a
large
utter
Court
beneath
that
Cragge
whereon
the
Castle
standeth
.
About
this
Court
there
is
a
strong
Wall
,
and
on
that
side
which
lieth
towards
the
Town
of
Edinburgh
,
a
Bulwark
(
or
Blockhouse
)
ending
in
a
sharp
point
,
being
made
in
form
of
a
triangle
.
The
use
of
it
is
to
defend
the
entrance
and
gates
of
the
Castle
.
The
wals
of
this
Blockhouse
are
subject
to
the
sight
and
shot
of
the
Castle
,
and
so
may
be
defended
by
those
that
are
within
,
but
the
corner
&
sharp
point
thereof
is
not
so
,
and
if
it
be
taken
by
the
Enemy
,
those
that
are
within
the
Castle
cannot
annoy
them
.
There
were
within
the
castle
at
the
inner
end
of
the
said
Blockhouse
,
two
turrets
of
ancient
workmanship
,
but
more
high
than
strong
;
of
which
the
one
was
called
Davids
Tower
(
which
stood
nearer
the
Gate
)
the
other
without
it
nearer
to
the
South
,
was
called
Wallace
Tower
,
but
I
know
not
the
reason
of
their
names
.
Against
these
two
Towers
,
and
the
side
of
the
Blockhouse
nearest
to
the
Castle
,
they
directed
their
first
batterie
.
Thereafter
they
battered
round
about
on
every
side
of
the
Castle
,
and
having
dismounted
some
of
the
Ordnance
within
,
and
broken
other
some
by
shooting
in
at
the
mouth
thereof
,
their
Cannon
did
little
hurt
,
being
made
unserviceable
.
Besides
,
Davids
Tower
being
battered
,
was
beaten
down
,
and
fell
in
such
sort
,
that
the
ruines
thereof
did
damme
up
the
gate
and
●…trance
betwixt
the
Castle
and
the
utter
Court
and
Block-house
.
The
Blockhouse
was
also
battered
in
that
part
that
was
over
against
the
gate
;
and
Wallace
Tower
,
which
stood
above
the
gate
within
the
Castle
,
was
beaten
down
.
There
was
a
breach
large
enough
,
made
not
farre
from
the
gate
of
the
Bulwarke
,
and
the
ditch
also
was
filled
up
with
stones
and
rubbish
,
so
that
they
might
well
enough
have
entred
there
;
but
because
it
lay
so
open
in
the
very
mouth
of
the
enemies
shot
,
it
was
not
thought
safe
to
give
the
assault
at
that
place
.
Wherefore
having
provided
Ladders
,
they
went
to
the
point
of
the
Blockhouse
,
there
to
climbe
up
out
of
danger
of
the
Enemies
shot
.
The
foremost
in
this
service
were
Captain
Hume
and
Captain
Crawford
.
Humes
Ladder
being
too
short
,
and
there
being
one
of
his
men
also
shot
upon
the
Ladder
behinde
him
,
he
was
forced
to
come
down
again
,
and
so
Crawford
got
first
up
,
and
Hume
followed
him
upon
his
Ladder
,
and
so
did
the
rest
of
the
Souldiers
without
any
hurt
done
.
So
they
went
forward
,
and
planted
a
Corps
de
guarde
before
the
Gate
of
the
Blockhouse
called
Humes
Porter-lodge
,
I
know
not
why
or
how
it
got
that
name
.
They
had
no
let
or
impediment
,
save
that
they
had
some
small
shot
from
the
Castle
,
for
the
great
Ordnance
could
not
annoy
them
,
being
so
high
above
them
.
And
those
that
had
kept
the
Blockhouse
,
had
forsaken
it
,
and
weretaken
in
to
the
Castle
,
being
towed
up
over
the
Wall
in
the
night
.
Forit
being
sore
battered
,
and
the
passage
from
thence
to
the
Castle
being
so
dammed
up
,
that
there
could
come
no
relief
nor
succour
to
them
from
within
,
they
would
not
stay
in
it
any
longer
,
but
abandoned
it
.
While
they
were
in
scaling
the
Blockhouse
,
there
was
another
Company
sent
to
make
shew
of
giving
an
assault
at
another
place
,
but
they
having
gone
further
on
than
they
had
warrant
or
direction
,
they
were
repulsed
,
and
about
thirty
of
them
slain
.
And
so
they
did
(
as
it
were
)
make
an
exchange
,
and
recompense
their
losse
of
the
Blockhouse
,
with
the
death
of
these
thirty
.
But
this
taking
of
the
Blockhouse
,
was
a
matter
of
no
great
consequence
;
for
neither
could
they
any
wise
annoy
or
harme
them
that
were
within
from
thence
,
neither
was
the
Castle
Wall
any
where
scalable
,
but
as
hard
and
difficult
to
get
up
into
it
as
ever
.
Onely
they
had
taken
from
them
the
onely
Well
which
was
left
them
,
and
out
of
which
had
been
furnished
to
each
man
a
pint
of
water
a
day
.
For
the
other
Well
that
was
within
the
Castle
,
by
the
fall
of
Davids
Tower
,
was
so
filled
with
lime
and
rubbish
,
that
it
served
them
to
no
use
.
Besides
,
they
were
at
variance
amongst
themselves
;
for
the
Souldiers
were
not
well
pleased
with
their
Captain
,
in
regard
of
his
hard
usage
of
them
.
For
he
had
committed
to
his
wife
the
charge
of
distributing
their
Vivers
,
so
to
please
her
in
that
,
that
she
might
be
the
better
contented
to
bear
with
his
untimely
and
unlawful
love
toward
her
maid
whom
he
intertained
all
this
while
.
It
is
true
,
the
victuall
began
to
grow
scarce
,
but
she
made
it
scarcer
by
her
niggardly
disposition
.
They
did
not
mutine
,
but
they
murmured
so
,
that
they
within
were
content
to
Parley
with
the
besiegers
.
Wherefore
the
26.
of
May
,
Grange
the
Captain
,
Pittadraw
Lieutenant
,
and
Sir
Robert
Melvill
came
down
over
the
Wall
by
a
rope
,
and
spake
with
Generall
Drury
;
for
they
addressed
themselves
to
him
,
as
one
in
whom
they
did
much
confide
as
a
favorer
of
theirs
.
They
demanded
that
their
lives
,
lands
&
honor
safe
,
they
might
depart
with
bag
and
baggage
,
both
he
,
and
all
that
were
with
him
.
But
when
he
could
not
obtain
that
,
he
returned
to
the
Castle
again
.
The
Regent
after
this
,
found
means
to
let
the
souldiers
understand
,
that
if
they
would
render
up
the
Castle
,
their
lives
should
be
saved
,
and
they
should
have
free
libertie
to
passe
with
bag
and
baggage
whither
they
pleased
;
else
that
they
must
expect
all
rigour
and
extremity
.
Hereupon
they
shew
themselves
unwilling
to
undergo
any
more
paines
or
danger
for
him
,
and
refuse
to
obey
him
;
so
that
he
was
constrained
to
yeeld
up
the
Castle
the
28.
or
29.
of
May
,
without
any
condition
at
all
,
but
referring
William
Drury
and
her
Souldiers
;
as
also
about
the
same
time
her
Ships
and
Munition
were
sent
home
againe
to
her
.
Concerning
the
prisoners
,
the
Lord
Hume
was
committed
again
to
the
Castle
,
and
the
Castle
to
the
keeping
of
George
Douglas
of
Parkehead
,
brother
naturall
to
the
Regent
.
Sir
William
Metellane
of
Lithington
deceased
(
the
9.
of
July
at
Leith
,
where
he
lay
with
Drury
)
before
he
was
suspected
,
and
reported
to
have
poysoned
himself
.
What
fear
,
what
guiltinesse
,
or
what
other
occasion
there
was
to
move
him
hereto
,
or
what
information
he
got
,
or
apprehension
he
took
of
the
Regents
minde
toward
him
in
particular
,
I
know
not
;
but
after
that
he
knew
that
he
was
to
be
left
by
the
English
in
the
Regents
hands
,
he
lived
not
many
dayes
.
None
of
the
rest
were
hardly
used
,
save
Grange
the
Captain
,
who
being
odious
for
his
breach
of
faith
to
those
of
the
Kings
side
(
with
whom
he
took
part
at
first
)
and
much
more
hated
for
his
treacherous
dealing
with
the
first
Regent
Murray
,
who
had
been
so
kinde
and
loving
a
friend
to
him
,
and
had
trusted
so
much
to
him
;
but
most
of
all
for
his
obstinacie
and
unmercifull
cruelty
in
firing
the
Town
of
Edinburgh
,
and
not
suffering
them
to
quench
it
,
the
common
people
did
so
abominate
and
detest
him
,
that
they
could
not
abstaine
from
revlling
and
cursing
of
him
,
as
he
was
led
along
,
after
the
Castle
was
surrendred
;
neither
could
they
be
hindred
from
stoning
of
him
:
so
that
they
who
were
with
him
were
faine
(
for
saving
of
themselves
and
him
)
to
take
the
house
upon
their
heads
.
And
now
that
he
was
in
the
Regents
power
,
there
was
no
way
to
satisfie
them
,
but
by
executing
of
him
:
Wherefore
being
condemned
for
these
things
,
he
was
put
into
a
Cart
,
and
drawn
backward
to
the
Market-place
James
Kircadie
,
and
two
men
of
Edinburgh
(
Mossman
and
Cackie
)
who
had
made
false
Coin
in
the
Castle
on
the
3.
day
of
August
1573.
Master
John
Metellan
was
sent
prisoner
to
Tantallon
,
and
Sir
Robert
Melvill
to
Lithington
,
to
be
kept
there
by
David
Hume
of
Fishick
,
who
th●…n
possessed
it
.
This
was
the
onely
exploit
of
Warre
which
he
atchieved
,
and
by
which
he
acquired
great
reputation
;
the
former
Regents
having
never
been
able
to
get
this
Castle
into
their
hands
:
as
also
by
his
no-wayes
rigorous
dealing
with
those
that
were
in
it
.
The
rest
of
the
time
of
his
Reg●…ncie
,
there
was
a
generall
peace
in
the
Kingdome
,
and
full
obedience
was
yeelded
to
him
by
all
men
.
No
man
of
those
times
had
seen
the
like
before
;
no
King
was
ever
more
dreaded
and
reverenced
,
nor
did
ever
keep
all
sorts
of
people
(
High-Landers
,
Low-Landers
,
Borderers
and
all
)
in
better
order
and
greater
subjection
,
even
to
inferiour
Magistrates
,
both
Civill
and
Ecclesiasticall
.
The
chief
mean
hereof
was
the
execution
of
the
Laws
.
He
made
not
many
new
ones
,
but
what
he
made
,
he
That
they
were
not
of
the
Church
,
that
did
not
approve
the
heads
of
Religion
then
received
,
and
who
refused
●…o
participate
of
the
Sacraments
as
they
were
administred
.
Morton
ordains
(
in
this
Parliament
)
such
persons
to
be
first
searched
,
and
secondly
,
admonished
to
recant
then
wicked
errours
;
thirdly
,
to
make
confession
of
their
faith
according
to
the
form
prescribed
;
fourthly
,
to
participate
of
the
Sacraments
▪
fifthly
,
submit
to
the
Discipline
of
the
Church
within
such
a
competent
time
;
sixthly
,
if
they
fail
to
do
this
,
that
they
be
excommunicated
;
seventhly
,
then
have
their
names
printed
in
a
catalogue
;
eightly
,
divulged
;
ninthly
,
&
affixed
on
the
Tolbooth
door
of
Edinburgh
;
tenthly
,
from
thenceforth
to
be
reputed
infamous
;
eleventhly
,
not
to
sit
or
stand
in
judgement
,
pursue
,
defend
,
or
bear
any
publick
office
;
twelfthly
,
not
to
be
admitted
as
a
proof
or
witnesse
,
or
assessour
against
any
,
professing
the
reformed
Religion
,
till
they
submit
,
be
reconciled
,
and
obtain
a
testimoniall
of
their
reconcilement
.
That
to
be
in
this
Catalogue
shall
be
a
relevant
exception
against
,
first
,
Judges
principall
:
secondly
,
or
Deputies
:
thirdly
,
Members
of
Court
:
fourthly
,
Officers
:
fifthly
,
Parties
or
Procutors
:
sixthly
,
persons
of
inquest
:
seventhly
,
or
witnesses
,
to
decline
them
from
,
first
,
Judgement
:
secondly
,
Office
:
thirdly
,
Pursute
:
fourthly
,
Procuration
:
fifthly
,
Inquest
:
or
sixthly
,
Bearing
witnesse
:
That
the
Arch-bishops
,
Bishops
,
Superintendents
,
Visitours
,
Commissioners
,
Readers
,
shall
give
in
their
names
within
every
one
of
their
bounds
;
under
pain
of
forfeiting
a
years
rent
in
case
they
fail
.
2.
The
second
Act
is
:
That
all
Ecclesiasticall
persons
(
that
is
Ministers
,
or
such
as
pretend
any
right
to
have
,
or
brook
and
enjoy
any
,
first
Benefice
:
secondly
,
Life-rent
:
thirdly
,
Stipend
:
fourthly
,
Pension
:
fifthly
,
or
Portion
of
Benefice
)
who
shall
not
confesse
,
subscribe
,
and
participate
the
Sacraments
,
as
said
is
,
shall
be
ipso
facto
deprived
,
and
all
his
Ecclesiasticall
promotions
and
livings
shall
be
voide
and
vacant
,
as
if
he
were
naturally
dead
.
3.
The
third
Act
:
That
none
should
be
reputed
as
loyall
and
faithfull
Subjects
to
our
Soveraigne
Lord
,
but
be
punishable
as
Rebels
,
that
gave
not
confession
and
profession
of
the
reformed
Religion
:
That
such
as
had
once
professed
it
,
and
afterward
made
defection
,
should
returne
before
the
first
of
June
next
,
and
renew
their
former
confession
:
first
,
Promise
to
continue
in
it
:
secondly
,
To
maintain
the
Kings
authority
:
thirdly
,
The
Preachers
:
fourthly
,
And
Professours
of
the
true
Religion
,
against
whomsoever
and
whatsoever
enemies
,
especially
against
all
(
of
whatsoever
Nation
or
degree
)
that
had
bound
themselves
to
maintain
the
decrees
of
the
Councel
of
Trent
,
and
were
falsely
called
,
The
holy
League
.
4.
The
fourth
Act
:
That
whosoever
were
excommunicated
,
and
remained
so
40.
dayes
,
letters
of
horning
should
be
directed
to
charge
him
to
satisfie
the
decree
of
the
Church
pronounced
against
him
,
and
to
be
reconciled
to
the
Church
,
and
submit
to
the
Discipline
thereof
under
pain
of
Rebellion
:
and
if
he
did
remain
obstinate
,
that
hee
should
bee
put
to
the
horne
,
and
then
letters
of
caption
should
be
granted
to
apprehend
him
,
&c.
5.
The
fifth
Act
was
:
That
Ecclesiasticall
persons
(
such
as
above
)
remaining
year
and
day
at
the
horne
,
should
lose
their
Life-rents
.
These
Laws
he
procured
to
be
made
in
Parliament
,
and
being
made
,
he
saw
them
duely
executed
;
by
which
mean
it
came
to
passe
,
that
in
his
time
,
there
was
no
man
in
Scotland
,
that
professed
advowedly
any
other
Religion
than
the
reformed
;
or
maintained
any
point
of
Religion
,
contrary
to
the
doctrine
of
this
Church
.
Men
do
now
wonder
at
it
,
how
it
could
be
:
yet
so
it
was
,
and
this
was
the
mean
that
procured
it
.
As
for
the
Borders
,
hee
tamed
and
daunted
them
by
In-rodes
,
and
Justice-Eyres
,
executing
some
for
terrour
to
others
,
taking
pledges
and
hostages
of
the
rest
,
and
punishing
them
that
transgressed
according
to
their
faults
,
most
part
by
pecuniarie
mulcts
and
fynes
.
The
High-landers
were
kept
in
,
by
binding
the
chief
of
the
Clans
over
to
the
peace
;
and
partly
by
fear
,
partly
by
gentlenesse
,
he
drew
them
to
the
obedience
of
the
Laws
.
But
the
chief
mean
for
all
,
was
a
solid
and
perfect
peace
established
amongst
the
Nobilitie
,
the
onely
certain
and
sure
way
of
keeping
the
Borderers
in
order
;
as
by
the
contrary
,
a
stir
amongst
the
States
(
as
themselves
speak
)
doth
never
faile
to
incite
them
to
their
theeving
and
robbing
.
This
he
knowing
well
,
partly
by
his
wisedome
compassed
and
effected
it
,
partly
it
fell
out
of
its
own
accord
by
mens
inclination
thereto
,
being
wearied
with
so
long
troubles
,
and
the
turbulent
heads
that
stirred
up
and
entertained
dissention
,
being
now
taken
away
by
death
.
It
is
matter
of
laughter
and
sport
,
to
consider
mens
judgements
concerning
this
his
government
.
I
heard
then
,
and
have
read
since
in
some
memorials
of
those
times
,
his
government
mightily
taxed
,
and
reproached
,
and
himself
censured
as
covetous
&
greedle
,
as
one
that
hanged
some
poor
snakes
for
a
shew
of
justice
,
but
suffered
the
richer
theeves
to
escape
for
their
money
.
And
yet
the
same
men
do
not
stick
to
say
and
write
,
Betwixt
the
3.
or
March
1575.
and
the
4.
of
March
1577.
the
space
of
two
years
,
there
was
nothing
of
importance
to
write
of
:
All
this
time
the
Regent
governed
the
Realme
both
well
;
and
wisely
:
for
during
these
two
years
,
the
common
people
had
rest
and
quietnesse
;
Not
considering
that
his
government
in
the
former
years
had
procured
,
and
caused
the
rest
and
quietnesse
of
these
years
:
Yea
,
these
same
things
which
they
call
(
hanging
of
the
poor
for
shew
of
Justice
,
and
letting
the
rich
go
for
money
)
they
might
call
it
(
if
they
would
speak
in
proper
termes
,
and
give
it
the
right
name
)
a
just
moderation
and
tempering
of
justice
with
lenitie
▪
punishing
some
(
lest
impunity
might
breed
contempt
of
the
Law
)
punishing
the
fewest
and
in
the
gentlest
sort
,
lest
too
much
rigour
might
drive
them
to
despaire
,
and
so
force
them
to
desperate
courses
,
and
to
stirre
up
new
commotions
.
If
this
course
did
withall
meet
right
with
any
natural
inclination
in
him
towards
money
;
yet
that
inclination
did
rather
concurre
with
this
judgement
,
than
cause
it
.
He
knew
the
nature
of
his
countrey-men
,
how
they
cannot
easily
endure
to
have
their
lives
touched
,
or
their
bloud
medled
withal
,
and
how
hard
it
is
to
over-master
them
by
the
strong
hand
,
and
a
violent
way
,
but
farre
more
easie
to
be
overcome
and
gained
by
fair
meanes
;
and
therefore
out
of
his
wisedome
hee
made
choyce
of
this
,
as
the
best
way
for
his
purpose
of
settling
Peace
.
The
event
and
issue
did
justifie
his
choyce
:
for
from
hence
did
arise
a
full
Peace
,
and
perfect
quietnesse
,
together
with
all
obedience
and
good
order
in
Church
and
State
at
home
▪
and
account
and
great
esteem
of
Strangers
abroad
.
His
meanes
(
indeed
)
were
also
increased
,
yet
that
came
not
so
much
by
publick
fynes
or
for●…ures
,
as
by
his
good
husbandry
and
thrifty
managing
of
the
revenues
of
the
Crown
,
and
his
own
private
estate
.
For
no
man
knew
better
how
to
improve
both
the
one
and
the
other
,
and
to
make
the
best
of
them
;
and
no
man
was
more
carefull
and
diligent
in
it
,
than
he
.
He
guided
both
himself
,
and
imployed
his
own
pains
and
industrie
therein
,
as
in
all
affairs
whatsoever
.
His
servants
were
ever
particularly
directed
by
himself
,
and
they
did
but
execute
what
he
commanded
.
The
chief
men
he
used
were
John
Carmichael
of
Carmichael
,
and
George
Auchinleck
of
Balmannoe
.
He
imployed
the
former
in
all
matters
that
were
to
be
done
upon
the
Borders
,
having
made
him
even
a
warden
;
the
other
had
a
care
to
gather
in
his
rents
,
and
was
(
as
it
were
)
Stuart
or
Chamberlaine
to
him
.
His
private
delight
was
in
planting
and
building
,
which
hee
did
very
magnificently
,
especially
at
Dalkeith
;
for
which
Drumlenrig
admonished
him
that
it
was
too
sumptuous
and
stately
for
a
Subject
,
and
too
near
to
Edinburgh
.
He
built
also
an
house
in
Tweddale
,
called
the
Droghholes
,
for
his
private
retreat
.
He
grew
so
▪
in
esteem
of
wisedome
and
riches
with
all
men
,
that
it
was
no
wonder
though
hee
were
a
little
touched
with
the
opinion
of
it
himself
;
being
now
past
all
emulation
,
and
so
accounted
of
by
all
men
,
he
could
not
but
esteem
also
well
of
himself
.
They
who
did
envie
him
had
little
hope
to
hurt
him
by
action
,
being
above
their
reach
;
but
by
their
tongues
they
sought
to
make
him
envied
of
all
;
saying
,
He
had
all
the
riches
,
all
the
friendship
,
and
all
the
wisedome
of
Scotland
,
Him
alone
.
This
was
Hyperbolicall
,
and
spoken
to
stir
envie
;
yet
thus
far
it
was
true
,
that
he
had
more
of
all
these
than
any
other
one
man
,
and
so
much
as
all
his
enemies
were
not
able
to
match
or
impaire
.
He
had
added
to
his
friendship
great
parties
,
the
Lord
Maxwell
and
Hamilton
.
Maxwell
married
his
Niece
(
a
daughter
of
his
brother
David
,
and
sister
Germain
to
Archbald
Earle
of
Angus
)
and
the
Lord
Bothwell
also
had
married
her
sister
Margaret
,
Relict
of
Walter
Scot
of
Balcleugh
.
The
Lord
Hamilton
had
been
in
great
enmitie
with
him
;
for
(
besides
the
publick
cause
of
Regent
Murrays
death
)
he
with
his
brother
Claud
of
Pasley
,
had
killed
Johnston
of
Wester
hall
,
a
follower
and
depender
of
the
house
of
Angus
.
At
that
time
the
Countesse
of
Cassills
(
Lyon
by
name
,
of
the
house
of
Glames
,
and
a
near
Cousin
to
the
Regent
)
was
a
widow
.
Whether
the
love
to
that
Lady
brought
on
the
reconcilement
,
or
their
reconciliation
occasioned
the
affection
to
the
Lady
,
it
is
hard
to
say
;
but
so
it
was
,
that
Hamilton
suited
her
in
marriage
,
and
obtained
his
suit
;
and
by
this
all
quarrels
,
and
more
especially
that
slaughter
of
Westerhall
was
taken
away
.
And
for
the
better
satisfaction
herein
,
both
the
brothers
(
the
Lord
Hamilton
,
and
Claud
of
Pasley
)
made
publick
obeysance
to
Archbald
Earle
of
Angus
,
in
the
Palace
of
Haly-rood-house
,
by
coming
the
whole
breadth
of
the
Inner-Court
thereof
bare-footed
,
and
bare
headed
,
and
falling
down
on
their
knees
,
holding
each
a
naked
sword
by
the
point
,
delivered
it
to
him
to
take
hold
thereof
by
the
Pommell
.
This
was
in
the
yeare
1575.
the
seventh
of
March
,
being
Monday
,
A●…
this
,
Hamilton
was
married
to
the
Lady
.
Yet
may
it
bee
doubted
,
whether
he
acquired
more
friendship
in
private
by
them
,
than
he
furnished
matter
of
obloquie
in
publick
to
the
countrey
;
because
both
these
brothers
were
accounted
authours
or
accessarie
to
the
killing
the
Earle
of
Lennox
,
(
then
Regent
)
and
the
Kings
Grand-father
;
as
also
they
had
been
of
that
of
Regent
Murray
.
These
slaughters
all
the
Nobilitie
(
especially
of
the
Kings
side
)
had
solemnly
sworne
to
avenge
:
and
now
by
this
hee
seemed
to
neglect
that
quarrell
,
and
his
oath
,
and
that
he
had
more
care
to
be
satisfied
in
his
own
particular
,
for
the
slaughter
of
one
mean
man
his
depender
.
It
grieved
particularly
William
Douglas
of
Logh-leven
,
who
desisted
not
from
the
pursuit
of
those
that
had
slain
his
brother
Murray
:
after
a
privat
manner
,
seeing
he
could
not
get
publick
justice
executed
;
twice
he
set
upon
the
Lord
Hamilton
,
as
he
was
coming
from
Arbrothe
,
and
chased
him
so
,
that
he
was
constrained
to
return
to
Arbrothe
again
.
Another
time
as
he
was
coming
through
Fyfe
,
he
made
him
flee
to
Darcie
,
which
he
beset
&
lay
about
it
,
till
the
Regent
sent
to
him
,
and
commanded
him
to
desist
.
However
,
by
the
alliance
of
these
Noblemen
,
he
seemed
more
strengthened
&
more
secured
.
The
Earle
of
Angus
(
his
Nephew
)
was
married
to
the
Lord
Ereskins
sister
,
daughter
to
the
late
Regent
,
Earle
of
Marre
,
a
Lady
of
rare
beauty
and
vertue
,
and
worthily
made
choice
of
by
Morton
who
was
author
of
the
match
,
both
because
of
the
Ladies
deserving
,
as
also
for
that
it
not
a
little
seemed
to
strengthen
him
,
seeing
her
mother
and
uncles
(
during
the
minoritie
of
her
brother
)
had
the
custody
&
education
of
the
young
Kings
person
,
which
was
the
only
way
to
attempt
any
thing
against
his
Regencie
.
Whether
these
things
begat
in
him
security
,
and
security
bred
carelesnessè
to
entertain
mens
love
,
from
whence
did
arise
a
loathing
of
him
in
all
estates
,
&
coldnesse
in
particular
friendship
;
or
what
ever
the
occasion
was
,
certain
it
is
,
that
he
keeped
his
place
more
by
the
estimation
of
all
,
than
by
the
affection
of
many
,
on
the
occasions
following
.
We
shewed
before
,
how
in
matters
of
Church-government
,
he
ever
inclined
(
as
the
most
politick
course
)
to
the
estate
of
Bishops
.
The
name
was
yet
retained
by
custome
,
the
Rents
were
lifted
also
by
them
(
as
we
have
said
)
more
for
other
mens
use
&
profit
,
than
their
own
.
They
had
also
place
&
vote
in
Parliament
after
the
old
manner
,
and
he
would
gladly
have
had
them
to
have
kept
their
power
and
jurisdiction
over
their
brethren
.
M.
John
Douglas
being
dead
,
he
filled
the
place
by
putting
in
M.
Patrick
Adamson
his
domestick
Chaplain
,
who
then
followed
that
course
,
thoughbefore
he
had
preached
against
it
.
Many
were
displeased
herewith
,
all
the
Ministers
(
especially
they
of
greatest
authority
)
&
all
men
of
all
estates
that
were
best
affected
to
Religion
.
He
endeavoured
also
to
have
put
the
charge
and
cure
of
more
Churches
into
one
Preachers
hands
,
that
there
being
the
fewer
to
provide
of
stipends
,
the
Kings
revenues
(
who
paid
them
out
of
the
thirds
of
the
Church
lands
)
might
be
increased
by
the
surplusage
which
remained
to
him
.
Hee
did
so
eagerly
presse
this
point
▪
that
some
thought
it
necessary
to
write
against
this
course
;
namely
,
Master
John
Davidson
(
Minister
at
Salt-Preston
)
then
a
Student
at
S.
Andrews
.
Him
he
caused
to
be
summoned
to
under-lye
the
Law
,
and
to
be
indicted
criminally
,
and
being
entreated
for
him
▪
he
shewed
himself
so
animated
against
him
,
that
he
durst
not
under-go
his
triall
,
but
fled
to
England
,
with
the
consent
of
those
that
were
bail
for
him
;
of
whom
he
exacted
the
summe
to
the
full
,
and
they
willingly
did
choose
rather
to
pay
it
,
than
to
expose
their
friend
to
the
hazard
of
his
wrath
.
The
Printer
Robert
Lake-privike
,
was
convicted
by
an
assise
or
jurie
,
and
committed
to
the
Castle
of
Edinburgh
.
It
was
also
hardly
taken
,
that
He
that
gave
power
to
preach
aud
hear
preaching
,
gave
power
also
to
conveene
in
Assemblies
:
Neither
doth
it
depend
on
man
(
say
they
.
)
He
said
,
that
was
treason
.
They
answered
,
That
if
so
be
,
then
all
the
Apostles
were
Traitours
,
and
the
primitive
Church
in
time
of
persecution
.
He
said
,
That
they
conveened
onely
to
preach
the
word
:
They
answered
,
That
they
conveened
to
advance
,
facilitate
,
and
set
forward
the
preaching
of
the
word
,
and
that
was
to
preach
also
.
But
however
,
if
to
conveene
without
the
consent
of
the
Magistrate
were
unlawfull
,
preaching
was
also
unlawfull
,
unlesse
they
should
preach
to
the
Wals.
A
little
velitation
thus
passed
,
he
in
end
refused
to
goe
,
which
did
so
grieve
them
all
,
that
a
publick
Fast
was
appointed
to
pray
for
diverting
and
averting
of
such
things
as
he
seemed
by
this
to
intend
against
the
accustomed
Assemblies
.
He
propounded
to
be
reasoned
,
whether
the
supreame
Magistrate
should
not
be
head
of
the
Church
,
as
well
as
of
the
common-wealth
;
and
there
were
Divines
appointed
to
dispute
it
for
the
Church
,
Master
James
Lowson
(
Minister
at
Edinburgh
)
the
Laird
of
Dun
(
Superintendent
of
Angus
)
and
Master
John
Spoteswood
(
Superintendent
of
Lowthian
)
and
James
(
or
Master
David
)
Lindsay
.
For
the
Regent
,
there
was
the
Justice-Clerk
,
Master
David
Borthwick
,
Sir
James
Balfoure
,
and
William
Douglas
of
Whittingame
.
These
met
at
Edinburgh
in
the
Abbey
,
and
conferred
for
the
space
of
12.
or
13.
dayes
;
but
hee
finding
no
appearance
of
obtaining
that
point
,
dissolved
the
meeting
till
a
new
appointment
.
The
Commons
,
and
chiefly
the
Town
of
Edinburgh
were
offended
with
him
,
because
he
had
diminished
the
value
of
a
certain
brasse
or
copper
coyne
(
called
Hard-heads
)
and
abased
them
from
three
half
pence
to
a
penny
:
and
also
the
plack
piece
(
another
brasse
coyne
)
from
foure
pence
to
two
:
which
was
done
(
notwithstanding
)
by
the
consent
of
a
very
frequent
Convention
,
where
the
whole
Nobility
(
no
Earle
,
Lord
,
or
great
man
in
Scotland
being
absent
,
except
the
Lord
Hamilton
,
not
then
reconciled
)
was
present
the
25.
of
February
1573.
He
licensed
also
the
transporting
of
Corne
out
of
the
Countrey
,
against
which
he
himself
had
made
an
Act
,
but
now
he
dispensed
with
the
Act
for
money
.
He
committed
all
the
Butchers
of
Edinburgh
for
forestalling
the
Market
,
and
afterward
dis-missed
them
,
having
paid
a
Fine
.
He
held
Justice
Eyres
,
and
raised
a
taxation
under
colour
to
c●…
down
the
Woods
of
Hair-law
(
on
the
Borders
)
which
was
a
place
of
retreat
and
refuge
to
out-laws
,
theeves
and
rebels
.
These
things
were
interpreted
to
be
done
rather
as
a
pretext
to
get
Money
,
than
for
any
other
good
use
or
end
.
He
was
in
his
own
person
loosely
given
(
his
own
Wife
being
frantick
)
and
his
houshold
servants
were
not
much
better
,
as
it
commonly
comes
to
passe
by
imitation
.
They
were
also
not
altogether
void
of
envie
for
their
great
wealth
:
nor
of
hatred
,
in
regard
of
the
way
that
men
thought
they
got
it
,
which
was
by
receiving
and
taking
bribes
from
such
as
had
suites
to
him
for
obtaining
accesse
to
him
,
or
his
favour
by
their
means
,
and
some
such
indirect
wayes
.
Riches
are
ordinarly
accompanied
with
hautinesse
and
disdaining
of
others
,
either
really
,
or
in
mens
opinion
;
which
doth
again
beget
disdain
in
those
that
think
them
disdainfull
.
This
was
the
generall
opinion
men
conceived
of
his
servants
,
from
the
highest
to
the
lowest
,
even
of
his
door-keepers
and
grooms
.
One
thing
did
marvellously
offend
men
:
George
Authenleck
of
Bawmannow
having
(
I
cannot
tell
what
)
small
quarrell
against
one
Captain
Nisbet
,
being
come
out
of
Dalkeeth
(
where
the
Regent
kept
commonly
his
residence
)
and
going
up
the
Street
,
he
met
this
Nisbet
,
where
drawing
his
Rapier
,
he
thrust
him
through
,
and
leaving
him
as
dead
,
he
held
on
his
way
to
the
Tolbooth
where
the
Lords
of
the
Session
sate
,
as
though
he
had
done
no
wrong
,
with
great
indignation
of
the
beholders
:
and
at
night
he
returned
to
Dalkeeth
,
where
he
waited
upon
the
Regent
as
before
.
This
made
the
people
to
murmure
both
against
him
as
the
actour
,
and
against
the
Regent
as
conniving
thereat
,
who
perhaps
did
not
hear
of
it
,
at
least
for
a
certain
space
.
This
Authenlecks
credit
with
the
Regent
was
so
great
,
that
all
suites
(
for
the
most
part
)
were
obtained
by
him
:
and
therefore
men
of
the
best
qualitie
countenanced
,
and
followed
him
,
which
was
both
observed
and
disdained
.
One
day
this
man
being
in
the
Tolbooth
within
the
Inner-Barre
,
Oliver
Sinclar
(
sometime
Minion
and
Favourite
to
King
James
the
fifth
,
who
was
now
at
Court
)
standing
at
the
Middle
▪
Barre
,
intreated
earnestly
to
speak
with
him
,
which
having
obtained
with
difficultie
,
when
the
other
asked
him
what
he
had
to
say
to
him
:
Oliver
answered
,
I
am
Oliver
Sinclar
,
and
without
saying
any
more
,
left
him
;
as
if
he
should
have
said
,
Be
not
too
proud
of
your
courtship
,
I
was
once
as
you
are
,
you
may
fall
to
be
as
I
am
.
This
was
matter
of
much
talk
a
long
time
.
The
Nobilitie
grudged
to
see
the
Regent
and
his
servants
to
ingrosse
all
matters
of
profit
and
commoditie
to
themselves
alone
.
If
any
Writ
were
to
passe
,
it
passed
through
at
the
highest
rate
;
few
casualities
were
given
cheap
,
fewer
gratis
.
The
marriages
of
Wards
,
the
gifts
of
escheit
,
re-abling
,
or
naturalization
,
were
bestowed
all
upon
his
Domesticks
.
They
were
neglected
in
these
things
,
and
in
other
things
also
of
a
higher
nature
,
their
advice
was
not
often
sought
,
nor
themselves
much
imployed
,
as
if
he
had
not
stood
in
need
of
them
.
The
Earle
of
Argyle
was
mightily
incensed
against
him
upon
this
occasion
.
He
had
a
Jewell
which
had
sometime
belonged
to
Queen
Mary
,
which
was
an
ensigne
of
precious
stones
,
set
in
forme
of
the
letter
H
(
for
Henry
)
which
his
Lady
had
either
gotten
from
the
Queen
(
who
was
her
sister
)
to
keep
,
or
some
other
way
in
a
token
perhaps
;
the
Regent
re-demanded
it
as
belonging
to
the
King
,
and
when
he
got
it
not
by
request
,
he
sent
an
Officer
of
arms
to
him
,
and
charged
for
it
;
whereupon
it
was
delivered
to
him
,
but
with
great
alienation
of
his
heart
and
affection
ever
after
.
His
most
near
and
particular
friends
wanted
not
their
own
exceptions
and
grievances
against
him
.
In
the
East
and
middle
March
,
he
planted
strangers
amongst
them
,
as
Arch.
Auchenleck
(
brother
to
George
)
and
Arch.
Carmichael
(
brother
to
John
Carmichael
of
Carmichael
)
in
the
Merse
.
These
he
married
to
two
Wards
;
the
last
to
one
Hume
,
Inheretrix
of
Edrem
;
and
the
former
to
one
Sleigh
of
Cumblege
;
notwithstanding
that
she
had
gone
away
with
Patrick
Cockburne
(
brother
Germain
to
the
Laird
of
Langton
)
who
had
kept
her
certain
dayes
,
yet
he
caused
an
Officer
of
arms
to
charge
him
to
deliver
her
,
and
so
she
was
exhibited
,
and
married
to
Auchenleck
.
Both
these
march
with
the
Lands
of
Bonckle
,
belonging
to
the
Earle
of
Angus
;
and
therefore
this
planting
of
these
men
there
,
was
not
well
taken
,
but
was
interpreted
,
as
if
hee
had
meant
to
strengthen
himself
there
by
them
,
and
to
acquire
dependers
there
for
himself
,
not
leaning
or
trusting
sufficiently
to
those
of
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
or
his
friends
in
that
Countrey
.
The
purchasing
of
the
Lands
of
Spot
to
his
naturall
son
James
,
wrought
him
both
hatred
and
hurt
(
in
the
end
)
for
it
quite
alienated
Alexander
Hume
of
Manderston
.
This
Alexander
had
to
wife
a
sister
of
George
Hume
of
Spot
,
and
by
her
divers
children
,
of
which
one
was
George
,
afterward
Earle
of
Dumbar
.
George
of
Spot
having
but
one
daughter
,
had
taken
to
him
,
and
(
in
a
manner
)
adopted
this
George
sonne
to
Alexander
,
with
resolution
to
bestow
his
daughter
on
him
in
marriage
,
and
with
her
his
whole
estate
.
It
fell
out
afterward
,
that
John
Cockburne
of
Ormeston
married
a
daughter
of
Alexander
of
Manderston
.
This
John
having
some
difference
with
Spot
about
some
Lands
,
the
very
day
before
his
marriage
,
rode
with
his
Company
,
and
did
eat
up
the
Cornes
that
grew
on
the
controverted
Lands
which
Spot
had
sowne
.
The
next
day
Spot
being
at
the
Wedding
of
his
sister
daughter
,
complained
of
the
wrong
done
to
him
,
but
received
small
satisfaction
,
either
of
the
Bride-groome
,
or
of
his
brother-in-law
,
who
was
loath
to
offend
his
new
Allie
.
Spot
conceived
such
indignation
hereat
,
that
to
be
revenged
of
Manderston
,
he
resolved
to
sell
his
estate
,
and
to
bestow
his
daughter
somewhere
else
,
and
so
to
disappoint
his
sonne
George
.
Wherefore
he
addresses
himself
to
the
Regent
,
and
offers
his
daughter
with
his
whole
estate
to
his
sonne
James
.
The
Regent
,
nothing
slack
to
such
an
occasion
,
without
more
scruple
or
any
question
,
transacted
and
contracted
with
him
,
and
the
marriage
was
accordingly
accomplished
betwixt
Anna
Hume
,
and
James
Douglas
who
got
by
her
all
the
Lands
pertaining
to
her
father
George
Hume
of
Spot
,
his
life-rent
onely
being
reserved
.
By
this
mean
Alexander
of
Manderston
,
and
his
sonne
George
were
debouted
and
frustrate
,
which
did
so
incense
him
,
that
from
that
time
forward
,
he
lay
in
wait
(
as
it
were
)
and
watched
for
an
opportunity
to
be
revenged
of
the
Regent
.
There
lyeth
near
unto
these
Lands
of
Spot
,
the
Lordship
of
Thurston
,
which
belonged
by
inheritance
to
Craigie-Wallace
,
but
was
possessed
by
Sir
George
Hume
of
Wedderburne
,
and
had
been
possessed
by
his
Predecessours
of
so
long
a
time
,
that
it
is
thought
to
have
been
their
possession
before
they
had
Wedderburne
,
for
eight
or
nine
generations
.
The
right
they
had
was
sometimes
a
Lease
,
sometimes
(
the
Lease
expiring
)
kindlinesse
onely
.
At
last
,
the
King
having
given
to
Wedderburne
the
Lands
of
Dundonald
(
which
lay
hard
by
Craigie
Wallace
Gates
)
Wedderburne
puts
him
in
possession
of
them
,
and
retaines
his
possession
of
Thurston
,
wherewith
they
rested
both
a
long
time
well
contented
and
satisfied
.
This
excambion
being
reall
,
and
without
Writ
on
either
side
,
it
fell
out
that
the
Kings
Lands
(
which
had
not
as
yet
bin
set
to
feud
)
coming
to
be
set
out
,
they
that
were
intrusted
therewith
,
finding
Craigie-Wallace
in
possession
of
Dundonald
,
gave
him
a
legall
right
to
it
,
and
so
he
had
the
right
both
of
it
and
Thurston
.
Hereupon
he
warnes
Wedderburne
to
remove
from
Thurston
,
as
having
no
right
thereto
,
but
he
kept
his
possession
.
On
this
ensued
no
little
trouble
,
by
reason
of
Waughtons
assisting
of
him
,
who
had
married
Craigie-Wallace
sister
.
Afterward
Sir
George
of
Wedderburne
(
Uncle
to
this
Sir
George
)
marrying
a
daughter
of
Waughtons
,
matters
were
taken
up
and
accorded
,
and
Wedderburne
was
no
more
molested
.
The
Regent
knew
all
this
very
well
,
and
yet
notwithstanding
hereof
,
the
nearnesse
of
Thurston
to
Spot
,
and
his
desire
to
enrich
his
sonne
,
made
him
to
send
for
Craigie-Wallace
,
and
buy
his
title
and
right
from
him
to
Thurston
.
T●…en
he
sends
for
Wedderburne
,
tels
him
what
he
had
done
,
and
that
he
did
not
mean
to
make
him
a
loser
thereby
:
and
therefore
desires
to
know
what
satisfaction
he
would
have
for
his
right
and
interest
.
He
answered
,
That
he
desired
nothing
but
his
own
,
and
that
onely
could
content
him
.
The
Regent
replyed
,
That
he
had
now
bought
that
:
And
the
other
answered
,
That
he
was
the
more
unkinde
to
buy
that
which
he
knew
to
be
his
by
so
long
and
kindly
possession
.
No
other
in
Scotland
(
sayes
he
)
would
have
bought
it
,
nor
you
,
my
Lord
,
if
you
had
not
been
Regent
.
This
he
bore
patiently
,
as
a
free
speech
of
a
justly
offended
friend
▪
yet
he
still
pressed
him
to
know
what
contentation
he
would
have
▪
but
the
other
persisted
in
his
former
answer
,
That
his
own
would
onely
content
him
.
So
they
parted
,
being
divided
in
words
and
minds
,
concerning
this
particular
,
but
without
breach
of
friendship
.
After
a
while
the
Regent
(
to
bring
on
the
matter
more
freely
,
and
to
necessitate
him
thereto
)
makes
warning
,
and
no
objection
being
made
,
obtaines
a
decreet
of
removing
against
him
.
Wedderburne
to
shew
what
little
account
he
made
of
these
doings
,
fals
a
building
on
it
,
that
he
might
know
he
had
no
intention
to
remove
.
He
had
a
Lease
which
was
not
expired
as
yet
,
and
there
were
two
or
three
years
thereof
to
run
;
but
he
would
not
make
use
of
it
,
but
kept
it
up
,
par●…ly
to
trie
the
Regents
intention
,
partly
reserving
it
as
a
ground
of
reduction
,
if
it
should
need
.
Thus
they
continued
all
the
time
of
his
Regency
▪
after
his
dimission
the
difference
was
taken
away
by
William
Douglas
of
Logh-leven
,
after
this
manner
▪
Wedderburne
got
one
half
of
the
Lands
(
the
Manour-house
,
and
what
lay
about
it
)
and
a
full
and
perfect
right
thereof
,
and
did
quit
the
other
half
,
which
was
let
out
in
Tenantry
.
Sir
James
Hume
of
Coldenknows
,
and
Alexander
Hume
of
Huton-hall
were
also
alienated
from
him
,
but
I
know
not
what
the
occasion
of
it
was
.
In
Tiviotdale
William
Ker
of
Cesford
,
and
Andrew
Ker
of
Fadunside
were
likewise
displeased
,
and
had
fallen
off
from
him
for
some
hard
usage
.
Hee
had
banished
William
Ker
of
Ancram
,
for
the
fewd
betwixt
him
and
the
Rutherfords
,
of
whom
hee
had
slaine
one
.
His
fathers
house
of
Ancram
was
seized
,
and
given
in
keeping
to
his
enemies
the
Trumbles
.
His
mother
(
a
daughter
of
the
house
of
Wedderburne
,
and
the
Regents
Cousin
Germane
)
had
often
sued
to
him
,
to
have
it
restored
to
her
and
h●…r
husband
,
but
could
not
prevaile
with
him
.
At
last
,
she
found
means
by
her self
and
her
servants
,
to
get
into
the
house
(
being
negligently
kept
)
and
turning
the
keepers
out
of
doores
without
doing
them
any
harme
,
dwelt
in
it
with
her
husband
,
and
her
other
sonne
Robert
.
William
absented
himself
from
publick
view
,
and
remained
sometimes
in
England
,
but
most
part
in
Wedderburne
,
both
in
Sir
Davids
,
and
Sir
Georges
time
;
neither
was
the
Regent
very
carefull
to
pursue
him
,
or
search
after
him
(
though
hee
knew
of
it
,
and
they
made
no
bones
to
confesse
their
receiving
and
entertaining
of
him
in
their
houses
)
yet
would
he
not
release
him
from
his
banishment
,
being
loath
to
displease
the
Trumbles
and
Rutherfords
,
whose
service
was
very
usefull
to
him
.
He
tolerated
also
John
Hume
(
sonne
naturall
to
John
,
called
of
Crumstaine
of
the
house
of
Wedderburne
)
who
had
been
with
William
Ker
of
Ancram
in
all
his
troubles
,
so
farre
as
at
the
meeting
which
the
Regent
had
with
the
English
(
after
the
Red-swire
;
)
he
being
in
company
with
Wedderburne
,
the
Trumbles
and
Rutherfords
perceiving
him
to
be
there
,
went
to
the
Regent
,
and
complained
that
he
was
suffered
to
live
in
the
Countrey
,
being
a
Rebell
,
and
one
that
had
so
much
wronged
them
.
Let
him
alone
(
sayes
the
Regent
)
and
do
not
meddle
with
him
at
this
time
,
when
he
hath
so
many
of
his
friends
about
him
:
for
if
he
were
now
challenged
,
it
might
trouble
you
and
me
both
.
Some
few
dayes
after
this
,
he
went
to
Tantallon
with
Wedderburne
,
where
having
kept
himself
out
of
the
Regents
sight
all
the
day
long
,
at
night
(
when
the
Regent
was
gone
to
bed
)
he
fell
to
Cards
with
the
servants
in
the
h●…ll
.
The
Regents
Chamber
was
hard
by
,
and
he
,
not
resting
well
,
arose
and
came
forth
to
the
hall
in
his
night-gowne
to
look
on
their
gaming
:
By
chance
John
sate
next
to
him
,
and
he
leaning
with
his
hand
on
his
shoulder
a
long
time
,
without
knowing
who
he
was
,
at
last
going
away
to
bed
again
,
he
perceived
it
was
he
,
and
smiling
,
said
to
him
,
GOD
make
you
a
good
man
;
and
so
went
his
way
.
From
thence
forward
John
conversed
in
publick
and
came
ordinarily
into
his
sight
and
presence
without
being
challenged
,
as
if
he
had
been
formally
released
from
his
banishment
.
The
Earl
of
Angus
himself
had
his
own
discontents
;
and
thought
him
too
carefull
to
preferre
&
provide
for
his
natural
sons
,
and
not
so
careful
of
him
as
he
should
have
been
.
Besides
,
these
that
thought
themselves
dis-obliged
,
he
had
professed
enemies
that
hunted
for
all
the
advantages
against
him
they
could
devise
;
at
home
the
Castle
faction
(
Master
John
Metellane
,
Sir
Robert
Melvin
,
Pittadraw
)
and
abroad
in
France
,
the
Lord
Seton
,
Farnihaste
,
Waughton
(
who
was
not
very
busie
)
the
Bishops
of
Glasgow
,
and
Rosse
,
Ambassadours
,
and
Agents
for
the
Queen
.
These
things
,
like
warts
or
freckles
in
a
beautifull
body
,
seemed
to
stain
the
lustre
of
his
government
,
and
though
they
may
be
thought
but
small
slips
and
weaknesses
,
yet
they
made
impression
in
the
mindes
of
some
,
and
in
the
own
time
brought
forth
hard
effects
,
albeit
in
respect
of
his
place
,
wisedome
and
power
(
like
slow
poyson
)
they
were
long
ere
they
did
shew
forth
their
operation
.
There
fell
out
a
businesse
in
the
year
1576.
the
7.
of
July
,
which
men
looked
should
have
brought
on
warre
with
England
.
Sir
John
Forester
,
Warden
of
the
middle
March
in
England
,
&
Sir
John
Carmichael
Warden
for
Scotland
,
met
for
keeping
of
the
Truce
,
at
a
place
called
,
The
John
Carmichael
taking
this
not
to
be
spoken
in
sinceritie
,
but
for
a
shift
to
frustrate
justice
,
urged
and
pressed
the
matter
more
hardly
,
desiring
him
to
speak
and
deal
plainly
,
without
sparing
any
ma●…
for
fear
or
favour
;
but
regarding
onely
what
was
just
and
right
,
according
to
equitie
and
reason
.
Sir
John
Forester
thinking
himself
taxed
of
partialitie
,
beganne
to
bee
angry
,
and
in
a
contemptuous
manner
bad
Carmichael
match
himself
with
his
equalls
,
and
not
with
him
,
who
was
above
him
both
in
birth
and
quality
;
and
therewith
hee
rose
up
from
the
place
hee
sate
in
,
and
walked
a
little
away
from
thence
.
The
English
Borderers
(
chiefly
they
of
Tindall
)
being
all
Bow-men
,
when
they
perceived
their
Warden
displeased
,
glad
of
occasion
to
trouble
the
Peace
,
sent
a
flight
of
arrows
amongst
the
Scots
,
whereby
they
killed
one
of
them
,
and
wounded
diverse
.
The
Scots
who
looked
for
no
such
thing
,
and
were
gone
some
to
Cards
,
and
some
to
other
Pastimes
,
being
scattered
here
and
there
,
fled
at
the
first
many
of
them
.
At
length
some
few
(
about
twenty
persons
)
taking
courage
,
and
calling
to
the
rest
to
stay
and
stand
to
it
,
they
joyned
together
,
and
charged
the
English
so
fiercely
,
that
they
slew
divers
of
them
,
amongst
whom
was
Sir
George
Heron
,
a
worthy
Gentleman
,
and
well
beloved
of
both
the
Countreyes
,
whom
they
would
have
been
loath
to
have
hurt
,
if
the
heat
of
the
conflict
had
not
carried
them
to
it
unawares
.
Sir
John
Forester
,
and
the
Gentlemen
that
were
with
him
,
were
taken
prisoners
,
and
brought
into
Scotland
to
the
Regent
.
He
entertained
them
kindely
,
and
honourably
,
but
detained
them
as
lawful
prisoners
,
and
breakers
of
the
Peace
,
till
the
Queen
of
England
sent
for
them
.
It
was
expected
that
this
should
have
bin
an
occasion
of
warre
;
but
the
Regent
was
nothing
afraid
of
the
matter
.
He
knew
them
,
and
they
him
;
he
entertained
friendship
with
them
after
his
wonted
manner
,
and
sent
many
Scottish
Falcons
for
a
present
to
the
Courtiers
of
England
,
whereof
one
made
a
jest
,
saying
,
That
hee
dealt
very
nobly
and
bountifully
with
the
English
,
in
that
he
gave
them
live
Hawkes
,
for
dead
Herons
,
alluding
to
Sir
George
Heron
,
who
was
slain
.
The
businesse
came
to
a
treatie
,
and
the
Regent
came
in
person
to
Foulden
in
the
Merse
,
where
the
English
Commissioners
met
him
.
They
agreed
on
these
termes
,
That
the
goods
should
be
restored
,
and
for
satisfaction
and
repairing
of
the
Queens
honour
,
Carmichael
should
go
to
London
,
and
come
in
the
Queens
will
.
He
went
as
far
as
York
,
where
being
come
the
26.
of
September
,
he
was
detained
there
some
five
or
six
weeks
,
and
so
was
dismissed
.
Concerning
restitution
of
the
Goods
,
the
Regent
caused
make
a
Proclamation
,
by
which
he
commanded
all
that
were
on
this
side
of
Forth
,
to
come
to
him
at
Edinburgh
the
8.
of
October
,
with
provision
of
victuall
for
twenty
dayes
,
intending
to
go
to
the
Borders
.
But
he
continued
or
adjourned
the
diet
till
he
should
give
new
advertisement
;
for
the
Borderers
ceased
from
their
stealing
,
and
took
order
for
restoring
what
they
had
taken
.
Afterward
he
held
Justice-Courts
at
Peebles
and
Edinburgh
,
which
was
interpreted
to
be
done
,
more
for
getting
money
,
than
doing
of
justice
.
The
townsmen
of
Edinburgh
were
especially
aimed
at
,
&
most
carefully
summoned
;
yet
they
were
continued
and
cast
over
to
another
time
;
only
they
paid
a
thousand
marks
Scottish
for
Bullion
,
which
the
Merchants
are
bound
to
furnish
to
the
Mint
,
but
had
neglected
to
do
it
.
During
the
time
of
his
Regencie
,
he
met
with
one
private
conspiracy
,
of
which
John
Semple
,
son
to
the
Lord
Semple
was
author
;
upon
what
ground
or
motive
I
know
not
.
It
was
revealed
by
one
Gabriel
Semple
,
who
being
confronted
with
John
before
the
secret
Councel
,
avouched
it
,
and
offered
to
make
it
good
by
combate
:
But
it
needed
not
,
for
John
confessed
it
,
and
was
thereupon
condemned
to
be
hanged
,
quartred
and
drawn
.
Yet
when
his
friends
interceeded
for
him
,
the
Regent
(
nothing
bloud-thirsty
)
did
onely
send
him
to
the
castle
,
there
to
remain
during
pleasure
;
which
not
being
declared
,
he
was
kept
there
during
his
Regency
,
after
which
he
was
set
at
liberty
.
If
hee
had
but
stuck
to
his
right
declared
,
and
claimed
it
,
and
in
the
mean
time
kept
himself
safe
by
his
own
power
and
friendship
in
Dalkeith
or
Tantallon
,
it
is
possible
,
and
not
improbable
that
hee
might
have
dis-appointed
them
.
But
hee
left
that
way
,
and
having
dimitted
the
authority
,
he
rendered
also
the
Palace
of
Haly-rood-house
,
the
Mint
and
Coyning-house
,
with
the
printing
irons
;
also
the
Kings
Jewels
,
and
what
else
belonged
to
the
Crown
was
delivered
to
the
Lord
Glames
and
Maxwell
,
who
were
sent
from
the
King
and
his
new
Councell
to
receive
them
.
And
good
reason
he
should
do
so
,
for
now
they
were
no
more
his
,
seeing
he
was
no
more
Regent
,
having
dimitted
the
authority
,
he
could
not
retain
them
.
Yet
he
did
not
so
with
the
castle
of
Edinburgh
,
which
the
same
two
Lords
had
also
commission
to
receive
.
His
brother
(
George
of
Parkhead
,
as
we
have
said
)
was
Captain
of
it
,
who
not
being
well
provided
of
Victuall
before
,
he
found
that
it
was
then
too
late
to
begin
.
For
seeking
to
Victuall
it
both
privatly
and
openly
,
hee
was
hindred
by
the
Townsmen
,
whereupon
ensued
bloud-shedding
and
slaughter
.
The
Town
had
placed
a
Guard
about
the
Butter-market
(
where
the
Weigh-house
now
stands
)
and
the
Constable
of
the
Castle
Archbald
Douglas
(
brother
to
John
of
Tillie-whillie
)
issuing
forth
,
set
upon
the
Guard
before
they
were
aware
,
and
having
killed
two
or
three
of
them
,
retired
to
the
Castle
again
.
This
did
no
good
;
it
procured
hatred
toward
himself
,
but
purchased
no
Victuall
to
the
Castle
.
Wherefore
the
Guard
being
more
warie
,
he
was
so
straited
for
want
of
Vivers
,
that
he
was
forced
to
surrender
it
to
the
Lord
Ruthven
and
the
Lord
Lindsay
the
first
of
April
1578.
In
this
mean
time
(
some
fourtnight
before
,
the
seventeenth
of
March
)
the
Lord
Glames
Chancellour
,
was
slaine
at
Stirlin
.
There
had
been
some
old
quarrell
betwixt
the
Earle
Crawford
and
him
;
but
now
both
being
on
the
Kings
side
,
they
were
upon
termes
of
agreement
or
assurance
.
I●…
happened
so
,
that
as
the
one
was
going
to
the
Castle
of
Stirlin
,
and
the
other
coming
from
it
,
they
rencountred
in
a
narrow
Lane
.
Both
of
them
commanded
their
followers
and
train
to
give
way
,
which
they
did
,
and
were
now
all
passed
save
two
of
their
servants
that
were
last
,
who
having
first
justled
one
another
,
drew
their
Swords
,
and
flew
to
it
.
Hereupon
both
their
Lords
with
their
Companies
turned
,
and
began
to
skirmish
;
where
the
Lord
Glames
being
a
tall
man
of
stature
,
and
higher
than
the
rest
,
was
shot
with
a
Pistolet
,
and
so
died
.
It
is
uncertain
who
it
was
that
shot
him
,
but
many
thought
it
was
Crawford
himselfe
,
because
he
was
very
skilfull
in
shooting
with
a
piece
.
Wherefore
he
was
committed
to
prison
,
but
was
released
again
soon
after
,
without
further
triall
or
enquiry
:
Whereupon
followed
great
enmity
and
mischief
betwixt
these
two
families
of
Crawford
and
Glames
.
It
was
observed
with
admiration
,
that
the
news
of
this
slaughter
,
which
was
committed
about
five
a
Clock
in
the
after-noon
,
was
reported
punctually
and
perfectly
at
Edinburgh
by
six
,
there
being
24.
miles
distance
between
.
It
appears
by
this
,
that
if
Morton
had
not
laid
down
his
authority
over
hastily
,
other
such
things
might
have
fallen
out
to
have
divided
that
faction
,
which
might
have
furnished
him
with
matter
enough
to
have
wrought
out
his
own
continuance
therein
.
But
now
having
laid
it
down
,
he
must
play
the
after-game
as
well
as
he
may
.
There
were
chosen
to
be
of
the
Kings
Councell
,
Argyle
,
Athole
,
Montrose
;
the
Bishop
of
Caithnesse
(
Montroses
Grand
Uncle
)
the
Abbots
of
Dumfermling
,
and
Newbottle
;
the
Lord
Ruthven
,
Lindsay
,
and
Oglebee
.
These
coming
to
Edinburgh
,
he
gives
place
,
and
withdraws
himself
,
not
to
Dalkeeth
(
it
was
too
near
)
neither
to
Douglas
(
it
was
too
farre
off
and
out
of
the
way
)
nor
to
Tantallon
(
it
was
a
place
of
strength
,
and
it
might
have
been
interpreted
fear
in
him
)
but
to
Logh-leven
to
his
Cousin
William
Douglas
,
who
was
also
a
near
Cousin
to
the
Earle
of
Marre
;
that
from
thence
,
and
by
him
he
might
deale
with
them
who
had
the
Kings
Person
in
keeping
,
and
finde
meanes
to
turne
about
the
wheele
againe
,
and
to
overturne
them
who
had
turned
him
(
in
a
manner
)
out
of
his
Regencie
.
There
hee
busied
himself
in
making
of
Walks
and
Alleys
,
in
drawing
of
Garden
plots
or
knots
,
little
minding
any
State
affaires
in
appearanee
;
or
if
any
warie
wit
did
suspect
any
thing
of
him
,
or
any
clear
eyed
Lynceus
,
or
well
sighted
Argus
espied
some
designe
(
which
was
very
hard
for
them
to
doe
)
yet
most
part
saw
nothing
;
and
there
were
but
few
that
suspected
any
thing
,
and
none
that
could
help
or
hinder
it
.
For
so
hee
brought
it
(
as
most
men
think
)
or
so
it
came
to
passe
,
that
Alexander
Ereskin
(
brother
to
the
late
Earle
)
a
man
of
a
good
easie
nature
,
and
no
ill
disposition
,
and
who
,
though
of
himselfe
hee
were
nothing
factious
or
malicious
,
yet
he
had
been
an
instrument
,
whom
the
other
partie
(
Argyle
,
Athole
,
&c.
)
had
used
to
turne
Morton
out
of
his
Regencie
,
by
admitting
them
unto
the
King
,
who
was
committed
to
his
charge
as
Captain
of
the
Castle
of
Stirlin
,
and
Tutour
to
the
young
Earle
of
Marre
,
was
himselfe
almost
after
the
same
manner
turned
out
of
his
charge
of
keeping
the
King
and
Castle
.
For
as
the
King
had
been
moved
to
take
the
government
upon
himself
before
the
time
appointed
,
so
the
Earle
of
Marre
was
moved
to
take
upon
himself
that
his
own
charge
(
of
keeping
the
King
and
Castle
of
Stirlin
)
before
his
time
,
being
not
yet
of
age
nor
Major
.
The
manner
of
it
was
this
:
One
morning
(
the
26.
of
April
1578.
the
Earle
got
up
betimes
to
go
a
hunting
,
and
sending
for
the
Keyes
of
the
Castle
Gate
,
Alexander
(
his
Uncle
)
came
himself
in
person
,
and
having
opened
the
Gate
to
let
his
Nephew
forth
,
he
himselfe
and
his
servants
were
thrust
out
at
the
Gate
by
the
Earle
,
assisted
by
his
own
naturall
brother
,
and
his
Uncles
the
Abbots
of
Cambskenneth
and
Driebrugh
(
very
worthie
,
kinde
,
upright
,
and
honest
Gentlemen
)
and
so
he
took
the
Keyes
and
keeping
of
the
King
and
Castle
into
his
own
hands
the
27.
of
April
1578.
(
as
my
notes
say
)
and
so
not
above
7.
weeks
after
Mortons
dimission
of
his
Regency
.
Whether
or
not
Morton
imployed
Tillibardine
in
this
work
,
and
gave
him
Money
for
it
(
he
being
Uncle
to
the
Earle
of
Marre
)
I
cannot
affirme
it
,
though
I
know
it
was
reported
;
neither
indeed
can
I
say
confidently
that
Morton
plotted
this
businesse
,
and
that
it
was
his
doing
,
or
what
hand
he
had
in
it
,
or
whether
it
were
nothing
else
but
division
amongst
themselves
.
However
it
were
,
by
this
meanes
the
designes
of
the
new
Counsellours
were
turned
to
nothing
.
They
had
(
the
9.
of
April
)
chosen
the
Earle
of
Athole
Chancellour
,
and
indicted
a
Parliament
to
be
held
the
10.
of
July
,
and
had
consulted
of
many
Articles
to
be
concluded
therein
.
Upon
the
newes
of
this
change
,
they
go
to
Stirlin
,
but
the
Castle
was
kept
so
close
,
that
they
were
not
suffered
to
come
in
,
save
one
at
once
.
There
they
had
some
meetings
in
the
Town
,
and
afterward
returned
to
Edinburgh
the
8.
of
May.
Morton
waa
come
to
Dalkeith
a
little
before
;
wherefore
they
send
to
him
,
and
desire
to
conferre
with
him
.
He
came
to
Craig-Miller
,
and
there
spake
with
Athole
and
Argyle
,
and
at
last
(
after
much
tossing
of
businesse
)
they
agreed
so
well
,
that
they
went
with
him
to
Dalkeith
to
dinner
.
On
the
morrow
(
the
9
of
June
)
Morton
goes
to
Stirlin
,
and
was
friendly
received
by
the
Earle
of
Marre
into
the
Castle
.
The
rest
followed
that
same
day
,
so
that
the
whole
Nobilitie
was
assembled
together
the
tenth
day
.
By
their
advice
the
Counsell
was
changed
,
and
Morton
made
Principal
and
President
thereof
.
The
Parliament
by
Proclamation
was
transferred
to
Stirlin
,
there
George
Hume
of
Wedderburne
,
with
the
consent
indeed
of
Morton
(
whom
he
solicited
for
that
end
)
but
against
his
opinion
and
advice
.
For
he
told
him
freely
,
that
he
thought
it
was
not
his
best
course
;
for
(
sayes
he
)
you
never
got
any
good
of
that
house
,
&
if
it
were
once
taken
out
of
the
way
,
you
are
next
,
and
it
may
be
you
will
get
but
small
thanks
for
your
paines
:
Sir
George
answered
;
that
the
Lord
Hume
wa●…
his
Chief
,
and
he
could
not
see
his
house
ruined
;
if
they
were
unkinde
he
could
not
do
withall
,
that
would
be
their
own
fault
;
this
he
thought
himself
bound
to
do
,
and
for
his
own
part
,
whatsoever
their
carriage
were
to
him
,
he
would
do
his
duty
to
them
;
if
his
Chief
should
turne
him
out
at
the
fore-doore
,
he
would
come
in
again
at
▪
the
back-doore
.
Well
(
sayes
Morton
)
if
you
be
so
minded
,
it
shall
be
●…o
,
I
can
do
no
more
but
tell
you
my
opinion
,
and
so
consented
to
do
it
:
Yet
Sir
George
had
so
ordered
the
matter
,
that
he
made
no
question
to
have
carried
it
without
Mortons
consent
by
the
Abbot
of
Driebrugh
and
Cambskenneth
,
to
whom
he
was
allied
by
his
wife
.
Wherefore
they
are
mis-taken
that
say
〈◊〉
did
all
,
and
that
there
was
nothing
done
but
according
to
his
pleasure
;
for
hee
was
but
accessary
,
and
concurred
(
as
one
of
the
chief
and
prime
Noblemen
)
but
the
house
of
Marre
had
the
main
sway
at
this
time
.
At
this
Parliament
,
the
wardenrie
of
the
East
march
was
taken
from
Coldinknowes
,
and
given
to
Sir
George
of
Wedderburne
,
and
he
thought
it
no
robberie
to
take
it
,
being
given
him
.
In
August
the
other
Lords
(
with
whom
were
Coldinknows
and
Manderston
,
Cesford
and
Fadunside
)
assembled
their
forces
,
and
having
set
forth
a
Declaration
,
that
their
purpose
was
to
set
the
King
at
liberty
,
they
marched
from
Edinburgh
to
Fawkirk
.
Neither
was
Morton
slow
in
gathering
together
his
friends
at
Stirlin
,
with
resolution
to
have
tryed
the
hazard
of
a
battell
.
The
Earle
of
Angus
went
out
divers
times
,
and
skirmished
with
them
,
but
there
was
no
great
hurt
done
.
Onely
in
a
single
Combate
or
Duell
James
Johnston
a
follower
of
Angus
,
he
also
being
sore
wounded
.
At
last
they
came
to
an
agreement
,
and
lest
they
should
seem
to
have
done
nothing
,
they
condescended
that
the
King
should
be
brought
to
Edinburgh
or
elsewhere
,
as
they
pleased
,
by
the
advice
of
the
Nobility
,
which
served
little
for
their
purpose
;
for
there
was
no
time
limited
;
and
when
he
was
brought
to
the
palace
of
Haly-rood-house
(
the
30.
of
September
1579.
a
year
after
)
yet
was
Marre
and
Morton
the
chief
men
about
him
,
and
had
greatest
credit
with
him
.
But
before
that
time
it
was
concluded
in
Councell
that
the
Lord
Aberbrothe
and
Claude
of
Pasley
his
brother
should
bee
pursued
as
slayers
of
Lennox
and
Murray
(
late
Regents
)
which
was
done
accordingly
.
But
they
themselves
having
fled
into
England
,
their
servants
were
taken
,
and
some
executed
,
others
imprisoned
,
and
their
Lords
Houses
demolished
.
This
motion
is
thought
to
have
proceeded
chiefly
from
the
house
of
Marre
and
Logh-leven
.
Wee
hear
of
no
new
occasion
given
by
them
,
for
they
remained
neutrals
,
and
did
not
side
with
either
partie
at
this
time
.
Mortons
part
was
,
that
he
remained
a
spectator
,
and
was
contented
that
mens
minds
should
be
taken
up
with
some
other
thing
,
and
not
have
leasure
to
think
of
him
,
and
his
late
greatnesse
,
and
that
their
furie
should
be
powred
forth
on
somewhat
else
.
While
they
remained
yet
at
Stirlin
,
the
Earle
of
Athole
died
suddenly
,
In
the
next
yeare
1579.
in
June
,
upon
the
Kings
longing
to
be
abroad
,
it
was
concluded
in
Councell
that
he
should
go
to
Edinburgh
the
25.
of
September
next
,
but
he
came
not
till
the
30.
day
thereof
.
Morton
and
Marre
were
still
with
him
as
his
chief
Counsellours
.
They
invited
him
to
Dalkeith
,
where
hee
remained
a
certain
space
,
and
returned
to
the
Abbey
of
Haly-rood-house
the
16.
of
October
:
John
Metellane
(
sometime
Priour
of
Coldingame
,
and
brother
to
Lithington
)
Sir
Robert
Melvin
(
uncle
to
Grange
)
Pittadraw
,
the
Bishop
of
Dunkell
,
and
some
others
remained
.
These
he
had
committed
to
prison
for
a
short
while
;
afterward
had
pardoned
them
,
and
set
them
at
liberty
.
They
kept
still
their
old
minde
,
entertained
mutuall
friendship
and
correspondence
,
and
wanted
onely
occasion
to
shew
the
effects
of
their
former
disposition
:
Especially
Master
John
Metellane
,
and
Sir
Robert
Melvin
bore
great
hatred
to
Morton
;
the
one
for
putting
his
Nephew
Grange
to
death
,
the
other
because
he
supposed
Morton
would
have
done
as
much
to
his
brother
,
if
he
(
fearing
so
much
)
had
not
prevented
it
by
poysoning
himself
,
as
the
common
rumour
was
.
Besides
these
private
grudges
,
the
publick
cause
did
also
egge
them
on
and
animate
them
against
him
;
which
they
never
forgot
,
and
looked
upon
him
as
the
man
who
had
beene
the
bane
thereof
.
Yet
they
set
it
on
foot
again
,
by
〈◊〉
of
it
openly
,
and
advancing
it
(
all
they
could
)
secretly
and
indirectly
;
using
all
the
means
they
could
to
make
all
things
work
for
the
Queenes
advantage
.
She
had
her
Agents
and
Ambassadours
in
France
,
together
with
her
Uncles
(
of
Guise
)
and
wanted
not
her
under-hand
Favourers
in
England
,
that
still
had
their
eye
upon
her
(
as
upon
the
rising
Snnne
)
whom
they
esteemed
the
hope
of
their
Religion
.
Their
suite
now
was
(
who
would
not
think
it
so
?
)
both
plausible
and
modest
;
to
joyn
the
mother
and
the
sonne
in
an
equality
of
government
,
being
so
near
joyned
in
nature
.
It
could
not
but
be
for
the
good
of
the
Countrey
,
and
make
much
to
confirme
and
strengthen
their
title
to
England
.
Thus
they
said
;
but
how
can
this
bee
done
?
He
is
in
possession
of
the
Crown
,
how
can
it
be
taken
from
him
again
?
How
can
he
be
desired
to
dimit
?
And
though
he
would
demit
,
yet
those
of
his
party
will
never
be
contented
that
he
should
doe
it
.
On
the
other
side
,
Shee
is
living
and
dis-possessed
;
but
who
that
hath
ever
worne
a
Crowne
,
can
live
and
bee
content
to
want
it
?
What
other
mids
then
,
and
meane
can
bee
found
out
,
but
association
in
the
Crowne
?
So
shall
both
have
it
,
and
both
be
satisfied
,
a
happy
society
,
from
which
will
flow
the
sonnes
love
,
and
the
mothers
blessing
.
All
shall
so
goe
well
,
and
it
will
bee
easie
to
perswade
a
childe
(
though
never
so
wise
)
being
unacquainted
with
such
things
,
especially
one
that
is
so
gentle
,
and
of
so
towardly
▪
disposition
:
onely
the
difficulty
will
bee
to
move
his
old
friends
thereto
;
they
will
never
consent
to
it
;
they
will
bee
jealous
and
fearefull
of
any
party
or
equalitie
in
ruling
,
though
of
never
so
neare
and
deare
friends
:
they
will
choke
us
with
that
old
saying
,
Nulla
fides
Regni
sociis
,
&c.
They
will
thinke
it
a
diminution
to
the
Kings
authoritie
,
which
ought
not
to
bee
admitted
either
in
effect
,
or
in
appearance
.
The
grounds
of
his
Title
will
seeme
to
bee
brangled
and
overthrowne
;
also
his
estate
will
bee
made
thereby
more
unsure
,
and
doubtfull
:
The
match
(
though
with
a
mother
)
will
bee
too
hard
for
him
;
shee
is
elder
,
and
so
wiser
,
and
more
experienced
,
and
may
soon
steppe
up
from
this
equalitie
to
a
Superioritie
,
by
questioning
her
former
dimission
,
by
revoking
and
recalling
of
it
,
as
being
done
in
prison
,
and
so
not
free
,
nor
voluntary
.
Thus
shall
the
King
bee
thrust
out
of
his
place
,
the
Countrey
,
his
old
friends
,
Religion
,
and
all
quite
undone
.
Morton
was
too
old
a
Cat
,
to
draw
such
a
straw
before
him
,
or
to
propound
any
thing
tending
that
way
:
wherefore
their
best
was
to
make
him
away
,
that
so
the
plot
might
goe
on
.
And
much
more
good
effect
would
come
of
that
one
stroke
:
Hee
was
rich
,
hee
had
faire
lands
and
houses
,
a
faire
reward
of
all
their
pains
and
travell
.
And
no
question
,
his
friends
that
should
take
his
part
,
might
bee
involved
,
and
insnared
with
him
:
Especially
the
Earle
of
Angus
could
hardly
in
this
case
of
his
Uncle
,
so
behave
himselfe
,
but
occasion
might
bee
found
against
him
,
which
would
bee
a
faire
bootie
.
The
facilitie
of
compassing
a
businesse
doth
often
draw
men
on
,
and
doth
greatly
prevail
in
all
consultations
.
The
new
factions
against
him
were
very
strong
,
yet
●…ee
kept
them
downe
,
but
it
was
meeerly
by
the
Kings
countenance
;
if
that
were
once
taken
away
from
him
,
the
rest
would
prove
but
easie
.
And
now
to
facilitate
all
,
there
fell
out
such
occasions
,
as
they
could
have
wished
,
or
as
they
had
made
.
For
in
September
,
in
the
yeare
one
thousand
five
hundreth
seventy
Mounsieur
d'
Obignie
was
come
(
or
brought
)
home
:
his
name
,
his
kindred
,
his
carriage
,
his
commission
from
friends
in
France
,
his
comelinesse
,
his
observance
,
his
person
did
procure
him
credit
with
the
King
;
and
this
faction
did
privately
insinuate
with
him
,
and
openly
thrust
him
forward
into
the
Kings
favour
;
and
put
him
out
of
conceit
of
Morton
;
and
indeed
quite
alienated
him
from
him
,
and
so
by
him
the
King
,
whose
eare
hee
now
had
;
for
Morton
being
such
an
adversary
to
the
Queene
,
and
so
to
France
,
Obignie
to
doe
the
Queene
,
and
to
doe
France
service
,
to
pleasure
the
holy
League
(
himselfe
being
a
Papist
)
and
to
gaine
the
good
will
of
this
faction
by
whom
hee
was
to
rise
to
some
great
place
about
the
King
,
was
easily
induced
to
promove
their
plotte
and
malice
against
him
.
Neither
was
there
great
difficultie
in
it
:
hee
had
lost
many
friends
,
offended
all
sorts
of
men
;
the
Burrowes
,
the
Ministerie
,
and
who
so
doth
zealously
affect
them
,
so
farre
as
that
if
they
were
not
his
enemies
,
they
were
but
cold
friends
,
and
such
as
would
bee
but
spectatours
,
and
no
wayes
actours
for
him
.
There
fell
out
also
(
about
this
time
)
in
October
(
1580.
)
an
accident
,
which
did
him
much
hurt
,
and
made
for
their
purpo●…e
.
The
Lord
Ruthven
having
beene
in
Ruthven
:
Ruthven
notwithstanding
,
rode
that
way
in
view
of
Diplin
.
Olyphant
tooke
this
as
done
in
contempt
of
him
,
and
therefore
issuing
forth
with
some
horsemen
,
and
some
fire
locks
,
followed
them
,
and
came
upon
them
so
unexpectedly
,
and
with
such
advantage
of
weapous
,
that
Ruthvens
men
fled
presently
,
and
their
Lord
was
forced
to
doe
the
like
.
Onely
one
Alexander
Stuart
(
of
the
house
of
Traquaire
,
and
a
Kinsman
of
Ruthvens
)
stayed
behind
the
rest
,
partly
to
keep
off
the
pursuers
,
partly
to
speake
with
Olyphant
in
fair
termes
,
and
was
slain
by
a
shot
,
from
one
that
knew
him
not
,
sore
against
Oliphants
minde
,
and
to
his
great
griefe
and
discontentment
.
The
Lord
Ruthven
,
seeking
by
order
of
law
to
repair
his
credit
,
and
to
be
revenged
for
the
killing
of
his
friend
,
causes
summon
Oliphant
to
answer
criminally
before
the
Justice
Generall
.
This
Oliphant
had
married
Margaret
Douglas
,
daughter
to
William
Douglas
of
Logh-leven
,
and
now
being
pursued
upon
his
life
,
was
assisted
by
his
father
in
law
.
The
Earle
of
Morton
would
gladly
have
agreed
the
parties
,
but
the
fact
being
recent
,
and
the
Lord
Ruthven
(
together
with
the
friends
of
the
Gentleman
that
was
slain
)
having
received
such
an
affront
and
indignity
,
there
was
no
possibility
to
take
it
away
,
save
by
law
.
Wherefore
Morton
joyned
with
the
party
that
was
pursued
for
his
life
,
which
hath
ever
beene
accounted
most
Noble
,
most
tolerable
,
and
free
from
exception
or
quarrelling
.
Besides
,
Oliphant
had
not
commanded
his
servant
to
shoote
,
neither
did
hee
allow
or
approve
(
but
was
sory
for
it
)
in
his
heart
;
but
hee
thought
hee
could
not
with
his
honour
deliver
one
who
followed
him
,
and
had
done
this
rash
fact
,
in
and
for
his
service
,
but
was
bound
to
defend
him
all
hee
could
,
and
protect
him
from
all
danger
,
and
harme
,
according
to
his
power
.
Notwithstanding
,
of
this
,
Ruthven
was
mightily
displeased
with
Morton
,
for
countenancing
,
and
assisting
Olyphant
against
him
,
and
Master
John
Metellane
,
and
Sir
Robert
Melvine
(
who
tooke
part
with
Ruthven
)
laid
hold
of
the
occasion
,
and
blew
the
bellowes
so
,
that
they
brought
him
to
that
point
of
unkindenesse
,
that
hee
could
very
well
have
beene
contented
to
see
Morton
reduced
to
such
an
estate
and
condition
,
as
that
hee
might
neede
his
helpe
,
and
bee
sensible
of
the
losse
of
so
steadable
and
usefull
a
friend
,
as
hee
tooke
himselfe
to
be
.
Wherefore
,
when
hee
understood
that
his
enemies
were
plotting
against
him
(
either
for
that
he
knew
not
that
they
aimed
at
no
lesse
then
his
death
and
finall
overthrow
,
or
if
hee
did
know
so
much
,
because
hee
thought
hee
could
give
them
a
stop
when
hee
pleased
,
and
hinder
them
from
attaining
that
point
of
their
aime
)
hee
suffered
the
course
to
goe
on
,
and
perhaps
helped
it
forward
.
The
name
of
Stuart
were
also
offended
with
him
for
assisting
one
who
was
accused
of
the
killing
a
Stuart
,
and
all
this
was
aggreaged
and
aggravated
by
those
of
his
opposite
faction
.
Besides
this
,
hee
had
shewed
that
hee
was
not
well
pleased
with
the
Courtship
and
favour
which
Mounsieur
D'
Obignie
had
with
the
King
;
because
there
was
a
generall
suspition
and
feare
,
that
hee
was
imployed
,
and
would
labour
to
corrupt
and
pervert
him
in
his
Religion
.
There
was
with
Obignie
,
one
Monbirneau
(
who
was
thought
to
have
been
an
actor
and
executioner
of
the
Massacre
in
France
)
extreamely
dissolute
in
his
conversation
,
and
therefore
much
hated
,
feared
and
abhorred
of
all
men
,
which
did
reflect
upon
Obignie
for
his
entertaining
,
and
familiarity
with
him
.
The
Ministers
spake
and
preached
openly
and
plainly
against
them
both
,
and
the
English
Embassadour
(
Sir
William
Bowes
)
desired
Monbirneau
to
be
removed
off
the
Counsell
as
such
an
one
,
and
when
it
was
refused
,
he
likewise
refused
to
deliver
his
message
,
or
to
shew
his
Commission
,
for
so
he
had
been
commanded
by
the
Queen
and
State
of
England
.
Morton
withdrew
himselfe
as
discontented
,
and
retired
to
Dalkeith
,
either
for
dislike
of
the
present
estate
of
things
,
or
out
of
feare
and
doubte
of
some
danger
,
or
inconvenient
,
or
for
both
;
neither
did
hee
come
to
Court
or
Counsell
,
but
when
hee
was
sent
for
by
the
King
.
This
disliking
of
their
wayes
,
made
them
to
dislike
the
more
of
him
,
and
his
feare
caused
them
to
feare
him
more
also
:
dislike
and
feare
increased
their
hatred
,
and
hastned
their
resolution
to
overthrow
him
.
The
way
was
laid
,
which
was
to
charge
him
with
the
murther
of
the
late
King
,
the
accuser
(
either
made
choice
of
by
them
,
or
who
did
willingly
offer
himselfe
)
was
James
Stuart
(
sonne
to
the
Lord
Ochletr●…e
)
a
bold
,
venturous
and
aspiring
young
man
.
And
so
the
last
of
December
he
was
That
it
was
better
to
heare
the
Larke
sing
,
then
the
Mouse
peep
;
and
their
Proverb
,
Loose
and
living
.
On
the
second
of
January
,
hee
had
a
warrant
sent
to
him
to
enter
himselfe
James
Stuart
(
his
accuser
)
was
coming
downe
,
and
as
he
passed
by
,
hee
said
to
him
(
in
an
insolent
and
insulting
manner
)
fare
well
my
Lord
,
goe
on
.
His
servants
would
fain
have
made
an
end
of
the
accuser
,
if
not
of
the
accusation
,
but
he
would
not
suffer
them
by
any
meanes
,
but
held
on
his
way
toward
the
Castle
(
without
replying
any
thing
)
and
so
entred
there
a
prisoner
.
This
obedience
of
his
is
liable
to
bee
diversly
thought
of
by
diverse
,
and
is
diversely
censured
by
men
(
according
to
that
saying
)
Laudatur
ab
his
,
culpatur
ab
illis
,
it
is
commended
by
some
,
and
discommended
by
others
.
They
blame
his
wisedome
,
that
he
should
have
trusted
,
and
relied
so
much
upon
his
innocency
,
as
to
have
put
his
life
into
the
hands
of
his
enemies
,
who
used
the
colour
and
shadow
of
the
Kings
authority
,
for
their
owne
private
ends
,
and
to
fulfill
their
owne
malice
,
and
revenge
.
Others
commend
him
,
that
being
innocent
,
he
obeyed
the
King
,
and
submitted
himselfe
to
the
lawes
.
The
event
gave
judgement
for
the
first
,
and
all
men
since
are
of
the
former
opinion
;
yet
it
may
be
he
did
not
rely
meerly
on
his
innocency
;
and
that
he
looked
not
to
have
had
such
a
number
of
enemies
,
having
never
deserved
such
hatred
of
any
;
and
that
he
thought
the
Nobility
would
never
give
way
to
such
extremity
,
which
was
an
ill
precedent
and
preparative
against
themselves
.
But
however
,
God
had
his
worke
to
bring
to
passe
,
and
meant
to
humble
him
this
way
;
and
therefore
his
wisedome
(
which
appeared
at
other
times
)
did
now
fail
him
,
so
that
hee
was
confounded
in
his
discourse
and
reason
.
There
can
nothing
else
bee
said
or
alledged
for
this
grosse
errour
in
so
wise
a
man
.
This
is
the
first
evident
step
of
his
falling
.
They
might
now
doe
with
him
what
they
pleased
,
and
yet
scarce
all
that
they
pleased
,
with
safety
and
security
.
His
Nephew
the
Earle
of
Angus
was
at
liberty
,
and
remained
at
Dalkeith
,
who
being
sent
for
to
come
to
Court
,
refused
to
come
;
yea
,
though
he
were
charged
under
pain
of
treason
by
a
Herauld
to
come
to
the
King
,
yet
he
would
not
obey
,
but
was
declared
rebell
.
Also
Mortons
keeper
Alexander
Ereskene
(
master
of
Marre
)
being
an
honest
and
kinde
hearted
Noble
man
,
they
could
not
use
any
violence
toward
him
,
so
long
as
he
was
in
his
custody
.
Therefore
they
thought
it
best
Mounsier
d'
Obignie
(
now
made
Earle
of
Lennox
)
who
was
also
an
enemy
to
the
reformed
Religion
(
as
being
a
Papist
)
might
bee
removed
off
the
Counsell
.
It
was
answered
,
that
the
King
was
not
so
farre
bound
to
any
forraign
Prince
,
as
to
change
his
Counsellers
at
their
request
,
or
to
trie
his
Subjects
but
where
and
when
he
pleased
.
The
Embassadour
discontent
with
this
answer
,
gives
up
all
bond
of
friendship
,
and
having
denounced
warre
,
returned
into
his
owne
Countrey
the
27.
of
March
,
1581.
Hereupon
a
taxation
was
imposed
,
and
a
company
levied
of
1000.
foot
,
and
some
horsemen
,
to
be
a
Guard
for
the
Kings
person
.
James
Stuart
(
the
accuser
)
was
preferred
to
be
a
privie
Counseller
,
is
made
Baron
of
Bothwell-haugh
(
say
the
notes
)
Lord
Hamilioun
,
Earle
of
Arrain
,
and
Captain
of
the
Guard
;
with
most
ample
Commission
to
apprehend
whomsoever
he
suspected
,
and
to
banish
and
punish
at
his
pleasure
;
especially
any
that
favoured
the
Earle
of
Morton
,
of
whatsoever
degree
,
ranke
or
quality
.
But
the
English
intended
rather
to
threaten
then
to
make
war
indeed
;
and
they
knowing
that
well
enough
,
went
on
with
their
intended
projects
against
Morton
.
He
being
still
kept
prisoner
in
Dumbarton
,
learned
a
lesson
there
,
which
he
had
not
well
learned
till
then
.
Let
the
prophane
be
silent
,
and
let
mockers
leave
off
their
mocking
,
and
let
all
mortall
men
know
that
there
is
a
happinesse
which
consists
not
in
honour
or
riches
;
that
there
is
a
God
who
disposeth
of
all
things
,
who
is
All-sufficient
,
and
who
is
able
alone
to
satisfie
and
content
the
mind
:
few
there
are
that
know
,
or
consider
it
,
but
when
t●…ey
are
brought
to
such
a
point
;
and
happy
is
he
that
can
doe
it
then
.
He
had
heard
of
it
before
,
and
beleeved
it
,
but
had
not
taken
it
so
fully
to
heart
,
nor
felt
it
by
experience
.
Now
he
sees
,
now
he
feels
and
findes
it
really
,
and
experimentally
.
He
contemns
the
world
,
and
his
riches
are
vile
in
his
eyes
,
his
glory
vanity
,
and
all
his
delights
madnesse
.
He
findes
that
one
thing
is
necessary
,
and
is
all
that
is
of
man
,
which
is
,
to
reverence
God
.
Hee
sees
his
over-sight
,
in
that
he
had
been
so
slacke
and
carelesse
thereof
before
:
now
he
goes
about
it
as
he
can
,
and
labours
to
amend
his
fault
;
hee
reads
the
Scriptures
,
and
meditates
on
them
;
he
makes
his
use
,
and
findes
comfort
therein
:
he
sees
his
sinfulnesse
,
and
repents
him
thereof
;
sees
Gods
mercifulnesse
,
and
layes
hold
on
it
.
He
acknowledges
himselfe
to
have
been
miserable
when
he
seemed
to
swim
in
happinesse
,
and
that
now
hee
was
truly
happy
when
he
seemed
overcharged
with
miserie
,
in
respect
that
God
had
given
him
leasure
to
meditate
and
thinke
of
his
end
,
and
time
and
grace
to
repent
,
while
being
sequestrate
from
all
worldly
affaires
,
and
restrained
by
his
imprisonment
,
his
minde
had
full
scope
and
libertie
to
raise
it selfe
to
those
better
and
higher
thoughts
of
the
life
to
come
,
and
of
eternity
:
wherein
he
found
such
contentment
and
resolution
,
that
now
death
was
no
more
death
to
him
,
nor
terrible
,
and
that
all
the
horrour
thereof
was
swallowed
up
with
the
hope
of
those
eternall
joyes
and
pleasures
which
last
for
evermore
.
Thus
being
prepared
for
that
last
act
,
he
was
sent
for
to
give
proofe
how
well
he
could
practise
and
make
use
of
this
lesson
.
For
on
the
24.
of
May
the
Earles
of
Arran
and
Montrose
,
with
some
companies
of
horse
and
foot
,
brought
him
from
Dumbartan
to
Edinburgh
the
27.
to
Robert
Gourleyes
lodging
,
which
was
one
The
Jurie
(
or
Assise
)
doth
finde
him
guilty
of
being
airt
and
part
of
concealing
the
murther
of
our
Soveraigne
(
King
James
his
father
)
the
late
King
Henry
.
When
Morton
heard
it
,
he
repeated
these
words
twice
over
,
Airt
and
pairt
,
airt
and
pairt
,
and
without
speaking
farther
,
he
held
his
peace
.
It
is
reported
that
the
Jurie
did
finde
him
onely
guilty
of
concealing
the
murther
,
and
that
Arran
and
Montrose
,
thinking
that
to
be
onely
guilty
of
concealing
was
not
sufficient
matter
of
condemning
him
,
did
●…oist
in
these
words
(
airt
and
pairt
)
to
give
it
the
greater
sound
,
and
to
make
it
be
thought
and
understood
,
as
if
he
had
beene
found
to
be
airt
and
pairt
(
that
is
,
deviser
,
contriver
,
plotter
,
and
part
▪
ker
or
accessary
)
to
the
Kings
murther
,
whereas
he
was
onely
found
to
have
concealed
it
.
This
made
one
that
heard
it
,
and
perceived
the
sophistry
thereof
,
to
say
,
that
they
had
stollen
his
head
from
his
shoulders
by
sophistry
.
His
known
enemies
(
the
Lord
Seaton
and
Wauchton
)
were
of
his
jurie
,
yet
it
is
thought
they
did
him
no
wrong
in
their
verdicts
.
But
however
,
it
shewed
partiall
dealing
,
in
that
they
would
not
suffer
them
to
be
set
aside
when
he
excepted
against
them
as
knowne
enemies
.
Being
asked
at
his
death
what
he
thought
of
the
judgement
;
he
answered
soberly
,
that
he
would
leave
them
to
God
and
their
owne
conscience
:
but
he
perceived
that
whether
he
had
beene
guilty
or
guiltlesse
,
as
Stephen
,
or
Judas
,
all
had
beene
one
,
his
death
had
beene
concluded
before
;
for
his
lawfull
and
legall
exceptions
were
not
admitted
,
his
enemies
were
on
his
Jurie
,
(
naming
the
two
former
)
and
such
as
were
partiall
,
and
not
indifferent
,
who
had
given
partiall
counsell
against
him
,
by
name
the
Earle
of
Argyle
.
He
added
also
that
it
was
not
his
death
alone
that
would
content
them
,
and
that
they
would
not
stay
there
,
others
should
be
put
to
it
as
well
as
hee
,
he
was
but
made
a
precedent
,
and
preparative
to
make
way
for
the
rest
:
the
cause
was
the
maine
thing
they
aimed
at
.
However
it
were
,
whether
the
sentence
were
thus
involved
and
wrested
,
or
if
it
were
plaine
and
cleare
;
whether
it
were
indeed
so
given
out
by
the
Jury
,
or
if
it
were
thus
patched
out
by
Arran
and
Montrose
,
he
was
conveyed
backe
againe
to
his
lodging
as
a
condemned
man
.
There
he
carried
himselfe
after
his
wonted
manner
,
his
countenance
was
no
wayes
cast
downe
,
or
changed
,
he
supped
cheerfully
,
and
slept
soundly
,
without
any
apperance
or
shew
of
feare
,
or
solicitousnesse
.
About
three
of
the
clocke
in
the
morning
hee
arose
and
wrote
letters
(
for
the
space
of
three
houres
)
with
his
owne
hand
to
the
King
,
and
afterward
laid
him
downe
againe
and
slept
till
nine
.
These
[
†
](A45112-e65280-b)
†
It
would
be
knowne
what
was
in
these
Letters
.
Letters
were
sent
by
the
Ministers
who
came
to
visit
him
,
but
Arran
and
Lennox
would
not
suffer
them
to
be
received
.
When
he
was
up
,
Master
Walter
Balcanquell
,
and
John
Durie
(
two
of
the
Ministers
of
Edinburgh
)
came
to
him
,
and
had
long
conference
with
him
,
which
is
set
downe
at
length
in
the
Historie
of
Scotland
,
written
by
Francis
Boteville
,
called
Thin
,
an
Englishman
and
joyned
to
Hollinsheds
Chronicle
,
so
that
he
who
desires
to
know
it
,
may
reade
it
there
.
The
summe
of
it
is
his
confession
concerning
such
things
as
they
questioned
him
of
,
1.
And
first
concerning
the
murthering
of
the
King
,
he
said
he
was
2.
As
for
poysoning
the
Earle
of
Athole
at
Stirling
,
he
said
he
was
neither
author
of
it
(
if
he
were
poysoned
)
nor
any
wise
accessary
or
conscious
to
it
;
that
he
detested
and
abhorred
all
such
formes
of
dealing
even
with
enemies
,
and
was
sorry
to
think
that
so
base
,
foule
,
and
wicked
practice
should
creep
into
this
Countrey
,
which
was
already
guilty
of
too
many
,
too
common
other
sins
of
its
owne
:
he
said
also
that
he
was
not
such
an
enemy
to
Athole
,
as
that
he
would
have
done
him
any
hurt
,
though
he
had
found
him
lying
asleep
by
the
way
side
.
3.
Touching
the
Earle
of
Lennox
,
he
said
,
he
never
wished
him
any
hurt
,
so
farre
was
he
from
conspiring
against
him
.
Onely
it
grieved
him
that
he
knew
the
estate
of
this
Countrey
no
better
,
and
that
he
saw
not
what
danger
the
King
was
in
,
and
that
he
was
induced
by
perswasion
to
bring
home
such
as
were
enemies
to
the
true
Religion
,
which
he
purposed
to
have
let
him
understand
,
and
hoped
to
have
advised
him
better
,
when
they
had
beene
better
acquainted
,
and
more
intimately
familiar
.
4.
And
as
for
carrying
the
King
to
England
,
he
said
,
he
would
not
have
done
it
for
a
world
,
unlesse
it
had
beene
to
have
made
him
King
of
England
:
that
there
was
never
such
a
motion
made
to
him
directly
nor
indirectly
by
the
Queene
,
or
any
other
in
England
or
Scotland
:
that
he
never
had
any
pension
of
her
.
5.
As
touching
his
setting
up
and
maintaining
the
estate
of
Bishops
(
whereof
there
had
ensued
great
debate
and
contention
betwixt
him
and
the
Ministery
)
he
said
,
it
did
not
proceed
of
any
ill
minde
;
of
any
malice
,
or
contempt
of
them
,
or
their
callings
,
but
meerly
out
of
want
of
better
knowledge
,
thinking
that
form
of
government
to
be
most
conforme
to
the
rules
of
policie
,
and
to
be
fittest
for
the
times
.
That
if
he
had
then
knowne
better
,
he
would
have
done
otherwise
,
and
that
he
had
intention
(
if
he
had
lived
)
to
have
made
amends
.
6.
Concerning
his
incontinencie
,
and
worldly
mindednesse
,
he
freely
acknowledged
and
confessed
it
,
seriously
repented
,
and
craved
God
pardon
for
it
,
and
said
,
he
firmely
beleeved
to
obtaine
it
:
that
●…e
saw
mercy
,
and
had
found
more
grace
during
the
time
of
his
trouble
,
then
ever
hee
had
done
all
his
life
before
.
7.
For
his
detaining
of
some
Citizens
of
Edinburgh
in
prison
,
he
said
,
he
had
not
done
it
out
of
any
spleene
,
or
private
quarrell
against
the
men
;
but
the
matter
of
bringing
in
Bullion
being
then
in
hand
,
and
he
being
informed
that
these
men
did
hinder
it
,
he
thought
it
his
best
course
to
commit
them
till
such
time
as
the
businesse
were
done
:
Wherein
,
if
he
had
wronged
them
,
he
was
sorrie
,
and
craved
them
pardon
,
&
forgivenes
.
His
counsell
to
the
Earle
of
Angus
(
his
Nephew
)
was
doubtfull
:
for
he
said
he
durst
not
advise
him
in
any
particular
for
the
present
,
because
he
thought
it
would
endanger
his
life
if
he
should
come
to
Court
;
and
not
to
come
(
if
he
were
commanded
)
would
hazard
his
estate
.
His
best
were
to
use
what
meanes
he
could
to
obtaine
the
Kings
favour
and
leave
,
that
(
life
and
lands
safe
)
he
might
serve
God
,
and
him
,
in
a
private
retired
manner
,
which
he
would
wish
him
to
doe
in
all
humility
,
and
to
submit
himselfe
and
all
to
the
Kings
will
and
pleasure
.
To
the
King
(
his
master
)
with
all
submission
;
yet
in
the
name
and
fear
of
God
,
he
would
exhort
him
to
beware
of
Papists
,
either
profest
,
known
or
suspected
,
who
(
as
he
thought
)
were
become
too
too
familiar
with
him
:
that
he
would
continue
in
the
true
Religion
,
and
fear
of
God
,
&
entertain
in
his
company
such
as
loved
it
,
according
as
he
had
bin
bred
and
brought
up
,
&
not
to
make
defection
from
it
,
or
slide
back
,
else
it
could
not
be
well
with
him
:
he
feared
there
was
danger
,
which
men
should
see
when
he
was
gone
.
He
remembred
the
admonition
which
master
Knox
gave
him
when
he
came
to
visit
him
on
his
death
bed
(
or
a
little
before
)
being
newly
made
Regent
:
God
hath
(
said
Knox
)
blessed
you
with
many
blessings
,
he
hath
given
you
wisedome
,
riches
and
friends
,
and
now
he
hath
preferred
you
to
the
government
of
this
Countrey
;
use
these
things
well
,
and
better
than
hitherto
you
have
done
;
alwayes
to
his
glory
who
hath
given
them
you
▪
first
by
advancing
the
Gospel
,
and
maintenance
of
the
Ministers
,
and
the
whole
Church
;
next
,
by
procuring
the
good
and
welfare
of
the
King
,
the
Countrey
,
and
all
good
subjects
;
which
if
you
do
not
,
God
shall
rob
you
of
them
with
shame
and
ignominie
.
This
he
spake
(
said
he
)
and
this
I
finde
now
,
yet
I
doubt
not
,
but
God
will
be
mercifull
unto
me
.
He
was
much
with
them
in
prayer
,
and
very
earnest
to
have
their
aid
&
assistance
therein
;
whereof
he
acknowledged
that
he
received
great
comfort
.
He
reasoned
of
the
natural
fear
of
death
,
which
sticks
and
remains
in
men
,
even
though
they
have
assurance
of
the
forgivenesse
of
their
sins
;
wherein
hee
declared
his
own
sense
,
and
the
collections
he
had
made
in
his
reading
,
since
his
going
to
Dumbartan
.
He
said
,
that
in
the
History
of
the
Bible
,
he
had
observed
Gods
wonderfull
mercy
toward
the
children
of
Israel
;
who
when
they
sinned
against
him
,
he
chastised
them
;
when
they
repented
,
he
forgave
them
;
and
though
they
sinned
again
,
and
were
corrected
again
,
yet
when
they
cryed
to
him
again
,
he
forgave
them
again
,
he
hoped
so
of
himself
,
that
God
would
forgive
him
also
.
He
shewed
them
a
Book
he
had
about
him
,
which
had
been
sent
to
him
by
the
Lady
Ormeston
,
when
hee
was
first
committed
,
which
he
had
read
,
and
made
good
use
of
it
:
it
was
M.
Bradfords
Meditation
of
Death
;
hee
caused
M.
Balcanquell
to
read
a
passage
or
two
of
it
,
(
which
he
had
chiefly
noted
)
and
as
he
read
,
Morton
discoursed
thereof
to
his
own
comfort
,
and
their
great
satisfaction
and
contentment
.
He
professed
,
that
now
he
heard
with
other
eares
,
and
read
with
another
minde
and
sense
than
he
had
done
in
former
times
.
This
Book
he
sent
back
to
the
Lady
by
Master
James
Lowson
,
with
many
thanks
,
acknowledging
he
had
been
bettered
by
it
.
When
break-fast
was
brought
in
,
he
desired
them
to
take
part
with
him
,
&
spake
very
chearfully
to
them
,
telling
them
what
a
difference
there
was
betwixt
a
man
troubled
with
cares
,
and
him
that
is
resolved
and
free
from
them
.
The
last
night
(
said
he
)
before
I
came
to
my
triall
,
I
could
not
sleep
nor
take
rest
for
thinking
how
to
make
my
defences
;
but
all
this
night
I
sleeped
very
sound
,
having
〈◊〉
to
trouble
me
,
but
to
make
my
peace
with
God
.
After
noon
,
M.
James
〈◊〉
,
M.
John
Davison
,
and
divers
others
of
the
Ministerie
came
to
him
.
There
he
embraced
M.
John
Davison
,
and
said
to
him
,
You
wrote
a
Book
,
for
which
I
was
angry
with
you
,
but
I
never
meant
any
ill
to
you
,
forgive
me
M.
Davison
was
so
moved
herewith
,
that
he
could
not
refrain
from
weeping
.
Then
he
repeated
again
before
them
the
same
things
which
we
have
set
down
before
.
The
Ministery
hearing
that
the
King
was
otherwayes
informed
of
his
Confession
,
than
was
true
,
sent
John
Durie
,
David
Ferguson
,
and
John
Brand
to
his
Majesty
,
who
informed
him
rightly
,
and
related
things
as
they
were
.
They
being
returned
,
his
Keeper
(
William
Stuart
,
as
I
take
it
,
brother
to
Arran
)
required
him
to
come
forth
to
go
to
the
place
of
execution
:
To
whom
he
said
,
They
have
troubled
mee
much
to
day
with
worldly
businesse
,
wherefore
I
supposed
they
▪
would
have
given
me
this
nights
leisure
to
have
thought
of
things
which
concerne
my
soul
:
But
his
Keeper
replied
,
I
think
they
will
delay
no
longer
,
for
all
things
are
ready
.
If
it
be
so
(
said
Morton
)
so
am
I
too
,
I
thank
my
God
.
And
so
(
after
a
prayer
made
by
one
of
the
Ministers
)
he
went
down
the
stairs
without
any
farther
stay
.
The
Earle
of
Arran
met
him
by
the
way
,
and
brought
him
back
to
the
chamber
again
,
willing
him
to
stay
till
his
Confession
were
set
down
in
writing
,
that
hee
might
signe
it
with
his
own
hand
.
But
he
,
and
the
Ministers
that
were
present
with
him
,
entreated
that
he
might
not
be
any
more
troubled
with
that
matter
,
seeing
they
had
all
heard
it
suffi●…iently
.
Then
Arran
desired
that
he
would
forgive
him
for
what
he
had
done
,
seeing
he
had
no
particular
against
him
.
He
answered
,
that
it
was
not
time
to
remember
quarrels
;
he
forgave
him
and
all
others
,
as
he
desired
they
would
forgive
him
.
So
he
went
to
the
Scaffold
very
resolutely
,
and
repeated
the
same
The
King
(
sayes
he
)
shall
this
day
lose
a
good
servant
,
who
dieth
professing
the
Gospell
taught
now
in
Scotland
:
and
though
I
have
not
walked
worthy
of
that
profession
(
as
by
the
grace
of
God
I
should
have
done
,
if
I
had
lived
longer
,
to
the
hazarding
of
my
Life
,
Lands
and
all
)
yet
am
I
perswaded
of
Gods
mercie
in
Jesus
Christ
.
And
here
I
charge
you
all
to
continue
therein
,
and
to
maintaine
the
same
to
the
uttermost
of
your
power
,
and
God
shall
blesse
you
,
otherwayes
you
shall
not
escape
his
punishment
.
Then
while
the
prayer
was
conceived
by
Master
James
Lowson
,
he
fell
down
all
along
flat
on
his
face
:
during
which
he
uttered
great
signes
of
being
mightily
moved
,
which
he
expressed
in
his
sighes
and
groanes
,
which
many
of
the
beholders
saw
evidently
did
not
proceed
from
fear
,
but
from
the
spirit
of
grace
working
powerfully
in
his
hea●…t
.
Prayer
being
ended
,
he
stood
up
,
and
his
friends
came
to
take
their
leave
of
him
,
and
after
he
had
bidden
them
farewell
,
he
saluted
the
Ministers
,
and
took
them
all
severally
by
the
hand
,
and
bade
them
farewell
in
the
Lord
.
After
all
was
done
,
he
went
without
fear
or
dismayednesse
,
and
laid
Lord
Jesus
receive
my
spirit
,
till
the
axe
(
of
the
Maiden
,
which
he
himself
had
caused
make
after
the
patterne
which
he
had
seen
in
Halifax
in
Yorkshire
)
falling
upon
his
neck
,
put
an
end
to
his
life
,
and
t●…
note
together
.
His
body
was
carried
to
the
Tolbooth
,
and
burie●…●…ecretly
in
the
night
in
the
Gray-friers
,
his
head
was
affixed
on
the
Gate
of
the
City
.
Thus
he
died
the
2.
of
June
1581.
proudly
(
said
his
enemies
)
and
Romane-like
as
he
had
lived
:
constantly
,
patiently
,
humbly
and
Christian-like
,
said
the
Pastors
,
who
were
beholders
,
and
eare
and
eye-witnesses
of
all
he
said
and
did
.
These
outward
motions
being
so
like
to
other
,
are
hardly
discerned
but
by
a
skilfull
and
unpartiall
eye
.
Wherefore
the
judgement
and
testimony
of
the
Pastors
deserves
best
credit
;
they
being
best
able
to
distinguish
nature
from
grace
,
and
being
freest
from
prejudice
and
partiality
.
His
enemies
censure
may
justly
bee
suspected
as
coming
from
that
same
disposition
which
moved
them
to
plot
and
work
his
death
.
And
certainly
if
we
observe
and
consider
his
whole
carriage
and
discourse
,
during
the
time
of
his
imprisonment
,
and
at
the
very
point
of
his
execution
,
he
must
be
voide
of
all
charity
that
doth
not
judge
the
best
of
his
confession
,
profession
,
and
Christian
disposition
.
So
that
it
seems
to
be
more
than
humane
hatred
and
enmity
,
to
be
thus
affected
toward
an
enemie
after
his
death
,
to
kill
him
again
by
an
uncharitable
construction
of
his
devotions
,
and
piety
towards
his
God
.
Livor
post
fata
quiescit
.
Envie
ceaseth
after
death
▪
and
so
let
it
do
toward
him
.
If
a
man
would
see
a
pattern
of
one
,
exercised
in
all
the
changes
&
vicissitudes
of
fortune
,
who
had
gone
through
&
tried
all
the
estates
and
conditions
of
humane
life
;
let
him
cast
his
eye
and
look
upon
our
Earl
of
Morton
,
in
his
child-hood
,
in
his
riper
years
&
m●…nly
estate
,
and
in
his
old
age
,
in
peace
and
in
warre
,
in
private
and
publick
employments
.
In
every
thing
he
took
in
hand
,
in
every
estate
and
condition
,
he
acquit
himself
with
credit
,
honour
;
and
even
admiration
.
When
he
was
a
serving-man
,
he
was
industrious
,
carefull
and
faithfull
;
when
he
came
to
an
estate
,
and
was
a
Nobleman
,
he
behaved
himself
as
if
he
had
been
bred
such
from
his
infancie
.
In
Court
,
he
acted
the
Courtier
▪
in
Councell
,
a
States-man
,
abroad
in
England
,
being
sent
thither
Ambassadour
,
he
approved
himself
to
both
Nations
,
and
gained
great
reputation
of
sufficiencie
.
While
he
enjoyed
the
favour
of
his
Princesse
,
he
was
not
puffed
up
;
and
being
in
disgrace
and
banished
,
he
was
not
casten
down
.
He
was
a
faithfull
Colleague
and
fellow-governour
with
others
;
and
when
he
came
to
be
sole
and
supream
,
this
Countrey
never
enjoyed
greater
peace
,
and
a
more
flourishing
Regencie
.
Being
returned
to
the
condition
of
a
private
Nobleman
,
he
obeyed
as
well
as
before
he
had
commanded
.
And
last
of
all
,
when
he
was
accused
,
condemned
and
executed
,
he
shewed
himself
to
be
himself
,
and
a
good
Christian.
He
was
well
skilled
,
as
in
politick
government
,
so
in
oeconomie
,
from
the
shrub
to
the
scepter
,
from
planting
of
Cabbage
in
his
Garden
,
to
the
weelding
of
the
Sword
and
Scepter
in
the
seat
of
Justice
.
The
smallest
and
meanest
points
of
husbandry
did
not
escape
him
,
and
the
highest
and
deepest
points
of
State
were
not
above
his
reach
.
So
that
the
saying
of
the
Hystorian
concerning
Cato
Major
(
In
hoc
viro
tanta
vis
animi
ingeniique
fuit
,
ut
quocunque
loco
natus
esset
,
fortunam
sibi
ipse
facturus
fuissevideretur
)
Is
no
lesse
true
,
and
mayas
wel
be
applyed
to
Morton
.
And
that
also
which
followes
;
Nulla
ars
neque
privatae
,
neque
publicae
rei
gerendae
ei
defuit
,
urbanas
,
rusticasque
,
res
pariter
callebat
.
Hee
was
slow
of
speech
by
a
naturall
stayednesse
and
composed
gravity
.
He
was
of
a
middle
stature
,
rather
square
than
tall
,
having
the
hair
of
his
head
and
beard
of
a
yellowish
flaxeri
.
His
face
was
full
and
large
;
his
countenance
majesticall
,
grave
and
Princely
;
he
was
affable
and
courteous
to
all
,
yet
so
as
to
keep
bold
encroachers
aloofe
,
and
so
familiar
as
not
to
forget
to
keep
his
distance
.
He
was
given
to
gather
riches
,
yet
without
oppression
or
sordidnesse
and
basenesse
:
For
hee
was
liberall
upon
occasion
,
and
not
unkinde
or
unmindefull
of
his
friends
.
Of
which
disposition
I
remember
this
instance
;
when
John
Halden
(
of
Gleneagles
)
with
his
friends
of
the
house
of
Marre
(
especially
the
Abbot
of
Driebrugh
)
came
to
him
to
agree
with
him
for
his
wardship
(
hee
being
Regent
)
told
them
that
hee
had
bestowed
it
on
Isabel
Hume
daughter
to
Sir
David
,
and
sister
to
Sir
George
Hume
of
Wedderburne
,
and
that
hee
might
take
her
and
it
together
,
which
hee
did
accordingly
.
This
came
meerely
of
himself
having
never
been
spoken
to
,
and
when
there
was
none
that
belonged
to
the
Gentlewoman
near
him
,
to
motion
or
suggest
it
to
him
.
He
was
also
calme
and
not
easily
moved
to
anger
,
and
apt
to
forgive
and
forget
injuries
or
contentions
,
that
had
been
betwixt
him
and
any
other
.
This
appeared
in
his
carriage
toward
Master
Knox
,
who
had
used
him
roughly
,
and
rebuked
him
sharply
for
divers
things
,
but
especially
for
his
labouring
to
set
up
and
maintaine
the
estate
of
Bishops
.
For
howsoever
he
took
it
hardly
for
the
time
,
yet
when
Master
Knox
lay
a
dying
,
he
went
and
visited
him
,
and
after
he
was
dead
,
was
present
at
his
buriall
;
where
hee
gave
him
this
honourable
and
ingenuous
testimonie
;
Here
lyest
thou
(
said
he
)
who
●…ert
never
afraid
of
the
face
of
man
in
delivering
thy
message
from
GOD.
Hee
set
a
foot
a
great
good
work
,
and
would
(
no
question
)
have
seen
it
perfected
,
if
hee
had
brooked
his
Regencie
a
while
longer
,
which
was
the
reducing
of
our
Lawes
into
a
more
easie
forme
and
method
,
than
now
they
are
.
The
care
of
this
was
committed
to
,
and
the
task
laid
upon
Sir
James
Balfoure
,
and
Master
John
Skeene
Clerk-Register
,
and
Master
of
the
Rols
.
The
work
(
as
I
am
informed
)
was
well
advanced
,
but
when
he
quit
his
authority
,
they
left
off
any
further
proceeding
in
it
.
And
I
have
heard
since
some
question
it
,
whether
or
not
it
would
have
done
good
to
the
subjects
,
as
if
it
wer●…
to
be
doubted
whether
it
were
better
to
have
some
order
than
none
at
all
.
So
apt
are
men
to
calumniate
any
thing
that
hinders
their
particular
emolument
,
or
limites
their
unwarrantable
power
,
and
curbs
them
from
doing
what
they
list
.
Hee
kept
a
Concubine
or
two
,
because
of
his
Ladies
being
distracted
and
frantick
,
and
was
even
too
much
set
to
heap
up
treasure
.
Yet
his
care
was
,
that
his
enemies
should
not
be
enriched
by
it
▪
and
his
luck
was
answerable
to
his
care
.
For
those
on
whom
he
would
have
bestowed
them
(
if
hee
had
had
power
and
opportunitie
to
distribute
them
according
to
his
minde
)
by
good
fortune
lighted
on
it
;
I
know
not
if
they
got
all
of
it
▪
or
if
it
were
divided
according
to
that
proportion
,
which
he
perhaps
would
have
observed
.
James
Richiso●…
of
Smeeton
(
his
brother-in-law
)
got
a
share
of
them
,
having
been
trusted
with
the
keeping
thereof
;
Jannet
Sharpe
his
Lemmon
another
share
,
James
Douglas
of
Spot
got
some
part
thereof
;
and
some
very
small
portion
(
as
is
thought
in
respect
of
the
whole
summe
)
came
to
the
hands
of
Archbald
Earle
of
Angus
,
after
his
returne
from
his
first
banishment
.
A
notable
example
of
the
uncertainty
of
these
corruptible
riches
,
and
of
worldly
treasure
,
which
cannot
be
preserved
from
the
digging
through
of
the
thief
,
the
eating
and
consuming
of
the
moth
or
canker-worme
,
or
the
dispersing
and
scattering
of
an
unfaithfull
hand
and
hea●…t
.
Though
he
imployed
himself
much
about
it
,
and
thought
it
a
great
point
of
wisedome
thus
to
store
up
wealth
;
yet
at
his
death
hee
saw
and
confessed
it
to
be
but
vanity
and
folly
.
If
wee
admit
Morton
to
be
a
judge
or
witnesse
(
and
what
better
either
judge
or
witnesse
can
we
finde
?
)
he
will
decide
the
question
betwixt
the
two
(
both
self-pleasing
)
parties
,
which
do
challenge
(
each
to
himself
,
and
derogates
from
the
other
)
that
high
honour
and
title
of
wisedome
;
I
mean
betwixt
him
that
seeks
after
,
and
labours
for
worldly
honour
,
dignity
and
riches
:
and
him
that
having
his
minde
raised
higher
and
pitched
upon
better
things
,
slights
these
earthly
things
as
trash
,
not
worthy
of
his
thoughts
or
care
.
The
worldling
cals
,
and
thinks
him
a
foole
,
and
he
esteems
no
better
of
the
worldling
;
and
each
laughs
the
other
to
scorne
.
Who
then
shall
be
judge
or
witnesse
?
Seeing
all
are
parties
;
and
there
is
no
man
but
is
either
of
the
one
side
or
of
the
other
.
Certainly
,
we
may
judge
best
by
the
confession
of
the
parties
themselves
.
Of
which
the
last
never
yeelded
,
never
gaine-said
or
be-lyed
their
assertion
;
while
they
live
they
avouch
it
,
and
at
their
death
they
do
confirme
it
much
more
.
Though
Chrysippus
tormenter
do
torture
them
,
though
the
world
(
for
the
want
of
it
)
do
afflict
them
with
contempt
and
despising
,
still
they
stand
fast
,
and
stick
to
their
point
unshaken
and
unmoved
.
The
worldlings
,
by
the
contrary
,
sometimes
while
they
flourish
in
prosperity
,
ever
when
they
are
in
adversity
:
Sometimes
while
they
live
and
are
in
health
,
ever
when
they
lye
in
dying
,
confesse
against
themselves
,
and
cals
all
their
labour
and
pains
about
it
folly
and
vanity
.
So
did
Morton
amongst
others
,
which
the
wise
will
lay
to
heart
,
and
make
their
use
of
it
.
Jacobus
Duglassius
,
Mortonius
Comes
,
Prorex
pro
JACOBO
Sexto
,
Edinburgi
securi
percussus
Anno
1581.
Hunc
specta
Heroem
,
celso
cui
spirat
ab
or●…
Majestas
,
toto
&
pectore
rarus
honos
.
Augustos
inter
terrarum
lumina
,
reges
Pro
Rege
,
&
Domino
,
regia
sceptra
tulit
.
Consilium
,
imperium
,
virtus
,
facundia
,
census
,
Quaeque
homines
capiunt
,
quaeque
dedêre
dii
,
Unus
cuncta
fuit
.
Nihil
ad
fastigia
summa
.
Defuit
,
aeternum
si
sua
fata
d●…rent
.
Sed
viden'
ut
subito
fatorum
turbine
versa
Omnia
,
&
in
praeceps
pondere
pressasuo
?
Discite
mortales
mortalia
temnere
,
&
illa
Quaerere
,
quae
miseris
non
rapit
aura
levis
.
Joh.
Johnstonus
in
Heroibu●…
.
James
Douglas
Earle
of
Morton
,
Regent
,
beheaded
at
Edinburgh
,
1581.
Behold
this
Heros
how
his
looks
be
grac't
With
Majestie
,
what
honour
's
in
his
breast
!
How
high
his
port
may
to
the
world
appear
!
He
rules
a
King
,
and
doth
his
Scepter
bear
.
Counsell
,
commanding
,
and
perswasive
Art
,
What
ever
men
injoy
or
gods
impart
,
Is
found
in
him
:
If
Fortune
did
remain
Constant
,
no
greater
height
he
need
obtain
.
But
ah
!
what
sudden
change
is
here
!
this
state
Falne
with
its
own
weight
lyes
opprest
by
Fate
.
Observe
it
well
,
and
learn
those
goods
to
prise
Which
never
can
decay
;
the
rest
despise
.
Of
Archbald
(
the
third
of
that
name
)
and
ninth
Earle
of
Angus
.
NOw
we
come
to
Archbald
himself
(
the
third
bearing
the
name
of
Archbald
)
son
to
David
,
as
hath
been
said
.
He
was
thrice
married
;
first
to
Margaret
Ereskin
,
daughter
to
John
Earle
of
Marre
,
who
was
Regent
of
Scotland
immediatly
before
Morton
.
Shee
was
a
beautifull
,
chaste
,
and
vertuous
Lady
.
Shee
lived
with
him
but
few
years
,
and
died
without
children
.
After
her
,
he
was
married
to
Margaret
Leslie
,
daughter
to
the
Earle
of
Rothus
.
She
lived
with
him
the
space
of
years
,
after
which
he
was
divorced
from
her
for
her
adultery
.
She
likewise
had
no
children
.
His
third
wife
was
Jeane
Lyon
,
daughter
to
the
Lord
Glames
(
Chancellour
)
and
Relict
of
Robert
Douglas
of
Logh-leven
.
She
bare
to
him
a
daughter
after
his
decease
(
named
Margaret
)
who
died
about
the
age
of
fifteen
years
a
maid
unmarried
.
He
was
bred
and
brought
up
with
his
Uncle
Morton
,
as
wee
have
said
,
John
Douglas
Provest
of
that
Colledge
,
and
Rector
of
the
Universitie
,
till
he
was
fifteen
years
of
age
.
After
that
,
he
lived
at
Court
with
his
Uncle
,
having
with
him
his
Pedagogue
Master
John
Provaine
,
who
endeavoured
to
instruct
him
in
the
Latine
tongue
,
and
taught
him
his
Logicks
&
Rhetoricks
,
but
with
such
successe
as
is
customable
to
youth
and
Nobilitie
;
nature
,
counsell
,
and
example
drawing
them
rather
to
the
exercises
of
the
body
,
which
are
more
agreeable
to
their
inclination
,
and
are
esteemed
more
fit
and
proper
for
their
place
.
Whereas
Letters
are
thought
onely
necessary
and
usefull
for
mean
men
,
who
intend
to
live
by
them
,
and
make
profession
of
some
Art
or
Science
for
their
maintenance
,
but
no
wayes
either
suitable
or
requisite
in
Noblemen
,
and
such
as
are
of
any
eminent
rank
or
degree
.
For
these
they
are
judged
to
be
too
base
,
and
he
that
affects
them
,
pedantick
a●…d
of
a
mean
spirit
.
Nay
most
men
do
accompt
the
studie
and
knowledge
of
them
prejudiciall
,
hurtfull
,
and
no
small
let
and
impediment
to
politick
activenesse
,
and
that
it
doth
abate
the
courage
of
the
minde
and
vigour
of
action
,
which
is
requisite
for
their
charge
and
calling
of
being
States-men
and
Warriours
.
A
perverse
and
pernitious
Tenent
,
and
farre
contrary
to
the
practice
of
the
most
famous
Captains
,
and
Princes
in
all
ages
;
such
as
were
Julius
Caesar
,
Scipio
Africanus
,
Alexander
the
Great
,
and
Pompey
called
the
Great
also
;
of
Trajane
,
Antonius
,
Charlemaigne
;
and
almost
of
all
the
Grecian
Worthies
.
And
yet
(
we
heare
)
that
the
Nobility
(
in
France
especially
)
accompt
it
a
reproach
to
be
called
or
esteemed
learned
,
and
deeme
it
honourable
to
be
illiterate
and
ignorant
.
Much
good
may
this
honourable
ignorance
do
them
,
ere
any
wise-man
envie
it
.
As
for
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
sore
did
he
repent
him
of
this
neglect
,
and
greatly
did
he
blame
himself
for
it
.
Especially
in
the
time
of
his
last
banishment
,
during
which
he
laboured
to
have
repaired
that
losse
and
over
sight
of
his
youth
,
by
reading
and
hearing
read
to
him
Latine
authours
of
all
sorts
,
both
Historians
and
others
;
chiefly
●…us
and
Tremellius
translation
of
the
Scripture
,
which
he
took
great
pleasure
and
delight
in
.
And
though
the
defect
of
practice
in
his
youth
could
not
be
altogether
and
fully
supplyed
,
yet
such
was
his
naturall
ju●…gement
,
that
in
expressing
of
his
minde
either
by
word
or
writ
,
none
c●…ld
do
it
more
judiciously
and
sensibly
;
and
in
dictating
of
Letters
or
any
other
thing
,
he
even
equalled
(
if
not
over-matched
)
those
who
would
challenge
to
be
the
greatest
and
most
skilfull
Artistes
therein
.
This
was
well
known
,
and
ingenuously
acknowledged
,
and
witnessed
by
Chancellour
Metellane
(
of
honourable
memorie
)
who
having
lighted
upon
some
letters
of
his
written
with
his
own
hand
,
so
well
conceived
and
penned
,
that
some
who
heard
them
read
,
supposed
they
had
not
been
of
his
own
penning
,
but
that
he
had
onely
transcribed
them
,
that
they
might
seem
to
be
his
own
;
he
on
the
contrary
affirmed
(
and
it
was
true
)
that
they
were
of
his
penning
,
and
that
he
did
seldome
use
any
mans
help
that
way
,
being
himself
very
sufficient
and
able
to
discharge
it
.
Concerning
his
actions
in
the
time
of
his
uncles
Regencie
,
wee
have
spoken
of
them
above
in
his
life
(
as
▪
the
fittest
place
for
them
to
be
remembred
in
)
and
we
need
not
repeat
them
here
.
After
his
death
,
finding
no
sure
footing
for
him
in
Scotland
(
amongst
these
who
were
authours
of
it
,
and
would
seek
to
secure
themselves
from
all
revenge
Robert
Dudley
(
Earle
of
Licester
)
Sir
Francis
Walsinghame
Secretary
;
and
more
especially
,
he
procured
the
liking
of
him
who
is
ever
to
bee
remembred
with
honour
,
Sir
Philip
Sidney
I
mean
;
like
disposition
,
in
curtesie
,
of
nature
,
equality
of
age
and
years
,
did
so
knit
their
hearts
together
,
that
Sir
Philip
failed
not
(
as
often
as
his
affaires
would
permit
him
)
to
visit
him
,
in
so
much
that
he
did
scarce
suffer
any
one
day
to
slip
,
whereof
hee
did
not
spend
the
most
part
in
his
company
.
He
was
then
in
travell
,
or
had
brought
forth
rather
(
though
not
polished
and
refined
it
as
now
it
is
)
that
his
so
beautifull
and
universally
accepted
birth
,
his
Arcadia
.
Hee
delighted
much
to
impart
it
to
Angus
,
and
Angus
took
as
much
pleasure
to
be
partaker
thereof
.
There
were
with
him
at
this
time
in
England
,
of
the
name
of
Douglas
,
James
Lord
Torthorrell
,
and
Sir
George
his
brother
;
two
sonnes
of
Mortons
,
James
of
Spot
,
and
Archbald
of
Pittendrigh
:
Also
James
of
Maines
,
and
Sir
George
of
Langnidderie
.
There
were
besides
these
(
of
note
)
onely
John
Carmichael
and
his
sonnes
,
together
with
Hugh
Carmichael
:
the
rest
were
but
his
ordinary
servants
and
dependers
.
He
resided
openly
at
Court
,
being
no
Rebell
,
and
not
convicted
or
guiltie
of
any
crime
committed
against
his
Prince
or
Countrey
.
No
such
thing
was
laid
to
his
charge
by
his
enemies
;
otherwayes
the
receiving
and
entertaining
of
him
had
been
a
breach
of
the
peace
betwixt
the
Kingdomes
.
All
that
could
be
alledged
was
,
that
he
had
withdrawn
himself
from
the
furie
of
his
enemies
.
And
yet
,
as
if
he
had
been
a
Rebell
and
forfeited
,
they
intrometted
with
his
rents
and
estate
for
their
own
use
.
He
spent
his
time
there
,
in
learning
to
ride
great
horses
,
and
handling
of
his
Armes
and
Weapons
,
together
with
using
such
courtly
and
manlie
exercises
as
became
his
age
and
place
.
But
above
all
,
he
was
carefull
to
observe
the
Government
of
the
Countrey
,
and
Policie
of
that
State
and
Kingdome
;
making
his
own
use
thereof
for
his
bettering
,
both
in
Christianity
and
civill
prudencie
.
He
looked
with
an
heedfull
eye
upon
mens
wisedome
,
and
through
that
,
upon
Gods
working
by
their
wisedome
;
he
noted
the
actions
of
those
who
were
the
guiders
of
that
State
,
Court
and
Countrey
,
saw
their
aimes
and
designes
;
and
comparing
them
with
his
own
affaires
,
and
things
fallen
▪
out
at
home
,
he
called
to
minde
what
had
befallen
his
Uncle
Morton
;
who
(
like
them
)
had
no
lesse
flourished
,
but
was
soon
cut
down
and
withered
:
who
had
been
so
powerfull
and
honoured
but
a
little
before
,
yet
in
a
moment
(
as
it
were
)
was
overthrown
and
trod
under
foot
.
His
thoughts
also
reflecting
upon
himself
,
and
his
own
condition
,
how
hee
was
forced
to
forsake
his
own
Countrey
,
and
depend
upon
the
estimation
of
strangers
;
that
though
for
the
present
he
were
somewhat
respected
,
yet
it
was
uncertain
how
long
hee
should
be
so
,
no
longer
than
they
should
think
it
profitable
for
their
own
estate
,
and
conduceable
to
their
ends
.
From
hence
raising
his
minde
to
the
contemplation
of
all
humane
affairs
,
and
of
all
mor●…
,
men
〈◊〉
all
〈◊〉
even
of
Princes
themselves
,
he
learned
that
(
which
few
〈◊〉
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
learne
of
any
ranke
,
and
fewer
doe
practise
that
are
in
high
places
,
whose
places
crave
action
,
and
action
over-treads
contemplation
)
hee
learned
(
I
say
)
truly
to
contemne
all
worldly
things
,
such
as
riches
,
honour
,
dignities
,
and
the
like
;
and
truly
to
long
and
seeke
after
heavenly
treasure
,
which
perisheth
not
,
and
bringeth
with
it
no
anxietie
,
or
solicitude
of
minde
,
having
the
soule
fully
set
and
fixed
on
God
alone
.
Many
speake
of
it
,
and
that
very
well
,
and
not
without
some
sense
and
feeling
thereof
,
but
it
lasts
not
,
save
for
a
fit
,
and
sudden
flash
.
We
are
all
of
us
too
earthly
,
and
savour
too
much
of
earth
,
from
whence
we
were
taken
,
and
of
which
we
were
made
,
and
thither
also
we
bend
,
and
tend
ever
down-ward
,
what
through
our
naturall
propension
that
way
,
what
by
example
of
the
multitude
,
which
like
a
violent
stream
of
an
over-bearing
floud
,
carries
us
along
,
if
we
be
not
firmly
built
upon
the
rock
of
heavenly
resolution
,
and
unlesse
we
keep
fast
our
hold
by
perpetuall
and
never-intermitted
meditation
.
For
him
I
dare
avouch
it
,
that
howsoever
he
refrained
from
outward
showes
,
for
feare
of
falling
into
ostentation
,
or
whatever
other
wayes
he
was
employed
about
in
regard
of
his
place
and
calling
,
yet
his
minde
was
ever
(
even
in
the
midst
of
businesse
)
wholly
bent
to
God-ward
,
and
would
have
beene
glad
to
have
beene
freed
from
all
thoughts
and
affaires
which
had
any
mixture
of
earthly
things
.
And
this
disposition
wrought
in
him
by
his
being
exiled
,
he
esteemed
no
small
benefit
and
advantage
of
his
sufferings
;
so
that
in
private
where
he
expressed
himselfe
freely
,
without
all
maske
of
ceremon●…e
or
nicenesse
,
he
hath
many
times
been
heard
to
thanke
God
very
heartily
and
seriously
,
with
grave
words
,
and
settled
countenance
,
saying
,
That
hee
would
not
have
exchanged
the
crosse
of
his
first
banishment
for
all
the
Crownes
and
Princes
estates
in
the
world
:
farre
lesse
for
an
Earledome
,
or
Lordship
,
such
as
Angus
,
or
Douglas
.
So
did
God
work
with
him
by
adversitie
.
While
he
was
thus
working
upon
himself
in
England
,
and
framing
his
heart
after
a
new
mould
and
fashion
(
which
few
knew
or
dreamed
of
)
God
was
preparing
the
way
for
his
return
to
his
place
and
honorsin
Scotland
.
The
love
which
his
Countrey-men
bore
to
him
was
great
,
and
likewise
generall
,
and
almost
universall
(
as
it
did
commonly
follow
that
popular
name
of
Douglas
,
to
which
it
was
in
a
manner
hereditarie
)
even
in
regard
of
his
owne
courteous
,
milde
,
and
towardly
disposition
,
and
of
the
great
hopes
and
expectation
of
excellent
fruit
●…rom
so
noble
and
worthy
a
plant
.
This
being
accompanied
with
his
suffering
,
and
innocencie
,
together
with
his
harmlesse
youth
,
age
did
move
pitie
,
and
stirre
the
affections
of
most
men
toward
him
.
As
for
particular
friends
,
hee
wanted
them
not
(
as
few
Noblemen
in
this
Countrey
doe
,
all
the
Nobilitie
being
linked
and
bound
one
to
another
by
Kindred
or
alliance
)
his
house
having
beene
so
eminent
of
a
long
time
,
and
there
being
few
of
the
Nobles
,
but
were
either
descended
of
it
,
or
tied
to
it
by
some
consanguinity
,
affinity
,
or
other
relation
.
And
therefore
one
would
thinke
it
strange
that
he
should
have
beene
so
long
banished
:
yet
when
we
looke
upon
his
uncle
Mortons
case
(
who
had
the
same
friends
or
more
)
it
is
farre
more
strange
that
hee
should
have
come
to
such
an
end
.
But
as
in
this
,
when
the
appointed
time
came
,
nothing
could
hinder
his
fall
and
overthrow
:
so
in
Angus
his
case
,
untill
the
time
appointed
by
God
did
come
,
nothing
could
worke
his
restitution
.
What
the
estate
of
businesse
was
at
his
departure
,
we
have
told
already
in
Mortons
life
,
ere
that
yeare
came
fully
to
an
end
(
or
not
long
after
he
had
beene
a
yeare
in
England
)
there
fell
out
a
change
at
Court
,
which
was
thus
:
Esme
Lord
Obignie
(
now
Duke
of
Lennox
)
and
James
Stuart
Earle
Robert
Montgomerie
Archbishop
of
Glasgow
,
(
an
Office
then
odious
and
unlawfull
,
as
being
against
the
Lawes
of
the
Countrey
,
and
ordinance
of
the
Church
)
and
were
jealous
of
the
one
as
a
suspected
Papist
,
and
perswaded
that
the
other
(
to
wit
,
Arran
)
was
a
downe-right
Atheist
.
The
Nobilitie
stormed
and
grudged
at
their
extraordinary
and
sudden
preferment
.
For
James
was
made
Lord
Hammiltoun
,
Abercorne
,
Bothwel-haugh
,
and
Earle
of
Arran
,
with
a
power
almost
absolute
(
given
or
usurped
,
under
the
name
of
Captaine
of
the
Guard
,
and
the
pretext
of
pursuing
the
Douglasses
)
to
apprehend
,
imprison
,
and
put
on
the
racke
whomsoever
he
pleased
.
Obignie
was
made
Lord
of
Dalkeith
,
Tantallon
,
Darlin
,
Torbouton
,
and
Duke
of
Lennox
,
Keeper
of
the
Castle
of
Dumbartan
,
and
great
Chamberlaine
of
Scotland
.
Thus
did
they
overtop
and
overshadow
the
rest
of
the
Peeres
,
as
tall
Cedars
doe
small
Shrubs
,
to
their
great
discontentment
and
disdaine
.
The
Gentlemen
were
so
used
by
them
,
that
they
esteemed
themselves
brought
into
a
thraldome
and
slaverie
,
none
of
them
being
sure
of
their
estates
,
which
were
wrung
from
them
by
colour
of
law
(
the
cloake
of
their
oppression
)
and
all
fearing
the
rage
and
unlimited
violence
,
especially
of
James
Stuart
,
who
was
composed
of
nothing
else
,
and
whose
actions
were
sutable
to
his
disposition
.
The
Burrowes
were
alienated
by
being
cut
short
in
their
priviledges
,
liberties
,
and
immunities
,
which
were
quarrelled
,
retrenched
,
cancelled
,
and
taken
away
,
according
to
their
humours
of
avarice
,
and
desire
of
gaine
,
and
according
to
the
pleasure
and
suggestions
of
their
informers
and
parasites
.
With
this
their
exorbitant
increase
of
power
and
insolencie
,
as
the
hatred
of
others
did
increase
toward
them
,
so
did
variance
arise
betwixt
themselves
.
The
first
occasion
hereof
was
the
carrying
of
the
Crown
at
Parliament
:
this
was
proper
,
and
is
the
hereditarie
right
and
priviledge
of
the
house
of
Angus
,
and
he
being
now
banished
,
and
the
Duke
of
Lennox
having
his
estate
,
either
for
that
regard
,
or
because
of
his
more
honourable
descent
,
or
by
the
advantage
of
the
Kings
favour
(
which
he
had
in
greater
measure
then
Arran
)
we
cannot
affirme
;
but
so
it
was
,
that
he
was
preferred
to
bear
it
.
Arran
stormed
at
this
,
&
protested
that
his
bearing
of
it
at
this
time
should
not
be
prejudicial
to
his
claim
,
who
being
descended
of
the
house
of
D.
Mordack
(
which
was
nearest
to
the
King
)
ought
in
reason
to
have
carried
it
;
yet
he
renounced
all
title
to
the
kingdom
,
notwithstanding
of
this
extraction
of
his
pedegree
,
and
challenging
of
this
honour
.
This
renunciation
was
derided
by
some
,
and
disdained
by
others
,
as
a
great
malapartnesse
,
and
high
presumption
in
him
,
who
being
but
lately
raised
from
so
meane
a
fortune
and
estate
,
durst
utter
such
speeches
as
bewrayed
such
vast
and
high
thoughts
,
as
to
aime
at
no
lesse
then
the
Kingdome
,
if
ever
(
the
Kings
owne
race
failing
)
the
right
thereto
should
come
in
question
,
and
happen
to
be
controverted
.
And
indeed
his
designes
are
thought
to
have
flowne
to
no
lower
pitch
,
which
(
perhaps
)
had
beene
no
very
hard
or
impossible
taske
for
him
,
if
he
could
as
well
have
kept
out
the
Hammiltouns
(
who
could
onely
pretend
right
to
it
)
and
the
Douglasses
(
whose
power
and
authority
was
the
greatest
in
the
Countrey
)
as
hee
found
meanes
to
cast
them
out
of
Court
and
Countrey
.
For
then
he
had
had
no
Competitor
but
the
Duke
of
Lennox
,
and
him
,
being
a
stranger
,
and
subsisting
meerely
by
the
present
Kings
favour
,
he
nothing
doubted
to
supplant
by
his
craft
and
violence
,
joyned
with
such
a
colourable
claim
.
Another
occasion
of
discord
fell
out
by
Sir
John
Seaton
,
son
to
the
Lord
Seaton
,
and
Master
of
the
Kings
horses
.
As
the
King
was
about
to
goe
to
his
horse
to
ride
a
hunting
,
Arran
having
something
to
speake
to
him
in
private
,
all
men
were
commanded
to
remove
,
which
all
did
saving
Sir
John
,
who
being
by
his
place
to
wait
upon
the
King
,
and
set
him
on
his
horse
,
stayed
still
,
and
did
not
remove
with
the
rest
.
Arran
seeing
him
to
stay
behind
the
rest
,
either
threatned
to
throw
his
batton
at
him
,
or
did
throw
it
indeed
;
for
hee
carried
a
staffe
or
batton
as
Captaine
of
the
Guard
.
Sir
John
would
have
requited
this
affront
,
but
was
hindred
by
the
Guard
,
who
carried
him
downe
staires
,
and
so
parted
them
for
that
time
.
The
next
day
Sir
John
,
his
brother
Sir
William
,
and
the
Lord
Seaton
himselfe
,
were
all
commanded
to
keepe
their
lodgings
;
which
the
Duke
(
who
favoured
them
)
tooke
so
ill
,
that
he
refused
to
come
abroad
that
day
.
At
last
they
were
so
divided
,
that
the
Duke
carried
the
King
with
him
to
Dalkeith
,
and
Arran
abode
in
the
Palace
of
Halyrood-hoose
.
There
were
with
the
Duke
,
the
Lord
Seaton
,
Maxwell
,
(
then
Earle
of
Morton
)
with
some
others
.
Argyle
,
Ruthven
,
(
then
Thesaurer
,
and
lately
made
Earle
of
Gowrie
)
the
Secretarie
,
the
Controller
,
and
other
Officers
of
State
,
stayed
with
Arran
,
and
tooke
upon
them
to
make
the
body
of
the
Kings
Councell
,
and
to
sit
as
such
.
But
all
their
Decrees
and
Conclusions
were
dashed
by
the
King
in
person
,
which
they
wanted
.
These
broiles
lasted
from
the
end
of
October
till
mid-Februarie
,
about
which
time
the
King
returning
to
Halyroodhouse
(
from
whence
Arran
had
removed
before
)
and
from
thence
going
backe
againe
to
Dalkeith
,
he
sent
for
him
,
and
reconciled
him
to
the
Duke
,
after
which
they
became
greater
friends
then
ever
they
had
beene
before
:
so
that
Arran
would
doe
nothing
for
any
man
but
what
hee
knew
stood
with
the
Dukes
good
liking
But
this
union
betwixt
themselves
divided
them
the
more
from
others
,
and
others
from
both
of
them
;
for
now
hee
that
had
any
businesse
with
either
,
behoved
to
sue
to
both
,
and
hee
that
disliked
,
or
bore
ill-will
to
either
,
was
forced
to
fawne
on
him
also
,
or
to
hate
both
,
and
seeke
the
overthrow
of
them
both
alike
.
At
the
Justice
Aires
in
Perth
1582.
He
had
,
upon
the
first
surmising
of
an
alteration
,
come
from
Edinburgh
with
a
company
of
some
fourescore
horse
,
but
hearing
that
the
Earle
of
Marre
was
at
Kinrosse
in
his
way
,
hee
sent
his
company
with
his
brothers
(
Robert
and
Henrie
)
and
he
himselfe
with
one
or
two
taking
a
byway
,
came
to
have
slipt
into
the
Kings
presence
before
they
had
beene
aware
of
him
.
But
Gowrie
being
advertised
hereof
,
met
him
at
the
gate
,
and
had
straightwayes
killed
him
,
if
George
Authenlecke
(
sometime
servitour
to
Morton
)
had
not
held
his
hand
as
he
was
about
to
have
pulled
out
his
dagger
to
have
stabbed
him
.
His
two
brothers
,
with
their
company
,
were
defeated
by
the
Earle
of
Marre
,
of
which
Robert
was
wounded
also
,
and
taken
prisoner
.
There
joyned
with
Marre
and
Ruthven
openly
,
Thomas
Lion
(
Master
of
Glames
)
Lawrence
Lord
Oliphant
,
together
with
Sir
Lewis
Ballandine
of
Achnowle
(
Justice-Clerke
)
and
others
.
Before
Marre
came
,
the
Guard
made
some
difficultie
to
admit
them
,
and
grant
them
entrance
into
the
Kings
chamber
:
for
they
serving
for
pay
,
and
being
put
in
,
and
commanded
by
Arran
,
when
they
heard
what
had
happened
to
their
Captaine
,
made
an
offer
to
resist
,
and
not
to
suffer
any
man
to
come
neare
the
King
,
unlesse
hee
should
signifie
his
pleasure
to
be
such
.
Sir
Lewis
Ballandine
conceiving
great
indignation
hereat
,
asked
at
master
David
Hume
(
who
by
chance
was
come
thither
,
and
stood
next
to
him
)
if
he
had
a
pistoll
about
him
,
which
he
gave
him
,
but
withall
said
to
him
,
Be
not
too
hastie
to
shoot
,
let
them
alone
,
you
shall
find
that
their
fury
will
soone
fall
(
lacking
their
Captaine
,
and
a
head
)
and
that
they
will
give
way
,
when
once
they
see
the
Nobility
approach
.
And
so
they
did
indeed
,
for
the
Earle
of
Marre
being
come
,
and
the
rest
joyning
with
him
,
they
shranke
away
and
gave
place
.
When
they
came
to
the
King
,
they
shewed
him
the
necessity
of
doing
what
they
had
done
,
in
regard
of
the
violence
of
Arrane
,
and
their
feare
and
suspition
of
the
Duke
of
Lennox
:
That
there
was
no
other
way
to
remove
the
generall
discontent
of
his
Subjects
,
and
to
prevent
the
dangers
which
would
follow
thereupon
to
himselfe
,
and
his
Crowne
,
then
by
removing
of
these
men
from
about
him
,
whose
unjust
actions
,
and
violent
oppressions
,
reflected
upon
his
Majesty
,
to
the
great
prejudice
of
his
honour
and
estate
,
as
also
to
the
great
disadvantage
of
Religion
,
and
the
good
of
his
people
.
The
King
assented
to
what
they
said
,
either
because
he
thought
it
to
be
the
true
,
or
rather
,
(
as
appeared
afterward
)
that
he
might
seeme
to
approve
of
that
which
hee
could
not
resist
▪
So
they
goe
to
Perth
,
then
to
Stirling
,
where
their
Proclamations
were
set
forth
;
the
one
containing
the
Kings
Declaration
,
concerning
what
was
done
at
Ruthven
;
that
it
was
for
his
service
,
and
acceptable
to
him
.
In
the
other
the
Duke
of
Lennox
was
commanded
to
depart
out
of
the
Realme
of
Scotland
before
the
24.
of
September
.
There
was
a
third
also
,
by
which
the
Chamberlain
Aires
were
discharged
to
be
kept
.
The
Earle
of
Angus
had
(
a
little
before
these
things
)
come
down
from
Archbald
Authenleck
(
a
follower
of
his
Uncle
Morton
)
and
lay
next
adjacent
to
his
Barony
of
Boncle
.
There
he
remained
till
Master
Bowes
,
and
Master
Cary
(
Embassadours
from
the
Queen
of
England
)
came
into
Scotland
(
the
11
of
September
)
and
did
by
their
intercession
obtain
of
the
King
,
that
hee
might
be
assoyled
from
that
crime
of
Rebellion
,
which
his
enemies
had
put
upon
him
,
because
he
had
not
obeyed
their
charges
given
out
in
the
Kings
name
,
to
come
to
Court
,
which
was
indeed
to
come
into
their
power
.
Neither
did
he
presently
after
hee
was
relaxed
come
neare
the
King
,
untill
he
had
assurance
that
the
King
was
very
well
contented
,
and
desirous
that
he
should
come
to
him
;
but
stayed
some
five
weekes
,
expecting
his
full
and
free
consent
therein
,
that
his
return
might
bee
such
as
could
not
be
excepted
against
.
The
King
delayed
him
a
while
,
that
hee
might
be
beholding
to
him
●…or
this
favour
,
and
he
was
contented
to
stay
so
long
,
that
the
King
might
see
he
was
willing
to
receive
it
at
his
hands
as
a
favour
,
and
that
by
so
doing
,
he
might
fully
remove
all
hard
construction
that
his
Majesty
could
make
of
his
withdrawing
into
England
.
He
had
presence
of
the
King
the
20.
of
October
(
about
two
moneths
after
he
came
home
)
in
the
Palace
of
Haly-rood-house
,
where
hee
was
kindly
and
lovingly
received
,
to
the
great
contentment
of
all
men
,
and
with
great
commendation
of
his
modesty
;
for
that
hee
had
patiently
waited
for
his
Princes
pleasure
so
long
a
time
,
and
had
not
abruptly
rusht
into
his
sight
,
which
many
would
,
and
he
might
have
done
easily
had
he
pleased
to
have
made
that
use
of
the
times
and
opportunitie
which
was
offered
:
but
his
disposition
was
not
that
way
set
;
he
was
truely
of
a
milde
disposition
,
abhorring
all
turbulencie
,
every
way
towardly
,
inclining
to
peace
,
and
to
all
submission
toward
his
Prince
.
Now
being
thus
returned
,
gladly
would
hee
have
lived
in
quietnesse
,
and
injoyed
the
Kings
favour
still
,
as
he
had
it
at
this
time
,
and
willingly
would
he
have
served
him
as
a
faithfull
and
loyall
Subject
according
as
he
had
been
pleased
to
have
imployed
him
,
without
further
stirring
or
meddling
with
any
thing
,
or
any
person
.
Neither
(
as
I
thinke
)
did
the
world
ever
know
,
or
bring
forth
a
more
calme
and
quiet
spirit
,
voyd
of
ambition
and
covetousnesse
,
as
also
of
all
envie
and
malice
to
any
creature
,
which
are
the
chiefe
causes
of
restlesse
and
tumultuous
practices
.
He
was
also
mindfull
of
Mortons
counsell
at
his
death
,
who
advised
him
to
doe
so
:
and
being
alreadie
in
so
honourable
a
place
(
first
of
the
Nobilitie
)
he
had
little
or
nothing
else
to
desire
or
hope
for
,
if
hee
could
have
been
assured
to
possesse
his
owne
in
peace
.
But
finding
the
Countrey
divided
,
the
dregs
of
the
old
faction
that
stood
for
the
Queen
,
still
working
underhand
,
and
by
it
the
Romish
party
labouring
to
undermine
the
true
reformed
Religion
,
and
such
as
had
been
instruments
to
establish
it
,
upon
whose
ruine
these
new
men
(
by
their
new
courses
)
did
indeavour
to
build
their
preferment
,
so
that
none
could
with
surety
live
in
any
honourable
place
,
as
a
good
Patriot
,
but
behoved
to
take
part
with
them
that
stood
for
Religion
,
and
undergoe
the
like
hazard
as
they
did
.
Besides
,
these
Noblemen
had
(
in
very
deed
)
wrought
out
and
made
way
for
his
returne
from
exile
,
by
removing
of
those
who
were
(
as
common
enemies
to
all
honest
men
,
so
more
particularly
)
his
especiall
enemies
,
having
been
authours
of
his
Uncles
death
,
and
who
had
seized
upon
his
owne
lands
and
possessions
.
They
were
also
his
near
kinsemen
,
and
deare
friends
,
Gowrie
and
Glames
were
come
of
his
house
,
Oliphant
was
of
his
alliance
(
having
married
Margaret
Douglas
,
daughter
to
William
of
Logh-leven
)
and
Marre
was
his
brother
in
law
,
and
no
lesse
his
brother
in
love
and
affection
,
which
continued
without
the
least
breach
or
diminution
,
so
long
as
he
lived
.
These
private
and
publick
inducements
thus
meeting
and
concurring
,
he
could
not
esteem
that
cause
to
be
more
theirs
then
his
owne
,
and
therefore
could
not
choose
but
embrace
it
as
his
own
,
that
is
,
to
the
utmost
of
his
power
.
Therefore
he
joyned
with
them
in
it
sincerely
for
his
owne
part
,
but
William
Stuart
,
a
brother
of
the
house
of
Goston
,
who
had
beene
a
Colonell
in
the
Low-Countreyes
,
and
was
then
Captain
of
the
Kings
Guard
.
Gowrie
had
brought
him
home
,
and
preferred
him
to
the
Kings
service
,
of
purpose
to
counterpoyse
the
greatnesse
of
Arran
:
but
they
were
so
wise
,
as
not
to
crosse
one
another
;
but
on
the
contrary
,
they
did
aid
and
strengthen
each
other
all
they
could
.
By
this
Williams
means
,
the
authours
and
actors
of
the
fact
at
Ruthven
Elizabeth
▪
had
gotten
a
promise
of
the
King
that
he
should
be
fully
restored
to
all
his
lands
and
possessions
,
and
hee
had
relied
thereon
,
and
waited
long
for
the
performance
thereof
;
but
finding
nothing
but
delayes
,
he
perceived
they
had
no
good
meaning
toward
him
.
And
so
indeed
it
proved
,
for
Marre
,
and
the
master
of
Glames
were
confined
in
Argyle
,
the
Castle
of
Stirling
(
of
which
Marre
and
his
predecessours
had
been
keepers
time
out
of
minde
)
was
committed
to
the
custody
of
Arrane
;
and
the
Earle
of
Angus
was
confined
beyond
Forth
.
Before
his
going
to
the
place
of
his
confinement
,
hee
wrote
to
some
The
Earle
of
Angus
crossed
Forth
at
the
Queens
Ferry
,
and
went
to
his
owne
house
at
Aberdowre
;
but
because
there
hee
was
too
neare
the
Court
,
and
so
obnoxious
to
suspition
,
hee
removed
from
thence
to
Kinrosse
:
and
to
secure
them
yet
more
,
leaving
his
houshold
there
behinde
him
,
he
went
almost
alone
to
Lesely
,
a
house
belonging
to
his
brother
in
Law
,
the
Master
of
Rothusse
.
Being
there
,
he
moved
him
,
and
the
Earle
his
father
to
deal
with
the
Courtiers
to
grant
him
so
much
favour
as
to
suffer
him
to
live
a
private
and
retired
life
,
at
one
of
his
owne
houses
in
the
Countrey
farre
from
Court
,
and
State
businesse
:
but
they
were
so
farre
from
yeelding
to
any
such
thing
,
that
whereas
he
had
been
charged
onely
to
remaine
beyond
Forth
before
;
now
hee
is
sent
Wherefore
hee
takes
his
journey
thither
,
and
came
to
Dundie
;
and
from
thence
toward
Elgin
in
Murray
.
Master
Scrimger
of
Diddup
Robert
Douglas
of
Cavers
,
Gentleman
of
his
horses
.
So
he
passed
the
Carne-Mont
with
great
celerity
and
haste
,
the
rest
of
his
houshold
following
after
by
easie
journeyes
.
Great
was
the
care
his
worthy
friend
the
Constable
had
of
him
;
and
many
wayes
did
hee
labour
to
keepe
him
from
melancholy
,
and
to
divert
his
thoughts
from
too
much
dwelling
upon
his
present
hard
condition
:
there
was
no
kinde
of
sport
or
game
,
which
he
did
not
afford
him
with
all
the
varietie
he
could
devise
to
entertain
him
,
and
to
cheare
him
up
:
till
the
court
,
envying
even
this
small
contentment
to
him
,
commanded
the
Constable
also
to
goe
off
the
Countrey
;
yet
was
hee
never
destitute
of
friends
;
such
was
the
sweetnesse
of
his
disposition
,
and
of
such
power
and
force
was
it
,
that
it
wonne
the
hearts
of
all
the
Gentlemen
in
those
quarters
to
him
:
such
as
the
Innesses
,
Dumbarres
,
Hayes
,
and
others
,
who
did
all
strive
who
should
shew
most
affection
toward
him
,
by
inviting
him
to
their
houses
,
and
feasting
him
by
turnes
,
and
using
of
him
with
all
courtesie
,
and
respect
;
so
that
hee
could
not
have
beene
more
honoured
and
regarded
amongst
his
dearest
friends
,
and
nearest
kinsfolkes
.
Nay
,
such
was
their
love
to
him
,
that
hearing
some
surmises
of
no
great
good
will
borne
to
him
by
Huntley
,
they
of
their
own
accord
came
to
him
,
and
forbade
him
to
bee
afraid
of
him
,
for
they
would
spend
their
lives
in
his
defence
,
and
for
his
safetie
,
if
the
Earle
of
Huntley
should
attempt
any
thing
against
him
▪
Wherefore
it
was
thought
that
they
being
thus
affected
,
he
durst
not
adventure
to
execute
any
Court
plot
against
him
,
which
he
wanted
no
good
will
to
do
,
and
otherwayes
would
have
done
.
Yet
was
this
the
place
of
the
Kingdome
,
where
all
Huntleyes
power
and
friendship
lay
very
neare
at
hand
,
and
where
Angus
had
least
acquaintance
and
fewest
friends
,
all
of
them
being
meere
strangers
to
him
,
without
any
other
bond
of
obligation
or
tie
of
relation
,
but
what
his
vertue
and
worth
had
gained
in
that
short
time
of
his
being
amongst
them
and
conversing
with
them
.
The
Courtiers
at
this
time
were
at
no
small
contest
and
variance
James
Lowson
,
Master
Walter
Balcanquell
,
John
Durie
(
Ministers
at
Edinburgh
)
and
Master
Andrew
Melvin
,
Principall
of
the
new
Colledge
of
Saint
Andrewes
,
and
Professour
of
Divinity
there
.
The
occasion
was
this
;
they
had
at
a
Generall
Assembly
approved
the
fact
of
Ruthven
by
the
Kings
especiall
commandement
,
and
now
being
desired
by
the
Courtiers
to
condemne
it
,
they
refused
to
doe
it
.
Both
sides
alledged
the
Kings
authority
;
the
Courtiers
pleading
,
that
such
was
his
will
now
:
and
the
Ministers
,
that
it
was
not
such
then
.
The
Courtiers
said
that
he
was
a
captive
then
;
and
the
Ministers
replyed
,
that
(
perhaps
)
he
was
so
now
:
that
they
saw
not
any
thralling
of
him
then
;
and
that
it
might
as
well
be
alledged
hereafter
that
he
was
a
captive
now
,
as
it
was
alledged
now
that
hee
was
a
captive
then
.
As
for
the
particular
quarrels
of
either
side
,
they
said
they
knew
them
not
;
but
one
thing
they
knew
,
that
they
were
as
good
men
,
as
Noble
,
as
worthie
,
as
well
affected
to
his
Majestie
who
were
with
him
then
,
as
those
were
who
were
about
him
now
;
that
they
were
as
free
from
all
suspition
of
unsoundnesse
in
Religion
,
nay
,
much
freer
,
the
others
being
at
least
suspected
.
In
which
regard
they
could
not
retract
what
they
had
done
,
and
could
not
but
allow
of
their
fact
who
had
removed
from
the
King
,
men
that
were
not
altogether
free
of
suspition
.
What
private
ends
or
aimes
they
had
,
was
unknown
to
them
,
as
also
they
were
ignorant
what
the
respects
were
which
they
now
had
;
both
pretended
the
Kings
will
;
but
they
were
sure
of
this
point
,
that
the
removing
of
suspected
men
was
a
good
office
,
and
made
for
his
well
being
,
and
that
the
instruments
thereof
were
instruments
of
a
good
work
,
whatsoever
were
their
intentions
.
Thus
most
of
them
spake
:
Others
expressed
themselves
more
harshly
,
saying
,
that
wicked
men
were
removed
,
and
such
as
were
enemies
to
the
Church
,
to
the
Countrey
and
to
the
Nobility
,
who
sought
their
own
preferment
with
the
overthrow
of
all
,
that
they
might
be
built
upon
the
ruines
of
all
these
.
These
speeches
were
very
unfavourie
to
the
Earle
of
Arran
,
to
the
Colonell
Stuart
,
and
the
Prior
of
Pitten-weeme
.
It
rubbed
upon
them
,
and
(
by
consequent
)
as
they
would
have
it
appeare
)
reflected
upon
the
King
.
Wherefore
they
called
it
sedition
,
and
stirring
up
of
dissention
betwixt
the
King
and
his
Subjects
.
So
they
informe
the
King
,
and
by
their
Information
,
animate
him
against
them
.
Wherefore
John
Dury
behooved
to
be
removed
from
Edinburgh
to
Monrosse
:
Master
James
Lowson
,
and
Master
Walter
Balcanquell
were
rebuked
onely
.
Master
Walters
Text
was
treason
(
against
the
Courtiers
)
and
spake
too
much
though
hee
had
said
nothing
.
It
was
that
passage
of
Ecclesiastes
[
I
saw
Princes
walking
on
foot
,
and
servants
riding
on
horse-back
]
that
is
,
Great
and
worthie
men
displaced
,
and
base
men
set
up
in
their
room
;
to
which
doctrine
hee
added
an
admonition
,
that
they
should
look
to
themselves
when
the
cup
of
their
iniquitie
should
bee
full
.
Master
Andrew
Melvin
was
dilated
to
the
King
and
Councell
by
one
William
Stuart
,
that
he
had
said
in
a
Sermon
of
his
,
That
the
King
was
unlawfully
called
to
the
Kingdome
;
but
he
craved
,
that
seeing
he
was
accused
of
wrong
doctrine
,
that
hee
might
bee
tried
by
a
Generall
or
Synodall
Assembly
,
who
are
the
proper
judges
of
doctrine
delivered
from
the
Pulpit
.
It
was
answered
,
that
he
should
have
no
other
than
the
King
and
Councell
,
who
ordained
him
to
enter
himself
prisoner
in
BlackNesse
.
First
,
He
protested
William
Stuart
were
the
man
,
he
would
prove
that
the
said
William
had
professed
hatred
against
him
,
and
had
threatned
him
to
do
him
bodily
harm
;
in
which
respect
,
his
information
was
to
be
suspected
if
he
were
the
Delatour
,
or
if
he
were
a
witnesse
his
testimony
was
not
sufficient
.
Notwithstanding
of
all
this
,
yet
he
said
,
he
would
simply
declare
the
truth
in
the
presence
of
God
and
his
Angels
,
so
far
forth
as
his
memory
would
serve
him
.
He
said
,
his
text
was
,
Daniels
expounding
of
the
hand-writing
on
the
wal
to
Baltazar
.
Here
he
observed
how
Daniel
in
reproving
Baltazar
for
not
giving
glory
to
God
for
his
benefits
toward
him
and
his
father
,
and
for
abusing
the
vessels
of
the
house
of
God
,
did
apply
the
Text
(
of
the
hand-writing
)
to
Baltazar
.
From
hence
(
and
other
places
of
Scripture
)
he
inferred
,
that
application
ought
to
be
made
of
examples
(
whether
of
mercies
or
judgements
)
by
the
Ministers
of
the
Word
(
as
Daniel
was
)
to
Kings
,
as
was
Baltazar
:
And
that
the
nearer
the
example
touched
the
party
to
whom
it
were
applied
(
as
that
of
Nabuchodonosor
,
who
was
father
to
Baltazar
)
the
more
forcible
it
would
be
.
This
(
said
he
)
is
the
right
way
of
application
,
but
who
doth
it
now-a-dayes
?
Or
if
any
do
it
,
who
cares
for
it
,
or
is
moved
with
it
?
If
a
man
should
now
apply
the
example
of
our
Predecessours
to
these
times
,
as
of
King
James
the
third
,
how
his
Courtiers
and
flatterers
abused
him
,
would
they
not
say
that
he
raved
,
and
wandered
from
his
Text
?
Nay
,
perhaps
,
accuse
him
of
Treason
.
Secondly
,
he
said
,
concerning
these
words
which
his
accuser
did
alledge
to
have
been
spoken
by
him
(
that
our
Nabuchodonosor
,
to
wit
,
the
Kings
mother
,
had
bin
banished
twice
seven
years
,
&
would
be
restored
again
)
as
it
never
came
into
his
mind
,
so
did
he
not
remember
the
words
,
or
any
expression
tending
to
that
purpose
,
or
importing
any
such
thing
:
Thirdly
,
As
for
that
speech
(
That
the
King
was
unlawfully
called
to
the
Crown
)
or
any
thing
sounding
that
way
;
he
protested
before
God
,
he
never
spake
it
,
nor
did
he
ever
doubt
of
the
lawfulnesse
of
his
Majesties
authority
,
which
the
Church
had
ever
maintained
,
&
he
himself
constantly
avouched
,
as
all
that
knew
him
could
bear
witnesse
.
That
it
was
true
,
that
in
speaking
of
Nabuchodonosor
,
he
had
said
;
That
first
,
howbeit
he
had
succeeded
to
his
fathers
Kingdome
,
and
that
when
he
was
of
ripe
years
:
secondly
,
though
he
were
endowed
with
wisedome
,
learning
,
liberality
,
and
other
vertues
:
thirdly
,
though
he
had
conquered
and
purchased
divers
Territories
and
Countries
,
as
a
valiant
Captain
(
having
been
Lieutenant
to
his
father
)
in
his
fathers
time
:
fourthly
,
And
although
he
were
made
King
(
after
his
father
)
by
all
the
Nobility
:
yet
Daniel
maketh
mention
of
none
of
all
these
,
but
saith
,
That
God
gave
him
the
Kingdome
.
From
whence
he
gathered
as
a
firm
conclusion
;
That
,
by
whatsoever
way
Kingdomes
do
come
(
whether
by
election
,
succession
,
or
conquest
,
whether
by
ordinary
or
extraordinary
means
)
it
is
God
that
gives
them
,
&
he
that
makes
Kings
.
But
(
alas
!
)
men
do
forget
this
that
are
in
high
places
,
as
experience
doth
shew
:
And
not
only
Atheists
and
Idolaters
,
but
even
godly
Kings
are
subject
to
this
forgetfulnesse
.
David
extraordinarily
called
,
Salomon
also
extraordinarily
,
and
Joas
extraordinarily
preserved
and
crowned
in
his
tender
years
,
did
all
forget
the
ordainer
,
all
forget
God
their
advancer
;
and
he
therefore
did
chastise
them
.
That
instead
of
applying
this
to
the
King
,
he
did
(
as
his
custome
ever
was
,
when
he
spake
of
his
Majestie
)
turne
and
convert
it
into
a
Prayer
:
That
since
such
was
the
weaknesse
of
Godly
Kings
,
it
would
please
God
of
his
mercie
never
to
suffer
our
King
to
forget
Gods
goodnesse
and
mercie
toward
him
,
who
had
called
him
extraordinarily
to
be
King
of
the
Countrey
:
first
,
being
but
a
childe
in
his
Cradle
:
secondly
,
his
mother
yet
alive
:
thirdly
,
a
great
part
of
the
Nobility
his
enemies
:
and
fourthly
,
some
of
them
still
pursuing
of
him
,
ever
since
the
heavie
burden
of
government
was
laid
on
his
shoulders
.
He
concluded
that
these
were
his
formall
words
,
upon
which
,
what
ground
any
man
could
have
to
build
such
accusation
against
him
,
he
referred
it
to
the
wisedome
of
his
Majestie
and
his
councell
,
who
,
he
hoped
,
would
not
give
eare
to
such
who
through
malice
did
stretch
or
wrest
his
words
,
or
through
ignorance
did
mistake
them
;
not
being
able
to
distinguish
betwixt
extraordinary
calling
,
and
unlawfull
calling
.
This
Declaration
he
set
forth
,
not
so
much
to
beg
favour
or
releasement
,
but
to
render
the
reason
of
his
chosen
and
voluntary
exile
.
Divers
moe
than
he
,
who
suffered
as
he
did
,
and
for
the
same
cause
,
set
forth
likewise
their
apologies
to
justifie
themselves
,
by
clearing
of
their
innocencie
,
and
shewing
the
causes
of
their
leaving
the
Countrey
&
their
callings
.
The
Courtiers
did
interest
the
King
in
all
these
quarrels
,
and
laboured
to
embarke
him
therein
the
deepest
they
could
:
and
by
all
meanes
strove
to
make
him
beleeve
that
all
was
against
him
,
and
that
their
aime
was
at
him
,
whom
they
wounded
through
their
sides
:
and
fain
they
would
have
perswaded
all
others
to
the
same
.
But
all
were
not
so
blinde
:
there
were
many
that
could
,
&
did
distinguish
and
separate
the
Kings
cause
from
the
Courtiers
;
and
did
shew
that
as
they
hated
them
,
so
they
loved
him
.
Especially
the
Ministery
,
who
at
a
Generall
Assembly
(
held
at
Edinburgh
in
November
)
appointed
a
generall
Fast
to
be
kept
throughout
the
whole
Kingdome
,
and
gave
out
the
reasons
thereof
to
be
:
first
,
The
abounding
of
wickednesse
:
secondly
,
The
danger
of
the
Church
:
thirdly
,
The
danger
of
the
King
:
fourthly
,
The
danger
of
the
Common-wealth
(
which
all
were
meant
,
&
did
directly
point
at
the
rulers
of
court
chiefly
)
through
their
wickednesse
,
Atheisme
,
want
of
Religion
,
Godlessenesse
,
Popishnesse
,
or
Libertinisme
,
avarice
,
aspiring
;
Who
being
sole
(
said
they
)
or
chief
about
the
King
,
under
the
shadow
of
his
authority
:
first
,
do
trouble
the
Ministery
:
secondly
,
seek
to
pervert
his
Majestie
,
and
draw
him
(
if
it
were
possible
for
them
)
to
the
same
contempt
of
Religion
;
that
so
in
time
he
might
become
a
persecuter
and
enemie
to
the
Church
,
and
overthrow
it
altogether
:
thirdly
,
do
tread
under
foot
the
Common-wealth
of
this
Countrey
,
by
banishing
the
best
of
the
Nobility
,
who
do
love
God
and
the
Church
best
,
and
are
best
affected
toward
the
Kings
welfare
,
that
they
in
the
meane
time
may
possesse
and
brook
their
Lands
and
Inheritance
:
And
fourthly
,
who
suffered
murther
,
oppression
,
witch-craft
,
whooredome
,
and
many
other
sinnes
to
passe
unpunished
and
uncurbed
.
This
Fast
continued
the
space
of
a
Week
,
including
both
the
Sundayes
.
The
Cou●…tiers
(
notwithstanding
of
this
)
contemning
and
slighting
all
admonitions
,
kept
on
their
own
wayes
and
course
of
committing
,
banishing
,
discrediting
,
and
weakening
of
all
such
as
they
thought
did
favour
the
Nobility
,
and
were
not
forward
enough
to
further
them
,
and
advance
their
faction
.
They
ingrossed
all
places
of
power
and
authority
to
themselves
;
dis-armed
,
dis-abled
,
and
diminished
all
others
,
and
even
derided
them
.
Of
which
dealing
I
will
recompt
one
example
amongst
many
:
I
have
made
mention
above
,
how
some
discord
and
variance
fell
out
betwixt
Pitcairne
,
Abbot
of
Dumfermling
,
and
the
Earl
of
Gowrie
.
Hereupon
Gowrie
(
to
match
Pitcairne
)
had
reconciled
himself
to
the
Courtiers
,
and
was
thought
to
side
with
them
;
and
especially
to
be
very
intimate
with
Colonell
Stuart
.
Pitcairne
laboured
to
out-shoot
the
Earle
in
his
own
Bow
,
and
for
that
end
sues
to
the
Colonel
for
his
friendship
,
which
because
he
knew
that
it
was
vendible
,
he
sent
him
the
price
thereof
(
according
to
his
estimate
)
in
gold
.
The
Colonell
liked
the
mettall
,
but
not
the
condition
,
and
therefore
he
kept
both
his
friendship
and
the
gold
to
himself
;
and
having
shewed
it
to
the
King
and
Gowrie
,
deriding
him
,
said
,
that
the
Abbot
had
sent
him
that
to
draw
the
King
to
favour
him
;
and
thus
was
he
flouted
,
and
wiped
clean
of
his
Moneyes
.
William
Douglas
of
Logh-leven
was
confined
in
the
Merse
,
for
no
other
fault
,
but
because
he
was
a
Douglas
,
and
an
upright
honest
man
as
any
was
in
the
Kingdome
.
Sir
George
Hume
of
Wedderburne
,
because
he
was
in
Kinne
,
and
a
friend
of
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
was
sent
prisoner
to
the
Castle
of
Downe
beyond
Forth
:
Sir
James
Hume
of
Coldinknows
was
committed
to
the
Castle
of
Edinburgh
;
Master
Cunninghame
of
Drummewhasle
was
likewise
imprisoned
;
and
Master
John
Colvill
brother
to
Cleish
had
been
served
in
the
same
kinde
,
if
he
,
fearing
their
rage
,
had
not
prevented
it
by
fleeing
.
Many
others
were
used
after
the
like
sort
,
it
being
a
sufficient
crime
to
favour
any
of
the
discourted
Noblemen
.
Last
of
all
,
a
Proclamation
was
made
,
wherein
the
Fact
at
Ruthven
was
condemned
as
foule
,
abominable
,
and
treasonable
,
and
all
the
actors
therein
(
or
favourers
of
them
)
were
commanded
to
depart
from
Edinburgh
,
and
not
to
com●…
near
the
place
where
the
King
was
,
or
should
happen
to
be
,
under
the
pain
of
death
.
The
Earle
of
Gowrie
had
taken
a
remission
for
it
,
but
it
served
not
his
turne
,
nor
did
him
any
good
at
all
:
for
he
was
particularly
charged
[
†
](A45112-e68150-b)
†
Master
David
Hume
.
Master
David
Hume
,
whom
he
trusted
,
to
conferre
with
him
,
that
hee
might
trie
and
sound
his
minde
as
narrowly
as
he
could
,
and
report
to
him
what
hee
found
.
The
Gentleman
found
him
in
words
,
in
countenance
,
and
in
gesture
greatly
perplexed
,
solicitous
for
his
estate
,
besides
the
affairs
of
the
Countrey
,
and
greatly
afraid
of
the
violence
of
the
Courtiers
.
So
that
looking
very
pitifully
upon
his
Gallerie
where
wee
were
walking
at
that
time
(
which
hee
had
but
newly
built
and
decored
with
Pictures
)
he
brake
out
into
these
words
,
having
first
fetched
a
deep
sigh
;
Cousin
(
sayes
he
)
Is
there
no
remedie
?
Et
impius
haec
tam
culta
novalia
miles
habebit
?
Barbarus
has
segetes
?
Whereupon
he
was
perswaded
of
his
upright
meaning
,
and
at
his
returne
perswaded
the
Earle
of
Angus
thereof
also
.
So
partly
upon
this
assurance
,
partly
enforced
by
necessity
(
there
being
no
possibility
to
be
strong
in
those
parts
without
his
concurrence
)
hee
resolved
to
assume
him
into
their
fellowship
and
societie
.
Then
did
those
scruples
and
doubts
arise
in
Angus
his
minde
,
which
are
incident
to
honest
natures
and
loyall
dispositions
.
Hee
considered
that
banding
against
Courtiers
would
be
called
,
and
seem
to
be
combining
against
Authority
and
the
King
;
for
hee
would
take
their
part
for
the
present
:
so
was
he
to
force
his
will
,
whom
his
heart
carried
him
to
honour
.
But
what
should
hee
doe
?
There
was
no
other
way
(
that
he
could
devise
)
to
secure
their
estates
,
their
houses
,
themselves
,
their
Countrey
,
and
all
honest
men
from
oppression
and
ruine
,
to
preserve
Religion
(
which
ought
to
be
dear
to
all
men
,
and
was
dear
to
him
)
nay
,
even
to
save
the
King
himself
(
whose
safe●…e
did
consist
in
the
preservation
of
the
Church
and
Kingdome
)
and
to
deliver
him
,
and
pluck
him
out
of
the
claws
of
these
Harpies
,
whose
oppression
and
wickednesse
did
reflect
upon
him
,
and
redound
to
his
dishonour
:
For
whatsoever
they
did
,
was
done
in
his
name
,
and
said
to
be
the
Kings
will
and
pleasure
.
Their
banishing
of
Noblemen
,
and
oppressing
of
all
sorts
and
ranks
of
men
,
without
difference
or
respect
,
so
that
there
was
no
honest
man
but
stood
in
continuall
fear
of
losing
his
life
and
estate
:
all
this
was
laid
upon
the
King
.
Their
avarice
was
insatiable
,
their
malice
cruell
,
and
their
suspition
unsatisfiable
.
They
stood
not
upon
reason
,
law
or
right
;
any
pretence
(
which
they
never
wanted
)
served
them
for
a
warrant
to
seize
mens
persons
or
estates
.
Their
ordinary
course
was
to
summond
a
man
super
inquirendis
,
and
if
he
did
compeir
,
to
commit
him
to
a
free
or
close
prison
;
if
hee
were
afraid
,
and
did
not
compeir
,
hee
was
found
guiltie
of
rebellion
,
denounced
,
and
his
goods
seized
.
They
would
be
sure
not
to
want
witnesses
to
prove
any
thing
against
any
man
,
by
torturing
his
servants
,
or
himself
,
to
wring
something
out
of
him
,
which
might
bee
matter
against
him
,
through
impatiencie
,
and
the
violence
of
the
Rack
:
At
least
hee
should
bee
sure
to
bee
vexed
by
re-examinations
,
and
with-drawn
from
his
necessary
affairs
,
that
so
hee
might
bee
constrained
to
buy
his
libertie
and
leave
to
stay
at
home
,
with
some
portion
of
his
land
,
or
a
piece
of
money
.
These
doings
of
theirs
,
though
many
knew
that
the
King
did
not
allow
of
them
,
yet
being
coloured
with
his
authoritie
,
were
apt
to
alienate
(
and
might
in
time
produce
that
effect
)
the
mindes
of
the
Subjects
from
their
Prince
,
as
also
the
heart
of
the
Prince
from
his
Subjects
,
by
their
filling
his
ears
with
jealousies
,
and
by
making
vertue
a
cause
of
suspition
,
and
him
that
was
vertuous
in
any
eminent
measure
,
suspected
and
hated
;
and
on
the
contrary
,
vice
and
the
vicious
to
have
vogue
and
credit
,
and
to
over-rule
all
.
How
could
this
bee
obviated
,
unlesse
these
men
were
removed
?
And
how
could
they
be
removed
without
controlling
of
the
King
?
And
to
contrary
him
(
though
it
were
for
his
good
and
sasetie
)
how
ill
would
it
be
taken
by
him
?
Invitum
qui
servat
,
idem
facit
occidenti
:
To
save
a
man
against
his
will
,
is
commonly
rewarded
with
slender
thanks
.
Patriam
&
parentes
cogere
etiamsi
possis
,
&
utile
sit
,
tamen
importunum
est
:
To
save
a
Prince
against
his
will
,
and
to
force
him
for
his
good
,
how
dangerous
a
point
is
it
?
For
they
account
it
as
their
life
to
reigne
,
and
no
reigning
without
absolutenesse
,
unlesse
they
reigne
at
libertie
,
without
any
controllment
,
were
it
never
so
little
.
But
there
was
no
remedie
;
whoso
undertakes
any
great
enterprise
,
must
resolve
to
passe
through
some
danger
.
And
it
is
good
for
Kings
sometimes
that
their
hands
bee
held
.
had
Alexanders
hands
been
held
when
he
killed
Clitus
,
hee
had
not
offered
to
kill
himselfe
,
nor
should
Calistines
have
needed
to
take
such
pains
with
him
,
to
make
him
digest
his
griefe
for
it
.
If
speeches
could
have
prevailed
with
the
Courtiers
,
the
Ministers
had
tried
that
way
,
but
with
bad
successe
:
for
they
were
accounted
seditious
and
traiterous
for
their
liberty
and
freedome
therein
.
Wherefore
there
was
nothing
remaining
but
to
remove
them
at
what
ever
rate
:
and
if
his
Majestie
should
take
it
ill
for
the
present
,
future
obsequiousnesse
would
make
it
appeare
,
that
what
they
did
,
was
in
love
and
humilitie
,
and
no
wayes
out
of
any
treasonable
or
malicious
intention
,
or
out
of
arrogancy
,
pride
,
or
presumption
.
The
French
Proverbe
taketh
place
;
Il
faut
passer
par
la
:
there
was
no
other
way
besides
;
no
audience
,
no
accesse
could
bee
had
to
him
by
any
other
means
.
So
they
conclude
to
joyne
their
pains
,
and
to
partake
of
the
perill
.
The
way
resolved
upon
,
was
,
to
assemble
themselves
at
Stirling
with
their
Forces
;
there
to
supplicate
the
King
,
and
to
make
their
declaration
to
the
Countrey
:
to
intimate
their
grievances
and
desires
,
with
all
respect
to
his
Majestie
,
and
with
all
evidence
and
plainnesse
,
against
the
Courtiers
.
For
this
end
,
the
Earle
of
Marre
and
Master
of
Glams
should
bee
sent
for
,
and
first
finde
meanes
to
take
in
the
Castle
of
Stirling
(
an
easie
taske
for
the
Earle
of
Marre
to
performe
,
having
his
friends
lying
near
to
it
,
and
the
Towne
devoted
to
his
service
)
then
the
Earle
of
Gowrie
should
goe
thither
(
who
lay
nearest
to
it
)
together
with
the
Earle
of
Athole
,
the
Lord
Oglebie
,
the
Drummonds
,
and
the
Murrayes
:
Next
to
him
the
Earle
of
Angus
from
Brechin
,
to
whom
his
friends
would
repaire
out
of
the
South
parts
,
the
Merse
,
Liddesdale
and
other
parts
:
The
Earle
Bothwell
,
my
Lord
Lindsay
,
and
diverse
others
of
the
Nobilitie
were
also
on
the
party
,
and
had
promised
to
joyne
with
them
.
Being
once
Conveened
,
and
having
the
affection
of
the
Ministerie
and
Burrowes
,
they
hoped
to
bee
strong
enough
against
these
new
mens
owne
power
,
assisted
onely
by
their
particular
friends
.
If
the
Kings
name
were
used
against
them
,
there
behoved
to
bee
a
Convention
of
the
Nobilitie
,
and
Barons
;
who
would
heare
the
Cause
,
judge
impartially
,
and
informe
the
King
truely
,
without
flattery
or
feare
of
the
courtiers
,
whom
they
hated
;
neither
could
they
doubt
of
his
equitie
,
and
tractablenesse
,
when
hee
should
understand
how
things
were
.
So
the
businesse
should
end
without
bloud
,
and
have
a
good
and
happy
issue
.
And
if
the
worst
should
come
,
yet
were
it
better
to
die
noblely
in
the
field
,
then
to
bee
hailed
to
the
scaffold
and
suffer
by
the
hand
of
the
Executioner
.
Thus
did
they
propose
,
but
God
did
dispose
of
things
otherwayes
.
Men
know
not
the
Councell
and
secrets
of
the
Almightie
,
whose
determination
doth
onely
stand
and
come
to
passe
.
He
had
not
ordained
,
that
they
should
execute
their
designs
,
nor
that
they
should
die
in
the
quarrel
;
it
was
to
be
done
by
another
way
,
and
at
another
time
:
the
cup
of
their
iniquitie
,
was
not
yet
full
against
whom
they
tooke
armes
.
Wherefore
they
were
disappointed
at
this
time
,
which
fell
out
thus
.
The
Earle
of
Gowry
was
charged
the
second
of
March
to
depart
the
Countrey
within
fifteen
dayes
.
Hee
shifted
and
delayed
;
this
affrighted
the
Courtiers
,
or
gave
them
occasion
to
seeme
affraid
,
and
to
put
the
King
into
a
feare
and
suspition
,
that
there
was
some
enterprise
in
hand
against
him
:
whereupon
the
Citizens
of
Edinburgh
were
made
to
keepe
a
watch
about
the
Pallace
.
Gowrie
made
shew
as
if
hee
had
intended
to
obey
the
charge
(
contrary
to
the
advice
of
his
associates
)
and
that
they
might
beleeve
that
his
intention
was
reall
,
hee
goeth
to
Dundie
,
causeth
provide
a
ship
,
and
make
all
things
ready
;
so
that
the
Courtiers
were
not
more
affraid
that
hee
would
stay
,
then
his
Partners
were
that
hee
would
hoise
saile
,
and
bee
gone
;
Especially
,
the
Earle
of
Angus
distrusted
him
,
and
was
jealous
of
his
dissimulation
,
being
uncertaine
whether
it
were
with
the
Court
,
or
with
them
that
hee
did
thus
dissemble
.
At
last
having
trifled
out
the
time
,
till
mid
Aprill
,
Colonell
William
It
was
answered
,
that
hee
could
not
approve
his
coming
to
Dundie
,
which
hee
ever
disliked
,
and
had
laboured
to
disswade
him
from
it
,
but
could
not
prevaile
:
yet
it
seemed
a
hard
construction
to
thinke
that
hee
came
thither
of
purpose
to
act
a
fained
apprehending
;
that
his
slownesse
and
lingering
was
well
knowne
to
bee
his
naturall
disposition
,
(
being
another
Fabius
Cunctator
in
that
point
)
which
hee
had
often
found
by
former
experience
,
and
often
contested
with
him
for
it
.
But
to
thinke
him
false
in
such
a
degree
,
or
to
imagine
him
to
bee
so
foolish
as
to
come
in
the
hands
of
those
Courtiers
,
with
a
crime
lying
on
him
,
(
though
but
counterfeited
)
it
was
such
a
point
,
that
for
his
owne
part
,
his
opinion
was
,
that
he
durst
not
do
it
,
lest
they
should
make
use
of
it
for
his
ruine
,
and
convert
a
colluded
crime
into
a
true
dittie
,
and
so
worke
his
death
.
But
this
could
not
satisfie
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
but
still
hee
kept
his
opinion
,
that
there
was
no
realitie
in
that
act
of
Gowries
apprehending
.
And
hee
was
the
more
confirmed
therein
,
when
he
heard
that
the
Colonell
carried
Gowry
to
the
houses
of
his
owne
especiall
friends
,
such
as
Weemes
of
Wester-Weemes
,
whose
sonne
offered
to
set
him
at
liberty
,
and
to
take
him
out
of
the
Colonels
hands
,
and
to
goe
with
him
himselfe
,
which
hee
refused
to
doe
.
Angus
passed
the
rest
of
that
night
in
great
solicitude
and
feare
,
lest
hee
himselfe
should
bee
assailed
,
and
taken
after
the
same
manner
,
which
had
beene
no
hard
matter
to
performe
,
hee
having
but
a
small
family
,
and
the
Castle
not
being
furnished
with
Armes
,
the
Earle
of
Crawford
lying
hard
at
hand
with
his
dependers
,
and
that
whole
Countrey
being
evill
affected
to
him
.
But
whether
the
Colonell
had
no
Commission
to
take
him
,
or
that
hee
did
not
thinke
of
it
,
and
thought
hee
had
sped
well
enough
already
by
taking
Gowry
,
is
uncertain
:
but
however
it
were
,
hee
went
away
with
the
prey
hee
had
gotten
without
attempting
any
thing
against
Angus
.
And
yet
for
all
that
,
Angus
was
not
altogether
secure
,
knowing
well
his
danger
,
and
the
small
power
hee
had
to
defend
himselfe
:
for
in
the
day
time
hee
went
abroad
a
hunting
,
that
they
might
not
know
where
to
finde
him
:
and
in
the
night
,
hee
caused
his
servants
to
keepe
watch
,
that
hee
might
not
bee
surprized
unawares
.
Within
three
dayes
after
,
the
Earle
of
Marre
sent
to
him
,
to
let
him
know
,
that
the
Master
of
Glames
and
hee
had
performed
their
part
of
the
worke
,
had
taken
the
Castle
of
Stirling
,
and
were
ready
to
wait
upon
his
coming
,
which
they
entreated
him
to
hasten
.
There
was
no
choice
,
they
were
his
true
friends
,
and
hee
was
no
lesse
theirs
:
and
they
were
resolved
to
runne
the
same
hazard
in
that
course
,
from
which
there
was
no
retiring
for
any
of
them
.
Angus
desired
the
Lord
Oglebee
,
and
Master
Oglebee
of
Powrie
,
with
others
of
that
name
,
to
goe
with
him
.
They
were
allied
to
the
Earle
of
Gowry
,
and
were
well
affected
to
the
businesse
,
as
also
they
were
his
owne
vassals
;
but
being
terrified
with
Gowries
taking
,
and
thinking
that
their
joyning
with
the
Lords
would
incense
the
Courtiers
to
take
some
hard
course
with
him
,
and
not
knowing
what
his
minde
was
herein
,
they
refused
to
goe
.
Hee
notwithstanding
,
goeth
with
his
owne
family
,
from
Brechin
to
Stirlin
,
and
avoyding
Perth
,
he
crossed
the
river
of
Tay
,
at
that
place
where
it
meets
with
Almont
by
boat
,
and
comes
to
Inshechaffray
,
where
he
lodged
with
the
Lord
thereof
,
but
could
not
perswade
him
to
take
part
with
them
for
the
same
reason
,
when
he
came
to
Stirling
Robert
Douglas
(
eldest
sonne
to
William
Douglas
)
of
Logh-leven
to
the
same
purpose
;
but
the
letter
falling
into
the
hands
of
his
mother
(
her
name
was
Leslie
)
she
tooke
upon
her
to
answer
it
after
this
manner
.
It
is
not
enough
(
saith
she
)
for
you
to
undertake
so
foolish
a
worke
,
whereby
you
cannot
but
ruine
your selves
,
but
you
would
also
draw
my
sonne
and
house
to
the
same
destruction
:
I
have
hindered
him
,
and
laid
my
curse
and
malediction
upon
him
,
if
hee
take
part
with
you
,
like
as
I
doe
upon
you
,
if
you
make
him
disobey
me
.
This
letter
moved
him
very
much
,
and
he
caused
an
answer
to
be
returned
to
her
according
as
it
merited
,
which
was
thus
.
I
can
very
well
beleeve
that
it
is
your
doing
to
keep
backe
yo●…r
sonne
from
so
honourable
an
enterprise
,
knowing
his
owne
disposition
to
bee
alwayes
honourable
and
noble
,
and
such
as
of
himselfe
hee
would
not
neglect
,
his
duety
either
to
his
friends
,
or
countrey
.
The
Noblemen
that
are
conveened
here
,
have
entered
upon
such
a
course
as
becomes
them
,
for
discharging
their
duetie
both
to
God
and
man
:
what
the
event
will
prove
,
is
knowne
onely
to
God
,
and
in
his
hands
alone
;
if
wee
perish
herein
,
wee
cannot
perish
more
honourably
.
Yet
wee
hope
that
God
,
in
whom
we
confide
,
and
whose
cause
wee
have
taken
in
hand
,
will
worke
out
our
safety
,
and
accomplish
that
which
wee
intend
for
the
good
of
his
owne
Church
;
when
you
and
your
house
(
for
which
you
are
so
solicitous
,
with
the
neglect
of
the
house
of
God
,
and
of
all
friendly
duety
)
shall
finde
the
smart
of
such
carelesse
indifferency
,
and
perish
(
as
we
feare
,
and
are
sory
for
it
)
through
such
carnall
and
worldly
wisedome
and
warinesse
.
And
so
indeed
the
event
proved
more
answerable
to
this
prediction
then
he
wished
:
for
the
Lords
escaped
into
England
(
for
that
time
)
and
were
safe
in
their
persons
,
and
within
a
yeere
and
a
halfe
,
they
brought
their
designes
to
passe
,
(
which
were
now
frustrate
)
by
Gods
blessing
upon
them
:
but
her
sonne
Robert
,
and
her
son
in
law
Laurence
,
Master
of
Olyphant
,
being
commanded
to
depart
the
Countrey
,
as
they
were
sailing
for
France
,
perished
at
sea
,
and
neither
they
nor
the
ship
,
nor
any
that
belonged
thereto
,
were
ever
seene
againe
,
yet
how
it
came
to
passe
is
uncertain
.
The
most
common
report
is
,
that
being
set
upon
by
the
Hollanders
,
and
having
defended
themselves
valiantly
,
they
slew
a
principall
man
of
the
enemies
;
in
revenge
whereof
they
sanke
the
ship
,
and
all
that
were
in
her
:
Others
say
,
that
after
they
had
yeelded
themselves
,
they
were
hanged
upon
the
mast
.
A
pitifull
case
,
but
a
notable
example
.
The
youthes
were
noble
,
active
,
and
of
great
hope
and
expectation
,
and
so
great
pitty
of
their
losse
.
But
it
may
shew
us
how
little
suretie
there
is
in
too
great
affecting
of
it
;
as
on
the
contrary
,
how
perills
are
avoyded
by
hazarding
and
undergoing
of
perill
.
And
their
case
is
so
much
the
more
to
bee
pittied
,
and
lamented
;
as
that
they
themselves
were
very
unwilling
to
have
followed
such
perverse
wisedome
,
had
they
not
beene
forced
to
it
by
their
mothers
importunitie
.
The
Lords
proceeded
as
they
could
with
their
intended
course
.
They
They
remonstrated
what
tyranny
was
exercised
by
James
Stuart
,
under
colour
and
pretext
of
the
Kings
will
and
pleasure
;
how
the
Nobilitie
,
and
men
of
all
rankes
,
were
vexed
by
him
;
what
mis-reports
were
made
of
them
to
their
Prince
;
what
violence
used
against
them
;
what
evils
were
presently
felt
,
and
what
more
were
to
be
feared
and
looked
for
hereafter
to
ensue
hereupon
:
The
distraction
of
the
hearts
of
the
people
from
their
Prince
,
and
of
the
Prince
from
his
people
;
the
blasting
of
the
greatest
hopes
of
vertue
that
ever
was
in
a
young
Prince
,
and
of
his
pietie
,
in
the
solid
use
of
true
Religion
;
by
working
feare
of
the
contrarie
;
tyrannizing
in
government
,
and
superficiall
profession
of
Religion
,
yea
of
reducing
Poperie
,
or
(
which
is
worse
)
of
irreligion
and
Atheisme
.
They
told
how
dea●…e
their
Religion
,
their
Countrey
,
their
Prince
was
to
them
;
what
their
owne
estate
and
condition
forced
them
to
;
what
the
care
of
all
these
required
of
them
,
out
of
dutie
,
in
regard
of
their
place
,
being
Nobles
,
and
Peeres
of
the
Land
,
and
Privie
Counsellours
by
birth
;
how
every
man
,
according
to
his
place
,
was
bound
to
lend
a
helping
hand
,
but
chiefly
those
of
the
Nobilitie
,
yet
not
excluding
either
Barons
,
Burgesses
,
or
men
of
whatever
degree
,
ranke
,
or
qualitie
,
when
the
common
Ship
of
the
State
was
in
hazard
,
and
in
danger
of
being
overwhelmed
and
perishing
,
and
when
there
was
such
a
fire
kindled
as
would
devoure
all
,
if
it
were
not
quenched
in
time
.
How
they
,
for
their
owne
part
,
after
long
patience
,
seeing
all
things
grow
worse
,
had
now
at
last
(
being
driven
thereto
by
necessity
)
called
to
minde
what
duty
,
conscience
,
God
,
and
the
station
wherein
God
had
placed
them
,
did
crave
of
them
:
which
was
,
to
endeavour
,
that
wicked
Counsellours
(
namely
James
Stuart
,
called
Earle
of
Arran
,
chiefe
Authour
of
all
the
mischiefe
)
might
be
removed
from
about
his
Majestie
,
after
such
a
manner
as
they
could
best
doe
it
.
And
since
no
accesse
was
free
,
and
no
man
durst
or
would
undertake
to
present
their
supplications
to
the
King
,
which
contained
a
true
information
of
his
owne
estate
,
of
the
State
of
the
Church
and
Countrey
,
together
with
theirs
;
therefore
they
had
conveened
in
Arms
,
not
intending
any
hurt
to
their
Prince
(
whom
they
ever
had
honoured
,
and
still
did
honour
,
and
whose
welfare
was
their
chiefe
end
and
aime
)
or
to
wrong
any
good
subject
,
but
for
defence
of
their
owne
persons
,
untill
they
should
inform
his
Majestie
of
that
which
concerned
him
,
and
belonged
to
them
to
remonstrate
unto
him
,
either
in
his
owne
presence
,
or
by
a
publick
Proclamation
,
that
so
it
might
come
to
his
eares
,
which
otherwise
these
wicked
Counsellours
did
and
would
hinder
him
from
hearing
:
and
that
so
it
might
come
to
the
knowledge
of
all
men
,
and
move
the
hearts
of
such
as
had
true
,
honest
,
and
courageous
hearts
,
to
concurre
with
them
in
that
so
honourable
and
necessary
a
worke
.
Wherefore
they
exhorted
all
men
that
they
would
not
,
through
fearfulnesse
,
or
a
vaine
opinion
of
obedience
to
the
pretended
command
of
a
Prince
(
who
then
was
best
obeyed
,
when
God
was
obeyed
,
and
wickednesse
punished
;
who
did
then
truly
reigne
,
when
wicked
Councell
was
removed
)
withdraw
themselvs
by
lurking
,
&
abandon
the
common
good
,
in
hope
to
provide
for
their
own
particular
safety
,
which
was
not
possible
for
them
to
doe
at
any
time
or
in
any
case
;
much
lesse
under
such
a
man
could
there
be
any
security
for
any
good
and
honest
man
,
he
being
so
violent
,
proud
,
tyrannicall
,
unjust
,
and
such
a
profane
mocker
of
Religion
,
who
would
not
be
tied
to
,
or
guided
by
any
law
or
reason
,
but
was
carried
away
by
his
owne
appetite
and
ambition
,
and
who
was
more
fit
to
be
the
executioner
of
a
bloudy
Nero
,
then
a
Counsellour
to
such
a
just
and
Christian
Prince
:
farre
lesse
to
be
sole
Ruler
and
Commander
of
the
Kingdome
under
the
shadow
of
his
Majesties
authority
,
having
so
abused
and
polluted
his
name
,
who
was
so
honoured
in
his
cradle
,
and
admired
through
the
world
for
his
hopefulnesse
,
and
great
expectation
of
all
princely
vertues
.
Whoso
truly
loued
him
,
ought
to
concurre
and
lend
their
aid
to
plucke
him
out
of
the
jawes
of
these
worse
then
wilde
beasts
,
that
so
his
estate
,
kingdome
,
honour
,
and
person
(
both
in
soule
and
body
)
might
be
preserved
.
This
was
the
summe
and
straine
of
their
Declarations
and
Letters
sent
abroad
to
move
men
to
joyne
with
them
in
this
businesse
,
but
all
was
in
vaine
:
for
despaire
of
doing
any
good
at
this
time
had
so
possessed
the
hearts
of
all
men
,
that
even
the
best
affected
did
choose
to
sit
still
,
and
lie
quiet
.
The
Earle
of
Gowries
apprehending
had
so
astonished
them
,
and
the
incertaintie
how
to
construe
it
did
so
amaze
them
,
that
all
his
friends
(
who
should
have
made
up
a
great
part
of
their
forces
)
as
Athole
and
others
,
absenting
themselves
,
others
fainted
and
held
off
.
Even
Sir
George
Hume
of
Wedderburne
,
a
man
both
zealously
affected
to
the
cause
,
and
entirely
loving
the
Actors
(
Marre
and
Angus
)
as
being
tied
to
them
by
bloud
,
alliance
,
and
particular
intimatenesse
of
friendship
,
though
he
were
acquainted
with
their
proceedings
from
time
to
time
,
and
being
prisoner
in
the
Castle
of
Downe
in
Monteeth
,
might
easily
have
e●…caped
from
thence
,
and
come
to
them
to
Stirlin
,
yet
did
he
avoid
all
medling
therein
,
and
would
neither
receive
nor
send
message
concerning
that
matter
:
yea
,
they
themselves
were
contented
that
he
should
doe
so
in
that
generall
desertion
,
having
gained
nothing
by
their
Declaration
and
Remonstrance
,
save
the
publishing
of
their
Apologie
,
which
was
not
necessary
to
friends
(
whose
approbation
they
had
already
)
and
wrought
nothing
upon
others
.
For
though
the
King
had
a
copie
thereof
delivered
into
his
own
hand
(
which
they
greatly
desired
,
that
thereby
he
might
know
the
naked
truth
of
things
,
and
be
truly
informed
of
the
Courtiers
carriage
and
behaviour
)
yet
did
it
produce
no
effect
to
purpose
:
neither
did
they
make
any
use
thereof
,
that
was
known
,
either
to
informe
and
perswade
the
King
of
the
things
contained
therein
,
or
to
reforme
themselves
.
Wherefore
now
their
whole
thoughts
ranne
onely
upon
this
,
how
to
come
off
,
their
lives
safe
,
and
reserve
themselves
to
a
better
and
more
convenient
time
:
so
incertaine
is
the
event
of
all
humane
enterprises
.
The
Courtiers
failed
not
to
make
contrary
Proclamations
in
the
Kings
name
;
the
bare
shew
whereof
(
though
there
were
but
very
few
that
favoured
them
or
their
proceedings
in
their
heart
)
was
of
such
force
,
that
men
conveened
thereupon
out
of
all
quarters
.
It
was
made
in
the
strictest
forme
,
commanding
all
that
were
able
to
beare
Armes
,
from
sixteene
yeares
of
age
to
sixtie
,
to
assemble
themselves
,
and
to
bring
with
them
provision
of
victuall
for
thirty
dayes
,
to
march
whither
the
King
should
be
pleased
to
direct
them
.
Hereupon
Francis
Stuart
Earle
of
Bothwell
▪
came
with
his
forc●…s
to
Edinburgh
,
where
the
King
was
:
but
he
being
brother-in-law
to
the
Earle
of
Angus
(
having
married
his
sister
)
the
Courtiers
did
not
like
of
his
company
,
and
so
he
was
commanded
to
returne
home
againe
to
his
house
.
He
was
indeed
of
the
Lords
faction
,
and
so
were
many
others
who
obeyed
the
Kings
proclamation
,
who
,
if
they
had
had
hearts
and
heads
,
were
enow
of
themselves
to
have
taken
order
with
the
Courtiers
.
But
being
dasht
with
feare
of
they
knew
not
what
(
if
they
had
considered
aright
)
they
looked
upon
one
another
,
and
so
were
forced
to
guard
those
men
whom
they
could
have
wished
to
be
hanged
.
The
Town
of
Edinburgh
were
commanded
to
make
out
500.
Musketiers
,
which
they
did
,
and
this
was
the
Courtiers
greatest
strength
,
yet
consisting
of
the
vulgar
,
and
such
as
had
no
obligation
to
binde
their
fidelitie
to
them
,
and
(
if
they
had
seen
the
Nobilitie
&
Gentry
go
about
to
take
them
in
hand
)
would
not
have
made
great
opposition
,
nor
have
hazarded
themselves
for
the
Courtiers
safety
,
in
all
likelihood
.
However
,
Colonell
William
Stuart
is
sent
with
500.
men
to
Fawlkirke
,
whereupon
the
Lords
at
Stirling
went
to
a
consultation
to
see
what
were
best
for
them
to
doe
.
They
had
not
with
them
above
300
▪
men
,
which
were
their
owne
proper
followers
;
yet
being
resolute
,
willing
,
forward
,
and
active
Gentlemen
,
it
was
thought
fittest
by
some
to
assaile
him
,
and
to
punish
his
boldnesse
and
audacitie
for
taking
such
charge
upon
him
,
being
but
a
meane
Gentleman
,
to
invade
and
come
against
the
Nobility
.
Disdaine
,
anger
,
and
courage
seemed
to
approve
of
this
resolution
,
that
so
his
malapertnesse
might
be
chastised
and
dashed
.
Neither
were
it
without
good
use
;
for
if
he
were
once
defeated
,
the
rest
would
make
a
halt
,
and
not
be
so
forward
:
that
the
first
successe
is
of
great
moment
,
and
might
bring
matters
to
a
parley
,
or
such
as
craved
audience
of
the
King
to
get
it
:
that
it
was
no
hard
matter
to
doe
,
he
being
accompanied
by
such
as
cared
not
for
his
personall
safety
,
and
had
no
tye
to
defend
him
with
the
hazard
of
their
owne
lives
especially
,
but
would
be
glad
to
have
a
faire
excuse
,
and
occasion
to
abandon
such
an
one
,
in
such
a
quarrell
:
especially
if
he
were
invaded
in
the
night
,
the
darknesse
would
excuse
,
and
take
away
their
shame
of
flying
.
It
was
argued
of
the
other
side
,
that
night
conflicts
were
subject
to
hazard
,
errour
,
and
mistaking
,
as
well
on
their
owne
side
,
as
the
enemies
:
and
that
it
could
not
be
performed
without
bloud
,
and
that
(
perhaps
)
of
the
most
innocent
,
whereas
he
himselfe
,
whom
they
chiefly
aimed
at
,
might
escape
:
neither
would
the
defeat
of
these
few
bring
successe
to
the
cause
,
the
enemies
forces
remaining
whole
and
entire
in
Edinburgh
,
which
would
guard
and
defend
them
:
besides
,
by
so
doing
they
should
be
involved
in
a
crime
,
and
made
obnoxious
to
the
lawes
,
which
as
yet
they
were
free
of
:
that
it
were
better
to
suffer
the
guiltie
to
goe
unpunished
for
a
while
,
then
to
spill
the
bloud
of
the
guiltlesse
:
and
seeing
they
could
not
thereby
accomplish
what
they
had
intended
,
their
best
was
to
retire
and
withdraw
themselves
,
with
as
great
innocencie
and
modestie
as
they
could
,
having
done
hurt
to
no
man
.
This
advice
prevailed
with
them
,
and
so
they
concluded
to
march
in
the
night
season
toward
Fawkirke
,
but
so
soone
as
they
were
gone
out
of
the
David
Hume
of
Argatie
.
Being
in
Lanerick
,
as
they
were
refreshing
themselves
,
and
baiting
their
horses
,
word
was
brought
them
that
a
Troup
of
horsemen
did
approach
:
whereupon
fearing
that
it
was
Colonell
Stuart
pursuing
them
,
they
took
horse
,
and
sent
Archbald
Douglas
(
called
the
Constable
,
because
he
had
beene
Constable
of
the
Castle
of
Edinburgh
in
the
Earle
of
Mortons
time
,
as
hath
beene
shewed
before
)
to
discover
what
they
were
.
Hee
finding
that
it
was
Johnstoun
(
who
had
beene
sent
for
to
Edinburgh
to
assist
against
the
Lords
,
and
was
dismist
upon
their
retreat
from
Stirling
)
went
familiarly
to
him
,
fearing
no
harme
,
so
much
the
rather
,
because
Johnstoun
and
Angus
were
brothers
by
their
mother
.
But
Johnstoun
either
fearing
that
notice
might
be
given
to
the
Courtiers
,
and
he
challenged
thereof
,
if
he
should
let
him
goe
;
or
to
get
thankes
,
and
shew
his
forwardnesse
to
their
service
,
layes
hold
on
him
,
and
carries
him
immediately
backe
to
Edinburgh
,
declaring
what
way
he
came
into
his
hands
,
and
what
way
the
Lords
had
taken
,
delivering
also
Archbald
their
prisoner
to
be
used
at
their
pleasure
,
not
looking
for
such
cruelty
from
them
as
●…e
found
.
For
they
,
partly
to
seale
the
justice
of
their
cause
by
bloud
,
partly
to
make
the
greater
alienation
betwixt
the
brothers
(
Johnstoun
and
Angus
)
that
being
out
of
hope
of
reconciliation
,
he
might
be
necessitated
to
cleave
to
their
side
:
they
thanke
him
in
words
for
this
his
Archbald
Douglas
hanged
.
good
office
,
and
hang
Archbald
.
The
Earle
of
Angus
,
and
the
rest
that
were
with
him
,
being
resolved
to
goe
into
England
,
tooke
their
way
through
Tweddale
toward
Branxton
:
from
●…hence
passing
through
east
Tiviotdale
,
they
entred
England
on
that
hand
.
Calso
,
where
the
Earle
Bothwell
remained
,
was
not
farre
out
of
their
way
;
wherefore
as
they
passed
by
it
,
it
being
now
night
,
hee
came
forth
to
them
secretly
,
and
had
conference
with
them
.
Thereafter
,
as
if
hee
had
come
to
pursue
them
,
there
was
a
counterfeit
chase
made
,
and
a
counterfeited
fleeing
for
the
space
of
a
mile
,
till
they
were
on
English
ground
.
The
next
day
they
came
to
Berwicke
,
where
they
were
received
,
and
remained
a
certaine
space
.
After
their
departure
,
the
King
went
to
Stirling
with
his
forces
,
where
the
Castle
was
rendred
by
the
Keepers
,
who
forced
the
Captain
His
speech
was
short
;
hee
answered
to
the
first
,
That
he
had
a
remission
for
it
:
and
to
the
second
,
That
there
was
no
intention
there
against
the
King
:
onely
they
had
purposed
to
remove
those
wicked
men
who
abused
him
,
and
whose
thirst
of
bloud
hee
wished
that
his
death
might
quench
.
But
they
cared
little
for
his
speeches
,
and
as
little
for
his
alliance
,
his
Countesse
being
a
Stuart
of
the
house
of
Methven
,
toward
whom
and
her
children
they
shewed
no
respect
at
all
,
but
used
them
with
all
incompassionate
rigour
and
crueltie
.
For
she
coming
to
intreat
for
her self
and
her
children
(
in
the
From
Stirlin
they
returned
to
Edinburgh
,
and
there
kept
a
Parliament
Robert
Montgomerie
(
who
had
been
excommunicated
for
accepting
such
an
office
)
was
now
released
and
restored
to
his
place
.
There
was
strait
inhibiting
all
men
from
speaking
against
these
Acts
,
against
the
Kings
proceedings
,
Counsellours
,
or
Courtiers
under
highest
paines
.
What
shall
the
Ministers
do
here
?
Shall
they
oppose
?
That
were
to
cast
themselves
into
certain
danger
,
and
to
expose
themselves
to
the
crueltie
of
cruell
men
,
armed
now
with
a
colour
oflaw
.
Should
they
keep
silence
?
hear
with
patience
that
order
blaspemed
,
which
they
had
approven
,
received
,
sworn
to
,
and
the
contrary
(
which
they
had
detested
,
abominated
,
condemned
)
set
up
and
allowed
,
to
their
no
small
disgrace
,
and
shame
of
the
Countrey
;
yea
,
to
his
Majesties
discredit
in
forraine
Nations
?
and
suffer
a
doore
to
bee
opened
to
those
corruptions
,
which
had
been
kept
out
of
the
Church
,
both
in
doctrine
&
manners
,
by
vertue
of
that
order
,
which
onely
(
in
their
conscience
)
was
agreeable
with
Scripture
?
This
their
zealous
hearts
could
not
endure
:
let
all
perill
be
silent
,
where
conscience
and
Religion
speak
:
let
no
enemy
breathe
out
his
threatnings
,
where
the
minde
is
set
on
God
.
So
it
came
to
passe
here
.
For
while
the
Acts
were
in
proclaiming
at
the
Market-Crosse
of
Edinburgh
,
the
Pastours
of
that
Towne
,
Master
James
Lowson
,
Master
Walter
Balcanquell
,
Master
Robert
Punt
,
taking
their
lives
in
their
hands
,
went
boldly
and
made
publick
Protestation
against
that
Act
of
the
erection
of
Bishops
,
as
unlawfull
,
in
many
respects
,
whereof
they
took
instruments
.
Hereupon
they
being
menaced
,
to
avoide
their
furie
,
Master
Walter
Balcanquell
flees
to
Berwick
,
together
with
Master
James
Lowson
:
Thither
came
also
after
them
Master
James
Carmichael
(
Minister
at
Hadinton
)
Master
John
Davison
,
and
William
●…ird
,
Ministers
of
the
Suburbs
of
Edinburgh
,
or
some
Churches
neare
to
it
:
also
Master
Patrick
Galloway
,
and
Master
James
Melvin
,
with
divers
others
of
the
Ministerie
.
Edinburgh
being
thus
destitute
of
Pastours
,
Master
Patrick
Adamson
(
Archbishop
of
Saint
Andrews
)
was
brought
to
supply
their
places
,
and
to
maintaine
the
lawfulnesse
of
the
office
the
seven
and
twentieth
day
of
May
,
being
Wednesday
,
which
was
an
ordinary
Sermon
day
,
but
on
which
the
Courtiers
were
not
ordinary
auditours
.
But
that
day
they
would
needs
accompany
their
Bishop
,
and
grace
him
with
the
Kings
personall
presence
.
Yet
the
people
disgraced
him
by
their
absence
;
they
disdained
to
heare
a
Bishop
,
other
than
a
Pastour
,
whose
office
is
not
ordained
by
GOD
in
the
Scriptures
,
and
was
ejected
out
of
the
Church
of
Scotland
;
wherefore
being
grieved
to
see
this
Wolfe
in
their
true
Pastours
place
,
they
go
out
of
the
Church
and
leave
him
to
preach
almost
alone
.
Besides
the
common
people
,
the
Kings
owne
Ministers
Master
John
Craig
,
and
John
Brand
,
also
John
Herriese
(
with
others
)
preached
against
it
,
and
were
therefore
summoned
to
appeare
before
the
Councell
the
five
and
twentieth
day
of
August
;
where
they
were
reviled
and
rebuked
with
bitter
words
,
as
sawcie
and
presumptuous
fellowes
:
and
being
demanded
how
they
durst
speak
against
the
Kings
Lawes
,
they
answered
boldly
,
that
they
both
durst
and
would
speak
against
such
Lawes
as
were
repugnant
to
the
word
of
GOD.
Hereupon
the
Earle
of
Arran
starting
up
suddenly
upon
his
feet
in
a
great
rage
,
fell
a
swearing
many
an
oath
,
and
with
a
frowning
countenance
said
unto
them
,
that
they
were
too
proud
to
speak
such
language
to
the
Councell
;
adding
,
that
hee
would
shave
their
heads
,
paire
their
nailes
,
and
cut
their
toes
,
that
they
might
bee
an
example
to
others
.
Then
hee
warnes
them
to
compeir
before
the
King
himself
at
Falkland
the
foure
and
twentieth
day
of
September
;
where
they
were
accused
againe
by
the
Earle
of
Arran
(
then
Chancellour
)
for
,
breaking
of
the
Kings
injunctions
,
in
not
acknowledging
nor
obeying
his
Bishops
.
To
which
they
answered
,
that
Bishops
were
no
lawfull
office
of
the
Church
,
having
never
beene
instituted
by
Christ
;
and
that
therefore
they
would
not
obey
them
;
nor
no
person
else
that
would
command
without
warrant
of
the
word
of
GOD
;
assuring
him
that
GOD
would
humble
all
proud
Tyrants
that
did
lift
up
themselves
against
him
:
as
for
them
,
their
lives
were
not
so
deare
to
them
,
but
that
they
would
bee
contented
to
spend
them
in
John
Craig
)
mock
on
as
you
please
,
assure
your selfe
,
GOD
sees
,
and
will
require
it
at
your
hands
,
that
you
thus
trouble
his
Church
,
unlesse
you
repent
.
Then
they
were
remitted
to
the
sixteenth
day
of
November
,
and
in
the
mean
time
Master
John
Craig
was
discharged
to
preach
.
About
this
time
(
in
November
)
Master
James
Lowson
died
at
London
,
meekly
and
sweetly
as
he
had
lived
.
Edinburgh
had
been
all
this
while
destitute
of
Pastours
,
and
did
want
preaching
at
sometimes
for
the
space
of
three
weeks
.
This
was
very
odious
amongst
the
people
,
and
now
(
Master
John
Craig
being
silenced
)
they
were
like
to
want
oftner
than
they
had
done
:
to
remedie
this
,
the
Archbishop
of
Saint
Andrews
was
ordained
to
preach
to
them
,
and
the
Towne-Councell
ordained
to
receive
him
as
their
ordinary
Pastour
.
The
Councell
obeyed
,
but
the
people
would
not
heare
him
,
and
when
they
saw
him
come
up
to
the
Pulpit
,
they
arose
,
and
went
forth
at
the
Church
doores
.
The
Ministers
every
where
persisted
to
oppose
that
office
,
and
by
common
consent
appointed
a
Fast
to
be
kept
the
foure
and
twentieth
day
of
October
,
whereof
they
publickly
and
advowedly
gave
out
these
to
be
the
causes
:
First
,
to
stay
the
creeping
in
of
Wolves
(
meaning
Bishops
:
)
Secondly
,
that
GOD
might
send
true
Pastours
:
Thirdly
,
that
he
would
repair
the
breaches
and
decayings
of
the
Church
(
which
had
been
sometime
the
Lanterne
of
the
world
:
)
Fourthly
,
that
he
might
remove
the
causes
of
this
decay
(
tyranny
,
and
the
flatterie
of
Courtiers
.
)
This
was
plainer
language
than
pleasant
,
they
behooved
to
be
wisely
dealt
with
.
There
are
two
wayes
to
deal
and
work
upon
men
:
by
fear
and
by
hope
:
by
terrifying
and
flattering
;
they
used
both
these
toward
them
.
Wee
heard
how
the
sixteenth
day
of
November
was
appointed
for
their
compearance
:
many
therefore
were
warned
against
that
day
from
divers
parts
.
When
they
were
conveened
,
they
were
pressed
to
allow
of
the
Act
concerning
Bishops
;
and
in
token
of
their
approbation
thereof
,
to
promise
and
subcribe
obedience
to
their
Ordinary
.
To
move
them
hereto
,
they
partly
flattered
,
and
partly
threatned
them
;
saying
,
That
all
was
well
meant
,
and
no
hurt
intended
to
Religion
:
Who
was
so
well
affected
to
it
as
the
King
?
Who
so
learned
among
Princes
?
Who
so
sincere
?
That
he
would
respect
and
reward
the
worthy
and
obedient
:
And
by
the
contrary
,
no
Stipend
should
be
payed
to
him
that
refused
;
but
hee
should
be
deprived
,
imprisoned
,
banished
.
When
all
this
could
not
prevaile
,
they
devise
how
to
temper
and
qualifie
their
promise
of
obedience
,
which
was
conceived
in
these
words
;
You
shall
acknowledge
and
obey
Bishops
,
according
to
the
word
of
God
.
This
seeming
a
restriction
and
limitation
(
as
if
the
meaning
had
been
that
they
should
allow
of
,
and
obey
Bishops
as
far
as
the
word
of
God
allowed
,
and
ordained
them
to
be
obeyed
)
many
took
it
for
good
Coyne
,
and
were
so
perswaded
of
it
,
that
some
said
in
plaine
terms
,
Bring
a
Cart
full
of
such
Papers
,
and
we
will
subscribe
them
all
.
For
to
obèy
such
a
Bishop
in
such
a
sort
(
according
to
the
word
of
GOD
,
that
is
,
so
far
as
the
word
of
God
commands
to
obey
him
)
is
not
to
obey
him
at
all
:
for
the
word
of
GOD
commands
not
any
obedience
at
all
to
such
a
Bishop
:
neither
doth
it
ordain
,
acknowledge
,
or
once
name
such
a
Bishop
.
Thus
either
truly
deceived
,
or
deceiving
themselves
,
that
they
might
redeeme
their
ease
by
yeelding
,
and
cover
their
yeelding
with
an
equivocation
,
they
found
that
it
was
all
in
vaine
;
for
they
were
not
admitted
nor
permitted
to
expound
it
in
that
sort
(
whatsoever
their
meaning
was
)
but
were
forced
to
accept
of
the
exposition
which
the
Court
and
the
Bishops
did
put
upon
it
:
who
understood
that
phrase
(
according
to
the
word
of
God
)
not
as
a
limitation
but
affirmatively
,
wherein
it
was
acknowledged
that
the
word
of
God
did
command
obedience
to
them
;
and
therefore
they
promised
obedience
according
to
that
command
.
Notwithstanding
of
all
this
,
divers
stood
out
,
and
would
no
wayes
be
moved
,
neither
by
threatnings
nor
by
promises
to
give
the
least
shew
of
approbation
directly
or
indirectly
,
by
equivocation
,
or
any
other
forme
whatsoever
;
but
spake
plainly
against
them
,
and
prayed
publickly
for
the
banished
brethren
.
Of
these
Master
Nicholas
Dagleish
was
one
;
who
thereupon
was
accused
as
too
bold
to
pray
for
the
Kings
Rebels
.
He
answered
,
that
they
were
no
Rebels
,
but
true
Subjects
,
who
had
fled
from
tyranny
,
and
such
as
sought
their
lives
by
commanding
them
to
doe
against
their
conscience
.
Hee
was
empannelled
,
put
to
his
triall
by
an
assise
,
and
was
cleansed
,
in
despite
and
maugre
the
Court
;
so
farre
there
remained
conscience
in
men
.
But
the
Courtiers
will
not
let
him
escape
thus
dry-shod
;
they
labour
to
finde
a
hole
in
his
Coat
another
way
:
they
search
and
finde
that
a
Letter
had
come
from
Master
Walter
Balcanquell
to
his
wife
,
which
because
shee
could
not
well
read
the
hand
,
shee
had
given
him
to
read
to
her
,
and
he
had
read
it
.
Hereupon
he
is
again
put
to
an
as●…se
:
and
they
,
not
daring
to
cleanse
him
,
yet
would
they
not
finde
him
guilty
,
but
desired
him
to
come
into
the
Kings
will
.
Hee
was
contented
to
submit
himself
to
the
Kings
pleasure
(
for
so
much
as
concerned
the
reading
of
the
Letter
)
and
so
was
sent
to
the
Tolbooth
,
where
hee
remained
three
weeks
,
and
was
from
thence
sent
to
Saint
Andrews
.
And
thus
went
Church-matters
;
In
the
civill
government
there
was
none
now
but
the
Earle
of
Arran
,
he
lacked
the
name
of
King
;
but
hee
ruled
as
absolutely
,
and
commanded
more
imperiously
than
any
King
,
under
the
shadow
of
the
Kings
authority
,
and
the
pretext
that
all
that
he
did
was
for
the
Kings
good
and
safety
.
Hee
had
gotten
before
the
keeping
of
the
Castle
of
Stirlin
;
he
behooved
also
to
have
the
Castle
of
Edinburgh
in
his
power
.
Alexander
Ereskin
(
Uncle
to
the
Earle
of
Marre
)
was
Captain
of
it
,
hee
must
needs
favour
his
Nephew
and
his
Faction
:
wherefore
it
was
taken
from
him
,
and
given
to
Arran
,
who
was
also
made
Provest
of
the
Towne
.
Hee
was
Chancellour
of
Scotland
,
and
having
put
out
Pitcairne
,
Abbot
of
Dumfermling
,
hee
made
Master
John
Metellane
Secretary
.
Hee
did
whatsoever
hee
pleased
;
if
there
were
no
Law
for
it
,
it
was
all
one
,
hee
caused
make
a
Law
to
serve
his
ends
.
〈◊〉
was
observed
,
that
his
Lady
said
to
one
who
alledged
there
was
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
●…or
doing
of
what
shee
de●…red
to
have
done
;
It
is
no
mat●…
〈◊〉
shee
)
wee
shall
cause
make
an
Act
of
Parliament
for
it
.
If
〈◊〉
●…an
re●…used
to
do
o●…
grant
any
thing
hee
craved
,
they
were
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
bee
tossed
and
vexed
for
it
;
even
the
chief
of
the
Nobility
.
〈◊〉
,
Cassils
,
and
the
Lord
Hume
were
committed
:
Athole
,
be●…●…ee
would
not
divorce
from
his
wife
,
and
entaile
his
estate
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
the
Earle
,
or
Master
of
Cassils
,
because
hee
would
not
give
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
great
summe
of
Money
,
under
the
name
of
a
Loane
:
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
because
he
would
not
give
him
his
portion
of
Dirleton
.
〈◊〉
●…he
Lord
Maxwell
(
then
Earle
of
Morton
)
was
quarrelled
,
be
〈◊〉
hee
would
not
excambe
his
Baronie
of
Pooke
,
and
Maxwell
(
〈◊〉
●…ld
inheritance
)
for
a
parcell
of
the
Lord
Hamiltons
Lands
,
which
we●…●…ow
his
by
forfeiture
.
Many
Lands
had
hee
taken
from
many
,
but
〈◊〉
satisfied
,
ever
seeking
to
adde
possession
to
possession
,
〈◊〉
was
not
impertinently
remonstrated
to
him
by
John
Barton
Goldsmith
,
a
wittie
and
free-spoken
man
.
Hee
had
directed
this
Barton
to
ma●…e
him
a
Seale
,
and
to
carve
on
it
his
Coat
of
Armes
duely
quartered
according
to
his
Lands
and
Honours
.
This
he
did
pretty
well
to
his
contentment
,
but
he
left
one
quarter
thereof
blank
and
void
.
Hereof
when
the
Earle
asked
the
reason
,
he
answered
,
That
there
may
be
room
for
the
Lands
your
Lordship
shall
purchase
hereafter
.
Hee
took
for
his
Motto
,
Sic
fuit
,
est
,
&
erit
:
m●…ning
that
it
was
an
ordinary
thing
in
all
ages
for
meane
men
to
rise
to
great
fortunes
;
and
that
therefore
it
ought
not
either
to
bee
wondred
at
,
or
to
be
envied
.
And
it
is
true
,
if
the
meane
had
been
vertue
and
not
wickednesse
,
which
ever
was
,
is
,
and
will
be
both
envied
and
hated
,
as
it
deserveth
.
His
ambition
was
such
(
amongst
other
examples
thereof
)
that
Queen
Elizabeth
must
needs
bee
God-mother
to
his
daughter
,
whose
Ambassadour
was
present
at
the
Christening
.
His
crueltie
(
though
conspicuous
many
wayes
)
did
appear
singularly
in
the
causing
execute
Master
Cunninghame
of
Drummewhasle
,
and
Master
Douglas
of
Maines
,
his
sonne-in-law
.
This
Cunninghame
was
an
ancient
Gentleman
,
and
of
an
Robert
Hamilton
of
Inshemachon
,
who
was
(
as
hee
said
)
himself
upon
the
plot
,
or
at
least
(
as
hee
said
)
had
been
desired
to
bee
of
it
by
Master
Edmiston
of
Duntreath
.
Edmiston
being
apprehended
,
related
;
How
they
had
plotted
to
bring
in
the
exiled
Lords
on
horses
(
forsooth
)
which
had
their
eares
,
their
maynes
,
and
their
tails
cut
,
themselves
being
disguised
,
&c.
A
tale
which
was
so
unhandsome
,
toyish
,
and
ridiculous
,
that
no
man
did
beleeve
it
,
but
esteemed
it
a
foolish
fable
;
yet
did
they
make
use
of
it
,
to
practise
their
crueltie
upon
such
as
they
feared
,
and
to
make
themselves
a
terrour
to
all
men
.
To
returne
to
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
he
and
his
associats
were
removed
from
Berwick
to
New-castle
,
in
May.
So
it
seemed
good
to
the
State
of
England
(
seeing
no
appearance
of
their
hastie
restoring
to
As
they
went
to
New-castle
,
they
visited
by
the
way
,
Lord
John
Hamilton
,
and
Claud
of
Paslay
(
his
brother
)
at
Widdrington
,
the
place
of
their
abode
.
There
had
been
some
variance
betwixt
them
,
but
now
being
all
involved
in
the
same
case
of
banishment
,
it
was
to
no
purpose
to
entertain
and
keep
in
t●…
sparkle
of
discord
,
and
therefore
they
were
reconciled
.
Being
come
to
New-castle
,
they
stayed
there
a
while
,
not
so
much
to
enterprise
any
thing
from
thence
upon
any
ground
they
had
laid
already
,
as
to
wait
for
any
occasion
that
should
be
offered
.
Here
did
the
James
Lowson
,
and
Master
James
Carmichael
,
not
neglecting
any
of
the
rest
,
fitting
his
argument
according
to
his
acquaintance
and
relation
,
and
according
to
the
persons
of
the
men
;
pretending
some
such
cause
and
necessitie
of
their
coming
,
as
hee
thought
would
bee
most
effectuall
to
move
them
;
but
the
true
cause
which
moved
him
to
send
for
them
,
was
,
because
hee
thought
they
all
stood
in
need
of
supply
in
necessaries
.
Besides
,
hee
caused
one
that
was
with
him
,
whom
hee
knew
to
bee
very
intimate
with
Master
James
Lowson
,
to
write
to
him
for
the
same
effect
;
and
to
tell
him
,
that
hee
longed
to
see
him
:
and
when
Master
James
excused
himselfe
,
alledging
that
hee
behooved
to
stay
at
Berwick
,
because
hee
expected
some
things
from
Scotland
,
hee
would
not
accept
of
his
excuse
,
nor
of
the
interpretation
thereof
,
(
that
hee
meant
of
Books
that
were
to
bee
sent
to
him
)
but
caused
returne
him
answer
,
that
hee
took
it
ill
that
hee
should
think
to
lack
any
thing
where
hee
was
.
Wherefore
hee
entreated
him
to
make
haste
to
come
to
him
,
by
doing
of
which
,
hee
should
do
him
a
singular
pleasure
.
Hee
dealt
even
so
with
others
also
,
and
sought
pretences
to
put
curtesies
upon
them
.
David
Ereskin
Abbot
of
Drieburgh
,
being
an
exceeding
honest
,
modest
,
and
shamefast
man
,
and
who
had
ever
been
readier
to
give
,
than
to
take
from
any
,
and
Angus
fearing
that
hee
would
not
(
out
of
his
bashfulnesse
)
take
any
curtesie
directly
from
him
,
found
out
this
way
to
fasten
it
upon
him
.
Hee
pretended
that
hee
had
some
Tithes
of
Lands
in
Tweddale
,
which
belonged
to
his
Abbacie
of
Drieburgh
,
for
which
hee
did
owe
him
some
arrearage
duties
and
meales
,
which
hee
would
needes
pay
him
,
and
under
that
colour
gave
him
what
he
listed
to
take
,
without
acquittance
.
The
Mini●…ers
were
for
a
long
time
wholly
maintained
by
him
,
and
he
extended
his
liberalitie
,
not
onely
to
supply
their
necessities
,
but
even
to
furnish
them
with
what
Bookes
they
desired
to
buy
.
And
indeed
there
was
no
man
that
wanted
in
that
company
,
who
did
not
taste
of
his
bountie
.
At
last
when
all
was
gone
(
for
it
could
not
last
alwayes
)
hee
said
to
one
with
whom
hee
was
pleased
to
bee
familiar
,
with
a
chearfull
countenance
;
Now
it
is
gone
,
and
fare
it
well
,
I
never
looked
that
it
should
have
done
so
much
good
.
Meaning
,
that
being
acquired
by
more
rigorous
exacting
than
either
hee
himselfe
could
allow
of
,
or
the
common
people
took
well
,
by
the
Earle
of
Morton
in
his
Regencie
(
for
this
was
his
treasure
,
at
least
that
part
of
it
which
came
to
his
hands
)
hee
doubted
whether
it
should
have
had
such
a
blessing
as
to
have
done
so
much
good
to
so
many
honest
men
.
Neither
was
this
lavishnesse
in
him
,
or
superfluous
waste
so
to
bestow
it
,
in
regard
that
their
English
allowance
was
spare
enough
,
and
oftentimes
very
slowly
furnished
unto
them
:
So
that
having
occasion
to
use
moneyes
,
and
not
knowing
from
whom
to
borrow
any
,
hee
was
forced
to
employ
one
of
his
followers
to
borrow
from
Master
Archbald
Douglas
on
his
owne
credit
(
for
my
Lord
himselfe
would
not
be
beholding
to
him
,
nor
use
him
so
familiarly
)
two
hundred
pounds
Sterling
,
which
hee
lent
very
courteously
upon
the
Gentlemans
owne
Bond
,
knowing
well
enough
that
it
was
for
my
Lords
use
.
This
was
repayed
to
him
when
their
allowance
came
in
.
While
they
remained
at
New-castle
,
Master
John
Colvill
was
sent
to
John
Colvill
sent
to
the
Cou●…t
of
England
,
attend
at
Court
about
their
affaires
,
partly
because
of
his
acquaintance
there
with
Secretary
Walsinghame
and
others
;
partly
by
the
advice
of
the
Master
of
Glames
,
whose
opinion
and
recommendation
the
rest
did
much
respect
.
He
fed
them
with
hopes
;
and
upon
occasion
of
the
preparing
and
rigging
forth
the
Queenes
Navie
,
hee
did
insinuate
by
his
Letters
,
as
if
there
had
been
some
intention
to
have
sent
it
into
Scotland
for
their
behoof
,
which
some
did
beleeve
.
But
they
could
not
perswade
the
Earle
of
Angus
of
it
,
he
esteemed
it
but
a
dream
,
as
it
was
indeed
no
other
.
When
that
hope
was
vanished
,
and
there
was
no
appearance
of
any
thing
to
be
done
of
a
sudden
,
one
(
whom
he
was
pleased
to
use
familiarly
)
seeing
no
great
use
of
his
remaining
there
,
told
him
,
that
he
had
a
desire
to
go
to
London
,
being
loath
to
spend
that
time
idlely
,
that
there
he
might
the
better
advance
his
private
studies
and
exercises
,
as
in
a
place
more
fit
for
bettering
himselfe
therein
.
Hee
most
willingly
and
lovingly
consented
to
the
motion
,
not
onely
to
satisfie
his
desire
herein
,
but
having
a
reserved
intention
to
imploy
him
in
their
common
businesse
,
as
occasion
should
serve
,
or
at
least
in
his
own
particular
to
his
particular
friends
;
which
purpose
he
concealed
then
,
but
shewed
it
afterward
.
Hee
had
almost
over
di●…iked
Master
John
Colvill
,
and
did
many
times
in
private
complaine
,
That
hee
could
not
finde
that
sinceritie
in
him
which
hee
wished
,
and
which
(
he
said
)
was
seldome
to
bee
found
in
any
such
as
hee
was
,
who
had
left
the
Function
of
the
Ministerie
,
to
follow
the
Court
and
worldly
businesse
.
And
for
him
in
particular
,
he
said
,
hee
was
a
busie
man
,
thrusting
himselfe
into
all
affairs
;
and
who
sought
onely
his
particular
ends
in
doing
of
publick
businesse
,
without
sinceritie
or
uprightnesse
;
which
(
sayes
hee
)
when
it
is
wanting
,
I
know
not
what
goodnesse
can
bee
in
him
;
and
if
it
bee
not
to
bee
found
in
the
world
(
as
they
say
it
is
not
)
I
know
not
what
can
bee
in
the
world
but
miserie
.
For
mine
own
part
,
my
heart
cannot
like
of
such
an
one
,
nor
of
such
dealing
.
It
is
true
,
hee
hath
traffiqued
with
the
States-men
of
England
,
and
others
think
fit
to
use
him
,
neither
will
I
contest
with
them
about
it
,
but
truly
I
have
no
delight
in
such
men
.
But
this
was
after
at
Norwich
.
For
that
time
hee
said
no
more
,
but
desired
him
to
write
often
to
him
,
both
concerning
businesse
as
hee
could
learn
,
and
other
things
,
as
hee
should
also
write
to
him
upon
occasion
.
This
was
performed
on
both
sides
,
after
such
a
private
and
secret
way
,
as
they
agreed
upon
before
their
parting
.
For
howsoever
there
was
nothing
passed
betwixt
them
,
but
what
might
have
endured
the
censure
of
any
man
,
yet
was
it
not
fit
that
every
man
(
into
whose
hands
their
Letters
might
have
falne
)
should
know
all
that
was
written
familiarly
betwixt
them
,
though
the
matter
were
never
so
good
,
sincere
,
and
unblameable
;
in
regard
that
many
are
incapable
of
things
,
many
not
able
to
discerne
or
judge
of
them
,
many
contemners
and
mockers
,
many
of
a
different
,
and
some
of
a
contrary
minde
and
judgement
.
If
the●…e
Letters
were
extant
,
there
were
nothing
more
fit
to
shew
the
Lineaments
of
his
minde
and
most
inward
thoughts
,
and
to
represent
to
the
life
his
true
disposition
,
without
all
mask
of
dissimulation
(
from
which
he
was
ever
free
)
or
shadow
of
ceremonious
reservednesse
,
which
even
the
best
men
(
for
some
one
respect
or
other
)
are
forced
to
draw
over
their
inclinations
,
and
wrap
up
,
and
obscure
their
meaning
in
it
at
some
times
,
especially
in
publick
.
Besides
,
they
would
also
conduce
to
cleare
some
historicall
points
more
fully
,
which
neither
can
ones
memory
serve
to
do
,
nor
can
any
other
(
now
alive
)
supply
so
certainly
and
unsuspectedly
.
Now
wee
can
but
grieve
for
this
losse
.
To
supply
which
defect
(
so
farre
as
they
can
doe
it
)
wee
will
set
downe
one
or
two
of
those
that
were
written
to
him
,
which
being
answers
to
his
(
and
containing
so
much
of
them
,
as
that
the
summe
and
substance
of
them
may
bee
gathered
from
thence
)
will
beare
witnesse
of
his
Noble
,
and
Honourable
disposition
.
The
first
was
written
in
October
(
one
thousand
five
hundreth
eightie
and
foure
)
the
first
yeare
of
his
banishment
to
Newcastle
,
where
hee
still
remained
as
then
.
Please
your
Lordship
,
I
Received
your
letter
dated
in
September
.
Master
James
hath
promised
John
Colvill
.
What
bookes
these
were
,
and
what
Master
James
this
was
is
quite
forgotten
,
save
that
it
would
seeme
to
have
beene
Master
James
Carmichael
,
whom
hee
imployed
in
things
of
this
kinde
for
most
part
.
But
this
being
onely
for
show
(
that
the
paper
might
not
seeme
blanke
,
if
it
had
fallen
into
such
hands
as
would
have
opened
the
letter
)
the
maine
businesse
was
written
in
such
darke
and
unperceiveable
manner
,
that
none
could
reade
it
,
but
such
as
were
acquainted
with
the
wayes
thereof
.
And
thus
it
was
:
I
have
read
your
Lordships
letter
,
and
am
very
glad
that
my
opinion
did
so
jump
with
your
Lordship
concerning
that
point
,
whereof
you
wrote
that
you
have
not
beene
forgetfull
,
and
that
you
minde
to
hold
your
ground
as
neare
as
can
bee
,
from
which
you
thinke
that
other
matter
to
bee
so
farre
different
,
and
so
contrary
to
all
reason
,
that
no
man
(
as
you
beleeve
)
will
propound
it
to
you
directly
.
That
which
made
mee
feare
that
it
would
bee
propounded
(
besides
the
speeches
sounding
that
way
)
was
the
end
of
your
Lordships
letter
(
written
before
)
wherein
you
make
mention
,
that
some
thought
it
necessary
for
your
cause
,
that
yee
should
enter
with
them
into
some
strait
,
and
indissolvable
bond
.
This
I
tooke
to
bee
a
mean
to
trie
your
Lordships
minde
:
First
,
in
that
generall
,
that
afterward
they
might
come
to
the
particular
,
which
would
bee
,
that
the
best
way
to
make
it
strait
and
indissolvable
;
were
to
have
it
of
your
Lordships
hand-writing
.
For
as
concerning
the
lawfulnes
thereof
,
it
did
seem
to
some
unlawfull
(
as
I
wrote
to
your
Lordship
at
greater
length
)
and
I
had
heard
also
generally
that
there
was
some
scruple
made
by
your
Lordship
to
enter
into
bond
with
them
.
And
because
(
if
I
be
well
remembred
)
before
your
comming
from
Scotland
,
you
were
resolved
to
receive
them
into
the
societie
of
that
common
action
,
and
to
compose
any
particular
of
your
owne
which
you
had
against
them
;
I
did
the
rather
thinke
that
some
new
occasion
had
occurred
,
which
had
made
you
nice
and
difficult
to
it
now
.
And
if
I
have
failed
in
my
conjecture
of
the
cause
,
it
is
no
wonder
that
(
not
having
knowledge
of
the
particular
circumstances
whereof
you
now
write
)
I
lighted
upon
that
which
seemed
to
me
would
breed
greatest
difficultie
in
this
.
If
it
be
not
so
,
I
am
contented
to
be
deceived
,
&
could
wish
that
every
mans
minde
that
shall
have
hand
in
that
action
,
were
as
upright
as
your
Lordships
,
then
we
might
hope
that
it
would
prosper
so
much
the
better
.
However
,
I
cannot
omit
to
put
your
Lordship
in
minde
of
this
generall
caveat
,
to
take
heed
,
and
have
a
care
,
that
whatever
bond
be
made
,
it
may
bee
perspicuous
,
cleare
,
plaine
,
and
as
particular
as
may
bee
:
for
the
more
particular
it
be
,
it
is
the
better
for
your
Lordship
,
who
meaneth
uprightly
,
and
for
all
others
that
have
the
same
meaning
,
and
who
doe
desire
that
their
upright
dealing
may
be
evident
unto
all
men
.
It
will
also
(
being
such
)
bee
lesse
obnoxious
and
subject
to
the
calumnies
and
sinister
interpretation
of
the
adversary
and
enemies
,
who
may
seeke
to
traduce
your
Lordship
,
and
make
you
odious
thereby
.
It
will
likewise
bee
freest
,
and
not
lyable
to
the
sinister
glosse
,
and
wrong
interpretations
of
those
,
who
shall
bee
bound
by
it
,
if
they
should
(
perhaps
)
hereafter
seeke
any
evasion
or
subterfuge
to
frustrate
it
,
and
make
it
void
through
the
generality
or
ambiguitie
thereof
.
And
by
the
contrary
,
where
a
bond
is
couched
in
obscure
,
generall
,
and
doubtfull
words
,
it
is
both
more
easie
for
them
,
who
list
to
deale
after
that
sort
,
to
elude
it
by
some
wrested
construction
;
as
also
for
such
as
would
calumniate
your
Lordships
intention
,
to
finde
greater
colour
to
doe
it
.
Concerning
which
purpose
,
I
remember
a
distinction
which
the
Earle
of
Gowry
made
,
upon
occasion
of
the
bond
which
your
Lordship
remembers
was
presented
to
him
to
have
signed
it
:
It
is
(
said
hee
)
very
good
,
and
well
penned
,
but
it
is
too
prolixe
to
be
a
Bond
,
and
too
short
to
bee
a
Proclamation
,
or
Declaration
:
for
a
Bond
(
said
hee
)
ought
to
bee
short
,
and
generall
;
but
a
Proclamation
or
Declaration
,
would
contain
the
particulars
.
I
was
then
,
and
still
am
of
a
contrary
minde
:
for
I
thinke
a
Bond
should
bee
cleare
,
and
speciall
,
and
contain
the
causes
of
their
binding
;
and
that
a
Manifesto
or
Declaration
should
bee
conformable
to
it
,
and
the
very
same
in
substance
and
effect
,
having
the
selfesame
reasons
and
narration
;
onely
it
ought
to
bee
amplified
with
admonitions
and
exhortations
,
which
are
not
proper
nor
per●…ent
for
a
Bond.
And
I
beleeve
no
man
can
shew
mee
what
inconvenience
can
follow
upon
the
prolixitie
of
a
Bond
,
unlesse
it
bee
the
greater
pains
of
the
Writer
;
which
is
recompensed
with
this
great
advantage
,
that
being
drawne
up
at
large
,
it
needeth
no
other
Expositour
,
or
Pleader
for
it
,
b●…
doth
expound
and
justifie
it selfe
.
And
your
Lordship
knoweth
what
great
necessitie
and
neede
there
is
of
this
circumspection
in
this
case
,
that
the
very
band
it selfe
be
an
exposition
and
justification
of
it selfe
,
into
whose
hands
soever
it
shall
happen
to
come
.
For
its
owne
interpretation
of
it selfe
cannot
be
rejected
,
when
no
other
will
be
admitted
to
expound
it
.
For
this
purpose
let
them
that
please
reade
and
consider
the
Memorials
of
France
,
of
the
Low-Countreyes
,
and
of
Germany
in
the
beginning
of
their
Reformation
:
they
shall
see
that
the
tenour
of
all
these
bands
,
containes
ample
declarations
of
the
causes
wherefore
,
and
the
reasons
moving
them
to
joyne
themselves
together
in
that
kinde
of
association
,
as
also
for
what
end
they
did
it
,
so
that
no
Declaration
can
bee
more
large
.
But
I
did
declare
my
opinion
to
your
Lordship
in
the
like
matter
long
agoe
;
and
I
doubt
not
,
but
,
if
it
shall
please
your
Lordship
to
weigh
and
consider
it
,
you
shall
easily
finde
how
necessary
it
is
(
for
many
respects
)
that
into
whatsoever
band
you
enter
,
it
be
cleare
and
particular
.
Whereas
it
pleases
your
Lordship
to
write
,
that
if
you
can
finde
a
fit
occasion
(
whereof
you
also
have
some
hope
)
you
will
cause
employ
me
here
,
and
withall
you
adde
(
That
none
should
refuse
to
further
the
businesse
all
they
can
)
I
am
not
so
ignorant
,
or
forgetfull
of
my
duty
,
as
either
directly
or
indirectly
to
refuse
that
service
,
or
any
other
your
Lordship
shall
be
pleased
to
command
mee
.
But
I
see
there
are
divers
others
who
seeme
to
be
so
diligent
,
that
my
paines
will
not
be
very
needfull
,
as
I
doubt
not
but
your
Lordship
knowes
sufficiently
.
When
it
pleases
them
at
any
time
,
in
halfe
words
,
and
darke
speeches
(
like
parables
)
obscurely
to
signifie
ought
to
me
of
the
State
of
businesse
,
they
appeare
and
seeme
to
mee
so
deepe
and
profound
mysteries
,
as
I
can
no
wayes
understand
or
know
what
to
make
of
them
.
Wherefore
I
am
very
well
contented
that
I
am
free
of
them
,
and
to
be
a
beholder
of
all
,
leaving
the
managing
thereof
to
those
who
know
these
obscure
grounds
better
,
and
like
better
of
them
,
then
(
it
may
bee
)
I
should
doe
,
in
regard
of
their
deepnesse
.
I
had
rather
employ
my
time
upon
other
thoughts
farre
more
pleasing
to
mee
(
where
dutie
rightly
considered
calls
mee
not
from
them
)
then
businesse
of
that
nature
.
They
are
not
desirous
of
any
companion
or
copartner
in
their
travels
,
nor
am
I
desirous
to
encroach
upon
their
labours
,
or
the
labours
of
any
man
,
or
to
bereave
him
of
the
fruit
of
his
paines
and
industry
,
by
intruding
my selfe
thereupon
,
and
to
bee
a
sharer
with
him
in
the
good
successe
of
his
endeavours
,
if
they
shall
happen
to
bee
successefull
.
And
as
little
am
I
willing
(
if
there
be
no
appearance
of
the
prospering
of
it
)
to
take
the
worke
out
of
their
hands
,
which
is
(
perhaps
)
marred
already
;
or
to
enter
in
at
the
broad
side
,
upon
grounds
already
laid
by
them
with
this
State
,
wherewith
I
have
not
beene
(
as
yet
)
so
throughly
acquainted
as
were
needfull
for
one
to
prosecute
their
worke
dexterously
,
and
to
purpose
.
However
,
I
doe
not
speake
this
to
prejudge
your
Lordship
,
or
that
I
meane
to
shunne
any
burden
you
shall
bee
pleased
to
lay
upon
mee
,
and
I
am
able
to
undergoe
(
whatever
it
be
)
but
onely
to
tell
my
minde
freely
,
that
I
had
rather
(
if
it
were
in
my
choice
)
your
Lordship
would
employ
me
in
any
particular
of
your
owne
,
which
might
give
me
occasion
to
visit
master
Secretary
(
for
your
Lordship
knows
how
ill
I
can
trouble
any
man
without
an
errand
)
and
if
upon
that
occasion
he
should
happen
to
speake
of
the
publicke
businesse
,
I
should
manage
the
opportunity
the
best
I
could
.
However
,
my
dutifull
service
ever
remembred
to
your
Lordship
in
what
I
can
,
in
this
mind
and
disposition
(
which
your
Lordship
knows
)
and
leaving
you
and
all
to
be
rightly
managed
by
that
God
,
who
certainly
can
,
and
assuredly
will
manage
all
things
rightly
,
in
whom
I
rejoyce
alwayes
to
see
your
Lordship
so
depend
,
I
rest
in
him
,
&c.
The
other
Letter
(
the
onely
extant
of
many
)
was
written
long
after
from
London
also
,
but
to
Norwich
,
whither
he
was
then
come
from
Newcastle
.
It
is
dated
the
20.
of
March
following
,
in
the
yeare
1584.
Please
your
Lordship
,
SInce
the
writing
or
my
other
,
the
Earle
of
Lancaster
hath
beene
P●…ilip
Sidney
,
who
so
soone
as
he
saw
me
,
(
of
his
owne
accord
,
before
I
spake
to
him
)
told
me
,
That
he
had
not
beene
unmindfull
of
your
Lordships
businesse
;
that
he
had
spoken
of
it
to
Leicester
,
and
the
Secretarie
,
and
that
he
would
not
forget
it
,
but
doe
in
it
all
that
could
be
done
.
I
wrote
to
your
Lordship
before
,
what
cold
hopes
I
had
to
speed
herein
,
and
the
cause
thereof
.
Now
I
am
put
in
better
hope
by
divers
:
That
your
Lordship
shall
be
licensed
to
come
up
,
and
that
the
Ambassadour
will
insist
against
you
,
concerning
which
matter
I
shall
shew
your
Lordship
farther
(
God
willing
)
at
meeting
.
He
is
gone
this
day
to
Court
upon
occasion
of
Letters
which
hee
received
on
Saturday
at
night
:
what
they
beare
I
have
not
yet
learned
.
Onely
I
heare
no
word
of
any
alteration
or
stirring
in
Scotland
,
as
it
was
reported
,
save
that
in
the
generall
there
is
an
universall
feare
and
envie
at
Court
amongst
themselves
,
and
in
the
Countrey
every
where
,
of
every
man
against
his
neighbour
.
However
it
bee
,
if
I
bee
not
mistaken
,
this
motion
(
of
your
Lordships
comming
up
hither
)
is
occasioned
by
these
last
Letters
:
and
●…et
it
is
said
even
by
some
of
their
favourers
,
that
they
thinke
verily
that
your
Lordship
hath
great
wrong
done
unto
you
:
which
speeches
argue
but
small
hope
to
prove
,
yea
,
or
to
colour
their
pretended
accusations
,
and
that
they
diffide
and
distrust
,
that
they
shall
be
able
to
doe
it
.
And
most
men
thinke
,
that
if
there
bee
nothing
wrung
out
of
John
Hume
,
by
some
one
means
or
other
(
as
there
is
no
cause
to
doubt
of
the
Gentlemans
honesty
and
constancy
)
they
will
have
no
subterfuge
for
their
false
allegations
,
which
must
needs
tend
to
your
Lordships
good
and
honour
,
clearing
your
innocency
,
and
confuting
the
calumnies
of
your
enemies
.
I
received
a
letter
,
by
Master
James
Melvine
,
and
Master
Walter
Balcanquel
,
(
who
arrived
here
on
friday
last
)
declaring
the
couragious
and
constant
death
of
Maines
,
who
gave
testimony
of
your
Lordships
innocency
and
loyall
affection
to
his
Majestie
,
by
his
last
words
.
There
was
no
other
new
matter
of
importance
in
it
,
being
dated
the
18.
of
February
,
not
long
after
your
Lordships
coming
from
Newcastle
.
But
I
shall
have
no
more
intelligence
that
way
;
for
the
Authour
is
forced
to
flee
hither
,
having
been
searched
for
,
and
escaped
narrowly
.
Hee
was
delated
by
the
confession
of
William
●…ray
(
my
brother
Wedderburnes
servant
)
who
being
booted
,
confessed
he
had
delivered
him
a
letter
from
me
.
It
is
done
by
Manderston
,
to
make
it
reflect
upon
my
brother
;
and
he
(
to
recriminate
)
hath
accused
his
son
George
;
and
it
is
thought
he
will
be
able
to
prove
it
by
George
Hume
of
Cramnicrook
:
John
Johnston
is
also
fled
,
and
great
summes
of
money
offered
for
him
:
this
other
letter
will
shew
what
comfort
I
may
expect
from
Scotland
;
or
he
,
who
is
now
in
the
same
case
.
There
is
sure
word
from
France
,
that
the
Duke
of
Guise
is
in
the
fields
with
an
Army
of
30000.
or
40000.
men
:
some
say
against
the
King
;
maniest
,
against
Navarre
,
or
Geneva
.
So
ceasing
to
trouble
your
Lordship
,
I
rest
,
&c.
Out
of
these
may
be
seen
the
honest
and
honourable
dealing
,
together
with
the
right
and
loyall
disposition
of
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
whatever
hath
been
set
abroche
or
intended
by
any
other
:
as
it
is
clear
there
have
been
some
other
motions
made
to
him
,
which
his
heart
could
not
incline
to
,
nor
his
minde
dispense
with
.
For
certainly
,
this
feare
could
not
arise
without
some
great
occasion
;
and
what
it
hath
been
,
or
whether
it
did
tend
,
as
also
who
are
likeliest
to
have
been
Authours
of
it
,
though
it
may
be
conjectured
in
some
sort
probably
,
yet
I
will
leave
it
to
every
mans
consideration
of
the
circumstances
and
persons
who
were
upon
this
course
of
joyning
together
.
For
my
taske
being
at
this
time
to
draw
,
(
though
with
a
rude
hand
)
as
I
can
,
the
true
draughts
of
this
Noblemans
minde
,
whom
I
have
now
in
hand
.
I
could
not
omit
this
piece
,
whereby
(
though
there
were
no
more
to
bee
found
of
him
)
this
generall
may
appeare
,
that
duetie
,
justice
,
and
vertue
,
were
the
men
of
his
counsell
,
and
the
square
by
which
hee
ruled
all
his
actions
,
from
which
,
no
extremity
or
hard
estate
,
could
ever
divert
him
or
drive
him
away
;
but
to
touch
upon
any
other
man
,
or
glance
at
any
thing
which
might
rubbe
a
blot
upon
any
,
is
besides
my
purpose
,
and
no
wayes
incumbent
to
mee
.
But
to
returne
,
it
fell
out
with
them
according
to
this
last
letter
:
for
as
they
were
removed
from
Berwick
to
Newcastle
,
to
secure
the
Scottish
Court
;
so
Newcastle
being
not
so
farre
from
Edinburgh
,
but
that
within
twentie
foure
houres
(
or
little
more
)
they
could
have
been
there
upon
a
necessary
occasion
,
the
Courtiers
were
put
in
feare
by
others
,
or
faigned
and
imagined
feares
to
themselves
,
for
taking
away
of
this
(
suggested
,
or
apprehended
)
feare
,
as
they
had
been
removed
from
Newcastle
to
Norwich
;
so
now
they
are
brought
from
thence
to
London
,
as
was
pretended
,
There
were
then
at
Court
(
of
greatest
note
)
the
Master
of
Gray
,
a
near
Lewis
Ballandine
(
of
kinne
likewise
to
Gowry
)
an
ancient
depender
on
the
house
of
Angus
:
and
Master
John
Metallane
(
Secretary
)
who
had
beene
indeed
an
enemy
to
the
Earle
of
Morton
,
and
was
well
contented
that
Arran
should
be
imployed
to
work
his
ruine
;
but
he
could
not
away
with
his
peremptory
,
and
absolute
domineiring
.
These
were
the
actours
and
great
instruments
of
his
fall
:
Gray
,
directly
,
and
of
purpose
,
the
other
two
by
conniving
and
being
conscious
to
the
plot
,
yet
so
as
they
would
have
seemed
not
to
know
of
it
,
and
they
did
rather
give
way
to
it
,
then
worke
it
.
They
all
thought
it
reason
,
that
they
should
(
at
least
)
have
their
share
of
the
spoil
in
a
fit
proportion
;
but
they
could
not
have
it
any
wayes
proportionable
to
their
esteem
of
themselves
.
There
was
besides
these
,
Francis
Earle
Bothwell
,
who
(
amongst
other
causes
of
discontentment
)
was
grieved
at
the
banishment
of
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
his
Ladies
brother
.
Alexander
Lord
Hume
had
been
discarded
for
being
thought
to
be
his
friend
:
Sir
George
Hume
of
Wedderburn
,
and
Sir
James
of
Coldenknowes
were
knowne
and
professed
friends
to
the
Earle
of
Angus
:
and
Wedderburnc
was
of
kinne
to
the
Master
of
Glames
,
and
allied
to
the
house
of
Marre
.
Robert
Carre
of
Cesford
was
also
of
the
party
,
what
out
of
love
to
Angus
,
what
for
emulation
with
the
house
of
Farnhaste
,
who
were
on
the
other
faction
.
His
Uncle
the
Provest
of
Linclowdan
(
Douglas
to
his
name
)
was
a
speciall
stickler
in
the
businesse
:
hee
was
very
familiar
and
intimate
with
the
Secretary
(
Metellane
)
who
without
his
advice
did
almost
nothing
.
But
above
all
,
the
Lord
Maxwell
(
made
Earle
of
Morton
)
entred
into
open
hostilitie
:
for
being
charged
to
compeare
,
he
disobeyed
and
refused
;
and
by
intelligence
with
the
banished
Lords
hee
levied
souldiers
,
slew
one
Captain
Lammie
,
that
was
sent
against
him
,
with
his
companies
,
whom
Johnston
did
assist
.
Hereupon
a
Proclamation
was
set
forth
in
the
Kings
name
,
that
all
that
were
able
to
beare
armes
,
should
come
and
follow
the
King
,
who
was
to
pursue
him
in
person
the
24.
of
October
.
These
and
many
others
(
and
indeed
the
whole
Countrey
)
agreeing
in
this
conclusion
,
that
Arran
was
to
bee
removed
from
the
helme
of
governement
,
which
hee
steerd
so
ill
:
the
Master
of
Gray
was
sent
Ambassadour
into
England
,
and
had
broken
the
businesse
with
the
Lords
concerning
their
returne
,
and
his
removeall
.
Now
Sir
Lewis
Ballandine
is
sent
up
Ambassador
Lewis
Ballandine
Ambassadour
in
England
.
with
Commission
to
accuse
them
of
a
conspiracy
,
detected
by
Duntrethes
deposition
:
Hereupon
they
are
sent
for
from
Norwich
,
to
make
answer
to
it
.
The
Master
of
Glames
being
of
greatest
age
and
learning
,
they
made
choice
of
him
to
plead
their
cause
before
a
certain
number
of
the
Councellours
of
England
,
deputed
by
the
Queene
to
heare
and
judge
of
it
.
Their
owne
innocencie
,
the
abilitie
of
the
pleader
,
and
the
favour
of
the
Judges
meeting
together
,
made
them
to
be
easily
absolved
,
notwithstanding
,
that
the
Ambassadour
did
his
best
in
framing
,
and
pressing
his
accusation
to
the
full
,
to
discharge
his
Commission
every
way
.
It
is
a
pretty
sport
to
consider
the
proceedings
of
the
world
,
and
what
masques
and
vizards
men
doe
put
on
sometimes
to
cloake
their
designes
.
With
what
respect
and
reverence
did
they
carry
themselves
towards
my
Lord
Ambassadour
?
and
with
what
strangenesse
and
aversation
did
he
looke
upon
them
?
One
day
as
the
Earle
of
Angus
was
walking
into
the
fields
for
his
recreation
,
he
encountered
the
Ambassadour
coming
from
Tuttle-fields
in
a
narrow
lane
,
ere
he
came
near
,
he
espied
him
,
and
knowing
it
was
he
,
hee
called
to
his
servants
to
give
way
to
my
Lord
Ambassadour
,
and
he
himselfe
standing
aloofe
with
cap
in
hand
,
made
a
low
reverence
to
his
Lordship
as
he
passed
by
.
The
Ambassadour
again
acted
his
part
finely
,
remembring
his
place
,
the
person
hee
represented
,
and
the
errand
for
which
he
was
sent
(
to
be
his
accuser
)
with
a
countenance
which
did
beare
anger
and
grief
in
it
to
see
the
Kings
rebells
,
hee
turned
away
his
face
,
and
would
not
so
much
as
looke
on
that
side
of
the
street
,
notwithstanding
that
hee
both
loved
and
honoured
him
in
his
heart
,
and
was
even
then
laying
the
ground-work
of
his
restitution
.
Hee
being
gone
home
,
the
plot
went
forward
in
Scotland
.
England
was
no
better
affected
toward
Arran
,
then
his
owne
Countrey
was
:
they
did
altogether
dislike
of
him
,
and
suspected
his
wayes
,
they
conceived
that
he
did
prosecute
the
Guisian
plots
begunne
by
Obignie
,
and
which
had
beene
interrupted
by
his
disgrace
,
and
discourting
.
And
yet
they
acted
their
part
also
,
bore
faire
countenance
and
correspondence
with
him
,
and
he
with
them
,
but
all
was
but
dissimulation
,
and
like
a
stage
play
.
The
Lord
Hunsdon
Governour
of
Berwick
,
and
Warden
of
the
Marches
on
that
hand
,
paid
him
home
in
his
owne
coine
,
and
entertained
a
shew
of
friendship
with
him
,
but
no
more
.
Divers
meetings
they
had
upon
the
borders
,
and
many
fair
promises
were
made
by
Arran
,
to
keep
back
England
from
favouring
or
aiding
the
Lords
:
That
the
King
should
bee
at
the
Queens
devotion
,
that
he
should
follow
her
advice
in
all
things
,
that
hee
should
not
marry
without
her
consent
,
and
that
hee
should
make
a
league
with
her
,
offensive
,
and
defensive
.
The
Master
of
Gray
,
Ambassadour
,
had
promised
so
much
,
but
when
the
English
urged
the
performance
of
it
,
it
was
a
jeast
to
see
their
fine
shifting
.
The
Master
of
Gray
put
it
upon
Arran
,
Arran
upon
the
Master
of
Gray
,
and
the
King
professed
that
neither
of
them
had
warrant
or
direction
from
him
to
say
any
such
thing
,
and
therefore
he
was
not
tied
to
make
it
good
:
they
were
too
sharp
and
quick
sighted
not
to
see
through
greater
clouds
.
In
the
mean
time
it
fell
out
at
a
meeting
of
the
Wardens
of
the
middle-marches
,
that
Sir
Francis
Russell
(
sonne
to
the
Earle
of
Bedford
)
was
killed
,
whether
Francis
Russell
killed
.
by
chance
or
of
set
purpose
,
is
uncertain
.
This
did
alienate
them
from
the
Courtiers
,
and
joyned
them
to
the
Lords
,
whom
they
knew
to
be
honest
,
true
,
and
trusty
,
and
therefore
they
wished
well
to
them
,
and
helped
forward
their
interprise
endirectly
all
they
could
.
While
matters
were
thus
in
working
,
the
Lords
remained
still
at
London
,
and
were
lodged
at
a
place
appointed
to
them
(
called
long-ditch
,
near
Saint
James
Parke
,
whither
the
banished
Ministers
resorted
,
and
kept
continuall
exercise
of
preaching
,
praying
and
fasting
(
on
occasion
)
in
a
private
manner
,
without
ostentation
or
notice
thereof
in
publicke
,
being
done
within
their
lodging
onely
.
There
was
a
motion
made
to
the
Counsell
of
England
,
that
there
James
Lowson
,
who
partly
for
that
,
partly
because
of
a
letter
written
to
him
from
the
towne
of
Edinburgh
,
(
in
which
they
did
unkindly
reproach
his
flying
into
England
as
a
de●…ertion
,
and
did
renounce
him
for
their
Pastour
,
calling
him
a
Wolfe
,
who
had
fled
without
just
cause
,
and
had
joyned
himselfe
with
rebells
,
and
such
other
calumnies
,
as
Bishop
Adamson
had
endited
,
and
caused
the
Provest
and
towne
Counsell
signe
)
he
sickned
and
died
,
being
much
lamented
,
both
of
English
,
Scots
,
and
all
that
knew
and
were
acquainted
with
him
.
Notwithstanding
that
they
could
not
obtain
a
peculiar
Church
,
yet
the
Lievetenant
of
the
Tower
,
being
acquainted
with
some
of
our
Ministers
,
he
desired
them
to
preach
in
his
Church
within
the
Tower
(
which
is
a
priviledged
place
,
and
without
the
jurisdiction
of
the
Bishops
)
and
many
of
the
people
came
thither
to
hearethem
.
Amongst
other
exercises
,
Master
Andrew
Melvine
read
Lectures
in
Latine
upon
the
old
Testament
,
beginning
at
Genesis
,
which
were
much
frequented
;
and
the
Earle
of
Angus
was
a
diligent
Auditour
,
and
a
painfull
repeater
of
them
for
his
owne
use
and
contentment
.
But
now
the
negotiation
of
their
returne
being
farre
advanced
,
and
You
have
now
knowne
by
M.
John
(
Colvill
as
I
think
)
that
wee
stay
here
only
till
wee
receive
new
advertisement
from
the
Provest
of
Lincluden
,
in
name
of
the
rest
of
our
friends
that
should
joyne
with
us
in
that
Countrey
;
after
the
receit
whereof
we
mean
not
to
stay
,
but
immediatly
to
come
down
;
wherefore
be
ye
not
unready
,
seeing
others
will
be
forward
enough
,
as
we
beleeve
.
At
our
first
coming
we
mean
to
be
quiet
two
or
three
dayes
,
in
which
space
I
mean
to
speak
with
some
principals
,
and
by
their
advice
to
go
more
plainly
to
our
purpose
.
This
State
will
not
seeme
openly
to
know
our
designes
;
but
wee
are
to
receive
some
help
of
Moneyes
,
for
so
it
is
promised
.
Sir
William
Russell
shall
also
joyne
with
us
as
a
male-content
,
having
been
of
late
ill
used
by
that
State
(
in
killing
Sir
Francis
)
but
not
as
having
any
command
so
to
do
.
If
matters
go
on
,
we
minde
to
enter
on
both
hands
.
Hamilton
and
Maxwell
shall
enter
on
the
West-borders
,
Angus
and
Marre
at
the
East
,
with
such
as
will
joyne
with
them
there
.
Thus
did
it
please
him
to
speak
of
himself
in
the
third
person
,
howbeit
it
was
written
all
with
his
own
hand
.
But
Sir
William
Russell
did
not
joyn
with
them
.
Angus
,
Marre
,
and
the
Master
of
Glames
came
to
Calsoe
,
and
remained
there
with
the
Earle
Bothwel
two
or
three
nights
.
Thither
came
the
Lord
Hume
,
Sir
George
Hume
of
Wedderburne
,
and
others
of
their
friends
;
and
with
common
consent
from
thence
they
went
to
Jedbrugh
,
where
they
made
their
coming
known
,
and
professed
their
intentions
.
Upon
the
report
hereof
,
Colonell
Stuart
was
sent
against
them
with
such
forces
as
he
could
get
,
and
came
to
Peebles
;
but
he
found
that
he
had
not
to
doe
with
irresolute
and
lingering
folks
,
as
the
Earle
of
Gowrie
,
nor
with
such
deserted
and
abandoned
men
as
had
fled
from
Stirlin
,
and
therefore
he
retired
in
due
time
,
to
tell
tidings
of
the
certainty
of
their
coming
.
They
took
their
journey
toward
Hamilton
,
and
there
joyned
the
Lord
Hamilton
and
the
Lord
Maxwell
;
and
so
altogether
marched
to
Fawkirk
.
They
caused
publish
Declarations
every
As
namely
;
First
,
The
proceeding
by
cruelty
under
the
shadow
of
the
Kings
name
,
whose
Predecessours
did
commonly
labour
to
winne
the
hearts
of
his
Subjects
by
clemencie
:
Secondly
,
The
executing
,
imprisoning
,
banishing
(
by
wrested
Lawes
)
the
worthiest
,
most
ancient
,
and
the
most
faithfull
(
to
G
O
D
and
the
King
)
both
Noblemen
and
Barons
:
Thirdly
,
Acts
and
Proclamations
published
,
inhibiting
Presbyteries
&
other
exercises
,
priviledges
and
immunities
allowed
by
Parliament
,
or
practised
and
permitted
by
laudable
custome
of
the
Church
,
without
which
,
purity
of
Doctrine
,
&
the
right
form
of
Ecclesiastical
discipline
cannot
continue
:
Fourthly
,
compelling
&
forcing
the
most
learned
and
most
religious
men
,
and
such
as
were
of
most
entire
life
&
conversation
,
&
of
most
sincere
conscience
,
to
forsake
their
Countrey
;
or
inhibiting
them
to
preach
,
and
defrauding
them
of
their
Stipend
,
by
violence
:
Fifthly
,
the
entertaining
of
Jesuites
,
and
executers
of
the
Decrees
of
the
cruell
Councell
of
Trent
:
Sixthly
,
obdurate
Papists
having
place
in
Session
,
and
honest
men
removed
,
an
evident
proof
and
presage
of
intention
to
root
out
the
true
Religion
:
Seventhly
,
the
thrusting
of
Magistrates
upon
Burrows
(
contrary
to
their
priviledges
)
which
were
neither
free
of
the
Townes
,
nor
fit
to
discharge
the
place
in
their
persons
:
Eighthly
,
the
secret
practices
of
James
Stuart
,
and
the
Colonell
,
to
turne
the
love
and
amitie
which
hath
been
now
of
a
long
time
entertained
with
England
(
very
happily
)
into
open
hostility
,
having
had
intelligence
with
such
persons
as
sought
the
Queen
of
Englands
destruction
:
a
point
confessed
by
divers
her
Rebels
,
executed
in
England
,
and
which
appeared
by
the
slaughtering
of
the
Lord
Russell
,
a
man
noble
in
birth
,
honourable
by
vertue
,
zealous
in
Religion
,
of
great
expectation
,
and
a
speciall
friend
and
lover
of
Scottish
men
,
notwithstanding
that
they
had
made
shew
of
the
contrary
for
certaine
moneths
,
and
had
pretended
to
enter
into
an
offensive
and
defensive
League
with
her
.
The
conclusion
was
,
Wee
command
and
charge
in
our
Soveraign●…
Lords
name
(
as
his
born
Counsellours
,
who
are
bound
in
dutie
to
be
carefull
of
his
welfare
,
honour
and
reputation
,
for
which
we
have
our
Lands
and
Inheritances
)
all
and
sundry
his
subjects
,
to
further
and
assist
this
our
godly
enterprise
,
to
concurre
with
us
,
and
so
to
give
testimony
of
their
affection
to
the
true
Religion
,
his
Majesties
welfare
,
and
publick
peace
and
quietnesse
of
this
Realme
.
It
contained
also
certification
,
That
such
as
should
attempt
any
thing
to
their
contrary
,
yea
,
that
did
not
take
plaine
and
open
part
with
them
,
should
bee
reputed
as
partakers
of
all
vice
and
iniquitie
,
as
assisters
of
the
said
treasonable
Conspiratours
,
(
James
and
William
Stuarts
)
and
enemies
to
Religion
,
to
his
Majestie
,
and
Authoritie
,
and
to
the
publicke
quietnesse
of
the
two
Realmes
,
and
should
bee
used
as
such
,
in
body
and
goods
.
Commanding
all
Justices
and
Magistrates
,
as
well
the
Lords
of
the
Session
as
others
,
Sheriffes
,
and
whatsoever
inferiour
Judges
,
to
administer
justice
,
for
the
furtherance
hereof
,
as
they
would
answer
upon
their
allegeance
and
highest
perils
:
with
the
like
certification
to
them
also
,
if
they
failed
herein
.
They
staid
at
Fawlkirke
that
night
,
being
the
second
day
of
November
,
Lewis
Ballandine
,
who
were
suspected
by
James
Stuart
,
and
not
without
cause
.
He
knew
also
that
Master
John
Metellane
bare
him
no
great
good
will
.
These
hee
intended
to
have
rid
himself
of
,
and
to
have
slaughtered
,
but
they
were
too
strong
to
do
it
without
great
hazard
;
and
besides
,
it
had
been
but
little
wisedome
to
have
gone
about
that
,
wherein
if
hee
had
failed
,
it
would
have
been
his
overthrow
,
and
though
hee
had
prevailed
,
it
would
not
have
freed
him
from
his
enemies
without
.
All
he
did
was
,
that
the
Colonell
with
some
shot
,
was
set
in
the
Street
near
the
West-Gate
of
the
town
,
which
was
the
place
likeliest
to
be
assaulted
,
James
Stuart
himself
stayed
about
the
Bridge
,
having
the
Keyes
of
that
Gate
in
his
pocket
,
making
that
back-doore
sure
for
his
last
refuge
to
escape
by
it
.
The
Earle
of
Montrose
was
placed
at
the
foot
of
the
Castle
hill
,
to
make
good
the
entrie
through
the
Park
.
The
event
was
,
that
having
entred
the
Town
through
a
narrow
Lane
,
they
were
welcomed
and
entertained
by
the
Colonell
with
some
shot
in
the
street
,
but
seeing
that
they
were
resolute
,
and
more
in
number
than
he
was
able
to
deal
with
,
he
retired
to
the
Castle
.
In
this
entrie
there
was
but
one
onely
(
of
the
Lords
side
)
killed
,
and
it
is
uncertaine
whether
it
were
done
by
the
Enemie
,
or
by
one
of
his
fellowes
,
who
were
so
unskilfull
in
handling
their
Muskets
,
that
their
Captain
said
,
That
who
had
known
them
as
well
as
hee
did
,
would
not
willingly
have
marched
before
them
.
The
Earle
Marshall
and
the
Lord
Seton
,
seeing
the
Colonell
so
quickly
quit
the
Field
,
stood
still
at
the
Gate
,
invading
no
man
,
and
no
man
invading
them
.
The
Earles
of
Montrose
and
Crawford
,
hearing
the
tumult
of
the
Towne
taken
,
on
the
other
hand
,
forsook
their
station
,
and
were
received
into
the
Castle
.
James
Stuart
fled
by
the
posterne
on
the
Bridge
,
and
having
locked
the
Gate
behinde
him
,
he
threw
the
Keyes
into
the
River
.
The
Colonell
in
his
retreat
was
followed
so
near
by
Master
James
Halden
(
brother
Germane
to
James
Halden
slain
.
John
Halden
of
Gleneagles
)
that
he
overtook
him
,
and
was
laying
hand
on
him
,
but
in
the
mean
time
was
shot
by
Josua
Henderson
(
a
servant
of
the
Colonels
)
and
so
died
presently
.
He
was
a
young
Gentleman
,
much
lamented
of
all
that
knew
him
,
being
lately
come
out
of
France
,
where
(
as
also
in
Italy
)
he
had
lived
divers
years
,
with
great
approbation
of
all
his
Countrey-men
,
being
greatly
beloved
for
his
sweet
courteous
disposition
.
If
it
were
lawfull
here
to
bewaile
a
particular
losse
,
I
have
just
cause
to
loose
the
reins
of
my
private
affection
,
and
pay
that
tribute
of
sorrow
and
teares
which
I
owe
to
the
memorie
of
so
faithfull
,
upright
,
and
trusty
a
friend
.
For
the
present
it
shall
suffise
to
say
thus
much
(
and
let
it
remaine
as
a
poore
witnesse
of
some
small
gratefull
remembrance
,
as
long
as
this
piece
can
remaine
)
that
before
him
I
found
not
any
,
and
since
have
known
but
very
few
so
hearty
and
sincere
friends
,
as
he
was
to
me
from
our
childe-hood
for
many
yeares
.
Having
thus
without
any
further
losse
or
hurt
made
themselves
Masters
Robert
Hamilton
of
Inchmachan
,
who
had
falsly
accused
Master
Douglas
of
Maines
,
and
Master
Cunninghame
of
Drummiewhasle
caused
himself
to
be
let
downe
over
the
Castle
wall
(
at
the
back-side
thereof
)
in
a
basket
,
thinking
so
to
escape
;
but
he
was
perceived
,
followed
,
and
slaine
(
in
the
Park
)
by
Johnston
of
Westerhall
,
receiving
that
just
reward
of
his
betraying
innocent
bloud
.
The
Lord
Hamilton
himself
when
he
heard
of
it
,
said
he
had
gotten
but
what
hee
had
deserved
.
The
Castle
not
being
provided
of
Victuals
,
and
no
man
(
almost
)
caring
to
defend
it
,
it
could
not
hold
out
:
wherefore
messengers
being
sent
to
and
fro
betwixt
the
King
and
them
,
When
they
came
,
they
used
not
many
words
;
onely
,
They
were
his
true
and
loyall
Subjects
,
ready
to
serve
him
with
their
bloud
;
and
that
they
were
come
to
declare
themselves
,
and
to
cleare
them
from
those
calumnies
which
wicked
and
seditious
men
that
sought
their
own
particulars
,
had
filled
his
Majesties
eares
and
minde
with
,
and
so
made
him
to
be
suspicious
of
them
without
cause
.
The
King
answered
lovingly
;
That
it
was
true
,
and
that
he
now
saw
that
hee
had
been
too
long
abused
.
That
it
was
certainly
the
mighty
hand
of
GOD
working
with
their
good
affection
that
had
brought
them
so
through
without
shedding
of
bloud
.
And
so
embracing
them
heartily
,
he
welcomed
them
with
a
chearfull
countenance
;
desiring
that
they
would
forgive
and
spare
the
Earles
of
Montrose
and
Crawford
,
who
were
afraid
to
lose
their
lives
and
estates
,
being
conscious
of
their
own
deservings
.
This
request
divers
of
the
Earle
of
Angus
his
friends
would
have
had
him
to
have
denied
;
but
he
,
by
a
rare
moderation
,
and
to
shew
how
far
he
regarded
the
desires
of
his
Prince
,
being
willing
also
that
the
whole
work
should
be
free
,
not
onely
of
innocent
blood
,
but
even
from
particular
(
though
just
)
revenge
,
neither
could
nor
would
refuse
it
.
This
was
the
Catastrophe
of
this
Tragick-comedie
,
acceptable
and
joyfull
to
all
(
except
these
few
particular
men
)
and
harmefull
to
none
,
which
did
justifie
their
(
unjustly
condemned
)
former
meeting
at
the
same
Towne
of
Stirlin
,
which
if
it
had
had
the
same
successe
,
had
produced
the
same
effect
,
as
it
had
the
same
aime
and
end
.
It
justified
also
those
of
the
Ministery
who
had
fled
to
England
,
and
those
at
home
who
approved
and
favoured
them
,
that
in
so
doing
,
they
did
not
favour
Traitors
,
or
traiterous
enterprises
.
This
the
Earle
of
Angus
(
above
all
)
did
observe
,
and
did
often
remember
this
consequent
of
the
successe
,
with
no
lesse
contentment
than
the
successe
it self
,
esteeming
it
a
greater
mercie
and
favour
from
GOD
to
have
thus
cleared
their
innocencie
and
loyaltie
,
than
that
he
was
restored
to
his
own
home
and
inheritance
.
And
therefore
he
did
often
call
to
minde
,
and
mention
that
speech
of
the
Kings
,
That
it
was
the
very
hand
of
GOD
which
had
prospered
their
enterprise
,
and
given
them
that
successe
without
bloud
.
For
though
it
may
seem
no
hard
matter
,
in
respect
of
the
generall
favour
of
the
Countrey
,
yet
if
we
consider
what
a
desperate
enemie
,
loath
to
quit
such
places
as
they
have
enjoyed
,
is
wont
to
doe
,
it
will
seem
strange
that
they
should
without
once
striking
a
stroke
thus
be
gone
without
more
ado
.
But
as
it
hath
been
found
in
broyles
(
and
I
have
particularly
observed
)
that
GOD
hath
preserved
their
hands
from
bloud
,
whose
hearts
did
abhorre
from
the
shedding
of
it
,
even
upon
such
occasions
as
men
thought
they
could
hardly
avoid
,
either
to
be
frustrate
of
their
intentions
,
or
to
obtain
them
with
much
bloud
;
where
by
the
contrary
,
many
whose
feet
have
been
swifter
,
&
their
hearts
lesse
carefull
of
it
,
have
on
very
small
occasions
fallen
into
it
.
So
in
this
publick
businesse
,
it
pleased
GOD
to
look
on
the
hearts
of
the
actours
,
and
according
to
the
innocencie
thereof
,
to
dispose
of
the
means
of
their
restoring
,
that
their
hands
were
kept
pure
from
the
bloud
of
any
.
He
observed
also
of
the
Town
of
Edinburgh
,
how
it
had
pleased
GOD
to
cut
short
their
aid
and
assistance
,
which
they
might
have
given
the
enemy
by
laying
of
it
waste
and
desolate
through
the
death
of
20000.
persons
of
the
plague
(
which
had
raged
there
)
whereby
the
rest
were
so
terrified
,
that
they
were
glad
to
forsake
the
City
.
For
the
Courtiers
did
most
repose
and
rely
upon
them
,
who
were
readiest
upon
the
sudden
,
and
who
(
upon
the
least
advertisement
)
were
wont
to
come
at
their
beck
,
without
any
disputing
,
or
questioning
the
lawfulnesse
of
the
quarrell
or
justice
of
the
cause
,
but
took
every
thing
as
from
the
King
,
whatsoever
was
commanded
in
his
name
,
as
they
had
given
proof
before
,
when
they
conveened
at
Stirlin
;
having
been
the
first
that
were
sent
against
them
,
when
they
were
forced
to
flee
into
England
.
This
plague
began
immediatly
after
their
flight
,
and
the
departure
of
their
Ministers
,
and
increased
daily
with
such
terrour
and
fearfulnesse
in
the
hearts
of
men
,
that
every
man
did
interpret
it
to
be
the
immediate
hand
of
GOD
,
striking
them
for
their
obsequiousenesse
to
the
Court
,
and
contempt
of
their
Ministers
;
and
now
they
being
returned
it
diminished
daily
,
so
evidently
,
that
after
their
entry
into
Stirlin
,
it
ceased
,
not
by
degrees
or
piece-meale
,
but
in
an
instant
(
as
it
were
)
so
that
never
any
after
that
hour
was
known
to
have
been
infected
,
nor
any
of
such
as
were
infected
before
,
to
have
died
.
The
Lane
also
,
in
Stirlin
,
by
which
they
entred
,
was
wholly
infected
,
yet
no
man
was
known
to
have
been
tainted
with
it
,
or
to
have
received
any
hurt
.
Nay
,
the
men
of
Annandale
did
rob
and
ransack
the
pest-lodges
which
were
in
the
field
about
Stirlin
,
and
carried
away
the
clothes
of
the
infected
,
but
were
never
known
to
have
been
touched
therewith
themselves
,
or
any
others
that
got
,
or
wore
the
clothes
.
They
also
that
were
in
the
Lodges
,
returned
to
their
houses
,
and
conversed
with
their
Neighbours
in
the
Town
,
who
received
them
without
fear
,
suspicion
,
or
reproof
,
and
no
harm
did
ensue
upon
it
.
As
for
Edinburgh
,
before
the
first
of
February
(
within
three
moneths
)
it
was
so
well
peopled
and
filled
again
with
inhabitants
,
as
none
could
perceive
by
the
number
that
any
had
died
out
of
it
.
As
if
GOD
from
Heaven
should
have
said
,
Lo
,
the
cause
of
my
wrath
,
lo
,
the
cause
of
my
mèrcie
,
with
the
going
and
coming
of
his
servants
:
a
rare
and
remarkable
work
never
to
be
forgotten
,
as
he
did
never
forget
it
.
And
for
my
part
,
I
think
it
merits
to
bee
recorded
here
,
and
that
it
is
worthy
that
the
remembrance
thereof
should
remain
to
all
posterity
,
so
far
as
my
weaknesse
can
preserve
it
,
that
men
may
see
and
learn
to
fear
and
seek
that
GOD
who
worketh
so
great
things
,
and
none
can
hinder
him
.
A
notable
wonder
,
and
next
unto
that
overthrow
of
the
Spanish
Armado
in
88.
both
in
my
time
,
both
immediatly
by
the
hand
of
GOD
:
But
this
,
so
much
the
more
evidently
,
as
that
there
,
some
ordinary
industrie
and
help
of
man
did
intervene
;
here
,
nothing
can
be
alledged
to
have
brought
it
to
passe
,
but
the
very
singer
of
GOD.
Let
mankinde
advert
and
admire
it
.
And
whosoever
shall
go
about
to
bereave
GOD
of
his
glory
by
laying
it
over
upon
chance
or
fortune
,
may
his
chance
be
such
as
his
blindnesse
or
perversenesse
deserveth
.
Things
being
brought
thus
about
,
who
would
have
been
so
modest
,
as
not
to
have
been
so
farre
ambitious
,
as
in
distributing
the
offices
of
the
Kingdome
,
to
have
taken
to
himself
,
or
bestowed
on
his
friends
some
place
of
honour
or
profit
?
But
Angus
did
neither
take
to
himself
,
nor
procure
any
for
his
particular
friends
&
followers
.
Let
ambition
be
silent
,
and
let
her
plumes
fall
,
when
she
seeth
her self
truly
contemned
by
him
.
He
contented
himself
with
that
onely
which
was
his
own
;
yea
,
he
even
dispensed
and
forbore
that
which
was
his
own
;
modestly
tolerating
,
that
the
Lands
,
House
and
Lordship
of
Dalkeeth
,
should
still
be
retained
by
the
young
Duke
of
Lennox
,
upon
the
Kings
promise
to
be
restored
thereto
,
so
soon
as
any
occasion
should
fall
out
of
providing
some
other
Lands
to
the
Duke
;
which
was
not
done
,
till
the
Lord
Methven
dying
without
heires
male
,
the
Lands
falling
to
the
King
,
he
gave
them
to
Lennox
,
and
restored
Dalkeeth
to
Angus
.
Out
of
the
like
modesty
&
will
,
to
gratifie
his
Prince
in
whatsoever
he
could
to
the
very
uttermost
of
his
power
,
at
the
Parliament
(
held
in
Edinburgh
1587.
)
about
two
years
after
,
he
dispensed
with
his
priviledge
of
bearing
the
Crown
at
the
Kings
request
,
and
suffered
the
Duke
to
carry
it
,
with
protestation
(
and
promise
)
that
it
should
not
be
prejudiciall
to
him
nor
his
house
in
time
coming
,
and
so
(
with
all
meeknesse
)
submitted
himself
to
take
the
second
place
,
and
carry
the
Scepter
.
In
this
last
point
,
it
was
thought
wisedome
to
yeeld
,
so
to
disappoint
those
,
who
were
thought
to
have
put
the
King
upon
it
,
of
purpose
to
have
made
a
breach
betwixt
the
King
and
him
by
his
refusall
.
The
former
was
not
effected
without
the
bribing
of
those
Courtiers
who
did
then
possesse
the
Kings
eare
.
Secretary
Metellane
got
his
Lands
of
Die-Water
to
work
it
;
which
when
he
would
have
holden
of
the
King
by
renunciation
,
Angus
refused
to
renounce
,
and
would
onely
give
them
,
holding
of
himself
,
not
without
some
indignation
on
both
sides
.
It
was
hardlier
constructed
,
that
he
suffered
a
decreet
given
in
favours
of
Farnihaste
to
his
prejudice
,
to
be
reserved
,
and
stand
good
in
his
restitution
.
And
thus
did
he
behave
himself
in
his
private
affairs
.
As
for
the
publick
affairs
of
the
Kingdom
,
hee
suffered
them
to
bee
The
letter
was
(
after
the
wonted
formalities
)
thus
,
HAving
occasion
of
this
bearer
,
I
thought
good
to
remember
some
After
my
departing
from
Linlithgow
,
I
continued
in
great
anger
,
whereof
I
am
not
yet
fully
freed
,
because
of
that
sentence
(
or
decreet
)
reserved
to
Farnihaste
against
the
Earle
of
Angus
:
and
though
the
doers
bee
partiall
,
yet
I
blame
most
his
owne
simplicitie
(
I
must
needes
so
call
it
)
seeing
his
authoritie
ought
to
put
order
to
others
,
where
now
hee
is
onely
a
beholder
of
that
which
it
pleaseth
others
to
doe
.
But
hee
must
either
take
matters
otherwayes
upon
himselfe
,
or
undoe
himselfe
,
and
all
the
rest
with
him
.
For
if
the
Master
of
Glames
,
forgetting
the
event
of
Ruthven
businesse
,
will
needs
trace
the
steps
of
the
Earle
of
Gowrie
,
it
is
not
for
the
rest
of
the
fellowship
to
be
slothfull
to
their
owne
hinderance
.
They
are
indeed
at
Court
,
but
are
esteemed
no
better
(
abroad
)
then
beasts
in
the
Countrey
,
never
like
to
acquire
the
favour
of
any
;
but
continually
declining
out
of
the
hearts
of
many
of
their
well
affected
friends
,
who
all
speake
,
as
though
they
saw
already
an
evident
ruine
of
them
:
and
that
(
doubtlesly
)
deserved
,
for
lying
in
their
good
cause
,
and
not
vindicating
Israel
from
Aram.
Remember
whence
they
are
fallen
,
and
return
,
or
we
shall
bee
forced
to
lament
for
that
which
wee
shall
never
bee
able
to
amend
.
If
they
sticke
to
their
cause
,
all
is
sure
;
otherwise
nothing
sure
:
for
either
their
suretie
is
by
the
Kings
favour
(
whereof
I
speake
nothing
)
or
the
favour
of
the
people
:
this
they
must
have
by
pressing
their
cause
;
of
Noblemen
,
for
relieving
them
from
bondage
,
and
revenging
their
bloud
;
of
Gentlemen
and
Commons
,
for
purging
Religion
,
restoring
of
Justice
,
and
providing
that
Tyrannie
thrust
not
it selfe
in
againe
.
If
this
bee
urged
,
it
will
confirme
such
as
are
already
in
the
cause
,
and
will
make
more
to
joyne
in
it
:
So
shall
the
cause
prosper
;
and
if
occasion
crave
so
,
there
is
a
partie
ever
ready
to
take
Armes
for
it
.
But
if
,
omitting
this
,
a
flattering
,
or
a
fearefull
course
bee
taken
,
who
shall
speake
plaine
,
and
assist
such
fearefull
dissemblers
?
who
shall
credit
them
,
when
afterwards
(
as
heretofore
)
they
shall
take
on
the
name
of
the
good
cause
?
I
wish
the
Kings
Majestie
may
bee
used
with
all
Princely
reverence
,
but
not
flatteringly
fostered
in
tyranny
to
his
owne
undoing
,
though
I
seeme
to
see
even
now
that
these
flatterers
shall
be
worthily
wracked
.
I
aske
them
whether
they
had
a
just
cause
in
hand
or
not
?
(
and
yet
of
all
these
evils
,
under
the
burden
whereof
the
Countrey
groned
,
they
have
opened
nothing
at
all
to
his
Majestie
)
why
is
it
not
then
justified
in
deed
by
condemning
the
other
worthy
to
bee
condemned
?
Is
their
cause
already
ended
?
And
if
not
,
why
is
it
then
left
off
?
hath
it
not
enemies
?
why
should
it
not
then
bee
fortified
against
them
?
The
Declaration
of
their
cause
,
why
was
it
published
?
To
acquire
favour
at
the
hands
of
the
people
?
And
why
then
is
there
nothing
done
to
retaine
this
favour
?
yea
rather
,
why
are
such
things
done
,
as
procure
their
disfavour
,
and
hatred
?
I
see
nothing
,
but
as
men
have
dissemblingly
pretended
a
good
cause
with
uncleansed
hearts
,
God
(
to
discover
their
hypocrisie
)
hath
given
them
their
hearts
desire
,
but
for
their
further
ruine
for
their
Hypocrisie
.
I
cannot
forbeare
to
write
this
,
though
I
bee
out
of
hope
of
any
good
,
yet
I
suppose
that
such
as
have
meant
uprightly
,
shall
(
in
Gods
favour
)
bee
provided
for
(
though
with
trouble
)
when
God
shall
require
of
those
dissemblers
the
bloud
of
such
as
have
perished
,
and
shall
perish
through
their
default
,
giving
them
a
proofe
of
their
owne
wits
,
and
their
unfaithfull
hearts
:
They
would
not
serve
God
,
hee
made
men
their
masters
.
Are
means
failed
him
?
No
:
the
last
shall
bee
worse
then
the
first
.
It
seemeth
to
mee
that
God
hath
even
prepared
a
mischief
for
them
;
and
therefore
given
them
over
to
their
owne
devices
,
wherewith
they
are
so
drunke
,
and
blinded
,
as
men
in
a
melancholicke
apprehension
,
who
are
past
all
cure
of
Physicke
.
But
this
,
above
all
,
troubles
mee
most
,
that
till
such
time
as
good
men
bee
all
undone
,
and
the
Land
utterly
ruined
,
and
overborne
with
Tyrannie
,
it
shall
not
bee
resisted
hereafter
.
For
a
new
Generation
must
arise
(
that
hath
forgotten
these
things
)
before
that
any
who
shall
pretend
a
common
cause
get
credit
:
good
men
are
so
often
deceived
under
that
colour
and
pretext
,
and
drawne
on
to
their
wracke
.
And
certainely
,
rather
then
I
were
hee
,
that
(
through
mis-governance
and
evill
order
)
should
undoe
so
many
as
are
like
to
bee
undone
at
this
time
,
I
had
farre
rather
give
my
owne
life
for
it
.
But
I
speake
to
deafe
men
,
and
therefore
I
cease
,
committing
to
God
the
providing
for
those
,
whose
hearts
hee
sees
to
bee
upright
,
having
from
time
to
time
kept
nothing
backe
of
that
which
I
knew
would
make
for
the
surety
of
these
men
,
and
the
cause
,
without
troubling
them
with
any
particulars
.
If
Angus
could
steere
in
his
owne
roome
,
hee
might
redresse
the
Masters
errours
:
Speake
to
Dunniepace
and
Largoe
:
See
what
is
done
about
the
Barons
,
and
give
me
notice
of
such
direction
as
goeth
to
their
Shires
.
I
say
,
for
conclusion
,
their
earnest
suite
in
particulars
,
and
negligence
in
the
common
cause
,
convicts
them
before
all
men
,
and
the
King
may
justly
say
,
They
had
no
good
meaning
.
But
if
it
were
mine
to
doe
,
wee
should
goe
all
together
to
the
King
,
and
say
,
this
or
the
like
speech
.
Sir
,
in
that
yee
have
(
as
may
be
)
redressed
our
particulars
,
wee
thanke
you
heartily
,
though
it
was
ever
the
least
part
of
our
desire
;
for
Gods
Church
hath
beene
heavily
oppressed
(
then
tell
him
the
particulars
apart
)
Your
Realme
and
Subjects
have
beene
tyrannized
over
:
(
then
tell
him
also
some
proofes
)
Let
therefore
the
Gospell
bee
restored
to
the
owne
libertie
,
and
some
men
chosen
to
set
downe
some
sure
policy
which
may
last
and
continue
.
Let
some
also
bee
deputed
to
heare
the
plaints
and
grievances
of
such
as
have
beene
wronged
,
under
the
colour
of
your
Majesties
name
,
and
let
their
wrongs
bee
redressed
as
much
as
is
possible
;
and
such
order
taken
,
that
the
Subjects
may
bee
out
of
feare
heareafter
of
suffering
,
so
they
keepe
the
Lawes
.
Let
the
Lawes
also
bee
revised
by
wise
men
,
and
such
of
them
taken
away
as
bee
hurtfull
to
the
Subjects
(
for
you
shall
finde
the
like
Ordinance
touching
Acts
of
Parliament
of
olde
.
)
This
being
done
,
wee
doubt
not
,
but
God
shall
blesse
you
,
and
your
Countrey
;
seeing
,
the
neglecting
hereof
,
hath
beene
the
cause
of
the
evills
past
.
Sir
,
doe
it
your selfe
,
for
the
gaine
is
yours
,
though
wee
put
you
in
minde
of
it
.
Now
except
this
bee
done
,
there
can
bee
no
continuing
quietnesse
.
Postscript
.
THeir
foolish
proceedings
make
all
men
to
stand
aloofe
.
I
heare
the
Lord
Boyd
is
secretly
in
this
Countrey
of
Scotland
,
but
seeth
not
that
in
them
which
hee
could
wish
.
Let
the
Master
behave
himselfe
as
hee
pleaseth
,
can
the
King
but
thinke
that
hee
would
rather
wish
his
owne
●…ster
sonne
King
?
I
finde
great
fault
that
the
Abbots
(
Driebrough
and
Cambuskenneth
)
Lie
abake
,
who
are
practitioners
and
partakers
,
as
Marre
at
Ruthven
:
let
them
joyne
together
and
bee
knowne
.
This
letter
being
received
,
and
a
fit
opportunitie
espied
;
it
was
Before
we
come
to
this
(
said
my
Lord
)
let
mee
demand
a
question
of
It
is
time
to
aske
the
question
!
for
if
you
must
depend
on
their
pleasure
,
why
did
you
not
expect
it
?
and
stay
in
England
till
you
were
recalled
?
why
came
you
unsent
for
?
and
that
in
such
a
manner
?
what
is
become
of
your
Proclamations
?
and
of
all
the
faire
reasons
of
it
?
you
must
goe
backe
again
,
and
recant
all
,
and
cry
peccavie
for
these
things
.
Oh
,
(
saith
my
Lord
)
that
is
another
question
,
for
what
we
did
in
that
,
was
done
of
necessitie
for
our
lives
and
estates
,
and
to
remove
that
violent
tyrannous
man
,
who
else
would
have
undone
King
,
Countrey
,
and
all
:
But
now
that
he
is
removed
,
and
that
necessitie
taken
away
,
it
is
another
case
;
how
to
deale
with
our
Prince
,
to
whom
we
owe
such
obedience
,
he
being
amongst
Kings
,
Who
are
in
the
place
of
God
,
who
are
called
Gods
,
and
to
whom
is
due
the
obedience
to
God
.
But
leaving
the
particular
,
let
me
heare
you
of
the
generall
,
What
you
thinke
of
that
Sermon
,
and
of
his
grounds
?
I
know
there
are
others
also
,
that
were
not
satisfied
with
it
,
but
I
would
heare
you
.
Having
paused
a
little
,
he
answered
:
Loath
am
I
my
Lord
,
to
enter
upon
that
taske
of
censuring
any
man
,
chiefly
a
Preacher
:
I
like
better
to
dispute
a
point
and
discusse
a
truth
,
without
touching
upon
any
mans
person
,
so
farre
as
it
can
be
avoyded
.
But
seeing
your
Lordship
drawes
me
to
it
:
I
confesse
,
wee
all
disclaime
implicite
faith
,
and
thinke
wee
are
reasonable
c●…eatures
,
apt
to
weigh
and
consider
mens
reasons
,
and
yeeld
assent
to
their
opinions
so
farre
as
they
enforce
,
neither
ought
wee
otherwayes
to
consent
,
nor
can
any
reasonable
man
enforce
himselfe
to
assent
,
which
makes
me
,
in
matter
of
consenting
(
chie●…ly
in
Religion
)
to
dislike
of
constraint
:
For
I
judge
of
others
as
I
finde
my selfe
;
the
world
cannot
force
mee
,
nay
,
I
cannot
force
my selfe
to
thinke
otherwayes
,
then
my
judgement
alloweth
of
.
But
to
your
question
,
I
am
more
favourable
to
Princes
,
then
many
beleeve
,
and
to
Monarches
:
I
account
it
a
great
and
heavie
charge
,
and
burden
,
which
hath
need
of
great
reliefe
,
and
many
comforts
to
recompense
the
pains
thereof
,
and
can
permit
much
to
a
good
Prince
,
yea
,
as
much
as
he
himselfe
pleaseth
;
which
will
never
bee
more
then
is
good
and
just
,
though
it
were
all
the
estates
of
his
Subjects
,
and
the
whole
Countrey
to
be
guided
by
himselfe
alone
,
with
as
absolute
power
as
any
ever
spake
of
,
and
yet
not
thinke
that
hee
had
an
haires
bredth
of
more
power
to
doe
hurt
.
But
to
the
question
we
are
on
;
your
Lordship
remembers
the
ground
that
Master
Craig
did
lay
?
yes
(
saith
he
)
very
well
:
It
was
that
passage
of
the
82.
Psalme
(
God
sits
in
the
assembly
of
the
Gods
)
And
what
he
built
thereon
?
He
built
(
said
he
)
obedience
to
Kings
commandments
and
impunitie
without
controulement
;
your
Lordship
remembers
right
,
and
reports
the
best
of
his
speech
in
the
fairest
termes
[
Obedience
to
Kings
,
Impunitie
to
Kings
]
whereas
hee
said
I
have
said
ye
are
Gods
:
]
True
,
but
it
saith
also
[
Neverthelesse
,
you
shall
die
]
which
two
being
put
together
,
the
one
shewes
them
their
duety
,
[
Do
justice
as
God
doth
]
the
other
threatneth
punishment
[
Te
shall
die
if
ye
do
it
not
.
]
But
they
will
say
,
that
this
threatning
is
from
God
,
and
therefore
God
(
indeed
)
may
and
will
punish
,
but
man
may
not
.
I
answer
,
the
Text
makes
no
mention
whether
God
will
punish
them
immediately
,
or
by
the
hand
of
man
:
but
however
that
be
,
the
scope
of
the
Psalmist
is
to
humble
them
,
and
hee
who
from
thence
doth
gather
any
Prerogative
or
impunitie
to
them
,
gathers
that
which
is
contrary
to
the
Text.
Now
to
come
to
the
particulars
of
the
Sermon
:
To
what
use
was
it
at
that
time
to
preach
[
Obedience
]
to
Tyrants
?
was
it
not
sufficient
to
have
preached
[
Obedience
]
to
good
Kings
?
And
to
have
showne
his
Majesty
to
be
a
good
King
(
if
he
thought
that
any
man
doubted
of
that
point
)
which
was
more
honourable
for
his
Majestie
,
more
beseeming
a
Preacher
,
more
easie
to
perswade
,
then
to
roote
out
the
inveterate
opinion
of
the
lawfulnes
to
resist
Tyrants
?
Concerning
his
Arguments
:
1.
Was
the
first
solid
?
[
God
sitteth
in
the
assembly
of
Gods
]
therfore
Tyrants
sit
in
the
seat
of
God
:
though
it
were
true
,
yet
it
followeth
not
:
and
it
is
even
like
to
this
,
The
King
sits
in
the
Assembly
of
the
Lords
,
therefore
the
Lords
sit
in
the
Kings
seat
.
As
on
the
contrary
,
The
King
(
being
present
)
doth
sit
in
his
owne
seat
,
and
the
Lords
do
rather
sit
in
his
seat
when
he
is
absent
,
then
when
he
sits
in
the
Assembly
amongst
them
.
Also
(
as
I
have
said
)
the
presence
of
God
is
there
mentioned
:
not
to
authorize
,
but
to
controll
them
.
Neither
doth
the
Text
inferre
,
[
Therefore
obey
them
]
there
is
no
word
of
that
there
,
but
[
Therefore
they
shall
die
]
Because
God
sits
and
sees
them
,
eyes
them
,
and
perceives
the
wrong
they
doe
,
and
how
they
abuse
their
power
,
which
is
a
contrary
illation
to
his
,
and
farre
more
consonant
to
the
Text.
2.
His
second
Argument
was
[
The
people
of
God
are
commanded
to
obey
Nabuchodonozor
,
who
was
a
Tyrant
,
therefore
all
Tyrants
should
be
obeyed
.
]
How
hard
an
inference
!
Of
a
particular
extraordinary
,
to
gather
a
generall
ordinary
rule
!
If
wee
allow
of
this
kinde
of
arguing
,
it
will
bee
replied
:
God
commanded
Jehu
(
a
private
man
)
to
slay
Achab
(
a
Tyrant
)
therefore
private
men
ought
,
or
may
slay
Tyrants
.
3.
His
third
[
David
did
not
slay
Saul
,
therefore
no
man
should
lay
hands
on
a
Tyrant
]
how
loose
is
it
?
from
example
or
authoritie
,
negative
.
4.
But
the
fourth
[
God
placed
the
Tyrant
in
that
place
,
therefore
no
man
may
put
him
out
of
it
,
though
his
Tyranny
bee
never
so
great
]
what
doe
you
thinke
of
it
?
A
mans
goods
are
taken
from
him
by
a
briggand
,
who
doubts
but
God
hath
given
them
into
the
briggands
hands
?
But
doth
it
therefore
follow
,
that
no
man
(
not
the
Magistrate
)
may
take
them
from
him
againe
,
because
God
hath
put
them
into
his
hands
?
yea
,
who
knowes
but
God
hath
cast
them
into
his
hands
for
that
end
,
that
they
may
bee
taken
out
of
his
hands
,
and
hee
punished
for
it
?
Besides
,
this
inconvenient
will
also
follow
hereon
:
if
an
usurper
shall
once
get
himselfe
place
in
a
Kingdome
,
no
man
(
by
this
reasoning
)
may
ever
dispossesse
him
again
,
to
repossesse
the
lawfull
King
;
because
(
without
all
doubt
)
God
hath
placed
him
there
.
This
were
a
maxime
very
prejudiciall
to
lawfull
and
rightfull
Kings
.
5
The
fifth
was
a
Simile
]
which
all
men
know
are
ever
lame
,
and
doe
halt
some
way
;
yea
those
which
he
used
,
are
brought
by
others
to
prove
the
contrary
.
1.
For
even
Children
are
sometimes
made
free
from
their
Parents
by
the
civill
law
Romane
.
2.
And
Servants
from
their
Masters
,
by
Gods
Law
given
to
the
Jewes
;
as
,
If
his
eye
bee
beaten
out
,
let
him
goe
for
his
eye
.
3.
Wives
are
divorced
,
and
freed
from
their
husbands
,
if
the
essentiall
knot
and
tie
of
matrimonie
bee
violated
,
and
broken
:
why
then
may
not
the
tie
we
have
to
Tyrants
be
taken
away
?
If
the
Essentiall
cause
of
obedience
(
the
image
of
God
)
justice
)
be
violated
,
and
cast
off
by
the
Tyrant
,
why
may
not
the
obligation
of
obedience
cease
?
And
this
for
his
Arguments
,
which
you
●…ee
how
frivolous
and
weak
they
are
.
As
for
his
conclusion
[
Men
may
not
put
hand
in
Tyrants
]
it
can
never
be
deduced
from
his
text
:
There
is
only
one
word
,
which
seemes
to
make
for
him
[
I
said
ye
are
gods
]
but
the
next
words
say
plainly
[
Neverthelesse
ye
shall
die
,
]
whereby
it
is
clear
,
that
this
appellation
of
(
gods
)
is
not
given
them
to
free
them
from
punishment
,
but
to
put
them
in
minde
of
their
duty
;
which
when
they
neglect
,
they
lose
the
name
,
and
are
lyable
to
the
punishment
.
So
that
(
according
to
his
owne
forme
of
reasoning
)
if
it
follow
from
hence
,
that
because
God
hath
placed
them
in
that
place
to
doe
justice
,
therefore
men
should
not
take
them
out
of
it
,
though
they
prove
Tyrants
;
it
will
follow
farre
better
;
God
appoints
them
to
die
,
because
they
doe
not
justice
,
therefore
they
must
die
,
therefore
men
may
make
them
die
,
when
they
become
Tyrants
in
stead
of
being
gods
.
Which
kind
of
reasoning
if
he
think
not
to
be
good
,
then
must
he
quit
his
own
reason
,
and
leave
this
passage
,
as
neither
making
for
him
,
nor
against
him
;
neither
exempting
them
from
punishment
(
in
calling
them
gods
,
which
showes
but
what
they
ought
to
be
of
dutie
)
nor
yet
giving
expresse
command
for
men
to
slay
them
,
in
this
other
word
(
ye
shall
die
)
which
showes
onely
what
God
will
doe
in
his
justice
.
He
alledged
(
as
others
also
doe
in
this
cause
)
that
the
thing
which
moved
him
to
broach
this
conclusion
,
was
,
because
that
if
a
liberty
to
kill
,
or
disobey
Tyrants
be
granted
unto
men
,
then
good
Kings
shall
not
be
obeyed
,
nor
sure
of
their
owne
lives
,
because
seditious
or
ambitious
men
(
of
which
there
are
enow
)
will
call
a
good
King
a
Tyrant
.
But
your
Lordship
may
consider
the
futilitie
of
that
pretext
;
for
by
the
same
reason
all
lawes
are
taken
away
,
and
all
punishment
of
vice
and
wickednesse
.
For
where
the
law
ordaines
theeves
to
be
punished
,
an
unjust
Judge
may
call
an
honest
man
a
theefe
;
and
if
we
allow
blasphemie
to
be
punished
,
a
Jezabel
will
finde
meanes
to
cause
Naboth
be
accounted
a
blasphemer
;
and
if
we
suffer
sedition
to
be
punished
,
Tyrants
will
call
a
good
Patriot
,
a
seditious
fellow
;
free
admonitions
,
treason
;
and
any
word
of
liberty
,
rebellion
.
Shall
therefore
sedition
be
unpunished
?
shall
theft
?
shall
blasphemie
?
And
certainly
there
is
more
danger
,
and
it
comes
oftner
to
passe
,
that
a
Tyrant
should
call
an
honest
man
seditious
,
then
it
is
found
that
subjects
call
a
good
King
a
Tyrant
.
The
people
suffer
much
(
what
by
custome
,
what
through
a
naturall
inclination
and
love
toward
their
Princes
)
and
beare
with
many
great
faults
,
and
seldome
come
to
rise
up
against
him
,
but
when
the
injury
is
intolerable
.
And
you
shall
finde
(
when
you
please
to
trie
it
)
that
they
have
comported
more
and
oftner
with
wicked
Princes
,
then
ever
they
have
made
insurrection
against
good
ones
;
nay
,
then
they
have
made
against
the
wicked
,
unlesse
their
wickednesse
hath
beene
extreme
enormous
and
pernicious
.
Yea
,
I
doubt
whether
any
can
finde
an
example
of
insurrection
against
any
that
was
good
,
nay
,
against
any
tolerably
wicked
:
whereas
of
the
other
side
,
many
honest
men
have
beene
opprest
,
and
put
to
death
by
Tyrants
upon
small
or
no
occasion
,
upon
a
forged
accusation
,
lie
,
or
calumnie
.
Wherefore
it
is
a
foolish
and
ridiculous
pretext
,
to
maintaine
Obedience
,
and
the
Impunitie
of
Tyrants
,
that
so
good
Kings
may
be
obeyed
,
and
secured
:
as
if
a
man
should
plead
for
impunitie
to
harlots
,
that
so
honest
matrons
may
be
secured
.
All
is
but
folly
,
for
there
is
but
one
way
to
secure
honest
women
,
which
is
to
avoyd
whorish
fashions
;
to
secure
honest
and
true
men
,
to
take
heed
they
be
not
found
breaking
or
digging
through
of
houses
.
And
let
a
good
King
beware
and
carefully
avoid
all
tyrannicall
actions
.
So
(
and
onely
so
)
shall
he
be
sure
(
if
word
and
worke
justifie
him
)
and
free
from
all
feare
of
punishment
from
God
or
man
.
And
thus
much
concerning
your
Lordships
question
,
what
my
opinion
is
of
that
Sermon
.
But
seeing
we
are
fallen
upon
this
subject
,
let
me
tell
your
Lordship
De
republica
:
faine
would
he
make
even
Tyrants
to
be
sacred
and
inviolable
,
and
perswade
that
all
obedience
is
due
,
and
ought
to
be
given
them
.
And
he
concludes
,
that
they
are
not
to
be
touched
by
their
subjects
,
but
obeyed
;
whereof
he
gives
this
for
his
chiefe
reason
,
Because
their
subjects
have
no
jurisdiction
over
them
▪
yet
finding
how
hard
it
were
to
free
them
from
all
feare
of
punishment
,
he
puts
them
into
the
hands
of
forraine
Kings
,
and
exhorts
them
to
exterminate
and
root
them
out
,
commending
it
as
a
laudable
action
,
by
the
imitation
of
Hercules
,
who
travelled
through
the
world
(
sayes
he
)
to
destroy
these
Monsters
,
Tyrants
.
Now
let
any
man
judge
what
good
reason
can
be
given
for
denying
that
power
to
the
Countrey
it selfe
(
under
the
pretext
,
because
they
have
no
jurisdiction
)
and
to
give
it
to
a
forrainer
,
who
hath
neither
interest
nor
jurisdiction
over
another
Prince
.
And
whether
is
there
more
danger
in
the
sedition
of
his
Countrey
people
,
then
in
the
ambition
of
a
stranger
Prince
?
And
which
of
them
is
likeliest
to
picke
a
quarrell
against
him
,
and
to
call
him
a
Tyrant
,
and
seeke
occasion
to
worke
their
owne
particular
ends
?
Besides
,
what
shall
be
the
part
of
the
people
in
this
case
?
Shall
they
fight
against
this
forrainer
,
who
comes
to
cut
off
their
Tyrant
?
Who
then
shall
come
to
relieve
those
from
tyrannie
,
that
will
take
armes
for
defence
of
the
Tyrant
?
Shall
they
joyne
with
him
?
Certainly
in
all
reason
they
ought
to
joyne
with
him
,
seeing
it
is
for
their
sakes
that
he
under-takes
the
warre
.
But
that
is
Rebellion
(
if
wee
beleeve
Bodinus
.
)
Shall
they
be
neutrall
,
and
spectators
?
Even
that
is
disobedience
.
And
yet
the
same
Bodinus
sayes
,
That
Tyrants
are
monsters
;
now
there
is
no
societie
(
farre
lesse
bond
of
obedience
and
subjection
)
with
monsters
.
Yea
,
hee
sayes
,
That
there
is
no
societie
with
Pirats
▪
because
they
break
the
Lawes
of
humane
societie
;
and
Tyrants
break
them
much
more
.
This
same
man
in
his
D●…monomania
sayes
,
A
King
may
become
a
Wolfe
;
and
that
a
great
King
in
Christendome
was
one
when
hee
pleased
.
I
ask
him
then
,
Whether
such
a
King
should
bee
obeyed
,
when
hee
is
a
Wolfe
?
And
if
hee
should
ever
continue
to
bee
such
,
without
returning
to
bee
a
man
,
whether
or
not
must
hee
bee
ever
obeyed
in
all
things
?
Shall
his
sacred
Majestie
bee
reverenced
?
And
(
lest
hee
should
starve
)
shall
hee
bee
fed
with
childrens
flesh
(
perhaps
)
because
hee
will
eat
no
other
,
or
(
at
least
)
because
hee
likes
that
best
?
Certainly
,
his
reason
will
inferre
no
lesse
than
that
hee
should
.
And
if
hee
bee
ashamed
to
affirme
this
,
and
will
confesse
that
it
is
lawfull
to
put
such
an
one
from
his
Kingdome
,
who
hath
put
off
humane
nature
,
and
can
now
no
more
guide
a
Kingdome
:
what
shall
wee
think
of
one
,
who
(
though
retaining
the
shape
of
a
man
)
hath
a
wolvish
nature
and
disposition
,
being
cruell
,
wicked
,
licentious
,
and
over-throwes
all
right
and
equitie
?
And
is
not
a
Tyrant
(
for
the
like
reason
)
as
worthie
to
bee
deprived
of
that
Kingdome
,
which
hee
cannot
,
or
will
not
guide
rightly
,
but
destro●…s
and
makes
havock
of
all
?
Certainly
,
the
reason
is
all
one
:
for
it
is
n●…t
the
shape
(
so
much
)
of
a
Wolfe
that
men
abhorre
,
as
the
wolvish
and
ravenous
nature
and
disposition
.
For
suppose
a
good
Kingwere
(
contrary
to
his
will
)
transformed
by
Magicall
incantation
onely
,
into
the
sh●…pe
of
a
Wolfe
,
who
did
retaine
his
reason
,
his
speech
,
his
wisedome
,
justice
,
equitie
,
meeknesse
,
and
all
good
Government
,
omitting
nothing
that
belonged
to
a
good
Prince
,
men
would
not
so
much
abhorre
,
as
pity
him
,
and
expect
till
some
way
were
found
how
hee
might
recover
his
former
shape
,
and
would
(
doubtlesse
)
preferre
his
humane
nature
,
though
in
the
shape
of
a
Wolfe
,
to
a
wolvish
nature
,
though
under
the
shape
of
a
man
;
it
being
farre
more
tolerable
,
and
f●…rre
more
advantageous
for
the
Common-wealth
,
whereof
the
good
and
safetie
is
ever
to
bee
respected
and
preferred
in
all
things
.
And
thus
much
for
Bodinus
.
But
will
your
Lordship
bee
pleased
to
hear
what
that
great
Doctour
Fourthly
,
or
that
he
hath
been
ill
informed
:
Fifthly
,
or
mis-taken
it
:
Sixthly
,
or
that
hee
is
mis-led
and
mis-carried
with
some
passion
or
prejudice
.
So
in
the
point
of
controlling
Princes
,
he
cannot
endure
that
the
Sacred
Majestie
,
Gods
Vice-gerent
,
should
be
constrained
or
forced
any
way
;
that
is
absurd
and
abominable
:
Yet
if
he
mis-governe
the
Countrey
,
so
that
the
state
of
the
Common-weale
bee
in
danger
,
the
blame
must
bee
laid
on
his
evill
Counsellours
;
those
they
may
lay
hands
on
,
and
take
order
with
them
;
nay
,
hang
them
,
if
they
please
,
and
place
good
men
about
him
,
whose
better
advice
he
may
follow
.
But
by
no
meanes
must
they
touch
or
meddle
with
himself
in
person
.
This
opinion
is
such
,
that
(
I
beleeve
)
hee
against
whom
he
writes
,
hath
not
written
any
thing
that
may
seeme
more
hard
.
For
if
we
may
call
his
commandements
(
when
they
are
unjust
)
stolne
,
and
so
dis-obey
them
;
wee
are
not
bound
to
obey
his
unjust
commandements
.
And
if
wee
may
take
order
with
his
counsellours
,
who
will
be
his
counsellour
?
Or
who
will
execute
his
unjust
will
?
Nay
,
how
can
subjects
do
either
of
these
two
without
a
manifest
controlling
and
forcing
of
him
,
Since
hee
will
oppose
and
interpret
all
as
done
against
himselfe
,
and
call
it
Treason
and
Rebellion
against
him
?
So
that
in
effect
,
all
comes
to
one
.
Besides
,
this
way
leaves
that
ground
(
which
men
so
carefully
pretend
to
avoyd
)
which
is
,
to
call
all
his
commandements
stolne
(
though
they
bee
never
so
clearly
his
)
and
albeit
they
bee
never
so
good
;
as
also
of
calling
his
Counsellours
evill
,
though
they
bee
not
so
.
Whereby
hee
makes
them
Judges
both
of
his
Commandements
and
Counsellours
;
so
that
they
may
call
it
in
question
whether
they
bee
good
or
not
;
which
doth
brangle
,
and
(
indeed
)
over-turne
all
that
absolute
power
which
he
gave
them
before
.
I
will
not
omit
here
to
tell
your
Lordship
of
another
distinction
that
Now
the
ground
of
all
this
;
First
,
(
That
tyrants
must
bee
obeyed
;
Secondly
,
that
they
must
not
be
controlled
,
nor
resisted
,
but
get
ever
a
Passive
Obedience
;
Thirdly
,
that
they
must
no
wayes
bee
deprived
,
and
farre
lesse
touched
in
their
persons
)
is
in
this
(
forsooth
)
That
they
are
Gods
;
which
name
(
as
they
alledge
)
inferres
all
these
,
Obedience
,
not
resistance
,
not
depriving
,
&c.
And
indeed
(
to
bee
God
)
carries
more
with
it
;
it
imports
both
Active
and
Passive
Obedience
to
whatsoever
he
commands
without
exception
,
to
kill
his
sonne
with
Abraham
;
for
each
man
to
kill
his
brother
,
as
the
Levites
did
.
But
how
farre
these
(
called
)
Gods
,
come
short
of
that
priviledge
(
notwithstanding
of
the
name
)
I
have
said
before
:
and
therefore
this
appellation
will
not
import
any
of
the
rest
by
any
necessary
consequence
,
no
more
than
it
doth
absolute
Active
Obedience
.
Neither
are
Princes
there
compared
to
GOD
,
because
of
equall
soveraignity
or
obedience
due
to
them
,
but
because
of
the
likenesse
of
the
action
,
and
to
warne
them
to
imitate
him
in
justice
.
And
to
draw
an
argument
from
a
Comparison
of
things
,
to
prove
an
equality
in
them
,
in
that
wherein
they
are
not
matched
or
compared
,
is
against
the
law
of
Similies
,
or
Comparisons
.
Secondly
,
those
who
dispute
in
this
sort
,
speak
onely
of
absolute
Monarchs
(
as
they
call
them
)
but
the
name
of
[
Gods
]
is
not
onely
given
to
absolute
Monarchs
.
It
is
given
to
the
Judges
of
Israel
before
they
had
Kings
:
&
the
Turks
use
(
at
this
day
)
when
they
go
to
law
,
this
phrase
,
Let
us
go
to
God
:
by
which
they
mean
,
not
their
absolute
Monarch
,
the
Emperour
,
but
any
inferiour
Judge
,
even
the
lowest
and
meanest
,
as
(
no
question
)
even
a
Sheriffes
depute
,
or
a
Barons
Bailiffe
sit
in
the
place
of
God
,
when
they
sit
to
do
justice
betwixt
parties
;
yet
no
man
for
that
doth
attribute
absolute
power
to
them
.
Behold
the
ground
of
your
Lordships
cause
,
and
of
this
so
worthy
an
action
done
by
you
,
to
your
perpetuall
honour
,
of
rare
memory
and
example
in
any
age
:
lo
what
you
have
been
;
not
contemplating
and
disputing
in
the
Schooles
,
but
practising
in
the
Common-wealth
.
For
if
it
be
not
lawfull
to
disobey
the
command
of
Princes
(
even
of
lawfull
and
borne
Princes
)
in
any
case
,
then
is
this
that
you
have
done
,
very
unlawfull
.
If
it
be
a
wrong
to
controll
their
wills
,
then
must
this
your
fact
be
condemned
as
wrong
.
If
it
bee
not
lawfull
to
remove
from
them
wicked
Counsellours
and
instruments
of
iniquitie
,
then
is
this
your
act
altogether
unjust
,
enormous
,
unlawfull
and
treacherous
.
But
the
world
acknowledges
,
all
men
assent
,
and
the
Prince
himselfe
confesses
,
that
you
have
happily
atchieved
a
worthie
worke
,
in
freeing
your
King
from
the
jawes
of
these
wolves
and
lions
,
who
devoured
the
Realme
,
and
polluted
his
name
and
fame
;
that
you
have
restored
him
to
his
honour
,
and
that
high
expectation
of
him
to
his
Countrey
,
and
to
the
Church
of
God
throughout
the
whole
world
.
There
rests
onely
this
exception
and
doubt
in
mens
mindes
,
whether
or
not
this
hath
been
your
aime
(
in
very
deed
)
and
the
true
scope
and
end
of
your
enterprise
;
or
if
this
bee
but
incident
and
adventitious
to
your
own
particular
designes
.
For
it
is
sure
,
your
particular
was
joyned
with
it
;
but
that
is
no
fault
:
yea
,
I
account
him
happy
,
whose
lot
joynes
his
estate
with
an
honest
cause
,
so
that
they
must
stand
or
fall
together
;
or
whose
minde
and
resolution
casts
him
upon
it
.
But
it
is
of
great
weight
,
and
makes
a
great
difference
,
when
the
cause
is
our
end
,
and
(
our
particular
but
accessorie
,
or
contrarily
)
when
our
particular
is
the
maine
motive
,
and
the
common
cause
but
a
by
end
,
and
embraced
only
to
advance
our
particular
.
Your
Proclamation
(
or
Declaration
)
which
ye
published
,
speaks
much
of
the
publick
cause
and
common-weale
;
but
you
may
perceive
what
men
think
(
how
your
actions
and
doings
since
do
not
answer
thereto
)
by
this
Letter
.
For
they
are
begun
to
think
,
that
howsoever
you
pretended
the
publick
,
yet
your
intention
was
fixed
onely
on
your
own
particular
;
because
you
have
done
nothing
for
the
Church
or
Countrey
,
and
hath
settled
your
own
particular
.
And
it
is
observed
,
That
of
all
the
Parliaments
that
were
ever
held
in
this
Countrey
,
this
last
(
held
since
you
came
home
)
is
it
,
in
which
alone
there
is
no
mention
of
the
Church
,
either
in
the
beginning
thereof
(
as
in
all
others
there
is
)
or
elsewhere
throughout
.
This
neglect
of
the
state
of
the
Church
and
Countrey
,
as
it
is
a
blemish
of
your
fact
,
obscuring
the
beauty
and
lustre
of
it
;
so
is
it
accounted
an
errour
in
policie
and
civill
prudencie
,
by
so
doing
,
to
divide
and
separate
your
particular
from
the
common
cause
of
the
Church
and
Countrey
;
which
as
it
hath
been
the
meane
of
your
particular
restitution
,
so
is
it
the
onely
meane
to
maintain
you
in
this
estate
,
and
to
make
it
sure
and
firme
.
Hee
having
thus
spoken
,
the
Earle
of
Angus
answered
,
I
know
Yet
that
beginning
with
the
Counsellours
drew
many
at
last
by
necessity
to
betake
themselves
directly
to
their
Prince
himself
,
when
hee
would
needs
espouse
their
quarrell
,
and
either
to
protect
and
maintaine
them
,
or
to
revenge
them
.
So
that
if
Blackwood
say
that
it
is
lawfull
to
punish
wicked
Counsellours
,
he
must
confesse
also
,
that
it
is
lawfull
to
controll
Kings
.
Neither
is
hee
aware
that
in
so
saying
,
hee
makes
the
Nobility
(
or
Estates
)
Judges
to
discern
whether
the
Counsellours
bee
wicked
or
not
;
and
whether
their
proceedings
bee
for
the
good
of
the
Countrey
,
which
he
will
alledge
they
are
;
and
that
both
themselves
are
good
servants
,
and
their
service
good
and
profitable
to
him
and
the
Countrey
;
and
these
actions
which
they
do
,
and
the
counsell
which
they
give
▪
that
they
do
them
as
his
servants
,
and
by
his
direction
,
as
Counsellours
advising
and
propounding
things
,
not
prescribing
or
enjoyning
;
and
therefore
what
is
done
against
them
,
is
not
done
against
them
,
but
against
him
;
and
that
they
are
not
wicked
,
but
good
and
faithfull
men
.
Now
the
case
standing
thus
,
to
whomsoever
he
allowes
the
power
to
put
order
to
them
as
wicked
,
hee
allowes
them
also
power
to
cognosce
of
them
as
wicked
,
to
judge
of
them
as
wicked
;
and
that
contrary
to
the
judgement
of
their
Prince
who
will
never
judge
them
such
.
And
indeed
,
unlesse
it
be
so
,
when
wicked
men
shall
winde
themselves
in
about
a
Prince
,
and
abuse
his
name
,
or
pervert
his
minde
,
How
shall
the
Prince
be
preserved
?
How
shall
the
Countrey
,
the
State
,
Religion
,
Lawes
,
Order
,
and
particular
mens
estates
be
saved
from
ruine
?
As
hath
been
profitably
and
necessarily
practised
(
divers
times
before
)
in
this
Kingdome
;
and
of
late
by
us
upon
a
flat
necessity
for
his
own
good
,
and
the
good
of
the
Countrey
.
And
for
my
own
part
(
I
will
answer
for
one
,
and
can
answer
but
for
one
)
his
good
did
as
much
move
me
to
that
course
,
as
any
private
interest
of
my
own
:
and
I
still
shall
as
much
regard
it
(
by
GODS
grace
)
so
long
as
this
weak
life
is
in
my
body
.
I
know
not
how
long
that
will
be
,
and
who
lives
longest
,
lives
but
a
short
time
;
and
I
account
not
that
hee
lives
,
who
lives
onely
to
live
this
life
,
or
to
enjoy
any
thing
that
is
in
it
.
This
Lesson
I
have
learned
substantially
(
so
my
GOD
hath
schooled
me
)
and
I
speak
it
to
you
seriously
,
knowing
to
whom
I
speak
.
Neither
shall
ever
any
endeavour
of
mine
have
any
particular
for
the
last
end
of
it
.
That
all
is
not
so
well
done
and
so
clearly
to
the
satisfaction
of
the
Ministery
,
and
all
honestly
affected
,
it
grieves
me
as
much
as
any
,
and
I
am
not
ignorant
that
these
inconvenients
follow
thereupon
,
That
we
undergo
the
slander
of
respecting
our
particular
,
Of
carelesnesse
of
the
Church
and
Countrey
;
as
though
all
our
speeches
and
Proclamations
tending
that
way
,
had
been
but
pretexts
,
and
that
if
ever
any
such
businesse
should
fall
out
again
,
our
credit
will
not
be
so
great
.
Yet
(
not
for
these
causes
,
but
for
the
well
doing
it self
)
my
desire
is
,
That
every
thing
be
rightly
done
,
because
it
is
right
so
to
doe
.
But
what
can
I
help
it
?
I
am
but
one
of
the
society
,
neither
can
I
perswade
my
associats
to
do
otherwayes
,
nor
am
I
able
to
compell
them
,
nor
were
it
fit
I
should
,
it
not
being
the
Law
of
a
society
to
doe
so
;
but
to
do
all
with
commune
consent
,
and
to
obtaine
what
may
bee
obtained
by
a
fair
way
,
but
to
go
no
further
.
Otherwayes
it
would
quickly
dissolve
into
divers
factions
amongst
our selves
,
and
make
some
of
us
joyne
with
others
to
the
overthrow
of
us
all
:
which
if
ever
it
come
to
passe
,
it
shall
never
be
through
any
occasion
from
me
.
Men
think
(
I
know
)
that
my
place
is
a
principall
one
,
yet
it
is
but
the
place
of
one
;
neither
is
it
so
principall
,
but
that
there
is
as
principall
as
it
,
equall
to
it
,
or
(
perhaps
)
beyond
it
,
in
respect
of
proxinitie
to
the
Kingdome
,
if
it
should
fall
out
so
,
which
GOD
forbid
it
should
.
For
no
King
(
you
know
)
can
ever
bee
so
neare
to
mee
,
and
therefore
there
is
none
whom
I
should
or
will
affect
so
much
.
And
this
is
it
that
carries
it
away
from
me
,
and
gives
them
no
little
advantage
:
The
Lord
Hamilton
being
next
the
Crowne
,
is
guided
by
the
Master
of
Glames
:
and
the
Master
delights
to
bee
deep
in
his
counsels
,
and
pleaseth
himself
in
this
form
of
managing
affaires
,
which
you
see
is
now
used
.
I
have
many
times
told
him
(
and
others
also
)
my
opinion
,
but
cannot
bring
them
to
it
.
If
I
should
take
a
course
to
crosse
and
force
them
,
How
dangerous
were
it
?
Yea
,
what
concurrence
or
assistance
should
I
have
?
Or
,
of
whose
friendship
could
I
assure
my self
?
Maxwell
,
you
know
what
his
respects
are
:
and
what
Religion
he
is
of
.
I
can
never
forget
the
Watch-word
he
gave
at
Fawkirk
,
whereby
he
did
plainly
professe
his
disposition
to
superstition
,
Saint
Andrew
was
it
.
And
who
knowes
what
intention
he
hath
to
retain
the
title
of
the
Earle
of
Morton
.
As
for
your
Chief
(
the
Lord
Hume
)
dare
we
think
better
of
him
?
My
brother-in-law
(
the
Earle
Bothwell
)
how
uncertain
is
hee
?
What
ado
had
I
to
retaine
him
at
Fawkirk
?
And
what
trouble
have
I
still
to
keep
him
in
good
order
?
There
is
onely
one
,
of
whose
stedfastnesse
and
friendship
I
dare
assure
my self
,
as
much
as
of
my self
,
who
is
loving
,
faithfull
and
constant
,
and
that
is
the
Earle
of
Marre
:
yet
hee
hath
been
so
tossed
with
troubles
already
,
that
he
is
loath
to
intangle
himself
a
new
,
if
it
can
be
avoided
any
way
.
And
why
should
not
I
be
as
loath
to
put
him
to
any
hazard
,
or
to
occasion
any
trouble
to
him
,
contrary
to
his
disposition
?
GOD
forbid
,
but
that
I
should
▪
bee
as
carefull
of
him
as
hee
is
of
himself
.
And
concerning
their
proceedings
;
as
I
do
not
approve
them
altogether
,
so
dare
I
not
condemne
them
altogether
.
Wee
have
to
doe
with
our
Prince
;
what
should
we
not
doe
to
gain
him
by
all
faire
and
Gentle
meanes
?
Wee
ought
not
to
crosse
or
thrall
his
will
,
but
to
draw
it
easily
to
a
better
temper
;
and
not
so
much
oppose
him
,
as
by
complying
with
his
inclination
a
little
,
to
winde
him
from
that
ill
way
and
course
hee
hath
beene
set
upon
.
He
desires
to
bee
at
liberty
,
and
to
bee
knowne
to
bee
so
,
and
it
approves
and
justifies
our
proceedings
to
have
it
so
,
and
testifies
to
him
and
to
the
world
,
our
love
and
obedience
,
and
what
our
mindes
have
been
from
the
beginning
toward
him
.
Hee
promiseth
not
to
withdraw
himself
from
us
,
to
joyne
with
others
;
our
trusting
of
his
promise
will
deserve
that
hee
should
continue
with
us
,
and
will
gaine
his
affection
,
which
is
a
surer
bond
than
a
guard
placed
about
him
;
which
would
entertaine
mutuall
suspition
,
and
move
him
to
seek
meanes
of
freeing
himself
from
us
:
and
hardly
could
any
guard
bee
so
kept
,
but
that
one
set
to
escape
,
might
●…inde
a
way
for
it
;
not
to
speak
of
the
charges
that
were
required
to
entertaine
it
.
Neither
need
wee
to
feare
much
,
though
hee
had
a
minde
to
forsake
us
;
for
wee
know
who
would
or
could
bee
our
partie
,
and
what
forces
they
have
.
That
there
are
some
suffered
to
remaine
about
him
,
who
are
no
good
friends
to
us
,
nay
,
who
have
been
evill
instruments
against
us
,
proceeds
from
the
same
ground
:
for
it
is
done
,
that
himself
and
others
may
see
his
liberty
,
and
what
confidence
wee
have
in
him
.
That
the
state
of
the
Ministery
is
not
brought
to
that
point
which
we
wish
:
wee
cannot
get
it
done
suddenly
,
except
wee
will
plain●…y
and
directly
enforce
his
will
:
and
how
many
would
agree
or
concurre
to
that
?
But
wee
hope
to
work
it
with
his
owne
consent
in
time
:
for
the
Ministery
insist
in
their
right
,
and
he
commits
them
;
and
wee
intercede
and
mitigate
his
anger
so
farre
,
that
it
proceeds
onely
to
a
short
and
easie
confinement
or
imprisoning
.
In
the
mean
time
,
they
have
leasure
to
informe
him
,
and
hee
of
himself
will
be
wearied
with
such
continuall
opposition
;
and
will
give
way
to
settle
such
a
course
as
they
desire
;
and
so
it
will
be
better
and
more
durable
,
than
if
it
should
now
bee
extorted
from
him
by
any
show
of
compulsion
.
These
bee
the
grounds
,
upon
which
such
as
think
themselves
very
wise
amongst
us
,
build
their
work
;
which
though
it
be
not
so
framed
,
as
to
give
every
man
present
satisfaction
(
who
knowes
not
what
their
way
is
?
or
if
they
knew
,
allowes
not
of
it
?
)
yet
when
they
shall
finde
the
effects
thereof
,
they
will
think
better
of
them
.
Neither
are
they
afraid
to
want
the
assistance
of
such
as
are
honestly
affected
,
in
case
wee
should
bee
assaulted
by
any
;
for
they
cannot
betake
themselves
to
any
other
,
having
none
else
from
whom
they
can
look
for
any
good
in
the
least
measure
:
nay
,
who
is
there
besides
,
that
hath
no●…
a
very
bad
meaning
?
And
wee
,
though
wee
doe
not
all
the
good
●…hey
would
;
yet
are
wee
doing
somewhat
,
and
keep
off
much
evill
;
and
therefore
they
will
●…ather
take
part
with
us
,
than
suffer
all
to
go
to
wrack
.
You
may
happly
think
that
you
have
much
to
say
against
this
:
but
(
as
I
said
before
)
though
I
approve
not
all
,
yet
I
do
not
condemne
all
;
so
I
say
now
,
though
I
report
all
,
yet
I
doe
not
approve
of
all
;
and
doe
confesse
that
wee
should
doe
much
more
,
and
it
were
better
if
wee
could
agree
to
it
,
and
bee
all
of
one
minde
.
Yet
this
is
the
wisedome
of
our
deepest
and
profoundest
Politicians
,
whom
I
am
resolved
not
to
crosse
nor
presse
any
more
,
but
to
take
my
hazard
amongst
the
rest
;
and
I
doe
hope
,
GOD
will
provide
for
me
as
well
as
for
them
,
and
that
my
part
shall
bee
as
well
known
every
way
to
honest
men
.
And
therefore
we
will
have
no
more
objections
nor
reasoning
at
this
time
.
Well
,
my
Lord
(
said
the
other
)
it
shall
bee
so
then
;
wee
shall
reason
no
more
of
this
Subject
.
Indeed
your
Lordships
part
is
best
interpreted
,
save
that
they
think
that
your
authority
should
be
of
greater
moment
(
as
you
may
see
by
this
Letter
)
and
that
you
should
rather
go
before
all
,
than
follow
any
.
This
one
thing
give
me
leave
to
remember
concerning
the
King
;
Hee
is
the
most
apparent
instrument
that
is
in
Europe
(
and
so
in
the
world
)
of
whom
wee
can
expect
greatest
good
and
comfort
to
the
Church
of
GOD
;
as
being
the
onely
King
that
hath
been
bred
in
the
purity
and
sincerity
of
Religigion
,
and
therefore
of
great
expectation
;
and
because
of
this
expectation
,
greatly
favoured
and
beloved
of
all
true
Professours
of
Religion
every
where
:
He
is
of
a
great
spirit
,
ingine
,
wit
,
judgement
,
and
learning
.
Great
pity
therefore
it
were
,
that
such
an
one
should
be
lost
,
either
through
corruption
creeping
into
his
own
minde
,
or
by
the
poysonable
suggestions
of
others
.
You
doe
therefore
exceeding
well
to
cherish
him
calmly
,
and
to
entreat
him
gently
,
and
deale
with
him
in
an
humble
and
submisse
manner
;
which
is
the
way
to
tame
and
gaine
even
wilde-beasts
that
are
without
reason
;
farre
more
is
it
like
to
prevaile
with
reasonable
men
;
and
most
of
all
with
Princes
,
who
in
respect
of
the
height
of
their
place
,
are
not
to
be
violently
thralled
or
enforced
,
which
were
the
way
to
spoyle
them
:
as
they
write
of
Alexanders
horse
Bucephalus
,
whom
Philips
riders
could
not
manage
or
over-master
by
force
of
bit
or
bridle
,
but
Alexander
by
stroking
and
making
much
of
him
,
made
him
manageable
.
And
if
ever
you
intend
any
worthy
or
great
enterprise
in
this
Countrey
or
in
Europe
,
behold
the
mean
,
use
it
wisely
,
and
the
LORD
of
Heaven
give
successe
.
But
this
(
I
hope
)
may
be
suggested
to
your
consideration
,
that
you
would
weigh
with
your selves
,
and
see
whether
or
not
this
obsequiousnesse
(
so
to
term
it
)
be
the
onely
mean
to
be
used
toward
him
,
smoothing
all
,
and
allowing
all
;
never
mentioning
the
abuses
that
have
been
,
and
yet
are
in
this
Countrey
;
or
if
it
be
not
fit
also
to
remonstrate
freely
(
though
reverently
)
what
hath
been
,
or
(
perhaps
)
yet
is
amisse
in
Religion
and
the
common-wealth
,
in
some
such
forme
as
is
set
down
here
in
the
end
of
this
Letter
.
And
whether
it
bee
fit
or
tolerable
for
the
gaining
of
him
to
a
right
course
that
such
men
as
have
no
good
meaning
,
have
his
eare
,
and
bee
his
most
intimate
and
●…nward
Councellours
.
Now
I
feare
mee
greatly
that
the
meane
by
which
they
have
perverted
all
,
and
which
may
be
still
used
to
pervert
all
,
and
whereby
they
have
gained
most
upon
his
tender
age
,
is
the
eye
he
hath
to
our
neighbour
Kingdome
of
England
,
upon
which
his
minde
is
greatly
set
,
and
to
which
(
no
question
)
he
hath
the
right
of
succession
;
yet
hath
he
need
of
assistance
to
obtaine
the
possession
thereof
.
And
they
perswade
him
(
as
hee
may
also
thinke
of
himselfe
)
that
this
cannot
be
done
without
helpe
from
the
Papists
in
England
,
France
,
Spaine
,
Italie
,
and
from
Rome
it selfe
;
and
that
the
way
to
make
them
to
be
for
him
,
is
to
put
them
in
hope
of
him
,
by
(
perhaps
)
a
present
toleration
,
countenancing
,
cherishing
,
and
advancing
of
their
Religion
.
And
this
(
he
may
thinke
)
cannot
stand
with
the
puritie
of
Discipline
,
and
Government
of
our
Church
,
which
may
make
him
the
more
averse
,
and
hardly
affected
toward
it
,
and
thinke
it
fit
to
curbe
it
,
and
so
the
more
to
encline
to
Episcopacie
;
by
which
as
he
shall
more
please
the
Statesmen
of
England
,
so
shall
he
be
able
the
more
to
restraine
our
Preachers
,
and
their
freedome
of
speech
,
and
the
more
freely
deale
and
trafficke
with
Papists
,
and
so
make
use
of
all
sorts
of
people
,
because
he
may
thinke
all
sorts
necessary
for
his
ends
,
whereas
(
indeed
)
none
of
these
are
of
great
consequence
.
For
Papists
that
are
without
the
Countrey
(
as
France
or
Spaine
)
will
never
in
their
hearts
wish
him
to
be
King
of
England
.
France
for
his
nearnesse
to
them
will
not
desire
that
he
be
so
great
,
in
respect
of
hi●…
claime
to
their
owne
Countrey
,
and
because
so
the
league
with
Scotland
will
fall
,
and
they
shall
want
the
assistance
of
the
Scots
against
that
title
.
Spaine
pretends
a
title
themselves
,
which
the
Papists
in
England
will
rather
set
forward
then
hinder
.
Such
Papists
as
are
within
the
Island
are
of
small
force
,
and
almost
of
none
yet
in
Scotland
,
and
not
so
many
in
England
as
to
counterpoise
the
Protestants
.
Bishops
there
stand
by
the
State
,
not
the
State
by
them
;
men
of
meane
birth
,
no
great
riches
,
lesse
following
,
attendance
,
or
friendship
;
easie
to
be
framed
to
what
course
he
pleaseth
,
their
life-time
being
reserved
,
or
without
condition
.
Those
that
seek
Reformation
are
the
strength
of
that
Countrey
,
and
certainly
the
wisest
in
it
,
of
greatest
power
by
the
peoples
favour
,
and
credit
in
Parliament
,
and
every
where
.
Your
Lordship
hath
seene
the
lettter
directed
to
you
all
from
some
of
them
,
containing
their
judgement
,
not
to
be
contemned
:
gaine
these
,
gaine
that
Countrey
.
This
(
as
it
is
the
truth
)
would
be
imprinted
in
his
minde
by
such
persons
and
meanes
as
are
fit
,
and
others
removed
,
who
perswade
him
otherwise
,
and
his
Majestie
made
to
know
,
that
by
blending
and
mingling
of
Religions
,
or
by
professing
,
or
seeming
to
favour
and
incline
to
a
contrary
Religion
,
hee
cannot
attaine
to
that
Kingdome
.
That
hee
is
happy
in
this
,
that
the
professing
and
advancing
of
the
true
Religion
is
most
profitable
for
his
honour
,
and
prosperous
estate
in
the
world
,
and
the
best
meane
to
preserve
his
owne
,
and
to
attaine
another
Kingdome
.
Neither
doth
hee
stand
in
need
of
any
bastard
,
or
spurious
policie
,
or
farre
sought
,
profane
,
or
wicked
course
;
a
plaine
and
sincere
uprightnesse
,
in
maintaining
justice
,
pietie
and
religion
in
this
his
present
Kingdome
,
will
serve
his
turne
;
and
the
more
seriously
,
fully
,
and
exactly
that
he
observe
and
follow
this
way
,
it
will
increase
his
credit
and
reputation
so
much
the
more
there
,
and
facilitate
his
designes
.
And
this
is
that
which
will
most
throughly
joyne
him
to
your
Lordship
,
as
the
opinion
of
the
contrarie
is
the
most
effectuall
meane
that
ever
they
can
use
to
dis-joyne
him
from
you
.
From
the
same
ground
it
arises
to
be
considered
,
whether
it
be
fit
to
suffer
his
Majestie
and
the
Ministerie
to
bee
at
such
variance
,
they
finding
fault
with
him
,
and
he
committing
and
confining
them
;
and
if
it
be
not
to
be
feared
that
it
beget
in
him
a
loathing
of
them
,
and
in
them
and
the
Countrey
a
wearinesse
of
him
:
And
whether
(
therefore
)
it
were
not
better
to
interpose
your
credit
to
informe
him
freely
and
truly
,
then
thus
to
looke
through
your
fingers
(
as
wee
speake
)
and
behold
things
,
and
onely
now
and
then
procure
some
little
reliefe
to
them
▪
which
forme
of
dealing
rather
fosters
the
rancour
,
then
remedies
it
,
seeing
the
King
gets
not
the
thanks
of
it
himselfe
.
Certainely
if
I
were
a
Politician
,
an
ill
affected
Statesman
,
and
had
a
desire
to
make
way
for
another
intrant
,
I
would
take
this
course
to
incense
him
,
and
irritate
him
against
the
Ministerie
,
that
hee
might
commit
them
;
or
at
least
feed
and
foster
his
disposition
herein
,
that
so
hee
might
bee
brought
to
loathe
them
,
and
to
bee
loathed
of
them
,
and
so
take
away
that
great
expectation
men
had
of
his
Religion
,
and
their
love
to
him
for
it
:
I
would
separate
and
divide
him
from
such
,
and
such
from
him
;
then
bring
him
to
a
neutralitie
in
Religion
;
then
to
countenance
men
of
contrary
Religion
;
then
stirre
suspicions
on
each
side
;
then
alienation
would
follow
;
and
what
not
?
But
as
I
am
,
out
of
my
poore
affection
toward
his
Majestie
,
I
doe
wish
that
these
occasions
were
taken
away
.
I
wish
(
I
say
)
that
your
Lordship
see
to
it
,
as
you
would
have
things
right
,
and
out
of
that
minde
you
spake
of
,
which
was
,
that
you
have
the
honour
to
bee
nearer
in
kinne
to
him
,
then
to
any
King
that
can
come
after
him
;
howbeit
your
Lordship
is
in
the
same
degree
of
kindred
with
the
next
apparent
,
my
Lord
Hammiltouns
children
.
But
you
desire
no
change
,
I
know
,
and
that
it
may
continue
in
the
present
race
,
as
I
am
perswaded
that
Hammiltoun
himselfe
hath
no
other
minde
:
yet
the
matter
is
worthy
your
Lordships
consideration
,
so
much
the
more
,
as
ye
have
had
experience
how
farre
evill
company
about
him
hath
had
power
alreadie
to
make
things
goe
on
.
I
leave
it
,
and
rest
,
as
having
no
part
or
particular
save
onely
to
wish
well
,
and
to
follow
,
as
your
Lordship
goes
before
.
In
the
meane
time
I
have
also
here
a
note
(
of
a
sheet
of
paper
or
two
)
concerning
the
abuses
in
the
Church
and
Common-wealth
,
sent
to
me
by
master
James
Melvin
,
to
be
(
I
know
)
imparted
to
your
Lordship
:
you
may
lay
it
by
you
,
and
reade
it
when
you
have
leasure
,
for
your
remembrance
.
This
hee
tooke
;
and
having
read
a
little
of
it
,
with
a
deepe
sigh
,
(
which
expressed
the
inward
passion
of
his
heart
)
God
knowes
my
part
(
sayes
hee
)
I
shall
neglect
nothing
that
is
possible
for
mee
to
doe
;
and
would
to
God
the
King
knew
my
heart
,
how
I
am
affected
to
his
welfare
,
and
would
give
eare
to
mee
.
But
,
&c.
Many
times
was
hee
most
earnestly
dealt
with
to
take
more
upon
him
,
to
frequent
the
Court
more
,
and
to
make
his
residence
at
it
;
especially
by
Sir
Lewis
Ballandine
.
His
pretext
was
the
common
cause
,
and
the
good
of
it
;
but
it
proceeded
from
a
particular
betwixt
him
and
master
John
Metellane
,
then
Secretarie
,
who
had
crossed
him
in
some
suite
hee
had
concerning
Orkney
,
and
drawne
the
halfe
of
it
to
his
owne
use
.
For
which
cause
hee
endeavoured
to
employ
the
same
Gentleman
to
have
perswaded
my
Lord
to
that
purpose
:
but
he
knowing
both
my
Lords
inabilitie
of
body
,
and
aversenesse
of
minde
,
told
him
sincerely
and
plainly
which
way
my
Lord
was
inclined
;
and
that
his
disposition
was
not
to
be
drawn
by
any
man
farther
then
he
thought
fit
,
out
of
his
owne
discourse
of
reason
.
And
for
his
owne
part
,
hee
was
to
follow
his
Lordship
,
and
not
to
goe
before
him
,
or
prescribe
him
what
he
should
doe
.
Sir
Lewis
grieved
very
much
hereat
,
having
beene
familiar
with
him
of
old
,
and
complained
to
his
friends
,
that
the
Earle
of
Angus
was
too
slow
,
and
that
he
had
one
with
him
that
was
as
slow
as
himselfe
.
Not
long
after
,
the
infirmitie
of
his
body
increasing
,
and
his
strength
and
health
decreasing
,
he
was
seldome
able
to
come
to
Court
,
and
could
not
stay
long
at
it
when
he
did
come
.
I
finde
(
in
a
note
of
those
times
)
that
at
the
Parliament
holden
in
Edinburgh
1587.
(
in
June
)
there
was
some
dispute
betwixt
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
and
Master
of
Glames
.
But
I
remember
no
such
thing
,
neither
doe
I
know
how
there
could
bee
any
publicke
dissention
(
either
in
this
,
or
any
other
thing
)
howbeit
they
differed
in
judgement
concerning
the
guiding
O●…
State
affaires
,
yet
I
see
not
how
that
could
come
to
any
publicke
contention
.
His
associates
propounded
to
him
to
accept
the
Office
of
Chancellour
,
James
Stuart
.
This
hee
did
familiarly
impart
to
the
former
Gentleman
,
and
asked
his
opinion
therein
.
Hee
answered
plainly
,
That
it
was
indeed
the
most
fit
place
for
him
,
as
being
the
most
honourable
Office
in
the
Kingdome
,
by
which
he
might
doe
most
good
offices
to
his
Countrey
,
in
Councell
,
Session
,
and
elsewhere
;
and
that
by
that
occasion
it
brought
great
dependance
,
and
many
followers
:
That
it
had
beene
before
in
the
hands
of
his
Predecessours
,
as
of
Earle
Archbald
the
first
(
called
Bell
the
Cat
)
and
of
late
in
the
Earle
of
Mortons
,
before
he
was
Regent
.
Hee
answered
,
that
it
required
skill
in
the
lawes
,
and
more
learning
then
hee
had
.
It
was
replied
,
that
(
in
very
deed
)
much
learning
was
not
absolutely
necessary
;
that
it
was
not
knowne
what
learning
Archbald
the
first
had
,
and
it
is
not
likely
that
hee
had
much
.
But
it
was
well
knowne
that
the
Earle
of
Morton
had
very
little
,
or
none
at
all
to
speake
of
,
not
so
much
in
the
Latine
tongue
as
he
himselfe
had
;
and
yet
hee
had
discharged
the
Office
with
credit
.
A
naturall
judgement
to
conceive
and
resume
the
question
,
and
the
reasons
of
each
side
,
is
more
needfull
in
a
Chancellour
then
learning
,
his
part
being
properly
to
doe
that
,
whereas
the
decision
seldome
hangs
upon
his
vote
.
Or
if
it
come
to
that
,
learning
does
not
alwayes
the
turne
,
knowledge
of
the
customes
of
the
Countrey
is
more
requisite
,
and
is
onely
required
in
Councell
.
As
for
the
Session
businesse
,
the
President
does
commonly
supply
the
Chancellours
roome
.
Besides
,
seeing
that
ordinarily
the
question
is
not
ended
at
the
first
hearing
,
what
is
difficult
may
be
advised
,
and
tossed
by
whom
your
Lordship
pleaseth
,
before
the
next
hearing
.
And
although
you
finde
not
that
full
sufficiencie
for
the
present
,
which
you
could
wish
,
yet
time
and
custome
will
bring
experience
,
and
experience
beget
knowledge
.
And
this
is
said
to
have
beene
observed
of
the
Earle
of
Morton
,
that
having
beene
rude
enough
at
first
,
he
became
afterward
very
skilfull
,
and
as
able
and
sufficient
as
any
man
in
the
Kingdome
:
and
therefore
your
Lordship
needs
not
to
distrust
or
diffide
your selfe
in
the
like
case
.
Well
(
saies
my
Lord
)
I
know
not
what
dexteritie
either
of
them
hath
had
:
and
as
for
the
Earle
of
Morton
,
though
he
wanted
letters
,
yet
hee
was
of
a
singular
judgement
,
and
rare
wisedome
,
scarce
to
be
matched
by
any
in
this
age
.
But
for
my
owne
part
(
as
I
yet
thinke
)
neither
am
I
able
for
the
present
to
discharge
it
,
neither
doe
I
thinke
it
fit
to
enter
into
an
Office
before
I
have
learned
what
belongs
to
it
;
neither
can
I
digest
to
doe
it
by
others
,
seeing
I
ought
to
doe
it
my selfe
:
yet
I
shall
advise
.
The
conclusion
was
,
he
rejected
it
,
and
thereupon
it
was
given
to
William
Douglas
of
Ively
,
a
young
Gentleman
of
my
Lords
family
;
for
which
incircumspection
,
he
was
soundly
chid
by
him
,
as
having
thereby
hazarded
his
owne
person
,
and
his
Lords
honour
.
After
this
he
came
to
Langhop
,
where
his
infirmity
having
continued
long
,
and
being
now
increased
through
travell
,
it
grew
at
last
to
a
formed
disease
.
Wherefore
hee
was
carried
from
thence
to
Smeeton
,
(
neare
to
Dalkeith
)
a
house
belonging
to
James
Richison
,
of
whom
wee
have
spoken
before
.
His
care
of
the
good
of
the
Church
(
which
was
ever
in
his
mouth
during
his
sicknesse
)
shewed
that
it
lay
nearest
to
his
heart
of
all
other
things
.
There
hee
departed
out
of
this
transitory
life
,
with
great
comfort
to
himselfe
,
and
great
griefe
of
all
honest
men
,
and
with
a
generall
regreting
of
all
men
;
there
being
none
such
an
enemy
to
him
,
or
who
did
so
envie
or
hate
him
,
as
not
to
professe
and
expresse
his
sorrow
for
his
death
:
King
,
Courtiers
,
Noblemen
,
Barons
,
Burgesses
,
Commons
;
men
of
all
degrees
,
ranke
,
qualitie
and
condition
,
did
lament
him
:
such
was
the
forceable
power
of
vertue
in
him
.
Of
which
wee
will
say
no
more
,
onely
we
will
set
downe
this
following
Elogium
to
be
considered
by
the
Reader
,
then
which
nothing
can
bee
said
more
true
:
Here
therefore
let
it
remaine
as
a
witnesse
of
his
vertue
,
and
the
Writers
deserved
affection
.
Morte
jacet
saevâ
Angusius
,
spes
illa
bonorum
,
Terror
malorum
maximus
:
Yet
were
not
the
aspersions
of
his
enemies
(
if
hee
had
any
such
)
of
any
moment
or
consequence
:
I
say
,
if
he
had
any
,
for
he
had
no
private
enemies
who
hated
him
,
or
bore
him
any
ill
will
for
his
owne
cause
;
onely
such
as
were
enemies
to
the
Countrey
,
and
the
true
Religion
,
hated
him
as
a
main
pillar
,
and
supporter
of
these
.
The
greatest
objection
they
had
against
him
(
I
mean
that
carried
any
show
of
truth
)
was
his
modestie
,
(
which
they
termed
slownesse
)
but
after
his
death
,
all
mouthes
were
closed
.
The
love
which
was
generally
borne
to
him
was
exceeding
great
,
both
for
his
house
and
families
sake
(
which
was
ever
the
most
popular
in
this
Kingdome
of
all
other
names
)
as
also
,
and
that
no
lesse
for
his
owne
vertue
,
and
personall
humanitie
and
courtesie
.
He
was
of
a
blackish
and
swart
complexion
,
tall'of
stature
,
and
of
a
slender
body
,
but
well
proportioned
and
straight
limmed
;
of
a
weake
and
tender
constitution
,
and
not
very
able
to
endure
travell
,
but
having
courage
enough
,
and
willingnesse
to
undergoe
.
His
death
was
ascribed
to
witchcraft
:
and
one
Barbary
Nepair
in
Edinburgh
(
wife
to
Archbald
Douglas
,
of
the
house
of
Casshogle
)
was
apprehended
on
suspition
,
but
I
know
not
whether
shee
was
convicted
of
it
or
not
:
onely
it
was
reported
that
she
was
found
guiltie
,
and
that
the
execution
was
deferred
,
because
she
was
with
childe
,
but
afterward
,
no
body
insisting
in
the
pursuit
of
her
,
shee
was
set
at
libertie
.
Anna
Simson
,
a
famous
witch
,
is
reported
to
have
confessed
at
her
death
,
that
a
picture
of
waxe
was
brought
to
her
,
having
A.
D.
written
on
it
,
which
(
as
they
said
to
her
)
did
signifie
Archbald
Davidson
,
and
(
shee
not
thinking
of
the
Earle
of
Angus
,
whose
name
was
Archbald
Douglas
,
and
might
have
beene
called
Davidson
,
because
his
fathers
name
was
David
)
did
consecrate
or
execrate
it
,
after
her
forme
,
which
(
she
said
)
if
she
had
knowne
to
have
represented
him
,
she
would
not
have
done
it
for
all
the
world
.
He
died
the
day
of
1588.
yeares
:
his
body
was
buried
in
Abernathie
,
and
his
heart
in
Douglas
,
by
his
owne
direction
.
He
is
the
last
Earle
of
the
race
of
George
,
entitled
Master
of
Angus
,
who
was
slain
at
Flowdon
,
&c.
Of
Archbald
the
ninth
Earle
of
Angus
.
Angus
by
cruell
death
lies
here
,
Archibaldus
Duglassius
Angusius
.
OLim
saeva
truci
dente
calumnia
Clam
vanas
ad
opes
fraude
viam
struens
Mussabat
,
posito
aut
palam
pudore
Jactabat
caput
in
me●…m
:
(
O
si
non
nimium
credita
!
)
Crimina
,
Foeda
atrociaque
infandaque
crimina
,
Aut
Diro
Lepedo
,
aut
fero
Cethegi
Patrandum
genio
nefas
.
Quos
caecis
stimulis
ambitio
impotens
,
Aut
aestu
rabies
fervida
pectoris
,
Auri
aut
sacra
mali
fames
in
omne
,
Egit
praecipites
scelus
.
Moliri
in
patriam
incendia
,
spicula
In
patrem
patriae
,
sanctaque
numina
Regum
alti
solio
Jovae
locata
Celsis
pellere
sedibus
:
Regni
praesidium
,
spem
,
decus
exsterae
Genti
ludibrium
tradere
,
civium
Vota
,
&
pontificis
(
nefas
)
tyranni
,
Romae
degeneris
metum
.
O
linguae
improbitas
,
callida
nectere
Fraudes
,
insidias
,
exitium
bonis
:
Regum
aures
animosque
suspicaces
,
Ficto
ludere
crimine
.
Haec
cuncti
cumulum
flagitii
manus
Patrare
?
haec
facinus
mens
coquere
impium
!
Haec
coctum
potuit
probare
?
pectus
Hoc
conscire
nefas
sibi
.
At
me
qui
sapiens
intima
sensuum
Scrutaris
Deus
(
&
quisquis
erat
mihi
Arcani
penito
sinu
reposti
Testis
)
crimine
liberas
.
Vitae
perpetuus
compositae
tenor
,
Mens
legum
patiens
,
imperii
jugum
Justi
legitimum
subire
mitis
;
Cunctis
cedere
lenitas
:
Non
claros
atavos
stemmate
regio
,
Regnatasque
atavis
penè
provincias
Et
belli
decora
,
&
feri
triumphis
Partam
Martis
adoream
:
Non
longo
titulos
ordine
turgidos
,
Arces
pennigeris
turribus
arduas
,
Non
turbam
numerans
gravem
clientum
,
aut
Latis
praedia
finibus
.
Nudi
simplicitas
candida
pectoris
Et
semper
similis
cana
fides
sui
,
Fraudes
impietas
licet
,
dolosque
Laudans
clam
sibi
rideat
.
Sincerae
rigidè
justitiae
tenax
Dextra
,
a
flagitio
libera
,
sanguinis
Expers
innocui
,
doli
rapinae
,
Solis
noxia
furibus
.
Archbald
Douglas
Earle
of
Angus
.
BLack
slander
erst
her
ends
to
gaine
,
Employ'd
her
Art
to
wound
my
name
Low
whispers
were
her
secret
traine
,
Her
open
force
lies
void
of
shame
.
O!
that
they
had
lesse
credit
found
,
As
from
the
thought
my
heart
was
free
;
Lepidus
nor
Cethegus
own'd
Such
mischiefs
as
were
charg'd
on
me
:
Whom
love
of
vengeance
set
on
fire
,
Or
blinde
ambition
overswaid
,
Or
hope
of
riches
or
desire
Of
pleasure
,
t'
every
vice
betraid
,
As
if
my
soul
such
plots
had
knowne
As
would
a
publicke
ruine
bring
By
justling
from
his
sacred
Throne
My
Countreyes
father
,
a●…d
my
King
.
And
so
to
forraigne
scorne
expose
The
Kingdomes
glory
,
shield
and
hope
;
The
peoples
joy
and
dayly
vowes
,
The
scourge
and
terrour
of
the
Pope
.
Thus
wicked
tongues
with
cunning
Art
Weave
nets
,
the
innocent
to
catch
,
And
to
the
jealous
eare
impart
Fain'd
treasons
,
which
their
fanciesatch
.
So
base
a
villanie
to
act
Was
it
,
for
such
a
hand
as
mine
,
Or
could
my
breast
contrive
the
fact
,
Or
conscious
be
of
the
black
sinne
.
But
I
appeale
my
God
to
thee
,
Who
know'st
my
heart
,
and
to
those
friends
Who
were
most
intimate
with
me
,
How
much
I
loath'd
unworthy
ends
.
The
constant
tenour
of
my
life
,
Was
calme
obedience
to
the
will
Of
rightfull
power
:
detesting
strife
I
shunn'd
(
more
then
resisted
)
ill
.
Though
my
descent
from
Kings
I
drew
,
And
in
my
Grandsiers
well
might
see
A
Princely
power
,
none
ever
knew
A
bragging
vanitie
in
me
.
No
emptie
titles
fill'd
my
minde
With
hatefull
pride
;
nor
stately
tops
Of
Towr's
,
large
fields
,
nor
troups
of
kinde
And
humble
followers
,
swell'd
my
hopes
.
An
equall
vertue
led
my
way
,
A
spotlesse
truth
adorn'd
my
heart
,
Let
wicked
falsehood
boast
and
say
;
Loe
what
I
compast
by
my
Art
.
By
me
sincere
strict
Justice
dwelt
,
From
guiltlesse
bloud
my
hand
was
free
,
No
wrong
my
harmlesse
neighbour
felt
,
Onely
theeves
punisht
were
by
mee
.
Ad
Archibaldum
tertium
,
cum
post
primum
exilium
reversus
,
ultra
Speiam
Elginii
in
Moravia
relegatus
esset
.
NUper
fortunae
varias
experte
procellas
Angusie
,
&
velis
aequora
iniqua
tuis
:
Nuper
in
immenso
pelagi
jactate
profundo
:
Obruteque
insanis
pene
voraginibus
:
Nunc
quoque
nescio
quos
iterum
subiture
labores
,
Quicquid
id
est
sorti
pectore
perfer
onus
.
Discute
tristitiae
nebulas
;
frontemque
serena
:
Anxietas
animo
sit
procul
atra
tuo
:
Pelle
graves
curas
,
proper
antem
&
parce
sever●…
Sponte
suâ
fati
praecipitare
diem
:
Degeneres
animos
flatus
levis
aura
sinistri
De●…icit
,
aeternis
in
tenebrisque
premit
:
At
mala
cum
pungunt
,
tuleris
si
fortiter
illa
:
Materiesque
tibi
causaque
laudis
erunt
.
Scilic
et
ille
viros
dignus
numerarier
inter
:
Hunc
sequitur
firmo
gloria
celsa
pede
:
Cui
dejecit
mutatum
nubila
vultum
,
Blanda
nec
in
fastus
sustulit
aura
leves
:
Qui
solidum
vitae
servans
,
certumque
tenorem
,
Robore
fortunam
vicit
utramque
pari
.
Ut
fremat
hinc
Boreas
,
illinc
ruat
Eurus
&
auster
,
Et
quatiat
timidam
fluctibus
unda
ratem
:
Illa
tamen
medios
inter
secura
tumultus
Aetheris
;
&
rapidi
vimque
minasque
freti
,
Saepe
tenet
cursum
optatum
,
portuque
potita
Despicit
irati
murmura
rauca
maris
.
Hinc
cape
non
obscura
tuae
exemplaria
vitae
Dura
:
nec
rebus
cedere
disce
malis
.
Magnis
te
quoque
junge
viris
:
quid
passus
Ulysses
?
Exul
in
ignoto
nudus
inopsque
solo
.
Quid
cui
Roma
suae
tulit
incunabula
gentis
?
Queis
sua
in
Adriaco
Troia
renata
mari
?
At
quid
ego
haec
antiqua
?
quid
&
peregrina
recordor
?
Ditior
exemplis
stat
patria
alta
suis
:
Stat
genus
ordine
longo
:
atavos
age
,
respice
,
avosque
,
Quot
sunt
Duglasiae
nomina
magne
domus
:
Quot
bello
insignesque
duces
;
&
fortibus
armis
Heroes
;
saecli
gloria
quisque
sui
.
Quem
non
nobilitat
virtus
afflicta
?
polo
quem
Non
aequat
?
numera
:
vix
reor
,
unus
erit
.
Omnis
turba
salo
fortunae
exercita
,
&
omnes
Passa
vices
,
versae
ludibriumque
rotae
:
Quas
pax
infida
insidias
,
discrimina
bellum
Quaeque
habet
exilii
taedia
,
longa
dies
:
Nec
nisi
post
exantlatos
,
venere
,
labores
,
Otia
;
nec
nisi
post
dura
pericla
quies
.
Te
quoque
defunctum
,
confide
,
laboribus
olim
Laetior
excipiet
,
candidiorque
dies
.
Securusque
inter
dulces
memorabis
amicos
,
Tu
quoque
fortunae
tristitia
factatuae
.
Tristia
nunc
:
sed
quae
tunc
&
meminisse
juvabit
:
Agnosse
&
decoris
prima
elementa
tui
:
Hac
itum
:
hac
quicunque
alta
affectabit
,
eundum
est
:
Hâc
te
sublimi
,
gloria
celsa
,
via
Sistet
avos
supra
,
atque
atavos
,
accingere
:
O
te
Quo
sors
!
quo
virtus
!
quo
Deus
ipse
vocat
!
Fallor
?
an
heroas
supra
priscosque
futurosque
Tollere
te
tanta
sydera
mole
parant
Virtuti
labor
est
comes
:
ire
per
ardua
rerum
Gaudet
&
invicto
fata
superba
gradu
.
Aude
ingens
,
jam
nunc
superi
ad
templa
ardui
Olympi
Carpere
,
qua
pronum
semita
monstrat
iter
:
Aude
,
inquam
,
nec
tu
surgentia
nubila
ventis
Aethera
terram
,
undas
tartarave
ipsa
time
.
Tantum
,
quem
venerare
Deum
pius
,
igneus
insta
Sollicitans
;
cursus
diriget
ille
tuos
.
Ille
gubernaclo
succedet
rector
&
ille
Inveniet
facilem
per
vada
salsa
viam
Anfractusque
vagos
per
,
&
avia
,
&
invia
vitae
,
Et
brevia
,
&
syrtes
saxaque
caeca
ratem
Securam
in
placida
sistet
statione
:
perenne
Ut
teneas
celsi
flammea
templa
poli.
To
Archbald
the
third
,
when
after
his
returne
from
his
first
banishment
,
he
was
confined
to
Elgine
of
Murray
beyond
Spey
.
THou
who
but
lately
didst
endure
the
smart
Of
roughest
stormes
,
and
with
a
Pilots
art
Hast
scap'd
the
many
dangers
of
the
seas
,
O
Angus
!
now
in
place
of
wished
ease
New
troubles
come
:
I
know
not
by
what
fate
:
Keep
your
great
spirit
firme
in
every
state
.
Shake
off
sad
thoughts
,
and
let
your
looks
appear
Chearfull
,
without
the
darkning
clouds
of
fear
.
Deep
cares
expell
,
let
not
impatience
haste
Those
ills
,
which
of
themselves
approach
too
fast
.
Poor
worthlesse
soules
are
prest
below
the
weight
Of
light
afflictions
;
to
a
noble
height
In
crosse
affaires
doe
thou
thy
courage
raise
:
By
this
thou
maist
obtaine
deserved
praise
.
He
merits
honour
,
and
may
justly
be
Esteem'd
a
man
,
whom
no
adversitie
Dejects
,
nor
prosperous
successe
swels
with
pride
;
But
by
a
constant
temper
doth
abide
Still
like
himselfe
,
and
with
an
equall
minde
Both
fortunes
beares
.
Let
every
boistrous
winde
And
threatning
wave
oppose
his
labouring
oare
,
He
steeres
his
course
,
and
seekes
the
wished
shoare
,
Slighting
the
angry
waters
chiding
noise
.
Let
these
(
like
hard
)
examples
prompt
your
choice
:
Learne
to
meet
ills
,
till
you
with
all
compare
For
fortitude
admir'd
:
Ulysses
bare
Worse
harmes
then
yours
;
a
stranger
,
poore
,
alone
,
Uncloath'd
,
an
Exile
,
wandring
and
unknowne
.
Aeneas
and
Antenor
suffered
long
Ere
Rome
was
built
,
or
Venice
:
but
I
wrong
Our
owne
,
to
dwell
on
strangers
,
since
there
be
More
store
at
home
:
marke
the
whole
Progenie
Of
Douglasses
your
fathers
,
how
they
are
Fam'd
for
their
gallant
acts
in
peace
and
warre
:
Each
worthy
was
the
glory
of
his
time
:
None
without
vertue
can
to
honour
climbe
.
Looke
on
all
ages
,
you
shall
hardly
see
One
rais'd
by
fortune
,
but
through
miserie
.
Who
live
at
ease
,
and
least
disturbance
feele
,
Soone
beare
the
mock'ry
of
her
rowling
wheele
.
How
many
traines
hath
peace
?
What
discords
warre
?
What
troubles
exile
?
Yet
no
pleasures
are
O
〈◊〉
but
after
toile
;
nor
have
we
rest
Till
〈◊〉
and
difficulties
are
past
.
So
thou
,
when
this
is
past
,
hereafter
may
Injoy
at
home
a
calme
and
pleasing
day
:
And
to
your
dear
friends
chearfully
relate
The
sad
effects
of
Fortunes
sullen
hate
:
Sad
now
,
but
pleasant
to
remember
,
when
Your
prentisage
hath
brought
a
noble
gaine
.
This
is
the
way
:
would
you
a
great
name
win
?
Then
tread
the
steps
your
Grandsires
travell'd
in
.
Where
Vertue
,
Fortune
,
where
your
God
doth
call
,
Follow
:
my
thoughts
deceive
me
,
or
you
shall
Excell
those
Worthies
who
alreadie
are
,
Or
will
be
famous
:
so
the
starres
prepare
Your
youth
.
Faire
vertue
never
dwells
alone
,
Hard
labour
is
her
neare
companion
:
Un-easie
taskes
she
loves
,
and
joyes
to
beat
The
roughest
wayes
,
and
triumph
over
fate
.
Be
bold
and
onward
,
take
your
mounting
flight
,
Till
you
have
reacht
a
true
Olympian
height
.
Be
bold
,
I
say
,
and
let
no
furious
winde
,
(
Though
earth
and
hell
should
mix
)
shake
your
brave
minde
.
Onely
with
God
,
whom
you
must
still
adore
,
You
may
be
instant
,
and
his
aid
implore
:
Let
him
direct
your
course
,
and
he
will
be
Your
Pilot
through
the
waves
of
misery
,
Steering
your
barke
by
every
Rocke
and
Shelfe
:
Each
strait
and
wheeling
Poole
His
sacred
Selfe
Will
guide
the
Oare
,
first
to
a
place
of
rest
On
earth
,
then
after
death
thou
shalt
be
bl●…st
.