THE
Grounds
and
Reasons
OF
MONARCHY
Consider'd
:
And
Exemplify'd
in
the
Scotish
Line
,
out
of
their
own
best
Authors
and
Records
.
THE
PREFACE
.
THERE
is
nothing
that
has
more
confounded
Knowledge
among
men
,
than
the
reciprocal
violences
of
the
Vnderstanding
and
the
Will
;
or
,
to
speak
plainly
,
the
Passion
of
the
one
and
Blindness
of
the
other
:
Since
som
by
chance
or
interest
take
up
Principles
which
they
force
the
Vnderstanding
by
strain'd
Arguments
to
maintain
;
others
by
the
habit
of
som
Opinion
so
bewitch
the
Will
into
confederacy
,
that
they
can
never
quit
it
,
even
after
confutation
.
To
remedy
this
Disorder
,
since
I
had
resolv'd
with
my self
to
say
somthing
to
this
Point
(
which
tho
it
be
but
as
a
small
Wyre
,
yet
the
great
weight
of
civil
Felicity
lys
upon
it
)
I
knew
no
better
Method
than
to
take
the
Scales
from
the
Eys
of
the
Vnderstanding
,
and
to
shew
the
Will
how
better
to
bring
about
her
great
Design
of
Good
.
And
in
the
prosecution
of
this
,
I
would
not
skirmish
with
every
Argument
,
which
had
bin
a
thing
of
immense
slavery
,
and
not
for
every
Ey
;
but
I
chose
rather
to
strike
at
the
Foundations
,
that
the
Vnderstanding
might
lose
its
Passion
,
and
more
freely
consider
upon
what
Quicksands
they
lay
.
And
in
this
I
needed
not
to
be
positive
,
because
I
undertake
a
Task
in
which
most
Men
are
commonly
succesful
,
that
is
,
to
support
Error
rather
than
to
assert
Truth
.
Hence
I
consider
Kingship
simply
,
not
troubling
my self
to
maintain
any
other
Form
,
or
to
consider
Oaths
,
Ends
,
Changes
of
Government
,
or
the
particular
Necessity
or
Reasons
of
Safety
:
they
being
distinct
Considerations
and
Subjects
by
themselves
.
Now
if
this
negative
Method
satisfys
not
,
I
see
no
such
great
cause
to
be
discourag'd
;
for
,
I
confess
,
I
do
not
perceive
it
so
easy
a
thing
to
discover
an
Error
;
and
I
had
rather
tell
a
Man
he
was
out
of
the
way
,
than
by
endeavoring
to
bring
him
to
the
end
of
his
Journy
,
lead
him
further
about
.
And
it
is
my
opinion
,
that
as
Scepticism
is
not
only
useless
,
but
dangerous
;
if
in
setting
our
Thoughts
in
a
posture
of
Defence
,
it
makes
us
absolutely
wavering
and
incredulous
:
yet
had
I
rather
be
sceptical
in
my
Opinion
,
than
maintain
it
upon
grounds
taken
upon
trust
,
and
not
demonstrated
.
THE
Second
Part
is
merely
an
instance
accommodated
to
the
Arguments
of
the
First
,
wherin
I
would
not
be
understood
to
be
a
Writer
of
an
Epitome
(
for
I
have
other
Imployments
for
my
Time
and
Thoughts
,
and
those
nobler
too
)
but
to
set
down
a
true
Series
by
way
of
Example
;
and
therfore
I
was
only
to
note
Accesses
to
Government
,
and
Recesses
from
it
,
with
the
Effects
proceding
from
the
Persons
of
Governors
.
And
here
as
I
needed
not
much
trouble
Chronology
:
So
lest
it
might
be
a
bare
Sceleton
,
I
sprinkled
som
Observations
that
came
to
hand
,
and
seem
to
afford
either
Pleasure
or
Vse
.
Thus
much
,
lest
I
might
be
misunderstood
,
I
thought
necessary
to
premise
.
THE
Grounds
and
Reasons
OF
MONARCHY
.
The
First
Part.
I
HAVE
often
thought
it
strange
,
that
among
all
the
Governments
,
either
past
or
present
,
the
Monarchical
should
so
far
in
Extent
and
Number
excede
the
Popular
,
as
that
they
could
never
yet
com
into
comparison
.
I
could
never
be
persuaded
but
it
was
more
happy
for
a
People
to
be
dispos'd
of
by
a
number
of
Persons
jointly
interested
and
concern'd
with
them
,
than
to
be
number'd
as
the
Herd
and
Inheritance
of
One
,
to
whose
Lust
and
Madness
they
were
absolutely
subject
;
and
that
any
Man
of
the
weakest
Reason
and
Generosity
would
not
rather
chuse
for
his
Habitation
that
spot
of
Earth
where
there
was
access
to
Honor
by
Virtue
,
and
no
Worth
could
be
excluded
,
rather
than
that
where
all
Advancement
should
procede
from
the
Will
of
one
scarcely
hearing
and
seeing
with
his
own
Organs
,
and
gain'd
for
the
most
part
by
means
leud
and
indirect
:
and
all
this
in
the
end
to
amount
to
nothing
else
but
a
more
splendid
and
dangerous
Slavery
.
To
clear
this
Point
,
I
consider'd
how
inscrutably
Providence
carrys
on
the
turns
and
stops
of
all
Governments
,
so
that
most
People
rather
found
than
made
them
.
The
Constitutions
of
Men
,
som
not
fit
to
be
Masters
of
their
Liberty
,
som
not
capable
,
som
not
willing
;
the
Ambition
of
settled
Tyrants
,
who
breaking
their
own
Bonds
have
brought
in
violent
Alterations
;
and
lastly
,
civil
Discord
,
have
either
corrupted
or
alter'd
better
Settlements
.
BUT
these
are
Observations
rather
than
Arguments
,
and
relate
to
Fact
rather
than
Reason
.
That
which
astonish'd
me
most
was
to
see
those
of
this
Heroic
and
Learn'd
Age
,
not
only
not
rising
to
Thoughts
of
Liberty
,
but
instead
therof
foolishly
turning
their
Wits
and
Swords
against
themselves
in
the
maintenance
of
them
whose
Slaves
they
are
:
and
indeed
they
can
be
no
weak
Causes
that
produce
so
long
and
settled
a
Distemper
;
tho
som
of
those
I
mention'd
,
if
not
most
of
them
,
are
the
true
ones
.
HE
knows
nothing
that
knows
not
how
superstitiously
the
generality
of
Mankind
is
given
to
retain
Traditions
,
and
how
pertinacious
they
are
in
the
maintenance
of
their
first
Prejudices
,
insomuch
that
a
Discovery
or
more
refin'd
Reason
is
as
insupportable
to
them
,
as
the
Sun
is
to
an
Ey
newly
brought
out
of
Darkness
.
Hence
Opiniativeness
(
which
is
commonly
proportion'd
to
their
Ignorance
)
and
a
generous
Obstinacy
somtimes
to
Death
and
Ruin
.
So
that
it
is
no
wonder
if
we
see
many
Gentlemen
,
whose
Education
inabled
them
only
to
use
their
Senses
and
first
Thoughts
,
so
dazled
with
the
Splendor
of
a
Court
,
prepossest
with
the
Affection
of
a
Prince
,
or
bewitch'd
with
som
subdolous
Favor
,
that
they
chuse
rather
any
hazard
than
the
Inchantment
should
be
dissolv'd
.
Others
,
perhaps
a
degree
above
these
,
yet
in
respect
of
som
Title
stuck
upon
the
Family
(
which
has
bin
as
fortunat
a
Mystery
of
Kingcraft
as
any
other
)
or
in
reverence
to
som
glorious
former
Atchievements
(
minding
not
that
in
all
these
cases
the
People
are
the
only
effective
means
,
and
the
King
only
imaginary
)
think
they
should
degenerat
from
Bravery
in
bringing
on
a
Change
.
Others
are
witheld
by
Sloth
and
Timorousness
,
either
not
daring
,
or
unwilling
to
be
happy
;
som
looking
no
further
than
their
privat
Welfare
,
indifferent
at
the
multiplication
of
public
Evils
;
others
(
and
these
the
worst
of
all
)
out
of
a
pravity
of
Nature
sacrificing
to
their
Ambition
and
Avarice
,
and
in
order
to
that
,
following
any
Power
,
concurring
with
any
Machinations
,
and
supporting
their
Authors
:
while
Princes
themselves
(
train'd
up
in
these
Arts
,
or
receiving
them
by
Tradition
)
know
how
to
wind
all
their
humors
to
their
own
advantage
,
now
foisting
the
Divinity
of
their
Titles
into
Pulpits
,
now
amuzing
the
People
with
Pomp
and
Shews
,
now
diverting
their
hot
Spirits
to
som
unprofitable
foren
War
(
making
way
to
their
accurs'd
ends
of
Revenge
or
Glory
,
with
the
effusion
of
that
Blood
which
should
be
as
dear
to
them
as
their
own
)
now
stroking
the
People
with
som
feeble
but
inforc'd
Law
,
for
which
notwithstanding
they
will
be
paid
(
and
't
is
observ'd
,
the
most
notorious
Tyrants
have
taken
this
Course
)
now
giving
up
the
eminentest
of
their
Ministers
(
which
they
part
with
as
indifferently
as
their
Robes
)
to
the
Rage
and
Fury
of
the
People
;
so
that
they
are
commanded
and
condemn'd
by
the
same
Mouth
,
and
the
credulous
and
ignorant
,
believing
their
King
divinely
set
over
them
,
sit
still
,
and
by
degrees
grow
into
Quiet
and
Admiration
,
especially
if
lul'd
asleep
with
som
small
continuance
of
Peace
(
be
it
never
so
injust
,
unsound
,
or
dangerous
)
as
if
the
Body
Politic
could
not
languish
of
an
internal
Disease
,
tho
its
Complexion
be
fresh
and
chearful
.
THOSE
are
the
Reasons
which
(
if
I
conceive
aright
)
have
stupify'd
the
less
knowing
part
of
Mankind
.
Now
,
how
the
more
searching
part
have
soodly
miscarry'd
,
will
fall
under
consideration
.
FIRST
then
,
we
need
not
take
the
pains
to
demonstrat
how
easy
a
thing
it
is
for
men
of
Acuteness
,
not
conversant
in
Civil
Affairs
,
not
only
to
miscarry
in
the
Apprehension
,
but
even
in
their
Judgment
of
them
:
for
they
,
instead
of
bringing
the
Series
and
Reason
of
things
into
Rule
and
Method
,
use
on
the
contrary
to
measure
them
by
their
own
presuppos'd
Speculation
;
and
by
that
means
becom
incapable
of
weighing
rightly
the
various
Incidences
and
Circumstances
of
Business
.
For
it
is
to
be
observ'd
,
that
the
Theorems
of
no
Art
or
Profession
are
either
more
easily
found
,
or
of
more
difficult
practice
than
those
of
Policy
;
so
that
it
is
no
wonder
if
Men
merely
contemplative
,
fail
so
oft
in
the
very
laying
of
Grounds
,
as
we
shall
anon
▪
instance
.
Now
how
fruitful
Daintys
Error
and
Absurdity
are
,
we
all
know
.
But
more
especially
the
Contentions
of
contemplative
Men
are
most
numerous
,
various
,
and
endless
;
for
wrangling
is
with
them
an
Art
,
and
they
are
indu'd
with
that
ungenerous
Shame
,
never
to
acknowlege
their
Mistakes
.
Moreover
,
their
Principles
are
most
times
ill-grounded
,
and
it
is
to
be
fear'd
that
in
their
Superstructures
they
as
often
call
in
their
Imaginations
as
their
Judgment
to
frame
Arguments
.
Besides
,
these
men
fighting
only
with
Pen
,
Ink
and
Paper
,
seldom
arrive
at
a
means
to
decide
the
Quarrel
,
by
which
he
that
gains
the
last
word
is
suppos'd
Conqueror
;
or
the
other
leaves
almost
as
inglorious
a
Conquest
to
the
Victor
,
as
if
he
had
bin
overthrown
.
THAT
which
I
would
infer
from
all
this
,
is
,
that
the
Generality
of
speculative
Men
,
for
the
most
part
guiding
their
Understandings
by
those
Notions
which
they
find
in
Books
,
fall
not
seldom
by
this
means
into
considerable
Errors
.
For
all
Books
,
those
I
mean
that
are
human
,
and
fall
directly
under
our
Consideration
,
either
lay
down
practical
Things
and
Observations
of
Kingship
,
or
som
general
and
universal
Notions
,
or
else
controversially
assert
Monarchy
against
som
Opposers
.
Now
in
the
two
latter
there
are
generally
found
two
grand
and
insupportable
Fallacys
,
the
first
wherof
is
,
that
they
fraudulently
converse
in
Generals
,
and
(
to
borrow
the
School-terms
)
speak
of
that
in
the
Abstract
which
they
should
do
in
the
Concrete
:
As
for
example
,
where
they
should
assert
the
particular
Right
of
this
or
that
Prince
,
they
cunningly
or
ignorantly
lay
out
most
of
their
Discourse
about
Monarchy
in
general
,
and
often
weary
and
amaze
the
Dispute
before
they
com
to
the
true
ground
and
stating
of
the
Quarrel
,
wherby
the
Readers
(
diverted
by
such
Prepossession
,
and
intangled
by
general
Notions
of
Authority
,
Power
and
Government
)
seldom
descend
into
the
consideration
of
Particulars
,
where
the
great
Scruple
and
Difficulty
for
the
most
part
lys
.
So
that
any
King
(
be
his
Access
to
the
Government
never
so
fraudulent
and
unjustifiable
)
coms
to
be
look'd
on
as
sacred
,
authoritative
,
and
by
degrees
begins
not
to
blush
at
the
Attributes
of
Sacred
Majesty
,
Grace
,
and
Highness
,
or
any
other
Terms
that
the
servil
Flattery
and
witty
Barbarity
of
Courtiers
can
give
to
them
:
nay
,
som
even
of
the
wickedest
of
the
Roman
Emperors
could
be
content
to
be
saluted
with
Perennitys
and
Divinitys
;
wheras
if
Men
would
call
their
Reason
into
counsel
,
they
might
find
that
these
blazing
Stars
were
opace
Bodys
,
and
did
shine
only
by
Reflection
:
These
Men
having
no
more
Luster
than
either
the
Cabal
of
their
own
state
and
distance
,
or
the
wretched
Imposition
upon
the
People
,
casts
on
them
.
For
did
Men
devest
the
Authority
from
the
Person
,
they
would
then
commonly
find
it
inconsiderable
,
if
not
positively
evil
.
And
again
,
consider
Authority
in
it self
as
a
thing
fixt
,
real
,
immutable
,
and
(
when
justly
administer'd
)
sacred
,
they
might
find
,
that
granting
a
Prince
to
be
the
most
regular
,
just
Person
in
all
the
world
,
yet
many
Men
as
good
join'd
with
him
,
intrusted
,
and
concurring
to
the
same
end
,
might
do
much
more
good
;
and
that
to
deny
this
,
were
to
be
as
irrational
as
to
deny
that
one
Person
could
do
any
good
at
all
.
But
however
,
this
I
take
to
be
certain
and
demonstrable
out
of
their
own
Principles
,
that
Kings
being
only
to
be
consider'd
in
respect
of
the
Trust
and
Power
lodg'd
in
them
,
a
number
of
Men
by
as
just
means
(
not
to
say
better
)
invested
with
the
same
Trust
and
Power
,
are
every
jot
as
sacred
,
and
of
as
much
Divine
Right
as
any
Monarch
is
,
the
Power
being
essentially
the
same
,
united
or
divided
,
as
if
a
Commission
be
to
one
or
three
.
It
will
follow
then
,
that
Republics
may
be
as
just
and
authoritative
as
Kingships
;
and
then
their
radical
Argument
of
the
Jure
Divino
of
Kingship
is
wholly
enervated
,
and
the
other
render'd
equally
as
Soverain
.
And
I
am
to
note
(
but
this
is
only
transiently
)
the
Poorness
,
or
,
to
say
better
,
the
Blasphemy
of
that
Argument
which
flourishes
out
Kings
as
the
Types
of
Divinity
,
and
vainly
lavishes
som
Metaphysics
,
to
prove
that
all
things
have
a
natural
tendency
to
Oneness
;
nay
,
the
itch
of
som
merry
Wits
has
carry'd
them
to
run
over
most
of
the
Divine
Attributes
(
as
som
English
Lawyers
have
talk'd
of
the
legal
,
I
must
say
phantastical
Ubiquity
and
Omniscience
of
our
Kings
,
tho
we
see
the
contrary
;
and
som
Civilians
have
said
as
much
about
the
Emperor
before
them
)
wheras
they
should
consider
,
that
the
immense
Simplicity
of
God
flows
out
in
its
several
Operations
with
ineffable
variety
,
God
being
every
where
and
the
same
,
or
,
as
the
Platonists
say
,
a
Center
in
every
part
of
its
Circle
,
a
Spirit
without
Quantity
,
Distance
,
and
Comprehension
;
wheras
Man
is
a
determinat
narrow
Being
,
who
doing
one
thing
,
ceases
to
do
another
,
and
thinking
of
one
thing
is
forc'd
to
quit
his
former
thought
.
Now
how
sit
he
is
to
be
a
Shadow
of
this
Archetype
,
let
any
judg
,
unless
he
could
be
refin'd
from
his
Corporeity
,
and
inlarg'd
into
a
proportionable
Immensity
.
Besides
,
I
know
not
whether
it
be
safe
to
think
or
no
,
That
as
God
,
who
,
for
the
most
part
,
indues
Men
with
Gifts
sutable
to
the
places
to
which
he
calls
them
,
would
in
som
measure
pour
out
his
Spirit
proportionat
to
these
Men
,
wheras
most
commonly
we
find
them
,
notwithstanding
their
extraordinary
advantages
of
Society
,
Education
,
and
Business
,
as
weak
Men
as
any
other
:
and
good
Princes
being
sway'd
by
the
Advice
of
Men
,
good
and
wise
,
and
the
bad
seduc'd
by
Men
of
their
own
Inclinations
,
what
are
all
Monarchys
but
in
reality
Optimacys
?
for
a
few
only
essentially
govern
under
the
name
of
one
,
who
is
utterly
as
unable
as
the
meanest
of
those
over
whom
he
claims
Superiority
.
THE
second
Fallacy
is
this
,
That
Men
,
while
they
labor
thus
to
support
Monarchy
,
tell
us
not
what
kind
of
Monarchy
it
is
,
and
consequently
gain
nothing
,
tho
we
should
grant
them
the
former
Proposition
to
be
true
.
For
what
dos
it
avail
to
tell
me
of
the
Title
of
such
a
Prince
,
if
I
know
not
by
what
Title
he
holds
?
Grant
it
were
visible
to
me
that
such
a
Man
was
mark'd
out
by
Providence
to
be
my
Governor
,
yet
if
I
cannot
tell
what
kind
of
one
,
whether
absolute
,
mixt
,
limited
,
merely
executive
,
or
only
first
in
order
,
how
shall
I
know
to
direct
my
Obedience
?
If
he
be
absolute
,
my
very
natural
Liberty
is
taken
away
from
me
;
nor
do
I
know
any
Power
that
can
make
any
Man
such
,
the
Scripture
setting
just
limitations
and
restrictions
to
all
Governors
.
If
mixt
and
limited
,
I
must
know
the
due
Temper
and
Bounds
wherby
he
is
to
rule
,
or
else
he
may
usurp
or
be
mistaken
,
and
I
opprest
or
injur'd
.
If
executive
,
the
Power
fundamentally
resides
not
in
him
,
but
in
the
Great
Council
,
or
them
intrusted
by
the
People
;
then
I
adore
only
a
Shadow
.
Now
if
any
Prince
of
Europe
can
really
clear
up
these
Mists
,
and
shew
the
Lines
of
his
Government
drawn
fairly
,
and
his
Charter
whole
and
authentic
,
like
that
of
Venice
and
antient
Rome
,
for
my
part
,
I
'll
be
the
first
man
shall
swear
him
Allegiance
,
and
the
last
that
will
preserve
him
.
But
you
will
find
that
they
will
tell
you
in
general
about
their
Office
,
and
in
particular
of
their
Claims
of
Succession
,
Inheritance
,
and
Ancestors
;
when
look
but
three
or
four
Storys
back
,
and
you
will
meet
either
som
savage
unnatural
Intrusion
,
disguiz'd
under
som
forc'd
Title
or
chimerical
Cognation
,
or
else
som
violent
Alteration
,
or
possibly
som
slender
Oath
or
Articles
,
hardly
extorted
and
imperfectly
kept
.
Now
if
any
man
that
will
but
run
over
these
Rules
,
and
apply
them
to
any
History
whatever
(
as
we
shall
exemplify
in
that
of
Scotland
,
upon
which
for
the
present
we
have
pitcht
)
and
not
find
most
Titles
ambiguous
,
the
Effects
of
former
Monarchys
(
for
where
,
in
a
Catalogue
of
forty
Kings
,
can
you
almost
shew
me
three
good
ones
,
but
things
merely
strugling
to
maintain
their
Titles
and
domestic
Interest
?
)
ruinous
to
the
People
,
who
for
the
most
part
consider
them
no
otherwise
than
as
to
be
rescu'd
from
violent
Confusion
,
not
as
they
conduce
to
the
positive
Happiness
of
a
civil
Life
;
I
say
,
all
this
will
be
found
to
be
true
,
or
my
small
Conversation
in
Books
is
extremely
false
.
And
truly
I
conceive
reading
of
History
to
be
the
most
rational
Course
to
set
any
Judgment
right
,
because
it
instructs
by
Experience
and
Effects
,
and
grounds
the
Judgment
upon
material
Observations
,
and
not
blindly
gropes
after
Notions
and
Causes
,
which
to
him
are
tantum
non
inscrutabile
;
but
of
that
anon
.
A
main
Mistake
under
this
Topic
has
bin
an
erroneous
comparison
and
application
of
matters
Civil
and
Military
;
for
Men
observing
that
mixt
Councils
about
Generals
,
Plurality
,
Equality
of
Commands
,
frequent
and
sudden
Military
Alterations
,
have
brought
no
small
Distempers
and
Dangers
to
several
Governments
and
Attemts
;
therefore
they
presently
conclude
,
that
in
Civils
also
it
is
the
safest
to
continue
a
Command
in
one
hand
for
preventing
the
like
Disturbances
.
But
here
they
are
deceiv'd
;
Civil
matters
consist
in
long
debate
,
great
consideration
,
patient
expectation
,
and
wary
foresight
,
which
is
better
to
be
found
in
a
number
of
choice
experienc'd
Heads
,
than
in
one
single
Person
,
whose
Youth
and
Vigor
of
Spirit
inables
him
rather
to
Action
,
and
fills
him
with
that
noble
Temerity
which
is
commonly
so
happy
in
Martial
Affairs
;
that
must
be
guided
always
to
improve
Occasions
,
which
are
seldom
to
be
found
again
,
and
,
which
mistaken
,
are
to
be
scarcely
amended
.
Besides
,
the
Ferocity
of
daring
Spirits
can
hardly
be
bounded
while
they
stand
level
;
so
that
it
is
no
wonder
if
they
extinguish
all
Emulations
by
putting
the
Power
into
the
hands
of
one
,
wheras
in
a
Commonwealth
it
is
quite
otherwise
:
and
Factions
(
unless
they
be
cruelly
exorbitant
)
do
but
poise
and
balance
one
another
;
and
many
times
,
like
the
discord
of
Humors
upon
the
natural
Body
,
produce
real
good
to
the
Government
.
That
slender
conceit
,
that
Nature
seems
to
dress
out
a
Principality
in
most
of
her
works
,
as
among
Birds
,
Bees
,
&c.
is
so
slender
indeed
(
in
regard
they
are
no
more
Chiefs
than
what
they
fancy
them
,
but
all
their
Prepotency
is
merely
predatory
or
oppressive
;
and
even
Lions
,
Elephants
,
Crocodils
and
Eagles
,
have
small
inconsiderable
Enemys
,
of
which
they
stand
in
fear
,
and
by
which
they
are
often
ruin'd
)
that
the
Recital
confutes
it
;
and
if
it
were
so
,
yet
unless
they
could
prove
their
One
Man
to
be
as
much
more
excellent
than
the
rest
as
those
are
,
and
that
solely
too
,
I
see
not
what
it
would
advantage
them
,
since
to
comply
with
the
design
of
Nature
in
one
,
they
would
contradict
it
in
others
,
where
she
is
equally
concern'd
.
But
these
Philological
and
Rhetorical
Arguments
have
not
a
little
hinder'd
the
severer
Disquisition
of
Reason
,
and
prepossess'd
the
more
easy
Minds
with
Notions
so
much
harder
to
be
laid
aside
,
as
they
are
more
erroneous
and
pleasing
.
THESE
are
the
fundamental
Errors
that
have
misled
the
Judgment
;
now
those
which
have
misguided
the
Conscience
,
have
principally
proceded
from
the
Misinterpretation
of
Scripture
;
and
therfore
seeming
Sacred
,
have
bin
less
examin'd
and
doubted
,
as
carrying
the
most
Authority
.
Thus
in
the
Old
Testament
,
there
being
such
frequent
mention
of
Kings
,
which
notwithstanding
were
given
in
Wrath
,
they
superstitiously
maintain
not
only
the
necessity
,
but
even
the
impunity
of
Kings
;
wheras
we
know
not
their
Powers
and
Limitations
,
and
it
is
inconsequent
to
argue
,
That
because
Judea
was
so
govern'd
,
we
should
follow
the
same
Pattern
,
when
we
find
neither
Precept
,
Consequence
,
nor
Necessity
convincing
us
.
And
it
is
madness
to
think
that
while
the
Divine
Spirit
so
freely
and
vehemently
exclaims
against
the
Iniquity
of
men
,
God
would
authorize
it
so
far
as
to
leave
it
in
them
only
unpunishable
who
should
exterminat
and
reform
it
.
As
for
the
Antiquity
from
ADAM
,
it
is
true
,
before
his
Fall
his
Dominion
was
large
and
wide
,
but
it
was
over
the
Beasts
that
after
his
Fall
learn'd
to
rebel
against
him
;
and
oeconomically
,
not
despotically
,
over
his
Wife
and
Children
.
But
what
is
this
to
Civil
Government
?
In
the
New
Testament
(
for
I
the
bries●ier
pass
over
this
head
,
in
regard
it
has
bin
so
copiously
treated
upon
by
those
under
whose
Profession
it
falls
,
and
that
it
dos
not
immediatly
conduce
to
my
Design
)
the
principal
Argument
has
bin
the
meekness
of
CHRIST
and
his
compliance
with
Civil
Powers
,
which
certainly
,
if
he
had
bin
dispos'd
to
have
resisted
,
say
they
,
he
could
as
easily
have
overthrown
,
as
with
a
few
Cords
whip
the
Buyers
and
Sellers
out
of
the
Temple
.
But
he
,
that
was
the
Wisdom
of
his
Father
,
rather
thought
fit
to
build
up
his
Kingdom
(
which
is
not
earthly
,
nor
known
of
earthly
men
)
in
Meekness
and
Obedience
to
Civil
Powers
,
which
are
perpetually
chang'd
and
hurry'd
at
the
Will
of
the
first
Mover
,
otherwise
he
would
never
have
concern'd
himself
so
much
in
giving
Dues
to
CAESAR
,
and
to
God
what
is
Gods
;
intimating
the
distinct
Obedience
owing
by
all
men
,
as
Christians
,
and
Citizens
.
When
,
granting
Monarchy
the
most
and
only
lawful
Government
,
yet
every
one
knows
,
that
knows
any
thing
of
the
Roman
Story
,
that
AUGUSTUS
had
no
more
Title
to
that
Government
,
than
to
any
of
those
over
whom
he
usurp'd
,
and
that
his
Access
to
the
Government
was
as
fraudulent
and
violent
as
could
be
.
Another
Error
is
the
mistaking
of
the
word
[
](A45618-e168510-b)*
*
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Rom.
13.
Powers
,
when
it
's
clear
the
Scripture
speaks
of
it
in
a
Latitude
,
as
extending
it
to
all
sorts
of
establish'd
Governments
.
Now
men
have
falsly
pretended
,
that
those
Powers
were
only
meant
of
Kings
;
and
what
by
an
indiscrete
collation
of
the
places
of
the
Old
,
and
violent
wrestings
of
others
of
the
New
Testament
,
they
perfected
the
other
grand
Mistake
;
which
since
it
has
bin
already
clear'd
up
,
and
as
we
said
is
but
collateral
with
us
for
the
present
,
we
shall
no
further
mention
it
.
AS
for
the
alleg'd
Examples
and
Speeches
of
the
Primitive
Times
,
I
see
not
much
in
them
considerable
:
for
tho
Insurrections
against
Princes
cannot
be
produc'd
,
or
rather
much
is
said
against
them
,
yet
we
are
to
consider
,
that
the
Gospel
of
CHRIST
(
which
was
at
that
time
not
much
defil'd
by
the
World
)
engages
not
to
any
Domination
,
but
(
wholly
taken
up
with
its
own
Extasys
,
spiritual
Delights
and
Expectations
)
neglects
all
other
Affairs
as
strange
and
dangerous
.
And
moreover
(
tho
I
know
what
has
bin
said
to
the
contrary
)
I
cannot
find
,
after
well
considering
those
Ages
,
any
probable
ground
how
,
if
they
would
have
rebel'd
,
they
could
have
made
any
Head
.
They
were
indeed
numerous
,
but
then
they
had
Legionarys
among
them
;
and
who
knows
not
what
an
ineffectual
thing
a
People
is
(
be
it
never
so
desirous
)
when
overaw'd
by
the
Soldiery
?
And
they
were
a
People
(
as
Greatness
to
God
and
Man
is
different
)
not
considerable
for
their
worldly
Power
(
for
how
few
eminent
Commanders
were
converted
in
the
first
Ages
?
)
but
out
of
his
own
mere
choice
,
so
that
it
was
not
strange
if
they
could
not
do
much
.
For
God
,
as
he
chose
the
weakest
means
in
planting
the
Gospel
,
even
Fishermen
;
so
,
in
the
primitive
Propagation
he
call'd
the
weaker
Men
,
tho
Christianity
afterwards
grew
ample
and
august
,
and
Kings
were
proud
to
give
their
Names
to
it
.
AS
for
the
Fathers
(
supposing
them
free
of
their
many
Adulterations
,
Interpolations
,
and
all
those
Errors
and
Incertaintys
which
the
process
of
time
and
fraud
of
men
has
foisted
into
them
)
they
are
to
be
accepted
only
as
Witnesses
,
not
as
Judges
:
that
is
to
say
,
they
may
prove
matter
of
Fact
,
but
none
of
their
words
matter
of
Right
;
especially
if
we
consider
their
Writings
,
either
Homilys
,
Commentarys
,
or
Controversys
,
which
are
ever
directed
to
another
end
than
this
is
,
and
they
themselves
(
men
secluded
from
Business
)
are
so
much
more
unable
to
judg
and
resolve
civil
Controversys
,
in
regard
the
unhappiness
of
the
latter
times
has
produc'd
many
Controversys
not
known
or
thought
of
in
their
days
,
which
not
falling
directly
under
their
Profession
,
cannot
receive
any
Light
or
Authority
from
them
.
HAVING
thus
consider'd
Kingship
,
and
how
well
it
has
appear'd
thro
the
false
Lights
of
the
Understanding
,
we
shall
now
consider
,
whether
,
taking
it
by
it self
,
its
Foundations
be
laid
upon
a
Cylinder
or
upon
a
Cube
:
and
this
,
I
think
,
we
are
the
likeliest
to
do
,
if
we
consider
them
in
their
Rights
and
Uses
,
or
,
to
speak
plainer
,
in
their
Legality
and
Policy
;
so
that
if
we
find
that
none
of
the
ways
of
retaining
their
Crowns
can
be
authentic
except
one
,
and
that
one
makes
against
them
,
we
shall
see
we
have
no
just
causes
of
blind
Adoration
or
implicit
Obligation
to
truckle
under
any
of
their
Commands
.
And
if
again
we
discover
that
sort
of
Government
it self
is
not
so
profitable
to
the
end
of
civil
Happiness
,
but
rather
diametrically
opposit
to
it
;
we
may
suppose
that
men
are
either
strangly
obstinat
,
or
else
they
might
eradicat
an
Error
which
not
only
offers
so
many
Prejudices
to
their
Understanding
,
but
that
has
such
an
evil
Influence
upon
their
external
Welbeing
.
WE
have
then
to
consider
,
that
for
One
man
to
rule
over
Many
,
there
must
necessarily
be
pretended
some
Right
,
tho
it
be
but
colorable
;
for
either
he
must
be
chosen
by
the
People
as
their
Arbitrator
and
supreme
Judg
,
or
else
he
must
by
force
of
Arms
invade
them
,
and
bring
them
to
Obedience
,
which
he
by
force
preserving
for
his
Sons
or
Successors
,
makes
way
for
a
third
Claim
,
which
is
Inheritance
.
A
fourth
some
have
invented
,
tho
were
it
real
,
it
is
but
a
difference
of
the
last
,
and
I
therfore
shall
mention
it
under
that
Head
.
But
to
the
Consideration
.
FIRST
therfore
Election
,
supposing
the
People
,
either
finding
themselves
unable
to
weild
their
own
Happiness
,
or
for
preventing
of
Disorder
,
make
choice
of
one
Man
to
be
set
over
them
,
it
here
instantly
follows
,
that
the
Authority
is
in
the
People
,
and
flowing
from
them
;
for
Choice
argues
a
Power
,
and
being
elected
a
Subordination
to
it
;
in
the
end
,
I
mean
,
tho
not
in
every
act
.
Now
there
is
none
chosen
but
for
som
End
,
or
for
som
Intentions
reciprocal
betwixt
both
Partys
;
for
otherwise
such
a
choice
were
but
Dotage
,
and
consequently
invalid
:
Wherefore
thus
it
will
follow
,
that
those
who
pretend
to
King
it
upon
this
Topic
,
must
either
shew
a
formal
Election
(
which
I
think
many
Kings
are
not
able
to
do
)
or
if
he
can
shew
one
,
produce
also
the
Conditions
and
Ends
for
which
he
was
chosen
.
Now
all
parts
being
either
implicit
or
explain'd
,
let
him
exhibit
the
Covenant
,
that
it
may
be
known
whether
he
governs
according
to
it
or
not
;
for
if
he
transgresses
,
he
forfeits
,
and
the
others
are
absolv'd
from
their
promis'd
Obedience
.
If
the
Agreement
be
unwritten
or
intentional
,
either
Party
is
relatively
ty'd
;
and
then
if
he
dos
any
thing
against
the
welfare
of
the
People
(
that
Soverain
Law
and
end
of
all
Governments
)
the
People
may
not
only
justly
suppose
the
former
Capitulation
broken
,
but
even
endeavor
,
by
what
possible
means
they
can
,
to
restore
themselves
to
their
former
Rights
:
for
why
should
the
making
of
a
Compact
prejudice
any
when
it
is
once
broken
?
And
here
comes
in
another
Fallacy
,
with
which
the
Assertors
of
Royalty
have
so
flourish'd
,
that
an
Agreement
between
a
People
and
one
Man
should
descend
to
his
Posterity
;
wheras
it
is
to
be
consider'd
,
that
the
People
chusing
one
man
is
commonly
in
consideration
of
his
Person
and
personal
Merit
;
which
not
being
the
same
in
his
Son
(
as
commonly
Familys
in
the
Horizon
are
in
the
Meridian
,
the
Founders
being
braver
than
any
that
follow
after
them
)
that
very
intent
is
frustrated
and
ceases
;
and
the
People
providing
for
the
Happiness
of
a
few
years
,
which
are
determinable
with
incertainty
of
the
latter
part
of
the
Life
of
one
man
,
run
themselves
and
their
Posterity
into
an
eternal
Inconvenience
(
for
any
thing
they
know
)
of
bad
Governors
.
And
if
the
People
would
never
so
formally
agree
with
him
,
that
in
regard
of
his
Merits
or
felicity
of
Actions
,
his
Son
should
be
receiv'd
in
that
place
,
yet
would
they
not
stand
to
it
,
that
very
Pact
expiring
with
the
life
of
either
.
For
my
Father
may
leave
me
notionally
a
Slave
in
a
Tenure
(
a
thing
frequent
with
our
Ancestors
)
or
as
Civilians
term
it
,
a
Feodary
,
with
which
I
am
content
,
in
respect
of
the
Advantage
it
brings
me
,
or
because
my
own
Estate
is
too
little
to
be
independent
,
and
therfore
I
think
it
good
prudence
to
be
shelter'd
under
the
protection
of
the
greater
;
but
my
natural
Liberty
,
that
is
to
say
,
to
make
my
Life
as
justly
happy
and
advantageous
to
me
as
I
may
,
he
can
no
more
give
away
from
me
than
my
Understanding
or
Eysight
:
for
these
are
Privileges
with
which
God
and
Nature
have
indu'd
me
,
and
these
I
cannot
be
deny'd
but
by
him
that
will
also
deny
me
a
Being
.
But
to
go
on
,
Suppose
a
second
Generation
should
accept
the
Son
,
and
a
third
a
Grandson
,
yet
this
confirms
not
a
fourth
;
and
the
People
very
impoliticly
strengthen
and
confirm
the
Power
by
continuance
,
and
in
a
manner
with
their
own
hands
lay
the
Foundation
of
Absoluteness
;
their
Governors
themselves
growing
in
Interests
,
increasing
in
Alliances
and
Forces
:
so
it
is
very
improbable
but
that
within
a
little
they
grow
too
big
and
formidable
,
and
leave
nothing
of
Liberty
except
the
Name
,
and
(
if
they
be
less
cunning
)
not
that
.
A
pertinent
Example
of
this
,
and
so
near
us
that
I
cannot
pass
it
,
we
see
in
young
ORANGE
and
the
Low
Countrys
at
this
day
,
who
continuing
his
Progenitors
for
their
signal
Services
,
and
him
for
theirs
,
are
now
punish'd
for
their
generous
and
indiscrete
rewarding
of
Virtue
,
that
their
Liberty
was
lately
almost
blown
up
before
they
well
perceiv'd
it
to
be
undermin'd
,
and
they
are
now
at
charge
to
maintain
their
own
Oppression
.
As
for
that
formal
Election
and
Stipulation
,
who
sees
not
what
a
vain
and
ridiculous
cheat
it
is
,
they
coming
with
Swords
in
their
hands
to
demand
the
Scepter
of
a
weak
and
stupid
multitude
that
appears
only
to
gaze
upon
the
Ceremonys
,
and
whose
refusal
were
ineffectual
?
but
it
is
a
gracious
piece
of
the
Cabal
of
Tyranny
to
deceive
the
People
with
Shadows
,
Fantasms
,
and
names
of
Liberty
.
AS
for
those
that
intrude
by
Force
,
they
cannot
certainly
have
the
Forehead
to
infer
any
Right
,
they
being
but
,
as
the
Pirat
said
to
ALEXANDER
,
public
and
more
magnificent
Robbers
.
Certainly
these
are
the
NIMRODS
,
the
great
Hunters
,
Gods
Scourges
,
and
the
Burdens
of
the
Earth
;
and
whether
they
be
Founders
of
Empires
,
or
great
Captains
(
as
BOCCALIN
distinguishes
them
)
they
ought
rather
to
be
remember'd
with
horror
and
detestation
,
than
have
that
undue
Reverence
with
which
they
commonly
meet
.
YET
these
are
they
that
lay
the
Foundations
of
Succession
,
and
from
these
do
the
Successors
claim
,
and
enjoy
with
he
less
reluctance
,
because
the
regret
of
the
Violences
,
and
hate
of
the
first
daily
wears
out
;
whether
it
be
by
the
continuance
of
Peace
that
charms
men
into
a
love
of
ease
,
or
that
the
continuance
of
Slavery
enfeebles
their
Minds
,
that
they
rather
chuse
to
look
at
their
present
Enjoyment
than
real
Happiness
;
so
that
it
is
not
strange
if
the
Person
of
their
Oppressor
becomes
in
time
adorable
,
and
he
himself
thinks
that
confirm'd
and
justify'd
to
him
in
process
of
time
,
to
which
in
the
beginning
he
had
no
right
.
But
if
we
consider
the
business
a
little
higher
,
we
might
find
that
since
neither
the
People
(
as
we
have
prov'd
before
)
have
power
to
make
themselves
Vassals
,
and
the
Intruders
themselves
cannot
pretend
any
just
Title
;
their
Domination
is
merely
illegal
,
and
apt
to
be
shaken
off
with
the
first
conveniency
,
it
being
every
whit
as
equitable
,
that
these
men
should
be
judg'd
Enemys
of
Mankind
,
and
condemn'd
to
die
the
death
of
Parricids
for
usurping
a
Power
,
as
NERO
for
abusing
it
.
But
I
would
fain
ask
the
Regious
Defenders
,
by
what
Law
they
can
maintain
Governments
to
be
inherent
in
one
,
and
to
be
transmitted
to
his
Ofspring
?
If
they
say
by
the
Law
of
God
,
I
would
demand
again
how
they
can
make
this
Law
appear
to
me
?
If
they
say
that
the
Scripture
contains
the
Right
and
sacredness
of
Kings
,
I
ask
them
again
,
How
they
know
that
God
extends
that
Privilege
and
Authority
to
this
King
?
If
they
say
,
that
he
is
involv'd
in
the
general
Right
,
they
do
but
run
into
a
Circle
;
unless
they
can
show
me
,
that
all
his
Approches
to
the
Government
were
regular
,
and
such
as
God
was
pleas'd
with
,
or
else
God
had
by
som
Sign
and
Wonder
declar'd
his
approbation
of
him
;
for
without
these
two
,
they
must
make
God
the
Author
of
Evil
,
which
is
impious
,
and
pretend
his
Commission
for
an
unlawful
Act
;
and
by
the
same
right
,
any
other
(
as
a
Tyrant
,
for
example
)
may
pretend
it
to
an
Action
never
so
unjust
,
it
being
no
inusual
thing
to
borrow
the
face
of
Divinity
,
even
upon
som
foul
Impostures
,
as
(
to
forbear
further
Instances
)
NUMA'S
Conference
with
AEGERIA
,
SCIPIO'S
Retirement
into
the
Capitol
,
and
SERTORIUS'S
white
Hart.
Now
if
they
pretend
the
Law
of
Nature
,
they
must
demonstrat
to
us
,
both
that
she
endow'd
men
with
inequal
Freedom
,
and
that
she
shap'd
out
such
a
Man
to
rule
;
whereas
it
appears
on
the
contrary
,
that
all
Men
naturally
are
equal
:
for
tho
Nature
with
a
noble
Variety
has
made
different
the
Features
and
Lineaments
of
Men
,
yet
as
to
Freedom
,
till
it
be
lost
by
som
external
means
,
she
has
made
every
one
alike
,
and
given
them
the
same
Desires
.
But
suppose
she
had
intended
such
a
Family
for
Government
,
and
had
given
them
som
illustrious
Marks
,
as
we
read
of
som
that
had
,
whether
by
the
imagination
of
their
Mothers
,
or
by
Deceit
;
yet
then
would
Nature
fall
into
a
double
Irregularity
,
first
in
deserting
her
Method
of
making
all
free
,
and
secondly
in
making
her
general
Work
merely
subservient
,
and
secondary
to
her
particular
;
which
how
contrary
it
is
to
that
beautiful
Harmony
of
hers
,
I
need
not
much
insist
.
Now
if
they
say
,
they
are
Fathers
of
the
People
,
and
for
that
reason
they
call
themselves
the
Heads
,
inferring
the
People
to
be
no
more
than
a
Trunk
,
it
's
only
metaphorical
,
and
proves
nothing
:
for
they
must
remember
,
that
since
Father
has
a
relation
upon
which
it
depends
,
and
upon
whose
removal
it
vanishes
,
they
themselves
cannot
bring
any
such
;
for
by
physical
procreation
they
will
not
offer
it
;
and
for
metaphorical
Dependence
,
it
will
com
to
nothing
,
we
seeing
People
languish
when
their
Princes
are
fullest
,
and
,
like
Leeches
,
rather
willing
to
burst
than
to
fall
of
;
and
on
the
contrary
,
the
People
upon
the
removal
of
a
Prince
cheerful
and
reliev'd
.
Now
if
there
were
so
strict
a
Union
between
these
two
,
such
a
Contrariety
and
Antipathy
could
never
appear
;
for
certainly
when
any
two
Persons
endeavour
to
gain
ground
one
upon
another
,
there
is
an
Enmity
,
whatever
is
pretended
.
Besides
,
if
these
men
would
be
Fathers
,
it
were
then
their
duty
to
do
like
Fathers
,
which
is
to
provide
for
,
defend
and
cherish
;
wheras
on
the
contrary
,
it
is
they
themselves
that
eat
the
bread
out
of
the
mouths
of
their
Children
,
and
thro
the
groans
of
the
Poor
.
And
wheras
Flattery
has
said
,
that
what
they
draw
up
in
Vapors
they
send
down
in
Showers
,
yet
are
we
sure
that
such
rains
are
for
the
most
part
unfruitful
,
if
not
ominous
and
infectious
.
If
they
pretend
the
Law
of
Nations
,
it
were
well
they
would
declare
to
us
first
what
this
Law
is
,
and
whether
generally
agreed
on
or
no
by
Nations
.
If
they
say
,
yes
,
they
must
resolve
whether
explicitly
or
implicitly
:
if
they
say
the
former
,
let
them
produce
them
;
if
the
latter
,
they
must
demonstrat
,
that
all
Nations
are
agreed
in
such
and
such
Notions
,
and
all
men
of
these
Nations
,
since
every
one
must
be
of
equal
capacity
:
When
on
the
contrary
,
tho
the
Understandings
of
most
men
,
whom
we
know
or
have
convers'd
with
,
seem
to
agree
in
som
general
maxims
,
but
unpolish'd
,
unnumbred
,
and
unmethodiz'd
,
yet
we
see
many
Nations
differing
from
us
in
many
things
,
which
we
think
clearly
,
fundamentally
,
and
naturally
true
;
neither
do
Climats
and
Education
only
so
diversify
the
Minds
of
men
,
but
even
their
Understandings
,
and
the
different
ways
of
thinking
so
distinguish
even
those
of
one
Country
,
that
tho
we
may
please
our selves
in
thinking
that
all
mens
thoughts
follow
the
fantastical
method
of
ours
,
yet
we
might
find
,
if
we
were
perfectly
conversant
with
all
men
of
the
World
,
and
well
read
in
their
Authors
(
as
we
are
not
with
half
of
them
,
no
,
nor
any
one
man
with
the
twentieth
part
)
that
there
are
scarce
four
or
five
Axioms
,
excepting
as
they
make
a
part
of
the
Law
of
nature
,
would
be
universally
receiv'd
.
Now
(
for
I
have
bin
the
longer
by
reason
that
this
imaginary
Law
has
bin
so
held
up
by
the
Civilians
,
and
made
the
subterfuge
of
so
many
considerable
Disputes
)
if
it
be
so
weak
as
that
we
can
scarce
tell
whether
it
has
a
being
or
no
,
for
even
that
which
we
account
the
most
sacred
piece
of
it
,
the
violation
of
public
Messengers
,
the
Tartar
and
Muscovite
,
unless
restrain'd
by
fear
,
break
it
every
day
.
What
then
are
the
Arguments
deduc'd
from
it
?
or
if
there
were
such
a
Law
,
what
would
it
avail
such
a
particular
man
?
for
why
should
other
Nations
impose
a
Governor
where
they
are
not
concern'd
?
And
if
they
pretend
this
Law
as
to
the
preservation
and
impunity
of
their
Persons
,
the
same
Answer
will
serve
again
,
with
this
addition
,
That
they
make
an
Offender
incapable
of
punishment
,
which
is
but
to
give
them
a
Commission
to
offend
.
Now
if
they
run
upon
that
distinction
of
suspending
only
,
and
not
punishing
(
as
if
forsooth
this
kind
of
People
must
be
preserv'd
,
tho
by
the
ruin
of
Mankind
,
to
immediat
Vengeance
)
then
I
say
,
That
Suspension
is
really
a
Punishment
;
and
if
his
Demerits
can
deserve
that
,
I
see
not
but
that
upon
a
proportionable
Increase
,
they
may
deserve
Dethronization
or
Death
,
as
clearly
as
two
and
two
make
four
,
and
four
more
make
eight
.
If
they
allege
positive
or
municipal
Laws
,
and
number
Homages
,
they
are
not
much
the
nearer
,
since
that
all
such
Laws
are
but
Rivulets
and
Branches
of
them
we
before
examin'd
;
and
since
we
found
that
those
speak
so
little
in
their
favor
,
that
which
these
do
cannot
signify
much
,
especially
since
Princes
,
who
are
ever
watchful
to
improve
all
occasions
of
this
nature
,
can
either
by
terror
or
artifice
draw
Assemblys
,
or
the
major
part
of
them
,
to
their
own
Lure
;
nay
,
even
the
worst
of
them
have
not
forgot
to
be
solicitous
in
this
case
.
But
it
must
be
remark'd
,
That
whatever
positive
Laws
are
repugnant
to
those
general
ones
,
they
are
injurious
,
and
ought
to
be
repeal'd
.
And
truly
it
is
a
sad
Observation
,
that
as
Monarchs
grow
,
either
out
of
the
weakness
of
Government
,
and
(
as
I
may
say
)
its
Pupilage
,
as
ROMULUS
and
THESEUS
did
at
Rome
and
Athens
,
or
else
out
of
the
disease
or
depravation
of
it
,
as
CAESAR
again
invaded
Rome
:
so
have
the
People
bin
never
more
fond
of
them
,
than
when
Manners
were
at
the
highest
corruption
,
which
ever
gave
access
of
strength
to
them
;
nor
have
they
more
distasted
them
,
than
when
their
Spirits
and
Disciplin
were
the
most
brave
and
healthful
:
so
fatally
disagreeing
are
true
Liberty
,
which
is
the
very
source
of
Virtue
and
Generosity
,
and
the
impotent
Domination
of
a
single
Tyrant
,
who
commonly
reigns
by
no
other
means
than
the
Discords
of
braver
Citizens
,
who
can
neither
indure
Equality
or
Superiority
among
themselves
,
and
rather
admit
a
general
Vassalage
,
than
just
Equality
;
or
by
the
Vices
of
the
baser
sort
,
which
naturally
reconcile
them
and
Kings
,
and
concern
them
both
in
a
bad
Example
.
But
suppose
Succession
a
thing
sacred
and
inviolable
,
yet
once
break
and
interrupt
it
,
it
is
little
worth
,
either
the
Usurper
being
to
be
acknowleg'd
regular
,
or
the
whole
Series
dash'd
out
of
order
.
Nay
,
we
see
Aspirers
themselves
either
so
blinded
with
their
Pretences
,
or
with
Animosity
,
and
so
crying
up
their
own
Titles
,
that
it
is
almost
impossible
for
any
privat
Judgment
to
do
right
in
this
case
,
themselves
thwarting
one
another
;
and
it
cannot
be
in
the
power
of
Nature
that
both
should
be
right
.
But
who
can
instance
one
Monarch
whose
Crown
is
come
to
him
by
untainted
Succession
?
and
what
History
will
not
confirm
the
Example
I
shall
anon
bring
?
Certainly
tho
Succession
were
a
thing
that
had
not
so
little
reason
or
reality
,
yet
I
see
not
why
men
should
with
such
a
strange
pertinacy
defend
it
.
Matters
of
Government
ought
to
be
manag'd
by
Prudence
;
but
Succession
puts
them
into
the
hands
of
Fortune
,
when
a
Child
incapable
or
infirm
,
under
the
regiment
of
a
Nurse
,
must
(
possibly
)
be
Supreme
Governor
,
and
those
whom
either
their
Abilitys
or
Virtues
fit
for
it
,
subordinat
or
laid
aside
.
But
what
if
the
Person
whom
necessity
has
set
at
the
stern
be
incapable
,
lunatic
,
weak
,
or
vitious
,
is
not
this
a
good
way
to
prevent
Controversys
?
yet
this
plainly
enervats
all
good
Counsil
,
when
a
King
should
have
need
of
Tutors
,
and
that
a
multitude
of
People
should
be
commanded
by
one
who
commands
not
himself
;
and
,
when
we
scarce
obey
even
excellent
Princes
,
to
adore
Shadows
and
weak
ones
.
AS
for
BOXHORNIUS'S
distinction
of
Succession
,
wherin
the
next
Heir
must
necessarily
succede
by
the
original
Right
of
the
former
,
I
would
ask
him
,
whether
the
Predecessor
were
a
Possessor
or
Usufructuary
?
If
the
first
,
all
our
former
Arguments
fall
on
him
;
if
the
latter
,
it
makes
not
for
his
Successor
,
the
People
being
Owners
:
and
besides
,
the
distinction
is
one
of
his
own
coining
,
never
pretended
before
;
upon
the
first
controversy
it
is
invalid
,
altho
the
first
Founder
had
a
Right
,
as
we
have
prov'd
the
contrary
.
HAVING
,
with
what
brevity
I
could
,
brought
to
an
end
my
first
Intention
,
I
shall
now
fall
upon
the
second
,
which
is
the
intrinsic
value
and
expediency
of
this
Government
,
and
som
little
comparison
with
others
;
but
herein
we
shall
be
short
,
and
only
so
far
as
concerns
this
.
And
indeed
it
is
a
business
so
ticklish
,
that
even
Mr.
HOBS
in
his
piece
de
Cive
,
tho
he
assur'd
himself
that
the
rest
of
his
Book
(
which
is
principally
calculated
for
the
assertion
of
Monarchy
)
is
demonstrated
,
yet
he
douts
whether
the
Arguments
which
he
brings
to
this
business
be
so
firm
or
not
;
and
MALVEZZI
contrarily
remonstrats
(
in
his
Discourses
upon
TACITUS
)
that
Optimacys
are
clearly
better
than
Monarchys
,
as
to
all
advantages
.
And
indeed
if
we
look
on
the
Arguments
for
Monarchy
,
they
are
either
Flourishes
,
or
merely
Notions
;
such
are
the
reference
and
perfection
of
Unity
,
which
,
say
they
,
must
needs
work
better
and
more
naturally
,
as
one
simple
cause
(
besides
that
it
stills
and
restrains
all
other
claims
)
than
many
coordinat
:
wheras
they
never
consider
that
tho
among
many
joint
Causes
there
may
be
some
jarring
,
yet
like
cross
Wheels
in
an
Engin
,
they
tend
to
the
regulation
of
the
whole
.
What
violent
Mischiefs
are
brought
in
by
the
Contentions
of
Pretenders
in
Monarchys
,
the
Ambiguitys
of
Titles
,
and
lawless
Ambition
of
Aspirers
?
wheras
in
a
settled
Republic
all
this
is
clear
and
unperplex'd
;
and
in
case
any
particular
man
aspires
,
they
know
against
whom
to
join
,
and
punish
as
a
common
Enemy
.
As
for
that
reason
which
alleges
the
advantage
of
Secresy
in
business
,
it
carries
not
much
with
it
,
in
regard
that
under
that
even
most
pernicious
designs
may
be
carried
on
;
and
for
wholsom
Councils
(
bating
som
more
nice
Transactions
)
it
matters
not
how
much
they
be
tost
among
those
who
are
so
much
intrusted
and
concern'd
in
them
,
all
bad
designs
being
never
in
probability
so
feeble
and
ineffectual
,
as
when
there
are
many
eyes
to
overlook
them
,
and
voices
to
decry
them
.
As
for
that
expedition
in
which
they
say
Monarchs
are
so
happy
,
it
may
as
well
further
a
bad
intention
,
as
give
effect
to
a
just
Council
,
it
depending
on
the
Judgment
of
a
single
man
,
to
whose
will
and
ends
all
must
refer
;
wheras
a
select
number
of
intrusted
Persons
may
hasten
every
opportunity
with
a
just
slowness
as
well
as
they
,
tho
indeed
(
unless
it
be
in
som
Military
critical
Minutes
)
I
see
not
such
an
Excellency
in
the
swiftness
of
heady
Dispatch
,
precipitation
in
Counsils
being
so
dangerous
and
ominous
.
As
for
what
concerns
privat
Suitors
,
they
may
as
speedily
and
effectually
(
if
not
more
)
be
answer'd
in
staid
Republics
,
as
in
the
Court
of
a
King
,
where
Bribery
and
unworthy
Favorits
do
not
what
is
just
,
but
what
is
desir'd
.
WITH
these
and
many
others
as
considerable
(
which
partly
willingly
,
and
partly
in
this
penury
of
Books
,
forgettingly
I
pass
)
do
they
intend
to
strengthen
this
fantastical
and
airy
Building
;
but
as
sly
Controverters
many
times
leave
out
the
principal
Text
or
Argument
,
because
should
it
be
produc'd
,
it
could
not
be
so
easily
answer'd
:
so
these
men
tell
us
all
the
Advantages
of
Monarchy
,
supposing
them
still
well
settled
,
and
under
virtuous
men
;
but
you
shall
never
hear
them
talk
of
it
in
its
corrupt
state
under
leud
Kings
and
unsettled
Laws
;
they
never
let
fall
a
word
of
the
dangers
of
Interreigns
,
the
Minoritys
and
Vices
of
Princes
,
Misgovernments
,
evil
Councils
,
Ambitions
,
Ambiguitys
of
Titles
,
and
the
Animositys
and
Calamities
that
follow
them
,
the
necessary
Injustices
and
Oppressions
by
which
Monarchs
(
using
the
Peoples
Wealth
and
Blood
against
themselves
)
hold
them
fast
in
their
Seats
,
and
,
by
som
suspension
of
Divine
Justice
,
dy
not
violently
.
WHEREAS
other
Governments
,
establish'd
against
all
these
Evils
,
being
ever
of
Vigor
and
just
Age
,
settled
in
their
own
Right
,
freed
from
pretences
,
serv'd
by
experienc'd
and
engag'd
Councils
,
and
(
as
nothing
under
the
Moon
is
perfect
)
somtimes
gaining
and
advantag'd
in
their
Controversys
,
which
have
not
seldom
(
as
we
may
see
in
Old
Rome
)
brought
forth
good
Laws
and
Augmentations
of
Freedom
;
whereas
once
declining
from
their
Purity
and
Vigor
,
and
(
which
is
the
effect
of
that
)
ravish'd
by
an
Invader
,
they
languish
in
a
brutish
Servitude
,
(
Monarchy
being
truly
a
Disease
of
Government
)
and
like
Slaves
,
stupid
with
harshness
and
continuance
of
the
lash
,
wax
old
under
it
,
till
they
either
arrive
at
that
Period
which
God
prescribes
to
all
People
and
Governments
,
or
else
better
Stars
and
Posterity
awaken
them
out
of
that
Lethargy
,
and
restore
them
to
their
pristin
Liberty
,
and
its
daughter
Happiness
.
BUT
this
is
but
to
converse
in
Notions
,
wandring
,
and
ill
abstracted
from
things
;
let
us
now
descend
to
practical
Observation
,
and
clearly
manifest
out
the
whole
Series
of
Time
and
Actions
,
what
Circumstances
and
Events
have
either
usher'd
or
follow'd
one
Race
of
Kings
,
That
if
there
were
all
the
Justice
in
the
World
that
the
Government
of
a
Nation
should
be
intail'd
upon
one
Family
,
yet
certainly
we
could
not
grant
it
to
such
a
one
whose
criminal
Lives
and
formidable
Deaths
have
bin
Evidences
of
God's
Wrath
upon
it
for
so
many
Generations
.
AND
since
no
Country
that
I
know
yields
such
an
illustrious
Example
of
this
as
Scotland
dos
,
and
it
may
be
charity
to
bring
into
the
way
such
as
are
misled
,
I
have
pitch'd
upon
the
Scotish
History
,
wherin
as
I
have
only
consulted
their
own
Authors
,
as
my
fittest
Witnesses
in
this
case
;
so
have
I
(
not
as
a
just
History
,
but
as
far
as
concerns
this
purpose
)
faithfully
,
and
as
much
as
the
thing
would
permit
,
without
glosses
represented
it
:
so
that
any
calm
Understanding
may
conclude
that
the
Vengeance
which
now
is
level'd
against
that
Nation
,
is
but
an
attendent
of
this
new
introduc'd
Person
;
and
that
he
himself
,
tho
for
the
present
he
seems
a
Log
among
his
Frogs
,
and
suffers
them
to
play
about
him
,
yet
God
will
suffer
him
(
if
the
English
Army
prevents
not
)
to
turn
Stork
and
devour
them
,
while
their
Crys
shall
not
he
heard
,
as
those
that
(
in
spite
of
the
warning
of
Providence
,
and
the
light
of
their
own
Reasons
,
for
their
own
corrupt
Interest
and
greedy
Ambition
)
brought
these
Miserys
upon
themselves
.
An
Instance
of
the
preceding
REASONS
out
of
the
SCOTISH
HISTORY
.
The
Second
Part.
AND
now
we
com
to
our
main
business
,
which
is
the
review
of
Story
,
wherin
we
may
find
such
a
direct
and
uninterrupted
Series
,
such
mutual
Endearments
between
Prince
and
People
,
and
so
many
of
them
crown'd
with
happy
Reigns
and
quiet
Deaths
(
two
successively
scarce
dying
naturally
)
that
we
may
conclude
,
they
have
not
only
the
most
reason
,
but
a
great
deal
of
excellent
Interest
who
espouse
the
Person
and
Quarrel
of
the
hopeful
Descendent
of
such
a
Family
:
nor
shall
we
be
so
injurious
to
the
Glory
of
a
Nation
,
proud
with
a
Catalogue
of
Names
and
Kings
,
as
to
expunge
a
great
part
of
their
number
;
tho
som
,
who
have
don
it
,
affirm
there
can
be
no
probability
that
they
had
any
other
being
than
what
HECTOR
BOYES
,
and
the
black
book
of
Pasley
(
out
of
which
BUCHANAN
had
most
of
his
Materials
)
are
pleas'd
to
bestow
on
them
,
there
being
no
mention
of
the
name
of
Scot
in
any
Authentic
Writer
,
till
four
hundred
years
after
CHRIST
.
No
,
we
shall
no
more
envy
these
old
Heroes
to
them
,
than
their
placing
the
Red
Lion
in
the
dexter
Point
of
their
Escucheon
.
But
tho
we
might
in
justice
reject
them
as
fabulous
and
monkish
,
yet
since
they
themselves
acknowlege
them
,
and
they
equally
make
against
them
,
we
shall
run
them
over
like
genuin
History
.
The
first
of
this
blessed
Race
was
FERGUS
;
first
General
,
and
afterward
got
himself
made
King
:
but
no
sooner
cast
away
on
the
Coast
of
Ireland
,
but
a
Contention
arises
about
the
validity
of
their
Oath
to
him
,
and
Uncles
are
appointed
to
succede
,
which
argues
it
Elective
:
so
FERITHARIS
Brother
to
FERGUS
is
King
,
but
his
Nephew
forms
a
Conspiracy
against
him
,
forces
him
to
resign
and
fly
to
the
Iles
,
where
he
dy'd
.
FERITHARIS
dying
soon
after
,
was
suspected
to
be
poison'd
.
After
him
coms
in
MAIN
(
FERGUS'S
second
Son
)
who
with
his
Son
DORNADILLA
,
reign'd
quietly
fifty
seven
years
.
But
REUTHER
his
Son
not
being
of
age
,
the
People
make
his
Uncle
NOTHAT
take
the
Government
;
but
he
misruling
,
REUTHER
,
by
the
help
of
one
DOUAL
,
rais'd
a
Party
against
him
,
and
beheads
him
,
makes
himself
King
with
the
indignation
of
the
People
that
he
was
not
elected
:
so
that
by
the
Kindred
of
NOTHAT
he
is
fought
,
taken
,
and
displac'd
;
but
afterwards
makes
a
Party
,
and
regain●
.
His
Son
THEREUS
was
too
young
,
so
that
his
Brother
RHEUTHA
succeeded
,
but
after
seventeen
years
was
glad
to
resign
.
Well
,
THEREUS
reigns
,
but
after
six
years
declines
to
such
Leudness
that
they
force
him
to
fly
,
and
govern
by
a
Prorex
.
After
his
Death
JOSINA
his
Brother
,
and
his
Son
FINAN
are
Kings
,
and
quietly
dy
so
.
BUT
then
coms
DURST
,
one
who
slays
all
the
Nobility
at
a
Banquet
,
and
is
by
the
People
slain
.
After
his
Death
the
validity
of
the
Oath
to
FERGUS
is
call'd
in
question
,
and
the
elective
Power
vindicated
;
but
at
length
EVEN
his
Brother
is
admitted
,
who
tho
he
rul'd
valiantly
and
well
,
yet
he
had
GILLUS
a
Bastard
Son
,
Vafer
&
Regni
cupidus
.
The
next
of
the
Line
are
Twins
,
DOCHAM
and
DORGAL
,
Sons
of
DURST
:
they
while
they
disputed
about
priority
of
Age
,
are
,
by
the
artifice
of
GILLUS
,
slain
in
a
Tumult
;
who
makes
a
strong
Party
,
and
seizing
of
a
Hold
,
says
he
was
made
Supervisor
by
his
Father
,
and
so
becoms
King
,
cuts
off
all
the
Race
of
DURST
:
but
is
after
forc'd
out
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
taken
by
EVEN
the
Second
his
Successor
(
who
was
chosen
by
the
People
)
and
by
him
put
to
death
in
Ireland
.
After
EVEN
coms
EDER
:
after
EDER
his
Son
EVEN
the
Third
,
who
for
making
a
Law
,
that
the
Nobility
should
have
the
enjoyment
of
all
new
marry'd
Women
before
they
were
touch'd
by
their
Husbands
,
was
doom'd
to
Prison
during
his
Life
,
and
there
strangl'd
.
His
Successor
was
his
Kinsman
METELLAN
:
after
whom
was
elected
CARATAC
,
whom
his
Brother
CORBRET
succeded
.
But
then
came
DARDAN
(
whom
the
Lords
made
to
take
on
him
the
Government
,
by
reason
of
the
Nonage
of
CORBRET'S
Son
)
who
for
his
Leudness
was
taken
by
the
People
,
and
beheaded
.
AFTER
him
CORBRET
the
Second
,
whose
Son
LUCTAC
for
his
Leudness
was
by
the
People
put
to
death
;
then
was
elected
MOGALD
,
who
following
his
vitious
Predecessors
steps
,
found
his
Death
like
theirs
violent
.
HIS
Son
CONAR
,
one
of
the
Conspirators
against
him
,
succeded
,
but
misgoverning
,
was
clapt
in
Prison
,
and
there
dy'd
.
ETHODIUS
his
Sister's
Son
succeded
,
who
was
slain
in
the
night
in
his
Chamber
by
his
Piper
.
HIS
Son
being
a
Minor
,
SATRAEL
his
Brother
was
accepted
,
who
seeking
to
place
the
Succession
in
his
own
Line
,
grew
so
hateful
to
the
People
,
that
,
not
daring
to
com
abroad
,
he
was
strangl'd
in
the
night
by
his
own
Servants
,
which
made
way
for
the
youngest
Brother
DONALD
,
who
outdid
the
others
Vices
by
contrary
Virtues
,
and
had
a
happy
Reign
of
one
and
twenty
years
.
ETHODIUS
the
Second
,
Son
of
the
first
of
that
name
,
was
next
,
a
dull
inactive
Prince
,
Familiarium
tumultu
occisus
.
HIS
Son
ATHIRCO
promis'd
fair
,
but
deceiv'd
their
expectations
with
most
horrid
Leudness
,
and
at
length
vitiated
the
Daughters
of
NATHALOCK
a
Nobleman
,
and
caus'd
them
to
be
whipt
before
his
eys
;
but
seeing
himself
surrounded
by
Conspirators
,
eluded
their
Fury
with
his
own
Sword
;
his
Brother
and
Children
being
forc'd
to
fly
to
the
Picts
.
NATHALOCK
,
turning
his
Injury
into
Ambition
,
made
himself
King
,
and
govern'd
answerably
;
for
he
made
most
of
the
Nobility
to
be
strangl'd
,
under
pretence
of
calling
them
to
Council
,
and
was
after
slain
by
his
own
Servants
.
AFTER
his
Death
ATHIRCO'S
Children
were
call'd
back
,
and
FINDOC
his
Son
,
being
of
excellent
hopes
,
accepted
,
who
made
good
what
his
Youth
promis'd
:
he
beat
in
sundry
Battels
DONALD
the
Ilander
;
who
seeing
he
could
not
prevail
by
force
,
sent
two
as
Renegados
to
the
King
,
who
(
being
not
accepted
)
conspire
with
his
Brother
,
by
whose
means
one
of
them
slew
him
with
a
Spear
when
he
was
hunting
.
HIS
Brother
DONALD
succedes
(
the
youngest
of
the
three
)
who
,
about
to
revenge
his
Brother's
Death
,
hears
the
Ilander
is
enter'd
Marray
;
whom
he
incountring
with
inequal
Forces
,
is
taken
Prisoner
with
thirty
of
the
Nobility
,
and
whether
of
Grief
,
or
his
Wounds
,
dy's
in
Prison
.
THE
Ilander
that
had
before
usurp'd
the
Name
,
now
assum'd
the
Power
(
the
Nobles
,
by
reason
of
their
kindred
Prisoners
,
being
over-aw'd
)
This
man
wanting
nothing
of
an
exquisit
Tyrant
,
was
,
aster
twelve
years
Butcherys
,
slain
by
CRATHLINTH
Son
of
FINDOC
,
who
under
a
disguise
found
Address
and
Opportunity
.
The
brave
Tyrannicid
was
universally
accepted
,
and
gave
no
cause
of
Repentance
;
his
Reign
is
famous
for
a
War
begun
between
the
Scots
and
Picts
about
a
Dog
(
as
that
between
the
Trojans
and
Italians
for
a
white
Hart
)
and
the
defection
of
CARAUSIUS
from
DIOCLESIAN
,
which
happen'd
in
his
time
.
HIS
Kinsman
FINCORMAC
succeded
,
worthy
of
memory
for
little
but
the
Piety
of
the
Culdys
(
an
Order
of
religious
Men
of
that
time
overborn
by
others
succeding
)
He
being
dead
,
three
Sons
of
his
three
Brothers
contended
for
the
Crown
:
ROMACH
as
the
eldest
,
strengthen'd
by
his
Alliance
with
the
Picts
,
with
their
assistance
seiz'd
on
it
,
forcing
others
to
fly
;
but
proving
cruel
,
the
Nobility
conspir'd
and
slew
him
.
ANGUSIAN
,
another
Pretender
,
succedes
,
who
being
assail'd
by
NECTHAM
King
of
the
Picts
,
who
came
to
revenge
ROMACH
,
routed
his
Army
in
a
pitcht
Battel
;
but
NECTHAM
coming
again
,
he
was
routed
,
and
both
he
and
NECTHAM
slain
.
FETHELMAC
,
the
third
Pretender
,
came
next
,
who
beating
the
Picts
,
and
wasting
their
Fields
,
HERGUST
,
when
he
saw
there
could
be
no
advantage
by
the
Sword
,
suborn'd
two
Picts
to
murder
him
,
who
drawing
to
conspiracy
the
Piper
that
lay
in
his
Chamber
(
as
the
manner
was
then
)
he
at
the
appointed
time
admitted
them
,
and
there
slew
him
.
THE
next
was
EVGEN
Son
of
FINCORMAC
,
who
was
slain
in
a
Battel
with
the
Picts
,
to
the
almost
extirpation
and
banishment
of
the
Scots
;
but
at
last
the
Picts
,
taking
distast
at
the
Romans
,
enter'd
into
a
secret
League
with
the
Scots
,
and
agreed
that
FERGUS
(
whose
Uncle
the
last
King
was
)
being
then
in
banishment
,
and
of
a
military
breeding
and
inclination
,
should
be
chosen
King
.
With
him
the
Danes
maintain'd
a
long
War
against
the
Romans
,
and
pul'd
down
the
Picts
wall
:
at
last
he
and
the
King
of
Picts
were
in
one
day
slain
in
a
Battel
against
them
.
This
Man's
access
to
Government
was
strange
,
ignotus
Rex
ab
ignoto
populo
accersitus
,
and
may
be
thought
temerarious
;
he
having
no
Land
for
his
People
,
and
the
Roman
Name
inimical
;
yet
founded
he
a
Monarchy
,
there
having
been
Kings
ever
since
;
and
we
are
to
note
,
this
is
the
first
man
that
the
sounder
Writers
will
allow
to
be
real
and
not
fabulous
.
Him
succeded
his
Son
EUGENIUS
(
whose
Grandfather
GRAHAM
had
all
the
power
)
a
warlike
Prince
,
whom
some
say
slain
,
some
dead
of
a
disease
.
After
him
his
Brother
DONGARD
,
who
after
the
spending
of
five
superstitious
years
,
left
the
Crown
(
as
they
call
it
)
to
his
youngest
Brother
CONSTANTIN
;
who
from
a
good
privat
Man
turn'd
a
leud
Prince
,
and
was
slain
by
a
Nobleman
,
whose
Daughter
he
had
ravish'd
.
He
was
succeded
by
CONGAL
,
CONSTANTIN'S
Son
,
who
came
a
tolerable
good
Prince
to
a
loose
People
;
and
having
spent
som
two
and
twenty
years
in
slight
excursions
against
the
Saxons
,
left
the
rule
to
his
Brother
GORAN
,
who
notwithstanding
he
made
a
good
League
against
the
Britans
,
which
much
conduc'd
to
his
and
the
Peoples
settlement
,
yet
in
requital
,
after
thirty
four
years
,
they
made
away
with
him
;
which
brought
in
EUGENIUS
,
the
Third
of
that
name
,
the
Son
of
CONGAL
,
who
was
strongly
suspected
to
have
a
hand
in
his
Death
,
insomuch
that
GORAN'S
Widow
was
forc'd
to
fly
into
Ireland
with
her
Children
.
This
man
in
thirty
three
years
time
did
nothing
but
reign
,
and
make
short
Incursions
upon
the
Borders
;
he
left
the
Rule
to
his
Brother
CONGAL
,
a
monastical
,
superstitious
,
and
inactive
Prince
,
who
reign'd
ten
years
.
KINNATEL
his
Brother
was
design'd
for
Successor
;
yet
AIDAN
the
Son
of
GORAN
laid
his
claim
,
but
was
content
to
suspend
,
in
respect
of
the
Age
and
Diseases
of
KINNATEL
,
which
after
fourteen
Months
took
him
out
of
the
World
,
and
clear'd
the
controversy
,
and
AIDAN
by
the
consent
of
COLUMBA
(
a
Priest
that
govern'd
all
in
those
days
)
came
to
be
King
;
a
Man
that
,
after
thirty
four
years
turbulently
spent
,
being
beaten
by
the
Saxons
,
and
struck
with
the
Death
of
COLUMBA
,
dy'd
of
Grief
.
AFTER
him
was
chosen
KENNETH
,
who
has
left
nothing
behind
him
but
his
Name
.
Then
came
EUGENIUS
the
Fourth
,
the
Son
of
AIDAN
(
so
irregular
is
the
Scots
Succession
,
that
we
see
it
inverted
by
Usurpation
or
cross
Elections
in
every
two
or
three
Generations
)
This
man
left
an
ambiguous
Fame
;
for
HECTOR
BOETIUS
says
he
was
peaceable
;
the
Manuscript
,
implacably
severe
:
He
reign'd
sixteen
years
,
and
left
his
Son
FERCHARD
Successor
,
who
,
endeavoring
to
heighten
the
Prerogative
by
the
Dissensions
of
the
Nobility
,
was
on
the
contrary
impeach'd
by
them
,
and
call'd
to
an
account
,
which
he
denying
,
was
clapt
in
Prison
,
where
he
himself
sav'd
the
Executioner
a
labor
.
So
that
his
Brother
DONALD
succeded
,
who
being
taken
up
with
the
Piety
of
those
days
,
left
nothing
memorable
,
except
that
he
in
person
interpreted
Scots
Sermons
to
the
Saxons
.
He
was
follow'd
by
his
Nephew
FERCHARD
,
Son
to
the
first
of
that
Name
,
a
Thing
like
a
King
in
nothing
but
his
Exorbitancys
,
who
in
hunting
was
wounded
by
a
Wolf
,
which
cast
him
into
a
Fever
,
wherin
he
not
observing
the
impos'd
Temperance
,
brought
on
himself
the
lousy
Disease
;
upon
which
discomforted
,
he
was
by
the
persuasion
of
COLMAN
(
a
religious
man
)
brought
out
in
his
Bed
cover'd
with
Hair-cloth
,
where
he
made
a
public
Acknowlegement
to
the
People
,
and
soon
after
dy'd
.
MALDWIN
,
DONALD'S
Son
,
follow'd
,
who
after
twenty
years
ignoble
Reign
was
strangled
by
his
Wife
.
EUGENIUS
the
Fifth
succeded
,
Son
(
they
say
)
of
King
DONGARD
,
tho
Chronology
seems
to
refute
it
.
This
man
spent
five
years
in
slight
Incursions
,
and
was
succeded
by
EUGENIUS
the
Sixth
,
Son
of
FERCHARD
.
This
man
is
famous
for
a
little
Learning
,
as
the
times
went
,
and
the
Prodigy
of
raining
Blood
seven
days
,
all
Milkmeats
turning
into
blood
.
AMBERKELLETH
,
Nephew
to
EUGENIUS
the
Fifth
,
who
succeded
this
rude
Prince
,
while
he
was
discharging
the
burden
of
Nature
,
was
slain
by
an
Arrow
from
an
unknown
hand
.
EUGENIUS
the
Seventh
follow'd
,
who
being
attemted
by
Conspirators
,
had
his
new
marry'd
Wife
slain
in
bed
beside
him
;
for
which
he
being
accus'd
,
produc'd
the
Murderers
before
his
Trial
,
and
was
acquitted
,
and
so
ended
the
rest
of
his
17
years
in
Peace
,
recommending
to
the
People
MORDAC
,
Son
of
AMBERKELLETH
,
who
continuing
a
blank
Reign
,
or
it
may
be
a
happy
one
,
in
regard
it
was
peaceable
,
left
it
to
ETFYN
Son
of
EUGENIUS
the
Seventh
:
the
first
part
of
his
Reign
was
peaceable
;
but
Age
obliging
him
to
put
the
Government
into
the
hands
of
four
of
his
Servants
,
it
happen'd
to
him
,
as
it
dos
to
other
Princes
,
whose
Fortunes
decay
commonly
with
their
Strength
,
that
it
was
very
unhappy
and
turbulent
:
Which
Miserys
EUGENIUS
the
Eighth
,
Son
of
MORDAC
,
restrain'd
.
But
he
,
it
seems
,
having
a
Nature
fitter
to
appease
Tumults
than
to
enjoy
Rest
,
at
the
first
enjoyment
of
Peace
broke
into
such
Leudness
,
that
the
Nobility
at
a
meeting
stab'd
him
,
and
made
way
for
FERGUS
▪
the
Son
of
ETFYN
,
one
like
his
Predecessor
in
manner
,
death
,
and
continuance
of
Reign
,
which
was
three
years
;
the
only
dissimilitude
was
,
that
the
latters
Wife
brought
his
Death
;
for
which
others
being
impeach'd
,
she
stept
in
and
confest
it
;
and
to
avoid
punishment
,
punish'd
her self
with
a
knife
.
SOLUATH
,
Son
of
EUGENIUS
the
Eighth
,
follow'd
him
,
who
tho
his
Gout
made
him
of
less
Action
,
yet
it
made
his
Prudence
more
visible
,
and
himself
not
illaudable
:
His
Death
brought
in
ACHAIUS
the
Son
of
ETFYN
,
whose
Reign
was
innobled
with
an
Irish
War
,
and
many
learned
Men
;
besides
the
Assistance
lent
HUNGUS
to
fight
against
the
Northumbrians
,
whom
he
beat
in
a
famous
Battel
,
which
(
if
I
may
mention
the
matter
)
was
presignify'd
to
HUNGUS
in
a
Dream
,
St.
Andrew
appearing
to
him
,
and
assuring
him
of
it
;
and
in
the
time
of
Battel
a
white
Cross
(
that
which
the
Heralds
call
a
Saltier
,
and
we
see
commonly
in
the
Scots
Banners
)
appear'd
in
the
Sky
;
and
this
I
think
to
have
bin
the
occasion
of
that
bearing
,
and
an
Order
of
Knights
of
St.
Andrew
,
somtimes
in
reputation
in
Scotland
,
but
extinguish'd
,
for
ought
I
can
perceive
,
before
the
time
of
JAMES
the
Sixth
,
tho
the
Collar
and
Pendant
of
it
are
at
this
day
worn
about
the
Scots
Arms.
To
this
man
CONGAL
his
Cousin
succeded
,
who
left
nothing
behind
him
but
five
years
to
stretch
out
the
account
of
time
.
DONGAL
the
Son
of
SOLUATH
came
next
,
who
being
of
a
Nature
fierce
and
insupportable
,
there
was
an
endeavor
to
set
up
ALPIN
Son
of
ACHAIUS
,
which
Design
by
ALPIN
himself
was
frustated
,
which
made
the
King
willinger
to
assist
ALPIN
in
his
pretension
to
the
Kingdom
of
Picts
;
in
which
Attemt
he
was
drown'd
,
and
left
to
ALPIN
that
which
he
before
had
so
nobly
refus'd
,
who
making
use
of
the
former
,
rais'd
an
Army
,
beat
the
Picts
in
many
signal
Victorys
;
but
at
last
was
slain
by
them
,
leaving
his
name
to
the
place
of
his
Death
,
and
the
Kingdom
to
his
Son
KENNETH
.
This
man
seeing
the
People
broken
with
the
late
War
,
and
unwilling
to
fight
,
drew
them
on
by
this
Subtilty
;
he
invites
the
Nobility
to
dinner
,
and
after
plying
them
with
Drink
till
midnight
,
leaves
them
sleeping
on
the
floor
(
as
the
manner
was
)
and
then
hanging
Fishskins
about
the
Walls
of
the
Chamber
,
and
making
one
speak
thro
a
Tube
,
and
call
them
to
war
;
they
waking
,
and
half
asleep
,
suppos'd
somthing
of
Divinity
to
be
in
it
,
aud
the
next
morning
not
only
consented
to
War
,
but
(
so
strange
is
deluded
imagination
)
with
unspeakable
Courage
fell
upon
the
Enemy
and
put
them
to
the
rout
;
which
being
confirm'd
by
other
great
Victorys
,
utterly
ruin'd
the
Pictish
Name
.
This
man
may
be
added
to
the
two
FERGUSES
,
and
truly
may
be
said
to
be
the
Founder
of
the
Scots
Empire
,
not
only
in
making
that
the
middle
of
his
Dominion
,
which
was
once
the
bounds
,
but
in
confirming
his
Acquisitions
with
good
Laws
,
having
the
opportunity
of
a
long
Peace
,
which
was
sixteen
years
,
his
whole
time
of
Government
being
twenty
.
This
was
he
that
plac'd
that
Stone
,
famous
for
that
illusory
Prophecy
,
Ni
fallat
fatum
,
&c.
(
which
first
was
brought
out
of
Spain
into
Ireland
,
and
from
thence
into
Argyle
)
at
Scoon
;
where
he
put
it
in
a
Chair
,
in
which
all
his
Successors
(
till
EDWARD
the
First
brought
it
away
)
were
crown'd
,
and
since
that
all
the
Kings
of
England
,
till
the
happiness
of
our
Commonwealth
made
it
useless
.
His
Brother
DONALD
was
his
Successor
,
a
man
made
up
of
extremitys
of
Virtues
and
Vices
;
no
man
had
more
bravery
in
the
Field
,
nor
more
Vice
at
home
,
which
increasing
with
his
yeras
,
the
Nobility
put
him
in
prison
,
where
either
for
fear
or
scorn
he
put
an
end
to
his
days
,
leaving
behind
him
his
Brother
CONSTANTIN
,
a
Man
wanting
nothing
of
him
but
his
Vices
,
who
strugling
with
a
potent
Enemy
(
for
the
Picts
had
call'd
in
the
Danes
)
and
driving
them
much
into
despair
(
a
Bravery
that
has
not
seldom
rain'd
many
excellent
Captains
)
was
taken
by
them
,
put
into
a
little
Cave
,
and
there
slain
.
He
was
succeded
by
ETHUS
his
Brother
,
who
had
all
his
eldest
Brother's
Vices
,
and
none
of
his
second
's
Virtues
;
Nature
,
it
seems
,
making
two
extremes
and
a
middle
in
the
three
Brethren
.
This
man
voluptuous
and
cowardly
,
was
forc'd
to
resign
;
or
,
as
others
say
,
dy'd
of
Wounds
receiv'd
in
a
Duel
from
his
Successor
,
who
was
GREGORY
Son
of
DONGAL
,
who
was
not
only
an
excellent
Man
,
but
an
excellent
Prince
,
that
both
recover'd
what
the
others
had
lost
,
and
victoriously
travers'd
the
Northern
Countys
of
England
,
and
a
great
part
of
Ireland
;
of
whose
King
a
Minor
,
and
in
his
power
,
he
generously
made
no
advantage
,
but
settled
his
Country
,
and
provided
faithful
and
able
Guardians
for
him
.
These
things
justly
yield
him
the
name
of
Great
.
DONALD
Son
of
CONSTANTIN
the
Second
,
by
his
recommendation
,
succeded
in
his
Power
and
Virtues
,
notwithstanding
some
say
he
was
remov'd
by
Poison
.
Next
was
CONSTANTIN
the
the
Third
,
Son
of
ETHUS
,
an
unstable
person
,
who
assisted
the
Danes
,
which
none
of
his
Predecessors
would
do
;
and
after
they
had
deserted
him
basely
,
yet
yielded
them
Succors
,
consisting
of
the
chief
of
the
Scots
Nobility
,
which
with
the
whole
Danish
Army
were
routed
by
the
Saxons
.
This
struck
him
so
,
that
he
retir'd
among
the
Culdys
(
which
were
as
the
Greec
Caloyers
,
or
Romish
Monks
at
this
day
)
and
there
bury'd
himself
alive
.
After
him
was
MILCOM
,
Son
of
DONALD
the
Third
,
who
tho
a
good
Prince
,
and
well
skil'd
in
the
Arts
of
Peace
,
was
slain
by
a
Conspiracy
of
those
to
whom
his
Virtue
was
burdensom
.
His
Successor
was
INDULF
(
by
what
Title
I
find
not
)
who
fighting
with
the
Danes
that
with
a
Navy
unexpectedly
came
into
the
Frith
,
was
slain
.
DUF
his
Son
succedes
,
famous
for
an
Accident
,
which
if
it
be
true
,
seems
nearly
distant
from
a
Fable
.
He
was
suddenly
afflicted
by
a
sweating
Disease
,
by
which
he
painfully
languish'd
,
yet
no
body
could
find
the
cause
,
till
at
last
a
Girl
,
that
had
scatter'd
som
words
,
after
torments
,
confest
that
her
Mother
and
som
other
women
had
made
an
Image
of
Wax
,
which
,
as
it
wasted
,
the
King
should
wast
,
by
sweating
much
:
the
place
being
diligently
search'd
,
it
was
found
accordingly
;
so
the
Image
being
broke
,
he
instantly
recover'd
.
That
which
disturb'd
his
five
years
Reign
was
the
turbulency
of
the
Northern
People
,
whom
,
when
he
had
reduc'd
and
taken
,
with
intent
to
make
exemplary
Punishment
,
DONALD
the
Commander
of
the
Castle
of
Forres
,
where
he
then
lay
,
interceded
for
som
of
them
;
but
being
repuls'd
,
and
exasperated
by
his
Wife
,
after
he
had
made
all
his
Servants
drunk
,
slew
him
in
his
Bed
,
and
bury'd
him
under
a
little
Bridg
(
lest
the
cutting
of
Turfs
might
discover
a
Grave
)
near
Kilros
Abby
;
tho
others
say
,
he
turn'd
aside
a
River
,
and
after
he
had
bury'd
him
,
suffer'd
it
to
take
its
former
Chanel
.
CULEN
the
Son
of
INDULF
,
by
the
Election
of
Parlament
,
or
Convention
of
the
People
,
succeded
,
good
only
in
this
one
Action
,
of
inquiring
and
punishing
his
Predecessor's
Death
;
but
after
,
by
the
neglect
of
Discipline
,
and
the
exquisiteness
of
his
Vices
,
became
a
Monster
,
and
so
continued
three
years
,
till
being
weakned
and
exhausted
in
his
Body
,
and
vext
with
perpetual
Diseases
,
he
was
summon'd
by
the
Parlament
,
and
in
the
way
was
slain
by
a
Thane
(
so
they
then
call'd
Lieutenants
of
Counties
)
whose
Daughter
he
had
ravish'd
.
THEN
came
KENETH
,
Brother
to
DUF
(
tho
the
forepart
of
his
Reign
was
totally
unlike
his
)
who
being
invaded
by
the
Danes
,
beat
them
in
that
famous
Battle
,
which
was
won
by
the
three
HAYS
,
Husbandmen
(
from
whom
all
the
HAYS
now
give
three
Shields
Gules
)
who
with
their
Sythes
reinforc'd
the
lost
Battle
;
but
in
his
latter
time
he
lost
this
reputation
,
by
poisoning
MILCOLM
Son
of
DUF
,
to
preserve
the
Crown
for
a
Son
of
his
Name
,
tho
of
less
merit
(
for
says
BUCHANAN
,
They
use
to
chuse
the
fittest
,
not
the
nearest
)
which
being
don
,
he
got
ordain'd
in
a
Parlament
,
that
the
Succession
should
be
lineal
,
the
Son
should
inherit
,
and
be
call'd
Prince
of
Scots
;
and
if
he
were
a
Minor
,
be
govern'd
by
som
wise
Man
(
here
coms
the
pretence
of
Succession
,
wheras
before
it
was
clearly
Elective
)
and
at
fifteen
he
should
chuse
his
Guardian
himself
.
But
the
Divine
Vengeance
,
which
seldom
,
even
in
this
life
,
passes
by
Murder
,
overtook
him
;
for
he
was
ensnar'd
by
a
Lady
,
whose
Son
he
had
caus'd
to
be
executed
,
and
slain
by
an
Arrow
out
of
an
Ambush
she
had
laid
.
CONSTANTIN
the
Son
of
CULEN
,
notwithstanding
all
the
Artifice
of
KENNETH
,
by
his
reasoning
against
the
Act
,
perswaded
most
of
the
Nobility
to
make
him
King
,
so
that
MILCOLM
the
Son
of
KENNETH
and
he
made
up
two
Factions
,
which
tore
the
Kingdom
;
till
at
length
MILCOLMS
Bastard
Brother
(
himself
being
in
England
assisting
the
Danes
)
fought
him
,
routed
his
Army
,
and
with
the
loss
of
his
own
Life
took
away
his
,
they
dying
of
mutual
Wounds
.
GRIME
,
of
whose
Birth
they
do
not
certainly
agree
,
was
chosen
by
the
Constantinians
,
who
made
a
good
Party
;
but
at
the
Intercession
of
FORARD
(
an
accounted
Rabbi
of
the
times
)
they
at
last
agreed
,
GRIME
being
to
enjoy
the
Kingdom
for
his
Life
,
after
which
MILCOLUMB
should
succede
,
his
Father's
Law
standing
in
force
.
But
he
,
after
declining
into
Leudness
,
Cruelty
and
Spoil
(
as
Princes
drunk
with
Greatness
and
Prosperity
use
to
do
)
the
People
call'd
back
MILCOLUMB
,
who
rather
receiving
Battle
than
giving
it
(
for
it
was
upon
Ascension-day
,
his
principal
Holy-day
)
routed
his
Forces
,
wounded
himself
,
took
him
,
pull'd
out
his
Eyes
,
which
altogether
made
an
end
of
his
Life
,
all
Factions
and
Humors
being
reconcil'd
.
MILCOLUMB
,
who
with
various
Fortune
fought
many
signal
Battles
with
the
Danes
,
that
under
their
King
SUENO
had
invaded
Scotland
,
in
his
latter
time
grew
to
such
Covetousness
and
Oppression
,
that
all
Authors
agree
he
was
murder'd
,
tho
they
disagree
about
the
manner
;
som
say
by
Con●ederacy
with
his
Servants
;
som
by
his
Kinsmen
and
Competitors
;
som
by
the
Friends
of
a
Maid
whom
he
had
ravish'd
.
DONALD
his
Grandchild
succeded
,
a
good-natur'd
and
inactive
Prince
,
who
with
a
Stratagem
of
sleepy
Drink
destroy'd
a
Danish
Army
that
had
invaded
and
distrest
him
;
but
at
last
being
insnar'd
by
his
Kinsman
MACKBETH
(
who
was
prick'd
forward
by
Ambition
,
and
a
former
Vision
of
three
Women
of
a
sour
human
shape
,
whereof
one
saluted
him
Thane
of
Angus
,
another
Earl
of
Murray
,
the
third
King
)
he
was
beheaded
.
THE
Severity
and
Cruelty
of
MACKBETH
was
so
known
,
that
both
the
Sons
of
the
murder'd
King
were
forc'd
to
retire
,
and
yeild
to
the
times
,
while
he
courted
the
Nobility
with
Largesses
.
The
first
ten
years
he
spent
virtuously
,
but
the
remainder
was
so
savage
and
tyrannical
,
that
MACDUF
Thane
of
Fife
fled
into
England
to
MILCOLM
Son
of
DONALD
,
who
by
his
persuasions
,
and
the
assistance
of
the
King
of
England
,
enter'd
Scotland
,
where
he
found
such
great
accessions
to
his
Party
,
that
MACKBETH
was
forc'd
to
fly
;
his
Death
is
hid
in
such
a
mist
of
Fables
,
that
it
is
not
certainly
known
.
MILCOLUMB
,
the
third
of
that
name
,
now
being
quietly
seated
,
was
the
first
that
brought
in
those
gay
inventions
and
distinctions
of
Honors
,
as
Dukes
,
Marquesses
(
that
now
are
become
so
airy
,
that
som
carry
them
from
places
to
which
they
have
as
little
relation
as
to
any
Iland
in
America
,
and
others
from
Cottages
and
Dovecotes
)
His
first
trouble
was
FORFAR
,
MACKBETH'S
Son
,
who
claim'd
the
Crown
,
but
was
soon
after
cut
of
.
Som
War
he
had
with
that
WILLIAM
whom
we
call
falsly
the
Conqueror
,
som
with
his
own
People
,
which
by
the
intercession
of
the
Bishops
were
ended
.
At
length
quarrelling
with
our
WILLIAM
the
Second
,
he
laid
siege
to
Alnwick
Castle
,
which
being
forc'd
to
extremity
,
a
Knight
came
out
with
the
Keys
on
a
Spear
,
as
if
it
were
to
present
them
to
him
,
and
and
to
yield
the
Castle
;
but
he
,
not
with
due
heed
receiving
them
,
was
run
through
the
Ey
and
slain
.
Som
from
hence
derive
the
name
of
PIERCY
(
how
truly
I
know
not
)
His
Son
and
Successor
EDWARD
following
his
Revenge
too
hotly
,
receiv'd
som
Wounds
,
of
which
within
a
few
days
he
dy'd
.
DONALD
BANE
(
that
is
in
Irish
,
White
)
who
had
fled
into
the
Iles
for
fear
of
MACKBETH
,
promis'd
them
to
the
King
of
Norway
,
if
he
would
procure
him
to
be
King
,
which
was
don
with
ease
,
as
the
times
then
stood
;
but
this
Usurper
being
hated
by
the
People
,
who
generally
lov'd
the
memory
of
MILCOLM
,
they
se●
DUNCAN
,
MILCOLM'S
Bastard
,
against
him
,
who
forc'd
him
to
retire
to
his
Iles.
DUNCAN
a
military
Man
shew'd
himself
unfit
for
Civil
Government
;
so
that
DONALD
,
waiting
all
advantages
,
caus'd
him
to
be
beheaded
,
and
restor'd
himself
:
But
his
Reign
was
so
turbulent
,
the
Ilanders
and
English
invading
on
both
sides
,
that
they
call'd
in
EDGAR
Son
of
MILCOLM
,
then
in
England
,
who
with
small
Assistances
possest
himself
▪
all
Men
deserting
DONALD
,
who
being
taken
and
brought
to
the
King
,
dy'd
in
Prison
.
EDGAR
secure
by
his
good
Qualitys
,
and
strengthen'd
by
the
English
Alliance
,
spent
nine
years
virtuously
and
peaceably
;
and
gave
the
People
leave
to
breathe
and
rest
,
after
so
much
trouble
and
bloodshed
.
His
Brother
ALEXANDER
,
sirnam'd
ACER
,
or
the
Fierce
,
succeded
;
the
beginning
of
whose
Reign
being
disturb'd
by
a
Rebellion
,
he
speedily
met
them
at
the
Spey
,
which
being
a
swift
River
,
and
the
Enemy
on
the
other
side
,
he
offer'd
himself
to
ford
it
on
Horseback
:
but
ALEXANDER
CAR
taking
the
Imployment
from
him
,
forded
the
River
with
such
Courage
,
that
the
Enemy
fled
,
and
were
quiet
the
rest
of
his
Reign
.
Som
say
he
had
the
name
of
ACER
,
because
som
Conspirators
being
by
the
fraud
of
the
Chamberlain
admitted
into
his
Chamber
,
he
casually
waking
,
first
slew
the
Chamberlain
,
and
after
him
six
of
the
Conspirators
,
not
ceasing
to
pursue
the
rest
,
till
he
had
slain
most
of
them
with
his
own
hands
:
this
with
the
building
of
som
Abbys
,
and
seventeen
years
Reign
,
is
all
we
know
of
him
.
HIS
Brother
DAVID
succeded
,
one
whose
profuse
Prodigality
upon
the
Abbys
brought
the
Revenue
of
the
Crown
(
so
prevalent
was
the
Superstition
of
those
days
)
almost
to
nothing
.
He
had
many
Battels
with
our
STEPHEN
about
the
Title
of
MAUD
the
Empress
;
and
having
lost
his
excellent
Wife
and
hopeful
Son
in
the
flower
of
their
days
,
he
left
the
Kingdom
to
his
Grandchildren
,
the
eldest
wherof
was
MILCOLUMB
a
simple
King
,
baffl'd
and
led
up
and
down
into
France
by
our
HENRY
the
Second
;
which
brought
him
to
such
contemt
,
that
he
was
vex'd
by
frequent
Insurrections
,
especially
them
of
Murray
,
whom
he
almost
extirpated
.
The
latter
part
of
his
Reign
was
spent
in
building
Monasterys
;
he
himself
ty'd
by
a
Vow
of
Chastity
,
would
never
marry
,
but
left
for
his
Successor
his
Brother
WILLIAM
,
who
expostulating
for
the
Earldom
of
Northumberland
,
gave
occasion
for
a
War
,
in
which
he
was
surpriz'd
and
taken
,
but
afterwards
releas'd
upon
his
doing
Homage
for
the
Kingdom
of
Scotland
to
King
HENRY
,
of
whom
he
acknowledg'd
to
hold
it
,
and
putting
in
caution
the
Castles
of
Roxboro
(
once
strong
,
now
nothing
but
Ruins
)
Barwic
,
Edinburg
,
Sterling
,
all
which
notwithstanding
was
after
releas'd
by
RICHARD
Coeur
de
Lyon
,
who
was
then
upon
an
Expedition
to
the
Holy
War
;
from
whence
returning
,
both
he
and
DAVID
Earl
of
Huntingdon
,
Brother
to
the
King
of
Scots
,
were
taken
Prisoners
.
The
rest
of
his
Reign
(
except
the
rebuilding
of
St.
Johnston
,
which
had
bin
destroy'd
by
Waters
,
wherby
he
lost
his
eldest
Son
,
and
som
Treatys
with
our
King
JOHN
)
was
little
worth
memory
;
only
you
will
wonder
that
a
Scotish
King
could
reign
forty
nine
years
,
and
yet
die
in
peace
.
ALEXANDER
his
Son
succeded
,
famous
for
little
,
except
som
Expeditions
against
our
King
JOHN
,
som
Insurrections
,
and
a
Reign
two
years
longer
than
his
Father's
.
His
Son
was
the
third
of
that
name
,
a
Boy
of
eight
years
old
,
whose
Minority
was
infested
with
the
turbulent
CUMMINS
;
who
when
he
was
of
age
,
being
call'd
to
account
,
not
only
refus'd
to
appear
,
but
surpriz'd
him
at
Sterling
,
governing
him
at
their
pleasure
.
But
soon
after
he
was
awak'd
by
a
furious
Invasion
of
ACHO
King
of
Norway
(
under
the
pretence
of
som
Islands
given
him
by
MACBETH
)
whom
he
forc'd
to
accept
a
Peace
,
and
spent
the
latter
part
amidst
the
Turbulencys
of
the
Priests
(
drunk
at
that
time
with
their
Wealth
and
Ease
)
and
at
last
having
seen
the
continu'd
Funerals
of
his
Sons
DAVID
,
ALEXANDER
,
his
Wife
,
and
his
Daughter
,
he
himself
with
a
fall
from
Horse
broke
his
neck
,
leaving
of
all
his
Race
only
a
Grandchild
by
his
Daughter
,
which
dy'd
soon
after
.
THIS
Man's
Family
being
extinguish'd
,
they
were
forc'd
to
run
to
another
Line
,
which
,
that
we
may
see
how
happy
an
expedient
immediat
Succession
is
for
the
Peace
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
what
Miseries
it
prevents
,
I
shall
,
as
briefly
and
as
pertinently
as
I
can
,
set
down
.
DAVID
,
Brother
to
K.
WILLIAM
,
had
three
Daughters
,
MARGARET
married
to
ALLAN
Lord
of
Galloway
,
ISABEL
married
to
ROBERT
BRUCE
Lord
of
Annandale
and
Cleveland
,
ADA
married
to
HENRY
HASTINGS
Earl
of
Huntingdon
.
Now
ALLAN
begot
on
his
Wife
DORNADILLA
,
married
to
JOHN
BALIOL
afterwards
King
of
Scotland
,
and
two
other
Daughters
.
BRUCE
on
his
Wife
got
ROBERT
BRUCE
Earl
of
Carick
,
having
married
the
Heretrix
therof
.
As
for
HUNTINGDON
he
desisted
his
claim
.
The
question
is
,
whether
BALIOL
in
right
of
the
eldest
Daughter
,
or
BRUCE
being
com
of
the
second
(
but
a
Man
)
should
have
the
Crown
,
he
being
in
the
same
degree
,
and
of
the
more
worthy
Sex
.
The
Controversy
being
tost
up
and
down
,
at
last
was
refer'd
to
EDWARD
,
the
First
of
that
name
,
King
of
England
.
He
thinking
to
fish
in
these
troubled
waters
,
stirs
up
eight
other
Competitors
,
the
more
to
entangle
the
business
,
and
with
twenty
four
Counsellors
,
half
English
,
half
Scots
,
and
abundance
of
Lawyers
fit
enough
to
perplex
the
matter
,
so
handled
the
business
,
after
cunning
delays
,
that
at
length
he
secretly
tampers
with
BRUCE
(
who
was
then
conceiv'd
to
have
the
better
right
of
the
business
)
that
if
he
would
acknowlege
the
Crown
of
him
,
he
would
adjudg
it
for
him
;
but
he
generously
answering
,
that
he
valu'd
a
Crown
at
a
less
rate
,
than
for
it
to
put
his
Country
under
a
foren
Yoke
:
He
made
the
same
motion
to
BALIOL
,
who
accepted
it
;
and
so
we
have
a
King
again
,
by
what
Right
we
all
see
;
but
it
is
good
reason
to
think
that
Kings
,
com
they
by
their
Power
never
so
unjustly
,
may
justly
keep
it
.
BALIOL
having
thus
got
a
Crown
,
as
unhappily
kept
it
;
for
no
sooner
was
he
crown'd
,
and
had
don
homage
to
EDWARD
,
but
the
ABERNETHYS
having
slain
MACDUF
Earl
of
Fife
,
he
not
only
pardon'd
them
,
but
gave
them
a
piece
of
Land
in
controversy
:
wherupon
MACDUF'S
Brother
complains
against
him
to
EDWARD
,
who
makes
him
rise
from
his
Seat
in
Parlament
,
and
go
to
the
Bar
:
He
hereupon
enrag'd
,
denies
EDWARD
assistance
against
the
French
,
and
renounces
his
Homage
.
EDWARD
immediatly
coms
to
Berwi●
,
takes
and
kills
seven
thousand
,
most
of
the
Nobility
of
Fife
and
Lowthian
,
and
afterwards
gave
them
a
great
Defeat
at
Dunbar
,
whose
Castle
instantly
surrender'd
.
After
this
he
march'd
to
Montrose
,
where
BALIOL
resign'd
himself
and
Crown
,
all
the
Nobility
giving
homage
to
EDWARD
.
BALIOL
is
sent
Prisoner
to
London
,
and
from
thence
,
after
a
years
detention
,
into
France
.
While
EDWARD
was
possest
of
all
Scotland
,
one
WILLIAM
WALLACE
arose
,
who
being
a
privat
man
,
bestir'd
himself
in
the
Calamity
of
his
Country
,
and
gave
the
English
several
notable
foils
.
EDWARD
coming
again
with
an
Army
,
beat
him
that
was
already
overcom
with
Envy
and
Emulation
as
well
as
Power
;
upon
which
he
laid
by
his
Command
,
and
never
acted
more
,
but
only
in
slight
Incursions
.
But
the
English
being
beaten
at
Roslin
,
EDWARD
coms
in
again
,
takes
Sterling
,
and
makes
them
all
render
Homage
;
but
at
length
BRUCE
seeing
all
his
Promises
nothing
but
smoke
,
enters
into
League
with
CUMMIN
to
get
the
Kingdom
:
but
being
betray'd
by
him
to
EDWARD
,
he
stab'd
CUMMIN
at
Drumfreis
,
and
made
himself
King
.
This
man
,
tho
he
came
with
disadvantage
,
yet
wanted
neither
Patience
,
Courage
,
nor
Conduct
;
so
that
after
he
had
miserably
lurk'd
in
the
Mountains
,
he
came
down
,
and
gathering
together
som
Force
,
gave
our
EDWARD
the
Second
such
a
defeat
near
Sterling
,
as
Scotland
never
gave
the
like
to
our
Nation
:
and
continu'd
the
War
with
various
fortune
with
the
Third
,
till
at
last
Age
and
Leprosy
brought
him
to
his
Grave
.
His
Son
DAVID
,
a
Boy
of
eight
years
,
inherited
that
which
he
with
so
much
danger
obtain'd
,
and
wisdom
kept
.
In
his
Minority
he
was
govern'd
by
THOMAS
RANDOLF
Earl
of
Murray
,
whose
severity
in
punishing
was
no
less
dreaded
than
his
Valor
had
bin
honor'd
.
But
he
soon
after
dying
of
poison
;
and
EDWARD
BALIOL
,
Son
of
JOHN
,
coming
with
a
Fleet
,
and
st●engthn'd
with
the
assistance
of
the
English
,
and
som
Robbers
,
the
Governor
the
Earl
of
Mar
was
routed
,
so
that
BALIOL
makes
himself
King
,
and
DAVID
was
glad
to
retire
into
France
.
Amidst
these
Parties
(
EDWARD
the
Third
backing
BALIOL
)
was
Scotland
miserably
torn
,
and
the
BRUCES
in
a
manner
extinguish'd
,
till
ROBERT
(
after
King
)
with
them
of
Argile
and
his
own
Family
and
Friends
,
began
to
renew
the
claim
,
and
bring
it
into
a
War
again
;
which
was
carried
on
by
ANDREW
MURRAY
the
Governor
,
and
afterwards
by
himself
:
So
that
DAVID
,
after
nine
years
banishment
,
durst
return
,
where
making
frequent
Incursions
,
he
at
length
in
the
fourth
year
of
his
return
march'd
into
England
,
and
in
the
Bishoprick
of
Durham
was
routed
,
and
fled
to
an
obscure
Bridg
,
shew'd
to
this
day
by
the
Inhabitants
.
There
he
was
by
JOHN
COPLAND
taken
prisoner
,
where
he
continu'd
nine
years
,
and
in
the
thirty
ninth
year
of
his
Reign
he
dy'd
.
ROBERT
his
Sisters
Son
,
whom
he
had
intended
to
put
by
,
succedes
,
and
first
brought
the
STUARTS
(
which
at
this
day
are
a
plague
to
the
Nation
)
into
play
.
This
man
after
he
was
King
,
whether
it
were
Age
or
Sloth
,
did
little
;
but
his
Lieutenants
and
the
English
were
perpetually
in
action
.
He
left
his
Kingdom
to
JOHN
his
Bastard
Son
by
the
Lady
MORE
his
Concubin
,
whom
he
marry'd
,
either
to
legitimat
the
three
Children
(
as
the
manner
was
then
)
he
had
by
her
,
or
else
for
old
Acquaintance
,
his
Wife
and
her
Husband
dying
much
about
time
.
This
JOHN
would
be
crown'd
by
the
name
of
ROBERT
(
his
own
,
they
say
,
being
unhappy
for
Kings
)
a
wretched
inactive
Prince
,
lame
,
and
only
govern'd
by
his
brother
WALTER
,
who
having
DAVID
the
Prince
upon
complaint
of
som
Exorbitancys
deliver'd
to
his
care
,
caus'd
him
to
be
starv'd
;
upon
which
the
King
intending
to
send
his
Son
JAMES
into
France
,
the
Boy
was
taken
at
Flamburg
,
and
kept
by
our
HENRY
the
Fourth
:
upon
the
hearing
of
which
his
Father
swounded
,
and
soon
after
dy'd
.
His
Reign
was
memorable
for
nothing
but
his
breaking
with
GEORGE
Earl
of
March
(
to
whose
Daughter
,
upon
the
payment
of
a
great
part
of
her
Portion
which
he
never
would
repay
,
he
had
promis'd
his
Son
DAVID
for
a
Husband
)
to
take
the
Daughter
of
DOUGLAS
who
had
a
greater
;
which
occasion'd
the
Earl
of
March
to
make
many
inrodes
with
our
HENRY
HOTSPUR
;
and
a
famous
Duel
of
three
hundred
men
apiece
,
wherof
on
the
one
side
ten
remain'd
,
and
on
the
other
one
,
which
was
the
only
way
to
appease
the
deadly
Feuds
of
these
two
Familys
.
The
Interreign
was
govern'd
by
ROBERT
,
who
enjoying
the
Power
he
had
too
much
coveted
,
little
minded
the
Liberty
of
his
Nephew
,
only
he
sent
som
Auxiliarys
into
France
,
who
,
they
say
,
behav'd
themselves
worthily
;
and
his
slothful
Son
MORDAC
,
who
making
his
Sons
so
bold
with
Indulgence
,
that
one
of
them
kil'd
a
Falcon
on
his
fist
,
which
he
deny'd
to
give
him
:
he
in
revenge
procur'd
the
Parlament
to
ransom
the
King
,
who
had
bin
eighteen
years
a
Prisoner
.
This
JAMES
was
the
First
of
that
name
,
and
tho
he
was
an
excellent
Prince
,
yet
had
a
troublesom
Reign
;
first
,
in
regard
of
a
great
Pension
rais'd
for
his
Ransom
;
next
,
for
domestic
Commotions
;
and
lastly
,
for
raising
of
Mony
;
which
,
tho
the
Revenue
was
exhausted
,
was
call'd
Covetousness
.
This
having
offended
ROBERT
GRAHAM
,
he
conspir'd
with
the
Earl
of
Athol
,
slew
him
in
his
Chamber
,
his
Wife
receiving
two
wounds
,
endeavoring
to
defend
him
.
THIS
JAMES
left
the
Second
,
a
Boy
of
six
years
,
whose
Infancy
,
by
the
misguidance
of
the
Governor
,
made
a
miserable
People
,
and
betray'd
the
Earl
DOUGLAS
to
death
,
and
almost
all
that
great
Family
to
ruin
;
but
being
supplanted
by
another
Earl
DOUGLAS
,
the
King
in
his
just
age
suffer'd
Minority
under
him
,
who
upon
displeasure
rebel'd
,
and
was
kil'd
by
the
King
's
own
hand
.
Afterwards
having
his
middle
years
perpetually
molested
with
civil
Broils
,
yet
going
to
assist
the
Duke
of
York
against
HENRY
the
Sixth
,
he
was
diverted
by
an
English
Gentleman
that
counterfeited
himself
a
Nuncio
(
which
I
mention
out
of
a
Manuscript
,
because
I
do
not
remember
it
in
our
Storys
)
and
broke
up
his
Army
.
Soon
after
besieging
Roxburg
,
he
was
slain
by
the
bursting
of
a
Cannon
in
the
twenty
ninth
year
of
his
Age.
JAMES
the
Second
left
a
Boy
of
seven
Years
,
govern'd
by
his
Mother
,
and
afterwards
by
the
BOYDS
;
thro
the
persuasions
of
Astrologers
and
Witches
,
to
whom
he
was
strongly
addicted
,
he
declin'd
to
Cruelty
;
which
so
inrag'd
the
Nobility
,
that
,
headed
by
his
Son
,
they
conspir'd
against
him
,
routing
his
Forces
near
Sterling
,
where
he
flying
to
a
Mill
,
and
asking
for
a
Confessor
,
a
Priest
came
,
who
told
him
,
that
tho
he
was
no
good
Priest
,
yet
he
was
a
good
Leech
,
and
with
that
stab'd
him
to
the
heart
.
A
Parlament
approv'd
his
death
,
and
order'd
Indemnitys
to
all
that
had
fought
against
him
.
JAMES
the
Fourth
,
a
Boy
of
fifteen
Years
,
is
made
King
,
govern'd
by
the
Murderers
of
his
Father
;
a
prodigal
,
vainglorious
Prince
,
slain
at
Floddon
Field
,
or
,
as
som
suppose
,
at
Kelsy
by
the
HUMES
,
which
(
as
the
Manuscript
alleges
)
seems
more
probable
,
in
regard
that
the
Iron
Belt
(
to
which
he
added
a
Ring
every
Year
)
which
he
wore
in
repentance
for
the
death
of
his
Father
,
was
never
found
,
and
there
were
many
,
the
day
of
Battle
,
habited
like
him
.
His
Successor
was
his
Son
JAMES
,
the
Fifth
of
that
name
,
a
Boy
of
not
above
two
years
of
age
;
under
whose
Minority
,
what
by
the
misgovernment
of
Tutors
,
and
what
by
the
Factions
of
the
Nobility
,
Scotland
was
wasted
almost
into
Famin
and
Solitude
:
however
in
his
just
Age
he
prov'd
an
industrious
Prince
,
yet
could
not
so
satisfy
the
Nobility
,
but
that
he
and
they
continued
in
a
mutual
hate
,
till
that
barbarous
execution
of
young
HAMILTON
so
fil'd
him
with
Remorse
,
that
he
dream'd
he
came
and
cut
of
his
two
Arms
,
and
threaten'd
after
to
cut
of
his
Head
.
And
he
displeas'd
the
People
so
much
,
that
he
could
not
make
his
Army
fight
with
the
English
then
in
Scotland
;
wherupon
he
dy'd
of
grief
,
having
first
heard
the
death
of
his
two
Sons
,
who
dy'd
at
the
instant
of
his
Dream
,
and
leaving
a
Daughter
of
five
days
old
,
whom
he
never
saw
.
THIS
was
that
MARY
under
whose
Minority
(
by
the
weakness
of
the
Governor
,
and
ambition
of
the
Cardinal
)
the
Kingdom
felt
all
those
Woes
that
are
threaten'd
to
them
whose
King
is
a
Child
;
till
at
length
the
prevalency
of
the
English
Arms
(
awak'd
for
her
cause
)
brought
the
great
design
of
sending
her
into
France
to
perfection
:
So
at
five
Years
old
she
was
transported
,
and
at
fifteen
marry'd
to
the
Dolphin
FRANCIS
,
after
King
;
while
her
Mother
,
a
Daughter
of
the
GUISE
,
in
her
Regency
,
exercis'd
all
Rage
against
the
Professors
of
the
pure
Religion
then
in
the
dawn
.
FRANCIS
after
two
Years
left
her
a
childless
Widow
,
so
that
at
eighteen
she
return'd
into
Scotland
to
succede
her
Mother
(
then
newly
dead
)
in
her
Exorbitancys
.
I
HAD
almost
forgot
to
tell
,
that
this
young
Couple
in
the
transport
of
their
nuptial
Solemnitys
took
the
Arms
and
Title
of
England
;
which
indiscrete
Ambition
we
may
suppose
first
quicken'd
the
jealousy
of
ELIZABETH
against
her
,
which
after
kindl'd
so
great
a
flame
.
IN
Scotland
she
shew'd
what
a
strange
influence
loose
Education
has
upon
Youth
,
and
the
weaker
Sex
.
All
the
French
Effeminacys
came
over
with
her
,
and
the
Court
lost
that
little
Severity
which
was
left
.
DAVID
RIZIO
,
an
Italian
Fidler
,
was
the
only
Favorit
,
and
it
is
too
much
fear'd
,
had
those
enjoyments
which
no
Woman
can
give
but
she
that
gives
away
her
Honor
and
Chastity
.
BUT
a
little
after
,
HENRY
Lord
Darnly
coming
with
MATTHEW
Earl
of
Lenox
,
his
Father
,
into
Scotland
,
she
cast
an
ey
upon
him
,
and
marry'd
him
.
Whether
it
were
to
strengthen
her
pretension
to
England
,
he
being
com
of
HENRY
the
Seventh's
Daughter
,
as
we
shall
tell
anon
,
or
to
color
her
Adulterys
,
and
hide
the
shame
of
an
Impregnation
(
tho
som
have
whisper'd
,
that
she
never
conceiv'd
,
and
that
the
Son
was
supposititious
)
or
som
Phrenzy
of
Affection
drew
her
that
way
;
certain
it
is
she
soon
declin'd
her
Affection
to
her
Husband
,
and
increas'd
it
to
DAVID
(
he
being
her
perpetual
Companion
at
board
,
and
managing
all
Affairs
,
while
the
King
with
a
contemtible
Train
was
sent
away
)
insomuch
that
som
of
the
Nobility
that
could
not
digest
this
,
enter'd
a
Conspiracy
,
which
the
King
headed
,
and
slew
him
in
her
Chamber
.
THIS
turn'd
all
her
neglect
of
the
King
into
rage
,
so
that
her
chiefest
business
was
to
appease
her
Favorits
Ghost
with
the
slaughter
of
her
Husband
;
poison
was
first
attemted
,
but
it
being
(
it
seems
)
too
weak
,
or
his
Youth
overcoming
it
,
that
expectation
fail'd
.
But
the
Devil
and
BOTHWEL
furnish'd
her
with
another
that
succeded
;
she
so
intices
him
,
being
so
sick
that
they
were
forc'd
to
bring
him
in
a
Horslitter
to
Edinburg
,
where
she
cherish'd
him
extremely
,
till
the
credulous
young
man
began
to
lay
aside
suspicion
,
and
to
hope
better
:
So
she
puts
him
into
a
ruinous
house
near
the
Palace
,
from
whence
no
news
can
be
had
,
brings
in
her
own
bed
,
and
lys
in
the
house
with
him
;
and
at
length
when
the
design
was
ripe
,
causes
him
one
Sunday
night
,
with
his
Servant
,
to
be
strangl'd
,
thrown
out
of
the
Window
,
and
the
house
to
be
blown
up
with
Gunpowder
,
her
own
rich
Bed
having
bin
before
secretly
convey'd
away
.
This
and
other
performances
made
her
favor
upon
BOTHWEL
so
hot
,
that
she
must
marry
him
;
the
only
obstacle
was
,
he
had
a
Wife
already
;
but
she
was
compel'd
to
sue
for
a
Divorce
,
which
(
so
great
Persons
being
concern'd
)
it
was
a
wonder
it
should
be
granting
so
long
as
ten
days
.
Well
,
she
marrys
;
but
the
more
honest
Nobility
amaz'd
at
those
Exorbitancys
,
assemble
together
,
and
with
Arms
in
their
hands
begin
to
expostulat
.
The
newmarry'd
Couple
are
forc'd
to
make
back
Southwards
;
where
finding
but
slender
assistance
,
and
the
Queen
foolishly
coming
from
Dunbar
to
Leith
,
was
glad
at
last
to
delay
a
parly
till
her
Dear
was
escap'd
;
and
then
(
clad
in
an
old
tatter'd
coat
)
to
yield
her self
a
Prisoner
.
BEING
brought
to
Edinburg
,
and
us'd
rather
with
hate
of
her
former
Enormitys
,
than
pity
of
her
present
Fortune
,
she
receiv'd
a
Message
,
that
she
must
either
resign
the
Crown
to
her
Son
JAMES
(
that
was
born
in
the
time
of
her
marriage
with
DARNLY
)
or
else
they
would
procede
to
another
Election
,
and
was
forc'd
to
obey
.
So
the
Child
then
in
his
Cradle
was
acknowleg'd
JAMES
the
Sixth
,
better
known
afterwards
by
the
Title
of
Great
Britain
.
THE
wretched
Mother
flying
after
into
England
,
was
entertain'd
(
tho
with
a
Guard
)
by
Queen
ELIZABETH
;
but
after
that
being
suborn'd
by
the
Papists
,
and
exasperated
by
the
GUIZES
,
she
enter'd
into
Plots
and
Machinations
,
so
inconsistent
with
the
Safety
of
England
,
that
by
an
Act
of
Parlament
she
was
condemn'd
to
death
,
which
she
receiv'd
by
a
Hatchet
at
Fotheringay
Castle
.
THE
Infancy
of
her
Son
was
attended
with
those
domestic
Evils
that
accompany
the
Minority
of
Kings
.
In
his
Youth
he
took
to
Wife
the
Daughter
of
Denmark
(
a
Woman
I
hear
little
of
,
saving
the
Character
SALUST
gives
SEMPRONIA
,
that
she
could
dance
better
than
became
a
virtuous
Woman
)
with
whom
he
supposing
the
Earl
GOWRY
too
much
in
League
,
caus'd
him
and
his
Brother
to
be
slain
at
their
own
house
whither
he
was
invited
;
he
giving
out
,
that
they
had
an
intent
to
murder
him
;
and
that
by
miracle
and
the
assistance
of
som
men
(
whom
he
had
instructed
for
that
purpose
,
and
taught
their
tale
)
he
escap'd
.
For
this
Deliverance
(
or
to
say
better
,
Assassination
)
he
blasphem'd
God
with
a
solemn
Thanksgiving
once
a
Year
all
the
remainder
of
his
Life
.
WELL
had
it
bin
for
us
,
if
our
Forefathers
had
laid
hold
of
that
happy
opportunity
of
ELIZABETH'S
Death
(
in
which
the
TEUTHORS
took
a
period
)
to
have
perform'd
that
which
,
perhaps
in
due
punishment
,
has
cost
us
so
much
blood
and
sweat
;
and
not
have
bow'd
under
the
sway
of
a
Stranger
,
disdain'd
by
the
most
generous
and
wise
at
that
time
,
and
only
supported
by
the
Faction
of
som
,
and
the
Sloth
of
others
;
who
brought
but
a
slender
Title
,
and
(
however
the
flattery
of
the
times
cry'd
him
up
for
a
SOLOMON
)
weak
Commendations
for
such
an
advancement
.
HIS
Title
stood
thus
,
MARGARET
,
eldest
Daughter
to
HENRY
the
Seventh
,
was
marry'd
to
JAMES
the
Fourth
,
whose
Son
JAMES
the
Fifth
had
MARY
the
Mother
of
JAMES
the
Sixth
.
MARGARET
after
her
first
Husband's
death
,
marrys
ARCHIBALD
DOUGLAS
Earl
of
Angus
,
who
upon
her
begot
MARGARET
Wife
of
MATTHEW
Earl
of
Lenox
,
and
Mother
of
that
HENRY
DARNLY
,
whose
tragical
End
we
just
now
mention'd
.
Now
upon
this
slender
Title
,
and
our
internal
Dissensions
(
for
the
Cecilians
and
Essexians
,
for
several
ends
,
made
perpetual
Applications
)
got
JAMMY
from
a
Revenue
of
30000
l.
to
one
of
almost
two
Millions
,
tho
there
were
others
that
had
as
fair
pretences
(
and
what
else
can
any
of
them
make
?
)
the
Statute
of
25
Edw.
3.
expresly
excluding
Foreners
from
the
Crown
:
and
so
the
Children
of
CHARLES
BRANDON
by
MARY
the
second
Daughter
,
Dowager
of
France
,
being
next
to
com
in
.
And
the
Lady
ARABELLA
being
sprung
from
a
third
Husband
(
the
Lord
STUART
)
of
the
said
MARGARET
,
and
by
a
Male
Line
,
carry'd
surely
so
formidable
a
pretension
(
it
should
seem
)
that
even
that
Iniquity
which
was
personally
inherent
to
her
,
made
her
days
very
unhappy
,
and
for
most
part
captive
,
and
her
death
(
't
is
thought
)
somwhat
too
early
;
so
cruel
are
the
Persecutions
of
cowardly
minds
,
even
against
the
weakest
and
most
unprotected
Innocence
.
AND
indeed
his
Right
to
the
Crown
was
so
unsatisfactory
even
to
the
most
judicious
of
those
days
,
that
TOBY
MATTHEWS
having
suit
about
som
Privileges
which
he
claim'd
to
his
Bishoprick
(
which
was
then
Durham
)
wherin
the
King
oppos'd
him
;
and
having
one
day
stated
the
Case
before
som
of
his
Friends
,
who
seem'd
to
approve
of
it
;
yes
,
says
he
,
I
could
wish
he
had
but
half
so
good
a
Title
to
the
Crown
.
And
't
is
known
that
some
Speeches
of
Sir
WALTER
RAWLEY
,
too
generous
and
English
for
the
times
,
was
that
which
brought
him
to
Trial
and
Condemnation
for
a
seign'd
Crime
;
and
afterwards
so
facilitated
that
barbarous
Design
of
GUNDAMAR
,
to
cut
of
his
Head
for
a
Crime
,
for
which
he
was
condemn'd
fourteen
years
before
,
and
which
by
the
Commissions
he
after
receiv'd
(
according
to
the
opinion
of
the
then
Lord
Chancellor
,
and
the
greatest
Lawyers
)
was
in
Law
pardon'd
.
THIS
may
appear
besides
our
purpose
;
but
we
could
not
sever
this
consideration
,
unless
we
would
draw
him
with
a
half
face
,
and
leave
as
much
in
umbrage
as
we
exprest
.
That
which
most
solemniz'd
his
Person
was
,
first
the
consideration
of
his
adhering
to
the
Protestant
Religion
;
wheras
we
are
to
consider
that
those
slight
Velitations
he
had
with
BELLARMIN
and
the
Romanists
,
tended
rather
to
make
his
own
Authority
more
intrinsically
intense
and
venerable
,
than
to
confute
any
thing
they
said
:
for
he
had
before
shak'd
them
of
as
to
foren
Jurisdiction
;
and
for
matter
of
Popery
,
it
appear'd
in
his
latter
time
that
he
was
no
such
enemy
to
it
,
both
by
his
own
compliances
with
the
Spanish
Embassadors
,
the
design
of
the
Spanish
Match
(
in
which
his
Son
was
personally
imbarkt
)
and
the
slow
assistances
sent
to
his
Daughter
,
in
whose
safety
and
protection
Protestantism
was
at
that
time
so
much
concern'd
.
FOR
his
Knowlege
,
he
had
some
glancings
and
niblings
,
which
the
Severity
of
the
excellent
BUCHANAN
forc'd
into
him
in
his
younger
time
,
and
after
conversation
somwhat
polish'd
.
But
tho
I
bear
not
so
great
a
contemt
to
his
other
Works
,
as
BEN
JOHNSON
did
to
his
Poetry
,
yet
if
they
among
many
others
were
going
to
the
fire
,
they
would
not
be
one
of
the
first
I
should
rescue
,
as
possibly
expecting
a
more
severe
and
refin'd
Judgment
in
many
others
;
and
knowing
that
he
that
had
so
many
able
Wits
at
command
,
might
easily
give
their
Oracles
thro
his
Mouth
.
But
suppose
the
things
generous
and
fit
to
live
(
as
I
am
not
yet
convinc'd
)
yet
what
commendation
is
this
to
a
King
,
who
should
have
other
business
than
spinning
and
weaving
fine
Theorys
,
and
engaging
in
School
Chiquaneries
?
which
was
well
understood
by
HENRY
the
Fourth
,
who
hearing
som
men
celebrat
him
with
these
Attributes
;
yes
(
answer'd
he
,
very
tartly
)
He
is
a
fine
King
,
and
writes
little
Books
.
'T
IS
true
,
he
was
a
good
Drol
,
and
possibly
after
Greec
Wine
somwhat
factious
:
But
of
his
substantial
and
heroic
Wisdom
I
have
not
heard
any
great
Instances
.
He
himself
us'd
to
brag
of
his
King-craft
,
which
was
not
to
render
his
People
happy
,
and
to
prosecute
the
ends
of
a
good
King
,
but
to
scrue
up
the
Prerogative
,
divert
Parlaments
from
the
due
disquisition
and
prosecution
of
their
Freedoms
,
and
to
break
them
up
at
pleasure
;
and
indeed
his
parting
with
the
Cautionary
Towns
of
the
Low
Countrys
,
and
that
for
so
small
a
Sum
,
shew'd
him
a
Person
not
so
quicksighted
,
or
unfit
to
be
overreach'd
.
FOR
his
peaceable
Reign
,
honorable
and
just
Quarrels
he
wanted
not
;
but
sloth
and
cowardice
witheld
him
:
and
indeed
the
ease
and
luxury
of
those
times
fomented
and
nourish'd
those
lurking
and
pestilent
humors
,
which
afterwards
so
dangerously
broke
out
in
his
Son's
Reign
.
WE
shall
not
trouble
his
Ashes
with
the
mention
of
his
personal
Faults
;
only
,
if
we
may
compare
God's
Judgments
with
apparent
Sins
,
we
may
find
the
latter
end
of
his
Life
neither
fortunat
nor
comfortable
to
him
.
His
Wife
distasted
by
him
,
and
som
say
,
languishing
of
a
soul
Disease
;
his
eldest
Son
dying
with
too
violent
symtoms
of
Poison
,
and
that
,
as
is
fear'd
,
by
a
hand
too
much
ally'd
;
his
second
(
against
whom
he
ever
had
a
secret
antipathy
)
scarce
return'd
from
a
mad
and
dangerous
Voyage
;
his
Daughter
(
all
that
was
left
of
that
Sex
)
banish'd
,
with
her
numerous
Issue
,
out
of
her
Husband's
Dominion
,
and
living
in
miserable
Exile
;
and
lastly
,
himself
dying
of
a
violent
death
by
poison
,
in
which
his
Son
was
more
than
suspected
to
have
a
hand
,
as
may
be
infer'd
from
BUCKINGHAM'S
Plea
,
that
he
did
it
by
the
Command
of
the
Prince
,
and
CHARLES'S
dissolution
of
the
Parlament
that
took
in
hand
to
examin
it
;
and
lastly
,
his
indifferency
at
Buckingham's
death
(
tho
he
pretended
all
love
to
him
alive
)
as
glad
to
be
rid
of
so
dangerous
and
so
considerable
a
Partner
of
his
Guilt
.
Yet
the
miter'd
Parasits
of
those
times
could
say
,
that
one
went
to
Heaven
in
Noah's
Ark
,
the
other
in
Elisha's
Chariot
,
he
dying
of
a
pretended
Fever
,
she
(
as
they
said
)
of
a
Dropsy
.
CHARLES
having
now
obtain'd
his
Brother's
Inheritance
,
carry'd
himself
in
managing
of
it
like
one
that
gain'd
it
as
he
did
.
The
first
of
his
Acts
was
that
glorious
attemt
upon
the
I
le
of
Rhee
.
The
next
,
that
Noble
and
Christian
betraying
of
Rochel
,
and
consequently
in
a
manner
the
whole
Protestant
Interest
in
France
.
The
middle
of
the
Reign
was
heightening
of
Prerogative
and
Prelacy
,
and
conforming
our
Churches
to
the
pattern
of
Rome
;
till
at
last
just
Indignation
brought
his
Subjects
of
Scotland
into
England
,
and
so
forc'd
him
to
call
a
Parlament
:
which
tho
he
shamelesly
says
in
the
first
line
of
the
Book
,
call'd
his
,
was
out
of
his
own
inclination
to
Parlaments
,
yet
how
well
he
lik'd
them
,
may
appear
by
his
first
tampering
with
his
own
Army
in
the
North
,
to
surprize
and
dissolve
them
;
then
with
the
Scots
,
who
at
that
time
were
Court
proof
;
then
raising
up
the
Irish
Rebellion
,
which
has
wasted
millions
of
Lives
;
and
lastly
,
his
open
secession
from
Westminster
,
and
hostility
against
the
two
Houses
,
which
maintain'd
a
first
and
second
sharp
War
,
that
had
almost
ruin'd
the
Nation
,
had
not
Providence
in
a
manner
immediatly
interpos'd
and
rescu'd
us
to
Liberty
,
and
made
us
such
signal
Instruments
of
his
Vengeance
,
that
all
wicked
Kings
may
tremble
at
the
example
.
IN
a
word
,
never
was
Man
so
resolute
and
obstinat
in
a
Tyranny
;
never
People
more
strangely
besotted
with
it
.
To
paint
the
Image
of
DAVID
with
his
face
,
and
blasphemously
to
parallel
him
with
CHRIST
,
would
make
one
at
first
thought
think
him
a
Saint
:
But
to
compare
his
Protestations
and
Actions
;
his
Actions
of
the
Day
,
his
Actions
of
the
Night
;
his
Protestant
Religion
,
and
his
courting
of
the
Pope
;
and
obedience
to
his
Wife
;
we
may
justly
say
,
he
was
one
of
the
most
consummat
in
the
Arts
of
Tyranny
that
ever
was
.
And
it
could
be
no
other
than
God's
hand
that
arrested
him
in
the
height
of
his
Designs
and
Greatness
,
and
cut
off
him
and
his
Family
,
making
good
his
own
Imprecations
on
his
own
Head
.
OUR
Scene
is
again
in
Scotland
,
which
has
accepted
his
Son
,
whom
for
distinction
sake
we
will
be
content
to
call
CHARLES
the
Second
.
Certainly
these
People
were
strangely
blind
as
to
God's
Judgment
perpetually
pour'd
out
upon
a
Family
;
or
else
wonderfully
addicted
to
their
own
Interest
,
to
admit
the
spray
of
such
a
stock
;
one
that
has
so
little
to
commend
him
,
and
so
great
improbability
to
further
their
Designs
and
Happiness
;
a
Popish
Education
if
not
Religion
too
,
however
for
the
present
he
may
seem
to
dissemble
it
;
France
,
the
Jesuits
,
and
his
Mother
,
good
means
of
such
an
improvement
;
the
dangerous
Maxims
of
his
Father
,
besides
the
Revenge
he
ows
his
Death
,
of
which
he
will
never
totally
acquit
the
Scots
;
his
Hate
to
the
whole
Nation
;
his
Sense
of
MONTROSE'S
Death
;
his
backwardness
to
com
to
them
till
all
other
means
fail'd
(
both
his
foren
beg'd
Assistances
,
his
Propositions
to
the
Pope
,
and
Commissions
to
MONTROSE
)
and
lastly
,
his
late
running
away
to
his
old
Friends
in
the
North
:
so
that
any
man
may
see
his
present
compliance
to
be
but
histrionical
and
forc'd
,
and
that
as
soon
as
he
has
led
them
into
the
Snare
,
and
got
power
into
his
own
hands
,
so
as
that
he
may
appear
once
more
bare-fac'd
,
he
will
be
a
scourge
upon
them
for
their
gross
Hypocrisy
,
and
leave
them
a
sad
Instance
to
all
Nations
,
how
dangerous
it
is
to
espouse
such
an
Interest
,
against
which
God
with
so
visible
and
severe
a
hand
dos
fight
,
carry'd
on
by
and
for
the
support
of
a
tyrannizing
Nobility
and
Clergy
,
and
wherin
the
poor
People
are
blindly
led
on
by
those
afrighting
(
but
false
and
ungrounded
)
pretensions
of
Perfidy
and
Perjury
,
and
made
instrumental
with
their
own
Estates
and
Blood
towards
inslaving
and
ruining
themselves
.
THE
Commonwealth
OF
OCEANA
.
To
his
HIGHNESS
The
Lord
Protector
of
the
Common-wealth
of
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
.
—
Quid
rides
?
mutato
nomine
,
de
te
Fabula
narratur
.
—
Horat.
The
Introduction
,
or
Order
of
the
Work
.
Pliny's
Description
of
Oceana
.
OCEANA
is
saluted
by
the
Panegyrist
after
this
manner
;
O
the
most
blest
and
fortunat
of
all
Countrys
,
OCEANA
▪
How
deservedly
has
Nature
with
the
bountys
of
Heaven
and
Earth
indu'd
thee
?
Thy
ever-fruitful
Womb
not
clos'd
with
Ice
,
nor
dissolv'd
by
the
raging
Star
;
where
CERES
and
BACCHUS
are
perpetual
Twins
.
Thy
Woods
are
not
the
harbor
of
devouring
Beasts
,
nor
thy
continual
Verdure
the
ambush
of
Serpents
,
but
the
food
of
innumerable
Herds
and
Flocks
presenting
thee
their
Shepherdess
with
distended
Dugs
,
or
golden
Fleeces
.
The
wings
of
thy
Night
involve
thee
not
in
the
horror
of
darkness
,
but
have
still
som
white
feather
;
and
thy
Day
is
(
that
for
which
we
esteem
Life
)
the
longest
.
But
this
Extasy
of
PLINY
(
as
is
observ'd
by
BERTIUS
)
seems
to
allude
as
well
to
Marpesia
and
Panopea
,
now
Provinces
of
this
Commonwealth
,
as
to
Oceana
it self
.
The
Nature
of
the
People
.
TO
speak
of
the
People
in
each
of
these
Countrys
,
this
of
Oceana
,
for
so
soft
a
one
,
is
the
most
martial
in
the
whole
World
.
Let
States
that
aim
at
Greatness
(
says
VERULAMIUS
)
take
heed
how
their
Nobility
and
Gentlemen
multiply
too
fast
,
for
that
makes
the
common
Subject
grow
to
be
a
Peasant
and
base
Swain
driven
out
of
heart
,
and
in
effect
but
a
Gentleman's
Laborer
;
just
as
you
may
see
in
Coppice
Woods
,
if
you
leave
the
Staddels
too
thick
,
you
shall
never
have
clean
Vnderwood
,
but
Shrubs
and
Bushes
:
So
in
Countrys
,
if
the
Gentlemen
be
too
many
,
the
Commons
will
be
base
;
and
you
will
bring
it
to
that
at
last
,
that
not
the
hundredth
Poll
will
be
sit
for
a
Helmet
,
specially
as
to
the
Infantry
,
which
is
the
nerve
of
an
Army
,
and
so
there
will
be
great
Population
and
little
Strength
.
This
of
which
I
speak
has
bin
no where
better
seen
than
by
comparing
of
Oceana
and
France
,
wherof
Oceana
,
tho
far
less
in
Territory
and
Population
,
has
bin
nevertheless
an
overmatch
,
in
regard
the
middle
People
of
Oceana
make
good
Soldiers
,
which
the
Peasants
in
France
do
not
In
which
words
VERULAMIUS
(
as
MACHIAVEL
has
don
before
him
)
harps
much
upon
a
string
which
he
has
not
perfectly
tun'd
,
and
that
is
the
balance
of
Dominion
or
Property
:
as
it
follows
more
plainly
in
his
praise
of
the
profound
and
admirable
device
of
PANURGUS
King
of
Oceana
,
in
making
Farms
and
Houses
of
Husbandry
of
a
Standard
;
that
is
,
maintain'd
with
such
a
proportion
of
Land
to
them
,
as
may
breed
a
Subject
to
live
in
convenient
plenty
,
and
no
servil
condition
,
and
to
keep
the
Plow
in
the
hand
of
the
owners
,
and
not
mere
hirelings
.
And
thus
indeed
(
says
he
)
you
shall
attain
to
VIRGIL'S
Character
[
](A45618-e173000-b)*
*
Terra
potens
armis
atque
ubere
gleba
.
which
he
gives
of
antient
Italy
.
BUT
the
Tillage
bringing
up
a
good
Soldiery
,
brings
up
a
good
Commonwealth
;
which
the
Author
in
the
praise
of
PANURGUS
did
not
mind
,
nor
PANURGUS
in
deserving
that
praise
:
for
where
the
owner
of
the
Plow
coms
to
have
the
Sword
too
,
he
will
use
it
in
defence
of
his
own
;
whence
it
has
happen'd
that
the
People
of
Oceana
in
proportion
to
their
property
have
bin
always
free
.
And
the
Genius
of
this
Nation
has
ever
had
som
resemblance
with
that
of
antient
Italy
,
which
was
wholly
addicted
to
Commonwealths
,
and
where
Rome
came
to
make
the
greatest
account
of
her
rustic
Tribes
,
and
to
call
her
Consuls
from
the
Plow
;
for
in
the
way
of
Parlaments
,
which
was
the
Government
of
this
Realm
,
men
of
Country-lives
have
bin
still
intrusted
with
the
greatest
Affairs
,
and
the
People
have
constantly
had
an
aversion
to
the
ways
of
the
Court.
Ambition
loving
to
be
gay
,
and
to
fawn
,
has
bin
a
Gallantry
look'd
upon
as
having
somthing
in
it
of
the
Livery
;
and
Husbandry
,
or
the
country
way
of
Life
,
tho
of
a
grosser
spinning
,
as
the
best
stuf
of
a
Commonwealth
,
according
to
ARISTOTLE
,
such
a
one
being
the
most
obstinat
Assertors
of
her
Liberty
,
and
the
least
subject
to
Innovation
or
Turbulency
.
Wherfore
till
the
Foundations
(
as
will
be
hereafter
shew'd
)
were
remov'd
,
this
People
was
observ'd
to
be
the
least
subject
to
Shakings
and
Turbulency
of
any
:
Wheras
Commonwealths
,
upon
which
the
City
Life
has
had
the
stronger
influence
,
as
Athens
,
have
seldom
or
never
bin
quiet
;
but
at
the
best
are
found
to
have
injur'd
their
own
business
by
over-doing
it
.
Whence
the
Urban
Tribes
of
Rome
,
consisting
of
the
Turba
forensis
,
and
Libertins
that
had
receiv'd
their
Freedom
by
manumission
,
were
of
no
reputation
in
comparison
of
the
Rustics
.
It
is
true
,
that
with
Venice
it
may
seem
to
be
otherwise
,
in
regard
the
Gentlemen
(
for
so
are
all
such
call'd
as
have
a
right
to
that
Government
)
are
wholly
addicted
to
the
City
Life
:
but
then
the
Turba
forensis
,
the
Secretarys
,
Cittadini
,
with
the
rest
of
the
Populace
,
are
wholly
excluded
.
Otherwise
a
Commonwealth
,
consisting
but
of
one
City
,
would
doubtless
be
stormy
,
in
regard
that
Ambition
would
be
every
man's
trade
:
but
where
it
consists
of
a
Country
,
the
Plow
in
the
hands
of
the
owner
finds
him
a
better
calling
,
and
produces
the
most
innocent
and
steddy
Genius
of
a
Commonwealth
,
such
as
is
that
of
Oceana
.
The
Nature
of
the
Marpesians
.
MARPESIA
,
being
the
Northern
part
of
the
same
Iland
,
is
the
dry
Nurse
of
a
populous
and
hardy
Nation
,
but
where
the
Staddels
have
bin
formerly
too
thick
:
whence
their
Courage
answer'd
not
their
hardiness
,
except
in
the
Nobility
,
who
govern'd
that
Country
much
after
the
manner
of
Poland
;
but
that
the
King
was
not
elective
till
the
People
receiv'd
their
Liberty
,
the
yoke
of
the
Nobility
being
broke
by
the
Commonwealth
of
Oceana
,
which
in
grateful
return
is
therby
provided
with
an
inexhaustible
Magazin
of
Auxiliarys
.
The
Nature
of
the
Panopeans
.
PANOPEA
,
the
soft
Mother
of
a
slothful
and
pusillanimous
People
,
is
a
neighbor
Iland
,
antiently
subjected
by
the
Arms
of
Oceana
;
since
almost
depopulated
for
shaking
the
Yoke
,
and
at
length
replanted
with
a
new
Race
.
But
(
thro
what
virtues
of
the
Soil
,
or
vice
of
the
Air
soever
it
be
)
they
com
still
to
degenerat
.
Wherfore
seeing
it
is
neither
likely
to
yield
men
fit
for
Arms
,
nor
necessary
it
should
;
it
had
bin
the
Interest
of
Oceana
so
to
have
dispos'd
of
this
Province
,
being
both
rich
in
the
nature
of
the
Soil
,
and
full
of
commodious
Ports
for
Trade
,
that
it
might
have
bin
order'd
for
the
best
in
relation
to
her
Purse
:
which
in
my
opinion
(
if
it
had
bin
thought
upon
in
time
)
might
have
bin
best
don
by
planting
it
with
Jews
,
●llowing
them
their
own
Rites
and
Laws
;
for
that
would
have
brought
them
suddenly
from
all
parts
of
the
World
,
and
in
sufficient
numbers
.
And
tho
the
Jews
be
now
altogether
for
Merchandize
,
yet
in
the
Land
of
Canaan
(
except
since
their
exile
from
whence
they
have
not
bin
Landlords
)
they
were
altogether
for
Agriculture
;
and
there
is
no
cause
why
a
man
should
doubt
,
but
having
a
fruitful
Country
,
and
excellent
Ports
too
,
they
would
be
good
at
both
.
Panopea
well
peopled
,
would
be
worth
a
matter
of
four
millions
dry
rents
;
that
is
,
besides
the
advantage
of
the
Agriculture
and
Trade
,
which
,
with
a
Nation
of
that
Industry
,
coms
at
least
to
as
much
more
.
Wherfore
Panopea
being
farm'd
out
to
the
Jews
and
their
Heirs
for
ever
,
for
the
pay
of
a
provincial
Army
to
protect
them
during
the
term
of
seven
years
,
and
for
two
Millions
annual
Revenue
from
that
time
forward
,
besides
the
Customs
which
would
pay
the
provincial
Army
,
would
have
bin
a
bargain
of
such
advantage
both
to
them
and
this
Commonwealth
,
as
is
not
to
be
found
otherwise
by
either
.
To
receive
the
Jews
after
any
other
manner
into
a
Commonwealth
,
were
to
maim
it
:
for
they
of
all
Nations
never
incorporat
,
but
taking
up
the
room
of
a
Limb
,
are
of
no
use
or
office
to
the
body
,
while
they
suck
the
nourishment
which
would
sustain
a
natural
and
useful
Member
.
IF
Panopea
had
bin
so
dispos'd
of
,
that
Knapsack
,
with
the
Marpesian
Auxiliary
,
had
bin
an
inestimable
Treasure
;
the
Situation
of
these
Countrys
being
Ilands
(
as
appears
by
Venice
how
advantageous
such
a
one
is
to
the
like
Government
)
seems
to
have
bin
design'd
by
God
for
a
Commonwealth
.
And
yet
that
,
thro
the
streitness
of
the
place
and
The
Situation
of
the
Common-wealth
of
Oceana
.
defect
of
proper
Arms
,
can
be
no
more
than
a
Commonwealth
for
Preservation
:
wheras
this
,
reduc'd
to
the
like
Government
,
is
a
Commonwealth
for
increase
,
and
upon
the
mightiest
foundation
that
any
has
bin
laid
from
the
beginning
of
the
World
to
this
day
.
Illam
arctâ
capiens
Neptunus
compede
stringit
:
Hanc
autem
glaucis
captus
complectitur
ulnis
.
THE
Sea
gives
law
to
the
growth
of
Venice
,
but
the
growth
of
Oceana
gives
law
to
the
Sea
.
THESE
Countrys
having
bin
antiently
distinct
and
hostil
Kingdoms
,
came
by
MORPHEUS
the
Marpesian
(
who
succeded
by
hereditary
right
to
the
Crown
of
Oceana
)
not
only
to
be
join'd
under
one
head
;
but
to
be
cast
,
as
it
were
by
a
charm
,
into
that
profound
sleep
,
which
,
broken
at
length
by
the
Trumpet
of
Civil
War
,
has
produc'd
those
effects
,
that
have
given
occasion
to
the
insuing
Discourse
,
divided
into
four
parts
.
-
1.
The
Preliminarys
,
shewing
the
Principles
of
Government
.
-
2.
The
Council
of
Legislators
,
shewing
the
Art
of
making
a
Commonwealth
.
-
3.
The
Model
of
the
Commonwealth
of
Oceana
,
shewing
the
effect
of
such
an
Art
.
-
4.
The
Corollary
,
shewing
som
Consequences
of
such
a
Government
.
The
Preliminarys
,
shewing
the
Principles
of
Government
.
JANOTTI
,
the
most
excellent
Describer
of
the
Commonwealth
of
Venice
,
divides
the
whole
Series
of
Government
into
two
Times
or
Periods
.
The
one
ending
with
the
Liberty
of
Rome
,
which
was
the
Course
of
Empire
,
as
I
may
call
it
,
of
Antient
Prudence
,
first
discover'd
to
mankind
by
GOD
himself
in
the
Fabric
of
the
Commonwealth
of
Israel
,
and
afterwards
pick'd
out
of
his
Footsteps
in
Nature
,
and
unanimously
follow'd
by
the
Greecs
and
Romans
.
The
other
beginning
with
the
Arms
of
CAESAR
,
which
,
extinguishing
Liberty
,
were
the
Transition
of
Antient
into
Modern
Prudence
,
introduc'd
by
those
Inundations
of
Huns
,
Goths
,
Vandals
,
Lombards
,
Saxons
,
which
,
breaking
the
Roman
Empire
,
deform'd
the
whole
face
of
the
World
with
those
ill
features
of
Government
,
which
at
this
time
are
becom
far
worse
in
these
western
parts
,
except
Venice
,
which
escaping
the
hands
of
the
Barbarians
,
by
virtue
of
its
impregnable
Situation
,
has
had
its
ey
fix'd
upon
antient
Prudence
,
and
is
attain'd
to
a
perfection
even
beyond
the
Copy
.
Definitions
of
Government
.
RELATION
being
had
to
these
two
times
,
Government
(
to
define
it
de
jure
,
or
according
to
antient
Prudence
)
is
an
Art
wherby
a
Civil
Society
of
Men
is
instituted
and
preserv'd
upon
the
Foundation
of
common
Right
or
Interest
;
or
(
to
follow
ARISTOTLE
and
LIVY
)
It
is
the
Empire
of
Laws
,
and
not
of
Men.
AND
Government
(
to
define
it
de
facto
,
or
according
to
modern
Prudence
)
is
an
Art
wherby
som
man
,
or
som
few
men
,
subject
a
City
or
a
Nation
,
and
rule
it
according
to
his
or
their
privat
Interest
:
which
,
because
the
Laws
in
such
cases
are
made
according
to
the
interest
of
a
man
,
or
of
som
few
Familys
,
may
be
said
to
be
the
Empire
of
Men
,
and
not
of
Laws
.
THE
former
kind
is
that
which
MACHIAVEL
(
whose
Books
are
neglected
)
is
the
only
Politician
that
has
gon
about
to
retrieve
;
and
Pag.
180.
Pag.
377.
that
LEVIATHAN
(
who
would
have
his
Book
impos'd
upon
the
Universitys
)
gos
about
to
destroy
.
For
,
It
is
(
says
he
)
another
Error
of
ARISTOTLE'S
Politics
,
that
in
a
well-order'd
Commonwealth
not
Men
should
govern
,
but
the
Laws
.
What
man
that
has
his
natural
senses
,
tho
he
can
neither
write
nor
read
,
dos
not
find
himself
govern'd
by
them
he
fears
,
and
believes
can
kill
or
hurt
him
when
he
obeys
not
?
Or
,
who
believes
that
the
Law
can
hurt
him
,
which
is
but
Words
and
Paper
,
without
the
Hands
and
Swords
of
men
?
I
confess
,
that
[
](A45618-e173880-b)*
*
Magistratus
est
lex
armata
.
the
Magistrat
upon
his
Bench
is
that
to
the
Law
,
which
a
Gunner
upon
his
Platform
is
to
his
Cannon
.
Nevertheless
,
I
should
not
dare
to
argue
with
a
man
of
any
Ingenuity
after
this
manner
.
A
whole
Army
,
tho
they
can
neither
write
nor
read
,
are
not
afraid
of
a
Platform
,
which
they
know
is
but
Earth
or
Stone
;
nor
of
a
Cannon
,
which
without
a
hand
to
give
fire
to
it
,
is
but
cold
Iron
;
therfore
a
whole
Army
is
afraid
of
one
man
.
But
of
this
kind
is
the
Ratiocination
of
LEVIATHAN
(
as
I
shall
shew
in
divers
places
that
com
in
my
way
)
throout
his
whole
Politics
,
Pag.
111.
or
worse
;
as
where
he
says
of
ARISTOTLE
and
of
CICERO
,
of
the
Greecs
,
and
of
the
Romans
,
who
liv'd
under
popular
States
,
that
they
deriv'd
those
Rights
not
from
the
Principles
of
Nature
,
but
transcrib'd
them
into
their
Books
,
out
of
the
practice
of
their
own
Commonwealths
,
as
Grammarians
describe
the
Rules
of
Language
out
of
Poets
.
Which
is
as
if
a
man
should
tell
famous
HERVY
,
that
he
transcrib'd
his
Circulation
of
the
Blood
not
out
of
the
Principles
of
Nature
,
but
out
of
the
Anatomy
of
this
or
that
Body
.
TO
go
on
therfore
with
this
preliminary
Discourse
,
I
shall
divide
it
(
according
to
the
two
definitions
of
Government
relating
to
JANOTTI'S
two
times
)
into
two
parts
.
The
First
treating
of
the
Principles
of
Government
in
general
,
and
according
to
the
Antients
:
The
Second
treating
of
the
late
Governments
of
Oceana
in
particular
,
and
in
that
of
modern
Prudence
.
Division
of
Government
.
GOVERNMENT
,
according
to
the
Antients
,
and
their
learn'd
Disciple
MACHIAVEL
,
the
only
Politician
of
later
Ages
,
is
of
three
kinds
;
The
Government
of
One
Man
,
or
of
the
Better
sort
,
or
of
the
whole
People
:
which
by
their
more
learn'd
names
are
call'd
Monarchy
,
Aristocracy
,
and
Democracy
.
These
they
hold
,
thro
their
proneness
to
degenerat
,
to
be
all
evil
.
For
wheras
they
that
govern
should
govern
according
to
Reason
,
if
they
govern
according
to
Passion
,
they
do
that
which
they
should
not
do
.
Wherfore
as
Reason
and
Passion
are
two
things
,
so
Government
by
Reason
is
one
thing
,
and
the
corruption
of
Government
by
Passion
is
another
thing
,
but
not
always
another
Government
:
as
a
Body
that
is
alive
is
one
thing
,
and
a
Body
that
is
dead
is
another
thing
,
but
not
always
another
Creature
,
tho
the
Corruption
of
one
coms
at
length
to
be
the
Generation
of
another
.
The
Corruption
then
of
Monarchy
is
call'd
Tyranny
;
that
of
Aristocracy
,
Oligarchy
;
and
that
of
Democracy
,
Anarchy
.
But
Legislators
having
found
these
three
Governments
at
the
best
to
be
naught
,
have
invented
another
consisting
of
a
mixture
of
them
all
,
which
only
is
good
.
This
is
the
Doctrin
of
the
Antients
.
BUT
LEVIATHAN
is
positive
,
that
they
are
all
deceiv'd
,
and
that
there
is
no
other
Government
in
Nature
than
one
of
the
three
;
as
also
that
the
Flesh
of
them
cannot
stink
,
the
names
of
their
Corruptions
being
but
the
names
of
mens
Phansies
,
which
will
be
understood
when
we
are
shown
which
of
them
was
Senatus
Populusque
Romanus
.
TO
go
my
own
way
,
and
yet
to
follow
the
Antients
,
the
Principles
of
Government
are
twofold
;
Internal
,
or
the
goods
of
the
Mind
;
and
External
,
or
the
goods
of
Fortune
.
The
goods
of
the
Mind
are
Goods
of
the
Mind
and
of
Fortune
.
natural
or
acquir'd
Virtues
,
as
Wisdom
,
Prudence
,
and
Courage
,
&c.
The
goods
of
Fortune
are
Riches
.
There
be
goods
also
of
the
Body
,
as
Health
,
Beauty
,
Strength
;
but
these
are
not
to
be
brought
into
account
,
upon
this
score
,
because
if
a
Man
or
an
Army
acquires
Victory
or
Empire
,
it
is
more
from
their
Disciplin
,
Arms
,
and
Courage
,
than
from
their
natural
Health
,
Beauty
,
or
Strength
,
in
regard
that
a
People
conquer'd
may
have
more
of
natural
Strength
,
Beauty
and
Health
,
and
yet
find
little
remedy
.
The
Principles
of
Government
then
are
in
the
goods
of
the
Mind
,
or
in
the
goods
of
Fortune
.
To
the
goods
of
the
Mind
answers
Authority
;
to
the
goods
of
Fortune
,
Power
or
Empire
.
Empire
and
Authority
.
Wherfore
LEVIATHAN
,
tho
he
be
right
where
he
says
that
Riches
are
Power
,
is
mistaken
where
he
says
that
Prudence
,
or
the
reputation
of
Prudence
,
is
Power
:
for
the
Learning
or
Prudence
of
a
Man
is
no
more
Power
than
the
Learning
or
Prudence
of
a
Book
or
Author
,
which
is
properly
Authority
.
A
learned
Writer
may
have
Authority
tho
he
has
no
Power
;
and
a
foolish
Magistrat
may
have
Power
,
tho
he
has
otherwise
no
Esteem
or
Authority
.
The
difference
of
these
two
is
observ'd
by
LIVY
in
EVANDER
,
of
whom
he
says
,
[
](A45618-e174130-b)*
*
Regebat
magis
Autoritate
quam
Imperio
.
that
he
govern'd
rather
by
the
Authority
of
others
,
than
by
his
own
Power
.
Empire
.
TO
begin
with
Riches
,
in
regard
that
Men
are
hung
upon
these
,
not
of
choice
as
upon
the
other
,
but
of
necessity
and
by
the
teeth
:
for
as
much
as
he
who
wants
Bread
is
his
Servant
that
will
seed
him
;
if
a
Man
thus
seeds
a
whole
People
,
they
are
under
his
Empire
.
Division
of
Empire
.
EMPIRE
is
of
two
kinds
,
Domestic
and
National
,
or
Foren
and
Provincial
.
Domestic
Empire
.
Dominion
.
DOMESTIC
Empire
is
founded
upon
Dominion
.
DOMINION
is
Property
real
or
personal
,
that
is
to
say
,
in
Lands
,
or
in
Mony
and
Goods
.
Balance
in
Lands
.
LANDS
,
or
the
parts
and
parcels
of
a
Territory
,
are
held
by
the
Proprietor
or
Proprietors
,
Lord
or
Lords
of
it
,
in
som
proportion
;
and
such
(
except
it
be
in
a
City
that
has
little
or
no
Land
,
and
whose
Revenue
is
in
Trade
)
as
is
the
proportion
or
balance
of
Dominion
or
Property
in
Land
,
such
is
the
nature
of
the
Empire
.
Absolute
Monarchy
.
IF
one
Man
be
sole
Landlord
of
a
Territory
,
or
overbalance
the
People
,
for
example
three
parts
in
four
,
he
is
Grand
Signior
:
for
so
the
Turk
is
call'd
from
his
Property
;
and
his
Empire
is
absolute
Monarchy
.
Mix'd
Monarchy
.
IF
the
Few
or
a
Nobility
,
or
a
Nobility
with
the
Clergy
be
Landlords
,
or
overbalance
the
People
to
the
like
proportion
,
it
makes
the
Gothic
balance
(
to
be
shewn
at
large
in
the
second
part
of
this
Discourse
)
and
the
Empire
is
mix'd
Monarchy
,
as
that
of
Spain
,
Poland
,
and
late
of
Oceana
.
Popular
Government
.
AND
if
the
whole
People
be
Landlords
,
or
hold
the
Lands
so
divided
among
them
,
that
no
one
Man
,
or
number
of
Men
,
within
the
compass
of
the
Few
or
Aristocracy
,
overbalance
them
,
the
Empire
(
without
the
interposition
of
Force
)
is
a
Commonwealth
.
Tyranny
.
Oligarchy
.
Anarchy
.
IF
Force
be
interpos'd
in
any
of
these
three
cases
,
it
must
either
frame
the
Government
to
the
Foundation
,
or
the
Foundation
to
the
Government
;
or
holding
the
Government
not
according
to
the
balance
,
it
is
not
natural
,
but
violent
:
and
therfore
if
it
be
at
the
devotion
of
a
Prince
,
it
is
Tyranny
;
if
at
the
devotion
of
the
Few
,
Oligarchy
;
or
if
in
the
power
of
the
People
,
Anarchy
.
Each
of
which
Confusions
,
the
balance
standing
otherwise
,
is
but
of
short
continuance
,
because
against
the
nature
of
the
balance
,
which
,
not
destroy'd
,
destroys
that
which
opposes
it
.
BUT
there
be
certain
other
Confusions
,
which
,
being
rooted
in
the
balance
,
are
of
longer
continuance
,
and
of
worse
consequence
;
as
first
,
where
a
Nobility
holds
half
the
Property
,
or
about
that
proportion
,
and
the
People
the
other
half
;
in
which
case
,
without
altering
the
balance
,
there
is
no
remedy
but
the
one
must
eat
out
the
other
:
as
the
People
did
the
Nobility
in
Athens
,
and
the
Nobility
the
People
in
Rome
.
Secondly
,
when
a
Prince
holds
about
half
the
Dominion
,
and
the
People
the
other
half
(
which
was
the
case
of
the
Roman
Emperors
,
planted
partly
upon
their
military
Colonies
,
and
partly
upon
the
Senat
and
the
People
)
the
Government
becoms
a
very
shambles
both
of
the
Princes
and
the
People
.
Somwhat
of
this
nature
are
certain
Governments
at
this
day
,
which
are
said
to
subsist
by
confusion
.
In
this
case
,
to
fix
the
balance
,
is
to
entail
misery
:
but
in
the
three
former
,
not
to
fix
it
,
is
to
lose
the
Government
.
Wherfore
it
being
unlawful
in
Turky
,
that
any
should
possess
Land
but
the
Grand
Signior
,
the
balance
is
fix'd
by
the
Law
,
and
that
Empire
firm
.
Nor
,
tho
the
Kings
often
fell
,
was
the
Throne
of
Oceana
known
to
shake
,
until
the
Statute
of
Alienations
broke
the
Pillars
,
by
giving
way
to
the
Nobility
to
sell
their
Estates
.
[
](A45618-e174520-b)*
*
Si
terra
recedat
,
Ionium
Aegaeo
frangat
mare
.
While
Lacedemon
held
to
the
division
of
Land
made
by
LYCURGUS
,
it
was
immovable
,
but
,
breaking
that
,
could
stand
no
longer
.
This
kind
of
Law
fixing
the
balance
in
Lands
is
call'd
Agrarian
,
and
was
first
introduc'd
by
God
himself
,
who
divided
the
Land
of
Canaan
to
his
People
by
Lots
,
and
is
of
such
virtue
,
that
wherever
it
has
held
,
that
Government
has
not
alter'd
,
except
by
consent
;
as
in
that
unparallel'd
example
of
the
People
of
Israel
,
when
being
in
liberty
they
would
needs
chuse
a
King
.
But
without
an
Agrarian
,
Government
,
whether
Monarchical
,
Aristocratical
,
or
Popular
,
has
no
long
Lease
.
AS
for
Dominion
personal
or
in
Mony
,
it
may
now
and
then
stir
up
a
MELIUS
or
a
MANLIUS
,
which
,
if
the
Commonwealth
be
not
provided
with
som
kind
of
Dictatorian
Power
,
may
be
dangerous
,
tho
it
has
bin
seldom
or
never
successful
:
because
to
Property
producing
Empire
,
it
is
requir'd
that
it
should
have
som
certain
root
or
foothold
,
which
,
except
in
Land
,
it
cannot
have
,
being
otherwise
as
it
were
upon
the
Wing
.
Balance
in
Mony
.
NEVERTHELESS
,
in
such
Cities
as
subsist
mostly
by
Trade
,
and
have
little
or
no
Land
,
as
Holland
and
Genoa
,
the
balance
of
Treasure
may
be
equal
to
that
of
Land
in
the
cases
mention'd
.
BUT
LEVIATHAN
,
tho
he
seems
to
scew
at
Antiquity
,
following
his
furious
Master
CARNEADES
,
has
caught
hold
of
the
public
Sword
,
to
which
he
reduces
all
manner
and
matter
of
Government
;
as
,
where
he
affirms
this
opinion
[
that
any
Monarch
receives
his
Power
Pag.
89.
by
Covenant
,
that
is
to
say
,
upon
conditions
]
to
procede
from
the
not
understanding
this
easy
truth
,
That
Covenants
being
but
Words
and
Breath
,
have
no
power
to
oblige
,
contain
,
constrain
,
or
protect
any
Man
,
but
what
they
have
from
the
public
Sword
.
But
as
he
said
of
the
Law
,
that
without
this
Sword
it
is
but
Paper
;
so
he
might
have
thought
of
this
Sword
,
that
without
a
Hand
it
is
but
cold
Iron
.
The
Hand
which
holds
this
Sword
is
the
Militia
of
a
Nation
;
and
the
Militia
of
a
Nation
is
either
an
Army
in
the
field
,
or
ready
for
the
field
upon
occasion
.
But
an
Army
is
a
Beast
that
has
a
great
belly
,
and
must
be
fed
;
wherfore
this
will
com
to
what
Pastures
you
have
,
and
what
Pastures
you
have
will
com
to
the
balance
of
Property
,
without
which
the
public
Sword
is
but
a
name
or
mere
spitfrog
.
Wherfore
to
set
that
which
LEVIATHAN
says
of
Arms
and
of
Contracts
a
little
streighter
;
Arms
and
Contracts
.
he
that
can
graze
this
Beast
with
the
great
belly
,
as
the
Turk
dos
his
Timariots
,
may
well
deride
him
that
imagins
he
receiv'd
his
Power
by
Covenant
,
or
is
oblig'd
to
any
such
toy
:
it
being
in
this
case
only
that
Covenants
are
but
Words
and
Breath
.
But
if
the
Property
of
the
Nobility
,
stock'd
with
their
Tenants
and
Retainers
,
be
the
pasture
of
that
Beast
,
the
Ox
knows
his
Master's
Crib
;
and
it
is
impossible
for
a
King
in
such
a
Constitution
to
reign
otherwise
than
by
Covenant
;
or
if
he
breaks
it
,
it
is
words
that
com
to
blows
.
Pag.
90.
BUT
says
he
,
when
an
Assembly
of
Men
is
made
Soverain
,
then
no
Man
imagins
any
such
Covenant
to
have
past
in
the
Institution
.
But
what
was
that
by
PUBLICOLA
of
appeal
to
the
People
,
or
that
wherby
the
People
had
their
Tribuns
?
●y
,
says
he
,
no
body
is
so
dull
as
to
say
,
that
the
People
of
Rome
made
a
Covenant
with
the
Romans
,
to
hold
the
Soverainty
on
such
or
such
conditions
;
which
not
perform'd
,
the
Romans
might
depose
the
Roman
People
.
In
which
there
be
several
remarkable
things
;
for
he
holds
the
Commonwealth
of
Rome
to
have
consisted
of
one
Assembly
,
wheras
it
consisted
of
the
Senat
and
the
People
;
That
they
were
not
upon
Covenant
,
wheras
every
Law
enacted
by
them
was
a
Covenant
between
them
;
That
the
one
Assembly
was
made
Soverain
,
wheras
the
People
who
only
were
Soverain
,
were
such
from
the
beginning
,
as
appears
by
the
antient
stile
of
their
Covenants
or
Laws
,
[
](A45618-e174830-b)*
*
Censuere
patres
,
jussit
populus
.
The
Senat
has
resolv'd
,
the
People
have
decreed
;
That
a
Council
being
made
Soverain
,
cannot
be
made
such
upon
conditions
,
wheras
the
Decemvirs
being
a
Council
that
was
made
Soverain
,
was
made
such
upon
conditions
;
That
all
Conditions
or
Covenants
making
a
Soverain
,
the
Soverain
being
made
,
are
void
;
whence
Pag.
89.
it
must
follow
that
,
the
Decemviri
being
made
,
were
ever
after
the
lawful
Government
of
Rome
,
and
that
it
was
unlawful
for
the
Commonwealth
of
Rome
to
depose
the
Decemvirs
;
as
also
that
CICERO
,
if
he
wrote
otherwise
out
of
his
Commonwealth
,
did
not
write
out
of
Nature
.
But
to
com
to
others
that
see
more
of
this
balance
.
B.
5
,
3.
3
,
9.
YOU
have
ARISTOTLE
full
of
it
in
divers
places
,
especially
where
he
says
,
that
immoderat
Wealth
,
as
where
One
Man
or
the
Few
have
greater
Possessions
than
the
Equality
or
the
Frame
of
the
Commonwealth
will
bear
,
is
an
occasion
of
Sedition
,
which
ends
for
the
greater
part
in
Monarchy
;
and
that
for
this
cause
the
Ostracism
has
bin
receiv'd
in
divers
places
,
as
in
Argos
and
Athens
.
But
that
it
were
better
to
prevent
the
growth
in
the
beginning
,
than
,
when
it
has
got
head
,
to
seek
the
remedy
of
such
an
evil
.
D.
B.
1.
c.
55.
MACCHIAVEL
has
miss'd
it
very
narrowly
and
more
dangerously
;
for
not
fully
perceiving
that
if
a
Commonwealth
be
gall'd
by
the
Gentry
,
it
is
by
their
overbalance
,
he
speaks
of
the
Gentry
as
hostil
to
popular
Governments
,
and
of
popular
Governments
as
hostil
to
the
Gentry
;
and
makes
us
believe
that
the
People
in
such
are
so
inrag'd
against
them
,
that
where
they
meet
a
Gentleman
they
kill
him
:
which
can
never
be
prov'd
by
any
one
example
,
unless
in
civil
War
;
seeing
that
even
in
Switzerland
the
Gentry
are
not
only
safe
,
but
in
honor
.
But
the
Balance
,
as
I
have
laid
it
down
,
tho
unseen
by
MACCHIAVEL
,
is
that
which
interprets
him
,
and
that
which
he
confirms
by
his
Judgment
in
many
others
as
well
as
in
this
place
,
where
he
concludes
,
That
he
who
will
go
about
to
make
a
Commonwealth
where
there
be
many
Gentlemen
,
unless
he
first
destroys
them
,
undertakes
an
Impossibility
.
And
that
he
who
goes
about
to
introduce
Monarchy
where
the
condition
of
the
People
is
equal
,
shall
never
bring
it
to
pass
,
unless
he
cull
out
such
of
them
as
are
the
most
turbulent
and
ambitious
,
and
make
them
Gentlemen
or
Noblemen
,
not
in
name
but
in
effect
;
that
is
,
by
inriching
them
with
Lands
,
Castles
,
and
Treasures
,
that
may
gain
them
Power
among
the
rest
,
and
bring
in
the
rest
to
dependence
upon
themselves
,
to
the
end
that
they
maintaining
their
Ambition
by
the
Prince
,
the
Prince
may
maintain
his
Power
by
them
.
WHERFORE
as
in
this
place
I
agree
with
MACCHIAVEL
,
that
a
Nobility
or
Gentry
,
overbalancing
a
popular
Government
,
is
the
utter
bane
and
destruction
of
it
;
so
I
shall
shew
in
another
,
that
a
Nobility
or
Gentry
,
in
a
popular
Government
not
overbalancing
it
,
is
the
very
life
and
soul
of
it
.
The
right
of
the
Militia
stated
.
BY
what
has
bin
said
,
it
should
seem
that
we
may
lay
aside
further
disputes
of
the
public
Sword
,
or
of
the
right
of
the
Militia
;
which
,
be
the
Government
what
it
will
,
or
let
it
change
how
it
can
,
is
inseparable
from
the
overbalance
in
Dominion
:
nor
,
if
otherwise
stated
by
the
●aw
or
Custom
(
as
in
the
Commonwealth
of
Rome
,
[
](A45618-e175050-b)*
*
Consules
sine
lege
Curiata
rem
militarem
attingere
non
potuerunt
.
where
the
People
having
the
Sword
,
the
Nobility
came
to
have
the
overbalance
)
avails
it
to
any
other
end
than
destruction
.
For
as
a
Building
swaying
from
the
Foundation
must
fall
,
so
it
fares
with
the
Law
swaying
from
Reason
,
and
the
Militia
from
the
balance
of
Dominion
.
And
thus
much
for
the
balance
of
National
or
Domestic
Empire
,
which
is
in
Dominion
.
The
Balance
of
foren
Empire
.
THE
balance
of
Foren
or
Provincial
Empire
is
of
a
contrary
nature
.
A
man
may
as
well
say
,
that
it
is
unlawful
for
him
who
has
made
a
fair
and
honest
purchase
to
have
Tenants
,
as
for
a
Government
that
has
made
a
just
progress
,
and
inlargement
of
it self
,
to
have
Provinces
.
But
how
a
Province
may
be
justly
acquir'd
,
appertains
to
another
place
.
In
this
I
am
to
shew
no
more
than
how
or
upon
what
kind
of
balance
it
is
to
be
held
;
in
order
wherto
I
shall
first
shew
upon
what
kind
of
balance
it
is
not
to
be
held
.
It
has
bin
said
,
that
national
or
independent
Empire
,
of
what
kind
soever
,
is
to
be
exercis'd
by
them
that
have
the
proper
balance
of
Dominion
in
the
Nation
;
wherfore
provincial
or
dependent
Empire
is
not
to
be
exercis'd
by
them
that
have
the
balance
of
Dominion
in
the
Province
,
because
that
would
bring
the
Government
from
Provincial
and
Dependent
,
to
National
and
Independent
.
Absolute
Monarchy
,
as
that
of
the
Turks
,
neither
plants
its
People
at
home
nor
abroad
,
otherwise
than
as
Tenants
for
life
or
at
will
;
wherfore
its
National
and
Provincial
Government
is
all
one
.
But
in
Governments
that
admit
the
Citizen
or
Subject
to
Dominion
in
Lands
,
the
richest
are
they
that
share
most
of
the
Power
at
home
;
wheras
the
richest
among
the
Provincials
,
tho
native
Subjects
,
or
Citizens
that
have
bin
transplanted
,
are
least
admitted
to
the
Government
abroad
:
for
men
,
like
slowers
or
roots
being
transplanted
,
take
after
the
soil
wherin
they
grow
.
Wherfore
the
Commonwealth
of
Rome
,
by
planting
Colonys
of
its
Citizens
within
the
bounds
of
Italy
,
took
the
best
way
of
propagating
it self
,
and
naturalizing
the
Country
;
wheras
if
it
had
planted
such
Colonys
without
the
bounds
of
Italy
,
it
would
have
alienated
the
Citizens
,
and
given
a
root
to
Liberty
abroad
that
might
have
sprung
up
foren
,
or
savage
,
and
hostil
to
her
:
wherfore
it
never
made
any
such
dispersion
of
it self
and
its
strength
,
till
it
was
under
the
yoke
of
the
Emperors
,
who
disburdening
themselves
of
the
People
,
as
having
less
apprehension
of
what
they
could
do
abroad
than
at
home
,
took
a
contrary
course
.
THE
Mamalucs
(
which
till
any
man
shew
me
the
contrary
,
I
shall
presume
to
have
bin
a
Commonwealth
consisting
of
an
Army
,
wherof
the
common
Soldier
was
the
People
,
the
Commission
Officer
the
Senat
,
and
the
General
the
Prince
)
were
Foreners
,
and
by
Nation
Circassians
,
that
govern'd
Aegypt
;
wherfore
these
never
durst
plant
themselves
upon
Dominion
,
which
growing
naturally
up
into
the
National
Interest
,
must
have
dissolv'd
the
foren
yoke
in
that
Province
.
THE
like
in
som
sort
may
be
said
of
Venice
,
the
Government
wherof
is
usually
mistaken
:
for
Venice
,
tho
it
dos
not
take
in
the
People
,
never
excluded
them
.
This
Commonwealth
,
the
Orders
wherof
are
the
most
Democratical
or
Popular
of
all
others
,
in
regard
of
the
exquisit
Rotation
of
the
Senat
,
at
the
first
institution
took
in
the
whole
People
;
they
that
now
live
under
the
Government
without
participation
of
it
,
are
such
as
have
since
either
voluntarily
chosen
so
to
do
,
or
were
subdu'd
by
Arms.
Wherfore
the
Subject
of
Venice
is
govern'd
by
Provinces
;
and
the
balance
of
Dominion
not
standing
,
as
has
bin
said
,
with
Provincial
Government
:
As
the
Mamalucs
durst
not
cast
their
Government
upon
this
balance
in
their
Provinces
,
lest
the
National
Interest
should
have
rooted
out
the
Foren
;
so
neither
dare
the
Venetians
take
in
their
Subjects
upon
this
balance
,
lest
the
foren
Interest
should
root
out
the
National
(
which
is
that
of
the
3000
now
governing
)
and
by
diffusing
the
Commonwealth
throout
her
Territorys
,
lose
the
advantage
of
her
Situation
,
by
which
in
great
part
it
subsists
.
And
such
also
is
the
Government
of
the
Spaniard
in
the
Indies
,
to
which
he
deputes
Natives
of
his
own
Country
,
not
admitting
the
Creolios
to
the
Government
of
those
Provinces
,
tho
descended
from
Spaniards
.
BUT
if
a
Prince
or
a
Commonwealth
may
hold
a
Territory
that
is
foren
in
this
,
it
may
be
ask'd
,
why
he
may
not
hold
one
that
is
native
in
the
like
manner
?
To
which
I
answer
,
because
he
can
hold
a
foren
by
a
native
Territory
,
but
not
a
native
by
a
foren
▪
and
as
hitherto
I
have
shewn
what
is
not
the
provincial
Balance
,
so
by
this
answer
it
may
appear
what
it
is
,
namely
the
Overbalance
of
a
native
Territory
to
a
foren
;
for
as
one
Country
balances
it self
by
the
distribution
of
Property
according
to
the
proportion
of
the
same
,
so
one
Country
overbalances
another
by
advantage
of
divers
kinds
.
For
example
,
the
Commonwealth
of
Rome
overbalanc'd
her
Provinces
by
the
vigor
of
a
more
excellent
Government
oppos'd
to
a
crazier
,
or
by
a
more
exquisit
Militia
oppos'd
to
one
inferior
in
Courage
or
Disciplin
.
The
like
was
that
of
the
Mamalucs
,
being
a
hardy
People
,
to
the
Aegyptians
that
were
a
soft
one
.
And
the
balance
of
Situation
is
in
this
kind
of
wonderful
effect
;
seeing
the
King
of
Denmark
,
being
none
of
the
most
potent
Princes
,
is
able
at
the
Sound
to
take
Toll
of
the
greatest
:
and
as
this
King
by
the
advantage
of
the
Land
can
make
the
Sea
tributary
;
so
Venice
,
by
the
advantage
of
the
Sea
,
in
whose
arms
she
is
impregnable
,
can
make
the
Land
to
feed
her
Gulf.
For
the
Colonys
in
the
Indies
,
they
are
yet
Babes
that
cannot
live
without
sucking
the
breasts
of
their
Mother
Citys
,
but
such
as
I
mistake
if
when
they
com
of
age
they
do
not
wean
themselves
:
which
causes
me
to
wonder
at
Princes
that
delight
to
be
exhausted
in
that
way
.
And
so
much
for
the
principles
of
Power
,
whether
National
or
Provincial
,
Domestic
or
Foren
;
being
such
as
are
external
,
and
founded
in
the
goods
of
Fortune
.
Authority
.
I
COM
to
the
principles
of
Authority
,
which
are
internal
,
and
founded
upon
the
goods
of
the
Mind
.
These
the
Legislator
that
can
unite
in
his
Government
with
those
of
Fortune
,
coms
nearest
to
the
work
of
God
,
whose
Government
consists
of
Heaven
and
Earth
:
which
was
said
by
PLATO
,
tho
in
different
words
,
as
,
when
Princes
should
be
Philosophers
,
or
Philosophers
Princes
,
the
World
would
be
Eccles.
10.
15.
Tacit.
happy
.
And
says
SOLOMON
,
There
is
an
evil
which
I
have
seen
under
the
Sun
,
which
procedes
from
the
Ruler
(
enimvero
neque
nobilem
,
neque
ingenuum
,
nec
libertinum
quidem
armis
praeponere
,
regia
utilitas
est
)
Grot.
Folly
is
set
in
great
dignity
,
and
the
Rich
(
either
in
Virtue
and
Wisdom
,
in
the
goods
of
the
Mind
,
or
those
of
Fortune
upon
that
balance
which
gives
them
a
sense
of
the
National
Interest
)
sit
in
low
places
.
I
have
seen
Servants
upon
horses
,
and
Princes
walking
as
Servants
upon
the
earth
.
Sad
complaints
,
that
the
principles
of
Power
and
of
Authority
,
the
goods
of
the
Mind
and
of
Fortune
,
do
not
meet
and
twine
in
the
Wreath
or
Crown
of
Empire
!
Wherfore
,
if
we
have
any
thing
of
Piety
or
of
Prudence
,
let
us
raise
our selves
out
of
the
mire
of
privat
Interest
to
the
contemplation
of
Virtue
,
and
put
a
hand
to
the
removal
of
this
evil
from
under
the
Sun
;
this
evil
against
which
no
Government
that
is
not
secur'd
,
can
be
good
;
this
evil
from
which
the
Government
that
is
secure
must
be
perfect
.
SOLOMON
tels
us
,
that
the
cause
of
it
is
from
the
Ruler
,
from
those
principles
of
power
,
which
,
balanc'd
upon
earthly
trash
,
exclude
the
heavenly
treasures
of
Virtue
,
and
that
influence
of
it
upon
Government
,
which
is
Authority
.
We
have
wander'd
the
Earth
to
find
out
the
balance
of
power
:
but
to
find
out
that
of
Authority
,
we
must
ascend
,
as
I
said
,
nearer
Heaven
,
or
to
the
Image
of
God
,
which
is
the
Soul
of
Man
.
THE
Soul
of
Man
(
whose
life
or
motion
is
perpetual
Contemplation
or
Thought
)
is
the
Mistress
of
two
potent
Rivals
,
the
one
Reason
,
the
other
Passion
,
that
are
in
continual
suit
;
and
,
according
as
she
gives
up
her
will
to
these
or
either
of
them
,
is
the
felicity
or
misery
which
Man
partakes
in
this
mortal
life
.
FOR
as
whatever
was
Passion
in
the
contemplation
of
a
man
,
being
brought
forth
by
his
will
into
action
,
is
Vice
and
the
bondage
of
Sin
;
so
whatever
was
Reason
in
the
contemplation
of
a
man
,
being
brought
forth
by
his
will
into
action
,
is
virtue
and
the
freedom
of
Soul
.
AGAIN
,
as
those
actions
of
a
man
that
were
Sin
acquire
to
himself
Repentance
or
Shame
,
and
affect
others
with
Scorn
or
Pity
;
so
those
actions
of
a
man
that
are
Virtue
acquire
to
himself
Honor
,
and
upon
others
Authority
.
NOW
Government
is
no
other
than
the
Soul
of
a
Nation
or
City
:
wherfore
that
which
was
Reason
in
the
debate
of
a
Commonwealth
being
brought
forth
by
the
result
,
must
be
Virtue
;
and
forasmuch
as
the
Soul
of
a
City
or
Nation
is
the
Soverain
Power
,
her
Virtue
must
be
Law
.
But
the
Government
whose
Law
is
Virtue
,
and
whose
Virtue
is
Law
,
is
the
same
whose
Empire
is
Authority
,
and
whose
Authority
is
Empire
.
AGAIN
,
If
the
Liberty
of
a
man
consists
in
the
Empire
of
his
Reason
,
the
absence
wherof
would
betray
him
to
the
bondage
of
his
Passions
;
then
the
Liberty
of
a
Commonwealth
consists
in
the
Empire
of
her
Laws
,
the
absence
wherof
would
betray
her
to
the
Lust
of
Tyrants
.
And
these
I
conceive
to
be
the
Principles
upon
which
ARISTOTLE
and
LIVY
(
injuriously
accus'd
by
LEVIATHAN
for
not
writing
out
of
nature
)
have
grounded
their
Assertion
,
That
a
Commonwealth
is
an
Empire
of
Laws
,
and
not
of
Men.
But
they
must
not
●arry
it
so
.
For
,
says
he
,
the
Liberty
,
wherof
there
is
so
frequent
and
Pag.
110.
honorable
mention
in
the
Historys
and
Philosophy
of
the
antient
Greecs
and
Romans
,
and
the
Writings
and
Discourses
of
those
that
from
them
have
receiv'd
all
their
Learning
in
the
Politics
,
is
not
the
Liberty
of
particular
Men
,
but
the
Liberty
of
the
Commonwealth
.
He
might
as
well
have
said
,
that
the
Estates
of
particular
Men
in
a
Commonwealth
are
not
the
Riches
of
particular
Men
,
but
the
Riches
of
the
Commonwealth
;
for
equality
of
Estates
causes
equality
of
Power
,
and
equality
of
Power
is
the
Liberty
not
only
of
the
Commonwealth
,
but
of
every
Man
.
But
sure
a
Man
would
never
be
thus
irreverent
with
the
greatest
Authors
,
and
positive
against
all
Antiquity
,
without
som
certain
demonstration
of
Truth
:
and
,
what
is
it
?
Why
,
there
is
written
on
the
Turrets
of
the
City
of
Lucca
in
great
Characters
at
this
day
the
word
LIBERTAS
;
yet
no
Man
can
thence
infer
,
that
a
particular
Man
has
more
Liberty
or
Immunity
from
the
Service
of
the
Commonwealth
there
,
than
in
Constantinople
.
Whether
a
Commonwealth
be
Monarchical
or
Popular
,
the
Freedom
is
the
same
.
The
Mountain
has
brought
forth
,
and
we
have
a
little
Equivocation
!
For
to
say
,
that
a
Luchese
has
no
more
Liberty
or
Immunity
from
the
Laws
of
Luca
,
than
a
Turk
has
from
those
of
Constantinople
;
and
to
say
that
a
Lucchese
has
no
more
Liberty
or
Immunity
by
the
Laws
of
Lucca
,
than
a
Turk
has
by
those
of
Constantinople
,
are
pretty
different
Speeches
.
The
first
may
be
said
of
all
Governments
alike
;
the
second
scarce
of
any
two
;
much
less
of
these
,
seeing
it
is
known
,
that
wheras
the
greatest
Basha
is
a
Tenant
,
as
well
of
his
Head
as
of
his
Estate
,
at
the
Will
of
his
Lord
,
the
meanest
Lucchese
that
has
Land
,
is
a
Freeholder
of
both
,
and
not
to
be
control'd
but
by
the
Law
,
and
that
fram'd
by
every
privat
Man
to
no
other
end
(
or
they
may
thank
themselves
)
than
to
protect
the
Liberty
of
every
privat
Man
,
which
by
that
means
coms
to
be
the
Liberty
of
the
Commonwealth
.
BUT
seeing
they
that
make
the
Laws
in
Commonwealths
are
but
Men
,
the
main
Question
seems
to
be
,
how
a
Commonwealth
coms
to
be
an
Empire
of
Laws
,
and
not
of
Men
?
or
how
the
Debate
or
Result
of
a
Commonwealth
is
so
sure
to
be
according
to
Reason
;
seeing
they
who
debate
,
and
they
who
resolve
,
be
but
Men
?
And
as
often
●obs
.
as
Reason
is
against
a
Man
,
so
often
will
a
Man
be
against
Reason
.
THIS
is
thought
to
be
a
shrewd
saying
,
but
will
do
no
harm
;
for
be
it
so
that
Reason
is
nothing
but
Interest
,
there
be
divers
Interests
,
and
so
divers
Reasons
.
AS
first
,
there
is
privat
Reason
,
which
is
the
Interest
of
a
privat
Man
.
SECONDLY
,
There
is
Reason
of
State
,
which
is
the
Interest
(
or
Error
,
as
was
said
by
SOLOMON
)
of
the
Ruler
or
Rulers
,
that
is
to
say
,
of
the
Prince
,
of
the
Nobility
,
or
of
the
People
.
THIRDLY
,
There
is
that
Reason
,
which
is
the
Interest
of
Mankind
,
Hooker
.
B.
1.
or
of
the
whole
.
Now
if
we
see
even
in
those
natural
Agents
that
want
sense
,
that
as
in
themselves
they
have
a
Law
which
directs
them
in
the
means
wherby
they
tend
to
their
own
perfection
,
so
likewise
that
another
Law
there
is
,
which
touches
them
as
they
are
sociable
parts
united
into
one
Body
,
a
Law
which
binds
them
each
to
serve
to
others
good
,
and
all
to
prefer
the
good
of
the
whole
,
before
whatsoever
their
own
particular
;
as
when
stones
,
or
heavy
things
forsake
their
ordinary
wont
or
center
,
and
fly
upwards
,
as
if
they
heard
themselves
commanded
to
let
go
the
good
they
privatly
wish
,
and
to
relieve
the
present
distress
of
Nature
in
common
.
There
is
a
common
Right
,
Law
of
Nature
,
or
Interest
of
the
whole
;
which
is
more
excellent
,
and
so
acknowleg'd
to
be
by
the
Agents
Grot.
themselves
,
than
the
Right
or
Interest
of
the
Parts
only
.
Wherfore
tho
it
may
be
truly
said
that
the
Creatures
are
naturally
carry'd
forth
to
their
proper
utility
or
prosit
,
that
ought
not
to
be
taken
in
too
general
a
sense
;
seeing
divers
of
them
abs●ain
from
their
own
prosit
,
either
in
regard
of
those
of
the
same
kind
,
or
at
least
of
their
young
MANKIND
then
must
either
be
less
just
than
the
Creature
,
or
acknowlege
also
his
common
Interest
to
be
common
Right
.
And
if
Reason
be
nothi●g
else
but
Interest
,
and
the
Interest
o●
Mankind
be
the
right
Interest
,
then
the
Reason
of
Mankind
must
be
right
Reason
.
Now
compute
well
;
for
if
the
Interest
of
popular
Government
com
the
nearest
to
the
Interest
of
Mankind
,
then
the
Reason
of
popular
Government
must
com
the
nearest
to
right
Reason
.
BUT
it
may
be
said
,
that
the
di●ficulty
remains
yet
;
for
be
the
Interest
of
popular
Government
right
Reason
,
a
Man
dos
not
look
upon
Reason
as
it
is
right
or
wrong
in
it self
,
but
as
it
makes
for
him
or
against
him
.
Wherfore
unless
you
can
shew
such
Orders
of
a
Government
,
as
,
like
those
of
God
in
Nature
,
shall
be
able
to
constrain
this
or
that
Creature
to
shake
off
that
Inclination
which
is
more
peculiar
to
it
,
and
take
up
that
which
regards
the
common
Good
or
Interest
;
all
this
is
to
no
more
end
,
than
to
persuade
every
man
in
a
popular
Government
not
to
carve
himself
of
that
which
he
desires
most
,
but
to
be
mannerly
at
the
public
Table
,
and
give
the
best
from
himself
to
Decency
and
the
common
Interest
.
But
that
such
Orders
may
be
establish'd
,
as
may
,
nay
must
give
the
upper
hand
in
all
cases
to
common
Right
or
Interest
,
notwithstanding
the
nearness
of
that
which
sticks
to
every
man
in
privat
,
and
this
in
a
way
of
equal
certainty
and
facility
,
is
known
even
to
Girls
,
being
no
other
than
those
that
are
of
common
practice
with
them
in
divers
cases
.
For
example
,
two
of
them
have
a
Cake
yet
undivided
,
which
was
given
between
them
:
that
each
of
them
therfore
may
have
that
which
is
due
,
Divide
,
says
one
to
the
other
,
and
I
will
chuse
;
or
let
me
divide
,
and
you
shall
chuse
.
If
this
be
but
once
agreed
upon
,
it
is
enough
:
for
the
divident
,
dividing
unequally
,
loses
,
in
regard
that
the
other
takes
the
better
half
;
wherfore
she
divides
equally
,
and
so
both
have
right
.
O
the
depth
of
the
Wisdom
of
God!
and
yet
by
the
mouths
of
Babes
and
Sucklings
has
he
set
forth
his
strength
;
that
which
great
Philosophers
are
disputing
upon
in
vain
,
is
brought
to
light
by
two
harmless
Girls
,
even
the
whole
Mystery
of
a
Commonwealth
,
which
lys
only
in
dividing
and
chusing
.
Nor
has
God
(
if
his
Works
in
Nature
be
understood
)
left
so
much
to
Mankind
to
dispute
upon
,
as
who
shall
divide
,
and
who
chuse
,
but
distributed
them
for
ever
into
two
Orders
,
wherof
the
one
has
the
natural
right
of
dividing
,
and
the
other
of
chusing
.
For
Example
:
The
Orders
of
popular
Government
in
Nature
.
A
COMMONWEALTH
is
but
a
civil
Society
of
Men
:
let
us
take
any
number
of
Men
(
as
twenty
)
and
immediatly
make
a
Commonwealth
.
Twenty
Men
(
if
they
be
not
all
Idiots
,
perhaps
if
they
be
)
can
never
com
so
together
,
but
there
will
be
such
a
difference
in
them
,
that
about
a
third
will
be
wiser
,
or
at
least
less
foolish
than
all
the
rest
;
these
upon
acquaintance
,
tho
it
be
but
small
,
will
be
discover'd
,
and
(
as
Stags
that
have
the
largest
heads
)
lead
the
herd
:
for
while
the
six
discoursing
and
arguing
one
with
another
,
shew
the
eminence
of
their
parts
,
the
fourteen
discover
things
that
they
never
thought
on
;
or
are
clear'd
in
divers
Truths
which
had
formerly
perplex'd
them
.
Wherfore
in
matter
of
common
concernment
,
difficulty
,
or
danger
,
they
hang
upon
their
lips
as
Children
upon
their
Fathers
;
and
the
influence
thus
acquir'd
by
the
six
,
the
eminence
of
whose
parts
is
found
to
be
a
stay
and
comfort
to
the
fourteen
,
is
[
](A45618-e175900-b)*
*
Authoritas
Patrum
.
the
Authority
of
the
Fathers
.
Wherfore
this
can
be
no
other
than
a
natural
Aristocracy
diffus'd
by
God
throout
the
whole
Body
of
Mankind
to
this
end
and
purpose
;
and
therfore
such
as
the
People
have
not
only
a
natural
,
but
a
positive
Obligation
to
make
use
of
as
their
Guides
;
as
where
the
People
of
Israel
are
commanded
to
take
wise
men
,
Deut.
1.
13.
and
understanding
,
and
known
among
their
Tribes
,
to
be
made
Rulers
over
them
.
The
six
then
approv'd
of
,
as
in
the
present
case
,
are
the
Senat
,
not
by
hereditary
Right
,
or
in
regard
of
the
greatness
of
their
Estates
only
(
which
would
tend
to
such
Power
as
might
force
or
draw
the
People
)
but
by
election
for
their
excellent
Parts
,
which
tends
to
the
advancement
of
the
influence
of
their
Virtue
or
Authority
that
leads
the
People
.
Wherfore
the
Office
of
the
Senat
is
not
to
be
Commanders
,
but
Counsellors
of
the
People
;
and
that
which
is
proper
to
Counsellors
is
first
to
debate
,
and
afterward
to
give
advice
in
the
business
wherupon
they
have
debated
;
whence
the
Decrees
of
the
Senat
are
never
Laws
,
nor
so
[
](A45618-e175960-b)†
†
Senatusconsulta
.
call'd
:
and
these
being
maturely
fram'd
,
it
is
their
duty
[
](A45618-e175970-b)‖
‖
Ferre
ad
Populum
.
to
propose
in
the
case
to
the
People
.
Wherfore
the
Senat
is
no
more
than
the
debate
of
the
Commonwealth
.
But
to
debate
,
is
to
discern
or
put
a
difference
between
things
that
,
being
alike
,
are
not
the
same
;
or
it
is
separating
and
weighing
this
reason
against
that
,
and
that
reason
against
this
,
which
is
dividing
.
The
People
.
THE
Senat
then
having
divided
,
who
shall
chuse
?
Ask
the
Girls
:
for
is
she
that
divided
must
have
chosen
also
,
it
had
bin
little
worse
for
the
other
in
case
she
had
not
divided
at
all
,
but
kept
the
whole
Cake
to
her self
,
in
regard
that
being
to
chuse
too
,
she
divided
accordingly
.
Wherfore
if
the
Senat
have
any
farther
power
thanto
divide
,
the
Commonwealth
can
never
be
equal
.
But
in
a
Commonwealth
consisting
of
a
single
Council
,
there
is
no
other
to
chuse
than
that
which
divided
;
whence
it
is
,
that
such
a
Council
sails
not
to
scramble
,
that
is
,
to
be
factious
,
there
being
no
other
dividing
of
the
Cake
in
that
case
but
among
themselves
.
NOR
is
there
any
remedy
but
to
have
another
Council
to
chuse
.
The
Wisdom
of
the
Few
may
be
the
Light
of
Mankind
;
but
the
Interest
of
the
Few
is
not
the
Profit
of
Mankind
,
nor
of
a
Common-wealth
.
Wherfore
seeing
we
have
granted
Interest
to
be
Reason
,
they
must
not
chuse
,
lest
it
put
out
their
Light
.
But
as
the
Council
dividing
consists
of
the
Wisdom
of
the
Commonwealth
,
so
the
Assembly
or
Council
chusing
should
consist
of
the
Interest
of
the
Common-wealth
:
as
the
Wisdom
of
the
Commonwealth
is
in
the
Aristocracy
,
so
the
Interest
of
the
Commonwealth
is
in
the
whole
body
of
the
People
.
And
wheras
this
,
in
case
the
Commonwealth
consist
of
a
whole
Nation
,
is
too
unweildy
a
body
to
be
assembled
,
this
Council
is
to
consist
of
such
a
Representative
as
may
be
equal
,
and
so
constituted
,
as
can
never
contract
any
other
Interest
than
that
of
the
whole
People
;
the
manner
wherof
,
being
such
as
is
best
shewn
by
Exemplification
,
I
remit
to
the
Model
.
But
in
the
present
case
,
the
six
dividing
,
and
the
fourteen
chusing
,
must
of
necessity
take
in
the
whole
interest
of
the
twenty
.
DIVIDING
and
chusing
in
the
language
of
a
Commonwealth
is
debating
and
resolving
;
and
whatsoever
upon
debate
of
the
Senat
is
propos'd
to
the
People
,
and
resolv'd
by
them
,
is
enacted
[
](A45618-e176020-b)*
*
Authoritate
Patrum
&
jussu
Populi
.
by
the
authority
of
the
Fathers
,
and
by
the
power
of
the
People
,
which
concurring
,
make
a
Law
.
The
Magistracy
.
BUT
the
Law
being
made
,
says
LEVIATHAN
,
is
but
Words
and
Paper
without
the
Hands
and
Swords
of
Men
;
wherfore
as
those
two
Orders
of
a
Commonwealth
,
namely
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
are
Legislative
,
so
of
necessity
there
must
be
a
third
to
be
executive
of
the
Laws
made
,
and
this
is
the
Magistracy
;
in
which
order
,
with
the
rest
being
wrought
up
by
art
,
the
Commonwealth
consists
of
the
Senat
proposing
,
the
People
resolving
,
and
the
Magistracy
executing
:
wherby
partaking
of
the
Aristocracy
as
in
the
Senat
,
of
the
Democracy
as
in
the
People
,
and
of
Monarchy
as
in
the
Magistracy
,
it
is
complete
.
Now
there
being
no
other
Commonwealth
but
this
in
Art
or
Nature
,
it
is
no
wonder
if
MACCHIAVEL
has
shew'd
us
that
the
Antients
held
this
only
to
be
good
;
but
it
seems
strange
to
me
,
that
they
should
hold
that
there
could
be
any
other
:
for
if
there
be
such
a
thing
as
pure
Monarchy
,
yet
that
there
should
be
such
a
one
as
pure
Aristocracy
,
or
pure
Democracy
,
is
not
in
my
understanding
.
But
the
Magistracy
both
in
number
and
function
is
different
in
different
Commonwealths
.
Nevertheless
there
is
one
condition
of
it
that
must
be
the
same
in
every
one
,
or
it
dissolves
the
Commonwealth
where
it
is
wanting
.
And
this
is
no
less
than
that
as
the
hand
of
the
Magistrat
is
the
executive
Power
of
the
Law
,
so
the
head
of
the
Magistrat
is
answerable
to
the
People
that
his
execution
be
according
to
the
Law
;
by
which
LEVIATHAN
may
see
that
the
hand
or
sword
that
executes
the
Law
is
in
it
,
and
not
above
it
.
The
Orders
of
a
Commonwealth
in
experience
,
as
that
NOW
whether
I
have
rightly
transcrib'd
these
Principles
of
a
Commonwealth
out
of
Nature
,
I
shall
appeal
to
God
and
to
the
World
.
To
God
in
the
Fabric
of
the
Commonwealth
of
Israel
:
and
to
the
World
in
the
universal
Series
of
ant●ent
Prudence
.
But
in
regard
the
same
Commonwealths
will
be
open'd
at
large
in
the
Council
of
Legislators
,
I
shall
touch
them
for
the
present
but
slightly
,
beginning
with
that
of
Israel
.
Of
Israel
.
THE
Commonwealth
of
Israel
consisted
of
the
Senat
,
the
People
,
and
the
Magistracy
.
THE
People
by
their
first
division
,
which
was
genealogical
,
were
contain'd
under
their
thirteen
Tribes
,
Houses
,
or
Familys
;
wherof
the
firstborn
in
each
was
Prince
of
his
Tribe
,
and
had
the
leading
of
it
:
Numb.
1.
the
Tribe
of
LEVI
only
being
set
apart
to
serve
at
the
Altar
,
had
no
other
Prince
but
the
High
Priest
.
In
their
second
division
they
were
divided
locally
by
their
Agrarian
,
or
the
distribution
of
the
Land
of
Josh.
ch.
13
,
to
ch.
42.
Canaan
to
them
by
lot
,
the
Tithe
of
all
remaining
to
LEVI
;
whence
according
to
their
local
division
,
the
Tribes
are
reckon'd
but
twelve
.
The
People
.
THE
Assemblys
of
the
People
thus
divided
were
methodically
gather'd
by
Trumpets
to
the
Congregation
;
which
was
,
it
should
seem
,
Numb.
10.
7.
of
two
sorts
.
For
if
it
were
call'd
by
one
Trumpet
only
,
the
Princes
of
the
Tribes
and
the
Elders
only
assembl'd
;
but
if
it
were
call'd
Numb.
10.
4.
with
two
,
the
whole
People
gather'd
themselves
to
the
Congregation
,
Numb.
10.
3.
for
so
it
is
render'd
by
the
English
:
but
in
the
Greec
it
is
call'd
Ecclesia
,
Judg.
20.
2.
or
the
Church
of
God
,
and
by
the
Talmudist
,
the
great
Synagog
.
The
word
Ecclesia
was
also
antiently
and
properly
us'd
for
the
Civil
Congregations
or
Assemblys
of
the
People
in
Athens
,
Lacedemon
,
and
Ephesus
,
where
it
is
so
call'd
in
Scripture
,
tho
it
be
otherwise
render'd
Acts
19.
23.
by
the
Translators
,
not
much
as
I
conceive
to
their
commendation
,
seeing
by
that
means
they
have
lost
us
a
good
lesson
,
the
Apostles
borrowing
that
name
for
their
spiritual
Congregations
,
to
the
end
that
we
might
see
they
intended
the
Government
of
the
Church
to
be
Democratical
or
Popular
,
as
is
also
plain
in
the
rest
of
their
Constitutions
.
THE
Church
or
Congregation
of
the
People
of
Israel
assembl'd
in
a
military
manner
,
and
had
the
result
of
the
Commonwealth
,
or
Judg.
20.
2.
the
power
of
confirming
all
their
Laws
,
tho
propos'd
even
by
God
Exod.
19.
himself
;
as
where
they
make
him
King
;
and
where
they
reject
or
depose
him
as
Civil
Magistrat
,
and
elect
Saul
.
It
is
manifest
1
Sam.
8.
7.
that
he
gives
no
such
example
to
a
Legislator
in
a
popular
Government
as
to
deny
or
evade
the
power
of
the
People
,
which
were
a
contradiction
:
but
tho
he
deservedly
blames
the
ingratitude
of
the
People
in
that
action
,
he
commands
SAMUEL
,
being
next
under
himself
Supreme
Magistrat
,
to
hearken
to
their
Voice
(
for
where
the
suffrage
of
the
People
gos
for
nothing
,
it
is
no
Commonwealth
)
and
comforts
him
,
saying
,
They
have
not
rejected
thee
,
but
they
have
rejected
me
that
I
should
not
reign
over
them
.
But
to
reject
him
that
he
should
not
reign
over
them
,
was
as
Civil
Magistrat
to
depose
him
.
The
Power
therfore
which
the
People
had
to
depose
even
God
himself
as
he
was
Civil
Magistrat
,
leaves
little
doubt
but
that
they
had
power
to
have
rejected
any
of
those
Laws
confirm'd
by
them
throout
the
Deut.
29.
Scripture
,
which
(
to
omit
the
several
parcels
)
are
generally
contain'd
under
two
heads
,
those
that
were
made
by
Covenant
with
the
People
in
the
Land
of
Moab
,
and
those
which
were
made
by
Covenant
with
the
People
in
Horeb
:
which
two
,
I
think
,
amount
to
the
whole
body
of
the
Israelitish
Laws
.
But
if
all
and
every
one
of
the
Laws
of
Israel
being
propos'd
by
God
,
were
no
otherwise
enacted
than
by
Covenant
with
the
People
,
then
that
only
which
was
resolv'd
by
the
People
of
Israel
was
their
Law
;
and
so
the
result
of
that
Commonwealth
was
in
the
People
.
Nor
had
the
People
the
result
only
in
matter
of
Law
,
Josh.
7.
16.
Judg.
20.
8
,
9
,
10.
1
Sam.
7.
6
,
7
,
8.
1
Chron.
13.
2.
2
Chron.
30.
4.
Judg.
11.
11.
1
Sam.
10.
17.
1
Mac.
14.
Exod.
9.
3
,
4
,
5.
Josh.
7.
1
Sam.
10.
but
the
Power
in
som
cases
of
Judicature
;
as
also
the
right
of
levying
War
;
cognizance
in
matter
of
Religion
;
and
the
election
of
their
Magistrats
,
as
the
Judg
or
Dictator
,
the
King
,
the
Prince
:
which
functions
were
exercis'd
by
the
Synagoga
magna
or
Congregation
of
Israel
,
not
always
in
one
manner
;
for
somtimes
they
were
perform'd
by
the
suffrage
of
the
People
,
vivâ
voce
;
somtimes
by
the
Lot
only
;
and
at
others
by
the
Ballot
,
or
by
a
mixture
of
the
Lot
with
the
Suffrage
,
as
in
the
case
of
ELDAD
and
MEDAD
,
which
I
shall
open
with
the
Senat.
The
Senat.
THE
Senat
of
Israel
,
call'd
in
the
Old
Testament
the
seventy
Elders
,
and
in
the
New
the
Sanhedrim
(
which
word
is
usually
translated
the
Numb.
11.
Council
)
was
appointed
by
God
,
and
consisted
of
Seventy
Elders
besides
Deut.
1.
MOSES
,
which
were
at
first
elected
by
the
People
;
but
in
what
Numb.
11.
manner
is
rather
intimated
than
shewn
.
Nevertheless
,
because
I
cannot
otherwise
understand
the
passage
concerning
ELDAD
and
MEDAD
,
of
whom
it
is
said
,
that
they
were
of
them
that
were
written
,
but
went
not
up
to
the
Tabernacle
,
then
with
the
Talmudists
,
I
conceive
that
ELDAD
and
MEDAD
had
the
suffrage
of
the
Tribes
,
and
so
were
written
as
Competitors
for
Magistracy
;
but
coming
afterwards
to
the
lot
,
fail'd
of
it
,
and
therfore
went
not
up
to
the
Tabernacle
,
or
place
of
Confirmation
by
God
,
or
to
the
Sessionhouse
of
the
Senat
with
the
Seventy
upon
whom
the
lot
fell
to
be
Senators
:
for
the
Sessionhouse
of
the
Sanhedrim
was
first
in
the
Court
of
the
Tabernacle
,
and
afterwards
in
that
of
the
Temple
,
where
it
came
to
be
call'd
the
stone
Chamber
John
.
or
Pavement
.
If
this
were
the
Ballot
of
Israel
,
that
of
Venice
is
the
same
transpos'd
:
for
in
Venice
the
Competitor
is
chosen
as
it
were
by
the
lot
,
in
regard
that
the
Electors
are
so
made
,
and
the
Magistrat
is
chosen
by
the
Suffrage
of
the
great
Council
or
Assembly
of
the
People
.
But
the
Sanhedrim
of
Israel
being
thus
constituted
,
MOSES
for
his
time
,
and
after
him
his
Successor
,
sat
in
the
midst
of
it
as
Prince
or
Archon
,
and
at
his
left
hand
the
Orator
or
Father
of
the
Senat
;
the
rest
of
the
bench
coming
round
with
either
horn
like
a
Crescent
,
had
a
Scribe
attending
upon
the
tip
of
it
.
THIS
Senat
,
in
regard
the
Legislator
of
Israel
was
infallible
,
and
the
Laws
given
by
God
such
as
were
not
fit
to
be
alter'd
by
men
,
is
much
different
in
the
exercise
of
their
Power
from
all
other
Senats
,
except
that
of
the
Areopagits
in
Athens
,
which
also
was
little
more
than
a
Supreme
Judicatory
;
for
it
will
hardly
,
as
I
conceive
,
be
found
that
the
Sanhedrim
propos'd
to
the
People
till
the
return
of
the
Children
of
Israel
out
of
Captivity
under
Esdras
,
at
which
time
there
was
a
new
Law
made
,
namely
,
for
a
kind
of
Excommunication
,
or
rather
Banishment
,
which
had
never
bin
before
in
Israel
.
Nevertheless
it
is
not
to
be
thought
that
the
Sanhedrim
had
not
always
that
right
,
which
from
the
time
of
Esdras
it
more
frequently
exercis'd
,
of
proposing
to
the
People
,
but
that
they
forbore
it
in
regard
of
the
fulness
and
infallibility
of
the
Law
already
made
,
wherby
it
was
needless
.
Wherfore
the
function
of
this
Council
,
which
is
very
rare
in
a
Senat
,
was
executive
,
The
Magistracy
.
and
consisted
in
the
administration
of
the
Law
made
;
and
wheras
the
Council
it self
is
often
understood
in
Scripture
by
the
Priest
Deut.
17.
9
,
10
,
11.
and
the
Levit
,
there
is
no
more
in
that
save
only
that
the
Priests
and
the
Levits
,
who
otherwise
had
no
Power
at
all
,
being
in
the
younger
years
of
this
Commonwealth
,
those
that
were
best
study'd
in
the
Laws
were
the
most
frequently
elected
into
the
Sanhedrim
.
For
the
Courts
consisting
of
three
and
twenty
Elders
sitting
in
the
Gates
of
every
City
,
and
the
Triumvirats
of
Judges
constituted
almost
in
every
Village
,
which
were
parts
of
the
executive
Magistracy
subordinat
to
the
Sanhedrim
,
I
shall
take
them
at
better
leisure
,
and
in
the
larger
Discourse
;
but
these
being
that
part
of
this
Commonwealth
which
was
instituted
by
MOSES
upon
the
advice
of
JETHRO
the
Priest
Exod.
18.
of
Midian
(
as
I
conceive
a
Heathen
)
are
to
me
a
sufficient
warrant
even
from
God
himself
who
confirm'd
them
,
to
make
farther
use
of
human
Prudence
,
wherever
I
find
it
bearing
a
Testimony
to
it self
,
whether
in
Heathen
Commonwealths
or
others
:
And
the
rather
,
because
so
it
is
,
that
we
who
have
the
holy
Scriptures
,
and
in
them
the
Original
of
a
Commonwealth
,
made
by
the
same
hand
that
made
the
World
,
are
either
altogether
blind
or
negligent
of
it
;
while
the
Heathens
have
all
written
theirs
,
as
if
they
had
had
no
other
Copy
:
As
,
to
be
more
brief
in
the
present
account
of
that
which
you
shall
have
more
at
large
hereafter
;
Of
Athens
.
ATHENS
consisted
of
the
Senat
of
the
Bean
proposing
,
of
the
Church
or
Assembly
of
the
People
resolving
,
and
too
often
debating
,
which
was
the
ruin
of
it
;
as
also
of
the
Senat
of
the
Aropagits
,
the
nine
Archons
,
with
divers
other
Magistrats
executing
.
Of
Lacedemon
LACEDEMON
consisted
of
the
Senat
proposing
;
of
the
Church
or
Congregation
of
the
People
resolving
only
and
never
debating
,
which
was
the
long
life
of
it
;
and
of
the
two
Kings
,
the
Court
of
the
Ephors
,
with
divers
other
Magistrats
executing
.
Of
Carthage
.
CARTHAGE
consisted
of
the
Senat
proposing
and
somtimes
resolving
too
;
of
the
People
resolving
and
somtimes
debating
too
,
for
which
fault
she
was
reprehended
by
ARISTOTLE
;
and
she
had
her
Suffetes
,
and
her
hundred
Men
,
with
other
Magistrats
executing
.
Of
Rome
.
ROME
consisted
of
the
Senat
proposing
,
the
Concio
or
People
resolving
,
and
too
often
debating
,
which
caus'd
her
storms
;
as
also
of
the
Consuls
,
Censors
,
Aedils
,
Tribuns
,
Pretors
,
Questors
,
and
other
Magistrats
executing
.
Of
Venice
.
VENICE
consists
of
the
Senat
or
Pregati
proposing
,
and
somtimes
resolving
too
;
of
the
great
Council
or
Assembly
of
the
People
,
in
whom
the
result
is
constitutively
;
as
also
of
the
Doge
,
the
Signory
,
the
Censors
,
the
Dieci
,
the
Quazancies
,
and
other
Magistrats
executing
.
Of
Switzerland
and
Holland
.
THE
proceding
of
the
Commonwealths
of
Switzerland
and
Holland
is
of
a
like
nature
,
tho
after
a
more
obscure
manner
:
for
the
Soveraintys
,
whether
Cantons
,
Provinces
,
or
Citys
,
which
are
the
People
,
send
their
Deputys
commission'd
and
instructed
by
themselves
(
wherin
they
reserve
the
Result
in
their
own
power
)
to
the
Provincial
or
general
Convention
,
or
Senat
,
where
the
Deputies
debate
,
but
have
no
other
power
of
Result
than
what
was
confer'd
upon
them
by
the
People
,
or
is
farther
confer'd
by
the
same
upon
farther
occasion
.
And
for
the
executive
part
they
have
Magistrats
or
Judges
in
every
Canton
,
Province
or
City
,
besides
those
which
are
more
public
,
and
relate
to
the
League
,
as
for
adjusting
Controversies
between
one
Canton
,
Province
or
City
,
and
another
;
or
the
like
between
such
persons
as
are
not
of
the
same
Canton
,
Province
or
City
.
BUT
that
we
may
observe
a
little
farther
how
the
Heathen
Politicians
have
written
,
not
only
out
of
Nature
,
but
as
it
were
out
of
Scripture
:
As
in
the
Commonwealth
of
Israel
God
is
said
to
have
bin
King
;
so
the
Commonwealth
where
the
Law
is
King
,
is
said
by
ARISTOTLE
to
be
the
Kingdom
of
God
.
And
where
by
the
Lusts
or
Passions
of
Men
a
Power
is
set
above
that
of
the
Law
deriving
from
Reason
,
which
is
the
dictat
of
God
,
God
in
that
sense
is
rejected
or
depos'd
that
he
should
not
reign
over
them
,
as
he
was
in
Israel
.
Pag.
170.
And
yet
LEVIATHAN
will
have
it
,
that
by
reading
of
these
Greec
and
Latin
(
he
might
as
well
in
this
sense
have
said
Hebrew
)
Authors
,
young
Men
,
and
all
others
that
are
unprovided
of
the
antidot
of
solid
Reason
,
receiving
a
strong
and
delightful
impression
of
the
great
Exploits
of
War
,
atchiev'd
by
the
Conductors
of
their
Armys
,
receive
withal
a
pleasing
Idea
of
all
they
have
don
besides
;
and
imagin
their
great
prosperity
not
to
have
proceded
from
the
emulation
of
particular
Men
,
but
from
the
virtue
of
their
popular
form
of
Government
,
not
considering
the
frequent
Seditions
and
Civil
Wars
produc'd
by
the
imperfection
of
their
Polity
.
Where
,
first
,
the
blame
he
lays
to
the
Heathen
Authors
is
in
his
sense
laid
to
the
Scripture
;
and
wheras
he
holds
them
to
be
young
Men
,
or
Men
of
no
antidot
that
are
of
like
opinions
,
it
should
seem
that
MACCHIAVEL
,
the
sole
retriever
of
this
antient
Prudence
,
is
to
his
solid
Reason
a
beardless
Boy
that
has
newly
read
LIVY
.
And
how
solid
his
Reason
is
,
may
appear
,
where
he
grants
the
great
prosperity
of
antient
Commonwealths
,
which
is
to
give
up
the
Controversy
.
For
such
an
effect
must
have
som
adequat
cause
;
which
to
evade
he
insinuats
that
it
was
nothing
else
but
the
emulation
of
particular
Men
:
as
if
so
great
an
Emulation
could
have
bin
generated
without
as
great
Virtue
;
so
great
Virtue
without
the
best
Education
;
the
best
Education
without
the
best
Laws
;
or
the
best
Laws
any
otherwise
than
by
the
excellency
of
their
Polity
.
BUT
if
som
of
these
Commonwealths
,
as
being
less
perfect
in
their
Polity
than
others
,
have
bin
more
seditious
,
it
is
not
more
an
argument
of
the
infirmity
of
this
or
that
Commonwealth
in
particular
,
than
of
the
excellency
of
that
kind
of
Polity
in
general
;
which
if
they
,
that
have
not
altogether
reach'd
,
have
nevertheless
had
greater
prosperity
,
what
would
befal
them
that
should
reach
?
IN
answer
to
which
Question
let
me
invite
LEVIATHAN
,
who
of
all
other
Governments
gives
the
advantage
to
Monarchy
for
perfection
,
to
a
better
disquisition
of
it
by
these
three
assertions
.
THE
first
,
That
the
perfection
of
Government
lys
upon
such
a
libration
in
the
frame
of
it
,
that
no
Man
or
Men
in
or
under
it
can
have
the
interest
;
or
having
the
interest
,
can
have
the
power
to
disturb
it
with
Sedition
.
THE
second
,
That
Monarchy
,
reaching
the
perfection
of
the
kind
,
reaches
not
to
the
perfection
of
Government
;
but
must
have
som
dangerous
flaw
in
it
.
THE
third
,
That
popular
Government
,
reaching
the
perfection
of
the
kind
,
reaches
the
perfection
of
Government
,
and
has
no
flaw
in
it
.
THE
first
assertion
requires
no
proof
.
FOR
the
proof
of
the
second
;
Monarchy
,
as
has
bin
shewn
,
is
of
two
kinds
,
the
one
by
Arms
,
the
other
by
a
Nobility
,
and
there
is
no
other
kind
in
Art
or
Nature
:
for
if
there
have
bin
antiently
som
Governments
call'd
Kingdoms
,
as
one
of
the
Goths
in
Spain
,
and
another
of
the
Vandals
in
Africa
,
where
the
King
rul'd
without
a
Nobility
,
and
by
a
Council
of
the
People
only
;
it
is
expresly
said
by
the
Authors
that
mention
them
,
that
the
Kings
were
but
the
Captains
,
and
that
the
People
not
only
gave
them
Laws
,
but
depos'd
them
as
often
as
they
pleas'd
.
Nor
is
it
possible
in
reason
that
it
should
be
otherwise
in
like
cases
;
wherfore
these
were
either
no
Monarchys
,
or
had
greater
slaws
in
them
than
any
other
.
BUT
for
a
Monarchy
by
Arms
,
as
that
of
the
Ture
(
which
of
all
models
that
ever
were
coms
up
to
the
perfection
of
the
kind
)
it
is
not
in
the
wit
or
power
of
Man
to
cure
it
of
this
dangerous
flaw
,
That
the
Janizarys
have
frequent
interest
and
perpetual
power
to
raise
Sedition
,
and
to
tear
the
Magistrat
,
even
the
Prince
himself
,
in
pieces
.
Therfore
the
Monarchy
of
Turky
is
no
perfect
Government
.
AND
for
a
Monarchy
by
a
Nobility
,
as
of
late
in
Oceana
(
which
of
all
other
models
before
the
declination
of
it
came
up
to
the
perfection
in
that
kind
)
it
was
not
in
the
power
or
wit
of
Man
to
cure
it
of
that
dangerous
flaw
,
That
the
Nobility
had
frequent
interest
and
perpetual
power
by
their
Retainers
and
Tenants
to
raise
Sedition
;
and
(
wheras
the
Janizarys
occasion
this
kind
of
Calamity
no
sooner
than
they
make
an
end
of
it
)
to
levy
a
lasting
War
,
to
the
vast
effusion
of
Blood
,
and
that
even
upon
occasions
wherin
the
People
,
but
for
their
dependence
upon
their
Lords
,
had
no
concernment
,
as
in
the
feud
of
the
Red
and
White
.
The
like
has
bin
frequent
in
Spain
,
France
,
Germany
,
and
other
Monarchys
of
this
kind
;
wherfore
Monarchy
by
a
Nobility
is
no
perfect
Government
.
FOR
the
proof
of
the
third
assertion
;
LEVIATHAN
yields
it
to
me
,
that
there
is
no
other
Commonwealth
but
Monarchical
or
Popular
:
wherfore
if
no
Monarchy
be
a
perfect
Government
,
then
either
there
is
no
perfect
Government
,
or
it
must
be
popular
;
for
which
kind
of
Constitution
I
have
somthing
more
to
say
,
than
LEVIATHAN
has
said
or
ever
will
be
able
to
say
for
Monarchy
.
As
,
FIRST
,
That
it
is
the
Government
that
was
never
conquer'd
by
any
Monarch
,
from
the
beginning
of
the
World
to
this
day
:
for
if
the
Commonwealths
of
Greece
came
under
the
yoke
of
the
Kings
of
Macedon
,
they
were
first
broken
by
themselves
.
SECONDLY
,
That
it
is
the
Government
that
has
frequently
led
mighty
Monarchs
in
Triumph
.
THIRDLY
,
That
it
is
the
Government
,
which
,
if
it
has
bin
seditious
,
it
has
not
bin
so
from
any
imperfection
in
the
kind
,
but
in
the
particular
Constitution
;
which
,
wherever
the
like
has
happen'd
,
must
have
bin
inequal
.
FOURTHLY
,
That
it
is
the
Government
,
which
,
if
it
has
bin
any
thing
near
equal
,
was
never
seditious
;
or
let
him
shew
me
what
Sedition
has
happen'd
in
Lacedemon
or
Venice
.
FIFTHLY
,
That
it
is
the
Government
,
which
,
attaining
to
perfect
equality
,
has
such
a
libration
in
the
frame
of
it
,
that
no
Man
living
can
shew
which
way
any
Man
or
Men
,
in
or
under
it
,
can
contract
any
such
Interest
or
Power
as
should
be
able
to
disturb
the
Commonwealth
with
Sedition
;
wherfore
an
equal
Commonwealth
is
that
only
which
is
without
flaw
,
and
contains
in
it
the
full
perfection
of
Government
.
But
to
return
.
BY
what
has
bin
shewn
in
Reason
and
Experience
it
may
appear
,
that
tho
Commonwealths
in
general
be
Governments
of
the
Senat
proposing
,
the
People
resolving
,
and
the
Magistracy
executing
;
yet
som
are
not
so
good
at
these
Orders
as
others
,
thro
som
impediment
or
defect
in
the
frame
,
balance
,
or
capacity
of
them
,
according
to
which
they
are
of
divers
kinds
.
Division
of
Common-wealths
.
THE
first
division
of
them
is
into
such
as
are
single
,
as
Israel
,
Athens
,
Lacedemon
,
&c.
and
such
as
are
by
Leagues
,
as
those
of
the
Acheans
,
Etolians
,
Lyceans
,
Switz
,
and
Hollanders
.
THE
second
(
being
MACCHIAVEL'S
)
is
into
such
as
are
for
preservation
,
as
Lacedemon
and
Venice
,
and
such
as
are
for
increase
,
as
Athens
and
Rome
;
in
which
I
can
see
no
more
than
that
the
former
takes
in
no
more
Citizens
than
are
necessary
for
defence
,
and
the
latter
so
many
as
are
capable
of
increase
.
THE
third
division
(
unseen
hitherto
)
is
into
equal
and
inequal
,
and
this
is
the
main
point
,
especially
as
to
domestic
Peace
and
Tranquillity
;
for
to
make
a
Commonwealth
inequal
,
is
to
divide
it
into
partys
,
which
sets
them
at
perpetual
variance
,
the
one
party
endeavoring
to
preserve
their
Eminence
and
Inequality
,
and
the
other
to
attain
to
Equality
:
whence
the
People
of
Rome
deriv'd
their
perpetual
strife
with
the
Nobility
or
Senat.
But
in
an
equal
Commonwealth
there
can
be
no
more
strife
than
there
can
be
overbalance
in
equal
weights
;
wherfore
the
Commonwealth
of
Venice
,
being
that
which
of
all
others
is
the
most
equal
in
the
Constitution
,
is
that
wherin
there
never
happen'd
any
strife
between
the
Senat
and
the
People
.
AN
equal
Commonwealth
is
such
a
one
as
is
equal
both
in
the
balance
or
foundation
,
and
in
the
superstructure
;
that
is
to
say
,
in
her
Agrarian
Law
,
and
in
her
Rotation
.
Equal
Agrarian
.
AN
equal
Agrarian
is
a
perpetual
Law
establishing
and
preserving
the
balance
of
Dominion
by
such
a
distribution
,
that
no
one
Man
or
number
of
Men
,
within
the
compass
of
the
Few
or
Aristocracy
,
can
com
to
overpower
the
whole
People
by
their
possessions
in
Lands
.
AS
the
Agrarian
answers
to
the
Foundation
,
so
dos
Rotation
to
the
Superstructures
.
Rotation
.
EQUAL
Rotation
is
equal
vicissitude
in
Government
,
or
succession
to
Magistracy
confer'd
for
such
convenient
terms
,
enjoying
equal
vacations
,
as
take
in
the
whole
body
by
parts
,
succeding
others
,
thro
the
free
election
or
suffrage
of
the
People
.
Prolongation
of
Magistracy
.
THE
contrary
wherunto
is
prolongation
of
Magistracy
,
which
,
trashing
the
wheel
of
Rotation
,
destroys
the
life
or
natural
motion
of
a
Commonwealth
.
Ballot
.
THE
election
or
suffrage
of
the
People
is
most
free
,
where
it
is
made
or
given
in
such
a
manner
,
that
it
can
neither
oblige
[
](A45618-e177990-b)*
*
Qui
beneficium
accepit
libertatem
vendidit
.
nor
disoblige
another
;
nor
thro
fear
of
an
Enemy
,
or
bashfulness
towards
a
Friend
,
impair
a
Man's
liberty
.
WHERFORE
,
says
CICERO
,
[
](A45618-e178010-b)†
†
Grata
populo
est
tabella
quae
frontes
aperit
hominum
,
mentes
tegit
,
datque
cam
libertatem
ut
quod
velint
faciant
.
the
Tablet
or
Ballot
of
the
People
of
Rome
(
who
gave
their
Votes
by
throwing
Tablets
or
little
pieces
of
Wood
secretly
into
Urns
mark'd
for
the
negative
or
affirmative
)
was
a
welcom
Constitution
to
the
People
,
as
that
which
,
not
impairing
the
assurance
of
their
brows
,
increas'd
the
freedom
of
their
Judgment
.
I
have
not
stood
upon
a
more
particular
description
of
this
Ballot
,
because
that
of
Venice
exemplify'd
in
the
Model
is
of
all
others
the
most
perfect
.
Definition
of
an
equal
Common-wealth
.
AN
equal
Commonwealth
(
by
that
which
has
bin
said
)
is
a
Government
establish'd
upon
an
equal
Agrarian
,
arising
into
the
Superstructures
or
three
Orders
,
the
Senat
debating
and
proposing
,
the
People
resolving
,
and
the
Magistracy
executing
by
an
equal
Rotation
thro
the
suffrage
of
the
People
given
by
the
Ballot
.
For
tho
Rotation
may
be
without
the
Ballot
,
and
the
Ballot
without
Rotation
,
yet
the
Ballot
not
only
as
to
the
insuing
Model
includes
both
,
but
is
by
far
the
most
equal
way
;
for
which
cause
under
the
name
of
the
Ballot
I
shall
hereafter
understand
both
that
and
Rotation
too
.
NOW
having
reason'd
the
Principles
of
an
equal
Commonwealth
,
I
should
com
to
give
an
instance
of
such
a
one
in
experience
,
if
I
could
find
it
;
but
if
this
work
be
of
any
value
,
it
lys
in
that
it
is
the
first
example
of
a
Commonwealth
that
is
perfectly
equal
.
For
Venice
,
tho
it
coms
the
nearest
,
yet
is
a
Commonwealth
for
preservation
;
and
such
a
one
,
considering
the
paucity
of
Citizens
taken
in
,
and
the
number
not
taken
in
,
is
externally
unequal
:
and
tho
every
Commonwealth
that
holds
Provinces
must
in
that
regard
be
such
,
yet
not
to
that
degree
.
Nevertheless
Venice
internally
,
and
for
her
capacity
,
is
by
far
the
most
equal
,
tho
it
has
not
in
my
judgment
arriv'd
at
the
full
perfection
of
equality
;
both
because
her
Laws
supplying
the
defect
of
an
Agrarian
,
are
not
so
clear
nor
effectual
at
the
Foundation
,
nor
her
Superstructures
by
the
virtue
of
her
Ballot
or
Rotation
exactly
librated
;
in
regard
that
thro
the
paucity
of
her
Citizens
,
her
greater
Magistracys
are
continually
wheel'd
thro
a
few
hands
,
as
is
consest
by
JANOTTI
where
he
says
,
that
if
a
Gentleman
coms
once
to
be
Savio
di
terra
ferma
,
it
seldom
happens
that
he
fails
from
thenceforward
to
be
adorn'd
with
som
one
of
the
greater
Magistracys
,
as
Savi
di
mare
,
Savi
di
terra
ferma
,
Savi
Grandi
,
Counsellors
,
those
of
the
Decemvirat
or
Dictatorian
Council
,
the
Aurogatori
or
Censors
which
require
no
vacation
or
interval
.
Wherfore
if
this
in
Venice
,
or
that
in
Lacedemon
,
where
the
Kings
were
hereditary
,
and
the
Senators
(
tho
elected
by
the
People
)
for
life
,
cause
no
inequality
(
which
is
hard
to
be
conceiv'd
)
in
a
Commonwealth
for
preservation
,
or
such
a
one
as
consists
of
a
few
Citizens
;
yet
is
it
manifest
,
that
it
would
cause
a
very
great
one
in
a
Commonwealth
for
increase
,
or
consisting
of
the
Many
,
which
by
ingrossing
the
Magistracys
in
a
few
hands
,
would
be
obstructed
in
their
Rotation
.
BUT
there
be
who
say
(
and
think
it
a
strong
Objection
)
that
let
a
Commonwealth
be
as
equal
as
you
can
imagin
,
two
or
three
Men
when
all
is
don
will
govern
it
;
and
there
is
that
in
it
,
which
,
notwithstanding
the
pretended
sufficiency
of
a
popular
State
,
amounts
to
a
plain
confession
of
the
imbecillity
of
that
Policy
,
and
of
the
Prerogative
of
Monarchy
:
for
as
much
as
popular
Governments
in
difficult
cases
have
had
recourse
to
Dictatorian
Power
,
as
in
Rome
.
TO
which
I
answer
,
That
as
Truth
is
a
spark
to
which
Objections
are
like
bellows
,
so
in
this
respect
our
Commonwealth
shines
;
for
the
Eminence
acquir'd
by
suffrage
of
the
People
in
a
Commonwealth
,
especially
if
it
be
popular
and
equal
,
can
be
ascended
by
no
other
steps
than
the
universal
acknowlegement
of
Virtue
:
and
where
men
excel
in
Virtue
,
the
Commonwealth
is
stupid
and
injust
,
if
accordingly
they
do
not
excel
in
Authority
.
Wherfore
this
is
both
the
advantage
of
Virtue
,
which
has
her
due
incouragement
,
and
of
the
Commonwealth
which
has
her
due
services
.
These
are
the
Philosophers
which
PLATO
would
have
to
be
Princes
,
the
Princes
which
SOLOMON
would
have
to
be
mounted
,
and
their
Steeds
are
those
of
Authority
,
not
Empire
;
or
,
if
they
be
buckl'd
to
the
Chariot
of
Empire
,
as
that
of
the
Dictatorian
Power
,
like
the
Chariot
of
the
Sun
,
it
is
glorious
for
terms
and
vacations
,
or
intervals
.
And
as
a
Commonwealth
is
a
Government
of
Laws
and
not
of
Men
,
so
is
this
the
Principality
of
Virtue
,
and
not
of
Man
;
if
that
fail
or
set
in
one
,
it
rises
in
another
[
](A45618-e178190-b)*
*
Uno
avulso
,
non
deficit
alter
Aureus
,
&
simili
frondescit
virga
metallo
.
who
is
created
his
immediat
Successor
.
And
this
takes
away
that
vanity
from
under
the
Sun
,
which
is
an
Error
proceding
more
or
less
from
all
other
Rulers
under
Heaven
but
an
equal
Commonwealth
.
THESE
things
consider'd
,
it
will
be
convenient
in
this
place
to
speak
a
word
to
such
as
go
about
to
insinuat
to
the
Nobility
or
Gentry
a
fear
of
the
People
,
or
to
the
People
a
fear
of
the
Nobility
or
Gentry
,
as
if
their
interests
were
destructive
to
each
other
;
when
indeed
an
Army
may
as
well
consist
of
Soldiers
without
Officers
,
or
of
Officers
without
Soldiers
,
as
a
Commonwealth
(
especially
such
a
one
as
is
capable
of
Greatness
)
of
a
People
without
a
Gentry
,
or
of
a
Gentry
without
a
People
.
Wherfore
this
(
tho
not
always
so
intended
,
as
may
appear
by
MACCHIAVEL
,
who
else
would
be
guilty
)
is
a
pernicious
error
.
There
is
somthing
first
in
the
making
of
a
Commonwealth
,
then
in
the
governing
of
it
,
and
last
of
all
in
the
leading
of
its
Armys
;
which
(
tho
there
be
great
Divines
,
great
Lawyers
,
great
men
in
all
professions
)
seems
to
be
peculiar
only
to
the
Genius
of
a
Gentleman
.
For
so
it
is
in
the
universal
series
of
Story
,
that
if
any
man
has
founded
a
Commonwealth
,
he
was
first
a
Gentleman
MOSES
had
his
Education
by
the
Daughter
of
PHARAOH
;
THESEUS
and
SOLON
,
of
noble
Birth
,
were
held
by
the
Athenians
worthy
to
be
Kings
;
LYCURGUS
was
of
the
Royal
Blood
;
ROMULUS
and
NUMA
Princes
;
BRUTUS
and
PUBLICOLA
Patricians
;
the
GRACCHI
,
that
lost
their
lives
for
the
People
of
Rome
and
the
restitution
of
that
Commonwealth
,
were
the
Sons
of
a
Father
adorn'd
with
two
Triumphs
,
and
of
CORNELIA
the
Daughter
of
SCIPIO
,
who
being
demanded
in
marriage
by
King
PTOLOMY
,
disdain'd
to
becom
the
Queen
of
Egypt
.
And
the
most
renown'd
OLPHAUS
MEGALETOR
,
sole
Legislator
(
as
you
will
see
anon
)
of
the
Commonwealth
of
Oceana
,
was
deriv'd
from
a
noble
Family
:
nor
will
it
be
any
occasion
of
scruple
in
this
case
,
that
LEVIATHAN
affirms
the
Politics
to
be
no
antienter
than
his
Book
de
Cive
.
Such
also
as
have
got
any
fame
in
the
Civil
Government
of
a
Commonwealth
,
or
by
the
leading
of
its
Armys
,
have
bin
Gentlemen
;
for
so
in
all
other
respects
were
those
plebeian
Magistrats
elected
by
the
People
of
Rome
,
being
of
known
Descents
,
and
of
equal
Virtues
,
except
only
that
they
were
excluded
from
the
name
by
the
Usurpation
of
the
Patricians
.
Holland
,
thro
this
defect
at
home
,
has
borrow'd
Princes
for
Generals
,
and
Gentlemen
of
divers
Nations
for
Commanders
:
And
the
Switzers
,
if
they
have
any
defect
in
this
kind
,
rather
lend
their
People
to
the
Colors
of
other
Princes
,
than
make
that
noble
use
of
them
at
home
,
which
should
assert
the
Liberty
of
Mankind
.
For
where
there
is
not
a
Nobility
to
hearten
the
People
,
they
are
slothful
,
regardless
of
the
World
,
and
of
the
public
interest
of
Liberty
,
as
even
those
of
Rome
had
bin
without
their
Gentry
:
wherfore
let
the
People
embrace
the
Gentry
in
peace
,
as
the
light
of
their
eys
;
and
in
war
,
as
the
trophy
of
their
arms
.
And
if
CORNELIA
disdain'd
to
be
Queen
of
Egypt
,
if
a
Roman
Consul
look'd
down
from
his
Tribunal
upon
the
greatest
King
;
let
the
Nobility
love
and
cherish
the
People
that
afford
them
a
Throne
so
much
higher
in
a
Commonwealth
,
in
the
acknowledgement
of
their
Virtue
,
than
the
Crowns
of
Monarchs
.
An
inequal
Commonwealth
.
BUT
if
the
equality
of
a
Commonwealth
consist
in
the
equality
first
of
the
Agrarian
,
and
next
of
the
Rotation
,
then
the
inequality
of
a
Commonwealth
must
consist
in
the
absence
or
inequality
of
the
Agrarian
,
or
of
the
Rotation
,
or
of
both
.
ISRAEL
and
Lacedemon
,
which
Commonwealths
(
as
the
People
of
this
,
in
JOSEPHUS
,
claims
kindred
of
that
)
have
great
resemblance
,
were
each
of
them
equal
in
their
Agrarian
,
and
inequal
in
their
Rotation
;
especially
Israel
,
where
the
Sanhedrim
or
Senat
,
first
elected
by
the
People
,
as
appears
by
the
words
of
MOSES
,
took
upon
them
Deut.
1.
ever
after
,
without
any
precept
of
God
,
to
substitute
their
Successors
by
Ordination
;
which
having
bin
there
of
civil
use
,
as
Excommunication
,
Community
of
Goods
,
and
other
Customs
of
the
Esseans
,
who
were
many
of
them
converted
,
came
afterward
to
be
introduc'd
into
the
Christian
Church
.
And
the
election
of
the
Judg
,
Suffes
or
Dictator
,
was
irregular
,
both
for
the
occasion
,
the
term
,
and
the
vacation
of
that
Magistracy
;
as
you
find
in
the
Book
of
Judges
,
where
it
is
often
repeated
,
That
in
those
days
there
was
no
King
in
Israel
,
that
is
,
no
Judg
:
and
in
the
first
of
SAMUEL
,
where
ELY
judg'd
Israel
forty
years
,
and
SAMUEL
all
his
life
.
In
Lacedemon
the
election
of
the
Senat
being
by
suffrage
of
the
People
,
tho
for
life
,
was
not
altogether
so
inequal
;
yet
the
hereditary
Right
of
Kings
,
were
it
not
for
the
Agrarian
,
had
ruin'd
her
.
ATHENS
and
Rome
were
inequal
as
to
their
Agrarian
,
that
of
Athens
being
infirm
,
and
this
of
Rome
none
at
all
;
for
if
it
were
more
antiently
carry'd
,
it
was
never
observ'd
.
Whence
by
the
time
of
TIBERIUS
GRACCHUS
the
Nobility
had
almost
eaten
the
People
quite
out
o
their
Lands
,
which
they
held
in
the
occupation
of
Tenants
and
Servants
:
Wherupon
,
the
remedy
being
too
late
,
and
too
vehemently
apply'd
,
that
Commonwealth
was
ruin'd
.
THESE
also
were
inequal
in
their
Rotation
,
but
in
a
contrary
manner
.
Athens
,
in
regard
that
the
Senat
(
chosen
at
once
by
lot
,
not
by
suffrage
,
and
chang'd
every
year
,
not
in
part
,
but
in
the
whole
)
consisted
not
of
the
natural
Aristocracy
;
nor
sitting
long
enough
to
understand
,
or
to
be
perfect
in
their
office
,
had
no
sufficient
Authority
to
restrain
the
People
from
that
perpetual
Turbulence
in
the
end
,
which
was
their
ruin
,
notwithstanding
the
efforts
of
NICIAS
,
who
did
all
a
man
could
do
to
help
it
.
But
as
Athens
by
the
headiness
of
the
People
,
so
Rome
fell
by
the
Ambition
of
the
Nobility
,
thro
the
want
of
an
equal
Rotation
;
which
,
if
the
People
had
got
into
the
Senat
,
and
timely
into
the
Magistracys
(
wherof
the
former
was
always
usurp'd
by
the
Patricians
,
and
the
latter
for
the
most
part
)
they
had
both
carry'd
and
held
their
Agrarian
,
and
that
had
render'd
that
Common-wealth
immovable
.
BUT
let
a
Commonwealth
be
equal
or
inequal
,
it
must
consist
,
as
has
bin
shewn
by
Reason
and
all
Experience
,
of
the
three
general
Orders
;
that
is
to
say
,
of
the
Senat
debating
and
proposing
,
of
the
People
resolving
,
and
of
the
Magistracy
executing
.
Wherfore
I
can
never
wonder
enough
at
LEVIATHAN
,
who
,
without
any
reason
or
example
,
will
have
it
,
that
a
Commonwealth
consists
of
a
single
Person
,
or
of
a
single
Assembly
;
nor
can
I
sufficiently
pity
those
thousand
Gentlemen
,
whose
Minds
,
which
otherwise
would
have
waver'd
,
he
has
fram'd
(
as
is
affirm'd
by
himself
)
into
a
conscientious
obedience
(
for
so
he
is
pleas'd
to
call
it
)
of
such
a
Government
.
BUT
to
finish
this
part
of
the
Discourse
,
which
I
intend
for
as
complete
an
Epitome
of
antient
Prudence
,
and
in
that
of
the
whole
Art
of
Politics
,
as
I
am
able
to
frame
in
so
short
a
time
;
THE
two
first
Orders
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
are
Legislative
,
wherunto
answers
that
part
of
this
Science
which
by
Politicians
is
intitl'd
[
](A45618-e178600-b)*
*
De
Legibus
.
of
Laws
;
and
the
third
Order
is
executive
,
to
which
answers
that
part
of
the
same
Science
which
is
stil'd
[
](A45618-e178620-b)†
†
De
Judiciis
.
of
the
Frame
and
Course
of
Courts
or
Judicatorys
.
A
word
to
each
of
these
will
be
necessary
.
Of
Laws
.
AND
first
for
Laws
,
they
are
either
Ecclesiastical
or
Civil
,
such
as
concern
Religion
or
Government
.
LAWS
Ecclesiastical
,
or
such
as
concern
Religion
,
according
to
the
universal
course
of
antient
Prudence
,
are
in
the
power
of
the
Magistrat
;
but
according
to
the
common
practice
of
modern
Prudence
,
since
the
Papacy
,
torn
out
of
his
hands
.
BUT
,
as
a
Government
pretending
to
Liberty
,
and
yet
suppressing
Liberty
of
Conscience
(
which
,
because
Religion
not
according
to
a
man's
Conscience
can
to
him
be
none
at
all
,
is
the
main
)
must
be
a
contradiction
;
so
,
a
man
that
,
pleading
for
the
Liberty
of
privat
Conscience
,
refuses
Liberty
to
the
National
Conscience
,
must
be
absurd
.
A
COMMONWEALTH
is
nothing
else
but
the
National
Conscience
.
And
if
the
conviction
of
a
mans
privat
Conscience
produces
his
privat
Religion
,
the
conviction
of
the
national
Conscience
must
produce
a
national
Religion
.
Whether
this
be
well
reason'd
,
as
also
whether
these
two
may
stand
together
,
will
best
be
shewn
by
the
examples
of
the
antient
Commonwealths
taken
in
their
order
.
IN
that
of
Israel
the
Government
of
the
National
Religion
appertain'd
not
to
the
Priests
and
Levits
,
otherwise
than
as
they
happen'd
to
be
of
the
Sanhedrim
or
Senat
,
to
which
they
had
no
right
at
all
but
by
election
.
It
is
in
this
capacity
therfore
that
the
People
are
commanded
Deut.
17.
under
pain
of
death
to
hearken
to
them
,
and
to
do
according
to
the
sentence
of
the
Law
which
they
should
teach
;
but
in
Israel
the
Law
Ecclesiastical
and
Civil
was
the
same
,
therfore
the
Sanhedrim
having
the
power
of
one
,
had
the
power
of
both
.
But
as
the
National
Religion
appertain'd
to
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
Sanhedrim
,
so
the
Liberty
of
Conscience
appertain'd
,
from
the
same
date
,
and
by
the
same
right
,
to
the
Deut.
18.
10.
Prophets
and
their
Disciples
;
as
where
it
is
said
,
I
will
raise
up
a
Prophet
—
and
whoever
will
not
hearken
to
my
words
which
he
shall
speak
in
my
name
,
I
will
require
it
of
him
.
The
words
relate
to
prophetic
Right
,
which
was
above
all
the
Orders
of
this
Commonwealth
;
whence
ELIJAH
not
only
refus'd
to
obey
the
King
,
but
destroy'd
his
2
Kings
1.
Messengers
with
fire
.
And
wheras
it
was
not
lawful
by
the
National
Religion
to
sacrifice
in
any
other
place
than
the
Temple
,
a
Prophet
was
his
own
Temple
,
and
might
sacrifice
where
he
would
,
as
ELIJAH
did
in
Mount
Carmel
.
By
this
right
JOHN
the
Baptist
and
our
1
Kings
18.
19.
Savior
,
to
whom
it
more
particularly
related
,
had
their
Disciples
,
and
taught
the
People
;
whence
is
deriv'd
our
present
right
of
GATHER'D
CONGREGATIONS
:
Wherfore
the
Christian
Religion
grew
up
according
to
the
Orders
of
the
Commonwealth
of
Israel
,
and
not
against
them
.
Nor
was
Liberty
of
Conscience
infring'd
by
this
Government
,
till
the
civil
Liberty
of
the
same
was
lost
,
as
under
HEROD
,
PILAT
,
and
TIBERIUS
,
a
threepil'd
Tyranny
.
TO
procede
,
Athens
preserv'd
her
Religion
,
by
the
testimony
of
PAUL
,
with
great
Superstition
:
If
ALCIBIADES
,
that
Atheistical
fellow
,
had
not
shew'd
them
a
pair
of
heels
,
they
had
shaven
off
his
head
for
shaving
their
MERCURYS
,
and
making
their
Gods
look
ridiculously
upon
them
without
beards
.
Nevertheless
,
if
PAUL
reason'd
with
them
,
they
lov'd
news
,
for
which
he
was
the
more
welcom
;
and
if
he
converted
DIONYSIUS
the
Areopagit
,
that
is
,
one
of
the
Senators
,
there
follow'd
neither
any
hurt
to
him
,
nor
loss
of
honor
to
DIONYSIUS
.
And
for
Rome
,
if
CICERO
,
in
his
most
excellent
Book
de
natura
Deorum
,
overthrew
the
National
Religion
of
that
Commonwealth
,
he
was
never
the
farther
from
being
Consul
.
But
there
is
a
meanness
and
poorness
in
modern
Prudence
,
not
only
to
the
damage
of
Civil
Government
,
but
of
Religion
it self
:
for
to
make
a
man
in
matter
of
Religion
,
which
admits
not
of
sensible
demonstration
(
jurare
in
verba
Magistri
)
engage
to
believe
no
otherwise
than
is
believ'd
by
my
Lord
Bishop
,
or
Goodman
Presbyter
,
is
a
Pedantism
,
that
has
made
the
Sword
to
be
a
Rod
in
the
hands
of
Schoolmasters
;
by
which
means
,
wheras
the
Christian
Religion
is
the
farthest
of
any
from
countenancing
War
,
there
never
was
a
War
of
Religion
but
since
Christianity
:
For
which
we
are
beholden
to
the
Pope
;
for
the
Pope
not
giving
liberty
of
Conscience
to
Princes
and
Commonwealths
,
they
cannot
give
that
to
their
Subjects
which
they
have
not
themselves
:
whence
both
Princes
and
Subjects
either
thro
his
instigation
,
or
their
own
disputes
,
have
introduc'd
that
execrable
custom
,
never
known
in
the
world
before
,
of
sighting
for
Religion
,
and
denying
the
Magistrat
to
have
any
jurisdiction
concerning
it
;
wheras
the
Magistrats
losing
the
power
of
Religion
loses
the
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
which
in
that
case
has
nothing
to
protect
it
.
But
if
the
People
be
otherwise
taught
,
it
concerns
them
to
look
about
them
,
and
to
distinguish
between
the
shrieking
of
the
Lapwing
,
and
the
voice
of
the
Turtle
.
TO
com
to
Civil
Laws
,
if
they
stand
one
way
and
the
balance
another
,
it
is
the
case
of
a
Government
which
of
necessity
must
be
new
model'd
;
wherfore
your
Lawyers
advising
you
upon
the
like
occasions
to
fit
your
Government
to
their
Laws
,
are
no
more
to
be
regarded
,
than
your
Taylor
if
he
should
desire
you
to
fit
your
body
to
his
doublet
.
There
is
also
danger
in
the
plausible
pretence
of
reforming
the
Law
,
except
the
Government
be
first
good
,
in
which
case
it
is
a
good
Tree
,
and
(
trouble
not
your selves
overmuch
)
brings
not
forth
evil
fruit
;
otherwise
,
if
the
Tree
be
evil
,
you
can
never
reform
the
fruit
:
or
if
a
Root
that
is
naught
bring
forth
fruit
of
this
kind
that
seems
to
be
good
,
take
the
more
heed
,
for
it
is
the
ranker
poison
.
It
was
nowise
probable
,
if
AUGUSTUS
had
not
made
excellent
Laws
,
that
the
bowels
of
Rome
could
have
com
to
be
so
miserably
eaten
out
by
the
Tyranny
of
TIBERIUS
and
his
Successors
.
The
best
Rule
as
to
your
Laws
in
general
is
,
that
they
be
few
.
Rome
by
the
testimony
of
CICERO
was
best
govern'd
under
those
of
the
twelve
Tables
;
and
by
that
of
TACITUS
,
Plurimae
leges
,
corruptissima
respublica
.
You
will
be
told
,
That
where
the
Laws
be
few
,
they
leave
much
to
Arbitrary
Power
;
but
where
they
be
many
,
they
leave
more
:
The
Laws
in
this
case
,
according
to
JUSTINIAN
and
the
best
Lawyers
,
being
as
litigious
as
the
Suitors
.
SOLON
made
few
;
LYCURGUS
fewer
Laws
:
and
Commonwealths
have
the
fewest
at
this
day
of
all
other
Governments
.
Of
Courts
.
NOW
to
conclude
this
part
with
a
word
de
Judiciis
,
or
of
the
Constitution
or
Course
of
Courts
;
it
is
a
Discourse
not
otherwise
capable
of
being
well
manag'd
but
by
particular
examples
,
both
the
Constitution
and
Course
of
Courts
being
divers
in
different
Governments
,
but
best
beyond
compare
in
Venice
,
where
they
regard
not
so
much
the
Arbitrary
Power
of
their
Courts
,
as
the
Constitution
of
them
;
wherby
that
Arbitrary
Power
being
altogether
unable
to
retard
or
do
hurt
to
business
,
produces
and
must
produce
the
quickest
dispatch
,
and
the
most
righteous
dictats
of
Justice
that
are
perhaps
in
human
nature
.
The
manner
I
shall
not
stand
in
this
place
to
describe
,
because
it
is
exemplify'd
at
large
in
the
Judicature
of
the
People
of
Oceana
.
And
thus
much
of
antient
Prudence
,
and
the
first
branch
of
this
preliminary
Discourse
.
The
Second
Part
of
the
Preliminarys
.
IN
the
second
Part
I
shall
endeavor
to
shew
the
Rise
,
Progress
,
and
Declination
of
modern
Prudence
.
THE
date
of
this
kind
of
Policy
is
to
be
computed
,
as
was
shewn
,
from
those
Inundations
of
Goths
,
Vandals
,
Huns
,
and
Lombards
,
that
overwhelm'd
the
Roman
Empire
.
But
as
there
is
no
appearance
in
the
Bulk
or
Constitution
of
modern
Prudence
,
that
it
should
ever
have
bin
able
to
com
up
and
grapple
with
the
Antient
,
so
somthing
of
necessity
must
have
interpos'd
,
wherby
this
came
to
be
enervated
,
and
that
to
receive
strength
and
incouragement
.
And
this
was
the
execrable
Reign
of
the
Roman
Emperors
taking
rise
from
(
that
foelix
scelus
)
the
Arms
of
CAESAR
,
in
which
storm
the
Ship
of
the
Roman
Commonwealth
was
forc'd
to
disburden
it self
of
that
precious
Fraight
,
which
never
since
could
emerge
or
raise
its
head
but
in
the
Gulf
of
Venice
.
The
Transition
of
Antient
into
Modern
Prudence
.
IT
is
said
in
Scripture
,
Thy
evil
is
of
thy self
,
O
Israel
!
To
which
answers
that
of
the
Moralists
,
[
](A45618-e179160-b)*
*
Nemo
nocetur
nisi
ex
se
.
None
is
hurt
but
by
himself
,
as
also
the
whole
matter
of
the
Politics
;
at
present
this
Example
of
the
Romans
,
who
,
thro
a
negligence
committed
in
their
Agrarian
Laws
,
let
in
the
sink
of
Luxury
,
and
forfeited
the
inestimable
Treasure
of
Liberty
for
themselves
and
their
Posterity
.
The
Agrarian
Laws
of
the
Romans
.
THEIR
Agrarian
Laws
were
such
,
wherby
their
Lands
ought
to
have
bin
divided
among
the
People
,
either
without
mention
of
a
Colony
,
in
which
case
they
were
not
oblig'd
to
change
their
abode
;
or
with
mention
and
upon
condition
of
a
Colony
,
in
which
case
they
Sigonius
de
Ant.
Ro.
were
to
change
their
abode
;
and
leaving
the
City
,
to
plant
themselves
upon
the
Lands
so
assign'd
.
The
Lands
assign'd
,
or
that
ought
to
have
bin
assign'd
in
either
of
these
ways
,
were
of
three
kinds
:
Such
as
were
taken
from
the
Enemy
and
distributed
to
the
People
;
or
such
as
were
taken
from
the
Enemy
,
and
under
color
of
being
reserv'd
to
the
Public
use
,
were
thro
stealth
possest
by
the
Nobility
;
or
such
as
were
bought
with
the
Public
Mony
to
be
distributed
.
Of
the
Laws
offer'd
in
these
cases
,
those
which
divided
the
Lands
taken
from
the
Enemy
,
or
purchas'd
with
the
Public
Mony
,
never
occasion'd
any
dispute
;
but
such
as
drove
at
dispossessing
the
Nobility
of
their
Usurpations
,
and
dividing
the
common
purchase
of
the
Sword
among
the
People
,
were
never
touch'd
but
they
caus'd
Earthquakes
,
nor
could
they
ever
be
obtain'd
by
the
People
;
or
being
obtain'd
,
be
observ'd
by
the
Nobility
,
who
not
only
preserv'd
their
prey
,
but
growing
vastly
rich
upon
it
,
bought
the
People
by
degrees
quite
out
of
those
Shares
that
had
been
confer'd
upon
them
.
This
the
GRACCHI
coming
too
late
to
perceive
,
found
the
Balance
of
the
Commonwealth
to
be
lost
;
but
putting
the
People
(
when
they
had
least
force
)
by
forcible
means
upon
the
recovery
of
it
,
did
ill
,
seeing
it
neither
could
nor
did
tend
to
any
more
than
to
shew
them
by
worse
effects
,
that
what
the
Wisdom
of
their
Leaders
had
discover'd
was
true
.
For
(
quite
contrary
to
what
has
happen'd
in
Oceana
,
where
,
the
Balance
falling
to
the
People
,
they
have
overthrown
the
Nobility
)
that
Nobility
of
Rome
,
under
the
conduct
of
SYLLA
,
overthrew
the
People
and
the
Common-wealth
:
seeing
SYLLA
first
introduc'd
that
new
Balance
,
which
was
Military
Colonys
.
the
Foundation
of
the
succeding
Monarchy
,
in
the
plantation
of
Military
Colonys
,
instituted
by
his
distribution
of
the
conquer'd
Lands
,
not
now
of
Enemys
,
but
of
Citizens
,
to
forty
seven
Legions
of
his
Soldiers
;
so
that
how
he
came
to
be
PERPETUAL
DICTATOR
,
or
other
Magistrats
to
succede
him
in
like
Power
,
is
no
Miracle
.
The
Balance
of
the
Roman
Empire
.
THESE
Military
Colonys
(
in
which
manner
succeding
Emperors
continu'd
,
as
AUGUSTUS
by
the
distribution
of
the
Veterans
,
wherby
he
had
overcom
BRUTUS
and
CASSIUS
,
to
plant
their
Soldiery
)
consisted
of
such
as
I
conceive
were
they
that
are
call'd
Milites
beneficiarii
;
in
regard
that
the
Tenure
of
their
Lands
was
by
way
of
Benefices
,
that
is
for
Life
,
and
upon
condition
of
Duty
or
Service
in
the
War
upon
their
own
Charge
.
These
Benefices
ALEXANDER
SEVERUS
granted
to
the
Heirs
of
the
Incumbents
,
but
upon
the
same
conditions
.
And
such
was
the
Dominion
by
which
the
Roman
Emperors
gave
their
Balance
.
But
to
the
Beneficiarys
,
as
was
no
less
than
necessary
for
the
safety
of
the
Prince
,
a
matter
of
eight
thousand
by
the
Example
of
AUGUSTUS
were
added
,
which
departed
not
from
his
sides
,
but
were
his
perpetual
Guard
,
call'd
Pretorian
Bands
;
tho
these
,
according
to
the
incurable
flaw
already
observ'd
in
this
kind
of
Government
,
became
the
most
frequent
Butchers
of
their
Lords
that
are
to
be
found
in
Story
.
Thus
far
the
Roman
Monarchy
is
much
the
same
with
that
at
this
day
in
Turky
,
consisting
of
a
Camp
,
and
a
Horsequarter
;
a
Camp
in
regard
of
the
Spahys
and
Janizarys
,
the
perpetual
Guard
of
the
Prince
,
except
they
also
chance
to
be
liquorish
after
his
Blood
;
and
a
Horsequarter
in
regard
of
the
distribution
of
his
whole
Land
to
Tenants
for
Life
,
upon
condition
of
continual
Service
,
or
as
often
as
they
shall
be
commanded
at
their
own
charge
by
Timars
,
being
a
word
which
they
say
signifys
Benefices
,
that
it
shall
save
me
a
labor
of
opening
the
Government
.
BUT
the
Fame
of
MAHOMET
and
his
Prudence
,
is
especially
founded
in
this
,
That
wheras
the
Roman
Monarchy
,
except
that
of
Israel
,
was
the
most
imperfect
,
the
Turkish
is
the
most
perfect
that
ever
was
.
Which
happen'd
in
that
the
Roman
(
as
the
Israelitish
of
the
Sanhedrim
and
the
Congregation
)
had
a
mixture
of
the
Senat
and
the
People
;
and
the
Turkish
is
pure
.
And
that
this
was
pure
,
and
the
other
mix'd
,
happen'd
not
thro
the
Wisdom
of
the
Legislators
,
but
the
different
Genius
of
the
Nations
;
the
People
of
the
Eastern
Parts
,
except
the
Israelits
,
which
is
to
be
attributed
to
their
Agrarian
,
having
bin
such
as
scarce
ever
knew
any
other
Condition
than
that
of
Slavery
;
and
these
of
the
Western
having
ever
had
such
a
relish
of
Liberty
,
as
thro
what
despair
soever
could
never
be
brought
to
stand
still
while
the
Yoke
was
putting
on
their
Necks
,
but
by
being
sed
with
som
hopes
of
reserving
to
themselves
som
part
of
their
Freedom
.
WHERFORE
JULIUS
CAESAR
(
saith
[
](A45618-e179490-b)*
*
Comitia
cum
populo
s●rtitus
est
.
SUETONIUS
)
Dion
.
contented
himself
in
naming
half
the
Magistrats
,
to
leave
the
rest
to
the
suffrage
of
the
People
.
And
MAECENAS
,
tho
he
would
not
have
AUGUSTUS
to
give
the
People
their
Liberty
,
would
not
have
him
take
it
quite
away
[
](A45618-e179510-b)†
†
Neque
id
existima●e
debes
autorem
me
tibi
esse
,
ut
tyrannidem
in
S.
P.
Q.
R.
in
servitutem
redactum
teneas
:
quod
neque
dicere
meum
,
n●que
facere
tuum
est
.
.
Whence
this
Empire
being
neither
Hawk
nor
Buzzard
,
made
a
flight
accordingly
;
and
the
Prince
being
perpetually
tost
(
having
the
Avarice
of
the
Soldiery
on
this
hand
to
satisfy
upon
the
People
,
and
the
Senat
and
the
People
on
the
other
to
be
defended
from
the
Soldiery
)
seldom
dy'd
any
other
death
than
by
one
Horn
of
this
Dilemma
,
as
is
noted
more
at
large
by
MACCHIAVEL
.
But
P.
cap.
19.
the
Pretorian
Bands
,
those
bestial
executioners
of
their
Captain
's
Tyranny
upon
others
,
and
of
their
own
upon
him
,
having
continued
from
the
time
of
AUGUSTUS
,
were
by
CONSTANTIN
the
Great
(
incens'd
against
them
for
taking
part
with
his
Adversary
MAXENTIUS
)
remov'd
from
their
strong
Garison
which
they
held
in
Rome
,
and
distributed
into
divers
Provinces
.
The
Benefices
of
the
Soldiers
that
were
hitherto
held
for
Life
and
upon
Duty
,
were
by
this
Prince
made
Hereditary
:
so
that
the
whole
Foundation
wherupon
this
Empire
was
first
built
being
now
remov'd
,
shews
plainly
,
that
the
Emperors
must
long
before
this
have
found
out
som
other
way
of
support
;
and
this
was
by
stipendiating
the
Goths
,
a
People
that
,
deriving
their
Roots
from
the
Northern
parts
of
Germany
,
or
out
of
Sweden
,
had
(
thro
their
Victorys
obtain'd
against
DOMITIAN
)
long
since
spred
their
Branches
to
so
near
a
Neighborhood
with
the
Roman
Territorys
,
that
they
began
to
overshadow
them
.
For
the
Emperors
making
use
of
them
in
their
Armys
(
as
the
French
do
at
this
day
of
the
Switz
)
gave
them
that
under
the
notion
of
a
Stipend
,
which
they
receiv'd
as
Tribute
,
coming
(
if
there
were
any
default
in
the
payment
)
so
often
to
distrein
for
it
,
that
in
the
time
of
HONORIUS
they
sack'd
Rome
,
and
possest
themselves
of
Italy
.
And
such
was
the
transition
of
antient
into
modern
Prudence
;
or
that
breach
which
being
follow'd
in
every
part
of
the
Roman
Empire
with
Inundations
of
Vandals
,
Huns
,
Lombards
,
Franks
,
Saxons
,
overwhelm'd
antient
Languages
,
Learning
,
Prudence
,
Manners
,
Citys
,
changing
the
names
of
Rivers
,
Macchiavel
.
Countrys
,
Seas
,
Mountains
,
and
Men
;
CAMILLUS
,
CAESAR
and
POMPEY
,
being
com
to
EDMUND
,
RICHARD
,
and
GEOFFREY
.
The
Gothic
Balance
.
TO
open
the
Groundwork
or
Balance
of
these
new
Politicians
:
Feudum
,
says
CALVIN
the
Lawyer
,
is
a
Gothic
word
of
divers
significations
;
for
it
is
taken
either
for
War
,
or
for
a
possession
of
conquer'd
Lands
,
distributed
by
the
Victor
to
such
of
his
Captains
and
Soldiers
as
had
merited
in
his
Wars
,
upon
condition
to
acknowlege
him
to
be
their
perpetual
Lord
,
and
themselves
to
be
his
Subjects
.
Institution
of
Feudatory
Principalitys
.
OF
these
there
were
three
Kinds
or
Orders
:
The
first
of
Nobility
,
distinguish'd
by
the
Titles
of
Dukes
,
Marquisses
,
Earls
;
and
these
being
gratified
with
the
Citys
,
Castles
,
and
Villages
of
the
conquer'd
Italians
,
their
Feuds
participated
of
Royal
Dignity
,
and
were
call'd
Regalia
,
by
which
they
had
right
to
coin
Mony
,
create
Magistrats
,
take
Toll
,
Customs
,
Confiscations
,
and
the
like
.
FEUDS
of
the
second
Order
were
such
as
,
with
the
consent
of
the
King
,
were
bestow'd
by
these
Feudatory
Princes
upon
men
of
inferior
Quality
,
call'd
their
Barons
,
on
condition
that
next
to
the
King
they
should
defend
the
Dignitys
and
Fortunes
of
their
Lords
in
Arms.
THE
lowest
Order
of
Feuds
were
such
as
being
confer'd
by
those
of
the
second
Order
upon
privat
men
,
whether
Noble
or
not
Noble
,
oblig'd
them
in
the
like
Duty
to
their
Superiors
;
these
were
call'd
Vavasors
.
And
this
is
the
Gothic
Balance
,
by
which
all
the
Kingdoms
this
day
in
Christendom
were
at
first
erected
;
for
which
cause
,
if
I
had
time
,
I
should
open
in
this
place
the
Empire
of
Germany
,
and
the
Kingdoms
of
France
,
Spain
,
and
Poland
:
But
so
much
as
has
bin
said
being
sufficient
for
the
discovery
of
the
Principles
of
modern
Prudence
in
general
,
I
shall
divide
the
remainder
of
my
Discourse
,
which
is
more
particular
,
into
three
parts
.
THE
first
shewing
the
Constitution
of
the
late
Monarchy
of
Oceana
.
THE
second
,
the
Dissolution
of
the
same
.
And
THE
third
,
the
Generation
of
the
present
Commonwealth
.
THE
Constitution
of
the
late
Monarchy
of
Oceana
is
to
be
consider'd
in
relation
to
the
different
Nations
by
whom
it
has
bin
successively
subdu'd
and
govern'd
.
The
first
of
these
were
the
Romans
,
the
second
the
Teutons
,
the
third
the
Scandians
,
and
the
fourth
the
Neustrians
.
THE
Government
of
the
Romans
,
who
held
it
as
a
Province
,
I
shall
omit
,
because
I
am
to
speak
of
their
Provincial
Government
in
another
place
;
only
it
is
to
be
remember'd
here
,
that
if
we
have
given
over
running
up
and
down
naked
,
and
with
dappl'd
hides
,
learn'd
to
write
and
read
,
and
to
be
instructed
with
good
Arts
,
for
all
these
we
are
beholden
to
the
Romans
,
either
immediatly
,
or
mediatly
by
the
Teutons
:
for
that
the
Teutons
had
the
Arts
from
no
other
hand
,
is
plain
enough
by
their
Language
,
which
has
yet
no
word
to
signify
either
writing
or
reading
,
but
what
is
deriv'd
from
the
Latin
.
Furthermore
,
by
the
help
of
these
Arts
so
learn'd
,
we
have
bin
capable
of
that
Religion
which
we
have
long
since
receiv'd
;
wherfore
it
seems
to
me
,
that
we
ought
not
to
detract
from
the
memory
of
the
Romans
,
by
whose
means
we
are
,
as
it
were
,
of
Beasts
becom
Men
,
and
by
whose
means
we
might
yet
of
obscure
and
ignorant
Men
(
if
we
thought
not
too
well
of
our selves
)
becom
a
wise
and
a
great
People
.
For
the
proof
of
the
insuing
Discourse
out
of
Records
and
Antiquitys
,
see
Selden's
Titles
of
Honor
,
from
pag.
593
,
to
pag.
837.
THE
Romans
having
govern'd
Oceana
provincially
,
the
Teutons
were
the
first
that
introduc'd
the
Form
of
the
late
Monarchy
.
To
these
succeded
the
Scandians
,
of
whom
(
because
their
Reign
was
short
,
as
also
because
they
made
little
alteration
in
the
Government
as
to
the
Form
)
I
shall
take
no
notice
.
But
the
Teutons
,
going
to
work
upon
the
Gothic
Balance
,
divided
the
whole
Nation
into
three
sorts
of
Feuds
,
that
of
Ealdorman
,
that
of
Kings
Thane
,
and
that
of
Middle
Thane
.
The
Teuton
Monarchy
.
WHEN
the
Kingdom
was
first
divided
into
Precincts
will
be
as
hard
to
shew
,
as
when
it
began
first
to
be
govern'd
;
it
being
impossible
that
there
should
be
any
Government
without
som
Division
.
The
Division
that
was
in
use
with
the
Teutons
,
was
by
Countys
,
and
every
County
had
either
its
Ealdorman
,
or
High
Reeve
.
The
title
of
Ealdorman
came
in
time
to
Eorl
,
or
Erl
,
and
that
of
High
Reeve
to
High
Sheriff
.
Earls
.
EARL
of
the
Shire
or
County
denoted
the
Kings
Thane
,
or
Tehant
by
Grand
Serjeantry
or
Knights
Service
,
in
chief
or
in
capite
;
his
Possessions
were
somtimes
the
whole
Territory
from
whence
he
had
his
denomination
,
that
is
,
the
whole
County
,
somtimes
more
than
one
County
,
and
somtimes
less
,
the
remaining
part
being
in
the
Crown
.
He
had
also
somtimes
a
third
,
or
som
other
customary
part
of
the
profits
of
certain
Citys
,
Boroughs
,
or
other
places
within
his
Earldom
.
For
an
example
of
the
possessions
of
Earls
in
antient
times
,
ETHELRED
had
to
him
and
his
Heirs
the
whole
Kingdom
of
Mercia
,
containing
three
or
four
Countys
;
and
there
were
others
that
had
little
less
.
Kings
Thane
.
KINGS
Thane
was
also
an
honorary
Title
,
to
which
he
was
qualify'd
that
had
five
Hides
of
Land
held
immediatly
of
the
King
by
service
of
personal
attendance
;
insomuch
that
if
a
Churl
or
Countryman
had
thriven
to
this
proportion
,
having
a
Church
,
a
Kitchin
,
a
Belhouse
(
that
is
,
a
Hall
with
a
Bell
in
it
to
call
his
Family
to
dinner
)
a
Boroughgate
with
a
seat
(
that
is
,
a
Porch
)
of
his
own
,
and
any
distinct
Office
in
the
Kings
Court
,
then
was
he
the
Kings
Thane
.
But
the
proportion
of
a
Hide
Land
,
otherwise
call'd
Caruca
,
or
a
Plow
Land
,
is
difficult
to
be
understood
,
because
it
was
not
certain
;
nevertheless
it
is
generally
conceiv'd
to
be
so
much
as
may
be
manag'd
with
one
Plow
,
and
would
yield
the
maintenance
of
the
same
,
with
the
appurtenances
in
all
kinds
.
Middle
Thane
.
THE
Middle
Thane
was
feudal
,
but
not
honorary
;
he
was
also
call'd
a
Vavasor
,
and
his
Lands
a
Vavasory
,
which
held
of
som
Mesn
Lord
,
and
not
immediatly
of
the
King
.
POSSESSIONS
and
their
Tenures
,
being
of
this
nature
,
shew
the
Balance
of
the
Teuton
Monarchy
;
wherin
the
Riches
of
Earls
were
so
vast
,
that
to
arise
from
the
Balance
of
their
Dominion
to
their
Power
,
they
were
not
only
call'd
Reguli
or
little
Kings
,
but
were
such
indeed
;
their
Jurisdiction
being
of
two
sorts
,
either
that
which
was
exercis'd
by
them
in
the
Court
of
their
Countys
,
or
in
the
High
Court
of
the
Kingdom
.
Shiremoot
.
IN
the
Territory
denominating
an
Earl
,
if
it
were
all
his
own
,
the
Courts
held
,
and
the
Profits
of
that
Jurisdiction
were
to
his
own
use
and
benefit
.
But
if
he
had
but
som
part
of
his
County
,
then
his
Jurisdiction
and
Courts
(
saving
perhaps
in
those
possessions
that
were
his
own
)
were
held
by
him
to
the
King's
use
and
benefit
;
that
is
,
he
commonly
supply'd
the
Office
which
the
Sheriffs
regularly
executed
in
Countys
that
had
no
Earls
,
and
whence
they
came
to
be
call'd
Viscounts
.
Viscounts
.
The
Court
of
the
County
that
had
an
Earl
was
held
by
the
Earl
and
the
Bishop
of
the
Diocess
,
after
the
manner
of
the
Sheriffs
Turns
to
this
day
;
by
which
means
both
the
Ecclesiastical
and
Temporal
Laws
were
given
in
charge
together
to
the
Country
.
The
Causes
of
Vavasors
or
Vavasorys
appertain'd
to
the
cognizance
of
this
Court
,
where
Wills
were
prov'd
,
Judgment
and
Execution
given
,
Cases
criminal
and
civil
determin'd
.
Halymoot
.
THE
Kings
Thanes
had
the
like
Jurisdiction
in
their
Thane
Lands
,
as
Lords
in
their
Manors
,
where
they
also
kept
Courts
.
BESIDES
these
in
particular
,
both
the
Earls
and
Kings
Thanes
,
together
with
the
Bishops
,
Abbots
,
and
Vavasors
,
or
Middle
Thanes
,
had
in
the
High
Court
or
Parlament
of
the
Kingdom
,
a
more
public
Weidenagemoots
.
Jurisdiction
,
consisting
First
of
deliberative
Power
for
advising
upon
,
and
assenting
to
new
Laws
:
Secondly
,
of
giving
counsil
in
matters
of
State
:
and
Thirdly
,
of
Judicature
upon
Suits
and
Complaints
.
I
shall
not
omit
to
inlighten
the
obscurity
of
these
times
(
in
which
there
is
little
to
be
found
of
a
methodical
Constitution
of
this
High
Court
)
by
the
addition
of
an
Argument
,
which
I
conceive
to
bear
a
strong
testimony
to
it self
,
tho
taken
out
of
a
late
Writing
that
conceals
the
Author
.
It
is
well
known
,
says
he
,
that
in
every
quarter
of
the
Realm
a
great
many
Boroughs
do
yet
send
Burgesses
to
the
Parlament
,
which
nevertheless
be
so
antiently
and
so
long
since
decay'd
and
gon
to
nought
,
that
they
cannot
be
shew'd
to
have
bin
of
any
Reputation
since
the
Conquest
,
much
less
to
have
obtain'd
any
such
Privilege
by
the
grant
of
any
succeding
King
:
wherfore
these
must
have
had
this
right
by
more
antient
usage
,
and
before
the
Conquest
,
they
being
inable
now
to
shew
whence
they
deriv'd
it
.
THIS
Argument
(
tho
there
be
more
)
I
shall
pitch
upon
as
sufficient
to
prove
;
First
,
that
the
lower
sort
of
the
People
had
right
to
Session
in
Parlament
during
the
time
of
the
Teutons
.
Secondly
,
that
they
were
qualify'd
to
the
same
by
election
in
their
Boroughs
,
and
,
if
Knights
of
the
Shire
(
as
no
doubt
they
are
)
be
as
antient
in
the
Countrys
.
Thirdly
,
If
it
be
a
good
Argument
to
say
,
that
the
Commons
during
the
reign
of
the
Teutons
were
elected
into
Parlament
,
because
they
are
so
now
,
and
no
man
can
shew
when
this
custom
began
;
I
see
not
which
way
it
should
be
an
ill
one
to
say
,
that
the
Commons
during
the
reign
of
the
Teutons
constituted
also
a
distinct
House
,
because
they
do
so
now
;
unless
any
man
can
shew
that
they
did
ever
sit
in
the
same
House
with
the
Lords
.
Wherfore
to
conclude
this
part
,
I
conceive
for
these
,
and
other
reasons
to
be
mention'd
hereafter
,
that
the
Parlament
of
the
Teutons
consisted
of
the
King
,
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
the
Commons
of
the
Nation
,
notwithstanding
25
Edw.
3.
c.
1.
the
stile
of
divers
Acts
of
Parliament
,
which
runs
as
that
of
Magna
Charta
in
the
Kings
name
only
,
seeing
the
same
was
nevertheless
enacted
by
the
King
,
Peers
,
and
Commons
of
the
Land
,
as
is
testify'd
in
those
words
by
a
subsequent
Act.
Monarchy
of
the
Neus●rians
.
THE
Monarchy
of
the
Teutons
had
stood
in
this
posture
about
two
hundred
and
twenty
years
;
when
TURBO
Duke
of
Neustria
making
his
claim
to
the
Crown
of
one
of
their
Kings
that
dy'd
childless
,
follow'd
it
with
successful
Arms
;
and
being
possest
of
the
Kingdom
,
us'd
it
as
conquer'd
,
distributing
the
Earldoms
,
Thane
Lands
,
Bishoprics
and
Prelacys
of
the
whole
Realm
among
his
Neustrians
.
From
this
time
the
Earl
came
to
be
call'd
Comes
,
Consul
,
and
Dux
(
tho
Consul
and
Dux
grew
afterward
out
of
use
)
the
Kings
Thanes
came
to
be
call'd
Barons
,
and
their
Lands
Baronys
;
the
Middle
Thane
holding
still
of
a
mean
Lord
,
retain'd
the
name
of
Vavasor
.
Their
Earls
.
THE
Earl
or
Comes
continu'd
to
have
the
third
part
of
the
Pleas
of
the
County
paid
to
him
by
the
Sheriff
or
Vice-comes
,
now
a
distinct
Officer
in
every
County
depending
upon
the
King
;
saving
that
such
Earls
as
had
their
Countys
to
their
own
use
,
were
now
Counts
Palatin
,
and
had
under
the
King
Regal
Jurisdiction
:
insomuch
that
they
constituted
their
own
Sheriffs
,
granted
Pardons
,
and
issu'd
Writs
in
their
own
names
;
nor
did
the
Kings
Writ
of
ordinary
Justice
run
in
their
27
11.
8.
Dominions
till
a
late
Statute
,
wherby
much
of
this
privilege
was
taken
away
.
Their
Barons
.
FOR
Barons
,
they
came
from
henceforth
to
be
in
different
times
of
three
kinds
;
Barons
by
their
Estates
and
Tenures
,
Barons
by
Writ
,
and
Barons
created
by
Letters
Patents
.
From
TURBO
the
first
to
ADOXUS
the
seventh
King
from
the
Conquest
,
Barons
had
their
denomination
from
their
Possessions
and
Tenures
.
And
these
were
either
Spiritual
or
Temporal
;
for
not
only
the
Thane
Lands
,
but
the
Barons
by
their
Possessions
.
possessions
of
Bishops
,
as
also
of
som
twenty
six
Abbats
,
and
two
Priors
,
were
now
erected
into
Baronys
,
whence
the
Lords
Spiritual
that
had
suffrage
in
the
Teuton
Parlament
as
Spiritual
Lords
,
came
to
have
it
in
the
Neustrian
Parlament
as
Barons
,
and
were
made
subject
(
which
they
had
not
formerly
bin
)
to
Knights
service
in
chief
.
Barony
coming
henceforth
to
signify
all
honorary
possessions
as
well
of
Earls
as
Barons
,
and
Baronage
to
denote
all
kinds
of
Lords
as
well
Spiritual
as
Temporal
having
right
to
sit
in
Parlament
,
the
Baronys
in
this
sense
were
somtimes
more
,
and
somtimes
fewer
,
but
commonly
about
200
or
250
,
containing
in
them
a
matter
of
sixty
thousand
feuda
militum
,
or
Knights
Fees
,
wherof
som
twenty
eight
thousand
were
in
the
Clergy
.
It
is
ill
luck
that
no
man
can
tell
what
the
Land
of
a
Knights
Fee
(
reckon'd
in
som
Writs
at
40
l.
a
year
,
and
in
others
at
10
)
was
certainly
worth
;
for
by
such
a
help
we
might
have
exactly
demonstrated
the
Balance
of
this
Government
.
But
says
COOK
,
it
contain'd
Cook
11.
Inst.
pag.
596.
twelve
Plow
Lands
,
and
that
was
thought
to
be
the
most
certain
account
.
But
this
again
is
extremely
uncertain
;
for
one
Plow
out
of
som
Land
that
was
fruitful
,
might
work
more
than
ten
out
of
som
other
that
was
barren
.
Nevertheless
,
seeing
it
appears
by
BRACTON
,
Balance
of
the
Neustrian
Monarchy
.
that
of
Earldoms
and
Baronys
it
was
wont
to
be
said
,
that
the
whole
Kingdom
was
compos'd
;
as
also
,
that
these
consisting
of
60000
Knights
Fees
,
furnish'd
60000
men
for
the
King's
service
,
being
the
whole
Militia
of
this
Monarchy
,
it
cannot
be
imagin'd
,
that
the
Vavasorys
or
Freeholds
in
the
People
amounted
to
any
considerable
proportion
.
Wherfore
the
Balance
and
Foundation
of
this
Government
was
in
the
60000
Knights
Fees
,
and
these
being
possest
by
the
250
Lords
,
it
was
a
Government
of
the
Few
,
or
of
the
Nobility
;
wherin
the
People
might
also
assemble
,
but
could
have
no
more
than
a
mere
name
.
And
the
Clergy
holding
a
third
to
the
whole
Nation
,
as
is
plain
by
the
Parlament
Roll
;
it
is
an
absurdity
(
seeing
the
Clergy
of
France
came
first
thro
their
Riches
to
be
a
State
of
that
Kingdom
)
to
acknowlege
the
People
to
have
bin
a
State
of
this
Realm
,
and
not
to
allow
it
to
the
Clergy
,
who
were
so
much
more
weighty
in
the
Balance
,
which
is
4
Rich.
2.
Num.
13.
that
of
all
other
whence
a
State
or
Order
in
a
Government
is
denominated
.
Wherfore
this
Monarchy
consisted
of
the
King
,
and
of
the
three
(
ordines
Regni
,
or
)
Estates
,
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
the
Commons
:
It
consisted
of
these
I
say
as
to
the
balance
,
tho
during
the
Reign
of
som
of
these
Kings
,
not
as
to
the
administration
.
Administration
of
the
Neustrian
Monarchy
during
the
reign
of
the
first
Kings
.
FOR
the
ambition
of
TURBO
,
and
som
of
those
that
more
immediatly
succeded
him
,
to
be
absolute
Princes
,
strove
against
the
nature
of
their
Foundation
,
and
,
inasmuch
as
he
had
divided
almost
the
whole
Realm
among
his
Neustrians
,
with
som
incouragement
for
a
while
.
But
the
Neustrians
while
they
were
but
foren
Plants
,
having
no
security
against
the
Natives
,
but
in
growing
up
by
their
Princes
sides
,
were
no
sooner
well
rooted
in
their
vast
Dominions
,
than
they
came
up
according
to
the
infallible
consequence
of
the
Balance
domestic
,
and
,
contracting
the
National
interest
of
the
Baronage
,
grew
as
fierce
in
the
vindication
of
the
antient
Rights
and
Liberties
of
the
same
,
as
if
they
had
bin
always
Natives
:
Whence
,
the
Kings
being
as
obstinat
on
the
one
side
for
their
absolute
Power
,
as
these
on
the
other
for
their
Immunitys
,
grew
certain
Wars
which
took
their
denomination
from
the
Barons
.
THIS
fire
about
the
middle
of
the
Reign
of
ADOXUS
began
to
break
out
.
And
wheras
the
Predecessors
of
this
King
had
divers
times
bin
forc'd
to
summon
Councils
resembling
those
of
the
Teutons
,
to
Barons
by
Writ
.
which
the
Lords
only
that
were
Barons
by
Dominion
and
Tenure
had
hitherto
repair'd
,
ADOXUS
seeing
the
effects
of
such
Dominion
,
began
first
not
to
call
such
as
were
Barons
by
Writ
(
for
that
was
according
to
the
practice
of
antient
times
)
but
to
call
such
by
Writs
as
were
otherwise
no
Barons
;
by
which
means
striving
to
avoid
the
consequence
of
the
Balance
,
in
coming
unwillingly
to
set
the
Government
streight
,
he
was
the
first
that
set
it
awry
.
For
the
Barons
in
his
Reign
,
and
his
Successors
,
having
vindicated
their
antient
Authority
,
restor'd
the
Parlament
with
all
the
Rights
and
Privileges
of
the
same
,
saving
that
from
thenceforth
the
Kings
had
found
out
a
way
wherby
to
help
themselves
against
the
mighty
,
by
Creatures
of
their
own
,
and
such
as
had
no
other
support
but
by
their
favor
.
By
which
means
this
Government
,
being
indeed
the
Masterpiece
of
modern
Prudence
,
has
bin
cry'd
up
to
the
Skys
,
as
the
only
invention
wherby
at
once
to
maintain
the
Soverainty
of
a
Prince
,
and
the
Liberty
of
the
People
.
Wheras
indeed
it
has
bin
no
other
than
a
wrestling
match
,
wherin
the
Nobility
,
as
they
have
bin
stronger
,
have
thrown
the
King
;
or
the
King
,
if
he
has
bin
stronger
,
has
thrown
the
Nobility
;
or
the
King
,
where
he
has
had
a
Nobility
,
and
could
bring
them
to
his
party
,
has
thrown
the
People
,
as
in
France
and
Spain
;
or
the
People
where
they
have
had
no
Nobility
,
or
could
get
them
to
be
of
their
party
,
have
thrown
the
King
,
as
in
Holland
,
and
of
later
times
in
Oceana
.
But
they
came
not
49
11.
3.
to
this
strength
but
by
such
approaches
and
degrees
,
as
remain
to
be
further
open'd
.
For
wheras
the
Barons
by
Writ
(
as
the
sixty
four
Abbats
,
and
thirty
six
Priors
that
were
so
call'd
)
were
but
pro
tempore
,
DICOTOME
being
the
twelfth
King
from
the
Conquest
,
began
to
Barons
by
Letters
Patents
.
make
Barons
by
Letters
Patents
,
with
the
addition
of
honorary
Pensions
for
the
maintenance
of
their
Dignitys
to
them
and
their
Heirs
;
so
that
they
were
hands
in
the
King's
Purse
,
and
had
no
shoulders
for
his
Throne
.
Of
these
when
the
House
of
Peers
came
once
to
be
full
,
as
will
be
seen
hereafter
,
there
was
nothing
more
emty
.
But
for
the
present
,
the
Throne
having
other
supports
,
they
did
not
hurt
that
so
much
as
they
did
the
King
:
For
the
old
Barons
taking
DICOTOME'S
Prodigality
to
such
Creatures
so
ill
,
that
they
depos'd
him
,
got
the
trick
of
it
,
and
never
gave
over
setting
up
and
pulling
down
their
Kings
according
to
their
various
interests
,
and
that
faction
of
the
White
Dissolution
of
the
late
Monarchy
of
Oceana
.
and
Red
,
into
which
they
had
bin
thenceforth
divided
,
till
PANURGUS
the
eighteenth
King
from
the
Conquest
,
was
more
by
their
Favor
than
his
Right
advanc'd
to
the
Crown
.
This
King
thro
his
natural
subtilty
reflecting
at
once
upon
the
greatness
of
their
Power
,
and
the
inconstancy
of
their
favor
,
began
to
find
another
Flaw
in
this
kind
of
Government
,
which
is
also
noted
by
MACCHIAVEL
,
namely
that
a
Throne
supported
by
a
Nobility
,
is
not
so
hard
to
be
ascended
,
as
kept
warm
.
Wherfore
his
secret
Jealousy
,
lest
the
dissension
of
the
Nobility
,
as
it
brought
him
in
,
might
throw
him
out
,
made
him
travel
in
ways
undiscover'd
by
them
,
to
ends
as
little
foreseen
by
himself
:
while
to
establish
his
own
safety
,
he
by
mixing
Water
with
their
Wine
,
first
began
to
open
those
Sluces
that
have
since
overwhelm'd
not
the
King
only
,
but
the
Throne
.
For
wheras
a
Nobility
strikes
not
at
the
Throne
without
which
they
cannot
subsist
,
but
at
som
King
that
they
do
not
like
;
popular
Power
strikes
thro
the
King
at
the
Throne
,
as
that
which
is
incompatible
with
it
.
Now
that
PANURGUS
in
abating
the
Power
of
the
Nobility
,
was
the
cause
whence
it
came
to
fall
into
the
hands
of
the
People
,
appears
by
those
several
Statutes
that
were
made
in
his
Reign
,
as
that
for
Population
,
those
against
Retainers
,
and
that
for
Alienations
.
BY
the
Statute
of
Population
,
all
houses
of
Husbandry
that
were
us'd
with
twenty
Acres
of
Ground
and
upwards
,
were
to
be
maintain'd
,
and
kept
up
for
ever
with
a
competent
proportion
of
Land
laid
to
them
,
and
in
no
wise
,
as
appears
by
a
subsequent
Statute
,
to
be
sever'd
.
By
which
means
the
houses
being
kept
up
,
did
of
necessity
inforce
Dwellers
;
and
the
proportion
of
Land
to
be
till'd
being
kept
up
,
did
of
necessity
inforce
the
Dweller
not
to
be
a
Begger
or
Cottager
,
but
a
Man
of
som
substance
,
that
might
keep
Hinds
and
Servants
,
and
set
the
Plow
a
going
.
This
did
mightily
concern
(
says
the
Historian
of
that
Prince
)
the
might
and
manhood
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
in
effect
amortize
a
great
part
of
the
Lands
to
the
hold
and
possession
of
the
Yeomanry
or
middle
People
,
who
living
not
in
a
servil
or
indigent
fashion
,
were
much
unlink'd
from
dependence
upon
their
Lords
,
and
living
in
a
free
and
plentiful
manner
,
became
a
more
excellent
Infantry
;
but
such
a
one
upon
which
the
Lords
had
so
little
Power
,
that
from
henceforth
they
may
be
computed
to
have
bin
disarm'd
.
AND
as
they
lost
their
Infantry
after
this
manner
,
so
their
Cavalry
and
Commanders
were
cut
off
by
the
Statute
of
Retainers
:
for
wheras
it
was
the
custom
of
the
Nobility
to
have
younger
Brothers
of
good
houses
,
metal'd
fellows
,
and
such
as
were
knowing
in
the
feats
of
Arms
about
them
;
they
who
were
longer
follow'd
with
so
dangerous
a
train
,
escap'd
not
such
Punishments
,
as
made
them
take
up
.
HENCEFORTH
the
Country-lives
,
and
great
Tables
of
the
Nobility
,
which
no
longer
nourish'd
veins
that
would
bleed
for
them
,
were
fruitless
and
loathsom
till
they
chang'd
the
Air
,
and
of
Princes
became
Courtiers
;
where
their
Revenues
,
never
to
have
bin
exhausted
by
Beef
and
Mutton
,
were
found
narrow
,
whence
follow'd
racking
of
Rents
,
and
at
length
sale
of
Lands
:
the
riddance
thro
the
Statute
of
Alienations
being
render'd
far
more
quick
and
facil
than
formerly
it
had
bin
thro
the
new
invention
of
Intails
.
TO
this
it
happen'd
,
that
CORAUNUS
the
Successor
of
that
King
dissolving
the
Abbys
,
brought
with
the
declining
state
of
the
Nobility
so
vast
a
prey
to
the
Industry
of
the
People
,
that
the
Balance
of
the
Commonwealth
was
too
apparently
in
the
popular
Party
,
to
be
unseen
by
the
wise
Council
of
Queen
PARTHENIA
,
who
converting
her
reign
thro
the
perpetual
Lovetricks
that
past
between
her
and
her
People
into
a
kind
of
Romance
,
wholly
neglected
the
Nobility
.
And
by
these
degrees
came
the
House
of
Commons
to
raise
that
head
,
which
since
has
bin
so
high
and
formidable
to
their
Princes
,
that
they
have
look'd
pale
upon
those
Assemblys
.
Nor
was
there
any
thing
now
wanting
to
the
destruction
of
the
Throne
,
but
that
the
People
,
not
apt
to
see
their
own
strength
,
should
be
put
to
feel
it
;
when
a
Prince
,
as
stiff
in
disputes
as
the
nerve
of
Monarchy
was
grown
slack
,
receiv'd
that
unhappy
incouragement
from
his
Clergy
which
became
his
utter
ruin
,
while
trusting
more
to
their
Logic
than
the
rough
Philosophy
of
his
Parlament
,
it
came
to
an
irreparable
breach
;
for
the
House
of
Peers
,
which
alone
had
stood
in
this
gap
,
now
sinking
down
between
the
King
and
the
Commons
,
shew'd
that
CRASSUS
was
dead
,
and
the
Isthmus
broken
.
But
a
Monarchy
devested
of
its
Nobility
,
has
no
refuge
under
Heaven
but
an
Army
.
Wherfore
the
dissolution
of
this
Government
caus'd
the
War
,
not
the
War
the
dissolution
of
this
Government
.
OF
the
King's
success
with
his
Arms
it
is
not
necessary
to
give
any
further
account
,
than
that
they
prov'd
as
ineffectual
as
his
Nobility
;
but
without
a
Nobility
or
an
Army
(
as
has
bin
shew'd
)
there
can
be
no
Monarchy
.
Wherfore
what
is
there
in
nature
that
can
arise
out
of
these
Ashes
,
but
a
popular
Government
,
or
a
new
Monarchy
to
be
erected
by
the
victorious
Army
?
TO
erect
a
Monarchy
,
be
it
never
so
new
,
unless
like
LEVIATHAN
you
can
hang
it
,
as
the
Country-fellow
speaks
,
by
Geometry
(
for
what
else
is
it
to
say
,
that
every
other
Man
must
give
up
his
will
to
the
will
of
this
one
Man
without
any
other
foundation
?
)
it
must
stand
upon
old
Principles
,
that
is
,
upon
a
Nobility
or
an
Army
planted
on
a
due
balance
of
Dominion
.
Aut
viam
inveniam
aut
faciam
,
was
an
Adage
of
CAESAR
;
and
there
is
no
standing
for
a
Monarchy
unless
it
finds
this
Balance
,
or
makes
it
.
If
it
finds
it
,
the
work
's
don
to
its
hand
:
for
,
where
there
is
inequality
of
Estates
,
there
must
be
inequality
of
Power
;
and
where
there
is
inequality
of
Power
,
there
can
be
no
Commonwealth
.
To
make
it
,
the
Sword
must
extirpat
out
of
Dominion
all
other
roots
of
Power
,
and
plant
an
Army
upon
that
ground
.
An
Army
may
be
planted
Nationally
or
Provincially
.
To
plant
it
Nationally
,
it
must
be
in
one
of
the
four
ways
mention'd
,
that
is
,
either
Monarchically
in
part
,
as
the
Roman
Benesiciarii
;
or
Monarchically
in
the
whole
,
as
the
Turkish
Timariots
;
Aristocratically
,
that
is
,
by
Earls
and
Barons
,
as
the
Neustrians
were
planted
by
TURBO
;
or
Democratically
,
that
is
,
by
equal
lots
,
as
the
Israelitish
Army
in
the
Land
of
Canaan
by
JOSHUA
.
In
every
one
of
these
ways
there
must
not
only
be
Confiscations
,
but
Confiscations
to
such
a
proportion
as
may
answer
to
the
work
intended
.
CONFISCATION
of
a
People
that
never
sought
against
you
,
but
whose
Arms
you
have
born
,
and
in
which
you
have
bin
victorious
,
and
this
upon
premeditation
,
and
in
cold
blood
,
I
should
have
thought
to
be
against
any
example
in
human
Nature
,
but
for
those
alleg'd
by
MACCHIAVEL
of
AGATHOCLES
,
and
OLIVERETTO
di
Fermo
:
the
former
wherof
being
Captain
General
of
the
Syracusans
,
upon
a
day
assembl'd
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
as
if
he
had
somthing
to
communicat
with
them
,
when
at
a
sign
given
he
cut
the
Senators
in
pieces
to
a
man
,
and
all
the
richest
of
the
People
,
by
which
means
he
came
to
be
King
.
The
procedings
of
OLIVERETTO
in
making
himself
Prince
of
Fermo
,
were
somwhat
different
in
circumstances
,
but
of
the
same
nature
.
Nevertheless
CATILIN
,
who
had
a
spirit
equal
to
anv
of
these
in
his
intended
mischief
,
could
never
bring
the
like
to
pass
in
Rome
.
The
head
of
a
small
Commonwealth
,
such
a
one
as
was
that
of
Syracusa
or
Fermo
,
is
easily
brought
to
the
block
;
but
that
a
populous
Nation
,
such
as
Rome
,
had
not
such
a
one
,
was
the
grief
of
NERO.
If
SYLLA
or
CAESAR
attain'd
to
be
Princes
,
it
was
by
Civil
War
,
and
such
Civil
War
as
yielded
rich
spoils
,
there
being
a
vast
Nobility
to
be
confiscated
;
which
also
was
the
case
in
Oceana
,
when
it
yielded
earth
by
Earldoms
and
Baronys
to
the
Neustrian
,
for
the
plantation
of
his
new
Potentats
.
Where
a
Conqueror
finds
the
Riches
of
a
Land
in
the
hands
of
the
Few
,
the
Forseitures
are
easy
,
and
amount
to
vast
advantage
;
but
where
the
People
have
equal
shares
,
the
Confiscation
of
many
coms
to
little
,
and
is
not
only
dangerous
,
but
fruitless
.
THE
Romans
in
one
of
their
defeats
of
the
Volsci
found
among
the
Captives
certain
Tusculans
,
who
,
upon
examination
,
confest
that
the
Arms
they
bore
were
by
command
of
their
State
;
wherupon
information
being
given
to
the
Senat
by
the
General
CAMILLUS
,
he
was
forthwith
commanded
to
march
against
Tusculum
;
which
doing
accordingly
,
he
found
the
Tusculan
Fields
full
of
Husbandmen
,
that
stir'd
not
otherwise
from
the
Plow
,
than
to
furnish
his
Army
with
all
kind
of
Accommodations
and
Victuals
:
drawing
near
to
the
City
,
he
saw
the
Gates
wide
open
,
the
Magistrats
coming
out
in
their
Gowns
to
salute
and
bid
him
welcom
:
entring
,
the
Shops
were
all
at
work
,
and
open
;
the
Streets
sounded
with
the
noise
of
Schoolboys
at
their
Books
;
there
was
no
face
of
War
.
Wherupon
CAMILLUS
causing
the
Senat
to
assemble
,
told
them
,
That
tho
the
Art
was
understood
,
yet
had
they
at
length
found
out
the
true
Arms
wherby
the
Romans
were
most
undoubtedly
to
be
conquer'd
,
for
which
cause
he
would
not
anticipat
the
Senat
,
to
which
he
desir'd
them
forthwith
to
send
,
which
they
did
accordingly
;
and
their
Dictator
with
the
rest
of
their
Embassadors
being
found
by
the
Roman
Senators
as
they
went
into
the
house
standing
sadly
at
the
door
,
were
sent
for
in
as
Friends
,
and
not
as
Enemys
:
Where
the
Dictator
having
said
,
If
we
have
offended
,
the
fault
was
not
so
great
as
is
our
Penitence
and
your
Virtue
;
the
Senat
gave
them
peace
forthwith
,
and
soon
after
made
the
Tusculans
Citizens
of
Rome
.
BUT
putting
the
case
,
of
which
the
World
is
not
able
to
shew
an
example
,
That
the
forfeiture
of
a
populous
Nation
,
not
conquer'd
,
but
Friends
,
and
in
cool
blood
,
might
be
taken
;
your
Army
must
be
planted
in
one
of
the
ways
mention'd
.
To
plant
it
in
the
way
of
absolute
Monarchy
,
that
is
,
upon
feuds
for
life
,
such
as
the
Timars
,
a
Country
as
large
and
fruitful
as
that
of
Greece
,
would
afford
you
but
sixteen
thousand
Timariots
,
for
that
is
the
most
the
Turc
(
being
the
best
husband
that
ever
was
of
this
kind
)
makes
of
it
at
this
day
:
and
if
Oceana
,
which
is
less
in
fruitfulness
by
one
half
,
and
in
extent
by
three
parts
,
should
have
no
greater
a
force
,
whoever
breaks
her
in
one
battel
,
may
be
sure
she
shall
never
rise
;
for
such
(
as
was
noted
by
MACCHIAVEL
)
is
the
nature
of
the
Turkish
Monarchy
,
if
you
break
it
in
two
battels
,
you
have
destroy'd
its
whole
Militia
;
and
the
rest
being
all
slaves
,
you
hold
it
without
any
further
resistance
.
Wherfore
the
erection
of
an
absolute
Monarchy
in
Oceana
,
or
in
any
other
Country
that
is
no
larger
,
without
making
it
a
certain
prey
to
the
first
Invader
,
is
altogether
impossible
.
TO
plant
by
halves
,
as
the
Roman
Emperors
did
their
Beneficiarys
,
or
military
Colonys
,
it
must
be
either
for
life
;
and
this
an
Army
of
Oceaners
in
their
own
Country
(
especially
having
Estates
of
Inheritance
)
will
never
bear
;
because
such
an
Army
so
planted
is
as
well
confiscated
as
the
People
;
nor
had
the
Mamalucs
bin
contented
with
such
usage
in
Egypt
,
but
that
they
were
Foreners
,
and
daring
not
to
mix
with
the
Natives
,
it
was
of
absolute
necessity
to
their
being
.
OR
planting
them
upon
Inheritance
,
whether
Aristocratically
as
the
Neustrians
,
or
Democratically
as
the
Israelits
,
they
grow
up
by
certain
consequence
into
the
national
Interest
:
and
this
,
if
they
be
planted
popularly
,
coms
to
a
Commonwealth
;
if
by
way
of
Nobility
,
to
a
mix'd
Monarchy
,
which
of
all
other
will
be
found
to
be
the
only
kind
of
Monarchy
,
wherof
this
Nation
,
or
any
other
that
is
of
no
greater
extent
,
has
bin
or
can
be
capable
:
for
if
the
Israelits
(
tho
their
Democratical
Balance
,
being
fix'd
by
their
Agrarian
,
stood
firm
)
be
yet
found
to
have
elected
Kings
,
it
was
because
,
their
Territory
lying
open
,
they
were
perpetually
invaded
,
and
being
perpetually
invaded
,
turn'd
themselves
to
any
thing
which
thro
the
want
of
experience
they
thought
might
be
a
remedy
;
whence
their
mistake
in
election
of
their
Kings
(
under
whom
they
gain'd
nothing
,
but
on
the
contrary
lost
all
they
had
acquir'd
by
their
Commonwealth
,
both
Estates
and
Libertys
)
is
not
only
apparent
,
but
without
parallel
.
And
if
there
have
bin
(
as
was
shewn
)
a
Kingdom
of
the
Goths
in
Spain
,
and
of
the
Vandals
in
Asia
,
consisting
of
a
single
Person
and
a
Parlament
(
taking
a
Parlament
to
be
a
Council
of
the
People
only
,
without
a
Nobility
)
it
is
expresly
said
of
those
Councils
,
that
they
depos'd
their
Kings
as
often
as
they
pleas'd
:
nor
can
there
be
any
other
consequence
of
such
a
Government
,
seeing
where
there
is
a
Council
of
the
People
,
they
do
never
receive
Laws
,
but
give
them
;
and
a
Council
giving
Laws
to
a
single
Person
,
he
has
no
means
in
the
World
wherby
to
be
any
more
than
a
subordinat
Magistrat
,
but
force
:
in
which
case
he
is
not
a
single
Person
and
a
Parlament
,
but
a
single
Person
and
an
Army
,
which
Army
again
must
be
planted
as
has
bin
shewn
,
or
can
be
of
no
long
continuance
.
IT
is
true
,
that
the
Provincial
Balance
being
in
nature
quite
contrary
to
the
National
,
you
are
no
way
to
plant
a
Provincial
Army
upon
Dominion
.
But
then
you
must
have
a
native
Territory
in
Strength
,
Situation
,
or
Government
,
able
to
overbalance
the
foren
,
or
you
can
never
hold
it
.
That
an
Army
should
in
any
other
case
be
long
supported
by
a
mere
Tax
,
is
a
mere
phansy
as
void
of
all
reason
and
experience
,
as
if
a
Man
should
think
to
maintain
such
a
one
by
robbing
of
Orchards
:
for
a
mere
Tax
is
but
pulling
of
Plumtrees
,
the
roots
wherof
are
in
other
Mens
grounds
,
who
suffering
perpetual
Violence
,
com
to
hate
the
Author
of
it
:
And
it
is
a
Maxim
,
that
no
Prince
that
is
hated
by
his
People
can
be
safe
.
Arms
planted
upon
Dominion
extirpat
Enemys
,
and
make
Friends
;
but
maintain'd
by
a
mere
Tax
,
have
Enemys
that
have
roots
,
and
Friends
that
have
none
.
TO
conclude
,
Oceana
,
or
any
other
Nation
of
no
greater
extent
,
must
have
a
competent
Nobility
,
or
is
altogether
incapable
of
Monarchy
:
for
where
there
is
equality
of
Estates
,
there
must
be
equality
of
Power
;
and
where
there
is
equality
of
Power
,
there
can
be
no
Monarchy
.
The
generation
of
the
Common-wealth
.
TO
com
then
to
the
generation
of
the
Commonwealth
;
it
has
bin
shewn
how
thro
the
ways
and
means
us'd
by
PANURGUS
to
abase
the
Nobility
,
and
so
to
mend
that
flaw
which
we
have
asserted
to
be
incurable
in
this
kind
of
Constitution
,
he
suffer'd
the
Balance
to
fall
into
the
power
of
the
People
,
and
so
broke
the
Government
:
but
the
Balance
being
in
the
People
,
the
Commonwealth
(
tho
they
do
not
see
it
)
is
already
in
the
nature
of
[
](A45618-e181880-b)*
*
Cornua
nota
pri●●
vitulo
,
quàm
frontibus
extant
.
them
.
There
wants
nothing
else
but
Time
(
which
is
slow
and
dangerous
)
or
Art
(
which
would
be
more
quick
and
secure
)
for
the
bringing
those
native
Arms
(
wherwithal
they
are
found
already
)
to
resist
they
know
not
how
every
thing
that
opposes
them
,
to
such
maturity
as
may
fix
them
upon
their
own
strength
and
bottom
.
What
Prudence
is
.
BUT
wheras
this
Art
is
Prudence
;
and
that
part
of
Prudence
which
regards
the
present
Work
,
is
nothing
else
but
the
skill
of
raising
such
Superstructures
of
Government
,
as
are
natural
to
the
known
Foundations
:
they
never
mind
the
Foundation
,
but
thro
certain
animosities
(
wherwith
by
striving
one
against
another
they
are
infected
)
or
thro
freaks
,
by
which
,
not
regarding
the
course
of
things
,
nor
how
they
conduce
to
their
purpose
,
they
are
given
to
building
in
the
Air
,
com
to
be
divided
and
subdivided
into
endless
Partys
and
Factions
,
both
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
:
which
briefly
to
open
,
I
shall
first
speak
of
the
People
in
general
,
and
then
of
their
Divisions
.
A
PEOPLE
(
says
MACCHIAVEL
)
that
is
corrupt
,
is
not
capable
of
a
Commonwealth
.
But
in
shewing
what
a
corrupt
People
is
,
he
has
either
involv'd
himself
or
me
;
nor
can
I
otherwise
com
out
of
the
Labyrinth
,
than
by
saying
,
that
the
Balance
altering
a
People
,
as
to
the
foregoing
Government
,
must
of
necessity
be
corrupt
:
but
Corruption
in
this
sense
signifys
no
more
than
that
the
Corruption
of
one
Government
(
as
in
natural
Bodys
)
is
the
Generation
of
another
.
Wherfore
if
the
Balance
alters
from
Monarchy
,
the
Corruption
of
the
People
in
this
case
is
that
which
makes
them
capable
of
a
Commonwealth
.
But
wheras
I
am
not
ignorant
,
that
the
Corruption
which
he
means
is
in
Manners
,
this
also
is
from
the
Balance
.
For
the
Balance
leading
from
Monarchical
into
Popular
,
abates
the
Luxury
of
the
Nobility
,
and
,
inriching
the
People
,
brings
the
Government
from
a
more
privat
to
a
more
public
Interest
;
which
coming
nearer
,
as
has
bin
shewn
,
to
Justice
and
right
Reason
,
the
People
upon
a
like
alteration
is
so
far
from
such
a
Corruption
of
Manners
,
as
should
render
them
incapable
of
a
Commonwealth
,
that
of
necessity
they
must
therby
contract
such
a
Reformation
of
Manners
as
will
bear
no
other
kind
of
Government
.
On
the
other
side
,
where
the
Balance
changes
from
Popular
to
Oligarchical
or
Monarchical
,
the
public
Interest
,
with
the
Reason
and
Justice
included
in
the
same
,
becoms
more
privat
;
Luxury
is
introduc'd
in
the
room
of
Temperance
,
and
Servitude
in
that
of
Freedom
;
which
causes
such
a
corruption
of
Manners
both
in
the
Nobility
and
People
,
as
,
by
the
Example
of
Rome
in
the
time
of
the
Triumvirs
,
is
more
at
large
discover'd
by
the
Author
to
have
bin
altogether
incapable
of
a
Commonwealth
.
BUT
the
Balance
of
Oceana
changing
quite
contrary
to
that
of
Rome
,
the
Manners
of
the
People
were
not
therby
corrupted
,
but
on
the
contrary
adapted
to
a
Commonwealth
.
For
differences
of
Opinion
in
a
People
not
rightly
inform'd
of
their
Balance
,
or
a
division
into
Partys
(
while
there
is
not
any
common
Ligament
of
Power
sufficient
to
reconcile
or
hold
them
)
is
no
sufficient
proof
of
Corruption
.
Nevertheless
,
seeing
this
must
needs
be
matter
of
scandal
and
danger
,
it
will
not
be
amiss
,
in
shewing
what
were
the
Partys
,
to
shew
what
were
their
Errors
.
THE
Partys
into
which
this
Nation
was
divided
,
were
Temporal
,
or
Spiritual
:
and
the
Temporal
Partys
were
especially
two
,
the
one
Royalists
,
the
other
Republicans
:
each
of
which
asserted
their
different
Causes
,
either
out
of
Prudence
or
Ignorance
,
out
of
Interest
or
Conscience
.
FOR
Prudence
,
either
that
of
the
Antients
is
inferior
to
the
Modern
(
which
we
have
hitherto
bin
setting
face
to
face
,
that
any
one
The
Royalist
.
may
judg
)
or
that
of
the
Royalist
must
be
inferior
to
that
of
the
Commonwealthsman
.
And
for
Interest
,
taking
the
Commonwealths-man
to
have
really
intended
the
Public
(
for
otherwise
he
is
a
Hypocrit
and
the
worst
of
Men
)
that
of
the
Royalist
must
of
necessity
have
bin
more
p●ivat
.
Wherfore
the
whole
dispute
will
com
upon
matter
of
Conscience
;
and
this
,
whether
it
be
urg'd
by
the
Right
of
Kings
,
the
Obligation
of
former
Laws
,
or
of
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
is
absolv'd
by
the
Balance
.
FOR
if
the
Right
of
Kings
were
as
immediatly
deriv'd
from
the
Breath
of
God
as
the
Life
of
Man
,
yet
this
excludes
not
Death
and
Dissolution
.
But
,
that
the
dissolution
of
the
late
Monarchy
was
as
natural
as
the
Death
of
a
Man
,
has
bin
already
shewn
.
Wherfore
it
remains
with
the
Royalists
to
discover
by
what
Reason
or
Experience
it
is
possible
for
a
Monarchy
to
stand
upon
a
popular
Balance
;
or
,
the
Balance
being
popular
,
as
well
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
as
all
other
Monarchical
Laws
imply
an
impossibility
,
and
are
therfore
void
.
The
Commonwealthsman
.
TO
the
Commonwealthsman
I
have
no
more
to
say
,
but
that
if
he
excludes
any
Party
,
he
is
not
truly
such
;
nor
shall
ever
found
a
Commonwealth
upon
the
natural
Principle
of
the
same
,
which
is
Justice
.
And
the
Royalist
for
having
oppos'd
a
Commonwealth
in
Oceana
(
where
the
Laws
were
so
ambiguous
that
they
might
be
eternally
disputed
,
and
never
reconcil'd
)
can
neither
be
justly
for
that
cause
excluded
from
his
full
and
equal
share
in
the
Government
;
nor
prudently
,
for
this
reason
,
that
a
Commonwealth
consisting
of
a
Party
will
be
in
perpetual
labor
of
her
own
destruction
:
Whence
it
was
that
the
Romans
having
conquer'd
the
Albans
,
incorporated
them
with
equal
Right
into
the
Commonwealth
.
And
if
the
Royalists
be
flesh
of
your
flesh
,
and
nearer
of
Blood
than
were
the
Albans
to
the
Romans
,
you
being
also
both
Christians
,
the
Argument's
the
stronger
.
Nevertheless
there
is
no
reason
that
a
Commonwealth
should
any
more
favor
a
Party
remaining
in
fix'd
opposition
against
it
,
than
BRUTUS
did
his
own
Sons
.
But
if
it
sixes
them
upon
that
opposition
,
it
is
its
own
fault
,
not
theirs
;
and
this
is
don
by
excluding
them
.
Men
that
have
equal
Possessions
,
and
the
same
security
for
their
Estates
and
their
Libertys
that
you
have
,
have
the
same
cause
with
you
to
defend
both
:
But
if
you
will
be
trampling
,
they
fight
for
Liberty
,
tho
for
Monarchy
;
and
you
for
Tyranny
,
tho
under
the
name
of
a
Common-wealth
:
The
nature
of
Orders
in
a
Government
rightly
instituted
being
void
of
all
jealousy
,
because
,
let
the
Partys
which
it
imbraces
be
what
they
will
,
its
Orders
are
such
as
they
neither
would
resist
if
they
could
,
nor
could
if
they
would
,
as
has
bin
partly
already
shewn
;
and
will
appear
more
at
large
by
the
following
Model
.
Religious
Par
▪
t
ys
.
THE
Partys
that
are
Spiritual
are
of
more
kinds
than
I
need
mention
;
som
for
a
National
Religion
,
and
others
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
with
such
animosity
on
both
sides
,
as
if
these
two
could
not
consist
together
,
and
of
which
I
have
already
sufficiently
spoken
,
to
shew
,
that
indeed
the
one
cannot
well
subsist
without
the
other
.
But
they
of
all
the
rest
are
the
most
dangerous
,
who
,
holding
that
the
Saints
must
govern
,
go
about
to
reduce
the
Commonwealth
to
a
Party
,
as
well
for
the
Reasons
already
shewn
,
as
that
their
Pretences
are
against
Scripture
,
where
the
Saints
are
commanded
to
submit
to
the
Higher
Powers
,
and
to
be
subject
to
the
Ordinance
of
Man
.
And
that
men
,
pretending
under
the
notion
of
Saints
or
Religion
to
Civil
Power
,
have
hitherto
never
fail'd
to
dishonor
that
Profession
,
the
World
is
full
of
Examples
,
wherof
I
shall
confine
my self
at
present
only
to
a
couple
,
the
one
of
Old
,
the
other
of
New
Rome
.
Saints
.
IN
Old
Rome
the
Patricians
or
Nobility
pretending
to
be
the
godly
Party
,
were
question'd
by
the
People
for
ingrossing
all
the
Magistracys
of
that
Commonwealth
,
and
had
nothing
to
say
why
they
did
so
,
but
[
](A45618-e182170-b)*
*
Quòd
nemo
plebeius
auspicia
haberet
.
that
Magistracy
requir'd
a
kind
of
Holiness
which
was
not
in
the
People
:
[
](A45618-e182180-b)†
†
Plebs
ad
id
maximâ
indignatione
exarsit
,
quod
auspicari
,
tanquam
invisi
▪
Diis
immortalibus
,
negarentur
posse
.
T.
Liv.
4.
8.
at
which
the
People
were
fill'd
with
such
Indignation
as
had
com
to
cutting
of
Throats
,
if
the
Nobility
had
not
immediatly
laid
by
the
Insolency
of
that
Plea
;
which
nevertheless
when
they
had
don
,
the
People
for
a
long
time
after
continu'd
to
elect
no
other
but
Patrician
Magistrats
.
THE
Example
of
New
Rome
in
the
rise
and
practice
of
the
Hierarchy
(
too
well
known
to
require
any
further
illustration
)
is
far
more
immodest
.
THIS
has
bin
the
course
of
Nature
:
and
when
it
has
pleas'd
,
or
shall
please
God
to
introduce
any
thing
that
is
above
the
course
of
Nature
,
he
will
,
as
he
has
always
don
,
confirm
it
by
Miracle
;
for
so
in
his
Prophecy
of
the
Reign
of
CHRIST
upon
Earth
,
he
expresly
promises
:
seeing
that
the
Souls
of
them
that
were
beheaded
for
JESUS
,
shall
be
seen
to
live
and
reign
with
him
;
which
will
be
an
object
of
Sense
,
the
rather
,
because
the
rest
of
the
Dead
are
not
to
live
again
till
the
Thousand
Years
be
finish'd
.
And
it
is
not
lawful
for
men
to
persuade
us
that
a
thing
already
is
,
tho
there
be
no
such
object
of
our
Sense
,
which
God
has
told
us
shall
not
be
till
it
be
an
object
of
our
Sense
.
THE
Saintship
of
a
People
as
to
Government
,
consists
in
the
election
of
Magistrats
fearing
God
,
and
hating
Covetousness
,
and
not
in
their
confining
themselves
,
or
being
confin'd
to
men
of
this
or
that
Party
or
Profession
.
It
consists
in
making
the
most
prudent
and
religious
choice
they
can
;
yet
not
in
trusting
to
Men
,
but
,
next
God
,
to
their
own
Orders
.
Give
us
good
Men
,
and
they
will
make
us
good
Laws
,
is
the
Maxim
of
a
Demagog
,
and
is
(
thro
the
alteration
which
is
commonly
perceivable
in
men
,
when
they
have
power
to
work
their
own
Wills
)
exceding
fallible
.
But
give
us
good
Orders
,
and
they
will
make
us
good
Men
,
is
the
Maxim
of
a
Legislator
,
and
the
most
infallible
in
the
Politics
.
BUT
these
Divisions
(
however
there
be
som
good
Men
that
look
sadly
on
them
)
are
trivial
things
;
first
as
to
the
Civil
concern
,
because
the
Government
,
wherof
this
Nation
is
capable
,
being
once
seen
,
takes
in
all
Interests
.
And
,
secondly
,
as
to
the
Spiritual
;
because
as
the
pretence
of
Religion
has
always
bin
turbulent
in
broken
Governments
,
so
where
the
Government
has
bin
sound
and
steddy
,
Religion
has
never
shew'd
it self
with
any
other
face
than
that
of
the
natural
Sweetness
,
and
Tranquillity
:
nor
is
there
any
reason
why
it
should
;
The
Errors
of
the
People
are
from
their
Governors
.
wherfore
the
Errors
of
the
People
are
occasion'd
by
their
Governors
.
If
they
be
doubtful
of
the
way
,
or
wander
from
it
,
it
is
because
their
Guides
misled
them
;
and
the
Guides
of
the
People
are
never
so
well
qualify'd
for
leading
by
any
Virtue
of
their
own
,
as
by
that
of
the
Government
.
THE
Government
of
Oceana
(
as
it
stood
at
the
time
wherof
we
discourse
,
consisting
of
one
single
Council
of
the
People
,
exclusively
of
the
King
and
the
Lords
)
was
call'd
a
Parlament
:
Nevertheless
the
Parlaments
of
the
Teutons
and
of
the
Neustrians
consisted
,
as
has
bin
shewn
,
of
the
King
,
Lords
and
Commons
;
wherfore
this
under
an
old
Name
was
a
new
thing
:
A
Parlament
consisting
of
a
single
Assembly
elected
by
the
People
,
and
invested
with
the
whole
Power
of
the
Government
,
without
any
Covenants
,
Conditions
,
or
Orders
whatsoever
.
So
new
a
thing
,
that
neither
antient
nor
modern
Prudence
can
shew
any
avow'd
Example
of
the
like
.
And
there
is
scarce
any
thing
that
seems
to
me
so
strange
as
that
(
wheras
there
was
nothing
more
familiar
with
these
Counsillors
,
than
to
bring
the
Scripture
to
the
House
)
there
should
not
be
a
Man
of
them
that
so
much
as
offer'd
to
bring
the
House
to
the
Scripture
,
wherin
,
as
has
bin
shewn
,
is
contain'd
that
Original
,
wherof
all
the
rest
of
the
Commonwealths
seem
to
be
Copys
.
Certainly
if
LEVIATHAN
(
who
is
surer
of
nothing
than
that
a
popular
Commonwealth
consists
but
of
one
Council
)
transcrib'd
his
Doctrin
out
of
this
Assembly
,
for
him
to
except
against
ARISTOTLE
and
CICERO
for
writing
out
of
their
own
Commonwealths
,
was
not
so
fair
play
;
or
if
the
Parlament
transcrib'd
out
of
him
,
it
had
bin
an
honor
better
due
to
MOSES
.
But
where
one
of
them
should
have
an
Example
but
from
the
other
,
I
cannot
imagin
,
there
being
nothing
of
this
kind
that
I
can
find
in
story
,
but
the
Oligarchy
of
Athens
,
the
thirty
Tyrants
of
the
same
,
and
the
Roman
Decemvirs
.
Lib.
8.
FOR
the
Oligarchy
,
THUCYDIDES
tells
us
,
that
it
was
a
Senat
or
Council
of
Four
hundred
,
pretending
to
a
Balancing
Council
of
the
People
consisting
of
Five
thousand
,
but
not
producing
them
;
wherin
you
have
the
definition
of
an
Oligarchy
,
which
is
a
single
Council
both
debating
and
resolving
,
dividing
and
chusing
;
and
what
that
must
com
to
,
was
shewn
by
the
Example
of
the
Girls
,
and
is
apparent
by
the
experience
of
all
times
:
wherfore
the
Thirty
set
up
by
the
Lacedemonians
(
when
they
had
conquer'd
Athens
)
are
call'd
Tyrants
by
all
Authors
,
LEVIATHAN
only
excepted
,
who
will
have
them
against
all
the
World
to
have
bin
an
Aristocracy
;
but
for
what
reason
I
cannot
imagin
,
these
also
,
as
void
of
any
Balance
,
having
bin
void
of
that
which
is
essential
to
every
Commonwealth
,
whether
Aristocratical
or
Popular
;
except
he
be
pleas'd
with
them
,
because
that
,
according
to
the
Testimony
of
XENOPHON
,
they
kill'd
more
men
in
eight
months
,
than
the
Lacedemonians
had
don
in
ten
years
;
oppressing
the
People
(
to
use
Sir
WALTER
RALEIGH'S
words
)
with
all
base
and
intolerable
Slavery
.
THE
usurp'd
Government
of
the
Decemvirs
in
Rome
was
of
the
same
kind
.
Wherfore
in
the
fear
of
God
let
Christian
Legislators
(
setting
the
Pattern
given
in
the
Mount
on
the
one
side
,
and
these
execrable
Examples
on
the
other
)
know
the
right
hand
from
the
left
;
and
so
much
the
rather
,
because
those
things
which
do
not
conduce
to
the
good
of
the
Govern'd
,
are
fallacious
,
if
they
appear
to
be
good
for
the
Governors
.
God
in
chastising
a
People
,
is
accustom'd
to
burn
his
Rod.
The
Empire
of
these
Oligarchys
was
not
so
violent
as
short
,
nor
did
they
fall
upon
the
People
,
but
in
their
own
immediat
ruin
.
A
Council
without
a
Balance
is
not
a
Commonwealth
,
but
an
Oligarchy
;
and
every
Oligarchy
,
except
it
be
put
to
the
defence
of
its
Wickedness
or
Power
against
som
outward
danger
,
is
factious
.
Wherfore
the
Errors
of
the
People
being
from
their
Governors
(
which
Maxim
in
the
Politics
bearing
a
sufficient
testimony
to
it self
,
is
also
prov'd
by
MACCHIAVEL
)
if
the
People
of
Oceana
have
bin
factious
,
the
Cause
is
apparent
:
But
what
Remedy
?
The
General
.
IN
answer
to
this
Question
,
I
com
now
to
the
Army
;
of
which
the
most
victorious
Captain
,
and
incomparable
Patriot
OLPHAUS
MEGALETOR
was
now
General
:
who
being
a
much
greater
master
of
that
Art
,
wherof
I
have
made
a
rough
draught
in
these
Preliminarys
,
had
such
sad
reflections
upon
the
ways
and
procedings
of
the
Parlament
,
as
cast
him
upon
Books
,
and
all
other
means
of
diversion
,
among
which
he
happen'd
on
this
place
of
MACCHIAVEL
:
Thrice
happy
is
that
People
which
chances
to
have
a
Man
able
to
give
them
such
a
Government
at
once
,
as
without
alteration
may
secure
them
of
their
Libertys
;
seeing
it
is
certain
that
Lacedemon
,
in
observing
the
Laws
of
LYCURGUS
,
continu'd
about
eight
hundred
years
without
any
dangerous
Tumult
or
Corruption
.
My
Lord
General
(
as
it
is
said
of
THEMISTOCLES
,
that
he
could
not
sleep
for
the
Glory
obtain'd
by
MILTIADES
at
the
Battel
of
Maratho
)
took
so
new
and
deep
an
Impression
at
these
words
of
the
much
greater
Glory
of
LYCURGUS
,
that
,
being
on
this
side
assaulted
with
the
emulation
of
his
illustrious
Object
,
and
on
the
other
with
the
Misery
of
the
Nation
,
which
seem'd
(
as
it
were
ruin'd
by
his
Victory
)
to
cast
it self
at
his
feet
,
he
was
almost
wholly
depriv'd
of
his
natural
rest
,
till
the
debate
he
had
within
himself
came
to
a
firm
resolution
,
that
the
greatest
Advantages
of
a
Commonwealth
are
,
first
,
that
the
Legislator
should
be
one
Man
:
And
,
secondly
,
that
the
Government
should
be
made
altogether
,
or
at
once
.
For
the
first
,
It
is
certain
,
says
Des.
B.
1.
c.
9.
MACCHIAVEL
,
that
a
Commonwealth
is
seldom
or
never
well
turn'd
or
constituted
,
except
it
has
bin
the
Work
of
one
Man
;
for
which
That
a
Legislator
is
to
b●
one
.
cause
a
wise
Legislator
,
and
one
whose
mind
is
firmly
set
,
not
upon
privat
but
the
public
Interest
,
not
upon
his
Posterity
but
upon
his
Country
,
may
justly
endeavor
to
get
the
soverain
Power
into
his
own
hands
:
nor
shall
any
man
that
is
Master
of
Reason
blame
such
extraordinary
means
as
in
that
case
will
be
necessary
,
the
end
proving
no
other
than
the
Constitution
of
a
well-order'd
Commonwealth
.
The
reason
of
this
is
demonstrable
:
for
the
ordinary
means
not
failing
,
the
Commonwealth
has
no
need
of
a
Legislator
;
but
the
ordinary
means
failing
,
there
is
no
recourse
to
be
had
but
to
such
as
are
extraordinary
.
And
,
wheras
a
Book
or
a
Building
has
not
bin
known
to
attain
to
its
perfection
,
if
it
has
not
had
a
sole
Author
or
Architect
;
a
Common-wealth
,
That
a
Commonwealth
is
to
be
made
at
once
.
as
to
the
Fabric
of
it
,
is
of
the
like
nature
.
And
thus
it
may
be
made
at
once
;
in
which
there
be
great
advantages
:
for
a
Commonwealth
made
at
once
,
takes
Security
at
the
same
time
it
lends
its
Mony
;
and
trusts
not
it self
to
the
Faith
of
Men
,
but
lanches
immediatly
forth
into
the
Empire
of
Laws
:
and
being
set
streight
,
brings
the
Manners
of
its
Citizens
to
its
rule
;
whence
follow'd
that
uprightness
which
was
in
Lacedemon
.
But
Manners
that
are
rooted
in
men
,
bow
the
tenderness
of
a
Commonwealth
coming
up
by
twigs
to
their
bent
;
whence
follow'd
the
obliquity
that
was
in
Rome
,
and
those
perpetual
Repairs
by
the
Consuls
Axes
,
and
Tribuns
Hammers
,
which
could
never
finish
that
Commonwealth
but
in
destruction
.
MY
Lord
General
being
clear
in
these
Points
,
and
of
the
necessity
of
som
other
course
than
would
be
thought
upon
by
the
Parlament
,
appointed
a
meeting
of
the
Army
,
where
he
spoke
his
sense
agreable
to
these
Preliminarys
with
such
success
to
the
Soldiery
,
that
the
Parlament
was
soon
after
depos'd
;
and
he
himself
(
in
the
great
Hall
of
the
Pantheon
or
Palace
of
Justice
,
situated
in
Emporium
the
capital
City
)
was
created
by
the
universal
Suffrage
of
the
Army
,
Lord
ARCHON
,
or
sole
Legislator
of
Oceana
:
upon
which
Theatre
you
have
,
to
conclude
this
piece
,
a
Person
introduc'd
,
whose
fame
shall
never
draw
its
Curtain
.
THE
Lord
ARCHON
being
created
,
fifty
select
Persons
to
assist
him
(
by
laboring
in
the
Mines
of
antient
Prudence
,
and
bringing
its
hidden
Treasures
to
new
light
)
were
added
,
with
the
stile
also
of
Legislators
,
and
sat
as
a
Council
,
wherof
he
was
the
sole
Director
and
President
.
The
Council
of
Legislators
.
OF
this
piece
,
being
the
greater
half
of
the
whole
work
,
I
shall
be
able
at
this
time
to
give
no
farther
account
,
than
very
briefly
to
shew
at
what
it
aims
.
MY
Lord
ARCHON
in
opening
the
Council
of
Legislators
,
made
it
appear
how
unsafe
a
thing
it
is
to
follow
Phansy
in
the
Fabric
of
a
Commonwealth
;
and
how
necessary
that
the
Archives
of
antient
Prudence
should
be
ransack'd
before
any
Counsillor
should
presume
to
offer
any
other
matter
in
order
to
the
work
in
hand
,
or
towards
the
consideration
to
be
had
by
the
Council
upon
a
Model
of
Government
.
Wherfore
he
caus'd
an
Urn
to
be
brought
,
and
every
one
of
the
Counsillors
to
draw
a
Lot
.
By
the
Lots
as
they
were
drawn
,
The
Commonwealth
of
|
ISRAEL
|
fell
to
|
PHOSPHORUS
DE
AUGE
.
|
ATHENS
|
NAVARCHUS
DE
PARALO
.
|
LACEDEMON
|
LACO
DE
SCYTALE
.
|
CARTHAGE
|
MAGO
DE
SYRTIBUS
.
|
the
ACHEANS
,
AETOLIANS
,
and
LYCIANS
|
ARATUS
DE
ISTHMO
.
|
the
SWITZ
|
ALPESTER
DE
FULMINE
.
|
HOLLAND
,
and
theVNITED
PROVINCES
|
GLAUCUS
DE
ULNA
.
|
ROME
|
DOLABELLA
DE
ENYO
.
|
VENICE
|
LYNCEUS
DE
STELLA
.
|
THESE
contain'd
in
them
all
those
Excellencys
wherof
a
Common-wealth
is
capable
;
so
that
to
have
added
more
,
had
bin
to
no
purpose
.
Upon
time
given
to
the
Counsillors
,
by
their
own
Studys
and
those
of
their
Friends
,
to
prepare
themselves
,
they
were
open'd
in
the
Order
,
and
by
the
Persons
mention'd
at
the
Council
of
Legislators
;
and
afterwards
by
order
of
the
same
were
repeated
at
the
Council
of
the
Prytans
to
the
People
:
for
in
drawing
of
the
Lots
,
there
were
about
a
dozen
of
them
inscrib'd
with
the
letter
P.
wherby
the
Counsillors
that
drew
them
became
Prytans
.
THE
Prytans
were
a
Committee
or
Council
sitting
in
the
great
Hall
of
Pantheon
,
to
whom
it
was
lawful
for
any
man
to
offer
any
thing
in
order
to
the
Fabric
of
the
Commonwealth
:
for
which
cause
,
that
they
might
not
be
opprest
by
the
throng
,
there
was
a
Rail
about
the
Table
where
they
sat
,
and
on
each
side
of
the
same
a
Pulpit
;
that
on
the
right
hand
for
any
man
that
would
propose
any
thing
,
and
that
on
the
left
for
any
other
that
would
oppose
him
.
And
all
Partys
(
being
indemnify'd
by
Proclamation
of
the
ARCHON
)
were
invited
to
dispute
their
own
Interests
,
or
propose
whatever
they
thought
fit
(
in
order
to
the
future
Government
)
to
the
Council
of
the
Prytans
,
who
(
having
a
Guard
of
about
two
or
three
hundred
men
,
lest
the
heat
of
dispute
might
break
the
peace
)
had
the
Right
of
Moderators
,
and
were
to
report
from
time
to
time
such
Propositions
or
Occurrences
as
they
thought
fit
,
to
the
Council
of
Legislators
sitting
more
privatly
in
the
Palace
call'd
Alma
.
THIS
was
that
which
made
the
People
(
who
were
neither
safely
to
be
admitted
,
nor
conveniently
to
be
excluded
in
the
framing
of
the
Commonwealth
)
verily
believe
when
it
came
forth
,
that
it
was
no
other
than
that
wherof
they
themselves
had
bin
the
makers
.
MOREOVER
,
this
Council
sat
divers
months
after
the
publishing
,
and
during
the
promulgation
of
the
Model
to
the
People
;
by
which
means
there
is
scarce
any
thing
was
said
or
written
for
or
against
the
said
Model
,
but
you
shall
have
it
with
the
next
impression
of
this
work
by
way
of
Oration
addrest
to
,
and
moderated
by
the
Prytans
.
BY
this
means
the
Council
of
Legislators
had
their
necessary
Solitude
and
due
aim
in
their
greater
work
,
as
being
acquainted
from
time
to
time
with
the
pulse
of
the
People
,
and
yet
without
any
manner
of
interruption
or
disturbance
.
WHERFORE
every
Commonwealth
in
its
place
having
bin
open'd
by
due
Method
;
that
is
,
First
,
by
the
People
;
Secondly
,
by
the
Senat
;
And
,
Thirdly
,
by
the
Magistracy
:
The
Council
upon
mature
debate
took
such
results
or
orders
out
of
each
,
and
out
os
every
part
of
each
of
them
,
as
upon
opening
the
same
they
thought
fit
;
which
being
put
from
time
to
time
in
writing
by
the
Clere
or
Secretary
,
there
remain'd
no
more
in
the
conclusion
,
than
putting
the
Orders
so
taken
together
,
to
view
and
examin
them
with
a
diligent
ey
,
that
it
might
be
clearly
discover'd
whether
they
did
interfere
,
or
could
any
wise
com
to
interfere
or
jostle
one
with
the
other
.
For
as
such
Orders
jostling
,
or
coming
to
jostle
one
another
,
are
the
certain
dissolution
of
the
Commonwealth
;
so
taken
upon
the
proof
of
like
experience
,
and
neither
jostling
,
nor
shewing
which
way
they
can
possibly
com
to
jostle
one
another
,
they
make
a
perfect
,
and
(
for
ought
that
in
human
Prudence
can
be
foreseen
)
an
immortal
Commonwealth
.
AND
such
was
the
Art
wherby
my
Lord
ARCHON
(
taking
Counsil
of
the
Commonwealth
of
Israel
,
as
of
MOSES
;
and
of
the
rest
of
the
Commonwealths
,
as
of
JETHRO
)
fram'd
the
Model
of
the
Commonwealth
of
Oceana
.
THE
MODEL
OF
THE
Commonwealth
of
OCEANA
.
WHERAS
my
Lord
ARCHON
being
from
MOSES
and
LYCURGUS
the
first
Legislator
that
hitherto
is
found
in
History
to
have
introduc'd
or
erected
an
intire
Common-wealth
at
once
,
happen'd
,
like
them
also
,
to
be
more
intent
upon
putting
the
same
into
execution
or
action
,
than
into
writing
;
by
which
means
the
Model
came
to
be
promulgated
or
publish'd
with
more
brevity
and
less
illustration
than
is
necessary
for
their
understanding
who
have
not
bin
acquainted
with
the
whole
Procedings
of
the
Council
of
Legislators
,
and
of
the
Prytans
,
where
it
was
asserted
and
clear'd
from
all
objections
and
doubts
:
To
the
end
that
I
may
supply
what
was
wanting
in
the
promulgated
Epitome
to
a
more
full
and
perfect
Narrative
of
the
whole
,
I
shall
rather
take
the
Commonwealth
practically
,
and
as
it
has
now
given
an
account
of
it self
in
som
years
Revolutions
(
as
DICEARCHUS
is
said
to
have
don
that
of
Lacedemon
,
first
transcrib'd
Suidas
.
by
his
hand
som
three
or
four
hundred
years
after
the
Institution
)
yet
not
omitting
to
add
for
proof
to
every
Order
such
Debates
and
Speeches
of
the
Legislators
in
their
Council
,
or
at
least
such
parts
of
them
as
may
best
discover
the
reason
of
the
Government
;
nor
such
ways
and
means
as
were
us'd
in
the
institution
or
rise
of
the
Building
,
not
to
be
so
well
conceiv'd
,
without
som
knowlege
given
of
the
Engins
wherwithal
the
mighty
Weight
was
mov'd
.
But
thro
the
intire
omission
of
the
Council
of
Legislators
or
Workmen
that
squar'd
every
stone
to
this
Structure
in
the
Quarrys
of
antient
Prudence
,
the
proof
of
the
first
part
of
this
Discourse
will
be
lame
,
except
I
insert
,
as
well
for
illustration
,
as
to
avoid
frequent
repetition
,
three
remarkable
Testimonys
in
this
place
.
Exod.
18.
24.
THE
first
is
taken
out
of
the
Commonwealth
of
Israel
:
So
MOSES
hearken'd
to
the
voice
of
(
JETHRO
)
his
Father
in
law
,
and
did
all
that
he
had
said
.
And
MOSES
chose
able
men
out
of
all
Israel
,
and
Numb.
1.
16.
made
them
heads
over
the
People
;
Tribuns
,
as
it
is
in
the
vulgar
Latin
;
or
Phylarchs
,
that
is
,
Princes
of
the
Tribes
,
sitting
upon
twelve
[
](A45618-e183370-b)*
*
Sellis
Curulibus
.
Grot.
Thrones
,
Matth.
and
judging
the
twelve
Tribes
of
Israel
:
and
next
to
these
he
chose
Rulers
of
Thousands
,
Rulers
of
Hundreds
,
Rulers
of
Fiftys
,
and
Rulers
of
Tens
,
which
were
the
steps
or
rise
of
this
Commonwealth
from
its
foundation
or
root
to
its
proper
elevation
or
accomplishment
in
the
Sanhedrim
,
and
the
Congregation
,
already
open'd
in
the
Preliminarys
.
THE
Second
is
taken
out
of
Lacedemon
,
as
LYCURGUS
(
for
the
greater
impression
of
his
Institutions
upon
the
minds
of
his
Citizens
)
pretended
to
have
receiv'd
the
Model
of
that
Commonwealth
from
the
Oracle
of
APOLLO
at
Delphos
,
the
words
wherof
are
thus
recorded
by
PLUTARCH
in
the
Life
of
that
famous
Legislator
:
When
thou
Crag
.
de
Rep.
Lac.
lib.
1.
c.
6.
shalt
have
divided
the
People
into
Tribes
(
which
were
six
)
and
Obas
(
which
were
five
in
every
Tribe
)
thou
shalt
constitute
the
Senat
,
consisting
,
with
the
two
Kings
,
of
thirty
Counsillors
,
who
,
according
as
occasion
requires
,
shall
cause
the
Congregation
to
be
assembled
between
the
Bridg
and
the
River
Gnacion
,
where
the
Senat
shall
propose
to
the
People
,
and
dismiss
them
without
suffering
them
to
debate
.
The
Ob●
were
Linages
into
which
every
Tribe
was
divided
,
and
in
each
Tribe
there
was
another
Division
containing
all
those
of
the
same
that
were
of
military
Age
;
which
being
call'd
the
Mora
,
was
subdivided
into
Troops
and
Companys
that
were
held
in
perpetual
Disciplin
under
the
Command
of
a
Magistrat
call'd
the
Polemarch
.
THE
Third
is
taken
out
of
the
Commonwealth
of
Rome
,
or
those
parts
of
it
which
are
compriz'd
in
the
first
and
second
Books
of
LIVY
,
where
the
People
,
according
to
the
institution
by
ROMULUS
,
are
first
divided
into
thirty
Curias
or
Parishes
,
wherof
he
elected
(
by
three
out
of
each
Curia
)
the
Senat
,
which
from
his
Reign
to
that
of
SERVIUS
Halicar.
TULLUS
propos'd
to
the
Parishes
or
Parochial
Congregations
;
and
these
being
call'd
the
Comitia
Curiata
,
had
the
election
of
the
[
](A45618-e183580-b)*
*
Quirites
,
Regem
create
;
ita
patribus
visum
est
:
Tullum
Hostilium
Regem
Populus
jussit
,
Patres
authores
facti
.
Kings
,
the
Confirmation
of
their
[
](A45618-e183590-b)†
†
Ut
ab
Romulo
traditum
,
suffragium
viritim
eadem
vi
,
eodemque
jure
omnibus
datum
est
.
Laws
,
and
the
last
appeal
in
matters
of
Judicature
,
as
appears
in
the
case
of
HORATIUS
that
kil'd
his
Sister
;
till
in
the
Reign
of
SERVIUS
(
for
the
other
Kings
kept
not
to
the
institution
of
ROMULUS
)
the
People
being
grown
somwhat
,
the
Power
of
the
Curiata
was
for
the
greater
part
translated
to
the
Centuriata
Comitia
instituted
by
this
King
,
which
distributed
the
People
according
to
the
cense
or
valuation
of
their
Estates
into
six
Classes
,
every
one
containing
about
forty
Centurys
,
divided
into
Youth
and
Elders
;
the
Youth
for
field-service
,
the
Elders
for
the
defence
of
their
Territory
,
all
arm'd
and
under
continual
Disciplin
,
in
which
they
assembl'd
both
upon
military
and
civil
occasions
.
But
when
the
Senat
propos'd
to
the
People
,
the
Horse
only
,
wherof
there
were
twelve
Centurys
consisting
of
the
richest
sort
over
and
above
those
of
the
Foot
enumerated
,
were
call'd
with
the
first
Classis
of
the
Foot
to
the
suffrage
;
or
if
these
accorded
not
,
then
the
second
Classis
was
call'd
to
them
,
but
seldom
or
never
any
of
the
rest
.
Wherfore
the
People
after
the
expulsion
of
the
Kings
,
growing
impatient
of
this
inequality
,
rested
not
till
they
had
reduc'd
the
suffrage
as
it
had
bin
in
the
Comitia
Curiata
to
the
whole
People
again
:
But
in
another
way
,
that
is
to
say
,
by
the
Comitia
Tributa
,
which
therupon
were
instituted
,
being
a
Council
where
the
People
in
exigencys
made
Laws
without
the
Senat
;
which
Laws
were
call'd
Plebiscita
.
This
Council
is
that
in
regard
wherof
CICERO
and
other
great
Wits
so
frequently
inveigh
against
the
People
,
and
somtimes
even
LIVY
,
as
at
the
first
[
](A45618-e183650-b)‖
‖
Hunc
annum
insignem
maximè
Comitia
Tributa
efficiunt
;
res
major
victoriâ
●uscepti
certaminis
quam
usu
,
plus
enim
dignitatis
Comitiis
ipsis
detractum
est
,
patribus
ex
Concilio
submovendis
,
quam
virium
aut
plebi
additum
aut
demtum
patribus
.
institution
of
it
.
To
say
the
truth
,
it
was
a
kind
of
Anarchy
,
wherof
the
People
could
not
be
excusable
,
if
there
had
not
,
thro
the
Courses
taken
by
the
Senat
,
bin
otherwise
a
necessity
that
they
must
have
seen
the
Common-wealth
run
into
Oligarchy
.
Sigonius
.
THE
manner
how
the
Comitia
Curiata
,
Centuriata
or
Tributa
were
call'd
,
during
the
time
of
the
Commonwealth
,
to
the
suffrage
,
was
by
lot
:
the
Curia
,
Century
,
or
Tribe
,
wheron
the
first
lot
fell
,
being
stil'd
Principium
,
or
the
Prerogative
;
and
the
other
Curiae
,
Centurys
,
or
Tribes
,
wheron
the
second
,
third
,
and
fourth
Lots
,
&c.
fell
,
the
Jure
vocatae
:
From
henceforth
not
the
first
Classis
,
as
in
the
times
of
SERVIUS
,
but
the
Prerogative
,
whether
Curia
,
Century
,
or
Tribe
,
came
first
to
the
Suffrage
,
whose
Vote
was
call'd
Omen
Praerogativum
,
and
seldom
fail'd
to
be
leading
to
the
rest
of
the
Tribes
.
The
Jure
vocatae
in
the
order
of
their
Lots
came
next
:
the
manner
of
giving
suffrage
was
,
by
casting
wooden
Tablets
,
mark'd
for
the
Affirmative
or
the
Negative
,
into
certain
Urns
standing
upon
a
Scaffold
,
as
they
march'd
over
it
in
files
;
which
for
the
resemblance
it
bore
,
was
call'd
the
Bridg.
The
Candidat
or
Competitor
,
who
had
most
Suffrages
in
a
Curia
,
Century
,
or
Tribe
,
was
said
to
have
that
Curia
,
Century
,
or
Tribe
;
and
he
who
had
most
of
the
Curiae
,
Centurys
,
or
Tribes
,
carry'd
the
Magistracy
.
THESE
three
places
being
premis'd
,
as
such
upon
which
there
will
be
frequent
reflection
,
I
com
to
the
Narrative
,
divided
into
two
parts
,
the
first
containing
the
Institution
,
the
second
the
Constitution
of
the
Commonwealth
;
in
each
wherof
I
shall
distinguish
the
Orders
,
as
those
which
contain
the
whole
Model
,
from
the
rest
of
the
Discourse
,
which
tends
only
to
the
explanation
or
proof
of
them
.
Institution
of
the
Common-wealth
.
IN
the
institution
or
building
of
a
Commonwealth
,
the
first
work
(
as
that
of
Builders
)
can
be
no
other
than
fitting
and
distributing
the
Materials
.
Divisions
of
the
People
.
THE
Materials
of
a
Commonwealth
are
the
People
;
and
the
People
of
Oceana
were
distributed
by
casting
them
into
certain
Divisions
,
regarding
their
Quality
,
their
Age
,
their
Wealth
,
and
the
places
of
their
residence
or
habitation
,
which
was
don
by
the
insuing
Orders
.
1.
Order
.
Into
Freemen
and
Servants
.
THE
first
ORDER
distributes
the
People
into
Freemen
or
Citizens
,
and
Servants
,
while
such
;
for
if
they
attain
to
Liberty
,
that
is
,
to
live
of
themselves
,
they
are
Freemen
or
Citizens
.
THIS
Order
needs
no
proof
,
in
regard
of
the
nature
of
Servitude
,
which
is
inconsistent
with
Freedom
or
participation
of
Government
in
a
Commonwealth
.
2.
Order
.
Into
Youth
and
Elders
.
THE
second
ORDER
distributes
Citizens
into
Youth
and
Elders
(
such
as
are
from
18
years
of
age
to
30
,
being
accounted
Youth
;
and
such
as
are
of
30
and
upwards
,
Elders
)
and
establishes
that
the
Youth
shall
be
the
marching
Armys
,
and
the
Elders
the
standing
Garisons
of
this
Nation
.
A
COMMONWEALTH
whose
Arms
are
in
the
hands
of
her
Servants
,
had
need
be
situated
(
as
is
elegantly
said
of
Venice
by
[
](A45618-e184000-b)*
*
Lontana
della
fede
degli
huomini
.
CONTARINI
)
out
of
the
reach
of
their
clutches
;
witness
the
danger
run
by
that
of
Carthage
in
the
Rebellion
of
SPENDIUS
and
MATHO
.
But
tho
a
City
(
if
one
Swallow
makes
a
Summer
)
may
thus
chance
to
be
safe
,
yet
shall
it
never
be
great
;
for
if
Carthage
or
Venice
acquir'd
any
Fame
in
their
Arms
,
it
is
known
to
have
happen'd
thro
the
mere
virtue
of
their
Captains
,
and
not
of
their
Orders
:
wherfore
Israel
,
Lacedemon
,
and
Rome
intail'd
their
Arms
upon
the
prime
of
their
Citizens
,
divided
(
at
least
in
Lacedemon
and
Rome
)
into
Youth
and
Elders
;
the
Youth
for
the
Field
,
and
the
Elders
for
defence
of
the
Territory
.
3.
Order
.
Into
Horse
and
Foot
.
THE
third
ORDER
distributes
the
Citizens
into
Horse
and
Foot
by
the
cense
or
valuation
of
their
Estates
;
they
who
have
above
one
hundred
Pounds
a
year
in
Lands
,
Goods
,
or
Monys
,
being
oblig'd
to
be
of
the
Horse
;
and
they
who
have
under
that
Sum
,
to
be
of
the
Foot
.
But
if
a
man
has
prodigally
wasted
and
spent
his
Patrimony
,
he
is
neither
capable
of
Magistracy
,
Office
,
or
Suffrage
in
the
Commonwealth
.
CITIZENS
are
not
only
to
defend
the
Commonwealth
,
but
according
to
their
abilitys
,
as
the
Romans
under
SERVIUS
TULLUS
(
regard
had
to
their
Estates
)
were
som
inrol'd
in
the
Horse
Centurys
,
and
others
of
the
Foot
,
with
Arms
injoin'd
accordingly
;
nor
could
it
be
otherwise
in
the
rest
of
the
Commonwealths
,
tho
out
of
Historical
Remains
,
that
are
so
much
darker
,
it
be
not
so
clearly
provable
.
And
the
necessary
Prerogative
to
be
given
by
a
Commonwealth
to
Estates
,
is
in
som
measure
in
the
nature
of
Industry
,
and
the
use
of
it
to
the
Public
.
[
](A45618-e184140-b)*
*
Populus
Romanus
per
Classes
divisus
erat
,
&
pro
Patrimonii
facultate
censebantur
;
ex
iis
,
omnes
quibus
res
erat
,
ad
militiam
ducebantur
;
diligenter
enim
pro
victoria
laborabant
,
qui
ex
libertate
bona
patriam
desendebant
:
Illi
autem
quibus
nullae
opes
erant
,
caput
suum
,
quod
solum
possideb●nt
,
censebantur
,
&
belli
tempore
in
moenibus
residebant
;
facile
enim
poterant
existere
proditores
,
quia
egestas
haud
facile
habetur
sine
damno
.
Hos
igitur
Marius
,
quibus
non
fuerat
Resp.
committenda
,
duxit
ad
bellum
.
The
Roman
People
,
says
JULIUS
EXUPERANTIUS
,
were
divided
into
Classes
,
and
tax'd
according
to
the
value
of
their
Estates
.
All
that
were
worth
the
Sums
appointed
were
imploy'd
in
the
Wars
;
for
they
most
eagerly
contend
for
the
Victory
,
who
fight
for
Liberty
in
defence
of
their
Country
and
Possessions
.
But
the
poorer
sort
were
pol'd
only
for
their
Heads
(
which
was
all
they
had
)
and
kept
in
Garison
at
home
in
time
of
War
:
For
these
might
betray
the
Armys
for
Bread
,
by
reason
of
their
Poverty
;
which
is
the
reason
that
MARIUS
,
to
whom
the
care
of
the
Government
ought
not
to
have
bin
committed
,
was
the
first
that
led
'em
into
the
field
;
and
his
Success
was
accordingly
.
There
is
a
mean
in
things
;
as
exorbitant
Riches
overthrow
the
Balance
of
a
Commonwealth
,
so
extreme
Poverty
cannot
hold
it
,
nor
is
by
any
means
to
be
trusted
with
it
.
The
Clause
in
the
Order
concerning
the
Prodigal
is
Athenian
,
and
a
very
laudable
one
;
for
he
that
could
not
live
upon
his
Patrimony
,
if
he
coms
to
touch
the
public
Mony
,
makes
a
Commonwealth
Bankrupt
.
4.
Order
.
Into
Parishes
,
Hundreds
,
and
Tribes
.
THE
fourth
ORDER
distributes
the
People
according
to
the
places
their
Habitation
,
into
Parishes
,
Hundreds
,
and
Tribes
.
FOR
except
the
People
be
methodically
distributed
,
they
cannot
be
methodically
collected
;
but
the
being
of
a
Commonwealth
consists
in
the
methodical
Collection
of
the
People
:
wherfore
you
have
the
Israelitish
Divisions
into
Rulers
of
Thousands
,
of
Hundreds
,
of
Fiftys
,
and
of
Tens
;
and
of
the
whole
Commonwealth
into
Tribes
:
The
Laconic
into
Obas
,
Moras
,
and
Tribes
;
the
Roman
into
Tribes
,
Centurys
,
and
Classes
:
and
somthing
there
must
of
necessity
be
in
every
Government
of
the
like
nature
;
as
that
in
the
late
Monarchy
,
by
Countys
.
But
this
being
the
only
Institution
in
Oceana
(
except
that
of
the
Agrarian
)
which
requir'd
any
charge
,
or
included
any
difficulty
,
ingages
me
to
a
more
particular
Description
of
the
manner
how
it
was
perform'd
,
as
follows
.
The
use
and
method
of
the
Surveyors
.
A
THOUSAND
Surveyors
commissionated
and
instructed
by
the
Lord
ARCHON
and
the
Council
,
being
divided
into
two
equal
numbers
,
each
under
the
inspection
of
two
Surveyors
General
,
were
distributed
into
the
Northern
and
Southern
parts
of
the
Territory
,
divided
by
the
River
Hemisua
,
the
whole
wherof
contains
about
ten
thousand
Parishes
,
som
ten
of
those
being
assign'd
to
each
Surveyor
:
For
as
to
this
matter
there
needed
no
great
exactness
,
it
tending
only
(
by
shewing
whither
every
one
was
to
repair
,
and
wherabout
to
begin
)
to
the
more
orderly
carrying
on
of
the
work
;
the
nature
of
their
Instructions
otherwise
regarding
rather
the
number
of
the
Inhabitants
,
than
of
the
Parishes
.
The
Surveyors
therfore
being
every
one
furnish'd
with
a
convenient
proportion
of
Urns
,
Balls
and
balloting
Boxes
(
in
the
use
wherof
they
had
bin
formerly
exercis'd
)
and
now
arriving
each
at
his
respective
Parishes
,
began
with
the
People
,
by
teaching
them
their
first
lesson
,
which
was
the
Ballot
;
and
tho
they
found
them
in
the
beginning
somthing
froward
as
at
toys
,
with
which
(
while
they
were
in
expectation
of
greater
matters
from
a
Council
of
Legislators
)
they
conceiv'd
themselves
to
be
abus'd
,
they
came
within
a
little
while
to
think
them
pretty
sport
,
and
at
length
such
as
might
very
soberly
be
us'd
in
good
earnest
:
wherupon
the
Surveyors
began
the
Institution
included
in
5.
Order
▪
Institution
of
the
Parishes
,
of
the
Ballot
,
and
of
the
Deputys
.
THE
fifth
ORDER
,
requiring
,
That
upon
the
first
Monday
next
insuing
the
last
of
December
,
the
bigger
Bell
in
every
Parish
throout
the
Nation
be
rung
at
eight
of
the
Clock
in
the
morning
,
and
continue
ringing
for
the
space
of
one
hour
;
and
that
all
the
Elders
of
the
Parish
respectively
repair
to
the
Church
,
before
the
Bell
has
don
ringing
;
where
dividing
themselves
into
two
equal
Numbers
,
or
as
near
equal
as
may
be
,
they
shall
take
their
places
according
to
their
Dignitys
(
if
they
be
of
divers
qualitys
)
and
according
to
their
Seniority
(
if
they
be
of
the
same
)
the
one
half
on
the
one
side
,
and
the
other
half
on
the
other
,
in
the
body
of
the
Church
:
which
don
,
they
shall
make
Oath
to
the
Overseers
of
the
Parish
for
the
time
being
(
instead
of
these
the
Surveyors
were
to
officiat
at
the
Institution
or
first
Assembly
)
by
holding
up
their
hands
,
to
make
a
fair
Election
according
to
the
Laws
of
the
Ballot
,
as
they
are
hereafter
explain'd
,
of
such
Persons
,
amounting
to
a
fifth
part
of
their
whole
number
,
to
be
their
Deputys
,
and
to
exercise
their
Power
in
manner
hereafter
explain'd
,
as
they
shall
think
in
their
Consciences
to
be
fittest
for
that
trust
,
and
will
acquit
themselves
of
it
to
the
best
advantage
of
the
Commonwealth
.
And
Oath
being
thus
made
,
they
shall
procede
to
Election
,
if
the
Elders
of
the
Parish
amount
to
one
thousand
by
the
Ballot
of
the
Tribe
(
as
it
is
in
due
place
explain'd
)
and
if
the
Elders
of
the
Parish
amount
to
fifty
or
upwards
,
but
within
the
number
of
one
thousand
,
by
the
Ballot
of
the
hundred
(
as
it
is
in
due
place
explain'd
)
.
But
if
the
Elders
amount
not
to
fifty
,
then
they
shall
procede
to
the
Ballot
of
the
Parish
,
as
it
is
in
this
place
and
after
this
manner
explain'd
.
The
two
Overseers
for
the
time
being
shall
seat
themselves
at
the
upper
end
of
the
middle
Ally
,
with
a
Table
before
them
,
their
faces
being
towards
the
Congregation
:
And
the
Constable
for
the
time
being
shall
set
an
Vrn
before
the
Table
,
into
which
he
shall
put
so
many
Balls
as
there
be
Elders
present
,
wherof
there
shall
be
one
that
is
gilded
,
the
rest
being
white
;
and
when
the
Constable
has
shaken
the
Vrn
sufficiently
to
mix
the
Balls
,
the
Overseers
shall
call
the
Elders
to
the
Vrn
,
who
from
each
side
of
the
Church
shall
com
up
the
middle
Ally
in
two
files
,
every
man
passing
by
the
Vrn
,
and
drawing
out
one
Ball
;
which
if
it
be
Silver
,
he
shall
cast
into
a
Bowl
standing
at
the
foot
of
the
Vrn
,
and
return
by
the
outward
Ally
on
his
side
to
his
place
.
But
he
who
draws
the
golden
Ball
is
the
Proposer
,
and
shall
be
seated
between
the
Overseers
,
where
he
shall
begin
in
what
order
he
pleases
,
and
name
such
as
(
upon
his
Oath
already
taken
)
he
conceives
fittest
to
be
chosen
,
one
by
one
,
to
the
Elders
;
and
the
Party
nam'd
shall
withdraw
while
the
Congregation
is
balloting
his
name
by
the
double
Box
or
Boxes
appointed
and
mark'd
on
the
outward
part
,
to
shew
which
side
is
Affirmative
and
which
Negative
,
being
carry'd
by
a
Boy
or
Boys
appointed
by
the
Overseers
,
to
every
one
of
the
Elders
,
who
shall
hold
up
a
pellet
made
of
linen
Rags
,
between
his
Finger
and
his
Thumb
,
and
put
it
after
such
a
manner
into
the
Box
,
as
tho
no
man
can
see
into
which
side
he
puts
it
,
yet
any
man
may
see
that
he
puts
in
but
one
pellet
or
suffrage
.
And
the
suffrage
of
the
Congregation
being
thus
given
,
shall
be
return'd
with
the
Box
or
Boxes
to
the
Overseers
,
who
opening
the
same
,
shall
pour
the
affirmative
Balls
into
a
white
Bowl
standing
upon
the
Table
on
the
right
hand
,
to
be
number'd
by
the
first
Overseer
;
and
the
Negative
into
a
green
Bowl
standing
on
the
left
hand
,
to
be
number'd
by
the
second
Overseer
:
and
the
suffrages
being
number'd
,
he
who
has
the
major
part
in
the
Affirmative
is
one
of
the
Deputys
of
the
Parish
:
and
when
so
many
Deputys
are
chosen
as
amount
to
a
full
fifth
part
of
the
whole
number
of
the
Elders
,
the
Ballot
for
that
time
shall
cease
.
The
Deputys
being
chosen
are
to
be
listed
by
the
Overseers
in
order
as
they
were
chosen
,
except
only
that
such
as
are
Horse
must
be
listed
in
the
first
place
with
the
rest
,
proportionable
to
the
number
of
the
Congregation
,
after
this
manner
:
Anno
Dom.
The
List
of
the
first
Mover
.
A.
A.
Ord.
Eq.
1
Dep.
|
of
the
Parish
of
—
in
the
Hundred
of
—
and
the
Tribe
of
—
which
Parish
at
the
present
Election
contains
20
Elders
,
wherof
one
is
of
the
Horse
or
Equestrian
Order
.
|
B.
B.
|
2
Dep.
|
C.
C.
|
3
Dep.
|
D.
D.
|
4
Dep.
|
E.
E.
|
5
Dep.
|
The
first
and
second
in
the
List
are
Overseers
by
consequence
:
the
third
is
the
Constable
,
and
the
fourth
and
fifth
are
Churchwardens
;
the
Persons
so
chosen
are
Deputys
of
the
Parish
for
the
space
of
one
year
from
their
Election
,
and
no
longer
;
nor
may
they
be
elected
two
years
together
.
This
List
being
the
Primum
Mobile
,
or
first
Mover
of
the
Commonwealth
,
is
to
be
register'd
in
a
Book
diligently
kept
and
preserv'd
by
the
Overseers
,
who
are
responsible
in
their
places
for
these
and
other
Dutys
to
be
hereafter
mention'd
,
to
the
Censors
of
the
Tribe
:
and
the
Congregation
is
to
observe
the
present
Order
,
as
they
will
answer
the
contrary
to
the
Phylarch
,
or
Prerogative
Troop
of
the
Tribe
;
which
,
in
case
of
failure
in
the
whole
or
any
part
of
it
,
have
power
to
sine
them
or
any
of
them
at
discretion
,
but
under
an
Appeal
to
the
Parlament
.
FOR
proof
of
this
Order
;
First
,
in
Reason
:
It
is
with
all
Politicians
past
dispute
,
that
paternal
Power
is
in
the
right
of
Nature
;
and
this
is
no
other
than
the
derivation
of
Power
from
Fathers
of
Familys
,
as
the
natural
root
of
a
Commonwealth
.
And
for
Experience
,
if
it
be
otherwise
in
that
of
Holland
,
I
know
no
other
example
of
the
like
kind
.
In
Israel
,
the
soverain
Power
came
clearly
from
the
natural
Root
,
the
Jos.
24.
1.
Elders
of
the
whole
People
;
and
Rome
was
born
(
Comitiis
Curiatis
)
in
her
Parochial
Congregations
,
out
of
which
ROMULUS
first
rais'd
her
Senat
,
then
all
the
rest
of
the
Orders
of
that
Commonwealth
,
which
rose
so
high
:
For
the
depth
of
a
Commonwealth
is
the
just
height
of
it
.
[
](A45618-e184700-b)*
*
Ipsa
haeret
Scopulis
,
&
tantum
vertice
ad
Auras
Aethereas
,
quantum
r●dice
ad
Tartara
,
tendit
.
She
raises
up
her
Head
unto
the
Skys
,
Near
as
her
Root
unto
the
Center
lys
.
AND
if
the
Commonwealth
of
Rome
was
born
of
thirty
Parishes
,
this
of
Oceana
was
born
of
ten
thousand
.
But
wheras
mention
in
the
birth
of
this
is
made
of
an
Equestrian
Order
,
it
may
startle
such
as
know
that
the
division
of
the
People
of
Rome
,
at
the
Institution
of
that
Commonwealth
into
Orders
,
was
the
occasion
of
its
ruin
.
The
distinction
of
the
Patrician
as
a
hereditary
Order
from
the
very
Institution
,
ingrossing
all
the
Magistracys
,
was
indeed
the
destruction
of
Rome
;
but
to
a
Knight
or
one
of
the
Equestrian
Order
,
says
HORACE
,
Si
quadringentis
sex
septem
millia
desunt
,
Plebs
eris
.
By
which
it
should
seem
that
this
Order
was
not
otherwise
hereditary
than
a
mans
Estate
,
nor
did
it
give
any
claim
to
Magistracy
;
wherfore
you
shall
never
find
that
it
disquieted
the
Commonwealth
;
nor
dos
the
name
denote
any
more
in
Oceana
,
than
the
Duty
of
such
a
man's
Estate
to
the
Public
.
BUT
the
Surveyors
both
in
this
place
and
in
others
,
forasmuch
as
they
could
not
observe
all
the
Circumstances
of
this
Order
,
especially
that
of
the
time
of
Election
,
did
for
the
first
as
well
as
they
could
;
and
,
the
Elections
being
made
and
register'd
,
took
each
of
them
Copys
of
those
Lists
which
were
within
their
Allotments
;
which
don
,
they
produc'd
4.
Order
.
Of
Ordination
,
a
National
Religion
,
and
Liberty
of
Conscience
.
THE
sixth
ORDER
,
directing
,
in
case
a
Parson
or
Vicar
of
a
Parish
coms
to
be
remov'd
by
Death
or
by
the
Censors
,
that
the
Congregation
of
the
Parish
assemble
and
depute
one
or
two
Elders
by
the
Ballot
,
who
upon
the
charge
of
the
Parish
shall
repair
to
one
of
the
Vniversitys
of
this
Nationwith
a
Certificat
sign'd
by
the
Overseers
,
and
addrest
to
the
Vice-Chancellor
:
which
Certificat
giving
notice
of
the
Death
or
Removal
of
the
Parson
or
Vicar
,
of
the
value
of
the
Parsonage
or
Vicarage
,
and
of
the
desire
of
the
Congregation
to
receive
a
Probationer
from
that
Vniversity
;
the
Vice-Chancellor
upon
the
receit
therof
shall
call
a
Convocation
,
and
having
made
choice
of
a
fit
Person
,
shall
return
him
in
due
time
to
the
Parish
,
where
the
Person
so
return'd
shall
receive
the
full
fruits
of
the
Benefice
or
Vicarage
,
and
do
the
duty
of
the
Parson
or
Vicar
,
for
the
space
of
one
year
,
as
Probationer
:
and
that
being
expir'd
,
the
Congregation
of
the
Elders
shall
put
their
Probationer
to
the
Ballot
:
and
if
he
attains
not
to
two
parts
in
three
of
the
Suffrage
affirmative
,
he
shall
take
his
leave
of
the
Parish
,
and
they
shall
send
in
like
manner
as
before
for
another
Probationer
;
but
if
their
Probationer
obtains
two
parts
in
three
of
the
Suffrage
affirmative
,
he
is
then
Pastor
of
that
Parish
.
And
the
Pastor
of
the
Parish
shall
pray
with
the
Congregation
,
preach
the
Word
,
and
administer
the
Sacraments
to
the
same
,
according
to
the
Directory
to
be
hereafter
appointed
by
the
Parlament
.
Nevertheless
such
as
are
of
gather'd
Congregations
,
or
from
time
to
time
shall
join
with
any
of
them
,
are
in
no
wise
oblig'd
to
this
way
of
electing
their
Teachers
,
or
to
give
their
Votes
in
this
case
,
but
wholly
left
to
the
liberty
of
their
own
Consciences
,
and
to
that
way
of
Worship
which
they
shall
chuse
,
being
not
Popish
,
Jewish
,
or
Idolatrous
.
And
to
the
end
they
may
be
the
better
protected
by
the
State
in
the
free
exercise
of
the
same
,
they
are
desir'd
to
make
choice
,
in
such
manner
as
they
best
like
,
of
certain
Magistrats
in
every
one
of
their
Congregations
,
which
we
could
wish
might
be
four
in
each
of
them
,
to
be
Auditors
in
cases
of
differences
or
distast
,
if
any
thro
variety
of
opinions
,
that
may
be
grievous
or
injurious
to
them
,
should
fall
out
.
And
such
Auditors
or
Magistrats
shall
have
power
to
examin
the
matter
,
and
inform
themselves
,
to
the
end
that
if
they
think
it
of
sufficient
weight
,
they
may
acquaint
the
Phylarch
with
it
,
or
introduce
it
into
the
Council
of
Religion
;
where
all
such
Causes
as
those
Magistrats
introduce
,
shall
from
time
to
time
be
heard
and
determin'd
according
to
such
Laws
as
are
or
shall
hereafter
be
provided
by
the
Parlament
for
the
just
defence
of
the
Liberty
of
Conscience
.
THIS
Order
consists
of
three
parts
,
the
first
restoring
the
power
of
Ordination
to
the
People
,
which
,
that
it
originally
belongs
to
them
,
is
clear
,
tho
not
in
English
yet
in
Scripture
,
where
the
Apostles
ordain'd
Acts
14.
23.
Elders
by
the
holding
up
of
hands
in
every
Congregation
,
that
is
,
by
the
suffrage
of
the
People
,
which
was
also
given
in
som
of
those
Citys
by
the
Ballot
.
And
tho
it
may
be
shewn
that
the
Apostles
ordain'd
som
by
the
laying
on
of
hands
,
it
will
not
be
shewn
that
they
did
so
in
every
Congregation
.
EXCOMMUNICATION
,
as
not
clearly
provable
out
of
the
Scripture
,
being
omitted
,
the
second
part
of
the
Order
implys
and
establishes
a
National
Religion
:
for
there
be
degrees
of
Knowlege
in
divine
things
;
true
Religion
is
not
to
be
learnt
without
searching
the
Scriptures
;
the
Scriptures
cannot
be
search'd
by
us
unless
we
have
them
to
search
;
and
if
we
have
nothing
else
,
or
(
which
is
all
one
)
understand
nothing
else
but
a
Translation
,
we
may
be
(
as
in
the
place
alleg'd
we
have
bin
)
beguil'd
or
misled
by
the
Translation
,
while
we
should
be
searching
the
true
sense
of
the
Scripture
,
which
cannot
be
attain'd
in
a
natural
way
(
and
a
Commonwealth
is
not
to
presume
upon
that
which
is
supernatural
)
but
by
the
knowlege
of
the
Original
and
of
Antiquity
,
acquir'd
by
our
own
studys
,
or
those
of
som
others
,
for
even
Faith
coms
by
hearing
.
Wherfore
a
Commonwealth
not
making
provision
of
men
from
time
to
time
,
knowing
in
the
original
Languages
wherin
the
Scriptures
were
written
,
and
vers'd
in
those
Antiquitys
to
which
they
so
frequently
relate
,
that
the
true
sense
of
them
depends
in
great
part
upon
that
Knowlege
,
can
never
be
secure
that
she
shall
not
lose
the
Scripture
,
and
by
consequence
her
Religion
;
which
to
preserve
she
must
institute
som
method
of
this
Knowlege
,
and
som
use
of
such
as
have
acquir'd
it
,
which
amounts
to
a
National
Religion
.
THE
Commonwealth
having
thus
perform'd
her
duty
towards
God
,
as
a
rational
Creature
,
by
the
best
application
of
her
Reason
to
Scripture
,
and
for
the
preservation
of
Religion
in
the
purity
of
the
same
,
yet
pretends
not
to
Infallibility
,
but
coms
in
the
third
part
of
the
Order
,
establishing
Liberty
of
Conscience
according
to
the
Instructions
given
to
her
Council
of
Religion
,
to
raise
up
her
hands
to
Heaven
for
further
light
;
in
which
proceding
she
follows
that
(
as
was
shewn
in
the
Preliminarys
)
of
Israel
,
who
tho
her
National
Religion
was
always
a
part
of
her
Civil
Law
,
gave
to
her
Prophets
the
upper
hand
of
all
her
Orders
.
Definition
of
a
Parish
.
BUT
the
Surveyors
having
now
don
with
the
Parishes
,
took
their
leaves
;
so
a
Parish
is
the
first
division
of
Land
occasion'd
by
the
first
Collection
of
the
People
of
Oceana
,
whose
Function
proper
to
that
place
is
compriz'd
in
the
six
preceding
Orders
.
Institution
of
the
Hundred
.
THE
next
step
in
the
progress
of
the
Surveyors
was
to
a
meeting
of
the
nearest
of
them
,
as
their
work
lay
,
by
twentys
;
where
conferring
their
Lists
,
and
computing
the
Deputys
contain'd
therin
,
as
the
number
of
them
in
Parishes
,
being
nearest
Neighbors
,
amounted
to
one
hundred
,
or
as
even
as
might
conveniently
be
brought
with
that
account
,
they
cast
them
and
those
Parishes
into
the
Precinct
which
(
be
the
Deputys
ever
since
more
or
fewer
)
is
still
call'd
the
Hundred
:
and
to
every
one
of
these
Precincts
they
appointed
a
certain
place
,
being
the
most
convenient
Town
within
the
same
,
for
the
annual
Rendevouz
;
which
don
,
each
Surveyor
returning
to
his
Hundred
,
and
summoning
the
Deputys
contain'd
in
his
Lists
to
the
Rendevouz
,
they
appear'd
and
receiv'd
7.
Order
.
THE
seventh
ORDER
,
requiring
,
That
upon
the
first
Monday
next
insuing
the
last
of
January
,
the
Deputys
of
every
Parish
annually
assemble
in
Arms
at
the
Rendevouz
of
the
Hundred
,
and
there
elect
out
of
their
number
one
Justice
of
the
Peace
,
one
Juryman
,
one
Captain
,
one
Ensign
of
their
Troop
or
Century
,
each
of
these
out
of
the
Horse
;
and
one
Juryman
,
one
Crowner
,
one
High
Constable
,
out
of
the
Foot
;
the
Election
to
be
made
by
the
Ballot
in
this
manner
.
The
Jurymen
for
the
time
being
are
to
be
Overseers
of
the
Ballot
(
instead
of
these
,
the
Surveyors
are
to
officiat
at
the
first
Assembly
)
and
to
look
to
the
performance
of
the
same
according
to
what
was
directed
in
the
Ballot
of
the
Parishes
,
saving
that
the
High
Constable
setting
forth
the
Vrn
,
shall
have
five
several
sutes
of
Gold
Balls
,
and
one
dozen
of
every
sute
;
wherof
the
first
shall
be
mark'd
with
the
Letter
A
,
the
second
with
the
letter
B
,
the
third
with
C
,
the
fourth
with
D
,
and
the
fifth
with
E
:
and
of
each
of
these
sutes
he
shall
cast
one
Ball
into
his
Hat
,
or
into
a
little
Vrn
,
and
shaking
the
Balls
together
present
them
to
the
first
Overseer
,
who
shall
draw
one
,
and
the
sute
which
is
so
drawn
by
the
Overseer
shall
be
of
use
for
that
day
,
and
no
other
:
for
example
,
if
the
Overseer
drew
an
A
,
the
High
Constable
shall
put
seven
Gold
Balls
mark'd
with
the
letter
A
into
the
Vrn
,
with
so
many
Silver
ones
as
shall
bring
them
even
with
the
number
of
the
Deputys
,
who
being
sworn
,
as
before
,
at
the
Ballot
of
the
Parish
to
make
a
fair
Election
,
shall
be
call'd
to
the
Vrn
;
and
every
man
coming
in
manner
as
was
there
shew'd
,
shall
draw
one
Ball
,
which
if
it
be
Silver
,
he
shall
cast
it
into
a
Bowl
standing
at
the
foot
of
the
Vrn
,
and
return
to
his
place
;
but
the
first
that
draws
a
Gold
Ball
(
shewing
it
to
the
Overseers
,
who
if
it
has
not
the
letter
of
the
present
Ballot
,
have
power
to
apprehend
and
punish
him
)
is
the
first
Elector
,
the
second
the
second
Elector
,
and
so
to
the
seventh
;
which
Order
they
are
to
observe
in
their
function
.
The
Electors
as
they
are
drawn
shall
be
plac'd
upon
the
Bench
by
the
Overseers
,
till
the
whole
number
be
complete
,
and
then
be
conducted
,
with
the
List
of
the
Officers
to
be
chosen
,
into
a
Place
apart
,
where
being
privat
,
the
first
Elector
shall
name
a
Person
to
the
first
Office
in
the
List
;
and
if
the
Person
so
nam'd
,
being
balloted
by
the
rest
of
the
Electors
,
attains
not
to
the
better
half
of
the
Suffrages
in
the
Affirmative
,
the
first
Elector
shall
continue
nominating
others
,
till
one
of
them
so
nominated
by
him
attains
to
the
plurality
of
the
Suffrages
in
the
Affirmative
,
and
be
written
first
Competitor
to
the
first
Office
.
This
don
,
the
second
Elector
shall
observe
in
his
turn
the
like
order
;
and
so
the
rest
of
the
Electors
,
naming
Competitors
each
to
his
respective
Office
in
the
List
,
till
one
Competitor
be
chosen
to
every
Office
:
and
when
one
Competitor
is
chosen
to
every
Office
,
the
first
Elector
shall
begin
again
to
name
a
second
Competitor
to
the
first
Office
,
and
the
rest
successively
shall
name
to
the
rest
of
the
Offices
till
two
Competitors
be
chosen
to
every
Office
;
the
like
shall
be
repeated
till
three
Competitors
be
chosen
to
every
Office
.
And
when
three
Competitors
are
chosen
to
every
Office
,
the
List
shall
be
return'd
to
the
Overseers
,
or
such
as
the
Overseers
,
in
case
they
or
either
of
them
happen'd
to
be
Electors
,
have
substituted
in
his
or
their
place
or
places
:
and
the
Overseers
or
Substitutes
having
caus'd
the
List
to
be
read
to
the
Congregation
,
shall
put
the
Competitors
,
in
order
as
they
are
written
,
to
the
Ballot
of
the
Congregation
:
and
the
rest
of
the
Procedings
being
carry'd
on
in
the
manner
directed
in
the
Fifth
Order
,
that
Competitor
,
of
the
three
written
to
each
Office
,
who
has
most
of
the
Suffrages
above
half
in
the
Affirmative
,
is
the
Officer
.
The
List
being
after
this
manner
completed
,
shall
be
entred
into
a
Register
,
to
be
kept
at
the
Rendevouz
of
the
Hundred
,
under
inspection
of
the
Magistrats
of
the
same
,
after
the
manner
following
:
Anno
Domini
The
List
of
the
Nebulosa
.
A.
A.
Ord.
Eq.
Justice
of
the
Peace
|
of
the
Hundred
of
—
in
the
Tribe
of
—
which
Hundred
consists
at
this
Election
of
105
Deputys
.
|
B.
B.
Ord.
Eq.
First
Juryman
|
C.
C.
Ord.
Eq.
Captain
of
the
Hundred
|
D.
D.
Ord.
Eq.
Ensign
|
E.
E.
|
Second
Juryman
|
F.
F.
|
High
Constable
|
G.
G.
|
Crowner
|
THE
List
being
enter'd
,
the
High
Constable
shall
take
three
Copys
of
the
same
,
wherof
he
shall
presently
return
one
to
the
Lord
High
Sheriff
of
the
Tribe
,
a
second
to
the
Lord
Custos
Rotulorum
,
and
a
third
to
the
Censors
;
or
these
,
thro
the
want
of
such
Magistrats
at
the
first
muster
,
may
be
return'd
to
the
Orator
,
to
be
appointed
for
that
Tribe
.
To
the
observation
of
all
and
every
part
of
this
Order
,
the
Officers
and
Deputys
of
the
Hundred
are
all
and
every
of
them
oblig'd
,
as
they
will
answer
it
to
the
Phylarch
,
who
has
power
in
case
of
failure
in
the
whole
or
any
part
,
to
fine
all
or
any
of
them
so
failing
at
discretion
,
or
according
to
such
Laws
as
shall
hereafter
be
provided
in
that
case
;
but
under
an
Appeal
to
the
Parlament
.
THERE
is
little
in
this
Order
worthy
of
any
further
account
,
but
that
it
answers
to
the
Rulers
of
Hundreds
in
Israel
,
to
the
Mora
or
Military
part
of
the
Tribe
in
Lacedemon
,
and
to
the
Century
in
Rome
.
The
Jurymen
,
being
two
in
a
Hundred
,
and
so
forty
in
a
Tribe
,
give
the
Latitude
allow'd
by
the
Law
for
exceptions
.
And
wheras
the
Golden
Balls
at
this
Ballot
begin
to
be
mark'd
with
Letters
,
wherof
one
is
to
be
drawn
immediatly
before
it
begins
;
this
is
to
the
end
that
the
Letter
being
unknown
,
Men
may
be
frustrated
of
tricks
or
foul
play
,
wheras
otherwise
a
Man
might
bring
a
Golden
Ball
with
him
,
and
make
as
if
he
had
drawn
it
out
of
the
Urn.
The
Surveyors
,
when
they
had
taken
Copys
of
these
Lists
,
had
accomplish'd
their
work
in
the
Hundreds
.
Definition
of
the
Hundred
.
SO
a
Hundred
is
the
second
Division
of
Land
occasion'd
by
the
second
Collection
of
the
People
,
whose
Civil
and
Military
Functions
proper
to
this
place
are
compriz'd
in
the
foregoing
Order
.
HAVING
stated
the
Hundreds
,
they
met
once
again
by
Twentys
,
where
there
was
nothing
more
easy
than
to
cast
every
twenty
Hundreds
,
as
they
lay
most
conveniently
together
,
into
one
Tribe
;
so
the
whole
Territory
of
Oceana
,
consisting
of
about
ten
thousand
Institution
of
the
Tribe
.
Parishes
,
came
to
be
cast
into
one
thousand
Hundreds
,
and
into
fifty
Tribes
.
In
every
Tribe
at
the
place
appointed
for
the
annual
Rendevouz
of
the
same
,
were
then
,
or
soon
after
,
begun
those
Buildings
which
are
now
call'd
Pavilions
;
each
of
them
standing
with
one
Of
the
Pavilion
.
open
side
upon
fair
Columns
,
like
the
porch
of
som
antient
Temple
,
and
looking
into
a
Field
,
capable
of
the
muster
of
som
four
thousand
Men
:
Before
each
Pavilion
stand
three
Pillars
sustaining
Urns
for
the
Ballot
,
that
on
the
right-hand
equal
in
height
to
the
brow
of
a
Horsman
,
being
call'd
the
Horse
Vrn
;
that
on
the
left-hand
,
with
Bridges
on
either
side
to
bring
it
equal
in
height
with
the
brow
of
a
Footman
,
being
call'd
the
Foot
Vrn
;
and
the
middle
Vrn
with
a
Bridg
on
the
side
towards
the
Foot
Urn
,
the
other
side
,
as
left
for
the
Horse
,
being
without
one
:
and
here
ended
the
whole
work
of
the
Surveyors
,
who
return'd
to
the
Lord
ARCHON
with
this
Account
of
the
Charge
.
|
l.
|
s.
|
The
whole
Charge
of
the
Institution
.
IMPRIMIS
,
Urns
,
Balls
,
and
Balloting
Boxes
for
ten
thousand
Parishes
,
the
same
being
wooden
Ware
,
|
20000
|
00
|
ITEM
,
Provisions
of
the
like
kind
for
a
thousand
Hundreds
,
|
3000
|
00
|
ITEM
,
Urns
and
Balls
of
Metal
,
with
Balloting
Boxes
for
fifty
Tribes
,
—
|
2000
|
00
|
ITEM
,
For
erecting
of
fifty
Pavilions
,
—
|
60000
|
00
|
ITEM
,
Wages
for
four
Surveyors
General
at
1000
l.
a
man
,
|
4000
|
00
|
ITEM
,
Wages
for
the
rest
of
the
Surveyors
,
being
1000
,
at
250
l.
a
man
,
—
|
250000
|
00
|
Sum
Total
,
|
339000
|
00
|
THIS
is
no
great
matter
of
charge
for
the
building
of
a
Common-wealth
,
in
regard
that
it
has
cost
(
which
was
pleaded
by
the
Surveyors
)
as
much
to
rig
a
few
Ships
.
Nevertheless
that
proves
not
them
to
be
honest
,
nor
their
account
to
be
just
;
but
they
had
their
Mony
for
once
,
tho
their
reckoning
be
plainly
guilty
of
a
Crime
,
to
cost
him
his
Neck
that
commits
it
another
time
,
it
being
impossible
for
a
Commonwealth
(
without
an
exact
provision
that
it
be
not
abus'd
in
this
kind
)
to
subsist
:
for
if
no
regard
should
be
had
of
the
Charge
(
tho
that
may
go
deep
)
yet
the
Debauchery
and
Corruption
,
wherto
,
by
negligence
in
Accounts
,
it
infallibly
exposes
its
Citizens
,
and
therby
lessens
the
public
Faith
,
which
is
the
Nerve
and
Ligament
of
Government
,
ought
to
be
prevented
.
But
the
Surveyors
being
dispatch'd
,
the
Lord
ARCHON
was
very
curious
in
giving
names
to
his
Tribes
,
which
having
caus'd
to
be
written
in
Scrols
cast
into
an
Urn
,
and
presented
to
the
Counsillors
,
each
of
them
drew
one
,
and
was
accordingly
sent
to
the
Tribe
in
his
lot
,
as
Orators
of
the
same
,
a
Magistracy
no
otherwise
instituted
,
than
for
once
and
pro
tempore
,
to
the
end
that
the
Council
upon
so
great
an
occasion
might
both
congratulat
with
the
Tribes
,
and
assist
at
the
first
muster
in
som
things
of
necessity
to
be
differently
carry'd
from
the
establish'd
Administration
,
and
future
Course
of
the
Commonwealth
.
THE
Orators
being
arriv'd
,
every
one
as
soon
as
might
be
,
at
the
Rendevouz
of
his
Tribe
,
gave
notice
to
the
Hundreds
,
and
summon'd
the
Muster
,
which
appear'd
for
the
most
part
upon
good
Horses
,
and
already
indifferently
well
arm'd
;
as
to
instance
in
one
for
all
,
the
Tribe
of
Nubia
,
where
HERMES
DE
CADUCEO
,
Lord
Orator
of
the
same
,
after
a
short
salutation
and
a
hearty
welcom
,
apply'd
himself
to
his
business
,
which
began
with
8.
Order
.
THE
eighth
ORDER
,
requiring
,
That
the
Lord
High
Sheriff
as
Commander
in
Chief
,
and
the
Lord
Custos
Rotulorum
as
Mustermaster
of
the
Tribe
(
or
the
Orator
for
the
first
Muster
)
upon
reception
of
the
Lists
of
their
Hundreds
,
return'd
to
them
by
the
High
Constables
of
the
same
,
presently
cause
them
to
be
cast
up
,
dividing
the
Horse
from
the
Foot
,
and
listing
the
Horse
by
their
names
in
Troops
,
each
Troop
containing
about
a
hundred
in
number
,
to
be
inscrib'd
,
first
,
second
,
or
third
Troop
,
&c.
according
to
the
Order
agreed
upon
by
the
said
Magistrats
:
Which
don
,
they
shall
list
the
Foot
in
like
manner
,
and
inscribe
the
Companys
in
like
order
.
These
Lists
upon
the
Eve
of
the
Muster
shall
be
deliver'd
to
certain
Trumpeters
and
Drummers
,
wherof
there
shall
be
fifteen
of
each
sort
(
as
well
for
the
present
as
other
uses
to
be
hereafter
mention'd
)
stipendiated
by
the
Tribe
.
And
the
Trumpeters
and
Drummers
shall
be
in
the
Field
before
the
Pavilion
,
upon
the
day
of
the
Muster
,
so
soon
as
it
is
light
,
where
they
shall
stand
every
one
with
his
List
in
his
hand
,
at
a
due
distance
,
plac'd
according
to
the
Order
of
the
List
;
the
Trumpeters
with
the
Lists
of
the
Horse
on
the
right-hand
,
and
the
Drummers
with
the
Lists
of
the
Foot
on
the
left-hand
:
where
having
sounded
a
while
,
each
of
them
shall
begin
to
call
,
and
continue
calling
the
names
of
the
Deputys
,
as
they
com
into
the
field
,
till
both
the
Horse
and
Foot
be
gather'd
by
that
means
into
their
due
Order
.
The
Horse
and
Foot
being
in
order
,
the
Lord
Lieutenant
of
the
Tribe
shall
cast
so
many
Gold
Balls
mark'd
with
the
figures
1
,
2
,
3
,
4
,
&c.
as
there
be
Troops
of
Horse
in
the
Field
,
together
with
so
many
Silver
Balls
as
there
be
Companys
,
mark'd
in
the
same
manner
,
into
a
little
Vrn
,
to
which
he
shall
call
the
Captains
;
and
the
Captains
drawing
the
Gold
Balls
shall
command
the
Horse
,
and
those
that
draw
the
Silver
the
Foot
,
each
in
the
order
of
his
Lot
.
The
like
shall
be
don
by
the
Conductor
at
the
same
time
for
the
Ensigns
at
another
Vrn
;
and
they
that
draw
the
Gold
Balls
shall
be
Cornets
,
the
rest
Ensigns
.
THIS
Order
may
puzzle
the
Reader
,
but
tends
to
a
wonderful
speed
of
the
Muster
,
to
which
it
would
be
a
great
matter
to
lose
a
day
in
ranging
and
martialling
,
wheras
by
virtue
of
this
the
Tribe
is
no
sooner
in
the
field
than
in
Battalia
,
nor
sooner
in
Battalia
than
call'd
to
the
Urns
or
the
Ballot
by
virtue
of
9.
Order
.
THE
ninth
ORDER
,
wherby
the
Censors
(
or
the
Orator
for
the
first
Muster
)
upon
reception
of
the
Lists
of
the
Hundreds
from
the
High
Constables
,
according
as
is
directed
by
the
seventh
Order
,
are
to
make
their
Notes
for
the
Vrns
beforehand
,
with
regard
had
to
the
Lists
of
the
Magistrats
,
to
be
elected
by
the
insuing
Orders
;
that
is
to
say
,
by
the
first
List
call'd
the
prime
Magnitude
,
six
;
and
by
the
second
call'd
the
Galaxy
,
nine
.
Wherfore
the
Censors
are
to
put
into
the
middle
Vrn
for
the
Election
of
the
first
List
twenty
four
Gold
Balls
,
with
twenty
six
Blanks
or
Silver
Balls
,
in
all
sixty
;
and
into
the
side
Vrns
sixty
Gold
Balls
divided
into
each
according
to
the
different
number
of
the
Horse
and
the
Foot
:
that
is
to
say
,
if
the
Horse
and
the
Foot
be
equal
,
equally
;
and
if
the
Horse
and
the
Foot
be
inequal
,
inequally
,
by
an
Arithmetical
Proportion
.
The
like
shall
be
don
the
second
day
of
the
Muster
,
for
the
second
List
,
except
that
the
Censors
shall
put
into
the
middle
Vrn
36
Gold
Balls
with
24
Blanks
,
in
all
sixty
;
and
sixty
Gold
Balls
into
the
side
Vrns
,
divided
respectively
into
the
number
of
the
Horse
and
the
Foot
:
and
the
Gold
Balls
in
the
side
Vrns
at
either
Ballot
are
by
the
addition
of
Blanks
to
be
brought
even
with
the
number
of
the
Ballotants
at
either
Vrn
respectively
.
The
Censors
having
prepar'd
their
Notes
,
as
has
bin
shewn
,
and
being
com
at
the
day
appointed
into
the
Field
,
shall
present
a
little
Vrn
to
the
Lord
High
Sheriff
,
who
is
to
draw
twice
for
the
Letters
to
be
us'd
that
day
,
the
one
at
the
side
Vrns
,
and
the
other
at
the
middle
.
And
the
Censors
having
fitted
the
Vrns
accordingly
,
shall
place
themselves
in
certain
movable
Seats
or
Pulpits
(
to
be
kept
for
that
use
in
the
Pavilion
)
the
first
Censor
before
the
Horse
Vrn
,
the
second
before
the
Foot
Vrn
,
the
Lord
Lieutenant
doing
the
Office
of
Censor
pro
tempore
at
the
middle
Vrn
;
where
all
and
every
one
of
them
shall
cause
the
Laws
of
the
Ballot
to
be
diligently
observ'd
,
taking
a
special
care
that
no
Man
be
suffer'd
to
com
above
once
to
the
Vrn
(
wherof
it
more
particularly
concerns
the
Subcensors
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
Overseers
of
every
Parish
,
to
be
careful
;
they
being
each
in
this
regard
responsible
for
their
respective
Parishes
)
or
to
draw
above
one
Ball
,
which
if
it
be
Gold
,
he
is
to
present
to
the
Censor
,
who
shall
look
upon
the
Letter
;
and
if
it
be
not
that
of
the
day
,
and
of
the
respective
Vrn
,
apprehend
the
Party
,
who
for
this
or
any
other
like
disorder
,
is
obnoxious
to
the
Phylarch
.
THIS
Order
being
observ'd
by
the
Censors
,
it
is
not
possible
for
the
People
,
if
they
can
but
draw
the
Balls
,
tho
they
understand
nothing
at
all
of
the
Ballot
,
to
be
out
.
To
philosophize
further
upon
this
Art
,
tho
there
be
nothing
more
rational
,
were
not
worth
the
while
;
because
in
writing
it
will
be
perplex'd
,
and
the
first
practice
of
it
gives
the
demonstration
:
whence
it
came
to
pass
,
that
the
Orator
,
after
som
needless
pains
in
the
explanation
of
the
two
foregoing
Orders
,
betaking
himself
to
exemplify
the
same
,
found
the
work
don
to
his
hand
;
for
the
Tribe
,
as
eager
upon
a
business
of
this
nature
,
had
retain'd
one
of
the
Surveyors
,
out
of
whom
(
before
the
Orator
arriv'd
)
they
had
got
the
whole
Mystery
by
a
stoln
Muster
,
at
which
in
order
to
the
Ballot
they
had
made
certain
Magistrats
pro
tempore
.
Wherfore
he
found
not
only
the
Pavilion
(
for
this
time
a
Tent
)
erected
with
three
Posts
supplying
the
place
of
Pillars
to
the
Urns
;
but
the
Urns
being
prepar'd
with
a
just
number
of
Balls
for
the
first
Ballot
,
to
becom
the
Field
,
and
the
occasion
very
gallantly
,
with
their
Covers
made
in
the
manner
of
Helmets
,
open
at
either
ear
to
give
passage
to
the
hands
of
the
Ballotants
,
and
flanting
with
noble
Plumes
to
direct
the
March
of
the
People
.
Wherfore
he
proceded
to
10.
Order
.
THE
tenth
ORDER
,
requiring
of
the
Deputys
of
the
Parishes
,
That
upon
every
Monday
next
ensuing
the
last
of
February
,
they
make
their
personal
appearance
,
Horse
and
Foot
in
Arms
accordingly
,
at
the
Rendevouz
of
the
Tribe
;
where
being
in
Disciplin
,
the
Horse
upon
the
right
,
and
the
Foot
upon
the
left
,
before
the
Pavilion
,
and
having
made
Oath
by
holding
up
their
hands
upon
the
tender
of
it
by
the
Lord
High
Sheriff
,
to
make
Election
without
favour
,
and
of
such
only
as
they
shall
judg
fittest
for
the
Commonwealth
:
The
Conductor
shall
take
three
Balls
,
the
one
inscrib'd
with
these
words
[
outward
Files
]
another
with
these
words
[
inward
Files
]
and
the
third
with
these
[
middle
Files
]
which
Balls
he
shall
cast
into
a
little
Vrn
,
and
present
it
to
the
Lord
High
Sheriff
,
who
,
drawing
one
,
shall
give
the
words
of
Command
,
as
they
are
therupon
inscrib'd
,
and
the
Ballot
shall
begin
accordingly
.
For
example
,
if
the
Ball
be
inscrib'd
middle
Files
,
the
Ballot
shall
begin
by
the
middle
;
that
is
,
the
two
Files
that
are
middle
to
the
Horse
,
shall
draw
out
first
to
the
Horse
Vrn
,
and
the
two
Files
that
are
middle
to
the
Foot
,
shall
draw
out
first
to
the
Foot
Vrn
,
and
be
follow'd
by
all
the
rest
of
the
Files
as
they
are
next
to
them
in
order
.
The
like
shall
be
don
by
the
inward
,
or
by
the
outward
Files
,
in
case
they
be
first
call'd
.
And
the
Files
,
as
every
Man
has
drawn
his
Ball
,
if
it
be
Silver
,
shall
begin
at
the
Vrn
to
countermarch
to
their
places
;
but
he
that
has
drawn
a
Gold
Ball
at
a
side
Vrn
,
shall
procede
to
the
middle
Vrn
,
where
if
the
Ball
he
draws
be
Silver
,
he
also
shall
countermarch
:
But
if
it
be
Gold
,
he
shall
take
his
place
upon
a
form
set
cross
the
Pavilion
,
with
his
face
toward
the
Lord
High
Sheriff
,
who
shall
be
seated
in
the
middle
of
the
Pavilion
,
with
certain
Clercs
by
him
,
one
of
which
shall
write
down
the
names
of
every
Elector
,
that
is
,
of
every
one
that
drew
a
Gold
Ball
at
the
middle
Vrn
,
and
in
the
Order
his
Ball
was
drawn
,
till
the
Electors
amount
to
six
in
number
.
And
the
first
six
Electors
,
Horse
and
Foot
promiscuously
,
are
the
first
Order
of
Electors
;
the
second
six
(
still
accounting
them
as
they
are
drawn
)
the
second
Order
;
the
third
six
,
the
third
Order
;
and
the
fourth
six
,
the
fourth
Order
of
Electors
:
every
Elector
having
place
in
his
order
,
according
to
the
order
wherin
he
was
drawn
.
But
so
soon
as
the
first
Order
of
Electors
is
complete
,
the
Lord
High
Sheriff
shall
send
them
with
a
Copy
of
the
following
List
,
and
a
Clerc
that
understands
the
Ballot
,
immediately
to
a
little
Tent
standing
before
the
Pavilion
in
his
ey
,
to
which
no
other
Person
but
themselves
,
during
the
Election
,
shall
approach
.
The
List
shall
be
witten
in
this
manner
:
Anno
Domini
The
List
of
the
Prime
Magnitude
or
first
days
Election
of
Magistrats
.
Institution
of
the
Prime
Magnitude
.
1.
The
Lord
High
Sheriff
,
Commander
in
Chief
|
of
the
Tribe
of
Nubia
,
containing
at
this
present
Muster
700
Horse
,
and
1500
Foot
,
in
all
2200
Deputys
.
|
2.
Lord
Lieutenant
|
3.
Lord
Custos
Rotulorum
,
Mustermaster
General
|
4.
The
Conductor
,
being
Quartermaster
General
|
5.
The
first
Censor
|
6.
The
second
Censor
|
AND
the
Electors
of
the
first
hand
or
order
,
being
six
,
shall
each
of
them
name
to
his
respective
Magistracy
in
the
left
such
as
are
not
already
elected
in
the
Hundreds
,
till
one
Competitor
be
chosen
to
every
Magistracy
in
the
List
by
the
Ballot
of
the
Electors
of
the
first
Order
;
which
don
,
the
List
with
the
Competitors
therunto
annex'd
shall
be
return'd
to
the
Lord
High
Sheriff
by
the
Clerc
attending
that
Order
,
but
the
Electors
shall
keep
their
places
:
for
they
have
already
given
their
Suffrage
,
and
may
not
enter
into
the
Ballot
of
the
Tribe
.
If
there
arises
any
Dispute
in
an
Order
of
Electors
,
one
of
the
Censors
or
Subcensors
appointed
by
them
in
case
they
be
Electors
,
shall
enter
into
the
Tent
of
that
Order
;
and
that
Order
shall
stand
to
his
Judgment
in
the
decision
of
the
Controversy
.
The
like
shall
be
don
exactly
by
each
other
Order
of
Electors
,
being
sent
as
they
are
drawn
,
each
with
another
Copy
of
the
same
List
,
into
a
distinct
Tent
,
till
there
be
return'd
to
the
Lord
High
Sheriff
four
Competitors
to
every
Magistracy
in
the
List
;
that
is
to
say
,
one
Competitor
elected
to
every
Office
in
every
one
of
the
four
Orders
:
which
Competitors
the
Lord
High
Sheriff
shall
cause
to
be
pronounc'd
or
read
by
a
Cryer
to
the
Congregation
;
and
the
Congregation
having
heard
the
whole
Lists
repeated
,
the
Names
shall
be
put
by
the
Lord
High
Sheriff
to
the
Tribe
,
one
by
one
,
beginning
with
the
first
Competitor
in
the
first
Order
,
thence
proceding
to
the
first
Competitor
in
the
second
Order
,
and
so
to
the
first
in
the
third
and
fourth
Orders
.
And
the
Suffrages
being
taken
in
boxes
by
boys
(
as
has
bin
already
shewn
)
shall
be
pour'd
into
the
Bowls
standing
before
the
Censors
,
who
shall
be
seated
at
each
end
of
the
Table
in
the
Pavilion
,
the
one
numbring
the
Affirmatives
,
and
the
other
the
Negatives
;
and
he
,
of
the
four
Competitors
to
the
first
Magistracy
,
that
has
most
above
half
the
Suffrages
of
the
Tribe
in
the
Affirmative
,
is
the
first
Magistrat
.
The
like
is
to
be
don
successively
by
the
rest
of
the
Competitors
in
their
order
.
But
because
soon
after
the
Boxes
are
sent
out
for
the
first
name
,
there
be
others
sent
out
for
the
second
,
and
so
for
the
third
,
&c.
by
which
means
divers
names
are
successively
at
one
and
the
same
time
in
ballotting
;
the
Boy
that
carrys
a
Box
shall
sing
or
repeat
continually
the
name
of
the
Competitor
for
whom
that
Box
is
carrying
,
with
that
also
of
the
Magistracy
to
which
he
is
propos'd
.
A
Magistrat
of
the
Tribe
happening
to
be
an
Elector
,
may
substitute
any
one
of
his
own
Order
to
execute
his
other
Function
.
The
Magistrats
of
the
Prime
Magnitude
being
thus
elected
,
shall
receive
the
present
Charge
of
the
Tribe
.
IF
it
be
objected
against
this
Order
,
that
the
Magistrats
to
be
elected
by
it
,
will
be
Men
of
more
inferior
rank
than
those
of
the
Hundreds
,
in
regard
that
those
are
chosen
first
;
it
may
be
remember'd
,
that
so
were
the
Burgesses
in
the
former
Government
,
nevertheless
the
Knights
of
the
Shire
were
Men
of
greater
quality
:
And
the
Election
at
the
Hundred
is
made
by
a
Council
of
Electors
,
of
whom
less
cannot
be
expected
than
the
discretion
of
naming
Persons
fittest
for
those
Capacitys
,
with
an
ey
upon
these
to
be
elected
at
the
Tribe
.
As
for
what
may
be
objected
in
point
of
Difficulty
,
it
is
demonstrable
by
the
foregoing
Orders
,
that
a
Man
might
bring
ten
thousand
Men
(
if
there
were
occasion
)
with
as
much
ease
,
and
as
suddenly
to
perform
the
Ballot
,
as
he
can
make
five
thousand
Men
(
drawing
them
out
by
double
Files
)
to
march
a
quarter
of
a
mile
.
But
because
at
this
Ballot
,
to
go
up
and
down
the
Field
,
distributing
the
linen
Pellets
to
every
Man
,
with
which
he
is
to
ballot
or
give
suffrage
,
would
lose
a
great
deal
of
time
,
therfore
a
Mans
Wife
,
his
Daughters
,
or
others
,
make
him
his
provision
of
Pellets
before
the
Ballot
;
and
he
coms
into
the
field
with
a
matter
of
a
score
of
them
in
his
pocket
.
And
now
I
have
as
good
as
don
with
the
sport
.
The
next
is
11.
Order
.
Functions
of
the
Magistrats
of
the
Prime
Magnitude
.
THE
eleventh
ORDER
,
explaining
the
Dutys
and
Functions
of
the
Magistrats
contain'd
in
the
List
of
the
Prime
Magnitude
:
And
those
of
the
Hundreds
,
beginning
with
the
Lord
High
Sheriff
,
who
,
over
and
above
his
more
antient
Offices
,
and
those
added
by
the
former
Order
,
is
the
first
Magistrat
of
the
Phylarch
,
or
Prerogative
Troop
.
The
Lord
Lieutenant
,
over
and
above
his
Duty
mention'd
,
is
Commander
in
Chief
of
the
Musters
of
the
Youth
,
and
second
Magistrat
of
the
Phylarch
.
The
Custos
Rotulorum
is
to
return
the
yearly
Muster-rolls
of
the
Tribe
,
as
well
that
of
the
Youth
as
of
the
Elders
,
to
the
Rolls
in
Emporium
,
and
is
the
third
Magistrat
of
the
Phylarch
.
The
Censors
by
themselves
,
and
their
Subcensors
,
that
is
,
the
Overseers
of
the
Parishes
,
are
to
see
that
the
respective
Laws
of
the
Ballot
be
observ'd
in
all
the
popular
Assemblys
of
the
Tribe
.
They
have
power
also
to
put
such
National
Ministers
,
as
in
Preaching
shall
intermeddle
with
matters
of
Government
,
out
of
their
Livings
;
except
the
Party
appeals
to
the
Phylarch
,
or
to
the
Council
of
Religion
,
where
in
that
case
the
Censors
shall
prosecute
.
All
and
every
one
of
these
Magistrats
,
together
with
the
Justices
of
Peace
,
and
the
Jurymen
of
the
Hundreds
,
amounting
in
the
whole
number
to
threescore
and
six
,
are
the
Prerogative
Troop
or
Phylarch
of
the
Tribe
.
THE
Function
of
the
Phylarch
or
Prerogative
Troop
is
fivefold
.
Functions
of
the
Phylarch
.
FIRST
,
They
are
the
Council
of
the
Tribe
,
and
as
such
to
govern
the
Musters
of
the
same
according
to
the
foregoing
Orders
,
having
cognizance
of
what
has
past
in
the
Congregation
or
Elections
made
in
the
Parishes
or
the
Hundreds
,
with
power
to
punish
any
undue
practices
,
or
variation
from
their
respective
Rules
and
Orders
,
under
an
Appeal
to
the
Parlament
.
A
Marriage
legitimatly
is
to
be
pronounc'd
by
the
Parochial
Congregation
,
the
Muster
of
the
Hundred
,
or
the
Phylarch
.
And
if
a
Tribe
have
a
desire
(
which
they
are
to
express
at
the
Muster
by
their
Captains
,
every
Troop
by
his
own
)
to
petition
the
Parlament
,
the
Phylarch
,
as
the
Counsil
,
shall
frame
the
Petition
in
the
Pavilion
,
and
propose
it
by
Clauses
to
the
Ballot
of
the
whole
Tribe
;
and
the
Clauses
that
shall
be
affirm'd
by
the
Ballot
of
the
Tribe
,
and
sign'd
by
the
hands
of
the
six
Magistrats
of
the
Prime
Magnitude
,
shall
be
receiv'd
and
esteem'd
by
the
Parlament
as
the
Petition
of
the
Tribe
,
and
no
other
.
SECONDLY
,
The
Phylarch
has
power
to
call
to
their
assistance
what
other
Troops
of
the
Tribe
they
please
(
be
they
Elders
or
Youth
,
whose
Disciplin
will
be
hereafter
directed
)
and
with
these
to
receive
the
Judges
Itinerant
in
their
Circuits
,
whom
the
Magistrats
of
the
Phylarch
shall
assist
upon
the
Bench
,
and
the
Jurys
elswhere
in
their
proper
functions
according
to
the
more
antient
Laws
and
Customs
of
this
Nation
.
THIRDLY
,
The
Phylarch
shall
hold
the
Court
call'd
the
Quarter
Sessions
according
to
the
antient
Custom
,
and
therin
shall
also
hear
Causes
in
order
to
the
protection
of
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
by
such
Rules
as
are
or
shall
hereafter
be
appointed
by
the
Parlament
.
FOURTHLY
,
All
Commissions
,
issu'd
into
the
Tribes
by
the
Parlament
,
or
by
the
Chancery
,
are
to
be
directed
to
the
Phylarch
,
or
som
of
that
Troop
,
and
executed
by
the
same
respectively
.
FIFTHLY
,
In
the
case
of
Levys
of
Mony
the
Parlament
shall
tax
the
Phylarchs
,
the
Phylarchs
shall
tax
the
Hundreds
,
the
Hundreds
the
Parishes
,
and
the
Parishes
shall
levy
it
upon
themselves
.
The
Parishes
having
levy'd
the
Tax
Mony
,
accordingly
shall
return
it
to
the
Officers
of
the
Hundreds
,
the
Hundreds
to
the
Phylarchs
,
and
the
Phylarchs
to
the
Exchequer
.
But
if
a
man
has
ten
Children
living
,
he
shall
pay
no
Taxes
;
if
he
has
five
living
,
he
shall
pay
but
half
Taxes
;
if
he
has
bin
marry'd
three
years
,
or
be
above
twenty
five
years
of
Age
,
and
has
no
Child
or
Children
lawfully
begotten
,
he
shall
pay
double
Taxes
.
And
if
there
happen
to
grow
any
dispute
upon
these
or
such
other
Orders
as
shall
or
may
hereto
be
added
hereafter
,
the
Phylarchs
shall
judg
the
Tribes
,
and
the
Parlament
shall
judg
the
Phylarchs
.
For
the
rest
,
if
any
man
shall
go
about
to
introduce
the
right
or
power
of
Debate
into
any
popular
Council
or
Congregation
of
this
Nation
,
the
Phylarch
or
any
Magistrat
of
the
Hundred
,
or
of
the
Tribe
,
shall
cause
him
presently
to
be
sent
in
custody
to
the
Council
of
War
.
Institution
of
the
Roll
call'd
the
Pillar
of
Nilus
.
THE
part
of
the
Order
relating
to
the
Rolls
in
Emporium
being
of
singular
use
,
is
not
unworthy
to
be
somwhat
better
open'd
.
In
what
manner
the
Lists
of
the
Parishes
,
Hundreds
,
and
Tribes
are
made
,
has
bin
shewn
in
their
respective
Orders
,
where
after
the
Partys
are
elected
,
they
give
an
account
of
the
whole
number
of
the
Elders
or
Deputys
in
their
respective
Assemblys
or
Musters
;
the
like
for
this
part
exactly
is
don
by
the
Youth
in
their
Disciplin
(
to
be
hereafter
shewn
)
wherfore
the
Lists
of
the
Parishes
,
Youth
and
Elders
,
being
sum'd
up
,
give
the
whole
number
of
the
People
able
to
bear
Arms
;
and
the
Lists
of
the
Tribes
,
Youth
and
Elders
,
being
sum'd
up
,
give
the
whole
number
of
the
People
bearing
Arms.
This
account
,
being
annually
recorded
by
the
Master
of
the
Rolls
,
is
call'd
the
Pillar
of
Nilus
,
because
the
People
being
the
Riches
of
the
Commonwealth
,
as
they
are
found
to
rise
or
fall
by
the
degrees
of
this
Pillar
,
like
that
River
,
give
an
account
of
the
public
Harvest
.
THUS
much
for
the
Description
of
the
first
days
work
at
the
Muster
,
which
happen'd
,
as
has
bin
shewn
,
to
be
don
as
soon
as
said
:
for
as
in
practice
it
is
of
small
difficulty
,
so
requires
it
not
much
time
,
seeing
the
great
Council
of
Venice
,
consisting
of
a
like
number
,
begins
at
twelve
of
the
Clock
,
and
elects
nine
Magistrats
in
one
Afternoon
.
But
the
Tribe
being
dismist
for
this
night
,
repair'd
to
their
Quarters
,
under
the
conduct
of
their
new
Magistrats
.
The
next
morning
returning
into
the
field
very
early
,
the
Orator
proceded
to
12.
Order
.
Institution
of
the
Galaxy
.
THE
twelfth
ORDER
,
directing
the
Muster
of
the
Tribe
in
the
second
days
Election
,
being
that
of
the
List
call'd
the
Galaxy
;
in
which
the
Censors
shall
prepare
the
Vrns
according
to
the
Directions
given
in
the
ninth
Order
for
the
second
Ballot
;
that
is
to
say
,
with
36
Gold
Balls
in
the
middle
Vrn
,
making
four
Orders
,
and
nine
Electors
in
every
Order
,
according
to
the
number
of
the
Magistrats
in
the
List
of
the
Galaxy
,
which
is
as
follows
:
1.
Knight
|
to
be
chosen
out
of
the
Horse
.
|
2.
Knight
|
3.
Deputy
|
to
be
chosen
out
of
the
Horse
.
|
4.
Deputy
|
5.
Deputy
|
6.
Deputy
|
to
be
chosen
out
of
the
Foot
.
|
7.
Deputy
|
8.
Deputy
|
9.
Deputy
|
THE
rest
of
the
Ballot
shall
procede
exactly
according
to
that
of
the
first
day
.
But
forasmuch
as
the
Commonwealth
demands
as
well
the
fruits
of
a
mans
body
as
of
his
mind
,
he
that
has
not
bin
marry'd
shall
not
be
capable
of
these
Magistracys
till
he
be
marry'd
.
If
a
Deputy
,
already
chosen
to
be
an
Officer
in
the
Parish
,
in
the
Hundred
,
or
in
the
Tribe
,
be
afterwards
chosen
of
the
Galaxy
,
it
shall
be
lawful
for
him
to
delegat
his
Office
in
the
Parish
,
in
the
Hundred
,
or
in
the
Tribe
,
to
any
one
of
his
own
Order
,
being
not
already
chosen
into
Office
.
The
Knights
and
Deputys
being
chosen
,
shall
be
brought
to
the
head
of
the
Tribe
by
the
Lord
High
Sherif
,
who
shall
administer
to
them
this
Oath
;
Ye
shall
well
and
truly
observe
and
keep
the
Orders
and
Customs
of
this
Commonwealth
which
the
People
have
chosen
.
And
if
any
of
them
shall
refuse
the
Oath
,
he
shall
be
rejected
,
and
that
Competitor
which
had
the
most
voices
next
shall
be
call'd
in
his
place
;
who
if
he
takes
the
Oath
shall
be
entred
in
the
List
;
but
if
he
also
refuses
the
Oath
,
he
who
had
most
voices
next
shall
be
call'd
,
and
so
till
the
number
of
nine
out
of
those
Competitors
which
had
most
voices
be
sworn
Knights
and
Deputys
of
the
Galaxy
.
[
This
Clause
,
in
regard
of
the
late
Divisions
,
and
to
the
end
that
no
violence
be
offer'd
to
any
mans
Conscience
,
to
be
of
force
but
for
the
first
three
years
only
.
]
The
Knights
of
the
Galaxy
being
elected
and
sworn
,
are
to
repair
,
by
the
Monday
next
insuing
the
last
of
March
,
to
the
Pantheon
or
Palace
of
Justice
,
situated
in
the
Metropolis
of
this
Commonwealth
(
except
the
Parlament
,
by
reason
of
a
contagious
Sickness
,
or
som
other
occasion
,
has
adjourn'd
to
another
part
of
the
Nation
)
where
they
are
to
take
their
places
in
the
Senat
,
and
continue
in
full
Power
and
Commission
as
Senators
for
the
full
term
of
three
years
next
insuing
the
date
of
their
Election
.
The
Deputys
of
the
Galaxy
are
to
repair
by
the
same
day
(
except
as
before
excepted
)
to
the
Halo
situated
in
Emporium
,
where
they
are
to
be
listed
of
the
Prerogative
Tribe
,
or
equal
Representative
of
the
People
;
and
to
continue
in
full
Power
and
Commission
as
their
Deputys
for
the
full
term
of
three
years
next
insuing
their
Election
.
But
forasmuch
as
the
term
of
every
Magistracy
or
Office
in
this
Commonwealth
requires
an
equal
vacation
,
a
Knight
or
Deputy
of
the
Galaxy
,
having
fulfil'd
his
term
of
three
years
,
shall
not
be
reelected
into
the
same
Galaxy
,
or
any
other
,
till
he
has
also
fulfil'd
his
three
years
vacation
.
WHOEVER
shall
rightly
consider
the
foregoing
Orders
,
will
be
as
little
able
to
find
how
it
is
possible
,
that
a
worshipful
Knight
should
declare
himself
in
Ale
and
Beef
worthy
to
serve
his
Country
,
as
how
my
Lord
High
Sherifs
Honor
,
in
case
he
were
protected
from
the
Law
,
could
play
the
knave
.
But
tho
the
foregoing
Orders
,
so
far
as
they
regard
the
Constitution
of
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
requiring
no
more
as
to
an
ordinary
Election
than
is
therin
explain'd
,
that
is
but
one
third
part
of
their
Knights
and
Deputys
,
are
perfect
;
yet
must
we
in
this
place
,
and
as
to
the
Institution
,
of
necessity
erect
a
Scaffold
.
For
the
Commonwealth
to
the
first
creation
of
her
Councils
in
full
number
,
requir'd
thrice
as
many
as
are
eligible
by
the
foregoing
Orders
.
Wherfore
the
Orator
,
whose
aid
in
this
place
was
most
necessary
,
rightly
informing
the
People
of
the
reason
,
staid
them
two
days
longer
at
the
Muster
,
and
took
this
course
.
One
List
containing
two
Knights
and
seven
Deputys
,
he
caus'd
to
be
chosen
upon
the
second
day
;
which
List
being
call'd
the
first
Galaxy
,
qualify'd
the
Partys
elected
of
it
with
power
for
the
term
of
one
year
and
no
longer
:
another
List
containing
two
Knights
and
seven
Deputys
more
,
he
caus'd
to
be
chosen
the
third
day
,
which
List
being
call'd
the
second
Galaxy
,
qualify'd
the
Partys
elected
of
it
with
Power
for
the
term
of
two
years
and
no
longer
.
And
upon
the
fourth
day
he
chose
the
third
Galaxy
,
according
as
it
is
directed
by
the
Order
,
impower'd
for
three
years
;
which
Lists
successively
falling
(
like
the
Signs
or
Constellations
of
one
Hemisphere
,
which
setting
,
cause
those
of
the
other
to
rise
)
cast
the
great
Orbs
of
this
Commonwealth
into
an
annual
,
triennial
,
and
perpetual
Revolution
.
THE
business
of
the
Muster
being
thus
happily
finish'd
,
HERMES
DE
CADUCEO
,
Lord
Orator
of
the
Tribe
of
Nubia
,
being
now
put
into
her
first
Rapture
,
caus'd
one
of
the
Censors
Pulpits
to
be
planted
in
front
of
the
Squadron
,
and
ascending
into
the
same
,
spake
after
this
manner
.
My
Lords
,
the
Magistrats
and
the
People
of
the
Tribe
of
Nubia
.
WE
have
this
day
solemniz'd
the
happy
Nuptials
of
the
two
greatest
Princes
that
are
upon
the
Earth
or
in
Nature
,
ARMS
and
COUNCILS
:
in
the
mutual
Embraces
wherof
consists
your
whole
COMMONWEALTH
;
whose
Councils
upon
their
perpetual
Wheelings
,
Marches
,
and
Countermarches
,
create
her
Armys
;
and
whose
Armys
with
the
golden
Vollys
of
the
BALLOT
at
once
create
and
salute
her
Councils
.
There
be
those
(
such
is
the
World
at
present
)
that
think
it
ridiculous
to
see
a
Nation
exercising
its
Civil
Functions
in
Military
Disciplin
;
while
they
,
committing
their
Buff
to
their
Servants
,
com
themselves
to
hold
Trenchards
.
For
what
avails
it
such
as
are
unarm'd
,
or
(
which
is
all
one
)
whose
Education
acquaints
them
not
with
the
proper
use
of
their
Swords
,
to
be
call'd
Citizens
?
What
were
two
or
three
thousand
of
you
,
tho
never
so
well
affected
to
your
Country
,
but
naked
,
to
one
Troop
of
Mercenary
Soldiers
?
If
they
should
com
upon
the
Field
and
say
,
Gentlemen
,
It
is
thought
fit
that
such
and
such
Men
should
be
chosen
by
you
;
where
were
your
Liberty
?
Or
,
Gentlemen
,
Parlaments
are
exceding
good
,
but
you
are
to
have
a
little
patience
,
these
times
are
not
so
fit
for
them
;
where
were
your
Commonwealth
?
What
causes
the
Monarchy
of
the
Tur●s
but
Servants
in
Arms
?
What
was
it
that
begot
the
glorious
Commonwealth
of
Rome
,
but
the
Sword
in
the
hands
of
her
Citizens
?
Wherfore
my
glad
eys
salute
the
Serenity
and
Brightness
of
this
day
with
a
showr
that
shall
not
cloud
it
.
Behold
the
Army
of
Israel
becom
a
Commonwealth
,
and
the
Commonwealth
of
Israel
remaining
an
Army
,
with
her
Rulers
of
Tens
and
of
Fiftys
,
her
Rulers
of
Hundreds
and
Thousands
,
drawing
near
(
as
this
day
throout
our
happy
Fields
)
to
the
Lot
by
her
Tribes
,
increas'd
above
threefold
,
and
led
up
by
her
Phylarchs
or
Princes
,
to
sit
upon
[
](A45618-e187600-b)*
*
Sellis
Curulibus
.
fifty
Thrones
,
judging
the
fifty
Tribes
of
Oceana
!
Or
,
Is
it
Athens
,
breaking
from
her
Iron
Sepulcher
,
where
she
has
bin
so
long
trampled
by
Hosts
of
Janizarys
?
For
certainly
that
is
the
voice
of
THESEUS
,
having
gather'd
his
scatter'd
Athenians
into
one
City
.
[
](A45618-e187650-b)†
†
—
Haec
juris
sui
Parere
Domino
Civitas
uni
negat
:
Rex
ipse
Populus
annuas
mandat
vice●
Honoris
hui●
illive
—
.
This
freeborn
Nation
lives
not
upon
the
Dole
or
Bounty
of
one
man
,
but
distributing
her
annual
Magistracys
and
Honors
with
her
own
hand
,
is
her self
King
PEOPLE
—
(
at
which
the
Orator
was
a
while
interrupted
with
shouts
,
but
at
length
proceded
)
—
Is
it
grave
Lacedemon
in
her
arm'd
Tribe
divided
by
her
Obae
and
her
Mora
,
which
appears
to
chide
me
that
I
teach
the
People
to
talk
,
or
conceive
such
Language
as
is
drest
like
a
Woman
,
to
be
a
sit
Usher
of
the
Joys
of
Liberty
into
the
hearts
of
men
?
Is
it
Rome
in
her
victorious
Arms
(
for
so
she
held
her
Concio
or
Congregation
)
that
congratulats
with
us
,
for
finding
out
that
which
she
could
not
hit
on
,
and
binding
up
her
Comitia
Curiata
,
Centuriata
,
and
Tributa
,
in
one
inviolable
League
of
Union
?
Or
is
it
the
Great
Council
of
incomparable
Venice
,
bowling
forth
by
the
self
same
Ballot
her
immortal
Commonwealth
?
For
,
neither
by
Reason
nor
by
Experience
is
it
impossible
that
a
Commonwealth
should
be
immortal
;
seeing
the
People
being
the
Materials
,
never
dy
;
and
the
Form
,
which
is
Motion
,
must
,
without
opposition
,
be
endless
.
The
Bowl
which
is
thrown
from
your
hand
,
if
there
be
no
rub
,
no
impediment
,
shall
never
cease
:
for
which
cause
the
glorious
Luminarys
that
are
the
Bowls
of
God
,
were
once
thrown
for
ever
;
and
next
these
,
those
of
Venice
.
But
certainly
,
my
Lords
,
whatever
these
great
Examples
may
have
shewn
us
,
we
are
the
first
that
have
shewn
to
the
World
a
Commonwealth
establish'd
in
her
rise
upon
fifty
such
Towers
,
and
so
garnizon'd
as
are
the
Tribes
of
Oceana
,
containing
a
hundred
thousand
Elders
upon
the
annual
List
,
and
yet
but
an
Out-guard
;
besides
her
marching
Armys
to
be
equal
in
the
Disciplin
,
and
in
the
number
of
her
Youth
.
AND
forasmuch
as
Soverain
Power
is
a
necessary
but
a
formidable
Creature
,
not
unlike
the
Pouder
which
(
as
you
are
Soldiers
)
is
at
once
your
Safety
and
your
Danger
,
being
subject
to
take
fire
against
you
as
well
as
for
you
;
how
well
and
securely
is
she
by
your
Galaxys
so
collected
as
to
be
in
full
force
and
vigor
,
and
yet
so
distributed
that
it
is
impossible
you
should
be
blown
up
by
your
own
Magazine
?
Let
them
who
will
have
it
,
that
Power
if
it
be
confin'd
cannot
be
Soverain
,
tell
us
,
whether
our
Rivers
do
not
enjoy
a
more
secure
and
fruitful
Reign
within
their
proper
banks
,
than
if
it
were
lawful
for
them
,
in
ravaging
our
Harvests
,
to
spill
themselves
?
Whether
Souls
,
not
confin'd
to
their
peculiar
Bodys
,
do
govern
them
any
more
than
those
of
Witches
in
their
Trances
?
Whether
Power
,
not
confin'd
to
the
bounds
of
Reason
and
Virtue
,
has
any
other
bounds
than
those
of
Vice
and
Passion
?
Or
if
Vice
and
Passion
be
boundless
,
and
Reason
and
Virtue
have
certain
Limits
,
on
which
of
these
Thrones
holy
men
should
anoint
their
Soverain
?
But
to
blow
away
this
dust
,
The
Soverain
Power
of
a
Commonwealth
is
no
more
bounded
,
that
is
to
say
straitned
,
than
that
of
a
Monarch
;
but
is
balanc'd
.
The
Eagle
mounts
not
to
her
proper
pitch
,
if
she
be
bounded
;
nor
is
free
,
if
she
be
not
balanc'd
.
And
lest
a
Monarch
should
think
he
can
reach
further
with
his
Scepter
,
the
Roman
Eagle
upon
such
a
Balance
spread
her
Wings
from
the
Ocean
to
Euphrates
.
Receive
the
Soverain
Power
;
you
have
receiv'd
it
,
hold
it
fast
,
imbrace
it
for
ever
in
your
shining
Arms.
The
virtue
of
the
Loadstone
is
not
impair'd
or
limited
,
but
receives
strength
and
nourishment
by
being
bound
in
Iron
.
And
so
giving
your
Lordships
much
Joy
,
I
take
my
leave
of
this
Tribe
.
THE
Orator
descending
,
had
the
period
of
his
Speech
made
with
a
vast
applause
and
exultation
of
the
whole
Tribe
,
attending
him
for
that
night
to
his
quarter
,
as
the
Phylarch
with
som
commanded
Troops
did
the
next
day
to
the
Frontiers
of
the
Tribe
,
where
leave
was
taken
on
both
sides
with
more
Tears
than
Grief
.
Definition
of
the
Tribe
.
SO
,
a
Tribe
is
the
third
Division
of
Land
occasion'd
by
the
third
Collection
of
the
People
,
whose
Functions
proper
to
that
place
are
contain'd
in
the
five
foregoing
Orders
.
THE
Institution
of
the
Commonwealth
was
such
as
needed
those
Props
and
Scaffolds
which
may
have
troubled
the
Reader
;
but
I
shall
here
take
them
away
,
and
com
to
the
Constitution
which
stands
by
it self
,
and
yields
a
clearer
prospect
.
Constitution
of
the
Common-wealth
.
THE
motions
,
by
what
has
bin
already
shewn
,
are
Spherical
;
and
Spherical
Motions
have
their
proper
Center
:
for
which
cause
(
e're
I
procede
further
)
it
will
be
necessary
,
for
the
better
understanding
of
the
whole
,
that
I
discover
the
Center
wherupon
the
Motions
of
this
Commonwealth
are
form'd
.
THE
Center
,
or
Basis
of
every
Government
,
is
no
other
than
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
the
same
.
FUNDAMENTAL
Laws
are
such
as
state
what
it
is
that
a
Man
may
call
his
own
,
that
is
to
say
,
Property
;
and
what
the
Means
be
wherby
a
Man
may
enjoy
his
own
,
that
is
to
say
,
Protection
.
The
first
is
also
call'd
Dominion
,
and
the
second
Empire
or
Soverain
Power
,
wherof
this
(
as
has
bin
shewn
)
is
the
natural
product
of
the
former
;
for
such
as
is
the
Balance
of
Dominion
in
a
Nation
,
such
is
the
nature
of
its
Empire
.
WHERFORE
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
Oceana
,
or
the
Center
of
this
Commonwealth
,
are
the
Agrarian
and
the
Ballot
:
The
Agrarian
by
the
Balance
of
Dominion
preserving
Equality
in
the
Root
;
and
the
Ballot
by
an
equal
Rotation
conveying
it
into
the
Branch
,
or
Exercise
of
Soverain
Power
:
As
,
to
begin
with
the
former
,
appears
by
13.
Order
.
THE
thirteenth
ORDER
,
constituting
the
Agrarian
Laws
of
Oceana
,
Marpesia
and
Panopea
,
wherby
it
is
ordain'd
,
First
,
for
all
such
Lands
as
are
lying
and
being
within
the
proper
Territorys
of
Oceana
,
that
every
Man
who
is
at
present
possest
,
or
shall
hereafter
be
possest
of
an
Estate
in
Land
exceding
the
Revenue
of
two
thousand
Pounds
a
year
,
and
having
more
than
one
Son
,
shall
leave
his
Lands
either
equally
divided
among
them
,
in
case
the
Lands
amount
to
above
2000
l.
a
year
to
each
;
or
so
near
equally
in
case
they
com
under
,
that
the
greater
part
or
portion
of
the
same
remaining
to
the
eldest
,
excede
not
the
value
of
two
thousand
Pounds
Revenue
.
And
no
man
,
not
in
present
possession
of
Lands
above
the
value
of
two
thousand
Pounds
by
the
year
,
shall
receive
,
enjoy
(
except
by
lawful
Inheritance
)
acquire
,
or
purchase
to
himself
Lands
within
the
said
Territorys
,
amounting
,
with
those
already
in
his
possession
,
above
the
said
Revenue
.
And
if
a
man
has
a
Daughter
,
or
Daughters
,
except
she
be
an
Heiress
,
or
they
be
Heiresses
,
he
shall
not
leave
or
give
to
any
one
of
them
in
Marriage
or
otherwise
,
for
her
Portion
,
above
the
value
of
one
thousand
five
hundred
Pounds
in
Lands
,
Goods
,
and
Monys
.
Nor
shall
any
Friend
,
Kinsman
,
or
Kinswoman
,
add
to
her
or
their
Portion
or
Portions
that
are
so
provided
for
,
to
make
any
one
of
them
greater
.
Nor
shall
any
man
demand
,
or
have
more
in
marriage
with
any
Woman
.
Nevertheless
an
Heiress
shall
enjoy
her
lawful
Inheritance
,
and
a
Widow
,
whatsoever
the
Bounty
or
Affection
of
her
Husband
shall
bequeath
to
her
,
to
be
divided
in
the
first
Generation
,
wherin
it
is
divisible
according
as
has
bin
shewn
.
SECONDLY
,
For
Lands
lying
and
being
within
the
Territorys
of
Marpesia
,
the
Agrarian
shall
hold
in
all
parts
as
it
is
establish'd
in
Oceana
,
except
only
in
the
Standard
or
Proportion
of
Estates
in
Land
,
which
shall
be
set
for
Marpesia
at
five
hundred
Pounds
.
And
,
THIRDLY
,
For
Panopea
,
the
Agrarian
shall
hold
in
all
parts
,
as
in
Oceana
.
And
whosoever
possessing
above
the
proportion
allow'd
by
these
Laws
,
shall
be
lawfully
convicted
of
the
same
,
shall
forfeit
the
Overplus
to
the
use
of
the
State
.
AGRARIAN
Laws
of
all
others
have
ever
bin
the
greatest
Bugbears
,
and
so
in
the
Institution
were
these
,
at
which
time
it
was
ridiculous
to
see
how
strange
a
fear
appear'd
in
every
body
of
that
which
,
being
good
for
all
,
could
hurt
no
body
.
But
instead
of
the
proof
of
this
Order
,
I
shall
out
of
those
many
Debates
that
happen'd
e're
it
could
be
past
,
insert
two
Speeches
that
were
made
at
the
Council
of
Legislators
,
the
first
by
the
Right
Honorable
PHILAUTUS
DE
GARBO
,
a
young
Man
,
being
Heir
apparent
to
a
very
Noble
Family
,
and
one
of
the
Counsillors
,
who
exprest
himself
as
follows
.
May
it
please
your
Highness
,
my
Lord
ARCHON
of
Oceana
.
IF
I
did
not
,
to
my
capacity
,
know
from
how
profound
a
Counsillor
I
dissent
,
it
would
certainly
be
no
hard
task
to
make
it
as
light
as
the
day
:
First
,
That
an
Agrarian
is
altogether
unnecessary
.
Secondly
,
That
it
is
dangerous
to
a
Commonwealth
.
Thirdly
,
That
it
is
insufficient
to
keep
out
Monarchy
.
Fourthly
,
That
it
ruins
Familys
.
Fifthly
,
That
it
destroys
Industry
.
And
last
of
all
,
that
tho
it
were
indeed
of
any
good
use
,
it
will
be
a
matter
of
such
difficulty
to
introduce
in
this
Nation
,
and
so
to
settle
that
it
may
be
lasting
,
as
is
altogether
invincible
.
FIRST
,
That
an
Agrarian
is
unnecessary
to
a
Commonwealth
,
what
clearer
Testimony
can
there
be
,
than
that
the
Commonwealths
which
are
our
Cotemporarys
(
Venice
,
to
which
your
Highness
gives
the
upper
hand
of
all
Antiquity
,
being
one
)
have
no
such
thing
?
And
there
can
be
no
reason
why
they
have
it
not
,
seeing
it
is
in
the
Soverain
Power
at
any
time
to
establish
such
an
Order
,
but
that
they
need
it
not
;
wherfore
no
wonder
if
ARISTOTLE
,
who
pretends
to
be
a
good
Commonwealthsman
,
has
long
since
derided
PHALEAS
,
to
whom
it
was
attributed
by
the
Greecs
,
for
his
invention
.
SECONDLY
,
That
an
Agrarian
is
dangerous
to
a
Common-wealth
is
affirm'd
upon
no
slight
Authority
,
seeing
MACCHIAVEL
is
positive
,
that
it
was
the
Dissension
which
happen'd
about
the
Agrarian
that
caus'd
the
Destruction
of
Rome
;
nor
do
I
think
that
it
did
much
better
in
Lacedemon
,
as
I
shall
shew
anon
.
THIRDLY
,
That
it
is
insufficient
to
keep
out
Monarchy
cannot
without
impiety
be
deny'd
,
the
holy
Scriptures
bearing
witness
,
that
the
Commonwealth
of
Israel
,
notwithstanding
her
Agrarian
,
submitted
her
neck
to
the
arbitrary
Yoke
of
her
Princes
.
FOURTHLY
,
Therfore
to
com
to
my
next
Assertion
,
That
it
is
destructive
to
Familys
;
this
also
is
so
apparent
,
that
it
needs
pity
rather
than
proof
.
Why
,
alas
,
do
you
bind
a
Nobility
(
which
no
Generation
shall
deny
to
have
bin
the
first
that
freely
sacrific'd
their
Blood
to
the
antient
Libertys
of
this
People
)
on
an
unholy
Altar
?
Why
are
the
People
taught
,
That
their
Liberty
,
which
,
except
our
noble
Ancestors
had
bin
born
,
must
have
long
since
bin
bury'd
,
cannot
now
be
born
except
we
be
bury'd
?
A
Common-wealth
should
have
the
innocence
of
the
Dove
.
Let
us
leave
this
purchase
of
her
Birth
to
the
Serpent
,
which
eats
it self
out
of
the
womb
of
its
Mother
.
FIFTHLY
,
But
it
may
be
said
,
perhaps
,
that
we
are
fallen
from
our
first
Love
,
becom
proud
and
idle
.
It
is
certain
,
my
Lords
,
that
the
hand
of
God
is
not
upon
us
for
nothing
.
But
take
heed
how
you
admit
of
such
assaults
and
sallys
upon
Mens
Estates
,
as
may
slacken
the
Nerve
of
Labor
,
and
give
others
also
reason
to
believe
that
their
Sweat
is
vain
;
or
else
,
whatsoever
be
pretended
,
your
Agrarian
(
which
is
my
Fifth
Assertion
)
must
indeed
destroy
Industry
.
For
,
that
so
it
did
in
Lacedemon
is
most
apparent
,
as
also
that
it
could
do
no
otherwise
,
where
every
Man
having
his
40
Quarters
of
Barly
,
with
Wine
proportionable
,
supply'd
him
out
of
his
own
Lot
by
his
Laborer
or
Helot
;
and
being
confin'd
in
that
to
the
scantling
above
which
he
might
not
live
,
there
was
not
any
such
thing
as
a
Trade
,
or
other
Art
,
except
that
of
War
,
in
exercise
.
Wherfore
a
Spartan
,
if
he
were
not
in
Arms
,
must
sit
and
play
with
his
fingers
,
whence
insu'd
perpetual
War
,
and
,
the
Estate
of
the
City
being
as
little
capable
of
increase
as
that
of
the
Citizens
,
her
inevitable
Ruin
.
Now
what
better
ends
you
can
propose
to
your selves
in
the
like
ways
,
I
do
not
so
well
see
as
I
perceive
that
there
may
be
worse
:
For
Lacedemon
yet
was
free
from
Civil
War
:
But
if
you
imploy
your
Citizens
no
better
than
she
did
,
I
cannot
promise
you
that
you
shall
fare
so
well
,
because
they
are
still
desirous
of
War
that
hope
it
may
be
profitable
to
them
;
and
the
strongest
Security
you
can
give
of
Peace
,
is
to
make
it
gainful
.
Otherwise
Men
will
rather
chuse
that
wherby
they
may
break
your
Laws
,
than
that
wherby
your
Laws
may
break
them
.
Which
I
speak
not
so
much
in
relation
to
the
Nobility
or
such
as
would
be
holding
,
as
to
the
People
or
them
that
would
be
getting
;
the
passion
in
these
being
so
much
the
stronger
;
as
a
Man's
felicity
is
weaker
in
the
fruition
of
things
,
than
in
their
prosecution
and
increase
.
TRULY
,
my
Lords
,
it
is
my
fear
,
that
by
taking
of
more
hands
,
and
the
best
from
Industry
,
you
will
further
indamage
it
,
than
can
be
repair'd
by
laying
on
a
few
,
and
the
worst
;
while
the
Nobility
must
be
forc'd
to
send
their
Sons
to
the
Plow
,
and
,
as
if
this
were
not
enough
,
to
marry
their
Daughters
also
to
Farmers
.
SIXTHLY
,
But
I
do
not
see
(
to
com
to
the
last
point
)
how
it
is
possible
that
this
thing
should
be
brought
about
,
to
your
good
I
mean
,
tho
it
may
to
the
destruction
of
many
.
For
that
the
Agrarian
of
Israel
,
or
that
of
Lacedemon
might
stand
,
is
no
such
miracle
;
the
Lands
,
without
any
consideration
of
the
former
Proprietor
,
being
survey'd
and
cast
into
equal
Lots
,
which
could
neither
be
bought
,
nor
sold
,
nor
multiply'd
:
so
that
they
knew
wherabout
to
have
a
Man
.
But
in
this
Nation
no
such
Division
can
be
introduc'd
,
the
Lands
being
already
in
the
hands
of
Proprietors
,
and
such
whose
Estates
ly
very
rarely
together
,
but
mix'd
one
with
another
;
being
also
of
Tenures
in
nature
so
different
,
that
as
there
is
no
experience
that
an
Agrarian
was
ever
introduc'd
in
such
a
case
,
so
there
is
no
appearance
how
,
or
reason
why
it
should
:
but
that
which
is
against
Reason
and
Experience
is
impossible
.
THE
case
of
my
Lord
PHILAUTUS
was
the
most
concern'd
in
the
whole
Nation
;
for
he
had
four
younger
Brothers
,
his
Father
being
yet
living
to
whom
he
was
Heir
of
ten
thousand
Pounds
a
year
.
Wherfore
being
a
Man
both
of
good
Parts
and
Esteem
,
his
Words
wrought
both
upon
Mens
Reason
and
Passions
,
and
had
born
a
stroke
at
the
head
of
the
business
,
if
my
Lord
ARCHON
had
not
interpos'd
the
Buckler
in
this
Oration
.
My
Lords
,
the
Legislators
of
Oceana
.
MY
Lord
PHILAUTUS
has
made
a
thing
which
is
easy
to
seem
hard
;
if
the
Thanks
were
due
to
his
Eloquence
,
it
would
be
worthy
of
less
praise
,
than
that
he
ows
it
to
his
Merit
,
and
the
Love
he
has
most
deservedly
purchas'd
of
all
Men
:
nor
is
it
rationally
to
be
fear'd
,
that
he
who
is
so
much
beforehand
in
his
privat
,
should
be
in
arrear
in
his
public
Capacity
.
Wherfore
my
Lord's
tenderness
throout
his
Speech
arising
from
no
other
Principle
than
his
Solicitude
lest
the
Agrarian
should
be
hurtful
to
his
Country
;
it
is
no
less
than
my
duty
to
give
the
best
satisfaction
I
am
able
to
so
good
a
Patriot
,
taking
every
one
of
his
Doubts
in
the
Order
propos'd
.
And
,
FIRST
,
Wheras
my
Lord
,
upon
observation
of
the
modern
Commonwealths
,
is
of
opinion
,
that
an
Agrarian
is
not
necessary
:
It
must
be
consest
,
that
at
the
first
sight
of
them
there
is
som
appearance
favoring
his
Assertion
,
but
upon
Accidents
of
no
precedent
to
us
.
For
the
Commonwealths
of
Switzerland
and
Holland
,
I
mean
of
those
Leagues
,
being
situated
in
Countrys
not
alluring
the
Inhabitants
to
Wantonness
,
but
obliging
them
to
universal
Industry
,
have
an
implicit
Agrarian
in
the
nature
of
them
:
and
being
not
obnoxious
to
a
growing
Nobility
(
which
,
as
long
as
their
former
Monarchys
had
spread
the
wing
over
them
,
could
either
not
at
all
be
hatch'd
,
or
was
soon
broken
)
are
of
no
example
to
us
,
whose
Experience
in
this
point
has
bin
to
the
contrary
.
But
what
if
even
in
these
Governments
there
be
indeed
an
explicit
Agrarian
?
For
when
the
Law
commands
an
equal
or
near
equal
distribution
of
a
Man's
Estate
in
Land
among
his
Children
,
as
it
is
don
in
those
Countrys
,
a
Nobility
cannot
grow
;
and
so
there
needs
no
Agrarian
,
or
rather
there
is
one
.
And
for
the
growth
of
the
Nobility
in
Venice
(
if
so
it
be
,
for
MACCHIAVEL
observes
in
that
Republic
,
as
a
cause
of
it
,
a
great
mediocrity
of
Estates
)
it
is
not
a
point
that
she
is
to
fear
,
but
might
study
,
seeing
she
consists
of
nothing
else
but
Nobility
;
by
which
,
whatever
their
Estates
suck
from
the
People
,
especially
if
it
coms
equally
,
is
digested
into
the
better
Blood
of
that
Commonwealth
,
which
is
all
,
or
the
greatest
benefit
they
can
have
by
accumulation
.
For
how
inequal
soever
you
will
have
them
to
be
in
their
Incoms
,
they
have
Officers
of
the
Pomp
,
to
bring
them
equal
in
expences
,
or
at
least
in
the
ostentation
or
shew
of
them
.
And
so
unless
the
advantage
of
an
Estate
consists
more
in
the
measure
than
in
the
use
of
it
,
the
Authority
of
Venice
dos
but
inforce
our
Agrarian
;
nor
shall
a
Man
evade
or
elude
the
Prudence
of
it
,
by
the
Authority
of
any
other
Commonwealth
.
For
if
a
Commonwealth
has
bin
introduc'd
at
once
,
as
those
of
Israel
and
Lacedemon
,
you
are
certain
to
find
her
underlaid
with
this
as
the
main
Foundation
;
nor
,
if
she
is
oblig'd
more
to
Fortune
than
Prudence
,
has
she
rais'd
her
head
without
musing
upon
this
matter
,
as
appears
by
that
of
Athens
,
which
thro
her
defect
in
this
point
,
says
ARISTOTLE
,
introduc'd
her
Ostracism
,
as
most
of
the
Democracys
Poli●
.
1.
3.
c.
9.
of
Grece
.
But
,
not
to
restrain
a
Fundamental
of
such
latitude
to
any
one
kind
of
Government
,
do
we
not
yet
see
,
that
if
there
be
a
sole
Landlord
of
a
vast
Territory
,
he
is
the
Turc
?
That
if
a
few
Landlords
overbalance
a
populous
Country
,
they
have
store
of
Servants
?
That
if
a
People
be
in
an
equal
balance
,
they
can
have
no
Lords
?
That
no
Government
can
otherwise
be
erected
,
than
upon
som
one
of
these
Foundations
?
That
no
one
of
these
Foundations
(
each
being
else
apt
to
change
into
som
other
)
can
give
any
security
to
the
Government
,
unless
it
be
fix'd
?
That
thro
the
want
of
this
fixation
,
potent
Monarchys
and
Commonwealths
have
faln
upon
the
heads
of
the
People
,
and
accompany'd
their
own
sad
Ruins
with
vast
effusions
of
innocent
Blood
?
Let
the
Fame
,
as
was
the
merit
of
the
antient
Nobility
of
this
Nation
,
be
equal
to
,
or
above
what
has
bin
already
said
,
or
can
be
spoken
;
yet
have
we
seen
not
only
their
Glory
,
but
that
of
a
Throne
,
the
most
indulgent
to
,
and
least
invasive
for
so
many
Ages
upon
the
Liberty
of
a
People
that
the
World
has
known
,
thro
the
mere
want
of
fixing
her
foot
by
a
proportionable
Agrarian
upon
her
proper
Foundation
,
to
have
faln
with
such
horror
,
as
has
bin
a
Spectacle
of
Astonishment
to
the
whole
Earth
.
And
were
it
well
argu'd
from
one
Calamity
,
that
we
ought
not
to
prevent
another
?
Nor
is
ARISTOTLE
so
good
a
Commonwealthsman
for
deriding
the
invention
of
PHALEAS
,
as
Polit.
l.
5.
c.
3.
in
recollecting
himself
,
where
he
says
,
That
Democracys
,
when
a
less
part
of
their
Citizens
overtop
the
rest
in
Wealth
,
degenerat
into
Oligarchys
and
Principalitys
:
and
,
which
coms
nearer
to
the
present
purpose
,
that
the
greater
part
of
the
Nobility
of
Tarantum
coming
accidentally
to
be
ruin'd
,
the
Government
of
the
Few
came
by
consequence
to
be
chang'd
into
that
of
the
Many
.
THESE
things
consider'd
,
I
cannot
see
how
an
Agrarian
,
as
to
the
fixation
or
security
of
a
Government
,
can
be
less
than
necessary
.
And
if
a
Cure
be
necessary
,
it
excuses
not
the
Patient
,
his
Disease
being
otherwise
desperat
,
that
it
is
dangerous
;
which
was
the
case
of
Rome
,
not
so
stated
by
MACCHIAVEL
,
where
he
says
,
That
the
strife
about
the
Agrarian
caus'd
the
Destruction
of
that
Commonwealth
.
As
if
when
a
Senator
was
not
rich
(
as
CRASSUS
held
)
except
he
could
pay
an
Army
,
that
Commonwealth
could
expect
nothing
but
Ruin
,
whether
in
strife
about
the
Agrarian
,
or
without
it
.
[
](A45618-e188780-b)*
*
Nuper
divitiae
avaritiam
,
&
abundantes
voluptates
desiderium
,
per
luxum
atque
libidinem
,
pereundi
perdendique
omnia
invexere
.
Liv.
in
Praef.
Of
late
,
says
LIVY
,
Riches
have
introduc'd
Avarice
;
and
voluptuous
Pleasures
abounding
,
have
thro
Lust
and
Luxury
begot
a
desire
of
blasting
and
destroying
all
good
Orders
.
If
the
greatest
Security
of
a
Commonwealth
consists
in
being
provided
with
the
proper
Antidote
against
this
Poison
,
her
greatest
danger
must
be
from
the
absence
of
an
Agrarian
,
which
is
the
whole
truth
of
the
Roman
example
.
For
the
Laconic
,
I
shall
reserve
the
farther
explication
of
it
,
as
my
Lord
also
did
,
to
another
place
:
and
first
see
whether
an
Agrarian
proportion'd
to
a
popular
Government
be
sufficient
to
keep
out
Monarchy
.
My
Lord
is
for
the
Negative
,
and
fortify'd
by
the
People
of
Israel
electing
a
King
.
To
which
I
say
,
That
the
Action
of
the
People
therin
exprest
is
a
full
Answer
to
the
Objection
of
that
Example
:
For
the
Monarchy
neither
grew
upon
them
,
nor
could
,
by
reason
of
the
Agrarian
,
possibly
have
invaded
them
,
if
they
had
not
pull'd
it
upon
themselves
by
the
election
of
a
King
.
Which
being
an
Accident
,
the
like
wherof
is
not
to
be
found
in
any
other
People
so
planted
,
nor
in
this
,
till
,
as
it
is
manifest
,
they
were
given
up
by
God
to
infatuation
(
for
says
he
to
SAMUEL
,
They
have
not
rejected
thee
,
but
they
have
rejected
Me
,
that
I
should
not
reign
over
them
)
has
somthing
in
it
which
is
apparent
,
by
what
went
before
,
to
have
bin
besides
the
course
of
Nature
,
and
by
what
follow'd
.
For
the
King
having
no
other
Foundation
than
the
Calamitys
of
the
People
,
so
often
beaten
by
their
Enemys
,
that
despairing
of
themselves
,
they
were
contented
with
any
change
;
if
he
had
Peace
as
in
the
days
of
SOLOMON
,
lest
but
a
slippery
Throne
to
his
Successor
,
as
appear'd
by
REHOBOAM
.
And
the
Agrarian
,
notwithstanding
the
Monarchy
thus
introduc'd
,
so
faithfully
preserv'd
the
Root
of
that
Commonwealth
,
that
it
shot
forth
oftner
,
and
by
intervals
continu'd
longer
than
any
other
Government
,
as
may
be
computed
from
the
Institution
of
the
same
by
JOSHUA
,
1465
years
before
CHRIST
,
to
the
total
dissolution
of
it
,
which
happen'd
in
the
Reign
of
the
Emperor
ADRIAN
,
135
years
after
the
Incarnation
.
A
People
planted
upon
an
equal
Agrarian
,
and
holding
to
it
,
if
they
part
with
their
Liberty
,
must
do
it
upon
good
will
,
and
make
but
a
bad
title
of
their
Bounty
.
As
to
instance
yet
further
in
that
which
is
propos'd
by
the
present
Order
to
this
Nation
,
the
Standard
wherof
is
at
2000
l.
a
year
:
The
whole
Territory
of
Oceana
being
divided
by
this
proportion
,
amounts
to
5000
Lots
.
So
the
Lands
of
Oceana
being
thus
distributed
,
and
bound
to
this
Distribution
,
can
never
fall
to
fewer
than
five
thousand
Proprietors
.
But
five
thousand
Proprietors
so
seiz'd
will
not
agree
to
break
the
Agrarian
,
for
that
were
to
agree
to
rob
one
another
;
nor
to
bring
in
a
King
,
because
they
must
maintain
him
,
and
can
have
no
benefit
by
him
;
nor
to
exclude
the
People
,
because
they
can
have
as
little
by
that
,
and
must
spoil
their
Militia
.
So
the
Commonwealth
continuing
upon
the
balance
propos'd
,
tho
it
should
com
into
five
thousand
hands
,
can
never
alter
;
and
that
it
should
ever
com
into
five
thousand
hands
,
is
as
improbable
as
any
thing
in
the
World
that
is
not
altogether
impossible
.
MY
Lords
,
other
Considerations
are
more
privat
:
As
that
this
Order
destroys
Familys
;
which
is
as
if
one
should
lay
the
ruins
of
som
antient
Castle
to
the
Herbs
which
usually
grow
out
of
them
;
the
destruction
of
those
Familys
being
that
indeed
which
naturally
produc'd
this
Order
.
For
we
do
not
now
argue
for
that
which
we
would
have
,
but
for
that
which
we
are
already
possest
of
;
as
would
appear
,
if
a
note
were
but
taken
of
all
such
as
have
at
this
day
above
two
thousand
Pounds
a
year
in
Oceana
.
If
my
Lord
should
grant
(
and
I
will
put
it
with
the
most
)
that
they
who
are
Proprietors
in
Land
,
exceding
this
proportion
,
excede
not
three
hundred
;
with
what
brow
can
the
Interest
of
so
few
be
balanc'd
with
that
of
the
whole
Nation
?
or
rather
,
what
Interest
have
they
to
put
in
such
a
Balance
?
They
would
live
as
they
have
bin
accustom'd
to
do
;
Who
hinders
them
?
They
would
enjoy
their
Estates
;
who
touches
them
?
They
would
dispose
of
what
they
have
according
to
the
Interest
of
their
Familys
:
It
is
that
which
we
desire
.
A
Man
has
one
Son
;
let
him
be
call'd
:
Would
he
enjoy
his
Father's
Estate
?
It
is
his
,
his
Son
's
,
and
his
Son's
Son
's
after
him
.
A
Man
has
five
Sons
;
let
them
be
call'd
:
Would
they
enjoy
their
Father's
Estate
?
It
is
divided
among
them
:
for
we
have
four
Votes
for
one
in
the
same
Family
,
and
therfore
this
must
be
the
Interest
of
the
Family
,
or
the
Family
knows
not
its
own
Interest
.
If
a
Man
shall
dispute
otherwise
,
he
must
draw
his
Arguments
from
Custom
,
and
from
Greatness
,
which
was
the
Interest
of
the
Monarchy
,
not
of
the
Family
:
and
we
are
now
a
Commonwealth
.
If
the
Monarchy
could
not
bear
with
such
Divisions
because
they
tended
to
a
Commonwealth
;
neither
can
a
Commonwealth
connive
at
such
Accumulations
,
because
they
tend
to
a
Monarchy
.
If
the
Monarchy
might
make
bold
with
so
many
for
the
good
of
one
,
we
may
make
bold
with
one
for
the
good
of
so
many
;
nay
,
for
the
good
of
all
.
My
Lords
,
it
coms
into
my
mind
,
that
which
upon
occasion
of
the
variety
of
Partys
enumerated
in
our
late
Civil
Wars
,
was
said
by
a
Friend
of
mine
coming
home
from
his
Travels
,
about
the
latter
end
of
these
Troubles
;
That
he
admir'd
how
it
came
to
pass
,
that
younger
Brothers
,
especially
being
so
many
more
in
number
than
their
Elder
,
did
not
unite
as
one
man
against
a
Tyranny
,
the
like
wherof
has
not
bin
exercis'd
in
any
other
Nation
.
And
truly
,
when
I
consider
that
our
Countrymen
are
none
of
the
worst
natur'd
,
I
must
confess
I
marvel
much
how
it
coms
to
pass
,
that
we
should
use
our
Children
as
we
do
our
Puppys
;
take
one
,
lay
it
in
the
lap
,
feed
it
with
every
good
bit
,
and
drown
five
:
nay
yet
worse
;
forasmuch
as
the
Puppys
are
once
drown'd
,
wheras
the
Children
are
left
perpetually
drowning
.
Really
,
my
Lords
,
it
is
a
flinty
Custom
!
And
all
this
for
his
cruel
Ambition
,
that
would
raise
himself
a
Pillar
,
a
golden
Pillar
for
his
Monument
,
tho
he
has
Children
,
his
own
reviving
Flesh
,
and
a
kind
of
Immortality
.
And
this
is
that
Interest
of
a
Family
,
for
which
we
are
to
think
ill
of
a
Government
that
will
not
indure
it
.
But
quiet
your selves
:
The
Land
thro
which
the
River
Nilus
wanders
in
one
stream
,
is
barren
;
but
where
it
parts
into
seven
,
it
multiplys
its
sertil
shores
by
distributing
,
yet
keeping
and
improving
such
a
Propriety
and
Nutrition
,
as
is
a
prudent
Agrarian
to
a
wellorder'd
Commonwealth
.
NOR
(
to
com
to
the
fifth
Assertion
)
is
a
political
Body
render'd
any
fitter
for
Industry
,
by
having
one
gouty
and
another
wither'd
Leg
,
than
a
natural
.
It
tends
not
to
the
improvement
of
Merchandize
that
there
be
som
who
have
no
need
of
their
Trading
,
and
others
that
are
not
able
to
follow
it
.
If
Confinement
discourages
Industry
,
an
Estate
in
Mony
is
not
confin'd
;
and
lest
Industry
should
want
wherupon
to
work
,
Land
is
not
ingrost
or
intail'd
upon
any
man
,
but
remains
at
its
devotion
.
I
wonder
whence
the
computation
can
arise
,
that
this
should
discourage
Industry
.
Two
thousand
Pounds
a
year
a
man
may
enjoy
in
Oceana
,
as
much
in
Panopea
,
five
hundred
in
Marpesia
:
There
be
other
Plantations
,
and
the
Commonwealth
will
have
more
.
Who
knows
how
far
the
Arms
of
our
Agrarian
may
extend
themselves
?
and
whether
he
that
might
have
left
a
Pillar
,
may
not
leave
a
Temple
of
many
Pillars
to
his
more
pious
Memory
?
Where
there
is
som
measure
in
Riches
,
a
man
may
be
rich
;
but
if
you
will
have
them
to
be
infinit
,
there
will
be
no
end
of
starving
himself
,
and
wanting
what
he
has
:
and
what
pains
dos
such
a
one
take
to
be
poor
!
Furthermore
,
if
a
man
shall
think
that
there
may
be
an
Industry
less
greasy
,
or
more
noble
,
and
so
cast
his
thoughts
upon
the
Commonwealth
,
he
will
have
leisure
for
her
,
and
she
Riches
and
Honors
for
him
;
his
Sweat
shall
smell
like
ALEXANDER'S
.
My
Lord
PHILAUTUS
is
a
young
Man
,
who
enjoying
his
ten
thousand
Pounds
a
year
,
may
keep
a
noble
House
in
the
old
way
,
and
have
homely
Guests
;
and
having
but
two
,
by
the
means
propos'd
,
may
take
the
upper
hand
of
his
great
Ancestors
;
with
reverence
to
whom
,
I
may
say
,
there
has
not
bin
one
of
them
would
have
disputed
his
place
with
a
Roman
Consul
.
My
Lord
,
do
not
break
my
heart
;
the
Nobility
shall
go
to
no
other
Plows
than
those
from
which
we
call
our
Consuls
.
But
,
says
he
,
it
having
bin
so
with
Lacedemon
,
that
neither
the
City
nor
the
Citizens
were
capable
of
increase
,
a
blow
was
given
by
that
Agrarian
,
which
ruin'd
both
.
And
what
are
we
concern'd
with
that
Agrarian
,
or
that
blow
,
while
our
Citizens
and
our
City
(
and
that
by
our
Agrarian
)
are
both
capable
of
increase
?
The
Spartan
,
if
he
made
a
Conquest
,
had
not
Citizens
to
hold
it
;
the
Oceaner
will
have
enow
:
the
Spartan
could
have
no
Trade
,
the
Oceaner
may
have
all
.
The
Agrarian
in
Laconia
,
that
it
might
bind
on
Knapsacs
,
forbidding
all
other
Arts
but
that
of
War
,
could
not
make
an
Army
of
above
30000
Citizens
.
The
Agrarian
in
Oceana
without
interruption
of
Traffic
,
provides
us
in
the
fifth
part
of
the
Youth
an
annual
source
or
fresh
spring
of
100000
,
besides
our
Provincial
Auxiliarys
,
out
of
which
to
draw
marching
Armys
;
and
as
many
Elders
,
not
feeble
,
but
men
most
of
them
in
the
flower
of
their
Age
,
and
in
Arms
for
the
defence
of
our
Territorys
.
The
Agrarian
in
Laconia
banish'd
Mony
,
this
multiplys
it
:
That
allow'd
a
matter
of
twenty
or
thirty
Acres
to
a
man
;
this
two
or
three
thousand
:
There
is
no
comparison
between
them
.
And
yet
I
differ
so
much
from
my
Lord
,
or
his
Opinion
that
the
Agrarian
was
the
ruin
of
Lacedemon
,
that
I
hold
it
no
less
than
demonstrable
to
have
bin
her
main
support
.
For
if
,
banishing
all
other
diversions
,
it
could
not
make
an
Army
of
above
30000
;
then
letting
in
all
other
diversions
,
it
must
have
broken
that
Army
.
Wherfore
LYSANDER
bringing
in
the
golden
spoils
of
Athens
,
irrecoverably
ruin'd
that
Commonwealth
;
and
is
a
warning
to
us
,
that
in
giving
incouragement
to
Industry
,
we
also
remember
,
that
Covetousness
is
the
root
of
all
Evil.
And
our
Agrarian
can
never
be
the
cause
of
those
Seditions
threaten'd
by
my
Lord
,
but
is
the
proper
cure
of
them
,
as
[
](A45618-e189090-b)*
*
Hinc
usura
vorax
,
rapidumque
in
tempore
Foenus
;
Hinc
concussa
fides
,
&
multis
utile
bellum
.
LUCAN
notes
well
in
the
State
of
Rome
before
the
Civil
Wars
,
which
happen'd
thro
the
want
of
such
an
Antidote
.
Why
then
are
we
mistaken
,
as
if
we
intended
not
equal
advantages
in
our
Commonwealth
to
either
Sex
,
because
we
would
not
have
Womens
Fortunes
consist
in
that
metal
,
which
exposes
them
to
Cutpurses
?
If
a
man
cuts
my
Purse
,
I
may
have
him
by
the
heels
,
or
by
the
neck
for
it
;
wheras
a
man
may
cut
a
woman's
purse
,
and
have
her
for
his
pains
in
fetters
.
How
brutish
,
and
much
more
than
brutish
,
is
that
Commonwealth
,
which
prefers
the
Earth
before
the
Fruits
of
her
Womb
?
If
the
People
be
her
Treasure
,
the
staff
by
which
she
is
sustain'd
and
comforted
,
with
what
Justice
can
she
suffer
them
,
by
whom
she
is
most
inrich'd
,
to
be
for
that
cause
the
most
impoverish'd
?
And
yet
we
see
the
Gifts
of
God
,
and
the
Bountys
of
Heaven
in
fruitful
Familys
,
thro
this
wretched
custom
of
marrying
for
Mony
,
becom
their
insupportable
grief
and
poverty
.
Nor
falls
this
so
heavy
upon
the
lower
sort
,
being
better
able
to
shift
for
themselves
,
as
upon
the
Nobility
or
Gentry
.
For
what
avails
it
in
this
case
,
from
whence
their
Veins
have
deriv'd
their
Blood
;
while
they
shall
see
the
Tallow
of
a
Chandler
sooner
converted
into
that
Beauty
which
is
requir'd
in
a
Bride
?
I
appeal
,
whether
my
Lord
PHILAUTUS
or
my self
be
the
Advocat
of
Nobility
;
against
which
in
the
case
propos'd
by
me
,
there
would
be
nothing
to
hold
the
balance
.
And
why
is
a
Woman
,
if
she
may
have
but
fifteen
hundred
pounds
,
undon
?
If
she
be
unmarry'd
,
what
Nobleman
allows
his
Daughter
in
that
case
a
greater
Revenu
,
than
so
much
Mony
may
command
?
And
if
she
marry
,
no
Nobleman
can
give
his
Daughter
a
greater
portion
than
she
has
.
Who
is
hurt
in
this
case
?
nay
,
who
is
not
benefited
?
If
the
Agrarian
gives
us
the
sweat
of
our
brows
without
diminution
;
if
it
prepares
our
Table
,
if
it
makes
our
Cup
to
overflow
;
and
above
all
this
,
in
providing
for
our
Children
,
anoints
our
Heads
with
that
Oil
which
takes
away
the
greatest
of
worldly
cares
;
what
man
,
that
is
not
besotted
with
a
Covetousness
as
vain
as
endless
,
can
imagin
such
a
Constitution
to
be
his
Poverty
?
seeing
where
no
woman
can
be
considerable
for
her
portion
,
no
portion
will
be
considerable
with
a
woman
;
and
so
his
Children
will
not
only
find
better
preferments
without
his
Brocage
,
but
more
freedom
of
their
own
Affections
.
We
are
wonderful
severe
in
Laws
,
that
they
shall
not
marry
without
our
consent
;
as
if
it
were
care
and
tenderness
over
them
:
But
is
it
not
,
lest
we
should
not
have
the
other
thousand
Pounds
with
this
Son
,
or
the
other
hundred
Pounds
a
year
more
in
Jointure
for
that
Daughter
?
These
,
when
we
are
crost
in
them
,
are
the
Sins
for
which
we
water
our
couch
with
tears
,
but
not
of
Penitence
;
seeing
wheras
it
is
a
mischief
beyond
any
that
we
can
do
to
our
Enemys
,
we
persist
to
make
nothing
of
breaking
the
affection
of
our
Children
.
But
there
is
in
this
Agrarian
a
Homage
to
pure
and
spotless
Love
,
the
consequence
wherof
I
will
not
give
for
all
your
Romances
.
An
Alderman
makes
not
his
Daughter
a
Countess
till
he
has
given
her
20000
l.
nor
a
Romance
a
considerable
Mistriss
till
she
be
a
Princess
;
these
are
Characters
of
bastard
Love
.
But
if
our
Agrarian
excludes
Ambition
and
Covetousness
,
we
shall
at
length
have
the
care
of
our
own
breed
,
in
which
we
have
bin
curious
as
to
our
Dogs
and
Horses
.
The
Marriage-Bed
will
be
truly
legitimat
,
and
the
Race
of
the
Commonwealth
not
spurious
.
BUT
(
impar
magnanimis
ausis
,
imparque
dolori
)
I
am
hurl'd
from
all
my
hopes
by
my
Lords
last
assertion
of
Impossibility
,
that
the
Root
from
whence
we
imagin
these
Fruits
,
should
be
planted
or
thrive
in
this
Soil
.
And
why
?
because
of
the
mixture
of
Estates
,
and
variety
of
Tenures
.
Nevertheless
,
there
is
yet
extant
in
the
Exchequer
an
old
Survey
of
the
whole
Nation
;
wherfore
such
a
thing
is
not
impossible
.
Now
if
a
new
Survey
were
taken
at
the
present
rates
,
and
the
Law
made
,
that
no
man
should
hold
hereafter
above
so
much
Land
as
is
valu'd
therin
at
2000
l.
a
year
,
it
would
amount
to
a
good
and
sufficient
Agrarian
.
It
is
true
,
that
there
would
remain
som
difficulty
in
the
different
kind
of
Rents
,
and
that
it
is
a
matter
requiring
not
only
more
leisure
than
we
have
,
but
an
Authority
which
may
be
better
able
to
bow
men
to
a
more
general
Consent
,
than
is
to
be
wrought
out
of
them
by
such
as
are
in
our
capacity
.
Wherfore
,
as
to
the
manner
,
it
is
necessary
that
we
refer
it
to
the
Parlament
;
but
as
to
the
matter
,
they
cannot
otherwise
fix
their
Government
upon
the
right
Balance
.
I
SHALL
conclude
with
a
few
words
to
som
parts
of
the
Order
,
which
my
Lord
has
omitted
.
As
first
to
the
Consequences
of
the
Agrarian
to
be
settled
in
Marpesia
,
which
irreparably
breaks
the
Aristocracy
of
that
Nation
;
being
of
such
a
nature
,
as
standing
,
it
is
not
possible
that
you
should
govern
.
For
while
the
People
of
that
Country
are
little
better
than
the
Cattel
of
the
Nobility
,
you
must
not
wonder
if
according
as
these
can
make
their
Markets
with
foren
Princes
,
you
find
those
to
be
driven
upon
your
Grounds
.
And
if
you
be
so
tender
,
now
you
have
it
in
your
power
,
as
not
to
hold
a
hand
upon
them
that
may
prevent
the
slaughter
which
must
otherwise
insue
in
like
cases
,
the
Blood
will
ly
at
your
door
.
But
in
holding
such
a
hand
upon
them
,
you
may
settle
the
Agrarian
;
and
in
settling
the
Agrarian
,
you
give
that
People
not
only
Liberty
,
but
Lands
;
which
makes
your
Protection
necessary
to
their
Security
;
and
their
Contribution
due
to
your
Protection
,
as
to
their
own
Safety
.
FOR
the
Agrarian
of
Panopea
,
it
allowing
such
proportions
of
so
good
Land
,
men
that
conceive
themselves
straitned
by
this
in
Oceana
,
will
begin
there
to
let
themselves
forth
,
where
every
Citizen
will
in
time
have
his
Villa
.
And
there
is
no
question
,
but
the
improvement
of
that
Country
by
this
means
must
be
far
greater
than
it
has
bin
in
the
best
of
former
times
.
I
HAVE
no
more
to
say
,
but
that
in
those
antient
and
heroic
Ages
(
when
men
thought
that
to
be
necessary
which
was
virtuous
)
the
Nobility
of
Athens
having
the
People
so
much
ingag'd
in
their
debt
,
that
there
remain'd
no
other
question
among
these
,
than
which
of
those
should
be
King
,
no
sooner
heard
SOLON
speak
than
they
quitted
their
Debts
,
and
restor'd
the
Commonwealth
;
which
ever
after
held
a
solemn
and
annual
Feast
call'd
the
Sisacthia
,
or
Recision
,
in
memory
of
that
Action
.
Nor
is
this
example
the
Phoenix
;
for
at
the
institution
by
LYCURGUS
,
the
Nobility
having
Estates
(
as
ours
here
)
in
the
Lands
of
Laconia
,
upon
no
other
valuable
consideration
than
the
Commonwealth
propos'd
by
him
,
threw
them
up
to
be
parcel'd
by
his
Agrarian
.
But
now
when
no
man
is
desir'd
to
throw
up
a
farthing
of
his
Mony
,
or
a
shovel
full
of
his
Earth
,
and
that
all
we
can
do
is
but
to
make
a
virtue
of
necessity
;
we
are
disputing
whether
we
should
have
Peace
or
War
:
For
Peace
you
cannot
have
without
som
Government
,
nor
any
Government
without
the
proper
Balance
.
Wherfore
if
you
will
not
fix
this
which
you
have
,
the
rest
is
Blood
,
for
without
Blood
you
can
bring
in
no
other
.
BY
these
Speeches
made
at
the
Institution
of
the
Agrarian
,
you
may
perceive
what
were
the
Grounds
of
it
.
The
next
is
14.
Order
.
THE
fourteenth
ORDER
,
constituting
the
Ballot
of
Venice
,
as
it
is
fitted
by
several
Alterations
,
and
appointed
to
every
Assembly
,
to
be
the
constant
and
only
way
of
giving
suffrage
in
this
Commonwealth
,
according
to
the
following
Scheme
.
P
:
113.
The
Manner
and
Use
of
the
Ballot
.
I
SHALL
indeavor
by
the
preceding
Figure
to
demonstrat
the
Manner
of
the
VENETIAN
BALLOT
(
a
thing
as
difficult
in
discourse
or
writing
,
as
facil
in
practice
)
according
to
the
use
of
it
in
Oceana
.
The
whole
Figure
represents
the
Senat
,
containing
,
as
to
the
House
or
form
of
sitting
,
a
square
and
a
half
;
the
Tribunal
at
the
upper
end
being
ascended
by
four
steps
.
On
the
uppermost
of
these
sit
the
Magistrats
that
constitute
the
Signory
of
the
Commonwealth
,
that
is
to
say
,
A
the
Strategus
;
B
the
Orator
;
C
the
three
Commissioners
of
the
Great
Seal
;
D
the
three
Commissioners
of
the
Treasury
,
wherof
one
,
E
,
exercises
for
the
present
the
Office
of
a
Censor
at
the
middle
Urn
F.
TO
the
two
upper
steps
of
the
Tribunal
answer
G
G.
G
G.
the
two
long
Benches
next
the
Wall
on
each
side
of
the
House
;
the
outwardmost
of
which
are
equal
in
height
to
the
uppermost
step
,
and
the
innermost
equal
in
height
to
the
next
.
Of
these
four
Benches
consists
the
first
Seat
;
as
the
second
Seat
consists
in
like
manner
of
those
four
Benches
H
H.
H
H.
which
being
next
the
Floor
,
are
equal
in
height
to
the
two
nethermost
steps
of
the
Throne
.
So
the
whole
House
is
distributed
into
two
Seats
,
each
consisting
of
four
Benches
.
THIS
distribution
causes
not
only
the
greater
conveniency
,
as
will
be
shewn
,
to
the
Senators
in
the
exercise
of
their
Function
at
the
Ballot
,
but
a
greater
grace
to
the
aspect
of
the
Senat.
In
the
middle
of
the
outward
benches
stand
I.
I.
the
chairs
of
the
Censors
,
those
being
their
ordinary
places
,
tho
upon
occasion
of
the
Ballot
they
descend
,
and
sit
where
they
are
shewn
by
K.
K.
at
each
of
the
outward
Urns
L.
L.
Those
M.
M.
that
sit
with
their
Tables
,
and
the
Bowls
N.
N.
before
them
,
upon
the
half
space
or
second
step
of
the
Tribunal
from
the
floor
,
are
the
Clercs
or
Secretarys
of
the
House
.
Upon
the
short
Seats
O.
O.
on
the
floor
(
which
should
have
bin
represented
by
Woolsacks
)
sit
P
the
two
Tribuns
of
the
Horse
;
Q
the
two
Tribuns
of
the
Foot
;
and
R
R.
R
R.
the
Judges
:
all
which
Magistrats
are
Assistants
,
but
have
no
suffrage
.
This
posture
of
the
Senat
consider'd
,
the
Ballot
is
perform'd
as
follows
.
FIRST
,
wheras
the
gold
Balls
are
of
several
sutes
,
and
accordingly
mark'd
with
several
Letters
of
the
Alphabet
,
a
Secretary
presents
a
little
Urn
(
wherin
there
is
one
Ball
of
every
sute
or
mark
)
to
the
Strategus
and
the
Orator
;
and
look
what
Letter
the
Strategus
draws
,
the
same
and
no
other
is
to
be
us'd
for
that
time
in
the
middle
Urn
F
;
the
like
for
the
Letter
drawn
by
the
Orator
is
to
be
observ'd
for
the
side
Urns
L.
L.
that
is
to
say
,
if
the
Strategus
drew
a
Ball
with
an
A
,
all
the
gold
Balls
in
the
middle
Urn
for
that
day
are
mark'd
with
the
Letter
A
;
and
if
the
Orator
drew
a
B
,
all
the
gold
Balls
in
the
side
Urn
for
that
day
are
mark'd
with
the
Letter
B
:
which
don
immediatly
before
the
Ballot
,
and
so
the
Letter
unknown
to
the
Ballotants
,
they
can
use
no
fraud
or
jugling
;
otherwise
a
man
might
carry
a
gold
Ball
in
his
hand
,
and
seem
to
have
drawn
it
out
of
an
Urn.
He
that
draws
a
gold
Ball
at
any
Urn
,
delivers
it
to
the
Censor
or
Assessor
of
that
Urn
,
who
views
the
Character
,
and
allows
accordingly
of
his
Lot
.
THE
Strategus
and
the
Orator
having
drawn
for
the
Letters
,
the
Urns
are
prepar'd
accordingly
by
one
of
the
Commissioners
and
the
two
Censors
.
The
preparation
of
the
Urns
is
after
this
manner
.
If
the
Senat
be
to
elect
,
for
example
,
the
List
call'd
the
Tropic
of
Magistrats
,
which
is
this
;
-
1.
The
Lord
STRATEGVS
;
-
2.
The
Lord
ORATOR
;
-
3.
The
third
COMMISSIONER
of
the
Great
Seal
;
-
4.
The
third
COMMISSIONER
of
the
Treasury
;
-
5.
The
first
CENSOR
;
-
6.
The
second
CENSOR
;
This
List
or
Schedule
consists
of
six
Magistracys
,
and
to
every
Magistracy
there
are
to
be
four
Competitors
,
that
is
,
in
all
four
and
twenty
Competitors
propos'd
to
the
House
.
They
that
are
to
propose
the
Competitors
are
call'd
Electors
,
and
no
Elector
can
propose
above
one
Competitor
:
wherfore
for
the
proposing
of
four
and
twenty
Competitors
you
must
have
four
and
twenty
Electors
;
and
wheras
the
Ballot
consists
of
a
Lot
and
of
a
Suffrage
,
the
Lot
is
for
no
other
use
than
for
the
designation
of
Electors
;
and
he
that
draws
a
gold
Ball
at
the
middle
Urn
is
an
Elector
.
Now
,
as
to
have
four
and
twenty
Competitors
propos'd
,
you
must
have
four
and
twenty
Electors
made
;
so
to
have
four
and
twenty
Electors
made
by
lot
,
you
must
have
four
and
twenty
gold
Balls
in
the
middle
Urn
;
and
these
(
because
otherwise
it
would
be
no
Lot
)
mix'd
with
a
competent
number
of
Blanks
,
or
silver
Balls
.
Wherfore
to
the
four
and
twenty
gold
Balls
cast
six
and
twenty
silver
ones
,
and
those
(
reckoning
the
Blanks
with
the
Prizes
)
make
fifty
Balls
in
the
middle
Urn.
This
don
(
because
no
man
can
com
to
the
middle
Urn
that
has
not
first
drawn
a
gold
Ball
at
one
of
the
side
Urns
)
and
to
be
sure
that
the
Prizes
or
gold
Balls
in
this
Urn
be
all
drawn
,
there
must
com
to
it
fifty
persons
:
therfore
there
must
be
in
each
of
the
side
Urns
five
and
twenty
gold
Balls
,
which
in
both
com
to
fifty
;
and
to
the
end
that
every
Senator
may
have
his
Lot
,
the
gold
Balls
in
the
side
Urns
are
to
be
made
up
with
Blanks
equal
to
the
number
of
the
Ballotants
at
either
Urn
:
for
example
,
the
House
consisting
of
300
Senators
,
there
must
be
in
each
of
the
side
Urns
125
Blanks
and
25
Prizes
,
which
com
in
both
the
side
Urns
to
300
Balls
.
This
is
the
whole
Mystery
of
preparing
the
Urns
,
which
the
Censors
having
skill
to
do
accordingly
,
the
rest
of
the
Ballot
,
whether
the
partys
balloting
understand
it
or
no
,
must
of
necessary
consequence
com
right
;
and
they
can
neither
be
out
,
nor
sall
into
any
confusion
in
the
exercise
of
this
Art
.
BUT
the
Ballot
,
as
I
said
,
is
of
two
parts
,
Lot
and
Suffrage
,
or
the
Proposition
and
Result
.
The
Lot
determins
who
shall
propose
the
Competitors
;
and
the
Result
of
the
Senat
,
which
of
the
Competitors
shall
be
the
Magistrats
.
The
whole
,
to
begin
with
the
Lot
,
procedes
in
this
manner
.
THE
first
Secretary
with
an
audible
Voice
reads
first
the
List
of
the
Magistrats
to
be
chosen
for
the
day
;
then
the
Oath
for
fair
Election
,
at
which
the
Senators
hold
up
their
hands
;
which
don
,
another
Secretary
presents
a
little
Urn
to
the
Strategus
,
in
which
are
four
Balls
,
each
of
them
having
one
of
these
four
Inscriptions
:
FIRST
SEAT
AT
THE
VPPER
END
.
FIRST
SEAT
AT
THE
LOWER
END
.
SECOND
SEAT
AT
THE
VPPER
END
.
SECOND
SEAT
AT
THE
LOWER
END
.
and
look
which
of
them
the
Strategus
draws
,
the
Secretary
pronouncing
the
Inscription
with
a
loud
Voice
,
the
Seat
so
call'd
coms
accordingly
to
the
Urns
:
this
in
the
Figure
is
the
SECOND
SEAT
AT
THE
VPPER
END
.
The
manner
of
their
coming
to
the
side
Urns
is
in
double
Files
,
there
being
two
holes
in
the
cover
of
each
side
Urn
,
by
which
means
two
may
draw
at
once
.
The
Senators
therfore
SS.
SS.
are
coming
from
the
upper
end
of
their
Seats
HH
.
HH
.
to
the
side
Urns
L.
L.
The
Senators
TT
.
T.
are
drawing
.
The
Senator
V
has
drawn
a
gold
Ball
at
his
side
Urn
,
and
is
going
to
the
middle
Urn
F
,
where
the
Senator
W
having
don
the
like
at
the
other
side
Urn
,
is
already
drawing
.
But
the
Senators
X
X.
X
X.
having
drawn
Blanks
at
their
side
Urns
,
and
thrown
them
into
the
Bowls
Y.
Y.
standing
at
the
feet
of
the
Urns
,
are
marching
by
the
lower
end
into
their
Seats
again
;
the
Senator
a
having
don
the
like
at
the
middle
Urn
,
is
also
throwing
his
blank
into
the
Bowl
b
,
and
marching
to
his
Seat
again
:
for
a
man
by
a
prize
at
a
side
Urn
gains
no
more
than
right
to
com
to
the
middle
Urn
,
where
if
he
draws
a
Blank
,
his
Fortune
at
the
side
Urn
coms
to
nothing
at
all
;
wherfore
he
also
returns
to
his
place
.
But
the
Senator
c
has
had
a
Prize
at
the
middle
Urn
,
where
the
Commissioner
having
viewed
his
Ball
,
and
found
the
mark
to
be
right
,
he
marches
up
the
steps
to
the
Seat
of
the
Electors
,
which
is
the
form
d
set
cross
the
Tribunal
,
where
he
places
himself
according
as
he
was
drawn
with
the
other
Electors
eee
drawn
before
him
.
These
are
not
to
look
back
,
but
sit
with
their
Faces
towards
the
Signory
or
State
,
till
their
number
amount
to
that
of
the
Magistrate
to
be
that
day
chosen
,
which
for
the
present
,
as
was
shewn
,
are
six
;
wherfore
six
Electors
being
made
,
they
are
reckon'd
according
as
they
were
drawn
:
First
,
second
,
third
,
fourth
,
fifth
,
sixth
,
in
their
Order
;
and
the
first
six
that
are
chosen
are
the
FIRST
ORDER
OF
ELECTORS
.
THE
first
Order
of
Electors
being
made
,
are
conducted
by
a
Secretary
,
with
a
copy
of
the
List
to
be
chosen
,
out
of
the
Senat
,
and
into
a
Committee
or
Council-Chamber
,
being
neither
suffer'd
by
the
way
,
nor
in
their
room
(
till
the
Ballot
be
ended
)
to
have
conference
with
any
but
themselves
;
wherfore
the
Secretary
,
having
given
them
their
Oath
that
they
shall
make
Election
according
to
the
Law
and
their
Conscience
,
delivers
them
the
List
,
and
seats
himself
at
the
lower
end
of
the
Table
with
his
Pen
and
Paper
,
while
another
Secretary
keeps
the
Door
.
BY
such
time
as
the
first
Order
of
Electors
are
thus
seated
,
the
second
Order
of
Electors
is
drawn
,
who
with
a
second
Copy
of
the
same
List
are
conducted
into
another
Committee-chamber
,
by
other
Secretarys
performing
the
same
Office
with
the
former
.
THE
like
exactly
is
don
by
the
third
and
by
the
fourth
Orders
(
or
Hands
,
as
the
Venetians
call
them
)
of
Electors
;
by
which
means
you
have
the
four
and
twenty
Electors
divided
according
to
the
four
Copys
of
the
same
List
,
by
six
,
into
four
Hands
or
Orders
;
and
every
one
of
these
Orders
names
one
Competitor
to
every
Magistracy
in
the
List
;
that
is
to
say
,
the
first
Elector
names
to
the
first
Magistracy
,
the
second
Elector
to
the
second
Magistracy
,
and
so
forth
.
But
tho
the
Electors
,
as
has
bin
shewn
,
are
chosen
by
mere
lot
,
yet
the
Competitors
by
them
nam'd
are
not
chosen
by
any
Lot
,
but
by
the
Suffrage
of
the
whole
Order
:
For
example
;
The
first
Elector
in
the
first
Order
proposes
a
Name
to
be
Strategus
,
which
Name
is
balloted
by
himself
and
the
other
five
Electors
;
and
if
the
Name
so
balloted
attain
not
to
above
half
the
Suffrages
,
it
is
laid
aside
,
and
the
first
Elector
names
another
to
the
same
Magistracy
;
and
so
in
case
this
also
fails
,
another
,
till
one
he
has
nam'd
,
whether
it
be
himself
,
or
som
other
,
has
attain'd
to
above
half
the
Suffrages
in
the
affirmative
;
and
the
name
so
attaining
to
above
half
the
Suffrages
in
the
Affirmative
is
written
to
the
first
Magistracy
in
the
List
by
the
Secretary
;
which
being
don
,
the
second
Elector
of
the
first
Order
names
to
the
second
Magistracy
till
one
of
his
nomination
be
chosen
to
the
same
.
The
like
is
don
by
the
rest
of
the
Electors
of
the
first
Order
,
till
one
Competitor
be
chosen
,
and
written
to
every
Magistracy
in
their
List
.
Now
the
second
,
third
,
and
fourth
Orders
of
Electors
doing
exactly
after
the
same
manner
,
it
coms
to
pass
that
one
Competitor
to
every
Magistracy
being
chosen
in
each
Order
,
there
be
in
all
four
Competitors
chosen
to
every
Magistracy
.
IF
any
Controversy
arises
in
an
Order
of
Electors
,
one
of
the
Censors
(
these
being
at
this
game
the
Groomporters
)
is
advertis'd
by
the
Secretary
,
who
brings
him
in
,
and
the
Electors
disputing
are
bound
to
acquiesce
in
his
Sentence
.
For
which
cause
it
is
that
the
Censors
do
not
ballot
at
the
Urns
;
the
Signory
also
abstains
,
lest
it
should
deform
the
House
:
wherfore
the
Blanks
in
the
side
Urns
are
by
so
many
the
fewer
.
And
so
much
for
the
Lot
,
which
is
of
the
greater
Art
but
less
Consequence
,
because
it
concerns
Proposition
only
:
But
all
(
except
the
Tribuns
and
the
Judges
,
which
being
but
Assistants
have
no
Suffrage
)
are
to
ballot
at
the
Result
,
to
which
I
now
com
.
THE
four
Orders
of
Electors
having
perfected
their
Lists
,
the
face
of
the
House
is
chang'd
:
for
the
Urns
are
taken
away
,
and
every
Senator
and
Magistrat
is
seated
in
his
proper
place
,
saving
the
Electors
,
who
,
having
given
their
Suffrages
already
,
may
not
stir
out
of
their
Chambers
,
till
the
House
have
given
theirs
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Ballot
be
perform'd
;
which
follows
in
this
manner
.
THE
four
Lists
being
presented
by
the
Secretarys
of
each
Council
of
Electors
to
the
Signory
,
are
first
read
,
according
to
their
Order
,
to
the
House
with
an
audible
Voice
;
and
then
the
Competitors
are
put
to
the
Ballot
or
Suffrage
of
the
whole
Senat
in
this
manner
:
A.
A.
nam'd
to
be
Strategus
in
the
first
Order
▪
wherupon
eight
Ballotins
or
Pages
,
such
as
are
express'd
by
the
Figures
f.
f.
take
eight
of
the
Boxes
represented
,
tho
rudely
,
by
the
Figures
g.
g.
and
go
four
on
the
one
,
and
four
on
the
other
side
of
the
House
,
that
is
,
one
to
every
Bench
,
singing
A.
A.
nam'd
to
be
the
Strategus
in
the
first
Order
:
and
every
Magistrat
and
Senator
(
beginning
by
the
Strategus
and
the
Orator
first
)
holds
up
a
little
Pellet
of
Linen
,
as
the
Box
passes
,
between
his
Finger
and
his
Thumb
,
that
men
may
see
he
has
but
one
,
and
then
puts
it
into
the
same
.
The
Box
consisting
in
the
inner
part
of
two
Boxes
,
being
painted
on
the
outside
white
and
green
,
to
distinguish
the
Affirmative
from
the
Nagative
side
,
is
so
made
,
that
when
your
Hand
is
in
it
,
no
man
can
see
to
which
of
the
sides
you
put
the
Suffrage
,
nor
hear
to
which
it
falls
,
because
the
Pellet
being
Linen
,
makes
no
noise
.
The
Strategus
and
the
Orator
having
begun
,
all
the
rest
do
the
like
.
THE
Ballotins
having
thus
gather'd
the
Suffrages
,
bring
them
before
the
Signory
,
in
whose
presence
the
outward
Boxes
being
open'd
,
they
take
out
the
inner
Boxes
,
wherof
the
Affirmative
is
white
,
and
the
Negative
green
,
and
pour
the
white
into
the
Bowl
N
on
the
right
hand
,
which
is
white
also
,
and
the
green
into
the
Bowl
N
on
the
lest
,
which
is
also
green
.
These
Bowls
or
Basons
(
better
represented
at
the
lower
end
of
the
Figure
by
h.
i.
)
being
upon
this
occasion
set
before
the
Tables
of
the
Secretarys
at
the
upper
end
N.
N.
the
white
on
the
right
hand
,
and
the
green
on
the
lest
,
the
Secretarys
on
each
side
number
the
Balls
:
by
which
if
they
find
that
the
Affirmatives
amount
not
to
above
one
half
,
they
write
not
the
Name
that
was
balloted
;
but
if
they
amount
to
above
one
half
,
they
write
it
,
adding
the
number
of
above
half
the
Suffrages
to
which
it
attain'd
.
The
first
name
being
written
,
or
laid
aside
,
the
next
that
is
put
is
B.
B.
nam'd
to
be
Strategus
in
the
second
Order
;
the
third
C.
C.
nam'd
to
be
Strategus
in
the
third
Order
;
the
fourth
D.
D.
nam'd
to
be
Strategus
in
the
fourth
Order
:
and
he
of
these
four
Competitors
that
has
most
above
half
in
the
Affirmative
,
is
the
Magistrat
;
or
if
none
of
them
attain
to
above
half
,
the
nomination
for
that
Magistracy
is
to
be
repeated
by
such
new
Electors
as
shall
be
chosen
at
the
next
Ballot
.
And
so
,
as
is
exemplify'd
in
the
first
Magistracy
,
procedes
the
Ballot
of
the
rest
;
first
in
the
first
,
then
in
the
second
,
and
so
in
the
third
and
fourth
Orders
.
NOW
wheras
it
may
happen
that
A.
A.
(
for
example
)
being
nam'd
Strategus
in
the
first
Order
,
may
also
be
nam'd
to
the
same
or
som
one
or
more
other
Magistracys
in
one
or
more
of
the
other
Orders
;
his
name
is
first
balloted
where
it
is
first
written
,
that
is
,
to
the
more
worthy
Magistracy
,
wherof
if
he
misses
,
he
is
balloted
as
it
coms
in
course
for
the
next
,
and
so
for
the
rest
,
if
he
misses
of
that
,
as
often
as
he
is
nam'd
.
AND
because
to
be
nam'd
twice
or
oftner
,
whether
to
the
same
or
som
other
Magistracy
,
is
the
stronger
recommendation
;
the
note
must
not
fail
to
be
given
upon
the
name
,
at
the
proposition
,
in
this
manner
;
A.
A.
nam'd
to
be
Strategus
in
the
first
,
and
in
the
second
Order
:
or
A.
A.
nam'd
to
be
Strategus
in
the
first
and
the
third
;
in
the
first
and
the
fourth
,
&c.
But
if
he
be
nam'd
to
the
same
Magistracy
in
the
first
,
second
,
third
,
and
fourth
Orders
,
he
can
have
no
Competitor
;
wherfore
attaining
to
above
half
the
Suffrages
,
he
is
the
Magistrat
.
Or
thus
:
A.
A.
nam'd
to
be
Strategus
in
the
first
,
to
be
Censor
in
the
second
,
to
be
Orator
in
the
third
,
and
to
be
Commissioner
of
the
Seal
in
the
fourth
Order
,
or
the
like
in
more
or
fewer
Orders
:
In
which
cases
if
he
misses
of
the
first
Magistracy
,
he
is
balloted
to
the
second
;
if
he
misses
of
the
second
,
to
the
third
;
and
if
he
misses
of
the
third
,
to
the
fourth
THE
Ballot
not
finish'd
before
Sunset
,
tho
the
Election
of
the
Magistrats
already
chosen
be
good
,
voids
the
Election
of
such
Competitors
as
being
chosen
are
not
yet
furnish'd
with
Magistracys
,
as
if
they
had
never
bin
nam'd
(
for
this
is
no
Jugling
Box
,
but
an
Art
that
must
see
the
Sun
)
and
the
Ballot
for
the
remaining
Magistracys
is
to
be
repeated
the
next
day
by
new
Orders
of
Electors
,
and
such
Competitors
as
by
them
shall
be
elected
.
And
so
in
the
like
manner
,
if
of
all
the
names
propos'd
to
the
same
Magistracy
,
no
one
of
them
attains
to
above
half
the
Suffrages
in
the
Affirmative
.
THE
Senatorian
Ballot
of
Oceana
being
thus
describ'd
,
those
of
the
Parish
,
of
the
Hundred
,
and
of
the
Tribe
,
being
so
little
different
,
that
in
this
they
are
all
contain'd
,
and
by
this
may
be
easily
understood
,
are
yet
fully
describ'd
,
and
made
plain
enough
before
in
the
5
th
,
6
th
,
7
th
,
8
th
,
9
th
,
and
10
th
Orders
.
THIS
therfore
is
the
general
Order
,
whence
those
branches
of
the
Ballot
,
som
wherof
you
have
already
seen
,
are
deriv'd
;
which
,
with
those
that
follow
,
were
all
read
and
debated
in
this
place
at
the
Institution
.
When
my
Lord
EPIMONUS
DE
GARRULA
,
being
one
of
the
Counsillors
,
and
having
no
farther
patience
(
tho
the
Rules
were
compos'd
by
the
Agent
of
this
Commonwealth
,
residing
for
that
purpose
at
Venice
)
than
to
hear
the
direction
for
the
Parishes
,
stood
up
and
made
way
for
himself
in
this
manner
.
May
it
please
your
Highness
,
my
Lord
ARCHON
.
UNDER
correction
of
Mr.
PEREGRIN
SPY
,
our
very
learn'd
Agent
and
Intelligencer
,
I
have
seen
the
World
a
little
,
Venice
,
and
(
as
Gentlemen
are
permitted
to
do
)
the
Great
Council
balloting
.
And
truly
I
must
needs
say
,
that
it
is
for
a
dumb
shew
the
goodliest
that
I
ever
beheld
with
my
eys
.
You
should
have
som
would
take
it
ill
,
as
if
the
noble
Venetians
thought
themselves
too
good
to
speak
to
strangers
,
but
they
observ'd
them
not
so
narrowly
.
The
truth
is
,
they
have
nothing
to
say
to
their
Acquaintance
;
or
Men
that
are
in
Council
sure
would
have
Tongues
:
For
a
Council
,
and
not
a
word
spoken
in
it
,
is
a
contradiction
.
But
there
is
such
a
pudder
with
their
marching
and
countermarching
,
as
,
tho
never
a
one
of
them
draw
a
Sword
,
you
would
think
they
were
training
;
which
till
I
found
that
they
did
it
only
to
entertain
strangers
,
I
came
from
among
them
as
wise
as
I
went
thither
.
But
in
the
Parlament
of
Oceana
you
had
no
Balls
,
nor
Dancing
,
but
sober
Conversation
;
a
man
might
know
and
be
known
,
shew
his
parts
,
and
improve
'em
.
And
now
if
you
take
the
advice
of
this
same
fellow
,
you
will
spoil
all
with
his
whimsys
.
Mr.
Speaker
,
—
Cry
you
mercy
,
my
Lord
ARCHON
,
I
mean
;
Set
the
wisest
man
of
your
House
in
the
Great
Council
of
Venice
,
and
you
will
not
know
him
from
a
fool
.
Wheras
nothing
is
more
certain
,
than
that
flat
and
dull
fellows
in
the
judgment
of
all
such
as
us'd
to
keep
company
with
them
before
,
upon
election
into
our
House
,
have
immediatly
chitted
like
Barly
in
the
fat
,
where
it
acquires
a
new
Spirit
,
and
slow'd
forth
into
Language
,
that
I
am
as
confident
as
I
am
here
,
if
there
were
not
such
as
delight
to
abuse
us
,
is
far
better
than
TULLYS
;
Or
,
let
any
body
but
translate
one
of
his
Orations
,
and
speak
it
in
the
House
,
and
see
if
every
body
do
not
laugh
at
him
.
This
is
a
great
matter
,
Mr.
Speaker
;
they
do
not
cant
it
with
your
Booklearning
,
your
Orbs
,
your
Centers
,
your
prime
Magnitudes
,
and
your
Nebulones
,
things
I
profess
that
would
make
a
sober
man
run
stark
mad
to
hear
'em
;
while
we
,
who
should
be
considering
the
Honor
of
our
Country
,
and
that
it
gos
now
or
never
upon
our
hand
,
whether
it
shall
be
ridiculous
to
all
the
World
,
are
going
to
Nineholes
,
or
trow
Madam
for
our
business
,
like
your
dumb
Venetian
,
whom
this
same
Sir
POLITIC
your
Resident
,
that
never
saw
him
do
any
thing
but
make
faces
,
would
insinuat
into
you
,
at
this
distance
,
to
have
the
only
knack
of
State
.
Wheras
if
you
should
take
the
pains
,
as
I
have
don
,
to
look
a
little
nearer
,
you
would
find
these
same
wonderful
things
to
be
nothing
else
but
mere
natural
Fopperys
,
or
Capricios
,
as
they
call
them
in
Italian
,
even
of
the
meanest
of
that
Nation
.
For
,
put
the
case
you
be
travelling
in
Italy
,
ask
your
Contadino
,
that
is
,
the
next
Country
fellow
you
meet
,
som
question
,
and
presently
he
ballots
you
an
answer
with
a
nod
,
which
is
affirmative
;
or
a
shake
with
his
head
,
which
is
the
negative
box
;
or
a
shrug
with
his
shoulder
,
which
is
the
Bossolo
di
non
sinceri
.
—
Good
!
You
will
admire
SANDS
for
telling
you
,
that
Grotta
di
Cane
is
a
Miracle
:
and
I
shall
be
laugh'd
at
for
assuring
you
,
that
it
is
nothing
else
but
such
a
damp
(
continu'd
by
the
neighborhood
of
certain
Sulphur
Mines
▪
)
as
thro
accidental
heat
dos
somtimes
happen
in
our
Coalpits
.
But
Ingratitude
must
not
discorage
an
honest
man
from
doing
good
.
There
is
not
,
I
say
,
such
a
tonguety'd
Generation
under
Heaven
as
your
Italian
;
that
you
should
not
wonder
if
he
makes
signs
.
But
our
People
must
have
somthing
in
their
Diurnals
,
we
must
ever
and
anon
be
telling
'em
our
minds
;
or
if
we
be
at
it
when
we
raise
Taxes
,
like
those
Gentlemen
with
the
finger
and
the
thumb
,
they
will
swear
that
we
are
Cutpurses
.
—
Com
,
I
know
what
I
have
heard
'em
say
,
when
som
men
had
mony
that
wrought
hard
enough
for
it
;
and
do
you
conceive
they
will
be
better
pleas'd
when
they
shall
be
told
,
that
upon
like
occasions
you
are
at
mumchance
or
stoolball
?
I
do
not
speak
for
my self
;
for
tho
I
shall
always
acknowlege
,
that
I
got
more
by
one
years
sitting
in
the
House
,
than
by
my
three
years
Travels
,
it
was
not
of
that
kind
.
But
I
hate
that
this
same
SPY
,
for
pretending
to
have
play'd
at
Billiards
with
the
most
Serene
Commonwealth
of
Venice
,
should
make
such
fools
of
us
here
,
when
I
know
that
he
must
have
had
his
intelligence
from
som
Corncutter
upon
the
Rialta
;
for
a
noble
Venetian
would
be
hang'd
if
he
should
keep
such
a
fellow
company
.
And
yet
if
I
do
not
think
he
has
made
you
all
dote
,
never
trust
me
,
my
Lord
ARCHON
is
somtimes
in
such
strange
Raptures
.
Why
,
good
my
Lord
,
let
me
be
heard
as
well
as
your
Apple
Squire
;
Venice
has
fresh
blood
in
her
Cheeks
,
I
must
confess
,
yet
she
is
but
an
old
Lady
.
Nor
has
he
pick'd
her
Cabinet
;
these
he
sends
you
are
none
of
her
Receits
I
can
assure
you
,
he
bought
them
for
a
Julio
at
St.
Marcs
of
a
Mountebank
.
She
has
no
other
wash
,
upon
my
knowledge
,
for
that
same
envy'd
Complexion
of
hers
but
her
Marshes
,
being
a
little
better
scented
,
saving
your
presence
,
than
a
Chamberpot
.
My
Lords
,
I
know
what
I
say
,
but
you
will
never
have
don
with
it
,
That
neither
the
Great
Turc
,
nor
any
of
those
little
Turcs
her
Neighbors
,
have
bin
able
to
spoil
her
!
Why
you
may
as
well
wonder
that
Weesels
do
not
suck
egs
in
Swans
nests
.
Do
you
think
that
it
has
lain
in
the
devotion
of
her
Beads
;
which
you
that
have
puk'd
so
much
at
Popery
,
are
now
at
length
resolv'd
shall
consecrat
M.
Parson
,
and
be
drop'd
by
every
one
of
his
Congregation
,
while
those
same
whimsical
Intelligences
your
Surveyors
(
you
will
break
my
heart
)
give
the
turn
to
your
primum
mobile
?
and
so
I
think
they
will
;
for
you
will
find
,
that
Mony
is
the
primum
mobile
,
and
they
will
turn
you
thus
out
of
som
three
or
four
hundred
thousand
Pounds
:
a
pretty
Sum
for
Urns
and
Balls
,
for
Boxes
and
Pills
,
which
these
same
Quacksalvers
are
to
administer
to
the
Parishes
;
and
for
what
Disease
I
marvel
!
Or
how
dos
it
work
?
Out
coms
a
Constable
,
an
Overseer
,
and
a
Churchwarden
!
Mr.
Speaker
,
I
am
amaz'd
!
NEVER
was
there
Goose
so
stuck
with
Lard
as
my
Lord
EPIMONUS'S
Speech
with
Laughter
;
the
ARCHON
having
much
ado
to
recover
himself
,
in
such
manner
as
might
inable
him
to
return
these
thanks
.
IN
your
whole
lives
,
my
Lords
,
were
you
never
entertain'd
with
so
much
Ingenuity
;
my
Lord
EPIMONUS
having
at
once
mended
all
the
faults
of
Travellers
.
For
,
first
,
wheras
they
are
abominable
liars
,
he
has
not
told
you
(
except
som
malitious
body
has
misinform'd
him
concerning
poor
SPY
)
one
syllable
of
falshood
.
And
,
secondly
,
wheras
they
never
fail
to
give
the
upper
hand
in
all
their
Discourses
to
foren
Nations
,
still
justling
their
own
into
the
kennel
;
he
bears
an
Honor
to
his
Country
that
will
not
dissolve
in
Cephalonia
,
nor
be
corrupted
with
Figs
and
Melons
,
which
I
can
assure
you
is
no
ordinary
obligation
:
And
therfore
hold
it
a
matter
of
public
concern
,
that
we
be
no
occasion
of
quenching
my
Lord's
Affections
;
nor
is
there
any
such
great
matter
between
us
,
but
in
my
opinion
might
be
easily
reconcil'd
:
for
tho
that
which
my
Lord
gain'd
by
sitting
in
the
House
,
I
stedfastly
believe
,
as
he
can
affirm
,
was
got
fairly
;
yet
dare
I
not
,
nor
do
I
think
,
that
upon
consideration
he
will
promise
so
much
for
other
Gamesters
,
especially
when
they
were
at
it
so
high
,
as
he
intimats
not
only
to
have
bin
in
use
,
but
to
be
like
enough
to
com
about
again
.
Wherfore
,
say
I
,
let
them
throw
with
boxes
;
for
unless
we
will
be
below
the
Politics
of
an
ordinary
,
there
is
no
such
bar
to
cogging
.
It
is
known
to
his
Lordship
,
that
our
Game
is
most
at
a
throw
,
and
that
every
cast
of
our
Dice
is
in
our
Suffrages
;
nor
will
he
deny
,
that
partiality
in
a
Suffrage
is
downright
cogging
.
Now
if
the
Venetian
Boxes
be
the
most
soverain
of
all
Remedys
against
this
same
cogging
,
is
it
not
a
strange
thing
that
they
should
be
thrown
first
into
the
fire
by
a
fair
Gamester
?
Men
are
naturally
subject
to
all
kinds
of
Passions
:
Som
you
have
that
are
not
able
to
withstand
the
brow
of
an
Enemy
;
and
others
that
make
nothing
of
this
,
are
less
proof
against
that
of
a
Friend
.
So
that
if
your
Suffrage
be
bare-fac'd
,
I
dare
say
you
shall
not
have
one
fair
cast
in
twenty
.
But
whatever
a
man's
fortune
be
at
the
box
,
he
neither
knows
whom
to
thank
,
nor
whom
to
challenge
.
Wherfore
(
that
my
Lord
may
have
a
charitable
opinion
of
the
choice
Affection
which
I
confess
to
have
,
above
all
other
Beautys
,
for
that
of
incomparable
Venice
)
there
is
in
this
way
of
Suffrage
no
less
than
a
demonstration
that
it
is
the
most
pure
:
and
the
purity
of
the
Suffrage
in
a
popular
Government
is
the
Health
,
if
not
the
Life
of
it
;
seeing
the
Soul
is
no
otherwise
breath'd
into
the
Soverain
Power
,
than
by
the
Suffrage
of
the
People
.
Wherfore
no
wonder
if
POSTELLUS
be
of
opinion
,
that
this
use
of
the
Ball
is
the
very
same
with
that
of
the
Bean
in
Athens
;
or
,
that
others
,
by
the
Text
concerning
ELDAD
and
MEDAD
,
derive
it
from
the
Commonwealth
of
Israel
.
There
is
another
thing
,
tho
not
so
material
to
us
,
that
my
Lord
will
excuse
me
if
I
be
not
willing
to
yield
,
which
is
,
that
Venice
subsists
only
by
her
Situation
.
It
is
true
,
that
a
man
in
time
of
War
may
be
more
secure
from
his
Enemys
by
being
in
a
Citadel
,
but
not
from
his
Diseases
:
wherfore
the
first
cause
,
if
he
lives
long
,
is
his
good
Constitution
,
without
which
his
Citadel
were
to
little
purpose
;
and
it
is
not
otherwise
with
Venice
.
WITH
this
Speech
of
the
ARCHON
I
conclude
the
proof
of
the
Agrarian
,
and
the
Ballot
,
being
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
this
Commonwealth
;
and
com
now
from
the
Center
to
the
Circumferences
or
Orbs
,
wherof
som
have
bin
already
shewn
:
As
how
the
Parishes
annually
pour
themselves
into
the
Hundreds
,
the
Hundreds
into
the
Tribes
,
and
the
Tribes
into
the
Galaxys
;
the
Annual
Galaxy
of
every
Tribe
consisting
of
two
Knights
and
seven
Deputys
,
wherof
the
Knights
constitute
the
Senat
;
the
Deputys
,
the
Prerogative
Tribe
,
commonly
call'd
the
People
;
and
the
Senat
and
People
constitute
the
Soverain
Power
,
or
Parlament
of
Oceana
.
Wherfore
to
shew
what
the
Parlament
is
,
I
must
first
open
the
Senat
,
and
then
the
Prerogative
Tribe
.
The
Face
of
the
S●nat
.
TO
begin
with
the
Senat
,
of
which
(
as
a
Man
is
differently
represented
by
a
Picturedrawer
,
and
by
an
Anatomist
)
I
shall
first
discover
the
Face
or
Aspect
,
and
then
the
Parts
,
with
the
use
of
them
.
Every
Monday
morning
in
the
Summer
at
seven
,
and
in
the
Winter
at
eight
,
the
great
Bell
in
the
Clockhouse
at
the
Pantheon
begins
,
and
continues
ringing
for
the
space
of
one
hour
:
in
which
time
the
Magistrats
of
the
Senat
,
being
attended
according
to
their
Quality
,
with
a
respective
number
of
the
Ballotins
,
Doorkeepers
,
and
Messengers
;
and
having
the
Ensigns
of
their
Magistracys
born
before
them
,
as
the
Sword
before
the
Strategus
,
the
Mace
before
the
Orator
,
a
Mace
with
the
Seal
before
the
Commissioners
of
the
Chancery
,
the
like
with
the
Purse
before
the
Commissioners
of
the
Treasury
;
and
a
Silver
Wand
,
like
those
in
use
with
the
Universitys
,
before
each
of
the
Censors
,
being
Chancellors
of
the
same
.
These
with
the
Knights
,
in
all
three
hundred
,
assemble
in
the
House
or
Hall
of
the
Senat.
THE
House
or
Hall
of
the
Senat
,
being
situated
in
the
Pantheon
or
Palace
of
Justice
,
is
a
Room
consisting
of
a
Square
and
a
half
.
In
the
middle
of
the
lower
end
is
the
Door
;
at
the
upper
end
hangs
a
rich
State
overshadowing
the
greater
part
of
a
large
Throne
,
or
half
pace
of
two
Stages
;
the
first
ascended
by
two
steps
from
the
floor
,
and
the
second
about
the
middle
rising
two
steps
higher
.
Upon
this
stand
two
Chairs
,
in
that
on
the
right
hand
sits
the
Strategus
,
in
the
other
the
Orator
,
adorn'd
with
Scarlet
Robes
,
after
the
fashion
that
was
us'd
by
the
Dukes
in
the
Aristocracy
.
At
the
right
end
of
the
upper
Stage
stand
three
Chairs
,
in
which
the
three
Commissioners
of
the
Seal
are
plac'd
;
and
at
the
other
end
sit
the
three
Commissioners
of
the
Treasury
,
every
one
in
a
Robe
or
Habit
like
that
of
the
Earls
.
Of
these
Magistrats
of
this
upper
Stage
consists
the
Signory
.
At
either
end
of
the
lower
Stage
stands
a
little
Table
,
to
which
the
Secretarys
of
the
Senat
are
set
with
their
tusted
Sleeves
in
the
habit
of
civil
Lawyers
.
To
the
four
steps
,
wherby
the
two
Stages
of
the
Throne
are
ascended
,
answer
four
long
Benches
,
which
successively
deriving
from
every
one
of
the
steps
,
continue
their
respective
height
,
and
extend
themselves
by
the
side
Walls
towards
the
lower
end
of
the
House
,
every
Bench
being
divided
by
numeral
Characters
into
the
thirty
seven
parts
or
places
.
Upon
the
upper
benches
sit
the
Censors
in
the
Robes
of
Barons
;
the
first
in
the
middle
of
the
right
hand
bench
,
and
the
second
directly
opposit
to
him
on
the
other
side
.
Upon
the
rest
of
the
Benches
sit
the
Knights
,
who
if
they
be
call'd
to
the
Urns
,
distributing
themselves
by
the
Figures
,
com
in
equal
files
,
either
by
the
first
Seat
,
which
consists
of
the
two
upper
Benches
on
either
side
;
or
by
the
second
Seat
,
consisting
of
the
two
lower
Benches
on
either
side
:
beginning
also
at
the
upper
,
or
at
the
lower
ends
of
the
same
,
according
to
the
Lot
wherby
they
are
call'd
;
for
which
end
the
Benches
are
open
,
and
ascended
at
either
end
with
easy
stairs
and
large
passages
.
The
rest
of
the
Ballot
is
conformable
to
that
of
the
Tribe
;
the
Censors
of
the
House
sitting
at
the
side
Urns
,
and
the
youngest
Magistrat
of
the
Signory
at
the
middle
:
the
Urns
being
plac'd
before
the
Throne
,
and
prepar'd
according
to
the
number
of
the
Magistrats
to
be
at
that
time
chosen
by
the
Rules
already
given
to
the
Censors
of
the
Tribes
.
But
before
the
Benches
of
the
Knights
on
either
side
stands
one
being
shorter
;
and
at
the
upper
end
of
this
sit
the
two
Tribuns
of
the
Horse
.
At
the
upper
end
of
the
other
,
the
two
Tribuns
of
the
Foot
in
their
Arms
;
the
rest
of
the
Benches
being
cover'd
by
the
Judges
of
the
Land
in
their
Robes
.
But
these
Magistrats
have
no
Suffrage
,
nor
the
Tribuns
,
tho
they
derive
their
presence
in
the
Senat
from
the
Romans
;
nor
the
Judges
,
tho
they
derive
theirs
from
the
antient
Senat
of
Oceana
.
Every
Monday
this
Assembly
sits
of
course
;
at
other
times
,
if
there
be
occasion
,
any
Magistrat
of
the
House
by
giving
order
for
the
Bell
,
or
by
his
Lictor
or
Ensignbearer
,
calls
a
Senat.
And
every
Magistrat
or
Knight
during
his
Session
has
the
Title
,
Place
,
and
Honor
of
a
Duke
,
Earl
,
Baron
,
or
Knight
,
respectively
.
And
every
one
that
has
born
the
same
Magistracy
by
his
third
Session
,
has
his
respective
Place
and
Title
during
the
term
of
his
Life
,
which
is
all
the
Honor
confer'd
by
this
Commonwealth
,
except
upon
the
Master
of
the
Ceremonys
,
the
Master
of
the
Horse
,
and
the
King
of
the
Heralds
,
who
are
Knights
by
their
places
.
And
thus
you
have
the
face
of
the
Senat
,
in
which
there
is
scarce
any
Feature
that
is
not
Roman
or
Venetian
;
nor
do
the
Horns
of
the
Crescent
extend
themselves
much
unlike
those
of
the
Sanhedrim
,
on
either
hand
of
the
Prince
,
and
of
the
Father
of
that
Senat.
But
upon
Beauty
,
in
which
every
Man
has
his
phansy
,
we
will
not
otherwise
philosophize
than
to
remember
that
there
is
somthing
more
than
decency
in
the
Robe
of
a
Judg
,
that
would
not
be
well
spar'd
from
the
Bench
;
and
that
the
gravest
Magistrat
,
to
whom
you
can
commit
the
Sword
of
Justice
,
will
find
a
quickness
in
the
Spurs
of
Honor
,
which
if
they
be
not
laid
to
Virtue
,
will
lay
themselves
to
that
which
may
rout
a
Commonwealth
.
Constitution
of
the
Senat.
TO
com
from
the
Face
of
the
Senat
,
to
the
Constitution
and
Use
of
the
Parts
:
It
is
contain'd
in
the
peculiar
Orders
.
And
the
Orders
which
are
peculiar
to
the
Senat
,
are
either
of
Election
or
Instruction
.
ELECTIONS
in
the
Senat
are
of
three
sorts
,
Annual
,
Biennial
,
and
Extraordinary
.
ANNUAL
Elections
are
perform'd
by
the
Schedule
call'd
the
Tropic
:
And
the
Tropic
consists
of
two
parts
;
the
one
containing
the
Magistrats
,
and
the
other
the
Councils
to
be
yearly
elected
.
The
Schedule
or
Tropic
of
the
Magistrats
is
as
follows
in
15.
Order
.
Tropic
of
the
Magistrats
.
THE
fifteenth
ORDER
,
requiring
,
That
upon
every
Monday
next
insuing
the
last
of
March
,
the
Knights
of
the
Annual
Galaxys
taking
their
places
in
the
Senat
,
be
call'd
the
third
Region
of
the
same
;
and
that
the
House
having
dismist
the
first
Region
,
and
receiv'd
the
third
,
procede
to
election
of
the
Magistrats
contain'd
in
the
first
part
of
the
Tropic
,
by
the
insuing
Schedule
:
The
Lord
Strategus
,
|
Annual
Magistrats
.
|
The
Lord
Orator
,
|
The
first
Censor
,
|
The
second
Censor
,
|
The
third
Commissioner
of
the
Seal
,
|
Triennial
Magistrats
.
|
The
third
Commissioner
of
the
Treasury
,
|
THE
Annual
Magistrats
(
provided
that
no
one
Man
bears
above
one
of
those
Honors
during
the
term
of
one
Session
)
may
be
elected
out
of
any
Region
.
But
the
Triennial
Magistrats
may
not
be
elected
out
of
any
other
than
the
third
Region
only
,
lest
the
term
of
their
Session
expire
before
that
of
their
Honor
;
and
(
it
being
unlawful
for
a
Man
to
bear
Magistracy
any
longer
than
he
is
therto
qualify'd
by
the
Election
of
the
People
)
cause
a
Fraction
in
the
Rotation
of
this
Commonwealth
.
Of
the
Strategus
.
THE
Strategus
is
first
President
of
the
Senat
,
and
General
of
the
Army
,
if
it
be
commanded
to
march
;
in
which
case
there
shall
be
a
second
Strategus
elected
to
be
first
President
of
the
Senat
,
and
General
of
the
second
Army
:
and
if
this
also
be
commanded
to
march
,
a
third
Strategus
shall
be
chosen
;
and
so
on
,
as
long
as
the
Commonwealth
sends
forth
Armys
.
Of
the
Orator
.
THE
Lord
Orator
is
the
second
and
more
peculiar
President
of
the
Senat
,
to
whom
it
appertains
to
keep
the
House
to
Orders
.
Of
the
Censors
.
THE
Censors
,
wherof
the
first
by
consequence
of
his
Election
is
Chancellor
of
the
Vniversity
of
Clio
,
and
the
second
of
that
of
Calliope
,
are
Presidents
of
the
Council
for
Religion
and
Magistrats
,
to
whom
it
belongs
to
keep
the
House
to
the
order
of
the
Ballot
.
They
are
also
Inquisitors
into
the
ways
and
means
of
acquiring
Magistracy
;
and
have
power
to
punish
indirect
procedings
in
the
same
,
by
removing
a
Knight
or
Magistrat
out
of
the
House
,
under
appeal
to
the
Senat.
Of
the
Commissioners
of
the
Seal
.
THE
Commissioners
of
the
Seal
being
three
,
wherof
the
third
is
annually
chosen
out
of
the
third
Region
,
are
Judges
in
Chancery
.
Of
the
Commissioners
of
the
Treasury
.
THE
Commissioners
of
the
Treasury
being
three
,
wherof
the
third
is
annually
chosen
out
of
the
third
Region
,
are
Judges
in
the
Exchequer
;
and
every
Magistrat
of
this
Schedule
has
right
to
propose
to
the
Senat.
Of
the
Signory
.
BVT
the
Strategus
with
the
six
Commissioners
,
are
the
Signory
of
this
Commonwealth
,
having
right
of
Session
and
Suffrage
in
every
Council
of
the
Senat
,
and
Power
either
jointly
or
severally
to
propose
in
all
or
any
of
them
.
I
HAVE
little
in
this
Order
to
observe
or
prove
,
but
that
the
Strategus
is
the
same
Honor
both
in
name
and
thing
that
was
born
,
among
others
,
by
PHILOPEMEN
and
ARATUS
in
the
Common-wealth
of
the
Acheans
;
the
like
having
bin
in
use
also
with
the
Aetolians
.
The
Orator
,
call'd
otherwise
the
Speaker
,
is
with
small
alteration
the
same
that
had
bin
of
former
use
in
this
Nation
.
These
two
,
if
you
will
,
may
be
compar'd
to
the
Consuls
in
Rome
,
or
the
Suffetes
in
Carthage
;
for
their
Magistracy
is
scarce
different
.
THE
Censors
derive
their
power
of
removing
a
Senator
from
those
of
Rome
;
the
Government
of
the
Ballot
,
from
those
of
Venice
;
and
that
of
Animadversion
upon
the
Ambitus
,
or
canvass
for
Magistracy
,
from
both
.
THE
Signory
,
with
the
whole
Right
and
Use
of
that
Magistracy
,
to
be
hereafter
more
fully
explain'd
,
is
almost
purely
Venetian
.
THE
second
part
of
the
Tropic
is
directed
by
16.
Order
.
Constitution
of
the
Councils
.
THE
sixteenth
ORDER
,
wherby
the
Constitution
of
the
Councils
,
being
four
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
Council
of
State
,
the
Council
of
War
,
the
Council
of
Religion
,
and
the
Council
of
Trade
,
is
render'd
conformable
in
Of
the
Council
of
State
.
their
Revolutions
to
that
of
the
Senat.
As
,
first
,
by
the
annual
Election
of
five
Knights
out
of
the
third
Region
of
the
Senat
,
into
the
Council
of
State
,
consisting
of
fifteen
Knights
,
five
in
every
Region
.
Secondly
,
Of
the
Council
of
War
.
By
the
annual
Election
of
three
Knights
out
of
the
third
Region
of
the
Council
of
State
,
to
be
propos'd
by
the
Provosts
,
and
elected
by
that
Council
,
into
the
Council
of
War
,
consisting
of
nine
Knights
,
three
in
every
Region
,
not
excluded
by
this
Election
from
remaining
Members
also
of
the
Council
of
State
.
The
four
Tribuns
of
the
People
have
right
of
Session
Of
the
Council
of
Religion
.
and
Suffrage
in
the
Council
of
War
.
Thirdly
,
By
the
annual
Election
of
four
Knights
out
of
the
third
Region
of
the
Senat
into
the
Council
of
Religion
,
consisting
of
twelve
Knights
,
four
in
every
Region
:
Of
this
Council
Of
the
Council
of
Trade
.
the
Censors
are
Presidents
.
Fourthly
,
By
the
annual
Election
of
four
Knights
out
of
the
third
Region
of
the
Senat
into
the
Council
of
Trade
,
Of
the
Provosts
.
consisting
of
twelve
Knights
,
four
in
every
Region
.
And
each
Region
,
in
every
one
of
these
Councils
thus
constituted
,
shall
weekly
and
interchangeably
elect
one
Provost
,
whose
Magistracy
shall
continue
for
one
Week
;
nor
shall
he
be
reelected
into
the
same
,
till
every
Knight
of
that
Region
in
the
same
Of
the
Council
of
the
Provosts
.
Council
has
once
born
the
same
Magistracy
.
And
the
Provosts
being
one
in
every
Region
,
three
in
every
Council
,
and
twelve
in
all
,
besides
their
other
Capacitys
,
shall
assemble
and
be
a
Council
,
or
rather
an
Academy
apart
,
to
certain
ends
and
purposes
to
be
hereafter
further
explain'd
,
with
those
of
the
rest
of
the
Councils
.
THIS
Order
is
of
no
other
use
than
for
the
frame
and
turn
of
the
Councils
,
and
yet
of
no
small
one
:
for
in
Motion
consists
Life
;
and
the
Motion
of
a
Commonwealth
will
never
be
current
,
unless
it
be
circular
.
Men
that
,
like
my
Lord
EPIMONUS
,
not
induring
the
resemblance
of
this
kind
of
Government
to
Orbs
and
Spheres
,
fall
on
physicing
and
purging
it
,
do
no
more
than
is
necessary
;
for
if
it
be
not
in
Rotation
both
as
to
Persons
and
Things
,
it
will
be
very
sick
.
The
People
of
Rome
,
as
to
Persons
,
if
they
had
not
bin
taken
up
by
the
Wheel
of
Magistracy
,
had
overturn'd
the
Chariot
of
the
Senat.
And
those
of
Lacedemon
,
as
to
Things
,
had
not
bin
so
quiet
when
the
Senat
trash'd
their
Business
,
by
incroaching
upon
the
Result
,
if
by
the
Institution
of
the
Ephors
they
had
not
brought
it
about
again
.
So
that
if
you
allow
not
a
Commonwealth
her
Rotation
,
in
which
consists
her
Equality
,
you
reduce
her
to
a
Party
,
and
then
it
is
necessary
that
you
be
Physicians
indeed
,
or
rather
Farriers
;
for
you
will
have
strong
Patients
,
and
such
as
must
be
halter'd
and
cast
,
or
your selves
may
need
Bonesetters
.
Wherfore
the
Councils
of
this
Common-wealth
,
both
in
regard
of
their
Elections
,
and
,
as
will
be
shewn
,
of
their
Affairs
,
are
uniform
with
the
Senat
in
their
Revolutions
;
not
as
Whirlpits
to
swallow
,
but
to
bite
,
and
with
the
Scrues
of
their
Rotation
to
hold
and
turn
a
Business
(
like
the
Vice
of
a
Smith
)
to
the
Hand
of
the
Workman
.
Without
Engins
of
which
nature
it
is
not
possible
for
the
Senat
,
much
less
for
the
People
,
to
be
perfect
Artificers
in
a
political
Capacity
.
But
I
shall
not
hold
you
longer
from
17.
Order
.
Constitution
of
the
biennial
Election
or
Orb
of
Ambassadors
in
ordinary
.
THE
seventeenth
ORDER
,
directing
biennial
Elections
,
or
the
Constitution
of
the
Orb
of
Ambassadors
in
ordinary
,
consisting
of
four
Residences
,
the
Revolution
wherof
is
perform'd
in
eight
years
,
and
preserv'd
thro
the
Election
of
one
Ambassador
in
two
years
by
the
Ballot
of
the
Senat
to
repair
to
the
Court
of
France
,
and
reside
there
for
the
term
of
two
years
;
and
the
term
of
two
years
being
expir'd
,
to
remove
from
thence
to
the
Court
of
Spain
,
there
to
continue
for
the
space
of
two
years
,
and
thence
to
remove
to
the
State
of
Venice
;
and
after
two
years
residence
in
that
City
,
to
conclude
with
his
residence
at
Constantinople
for
a
like
term
of
time
,
and
so
to
return
.
A
Knight
of
the
Senat
,
or
a
Deputy
of
the
Prerogative
,
may
not
be
elected
Ambassador
in
Ordinary
,
because
a
Knight
or
Deputy
so
chosen
,
must
either
lose
his
Session
,
which
would
cause
an
unevenness
in
the
motion
of
this
Commonwealth
,
or
accumulat
Magistracy
,
which
agrees
not
with
the
equality
of
the
same
.
Nor
may
any
Man
be
elected
into
this
Capacity
,
that
is
above
five
and
thirty
years
of
Age
,
lest
the
Commonwealth
lose
the
charge
of
his
Education
,
by
being
depriv'd
at
his
return
of
the
Fruit
of
it
,
or
else
injoy
it
not
long
thro
the
defects
of
Nature
.
THIS
Order
is
the
Perspective
of
the
Commonwealth
,
wherby
she
foresees
Danger
,
or
the
Traffic
;
wherby
she
receives
every
two
years
the
return
of
a
Statesman
inrich'd
with
eight
years
experience
,
from
the
prime
Marts
of
Negotiation
in
Europe
And
so
much
for
the
Elections
in
the
Senat
that
are
ordinary
;
such
as
are
extraordinary
follow
in
18.
Order
.
Constitution
of
Election
Extraordinary
,
or
by
the
Scrutiny
.
THE
eighteenth
ORDER
,
appointing
all
Elections
upon
emergent
occasions
,
except
that
of
the
Dictator
,
to
be
made
by
the
Scrutiny
,
or
that
kind
of
Election
,
wherby
a
Council
coms
to
be
a
fifth
Order
of
Electors
.
For
Example
,
if
there
be
occasion
of
an
Ambassador
Extraordinary
,
the
Provosts
of
the
Council
of
State
,
or
any
two
of
them
shall
propose
to
the
same
,
till
one
Competitor
be
chosen
by
that
Council
:
and
the
Council
having
chosen
a
Competitor
,
shall
bring
his
name
into
the
Senat
,
which
in
the
usual
way
shall
chuse
four
more
Competitors
to
the
same
Magistracy
;
and
put
them
,
with
the
Competitor
of
the
Council
,
to
the
Ballot
of
the
House
,
by
which
he
of
the
five
that
is
chosen
is
said
to
be
elected
by
the
Scrutiny
of
the
Council
of
State
.
A
Vice-Admiral
,
a
Polemarch
,
or
Field
Officer
,
shall
be
elected
after
the
same
manner
,
by
the
Scrutiny
of
the
Council
of
War
.
A
Judg
or
Serjeant
at
Law
,
by
the
Scrutiny
of
the
Commissioners
of
the
Seal
.
A
Baron
,
or
considerable
Officer
of
the
Exchequer
,
by
the
Scrutiny
of
the
Commissioners
of
the
Treasury
.
Men
in
Magistracy
,
or
out
of
it
,
are
equally
capable
of
Election
by
the
Scrutiny
;
but
a
Magistrat
or
Officer
elected
by
the
Scrutiny
to
a
military
Imployment
,
if
he
be
neither
a
Knight
of
the
Senat
,
nor
a
Deputy
of
the
Prerogative
,
ought
to
have
his
Office
confirm'd
by
the
Prerogative
,
because
the
Militia
in
a
Common-wealth
,
where
the
People
are
Soverain
,
is
not
lawful
to
be
touch'd
injussu
Populi
.
THE
Romans
were
so
curious
,
that
tho
their
Consuls
were
elected
in
the
[
](A45618-e191800-b)*
*
Centuriatis
.
Centuriat
Assemblys
,
they
might
not
touch
the
Militia
,
except
they
were
confirm'd
in
the
[
](A45618-e191820-b)†
†
Curiatis
Comitiis
.
Parochial
Assemblys
:
for
a
Magistrat
not
receiving
his
Power
from
the
People
,
takes
it
from
them
;
and
to
take
away
their
Power
,
is
to
take
away
their
Liberty
.
As
to
the
Election
by
the
Scrutiny
,
it
is
easily
perceiv'd
to
be
Venetian
,
there
being
no
such
way
to
take
in
the
Knowlege
,
which
in
all
reason
must
be
best
in
every
Council
of
such
men
as
are
most
fit
for
their
turns
,
and
yet
to
keep
them
from
the
biass
of
particular
Affection
or
Interest
under
that
pretence
:
For
the
cause
why
the
Great
Council
in
Venice
scarce
ever
elects
any
other
than
the
Name
that
is
brought
in
by
the
Scrutiny
,
is
very
probable
to
be
,
that
they
may
....
This
Election
is
the
last
of
those
appertaining
to
the
Senat.
The
Councils
being
chosen
by
the
Orders
already
shewn
,
it
remains
that
we
com
to
those
wherby
they
are
instructed
:
and
the
Orders
of
Instruction
to
the
Councils
are
two
,
the
first
for
the
Matter
wherupon
they
are
to
procede
;
and
the
second
for
the
Manner
of
their
proceding
.
The
Matter
of
the
Councils
is
distributed
to
them
by
19.
Order
.
Instructions
for
the
Councils
as
to
their
Matter
.
THE
nineteenth
ORDER
,
distributing
to
every
Council
such
Businesses
as
are
properly
to
belong
to
their
Cognizance
,
wherof
som
they
shall
receive
and
determin
;
and
others
they
shall
receive
,
prepare
,
and
introduce
into
the
House
:
As
,
first
,
For
the
Council
of
State
.
THE
Council
of
State
is
to
receive
all
Addresses
,
Intelligences
,
and
Letters
of
Negotiation
;
to
give
audience
to
Ambassadors
sent
to
,
and
to
draw
up
Instructions
for
such
as
shall
be
sent
by
,
this
Commonwealth
;
to
receive
Propositions
from
,
and
hold
Intelligence
with
the
Provincial
Councils
;
to
consider
upon
all
Laws
to
be
enacted
,
amended
,
or
repeal'd
;
and
upon
all
Levys
of
Men
or
Mony
,
War
or
Peace
,
Leagues
or
Associations
to
be
made
by
this
Commonwealth
,
so
far
forth
as
is
conducible
to
the
orderly
preparation
of
the
same
to
be
introduc'd
by
them
into
the
Senat.
Provided
For
the
Council
of
War
.
that
all
such
Affairs
,
as
otherwise
appertaining
to
the
Council
of
State
are
,
for
the
good
of
the
Commonwealth
,
to
be
carry'd
with
greater
secrecy
,
be
manag'd
by
the
Council
of
War
,
with
Power
to
receive
and
send
forth
Agents
,
Spys
,
Emissarys
,
Intelligencers
,
Frigots
;
and
to
manage
Affairs
of
that
nature
,
if
it
be
necessary
,
without
communication
to
the
Senat
,
till
such
time
as
it
may
be
had
without
detriment
to
the
Business
.
But
they
shall
have
no
Power
to
ingage
the
Commonwealth
in
a
War
,
without
the
consent
of
the
Senat
and
the
People
.
It
appertains
also
to
this
Council
to
take
charge
of
the
Fleet
as
Admiral
;
and
of
all
Storehouses
,
Armorys
,
Arsenals
,
and
Magazins
appertaining
to
this
Commonwealth
.
They
shall
keep
a
diligent
Record
of
the
military
Expeditions
from
time
to
time
reported
by
him
that
was
Strategus
or
General
,
or
one
of
the
Polemarchs
in
that
Action
;
or
at
least
so
far
as
the
Experience
of
such
Commanders
may
tend
to
the
improvement
of
the
military
Disciplin
,
which
they
shall
digest
and
introduce
into
the
Senat
:
and
if
the
Senat
shall
therupon
frame
any
Article
,
they
shall
see
that
it
be
observ'd
in
the
Musters
or
Education
of
the
Youth
.
And
wheras
the
Council
of
War
is
the
Sentinel
or
Scout
of
this
Commonwealth
,
if
any
Person
or
Persons
shall
go
about
to
introduce
Debate
into
any
popular
Assembly
of
the
same
,
or
otherwise
to
alter
the
present
Government
,
or
strike
at
the
root
of
it
,
they
shall
apprehend
,
or
cause
to
be
apprehended
,
seiz'd
,
imprison'd
;
and
examin
,
arraign
,
acquit
,
or
condemn
,
and
cause
to
be
executed
any
such
Person
or
Persons
,
by
their
proper
Power
and
Authority
,
and
without
appeal
.
For
the
Council
of
Religion
.
THE
Council
of
Religion
,
as
the
Arbiter
of
this
Commonwealth
in
cases
of
Conscience
more
peculiarly
appertaining
to
Religion
,
Christian
Charity
,
and
a
pious
Life
,
shall
have
the
care
of
the
National
Religion
,
and
the
protection
of
the
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
with
the
cognizance
of
all
Causes
relating
to
either
of
them
.
And
first
as
to
the
National
Religion
;
They
shall
cause
all
Places
or
Preferments
of
the
best
Revenue
in
either
of
the
Vniversitys
to
be
confer'd
upon
no
other
than
such
of
the
most
learn'd
and
pious
Men
,
as
have
dedicated
themselves
to
the
study
of
Theology
.
They
shall
also
take
a
special
care
that
by
such
Augmentations
as
be
or
shall
hereafter
be
appointed
by
the
Senat
,
every
Benefice
in
this
Nation
be
improv'd
at
least
to
the
value
of
one
hundred
pounds
a
year
.
And
to
the
end
that
there
be
no
interest
at
all
,
wherby
the
Divines
or
Teachers
of
the
National
Religion
may
be
corrupted
,
or
corrupt
Religion
,
they
shall
be
capable
of
no
other
kind
of
Imployment
or
Preferment
in
this
Commonwealth
.
And
wheras
a
Directory
for
the
Administration
of
the
National
Religion
is
to
be
prepar'd
by
this
Council
,
they
shall
in
this
and
other
Debates
of
this
nature
procede
in
manner
following
:
A
Question
arising
in
matter
of
Religion
shall
be
put
and
stated
by
the
Council
in
writing
;
which
Writing
the
Censors
shall
send
by
their
Beadles
(
being
Proctors
chosen
to
attend
them
)
each
to
the
Vniversity
wherof
he
is
Chancellor
;
and
the
Vice-Chancellor
of
the
same
receiving
the
Writing
,
shall
call
a
Convocation
of
all
the
Divines
of
that
Vniversity
,
being
above
forty
years
of
Age.
And
the
Vniversitys
upon
a
point
so
propos'd
,
shall
have
no
manner
of
Intelligence
or
Correspondence
one
with
another
,
till
their
Debates
be
ended
,
and
they
have
made
return
of
their
Answers
to
the
Council
of
Religion
by
two
or
three
of
their
own
Members
,
that
may
clear
their
sense
,
if
any
doubt
should
arise
,
to
the
Council
;
which
don
,
they
shall
return
,
and
the
Council
having
receiv'd
such
information
,
shall
procede
according
to
their
own
Judgments
,
in
the
preparation
of
the
whole
matter
for
the
Senat
:
That
so
the
Interest
of
the
Learned
being
remov'd
,
there
may
be
a
right
application
of
Reason
to
Scripture
,
which
is
the
Foundation
of
the
National
Religion
.
SECONDLY
,
This
Council
,
as
to
the
protection
of
the
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
shall
suffer
no
coercive
Power
in
the
matter
of
Religion
to
be
exercis'd
in
this
Nation
:
The
Teachers
of
the
National
Religion
being
no
other
than
such
as
voluntarily
undertake
that
calling
;
and
their
Auditors
or
Hearers
,
no
other
than
are
also
voluntary
.
Nor
shall
any
gather'd
Congregation
be
molested
or
interrupted
in
their
way
of
Worship
(
being
neither
Jewish
nor
Idolatrous
)
but
vigilantly
and
vigorously
protected
and
defended
in
the
Injoyment
,
Practice
,
and
Profession
of
the
same
.
And
if
there
be
Officers
or
Auditors
appointed
by
any
such
Congregation
for
the
introduction
of
Causes
into
the
Council
of
Religion
,
all
such
Causes
so
introduc'd
shall
be
receiv'd
,
heard
,
and
determin'd
by
the
same
,
with
recourse
had
,
if
need
be
,
to
the
Senat.
THIRDLY
,
Every
Petition
addrest
to
the
Senat
,
except
that
of
a
Tribe
,
shall
be
receiv'd
,
examin'd
,
and
debated
by
this
Council
;
and
such
only
as
they
,
upon
such
examination
and
debate
had
,
shall
think
fit
,
may
be
introduc'd
into
the
Senat.
For
the
Council
of
Trade
.
THE
Council
of
Trade
being
the
Vena
Porta
of
this
Nation
,
shall
hereafter
receive
Instructions
more
at
large
.
For
the
present
,
their
Experience
attaining
to
a
right
understanding
of
those
Trades
and
M●sterys
that
feed
the
Veins
of
this
Commonwealth
,
and
a
true
distinction
of
them
from
those
that
suck
or
exhaust
the
same
,
they
shall
acquaint
the
Senat
with
the
Conveniences
and
Inconveniences
,
to
the
end
that
Incouragement
may
be
apply'd
to
the
one
,
and
Remedy
to
the
other
.
For
the
Academy
of
the
Provosts
.
THE
Academy
of
the
Provosts
,
being
the
Affability
of
the
Common-wealth
,
shall
assemble
every
day
towards
the
Evening
in
a
fair
Room
,
having
certain
withdrawing
Rooms
therto
belonging
.
And
all
sorts
of
Company
that
will
repair
thither
for
Conversation
or
Discourse
,
so
it
be
upon
matters
of
Government
,
News
,
or
Intelligence
,
or
to
propose
any
thing
to
the
Councils
,
shall
be
freely
and
affably
receiv'd
in
the
outer
Chamber
,
and
heard
in
the
way
of
civil
Conversation
,
which
is
to
be
manag'd
without
any
other
Aw
or
Ceremony
than
is
therto
usually
appertaining
;
to
the
end
that
every
Man
may
be
free
,
and
that
what
is
propos'd
by
one
,
may
be
argu'd
or
discours'd
by
the
rest
,
except
the
matter
be
of
secrecy
;
in
which
case
the
Provosts
,
or
som
of
them
,
shall
take
such
as
desire
Audience
into
one
of
the
withdrawing
Rooms
.
And
the
Provosts
are
to
give
their
minds
,
that
this
Academy
be
so
govern'd
,
adorn'd
,
and
preserv'd
,
as
may
be
most
attractive
to
Men
of
Parts
and
good
Affections
to
the
Commonwealth
,
for
the
excellency
of
the
Conversation
.
FVRTHERMORE
,
If
any
Man
,
not
being
able
or
willing
to
com
in
person
,
has
any
advice
to
give
which
he
judges
may
be
for
the
good
of
the
Commonwealth
,
he
may
write
his
mind
to
the
Academy
of
the
Provosts
,
in
a
Letter
sign'd
or
not
sign'd
;
which
Letter
shall
be
left
with
the
Doorkeeper
of
the
Academy
.
Nor
shall
any
Person
delivering
such
a
Letter
be
seiz'd
,
molested
,
or
detain'd
,
tho
it
should
prove
to
be
a
Libel
.
But
the
Letters
so
deliver'd
shall
be
presented
to
the
Provosts
;
and
in
case
they
be
so
many
that
they
cannot
well
be
perus'd
by
the
Provosts
themselves
,
they
shall
distribute
them
as
they
please
to
be
read
by
the
Gentlemen
of
the
Academy
,
who
finding
any
thing
in
them
material
,
will
find
matter
of
Discourse
:
Or
if
they
happen
upon
a
business
that
requires
privacy
,
return
it
with
a
Note
upon
it
to
a
Provost
.
And
the
Provosts
by
the
Secretarys
attending
shall
cause
such
Notes
out
of
Discourses
or
Letters
to
be
taken
as
they
please
,
to
the
end
that
they
may
propose
,
as
occasion
serves
,
what
any
two
of
them
shall
think
sit
out
of
their
Notes
so
taken
to
their
respective
Councils
:
to
the
end
that
not
only
the
Ear
of
the
Commonwealth
be
open
to
all
,
but
that
Men
of
such
Education
being
in
her
ey
,
she
may
upon
emergent
Elections
or
Occasions
be
always
provided
of
her
choice
of
sit
Persons
.
●or
the
Attendance
of
the
Councils
.
EVERY
Council
being
adorn'd
with
a
State
for
the
Signory
,
shall
be
attended
by
two
Secretarys
,
two
Doorkeepers
,
and
two
Messengers
in
ordinary
,
and
have
power
to
command
more
upon
Emergencys
,
as
occasion
requires
.
And
the
Academy
shall
be
attended
with
two
Secretarys
,
two
Messengers
,
and
two
Doorkeepers
;
this
with
the
other
Councils
being
provided
with
their
farther
Conveniences
at
the
charge
of
the
State
.
For
the
Dic●at●r
.
BVT
wheras
it
is
incident
to
Commonwealths
,
upon
Emergencys
requiring
extraordinary
speed
or
secrecy
,
either
thro
their
natural
delays
or
unnatural
hast
,
to
incur
equal
danger
,
while
holding
to
the
slow
pace
of
their
Orders
,
they
com
not
in
time
to
defend
themselves
from
som
sudden
blow
;
or
breaking
them
for
the
greater
speed
,
they
but
hast
to
their
own
destruction
:
If
the
Senat
shall
at
any
time
make
Election
of
nine
Knights
extraordinary
,
to
be
added
to
the
Council
of
War
,
as
a
Juncta
for
the
term
of
three
Months
,
the
Council
of
War
,
with
the
Juncta
so
added
,
is
for
the
term
of
the
same
Dictator
of
Oceana
,
having
power
to
levy
Men
and
Mony
,
to
make
War
and
Peace
,
as
also
to
enact
Laws
,
which
shall
be
good
for
the
space
of
one
year
(
if
they
be
not
sooner
repeal'd
by
the
Senat
and
the
People
)
and
for
no
longer
time
,
except
they
be
confirm'd
by
the
Senat
and
the
People
.
And
the
whole
Administration
of
the
Commonwealth
for
the
term
of
the
said
three
Months
shall
be
in
the
Dictator
;
provided
,
that
the
Dictator
shall
have
no
Power
to
do
any
thing
that
tends
not
to
his
proper
end
and
institution
,
but
all
to
the
preservation
of
the
Commonwealth
as
it
is
establish'd
,
and
for
the
sudden
restitution
of
the
same
to
the
natural
Channel
and
common
course
of
Government
.
And
all
Acts
,
Orders
,
Decrees
,
or
Laws
of
the
Council
of
War
with
the
Juncta
,
being
thus
created
,
shall
be
sign'd
,
DICTATOR
OCEANAE
.
THIS
Order
of
Instructions
to
the
Councils
being
(
as
in
a
matter
of
that
nature
is
requisit
)
very
large
,
I
have
us'd
my
best
skill
to
abbreviat
it
in
such
manner
as
might
shew
no
more
of
it
than
is
necessary
to
the
understanding
of
the
whole
;
tho
as
to
the
parts
,
or
further
dutys
of
the
Councils
,
I
have
omitted
many
things
of
singular
use
in
a
Commonwealth
.
But
it
was
discours'd
at
the
Council
by
the
ARCHON
in
this
manner
.
My
Lords
,
the
Legislators
;
YOUR
Councils
,
except
the
Dictator
only
,
are
proper
and
native
Springs
and
Sources
,
you
see
,
which
(
hanging
a
few
sticks
and
straws
,
that
,
as
less
considerable
,
would
otherwise
be
more
troublesom
,
upon
the
banks
of
their
peculiar
Channels
)
derive
the
full
stream
of
business
into
the
Senat
,
so
pure
,
and
so
far
from
the
possibility
of
being
troubl'd
or
stain'd
(
as
will
undeniably
appear
by
the
Course
contain'd
in
the
insuing
Order
)
with
any
kind
of
privat
Interest
or
Partiality
,
that
it
shall
never
be
possible
for
any
Assembly
hearkning
to
the
advice
or
information
of
this
or
that
worthy
Member
(
either
instructed
upon
his
Pillow
,
or
while
he
was
making
himself
ready
,
or
by
the
Petition
or
Ticket
which
he
receiv'd
at
the
door
)
to
have
half
the
Security
in
his
Faith
,
or
advantage
by
his
Wisdom
;
such
a
Senat
or
Council
being
,
thro
the
incertainty
of
the
Winds
,
like
a
wave
of
the
Sea
.
Nor
shall
it
otherwise
mend
the
matter
by
flowing
up
into
dry
ditches
,
or
referring
businesses
to
be
better
examin'd
by
Committees
,
than
to
go
further
about
with
it
to
less
purpose
;
if
it
dos
not
eb
back
again
with
the
more
mud
in
it
.
For
in
a
case
refer'd
to
an
occasional
Committee
,
of
which
any
Member
that
is
desirous
may
get
himself
nam'd
,
and
to
which
no
body
will
com
,
but
either
for
the
sake
of
his
Friend
,
or
his
own
Interest
;
it
fares
little
better
as
to
the
Information
of
the
Senat
,
than
if
it
had
bin
refer'd
to
the
Partys
.
Wherfore
the
Athenians
being
distributed
into
four
Tribes
,
out
of
which
by
equal
numbers
they
annually
chose
four
hundred
Men
,
call'd
the
Senat
of
the
Bean
(
because
the
Ballot
at
their
Election
was
perform'd
by
the
use
of
Beans
)
divided
them
by
Fiftys
into
eight
parts
.
And
every
Fifty
in
their
turn
,
for
one
eighth
part
of
the
year
,
was
a
Council
apart
call'd
the
Prytans
.
The
Prytans
in
their
distinct
Council
receiving
all
Comers
,
and
giving
ear
to
every
Man
that
had
any
thing
to
propose
concerning
the
Commonwealth
,
had
power
to
debate
and
prepare
all
the
businesses
that
were
to
be
introduc'd
into
the
Senat.
The
Achaeans
had
ten
selected
Magistrats
call'd
the
Demiurgs
,
constituting
a
Council
apart
call'd
the
Synarchy
,
which
with
the
Strategus
prepar'd
all
the
business
that
was
introduc'd
into
their
Senat.
But
both
the
Senat
of
the
Athenians
,
and
that
of
the
Achaeans
,
would
have
wonder'd
if
a
Man
had
told
them
,
that
they
were
to
receive
all
Comers
and
Discourses
,
to
the
end
that
they
might
refer
them
afterwards
to
the
Prytans
or
the
Synarchy
;
much
less
to
an
occasional
Committee
,
expos'd
to
the
catch
that
catch
may
of
the
Partys
interested
.
And
yet
Venice
in
this
,
as
in
most
of
her
Orders
,
excels
them
all
by
the
Constitution
of
her
Councils
,
that
of
the
College
,
and
the
other
of
the
Dieci
,
or
Council
of
Ten.
The
course
of
the
College
is
exactly
describ'd
in
the
insuing
Order
:
And
for
that
of
the
Dieci
,
it
so
little
differs
from
what
it
has
bestow'd
upon
our
Dictator
,
that
I
need
not
make
any
particular
description
of
it
.
But
to
Dictatorian
Power
in
general
,
and
the
use
of
it
,
because
it
must
needs
be
of
difficult
digestion
to
such
as
,
puking
still
at
antient
Prudence
,
shew
themselves
to
be
in
the
Nursery
of
Motherwit
;
it
is
no
less
than
necessary
to
say
somthing
.
And
,
First
,
in
a
Commonwealth
that
is
not
wrought
up
,
or
perfected
,
this
Power
will
be
of
very
frequent
,
if
not
continual
use
;
wherfore
it
is
said
more
than
once
,
upon
defects
of
the
Government
,
in
the
Book
of
Judges
,
That
in
those
days
there
was
no
King
in
Israel
.
Nor
has
the
Translator
,
tho
for
no
King
he
should
have
said
no
Judg
,
abus'd
you
so
much
;
seeing
that
the
Dictator
(
and
such
was
the
Judg
of
Israel
)
or
the
Dictatorian
Power
being
in
a
single
Person
,
so
little
differs
from
Monarchy
,
which
follow'd
in
that
,
that
from
the
same
cause
there
has
bin
no
other
effect
in
any
Commonwealth
;
as
in
Rome
was
manifest
by
SYLLA
and
CESAR
,
who
to
make
themselves
Absolute
or
Soverain
,
had
no
more
to
do
than
to
prolong
their
Magistracy
;
for
[
](A45618-e192480-b)*
*
Dictatoris
imperium
quasi
Numen
.
Liv.
the
Dictatorian
Power
was
reputed
Divine
,
and
therfore
irresistible
.
Nevertheless
,
so
it
is
,
that
without
this
Power
,
which
is
so
dangerous
,
and
subject
to
introduce
Monarchy
,
a
Commonwealth
cannot
be
safe
from
falling
into
the
like
dissolution
;
unless
you
have
an
Expedient
in
this
case
of
your
own
,
and
bound
up
by
your
Providence
from
recoiling
.
Expedients
in
som
cases
you
must
not
only
have
,
but
be
beholden
for
them
to
such
whom
you
must
trust
at
a
pinch
,
when
you
have
not
leisure
to
stand
with
them
for
Security
;
which
will
be
a
thousand
times
more
dangerous
.
And
there
can
never
be
a
Common-wealth
otherwise
than
by
the
Order
in
debate
wrought
up
to
that
perfection
;
but
this
necessity
must
somtimes
happen
in
regard
of
her
natural
slowness
and
openness
,
and
the
suddenness
of
Assaults
that
may
be
made
upon
her
,
as
also
the
Secrecy
which
in
som
cases
may
be
of
absolute
necessity
to
her
Affairs
.
Whence
MACCHIAVEL
concludes
it
positively
,
That
a
Commonwealth
unprovided
of
such
a
Refuge
,
must
fall
to
ruin
:
for
her
course
is
either
broken
by
the
blow
in
one
of
those
cases
,
or
by
her self
,
while
it
startles
her
out
of
her
Orders
.
And
indeed
a
Commonwealth
is
like
a
Greyhound
,
which
having
once
coasted
,
will
never
after
run
fair
,
but
grow
slothful
;
and
when
it
coms
to
make
a
common
practice
of
taking
nearer
ways
than
its
Orders
,
it
is
dissolv'd
:
for
the
being
of
a
Commonwealth
consists
in
its
Orders
.
Wherfore
at
this
lift
you
will
be
expos'd
to
danger
,
if
you
have
not
provided
before-hand
for
the
safety
of
your
Resort
in
the
like
cases
:
nor
is
it
sufficient
that
your
Resort
be
safe
,
unless
it
be
as
secret
and
quick
;
for
if
it
be
slow
or
open
,
your
former
Inconveniences
are
not
remedy'd
.
Now
for
our
imitation
in
this
part
,
there
is
nothing
in
experience
like
that
of
the
Council
of
Ten
in
Venice
;
the
benefit
wherof
would
be
too
long
to
be
shewn
in
the
whole
piece
,
and
therfore
I
shall
take
but
a
pattern
out
of
JANOTTI
.
In
the
War
,
says
he
,
which
the
Venetians
had
with
Florence
in
Casentin
,
the
Florentins
finding
a
necessity
in
their
affairs
far
from
any
other
inclination
in
themselves
to
ask
their
Peace
,
sent
Ambassadors
about
it
to
Venice
,
where
they
were
no
sooner
heard
,
than
the
bargain
was
struck
up
by
the
Council
of
Ten
:
and
every
body
admiring
(
seeing
this
Commonwealth
stood
upon
the
higher
ground
)
what
should
be
the
reason
of
such
hast
;
the
Council
upon
the
return
of
the
Ambassadors
imparted
Letters
to
the
Senat
,
wherby
it
appear'd
,
that
the
Turc
had
newly
lanch'd
a
formidable
Fleet
against
their
State
;
which
had
it
bin
understood
by
the
Florentins
,
it
was
well
enough
known
they
would
have
made
no
Peace
.
Wherfore
the
service
of
the
Ten
was
highly
applauded
by
the
Senat
,
and
celebrated
by
the
Venetians
.
Wherby
may
appear
,
not
only
in
part
what
use
there
is
of
Dictatorian
Power
in
that
Government
,
but
that
it
is
assum'd
at
the
discretion
of
that
Council
;
wheras
in
this
of
Oceana
it
is
not
otherwise
intrusted
than
when
the
Senat
,
in
the
Election
of
nine
Knights
extraordinary
,
gives
at
once
the
Commission
,
and
takes
security
in
a
balance
,
added
to
the
Council
of
War
,
tho
securer
before
by
the
Tribuns
of
the
People
than
that
of
Venice
,
which
yet
never
incur'd
Jealousy
:
For
if
the
younger
Nobility
have
bin
often
girding
at
it
,
that
happen'd
not
so
much
thro
the
apprehension
of
danger
in
it
to
the
Commonwealth
,
as
thro
the
aw
of
it
upon
themselves
.
Wherfore
the
Graver
have
doubtlesly
shewn
their
Prudence
in
the
Law
;
wherby
,
the
Magistracy
of
these
Counsillors
being
to
last
till
their
Successors
be
created
,
the
Council
is
establish'd
.
THE
Instructions
of
the
Councils
for
their
matter
being
shewn
,
it
remains
that
I
shew
the
Instructions
for
the
manner
of
their
proceding
,
as
they
follow
in
20.
Order
.
Instructions
for
the
Councils
as
to
their
manner
of
Proceding
.
THE
twentieth
ORDER
,
containing
the
Method
of
Debates
to
be
observ'd
by
the
Magistrats
and
the
Councils
successively
,
in
order
to
a
Decree
of
the
Senat.
THE
Magistrats
of
the
Signory
,
as
Counsillors
of
this
Commonwealth
,
shall
take
into
their
consideration
all
matters
of
State
,
or
of
Government
;
and
,
having
right
to
propose
in
any
Council
,
may
any
one
or
more
of
them
propose
what
business
he
or
they
please
in
that
Council
to
which
it
most
properly
belongs
.
And
,
that
the
Councils
may
be
held
to
their
duty
,
the
said
Magistrats
are
superintendents
and
inspectors
of
the
same
,
with
right
to
propose
to
the
Senat.
THE
Censors
have
equal
Power
with
these
Magistrats
,
but
in
relation
to
the
Council
of
Religion
only
.
ANY
two
of
the
three
Provosts
in
every
Council
may
propose
to
,
and
are
the
more
peculiar
Proposers
of
,
the
same
Council
;
to
the
end
that
there
be
not
only
an
inspection
and
superintendency
of
business
in
general
,
but
that
every
work
be
also
committed
to
a
peculiar
hand
.
ANY
one
or
more
of
the
Magistrats
,
or
any
two
of
the
Provosts
respectively
having
propos'd
,
the
Council
shall
debate
the
business
so
propos'd
,
to
which
they
of
the
third
Region
that
are
willing
shall
speak
first
in
their
order
;
they
of
the
second
,
next
;
and
they
of
the
first
,
last
:
and
the
opinions
of
those
that
propos'd
or
spoke
,
as
they
shall
be
thought
the
most
considerable
by
the
Council
,
shall
be
taken
by
the
Secretary
of
the
same
in
writing
,
and
each
of
them
sign'd
with
the
name
of
the
Author
.
THE
Opinions
being
thus
prepar'd
,
any
Magistrat
of
the
Signory
,
the
Censor
,
or
any
two
of
the
Provosts
of
that
Council
,
upon
this
occasion
may
assemble
the
Senat.
THE
Senat
being
assembled
,
the
Opinions
(
for
example
,
if
they
be
four
)
shall
be
read
in
their
Order
,
that
is
,
according
to
the
Order
or
Dignity
of
the
Magistrats
or
Counsillors
by
which
they
were
sign'd
.
And
being
read
,
if
any
of
the
Council
introducing
them
will
speak
,
they
,
as
best
acquainted
with
the
business
,
shall
have
precedence
;
and
after
them
the
Senators
shall
speak
according
to
their
Regions
,
beginning
by
the
third
first
,
and
so
continuing
till
every
man
that
will
has
spoken
:
and
when
the
Opinions
have
bin
sufficiently
debated
,
they
shall
be
put
all
together
to
the
Ballot
after
this
manner
.
FOVR
Secretarys
carrying
each
of
them
one
of
the
Opinions
in
one
hand
,
with
a
white
Box
in
the
other
,
and
●ach
following
the
other
,
according
to
the
order
of
the
Opinions
,
shall
present
his
Box
,
naming
the
Author
of
his
Opinion
to
every
Senator
;
and
one
Secretary
or
Ballotin
with
a
green
Box
shall
follow
the
four
white
ones
;
and
one
Secretary
or
Ballotin
with
a
red
Box
shall
follow
the
green
one
:
and
every
Senator
shall
put
one
Ball
into
som
one
of
these
six
boxes
.
The
Suffrage
being
gather'd
and
open'd
before
the
Signory
,
if
the
red
Box
or
Nonsincere
had
above
half
the
Suffrages
,
the
Opinions
shall
he
all
cast
out
,
for
the
major
part
of
the
House
is
not
clear
in
the
business
.
If
no
one
of
the
four
Opinions
had
above
half
the
Suffrages
in
the
Affirmative
,
that
which
had
fewest
shall
be
cast
out
,
and
the
other
three
shall
be
balloted
again
.
If
no
one
of
the
three
had
above
half
,
that
which
had
fewest
shall
be
cast
out
,
and
the
other
two
shall
ballot
again
.
If
neither
of
the
two
had
above
half
,
that
which
had
fewest
shall
be
cast
out
,
and
the
remaining
Opinion
shall
be
balloted
again
.
And
if
the
remaining
Opinion
has
not
above
half
,
it
shall
also
be
cast
out
.
But
the
first
of
the
Opinions
that
arrives
at
most
above
half
in
the
Affirmative
,
is
the
Decree
of
the
Senat.
The
Opinions
being
all
of
them
cast
out
by
the
Nonsincere
,
may
be
review'd
,
if
occasion
permits
,
by
the
Council
,
and
brought
in
again
.
If
they
be
cast
out
by
the
Negative
,
the
case
being
of
advice
only
,
the
House
approves
not
,
and
there
is
an
end
of
it
:
the
case
being
necessary
,
and
admitting
delay
,
the
Council
is
to
think
again
upon
the
business
,
and
to
bring
in
new
Opinions
;
but
the
Case
being
necessary
,
and
not
admitting
delay
,
the
Senat
immediatly
electing
the
Juncta
,
shall
create
the
Dictator
.
[
](A45618-e192760-b)*
*
Et
videat
Dictator
ne
quid
Respub
.
detrimenti
capiat
.
And
let
the
Dictator
,
as
the
Roman
saying
is
,
take
care
that
the
Commonwealth
receives
no
harm
.
THIS
in
case
the
Debate
concludes
not
in
a
Decree
.
But
if
a
Decree
be
past
,
it
is
either
in
matter
of
State
or
Government
according
to
Law
enacted
already
,
and
then
it
is
good
without
going
any
further
:
or
it
is
in
matter
of
Law
to
be
enacted
,
repeal'd
,
or
amended
;
and
then
the
Decree
of
the
Senat
,
especially
if
it
be
for
a
War
,
or
for
a
Levy
of
Men
or
Mony
,
is
invalid
,
without
the
result
of
the
Commonwealth
,
which
is
in
the
Prerogative
Tribe
,
or
Representative
of
the
People
.
THE
Senat
having
prepar'd
a
Decree
to
be
propos'd
to
the
People
,
shall
appoint
their
Proposers
;
and
no
other
may
propose
for
the
Senat
to
the
People
but
the
Magistrats
of
the
House
:
that
is
to
say
,
the
three
Commissioners
of
the
Seal
,
or
any
two
of
them
;
the
three
of
the
Treasury
,
or
any
two
of
them
;
or
the
two
Censors
.
THE
Senat
having
appointed
their
Proposers
,
shall
require
of
the
Tribuns
a
muster
of
the
People
at
a
set
time
and
place
:
and
the
Tribuns
or
any
two
of
them
having
muster'd
the
People
accordingly
,
the
Proposers
shall
propose
the
Sense
or
Decree
of
the
Senat
by
clauses
to
the
People
.
And
that
which
is
propos'd
by
the
Authority
of
the
Senat
,
and
resolv'd
by
the
Command
of
the
People
,
is
the
Law
of
Oceana
.
TO
this
Order
,
implicitly
containing
the
sum
very
near
of
the
whole
Civil
part
of
the
Commonwealth
,
my
Lord
ARCHON
spoke
thus
in
Council
.
My
Dear
Lords
;
THERE
is
a
Saying
,
That
a
man
must
cut
his
Coat
according
to
his
Cloth
.
When
I
consider
what
God
has
allow'd
or
furnish'd
to
our
present
work
,
I
am
amaz'd
.
You
would
have
a
popular
Government
,
he
has
weigh'd
it
to
you
in
the
present
balance
,
as
I
may
say
,
to
a
dram
;
you
have
no
more
to
do
,
but
to
fix
it
.
For
the
Superstructures
of
such
a
Government
,
they
require
a
good
Aristocracy
:
and
you
have
,
or
have
had
a
Nobility
or
Gentry
the
best
study'd
,
and
the
best
Writers
,
at
least
next
that
of
Italy
,
in
the
whole
World
;
nor
have
they
bin
inferior
,
when
so
exercis'd
,
in
the
leading
of
Armys
.
But
the
People
are
the
main
body
of
a
Commonwealth
;
shew
me
from
the
Treasurys
of
the
Snow
(
as
it
is
in
JOB
)
to
the
burning
Zone
,
a
People
whose
shoulders
so
universally
and
so
exactly
fit
the
Corslet
.
Nevertheless
it
were
convenient
to
be
well
provided
with
Auxiliarys
.
There
is
Marpesia
thro
her
fruitfulness
inexhaustible
of
men
,
and
men
thro
her
barrenness
not
only
inur'd
to
hardship
,
but
in
your
Arms.
It
may
be
said
,
that
Venice
,
excepting
only
that
she
takes
not
in
the
People
,
is
the
most
incomparable
Situation
of
a
Commonwealth
.
You
are
Venice
taking
in
your
People
and
your
Auxiliarys
too
.
My
Lords
,
the
Children
of
Israel
were
makers
of
Brick
,
before
they
were
builders
of
a
Commonwealth
:
But
our
brick
is
made
,
our
Morter
temper'd
,
the
Cedars
of
Lebanon
are
hew'd
and
squar'd
to
our
hands
.
Has
this
bin
the
work
of
man
?
or
is
it
in
man
to
withstand
this
work
?
Shall
he
that
contends
with
the
Almighty
,
instruct
him
?
He
that
reproves
God
,
let
him
answer
it
.
For
our
parts
,
every
thing
is
so
laid
,
that
when
we
com
to
have
use
of
it
,
it
is
the
next
at
hand
;
and
unless
we
can
conceive
that
God
and
Nature
do
any
thing
in
vain
,
there
is
no
more
for
us
to
do
but
to
dispatch
.
The
Piece
,
which
we
have
reach'd
to
us
in
the
foregoing
Orders
,
is
the
Aristocracy
.
Athens
,
as
has
bin
shewn
,
was
plainly
lost
thro
the
want
of
a
good
Aristocracy
.
But
the
sufficiency
of
an
Aristocracy
gos
demonstrably
upon
the
hand
of
the
Nobility
or
Gentry
:
for
that
the
Politics
can
be
master'd
without
study
,
or
that
the
People
can
have
leisure
to
study
,
is
a
vain
imagination
;
and
what
kind
of
Aristocracy
Divines
and
Lawyers
would
make
,
let
their
incurable
running
upon
their
own
narrow
biass
,
and
their
perpetual
invectives
against
MACCHIAVEL
(
tho
in
som
places
justly
reprovable
,
yet
the
only
Politician
,
and
incomparable
Patron
of
the
People
)
serve
for
instruction
.
I
will
stand
no
more
to
the
Judgment
of
Lawyers
and
Divines
in
this
work
,
than
to
that
of
so
many
other
Tradesmen
;
but
if
this
Model
chances
to
wander
abroad
,
I
recommend
it
to
the
Roman
Speculativi
(
the
most
complete
Gentlemen
of
this
age
)
for
their
censure
:
or
,
with
my
Lord
EPIMONUS
his
leave
,
send
three
or
four
hundred
Copys
to
your
Agent
at
Venice
,
to
be
presented
to
the
Magistrats
there
;
and
when
they
have
consider'd
them
,
to
be
propos'd
to
the
debate
of
the
Senat
,
the
most
competent
Judges
under
Heaven
,
who
,
tho
they
have
great
Affairs
,
will
not
refuse
to
return
you
the
Oracle
of
their
Ballot
.
The
Counsillors
of
Princes
I
will
not
trust
;
they
are
but
Journymen
.
The
Wisdom
of
these
later
times
in
Princes
Affairs
(
says
VERULAMIUS
)
is
rather
fine
deliverys
and
shiftings
of
dangers
when
they
be
near
,
than
solid
and
grounded
courses
to
keep
them
off
.
Their
Counsillors
do
not
derive
their
procedings
from
any
sound
root
of
Government
that
may
contain
the
demonstration
,
and
assure
the
success
of
them
,
but
are
expedient-mongers
,
givers
of
themselves
to
help
a
lame
dog
over
a
stile
;
else
how
coms
it
to
pass
,
that
the
fame
of
Cardinal
RICHLIEU
has
bin
like
Thunder
,
wherof
we
hear
the
noise
,
but
can
make
no
demonstration
of
the
reason
?
But
to
return
,
if
neither
the
People
,
nor
Divines
,
and
Lawyers
,
can
be
the
Aristocracy
of
a
Nation
,
there
remains
only
the
Nobility
;
in
which
stile
,
to
avoid
farther
repetition
,
I
shall
understand
the
Gentry
also
,
as
the
French
do
by
the
word
Noblesse
.
NOW
to
treat
of
the
Nobility
in
such
sort
as
may
be
less
obnoxious
to
mistake
,
it
will
be
convenient
,
and
answerable
to
the
present
occasion
,
that
I
divide
my
Discourse
into
four
parts
.
THE
First
treating
of
Nobility
,
and
the
kinds
of
it
.
THE
Second
,
of
their
capacity
of
the
Senat.
THE
Third
,
of
the
divers
kinds
of
Senats
.
THE
Fourth
,
of
the
Senat
,
according
to
the
foregoing
Orders
.
NOBILITY
may
be
defin'd
divers
ways
;
for
it
is
either
antient
Riches
,
or
antient
Virtue
,
or
a
Title
confer'd
by
a
Prince
or
a
Commonwealth
.
NOBILITY
of
the
first
kind
may
be
subdivided
into
two
others
,
such
as
hold
an
overbalance
in
Dominion
or
Property
to
the
whole
People
,
or
such
as
hold
not
an
overbalance
.
In
the
former
case
,
a
Nobility
(
such
was
the
Gothic
,
of
which
sufficient
has
bin
spoken
)
is
incompatible
with
popular
Government
;
for
to
popular
Government
it
is
essential
that
Power
should
be
in
the
People
,
but
the
overbalance
of
a
Nobility
in
Dominion
draws
the
Power
to
themselves
.
Wherfore
in
this
sense
it
is
that
MACCHIAVEL
is
to
be
understood
,
where
he
says
,
[
](A45618-e193210-b)*
*
Questi
tali
sono
pernitiosi
in
ogni
Republica
,
&
in
ogni
Provincia
.
That
these
are
pernicious
in
a
Commonwealth
;
and
of
France
,
Spain
,
and
Italy
,
that
they
are
Nations
[
](A45618-e193240-b)†
†
Lequali
tutte
insieme
sono
la
corruttela
del
mondo
.
which
for
this
cause
are
the
corruption
of
the
World
:
for
otherwise
Nobility
may
according
to
his
definition
(
which
is
,
That
they
are
such
as
live
upon
their
own
Revenues
in
plenty
,
without
ingagement
either
to
the
tilling
of
their
Lands
,
or
other
work
for
their
livelihood
)
hold
an
underbalance
to
the
People
;
in
which
case
they
are
not
only
safe
,
but
necessary
to
the
natural
mixture
of
a
well-order'd
Commonwealth
.
For
how
else
can
you
have
a
Common-wealth
that
is
not
altogether
mechanic
?
or
what
comparison
is
there
of
such
Commonwealths
as
are
,
or
com
nearest
to
mechanic
,
for
example
,
Athens
,
Switzerland
,
Holland
,
to
Lacedemon
,
Rome
,
and
Venice
,
plum'd
with
their
Aristocracys
?
Your
Mechanics
,
till
they
have
first
feather'd
their
nests
,
like
the
Fowls
of
the
Air
,
whose
whole
imployment
is
to
seek
their
food
,
are
so
busy'd
in
their
privat
concernments
,
that
they
have
neither
leisure
to
study
the
public
,
nor
are
safely
to
be
trusted
with
it
,
[
](A45618-e193290-b)‖
‖
Egestas
haud
sacile
habetur
sine
damno
.
because
a
Man
is
not
faithfully
imbark'd
in
this
kind
of
ship
,
if
he
has
no
share
in
the
freight
.
But
if
his
share
be
such
as
gives
him
leisure
by
his
privat
advantage
to
reflect
upon
that
of
the
public
,
what
other
name
is
there
for
this
sort
of
Men
,
being
a
leur
aise
,
but
(
as
MACCHIAVEL
you
see
calls
them
)
NOBILITY
?
especially
when
their
Familys
com
to
be
such
as
are
noted
for
their
Services
don
to
the
Commonwealth
,
and
so
take
into
their
antient
Riches
antient
Virtue
,
which
is
the
second
definition
of
Nobility
,
but
such
a
one
as
is
scarce
possible
in
nature
without
the
former
.
For
as
the
Baggage
,
says
VERULAMIUS
,
is
to
an
Army
,
so
are
Riches
to
Virtue
;
they
cannot
be
spar'd
nor
left
behind
,
tho
they
be
impediments
,
such
as
not
only
hinder
the
march
,
but
somtimes
thro
the
care
of
them
lose
or
disturb
the
Victory
.
Of
this
latter
sort
is
the
Nobility
of
Oceana
;
the
best
of
all
others
,
because
they
,
having
no
stamp
whence
to
derive
their
price
,
can
have
it
no
otherwise
than
by
their
intrinsic
value
.
The
third
definition
of
Nobility
,
is
a
Title
,
Honor
,
or
distinction
from
the
People
,
confer'd
or
allow'd
by
the
Prince
or
the
Commonwealth
.
And
this
may
be
two
ways
,
either
without
any
stamp
or
privilege
,
as
in
Oceana
;
or
with
such
privileges
as
are
inconsiderable
,
as
in
Athens
after
the
battel
of
Plateae
,
whence
the
Nobility
had
no
right
,
as
such
,
but
to
religious
Offices
,
or
inspection
of
the
public
Games
,
to
which
they
were
also
to
be
elected
by
the
People
:
or
with
Privileges
,
and
those
considerable
ones
,
as
the
Nobility
in
Athens
before
the
battel
of
Plateae
,
and
the
Patricians
in
Rome
,
each
of
which
had
right
,
or
claim'd
it
,
to
the
Senat
and
all
the
Magistracys
;
wherin
for
som
time
they
only
by
their
stamp
were
current
.
BUT
to
begin
higher
,
and
to
speak
more
at
large
of
Nobility
in
their
several
capacitys
of
the
Senat.
The
Phylarchs
or
Princes
of
the
Tribes
of
Israel
were
the
most
renown'd
,
or
,
as
the
Latin
,
the
Numb.
1.
16.
most
noble
of
the
Congregation
,
wherof
by
hereditary
right
they
had
the
leading
and
judging
.
The
Patriarchs
,
or
Princes
of
Familys
,
Ver.
18.
according
as
they
declar'd
their
Pedigrees
,
had
the
like
right
as
to
their
Familys
;
but
neither
in
these
nor
the
former
,
was
there
any
hereditary
right
to
the
Sanhedrim
:
tho
there
be
little
question
but
the
wise
men
,
and
understanding
,
and
known
among
their
Tribes
,
which
the
People
,
Deut.
1.
13.
took
or
elected
into
those
or
other
Magistracys
,
and
whom
MOSES
made
Rulers
over
them
,
must
have
bin
of
these
;
seeing
they
could
not
chuse
but
be
the
most
known
among
the
Tribes
,
and
were
likeliest
by
the
advantages
of
Education
to
be
the
most
wise
and
understanding
.
SOLON
having
found
the
Athenians
neither
locally
nor
genealogically
,
but
by
their
different
ways
of
Life
,
divided
into
four
Tribes
,
that
is
,
into
the
Soldiery
,
the
Tradesmen
,
the
Husbandmen
,
and
the
Goatherds
,
instituted
a
new
distribution
of
them
,
according
to
the
cense
or
valuation
of
their
Estates
,
into
four
Classes
:
the
first
,
second
,
and
third
,
consisting
of
such
as
were
Proprietors
in
Land
,
distinguish'd
by
the
rate
of
their
Freeholds
,
with
that
stamp
upon
them
,
which
making
them
capable
of
adding
Honor
to
their
Riches
,
that
is
to
say
,
of
the
Senat
and
all
the
Magistracys
,
excluded
the
fourth
,
being
the
Body
of
the
People
,
and
far
greater
in
number
than
the
former
three
,
from
all
other
right
,
as
to
those
Capacitys
,
except
the
election
of
these
,
who
by
this
means
became
a
hereditary
Aristocracy
or
Senatorian
Order
of
Nobility
.
This
was
that
course
which
came
afterwards
to
be
the
destruction
of
Rome
,
and
had
now
ruin'd
Athens
.
The
Nobility
,
according
to
the
inevitable
Nature
of
such
a
one
,
having
laid
the
Plot
how
to
devest
the
People
of
the
Result
,
and
so
to
draw
the
whole
Power
of
the
Commonwealth
to
themselves
;
which
in
all
likelihood
they
had
don
,
if
the
People
,
coming
by
mere
chance
to
be
victorious
in
the
Battel
of
Plateae
,
and
famous
for
defending
Greece
against
the
Persians
,
had
not
return'd
with
such
Courage
as
irresistibly
broke
the
Classes
,
to
which
of
old
they
had
born
a
white
Tooth
,
brought
the
Nobility
to
equal
Terms
,
and
the
Senat
with
the
Magistracys
to
be
common
to
both
;
the
Magistracys
by
Suffrage
,
and
the
Senat
(
which
was
the
mischief
of
it
,
as
I
shall
shew
anon
in
that
Constitution
)
by
Lot
only
.
THE
Lacedemonians
were
in
the
manner
,
and
for
the
same
cause
with
the
Venetians
at
this
day
,
no
other
than
a
Nobility
,
even
according
to
the
definition
given
of
Nobility
by
MACCHIAVEL
;
for
they
neither
exercis'd
any
Trade
,
nor
labor'd
their
Lands
or
Lots
,
which
was
don
by
their
Helots
:
wherfore
som
Nobility
may
be
far
from
pernicious
in
a
Commonwealth
by
MACCHIAVEL'S
own
Testimony
,
who
is
an
admirer
of
this
,
tho
the
Servants
therof
were
more
in
number
than
the
Citizens
.
To
these
Servants
I
hold
the
answer
of
LYCURGUS
,
when
he
bad
him
who
ask'd
why
he
did
not
admit
the
People
to
the
Government
of
his
Commonwealth
,
to
go
home
and
admit
his
Servants
to
the
Government
of
his
Family
,
to
relate
:
for
neither
were
the
Lacedemonians
Servants
,
nor
farther
capable
of
the
Government
,
unless
,
wheras
the
Congregation
had
the
Result
,
he
should
have
given
them
the
Debate
also
;
every
one
of
these
that
attain'd
to
sixty
years
of
Age
,
and
the
major
Vote
of
the
Congregation
,
being
equally
capable
of
the
Senat.
THE
Nobility
of
Rome
,
and
their
capacity
of
the
Senat
,
I
have
already
describ'd
by
that
of
Athens
before
the
battel
of
Plateae
;
saving
only
that
the
Athenian
was
never
eligible
into
the
Senat
without
the
suffrage
of
the
People
,
till
the
introduction
of
the
Lot
,
but
the
Roman
Nobility
ever
:
for
the
Patricians
were
elected
into
the
Senat
by
the
Kings
,
by
the
Consuls
,
or
the
Censors
;
or
if
a
Plebeian
happen'd
to
be
conscrib'd
,
he
and
his
Posterity
became
Patricians
.
Nor
,
tho
the
People
had
many
disputes
with
the
Nobility
,
did
this
ever
com
in
controversy
,
which
,
if
there
had
bin
nothing
else
,
might
in
my
judgment
have
bin
enough
to
overturn
that
Commonwealth
.
THE
Venetian
Nobility
,
but
that
they
are
richer
,
and
not
military
,
resemble
at
all
other
points
the
Lacedemonian
,
as
I
have
already
shewn
.
These
MACCHIAVEL
excepts
from
his
rule
,
by
saying
,
that
their
Estates
are
rather
personal
than
real
,
or
of
any
great
revenue
in
Land
;
which
coms
to
our
account
,
and
shews
,
that
a
Nobility
or
party
of
the
Nobility
,
not
overbalancing
in
Dominion
,
is
not
dangerous
,
but
of
necessary
use
in
every
Commonwealth
,
provided
it
be
rightly
order'd
:
for
if
it
be
so
order'd
as
was
that
of
Rome
,
tho
they
do
not
overbalance
in
the
beginning
,
as
they
did
not
there
,
it
will
not
be
long
ere
they
do
,
as
is
clear
both
in
reason
and
experience
towards
the
latter
end
.
That
the
Nobility
only
be
capable
of
the
Senat
,
is
there
only
not
dangerous
,
where
there
be
no
other
Citizens
,
as
in
this
Government
and
that
of
Lacedemon
.
THE
Nobility
of
Holland
and
Switzerland
,
tho
but
few
,
have
Privileges
not
only
distinct
from
the
People
,
but
so
great
,
that
in
som
Soveraintys
they
have
a
negative
voice
;
an
example
which
I
am
far
from
commending
,
being
such
as
(
if
those
Governments
were
not
cantoniz'd
,
divided
,
and
subdivided
into
many
petty
Soveraintys
that
balance
one
another
,
and
in
which
the
Nobility
,
except
they
had
a
Prince
at
the
head
of
them
,
can
never
join
to
make
work
)
would
be
the
most
dangerous
that
ever
was
but
the
Gothic
,
of
which
it
favors
.
For
in
antient
Commonwealths
you
shall
never
find
a
Nobility
to
have
had
a
negative
but
by
the
Poll
,
which
,
the
People
being
far
more
in
number
,
came
to
nothing
;
wheras
these
have
it
,
be
they
never
so
few
,
by
their
stamp
or
order
.
OURS
of
Oceana
have
nothing
else
but
their
education
and
their
leisure
for
the
public
,
furnish'd
by
their
Ease
and
competent
Riches
;
and
their
intrinsic
value
,
which
,
according
as
it
coms
to
hold
weight
in
the
judgment
or
suffrage
of
the
People
,
is
their
only
way
to
honor
and
preferment
.
Wherfore
I
would
have
your
Lordships
to
look
upon
your
Children
as
such
,
who
if
they
com
to
shake
off
som
part
of
their
baggage
,
shall
make
the
more
quick
and
glorious
march
:
for
it
was
nothing
else
but
the
baggage
sordidly
plunder'd
by
the
Nobility
of
Rome
,
that
lost
the
victory
of
the
whole
World
in
the
midst
of
her
Triumph
.
HAVING
follow'd
the
Nobility
thus
close
,
they
bring
us
,
according
to
their
natural
course
and
divers
kinds
,
to
the
divers
Constitutions
of
the
Senat.
THAT
of
Israel
(
as
was
shew'd
by
my
Right
Noble
Lord
PHOSPHORUS
DE
AUGE
,
in
the
opening
of
the
Commonwealth
)
consisted
of
seventy
Elders
,
elected
at
first
by
the
People
.
But
wheras
they
were
for
life
,
they
ever
after
(
tho
without
any
divine
precept
for
it
)
substituted
their
Successors
by
Ordination
,
which
Ceremony
was
most
usually
perform'd
by
imposition
of
hands
;
and
by
this
means
a
Commonwealth
of
as
popular
institution
as
can
be
found
,
became
,
as
it
is
accounted
by
JOSEPHUS
,
Aristocratical
.
From
this
Ordination
derives
that
which
was
introduc'd
by
the
Apostles
into
the
Christian
Church
;
for
which
cause
I
think
it
is
,
that
the
Presbyterians
would
have
the
Government
of
the
Church
to
be
Aristocratical
:
Tho
the
Apostles
,
to
the
end
,
as
I
conceive
,
that
they
might
give
no
occasion
to
such
a
mistake
,
but
shew
that
they
intended
the
Government
of
the
Church
to
be
popular
,
ordain'd
Elders
,
as
has
bin
shewn
,
by
the
holding
up
of
hands
(
or
free
Suffrage
of
the
People
)
in
every
Congregation
,
or
Ecclesia
:
for
that
is
the
word
in
the
Original
,
being
borrow'd
from
the
civil
Congregations
of
the
People
in
Athens
and
Lacedemon
,
which
were
so
call'd
;
and
the
word
for
holding
up
of
hands
in
the
Text
,
is
also
the
very
same
,
which
signify'd
the
Suffrage
of
the
People
in
Athens
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
for
the
Suffrage
of
the
Athenians
was
given
per
Chirotonian
,
says
EMMIUS
.
THE
Council
of
the
Bean
(
as
was
shewn
by
my
Lord
NAVARCHUS
DE
PARALO
in
his
full
Discourse
)
being
the
proposing
Senat
of
Athens
(
for
that
of
the
Areopagits
was
a
Judicatory
)
consisted
of
four
,
som
say
five
hundred
Senators
,
elected
annually
,
all
at
once
,
and
by
a
mere
lot
without
suffrage
.
Wherfore
tho
the
Senat
,
to
correct
the
temerity
of
the
Lot
,
had
power
to
cast
out
such
as
they
should
judg
unworthy
of
that
honor
;
this
related
to
manners
only
,
and
was
not
sufficient
to
repair
the
Commonwealth
,
which
by
such
means
became
impotent
:
and
forasmuch
as
her
Senat
consisted
not
of
the
natural
Aristocracy
,
which
in
a
Commonwealth
is
the
only
spur
and
rein
of
the
People
,
it
was
cast
headlong
by
the
rashness
of
her
Demagogs
or
Grandees
into
ruin
;
while
her
Senat
,
like
the
Roman
Tribuns
(
[
](A45618-e194070-b)*
*
Qui
ferè
semper
regebantur
à
multitudine
magis
quam
regebant
.
who
almost
always
,
instead
of
governing
,
were
rather
govern'd
by
the
multitude
)
propos'd
not
to
the
Result
only
,
but
to
the
Debate
also
of
the
People
,
who
were
therfore
call'd
to
the
Pulpits
,
where
som
vomited
,
and
others
drank
poison
.
THE
Senat
of
Lacedemon
,
most
truly
discover'd
by
my
Lord
LACO
DE
SCYTALE
,
consisted
but
of
30
for
life
,
wherof
the
two
Kings
having
but
single
Votes
,
were
hereditary
,
the
rest
elected
by
the
free
Suffrage
of
the
People
,
but
out
of
such
as
were
sixty
years
of
age
.
These
had
the
whole
debate
of
the
Commonwealth
in
themselves
,
and
propos'd
to
the
Result
only
of
the
People
.
And
now
the
riddle
which
I
have
heretofore
found
troublesom
to
unfold
,
is
out
;
that
is
to
say
,
why
Athens
and
Lacedemon
,
consisting
each
of
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
the
one
should
be
held
a
Democracy
,
and
the
other
an
Aristocracy
,
or
laudable
Oligarchy
,
as
it
is
term'd
by
ISOCRATES
;
for
that
word
is
not
,
wherever
you
meet
it
,
to
be
branded
,
seeing
it
is
us'd
also
by
ARISTOTLE
,
PLUTARCH
,
and
others
,
somtimes
in
a
good
sense
.
The
main
difference
was
,
that
the
People
in
this
had
the
Result
only
,
and
in
that
the
Debate
and
Result
too
.
But
for
my
part
,
where
the
People
have
the
election
of
the
Senat
,
not
bound
to
a
distinct
order
,
and
the
Result
,
which
is
the
Soverain
Power
,
I
hold
them
to
have
that
share
in
the
Government
(
the
Senat
being
not
for
life
)
wherof
,
with
the
safety
of
the
Commonwealth
,
they
are
capable
in
nature
;
and
such
a
Government
,
for
that
cause
,
to
be
Democracy
:
tho
I
do
not
deny
,
but
in
Lacedemon
,
the
paucity
of
the
Senators
consider'd
,
it
might
be
call'd
Oligarchy
,
in
comparison
of
Athens
;
or
,
if
we
look
on
their
continuance
for
life
,
tho
they
had
bin
more
,
Aristocracy
.
THE
Senat
of
Rome
(
whose
Fame
has
bin
heard
to
thunder
in
the
Eloquence
of
my
Lord
DOLABELLA
D'
ENYO
)
consisting
of
300
,
was
,
in
regard
of
the
number
,
less
Oligarchical
than
that
of
Lacedemon
;
but
more
in
regard
of
the
Patrician
,
who
,
having
a
hereditary
Capacity
of
the
same
,
were
not
elected
to
that
Honor
by
the
People
;
but
,
being
conscrib'd
by
the
Censors
,
injoy'd
it
for
life
.
Wherfore
these
,
if
they
had
their
wills
,
would
have
resolv'd
as
well
as
debated
;
which
set
the
People
at
such
variance
with
them
,
as
dissolv'd
the
Commonwealth
:
wheras
if
the
People
had
injoy'd
the
Result
,
that
about
the
Agrarian
,
as
well
as
all
other
strife
,
must
of
necessity
have
ceas'd
.
THE
Senats
of
Switzerland
and
Holland
(
as
I
have
learnt
of
my
Lords
ALPESTER
and
GLAUCUS
)
being
bound
up
(
like
the
sheaf
of
Arrows
which
the
latter
gives
)
by
Leagues
,
ly
like
those
in
their
Quivers
:
But
Arrows
,
when
they
com
to
be
drawn
,
fly
som
this
way
,
and
som
that
;
and
I
am
contented
that
these
concern
us
not
.
THAT
of
Venice
(
by
the
faithful
Testimony
of
my
most
excellent
Lord
LINCEUS
DE
STELLA
)
has
oblig'd
a
World
,
sufficiently
punish'd
by
its
own
blindness
and
ingratitude
,
to
repent
and
be
wiser
:
for
wheras
a
Commonwealth
in
which
there
is
no
Senat
,
or
where
the
Senat
is
corrupt
,
cannot
stand
;
the
Great
Council
of
Venice
,
like
the
Statue
of
Nilus
,
leans
upon
an
Urn
or
Waterpot
,
which
pours
forth
the
Senat
in
so
pure
and
perpetual
a
stream
,
as
being
inable
to
stagnat
,
is
for
ever
incapable
of
Corruption
.
The
fuller
Description
of
this
Senat
is
contain'd
in
that
of
Oceana
;
and
that
of
Oceana
in
the
foregoing
Orders
.
To
every
one
of
which
,
because
somthing
has
bin
already
said
,
I
shall
not
speak
in
particular
.
But
in
general
,
your
Senat
,
and
the
other
Assembly
,
or
the
Prerogative
,
as
I
shall
shew
in
due
place
,
are
perpetual
,
not
as
Lakes
or
Puddles
,
but
as
the
Rivers
of
Eden
;
and
are
beds
made
,
as
you
have
seen
,
to
receive
the
whole
People
,
by
a
due
and
faithful
vicissitude
,
into
their
current
.
They
are
not
,
as
in
the
late
way
,
alternat
.
Alternat
Life
in
Government
is
the
alternat
[
](A45618-e194350-b)*
*
Ut
fratrem
pollux
alternâ
morte
redemit
.
Death
of
it
.
THIS
was
the
Gothic
work
,
wherby
the
former
Government
(
which
was
not
only
a
ship
,
but
a
gust
too
)
could
never
open
her
sails
,
but
in
danger
to
overset
her self
;
neither
could
make
any
voyage
,
nor
ly
safe
in
her
own
harbor
.
The
Wars
of
later
ages
,
says
VERULAMIUS
,
seem
to
be
made
in
the
dark
,
in
respect
of
the
glory
and
honor
which
reflected
on
men
from
the
Wars
in
antient
times
.
Their
shipping
of
this
sort
was
for
Voyages
,
ours
dare
not
lanch
;
nor
lys
it
safe
at
home
.
Your
Gothic
Politicians
seem
to
me
rather
to
have
invented
som
new
Ammunition
or
Gunpowder
,
in
their
King
and
Parlament
,
than
Government
.
For
what
is
becom
of
the
Princes
(
a
kind
of
People
)
in
Germany
?
blown
up
.
Where
are
the
Estates
,
or
the
Power
of
the
People
in
France
?
blown
up
.
Where
is
that
of
the
People
in
Arragon
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Spanish
Kingdoms
?
blown
up
.
On
the
other
side
,
where
is
the
King
of
Spain's
Power
in
Holland
?
blown
up
.
Where
is
that
of
the
Austrian
Princes
in
Switzerland
?
blown
up
.
This
perpetual
peevishness
and
jealousy
,
under
the
alternat
Empire
of
the
Prince
,
and
of
the
People
,
is
obnoxious
to
every
Spark
.
Nor
shall
any
man
shew
a
reason
that
will
be
holding
in
prudence
,
why
the
People
of
Oceana
have
blown
up
their
King
,
but
that
their
Kings
did
not
first
blow
up
them
.
The
rest
is
discourse
for
Ladys
.
Wherfore
your
Parlaments
are
not
henceforth
to
com
out
of
the
Bag
of
AEOLUS
,
but
by
your
Galaxys
,
to
be
the
perpetual
food
of
the
Fire
of
VESTA
.
YOUR
Galaxys
,
which
divide
the
House
into
so
many
Regions
,
are
three
;
one
of
which
constituting
the
third
Region
is
annually
chosen
,
but
for
the
term
of
three
years
;
which
causes
the
House
(
having
at
once
Blossoms
,
Fruit
half
ripe
,
and
others
dropping
off
in
full
maturity
)
to
resemble
an
Orange-tree
,
such
as
is
at
the
same
time
an
Education
or
Spring
,
and
a
Harvest
too
:
for
the
People
have
made
a
very
ill
choice
in
the
Man
,
who
is
not
easily
capable
of
the
perfect
knowlege
in
one
year
of
the
Senatorian
Orders
;
which
Knowlege
,
allowing
him
for
the
first
to
have
bin
a
Novice
,
brings
him
the
second
year
to
practice
,
and
time
enough
.
For
at
this
rate
you
must
always
have
two
hundred
knowing
Men
in
the
Government
.
And
thus
the
Vicissitude
of
your
Senators
is
not
perceivable
in
the
steadiness
and
perpetuity
of
your
Senat
;
which
,
like
that
of
Venice
,
being
always
changing
,
is
for
ever
the
same
.
And
tho
other
Politicians
have
not
so
well
imitated
their
Pattern
,
there
is
nothing
more
obvious
in
Nature
,
seeing
a
Man
who
wears
the
same
Flesh
but
a
short
time
,
is
nevertheless
the
same
Man
,
and
of
the
same
genius
;
and
whence
is
this
but
from
the
constancy
of
Nature
,
in
holding
a
Man
to
her
Orders
?
Wherfore
keep
also
to
your
Orders
.
But
this
is
a
mean
Request
,
your
Orders
will
be
worth
little
,
if
they
do
not
hold
you
to
them
;
wherfore
imbark
.
They
are
like
a
Ship
,
if
you
be
once
aboard
,
you
do
not
carry
them
,
but
they
you
;
and
see
how
Venice
stands
to
her
tackling
:
you
will
no
more
forsake
them
,
than
you
will
leap
into
the
Sea
.
BUT
they
are
very
many
,
and
difficult
.
O
,
my
Lords
,
what
Seaman
casts
away
his
Card
,
because
it
has
four
and
twenty
Points
of
the
Compass
?
and
yet
those
are
very
near
as
many
,
and
as
difficult
as
the
Orders
in
the
whole
circumference
of
your
Common-wealth
.
Consider
,
how
have
we
bin
tost
with
every
wind
of
Doctrin
,
lost
by
the
glib
Tongues
of
your
Demagogs
and
Grandees
in
our
own
Havens
?
A
company
of
Fidlers
that
have
disturb'd
your
rest
for
your
Groat
;
two
to
one
,
three
thousand
pounds
a
year
to
another
,
has
bin
nothing
.
And
for
what
?
Is
there
one
of
them
that
yet
knows
what
a
Commonwealth
is
?
And
are
you
yet
afraid
of
such
a
Government
in
which
these
shall
not
dare
to
scrape
,
for
fear
of
the
Statute
?
THEMISTOCLES
could
not
fiddle
,
but
could
make
of
a
small
City
a
great
Commonwealth
:
these
have
fiddel'd
,
and
for
your
Mony
,
till
they
have
brought
a
great
Commonwealth
to
a
small
City
.
IT
grieves
me
,
while
I
consider
how
,
and
from
what
causes
imaginary
Difficultys
will
be
aggravated
,
that
the
foregoing
Orders
are
not
capable
of
any
greater
clearness
in
discourse
or
writing
:
But
if
a
Man
should
make
a
Book
,
describing
every
trick
or
passage
,
it
would
fare
no
otherwise
with
a
game
at
Cards
;
and
this
is
no
more
,
if
a
Man
plays
upon
the
square
.
There
is
a
great
difference
,
says
VERULAMIUS
,
between
a
cunning
Man
and
a
wise
Man
(
between
a
Demagog
and
a
Legislator
)
not
only
in
point
of
honesty
,
but
in
point
of
ability
:
As
there
be
that
can
pack
the
Cards
,
and
yet
cannot
play
well
;
so
there
be
som
that
are
good
in
Canvasses
and
Factions
,
that
are
otherwise
weak
men
.
Allow
me
but
these
Orders
,
and
let
them
com
with
their
Cards
in
their
sleeves
,
or
pack
if
they
can
.
Again
,
says
he
,
it
is
one
thing
to
understand
Persons
,
and
another
to
understand
Matters
;
for
many
are
perfect
in
mens
humors
,
that
are
not
greatly
capable
of
the
real
part
of
Business
:
which
is
the
constitution
of
one
that
has
study'd
Men
more
than
Books
.
But
there
is
nothing
more
hartful
in
a
State
,
than
that
cunning
men
should
pass
for
wise
.
His
words
are
an
Oracle
.
As
DIONYSIUS
,
when
he
could
no
longer
exercise
his
Tyranny
among
men
,
turn'd
Schoolmaster
,
that
he
might
exercise
it
among
Boys
.
Allow
me
but
these
Orders
,
and
your
Grandees
so
well
skil'd
in
the
Baits
and
Palats
of
Men
,
shall
turn
Ratcatchers
.
AND
wheras
Councils
(
as
is
discretely
observ'd
by
the
same
Author
in
his
time
)
are
at
this
day
,
in
most
places
,
but
familiar
meetings
(
somwhat
like
the
Academy
of
our
Provosts
)
where
matters
are
rather
talk'd
on
than
debated
,
and
run
too
swift
to
order
an
Act
of
Council
;
give
me
my
Orders
,
and
see
if
I
have
not
puzzel'd
your
Demagogs
.
IT
is
not
so
much
my
desire
to
return
upon
hants
,
as
theirs
that
will
not
be
satisfy'd
;
wherfore
if
,
notwithstanding
what
was
said
of
dividing
and
chusing
in
our
preliminary
Discourses
,
men
will
yet
be
returning
to
the
Question
,
Why
the
Senat
must
be
a
Council
apart
(
tho
even
in
Athens
,
where
it
was
of
no
other
Constitution
than
the
popular
Assembly
,
the
distinction
of
it
from
the
other
was
never
held
less
than
necessary
)
this
may
be
added
to
the
former
Reasons
,
that
if
the
Aristocracy
be
not
for
the
Debate
,
it
is
for
nothing
;
but
if
it
be
for
debate
,
it
must
have
convenience
for
it
:
And
what
convenience
is
there
for
debate
in
a
croud
,
where
there
is
nothing
but
jostling
,
treading
upon
one
another
,
and
stirring
of
Blood
,
than
which
in
this
case
there
is
nothing
more
dangerous
?
Truly
,
it
was
not
ill
said
of
my
Lord
EPIMONUS
,
That
Venice
plays
her
game
,
as
it
were
,
at
Billiards
or
Nineholes
;
and
so
may
your
Lordships
,
unless
your
Ribs
be
so
strong
,
that
you
think
better
of
Footbal
:
for
such
sport
is
Debate
in
a
popular
Assembly
,
as
,
notwithstanding
the
distinction
of
the
Senat
,
was
the
destruction
of
Athens
.
THIS
Speech
concluded
the
Debate
which
happen'd
at
the
Institution
of
the
Senat.
The
next
Assembly
is
that
of
the
People
or
Prerogative
Tribe
.
The
Face
of
the
Prerogative
Tribe
.
THE
face
,
or
mein
of
the
Prerogative
Tribe
for
the
Arms
,
the
Horses
,
and
the
Disciplin
,
but
more
especially
for
the
select
men
,
is
that
of
a
very
noble
Regiment
,
or
rather
of
two
;
the
one
of
Horse
,
divided
into
three
Troops
(
besides
that
of
the
Provinces
,
which
will
be
shewn
hereafter
)
with
their
Captains
,
Cornets
,
and
two
Tribuns
of
the
Horse
at
the
head
of
them
;
the
other
of
Foot
in
three
Companys
(
besides
that
of
the
Provinces
)
with
their
Captains
,
Ensigns
,
and
two
Tribuns
of
the
Foot
at
the
head
of
them
.
The
first
Troop
is
call'd
the
Phoenix
;
the
second
the
Pelican
;
and
the
third
the
Swallow
.
The
first
Company
the
Cypress
;
the
second
the
Myrtle
;
and
the
third
the
Spray
.
Of
these
again
(
not
without
a
near
resemblance
of
the
Roman
division
of
a
Tribe
)
the
Phoenix
and
the
Cypress
constitute
the
first
Class
;
the
Pelican
and
the
Myrtle
the
second
;
and
the
Swallow
with
the
Spray
the
third
,
renew'd
every
Spring
by
21.
Order
.
The
Change
or
Election
of
the
Triennial
Officers
of
the
Prerogative
.
THE
one
and
twentieth
ORDER
,
directing
,
that
upon
every
Monday
next
insuing
the
last
of
March
,
the
Deputys
of
the
annual
Galaxy
arriving
at
the
Pavilion
in
the
Halo
,
and
electing
one
Captain
and
one
Cornet
of
the
Swallow
(
triennial
Officers
)
by
and
out
of
the
Cavalry
at
the
Horse
Vrn
,
according
to
the
Rules
contain'd
in
the
Ballot
of
the
Hundred
;
and
one
Captain
with
one
Ensign
of
the
Spray
(
triennial
Officers
)
by
and
out
of
the
Infantry
at
the
Foot
Vrn
,
after
the
same
way
of
ballotting
;
constitute
and
becom
the
third
Classes
of
the
Prerogative
Tribe
.
SEVEN
Deputys
are
annually
return'd
by
every
Tribe
,
wherof
three
are
Horse
,
and
four
are
Foot
;
and
there
be
fifty
Tribes
:
so
the
Swallow
must
consist
of
150
Horse
,
the
Spray
of
200
Foot
.
And
the
rest
of
the
Classes
being
two
,
each
of
them
in
number
equal
;
the
whole
Prerogative
(
besides
the
Provinces
,
that
is
,
the
Knights
and
Deputys
of
Marpesia
and
Panopea
)
must
consist
of
1050
Deputys
.
And
these
Troops
and
Companys
may
as
well
be
call'd
Centurys
as
those
of
the
Romans
;
for
the
Romans
related
not
,
in
so
naming
theirs
,
to
the
number
.
And
wheras
they
were
distributed
according
to
the
valuation
of
their
Estates
,
so
are
these
;
which
by
virtue
of
the
last
Order
,
are
now
accommodated
with
their
triennial
Officers
.
But
there
be
others
appertaining
to
this
Tribe
,
whose
Election
,
being
of
far
greater
importance
,
is
annual
,
as
follows
in
22.
Order
.
The
Change
or
Election
of
the
Annual
Magistrats
of
the
Prerogative
.
THE
twenty
second
ORDER
;
whereby
the
first
Class
having
elected
their
triennial
Officers
,
and
made
Oath
to
the
Old
Tribuns
,
that
they
will
neither
introduce
,
cause
,
nor
to
their
power
suffer
Debate
to
be
introduc'd
into
any
popular
Assembly
of
this
Government
,
but
to
their
utmost
be
aiding
and
assisting
to
seize
and
deliver
any
Person
or
Persons
in
that
way
offending
,
and
striking
at
the
Root
of
this
Commonwealth
,
to
the
Council
of
War
;
are
to
procede
with
the
other
two
Classes
of
the
Prerogative
Tribe
to
election
of
the
new
Tribuns
,
being
four
annual
Magistrats
,
wherof
two
are
to
be
elected
out
of
the
Cavalry
at
the
Horse
Vrn
,
and
two
out
of
the
Infantry
at
the
Foot
Vrn
,
according
to
the
common
Ballot
of
the
Tribes
.
And
they
may
be
promiscuously
chosen
out
of
any
Classis
,
provided
that
the
same
Person
shall
not
be
capable
of
bearing
the
Tribunitian
Honor
twice
in
the
term
of
one
Galaxy
.
The
Tribuns
thus
chosen
shall
receive
the
Tribe
(
in
reference
to
the
Power
of
mustering
and
disciplining
the
same
)
as
Commanders
in
chief
;
and
for
the
rest
as
Magistrats
,
whose
proper
Function
is
prescrib'd
by
the
next
Order
.
The
Tribuns
may
give
leave
to
any
number
of
the
Prerogative
,
not
exceding
one
hundred
at
a
time
,
to
be
absent
,
so
they
be
not
Magistrats
,
nor
Officers
,
and
return
within
three
months
.
If
a
Magistrat
or
Officer
has
a
necessary
occasion
,
he
may
also
be
absent
for
the
space
of
one
month
;
provided
,
that
there
be
not
above
three
Corners
or
Ensigns
,
two
Captains
,
or
one
Tribun
so
absent
at
one
time
.
TO
this
the
ARCHON
spoke
at
the
Institution
after
this
manner
.
My
Lords
;
IT
is
affirm'd
by
CICERO
in
his
Oration
for
FLACCUS
,
that
the
Commonwealths
of
Greece
were
all
shaken
or
ruin'd
by
the
intemperance
of
their
Comitia
,
or
Assemblys
of
the
People
.
The
truth
is
,
if
good
heed
in
this
point
be
not
taken
,
a
Common-wealth
will
have
bad
legs
.
But
all
the
world
knows
he
should
have
excepted
Lacedemon
,
where
the
People
,
as
has
bin
shewn
by
the
Oracle
,
had
no
power
at
all
of
Debate
,
nor
(
till
after
LYSANDER
,
whose
Avarice
open'd
a
gulf
,
that
was
not
long
ere
it
swallow'd
up
his
Country
)
came
it
ever
to
be
exercis'd
by
them
.
Whence
that
Commonwealth
stood
longest
and
firmest
of
any
other
,
but
this
,
in
our
days
,
of
Venice
:
which
having
underlaid
her self
with
the
like
Institution
,
ows
a
great
,
if
not
the
greatest
part
of
her
steddiness
to
the
same
principle
;
the
great
Council
,
which
is
with
her
the
People
,
by
the
Authority
of
my
Lord
EPIMONUS
,
never
speaking
a
word
.
Nor
shall
any
Common-wealth
,
where
the
People
in
their
political
capacity
is
talkative
,
ever
see
half
the
days
of
one
of
these
:
But
being
carry'd
away
by
vain-glorious
Men
(
that
,
as
OVERBURY
says
,
piss
more
than
they
drink
)
swim
down
the
stream
;
as
did
Athens
,
the
most
prating
of
these
Dames
,
when
that
same
ranting
fellow
ALCIBIADES
fell
a
demagoging
for
the
Sicilian
War
.
But
wheras
Debate
by
the
authority
and
experience
of
Lacedemon
and
Venice
,
is
not
to
be
committed
to
the
People
in
a
well-order'd
Government
,
it
may
be
said
,
That
the
Order
specify'd
is
but
a
slight
bar
in
a
matter
of
like
danger
;
for
so
much
as
an
Oath
,
if
there
be
no
recourse
upon
the
breach
of
it
,
is
a
weak
ty
for
such
hands
as
have
the
Sword
in
them
:
wherfore
what
should
hinder
the
People
of
Oceana
,
if
they
happen
not
to
regard
an
Oath
,
from
assuming
Debate
,
and
making
themselves
as
much
an
Anarchy
as
those
of
Athens
?
To
which
I
answer
,
Take
the
common
fort
in
a
privat
capacity
,
and
,
except
they
be
injur'd
,
you
shall
find
them
to
have
a
bashfulness
in
the
presence
of
the
better
sort
,
or
wiser
Men
;
acknowleging
their
Abilitys
by
attention
,
and
accounting
it
no
mean
honor
to
receive
respect
from
them
:
But
if
they
be
injur'd
by
them
,
they
hate
them
,
and
the
more
for
being
wife
or
great
,
because
that
makes
it
the
greater
injury
.
Nor
refrain
they
in
this
case
from
any
kind
of
intemperance
of
Speech
,
if
of
Action
.
It
is
no
otherwise
with
a
People
in
their
political
capacity
;
you
shall
never
find
that
they
have
assum'd
Debate
for
it self
,
but
for
somthing
else
.
Wherfore
in
Lacedemon
where
there
was
,
and
in
Venice
where
there
is
nothing
else
for
which
they
should
assume
it
,
they
have
never
shewn
so
much
as
an
inclination
to
it
.
Nor
was
there
any
appearance
of
such
a
desire
in
the
People
of
Rome
(
who
from
the
time
of
ROMULUS
had
bin
very
well
contented
with
the
power
of
Result
either
in
the
[
](A45618-e195290-b)*
*
Comitiis
Curiatis
.
Parochial
Assemblys
,
as
it
was
settled
upon
them
by
him
;
or
in
the
meetings
of
the
[
](A45618-e195300-b)†
†
Centuriatis
.
Hundreds
,
as
it
was
alter'd
in
their
regard
for
the
worse
by
SERVIUS
TULLIUS
)
till
news
was
brought
som
fifteen
years
after
the
exile
of
TARQUIN
their
late
King
(
during
which
time
the
Senat
had
govern'd
pretty
well
)
that
he
was
dead
at
the
Court
of
ARISTODEMUS
the
Tyrant
of
Cumae
.
[
](A45618-e195320-b)*
*
Eo
nuncio
erecti
patres
,
erecta
plebs
.
Sed
patribus
nimis
luxuriosa
ea
fuit
laetitia
;
plebi
,
cui
ad
eam
diem
summâ
ope
inservitum
erat
,
injuriae
à
primoribus
fieri
coepêre
.
Liv.
l.
2.
Wherupon
the
Patricians
,
or
Nobility
,
began
to
let
out
the
hitherto
dissembl'd
Venom
,
which
is
inherent
in
the
root
of
Oligarchy
,
and
fell
immediatly
upon
injuring
the
People
beyond
all
moderation
.
For
wheras
the
People
had
serv'd
both
gallantly
and
contentedly
in
Arms
upon
their
own
charges
,
and
,
tho
joint
Purchasers
by
their
Swords
of
the
conquer'd
Lands
,
had
not
participated
in
the
same
to
above
two
Acres
a
man
(
the
rest
being
secretly
usurp'd
by
the
Patricians
)
they
thro
the
meanness
of
their
support
,
and
the
greatness
of
their
expence
,
being
generally
indebted
,
no
sooner
return'd
home
with
Victory
to
lay
down
their
Arms
,
than
they
were
snatch'd
up
by
their
Creditors
,
the
Nobility
,
to
cram
Goals
.
Wherupon
,
but
with
the
greatest
modesty
that
was
ever
known
in
the
like
case
,
they
first
fell
upon
debate
,
affirming
,
[
](A45618-e195360-b)†
†
Se
foris
pro
libertate
&
imperio
dimicantes
,
domi
à
civibus
captos
&
oppressos
esse
:
tutioremque
in
bello
quam
in
pace
,
inter
hostes
quam
inter
cives
,
libertatem
plebis
esse
.
that
they
were
opprest
and
captivated
at
home
,
while
abroad
they
fought
for
Liberty
and
Empire
;
and
that
the
Freedom
of
the
common
People
was
safer
in
time
of
War
than
Peace
,
among
their
Enemys
than
their
Fellow-citizens
.
It
is
true
,
that
when
they
could
not
get
the
Senat
,
thro
fear
,
as
was
pretended
by
the
Patricians
,
to
assemble
and
take
their
grievances
into
consideration
,
they
grew
so
much
the
warmer
,
that
it
was
glad
to
meet
;
where
APPIUS
CLAUDIUS
,
a
fierce
Spirit
,
was
of
opinion
,
that
recourse
should
be
had
to
Consular
power
,
wherby
som
of
the
brands
of
Sedition
being
taken
off
,
the
flame
might
be
extinguish'd
.
SERVILIUS
being
of
another
temper
,
thought
it
better
and
safer
to
try
if
the
People
might
be
bow'd
than
broken
.
But
this
debate
was
interrupted
by
tumultuous
news
of
the
near
approach
of
the
Volsci
,
a
case
in
which
the
Senat
had
no
recourse
but
to
the
People
,
who
contrary
to
their
former
custom
upon
the
like
occasions
would
not
stir
a
foot
,
but
fell
a
laughing
,
and
saying
,
[
](A45618-e195400-b)‖
‖
Patres
militarent
,
patres
arma
caperent
,
ut
penes
eosdem
pericula
belli
,
penes
quos
praemia
,
essent
.
Let
them
fight
that
have
somthing
to
fight
for
.
The
Senat
that
had
purses
,
and
could
not
sing
so
well
before
the
Thief
,
being
in
a
great
perplexity
,
found
no
possible
way
out
of
it
,
but
to
beseech
SERVILIUS
,
one
of
a
Genius
well
known
to
be
popular
,
That
he
would
accept
of
the
Consulship
,
and
make
som
such
use
of
it
as
might
be
helpful
to
the
Patrician
Interest
.
SERVILIUS
accepting
of
the
Offer
,
and
making
use
of
his
Interest
with
the
People
,
persuaded
them
to
hope
well
of
the
good
intention
of
the
Fathers
,
whom
it
would
little
beseem
to
be
forc'd
to
those
things
which
would
lose
their
Grace
,
and
that
in
view
of
the
Enemy
,
if
they
came
not
freely
;
and
withal
publish'd
an
Edict
,
that
no
Man
should
withhold
a
Citizen
of
Rome
by
imprisonment
from
giving
his
name
(
for
that
was
the
way
,
as
I
shall
have
opportunity
hereafter
to
shew
more
at
large
,
wherby
they
drew
out
their
Armys
)
nor
to
seize
or
sell
any
man's
Goods
or
Children
that
was
in
the
Camp
.
Wherupon
the
People
with
a
mighty
concourse
immediatly
took
Arms
,
march'd
forth
,
and
(
which
to
them
was
as
easy
as
to
be
put
into
the
humor
,
and
that
,
as
appears
in
this
place
,
was
not
hard
)
totally
defeated
the
Volsci
first
,
then
the
Sabins
(
for
the
neighbor
Nations
,
hoping
to
have
had
a
good
bargain
of
the
Discord
in
Rome
,
were
up
in
arms
on
all
sides
)
and
after
the
Sabins
,
the
Aurunci
.
Whence
returning
victorious
in
three
Battels
,
they
expected
no
less
than
that
the
Senat
would
have
made
good
their
words
:
when
APPIUS
CLAUDIUS
,
the
other
Consul
,
of
his
innate
Pride
,
and
that
he
might
frustrat
the
Faith
of
his
Collegue
,
caus'd
the
Soldiers
(
who
being
set
at
liberty
,
had
behav'd
themselves
with
such
valor
)
to
be
restor'd
at
their
return
to
their
Creditors
and
their
Goals
.
Great
resort
upon
this
was
made
by
the
People
to
SERVILIUS
,
shewing
him
their
Wounds
,
calling
him
to
witness
how
they
had
behav'd
themselves
,
and
minding
him
of
his
promise
.
Poor
SERVILIUS
was
sorry
,
but
so
overaw'd
with
the
headiness
of
his
Collegue
,
and
the
obstinacy
of
the
whole
faction
of
the
Nobility
,
that
not
daring
to
do
any
thing
either
way
,
he
lost
both
Partys
:
the
Fathers
conceiving
that
he
was
ambitious
,
and
the
People
that
he
was
false
;
while
the
Consul
CLAUDIUS
continuing
to
countenance
such
as
daily
seiz'd
and
imprison'd
som
of
the
indebted
People
,
had
still
new
and
dangerous
Controversys
with
them
,
insomuch
that
the
Commonwealth
was
torn
with
horrid
Division
,
and
the
People
(
because
they
found
it
not
so
safe
,
or
so
effectual
in
public
)
minded
nothing
but
laying
their
heads
together
in
privat
Conventicles
.
For
this
AULUS
VIRGINIUS
,
and
TITUS
VETUSIUS
,
the
new
Consuls
,
were
reprov'd
by
the
Senat
as
slothful
,
and
upbraided
with
the
Virtue
of
APPIUS
CLAUDIUS
.
Wherupon
the
Consuls
having
desir'd
the
Senat
,
that
they
might
know
their
pleasure
,
shew'd
afterwards
their
readiness
to
obey
it
,
by
summoning
the
People
according
to
command
,
and
requiring
names
wherby
to
draw
forth
an
Army
for
diversion
,
but
no
man
would
answer
.
Report
hereof
being
made
to
the
Senat
,
the
younger
sort
of
the
Fathers
grew
so
hot
with
the
Consuls
,
that
they
desir'd
them
to
abdicat
the
Magistracy
,
which
they
had
not
the
courage
to
defend
.
THE
Consuls
,
tho
they
conceiv'd
themselves
to
be
roughly
handled
,
made
this
soft
Answer
:
Fathers
Conscript
,
that
you
may
please
to
take
notice
it
was
foretold
som
horrid
Sedition
is
at
hand
,
we
shall
only
desire
,
that
they
whose
valor
in
this
place
is
so
great
,
may
stand
by
us
to
see
how
we
behave
our selves
,
and
then
be
as
resolute
in
your
Commands
as
you
will
:
your
Fatherhoods
may
know
if
we
be
wanting
in
the
performance
.
AT
this
som
of
the
hot
young
Noblemen
return'd
with
the
Consuls
to
the
Tribunal
,
before
which
the
People
were
yet
standing
;
and
the
Consuls
having
generally
requir'd
names
in
vain
,
to
put
it
to
somthing
,
requir'd
the
name
of
one
that
was
in
their
ey
particularly
;
on
whom
,
when
he
mov'd
not
,
they
commanded
a
Lictor
to
lay
hands
:
but
the
People
thronging
about
the
Party
summon'd
,
forbad
the
Lictor
,
who
durst
not
touch
him
;
at
which
the
Hotspurs
that
came
with
the
Consuls
,
inrag'd
by
the
affront
,
descended
from
the
Throne
to
the
aid
of
the
Lictor
;
from
whom
in
so
doing
they
turn'd
the
indignation
of
the
People
upon
themselves
with
such
heat
,
that
the
Consuls
interposing
,
thought
fit
,
by
remitting
the
Assembly
,
to
appease
the
Tumult
;
in
which
nevertheless
there
had
bin
nothing
but
noise
.
Nor
was
there
less
in
the
Senat
,
being
suddenly
rally'd
upon
this
occasion
,
where
they
that
receiv'd
the
repulse
,
with
others
whose
heads
were
as
addle
as
their
own
,
fell
upon
the
business
as
if
it
had
bin
to
be
determin'd
by
clamor
,
till
the
Consuls
,
upbraiding
the
Senat
that
it
differ'd
not
from
the
Marketplace
,
reduc'd
the
House
to
Orders
.
And
the
Fathers
having
bin
consulted
accordingly
,
there
were
three
Opinions
;
PUBLIUS
VIRGINIUS
conceiv'd
,
that
the
consideration
to
be
had
upon
the
matter
in
question
,
or
aid
of
the
indebted
and
imprison'd
People
,
was
not
to
be
further
extended
than
to
such
as
had
ingag'd
upon
the
promise
made
by
SERVILIUS
:
TITUS
LARGIUS
,
that
it
was
no
time
to
think
it
enough
,
if
mens
Merits
were
acknowleg'd
,
while
the
whole
People
,
sunk
under
the
weight
of
their
debts
,
could
not
emerge
without
som
common
aid
;
which
to
restrain
,
by
putting
som
into
a
better
condition
than
others
,
would
rather
more
inflame
the
Discord
than
extinguish
it
.
APPIUS
CLAUDIUS
(
still
upon
the
old
hant
)
would
have
it
,
that
the
People
were
rather
wanton
than
fierce
:
It
was
not
oppression
that
necessitated
,
but
their
power
that
invited
them
to
these
freaks
;
the
Empire
of
the
Consuls
since
the
appeal
to
the
People
(
wherby
a
Plebeian
might
ask
his
fellows
if
he
were
a
Thief
)
being
but
a
mere
scarecrow
.
Go
to
,
says
he
,
let
us
create
the
Dictator
,
from
whom
there
is
no
appeal
,
and
then
let
me
see
more
of
this
work
,
or
him
that
shall
forbid
my
Lictor
.
The
advice
of
APPIUS
was
abhor'd
by
many
;
and
to
introduce
a
general
recision
of
Debts
with
LARGIUS
,
was
to
violat
all
Faith
:
That
of
VIRGINIUS
,
as
the
most
moderat
,
would
have
past
best
,
but
that
there
were
privat
Interests
,
that
constant
bane
of
the
Public
,
which
withstood
it
.
So
they
concluded
with
APPIUS
,
who
also
had
bin
Dictator
,
if
the
Consuls
and
som
of
the
graver
sort
had
not
thought
it
altogether
unseasonable
,
at
a
time
when
the
Volsci
and
the
Sabins
were
up
again
,
to
venture
so
far
upon
alienation
of
the
People
:
for
which
cause
VALERIUS
,
being
descended
from
the
PUBLICOLAS
,
the
most
popular
Family
,
as
also
in
his
own
person
of
a
mild
nature
,
was
rather
trusted
with
so
rigid
a
Magistracy
.
Whence
it
happen'd
,
that
the
People
,
tho
they
knew
well
enough
against
whom
the
Dictator
was
created
,
sear'd
nothing
from
VALERIUS
;
but
upon
a
new
promise
made
to
the
same
effect
with
that
of
SERVILIUS
,
hop'd
better
another
time
,
and
throwing
away
all
disputes
,
gave
their
names
roundly
,
went
out
,
and
,
to
be
brief
,
came
home
again
as
victorious
as
in
the
former
Action
,
the
Dictator
entring
the
City
in
Triumph
.
Nevertheless
when
he
came
to
press
the
Senat
to
make
good
his
promise
,
and
do
somthing
for
the
ease
of
the
People
,
they
regarded
him
no
more
as
to
that
point
than
they
had
don
SERVILIUS
.
Wherupon
the
Dictator
,
in
disdain
to
be
made
a
stale
,
abdicated
his
Magistracy
,
and
went
home
.
Here
then
was
a
victorious
Army
without
a
Captain
,
and
a
Senat
pulling
it
by
the
beard
in
their
Gowns
.
What
is
it
(
if
you
have
read
the
Story
,
for
there
is
not
such
another
)
that
must
follow
?
Can
any
man
imagin
,
that
such
only
should
be
the
opportunity
upon
which
this
People
could
run
away
?
Alas
,
poor
men
,
the
Aequi
and
the
Volsci
,
and
the
Sabins
were
nothing
,
but
the
Fathers
invincible
!
There
they
sat
som
three
hundred
of
them
arm'd
all
in
Robes
,
and
thundering
with
their
Tongues
,
without
any
hopes
in
the
earth
to
reduce
them
to
any
tolerable
conditions
.
Wherfore
,
not
thinking
it
convenient
to
abide
long
so
near
them
,
away
marches
the
Army
,
and
incamps
in
the
fields
.
This
Retreat
of
the
People
is
call'd
the
Secession
of
Mount
Aventin
,
where
they
lodg'd
very
sad
at
their
condition
;
but
not
letting
fall
so
much
as
a
word
of
murmur
against
the
Fathers
.
The
Senat
by
this
time
were
great
Lords
,
had
the
whole
City
to
themselves
;
but
certain
Neighbors
were
upon
the
way
that
might
com
to
speak
with
them
,
not
asking
leave
of
the
Porter
.
Wherfore
their
minds
became
troubl'd
,
and
an
Orator
was
posted
to
the
People
to
make
as
good
conditions
with
them
as
he
could
;
but
,
whatever
the
terms
were
,
to
bring
them
home
,
and
with
all
speed
.
And
here
it
was
covenanted
between
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
that
these
should
have
Magistrats
of
their
own
Election
,
call'd
the
Tribuns
;
upon
which
they
return'd
.
TO
hold
you
no
longer
,
the
Senat
having
don
this
upon
necessity
,
made
frequent
attempts
to
retract
it
again
;
while
the
Tribuns
on
the
other
side
,
to
defend
what
they
had
got
,
instituted
their
Tributa
Comitia
,
or
Council
of
the
People
;
where
they
came
in
time
,
and
,
as
Disputes
increas'd
,
to
make
Laws
without
the
Authority
of
the
Senat
,
call'd
Plebiscita
.
Now
to
conclude
in
the
point
at
which
I
drive
;
such
were
the
steps
wherby
the
People
of
Rome
came
to
assume
Debate
:
nor
is
it
in
Art
or
Nature
to
debar
a
People
of
the
like
effect
,
where
there
is
the
like
cause
.
For
ROMULUS
having
in
the
Election
of
his
Senat
squar'd
out
a
Nobility
for
the
support
of
a
Throne
,
by
making
that
of
the
Patricians
a
distinct
and
hereditary
Order
,
planted
the
Commonwealth
upon
two
contrary
Interests
or
Roots
,
which
shooting
forth
in
time
produc'd
two
Commonwealths
,
the
one
Oligarchical
in
the
Nobility
,
the
other
a
mere
Anarchy
of
the
People
,
and
ever
after
caus'd
a
perpetual
feud
and
enmity
between
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
even
to
death
.
THERE
is
not
a
more
noble
or
useful
question
in
the
Politics
than
that
which
is
started
by
MACCHIAVEL
,
Whether
means
were
to
be
found
wherby
the
Enmity
that
was
between
the
Senat
and
the
People
of
Rome
could
have
bin
remov'd
.
Nor
is
there
any
other
in
which
we
,
or
the
present
occasion
,
are
so
much
concern'd
,
particularly
in
relation
to
this
Author
;
forasmuch
as
his
Judgment
in
the
determination
of
the
question
standing
,
our
Commonwealth
falls
.
And
he
that
will
erect
a
Commonwealth
against
the
Judgment
of
MACCHIAVEL
,
is
oblig'd
to
give
such
reasons
for
his
enterprize
as
must
not
go
a
begging
.
Wherfore
to
repeat
the
Politician
very
honestly
,
but
somwhat
more
briefly
,
he
disputes
thus
.
Macch.
Disc.
B.
1.
c.
6.
THERE
be
two
sorts
of
Commonwealths
,
the
one
for
preservation
,
as
Lacedemon
and
Venice
;
the
other
for
increase
,
as
Rome
.
LACEDEMON
being
govern'd
by
a
King
and
a
small
Senat
,
could
maintain
it self
a
long
time
in
that
condition
,
because
the
Inhabitants
,
being
few
,
having
put
a
bar
upon
the
reception
of
Strangers
,
and
living
in
a
strict
observation
of
the
Laws
of
LYCURGUS
,
which
now
had
got
reputation
,
and
taken
away
all
occasion
of
Tumults
,
might
well
continue
long
in
Tranquillity
.
For
the
Laws
of
LYCURGUS
introduc'd
a
greater
equality
in
Estates
,
and
a
less
equality
in
Honors
,
whence
there
was
equal
Poverty
;
and
the
Plebeians
were
less
ambitious
,
because
the
Honors
or
Magistracys
of
the
City
could
extend
but
to
a
few
,
and
were
not
communicable
to
the
People
:
nor
did
the
Nobility
by
using
them
ill
,
ever
give
them
a
desire
to
participat
of
the
same
.
This
proceded
from
the
Kings
,
whose
Principality
being
plac'd
in
the
midst
of
the
Nobility
,
had
no
greater
means
wherby
to
support
it self
,
than
to
shield
the
People
from
all
injury
;
whence
the
People
not
fearing
Empire
,
desir'd
it
not
:
And
so
all
occasion
of
enmity
between
the
Senat
and
the
People
was
taken
away
.
But
this
Vnion
happen'd
especially
from
two
causes
;
the
one
,
that
the
Inhabitants
of
Lacedemon
being
few
,
could
be
govern'd
by
the
Few
:
the
other
,
that
,
not
receiving
Strangers
into
their
Common-wealth
,
they
did
not
corrupt
it
,
nor
increase
it
to
such
a
proportion
as
was
not
governable
by
the
Few
.
VENICE
has
not
divided
with
her
Plebeians
,
but
all
are
call'd
Gentlemen
that
be
in
administration
of
the
Government
;
for
which
Government
she
is
more
beholden
to
Chance
than
the
Wisdom
of
her
Lawmakers
:
For
many
retiring
to
those
Ilands
,
where
that
City
is
now
built
,
from
the
inundations
of
Barbarians
that
overwhelm'd
the
Roman
Empire
,
when
they
were
increas'd
to
such
a
number
,
that
to
live
together
it
was
necessary
to
have
Laws
;
they
ordain'd
a
form
of
Government
,
wherby
assembling
often
in
Council
upon
Affairs
,
and
sinding
their
number
sufficient
for
Government
,
they
put
a
bar
upon
all
such
as
repairing
afterwards
to
their
City
should
becom
Inhabitants
,
excluding
them
from
participation
of
Power
.
Whence
they
that
were
included
in
the
Administration
had
right
;
and
they
that
were
excluded
,
coming
afterwards
,
and
being
receiv'd
upon
no
other
conditions
to
be
Inhabitants
,
had
no
wrong
;
and
therfore
had
no
occasion
,
nor
(
being
never
trusted
with
Arms
)
any
means
to
be
tumultuous
.
Wherfore
this
Commonwealth
might
very
well
maintain
it self
in
Tranquillity
.
THESE
things
consider'd
,
it
is
plain
that
the
Roman
Legislators
,
to
have
introduc'd
a
quiet
State
,
must
have
don
one
of
these
two
things
;
either
shut
out
Strangers
,
as
the
Lacedemonians
;
or
,
as
the
Venetians
,
not
allow'd
the
People
to
bear
Arms.
But
they
did
neither
.
By
which
means
the
People
having
power
and
increase
,
were
in
perpetual
tumult
.
Nor
is
this
to
be
help'd
in
a
Commonwealth
for
increase
,
seeing
if
Rome
had
cut
off
the
occasion
of
her
Tumults
,
she
must
have
cut
off
the
means
of
her
Increase
,
and
by
consequence
of
her
Greatness
.
Wherfore
let
a
Legislator
consider
with
himself
,
whether
he
would
make
his
Commonwealth
for
preservation
,
in
which
case
she
may
be
free
from
Tumults
;
or
for
increase
,
in
which
case
she
must
be
infested
with
them
.
IF
he
makes
her
for
preservation
,
she
may
be
quiet
at
home
;
but
will
be
in
danger
abroad
.
First
,
Because
her
Foundation
must
be
narrow
,
and
therfore
weak
,
as
that
of
Lacedemon
,
which
lay
but
upon
30000
Citizens
;
or
that
of
Venice
,
which
lys
but
upon
3000.
Secondly
,
Such
a
Commonwealth
must
either
be
in
Peace
,
or
in
War
:
If
she
be
in
Peace
,
the
Few
are
soonest
effeminated
and
corrupted
,
and
so
obnoxious
also
to
Faction
.
If
in
War
,
succeding
ill
,
she
is
an
easy
prey
;
or
succeding
well
,
ruin'd
by
increase
:
a
weight
which
her
Foundation
is
not
able
to
bear
.
For
Lacedemon
,
when
she
had
made
her self
Mistriss
,
upon
the
matter
,
of
all
Greece
,
thro
a
slight
accident
,
the
Rebellion
of
Thebes
,
occasion'd
by
the
Conspiracy
of
PELOPIDAS
discovering
this
infirmity
of
her
nature
,
the
rest
of
her
conquer'd
Citys
immediatly
fell
off
,
and
in
the
turn
as
it
were
of
a
hand
reduc'd
her
from
the
fullest
tide
to
the
lowest
eb
of
her
fortune
.
And
Venice
having
possest
her self
of
a
great
part
of
Italy
by
her
purse
,
was
no
sooner
in
defence
of
it
put
to
the
trial
of
Arms
,
than
she
lost
all
in
one
Battel
.
WHENCE
I
conclude
,
That
in
the
Ordination
of
a
Common-wealth
a
Legislator
is
to
think
upon
that
which
is
most
honorable
;
and
laying
aside
Models
for
Preservation
,
to
follow
the
example
of
Rome
conniving
at
,
and
temporizing
with
the
enmity
between
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
as
a
necessary
step
to
the
Roman
Greatness
.
For
that
any
Man
should
find
out
a
balance
that
may
take
in
the
Conveniences
,
and
shut
out
the
Inconveniences
of
both
,
I
do
not
think
it
possible
.
These
are
the
words
of
the
Author
,
tho
the
method
be
somwhat
alter'd
,
to
the
end
that
I
may
the
better
turn
them
to
my
purpose
.
MY
LORDS
,
I
do
not
know
how
you
hearken
to
this
sound
;
but
to
hear
the
greatest
Artist
in
the
modern
World
,
giving
sentence
against
our
Commonwealth
,
is
that
with
which
I
am
nearly
concern'd
.
Wherfore
,
with
all
honor
due
to
the
Prince
of
Politicians
,
let
us
examin
his
reasoning
with
the
same
liberty
which
he
has
asserted
to
be
the
right
of
a
free
People
.
But
we
shall
never
com
up
to
him
,
except
by
taking
the
business
a
little
lower
,
we
descend
from
effects
to
their
causes
.
The
causes
of
Commotion
in
a
Common-wealth
are
either
external
or
internal
.
External
are
from
Enemys
,
from
Subjects
,
or
from
Servants
.
To
dispute
then
what
was
the
cause
why
Rome
was
infested
by
the
Italian
,
or
by
the
Servil
Wars
;
why
the
Slaves
took
the
Capitol
;
why
the
Lacedemonians
were
near
as
frequently
troubl'd
with
their
Helots
,
as
Rome
with
all
those
;
or
why
Venice
,
whose
Situation
is
not
trusted
to
the
faith
of
Men
,
has
as
good
or
better
quarter
with
them
whom
she
governs
,
than
Rome
had
with
the
Latins
;
were
to
dispute
upon
external
causes
.
The
question
put
by
MACCHIAVEL
is
of
internal
causes
;
Whether
the
enmity
that
was
beeween
the
Senat
and
the
People
of
Rome
might
have
bin
remov'd
.
And
to
determin
otherwise
of
this
question
than
he
dos
,
I
must
lay
down
other
Principles
than
he
has
don
.
To
which
end
I
affirm
,
that
a
Commonwealth
internally
consider'd
,
is
either
equal
or
inequal
.
A
Commonwealth
that
is
internally
equal
,
has
no
internal
cause
of
Commotion
,
and
therfore
can
have
no
such
effect
but
from
without
.
A
Commonwealth
internally
inequal
has
no
internal
cause
of
quiet
,
and
therfore
can
have
no
such
effect
but
by
diversion
.
TO
prove
my
Assertions
,
I
shall
at
this
time
make
use
of
no
other
than
his
examples
.
Lacedemon
was
externally
unquiet
,
because
she
was
externally
inequal
,
that
is
as
to
her
Helots
;
and
she
was
internally
at
rest
,
because
she
was
equal
in
her self
,
both
in
root
and
branch
:
In
the
root
by
her
Agrarian
,
and
in
branch
by
the
Senat
,
inasmuch
as
no
Man
was
therto
qualify'd
,
but
by
election
of
the
People
.
Which
Institution
of
LYCURGUS
is
mention'd
Arist.
Polit.
B.
2.
by
ARISTOTLE
,
where
he
says
,
that
rendering
his
Citizens
emulous
(
not
careless
)
of
that
honor
,
he
assign'd
to
the
People
the
election
of
the
Senat.
Wherfore
MACCHIAVEL
in
this
,
as
in
other
places
,
having
his
ey
upon
the
division
of
Patrician
and
Plebeian
Familys
as
they
were
in
Rome
,
has
quite
mistaken
the
Orders
of
this
Commonwealth
,
where
there
was
no
such
thing
.
Nor
did
the
quiet
of
it
derive
from
the
Power
of
the
Kings
,
who
were
so
far
from
shielding
the
People
from
the
injury
of
the
Nobility
,
of
which
there
was
none
in
his
sense
but
the
Senat
,
that
one
declar'd
end
of
the
Senat
at
the
institution
was
to
shield
the
People
from
the
Kings
,
who
from
that
time
had
but
single
Votes
.
Neither
did
it
procede
from
the
straitness
of
the
Senat
,
or
their
keeping
the
People
excluded
from
the
Government
,
that
they
were
quiet
,
but
from
the
equality
of
their
administration
,
seeing
the
Senat
(
as
is
plain
by
the
Oracle
,
their
fundamental
Law
)
had
no
more
than
the
Debate
,
and
the
Result
of
the
Commonwealth
belong'd
to
the
People
.
Wherfore
when
THEOPOMPUS
and
POLYDORUS
Kings
of
Lacedemon
,
would
have
kept
the
People
excluded
from
the
Government
,
by
adding
to
the
antient
Law
this
Clause
,
If
the
determination
of
the
People
be
faulty
,
it
shall
be
lawful
for
the
Senat
to
resume
the
Debate
;
the
People
immediatly
became
unquiet
,
and
resum'd
that
Debate
,
which
ended
not
till
they
had
set
up
their
Ephors
,
and
caus'd
that
Magistracy
to
be
confirm'd
by
their
Kings
.
[
](A45618-e196340-b)*
*
Nam
cum
primus
instituisset
Theopompus
ut
Ephori
Lacedamone
crearentur
,
ita
futuri
regiae
potestati
oppositi
quemadmodum
Romae
Tribuni
pl●bis
consulati
imperio
sunt
objecti
;
atque
illi
u●or
dixi●●et
,
id
egi●●●
illum
ut
fil●is
minorem
potestatem
re●inqueret
:
Relinquam
,
inquit
,
sed
diuturniorem
.
Optimè
quidem
:
Ea
enim
demum
tuta
est
potentia
,
quae
viribus
suis
modum
imponit
.
Theopompus
igitur
legitimis
regnum
vinculis
constringendo
,
quo
longius
à
licentia
●etraxit
,
hot
propius
ad
benevolentiam
civium
admovit
.
Val.
Max.
l.
4.
c.
1.
de
externis
,
§.
8.
For
when
THEOPOMPUS
first
ordain'd
that
the
Ephori
or
Overseers
should
be
created
at
Lacedemon
,
to
be
such
a
restraint
upon
the
Kings
there
as
the
Tribuns
were
upon
the
Consuls
at
Rome
,
the
Queen
complain'd
to
him
,
that
by
this
means
he
transmitted
the
Royal
Authority
greatly
diminish'd
to
his
Children
:
I
leave
indeed
less
,
answer'd
he
,
but
more
lasting
.
And
this
was
excellently
said
;
for
that
Power
only
is
safe
which
is
limited
from
doing
hurt
.
THEOPOMPUS
therfore
,
by
confining
the
Kingly
Power
within
the
bounds
of
the
Laws
,
did
recommend
it
by
so
much
to
the
Peoples
Affection
,
as
he
remov'd
it
from
being
Arbitrary
.
By
which
it
may
appear
,
that
a
Commonwealth
for
preservation
,
if
she
coms
to
be
inequal
,
is
as
obnoxious
to
enmity
between
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
as
a
Commonwealth
for
increase
;
and
that
the
Tranquillity
of
Lacedemon
was
deriv'd
from
no
other
cause
than
her
Equality
.
FOR
Venice
,
to
say
that
she
is
quiet
because
she
disarms
her
Subjects
,
is
to
forget
that
Lacedemon
disarm'd
her
Helots
,
and
yet
could
not
in
their
regard
be
quiet
;
wherfore
if
Venice
be
defended
from
external
causes
of
Commotion
,
it
is
first
thro
her
Situation
,
in
which
respect
her
Subjects
have
no
hope
(
and
this
indeed
may
be
attributed
to
her
fortune
)
and
,
secondly
,
thro
her
exquisit
Justice
,
whence
they
have
no
will
to
invade
her
.
But
this
can
be
attributed
to
no
other
cause
than
her
Prudence
;
which
will
appear
to
be
greater
,
as
we
look
nearer
;
for
the
effects
that
procede
from
Fortune
,
if
there
be
any
such
thing
,
are
like
their
cause
,
inconstant
.
But
there
never
happen'd
to
any
other
Commonwealth
so
undisturb'd
and
constant
a
Tranquillity
and
Peace
in
her self
,
as
is
that
of
Venice
;
wherfore
this
must
procede
from
som
other
cause
than
Chance
.
And
we
see
that
as
she
is
of
all
others
the
most
quiet
,
so
the
most
equal
Commonwealth
.
Her
Body
consists
of
one
Order
,
and
her
Senat
is
like
a
rolling
stone
,
as
was
said
,
which
never
did
,
nor
,
while
it
continues
upon
that
rotation
,
never
shall
gather
the
moss
of
a
divided
or
ambitious
interest
;
much
less
such
a
one
as
that
which
grasp'd
the
People
of
Rome
in
the
talons
of
their
own
Eagles
.
And
if
MACCHIAVEL
,
averse
from
doing
this
Commonwealth
right
,
had
consider'd
her
Orders
,
as
his
Reader
shall
easily
perceive
he
never
did
,
he
must
have
bin
so
far
from
attributing
the
Prudence
of
them
to
Chance
,
that
he
would
have
touch'd
up
his
admirable
work
to
that
perfection
,
which
,
as
to
the
civil
part
,
has
no
pattern
in
the
universal
World
but
this
of
Venice
.
ROME
,
secure
by
her
potent
and
victorious
Arms
from
all
external
causes
of
Commotion
,
was
either
beholden
for
her
Peace
at
home
to
her
Enemys
abroad
,
or
could
never
rest
her
head
.
My
LORDS
,
you
that
are
Parents
of
a
Commonwealth
,
and
so
freer
Agents
than
such
as
are
merely
natural
,
have
a
care
.
For
,
as
no
man
shall
shew
me
a
Commonwealth
born
streight
,
that
ever
became
crooked
;
so
,
no
man
shall
shew
me
a
Commonwealth
born
crooked
,
that
ever
became
streight
.
Rome
was
crooked
in
her
birth
,
or
rather
prodigious
.
Her
twins
the
Patricians
and
Plebeian
Orders
came
,
as
was
shewn
by
the
foregoing
story
,
into
the
World
,
one
body
but
two
heads
,
or
rather
two
bellys
:
for
,
notwithstanding
the
Fable
out
of
AESOP
,
wherby
MENENIUS
AGRIPPA
the
Orator
that
was
sent
from
the
Senat
to
the
People
at
Mount
Aventin
,
shew'd
the
Fathers
to
be
the
Belly
,
and
the
People
to
be
the
Arms
and
the
Legs
(
which
except
that
,
how
slothful
soever
it
might
seem
,
they
were
nourish'd
,
not
these
only
,
but
the
whole
Body
must
languish
and
be
dissolv'd
)
it
is
plain
,
that
the
Fathers
were
a
distinct
Belly
;
such
a
one
as
took
the
meat
indeed
out
of
the
Peoples
mouths
,
but
abhorring
the
Agrarian
,
return'd
it
not
in
the
due
and
necessary
nutrition
of
a
Commonwealth
.
Nevertheless
,
as
the
People
that
live
about
the
Cataracts
of
Nilus
are
said
not
to
hear
the
noise
,
so
neither
the
Roman
Writers
,
nor
MACCHIAVEL
the
most
conversant
with
them
,
seem
among
so
many
of
the
Tribunitian
storms
,
to
hear
their
natural
voice
:
for
tho
they
could
not
miss
of
it
so
far
as
to
attribute
them
to
the
strife
of
the
People
for
participation
in
Magistracy
,
or
,
in
which
MACCHIAVEL
more
particularly
joins
,
to
that
about
the
Agrarian
;
this
was
to
take
the
business
short
,
and
the
remedy
for
the
disease
.
A
PEOPLE
,
when
they
are
reduc'd
to
misery
and
despair
,
becom
their
own
Politicians
,
as
certain
Beasts
when
they
are
sick
becom
their
own
Physicians
,
and
are
carry'd
by
a
natural
instinct
to
the
desire
of
such
Herbs
as
are
their
proper
cure
;
but
the
People
,
for
the
greater
part
,
are
beneath
the
Beasts
in
the
use
of
them
.
Thus
the
People
of
Rome
,
tho
in
their
misery
they
had
recourse
by
instinct
,
as
it
were
,
to
the
two
main
Fundamentals
of
a
Commonwealth
,
participation
of
Magistracy
,
and
the
Agrarian
,
did
but
tast
and
spit
at
them
,
not
(
which
is
necessary
in
Physic
)
drink
down
the
potion
,
and
in
that
their
healths
.
For
when
they
had
obtain'd
participation
of
Magistracy
,
it
was
but
lamely
,
not
to
a
full
and
equal
Rotation
in
all
Elections
;
nor
did
they
greatly
regard
it
in
what
they
had
got
.
And
when
they
had
attain'd
to
the
Agrarian
,
they
neglected
it
so
far
as
to
suffer
the
Law
to
grow
obsolete
:
but
if
you
do
not
take
the
due
dose
of
your
Medicins
(
as
there
be
slight
tasts
which
a
man
may
have
of
Philosophy
that
incline
to
Atheism
)
it
may
chance
to
be
poison
,
there
being
a
like
tast
of
the
Politics
that
inclines
to
Confusion
,
as
appears
in
the
Institution
of
the
Roman
Tribuns
,
by
which
Magistracy
and
no
more
,
the
People
were
so
far
from
attaining
to
Peace
,
that
they
in
getting
but
so
much
,
got
but
heads
for
an
eternal
feud
;
wheras
if
they
had
attain'd
in
perfection
either
to
the
Agrarian
,
they
had
introduc'd
the
equality
and
calm
of
Lacedemon
,
or
to
Rotation
,
and
they
had
introduc'd
that
of
Venice
:
And
so
there
could
have
bin
no
more
enmity
between
the
Senat
and
the
People
of
Rome
,
than
there
was
between
those
Orders
in
Lacedemon
,
or
is
now
in
Venice
.
Wherfore
MACCHIAVEL
seems
to
me
,
in
attributing
the
Peace
of
Venice
more
to
her
luck
than
her
prudence
,
of
the
whole
stable
to
have
saddled
the
wrong
Horse
;
for
tho
Rome
[
](A45618-e196740-b)*
*
—
Qui
nimbos
&
non
imitabile
fulmen
Aere
,
&
cornipedum
cursu
simularat
equorum
.
in
her
military
part
could
beat
it
better
,
beyond
all
comparison
,
upon
the
sounding
hoof
,
Venice
for
the
civil
part
has
plainly
had
the
wings
of
Pegasus
.
THE
whole
Question
then
will
com
upon
this
point
,
Whether
the
People
of
Rome
could
have
obtain'd
these
Orders
?
And
first
,
to
say
,
that
they
could
not
have
obtain'd
them
without
altering
the
Commonwealth
,
is
no
Argument
;
seeing
neither
could
they
,
without
altering
the
Commonwealth
,
have
obtain'd
their
Tribuns
,
which
nevertheless
were
obtain'd
.
And
if
a
man
considers
the
posture
that
the
People
were
in
when
they
obtain'd
their
Tribuns
,
they
might
as
well
,
and
with
as
great
ease
(
forasmuch
as
the
reason
why
the
Nobility
yielded
to
the
Tribuns
was
no
other
,
than
that
there
was
no
remedy
)
have
obtain'd
any
thing
else
.
And
for
experience
,
it
was
in
the
like
case
that
the
Lacedemonians
did
set
up
their
Ephors
,
and
the
Athenians
after
the
battel
of
Plateae
bow'd
the
Senat
(
so
hard
a
thing
it
is
for
a
Commonwealth
that
was
born
crooked
to
becom
streight
)
as
much
the
other
way
.
Nor
,
if
it
be
objected
,
that
this
must
have
ruin'd
the
Nobility
(
and
in
that
depriv'd
the
Common-wealth
of
the
Greatness
which
she
acquir'd
by
them
)
is
this
opinion
holding
;
but
confuted
by
the
sequel
of
the
story
,
shewing
plainly
,
that
the
Nobility
thro
the
defect
of
such
Orders
,
that
is
to
say
,
of
Rotation
and
the
Agrarian
,
came
to
eat
up
the
People
:
and
battening
themselves
in
Luxury
,
to
be
,
as
SALUST
speaks
of
them
,
[
](A45618-e196870-b)†
†
Inertissimi
nobiles
,
in
quibus
,
sicut
in
statua
,
praeter
nomen
nihil
erat
additamenti
.
a
most
sluggish
and
lazy
Nobility
,
in
whom
,
besides
the
name
,
there
was
no
more
than
in
a
statue
;
and
to
bring
so
mighty
a
Commonwealth
,
and
of
so
huge
a
Glory
,
to
so
deplorable
an
end
.
Wherfore
means
might
have
bin
found
to
remove
the
enmity
that
was
between
the
Senat
and
the
People
of
Rome
.
MY
LORDS
,
If
I
have
argu'd
well
,
I
have
given
you
the
comfort
and
assurance
,
that
notwithstanding
the
judgment
of
MACCHIAVEL
,
your
Commonwealth
is
both
safe
and
sound
:
but
if
I
have
not
argu'd
well
,
then
take
the
comfort
and
assurance
which
he
gives
you
while
he
is
firm
,
That
a
Legislator
is
to
lay
aside
all
other
examples
,
and
follow
that
of
Rome
only
,
conniving
and
temporizing
with
the
enmity
between
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
as
a
necessary
step
to
the
Roman
Greatness
.
Whence
it
follows
,
that
your
Commonwealth
,
at
the
worst
,
is
that
which
he
has
given
you
his
word
is
the
best
.
I
HAVE
held
your
Lordships
long
,
but
upon
an
account
of
no
small
importance
,
which
I
can
now
sum
up
in
these
few
words
:
Where
there
is
a
liquorishness
in
a
popular
Assembly
to
debate
,
it
procedes
not
from
the
Constitution
of
the
People
,
but
of
the
Commonwealth
.
Now
that
your
Commonwealth
is
of
such
a
Constitution
as
is
naturally
free
from
this
kind
of
intemperance
,
is
that
which
to
make
good
,
I
must
divide
the
remainder
of
my
Discourse
into
two
Parts
.
THE
First
,
shewing
the
several
Constitutions
of
the
Assemblys
of
the
People
in
other
Commonwealths
.
THE
Second
,
comparing
our
Assembly
of
the
People
with
theirs
:
and
shewing
how
it
excludes
the
Inconveniences
,
and
imbraces
the
Conveniences
of
them
all
.
IN
the
beginning
of
the
first
Part
I
must
take
notice
,
that
among
the
popular
Errors
of
our
days
it
is
no
small
one
,
that
men
imagin
the
antient
Governments
of
this
kind
to
have
consisted
for
the
most
part
of
one
City
,
that
is
,
of
one
Town
;
wheras
by
what
we
have
learnt
of
my
Lords
that
open'd
them
,
it
appears
that
there
was
not
any
considerable
one
of
such
a
Constitution
but
Carthage
,
till
this
in
our
days
of
Venice
.
FOR
to
begin
with
Israel
,
it
consisted
of
the
twelve
Tribes
,
locally
spread
or
quarter'd
throout
the
whole
Territory
;
and
these
being
call'd
together
by
Trumpets
,
constituted
the
Church
or
Assembly
of
the
People
.
The
vastness
of
this
weight
,
as
also
the
slowness
thence
inavoidable
,
became
a
great
cause
(
as
has
bin
shewn
at
large
by
my
Lord
PHOSPHORUS
)
of
the
breaking
that
Commonwealth
;
notwithstanding
that
the
Temple
,
and
those
religious
Ceremonys
for
which
the
People
were
at
least
annually
oblig'd
to
repair
thither
,
were
no
small
Ligament
of
the
Tribes
,
otherwise
but
slightly
tack'd
together
.
ATHENS
consisted
of
four
Tribes
,
taking
in
the
whole
People
both
of
the
City
and
of
the
Territory
;
not
so
gather'd
by
THESEUS
into
one
Town
,
as
to
exclude
the
Country
,
but
to
the
end
that
there
might
be
som
Capital
of
the
Commonwealth
:
tho
true
it
be
,
that
the
Congregation
consisting
of
the
Inhabitants
within
the
Walls
,
was
sufficient
to
all
intents
and
purposes
,
without
those
of
the
Country
.
These
also
being
exceding
numerous
,
became
burdensom
to
themselves
,
and
dangerous
to
the
Commonwealth
;
the
more
for
their
ill
education
,
as
is
observ'd
by
XENOPHON
and
POLYBIUS
,
who
compare
them
to
Mariners
that
in
a
calm
are
perpetually
disputing
and
swaggering
one
with
another
,
and
never
lay
their
hands
to
the
common
tackling
or
safety
,
till
they
be
all
indanger'd
by
som
storm
.
Which
caus'd
THUCYDIDES
,
when
he
saw
this
People
thro
the
purchase
of
their
misery
becom
so
much
wiser
,
as
to
reduce
their
Comitia
or
Assemblys
to
five
thousand
,
to
say
in
his
eighth
Book
;
And
now
,
at
least
in
my
time
,
the
Athenians
seem
to
have
order'd
their
State
aright
,
consisting
of
a
moderat
temper
both
of
the
Few
(
by
which
he
means
the
Senat
of
the
Bean
)
and
of
the
Many
,
or
the
five
thousand
.
And
he
dos
not
only
give
you
his
judgment
,
but
the
best
proof
of
it
;
for
this
,
says
he
,
was
the
first
thing
that
,
after
so
many
misfortunes
past
,
made
the
City
again
to
raise
her
head
.
The
place
I
would
desire
your
Lordships
to
note
,
as
the
first
example
that
I
find
,
or
think
is
to
be
found
,
of
a
popular
Assembly
by
way
of
Representative
.
LACEDEMON
consisted
of
thirty
thousand
Citizens
dispers'd
throout
Laconia
,
one
of
the
greatest
Provinces
in
all
Greece
,
and
divided
,
as
by
som
Authors
is
probable
,
into
six
Tribes
.
Of
the
whole
body
of
these
,
being
gather'd
,
consisted
the
great
Church
or
Assembly
,
which
had
the
Legislative
Power
;
the
little
Church
,
gather'd
somtimes
for
matters
of
concern
within
the
City
,
consisted
of
the
Spartans
only
.
These
happen'd
,
like
that
of
Venice
,
to
be
good
Constitutions
of
a
Congregation
,
but
from
an
ill
cause
the
infirmity
of
a
Commonwealth
,
which
thro
her
paucity
was
Oligarchical
.
WHERFORE
,
go
which
way
you
will
,
it
should
seem
,
that
without
a
Representative
of
the
People
,
your
Commonwealth
consisting
of
a
whole
Nation
,
can
never
avoid
falling
either
into
Oligarchy
or
Confusion
.
THIS
was
seen
by
the
Romans
,
whose
rustic
Tribes
extending
themselves
from
the
River
Arno
to
the
Vulturnus
,
that
is
,
from
Fes●l●
or
Florence
to
C●pua
,
invented
a
way
of
Representative
by
Lots
:
the
Tribe
upon
which
the
first
fell
,
being
the
Prerogative
;
and
som
two
or
three
more
that
had
the
rest
,
the
Jure
vocatae
.
These
gave
the
Suffrage
of
the
Commonwealth
in
[
](A45618-e197320-b)*
*
Binis
Comitiis
.
two
meetings
;
the
Prerogative
at
the
first
Assembly
,
and
the
Jure
vocatae
at
a
second
.
NOW
to
make
the
parallel
,
all
the
Inconveniences
that
you
have
observ'd
in
these
Assemblys
are
shut
out
,
and
all
the
Conveniences
taken
into
your
Prerogative
.
For
first
it
is
that
for
which
Athens
,
shaking
off
the
blame
of
XENOPHON
and
POLYBIUS
,
came
to
deserve
the
praise
of
THUCYDIDES
,
a
Representative
.
And
,
secondly
,
not
as
I
suspect
in
that
of
Athens
,
and
is
past
suspicion
in
this
of
Rome
,
by
lot
,
but
by
suffrage
,
as
was
also
the
late
House
of
Commons
,
by
which
means
in
your
Prerogatives
all
the
Tribes
of
Oceana
are
Jure
vocatae
;
and
if
a
man
shall
except
against
the
paucity
of
the
standing
number
,
it
is
a
wheel
,
which
in
the
revolution
of
a
few
years
turns
every
hand
that
is
fit
,
or
fits
every
hand
that
it
turns
to
the
public
work
.
Moreover
,
I
am
deceiv'd
if
upon
due
consideration
it
dos
not
fetch
your
Tribes
,
with
greater
equality
and
ease
to
themselves
and
to
the
Government
,
from
the
Frontiers
of
Marpesia
,
than
Rome
ever
brought
any
one
of
hers
out
of
her
Pom●ria
,
or
the
nearest
parts
of
her
adjoining
Territorys
.
To
this
you
may
add
,
That
wheras
a
Commonwealth
,
which
in
regard
of
the
People
is
not
of
facility
in
execution
,
were
sure
enough
in
this
Nation
to
be
cast
off
thro
impatience
;
your
Musters
and
Galaxys
are
given
to
the
People
,
as
milk
to
Babes
,
wherby
when
they
are
brought
up
thro
four
days
election
in
a
whole
year
(
one
at
the
Parish
,
one
at
the
Hundred
,
and
two
at
the
Tribe
)
to
their
strongest
meat
,
it
is
of
no
harder
digestion
,
than
to
give
their
.
Negative
or
Affirmative
as
they
see
cause
.
There
be
gallant
men
among
us
that
laugh
at
such
an
Appeal
or
Umpire
;
but
I
refer
it
whether
you
be
more
inclining
to
pardon
them
or
me
,
who
I
confess
have
bin
this
day
laughing
at
a
sober
man
,
but
without
meaning
him
any
harm
,
and
that
is
PETRUS
CUNAEUS
,
where
speaking
of
the
nature
of
the
People
,
he
says
,
that
taking
them
apart
,
they
are
very
simple
,
but
yet
in
their
Assemblys
they
see
and
know
somthing
:
and
so
runs
away
without
troubling
himself
with
what
that
somthing
is
.
Wheras
the
People
,
taken
apart
,
are
but
so
many
privat
Interests
;
but
if
you
take
them
together
,
they
are
the
public
Interest
.
The
public
Interest
of
a
Commonwealth
,
as
has
bin
shewn
,
is
nearest
that
of
mankind
,
and
that
of
mankind
is
right
reason
;
but
with
Aristocracy
(
whose
Reason
or
Interest
,
when
they
are
all
together
,
as
appear'd
by
the
Patricians
,
is
but
that
of
a
Party
)
it
is
quite
contrary
:
for
as
,
taken
apart
,
they
are
far
wiser
than
the
People
consider'd
in
that
manner
;
so
being
put
together
,
they
are
such
fools
,
who
by
deposing
the
People
,
as
did
those
of
Rome
,
will
saw
off
the
branch
wherupon
they
sit
,
or
rather
destroy
the
root
of
their
own
Greatness
.
Wherfore
MACCHIAVEL
following
ARISTOTLE
,
and
yet
going
before
him
,
may
well
assert
,
[
](A45618-e197470-b)*
*
Che
la
multitudine
è
piu
savia
&
piu
constante
che
un
Prencipe
.
That
the
People
are
wiser
and
more
constant
in
their
Resolutions
than
a
Prince
;
which
is
the
Prerogative
of
popular
Government
for
Wisdom
.
And
hence
it
is
that
the
Prerogative
of
your
Commonwealth
,
as
for
Wisdom
so
for
Power
,
is
in
the
People
:
which
(
tho
I
am
not
ignorant
that
the
Roman
Prerogative
was
so
call'd
à
Praerogando
,
because
their
Suffrage
was
first
ask'd
)
gives
the
denomination
to
your
Prerogative
Tribe
.
THE
Elections
,
whether
Annual
or
Triennial
,
being
shewn
by
the
twenty
second
,
that
which
coms
in
the
next
place
to
be
consider'd
is
23.
Order
.
The
Constitution
,
Function
,
and
manner
of
Proceding
of
the
Prerogative
.
THE
twenty
third
ORDER
,
shewing
the
Power
,
Function
,
and
manner
of
Proceding
of
the
Prerogative
Tribe
.
THE
Power
or
Function
of
the
Prerogative
is
of
two
parts
,
the
one
of
Result
,
in
which
it
is
the
Legislative
Power
;
the
other
of
Judicature
,
in
which
regard
it
is
the
highest
Court
,
and
the
last
appeal
in
this
Commonwealth
.
FOR
the
former
part
(
the
People
by
this
Constitution
being
not
oblig'd
by
any
Law
that
is
not
of
their
own
making
or
confirmation
,
by
the
result
of
the
Prerogative
,
their
equal
Representative
)
it
shall
not
be
lawful
for
the
Senat
to
require
obedience
from
the
People
,
nor
for
the
People
to
give
obedience
to
the
Senat
in
or
by
any
Law
that
has
not
bin
promulgated
,
or
printed
and
publish'd
for
the
space
of
six
weeks
;
and
afterwards
propos'd
by
the
Authority
of
the
Senat
to
the
Prerogative
Tribe
,
and
resolv'd
by
the
major
Vote
of
the
same
in
the
Affirmative
.
Nor
shall
the
Senat
have
any
power
to
levy
War
,
Men
,
or
Mony
,
otherwise
than
by
the
consent
of
the
People
so
given
,
or
by
a
Law
so
enacted
,
except
in
cases
of
Exigence
,
in
which
it
is
agreed
,
that
the
Power
both
of
the
Senat
and
the
People
shall
be
in
the
Dictator
,
so
qualify'd
,
and
for
such
a
term
of
time
,
as
is
according
to
that
Constitution
already
prescrib'd
.
While
a
Law
is
in
promulgation
,
the
Censors
shall
animadvert
upon
the
Senat
,
and
the
Tribuns
upon
the
People
,
that
there
be
no
laying
of
heads
together
,
no
Conventicles
or
canvassing
to
carry
on
or
oppose
any
thing
;
but
that
all
may
be
don
in
a
free
and
open
way
.
FOR
the
latter
part
of
the
Power
of
the
Prerogative
,
or
that
wherby
they
are
the
Supreme
Judicatory
of
this
Nation
,
and
of
the
Provinces
of
the
same
,
the
cognizance
of
Crimes
against
the
Majesty
of
the
People
,
such
as
High
Treason
,
as
also
of
Peculat
,
that
is
,
robbery
of
the
Treasury
,
or
defraudation
of
the
Commonwealth
,
appertains
to
this
Tribe
.
And
if
any
Person
or
Persons
,
Provincials
or
Citizens
,
shall
appeal
to
the
People
,
it
belongs
to
the
Prerogative
to
judg
and
determin
the
case
;
provided
that
if
the
Appeal
be
from
any
Court
of
Justice
in
this
Nation
or
the
Provinces
,
the
Appellant
shall
first
deposit
a
hundred
Pounds
in
the
Court
from
which
he
appeals
,
to
be
forfeited
to
the
same
,
if
he
be
cast
in
his
Suit
by
the
People
.
But
the
Power
of
the
Council
of
War
being
the
expedition
of
this
Commonwealth
,
and
the
martial
Law
of
the
Strategus
in
the
Field
,
are
those
only
from
which
there
shall
ly
no
Appeal
to
the
People
.
THE
Proceding
of
the
Prerogative
in
case
of
a
Proposition
,
is
to
be
thus
order'd
.
The
Magistrats
,
proposing
by
Authority
of
the
Senat
,
shall
rehearse
the
whole
matter
,
and
expound
it
to
the
People
:
which
don
,
they
shall
put
the
whole
together
to
the
Suffrage
,
with
three
Boxes
,
the
Negative
,
the
Affirmative
,
and
the
Nonsincere
:
and
the
Suffrage
being
return'd
to
the
Tribuns
,
and
number'd
in
the
presence
of
the
Proposers
,
if
the
major
Vote
be
in
the
Nonsincere
,
the
Proposers
shall
desist
,
and
the
Senat
shall
resume
the
Debate
.
If
the
major
Vote
be
in
the
Negative
,
the
Proposers
shall
desist
,
and
the
Senat
too
.
But
if
the
major
Vote
be
in
the
Affirmative
,
then
the
Tribe
is
clear
,
and
the
Proposers
shall
begin
and
put
the
whole
matter
,
with
the
Negative
and
the
Affirmative
(
leaving
out
the
Nonsincere
)
by
Clauses
;
and
the
Suffrages
being
taken
and
number'd
by
the
Tribuns
in
the
presence
of
the
Proposers
,
shall
be
written
and
reported
by
the
Tribuns
to
the
Senat.
And
that
which
is
propos'd
by
the
Authority
of
the
Senat
,
and
confirm'd
by
the
Command
of
the
People
,
is
the
Law
of
Oceana
.
THE
Proceding
of
the
Prerogative
in
a
case
of
Judicature
is
to
be
thus
order'd
.
The
Tribuns
being
Auditors
of
all
Causes
appertaining
to
the
cognizance
of
the
People
,
shall
have
notice
of
the
Suit
or
Trial
,
whether
of
Appeal
or
otherwise
,
that
is
to
be
commenc'd
;
and
if
any
one
of
them
shall
ac●ept
of
the
same
,
it
appertains
to
him
to
introduce
it
.
A
Cause
being
introduc'd
,
and
the
People
muster'd
or
assembl'd
for
the
decision
of
the
same
,
the
Tribuns
are
Presidents
of
the
Court
,
having
power
to
keep
it
to
Orders
,
and
shall
be
seated
upon
a
Scaffold
erected
in
the
middle
of
the
Tribe
.
Vpon
the
right
hand
shall
stand
a
Seat
,
or
large
Pulpit
assign'd
to
the
Plaintif
,
or
the
Accuser
;
and
,
upon
the
left
,
another
for
the
Defendent
,
each
if
they
please
with
his
Council
.
And
the
Tribuns
(
being
attended
upon
such
occasions
with
so
many
Ballotins
,
Secretarys
,
Doorkeepers
,
and
Messengers
of
the
Senat
as
shall
be
requisit
)
one
of
them
shall
turn
up
a
Glass
of
the
nature
of
an
Hourglass
,
but
such
a
one
as
is
to
be
of
an
hour
and
a
halfs
running
;
which
being
turn'd
up
,
the
Party
or
Council
on
the
right
hand
may
begin
to
speak
to
the
People
.
If
there
be
Papers
to
be
read
,
or
Witnesses
to
be
examin'd
,
the
Officer
shall
lay
the
Glass
sideways
till
the
Papers
be
read
,
and
the
Witnesses
examin'd
,
and
then
turn
it
up
again
;
and
so
long
as
the
Glass
is
running
,
the
Party
on
the
right
hand
has
liberty
to
speak
,
and
no
longer
.
The
Party
on
the
right
hand
having
had
his
time
,
the
like
shall
be
don
in
every
respect
for
the
Party
on
the
left
.
And
the
Cause
being
thus
heard
,
the
Tribuns
shall
put
the
question
to
the
Tribe
with
a
white
,
a
black
,
and
a
red
Box
(
or
Nonsincere
)
whether
Guilty
▪
or
not
Guilty
.
And
if
the
Suffrage
being
taken
,
the
major
Vote
be
in
the
Nonsincere
,
the
Cause
shall
be
reheard
upon
the
next
juridical
day
following
,
and
put
to
the
question
in
the
same
manner
.
If
the
major
Vote
coms
the
second
time
in
the
Non-sincere
,
the
Cause
shall
be
heard
again
upon
the
third
day
:
but
at
the
third
hearing
the
question
shall
be
put
without
the
Nonsincere
.
Vpon
the
first
of
the
three
days
in
which
the
major
Vote
coms
in
the
white
Box
,
the
Party
accus'd
is
absolv'd
;
and
upon
the
first
of
them
in
which
it
coms
in
the
black
Box
,
the
Party
accus'd
is
condemn'd
.
The
Party
accus'd
being
condemn'd
,
the
Tribuns
(
if
the
case
be
criminal
)
shall
put
with
the
white
and
the
black
Box
these
Questions
,
or
such
of
them
,
as
,
regard
had
to
the
case
,
they
shall
conceive
most
proper
.
-
1.
WHETHER
he
shall
have
a
Writ
of
ease
.
-
2.
WHETHER
he
shall
be
sin'd
so
much
,
or
so
much
.
-
3.
WHETHER
he
shall
be
confiscated
.
-
4.
WHETHER
he
shall
be
render'd
incapable
of
Magistracy
.
-
5.
WHETHER
he
shall
be
banish'd
.
-
6.
WHETHER
he
shall
be
put
to
death
.
THESE
,
or
any
three
of
these
Questions
,
whether
simple
or
such
as
shall
be
thought
fitly
mix'd
,
being
put
by
the
Tribuns
,
that
which
has
most
above
half
the
Voies
in
the
black
Box
is
the
Sentence
of
the
People
,
which
the
Troop
of
the
third
Classis
is
to
see
executed
accordingly
.
BVT
wheras
by
the
Constitution
of
this
Commonwealth
it
may
appear
that
neither
the
Propositions
of
the
Senat
,
nor
the
Judicature
of
the
People
,
will
be
so
frequent
as
to
hold
the
Prerogative
in
continual
imployment
;
the
Senat
,
a
main
part
of
whose
Office
it
is
to
teach
and
instruct
the
People
,
shall
duly
(
if
they
have
no
greater
Affairs
to
divert
them
)
cause
an
Oration
to
be
made
to
the
Prerogative
by
som
Knight
or
Magistrat
of
the
Senat
,
to
be
chosen
out
of
the
ablest
men
,
and
from
time
to
time
appointed
by
the
Orator
of
the
House
,
in
the
great
Hall
of
the
Pantheon
,
while
the
Parlament
resides
in
the
Town
;
or
in
som
Grove
or
sweet
place
in
the
sield
,
while
the
Parlament
for
the
heat
of
the
year
shall
reside
in
the
Country
;
upon
every
Tuesday
,
morning
or
afternoon
.
AND
the
Orator
appointed
for
the
time
to
this
Office
,
shall
first
repeat
the
Orders
of
the
Commonwealth
with
all
possible
brevity
;
and
then
making
choice
of
one
or
som
part
of
it
,
discourse
therof
to
the
People
.
An
Oration
or
Discourse
of
this
nature
,
being
afterward
perus'd
by
the
Council
of
State
,
may
as
they
see
cause
be
printed
and
publish'd
.
THE
ARCHON'S
Comment
upon
the
Order
I
find
to
have
bin
of
this
sense
.
My
Lords
,
TO
crave
pardon
for
a
word
or
two
in
farther
explanation
of
what
was
read
,
I
shall
briefly
shew
how
the
Constitution
of
this
Tribe
or
Assembly
answers
to
their
Function
;
and
how
their
Function
,
which
is
of
two
parts
,
the
former
in
the
Result
or
Legislative
Power
,
the
latter
in
the
supreme
Judicature
of
the
Common-wealth
,
answers
to
their
Constitution
.
MACCHIAVEL
has
a
Discourse
,
where
he
puts
the
question
,
Whether
the
guard
of
Liberty
may
with
more
security
be
committed
to
the
Nobility
,
or
to
the
People
.
Which
doubt
of
his
arises
thro
the
want
of
explaining
his
terms
;
for
the
guard
of
Liberty
can
signify
nothing
else
but
the
Result
of
the
Commonwealth
:
so
that
to
say
,
that
the
guard
of
Liberty
may
be
committed
to
the
Nobility
,
is
to
say
,
that
the
Result
may
be
committed
to
the
Senat
,
in
which
case
the
People
signify
nothing
.
Now
to
shew
it
was
a
mistake
to
affirm
it
to
have
bin
thus
in
Lacedemon
,
sufficient
has
bin
spoken
;
and
wheras
he
will
have
have
it
to
be
so
in
Venice
also
,
[
](A45618-e197920-b)*
*
Quello
appresso
il
quale
e
la
somma
autorita
di
tutta
la
città
,
e
delle
leggi
&
decreti
,
de
i
quali
●ende
l'autoritâ
cosi
del
Senato
come
ancora
di
tutti
i
Magistrati
,
e
il
Consiglio
Grande
.
They
,
says
CONTARINI
,
in
whom
resides
the
Supreme
Power
of
the
whole
Commonwealth
,
and
of
the
Laws
,
and
upon
whose
Orders
depends
the
Authority
as
well
of
the
Senat
as
of
all
the
other
Magistrats
,
is
the
GREAT
COVNCIL
.
It
is
institutively
in
the
Great
Council
,
by
the
judgment
of
all
that
know
that
Commonwealth
;
tho
for
the
Reasons
shewn
,
it
be
somtimes
exercis'd
by
the
Senat.
Nor
need
I
run
over
the
Commonwealths
in
this
place
for
the
proof
of
a
thing
so
doubtless
,
and
such
as
has
bin
already
made
so
apparent
,
as
that
the
Result
of
each
was
in
the
popular
part
of
it
.
The
popular
part
of
yours
,
or
the
Prerogative
Tribe
,
consists
of
seven
Deputys
(
wherof
three
are
of
the
Horse
)
annually
elected
out
of
every
Tribe
of
Oceana
;
which
being
fifty
,
amounts
to
one
hundred
and
fifty
Horse
,
and
two
hundred
Foot
.
And
the
Prerogative
consisting
of
three
of
these
Lists
,
consists
of
four
hundred
and
fifty
Horse
,
and
six
hundred
Foot
,
besides
those
of
the
Provinces
to
be
hereafter
mention'd
;
by
which
means
the
overbalance
in
the
Suffrage
remaining
to
the
Foot
by
one
hundred
and
fifty
Votes
,
you
have
to
the
support
of
a
true
and
natural
Aristocracy
,
the
deepest
root
of
a
Democracy
that
has
bin
ever
planted
.
Wherfore
there
is
nothing
in
Art
or
Nature
better
qualify'd
for
the
Result
than
this
Assembly
.
It
is
noted
out
of
CICERO
by
MACCHIAVEL
,
That
the
People
,
tho
they
are
not
so
prone
to
find
out
Truth
of
themselves
,
as
to
follow
Custom
,
or
run
into
Error
;
yet
if
they
be
shewn
Truth
,
they
not
only
acknowlege
and
imbrace
it
very
suddenly
,
but
are
the
most
constant
and
faithful
Guardians
and
Conservators
of
it
.
It
is
your
Duty
and
Office
,
wherto
you
are
also
qualify'd
by
the
Orders
of
this
Commonwealth
,
to
have
the
People
as
you
have
your
Hauks
and
Greyhounds
,
in
Leases
and
Slips
,
to
range
the
Fields
,
and
beat
the
Bushes
for
them
;
for
they
are
of
a
nature
that
is
never
good
at
this
sport
,
but
when
you
spring
or
start
their
proper
quarry
.
Think
not
that
they
will
stand
to
ask
you
what
it
is
,
or
less
know
it
than
your
Hauks
and
Greyhounds
do
theirs
;
but
presently
make
such
a
flight
or
course
,
that
a
Huntsman
may
as
well
undertake
to
run
with
his
Dogs
,
or
a
Falconer
to
fly
with
his
Hauk
,
as
an
Aristocracy
at
this
game
to
compare
with
the
People
.
The
People
of
Rome
were
possest
of
no
less
a
prey
than
the
Empire
of
the
World
,
when
the
Nobility
turn'd
tails
,
and
perch'd
among
Daws
upon
the
Tower
of
Monarchy
.
For
tho
they
did
not
all
of
them
intend
the
thing
,
they
would
none
of
them
indure
the
Remedy
,
which
was
the
Agrarian
.
BUT
the
Prerogative
Tribe
has
not
only
the
Result
,
but
is
the
Supreme
Judicature
,
and
the
ultimat
Appeal
in
this
Commonwealth
.
For
the
popular
Government
that
makes
account
to
be
of
any
standing
,
must
make
sure
in
the
first
place
of
the
[
](A45618-e197990-b)†
†
Ante
omnes
de
provocatione
adversus
Magistratus
ad
Populum
,
sacrandcque
cum
bonis
capite
ejus
,
qui
regni
occupandi
consilia
iniisset
.
Appeal
to
the
People
.
As
an
Estate
in
trust
becoms
a
man's
own
,
if
he
be
not
answerable
for
it
;
so
the
Power
of
a
Magistracy
not
accountable
to
the
People
,
from
whom
it
was
receiv'd
,
becoming
of
privat
use
,
the
Commonwealth
loses
her
Liberty
.
Wherfore
the
Right
of
Supreme
Judicature
in
the
People
(
without
which
there
can
be
no
such
thing
as
popular
Government
)
is
confirm'd
by
the
constant
practice
of
all
Commonwealths
;
as
that
of
Israel
in
the
cases
of
ACHAN
,
and
of
the
Tribe
of
BENJAMIN
,
adjudg'd
by
the
Congregation
.
The
Dicasterion
or
Court
call'd
the
Heliaia
in
Athens
,
which
(
the
Comitia
of
that
Commonwealth
consisting
of
the
whole
People
,
and
so
being
too
numerous
to
be
a
Judicatory
)
was
constituted
somtimes
of
five
hundred
,
at
others
of
one
thousand
,
or
,
according
to
the
greatness
of
the
cause
,
of
fifteen
hundred
,
elected
by
the
Lot
out
of
the
whole
Body
of
the
People
,
had
with
the
nine
ARCHONS
that
were
Presidents
,
the
cognizance
of
such
Causes
as
were
of
highest
importance
in
that
State
.
The
five
Ephors
in
Lacedemon
,
which
were
popular
Magistrats
,
might
question
their
Kings
,
as
appears
by
the
cases
of
PAUSANIAS
,
and
of
AGIS
,
who
being
upon
his
Trial
in
this
Court
,
was
cry'd
to
by
his
Mother
to
appeal
to
the
People
,
as
PLUTARCH
has
it
in
his
Life
.
The
Tribuns
of
the
People
of
Rome
(
like
,
in
the
nature
of
their
Magistracy
,
and
for
som
time
in
number
,
to
the
Ephors
,
as
being
,
according
to
HALICARNASSEUS
and
PLUTARCH
,
instituted
in
imitation
of
them
)
h●d
power
[
](A45618-e198070-b)†
†
Diem
dicere
.
to
summon
any
man
,
his
Magistracy
at
least
being
expir'd
(
for
from
the
Dictator
there
lay
no
Appeal
)
to
answer
for
himself
to
the
People
.
As
in
the
case
of
CORIOLANUS
,
who
was
going
about
to
force
the
People
,
by
withholding
Corn
from
them
in
a
Famin
,
to
relinquish
the
Magistracy
of
the
Tribuns
;
in
that
of
SPURIUS
CASSIUS
for
affecting
Tyranny
;
of
MARCUS
SERGIUS
for
running
away
at
Veii
;
of
CAIUS
LUCRETIUS
for
spoiling
his
Province
;
of
JUNIUS
SILANUS
for
making
War
,
without
a
command
from
the
People
,
against
the
Cimbri
;
with
divers
others
.
And
the
Crimes
of
this
nature
were
call'd
Laes●e
Majestatis
,
or
High
Treason
.
Examples
of
such
as
were
arrain'd
or
try'd
for
Peculat
,
or
Defraudation
of
the
Common-wealth
,
were
MARCUS
CURIUS
,
for
intercepting
the
Mony
of
the
Samnits
;
SALINATOR
,
for
the
inequal
division
of
Spoils
to
his
Soldiers
;
MARCUS
POSTHUMIUS
,
for
cheating
the
Commonwealth
by
a
feign'd
Shipwreck
.
Causes
of
these
two
kinds
were
of
a
more
public
nature
;
but
the
like
Power
upon
Appeals
was
also
exercis'd
by
the
People
in
privat
matters
,
even
during
the
time
of
the
Kings
;
as
in
the
case
of
HORATIUS
.
Nor
is
it
otherwise
with
Venice
,
where
the
Doge
LOREDANO
was
sentenc'd
by
the
Great
Council
;
and
ANTONIO
GRIMANI
,
afterwards
Doge
,
question'd
,
for
that
he
being
Admiral
had
suffer'd
the
Ture
to
take
Lepanto
in
view
of
his
Fleet.
NEVERTHELESS
,
there
lay
no
Appeal
from
the
Roman
Dictator
to
the
People
;
which
if
there
had
,
might
have
cost
the
Commonwealth
dear
,
when
SPURIUS
MELIUS
affecting
Empire
,
circumvented
and
debauch'd
the
Tribuns
:
wherupon
●ITUS
QUINTIUS
CINCINNATUS
was
created
Dictator
;
who
having
chosen
SERVILIUS
AHALA
to
be
his
Lieutenant
,
or
Magister
Equitum
,
sent
him
to
apprehend
MELIUS
,
whom
,
while
he
disputed
the
Commands
of
the
Dictator
,
and
implor'd
the
aid
of
the
People
,
AHALA
cut
off
upon
the
place
.
By
which
example
you
may
see
in
what
cases
the
Dictator
may
prevent
the
Blow
which
is
ready
somtims
to
fall
e're
the
People
be
aware
of
the
Danger
.
Wherfore
there
lys
no
Appeal
from
the
Dieci
,
or
the
Council
of
Ten
,
in
Venice
,
to
the
Great
Council
,
nor
from
our
Council
of
War
to
the
People
.
For
the
way
of
proceding
of
this
Tribe
,
or
the
Ballot
,
it
is
,
as
was
once
said
for
all
,
Venetian
.
THIS
Discourse
of
Judicatorys
wherupon
we
are
faln
,
brings
us
rather
naturally
than
of
design
from
the
two
general
Orders
of
every
Commonwealth
,
that
is
to
say
,
from
the
debating
part
or
the
Senat
,
and
the
resolving
part
or
the
People
,
to
the
third
,
which
is
the
executive
part
or
the
Magistracy
,
wherupon
I
shall
have
no
need
to
dwell
:
For
the
executive
Magistrats
of
this
Commonwealth
are
the
Strategus
in
Arms
;
the
Signory
in
their
several
Courts
,
as
the
Chancery
,
the
Exchequer
;
as
also
the
Councils
in
divers
cases
within
their
Instructions
;
the
Censors
as
well
in
their
proper
Magistracy
,
as
in
the
Council
of
Religion
;
the
Tribuns
in
the
Government
of
the
Prerogative
,
and
that
Judicatory
;
and
the
Judges
with
their
Courts
:
Of
all
which
so
much
is
already
said
or
known
as
may
suffice
.
THE
Tuesday
Lectures
or
Orations
to
the
People
will
be
of
great
benefit
to
the
Senat
,
the
Prerogative
,
and
the
whole
Nation
.
To
the
Senat
,
because
they
will
not
only
teach
your
Senators
Elocution
,
but
keep
the
System
of
the
Government
in
their
memorys
.
Elocution
is
of
great
use
to
your
Senators
;
for
if
they
do
not
understand
Rhetoric
(
giving
it
at
this
time
for
granted
,
that
the
Art
were
not
otherwise
good
)
and
com
to
treat
with
,
or
vindicat
the
cause
of
the
Commonwealth
against
som
other
Nation
that
is
good
at
it
,
the
advantage
will
be
subject
to
remain
upon
the
merit
of
the
Art
,
and
not
upon
the
merit
of
the
Cause
.
Furthermore
,
the
Genius
or
Soul
of
this
Government
being
in
the
whole
and
in
every
part
,
they
will
never
be
of
ability
in
determination
upon
any
particular
,
unless
at
the
same
time
they
have
an
Idea
of
the
whole
.
That
this
therfore
must
be
,
in
that
regard
,
of
equal
benefit
to
the
Prerogative
,
is
plain
;
tho
these
have
a
greater
concernment
in
it
.
For
this
Commonwealth
is
the
Estate
of
the
People
:
and
a
man
,
you
know
,
tho
he
be
virtuous
,
yet
if
he
dos
not
understand
his
Estate
,
may
run
out
or
be
cheated
of
it
.
Last
of
all
,
the
Treasures
of
the
Politics
will
by
this
means
be
so
open'd
,
risled
,
and
dispers'd
,
that
this
Nation
will
as
soon
dote
,
like
the
Indians
,
upon
glass
Beads
,
as
disturb
your
Government
with
Whimsys
and
Freaks
of
Motherwit
;
or
suffer
themselves
to
be
stutter'd
out
of
their
Libertys
.
There
is
not
any
reason
why
your
Grandees
,
your
wise
men
of
this
Age
,
that
laugh
out
and
openly
at
a
Commonwealth
as
the
most
ridiculous
thing
,
do
not
appear
to
be
,
as
in
this
regard
they
are
,
mere
Idiots
,
but
that
the
People
have
not
eys
.
THERE
remains
no
more
relating
to
the
Senat
and
the
People
than
24.
Order
.
Constitution
of
the
provincial
part
of
the
Senat
and
the
People
.
THE
twenty
fourth
ORDER
,
wherby
it
is
lawful
for
the
Province
of
Marpesia
to
have
30
Knights
of
their
own
election
continually
present
in
the
Senat
of
Oceana
,
together
with
60
Deputys
of
Horse
,
and
120
of
Foot
in
the
Prerogative
Tribe
,
indu'd
with
equal
Power
(
respect
had
to
their
quality
and
number
)
in
the
Debate
and
Result
of
this
Commonwealth
:
provided
that
they
observe
the
Course
or
Rotation
of
the
same
by
the
annual
Return
of
10
Knights
,
20
Deputys
of
the
Horse
,
and
40
of
the
Foot
.
The
like
in
all
respects
is
lawful
for
Panopea
;
and
the
Horse
of
both
the
Provinces
amounting
to
one
Troop
,
and
the
Foot
to
one
Company
,
one
Captain
and
one
Cornet
of
the
Horse
shall
be
annually
chosen
by
Marpesia
,
and
one
Captain
and
one
Ensign
of
the
Foot
shall
be
annually
chosen
by
Panopea
.
THE
Orb
of
the
Prerogative
being
thus
complete
,
is
not
unnaturally
compar'd
to
that
of
the
Moon
,
either
in
consideration
of
the
Light
borrow'd
from
the
Senat
,
as
from
the
Sun
;
or
of
the
ebs
and
floods
of
the
People
,
which
are
mark'd
by
the
Negative
or
Affirmative
of
this
Tribe
.
And
the
Constitution
of
the
Senat
and
the
People
being
Constitution
of
the
Parlament
.
shewn
,
you
have
that
of
the
Parlament
of
Oceana
,
consisting
of
the
Senat
proposing
,
and
of
the
People
resolving
;
which
amounts
to
an
Act
of
Parlament
.
So
the
Parlament
is
the
Heart
,
which
,
consisting
of
two
Ventricles
,
the
one
greater
and
replenish'd
with
a
grosser
matter
,
the
other
less
and
full
of
a
purer
,
sucks
in
,
and
spouts
forth
the
vital
Blood
of
Oceana
by
a
perpetual
Circulation
.
Wherfore
the
life
of
this
Government
is
no
more
unnatural
or
obnoxious
upon
this
score
to
dissolution
,
than
that
of
a
Man
;
nor
to
giddiness
than
the
World
:
seeing
the
Earth
,
whether
it
be
it self
or
the
Heavens
that
are
in
rotation
,
is
so
far
from
being
giddy
,
that
it
could
not
subsist
without
motion
.
But
why
should
not
this
Government
be
much
rather
capable
of
duration
and
steddiness
by
motion
?
than
which
God
has
ordain'd
no
other
to
the
universal
Commonwealth
of
Mankind
:
seeing
one
Generation
coms
,
and
another
gos
,
but
the
Earth
remains
firm
for
ever
;
that
is
,
in
her
proper
Situation
or
Place
,
whether
she
be
mov'd
or
not
mov'd
upon
her
proper
Center
.
The
Senat
,
the
People
,
and
the
Magistracy
,
or
the
Parlament
so
constituted
,
as
you
have
seen
,
is
the
Guardian
of
this
Commonwealth
,
and
the
Husband
of
such
a
Wife
as
is
elegantly
describ'd
by
SOLOMON
.
She
is
like
the
Merchant's
Ship
;
she
brings
her
Prov.
31.
Food
from
far
.
She
considers
a
Field
,
and
buys
it
:
With
the
fruit
of
her
hands
she
plants
a
Vineyard
.
She
perceives
that
her
Merchandize
is
good
.
She
stretches
forth
her
hands
to
the
Poor
.
She
is
not
afraid
of
the
Snow
for
her
Houshold
;
for
all
her
Houshold
are
cloth'd
with
Scarlet
.
She
makes
her self
Coverings
of
Tapestry
;
her
Clothing
is
Silk
and
Purple
,
Her
Husband
is
known
(
by
his
Robes
)
in
the
Gates
,
when
he
sits
among
the
Senators
of
the
Land
.
The
Gates
,
or
inferior
Courts
,
were
branches
as
it
were
of
the
Sanhedrim
or
Senat
of
Israel
.
Nor
is
our
Common-wealth
a
worse
Houswife
,
or
she
has
less
regard
to
her
Magistrats
;
as
may
appear
by
25.
Order
.
THE
twenty
fifth
ORDER
:
That
,
wheras
the
public
Revenue
is
thro
the
late
Civil
Wars
dilapidated
,
the
Excise
,
being
improv'd
or
improvable
to
the
Revenue
of
one
Million
,
be
apply'd
for
the
space
of
eleven
years
to
com
,
to
the
reparation
of
the
same
,
and
for
the
present
maintenance
of
the
Magistrats
,
Knights
,
Deputys
,
and
other
Officers
,
who
according
to
their
several
Dignitys
and
Functions
,
shall
annually
receive
towards
the
Support
of
the
same
,
as
follows
.
THE
Lord
Strategus
Marching
,
is
,
upon
another
account
,
to
have
Field
Pay
as
General
.
|
lib.
per
ann.
|
THE
Lord
Strategus
sitting
—
|
2000
|
THE
Lord
Orator
—
|
2000
|
THE
three
Commissioners
of
the
Seal
—
|
4500
|
THE
three
Commissioners
of
the
Treasury
—
|
4500
|
THE
two
Censors
—
|
3000
|
THE
290
Knights
,
at
500
l.
a
man
—
|
145000
|
THE
4
Embassadors
in
Ordinary
—
|
12000
|
THE
Council
of
War
for
Intelligence
—
|
3000
|
THE
Master
of
the
Ceremonys
—
|
500
|
THE
Master
of
the
Horse
—
|
500
|
HIS
Substitute
—
|
150
|
THE
12
Ballotins
for
their
Winter
Liverys
—
|
240
|
FOR
their
Summer
Liverys
—
|
120
|
FOR
their
Boardwages
—
|
480
|
FOR
the
keeping
of
three
Coaches
of
State
,
24
Coachhorses
,
with
Coachmen
and
Postilions
—
|
1500
|
FOR
the
Grooms
,
and
keeping
of
16
great
Horses
for
the
Master
of
the
Horse
,
and
for
the
Ballotins
whom
he
is
to
govern
and
instruct
in
the
Art
of
Riding
—
|
480
|
THE
20
Secretarys
of
the
Parlament
—
|
2000
|
THE
20
Doorkeepers
,
who
are
to
attend
with
Poleaxes
;
for
their
Coats
—
|
200
|
FOR
their
Boardwages
—
|
1000
|
THE
20
Messengers
,
which
are
Trumpeters
,
for
their
Coats
—
|
200
|
FOR
their
Boardwages
—
|
1000
|
FOR
Ornament
of
the
Musters
of
the
Youth
—
|
5000
|
Sum
—
|
189370
|
OVT
of
the
personal
Estates
of
every
man
,
who
at
his
Death
bequeaths
not
above
forty
shillings
to
the
Muster
of
that
Hundred
wherin
it
lys
,
shall
be
levy'd
one
per
cent
.
till
the
solid
Revenue
of
the
Muster
of
the
Hundred
amounts
to
50
l.
per
annum
for
the
Prizes
of
the
Youth
.
THE
twelve
Ballotins
are
to
be
divided
into
three
Regions
,
according
to
the
course
of
the
Senat
;
the
four
of
the
first
Region
to
be
elected
at
the
Tropic
out
of
such
Children
as
the
Knights
of
the
same
shall
offer
,
not
being
under
eleven
years
of
Age
,
nor
above
thirteen
.
And
their
Election
shall
be
made
by
the
Lot
at
an
Vrn
set
by
the
Serjeant
of
the
House
for
that
purpose
in
the
Hall
of
the
Pantheon
.
The
Livery
of
the
Commonwealth
for
the
fashion
or
the
color
may
be
chang'd
at
the
Election
of
the
Strategus
according
to
his
phansy
.
But
every
Knight
during
his
Session
shall
be
bound
to
give
to
his
Footman
,
or
som
one
of
his
Footmen
,
the
Livery
of
the
Commonwealth
.
THE
Prerogative
Tribe
shall
receive
as
follows
.
|
lib.
by
the
week
.
|
THE
2
Tribuns
of
the
Horse
—
|
14
|
THE
2
Tribuns
of
the
Foot
—
|
12
|
THE
3
Captains
of
Horse
—
|
15
|
THE
3
Cornets
—
|
9
|
|
THE
3
Captains
of
Foot
—
|
12
|
|
THE
3
Ensigns
—
|
7
|
|
THE
442
Horse
,
at
2
l.
a
man
—
|
884
|
|
THE
592
Foot
,
at
1
l.
10
s.
a
man
—
|
888
|
|
THE
6
Trumpeters
—
|
7
|
10
s.
|
THE
3
Drummers
—
|
2
|
5
s.
|
SVM
by
the
Week
—
|
1850
|
15
s.
|
SVM
by
the
Year
|
96239
|
|
THE
Total
of
the
Senat
,
the
People
,
and
the
Magistracy
,
|
287459
|
15
s.
|
THE
Dignity
of
the
Commonwealth
,
and
Aids
of
the
several
Magistracys
and
Offices
therto
belonging
,
being
provided
for
as
aforesaid
,
the
Overplus
of
the
Excise
,
with
the
Product
of
the
Sum
rising
,
shall
be
carefully
manag'd
by
the
Senat
and
the
People
thro
the
diligence
of
the
Officers
of
the
Exchequer
,
till
it
amounts
to
eight
Millions
,
or
to
the
purchase
of
about
four
hundred
thousand
Pounds
solid
Revenue
.
At
which
time
,
the
term
of
eleven
years
being
expir'd
,
the
Excise
,
except
it
be
otherwise
order'd
by
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
shall
be
totally
remitted
and
abolish'd
for
ever
.
AT
this
Institution
the
Taxes
,
as
will
better
appear
in
the
Corollary
,
were
abated
about
one
half
,
which
made
the
Order
when
it
came
to
be
tasted
,
to
be
of
good
relish
with
the
People
in
the
very
beginning
;
tho
the
Advantages
then
were
no
ways
comparable
to
the
Consequences
to
be
hereafter
shewn
.
Nevertheless
,
my
Lord
EPIMONUS
,
who
with
much
ado
had
bin
held
till
now
,
found
it
midsummer
Moon
,
and
broke
out
of
Bedlam
in
this
manner
.
My
Lord
ARCHON
,
I
HAVE
a
singing
in
my
head
like
that
of
a
Cartwheel
,
my
Brains
are
upon
a
Rotation
;
and
som
are
so
merry
,
that
a
man
cannot
speak
his
griefs
,
but
if
your
highshod
Prerogative
,
and
those
same
slouching
Fellows
your
Tribuns
,
do
not
take
my
Lord
Strategus's
,
and
my
Lord
Orator's
heads
,
and
jole
them
together
under
the
Canopy
,
then
let
me
be
ridiculous
to
all
Posterity
.
For
here
is
a
Commonwealth
,
to
which
if
a
man
should
take
that
of
the
Prentices
in
their
antient
Administration
of
Justice
at
Shrovetide
,
it
were
an
Aristocracy
.
You
have
set
the
very
Rabble
with
Troncheons
in
their
hands
,
and
the
Gentry
of
this
Nation
like
Cocks
with
Scarlet
Gills
,
and
the
Golden
Combs
of
their
Salarys
to
boot
,
lest
they
should
not
be
thrown
at
.
NOT
a
Night
can
I
sleep
for
som
horrid
Apparition
or
other
;
one
while
these
Myrmidons
are
measuring
Silks
by
their
Quarter-staves
;
another
,
stuffing
their
greasy
Pouches
with
my
Lord
High
Treasurers
Jacobusses
.
For
they
are
above
a
thousand
in
Arms
to
three
hundred
,
which
,
their
Gowns
being
pul'd
over
their
ears
,
are
but
in
their
Doublets
and
Hose
.
But
what
do
I
speak
of
a
thousand
?
there
be
two
thousand
in
every
Tribe
,
that
is
,
a
hundred
thousand
in
the
whole
Nation
,
not
only
in
the
posture
of
an
Army
,
but
in
a
civil
Capacity
sufficient
to
give
us
what
Laws
they
please
.
Now
every
body
knows
,
that
the
lower
sort
of
People
regard
nothing
but
Mony
;
and
you
say
it
is
the
Duty
of
a
Legislator
to
presume
all
men
to
be
wicked
:
wherfore
they
must
fall
upon
the
richer
,
as
they
are
an
Army
;
or
,
lest
their
minds
should
misgive
them
in
such
a
villany
,
you
have
given
them
incouragement
that
they
have
a
nearer
way
,
seeing
it
may
be
don
every
whit
as
well
as
by
the
overbalancing
Power
which
they
have
in
Elections
.
There
is
a
Fair
which
is
annually
kept
in
the
Center
of
these
Territorys
at
Kiberton
,
a
Town
famous
for
Ale
,
and
frequented
by
good
Fellows
;
where
there
is
a
Solemnity
of
the
Pipers
and
Fidlers
of
this
Nation
(
I
know
not
whether
Lacedemon
,
where
the
Senat
kept
account
of
the
stops
of
the
Flutes
and
of
the
Fiddlestrings
of
that
Commonwealth
,
had
any
such
Custom
)
call'd
the
Bulrunning
;
and
he
that
catches
and
holds
the
Bull
,
is
the
annual
and
supreme
Magistrat
of
that
Comitia
or
Congregation
,
call'd
King
Piper
;
without
whose
Licence
it
is
not
lawful
for
any
of
those
Citizens
to
injoy
the
liberty
of
his
Calling
;
nor
is
he
otherwise
legitimatly
qualify'd
(
or
civitate
donatus
)
to
lead
Apes
or
Bears
in
any
Perambulation
of
the
same
.
Mine
Host
of
the
Bear
,
in
Kiberton
,
the
Father
of
Ale
,
and
Patron
of
good
Footbal
and
Cudgelplayers
,
has
any
time
since
I
can
remember
,
bin
Grand
Chancellor
of
this
Order
.
Now
,
say
I
,
seeing
great
things
arise
from
small
beginnings
,
what
should
hinder
the
People
,
prone
to
their
own
Advantage
,
and
loving
Mony
,
from
having
Intelligence
convey'd
to
them
by
this
same
King
Piper
and
his
Chancellor
,
with
their
Loyal
Subjects
the
Minstrils
and
Bearwards
,
Masters
of
Ceremonys
,
to
which
there
is
great
recourse
in
their
respective
Perambulations
,
and
which
they
will
commission
and
instruct
,
with
Directions
to
all
the
Tribes
,
willing
and
commanding
them
,
that
as
they
wish
their
own
good
,
they
chuse
no
other
into
the
next
primum
Mobile
,
but
of
the
ablest
Cudgel
and
Footbalplayers
?
Which
don
as
soon
as
said
,
your
primum
Mobile
consisting
of
no
other
stuff
,
must
of
necessity
be
drawn
forth
into
your
Nebulones
,
and
your
Galimofrys
;
and
so
the
silken
Purses
of
your
Senat
and
Prerogative
being
made
of
Sows
ears
,
most
of
them
Blacksmiths
,
they
will
strike
while
the
Iron
is
hot
,
and
beat
your
Estates
into
Hobnails
;
mine
Host
of
the
Bear
being
Strategus
,
and
King
Piper
Lord
Orator
.
Well
,
my
Lords
,
it
might
have
bin
otherwise
exprest
,
but
this
is
well
enough
a
conscience
.
In
your
way
,
the
Wit
of
man
shall
not
prevent
this
or
the
like
Inconvenience
;
but
if
this
(
for
I
have
confer'd
with
Artists
)
be
a
mathematical
Demonstration
,
I
could
kneel
to
you
,
that
e're
it
be
too
late
we
might
return
to
som
kind
of
Sobriety
.
IF
we
emty
our
Purses
with
these
Pomps
,
Salarys
,
Coaches
,
Lacquys
,
and
Pages
,
what
can
the
People
say
less
,
than
that
we
have
drest
a
Senat
and
a
Prerogative
for
nothing
,
but
to
go
to
the
Park
with
the
Ladys
?
MY
Lord
ARCHON
,
whose
meekness
resembl'd
that
of
MOSES
,
vouchsaf'd
this
Answer
.
My
Lords
;
FOR
all
this
,
I
can
see
my
Lord
EPIMONUS
every
night
in
the
Park
,
and
with
Ladys
;
nor
do
I
blame
this
in
a
young
Man
,
or
the
Respect
which
is
and
ought
to
be
given
to
a
Sex
that
is
one
half
of
the
Commonwealth
of
Mankind
,
and
without
which
the
other
would
be
none
:
But
our
Magistrats
,
I
doubt
,
may
be
somwhat
of
the
oldest
to
perform
this
part
with
much
acceptation
;
and
,
as
the
Italian
Proverb
says
,
[
](A45618-e200540-b)*
*
To
love
and
not
injoy
,
is
the
way
to
break
ones
heart
.
Servire
&
non
gradire
è
cosa
da
far
morire
.
Wherfore
we
will
lay
no
certain
Obligation
upon
them
in
this
Point
,
but
leave
them
,
if
it
please
you
,
to
their
own
fate
or
discretion
.
But
this
(
for
I
know
my
Lord
EPIMONUS
loves
me
,
tho
I
can
never
get
his
esteem
)
I
will
say
,
if
he
had
a
Mistress
should
use
him
so
,
he
would
find
it
a
sad
Life
;
or
I
appeal
to
your
Lordships
,
how
I
can
resent
it
from
such
a
Friend
,
that
he
puts
King
Piper's
Politics
in
the
Balance
with
mine
.
King
Piper
,
I
deny
not
,
may
teach
his
Bears
to
dance
,
but
they
have
the
worst
ear
of
all
Creatures
.
Now
how
he
should
make
them
keep
time
in
fifty
several
Tribes
,
and
that
two
years
together
,
for
else
it
will
be
to
no
purpose
,
may
be
a
small
matter
with
my
Lord
to
promise
;
but
it
seems
to
me
of
impossible
performance
.
First
,
Thro
the
nature
of
the
Bean
;
and
,
Secondly
,
thro
that
of
the
Ballot
;
or
how
what
he
has
hitherto
thought
so
hard
,
is
now
com
to
be
easy
:
but
he
may
think
,
that
for
expedition
they
will
eat
up
these
Balls
like
Apples
.
However
,
there
is
so
much
more
in
their
way
by
the
Constitution
of
this
,
than
is
to
be
found
in
that
of
any
other
Common-wealth
,
that
I
am
reconcil'd
;
it
now
appearing
plainly
,
that
the
Points
of
my
Lord's
Arrows
are
directed
at
no
other
White
,
than
to
shew
the
excellency
of
our
Government
above
others
;
which
,
as
he
procedes
further
,
is
yet
plainer
;
while
he
makes
it
appear
,
that
there
can
be
no
other
elected
by
the
People
but
Smiths
,
Brontesque
Steropesque
&
nudus
membra
Pyracmon
:
OTHONIEL
,
AOD
,
GIDEON
,
JEPHTHA
,
SAMSON
,
as
in
Israel
:
MILTIADES
,
ARISTIDES
,
THEMISTOCLES
,
CIMON
,
PERICLES
,
as
in
Athens
:
PAPYRIUS
,
CINCINNATUS
,
CAMILLUS
,
FABIUS
,
SCIPIO
,
as
in
Rome
:
Smiths
of
the
fortune
of
the
Commonwealth
;
not
such
as
forg'd
Hobnails
,
but
Thunderbolts
.
Popular
Elections
are
of
that
kind
,
that
all
the
rest
of
the
World
is
not
able
,
either
in
number
or
glory
,
to
equal
those
of
these
three
Commonwealths
.
These
indeed
were
the
ablest
Cudgel
and
Footbal-players
;
bright
Arms
were
their
Cudgels
,
and
the
World
was
the
Ball
that
lay
at
their
feet
.
Wherfore
we
are
not
so
to
understand
the
Maxim
of
Legislators
,
which
holds
all
men
to
be
wicked
,
as
if
it
related
to
Mankind
or
a
Commonwealth
,
the
Interests
wherof
are
the
only
strait
lines
they
have
wherby
to
reform
the
crooked
;
but
as
it
relates
to
every
Man
or
Party
,
under
what
color
soever
he
or
they
pretend
to
be
trusted
apart
,
with
or
by
the
whole
.
Hence
then
it
is
deriv'd
,
which
is
made
good
in
all
experience
,
that
the
Aristocracy
is
ravenous
,
and
not
the
People
.
Your
Highwaymen
are
not
such
as
have
Trades
,
or
have
bin
brought
up
to
Industry
;
but
such
commonly
whose
Education
has
pretended
to
that
of
Gentlemen
.
My
Lord
is
so
honest
,
he
dos
not
know
the
Maxims
that
are
of
absolute
necessity
to
the
Arts
of
Wickedness
;
for
it
is
most
certain
,
if
there
be
not
more
Purses
than
Thieves
,
that
the
Thieves
themselves
must
be
forc'd
to
turn
honest
,
because
they
cannot
thrive
by
their
Trade
:
But
now
if
the
People
should
turn
Thieves
,
who
sees
not
that
there
would
be
more
Thieves
than
Purses
?
Wherfore
that
a
whole
People
should
turn
Robbers
or
Levellers
,
is
as
impossible
in
the
end
as
in
the
means
.
But
that
I
do
not
think
your
Artist
which
you
mention'd
,
whether
Astronomer
or
Arithmetician
,
can
tell
me
how
many
Barlycorns
would
reach
to
the
Sun
;
I
could
be
content
he
were
call'd
to
the
account
,
with
which
I
shall
conclude
this
Point
:
when
by
the
way
I
have
chid
my
Lords
the
Legislators
,
who
,
as
if
they
doubted
my
Tackling
could
not
hold
,
would
leave
me
to
flag
in
a
perpetual
Calm
,
but
for
my
Lord
EPIMONUS
,
who
breaths
now
and
then
into
my
Sails
,
and
stirs
the
Waters
.
A
Ship
makes
not
her
way
so
briskly
,
as
when
she
is
handsomly
brush'd
by
the
Waves
,
and
tumbles
over
those
that
seem
to
tumble
against
her
;
in
which
case
I
have
perceiv'd
in
the
dark
,
that
Light
has
bin
struck
even
out
of
the
Sea
,
as
in
this
place
,
where
my
Lord
EPIMONUS
feigning
to
give
us
a
demonstration
of
one
thing
,
has
given
it
of
another
,
and
of
a
better
.
For
the
People
of
this
Nation
,
if
they
amount
in
each
Tribe
to
two
thousand
Elders
,
and
two
thousand
Youths
,
upon
the
annual
Roll
,
holding
a
fifth
to
the
whole
Tribe
;
then
the
whole
of
a
Tribe
,
not
accounting
Women
and
Children
,
must
amount
to
twenty
thousand
;
and
so
the
whole
of
all
the
Tribes
,
being
fifty
,
to
one
Million
.
Now
you
have
ten
thousand
Parishes
,
and
reckoning
these
one
with
another
,
each
at
one
thousand
pounds
a
Year
dry
Rent
,
the
Rent
or
Revenue
of
the
Nation
,
as
it
is
or
might
be
let
to
Farm
,
amounts
to
ten
Millions
;
and
ten
Millions
in
Revenue
divided
equally
to
one
Million
of
men
,
coms
but
to
ten
pounds
a
year
to
each
wherwith
to
maintain
himself
,
his
Wife
and
Children
.
But
he
that
has
a
Cow
upon
the
Common
,
and
earns
his
Shilling
by
the
day
at
his
labor
,
has
twice
as
much
already
as
this
would
com
to
for
his
share
;
because
if
the
Land
were
thus
divided
,
there
would
be
no
body
to
set
him
on
work
.
So
my
Lord
EPIMONUS'S
Footman
,
who
costs
him
thrice
as
much
as
one
of
these
could
thus
get
,
would
certainly
lose
by
this
bargain
.
What
should
we
speak
of
those
innumerable
Trades
wherupon
men
live
,
not
only
better
than
others
upon
good
shares
of
Lands
,
but
becom
also
purchasers
of
greater
Estates
?
Is
not
this
the
demonstration
which
my
Lord
meant
,
that
the
Revenue
of
Industry
in
a
Nation
,
at
least
in
this
,
is
three
or
fourfold
greater
than
that
of
the
mere
Rent
?
If
the
People
then
obstruct
Industry
,
they
obstruct
their
own
livelihood
;
but
if
they
make
a
War
,
they
obstruct
Industry
.
Take
the
Bread
out
of
the
Peoples
mouths
,
as
did
the
Roman
Patricians
,
and
you
are
sure
enough
of
a
War
,
in
which
case
they
may
be
Levellers
;
but
our
Agrarian
causes
their
Industry
to
slow
with
Milk
and
Hony
.
It
will
be
own'd
,
that
this
is
true
,
if
the
People
were
given
[
](A45618-e200640-b)*
*
O
fortunati
nimium
,
bona
si
sua
nôrint
,
Agricolae
!
to
understand
their
own
happiness
;
But
where
is
it
they
do
that
?
Let
me
reply
with
the
like
question
,
Where
do
they
not
?
They
do
not
know
their
happiness
it
should
seem
in
France
,
Spain
,
and
Italy
:
but
reach
them
what
it
is
,
and
try
whose
Sense
is
the
truer
.
As
to
the
late
Wars
in
Germany
,
it
has
bin
affirm'd
to
me
there
,
that
the
Princes
could
never
make
the
People
to
take
Arms
while
they
had
Bread
,
and
have
therfore
suffer'd
Countrys
now
and
then
to
be
wasted
,
that
they
might
get
Soldiers
.
This
you
will
find
to
be
the
certain
pulse
and
temper
of
the
People
;
and
if
they
have
bin
already
prov'd
to
be
the
most
wise
and
constant
Order
of
a
Government
,
why
should
we
think
(
when
no
man
can
produce
one
Example
of
the
common
Soldiery
in
an
Army
mutinying
because
they
had
not
Captains
pay
)
that
the
Prerogative
should
jole
the
heads
of
the
Senat
together
,
because
these
have
the
better
Salarys
;
when
it
must
be
as
evident
to
the
People
in
a
Nation
,
as
to
the
Soldiery
in
an
Army
,
that
it
is
no
more
possible
their
Emoluments
of
this
kind
should
be
afforded
by
any
Commonwealth
in
the
World
to
be
made
equal
with
those
of
the
Senat
,
than
that
the
common
Soldiers
should
be
equal
with
the
Captains
?
It
is
enough
for
the
common
Soldier
,
that
his
Virtue
may
bring
him
to
be
a
Captain
,
and
more
to
the
Prerogative
,
that
each
of
them
is
nearer
to
be
a
Senator
.
IF
my
Lord
thinks
our
Salarys
too
great
,
and
that
the
Commonwealth
is
not
Houswife
enough
;
whether
is
it
better
Houswisery
that
she
should
keep
her
Family
from
the
Snow
,
or
suffer
them
to
burn
her
House
that
they
may
warm
themselves
?
for
one
of
these
must
be
.
Do
you
think
that
she
came
off
at
a
cheaper
rate
,
when
men
had
their
Rewards
by
a
thousand
,
two
thousand
pounds
a
Year
in
Land
of
Inheritance
?
If
you
say
,
that
they
will
be
more
godly
than
they
have
bin
,
it
may
be
ill
taken
;
and
if
you
cannot
promise
that
,
it
is
time
we
find
out
som
way
of
stinting
at
least
,
if
not
curing
them
of
that
same
sacra
Fames
.
On
the
other
side
,
if
a
poor
man
(
as
such
a
one
may
save
a
City
)
gives
his
sweat
to
the
Public
,
with
what
conscience
can
you
suffer
his
Family
in
the
mean
time
to
starve
?
But
he
that
lays
his
hand
to
this
Plow
,
shall
not
lose
by
taking
it
off
from
his
own
:
and
a
Commonwealth
that
will
mend
this
,
shall
be
penny
wise
.
The
Sanhedrim
of
Israel
being
the
Supreme
,
and
a
constant
Court
of
Judicature
,
could
not
chuse
but
be
exceding
gainful
.
The
Senat
of
the
Bean
in
Athens
,
because
it
was
but
annual
,
was
moderatly
salariated
;
but
that
of
the
Areopagits
being
for
Life
,
bountifully
:
and
what
advantages
the
Senators
of
Lacedemon
had
,
where
there
was
little
Mony
or
use
of
it
,
were
in
Honors
for
life
.
The
Patricians
having
no
profit
,
took
all
.
Venice
being
a
Situation
,
where
a
man
gos
but
to
the
door
for
his
Imployment
,
the
Honor
is
great
,
and
the
Reward
very
little
:
but
in
Holland
a
Counsillor
of
State
has
fifteen
hundred
Flemish
Pounds
a
Year
,
besides
other
Accommodations
.
The
States
General
have
more
.
And
that
Commonwealth
looks
nearer
her
Penny
than
ours
needs
to
do
.
FOR
the
Revenue
of
this
Nation
,
besides
that
of
her
Industry
,
it
amounts
,
as
has
bin
shewn
,
to
ten
Millions
;
and
the
Salarys
in
the
whole
com
not
to
three
hundred
thousand
Pounds
a
Year
.
The
Beauty
they
will
add
to
the
Commonwealth
will
be
exceding
great
,
and
the
People
will
delight
in
this
Beauty
of
their
Commonwealth
;
the
Incouragement
they
will
give
to
the
study
of
the
Public
being
very
profitable
,
the
Accommodation
they
will
afford
to
your
Magistrats
very
honorable
and
easy
.
And
the
Sum
,
when
it
or
twice
as
much
was
spent
in
Hunting
and
Housekeeping
,
was
never
any
grievance
to
the
People
.
I
am
asham'd
to
stand
huckling
upon
this
Point
;
it
is
sordid
.
Your
Magistrats
are
rather
to
be
provided
with
further
Accommodations
.
For
what
if
there
should
be
Sickness
?
whither
will
you
have
them
to
remove
?
And
this
City
in
the
soundest
Times
,
for
the
heat
of
the
Year
,
is
no
wholsom
abode
:
have
a
care
of
their
Healths
to
whom
you
commit
your
own
.
I
would
have
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
except
they
see
cause
to
the
contrary
,
every
first
of
June
to
remove
into
the
Country
Air
for
the
space
of
three
months
.
You
are
better
fitted
with
Summer-houses
for
them
,
than
if
you
had
built
them
to
that
purpose
.
There
is
som
twelve
miles
distant
the
Convallium
upon
the
River
Halci●nia
,
for
the
Tribuns
and
the
Prerogative
,
a
Palace
capable
of
a
thousand
Men
:
and
twenty
miles
distant
you
have
Mount
Cel●●
,
reverend
as
well
for
the
Antiquity
as
State
of
a
Castle
completely
capable
of
the
Senat
:
the
Proposers
having
Lodgings
in
the
Convallium
,
and
the
Tribuns
in
Celia
,
it
holds
the
Correspondency
between
the
Senat
and
the
People
exactly
.
And
it
is
a
small
matter
for
the
Proposers
,
being
attended
with
the
Coaches
and
Officers
of
State
,
besides
other
Conveniences
of
their
own
,
to
go
a
matter
of
five
or
ten
miles
(
those
Seats
are
not
much
further
distant
)
to
meet
the
People
upon
any
Heath
or
Field
that
shall
be
appointed
:
where
,
having
dispatch'd
their
business
,
they
may
hunt
their
own
Venizon
(
for
I
would
have
the
great
wall'd
Park
upon
the
H●lcionia
to
belong
to
the
Signory
,
and
those
about
the
Convallium
〈◊〉
the
Tribuns
)
and
so
go
to
supper
.
Pray
,
my
Lords
,
see
that
they
do
not
pull
down
these
Houses
to
sell
the
Lead
of
them
;
for
when
you
have
consider'd
on
't
,
they
cannot
be
spar'd
.
The
Founders
of
the
School
in
Hiera
provided
that
the
Boys
should
have
a
Summer
Seat
.
You
should
have
as
much
care
of
these
Magistrats
.
But
there
is
such
a
selling
,
such
a
Jewish
humor
in
our
Republicans
,
that
I
cannot
tell
what
to
say
to
it
;
only
this
,
any
man
that
knows
what
belongs
to
a
Commonwealth
,
or
how
diligent
every
Nation
in
that
case
has
bin
to
preserve
her
Ornaments
,
and
shall
see
the
wast
lately
made
(
the
Woods
adjoining
to
this
City
,
which
serv'd
for
the
delight
and
health
of
it
,
being
cut
down
to
be
sold
for
three
pence
)
will
tell
you
,
that
they
who
did
such
things
would
never
have
made
a
Commonwealth
.
The
like
may
be
said
of
the
Ruin
or
Damage
don
upon
our
Cathedrals
,
Ornaments
in
which
this
Nation
excels
all
others
.
Nor
shall
this
ever
be
excus'd
upon
the
score
of
Religion
;
for
tho
it
be
true
,
that
God
dwells
not
in
Houses
made
with
hands
,
yet
you
cannot
hold
your
Assemblys
but
in
such
Houses
,
and
these
are
of
the
best
that
have
bin
made
with
hands
.
Nor
is
it
well
argu'd
that
they
are
pompous
,
and
therfore
profane
,
or
less
proper
for
Divine
Service
;
seeing
the
Christians
in
the
Primitive
Church
chose
to
meet
with
one
accord
in
the
Temple
;
so
far
were
they
from
any
inclination
to
pull
it
down
.
THE
Orders
of
this
Commonwealth
,
so
far
,
or
near
so
far
as
they
concern
the
Elders
,
together
with
the
several
Speeches
at
the
Institution
,
which
may
serve
for
the
better
understanding
of
them
as
so
many
Commentaries
,
being
shewn
;
I
should
now
com
from
the
Elders
to
the
Youth
,
or
from
the
Civil
Constitution
of
this
Government
to
the
Military
,
but
that
I
judg
this
the
fittest
place
wherinto
,
by
the
way
,
to
insert
the
Government
of
the
City
,
tho
for
the
present
but
perfunctorily
.
The
Government
of
Emporium
.
THE
Metropolis
or
Capital
City
of
Oceana
is
commonly
call'd
Emporium
,
tho
it
consists
of
two
Citys
distinct
,
as
well
in
Name
as
in
Government
,
wherof
the
other
is
call'd
Hiera
:
For
which
cause
I
shall
treat
of
each
apart
,
beginning
with
Emporium
.
The
City-Tribes
and
Wards
.
EMPORIUM
with
the
Libertys
is
under
a
twofold
Division
,
the
one
regarding
the
National
,
and
the
other
the
Vrban
or
City
Government
.
It
is
divided
,
in
regard
of
the
National
Government
,
into
three
Tribes
,
and
in
respect
of
the
Vrban
into
twenty
six
,
which
for
distinction
sake
are
call'd
Wards
,
being
contain'd
under
the
three
Tribes
but
inequally
:
Wherfore
the
first
Tribe
containing
ten
Wards
is
call'd
Scazon
,
the
second
containing
eight
Metoche
,
and
the
third
containing
as
many
,
Telicouta
;
the
bearing
of
which
names
in
mind
concerns
the
better
understanding
of
the
Government
.
Wardmote
.
EVERY
Ward
has
her
Wardmote
,
Court
,
or
Inquest
,
consisting
of
all
that
are
of
the
Clothing
or
Liverys
of
Companys
residing
within
the
same
.
The
Liverys
.
SVCH
are
of
the
Livery
or
Clothing
as
have
attain'd
to
the
dignity
to
wear
Gowns
and
particolor'd
Hoods
or
Tippets
,
according
to
the
Rules
and
antient
Customs
of
their
respective
Companys
.
The
Companys
.
A
COMPANY
is
a
Brotherhood
of
Tradesmen
professing
the
same
Art
,
govern'd
according
to
their
Charter
by
a
Master
and
Wardens
.
Of
these
there
be
about
sixty
,
wherof
twelve
are
of
greater
dignity
than
the
rest
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
Mercers
,
Grocers
,
Drapers
,
Fishmongers
,
Goldsmiths
,
Skinners
,
Merchant-Taylors
,
Haberdashers
,
Salters
,
Ironmongers
,
Vintners
,
Clothworkers
;
which
,
with
most
of
the
rest
,
have
common
CommonHalls
.
Halls
,
divers
of
them
being
of
antient
and
magnificent
Structure
,
wherin
they
have
frequent
meetings
at
the
Summons
of
their
Masters
or
Wardens
,
for
the
managing
and
regulation
of
their
respective
Trades
and
Mysterys
.
These
Companys
,
as
I
shall
shew
,
are
the
Roots
of
the
whole
Government
of
the
City
.
For
the
Liverys
that
reside
in
the
same
Ward
,
meeting
at
the
Wardmote
Inquest
(
to
which
it
belongs
to
take
cognizance
of
all
sorts
of
Nusances
,
and
violations
of
the
Customs
and
Orders
of
the
City
,
and
to
present
them
to
the
Court
of
Aldermen
)
have
also
power
to
make
election
of
two
sorts
of
Magistrats
or
Officers
;
the
first
of
Elders
or
Aldermen
of
the
Ward
,
the
second
of
Deputys
of
the
same
,
otherwise
call'd
Common
Council
men
.
Election
of
Aldermen
,
and
of
the
Common
Council
men
.
THE
Wards
in
these
Elections
,
because
they
do
not
elect
all
at
once
,
but
som
one
year
,
and
som
another
,
observe
the
distinction
of
the
three
Tribes
;
for
example
,
the
Scazon
consisting
of
ten
Wards
,
makes
election
the
first
Year
of
ten
Aldermens
▪
one
in
each
Ward
,
and
of
one
hundred
and
fifty
Deputys
,
fifteen
in
each
Ward
▪
all
which
are
Triennial
Magistrats
or
Officers
,
that
is
to
say
,
are
to
bear
their
dignity
for
the
space
of
three
Years
.
THE
second
Year
,
the
Metoche
,
consisting
of
eight
Wards
,
elects
eight
Aldermen
,
one
in
each
Ward
,
and
a
hundred
and
twenty
Deputys
,
fifteen
in
each
Ward
;
being
also
Triennial
Magistrats
.
THE
third
Year
Telicouta
,
consisting
of
a
like
number
of
Wards
,
elects
an
equal
number
of
like
Magistrats
for
a
like
term
.
So
that
the
whole
number
of
the
Aldermen
,
according
to
that
of
the
Wards
,
amounts
to
twenty
six
;
and
the
whole
number
of
the
Deputys
,
to
three
hundred
and
ninety
.
The
Court
of
Aldermen
.
THE
Aldermen
thus
elected
have
divers
Capacitys
:
for
,
first
,
they
are
Justices
of
the
Peace
for
the
term
,
and
in
consequence
of
their
Election
.
Secondly
,
They
are
Presidents
of
the
Wardmote
,
and
Governors
each
of
that
Ward
wherby
he
was
elected
.
And
last
of
all
,
these
Magistrats
being
assembled
together
,
constitute
the
Senat
of
the
City
,
otherwise
call'd
the
Court
of
Aldermen
:
but
no
man
is
capable
of
this
Election
that
is
not
worth
ten
thousand
Pounds
.
This
Court
upon
every
new
Election
,
makes
choice
of
nine
Censors
out
of
their
own
number
.
The
Common
Council
.
THE
Deputys
in
like
manner
being
assembled
together
,
constitute
the
Prerogative
Tribe
of
the
City
,
otherwise
call'd
the
Common
Council
:
by
which
means
the
Senat
and
the
People
of
the
City
were
comprehended
,
as
it
were
,
by
the
motion
of
the
National
Government
,
into
the
same
Wheel
of
annual
,
triennial
,
and
perpetual
Revolution
.
The
Common
Hall
.
BVT
the
Liverys
,
over
and
above
the
right
of
these
Elections
by
their
Divisions
mention'd
,
being
assembled
all
together
at
the
Guild
of
the
City
,
constitute
another
Assembly
call'd
the
Common
Hall
.
The
Election
of
the
Lord
Mayor
and
Sherifs
.
THE
Common
Hall
has
the
right
of
two
other
Elections
;
the
one
of
the
Lord
Mayor
,
and
the
other
of
the
two
Sherifs
,
being
annual
Magistrats
.
The
Lord
Mayor
can
be
elected
out
of
no
other
than
one
of
the
twelve
Companys
of
the
first
Ranks
;
and
the
Common
Hall
agrees
by
the
plurality
of
Suffrages
upon
two
Names
:
which
being
presented
to
the
Lord
Mayor
for
the
time
being
,
and
the
Court
of
Aldermen
,
they
elect
one
by
their
Scrutiny
;
for
so
they
call
it
,
tho
it
differs
from
that
of
the
Commonwealth
.
The
Orator
or
Assistant
to
the
Lord
Mayor
in
holding
of
his
Courts
,
is
som
able
Lawyer
elected
by
the
Court
of
Aldermen
,
and
call'd
the
Recorder
of
Emporium
.
THE
Lord
Mayor
being
thus
elected
,
has
two
Capacitys
;
one
regarding
the
Nation
,
and
the
other
the
City
.
In
that
which
regards
the
City
,
he
is
President
of
the
Court
of
Aldermen
,
having
power
to
assemble
the
same
,
or
any
other
Council
of
the
City
,
as
the
Common
Council
or
Common
Hall
,
at
his
will
and
pleasure
:
and
in
that
which
regards
the
Nation
,
he
is
Commander
in
Chief
of
the
three
Tribes
wherinto
the
City
is
divided
;
one
of
which
he
is
to
bring
up
in
Person
at
the
National
Muster
to
the
Ballot
,
as
his
Vicecomites
,
or
High
Sherifs
,
are
to
do
by
the
other
two
,
each
at
their
distinct
Pavilion
,
where
the
nine
Aldermen
,
elected
Censors
,
are
to
officiat
by
three
in
each
Tribe
,
according
to
the
Rules
and
Orders
already
given
to
the
Censors
of
the
rustic
Tribes
.
And
the
Tribes
of
the
City
have
no
other
than
one
common
Phylarch
,
which
is
the
Court
of
Aldermen
and
the
Common
Council
;
for
which
cause
they
elect
not
at
their
Muster
the
first
List
call'd
the
Prime
Magnitude
.
Som
Conveniences
in
this
Alteration
.
THE
Conveniences
of
this
Alteration
of
the
City
Government
,
besides
the
bent
of
it
to
a
conformity
with
that
of
the
Nation
,
were
many
,
wherof
I
shall
mention
but
a
few
:
As
first
,
wheras
men
under
the
former
administration
,
when
the
burden
of
som
of
these
Magistracys
lay
for
life
,
were
oftentimes
chosen
not
for
their
fitness
,
but
rather
unfitness
,
or
at
least
unwillingness
to
undergo
such
a
weight
,
wherby
they
were
put
at
great
Rates
to
fine
for
their
ease
;
a
man
might
now
take
his
share
in
Magistracy
with
that
equity
which
is
due
to
the
Public
,
and
without
any
inconvenience
to
his
privat
Affairs
.
Secondly
,
Wheras
the
City
(
inasmuch
as
the
Acts
of
the
Aristocracy
,
or
Court
of
Aldermen
,
in
their
former
way
of
proceding
,
were
rather
Impositions
than
Propositions
)
was
frequently
disquieted
with
the
inevitable
consequence
of
disorder
in
the
power
of
Debate
exercis'd
by
the
popular
Part
,
or
Common
Council
;
the
right
of
Debate
being
henceforth
establish'd
in
the
Court
of
Aldermen
,
and
that
of
Result
in
the
Common
Council
,
kill'd
the
branches
of
Division
in
the
Root
.
Which
for
the
present
may
suffice
to
have
bin
said
of
the
City
of
Emporium
.
The
Government
of
Hiera
.
THAT
of
HIERA
consists
as
to
the
National
Government
of
two
Tribes
,
the
first
call'd
Agoraea
,
the
second
Propola
:
But
as
to
the
peculiar
Policy
,
of
twelve
Manipuls
,
or
Wards
divided
into
three
Cohorts
,
each
Cohort
containing
four
Wards
;
wherof
the
Wards
of
the
first
Cohort
elect
for
the
first
Year
four
Burgesses
,
one
in
each
Ward
;
the
Wards
of
the
second
Cohort
for
the
second
year
four
Burgesses
,
one
in
each
Ward
;
and
the
Wards
of
the
third
Cohort
for
the
third
Year
four
Burgesses
,
one
in
each
Ward
;
all
triennial
Magistrats
:
by
which
the
twelve
Burgesses
,
making
one
Court
for
The
Court.
the
Government
of
this
City
,
according
to
their
Instructions
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
fall
likewise
into
an
Annual
,
Triennial
,
and
perpetual
Revolution
.
The
High
Steward
.
THIS
Court
being
thus
constituted
,
makes
election
of
divers
Magistrats
;
As
first
of
a
High
Steward
,
who
is
commonly
som
Person
of
Quality
,
and
this
Magistracy
is
elected
in
the
Senat
by
the
Scrutiny
of
this
Court
;
with
him
they
chuse
som
able
Lawyer
to
be
his
Deputy
,
and
to
hold
the
Court
;
and
last
of
all
they
elect
out
of
their
own
Number
six
Censors
.
THE
High
Steward
is
Commander
in
Chief
of
the
two
Tribes
,
wherof
he
in
Person
brings
up
the
one
at
the
National
Muster
to
the
Ballot
,
and
his
Deputy
the
other
at
a
distinct
Pavilion
;
the
six
Censors
chosen
by
the
Court
,
officiating
by
three
in
each
Tribe
at
the
Vrns
:
and
these
Tribes
have
no
other
Phylarch
but
this
Court
.
AS
for
the
manner
of
Elections
and
Suffrage
,
both
in
Emporium
and
Hiera
,
it
may
be
said
once
for
all
,
that
they
are
perform'd
by
the
Ballot
,
and
according
to
the
respective
Rules
already
given
.
THERE
be
other
Citys
and
Corporations
throout
the
Territory
,
whose
Policy
being
much
of
this
kind
,
would
be
tedious
and
not
worth
the
labor
to
insert
,
nor
dare
I
stay
.
Juvenum
manus
emicat
ardens
.
I
RETURN
,
according
to
the
method
of
the
Commonwealth
,
to
the
remaining
part
of
her
Orbs
,
which
are
Military
and
Provincial
;
the
Military
,
except
the
Strategus
,
and
the
Polemarchs
or
Field
Officers
,
consisting
of
the
Youth
only
,
and
the
Provincial
consisting
of
a
mixture
both
of
the
Elders
and
of
the
Youth
.
TO
begin
with
the
Youth
,
or
the
military
Orbs
,
they
are
Circles
to
which
the
Commonwealth
must
have
a
care
to
keep
close
.
A
Man
is
a
Spirit
rais'd
by
the
Magic
of
Nature
;
if
she
dos
not
stand
safe
,
and
so
that
she
may
set
him
to
som
good
and
useful
work
,
he
spits
fire
,
and
blows
up
Castles
:
for
where
there
is
life
,
there
must
be
motion
or
work
;
and
the
work
of
idleness
is
mischief
,
but
the
work
of
industry
is
health
.
To
set
Men
to
this
,
the
Commonwealth
must
begin
betimes
with
them
,
or
it
will
be
too
late
:
and
the
means
wherby
she
sets
them
to
it
,
is
EDUCATION
,
the
plastic
art
of
Government
.
But
it
is
as
frequent
as
sad
in
experience
(
whether
thro
negligence
,
or
,
which
in
the
consequence
is
all
one
or
worse
,
oversondness
in
the
domestic
performance
of
this
Duty
)
that
innumerable
Children
com
to
ow
their
utter
Perdition
to
their
own
Parents
;
in
each
of
which
the
Commonwealth
loses
a
Citizen
.
Wherfore
the
Laws
of
a
Government
,
how
wholsom
soever
in
themselves
,
are
such
as
,
if
Men
by
a
congruity
in
their
Education
be
not
bred
to
find
a
relish
in
them
,
they
will
be
sure
to
loath
and
detest
.
The
Education
therfore
of
a
Man
's
own
Children
is
not
wholly
to
be
commited
or
trusted
to
himself
.
You
find
in
[
](A45618-e201630-b)*
*
Assueti
more
regio
vivere
—
inter
se
conquerebantur
—
Regem
homin●m
esse
à
quo
impetres
ubi
jus
,
ubi
injuria
opus
sit
;
esse
gratiae
locum
,
esse
benesicio
;
&
irasci
&
ignoscere
posse
;
inter
amicum
&
inimicum
discrimen
nosse
.
Leges
rem
surdam
,
inexorabil●m
esse
;
salubriorem
,
melioremque
inopi
quam
potenti
;
nihil
laxamenti
nec
veniae
habere
,
si
medum
excesseris
;
periculosum
esse
in
tot
humanis
erroribus
sola
innocentia
vivere
.
Liv.
l.
2.
LIVY
the
Children
of
BRUTUS
having
bin
bred
under
Monarchy
,
and
us'd
to
a
Court
life
,
making
faces
at
the
Common-wealth
of
Rome
:
A
King
(
say
they
)
is
a
Man
with
whom
you
may
prevail
when
you
have
need
there
should
be
Law
,
or
when
you
have
need
there
should
be
no
Law
;
he
has
Favors
in
the
right
,
and
he
frowns
not
in
the
wrong
place
;
he
knows
his
Friends
from
his
Enemys
.
But
Laws
are
deaf
inexorable
things
,
such
as
make
no
difference
between
a
Gentleman
and
an
ordinary
fellow
;
a
Man
can
never
be
merry
for
them
,
for
to
trust
altogether
to
his
own
innocence
is
a
sad
life
.
Unhappy
wantons
!
SCIPIO
on
the
other
side
,
when
he
was
but
a
Boy
(
about
two
or
three
and
twenty
)
being
inform'd
that
certain
Patricians
or
Roman
Gentlemen
,
thro
a
qualm
upon
the
defeat
which
HANNIBAL
had
given
them
at
Cannae
,
were
laying
their
heads
together
and
contriving
their
Flight
with
the
transportation
of
their
Goods
out
of
Rome
,
drew
his
Sword
,
and
setting
himself
at
the
door
of
the
Chamber
where
they
were
at
Council
,
protested
,
That
who
did
not
immediatly
swear
not
to
desert
the
Commonwealth
,
he
would
make
his
Soul
to
desert
his
Body
.
Let
Men
argue
as
they
please
for
Monarchy
,
or
against
a
Commonwealth
,
the
world
shall
never
see
any
Man
so
sottish
or
wicked
as
in
cool
blood
to
prefer
the
Education
of
the
Sons
of
BRUTUS
before
that
of
SCIPIO
;
and
of
this
mould
,
except
a
MELIUS
or
a
MANLIUS
,
was
the
whole
youth
of
that
Commonwealth
,
tho
not
ordinarily
so
well
cast
.
Now
the
health
of
a
Government
,
and
the
education
of
the
Youth
being
of
the
same
pulse
,
no
wonder
if
it
has
bin
the
constant
practice
of
well
order'd
Commonwealths
to
commit
the
care
and
feeling
of
it
to
public
Magistrats
.
A
duty
that
was
perform'd
in
such
a
manner
by
the
Areopagits
,
as
is
elegantly
prais'd
by
ISOCRATES
.
The
Athenians
,
says
he
,
write
not
their
Laws
upon
dead
Walls
,
nor
content
themselves
with
having
ordain'd
Punishments
for
Crimes
,
but
provide
in
such
a
way
by
the
Education
of
their
Youth
,
that
there
be
no
Crimes
for
Punishment
.
He
speaks
of
those
Laws
which
regarded
Manners
,
not
of
those
Orders
which
concern'd
the
Administration
of
the
Commonwealth
,
lest
you
should
think
he
contradicts
XENOPHON
and
POLYBIUS
.
The
Children
of
Lacedemon
,
at
the
seventh
year
of
their
age
,
were
deliver'd
to
the
Paedonomi
,
or
Schoolmasters
,
not
mercenary
,
but
Magistrats
of
the
Commonwealth
,
to
which
they
were
accountable
for
their
charge
:
and
by
these
at
the
age
of
fourteen
they
were
presented
to
other
Magistrats
call'd
the
Beidiaei
,
having
the
inspection
of
the
Games
and
Exercises
,
among
which
that
of
the
Platanis●a
was
famous
,
a
kind
of
Fight
in
Squadrons
,
but
somwhat
too
sierce
.
When
they
came
to
be
of
military
age
,
they
were
listed
of
the
Mora
,
and
so
continu'd
in
readiness
for
public
Service
under
the
Disciplin
of
the
Polemarchs
.
But
the
Roman
Education
and
Disciplin
by
the
Centurys
and
Classes
is
that
to
which
the
Commonwealth
of
Oceana
has
had
a
more
particular
regard
in
her
three
Essays
,
being
certain
degrees
by
which
the
Youth
commence
as
it
were
in
Arms
for
Magistracy
,
as
appears
by
26.
Order
.
THE
twenty
sixth
ORDER
,
instituting
,
That
if
a
Parent
has
but
one
Son
,
the
Education
of
that
one
Son
shall
be
wholly
at
the
disposition
of
that
Parent
.
But
wheras
there
be
Free
Schools
erected
and
indow'd
,
or
to
be
erected
and
indow'd
in
every
Tribe
of
this
Nation
,
to
a
sufficient
proportion
for
the
Education
of
the
Children
of
the
same
(
which
Schools
,
to
the
end
there
be
no
detriment
or
hindrance
to
the
Scholars
upon
case
of
removing
from
one
to
another
,
are
every
of
them
to
be
govern'd
by
the
strict
inspection
of
the
Censors
of
the
Tribes
,
both
upon
the
Schoolmasters
manner
of
Life
and
Teaching
,
and
the
proficiency
of
the
Children
,
after
the
rules
and
method
of
that
in
Hiera
)
if
a
Parent
has
more
Sons
than
one
,
the
Censors
of
the
Tribes
shall
animadvert
upon
and
punish
him
that
sends
not
his
Sons
within
the
ninth
year
of
their
age
to
som
one
of
the
Schools
of
a
Tribe
,
there
to
be
kept
and
taught
if
he
be
able
at
his
own
charges
;
and
if
he
be
not
able
,
gratis
,
till
they
arrive
at
the
age
of
fifteen
years
.
And
a
Parent
may
dispose
of
his
Sons
at
the
fifteenth
year
of
their
age
according
to
his
choice
or
ability
,
whether
it
be
to
Service
in
the
way
of
Apprentices
to
som
Trade
or
otherwise
,
or
to
further
study
,
as
by
sending
them
to
the
Ins
of
Court
,
of
Chancery
,
or
to
one
of
the
Vniversitys
of
this
Nation
.
But
he
that
takes
not
upon
him
one
of
the
Professions
proper
to
som
of
those
places
,
shall
not
continue
longer
in
any
of
them
than
till
he
has
attain'd
to
the
age
of
eighteen
years
;
and
every
Man
having
not
at
the
age
of
eighteen
years
taken
upon
him
,
or
addicted
himself
to
the
profession
of
the
Law
,
Theology
,
or
Physic
,
and
being
no
Servant
,
shall
be
capable
of
the
Essays
of
the
Youth
,
and
no
other
person
whatsoever
:
except
a
Man
,
having
taken
upon
him
such
a
profession
,
happens
to
lay
it
by
,
ere
he
arrives
at
three
or
four
and
twenty
years
of
age
,
and
be
admitted
to
this
Capacity
by
the
respective
Phylarch
,
being
satisfy'd
that
he
kept
not
out
so
long
with
any
design
to
evade
the
Service
of
the
Commonwealth
;
but
,
that
being
no
sooner
at
his
own
disposal
,
it
was
no
sooner
in
his
choice
to
com
in
.
And
if
any
Youth
or
other
Person
of
this
Nation
have
a
desire
to
travel
into
foren
Countrys
upon
occasion
of
business
,
delight
,
or
further
improvement
of
his
Education
;
the
same
shall
be
lawful
for
him
upon
a
Pass
obtain'd
from
the
Censors
in
Parlament
,
putting
a
convenient
limit
to
the
time
,
and
recommending
him
to
the
Embassadors
by
whom
he
shall
be
assisted
,
and
to
whom
he
shall
yield
Honor
and
Obedience
in
their
respective
Residences
.
Every
Youth
at
his
return
from
his
Travel
is
to
present
the
Censors
with
a
Paper
of
his
own
writing
,
containing
the
Interest
of
State
or
Form
of
Government
of
the
Countrys
,
or
som
one
of
the
Countrys
where
he
has
bin
;
and
if
it
be
good
,
the
Censors
shall
cause
it
to
be
printed
and
publish'd
,
prefixing
a
Line
in
commendation
of
the
Author
.
EVERY
Wednesday
next
insuing
the
last
of
December
,
the
whole
Youth
of
every
Parish
,
that
is
to
say
every
Man
(
not
excepted
by
the
foregoing
part
of
the
Order
)
being
from
eighteen
years
of
age
to
thirty
,
shall
repair
at
the
sound
of
the
Bell
to
their
respective
Church
,
and
being
there
assembl'd
in
presence
of
the
Overseers
,
who
are
to
govern
the
Ballot
,
and
the
Constable
who
is
to
officiat
at
the
Vrn
,
shall
,
after
the
manner
of
the
Elders
,
elect
every
fifth
Man
of
their
whole
number
(
provided
that
they
chuse
not
above
one
of
two
Brothers
at
one
Election
,
nor
above
half
if
they
be
four
or
upward
)
to
be
a
Stratiot
or
Deputy
of
the
Youth
;
and
the
List
of
the
Stratiots
so
elected
being
taken
by
the
Overseers
,
shall
be
enter'd
in
the
Parish
Book
,
and
diligently
preserv'd
as
a
Record
,
call'd
the
first
Essay
,
They
whose
Estates
by
the
Law
are
able
,
or
whose
Friends
are
willing
to
mount
them
,
shall
be
of
the
Horse
,
the
rest
are
of
the
Foot
.
And
he
who
has
bin
one
year
of
this
List
,
is
not
capable
of
being
reelected
till
after
another
year's
interval
.
EVERY
Wednesday
next
insuing
the
last
of
January
,
the
Stratiots
being
muster'd
at
the
Rendevouz
of
their
respective
Hundred
,
shall
in
the
presence
of
the
Jurymen
,
who
are
Overseers
of
that
Ballot
,
and
of
the
High
Constable
who
is
to
officiat
at
the
Vrn
,
elect
out
of
the
Horse
of
their
Troop
or
Company
one
Captain
,
and
one
Ensign
or
Cornet
,
to
the
command
of
the
same
.
And
the
Jurymen
having
enter'd
the
List
of
the
Hundred
into
a
Record
to
be
diligently
kept
at
the
Rendevouz
of
the
same
;
the
first
public
Game
of
this
Commonwealth
shall
begin
and
be
perform'd
in
this
manner
.
Wheras
there
is
to
be
at
every
Rendevouz
of
a
Hundred
one
Cannon
,
Culverin
,
or
Saker
;
the
prize
Arms
being
forg'd
by
sworn
Armorers
of
this
Commonwealth
,
and
for
their
proof
,
besides
their
Beauty
,
view'd
and
try'd
at
the
Tower
of
Emporium
,
shall
be
expos'd
by
the
Justice
of
Peace
appertaining
to
that
Hundred
(
the
said
Justice
with
the
Jurymen
being
Judges
of
the
Game
)
and
the
Judges
shall
deliver
to
the
Horsman
that
gains
the
Prize
at
the
Career
,
one
sute
of
Arms
being
of
the
value
of
twenty
Pounds
;
to
the
Pikeman
that
gains
the
Prize
at
throwing
the
Bullet
,
one
sute
of
Arms
of
the
value
of
ten
Pounds
;
to
the
Musketeer
that
gains
the
Prize
at
the
Mark
with
his
Musket
,
one
sute
of
Arms
of
the
value
of
ten
Pounds
;
and
to
the
Cannoneer
that
gains
the
Prize
at
the
mark
with
the
Cannon
,
Culverin
,
or
Saker
,
a
Chain
of
Silver
being
of
the
value
of
ten
Pounds
;
provided
,
that
no
one
man
at
the
same
Muster
plays
above
one
of
the
Prizes
.
Whosoever
gains
a
Prize
is
bound
to
wear
it
(
if
it
be
his
lot
)
upon
Service
;
and
no
man
shall
sell
or
give
away
any
Armor
thus
won
,
except
he
has
lawfully
attain'd
to
two
or
more
of
them
at
the
Games
.
THE
Games
being
ended
,
and
the
Muster
dismist
,
the
Captain
of
the
Troop
or
Company
shall
repair
with
a
Copy
of
the
List
to
the
Lord
Lieutenant
of
the
Tribe
,
and
the
High
Constable
with
a
Duplicat
of
the
same
to
the
Custos
Rotulorum
,
or
Mustermaster
General
,
to
be
also
communicated
to
the
Censors
;
in
each
of
which
the
Jurymen
giving
a
note
upon
every
name
of
an
only
Son
,
shall
certify
that
the
List
is
without
subterfuge
or
evasion
:
or
,
if
it
be
not
,
an
account
of
those
upon
whom
the
Evasion
or
Subterfuge
lys
,
to
the
end
that
the
Phylarch
or
the
Censors
may
animadvert
accordingly
.
AND
every
Wednesday
next
insuing
the
last
of
February
,
the
Lord
Lieutenant
,
Custos
Rotulorum
,
the
Censors
,
and
the
Conductor
,
shall
receive
the
whole
Muster
of
the
Youth
of
that
Tribe
at
the
Rendevouz
of
the
same
,
distributing
the
Horse
and
Foot
with
their
Officers
,
according
to
the
Directions
given
in
the
like
case
for
the
distribution
of
the
Elders
;
and
the
whole
Squadron
being
put
by
that
means
in
Battalia
,
the
second
Game
of
this
Commonwealth
shall
begin
by
the
exercise
of
the
Youth
in
all
the
parts
of
their
military
Disciplin
according
to
the
Orders
of
Parlament
,
or
direction
of
the
Council
of
War
in
that
case
.
And
the
hundred
Pounds
allow'd
by
the
Parlament
for
the
Ornament
of
the
Muster
in
every
Tribe
,
shall
be
expended
by
the
Phylarch
upon
such
artificial
Castles
,
Citadels
,
or
the
like
Devices
,
as
may
make
the
best
and
most
profitable
sport
for
the
Youth
and
their
Spectators
.
Which
being
ended
,
the
Censors
having
prepar'd
the
Vrns
by
putting
into
the
Horse
Vrn
220
Gold
Balls
,
wherof
ten
are
to
be
mark'd
with
the
letter
M
,
and
other
ten
with
the
letter
P
;
into
the
Foot
Vrn
700
Gold
Balls
,
wherof
50
are
to
be
mark'd
with
the
letter
M
,
and
50
with
the
letter
P
:
and
after
they
have
made
the
Gold
Balls
in
each
Vrn
,
by
the
addition
of
Silver
Balls
to
the
same
,
in
number
equal
with
the
Horse
and
Foot
of
the
Stratiots
,
the
Lord
Lieutenant
shall
call
the
Stratiots
to
the
Vrns
,
where
they
that
draw
the
Silver
Balls
shall
return
to
their
places
,
and
they
that
draw
the
Gold
Balls
shall
fall
off
to
the
Pavilion
,
where
,
for
the
space
of
one
hour
,
they
may
chop
and
change
their
Balls
according
as
one
can
agree
with
another
,
whose
Lot
he
likes
better
.
But
the
hour
being
out
,
the
Conductor
separating
them
whose
Gold
Balls
have
no
letter
,
from
those
whose
Balls
are
mark'd
,
shall
cause
the
Cryer
to
call
the
Alphabet
,
as
first
A
;
wherupon
all
they
whose
Gold
Balls
are
not
mark'd
,
and
whose
sirnames
begin
with
the
letter
A
,
shall
repair
to
a
Clerc
appertaining
to
the
Custos
Rotulorum
,
who
shall
first
take
the
names
of
that
letter
;
then
those
of
B
,
and
so
on
,
till
all
the
names
be
alphabetically
inrol'd
.
And
the
Youth
of
this
List
being
six
hundred
Foot
in
a
Tribe
,
that
is
,
30000
Foot
in
all
the
Tribes
;
and
two
hundred
Horse
in
a
Tribe
,
that
is
,
10000
Horse
in
all
the
Tribes
,
are
the
second
Essay
of
the
Stratiots
,
and
the
standing
Army
of
this
Commonwealth
to
be
always
ready
upon
command
to
march
.
They
whose
Balls
are
mark'd
with
M
,
amounting
,
by
20
Horse
and
50
Foot
in
a
Tribe
,
to
2500
Foot
,
and
500
Horse
in
all
the
Tribes
;
and
they
whose
Balls
are
mark'd
with
P
,
in
every
point
correspondent
,
are
parts
of
the
third
Essay
:
they
of
M
being
straight
to
march
for
Marpesia
,
and
they
of
P
for
Panopea
,
to
the
ends
,
and
according
to
the
further
directions
following
in
the
Order
for
the
provincial
Orbs.
IF
the
Polemarchs
or
Field
Officers
be
elected
by
the
scrutiny
of
the
Council
of
War
,
and
the
Strategus
commanded
by
the
Parlament
or
the
Dictator
to
march
,
the
Lords
Lieutenants
(
who
have
power
to
muster
and
disciplin
the
Youth
so
often
as
they
receive
Orders
for
the
same
from
the
Council
of
War
)
are
to
deliver
the
second
Essay
,
or
so
many
of
them
as
shall
be
commanded
,
to
the
Conductors
,
who
shall
present
them
to
the
Lord
Strategus
at
the
time
and
place
appointed
by
his
Excellency
to
be
the
general
Rendevou
of
Oceana
,
where
the
Council
of
War
shall
have
the
accommodation
of
Horses
and
Arms
for
his
men
in
readiness
:
and
the
Lord
Strategus
having
arm'd
,
mounted
,
and
distributed
them
,
whether
according
to
the
recommendation
of
their
Prize
Arms
,
or
otherwise
,
shall
lead
them
away
to
his
Shipping
,
being
also
ready
and
provided
with
Victuals
,
Ammunition
,
Artillery
,
and
all
other
necessarys
;
commanding
them
,
and
disposing
of
the
whole
Conduct
of
the
War
by
his
sole
Power
and
Authority
.
And
this
is
the
third
Essay
of
the
Stratiots
,
which
being
ship'd
,
or
march'd
out
of
their
Tribes
,
the
Lord
Lieutenants
shall
reelect
the
second
Essay
out
of
the
remaining
part
of
the
first
;
and
the
Senat
another
Strategus
.
IF
any
Veteran
or
Veterans
of
this
Nation
,
the
term
of
whose
Youth
or
Militia
is
expir'd
,
having
a
desire
to
be
entertain'd
in
the
further
service
of
the
Commonwealth
,
shall
present
him
or
themselves
at
the
Rendevou
of
Oceana
to
the
Strategus
,
it
is
in
his
power
to
take
on
such
and
so
many
of
them
as
shall
be
agreed
by
the
Polemarchs
,
and
to
send
back
an
equal
number
of
the
Stratiots
.
AND
for
the
better
managing
of
the
proper
Forces
of
this
Nation
,
the
Lord
Strategus
,
by
appointment
of
the
Council
of
War
,
and
out
of
such
Levys
as
they
shall
have
made
in
either
or
both
of
the
Provinces
to
that
end
,
shall
receive
Auxiliarys
by
Sea
or
elswhere
at
som
certain
place
,
not
exceding
his
proper
Arms
in
number
.
AND
whosoever
shall
refuse
any
one
of
his
three
Essays
,
except
upon
cause
shewn
he
be
dispens'd
withal
by
the
Phylarch
;
or
,
if
the
Phylarch
be
not
assembled
,
by
the
Censors
of
his
Tribe
,
shall
be
deem'd
a
Helot
or
public
Servant
,
shall
pay
a
fifth
part
of
his
yearly
Revenue
,
besides
all
other
Taxes
,
to
the
Commonwealth
for
his
Protection
,
and
be
incapable
of
bearing
any
Magistracy
except
such
as
is
proper
to
the
Law
.
Nevertheless
if
a
man
has
but
two
Sons
,
the
Lord
Lieutenant
shall
not
suffer
above
one
of
them
to
com
to
the
Vrn
at
one
Election
of
the
second
Essay
:
and
tho
he
has
above
two
Sons
,
there
shall
not
com
above
half
the
Brothers
at
one
Election
:
and
if
a
man
has
but
one
Son
,
he
shall
not
com
to
the
Vrn
at
all
without
the
consent
of
his
Parents
,
or
his
Guardians
;
nor
shall
it
be
any
reproach
to
him
,
or
impediment
to
his
bearing
of
Magistracy
.
THIS
Order
,
with
relation
to
foren
Expeditions
,
will
be
prov'd
and
explain'd
together
with
27.
Order
.
THE
twenty
seventh
ORDER
,
providing
,
in
case
of
Invasion
apprehended
,
that
the
Lords
High
Sherifs
of
the
Tribes
upon
Commands
receiv'd
from
the
Parlament
,
or
the
Dictator
,
distribute
the
Bands
of
the
Elders
into
divisions
after
the
nature
of
the
Essays
of
the
Youth
;
and
that
the
second
Division
or
Essay
of
the
Elders
,
being
made
and
consisting
of
30000
Foot
,
and
10000
Horse
,
be
ready
to
march
with
the
second
Essay
of
the
Youth
,
and
be
brought
also
by
the
Conductors
to
the
Strategus
.
THE
second
Essay
of
the
Elders
and
Youth
being
march'd
out
of
their
Tribes
,
the
Lords
High
Sherifs
and
Lieutenants
shall
have
the
remaining
part
of
the
annual
Bands
both
of
Elders
and
Youth
in
readiness
,
which
,
if
the
Beacons
be
fir'd
,
shall
march
to
the
Rendevou
to
be
in
that
case
appointed
by
the
Parlament
,
or
the
Dictator
.
And
the
Beacons
being
fir'd
,
the
Curiata
Comitia
,
or
Parochial
Congregations
,
shall
elect
a
fourth
both
of
Elders
and
Youth
to
be
immediatly
upon
the
Guard
of
the
Tribes
,
and
dividing
themselves
as
aforesaid
,
to
march
also
in
their
Divisions
according
to
Orders
:
which
method
in
case
of
extremity
shall
procede
to
the
election
of
a
third
,
or
the
levy
of
a
second
,
or
of
the
last
man
in
the
Nation
,
by
the
Power
of
the
Lords
High
Sherifs
;
to
the
end
that
the
Commonwealth
in
her
utmost
pressure
may
shew
her
trust
that
God
in
his
Justice
will
remember
Mercy
,
by
humbling
her self
,
and
yet
preserving
her
Courage
,
Disciplin
and
Constancy
,
even
to
the
last
drop
of
her
blood
,
and
the
utmost
farthing
.
THE
Services
perform'd
by
the
Youth
,
or
by
the
Elders
,
in
case
of
Invasion
,
and
according
to
this
Order
,
shall
be
at
their
proper
cost
and
charges
that
are
any
ways
able
to
indure
it
;
but
if
there
be
such
as
are
known
in
their
Parishes
to
be
so
indigent
that
they
cannot
march
out
of
their
Tribes
,
nor
undergo
the
burden
in
this
case
incumbent
,
then
the
Congregations
of
their
Parishes
shall
furnish
them
with
sufficient
sums
of
Mony
to
be
repaid
upon
the
Certificat
of
the
same
by
the
Parlament
when
the
Action
shall
be
over
.
And
of
that
which
is
respectively
injoin'd
by
this
Order
,
any
Tribe
,
Parish
,
Magistrat
,
or
Person
that
shall
fail
,
is
to
answer
for
it
at
the
Council
of
War
,
as
a
Deserter
of
his
Country
.
THE
ARCHON
,
being
the
greatest
Captain
of
his
own
,
if
not
of
any
age
,
added
much
to
the
Glory
of
this
Commonwealth
,
by
interweaving
the
Militia
with
more
Art
and
Luster
than
any
Legislator
from
or
before
the
time
of
SERVIUS
TULLIUS
,
who
constituted
the
Roman
Militia
.
But
as
the
Bones
or
Skeleton
of
a
man
,
tho
the
greatest
part
of
his
Beauty
be
contain'd
in
their
Proportion
or
Symmetry
,
yet
shewn
without
Flesh
,
are
a
spectacle
that
is
rather
horrid
than
entertaining
;
so
without
Discourses
are
the
Orders
of
a
Commonwealth
:
which
,
if
she
gos
forth
in
that
manner
,
may
complain
of
her
Friends
that
they
stand
mute
,
and
staring
upon
her
.
Wherfore
this
Order
was
thus
flesh'd
by
the
Lord
ARCHON
.
My
Lords
;
DIOGENES
seeing
a
young
Fellow
drunk
,
told
him
that
his
Father
was
drunk
when
he
begot
him
.
For
this
in
natural
Generation
I
must
confess
I
see
no
reason
;
but
in
the
Political
it
is
right
.
The
Vices
of
the
People
are
from
their
Governors
;
those
of
their
Governors
from
their
Laws
or
Orders
;
and
those
of
their
Laws
or
Orders
from
their
Legislators
.
[
](A45618-e202570-b)*
*
Ut
male
posuimus
initia
,
sic
catera
sequuntur
.
Cic.
Whatever
was
in
the
Womb
imperfect
,
as
to
her
proper
work
,
coms
very
rarely
,
or
never
at
all
to
perfection
afterwards
:
and
the
formation
of
a
Citizen
in
the
Womb
of
the
Commonwealth
is
his
Education
.
EDUCATION
by
the
first
of
the
foregoing
Orders
is
of
six
kinds
:
At
the
School
,
in
the
Mechanics
,
at
the
Universitys
,
at
the
Ins
of
Court
or
Chancery
,
in
Travels
,
and
in
military
Disciplin
:
som
of
which
I
shall
but
touch
,
and
som
I
shall
handle
more
at
large
.
Schools
.
THAT
which
is
propos'd
for
the
erecting
and
indowing
of
Schools
throout
the
Tribes
,
capable
of
all
the
Children
of
the
same
,
and
able
to
give
to
the
Poor
the
Education
of
theirs
gratis
,
is
only
matter
of
direction
in
case
of
very
great
Charity
,
as
easing
the
needy
of
the
charge
of
their
Children
from
the
ninth
to
the
fifteenth
year
of
their
age
,
during
which
time
their
work
cannot
be
profitable
;
and
restoring
them
when
they
may
be
of
use
,
furnish'd
with
tools
wherof
there
are
advantages
to
be
made
in
every
work
,
seeing
he
that
can
read
and
use
his
Pen
has
som
convenience
by
it
in
the
meanest
Vocation
.
And
it
cannot
be
conceiv'd
,
but
that
which
coms
,
tho
in
small
parcels
,
to
the
advantage
of
every
man
in
his
Vocation
,
must
amount
to
the
advantage
of
every
Vocation
,
and
so
to
that
of
the
whole
Commonwealth
.
Wherfore
this
is
commended
to
the
Charity
of
every
wisehearted
and
welminded
man
,
to
be
don
in
time
,
and
as
God
shall
stir
him
up
or
inable
him
;
there
being
such
provision
already
in
the
case
,
as
may
give
us
leave
to
procede
without
obstruction
.
Mechanics
in
general
.
PARENTS
,
under
animadversion
of
the
Censors
,
are
to
dispose
of
their
Children
at
the
fifteenth
year
of
their
age
to
somthing
;
but
what
,
is
lest
,
according
to
their
abilitys
or
inclination
,
at
their
own
choice
.
This
,
with
the
multitude
,
must
be
to
the
Mechanics
,
that
is
to
say
,
to
Agriculture
or
Husbandry
;
to
Manufactures
,
or
to
Merchandize
.
Husbandry
.
AGRICULTURE
is
the
Bread
of
the
Nation
;
we
are
hung
upon
it
by
the
teeth
;
it
is
a
mighty
Nursery
of
Strength
,
the
best
Army
,
and
the
most
assur'd
Knapsac
;
it
is
manag'd
with
the
least
turbulent
or
ambitious
,
and
the
most
innocent
hands
of
all
other
Arts.
Wherfore
I
am
of
ARISTOTLE'S
opinion
,
that
a
Commonwealth
of
Husbandmen
,
and
such
is
ours
,
must
be
the
best
of
all
others
.
Certainly
,
my
Lords
,
you
have
no
measure
of
what
ought
to
be
,
but
what
can
be
don
for
the
incouragement
of
this
Profession
.
I
could
wish
I
were
Husband
good
enough
to
direct
somthing
to
this
end
;
but
racking
of
Rents
is
a
vile
thing
in
the
richer
sort
,
an
uncharitable
one
to
the
poorer
,
a
perfect
mark
of
Slavery
,
and
nips
your
Commonwealth
in
the
fairest
Blossom
.
On
the
other
side
,
if
there
should
be
too
much
ease
given
in
this
kind
,
it
would
occasion
Sloth
,
and
so
destroy
Industry
,
the
principal
nerve
of
a
Commonwealth
.
But
if
ought
might
be
don
to
hold
the
Balance
even
between
these
two
,
it
would
be
a
work
in
this
Nation
equal
to
that
for
which
FABIUS
was
sirnam'd
MAXIMUS
by
the
Romans
.
Manufactures
and
Merchandize
.
IN
Manufactures
and
Merchandize
the
Hollander
has
gotten
the
start
of
us
;
but
at
the
long
run
it
will
be
found
,
that
a
People
working
upon
a
foren
Commodity
dos
but
farm
the
Manufacture
,
and
that
it
is
really
intail'd
upon
them
only
,
where
the
growth
of
it
is
native
:
as
also
that
it
is
one
thing
to
have
the
carriage
of
other
mens
Goods
,
and
another
for
a
man
to
bring
his
own
to
the
best
market
.
Wherfore
(
Nature
having
provided
incouragement
for
these
Arts
in
this
Nation
above
all
others
,
where
,
the
People
growing
,
they
of
necessity
must
also
increase
)
it
cannot
but
establish
them
upon
a
far
more
sure
and
effectual
Foundation
than
that
of
the
Hollanders
.
But
these
Educations
are
in
order
to
the
first
things
,
or
necessitys
of
Nature
;
as
Husbandry
to
the
Food
,
Manufacture
to
the
Clothing
,
and
Merchandize
to
the
Purse
of
the
Commonwealth
.
THERE
be
other
things
in
Nature
,
which
being
second
as
to
their
Order
,
for
their
Dignity
and
Value
are
first
,
and
such
to
which
the
other
are
but
Accommodations
;
of
this
sort
are
specially
these
,
Religion
,
Justice
,
Courage
,
and
Wisdom
.
Vniversitys
.
THE
Education
that
answers
to
Religion
in
our
Government
is
that
of
the
Universitys
.
MOSES
the
Divine
Legislator
was
not
only
skilful
in
all
the
Learning
of
the
Egyptians
,
but
took
also
into
the
Fabric
of
his
Commonwealth
the
Learning
of
the
Midianites
in
the
advice
of
JETHRO
:
and
his
Foundation
of
a
University
laid
in
the
Tabernacle
,
and
finish'd
in
the
Temple
,
became
that
Pinacle
from
whence
(
according
to
many
Jewish
and
Christian
Authors
)
all
the
Learning
in
the
world
has
taken
wing
;
as
the
Philosophy
of
the
Stoics
from
the
Pharisees
;
that
of
the
Epicureans
from
the
Sadduces
;
and
from
the
Learning
of
the
Jews
,
so
often
quoted
by
our
Acts
17.
18.
SAVIOR
,
and
fulfil'd
in
Him
,
the
Christian
Religion
.
Athens
was
the
most
famous
University
in
her
days
;
and
her
Senators
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
Areopagits
,
were
all
Philosophers
.
Lacedemon
,
to
speak
truth
,
tho
she
could
write
and
read
,
was
not
very
bookish
.
But
he
that
disputes
hence
against
Universitys
,
disputes
by
the
same
Argument
against
Agriculture
,
Manufacture
,
and
Merchandize
;
every
one
of
these
having
bin
equally
forbid
by
LYCURGUS
,
not
for
it self
(
for
if
he
had
not
bin
learn'd
in
all
the
Learning
of
Crete
,
and
well
travel'd
in
the
knowledge
of
other
Governments
,
he
had
never
made
his
Commonwealth
)
but
for
the
diversion
which
they
must
have
given
his
Citizens
from
their
Arms
,
who
,
being
but
sew
,
if
they
had
minded
any
thing
else
,
must
have
deserted
the
Commonwealth
.
For
Rome
,
she
had
ingenium
par
imperio
,
was
as
learned
as
great
,
and
held
her
College
of
Augurs
in
much
reverence
.
Venice
has
taken
her
Religion
upon
trust
.
Holland
cannot
attend
it
to
be
very
studious
.
Nor
dos
Switzerland
mind
it
much
;
yet
are
they
all
addicted
to
their
Universitys
.
We
cut
down
Trees
to
build
Houses
;
but
I
would
have
som
body
shew
me
,
by
what
reason
or
experience
the
cutting
down
of
a
University
should
tend
to
the
setting
up
of
a
Commonwealth
.
Of
this
I
am
sure
,
that
the
perfection
of
a
Commonwealth
is
not
to
be
attain'd
without
the
knowledge
of
antient
Prudence
;
nor
the
knowledge
of
antient
Prudence
without
Learning
;
nor
Learning
without
Schools
of
good
Literature
:
and
these
are
such
as
we
call
Universitys
.
Now
tho
mere
University
learning
of
it self
be
that
which
(
to
speak
the
words
of
VERULAMIUS
)
crafty
men
contemn
,
and
simple
men
only
admire
,
yet
is
it
such
as
wise
men
have
use
of
;
for
Studys
do
not
teach
their
own
use
,
but
that
is
a
Wisdom
without
and
above
them
,
won
by
observation
.
Expert
men
may
execute
,
and
perhaps
judg
of
Particulars
one
by
one
;
but
the
general
Counsils
and
the
Plots
,
and
the
marshalling
of
Affairs
,
com
best
from
those
that
are
learned
.
Wherfore
if
you
would
have
your
Children
to
be
Statesmen
,
let
them
drink
by
all
means
of
these
Fountains
,
where
perhaps
there
were
never
any
.
But
what
tho
the
Water
a
man
drinks
be
not
nourishment
;
it
is
the
Vehicle
without
which
he
cannot
be
nourish'd
.
Nor
is
Religion
less
concern'd
in
this
point
than
Government
;
for
take
away
your
Universitys
,
and
in
a
few
years
you
lose
it
.
THE
Holy
Scriptures
are
written
in
Hebrew
and
Greec
:
they
that
have
neither
of
these
Languages
may
think
light
of
both
;
but
find
me
a
man
that
has
one
in
perfection
,
the
study
of
whose
whole
Life
it
has
not
bin
.
Again
,
this
is
apparent
to
us
in
daily
Conversation
,
that
if
four
or
five
Persons
that
have
liv'd
together
be
talking
,
another
speaking
the
same
Language
may
com
in
,
and
yet
understand
very
little
of
their
Discourse
,
in
that
it
relates
to
Circumstances
,
Persons
,
Things
,
Times
and
Places
,
which
he
knows
not
.
It
is
no
otherwise
with
a
man
,
having
no
insight
of
the
times
in
which
they
were
written
,
and
the
Circumstances
to
which
they
relate
,
in
the
reading
of
antient
Books
,
whether
they
be
divine
or
human
.
For
example
,
when
we
fall
upon
the
Discourse
about
Baptism
and
Regeneration
that
was
between
our
SAVIOR
and
NICODEMUS
,
where
CHRIST
reproaches
him
with
his
ignorance
in
this
matter
:
Art
thou
a
Doctor
in
Israel
,
and
understandest
not
these
things
?
What
shall
we
think
of
it
?
or
wherfore
should
a
Doctor
in
Israel
have
understood
these
things
more
than
another
,
but
that
both
Baptism
and
Regeneration
,
as
was
shew'd
at
large
by
my
Lord
PHOSPHORUS
,
were
Doctrins
held
in
Israel
?
I
instance
in
one
place
of
a
hundred
,
which
he
,
that
has
not
master'd
the
Circumstances
to
which
they
relate
,
cannot
understand
.
Wherfore
to
the
understanding
of
the
Scripture
,
it
is
necessary
to
have
antient
Languages
,
and
the
knowledge
of
antient
times
,
or
the
aid
of
them
who
have
such
knowledge
:
and
to
have
such
as
may
be
always
able
and
ready
to
give
such
aid
(
unless
you
would
borrow
it
of
another
Nation
,
which
would
not
only
be
base
,
but
deceitful
)
it
is
necessary
to
a
Commonwealth
that
she
have
Schools
of
good
Literature
,
or
Universitys
of
her
own
.
We
are
commanded
,
as
has
bin
said
more
than
once
,
to
search
the
Scriptures
;
and
which
of
'em
search
the
Scriptures
,
they
that
take
this
pains
in
antient
Languages
and
Learning
,
or
they
that
will
not
,
but
trust
to
Translations
only
,
and
to
words
as
they
sound
to
present
Circumstances
?
than
which
nothing
is
more
fallible
,
or
certain
to
lose
the
true
sense
of
Scriptures
,
pretended
to
be
above
human
Understanding
,
for
no
other
cause
than
that
they
are
below
it
.
But
in
searching
the
Scriptures
by
the
proper
use
of
our
Universitys
,
we
have
bin
heretofore
blest
with
greater
Victorys
and
Trophys
against
the
purple
Hosts
and
golden
Standards
of
the
Romish
Hierarchy
,
than
any
Nation
;
and
therfore
,
why
we
should
relinquish
this
upon
the
presumtion
of
som
,
that
because
there
is
a
greater
Light
which
they
have
,
I
do
not
know
.
There
is
a
greater
Light
than
the
Sun
,
but
it
dos
not
extinguish
the
Sun
,
nor
dos
any
Light
of
Gods
giving
extinguish
that
of
Nature
,
but
increase
and
sanctify
it
.
Wherfore
,
neither
the
Honor
born
by
the
Israelitish
,
Roman
,
or
any
other
Commonwealth
that
I
have
shewn
,
to
their
Ecclesiastics
,
consisted
in
being
govern'd
by
them
,
but
in
consulting
them
in
matters
of
Religion
;
upon
whose
Responses
or
Oracles
they
did
afterwards
as
they
thought
fit
.
Nor
would
I
be
here
mistaken
,
as
if
,
by
affirming
the
Universitys
to
be
,
in
order
both
to
Religion
and
Government
,
of
absolute
necessity
,
I
declar'd
them
or
the
Ministry
in
any
wise
fit
to
be
trusted
,
so
far
as
to
exercise
any
power
not
deriv'd
from
the
Civil
Magistrat
in
the
administration
of
either
.
If
the
Jewish
Religion
were
directed
and
establish'd
by
MOSES
,
it
was
directed
and
establish'd
by
the
Civil
Magistrat
;
or
if
MOSES
exercis'd
this
Administration
as
a
Prophet
,
the
same
Prophet
did
invest
with
the
same
Administration
the
Sanhedrim
,
and
not
the
Priests
;
and
so
dos
our
Commonwealth
the
Senat
,
and
not
the
Clergy
.
They
who
had
the
supreme
Administration
or
Government
of
the
National
Religion
in
Athens
,
were
the
first
ARCHON
,
the
Rex
Sacrificus
,
or
High
Priest
,
and
a
Polemarch
;
which
Magistrats
were
ordain'd
or
elected
[
](A45618-e203190-b)*
*
Per
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
by
the
holding
up
of
hands
in
the
Church
,
Congregation
,
or
Comitia
of
the
People
.
The
Religion
of
Lacedemon
was
govern'd
by
the
Kings
,
who
were
also
High
Priests
,
and
officiated
at
the
Sacrifice
;
these
had
power
to
substitute
their
Pythii
,
Embassadors
,
or
Nuncios
,
by
which
,
not
without
concurrence
of
the
Senat
,
they
held
intelligence
with
the
Oracle
of
APOLLO
at
Delphos
.
And
the
Ecclesiastical
part
of
the
Commonwealth
of
Rome
was
govern'd
by
the
Pontifex
Maximus
,
the
Rex
Sacrificulus
,
and
the
Flamins
,
all
ordain'd
or
elected
by
the
People
,
the
Pontifex
by
the
[
](A45618-e203300-b)†
†
Tributis
.
Tribes
,
the
King
by
the
[
](A45618-e203310-b)‖
‖
Centuriatis
.
Centurys
,
and
the
Flamins
by
the
[
](A45618-e203330-b)‖ ‖
‖ ‖
Curiatis
Comitiis
.
Parishes
.
I
do
not
mind
you
of
these
things
,
as
if
,
for
the
matter
,
there
were
any
parallel
to
be
drawn
out
of
their
Superstitions
to
our
Religion
;
but
to
shew
that
for
the
manner
,
antient
Prudence
is
as
well
a
rule
in
divine
as
human
things
;
nay
,
and
such
a
one
as
the
Apostles
themselves
,
ordaining
Elders
by
the
holding
up
of
hands
in
every
Congregation
,
have
exactly
follow'd
:
for
som
of
the
Congregations
where
they
thus
ordain'd
Elders
were
those
of
Antioch
,
Iconium
,
Lystra
,
Derbe
,
the
Countrys
of
Lycaonia
,
Pisidia
,
Pamphylia
,
Perga
,
with
Attalia
.
Now
that
these
Citys
and
Countrys
,
when
the
Romans
propagated
their
Empire
into
Asia
,
were
found
most
of
them
Commonwealths
,
and
that
many
of
the
rest
were
indu'd
with
like
power
,
so
that
the
People
living
under
the
protection
of
the
Roman
Emperors
,
continu'd
to
elect
their
own
Magistrats
,
is
so
known
a
thing
,
that
I
wonder
whence
it
is
that
men
,
quite
contrary
to
the
universal
proof
of
these
examples
,
will
have
Ecclesiastical
Government
to
be
necessarily
distinct
from
Civil
Power
,
when
the
Right
of
the
Elders
ordain'd
by
the
holding
up
of
hands
in
every
Congregation
to
teach
the
People
,
was
plainly
deriv'd
from
the
same
Civil
Power
by
which
they
ordain'd
the
rest
of
their
Magistrats
.
And
it
is
not
otherwise
in
our
Commonwealth
,
where
the
Parochial
Congregation
elects
or
ordains
its
Pastor
.
To
object
the
Common-wealth
of
Venice
in
this
place
,
were
to
shew
us
that
it
has
bin
no
otherwise
but
where
the
Civil
Power
has
lost
the
liberty
of
her
Conscience
by
imbracing
Popery
;
as
also
that
to
take
away
the
Liberty
of
Conscience
in
this
Administration
from
the
Civil
Power
,
were
a
proceding
which
has
no
other
precedent
than
such
as
is
Popish
.
Wherfore
your
Religion
is
settled
after
the
following
manner
:
the
Universitys
are
the
Seminarys
of
that
part
which
is
national
,
by
which
means
others
with
all
safety
may
be
permitted
to
follow
the
Liberty
of
their
own
Consciences
,
in
regard
that
,
however
they
behave
themselves
,
the
ignorance
of
the
unlearned
in
this
case
cannot
lose
your
Religion
nor
disturb
your
Government
,
which
otherwise
it
would
most
certainly
do
;
and
the
Universitys
with
their
Emoluments
,
as
also
the
Benefices
of
the
whole
Nation
,
are
to
be
improv'd
by
such
Augmentations
as
may
make
a
very
decent
and
comfortable
subsistence
for
the
Ministry
,
which
is
neither
to
be
allow'd
Synods
nor
Assemblys
,
except
upon
the
occasion
shewn
in
the
Universitys
,
when
they
are
consulted
by
the
Council
of
State
,
and
suffer'd
to
meddle
with
Affairs
of
Religion
,
nor
to
be
capable
of
any
other
public
Preferment
whatsoever
;
by
which
means
the
Interest
of
the
Learned
can
never
com
to
corrupt
your
Religion
,
nor
disturb
your
Government
,
which
otherwise
it
would
most
certainly
do
.
Venice
,
tho
she
dos
not
see
,
or
cannot
help
the
corruption
of
her
Religion
,
is
yet
so
circumspect
to
avoid
disturbance
of
her
Government
in
this
kind
,
that
her
Council
procedes
not
to
election
of
Magistrats
,
till
it
be
proclaim'd
,
Fora
Papalini
,
by
which
words
such
as
have
consanguinity
with
red
Hats
,
or
relation
to
the
Court
of
Rome
,
are
warn'd
to
withdraw
.
If
a
Minister
in
Holland
meddles
with
matter
of
State
,
the
Magistrat
sends
him
a
pair
of
Shoes
;
wherupon
,
if
he
dos
not
go
,
he
is
driven
away
from
his
charge
.
I
wonder
why
Ministers
,
of
all
men
,
should
be
perpetually
tampering
with
Government
;
first
because
they
,
as
well
as
others
,
have
it
in
express
charge
to
submit
themselves
to
the
Ordinances
of
men
;
and
secondly
,
because
these
Ordinances
of
men
must
go
upon
such
political
Principles
,
as
they
of
all
others
,
by
any
thing
that
can
be
found
in
their
Writings
or
Actions
,
least
understand
:
whence
you
have
the
suffrage
of
all
Nations
to
this
sense
,
that
an
ounce
of
Wisdom
is
worth
a
pound
of
Clergy
.
Your
greatest
Clercs
are
not
your
wisest
men
:
and
when
som
foul
Absurdity
in
State
is
committed
,
it
is
common
with
the
French
,
and
even
the
Italians
,
to
call
it
Pas
de
Clerc
,
or
,
Governo
da
Prete
.
They
may
bear
with
men
that
will
be
preaching
without
study
,
while
they
will
be
governing
without
Prudence
.
My
Lords
,
if
you
know
not
how
to
rule
your
Clergy
,
you
will
most
certainly
,
like
a
man
that
cannot
rule
his
Wife
,
have
neither
quiet
at
home
,
nor
honor
abroad
.
Their
honest
Vocation
is
to
teach
your
Children
at
the
Schools
and
the
Universitys
,
and
the
People
in
the
Parishes
;
and
yours
is
concern'd
to
see
that
they
do
not
play
the
shrews
:
of
which
parts
dos
consist
the
Education
of
your
Commonwealth
,
so
far
as
it
regards
Religion
.
The
Ins
of
Court
and
Chancery
.
TO
JUSTICE
,
or
that
part
of
it
which
is
commonly
executive
,
answers
the
Education
of
the
Ins
of
Court
and
Chancery
.
Upon
which
to
philosophize
requires
a
peculiar
kind
of
Learning
that
I
have
not
.
But
they
who
take
upon
them
any
Profession
proper
to
the
Educations
mention'd
,
that
is
,
Theology
,
Physic
,
or
Law
,
are
not
at
leisure
for
the
Essays
.
Wherfore
the
Essays
being
Degrees
wherby
the
Youth
commence
for
all
Magistracys
,
Offices
,
and
Honors
in
the
Parish
,
Hundred
,
Tribe
,
Senat
or
Prerogative
;
Divines
,
Physicians
,
and
Lawyers
,
not
taking
these
Degrees
,
exclude
themselves
from
all
such
Magistracys
,
Offices
,
and
Honors
.
And
wheras
Lawyers
are
likest
to
exact
further
reason
for
this
,
they
(
growing
up
from
the
most
gainful
Art
at
the
Bar
to
those
Magistracys
upon
the
Bench
,
which
are
continually
appropriated
to
themselves
,
and
not
only
indow'd
with
the
greatest
Revenues
,
but
also
held
for
life
)
have
the
least
reason
of
all
the
rest
to
pretend
to
any
other
;
especially
in
an
equal
Commonwealth
,
where
Accumulation
of
Magistracy
,
or
to
take
a
Person
ingag'd
by
his
Profit
to
the
Laws
,
as
they
stand
,
into
the
Power
which
is
Legislative
,
and
which
should
keep
them
to
what
they
were
,
or
ought
to
be
,
were
a
Soloecism
in
Prudence
.
It
is
true
,
that
the
Legislative
Power
may
have
need
of
Advice
and
Assistance
from
the
executive
Magistracy
,
or
such
as
are
learn'd
inthe
Law
;
for
which
cause
the
Judges
are
,
as
they
have
heretofore
bin
,
Assistants
in
the
Senat.
Nor
,
however
it
came
about
,
can
I
see
any
reason
why
a
Judg
,
being
but
an
Assistant
or
Lawyer
,
should
be
Member
of
a
Legislative
Council
.
I
DENY
not
,
that
the
Roman
Patricians
were
all
Patrons
,
and
that
the
whole
People
were
Clients
,
som
to
one
Family
,
and
som
to
another
,
by
which
means
they
had
their
Causes
pleaded
and
defended
in
som
appearance
gratis
;
for
the
Patron
took
no
Mony
,
tho
if
he
had
a
Daughter
to
marry
,
his
Clients
were
to
pay
her
Portion
:
nor
was
this
so
great
a
grievance
.
But
if
the
Client
accus'd
his
Patron
,
gave
testimony
or
suffrage
against
him
,
it
was
a
crime
of
such
a
nature
,
that
any
man
might
lawfully
kill
him
as
a
Traitor
;
and
this
,
as
being
the
nerve
of
the
Optimacy
,
was
a
great
cause
of
ruin
to
that
Commonwealth
:
for
when
the
People
would
carry
any
thing
that
pleas'd
not
the
Senat
,
the
Senators
were
ill
provided
if
they
could
not
intercede
,
that
is
,
oppose
it
by
their
Clients
;
with
whom
,
to
vote
otherwise
than
they
pleas'd
,
was
the
highest
Crime
.
The
observation
of
this
Bond
till
the
time
of
the
GRACCHI
,
that
is
to
say
,
till
it
was
too
late
,
or
to
no
purpose
to
break
it
,
was
the
cause
,
why
in
all
the
former
heats
and
disputes
that
had
happen'd
between
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
it
never
came
to
blows
,
which
indeed
was
good
:
but
withal
,
the
People
could
have
no
remedy
,
which
was
certainly
evil
.
Wherfore
I
am
of
opinion
,
that
a
Senator
ought
not
to
be
a
Patron
or
Advocat
,
nor
a
Patron
or
Advocat
to
be
a
Senator
:
for
if
his
Practice
be
gratis
,
it
debauches
the
People
;
and
if
it
be
mercenary
,
it
debauches
himself
:
take
it
which
way
you
will
,
when
he
should
be
making
of
Laws
,
he
will
be
knitting
of
Nets
.
LYCURGUS
,
as
I
said
,
by
being
a
Traveller
became
a
Legislator
,
but
in
times
when
Prudence
was
another
thing
.
Nevertheless
we
may
not
shut
out
this
part
of
Education
in
a
Commonwealth
,
which
will
be
her self
a
Traveller
;
for
those
of
this
make
have
seen
the
World
,
especially
because
this
is
certain
(
tho
it
be
not
regarded
in
our
times
,
when
things
being
left
to
take
their
chance
,
it
sares
with
us
accordingly
)
that
no
man
can
be
a
Politician
,
except
he
be
first
a
Historian
or
a
Traveller
;
for
except
he
can
see
what
must
be
,
or
what
may
be
,
he
is
no
Politician
.
Now
if
he
has
no
knowlege
in
Story
,
he
cannot
tell
what
has
bin
;
and
if
he
has
not
bin
a
Traveller
,
he
cannot
tell
what
is
:
but
he
that
neither
knows
what
has
bin
,
nor
what
is
,
can
never
tell
what
must
be
,
or
what
may
be
.
Furthermore
,
the
Embassys
in
ordinary
by
our
Constitution
are
the
Prizes
of
young
men
,
more
especially
such
as
have
bin
Travellers
.
Wherfore
they
of
these
inclinations
having
leave
of
the
Censors
,
ow
them
an
account
of
their
time
,
and
cannot
chuse
but
lay
it
out
with
som
ambition
of
Praise
or
Reward
,
where
both
are
open
:
whence
you
will
have
eys
abroad
,
and
better
choice
of
public
Ministers
;
your
Gallants
shewing
themselves
not
more
to
the
Ladys
at
their
Balls
,
than
to
your
Commonwealth
at
her
Academy
,
when
they
return
from
their
Travels
.
BUT
this
Commonwealth
being
constituted
more
especially
of
two
Elements
,
Arms
and
Councils
,
drives
by
a
natural
instinct
at
Courage
and
Wisdom
;
which
he
who
has
attain'd
,
is
arriv'd
at
the
perfection
of
human
nature
.
It
is
true
,
that
these
Virtues
must
have
som
natural
root
in
him
that
is
capable
of
them
;
but
this
amounts
not
to
so
great
a
matter
as
som
will
have
it
.
For
if
Poverty
makes
an
industrious
,
a
moderat
Estate
a
temperat
,
and
a
lavish
Fortune
a
wanton
man
,
and
this
be
the
common
course
of
things
;
Wisdom
then
is
rather
of
necessity
than
inclination
.
And
that
an
Army
which
was
meditating
upon
flight
,
has
bin
brought
by
despair
to
win
the
Field
,
is
so
far
from
being
strange
,
that
like
causes
will
evermore
produce
like
effects
.
Wherfore
this
Commonwealth
drives
her
Citizens
like
Wedges
;
there
is
no
way
with
them
but
thorow
,
nor
end
but
that
Glory
wherof
Man
is
capable
by
Art
or
Nature
.
That
the
Genius
of
the
Roman
Familys
commonly
preserv'd
it self
throout
the
line
(
as
to
instance
in
som
,
the
MANLII
were
still
severe
,
the
PUBLICOLAE
lovers
,
and
the
APPII
haters
of
the
People
)
is
attributed
by
MACCHIAVEL
to
their
Education
:
nor
,
if
Interest
might
add
to
the
reason
why
the
Genius
of
a
Patrician
was
one
thing
,
and
that
of
a
Plebeian
another
,
is
the
like
so
apparent
between
different
Nations
,
who
,
according
to
their
different
Educations
,
have
yet
as
different
manners
.
It
was
antiently
noted
,
and
long
confirm'd
by
the
actions
of
the
French
,
that
in
their
first
assaults
their
Courage
was
more
than
that
of
Men
;
and
for
the
rest
less
than
that
of
Women
:
which
nevertheless
,
thro
the
amendment
of
their
Disciplin
,
we
see
now
to
be
otherwise
.
I
will
not
say
,
but
that
som
Man
or
Nation
upon
an
equal
improvement
of
this
kind
may
be
lighter
than
som
other
;
but
certainly
,
Education
is
the
scale
without
which
no
Man
or
Nation
can
truly
know
his
or
her
own
weight
or
value
.
By
our
Historys
we
can
tell
when
one
Marpesian
would
have
beaten
ten
Oceaners
,
and
when
one
Oceaner
would
have
beaten
ten
Marpesians
.
MARC
ANTHONY
was
a
Roman
,
but
how
did
that
appear
in
the
imbraces
of
CLEOPATRA
?
You
must
have
som
other
Education
for
your
Youth
;
or
they
,
like
that
passage
,
will
shew
better
in
Romance
than
true
Story
.
THE
Custom
of
the
Commonwealth
of
Rome
in
distributing
her
Magistracys
without
respect
of
age
,
happen'd
to
do
well
in
CORVINUS
and
SCIPIO
;
for
which
cause
MACCHIAVEL
(
with
whom
that
which
was
don
by
Rome
,
and
that
which
is
well
don
,
is
for
the
most
part
all
one
)
commends
this
course
.
Yet
how
much
it
did
worse
at
other
times
,
is
obvious
in
POMPEY
and
CAESAR
;
Examples
by
which
BOCCALINI
illustrats
the
Prudence
of
Venice
in
her
contrary
practice
,
affirming
it
to
have
bin
no
small
step
to
the
ruin
of
the
Roman
Liberty
,
that
these
(
having
tasted
in
their
Youth
of
the
supreme
Honors
)
had
no
greater
in
their
age
to
hope
for
,
but
by
perpetuating
of
the
same
in
themselves
;
which
came
to
Blood
,
and
ended
in
Tyranny
.
The
opinion
of
VERULAMIUS
is
safe
:
The
Errors
,
says
he
,
of
young
men
are
the
ruin
of
business
;
wheras
the
Errors
of
old
men
amount
but
to
this
,
that
more
might
have
bin
don
,
or
sooner
.
But
tho
their
Wisdom
be
little
,
their
Courage
is
great
:
Wherfore
(
to
com
to
the
main
Education
of
this
Commonwealth
)
the
Militia
of
Oceana
is
the
Province
of
Youth
.
THE
distribution
of
this
Province
by
the
Essays
is
so
fully
describ'd
in
the
Order
,
that
I
need
repeat
nothing
:
the
Order
it self
being
but
a
Repetition
or
Copy
of
that
Original
,
which
in
antient
Prudence
is
of
all
others
the
fairest
;
as
that
from
whence
the
Commonwealth
of
Rome
more
particularly
deriv'd
the
Empire
of
the
World
.
And
there
is
much
more
reason
in
this
age
,
when
Governments
are
universally
broken
,
or
swerv'd
from
their
Foundations
,
and
the
People
groan
under
Tyranny
,
that
the
same
causes
(
which
could
not
be
withstood
when
the
World
was
full
of
popular
Governments
)
should
have
the
like
effects
.
THE
Causes
in
the
Commonwealth
of
Rome
,
wherof
the
Empire
of
the
World
was
not
any
miraculous
,
but
a
natural
(
nay
I
may
safely
say
a
necessary
)
consequence
,
are
contain'd
in
that
part
of
her
Disciplin
which
was
domestic
,
and
in
that
which
she
exercis'd
in
her
Provinces
or
Conquest
.
Of
the
latter
I
shall
have
better
occaon
to
speak
when
we
com
to
our
provincial
Orbs
;
the
former
divided
the
whole
People
by
Tribes
,
amounting
,
as
LIVY
and
CICERO
shew
,
at
their
full
growth
to
thirty
five
,
and
every
Tribe
by
the
Cense
or
Valuation
of
Estates
into
five
Classes
:
for
the
sixth
being
Proletary
,
that
is
the
Nursery
,
or
such
as
thro
their
poverty
contributed
nothing
to
the
Commonwealth
but
Children
,
was
not
reckon'd
,
nor
us'd
in
Arms.
And
this
is
the
first
point
of
the
Militia
,
in
which
modern
Prudence
is
quite
contrary
to
the
antient
;
for
wheras
we
,
excusing
the
rich
,
and
arming
the
poor
,
becom
the
Vassals
of
our
Servants
,
they
,
by
excusing
the
poor
,
and
arming
such
as
were
rich
enough
to
be
Freemen
,
became
Lords
of
the
Earth
.
The
Nobility
and
Gentry
of
this
Nation
,
who
understand
so
little
what
it
is
to
be
Lords
of
the
Earth
,
that
they
have
not
bin
able
to
keep
their
own
Lands
,
will
think
it
a
strange
Education
for
their
Children
to
be
common
Soldiers
,
and
oblig'd
to
all
the
Dutys
of
Arms
:
nevertheless
it
is
not
for
4
s.
a
week
,
but
to
be
capable
of
being
the
best
man
in
the
Field
or
in
the
City
;
the
latter
part
of
which
consideration
makes
the
common
Soldier
herein
a
better
man
than
the
General
of
any
monarchical
Army
.
And
wheras
it
may
be
thought
,
that
this
would
drink
deep
of
noble
Blood
,
I
dare
boldly
say
,
take
the
Roman
Nobility
in
the
heat
of
their
fiercest
Wars
,
and
you
shall
not
find
such
a
shambles
of
them
as
has
bin
made
of
ours
by
mere
Luxury
and
Slothfulness
;
which
,
killing
the
Body
,
kill
the
Soul
also
;
Animasque
in
vulnere
ponunt
.
Wheras
common
Right
is
that
which
who
stands
in
the
vindication
of
,
has
us'd
that
Sword
of
Justice
for
which
he
receives
the
Purple
of
Magistracy
.
The
Glory
of
a
man
on
Earth
can
go
no
higher
,
and
if
he
falls
he
rises
again
,
and
coms
sooner
to
that
reward
which
is
so
much
higher
as
Heaven
is
above
the
Earth
.
To
return
to
the
Roman
Example
:
Every
Classis
was
divided
,
as
has
bin
more
than
once
shewn
,
into
Centurys
,
and
every
Century
was
equally
divided
into
Youth
and
Elders
;
the
Youth
for
foren
Service
,
and
the
Elders
for
the
guard
of
the
Territory
.
In
the
first
Classis
were
about
eighteen
Centurys
of
Horse
,
being
those
which
by
the
Institution
of
SERVIUS
were
first
call'd
to
the
Suffrage
in
the
[
](A45618-e203910-b)*
*
Centuriatis
.
Centurial
Assemblys
.
But
the
Delectus
,
or
Levy
of
an
Army
,
which
is
the
present
business
,
proceded
,
according
to
POLYBIUS
,
in
this
manner
.
Upon
a
War
decreed
,
the
Consuls
elected
four
and
twenty
military
Tribuns
or
Colonels
;
wherof
ten
,
being
such
as
had
merited
their
tenth
Stipend
,
were
younger
Officers
.
The
Tribuns
being
chosen
,
the
Consuls
appointed
a
day
to
the
Tribes
,
when
those
in
them
of
military
age
were
to
appear
at
the
Capitol
;
the
day
being
com
,
and
the
Youth
assembl'd
accordingly
,
the
Consuls
ascended
their
Tribunal
,
and
the
younger
Tribuns
were
straight
divided
into
four
parts
after
this
manner
:
four
were
assign'd
to
the
first
Legion
(
a
Legion
at
the
most
consisted
of
6000
Foot
,
and
300
Horse
)
three
to
the
second
,
four
to
the
third
,
and
three
to
the
fourth
.
The
younger
Tribuns
being
thus
distributed
,
two
of
the
elder
were
assign'd
to
the
first
Legion
,
three
to
the
second
,
two
to
the
third
,
and
three
to
the
fourth
.
And
the
Officers
of
each
Legion
thus
assign'd
,
having
drawn
the
Tribes
by
Lots
,
and
being
seated
according
to
their
divisions
at
a
convenient
distance
from
each
other
,
the
Tribe
of
the
first
Lot
was
call'd
:
wherupon
they
that
were
of
it
knowing
the
business
,
and
being
prepar'd
,
presently
bolted
out
four
of
their
number
,
in
the
choice
wherof
such
care
was
taken
,
that
they
offer'd
none
that
was
not
a
Citizen
;
no
Citizen
that
was
not
of
the
Youth
;
no
Youth
that
was
not
of
som
one
of
the
five
Classes
;
nor
any
one
of
the
five
Classes
that
was
not
expert
at
his
Exercises
.
Moreover
,
they
us'd
such
diligence
in
matching
them
for
Age
and
Stature
,
that
the
Officers
of
the
Legions
,
except
they
happen'd
to
be
acquainted
with
the
Youth
so
bolted
,
were
forc'd
to
put
themselves
upon
fortune
,
while
they
of
the
first
Legion
chose
one
;
they
of
the
second
,
the
next
;
they
of
the
third
another
;
and
the
fourth
Youth
fell
to
the
last
Legion
:
and
thus
was
the
Election
(
the
Legions
and
the
Tribes
varying
according
to
their
Lots
)
carry'd
on
till
the
Foot
were
complete
.
The
like
course
with
little
alteration
was
taken
by
the
Horse
Officers
till
the
Horse
also
were
complete
.
This
was
call'd
giving
of
Names
,
which
the
Judg.
20.
9.
Children
of
Israel
did
also
by
Lot
;
and
if
any
man
refus'd
to
give
his
Name
,
he
was
sold
for
a
Slave
,
or
his
Estate
confiscated
to
the
Commonwealth
.
When
[
](A45618-e203980-b)*
*
Marcus
Curius
Consul
cum
subitum
delectum
edicere
coactus
esset
,
&
juniorum
nemo
respondisset
,
conjectis
in
sortem
omnibus
,
Polliae
quae
proxima
exierat
,
primum
nomen
urna
extractum
citari
jussit
,
neque
eo
respondente
,
bona
adolescentis
hastâ
subjecit
.
Val.
MARCUS
CURIUS
the
Consul
was
forc'd
to
make
a
sudden
Levy
,
and
none
of
the
Youth
would
give
in
their
Names
,
all
the
Tribes
being
put
to
the
Lot
,
he
commanded
the
first
Name
drawn
out
of
the
Vrn
of
the
Pollian
Tribe
(
which
happen'd
to
com
first
)
to
be
call'd
;
but
the
Youth
not
answering
,
he
order'd
his
Goods
to
be
sold
:
which
was
conformable
to
the
Law
in
Israel
,
according
to
which
SAUL
took
a
yoke
of
Oxen
,
and
hew'd
them
in
pieces
,
1
Sam.
11.
7.
and
sent
them
throout
the
Tribes
,
saying
,
Whosoever
coms
not
forth
to
battel
after
SAUL
and
SAMUEL
,
so
shall
it
be
don
to
his
Oxen.
By
which
you
may
observe
also
,
that
they
who
had
no
Cattel
were
not
of
the
Militia
in
Israel
.
But
the
age
of
the
Roman
Youth
by
the
Tullian
Law
determin'd
at
30
;
and
by
the
Law
(
tho
it
should
seem
by
MACCHIAVEL
and
others
,
that
this
was
not
well
observ'd
)
a
Man
could
not
stand
for
Magistracy
till
he
was
Miles
emeritus
,
or
had
fulfil'd
the
full
term
of
his
Militia
,
which
was
complete
in
his
tenth
Stipend
or
Service
:
nor
was
he
afterwards
oblig'd
under
any
penalty
to
give
his
name
,
except
the
Commonwealth
were
invaded
,
in
which
case
the
Elders
were
as
well
oblig'd
as
the
Youth
.
[
](A45618-e204110-b)†
†
Quod
per
magnos
tumultus
sieri
solitum
erat
,
justitio
indicto
,
delectus
sine
vacationibus
habitus
est
.
Liv.
The
Consul
might
also
levy
Milites
evocatos
,
or
Soldiers
,
commanded
Men
out
of
such
as
had
serv'd
their
turn
,
and
this
at
his
discretion
.
The
Legions
being
thus
complete
,
were
divided
by
two
to
each
Consul
;
and
in
these
no
Man
had
right
to
serve
but
a
Roman
Citizen
:
now
because
two
Legions
made
but
a
small
Army
,
the
Romans
added
to
every
one
of
their
Armys
an
equal
number
of
Foot
,
and
a
double
number
of
Horse
levy'd
among
their
Latin
or
Italian
Associats
;
so
a
Consular
Army
,
with
the
Legions
and
Auxiliarys
,
amounted
to
about
thirty
thousand
:
and
wheras
they
commonly
levy'd
two
such
Armys
together
,
these
being
join'd
made
about
sixty
thousand
.
THE
Steps
wherby
our
Militia
follows
the
greatest
Captain
,
are
the
three
Essays
;
the
first
,
elected
by
a
fifth
man
in
the
[
](A45618-e204200-b)‖
‖
Curiatis
.
Parishes
,
and
amounting
in
the
whole
to
one
hundred
thousand
,
chuse
their
Officers
at
the
[
](A45618-e204210-b)*
*
Centuriatis
.
Hundreds
,
where
they
fall
also
to
their
Games
or
Exercises
,
invited
by
handsom
Prizes
,
such
as
for
themselves
and
the
honor
of
them
will
be
coveted
;
such
as
will
render
the
Hundred
a
place
of
Sports
,
and
exercise
of
Arms
all
the
year
long
;
such
as
in
the
space
of
ten
years
will
equip
30000
Men
Horse
and
Foot
,
with
such
Arms
for
their
Forge
,
Proof
,
and
Beauty
,
as
(
notwithstanding
the
Argyraspides
,
or
silver
Shields
of
ALEXANDER'S
Guards
)
were
never
worn
by
so
many
;
such
as
will
present
marks
of
Virtue
and
Direction
to
your
General
or
Strategus
in
the
distribution
of
his
Army
,
which
doubles
the
value
of
them
to
the
Proprietors
,
who
are
bound
to
wear
them
,
and
eases
the
Commonwealth
of
so
much
Charge
,
so
many
being
arm'd
already
.
BUT
here
will
be
the
Objection
now
.
How
shall
such
a
Revenue
be
compas'd
?
Fifty
pounds
a
year
in
every
Hundred
is
a
great
deal
,
not
so
easily
rais'd
:
Men
will
not
part
with
their
Mony
;
nor
would
the
sum
as
it
is
propos'd
by
the
Order
of
Pompe
,
rise
in
many
years
.
These
are
difficulties
that
fit
our
Genius
exactly
:
And
yet
a
thousand
pounds
in
each
Hundred
once
levy'd
,
establishes
the
Revenue
for
ever
.
Now
the
Hundreds
one
with
another
are
worth
ten
thousand
pounds
a
year
dry
Rent
,
over
and
above
personal
Estates
,
which
bring
it
to
twice
the
value
:
So
that
a
twentieth
part
of
one
year's
Revenue
of
the
Hundred
dos
it
.
If
you
cannot
afford
this
while
you
pay
Taxes
,
tho
from
henceforth
they
will
be
but
small
ones
,
do
it
when
you
pay
none
.
If
it
be
then
too
much
for
one
year
,
do
it
in
two
:
If
it
be
two
much
for
two
years
,
do
it
in
four
.
What
Husbands
have
we
hitherto
bin
?
What
is
becom
of
greater
Sums
?
My
Lords
,
if
you
should
thus
cast
your
Bread
upon
the
Waters
,
after
many
days
you
would
find
it
:
stand
not
huckling
when
you
are
offer'd
Corn
and
your
Mony
again
in
the
mouth
of
the
Sack
.
BUT
to
procede
:
The
first
Essay
being
officer'd
at
the
Hundreds
,
and
muster'd
at
the
[
](A45618-e204280-b)*
*
Tributis
.
Tribes
(
where
they
are
entertain'd
with
other
Sports
,
which
will
be
very
fine
ones
)
procedes
to
the
Election
of
the
second
Essay
,
or
standing
Army
of
this
Nation
,
consisting
of
thirty
thousand
Foot
,
and
ten
thousand
Horse
;
and
these
,
upon
a
War
decreed
,
being
deliver'd
at
the
Rendevous
of
Oceana
to
the
Strategus
,
are
the
third
Essay
,
which
answers
to
the
Roman
Legions
.
But
you
may
observe
,
that
wheras
the
Consuls
elected
the
military
Tribuns
,
and
rais'd
commanded
Men
out
of
the
Veterans
at
their
own
discretion
;
our
Polemarchs
or
Field
Officers
are
elected
by
the
Scrutiny
of
the
Council
of
War
:
and
our
Veterans
not
otherwise
taken
on
than
as
Volunteers
,
and
with
the
consent
of
the
Polemarchs
;
which
may
serve
for
the
removal
of
certain
scruples
which
might
otherwise
be
incident
in
this
place
,
tho
without
incouragement
by
the
Roman
way
of
proceding
,
much
less
by
that
which
is
propos'd
.
But
wheras
the
Roman
Legions
in
all
amounted
not
in
one
Army
to
above
30000
Men
,
or
little
more
,
you
have
here
forty
thousand
;
and
wheras
they
added
Auxiliarys
,
it
is
in
this
regard
that
Marpesia
will
be
a
greater
Revenue
to
you
,
than
if
you
had
the
Indys
;
for
wheras
heretofore
she
has
yielded
you
nothing
but
her
native
Thistles
,
in
plowing
out
the
rankness
of
her
Aristocracy
by
your
Agrarian
,
you
will
find
her
an
inexhaustible
Magazin
of
Men
,
and
to
her
own
advantage
,
who
will
make
a
far
better
account
by
the
Arms
,
than
by
the
Pins
of
Poland
.
Wherfore
as
a
Consular
Army
consisted
of
about
an
equal
number
of
Auxiliarys
added
to
their
Legions
by
their
Latin
or
Italian
Associats
,
you
may
add
to
a
Parlamentary
Army
an
equal
number
of
Marpesians
or
Panopeans
,
as
that
Colony
shall
hereafter
be
able
to
supply
you
:
By
which
means
the
Commonwealth
will
be
able
to
go
forth
to
Battel
with
fourscore
thousand
Men.
To
make
Wars
with
small
Forces
is
no
Husbandry
,
but
a
wast
,
a
disease
,
a
lingring
and
painful
consumtion
of
Men
and
Mony
;
the
Romans
making
theirs
thick
,
made
them
short
,
and
had
little
regard
to
Mony
,
as
that
which
they
who
have
Men
enow
,
can
command
where
it
is
fittest
that
it
should
be
levy'd
.
All
the
antient
Monarchys
by
this
means
got
on
wing
,
and
attain'd
to
vast
Riches
.
Wheras
your
modern
Princes
being
dear
purchasers
of
small
parcels
,
have
but
emty
pockets
.
But
it
may
be
som
will
accuse
the
Order
of
rashness
,
in
that
it
commits
the
sole
Conduct
of
the
War
to
the
General
;
and
the
Custom
of
Venice
by
her
Proveditori
,
or
checks
upon
her
Commanders
in
chief
,
may
seem
to
be
of
greater
Prudence
:
but
in
this
part
of
our
Government
neither
Venice
nor
any
Nation
that
makes
use
of
mercenary
Forces
is
for
our
instruction
.
A
mercenary
Army
,
with
a
standing
General
,
is
like
the
fatal
Sister
that
spins
;
but
proper
Forces
,
with
an
annual
Magistrat
,
are
like
her
that
cuts
the
thred
.
Their
Interests
are
quite
contrary
,
and
yet
you
have
a
better
Proveditor
than
the
Venetian
,
another
Strategus
sitting
with
an
Army
standing
by
him
;
wherupon
that
which
is
marching
,
if
there
were
any
probability
it
should
,
would
find
as
little
possibility
that
it
could
recoil
,
as
a
foren
Enemy
to
invade
you
.
These
things
consider'd
,
a
War
will
appear
to
be
of
a
contrary
nature
to
that
of
all
other
reckonings
,
inasmuch
as
of
this
you
must
never
look
to
have
a
good
account
if
you
be
strict
in
imposing
checks
.
Let
a
Council
of
Huntsmen
assembl'd
beforehand
,
tell
you
which
way
the
Stag
shall
run
,
where
you
shall
cast
about
at
the
fault
,
and
how
you
shall
ride
to
be
in
at
the
chase
all
the
day
:
but
these
may
as
well
do
that
,
as
a
Council
of
War
direct
a
General
.
The
hours
that
have
painted
wings
,
and
of
different
colors
,
are
his
Council
:
he
must
be
like
the
Ey
that
makes
not
the
Scene
,
but
has
it
so
soon
as
it
changes
.
That
in
many
Counsillors
there
is
strength
,
is
spoken
of
Civil
Administrations
:
as
to
those
that
are
military
,
there
is
nothing
more
certain
,
than
that
in
many
Counsillors
there
is
weakness
.
Joint
Commissions
in
military
affairs
,
are
like
hunting
your
Hounds
in
their
Couples
.
In
the
Attic
War
CLEOMENES
and
DEMARATUS
,
Kings
of
Lacedemon
,
being
thus
coupl'd
,
tug'd
one
against
another
;
and
while
they
should
have
join'd
against
the
Persian
,
were
the
cause
of
the
common
calamity
:
wherupon
that
Commonwealth
took
better
Counsil
,
and
made
a
Law
,
wherby
from
thenceforth
there
went
at
once
but
one
of
her
Kings
to
Battel
.
THE
Fidenati
being
in
rebellion
,
and
having
slain
the
Colony
of
the
Romans
,
four
Tribuns
with
Consular
Power
were
created
by
the
People
of
Rome
,
wherof
one
being
left
for
the
guard
of
the
City
,
the
other
three
were
sent
against
the
Fidenati
,
who
,
thro
the
division
that
happen'd
among
them
,
brought
nothing
home
but
Dishonor
:
wherupon
the
Romans
created
the
Dictator
,
and
LIVY
gives
his
Judgment
in
these
words
:
[
](A45618-e204560-b)*
*
Tres
Tribuni
,
potestate
Consulari
,
documento
fuêre
,
quàm
plurium
imperium
bello
inutile
esset
;
tendendo
ad
sua
quisque
consilia
,
cum
alii
aliud
videretur
,
aperuerunt
ad
occasionem
,
locum
hosti
.
The
three
Tribuns
with
Consular
Power
were
a
lesson
how
useless
in
War
is
the
joint
Command
of
several
Generals
;
for
each
following
his
own
Counsils
,
while
they
all
differ'd
in
their
opinions
,
gave
by
this
opportunity
an
advantage
to
the
Enemy
.
When
the
Consuls
QUINTIUS
and
AGRIPPA
were
sent
against
the
AEQUI
,
AGRIPPA
for
this
reason
refus'd
to
go
with
his
Collegue
,
saying
,
[
](A45618-e204600-b)*
*
Saluberrimum
in
administratione
magnarum
rerum
,
summam
imperii
apud
unum
esse
.
That
in
the
administration
of
great
Actions
it
was
most
safe
that
the
chief
Command
should
be
lodg'd
in
one
Person
.
And
if
the
Ruin
of
modern
Armys
were
well
consider'd
,
most
of
it
would
be
found
to
have
faln
upon
this
point
:
it
being
in
this
case
far
safer
to
trust
to
any
one
Man
of
common
Prudence
,
than
to
any
two
or
more
together
of
the
greatest
Parts
.
The
Consuls
indeed
being
equal
in
Power
,
while
one
was
present
with
the
Senat
,
and
the
other
in
the
Field
with
the
Army
,
made
a
good
Balance
;
and
this
with
us
is
exactly
follow'd
by
the
Election
of
a
new
Strategus
upon
the
march
of
the
old
one
.
THE
seven
and
twentieth
Order
,
wherby
the
Elders
in
case
of
Invasion
are
oblig'd
to
equal
duty
with
the
Youth
,
and
each
upon
their
own
charge
,
is
sutable
to
Reason
(
for
every
Man
defends
his
own
Estate
)
and
to
our
Copy
,
as
in
the
War
with
the
Samnits
and
Tuscans
.
[
](A45618-e204660-b)†
†
Senatus
justitium
indici
,
delectum
omnis
generis
hominum
haberi
jussit
:
nec
ingenui
modo
,
&
juniores
Sacramento
adacti
sunt
,
sed
seniorum
etiam
cohortes
factae
.
The
Senat
order'd
a
Vacation
to
be
proclaim'd
,
and
a
Levy
to
be
made
of
all
sorts
of
Persons
:
And
not
only
the
Freemen
and
Youths
were
listed
,
but
Cohorts
of
the
old
Men
were
likewise
form'd
.
This
Nation
of
all
others
is
the
least
obnoxious
to
Invasion
.
Oceana
,
says
a
French
Politician
,
is
a
Beast
that
cannot
be
devour'd
but
by
her self
;
nevertheless
,
that
Government
is
not
perfect
which
is
not
provided
at
all
points
;
and
in
this
(
ad
Triarios
res
rediit
)
the
Elders
being
such
as
in
a
martial
State
must
be
Veterans
,
the
Commonwealth
invaded
gathers
strength
like
ANTAEUS
by
her
fall
,
while
the
whole
number
of
the
Elders
consisting
of
five
hundred
thousand
,
and
the
Youth
of
as
many
,
being
brought
up
according
to
the
Order
,
give
twelve
successive
Battels
,
each
Battel
consisting
of
eighty
thousand
Men
,
half
Elders
and
half
Youth
.
And
the
Commonwealth
whose
Constitution
can
be
no
stranger
to
any
of
those
Virtues
which
are
to
be
acquir'd
in
human
life
,
grows
familiar
with
Death
ere
she
dys
.
If
the
hand
of
God
be
upon
her
for
her
Transgressions
,
she
shall
mourn
for
her
Sins
,
and
ly
in
the
dust
for
her
Iniquitys
,
without
losing
her
Manhood
.
Si
fractus
illabatur
orbis
,
Impavidam
ferient
ruinae
.
THE
remaining
part
,
being
the
Constitution
of
the
Provincial
Orb
,
is
partly
Civil
,
or
consisting
of
the
Elders
;
and
partly
Military
,
or
consisting
of
the
Youth
.
The
Civil
part
of
the
provincial
Orb
is
directed
by
28.
Order
.
Constitution
of
the
Civil
part
of
the
Provincial
Orb.
THE
twenty
eighth
ORDER
,
wherby
the
Council
of
a
Province
being
constituted
of
twelve
Knights
,
divided
by
four
into
three
Regions
(
for
their
term
and
revolution
conformable
to
the
Parlament
)
is
perpetuated
by
the
annual
election
at
the
Tropic
of
four
Knights
(
being
triennial
Magistrats
)
out
of
the
Region
of
the
Senat
whose
term
expires
;
and
of
one
Knight
out
of
the
same
Region
to
be
Strategus
or
General
of
the
Province
,
which
Magistracy
is
annual
.
The
Strategus
or
Magistrat
thus
chosen
,
shall
be
as
well
President
of
the
Provincial
Council
with
power
to
propose
to
the
same
,
as
General
of
the
Army
.
The
Council
for
the
rest
shall
elect
weekly
Provosts
,
having
any
two
of
them
also
right
to
propose
after
the
manner
of
the
Senatorian
Councils
of
Oceana
.
And
wheras
all
Provincial
Councils
are
Members
of
the
Council
of
State
,
they
may
and
ought
to
keep
diligent
correspondence
with
the
same
,
which
is
to
be
don
after
this
manner
:
Any
Opinion
or
Opinions
legitimatly
propos'd
and
debated
at
a
Provincial
Council
,
being
therupon
sign'd
by
the
Strategus
,
or
any
two
of
the
Provosts
,
may
be
transmitted
to
the
Council
of
State
in
Oceana
;
and
the
Council
of
State
proceding
upon
the
same
in
their
natural
course
(
whether
by
their
own
Power
,
if
it
be
a
matter
within
their
Instructions
,
or
by
Authority
of
the
Senat
therupon
consulted
,
if
it
be
a
matter
of
State
which
is
not
in
their
Instructions
;
or
by
Authority
of
the
Senat
and
Command
of
the
People
,
if
it
be
a
matter
of
Law
,
as
for
the
Levys
of
Men
or
Mony
upon
common
use
and
safety
)
shall
return
such
Answers
,
Advice
,
or
Orders
,
as
in
any
of
the
ways
mention'd
shall
be
determin'd
upon
the
case
.
The
Provincial
Councils
of
Marpesia
and
Panopea
respectively
shall
take
special
care
that
the
Agrarian
Laws
,
as
also
all
other
Laws
that
be
or
shall
from
time
to
time
be
enacted
by
the
Parlament
of
Oceana
,
for
either
of
them
,
be
duly
put
in
execution
:
they
shall
manage
and
receive
the
Customs
of
either
Nation
for
the
Shipping
of
Oceana
,
being
the
common
Guard
:
they
shall
have
a
care
that
moderat
and
sufficient
pay
upon
the
respective
Province
be
duly
rais'd
for
the
support
and
maintenance
of
the
Officers
and
Soldiers
,
or
Army
of
the
same
,
in
the
most
effectual
,
constant
and
convenient
way
:
they
shall
receive
the
Regalia
,
or
public
Revenues
of
those
Nations
,
out
of
which
every
Counsillor
shall
have
for
his
term
,
and
to
his
proper
use
,
the
Sum
of
500
l.
per
annum
,
and
the
Strategus
500
l.
as
President
,
besides
his
Pay
as
General
,
which
shall
be
1000
Pounds
;
the
remainder
to
go
to
the
use
of
the
Knights
and
Deputys
of
the
respective
Provinces
,
to
be
paid
,
if
it
will
reach
,
according
to
the
rates
of
Oceana
;
if
not
,
by
an
equal
distribution
,
respectively
;
or
the
overplus
,
if
there
be
any
,
to
be
return'd
to
the
Treasury
of
Oceana
.
They
shall
manage
the
Lands
(
if
there
be
any
such
held
in
either
of
the
Provinces
by
the
Commonwealth
of
Oceana
,
in
Dominion
)
and
return
the
Rents
into
the
Exchequer
.
If
the
Commonwealth
coms
to
be
possest
of
richer
Provinces
,
the
Pay
of
the
General
or
Strategus
,
and
of
the
Councils
,
may
be
respectively
increas'd
.
The
People
for
the
rest
shall
elect
their
own
Magistrats
,
and
be
govern'd
by
their
own
Laws
,
having
Power
also
to
appeal
from
their
native
or
provincial
Magistrats
,
if
they
please
,
to
the
People
of
Oceana
.
And
wheras
there
may
be
such
as
receiving
Injury
,
are
not
able
to
prosecute
their
Appeals
at
so
great
a
distance
,
eight
Serjeants
at
Law
being
sworn
by
the
Commissioners
of
the
Seal
,
shall
be
sent
by
four
into
each
Province
once
in
two
years
;
who
,
dividing
the
same
by
Circuits
,
shall
hear
such
Causes
;
and
having
gather'd
and
introduc'd
them
,
shall
return
to
the
several
Appellants
,
gratis
,
the
Determinations
and
Decrees
of
the
People
in
their
several
cases
.
THE
term
of
a
Knight
in
a
Provincial
Orb
,
as
to
domestic
Magistracys
,
shall
be
esteemed
a
Vacation
,
and
no
bar
to
present
Election
to
any
other
Honor
,
his
provincial
Magistracy
being
expir'd
.
THE
Quorum
of
a
Provincial
Council
,
as
also
of
every
other
Council
or
Assembly
in
Oceana
,
shall
in
time
of
health
consist
of
two
parts
in
three
of
the
whole
number
proper
to
that
Council
or
Assembly
;
and
in
a
time
of
sickness
,
of
one
part
in
three
:
But
of
the
Senat
there
can
be
no
Quorum
without
three
of
the
Signory
;
nor
of
a
Council
without
two
of
the
Provosts
.
THE
Civil
part
of
the
Provincial
Orb
being
declar'd
by
the
foregoing
Order
;
the
Military
part
of
the
same
is
constituted
by
29.
Order
.
Constitution
of
the
Military
part
of
the
Provincial
Orb.
THE
twenty
ninth
ORDER
;
wherby
the
Stratiots
of
the
third
Essay
having
drawn
the
Gold
Balls
mark'd
with
the
Letter
M
,
and
being
ten
Horse
and
fifty
Foot
in
a
Tribe
,
that
is
to
say
,
five
hundred
Horse
,
and
two
thousand
five
hundred
Foot
in
all
,
the
Tribes
shall
be
deliver'd
by
the
respective
Conductors
to
the
provincial
Strategus
or
General
,
at
such
a
time
and
place
,
or
Rendevous
,
as
he
shall
appoint
by
Order
and
Certificat
of
his
Election
:
and
the
Strategus
having
receiv'd
the
Horse
and
Foot
mention'd
,
which
are
the
third
Classis
of
his
provincial
Guard
or
Army
,
shall
forthwith
lead
them
away
,
to
Marpesia
,
where
the
Army
consists
of
three
Classes
,
each
Classis
containing
three
thousand
men
,
wherof
five
hundred
are
Horse
;
and
receiving
the
new
Strategus
with
the
third
Classis
,
the
old
Strategus
with
the
first
Classis
shall
be
dismist
by
the
Provincial
Council
.
The
same
method
with
the
Stratiots
of
the
letter
P
,
is
to
be
observ'd
for
the
provincial
Orb
of
Panopea
:
and
the
Commonwealth
coming
to
acquire
new
Provinces
,
the
Senat
and
the
People
may
erect
new
Orbs
in
like
manner
,
consisting
of
greater
or
less
numbers
,
according
as
is
requir'd
by
the
respective
occasion
.
If
a
Stratiot
has
once
serv'd
his
term
in
a
Provincial
Orb
,
and
happens
afterwards
to
draw
the
Letter
of
a
Province
at
the
Election
of
the
second
Essay
,
he
may
refuse
his
Lot
;
and
if
he
refuses
it
,
the
Censor
of
that
Vrn
shall
cause
the
Files
balloting
at
the
same
to
make
a
halt
;
and
if
the
Stratiot
produces
the
Certificat
of
his
Strategus
or
General
,
that
he
has
serv'd
his
time
accordingly
,
the
Censor
throwing
the
Ball
that
he
drew
into
the
Vrn
again
,
and
taking
out
a
Blank
,
shall
dismiss
the
Youth
,
and
cause
the
Ballot
to
procede
.
TO
perfect
the
whole
Structure
of
this
Commonwealth
,
som
Directions
are
given
to
the
third
Essay
,
or
Army
marching
,
in
30.
Order
.
THE
thirtieth
ORDER
.
When
thou
goest
to
battel
against
thy
Enemys
,
and
seest
Horses
and
Chariots
,
and
a
People
more
than
thou
;
Deut.
20.
1.
be
not
afraid
of
them
,
for
the
Lord
thy
God
is
he
that
gos
with
thee
to
fight
for
thee
against
thy
Enemys
.
And
when
thou
dividest
the
Spoil
,
it
shall
be
as
a
Statute
and
an
Ordinance
to
thee
,
that
as
his
1
Sam.
30.
24.
part
is
that
gos
down
to
the
battel
,
so
shall
his
part
be
that
tarrys
by
the
Stuff
:
that
is
,
(
as
to
the
Commonwealth
of
Oceana
)
The
Spoil
taken
of
the
Enemy
(
except
Clothes
,
Arms
,
Horses
,
Ammunition
and
Victuals
,
to
be
divided
to
the
Soldiery
by
the
Strategus
and
the
Polemarchs
upon
the
place
according
to
their
discretion
)
shall
be
deliver'd
to
four
Commissarys
of
the
Spoils
elected
and
sworn
by
the
Council
of
War
;
which
Commissarys
shall
be
allowed
Shipping
by
the
State
,
and
Convoys
according
as
occasion
shall
require
by
the
Strategus
;
to
the
end
that
having
a
Bill
of
Lading
sign'd
by
three
or
more
of
the
Polemarchs
,
they
may
ship
and
bring
,
or
cause
such
Spoils
to
be
brought
to
the
Prize-Office
in
Oceana
,
where
they
shall
be
sold
;
and
the
Profit
arising
by
such
Spoils
shall
be
divided
into
three
parts
,
wherof
one
shall
go
to
the
Treasury
,
another
shall
be
paid
to
the
Soldiery
of
this
Nation
,
and
a
third
to
the
Auxiliarys
at
their
return
from
their
Service
,
provided
that
the
said
Auxiliarys
be
equal
in
number
to
the
proper
Forces
of
this
Nation
,
otherwise
their
Share
shall
be
so
much
less
as
they
themselves
are
fewer
in
number
:
the
rest
of
the
two
thirds
to
go
to
the
Officers
and
Soldiers
of
the
proper
Forces
.
And
the
Spoils
so
divided
to
the
proper
Forces
,
shall
be
subdivided
into
three
equal
parts
,
wherof
one
shall
go
to
the
Officers
,
and
two
to
the
common
Soldiers
:
The
like
for
the
Auxiliarys
.
And
the
Share
allotted
to
the
Officers
shall
be
divided
into
four
equal
parts
,
wherof
one
shall
go
to
the
Strategus
,
another
to
the
Polemarchs
,
a
third
to
the
Colonels
,
and
a
fourth
to
the
Captains
,
Cornets
,
Ensigns
,
and
under
Officers
,
receiving
their
share
of
the
Spoil
as
common
Soldiers
:
The
like
for
the
Auxiliarys
.
And
this
upon
pain
,
in
the
case
of
failure
,
of
what
the
People
of
Oceana
(
to
whom
the
Cognizance
of
Peculat
or
Crimes
of
this
nature
is
properly
appertaining
)
shall
adjudg
or
decree
.
UPON
these
three
last
Orders
the
ARCHON
seem'd
to
be
haranguing
at
the
head
of
his
Army
in
this
manner
.
My
Dear
Lords
and
Excellent
Patriots
;
A
GOVERNMENT
of
this
make
is
a
Commonwealth
for
Increase
.
Of
those
for
Preservation
,
the
Inconveniences
and
Frailtys
have
bin
shewn
:
Their
Roots
are
narrow
,
such
as
do
not
run
,
have
no
Fibers
,
their
tops
weak
and
dangerously
expos'd
to
the
weather
;
except
you
chance
to
find
one
,
as
Venice
,
planted
in
a
Flowerpot
;
and
if
she
grows
,
she
grows
top-heavy
,
and
falls
too
.
But
you
cannot
plant
an
Oak
in
a
Flowerpot
;
she
must
have
Earth
for
her
Root
,
and
Heaven
for
her
Branches
.
Imperium
Oceano
,
famam
quae
terminet
astris
.
ROME
was
said
to
be
broken
by
her
own
weight
,
but
poetically
:
For
that
weight
by
which
she
was
pretended
to
be
ruin'd
,
was
supported
in
her
Emperors
by
a
far
slighter
Foundation
.
And
in
the
common
experience
of
good
Architecture
,
there
is
nothing
more
known
,
than
that
Buildings
stand
the
firmer
and
the
longer
for
their
own
weight
;
nor
ever
swerve
thro
any
other
internal
cause
,
than
that
their
Materials
are
corruptible
:
But
the
People
never
dy
;
nor
,
as
a
political
Body
,
are
subject
to
any
other
Corruption
than
that
which
derives
from
their
Government
.
Unless
a
Man
will
deny
the
Chain
of
Causes
,
in
which
he
denys
God
,
he
must
also
acknowlege
the
Chain
of
Effects
;
wherfore
there
can
be
no
effect
in
Nature
,
that
is
not
from
the
first
Cause
,
and
those
successive
Links
of
the
Chain
,
without
which
it
could
not
have
bin
.
Now
except
a
Man
can
shew
the
contrary
in
a
Commonwealth
;
if
there
be
no
cause
of
Corruption
in
the
first
make
of
it
,
there
can
never
be
any
such
Effect
.
Let
no
Man's
Superstitition
impose
Profaneness
upon
this
Assertion
;
for
as
Man
is
sinful
,
but
yet
the
Universe
is
perfect
,
so
may
the
Citizen
be
sinful
,
and
yet
the
Commonwealth
be
perfect
.
And
as
Man
,
seeing
the
World
is
perfect
,
can
never
commit
any
such
Sin
as
shall
render
it
imperfect
,
or
bring
it
to
a
natural
dissolution
;
so
the
Citizen
,
where
the
Common-wealth
is
perfect
,
can
never
commit
any
such
Crime
as
will
render
it
imperfect
,
or
bring
it
to
a
natural
dissolution
.
To
com
to
experience
;
Venice
,
notwithstanding
we
have
found
from
flaws
in
it
,
is
the
only
Commonwealth
in
the
Make
wherof
no
man
can
find
a
cause
of
dissolution
;
for
which
reason
we
behold
her
(
tho
she
consists
of
men
that
are
not
without
sin
)
at
this
day
with
one
thousand
Years
upon
her
back
,
yet
for
any
internal
cause
,
as
young
,
as
fresh
,
and
free
from
decay
,
or
any
appearance
of
it
,
as
she
was
born
:
but
whatever
in
nature
is
not
sensible
of
decay
by
the
course
of
a
thousand
Years
,
is
capable
of
the
whole
Age
of
Nature
;
by
which
Calculation
,
for
any
check
that
I
am
able
to
give
my self
,
a
Commonwealth
,
rightly
order'd
,
may
,
for
any
internal
causes
,
be
as
immortal
or
longliv'd
as
the
World
.
But
if
this
be
true
,
those
Commonwealths
that
are
naturally
fall'n
,
must
have
deriv'd
their
Ruin
from
the
rise
of
them
.
Israel
and
Athens
dy'd
not
natural
but
violent
deaths
;
in
which
manner
the
World
it self
is
to
dy
.
We
are
speaking
of
those
causes
of
Dissolution
which
are
natural
to
Government
;
and
they
are
but
two
,
either
Contradiction
or
Inequality
:
If
a
Commonwealth
be
a
Contradiction
,
she
must
needs
destroy
her self
;
and
if
she
be
inequal
,
it
tends
to
strife
,
and
strife
to
ruin
.
By
the
former
of
these
fell
Lacedemon
,
by
the
latter
Rome
.
Lacedemon
being
made
altogether
for
War
,
and
yet
not
for
Increase
,
her
natural
Progress
became
her
natural
Dissolution
,
and
the
building
of
her
own
victorious
Hand
too
heavy
for
her
Foundation
;
so
that
she
fell
indeed
by
her
own
weight
.
But
Rome
perish'd
thro
her
native
Inequality
,
which
how
it
inveterated
the
Bosoms
of
the
Senat
and
the
People
each
against
other
,
and
even
to
death
,
has
bin
shewn
at
large
.
LOOK
well
to
it
,
my
Lords
,
for
if
there
be
a
contradiction
or
inequality
in
your
Commonwealth
,
it
must
fall
;
but
if
it
has
neither
of
these
,
it
has
no
principle
of
Mortality
.
Do
not
think
me
impudent
;
if
this
be
truth
,
I
should
commit
a
gross
indiscretion
in
concealing
it
.
Sure
I
am
that
MACCHIAVEL
is
for
the
immortality
of
a
Commonwealth
upon
far
weaker
Principles
.
If
a
Commonwealth
,
Disc.
.
●
.
3.
c.
22.
b.
3.
c.
29.
says
he
,
were
so
happy
as
to
be
provided
often
with
men
,
that
,
when
she
is
swerving
from
her
Principles
,
should
reduce
her
to
her
Institution
,
she
would
be
immortal
.
But
a
Commonwealth
,
as
we
have
demonstrated
,
swerves
not
from
her
Principles
,
but
by
and
thro
her
Institution
;
if
she
brought
no
Biass
into
the
world
with
her
,
her
course
for
any
internal
Cause
must
be
streight
forward
,
as
we
see
is
that
of
Venice
.
She
cannot
turn
to
the
right
hand
,
nor
to
the
left
,
but
by
som
rub
,
which
is
not
an
internal
but
external
cause
;
against
such
she
can
be
no
way
fortify'd
,
but
thro
her
Situation
,
as
is
Venice
;
or
thro
her
Militia
,
as
was
Rome
:
by
which
Examples
a
Commonwealth
may
be
secure
of
those
also
.
Think
me
not
vain
,
for
I
cannot
conceal
my
opinion
here
;
a
Commonwealth
that
is
rightly
instituted
can
never
swerve
,
nor
one
that
is
not
rightly
instituted
be
secur'd
from
swerving
by
reduction
to
her
first
Principles
:
Wherfore
it
is
no
less
apparent
in
this
place
,
that
MACCHIAVEL
understood
not
a
Commonwealth
as
to
the
whole
piece
,
than
where
having
told
you
,
That
a
Tribun
,
or
any
other
Citizen
Disc.
B.
1.
c.
18.
of
Rome
,
might
propose
a
Law
to
the
People
,
and
debate
it
with
them
;
he
adds
,
this
Order
was
good
,
while
the
People
were
good
;
but
when
the
People
became
evil
,
it
became
most
pernicious
.
As
if
this
Order
(
thro
which
,
with
the
like
,
the
People
most
apparently
became
evil
)
could
ever
have
bin
good
;
or
that
the
People
,
or
the
Common-wealth
could
ever
have
becom
good
,
by
being
reduc'd
to
such
Principles
as
were
the
Original
of
their
Evil.
The
Disease
of
Rome
was
,
as
has
bin
shewn
,
from
the
native
inequality
of
her
Balance
,
and
no
otherwise
from
the
Empire
of
the
World
,
than
as
,
this
falling
into
one
Scale
,
that
of
the
Nobility
(
an
evil
in
such
a
Fabric
inevitable
)
kick'd
out
the
People
.
Wherfore
a
Man
that
could
have
made
her
to
throw
away
the
Empire
of
the
World
,
might
in
that
have
reduc'd
her
to
her
Principles
;
and
yet
have
bin
so
far
from
rendring
her
immortal
,
that
going
no
further
,
he
should
never
have
cur'd
her
.
But
your
Commonwealth
is
founded
upon
an
equal
Agrarian
;
and
if
the
Earth
be
given
to
the
Sons
of
men
,
this
Balance
is
the
Balance
of
Justice
,
such
a
one
as
in
having
due
regard
to
the
different
Industry
of
different
men
,
yet
faithfully
judges
the
Poor
.
And
Prov.
29.
14.
the
King
that
faithfully
judges
the
Poor
,
his
Throne
shall
be
establish'd
for
ever
;
much
more
the
Commonwealth
,
seeing
that
equality
which
is
the
necessary
dissolution
of
Monarchy
,
is
the
Generation
,
the
very
Life
and
Soul
of
a
Commonwealth
.
And
now
,
if
ever
,
I
may
be
excusable
,
seeing
my
assertion
,
that
the
Throne
of
a
Commonwealth
may
be
establish'd
for
ever
,
is
consonant
to
the
holy
Scriptures
.
THE
Balance
of
a
Commonwealth
that
is
equal
,
is
of
such
a
nature
,
that
whatever
falls
into
her
Empire
,
must
fall
equally
;
and
if
the
whole
Earth
falls
into
your
Scales
,
it
must
fall
equally
;
and
so
you
may
be
a
greater
People
,
and
yet
not
swerve
from
your
Principles
one
hair
.
Nay
,
you
will
be
so
far
from
that
,
that
you
must
bring
the
world
in
such
a
case
to
your
Balance
,
even
to
the
Balance
of
Justice
.
But
hearken
,
my
Lords
;
are
we
on
Earth
?
do
we
see
the
Sun
?
or
are
we
visiting
those
shady
places
which
are
feign'd
by
the
Poets
?
Continuò
auditae
voces
,
vagitus
&
ingens
.
These
Gothic
Empires
that
are
yet
in
the
world
,
were
at
the
first
,
tho
they
had
legs
of
their
own
,
but
a
heavy
and
unweildy
burden
;
but
their
Foundations
being
now
broken
,
the
Iron
of
them
enters
even
into
the
Souls
of
the
Opprest
;
and
hear
the
voice
of
their
Comforters
:
My
Father
hath
chastis'd
you
with
Whips
,
but
I
will
chastise
you
with
Scorpions
.
Hearken
,
I
say
;
if
thy
Brother
crys
to
thee
in
affliction
,
wilt
thou
not
hear
him
?
This
is
a
Commonwealth
of
the
Fabric
,
that
has
an
open
ear
and
a
public
concern
;
she
is
not
made
for
her self
only
,
but
given
as
a
Magistrat
of
God
to
Mankind
,
for
the
vindication
of
common
Right
,
and
the
Law
of
Nature
.
Wherfore
says
CICERO
of
the
like
,
that
of
the
Romans
,
[
](A45618-e205700-b)*
*
Nos
magis
Patronatum
orbis
terrarum
suscepimus
,
quam
Imperium
.
We
have
rather
undertaken
the
Patronage
,
than
the
Empire
of
the
World
.
If
you
,
not
regarding
this
Example
,
like
som
other
Nations
that
are
upon
the
point
to
smart
for
it
,
shall
,
having
attain'd
to
your
own
Liberty
,
bear
the
Sword
of
your
common
Magistracy
in
vain
,
sit
still
,
and
fold
your
Arms
,
or
,
which
is
worse
,
let
out
the
Blood
of
your
People
to
Tyrants
,
to
be
shed
in
the
defence
of
their
Yokes
like
Water
,
and
so
not
only
turn
the
Grace
of
God
into
wantonness
,
but
his
Justice
into
Wormwood
:
I
say
if
you
do
thus
,
you
are
not
now
making
a
Commonwealth
,
but
heaping
coals
of
fire
upon
your
own
heads
.
A
Commonwealth
of
this
make
is
a
Minister
of
God
upon
Earth
,
to
the
end
that
the
World
may
be
govern'd
with
Righteousness
.
For
which
cause
(
that
I
may
com
at
length
to
our
present
business
)
the
Orders
last
rehears'd
are
buds
of
Empire
,
such
as
with
the
blessing
of
God
may
spread
the
Arms
of
your
Commonwealth
,
like
a
holy
Asylum
,
to
the
distress'd
World
,
and
give
the
Earth
her
Sabbath
of
years
,
or
rest
from
her
Labors
,
under
the
shadow
of
your
Wings
.
It
is
upon
this
point
where
the
Writings
of
MACCHIAVEL
,
having
for
the
rest
excel'd
all
other
Authors
,
com
as
far
to
excel
themselves
.
COMMONWEALTHS
,
says
he
,
have
had
three
ways
of
propagating
Disc.
B.
2.
C.
4.
themselves
,
one
after
the
manner
of
Monarchys
,
by
imposing
the
Yoke
,
which
was
the
way
of
Athens
,
and
towards
the
latter
times
of
Lacedemon
;
another
by
equal
Leagues
,
which
is
the
way
of
Switzerland
;
(
I
shall
add
of
Holland
,
tho
since
his
time
)
a
third
by
inequal
Leagues
,
which
,
to
the
shame
of
the
World
,
was
never
practis'd
,
nay
nor
so
much
as
seen
or
minded
,
by
any
other
Common-wealth
but
that
only
of
Rome
.
They
will
each
of
them
,
either
for
caution
or
imitation
,
be
worthy
to
be
well
weigh'd
,
which
is
the
proper
work
of
this
place
.
Athens
and
Lacedemon
have
bin
the
occasion
of
great
scandal
to
the
world
,
in
two
,
or
at
least
one
of
two
regards
:
the
first
their
Emulation
,
which
involv'd
Greece
in
perpetual
Wars
;
the
second
their
way
of
Propagation
,
which
by
imposing
Yokes
upon
others
,
was
plainly
contradictory
to
their
own
Principles
.
FOR
the
first
:
Governments
,
be
they
of
what
kind
soever
,
if
they
be
planted
too
close
,
are
like
Trees
,
that
impatient
in
their
growth
to
have
it
hinder'd
,
eat
out
one
another
.
It
was
not
unknown
to
these
in
speculation
,
or
,
if
you
read
the
story
of
AGESILAUS
,
in
action
,
that
either
of
them
with
thirty
thousand
men
might
have
master'd
the
East
;
and
certainly
,
if
the
one
had
not
stood
in
the
others
light
,
ALEXANDER
had
com
too
late
to
that
end
,
which
was
the
means
(
and
would
be
if
they
were
to
live
again
)
of
ruin
,
at
least
to
one
of
them
:
wherfore
with
any
man
that
understands
the
nature
of
Government
this
is
excusable
.
So
it
was
between
Oceana
and
Marpesia
;
so
it
is
between
France
and
Spain
,
tho
less
excusable
;
and
so
it
ever
will
be
in
the
like
cases
.
But
to
com
to
the
second
occasion
of
Scandal
by
them
given
,
which
was
in
the
way
of
their
propagation
,
it
is
not
excusable
:
for
they
brought
their
Confederats
under
bondage
;
by
which
means
Athens
gave
occasion
of
the
Peloponnesian
War
,
the
wound
of
which
she
dy'd
stinking
,
when
Lacedemon
,
taking
the
fame
Infection
from
her
Carcase
,
soon
follow'd
.
WHERFORE
,
my
Lords
,
let
these
be
warnings
to
you
,
not
to
make
that
Liberty
which
God
has
given
you
a
snare
to
others
,
in
practising
this
kind
of
inlargement
of
your selves
.
THE
second
way
of
Propagation
or
Inlargement
us'd
by
Commonwealths
,
is
that
of
Switzerland
and
Holland
,
equal
Leagues
:
This
,
tho
it
be
not
otherwise
mischievous
,
is
useless
to
the
World
,
and
dangerous
to
themselves
:
useless
to
the
World
;
for
as
the
former
Governments
were
Storks
,
these
are
Blocks
,
have
no
sense
of
Honor
,
or
concern
in
the
Sufferings
of
others
.
But
as
the
Aetolians
,
a
State
of
the
like
Fabric
,
were
reproach'd
by
PHILIP
of
Macedon
,
to
prostitute
themselves
,
by
letting
out
their
Arms
to
the
Lusts
of
others
,
while
they
leave
their
own
Liberty
barren
,
and
without
legitimat
issue
;
so
I
do
not
defame
these
People
:
the
Switzer
for
Valor
has
no
Superior
,
the
Hollander
for
Industry
no
equal
;
but
themselves
in
the
mean
time
shall
so
much
the
less
excuse
their
Governments
,
seeing
that
to
the
Switz
it
is
well
enough
known
that
the
Ensigns
of
his
Commonwealth
have
no
other
Motto
than
in
te
converte
manus
:
and
that
of
the
Hollander
,
tho
he
sweats
more
Gold
than
the
Spaniard
digs
,
lets
him
languish
in
debt
;
for
she
her self
lives
upon
charity
.
These
are
dangerous
to
themselves
,
precarious
Governments
,
such
as
do
not
command
,
but
beg
their
Bread
from
Province
to
Province
,
in
Coats
that
being
patch'd
up
of
all
colors
are
in
effect
of
none
.
That
their
Cantons
and
Provinces
are
so
many
Arrows
,
is
good
;
but
they
are
so
many
Bows
too
,
which
is
naught
.
LIKE
to
these
was
the
Commonwealth
of
the
antient
Tuscans
,
hung
together
like
Bobbins
,
without
a
hand
to
weave
with
them
;
therfore
easily
overcom
by
the
Romans
,
tho
at
that
time
,
for
number
,
a
far
less
considerable
People
.
If
your
Liberty
be
not
a
Root
that
grows
,
it
will
be
a
Branch
that
withers
;
which
consideration
brings
me
to
the
Paragon
,
the
Commonwealth
of
Rome
.
THE
ways
and
means
wherby
the
Romans
acquir'd
the
Patronage
,
and
in
that
the
Empire
of
the
World
,
were
different
,
according
to
the
different
condition
of
their
Commonwealth
in
her
rise
,
and
in
her
growth
:
in
her
rise
she
proceded
rather
by
Colonys
;
in
her
growth
by
inequal
Leagues
.
Colonys
without
the
bounds
of
Italy
she
planted
none
(
such
dispersion
of
the
Roman
Citizen
as
to
plant
him
in
foren
parts
,
till
the
contrary
Interest
of
the
Emperors
brought
in
that
Practice
,
was
unlawful
)
nor
did
she
ever
demolish
any
City
within
that
compass
,
or
devest
it
of
Liberty
;
but
wheras
the
most
of
them
were
Commonwealths
,
stir'd
up
by
emulation
of
her
great
felicity
to
war
against
her
,
if
she
overcame
any
,
she
confiscated
som
part
of
their
Lands
that
were
the
greatest
Incendiarys
,
or
causes
of
the
Trouble
,
upon
which
she
planted
Colonys
of
her
own
People
,
preserving
the
rest
of
their
Lands
and
Libertys
for
the
Natives
or
Inhabitants
.
By
this
way
of
proceding
,
that
I
may
be
as
brief
as
possible
,
she
did
many
and
great
things
.
For
in
confirming
of
Liberty
,
she
propagated
her
Empire
;
in
holding
the
Inhabitants
from
Rebellion
,
she
put
a
curb
upon
the
incursion
of
Enemys
;
in
exonerating
her self
o●
the
poorer
sort
,
she
multiply'd
her
Citizens
;
in
rewarding
her
Veterans
,
she
render'd
the
rest
less
seditious
;
and
in
acquiring
to
her self
the
reverence
of
a
common
Parent
,
she
from
time
to
time
became
the
Mother
of
newborn
Citys
.
IN
her
farther
growth
the
way
of
her
Propagation
went
more
upon
Leagues
,
which
for
the
first
division
were
of
two
kinds
,
Social
and
Provincial
.
AGAIN
,
Social
Leagues
,
or
Leagues
of
Society
,
were
of
two
kinds
.
THE
first
call'd
Latinity
or
Latin
,
the
second
Italian
Right
.
THE
League
between
the
Romans
and
the
Latins
,
or
Latin
Right
,
approach'd
nearest
to
Jus
Quiritium
,
or
the
Right
of
a
native
Roman
.
The
Man
or
the
City
that
was
honor'd
with
this
Right
,
was
Civitate
donatus
cum
suffragio
,
adopted
a
Citizen
of
Rome
,
with
the
right
of
giving
Suffrage
with
the
People
in
som
cases
,
as
those
of
Confirmation
of
Law
,
or
Determination
in
Judicature
,
if
both
the
Consuls
were
agreed
,
not
otherwise
;
wherfore
that
coming
to
little
,
the
greatest
and
most
peculiar
part
of
this
Privilege
was
,
that
who
had
born
Magistracy
(
at
least
that
of
Aedil
or
Quaestor
)
in
any
Latin
City
,
was
by
consequence
of
the
same
,
a
Citizen
of
Rome
at
all
points
.
ITALIAN
Right
was
also
a
donation
of
the
City
,
but
without
Suffrage
:
they
who
were
in
either
of
these
Leagues
,
were
govern'd
by
their
own
Laws
and
Magistrats
,
having
all
the
Rights
,
as
to
Liberty
,
of
Citizens
of
Rome
,
yielding
and
paying
to
the
Commonwealth
as
head
of
the
League
,
and
having
in
the
conduct
of
all
Affairs
appertaining
to
the
common
Cause
,
such
aid
of
Men
and
Mony
as
was
particularly
agreed
to
upon
the
merit
of
the
Cause
,
and
specify'd
in
their
respective
Leagues
,
whence
such
Leagues
came
to
be
call'd
equal
or
inequal
accordingly
.
PROVINCIAL
Leagues
were
of
different
extension
,
according
to
the
Merit
and
Capacity
of
a
conquer'd
People
;
but
they
were
all
of
one
kind
:
for
every
Province
was
govern'd
by
Roman
Magistrats
,
as
a
Praetor
or
a
Proconsul
,
according
to
the
dignity
of
the
Province
,
for
the
Civil
Administration
and
Conduct
of
the
Provincial
Army
;
and
a
Quaestor
for
the
gathering
of
the
public
Revenue
,
from
which
Magistrats
a
Province
might
appeal
to
Rome
.
FOR
the
better
understanding
of
these
Particulars
,
I
shall
exemplify
in
as
many
of
them
as
is
needful
:
and
first
in
Macedon
.
THE
Macedonians
were
thrice
conquer'd
by
the
Romans
,
first
under
the
Conduct
of
TITUS
QUINTUS
FLAMINIUS
;
secondly
,
under
that
of
LUCIUS
AEMILIUS
PAULUS
;
and
,
thirdly
,
under
that
of
QUINTUS
CAECILIUS
METELLUS
,
thence
call'd
MACEDONICUS
.
FOR
the
first
time
PHILIP
of
Macedon
,
who
(
possest
of
Acrocorinthus
)
boasted
no
less
than
was
true
,
that
he
had
Greece
in
fetters
,
being
overcom
by
FLAMINIUS
,
had
his
Kingdom
restor'd
to
him
,
upon
condition
that
he
should
immediatly
set
all
the
Citys
which
he
held
in
Greece
and
in
Asia
at
liberty
;
and
that
he
should
not
make
war
out
of
Macedon
,
but
by
leave
of
the
Senat
of
Rome
;
which
PHILIP
(
having
no
other
way
to
save
any
thing
)
agreed
should
be
don
accordingly
.
THE
Grecians
being
at
this
time
assembl'd
at
the
Isthmian
Games
,
where
the
Concourse
was
mighty
great
,
a
Crier
,
appointed
to
the
office
by
FLAMINIUS
,
was
heard
among
them
proclaiming
all
Greece
to
be
free
;
to
which
the
People
being
amaz'd
at
so
hopeless
a
thing
,
gave
little
credit
,
till
they
receiv'd
such
testimony
of
the
truth
as
put
it
past
all
doubt
:
wherupon
they
fell
immediatly
on
running
to
the
Proconsul
with
Flowers
and
Garlands
,
and
such
violent
expressions
of
their
Admiration
and
Joy
,
as
,
if
FLAMINIUS
,
a
young
man
,
about
thirty
three
,
had
not
also
bin
very
strong
,
he
must
have
dy'd
of
no
other
death
than
their
kindness
,
while
every
one
striving
to
touch
his
hand
,
they
bore
him
up
and
down
the
field
with
an
unruly
throng
,
full
of
such
Ejaculations
as
these
:
How
!
Is
there
a
People
in
the
world
,
that
at
their
own
charge
,
at
their
own
peril
,
will
fight
for
the
Liberty
of
another
?
Did
they
live
at
the
next
door
to
this
fire
?
Or
what
kind
of
men
are
these
,
whose
business
it
is
to
pass
the
Seas
,
that
the
World
may
be
govern'd
with
Righteousness
?
The
Citys
of
Greece
and
of
Asia
shake
off
their
Iron
Fetters
at
the
voice
of
a
Cryer
!
Was
it
madness
to
imagin
such
a
thing
,
and
is
it
don
?
O
Virtue
!
O
Felicity
!
O
Fame
!
IN
this
Example
your
Lordships
have
a
donation
of
Liberty
,
or
of
Italian
Right
to
a
People
,
by
restitution
to
what
they
had
formerly
injoy'd
;
and
som
particular
Men
,
Familys
,
or
Citys
,
according
to
their
merit
of
the
Romans
,
if
not
upon
this
,
yet
upon
the
like
occasions
,
were
gratify'd
with
Latinity
.
BUT
PHILIP'S
share
by
this
means
did
not
please
him
,
wherfore
the
League
was
broken
by
his
Son
PERSEUS
;
and
the
Macedonians
therupon
for
the
second
time
conquer'd
by
AEMILIUS
PAULUS
,
their
King
taken
,
and
they
som
time
after
the
Victory
summon'd
to
the
Tribunal
of
the
General
;
where
remembring
how
little
hope
they
ought
to
have
of
Pardon
,
they
expected
som
dreadful
Sentence
:
When
AEMILIUS
in
the
first
place
declar'd
the
Macedonians
to
be
free
,
in
the
full
possession
of
their
Lands
,
Goods
,
and
Laws
,
with
Right
to
elect
annual
Magistrats
,
yielding
and
paying
to
the
People
of
Rome
one
half
of
the
Tribute
which
they
were
accustom'd
to
pay
to
their
own
Kings
.
This
don
he
went
on
,
making
so
skilful
a
division
of
the
Country
in
order
to
the
methodizing
of
the
People
,
and
casting
them
into
a
form
of
popular
Government
,
that
the
Macedonians
,
being
first
surpriz'd
with
the
Virtue
of
the
Romans
,
began
now
to
alter
the
scene
of
their
Admiration
,
that
a
Stranger
should
do
such
things
for
them
in
their
own
Country
,
and
with
such
facility
,
as
they
had
never
so
much
as
once
imagin'd
to
be
possible
.
Nor
was
this
all
,
for
AEMILIUS
,
as
if
not
dictating
to
conquer'd
Enemys
,
but
to
som
well
deserving
Friends
,
gave
them
in
the
last
place
Laws
so
sutable
,
and
contriv'd
with
such
care
and
prudence
,
that
long
use
and
experience
(
the
only
Correctress
of
Works
of
this
nature
)
could
never
find
a
fault
in
them
.
IN
this
Example
you
have
a
Donation
of
Liberty
,
or
of
Italian
Right
,
to
a
People
that
had
not
tasted
of
it
before
,
but
were
now
taught
how
to
use
it
.
MYLORDS
,
The
Royalists
should
compare
what
we
are
doing
,
and
we
what
hitherto
we
have
don
for
them
,
with
this
example
.
It
is
a
shame
that
while
we
are
boasting
up
our selves
above
all
others
,
we
should
yet
be
so
far
from
imitating
such
examples
as
these
,
that
we
do
not
so
much
as
understand
that
if
Government
be
the
Parent
of
Manners
,
where
there
are
no
Heroic
Virtues
,
there
is
no
Heroic
Government
.
BUT
the
Macedonians
rebelling
,
at
the
name
of
a
false
PHILIP
,
the
third
time
against
the
Romans
,
were
by
them
judg'd
incapable
of
Liberty
,
and
reduc'd
by
METELLUS
to
a
Province
.
NOW
wheras
it
remains
,
that
I
explain
the
nature
of
a
Province
,
I
shall
rather
chuse
that
of
Sicily
,
because
having
bin
the
first
which
the
Romans
made
,
the
descriptions
of
the
rest
relate
to
it
.
WE
have
so
receiv'd
the
Sicilian
Citys
into
Amity
,
says
CICERO
,
that
they
injoy
their
antient
Laws
;
and
upon
no
other
condition
than
of
the
same
obedience
to
the
People
of
Rome
,
which
they
formerly
yielded
to
their
own
Princes
or
Superiors
.
So
the
Sicilians
,
wheras
they
had
bin
parcel'd
out
to
divers
Princes
,
and
into
divers
States
(
the
cause
of
●perpetual
Wars
,
wherby
,
hewing
one
another
down
,
they
became
Sacrifices
to
the
Ambition
of
their
Neighbors
,
or
of
som
Invader
)
were
now
receiv'd
at
the
old
rate
into
a
new
Protection
which
could
hold
them
,
and
in
which
no
Enemy
durst
touch
them
;
no●
was
it
possible
,
as
the
case
then
stood
,
for
the
Sicilians
to
receive
,
or
for
the
Romans
to
give
more
.
A
ROMAN
Province
is
defin'd
by
SIGONIUS
,
a
Region
having
Provincial
Right
.
Provincial
Right
in
general
was
to
be
govern'd
by
a
Roman
Praetor
,
or
Consul
,
in
matters
at
least
of
State
,
and
of
the
Militia
:
And
by
a
Quaestor
,
whose
Office
it
was
to
receive
the
Public
Revenue
.
Provincial
Right
in
particular
was
different
,
according
to
the
different
Leagues
or
Agreements
between
the
Commonwealth
,
and
the
People
reduc'd
into
a
Province
.
Siculi
hoc
jure
sunt
,
ut
quod
civis
cum
cive
agat
,
domi
certet
suis
legibus
;
quod
Siculus
cum
Siculo
non
ejusdem
Civitatis
,
ut
de
eo
Praetor
Judices
,
ex
P.
Rupilii
Decreto
,
sortiatur
.
Quod
privatus
a
Populo
petit
,
aut
populus
a
privato
,
Senatus
ex
aliqua
Civitate
,
qui
judicet
,
datur
,
cui
alternae
Civitates
rejectae
sunt
.
Quod
civis
Romanus
a
Sic●lo
petit
,
Siculus
Judex
datur
;
quod
Siculus
a
cive
Romano
,
civis
Romanus
datur
.
Caeterarum
rerum
selecti
Judices
ex
civium
Romanorum
conventu
proponi
solent
.
Inter
aratores
&
decumanos
lege
frumentaria
,
quam
Hieronicam
appellant
,
judicia
siunt
.
Because
the
rest
would
oblige
me
to
a
discourse
too
large
for
this
place
,
it
shall
suffice
that
I
have
shew'd
you
how
it
was
in
Sicily
.
MY
LORDS
,
Upon
the
Fabric
of
your
Provincial
Orb
I
shall
not
hold
you
;
because
it
is
sufficiently
describ'd
in
the
Order
,
and
I
cannot
believe
that
you
think
it
inferior
to
the
way
of
a
Praetor
and
a
Quaestor
.
But
wheras
the
Provincial
way
of
the
Roman
Common-wealth
was
that
wherby
it
held
the
Empire
of
the
World
,
and
your
Orbs
are
intended
to
be
capable
at
least
of
the
like
use
;
there
may
arise
many
Controversys
:
As
whether
such
a
course
be
lawful
;
whether
it
be
feizible
;
and
,
seeing
that
the
Romans
were
ruin'd
upon
that
point
,
whether
it
would
not
be
to
the
destruction
of
the
Commonwealth
.
FOR
the
first
,
If
the
Empire
of
a
Commonwealth
be
an
occasion
to
ask
whether
it
be
lawful
for
a
Commonwealth
to
aspire
to
the
Empire
of
the
World
,
it
is
to
ask
whether
it
be
lawful
for
it
to
do
its
duty
,
or
to
put
the
World
into
a
better
condition
than
it
was
before
.
AND
to
ask
whether
this
be
feizible
,
is
to
ask
why
the
Oceaner
,
being
under
the
like
administration
of
Government
,
may
not
do
as
much
with
two
hundred
men
as
the
Roman
did
with
one
hundred
;
for
comparing
their
Commonwealths
in
their
rise
,
the
difference
is
yet
greater
.
Now
that
Rome
(
seris
Avaritia
Luxuriaque
)
thro
the
natural
thirst
of
her
constitution
,
came
at
length
with
the
fulness
of
her
Provinces
to
burst
her self
,
this
is
no
otherwise
to
be
understood
,
than
as
when
a
man
that
from
his
own
evil
Constitution
had
contracted
the
Dropsy
,
dys
with
drinking
:
It
being
apparent
that
in
case
her
Agrarian
had
held
,
she
could
never
have
bin
thus
ruin'd
;
and
I
have
already
demonstrated
that
your
Agrarian
being
once
pois'd
,
can
never
break
or
swerve
.
WHERFORE
to
draw
towards
som
conclusion
of
this
Discourse
,
let
me
inculcat
the
use
,
by
selecting
a
few
Considerations
out
of
many
.
The
regard
had
in
this
place
to
the
Empire
of
the
World
appertains
to
a
well-order'd
Commonwealth
,
more
especially
for
two
reasons
.
1.
THE
facility
of
this
great
Enterprize
,
by
a
Government
of
the
Model
propos'd
.
2.
THE
danger
that
you
would
run
in
the
omission
of
such
a
Government
.
THE
facility
of
this
Enterprize
,
upon
the
grounds
already
laid
,
must
needs
be
great
,
forasmuch
as
the
Empire
of
the
World
has
bin
,
both
in
Reason
and
Experience
,
the
necessary
consequence
of
a
Commonwealth
of
this
nature
only
:
for
tho
it
has
bin
given
to
all
kinds
to
drive
at
it
,
since
that
of
Athens
or
Lacedemon
,
if
the
one
had
not
hung
in
the
others
light
,
might
have
gain'd
it
;
yet
could
neither
of
them
have
held
it
:
not
Athens
,
thro
the
manner
of
her
propagation
,
which
,
being
by
downright
Tyranny
,
could
not
preserve
what
she
had
;
nor
Lacedemon
,
because
she
was
overthrown
by
the
weight
of
a
less
Conquest
.
The
facility
then
of
this
great
Enterprize
being
peculiar
to
popular
Government
,
I
shall
consider
it
,
first
,
In
gaining
;
and
secondly
,
In
holding
.
FOR
the
former
,
Volenti
non
sit
injuria
;
it
is
said
of
the
People
under
EUMENES
,
that
they
would
not
have
chang'd
their
subjection
for
Liberty
;
wherfore
the
Romans
gave
them
no
disturbance
.
If
a
People
be
contented
with
their
Government
,
it
is
a
certain
sign
that
it
is
good
,
and
much
good
do
them
with
it
.
The
Sword
of
your
Magistracy
is
for
a
terror
to
them
that
do
evil
.
EUMENES
had
the
sear
of
God
,
or
of
the
Romans
before
his
eys
;
concerning
such
he
has
given
you
no
Commission
.
BUT
till
we
can
say
here
are
the
Romans
,
where
is
EUMENES
?
Do
not
think
that
the
late
appearances
of
God
to
you
have
bin
altogether
for
your selves
;
he
has
surely
seen
the
Affliction
of
your
Brethren
,
and
heard
their
cry
by
reason
of
their
Taskmasters
.
For
to
believe
otherwise
,
is
not
only
to
be
mindless
of
his
ways
,
but
altogether
deaf
.
If
you
have
ears
to
hear
,
this
is
the
way
in
which
you
will
certainly
be
call'd
upon
:
For
if
,
while
there
is
no
stock
of
Liberty
,
no
sanctuary
of
the
afflicted
,
it
be
a
common
object
to
behold
a
People
casting
themselves
out
of
the
Pan
of
one
Prince
into
the
Fire
of
another
;
what
can
you
think
,
but
if
the
World
should
see
the
Roman
Eagle
again
,
she
would
renew
her
age
,
and
her
slight
?
Nor
did
ever
she
spread
her
Wings
with
better
Omen
,
than
will
be
read
in
your
Ensigns
;
which
if
,
call'd
in
by
an
oppress'd
People
,
they
interpose
between
them
and
their
Yoke
,
the
People
themselves
must
either
do
nothing
in
the
mean
time
,
or
have
no
more
pains
to
take
for
their
wish'd
Fruit
than
to
gather
it
,
if
that
be
not
likewise
don
for
them
.
Wherfore
this
must
needs
be
easy
,
and
yet
you
have
a
greater
facility
than
is
in
the
arm
of
flesh
;
for
if
the
Cause
of
Mankind
be
the
Cause
of
God
,
the
Lord
of
Hosts
will
be
your
Captain
,
and
you
shall
be
a
Praise
to
the
whole
Earth
.
THE
facility
of
Holding
is
in
the
way
of
your
Propagation
;
if
you
take
that
of
Athens
and
Lacedemon
,
you
shall
rain
Snares
;
but
either
catch
,
or
hold
nothing
.
Lying
lips
are
an
abomination
to
the
Lord
:
If
setting
up
for
Liberty
,
you
impose
Yokes
,
he
will
infallibly
destroy
you
.
On
the
other
side
,
to
go
about
a
work
of
this
nature
by
a
League
without
a
Head
,
is
to
abdicat
that
Magistracy
,
wherwith
he
has
not
only
indu'd
you
,
but
wherof
he
will
require
an
account
of
you
;
for
,
curs'd
is
he
that
dos
the
Work
of
the
Lord
negligently
.
Wherfore
you
are
to
take
the
course
of
Rome
:
if
you
have
subdu'd
a
Nation
that
is
capable
of
Liberty
,
you
shall
make
them
a
present
of
it
,
as
did
FLAMINIUS
to
Greece
,
and
AEMILIUS
to
Macedon
,
reserving
to
your selves
som
part
of
that
Revenue
which
was
legally
paid
to
the
former
Government
,
together
with
the
right
of
being
Head
of
the
League
,
which
includes
such
Levys
of
Men
and
Mony
as
shall
be
necessary
for
the
carrying
on
of
the
Public
Work
.
For
if
a
People
have
by
your
means
attain'd
to
freedom
,
they
ow
both
to
the
Cause
and
you
,
such
Aid
as
may
propagat
the
like
Fruit
to
the
rest
of
the
World
.
But
wheras
every
Nation
is
not
capable
of
her
Liberty
to
this
degree
,
lest
you
be
put
to
doing
and
undoing
of
things
,
as
the
Romans
were
in
Macedon
,
you
shall
diligently
observe
what
Nation
is
fit
for
her
Liberty
to
this
degree
,
and
what
not
:
Which
is
to
be
don
by
two
Marks
,
the
first
if
she
be
willing
to
help
the
Lord
against
the
Mighty
;
for
if
she
has
no
care
of
the
Liberty
of
Mankind
,
she
deserves
not
her
own
.
But
because
in
this
you
may
be
deceiv'd
by
Pretences
,
which
,
continuing
for
a
while
specious
,
may
afterwards
vanish
;
the
other
is
more
certain
,
and
that
is
if
she
be
capable
of
an
equal
Agrarian
;
which
that
it
was
not
observ'd
by
excellent
AEMILIUS
in
his
donation
of
Liberty
,
and
introduction
of
a
Popular
State
among
the
Macedonians
,
I
am
more
than
mov'd
to
believe
for
two
reasons
:
the
first
,
because
at
the
same
time
the
Agrarian
was
odious
to
the
Roman
Patricians
;
the
second
,
that
the
PSEUDO-PHILIP
could
afterwards
so
easily
recover
Macedon
,
which
could
not
have
happen'd
but
by
the
Nobility
,
and
their
impatience
,
having
great
Estates
,
to
be
equal'd
with
the
People
;
for
that
the
People
should
otherwise
,
at
the
mere
sound
of
a
Name
,
have
thrown
away
their
Liberty
,
is
incredible
.
Wherfore
be
assur'd
,
that
the
Nation
where
you
cannot
establish
an
equal
Agrarian
,
is
incapable
of
its
Liberty
as
to
this
kind
of
Donation
.
For
example
,
except
the
Aristocracy
in
Marpesia
be
dissolv'd
,
neither
can
that
People
have
their
Liberty
there
,
nor
you
govern
at
home
;
for
they
continuing
still
liable
to
be
sold
by
their
Lords
to
foren
Princes
,
there
will
never
(
especially
in
a
Country
of
which
there
is
no
other
profit
to
be
made
)
be
want
of
such
Merchants
and
Drovers
,
while
you
must
be
the
Market
where
they
are
to
receive
their
second
Payment
.
NOR
can
the
Aristocracy
there
be
dissolv'd
but
by
your
means
,
in
relation
wherto
you
are
provided
with
your
Provincial
Orb
;
which
being
proportion'd
to
the
measure
of
the
Nation
that
you
have
vindicated
or
conquer'd
,
will
easily
hold
it
:
for
there
is
not
a
People
in
the
World
more
difficult
to
be
held
than
the
Marpesians
,
which
tho
by
themselves
it
be
ascrib'd
to
their
own
nature
,
is
truly
to
be
attributed
to
that
of
their
Country
.
Nevertheless
you
having
nine
thousand
men
upon
the
continual
guard
of
it
,
that
,
threaten'd
by
any
sudden
insurrection
,
have
places
of
retreat
;
and
an
Army
of
forty
thousand
men
upon
a
days
warning
ready
to
march
to
their
rescue
;
it
is
not
to
be
rationally
shewn
which
way
they
can
possibly
slip
out
of
your
hands
.
And
if
a
man
shall
think
that
upon
a
Province
more
remote
,
and
divided
by
the
Sea
,
you
have
not
the
like
hold
,
he
has
not
so
well
consider'd
your
Wings
as
your
Talons
,
your
shipping
being
of
such
a
nature
,
as
makes
the
descent
of
your
Armys
almost
of
equal
facility
in
any
Country
:
so
that
what
you
take
you
hold
,
both
because
your
Militia
,
being
already
populous
,
will
be
of
great
growth
in
it self
;
and
also
thro
your
Confederats
,
by
whom
in
taking
and
holding
you
are
still
more
inabled
to
do
both
.
NOR
shall
you
easilier
hold
,
than
the
People
under
your
Empire
or
Patronage
may
be
held
.
My
Lords
,
I
would
not
go
to
the
door
to
see
whether
it
be
close
shut
;
this
is
no
underhand
dealing
,
nor
a
game
at
which
he
shall
have
any
advantage
against
you
who
sees
your
Cards
,
but
on
the
contrary
the
Advantage
shall
be
your
own
:
for
with
eighteen
thousand
men
(
which
number
I
put
,
because
it
circulats
your
Orb
by
the
annual
change
of
six
thousand
)
having
establish'd
your
matters
in
the
order
shewn
,
you
will
be
able
to
hold
the
greatest
Province
;
and
eighteen
thousand
men
,
allowing
them
greater
pay
than
any
Prince
ever
gave
,
will
not
stand
the
Province
in
one
million
Revenue
;
[
](A45618-e207800-b)*
*
This
by
the
pay
of
a
Parlamentary
Army
,
is
demonstrated
in
the
C●rollary
.
in
consideration
wherof
,
they
shall
have
their
own
Estates
free
to
themselves
,
and
be
govern'd
by
their
own
Laws
and
Magistrats
;
which
,
if
the
Revenue
of
the
Province
be
in
dry
Rent
(
as
there
may
be
som
that
are
four
times
as
big
as
Oceana
)
forty
millions
,
will
bring
it
with
that
of
Industry
,
to
speak
with
the
least
,
to
twice
the
value
:
So
that
the
People
there
,
who
at
this
day
are
so
opprest
that
they
have
nothing
at
all
wheron
to
live
,
shall
for
one
Million
paid
to
you
,
receive
at
least
seventy
nine
to
their
proper
use
:
in
which
place
I
appeal
to
any
man
,
whether
the
Empire
describ'd
can
be
other
than
the
Patronage
of
the
World
.
NOW
if
you
add
to
the
propagation
of
Civil
Liberty
(
so
natural
to
this
Commonwealth
that
it
cannot
be
omitted
)
the
propagation
of
the
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
this
Empire
,
this
Patronage
of
the
World
is
the
Kingdom
of
Christ
:
For
as
the
Kingdom
of
God
the
Father
was
a
Commonwealth
,
so
shall
be
the
Kingdom
of
God
Psal.
110.
3.
the
Son
;
The
People
shall
be
willing
in
the
day
of
his
Power
.
HAVING
shew'd
you
in
this
and
other
places
,
som
of
those
inestimable
Benefits
of
this
kind
of
Government
,
together
with
the
natural
and
facil
Emanation
of
them
from
their
Fountain
,
I
com
(
lest
God
,
who
has
appear'd
to
you
,
for
he
is
the
God
of
Nature
,
in
the
glorious
Constellation
of
these
subordinat
Causes
,
wherof
we
have
hitherto
bin
taking
the
true
Elevation
,
should
shake
off
the
dust
of
his
Feet
against
you
)
to
warn
you
of
the
Dangers
which
you
,
not
taking
the
opportunity
,
will
incur
by
omission
.
MACCHIAVEL
speaking
of
the
defect
of
Venice
,
thro
her
want
of
proper
Arms
,
crys
out
,
[
](A45618-e207920-b)†
†
Questo
tagliogli
le
gambe
da
montar
in
cielo
.
This
cut
her
Wings
,
and
spoil'd
her
mount
to
Heaven
.
If
you
lay
your
Commonwealth
upon
any
other
Foundation
than
the
People
,
you
frustrat
your self
of
proper
Arms
,
and
so
lose
the
Empire
of
the
World
;
nor
is
this
all
,
but
som
other
Nation
will
have
it
.
COLVMBVS
offer'd
Gold
to
one
of
your
Kings
,
thro
whose
happy
incredulity
another
Prince
has
drunk
the
Poison
,
even
to
the
consumption
of
his
People
;
but
I
do
not
offer
you
a
Nerve
of
War
that
is
made
of
Pursestrings
,
such
a
one
as
has
drawn
the
face
of
the
Earth
into
Convulsions
,
but
such
as
is
natural
to
her
Health
and
Beauty
.
Look
you
to
it
,
where
there
is
tumbling
and
tossing
upon
the
bed
of
sickness
,
it
must
end
in
death
or
recovery
.
Tho
the
People
of
the
World
,
in
the
dregs
of
the
Gothic
Empire
,
be
yet
tumbling
and
tossing
upon
the
bed
of
sickness
,
they
cannot
dy
;
nor
is
there
any
means
of
recovery
for
them
but
by
antient
prudence
,
whence
of
necessity
it
must
com
to
pass
,
that
this
Drug
be
better
known
.
If
France
,
Italy
,
and
Spain
,
were
not
all
sick
,
all
corrupted
together
,
there
would
be
none
of
them
so
;
for
the
sick
would
not
be
able
to
withstand
the
sound
,
nor
the
sound
to
preserve
their
health
without
curing
of
the
sick
.
The
first
of
these
Nations
(
which
,
if
you
stay
her
leisure
,
will
in
my
mind
be
France
)
that
recovers
the
health
of
antient
Prudence
,
shall
certainly
govern
the
World
;
for
what
did
Italy
when
she
had
it
?
And
as
you
were
in
that
,
so
shall
you
in
the
like
case
be
reduc'd
to
a
Province
;
I
do
not
speak
at
random
.
Italy
,
in
the
Consulship
of
LUCIUS
AEMILIUS
PAPUS
,
and
CAIUS
ATILIUS
REGULUS
,
arm'd
upon
the
Gallic
Tumult
that
then
happen'd
of
her self
,
and
without
the
Aid
of
foren
Auxiliarys
,
seventy
thousand
Horse
,
and
seven
hundred
thousand
Foot
:
But
as
Italy
is
the
least
of
those
three
Countrys
in
extent
,
so
is
France
now
the
most
populous
.
I
,
decus
,
I
,
nostrum
,
melioribus
utere
fatis
.
MY
dear
Lords
,
Oceana
is
as
the
Rose
of
Sharon
,
and
the
Lilly
of
the
Vally
.
As
the
Lilly
among
Thorns
,
such
is
my
Love
among
the
Daughters
.
She
is
comly
as
the
Tents
of
Kedar
,
and
terrible
as
an
Army
with
Banners
.
Her
Neck
is
as
the
Tower
of
David
,
builded
for
an
Armory
,
wheron
there
hang
a
thousand
Bucklers
and
Shields
of
mighty
Men.
Let
me
hear
thy
Voice
in
the
morning
,
whom
my
Soul
loves
.
The
South
has
drop'd
,
and
the
West
is
breathing
upon
thy
Garden
of
Spices
.
Arise
,
Queen
of
the
Earth
,
Arise
,
holy
Spouse
of
Jesus
;
for
lo
the
Winter
is
past
,
the
Rain
is
over
and
gon
;
the
Flowers
appear
on
the
Earth
,
the
time
for
the
singing
of
Birds
is
com
,
and
the
Voice
of
the
Turtle
is
heard
in
our
Land
.
Arise
,
I
say
,
com
forth
,
and
do
not
tarry
:
Ah!
wherfore
should
my
eys
behold
thee
by
the
Rivers
of
Babylon
,
hanging
thy
Harps
upon
the
Willows
,
thou
fairest
among
Women
?
EXCELLENT
PATRIOTS
;
If
the
People
be
Soverain
,
here
is
that
which
establishes
their
Prerogative
:
If
we
be
sincere
,
here
is
that
which
disburdens
our
Souls
,
and
makes
good
all
our
Ingagements
:
If
we
he
charitable
,
here
is
that
which
imbraces
all
Partys
:
If
we
would
be
settl'd
,
here
is
that
which
will
stand
,
and
last
for
ever
.
IF
our
Religion
be
any
thing
else
but
a
vain
boast
,
scratching
and
defacing
human
Nature
or
Reason
,
which
,
being
the
Image
of
God
,
makes
it
a
kind
of
Murder
;
here
is
that
Empire
whence
Justice
Amos
5.
24.
shall
run
down
like
a
River
,
and
Judgment
like
a
mighty
Stream
.
Who
is
it
then
that
calls
us
?
or
what
is
in
our
way
?
a
Lion
!
is
it
not
the
Dragon
that
old
Serpent
?
for
what
wretched
shifts
are
these
?
Here
is
a
great
deal
,
might
we
not
have
som
of
this
at
one
time
,
and
som
at
another
?
MY
LORDS
,
permit
me
to
give
you
the
Sum
,
or
brief
Epitome
of
the
whole
Commonwealth
.
THE
Center
or
Fundamental
Laws
are
,
first
,
the
Agrarian
,
proportion'd
at
two
thousand
Pounds
a
Year
in
Land
,
●ying
and
being
within
the
proper
Territory
of
Oceana
,
and
stating
Property
in
Land
at
such
a
balance
,
that
the
Power
can
never
swerve
out
of
the
hands
of
the
Many
.
SECONDLY
,
The
Ballot
conveying
this
equal
Sap
from
the
Root
,
by
an
equal
Election
or
Rotation
,
into
the
Branches
of
Magistracy
or
Soverain
Power
.
THE
Orbs
of
this
Commonwealth
being
Civil
,
Military
or
Provincial
,
are
,
as
it
were
,
cast
upon
this
Mold
or
Center
by
the
Divisions
of
the
People
;
First
into
Citizens
and
Servants
:
Secondly
,
into
Youth
and
Elders
:
Thirdly
,
into
such
as
have
one
hundred
Pounds
a
year
in
Lands
,
Goods
or
Monys
,
who
are
of
the
Horse
;
and
such
as
have
under
,
who
are
of
the
Foot
:
Fourthly
,
they
are
divided
by
their
usual
residence
,
into
Parishes
,
Hundreds
,
and
Tribes
.
THE
Civil
Orbs
consist
of
the
Elders
,
and
are
thus
created
;
every
Monday
next
insuing
the
last
of
December
,
the
Elders
in
every
Parish
elect
the
fifth
man
to
be
a
Deputy
;
which
is
but
half
a
days
work
:
every
Monday
next
insuing
the
last
of
January
,
the
Deputys
meet
at
their
respective
Hundred
,
and
elect
out
of
their
number
one
Justice
of
the
Peace
,
one
Juryman
,
one
Coroner
,
and
one
High
Constable
of
the
Foot
;
one
days
work
.
EVERY
Monday
next
insuing
the
last
of
February
,
the
Hundreds
meet
at
their
respective
Tribe
,
and
there
elect
the
Lords
High
Sherif
,
Lieutenant
,
Custos
Rotulorum
,
the
Conductor
,
the
two
Censors
out
of
the
Horse
,
the
Magistrats
of
the
Tribe
and
of
the
Hundreds
,
with
the
Jury-men
constituting
the
Phylarch
,
and
who
assist
in
their
respective
Offices
at
the
Assizes
,
hold
the
Quarter
Sessions
,
&c.
The
day
following
the
Tribe
elects
the
annual
Galaxy
,
consisting
of
two
Knights
,
and
three
Deputys
out
of
the
Horse
,
with
four
Deputys
out
of
the
Foot
,
therby
indu'd
with
Power
,
as
Magistrats
of
the
whole
Nation
,
for
the
term
of
three
years
.
An
Officer
chosen
at
the
Hundred
may
not
be
elected
a
Magistrat
of
the
Tribe
;
but
a
Magistrat
or
Officer
either
of
the
Hundred
or
of
the
Tribe
,
being
elected
into
the
Galaxy
,
may
substitute
any
one
of
his
own
Order
to
his
Magistracy
or
Office
in
the
Hundred
,
or
in
the
Tribe
.
This
of
the
Muster
is
two
days
work
.
So
the
body
of
the
People
is
annually
,
at
the
charge
of
three
days
work
and
a
half
,
in
their
own
Tribes
,
for
the
perpetuation
of
their
Power
,
receiving
over
and
above
the
Magistracys
so
divided
among
them
.
EVERY
Monday
next
insuing
the
last
of
March
,
the
Knights
,
being
a
Hundred
in
all
the
Tribes
,
take
their
places
in
the
Senat
;
the
Knights
,
having
taken
their
places
in
the
Senat
,
make
the
third
Region
of
the
same
;
and
the
House
procedes
to
the
Senatorian
Elections
.
Senatorian
Elections
are
annual
,
biennial
,
or
emergent
.
THE
annual
are
perform'd
by
the
Tropic
.
THE
Tropic
is
a
Scedule
consisting
of
two
parts
;
the
first
by
which
the
Senatorian
Magistrats
are
elected
;
and
the
second
,
by
which
the
Senatorian
Councils
are
perpetuated
.
THE
first
part
is
of
this
Tenor.
THE
Lord
Strategus
,
|
Annual
Magistrats
,
and
therfore
such
as
may
be
elected
out
of
any
Region
;
the
term
of
every
Region
having
at
the
Tropic
one
year
at
the
least
unexpir'd
.
|
THE
Lord
Orator
,
|
THE
first
Censor
,
|
THE
second
Censor
,
|
THE
third
Commissioner
of
the
Seal
,
|
Triennial
Magistrats
,
and
therfore
such
as
can
be
chosen
out
of
the
third
Region
only
,
as
that
alone
which
has
the
term
of
three
years
unexpir'd
.
|
THE
third
Commissioner
of
the
Treasury
,
|
THE
Strategus
and
the
Orator
sitting
,
are
Consuls
,
or
Presidents
of
the
Senat.
THE
Strategus
marching
is
General
of
the
Army
,
in
which
case
a
new
Strategus
is
elected
to
sit
in
his
room
.
THE
Strategus
sitting
with
the
six
Commissioners
,
being
Counsillors
of
the
Nation
,
are
the
Signory
of
the
Commonwealth
.
THE
Censors
are
Magistrats
of
the
Ballot
,
Presidents
of
the
Council
for
Religion
,
and
Chancellors
of
the
Vniversitys
.
THE
second
part
of
the
Tropic
perpetuats
the
Council
of
State
,
by
the
election
of
five
Knights
out
of
the
first
Region
of
the
Senat
,
to
be
the
first
Region
of
that
Council
consisting
of
fifteen
Knights
,
five
in
every
Region
.
THE
like
is
don
by
the
election
of
four
into
the
Council
of
Religion
,
and
four
into
the
Council
of
Trade
,
out
of
the
same
Region
in
the
Senat
;
each
of
these
Councils
consisting
of
twelve
Knights
,
four
in
every
Region
.
BVT
the
Council
of
War
consisting
of
nine
Knights
,
three
in
every
Region
,
is
elected
by
and
out
of
the
Council
of
State
,
as
the
other
Councils
are
elected
by
and
out
of
the
Senat.
And
if
the
Senat
add
a
Juncta
of
nine
Knights
more
,
elected
out
of
their
own
number
,
for
the
term
of
three
months
,
the
Council
of
War
,
by
virtue
of
that
addition
,
is
Dictator
of
Oceana
for
the
said
term
.
THE
Signory
jointly
or
severally
has
right
of
Session
and
Suffrage
in
every
Senatorian
Council
,
and
to
propose
either
to
the
Senat
,
or
any
of
them
.
And
every
Region
in
a
Council
electing
one
weekly
Provost
,
any
two
of
those
Provosts
have
Power
also
to
propose
to
their
respective
Council
,
as
the
proper
and
peculiar
Proposers
of
the
same
:
for
which
cause
they
hold
an
Academy
,
where
any
man
either
by
word
of
mouth
,
or
writing
,
may
propose
to
the
Proposers
.
NEXT
to
the
Elections
of
the
Tropic
is
the
biennial
Election
of
one
Embassador
in
ordinary
,
by
the
Ballot
of
the
House
,
to
the
Residence
of
France
;
at
which
time
the
Resident
of
France
removes
to
Spain
,
he
of
Spain
to
Venice
,
he
of
Venice
to
Constantinople
,
and
he
of
Constantinople
returns
.
So
the
Orb
of
the
Residents
is
wheel'd
about
in
eight
years
,
by
the
biennial
Election
of
one
Embassador
in
Ordinary
.
THE
last
kind
of
Election
is
emergent
.
Emergent
Elections
are
made
by
the
Scrutiny
.
Election
by
Scrutiny
is
when
a
Competitor
being
made
by
a
Council
,
and
brought
into
the
Senat
,
the
Senat
chuses
four
more
Competitors
to
him
;
and
putting
all
five
to
the
Ballot
,
he
who
has
most
above
half
the
Suffrages
,
is
the
Magistrat
.
The
Polemarchs
or
Fi●ld
Officers
are
chosen
by
the
Scrutiny
of
the
Council
of
War
;
an
Embassador
Extraordinary
by
the
Scrutiny
of
the
Council
of
State
;
the
Judges
and
Serjeants
at
Law
by
the
Scrutiny
of
the
Seal
;
and
the
Barons
and
prime
Officers
of
the
Exchequer
,
by
the
Scrutiny
of
the
Treasury
.
THE
Opinion
or
Opinions
that
are
legitimatly
propos'd
to
any
Council
must
be
debated
by
the
same
,
and
so
many
as
are
resolv'd
upon
the
Debate
are
introduc'd
into
the
Senat
,
where
they
are
debated
and
resolv'd
,
or
rejected
by
the
whole
House
:
that
which
is
resolv'd
by
the
Senat
is
a
Decree
,
which
is
good
in
matters
of
State
,
but
no
Law
,
except
it
be
propos'd
to
,
and
resolv'd
by
the
Prerogative
.
THE
Deputys
of
the
Galaxy
being
three
Horse
and
four
Foot
in
a
Tribe
,
amount
in
all
the
Tribes
to
one
hundred
and
fifty
Horse
,
and
two
hundred
Foot
;
which
,
having
enter'd
the
Prerogative
,
and
chosen
their
Captains
,
Cornet
and
Ensign
(
triennial
Officers
)
make
the
third
Classis
,
consisting
of
one
Troop
,
and
one
Company
;
and
so
joining
with
the
whole
Prerogative
,
elect
four
annual
Magistrats
,
call'd
Tribuns
,
wherof
two
are
of
the
Horse
,
and
two
of
the
Foot
.
These
have
the
Command
of
the
Prerogative
Sessions
,
and
Suffrage
in
the
Council
of
War
,
and
Sessions
without
Suffrage
in
the
Senat.
THE
Senat
having
past
a
Decree
which
they
would
propose
to
the
People
,
cause
it
to
be
printed
and
publish'd
,
or
promulgated
for
the
space
of
six
weeks
;
which
being
order'd
,
they
chuse
their
Proposers
.
The
Proposers
must
be
Magistrats
,
that
is
,
the
Commissioners
of
the
Seal
,
those
of
the
Treasury
,
or
the
Censors
.
These
being
chosen
,
desire
the
Muster
of
the
Tribuns
,
and
appoint
the
day
.
The
People
being
assembl'd
at
the
day
appointed
,
and
the
Decree
propos'd
,
that
which
is
propos'd
by
authority
of
the
Senat
,
and
commanded
by
the
People
,
is
the
Law
of
Oceana
,
or
an
Act
of
Parlament
.
SO
the
Parlament
of
Oceana
consists
of
the
Senat
proposing
,
and
the
People
resolving
.
THE
People
or
Prerogative
are
also
the
Supreme
Judicatory
of
this
Nation
,
having
Power
of
hearing
and
determining
all
Causes
of
Appeal
from
all
Magistrats
,
or
Courts
Provincial
,
or
Domestic
;
as
also
to
question
any
Magistrat
,
the
term
of
his
Magistracy
being
expir'd
,
if
the
Case
be
introduc'd
by
the
Tribuns
,
or
any
one
of
them
.
THE
Military
Orbs
consist
of
the
Youth
,
that
is
,
such
as
are
from
eighteen
to
thirty
years
of
Age
;
and
are
created
in
the
following
manner
.
EVERY
Wednesday
next
insuing
the
last
of
December
,
the
Youth
of
every
Parish
assembling
,
elect
the
fifth
of
their
number
to
be
their
Deputys
;
the
Deputys
of
the
Youth
are
call'd
Stratiots
,
and
this
is
the
first
Essay
.
EVERY
Wednesday
next
insuing
the
last
of
January
,
the
Stratiots
assembling
at
the
Hundred
,
elect
their
Captain
and
their
Ensign
,
and
fall
to
their
Games
and
Sports
.
EVERY
Wednesday
next
insuing
the
last
of
February
,
the
Stratiots
are
receiv'd
by
the
Lord
Lieutenant
their
Commander
in
Chief
,
with
the
Conductors
and
the
Censors
;
and
,
having
bin
disciplin'd
and
entertain'd
with
other
Games
,
are
call'd
to
the
Vrns
,
where
they
elect
the
second
Essay
,
consisting
of
two
hundred
Horse
and
six
hundred
Foot
in
a
Tribe
;
that
is
,
of
ten
thousand
Horse
,
and
thirty
thousand
Foot
in
all
the
Tribes
,
which
is
the
Standing
Army
of
this
Nation
,
to
march
at
any
warning
.
They
also
elect
at
the
same
time
a
part
of
the
third
Essay
,
by
the
mixture
of
Balls
marked
with
the
letter
M
,
and
the
letter
P
,
for
Marpesia
and
Panopea
;
they
of
either
mark
being
ten
Horse
and
fifty
Foot
in
a
Tribe
,
that
is
,
five
hundred
Horse
and
two
thousand
five
hundred
Foot
in
all
the
Tribes
,
which
are
forthwith
to
march
to
their
respective
Provinces
.
BVT
the
third
Essay
of
this
Nation
more
properly
so
call'd
,
is
when
the
Strategus
with
the
Polemarchs
(
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
or
the
Dictator
having
decreed
a
War
)
receive
in
return
of
his
Warrants
the
second
Essay
from
the
hands
of
the
Conductors
at
the
Rendevous
of
Oceana
;
which
Army
marching
with
all
Accommodations
provided
by
the
Council
of
War
,
the
Senat
elects
a
new
Strategus
,
and
the
Lords
Lieutenants
a
new
second
Essay
.
A
YOVTH
,
except
he
be
an
only
Son
,
refusing
any
one
of
his
three
Essays
,
without
sufficient
cause
shewn
to
the
Phylarch
or
the
Censors
,
is
incapable
of
Magistracy
,
and
is
fin'd
a
fifth
part
of
his
yearly
Rent
,
or
of
his
Estate
,
for
Protection
.
In
case
of
Invasion
the
Elders
are
oblig'd
to
like
duty
with
the
Youth
,
and
upon
their
own
charge
.
THE
Provincial
Orb
consisting
in
part
of
the
Elders
,
and
in
part
of
the
Youth
,
is
thus
created
.
FOVR
Knights
out
of
the
first
Region
falling
,
are
elected
in
the
Senat
to
be
the
first
Region
of
the
Provincial
Orb
of
Marpesia
;
these
being
triennial
Magistrats
,
take
their
places
in
the
Provincial
Council
,
consisting
of
twelve
Knights
,
four
in
every
Region
,
each
Region
chusing
their
weekly
Provosts
of
the
Council
thus
constituted
.
One
Knight
more
chosen
out
of
the
same
Region
in
the
Senat
,
being
an
annual
Magistrat
,
is
President
,
with
Power
to
propose
;
and
the
Opinions
propos'd
by
the
President
,
or
any
two
of
the
Provosts
,
are
debated
by
the
Council
,
and
,
if
there
be
occasion
of
farther
Power
or
Instruction
than
they
yet
have
,
transmitted
to
the
Council
of
State
,
with
which
the
Provincial
is
to
hold
Intelligence
.
THE
President
of
this
Council
is
also
Strategus
,
or
General
of
the
Provincial
Army
;
wherfore
the
Conductors
upon
notice
of
his
Election
,
and
appointment
of
his
Rendevous
,
deliver
to
him
the
Stratiots
of
his
Letter
,
which
he
takes
with
him
into
his
Province
:
and
the
Provincial
Army
having
receiv'd
the
new
Strategus
with
the
third
Classis
,
the
Council
dismisses
the
old
Strategus
with
the
first
Classis
.
The
like
is
don
for
Panopea
,
or
any
other
Province
.
BVT
wheras
the
term
of
every
other
Magistracy
or
Election
in
this
Commonwealth
,
whether
annual
or
triennial
,
requires
an
equal
Vacation
,
the
term
of
a
Provincial
Counsillor
or
Magistrat
requires
no
Vacation
at
all
.
The
Quorum
of
a
Provincial
,
as
also
that
of
every
other
Council
and
Assembly
,
requires
two
thirds
in
a
time
of
health
,
and
one
third
in
a
time
of
sickness
.
I
THINK
I
have
omitted
nothing
but
the
Props
and
Scaffolds
,
which
are
not
of
use
but
in
building
.
And
how
much
is
here
?
Shew
me
another
Commonwealth
in
this
compass
?
How
many
things
?
Shew
me
another
intire
Government
consisting
but
of
thirty
Orders
.
If
you
now
go
to
Law
with
any
body
,
there
ly
to
som
of
our
Courts
two
hundred
Original
Writs
:
If
you
stir
your
hand
,
there
go
more
Nerves
and
Bones
to
that
motion
:
If
you
play
,
you
have
more
Cards
in
the
pack
;
nay
you
could
not
sit
with
your
ease
in
that
Chair
,
if
it
consisted
not
of
more
parts
.
Will
you
not
then
allow
to
your
Legislator
,
what
you
can
afford
your
Upholdster
;
or
to
the
Throne
,
what
is
necessary
to
a
Chair
?
MY
LORDS
,
If
you
will
have
fewer
Orders
in
a
Common-wealth
,
you
will
have
more
;
for
where
she
is
not
perfect
at
first
,
every
day
,
every
hour
will
produce
a
new
Order
,
the
end
wherof
is
to
have
no
Order
at
all
,
but
to
grind
with
the
clack
of
som
Demagog
.
Is
he
providing
already
for
his
golden
Thum
?
Lift
up
your
heads
;
Away
with
Ambition
,
that
fulsom
complexion
of
a
Statesman
,
temper'd
,
like
SYLLA'S
,
with
blood
and
muck
.
And
the
Lord
give
to
his
Senators
Wisdom
;
and
make
our
faces
to
shine
,
that
we
may
be
a
Light
to
them
that
sit
in
darkness
and
the
shadow
of
death
,
to
guide
their
feet
in
the
way
of
Peace
.
—
In
the
name
of
God
,
what
's
the
matter
!
—
PHILADELPHUS
the
Secretary
of
the
Council
having
perform'd
his
task
in
reading
the
several
Orders
as
you
have
seen
,
upon
the
receit
of
a
Packet
from
his
Correspondent
BOCCALINI
,
Secretary
of
Parnassus
,
in
reading
one
of
the
Letters
,
burst
forth
into
such
a
violent
passion
of
weeping
and
downright
howling
,
that
the
Legislators
being
startled
with
the
apprehension
of
som
horrid
news
;
one
of
them
had
no
sooner
snatch'd
the
Letter
out
of
his
hand
,
than
the
rest
crying
,
Read
,
Read
,
he
obey'd
in
this
manner
.
THE
3d
instant
his
Phoebean
Majesty
having
taken
the
nature
of
Free
States
into
his
Royal
consideration
,
and
being
steddily
perswaded
that
the
Laws
in
such
Governments
are
incomparably
better
and
more
surely
directed
to
the
good
of
Mankind
than
in
any
other
;
that
the
Courage
of
such
a
Trajano
Boccalini
,
Centuria
1.
Raggual
.
21.
People
is
the
aptest
tinder
to
noble
fire
;
that
the
Genius
of
such
a
Soil
is
that
wherin
the
roots
of
good
Literature
are
least
worm-eaten
with
Pedantism
,
and
where
their
Fruits
have
ever
com
to
the
greatest
maturity
and
highest
relish
;
conceiv'd
such
a
loathing
of
their
Ambition
and
Tyranny
,
who
,
usurping
the
liberty
of
their
native
Countrys
,
becom
slaves
to
themselves
,
inasmuch
as
(
be
it
never
so
contrary
to
their
own
Nature
or
Consciences
)
they
have
taken
the
earnest
of
Sin
,
and
are
ingag'd
to
persecute
all
Men
that
are
good
with
the
same
or
greater
rigor
than
is
ordain'd
by
Laws
for
the
wicked
:
For
[
](A45618-e209200-b)*
*
Nemo
unquam
imperium
flagitio
quaesitum
bonis
artibus
exercuit
.
none
ever
administer'd
that
Power
by
good
,
which
he
purchas'd
by
ill
Arts
:
PHOEBUS
,
I
say
,
having
consider'd
this
,
assembl'd
all
the
Senators
residing
in
the
learned
Court
at
the
Theater
of
MELPOMENE
,
where
he
caus'd
CAESAR
the
Dictator
to
com
upon
the
stage
,
and
his
Sister
ACTIA
,
his
Nephew
AUGUSTUS
,
JULIA
his
Daughter
,
with
the
Children
which
she
had
by
MARCUS
AGRIPPA
,
LUCIUS
and
CAIUS
CAESARS
,
AGRIPPA
POSTHUMUS
,
JULIA
,
and
AGRIPPINA
,
with
the
numerous
Progeny
which
she
bore
to
her
renown'd
Husband
GERMANICUS
,
to
enter
.
A
miserable
Scene
in
any
,
but
most
deplorable
in
the
eys
of
CAESAR
,
thus
beholding
what
havock
his
prodigious
Ambition
,
not
satisfy'd
with
his
own
bloody
Ghost
,
had
made
upon
his
more
innocent
Remains
,
even
to
the
total
extinction
of
his
Family
.
For
it
is
(
seeing
where
there
is
any
humanity
,
there
must
be
som
compassion
)
not
to
be
spoken
without
tears
,
that
of
the
full
branches
deriving
from
OCTAVIA
the
elder
Sister
,
and
JULIA
the
Daughter
of
AUGUSTUS
,
there
should
not
be
one
fruit
or
blossom
that
was
not
cut
off
or
blasted
by
the
Sword
,
Famin
,
or
Poison
.
Now
might
the
great
Soul
of
CAESAR
have
bin
full
;
and
yet
that
which
pour'd
in
as
much
or
more
,
was
to
behold
that
execrable
race
of
the
CLAUDII
,
having
hunted
and
suck'd
his
Blood
with
the
thirst
of
Tigers
,
to
be
rewarded
with
the
Roman
Empire
,
and
remain
in
full
possession
of
that
famous
Patrimony
:
a
Spectacle
to
pollute
the
Light
of
Heaven
!
Nevertheless
as
if
CAESAR
had
not
yet
enough
,
his
Phoebean
Majesty
caus'd
to
be
introduc'd
on
the
other
side
of
the
Theater
,
the
most
illustrious
and
happy
Prince
ANDREA
DORIA
,
with
his
dear
Posterity
,
imbrac'd
by
the
soft
and
constant
arms
of
the
City
of
Genoa
,
into
whose
bosom
,
ever
fruitful
in
her
gratitude
,
he
had
dropt
her
fair
LIBERTY
like
the
dew
of
Heaven
;
which
when
the
Roman
Tyrant
beheld
,
and
how
much
more
fresh
that
Laurel
was
worn
with
a
firm
root
in
the
Hearts
of
the
People
,
than
that
which
he
had
torn
off
,
he
fell
into
such
a
horrid
distortion
of
limbs
and
countenance
,
that
the
Senators
who
had
thought
themselves
steel
and
flint
at
such
an
object
,
having
hitherto
stood
in
their
reverend
snowlike
thawing
Alps
,
now
cover'd
their
faces
with
their
large
sleeves
.
MY
Lords
,
said
the
ARCHON
rising
,
witty
PHILADELPHUS
has
given
us
a
grave
admonition
in
a
dreadful
Tragedy
.
Discite
justitiam
moniti
,
&
non
temnere
Divos
.
Great
and
glorious
Caesar
,
the
highest
character
of
flesh
,
yet
could
not
rule
but
by
that
part
of
Man
which
is
the
beast
:
but
a
Commonwealth
is
a
Monarchy
;
to
her
God
is
King
,
in
as
much
as
Reason
,
his
dictat
,
is
her
Soverain
Power
.
WHICH
said
,
he
adjourn'd
the
Council
.
And
the
Model
was
soon
after
promulgated
.
Quod
bonum
,
foelix
,
faustumque
sit
huic
Reipublicae
.
Agite
Quirites
,
censuere
Patres
,
jubeat
Populus
:
The
Sea
roar'd
,
and
the
Floods
clapt
their
hands
.
LIBERTAS
.
The
Proclamation
of
his
Highness
the
Lord
ARCHON
of
OCEANA
upon
Promulgation
of
the
Model
.
See
the
course
of
the
Decemvirs
in
the
promulgation
of
the
first
ten
of
their
twelve
Tables
in
LIVY
.
WHeras
his
Highness
and
the
Council
,
in
the
framing
of
the
Model
promulgated
,
have
not
had
any
privat
interest
,
or
ambition
,
but
the
fear
of
God
,
and
the
good
of
this
People
before
their
eys
;
and
it
remains
their
desire
that
this
great
Work
may
be
carry'd
on
accordingly
:
This
present
greeting
is
to
inform
the
good
People
of
this
Land
,
that
as
the
Council
of
Prytans
sat
during
the
framing
of
the
Model
,
to
receive
from
time
to
time
such
Propositions
as
should
be
offer'd
by
any
wisehearted
or
public
spirited
man
,
towards
the
institution
of
a
well
order'd
Commonwealth
,
so
the
said
Council
is
to
sit
as
formerly
in
the
great
Hall
of
the
Pantheon
during
Promulgation
(
which
is
to
continue
for
the
space
of
three
months
)
to
receive
,
weigh
,
and
,
as
there
shall
be
occasion
,
transmit
to
the
Council
of
Legislators
,
all
such
Objections
as
shall
be
made
against
the
said
Model
,
whether
in
the
whole
,
or
in
any
part
.
Wherf●re
,
that
nothing
be
don
rashly
,
or
without
consent
of
the
People
,
such
,
of
what
party
soever
,
with
whom
there
may
remain
any
doubts
o●
difficultys
,
are
desir'd
with
all
convenient
speed
to
address
themselves
to
the
said
Prytans
;
where
,
if
such
objections
,
doubts
,
or
difficultys
receive
solution
to
the
satisfaction
of
the
Auditory
,
they
shall
have
public
thanks
:
but
if
the
said
objections
,
doubts
or
difficultys
,
receive
no
solution
to
the
satisfaction
of
the
Auditory
,
then
the
Model
promulgated
shall
be
reviewed
,
and
the
party
that
was
the
occasion
of
the
review
,
shall
receive
public
thanks
,
together
with
the
best
Horse
in
his
Highness's
Stable
,
and
be
one
of
the
Council
of
Legislators
.
And
so
God
have
you
in
his
keeping
.
I
SHOULD
now
write
the
same
Council
of
the
Prytans
,
but
for
two
reasons
;
the
one
,
that
having
had
but
a
small
time
for
that
which
is
already
don
,
I
am
overlabor'd
;
the
other
,
that
there
may
be
new
Objections
.
Wherfore
if
my
Reader
has
any
such
as
to
the
Model
,
I
intreat
him
to
address
himself
by
way
of
Oration
,
as
it
were
,
to
the
Prytans
,
that
when
this
rough
draught
coms
to
be
a
work
,
his
Speech
being
faithfully
inserted
in
this
place
,
may
give
,
or
receive
correction
to
amendment
:
For
what
is
written
will
be
weigh'd
.
But
Conversation
,
in
these
days
,
is
a
game
,
at
which
they
are
best
provided
that
have
light
Gold
:
It
is
like
the
sport
of
Women
that
make
Flowers
of
straws
,
which
must
be
stuck
up
,
but
may
not
be
touch'd
.
Nor
,
which
is
worse
,
is
this
the
fault
of
Conversation
only
:
But
to
the
Examiner
,
Arist.
Rhet.
I
say
,
If
to
invent
method
,
and
to
teach
an
art
,
be
all
one
,
let
him
shew
that
this
Method
is
not
truly
invented
,
or
this
Art
is
faithfully
taught
.
I
CANNOT
conclude
a
Circle
(
and
such
is
this
Common-wealth
)
without
turning
the
end
into
the
beginning
.
The
time
of
Promulgation
being
expir'd
,
the
Surveyors
were
sent
down
,
who
having
in
due
season
made
report
that
their
work
was
perfect
,
the
Orators
follow'd
;
under
the
administration
of
which
Officers
and
Magistrats
the
Commonwealth
was
ratify'd
and
establish'd
by
the
whole
body
of
the
People
,
in
their
[
](A45618-e209700-b)*
*
Curiatis
,
Centuriatis
,
&
Tributis
Comitiis
.
Parochial
,
Hundred
,
and
County
Assemblys
.
And
the
Orators
being
,
by
virtue
of
their
Scrols
or
Lots
,
Members
of
their
respective
Tribes
,
were
elected
each
the
first
Knight
of
the
third
List
,
or
Galaxy
:
wherfore
having
at
their
return
assisted
the
ARCHON
in
putting
the
Senat
,
and
the
People
or
Prerogative
into
motion
,
they
abdicated
the
Magistracy
both
of
Orators
and
Legislators
.
The
COROLLARY
.
FOR
the
rest
(
says
PLUTARCH
,
closing
up
the
story
of
LYCURGUS
)
when
he
saw
that
his
Government
had
taken
root
,
and
was
in
the
very
Plantation
strong
enough
to
stand
by
it self
,
he
conceiv'd
such
a
delight
within
him
,
as
GOD
is
describ'd
by
PLATO
to
have
don
when
he
had
finish'd
the
Creation
of
the
World
,
and
saw
his
own
Orbs
move
below
him
:
For
in
the
Art
of
Man
(
being
the
imitation
of
Nature
,
which
is
the
[
](A45618-e209740-b)‖
‖
Hobbs
.
Art
of
GOD
)
there
is
nothing
so
like
the
first
call
of
beautiful
Order
out
of
Chaos
and
Confusion
,
as
the
Architecture
of
a
welorder'd
Commonwealth
.
Wherfore
LYCURGUS
seeing
in
effect
,
that
his
Orders
were
good
,
fell
into
deep
Contemplation
how
he
might
render
them
,
so
far
as
could
be
effected
by
human
Providence
,
inalterable
and
immortal
.
To
which
end
he
assembl'd
the
People
,
and
remonstrated
to
them
,
That
for
ought
he
could
perceive
,
their
Policy
was
already
such
,
and
so
well
establish'd
,
as
was
sufficient
to
intail
upon
them
and
theirs
all
that
Virtue
and
Felicity
wherof
human
Life
is
capable
:
Nevertheless
that
there
being
another
thing
of
greater
concern
than
all
the
rest
,
wherof
he
was
not
yet
provided
to
give
them
a
perfect
account
,
nor
could
,
till
he
had
consulted
the
Oracle
of
APOLLO
,
he
desir'd
that
they
would
observe
his
Laws
without
any
change
or
alteration
whatsoever
,
till
his
return
from
Delphos
;
to
which
all
the
People
chearfully
and
unanimously
ingag'd
themselves
by
promise
,
desiring
him
that
he
would
make
as
much
hast
as
he
could
.
But
LYCURGUS
before
he
went
,
began
with
the
Kings
and
the
Senators
,
and
thence
taking
the
whole
People
in
order
,
made
them
all
swear
to
that
which
they
had
promis'd
,
and
then
took
his
Journy
.
Being
arriv'd
at
Delphos
,
he
sacrific'd
to
APOLLO
,
and
afterwards
inquir'd
if
the
Policy
which
he
had
establish'd
,
was
good
and
sufficient
for
a
virtuous
and
a
happy
Life
?
By
the
way
,
it
has
bin
a
Maxim
with
Legislators
not
to
give
checks
to
the
present
Superstition
,
but
to
make
the
best
use
of
it
,
as
that
which
is
always
the
most
powerful
with
the
People
;
otherwise
tho
PLUTARCH
being
a
Priest
,
was
interested
in
the
cause
,
there
is
nothing
plainer
than
CICERO
in
his
Book
De
Divinatione
has
made
it
,
that
there
was
never
any
such
thing
as
an
Oracle
,
except
in
the
cunning
of
the
Priests
.
But
to
be
civil
to
the
Author
,
The
God
answer'd
to
LYCURGUS
,
that
his
Policy
was
exquisit
,
and
that
his
City
,
holding
to
the
strict
observation
of
his
form
of
Government
,
should
attain
to
the
height
of
fame
and
glory
.
Which
Oracle
LYCURGUS
causing
to
be
written
,
fail'd
not
of
transmitting
to
his
Lacedemon
.
This
don
,
that
his
Citizens
might
be
for
ever
inviolably
bound
by
their
Oath
,
that
they
would
alter
nothing
till
his
return
,
he
took
so
firm
a
resolution
to
dy
in
the
place
,
that
from
thenceforward
receiving
no
manner
of
Food
,
he
soon
after
perform'd
it
accordingly
.
Nor
was
he
deceiv'd
in
the
consequence
;
for
his
City
became
the
first
in
glory
and
excellency
of
Government
in
the
whole
World
.
And
so
much
for
LYCURGUS
according
to
PLUTARCH
.
MY
Lord
ARCHON
when
he
beheld
not
only
the
rapture
of
motion
,
but
of
joy
and
harmony
,
into
which
his
Spheres
(
without
any
manner
of
obstruction
or
interfering
,
but
as
if
it
had
bin
naturally
)
were
cast
,
conceiv'd
not
less
of
exultation
in
his
Spirit
;
but
saw
no
more
necessity
or
reason
why
he
should
administer
an
Oath
to
the
Senat
and
the
People
that
they
would
observe
his
Institutions
,
than
to
a
Man
in
perfect
health
and
felicity
of
Constitution
,
that
he
would
not
kill
himself
.
Nevertheless
wheras
Christianity
,
tho
it
forbids
violent
hands
,
consists
no
less
in
selfdenial
than
any
other
Religion
,
he
resolv'd
that
all
unreasonable
Desires
should
dy
upon
the
spot
;
to
which
end
that
no
manner
of
food
might
be
left
to
Ambition
,
he
enter'd
into
the
Senat
with
a
unanimous
Applause
,
and
having
spoken
of
his
Government
as
LYCURGUS
did
when
he
assembl'd
the
People
,
he
abdicated
the
Magistracy
of
ARCHON
.
The
Senat
,
as
struck
with
astonishment
,
continu'd
silent
;
Men
upon
so
sudden
an
Accident
being
altogether
unprovided
of
what
to
say
;
till
the
ARCHON
withdrawing
,
and
being
almost
at
the
door
,
divers
of
the
Knights
flew
from
their
Places
,
offering
as
it
were
to
lay
violent
hands
on
him
,
while
he
escaping
left
the
Senat
with
the
tears
in
their
Eys
of
Children
that
had
lost
their
Father
;
and
to
rid
himself
of
all
farther
importunity
,
retir'd
to
a
Country
House
of
his
,
being
remote
,
and
very
privat
,
in
so
much
that
no
man
could
tell
for
som
time
what
was
becom
of
him
.
Thus
the
Lawmaker
happen'd
to
be
the
first
object
and
reflection
of
the
Law
made
:
For
as
Liberty
of
all
things
is
the
most
welcom
to
a
People
,
Never
Ingratitude
,
but
to●
much
Love
,
the
constant
fault
of
the
People
.
so
is
there
nothing
more
abhorrent
from
their
nature
than
Ingratitude
.
We
,
accusing
the
Roman
People
of
this
Crime
against
som
of
their
greatest
Benefactors
,
as
CAMILLUS
,
heap
mistake
upon
mistake
;
for
being
not
so
competent
Judges
of
what
belongs
to
Liberty
as
they
were
,
we
take
upon
us
to
be
more
competent
Judges
of
Virtue
.
And
wheras
Virtue
,
for
being
a
vulgar
thing
among
them
,
was
of
no
less
rate
than
Jewels
are
with
such
as
wear
the
most
;
we
are
selling
this
precious
Stone
,
which
we
have
ignorantly
rak'd
out
of
the
Roman
ruins
,
at
such
a
rate
as
the
Switzers
did
that
which
they
took
in
the
Baggage
of
CHARLES
of
Burgundy
.
For
that
CAMILLUS
had
stood
more
firm
against
the
ruin
of
Rome
than
her
Capitol
,
was
acknowleg'd
;
but
on
the
other
side
that
he
stood
as
firm
for
the
Patricians
against
the
Liberty
of
the
People
,
was
as
plain
:
wherfore
he
never
wanted
those
of
the
People
that
would
dy
at
his
foot
in
the
Field
,
nor
that
would
withstand
him
to
his
beard
in
the
City
.
An
example
in
which
they
that
think
CAMILLUS
had
wrong
,
neither
do
themselves
right
,
nor
the
People
of
Rome
;
who
in
this
signify
no
less
than
that
they
had
a
scorn
of
Slavery
beyond
the
sear
of
Ruin
,
which
is
the
height
of
Magnanimity
.
The
like
might
be
shewn
by
other
examples
objected
against
this
,
and
other
Popular
Governments
,
as
in
the
Banishment
of
ARISTIDES
the
Just
from
Athens
,
by
the
Ostracism
,
which
,
first
,
was
no
punishment
,
nor
ever
understood
for
so
much
as
a
disparagement
;
but
tended
only
to
the
Security
of
the
Commonwealth
,
thro
the
removal
of
a
Citizen
(
whose
Riches
or
Power
with
a
Party
was
suspected
)
out
of
harms
way
for
the
space
of
ten
years
,
neither
to
the
diminution
of
his
Estate
or
Honor.
And
next
,
tho
the
virtue
of
ARISTIDES
might
in
it self
be
unquestion'd
,
yet
for
him
under
the
name
of
the
Just
to
becom
Universal
Umpire
of
the
People
in
all
cases
,
even
to
the
neglect
of
the
legal
ways
and
orders
of
the
Commonwealth
,
approach'd
so
much
to
the
Prince
,
that
the
Athenians
,
doing
ARISTIDES
no
wrong
,
did
their
Government
no
more
than
right
in
removing
him
;
which
therfore
is
not
so
probable
to
have
com
to
pass
,
as
PLUTARCH
presumes
,
thro
the
envy
of
THEMISTOCLES
,
seeing
ARISTIDES
was
far
more
popular
than
THEMISTOCLES
,
who
soon
after
took
the
same
walk
upon
a
worse
occasion
.
Wherfore
as
MACCHIAVEL
,
for
any
thing
since
alleg'd
,
has
irrefragably
prov'd
that
Popular
Governments
are
of
all
others
the
least
ingrateful
;
so
the
obscurity
,
I
say
,
into
which
my
Lord
ARCHON
had
now
withdrawn
himself
,
caus'd
a
universal
sadness
and
cloud
in
the
minds
of
Men
upon
the
glory
of
his
rising
Commonwealth
.
MUCH
had
bin
ventilated
in
privat
discourse
,
and
the
People
(
for
the
Nation
was
yet
divided
into
Partys
that
had
not
lost
their
animositys
)
being
troubl'd
,
bent
their
eys
upon
the
Senat
,
when
,
after
som
time
spent
in
devotion
,
and
the
solemn
action
of
Thanksgiving
,
his
Excellency
NAVARCHUS
DE
PARALO
in
the
Tribe
of
Dorean
,
Lord
Strategus
of
Oceana
(
tho
in
a
new
Commonwealth
a
very
prudent
Magistrat
)
propos'd
his
part
or
opinion
in
such
a
manner
to
the
Council
of
State
,
that
passing
the
Ballot
of
the
same
with
great
unanimity
and
applause
,
it
was
introduc'd
into
the
Senat
,
where
it
past
with
greater
.
Wherfore
the
Decree
being
forthwith
printed
and
publish'd
,
Copys
were
return'd
by
the
Secretarys
to
the
Phylarchs
(
which
is
the
manner
of
Promulgation
)
and
the
Commissioners
of
the
Seal
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
Right
Honorable
PHOSPHORUS
DE
AUGE
in
the
Tribe
of
Eudia
,
DOLABELLA
D'
ENYO
in
the
Tribe
of
Turmae
,
and
LINCEUS
DE
STELLA
in
the
Tribe
of
Nubia
,
being
elected
Proposers
pro
tempore
,
bespoke
of
the
Tribuns
a
Muster
of
the
People
to
be
held
that
day
six
weeks
,
which
was
the
time
allow'd
for
Promulgation
at
the
Halo
.
THE
Satisfaction
which
the
People
throout
the
Tribes
receiv'd
upon
promulgation
of
the
Decree
,
loaded
the
Carriers
with
weekly
Letters
between
Friend
and
Friend
,
whether
Magistrats
or
privat
Persons
.
But
the
day
for
Proposition
being
com
,
and
the
Prerogative
upon
the
Place
appointed
in
Disciplin
,
SANGUINE
DE
RINGWOOD
in
the
Tribe
of
Saltum
,
Captain
of
the
Phaenix
,
march'd
by
order
of
the
Tribuns
with
his
Troop
to
the
Piazza
of
the
Pantheon
,
where
his
Trumpets
entering
into
the
great
Hall
by
their
Blazon
gave
notice
of
his
Arrival
;
at
which
the
Serjeant
of
the
House
came
down
,
and
returning
inform'd
the
Proposers
,
who
descending
were
receiv'd
at
the
foot
of
the
Stairs
by
the
Captain
,
and
attended
to
the
Coaches
of
State
,
with
which
CALCAR
DE
GILVO
in
the
Tribe
of
Phalera
Master
of
the
Horse
,
and
the
Ballotins
upon
their
great
Horses
,
stood
waiting
at
the
Gate
.
THE
Proposers
being
in
their
Coaches
,
the
Train
for
the
Pomp
,
the
same
that
is
us'd
at
the
reception
of
Embassadors
,
proceded
in
this
order
:
In
the
Front
march'd
the
Troop
with
the
Cornet
in
the
Van
,
and
the
Captain
in
the
Rear
:
next
the
Troop
came
the
twenty
Messengers
or
Trumpets
;
the
Ballotins
upon
the
Curvet
with
their
Usher
in
the
Van
,
and
the
Master
of
the
Horse
in
the
Rear
:
Next
the
Ballotins
,
BRONCUS
DE
RAUCO
in
the
Tribe
of
Bestia
King
of
the
Heralds
,
with
his
Fraternity
in
their
Coats
of
Arms
;
and
next
to
Sir
BRONCHUS
,
BORISTHENES
DE
HOLIWATER
in
the
Tribe
of
Ave
,
Master
of
the
Ceremonys
:
The
Mace
and
the
Seal
of
the
Chancery
went
immediatly
before
the
Coaches
;
and
on
either
side
,
the
Doorkeepers
or
Guard
of
the
Senat
,
with
their
Pole-axes
,
accompany'd
with
som
three
or
four
hundred
Footmen
belonging
to
the
Knights
or
Senators
;
the
Trumpeters
,
Ballotins
,
Guards
,
Postilions
,
Coachmen
and
Footmen
,
being
very
gallant
in
the
Liverys
of
the
Commonwealth
;
but
all
,
except
the
Ballotins
,
without
Hats
,
in
lieu
wherof
they
wore
black
velvet
Calots
,
being
pointed
with
a
little
peak
at
the
forehead
.
After
the
Proposers
came
a
long
file
of
Coaches
full
of
such
Gentlemen
as
use
to
grace
the
Commonwealth
upon
the
like
occasions
.
In
this
posture
they
mov'd
slowly
thro
the
streets
(
affording
in
the
gravity
of
the
Pomp
,
and
the
welcomness
of
the
end
,
a
most
reverend
and
acceptable
Prospect
to
the
People
all
the
way
from
the
Pantheon
,
being
about
half
a
mile
)
and
arriv'd
at
the
Halo
,
where
they
found
the
Prerogative
in
a
close
body
inviron'd
with
Scaffolds
that
were
cover'd
with
Spectators
.
The
Tribuns
receiv'd
the
Proposers
,
and
conducted
them
into
a
Seat
plac'd
in
the
front
of
the
Tribe
,
like
a
Pulpit
,
but
that
it
was
of
som
length
,
and
well
adorn'd
by
the
Heralds
with
all
manner
of
Birds
and
Beasts
,
except
that
they
were
ill
painted
,
and
never
a
one
of
his
natural
color
.
The
Tribuns
were
plac'd
at
a
Table
that
stood
below
the
long
Seat
,
those
of
the
Horse
in
the
middle
,
and
those
of
the
Foot
at
either
end
,
with
each
of
them
a
Boul
or
Bason
before
him
,
that
on
the
right
hand
being
white
,
and
the
other
green
:
In
the
middle
of
the
Table
stood
a
third
which
was
red
.
And
the
Housekeeper
of
the
Pavilion
,
who
had
already
deliver'd
a
proportion
of
linen
Balls
or
Pellets
to
every
one
of
the
Tribe
,
now
presented
Boxes
to
the
Ballotins
.
But
the
Proposers
as
they
enter'd
the
Gallery
,
or
long
Seat
,
having
put
off
their
Hats
by
way
of
Salutation
,
were
answer'd
by
the
People
with
a
shout
;
wherupon
the
younger
Commissioners
seated
themselves
at
either
end
;
and
the
first
standing
in
the
middle
,
spoke
after
this
manner
.
My
Lords
,
the
People
of
Oceana
.
WHILE
I
find
in
my self
what
a
Felicity
it
is
to
salute
you
by
this
Name
,
and
in
every
Face
,
anointed
as
it
were
with
the
Oil
of
Gladness
,
a
full
and
sufficient
testimony
of
the
like
sense
,
to
go
about
to
feast
you
with
words
,
who
are
already
fill'd
with
that
Food
of
the
mind
,
which
being
of
pleasing
and
wholsom
digestion
,
takes
in
the
definition
of
true
Joy
,
were
a
needless
Enterterprize
.
I
shall
rather
put
you
in
mind
of
that
thankfulness
which
is
due
,
than
puff
you
up
with
any
thing
that
might
seem
vain
.
Is
it
from
the
arms
of
flesh
that
we
derive
these
Blessings
?
Behold
the
Commonwealth
of
Rome
falling
upon
her
own
victorious
Sword
.
Or
is
it
from
our
own
Wisdom
,
whose
Counsils
had
brought
it
even
to
that
pass
,
that
we
began
to
repent
our selves
of
Victory
?
Far
be
it
from
us
,
my
Lords
,
to
sacrifice
to
our
own
Nets
,
which
we
our selves
have
so
narrowly
escap'd
!
Let
us
rather
lay
our
mouths
in
the
dust
,
and
look
up
(
as
was
taught
the
other
day
when
we
were
better
instructed
in
this
Lesson
)
to
the
Hills
with
our
Gratitude
.
Nevertheless
seeing
we
read
how
God
upon
the
neglect
of
his
Prophets
has
bin
provok'd
to
wrath
,
it
must
needs
follow
that
he
expects
Honor
should
be
given
to
them
by
whom
he
has
chosen
to
work
as
his
Instruments
.
For
which
cause
,
nothing
doubting
of
my
Warrant
,
I
shall
procede
to
that
which
more
particularly
concerns
the
present
occasion
,
the
discovery
of
my
Lord
ARCHON'S
Virtues
and
Merit
,
to
be
ever
plac'd
by
this
Nation
in
their
true
Meridian
.
My
Lords
;
I
AM
not
upon
a
Subject
which
persuades
me
to
balk
,
but
necessitats
me
to
seek
out
the
greatest
Examples
.
To
begin
with
ALEXANDER
erecting
Trophys
common
to
his
Sword
and
the
Pestilence
;
To
what
good
of
Mankind
did
he
infect
the
Air
with
his
heaps
of
Carcases
?
The
Sword
of
War
,
if
it
be
any
otherwise
us'd
than
as
the
Sword
of
Magistracy
,
for
the
fear
and
punishment
of
those
that
do
evil
,
is
as
guilty
in
the
sight
of
God
,
as
the
Sword
of
a
Murderer
;
nay
more
,
for
if
the
Blood
of
ABEL
,
of
one
innocent
Man
,
cry'd
in
the
ears
of
the
Lord
for
Vengeance
,
what
shall
the
Blood
of
an
innocent
Nation
?
Of
this
kind
of
Empire
,
the
Throne
of
Ambition
,
and
the
Quarry
of
a
mighty
Hunter
,
it
has
bin
truly
said
,
that
it
is
but
a
great
Robbery
.
But
if
ALEXANDER
had
restor'd
the
Liberty
of
Greece
,
and
propagated
it
to
mankind
,
he
had
don
like
my
Lord
ARCHON
,
and
might
have
bin
truly
call'd
the
Great
.
ALEXANDER
car'd
not
to
steal
a
Victory
that
would
be
given
:
But
my
Lord
ARCHON
has
torn
away
a
Victory
which
had
bin
stol'n
,
while
we
were
tamely
yielding
up
Obedience
to
a
[
](A45618-e210310-b)*
*
The
Scotish
Royal
Line
.
Nation
reaping
in
our
Fields
,
whose
Fields
he
has
subjected
to
our
Empire
,
and
nail'd
them
with
his
victorious
Sword
to
their
native
Caucasus
.
MACCHIAVEL
gives
a
handsom
caution
,
Let
no
man
,
says
he
,
be
circumvented
with
the
Glory
of
CAESAR
,
from
the
false
reflection
of
their
Pens
,
who
thro
the
longer
continuance
of
his
Empire
in
the
Name
than
in
the
Family
,
chang'd
their
Freedom
for
Flattery
.
But
if
a
man
would
know
truly
what
the
Romans
thought
of
CAESAR
,
let
him
observe
what
they
said
of
CATILIN
.
AND
yet
by
how
much
he
who
has
perpetrated
som
heinous
Crime
,
is
more
execrable
than
he
who
did
but
attemt
it
;
by
so
much
is
CAESAR
more
execrable
than
CATILIN
.
On
the
contrary
,
let
him
that
would
know
what
antient
and
heroic
Times
,
what
the
Greecs
and
Romans
would
both
have
thought
and
said
of
my
Lord
ARCHON
,
observe
what
they
thought
and
said
of
SOLON
,
LYCURGUS
,
BRUTUS
,
and
PUBLICOLA
.
And
yet
by
how
much
his
Virtue
,
that
is
crown'd
with
the
perfection
of
his
Work
,
is
beyond
theirs
,
who
were
either
inferior
in
their
aim
,
or
in
their
performance
;
by
so
much
is
my
Lord
ARCHON
to
be
prefer'd
before
SOLON
,
LYCURGUS
,
BRUTUS
,
and
PUBLICOLA
.
NOR
will
we
shun
the
most
illustrious
Example
of
SCIPIO
:
This
Hero
,
tho
never
so
little
less
,
yet
was
he
not
the
founder
of
a
Commonwealth
;
and
for
the
rest
,
allowing
his
Virtue
to
have
bin
of
the
most
untainted
Ray
,
in
what
did
it
outshine
this
of
my
Lord
ARCHON
?
But
if
dazling
the
Eys
of
the
Magistrats
it
over-aw'd
Liberty
,
Rome
might
be
allow'd
som
excuse
that
she
did
not
like
it
,
and
I
,
if
I
admit
not
of
this
comparison
:
For
where
is
my
Lord
ARCHON
?
Is
there
a
Genius
,
how
free
soever
,
which
in
his
presence
would
not
find
it self
to
be
under
power
?
He
is
shrunk
into
Clouds
,
he
seeks
Obscurity
in
a
Nation
that
sees
by
his
Light
.
He
is
impatient
of
his
own
Glory
,
lest
it
should
stand
between
you
and
your
Liberty
.
LIBERTY
!
What
is
even
that
,
if
we
may
not
be
grateful
?
And
if
we
may
,
we
have
none
:
For
who
has
any
thing
that
he
dos
not
ow
?
My
Lords
,
there
be
som
hard
conditions
of
Virtue
:
If
this
Debt
were
exacted
,
it
were
not
due
;
wheras
being
concel'd
,
we
are
all
enter'd
into
Bonds
.
On
the
other
side
,
if
we
make
such
a
payment
as
will
not
stand
with
a
free
People
,
we
do
not
inrich
my
Lord
ARCHON
,
but
rob
him
of
his
whole
Estate
,
and
●his
immense
Glory
.
THESE
Particulars
had
in
due
deliberation
and
mature
debate
,
according
to
the
Orders
of
this
Commonwealth
,
It
is
propos'd
by
Authority
of
the
Senat
,
to
you
my
Lords
the
People
of
Oceana
.
I.
THAT
the
Dignity
and
Office
of
ARCHON
,
or
Protector
of
the
Commonwealth
of
Oceana
,
be
,
and
is
hereby
confer'd
by
the
Senat
and
the
People
of
Oceana
,
upon
the
most
Illustrious
Prince
,
and
sole
Legislator
of
this
Commonwealth
,
OLPHAUS
MEGALETOR
,
Pater
Patriae
,
whom
God
preserve
,
for
the
term
of
his
natural
Life
.
II.
THAT
three
hundred
and
fifty
thousand
pounds
per
annum
yet
remaining
of
the
antient
Revenue
,
be
estated
upon
the
said
Illustrious
Prince
,
or
Lord
ARCHON
,
for
the
said
term
,
and
to
the
proper
and
peculiar
use
of
his
Highness
.
III.
THAT
the
Lord
ARCHON
have
the
reception
of
all
foren
Embassadors
,
by
and
with
the
Council
of
State
,
according
to
the
Orders
of
this
Commonwealth
.
IV.
THAT
the
Lord
ARCHON
have
a
standing
Army
of
twelve
thousand
men
,
defray'd
upon
a
monthly
Tax
,
during
the
term
of
three
years
,
for
the
protection
of
this
Commonwealth
against
dissenting
Partys
;
to
be
govern'd
,
directed
,
and
commanded
by
and
with
the
advice
of
the
Council
of
War
,
according
to
the
Orders
of
this
Commonwealth
.
V.
THAT
this
Commonwealth
make
no
distinction
of
Persons
or
Partys
,
but
every
man
being
elected
and
sworn
,
according
to
the
Orders
of
the
same
,
be
equally
capable
of
Magistracy
;
or
not
elected
,
be
equally
capable
of
Liberty
,
and
the
injoyment
of
his
Estate
free
from
all
other
than
common
Taxes
.
VI.
THAT
a
man
putting
a
distinction
upon
himself
,
refusing
the
Oath
upon
Election
,
or
declaring
himself
of
a
Party
not
conformable
to
the
Civil
Government
,
may
within
any
time
of
the
three
years
standing
of
the
Army
,
transport
himself
and
his
Estate
,
without
molestation
or
impediment
,
into
any
other
Nation
.
VII
.
THAT
in
case
there
remains
any
distinction
of
Partys
not
conforming
to
the
Civil
Government
of
this
Commonwealth
,
after
the
three
years
of
the
standing
Army
be
expir'd
,
and
the
Commonwealth
be
therby
forc'd
to
prolong
the
term
of
the
said
Army
,
the
pay
from
thenceforth
of
the
said
Army
be
levy'd
upon
the
Estates
of
such
Partys
so
remaining
unconformable
to
the
Civil
Government
.
THE
proposer
having
ended
his
Oration
,
the
Trumpets
sounded
;
and
the
Tribuns
of
the
Horse
being
mounted
to
view
the
Ballot
,
caus'd
the
Tribe
(
which
thronging
up
to
the
Speech
,
came
almost
round
the
Gallery
)
to
retreat
about
twenty
paces
,
when
LINCEUS
DE
STELLA
receiving
the
Propositions
,
repair'd
with
BRONCHUS
DE
RAUCO
the
Herald
,
to
a
little
Scaffold
erected
in
the
middle
of
the
Tribe
,
where
he
seated
himself
,
the
Herald
standing
bare
upon
his
right
hand
.
The
Ballotins
having
their
Boxes
ready
,
stood
before
the
Gallery
,
and
at
the
command
of
the
Tribuns
march'd
,
one
to
every
Troop
on
Horseback
,
and
one
to
every
Company
on
Foot
;
each
of
them
being
follow'd
by
other
Children
that
bore
red
Boxes
:
now
this
is
putting
the
Question
,
whether
the
Question
should
be
put
.
And
the
Suffrage
being
very
suddenly
return'd
to
the
Tribuns
at
the
Table
,
and
number'd
in
the
view
of
the
Proposers
,
the
Votes
were
all
in
the
Affirmative
:
wherupon
the
red
or
doubtful
Boxes
were
laid
aside
,
it
appearing
that
the
Tribe
,
whether
for
the
Negative
or
Affirmative
,
was
clear
in
the
matter
.
Wherfore
the
Herald
began
from
the
Scaffold
in
the
middle
of
the
Tribe
,
to
pronounce
the
first
Proposition
,
and
the
Ballotins
marching
with
the
Negative
and
Affirmative
only
,
BRONCHUS
with
his
Voice
like
Thunder
,
continu'd
to
repeat
the
Proposition
over
and
over
again
,
so
long
as
it
was
in
Ballotting
.
The
like
was
don
for
every
Clause
,
till
the
Ballot
was
finish'd
,
and
the
Tribuns
assembling
,
had
sign'd
the
Points
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
number
of
every
Suffrage
,
as
it
was
taken
by
the
Secretary
upon
the
tale
of
the
Tribuns
,
and
in
the
sight
of
the
Proposers
;
for
this
may
not
be
omitted
,
it
is
the
pulse
of
the
People
.
Now
wheras
it
appertains
to
the
Tribuns
to
report
the
Suffrage
of
the
People
to
the
Senat
,
they
cast
the
Lot
for
this
Office
with
three
silver
Balls
,
and
one
gold
one
;
and
it
fell
upon
the
Right
Worshipful
ARGUS
DE
CROOKHORN
in
the
Tribe
of
Pascua
,
first
Tribun
of
the
Foot
.
ARGUS
being
a
good
sufficient
man
in
his
own
Country
,
was
yet
of
the
mind
that
he
should
make
but
a
bad
Spokesman
;
and
therfore
became
somthing
blank
at
his
luck
,
till
his
Collegues
perswaded
him
that
it
was
no
such
great
matter
,
if
he
could
but
read
,
having
his
Paper
before
him
.
The
Proposers
taking
Coach
,
receiv'd
a
Volly
upon
the
Field
,
and
return'd
in
the
same
order
,
save
that
being
accompany'd
with
the
Tribuns
,
they
were
also
attended
by
the
whole
Prerogative
to
the
Piazza
of
the
Pantheon
,
where
with
another
Volly
they
took
their
leaves
.
ARGUS
,
who
had
not
thought
upon
his
Wife
and
Children
all
the
way
,
went
very
gravely
up
:
and
every
one
being
seated
,
the
Senat
by
their
silence
seem'd
to
call
for
the
Report
;
which
ARGUS
standing
up
,
deliver'd
in
this
wise
.
Right
Honorable
Lords
and
Fathers
assembl'd
in
Parlament
;
SO
it
is
,
that
it
has
fal'n
to
my
lot
to
report
to
your
Excellencys
the
Votes
of
the
People
,
taken
upon
the
third
instant
,
in
the
first
year
of
this
Commonwealth
,
at
the
Halo
;
the
Right
Honorable
PHOSPHORUS
DE
AUGE
in
the
Tribe
of
Eudia
,
DOLABELLA
DE
ENYO
in
the
Tribe
of
Turmae
,
and
LINCEUS
DE
STELLA
in
the
Tribe
of
Nubia
,
Lords
Commissioners
of
the
Great
Seal
of
Oceana
,
and
Proposers
pro
temporibus
—
together
with
my
Brethren
the
Tribuns
,
and
my self
being
present
.
Wherfore
these
are
to
certify
to
your
Fatherhoods
,
that
the
said
Votes
of
the
People
were
as
follows
;
that
is
to
say
:
-
TO
the
first
Proposition
,
Nemine
contradicante
—
-
TO
the
second
,
Nemine
contradictante
—
-
TO
the
third
,
the
like
.
-
TO
the
fourth
211
,
above
half
.
-
TO
the
fifth
201
,
above
half
.
-
TO
the
sixth
150
,
above
half
,
in
the
Affirmative
.
-
TO
the
seventh
,
Nomine
again
,
and
so
forth
—
MY
LORDS
,
It
is
a
Language
that
is
out
of
my
Prayers
,
and
if
I
be
out
at
it
,
no
harm
—
BUT
as
concerning
my
Lord
ARCHON
(
as
I
was
saying
)
these
are
to
signify
to
you
the
true-heartedness
and
good-will
which
is
in
the
People
,
seeing
by
joining
with
you
,
as
one
man
,
they
confess
that
all
they
have
to
give
,
is
too
little
for
his
Highness
.
For
truly
,
Fathers
,
if
he
who
is
able
to
do
harm
,
and
dos
none
,
may
well
be
call'd
honest
;
What
shall
we
say
to
my
Lord
ARCHON'S
Highness
,
who
having
had
it
in
his
power
to
have
don
us
the
greatest
mischief
that
ever
befel
a
poor
Nation
,
so
willing
to
trust
such
as
they
thought
well
of
,
has
don
us
so
much
good
,
as
we
should
never
have
known
how
to
do
our selves
?
which
was
so
sweetly
deliver'd
by
my
Lord
Chancellor
PHOSPORUS
to
the
People
,
that
I
dare
say
there
was
never
a
one
of
them
could
forbear
to
do
as
I
do
—
An
't
please
your
Fatherhoods
,
they
be
tears
of
Joy
.
Ay
,
my
Lord
ARCHON
shall
walk
the
streets
(
if
it
be
for
his
ease
I
mean
)
with
a
Switch
,
while
the
People
run
after
him
,
and
pray
for
him
:
he
shall
not
wet
his
foot
;
they
will
strew
flowers
in
his
way
:
he
shall
sit
higher
in
their
hearts
,
and
in
the
Judgment
of
all
good
men
,
than
the
Kings
that
go
up
stairs
to
their
Seats
;
and
one
of
these
had
as
good
pull
two
or
three
of
his
fellows
out
of
their
great
Chairs
,
as
wrong
him
,
or
meddle
with
him
;
he
has
two
or
three
hundred
thousand
men
,
that
when
you
say
the
word
,
shall
sell
themselves
to
their
shirts
for
him
,
and
dy
at
his
foot
.
His
Pillow
is
of
Down
,
and
his
Grave
shall
be
as
soft
,
over
which
they
that
are
alive
shall
wring
their
hands
.
And
to
com
to
your
Fatherhoods
,
most
truly
so
call'd
,
as
being
the
loving
Parents
of
the
People
,
truly
you
do
not
know
what
a
feeling
they
have
of
your
Kindness
,
seeing
you
are
so
bound
up
,
that
if
there
coms
any
harm
,
they
may
thank
themselves
.
And
,
alas
!
poor
Souls
,
they
see
that
they
are
given
to
be
of
so
many
minds
,
that
tho
they
always
mean
well
,
yet
if
there
coms
any
good
,
they
may
thank
them
that
teach
them
better
.
Wherfore
there
was
never
such
a
thing
as
this
invented
,
they
do
verily
believe
that
it
is
no
other
than
the
same
which
they
always
had
in
their
very
heads
,
if
they
could
have
but
told
how
to
bring
it
out
.
As
now
for
a
sample
;
My
Lords
the
Proposers
had
no
sooner
said
your
minds
,
than
they
found
it
to
be
that
which
heart
could
wish
.
And
your
Fatherhoods
may
comfort
your selves
,
that
there
is
not
a
People
in
the
world
more
willing
to
learn
what
is
for
their
own
good
,
nor
more
apt
to
see
it
,
when
you
have
shew'd
it
them
.
Wherfore
they
do
love
you
as
they
do
their
own
selves
;
honor
you
as
Fathers
;
resolve
to
give
you
as
it
were
Obedience
for
ever
:
and
so
thanking
you
for
your
most
good
and
excellent
Laws
,
they
do
pray
for
you
as
the
very
Worthys
of
the
Land
,
Right
Honorable
Lords
and
Fathers
assembl'd
in
Parlament
.
ARGVS
came
off
beyond
his
own
expectation
;
for
thinking
right
,
and
speaking
as
he
thought
,
it
was
apparent
by
the
House
,
and
the
thanks
they
gave
him
,
that
they
esteem'd
him
to
be
absolutely
of
the
best
sort
of
Orators
;
upon
which
having
a
mind
that
till
then
misgave
him
,
he
became
very
crounse
,
and
much
delighted
with
that
which
might
go
down
the
next
week
in
print
to
his
Wife
and
Neighbors
.
LIVY
makes
the
Roman
Tribuns
to
speak
in
the
same
stile
with
the
Consuls
,
which
could
not
be
,
and
therfore
for
ought
in
him
to
the
contrary
,
VOLERO
and
CANULEIUS
might
have
spoken
in
no
better
stile
than
ARGUS
.
However
,
they
were
not
created
the
first
year
of
the
Commonwealth
;
and
the
Tribuns
of
Oceana
are
since
becom
better
Orators
than
were
needful
.
But
the
Laws
being
enacted
,
had
the
Preamble
annex'd
,
and
were
deliver'd
to
BRONCHUS
,
who
lov'd
nothing
in
the
Earth
so
much
as
to
go
staring
and
bellowing
up
and
down
the
Town
,
like
a
Stag
in
a
Forest
,
as
he
now
did
,
with
his
fraternity
in
their
Coats
of
Arms
,
and
I
know
not
how
many
Trumpets
,
proclaiming
the
Act
of
Parlament
;
when
meeting
my
Lord
ARCHON
,
who
from
a
retreat
that
was
without
Affectation
,
as
being
for
Devotion
only
,
and
to
implore
a
Blessing
by
Prayer
and
Fasting
upon
his
Labors
,
now
newly
arriv'd
in
Town
,
the
Herald
of
the
Tribe
of
Bestia
set
up
his
throat
,
and
having
chanted
out
his
Lesson
,
past
as
haughtily
by
him
,
as
if
his
own
had
bin
the
better
Office
;
which
in
this
place
was
very
well
taken
,
tho
BRONCHUS
for
his
high
mind
happen'd
afterwards
upon
som
disasters
,
too
long
to
tell
,
that
spoil'd
much
of
his
Imbroidery
.
MY
Lord
ARCHON'S
Arrival
being
known
,
the
Signory
,
accompany'd
by
the
Tribuns
,
repair'd
to
him
,
with
the
news
he
had
already
heard
by
the
Herald
;
to
which
my
Lord
Strategus
added
,
That
his
Highness
could
not
doubt
upon
the
Demonstrations
given
,
but
the
minds
of
Men
were
firm
in
the
opinion
,
that
he
could
be
no
seeker
of
himself
in
the
way
of
earthly
Pomp
and
Glory
:
and
that
the
Gratitude
of
the
Senat
,
and
the
People
,
could
not
therfore
be
understood
to
have
any
such
reflection
upon
him
.
But
so
it
was
,
that
in
regard
of
Dangers
abroad
,
and
Partys
at
home
,
they
durst
not
trust
themselves
without
a
standing
Army
,
nor
a
standing
Army
in
any
man's
hands
but
those
of
his
Highness
.
THE
ARCHON
made
answer
,
that
he
ever
expected
this
would
be
the
sense
of
the
Senat
and
the
People
;
and
this
being
their
sense
,
he
should
have
bin
sorry
they
had
made
choice
of
any
other
than
himself
for
a
standing
General
:
First
,
Because
it
could
not
have
bin
more
to
their
own
safety
:
And
,
Secondly
,
Because
so
long
as
they
should
have
need
of
a
standing
Army
,
his
work
was
not
done
:
That
he
would
not
dispute
against
the
Judgment
of
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
nor
ought
that
to
be
.
Nevertheless
,
he
made
little
doubt
but
experience
would
shew
every
Party
their
own
Interest
in
this
Government
,
and
that
better
improv'd
than
they
could
expect
from
any
other
;
that
Mens
animositys
should
overbalance
their
Interest
for
any
time
,
was
impossible
;
that
humor
could
never
be
lasting
,
nor
,
thro
the
Constitution
of
the
Government
,
of
any
effect
at
the
first
charge
.
For
supposing
the
worst
,
and
that
the
People
had
chosen
no
other
into
the
Senat
and
the
Prerogative
than
Royalists
,
a
matter
of
fourteen
hundred
men
must
have
taken
their
Oaths
at
their
Election
,
with
an
intention
to
go
quite
contrary
,
not
only
to
their
Oaths
so
taken
,
but
to
their
own
Interest
;
for
being
estated
in
the
Soverain
Power
,
they
must
have
decreed
it
from
themselves
(
such
an
example
for
which
there
was
never
any
experience
,
nor
can
there
be
any
reason
)
or
holding
it
,
it
must
have
don
in
their
hands
as
well
every
whit
as
in
any
other
.
Furthermore
,
they
must
have
remov'd
the
Government
from
a
Foundation
that
apparently
would
hold
,
to
set
it
upon
another
which
apparently
would
not
hold
;
which
things
if
they
could
not
com
to
pass
,
the
Senat
and
the
People
consisting
wholly
of
Royalists
,
much
less
by
a
parcel
of
them
elected
.
But
if
the
fear
of
the
Senat
and
of
the
People
deriv'd
from
a
Party
without
,
such
a
one
as
would
not
be
elected
,
nor
ingage
themselves
to
the
Commonwealth
by
an
Oath
;
this
again
must
be
so
large
,
as
would
go
quite
contrary
to
their
own
Interest
,
they
being
as
free
and
as
fully
estated
in
their
Liberty
as
any
other
,
or
so
narrow
that
they
could
do
no
hurt
,
while
the
People
being
in
Arms
,
and
at
the
beck
of
the
Strategus
,
every
Tribe
would
at
any
time
make
a
better
Army
than
such
a
Party
;
and
there
being
no
Partys
at
home
,
fears
from
abroad
would
vanish
.
But
seeing
it
was
otherwise
determin'd
by
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
the
best
course
was
to
take
that
which
they
held
the
safest
,
in
which
with
his
humble
thanks
for
their
great
bounty
,
he
was
resolv'd
to
serve
them
with
all
Duty
and
Obedience
.
A
VERY
short
time
after
the
Royalists
,
now
equal
Citizens
,
made
good
the
ARCHON'S
Judgment
,
there
being
no
other
that
found
any
thing
near
so
great
a
sweet
in
the
Government
.
For
he
who
has
not
bin
acquainted
with
Affliction
,
says
SENECA
,
knows
but
half
the
things
of
this
world
.
MOREOVER
they
saw
plainly
,
that
to
restore
the
antient
Government
,
they
must
cast
up
their
Estates
into
the
hands
of
three
hundred
men
;
wherfore
in
case
the
Senat
and
the
Prerogative
,
consisting
of
thirteen
hundred
men
,
had
bin
all
Royalists
,
there
must
of
necessity
have
bin
,
and
be
for
ever
,
one
thousand
against
this
or
any
such
Vote
.
But
the
Senat
being
inform'd
by
the
Signory
,
that
the
ARCHON
had
accepted
of
his
Dignity
and
Office
,
caus'd
a
third
Chair
to
be
set
for
his
Highness
,
between
those
of
the
Strategus
and
the
Orator
in
the
House
,
the
like
at
every
Council
;
to
which
he
repair'd
,
not
of
necessity
,
but
at
his
pleasure
,
being
the
best
,
and
,
as
ARGUS
not
vainly
said
,
the
greatest
Prince
in
the
World
:
for
in
the
Pomp
of
his
Court
he
was
not
inferior
to
any
,
and
in
the
Field
he
was
follow'd
with
a
Force
that
was
formidable
to
all
.
Nor
was
there
a
cause
in
the
nature
of
this
Constitution
to
put
him
to
the
charge
of
Guards
,
to
spoil
his
stomach
or
his
sleep
:
Insomuch
,
as
being
handsomly
disputed
by
the
Wits
of
the
Academy
,
whether
my
Lord
ARCHON
,
if
he
had
bin
ambitious
,
could
have
made
himself
so
great
,
it
was
carry'd
clear
in
the
Negative
;
not
only
for
the
Reasons
drawn
from
the
present
balance
,
which
was
Popular
;
but
putting
the
case
the
balance
had
bin
Monarchical
.
For
there
be
som
Nations
,
wherof
this
is
one
,
that
will
bear
a
Prince
in
a
Commonwealth
far
higher
than
it
is
possible
for
them
to
bear
a
Monarch
.
Spain
look'd
upon
the
Prince
of
Orange
as
her
most
formidable
Enemy
;
but
if
ever
there
be
a
Monarch
in
Holland
,
he
will
be
the
Spaniards
best
friend
.
For
wheras
a
Prince
in
a
Commonwealth
derives
his
Greatness
from
the
root
of
the
People
,
a
Monarch
derives
his
from
one
of
those
balances
which
nip
them
in
the
root
;
by
which
means
the
Low
Countrys
under
a
Monarch
were
poor
and
inconsiderable
,
but
in
bearing
a
Prince
could
grow
to
a
miraculous
height
,
and
give
the
Glory
of
his
Actions
by
far
the
upper
hand
of
the
greatest
King
in
Christendom
.
There
are
Kings
in
Europe
,
to
whom
a
King
of
Oceana
would
be
but
a
petit
Companion
.
But
the
Prince
of
this
Commonwealth
is
the
Terror
and
the
Judg
of
them
all
.
THAT
which
my
Lord
ARCHON
now
minded
most
,
was
the
Agrarian
,
upon
which
Debate
he
incessantly
thrust
the
Senat
and
the
Council
of
State
;
to
the
end
it
might
be
planted
upon
som
firm
root
,
as
the
main
point
and
basis
of
perpetuity
to
the
Commonwealth
.
AND
these
are
som
of
the
most
remarkable
Passages
that
happen'd
in
the
first
year
of
this
Government
.
About
the
latter
end
of
the
second
,
the
Army
was
disbanded
,
but
the
Taxes
continu'd
at
thirty
thousand
Pounds
a
month
,
for
three
years
and
a
half
.
By
which
means
a
piece
of
Artillery
was
planted
,
and
a
portion
of
Land
to
the
value
of
50
l.
a
year
purchas'd
for
the
maintenance
of
the
Games
,
and
of
the
Prize
arms
for
ever
,
in
each
Hundred
.
WITH
the
eleventh
year
of
the
Commonwealth
,
the
term
of
the
Excise
,
allotted
for
the
maintenance
of
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
and
for
the
raising
of
a
public
Revenue
,
expir'd
.
By
which
time
the
Exchequer
,
over
and
above
the
annual
Salarys
,
amounting
to
three
hundred
thousand
Pounds
,
accumulating
every
year
out
of
one
Million
incom
seven
hundred
thousand
Pounds
in
Banco
,
brought
it
with
a
product
of
the
Sum
,
rising
to
about
eight
Millions
in
the
whole
:
wherby
at
several
times
they
had
purchas'd
to
the
Senat
and
the
People
four
hundred
thousand
Pounds
per
annum
solid
Revenue
;
which
,
besides
the
Lands
held
in
Panopea
,
together
with
the
Perquisits
of
either
Province
,
was
held
sufficient
for
a
public
Revenue
.
Nevertheless
,
Taxes
being
now
wholly
taken
off
,
the
Excise
of
no
great
burden
(
and
many
specious
advantages
not
vainly
propos'd
in
the
heightning
of
the
public
Revenue
)
was
very
chearfully
establish'd
by
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
for
the
term
of
ten
years
longer
;
and
the
same
course
being
taken
,
the
public
Revenue
was
found
in
the
one
and
twentieth
of
the
Commonwealth
,
to
be
worth
one
Million
in
good
Land
.
Wherupon
the
Excise
was
so
abolish'd
for
the
present
,
as
withal
resolv'd
to
be
the
best
,
the
most
fruitful
and
easy
way
of
raising
Taxes
,
according
to
future
Exigencys
.
But
the
Revenue
being
now
such
as
was
able
to
be
a
yearly
Purchaser
,
gave
a
jealousy
that
by
this
means
the
balance
of
the
Commonwealth
,
consisting
in
privat
Fortunes
,
might
be
eaten
out
;
whence
this
year
is
famous
for
that
Law
wherby
the
Senat
and
the
People
forbidding
any
further
purchase
of
Lands
to
the
Public
within
the
Dominions
of
Oceana
and
the
adjacent
Provinces
,
put
the
Agrarian
upon
the
Commonwealth
her self
.
These
Increases
are
things
which
Men
,
addicted
to
Monarchy
,
deride
as
impossible
,
wherby
they
unwarily
urge
a
strong
Argument
against
that
which
they
would
defend
.
For
having
their
eys
fix'd
upon
the
Pomp
and
Expence
,
by
which
not
only
every
Child
of
a
King
being
a
Prince
,
exhausts
his
Father's
Coffers
;
but
Favorits
and
servil
Spirits
,
devoted
to
the
flattery
of
those
Princes
,
grow
insolent
and
profuse
,
returning
a
fit
Gratitude
to
their
Masters
,
whom
while
they
hold
it
honorable
to
deceive
,
they
suck
and
keep
eternally
poor
:
It
follows
that
they
do
not
see
how
it
should
be
possible
for
a
Commonwealth
to
clothe
her self
in
Purple
,
and
thrive
so
strangely
upon
that
which
would
make
a
Prince's
hair
grow
thro
his
hood
,
and
not
afford
him
bread
.
As
if
it
were
a
Miracle
that
a
careless
and
prodigal
Man
should
bring
ten
thousand
Pounds
a
year
to
nothing
,
or
that
an
industrious
and
frugal
Man
brings
a
little
to
ten
thousand
Pounds
a
year
.
But
the
fruit
of
one
man's
industry
and
frugality
can
never
be
like
that
of
a
Common-wealth
;
First
,
because
the
greatness
of
the
Increase
follows
the
greatness
of
the
Stock
or
Principal
:
And
,
Secondly
,
because
a
frugal
Father
is
for
the
most
part
succeded
by
a
lavish
Son
;
wheras
a
Commonwealth
is
her
own
Heir
.
THIS
year
a
part
was
propos'd
by
the
Right
Honorable
AUREUS
DE
WOOLSACK
in
the
Tribe
of
Pecus
,
first
Commissioner
of
the
Treasury
,
to
the
Council
of
State
,
which
soon
after
past
the
Ballot
of
the
Senat
and
the
People
:
by
which
the
Lands
of
the
Public
Revenue
,
amounting
to
one
Million
,
were
equally
divided
into
five
thousand
Lots
,
enter'd
by
their
names
and
parcels
into
a
Lotbook
preserv'd
in
the
Exchequer
.
And
if
any
Orphan
,
being
a
Maid
,
should
cast
her
Estate
into
the
Exchequer
for
fourteen
hundred
Pounds
,
the
Treasury
was
bound
by
the
Law
to
pay
her
quarterly
two
hundred
Pounds
a
year
,
free
from
Taxes
,
for
her
Life
,
and
to
assign
her
a
Lot
for
her
Security
:
if
she
marry'd
,
her
Husband
was
neither
to
take
out
the
Principal
without
her
consent
(
acknowleg'd
by
her self
to
one
of
the
Commissioners
of
the
Treasury
,
who
according
as
he
found
it
to
be
free
,
or
forc'd
,
was
to
allow
or
disallow
of
it
)
nor
any
other
way
ingage
it
,
than
to
her
proper
use
.
But
if
the
Principal
were
taken
out
,
the
Treasury
was
not
bound
to
repay
any
more
of
it
than
one
thousand
Pounds
;
nor
might
that
be
repaid
at
any
time
,
save
within
the
first
year
of
her
Marriage
:
the
like
was
to
be
don
by
a
half
or
quarter
Lot
respectively
.
THIS
was
found
to
be
a
great
Charity
to
the
weaker
Sex
,
and
as
som
say
,
who
are
more
skilful
in
the
like
Affairs
than
my self
,
of
good
Profit
to
the
Commonwealth
.
NOW
began
the
native
Spleen
of
Oceana
to
be
much
purg'd
,
and
Men
not
to
affect
Sullenness
and
Pedantism
.
The
Elders
could
remember
that
they
had
bin
Youth
.
Wit
and
Gallantry
were
so
far
from
being
thought
Crimes
in
themselves
,
that
care
was
taken
to
preserve
their
innocence
.
For
which
cause
it
was
propos'd
to
the
Council
for
Religion
by
the
Right
Honorable
CADISCUS
DE
CLERO
,
in
the
Tribe
of
Stamnum
,
first
Censor
,
That
such
Women
as
living
in
Gallantry
and
View
about
the
Town
,
were
of
evil
fame
,
and
could
not
shew
that
they
were
maintain'd
by
their
own
Estates
or
Industry
;
or
such
as
having
Estates
of
their
own
,
were
yet
wastful
in
their
way
of
life
,
and
of
ill
example
to
others
,
should
be
obnoxious
to
the
animadversion
of
the
Council
of
Religion
,
or
of
the
Censors
:
In
which
the
proceding
should
be
after
this
manner
.
Notice
should
be
first
given
of
the
scandal
to
the
party
offending
,
in
privat
:
if
there
were
no
amendment
within
the
space
of
six
months
,
she
should
be
summon'd
and
rebuk'd
before
the
said
Council
or
Censors
;
and
,
if
after
other
six
months
it
were
found
that
neither
this
avail'd
,
she
should
be
censured
not
to
appear
at
any
public
Meetings
,
Games
,
or
Recreations
,
upon
penalty
of
being
taken
up
by
the
Doorkeepers
,
or
Guards
of
the
Senat
,
and
by
them
to
be
detain'd
,
till
for
every
such
Offence
,
five
Pounds
were
duly
paid
for
her
inlargement
.
FURTHERMORE
,
if
any
common
Strumpet
should
be
found
,
or
any
scurrility
or
profaneness
represented
at
either
of
the
Theaters
,
the
Prelats
for
every
such
Offence
should
be
fin'd
twenty
Pounds
by
the
said
Council
,
and
the
Poet
,
for
every
such
offence
on
his
part
,
should
be
whipt
.
This
Law
relates
to
another
,
which
also
was
enacted
the
same
year
upon
this
occasion
.
THE
Youth
and
Wits
of
the
Academy
having
put
the
Business
so
home
in
the
defence
of
Comedys
,
that
the
Provosts
had
nothing
but
the
Consequences
provided
against
by
the
foregoing
Law
to
object
,
prevail'd
so
far
,
that
two
of
the
Provosts
of
the
Council
of
State
join'd
in
a
Proposition
,
which
after
much
ado
came
to
a
Law
,
wherby
one
hundred
thousand
pounds
was
allotted
for
the
building
of
two
Theaters
on
each
side
of
the
Piazza
of
the
Halo
:
and
two
annual
Magistrats
cal'd
Prelats
,
chosen
out
of
the
Knights
,
were
added
to
the
Tropic
,
the
one
call'd
the
Prelat
of
the
Buskin
,
for
inspection
of
the
Tragic
Scene
call'd
Melpomene
;
and
the
other
the
Prelat
of
the
Sock
,
for
the
Comic
call'd
Thalia
,
which
Magistrats
had
each
five
hundred
pounds
a
year
allow'd
out
of
the
Profits
of
the
Theaters
;
the
rest
,
except
eight
hundred
a
year
to
four
Poets
,
payable
into
the
Exchequer
.
A
Poet
Laureat
created
in
one
of
these
Theaters
,
by
the
Strategus
receives
a
Wreath
of
five
hundred
pounds
in
Gold
,
paid
out
of
the
said
Profits
.
But
no
man
is
capable
of
this
Creation
,
that
had
not
two
parts
in
three
of
the
Suffrages
at
the
Academy
,
assembl'd
after
six
weeks
warning
,
and
upon
that
occasion
.
THESE
things
among
us
are
sure
enough
to
be
censur'd
,
but
by
such
only
as
do
not
know
the
nature
of
a
Commonwealth
:
for
to
tell
men
that
they
are
free
,
and
yet
to
curb
the
genius
of
a
People
in
a
lawful
Recreation
,
to
which
they
are
naturally
inclin'd
,
is
to
tell
a
tale
of
a
Tub.
I
have
heard
the
Protestant
Ministers
in
France
,
by
men
that
were
wise
,
and
of
their
own
profession
,
much
blam'd
in
that
they
forbad
Dancing
,
a
Recreation
to
which
the
genius
of
that
Air
is
so
inclining
,
that
they
lost
many
who
would
not
lose
that
:
Nor
do
they
less
than
blame
the
former
determination
of
rashness
,
who
now
gently
connive
at
that
which
they
had
so
roughly
forbidden
.
These
Sports
in
Oceana
are
so
govern'd
,
that
they
are
pleasing
for
privat
diversion
,
and
profitable
to
the
Public
:
For
the
Theaters
soon
defray'd
their
own
charge
,
and
now
bring
in
a
good
Revenue
.
All
this
is
so
far
from
the
detriment
of
Virtue
,
that
it
is
to
the
improvement
of
it
,
seeing
Women
that
heretofore
made
havock
of
their
Honors
that
they
might
have
their
Pleasures
,
are
now
incapable
of
their
Pleasures
,
if
they
lose
their
Honors
.
ABOUT
the
one
and
fortieth
year
of
the
Commonwealth
,
the
Censors
,
according
to
their
annual
Custom
,
reported
the
Pillar
of
Nilus
,
by
which
it
was
found
that
the
People
were
increas'd
very
near
one
third
.
Wherupon
the
Council
of
War
was
appointed
by
the
Senat
to
bring
in
a
State
of
War
,
and
the
Treasurers
the
State
of
the
Treasury
.
The
State
of
War
,
or
the
Pay
and
Charge
of
an
Army
,
was
soon
after
exhibited
by
the
Council
in
this
Account
.
The
Field
Pay
of
a
Parlamentary
Army
.
|
l.
per
ann.
|
THE
Lord
Strategus
,
Marching
|
—
|
10000.
|
Pole
marchs
.
|
General
of
the
Horse
|
—
|
2000.
|
Lieutenant
General
|
—
|
2000.
|
General
of
the
Artillery
|
—
|
1000.
|
Commissary
General
|
—
|
1000.
|
Major
General
|
—
|
1000.
|
Quartermaster
General
|
—
|
1000.
|
Two
Adjutants
to
the
Major
General
|
—
|
1000.
|
Forty
Colonels
|
—
|
40000.
|
100
Captains
of
Horse
,
at
500
l.
a
Man
|
—
|
50000.
|
300
Captains
of
Foot
,
at
300
l.
a
Man
|
—
|
90000.
|
100
Cornets
,
at
100
l.
a
Man
|
—
|
10000.
|
300
Ensigns
at
50
l.
a
Man
|
—
|
15000.
|
800
|
Quartermasters
|
—
|
20000.
|
Serjeants
|
Trumpeters
|
Drummers
|
10000
Horse
,
at
2
s.
6
d.
per
day
each
|
—
|
470000.
|
30000
Foot
,
at
1
s.
per
day
each
|
—
|
500000.
|
Chirurgeons
|
—
|
400.
|
Sum
|
—
|
1114400.
|
40000
Auxiliarys
,
amounting
to
within
a
little
as
much
|
—
|
1100000.
|
THE
Charge
of
mounting
20000
Horse
|
—
|
300000.
|
THE
Train
of
Artillery
,
holding
a
3
d
to
the
whole
|
—
|
900000.
|
Summa
totalis
|
—
|
1414400.
|
ARMS
and
Ammunition
are
not
reckon'd
,
as
those
which
are
furnisht
out
of
the
Store
or
Arsenal
of
Emporium
:
Nor
waftage
,
as
that
which
gos
upon
the
account
of
the
Fleet
,
maintain'd
by
the
Customs
;
which
Customs
,
thro
the
care
of
the
Council
for
Trade
,
and
growth
of
Traffic
,
were
long
since
improv'd
to
about
a
Million
Revenue
.
The
House
being
thus
inform'd
of
a
State
of
War
,
the
Commissioners
brought
in
THE
state
of
the
Treasury
this
present
year
,
being
the
one
and
fortieth
of
the
Commonwealth
.
|
l.
|
RECEIVED
from
the
one
and
twentieth
of
this
Commonwealth
,
by
700000
l.
a
year
in
bank
,
with
the
Product
of
the
Sum
rising
—
|
16000000.
|
EXPENDED
from
the
one
and
twentieth
of
this
Commonwealth
.
|
l.
|
IMPRIMIS
,
For
the
Addition
of
Arms
for
100000
Men
,
to
the
Arsenal
,
or
Tower
of
Emporium
—
|
1000000.
|
FOR
the
storing
of
the
same
with
Artillery
|
—
|
300000.
|
FOR
the
storing
of
the
same
with
Ammunition
|
—
|
200000.
|
FOR
beautifying
the
Citys
,
Parks
,
Gardens
,
Public
Walks
,
and
Places
for
Recreation
of
Emporium
and
Hiera
,
with
Public
Buildings
,
Aquaeducts
,
Statues
,
and
Fountains
,
&c.
—
|
—
|
1500000.
|
EXTRAORDINARY
Embassys
|
—
|
150000.
|
Sum
|
—
|
3150000.
|
REMAINING
in
the
Treasury
,
the
Salarys
of
the
Exchequer
being
defalk'd
—
|
12000000.
|
BY
comparison
of
which
Accounts
,
if
a
War
with
an
Army
of
80000
Men
were
to
be
made
by
the
Penny
,
yet
was
the
Commonwealth
able
to
maintain
such
a
one
above
three
years
,
without
levying
a
Tax
.
But
it
is
against
all
Experience
,
Sense
and
Reason
,
that
such
an
Army
should
not
be
soon
broken
,
or
make
a
great
progress
;
in
either
of
which
cases
the
Charge
ceases
;
or
rather
,
if
a
right
course
be
taken
in
the
latter
,
Profit
coms
in
:
for
the
Romans
had
no
other
considerable
way
but
Victory
wherby
to
fill
their
Treasury
,
which
nevertheless
was
seldom
emty
.
ALEXANDER
did
not
consult
his
Purse
upon
his
Design
for
Persia
:
It
is
observ'd
by
MACCHIAVEL
,
that
LIVY
arguing
what
the
event
in
reason
must
have
bin
had
that
King
invaded
Rome
,
and
diligently
measuring
what
on
each
side
was
necessary
to
such
a
War
,
never
speaks
a
word
of
Mony
.
No
man
imagins
that
the
Gauls
,
Goths
,
Vandals
,
Huns
,
Lombards
,
Saxons
,
Normans
,
made
their
Inroads
or
Conquests
by
the
strength
of
the
Purse
;
and
if
it
be
thought
enough
,
according
to
the
dialect
of
our
Age
,
to
say
in
answer
to
these
things
,
that
those
times
are
past
and
gon
;
what
Mony
did
the
late
GUSTAVUS
,
the
most
victorious
of
modern
Princes
,
bring
out
of
Sweden
with
him
into
Germany
?
An
Army
that
gos
upon
a
golden
Leg
,
will
be
as
lame
as
if
it
were
a
wooden
one
;
but
proper
Forces
have
Nerves
and
Muscles
in
them
,
such
for
which
,
having
four
or
five
Millions
,
a
Sum
easy
enough
,
with
a
Revenue
like
this
of
Oceana
,
to
be
had
at
any
time
in
readiness
,
you
need
never
,
or
very
rarely
charge
the
People
with
Taxes
.
What
influence
the
Commonwealth
by
such
Arms
has
had
upon
the
World
,
I
leave
to
Historians
,
whose
custom
it
has
bin
of
old
,
to
be
as
diligent
Observers
of
foren
Actions
,
as
careless
of
those
domestic
Revolutions
which
(
less
pleasant
it
may
be
,
as
not
partaking
so
much
of
the
Romance
)
are
to
Statesmen
of
far
greater
profit
;
and
this
Fault
,
if
it
be
not
mine
,
is
so
much
more
frequent
with
modern
Writers
,
as
has
caus'd
me
to
undertake
this
Work
;
on
which
to
give
my
own
Judgment
,
it
is
perform'd
as
much
above
the
time
I
have
bin
about
it
,
as
below
the
dignity
of
the
matter
.
BUT
I
cannot
depart
out
of
this
Country
,
till
I
have
taken
leave
of
my
Lord
ARCHON
,
a
Prince
of
immense
Felicity
,
who
having
built
as
high
with
his
Counsils
,
as
he
dig'd
deep
with
his
Sword
,
had
now
seen
fifty
years
measur'd
with
his
own
inerring
Orbs.
Plutarch
in
the
Life
of
Timoleon
.
TIMOLEON
(
such
a
hater
of
Tyrants
,
that
not
able
to
persuade
his
Brother
TIMOPHANES
to
relinquish
the
Tyranny
of
Corinth
,
he
slew
him
)
was
afterwards
elected
by
the
People
(
the
Sicilians
groaning
to
them
from
under
the
like
burden
)
to
be
sent
to
their
relief
:
Wherupon
TELECLIDES
the
Man
at
that
time
of
most
Authority
in
the
Common-wealth
of
Corinth
,
stood
up
,
and
giving
an
Exhortation
to
TIMOLEON
,
how
he
should
behave
himself
in
his
Expedition
,
told
him
,
that
if
he
restor'd
the
Sicilians
to
Liberty
,
it
would
be
acknowleg'd
that
he
had
destroy'd
a
Tyrant
;
if
otherwise
,
he
must
expect
to
hear
that
he
had
murder'd
a
King
.
TIMOLEON
taking
his
leave
,
with
a
very
small
Provision
for
so
great
a
Design
,
pursu'd
it
with
a
Courage
not
inferior
to
,
and
a
Felicity
beyond
any
that
had
bin
known
to
that
day
in
mortal
Flesh
,
having
in
the
space
of
eight
years
utterly
rooted
out
of
all
Sicily
those
Weeds
of
Tyranny
,
thro
the
detestation
wherof
men
fled
in
such
abundance
from
their
Native
Country
,
that
whole
Citys
were
left
desolat
;
and
brought
it
to
such
a
pass
,
that
others
thro
the
fame
of
his
Virtues
,
and
the
excellency
of
the
Soil
,
flockt
as
fast
from
all
Quarters
to
it
,
as
to
the
Garden
of
the
World
:
While
he
,
being
presented
by
the
People
of
Syracusa
with
his
Town-house
,
and
his
Country
Retreat
,
the
sweetest
Places
in
either
,
liv'd
with
his
Wife
and
Children
a
most
quiet
,
happy
,
and
holy
Life
;
for
he
attributed
no
part
of
his
Success
to
himself
,
but
all
to
the
Blessing
and
Providence
of
the
Gods
.
As
he
past
his
time
in
this
manner
,
admir'd
and
honor'd
by
Mankind
,
LAPHISTIUS
an
envious
Demagog
,
going
to
summon
him
upon
som
pretence
or
other
to
answer
for
himself
before
the
Assembly
,
the
People
fell
into
such
a
Mutiny
,
as
could
not
be
appeas'd
but
by
TIMOLEON
,
who
understanding
the
matter
,
reprov'd
them
,
by
repeating
the
pains
and
travel
which
he
had
gon
thro
,
to
no
other
end
than
that
every
Man
might
have
the
free
use
of
the
Laws
.
Wherfore
when
DAEMENETUS
another
Demagog
,
had
brought
the
same
Design
about
again
,
and
blam'd
him
impertinently
to
the
People
for
things
which
he
did
when
he
was
General
,
TIMOLEON
answer'd
nothing
,
but
raising
up
his
hands
,
gave
the
Gods
thanks
for
their
return
to
his
frequent
Prayers
,
that
he
might
but
live
to
see
the
Syracusians
so
free
,
that
they
could
question
whom
they
pleas'd
.
NOT
long
after
being
old
,
thro
som
natural
imperfection
,
he
fell
blind
;
but
the
Syracusians
by
their
perpetual
visits
held
him
,
tho
he
could
not
see
,
their
greatest
Object
:
if
there
arriv'd
Strangers
,
they
brought
them
to
see
this
sight
.
Whatever
came
in
debate
at
the
Assembly
,
if
it
were
of
small
consequence
,
they
determin'd
it
themselves
;
but
if
of
importance
,
they
always
sent
for
TIMOLEON
;
who
being
brought
by
his
Servants
in
a
Chair
,
and
set
in
the
middle
of
the
Theater
,
there
ever
follow'd
a
great
shout
,
after
which
som
time
was
allow'd
for
the
Benedictions
of
the
People
;
and
then
the
matter
propos'd
,
when
TIMOLEON
had
spoken
to
it
,
was
put
to
the
Suffrage
;
which
given
,
his
Servants
bore
him
back
in
his
Chair
,
accompany'd
by
the
People
clapping
their
hands
,
and
making
all
expressions
of
Joy
and
Applause
,
till
leaving
him
at
his
House
,
they
return'd
to
the
dispatch
of
their
Business
.
And
this
was
the
Life
of
TIMOLEON
,
till
he
dy'd
of
Age
,
and
drop'd
like
a
mature
Fruit
,
while
the
Eys
of
the
People
were
as
the
Showers
of
Autumn
.
THE
Life
and
Death
of
my
Lord
ARCHON
(
but
that
he
had
his
Senses
to
the
last
,
and
that
his
Character
,
as
not
the
Restorer
,
but
the
Founder
of
a
Commonwealth
,
was
greater
)
is
so
exactly
the
same
,
that
(
seeing
by
Men
wholly
ignorant
of
Antiquity
,
I
am
accus'd
of
writing
Romance
)
I
shall
repeat
nothing
:
but
tell
you
that
this
year
the
whole
Nation
of
Oceana
,
even
to
the
Women
and
Children
,
were
in
mourning
,
where
so
great
or
sad
a
Funeral
Pomp
had
never
bin
seen
or
known
.
Somtime
after
the
performance
of
the
Exequys
,
a
Colossus
,
mounted
on
a
brazen
Horse
of
excellent
Fabric
,
was
erected
in
the
Piazza
of
the
Pantheon
,
ingrav'd
with
this
Inscription
on
the
Eastern
side
of
the
Pedestal
:
HIS
NAME
IS
AS
Precious
Ointment
.
And
on
the
Western
with
the
following
:
GRATA
PATRIA
Piae
&
Perpetuae
Memoriae
D.
D.
Olphaus
Megaletor
Lord
ARCHON
,
and
sole
LEGISLATOR
OF
OCEANA
.
Pater
Patriae
.
Invincible
in
the
Field
.
Inviolable
in
his
Faith
.
Vnfained
in
his
Zeal
.
Immortal
in
his
Fame
.
The
Greatest
of
Captains
.
The
Best
of
Princes
.
The
Happiest
of
Legislators
.
The
Most
Sincere
of
Christians
.
Who
setting
the
Kingdoms
of
Earth
at
Liberty
,
Took
the
Kingdom
of
the
Heavens
by
Violence
;
Anno
-
Aetat
.
suae
116.
-
Hujus
Reipub.
50.
Book
II
THE
SECOND
BOOK
,
Containing
the
COMMONWEALTHS
OF
THE
HEBREWS
:
Namely
,
ELOHIM
,
or
the
Commonwealth
of
Israel
;
AND
CABALA
,
or
the
Commonwealth
of
the
Jews
.
The
PREFACE
,
Shewing
that
there
were
Commonwealths
before
that
of
Israel
.
HVMAN
Prudence
is
originally
a
Creature
of
God
,
and
,
with
respect
to
its
existence
,
as
antient
as
human
Nature
;
nor
is
it
so
much
younger
in
any
of
those
Effects
or
Ends
for
which
it
was
ordain'd
by
God
,
that
we
should
think
Israel
to
have
bin
the
first
Commonwealth
,
or
the
first
Popular
Government
that
ever
was
,
or
that
was
planted
at
least
in
Canaan
:
for
the
like
Governments
,
in
the
Countrys
therabout
,
there
were
both
before
and
at
the
same
time
.
It
was
in
Canaan
,
that
MELCHISEDEC
,
King
and
Priest
of
Salem
,
had
reign'd
during
the
time
of
ABRAHAM
,
who
paid
him
Tithes
of
all
that
Tithes
originally
belonging
to
Kings
.
1
Sam.
8.
15
,
17.
he
had
.
Now
Tithes
before
Israel
and
the
institution
of
the
Levits
,
belong'd
not
to
any
sort
of
Clergy
,
but
to
the
Prince
or
State
.
Whence
SAMUEL
in
the
description
of
a
King
,
tells
the
People
that
he
will
take
the
tenth
of
their
Goods
.
Thus
ABRAHAM
in
paying
Tithes
to
MELCHISEDEC
,
acknowledg'd
him
for
his
Prince
.
Yet
had
ABRAHAM
The
Common-wealth
of
Salem
.
the
right
of
the
Sword
,
and
made
War
with
Kings
,
as
those
of
Sodom
,
at
his
own
discretion
;
whence
Canaan
may
seem
to
have
bin
a
Common-wealth
in
those
days
,
much
after
the
manner
of
Germany
in
ours
.
The
Chap.
1
five
Lords
(
perhaps
five
Tribuns
)
of
the
Philistins
must
needs
have
bin
The
Common-wealth
of
the
Philistins
.
som
Aristocracy
at
least
of
Princes
joining
in
one
Body
or
Commonwealth
.
So
Venice
in
her
first
Age
was
under
Lords
or
Tribuns
.
It
is
little
to
be
doubted
,
but
the
Government
of
JETHRO
,
King
and
Priest
of
Midian
,
The
Common-wealth
of
Midian
.
was
of
a
like
nature
with
that
of
MELCHISEDEC
,
or
of
the
Lacedemonian
Kings
,
who
were
also
Priests
;
or
that
the
Counsil
he
gave
to
MOSES
(
being
for
the
institution
of
such
Judicatcrys
as
are
not
proper
in
a
Monarchy
)
was
any
other
than
according
to
the
Orders
of
his
own
Commonwealth
.
And
lest
these
Governments
should
seem
less
popular
,
the
Embassadors
of
the
Gibeonits
coming
to
JOSHUA
,
say
thus
;
Our
Elders
The
Common-wealth
of
the
Gibeonits
.
Joshua
9.
11.
(
or
our
Senat
)
and
all
the
Inhabitants
of
our
Country
(
or
the
popular
Assembly
of
the
same
)
spoke
to
us
saying
,
Go
meet
them
,
and
say
to
them
,
We
are
your
Servants
:
therfore
now
make
a
League
with
us
.
To
make
a
League
with
a
foren
Nation
evinces
Soverain
Power
;
and
that
this
League
was
made
by
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
evinces
Gibeon
to
have
bin
a
Popular
Government
.
Such
a
thing
then
as
Popular
Government
most
undeniably
there
was
before
Israel
.
Now
whether
Israel
were
a
Popular
Government
or
no
,
I
shall
refer
to
trial
by
the
insuing
Chapter
.
CHAP.
I.
Shewing
that
Israel
was
a
Commonwealth
.
Exod.
1.
5.
The
rise
of
the
Israelitish
Government
.
Of
the
Princes
of
the
Tribes
,
and
Princes
of
Familys
.
IT
is
said
of
the
Israelits
that
went
first
into
Egypt
,
All
the
Souls
that
Sect.
1
came
out
of
the
loins
of
Jacob
were
seventy
Souls
.
These
becoming
so
many
Fathers
of
Familys
,
and
governing
their
own
Familys
by
Paternal
Right
,
it
follows
that
at
first
they
so
govern'd
the
whole
People
;
yet
not
with
any
soverain
Power
(
as
may
be
easily
thought
in
a
Country
that
had
a
Prince
of
its
own
)
but
by
way
only
of
direction
and
advice
.
The
People
being
thus
accustom'd
to
this
way
,
as
any
of
these
seventy
came
to
dy
,
supply'd
his
place
with
another
of
their
Election
;
at
least
for
the
probability
of
this
opinion
,
we
find
mention
of
MOSES
,
NADAB
,
ABIHU
,
and
seventy
of
the
Elders
,
Exod.
24.
9.
before
the
institution
of
the
Israelitish
Senat
or
Sanhedrim
.
To
these
and
to
the
People
MOSES
propos'd
his
Laws
.
So
I
am
sure
in
the
[
](A45618-e263640-b)*
*
Haec
est
lex
quam
Moses
proposuit
,
Deut.
4.
44.
and
wheras
betwixt
a
Precept
and
a
Command
there
is
a
large
difference
;
in
places
more
than
I
can
stand
to
number
,
where
the
Latin
has
it
,
praecepit
Moses
,
the
English
has
it
,
Moses
commanded
.
Latin
it
is
expresly
said
,
where
by
our
English
Translation
it
is
thus
render'd
,
This
is
the
Law
(
and
by
the
Law
here
is
meant
no
less
than
the
whole
Book
of
Deuteronomy
)
which
MOSES
set
before
the
Children
of
Israel
,
whose
Assemblys
were
not
always
without
faction
.
For
KORAH
,
DATHAN
,
and
ABIRAM
,
with
two
hundred
Princes
of
the
Assembly
,
famous
in
the
Congregation
,
Men
of
Renown
,
bandy'd
themselves
against
MOSES
,
and
his
intended
Election
of
his
Brother
AARON
to
the
hereditary
Priesthood
,
reproaching
him
(
says
JOSEPHUS
)
Antiq.
l.
4.
c.
2.
that
he
went
about
to
dispose
of
this
Honor
without
the
Suffrage
of
the
Congregation
,
therby
affecting
Tyranny
,
and
a
sly
Book
II
usurpation
of
the
Liberty
of
the
People
:
which
sense
also
is
imply'd
by
their
upbraiding
him
in
Scripture
;
Is
it
a
small
thing
that
thou
hast
Numb.
16.
13.
brought
us
up
out
of
the
Land
that
flows
with
Milk
and
Hony
,
to
kill
us
in
the
Wilderness
?
except
thou
makest
thy self
altogether
a
Prince
over
us
.
But
wheras
the
Scripture
in
all
this
presumes
these
Incendiarys
to
have
That
Moses
was
no
King
.
bely'd
MOSES
,
som
will
have
all
they
thus
laid
to
his
charge
,
to
be
no
more
,
but
less
than
truth
;
in
as
much
as
they
will
needs
have
MOSES
not
only
to
have
bin
a
King
,
but
to
have
bin
a
King
exercising
Arbitrary
Power
,
and
such
Arbitrary
Power
as
,
being
without
any
bounds
,
fully
amounts
to
Tyranny
.
Sect.
2
That
Moses
propos'd
his
Laws
to
the
People
and
their
Suffrage
.
THE
word
King
is
not
a
sufficient
definition
of
the
Magistrat
so
stil'd
:
Between
a
Lacedemonian
King
and
a
Persian
King
,
or
between
either
of
these
and
a
King
of
England
,
there
was
a
vast
difference
.
Both
the
Kings
in
Lacedemon
were
but
as
one
Duke
in
Venice
.
The
Venetians
therfore
,
if
it
had
so
pleas'd
them
,
might
as
well
have
call'd
their
Duke
a
King
.
Certainly
it
is
,
that
he
is
not
so
much
in
the
Commonwealth
,
as
are
a
few
of
his
Counsillors
;
and
yet
all
Acts
of
the
Government
run
in
his
name
,
as
if
there
were
no
Common-wealth
.
Deut.
34.
4.
In
what
sense
Moses
may
be
call'd
a
King
.
IT
is
said
(
according
to
our
Translation
)
MOSES
commanded
us
a
Law
,
&c.
according
to
the
Original
,
MOSES
(
propos'd
,
or
)
gave
us
a
Law
,
which
is
an
Inheritance
to
the
Congregation
of
JACOB
.
The
Duke
of
Venice
has
a
right
to
propose
or
give
Law
in
the
Congregation
or
great
Council
of
Venice
;
where
he
,
who
sees
him
sitting
,
would
believe
he
were
a
King
.
And
if
MOSES
were
King
in
Jesurun
Ver.
5.
(
or
Israel
)
it
was
when
the
Heads
of
the
People
and
the
Tribes
of
Israel
were
gather'd
together
.
PAUL
,
epitomizing
the
story
of
the
Acts
13.
People
of
Israel
in
his
Sermon
to
the
Antiochian
Jews
,
shews
how
God
chose
their
Fathers
,
exalted
the
People
,
destroy'd
(
for
their
sakes
)
seven
Nations
in
the
Land
of
Canaan
,
and
divided
their
Land
to
them
by
Lots
:
but
speaks
not
a
word
of
any
King
given
to
them
,
till
expresly
after
their
Judges
.
But
if
MOSES
were
a
King
,
yet
that
he
did
not
propose
,
but
command
by
his
power
the
Laws
which
he
gave
to
Israel
,
dos
not
follow
.
For
DAVID
was
a
King
,
who
nevertheless
did
no
otherwise
make
any
Law
than
by
Proposition
to
the
People
,
and
their
●
Chron.
13.
free
Suffrage
upon
it
.
DAVID
consulted
with
the
Captains
of
thousands
,
and
hundreds
,
and
with
every
Leader
(
of
which
Military
Disciplin
of
the
Congregation
of
Israel
more
in
due
place
will
be
shewn
)
and
DAVID
said
to
all
the
Congregation
,
If
it
seems
good
to
you
,
and
that
it
be
of
the
Lord
our
God
(
tho
he
was
a
King
,
and
a
man
after
God's
own
heart
,
he
makes
the
People
Judges
what
was
of
God
)
let
us
send
abroad
to
our
Brethren
every
where
that
are
left
in
all
the
Land
of
Israel
,
and
with
them
also
to
the
Priests
and
Levits
that
are
in
their
Citys
and
Suburbs
,
that
they
(
to
the
end
this
thing
may
be
perform'd
with
the
greatest
solemnity
)
may
gather
themselves
to
us
,
and
let
us
bring
the
Ark
of
God
to
us
:
for
we
inquir'd
not
at
it
in
the
days
of
SAUL
.
1
Sam.
4.
In
the
days
of
ELI
the
Ark
was
taken
by
the
Philistins
,
who
being
smitten
till
there
was
a
deadly
destruction
throout
all
the
City
,
and
their
Divines
attributing
the
cause
therof
to
the
detention
of
the
Ark
,
after
seven
months
sent
it
to
Bethshemesh
;
whence
it
was
brought
to
Kirjath-jearim
,
and
there
lodg'd
in
the
house
of
AMINADAB
,
before
SAUL
was
King
,
where
it
remain'd
till
such
time
as
DAVID
propos'd
(
in
the
manner
shewn
)
to
the
People
the
reduction
of
the
same
.
Upon
this
Proposition
,
the
People
giving
Suffrage
are
unanimous
Chap.
1
in
their
result
;
All
the
Congregation
said
,
that
they
would
do
so
(
not
1
Chron.
13.
4.
that
they
could
do
no
otherwise
by
a
King
,
for
they
did
not
the
like
by
REHOBOAM
,
but
that
)
the
thing
was
right
in
the
eys
of
all
the
People
.
Moreover
,
DAVID
and
the
Captains
of
the
Host
separated
to
Chap.
25.
the
Service
som
of
the
Sons
of
ASAPH
,
and
of
HEMAN
,
and
of
JEDUTHUN
,
who
should
prophesy
with
Harps
,
with
Psalterys
and
with
Cymbals
;
that
is
,
propos'd
these
Laws
for
Church
Disciplin
,
or
Offices
of
the
Priests
and
Levits
,
to
the
same
Representative
of
the
People
:
of
which
more
in
other
places
.
Thus
much
in
this
,
to
shew
,
that
if
MOSES
were
a
King
,
it
dos
not
follow
that
he
propos'd
not
his
Laws
to
a
Congregation
of
the
People
having
the
power
of
Result
.
To
say
that
the
Laws
propos'd
by
MOSES
were
the
Dictat
of
GOD
,
is
not
to
evade
,
but
to
confirm
the
necessity
of
proposing
them
to
the
People
,
seeing
the
Laws
or
Dictats
of
GOD
or
of
CHRIST
,
can
no
otherwise
be
effectually
receiv'd
or
imbrac'd
by
a
People
,
or
by
a
privat
man
,
than
by
the
free
suffrage
of
the
Soul
or
Conscience
;
and
not
by
Force
or
Rewards
,
which
may
as
well
establish
the
Laws
of
the
Devil
.
That
there
lay
no
appeal
from
the
70
Elders
to
Moses
.
Numb.
11.
16.
BUT
for
another
way
,
such
a
one
as
it
is
,
of
crowning
MOSES
,
Sect.
3
som
are
positive
that
there
lay
an
appeal
from
the
seventy
Elders
to
Him
.
Now
the
Command
of
God
to
MOSES
for
the
institution
of
the
Seventy
,
is
this
:
Gather
to
me
seventy
men
of
the
Elders
of
Israel
—
that
they
may
stand
with
thee
.
Upon
which
words
let
me
ask
,
whether
had
MOSES
thenceforth
a
distinct
or
a
joint
political
Capacity
?
If
the
Seventy
stood
with
MOSES
,
or
it
were
a
joint
Capacity
,
then
MOSES
was
no
King
in
their
sense
;
and
if
it
were
distinct
,
then
lay
there
to
MOSES
no
appeal
,
even
by
his
own
Law
:
for
thus
in
the
case
of
Appeals
it
is
by
him
directed
.
If
there
arises
a
Controversy
too
Deut.
6.
hard
for
thee
in
Judgment
—
thou
shalt
com
to
the
Priests
and
Levits
(
that
is
,
to
the
seventy
Elders
)
—
According
to
the
sentence
of
the
Law
which
they
—
shall
tell
thee
,
thou
shalt
do
—
And
the
man
that
will
do
presumtuously
,
and
will
not
hearken
—
even
that
man
shall
dy
.
In
which
words
all
color
of
appeal
from
the
seventy
Elders
is
excluded
.
BUT
whether
MOSES
were
a
King
or
no
King
,
either
his
Sect.
4
Power
was
more
than
that
of
King
DAVID
;
or
without
proposition
to
,
and
result
of
the
People
it
is
plain
that
he
could
pass
no
Law
.
Now
the
Senat
,
Sanhedrim
,
or
seventy
Elders
,
came
in
the
place
of
MOSES
,
or
stood
with
him
;
therfore
their
Power
could
be
no
more
than
was
that
of
MOSES
.
So
that
if
the
Power
of
MOSES
were
never
more
in
the
point
of
Lawgiving
,
than
to
propose
to
the
People
;
then
the
power
of
the
Sanhedrim
could
be
no
more
in
the
point
of
Lawgiving
,
than
to
propose
to
the
People
.
Nor
will
it
be
found
in
Scripture
that
the
Sanhedrim
ever
made
any
Law
without
the
People
,
yet
it
is
found
in
Scripture
that
the
People
made
a
Law
without
the
Sanhedrim
,
or
levy'd
War
without
them
,
which
is
all
one
:
for
where
there
is
a
power
to
levy
War
,
there
will
be
the
power
of
making
Law
.
And
the
occasion
upon
which
this
is
found
,
is
the
War
levy'd
against
BENJAMIN
by
the
Congregation
consisting
of
four
hundred
Judg.
20.
thousand
.
Again
,
If
the
Sanhedrim
inherited
the
whole
power
of
MOSES
,
and
yet
had
no
larger
power
in
Lawmaking
than
to
propose
to
the
People
,
then
had
MOSES
never
any
larger
power
in
Law-making
than
to
propose
to
the
People
.
Now
where
there
is
no
King
,
Book
II
or
no
King
in
a
distinct
capacity
from
the
Senat
;
and
where
the
Senat
has
no
farther
power
in
Lawmaking
than
to
propose
to
the
free
suffrage
of
the
People
;
the
Government
there
is
a
Commonwealth
.
Thus
having
shewn
that
Israel
was
a
Commonwealth
,
I
com
next
to
shew
what
Commonwealth
Israel
was
.
CHAP.
II.
Shewing
what
Commonwealth
Israel
was
.
Sect.
1
Division
of
the
Children
of
Israel
;
first
Genealogical
.
ALL
Political
Methods
that
are
collective
of
the
People
,
must
necessarily
begin
with
a
distribution
or
division
of
the
People
.
FOR
the
division
of
the
People
of
Israel
,
it
was
first
Genealogical
,
and
then
local
.
Now
these
are
the
Names
(
of
the
Ancestors
of
the
Exod.
1.
Tribes
,
or
)
of
the
Children
of
Israel
which
came
into
Egypt
,
every
man
and
his
Houshold
came
with
JACOB
:
REUBEN
,
SIMEON
,
LEVI
,
and
JUDAH
,
ISSACHAR
,
ZEBULUN
,
and
BENJAMIN
,
DAN
,
and
NAPHTALI
,
GAD
,
and
ASHER
.
These
being
eleven
in
number
,
were
the
Sons
of
JACOB
,
who
had
also
one
more
,
Gen.
41.
50
,
51
,
52.
namely
JOSEPH
.
And
to
JOSEPH
were
born
two
Sons
before
the
years
of
Famin
came
,
which
ASENAH
the
Daughter
of
POTIPHERAH
Priest
of
On
,
bore
to
him
.
And
JOSEPH
call'd
the
name
of
the
first-born
MANASSEH
—
and
the
name
of
the
second
call'd
he
EPHRAIM
.
Which
two
(
tho
but
Grandchildren
)
were
adopted
by
JACOB
for
Gen.
48.
16.
his
Sons
,
in
these
words
:
Let
my
name
be
nam'd
on
them
,
and
the
name
of
my
Fathers
ABRAHAM
and
ISAAC
;
and
let
them
grow
into
a
multitude
in
the
midst
of
the
Earth
.
From
which
addition
to
the
former
came
the
Tribes
of
Israel
,
genealogically
reckon'd
,
to
be
in
number
thirteen
.
In
the
genealogical
distribution
of
the
Tribes
there
were
also
observ'd
certain
Ranks
,
Qualitys
,
or
Degrees
,
as
appears
by
the
Poll
Num.
1.
made
of
Israel
in
the
Wilderness
of
Sinai
,
and
in
the
Tabernacle
of
the
Congregation
by
MOSES
.
These
Degrees
were
of
two
sorts
:
first
,
Phylarchs
,
or
Princes
of
Tribes
;
and
secondly
,
Patriarchs
,
or
Princes
of
Familys
:
all
hereditary
Honors
,
and
pertaining
to
the
Firstborn
of
the
Tribe
or
of
the
Family
respectively
.
That
this
Poll
be
more
perfectly
understood
,
will
be
useful
;
for
which
cause
I
shall
be
somwhat
more
particular
.
First
,
for
the
Phylarchs
,
or
Princes
of
the
Tribes
;
and
then
for
the
Patriarchs
,
or
Princes
of
Familys
.
To
begin
with
the
Princes
of
the
Tribes
.
Sect.
2
Num.
1.
17
,
18.
Of
the
Princes
of
●●ibes
;
or
the
Muster
Roll
in
Sinai
.
MOSES
and
AARON
—
assembl'd
the
Congregation
(
or
political
Convention
of
the
People
)
together
on
the
first
day
of
the
second
month
,
after
their
Familys
,
by
the
house
of
their
Fathers
,
according
to
the
number
of
the
names
,
from
twenty
years
old
and
upward
,
by
the
poll
.
Where
every
Phylarch
or
Prince
of
a
Tribe
,
with
the
number
of
men
at
the
age
mention'd
and
upward
,
throout
his
Tribe
,
are
listed
much
after
this
manner
.
1.
OF
the
Tribe
of
REUBEN
,
ELIZUR
,
Prince
.
The
men
of
military
age
in
his
Tribe
,
forty
six
thousand
five
hundred
.
2.
OF
the
Tribe
of
SIMEON
,
SHELAMIEL
,
Prince
.
The
men
of
military
age
in
his
Tribe
,
fifty
nine
thousand
three
hundred
.
3.
OF
the
Tribe
of
JUDAH
,
NASHON
,
Prince
.
The
men
of
military
Chap.
2
age
in
his
Tribe
,
threescore
and
fourteen
thousand
six
hundred
.
4.
OF
the
Tribe
of
ISSACHAR
,
NETHANIEL
,
Prince
.
The
men
of
military
age
in
his
Tribe
,
fifty
four
thousand
four
hundred
.
5.
OF
the
Tribe
of
ZEBULUN
,
ELIAB
,
Prince
.
The
men
of
military
age
in
his
Tribe
,
fifty
seven
thousand
four
hundred
.
6.
OF
the
Tribe
of
EPHRAIM
,
ELISHAMA
,
Prince
.
The
men
of
military
age
in
his
Tribe
,
forty
thousand
five
hundred
.
7.
OF
the
Tribe
of
MANASSEH
,
GEMALIEL
,
Prince
.
The
men
of
military
age
in
his
Tribe
,
thirty
two
thousand
two
hundred
.
8.
OF
the
Tribe
of
BENJAMIN
,
ABIDAN
,
Prince
.
The
men
of
military
age
in
his
Tribe
,
thirty
five
thousand
four
hundred
.
9.
OF
the
Tribe
of
DAN
,
AHIEZER
,
Prince
.
The
men
of
military
age
in
his
Tribe
,
threescore
and
two
thousand
seven
hundred
.
10.
OF
the
Tribe
of
ASHER
,
PAGIEL
,
Prince
.
The
men
of
military
age
in
his
Tribe
,
forty
one
thousand
five
hundred
.
11.
OF
the
Tribe
of
GAD
,
ELIASAPH
,
Prince
.
The
men
of
military
age
in
his
Tribe
,
forty
five
thousand
six
hundred
and
fifty
.
12.
OF
the
Tribe
of
NAPHTALI
,
AHIRA
,
Prince
.
The
men
of
military
age
in
his
Tribe
,
fifty
three
thousand
four
hundred
.
THE
total
sum
of
which
Musterroll
in
the
twelve
Tribes
,
amounts
to
Princes
twelve
;
and
men
of
military
age
six
hundred
three
thousand
five
hundred
and
fifty
,
besides
the
Levits
.
The
Levits
Call
,
Order
,
or
Tribe
.
Num.
3.
12
,
13.
ALL
the
firstborn
,
says
God
,
are
mine
.
In
which
words
is
imply'd
Sect.
3
that
the
Priesthood
,
or
right
of
preaching
,
instructing
,
or
administring
divine
things
,
belong'd
,
as
it
were
,
of
natural
right
,
to
Fathers
of
Familys
,
or
the
Firstborn
;
till
the
Lord
took
the
Levits
from
among
the
Children
of
Israel
,
instead
of
the
Firstborn
.
These
being
thus
taken
,
were
set
apart
,
and
so
listed
by
themselves
(
to
omit
their
several
Familys
,
Functions
,
and
Orders
in
the
service
of
the
Tabernacle
,
and
afterwards
of
the
Temple
,
which
would
require
a
Volum
)
much
after
this
manner
.
OF
the
Tribe
of
LEVI
,
AARON
High
Priest
.
The
number
of
all
the
Males
of
this
Tribe
,
from
a
month
old
and
upwards
,
twenty
v.
39.
and
two
thousand
.
The
manner
how
God
took
the
Levits
,
is
thus
express'd
.
Thou
shalt
bring
the
Levits
before
the
Tabernacle
of
the
Congregation
,
Num.
8.
9
,
10
,
11
,
12.
and
thou
shalt
gather
the
whole
Assembly
together
—
and
the
Children
of
Israel
(
after
the
manner
that
the
Levits
lay
their
hands
upon
the
Bullocks
,
or
Sacrifice
)
shall
put
their
hands
upon
the
Levits
,
in
token
that
they
are
sacrific'd
or
separated
by
the
free
suffrage
of
the
People
to
the
Lord
.
For
lest
the
suffrage
of
the
People
be
thought
hereby
to
have
bin
excluded
,
so
DAVID
and
the
Captains
of
the
Host
or
Army
1
Chr.
25.
(
which
Army
was
the
Representative
of
the
People
)
separated
to
the
service
som
of
the
Sons
of
ASAPH
,
of
HEMAN
,
and
of
JEDUTHUN
—
who
should
prophesy
with
Harps
.
But
of
the
Congregations
of
the
People
more
in
due
place
.
The
Military
Orders
.
Grot.
ad
Num.
10.
THE
hereditary
Right
more
specially
belonging
to
the
Phylarchs
,
Sect.
4
or
Princes
of
the
Tribes
,
consisted
(
as
that
of
the
Kings
of
Lacedemon
,
of
Athens
,
and
of
Rome
)
in
the
leading
of
the
Armys
of
the
Commonwealth
;
which
was
distributed
to
them
in
this
manner
.
The
twelve
Tribes
were
divided
into
four
Brigades
,
every
Brigade
consisting
of
three
Tribes
.
The
leading
of
the
first
Brigade
pertain'd
to
Book
II
JUDAH
,
who
in
his
Standard
bore
a
Lion
.
The
leading
of
the
second
Brigade
belong'd
to
REUBEN
,
who
in
his
Standard
bore
a
Man
.
The
leading
of
the
third
Brigade
belong'd
to
EPHRAIM
,
who
in
his
Standard
bore
an
Ox.
The
leading
of
the
fourth
Brigade
belong'd
to
DAN
,
who
in
his
Standard
bore
an
Eagle
.
These
four
by
the
text
Num.
10.
14
,
18
,
22
,
25.
are
term'd
Standards
of
the
Camp
,
which
were
as
the
Roman
Eagles
.
Furthermore
,
as
the
subdivisions
of
the
Roman
Legions
had
their
proper
Insigns
,
so
had
the
Tribes
here
,
which
had
not
the
leading
of
a
Brigade
of
the
Camp
.
The
Insigns
of
these
Tribes
were
call'd
Staves
;
as
the
Staff
of
the
Children
of
ISSACHAR
,
the
Staff
of
the
Tribe
of
ZEBULUN
,
which
follow'd
the
Standard
of
JUDAH
:
The
Staff
of
the
Tribe
of
SIMEON
,
the
Staff
of
the
Tribe
of
GAD
,
which
follow'd
the
Standard
of
REUBEN
:
The
Staff
of
the
Tribe
of
MANASSEH
,
the
Staff
of
the
Tribe
of
BENJAMIN
,
which
follow'd
the
Standard
of
EPHRAIM
:
The
Staff
of
the
Tribe
of
ASHER
,
the
Staff
of
the
Tribe
of
NAPHTALI
,
which
follow'd
the
Standard
of
DAN
.
All
which
Insigns
or
Staves
in
our
English
Translation
are
render'd
Hosts
,
or
Armys
.
Num.
3.
IN
the
midst
of
these
four
Squadrons
or
Brigades
stood
the
Tabernacle
,
with
the
Levits
divided
,
and
distributed
by
their
distinct
Familys
to
the
several
uses
and
carriages
of
the
same
,
and
lodg'd
upon
the
four
quarters
.
WHEN
the
Ark
set
forward
,
or
the
Camp
remov'd
,
these
words
were
with
solemnity
pronounc'd
by
the
General
,
or
by
the
High
Priest
;
Num.
10.
35.
Rise
up
Lord
,
and
let
thy
Enemys
be
scatter'd
,
and
let
them
that
hate
thee
fly
before
thee
.
OF
the
Martial
Disciplin
in
which
the
Youth
in
Israel
were
educated
to
these
ends
,
there
was
certainly
more
than
is
remaining
in
story
.
But
that
their
Popular
Assemblys
were
all
held
in
Military
Order
and
Disciplin
,
and
that
the
deserters
of
the
Militia
were
anathematiz'd
,
confiscated
,
or
put
to
the
sword
,
will
in
due
time
be
made
sufficiently
apparent
.
For
the
present
,
you
have
the
Israelitish
Musterroll
,
being
of
a
like
nature
with
that
in
Athens
call'd
Lexiarcha
,
and
that
in
Rome
call'd
Census
.
Nor
has
any
Commonwealth
bin
well
order'd
in
its
Militia
,
which
has
not
bin
diligent
in
the
institution
and
preservation
of
the
like
Military
Rolls
or
Registers
.
Hitherto
of
the
Phylarchs
,
or
Princes
of
the
Tribes
;
the
next
rank
or
quality
in
this
Government
was
that
of
the
Patriarchs
or
Princes
of
Familys
.
Sect.
5
THE
word
Family
in
many
places
of
Scripture
,
is
not
to
be
taken
The
Patriarchs
,
chief
of
the
Fathers
,
or
Princes
of
Familys
;
with
a
Catalog
of
the
same
.
Num.
26.
for
a
single
Houshold
;
but
as
we
take
the
word
in
Heraldry
,
that
is
,
for
a
Lineage
or
Kindred
.
The
Patriarchs
in
Israel
,
taken
in
this
sense
,
were
such
as
,
till
of
late
years
in
Scotland
,
were
they
that
could
lead
the
whole
Name
or
Kindred
,
and
be
follow'd
by
them
.
The
Familys
in
Israel
of
this
kind
,
that
were
greatest
about
the
plantation
of
the
Commonwealth
,
were
of
REUBEN
,
the
Henochits
,
the
Phalluits
,
the
Hesronits
,
and
the
Charmits
.
OF
SIMEON
,
the
Namuelits
,
the
Jamnits
,
the
Jachenits
,
the
Zarits
,
and
the
Shaulits
.
OF
GAD
,
the
Zephronits
,
the
Haggits
,
the
Shunits
,
the
Oznits
,
the
Erits
,
the
Arodits
,
and
the
Arelits
.
OF
JUDAH
,
the
Shelanits
,
the
Pharzits
,
the
Zarhits
,
the
Hesronits
,
and
the
Hamulits
.
OF
ISSACHAR
,
the
Tholaits
,
the
Punits
,
the
Shuhits
,
and
the
Shimranits
.
OF
ZABULUN
,
the
Sardits
,
the
Elonits
,
and
the
Jahleelits
.
Chap.
1
OF
MANASSEH
,
the
Machirits
,
the
Galeadits
,
the
Jeezrits
,
the
Helekits
,
the
Asrielits
,
the
Sechemits
,
the
Shemidaits
,
and
the
Hepherits
.
OF
EPHRAIM
,
the
Shuthalaits
,
the
Bachtits
,
the
Tahanits
,
and
the
Eranits
.
OF
BENJAMIN
,
the
Belaits
,
the
Ashbelits
,
the
Ahiramits
,
the
Shuphamits
,
the
Huphamits
,
the
Ardits
,
the
Heredits
,
and
the
Naamits
.
OF
DAN
,
the
Suhamits
.
OF
ASHER
,
the
Jimnits
,
the
Jessuits
,
the
Britts
,
the
Heberits
,
and
the
Melchielits
.
OF
NAPHTALI
,
the
Jazrielits
,
the
Gunits
,
the
Jeserits
,
and
the
Shillemits
.
OF
LEVI
,
the
Gersonits
,
the
Caharits
,
and
the
Merarits
.
The
heads
of
these
were
such
as
are
call'd
Patriarchs
,
Princes
,
heads
of
Familys
,
or
chief
of
the
Fathers
.
FAMILYS
,
tho
far
less
subject
than
in
other
Governments
to
decay
or
increase
,
might
at
divers
times
be
different
in
Israel
;
as
after
BENJAMIN
was
destroy'd
,
or
after
DAVID
had
rais'd
his
own
and
many
other
:
But
thus
were
the
Familys
at
this
time
sixty
;
the
Tribes
being
,
as
was
shewn
before
,
thirteen
.
IN
the
first
institution
of
the
Tribes
of
Rome
,
that
is
,
Ramnenses
,
Titienses
,
and
the
Luceri
,
they
were
also
generalogical
,
but
long
it
held
not
so
;
genealogical
divisions
in
a
Commonwealth
being
for
the
most
part
of
greater
danger
than
use
:
but
whether
Genealogys
be
observ'd
or
not
,
the
local
way
of
division
is
of
absolute
necessity
.
Of
the
Lot
or
Ballot
of
Israel
.
TO
insert
the
Geography
of
the
Israelitish
Tribes
,
would
be
as
Sect.
6
burdensom
both
to
the
Reader
and
my self
,
as
needless
to
either
.
But
the
manner
how
the
Tribes
became
local
,
was
thro
the
distribution
of
the
Land
of
Canaan
by
Lot
,
and
intailing
the
Lands
so
distributed
upon
the
Proprietors
and
their
Heirs
for
ever
,
without
power
of
alienation
,
in
any
such
manner
as
to
deprive
their
Posterity
.
The
Lot
or
Ballot
in
Israel
was
specially
of
three
uses
;
one
for
election
of
Magistrats
,
another
for
the
discovery
of
som
secret
Malefactor
,
and
a
third
for
the
division
of
Lands
.
To
which
three
heads
I
hope
to
reduce
the
whole
History
of
their
Government
:
and
this
work
once
perform'd
,
it
will
be
easy
to
represent
the
Commonwealth
in
its
Political
method
.
TO
begin
with
the
election
of
Magistrats
,
it
was
perform'd
somtimes
by
the
Lot
,
without
Suffrage
;
and
somtimes
by
the
Ballot
,
that
is
,
by
a
mixture
of
Lot
and
Suffrage
.
For
the
clearer
discovery
of
the
Order
in
Elections
,
I
must
invert
the
Order
of
the
Magistrats
elected
,
and
begin
with
the
King
;
then
procede
to
the
Judg
,
and
com
last
of
all
to
the
Sanhedrim
,
and
the
inferior
Courts
.
THE
Instruments
us'd
upon
these
occasions
,
were
first
Lots
,
som
Blanks
and
som
Prizes
;
then
Urns
(
that
is
,
Pots
)
into
which
these
Lots
were
cast
,
and
out
of
which
they
were
afterwards
drawn
,
or
given
forth
;
by
what
Officers
,
or
with
what
farther
Solemnity
,
dos
not
appear
.
Manner
of
electing
the
King
.
1
Sam.
8.
7
,
22.
1
Sam.
10.
17.
WHEN
the
People
would
needs
have
a
King
,
SAMUEL
being
Sect.
7
their
Judg
,
did
that
,
tho
against
his
will
,
which
nevertheless
was
no
more
than
his
duty
:
that
is
,
first
,
hearken'd
to
the
voice
of
the
People
;
or
obey'd
their
Vote
.
Secondly
,
Call'd
the
People
together
to
the
Lord
to
Mizpeh
.
The
political
Assembly
,
or
Congregation
of
the
People
Book
II
of
Israel
was
call'd
Ecclesia
Dei
,
the
Congregation
of
the
Lord
,
as
it
Judg.
20.
Deut.
23.
ought
to
have
bin
exprest
in
the
Trial
of
BENJAMIN
,
and
is
in
som
places
by
our
Translation
;
as
where
an
Eunuch
(
or
one
unfit
for
marriage
with
a
Daughter
of
Israel
,
which
capacity
was
necessary
to
the
being
inrol'd
of
a
Tribe
)
a
Bastard
(
as
dishonorable
)
an
Ammonite
or
Moabite
(
as
descended
of
perfidious
Nations
)
shall
not
enter
into
the
Congregation
of
the
Lord
:
that
is
,
shall
not
have
right
of
suffrage
with
the
People
of
Israel
.
So
SAMUEL
,
by
calling
For
the
Assembly
of
the
Congregation
at
Mizpeh
,
see
Judg.
10.
17.
&
11.
11.
&
20.
1.
&
21.
1.
1
Sam.
7.
6
,
16.
the
Congregation
of
the
Lord
,
or
the
People
together
to
the
Lord
in
Mizpeh
(
the
place
,
before
the
taking
of
Jerusalem
,
where
they
always
held
their
Parlaments
or
political
Assemblys
)
did
the
office
of
the
like
Magistrats
in
Commonwealths
.
The
People
being
thus
assembl'd
(
for
to
be
brief
,
I
must
procede
with
conjectures
,
which
at
first
sight
will
seem
bolder
than
really
they
are
)
SAMUEL
causing
the
Urns
to
be
set
forth
,
pronounc'd
the
solemn
form
of
words
in
use
upon
the
like
1
Sam.
10.
19.
occasion
,
which
were
these
:
Present
your selves
before
the
Lord
by
your
The
Military
Order
of
Political
Congregations
in
Israel
,
see
Chap.
3.
Tribes
,
and
by
your
thousands
.
The
political
Assemblys
of
the
Children
of
Israel
were
held
,
or
gather'd
(
as
we
say
)
with
Drums
beating
,
and
Colors
flying
;
and
if
it
were
an
extraordinary
Congregation
,
that
is
,
a
Congregation
consisting
of
the
whole
People
,
as
this
,
and
that
for
the
trial
of
BENJAMIN
,
the
Princes
of
the
Tribes
with
their
Staves
,
and
the
Standards
of
the
Camp
(
in
the
order
shewn
)
led
up
the
People
to
the
Urns
,
or
Ballot
.
Wherfore
upon
these
words
of
SAMUEL
,
the
Princes
march'd
in
their
known
disciplin
to
the
Urns.
The
Urns
were
two
:
in
the
one
were
twelve
Lots
inscrib'd
with
the
names
of
the
twelve
Tribes
;
in
the
other
were
also
twelve
other
Lots
,
wherof
eleven
were
Blanks
,
and
the
twelfth
inscrib'd
with
som
word
.
What
the
Israelitish
word
was
,
dos
not
appear
;
the
Roman
word
upon
the
like
occasion
was
Prerogative
:
wherfore
seeing
that
which
is
lost
must
have
bin
of
a
like
nature
,
we
may
,
for
discourse
sake
,
presume
it
to
have
bin
the
same
in
Israel
V.
20.
The
Prerogative
Tribe
.
as
in
Rome
.
And
when
SAMUEL
had
caus'd
all
the
Tribes
of
Israel
to
com
near
,
the
Tribe
of
BENJAMIN
was
taken
:
That
is
,
the
name
of
this
Tribe
being
drawn
out
of
the
one
Urn
,
to
it
was
drawn
the
word
Prerogative
out
of
the
other
Urn
;
which
being
don
,
the
Urns
were
chang'd
,
or
at
least
the
Lots
.
And
wheras
in
the
enumeration
of
the
Patriarchs
,
I
shew'd
by
a
catalog
of
their
Names
,
that
the
whole
Tribe
of
BENJAMIN
consisted
of
seven
Familys
;
seven
names
by
that
account
should
have
bin
cast
into
the
one
Urn
,
and
as
many
Lots
into
the
other
;
one
of
them
being
inscrib'd
with
the
word
Prerogative
,
and
the
other
six
being
Blanks
.
But
both
the
names
,
and
the
number
of
Familys
at
this
Ballot
,
are
most
likely
to
have
bin
quite
otherwise
than
in
the
Judg.
20.
2.
Catalog
;
because
since
that
time
the
Tribe
of
BENJAMIN
had
in
the
far
greater
part
bin
destroy'd
,
and
piec'd
up
again
out
of
a
Remnant
:
so
for
the
number
of
the
Familys
,
or
the
names
of
them
,
I
can
say
nothing
.
But
the
Urns
being
thus
prepar'd
,
came
BENJAMIN
,
as
now
the
Prerogative
Tribe
,
to
the
Urns
by
Familys
.
And
when
SAMUEL
had
caus'd
the
Tribe
of
BENJAMIN
to
com
near
by
their
Familys
,
the
Family
of
MATRI
(
which
is
a
new
one
)
was
taken
:
that
is
,
lighting
,
in
the
manner
shewn
,
upon
the
Prize
,
became
the
Prerogative
Family
.
This
don
,
the
Lots
were
again
chang'd
,
and
so
many
others
as
there
were
Housholds
in
the
Family
of
MATRI
(
for
J●●●
.
7.
14
,
16
,
17
,
18.
so
you
will
find
it
in
the
trial
of
ACHAN
)
were
cast
into
the
Urns.
Thus
the
Houshold
of
KISH
coming
to
be
the
Prerogative
Houshold
,
Chap.
1
and
so
many
Lots
as
there
were
men
of
that
Houshold
,
being
cast
into
the
Urns
,
wherof
the
Prize
was
inscrib'd
King
;
came
the
Houshold
of
KISH
,
man
by
man
,
and
SAUL
the
Son
of
KISH
was
taken
.
That
miraculous
designation
of
Magistats
in
a
Common-wealth
,
was
never
understood
to
exclude
the
free
Suffrage
of
the
People
in
their
Election
.
WE
find
it
recorded
by
LIVY
,
of
TARQUINIUS
PRISCUS
,
Sect.
8
and
of
SERVIUS
TULLIUS
,
that
before
either
of
them
was
King
,
the
one
had
his
hat
taken
off
,
and
carry'd
up
by
an
Eagle
;
the
other
had
a
flame
resting
upon
his
forehead
,
by
which
it
was
firmly
believ'd
,
that
each
of
them
was
design'd
of
the
Gods
to
be
King
:
yet
was
this
never
so
understood
by
themselves
,
or
any
other
,
as
to
exclude
the
right
of
popular
Suffrage
in
their
Election
,
by
which
PRISCUS
reign'd
;
or
to
create
an
opinion
that
any
man
ought
to
be
King
of
Rome
,
whom
the
People
had
not
first
commanded
to
reign
over
them
,
to
whose
Election
therfore
SERVIUS
,
tho
in
possession
of
the
Throne
,
thought
it
his
best
way
to
refer
himself
.
Far
be
it
from
me
to
compare
Prodigys
among
Heathens
,
to
Miracles
in
the
Church
:
But
each
People
had
of
each
a
like
opinion
.
Both
Israel
and
the
Heathens
began
their
popular
Assemblys
with
Sacrifice
.
In
order
to
the
election
of
SOLOMON
,
the
Representative
of
Israel
1
Chron.
29.
21
,
22.
sacrific'd
Sacrifices
to
the
Lord
—
even
a
thousand
Bullocks
,
a
thousand
Rams
,
and
a
thousand
Lambs
,
with
their
Drink-offerings
,
and
Sacrifices
in
abundance
,
for
all
Israel
.
And
when
they
had
thus
don
,
what
Magistrats
soever
the
Israelits
,
or
the
Heathens
elected
,
they
always
understood
to
be
elected
by
God
.
The
Lot
is
cast
into
the
lap
,
but
the
Prov.
10.
33.
whole
disposing
therof
is
of
the
Lord
.
And
indeed
,
wheras
in
this
manner
they
made
SOLOMON
King
,
and
ZADOC
to
be
Priest
,
if
we
will
hold
otherwise
,
we
must
think
that
neither
the
King
nor
the
Priest
was
elected
by
God
.
A
man
that
is
elected
to
som
great
Office
,
by
a
King
rightly
qualify'd
,
must
have
little
Religion
,
or
hold
himself
to
be
rais'd
up
by
God
.
Why
then
should
it
be
otherwise
,
when
a
Magistrat
is
elected
by
a
People
rightly
qualify'd
?
Or
what
consequence
is
there
in
saying
,
that
SAUL
was
anointed
by
SAMUEL
before
he
was
elected
by
the
People
,
or
that
God
rais'd
them
up
Judges
;
therfore
neither
SAUL
nor
the
Judges
were
elected
by
the
People
?
That
God
elected
the
Kings
in
Israel
,
is
certain
;
and
that
the
People
no
less
for
that
did
also
elect
the
Kings
,
is
as
certain
.
One
from
among
thy
Brethren
shalt
thou
(
that
is
,
thou
the
People
of
Israel
)
Deut.
17.
15.
set
King
over
thee
.
That
God
rais'd
up
Judges
in
Israel
,
is
certain
;
and
that
the
People
no
less
for
that
,
did
also
elect
the
Judges
,
is
as
certain
.
When
the
Children
of
Ammon
made
War
against
Israel
,
Israel
assembl'd
themselves
together
,
and
incamp'd
in
Mizpeh
,
whence
the
Judg.
10.
17.
Elders
of
Gilead
went
to
fetch
JEPHTA
out
of
the
Land
of
Tob.
—
Then
Judg.
11.
5
,
11.
JEPHTA
went
with
the
Elders
of
Gilead
,
and
the
People
made
him
Head
and
Captain
over
them
:
and
JEPHTA
utter'd
all
his
words
before
the
Lord
in
Mizpeh
.
But
that
SOLOMON
was
elected
by
the
Lot
,
I
do
not
affirm
;
it
being
most
probable
,
that
it
was
by
Suffrage
only
,
DAVID
proposing
,
and
the
People
resolving
.
Nor
whether
JEPHTA
was
elected
by
Suffrage
,
or
by
the
Ballot
,
is
it
material
;
however
that
the
ordinary
Magistrats
were
elected
by
the
Ballot
,
I
little
doubt
.
Election
of
Senators
,
and
Judges
of
inferior
Courts
.
THE
ordinary
Magistrats
of
this
Commonwealth
(
as
shall
hereafter
Sect.
9
be
more
fully
open'd
)
were
the
Sanhedrim
,
or
the
seventy
Elders
;
and
the
inferior
Courts
or
Judges
,
in
the
Gates
of
the
Citys
.
Book
II
For
the
Institution
and
Election
of
these
,
MOSES
propos'd
to
the
Deut.
1.
13.
People
,
or
the
Congregation
of
the
Lord
,
in
this
manner
.
Take
you
wise
men
,
and
understanding
,
and
known
among
your
Tribes
(
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
)
and
I
will
make
(
or
constitute
)
them
Rulers
over
you
.
Where
,
by
the
way
,
lest
MOSES
in
these
words
be
thought
to
assume
power
,
SOLON
,
says
ARISTOTLE
(
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
)
made
,
or
constituted
the
Popular
Government
of
Athens
.
In
which
he
implys
,
not
that
SOLON
was
a
King
,
or
had
Soverain
Power
,
but
that
he
was
a
Lawgiver
,
and
had
authority
to
propose
to
the
People
.
Nor
is
there
more
in
the
words
of
MOSES
;
upon
whose
Proposition
,
say
Jewish
Writers
,
each
of
the
twelve
Tribes
,
by
free
Suffrages
,
elected
six
Competitors
,
and
wrote
their
Names
in
scrols
,
which
they
deliver'd
to
MOSES
.
MOSES
having
thus
presented
to
him
by
the
twelve
Tribes
seventy
and
two
Competitors
for
seventy
Magistracys
,
had
by
consequence
two
more
Competitors
than
were
capable
of
the
Preferment
to
which
they
were
elected
by
the
People
:
Wherfore
MOSES
took
two
Urns
,
into
the
one
he
cast
the
seventy
two
Names
presented
by
the
People
;
into
the
other
,
seventy
two
Lots
,
wherof
two
were
blanks
,
the
rest
inscrib'd
with
the
word
Elder
.
This
don
,
he
call'd
the
Competitors
to
the
Urn
,
where
the
seventy
,
to
whose
Names
came
forth
the
Prizes
,
went
up
to
the
Tabernacle
,
the
Session-house
See
Numb.
11.
26.
being
there
provided
:
and
the
two
that
drew
the
Blanks
,
namely
ELDAD
and
MEDAD
,
tho
of
them
that
were
elected
and
written
by
the
Tribes
,
went
not
up
to
the
Tabernacle
,
but
remain'd
in
the
Camp
,
as
not
having
attain'd
to
Magistracy
.
Thus
,
if
this
place
in
Scripture
can
admit
of
no
other
Interpretation
,
so
much
as
I
have
cited
out
of
the
Talmud
(
tho
otherwise
,
for
the
most
part
,
but
a
fabulous
and
indigested
heap
)
must
needs
be
good
and
valid
.
In
this
manner
,
one
or
more
Senators
happening
to
dy
,
it
was
easy
for
each
Tribe
,
chusing
one
or
more
Competitors
accordingly
out
of
themselves
,
to
decide
at
the
Urn
which
Competitor
so
chosen
,
should
be
the
Magistrat
,
without
partiality
,
or
cause
of
feud
;
which
,
if
a
man
considers
this
Constitution
,
was
not
perhaps
so
readily
to
be
don
otherwise
.
The
like
,
no
doubt
,
was
don
for
the
inferior
Courts
,
except
that
such
Elections
(
the
Commonwealth
being
once
settl'd
)
were
more
particular
,
and
perform'd
by
that
Tribe
only
in
whose
Gates
that
Court
was
sitting
.
Sect.
10
The
story
of
the
Sanhedrim
,
and
of
the
inferior
Courts
,
as
to
their
first
institu
ion.
Exod.
18.
24
,
25.
THE
first
institution
of
these
Courts
came
to
pass
in
the
manner
following
.
Before
the
People
were
under
orders
,
the
whole
Judicature
lay
upon
the
shoulders
of
MOSES
,
who
being
overburden'd
,
was
advised
by
JETHRO
.
And
MOSES
hearken'd
to
the
voice
of
his
Father-in-law
—
and
chose
(
after
the
manner
shewn
)
able
men
out
of
all
Israel
,
and
made
them
Heads
over
the
People
,
Rulers
of
thousands
,
Rulers
of
hundreds
,
Rulers
of
fiftys
,
and
Rulers
of
tens
.
The
number
of
which
Rulers
,
compar'd
with
the
number
of
the
People
,
as
in
the
muster
roll
at
Sinai
,
must
in
all
have
amounted
to
about
six
thousand
.
These
thus
instituted
,
while
Israel
was
an
Army
,
came
to
be
the
same
when
the
Army
was
a
Commonwealth
:
wherof
it
is
said
,
〈◊〉
16.
18.
Judges
and
Officers
shalt
thou
make
thee
in
all
thy
Gates
which
the
Lord
thy
God
gives
thee
,
throout
thy
Tribes
;
and
they
shall
judg
the
People
with
just
Judgment
.
Each
of
these
Courts
,
by
the
practice
of
the
Jewish
Commonwealth
,
consisted
of
twenty
three
Elders
.
But
JETHRO
,
in
his
advice
to
MOSES
,
adds
concerning
these
Judicatorys
,
this
Caution
;
Let
them
judg
the
People
at
all
seasons
:
and
it
shall
be
,
that
Chap.
2
every
great
matter
they
shall
bring
to
thee
,
but
every
small
matter
they
shall
Exod.
18.
22.
judg
:
So
shall
it
be
easier
for
thy self
,
and
they
shall
bear
the
burden
with
thee
.
Which
nevertheless
follow'd
not
according
to
JETHRO'S
promise
,
the
Appeals
being
such
to
MOSES
that
he
gos
with
this
complaint
to
God
:
I
am
not
able
to
bear
all
this
People
alone
,
because
it
is
too
heavy
for
me
.
Numb.
11.
14
,
16.
Wherupon
the
Lord
said
to
MOSES
,
Gather
to
me
seventy
men
,
of
the
Elders
of
Israel
,
whom
thou
knowest
to
be
Elders
of
the
People
,
and
Officers
over
them
;
and
bring
them
to
the
Tabernacle
of
the
Congregation
,
that
they
may
stand
with
thee
—
(
but
Crowns
will
have
no
rivals
)
and
they
shall
bear
the
burden
of
the
People
with
thee
,
that
thou
bear
it
not
alone
.
But
a
Monarch
is
one
that
must
be
alone
.
And
MOSES
went
out
,
and
told
Ver.
24.
the
People
the
words
of
the
Lord
(
which
a
Monarch
needed
not
to
have
don
)
and
gather'd
the
seventy
men
of
the
Elders
of
the
People
;
the
manner
wherof
is
already
shewn
.
JETHRO
,
being
a
Heathen
,
informs
MOSES
of
the
Orders
of
his
own
Commonwealth
,
which
also
was
Heathenish
.
Yet
in
Scripture
is
both
JETHRO
join'd
with
MOSES
,
and
the
Commonwealth
of
Midian
with
the
Commonwealth
of
Israel
.
How
then
coms
it
to
be
irreverend
,
or
atheistical
,
as
som
say
,
in
Politicians
(
and
while
political
Discourses
cannot
otherwise
be
manag'd
)
to
compare
,
tho
but
by
way
of
illustration
,
other
Legislators
,
or
Politicians
,
as
LYCURGUS
,
SOLON
,
with
MOSES
;
or
other
Commonwealths
,
as
Rome
,
and
Venice
,
with
that
of
Israel
?
But
the
Authors
of
such
Objections
had
better
have
minded
,
that
the
burden
wherof
MOSES
here
complain'd
,
could
in
no
manner
be
that
of
ordinary
Judicature
,
of
which
he
was
eas'd
before
by
the
advice
of
JETHRO
;
and
therfore
must
have
bin
that
of
Appeals
only
:
so
either
the
Sanhedrim
bore
no
burden
at
all
with
MOSES
,
or
they
bore
that
of
Appeals
with
him
.
And
if
so
,
how
say
they
that
there
lay
an
Appeal
from
the
seventy
Elders
to
MOSES
?
Lot
,
Ordel
,
or
Inquisition
by
Lot
.
Deut.
13.
12
,
&c.
BUT
I
said
the
Lot
was
of
use
also
toward
the
discovery
of
conceal'd
Sect.
11
Malefactors
.
Of
this
we
have
an
Example
in
the
detection
of
ACHAN
.
The
words
of
the
Law
,
wherby
the
Fact
of
ACHAN
was
criminal
,
are
these
:
If
thou
shalt
hear
say
in
one
of
thy
Citys
,
which
the
Lord
thy
God
has
given
thee
to
dwell
therin
,
saying
,
Certain
men
,
the
Children
of
Belial
,
are
gon
out
from
among
you
,
and
have
withdrawn
the
Inhabitants
of
their
City
,
saying
,
Let
us
go
and
serve
other
Gods
,
which
you
have
not
known
:
then
shalt
thou
inquire
,
and
make
search
,
and
ask
diligently
;
and
behold
,
if
it
be
truth
,
and
the
thing
certain
,
that
such
Abomination
is
wrought
among
you
,
thou
shalt
surely
smite
the
Inhabitants
of
that
City
with
the
edg
of
the
Sword
,
destroying
it
utterly
,
and
all
that
is
therin
,
and
the
Cattel
therof
with
the
edg
of
the
Sword
.
And
thou
shalt
gather
all
the
spoil
of
it
into
the
midst
of
the
street
therof
,
and
shalt
burn
with
fire
the
City
,
and
all
the
spoil
therof
,
every
whit
,
for
the
Lord
thy
God
:
and
it
shall
be
a
heap
for
ever
,
it
shall
not
be
built
again
,
and
there
shall
cleave
nought
of
the
accurs'd
thing
to
thy
hand
.
Among
the
Citys
that
were
given
by
God
to
Israel
,
was
Jericho
.
Now
tho
against
this
City
,
before
it
was
taken
,
JOSHUA
had
solemnly
Josh.
6.
17.
and
publicly
denounc'd
the
Anathema
,
or
Curses
contain'd
in
the
foregoing
Law
;
and
after
the
taking
of
it
,
had
,
in
all
appearance
,
executed
upon
it
the
whole
of
the
Anathema
so
pronounc'd
:
yet
thro
subsequent
losses
before
the
City
of
Ai
,
being
sore
afflicted
,
he
enter'd
into
suspicion
,
that
there
might
have
bin
som
failure
in
the
performance
Book
II
of
the
Law
.
Wherupon
he
rent
his
Clothes
,
and
fell
to
the
Josh.
7.
6.
Earth
upon
his
face
before
the
Ark
of
the
Lord
,
till
the
eventide
,
he
and
the
Elders
(
or
Sanhedrim
of
Israel
)
and
put
dust
on
their
heads
.
The
Sanhedrim
,
in
difficult
cases
of
the
Law
,
inquir'd
of
God
by
Vrim
;
and
the
Sanhedrim
,
or
the
People
,
in
cases
of
high
concernment
to
the
State
,
as
in
the
War
against
BENJAMIN
,
inquir'd
of
the
Ark.
When
God
was
inquir'd
of
by
Vrim
,
he
gave
his
Oracle
by
the
shining
of
certain
Stones
or
Jewels
in
the
Breastplate
of
the
High
Priest
.
When
he
was
inquir'd
of
by
the
Ark
,
he
gave
his
Oracle
vocally
from
the
Mercy
seat
,
which
was
plac'd
upon
the
Ark
of
the
Covenant
.
Whence
he
who
sat
between
the
Cherubims
thus
answer'd
JOSHUA
:
Josh.
7.
10.
Get
thee
up
;
wherfore
liest
thou
thus
upon
thy
face
?
Israel
has
sinn'd
—
they
have
even
taken
of
the
accurs'd
thing
.
JOSHUA
thus
inform'd
of
the
Crime
,
but
not
so
particularly
of
the
Malefactor
as
to
know
Josh.
7.
17.
where
to
charge
it
,
calls
the
whole
People
to
the
Urns
;
in
one
of
which
it
may
be
thought
that
there
were
eleven
white
Stones
,
or
Lots
,
with
one
black
one
;
and
in
the
other
the
twelve
Names
of
the
Tribes
.
So
Israel
coming
first
by
Tribes
to
the
Urns
,
the
Tribe
of
JUDAH
was
taken
;
that
is
,
this
Tribe
lighting
upon
the
black
Lot
,
was
denoted
for
the
Guilty
Tribe
:
Which
consisting
(
as
appear'd
by
the
Catalog
)
of
five
Familys
,
wherof
the
Zarhits
were
one
,
came
next
by
Familys
to
the
Urn
;
wherin
there
might
be
four
white
Lots
,
and
one
black
one
,
by
which
the
Zarhits
were
taken
.
In
like
manner
came
the
Family
of
the
Zarhits
by
Housholds
,
and
the
Houshold
of
ZABDI
was
taken
:
Last
of
all
came
the
Houshold
of
ZABDI
man
by
man
,
and
ACHAN
was
taken
.
This
kind
of
Inquisition
was
perform'd
with
such
Religion
and
Solemnity
,
that
a
man
thus
taken
,
if
he
had
any
guilt
,
could
have
no
face
to
conceal
it
;
or
,
if
there
were
any
Witnesses
of
his
Crime
,
they
could
not
any
longer
dissemble
it
:
and
whether
he
were
convicted
by
testimony
,
or
by
his
own
confession
(
as
now
ACHAN
)
he
was
put
to
death
.
The
like
proceding
,
in
part
,
1
Sam.
14.
is
imply'd
to
have
bin
in
the
case
of
JONATHAN
;
tho
in
this
,
by
agreement
therupon
between
SAUL
and
the
People
,
it
should
seem
as
if
but
two
Lots
were
put
into
the
Urn
,
wherof
SAUL
and
JONATHAN
,
on
the
one
part
,
drew
the
black
:
Or
the
Prince
of
the
Tribe
of
JUDAH
drawing
for
the
whole
People
,
on
the
other
part
,
drew
the
white
one
;
and
that
the
same
being
put
into
the
Urn
again
,
to
decide
it
between
SAUL
and
JONATHAN
,
JONATHAN
drew
the
black
:
wherupon
,
he
being
question'd
,
confess'd
the
fact
;
and
,
but
that
the
People
rescu'd
him
from
SAUL
,
had
bin
put
to
death
.
Sect.
12
Distribution
of
Lands
,
and
Agrarian
Laws
in
Israel
.
TO
conclude
with
the
use
of
the
Lot
,
in
the
division
of
the
Land
of
Canaan
.
This
(
as
implying
the
Foundation
or
Balance
of
the
Government
)
ought
to
have
bin
the
first
in
order
,
but
happens
here
to
com
last
;
because
these
Orders
were
instituted
in
the
Wilderness
,
and
so
before
the
People
had
any
Lands
to
divide
.
Nevertheless
,
this
also
was
propos'd
by
MOSES
,
and
resolv'd
by
the
People
:
By
lot
was
their
Josh.
14.
2.
Inheritance
,
as
the
Lord
commanded
MOSES
;
and
now
coms
(
as
it
was
,
or
should
have
bin
put
in
execution
by
JOSHUA
)
to
be
consider'd
.
IT
may
be
true
,
that
the
Roman
People
were
the
wisest
that
have
bin
;
and
it
is
true
,
that
they
only
of
a
People
,
did
labor
to
introduce
Agrarian
Laws
,
tho
without
effect
:
Otherwise
,
Levelling
was
never
introduc'd
,
but
by
the
wisdom
and
providence
of
som
great
Man
,
as
a
MOSES
,
a
JOSHUA
,
or
a
LYCURGUS
;
or
by
som
accident
,
or
Chap.
2
accidents
,
bringing
a
Nobility
to
ruin
,
as
the
Laws
of
HENRY
VII
.
and
the
ways
of
HENRY
VIII
.
in
England
.
Num.
1.
46.
Num.
26.
51.
BETWEEN
the
Muster
Roll
in
Sinai
,
wherby
the
men
of
military
age
,
as
was
shewn
,
amounted
to
six
hundred
and
three
thousand
five
hundred
and
fifty
,
in
the
twelve
Tribes
,
and
the
Law
for
the
division
of
the
Land
of
Canaan
,
there
happen'd
a
Plague
,
by
which
the
number
of
the
People
,
upon
a
new
Poll
,
came
but
to
six
hundred
and
one
thousand
seven
hundred
and
thirty
.
Upon
this
Poll
was
the
Law
made
,
which
runs
thus
:
To
these
the
Land
shall
be
divided
for
an
Inheritance
,
V.
53
,
54
,
55
,
56.
according
to
the
number
of
names
.
To
many
thou
shalt
give
the
more
Inheritance
,
and
to
fewer
thou
shalt
give
the
less
inheritance
:
To
every
one
shall
his
Inheritance
be
given
,
according
to
those
that
were
number'd
of
him
.
Notwithstanding
,
the
Land
shall
be
divided
by
lot
:
according
to
the
names
of
the
Tribes
of
their
Fathers
,
they
shall
inherit
;
according
to
the
lot
shall
the
possession
therof
be
divided
to
many
and
few
.
This
Law
,
in
another
place
,
is
repeated
thus
:
You
shall
divide
the
Num.
33.
54.
Land
by
lot
,
for
an
inheritance
among
your
Familys
;
and
to
many
ye
shall
give
the
more
Inheritance
,
and
to
the
fewer
ye
shall
give
the
less
Inheritance
:
Every
man's
inheritance
shall
be
in
the
place
where
his
Lot
falls
,
according
to
the
Tribes
of
your
Fathers
ye
shall
inherit
.
IN
the
making
of
these
Lots
consideration
was
as
well
had
of
the
goodness
of
the
Land
,
as
of
the
measure
.
Now
supposing
this
Law
to
have
bin
in
the
whole
and
methodically
executed
,
the
Canaanits
must
first
have
bin
totally
rooted
out
of
the
Land
of
Canaan
;
which
Land
,
in
that
case
(
as
som
affirm
)
would
have
afforded
to
this
Commonwealth
a
Root
or
Balance
,
consisting
of
three
millions
of
Acres
.
Hecateus
apud
Joseph
.
cont
.
Ap.
These
,
reckoning
the
whole
People
in
the
twelve
Tribes
,
at
six
hundred
and
two
thousand
(
which
is
more
than
upon
the
later
Poll
they
came
to
)
would
have
afforded
to
every
man
four
Acres
;
to
every
one
of
the
Patriarchs
(
upon
the
poll
of
the
foregoing
Catalog
,
where
they
are
sixty
)
four
thousand
Acres
;
to
every
one
of
the
Princes
of
the
Tribes
,
fourteen
thousand
Acres
;
to
the
Levitical
Citys
(
being
forty
eight
,
each
with
its
Suburbs
,
of
four
thousand
Cubits
diameter
)
one
hundred
thousand
Acres
;
and
yet
for
extraordinary
Donations
,
as
to
JOSHUA
and
CALEB
(
of
which
kind
there
were
but
few
)
som
eighty
thousand
Acres
might
remain
.
Now
it
is
true
,
four
Acres
to
a
man
may
seem
but
a
small
Lot
;
yet
the
Roman
People
,
under
Romulus
,
and
long
after
,
had
but
two
.
And
it
may
very
well
be
,
that
one
Acre
in
Canaan
was
worth
two
in
Italy
,
especially
about
Rome
;
and
four
in
England
,
tho
of
the
best
sort
:
and
if
so
it
were
that
four
Acres
in
Palestin
were
worth
sixteen
of
our
best
,
such
a
Lot
,
at
our
account
,
might
be
worth
about
thirty
or
forty
pounds
a
year
;
which
,
for
a
popular
share
,
holding
that
rate
thro
the
whole
body
of
a
People
,
was
a
large
proportion
.
By
this
estimat
,
or
what
possibly
could
be
allow'd
to
the
Princes
of
the
Tribes
and
of
the
Familys
,
their
share
came
not
to
a
sixth
of
the
whole
:
so
the
rest
remaining
to
the
People
,
the
Balance
of
this
Government
must
have
bin
purely
popular
.
It
is
true
,
that
in
the
whole
this
Law
of
MOSES
for
the
division
of
the
Land
was
never
executed
:
but
that
in
the
parts
som
such
course
was
taken
,
is
plain
;
for
example
,
in
the
division
to
seven
Tribes
,
where
JOSHUA
proposes
to
the
People
in
this
manner
:
Give
out
from
among
Josh.
18.
4.
you
three
men
for
each
Tribe
—
and
they
shall
go
thro
the
Land
and
describe
Book
II
it
.
The
People
having
resolv'd
accordingly
,
these
went
,
and
pass'd
thro
the
Land
,
and
describ'd
it
by
Citys
into
seven
parts
in
a
Book
,
and
came
again
to
JOSHUA
to
the
Host
at
Shiloh
.
And
JOSHUA
cast
Lots
for
them
in
Shiloh
,
before
the
Lord
:
and
there
JOSHUA
divided
the
Land
to
the
Children
of
Israel
according
to
their
divisions
.
It
were
absurd
to
think
that
this
Lot
determin'd
of
proportions
;
for
so
a
mean
man
might
have
com
to
be
richer
than
the
Prince
of
his
Tribe
:
but
the
proportions
allotted
to
Tribes
being
stated
,
tho
at
first
but
by
guess
,
and
entred
into
the
Lot
Book
of
the
Surveyors
(
who
,
says
JOSEPHUS
,
were
most
expert
in
Geometry
)
the
Princes
came
first
to
the
Urns
,
wherof
the
one
contain'd
the
names
of
the
Tribes
that
were
to
draw
,
the
other
the
names
of
those
parcels
of
Land
that
were
to
be
drawn
first
to
a
whole
Tribe
.
Thus
the
name
of
a
Tribe
,
for
example
BENJAMIN
,
being
drawn
out
of
one
Urn
,
to
that
name
a
parcel
was
drawn
out
of
the
other
Urn
;
for
example
,
the
Country
lying
between
Jericho
and
Bethaven
.
This
being
don
,
and
the
Prince
of
the
Tribe
having
chosen
in
what
one
place
he
would
take
his
stated
and
agreed
proportion
,
whether
of
fourteen
thousand
Acres
,
or
the
like
,
the
rest
of
the
Country
was
subdivided
in
the
Lot
Book
,
according
to
the
number
of
Familys
in
the
Tribe
of
this
Prince
;
and
the
Parcels
subdivided
being
cast
into
the
one
Urn
,
the
names
of
the
Patriarchs
into
the
other
,
the
same
Tribe
came
again
by
Familys
.
Thus
every
Patriarch
making
choice
in
what
one
part
of
this
Lot
he
would
take
his
agreed
proportion
,
whether
of
four
thousand
Acres
,
or
the
like
;
the
remainder
was
again
subdivided
in
the
Lot
Book
,
according
to
the
number
of
names
in
his
Family
:
if
they
were
more
than
the
parcel
would
furnish
at
four
Acres
a
man
,
then
was
that
defect
amended
by
addition
out
of
the
next
parcel
;
and
if
they
were
fewer
,
then
the
overplus
was
cast
into
the
next
parcel
.
By
such
means
the
People
came
,
or
might
have
com
in
the
whole
,
and
in
every
part
,
to
the
Lot
of
their
Inheritance
;
while
every
Tribe
that
was
thus
planted
,
became
local
,
Num.
36.
3.
without
removal
.
Neither
shall
the
Inheritance
remove
from
one
Tribe
to
another
Tribe
;
but
every
one
of
the
Tribes
of
the
Children
of
Israel
shall
keep
himself
to
his
own
Inheritance
.
Sect.
13
The
Portion
of
Levi.
Josh.
21.
4
,
5
,
6.
Num.
18.
20.
Deut.
10.
9.
Deut.
18.
1.
THE
Tribes
thus
planted
,
or
to
have
bin
planted
,
were
twelve
.
The
thirteenth
,
or
that
of
LEVI
,
came
in
the
like
manner
to
the
Lot
,
for
their
forty
eight
Citys
with
their
Suburbs
,
and
receiv'd
them
accordingly
;
as
the
Lot
came
forth
for
the
Familys
of
the
Kohathits
,
and
the
rest
.
These
Israel
gave
to
the
Levits
out
of
their
Inheritance
:
That
is
,
these
were
such
as
the
twelve
Tribes
,
before
the
division
,
set
apart
for
the
Levits
,
with
the
Tithes
,
and
the
Offerings
;
which
,
tho
this
Tribe
had
no
other
Lands
,
made
their
portion
by
far
the
best
.
The
Tribes
being
henceforth
reckon'd
by
their
locality
,
and
these
forty
eight
Citys
being
scatter'd
throout
the
twelve
Tribes
,
that
of
LEVI
was
no
more
computed
as
a
distinct
Tribe
,
but
lost
as
it
were
the
name
,
yet
with
advantage
:
for
to
their
promiscuous
abode
they
had
the
right
of
promiscuous
marriage
;
no
more
in
this
point
Ezek.
44.
22.
being
injoin'd
any
of
them
,
than
to
take
Maidens
of
the
Seed
of
Israel
,
or
at
least
the
Widows
of
Priests
.
And
as
in
the
Tribes
where
they
dwelt
they
had
promiscuous
Marriage
,
so
had
they
right
of
promiscuous
Election
;
that
is
,
of
electing
,
and
being
elected
,
into
all
the
Magistracys
and
Offices
of
the
Commonwealth
:
which
they
so
frequently
injoy'd
,
that
the
Sanhedrim
is
somtimes
understood
by
their
names
.
If
there
arises
a
matter
too
hard
for
thee
in
judgment
,
thou
shalt
Chap.
2
com
to
the
Priests
the
Levits
.
Between
the
Law
,
and
the
Religion
of
Deut.
17.
8.
this
Government
,
there
was
no
difference
;
whence
all
Ecclesiastical
persons
were
also
Political
persons
,
of
which
the
Levits
were
an
intire
Tribe
,
set
more
peculiarly
apart
to
God
(
the
King
of
this
Common-wealth
)
from
all
other
cares
,
except
that
only
of
his
Government
.
Thus
MOSES
did
that
with
the
safety
of
Liberty
in
Israel
,
which
LYCURGUS
could
not
do
in
Lacedemon
,
but
by
condemning
the
Helots
to
perpetual
Slavery
:
For
wheras
without
these
to
be
Tillers
of
the
Ground
,
the
Citizens
of
Lacedemon
could
not
be
at
leisure
for
the
Commonwealth
;
the
Children
of
Israel
might
imploy
themselves
in
their
domestic
Affairs
,
as
they
requir'd
,
with
safety
:
while
the
Levits
bore
the
burden
of
the
Government
;
or
,
in
case
either
their
privat
Affairs
permitted
,
or
their
Ambition
promted
,
were
equally
capable
of
Magistracy
.
Citys
of
Refuge
.
Num.
35.
OF
the
Levitical
Citys
,
three
beyond
,
and
three
on
this
side
Jordan
,
Sect.
14
were
Citys
of
Refuge
.
If
a
man
was
slain
,
the
next
of
kindred
,
by
the
Laws
of
Israel
,
was
the
Avenger
of
Blood
;
and
to
the
Avenger
of
Blood
it
was
lawful
to
slay
him
that
slew
his
Kinsman
,
wherever
he
could
find
him
,
except
only
in
a
City
of
Refuge
.
For
this
cause
,
if
a
man
had
slain
another
,
he
fled
immediatly
to
one
of
these
Sanctuarys
;
whence
nevertheless
,
the
Judges
in
the
Gates
,
within
whose
proper
verge
the
Crime
was
committed
,
caus'd
the
Malefactor
to
be
brought
before
them
by
a
Guard
,
and
judg'd
between
the
Slayer
and
the
Avenger
of
Blood
.
If
that
which
we
call
Murder
,
or
Manslaughter
,
was
prov'd
against
him
by
two
Witnesses
,
he
was
put
to
death
:
but
if
it
was
found
,
as
we
say
,
Chancemedly
,
he
was
remanded
with
a
Guard
to
the
City
of
Refuge
;
whence
if
,
before
the
Death
of
the
High
Priest
,
he
was
found
wandring
,
it
was
lawful
,
not
only
for
the
Avenger
of
Blood
,
but
for
any
man
else
to
slay
him
.
The
High
Priest
being
dead
,
he
return'd
,
not
home
only
,
but
to
his
Inheritance
also
,
with
liberty
and
safety
.
If
a
Priest
had
slain
a
man
,
his
Refuge
was
the
Sanctuary
:
whence
nevertheless
he
was
taken
by
the
Sanhedrim
;
and
,
if
upon
trial
he
was
found
guilty
of
wilful
Murder
,
put
to
death
.
If
a
man
coms
presumtuously
upon
his
Neighbor
to
slay
Exod.
21.
14.
him
with
guile
,
thou
shalt
take
him
from
my
Altar
,
that
he
may
dy
.
The
Jubile
.
INHERITANCES
,
being
thus
introduc'd
by
the
Lot
,
were
immovably
Sect.
15
intail'd
on
the
Proprietors
and
their
Heirs
for
ever
,
by
the
institution
of
the
Jubile
,
or
the
return
of
Lands
,
however
sold
or
ingag'd
,
once
in
fifty
years
to
the
antient
Proprietor
,
or
his
lawful
Heir
.
Yet
remain'd
there
two
ways
wherby
Lots
might
be
accumulated
;
the
one
by
casual
Inheritance
,
the
other
by
marriage
with
an
Heiress
:
as
in
the
case
Num.
36.
of
ZELOPHEDAD
,
or
of
his
Daughters
.
NOW
to
bring
the
whole
result
of
these
historical
parts
,
thus
prov'd
,
Sect.
16
to
the
true
Political
Method
or
Form
,
the
Commonwealth
instituted
by
MOSES
was
according
to
this
Model
.
The
Model
of
the
Common-wealth
of
Israel
.
THE
whole
People
of
Israel
(
thro
a
popular
distribution
of
the
Land
of
Canaan
among
themselves
by
lot
,
and
the
fixation
of
such
a
popular
Balance
by
their
Agrarian
Law
,
or
Jubile
,
intailing
the
inheritance
of
each
Proprietor
upon
his
Heirs
for
ever
)
was
locally
divided
into
twelve
Tribes
.
Book
II
EVERY
Tribe
had
a
double
capacity
,
the
one
Military
,
the
other
Civil
.
A
TRIBE
,
in
its
Military
capacity
,
consisted
of
one
Staff
or
Standard
of
the
Camp
,
under
the
leading
of
its
distinct
and
hereditary
Prince
,
as
Commander
in
chief
;
and
of
its
Princes
of
Familys
or
chief
Fathers
,
as
Captains
of
thousands
and
Captains
of
hundreds
.
A
TRIBE
,
in
its
Political
capacity
,
was
next
and
immediatly
under
the
government
of
certain
Judicatorys
,
sitting
in
the
Gates
of
its
Citys
;
each
of
which
consisted
of
twenty
three
Elders
,
elected
for
life
,
by
free
suffrage
.
THE
Soverain
Power
,
and
common
Ligament
of
the
twelve
Tribes
,
was
the
Sanhedrim
of
Israel
,
and
the
Ecclesia
Dei
,
or
Congregation
of
the
Lord
.
THE
Sanhedrim
was
a
Senat
,
consisting
of
seventy
Elders
for
life
,
so
instituted
by
the
free
Election
of
six
Competitors
,
in
and
by
each
Tribe
;
every
Elder
,
or
Senator
of
the
Sanhedrim
being
taken
out
of
this
number
of
Competitors
by
the
Lot
.
THE
Congregation
of
the
Lord
was
a
Representative
of
the
People
of
Israel
,
consisting
of
twenty
four
thousand
,
for
the
term
of
one
month
;
and
perpetuated
by
the
monthly
Election
of
two
thousand
Deputys
of
the
People
in
each
Tribe
.
THE
Sanhedrim
,
upon
a
Law
made
,
was
a
standing
Judicatory
of
Appeal
from
the
Courts
in
the
Gates
,
throout
the
Tribes
;
and
upon
a
Law
to
be
made
,
whatever
was
propos'd
by
the
Sanhedrim
,
and
resolv'd
in
the
affirmative
by
the
Congregation
of
the
Lord
,
was
an
Act
of
the
Parlament
of
Israel
.
Deut.
4.
5
,
6.
OF
this
Frame
says
MOSES
to
the
People
(
as
well
he
might
)
Behold
,
I
have
taught
you
Statutes
and
Judgments
,
even
as
the
Lord
my
God
commanded
me
,
that
ye
should
do
so
in
the
Land
whither
you
go
to
possess
it
.
Keep
therfore
,
and
do
them
;
for
this
is
your
Wisdom
,
and
your
Vnderstanding
in
the
sight
of
the
Nations
,
which
shall
hear
all
these
Statutes
,
and
say
,
Surely
this
great
Nation
is
a
wise
and
understanding
People
.
In
another
place
,
upon
the
Peoples
observing
this
form
,
he
pronounces
all
the
choicest
Blessings
;
and
in
case
of
violation
of
the
same
,
a
long
enumeration
of
most
dreadful
Curses
,
among
which
he
Deut.
●8
.
36.
has
this
:
The
Lord
shall
bring
thee
,
and
thy
King
which
thou
shalt
set
over
th●e
,
to
a
Nation
which
neither
thou
nor
thy
Fathers
have
known
;
and
there
shalt
thou
serve
other
Gods
,
Wood
and
Stone
.
In
which
words
,
first
he
charges
the
King
upon
the
People
as
a
Creature
of
their
own
,
and
next
opposes
his
Form
pointblank
to
Monarchy
;
as
is
farther
apparent
in
the
whole
Antithesis
running
throout
that
Chapter
.
To
the
neglect
of
these
Orders
may
be
apply'd
those
words
of
DAVID
:
I
have
said
that
ye
are
Gods
—
but
ye
shall
dy
like
Men
,
and
fall
like
one
of
the
Princes
.
But
this
Government
can
with
no
countenance
of
Reason
,
or
testimony
of
Story
,
give
any
man
ground
to
argue
from
the
Frame
thus
instituted
by
MOSES
,
that
a
Commonwealth
rightly
order'd
and
establish'd
,
may
by
any
internal
cause
arising
from
such
Orders
,
be
broken
or
dissolv'd
;
it
being
most
apparent
,
that
this
was
never
establish'd
in
any
such
part
as
could
possibly
be
holding
.
MOSES
dy'd
in
the
Wilderness
:
and
tho
JOSHUA
,
bringing
the
People
into
the
promis'd
Land
,
did
what
he
could
,
during
his
Life
,
towards
the
establishment
of
the
Form
design'd
by
MOSES
;
yet
the
hands
of
the
Peopl
,
e
specially
after
the
death
of
JOSHUA
,
grew
slack
,
and
they
Chap.
3
rooted
not
out
the
Canaanits
,
which
they
were
so
often
commanded
to
do
;
and
without
which
it
was
impossible
their
Commonwealth
should
take
any
root
.
Nevertheless
,
settled
as
it
could
be
,
it
was
in
som
parts
longer
liv'd
than
any
other
Government
has
yet
bin
;
as
having
continu'd
in
som
sort
from
MOSES
,
to
the
dispersion
of
the
Jews
in
the
Reign
of
the
Emperor
ADRIAN
;
being
about
one
thousand
seven
hundred
years
.
But
that
it
was
never
establish'd
according
to
the
necessity
of
the
Form
,
or
the
true
intent
of
MOSES
,
is
that
which
must
be
made
farther
apparent
throout
the
sequel
of
the
present
Book
;
and
first
,
in
the
state
of
the
Israelits
under
their
Judges
.
CHAP.
III.
Shewing
the
Anarchy
,
or
State
of
the
Israelits
under
their
Judges
.
A
full
Description
of
the
Representative
of
the
People
of
Israel
.
1
Chr.
27.
THE
Frame
of
that
which
I
take
to
have
bin
the
ordinary
Congregation
Sect.
1
or
Representative
of
the
People
of
Israel
,
is
not
perfectly
shewn
in
Scripture
,
till
the
time
of
DAVID
;
when
,
tho
it
has
nothing
in
it
of
a
Monarchical
Institution
,
it
is
found
intirely
remaining
,
and
perfectly
describ'd
in
these
words
:
Now
the
Children
of
Israel
after
their
number
,
to
wit
,
the
chief
Fathers
,
and
Captains
of
thousands
and
hundreds
,
and
their
Officers
that
serv'd
the
King
in
any
matter
of
the
Courses
,
which
came
in
,
and
went
out
month
by
month
,
throout
all
the
months
in
the
year
;
of
every
Course
were
twenty
and
four
thousand
men
.
The
Polls
of
the
People
,
as
they
have
bin
hitherto
shewn
,
were
taken
before
their
plantation
in
Canaan
,
where
before
they
had
Kings
,
they
had
grown
(
according
to
the
account
of
PAUL
)
four
hundred
and
Acts
13.
20.
fifty
years
;
during
which
time
,
that
they
were
excedingly
increas'd
,
appears
by
the
Poll
of
Military
age
taken
by
DAVID
,
and
amounting
2
Sam.
24.
9.
to
one
Million
three
hundred
thousand
:
yet
could
this
Assembly
of
the
Children
of
Israel
after
their
number
,
in
one
year
,
by
monthly
rotation
,
take
in
the
whole
body
of
them
.
How
these
,
being
a
Representative
of
the
People
,
and
thus
changeable
,
could
be
otherwise
collected
than
by
the
monthly
election
of
two
thousand
in
each
Tribe
,
is
not
imaginable
.
And
that
both
a
Representative
of
the
People
they
were
,
and
thus
changeable
,
is
by
the
clear
words
of
Scripture
,
and
the
nature
of
the
business
upon
which
occasion
they
are
describ'd
,
undeniably
evinc'd
:
for
DAVID
proposing
,
and
the
People
resolving
,
they
make
SOLOMON
King
,
and
ZADOC
Priest
.
This
Assembly
1
Chr.
29.
22.
(
besides
the
Military
Disciplin
therof
,
in
which
it
differ'd
little
from
the
Customs
of
such
other
Commonwealths
as
have
bin
great
and
martial
)
had
not
only
a
Civil
,
but
a
Military
Office
or
Function
,
as
the
standing
Guard
or
Army
of
this
Country
;
which
,
tho
small
,
and
lying
in
the
very
Teeth
of
its
Enemys
,
could
thus
,
by
taking
in
every
man
but
for
one
month
in
a
whole
year
,
so
equally
distribute
a
Burden
,
to
have
bin
otherwise
intolerable
to
all
,
that
it
might
be
born
by
a
few
,
and
scarce
felt
by
any
.
This
Epitome
of
that
Body
(
already
describ'd
under
the
leading
of
the
several
Princes
of
the
Tribes
,
with
their
Staves
,
and
Standards
of
the
Camp
)
seems
to
have
bin
commanded
by
Lieutenants
of
the
Princes
,
or
Tribuns
of
the
respective
Tribes
:
Book
II
For
,
over
the
first
course
,
for
the
first
month
,
was
JASHOBEAM
the
Ver.
2
,
3.
Son
of
ZABDIEL
(
of
the
Children
of
PEREZ
,
or
of
the
Family
of
the
Pharzits
,
in
the
Catalog
of
JUDAH
)
and
of
his
course
were
four
and
twenty
thousand
.
IN
this
case
the
Princes
did
not
lead
in
person
,
but
resided
in
their
Tribes
for
the
Government
of
the
same
;
whence
,
upon
extraordinary
occasions
,
they
sent
extraordinary
Recruits
:
or
in
case
of
solemn
War
,
or
som
weighty
affair
,
as
the
trial
of
a
Tribe
or
the
like
,
led
up
in
person
,
with
their
Staves
and
Standards
;
an
Ordinance
,
whether
we
regard
the
military
or
civil
use
of
it
,
never
enough
to
be
admir'd
.
Sect.
2
That
this
Representative
was
us'd
in
the
time
of
the
Judges
.
Judg.
2.
6.
Judg.
3.
3.
IT
is
true
,
while
,
the
whole
People
being
an
Army
,
MOSES
could
propose
to
them
in
body
,
or
under
their
Staves
and
Standards
of
the
Camp
;
as
he
needed
not
,
so
he
us'd
not
any
Representative
.
But
when
JOSHUA
had
let
the
People
go
,
and
the
Children
of
Israel
went
every
man
to
his
Inheritance
,
to
possess
the
Land
;
how
was
it
possible
they
should
possess
any
thing
(
while
the
five
Lords
of
the
Philistins
,
and
all
the
Canaanits
,
and
the
Sidonians
,
and
the
Hivits
,
remain'd
yet
among
them
unconquer'd
)
without
the
wing
of
som
such
Guard
or
Army
as
this
,
under
which
to
shelter
themselves
?
How
was
it
equal
,
or
possible
,
that
a
few
of
the
People
upon
the
guard
of
the
whole
,
should
be
without
relief
,
or
sustain
all
the
burden
?
Or
how
could
every
man
be
said
to
go
to
his
Inheritance
to
possess
it
,
unless
they
perform'd
this
or
the
like
duty
,
by
turns
or
courses
?
These
things
consider'd
,
there
is
little
doubt
but
this
Congregation
was
,
according
to
the
Institution
of
MOSES
,
put
in
practice
by
JOSHUA
.
Sect.
3
The
dissolution
of
the
Mosaical
Common-wealth
.
THUS
stood
both
the
Sanhedrim
,
and
the
Congregation
,
with
the
inferior
Courts
,
and
all
the
Superstructures
of
the
Mosaical
Commonwealth
,
during
the
life
of
JOSHUA
,
and
the
Elders
of
the
Sanhedrim
that
outliv'd
him
;
but
without
any
sufficient
root
for
the
Judg.
2.
7
,
11.
possible
support
of
it
(
the
Canaanits
not
being
destroy'd
)
or
with
such
roots
only
as
were
full
of
worms
.
Wherfore
,
tho
the
People
serv'd
the
Lord
all
the
days
of
JOSHUA
,
and
all
the
days
of
the
Elders
that
outliv'd
JOSHUA
;
yet
after
the
death
of
these
,
they
did
evil
in
the
sight
of
the
Lord
.
And
an
Angel
(
a
Messenger
or
Prophet
)
of
the
Judg.
2.
1
,
2.
Lord
came
up
from
Gilgal
to
Bochim
,
and
said
,
I
made
you
go
up
out
of
the
Land
of
Egypt
,
and
have
brought
you
into
the
Land
which
I
swore
to
Deut.
7.
2.
ch.
12.
2.
your
Fathers
;
and
I
said
,
I
will
never
break
my
Covenant
with
you
.
And
ye
shall
make
no
League
with
the
Inhabitants
of
this
Land
,
ye
shall
throw
down
their
Altars
:
but
ye
have
not
obey'd
my
Voice
:
Why
have
you
don
Josh.
23.
3.
Exod.
23.
33.
ch.
34.
12.
Antiq.
l.
5.
c.
2.
this
?
Wherfore
I
also
said
,
I
will
not
drive
them
out
from
before
you
:
but
they
shall
be
as
Thorns
in
your
sides
,
and
their
Gods
shall
be
a
snare
to
you
.
Upon
the
several
Contents
of
which
places
,
says
JOSEPHUS
,
The
Israelits
(
after
the
death
of
JOSHUA
,
and
the
Elders
that
outliv'd
him
)
neglecting
their
Arms
,
betook
themselves
to
Tillage
;
and
effeminated
with
Peace
,
gave
their
minds
rather
to
what
was
easy
and
pleasing
,
than
what
was
secure
or
honorable
:
forgetful
of
the
Laws
of
God
,
and
of
their
Disciplin
.
Wherupon
God
being
mov'd
to
anger
,
admonish'd
them
by
a
Prophet
,
that
in
sparing
the
Canaanits
,
they
had
disobey'd
him
;
and
that
in
case
they
persisted
,
for
his
Mercys
neglected
they
should
tast
of
his
Justice
.
But
they
,
tho
terrify'd
with
the
Oracle
,
were
altogether
averse
to
the
War
;
both
because
they
were
brib'd
by
the
Canaanits
,
and
thro
luxury
were
becom
unapt
for
labor
:
the
form
of
their
Commonwealth
being
now
deprav'd
,
and
the
Aristocratical
part
therof
invalid
;
while
neither
the
Senat
was
elected
,
nor
the
solemn
Magistrats
created
as
formerly
.
In
which
words
,
Chap.
3
the
not
electing
of
the
Senat
as
formerly
,
being
laid
as
a
Crime
by
JOSEPHUS
to
the
People
;
he
is
first
clear
enough
,
for
his
part
,
that
the
Senat
was
formerly
elected
by
the
People
,
and
ought
to
have
bin
so
still
:
And
secondly
,
that
henceforth
the
election
of
the
Senat
,
or
Sanhedrim
,
was
neglected
by
the
People
.
So
this
Commonwealth
,
which
,
thro
the
not
rooting
out
of
the
Canaanits
,
had
never
any
Foundation
,
came
now
to
fail
also
in
her
Superstructures
:
for
proof
wherof
,
the
Testimony
of
Scripture
is
no
less
pregnant
in
divers
places
.
As
where
JUDAH
said
to
SIMEON
his
Brother
,
Com
up
with
me
into
my
Lot
,
Judg.
1.
3
,
27
,
29
,
&c.
that
we
may
fight
against
the
Canaanits
,
and
I
likewise
will
go
with
thee
into
thy
Lot
:
So
SIMEON
went
with
him
.
In
which
words
you
have
a
League
made
by
two
Tribes
,
and
a
War
manag'd
by
them
,
while
other
Tribes
,
that
is
,
EPHRAIM
,
MANASSEH
,
with
the
rest
,
sat
still
:
wheras
,
if
there
had
bin
now
any
common
ligament
,
as
while
the
Sanhedrim
was
in
being
,
such
leaguing
,
and
such
warring
by
particular
Tribes
at
their
own
discretion
,
could
not
have
bin
.
Again
,
wheras
to
judg
a
Tribe
pertain'd
to
the
Sanhedrim
;
in
the
Judgment
given
against
BENJAMIN
,
by
the
Congregation
of
four
hundred
thousand
,
Judg.
20.
there
is
no
mention
of
the
Sanhedrim
at
all
.
No
King
,
som
Senat
;
no
Senat
,
som
King
.
Calav
.
ap.
Liv.
Acts
13.
NOW
Government
is
of
such
a
nature
,
that
where
there
is
no
Sect.
4
Senat
,
there
must
be
som
King
,
or
somwhat
like
a
King
,
and
such
was
the
Judg
of
Israel
;
yet
is
not
their
reckoning
valid
,
who
from
hence
compute
the
Monarchy
of
the
Hebrews
.
First
,
because
PAUL
distinguishes
between
the
Kings
and
the
Judges
.
Secondly
,
because
GIDEON
,
when
he
was
a
Judg
,
in
refusing
to
be
King
,
dos
the
like
.
Judg.
7.
23.
Thirdly
,
because
the
Judges
in
Israel
(
as
Dictators
in
other
Common-wealths
)
were
not
of
constant
Election
,
but
upon
Emergencys
only
.
Fourthly
,
because
complaint
being
made
to
the
men
of
JUDAH
of
Judg.
15.
13.
their
Judg
SAMSON
,
they
deliver'd
him
to
the
Philistins
bound
;
no
less
than
did
the
Romans
their
Consuls
to
the
Samnits
.
And
lastly
,
because
SAMUEL
,
distinguishing
to
perfection
between
Dictatorian
and
Royal
Power
,
or
between
the
Magistracy
of
the
Judg
and
of
the
King
,
shews
plainly
(
in
that
he
hearken'd
to
the
Voice
of
the
People
)
that
the
one
being
without
any
balance
at
all
,
was
at
the
discretion
of
the
People
;
and
that
the
other
(
not
to
be
founded
but
upon
Property
in
himself
,
to
which
end
he
must
take
the
best
of
their
Fields
,
and
give
them
to
his
Servants
)
could
no
otherwise
subsist
than
by
having
the
People
at
the
discretion
of
the
King
.
This
difference
(
being
no
small
one
)
excepted
,
the
office
of
the
King
and
of
the
Judg
was
much
the
same
;
each
consisting
in
judging
the
People
,
and
going
forth
with
their
Armys
.
Besognia
vezzaro
speguere
.
BUT
whatever
be
the
difference
between
these
Magistracys
,
the
Sect.
5
State
of
the
Israelitish
Commonwealth
under
the
Judges
was
both
void
of
natural
Superstructures
,
and
of
the
necessary
Foundation
;
so
the
Israelits
,
when
they
were
weak
,
serv'd
the
Philistins
,
as
is
imply'd
in
the
speech
of
the
men
of
JUDAH
to
their
Judg
:
Knowest
thou
not
that
the
Judg.
15.
11.
Philistins
are
Rulers
over
us
?
—
And
it
came
to
pass
when
Israel
was
strong
,
that
they
put
the
Canaanits
to
tribute
,
and
did
not
utterly
drive
them
out
.
Which
,
as
it
was
contrary
to
the
Command
of
God
,
so
was
it
pointblank
against
all
Prudence
;
for
thus
neither
made
they
to
themselves
Friends
,
nor
did
they
ruin
their
Enemys
:
which
proceding
,
as
it
far'd
with
this
Commonwealth
,
and
was
observ'd
by
HERENNIUS
in
that
Livy
.
Book
II
of
the
Samnits
,
is
the
certain
perdition
of
a
People
.
Sect.
6
The
Anarchy
of
Israel
.
Judg.
17.
6.
18.
1.
19.
1.
21.
25.
OF
the
disorder
of
this
People
upon
the
dissolution
of
the
Mosaical
Commonwealth
,
it
is
often
said
that
there
was
no
King
in
Israel
:
every
man
did
that
which
was
right
in
his
own
eys
.
That
is
,
at
the
times
related
to
by
these
expressions
,
there
was
neither
Sanhedrim
,
nor
Judg
in
Israel
:
so
every
man
,
or
at
least
every
Tribe
govern'd
it self
as
it
pleas'd
.
Which
,
nevertheless
,
is
not
so
generally
to
be
understood
,
Judg.
20.
but
that
the
Tribes
(
without
either
Judg
or
Sanhedrim
)
marching
up
with
their
Standards
and
Staves
of
the
Camp
,
not
only
assembl'd
the
Congregation
in
the
usual
place
at
Mizpeh
,
but
there
condemn'd
BENJAMIN
for
the
rape
of
the
Levits
Concubine
;
and
,
marching
thence
to
put
their
Decree
in
execution
,
reduc'd
that
obstinat
Tribe
,
or
rather
destroy'd
it
by
a
Civil
War
.
Sect.
7
The
rise
of
the
Hebrew
Monarchy
.
1
Sam.
4.
3.
WHEN
in
this
,
and
divers
other
ways
,
they
had
pamper'd
their
Enemys
,
and
exhausted
themselves
,
they
grew
(
as
well
they
might
)
out
of
love
with
their
Policy
;
especially
when
after
impious
expostulation
(
Wherfore
has
the
Lord
smitten
us
this
day
before
the
Philistins
?
)
they
had
,
as
it
were
,
stak'd
their
God
(
let
us
fetch
the
Ark
—
that
it
1
Sam.
7.
3.
may
save
us
)
and
the
Ark
being
taken
by
the
Enemy
,
they
fell
to
Idolatry
.
To
this
it
happen'd
,
that
tho
upon
Repentance
success
was
better
,
God
having
miraculously
discomfited
the
Philistins
before
them
;
yet
SAMUEL
their
Judg
was
old
,
and
had
made
his
two
Sons
(
being
takers
of
Bribes
,
and
perverters
of
Justice
)
Judges
over
Israel
.
Wherupon
,
there
was
no
gainsaying
,
but
a
King
they
must
and
would
have
.
CHAP.
IV.
Shewing
the
State
of
the
Israelits
under
their
Kings
,
to
the
Captivity
.
Sect.
1
The
Method
of
this
part
.
FOR
Method
in
this
part
,
I
shall
first
observe
the
Balance
or
Foundation
,
then
the
Superstructures
of
the
Hebrew
Monarchys
;
and
last
of
all
,
the
Story
of
the
Hebrew
Kings
.
Sect.
2
The
Balance
of
this
Monarchy
.
1
Sam.
8.
11
,
14.
THE
Balance
necessary
to
Kingly
Government
,
even
where
it
is
regulated
or
not
absolute
,
is
thus
describ'd
by
SAMUEL
.
This
will
be
the
manner
of
the
King
that
shall
reign
over
you
:
He
will
take
your
Fields
,
your
Vinyards
,
and
your
Oliveyards
,
even
the
best
of
them
,
and
give
them
to
his
Servants
.
That
is
,
there
being
no
provision
of
this
kind
for
a
King
,
and
it
being
of
natural
necessity
that
a
King
must
have
such
an
Aristocracy
or
Nobility
as
may
be
able
to
support
the
Monarchy
(
which
otherwise
,
to
a
People
having
equal
shares
in
property
,
is
altogether
incompatible
)
it
follows
,
that
he
must
take
your
Fields
,
and
give
them
to
his
Servants
,
or
Creatures
.
THIS
notwithstanding
could
not
SAUL
do
,
in
whose
time
the
Monarchy
attain'd
not
to
any
balance
,
but
was
soon
torn
from
him
2
Sam.
8.
1.
1
Chron.
11.
like
the
lap
of
a
Garment
.
The
Prince
who
gave
that
balance
to
this
Monarchy
,
which
it
had
,
was
DAVID
:
for
besides
his
other
Conquests
,
by
which
he
brought
the
Moabits
,
the
Syrians
of
Damascus
,
the
Ammonits
,
the
Amalekits
,
the
Edomits
,
to
his
Obedience
,
and
extended
his
Border
to
the
river
Euphrates
;
he
smote
the
Philistins
,
and
subdu'd
them
,
and
took
Gath
and
her
Towns
,
out
of
the
hand
of
the
Philistins
.
Now
this
Country
which
DAVID
thus
took
,
was
part
of
Chap.
4
the
Land
given
to
the
People
by
God
,
and
which
was
by
the
Law
of
MOSES
to
have
bin
divided
by
Lot
to
them
.
Wherfore
if
this
division
follow'd
not
,
but
DAVID
having
taken
this
Country
,
did
hold
it
in
his
particular
Dominion
or
Property
;
then
tho
he
took
not
from
the
People
any
thing
wherof
they
were
in
actual
possession
,
yet
,
as
to
their
legal
Right
,
took
he
from
them
(
as
SAMUEL
had
forewarn'd
)
their
Fields
,
their
Vinyards
,
and
their
Oliveyards
,
even
the
best
of
them
,
and
gave
them
to
his
Servants
,
or
to
a
Nobility
,
which
by
this
means
he
introduc'd
.
2
Sam.
23.
1
Chron.
11.
THE
first
Order
of
the
Nobility
thus
instituted
,
were
,
as
they
are
term'd
by
our
Translators
,
DAVID'S
Worthys
:
to
these
may
be
added
,
the
great
Officers
of
his
Realm
and
Court
,
with
such
as
sprang
out
of
both
.
But
however
,
these
things
by
advantage
of
foren
Conquest
might
be
order'd
by
DAVID
,
or
continu'd
for
the
time
of
his
next
Successor
;
certain
it
is
,
that
the
balance
of
Monarchy
in
so
small
a
Country
must
be
altogether
insufficient
to
it self
,
or
destructive
to
the
People
.
A
Parallel
of
the
Monarchichal
Balances
in
Israel
and
in
Lacedemon
.
Plutarch
in
Agis
and
Cleomenes
.
THE
Commonwealth
of
Lacedemon
,
being
founded
by
LYCURGUS
Sect.
3
upon
the
like
Lots
with
these
design'd
by
MOSES
,
came
,
after
the
spoil
of
Athens
,
to
be
destroy'd
by
Purchasers
,
and
brought
into
one
hundred
hands
;
wherupon
,
the
People
being
rooted
out
,
there
remain'd
no
more
to
the
two
Kings
,
who
were
wont
to
go
out
with
great
Armys
,
than
one
hundred
Lords
:
nor
any
way
,
if
they
were
invaded
,
to
defend
themselves
,
but
by
Mercenarys
,
or
making
War
upon
the
Penny
;
which
,
at
the
farthest
it
would
go
(
not
computing
the
difference
in
Disciplin
)
reach'd
not
,
in
one
third
,
those
Forces
which
the
popular
Balance
could
at
any
time
have
afforded
without
Mony
.
This
som
of
those
Kings
perceiving
,
were
of
all
others
the
most
earnest
to
return
to
the
popular
Balance
.
What
Disorders
in
a
Country
no
bigger
than
was
theirs
,
or
this
of
the
Israelits
,
must
,
in
case
the
like
course
be
not
taken
,
of
necessity
follow
,
may
be
at
large
perus'd
in
the
story
of
Lacedemon
;
and
shall
be
fully
shewn
,
when
I
com
to
the
story
of
the
present
Kings
.
The
Superstructures
of
the
Hebrew
Monarchy
.
FOR
the
Superstructures
of
DAVID'S
Government
,
it
has
bin
Sect.
4
shewn
at
large
what
the
Congregation
of
Israel
was
;
and
that
without
the
Congregation
of
Israel
,
and
their
Result
,
there
was
not
any
Law
made
by
DAVID
.
The
like
in
the
whole
,
or
for
the
most
part
,
was
observ'd
till
REHOBOAM
,
who
,
refusing
to
redress
the
Grievances
of
the
People
,
was
depos'd
by
one
part
of
this
Congregation
or
Parlament
,
and
set
up
by
another
;
to
the
confusion
both
of
Parlament
and
People
.
And
DAVID
(
as
after
him
JEHOSHAPHAT
)
did
restore
the
Sanhedrim
;
I
will
not
affirm
,
by
popular
Election
,
after
the
antient
manner
.
He
might
do
it
perhaps
,
as
he
made
JOAB
over
the
Host
,
JEHOSHAPHAT
Recorder
,
and
SERAIAH
Scribe
.
1
Sam.
8.
15.
Certain
it
is
,
the
Jewish
Writers
hold
unanimously
,
that
the
seventy
Elders
were
in
DAVID'S
time
,
and
by
a
good
token
;
for
they
say
,
to
him
only
of
all
the
Kings
it
was
lawful
,
or
permitted
,
to
enter
into
the
Sanhedrim
:
which
I
the
rather
credit
,
for
the
words
of
DAVID
,
where
he
says
,
I
will
praise
the
Lord
with
my
whole
Heart
in
the
Council
,
Psal.
111.
1.
and
in
the
Congregation
of
the
Vpright
;
which
words
relate
to
the
Senat
,
and
the
Congregation
of
Israel
.
The
final
cause
of
the
popular
Congregation
,
in
a
Commonwealth
,
is
to
give
such
a
balance
by
their
Book
II
Result
,
as
may
,
and
must
keep
the
Senat
from
that
Faction
and
Corruption
,
wherof
it
is
not
otherwise
curable
,
or
to
set
it
upright
.
Yet
our
Translation
gives
the
words
cited
,
in
this
manner
:
I
will
praise
the
Lord
with
my
whole
Heart
in
the
Assembly
of
the
Vpright
,
and
in
the
Psal.
82.
1.
Congregation
.
There
are
other
Allusions
in
the
English
Psalms
,
of
the
like
nature
,
shaded
in
like
manner
:
As
,
God
is
present
in
the
Congregation
of
God
(
that
is
,
in
the
Representative
of
the
People
of
Israel
)
he
judges
among
the
Gods
,
that
is
,
among
the
seventy
Elders
,
or
in
the
Sanhedrim
.
What
the
Orders
of
the
Israelitish
Monarchy
in
the
time
of
DAVID
were
,
tho
our
Translators
throout
the
Bible
have
don
what
they
could
against
Popular
Government
,
is
clear
enough
in
many
such
places
.
Sect.
5
The
Story
of
the
Hebrew
Kings
.
TO
conclude
this
Chapter
with
the
story
of
the
Hebrew
Kings
:
Till
REHOBOAM
,
and
the
division
(
thro
the
cause
mention'd
)
of
the
Congregation
in
his
time
,
the
Monarchy
of
the
Hebrews
was
one
,
but
came
thenceforth
to
be
torn
into
two
:
that
of
Judah
,
consisting
of
two
Tribes
,
Judah
and
Benjamin
;
and
that
of
Israel
,
consisting
of
the
other
ten
.
From
which
time
this
People
,
thus
divided
,
had
little
or
no
rest
from
the
flame
of
that
Civil
War
,
which
,
once
kindl'd
between
the
two
Realms
or
Factions
,
could
never
be
extinguish'd
but
in
the
destruction
of
both
.
Nor
was
Civil
War
of
so
new
a
date
among
them
;
SAUL
,
whose
whole
Reign
was
impotent
and
perverse
,
being
conquer'd
by
DAVID
;
and
DAVID
invaded
by
his
Son
ABSALOM
so
strongly
,
that
he
fled
before
him
.
SOLOMON
,
the
next
Successor
,
happen'd
to
have
a
quiet
Reign
,
by
settling
himself
upon
his
Throne
in
the
death
of
ADONIJAH
his
elder
Brother
,
and
in
the
deposing
of
the
High
Priest
ABIATHAR
;
yet
made
he
the
yoke
of
the
People
grievous
.
After
him
,
we
have
the
War
between
JEROBOAM
and
REHOBOAM
.
Then
,
the
Conspiracy
of
BAASHA
against
NADAB
King
of
Israel
,
which
ends
in
the
destruction
of
JEROBOAM'S
House
,
and
the
Usurpation
of
his
Throne
by
BAASHA
,
which
BAASHA
happens
to
leave
to
his
Son
ASA
.
Against
ASA
rises
ZIMRI
,
Captain
of
the
Chariots
;
kills
him
with
all
his
kindred
,
reigns
seven
days
;
at
the
end
wherof
he
burns
himself
for
fear
of
OMRI
,
who
upon
this
occasion
is
made
Captain
by
one
part
of
the
People
,
as
is
also
TIBNI
by
another
.
The
next
Prize
is
plaid
between
OMRI
and
TIBNI
,
and
their
Factions
;
in
which
TIBNI
is
slain
.
Upon
this
success
,
OMRI
out-doing
all
his
Predecessors
in
Tyranny
,
leaves
his
Throne
and
Virtues
to
his
Son
AHAB
.
Against
AHAB
drives
JEHU
furiously
,
destroys
him
and
his
Family
,
gives
the
flesh
of
his
Queen
JEZEBEL
to
the
Dogs
,
and
receives
a
Present
from
those
of
Samaria
,
even
seventy
Heads
of
his
Masters
Sons
in
Baskets
.
To
ASA
and
JEHOSHAPHAT
,
Kings
of
Judah
,
belongs
much
Reverence
.
But
upon
this
Throne
sat
ATHALIAH
;
who
,
to
reign
,
murder'd
all
her
Grand-children
except
one
,
which
was
JOASH
.
JOASH
being
hid
by
the
High
Priest
,
at
whose
command
ATHALIAH
was
som
time
after
slain
,
ends
his
Reign
in
being
murder'd
by
his
Servants
.
To
him
succedes
his
Son
AMAZIA
,
slain
also
by
his
Servants
.
About
the
same
time
ZACHARIAH
King
of
Israel
was
smitten
by
SHALLUM
,
who
reign'd
in
his
stead
:
SHALLUM
by
MANAHIM
,
who
reign'd
in
his
stead
:
PEKAHA
the
Son
of
MANAHIM
by
PEKAH
one
of
his
Captains
,
who
reign'd
in
his
stead
:
PEKAH
by
HOSHEA
.
HOSHEA
having
reign'd
nine
years
,
is
carry'd
by
Chap.
4
SALMANAZZER
King
of
Assyria
with
the
ten
Tribes
into
Captivity
.
Now
might
it
be
expected
that
the
Kingdom
of
Judah
should
injoy
Peace
:
a
good
King
they
had
,
which
was
HEZEKIAH
;
but
to
him
succeded
his
Son
MANASSEH
,
a
shedder
of
innocent
Blood
.
To
MANASSEH
succeded
his
Son
AMMON
,
slain
by
his
Servants
.
JOSIAH
the
next
,
being
a
good
Prince
,
is
succeded
by
JEHOAHAZ
,
who
being
carry'd
into
Egypt
,
there
dys
a
Prisoner
,
while
JEHOIAKIM
his
Brother
becoms
PHARAOH'S
Tributary
.
The
last
of
these
Princes
was
ZEDEKIAH
,
in
whose
Reign
was
Judah
led
away
captive
by
NEBUCHADNEZZAR
.
Thus
came
the
whole
Enumeration
of
those
dreadful
Curses
denounc'd
by
Deut.
28.
MOSES
in
this
case
,
to
be
fulfil'd
in
this
People
;
of
whom
it
is
also
said
,
I
gave
them
a
King
in
my
anger
,
and
took
him
away
in
my
wrath
.
Hos.
13.
11.
TO
conclude
this
Story
with
the
Resemblances
or
Differences
that
are
between
Monarchical
and
Popular
Government
:
What
Parallel
can
there
be
beyond
the
Storys
wherby
each
of
them
are
so
largely
describ'd
in
Scripture
?
True
it
is
,
that
AHIMELEC
usurp'd
the
Magistracy
of
Judg
in
Israel
,
or
made
himself
King
by
the
men
of
Sichem
;
that
the
men
of
Ephraim
fought
against
JEPTHA
,
and
that
there
was
a
Civil
War
caus'd
by
Benjamin
:
yet
,
in
a
Popular
Government
,
the
very
womb
(
as
they
will
have
it
)
of
tumult
,
tho
never
so
well
founded
that
it
could
be
steddy
,
or
take
any
sufficient
root
,
can
I
find
no
more
of
this
kind
.
A
Parallel
of
the
Tribunitian
Storms
with
those
in
the
Hebrew
Monarchys
.
BUT
the
Tribuns
of
the
People
in
Rome
,
or
the
Romans
under
Sect.
6
the
Magistracy
of
their
Tribuns
,
throout
the
whole
Administration
of
that
Government
,
were
never
quiet
;
but
at
perpetual
strife
and
enmity
with
the
Senat.
It
is
very
true
;
but
first
,
this
happen'd
not
from
a
Cause
natural
to
a
Popular
Government
,
but
from
a
Cause
unnatural
to
Popular
Government
;
yea
,
so
unnatural
to
Popular
Government
,
that
the
like
has
not
bin
found
in
any
other
Commonwealth
.
Secondly
,
the
Cause
is
undeniably
discover'd
to
have
consisted
in
a
Faction
introduc'd
by
the
Kings
,
and
foster'd
by
the
Nobility
,
excluding
the
Suffrage
of
the
main
body
of
the
People
thro
an
Optimacy
,
or
certain
rank
or
number
admitted
not
by
the
People
or
their
Election
,
but
by
the
value
of
their
Estates
,
to
the
Legislative
Power
,
as
the
Commons
of
that
Nation
.
So
the
State
of
this
People
was
as
if
they
had
two
Houses
of
Lords
,
and
no
House
of
Commons
.
Thirdly
,
this
danger
must
have
bin
in
any
other
Nation
,
at
least
in
ours
,
much
harder
to
be
incur'd
,
than
Authors
hitherto
have
made
it
to
be
seen
in
this
.
And
last
of
all
,
this
Enmity
,
or
these
Factions
,
were
without
Blood
,
which
in
Monarchys
they
are
not
,
as
you
saw
well
in
those
mention'd
;
and
this
Nation
in
the
Barons
Wars
,
and
in
those
of
York
and
Lancaster
,
besides
others
,
has
felt
.
Or
,
if
at
length
they
came
indeed
to
Blood
,
this
was
not
till
the
Foundations
were
destroy'd
,
that
is
,
till
the
Balance
of
Popular
Government
in
Rome
was
totally
ruin'd
;
which
is
equally
in
cases
of
the
like
nature
inavoidable
,
be
the
Government
of
what
kind
soever
,
as
of
late
years
we
have
bin
sufficiently
inform'd
by
our
own
sad
Experience
.
Book
II
CHAP.
V.
Shewing
the
State
of
the
Jews
in
the
Captivity
,
and
after
their
return
out
of
it
;
with
the
Frame
of
the
Jewish
Commonwealth
.
Sect.
1
The
State
of
the
Israelits
in
Captivity
.
WE
left
the
Children
of
Israel
upon
a
sad
march
,
even
into
Captivity
.
What
Orders
had
bin
antiently
observ'd
by
them
during
the
time
they
were
in
Egypt
(
one
of
which
,
as
has
bin
already
shewn
,
was
their
seventy
Elders
)
the
same
,
so
far
as
would
be
permitted
by
the
Princes
whose
Servants
they
were
,
continu'd
in
practice
with
them
during
the
time
of
their
Captivity
,
out
of
which
the
ten
Jer.
25.
12.
2
Chr.
36.
22.
Ezra
1.
Tribes
never
more
return'd
.
The
two
Tribes
,
when
seventy
years
were
accomplish'd
from
the
time
that
they
were
carry'd
away
by
NEBUCHADNEZZAR
,
and
in
the
first
year
of
CYRUS
King
of
Persia
,
●eturn'd
the
best
part
of
them
,
not
only
with
the
King's
leave
and
liking
,
but
with
restitution
of
the
Plate
and
Vessels
belonging
to
the
Temple
.
Sect.
2
The
Balance
of
the
Common-wealth
restor'd
by
Zorobabel
.
Ezra
2.
Ezra
8.
THE
first
Colony
(
as
I
may
say
)
of
the
two
Tribes
,
or
those
that
return'd
under
the
Conduct
of
ZOROBABEL
Prince
of
Judah
,
amounted
to
forty
two
thousand
three
hundred
and
threescore
,
among
which
there
were
about
one
hundred
Patriarchs
or
Princes
of
Familys
.
To
these
,
in
the
reign
of
ARTAXERXES
,
came
sixteen
or
twenty
Princes
more
with
their
Familys
;
among
whom
the
Prophets
HAGGAI
,
ZACHARIAS
,
and
MALACHI
were
eminent
.
Som
of
Ezra
2.
59.
them
could
not
shew
their
Fathers
House
and
their
Seed
,
whether
they
were
of
Israel
.
But
these
were
few
;
for
it
is
said
of
them
in
general
,
That
they
went
every
one
to
his
own
City
,
or
to
the
Inheritance
of
his
Fathers
:
In
which
you
may
note
the
restitution
of
the
Balance
of
the
Mosaical
Commonwealth
;
tho
to
what
this
might
com
without
fixation
,
the
Jubile
being
not
after
the
Captivity
in
use
,
I
cannot
say
.
However
,
for
the
present
,
plain
it
is
that
the
antient
Superstructures
did
also
insue
:
as
in
order
to
the
putting
away
of
the
strange
Wives
,
which
the
People
in
Captivity
had
taken
,
is
apparent
.
Sect.
3
The
Superstructures
of
this
Commonwealth
in
the
time
of
Ezra
and
Nehemia
.
THEIR
whole
progress
hitherto
is
according
to
the
Law
of
MOSES
;
they
return
every
man
to
his
Inheritance
by
direction
of
his
Pedegree
,
or
according
to
the
House
of
his
Fathers
;
they
are
led
by
Princes
of
their
Familys
,
and
are
about
to
put
away
strange
Wives
:
for
what
reason
then
should
a
man
believe
that
what
follows
should
not
be
according
to
the
Orders
of
the
same
Lawgiver
?
Now
that
which
follows
,
in
order
to
the
putting
away
of
these
foren
Wives
,
is
,
Ezra
10.
8
,
9.
Proclamation
was
made
throout
Judah
and
Jerusalem
to
all
the
Children
of
the
Captivity
,
that
they
should
gather
themselves
to
Jerusalem
;
and
that
whosoever
would
not
com
within
three
days
,
according
to
the
counsil
of
the
Princes
and
Elders
,
all
his
Substance
should
be
forfeited
,
and
himself
separated
from
the
Congregation
of
those
that
had
bin
carry'd
away
.
This
plainly
,
by
the
penalty
annex'd
,
is
a
Law
for
Banishment
;
of
which
kind
there
was
none
made
by
MOSES
;
and
a
Law
made
by
the
Princes
and
the
Elders
.
What
doubt
then
can
remain
,
but
these
Elders
were
the
Sanhedrim
,
or
seventy
Elders
?
But
wheras
neither
the
Sanhedrim
,
nor
any
other
Senat
of
it self
has
bin
found
to
make
Laws
,
what
others
can
these
Princes
be
that
are
join'd
with
the
Elders
,
than
those
spoken
of
before
;
that
is
,
the
Princes
of
Familys
,
or
the
chief
Chap
▪
5
Fathers
in
the
Congregation
of
them
that
had
bin
carry'd
away
?
So
the
Princes
and
the
Elders
in
this
place
may
be
understood
of
the
Sanhedrim
and
the
People
:
for
thus
DAVID
proposes
to
the
Congregation
of
the
People
of
Israel
,
or
the
chief
Fathers
,
and
must
be
understood
1
Chr.
27.
1.
of
them
;
because
there
is
no
such
thing
throout
the
Scripture
to
be
found
,
as
a
Law
made
by
the
Sanhedrim
without
the
People
:
and
if
so
,
then
that
the
Sanhedrim
with
the
People
had
power
to
make
a
Law
,
is
by
this
place
of
Scripture
undeniably
evinc'd
.
But
besides
the
chief
Fathers
,
which
here
are
call'd
Rulers
of
the
Congregation
,
Ezra
10.
14
▪
and
in
the
time
of
DAVID
were
call'd
Captains
of
thousands
and
Captains
of
hundreds
,
mention
is
also
made
of
the
Elders
of
every
City
,
and
the
Judges
therof
;
in
which
words
you
have
the
Judges
in
the
Gates
throout
the
Tribes
of
Israel
,
as
they
were
instituted
by
MOSES
.
All
which
particulars
being
rightly
sum'd
up
,
com
to
this
total
;
T●at
the
Commonwealth
restor'd
by
EZRA
,
was
the
very
same
that
〈…〉
was
instituted
by
MOSES
.
A
Transition
to
the
Cabalistical
or
Jewish
Commonwealth
▪
SUCH
was
the
Government
restor'd
by
ZOROBABEL
,
EZRA
,
Sect.
4
and
NEHEMIA
.
Now
whether
the
Jewish
or
Cabalistical
Common-wealth
,
father'd
by
the
Presbyterian
Jews
of
latter
ages
upon
MOSES
or
EZRA
,
be
the
same
,
shall
be
shewn
by
reducing
the
invention
of
these
Men
to
three
heads
:
as
first
,
their
Cabala
;
secondly
,
their
Ordination
;
and
last
of
all
,
their
great
Synagog
.
The
Cabala
▪
THE
Cabala
,
call'd
also
by
the
Jews
the
Oral
Law
,
consists
of
Sect.
5
certain
Traditions
by
them
pretended
at
the
institution
of
the
Sanhedrim
to
have
bin
verbally
deliver'd
to
the
seventy
Elders
by
MOSES
for
the
Government
of
the
Commonwealth
.
These
were
never
written
till
after
the
dispersion
of
the
Jews
by
the
Emperor
ADRIAN
;
when
,
to
save
them
from
being
lost
,
they
were
digested
into
those
Volums
call'd
the
Talmud
:
which
they
hold
to
be
,
and
indeed
are
as
to
matter
of
Fact
,
the
authentic
Records
of
their
Government
.
Of
the
Traditions
thus
recorded
says
one
of
the
Rabbins
or
Jewish
Doctors
:
Think
not
Rabbi
Corbulensis
.
that
the
written
Law
(
or
the
Law
of
MOSES
)
is
fundamental
,
but
that
the
Oral
or
Traditional
Law
is
fundamental
,
it
being
upon
this
that
God
enter'd
into
a
League
with
the
Israelits
,
as
it
is
written
:
After
the
tenor
of
Exod.
34.
27.
In
codice
juris
Chagiga
.
these
words
,
I
have
made
a
Covenant
with
thee
,
and
with
Israel
.
A
man
(
says
another
)
who
returns
from
the
study
of
the
Talmud
to
the
study
of
the
Bible
,
can
have
no
quiet
conscience
,
neither
was
there
any
peace
to
him
that
Zach.
8.
10.
went
out
or
came
in
.
The
like
wherof
is
the
Talmudical
way
of
applying
Scripture
throout
.
And
it
was
the
common
Blessing
the
Pharises
gave
their
Children
:
My
Son
,
hearken
to
the
words
of
a
Scribe
or
Doctor
,
rather
than
to
the
Law
of
MOSES
.
To
whom
says
CHRIST
hereupon
,
You
have
made
the
Commandment
of
God
of
no
Mat.
15.
6.
effect
by
your
tradition
.
Ordination
by
Imposition
of
Hands
.
NOW
as
true
as
the
Talmud
,
or
as
this
word
of
a
Scribe
,
or
that
Sect.
6
MOSES
deliver'd
the
Oral
Law
to
the
seventy
Elders
and
to
JOSHUA
,
so
true
it
is
that
MOSES
ordain'd
both
the
seventy
Elders
and
JOSHUA
by
the
imposition
of
Hands
;
and
that
this
Ordination
by
the
imposition
of
Hands
,
together
with
the
Oral
Law
,
came
successively
,
and
hand
in
hand
from
the
seventy
Elders
,
and
from
JOSHUA
downright
to
these
Doctors
.
This
indeed
is
so
generally
affirm'd
by
their
Talmudists
,
that
there
is
no
denying
of
it
;
but
,
that
as
to
the
seventy
Elders
it
is
quite
contrary
to
Scripture
,
has
already
bin
Book
II
made
sufficiently
apparent
;
for
JOSHUA
is
acknowleg'd
to
have
bin
ordain'd
by
MOSES
with
imposition
of
hands
.
But
this
Argument
(
besides
that
the
Act
of
MOSES
was
accompany'd
with
a
miracle
,
and
that
it
is
absurd
to
think
that
a
thing
plainly
miraculous
should
or
can
be
receiv'd
as
an
Order
in
a
Commonwealth
)
will
go
no
farther
than
that
JOSHUA
,
upon
this
authority
,
might
have
elected
his
Successor
by
imposition
of
hands
.
Let
them
shew
us
then
that
he
did
so
,
or
indeed
that
he
left
any
Successor
at
all
:
for
certainly
if
JOSHUA
left
no
Successor
so
ordain'd
,
or
no
Successor
at
all
(
which
is
the
truth
of
the
case
)
then
descended
there
upon
them
no
such
Ordination
from
JOSHUA
;
and
so
by
consequence
none
from
MOSES
.
Whence
it
follows
,
that
the
Authority
and
Vogue
of
Ordination
by
the
imposition
of
hands
among
the
Jews
procedes
not
from
the
Law
of
MOSES
,
but
from
the
Oral
Law
;
which
how
bad
an
Authority
soever
i●●e
to
us
of
right
,
is
of
fact
,
or
of
what
the
exercise
of
Ordina
〈…〉
s
among
the
Jews
,
a
good
and
sufficient
testimony
.
Now
therby
the
condition
of
this
Ordination
(
tho
in
som
times
of
the
Commonwealth
it
was
less
restrain'd
)
was
such
,
that
no
man
not
having
receiv'd
the
same
from
the
great
Sanhedrim
,
or
som
one
of
the
inferior
Courts
by
laying
on
of
hands
,
by
word
of
mouth
,
or
by
writing
,
could
be
a
Presbyter
,
or
capable
of
any
Judicature
or
Magistracy
in
the
Commonwealth
,
or
to
give
Counsil
in
the
Law
,
or
any
part
of
the
Law
,
or
to
be
of
the
Assembly
of
the
great
Synagog
.
Sect.
7
The
great
Synagog
.
WHAT
the
Assembly
of
the
Princes
and
Fathers
was
in
the
time
of
EZRA
,
has
bin
shewn
,
and
is
left
to
the
judgment
of
others
.
But
this
is
that
which
the
Talmudists
and
their
Ancestors
the
Cabalistical
Jews
(
among
which
the
Pharises
were
of
the
highest
rank
)
unanimously
affirm
to
have
consisted
of
the
seventy
Elders
,
and
of
a
Juncta
of
fifty
Presbyters
not
elected
by
the
People
;
but
by
the
laying
on
of
hands
by
the
Sanhedrim
,
or
by
som
other
Judicatory
.
This
,
they
say
,
was
the
institution
of
their
great
Synagog
,
where
I
leave
them
:
but
that
,
according
to
the
sense
wherin
they
cite
their
Authoritys
,
the
like
with
them
was
a
constant
practice
,
appears
not
only
by
their
own
Testimony
and
Records
,
but
is
plain
in
Scripture
;
as
where
CHRIST
speaks
of
the
Jews
to
his
Apostles
in
this
manner
,
They
Grot.
ad
Mat.
10.
17.
will
scourge
you
in
their
Synagogs
:
that
is
,
the
Jews
,
having
as
yet
no
Law
made
wherby
they
can
invade
the
liberty
of
Conscience
,
or
bring
you
for
the
practice
therof
to
punishment
,
will
call
their
great
Synagog
,
wherin
the
Priests
and
the
Pharises
,
or
the
Sanhedrim
,
have
at
least
seven
to
five
the
overbalancing
Vote
over
the
rest
.
Which
also
are
their
Creatures
,
and
by
these
will
easily
carry
,
or
make
such
Laws
wherby
they
may
inflict
upon
you
corporal
Punishment
:
which
Interpretation
of
Christ's
words
,
was
fulfil'd
even
to
a
tittle
,
or
rather
with
over
measure
.
For
upon
this
occasion
the
High
Priest
,
and
as
Acts
4.
6.
many
as
were
of
the
kindred
of
the
High
Priest
,
were
gather'd
together
at
Jerusalem
.
That
this
same
Juncta
,
to
be
in
this
case
added
to
the
Sanhedrim
,
was
to
consist
but
of
fifty
,
those
fifty
not
elected
by
the
People
,
but
chosen
by
the
Elders
of
the
Sanhedrim
;
and
not
out
of
the
body
of
the
People
,
but
out
of
such
only
as
had
receiv'd
Ordination
by
the
Sanhedrim
,
or
by
som
other
Court
,
or
indeed
were
actually
Judges
in
som
other
Court
,
was
not
enough
,
unless
they
might
consist
also
of
Acts
5.
21.
as
many
as
were
of
the
kindred
of
the
High
Priest
.
Which
Rights
and
Privileges
being
all
observ'd
,
The
High
Priest
came
,
and
they
that
were
Chap.
5
with
him
,
and
call'd
the
Sanhedrim
,
and
all
the
Presbytery
of
the
Children
of
Israel
:
that
is
,
so
many
of
them
,
as
being
assembl'd
in
the
great
Synagog
,
represented
all
the
Presbytery
of
the
Children
of
Israel
,
or
all
the
Children
of
Israel
themselves
.
In
this
Assembly
you
have
the
full
description
of
the
great
Synagog
:
and
when
(
in
this
Synagog
)
they
had
beaten
the
Apostles
PETER
and
JOHN
,
they
commanded
them
that
Act.
5.
40.
they
should
not
speak
in
the
Name
of
JESUS
,
and
let
them
go
.
Upon
these
procedings
there
are
Considerations
of
good
importance
;
as
first
,
That
the
Cabalistical
Doctors
themselves
did
never
so
much
as
imagin
that
MOSES
had
indu'd
the
Sanhedrim
alone
,
or
separatly
consider'd
from
the
People
,
with
any
Legislative
Power
;
nevertheless
,
that
the
Sanhedrim
came
into
the
place
,
and
succeded
to
the
whole
Power
of
MOSES
,
they
unanimously
held
:
whence
,
even
upon
their
Principles
,
it
must
follow
that
in
MOSES
,
distinctly
and
separatly
taken
from
the
People
,
there
could
be
no
Power
of
making
any
Law
.
The
second
thing
remarkable
in
this
proceding
,
is
,
That
the
most
corrupt
Commonwealth
,
and
in
her
most
corrupt
Age
,
had
not
yet
the
face
,
without
som
blind
,
of
pretending
to
Legislative
Power
in
a
single
Council
.
The
last
I
shall
observe
,
is
,
That
no
possible
security
is
to
be
given
to
liberty
of
Conscience
,
but
in
the
security
of
Civil
Liberty
,
and
in
that
only
not
by
Laws
which
are
otherwise
as
perishing
as
flowers
or
fruits
,
but
in
the
roots
or
fundamental
orders
of
the
Government
.
What
even
in
these
times
must
have
follow'd
,
as
to
the
liberty
of
Conscience
,
had
there
bin
an
equal
Representative
of
the
People
,
is
apparent
,
in
that
the
Captain
and
the
Officers
,
imploy'd
by
this
Synagog
to
apprehend
Acts
5.
26.
the
Apostles
,
brought
them
without
violence
;
for
they
fear'd
the
People
,
lest
they
should
have
bin
ston'd
.
It
is
true
,
there
is
nothing
with
us
more
customary
,
even
in
the
solemnest
places
,
and
upon
the
solemnest
occasions
,
than
to
upbraid
the
People
with
giddiness
from
the
Hosanna
and
the
Crucifige
of
the
Jews
.
What
may
be
charg'd
upon
a
multitude
not
under
orders
,
the
fouler
Crime
it
be
,
is
the
fairer
Argument
for
such
Orders
,
as
where
they
have
bin
once
establish'd
,
the
People
have
not
bin
guilty
of
such
Crimes
;
at
least
,
it
should
seem
,
that
in
this
case
there
is
great
scarcity
of
Witnesses
against
them
,
seeing
the
Death
of
SOCRATES
is
more
laid
to
one
People
,
than
that
of
all
the
Martyrs
to
Kings
:
yet
were
the
false
Witnesses
by
whom
SOCRATES
suffer'd
(
and
by
the
like
wherto
a
man
in
the
best
Government
may
chance
to
suffer
)
no
sooner
discover'd
,
than
they
were
destroy'd
by
the
People
,
who
also
erected
a
Statue
to
SOCRATES
.
And
the
People
who
,
at
the
Arraignment
of
CHRIST
,
cry'd
,
Crucify
him
,
Mark
15.
11.
crucify
him
,
were
such
as
the
chief
Priests
mov'd
or
promted
,
and
such
also
as
fear'd
the
multitude
.
Now
that
the
People
which
could
be
Mat.
21.
promted
by
the
chief
Priests
,
or
the
People
which
could
fear
the
People
,
could
be
no
other
than
this
pretended
Representative
of
the
People
,
but
indeed
a
Juncta
of
Cousins
and
Retainers
,
is
that
which
,
for
ought
I
know
,
may
be
possible
;
and
the
rather
,
for
what
happen'd
before
upon
the
Law
call'd
among
the
Jews
,
The
Law
of
the
Zealot
,
which
was
instituted
by
MOSES
in
these
words
:
If
thy
Brother
,
the
Deut.
13.
6.
Son
of
thy
Mother
—
intice
thee
,
saying
,
Let
us
go
and
serve
other
Gods
—
thy
hand
shall
be
first
upon
him
to
put
him
to
death
—
and
afterwards
the
hand
of
all
the
People
.
By
this
Law
it
is
plain
that
,
as
to
the
true
intent
therof
,
it
relates
to
no
other
case
than
that
only
of
Idolatry
.
The
Book
II
execution
of
the
same
,
according
to
the
Talmud
,
might
be
perform'd
by
any
number
of
the
People
,
being
not
under
ten
,
either
apprehending
the
Party
in
the
Fact
,
or
upon
the
Testimony
of
such
Witnesses
as
had
so
apprehended
him
:
yet
will
it
not
be
found
to
have
bin
executed
by
the
People
,
but
upon
instigation
of
the
Priest
,
as
where
(
they
interpreting
the
Law
as
they
list
)
STEPHEN
is
ston'd
.
Now
if
the
Priests
could
have
made
the
People
do
as
much
against
CHRIST
,
what
needed
they
have
gon
to
PILAT
for
help
?
and
if
they
could
not
,
why
should
we
think
that
the
Multitude
which
cry'd
out
,
Crucify
him
,
crucify
him
,
should
be
any
other
than
the
great
Synagog
?
HOWEVER
,
that
it
was
an
Oligarchy
,
consisting
of
a
Senat
and
a
Presbytery
,
which
not
only
scourg'd
the
Apostles
,
but
caus'd
CHRIST
to
be
crucify'd
,
is
certain
.
And
so
much
for
the
great
Synagog
.
Sect.
8
The
Model
of
the
Jewish
Commonwealth
.
THESE
parts
being
historically
laid
down
and
prov'd
,
it
follows
that
the
Cabalistical
or
Jewish
Commonwealth
was
much
after
this
Model
.
BE
the
capacity
of
bearing
Magistracy
,
or
giving
Counsil
upon
the
Law
,
or
any
part
of
the
Law
of
this
Commonwealth
,
in
no
other
than
such
only
as
are
Presbyters
.
BE
Presbyters
of
two
sorts
:
the
one
general
,
the
other
particular
.
BE
Presbyters
general
ordain'd
by
the
laying
on
of
hands
of
the
Prince
of
the
Sanhedrim
with
the
rest
of
the
Elders
,
or
Presbytery
of
the
same
,
and
by
no
other
Court
without
a
Licence
from
the
Prince
of
the
Sanhedrim
;
and
be
those
ordain'd
in
this
manner
eligible
by
the
major
vote
of
the
seventy
Elders
into
the
Sanhedrim
,
or
into
any
other
Court
by
the
major
vote
of
the
Elders
or
Presbytery
of
that
Court.
BE
Presbyters
particular
ordain'd
by
any
Court
of
Justice
;
and
be
these
capable
of
giving
Counsil
in
the
Law
,
or
in
som
particular
part
of
the
Law
,
according
to
the
gift
that
is
in
them
by
the
laying
on
of
the
hands
of
the
Presbytery
.
BE
all
Presbyters
capable
of
nomination
to
the
great
Synagog
.
BE
the
Sanhedrim
in
Law
made
the
supreme
Magistracy
or
Judicatory
;
and
with
a
Juncta
of
fifty
Presbyters
of
their
Nomination
,
the
great
Synagog
.
BE
the
great
Synagog
the
Legislative
Power
in
this
Commonwealth
.
SUCH
was
the
Government
,
where
the
word
of
a
Scribe
or
Doctor
was
avowedly
held
to
be
of
more
validity
than
the
Scripture
;
and
where
the
usual
appellation
of
the
People
,
by
the
Doctors
and
Pharises
,
was
(
populus
terrae
)
the
Rascally
Rabble
.
Regis
ad
exemplum
totus
componitur
orbis
.
Sect.
9
Ordination
in
the
lesser
Synagog
.
THERE
were
other
Synagogs
for
other
uses
,
as
those
wherin
the
Law
was
read
every
Sabbathday
;
each
of
which
also
had
her
Ruler
and
her
Presbytery
,
with
power
to
ordain
others
to
this
Capacity
.
CHAP.
VI.
Chap.
6
Shewing
how
Ordination
was
brought
into
the
Christian
Church
,
and
the
divers
ways
of
the
same
that
were
at
divers
times
in
use
with
the
Apostles
.
The
form
introduc'd
by
Christ
into
his
Church
.
Matth.
19.
28.
WE
do
not
find
that
CHRIST
(
who
gave
little
countenance
to
Sect.
1
the
Jewish
Traditions
)
ordain'd
his
Apostles
or
Disciples
by
the
imposition
of
hands
:
his
Apostles
were
twelve
,
whom
he
compares
to
the
twelve
Princes
of
the
Tribes
of
Israel
;
and
his
Disciples
were
seventy
,
in
which
number
it
is
receiv'd
by
Divines
,
that
he
alluded
to
the
seventy
Elders
or
Sanhedrim
of
Israel
.
So
thus
far
the
Government
of
the
Church
,
instituted
by
CHRIST
,
was
according
to
the
form
instituted
by
MOSES
.
But
CHRIST
in
this
form
was
King
and
Priest
,
not
after
the
institution
of
MOSES
,
who
separated
the
Levits
to
the
Priesthood
;
but
as
before
MOSES
,
when
the
Royal
and
Priestly
Vid.
Grotium
,
&
videat
Grotius
,
in
Epist.
ad
Hebraeos
.
Function
were
not
separated
,
and
after
the
order
or
manner
of
MELCHISEDEC
,
who
came
not
to
the
Priesthood
by
proving
his
Pedegree
,
as
the
High
Priest
in
Israel
by
Father
,
or
as
the
King
Priest
in
Athens
by
Mother
,
but
without
Father
and
Mother
.
Or
be
what
has
bin
said
of
MELCHISEDEC
approv'd
or
rejected
,
such
for
the
rest
,
as
has
bin
shewn
,
was
the
form
introduc'd
by
CHRIST
into
his
Church
.
The
first
way
of
Ordination
.
Acts
1.
CHRIST
being
taken
up
into
Heaven
,
his
Disciples
or
Followers
Sect.
2
in
Jerusalem
increas'd
to
about
one
hundred
and
twenty
names
;
and
the
Apostles
decreas'd
by
one
,
or
by
JUDAS
,
who
was
gon
to
his
place
.
PETER
,
whether
upon
the
Counsil
or
Determination
of
the
eleven
Apostles
(
as
is
most
probable
)
beforehand
or
otherwise
,
stood
up
and
spoke
both
to
the
Apostles
and
Disciples
assembl'd
upon
this
occasion
,
That
one
out
of
the
present
Assembly
might
be
ordain'd
an
Apostle
:
and
they
(
that
is
,
the
Congregation
,
or
why
was
this
propos'd
to
them
?
)
appointed
two
by
Suffrage
;
for
how
otherwise
can
an
Assembly
appoint
?
These
were
BARSABAS
and
MATTHIAS
,
which
Names
,
being
written
in
scrols
,
were
cast
into
one
Urn
;
two
Lots
,
wherof
one
was
a
blank
,
and
the
other
inscrib'd
with
the
word
Apostle
,
being
at
the
same
time
cast
into
another
Urn.
Which
don
,
they
pray'd
that
God
would
shew
which
of
the
Competitors
by
them
so
made
,
he
had
chosen
:
when
they
had
thus
pray'd
,
they
gave
forth
their
Lots
,
that
is
,
a
scrol
out
of
the
one
Urn
,
and
then
a
name
to
that
scrol
out
of
the
other
Urn
;
and
the
Lot
fell
upon
MATTHIAS
,
or
MATTHIAS
was
taken
;
wherupon
MATTHIAS
was
number'd
,
or
rather
decreed
with
the
eleven
Apostles
.
For
[
](A45618-e274440-b)*
*
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Psephisma
,
being
a
word
which
properly
derives
from
such
Stones
or
Pebbles
as
popular
Assemblys
of
old
were
wont
to
ballot
with
or
give
suffrage
by
,
not
only
signifys
a
Decree
,
but
especially
such
a
Decree
as
is
made
by
a
popular
Assembly
.
Now
if
this
was
Ordination
in
the
Christian
Church
,
and
of
Apostolical
Right
,
then
may
there
be
a
way
of
Ordination
in
the
Christian
Church
,
and
of
Apostolical
Right
,
exactly
conformable
to
the
Ballot
,
or
way
us'd
by
MOSES
in
the
institution
of
the
seventy
Elders
or
Sanhedrim
of
Israel
.
Book
II
AFTER
the
conversion
of
som
thousands
more
,
most
,
if
not
all
,
Sect.
3
of
which
were
Jews
,
a
People
tho
converted
,
yet
so
tenacious
of
their
The
second
way
of
Ordination
.
Acts
4.
4.
Laws
and
Customs
,
that
even
Circumcision
(
hitherto
not
forbidden
by
the
Apostles
)
was
continu'd
among
them
;
the
twelve
Apostles
call'd
the
multitude
of
Disciples
to
them
.
So
MOSES
,
when
he
had
any
thing
Acts
6.
to
propose
,
assembl'd
the
People
of
Israel
.
And
when
the
twelve
had
thus
call'd
the
Disciples
,
they
said
,
Look
ye
out
among
you
seven
men
of
honest
report
,
full
of
the
Holy
Ghost
and
Wisdom
,
whom
we
may
appoint
over
this
business
.
So
MOSES
said
to
the
Congregation
of
Israel
,
Take
ye
wise
men
,
and
understanding
,
and
known
among
your
Tribes
,
and
I
will
make
them
Rulers
over
you
.
And
the
saying
of
the
Apostles
pleas'd
the
whole
multitude
.
So
the
People
of
Israel
were
wont
to
answer
to
MOSES
,
The
thing
which
thou
sayst
is
good
for
us
to
do
.
This
saying
of
the
Apostles
being
thought
good
by
the
whole
multitude
,
the
whole
multitude
elected
seven
men
whom
they
set
before
the
Apostles
:
and
when
they
had
pray'd
,
they
laid
their
hands
on
them
.
To
say
in
this
place
(
as
they
do
)
that
the
Act
of
the
People
was
but
a
Presentation
,
and
that
the
Apostles
had
power
to
admit
or
refuse
the
Persons
so
presented
,
is
as
if
one
should
say
,
That
the
act
of
electing
Parlament
men
by
the
People
of
England
,
was
but
a
Presentation
,
and
that
the
King
had
power
to
admit
or
refuse
the
Persons
so
presented
.
And
seeing
the
Deacons
henceforth
had
charge
of
the
Word
,
to
say
,
that
by
this
choice
the
Deacons
receiv'd
not
the
charge
of
the
Word
,
but
the
care
to
serve
Tables
,
is
as
if
one
should
say
,
That
Parlament
men
by
their
Election
receiv'd
only
the
care
to
levy
Mony
or
Provision
for
the
King's
Table
;
but
if
upon
such
Election
they
debated
also
concerning
Laws
,
that
Power
they
receiv'd
from
the
King
only
.
BUT
if
this
was
a
way
of
Ordination
in
the
Christian
Church
,
and
of
Apostolical
Right
,
then
there
may
be
a
way
of
Ordination
in
the
Christian
Church
,
and
of
Apostolical
Right
,
consisting
in
part
of
the
Orders
of
the
Israelitish
Commonwealth
,
and
in
part
of
the
Orders
of
the
Jewish
Commonwealth
.
Sect.
4
The
third
way
of
Ordination
.
1
Tim.
4.
14.
LASTLY
,
PAUL
writing
to
TIMOTHY
concerning
his
Ordination
,
has
in
one
place
this
expression
,
Neglect
not
the
Gift
that
is
in
thee
,
which
was
given
thee
by
prophesy
,
with
the
laying
on
of
the
hands
of
the
Presbytery
.
So
the
Presbytery
of
a
Jewish
Synagog
laid
their
hands
on
2
Tim.
1.
6.
the
Party
ordain'd
.
And
in
another
place
he
has
this
expression
:
Stir
up
the
Gift
of
God
which
is
in
thee
by
the
laying
on
of
my
hands
.
So
the
Ruler
of
a
Jewish
Synagog
did
lay
his
hands
also
on
the
Party
ordain'd
.
Moreover
,
the
Apostle
in
these
words
,
The
Gift
that
is
in
thee
by
laying
on
of
hands
,
tho
in
relation
to
Gifts
beyond
comparison
more
excellent
,
uses
the
Phrase
known
upon
the
like
occasion
to
have
bin
common
with
the
Jews
.
Wherfore
if
this
were
a
way
of
Ordination
in
the
Christian
Church
,
and
of
Apostolical
Right
,
then
may
there
be
a
way
of
Ordination
in
the
Christian
Church
exactly
conformable
to
the
Jewish
Commonwealth
,
and
yet
be
of
Apostolical
Right
.
Nor
is
it
so
strange
that
the
Apostles
in
matters
of
this
nature
should
comply
with
the
Jews
,
of
which
so
many
were
converted
,
seeing
it
is
certain
that
not
only
the
Apostles
,
but
all
such
as
in
these
times
were
converted
,
did
observe
the
Jewish
Sabbath
;
nay
,
and
that
PAUL
himself
took
TIMOTHY
and
circumcis'd
him
,
because
of
the
Jews
;
that
is
,
to
comply
with
them
,
or
to
give
them
no
offence
.
Nor
do
our
Divines
any
where
pretend
imposition
of
hands
to
be
deriv'd
from
CHRIST
,
but
unanimously
confess
,
that
it
was
taken
up
by
the
Apostles
from
the
Jewish
Sanhedrim
.
The
Providence
of
God
in
the
different
way
of
Apostolical
Ordination
.
NOW
in
these
several
ways
of
Ordination
,
there
is
a
most
remarkable
Sect.
5
Providence
of
God
.
For
wheras
States
and
Princes
in
receiving
of
Religion
are
not
at
any
point
so
jealous
as
of
an
incroachment
upon
their
Power
;
the
first
way
of
Apostolical
Ordination
destroys
Monarchical
Power
:
the
last
wholly
excludes
the
Power
of
the
People
:
and
the
second
has
a
mixture
which
may
be
receiv'd
by
a
Commonwealth
,
or
by
a
Monarchy
.
But
where
it
is
receiv'd
by
a
Commonwealth
,
the
imposition
of
hands
coms
to
little
;
and
where
it
is
receiv'd
by
a
Monarchy
,
the
Election
of
the
People
coms
to
nothing
,
as
may
be
farther
consider'd
in
the
original
and
progress
of
the
Conge
d'
Elire
.
THE
ways
of
Ordination
or
of
Church
Government
lying
thus
in
Scripture
,
the
not
receiving
of
the
Christian
Religion
is
not
that
wherof
any
State
or
Prince
thro
the
whole
world
can
be
any
ways
excusable
.
The
Conclusion
:
Shewing
,
that
neither
GOD
,
nor
CHRIST
,
or
the
APOSTLES
,
ever
instituted
any
Government
Ecclesiastical
or
Civil
upon
any
other
Principles
than
those
only
of
Human
Prudence
.
Vses
of
this
Book
.
TO
sum
up
this
second
Book
in
the
Uses
that
may
be
made
of
it
:
Sect.
1
Certain
it
is
of
the
Greec
and
Roman
Storys
,
that
he
who
has
not
som
good
Idea
or
Notion
of
the
Government
to
which
they
relate
,
cannot
rightly
understand
them
.
If
the
like
holds
as
to
the
Scripture
Story
,
som
light
may
be
contributed
to
it
by
this
Book
.
Again
,
if
som
gifted
Men
happening
to
read
it
,
should
chance
to
be
of
the
same
judgment
,
it
is
an
Argument
for
acquir'd
Learning
,
in
that
for
the
means
of
acquir'd
Learning
,
and
in
the
means
of
acquir'd
Learning
for
Universitys
.
For
how
little
soever
this
performance
be
,
had
it
not
bin
the
fashion
with
the
English
Gentry
,
in
the
breeding
of
their
Sons
,
to
give
them
a
smack
of
the
University
,
I
should
not
have
don
so
much
.
The
present
use
of
this
Book
.
BUT
letting
these
pass
.
If
there
were
Commonwealths
,
or
Governments
Sect.
2
exercising
Soverain
Power
by
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
before
that
of
Israel
,
as
namely
,
Gibeon
:
If
the
inferior
Orders
and
Courts
in
Israel
,
as
those
instituted
by
MOSES
after
the
advice
of
JETHRO
a
Heathen
,
were
transcrib'd
out
of
another
Government
tho
Heathen
,
as
namely
,
that
of
Midian
:
If
the
order
of
the
Church
introduc'd
by
CHRIST
in
his
twelve
Apostles
and
his
seventy
Disciples
,
were
after
the
pattern
of
Israel
,
namely
,
in
the
twelve
Princes
of
the
Tribes
,
and
the
seventy
Elders
:
If
there
were
three
distinct
ways
of
Ordination
introduc'd
by
the
Apostles
;
one
exactly
according
to
the
Ballot
of
Israel
,
as
namely
,
in
the
Ordination
of
MATTHIAS
;
another
exactly
according
to
the
way
of
the
Jewish
Sanhedrim
or
Synagog
,
as
namely
,
that
of
TIMOTHY
;
and
a
third
,
compos'd
of
these
two
,
as
namely
,
that
of
the
Deacons
:
Then
is
it
a
clear
and
undeniable
result
of
the
whole
,
That
neither
GOD
,
nor
CHRIST
,
Book
II
or
the
APOSTLES
,
ever
instituted
any
Government
Ecclesiastical
or
Civil
upon
any
other
Principles
than
those
only
of
Human
Prudence
.
Sect.
3
The
Consequence
of
this
Vse
.
AN
Observation
of
such
consequence
,
as
,
where
it
has
bin
rightly
consider'd
,
there
the
truth
of
Religion
and
of
Government
once
planted
,
have
taken
root
and
flourish'd
;
and
where
it
has
not
bin
rightly
heeded
,
there
has
Religion
or
the
pretence
of
it
bin
the
hook
and
the
line
,
and
the
State
the
prey
of
Impostors
and
false
Prophets
,
as
was
shewn
in
the
hypocritical
Pharises
,
for
ever
stigmatiz'd
by
the
word
of
Truth
.
AND
for
Might
,
let
her
be
never
so
much
exalted
in
her self
,
let
her
Sword
be
never
so
dreadfully
brandish'd
;
the
Government
not
founded
upon
Reason
,
a
Creature
of
God
,
and
the
Creature
of
God
whose
undoubted
right
in
this
part
is
by
himself
undeniably
avow'd
and
asserted
,
is
a
Weapon
fram'd
against
God
;
and
no
Weapon
fram'd
against
God
shall
prosper
.
Sect.
4
A
transition
to
the
next
Book
.
THE
Principles
of
Human
Prudence
,
and
in
them
the
Art
of
Lawgiving
,
being
shewn
in
the
first
Book
,
and
vindicated
throout
the
whole
course
of
Scripture
by
this
second
,
I
com
in
the
third
to
shew
a
Model
of
Government
,
fram'd
according
to
the
Art
thus
shewn
,
and
the
Principles
thus
vindicated
.
THE
THIRD
BOOK
:
CONTAINING
A
MODEL
OF
Popular
Government
,
Practically
propos'd
according
to
Reason
,
confirm'd
by
the
Scripture
,
and
agreable
to
the
present
Balance
or
State
of
Property
in
England
.
The
PREFACE
,
Containing
a
Model
of
Popular
Government
,
propos'd
Notionally
.
THERE
is
between
the
Discourses
of
such
as
are
commonly
call'd
Natural
Philosophers
,
and
those
of
Anatomists
,
a
large
difference
;
the
former
are
facil
,
the
latter
difficult
.
Philosophers
,
discoursing
of
Elements
for
example
,
that
the
Body
of
Man
consists
of
Fire
,
Air
,
Earth
and
Water
,
are
easily
both
understood
and
credited
,
seeing
by
common
Experience
we
find
the
Body
of
Man
returns
to
the
Earth
from
whence
it
was
taken
.
A
like
Entertainment
may
befal
Elements
of
Government
,
as
in
the
first
of
these
Books
they
are
stated
.
But
the
fearful
and
wonderful
making
,
the
admirable
structure
and
great
variety
of
the
parts
of
man's
Body
,
in
which
the
Discourses
of
Anatomists
are
altogether
conversant
,
are
understood
by
so
few
,
that
I
may
say
they
are
not
understood
by
any
.
Certain
it
is
,
that
the
delivery
of
a
Model
of
Government
(
which
either
must
be
of
no
effect
,
or
imbrace
all
those
Muscles
,
Nerves
,
Arterys
and
Bones
,
which
are
necessary
to
any
Function
of
a
well
order'd
Commonwealth
)
is
no
less
than
political
Anatomy
.
If
you
com
short
of
this
,
your
Discourse
is
altogether
ineffectual
;
if
you
com
home
,
you
are
not
understood
:
you
may
,
perhaps
,
be
call'd
a
learned
Author
;
but
you
are
obscure
,
and
your
Doctrin
is
impracticable
.
Had
I
only
suffer'd
in
this
,
and
not
the
People
,
I
should
long
since
have
left
them
to
their
humor
;
but
seeing
it
is
they
that
suffer
by
it
,
and
not
my self
,
I
will
be
yet
Book
III
more
a
fool
,
or
they
shall
be
yet
wiser
.
Now
coms
into
my
head
what
I
saw
long
since
upon
an
Italian
Stage
,
while
the
Spectators
wanted
Hoops
for
their
sides
.
A
Country
fellow
came
with
an
Apple
in
his
hand
;
to
which
,
in
a
strange
variety
of
faces
,
his
Teeth
were
undoubtedly
threaten'd
,
when
enter'd
a
young
Anatomist
brimful
of
his
last
Lesson
,
who
,
stopping
in
good
time
the
hand
of
this
same
Country
fellow
,
would
by
no
means
suffer
him
to
go
on
with
so
great
an
Enterprize
,
till
he
had
first
nam'd
and
describ'd
to
him
all
the
Bones
,
Nerves
,
and
Muscles
which
are
naturally
necessary
to
that
motion
:
at
which
,
the
good
man
being
with
admiration
plainly
chopfallen
,
coms
me
in
a
third
,
who
,
snatching
away
the
Apple
,
devour'd
it
in
the
presence
of
them
both
.
If
the
People
,
in
this
case
wherof
I
am
speaking
,
were
naturally
so
well
furnish'd
,
I
had
here
learn'd
enough
to
have
kept
silence
:
but
their
eating
,
in
the
political
way
,
of
absolute
necessity
requires
the
aid
of
som
political
Anatomist
;
without
which
,
they
may
have
Appe●i●s
,
but
will
be
chopfallen
.
Examples
wherof
they
have
had
but
too
many
;
one
I
think
may
be
insisted
upon
without
envy
.
THIS
is
that
which
was
call'd
The
Agreement
of
the
People
,
consisting
in
sum
of
these
Propositions
:
The
Anarchy
of
the
Levellers
THAT
there
be
a
Representative
of
the
Nation
consisting
of
four
hundred
Persons
,
or
not
above
.
WHICH
Proposition
puts
the
Bar
on
the
quite
contrary
side
;
this
being
the
first
example
of
a
Commonwealth
,
wherin
it
was
conceiv'd
,
that
five
hundred
thousand
men
,
or
more
,
might
be
represented
by
four
hundred
.
The
Representation
of
the
People
in
one
man
,
causes
Monarchy
;
and
in
a
few
,
causes
Oligarchy
:
the
Many
cannot
be
otherwise
represented
in
a
State
of
Liberty
,
than
by
so
many
,
and
so
qualify'd
,
as
may
within
the
compass
of
that
number
and
nature
imbrace
the
interest
of
the
whole
People
.
Government
should
be
establish'd
upon
a
Rock
,
not
set
upon
a
Precipice
:
a
Representative
consisting
but
of
four
hundred
,
tho
in
the
nature
therof
it
be
popular
,
is
not
in
it self
a
Weapon
that
is
fix'd
,
but
has
somthing
of
the
broken
Bow
,
as
still
apt
to
start
aside
to
Monarchy
.
But
the
paucity
of
the
number
is
temper'd
with
the
shortness
of
the
term
,
it
being
farther
provided
,
THAT
this
Representative
be
biennial
,
and
sit
not
above
eight
Months
.
But
seeing
a
supreme
Council
in
a
Commonwealth
is
neither
assembl'd
nor
dissolv'd
,
but
by
stated
Orders
directing
upwards
an
irresistible
strength
from
the
root
,
and
as
one
tooth
or
one
nail
is
driven
out
by
another
;
how
is
it
provided
that
this
Biennial
Council
shall
not
be
a
perpetual
Council
?
Wheras
nothing
is
more
dangerous
in
a
Commonwealth
than
intire
Removes
of
Councils
,
how
is
it
provided
that
these
shall
be
men
sufficiently
experienc'd
for
the
management
of
Affairs
?
And
last
of
all
,
wheras
dissolution
to
Soverain
Power
is
death
,
to
whom
are
these
after
their
eight
months
to
bequeath
the
Commonwealth
?
In
this
case
it
is
provided
,
THAT
there
be
a
Council
of
State
elected
by
each
new
Representative
,
within
twenty
days
after
their
first
meeting
,
to
continue
till
ten
days
after
the
meeting
of
the
next
Representative
.
In
which
the
faults
observ'd
in
the
former
Order
,
are
so
much
worse
,
as
this
Council
consists
of
fewer
.
Thus
far
this
Commonwealth
is
Oligarchy
:
but
it
is
provided
,
THAT
these
Representatives
have
Soverain
Power
,
save
that
in
som
things
the
People
may
resist
them
by
Arms.
Which
first
is
a
flat
contradiction
,
and
next
is
downright
Anarchy
.
Where
the
Soverain
Power
is
not
as
intire
and
absolute
as
in
Monarchy
it self
,
there
can
be
no
Government
at
all
.
It
is
not
the
limitation
of
Soverain
Power
that
is
the
cause
of
a
Commonwealth
,
but
such
a
libration
or
poize
of
Orders
,
that
there
can
be
in
the
same
no
number
of
men
having
the
interest
,
that
can
have
the
power
;
nor
any
number
of
men
having
the
power
,
that
can
have
the
interest
,
to
invade
or
disturb
the
Goverment
.
As
the
Orders
of
Commonwealths
are
more
approaching
to
,
or
remote
from
this
Maxim
(
of
which
this
of
the
Levellers
has
nothing
)
so
are
they
more
quiet
or
turbulent
.
In
the
Religious
part
only
,
proposing
a
National
Religion
and
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
tho
without
troubling
themselves
much
with
the
means
,
they
are
right
in
the
end
.
AND
for
the
Military
part
,
they
provide
,
THAT
no
man
(
even
in
case
of
Invasion
)
be
compellable
to
go
out
of
the
Country
where
he
lives
,
if
he
procures
another
to
serve
in
his
room
.
Which
plainly
intails
upon
this
Commonwealth
a
fit
Guard
for
such
a
Liberty
,
even
a
Mercenary
Army
;
for
what
one
dos
of
this
kind
,
may
and
will
(
where
there
is
no
bar
)
be
don
by
all
:
so
every
Citizen
by
mony
procuring
his
man
,
procures
his
Master
.
Now
if
this
be
work
of
that
kind
which
the
People
in
like
cases
(
as
those
also
of
Rome
,
when
they
instituted
their
Tribuns
)
do
usually
make
,
then
have
I
good
reason
not
only
to
think
,
but
to
speak
it
audibly
,
That
to
sooth
up
the
People
with
an
opinion
of
their
own
sufficiency
in
these
things
,
is
not
to
befriend
them
,
but
to
feed
up
all
hopes
of
Liberty
to
the
slaughter
.
Yet
the
Leveller
,
a
late
[
](A45618-e275650-b)*
*
A
later
Pamphlet
call'd
XXV
Querys
,
using
the
Balance
of
Property
,
which
is
fair
enough
,
refers
it
to
Sir
Thomas
Smith's
15th
chap.
(
de
Repub.
populi
ingenio
accommodanda
)
where
the
Author
speaks
not
one
word
of
Property
;
which
is
very
foul
.
Pamphlet
,
having
gather'd
out
of
Oceana
the
Principles
by
him
otherwise
well
insinuated
,
attributes
it
to
the
Agitators
,
or
that
Assembly
which
fram'd
this
wooden
Agreement
of
the
People
:
That
then
som
of
that
Council
asserted
these
Principles
,
and
the
reason
of
them
.
BVT
Railery
apart
,
we
are
not
to
think
it
has
bin
for
nothing
that
the
wisest
Nations
have
in
the
formation
of
Government
as
much
rely'd
upon
the
invention
of
som
one
man
,
as
upon
themselves
:
for
wheras
it
cannot
be
too
often
inculcated
,
that
Reason
consists
of
two
parts
,
the
one
Invention
,
the
other
Judgment
;
a
People
or
an
Assembly
are
not
more
eminent
in
point
of
Judgment
,
than
they
are
void
of
Invention
.
Nor
is
there
in
this
any
thing
at
all
against
the
sufficiency
of
a
People
in
the
management
of
a
proper
Form
,
being
once
introduc'd
,
tho
they
should
never
com
to
a
perfect
understanding
of
it
.
For
were
the
natural
Bodys
of
the
People
such
as
they
might
commonly
understand
,
they
would
be
(
as
I
may
say
)
wooden
Bodys
,
or
such
as
they
could
not
use
;
wheras
their
Bodys
being
now
such
as
they
understand
not
,
are
yet
such
as
in
the
use
and
preservation
wherof
they
are
perfect
.
THERE
are
in
Models
of
Government
things
of
so
easy
practice
,
and
yet
of
such
difficult
understanding
,
that
we
must
not
think
them
even
in
Venice
,
who
use
their
Commonwealth
with
the
greatest
prudence
and
facility
,
to
be
all
,
or
any
considerable
number
of
them
,
such
as
perfectly
understand
the
true
Reason
or
Anatomy
of
that
Government
:
nor
is
this
a
presumtuous
Assertion
,
since
none
of
those
Venetians
,
who
have
hitherto
written
of
their
own
form
,
have
brought
the
truth
of
it
to
any
perfect
light
.
The
like
perhaps
(
and
yet
with
due
acknowlegement
to
LIVY
)
might
be
said
of
the
Romans
.
The
Lacedemonians
had
not
the
right
understanding
of
their
Model
,
till
about
the
time
of
ARISTOTLE
it
was
first
written
Book
III
by
DICEARCHUS
one
of
his
Scholars
.
How
egregiously
our
Ancestors
(
till
those
foundations
were
broken
which
at
length
have
brought
us
round
)
did
administer
the
English
Government
,
is
sufficiently
known
.
Yet
by
one
of
the
wisest
of
our
Writers
(
even
my
Lord
VERULAM
)
is
HENRY
the
Seventh
parallel'd
with
the
Legislators
of
antient
and
heroic
times
,
for
the
institution
of
those
very
Laws
which
have
now
brought
the
Monarchy
to
utter
ruin
.
The
Commonwealths
upon
which
MACCHIAVEL
in
his
Discourses
is
incomparable
,
are
not
by
him
,
any
one
of
them
,
sufficiently
explain'd
or
understood
.
Much
less
is
it
to
be
expected
from
a
People
,
that
they
should
overcom
the
like
difficultys
,
by
reason
wherof
the
wisest
Nations
(
finding
themselves
under
the
necessity
of
a
change
,
or
of
a
new
Government
)
induc'd
by
such
offers
as
promis'd
fair
,
or
against
which
they
could
find
no
exceptions
,
have
usually
acted
as
men
do
by
new
Clothes
;
that
is
,
put
them
on
,
that
,
if
they
be
not
exactly
fit
at
first
,
they
may
either
fit
themselves
to
the
body
in
wearing
,
or
therby
more
plainly
shew
wherin
they
can
be
mended
even
by
such
,
as
would
otherwise
prove
but
bad
workmen
.
Nor
has
any
such
offer
bin
thought
to
have
more
Presumtion
,
much
less
Treason
in
it
,
than
if
one
conscious
of
his
skill
in
Architecture
,
should
offer
himself
to
the
Prince
or
State
to
build
a
more
convenient
Parlament
house
.
England
is
now
in
such
a
condition
,
that
he
who
may
be
truly
said
to
give
her
Law
,
shall
never
govern
her
;
and
he
who
will
govern
her
,
shall
never
give
her
Law
.
Yet
som
will
have
it
,
that
to
assert
Popular
Power
,
is
to
sow
the
seed
of
Civil
War
,
and
object
against
a
Commonwealth
,
as
not
to
be
introduc'd
but
by
Arms
;
which
by
the
undeniable
testimony
of
later
Experience
,
is
of
all
other
Objections
the
most
extravagant
:
for
if
the
good
old
Cause
,
against
the
desire
even
of
the
Army
,
and
of
all
men
well
affected
to
their
Country
,
could
be
trod
under
foot
without
blood
;
what
more
certain
demonstration
can
there
be
,
that
(
let
the
deliberations
upon
,
or
changes
of
Government
,
be
of
what
kind
soever
which
shall
please
a
Parlament
)
there
is
no
appearance
that
they
can
occasion
any
Civil
War
?
Streams
that
are
stop'd
may
urge
their
Banks
;
but
the
course
of
England
,
into
a
Commonwealth
,
is
both
certain
and
natural
.
The
ways
of
Nature
require
Peace
:
The
ways
of
Peace
require
Obedience
to
the
Laws
:
Laws
in
England
cannot
be
made
but
by
Parlaments
:
Parlaments
in
England
are
com
to
be
mere
popular
Assemblys
:
The
Laws
made
by
popular
Assemblys
(
tho
for
a
time
they
may
be
aw'd
,
or
deceiv'd
,
in
the
end
)
must
be
popular
Laws
:
and
the
sum
of
popular
Laws
must
amount
to
a
Commonwealth
.
The
whole
doubt
or
hazard
of
this
Consequence
remains
upon
one
question
,
Whether
a
single
Council
consisting
but
of
four
hundred
,
indu'd
both
with
Debate
and
Result
;
the
Keys
of
whose
Doors
are
in
the
hands
of
ambitious
men
;
in
the
croud
and
confusion
of
whose
Election
the
People
are
as
careless
as
tumultuous
,
and
easy
,
thro
the
want
of
good
Orders
,
to
be
deluded
;
while
the
Clergy
(
declar'd
and
inveterat
Enemys
of
popular
Power
)
are
laying
about
,
and
sweating
in
the
throng
,
as
if
it
were
in
the
Vinyard
;
upon
whose
Benches
Lawyers
(
being
feather'd
and
arm'd
,
like
sharp
and
sudden
Arrows
,
with
a
privat
interest
pointblank
against
the
Public
)
may
and
frequently
do
swarm
,
can
indeed
be
call'd
a
popular
Council
.
This
,
I
confess
,
may
set
the
whole
state
of
Liberty
upon
the
cast
of
a
Dy
;
yet
questionless
it
is
more
than
odds
on
the
behalf
of
a
Commonwealth
,
when
a
Government
labors
in
frequent
or
long
struggles
,
not
thro
any
certain
biass
of
Genius
or
Nature
that
can
be
in
such
a
Council
,
but
thro
the
impotence
of
such
Conclusions
as
may
go
awry
,
and
the
external
force
or
state
of
Property
now
fully
introduc'd
:
whence
such
a
Council
may
wander
,
but
never
find
any
rest
or
settlement
,
except
only
in
that
natural
and
proper
Form
of
Government
which
is
to
be
erected
upon
a
mere
Popular
Foundation
.
All
other
ways
of
proceding
must
be
void
,
as
inevitably
guilty
of
contradiction
in
the
Superstructures
to
the
Foundation
;
which
have
amounted
,
and
may
amount
to
the
discouragement
of
honest
men
,
but
with
no
other
success
than
to
imbroil
or
retard
Business
:
England
being
not
capable
of
any
other
permanent
Form
than
that
only
of
a
Common-wealth
;
tho
her
supreme
Council
be
so
constituted
,
that
it
may
be
Monarchically
inclin'd
.
This
contradiction
in
the
Frame
is
the
frequent
occasion
of
contradictory
Expostulations
and
Questions
.
How
,
say
they
,
should
we
have
a
Commonwealth
?
Which
way
is
it
possible
that
it
should
com
in
?
And
how
,
say
I
,
can
we
fail
of
a
Commonwealth
?
What
possibility
is
there
we
should
miss
of
it
?
IF
a
man
replys
,
he
answers
thus
:
No
Army
ever
set
up
a
Common-wealth
.
To
the
contrary
,
I
instance
the
Army
of
Israel
under
MOSES
;
that
of
Athens
about
the
time
of
ALCIBIADES
;
that
of
Rome
upon
the
expulsion
of
the
TARQUINS
;
those
of
Switzerland
and
Holland
.
But
,
say
they
,
other
Armys
have
not
set
up
Commonwealths
.
True
indeed
,
divers
other
Armys
have
not
set
up
Commonwealths
;
yet
is
not
that
any
Argument
why
our
Armys
should
not
.
For
in
all
Armys
that
have
not
set
up
Commonwealths
,
either
the
Officers
have
had
no
Fortunes
or
Estates
at
all
,
but
immediatly
dependent
upon
the
mere
Will
of
the
Prince
,
as
the
Turkish
Armys
,
and
all
those
of
the
Eastern
Countrys
;
or
the
Officers
have
bin
a
Nobility
commanding
their
own
Tenants
.
Certain
it
is
,
That
either
of
these
Armys
can
set
up
nothing
but
Monarchy
.
But
our
Officers
hold
not
Estates
of
Noblemen
able
upon
their
own
Lands
to
levy
Regiments
,
in
which
case
they
would
take
home
their
People
to
plow
,
or
make
Hay
;
nor
are
they
yet
so
put
to
it
for
their
Livelihood
,
as
to
depend
wholly
upon
a
Prince
,
in
which
case
they
would
fall
on
robbing
the
People
:
but
have
good
honest
Popular
Estates
to
them
and
their
Heirs
for
never
.
Now
an
Army
,
where
the
Estates
of
the
Officers
were
of
this
kind
,
in
no
reason
can
,
in
no
experience
ever
did
set
up
Monarchy
.
Ay
but
,
say
they
,
for
all
that
,
their
Pay
to
them
is
more
considerable
than
their
Estates
.
But
so
much
more
must
they
be
for
a
Commonwealth
,
because
the
Parlament
must
pay
:
and
they
have
found
by
experience
,
that
the
Pay
of
a
Parlament
is
far
better
than
that
of
a
Prince
.
But
the
four
hundred
being
Monarchically
inclin'd
,
or
running
upon
the
Interest
of
those
irreconcilable
Enemys
of
Popular
Power
,
Divines
and
Lawyers
,
will
rather
pay
an
Army
for
commanding
,
or
for
supporting
of
a
Prince
,
than
for
obeying
.
Which
may
be
true
,
as
was
acknowleg'd
before
,
in
the
way
;
but
in
the
end
,
or
at
the
long
run
,
for
the
reasons
mention'd
,
must
be
of
no
effect
.
THESE
Arguments
are
from
the
Cause
;
now
for
an
Argument
to
Sense
,
and
from
the
Effect
:
If
our
Armys
would
raise
Mony
of
themselves
,
or
,
which
is
all
one
,
would
make
a
King
,
why
have
they
not
made
a
King
in
so
many
Years
?
Why
did
they
not
make
one
yesterday
?
Why
do
they
not
to
day
?
Nay
,
why
have
they
ever
bin
,
why
do
they
still
continue
to
be
of
all
others
in
this
point
the
most
averse
and
refractory
?
BVT
if
the
case
be
so
with
us
,
that
Nature
runs
wholly
to
a
Common-wealth
,
and
we
have
no
such
Force
as
can
withstand
Nature
,
why
may
we
not
as
well
have
golden
Dreams
of
what
this
Commonwealth
may
be
,
as
of
the
Indys
,
of
Flanders
,
or
of
the
Sound
?
The
Frame
of
a
Commonwealth
may
be
dreamt
on
,
or
propos'd
two
ways
;
the
one
in
Theory
,
or
notionally
,
in
which
it
is
of
easy
understanding
,
but
of
difficult
practice
:
The
other
practicably
,
in
which
it
is
of
difficult
understanding
,
but
of
facil
use
.
Book
III
One
of
these
ways
is
a
Shooinghorn
,
and
the
other
the
Shoo
;
for
which
cause
I
shall
propose
both
,
as
first
notionally
,
thus
:
The
Model
propos'd
notionally
.
1.
THAT
the
native
Territory
of
the
Commonwealth
be
divided
,
so
equally
as
with
any
convenience
it
may
,
into
fifty
Tribes
or
Precincts
.
2.
THAT
the
People
in
each
Tribe
be
distinguish'd
,
first
by
their
Age
,
and
next
by
the
valuation
of
their
Estates
:
All
such
as
are
above
eighteen
,
and
under
thirty
,
being
accounted
Youth
;
and
all
such
as
are
thirty
or
upwards
,
being
accounted
Elders
.
All
such
as
have
under
one
hundred
pounds
a
year
in
Lands
,
Goods
,
or
Mony
,
being
accounted
of
the
Foot
;
and
all
such
as
have
so
much
or
upwards
,
being
accounted
of
the
Horse
.
3.
THAT
each
Tribe
elect
annually
out
of
the
Horse
of
their
number
two
Elders
to
be
Knights
;
three
Elders
out
of
the
same
,
and
four
Elders
more
out
of
the
Foot
of
their
number
,
to
be
Deputys
or
Burgesses
.
That
the
term
of
each
Knight
and
Burgess
,
or
Deputy
so
elected
,
be
triennial
;
and
that
whoever
has
serv'd
his
triennial
Term
in
any
one
of
these
Capacitys
,
may
not
be
reelected
into
any
one
of
the
same
,
till
a
triennial
Vacation
be
expir'd
.
4.
THAT
in
the
first
year
of
the
Commonwealth
there
be
a
Senat
so
constituted
,
of
three
hundred
Knights
,
that
the
term
of
one
hundred
may
expire
annually
;
and
that
the
hundred
Knights
,
annually
elected
by
two
in
each
Tribe
,
take
in
the
Senat
the
places
of
them
whose
Term
coms
to
be
thus
annually
expir'd
.
5.
THAT
in
the
first
year
of
the
Commonwealth
there
be
a
Representative
of
the
People
,
consisting
of
one
thousand
and
fifty
Deputys
;
four
hundred
and
fifty
of
them
being
Horse
,
and
the
rest
Foot
.
That
this
Representative
be
so
constituted
,
that
the
term
of
two
hundred
of
the
Foot
,
and
of
one
hundred
and
fifty
of
the
Horse
,
expire
annually
;
and
that
the
two
hundred
Foot
,
and
one
hundred
and
fifty
Horse
elected
annually
,
by
four
of
the
Foot
,
and
three
of
the
Horse
in
each
Tribe
,
take
the
places
in
this
Representative
of
them
whose
terms
coms
thus
annually
to
be
expir'd
.
6.
THAT
the
Senat
have
the
whole
Authority
of
Debate
;
that
the
Representative
have
the
whole
power
of
Result
,
in
such
a
manner
,
that
whatever
(
having
bin
debated
by
the
Senat
)
shall
by
their
Authority
be
promulgated
,
that
is
,
printed
and
publish'd
,
for
the
space
of
six
weeks
;
and
afterwards
(
being
propos'd
by
them
to
the
Representative
)
shall
be
resolv'd
by
the
People
of
the
same
in
the
Affirmative
,
be
the
Law
of
the
Land
.
THVS
much
may
suffice
to
give
implicitly
a
notional
account
of
the
whole
frame
.
But
a
Model
of
Government
is
nothing
as
to
use
,
unless
it
be
also
deliver'd
practicably
;
and
the
giving
of
a
Model
practicably
,
is
so
much
the
more
difficult
,
that
men
,
not
vers'd
in
this●way
,
say
of
it
(
as
they
would
of
the
Anatomy
of
their
own
Bodys
)
that
it
is
impracticable
.
Here
lys
the
whole
difficulty
:
such
things
as
,
trying
them
never
so
often
,
they
cannot
make
hang
together
,
they
will
yet
have
to
be
practicable
;
and
if
you
would
bring
them
from
this
kind
of
shifts
,
or
of
tying
and
untying
all
sorts
of
knots
,
to
the
natural
nerves
and
ligaments
of
Government
,
then
with
them
it
is
impracticable
.
But
to
render
that
which
is
practicable
,
facil
;
or
to
do
my
last
indeavor
of
this
kind
,
of
which
if
I
miss
this
once
more
,
I
must
hereafter
despair
:
I
shall
do
two
things
;
first
,
omit
the
Ballot
,
and
then
make
som
alteration
in
my
former
method
.
THEY
who
have
interwoven
the
Ballot
with
the
description
of
a
Chap.
1
Commonwealth
,
have
therby
render'd
the
same
by
far
the
more
complete
in
it self
;
but
in
the
understanding
of
their
Readers
,
as
much
defective
:
wherfore
presuming
the
use
of
the
Ballot
throout
the
Orders
of
this
Model
,
I
shall
refer
it
to
practice
;
in
which
it
will
be
a
matter
of
as
much
facility
,
as
it
would
have
bin
of
difficulty
in
writing
.
And
for
the
method
I
have
chosen
,
it
is
the
most
natural
and
intelligible
,
being
no
more
than
to
propose
the
whole
practicably
:
first
,
in
the
Civil
;
secondly
,
in
the
Religious
;
then
in
the
Military
;
and
last
of
all
in
the
Provincial
part
of
the
Model
.
CHAP.
I.
Containing
the
Civil
part
of
the
Model
,
propos'd
practicably
.
SEEING
it
has
bin
sufficiently
prov'd
,
that
Empire
follows
the
nature
of
Property
;
that
the
particular
kind
of
Empire
or
Government
depends
upon
the
special
distribution
(
except
in
small
Countrys
)
of
Land
;
and
that
where
the
Balance
in
Property
has
not
bin
six'd
,
the
nature
of
the
Government
(
be
it
what
you
will
)
has
bin
floting
:
it
is
very
reasonable
that
,
in
the
proposition
of
a
Common-wealth
,
we
begin
with
a
fixation
of
the
Balance
in
Property
;
and
this
being
not
otherwise
to
be
don
than
by
som
such
Laws
as
have
bin
commonly
call'd
Agrarian
,
it
is
propos'd
,
THAT
every
one
holding
above
two
thousand
pounds
a
year
in
Land
,
lying
within
the
proper
Territory
of
the
Commonwealth
,
leave
the
said
Agrarian
Laws
.
Land
equally
divided
among
his
Sons
;
or
else
so
near
equally
,
that
there
remain
to
the
eldest
of
them
not
above
two
thousand
pounds
a
year
in
Land
so
lying
.
That
this
Proposition
be
so
understood
,
as
not
to
concern
any
Parent
having
no
more
than
one
Son
,
but
the
next
Heir
only
that
shall
have
more
Sons
;
in
such
sort
,
as
nothing
be
hereby
taken
from
any
man
,
or
from
his
Posterity
,
but
that
fatherly
Affection
be
at
all
points
extended
as
formerly
,
except
only
that
it
be
with
more
Piety
,
and
less
Partiality
.
And
that
the
same
Proposition
,
in
such
Familys
where
there
are
no
Sons
,
concern
the
Daughter
or
Daughters
in
the
like
manner
.
THAT
no
Daughter
,
being
neither
Heir
nor
Coheir
,
have
above
fifteen
hundred
pounds
in
Portion
,
or
for
her
preferment
in
Marriage
.
That
any
Daughter
,
being
an
Orphan
,
and
having
seven
hundred
pounds
or
upwards
in
Portion
,
may
charge
the
State
with
it
.
That
the
State
being
so
charg'd
,
be
bound
to
manage
the
Portion
of
such
an
Orphan
for
the
best
,
either
by
due
payment
of
the
Interest
of
the
same
;
or
,
if
it
be
desir'd
,
by
way
of
Annuity
for
Life
,
at
the
rate
of
one
hundred
pounds
a
year
,
for
every
seven
hundred
pounds
so
receiv'd
.
The
manner
wherof
being
elswhere
shewn
,
is
not
needful
to
be
repeated
.
THAT
these
Propositions
prevent
the
growing
of
a
Monarchical
Nobility
,
is
their
peculiar
end
:
Wherfore
that
this
should
hold
the
weight
of
an
Objection
in
a
popular
Balance
,
already
introduc'd
thro
the
failure
of
a
Monarchical
Nobility
,
or
thro
a
level
made
not
by
the
People
but
by
the
Kings
or
themselves
,
were
preposterous
.
Yet
upon
this
score
(
for
I
see
no
other
)
is
there
such
Animosity
against
the
like
Laws
,
that
wise
men
have
judg'd
it
an
Indiscretion
,
in
such
as
are
affected
to
Popular
Government
,
not
to
temporize
in
this
point
;
at
Book
III
least
,
till
a
Commonwealth
were
first
introduc'd
.
To
which
Judgment
I
am
by
no
means
inclining
:
First
,
Because
the
whole
stream
of
this
kind
of
Government
is
so
clear
and
pellucid
,
as
to
abhor
having
any
thing
in
the
bottom
which
may
not
appear
at
the
very
top
.
Secondly
,
Because
an
Agrarian
,
not
brought
in
with
the
introduction
of
a
Commonwealth
,
was
never
yet
known
to
be
brought
in
after
the
introduction
of
a
Commonwealth
.
And
thirdly
,
Because
the
change
of
Balances
in
States
,
thro
the
want
of
fixation
,
has
bin
so
sudden
,
that
between
the
Reign
of
HENRY
the
Seventh
,
and
that
of
Queen
ELIZABETH
,
being
under
fifty
years
,
the
English
Balance
of
Monarchical
became
Popular
;
and
that
of
Rome
,
between
the
Lives
of
SCIPIO
and
of
TIBERIUS
GRACCHUS
,
being
also
under
fifty
years
,
of
Popular
became
Monarchical
.
Nevertheless
,
if
there
remains
any
cure
of
Animosity
that
may
be
safe
,
it
must
be
prudent
:
And
such
a
cure
(
if
we
be
not
so
abandon'd
to
mere
fancy
,
as
to
sacrifice
all
Prudence
to
it
)
there
may
be
in
the
addition
of
this
Clause
;
Additional
Clause
to
the
Agrarian
.
THAT
no
Agrarian
Law
hereby
given
to
this
Commonwealth
,
or
to
be
hereafter
given
to
the
same
,
or
to
any
Province
of
the
same
,
be
understood
to
be
otherwise
binding
,
than
to
the
Generation
to
com
,
or
to
the
Children
to
be
born
seven
years
after
the
enacting
of
the
Law
.
UPON
the
addition
of
this
Clause
,
it
may
be
safely
said
of
these
Agrarian
Laws
,
that
they
concern
not
any
man
living
:
and
for
Posterity
,
it
is
well
known
,
that
to
enact
a
Law
,
is
no
more
in
their
regard
,
than
to
commend
a
thing
to
their
choice
;
seeing
they
,
if
so
pleas'd
,
can
no
more
be
devested
of
the
Power
to
repeal
any
Law
enacted
by
their
Ancestors
,
than
we
are
of
repealing
such
Laws
as
have
bin
enacted
by
ours
.
TO
this
it
may
be
objected
,
That
Agrarian
Laws
,
being
once
enacted
,
must
have
brought
Estates
to
the
standard
of
the
same
,
before
Posterity
can
com
into
a
capacity
to
judg
of
them
.
But
this
is
the
only
means
wherby
Posterity
can
com
to
a
true
capacity
to
judg
of
them
:
First
,
because
they
will
have
had
experience
of
the
Laws
wherof
they
are
to
judg
:
And
secondly
,
because
they
will
be
void
of
all
such
imaginary
Interests
as
might
corrupt
their
Judgment
,
and
do
now
certainly
corrupt
ours
.
The
first
Parallel
.
THE
Balance
of
the
Commonwealth
of
Israel
,
thro
the
distribution
of
Lands
at
the
introduction
of
the
same
,
became
Popular
;
and
Deut.
25.
28.
becoming
Popular
,
was
fix'd
by
the
Law
for
the
Jubile
.
That
which
was
sold
,
shall
remain
in
the
hands
of
them
that
bought
it
till
the
year
of
Jubile
;
and
in
the
Jubile
it
shall
go
out
,
and
he
shall
return
to
his
possession
.
The
ways
in
Israel
,
and
in
the
Commonwealth
propos'd
,
where
the
Popular
Balance
is
not
made
but
found
,
are
divers
;
but
the
Agrarian
Laws
in
each
,
as
to
the
end
,
which
is
the
preservation
of
the
Balance
,
are
of
a
like
effect
.
TO
rise
thus
from
true
Foundations
to
proper
Superstructures
,
the
first
step
from
the
Balance
thus
fix'd
into
the
Orders
of
a
Common-wealth
,
is
not
otherwise
to
be
taken
than
by
certain
Distributions
or
Divisions
of
the
People
,
wherof
som
are
to
be
personal
,
and
som
local
.
Freemen
and
Servants
.
THE
first
personal
division
of
a
People
,
is
into
Freemen
and
Servants
.
Freemen
are
such
as
have
wherwithal
to
live
of
themselves
;
and
Servants
,
such
as
have
not
.
This
division
therfore
is
not
constitutive
,
but
naturally
inherent
in
the
Balance
;
nor
,
seeing
all
Government
is
in
the
direction
of
the
Balance
,
is
it
possible
for
the
Superstructures
of
any
to
make
more
Freemen
than
are
such
by
the
nature
Chap.
1
of
the
Balance
,
or
by
their
being
able
to
live
of
themselves
.
The
second
Parallel
.
Levit.
25.
29.
ALL
that
could
in
this
matter
be
don
,
even
by
MOSES
himself
,
is
contain'd
in
this
Proviso
:
If
thy
Brother
that
dwells
by
thee
be
grown
poor
,
and
be
sold
to
thee
,
thou
shalt
not
compel
him
to
serve
as
a
bondservant
:
but
as
a
hir'd
servant
,
and
a
sojourner
he
shall
be
with
thee
,
and
shall
serve
thee
to
the
year
of
Jubile
.
And
then
shall
he
depart
from
thee
,
both
he
and
his
Children
with
him
,
and
shall
return
to
his
own
Family
,
and
to
the
Possession
of
his
Fathers
shall
he
return
.
THE
nature
of
Riches
consider'd
,
this
division
into
Freemen
and
Servants
is
not
properly
constitutive
,
but
as
it
were
natural
.
To
com
to
such
Divisions
as
are
both
personal
and
constitutive
,
it
is
propos'd
,
Horse
and
Foot
.
THAT
all
Citizens
,
that
is
,
Freemen
,
or
such
as
are
not
Servants
,
be
distributed
into
Horse
and
Foot
.
That
such
of
them
as
have
one
hundred
pounds
a
year
in
Lands
,
Goods
or
Mony
,
or
above
that
proportion
,
be
of
the
Horse
;
and
all
such
as
have
under
that
proportion
,
be
of
the
Foot
.
Elders
and
Youth
.
THAT
all
Elders
or
Freemen
,
being
thirty
years
of
Age
or
upwards
,
be
capable
of
Civil
Administration
:
and
that
the
Youth
,
or
such
Freemen
as
are
between
eighteen
years
of
Age
and
thirty
,
be
not
capable
of
Civil
Administration
,
but
of
Military
only
;
in
such
a
manner
as
shall
follow
in
the
Military
part
of
this
Model
.
NOW
,
besides
personal
divisions
,
it
is
necessary
in
order
to
the
framing
of
a
Commonwealth
,
that
there
be
som
such
as
are
local
.
For
these
therfore
it
is
propos'd
,
Precinct
of
the
Parish
.
THAT
the
whole
native
,
or
proper
Territory
of
the
Commonwealth
,
be
cast
,
with
as
much
exactness
as
can
be
convenient
,
into
known
and
fix'd
Precincts
or
Parishes
.
Parochial
Congregations
and
Deputys
.
THAT
the
Elders
,
resident
in
each
Parish
,
annually
assemble
in
the
same
;
as
for
example
,
upon
Monday
next
insuing
the
last
of
December
.
That
they
then
and
there
elect
out
of
their
own
number
every
fifth
man
,
or
one
man
out
of
every
five
,
to
be
for
the
term
of
the
year
insuing
,
a
Deputy
of
that
Parish
;
and
that
the
first
and
second
so
elected
be
Overseers
,
or
Presidents
,
for
regulating
of
all
Parochial
Congregations
,
whether
of
the
Elders
or
of
the
Youth
,
during
the
term
for
which
they
were
elected
.
Precinct
of
the
Hundred
.
THAT
so
many
Parishes
lying
nearest
together
,
whose
Deputys
shall
amount
to
one
hundred
or
therabout
,
be
cast
into
one
Precinct
call'd
the
Hundred
.
And
that
in
each
Precinct
call'd
the
Hundred
,
there
be
a
Town
,
Village
,
or
place
appointed
to
be
the
Capital
of
the
same
.
Assembly
or
Muster
of
the
Hundred
.
THAT
the
Parochial
Deputys
elected
throout
the
Hundred
,
assemble
annually
;
for
example
,
upon
Monday
next
insuing
the
last
of
January
,
at
the
Capital
of
their
Hundred
.
That
they
then
and
there
elect
out
of
the
Horse
of
their
number
one
Justice
of
the
Peace
,
one
Juryman
,
one
Captain
,
one
Insign
:
and
out
of
the
Foot
of
their
number
,
one
other
Juryman
,
one
High
Constable
,
&c.
THO
our
Justices
of
the
Peace
have
not
bin
annual
;
yet
that
they
may
so
be
is
apparent
,
because
the
high
Sherifs
,
whose
Office
is
of
greater
difficulty
,
have
always
bin
annual
:
seeing
therfore
they
may
be
annual
,
that
so
they
ought
in
this
Administration
to
be
,
will
appear
,
where
they
com
to
be
constitutive
of
such
Courts
as
,
should
they
consist
of
a
standing
Magistracy
,
would
be
against
the
nature
of
a
Commonwealth
.
But
the
Precincts
hitherto
being
thus
stated
,
it
is
propos'd
,
Book
III
THAT
every
twenty
Hundreds
,
lying
nearest
and
most
conveniently
together
,
be
cast
into
one
Tribe
.
That
the
whole
Territory
being
after
this
Precinct
of
the
Tribe
.
manner
cast
into
Tribes
,
som
Town
,
Village
,
or
place
be
appointed
to
every
Tribe
for
the
Capital
of
the
same
.
And
that
these
three
Precincts
,
that
is
,
the
Parish
,
the
Hundred
,
and
the
Tribe
(
whether
the
Deputys
,
thenceforth
annually
chosen
in
the
Parishes
or
Hundreds
,
com
to
increase
or
diminish
)
remain
firm
and
inalterable
for
ever
,
save
only
by
Act
of
Parlament
.
THESE
Divisions
,
or
the
like
,
both
personal
and
local
,
are
that
in
a
well
order'd
Commonwealth
,
which
Stairs
are
in
a
good
house
;
not
that
Stairs
in
themselves
are
desirable
,
but
that
without
them
there
is
no
getting
into
the
Chambers
.
The
whole
matter
of
Cost
and
Pains
,
necessary
to
the
introduction
of
a
like
Model
,
lys
only
in
the
first
Architecture
,
or
building
of
these
Stairs
;
that
is
,
in
stating
of
these
three
Precincts
:
which
don
,
they
lead
you
naturally
and
necessarily
into
all
the
Rooms
of
this
Fabric
.
For
the
just
number
of
Tribes
into
which
a
Territory
thus
cast
may
fall
;
it
is
not
very
easy
to
be
guest
:
yet
,
because
for
the
carrying
on
of
discourse
it
is
requisit
to
pitch
upon
som
certainty
,
I
shall
presume
that
the
number
of
the
Tribes
,
thus
stated
,
amounts
to
fifty
;
and
that
the
number
of
the
Parochial
Deputys
annually
elected
in
each
Tribe
,
amounts
to
two
thousand
.
Be
the
Deputys
more
or
fewer
by
the
alterations
which
may
happen
in
progress
of
time
,
it
disorders
nothing
.
Now
to
ascend
by
these
Stairs
into
the
upper
Rooms
of
this
Building
,
it
is
propos'd
,
Assembly
or
Muster
of
the
Tribe
.
THAT
the
Deputys
elected
in
the
several
Parishes
,
together
with
their
Magistrats
and
other
Officers
both
Civil
and
Military
,
elected
in
their
several
Hundreds
,
assemble
or
muster
annually
;
for
example
,
upon
Monday
next
insuing
the
last
of
February
at
the
Capital
of
their
Tribe
.
HOW
the
Troops
and
Companys
of
the
Deputys
,
with
their
Military
Officers
or
Commanders
thus
assembl'd
,
may
,
without
expence
of
time
,
be
straight
distributed
into
one
uniform
and
orderly
Body
,
has
bin
elswhere
[
](A45618-e276960-b)*
*
In
Oceana
.
shewn
,
and
is
not
needful
to
be
repeated
.
For
their
work
,
which
at
this
meeting
will
require
two
days
,
it
is
propos'd
,
Magistrats
of
the
Tribe
.
THAT
the
whole
Body
thus
assembl'd
,
upon
the
first
day
of
the
Assembly
,
elect
out
of
the
Horse
of
their
number
one
High
Sherif
,
one
Lieutenant
of
the
Tribe
,
one
Custos
Rotulorum
,
one
Conductor
,
and
two
Censors
.
That
the
High
Sherif
be
Commander
in
chief
,
the
Lieutenant
Commander
in
the
second
place
,
and
the
Conductor
in
the
third
,
of
this
Band
or
Squadron
.
That
the
Custos
Rotulorum
be
Mustermaster
,
and
keep
the
Rolls
.
That
the
Censors
be
Governors
of
the
Ballot
.
And
that
the
term
of
these
Magistracys
be
annual
.
THESE
being
thus
elected
,
it
is
propos'd
,
THAT
the
Magistrats
of
the
Tribe
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
High
Sherif
,
The
Prerogative
Troop
.
Lieutenant
,
Custos
Rotulorum
,
the
Censors
,
and
the
Conductor
,
together
with
the
Magistrats
and
Officers
of
the
Hundreds
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
twenty
Justices
of
the
Peace
,
the
forty
Jurymen
,
the
twenty
High
Constables
,
be
one
Troop
,
or
one
Troop
and
one
Company
apart
,
call'd
the
Prerogative
Troop
or
Company
.
That
this
Troop
bring
in
and
assist
the
Justices
of
Assize
,
hold
the
Quarter
Sessions
in
their
several
Capacitys
,
and
perform
their
other
Functions
as
formerly
.
BY
this
means
the
Commonwealth
at
its
introduction
may
imbrace
the
Law
as
it
stands
,
that
is
,
unreform'd
;
which
is
the
greatest
advantage
of
such
Reformations
:
for
to
reform
Laws
before
the
introduction
of
the
Government
,
which
is
to
shew
to
what
the
Laws
in
Reformation
Chap.
1
are
to
be
brought
or
fitted
,
is
impossible
.
But
these
Magistrats
of
the
Hundreds
and
Tribes
being
such
wherby
the
Parlament
is
to
govern
the
Nation
,
this
is
a
regard
in
which
they
ought
to
be
further
capable
of
such
Orders
and
Instructions
as
shall
therto
be
requisit
:
For
which
cause
it
is
propos'd
,
The
Phylarch
THAT
the
Magistrats
of
the
Tribe
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
High
Sherif
,
Lieutenant
,
Custos
Rotulorum
,
the
Censors
,
and
the
Conductor
,
together
with
the
twenty
Justices
elected
at
the
Hundreds
,
be
a
Court
for
the
Government
of
the
Tribe
call'd
the
Phylarch
;
and
that
this
Court
procede
in
all
matters
of
Government
,
as
shall
from
time
to
time
be
directed
by
Act
of
Parlament
.
BY
these
Courts
the
Commonwealth
will
be
furnish'd
with
true
Channels
,
wherby
at
leisure
to
turn
the
Law
into
that
which
is
sufficiently
known
to
have
bin
its
primitive
Course
,
and
to
a
perfect
Reformation
by
degrees
,
without
violence
.
For
as
the
corruption
of
our
Law
procedes
from
an
Art
inabled
to
improve
its
privat
Interest
;
or
from
the
Law
upon
the
Bench
,
and
the
Jury
at
the
Bar
:
So
the
Reformation
of
our
Law
must
com
from
disabling
it
as
an
Art
to
improve
its
privat
Interest
;
or
to
a
Jury
upon
the
Bench
,
and
the
Law
at
the
Bar
,
as
in
Venice
.
The
third
Parallel
.
Deut.
16.
18.
JVDGES
and
Officers
shalt
thou
make
thee
in
all
thy
Gates
which
the
Lord
thy
God
gives
thee
throout
thy
Tribes
,
and
they
shall
judg
the
People
with
just
Judgment
.
These
Courts
,
whose
Sessionhouse
was
in
the
Gates
of
every
City
,
were
shewn
each
of
them
to
have
consisted
of
Book
2.
twenty
three
Elders
,
which
were
as
a
Jury
upon
the
Bench
,
giving
sentence
by
plurality
of
Votes
,
and
under
a
kind
of
appeal
to
the
seventy
Elders
or
Senat
of
Israel
,
as
was
also
shewn
in
the
second
Book
.
THIS
,
or
the
like
,
by
all
example
and
beyond
any
controversy
,
has
bin
,
and
is
the
natural
way
of
Judicature
in
Commonwealths
.
The
Phylarchs
,
with
a
Court
or
two
of
Appeals
eligible
out
of
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
are
at
any
time
with
ease
and
very
small
alteration
to
be
cast
upon
a
triennial
Rotation
:
which
,
in
all
things
besides
proceding
after
the
manner
of
the
Venetian
Quarancys
,
will
be
in
this
case
perfect
Orders
.
TO
return
:
The
first
Day
's
Election
at
the
Tribe
being
as
has
bin
shewn
,
it
is
propos'd
,
THAT
the
Squadron
of
the
Tribe
,
on
the
second
day
of
their
Assembly
,
elect
two
Knights
and
three
Burgesses
out
of
the
Horse
of
their
number
,
Knights
and
Burgesses
.
and
four
other
Burgesses
out
of
the
Foot
of
their
number
.
That
each
Knight
upon
Election
forthwith
make
Oath
of
Allegiance
to
the
Commonwealth
;
or
refusing
this
Oath
,
that
the
next
Competitor
in
Election
to
the
same
Magistracy
,
making
the
said
Oath
,
be
the
Magistrat
:
the
like
for
the
Burgesses
.
That
the
Knights
,
thus
sworn
,
have
Session
in
the
Senat
for
the
term
of
three
years
;
and
that
the
Burgesses
thus
sworn
be
of
the
Prerogative
Tribe
,
or
Representative
of
the
People
for
the
like
term
.
NOW
wheras
this
Proposition
is
sufficient
for
the
perpetuation
of
the
Senat
and
the
Assembly
of
the
People
,
being
once
instituted
,
but
not
sufficient
for
the
full
and
perfect
Institution
of
them
,
it
necessitats
the
addition
in
this
place
,
not
of
a
permanent
Order
,
but
of
an
Expedient
for
the
first
years
Election
only
;
which
may
be
this
:
Book
III
THAT
for
the
full
and
perfect
Institution
of
the
Assemblys
mention'd
,
Expedient
for
the
first
years
Election
.
the
Squadron
of
the
Tribe
in
the
first
year
of
the
Commonwealth
elect
two
Knights
for
the
term
of
one
year
,
two
other
Knights
for
the
term
of
two
years
,
and
lastly
,
two
Knights
more
for
the
term
of
three
years
:
the
like
for
the
Burgesses
of
the
Horse
first
,
and
then
for
those
of
the
Foot
.
BY
this
Expedient
the
Senat
in
fifty
Tribes
is
constituted
of
three
hundred
Knights
or
Senators
,
wherof
one
hundred
,
by
the
expiration
of
their
terms
,
com
annually
to
fall
;
and
another
hundred
at
the
same
time
to
enter
.
The
like
for
the
Prerogative
Tribe
or
Assembly
of
the
People
,
which
,
consisting
in
the
whole
of
one
thousand
and
fifty
,
suffers
the
like
alteration
in
one
third
part
,
or
in
the
yearly
exchange
of
one
hundred
and
fifty
Burgesses
:
By
which
means
the
Motion
or
Rotation
of
these
Assemblys
is
Annual
,
Triennial
,
and
Perpetual
.
For
the
full
dispatch
of
the
foregoing
Elections
there
remains
but
one
Proposition
more
,
which
is
this
:
Proviso
.
THAT
a
Magistrat
or
Officer
elected
at
the
Hundred
be
therby
excluded
from
being
elected
a
Magistrat
of
the
Tribe
,
or
of
the
first
days
Election
:
that
no
former
Election
whatsoever
exclude
a
man
from
the
second
days
Election
at
the
Tribe
,
or
to
be
chosen
a
Knight
or
Burgess
.
That
a
man
being
chosen
a
Knight
or
Burgess
,
who
before
was
chosen
a
Magistrat
or
Officer
of
the
Hundred
or
Tribe
,
delegat
his
former
Office
,
or
Magistracy
in
the
Hundred
or
the
Tribe
,
to
any
other
Deputy
being
no
Magistrat
nor
Officer
,
and
being
of
the
same
Hundred
and
of
the
same
Order
,
that
is
,
of
the
Horse
or
Foot
respectively
.
That
the
whole
and
every
part
of
the
foregoing
Orders
for
Election
in
the
Parishes
,
the
Hundreds
,
and
the
Tribes
,
be
holding
and
inviolable
upon
such
Penaltys
in
case
of
failure
,
as
shall
hereafter
be
provided
by
Act
of
Parlament
against
any
Parish
,
Hundred
,
Tribe
,
Deputy
or
Person
so
offending
.
WITHOUT
som
such
Provision
as
is
contain'd
in
the
former
part
of
this
Proposition
,
men
would
be
inconveniently
excluded
from
preferment
,
or
the
Tribe
oblig'd
to
return
to
the
Ballot
;
and
so
to
spend
more
time
for
trifles
than
is
requir'd
by
their
real
business
.
The
fourth
Parallel
.
2
Chron.
27.
THE
Representative
of
Israel
collected
monthly
by
the
two
thousand
out
of
each
Tribe
(
if
we
consider
what
Method
must
have
bin
us'd
in
such
Elections
)
intimats
,
first
,
that
there
were
Subdivisions
to
that
end
in
each
Tribe
,
perhaps
of
the
nature
of
our
Hundreds
and
Parishes
:
Secondly
,
that
there
were
qualifications
in
those
Elections
as
to
the
Patriarchs
or
chief
Fathers
,
and
as
to
the
People
with
their
Captains
of
thousands
,
and
Captains
of
hundreds
;
which
is
enough
thus
far
to
approve
and
recommend
the
foregoing
Propositions
.
THE
Senat
,
and
the
Congregation
or
Representative
of
the
People
,
are
in
every
Commonwealth
the
main
Orders
.
The
Stairs
or
Degrees
of
ascent
to
these
being
now
mounted
,
it
remains
that
I
lead
you
into
the
Rooms
of
State
,
or
the
Assemblys
themselves
:
which
shall
be
perform'd
,
first
,
by
shewing
their
Frame
,
and
next
by
shewing
their
Uses
or
Functions
.
To
bring
you
first
into
the
Senat
,
it
is
propos'd
,
Frame
of
the
Senat.
THAT
the
Knights
of
the
Annual
Election
in
the
Tribes
take
their
places
on
Monday
next
insuing
the
last
of
March
in
the
Senat.
That
the
like
number
of
Knights
,
whose
Session
determins
at
the
same
time
,
recede
.
That
every
Knight
or
Senator
be
paid
out
of
the
public
Revenue
quarterly
,
one
hundred
twenty
five
Pounds
during
his
term
of
Session
,
and
be
oblig'd
to
sit
in
purple
Robes
.
THAT
annually
,
upon
the
reception
of
the
new
Knights
,
the
Senat
Chap.
1
procede
to
the
Election
of
new
Magistrats
and
Counsillors
.
That
for
Magistrats
they
elect
one
General
,
one
Speaker
,
and
two
Censors
,
each
for
the
Senatorian
Magistrats
.
term
of
one
year
;
these
promiscuously
:
and
that
they
elect
one
Commissioner
of
the
Great
Seal
,
and
one
Commissioner
of
the
Treasury
,
each
for
the
term
of
three
years
,
and
out
of
the
new
Knights
only
.
THIS
Proposition
supposes
the
Commissioners
of
the
Seal
and
those
of
the
Treasury
to
consist
each
of
three
,
wheel'd
by
the
annual
Election
of
one
into
each
Order
,
upon
a
triennial
Rotation
.
For
farther
explanation
of
the
Senatorian
Magistracys
,
it
is
propos'd
,
The
General
sitting
,
and
the
Speaker
.
THAT
the
General
and
Speaker
,
as
CONSVLS
of
the
Common-wealth
,
and
Presidents
of
the
Senat
,
be
,
during
the
term
of
their
Magistracy
,
paid
quarterly
five
hundred
Pounds
:
That
the
Insigns
of
these
Magistracys
be
a
Sword
born
before
the
General
,
and
a
Mace
before
the
Speaker
:
That
they
be
oblig'd
to
wear
Ducal
Robes
;
and
that
what
is
said
of
the
General
in
this
Proposition
,
be
understood
only
of
the
General
sitting
,
and
not
of
the
General
marching
.
The
General
marching
.
THAT
the
General
sitting
,
in
case
he
be
commanded
to
march
,
receive
Field
Pay
;
and
that
a
new
General
be
forthwith
elected
by
the
Senat
to
succede
him
in
the
House
,
with
all
the
Rights
,
Insigns
,
and
Emoluments
of
the
General
sitting
:
And
this
so
often
as
one
or
more
Generals
are
marching
.
THAT
the
three
Commissioners
of
the
Great
Seal
,
and
the
three
Commissioners
Commissioners
of
the
Seal
and
of
the
Treasury
.
of
the
Treasury
,
using
their
Insigns
and
Habit
,
and
performing
their
other
Functions
as
formerly
,
be
paid
quarterly
to
each
of
them
three
hundred
seventy
five
Pounds
.
The
Censors
.
THAT
the
Censors
be
each
of
them
Chancellor
of
one
Vniversity
by
virtue
of
their
Election
:
that
they
govern
the
Ballot
;
that
they
be
Presidents
of
the
Council
for
Religion
;
that
each
have
a
silver
Wand
for
the
Insign
of
his
Magistracy
;
that
each
be
paid
quarterly
three
hundred
seventy
five
Pounds
,
and
be
oblig'd
to
wear
scarlet
Robes
.
The
Signory
.
THAT
the
General
sitting
,
the
Speaker
,
and
the
six
Commissioners
abovesaid
,
be
the
Signory
of
this
Commonwealth
.
THIS
for
the
Senatorian
Magistrats
.
For
Senatorian
Councils
it
is
propos'd
,
Council
of
State
.
THAT
there
be
a
Council
of
State
consisting
of
fifteen
Knights
,
five
out
of
each
Order
or
Election
;
and
that
the
same
be
perpetuated
by
the
annual
Election
of
five
out
of
the
new
Knights
,
or
last
elected
into
the
Senat.
Councils
of
Religion
,
of
Trade
.
THAT
there
be
a
Council
for
Religion
consisting
of
twelve
Knights
,
four
out
of
each
Order
,
and
perpetuated
by
the
annual
Election
of
four
out
of
the
Knights
last
elected
into
the
Senat.
That
there
be
a
Council
for
Trade
,
consisting
of
a
like
number
,
elected
and
perpetuated
in
the
same
manner
.
Council
of
War
.
THAT
there
be
a
Council
of
War
,
not
elected
by
the
Senat
,
but
elected
by
the
Council
of
State
out
of
themselves
.
That
this
Council
of
War
consist
of
nine
Knights
,
three
out
of
each
Order
,
and
be
perpetuated
by
the
annual
Election
of
three
out
of
the
last
Knights
elected
into
the
Council
of
State
.
The
Dictator
.
THAT
in
case
the
Senat
adds
nine
Knights
more
out
of
their
own
number
to
the
Council
of
War
,
the
said
Council
be
understood
by
this
addition
to
be
DICTATOR
of
the
Commonwealth
for
the
term
of
three
months
,
and
no
longer
,
except
by
farther
Order
of
the
Senat
the
said
Dictatorian
Power
be
prolong'd
for
a
like
term
.
The
Proposers
general
.
THAT
the
Signory
have
Session
and
Suffrage
,
with
right
also
jointly
or
severally
to
propose
,
both
in
the
Senat
and
in
all
Senatorian
Councils
.
THAT
each
of
the
three
Orders
,
or
Divisions
of
Knights
in
each
Provosts
,
or
particular
Proposers
.
Senatorian
Council
,
elect
one
Provost
for
the
term
of
one
week
;
and
that
any
two
Provosts
of
the
same
Council
so
elected
may
propose
to
their
respective
Council
,
and
not
otherwise
.
Academy
.
THAT
som
fair
Room
or
Rooms
well
furnish'd
and
attended
,
be
allow'd
at
the
States
charge
for
a
free
and
open
Academy
to
all
comers
at
som
convenient
hour
or
hours
towards
the
Evening
.
That
this
Academy
be
govern'd
according
to
the
Rules
of
good
Breeding
,
or
civil
Conversation
,
by
som
or
all
of
the
Proposers
;
and
that
in
the
same
it
be
lawful
for
any
man
by
word
of
mouth
or
by
writing
,
in
jest
or
in
earnest
,
to
propose
to
the
Proposers
.
FROM
the
frame
or
structure
of
these
Councils
,
I
should
pass
to
their
Functions
;
but
that
besides
annual
Elections
,
there
will
be
som
biennial
,
and
others
emergent
:
in
which
regard
it
is
propos'd
,
first
,
for
biennial
Elections
,
Embassadors
in
ordinary
.
THAT
for
Embassadors
in
ordinary
,
there
be
four
Residences
;
as
France
,
Spain
,
Venice
,
and
Constantinople
:
that
every
Resident
,
upon
the
Election
of
a
new
Embassador
in
ordinary
,
remove
to
the
next
Residence
in
the
Order
nominated
,
till
having
serv'd
in
them
all
,
he
returns
home
.
That
upon
Monday
next
insuing
the
last
of
November
,
there
be
every
second
year
elected
by
the
Senat
som
fit
Person
,
being
under
thirty
five
years
of
Age
,
and
not
of
the
Senat
or
popular
Assembly
:
that
the
Party
so
elected
,
repair
upon
Monday
next
insuing
the
last
of
March
following
,
as
Embassador
in
ordinary
to
the
Court
of
France
,
and
there
reside
for
the
term
of
two
years
,
to
be
computed
from
the
first
of
April
next
insuing
his
Election
.
That
every
Embassador
in
ordinary
be
allow'd
three
thousand
pounds
a
year
during
the
term
of
his
Residences
;
and
that
if
a
Resident
coms
to
dy
,
there
be
an
extraordinary
Election
into
his
Residence
for
his
term
,
and
for
the
remainder
of
his
Removes
and
Progress
.
Emergent
Elections
.
THAT
all
emergent
Elections
be
made
by
Scrutiny
,
that
is
,
by
a
Council
,
or
by
Commissioners
proposing
,
and
by
the
Senat
resolving
in
the
manner
following
:
That
all
Field-Officers
be
propos'd
by
the
Council
of
War
;
that
all
Embassadors
extraordinary
be
propos'd
by
the
Council
of
State
;
that
all
Judges
and
Serjeants
at
Law
be
propos'd
by
the
Commissioners
of
the
great
Seal
;
that
all
Barons
and
Officers
of
Trust
in
the
Exchequer
,
be
propos'd
by
the
Commissioners
of
the
Treasury
:
and
that
such
as
are
thus
propos'd
,
and
approv'd
by
the
Senat
,
be
held
lawfully
elected
.
THESE
Elections
being
thus
dispatch'd
,
I
com
to
the
Functions
of
the
Senat
,
and
first
,
to
those
of
the
Senatorian
Councils
:
for
which
it
is
propos'd
,
Function
of
the
Senatorian
Councils
.
THAT
the
cognizance
of
all
matters
of
State
to
be
consider'd
,
or
Law
to
be
enacted
,
whether
it
be
Provincial
or
National
,
Domestic
or
Foren
,
pertain
to
the
Council
of
State
.
That
such
Affairs
of
either
kind
,
as
they
shall
judg
to
require
more
Secrecy
,
be
remitted
by
this
Council
,
and
belong
to
the
Council
of
War
,
being
for
that
end
a
select
part
of
the
same
.
That
the
cognizance
and
protection
both
of
the
National
Religion
,
and
of
the
Liberty
of
Conscience
equally
establish'd
in
this
Nation
,
after
the
manner
to
be
shewn
in
the
Religious
part
of
this
Model
,
pertain
to
the
Council
for
Religion
.
That
all
matters
of
Traffic
,
and
the
regulation
of
the
same
belong
to
the
Council
of
Trade
.
That
in
the
exercise
of
these
several
Functions
,
which
naturally
are
Senatorian
or
Authoritative
only
,
no
Council
assume
any
other
Power
than
such
only
as
shall
be
settl'd
upon
the
same
by
Chap.
1
Act
of
Parlament
.
Function
of
the
Senat.
THAT
what
shall
be
propos'd
to
the
Senat
by
any
one
or
more
of
the
Signory
or
Proposers
general
;
or
whatever
was
propos'd
by
any
two
of
the
Provosts
or
particular
Proposers
to
their
respective
Council
,
and
upon
debate
at
that
Council
shall
com
to
be
propos'd
by
the
same
to
the
Senat
,
be
necessarily
debatable
and
debated
by
the
Senat.
That
in
all
cases
wherin
Power
is
committed
to
the
Senat
by
a
Law
made
,
or
by
Act
of
Parlament
,
the
Result
of
the
Senat
be
ultimat
:
that
in
all
cases
of
Law
to
be
made
,
or
not
already
provided
for
by
an
Act
of
Parlament
,
as
War
and
Peace
,
levy
of
Men
or
Mony
,
or
the
like
,
the
Result
of
the
Senat
be
not
ultimat
.
That
whatsoever
is
resolv'd
by
the
Senat
,
upon
a
case
wherin
their
Result
is
not
ultimat
,
be
propos'd
by
the
Senat
to
the
Prerogative
Tribe
or
Representative
of
the
People
;
except
only
in
cases
of
such
speed
or
secrecy
,
wherin
the
Senat
shall
judg
the
necessary
slowness
or
openness
in
this
way
of
proceding
to
be
of
detriment
or
danger
to
the
Commonwealth
.
Function
of
the
Dictator
.
THAT
if
upon
the
motion
or
proposition
of
a
Council
or
Proposer
General
,
the
Senat
adds
nine
Knights
promiscuously
chosen
out
of
their
own
number
,
to
the
Council
of
War
;
the
same
Council
,
as
therby
made
Dictator
,
have
power
of
Life
and
Death
,
as
also
to
enact
Laws
in
all
such
cases
of
speed
or
secrecy
,
for
and
during
the
term
of
three
months
and
no
longer
,
except
upon
a
new
Order
from
the
Senat.
And
that
all
Laws
enacted
by
the
Dictator
be
good
and
valid
for
the
term
of
one
year
,
and
no
longer
;
except
the
same
be
propos'd
by
the
Senat
,
and
resolv'd
by
the
People
.
THIS
Dictatorian
Council
(
as
may
already
appear
)
consists
fundamentally
of
the
Signory
,
with
nine
Knights
elected
by
the
Council
of
State
,
additionally
of
nine
Knights
more
emergently
chosen
by
the
Senat
,
and
of
the
four
Tribuns
of
course
;
as
will
appear
when
I
com
to
speak
of
that
Magistracy
.
Now
if
Dictatorian
Power
be
indeed
formidable
,
yet
this
in
the
first
place
is
remarkable
,
that
the
Council
here
offer'd
for
a
Dictator
is
of
a
much
safer
Constitution
,
than
what
among
us
hitherto
has
bin
offer'd
for
a
Commonwealth
;
namely
,
a
Parlament
and
a
Council
in
the
interim
.
For
here
is
no
interim
,
but
all
the
Councils
of
the
Commonwealth
not
only
remaining
,
but
remaining
in
the
exercise
of
all
their
Functions
,
without
the
abatement
of
any
;
speed
and
secrecy
belonging
not
to
any
of
them
,
but
to
that
only
of
the
Dictator
.
And
if
this
Dictatorian
Council
has
more
in
it
of
a
Commonwealth
than
has
hitherto
among
us
bin
either
practis'd
or
offer'd
,
by
what
Argument
can
it
be
pretended
that
a
Commonwealth
is
so
imperfect
thro
the
necessity
of
such
an
Order
,
that
it
must
needs
borrow
of
Monarchy
;
seeing
every
Monarchy
that
has
any
Senat
,
Assembly
,
or
Council
in
it
,
therby
most
apparently
borrows
more
of
a
Commonwealth
,
than
there
is
to
be
found
of
Monarchy
in
this
Council
?
The
fifth
Parallel
.
TO
dimiss
this
whole
Senat
with
one
Parallel
:
The
institution
of
the
seventy
Elders
in
Israel
(
as
was
shewn
in
the
second
Book
)
for
their
number
related
to
an
Accident
,
and
a
Custom
therupon
antiently
introduc'd
.
The
Accident
was
that
the
Sons
of
JACOB
who
went
into
Egypt
were
so
many
;
these
,
first
governing
their
Familys
by
natural
right
,
came
,
as
those
Familys
increas'd
,
to
be
for
their
number
retain'd
and
continu'd
in
the
nature
of
a
Senatorian
Council
,
while
the
People
were
yet
in
Egyptian
Bondage
.
So
we
,
having
had
no
like
Custom
,
have
as
to
the
number
no
like
Inducement
.
Again
,
the
Book
III
Territory
of
Canaan
amounted
not
to
a
fourth
of
our
Country
;
and
in
Government
we
are
to
fit
our selves
to
our
own
proportions
.
Nor
can
a
Senat
,
consisting
of
few
Senators
,
be
capable
of
so
many
distributions
as
a
Senat
consisting
of
more
.
Yet
we
find
in
the
restitution
2
Chr.
19.
11.
of
the
Sanhedrim
by
JEHOSHAPHAT
,
that
there
was
AMARIAH
chief
in
all
matters
of
the
Lord
,
that
is
,
in
judgment
upon
the
Laws
,
which
,
having
bin
propos'd
by
God
,
were
more
peculiarly
his
matters
;
and
ZEBADIAH
chief
in
all
the
King's
matters
,
that
is
,
in
political
debates
concerning
Government
,
or
War
and
Peace
.
Lastly
,
Judg.
11.
5
,
11.
When
the
Children
of
Ammon
made
War
against
Israel
,
the
People
of
Israel
made
JEPHTHA
not
only
Captain
,
but
Head
over
them
.
So
the
Judg
of
Israel
,
being
no
standing
Magistrat
,
but
elected
upon
emergencys
,
supplys
the
Parallel
as
to
Dictatorian
Power
in
a
Commonwealth
.
DEBATE
is
the
natural
Parent
of
Result
;
whence
the
Senat
throout
the
Latin
Authors
is
call'd
Fathers
,
and
in
Greec
Authors
the
compellation
of
a
popular
Assembly
is
Men
;
as
Men
of
Athens
,
Men
Act.
7.
2.
&
22.
1.
Luke
throout
is
perfectly
well
skill'd
in
the
Customs
of
Common-wealths
.
of
Corinth
,
Men
of
Lacedemon
:
nor
is
this
Custom
Heathen
only
,
seeing
these
Compellations
are
us'd
to
the
Senat
and
the
People
of
the
Jews
,
not
only
by
STEPHEN
,
but
also
by
PAUL
,
where
they
begin
their
speeches
in
this
manner
:
Men
,
Brethren
,
and
Fathers
.
To
com
then
from
the
Fathers
to
the
People
,
the
Popular
Assembly
,
or
Prerogative
Tribe
;
it
is
propos'd
,
Fabric
of
the
Prerogative
Tribe
.
THAT
the
Burgesses
of
the
annual
Election
return'd
by
the
Tribes
,
enter
into
the
Prerogative
Tribe
upon
Monday
next
insuing
the
last
of
March
;
and
that
the
like
number
of
Burgesses
,
whose
term
is
expir'd
,
recede
at
the
same
time
.
That
the
Burgesses
thus
enter'd
elect
to
themselves
out
of
their
own
number
,
two
of
the
Horse
;
one
to
be
Captain
,
and
the
other
to
be
Cornet
of
the
same
:
and
two
of
the
Foot
;
one
to
be
Captain
,
the
other
to
be
Insign
of
the
same
,
each
for
the
term
of
three
years
.
That
these
Officers
being
thus
elected
,
the
whole
Tribe
or
Assembly
procede
to
the
Election
of
four
annual
Magistrats
;
two
out
of
the
Foot
,
to
be
Tribuns
of
the
Foot
:
and
two
out
of
the
Horse
,
to
be
Tribuns
of
the
Horse
.
That
the
Tribuns
be
Commanders
of
this
Tribe
in
chief
,
so
far
as
it
is
a
Military
Body
;
and
Presidents
of
the
same
,
as
it
is
a
civil
Assembly
.
And
lastly
,
that
this
whole
Tribe
be
paid
weekly
as
follows
.
To
each
of
the
Tribuns
of
Horse
,
seven
pounds
.
To
each
of
the
Tribuns
of
Foot
,
six
pounds
.
To
each
of
the
Captains
of
Horse
,
five
pounds
.
To
each
of
the
Captains
of
Foot
,
four
pounds
.
To
each
of
the
Cornets
,
three
pounds
.
To
each
of
the
Insigns
,
two
pounds
seven
shillings
.
To
every
Horseman
two
pounds
,
and
to
every
one
of
the
Foot
one
pound
ten
shillings
.
FOR
the
Salarys
of
the
Senat
and
the
People
together
,
they
amount
not
to
three
hundred
thousand
pounds
a
year
;
which
is
cheaper
by
near
two
parts
in
three
,
than
the
chief
Magistracy
ever
did
or
can
otherwise
cost
:
for
if
you
give
nothing
(
omnia
dat
qui
justa
negat
)
men
will
be
their
own
Carvers
.
But
to
procede
,
it
is
propos'd
,
THAT
inferior
Officers
,
as
Captains
,
Cornets
,
Insigns
,
be
only
for
Offices
of
the
Officers
.
the
Military
Disciplin
of
the
Tribe
.
That
the
Tribuns
have
Session
in
the
Senat
without
suffrage
;
that
they
have
Session
of
course
in
the
Dictatorian
Council
,
so
often
as
it
is
created
by
the
Senat
,
and
with
suffrage
.
That
they
be
Presidents
of
the
Court
in
all
cases
to
be
judg'd
by
the
People
.
THAT
Peculat
or
Defraudation
of
the
Public
,
and
all
cases
tending
Chap.
1
to
the
subversion
of
the
Government
,
be
triable
by
this
Representative
;
and
that
there
be
an
Appeal
to
the
same
in
all
Causes
,
and
from
all
Magistrats
,
Appeal
to
the
People
.
Courts
,
and
Councils
,
whether
National
or
Provincial
.
The
sixth
Parallel
.
Judg.
20.
Halicar.
THIS
Judicatory
may
seem
large
:
but
thus
the
Congregation
of
Israel
,
consisting
of
four
hundred
thousand
,
judg'd
the
Tribe
of
Benjamin
.
Thus
all
the
Roman
Tribes
judg'd
CORIOLANUS
.
And
thus
Duke
LOREDANO
was
try'd
by
the
great
Council
of
Venice
,
consisting
Janot●●
.
yet
of
about
two
thousand
.
THIS
is
as
much
as
I
have
to
say
severally
of
the
Senat
and
the
People
;
but
their
main
Functions
being
joint
,
as
they
make
one
Parlament
,
it
is
farther
propos'd
,
The
main
Function
of
the
Senat.
THAT
the
right
of
Debate
,
as
also
of
proposing
to
the
People
,
be
wholly
and
only
in
the
Senat
;
without
any
power
at
all
of
Result
,
not
deriv'd
from
the
People
.
The
main
Function
of
the
Prerogative
Tribe
.
THAT
the
power
of
Result
be
wholly
and
only
in
the
People
,
without
any
right
at
all
of
Debate
.
THAT
the
Senat
having
debated
and
agreed
upon
a
Law
to
be
propos'd
,
cause
promulgation
of
the
same
to
be
made
for
the
space
of
six
weeks
Promulgation
.
before
proposition
;
that
is
,
cause
the
Law
to
be
printed
and
publish'd
so
long
before
it
is
to
be
propos'd
.
Manner
of
Proposition
.
THAT
promulgation
being
made
,
the
Signory
demand
of
the
Tribuns
,
being
present
in
the
Senat
,
an
Assembly
of
the
People
.
That
the
Tribuns
,
upon
such
a
demand
of
the
Signory
or
of
the
Senat
,
be
oblig'd
to
assemble
the
Prerogative
Tribe
in
Arms
by
sound
of
Trumpet
,
with
Drums
beating
,
and
Colors
flying
,
in
any
Town
,
Field
,
or
Market
place
being
not
above
six
miles
distant
,
upon
the
day
and
at
the
hour
appointed
;
except
the
meeting
,
thro
any
inconvenience
of
the
weather
or
the
like
,
be
prorogu'd
by
the
joint
consent
of
the
Signory
and
the
Tribuns
.
That
the
Prerogative
Tribe
being
assembl'd
accordingly
,
the
Senat
propose
to
them
by
two
or
more
of
the
Senatorian
Magistrats
,
therto
appointed
at
the
first
promulgation
of
the
Law
.
That
the
Proposers
for
the
Senat
open
to
the
People
the
Occasion
,
Motives
,
and
Reasons
of
the
Law
to
be
propos'd
;
and
the
same
being
don
,
put
it
by
distinct
Clauses
to
the
Ballot
of
the
People
.
That
if
any
material
Clause
or
Clauses
be
rejected
by
the
People
,
they
be
review'd
by
the
Senat
,
alter'd
,
and
propos'd
(
if
they
think
fit
)
to
the
third
time
,
but
no
oftner
.
Act
of
Parlament
.
THAT
what
is
thus
propos'd
by
the
Senat
,
and
resolv'd
by
the
People
,
be
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
and
no
other
,
except
as
in
the
case
reserv'd
to
the
Dictatorian
Council
.
The
seventh
Parallel
.
THE
Congregation
of
Israel
being
monthly
,
and
the
Representative
propos'd
being
annual
and
triennial
,
they
are
each
upon
Courses
or
Rotation
:
the
Congregation
of
Israel
consisting
of
twenty
four
thousand
,
in
which
the
whole
number
of
the
Princes
of
the
Tribes
and
of
the
Princes
of
the
Familys
amounted
not
,
I
might
say
,
to
one
hundred
,
but
will
say
to
one
thousand
;
it
follows
,
that
the
lower
sort
in
the
Congregation
of
Israel
held
proportion
to
the
better
sort
,
above
twenty
to
one
.
Wheras
in
the
Representative
propos'd
,
the
lower
sort
hold
proportion
to
the
better
sort
but
six
to
four
;
and
that
popular
Congregation
where
the
lower
sort
hold
but
six
to
four
,
is
by
far
the
most
Aristocratical
that
is
or
ever
was
in
any
well
order'd
Common-wealth
,
except
Venice
:
but
if
you
will
have
that
Gentry
to
be
all
of
one
sort
,
or
if
you
allow
them
to
be
of
a
better
and
of
a
meaner
sort
,
Venice
is
not
excepted
.
The
Sanhedrim
made
no
Law
without
Book
III
the
People
;
nor
may
the
Senat
in
this
Model
:
but
the
Sanhedrim
with
Ezra
10.
8.
the
Congregation
,
might
make
Laws
;
so
may
the
Senat
,
in
our
Model
,
with
the
Representative
of
the
People
.
Lastly
,
as
the
Congregation
in
Israel
was
held
either
by
the
Princes
in
person
,
with
their
Staves
and
Standards
of
the
Camp
,
or
by
the
four
and
twenty
thousand
in
Military
Disciplin
;
so
the
Representative
propos'd
is
in
the
nature
of
a
Regiment
.
EXCEPTING
Venice
,
where
there
is
a
shadow
,
and
but
a
shadow
of
Law
made
by
the
Senat
(
for
the
Soverain
Power
is
undeniably
in
the
great
Council
)
and
Athens
,
where
a
Law
made
by
the
Senat
was
current
as
a
Probationer
for
one
year
before
it
was
propos'd
to
the
People
;
there
neither
is
nor
has
bin
any
such
thing
in
a
Commonwealth
as
a
Law
made
by
the
Senat.
That
the
Senat
should
have
power
to
make
Laws
,
reduces
the
Government
to
a
single
Council
;
and
Government
by
a
single
Council
,
if
the
Council
be
of
the
Many
,
is
Anarchy
,
as
in
the
Assembly
of
the
Roman
People
by
Tribes
,
which
always
shook
,
and
at
length
ruin'd
that
Commonwealth
:
Or
,
if
the
Council
be
of
the
Few
,
it
is
Oligarchy
,
as
that
of
Athens
consisting
of
the
four
hundred
,
who
nevertheless
pretended
to
propose
to
Thucyd.
lib.
8.
five
thousand
,
tho
they
did
not
.
Of
which
says
THUCYDIDES
,
This
was
indeed
the
form
pretended
in
words
by
the
four
hundred
;
but
the
most
of
them
,
thro
privat
ambition
,
fell
upon
that
by
which
an
Oligarchy
made
out
of
a
Democracy
is
chiefly
overthrown
:
for
at
once
they
claim'd
every
one
not
to
be
equal
,
but
to
be
far
the
chief
.
Anarchy
,
or
a
single
Council
consisting
of
the
Many
,
is
ever
tumultuous
,
and
dos
ill
even
while
it
means
well
.
But
Oligarchy
,
seldom
meaning
well
,
is
a
Faction
wherin
every
one
striving
to
make
himself
,
or
som
other
from
whom
he
hopes
for
advantage
,
spoils
all
.
There
is
in
a
Commonwealth
no
other
cure
of
these
,
than
that
the
Anarchy
may
have
a
Council
of
som
few
,
well
chosen
,
and
elected
by
themselves
,
to
advise
them
;
which
Council
so
instituted
,
is
the
Senat
:
Or
that
the
Oligarchy
have
a
popular
Representative
to
balance
it
;
which
both
curing
Tumult
in
the
rash
and
heady
People
,
and
all
those
Corruptions
which
cause
Factiousness
in
the
sly
and
subtil
Few
,
amount
to
the
proper
Superstructures
of
a
well
order'd
Commonwealth
.
As
,
to
return
to
the
example
of
the
Oligarchy
in
Athens
,
where
the
four
hundred
(
whose
Reign
,
being
very
short
,
had
bin
as
seditious
)
were
depos'd
;
and
the
Soverainty
was
decreed
to
a
popular
Council
of
five
thousand
,
with
a
Senat
of
four
hundred
annually
elective
upon
Courses
,
or
by
Lib.
8.
Rotation
.
Of
this
says
THUCYDIDES
,
Now
first
(
at
least
in
my
time
)
the
Athenians
seem
to
have
order'd
their
State
aright
,
it
consisting
of
a
moderat
temper
both
of
the
Few
and
the
Many
.
And
this
was
the
first
thing
that
,
after
so
many
misfortunes
,
made
the
City
again
to
raise
her
Head
.
But
we
in
England
are
not
apt
to
believe
,
that
to
decree
the
Soverainty
to
thousands
,
were
the
way
to
make
a
City
or
a
Nation
recover
of
its
Wounds
,
or
to
raise
its
Head
.
We
have
an
aversion
to
such
thoughts
,
and
are
sick
of
them
.
An
Assembly
of
the
People
Soverain
!
Nay
,
and
an
Assembly
of
the
People
consisting
in
the
major
vote
of
the
lower
sort
!
Why
,
sure
it
must
be
a
dull
,
an
unskilful
thing
.
But
so
is
the
Touchstone
in
a
Goldsmiths
Shop
,
a
dull
thing
,
and
altogether
unskil'd
in
the
Trade
;
yet
without
this
,
would
even
the
Master
be
deceiv'd
.
And
certain
it
is
,
that
a
well
order'd
Assembly
of
he
People
is
as
true
an
Index
of
what
in
Government
is
good
or
great
,
as
tany
Touchstone
is
of
Gold
.
A
COUNCIL
(
especially
if
of
a
loose
Election
)
having
not
Chap.
1
only
the
Debate
,
but
the
Result
also
,
is
capable
of
being
influenc'd
from
without
,
and
of
being
sway'd
by
Interest
within
.
There
may
be
a
form'd
,
a
prejudic'd
Party
,
that
will
hasten
or
outbaul
you
from
the
Debate
to
the
Question
,
and
then
precipitat
you
upon
the
Result
:
Wheras
if
it
had
no
power
of
Result
,
there
could
remain
to
the
same
no
more
than
Debate
only
,
without
any
Biass
,
or
cause
of
diverting
such
Debate
from
Maturity
;
in
which
Maturity
of
unbiass'd
Debate
lys
the
final
cause
of
the
Senat
,
and
the
whole
Light
that
can
be
given
to
a
People
.
But
when
this
is
don
,
if
your
resolving
Assembly
be
not
such
as
can
imbibe
or
contract
no
other
Interest
than
that
only
of
the
whole
People
,
all
again
is
lost
:
for
the
Result
of
all
Assemblys
gos
principally
upon
that
which
they
conceive
to
be
their
own
Interest
.
But
how
an
Assembly
upon
Rotation
,
consisting
of
one
thousand
,
where
the
Vote
is
six
to
four
in
the
lower
sort
,
should
be
capable
of
any
other
Interest
than
that
only
of
the
whole
People
by
which
they
are
orderly
elected
,
has
never
yet
bin
,
nor
,
I
believe
,
ever
will
be
shewn
.
In
a
like
distribution
therfore
of
Debate
and
Result
,
consists
the
highest
Mystery
of
Popular
Government
;
and
indeed
the
supreme
Law
,
wherin
is
contain'd
not
only
the
Liberty
,
but
the
Safety
of
the
People
.
FOR
the
remainder
of
the
Civil
part
of
this
Model
,
which
is
now
but
small
,
it
is
farther
propos'd
,
Rule
for
Vacations
.
THAT
every
Magistracy
,
Office
,
or
Election
throout
this
whole
Commonwealth
,
whether
annual
or
triennial
,
be
understood
of
consequeuce
to
injoin
an
interval
or
vacation
equal
to
the
term
of
the
same
.
That
the
Magistracy
of
a
Knight
and
of
a
Burgess
,
be
,
in
this
relation
,
understood
as
one
and
the
same
;
and
that
this
Order
regard
only
such
Elections
as
are
National
or
Domestic
,
and
not
such
as
are
Provincial
or
Foren
.
Exception
from
the
Rule
.
THAT
,
for
an
exception
from
this
Rule
,
where
there
is
but
one
Elder
of
the
Horse
in
one
and
the
same
Parish
,
that
Elder
be
eligible
in
the
same
without
interval
;
and
where
there
be
above
four
Elders
of
the
Horse
in
one
and
the
same
Parish
,
there
be
not
above
half
,
nor
under
two
of
them
eligible
at
the
same
Election
.
OTHERWISE
the
People
,
beyond
all
manner
of
doubt
,
would
elect
so
many
of
the
better
sort
at
the
very
first
,
that
there
would
not
be
of
the
Foot
or
of
the
meaner
sort
enough
to
supply
the
due
number
of
the
Popular
Assembly
or
Prerogative
Tribe
:
and
the
better
sort
being
excluded
subsequent
Elections
by
their
intervals
,
there
would
not
be
wherwithal
to
furnish
the
Senat
,
the
Horse
of
the
Prerogative
Tribe
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Magistracys
;
each
of
which
Obstructions
is
prevented
by
this
Exception
.
Where
,
by
the
way
,
if
in
all
experience
such
has
bin
the
constant
temper
of
the
People
,
and
can
indeed
be
reasonably
no
other
,
it
is
apparent
what
cause
there
can
be
of
doubt
who
in
a
Commonwealth
of
this
nature
must
have
the
leading
.
Yet
is
no
man
excluded
from
any
Preferment
;
only
Industry
,
which
ought
naturally
to
be
the
first
step
,
is
first
injoin'd
by
this
Policy
,
but
rewarded
amply
:
seeing
he
who
has
made
himself
worth
one
hundred
Pounds
a
year
,
has
made
himself
capable
of
all
Preferments
and
Honors
in
this
Government
.
Where
a
man
from
the
lowest
state
may
not
rise
to
the
due
pitch
of
his
unquestionable
Merit
,
the
Commonwealth
is
not
equal
:
yet
neither
can
the
People
,
under
the
Limitations
propos'd
,
make
choice
(
as
som
object
)
of
any
other
than
Book
III
the
better
sort
;
nor
have
they
at
any
time
bin
so
inclining
to
do
,
where
they
have
not
bin
under
such
Limitations
.
Be
it
spoken
,
not
to
the
disparagement
of
any
man
,
but
on
the
contrary
to
their
praise
whose
Merit
has
made
them
great
,
the
People
of
England
have
not
gon
so
low
in
the
election
of
a
House
of
Commons
,
as
som
Prince
has
don
in
the
election
of
a
House
of
Lords
.
To
weigh
Election
by
a
Prince
with
Election
by
a
People
,
set
the
Nobility
of
Athens
and
Rome
by
the
Nobility
of
the
old
Monarchy
,
and
a
House
of
Commons
freely
chosen
by
the
Nobility
of
the
new
.
There
remains
but
the
Quorum
,
for
which
it
is
propos'd
,
The
Quorum
.
THAT
,
throout
all
the
Assemblys
and
Councils
of
this
Commonwealth
,
the
Quorum
consist
of
one
half
in
the
time
of
Health
,
and
of
one
third
part
in
a
time
of
Sickness
,
being
so
declar'd
by
the
Senat.
HOW
the
City
Government
,
without
any
diminution
of
their
Privileges
,
and
with
an
improvement
of
their
Policy
,
may
be
made
to
fall
in
with
these
Orders
,
has
[
](A45618-e279380-b)*
*
In
Oceana
.
elswhere
bin
shewn
in
part
,
and
may
be
consider'd
farther
at
leisure
.
Otherwise
the
whole
Commonwealth
,
so
far
as
it
is
merely
Civil
,
is
in
this
part
accomplish'd
.
Now
as
of
necessity
there
must
be
a
natural
Man
,
or
a
Man
indu'd
with
a
natural
Body
,
before
there
can
be
a
spiritual
Man
,
or
a
Man
capable
of
Divine
Contemplation
;
so
a
Government
must
have
a
Civil
,
before
it
can
have
a
Religious
part
:
And
if
a
man
furnisht
only
with
natural
parts
can
never
be
so
stupid
as
not
to
make
som
Reflections
upon
Religion
,
much
less
a
Commonwealth
;
which
necessitats
the
Religious
part
of
this
Model
.
CHAP.
II.
Containing
the
Religious
Part
of
this
Model
,
propos'd
practicably
.
THERE
is
nothing
more
certain
or
demonstrable
to
common
Sense
,
than
that
the
far
greater
part
of
Mankind
,
in
matters
of
Religion
,
give
themselves
up
to
the
public
Leading
.
Now
a
National
Religion
rightly
establish'd
,
or
not
coercive
,
is
not
any
public
driving
,
but
only
the
public
leading
.
If
the
Public
in
this
case
may
not
lead
such
as
desire
to
be
led
by
the
Public
,
and
yet
a
Party
may
lead
such
as
desire
to
be
led
by
a
Party
;
where
would
be
the
Liberty
of
Conscience
as
to
the
State
?
Which
certainly
in
a
well
order'd
Commonwealth
,
being
the
public
Reason
,
must
be
the
public
Conscience
.
Nay
,
where
would
be
the
Liberty
of
Conscience
in
respect
of
any
Party
which
should
so
procede
as
to
shew
,
that
without
taking
their
Liberty
of
Conscience
from
others
,
they
cannot
have
it
themselves
?
If
the
Public
,
refusing
Liberty
of
Conscience
to
a
Party
,
would
be
the
cause
of
Tumult
,
how
much
more
a
Party
refusing
it
to
the
Public
?
And
how
,
in
case
of
such
a
Tumult
,
should
a
Party
defend
their
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
or
indeed
their
Throats
from
the
whole
or
a
far
greater
Party
,
without
keeping
down
or
tyrannizing
over
the
whole
or
a
far
greater
Party
by
force
of
Arms
?
These
things
being
rightly
consider'd
,
it
is
no
wonder
that
Men
,
living
like
men
,
have
not
bin
yet
found
without
a
Government
,
or
that
any
Government
has
not
bin
yet
found
without
a
National
Religion
;
that
is
,
som
orderly
and
known
way
of
public
Chap.
2
leading
in
divine
things
,
or
in
the
Worship
of
God
.
A
NATIONAL
Religion
being
thus
prov'd
necessary
,
it
remains
that
I
prove
what
is
necessary
to
the
same
;
that
is
,
as
it
concerns
the
State
,
or
in
relation
to
the
Duty
of
the
Magistrat
.
CERTAIN
it
is
,
that
Religion
has
not
seen
corruption
but
by
one
of
these
three
causes
;
som
Interest
therwith
incorporated
,
som
ignorance
of
the
truth
of
it
,
or
by
som
complication
of
both
.
Nor
was
ever
Religion
left
wholly
to
the
management
of
a
Clergy
that
escap'd
these
Causes
,
or
their
most
pernicious
Effects
;
as
may
be
perceiv'd
in
Rome
,
which
has
brought
Ignorance
to
be
the
Mother
of
Devotion
,
and
indeed
Interest
to
be
the
Father
of
Religion
.
Now
the
Clergy
not
failing
in
this
case
to
be
dangerous
,
what
recourse
but
to
the
Magistrat
for
safety
?
specially
seeing
these
Causes
,
that
is
,
Interest
and
Ignorance
(
the
one
proceding
from
evil
Laws
,
the
other
from
the
want
of
good
Education
)
are
not
in
the
right
or
power
of
a
Clergy
,
but
only
of
the
Civil
Magistracy
.
Or
if
so
it
be
that
Magistrats
are
oblig'd
in
duty
to
be
nursing
Fathers
and
nursing
Mothers
to
the
Church
;
Isa.
49.
23.
how
shall
a
State
in
the
sight
of
God
be
excusable
,
that
takes
no
heed
or
care
lest
Religion
suffer
by
Causes
,
the
prevention
or
remedy
wherof
is
in
them
only
?
To
these
therfore
it
is
propos'd
,
Universitys
.
THAT
the
Vniversitys
being
prudently
reform'd
,
be
preserv'd
in
their
Rights
and
Indowments
,
for
and
towards
the
education
and
provision
of
an
able
Ministry
.
Joh.
5.
39.
WE
are
commanded
by
CHRIST
to
search
the
Scriptures
:
The
Scriptures
are
not
now
to
be
search'd
but
by
skill
in
Tongues
:
The
immediat
gift
of
Tongues
is
ceas'd
:
How
then
should
skill
in
Tongues
be
acquir'd
but
mediatly
,
or
by
the
means
of
Education
?
How
should
a
State
expect
such
an
Education
(
particularly
for
a
matter
of
ten
thousand
men
)
that
provides
not
for
it
?
And
what
provision
can
a
State
make
for
this
Education
,
but
by
such
Schools
so
indow'd
and
regulated
,
as
with
us
are
the
Universitys
?
These
therfore
are
a
necessary
step
towards
the
prevention
of
such
Ignorance
or
Interest
,
as
thro
the
infirmitys
or
biass
of
Translators
,
Interpreters
,
and
Preachers
,
both
have
and
may
frequently
com
to
be
incorporated
with
Religion
;
as
also
to
the
improvement
or
acquisition
of
such
Light
as
is
by
the
command
of
CHRIST
to
be
attain'd
or
exercis'd
in
searching
the
Scriptures
.
The
eighth
Parallel
.
1
Chron.
25.
8.
Mal.
2.
12.
THE
excellent
Learning
of
the
Levits
in
all
kinds
,
not
ordinarily
infus'd
,
but
acquir'd
(
there
having
bin
among
them
as
well
the
Teacher
as
the
Scholar
)
leaves
little
doubt
but
their
forty
eight
Citys
were
as
so
many
Universitys
.
These
with
their
Suburbs
or
Indowments
contain'd
in
the
whole
(
each
of
their
Circuits
in
Land
reckon'd
at
four
thousand
Cubits
deep
)
about
a
hundred
thousand
Acres
;
that
is
,
if
their
measure
was
according
to
the
common
Cubit
:
if
according
to
the
holy
Cubit
(
as
with
Levits
was
most
likely
)
twice
so
much
;
which
,
at
the
lowest
account
,
I
conceive
to
be
far
above
the
Revenues
of
both
our
Universitys
.
THESE
being
order'd
as
has
bin
said
,
it
is
propos'd
,
Augmentation
of
Livings
.
THAT
the
legal
and
antient
provision
for
the
National
Ministry
be
so
augmented
,
that
the
meanest
sort
of
Livings
or
Benefices
,
without
defalcation
from
the
greater
,
be
each
improv'd
to
the
Revenue
of
one
hundred
pounds
at
least
.
Book
III
THIS
,
in
regard
the
way
is
by
Tithes
,
coms
up
so
close
to
the
The
ninth
Parallel
.
Orders
of
Israel
,
as
,
in
our
day
,
may
shew
that
a
Commonwealth
may
com
too
near
that
pattern
to
be
lik'd
.
We
find
not
indeed
that
the
Apostles
either
took
or
demanded
Tithes
;
in
which
case
the
Priests
,
who
were
legally
possest
of
them
,
might
have
had
suspicion
that
they
,
under
color
of
Religion
,
had
aim'd
at
the
violation
of
Property
.
But
putting
the
case
that
generally
the
Priests
had
bin
converted
to
the
Christian
Faith
,
whether
the
Apostles
would
for
that
reason
have
injoin'd
them
to
relinquish
their
Tithes
?
Or
what
is
there
in
the
Christian
Religion
to
favor
any
such
surmise
?
To
me
there
seems
abundantly
enough
to
the
contrary
.
For
if
the
Apostles
stuck
not
to
comply
with
the
Jews
in
a
Ceremony
which
was
of
mere
human
invention
,
and
to
introduce
this
,
as
they
did
Ordination
by
imposition
of
hands
,
into
the
Christian
Church
;
that
they
would
,
upon
a
like
inducement
,
have
refus'd
a
standing
Law
undoubtedly
Mosaical
,
is
in
my
opinion
most
improbable
.
So
that
,
I
conceive
,
the
Law
for
Tithes
now
in
being
,
may
or
may
not
be
continu'd
,
at
the
pleasure
of
the
Lawgivers
,
for
any
thing
in
this
case
to
the
contrary
.
Confident
I
am
,
that
the
introducing
of
this
Model
in
the
whole
,
which
is
thought
impracticable
,
were
not
to
willing
minds
so
difficult
a
work
as
the
abolition
of
Tithes
.
BUT
Benefices
,
whether
by
way
of
Tithes
or
otherwise
,
being
thus
order'd
;
it
is
propos'd
,
Ordination
.
THAT
a
Benefice
becoming
void
in
any
Parish
,
the
Elders
of
the
same
may
assemble
and
give
notice
to
the
Vice-Chancellor
of
either
Vniversity
by
a
Certificat
,
specifying
the
true
value
of
that
Benefice
:
that
the
Vice-Chancellor
,
upon
the
receit
of
this
Certificat
,
be
oblig'd
to
call
a
Congregation
of
his
Vniversity
:
that
the
Congregation
of
the
Vniversity
to
this
end
assembl'd
,
having
regard
to
the
value
of
the
Benefice
,
make
choice
of
a
Person
fit
for
the
Ministerial
Function
,
and
return
him
to
the
Parish
so
requiring
:
that
the
Probationer
thus
return'd
to
a
Parish
by
either
of
the
Vniversitys
,
exercise
the
Office
,
and
receive
the
Benefits
as
Minister
of
the
Parish
for
the
term
of
one
year
:
that
the
term
of
one
year
being
expir'd
,
the
Elders
of
the
Parish
assemble
and
put
the
Election
of
the
Probationer
to
the
Ballot
:
that
if
the
Probationer
has
three
parts
in
four
of
the
Balls
or
Votes
in
the
Affirmative
,
he
be
therby
ordain'd
and
elected
Minister
of
that
Parish
;
not
afterwards
to
be
degraded
or
remov'd
,
but
by
the
Censors
of
the
Tribe
,
the
Phylarch
of
the
same
,
or
the
Council
of
Religion
in
such
cases
as
shall
be
to
them
reserv'd
by
Act
of
Parlament
:
That
in
case
the
Probationer
coms
to
fail
of
three
parts
in
four
at
the
Ballot
,
he
depart
from
that
Parish
;
and
if
he
returns
to
the
Vniversity
,
it
be
without
diminution
of
the
former
Offices
or
Preferments
which
he
there
injoy'd
,
or
any
prejudice
to
his
future
Preferment
:
and
that
it
be
lawful
in
this
case
for
any
Parish
to
send
so
often
to
either
Vniversity
,
and
it
be
the
duty
of
either
Vice-Chancellor
upon
such
Certificats
to
make
return
of
different
Probationers
,
till
such
time
as
the
Elders
of
that
Parish
have
fitted
themselves
with
a
Minister
of
their
own
choice
and
liking
.
IN
case
it
was
thought
fit
that
a
Probationer
thus
elected
should
,
before
he
departs
,
receive
imposition
of
hands
from
the
Doctors
of
the
University
,
I
cannot
see
what
the
most
scrupulous
in
the
matter
of
Ordination
could
find
wanting
.
But
let
this
be
so
,
or
otherwise
,
it
is
indifferent
.
The
Universitys
by
proposing
to
the
Congregation
in
every
Parish
,
do
the
Senatorian
Office
;
and
the
People
,
thus
fitting
themselves
by
their
Suffrage
or
Ballot
,
reserve
that
Office
Chap.
2
which
is
truly
popular
,
that
is
the
Result
,
to
themselves
.
The
tenth
Parallel
.
MOSES
(
for
so
far
back
the
Divines
reach
at
Ordination
)
in
the
institution
of
the
Senat
of
Israel
,
wherin
he
can
never
be
prov'd
to
have
us'd
imposition
of
hands
,
performing
the
Senatorian
Office
,
caus'd
the
People
to
take
wise
men
,
and
understanding
,
and
known
among
Deut.
1.
Numb.
11.
their
Tribes
,
wherof
the
Lot
fell
upon
all
but
ELDAD
and
MEDAD
.
And
the
Apostles
doing
the
Senatorian
Office
,
in
like
manner
without
imposition
of
hands
,
caus'd
the
whole
Congregation
to
take
two
,
Acts
1.
26.
wherof
the
lot
of
Apostleship
fell
upon
MATTHIAS
.
So
that
this
way
of
Ordination
being
that
which
was
instituted
by
MOSES
,
and
the
chief
or
first
of
those
which
were
us'd
by
the
Apostles
,
is
both
Mosaical
and
Apostolical
.
Nor
has
a
well
order'd
Commonwealth
See
Book
2.
chap.
8.
any
choice
left
of
those
other
ways
of
Ordination
,
us'd
by
the
Apostles
in
complaisance
to
worse
sort
of
Government
;
but
is
naturally
necessitated
to
this
,
that
is
,
to
the
very
best
.
ORDINATION
being
thus
provided
for
,
it
is
propos'd
,
National
Religion
;
and
provision
against
scandalous
Ministers
.
THAT
the
National
Religion
be
exercis'd
according
to
a
Directory
in
that
case
to
be
made
,
and
publish'd
by
Act
of
Parlament
.
That
the
National
Ministry
be
permitted
to
have
no
other
public
Preferment
or
Office
in
this
Commonwealth
.
That
a
National
Minister
being
convict
of
Ignorance
or
Scandal
,
be
movable
out
of
his
Benefice
by
the
Censors
of
the
Tribe
,
under
an
appeal
to
the
Phylarch
,
or
to
the
Council
for
Religion
.
Liberty
of
Conscience
.
THAT
no
Religion
,
being
contrary
to
or
destructive
of
Christianity
,
nor
the
public
exercise
of
any
Religion
,
being
grounded
upon
or
incorporated
into
a
foren
Interest
,
be
protected
by
or
tolerated
in
this
State
.
That
all
other
Religions
,
with
the
public
exercise
of
the
same
,
be
both
tolerated
and
protected
by
the
Council
of
Religion
:
and
that
all
Professors
of
any
such
Religion
,
be
equally
capable
of
all
Elections
,
Magistracys
,
Preferments
,
and
Offices
in
this
Commonwealth
,
according
to
the
Orders
of
the
same
.
UPON
the
whole
of
these
Propositions
,
touching
Church
Disciplin
,
we
may
make
these
Observations
.
Thus
neither
would
the
Party
that
is
for
gifted
Men
,
and
Enemys
to
Learning
,
thro
ignorance
(
which
else
in
all
probability
they
must
)
lose
Religion
;
nor
the
Clergy
be
able
to
corrupt
it
by
Interest
.
But
Decency
and
Order
,
with
liberty
of
Conscience
,
would
still
flourish
together
;
while
the
Minister
has
a
Preferment
he
sought
,
the
Parish
a
Minister
they
chose
,
the
Nation
a
Religion
according
to
the
public
Conscience
,
and
every
man
his
Christian
Liberty
.
He
therfore
that
indeavors
to
confute
this
Chapter
,
must
either
shew
how
these
things
may
be
omitted
,
or
more
effectually
provided
for
;
or
tithe
Mint
and
Cumin
,
and
neglect
the
weightier
things
of
Lawgiving
.
A
COMMONWEALTH
having
,
in
the
establishment
of
Religion
,
made
resignation
of
her self
to
God
,
ought
in
the
next
place
to
have
regard
to
the
natural
means
of
her
defence
;
which
introduces
the
Military
part
of
this
Model
.
Book
III
CHAP.
III.
Containing
the
Military
part
of
this
Model
,
propos'd
practicably
.
THE
Military
Part
,
on
which
at
present
I
shall
discourse
little
,
consists
in
the
Disciplin
of
the
Youth
,
that
is
,
of
such
as
are
between
eighteen
and
thirty
years
of
Age
:
and
for
the
Disciplin
of
the
Youth
it
is
propos'd
,
Disciplin
of
the
Youth
.
THAT
annually
upon
Wednesday
next
insuing
the
last
of
December
,
the
Youth
of
each
Parish
(
under
the
inspection
of
the
two
Overseers
of
the
same
)
assemble
and
elect
the
fifth
man
of
their
number
,
or
one
in
five
of
them
,
to
be
for
the
term
of
that
year
Deputys
of
the
Youth
of
that
Parish
.
Their
Troops
,
and
Sports
.
THAT
annually
on
Wednesday
next
insuing
the
last
of
January
,
the
said
Deputys
of
the
respective
Parishes
meet
at
the
Capital
of
the
Hundred
(
where
there
are
Games
and
Prizes
allotted
for
them
,
as
has
bin
shew'd
[
](A45618-e280120-b)*
*
In
Oceana
.
elswhere
)
and
there
elect
to
themselves
out
of
their
own
number
,
one
Captain
,
and
one
Insign
.
And
that
of
these
Games
,
and
of
this
Election
,
the
Magistrats
and
Officers
of
the
Hundred
be
Presidents
,
and
Judges
for
the
impartial
distribution
of
the
Prizes
.
Their
Squadrons
,
and
Exercises
.
THAT
annually
upon
Wednesday
next
insuing
the
last
of
February
,
the
Youth
thro
the
whole
Tribe
thus
elected
,
be
receiv'd
at
the
Capital
of
the
same
,
by
the
Lieutenant
as
Commander
in
chief
,
by
the
Conductor
,
and
by
the
Censors
;
that
under
the
inspection
of
these
Magistrats
,
the
said
Youth
be
entertain'd
with
more
splendid
Games
,
disciplin'd
in
a
more
military
manner
,
and
be
divided
by
lot
into
sundry
parts
,
or
Essays
,
according
to
the
Rules
[
](A45618-e280180-b)*
*
In
Oceana
.
elswhere
given
.
The
second
Essay
,
or
the
standing
Army
.
THAT
the
whole
Youth
of
the
Tribe
,
thus
assembl'd
,
be
the
first
Essay
.
That
out
of
the
first
Essay
,
there
be
cast
by
lot
two
hundred
Horse
,
and
six
hundred
Foot
:
that
they
whom
their
friends
will
,
or
themselves
can
mount
,
be
accounted
Horse
,
the
rest
Foot
.
That
these
Forces
(
amounting
in
the
fifty
Tribes
to
ten
thousand
Horse
,
and
thirty
thousand
Foot
)
be
always
ready
to
march
at
a
weeks
warning
:
and
that
this
be
the
second
Essay
,
or
the
standing
Army
of
the
Commonwealth
.
Provincial
Guards
.
THAT
for
the
holding
of
each
Province
,
the
Commonwealth
in
the
first
year
assign
an
Army
of
the
Youth
,
consisting
of
seven
thousand
five
hundred
Foot
,
and
one
thousand
five
hundred
Horse
.
That
for
the
perpetuation
of
these
Provincial
Armys
or
Guards
,
there
be
annually
,
at
the
time
and
places
mention'd
,
cast
out
of
the
first
Essay
of
the
Youth
in
each
Tribe
ten
Horse
,
and
fifty
Foot
:
that
is
,
in
all
the
Tribes
five
hundred
Horse
,
and
two
thousand
five
hundred
Foot
for
Scotland
;
the
like
for
Ireland
;
and
the
like
of
both
orders
for
the
Sea
Guards
:
being
each
oblig'd
to
serve
for
the
term
of
three
years
upon
the
States
pay
.
THE
standing
Army
of
the
Commonwealth
consisting
thus
of
forty
thousand
,
not
Soldiers
of
fortune
neither
in
body
nor
in
pay
,
but
Citizens
at
their
Vocations
or
Trades
,
and
yet
upon
command
in
continual
readiness
;
and
the
Provincial
Armys
each
consisting
of
nine
thousand
in
pay
in
body
,
and
possess'd
of
the
Avenues
and
places
of
strength
in
the
Province
,
it
is
not
imaginable
how
a
Province
should
be
so
soon
able
to
stir
,
as
the
Commonwealth
must
be
to
pour
forty
thousand
men
upon
it
,
besides
the
Sea
Guards
.
Nor
coms
this
Militia
thus
constituted
,
except
upon
Marches
,
to
any
charge
at
all
;
the
Chap.
3
standing
Army
having
no
pay
,
and
the
Provinces
,
wherof
the
Sea
thus
guarded
will
be
none
of
the
poorest
,
maintaining
their
own
Guards
.
Such
is
the
military
way
of
a
Commonwealth
,
and
the
The
eleventh
Parallel
.
Constitution
of
its
Armys
,
whether
levy'd
by
Suffrage
,
as
in
Rome
;
or
by
Lot
,
as
in
Israel
.
WE
will
go
up
by
Lot
against
Gibeah
.
Judg.
20.
9.
STANDING
Forces
being
thus
establish'd
;
for
such
as
are
upon
emergent
occasions
to
go
forth
,
or
march
,
it
is
propos'd
,
The
third
Essay
,
or
Army
marching
.
THAT
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
or
the
Dictator
having
decreed
or
declar'd
War
,
and
the
Field
Officers
being
appointed
by
the
Council
of
War
;
the
General
by
Warrant
issu'd
to
the
Lieutenants
of
the
Tribes
,
demand
the
second
Essay
,
or
such
part
of
it
as
is
decreed
;
whether
by
way
of
levy
or
recruit
.
That
by
the
same
Warrant
he
appoint
his
time
and
Rendevouz
:
that
the
several
Conductors
of
the
Tribes
deliver
him
the
Forces
demanded
,
at
the
time
and
place
appointed
.
That
a
General
thus
marching
out
with
the
standing
Army
,
a
new
Army
be
elected
out
of
the
first
Essay
as
formerly
,
and
a
new
General
be
elected
by
the
Senat
;
that
so
always
there
be
a
General
sitting
,
and
a
standing
Army
,
what
Generals
or
Armys
soever
be
marching
.
And
that
in
case
of
Invasion
the
Bands
of
the
Elders
be
oblig'd
to
like
duty
with
those
of
the
Youth
.
Poena
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
or
the
Guardian
of
Education
and
Liberty
.
THAT
an
only
Son
be
discharg'd
of
these
Dutys
without
prejudice
.
That
of
two
Brothers
there
be
but
one
admitted
to
foren
Service
at
one
time
.
That
of
more
Brothers
,
not
above
half
.
That
whoever
otherwise
refuses
his
Lot
,
except
upon
cause
shewn
he
be
dispens'd
with
by
the
Phylarch
,
or
upon
penitence
be
by
them
pardon'd
and
restor'd
,
by
such
refusal
be
uncapable
of
electing
,
or
being
elected
in
this
Commonwealth
;
as
also
that
he
pay
to
the
State
a
fifth
of
his
Revenue
for
protection
,
besides
Taxes
.
That
Divines
,
Physicians
,
and
Lawyers
,
as
also
Trades
not
at
leisure
for
the
Essays
,
be
so
far
exemted
from
this
Rule
,
that
they
be
still
capable
of
all
Preferments
in
their
respective
Professions
,
with
Indemnity
,
and
without
Military
Education
or
Service
.
A
COMMONWEALTH
whose
Militia
consists
of
Mercenarys
,
to
be
safe
,
must
be
situated
as
Venice
,
but
can
in
no
wife
be
great
.
The
Industry
of
Holland
is
the
main
Revenue
of
that
State
;
whence
not
being
able
to
spare
hands
to
her
Arms
,
she
is
cast
upon
Strangers
and
mercenary
Forces
,
thro
which
we
in
our
time
have
seen
Amsterdam
necessitated
to
let
in
the
Sea
upon
her
,
and
to
becom
(
as
it
were
)
Venice
.
To
a
Popular
Government
that
could
not
do
the
like
,
Mercenary
Arms
have
never
fail'd
to
be
fatal
;
whence
the
last
Proposition
is
that
which
in
every
well
order'd
Commonwealth
has
bin
look'd
to
as
the
main
guard
of
Liberty
.
The
twelfth
Parallel
.
IN
this
Israel
was
formidable
beyond
all
other
Commonwealths
with
a
kind
of
Fulmination
.
SAUL
when
he
heard
the
Cruelty
of
NAHASH
the
Ammonit
,
at
the
Leaguer
of
Jabesh-Gilead
,
took
a
1
S●m.
11.
7.
yoke
of
Oxen
and
hew'd
them
in
pieces
,
and
sent
them
throout
the
Coasts
of
Israel
,
by
the
hands
of
Messengers
,
saying
,
Whosoever
coms
not
out
after
SAUL
,
and
after
SAMUEL
,
so
shall
it
be
don
to
his
Oxen.
Which
amounted
not
only
to
a
confiscation
of
Goods
(
the
Riches
of
the
Israelits
lying
most
in
their
Cattel
)
but
to
a
kind
of
Anathema
,
as
more
plainly
appears
,
where
it
is
said
,
Curse
ye
Meroz
,
Judg.
5.
23.
curse
ye
bitterly
the
Inhabitants
therof
,
because
they
came
not
forth
to
help
the
Lord
against
the
Mighty
.
Nay
this
(
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
)
desertion
of
the
Book
III
Military
Orders
and
Services
in
Israel
,
was
somtimes
punish'd
with
total
extermination
,
as
after
the
Victory
against
Benjamin
,
where
the
Congregation
or
Political
Assembly
of
that
People
,
making
inquisition
Judg.
21.
what
one
of
the
Tribes
of
Israel
came
not
up
to
the
Lord
in
Mizpeh
(
the
place
where
before
the
taking
of
Jerusalem
they
held
,
as
I
may
say
,
their
Parlaments
)
and
finding
that
there
came
none
to
the
Camp
from
Jabesh-Gilead
,
sent
thither
twelve
thousand
men
of
the
valiantest
,
saying
,
Go
and
smite
the
Inhabitants
of
Jabesh-Gilead
with
the
edg
of
the
Sword
,
with
the
Women
and
the
Children
:
which
was
don
accordingly
.
BUT
by
this
time
men
will
shrink
at
this
as
a
dreadful
Order
,
and
begin
to
compute
that
a
Commonwealth
,
let
her
Prerogatives
for
the
rest
be
what
they
will
,
must
at
this
rate
be
but
a
dear
purchase
:
wheras
indeed
,
if
this
way
costs
somthing
,
there
is
no
other
that
dos
not
hazard
all
;
forasmuch
as
discarding
this
Order
,
play
your
game
as
you
can
,
you
are
somtime
or
other
a
Prey
to
your
Enemys
,
or
to
your
Mercenarys
.
This
certainly
is
that
root
in
(
the
Penetralia
)
the
bowels
of
a
Commonwealth
,
whence
never
any
Court
Arts
,
or
Politeness
,
could
attain
to
the
gallantry
or
splendor
of
the
Education
in
Popular
Governments
.
For
let
any
man
(
remembring
what
it
was
to
be
a
GIDEON
,
a
MILTIADES
,
a
TIMOLEON
,
a
SCIPIO
,
or
a
Magistrat
in
a
Commonwealth
)
consider
if
there
should
be
no
way
with
us
to
Magistracy
,
but
by
having
serv'd
three
years
at
Sea
,
and
three
years
at
Land
,
how
the
whole
face
and
genius
of
Education
,
both
in
the
better
and
in
the
lower
sort
,
would
of
necessity
be
chang'd
in
this
Nation
,
and
what
kind
of
Magistrats
such
experience
in
those
Services
must
create
to
the
Commonwealth
.
Consider
,
whether
the
threaten'd
Punishments
of
this
Order
,
tho
thro
unacquaintance
they
may
at
first
sight
have
som
brow
,
would
not
,
as
they
have
don
in
other
Commonwealths
of
like
structure
,
even
with
low
spirits
,
expire
in
scorn
and
contemt
,
or
thro
the
mere
contemplation
of
the
reward
of
Honor
,
nay
of
the
Honor
it self
,
in
which
point
where
right
has
not
bin
don
,
men
,
under
Governments
of
this
nature
,
have
bin
much
more
apt
to
heats
;
as
where
the
men
of
Ephraim
fought
against
JEPTHA
,
for
an
affront
in
this
kind
which
they
conceiv'd
him
Judg.
12.
to
have
put
upon
them
.
Wherfore
passedst
thou
over
to
fight
against
the
Children
of
Ammon
,
and
didst
not
call
us
to
go
with
thee
?
We
will
burn
thy
house
upon
thee
with
fire
.
Nor
is
this
way
so
expensive
of
the
Purse
,
or
of
Blood
.
Not
of
the
public
Purse
,
because
it
detests
Mercenarys
;
nor
of
the
privat
Purse
,
because
the
ways
of
Education
thus
directed
,
are
all
assisted
with
the
States
pay
:
so
that
a
man
in
this
road
might
educat
three
Children
cheaper
,
and
to
the
most
solid
ends
,
than
he
could
any
one
to
trifles
in
those
which
among
us
hitherto
have
bin
usual
.
And
as
to
Blood
,
there
is
nothing
more
certain
,
than
that
Idleness
,
and
its
inseparable
companion
Luxury
,
are
excedingly
more
wastful
as
of
the
Purse
,
so
of
Health
,
nay
and
of
Life
it self
,
than
is
War
;
which
nevertheless
this
Order
is
such
as
dos
rather
prevent
than
necessitat
,
in
regard
that
to
be
potent
in
Arms
is
the
way
of
Peace
.
But
wheras
in
a
Martial
Commonwealth
there
may
be
men
having
exceded
the
thirtieth
year
of
their
Age
,
who
like
those
of
Ephraim
would
yet
take
it
ill
to
be
excluded
the
Lists
of
Honor
,
and
it
must
also
be
to
the
detriment
of
the
Commonwealth
that
they
should
;
for
these
,
whom
we
may
call
Volunteers
,
it
is
propos'd
,
THAT
upon
Warrants
issu'd
forth
by
the
General
for
Recruits
or
Chap.
4
Levys
,
there
be
an
Assembly
of
the
Phylarch
in
each
Tribe
;
that
such
Volunteers
,
or
men
being
above
thirty
years
of
Age
,
as
are
desirous
of
farther
Volunteers
.
imployment
in
Arms
,
appear
before
the
Phylarch
so
assembl'd
.
That
any
number
of
these
,
not
exceding
one
moity
of
the
Recruits
or
Levys
of
that
Tribe
,
may
be
taken
on
by
the
Phylarch
,
so
many
of
the
Youth
being
at
the
discretion
of
this
Council
disbanded
,
as
are
taken
on
of
the
Volunteers
.
That
the
Levys
thus
made
,
be
conducted
by
the
Conductor
of
the
respective
Tribe
to
the
Rendevouz
appointed
.
And
that
the
Service
of
these
be
without
other
term
or
vacation
,
than
at
the
discretion
of
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
or
such
Instructions
to
the
General
,
as
shall
by
them
in
that
case
be
provided
.
THUS
much
for
the
Military
or
Defensive
part
of
this
Model
.
For
Offences
in
general
it
is
written
,
Wo
unto
the
world
because
of
Offences
;
Mat.
18.
7.
for
it
must
needs
be
that
Offences
com
,
but
wo
to
that
man
by
whom
the
Offence
coms
.
Among
Offences
are
offensive
Wars
:
now
it
being
out
of
question
,
that
for
the
righteous
execution
of
this
Wo
upon
him
or
them
by
whom
the
Offence
coms
,
a
War
may
be
just
and
necessary
,
as
also
that
Victory
in
a
just
and
necessary
War
may
intitle
one
Prince
or
one
People
to
the
Dominion
or
Empire
of
another
Prince
or
People
;
it
is
also
out
of
question
,
that
a
Commonwealth
,
unless
in
this
case
she
be
provided
both
to
acquire
,
and
to
hold
what
she
acquires
,
is
not
perfect
:
which
Consideration
brings
me
to
the
Provincial
part
of
this
Model
.
CHAP.
IV.
Containing
the
Provincial
Part
of
this
Model
,
propos'd
practicably
.
THE
word
Province
is
with
Roman
Authors
of
divers
significations
.
By
these
it
is
taken
somtimes
for
Magistracy
;
as
that
of
the
Consul
,
which
is
call'd
His
Province
:
somtime
for
any
Religion
or
Country
,
in
which
a
Roman
Captain
or
General
was
commanded
to
make
War
;
but
specially
for
such
a
Country
as
was
acquir'd
and
held
by
Arms
,
or
by
Provincial
Right
.
The
word
is
of
the
like
different
use
in
Scripture
;
as
where
it
is
said
,
That
AHASUERUS
Esth.
1.
1.
reign'd
over
a
hundred
and
seven
Provinces
;
by
which
are
understood
as
well
the
divisions
of
the
native
,
as
those
of
the
acquir'd
Territorys
.
But
where
TANAIS
the
Governor
writes
to
Ezra
5.
8.
the
King
of
Assyria
concerning
the
Province
of
Judea
,
it
is
understood
a
Country
acquir'd
and
held
by
Arms
;
which
coms
to
the
usual
signification
of
the
word
with
the
Romans
,
it
being
in
this
sense
that
the
Governor
FELIX
ask'd
PAUL
of
what
Province
he
was
,
Acts
23.
34.
and
came
to
understand
that
he
was
of
Cilicia
,
then
a
Province
of
the
Roman
Empire
:
and
this
signification
is
that
in
which
I
take
the
word
throout
this
Chapter
.
THE
mighty
load
of
Empire
which
happen'd
to
the
Common-wealth
of
Rome
thro
the
Acquisition
of
many
and
vast
Provinces
,
is
that
wherto
the
Songs
of
Poets
,
and
the
opinions
of
more
serious
Writers
attribute
the
weight
which
they
say
oversway'd
her
.
But
this
Judgment
,
tho
in
it self
right
,
is
not
in
the
manner
they
take
it
to
be
swallow'd
without
chewing
.
For
how
probable
it
is
that
the
Book
III
succeding
Monarchy
was
able
to
support
a
weight
in
this
kind
,
which
the
Commonwealth
could
not
bear
,
may
at
this
distance
be
discern'd
,
in
that
the
Provinces
were
infinitly
more
turbulent
in
the
Reign
of
the
Emperors
,
than
in
that
of
the
Commonwealth
,
as
having
a
far
stronger
Interest
,
thro
ambition
of
attaining
to
the
whole
,
to
tear
the
Empire
in
pieces
:
which
they
did
,
while
divers
Provinces
made
divers
Emperors
,
which
before
could
not
hope
to
make
divers
Common-wealths
,
nor
to
acquire
safety
by
retreat
to
a
petty
Government
.
But
in
this
,
the
acquisition
of
Provinces
devour'd
the
Commonwealth
of
Rome
,
that
,
she
not
being
sufficiently
fortify'd
by
Agrarian
Laws
,
Plutarch
in
Gra●ch
.
the
Nobility
,
thro
the
spoil
of
Provinces
,
came
to
eat
the
People
out
of
their
popular
Balance
or
Lands
in
Italy
by
Purchases
;
and
the
Lands
that
had
bin
in
the
hands
of
the
Many
,
coming
thus
into
the
hands
of
the
Few
,
of
natural
and
necessary
consequence
there
follows
Monarchy
.
NOW
that
England
,
a
Monarchy
,
has
bin
seiz'd
of
Provinces
(
one
of
them
,
while
France
was
such
,
being
as
great
as
any
one
of
the
Roman
)
is
a
known
thing
;
and
that
the
Militia
propos'd
by
the
present
Model
,
contains
all
the
causes
of
Greatness
that
were
in
that
of
Rome
,
is
to
such
as
are
not
altogether
strangers
to
the
former
,
no
less
than
obvious
.
Now
of
like
Causes
not
to
presume
like
Effects
,
were
unreasonable
.
The
safety
therfore
of
the
foregoing
Agrarian
,
as
hitherto
propos'd
,
or
that
Lands
be
divided
in
their
descent
,
must
in
this
case
be
none
at
all
,
unless
there
be
som
stop
also
given
in
their
Accumulation
by
way
of
purchase
;
lest
otherwise
the
spoil
of
som
mighty
Province
be
still
sufficient
to
eat
out
the
People
by
purchase
.
TO
submit
therfore
in
this
place
(
for
ought
I
perceive
)
to
inevitable
necessity
,
it
is
propos'd
,
Additional
Propositions
to
the
Agrarian
.
THAT
(
great
Commonwealths
having
bin
overthrown
by
the
spoil
of
Provinces
)
an
Estate
of
two
thousand
pounds
a
year
in
Land
,
be
incapable
of
any
Accumulation
by
way
of
purchase
.
DONATIONS
and
Inheritances
will
be
fewer
than
to
be
dangerous
;
and
as
som
fall
,
others
will
be
dividing
in
their
descent
.
But
to
resume
the
Discourse
upon
the
Agrarian
Laws
,
which
,
because
they
were
not
till
in
this
Proposition
complete
,
remains
imperfect
.
That
to
Agrarian
Laws
som
Standard
is
necessary
,
appears
plainly
enough
.
This
Standard
in
a
well
founded
Monarchy
,
must
bar
recess
;
and
in
a
well
founded
Commonwealth
must
bar
increase
.
For
certain
it
is
,
that
otherwise
each
of
the
Policys
dos
naturally
breed
that
Viper
which
eats
out
the
Bowels
of
the
Mother
:
as
Monarchy
,
by
Pomp
and
Luxury
,
reduces
her
Nobility
thro
debt
to
poverty
,
and
at
length
to
a
level
with
the
People
,
upon
which
no
Throne
ever
stood
or
can
stand
:
such
was
the
case
of
this
Nation
under
her
latter
Princes
.
And
a
Commonwealth
by
her
natural
ways
of
frugality
,
of
fattening
and
cockering
up
of
the
People
,
is
apt
to
bring
Estates
to
such
excess
in
som
hands
,
as
eating
out
the
rest
,
bows
the
Neck
of
a
free
State
or
City
to
the
yoke
,
and
exposes
her
to
the
goad
of
a
Lord
and
Master
;
which
was
the
case
of
Rome
under
her
perpetual
Dictators
.
But
why
yet
must
this
Standard
of
Land
in
the
present
case
,
be
neither
more
nor
less
than
just
two
thousand
pounds
a
year
?
Truly
,
where
som
Standard
was
necessary
to
be
nam'd
,
I
might
as
well
ask
why
not
this
as
well
as
any
other
?
yet
am
I
not
without
such
Reasons
why
I
have
pitch'd
upon
this
rather
than
any
other
,
as
I
may
submit
to
the
judgment
of
the
Reader
in
Chap.
4
the
following
computation
or
comparison
of
the
divers
Effects
or
Consequences
of
so
many
different
Standards
,
as
by
the
rules
of
proportion
may
give
sufficient
account
of
the
rest
.
LET
the
dry
Rent
of
England
(
that
is
,
at
the
rate
a
man
may
have
for
his
Land
without
sweating
)
be
computed
at
ten
Millions
:
This
presum'd
,
if
you
set
the
Standard
at
ten
thousand
pounds
a
year
,
the
whole
Territory
can
com
into
no
fewer
than
one
thousand
hands
.
If
you
set
it
at
five
thousand
pounds
a
year
,
it
can
com
into
no
fewer
than
two
thousand
hands
;
and
if
you
set
it
at
two
thousand
pounds
a
year
,
it
can
com
into
no
fewer
than
five
thousand
hands
.
It
will
be
said
,
In
which
way
you
please
,
it
will
never
com
into
so
few
hands
as
are
capable
of
having
it
;
which
is
certain
:
yet
because
the
Effects
in
their
approaches
would
be
such
as
may
be
measur'd
by
their
Extremes
,
I
shall
pitch
upon
these
as
the
readiest
way
to
guide
my
Computation
.
The
Balance
in
a
thousand
hands
might
affect
the
Government
with
a
hankering
after
Monarchy
;
in
two
thousand
hands
it
might
usurp
it
,
as
did
the
Roman
Nobility
,
and
therby
occasion
a
feud
between
the
Senat
and
the
People
.
These
not
only
in
the
extremes
,
but
with
much
of
a
like
nature
in
the
approaches
.
BUT
letting
these
pass
,
as
also
the
numbers
or
compass
necessary
to
the
Rotation
of
such
a
Commonwealth
(
none
of
which
inconveniences
are
incident
to
the
Standard
of
two
thousand
pounds
a
year
,
as
that
wherby
Lands
can
com
into
no
fewer
than
five
thousand
Proprietors
)
we
will
suppose
these
Standards
to
be
each
of
them
,
as
to
the
safety
of
the
Government
,
indifferently
practicable
.
YET
it
is
recorded
by
Experience
,
and
wise
Authors
,
that
the
true
cause
whence
England
has
bin
an
overmatch
in
Arms
for
France
,
lay
in
the
communication
or
distribution
of
Property
to
the
lower
sort
;
and
for
the
same
cause
let
it
be
consider'd
,
if
the
Commonwealth
upon
the
Standard
of
two
thousand
pounds
a
year
(
c●eteris
paribus
)
must
not
necessarily
be
an
overmatch
in
the
potency
of
its
Militia
for
the
other
two
.
Such
are
the
advantages
,
such
is
the
glory
of
the
like
moderation
to
the
public
.
Mony
(
says
the
Lord
VERULAM
)
is
like
muck
,
not
good
except
it
be
spread
.
Much
rather
in
Popular
Government
is
this
holding
as
to
Land
,
the
latter
having
upon
the
State
a
far
stronger
influence
,
at
least
in
larger
Territorys
,
than
Mony
:
for
in
such
,
Mony
,
while
scarce
,
cannot
overbalance
Land
;
and
were
Silver
and
Gold
as
plentiful
as
Brass
or
Iron
,
they
would
be
no
more
,
nor
would
Land
be
less
worth
.
And
for
privat
men
,
were
it
not
that
it
is
easier
to
fill
the
belly
of
a
Glutton
than
his
eys
,
not
only
Virtue
,
but
the
Beatitude
of
Riches
,
would
be
apparently
consistent
in
a
mean
.
But
what
need
I
play
the
Divine
or
the
Philosopher
upon
a
Doctrin
,
which
is
not
to
diminish
any
mans
Estate
,
not
to
bring
any
man
from
the
Customs
to
which
he
has
bin
inur'd
,
nor
from
any
emergent
expectation
he
may
have
;
but
regards
only
the
Generation
to
com
,
or
the
Children
to
be
born
seven
years
after
the
passing
such
a
Law
?
Whence
it
must
needs
follow
,
that
putting
the
case
this
Agrarian
be
introduc'd
,
it
is
to
our
Age
as
if
there
were
none
;
and
if
there
be
no
Agrarian
,
it
is
to
our
Age
as
if
there
was
one
.
The
difference
is
no
more
,
than
that
in
the
one
way
the
Commonwealth
is
at
all
points
secur'd
,
and
in
the
other
it
is
left
to
its
fortune
even
in
the
main
.
Of
Book
III
such
soverain
effect
are
the
like
Laws
,
that
I
would
go
yet
farther
,
and
propose
,
Agrarian
for
Scotland
and
Ireland
.
THAT
in
Scotland
the
Standard
be
set
at
five
hundred
pounds
a
year
;
in
Ireland
at
two
thousand
pounds
a
year
in
Land
;
the
rest
for
each
as
for
England
.
NARROWNESS
of
an
Agrarian
for
Scotland
,
being
a
Martial
Country
,
would
make
the
larger
provision
of
a
good
Auxiliary
Militia
;
and
largeness
of
an
Agrarian
for
Ireland
,
being
less
Martial
,
would
cast
a
Sop
into
the
Jaws
of
the
Avarice
of
those
who
should
think
it
too
much
confin'd
in
England
.
And
lest
the
Provincials
in
this
case
should
think
themselves
worse
dealt
with
than
the
Citizens
themselves
,
the
sum
of
the
Agrarian
Laws
being
cast
up
together
,
any
man
in
the
three
Nations
may
hold
four
thousand
five
hundred
pounds
a
year
in
Land
;
and
any
small
Parcel
of
Land
,
or
mere
Residence
in
England
,
makes
a
Provincial
a
Citizen
.
Should
the
Commonwealth
increase
in
Provinces
,
the
Estates
at
this
rate
both
of
the
Citizens
and
Provincials
,
would
be
more
and
greater
than
ever
were
those
of
the
antient
Nobility
of
these
Nations
;
and
without
any
the
least
hazard
to
Liberty
.
For
he
,
who
considering
the
whole
Roman
Story
,
or
that
only
of
the
GRACCHI
in
PLUTARCH
,
shall
rightly
judg
,
must
confess
,
that
had
Rome
preserv'd
a
good
Agrarian
but
in
Italy
,
the
Riches
of
its
Provinces
could
not
have
torn
up
the
Roots
of
its
Liberty
,
but
on
the
contrary
must
have
water'd
them
.
It
may
be
said
,
What
need
then
of
putting
an
Agrarian
upon
the
Provinces
?
I
answer
:
For
two
Reasons
:
first
is
Indulgence
to
the
Provincials
;
and
the
second
,
Advantage
to
the
Commonwealth
.
For
the
first
,
it
is
with
small
foresight
apparent
enough
,
that
the
Avarice
of
the
Citizen
being
bounded
at
home
,
and
having
no
limits
in
the
Provinces
,
would
in
a
few
years
eat
up
the
Provincials
,
and
bring
their
whole
Countrys
(
as
the
Roman
Patricians
did
Italy
)
to
sound
in
their
Fetters
,
or
to
be
till'd
by
their
Slaves
or
Underlings
.
And
so
,
for
the
second
,
the
Commonwealth
would
by
such
means
lose
an
Auxiliary
Militia
,
to
be
otherwise
in
Scotland
only
more
worth
than
the
Indys
.
These
things
therfore
thus
order'd
,
it
is
propos'd
,
Provincial
Councils
.
THAT
upon
the
expiration
of
Magistracy
in
the
Senat
,
or
at
the
annual
Recess
of
one
third
part
of
the
same
,
there
be
elected
by
the
Senat
out
of
the
part
receding
,
into
each
Provincial
Council
four
Knights
for
the
term
of
three
years
;
therby
to
render
each
Provincial
Council
(
presuming
it
in
the
beginning
to
have
bin
constituted
of
twelve
Knights
,
divided
after
the
manner
of
the
Senat
by
three
several
Lists
or
Elections
)
of
annual
,
triennial
,
and
perpetual
Revolution
or
Rotation
.
Provincial
Governors
or
Generals
.
THAT
out
of
the
same
third
part
of
the
Senat
annually
receding
,
there
be
to
each
Province
one
Knight
elected
for
the
term
of
one
year
.
That
the
Knight
so
elected
be
the
Provincial
General
or
Governor
.
That
a
Provincial
Governor
or
General
receive
annually
in
April
at
his
Rendevou
appointed
,
the
Youth
or
Recruits
elected
in
the
precedent
Month
to
that
end
by
the
Tribes
,
and
by
their
Conductors
deliver'd
accordingly
.
That
he
repair
with
the
said
Youth
or
Recruits
to
his
Province
,
and
there
dismiss
that
part
of
the
Provincial
Guard
or
Army
whose
triennial
term
is
expir'd
.
That
each
Provincial
Governor
have
the
conduct
of
Affairs
of
War
and
of
State
in
his
respective
Province
,
with
advice
of
the
Provincial
Council
;
and
that
he
be
President
of
the
same
.
THAT
each
Provincial
Council
elect
three
weekly
Proposers
,
or
Provosts
,
Chap.
4
after
the
manner
,
and
to
the
ends
already
shewn
in
the
constitution
of
Senatorian
Councils
;
and
that
the
Provost
of
the
senior
List
,
during
his
Provincial
Provosts
.
term
,
be
President
of
the
Council
in
absence
of
the
General
.
Subordination
and
Function
of
Provincial
Councils
.
THAT
each
Provincial
Council
procede
according
to
Instructions
receiv'd
from
the
Council
of
State
,
and
keep
intelligence
with
the
same
by
any
two
of
their
Provosts
,
for
the
Government
of
the
Province
,
as
to
matters
of
War
or
State
.
That
upon
Levys
of
native
or
proper
Arms
by
the
Senat
,
and
the
People
,
a
Provincial
Council
(
having
to
that
end
receiv'd
Orders
)
make
Levys
of
Provincial
Auxiliarys
accordingly
.
That
Auxiliary
Arms
upon
no
occasion
whatsoever
excede
the
proper
or
native
Arms
in
number
.
That
for
the
rest
,
the
Provincial
Council
maintain
the
Provincials
,
defraying
their
peculiar
Guards
and
Council
,
by
such
a
known
proportion
of
Tributs
,
as
on
them
shall
be
set
by
the
Senat
and
the
People
,
in
their
proper
Rights
,
Laws
,
Liberties
and
Immunitys
,
so
far
as
upon
the
Merits
of
the
cause
wherupon
they
were
subdu'd
,
it
seem'd
good
to
the
Senat
and
the
People
to
confirm
them
,
And
that
it
be
lawful
for
the
Provincials
to
appeal
from
their
Provincial
Magistrats
,
Councils
,
or
Generals
,
to
the
People
of
England
.
IN
modelling
a
Commonwealth
,
the
concernment
of
Provincial
Government
coms
in
the
last
place
;
for
which
cause
I
conceive
any
long
Discourse
upon
these
Orders
to
be
at
present
unnecessary
:
But
certain
things
there
are
in
the
way
which
I
am
unwilling
to
let
slip
without
pointing
at
them
.
Whether
Men
or
Mony
be
the
Nerve
of
War
.
SOM
will
have
Men
,
som
will
have
Mony
to
be
the
Nerve
of
War
;
each
of
which
Positions
,
in
proper
cases
,
may
be
a
Maxim
:
For
if
France
,
where
the
main
Body
of
the
People
is
imbas'd
;
or
Venice
,
which
stands
upon
a
Mercenary
Militia
,
want
Mony
,
they
can
make
no
War
.
But
it
has
heretofore
bin
otherwise
with
Commonwealths
.
Roman
Historians
(
as
is
observ'd
by
MACCHIAVEL
)
in
their
Military
Preparations
or
Expeditions
,
make
no
mention
of
Mony
,
unless
what
was
gain'd
by
the
War
,
and
brought
home
into
the
Treasury
;
as
the
Spoil
of
Macedon
by
AEMILIUS
PAULUS
,
being
such
,
as
the
People
for
som
years
after
were
discharg'd
of
their
Tribute
.
Not
that
their
Wars
were
made
altogether
without
Mony
;
for
if
so
,
why
should
the
People
at
any
time
before
have
paid
Tribute
?
Or
why
,
upon
this
occasion
were
they
excus'd
?
but
that
the
Mony
in
which
their
Wars
stood
them
,
was
not
considerable
in
comparison
of
that
which
is
requisit
where
Mony
may
be
counted
the
Nerve
of
War
;
that
is
,
where
Men
are
not
to
be
had
without
it
.
But
Rome
,
by
virtue
of
its
Orders
,
could
have
rais'd
vaster
numbers
of
Citizens
and
Associats
than
perhaps
it
ever
did
,
tho
during
the
Consulat
of
PAPPUS
and
REGULUS
,
she
levy'd
in
Italy
only
seventy
thousand
Horse
,
and
seven
hundred
thousand
Foot
.
Should
we
conceive
the
Nerve
of
this
Motion
to
have
bin
Mony
,
we
must
reckon
the
Indys
to
have
bin
exhausted
before
they
were
found
;
or
so
much
Brass
to
have
bin
in
Italy
,
as
would
have
made
Stones
to
be
as
good
Mony
.
A
well
order'd
Commonwealth
dos
these
things
not
by
Mony
,
but
by
such
Orders
as
make
of
its
Citizens
the
Nerve
of
its
Wars
.
The
Youth
of
the
Commonwealth
propos'd
are
esteem'd
in
all
at
five
hundred
thousand
.
Of
these
there
is
an
annual
Band
,
consisting
of
one
hundred
thousand
.
Of
this
one
hundred
thousand
there
is
a
standing
Army
consisting
of
thirty
thousand
Foot
and
ten
thousand
Horse
,
besides
such
as
being
above
Book
III
thirty
years
of
age
,
shall
offer
themselves
as
Voluntiers
;
of
which
the
number
is
in
no
wife
likely
to
be
few
.
To
the
standing
Army
the
Provinces
,
or
that
only
of
Scotland
,
being
both
Populous
and
Martial
,
can
afford
at
any
time
an
equal
number
of
Auxiliarys
.
THESE
Orders
,
thus
sum'd
up
together
,
render
this
Common-wealth
ordinarily
able
to
wage
War
with
fourscore
thousand
men
;
a
Force
which
,
it
is
known
,
not
any
Prince
in
Christendom
is
able
to
match
in
Virtue
,
Number
,
or
Disciplin
.
For
these
the
Common-wealth
in
her
Sea
Guard
has
always
at
hand
sufficient
Waftage
,
or
at
least
such
a
sufficient
Convoy
as
may
make
any
Vessels
at
hand
a
sufficient
Transportation
:
all
this
,
I
say
,
by
virtue
of
Orders
.
Not
but
that
the
March
,
the
Equipage
,
the
Waftage
of
so
great
an
Army
must
cost
Mony
;
but
that
it
will
com
to
no
account
in
comparison
of
a
lingring
War
made
by
a
matter
of
thirty
thousand
Mercenarys
,
the
very
consumtion
of
a
State
:
wheras
fourscore
thousand
men
so
disciplin'd
and
so
furnish'd
,
as
has
bin
shewn
,
being
once
transported
,
must
suddenly
com
to
be
no
Charge
,
or
make
the
War
defray
it self
.
BUT
't
is
objected
,
that
to
reckon
upon
such
a
Militia
were
to
suppose
a
large
Country
capable
of
being
a
Commonwealth
;
wheras
we
hold
them
learn'd
,
who
say
that
no
Commonwealth
has
consisted
of
more
Whether
a
Commonwealth
has
consisted
of
more
than
one
City
or
Town
.
than
som
one
City
or
Town
.
But
in
what
Language
or
in
what
Geography
,
are
the
twelve
Tribes
of
Israel
;
the
(
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
)
Peopledoms
or
Prytanys
of
Athens
,
which
THESEUS
gather'd
into
one
body
;
the
Tribes
and
Linages
in
Lacedemon
instituted
by
LYCURGUS
;
the
five
and
thirty
Roman
Tribes
planted
between
the
Rivers
Vulturnus
and
Arno
,
or
between
the
Citys
now
call'd
Capua
and
Florence
;
the
13
Cantons
of
the
Switzers
;
the
seven
United
Provinces
of
the
Low
Countrys
,
understood
to
have
bin
or
to
be
but
one
City
or
Town
?
Whether
were
not
the
People
of
Israel
under
their
Commonwealth
six
hundred
thousand
?
What
reason
can
be
given
why
the
Government
that
could
take
in
six
hundred
thousand
,
might
not
as
well
take
in
twice
that
number
?
How
much
short
came
the
Country
,
planted
by
the
Roman
Tribes
,
of
150
Miles
square
?
Or
how
much
over
is
England
?
And
what
reason
can
be
given
why
a
Government
,
taking
in
150
Miles
square
,
might
not
as
well
take
in
twice
that
Compass
?
Whether
was
our
House
of
Commons
under
Monarchy
not
collected
from
the
utmost
Bounds
of
the
English
Territory
?
And
whether
had
the
Laws
by
them
enacted
not
their
free
course
to
the
utmost
limits
of
the
same
?
And
why
should
that
be
impossible
or
impracticable
to
a
Representative
of
the
People
in
a
Commonwealth
,
which
was
so
facil
and
practicable
to
a
Representative
of
the
People
under
Monarchy
?
IT
is
a
wonder
how
the
Commonwealth
of
Rome
,
which
held
as
it
were
the
whole
World
by
Provinces
,
should
be
imagin'd
by
any
man
to
have
consisted
but
of
one
Town
or
City
.
BUT
to
return
:
It
is
alleg'd
by
others
,
and
as
to
Provincial
Government
very
truly
,
that
a
Commonwealth
may
be
a
Tyranny
:
Nor
do
I
think
that
Athens
,
in
this
point
,
came
short
of
any
Prince
:
Rome
,
on
the
other
side
,
was
(
according
to
the
merits
of
the
cause
)
as
frequent
in
giving
Liberty
as
in
taking
it
away
.
The
Provinces
of
Venice
and
of
Switzerland
,
would
not
change
their
condition
with
the
Subjects
of
the
best
Prince
.
However
the
possibility
in
a
Common-wealth
of
tyrannizing
over
Provinces
,
is
not
to
be
cur'd
;
for
be
the
Commonwealth
or
the
Prince
a
State
or
a
Man
after
God's
own
heart
,
there
is
no
way
of
holding
a
Province
but
by
Arms.
The
thirteenth
Parallel
.
2
Sam.
8.
5
,
6.
WHEN
the
Syrians
of
Damascus
came
to
succor
HADADEZER
King
of
Zobah
,
DAVID
slew
of
the
Syrians
two
and
twenty
thousand
Men
:
then
DAVID
put
Garisons
in
Syria
of
Damascus
,
and
the
Syrians
became
Servants
to
DAVID
,
and
brought
Gifts
;
and
the
Lord
preserv'd
DAVID
whithersoever
he
went
.
WITH
this
Parallel
I
draw
the
Curtain
,
and
close
(
be
it
Comedy
to
such
as
are
for
Tragedy
)
this
Model
;
appealing
to
the
present
,
or
the
next
Age
,
whether
throout
I
have
not
had
God
himself
for
my
Vouchee
.
In
the
mean
time
,
there
is
nothing
hereby
propos'd
which
See
the
Corollary
of
Oceana
.
may
not
stand
with
a
supreme
Magistrat
.
The
Conclusion
:
Shewing
how
the
Model
propos'd
may
be
prov'd
or
examin'd
;
and
giving
a
brief
Answer
to
Mr.
WREN'S
last
Book
,
intitl'd
,
Monarchy
asserted
against
Mr.
HARRINGTON'S
Oceana
.
That
a
Commonwealth
not
rightly
order'd
,
is
less
seditious
than
the
best
of
Monarchys
.
FOR
a
Nation
to
be
still
upon
the
cast
of
a
Dy
,
to
be
ever
in
Sect.
1
trepidation
as
to
the
main
chance
of
Government
,
is
a
dreadful
state
of
things
.
Such
indeed
with
us
has
bin
the
Constitution
of
our
late
Governments
,
of
which
therfore
not
any
can
be
call'd
a
Common-wealth
.
Yet
has
the
like
state
of
things
(
in
favor
of
Monarchs
,
and
thro
the
industry
of
the
Clergy
)
bin
for
many
Ages
,
that
wherof
Commonwealths
unheard
are
still
accus'd
and
condemn'd
.
For
proof
in
this
case
,
the
Tribunitian
Storms
of
the
Roman
People
are
thought
abundantly
sufficient
.
But
these
having
bin
without
Blood
,
if
with
our
Affairs
they
hold
any
parallel
,
are
not
to
be
compar'd
with
the
Barons
Wars
,
those
of
York
and
Lancaster
,
or
the
like
;
but
with
the
Contests
or
Strivings
of
our
Parlaments
with
their
Kings
,
while
such
Disputes
came
not
to
Arms.
Or
if
the
Roman
Fields
from
the
time
of
the
GRACCHI
grew
bloody
,
we
have
known
a
matter
of
a
dozen
years
in
which
ours
might
have
compar'd
with
them
.
The
Seditions
under
the
Commonwealth
of
Rome
to
those
under
the
Empire
,
hold
such
a
proportion
,
as
the
Seditions
under
the
Commonwealth
of
Israel
to
See
Book
2.
chap.
4.
those
under
their
Kings
.
I
am
contented
at
this
time
,
for
discourse
sake
,
that
the
Seditions
of
Venice
should
pass
as
they
are
computed
by
Mr.
WREN
:
Let
those
also
which
have
happen'd
in
the
Common-wealths
of
the
Switzers
,
and
of
the
United
Provinces
,
by
the
skill
of
som
Man
who
may
be
thought
more
impartial
than
my self
,
be
rightly
enumerated
and
added
.
This
being
don
,
let
the
Seditious
that
have
happen'd
in
the
Monarchys
of
England
,
France
,
and
Spain
,
be
as
impartially
sum'd
up
;
and
I
may
venture
to
promise
you
,
That
you
shall
not
find
the
sum
of
the
Seditions
which
have
happen'd
in
those
three
Commonwealths
,
to
balance
the
foot
of
the
account
with
those
Seditions
which
have
happen'd
in
any
one
of
those
Monarchys
:
nor
are
we
without
sufficient
inducement
to
believe
,
that
the
whole
account
in
this
particular
of
those
Commonwealths
which
have
bin
in
the
World
,
can
com
any
whit
nearer
to
that
of
the
Monarchys
.
But
this
being
so
,
be
it
also
suppos'd
,
tho
not
granted
,
that
a
Commonwealth
is
a
seditious
Government
,
yet
must
it
be
the
least
seditious
Government
.
The
Republic
of
Corinth
never
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Lib.
4.
suffer'd
but
that
one
Sedition
which
is
describ'd
by
Xenophon
;
and
this
too
from
an
external
cause
.
Sect.
2
BUT
I
am
the
more
confirm'd
by
the
Assaults
of
Mr.
WREN
,
That
Mr.
Wren's
Opposition
of
P●pular
P●●de●●e
amounts
to
a
Consumati●n
of
it
.
to
have
no
less
than
demonstrated
in
the
propos'd
Model
,
that
a
Commonwealth
rightly
order'd
is
altogether
incapable
of
Sedition
,
and
so
consequently
of
Dissolution
,
that
is
,
from
any
internal
cause
.
To
render
his
Confutation
intire
,
and
the
truth
of
this
Assertion
the
more
conspicuous
,
I
shall
first
insert
those
Rules
or
Maxims
wherby
a
Model
of
a
Commonwealth
may
be
exactly
prov'd
or
examin'd
,
and
then
shew
how
they
totally
enervat
and
overturn
those
Arguments
elaborated
by
Mr.
WREN
towards
the
examination
and
confutation
of
the
Model
propos'd
.
How
a
Model
of
Popular
Government
may
be
try'd
or
examin'd
.
THE
Maxims
or
Rules
wherby
a
well
order'd
Model
of
Popular
Government
may
be
most
exactly
prov'd
or
examin'd
,
are
specially
two
:
1.
IT
must
be
wholly
void
of
any
Contradiction
or
Inequality
.
2.
IT
must
be
such
in
which
no
number
of
Men
,
having
the
Interest
,
can
have
the
Power
or
Strength
;
and
no
number
of
Men
,
having
the
Power
or
Strength
,
can
have
the
Interest
to
invade
or
disturb
the
Government
.
IT
is
not
in
the
power
of
Nature
that
there
should
be
an
effect
,
where
there
is
not
the
cause
of
that
effect
;
and
in
a
Frame
of
Government
that
is
exactly
according
to
the
foregoing
Maxims
,
there
can
be
no
cause
of
Sedition
or
Dissolution
.
A
Model
of
Government
therfore
that
will
hold
examination
by
these
Maxims
,
must
(
without
ostentation
,
or
with
Mr.
WREN'S
patience
)
be
perfect
.
NOW
let
us
observe
how
he
bestirs
himself
to
examin
and
confute
this
Model
.
As
to
contradiction
,
he
dos
not
so
much
as
pretend
that
there
is
any
Guile
in
it
;
yet
will
not
allow
it
to
have
any
truth
:
W.
p.
78.
For
,
says
he
,
as
in
a
Fiction
the
several
Members
may
be
so
contriv'd
,
as
not
to
give
one
another
the
ly
,
but
be
all
contain'd
within
the
limits
of
Verisimilitude
,
and
yet
the
whole
remain
without
the
least
syllable
of
Truth
;
so
in
a
Model
of
Government
.
To
which
I
answer
,
that
there
being
a
truth
of
Nature
,
and
a
truth
of
Fact
,
this
way
of
Mr.
WREN'S
disputing
is
mere
equivocation
.
For
the
Model
is
not
propos'd
to
shew
the
truth
of
Fact
,
or
that
there
has
bin
any
such
exactly
in
practice
;
but
to
shew
the
truth
of
Nature
,
or
that
such
a
Model
is
practicable
:
wherfore
he
needed
not
to
have
alleg'd
that
it
has
not
the
truth
of
Fact
,
which
we
all
know
;
but
was
to
shew
where
it
fails
of
such
a
truth
in
Nature
as
can
any
way
render
it
impracticable
.
But
instead
of
this
,
he
is
gon
to
the
Moon
;
and
will
read
us
a
Lecture
in
Politics
by
the
Planets
,
or
the
various
Hypotheses
of
Celestial
Motions
,
Ibid.
which
may
be
excogitated
including
no
absurdity
in
themselves
,
and
yet
perhaps
not
any
one
of
them
prove
to
be
the
true
method
of
Nature
.
But
may
a
man
therfore
argue
in
this
manner
?
It
is
very
hard
to
know
certainly
which
are
the
Highways
of
the
Planets
,
therfore
there
can
be
no
certain
knowlege
which
are
the
Highways
to
London
.
Let
us
e'en
say
,
Because
the
Rotation
of
the
World
may
as
well
go
upon
the
Heavens
as
upon
the
Earth
,
therfore
a
man
may
as
well
go
upon
his
Head
as
upon
his
Heels
;
and
a
Commonwealth
as
well
stand
upon
a
Milkwoman's
Pattins
,
as
upon
the
strongest
Interest
,
or
the
Interest
of
the
strongest
.
W.
p.
179.
So
much
for
Contradiction
.
Now
for
Inequality
,
says
Mr.
WREN
,
Tho
it
should
be
allow'd
Mr.
HARRINGTON
,
that
his
Commonwealth
has
none
in
it
,
yet
would
it
fail
of
attaining
the
perfection
of
Government
,
seeing
there
is
an
inequality
in
the
Nature
of
man
,
which
is
not
rectify'd
by
the
Model
of
his
Commonwealth
.
As
if
the
equality
of
a
Government
was
pretended
to
be
such
,
as
should
make
a
crooked
man
straight
,
a
wicked
man
good
,
or
a
passionat
man
a
Philosopher
;
and
it
were
not
perfect
,
in
being
sufficient
to
prevent
any
influence
that
Wickedness
or
Passion
in
a
man
or
men
,
may
have
upon
the
Government
.
But
for
farther
discovery
of
these
Inequalitys
in
the
Nature
of
man
,
that
are
not
rectify'd
by
the
Model
,
Mr.
WREN
sends
us
to
his
eight
and
ninth
Chapters
,
where
he
produces
them
in
such
order
,
as
I
shall
observe
in
repeating
him
.
Whensoever
,
says
he
,
under
Popular
Government
Pag
▪
84.
the
number
of
those
whose
Offences
have
render'd
them
liable
to
the
severity
of
Laws
,
is
considerable
enough
to
qualify
them
for
attemt
,
Popular
Government
has
no
more
security
than
any
other
,
of
being
free
from
Sedition
.
It
is
very
true
:
but
Mr.
WREN
was
oblig'd
to
shew
how
in
an
equal
Commonwealth
,
or
under
the
Model
propos'd
,
it
was
possible
that
the
number
of
such
men
should
com
to
be
considerable
enough
to
qualify
them
for
such
an
attemt
.
But
in
this
kind
he
is
no
otherwise
provided
than
to
tell
us
,
That
of
this
Original
and
Extraction
,
as
to
the
main
,
was
CATILIN'S
attemt
upon
the
Roman
Commonwealth
.
So
undertaking
against
Oceana
,
or
the
most
equal
Commonwealth
,
he
is
com
to
arguing
against
Rome
,
or
the
most
inequal
Commonwealth
;
and
at
such
a
time
too
,
when
being
no
longer
capable
of
Liberty
,
but
ready
for
bonds
,
there
were
other
partys
besides
CATILIN'S
,
and
others
besides
such
as
were
obnoxious
to
the
Laws
,
that
lay
in
wait
for
her
:
as
POMPEY
and
his
Party
,
or
at
least
CESAR
and
his
,
who
at
length
carry'd
it
;
so
that
this
feat
was
not
so
much
perform'd
by
men
otherwise
liable
to
severity
of
Laws
,
as
by
men
puff'd
up
by
ambition
.
But
let
these
have
bin
of
which
sort
he
will
,
it
remains
with
him
to
shew
,
how
there
should
be
of
either
kind
enough
in
Oceana
for
a
like
attemt
.
It
is
known
that
long
before
this
happen'd
in
Rome
,
the
whole
of
that
Commonwealth
was
in
the
hands
of
three
men
,
CESAR
,
POMPEY
,
and
CRASSUS
:
wherfore
he
should
have
first
shewn
,
which
way
the
whole
of
the
Common-wealth
of
Oceana
might
com
into
the
hands
of
three
,
or
of
a
few
men
.
But
leaving
this
untouch'd
,
he
runs
making
a
dust
,
and
a
doubt
where
the
soverain
Power
of
Oceana
can
be
;
which
even
in
Rome
,
as
inequal
as
it
was
,
is
acknowleg'd
to
have
bin
in
the
Assemblys
of
the
People
;
and
in
Athens
,
THUCYDIDES
expresly
says
,
That
the
Soverainty
Lib.
5.
was
in
the
five
thousand
.
Who
ever
doubted
but
where
the
ultimat
Result
is
,
there
also
must
be
the
Soverainty
?
and
the
ultimat
Result
of
Oceana
is
in
the
Prerogative
Tribe
,
or
Representative
of
the
People
.
Then
says
he
,
This
Representative
thinking
it
their
interest
,
may
Pag.
84.
dissolve
the
Government
,
and
perpetuat
themselves
,
and
may
com
to
think
it
their
interest
.
For
the
desire
of
Power
being
natural
to
man
,
a
far
greater
share
of
Power
remains
with
every
particular
man
,
when
the
Soverain
Power
is
divided
among
so
many
,
than
when
the
same
Power
is
divided
among
two
hundred
thousand
.
But
I
shew'd
that
this
Representative
has
the
whole
Soverain
Power
in
themselves
,
not
divided
with
any
other
,
or
with
the
five
hundred
thousand
;
which
I
suppose
he
means
by
the
two
hundred
thousand
he
mentions
.
Now
this
Representative
cannot
be
understood
to
have
the
Soverain
Power
by
overbalance
of
strength
,
because
they
are
but
one
thousand
to
five
hundred
thousand
;
so
it
is
plain
that
they
have
it
by
consent
,
or
by
orders
only
:
wherfore
these
Orders
they
have
not
the
power
,
or
strength
,
nor
the
interest
to
break
;
because
breaking
their
Orders
(
by
which
only
,
and
not
by
strength
,
the
Power
is
in
themselves
)
they
com
to
divide
the
Power
that
was
in
themselves
,
with
the
five
hundred
thousand
,
as
they
,
who
,
in
defect
of
the
Orders
,
have
the
far
greater
strength
,
and
W.
p.
85.
no
legal
bar
.
Yet
says
he
,
That
a
Representative
is
not
incapable
of
making
such
an
attempt
as
this
,
will
(
it
is
not
improbable
)
easily
find
belief
with
those
who
are
acquainted
with
the
Actions
of
these
last
eighteen
years
.
Which
is
as
much
as
to
say
,
That
because
a
Representative
,
by
and
with
the
People
,
may
have
both
the
interest
,
and
the
power
or
strength
to
free
themselves
of
a
broken
Monarchy
;
therfore
a
Representative
may
,
without
and
against
the
People
,
have
both
the
interest
,
and
the
power
or
strength
to
break
the
Orders
of
the
most
equal
Commonwealth
.
But
if
the
Representative
of
Oceana
has
not
the
power
or
strength
to
break
their
Orders
,
and
perpetuat
themselves
;
much
less
the
Senat.
True
it
is
,
if
we
look
upon
som
other
Common-wealths
,
a
Senat
might
have
the
interest
to
do
it
;
but
not
where
the
Senat
has
bin
upon
Rotation
.
To
add
then
to
Mr.
WREN'S
faculty
of
opposition
greater
strength
than
is
in
it
;
if
the
Senat
of
Oceana
would
do
any
thing
of
this
kind
,
their
readiest
way
were
by
creating
of
the
Dictator
.
The
Dictator
being
created
,
has
soverain
Power
in
carrying
on
the
Orders
of
the
Commonwealth
:
but
those
do
not
perpetuat
their
Power
;
this
therfore
cannot
be
don
but
by
Force
or
Arms.
The
Arms
of
the
Commonwealth
are
both
numerous
,
and
in
a
posture
or
readiness
;
but
they
consist
of
its
Citizens
:
and
for
the
Dictator
to
bring
the
Citizen
to
break
the
Commonwealth
,
were
for
a
General
to
command
his
Army
to
cut
their
own
throats
.
It
is
true
,
the
Roman
Decemvirs
put
in
for
prolongation
;
but
,
tho
in
the
most
inequal
Commonwealth
,
they
could
not
make
it
stand
one
year
,
because
of
the
Citizens
in
Arms
:
And
for
Mercenarys
there
are
none
in
Oceana
;
is
this
news
?
there
were
none
in
Israel
,
there
were
none
in
Athens
,
there
were
none
in
Lacedemon
,
there
were
none
in
Rome
,
while
those
Commonwealths
flourish'd
.
But
were
there
Mercenarys
,
as
he
might
perhaps
reckon
Servants
,
they
are
unarm'd
,
undisciplin'd
;
they
cannot
rise
thro
the
vast
bodys
of
Citizens
in
Arms
both
Elders
and
Youth
;
or
if
they
would
rise
,
they
could
be
nothing
in
their
hands
.
The
Roman
Slaves
,
and
the
Lacedemonian
Helots
,
being
far
of
another
and
more
dangerous
nature
,
never
rose
against
their
Lords
but
to
their
own
destruction
.
All
this
while
I
say
nothing
of
the
security
which
is
in
the
frame
of
this
Dictator
,
beyond
any
example
or
interest
of
prolongation
to
be
found
either
in
the
Roman
Dictator
or
the
Venetian
Council
of
ten
,
each
wherof
having
had
the
like
power
,
did
never
discover
any
such
inclination
.
It
is
true
,
that
in
the
time
of
SYLLA
,
the
Roman
Dictator
began
to
be
perpetual
;
but
this
is
not
to
be
attributed
so
much
to
the
imperfection
of
the
Order
,
as
to
the
change
of
the
Balance
.
But
if
the
Dictator
of
Oceana
cannot
have
the
interest
,
or
,
having
the
interest
,
cannot
have
the
power
or
strength
to
perpetuat
that
Magistracy
;
much
less
can
the
Senat.
THE
sum
of
what
has
bin
said
,
may
be
thus
cast
up
,
as
to
the
whole
Constitution
.
If
Things
or
Persons
that
have
neither
the
right
nor
the
might
,
may
prevail
against
Things
and
Persons
who
have
both
the
right
and
the
might
;
then
may
one
Order
of
this
Common-wealth
break
the
whole
System
:
but
the
Might
,
thro
the
foundation
or
popular
balance
of
Property
,
being
in
the
whole
People
,
and
the
whole
Superstructures
of
this
Commonwealth
being
nothing
else
but
an
equal
distribution
of
common
Right
to
the
whole
People
,
who
are
possest
of
the
Might
;
they
who
have
the
Might
,
have
not
the
interest
to
break
,
but
to
preserve
the
Orders
;
which
therfore
no
other
can
have
the
power
or
strength
to
break
,
or
som
other
breaking
,
must
but
lose
that
which
they
pretend
to
gain
,
to
wit
,
the
Right
,
which
in
this
case
must
still
fall
to
the
Might
,
devolving
upon
the
People
.
That
Mr.
WREN
will
needs
fancy
the
Tribes
or
Citys
in
Oceana
,
as
those
in
W.
p.
87.
the
united
Provinces
,
or
the
Cantons
of
Switzerland
,
to
be
distinct
Soveraintys
,
concerns
not
me
,
seeing
the
form
of
Oceana
is
far
otherwise
;
nor
indeed
him
,
seeing
neither
do
the
Citys
in
Holland
,
nor
the
Cantons
in
Switzerland
go
about
to
dissolve
their
Commonwealths
or
Leagues
.
The
Champion
having
thus
fail'd
at
the
head
,
is
contented
to
play
low
.
Tho
there
be
care
taken
,
says
he
,
that
at
the
Assembly
of
the
Hundred
W.
p.
181.
and
the
Tribe
,
such
and
such
Magistrats
should
be
elected
out
of
the
Horse
,
there
is
no
necessary
provision
there
should
be
any
Horse
there
,
out
of
which
to
elect
.
And
where
can
they
be
then
,
if
not
in
som
Parish
?
He
might
better
have
said
,
that
at
the
Parish
there
was
no
care
taken
,
that
the
People
should
not
elect
too
many
of
the
Horse
,
which
being
indeed
the
defect
of
the
former
,
is
in
this
Edition
rectify'd
.
His
last
See
Proposition
44.
W.
p.
183.
exception
is
against
the
place
where
I
say
,
that
They
who
take
upon
them
the
profession
of
Theology
,
Physic
or
Law
,
are
not
at
leisure
for
the
Essays
,
wherby
the
Youth
commence
for
all
Magistracys
and
Honors
,
in
the
Commonwealth
.
To
which
reason
he
offers
not
so
much
as
any
Answer
:
nor
pretends
any
other
Argument
against
it
,
than
that
this
excludes
Divines
,
Lawyers
,
and
Physicians
,
from
those
Honors
to
which
their
Parish
Clerks
,
their
Scriveners
,
and
their
Apothecarys
,
nay
Farriers
and
Coblers
may
attain
.
And
what
can
I
help
that
,
if
it
ought
nevertheless
so
to
be
,
for
a
reason
which
he
cannot
answer
?
Nay
,
if
so
it
be
in
common
practice
where
the
reason
is
nothing
near
so
strong
,
seeing
a
Parish
Clerk
,
a
Scrivener
,
an
Apothecary
,
nay
a
Cobler
or
a
Farrier
,
is
not
uncapable
of
being
of
the
Common
Council
,
nor
yet
of
being
an
Alderman
or
Lord
Mayor
of
London
;
which
nevertheless
that
a
Divine
,
a
Lawyer
,
or
a
Physician
should
be
,
were
absurd
to
think
.
Divines
have
a
Plow
from
which
they
ought
not
to
look
back
:
they
have
above
a
tenth
of
the
Territory
,
with
which
they
ought
to
be
contented
;
and
more
than
all
,
Civil
Interest
contracted
by
a
Clergy
,
corrupts
Religion
.
For
Lawyers
,
their
Practice
and
Magistracys
are
not
only
the
most
gainful
,
but
for
life
;
and
in
a
Common-wealth
,
neither
is
accumulation
of
Magistracy
just
or
equal
,
nor
the
confounding
of
Executive
and
Legislative
Magistracy
safe
.
Will
Mr.
WREN
believe
one
of
our
own
Lawyers
,
and
one
of
the
learnedst
of
them
upon
this
point
?
It
is
the
Lord
VERULAM
:
They
,
says
he
,
Verulam
de
Aug.
Scien
.
lib.
8.
cap.
3.
who
have
written
(
de
legibus
)
of
Lawmaking
,
have
handl'd
this
Argument
as
Philosophers
,
or
as
Lawyers
.
Philosophers
speak
higher
than
will
fall
into
the
capacity
of
practice
(
to
which
may
be
refer'd
PLATO'S
Commonwealth
,
Sir
THOMAS
MORE'S
Vtopia
,
with
his
own
Atlantis
)
and
Lawyers
being
obnoxious
,
and
addicted
each
to
the
Laws
of
their
particular
Country
,
have
no
freedom
nor
sincerity
of
Judgment
,
but
plead
as
it
were
in
bonds
.
Certainly
the
cognizance
of
these
things
is
most
properly
pertaining
to
political
Persons
,
who
best
know
what
stands
with
human
Society
,
what
with
the
safety
of
the
People
,
what
with
natural
Equity
,
with
antient
Prudence
,
and
with
the
different
Constitution
of
Common-wealths
.
These
therfore
,
by
the
Principles
and
Precepts
of
natural
Equity
and
good
Policy
,
may
and
ought
to
determin
of
Laws
.
For
Physicians
,
who
(
as
such
)
have
in
the
management
of
State
Affairs
no
prejudice
,
if
you
open
them
the
door
,
they
will
not
at
all
,
or
very
rarely
,
com
in
:
wherby
it
appears
,
First
,
that
such
a
bar
may
in
som
cases
be
no
violation
of
Liberty
;
and
,
secondly
,
that
the
Divines
,
who
for
better
causes
might
be
as
well
satisfy'd
,
and
for
more
unanswerable
Reasons
ought
to
forbear
,
yet
are
impatient
,
and
give
a
full
testimony
that
their
meaning
is
not
good
.
THUS
is
the
Commonwealth
by
Mr.
WREN
oppos'd
,
by
him
asserted
.
There
remains
no
more
to
the
full
confutation
of
his
Book
,
than
to
shew
how
the
Monarchy
by
him
asserted
is
by
him
destroy'd
.
This
is
to
be
don
by
the
examination
of
his
ninth
Chapter
,
which
is
the
next
of
those
to
which
he
refer'd
us
.
Sect.
3
THE
opposition
made
by
Mr.
WREN
to
a
Commonwealth
,
That
Mr.
Wren's
Assertion
of
Monarchy
amounts
to
the
Subversion
of
it
.
and
his
pretended
asserting
of
Monarchy
,
run
altogether
upon
Mr.
HOBS'S
Principles
,
and
in
his
very
words
;
but
for
want
of
understanding
,
much
enervated
:
so
that
Mr.
WREN'S
whole
●eat
of
Arms
coms
but
to
have
given
me
a
weaker
Adversary
for
a
stronger
.
In
Soverainty
,
says
he
,
the
diffus'd
strength
of
the
Multitude
is
united
W.
p.
97.
in
one
person
;
which
in
a
Monarchy
is
a
natural
person
;
in
a
State
,
an
artificial
one
procreated
by
the
majority
of
Votes
.
This
then
is
the
grand
W.
p.
99.
security
of
all
Soverains
,
whether
single
Persons
or
Assemblys
,
that
the
united
Forces
of
their
Subjects
,
with
which
they
are
invested
,
is
sufficient
to
suppress
the
beginnings
of
Seditions
.
Who
reads
Mr.
HOBS
,
if
this
be
news
?
But
what
provision
is
made
by
either
of
these
Authors
,
that
the
Forces
of
the
Subject
must
needs
be
united
?
Is
Union
in
Forces
,
or
in
Government
,
an
Effect
wherof
there
is
no
Cause
?
Or
to
what
cause
are
we
to
attribute
this
certain
Union
and
grand
Security
?
Why
let
W.
p.
103.
there
be
such
a
Nobility
as
may
be
a
Monarch's
Guard
against
the
People
.
And
lest
a
Monarch
stand
in
need
of
another
Guard
against
this
Nobility
,
let
none
of
these
excel
the
res●
of
his
Order
in
power
or
dignity
.
Which
Effects
or
Ends
,
thu●
commanded
▪
●ouchsafe
not
to
acquaint
us
with
Ibid.
their
ways
:
Y●s
,
let
the
Nobility
h●●e
no
right
to
assemble
themselves
for
electing
a
Succ●ssor
to
the
Monarchy
,
or
for
making
of
War
or
Peace
,
or
for
nominating
the
great
Ministers
of
State
,
or
for
performing
any
other
Act
which
by
the
nature
of
it
is
inseparable
from
the
Soverain
Power
.
But
why
then
must
such
a
Nobility
be
a
guard
against
the
People
,
and
not
rather
a
guard
for
the
People
,
seeing
both
their
Interests
and
Sufferings
at
this
rate
are
the
same
,
and
include
those
very
causes
for
which
,
in
the
Barons
War
,
the
Nobility
became
Incendiarys
and
Leaders
of
the
People
of
England
against
their
Kings
,
and
so
those
wherby
their
Captain
came
to
excel
the
rest
of
his
order
in
power
or
dignity
?
But
for
this
W.
p.
105.
the
Prince
is
to
be
provided
,
by
having
always
in
pay
a
sufficient
Militia
;
and
som
places
of
strength
where
a
few
may
be
secure
against
a
number
.
For
places
of
Strength
,
Citadels
,
or
Castles
,
there
were
in
the
time
of
the
Barons
Wars
,
more
than
som
;
yet
were
they
,
as
to
this
purpose
,
none
.
But
a
Militia
is
one
thing
,
and
a
sufficient
Militia
is
another
;
where
the
Government
consists
of
a
Nobility
and
of
a
People
,
what
sufficient
part
of
the
Property
or
Revenue
of
the
Territory
can
there
remain
to
the
Prince
,
wherby
to
have
always
in
pay
such
a
Militia
,
as
may
be
sufficient
to
keep
the
Nobility
and
the
People
from
joining
,
or
to
suppress
them
being
join'd
?
If
these
be
small
Armys
,
the
like
may
befal
them
,
which
befel
those
of
the
Kings
in
the
Wars
of
the
Barons
.
And
if
they
be
great
Armys
,
the
Prince
has
not
wherwithal
to
support
or
content
them
;
nay
if
he
had
,
Mr.
WREN
tells
us
plainly
,
W.
p.
106.
That
Princes
who
keep
great
Armys
,
as
Guards
to
their
Persons
or
Empires
,
teach
us
that
this
is
to
walk
upon
Precipices
;
there
being
no
possibility
of
preventing
such
an
Army
(
specially
if
they
ly
still
without
imployment
)
from
acquiring
an
interest
distinct
from
that
of
the
Prince
.
Wherfore
(
to
follow
Mr.
WREN
,
and
no
other
Leader
,
in
his
own
words
against
himself
)
this
Militia
being
great
,
cannot
be
so
instituted
,
as
to
have
no
interest
besides
the
pay
it
receives
from
the
Monarch
;
nor
so
as
to
have
no
hopes
of
being
safe
in
their
own
strength
,
if
they
should
withdraw
themselves
from
the
Service
and
Obedience
due
to
him
:
and
being
not
great
,
against
the
whole
Order
or
Orders
of
the
Nobility
and
the
People
they
cannot
be
sufficient
.
What
then
remains
but
to
say
,
that
Mr.
WREN
having
declar'd
the
perfection
of
Monarchical
Government
W.
p.
107.
to
consist
in
a
mixture
of
Monarchy
by
a
Nobility
,
and
a
Monarchy
by
Arms
,
has
as
to
his
Model
intirely
subverted
Monarchy
?
In
this
way
of
disputing
,
I
have
rather
follow'd
my
Leader
than
Reason
;
the
true
Answer
being
that
which
was
given
in
the
Preface
,
namely
,
that
an
Army
to
be
effectual
in
England
,
must
be
such
where
the
Officers
have
popular
Estates
,
or
where
they
have
such
Estates
as
had
the
antient
Nobility
:
in
the
latter
case
,
they
make
a
King
;
in
the
former
,
a
Commonwealth
.
But
Mr.
WREN
will
have
his
own
way
;
and
therfore
,
to
conclude
,
let
me
but
desire
him
to
lay
his
hand
upon
his
heart
,
and
then
tell
me
,
whether
the
condition
of
the
Nobility
(
to
whose
favor
in
my
exclusion
he
pretends
a
meritorious
Title
)
sharing
eminently
and
according
to
their
rank
with
the
People
in
the
Commonwealth
by
me
propos'd
;
or
the
condition
of
the
Nobility
under
the
insolence
and
burden
of
a
mercenary
Army
,
sharing
equally
with
the
People
in
Oppression
and
Slavery
,
or
reviving
the
old
Barons
Wars
for
new
Liberty
,
in
the
Monarchy
by
him
propos'd
;
be
the
more
desirable
.
And
to
speak
a
word
for
my
Adversary
,
we
will
submit
it
wholly
to
the
present
Nobility
,
whether
Mr.
WREN
or
I
be
so
extravagant
in
these
things
,
that
they
have
,
or
can
have
any
other
than
the
like
choice
.
Yet
enters
not
Mr.
WREN
Ibid.
into
despair
of
living
to
injoy
his
share
(
which
ought
to
be
a
good
one
)
of
the
Felicitys
which
will
belong
to
the
Subjects
of
such
a
Government
.
He
looks
upon
Persons
,
but
Things
are
invincible
.
THE
rest
of
his
Book
(
to
which
The
Prerogative
of
Popular
Government
is
still
a
complete
Answer
)
consists
altogether
of
gross
evasion
or
invective
,
or
of
drawing
out
of
story
against
Popular
Prudence
such
imaginary
Swords
as
do
but
stand
bent
.
To
rectify
or
streighten
these
,
I
may
hereafter
present
him
(
if
any
man
shall
think
it
worth
the
while
)
with
a
fuller
Answer
.
A
WORD
Concerning
a
House
of
PEERS
.
NO
man
knowing
what
is
necessary
to
the
Foundation
or
Being
of
a
Popular
Government
,
can
hope
or
expect
the
introduction
of
any
such
Form
,
where
Monarchy
is
not
impracticable
.
They
(
where
Monarchy
is
impracticable
)
who
com
first
to
discover
it
,
and
be
convinc'd
of
it
,
if
Reason
be
not
altogether
depos'd
,
are
inevitable
Leaders
.
Hence
it
is
that
our
Commonwealthsmen
are
already
renown'd
throout
this
Nation
for
their
invincible
Reasons
,
even
by
the
confession
of
their
Opponents
,
or
such
as
procede
nevertheless
in
other
ways
.
But
where
Seed
is
so
well
sown
and
rooted
,
intervening
Possession
and
Interests
are
like
such
Weather
as
holding
back
the
Spring
,
yet
improves
the
Harvest
:
Commonwealthsmen
indeed
may
have
a
cold
time
on
't
,
but
upon
the
Common-wealth
it
must
bestow
Fermentation
.
Had
our
incomparable
Assertors
of
public
Liberty
appear'd
before
a
universal
eviction
of
the
necessity
which
inforces
their
Cause
,
it
must
have
bin
thro
such
a
reluctancy
,
as
would
have
made
them
glad
to
do
things
by
halves
,
which
is
the
only
Rock
to
a
rising
Commonwealth
of
Scandal
,
or
of
Danger
;
the
whole
being
such
against
which
there
is
nothing
to
be
alleg'd
,
and
the
half
what
may
be
easily
confuted
.
These
things
consider'd
,
what
appearance
is
there
but
that
it
must
redound
to
the
greater
advantage
of
our
Commonwealthsmen
,
that
we
are
under
the
force
of
a
present
Humor
which
abhors
the
very
name
of
a
Commonwealth
?
Seeing
by
this
means
one
of
two
things
must
of
necessity
happen
,
and
com
shortly
to
public
view
or
discovery
:
either
that
Monarchy
is
practicable
,
or
that
it
is
not
practicable
;
I
mean
,
in
our
state
of
Affairs
,
or
in
this
present
distribution
of
the
Balance
.
If
Monarchy
be
found
practicable
,
Commonwealthsmen
are
satisfy'd
in
their
Consciences
,
and
so
ready
in
fair
ways
to
return
,
and
submit
not
only
for
Wrath
,
but
for
Conscience
sake
.
But
(
let
Divines
cry
Atheism
,
and
Lawyers
Treason
)
if
it
be
once
discover'd
to
common
Understanding
that
Monarchy
is
impracticable
,
then
in
coms
the
Commonwealth
,
not
by
halves
,
but
with
all
its
Tackling
,
full
sail
,
displaying
its
Streamers
,
and
flourishing
with
Top
and
Topgallant
.
THE
ways
wherby
it
is
at
hand
to
be
discover'd
whether
Monarchy
be
practicable
or
impracticable
,
are
particularly
two
;
the
one
quicker
,
the
other
slower
:
The
quicker
way
will
be
by
the
Workmen
,
the
slower
by
the
Work
.
IF
the
Workmen
,
being
willing
,
be
yet
overcom
by
the
mere
obstinacy
of
their
Matter
,
it
amounts
to
a
plain
confession
,
that
Monarchy
is
impracticable
.
And
if
they
give
away
the
Libertys
of
the
People
,
they
are
overcom
by
the
obstinacy
of
the
Matter
;
for
that
is
not
their
Work
:
nor
any
other
Work
than
such
as
must
be
useless
,
not
so
much
in
regard
of
it self
(
tho
that
may
be
true
enough
)
as
by
the
want
of
any
other
Security
than
what
the
Prince
had
before
,
that
is
,
an
Army
.
And
such
an
Army
,
which
for
security
is
as
good
as
none
at
all
,
nay
the
very
contrary
,
as
has
bin
shewn
already
:
nor
to
Art
of
Law-giving
,
p.
433.
be
alter'd
with
better
success
than
theirs
,
who
became
Princes
in
Grecian
and
Sicilian
States
.
BUT
if
the
Workmen
give
not
away
the
Libertys
of
the
People
,
then
must
they
so
limit
their
Prince
,
that
he
can
in
no
manner
invade
those
Libertys
;
and
this
by
any
other
means
than
the
full
and
perfect
introduction
of
a
well
order'd
Commonwealth
,
they
will
find
to
be
utterly
impossible
:
So
either
way
they
are
overcom
by
the
mere
obstinacy
of
their
Matter
.
IF
thro
som
secret
Dictat
(
as
when
the
Senat
of
Rome
was
Conviva
Caesaris
)
or
a
hast
to
make
riddance
,
this
be
not
perceiv'd
by
the
Workmen
,
it
will
be
but
the
more
perceivable
by
the
Work
when
it
coms
to
wearing
or
in
practice
;
and
the
Flaws
or
Grievances
being
found
insupportable
,
the
next
Parlament
,
thro
the
mere
want
of
any
other
remedy
,
must
introduce
a
Commonwealth
.
GOOD
,
and
egregiously
Prophetical
!
But
what
say
you
for
all
this
,
if
we
have
a
House
of
Peers
,
and
that
even
for
the
Lord's
sake
,
there
being
no
other
way
to
secure
Liberty
of
Conscience
?
Why
I
say
,
if
we
have
a
House
of
Peers
,
it
must
be
a
House
of
old
Peers
,
or
a
House
of
new
Peers
,
or
a
House
of
the
one
and
the
other
.
Moreover
I
say
,
Let
it
be
which
way
you
will
,
such
a
House
may
at
som
time
,
or
for
som
reason
,
be
personally
affected
to
Liberty
of
Conscience
;
but
is
a
Constitution
in
it self
naturally
averse
,
and
contrary
to
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
and
therfore
can
be
no
security
to
the
same
,
whether
the
Lords
be
Spiritual
,
or
Temporal
,
or
partiperpale
.
LORDS
Spiritual
are
inspir'd
with
a
third
Estate
,
or
share
of
a
Realm
,
which
gives
no
toleration
to
any
Religion
,
but
that
only
asserting
this
point
,
which
is
Monarchy
.
Setting
this
Oracle
,
and
som
like
Reasons
of
State
aside
,
we
may
think
that
every
Soverainty
(
as
such
)
has
Liberty
of
Conscience
:
This
a
King
having
,
cannot
give
;
and
a
People
having
,
will
not
lose
.
For
Liberty
of
Conscience
is
in
truth
a
kind
of
State
,
wherin
a
man
is
his
own
Prince
:
but
a
House
of
Peers
sets
up
another
Prince
;
it
cannot
stand
without
a
King
.
If
the
Balance
be
in
the
Lords
,
as
before
HENRY
the
Seventh
,
yet
must
they
have
a
King
to
unite
them
,
and
by
whom
to
administer
their
Government
;
and
if
the
Balance
be
not
in
the
Lords
,
they
stand
or
fall
with
the
King
,
as
the
House
of
Peers
in
the
Long
Parlament
:
and
the
King
falling
,
their
Government
devolves
to
the
People
.
Again
,
a
House
of
Peers
having
the
overbalance
,
signifys
somthing
;
in
which
case
it
has
not
bin
known
to
be
for
Liberty
of
Conscience
:
and
not
having
the
overbalance
,
signifys
nothing
;
in
which
case
it
cannot
secure
the
Liberty
of
Conscience
.
Thus
a
House
of
Peers
,
whether
somthing
or
nothing
,
is
no
way
for
the
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
but
every
way
for
a
King
:
and
a
King
is
a
defender
of
the
Faith
.
The
Faith
wherof
a
King
is
defender
,
must
be
that
which
is
,
or
he
shall
call
his
own
Faith
;
and
this
Faith
it
concerns
his
Crown
and
Dignity
,
that
he
defend
against
all
other
Faiths
.
True
it
is
,
that
a
King
for
a
step
to
a
Throne
,
may
use
what
is
readiest
at
hand
:
Otherwise
where
there
is
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
to
assert
Civil
Liberty
by
Scripture
can
be
no
Atheism
;
which
lames
a
Prince
of
one
Arm.
But
where
Liberty
of
Conscience
is
not
at
all
,
or
not
perfect
,
Divines
,
who
(
for
the
greater
part
)
are
no
fair
Huntsmen
,
but
love
dearly
to
be
poaching
or
clubbing
with
the
secular
Arm
(
tho
if
we
,
who
desire
no
such
Advantages
,
might
prosecute
them
for
abusing
Scripture
,
as
they
have
don
this
thousand
years
,
to
all
the
ends
,
intents
,
and
purposes
of
Monarchy
,
they
would
think
it
a
hard
case
)
Divines
,
I
say
,
not
only
brand
the
Assertors
of
Civil
Liberty
with
Atheism
,
but
are
som
of
them
studious
in
Contrivances
,
and
quaint
in
Plots
to
give
a
check
or
remove
to
this
or
that
eminent
Patriot
,
by
the
like
pretences
or
charges
;
which
succeding
accordingly
by
the
power
of
a
Parlament
,
they
may
at
length
com
to
have
a
Parlament
in
their
power
.
Where
there
is
no
Liberty
of
Conscience
,
there
can
be
no
Civil
Liberty
;
and
where
there
is
no
Civil
Liberty
,
there
can
be
no
security
to
Liberty
of
Conscience
:
but
a
House
of
Peers
is
not
only
a
necessary
,
but
a
declar'd
check
upon
Civil
Liberty
;
therfore
it
can
be
no
security
to
Liberty
of
Conscience
.
And
so
much
for
this
particular
.
NOW
to
make
upon
the
other
parts
propos'd
,
and
in
a
mere
civil
sense
,
som
farther
conjecture
.
WHEN
a
House
of
Peers
sets
up
a
House
of
Commons
,
as
in
the
Barons
Wars
,
they
will
govern
the
Commons
well
enough
for
their
own
purpose
,
and
not
seldom
the
King
too
.
BUT
we
are
to
speak
of
a
thing
without
any
example
,
a
House
of
Peers
set
up
by
a
House
of
Commons
;
nor
,
in
the
want
of
example
,
are
we
thought
worthy
by
our
Adversarys
to
be
furnish'd
with
Reason
:
so
the
guidance
of
our
Discourse
upon
this
point
is
committed
to
Mother
Wit
,
a
notable
Gossip
,
but
not
so
good
a
Politician
.
NEVERTHELESS
,
if
this
House
consists
of
old
Peerage
only
,
we
have
direction
enough
to
know
how
that
will
be
;
for
either
the
single
Person
,
or
the
Commons
will
be
predominant
in
the
Government
:
if
the
Commons
be
so
,
then
it
will
be
with
the
Peers
,
as
it
was
before
their
last
Seclusion
;
that
is
,
while
they
do
as
the
Commons
would
have
them
,
they
may
sit
;
otherwise
they
are
sent
home
.
And
if
the
single
Person
be
predominant
,
it
can
be
no
otherwise
than
by
an
Army
;
in
which
case
the
old
Peers
being
not
in
Arms
,
nor
having
any
help
that
way
,
are
as
much
under
the
Yoke
as
the
Commons
.
By
which
it
may
be
apparent
,
that
it
is
the
great
interest
of
the
present
Peerage
,
that
there
be
a
well
order'd
Commonwealth
;
otherwise
the
Commons
being
in
bondage
,
the
Lords
,
whom
that
least
becoms
,
are
but
equal
with
them
:
and
being
free
,
the
Lords
are
not
the
head
,
but
at
the
foot
of
them
;
wheras
in
an
equal
Common-wealth
,
that
the
Nobility
be
not
at
the
head
,
or
have
not
the
leading
,
is
quite
contrary
to
all
Reason
and
Experience
.
IF
the
House
consists
of
new
Peers
only
,
it
must
consist
of
the
chief
Officers
in
the
Army
;
which
immediatly
divides
the
Government
into
two
distinct
Governments
:
the
one
in
the
House
of
Commons
,
whose
Foundation
is
the
Body
of
the
People
;
the
other
in
the
House
of
Peers
,
whose
Foundation
is
the
Army
.
This
Army
if
it
remains
firm
to
the
Peers
,
they
not
only
command
the
Commons
,
but
make
and
unmake
Kings
as
they
please
;
or
as
ambitious
Partys
and
Persons
among
themselves
are
diligent
or
fortunat
:
But
if
the
Army
(
as
is
most
and
more
than
most
likely
)
coms
off
to
the
Commons
,
the
Peers
are
nothing
,
and
the
Commons
introduce
a
Commonwealth
.
IF
the
House
consists
of
new
Peers
and
old
,
the
old
Peers
while
they
like
it
,
are
Cyphers
to
new
Figures
;
and
when
they
like
it
not
,
may
go
home
again
:
Nor
whether
they
stay
or
go
,
is
this
case
so
different
from
the
former
,
as
to
be
any
greater
obstruction
to
a
Common-wealth
.
TO
hate
the
very
name
of
a
Commonwealth
,
or
not
to
see
that
England
can
be
no
other
,
is
as
if
men
were
not
in
earnest
.
It
is
ask'd
of
the
Commons
what
the
Protector
shall
be
,
and
he
can
be
nothing
but
what
they
will
.
It
is
ask'd
of
the
Commons
what
the
other
House
shall
be
,
and
it
can
be
nothing
but
what
the
Commons
will
.
The
Commons
are
ask'd
whose
the
Army
,
whose
the
Militia
,
whose
the
Negative
Vote
is
;
nor
can
these
be
otherwise
determin'd
than
as
they
please
.
The
Commons
are
ask'd
whether
they
will
make
such
a
War
,
whether
they
will
pay
such
a
Debt
,
whether
they
will
advance
such
a
Sum
;
all
which
are
intirely
at
their
discretion
:
therfore
actually
and
positively
England
is
a
Commonwealth
.
Nay
,
and
that
there
remain
not
the
least
doubt
,
whether
it
be
safe
for
any
man
to
say
thus
much
,
the
present
Government
has
either
no
legal
denomination
at
all
,
or
is
legally
denominated
the
Commonwealth
:
the
question
of
the
future
state
of
it
coms
not
one
whit
upon
the
matter
,
which
is
already
granted
,
but
upon
the
form
only
.
A
Commonwealth
for
the
matter
makes
it self
;
and
where
they
will
not
bestow
upon
it
the
Form
necessary
,
fails
not
of
coming
to
ruin
,
or
,
at
least
,
to
disgrace
the
Workmen
:
Or
,
to
speak
more
properly
and
piously
,
a
Commonwealth
is
not
made
by
Men
,
but
by
God
;
and
they
who
resist
his
holy
Will
,
are
Weapons
that
cannot
prosper
.
Feb.
20.
1659.