Eikon aklastos The image vnbroaken : a perspective of the impudence, falshood, vanitie, and prophannes, published in a libell entitled Eikonoklastēe [sic] against Eikon basilikē, or, The pourtraicture of His Sacred Majestie in his solitudes and sufferings.

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Vpon the KINGS Calling this last PARLIAMENT .

THat , which the King lajes downe , as his foundation , that he called this last Parliament not more by others advice , and the necessitie of his affaires , then by his owne choice , and inclination , is to all knowing men so apparently vntrue , that a more inauspicious Sentence could hardly have come into his minde .

That his Majest intention could be apparent to all knowing men , must have better Authoritie , then this Authors word to be beleived . His Majest best knew his own intentions , and ought to be credited against the Malicious conjectures of such , as seeke matter of slander against him to shelter their owne impieties , never King of England shewed greater affection to Parliaments , then his Majest and never King found greater ingratitude . His frequent coming to Parliaments in his Fathers Raigne . His many good offices done the houses , and the larg acknowledgments of their obligations to him are vpon the Records of both houses . Vpon the death of his Father he instantly called a Parliament , seeking to continue the same vnderstanding betweene him , and his houses , as there had been in the time of his Father . He had then entred into a dangerous warr with Spaine vpon the Parliaments Councell , was in preparation of a greate fleete , stood charged with a greate debt left on him by his Father , besides deepe engagements to his Allies abroade , the supplies the then Parliament gave him were two Subsidies , he then desired an addition only of fortie thousand pound , which was refused him . If any man shall say now , that the King called not that Parliament of his owne inclination , because he was discontented to be so dealt with by them , knowing men will hardly beleive him , & such men , as are justly displeased with factions in Parliament , might truly affect them , when they are rightly disposed , and this Sentence , which Iconoclastes holds so inauspicious imports not that , which his false Augurie Prognosticates , for though his Majest received provocations , and causes of dislike from severall Parliaments , it followes not , that he could have no intention to call one , when there was a probabilitie of removing the causes of former disorders , which his Majest expresses in his ensuing discourse .

The inclination of a Prince is best knowne by those next about him , or by the current of his Actions . These neerest this King were Courtiers , and Prelates , and it was their Continuall exercise to dispute , and preach against them .

For the Actions of others Iconoclastes would thinke them a weake proofe of his intentions , though the persons were very neere him , and though there were preaching , and disputes against the proceedings of some Parliaments , it s no proofe of the Kings intentions , nor theirs , that vsed them against the right vse of Parliaments , and the proceedings of some Parliaments might give just occasion to men to say the King ( they hoped ) would have no more neede of them and it is a very greate happinesse of any state not to neede them , the necessitie of them proceeding from want , and danger , and there was a time , when people held Parliaments a burthen to hem , and those in Parliament claimed it , that they were not bound to attend the Parliament above fortie dayes , and our owne stories tells vs of an indoctum Parliamentum , and insanum Parliamentum . And doth Iconoclastes thinke , that all such , as were out of love with such Parlaments had no affection to any .

This was ( he sajes ) but the Coppy , which his Parasites had industriously taken from his owne words , and Actions , who never called a Parliament , but to supply his necessities .

Such , as have observed the inclinations of persons neere his Majest finde non greater Parasites , then such , as proved Traytours to him , and Parasites are not wanting to other powers , as wel , as Kings , for we finde by this Author what men will do to please their Masters eyther by offitiousnes to their persons , or the performance of villanie against others . This Author spends his mouth in vaine following his common place of Parasites , and Courtiers , when the Actions he mentions are so farr from reflecting vpon his Majest as they leave the blemish vpon the Relatour . That his Majest had necessities , when he called a Parliament is knowne to all , & the causes of them , but that he was ready all wayes to heare , and redresse the just greivances of his people could never yet be contradicted by the experience in any Parliament , al though the Author say , having Supplied these , he suddenly , and nominiousty dissolved it without redressing any one greivance of the people . But if the Parliaments never presented to him on greivance to be redressed , which he denyed , where lies the ignominie ? It seemes the Author takes not the petition of right to be of that nature , for that was graunted by the King , and that concession of his was then judged as greate an Act to the redresse of greivances , as ever King of England graunted his people . His Majest ; summoned three Parliaments before the short Parliament at the beginning of these troubles , and in non of these were there any greivances presented by the Parliament to the King to be redressed , but that petition of right , vnles a Remonstrance against the Duke of Buckingham be reckned in that number , and if the people , had just greivances to be redressed , they had just cause of complaint against those Conventions , and of late repentance for their credulitie , that depended so much on them , that so little regarded their Sufferings . If we looke vpon the length of time , wherein these Parliaments sate , wee shal finde sessions concluded , & diverse good lawes made in the like space of time in the Raignes of former Kings , and whoever lookes to the journalls of the houses in these Parliaments of his late Majest or whoever was present in them must confesse , that those , that governed in the lower house minded nothing lesse , then the redresse of greivances , or making of lawes , which were formally talked of to entertaine time , while private annimosities , and personall revenges were made the sole busines of importance , & in the space of fower moneths no one greivance was prepared to be presented to his Majest and Iconoclastes heapes vp vntruths without respect to the apparence of their detection , for this first Parliament was so far from being suddenly dissolved after the King was supplyed , that the greate Plague not permitting them to sit longer at west minster , his Majest adiourned them to Oxford , and in another Parliament after the supply given him , there was a second meeting , which might have had a longer continuance , if it had insisted on the redresse of greivances , but whence takes he the occasion to say Ignominiously dissolved . Where was the Ignominie ? Had not his Majest a legall right to do it ? And if the houses would not agree in the redresse of greivances , and supply of the necessities of the Kingdome , their continuance would prove ignominious , not their dissolving .

Sometimes chusing rather to misse of his subsidies or to rayse them by illegall courses , then that the people should not still misse of their hopes to be releived by Parliaments .

Iconoclastes in his Preface talked of laying parallel actions to words , and heere he vses words of actions , that never were , for among those Parliaments of his late Majest ; where can he finde a number to make vp his Sometimes , vsing a language , as if the King had called as many Parliaments , as he had raigned yeares ? And where can he finde , that the King chose to misse his subsidies , that the people should not be releived by Parliaments . Two of the Parliaments are already mentioned . In the third , where he had non , he was so farr from chusing to misse of his subsidies , if he might have had them , that his reiterated Messages to the then house of Commons to prepare their greivances , that he might apply just remedies to them , sufficiently prove , that nothing was wanting of his part to have received the subsidies , and releived the people ; It s well knowne , that his Majest had at that time a warr with Spaine , and France , and that nothing , but inevitable necessitie on his part , could have made him decline the obtaining of subsidies from that Parliament . And after the house of Commons had declared , that they would supply him in such a way , and in so ample a measure , as should make him safe at home , and feared abroade , they agreed vpon the number of subsidies , but voted , that the Bill should not come into the house , till their greivances were answeared . His Majest sent them there vpon severall Messages to hasten them to present the greivances , which nothing wrought on them , but without any reason after long expectatiō , they denyed to have the bil of subsidies brought into the house . It s wel known , that no Kingdome had lesse greivances , then that of England vnder his late Majest And the people were perswaded into an opinion of greivances , not by sence of Suffering , but the disputes of Pragmaticall Incendiaries , and they would have rested quiet , had they not been seduced by such Craftsmen , and there is no on thing , that this breaker can name for a greivance , which his Masters , that now Lord it , do not encrease .

The first he broke of at his coming to the Crowne for no other cause , then to protect the Duke of Buckingham against them , who had accused him , besides other hainous Crymes , of no lesse , then poysoning the deceased King his Father .

This Author takes himselfe not concerned in speaking Truth , for the publike Records of the Kingdome , and some late declarations of the pretended Parliament would have held his hand from this false assertion , if he had valued Truth at the rate of perusing them , for the Duke of Buckingham was not at all accused by the first Parliament of the King , nor in any Parliament for poysoning the deceased King . He might have found , that in the second Parliament of the King , Among other Articles against the Duke of Buckingham , he was accused for a Transcendent Presumption , and of dangerous consequence touching Phisicke applyed to the deceased King , but the malice of such , as hated the Duke of Duckingham did not extend to an accusation of poysoning the deceased King , yet the venome of Treason in this Author makes him madd , and say , that a fact of presumption , and of dangerous consequence was a poysoning . If such were the wisedome of a house of Parliament to call poysoning of a King , a presumption of dangerous consequence neither King nor people neede be troubled to want their Councell . This is the first instance , though not the first falshood of Iconoclastes , but to the matter of what he sajes in that second Parliament , wherein in Duke of Buckingham was accused , his Majest: by Message to the lower house told them , he was well pleased they should proceede against the Duke of Buckingham they did accordingly give vp their Articles to the Lords , the Duke of Buckingham made his answeare , which was sent down to the Commons , who being vnable to reply to it , such , as then swayed the house contrary to the Councell of a greate number of the most experienced amongst them resolved to hinder al proceedings , and necessitate the King to a Dissolution of the Parliament . This is no secret , the journall bookes of that house sufficiently evince it .

Still the latter breaking was with more affront , and indignitie put vpon the house and her worthyest members , then the former .

This appeares not by his subsequent reason , but if this breaker had thought either the dissolving of Parliaments , or indignitie , and affront to members and offence , why does he take on him the defence of those , that have Ignominiously excluded the whole house of Lords , and so many of the Commons , and among them some , whome he termes the worthiest persons in the Parliament he speakes of , but his reasons , and narrations are of the same stuffe ; And if any man compare the affronts , and indiginties offered his Majest by some persons in parliament , and his proceedings against them , he will judge , that their provacations exceeded his passion , and their owne sufferings .

In so much , that in the fifth yeare of his Raigne in a Proclamation he seemes offended at the very Rumour of a Parliament divulg'd among the people , as if he had taken it for a kinde of slander , that men should thinke him that way exorable much lesse inclined .

What strawes this man pickes vp . If the King did seeme offended at a factious Rumour , doth it follow , that he held it a Scandall to act that , which was Rumoured . Because a King doth forbid Rumours of his intended Actions , doth he not therefore intend them ? And must his Councells be the subject of common Rumour ? It is a factious practice to spreade a Rumour of a parliament , before the King please to declare it , and tends to the precipitation of his Councells by sedition . But as his premisses are ( he seemes ) so his conclusions are ( as if ) and men may aswell beleive him on his bare word , as such inferences he appearing inexorable to speake Truth , or forbeare slander .

And forbidds it , as a presumption to prescribe him any time for Parliaments that is to say , eyther by perswasion or petition , or so much , as the reporting of such a Rumour , for other manner of Prescribing was at that time not suspected .

His Majest therein forbad no more then the law forbidds , and accounts it a presumption to Prescribe him any time for Parliaments . But such , as have destroyed King , and Parliament would have it esteemed strange , that they should not prescribe what they lift , and the breaker , that would have the King Prescribed will allow non to Prescribe his now masters . His explanation signifies nothing , for doth he thinke , that the King ought to be petitioned , or perswaded by every on , that will , or that the spreading of a Rumour is a fit meanes to induce him to call a Parliament ? He endeavours to defame the King for restrayning popular licence , and Sedition , and when he seekes to confirme the Tyranny of his Masters , he reproaches the people with Levitie , and violence ; And the wayes of Prescribing by him mentioned were vnorderly , and by him particularised as Plausible , not sound , other manner of Prescribing was then not Suspected , he intends the force of a scotts Army , and though he commend that way of Prescribing , and attribute the calling of the Parliament to it , and accuse the King for resisting it , yet he will charge the King with beginning the warr .

By which feirce Edict , the people forbidden to complaine , as well , as forced to suffer began from thence foorth to despaire of Parliaments .

The people have now greater cause to dispaire of Parliaments then ever they had in the time of his late Majest for if these men prevaile , they are sure never to have more , for they professe to introduce a new form of Government which hath nothing of the Parliament of England & however the people by seditious practices , or false apprehensions , despaired of Parliaments , that proves nothing of his Majest inclination , or aversenes to Parliaments . How an edict can be called feirce , where no punishment of the breach of it appeares to be denounced , nor any severitie ensuing it , cannot be imagined , but it s well knowne what Titles this Author wil give to any of his Majest Actions respecting only the reproachfullnes of the Termes , nor their proportion , or congruitie to what they are applyed , and whoever lookes on the time , while Parliaments were intermitted , the sufferings of the people were lesse , then when Parliaments were frequent , & they neede not be forbidden to complaine , when their peace , & plentie were a reason strong enough to restraine them , however querulous murmurings wrought by seditious contrivers , may happen , & ought to be forbidden in al just Governments .

Where vpon such illegall Actions , and especially to get vast summs of mony were put in Practice by the King , and his new Officers , as Monopolies , compulsive knighthoods , Coate , Conduct , and Shipmony , the seezing not of on Nabaoths Vineyard , but of whole inheritances , vnder the pretence of forrest , or Crowne lands , Corruption , & bribery compounded for with impunities graunted for the future , as gave evident proofe , that the King never meant , nor could it stand with the Reason of his affaires ever to recall Parliaments .

All the pretences of Tyranny , and oppression , wherewith the Rebells have sought to maske their disloyaltie are reduced to this on summe to get money . That Princes must have supplies from their people for support of the Kingdome cannot be doubted , and where the lawes have given the King a richt to demaund money of partioular persons in certanie cases , or of the whole people , theis are no illegall exactions , but due debts . The King of England is entitled by law to diverse dues from his subjects , and of such things his learned Councell , and his Judges have the care , that he loose not his rights , and they are bound by oath to preserve them , & if in any cases they faile in their judgment , their King cannot be guiltie of illegall exactions in following their Councell , and of such nature are the particulars he mentions , vnles Coate , and Conduct money , which had been disbursed by the Counties for the present , where souldiers were raysed , and was of inconsiderable value and to be repayed , and only of practice in case of warr when necessitie requires greater contributions , and such Actions , as theis the best Governments could never avoyde , and those formes of Government , which theis Rebells Preferr before Monarchy ordinairly practis , but they must supply with exclamations , what they want of matter , and having broken all bounds of dutie , Justice , and humanitie , they seeke to make the common meanes , which necessitie compells Governnours to vse for publique support , the height of oppression , and Tyranny . The vast summs received by all the wayes were farr short of that greate charge , which the Kingdome required , and of what former Kings had received in the like space , but inconsiderable in regard of the present exactions . He resembles the legal proceedings in cases of civil right to Nabaoths vineyard ; so as al suites for recovery of deteined rights is the getting of Nabaoths vineyard , but they that by the blood of many Naboaths have gotten their inheritances would have Civill Controversies , not bloody murther the sin of Ahab . Corruption , and bribery compounded for with impunitie for the future is a denomination , which cannot be fixt to any Actions of Majest That his Majest hath a power to pardon was never denyed , and therefore no act of grace in that kinde can be illegall , but this , which they call corruption , and bribery was no other , then the fees , which some officers received , and were questioned to be above their due , & had they been convict , their mulct was pecuniary , and due to the King . They vrged long Custome in their defence , and in a case of that nature , where only errour , not corruption , or bribery can be admitted , it was neerer to justice , then favour to forbeare profecution ; And as the fact was not illegal , so had it been , it was only theirs , by whose Councell it was done , and theis men , that professe such zeale against corruption , and bribery , pretend , that it was necessary to take away the starr chamber , where such Crymes were punisht , and from whence comes it , that it could not stand with his majest: affaires te recall Parliaments , when his Majest desired to continue nothing , but what was necessary for the Kingdome ?

Having brought by theis irregular courses the peoples interest , and his owne to so direct an opposition , that he might foresee plainely , if nothing , but a Parliament could save the people , it must necessarily be his vndoing .

The King had no interest , but that , which was common to the people with him , and nothing , that was their interest could be opposite to his . The people were very farr from any such apprehensions of being Destroyed , or that they might not be saved without the Kings vndoing ; And wherein could the King foresee his vndoing by Parliament , must he necessarily foresee , that a Parliament would follow Traytours against him ? Or must he necessarily foresee that a Parliament would vndertake an illegall , and vn just power ? Must he necessarily foresee , that a Parliament would produce a Rebellion , when no Action was desired to be continued by him , which was not according to law , nor any greivance duely proved vnredressed ? But because in the Parliament , which he called a faction destroyed him , and hath vndone the Kingdome , therefore Iconoclastes would have it plainely to be foreseene . Such , as know the difference of the last from former Parliaments , know likewise , that it was not from the condition of the Parliament , but the conjuncture of affaires at the time of calling it , that produced those wicked effects filling the mindes of many with ambitious thoughts , and desire to lay the foundation of their private greatenes in the publique ruines . It is impossible , that the interest of a King can have an opposition to that of his people which is vainely fancied by him , or that any thing by him alledged should worke such opposition . And although there have been disputes in Courts , and Parliaments touching the profitts , and rights of the Crowne , yet before this Rebell generation , non were so shameles to pretend them causes of the subjects violence , and necessarily desturctive to the King , or people , which had the people imagined would have been the issue of a Parliament , they would have had a greater aversion to it , then Iconoclastes supposes in his late Mejest : And as the preservation of the people is the Kings , interest , so his preservation is theirs , which the people now finde to late , and could not foresee , that such , as made vse of the pretence of their interest , minded it least .

Till eight , or nine yeares after proceeding with a high hand in these enormities , & having the second time levied an injurious warr against his native countrey Scotland , and finding all those other shifts of raysing money , which bore out his first expedition now to faile him , not of his own choice , and inclination , as any childe may see , but vrged by strong necessities , and the very pangs of State which his owne violent proceedings had brought him to , he calls a Parliament .

Iconoclastes is very industrious to shew , that he can expresse the malice of his heart with his pen , and can give false denominations to Actions with greater confidence , then true , where it may advantag his Masters . The gentle hand wherewith his Majest governed during the nine yeares he mentions , brands that high hand of slander , and detraction , which this breaker stretches out against him , and it will fill posteritie with amazement at the folly of the present age , that should take such things for enormities , as fines for knighthood , Coate , conduct , and shipmony , whereof some of them were scarce felt , or observed , and the rest easily borne ; And submit themselves to contributions , excises , loanes , and taxes , to which those , which he calls enormities hold no proportion . But not contented with the false appellations of his Majest Civill Actions , he proceedes to defy , and reproach his Actions for preservation , and defence of his Kingdome , and calls it an injurious warr to resist an invading Enemy . That the Scotts were entred neere a hundred mile into the Kingdome , at the time he mentions , he cannot be ignorant , and to call the warr injurious on his Majest part cannot come from any , that thinkes any thing injurious , that Rebells commit , or any thing just that Governours command . When any Actions are rehearsed of his Majest against the Scotts , the Traytours call them vnjust , and amplifie their slander with the Circumstance of his native Countrey . When the Scotts offer obedience to the King , or he concurr with them , they decry such Actions , in respect they are of his native Countrey , thus shifting , saying , and gainsaying to deceive the people . If there any yet remaine , that will trust such common Cheates . His collection , that necessitie , and not choice brought the King to call a Parliament followes not from any of his premisses . His Majest doth not exclude the necessitie , of his affaires from moving him to call the Parliament : When he sayes , that he called the Parliament not more by necessitie , then his owne choice , doth he exclude necessitie , or affirme his owne choice only without consideration of Circumstances . Parliaments ought not to be called , but vpon greate occasions , and their too often Convention is a burthen , not an ease to the people , and such was the judgment of the late Parliament at the beginning . It is not new , that necessities , have caused Kings to call Parliaments , which yet was never made an Argument to prove their owne vninclina●ion to call a Parliament . His descant vpon strong necessities , and pangs of state layes open the Treason of these conspiratours , that plotted how their Country might pine , and languish , that so vnnaturall Emperickes might excercise their bloody practice , and a mercilesse Tyrany could only be exspected from such ; as sought their power by their Countreyes sufferings : And if his Majest proceedings had been violent , they had not produced that necessitie .

First in Ireland , which only was to give him four subsidies , and so to expire , then in England , where his first demaund was but twelue subsidies to maintaine a Scotch warr condemned , and abominated by the whole Kingdome , promising their greivances should be considered afterwards .

The Parliament in Ireland he might have knowne was not the first , that was , called in the nine yeares he mentions , but fals hood are so common , that mistakes are not worth the observation , and if the King had called that Parliament in Ireland to obtaine fower subsidies , where had been the fault ? May not a King call a Parliament to be supplyed ? But if Iconoclastes had patience to know truth , or speake it , he might easily have found a greate number of good lawes made in that Parliament , to worke a conformitie of that nation to England , and he vnseasonably produced this instance of the Parliament of Ireland , which so mainely contradicts his assertion , for the necessities alone he supposes could not worke the calling of that Parliament , where Parliaments had been so frequent before . In England , where he sayes his Majest first demaund was , but twelue subsidies , he hath lost his expectation , and his Ironicall but hath lost its mirth for he cannot thinke , that the people now apprehend twelue subsidies so greate a demaund by the King , when they see a farr greater proportion given the Scotch for invading the Kingdome , and after such an execrable warr and barbarous prodigalitie their greivance is increast , and all , that is effected , or pretended to be done for them is the Destruction of King , and Church , and dividing the Estates of both among the Master Rebells , vpon whose Arbitrary , and vnlimited power they must now depend . That these twelue subsidies were demaunded to maintaine Scotch warr hath no colour of truth , it being not at al propounded ; And as it had been a sottish , and perverse disposition to have condemned the warr against the Scotts , when they were in preparation to invade England , so it is as shamelesly said by Iconoclastes , that it was condemned and abominated by the whole people . Himselfe if a wicked obduration had not made him love lying , must have conffessed , that the late Earle of Essex , though afterward in Rebellion against the King , with greate demonstrations of Zeale , and affection to his Majest went a Commaunder in that expedition ; And if we respect the qualitie , or number of noble , & worthy persons that engaged themselves in that first warr , our stories have rarely remembred an Army , that went into Scotland of greater number of eminent persons , so as Iconoclastes hath just cause to condemne , and abominate himselfe for the Lewdenes , and evidence of this vntruth , and if the then Parliament had not been abused by some representing his Majest desires , the designes of such , as meant to make advantage of the breach of that Parliament had been disappointed , and the Calamities ensuing had been prevented ; And as there were no greivances then in the Kingdome , but might admit longer delay of redresse , then the publique necessities of supply , so his Majest might justly demaund subsidies in the first place with promise to redresse their greivances afterwards ; And Iconoclastes too late observes the order of that demaund of his late Majest to be amisse , when the late Parliament graunted so many subsidies for the Scotts without expectation of any such promise .

Which when the Parliament , who judged that warr it selfe on of their maine greivances , made no haste to graunt , not enduring the delay of his impatient will , or els fearing the conditions of their graunt , he breakes of the whole session and dismisses them , and their greivances with scorne and frustration .

That the Parliament judged that warr any of their greivances , that never mentioned it in their debates , or resolutions is fit for the affirmation of this Author only . But if the Parliament had judged that warr one of their maine greivances , the rest , whereof so greate noyse hath been made , will hardly be thought weightie . This warr was then newly begun , the King had received no supply from the people for the charge past , and could this be a maine greivance ? Wee see at what rate this man makes greivance , and to what ordinary accidents he applies his exorbitant expressions . The then Parliament would not have been slow in his Majest supply , if some false Ministers had not interposed , and some seditious persons had not plotted to impose a necessitie vpon his Majest to dissolue the Parliament . They had not presented him any greivances and therefore there could be no such dismission with scorne and frustration , and he Phrases it . There were evident tokens of greife , and discontent in his late Majest that he was necessitated to that act , but there was reioycing , and insolence amongst the turbulent Sectaries for it .

Much lesse therefore did he call this last Parliament by his owne choice , and inclination , but having first tryed in vaine all vndue wayes to procure mony , his Army of their owne accord being beaten in the north , the Lords petitioning ; and the generall voyce of the people all most hissing him , and his ill acted Regalitie of the Stage , compelled , at length both by his want , and by his feares , vpon meere extreamitie he summoned this last Parliament .

This man acts the part of a Lord of misrule to stirre the passions of the people with taunts , and abuses , and for his over acted petulant scurrilitie fitt to be whipped of the stage . If he had ever given proofe of his owne courage , hee would not thus barbarously reproach his late Majest: with feares , who was so well knowne to have hazarded his person in so many perills , and these Phrases are the froth of a base insultation , not the censure of a just Ennemy . But why for feare should the King summon a Parliament if he fore saw , as the libeller sayes it would be his vndoing : Could he have greater feares , then that ? He hath not instanced one vndue way of his late Majest to get money for the warr against Scotland , & therefore his repetitions import his impertinence , as well , as his malice but gaine no credit by their frequency . The peoples hissing , which the Traytours desired , had been as inconsiderable , and vndutifull , as his assertions are false , but as it no way contradicts , what his Majest sayes , if the allaying of popular discontents , & rectifying mistakes were one end of calling the Parliament , so the petitioning of the Lords instructs all reasonable men to thinke , that feares and wants were not the sole cause of summoning that Parliament and that his Majest: choice was not excluded . And as the beating of his Majest Army had not so disabled him , but that they were in number , and courage superiour to their Enemies , so if his Majest choice had not guided him , he might with lesse hazard in common appearance have tryed the successe of a battell at that time ; then he did at diverse tymes afterwards . That , which he sayes of the Armyes , being beaten of their owne accord is little to their honour , if it were true , but infamous to this Author being false , & if there were any so perfidious to betray their own , and their nations honour vnto strangers , they could not be many , for its a knowne truth , that the most eminent persons in that service , and the greatest number of common souldiers served his Majest afterward in his warrs , not only against the English Rebells , but the Scotts .

And how is it possible , that be should willingly incline to Parliaments , who never was perceived to call them , but for the greedy hopes of a whole nationall bribe , his subsidies , and never loved , never fulfilled , never promoted the true ends of Parliaments , the redresse of greivances , but still putt them of , and prolonged them , whether , gratifyed , or not gratifyed , and was indeede the Author of all those greivances .

It hath been already shewed , how his Majest was perceived to call Parliaments out of his owne choice , and inclination , and it was not only in his Majest time , but in the time of Queene Elisabeth , that Parliaments were said to be only called to give subsidies , there never wanting male contents , and slanderers of the Actions of Princes , and the case may be such , that subsidies may be the cheife motive , to call Parliaments , considering the sufficiency of the lawes in force , and the small number of greivances complained of . Malitious detraction is accompanied with absurditie , and Iconoclastes becoming a Champion of Rebellion reckons Tributes , and supplies of the soveraigne by subjects , which is their duty among the number of scandalous sins , and that which was practised by our saviour , and commaunded by his Apostles he calls nationall bribes . This braine sicke , and prophane Libelling can be acceptable to none , but such , as are delighted with the vnhappy distempers of Bedlam . He hath not so much passion to have greivances redrest , as love to the word , because , as he thinkes , it imports matter displeasing to the people , who yet are now satisfied , that those , which abused them by the frequent vse of the word greivances , never intended the remedy , but by multiplying complaints sought to leade them into discontents against the Government , whereby they might become Captive to ambitious vsurpers . That , which he sayeth is the true end of Parliaments to reforme greivances justly condemnes those , he now calls a Parliament , who , he well knowes sitt to no other end , but to encrease greivances , and in eight yeares time never redressed one . Though Kings take notice of greivances in Parliament , and take , order to redresse them , yet that cannot be called the true end of calling Parliaments for there are often occasions of calling Parliaments in respect of publique safetie against Enemies , and conspiratours , addition , & alteration of lawes , publique supplyes , the redresse of greivances is accidentall to the Parliament , and the pretence of greivances hath proved the greatest greivance , that ever the people suffered , and his scurrilous objection of greedy hope to his late Majest on whome malice it selfe hath not yet layd such a Cryme encreaseth the Libellers infamy , not the weight of his charge .

To say therefore , that he called this Parliament of his owne choice , and inclination argues how little truth , wee can expect from the sequell of this booke , which ventures in the very first period to affront more , then one nation , with an vntruth so remarkeable .

If the venturing vpon an vntruth in the first period be an argument to expect little in the sequell of the booke , what may we expect of this Author , whose whole booke is a confutation of his first period , not to descant on the Kings misfortunes ? That in seeking to disprove this first period adventured on so many palpable vntruths , and stickes not to pervert the very period it selfe , and affront not only more , then one nation , but all indifferent men ? For if his Majest had been necessitared either through the disorder of persons to dissolve Parliaments , or for beare them , he might yet call a Parliament by his owne choice , considering , that not the condition of Parliament , but the malevolence of some persons were cause both of the dissolution , & forbearance . The often Parliaments in Ireland , & the precedent Parliaments in England to that , which he mentions , maintaine the truth of that first period against the many remarkcable falsities of this Image breaker .

And presumes a more implicit faith in the people of England , then the Pope ever commaunded from the Romish laitie , or els a naturall sottishnes fitt to be abused , and ridden .

Kings may expect credit to their words from their people , Rebells cannot though experience hath confirmed that if a greate part of the people of England had not followed them with a more blinde , and obstinate beleife , then ever Romish laitie did their Pope , they could never have been ridden , and jaded , as now they are . And Iconoclastes could never presume the beleife of his extravagant assertions , if he thought not his readers of worse , then naturall sottishnes to be abused , for while they lye groveling vnder the Tyrany of their present oppressours , and lament the losse of their happines vnder the Kingly Government , this man will perswade them out of their sense , and memory .

While in the judgment of wisemen by laying the foundation of his defence on the avouchment of that , which is so manifestly vntrue , he hath given a worse foyle to his own cause , then when his whole forces were at any time overthrowne .

Surely there wisemē shewed as little reason , in judging an assertion , as knowledge in military affaires , that made by comparison of this period to the defeat of an army . If his Maj: have given so greate a foyle to his cause by the first period of his booke whence comes the danger , that Iconoclastes would prevent ? Was this first period vnintelligible without his comment , and what is it to the Kings , cause , whether he called the Parliament of his owne choice , or not . It s very likely his wife men heere are the same with his wel principled men he mentioned els where , & their principles , or impiety being the same with his , their judgment is as corrupt , as their conscience , and as farr from wisedome , as the libeller from modestie , and if any had such a judgment , they might soone finde their errour , which all others descerne , and such a judgment were a greater foyle to their wisedome , then to his Majest cause .

They therefore , who thinke such greate service done to the Kings affaires in publishing this booke will finde themselves in the end mistaken , of sense , & right minde , or but any mediocritie of knowledge , and remembrance hath not quite forsaken men .

They will finde themselves no whit mistaken if sense , right minde , and mediocritie of knowledge , and remenbrance have not quite forsaken men , but the libeller , will finde himselfe very much mistaken , if he expect , that his sense shal be so received against apparent truth , as to give a greater foyle , then the defeate of Arimes , and vnderstanding must have left the world , where the Author of such a comparison findes credit .

He comes now to prosecute his Majest discourse in pursucance of that period , and first to what his Majest affirmes of Parliaments to have allwayes thought the right way of them most safe to his Crowne , and best pleasing to his people , he sayes we felt from his Actions what he thought of Parliaments , or of pleasing his people .

The people feele now , that , which makes them confesse , that they had just cause by what they felt from his Majest Actions to be well pleased with them , & to beleive , what he affirmes heere to be his judgment of Parliaments , and if any people were pleased with the ill way of Parliaments , they have seene their errour by the evill consequents , and now thinke the right way of them only most safe for the Crowne , & them , and that nothing , but ruine to the Kingdome can be expected from disorderly Parliaments .

He goes on to that , which his Majest adds , that the cause of forbearing to Conveene Parliaments was the sparkes , which some mens distempers there studied to kindle . To this the libeller sayes , they were not temperd to his temper , for it neither was the law , nor Rule , by which all other tempers were to be tryed , but they were chosen for fittest men in their Counties to quench those distempers , which his inordinate doings had inflamed .

Is the choice in Counties the law , and rule whereby tempers are to be tryed ? And would the libeller have it beleived , that all such , as are chosen in the Counties , are of better temper , then the King . If choice be the law of temper , why doth he justifie those men , which have affronted , scorn'd , and punished such , as have been chosen by the Counties ? If all are so well temperds , why are some so ill handled , and excluded ? And if there may be distempers , as he must confesse in despight of impudence , why was it not a just reason of his Majest forebearance , if he found it ? We know what fires small sparkes kindle in greate Assemblies , and we have felt the flame of them like the sudden eruption of burning Mountaines , when all was quiet , and there were men , that studyed to turne the Parliament into confusion having not the temper to quench , but to enflame .

Were these men , that were of the two Parliaments in the first yeare of his Majest Raigne ; The first called within two moneths after he begun , the second within twelue , chosen to allay those distempers , which his inordinate doings had inflamed , what were these inordinate doings , that could inflame so suddenly ? We neede not argue this Authors credit from one vntruth , but he would obtaine some credit , if one entire truth could be found in him .

If that were his refusing to conveene till those men had been quallified to his will , wee may easily conjecture what hope there was of Parliaments , had not feare , and his insatiate povertie in the middest of his excessive wealth constrained him .

His Majest might with reason exspect , that many , who through errour had caused distempers , might returne to a right minde seeing his temper , and their little reason to desire such Parliaments , as make it their whole worke to divide the peoples affections from the King , and follow the Councells of such , as are malecontents for want of preferment , and if men had been quallified to his Majest will , Parliaments would have had happier ? successe , and the people pleased with their agreement , that now groane vnder the miseries of their division . But whence his insatiate povertie in the middest of his excessive wealth should constraine him is not vnderstood , wants , and wealth are inconsistent . This libeller hath greate povertie of sense in the middest of his excessive expressions . He goes an ill way to prove that the King was so vninclined to Parliaments , and that povertie compelled him , if he had wealth certainly that would have kept him from hazarding a course so disliked . He shal be rich , and poore , that some may contemne his povertie , others may grudge his wealth .

The King hoped by his Freedome , and their moderation to prevent misvnderstandings . To this sayes Iconoclastes , wherefore not by their Freedome , and his moderation .

The Champion cannot suffer a King to passe without signifying to him , that there is no difference betweene King , and subject . The King had resolved to vse Freedome in his concessions , and hoped they would vse moderation in their demaunds . This man would have him say , that they should vse Freedome in their demaunds & he would vse moderation in his concessions , hath he not made it a proper speech ? Will his wise , and well principled men thinke him a fit Champion to breake Bell , & the Dragon ? But he gives a reason , why the King would speake sense , for he thought sayes he Freedome to high a word for them , and moderation toe meane for himselfe , and he concludes , this was not the way to prevent misvnderstanding . It s sure this man tooke the way to make misvnderstandings , that would have Freedome applyed to the people , what ever the subject be , that is spoken of , and its like he would be well pleased , that they had Freedome from law , prosperitie , loyaltie , and obedience , which might be as well spoken , as the sense he hath framed to prevent mis-vnderstandings .

He sayes the King still feared passion , and prejudice in other men , not in himselfe , and doubted not by the weight of his owne reason to counterpoise any faction , it being so easie for him , and so frequent to call his obstinacie reason , and other mens reason faction .

He had greate reason to feare passion , and prejudice in others , which he had so often tryed , and which they , that then feared not have since found true , and the concessions the King purposed , and performed might make him confident to counterpoyse any faction , but the libeller will have it beleived , that he , which graunted more , then any of his Predecessours was obstinate , and they , that demaunded what former Parliaments thought vnreasonable , and impious , had reason . But the King was deceived , that had to doe with Monsters , not reasonable men .

We in the meane while must beleive , that wisedome , and all reason came to him by Title with his Crowne : Passion , prejudice , and faction to others by being subjects .

Kings have advantages above others for wisedome , and reason , they are assisted with diverse Councells , and in publique affaires reason must be presumed in Kings , and faction feared in subjects , nature being averse to submit , and interests , and partialities incident to all greate Assemblyes , and the detraction from the wisedome of Rulers in the Rebells foundation , and a sure signe of corrupt intentions .

He was sorry to heare with what popular heate elections were carryed in many places . To these words of the Kings he sayes sorry rather , that Court , letter , and intimations prevailed no more to divert , or to deterre the people from their free election of those men , whome they thought best affected to Religion , & their Countryes libertie , both at that time in danger to be lost .

They were in danger to be lost by a Trayterous conspiracie with an invading enemy , but no other danger imaginable to any . There was never lesse cause to complaine of Court letters , and intimations , nor ever greater mistakes of persons chosen , the Countryes affections to Religion , and libertie making way for the insinuations of Hypocriticall seducers , and had the Countryes knowne the dispositions of the men they chose , as their Actions have since discovered , they would not have trusted them with their Religion , and libertie , which they have betrayed . This Image breaker declaimes against the violence , & levitie of the people , and heere calumniates his Majest for observing the popular heate , whereby elections were carryed in some places , it being a most knowne truth , that popular , heate is as frequent vpon such occasions , as any other , witnes the long annimosities between families , and the greate contentions , that arise from such Elections .

Among the many clamours in the late Parliament , where malice was as busie , as this Author is now to finde out Court letters to divert , or deterre the people from free Elections , there was not one instance produced of such letters or intimations . How wickedly industrious many were to blow abroade jealosie , & suspition of the danger of Religion , & libertie , & how causelessely the people in many places were drawne into passion by vaine surmises , is too well knowne , and it is too late , for the Image breaker to seeke to reduce the people into those misopinions , which they have detected by too deare bought experience , for they well see , that there was no way so certaine to endanger Religion , and libertie , as they were seduced into , vpon pretence to preserve them .

And such men they were , as by the Kingdome were sent to advise him , not sent to be Cavilled at , because elected , or to be entertained by him with an vndervalue , and misprision of their temper , judgment , or affection .

Though such , as were elected , were not sent by the Kingdome , but by the respective places , one not intermedding with another , yet if Iconoclastes had not been more forward to expresse his impotencie , then warry in producing reason , he would not have spoken of being Cavilled at , whereof he had not montioned the least colour , and if he hold the persons of men elected so sacred , & the King faultie for not esteeming them , as he ought , what is the reason , that he defends the Tumults , that reproacht , and assaulted them ? What is the reason he professes so much honour to those Masters , that plucked them out of the house , & kicked them into prisons ? Kings send for their subjects to advise with them , and Iconoclastes might finde by the Elections of members of the lower house , that they were sent to doe , & consent to such things , as should be ordained with the common Councell of the Kingdome , and therefore mistakes their directions , that sayes they were sent to advise him , & with what childish levitie doth he insult on his soveraigne , for vndervaluing of the temper , judgment , or affection of persons chosen , as if their Elections re●ned their natures , & sublimated their tempers , as this mans Rebellion hath inflamed , and besotted him .

In vaine was a Parliament thought fittest , by the knowne lawes of our nation to advise , and regulate vnruly Kings , if they insteede of hearkning to advice , should be permitted to turne it of , and refuse it by vilifying , and traducing their advisers , or by accusing of a popular heate , those that lawfully elected them .

If a Parliament were thought fittest by the knowne lawes of our Kingdome , to regulate vnruly King , it was certainly in vaine , for such Kings , as stories report mostirregular , were least regulated by Parliaments , but on the contrary the Parliaments concurd to their desires , and in such extravagant Actions , as were the greatest blemishes of their Government , & Iconoclastes doth well to make a supposition of knowne lawes ; for he knowes not any , that thought his supposition true , for the knowne , lawes will not suppose an vnruly King , and therefore cannot thinke , of a way to regulate what they will not suppose , but were it supposed , that a Parliament were the fittest way toregulate vnruly Kings , doth it follow , that there wil be no heate in elections , nor noe misadvice in persons elected ? Must the King take all for truth , and reason , that any of these advisers will tell him ? Or is a Major part of them so infallible , as the whole Kingdome must stand , or perish by the advantage of a few voyces , & perhaps one onely ? But this breaker hath broken out into this vnnaturall heate , vpon the alone mention of heate in Elections , a matter not only of possibilitie , but knowne truth .

His owne , & his Childrens interest oblidged him to seeke , & preserve the love , and welfare of his subjects . To this of his Majest he sayes . Who doubts it , but the same interest common to all Kings , was never yet availeable to make them all seeke that , which was indeede best for themselves , & their posteritie .

But if it be the interest of Kings to preserve the love , and welfare of their subjects , in vaine doth Iconoclastes from the transgressions of particular persons defame the sacred office of Kings , and endeavour to set vp vsurpers , whose interest cannot so much oblidge them to the love , & welfare of the people . He sayes all men are oblidged by their interest to honestie , and Iustice , but that consideration workes litle in private men . It seemes by his writing , it workes litle in him , that so litle regards honestie , and Iustice . But his interest is not to regard it , for the interest of his profitt , and esteeme with his Masters cannot be maintained by honestie , and Iustice , and that interest is more prevalent with him , then the interest of a good conscience , or heaven it selfe . He might well have descerned , that his Majest argued from the Humane , or Civill interest , which men are apt to judge strongest , and the breaker impertinently diverts the sense to talke of mens fayling in the exercise of vertue , when their temporall interests are the cause of their miscarriage , and therefore his Majest reason was strong , that since his interest , as well , as right carried him to the inclination he mentioned , it might be more probable to others . But the Image breaker admits no reasons , not gives any , but magisterially layes downe his position , that Kings have lesse consideration of honestie , & Iustice then other men . It were an injury to that high calling to offer an answeare to such a barking detractour against the most approved , most ancient , and most sacred office for the preservation of Humane societie , that will deprave that , which God hath sanctified , and will make those , by whome God dispenseth the blessings of peace vnto men , the greatest Enemies to God , and goodnes .

He intended to oblidge both friends , & Enemies , and to exceede their desires , did they but pretend to any modest , and sober sense . To this he sayes mistaking the whole busines of a Parliament , which meete not to receive from him obligations , but Iustice , nor he to expect from them their modestie , but their grave advice vttered with Freedome in the publique cause .

This man mistakes the whole busines of a Parliament , that would exclude modestie from the advice , and libertie from the advised . The freedome , that the libeller intends is inconsistent with modestie , as-well , as Monarchy , Trayterous dispositions having an Antipathy to morall vertues . How often have Parliaments made petitions to their King for graces , & were they not oblidged , when they were graunted ? But it cannot be expected , that such , as despise dutie should willingly acknowledge the right of those , to whome it belongs , and such , as vse no modestie will acknowledge no gratitude , or obligation . If their advice had been grave , their behaviour would have been modest , and they whose dutie was only to advise , had no pretence to Commaund , and dictate , nor they , that were to receive Justice from their King , to snatch what they desired , and become judges of their owne demaunds . Such as wil not be oblidged by lawes , nor oaths cannot by benefites , & favours , and such , as have robbed a King of his power , grow quickely to that height of impudence to deny he had ever any , as this Author , that is so Brutish to affirme , that Kings cannot oblidge their subjects , & thence it followes , that they owe no thankes to God for a good King , as they professe to owe him none for his good Government .

His talke of modestie in their desires of the common welfare argues him not much to have vnder stood , what he had to graunt , who misconceived so much the nature of what they had to desire .

His excepting at the talke of modestie shewes how little he vnderstands other modestie , or the right , or practice of Parliament . Is not humilitie a word of larger signification , then modestie , and yet this breaker will make modestie contrary to the nature of the Parliaments desires , and the Kings graunts , when humilitie is the common expression of the Parliaments petitions to the King . And he might well have said the King vnderstood not , what he had to graunt , if he had not expected his subjects desires to have a modest , and sober sense . Can there be desires of the common-welfare , that exclude modest , & sober sense ? But the truth is the desires of the late faction in the name of Parliament had neither modest , nor sober sense , and thence the libeller would inferr it vnnecessary , and it was very farr from the nature of what they had to desire to demaund their Kings Crowne .

And for sober sense the expression was too meane , and recoiles with as much dishonour vpon himself fo to be a King , where sober sense could possible be so wanting in a Parliament .

And must it be the Kings dishonour , if an Assembly of Parliament want sober sense , how does that recoile vpon him , can he make them otherwise ? Iconoclastes lately reprehended his mention of heate in Elections , and now it s the Kings dishonour , if the Parliament want sober sense , was there never experience of a Parliament , that wanted sober sense , or was any man so savage , as to hold sober sense too meane for a greate Councell ? Wee have seene not only sober sense , but al Religion , reason , law , & Justice , wanting in a Parliament , being taken for the prevalent partie , and Histories record it to have happened , more , then once . Kings have been vnhappy in such Parliaments , but the dishonour , and infamy rests vpon such Assemblyes , and these Apologists are the Trumpetts of their shame , not the covers of their nakednes .

The odium , and offences , which some mens rigour , or remissenes in Church , & state had contracted vpon his Government , he resolved to have expiated with better lawes , and regulations . To this he sayes the worst misdemneanours of rigour or remissenes he hath taken vpon himselfe , as often as the Clergy , or any other of his Ministers felt themselves over-burthened with the peoples hatred . He instances in the superstitious rigour of his sundayes Chappell , remissenes of his sundayes Theatre , that reverend statute for Dominicall liggs , & Maypoles derived from the Example of his Father Iames , which testifies , that all superstition , and remissenes in Religion issued from his authoritie , and the generall misearriages in state imputed cheifely to himselfe .

That the remissenes and rigour of some men may contract odium , and offence in the best Governments was never doubted , but that this libeller would take occasion from his Majest intention to expiate them with better lawes , to cast them on his Majest shewes that this Rebellion arose not from offences in Government , but wicked inclinations of ambition , & Covetuousnes , and that amendments were not desired but confusion . It was just , & honourable , that the King should take on him the defence of his lawes against Sectaries , and the protection of officers , in the exercise of just authoritie , against the hatred of frenitique persons . The hipocrisie of the schismaticall partie , that professed greate tendernes of conscience , and greife to see Children whipp a top on a sunday , was ridiculous to al sober men , yet theis are the motives to embroyle a state . That , which he calls the superstitious rigour of his sundayes Chappell is noe other , then observation of the order of the Church of England , which none , but the Bedlam Brownist ever called superstitious . His Majest Chappell had nothing in the exercise of Devotion , but what the lawes of his Predecessours had appointed , and this must be his rigour . That , which he calls his sundayes Theatre it seemes are recreations vpon sundayes , and to that he prophanely , and scurrilously adds his Dominicall Jiggs . Can a Christian , that hath respect to the day , make Dominicall the matter of his jest , but having abused sacred titles to impious Actions , they proceede to scoffe with them . He intimates a booke published touching recreations , wherein his Majest followed the example of his Royall father , and the advice of the most learned Divines . Judaisme , and ridiculous superstition of the hipocriticall sectaries cheifely occasioned that booke both in the time of his Majest and King James . Permission of sunday recreations is more agreeable to the doctrine , & practice of other Churches , then the prohibition , & the pretended tendernes of conscience in the Sectaries , appeares as false , as frivolous , and these Sectaries , that make this imaginary rigour , and remissenes a foundation to overthrow a Kingdome allow noe limits to their owne rigour , and remissenes , taking all libertie to themselves , & denying any to others . Why are theis doughty objections made against his Majest when all know it touches not him particularly ( if it were considerable ) but his Father , & queene Elizabeth , in whose times recreations of sundayes were more practised , then in the time of his Majest & by the way we may take notice of his scornefull appellation of his Father James . And for the miscarriages in state , wee may expect , that as the Actions will be by this Author vnfaithfully related , soe they will appeare of as litle weight for a ground to those Calumnies , which he frames vpon them .

His Majest disavowed none of these acts , till this Parliament , and heere seekes to wipe of the envy of his evill Government vpon his substitutes .

His Majest allwayes disavowed illegall Acts , and whatever other mens rigour , or remissenes had contracted . And must a King satisfie the curiositie , & malice of all , that cast envy on his Government ? And was there ever a Parliament , wherein lawes were not made to expiate the odium contracted . When his Majest seekes to take away the occasions of evill in his substitutes , he deserves the love , and thankes of his people , but it is the practice of Rebells to cast the rigour , and remissenes of the substitutes vpon the Government . His Majest ought not to beare the evill of other mens Actions , and his Government wil be glorious to posteritie , as it was happy to them , that enjoyed it in despight of envy , and this Author , and such , as seeke to wipe of the guilt of this lewde Rebellion , by pretences of evill Government , which can noe more justifie their fact , then provocation a private Duell , sufficiently cleere his Majest of their reproaches by the lightnes of these objections , and by offering vulgar envy , as a reason to destroy the Kingdome . He goes on jeering the Kings promises , for reforminge Religion , as too late , and because popular confusions had overtopt reason , therefore he concludes their Justice in working mischeife , and breaking all the bonds of faith , and Religion . The purposes , which his Majest had for reforminge Religion , could not by him be expressed artificiallie to gaine abatement of that violence , vnder which he suffered , for they are noe other , then what he had often proposed in the beginninge of the Parliament , and the workes of the dead King lose not their weight , because they declare to the world the vnjust vsurpation of his authoritie .

All his vndertakings heeretofor declared him to have little , or no judgment in that worke of Religion . This libellers booke declares him to have little conscience of Religion , & no wonder , if schismatickes are so shamles in the contempt of the greatest judgments , that differ from them , when they acknowledge the authoritie of no person over them , and that , which Iconoclastes pronounces-heere of the King , he will not sticke to determine of all the world besides , that agree not with his sect . Sectaries are no lesse insolent , and cruell , then false , and fantastique , there being not any like excesse in such , as attaine to highest preferments in Church , or state by ordinary wayes , as in those popular seducers , presumption being of more force , then truth with vulgar spirits , and thence this Champion of shismatickes not only vilifies his Majest judgment in Religion , but tells the world , That his breeding , or course of life could not acquaint him with a thing so spirituall . The breeding , and course of life of this generation of sectaries is not vnknowne , and they seeke to supply with impudence , what they want of abilitie . It were a fault to mention heere his Majest parts , learning , and pietie , and the Scripture , which directs vs to try the spirits hath give vs such markes of the false , and lying spirits , as wee should be much wanting to ourselves , if wee could not judge those men , that are proud-boasters , despisers of Parents , despisers of Dominion , Traytours , faith-breakers to be such , as descerne not the things of the spirit , though they pretend to them .

The Reformation , they could expect from him must be some politique forme of an imposed Religion , or perpetuall vexation to such , as comply not with that forme

And let all the Churches , that professe the name of Christ through the world be produced , and there is none of them , but have a forme of Religion which this libeller heere calls politicke , and an imposed Religion , and the observation of such formes are in all Churches exacted with some penalties , and heereby all men may see , that wee have not to doe with a confined Rebell , that hath only disaffection to the Government of the place , where he lives , but one , that accuses all Churches , but his owne Conventicle to have litle , ore no judgment in Religion , and not acquainted with a thing so spirituall , for the ground of this reproach is from his Majest resolution to vse formes in the publique duties of Religion in the Church .

The like amendment , he sayes , he promises in state , not a step further , then his reason , and conscience told him was fi●t to be desired , wishing he had kept with in those bounds , and not suffered his owne judgment to have been overborne in some things , And this he sayes is to set vp an Arbitrary Government , & all Brittany to be chained to the conscience , judgment , and reason of one man , as if those guifts were entayled vpon him , with his Fortune to be a King .

Wee know not the Misteries of this mans Religion , otherwise we might demaund of him , why the King should goe further , then his reason , and conscience directed him and why the libeller , & his Mates should hould it lawfull for them to spurne at al lawes both in Church , and state vpon pretence of their reason ; and conscience against them , he cannot deny to have done this , & they should doe well to shew , how the King may goe against his reason , & conscience . Is it intayled vpon him with his Fortune , as a King to have lesse priviledge , then they ? & must he renounce his owne reason , and conscience to the advice of a Parliament ? And must they controll him , and the Parliament ? Surely the King must give an account to God for the Talents , he hath lent him . But how can the breaker conclude , from the Kings forbearance of Acts , wherein he is vnsatisfied in his conscience , that is to set vp an Arbitrary Government when as nothing is introduced ? And why must not all Brittaine be chained to the judgment , reason , and conscience of the King , as well , as all Israell , Gods owne peculiar people , and not only all Brittaine , but the whole world are Chained to the reason , judgment , and conscience of their Rulers be they one , or many , And the seducers would perswade vs , that Brittaine could not be happy , vnles it were reduced to its ancyent barbaritie , and governed by a multitude of Kings , & Religions . God had promised peculiar assistance to Kings , and Commaunds the peoples obedience to them , & the miseries of the Kingdome many be imputed in a greate part to what his Majest observed , that he had suffered his owne judgment to be overborne in some things .

A Tyrant may make this pretence , and it were in vaine for any Parliament to have reason , judgment , or conscience , if it thwarted the Kings will .

It were much more tollerable for a Tyrant , to pretend conscience in governing , then for a people to pretend conscience in rebelling , and this libeller hath reprehended the peoples levitie , and violence so sharpely , as he cannot if he pretend reason , subject the reason , judgment , and conscience of the Rulers to the controll of the subjects . Because Tyrants may pretend conscience , therefore by good logicque no King may vse it , and because some Kings may not rightly governe , therefore he will have the right judgment in the people , which he so much despises , and which , as it hath been the meanes of the Rebells present power , so it hath been in all ages the cause of confusion , and miserie to states , and Kingdomes . The reason , judgment , and conscience of a Parliament is not therefore in vaine , because not infallible , it is most probable , that a King will follow the best Councell , but it cannot be presumed that in Parliaments , the greater-part will continue subjects , if they may be Kings by saying they wil be , and it was the wisedome of our Ancestours , that would have no lawes made without the will of their King , and they never trusted such , as they chose further , then to present their desires , and offer their Councell vnto him , and consent to what should be ordeyned by him with advice of the Lords , & it were in vaine to have a King , if he were not impowred to judge of Councells , or if lawes might be obtruded vpon him , and the people without him . The present Calamities testifie how vnhappily , and absurdly a Parliament seekes to Commaund , whose office is to Councell , and pretend Councell vseles , vnles they may deprive him , whome they advise of the benifit of Councell , taking away his power to vse it . To what end doe they Councell , if there be none to be Councelled , but all to be commaunded ?

That thus these promises made vpon experience of hard sufferings , and his most mortified retirements being thorowly sifted , containe nothing much different from his former practices .

His Majest expressions being thorowly sifted containe nothing in them , but pious , and Princely considerations , and from libellers owne mouth all men may see , that his Majest practices , against which they maliciously exclaime were consonant to Religion , and Justice , and only opposite to Trayterous , and schismaticall licence . It was the libellers profession to parrallell his Majest faire spoken words , as he calls them to his owne farr different Actions , and now his words , and deedes being sifted by malice it selfe are not much different , the libeller is some what ingenuous to discover his owne vanitie , and falshood .

He leaves it to prudent foresight , what fruites in likelyhood his Majest restorement would have produced .

We have seene already the fruites of the inhumane cruelties exercised vpon him , and the continuance , and encrease of those abominable impieties , that attend such Actions , where of the libeller makes a large profession , who confidently obtrudes lavish lyes , for knowne truths , petulant insolence , for sober sense , & maximes of villany , for sound Arguments , which are the bitter fruites of disobedience , and Rebellion .

To that part of the section , which he calls the devout of it , and modelled into the forme of a private Psalter , he objects nothing , but his spleene , that it is not to be admired , more then the Arch-Bishopps late Breviary , and other manualls , and handmaides of Devotion , and these he calls the lip worke of every Prelaticall leiturgist , quilted out of Scripture Phrase , with as much ease , and as litle neede of Christian diligence , or judgment , as belongs to the compiling of any ordinary , & saleable peece of English Divinitie , that the shopps value .

The Authors of leiturgies , and helpes to devotion , have their memory blessed by the benifit , which many devout soules have acknowledged to have received from their labours , and the crueltie , which bloody Rebells exercised on the person of the late Arch-bishopp , and their other barbarismes , towards the Prelates , to please that kennell by whome they acted their Rebellion , hath satisfied the world of the nature of Sectaries , of whose bloody disposition , many by sheepes-clothing were much deceived . Quilting of Scripture Phrase was wont , to be the prayse of their long winded Lecturers , who vsed it more for sound then sense , but it seemes their spirit is changed . The libeller will hardly gett credit , vnles with those , for whose sake he doth not professe to write , that is his wise , and well principled men the Sectaries , if he affirme , that there is more neede of Christian diligence in the bold , and extempore bablinge of their senseles zealots , then the compiling of those Leiturgies , and Manualls , he mentions . And such , as have observed the presumption of this rabble in their prayers , will beleive they hate diligence , as much , as they want judgment . Why English , or saleable should dininish the esteeme of Divinitie is not vnderstood , but becaused they are common termes , he would have his readers vnderstand , that they signifie nothing , but common matter , and he expects , that some will thinke English , and saleable Divinitie of no regard , though they vnderstand no other .

But he proceedes such a kinde of Psalmastry , or other verball devotion , without suteable deedes , cannot perswade any of Zeale , and righteousnes in the person .

But such , as make Psalmastrie a word of contempt , relish not the Zeale of the sweete singer of Israell , and their deedes are odious to all good men , that seeke matter of reproach vpon the devotions of others , and make their malitious surmises positive truths . The instances of Tyrants counterfeiting Religion are frequent , and that hipocrisie is inseperable from Tyrants , by vsurpation such as this libellers Masters , whose want of right , seekes protection from dissembled vertue , but this seldome happens to Kings by just Title , whose power wants not that support . His comparing his late Majest to knowne vsurpers , that confirmed their Crownes , gained by robbery , and kept with falshood , & blood shewes his odious shamelessnes in the dissimititude , & whoever observes the prophane assumption of the Titles of pietie , by these Monsters , & their hipocriticall professions , to maske their wicked ends , shall finde , that Andronicus Comnenus , and our English Rich. 3. Came short of them , not only in counterfeiting Religion , and conscience , but in falshood , and crueltie . Insteede of shake speares scene of Rich. 3. The libeller may take the Parliaments declaration of the 29. May , where their words are . The providing for the publique peace , and prosperitie of his Majest and all his Realmes , we protest in the presence of the all-seeing Deitie to have been , and still to be , the only end of all our Councells , & endeavours , wherein wee have resolved to continue freed , and enlarged from all private aimes , personall respects , or passions whatsoever , and againe in their petition of the second of June , they tell him , that they have nothing in their thoughts , and desires more pretious , and of higher esteeme next to the honour , and immediate service of God , then the just , and faithfull performance of their dutie to his Majest and the libeller will not finde in historie , or poet words of a deeper hipocrisie in the mouth of a villaine , nor more contradicted by their Actions . That which he adds from his Testimony out of shakespeare of the imagined vehemence of Rich. the 3. In his dissembled professions , holds noe proportion with , theis hipocrisies , really acted , not fancyed by a poet , and this libeller hath learnt to act a part out of shakespeare , and with Rich. 3. accusing loyaltie , and innocency for high Crymes , and crying out against their wickednes , that sought to restore the disposessed heires of the Crowne to their right , and amplifying their offence , as the highest against God , and man , and wherein comes the libeller short of his patterne in this scene .

He sayes heerein the worst of Kings professing Christianisme have by farr exceeded him , and he gives his reason , for that the King hath , as it were vnhallowed , and vnchristned by borrowing to a Christian vse prayers offred to a heathen God .

And doth saint Paul exceede the worst of Kings professing Christianisme by borrowing to a Christian vse the words of an heathen Philosopher , and poet , did he thereby vnhallow , and vnchristen Scripture ?

His meaning is , as followes afterward , that the King vsed a prayer taken out of S. Philip Sydnies Arcadia . After the first Edition of his Majest booke , the Printers finding the greate vent of them , in the following Editions Printed prayers , and other things in the Kings name , not belonging to the booke . Among these prayers , there is a prayer taken out of the Arcadia . That prayer is neither made by a heathen , woman , nor to a heathen God , but is composed by the Author a Christian without reference to any heathen Deitie , and the Author is not thought to vnchristen prayer by it , the libeller himselfe saying the booke in its kinde is full of worth , and wit , but as his outcry hath noe cause from the matter , so heere is no evidence of the fact , that his Majest: made vse of that prayer , or popt into the Bishopps hands as a relique of his exercise , though he might warrantably have vsed it and professed it .

But he goes on to shew what he can say vpon this occasion . Who would have imagined so little feare in him of the true alseeing Deitie , so litle reverence of the holy Ghost , whose office is to dictate , and presens our Christian prayers , so litle care of truth in his last words , or honour to himselfe , or to his friends , or sense of his afflictions , or of that sad hower , which was vpon him , as immediately before his death to pop into the hand of that grave Bishopps , who attended him , as a speciall relique of his saintly exercises a prayer stolne , &c.

All men , that have observed this Authors practice hitherto rest assured , that he hath so litle feare , or reverence of the all seeing Deitie , so litle care of truth , or honour , as he stickes not to charge his Majest with facts neverdone , and innocent Actions , with transcendent guilt . If his Majest had vsed the prayer , or delivered it , as he imagines , no man of Christian sobrietie could charge the fact with Cryme , what one word , or sentence is there in that prayer , which a Christian may not vse , but the Image breaker hath a greate quarrel to al formes of prayer , and by the reason he produces , that the office of the holy Ghost is to dictate , and present our Christian prayers , all set prayers want reverence to the holy Ghost , so tender is he of the best reformed Churchs , of whome he so often makes a propertie . And whence concludes he no care of truth in his last words , when the King never spake of it . He aggravates this fact by the person of the grave Bishopp , who had been a Prelaticall leiturgist , had it not been to paint a slander . The laughter , which he conceives is caused by the thought of this , that he , which acted so Tragically should have such a ridiculous exit might rather strike horrour in the libeller , for his malitious opposition to truth , that will so contrary to his owne knowledge charge him to act tragically , that had governed so mildly , and to have a ridiculous exit , that left the world with so greate pietie , and such vniversall greife of the people for his sufferings , but desperate wretches laugh at the wickednes they act . His Majest friends have had good experience , that his Enemies , who have spared no paines to traduce him , would not for beare any occasion of detraction . His Majest enduring afflictions with admired patience , his fuffering death with Christian fortitude , his vertuous life , & holy Martyrdome , cannot be blasted by an Atheists scorne , nor a Rebells malice .

His conclusion in the begging of the question , that it is cleere the King was not induced , but constrained to call the last Parliament , which by his owne shewing is apparently false , for if there had been such a constraint , the Lords in vaine petitioned , and all the necessities , that he hath supposed may concurr with the Kings inclination to call a Parliament , and if necessitie had constrained him to call a Parliament , what should hinder , but he might avouch in the eares of God , that he did it with an vpright intention to his glory , and his peoples good . If necessitie of his peoples preservation , or welfare cause him to call a Parliament , may he not vse these words ; Whence would the Image breaker have it a cause of trembling , more , then any thing spoken in the presence of God . The permitting mans wickednes is no approbation of it , nor a token of his hatred to those , that are afflicted by it . There are some , whome God hath given over to delusion , and of that the libeller appeares to have a greate measure , who not only beleives lies , but is the Author of them , making the names of Religion , and conscience , and the feare of God baites to deceive , and venom to reproach

Vpon the EARLE Of STRAFFORDS DEATH .

THis chapter he sayes is a penitent confession of the King , and the strangest , if it be well weighed , that ever was auricular , for he repents heere of giving his consent , though most vnwillingly to the most seasonable , and solemne peice of Iustice , that had been done of many yeares in the land : But his sole conscience thought the contrary .

Impieties that were strange heeretofore , are common with this libeller , and it is vnheard of that repentance of an act conceiveded sinfull by the athour , was reproached by and before this Atheist , he never weighed neither repentance , nor confession , if he had , he would never have thought it strange , that his Majest should confesse , that he sinned in following a multitude to doe evill , and if the murther of the Earle of strafford had been Justice , is it strange , that such , as had acted in it without sufficient satisfaction to their conscienc , should confesse their sin in concurring to such an Action ? Was it not an injustice , that was done vnwillingly , and ought it not to be repented of ? If his Majest sole conscience thought the contrary , was it not sin in him to consent to the fact , and is it without experience , that a single man in an Assembly hath judged the right , and the rest proceeded in the wrong , but he applies himselfe to readers , whose affections , and capacities , are proportioned to his expressions , and therefore his Majest confession is the strangest , that ever was auricular . He would have them beleive , that his Majest discourse in this Chapter was popish auricular confession , els his Jnigly of auricular , had no congruitie with a written confession . For the merit of that , which he calls solemne peice of Justice , no age had produced such a solemne , and formall piece of villany , which is by so much more odious , as it had the figures of law , and Justice .

And thus was the welfare , the safetie , and within a litle the vnannimous demaund of three populous nations , to have attended still on the Singularitie of one mans opinionated conscience , if men had allwayes been so tame , and spiritles , and had not vnexpectedly found the grace to vnderstand , that if his conscience were so narroa , and peculiar to it selfe , it in as not fit , his authoritie should be so ample , and vinversall over others , for certainly a private conscience , sortes not with a publique calling .

The welfare , and safetie of these three populous Kingdomes , had been probably preserved , if they had attended on his Maj: conscience , and what hath been the consequence of that spirit , and grace , which he sayes they found , and was indeede the infusion of impious inclinations into many by the spirit of errour , & disobedience , but the most desperate , & I anguishing miserie , & danger , that ever lay vpon the Kingdome . And these graceles miscreants sport at the nam af grace , & prophane the profession of it . He would be vnderstood a litle modest in adding with in a litle to vnannimous , but being weighed , his impudence wil appeare litle lesse in this , then former passages . If the three Kingdomes be considered in comparison to that small number , that vnderstood the case of the Earle of Strafford , it was a very litle part of the Kingdomes , that made the demaund be mentions , & if he would advantage his cause by the cryes of those , that were stirred vp by the Seditious Seducers , to cry Justice , their giddy wilfullnes , aswel , as ignorance , & lewdenes , wil add litle to the weight , though it encreas the number of these demaunders . But this man thinkes conscience vnfitt for a King , & therefore would not have so narrow a conscience have so large an authority , for he sayes a private conscience sorts not with publique calling , & declares that person rather meant by nature for a private fortune . The must profest Atheists , & loose debauches , never avowed a greater scorne of Christianitie , neither is there an Author extant , that hath adventured so farr vpon the reasons of men , as to complaine vpon a King for Tyrany , and errours in Religion , & with the same breath , charging him with vnfitnes to be a King , for want of a wide conscience . These men are true to their principles , to make vehement professions of Religion , though they hate it and in the middest of their prophane fasts , & presumptuous thankes giving , they jeere at al Religion , & conscience , & professe to the world , that a publique conscience ought not to be narrow , nor sticke at any thing , & as their conscience is , so is their practice , & they , that made no conscienc of their loyalty , mak no conscienc of exercising their power .

He , whose conscience thinkes it sin , to putt to death a Capitall offender , will as oft thinke it meritorious , to kill a right cous person .

If his Majest had thought the Earle of Strafford , a Capital offender , he had made no conscience of his death , and this libeller vainely supposes conscience of sin , to put to death a Capital offender , which cannot consist , with a conscience so informed , neither doth an erroneous conscience in sparing blood , as oft thinke it meritorious to kill vndeservedly , though it be nothing to the present purpose , for he can fasten neither vpon his Majest conscience of sparing a Capitall offender , or killing a righteous person . But in this whereof he repents .

That the sin of signing the Bill of straffords execution , he would not have mattor to trouble the Kings conscience , and his reasons are , That all men looked vpon him , as one of the most impetuous instruments to advance any illegall designe .

The Earle of strafford was a man , that the Seditious disturbers of the state hated , and feared , and sought , vnder hand to rayse the malevolence of others against him . If any men have so farr lost reason , as to measure the Ministers of Kings by the libells of Traytours , they are likely to take the best men for most guiltie , and if a King should sacrifice his faithfull Servants , because they are not looked vpon with a good eye by the multitude , he may not expect to be served by men of fidelitie , or merit , and we have seene , how the peoples lookes have been won , and lost .

That he had rul'd Ireland , & some part of England in an Arbitrary manner .

The word . Arbitrary in the beginning of the late Parliament was vsed to scare the people , and made to signifie greate affrightments to them , but that bugbeare is now growne rediculous to children , for all men see , that in all places of Government much is left Arbitrary to the Governour , and it was evident to the world , that the Earle of strafford did nothing in an Arbitrary manner , without President of his Predecessours , and the Judges in Courts of equitie , might be aswell made Cryminall for proceeding in an Arbitrary manner as he . That he had endeavoured to subvert fundamentall lawes was a supposition , not a fact , and if the Image breaker looke over the Articles , where with he was charged at his Tryall , he will finde nothing of such a Cryme . To subvert Parliaments , and incense the King , against them was not as much , as vrged against him as his Tryall , that Article being declined by his accusers in regard of knowne falshood , and that the Earle of strafford advised the King , to call the former Parliament . That he had endeavoured to make histolitie betweene England , and scotland was a legend devised for vulgar temper , not rationall consideration , for both Kingdomes being vnder one King , they must be Rebells in either Kingdome , that make warr against one another without him , and what dreamer can fancy that any Minister of state , that were affected to the Kings designes , as this libeller supposes the Earle of strafford to be , would stirr vp hostilitie betweene the nations . They have not yet adventured to charge the Earle of strafford with stirring vp the scotch hostilitie , and if he endeavoured to resist them , is that to make hostolitie be tweene the nations , It hath been the practice of these Rebells to stile men incendiaries , and malignants , that opposed their Rebellion , and such evill Counsellours that advised any course to prevent their attemps , and the following confusion but though this vaine delusion were cast abroade among the people , it was never offred , as a charge against the Earle .

That he had councelled the King , to call over that Irish Army of Papists , which be had ounningly raysed to reduce England , as appeared by good Testimony then present at the consultation , is vnseasonably remembred by the libeller after those Rebells , whome he serves , have severall times drawne in forraigne Armies into England , reduced the nation to serve an vsurped power , set vp an Arbitrary Government , subverted the fundamentall lawes , and destroyed both King , and Parliament . It may astonish Knowing men to reade this Author , objecting Capitall offences to the Earle of strafford , and numbring vp for instance the same Actions himselfe desends : soe as it cannot be an humane errour , but hellish-fury , that hurles him into such mad contradictions , and its worth the observing , that to this particular he adds , as appeared by good Testimony then present at the consultation , well Knowing , that the Testimony was not only single , but subject to most just , and apparent exception in regard of knowne enmitie , and former prevarication in severall examinations vpon oath , and it no way helpes a false Testimonie , that he knew the truth , or that he was present at a fact , whereof he makes an vntrue relation , and if the Earle of strafford had councelled the King to make vse of the Jrish Army in either Kingdome in case of Rebellion , how comes that to be an offence , though that was not the truth , that he spake of England , nor the Army raysed against England , and is it a commendable cunning , to rayse an Army against a Rebellion .

His reference to 28 Articles directs vs how to know ? that he trusts on number more then weight , and those Articles remaine a Testimonie to posteritie of the ridiculous pretences which effected such mischeife . He sayth the Commons by farr the greater number-cast him , and yet is so absurdly impudent to charge the King with singularitie of conscience , and alledge presently a part of the lower-house of the same opinion . The Lords , he sayth , after they had been satisfied in a full discourse by the Kings solicitour , and the opinions of many Iudges delivered in their house agreed likewise to the sentence of Treason . Those Lords , that condemned the Earle of strafford , might be satisfied by terrour of the Tumults , and their owne corrupt passions , never by law , nor reason . It s well knowne , that the Lords , and Commons were assaulted , and threatned by the vnruly rabble of the Citie , and Suburbs , if they condemned him not , they had not freedome in their coming , or going to the house , or sitting there . There was no one judge , that gave his opinion for the sentence against him , and the Sollicitours discourse was very strong against the present Rebells , wholy impertinent to the case of the Earle of strafford , and shewed his owne deceite , and the sottishnes of them , that relyed on what they vnderstood not . Diverse lords for sooke the house having not libertie to be present , soe farr were the lords from being satisfied . That which he calls a sentence of Treason , was an act of power , it being a Bill to take away his life , but an exception of all men els , from being proceeded against for the same matters , in ordinary Justice , and this very Action , soe scandalous in it selfe , and soe greivous to many , that consented to it , must be dreft out with a shamelesse commendation , to accuse the King , for his repentance of a fact , which soe much afflicted him . That the people vniversally cryed for justice is noe wonder , if we consider former examples , and the had a President in the people of the Iewes , that cryed Crucifie . If we beleive this libeller , telling vs how light , and violent , they are in their motions , or if we looke vpon the acts of a powerfull faction , then prevayling with them , that could easily make them cry , what was put in their mouth , we may easily judge the injustice of their cry , and their ignorance of the cause , and a sober author would have hated , to borrow an Argument of Justice , from popular outcryes , which are the most evident proofe of injustice , and oppression of innocence .

He sayes none were his friends , but Courtiers , and Clergimen , the worst at that time , and most corrupted sort of men , & Court ladies , not the best of women .

His fer friends , and many Enemies , render the proceedings against him more , then suspected , and men may easily beleive , that in such a condition furie was the accuser , and malice , and cowardise the judge . The confining his friends to Court , and Church , is the effect of the libellers engagement of schisme , and Rebellion , who holds such loyaltie , and affection to the King , and conscientious reverence to the Church , for the markes of greate offenders . If multitude of Ennemies be a Testimony of guilt , the best men will become the worst of sinners . But having noe friends , as he sayes , it adds much to the right of his cause , that soe many who were neither Courtiers , nor Clergymen , nor any way obliged by him , or the Court , should in discharge of their conscienc declare their dissent to that bloody law , though they were thereby objected to popular fury . His impertinent rayling at Courtiers , and Clergymen argues his malice , not Cryme in them . His mention of Court ladies was for want of matter , and their activitie in state affaires belongs not to this occasion .

The King declared to both houses , that not feares , or respects what so ever , should make him alter that resolution , founded vpon his conscience , and sayes either then his resolution , was not founded vpon his conscience , or his conscience recieved better information , or both strucke sayle , for within few dayes after , fower of his Bishopps pickt the thorne out of his conscience , and he was perswaded to figne the Bill .

Men , that are sincere often fall , but such never have consciencie , nor sinceritie , that jeere at it , and make the falls of men , and their wounds of conscience matter of their mirth . Though his Majest did that , which he had formerly professed to be against his conscience , could he not repent of that frailetie of falling from his resolution ? Or might he not afterwards discover the errours of those reasons , that induced him to it ? If feares were any motive to what he did , the curse lies on them , that caused it , and on them , that reproach him with it . Poets have not fancied a higher degree of wickednes in fends of hel , then in their malitious glory of compelling others to sin , and reproaching their repentance for sin . Experience hath represented his Majest fortitude , and that not his personall feares , but his apprehension of the Kingdomes miserie wrought most on his passion , and wee cannot finde Parallell expressions to those of this libeller in his Scoffes at conscience , and picking the thorne out of it , vnles amongst those desperate , and prophane Atheists , that make it the highest pitch of wit to render things sacred most ridiculous .

Perhapps , it wrung his conscience to condemne the Earle , not because he thought him guiltles , had halfe these Crymes been committed against his personall interest , as appeared by his charge against the six members , but because he was principall , and the Earle but accessory , and thought nothing Treason against the Common wealth , but against himselfe only .

Playing with conscience he cannot part with , whose owne is insensible . In those particulars he hath rehearsed against the Earle of Strafford , no one of them could be charged vpon the King , and the nature of most of the Articles coud not admit a supposition of the Kings activitie in them . The charge against the six members conteyned matter of direct Treason against knowne lawes , & his Majest cannot be supposed to thinke the Earle of Strafford guiltie , because he charged the six members , which some offences laid to the charge of the Earle of Strafford , but never proved , yet it was an infamous injustice of them that so violently proceeded against the Earle of Strafford , and would not admitt an accusation for the same offences against others . If his Majest thought , that noe Treason could be committed , but against himselfe , he thought no otherwise then the law hath provided , & the accusers of the Earle of Strafford maintained at his Tryall . And the libeller must checke himsefle for his imagination of Treason against the Common wealth , which had not a being , vnles he will make a Treason by Prophesie , & antedate his ordinance . He well knowes England was a Monarchy , and that his Masters professe the change of it into a supposed free state . Their Traytours , that would imagine some Treason against the King are come to affirme , that there are no Treasons against the King , for they are sure they have committed all , that concerne his person . His impertinency is very tedious in demaunding , why the King should seeme satisfied to signe the Bill by those Iudges , and Ghostly Fathers , as he calls them , of his owne chusing , and now pretend , that it was the importunities of some , and feare of others made him signe .

He does not produce any Testimony , that the King professed himselfe satisfied , or had he been satisfied , it was no barr to his future information , & repentance , but an instance can hardly be produced , that ever any mans repentance of a knowne fact was traduced , or scorn'd by any , before this libeller , & he might aswel jeere at many famous saints , and Martyrs , that fell from their resolutions , and after recovered , as at his Majest And the picking out of his thorne , striking sayle to his feare , and a fleeting conscience , may vpon the same grounds be the most eminent penitents in the Church of God . To make his Calumnies sticke , he sayes . That his Majest ensuing Actions declare he could dissemble satisfaction , for that he had the cheife hand in a conspiracie against the Parliament , and Kingdome . How the King could conspire against his Kingdome , or what should be his end is not intelligible , & when a King is traduced by Rebells for a conspiracy against the Parliament , and Kingdome , no men of common reason can receive such a palpable fiction , but this greate conspiracy , which he sayes came to light by the examinations of Percy , Goring , and others was to rescue the Earle of Strafford by seizing the tower of Londen , to bring vp the English Army from the north , joynd with eight thousand Irish Papists rays'd by Strafford , & a french Army to be landed at Portsmouth against the Parliament , and their friends . And where is the offence in all this , if it were true , and a powerfull faction assume the name of Parliament ? No wise man will blame the King , if he had done such an Action to prevent the miseries , which he foresaw , and the Designes , that were plotted against him , but this story is now stale , though it then served the turne to distemper the people . The examinations , which he speakes of , doe not yet charge the King with the knowledge of this designe , but the readers of Iconoclastes must be of miraculous stupiditie , if they thinke it a Cryme in the King to intend the bringing vp of his Army from the north , or any other force , and thinke it lawfull for the Rebells against him to bring vp their Army against the Parliament , and plucke them out of the house . Was not the Tower of London allwayes in the Kings possession , and might he not make it good against Traytours .

For which purpose he sayes the King though requested by both houses refused to disband those Irish Papists . Though there were many reasons , why his Majest refused to disband the Irish , and the request of the houses were a vote constrained by Tumults , not the result of a free debate , yet had it been so , that his Majest had refused to disband them to prevent the plots of the Trayterous faction in Parliament , he had just reason to doe it . And as the Religion men professe , though true , doth not priviledge them from offending , though they are thereby a scandall to their profession : So Irish Papists , or any others of contrary Religion may be imployed against such , as have stained their profession by such Actions . These Rebels sought shelter from their Religion for their Treason , & perswaded the people of their sinceritie , because Papists fought against them , but it was in truth their infamy , that gave the reason , and the frequent repetition of Irish Papists shewes , that it is a stale to misleade the weakest capacities , that can only suspect , not prove , nor descerne .

He concludes the King as Criminous , as the Earle , and therefore he sayes , insteed of detesting his ambition , evill Councell , violence , and oppression of the people , he falls to prayse his greate a bilities .

It had been a Kinde of slander to forbeare the due commendation of such abilities , as all men admired , and an vnexcusable injustice to reproach the memory of the innocent with the false accusations of malicious Enemyes . If his Majest had recounted any faults of the Earle , it had byn no satisfaction to his conscience for consenting to his death , but it had been a signe of an vnsound minde to seeke matter of excuse for an illegall sentence from the disposition of the suffering partie , and such Actions , as the law had not made the merit of such a sentence . The world is well informed now , that those Rebells account the due performance of just authoritie violence , and oppression , and that their cheife hatred against the Earle of Strafford was for his fidelitie to king , and Kingdome , and his opposition of Rebellion his evill Councell .

That beneath the decency of a King , he compares him to the sun which in all figurative vse beares allusion to a King , not to a subject .

If such be the Kingly Prerogative , that the sun beares allusion only to Kings , not to subjects , then must this libeller confesse himselfe to be of that sordid generation , which by that influence are raysed out of sinkes , and puddles to obscure that gloryous luster , and his observation of this allusion might justly make him reflect vpon himselfe with detestation contending against such cleere light , and slandring truth it selfe . But vertue in other persons besides Kings hath been set foorth by allusion to the sun , and his triviall exception at the decency of that allusion shewes him as insignificant , as will full .

He hath a conceite , that the King Knitts contradictions as close , as words can lie togeather , not approving in his judgment , and yet approving in his subsequent reason , all that Stafford did , as driven by the necessitie of times , and the temper of that people The Kings words are , I cannot in my judgment approve all he did , driven it may be by the necessitie of times &c. And let the reader judge , whether this libellers falsification be not Knit , as close , and words can lie togeather , and its like he knew it by his impertinent vse of the Phrase close Knit to his supposed contradictions . Though the King justly excused some things , which he could not approve , doth he therefore approve all , and doth the libeller thinke , that what a man cannot approve , he must thinke inexcusable , and that Circumstances doe not alter the qualitie of Actions ?

But he sayes it is the marvell , and may be the astonishment of all , that have a conscience , how he durst with the same words of contrition , wherewith David repented the murthering of Vriah , repent his lawfull compliance to that just Act.

It is noe marvell to men , that know theis Rebells , though heeretofore it might have been the astonishment of all , that such should offer to perswade others of their esteeme of conscience , that make it their common scoffe , and while this libeller , charges the King with no lesse then murder in consenting vnwillingly , and consequently in him to an vnjust sentence , makes an exclamation , why he should repent in Davids words for the like Cryme . The libeller well knowes , that if it had been to a lawfull sentence of condemnation , yet blood guiltines lies , where consent with the tongue , had not the perswasion of the heart , & when the King , thought blood lay on him , should he thinke to hide his sin from God ? & this prophane Sectary wonders a sinner durst repent . These miscreants are loath to behold their murders in those bloody colours , which the truth of God gives them , & therefore they wil call that Act just against the cry of their Consciences , as they stirred vp the people to cry justice without knowledge of the fact .

It would have taken much from the heavines of his sin to have told God in his confession , how he laboured , what darke plots he had contrived , into what a League entred , and with what conspiratours against his Parliament , & Kingdome to rescue so notable an instrument , &c.

Doubtles the King would have taken that course , if he could have charg'd himselfe with any sinfull labour in that kinde . That he ought to have vsed all his power , and skill to have rescued that Earle , was his dutie to God , and a person so cruelly , & shamelessely oppressed ; And all men know what false feares were pretended , what ridiculous plots were imagined to disorder the people , and when there is such apparent discovery of Trayterous plots , and such avowing of Trayterous Actions , there can be none so infatuated to beleive , that all necessary prevention of such wicked designes was not to withstand the ruine of the Parliament , and Kingdome .

It was feare , which made him fayne both the scruple , and the satisfacttion . And what feare could make him fayne a scruple , whome could he feare , if he had not scrupled , but God only ? and where doth in appeare , that he fayned satisfaction , but it s the libellers want of the fear of God , and men , that makes him thus feareles of slandering , and contradicting .

Repentance came not on him , till a long time after , when he saw , he could have suffred nothing more , though he had denyed the Bill .

Though the King say , he could have suffred nothing more , though he had denyed the Bill , he never finds , that repentance came not from him till long after , but knew very well , his repentance followed the fact close at the heeles .

He askes a question , how be could vnderstandingly repent of letting that be Treason , which the Parliament , and whole nation so judged . He hath already told vs it was al most the whole nation , and the greater part of the Parliament , but he finds now , that any diminution induces doubt , and it must be the Parliament , and whole nation . May not a man vnderstandingly repent , because the whole nation was in the same fault ? how many Acts of Parliament have been made , whereof it had been happy for King , and people , they had repented ? there neede not an enumeration in so Knowne a truth .

It was a worldly repentance , not a consciencious , or els a strange Tyrany , which his conscience had got over him to vex him like an evill spirit for doing one act of Iustice to fortefie his resolution from ever doing so any more .

We may see what account this man makes of sin , or conscience , that thus derides the terrours of conscience . We may beleive their consciences cauterized , that are such strangers to vexations of conscience , and that sin , and Rebellion have got a strange Mastery of them , that fortifies their resolutions against all repentance , and the approbation of it in others . This libeller cannot perswade himselfe , that when he calls murther Justice , and Rebellion loyaltie , that he is beleived , though he professe admiration , that men disrelish those his prime qualities , and makes the execration of such wickednes to be strange infatuation , and hardnes of heart , and so calls the Kings vnwilling , and forced consent to an act , he judged evill , the tasting of a just deede , and his repentance for it , he calls spattring at it . The Devills are tormented with the repentance of others , and their Agents blasphemously deride it , and its doubtfull , whether the pittie , or detestation ought to be greater to wards such desperate persons , that call the consent to an execrable murder , tasting of one good deede , and the resolution against the like spattring at it , no doubt this man spatters at conscience , & direlishes all repentance , nothing being so naturall to him , as the opposition to pietie .

That wo is denounced to the Scribes , and Pharisees for straining at a gnat , and swallowing a Cammell . We scarcely finde so greate a Cammel swallowed by the Scribes , and Pharisees , as many , that are greedily devoured by this libeller . His prophane , and malitious scornes , and reproaches of repentance in this very section , and magnifying an execrable Murther are Cammells in the Jugdment of true Christians , though it seeme not so to that sense , which is wholy reprobate , the straining at gnats , and swallowing Cammels was never more apparent in any sect of men , then this libeller , and his crew , and if the ruine of three Kingdomes be soe big , & bulky , as he confesses , and would falsely have to be the deedes of his late Majest and that a wo belongs to them , what may this libeller , & his Complices expect , that have strained at formes , and Ceremonies , & swallowed downe not only periuries , and Murthers , the defence of odious sins , and the reproaching of Christian duties , but have vndoubtedly brought this ruine vpon his Majest three Kingdomes .

He followes his common place of reproaching his Majest conscience , and sayes , if it were come to that vnnaturall discrafie to digest poyson , it was not for his Parliament , and Kingdomes to feede with him any longer . This Chapter the libeller hath composed for a satyre against conscience to make it more a bhord by his crew of Caniballs , with whome non can feede , but blood thirstie savages . Could he name a greater discrasie then what he commends , that confines conscience to shed blood , exludes it from sparing . These Traytours had made falshood , and disobedience unnaturall to them , and thereby they caused such , as sought to preserve themselves from that pestilence , to avoyde them , & those venemous persons according to their malitious qualitie sought to infect with their disposition , or destroy by their rage all that came neere them , or restrained their Company .

That the King would perswade vs , that the Parliament escaped not some touches of remorse for putting Strafford to death in forbidding it to be a President for the future ; but he sayes in faire construction that act implyed rather a desire to pacifie the Kings minde , not imagining , that this after Act should be retorted on them , whether it were made a President , or not , no more then the want of a President for this .

It s some what strange , that the Image breaker finding his rigour only to rayle would medle with this Argument , but it seemes he apprehended the hope of a fallacie in the word after , & would insinuate , that this Act was made after the murther , which was made to authorise it , and in a faire construction it hath not the least shadow of a desire to pacifie the King , for it did not diminish any of their power , or purposes , that contrived that Act , but only to exclude this fact from ordinary Justice , which in a faire construction implyes , that it was not law , but will , and power , whereby they proceeded . The truth was themselves saw , that by the consequence of that fact of theirs , all mens lives , and fortunes were exposed to danger , and ruine , and no Magistrate , or officer , but might be drawne within the compasse of Treason , by the Rules they had held with the Earle of Strafford , & all they , that were present at the debates of that busnies know well , that their proper feares caused that provision in the Act , and though themselves were not bound to Presidents , they were affraid , that others would follow their Presidents , as in truth they ought , if this President had been according to law . He would not have , that this Act argued in the Parliament , their least repenting , when it argued so litle in the King , who accused the six members for the same Crymes , which he would not thinke treasonable in the Earle .

The accusation of those six members was of other , and higher Crymes , besides some of those objected to the Earle of Strafford , and vpon better grounds , and if it had been only those it shewes apparently , that they , that would not proceede vpon that accusation , repented of what they had done against the Earle of Strafford , or had no conscience at all , but were only guided by corrupt respects of person , and interest , and his Majest might try what they would doe against persons evidently guiltie of that , which they had judged so high a Cryme in another . For the discovery of their former false proceedings ; that the King held nothing Treason , but against himselfe . He hath been already told , was the judgment of the accusers of the Earle of Strafford , and he might have knowne it to be so farr from a Tyranicall principle , as he calls it , that it is the rule of law , and Government , for have not his Masters changed the stile of proceedings against offenders , which the law formerly vsed in regard of their change of Government , and devised one according to their new modell ? It s possible they , that devised that clause in the Act , did not expect , it would be retorted vpon them , they were blinded with their fury , and precipitation . But the Image breaker might have observed , that a greater evidence of their injustice could not have been provided . He that is so shamelesse to insinuate the Kings instigation to that clause in the Act for the death of the Earle Strafford , which were a madnes in any man to suppose , may aswell pretend it for his death . The six members must stand condemned , if he acquit them , for the contrary of what he affirmes is constantly true . And it were folly to aske him , why he should conclude the six members guiltles , that never were tryed , when they were accused of such facts , as he himselfe sayes were Treason in others , for he will certainly say it , though he thinke it not .

He concludes against the Kings conscience in saying , that he bare that touch of conscience with greater regret then any other , in regard of the proditory aide ( he supposes ) sent to Rochell , and Religion abroade , and a Prodigalitie of shedding blood at home ( as he phrases it . )

There cannot be a greater evidence of the Kings innocence , and the Rebels lewdenes then their absurd accusations of him who after their barbarous reproaches , and crueltie make his greatest Cryme the resistance of their Rebellion , and the misfortune of an expedition in favour of Rochell , and Religion . No man is so senseles to beleive that Rochell could have defended it selfe without other aide , then their owne , & if the King had not intended their releife , he needed not have vndertaken such chrageable , and dangerous expeditions , & whence can any reasonable man , collect that the Kings assistance to them could beproditory , when they were not their by hindred to vse their vtmost endeavours , besides the English succours , and heereby wee may see how miserably the people of England have been misled by hipocriticall Traytours who while they made profession of conscience and Religion , acted the greatest villanies against Religion and conscience that the worst of Atheists ever attempted , and shame not at such assertions of falshood as common States blush to be detected of .

The reason he sayes is worth the notinge , why the King would have notice taken of so much tendernes , which is , he hoped , it trould be some evidence before God , and man to all posteritie , that he was farr from bearing that vast loade , and guilt of blood laid vpon him by others , which hath ( he sayes ) the likenes of a subtill dissimulation .

When the Prophet David humbled himselfe , and put on sackcloth even that was turned to his reproach , and his Majest teares , and afflictions of soule are no lesse reproaches by theis vipers , then the greatest sins , that could be repented of . Cursed shimi will call David a man of blood , and his repentance for the murther of one man with bitternes of soule shal be counted a dissimulation , rather then the wretch will allow it any evidence , that he was innocent of that blood , he would lay to his charge . This was not the first time his Majest charged himselfe with that innocent blood , the Rebells published his Cabinet , wherein they found it , and he might well hope , that God would cleere his innocence , as the light , as his righteousnes , as the noone day . Prayers may be made for mercy to a mans name , and a penitent may piously hope God will make his repentance evident to men , and his sorrowes for one sin , and evidence he was not guiltie of many of the same Kinde . His Majest hopes not , that his expressions heere wil be evidence , but that his regretts , which were Knowne not only to God , but men could be evidence , how farr he was from the guilt of what his Enemies charged him with , and to declare a hope of the benifit of repentance is no more like a dissimulation , then repentance is like a justification . If his Majest had shed the blood of thousands , whome he counted Rebells , as this Author mentions , he could not suffer regretts of conscience , though he had a sorrow of heart , his vnderstanding being satisfied of the Justice , and necessitie of the fact . But those horrid Traytours , that imbrewed themselves in the blood of that innocent King , were hardned against the sparing of multitudes , and would secure their consciences by reproaching his Majest repentance , and transferring the blood of warr vpon him , which their Rebellion , and crueltie had spilt . This libeller in this very page within few lines told vs , that strafford was by him put to death vnwillingly and presently concludes , thus by dipping voluntarily the tipp of his finger in the blood of strafford whereof all men cleere him , he thinkes to escape that sea of blood , wherein his owne guilt hath plunged him .

And may not a mans owne conscience strike him for that , which all men cleere him of ? but that himselfe hath related to be otherwise in this case , where so many concurred in Judgment against the death of the Earle of Strafford , and when so many have made confession of their owne vnhappines in the consent to that Action , and so few at present , that doe not abhorre it , and thinke it a greate cause of Gods displeasure against the nation , it is farr from truth , that all men cleere him . The Libeller holds a single murther , but dipping the tip of the finger in blood , & gives just cause to conclude , that his conscience is not toucht with shedding a sea of blood . Al men must confesse , it a cause of greater regret of have his hand in the blood of one man against the perswasion of his conscience , then erroneously to enter into a warr , where many are distroyed vpon the opinion of Justice , but the knowne Justice of his Majest cause , layes the blood of this warr at the Rebells doores , whose malice , and Treason , not ignorance , or errour drew vpon them the guilt of that blood of Strafford , & those thousands , which the warr hath devoured . If the King had never published his repentance for the blood of Strafford , all knowing men would have judged he had cause to doe it , and if he had never gone about to purge himselfe of that blood which the warr had shed , all men would have cleered him of it .

Vpon his going to the HOUSE OF COMMONS .

COncerning his vnexcusable , and hostile march from the Court to the house of Commons , there needs not much be said .

There neede litle to be said for his Majest defence in going to the house of Commons , who had so high a provocation to make an hostile March , and tooke the way of so milde , and peaceable a comming to it , but this Authors impudence in calling it vnexcusable after the many violences , and hostile Marches of his Masters vnto that house , and their taking out , and driving away the members will never be excused . How shameles is this man to call his Majest going to the house of Commons with an ordinary guard without Pike , or Muskett an hostile March , after the March of a compleate Army led by his Rebell Masters against that house . But he vrges for proofe , that his Majest confesses it to be an Act , which most men cryed shame vpon , which his Majest sayes not at all , but that his Enemies loaded it with obloquy , indifferent men grew jealous of , & fearefull , and many of his friends resented , as a motion rising rather from passion , then reason .

The cryes of his Enemies prove nothing , but their owne passion , & partialitie , and the jealosies of men are oftner resolved into their owne mistakes , then the truth of Actions . The opinion of his Majest friends condemned not the Action as injurious , though they might thinke it passionate , and if this Author could set aside the malice , and corruption of his heart , he might justly learne from his Majest cleerenes in stating his owne Actions , with observing all the Circumstances of them that make to his disadvantage , to forbeare these fayned discourses of every Action he writes of .

That in one of his answeares to both houses , he made profession , that he was convinced that it was a plaine breach of the priviledge , it was greater satisfaction , then ever King gave his houses of Parliament , and it must have been an inexcusable disloyaltie in them , to presse him after such a profession , and make it matter of complaint . T is true his Majest denyed any intention to breake their Priviledges in that Act. But no man yet could assigne a reason to exclude the King from any of his Courts , or Counsells , and why he might not aswell come to the lower house as to the higher , and speake to the Commons in their owne , aswell , as send for them to the higher house , or els where , as was both law , & Custome . And as no priviledge of Parliament doth extend to Treason , but that a Conestable may apprehend any member of that house being accused of that Cryme , so why the King should be forbidden to come to the house to cause Traytours to be apprehended , none but Traytours , will finde a cause , but heere he sayes he represents it fraudulently . We have found already it hath been fraudulently expressed by the libeller . He sayes the King would make some benificall vse of his worst Actions And surely his Actions , which were most charged with guilt appeare just , and shame his accusers .

These men meaning his friends knew not the just motives , and pregnant grounds with which I thought my selfe furnished . To these words of his Majest which he hath interlaced with meaning his friends , he sayes , his best friends knew not , nor ever could know , and it would have tended to his justifying to have named them in this place , and to shew his owne impertinence the next words he cites of his Majest are , that , he had discovered , as he thought vnlawfull Correspondencies , which they had vsed , and engagements to imbroyle his Kingdomes . What more would he have had in this place ? But he sayes suppose them reall , and knowne , what was this to that violation , and dishonour putt vpon the inhole house , whose doore was forcibly kept open , & all passages neere it besett with swords , & pistolls cockt , & menc'd in the hands of about three hundred swaggerers , and Ruffians , who but expected , nay audibly called for the word of onsett to begin a slaughter .

But suppose them reall , was it not a matter of more importance to apprehend such conspiratours , then to omitt the opening the doore of the house of Commons ? Is it a dishonour to have Traytours taken from them . There neede not any answeare to his pretended tendernes of the house , that approves such open violence against them with Pikes , and Musketts , but reproves swords , and Pistolls . Doth not he thinke , that all men looke vpon him , as a common prostitute , that vses such aggravations of a cause , which himselfe defends , though accompanied with outrage , and violence . A word of onset to begin a slaughter could never be expected by such an inconsiderable number , armed only with swords , and pistolls , a strange preparation for a Massacre , but there are men apt to be disordred by any rumours of danger , and some are willing to have a pretence for vnwarrantable Actions , & thence proceede these onsets in the ayre . He would willingly perswade the Rebell rowte , that whatever the King may doe for the securing of himselfe , & Kingdome , Rebells may doe to destroy him , and vsurpe his Kingdome , and therefore to that , which his Majest sayes of the correspondencies and engagements , which the accused members vsed to imbroyl his Kingdomes , the Libeller answeares , that he remembers not his owne conspiracies with the Irish , and. French , English and scotch Army to come against the Parliament , the least of which attempts by whomesoever he sayes was no lesse , then manifest Treason against the Common whealth .

To imagine a Monarchy , and Commonwealth , or Republique in the same state can enter into none , that vnderstand eyther , nor that a King can commit Treason with his subjects , or against them . Kings have been charged with Tyrany , never with Treason , till those brutish vndertakers . If there had been any law to make such a Treason , this libeller would never have added the word manifest , for t is a sure Rule with him to add most vehement asseverations , where he knowes there is no colour of truth . He well knowes how carefull the people of England were , that Treason should not be made Arbitrary , and therefore they were confined into one positive law , and in that law this Author findes not his fantasticall Treason . Can any , but mad men dreame , that when the priviledge of Parliament extends not to Treason , that they cannot committ Treason . It s Treason by the law to leavy warr against the King , and that this libellers Masters have acknowledged , and can he finde it consistent in the same Government , that there can be Treason in the King to leavy warr against the Parliament , and because a King may have confederations , and Alliances with Forraigne Princes can subjects have so too ? These are not the opinions , but the Stratagems of Rebels . The people of England are bound to assist their King against any without distinction , and the law hath provided for their indemnitie , though the King miscarry , but lawes are chaffe , when Rebells Raigne . The particulars he mentions , if they had been reall on his Majest part , as they are only imaginary , the Actions of the Rebells have given Testimonie to their Justice , and necessitie .

To demaund Iustice against the five members , there needed not so rough assistance . But the successe tells vs there needed more , for these members were guarded with an Army , and a fleete , and insteed of being committed on such an accusation , which themselves resolved could , not be denyed by law , they protected them against law .

If he had resolved , meaning the King , to beare that repulse with patience , wherefore did he provide against it with such an armed , and vnusuall force . Is a Kings guard any vnusuall force , and though he resolved to beare a repulse with patience , he could not resolve to tempt the malice , and insolence of those , that wayted , but opportunitie to destroy him . But had he provided any force to secure himselfe against insolence , does that condradict his bearing the repulse with patience , and heere the libeller casts away his Argument , that he may vse his scurrilitie , that the Kings heart served him not for such a desperate Scuffle . Soe the greate hostilitie , and provisions for a Massacre is come to noe more , then to have hazarded a desperate Scuffle with the vnarmed house of Commons . The Kings heart served him for the highest hazards , where he held his courses just , and honourable , but it never served him to act such violences , as these Rebells have fayned , he intended .

There were two statutes , that declared he ought first to have acquainted the Parliament , who were the accusers . These statutes this Author , nor any man els ever read , and if there had been such statutes , that men ought not to be accused , before the Parliament be acquainted , who were the Accusers , they were much to blame that committed so many for Treason without any Accusers , and that these two statutes should never be practised , or knowne before now ? How comes it , that the King , nor his Attorney generall can accuse a man of high Treason , when the meanest subject of the Kingdome may doe it ? It s well knowne , that the house of Commons vpon the word of MR. Pym , without the least knowledge of the fact , or any accuser , or witnes , charged the Earle of Strafford of high Treason , where were these lawes then ? Has Majest still professing to governe by law , as he sayes , did not way breake it , and he was noe way oblidged to name any accusers , especially to the Parliament , where a Rebellious , and potent faction vnited themselves to the Accused members , that had contrary to their owne Rules denyed that proceeding , which they declared just , and according to law .

The faire tryall , which was offred , was noe other , then to take opportunitie for justifying those members , what ever the proofe were . Had it been thinkes he a prudent Act in the King to have accused Traytours , and made a Commission to their fellowes to judge of the fact . He could not doubt of the same Justice from these men , which he found in many other occurrents . Could he suppose , that they would condemne a Traytour , that had combined to prosecute the Treason , and it was not for want of just matter , but the forefight of injustice , that caused his Majest to lett fall his proceedings . When Rebells are protected by open force , when the power , and impetuositie of Tumults are boasted of by this Author , when the inclination of the potent faction vnto the members is confessed , he would yet have the King chuse such a Tryall .

He would have it a thirst of revenge in the King against the members for opposition against his Tyranous proceedings . If their innocence of the Treason had been as evident , as his Majest of Tyranous proceedings , they had never been accused , and if they had not been conscious of their guilt , they would never have sought Tumultuary protection , and if his Majest had thirsted for revenge , he needed not have gone to the house of Commons to have satisfied it , but Malefactours count legall pcoceedings the malice of Enemies , and effects of displeasure .

To that the King ( sayes he ) missed but litle to have produced writings vnder some mens hands , the libeller sayes he missed , though their chambers trunkes , and studies were sealed vp , and searched , which though altogeather false , there might be such writings , and its like there were , which caused the house of Commons to be soe jealous , least their chambers , should have been searched , that they made an order to vse violence against any , that should search , a very grave vote , and a sure signe of good Justice , if the fact had been brought before them that would prevent the discovery , and deny a search of persons accused for Treason .

The King sayes Gods providence would have it soe , and to that the Libeller joynes , that curbes the raging of proud Monarchs , aswell , as of madd multitudes .

Is it the curbing of proud Monarchs , when the misse of evidence against Traytours ? If the King had produced this writing , he mentions , had that been a Monarchs rage ? But why doth he joyne the madd multitudes , whose rage was then soe feirce , he may beleive , as he sayes , that God will set bounds vnto it , and turne them against their misleaders . Why pregnant grounds , and probabilities , may not both concurr in one cause noe man vnderstands , though this Author would have probabilities . a diminution after pregnant grounds had been vsed . His resemblance of Queene Maries cushion , whereto he likens the Kings proofes , would have suted with the clout , and pistoll , the stables vnder ground , the Danish fleete , and their many other ridiculous devised Conspiracies , the bringing vp of the northerne Army , the landing of the french at Portsmouth , cutting throates by the Papists , and the disignes of the spanish fleete , fitt only for the story of the knight of the Son , or the wandring Jew .

As Kings goe now , what shadowy conceite , or groundles toy will not create a jealosie . And was his Majest jealosie created by a toy , when those persons have acted that , which he was then jealous of . Can this breaker accuse him of causeles jealosie , when he defends the fact ? And is it a shadowie conceite , if Kings ar jealous of such Rebellious inclinations , as this Rebell vaunts of ? And if these Rebells might have their will , there should not be a King left to be jealous , and while they professe their purposes , accuse Kings of vnjust jealosie , and if subjects goe now in other places , as in England , the world will have cause to know , that al the jealosies of Kings were necessary to the preservation of mankinde , & that there is no jealosie of any King so caus●es , as the attempts of ambitious Reformers .

That his Majest denies , he hath design'd to assault the house of Commons , is not contradicted by his answeare to the Citie , that any course of violence had been very justifiable , The libeller guesses , it was not farr from his designe , because it might be soe , and concludes as senselesly , that because his Majest forbare an act , which he held justifiable , it discovered in him an excessive eagernes to be aveng'd on them , that crossed him , and that to have his will , he stond not to doe things never soe much below him . Soe eager it the man to rayle himselfe out of reason . If he had an eagernes to be revenged , he would have done high things , and not below him . It was no becomming sight to see the King of England so affronted , and abused by his owne subjects , many beholding disobedience , and vulger insolence with sad hearts , and greiving at the ruine of Government , and that his Majest was constrained to call for Justice , and be denyed it . Such as lament the misfortunes of Princes , cannot but abhorr the Rebellion of subjects , and this vnbecoming sight to see the King of England one while in the house of Commons , by , and by in the guild-hall among the Liveries this libeller doth not remember out of affection to the Kings person , or office , but out of joy , that he was enforct to such extreamitie . If he had had any sense of duty , or regret at any Action ill becomming a King in reguard of his place , or dignitie , he would not so scurrilously descant on his misfortunes , with the termes of Sollicitor , pursivant , apparitor for that prosecution , and it is a plaine Testimony of the Rebellion then begun , when the King was driven to Actions beneath his Majest & this libeller wil hardly allow a King more , then such offices , for he sayes the Kings office is to execute the Parliaments Commaund , and eyther in that he beleived not what he said , as is most certen he did not , or els he vainely objects the doing of Actions beneath him , but it appeares his desires are to reduce all Kings to the lowest of the people .

That though the King in his answeares to the Parliament said , that as he once concieved he had ground enough to accuse them , so at length , that he found as good cause to desert any prosecution of them , yet heere he seemes to reverse all .

He seemes soe to none , though some out of willfull malice would have it seeme soe . The King found , that he had good cause to desert the prosecution in regard of the injustice , and violence of the Rebell faction , And is there any thing said heere to the contrary of it ? Could the King finde any cause to continue the prosecution vpon the cleerest evidence , that could be produced ?

It is the Method of the false Sectaries to insinuate an opinion of their vertue by rigid censures of others , whereby they draw men from observation of their owne lewdenes , & offensive to sobrietie , and thence the libeller calls his Majest guard the spawne , and shipwracke of Tavernes . Such , as were of his Majest guard may no thinke to escape these hipocrites thinke to hide their blood guiltines , pride , robbery , perjury , & oppression by reproaching their Enemies with Stewes , and Tavernes . The principall zealotts of this Rebellion were the tags , and raggs of the people , who were glad to heare voluptuous living , and riott objected to the Kings partie , that they might compare their beggery , and base condition before other mens vices , whether true , or fayned . If the house of Commons declar'd , that the comming of those Soudiers , Papists , and others with the King was to take away some of their members , and in case of opposition , or denyall to have falne vpon the house in a hostile manner , they shewed themselves men of as litle creditt , as this Author , for the world knowes , that they neither had , nor pretended proofe of such a purpose , & their declarations in that kinde are no truer , then their professions of loyaltie . If the house had denyed their members , and opposed , was it lesse then Treason ?

He inferrs from the Kings profession , if he purposed any violence , or oppression against the innocent , then let the Enemy persecute my soule , & treade my life to the ground , & lay my honour in the dusi , that God hath judged , and done according to the verdict of his owne mouth . The king well knew his Enemy persecuted his soule , when he wrote this , and that he was in the hands of those , that would take away his life , but assassination was noe proofe of his guilt , nor of Gods judgment of his cause , and these words vsed by the prophett , and him are not an imprecation for tryall , but a deprecation of the offence , and it was not to satisfie men , but to acknowledge his judgment of the Cryme to God . The kings partie are assured , that the proceedings against him were odious to God , & man , and this Action touching the members was noe other , then necessary Justice , and there appeares not any purpose of violence , or oppression of the innocent , and in vaine doe murderers seeke to shelter themselves from the guilt of their impieties by pretending Gods secret Counsells , The sinceritie of his Majest ; heart is noe lesse manifest , because he sell into the hands of wicked men , who cannott treade his honour in the dust , which outluies their fury , and though they murthered him , his life is with the Lord , and their infamy endles . God will bring their wickednes vpon their owne heads in his due time .

The Kings admirers may see their madnes to mistake this booke ; But all men see his madnes to traduce the booke , and to prophane , and prostitute all things sacred to his lewde detractions , who sayes it is his doomesday booke not like that of William the Norman his Predecessour . Thus making the common appellation of the greate day of the Lord an inducement to vilifie the kingly office , which must be a day of wrath to such mockers , as aske , where is the promise of his comminge , which did theis Traytours expect , they would not proceede soe presumptuously in their wickednes , and compile a booke of it against that day . The Admirers of the kings booke are noe white mistaken , but they see the breaker very much mistaken in his coufidence , that thinkes all men madd , because himselfe is soe , and they were madd indeede , if they received his sense , or saw not , that only rage art the excellency of the kings Booke , not right vnderstanding made him seeke these silly objections , and face them with such ostentation .

Vpon the INSOLENCIE Of the TUMULTS .

HE must confesse to have heere a neate , and well couch'd invective against Tumults , which surely ought not to be answeared with a impudent defence of them . The misfortunes of Princes are the mirth of Rebells , and therefore he sayes Rehoboam the son of Solomon could not have compofed a better . It was not only the son of Solomon , but his Father David , and himselfe too , that felt the fury , and danger of Rebells , and Rehoboams misfortune doth not mittigate the sinfull Revolt of the ten Tribes , which the Scripture calls Rebellion , and this Author scoffing at his baste to escape their fury shewes how affectionate he is Rebellion . That the Tumults at whitchall were not soe dangerous , at these at sechem he cannot affirme , for those Tumults at whitehall have produced greater impieties , and Calamities , then those at sechem , and those Tumults have since , felt the scourge of their violence , as those at sechem soone did , their revolt being punisht by God , who gave them a King in his rage , that brought in Idolatry with their Rebellion , which after many sore afflictions at last rooted them out of their land , and they ceased to be a people .

He would insinuate , that because this is a neate invective , therefore the Kings Houshold Rhetorician made it , but this hath as litle credit , as his exceptions have truth , or weight .

That the matter considerable is , whether these were Tumults ; or noe , next , if they were , whether the King himselfe did not cause them . Doubtles he would not have it beleived , that there could be any Tumults , nor any Rebellion against him , for if there could be any , he knowes themselves have committed it . The knowne lawes allow noe causes of Tumults from provocation , for it soe , tumults may judge of lawes , and law makers , as these defended tumults presumed to doe . His first cause is the Kings unwillingnes to call the Parliament , but theis tumults were after a parliament called . His not enduring to be overswayed by them . Were this a cause of Tumult , or Rebellion , ther would never be cause wanting of such disorders in any kingdome , or state , when the Councells of kings must be subject to vulgar appeales , & Tumults must reforme the kings Judgment .

His often repeated imposture of the Kings tempting the English , or scotch Armyes is grossely introduced for a cause of the Tumults , when the Tumults preceded these suppositions , and we may see what causes this man will have of Tumults , that will make subsequent Actions the grounds of them .

The profering the fower northerne Counties to the scotts was an invention as ridiculous , as the Authors commendation of an honest discovery of a thing never acted . He formerly spake of Timpanies , and Queene Maries cushion , which might have caused him to have forborne such a grosse , and exploded a forgery .

That the Parliament , or people descerned a malignant partie was no other , then the artifice of the conspiratours in Parliament to devise names , which the people vnderstood not , and suggest terrours to them from things , that had not entred into their thoughts , and of that nature was this name of malignant-faction brought foorth by the Junto to amuse the people , but he might well remember , that not as much , as the name of malignant partie was hatch'd , when the Tumults begun .

The Rebellion in Ireland was then broken out , which was not till neere six moneths after the insolence of the Tumults began , and that Rebellion in all probabilitie tooke example , and encouragement from these Tumults . The 〈◊〉 conspiracie of Scotland while the King was 〈…〉 of a peece , the 〈◊〉 having preceeded the Kings journey thither , & that conspiracie 〈◊〉 knowes vanis he into ayre , & could give noe more occasion of Tumults , then of this Authors remembrance .

That 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of unknown persons 〈…〉 the Citie was as vnknowne to such , as were then 〈◊〉 as the persons to this Author , and as such resort is knowne to be noe cause of such Tumults .

The King being returned from Scotland dismisses that guard , which the Parliament thought necessary in the middest of soe many dangers to have about them . It s true the conspiratours in Parliament eyther from the guilt of their consciences , or advantage to their plots pretended apprehension of danger , that they might have a guard , which they might make vse of to excoute their designes and affront the members of the house that refused to cuncurr to their plotts , and therefore noe guard pleased them , but such , as were composed cheifely of such persons , as made vp the Tumults .

The King dismissed the guard , which the Parliament thought necessary , & put in another contrary to the priviledge of that high Court , and by such a one commaunded as made them noe lesse doubtfull of the guard it selfe . It s very likely , that they had as litle doubt of danger , from any other , as from the guard , for they sought to create dangers to others , feared none to themselves , but from their owne guilt . It s well knowne there was not the least appearance of danger , but from what that faction intended , and such desire of a guard was noe lesse vnknowne , then ridiculous to all former Parliaments , and it was soe farr from being a priviledge to that high Court , that the leaders of the faction in the lower house procured a vote to desire it of the king . And how could it be contrary to the priviledge of that high Court for him to change the guards , that had first placed them ? The guard , which the king appointed was commaunded by the cheife officer of that guard , and because he gave commaund to keepe of the Tumults , therefore the Rebell faction , concluded their busnies could not be done by such a guard , nor such a Commaunder . Which they therefore sayes he discharge , deeming it more safe to fitt free , though without a guard in open danger , then enclosed with a suspected safetie . And in what safetie sate they , that were threatned , and abused by those Tumults every day . The visible cause of a guard was the Tumults , but the cause , why guards were desired was to act the same for which the Tumults were raysed , and the danger pretended was a deceite , for they , that desired a guard would rather be without one , then not have a Commaunder of their owne faction , and the houses found noe inconvenience in the want of a guard , but in the insolencie of the Tumults , which the seditious faction invited , & would not have them hindred by any guards .

The people therefore least their worthyest , and most faithfull Patriotts , who had exposed themselves for the publique , and whome they saw now left naked , should , want aide , or he deserted in the middest of these dangers , came in multitudes , though vnarmd in wittnes their fidelitie , and readines in case of any violence offred to the Parliament . It hath been aldeady observed , that these Tumults preceded the desire of guards ; and they were soe farr from being acceptable to the Parliament , that the house of Lords desired their restraint , and invited the lower house to concurre with them to suppresse these Tumults , and though the factions partie withstood the motion , yet it was thought necessary by a greate part of that house to joyne with the Lords in that desire . And how could they wittnes their fidelitie to the Parliament , when soe greate a part thought them a greivance ? And why did they menace , and assault the members of both houses ? Why did they prescribe resolutions to the Parliament , and in case their demaunds were not graunted , denounce to rout to the opposers ? Is this fidelitie to the Parliament ? This Author neede not seeke such bliede excuses for Tumults , that justifies open Treason , noe doubt those his faithfull Patriots well-vnderstood , that their greatest danger was from the law ; which they had violated , and they would be secure by subverting it , and engaging , multitudes in their owne guilt . The king had reason to send into the Citie to for bid such resorts , and nothing but sedition could encourage , or permit them .

The supposition of the kings in●ying to see the peoples love devolved on mother object , shewes , that Rebellious inclinations were the desire , and strength of the leaders in the lower house , & the envying may be properly changed into indignation , that subjects should breake their dutie , and become workers of their owne miserie such Tumultuous licence had not soe much probabilitle to hinder any action , of the King towards the Parliament as to ruine the Parliament & kingdome . The faction feared not any action of his Majest but endeavoured to promote their owne designes against him .

He is now come to tells vs some reasons , why the Parliament petitioned the king for a guard after they were content to sit without one , and while be maintanies a power in his imaginary Parliament to murther the king , he presents them petitioning the king for a guard , and their words , which he will not take notice of are worth observing . The Knights Citizens , and Burgesses of the house of Commons , your faithfull , and loyall subjects , who are ready to lay downe their lives , and fortunes , and spend the last dropp of their blood to maintaine your Crowne ; and royall person in greatnes ; and glory , doe oust themselves downe at your Royall feete , with such elaborate deceites did they hope to perswade the king to give them a guard to oppresse himselfe . Their subsequent actions have been a full Comment vpon theise wicked dissimulations and their false professions convince the present shamelesse challenges of power in theis , that thus addresse themselves .

That blood was drawne in a fray , or two at the Court gate , and even at their owne gate in Westminster hall . Are not these proper motives for a Parliament to call for guards ? A Constable of a Parish might more reasonably set a guard about his house after the parting of a fray , then the Parliament seeke for an armed guard vpon such an occasion . If the tumults were soe seditious , as to shew their insolencie at the gate of white hall , or Westminster hall , and any of them were wounded in such disorderly resorts , it had been just , and necessary to forbid their comming in such numbers , and provoking such danger , and their continuance is a mainfest signe , that these tumults were not the voluntary motion of the people , but the instigation of the factious partie in Parliament .

That it was reasonable , and just for the Parliament to make choise of their owne guards , and Commaunder will only appeare to such , as had trayterous plotts against the King , and the choice , that they made of the Earle of Essex shewes by their after imployment , and his ensuing Actions , that the King had just reason for the refusall , and though this Author thinke , that he hath said somewhat by naming him the Kings owne Chamberlaine , yet all men see , that these obligations , which the King had put vpon that Earle , could not with hold him from being a leader to the mad multitude against King , and Kingdome .

It is the right of inferious Courts to make choice of their owne guards , which is vtterly false , but can he tell , that ever an inferiour Court vndertooke to be guarded by a Militia , or that ever they had other guards , then from Constables , and inferiour officers , whome they might require to keepe the peace , and doe their dutie , and noe Court could ever make choice of any guard either for number , or Commaunder .

He sayes , that why the King refused the guard desired , the next day made mainfest , for then be came to blocke vp , or assault the house of Commons . It soone appeared , wherefore they desired a guard , to protect Traytours , & destroy the King . That the King came to blocke vp , or assault , the libelles hath already confessed to be false , for he did it not , when it was in his power , & if he had refused a guard for that reason , he would have performed it , & it s impertinently alleadged for the cause of those tumults , when he hath shewed , that those tumults were begun long before , for he lately to vs of the blood drawne at the gate of white hall , and Westminster hall , which himselfe knowes was in the tumults .

He proceedes to say , that he had begun to fortifie his Court , and entertained armed men . How absurdly doth he produce any acts of his Majest which were occasioned by the tumults to be causes of the tumults ? fortifying his Court , and entertaining armed men , there was good cause for , and what could it signifie , that the King fortified his owne house ? But an apprehension of danger . And how could it offend any , vnles such , as were disaffected to his safetie ?

He sayes these men soe entertained standing at his Pallace gate reviled , and with drawne swords wonnded many of the people , as they passed by in a peaceable manner , whereof some died . His owne relation makes it more then probable , that such , as were wounded gave the occasion of the hurt they had , for they were not drawne to the Palace gate , and might have quietly passed by though any of his Maj: Servants stood at the gate , & the truth is they dayly provoked his Maj: with insolent , & menacinge words , & Actions , & enforced such , as guarded the Court to repel them with force , & if they were reviled , they gave the provocation by their seditious carriage , & these armed men are now come to drawne swords there being no armes found by this Author , but swords , wherewith the persons vsually walked , & which were necessarily drawne against that rowt .

The passing by a multitude , though neither to St. Georges feast , nor to a tilting of it selfe was no Tumult . The expression of their loyaltie , and stedfastnes to the Parliament , whose lives they doubted to be in danger was noe Tumult . but wherefore should such a multitude resort , that had nothing to see , vnles they were tumults ? If a multitude , of people either at St. Georges feast , or a tilting should threaten the King , or with violence presse into his Court , and reproach , and assualt such , as they found there , this would be a tumult , & somewhat more , but this was not al these tumults acted , they assaulted the members of both houses neere their doores , they threatned them , that consented not to what they would have , they prescribed to the King , and both houses , what they should doe , & doth this triviall discourser make no difference betweene such Actions , that are the most pernitious disorders in states , & the comming of a multitude to see a tilting . If the purpose of such multitudes had been preservation of the lives , or safeties of any members in Parliament , it was very vnsuteable to their pretence to enquire into the proceedings of the houses , & assualt , & menace the members . The loyaltie , which he sayes they bare to the Parliament was il exprest by breaking the priviledges , & wronging the members , their loyaltie was due to their King in the first place , & they owed nothing to the Parliament , but as their Kings Court , & Councel , but the Author thinkes fit they should breake their sworne loyaltie to their King to maintaine a faction agianst him .

If it grew to be so , the cause was in the King , & his retinue , who by hostile preparations , and actuall assailing the people gave just cause to defend themselves . can himselfe believe this dreame of his , when he reades it over , that the kings preparations against the tumults after a long continved insolence against him , should more excuse them for encreasing their violence , them justifie their first attempts ? Neede they come to white hall , or Westminster to defend themselves , but their disorderly , & absurd pretences are fit Apologies for a tumultuous rowt .

These petitioning people needed not have been so formidable to any , but to such , whose consciences misgave them , how il they had deserved of the people , and doe non forbid such petitioning people but those , whose consciences misgave them , how il they had deserved of the people ? why then were the kentish petitioners , and other soe roughly handled comming vnarmed , & more peaceably , then these Tumults ? And doe the libellers Masters permitt such petitioning people at present , vnles it be some of their owne suborning ? And are the people , which he soe lately described to to be exorbitant , and excessive in their motions become such exact judges of al mens meritt , and determine of punishment without respect to their Rulers . If the libeller would have shewen what these Tumults wanted to make them Cryminall , and wherefore other Tumults were condemned , he would have found meanes to have come to himselfe , & have sayd , that Tumults ; were necessary . Preparations to Rebellion .

That the King was soe Emphaticall , and elaborate on this Theame will redound lesse perhapps them he was aware to the commendation of his Government , for in good Governments they happen seldomest , and rise not without couse . It is more then perhapps , that this libellers commendation of the Tumults will condemne his defence . If Tumults never happen without cause , we must accuse the best Governments of giving that cause , we are sure Davids Government wanted them not , but Absolon , and Sheba shall condemne the man after Gods owne heart . Did this libeller thinke any truth in scripture , or was he at all acquainted with it , that will have a just cause for all Tumuls , when we reade soe many against Moyses by the children of Israell ? And it he had pleased to have perused the Roman story , he must acknowledge many causses Tumults in that state . It like he holds , that Demetrius , and his Craftsmen had a cause for their Tumults , and surely it was not soe violent , as the Tumult he defends . And if all Tumults , and Rebellions be caused by ill Government , we may reasonably conclude , that the people needed not Governours , that knew soe well how to governe themselves , and did never judge a misse of the Actions , or Councells of their Governours . The libeller at first said he tooke vp the gantlet for libertie , and the Commonwealth , which he hath now expounded to be for destruction of libertie , and Kingdome by Tumults .

If they prove extreame , & pernicious ( that is the Tumults ) the were never counted so to Monarchy , but to Monarchical Tyrany . Who doubts , but Rebels wil pretend Tyrany , & oppression . Did ever reasonable man before this vnreasonable creature pretend , that Tumults were not pernicious to all governments , & can any man conceive , that they wil not grow extream , if not prevented , but left to their owne violence ? what is become now of his judgment of the peoples excessive , and extravagant motions , are these none in Tumults ? Can any Rebellion want a pretence , if the extreamitie of it be a proofe of Tyrany in the Rulers ? There can hardly be supposed an assertion more voyde of truth , & modestie . What publique wickednes was there ever acted to the subversion of Kingdomes , but by Tumults ? How many vsurpations , how many murthers of most vertuous Princes have been acted by Tum●ults ? But this libeller glories in those exploites of the rabble , and makes the Calamities they have brought he on others the matter of his mirth .

Extreames he sayes are at most Antipathy . If then the King soe extreamely flood in feare of Tumults , the inference will endanger him to be the olliert extreame . Where doth he finde in his learning , that Tumults , and Tyrany are at any Antipathy , which are but one , and same thing , for was there ever greater Tyrany exercised , then by Tumults ? And are not the lawes of all states most severe against Tumults ? And can there be any inference from thence , that the Government is Tyrany , are not Government , and Tumults at most Antipathy ? It s a certen Rule , that all watchfull Governours wil feare Tumults . The King had just cause to seare the Galamities ensuing the violence of Tumults , and this trisler vainely infers his fancied extreames from a prudent foresight , and if there were noe other example of causeles , and mischeivous Tumults then those the King complained of , they only were sufficient to instruct the world vpon what mistaken rumours they are raysed , and vnto what desperate impieties they proceede .

He never thought any thing more to presage the mischeifes , that ensued , then those Tumults . To this sayes the libeller . Those Tumults were but the milde effects of an evill , and injurious Raigne . Tumults the prodigious , and pestilentiall raignes get vp in a milde , and gracious Government , wherein seditious , and trayterous factionists take libertie to defuse their venom among the people , and milde tumults , and loyall Rebellion are phrases agreable to this mans modestie .

Those signes were to be read more apparent in his rage , and purposed revenge of those clamours of the people . That those tumults might overcome the patience of any King , the severitie vsed vpon lesse provocations by others is a full evidence , but his Majest moderation was constant , rage , and revenge being only legible in his Enemies . That tumults did presage the mischeifes ensuinge , al knowing men concurr with his Majest and descerne the libellers servile defence of popular clamours .

Not any thing portends more Gods displeasure against a nation , then when he suffers the clamours of the vulgar to passe all bounds of law , and reverence to Authoritie , to this he sayes , it portends rather his displeasure against a Tyranous King . As God sometimes gives an evil King to a people , soe whenever he destroyes that King by the contemptible vulgar , it is a signe of the encrease of his displeasure , and seldome , or never was any King good , or evill soe destroyed , but the peoples sufferings were encreased .

That those , whome he calls a supplicating people , and that did noe hurt to law , or authoritie ; but stood for it in the Parliament were a Rebell rabble cannot be doubted , since the libeller defends them , and he cannot be believed they did noe hurt to law in as much , as he defends the subversion of law , and the attempts of this supplicating people , that were in order to that end . This supplicating is one of his abolisht Ceremonies , The libeller tells , that they ought to have stood for law , the world knownes they did the contrary , and he is wittnes both of their guilt , and his owne falshood .

That they invaded the honour , and freedome of the two houses . To this he sayes , It is his officious accusation , not seconded by the Parliament , who , had they seene cause , were best able to complaine . And how were they able , when they were threatned , if they did complaine , and because the Parliament is overawed by Tumults , that they cannot complaine , therefore their fredome is not invaded . But how shamelesly he charges the King with the officious accusation , he tells vs in the next words , for he sayes , if they strucke , or menaced any , as the King said , they were such , as had more relation to the Court , then to the Common wealth , Enemies , not Patrons of the people . Is not the honour , and freedome of the two housce invaded , when their members ar strucke , and menaced ? And is it an officious accusation to say soe ? Can this man pretend the name of Parliament , when he will allow the base rabble to abuse them at pleasure ? And could any man but he tell the King , that persons elected were not sent to be Cavelled at by him , or entertained with an vndervalue of their temper , judgment , or affection , and heere defend the rascallitie in striking , and menacing the members , and not only vndervaluing their temper , judgment , and affection , but handling them , as cullions . Never was libeller more passionately malicious , more blindly absurd , more wilfully false , yet he thinkes he hath a reserve against all opposition , for he sayes , if their petitioning vnarmed were an invasion of both houses , what was his besetting it with armed men . Is striking , and menacing soe quickly returned to petitioning , Is it a way of answeare not to speake to the question ? Did ever Kings of England come without an armed guard to the Parliament , and doe they beset the house , when the guard is at the doore ? And can he say , that the Kings comming with his guard to the house is a greater invasion of the honour , & freedome of the houses , then the striking , and menacing the members by the Tumults ? Doubtles he had consulted better to his credit to have said nothing , then that , which was soe different from the case himselfe had stated , and his repetition of petitioning , and supplicating people is noe other , then the noyse of the Ephesian Rabble , that greate is Diana of the Ephesians .

The King sayes , They forbore not rude deportments , contemptuous words , and Actions to himselfe , and his Court. And to this the libeller sayes . It was not wonder , having heard what treacherous hostilitie he had designed against the Citie , and his whole Kingdome , that they forbore to handle him , as people in their rage have handled Tyrants heere to fore for lesse offences . The supplicating , and petitioning people may vse rude deportments , contemptuous words , and actions . To what purpose hath he minced his Tumults into supplicating , & petitioning people , when he defends their highest violence ? The King design'd Treacherous hostilitie against the Cittie , and Kingdome . The last thoughts , that madd men had before their destraction run most in their fancie in the time of their frensie , and these Traytours having lost all reason inculate still those ridiculous fraudes wherewith at first they seduced the people . The designes of Treacherous hostilitie was one of the Ceremonies , which its now time to give over . Who but an Idiot can beleive , that the King can have Treacherous designes against his Kingdome , whereof shal he be King , & whome shall he have to execate hostilitie against his owne Kingdome ? but these dreames of the blowing vp of Thames , and tales of winde mills , and fiery Dragons are over , and it s become the peoples sorrow , and shame to looke backe vpon the cheates , whereby they were deluded . He cannot name any Tyrant ill handled by tumults vpon such pretences , as he makes , & the most wicked Tyrant was not soe guiltie , as that people , which exercised their rage vpon him , yet the libeller determines , that the tumults fury is as justifiable , as the Parliaments order , for he ascribes noe more to the one , then the other .

They were not a short ague , but a feirce quotidian feaver . And the libeller sayes he may best say it who most felt it . He will rather boast of the greatenes of their villany , then reprove the impietie of it , and therefore he sports himselfe with the injuries of it , after his appellations of mildnes , and supplicating people , and extolls the highest of their violence , as a feirce quotidian feaver , and he is soe Lunatique , that out of his malice to the King , he calls them milde , & out of his insolence confesses them violent , and deadly .

The King would perswade vs , that men scared themselves , & others without cause . And al men are now satisfied of the truth of it , the fraudes being soe apparent , and confessed by this breaker .

Wise feare , and suspition would finde weapons . And we have found by experience , that Rebells by suggesting vaine feares , and suspitions have gotten weapons , and armed the people to their owne destruction .

Vpon the Kings repeating the mischeifes done by the tumults , that they first petitioned , then protected , dictate next , and lastly overaw the Parliament . They removed obstructions , they purged the houses , cast out rotten members . He sayes , if there were a man of Iron such as Talus by our poet spencer , is fain'd to be the Page of Iustice , who with his Iron flaile could doe all this , and expedititiously without those deceitefull formes , and Circumstances of law worse , then Ceremonies in Religion , I say God send it done , whether by one Talus , or by a thousand . Religion , & lawes are lesse then Ceremonies in this Authors account , and when Pages follow not , nor acknowledge , Masters Justice wil be ill waited on , such cut-throates are not the Pages of Justice , but the furies of hell , and theis this libeller prayes to God for ; what will not such call Justice to satisfie their ambition , and crueltie ? Poets are short in their fancies of what the English Rebells have acted . Their Gyants were Pigmyes to theise Monsters , and their Hidra too few heads , & too litle venom for the service of these Enemies of mankinde . What a silly propertie does this libeller make Parliament , and lawes , that subjects them to Tumults , and how barbarous are their proceedings , that made endeavour to subvert fundamentall lawes a Capitall Cryme , and heere he commends the fact , & calls them deceitefull formes , and Circumstances of law . Might he not better have said , they would make good their villanies by the sword , then prevaricate , and say , and vnsay , and pretend Religion , and yet pray God to send Tumults , and Confusions to breake all lawes in order to their designes ?

The King sayes , they subdued the men of conscience in Parliament , backed , and abetted all seditious , & schismaticall proposalls against Government Ecclesiasticall , and Civill . To this he sayes . That it was not the Kings grace , but this Iron flaile , the people , that drove the Bishopps out of their Baronies , Cathedralls , Lords house , Coopes , surplisses , papisticall innovations , threw downe high Commission , starr chamber , gave vs a trienniall Parliament , and what we most desired . And is not this brave ? Is it a credit to a Church to be thus reformed ? Is this the Christian Religion to glory in oppression , robery , and Rebellion ? There is noe doubt , but many things graunted by his Majest in the late Parliament , were Acts of grace in respect of his compliance with importunitie , in hope thereby to preserve the people from a Civill warr , not in respect of the nature of the things graunted . The libeller might have remembred , that the King never consented to drive the Bishopps out of their Baronies , or Cathedralls , and his Trienniall Parliament , which he soe much commends is repealed by his new Masters , for the people must not looke for the execution of any such law . And this Iron slaile , the rashnes , and crueltie of a disordered multitude hath thresht , and broken the bones , & sinewes of the people , and made them know the difference betweene a golden Scepter , and an Iron flaile .

In revenge whereof he sayes he now soe bitterly inveighs against them . And how can the libeller thinke it bitter , when their Actions , which he confesses exceede in impietie the greatest Crymes , that ever were inveighed against ? And if we could wonder at any thing , we might wonder at his mention of Schismaticall proposalls consented to by the King , when he wel knowes , noe one thing by him mentioned of Cathedralls , or Ceremonies was consented to by the King , & noe lesse strange is it , that the other particulars are by him recited , as intended by the King to be the Seditious proposalls , though all of them are not free from that name , when as there were soe many seditious , and Trayterous proposalls besides these .

That these Tumults played the hastie midwives , and would not stay the ripening , but went streight to ripping vp , and forcibly cut out abortive votes , to this he opposes , that the Parliament complained not , and therefore those confluxes were not by them thought Tumultous . And were they not thought Tumultuous by such , as they had expelled , and driven away from the Parliament ? And did he but in his last words call them an Iron flaile , and recount the wonders , which they wrought , and now would not allow them to be Tumults ? We may besure the seditious faction in Parliament stirred them vp , and such , as differed in judgment , or affection from them , were enforced eyther to be absent , or silent ,

But what good man had not rather want , any thing the most desired for the publique good , then attaine it by such vnlawfull , and irreligious meanes , which is sayes the libeller had not rather sit still , and let his Contrey be Tyranized , then like men demaund their rights , and liberties , And that is the people ought , when they thinke fit to Rebell against their Governours , and say their lawes are deceitefull , and their Government Tyranicall .

This is the artificiallest peice of finenes to perswade men to be slaves , that the Court could have invented . Is it not Scripture , that we may not doe evill , that good may come of it , And what other thing doth the King say , or this libeller make the artificialest finenes of the Court , Traytours perswade men , that they demaund their right , while they seeke only to oppresse the right of all men by a lawles vsurpation , and noe man can doubt , but such , as Rebell will make pretences , and not spare the lawes of God by prophane interpretations , nor the Actions of their Rulers by false representations .

The morall of this lesson would better serve the teacher , and it is the libellers sense . What good man had not rather want a boundles , and arbitrary power , and those fine flowers of the Crowne called Prerogatives , then for them to vse force , and perpetuall vexation to his faithfull subjects , nay to wade for them through blood , and Civill warr . And have not these Rebells waded through blood , and Civill warr to place theise Prerogatives , & flowers of the Crowne vpon themselves , and continue force , and perpetuall vexation vpon the people of England to set vp a boundles , & arbitrary power . The Kings just Prerogatives , and flowers of his Crowne were of absolute necessitie for his peoples safetie , & they could be a vexation to noe faithfull subjects This libeller hath inherited Cains lurce , a restles motion , and discord within himselfe , that heere talkes of faithfull subjects , and by , and by will allow none to be subjects , nor faithfull , but the King is their officer , and noe oaths binde them to him .

The King sayes , who were the cheife Demagogues to send for those Tumults , some alive are not ignorant , he sayes the King cannot coine English as he could money , & t is beleived this wording was above his knowne stile , and ortography , and accuses the whole composure to be conscious of some other author . And this learned observation vpon the word Demagogue deserves the Laurell . Why is demagogue amore hobgoblin word , then Pedagogue ? And why should the one be above the kings knowne stile , & ortography more then the other ? And why may not the king make an English word current , as well as another , There are very many whose knowne stile , and ortography is beneath the Kings , that could have transcribed Demagogue out of many English Authors without offending against ortography .

If these Demagogues were men of reputation with the rabble , it adds not to their reputation with knowing men , nor lessens the guilt , nor danger of those tumults , but rather made them more mischeivous ; & the baser sort of people have such most in reputation , as are neerest to their owne condition being strangers to vertue , and true worth .

The King sayes complaints were made , yet noe redresse could be obtained . To this he returnes the Parliaments complaint of danger , and that it cheered them to see some store of their friends , and in the Roman , not pettifogging sense , their Clients soe neere about them . Though he sometimes vse the names of Justice , and Patriotts , and love of Countrey , yet he affects nothing more , nor prayses any thing soe much , as seditious contrivances , and exploits , and to defend the Tumults , while he would deny there were any , and the seditious Gracchy , Catilnie , and other conspiratours against the Roman Senate shal be commended , for what were these Clients in the Roman sense , but a powerfull number of such persons , as were readie to fire the state at the commaund of their Patron . The Senate never made vse of such Clients , but the power of private men by them became the ruine of that stare , and he hath given himselfe a full answeare , why the Parliament complained not of the Tumults , when he boasts , that they were cheered to see them .

The Parliament , and people demaunded Iustice for those assaults , if not murthers , meaning those pretended brawles at the Courtgate . If any had demaunded Justice they might have had it , for what should hinder ? the procedings of noe Court were shutt but by the Rebells . And it is not Poeticall fury , but Bedlam distraction so compare the hurts done in a fray , ptrovoked by an vnruly rabble to the sheddinge of the blood of Nabaoth , and the murther of the king to the revenge of Nabaoths blood . Their choise of the place for that execrable Act before the kings Pallace gate is only an evidence of the pride , and malice of their hearts , and of their selfe condemning consciences , that contrived Circumstances to disguise their crueltie with a counterfaite of Justice .

The king complaines , that he found noe declarations of the Bishopps could take place against the Tumults . To this he askes , was that worth his considering , that foolish , and selfe vndoing declaration of twelue Cypher Bishopps , who were immediately appeacht of Treason for that audacious declaring ? Surely it was worth the considering in reguard of the Justice of the declaration , and the Injustice towards those Bishopps , and there can hardly be produced a more impudent Act by an assembly of men , that would allow tumults to offer violence to their members , and charge their members for complaining of the injury with Treason . And as they proceeded without shame , or truth , soe they make it their mirth , that they could by such a ridiculous meanes , effect soe greate a villanie . That declaration , which he calls foolish , and self vndoing will stand a perpetuall Monument of the vertue , and courage of these Bishopps , and the infamy of those Cipher Lords , that committed them . And if the Bishopps were pulled by their Roche●●s , as he admitts , was not this a just cause in feare in his Majest ? And doth this pulling by the Rochetts amount to nothing but petitioning ? This libeller sayes , the Bishopps deserved another kinde of pulling . And noe doubt he would have justified their murther in the streetes , aswell , as the Kings since , and that must not have been the blood of Nabaoth . He would inferr , that the King had noe cause of feare , because he came the next day after his going to the house of Commons into the Citie without a guard . The King beleived at that time the Citie was not soe totally debaucht , but that he might finde some , that would guard him against the disloyaltie of others , and those humble demeanours , which he mentions are well knowne to be most insolent provocations of base people , and though at that time the infection was not soe venemous , as it grew afterwards , yet the king found disloyaltie very apparent .

Though the King might have feared in reguard of his owne guiltines , yet he knew the people soe full of awe , and reverence to his person , as he dared to committ himselfe single among them . If the King had knowne guiltines in himselfe , he could not have hoped for that awe , and reverence , but his going single at such a time , and after soe many affronts shewes the audacious scurrilitie of this Author , that hath taunted at him soe often for seares , and terrours , and now sayes lie dared goe single among such outragious tumults . And if awe , and reverence to his person were a commendation to the people , as this libeller would have it , it must be the brand of infamy vpon him , and his Rebellious packe , that have troden awe , and reverence vnderfoore , and wickedly despised , and murthered him .

He would prove , that the King had no feares after all the reproachfull scoffing at his feares , because he went into Scotland after the Bishopps had been worse handled , then in England , and after two Armies had entred England against him , and this he sayes argues first , that he was a stranger to England , and full of diffidence . To the Scotts only a native King in his confidence , though not in his dealing , next he sayes , which shewes beyound doubting , that all his feare of Tumults was but a pretence . Wee cannot boubt , that this Authors braine is a Giddy , as the Tumults , for to prove , that the King had noe feare of the Tumults , he affirmes him diffident to the English confident of the Scotts , and labours much to make periods of non sense , that he may vse words of Calumnie . Might not the King have cause to feare in reguard of their malice , though not his personall suffering ? And doth not his libeller shew his vaine falshood , that heere makes the king feareles , and soe lately made mirth of the terrours of the Tumults . he libeller doubted he should not finde credit to his many contradictions touching the tumults , & therefore turnes about to another theame of the Kings relation to the scotts , and is so voyde of sense , as having affirmed within ten lines before , that the king was confident of the awe , and reverence of the people of England to his person , heere sayes he was full of diffidence .

But he sayes he tooke occasion from the Tumults of absence from the Parliament , to turne his disorderly bickerings to an orderly invadinge . That the King might he absent without shewing a reason why , from his Parliament , noe man of knowledge , or common reason ever doubted , and he might , as well goe to Yorke , as into Scotland . But he must be persecuted by disorderly Tumults , if he stay , and followed with a formed Army , if he depart , and they , that sought Colours , and disgiuses for the Tumults grow soe impudent to rayse an Army for the King to fight against him .

The King sayes he would not have weakened himselfe by soe many former , and after Acts , if he had meditated warr , as some suspected , when he left white hall . The libeller sayes his former Acts did not weaken him , & it might come into his minde after passing these Acts. That which strengthened the Rebells must weaken him , and was the Act for continuance of the Parliament , without which they could not have sate , nor acted , nor deluded the people , nor part of their strength , nor the Kings weakenes ? But he that objects cunning fetches , and evill Councellours to the king now allowes him nothing , but improvidence , and feare .

The King doubted not , but all had gone well , if the Parliament had sate still free , as it was in its first election , and sayes the libeller , his not doubting was all good mens greatest doubt . And theis are the good men , that could not endure a free Parliament , and the libellers Parliament , that must governe is a new modell , not a free Parliament , as it was at first elected ; that stood not with their Rebellious disignes , and his good men doubted , that all would not soe well with them , if that sate still free , & therefore the Iron flaile must thrust the Bishopps out of the Lords house , and purge the lower house , and yet it is still Tyrany , and obstinacie in the King by this mans judgment not to accept all the Dictates of this ridiculous packe , and he hath a narrow conscience , and not fitt for the publique , that follows not the cry of this kennell .

To the Kings resolution to heare reason , and consent , as farr , as he could comprehend . The libeller askes , what if his reason comprehend nothing , but his owne advantages , was this a reason to be trusted with the common good of three nations ? Yes truly , and it is noe Paradox , that if the King comprehend his owne advantages , it is sufficient for the common good of the three nations , for whatever is their common good is his advantage , and whatever is his advantage is their Common good , but all his Patriotts for whome the libeller is soe Zealous have advantages of their owne , that are opposite to the Common good of the three nations .

The King sayes , as swine are to gardens , soe are Tumults to Parliaments To this sayes the libeller . The Parliament could best have told vs , had they found it so . And doubtles such of the Parliament , as found it not , may be accounted among the number of these swine , or the herdsmē of them .

But he sayes one greate hogge may doe as much mischeife in a garden , as many litle swine . And it seemes , that the like evil spirit , as entred into the heard of swine hath possest this libeller , and driven him on head long in his Rebellious impudence .

The King sayes , he was some times prone to thinke , that had be called this last Parliament to any other place in England , the sad consequences might have been prevented . To shew , that the place could have made noe change , the libeller instances in his Majest first Parliament at oxford , which was dissolved . What doth that prove to contradict what his Majest sayes , that if he had called the Parliament at another place , these sad consequences might have been prevented ? Does the libeller thinke , that because there was misvnderstanding betweene the King , and some of his Parliaments , that they would therefore have run to the same extreamities , that he faction in this last did , or that these factionists could have brought this mischeife vpon the kingdome , by like Tumults in another place .

He goes on to say , that the King called his last Parliament at Oxford a Mungrell Parliament consisting all of his friends . Noe doubt there were in that Parliament many loyally affected to his Majest but it cannot be denyed , for time hath tryed it , that there were many among them , that were spyes , and disturbers corrupted by the Rebell faction at Westminster , and their owne base inclinations , who sought to disorder all Councells , and consultations .

The libeller would comprehend the whole people of England within the Tumults , & interprett the Kings prayer against the tumults to be a prayer against his people . Is it not God , that stilleth the raging of the sea , & madnes of the people ? And is not a prayer for the people to pray they may be delivered from such madnes , and yet this libeller sayes , that the king praying to be delivered from the Tumults prayeth to be delivered from the people , and blasphemously concludes , God save the people from such intercessours . And we cannot beleive , that God is in his thoughts , whose mouth soe often abuseth his name .

Vpon the Bill for TRIENNIALL PARLIAMENTS , and for setling this , &c.

HE sayes the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments was a good Bill , and the other for setling this at that time very expedient . And this he sayes in the Kings owne words was noe more then what the world was full confirmed he might in Iustice , reason , honour , and conscience graunt them , for to that end he affirmes to have done it . This man hath a confirmed enmitie against truth , & cannot make a right recitall . The Kings words are , that the world might be fully confirmed , in my purposes at first to contribute what in Iustice , reason , honour , and conscience I could to the happy succes of this Parliament , I willingly past the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments . The greatenes of the trust , which his Majest put vpon the people by passing that Bill was a strong Argument , that he would deny nothing , which in Justice , reason , honour , and conscience he might graunt , not that the world was confirmed he might graunt that Bill in reason , honour , and conscience in respect of the matter of it , for a greate part of the world was of opinion , he might with better reason have denyed it , had not his desire to shew his purposes of contributing what he could to the happy successe of the Parliament moved him . And they might be confirmed thereby of his purposes to deny nothing , which in Justice , reason , honour , and conscience he could contribute to the happy successe of the Parliament .

It is the Kings manner to make vertues of his necessities , and that neither prayse , nor thankes are due to him for these beneficiall Acts. It cannot be expected , that Rebells will retaine gratitude , that have cast of loyaltie , but let vs looke on his reasons , and the first is , that this first Bill graunts much lesse , then two former statutes yet in force by Edw. the 3. that a Parliament should be called every yeare , or oftner , if neede were . Either the libeller is vaine in producing this instance , or in commending the Bill , that gave much lesse , then two former lawes in force , and he must make the Parliament very inconsiderate , that would soe much Importune a law soe farr short , of what former lawes had enacted . His ancient law booke called the mirror , and his late Treatise , that Parliaments by our old lawes were to be twice a yeare at London , carry as litle Authoritie , as cleerenes , what those Parliaments were they mention , but neither the statutes , nor law bookes did ever affirme the right of calling Parliaments in any other then the King , or that he might not deferr the calling of them , if he saw cause , and these statutes were made to declare the subjects dutie to attend the King in his Parliament once a yeare , or oftner , if neede were , and there was noe reason why oftner should have been inserted into the law , if any obligation were intended thereby vpon the King . And its contrary vnto the writt , whereby Parliaments are called , that the time of Parliaments should be defined , for it is recited to be an Act of Councell to call a Parliament , which needed not , if it were necessary at a prefixed time .

The second Bill he sayes was soe necessary , that nothing in the power of man more seemed to be the stay of all things from ruine , then that Act. We are sure , that nothing did more confirme the designes of the Traytours nor hasten that ruine of the Kingdome they have wrought , then that Act. All men descerne the fraudulent artifices vsed to gaine that Bill by pretending publique debts , which seditious faction had contracted , and intended to encrease for the carrying on of their Rebellion , and his Majest in graunting that Bill hoped to take of those occasions of it ? the Reports ; which they cast out among the people of his vnwillingnes to rayse money for discharge of the Armyes . These charges were occasioned by the Kings ill stewardshipp , but the world satisfied , it was from a trayterous conspiracie of the guides of this Rebellion . He alleadges his needeles raysing of two Armies to withstand the Scotts , which noe man , but a profest Rebell can soe call , for should he have raysed noe Army , but left all to the mercy of the invader ? next he had beggerd both himselfe , & the publique . When by this libellers owne confession the King had received noe supplies from the publique for raysing those Armies , and these shameles Traytours blush not to talke of the Kings beggering of the people , when the greate plentie his Government had enriched them with , is soe visible in those vast leavies , which the Rebells have since made vpon them .

The King left vs vpon the score of his needy Enemies . If they had not been too much friends to the traytours of England , there had been noe score to them , for all men know whatever they received from England was by the contrivance of the Trayterous faction in Parliament to accomplish their ends . To disengage him greate summs were borrowed . Which its well knowne was not to disengage the King , but to advance the designes of the Traytours , who dealt vnder hand with some of the Scotts to protract the Treatie , that the charges might be encreast .

The errours of his Government had brought the Kingdomes to such , extreames , as were incapable of recovery without the absolute continuance of this Parliament . They never did one act after that Bill , but in order to the Kingdomes confusion , and all men saw there were noe extreames to be recovered at the time of passing that Bill , but the returne of the Scotts , and the disbanding the faction in Parliament , and the only recovery had been by setting an end to the Parliament , which they , that made it their propertie could not endure .

The King past these Acts vnwillingly . It cannot be doubted , but the King foresaw the danger of both , and the libeller might have seene in the first section of this Chapter , that his Maj: was not without doubt , that what he intended for a remedy might prove a disease beyound all remedy , and though to avoyde a Civill warr he made some concessions in hope to bring the people to see their owne good , which might turne to his , and their greater mischeife , if by them ill applyed , yet his Majest deserves prayse , and thankes for such Acts of grace , and the necessitie , which this libeller soe impudently vrges to take of his Majest just thankes . was the danger of a Civill warr , which his Majest sought by these Act to prevent , and might have entred into with lesse hazard before the passing of these Bills , then after . The libeller only encreases the infamy of the Rebells ingratitude , and his owne impudence by obtruding necessities to take of the Kings grace in passing those Bills , and it had not the shape of a Masterly brow , but gracious aspect in his Majest: saying the greatnes of the obligation above their deserts , that he had put vpon them by passing the first Bill , and the Masterly brow suites not with the following scurrilous conceite , that the kings recital of the obligation he had putt vpon them by that Act was , as if he had beggd an office to a sort of his desertles groomes , and these desertles groomes now Rule the new Republique , there being none , that had the least desert that would accept such a Trayterous office .

That the King passed the latter Bill to prevent the encrease of the present disorders , not out of consideration of the fittnes of that Bill , he neede not spend time to prove , and his consent was moved from the reason of the time , not the matter , and the libeller hath well observed , that they had offended him much more after the passing of the former Bill , which is not to their creditt , but shame .

It was feare made him passe the Bill , least the Parliament , and people incensed by his conspiracies should resent his doings , if he had added the denyall of this only meanes to secure themselves . Either his memory is short , or his absurditie vnnaturall that soe lately said the kings feares were pretences , and does he thinke , that his Majest could feare their resenting more at that time , then afterward , besides his supposed fantasticall conspiracies were not as much , as named , or spoken of to Parliament , or people at the time of passing that Bill , and there cannot be imagined any cause of his Majest passing that Bill , but his earnest desire to avoyde a Civil warr , and assure his people of his purpose by committing so greate a trust vnto them , neither can there be imagined other cause , why the passing of that Bill was soe much importun'd by the Rebells , but to secure themselves , for being conscious of their owne guilt they knew themselves vnsecure , vnles they gained a power over King , and lawes . The libeller cannot excuse neither the ingratitude , nor disloyaltie of the Rebel partie in Parliament , from the Kings consent to these lawes to present disorders , and mischeifes , which in themselves had not been fitt , for his consent at another time , and their insolence in binding him first of all his Predecessours , shewes their corruption , and guilt , that would vse soe much violence , & disloyaltie to a Prince whose , gratious Government had least of all his Predecessours provoked it .

The King taxes them with vndoing what they found well done . The libeller sayes . They vndid nothing in the Church , but Lord Bishopps , Liturgies Ceremonies , high Commission judged worthy by all true Protestants to be throwne out of the Church . These Protestants , which are true only to him will judge the like of all Kings , and Rulers of State , and all orders of the Church , that are not of their Bedlem patterne . These false Sectaries talke of Church , & true Protestants just as they doe of Parliament , as long , as it consists of their owne limbs , it must be obeyed , but if it dissent from their Commaunds , then they are worse , then Ceremonies in Religion . Doubtles al true Protestants abhorre this den of Schismatickes , that boast of their Rebellious defacing of the Church , and hate their societie , there having not been yet any true Protestant , Church , that ever pretended , that Lord Bishopps , Leiturgies , Ceremonies , or high Commission were worthy to be throwne out of the Church the greatest part of Protestants retaining the like .

The vndid nothing in the state , but irregular , and grinding Courts . The Courts they tooke away were judged by al wisemen to have been profitable to the Kingdome , and fitt to be continved , and the best Governours sometimes graunt that to the peoples irregularities thereby to preserve them from proceeding to their owne ruine , which were fitt to deny at another time , & it s their Zeale to publique safetie , not feare , and dissimulation , as the libeller calls it .

It was a greater confidence of the people to put into one mans hand a power to Summon , and dissolve Parliaments , then the King put in the people by the 〈◊〉 of continuance of the Parliament . And if the libeller could shew the Act , whereby the people put that power in the King , he had said some thing . But how had they put it into his hands , or what confidence was it , if they might take it away , when they list ? This man cannot see truth through his owne contradictions , & while he acknowledges the Kingly power to Summon , and dissolve Parliaments forthwith adds , that Kings could not dissolve Parliaments till all greivances were redressed , and then where was the kings power to dissolve , or the peoples confidence ?

This is he sayes not only the assertion of this Parliament , a strong proofe , but of our ancient lawe bookes , that noe man ever read , which averr it to be an vnwritten law of Common right soe engraven in the hearts of our Ancestours , and by them soe constantly enjoyed , and claimed , as that it needed not enrolling . this is pretty poetry , that because a law is no where to be found , therefore it was engraven in the hearts of our Aucestours , where are those law bookes ? But how many hundred yeares since was this engraving worne out , surely if there had been either such an vnwritten law , and soe constantly enjoyed , and claimed , it would have been often enrolled ere now , but the libeller expected applause for his conceite , not creditt to his assertion .

If the Scotts could charge the King with breach of their lawes for breaking vp that Parliament without their consent , it were vnreasonable , that the wisedome of England should be soe wanting to it selfe , as not to provide against the not calling , or arbitrary dissolving of Parliaments . If they had provided against it , where was the confidence he talked of ? It followes not , that because the Scotts charged the King with breaking of the Parliament without their consent , that therefore the King offended in it , neither was the wisedome of the English nation wanting to it selfe in leaving the calling , and dissolving of Parliaments Arbitrary to the King , it being a power essentiall to Monarchy , and we have seene , that the taking away of that power dissolves the Government , and drawes confusion , and miserie vpon the state , and it cannot be avoyded , but that from a power erected to affront the soveraigntie , there must follow sedition , and Civill discord . People must depend vpon their Kings grace , and goodnes for redresse of their greivances , whose power , and safetie consists in their welfare , not seeke by violence to be their owne Carvers , and the people never found soe greate suffering by submission to their , Kings , as by seeking wayes to oppose them .

It appeares , that if this Bill of not dissolving were an vnparalleld act , it was a knowne , and Common right . That it was an vnparalleld Act he doth not deny , that it was a Common right noe where appeares , and how can that be an vnparalleld Act , that is a Common right ? He sayes it s not enrolled , and how then shall it appeare to be Common right ?

What needed written Acts , when as it was anciently esteemed part of his Corwne oath . His Crowne oath is well knowne , and may not be tryed by estimation , but inspection . The libellers estimation hath as litle proofe , as authoritie . He referrs the lawerlie mooting of this point to a booke called the rights of the Kingdome , written it seemes by some Author of as much fidelitie in his quotations , as this libeller in his narrations , and to other law Tracts being neither his Element , nor proper worke , since the booke , which he hath to answeare pretends to reason , not to Authoritie . And he holds reason to be the best Arbitratour , and the law of law it selfe . And it appeares by his writings , that reason is neither his Element , nor worke heere , for had he vse of reason , he would not referr vs to bookes , that are onely of Authoritie to prove the ignorance , and boldnes of the writer , neither could reason judge it a law , that a king should not dissolve a Parliament , till all particular greivances were considered , though the setting of it might prove an incurable greivance , but his reason would have the Parliament defend the Kingdome with their votes , as the Roman Senatours their Capitall with their robes against the Gaules .

The King must not be at such distance from the people in judging what is better , and what worse . That the people are not the best judges of what is better , and what is worse the libeller himselfe acknowledges , saying they are excessive in all their motions , and is it not reason , that the King then should be at such distance in judging , but the libeller seekes to be at greate distance with truth , that sayes the Kings owne words condemned him , that he had not knowne as well with moderation to vse as with tarnestnes to desire his owne advantages . Where as the King spake not of himselfe , but others , his words were , If some men had knowne as well with moderation to vse , as with earnestnes to desire advantages of doing good , or evill . Doth this man thinke reason the law of law , or falshood the Master of both law , and reason , that soe palpably belyes the booke before him .

The King sayes a continuael Parliament , he thought would keepe the Commonwealth in tune . To this sayes to Libeller . Iudge Commonwealth , what proofes he gave , that this boasted profession was ever in his thought . The king doubtles thought not , that every Parliament would keepe the Commonwealth in tune , but a Parliament , that preferred publique good before private faction .

The King saith , as he relates him , some gave out , that I repented me of that setling Act. The Libeller sayes , his owne Actions gave it out beyound all supposition , for be went about soe soone after to abrogate it by the sword . Heere the Libeller omitts a materiall word , which the King vsed , which was soone , for the Kings words are , that I soone repented . It is well knowne that the wicked vse , which the Traytours made of that setling Act , might give the king just cause to repent him of it , but as the king vsed not the sword till many Moneths after the passing of that Bill , soe the cause of his Armes were the violent , and Trayterous Actions of a faction , not the abrogation of that Bill .

The King calls those Acts , which he confesses tended to their good noe more Princely , then friendly contributions , as if sayes the Libeller to doe his dutie were of Courtesie , and the giving backe of our Liberties stood at the mercy of his contribution .

He would have it beleived , that Parents can doe nothing for their childrens good out of favour , all is of dutie , and noe thankes belongs to them from their children , nor any from subjects to their Soveraignes , or rulers , for the greatest benefitts they receive by good Government , and all the vigilance , watchfullnes , & pietie of Princes for the peoples good is not at all thankes worthy , theis are the Maximes of Rebells , and if Kings will not yeelde vp their power , they may be compelled , and the quitting of Government , for which Kings must give account to God , is by theis mens Divinitie the giving backe of liberties , being noe other , then to give licence to all wickednes , and beare the sword in vaine .

The kings sayes he doubts not , but the affections of his people will compensate his sufferings for those Acts of confidence . To this sayes the libeller , not his confidence , but his distrust brought him to his sufferings , and he trusted nere the sooner , for what he tells of their pietie , and Religious strictnes , but rather hated them as Puritans , whome he allwayes sought to extirpate . The libeller himselfe cannot deny , but that if the king had not had confidence , that those Acts of his would not have been abused , he would not have graunted them , for if the had not been so confident , it had been much more eligible for him to hav run the peril of a war without graunting them , and wee have seene by experience , that many as well as the king were deceived in those , that profest pietie , and Religious strictnes , and though the king had just cause to hate the faction of the hipocriticall Puritan , yet he thought , that there could not soe much impietie lurke in many vnder such profession of pietie , and Religious strictnes , as hath since exceeded the most blasphemous Atheist , and had the king sooner distrusted , he had in humane reason prevented much of the Calamitie , that hath befallen himselfe , and his kingdome .

That those Acts of the Kings did not argue , that he meant peace knowing , that what he graunted out of feare , he might assoone repeale by force . It is noe argument , that he would doe it , because he might doe it , but it is one of the libellers vsuall Arguments to conclude from the possibilitie to the being , and there cannot be a greater Argument of a mans desire of peace , then to part with his right to prevent a warr , and by this rule of the libeller there must never be peace , nor end of Rebellion but by the destruction of the king , because their guilt is still vnsecure .

That the Tumults threatned to abuse all acts of grace , and turne them into wantonesse . This sayes the libeller is abusing of Scripture not becomming such a saint to adulterate sacred words from the grace of God to the acts of his owne grace . And is it an abuse of Scripture to say the King did Acts of grace ? and whence then comes it to be an abuse of Scripture to say the people abused the Kings grace , or turned it into wantonesse ? was it not a sin of wantonesse in the people and may it not be soe exprest without any abuse of Scripture . Scripture is abused , when it is applyed to a prophane , & ludicrous sense , but the words heere are not transferred from a right signification . There are diverse words , that signifie both divine , and humane Actions , & there is noe abuse of them in either sense And the libeller having excepted to the vse of an expression of Scripture , presently makes bold with Scripture saying , that Herod was eaten vp with wormes for suffering others to compare his voyce to the voyce of God . when as the Scripture sayes , he was eaten vp of wormes , because he gave not God the glory . And is not this to adulterate Scripture but nothing is sacred to Rebells .

That the King by this Phrase gives jealosie , that he likens his owne Acts of grace to the Acts of Gods grace cannot be vnderstood , noe more then the vse of the name of mercy , or justice should give jealosie of likening humane vertues to divine Attributes , though there be a difference betweene resembling , and comparing ,

The libeller sayes from prophanes he scarce comes of with perfect sense , To prove , that he shewes himselfe senseles . The Kings words are , that being not in a Capacitie to have taken revenge in a hostile way , he could not have given his Enemies a more desired advantage , then by soe vnprincely inconstancie , to have assaulted them with Armes , thereby to scatter them , whome but lately he had solemnely setled . And where is the libellers exception ? he sayes what place could there be for his inconstancie to doe a thing , wherein he was in noe capacitie ? There was place for inconstancie , if he had endeavoured to vndoe that , which he had done , though he were not in a capacitie to have effected it , and if the libeller had sense he would not have missed it & come of without it .

He would not have , that considerations of hazard , and dishonour , with-held the King from that course , and that he would prove , because he made a warr , & yet objects feares to him for the cause of all his Actions , and from thence might well conclude that nothing but extreamitie caused him to defend himselfe by warr .

The king sayes his letting somemen goe vp to the Pinnacle of the Temple was a temptation to them to cast him downe headlong . By this sayes the libeller , he compares himselfe to Christ who is not at al named . The Parliament to the Devill , which is not neither , and that setling Act his letting them goe vp to the Pinnacle of the Temple . The libeller sayes its a goodly vse of Scripture . Similitudes of Actions imply noe Comparisons of persons , but the congruitie of the allusion made the libeller angry , and yet he may not be beleived , that the Actions of some Traytours , and particularly his Masters may not be resembled to that of Judas without comparing the person betrayed to Christ .

He sayes , it was noe Pinnacle of the Temple , but a Nabucadnezars Pallace , from whence he , and Monarchy fell headlong togeather . Those Rebells have tobbed , and ruined the Temple , as Nebucadnezar did , and they , that glory in casting king , and Monarchy headlong have the spiritt of that tempter , which perswaded our saviour to cast himselfe downe . The people now , as theis of old finde it the extreamitie of desolation to be without King , and Church , and it is an horrour to them , that the vncleane spiritts of Rebellion inhabite the Kings Pallaces .

The King sayes All the Kingdomes of the world are not worth gaining by wayes of sin , which hazard the soule . And sayes the Libeller , he left nothing vnhazarded to keepe three . He hazarded nothing , but what he was bound to God , and his people for the preservation of his Kingdomes , and these Rebells left noe wickednes vnattempted to gett them .

The Act of setling was noe sin of his will , and the Libeller sayes , It was a sin of his vnwillingnes . But his fals hood is proved willfull in this , as in most of his assertions . The King confesses the ill consequence of that Act , but he sayes it was not a sin of his will , because it proceeded from other mens malice , and though he willingly past the Act , yet he judged the Evill ensuing , not the Act of his will , and it was a sin of the Libellers will , that soe knowingly perverted his meaninge .

The Libeller sayes , that at his prayers , he had before him the sad presage of his ill succes . And is it his fault to descerne his Enemies crueltie , and his owne afflicted condition ?

But he sayes his prayer booke noe sooner shutt , but other hopes flattered him , and that was his destruction . It s not impossible , but he might have hopes , but his misfortunes will be the guilt , and destruction of them , that caused it without Gods greate mercie which they yet despise .

Vpon his RETIREMENT FROM WESTMINSTER .

THe King sayes , I staid at white hall till I was driven away by shame more then feare . And sayes the Libeller in his Messages , and declarations , and in the whole Chapter next but one before this he affirmes , that the danger , wherein his wife , children , and his owne person were by these Tumults , was the maine cause , that drove him from white hall , and affirmes heere , it was shame more then feare , from whence , and the Ld. Digbies speech to the same purpose , he sayes , wee may descerne , what false , and frivolous excuses are avowed for truth . We may see , how willfully , and absurdly this Libeller will contradict truth , and himselfe , that not only in one Chapter , but in every Chapter past vpbraids his Majest with feares , boasts , that by feares he was compelled to consent to the death of the Earle of Strafford , and to passe those Acts , for which he deserved noe thankes , because he did them for feare of the Tumults , and is now soe shameles to call them false , and frivolous excuses .

The King formerly exprest , that valour is not to be questioned , for not scufling with the sea , or an vndisciplined rabble . And though he had not a base feare he could not be vnapprehensive of violence intended by that rabble , and it cannot be doubted , but that a King must have a greater measure of shame then feare to see such insolencies , and if this libeller had any shame , he would not have argued from that expression of his Majest a contradiction of what he said of danger from these Tumults . But he thinkes his readers have a short memory , as well as sense , and therefore he reguards not the repugnancie of his owne Periods .

He magnifies the courage , and severitie of Zeale to Iustice in Rebells of former times , and calls them our fore Fathers , and that their folly , & wickednes may have some excuse in following subtile conspiratours against their King , he calls it courage , and severitie of Zeale , and that he may authorize their lewdnes , he sayes their courage was against the proud contempt , and misrule of their Kings .

He sayes , that when Rich. the 2. departed , but from a Committee of Lords , who sate preparing matter for the Parliament , not yet assembled to the removal of his evill Councellours , they first vanquished , and put to flight Robert de Vere , his cheife favorite , and then comming vp to London with a huge Army required the King , then withdrawne for feare , but noe further of then the Tower to come to Westminster , which he refusing they told him flatly , that vnles he came they would chuse another . And who can reade this relation , but must judge , that it was a Trayterous conspiracie of these Lords , and a giddy , wicked Rebellion in the people ? By what law was the king bound to attend these Lords , or what authoritie had they to prepare matter for the Parliament , more then any others of the Kingdome ? Is it not a knowne Treason to endeavour to depose the King , and did not the late Parliament professe to abhorre the thought of it ? And how comes it to passe , that these Lords have a power to threaten the King with deposing him ? What Rebells can be convicted by any law , if this Action be not Treason ? The libeller getts nothing by this example , but an evidence against his Masters , for these Lords , and their assistants had their pardon for that Rebellion . And wherein did this Rebellion of these Lords differ from that of Jach straw , and other Traytours mentioned by Mr. Sollicitour against the Earle of Strafford . His folly in seeking to draw an Argument from the Actions of Rebells , to prove a Cryme in the King is ridiculous to any reasonable man , and it s not imaginable , that the king should be bound to attend any meeting of his Peeres , and Councellours , which did tend towards a Parliament , for by that Rule he must attend in as many places , as there are factions noe sober time ever pretended , that the king was bound to attend the Parliament , which was to be called , and dissolved by him , and our Ancestours would be esteemed as voyde of reason , as loyaltie , if their Parliaments were governed by a Tumultuous rabble , and the king were oblidged to doe what they would have , though the whole kingdome were bleeding to death of those wounds , which their impious , and inconsiderate violence , and fury had inflicted .

The king sayes the shame was to see the barbarous Rudenes of those Tumulte to demaund any thing . And this the libeller beleives was the truest cause of his deserting the Parliament . And was it not a just cause for him to desert the Parliament , or faction in it , when either they could not , or would not restrayne that barbarous rudenes .

The worst , and strangest of that any thing they demaunded was but the vnlording of Bishopps , and expelling them the house , and the reducing of Church discipline to a conformitie with other Protestant . Churches . And this the libeller would have noe Barbarisme . What did the Parliament there , if the Tumults may demaund the alteration of the Government of Church , or state ? Can it be presumed , that a rowte of Mechannicks could determine what , was conformitie to other Protestant Churches . The libeller at first remembred Mr. Solicitours discourse against the Earle of Strafford , there he might have found , that it was Treason to goe about , & assemble a multitude to alter the Government of Church , or state ; And to seeke the vnlording of Bishopps by force , in that manner they did was Treason by the law , and we have seene , that this desperate rabble , whose demaunds the libeller sayes were but the vnlording of Bishopps , and the like thinke the murther of the king , and destruction of his family noe other then a but.

They were demaunded by the Parliament , which is vntrue , but they were demaunded by a factton , who suborned these Tumults to overaw , and drive away the greatest part of the members of both houses .

The King in a most tempestuous season forsooke the helme , and steerage of the Common wealth . He withdrew himselfe from that storme , which the Traytours had raysed against him , and admitted not any steerage , when all was whirled by tempestuous Tumults . The libeller would willingly mince the causes of his Majest departure , and therefore he catches hold of the mention of shame to exclude feare , & from the barbarous rudenes of the Tumults to demaund any thing , he would conclude ; there were only demaunds , & noe barbarous rudenes , and would make the last word to exclude all , that went before .

To be importuned the removing of evill Councellours , and other greivances was to him an intollerable oppression . To offer violence to him for his protection of faithful Councellours , & the support of Government in Church , and state was intollerable , and though the libeller doe commend the violence of the Tumults , yet heere he calls it only importunitie , and the Kings denyall of the impetuous demaunds of a rabble to change the Government in Church , and state denyall , and delay of Justice . If violence be lawful , as he often affirmes , why doth he mince his defence , and soe often fly to these termes of importunitie , and petitioning ?

The advice of his Parliament was esteemed a bondage , because the the King sayes of them , whose agreeing votes were not by any law conclusive to his judgment , for sayes the libeller , the law ordaines a Parliament to advise him in his greate affaires , but if it ordaine also , that the single judgment of a King shall outballance all the wisedome of his Parliament , it ordaines that , which frustrates the end of its owne ordaining . There is no doubt , but in a Monarchy the dependence of the people is vpon the King the greatenes of whose interest in the prosperitie of the Kingdome is more likely to oblidge him to their preservation , then any number of private men can be encleined to , and as the law ordained a Parliament to advise him , soe it forbidds them to commaund , or prescribe him , though the Major part of Parliament involve the whole , It s against all reason to include the King , who is allwayes furnisht by law with his other Councells , & may see good reason to preferr the Counsell of the smaller number , and that law , which ordained the Parliament to be called , and dissolved by the King had destroyed what it ordained , if the King had been bound to consent to all advices given him by the Parliament . Such a restraint vpon the King not only makes voyde , and vseles those select Councells , which by law are continually to advise him , but destroyes the Government of Monarchy , which the law cannot intend , and gives the Parliament the absolute soveraigntie , which the people would not live vnder being contrary to their desires , and dispositions , & the trust reposed in such , as they elected .

The Kings judgment may dissent , he sayes , to the destruction of himselfe , and Kingdome , And soe doubtles may the judgment of a major part in Parliament , and we have found by long experience , that Parliaments have produced Acts to the preiudice of the state , and corruption of Religion , but this libeller holds all meanes frustraneous , that beget not Rebellion , and as in his affection he preferrs the judgment of the Parliament , before the Kings ; soe any Company , or committee of Lords , that conspire against him , as appeares by his late remembred instance against Rich: the 2 : And what power he would have in the Parliament over the King , he would place in the Tumults , his admired Iron flaile over the Parliament , and prayes vnto God to send them , that they may purge the Parliament , and prescribe lawes both to the King , and them , and therefore he judges , that it is vnlawlike , that a remedy soe slender should be the vtmost meanes of publique safetie . And we are sure , that Rebellion , the only remedy , which he approves , is the destruction of al publique safetie , and shewes the Libeller as vnable to judge of law , as vnwilling to obey any .

He concludes , that the Kings negative voyce was never a law , but a reasonles Custome growne vp from flattery , or vsurpation . And how shall wee judge , that soe long a Custome without contradiction was noe law ? & that the contrary was an vnwritten law , and constantly enjoyed , & claimed . Can he thinke , that because the support of Rebellion is a subversion of law , that therefore Rebells reasons are the rule of law ? And yet he is confident , it is better evidence , then Rolls , and records , & as they deale with law , soe with Scripture making their fantasticke dreames , & Diabolicall infusions the Canon of their Religion . And the Monarchy of David , and his successours ordeined by God , and that had both a negative , and affirmative voyce , was a reasonlesse Custome from flattery , or vsurpation .

He proceedes to shew the strength of his Argument . Because the negative voyce is claimed to one man , not as a wise , or good man , but as a King . And how doth he claime the power of the Parliament as to wise , or good men , or as to elected men ? And it may be easily supposed , that the Major part of the Parliament may not be soe wise , and good , as their King , especially soe assisted by other Councells , as kings are , and it were noe abusive thing to Summon Parliaments , though the King doe take their advices by weight , & not by number , but it were an abusive thing , that such , as were called to advise , should take vpon them to determine .

The King sayes . The whole Parliament represents not him in any kinde . To this sayes the Libeller . If the Parliament represent the whole kingdome , the king represents only himselfe , and a king without his kingdome in a Civill sense is nothing , nor without , nor against the representative , and soe his negative as good , as nothing , and though we should allow him something , yet not equall to the whole kingdome , nor them , that represent it . But what answeare is this to the King , that being not represented , cannot be bound by the votes of them , that represent him not ? Is the Libellers making him nothing , or not equall to the representative any reason why he should be bound by their votes ? The King is by law , & reason the representative of the Kingdome , & as this sottish libeller cannot deny it out of Parliament , so he might well see , that the election of persons to advise him , doth not take away that supream representation , which the law hath given him . there can be nothing more absurd , then that an elected company representing subjects to their King , should take away the Kingly representation , & it is a ridiculous sophistrie , that because the king is not the subject , therefore he is without his kingdome . The people in Parliament are represented petitioning , and consenting , not commaunding , and revolting , & it is repugnant to their condition to be equall , or not inferiour to their King , which were to destroy the relation of king , & subject .

The king maintaines to be no further bound to agree with the votes of both houses , then he sees them to agree with the will of God , with his just rights , as a King , and the generall good of the people . The Libeller would allow him freedome with due bounds , but not , that he should have a negative , vpon that , which is agreed by the whole Parliament . Where are his bounds now ? for if he have noe freedome , where they agree he hath none at al , for if they doe not agree , he can neither consent , nor dissent , but such poore sophismes are the reason of these popular Tribuns , and they will have both affirmative , and negative in the Tumults , but not in the King .

To know the will of God better then his whole Kingdome , whence should he have it ? The Libeller doubtles will , affirme , that himselfe knows the will of God better , then many whole Kingdomes , and why will he deny that possible to a King ? I may aske him , why he should call the judgment of the Parliament , or a Major part of it , the judgment of the whole Kingdome , when the Major part of the Kingdome be of another minde , if because they represent it , then why may not the Kings judgment in the highest representation be preferred before theirs ? If the Libeller were put to tell whenever such an Action had happened , that the king dissented from his whole kingdome , he would hardly finde it , when people have in greatest multitudes opposed their king , they were rarely , or never in the right .

To know the will of God better , then his whole kingdome , he askes , whence should he have it ? Court breeding , he sayes , and conversation of flatterers was a bad schole . But conversation with Sectaries , & Rebels was worst of al , kings may be presumed to have better breeding , then any others , and the Libeller in another place argues from the kings breeding a greater expectation of abilitie . Flatterers are most hatefull to kings , and their principall breeding is to avoyde the insinuations of such deceivers , but the present faction have outdone all Court flatterers in falshood .

The king could not judge of his owne rights , but he had a right to keepe them , when they were judged . He sayes the king had noe right by law to judge in any Court. And yet he judged in all Courts , all judgments being in his name , and we are sure , that the lower house could never judge of the smallest cases , nor the higher , but in respect of the kings presence among them , because the king judges by his delegates doth he not judge , or can they judge his Crowne to themselves .

That the king cannot judge of Treason , & fellony because he is held a partie . And why did he then exclaime , that the king should hold noe Treasons , but against himselfe , but if that were the reason his Judges were incompetent , aswell as he , but it is necessary that in a learned profession , as the law , the king should judge by others .

The kings rights , he sayes , must give place to generall good . But it is generall evill to take away his rights . He may not yeilde to Traytours , that desire him to part with them for their owne advantages . It is noe arrogance in a king to suppose a cleerer insight of the generall good , then others , though chosen for the Parliament , whose breeding , and condition could not quallifie them for such a descerninge , and it is a fond imagination in the Libeller to suppose the Parliament the kings Councell , and suppose the king voyde of Judgment to descerne the foundnes of their advice .

They have most authoritie to judge of the publique good , who for that purpose are chosen out , and sent by the people to advise him . But it necessarily followes , that he hath most authoritie , whome they are sent to advise , their authoritie being to advise , his to determine , and being sent to advise they destroy their owne authoritie , and office , when they Commaund .

If the King see oft the major part of them not in the right , it had been more his modestie to have doubted their seeing him more oft in the wrong . The libeller prescribes modestie to the king , insolence , & impudence to subjects , that the Rule of their Rebellion . If the king had not governed his Actions by good advice , nor seene the often Levitie , and precipitation of a Major part , he should have doubted of their seeing him in the wrong , however they owne him dutie , as their king , he no submission to them .

That the King ought to graunt the peoples rights , and liberties , because of right demaunded , it being his dutie , not his bountie to graunt these things . But it is the subjects miserie , aswell as their madnes to demaund the kings rights , as their owne , and we know , that the demaunds of Rebells are for themselves , and to take away the peoples rights , aswell as loyaltie , and wee finde , that there were such , as the king mentions , whome noe fountaine of Royall bountie was able to overcome , and for whome the comparision of hidropike thirst was very favourable being more insatiate then guslers in a wine sellar , and neerer the nature of horse leaches , and swine .

The King confesses a rationall soveraigntie of soule , and freedome of within every man , and yet with an implicite repugnancie would make vseles that freedome of will in all other men but himselfe . That cannot be by vsing the libertie of his negative voyce , for are the wills of other men captivated because they cannot doe as they will , & because the king will not doe what they will have him , and because men are subject to Government is freedome of will denyed them ?

Them , that yeilde him the obedience meaning the king , he pronounces worthy to be slaves , which he inferrs from these words of the King , the he deserves to be a slave , who captivates the rationall soveraignetie of soule , and libertie of his will to compulsion . And how can the libeller draw any such conclusion from these words ? Lawes , that restraine Actions doe not captivate the will , nor doth he consent to have his will captivated , that submitts to Government . But he captivates his will , that Acts what another directs him , though he judge it evill , and in such case a law may not be obeyed , though violence may not be vsed against the law-maker .

What that Freedome is which cannot be denyed him as a King , because it belongs to him as a man , & a Christian the Libeller sayes , he vnderstands not , if it be his negative voyce , it concludes all men , who have not such a negative , as his against the whole Parliament , to be neither men , nor Christians . And aswell he might have said , that because every man ought to have freedome in giving his vote in Parliament , therefore every man ought to be there . The Libeller neede not be ashamed to confesse ignorance , that blushes not at such fooleries . The king argues , that he could not be debarred of that , as a king , which belonged to him as a man , and a Christian , which was libertie of will in giving his vote , and by what Logicque could the Libeller thence conclude , that all , that have not a negative voyce to what the Parliament propounds are noe men , nor Christians ? If the king have not a negetive voyce , he hath noe voyce , & every members of Parliament hath a voyce affirmative , & negative , and they deny that to the king in denying his negative voyce , which they allow all , that have any voyce .

He demaunds what was he himselfe all this while , that we denyed it him , as a King . He had the freedome of his will , when he gave noe vote against it , but all the world sayes that you were Traytours in the deniall . His naturall libertie of will was not taken from him by your Trayterous violence , though his right to vse it in his kingly office were Rebelliously withstood . If a King be prohibited the vse of his reason in his Government , he is denied that , which belongs to him as a man , and a Christian , and these impudent Traytours are soe cauterized , that they scoffe at their Lewde villany asking whether he did not enjoy the libertie of his will , when they had imprisoned , and deposed him .

He askes , might not the King have enjoyed both reason , and conscience governinge vs as free men , by what lawes we our selves would be governed ? And how could he governe , if you make the lawes , he might be governed ? And who shall governe , when every man is a law-maker , and he could not enjoy reason , nor conscience governing by lawes he approved not .

It was not the inward use of his reason , and conscience , that would content him . Doubtles it ought not being a King , but sayes he to vse them both as a law over all his subjects in whatsoever he declared as a King to like , or dislike . The King were noe King , if his subjects might make lawes without him , and his reason , and conscience ought to be his lawes in governing , and he justly said . It were better to be without the Title of King , if it should carry with it such a vassallage , as not to suffer him to vse his reason , and conscience in what he declared as a King to like , or dislike which vse of reason sayes the libeller most reasonles , and vnconscionable is the vtmost , that any Tyrant ever pretended over his vassalls . Tyrants were never esteemed by their pretences , but by their Actions , & it shewes that these men knew not , what Tyrany was , who make a just right of all Governours , the vse of reason Tyrany , and that , which never king was thought fitt to be denyed , though Tyrants abused it . Tyrany is in the abuse of power , not in the rule of Government .

In all wise nations the Legislative power , and the judiciall execution of that power have been distinct . But never devided being allwayes subordinate one to the other , the judiciall execution depending on the Legislative .

He makes an assumption , If then the king be only sett vp to execute the law he ought noe more to make , or forbidd the making of any law , then other inferiour Iudges . But if the king be set vp to make law by the advice of his Councell the Parliament , can they make lawes without him , but this Libeller , that would be thought soe strong at Arguments , talkes himselfe into contradictions , and allowes the king , neither the one power , nor the other , for he affirmes the king cannot judge , and make lawes he must not , and what will he conclude , sure , that his owne nation is not wise , nor himselfe honest , or rationall .

He cannot reject a law offred him by the Commons , no more then make a law-which they reject . And hath it sense , that because a man cannot doe an Act without the advice of another , therefore he must doe what that other advises ? The man dictates , and would be beleived , though the Commons never did , nor could offer a law to the king , for he wel knowes it must passe the Lords before it come to the king , but he was loath to mention the Lords , least it should cry downe the noyse he hath made of the kings single judgment , for the Lords house may not have a negative in his judgment , notwithstanding their number . But why is it offred the king , if he may not reject it , and whence hath it been , that so many Bils have been rejected in al ages , without any complaint .

When Kings come soe low as to fall vpon Philosophy , which before he neither valued , nor vnderstood is a signe they are then put to their last trump . If the king had not valued nor vnderstood Philosophy , he could not have made soe pertinent vse of it , and if the Libeller had vnderstood Philosophy , or valued truth , he would have given better signes of it . Could not his Majest discourse of his reason , and will , but it must be out of the way , or above his abilities . But why is this a signe , that kings are then put to their trump , why the vse of Philosophy more then other , learning ? Though kings come low , Rebells will come to seeke corners to hide themselves . He shewes not how Philosophy breakes the necke of their cause , or how he hath made advantage of Philosophy against the king , but we finde how his elaborate contradictions , have broken the necke of his owne cause through out all his discourses .

The king sayes he cannot thinke the Majest: of the Crowne of England to be bound by any Coronation oath in a blinde , and brutish formalitie to consent to whatever its subjects in Parliament shall require . And sayes the Libeller , What Tyrant could presume to say more . And the law it selfe , Religion , and reason never said lesse .

It cannot but be yeilded , that the oath , which bindes him to performance of his trust , ought in reason to containe the summe of what his cheife trust , and office is . But what if it doe not , is there an argument to be drawne from what the oath ought to be , but is not ? The oath may containe the generall dutie of Justice , & right , but it neither did , nor could comprehend all the wayes of effecting it .

The libeller sayes , that the Kings negative voyce is not contained in that oath . But that oath oblidges him to governe by just lawes , which comprehends a negative to all vnjust lawes , and can it impose an obligation vpon the king of doing Justice , and not give him a libertie of judging what is just , or vnjust ?

The Libeller sayes , that his oath requires only his assent to those lawes , which the people have already chosen , or shall chuse , there is noe such word in that oath , and his mention of the Lattine , and old English of that oath are of another sense , & that the libeller was conscious of , & therefore he sayes . All reason admits , that the people should not loose vnder a new king what freedome they had before . but their freedome consists not in an exemption from soveraigne power . It is the custome of Rebels to contradict , & corrupt al lawes vpon pretence of their private reason , & allow no reason but what concludes against just authoritie , he wel knew there was not that double sense he assignes , but we wil make his sens the kings oath ? if the peoples choise be referred to the time past , it implies not , that their choise was or ought to be a law , though they had a choise in the laws made , as stil they have , & they could not loose what they never had , & the Parliament , which at first mentioned the kings oath acknowledged , that as they did not determine the question how far foorth the king is oblidged , to follow the judgment of his parliament , so as to conclude that a new law might be mad without his consent . so they acknowledge that the contrary may be truly inferred out of al they had said .

That if the King deny what the Parliament hath chosen , he makes himselfe superiour to his whole Kingdome . And who doubts but he is ? doe not they which take the oath of supreamacie acknowledge it ? The libeller sayes the generall maximes of Policie gainsay it . The general maximes of Rebellion doe , but Policy cannot . It is impossible in Policy , that he to whome every soule must be subject , should not be superiour to them all .

Our owne standing lawes gainsay it , as hath been cited in Remonstrances that the King hath two superiours , the law , and his Court of Parliament . The merit of those remonstrances are neere the rate of this libell , though as yet they never mentioned such standing lawes , & if there had been such standing , lawes the Author would have found them enrolled , but that he doth not , & how absurdly such a pretence is obtruded , when the superiotie of persons , & places is in quesstiō to name the superiority of law , which holds comparisō with sciences , not with persons , & that the Parliament should be above the king , who is the head of the Parliament , without whom a Parliament hath no being is as Monstrous to reason , as law , & it is impossible that the law can say , that the king hath no superiour but God , & say , that the Parliament is his superiour , & the king might wel say , that this was blinde , & brutish formalitie , and no part of the law , his oath , or dutie , but such brutish formalities Rebells vse to blinde the people .

The King , and Peeres represent only themselves , the Commons are the whole Kingdome . Which is as apparently false , as that the Common Councell , of London are the whole kingdome , & the commons in Parliament have no power from the people , to doe any thing without the king , & Lords .

Infinite mischiefes may grow while our safetie shall depend vpon the over weening reason of one man . And we finde by experience , that desperate ruine inevitably followes , when our safetie depends vpon the agreement of a multitude . It is the nature of sectaries to be wise in their owne conceite , and thence come arrogance , and contempt of Government , & it is a principall in their schisme to improve this naturall insolence , and contemne all Estates , and abilities of men dissenting from them , & though his Majest were of most eminent natural endowments this libeller cals him a man neither by nature , nor nurture wise . Which shewes he vnderstood not wisedome in others , nor was sensible of his owne folly soe apparent to all his readers . That a King should want breeding to make him wise , is strange in the libellers owne judgment , and that the experience , & breeding of the King was eminently extraordinary the world well knowes .

He calls the Kings negative his will , & the Parliaments demaunds advice . May not their demaunds be willfull , and his negative advised ? The nature , and nurture of this libeller is disobedience , and therefore will have the Kings wisedome to be will , & the Rebells rashnes wisedome , and it is impossible , that men , who have sucked in such principles should ever be obedient to any Government , studying only how they may disaffect subjects to it .

He sayes the Kings errour was imperious , and force was vsed not to dispell errour out of his head , but to drive it from of our neckes . These Rebells sought to be imperious , & put the yoke vpon the neckes of the people , and that , which restrained them from an absolute arbitrary power , which was the Kings negative , they would take away by force , and place negative , and affirmative in themselves . The libeller sayes well that force was not vsed to dispell errour , which was vsed to enforce consent , and to make errour , and shewes their wickednes , that tooke that course .

The King sayes the vprightnes of his intention will excuse the possible failings of his vnderstanding , who seriously endeavours to see the best reason , & faithfully followes it . This the libeller sayes is a position false in law , & Divinitie . But for that we must take his word against all law , & Divinitie . But he sayes its contrary to the Kings owne better principles , who affirmes the goodnes of a mans intention will not excuse the scandall , and contagion of his Example . And doth it contradict what the king had said , of the excuse of errour in judgment , by the vprightnes of the intention , because a man cannot excuse an evill Action by the intending a good end , where there was noe errour of the fact , but a knowne evill .

His not knowing through corruption of flattery , & Court principles will not excuse him . But we are sure , that this libellers willfull falshoods , corrupt , and Rebellious principles condemne him , and make him odious to God , and man , and he is not like a Pilot mi'sled by a wandring starr , that may be possible , but like a Pilot , that will not be giuded by star●s , but maliciously destroyes the ship , and men , and this Author might sooner excuse a drunken Pilot , then a savage Piratte , and such are they , who willfully practise deceites , and cruelties vnder the name of nationall rights .

They vsed force to acqiut their owne reason , and conscience from force That is they vsed force to Domineere over king , and people , and establish their owne will for law . And to rebell against their king is to arqiut their reason and conscience .

The king sayes never thing pleased him more , then when his judgment concurd with theirs . The libeller to this sayes . That was to the applause of his owne judgment , and would aswell have pleased any selfe conceited man . But could the king despise the judgment of the Parliament , as this addle headed libeller continually exclaimes , and make it matter of applause to himselfe , that his judgment concurd with theirs ? Could he sleight their judgment , and conceite his owne credited by their concurrence ? If he had noe other esteeme of their judgment , then the libeller would have beleived , doubtles he might have suspected his owne Judgment , for concurring with theirs ; And whence comes itt , that a selfe conceited man would be soe well pleased with such a concurrence ? A selfe conceited man scornes the concurrence of other mens judgments , and preferrs his owne against all others , but reason cannot be expected from this man being vse les to his vndertaking .

The king sayes in many things he chose rather to deny himselfe then them . And sayes the libeller . That is to say Trifles , for of his owne interests , and personall rights he conceives himselfe Master . And who can deny itt , but he is Master of them , and yet he hath parted with these , and could he part with any thing were of he was not Master ? And were all these lawes , which the libeller commends , trifles ?

To part with if he please saith the Libeller , not to contest for against the Kingdome , which is greater thcn hee , whose rights are all subordinate to the Kingdomes good . If he may not contest for them , he must part with them , though he please , or not please , but being for the Kingdomes good , he is bound to contest for them , and it is to ruine the Kingdome , when subjects contest to take them away from the King . Those rights are in compatible with subjects , and inseperable from Governours , and are noe more subordinate to the peoples good , then Justice , or law are , but they are the peoples good , and the people are subordinate to their Rulers in judging what is their good . But he must part with them because the Kingdome is greater then he , as the Libeller sayes , That is noe reason , but it is according to the Rebells principles , that there is no right , but force , & the weaker may not contest against the stronger .

The libeller is very copious in his declamations against Monarchy , and it would be tedious to follow him in his verbositie , he excepts to these words of the King . In what concernes truth , Iustice , the right of Church , or his Crouwne , noe man shall gaine his consent against his minde . And sayes the libeller . What can be left then for a Parliament , but to sit like Images , whilest he assumes the best abilitie of judging , or restraynes all men from enjoyment of any good , which his judgment thinkes not fit to graunt them . And what were a King but an Image , if he were bound to graunt , whatsoever his subjects in Parliament demaund of him , and to what end doe they take an oath of Alleagiance , if he were bound to quit it , when they aske it ? And are there any soe sunke in vnderstanding , as to beleive , that it is the office of a King to judge of nothing , and the right of subjects in Parliament to commaund al things . But this man is of Achitophells minde , that if his Councell be not followed , he will goe home , & hang himselfe . Advice from subjects to a King is ordained by law , but the subjection of a King to advise is monstrous , and vnsupposable . The Authors repetitions of rayling Epithites vpon what concernes the King , or his Actions , & commendation of the wicked Actions against him , will not alter the nature of one or other , and his vehement asseveration , that the law , and Coronall oath require the Kings vndeniable assent to what lawes the Parliament agree vpon , is not out of opinion of truth , but the strength of his language himselfe shewing the contrary aswell as the Parliament .

The King sayes he had rather weare a Crowne of thornes with our saviour , then to exchange that of gold for one of lead , whose imbast flexiblenes shal be forced to binde , and comply to the various , & oft contrary Dictates of any faction , when insteede of reason , & publique concernement they obtrude nothing , but what makes for the interest of parties , and flowes from the partialitie of private wills , & passions . The libeller sayes many would be all one with our saviour , whome he will not know . They who governe ill those Kingdomes , which they have right to , have to our saviours Crowne of thornes noe right at all . Such as are Rebells to lawfull Princes , & vsurpe Kingdomes , will never weare a Crowne of thornes with their saviour , nor can hope to be knowne by him , while they sucke the blood of his anointed , and Tyranize over kingdomes soe wickedly gotten . That Crowne of thornes , which this libellers savage souldiers , and others set vpon the last king , is now his Crowne of rejoycing in heaven , & honour among men , & the infamy of these hellish miscreants . The libeller twists thornes , and snares for himselfe by his shameles Calumnies , seeking to make the assassination of a gracious king his owne demeritts .

A Crowne of gold is not due to him , who cannot first weare a Crowne of lead , not only for the weight of that greate office , but for the compliance with them , who are to Councell him . A leaden Crowne may well expresse stupiditie , and basenes , and the Crowne of gold better agrees with sound Councell , which is compared to apples of gold in picture of silver , then lead which shewes only that imbast flexiblenes to the various , and oft contrary Dictates of any faction , and is only a weight of punishment , not of office , which the gold represents , but Traytours cannot endure a Crowne of gold vpon the head of their king , they will only allow him a Crowne of thornes , or lead .

The libeller taxes the king for want of modestie , in imputing want of reason , and neglect of the publique , rather to the faction then to himselfe , because the faction was the Parliament . And he must be a man voyde of all modestie , that doth not judge such Actions as the king complayned of to proceede from want of reason , & negbect of the publique , interest of parties , & partialities of private will , and passion . The sectaries were wont to deprecate all accusations of irreverence to their King , and complaine , that they were wronged , but the question is now changed , & contempt of the King is their greate vertue . The libeller throughout this whole discourse rejects the consideration of the Kings conscience , & heereto these words of the Kings I know noe resolutions more worthy a Christian King , then to preferre his conscience before , his Kingdomes , sayes the sentence is faire in seeming , but fallacious for the conscience may be ill edified . And because it may be soe , is it fallacious , that conscience must be preferred before Kingdomes ? These hipocrites , that pretend to Rebel for their conscience , accuse the king for refusing to passe a law , in regard of the contrary perswasion of his conscience , and it must be an ill edified conscience in him to forbeare an act , & a rightly informed conscience in them ; that commit an act so bloody , & scandalous to the whole world , & so dangerous to the soules of many , that were drawne headlong into that sin , the Kings conscience cannot be preserved without his negative voyce , and therefore he might justly assert it to be his right by law , & when the libeller can perswade men , that Parliaments are infallible , and free from faction , & that Rebells are best judges , of what is for the Kingdomes good , he may hope to be beleived , that the king denyed that , which law , his oath , and office bid him graunt . And all men see , that vnder the name of the advice of Parliament , Rebels have introduced their owne wils for lawes .

Vpon the QUEENES DEPARTURE .

WHat concernes it vs heere to heare a husband divulge his houshold privacies , extolling to others the vertues of his wife , an infirmitie not seldome incident to those , who have least cause , Just Testimony to vertue is never an infirmitie , but necessary from the husband , where conjugall affection hath derived the hatred of his Enemies to his wife .

If the divulging of houshold privacies concerned him not , it is his lewdenes to take occasions of derision , & base language from it . Treasons to the minde are as pestilence to the body , that turnes all diseases into its owne malignant humour , for this Libeller cannot forbeare despite to the King for speaking that , which he saith doth not concerne others , nor to the Queene for being named .

How good a wife shee was to himselfe , how bad a subject is not much disputed , And to whome was shee a subject , to the Rebells ? Those that acknowledge themselves subjects to the King , wil have the Queene esteemed a bad subject for her Zeale to his State , and safetie , these evill spiritts , that possesse the Rebells perswade men , that it is a fault to be bad subjects , and yet will allow none to be subjects , but the King , his wife , and children .

It neede be made noe wonder , though shee left a Protestant Kingdome with as litle honour , as her mother left a Popish . This mention of her mother shewer the extension of a Trayterous malice , that spares noe relations , nor conditions though vnconcerned . Those , that compelled the Queenes departure did more contribute to the dishonour of a Protestant Kingdome , & the Protestant Religion , whereof they take the name without the truth , then the greatest Enemy to the Protestant Religion could have effected , what the case of her mother was wee enquire not , but the world sees , that theis injuries to her Majest exceeded example , & Rebells injustice fixes noe dishonour , but on themselves .

The king sayes this is the first example of any Protestant subjects , that have taken vp Armes against their King a Protestant . The Libeller sayes it can be to Protestants noe dishonour , when it shal be heard , that he first leavied warr on them , and to the interest of Papists more then of Protestants . But then it is dishonour , if he first leavied not warr vpon them ? And all that reade his booke must conclude , that they first leavyed warr vpon him , what els doth he meane by defending the Tumults , seizing the forts , and Militia , raysing an Army , & vpbraiding the king with feares to hazard such a scuffle . But were it otherwise , the Protestants have disclaimed his Trayterous pretence of taking Armes against the King vnder colour of Religion , or otherwise , & hold it dishonour to their Religion , that such Rebellious principles should be charged vpon them , and nothing could be more for the interest of Papists , then that Protestants should maintaine , and practice that doctrine of Rebellion . The world is satisfied , how disloyally the King was prosecuted by Armes , and had it been otherwise , subjects ought to petition not returne violence , and in all the excuses that these Traytours have vsed , they never mention any offer of satisfaction to the King , or desire to lay downe his Armes , but require his submission , and giving vp his rights , or otherwise they would take it by force . The precedence of the Scotts warr will not take of the dishonour .

He sayes , It s a groundles , and dissembled feare , that shee , that was for many yeares averse to her husbands Religion should be now the more alienated , & can the Libeller deny , but that the aversion of any may be encreast , and confirmed by the wickednes of the persons of the contrary Religion , how groundles then , and shameles is his exception ?

If the feare of her delinquencie , and Iustice demaunded on her , was any cause of her alienating the more , to have gained her by indirect meanes , had been no advantage to Religion . As the King observed , that this was the first example of Protestant subjects , that tooke Armes against their king : soe this of charging the Queene with Delinquencie was the first example in that kinde , that trayterous impudence had produced , & when it shal be heard , that a compaine of such vile persons charge the Queene with Crymes for assisting her husband , they wil be assured , that not feare of Delinquencie , but their barbarous crueltie might more alienate her , & disadvantage Religion . Them , who accused her he sayes well enough knowne to be the Parliament , the King censures , for men yet to seeke their Religion , whether doctrine , discipline , or good manners . And soe doth the whole world , whatever name the Libeller give such men , who are well enough knowne to be a Trayterous faction .

The name of true English Protestants is a meere schismaticall name . And why ? Are there not severall confessions in the Protestant Churches , & doe they hold one another Schismatickes for that reason ? How often hath this Libeller named the best reformed Churches , is not that as much a name of schisme ? he is ignorant in the nature of schisme , though he be soe well practised in it , and its strange he would observe a Schismaticall name from the title of a nation , and not from his title of Independencie , that produceth as many titles , and distinctions , as there be Parishes , or Parlours .

The King ascribes rudenes , and barbaritie worse then Indian to the English Parliament . To the Libellers Parliament he very well may . He sayes the King ascribes all vertues to his wife vndervaluing the greate Councell of his Kingdome in comparison of one woman . And not only he , but all good men abominate that wicked Councell , which vsed such rudenes , and barbaritie towards her , and from hence the Libeller tells vs there are examples of mischeife vnder vxorious Magistrates , and Feminine vsurpation . And must Magistrates therefore have noe wives , or noe affections to them ? And the examples of feminine vsurpation are more frequent in Republican Tribunes then Monarchs .

The king sayes , her tarrying heere he could not thinke safe among them , who were shaking hands with Allegiance to lay faster hold on Religion . The Libeller sayes that he taxes them of a dutie rather then a Cryme , it being just to obey God rather then man . And is periury , and the breach of Alleagiance obedience to God , and doe men obey God , that breake on Commaundement vpon pretence to keepe another . The Scripture tells vs he that breakes one Commaundement is guiltie of all , but these are they , that say they love God , and yet hate their brother , hate and kill their King Gods vicegerent .

The libeller sayes it was the fault of their courage , that they had not quite shaken of , what they slood shaking hands with . It s like their conscience , and Religion were not the cause they did not , but the Libeller was not of their Councell , for the time required they should keepe their maske longer .

He is offended at the Kings prayer , that the disloyaltie of his protestant subjects may not be a hindrance to her love of the true Religion , and sayes that he never prayes , that the dissolutenes of his Court , the Scandalls of his Clergie , vnsoundnes of his owne judgment , Lukewarmenes of his life , letter of compliance to the Pope , permitting his nuntio heere , may not be found farr greater hindrances . All these put togeather are farr short of the scandall of the disloyaltie of his subjects . The Court dissolutenes is made a common place of scandall , not veritie in respect of the application , there being not such excesses in his Majest Court , that deserved a speciall observation , and the restraint of dissolutenes was more observable , then the Cryme . As to the scandalls of his Clergie , though we must beleive , that offences wil come , yet the scandall of the present disloyaltie was more offensive to those of different Religion , then any disorders in Civil conversation , and the injustice of the Rebells towards the Clergie , hath shewed the vntruth of the scandalls , that were cast vpon them , & though their malice traduced , & persecuted them , their proofes could not convict them of the scandall supposed . His Majest owne judgment cannot be overcast by a Rebells malice , and his examplary life cannot be stained by a Libellers pen. His letter to the Pope was noe complaince , nor could it give offence to protestant or hope to Papist , & these Rebells , that comply with Turkes , and infidells least of all thinke it a compliance . The Libeller well knowes there was noe nuntio in England , and if the King should have denyed the Queene the exercise of her Religion , whereto he was bound by the Articles vpon the match , he had given greater scandall by breaking the Articles , then by permitting her the repaire of persons in matters of her Religion . But sayes the Libeller , they must not sit still , that is not Rebell , and see their Religion snatcht away But they have Rebelled to snatch away Religion . He sayes , It s knowne , that her Religion wrought more vpon him , then his vpon her , and his favouring of Papists , and hatred of Puritans , made men suspect shee had perverted him . Noe doubt suspitions were industriously raysed , and carrefully nourisht against the King , though they beleived them not , that made vse of them . The King was not bound to destroy all Papists , and could not deny them the protection of a King , & he had just reason to suspect those bloody Puritans , whose inclinations he descerned to that wickednes they have since avowed .

From his suppositions he ascends to his exclamations . What is it , that the blindenes of hipocrisie dare not doe ? It dares pray , and thinke to hide that from the eyes of God , which it cannot from the open view of men . We finde this very frequent in this Author , and in this very Period , that in contempt of God , & men , charges the King with Crymes he not only knew false , but which are soe knowne vnto the whole word , and conclude against his owne narrations , and others view .

Vpon his repulse AT HULL , and the fate of the HOTHAMS .

HE makes an introduction , that Hull was the Magazine of Armes , which the king had bought with money illegally extorted from his subjects . He thinkes , that if goods be ill gotten , its lawfull for him , and his Sectaries to rob him , that possesses them , els to what vse is it mentioned with what money the King bought these Armes ? But had the king noe meanes to procure Armes but by illegall exaction ? sure that will conduce litle to the Apollogy of this breaker , that Calumniates the King soe much for seeking meanes from his subjects for publique safetie .

Next he sayes these Armes were bought to be vsed in a causeles , and most vnjust Civill warr against Scotland . What was the warr in Scotland to Hothams taking of Hull , or seizing the Magazine , when the warr was ended ? Rayling will neither make the warr vnjust , nor the mention of it heere any way extenuate the vsurpation , but shewes the barrennes of his matter by his repeated insignificant falshoods .

The Queene he sayes was gone to Holland to sett to sale the Crowne Iewells a Cryme heeretofore counted Treasonable in Kings . It s like such a Treason , as he makes to buy a Magazine of Armes to resist an invader , he should have done well to have told , when this heeretofore was . It s likely they that held it Treason in Kings to have sold Jewells of the Crowne would have made it some Cryme to have bought Jewells for the Crowne , and it is noe Treason now to sell the Crowne , Jewells , and all by his cut throate crew .

The Parliament was not ignorant to what intent these summs were raysed . their owne actions told all the world they were necessary to be raysed .

The Kings refusing to settle the military power in trustie hands vpon their petitions , and doubting he would possesse himselfe of Hull , they were necessitated by the turbulence , and danger of the times of their owne authoritie , to putt the Kingdome into a posture of defence , and to send Sr. Iohn Hotham to take Hull into his possession . How many lewde lyes have they sent abroade into the world , that the King made warr vpon them , and it was the Libellers owne pretence in the beginning of the last Chapter , & now plainly tells they seized Hull , because they suspected the King intended it , and because he would not settle the militia , as they desired . If he had no power over the Militia , why did they petition him ? If the Parliament be his superiour why did they petition at all ? Doe superiours petition inferiours ? But what was that turbulence , & danger of the Kingdome , was there any more , then what themselves had made by rumours , and Tumults , and is not the seizing of a fort an Act of warr ?

The King had attempted the same before . And was that any cause for them , because the King sends to his Castles , or forts , must they therefore take them from him ? And he sayes letters of the Lord Digby were intercepted , wishing the King to retire to some safe place . And therefore these Rebells would provide he should be safe in noe place .

The King offred to goe in person into Ireland , and that he would Arme his guard from his Magazine of Hull . The Parliament he sayes foreseeing the kings drift petition him , that they might have leave to remove the Magazine of Hull to the Tower of London . Soe carefull they were to have the Rebellion in Ireland proceede , that they desired his Majest to forbeare his going into Ireland out of consideration of danger to his person , when as they intended to destroy him at home , and the true cause was , that they would deteine theis Armes to make warr against him , if he would not submitt to be deposed , and to keepe the money given for Ireland to drive on the warr heere .

The King afterward going to Hull required the Governour to deliver him the Towne , whereof the Governour humbly desired to be excused , till be could send to the Parliament . It seemes the libeller would not have that a denyall .

The King proclaimed Hotham Traytour before the Towne walls And noe man dobuted , but he was soe .

The King gave order to stopp all passages betweene him , and the Parliament . And had he not reason to prevent supplies , and intelligences to a Traytour ?

Yet sayes the Libeller he demaunded Iustice , as vpon a Traytour , vsing a strange iniquitie to require Iustice vpon him , whome he had debarred from his apparence . Traytours must be apprehended before their apparence , and it was a strange iniquitie in them , that would not apprehend a Traytour , as in Justice they ought , but a most execrable impietie in such as pretend Justice , to cleere a malefactour without hearing both parties , as the libeller sayes the Parliament did Sr. Iohn Hotham , for he sayes the Parliament noe sooner vnderstood what had passed , they declare Sr. Iohn Hotham had done noe more , then was his dutie . They meant noe doubt his dutie to them , as fellow Traytours , not to his king , and soveraigne .

That this proves that to be false , which is heere affirmed by the King , that his greatest Enemies had scarce confidence enough to abett , or owne it . And such , as knew the manner of their proceedings at that time , know the truth of what the King affirmes , and though the necessitie of their engagement made them owne it , yet there were very few , or none , that esteemed it an act of Justice in them , but of Policie for their owne securitie . The king sayes it affected him more with sorrow for others , then anger for himselfe , nor did the affront trouble him soe much , as their sin . The libeller sayes , there is vse of this booke to shew vs what a deluded thing the creature is , which is called the vulgar , who will believe such vaine glories as these . And surely we cannot believe any creature soe deluded , as those , for whose capacitie the libeller writes , that makes the deluded vulgar judges of lawes , and kings , yet heere spurnes it as a despised creature .

The strangenes of beleife that he imagines , as that the King proclaimed him Traytour without due proces of law . If he could have told what the due proces of law was , no doubt he would . If a theife , or murtherer be taken in the Act , or escape , must there not be a proclamation for his apprehension ? If Traytours be in Armes against their King , is it choler , or rashnes to proclaime them Traytours ?

The King had lately been convinced of his illegallitie with the five members . He was injuriously denyed Justice against them , which produced the second insolence of Hotham .

The Kings relation declares his anger to be incensed , as he had , but doth it follow from thence , that he was not more sorry for others , then angry ? May not a fathers sorrow for his sons disobedience , exceede his anger , and may not a King desire the punishment of a Malefactour , because he pitties his person , & greives for the ill consequence of his offence ? Yet this trifling Libeller , would inferr , that the king could not be more sorry , then angry , because his words testifie impatience of delay till Hotham be punished .

It s a strange operation of sorrow , that stirred him soe vehemently to have Hotham punished , and not to have him repent . But this exception is more strange , that a man may not be vehement for the punishment of one , for whose offence he is greived , and there may be just cause of sorrow , for an Act , which the repentance of the Actour cannott remedy . He knowes well how litle his Majest was likely to worke vpon Hotham at that time obstinate , but it was a necessitie vpon his Majest to endeavour , that he should be proceeded against injustice .

There hath not been observed in the King a sorrow for his owne sins , nor for such sins of others , as cannot be supposed a direct injury to himselfe . This man will not have the Kings sorrow for his sins observed , nor acknowledged , wee have seene his malicious detractions of the Kings sorrow for his consent to the death of the Earle of Strafford , and it cannot be expected from such men , that they will give Testimony to any truth , that deny all evidence of it .

The Kings labour to have the sinner only punished wil be called revenge . And why ? They pretended justice , not revenge that after cut of Sr. John Hothams head . May not a King doe justice without revenge ? The jnjustice in abettinge , & protecting Sr. John Hotham at that time was the ground worke of the succeeding evills , and the same men , that denyed justice at his Maj: desire tooke reveng of the same insolencie afterward .

Hull was not the Kings owne towne , but the Kingdomes . And how became they a Towne , have they not all their liberties , and graunts from the King ? He might have said that Townes vnder a popular Government were the peoples , but in a Kingdome , it is a fantasticall dreame , & the lawes deny a possibilitie of any such propertie having placed the soveraigntie of the Kingdome in the King , & such a conclusion of right is inconsistent with a kingdome .

The Armes he sayes were publique Armes bought with publique money , or not his owne . If the king have money from the publique may they take it away againe , to what end then doe they give him subsidies , if the money be stil their owne , and they may take away what is bought with it .

Had they been his owne , as much as the private house , and Armes of any man are his owne the law permitts not to vse them in away not private , but suspitious to the Commonwealth . If vulgar suspition may checke publique imployment , he may not looke long to vse any thing . And is it a cryme in the kinge to vse his private wealth in a publique warr ? No doubt , but his Majest propertie is as much , as any private mans , els his kingly office had little honour , or strength , and he is not accountable for the vse , which he makes of his Estate either private , or publique , and there was noe feare of the vse , that the king would make , but from Traytours , that would prevent his defence .

The King by his overtalking seemes to doubt of beleife touching his patience at Hull . He expected not , nor valued the beleife of Traytours , but such as soberly consider what he sayes , will not judge him over talking , but modestly expressing his owne temper , which endured soe high a provocation .

The king sayes he could not , but observe , how God not long after pleaded , and avenged his cause . The Libeller sayes most men , and commonly the worst are apt to interpret the judgments of God to the justifying of their owne cause . It s possible the worst men may doe soe , but we see it very frequent with the best . The Prophet David often taken notice of Gods dealing with his Enemies , & wicked men . The Libeller might hence observe his Masters , the worst of men , that interpret , and expound the Judgments of God , and the event of providence to the justifing of their Rebellion how often hath he in this Libell taken vp that Argument , and in this very Chapter makes an observation of Gods Judgment vpon the King , from their murther of him before his owne Pallace gate . And how frequent are their successes produced as profes of the goodnes of their cause , but this Majest observation is not grounded vpon the event , but the evident Cryme of Hotham , which all men held Treason , but such , as would allow nothing to be Treason against the King . Although we know not the reasons of Gods proceedings , who often leaves good men to suffer , and wicked men prosper , yet when we see the prime instrument of a wicked designe perish by the hands of those , whome he served in his vnlawfull enterprize , we may justly take notice of the proportion betweene the sin , and the punishment .

His comparing Sauls conjecture of an advantage God had sent him in Davids being at Keilah , hath noe resemblance to the taking away of Hothams life , Saul being not only deceived in the advantage , but conscious of Gods disfavour .

Hotham was safe , and successefull , while he continued true to the Parliament . But the guilt of his conscience made him vnquiet .

If God had purposed such an end for his opposition to the King , he would not have deferred to puinsh him till of an Enemy he was made the Kings friend , nor have made his repentance the occasion of his ruine . These presumptuous Rebells dare sit in judgment vpon Gods wayes , and prescribe a rule for his proceedings . It s true , because judgment is not executed speedily , the hearts of the children of men are set vpon evill , & the Libeller judges , that if the judgments of God be not apparent in his time , that is foorth with , they are none at all . God brought his judgment vpon the son of Ahab , and not vpon himselfe , because he humbled himselfe , and God punisht the sins of David vpon his posteritie , though he forgave him , and we may conceive the judgment of God vpon a wicked Act , not the repentance of it , though it come after in time . Strafford Duke of Buckingham was an active assistant to Rich: the 3 : in his vsurpation , and after revolting from him perisht by that power he had raysed , which all men looke on as a judgment vpon his first compliance with that Tyrant , and the fate of Hotham , and that Duke hold greate proportion in regard of their Actions , and sufferings .

Glorious deedes done to ambitious ends finde a reward sutable . And that the Libeller might justly apply vnto Sr. Iohn Hotham , who made popular applause the end of his Treason , and perisht by popular fury .

Mē may heere take notice what thākes he had from the king for revolting to his cause . Repenting Traytours may have mercy , but they deserve not thankes , & though his punishment may be remitted , the infamy of his Act will survive .

Because God judges not by humane fancie , therefore sayes he such events , as are obvious to every fancie , are most like to be erroneous . And then such Acts of providence , as make men say surely there is a God , that judgeth the earth are most likely to be mistaken . Although Common fancies are likely to be deceived , it is a sorry inference from thence , that what is obvious to every fancie weake , and wise , should be more likely to be erroneous .

The king soe farr pittied Hotham , as he thought he at first acted more against the light of his conscience , then many other men , in the same cause . To this the Libeller sayes . They who act against conscience are least of all to be pittied either at the Barr of humane , or divine Iustice . Desperate sinners , as most miserable , are most to be pittied in Christian Charitie , though justice proceede more severely against them , pitties are part of justice , the Libeller is acquainted only with the operations of malice , not of pittie , whereof his whole discourse shewes him destitute , otherwise the kings pittie could not argue him destitute of the Common grounds of nature , as the Libeller inferrs , and shewes that he esteemes the common grounds of nature , Acts of Tyrany , and insulation vpon others , ruine , hatred , and scorne being all the Charitie , that Sectaries practise .

He sayes the king jerkes at some mens reforming to modells of Religion , and that they thinke , all is gold of pietie , that doth but glister with a shew of zeale . To this sayes the Libeller . The pietie of his Prelacie modell , glistered more vpon the posts , and pillars , which their Zeale , and fervencie guilded over , then in true workes of spirituall edification . The repairing , and beautifying of the houses of God was the highest commendation of many of his faithfull Servants , and the Scripture gives that for the high commendation of the famous Jehojada , and we may expect spirituall edification from those , whose zeale , & fervencie carries them to bestow their goods on such Actions , nothing but destruction of Church , & pietie from those , that decry such commendable , and necessary workes , & we have found , that such men , as have pretended to spirituall edification , by traducing other mens zeale in the outward service of God , have proved at last rotten Carkasses guilded over , and painted sepulchers .

He is sorry , that Hotham felt the Iustice of others , and fell not rather in to the hands of his mercy . The libeller sayes he should have shewed , what mercie he had vsed to such as fell into his hands . He needed not shew that , whereof there are soe many Examples .

But sayes the Libeller , whathever one man might have expected , the whole nation found none , but had been swallowed vp in blood , had not his power failed . What neede the King produce Examples of his mercy , when his most malicious Enemies offred nothing to the contrary , but the warr , which they had necessitated him to make . There cannot be an Argument more convincing of the want of all justification in these Rebells , then their perpetuall recourse to an incredible assertion , that the King caused the warr , which besides the falsenes of the allegation is not of weight to argue want of mercy , when as Princes , and states may casually be engaged in a warr , and yet be farr from crueltie , or designes of revenge , and his Majest knowne backwardnes to a warr , and moderation in it , shew his compassion as eminent to the publique , as particular persons .

The King sayes Clemencie is a debt , which he ought to pay to those , that crave it , since we pay not any thing to God for his mercies , but prayers , & prayses . This sayes the Libeller hath sound of gravitie , but the significance of nothing pertinent . And yet it signifies , that we are to forgive others , because God forgives vs . But sayes the Libeller we ought by this reason as freely to pay all things to all men . Wee ought noe doubt freely to pay what is due to all men , but the Scripture more particularly requires Clemencic , and forgivenes from vs in regard our selves have most neede of it from God , and the Libeller shewes a greate emptines of reason , that calls this an emptie sentence , and vpon this occasion to repeate the payment of the kings dutie to the kingdome , when as he declares , that nothing , but the giving vp of his Crowne could be a discharge of his dutie , soe grave a judge is he of debts , and duties .

The King pitties Hotham , but aggravates rather then lessens , or conceales his fault . Conceale , or lessen it , he could not , aggravate he doth not , & being a King his pittie ought not to destroy his judgment , nor deceive him in the offence of those he pardons .

If a reiterating judge be worse then a Tormenter , a reiterating slanderer deserves Torment . The mention of a malefactours offence , or repetition of a publique trangsgression is farr from a Triumph , and as this Act of Hotham was a groundworke of infinite miserie : soe his Majest deepe sense of the mischeife of that fact , might reflect on it with serious observation , and pittie without any Triumph .

He is angry that the king sayes after times will dispute ; whether Hotham were more infamous at Hull , or at Tower hill . And sayes what knew he of after times , and while he sits judging the fate of that vnhappy father , and son , knew not , that the like attended him before his owne Pallace gate , and as litle knew , whether after times doe not reserve a greater infamy to the story of his life , and Raigne . The libeller well knew by the booke he seekes to answeare , that his Majest well knew the power , & malice of his Enemies , while he wrote this , and that he expected they would shew their vtmost crueltie to his honour , aswell , as his life , but he was well assured their injustice , & dissoyaltie could not effect what their impietie designed , and as long as Religion , or reason inhabite the world , his story cannot be blotted in after times , but it seemes the libeller is apprehensive of future infamy , though he thinke himselfe assured of present power .

He would seeme an Enemy to vaine repetitions in prayers , but its only of such things , as Traytours will not pray for , otherwise there is large experience of the vaine babling of sectaries in their prayers .

He sayes its too presumptious in a written , and published prayer to take it as a favour from God before he knew it was intended him . He knew God had brought a severe punishment vpon a knowne offence , and how could this be presumption to mention it , in a published prayer , but how can the libeller call it the sacrifie named by Ecclesiastes , that practises such particular thankesgivings for successes , when as the cause he maintaines , and prosecutes is soe notoriously wicked .

The King sayes Let not thy Iustice prevent the objects , and opportunities of my mercy The Libeller sayes . To folly , or Blasphemy , or both shall wee impute this , shall the Iustice of God give place , & serve the mercies of a man ? all other men , who know what they aske desire of God , that their doings may tend to his glory . And doth not he , that prayes he may be able to shew mercy to his Enemies , pray , that his Actions may tend to Gods glory , Is not God glorified in the mercies of men ? Is not mercy in men a guift of God , and can this trifler pretend sin in that prayer ? which desires of God , that his Justice may not prevent their mercie to their Enemies , May not men pray for their Enemies , pray to have judgments diverted from them , pray to have an occasion to shew them mercy ? But this libeller , that esteemes soe litle to Blaspheame is careles how falsely he charge it on others .

Vpon the listing , AND RAYSING ARMIES .

HE begins with the Kings mention of Tumults , the demonstrations he calls them of the peoples love , & loyaltie to the Parliament . Which in their nature more then the kings denomination were demonstrations of disobedience to law , hatred of Government , & disloyaltie to the king . Their petitioning was in the Authors owne judgment the height of violence , & Barbarisme , which he compares to the Iron flaile , & those Armes which he cals defensive were so apparently a Trayterous histolitie , that the ends , which he assignes for them admit not the least colour for the appellation of defensive .

The King takes noe notice , that those listed about him were the beginners of these Tumults . Neither could he of soe strange an imagination .

The king sayes his recesse gave them confidence , that he might be conquered . The Libeller sayes , other men supposed both that , and all things els , who knew him neither by nature warlike , nor experienced , nor fortunate , yet such sayes he are readiest to imbroyle others . How well he performes the first period of his booke not to descant on the kings misfortunes his readers may heere see , that makes the kings misfortune his reproach , and a ground of their wicked confidence to Rebell against him , but that such men are readiest to imbroyle others is not soe certaine , but vndoubted they are not readiest to imbroyle themselves , and noe valour , nor experience , whereof his Majest is wel knowne to have had a greate measure can stopp a slandrous tongue . The mischeifes brought vpon his Majest kingdomes sprung from such persons , as sought their advantage by such broyles , which all men see the King could never expect .

The King sayes he had a soule invincible . And the Libeller sayes , what prayse is that ? the vnteachable man hath a soule to all reason invincible . And is an invincible courage noe prayse ? He seekes to shew his witt by applying invincible to vnteachable , when as if he had cited the Kings next words , as he ought , he had lost his jest , for the King sayes , he had a soule invincible through Gods grace enabling him , but he breaketh sentences , and truth , least he should breake for want of matter .

That the King labours to have it thought , that his fearing God more then man was the ground of his sufferings . The Libeller sayes , he pretended to feare God more then the Parliament , who never vrged him to doe otherwise . And did they not vrge him to doe otherwise , when they vrged him to doe that , which was against his conscience ? But there neede not more be spoken of this , for the Libeller calls that a narrow conscience , which will not follow a multitude against its owne perswasion .

He shewes his levitie beyound that Creature he calls the vulgar , who now affirmes the King was drawne by his Courtiers , and Bishopps , and yet in the beginning of his booke he sayes , that the discourses , and preachings of Courtiers , and Prelates against the Parliament was but a Copy taken from his owne words , and Actions , that all remissenes in Religion issued originally from his owne authoritie , all miscarriages in state may be imputed to noe other person cheifely then to himselfe .

He goes on to compare the words of Saul , that he had performed the Commaundement of God to the Kings mention of his fearing God , & the kings vpholding the Prelates , against the advice of the Parliament , & example of al reformations , is not much vnlike , if not much worse , noe neerer like , then this Authors writings to modestie , & loyaltie . Is the advice of the Parliament , and the example of all reformations equall to the expresse Commaund of God ? The examples of all Reformations , himselfe tells afterward are not concurrent in the matter he mentions , and if they were soe , are all points of reformation equally necessary , and of the same obligation with the commaund of God ? and was the Reformation of the Church of England noe reformation ? Why then doth he say all Reformation ? And is not the Church of England equall , if not superiour to any part of the world , that hath reformed ? But we see what account these hipocrites make of the Example of all Reformation , that have set vp schismaticall confusions of Religion in contempt of all Reformation . His Majest did noe more in vpholding the Prelates , then what the example of the most primitive times , Godly Emperours , & holy martyrs instructed him in , which noe Reformation ever contradicted , and he had no reason to hearken to the advice of such , as then called themselves a Parliament , who had broken and the lawes , and priviledges of Parliament , expelled the members , and were governed by Tumults , & a company of Bedlam Sectaries against de doctrine , and practice of the vinversall Church . The practice of Saul in persecuting David wel sutes with the course of these Rebells , but they have gone beyound him in malice , and disobedience in the matter both of David , and alsoe the Amalekites , he brake the Commaundement of God in sparing Amaleke , these traytours presumptuously breake the Commaund of God in destroying their King , & Church . And this man exceedes Sauls presumption , that makes the preservation of an order continued in the Church in all ages as bad , or worse , then the sin of Saul .

He sayes acts of grace are proud , vnselfe knowing words in the mouth of any King , who affects not to be a God . Certainly this Libellers words shew him not only in affection , but in Act a proud vnselfe knowing man . Are there noe Acts of favour , noe Acts of mercy in Kings , but all of necessitie , but enough hath been said to these brainesicke dreames .

Never King was lesse in danger of violence from his subjects , till he vnsheathed his sword , nay long after , when he had spilt the blood of thousands , they had still his person in a foolish veneratiō . Should a Christian cal that , which God Commaunded , & David practised foolish veneration , but they whose wisedome is Rebellion , hold Divine wisedome foolishnes . And was he in so litle danger from those , that held that veneration foolish , were there none , that held soe , when they affronted him , and threatned him every day ? To what end should multitudes come about his Pallace , and cry Justice , when they sought murder ? What would they have done if he had denyed their demaunds , shall we beleive they intended noe violence , or shall wee beleive , that they , who had seised the forts , and navy , and vsurpt the Government would have used noe violence to his person , when they had him , if he plyed not with them ? It s true many were not wholy vnshamed at the first , but the malice , and ambition of others was sufficiently confirmed , and the multitude easily falls by Example .

The King complaines , that Civill warr must be the fruites of his seventeene yeares raigning with such a measure of Iustice , peace plentie , and Religion , as all nations either admired or envyed . The Libeller sayes for Iustice let the Councell table , starr Chamber , and high Commission speake the prayse of it . Wee may be assured that malefactours will never prayse Court of justice , we know Sectaries , and seducers hated the high Commission , and seditious Libellers the starr chamber , & conspiratours , & incendiaries the councells of Kings , and there were noe Acts past in these places of such exception , as the measure of justice , which he enjoyed was not admired , or envyed by all nations .

His mention of abolishing Parliaments detracts not from the measure of justice , peace , plentie , and Religion , & we have found what injustice hath succeeded .

The displacing of honest Iudges he hath misplaced to detract from the justice of his Majest Government , and as the placing of judges was in his Majest choise , soe he might take notice , whether their places might not be better supplyed by others , and the change of two judges , for that s the number in seventeene yeares , is beneath an exception , his rayling declamation against corrupt Government being only in generall deserves not an answeare , and the knowne prosperitie , peace , and plentie of the Kingdome , are a sufficient confutation of such imaginary oppressions .

He sayes what peace was that , which drew out the English to a needeles , and dishonourable voyage against the spaniards at Cades . It was that peace the Parliament desired , and if the voyage proved successeles his Majest by preventing further danger , and preserving peace notwithstanding the miscarriage ( which must be the dishonour only of the managers ) sufficiently testifies how wel he deserved of his people for the continuance of their peace , and safetie .

He askes next what that was , which lent our , shipping to a Treacherous , and Antichristian warr against the poore Protestants of Rochell . What is this against our peace at home , and though there were shipps of ours vsed against Rochel , t is sufficiently knowne they were not lent against Rochell , and the Dutch shipps , which were vsed , as ours were not lent to a Treacherous , and Antichristian warr .

He askes what peace was that , which fell to robb the french by sea to the imbarring all our marchants in that Kingdome . Is not this man madd , that will charge the vse of the shipping against Rochell for a Cryme , and call it a Treacherous , and Antichristian warr , and presently charge the King for making warr against the french , vpon the ground of vsing his shipps against Rochell , and call it a robbing of the french by sea , and is it possible to avoyde the losse of Marchants in case of hostilitie ?

He proceedes to cry out on that vnblest expedition to the Isle of Ree doubtfull whether more calamitous in the succes , or designe . Was not the designe in the favour of Rochell , did they not desire it ? and yet he calls the ill successe of that Action the betraying all the flower of our military youth , and best Commaunders to a shamefull surprisall , and execution . And who betrayed them , and to what purpose , what advantage could his Majest have by such a losse ? And was the warr against Rochell Treacherous , and Antichristian , and the releife too ? But this Libeller is resolute to defie sence , and reason , & now he hath spoken against the peace we enjoyed , whereto doth it amount , was there any interruption of our peace at home , and was there not cause for these expeditions abroade , If there were not the Parliament failed in their Councell to the King in advising the warr with spaine , and complaining of the french for the misimployment of the shipps against Rochell ?

If peace were intended vs at home , what meant these billetted souldiers in all parts of the Kingdome . Doth noth he know the meaning , that mentions Cades , and the Isle of Ree , where they were imployed , surely he is soe intent on words , as he looses his Memory , aswell as his other faculties .

But he hath found out a designe of German horse to subdue vs in our peacefull houses . These German horse have made much noyse , & yet were never discovered , and the King , who was advised to make a warr in Germany , and other places by the Parliament could not vse German horse , but against England . But what is all this to the greate measure of peace we enjoyed above other nations . Can any man , that reades this Libellers willfull impertinency judge other , then that he fights blindfold , who would extend these forraigne voyages , which had not the face of warr at home , and continved not beyound the fower first yeares of his Majest Raigne , to diminish the measure of our peace soe long enjoyed , and that in the middest of soe many miscarriages , and conspiracies both at home , and abroade .

For our Religion he sayes , where was there a more ignorant , prophane , and vitious Clergie learned only in the antiquitie of their pride . The pride of these Sectaries contemnes all learning , & antiquitie , which condemnes their fanctasticall , & presumptuous novelezing . The learning of the English Clergie is too well knowne to the world to receive any disreput from the Streechinge of night oules , and of Kats .

Noe wise man could see , what was left for other nations to admire or envie , but to pittie . Other nations saw who had enough to cause them to admire our happines , not to pittie our condition , and of this there is a large Testimony .

But sayes the libeller , wealth , and plentie in a land , where Iustice Raignes not is no Argument of a florishing state , but of neerenes rather to ruine , & commotion . The blessings of God , peace , and plentie are often turned into wantonnesse , and wickednes by the people , and are often a signe by the peoples abuse of ensuing ruine , or commotion , and of this the present condition of England is a greate Testimonie , but it was never denyed , to be the florishing state of any nation , and he will finde litle creditt to his supposition , that Justice Raignes not , where there is wealth , and plentie in a land .

There were not some miscarriages only of Government , which might escape . And of that nature are all the particulars gathred by him , if they had been true , but an viniversall distemper , and reducement to arbitrary Government . There was a distemper , and disaffection to Government in many seditious seducers , but an viniversall distemper , and reducement to Arbitrary Government could not consist with the oppression of that tranquillitie , and securitie of the people , which was visible to all men , the losse whereof brought on by these Rebells is too late lamemted .

That his Majeest : owned the Actions , and protected the persons of men in highest favour with him is noe argument of this vinversall distemper , no more then the vulgar cryes against rulers is an Argument of their miscarriage , or the peoples moderation , who will have persons removed from Government , and yet not agree , who shall succeede them . It was an Argument of greate distemper in a people , that cryed out against the Kings evill Councellours , that could not judge of their Actions , but of noe vinversall distemper in the Government , neither could the king with pietie , & justice leave his Ministers to the malice of conspiratours and barbaritie of Tumults .

The king sayes , whose innocent blood hath he shedd , what widdowes , or orphans teares can wittnes against him ? The Libeller thinkes he hath given an answeare by saying the suspected poysonnig of his Father not enquired into , and he advanced , who was aceused by Parliament to be Author of the fact , and many yeares of cruell warr on his people in three Kingdomes . It is a wonder to amazement , that such , whose language hath noe Limits of truth , or modestie should not be able to forge a probable Calumnie , the Records of the Parliament shew , that noe man was accused for the poysoninge of the kings Father , nor poysoninge named , ct the fact was fully enquired into , and all wittnesses examined , that had any knowledge of Circumstances touching it , and must this be the particular to prove the king guiltie , of shedding blood ? We may see vpon what grounds they will draw blood , that offer such pretences for taking the blood of their king . Is it possible , that a Tyrant in seventeene yeares Raigne could not be proved guiltie of the blood of one man ? And can a Rebellion be more apparently convinced , then by the seeking a cause for it from the resistance , that is made against it , and the endeavour to suppresse it ? Was ever a cause soe barren of excuse , that had nothing , but it s owne guilt for defence ?

But he hath found out a scotchman , not vnacquainted he sayes with the affaires , who affirmes , that there hath been more Christian blood shed by the Commission , approbation , and connivance of King Charles , and his Father Iames , in the latter end of their Raigne , then in the ten Roman Persecutions . And is not this a doughtie authoritie , what could he say more to prove himselfe a false varlett ? Whoever saw , or heard of this shedding of Christian blood , is it possible , that soe much blood should be shed , and noe man know it , but this Scotchman ? Was all the world soe negligent to take notice of it , and did the Scotchman , and this Author thinke , that the blood of the late warr made vp this number , they may then expect vengeance vpon themselves , and their bloody crew for it , either heere , or heereafter . They value such , as suffred in the ten persecutions at the same rate they doe their King , and their conscience , and if they though persecution odious , why doe they exercise a persecution vppon Christians as cruell , as these persecuting Emperours ?

He sayes not to speake of those many whippings , and other corporall inflictions , wherewith his Raigne alsoe before this warr was not vnbloody . And is a Raigne bloody by inflicting death vpon robbers , and murtherers , or whipping , and the Pillory vpon , Cheates Infamous Libellers , and seditious disturbers of Government , but of these latter the number was very small not exceeding fower in seventeene yeares , and these merited the punishment they had , & an higher had not exceeded their crymes . Is the execution of law a bloody Raigne , he findes none , that suffred banishment , nor any that died in prison , but such as were restrained by ordinary Justice .

He cannot pretend an arbitrary power in any of this , that the King infested the true Church is noe other language , then what good Princes allwayes received from Sectaries , who accuse allwayes for their restraint , infesting the true Church , but all men now see they are the malignant Compamy that infest the true Church , & the seducers of simple soules .

But he hath a proofe of blood above exception , where no blood was drawne , and that is the six members , whome all men judged to have escaped no lesse then Capitall danger . Doubtles they had merited Capitall punishment in the judgment of all knowing men . That a just King may be offended for the escape of malefactours is easily beleived , but that saying the birds are flowne argues much trouble is a secret to all men , and a proverbe as often applyed in jest , as earnest .

The libeller sayes , that if some vulter in the mountaines could have spake , he could not have vttered fitter words at the losse of his prey . The excesses in blood , and crueltie of theis Rebells cannot be expressed to the full , by the savage nature of any Creature . The grinning of doggs howling of wolves , and hissing of Serpents are not more hideous to nature , then the petulence of vile persons against kings are abominable to Religion , and pietie .

Because Nero was vnwilling to sett his hand to the execution of a Common Malefactour , and wishing he had not knowne letters he would prove the King prosecuting Traytours to have noe greate aversation to blood , but it strongly proves a bloody conspiracie , when the contrivers are held innocent , and the King made the offender for seeking just punishment , and the Triumphs of such , as protected those persons , and their impudent braving the King at his very doores argued their haste to the shedding of that blood , which since hath covered the Land .

Touching the cause of the warr , the King sayes , It was not my withdrawing from whitehall , for noe account in reason could be given of those Tumults , where an orderly guard was graunted . The libeller sayes , that if it be a most certaine truth , that the Parliament could never obtaine any guard fit to be confided in , then some account of these pretended Tumults may in reason be given . But if they be not only pretended , but apparently Tumults , there can be noe account given of them , at least the libeller vndertakes it not , and that they could not obtaine a guard fit to be confided in , is false , for they had a guard , and Commaunder of their owne nomination , though not the Earle of Essex .

The King askes , whome did he protect against the Iustice of Parliament . The Libeller sayes he endeavoured to rescue Strafford , that was from their injustice , if he had done soe .

But sayes the Libeller he endeavoured it , though with the destruction of them , and the Cittie , commaunding admittance of new souldiers into the Tower . And is it a necessary consequent , that the admittance of new souldiers into the Tower were to the destruction of Parliament , and Citie . But did not such , as like blood hounds , & wolves hunted the Earle of Strafford , that they might not loose their prey , and the sweetenes of their revenge in drinking his blood , stirr vp the Tumults to the destruction of King , Parliament , and Kingdome ?

What can be disputed with such a King , in whose mouth , & opinion the Parliament it selfe was never but a faction , and their Iustice noe Iustice , but the Dictates , and overswaying insolence of Tumults , and rabbles . The Parliament was never a faction in the Kings mouth , but it is in every mans mouth , that the Parliament hath been overswayed by a faction , and a faction have called themselves the Parliament . And how can the Libeller define a Parliament , but he must acknowledge that those , whome the King calls a faction were noe Parliament , and that their Actions were noe Justice , but the Dictates , and overswaying insolence of Tumults , and rabbles ? himselfe prooves it by the commendation he gives the Tumults , for effecting these Acts , which he now calls the Justice of the Parliament , & noe wise man could thinke such a rabble fit to Judge of Delinquents , or that such men , who fled from their fury were thereby culpable of the Crymes objected , and the fairest Tryall would sooner have condemned to death , these Tumultuous accusers then the parties accused . But who can talke with such a man , as this breaker , that reputes Monarchy Tyrany , order in the Church an imposed Religion , and lawes worse then Ceremonies in Religion .

He compares the avoyding of his madd Iudicature to Catilnies flight , and excepting to the Roman Senate , and Cesars injecting scrupulous demurrs against the Decres of the senate vpon Lentulus , and Cethegus . But did either of them object , that the power of Tumults overswayed the senate , or that the senate wanted freedome , and had oppressed the members of its ? If Catiline had set vp a senate as Caesar did afterward , and these Rebells have in England , & oppressed the legal Government , the exceptions had been very just , but exceptions against particular senatours for private animosities cannot derogate from the judgment of the whole being free .

That such reasons were vrged for Strafford , was never heard at his Tryall , or other proceedings against him the cases being contrary , for Lentulus , and the rest were accused for conspiring against the state , & Strafford was accused by those , that conspired against the state , and sought to take him away for a cleerer passage to their designe .

The King vouchsafes , to the Reformation , which both Kingdomes intended noe better name then innovation , and ruine both to Church , and state , and the expelling of Bishopps out of the Church , ruine to the Church , and out of the house of Peeres ruine to the state . And he askes how happy the nation could be in such a governour , who counted that their ruine , which they thought their deliverance . It cannot be doubted , but the abolition of the order , and Government of Church and state , is an innovation , & performed by force against the King , execrable Rebellion , and the King never doubted to say , that such disorderly innovations were the ruine of Church , and state , and the innovations , and ruines mentioned by the King to be agitated by some men are not restrained to the cause of the Bishopps , though that alone , and the manner of proceeding in regard of the injustice , violence , and the dangerous consequences , that attend it , threatned ruine to Church , and state . It is strange , that a people may mistake their ruine for their deliverance , & that a wise Prince by denying them their wil may keepe them from perishing , which their owne errours would cast them into , but such , as knew how small a part of the people , & how contemptible , affected those innovations , and how they were cherisht by the leaders of Rebellion to strengthen their partie , and how others were drawne in by hopes , and feares , to comply with a potent faction for their profit , or safetie , and how greate a partie both for number , & qualitie detested these innovations may well conclude that neither the nation thought it their deliverance , nor the Kings refusall other , then a just care , and providence for their good .

It is not likely , that the house of Peeres gave hardly their consent to the Bills against the Bishops , that soe easily gave it to attach them of high Treason . But it is apparent they hardly gave their consent to those Bills , for they had often rejected them , and therefore his presumption is of noe weight against plaine proofe .

If their rights , and priviledges were thought so vndoubted in that house , then was that protestation noe Treason , and the house will become liable to a just construction either of injustice for soe consenting , or of vsurpation to expect , that their voting , or not voting should obstruct the Commons . The priviledges of the Bishopps had they not been vndoubted , they needed not , an Act of Parliament , nor soe many Acts of violence to take them away , neither can the Commons pretend to greater right for their sitting in the one house , then the Bishopps in the other , and the Libeller hath rightly concluded , that their protestation was noe Treason , but that their accusation by the house of Commons was a false , and vngrounded Clamour , and their commitment by the Lords house an odious injustice , but it could be noe vsurpation to expect , that their voting , or not voting was conclusive to the Commons . To what end did the Commons offer their accusation to the Lords , if their voting , or not voting were not considerable . It is Justice , when they concurre , & vsurpation when they dissent ? But Lords house , & Commons house are vsurpers , when they obstruct the Dictates , and overswaying insolence of rabbles , and Tumults .

The Commons were not to desist for five repulses of the Lords , noe not for fiftie from what in the name of the Kingdome they had demaunded , soe long as those Lords were none of our Lords , and what if they had been your Lords , were they then to desist , if so , it was more then they would doe to their King , but our , or not our makes noe difference to resolute Traytours . The Lords were soe farr their Lords , as they were not to persist by the power , wherewith they were intrusted for the kingdome in their demaund after the Lords refusall , for to what end hath the law ordained a Lords house , and the Commons soe long practised their addresses to them , if they may doe what they please without them ? Doth the vse of the name of the kingdome add any right to them , that have not the power of the kingdome , and demaund things to the destruction of the kingdome ? The king allowes not such a faction the name of a Parliament , which hath nothing of either house , but some members , that assume the name without the priviledges , and authoritie , that constituted it .

Though the Bill against roote , and branch passed not till many of the Lords with some few of the Commons , either enticed away by the king , or overawed by the sense of their owne malignitie deserted the Parliament , that was noe warrant for them , who remained being farr the greater number to lay aside the Bill . He well knowes they , that remained of the Lords house were an inconsiderable number , and such , as deserted the Commons house wanted not many of the number of them , that remained , and of them , that remained many were overawed by force , and diverse plainely dissented to that Bill . The injustice of them , that remained was intolerable that refused all reparation , or securitie to such , as were injured by the Tumults , and it was a most perfidious Act in them to enforce their members to desert the house , that they might exercise their Arbitrary power over the kingdome , the injury was so apparent , & the pretence of malignancie so ridiculous against the deserting members , that noe sober man can imagnie enticement , or overawing to be the cause of their withdrawing , and these remaining members ought to have forborne by their dutie to the kingdome , the passing of such a Bil in the absence of soe many members , but they , that will forbeare noe degree of treason cannot probably abstaine from breakes of priviledge , and lesse injuries .

He sayes this degrading of the Bishopps was orthodoxall in the Church ancient , and reformed . What will not this man say ? Wee neede not wonder at his other impudencies , that will affirme the taking away the order of Bishopps orthodoxall in the ancient Church , which never wanted them .

The King sayes he was bound besides his judgment by a most strict , and vndispensable oath to preserve that order , and the rights of the Church . And sayes the Libeller . If the letter of that oath be not interpreted by equitie , reformation , or better knowledge , then was the King bound to graunt the Clergie all priviledges graunted to them by Edward the Confessour , and so bring in Popery . Equitie must be admitted in all interpretations of oaths , and soe must better knowledges , but the knowledge of other men is noe exposition to him , that takes an oath , if his owne knowledge be not convinced . The King hath sworne to preserve the priviledges of the Church , to be a protectour of the Bishopps , and by what equitie , reformation , or better knowledge would this libeller induce the King to breake this oath ? If Sectaries say the calling is vnlawful against the judgment of the vniversall Church , must the king believe this , & thinke himselfe absolved of his oath ? The King never doubted , that his oath could not binde him to sin , but he was assured , that it was a sin to breake his oath , when it was no sin to keepe it , and while his conscience was not informed of any vnlawfulnes in the matter of his oath , his sin must be the more hainous to act against his oath , aswell as his knowledge .

The Libeller talkes of lawes of God , and truth of the Gospell . But his schismaticall fancies must over rule lawes , and oath , & though the German Emperours , or other Kings had noe cause to leavy warrs vpon Protestant subjects vnder colour of a blinde , and literall observance to an oath , it had been a wickednes in their subjects to make a warr on them to compell them to breake that oath .

It is not to be imagined , if what shal be established come in question , but that the Parliament should oversway the King , and not the King the Parliament . Neither can it be imagined that he , which is to be overswayed by the Parliament is a King .

By all law , and reason , that which the Parliament will not , is noe more established in this Kingdome , neither is the king bound to vphold it , as a thing established . Certainly lawes are very vainely said to be made by the King , if he have no voyce in the making of them , and if they may be vnestablished without him , and it was a wickednes , aswell , as weakenes to binde him to vphold lawes , and to governe his people justly , that had not soe much as voyce in the making of their lawes , & that was bound to governe by wicked lawes , if the Parliament would have them , such Imaginary powers cannot consist with Religion , law , nor reason in the Government of England .

The King sayes had he gratified , he thinkes , their Antiepisconall faction with his consent , and sacrifised the Church Government , and Revenues to the fury of their Covetuousnes , they would then have found noe colourable necessitie of raysing an Army . The Libeller to this sayes . It was the fury of his owne hatred to the professours of the true Religion , which incited him to persecute them with the sword of warr , when whipps pillories , exiles , and imprisonments were not thought sufficient . It s certen such a generation of Traytours , as have persecuted the King with a warr , justly merited to be whipt out of all Kingdomes , and while this Libeller frequently sports at the Kings necessities , he is not ashamed presently to call the warr voluntary on his part . If the Kings fury incited him to a warr , he would not soe often have sought peace , nor been denyed peace without the sacrifice of the Church .

But the Libeller sayes to colour this warr the King cannot finde wherewith all , but that stale pretence of Charles the fifth , and other Popish Kings , that the Protestants had only an intent to lay hands on the Church Revenues . The King neede not a colour for making a warr , whereto necessitie enforced him . It is apparent , that the sectaries in England intended to devoure these Revenues , and have effected it , and they professe to seeke it by the sword , because they could not have it otherwise .

But the Libeller sayes , it was never in the thoughts of the Parliament till exhausted by warr , their necessitie seized on that for the Commonwealth , which the Luxury of the Prelates had abused to Common mischeife . They neede not have been exhausted , if reason , Justice , or Religion could have contented them . They will make a warr , and robb , and steale from other men to maintaine it . Did not their pretended necessitie come from their warr to take away Episcopacy , and is not the necessitie of their owne making to get these Revenues ? What if goods dedicated to Gods service were abused to luxury , were there none els in the Kingdome soe abused ? Must they make choise of the Patrimony of the Church for a sacrifice to their Covetuousnes , that they may spare their private ?

That the King consented to the vnlording of Bishopps at Canterbury the cheife seate of their pride , for God would have it soe . And can he tax the King for his allusions vpon the fate of Hotham , and obserring the course of Gods judgments , and himselfe make such an observation from the Kings passing the Bill at Canterbury ? May it not be an aggravation of the offence in passing the Bill there , rather then a punishment vpon those , that were wronged by it , but Canterbury had not relation to their peace in Parliament , but in Church , and therefore his scene is mislayed .

The King sayes his consent to that Bill of putting Bishopps out of the house of Peeres was from his firme perswasion of their contentednes to suffer a present diminution of their rights . The Libeller from hence argues the pure mockery of a Royall assent to delude for the present . May not sober times revoke what distempered madnes had necessitated , and had not the King just cause to thinke , that after times would see the obliqutie of that Bill ?

The Libellers consequence is that we may hence perceive the wisedome , and integritie of those votes , which voted his consessions at the Isle of weight for grounds of a lasting peace . And why might they not be soe , though some of them might not be thought fitt to last long ? And that by the judgment of both King , and houses ? But what were they , that voted , were they not the Libellers Parliament , in whose behalfe he hath soe often expressed his anger for the Kings disesteeme of them , and calling them a faction , and now will have neither wisedome , nor integritie in them ?

He sayes from the kings professing the continuance of his judgment touching Episcopacy , there is a faire justification of the Parliament , who notwithstanding his obstinate minde omitted not meanes , and patience to have gained him . They omitted not reproach , and violence , but other meanes , or patience they vsed not , and the Libeller hath contrived a conviction of his Parliament , that their not gaining his consent to their demaunds was the cause of their warr , which he hold justified by the Kings continued aversion .

The King sayes a greate shew of delinquents was made , which were but consequences of his , and others withdrawing , or defence . This sayes the Libeller is a prettie shift to mince the name of a delinquent into a necessary consequent . It is injustice to make the name of delinquent a propertice , and snare for innocence . It s plaine , that the faction would have all , that adheared not to them , or left them delinquents , and if such an extension be not minced , the law it selfe will be , whose Rules will not define delinquents , but the observation of them become delinquencie .

He sayes a Traytour is the consequent of his Treason , and a Rebell of his Rebellion . And such are certainly delinquents , but forsaking their societie is not a Cryme to denominate a delinquent , and such only were by the faction called delinquents .

The London Tumults was the Kings overworne Theame , and stuffing of all his discourses . Which was not at all mentioned in this place , but t is a Theame of difficultie to the Libeller , and wherefore , he would stopp the beleife of it by his threed bare repetitions of the blood of the warr , delinquents , Tyrany , and Popery , which are become as vaine , as the taunts of children .

He turnes to the Scotts , and Covenanters , whome he calls misobservers of the Covenant , and askes how they will reconcile the preservation of Religion , &c. With the Kings resolution , that esteemes all the Zeale of their prostituted Covenant noe better then a noyse , and shew of pietie , &c. For the Covenanters , and misobservers of the Covenant we leave to debate their owne controversies , but noe man knowes what he supposes , that by those principles the King might at length come to take the Covenant , and that then all had ended in a happy peace , which he hates vpon any conditions , but his owne .

He makes an opposition between the Kings telling God , that his Enemies are many , and telling the people they are but a faction of some few prevayling over his Major part of both houses . Might not his Enemies be many , though a faction of a few prevailed over the Major part of both houses , and wherein doth the King misapply David , or David accuse him ? But the Libeller stickes not at misapplication , nor false accusations .

The King sayes he had noe passion , designe , or preparation to imbroyle his Kingdome in a Civil warr . The Libeller sayes , true , & yet formerly said , that his fury incited him to prosecute them with the sword of warr . How doth he handle his outworne Theame ?

But he gives a reason , for that the King thought his Kingdome to be Issachar , that would have couched downe betweene two burthens of Prelaticall superstition , and Civill Tyrany . As his Majest subjects had peace without burthens , soe the rest of Issachar was more eligible , then the blood , and Treacherie of Simeon , and Levi , whose rage , and crueltie their Father cursed vpon his death bedd , but such attempts the libeller likes better then Issachars ease .

He sayes the King had made preparation by terrour , and preventive force . The fury of a warr is come to terrour , and preventive force . It s certaine the Rebells had vsed all meanes to prevent his defence , & his terrour must be litle , whose force they had surprised .

The King sayes God will finde out bloody , and deceitefull men , many of whome have not lived out halfe their dayes . The Libeller sayes , It behoved him to have been more cautious , how he tempted God til his owne yeares had been further spent . Is it temptation to rely on the truth of Gods word ? And may not innocent persons , whose lives are ready to be taken away by blood thirstie Tyrants reflect vpon Gods word touching wicked mens being cut of , though they see their owne life expiring ?

The King in his prayer sayes , that God knew the cheife designe of this warr was either to destroy his reason , or force his judgment . The Libeller sayes This is hideous rashnes accusing God before men to know that for truth , which all men know to be false . And is it not horrid presumption in the Libeller to say all men know that to be false , which himselfe confesses true . And we must expect , that the wickednes of these Rebels , which accuse veritie of vntruth will reproach the sinceritie of his Majest in praying for his Enemies with hipocrisie , their owne corruption excluding confession of others integritie .

Vpon their seizing the MAGAZINS , AND FORTS .

THe beginning of all warr may be descerned by the Councells , and preparations foregoing , not only by the first Act of hostilitie . And by Councells , and preparations foregoing , such as were the alteration of the Government , which this breaker confesses to be their cheife end , and without which noe peace could be graunted , we may easily conclude , who made the first Act of hostilitie , for these pretences , which he musters vp have neither the nature of Councells , nor preparations for the warr , but are made excuses for Acts of hostilitie , which they would not have pretended , had they not begun the warr . The particulars neede not examination , but shall only be named to lay open the nakednes of their pretences .

And first he sayes noe King had ever more love at his first comming to the Crowne . It s true , but that moved envy in the seditious faction , who sought to infuse contrary inclinations into the people .

He sayes never people were worse requited first by his mistrust , that their liberties were the impairing of his Regall power . He had soone cause to mistrust , that the conspiratours plotted to vndermine his Regall power , vpon pretence of the peoples rights , & to that purpose raysed jealosies among them , the originall of all Rebellion .

Next by his hatred to all those , who were esteemed Religious , doubting , that their principles too much asserted libertie . His Majest profession , and practice sufficiently vindicate him from this aspersion to hate those , that were esteemed Religious , but his pietie permitted him not to esteeme hipocriticall sectaries Religious , and his prudence instructed him , that these schismatickes , which this Libeller calls Religious maintained principles destructive to Government , which they then abiured , but now avow .

That this was seene by his persecuting , which was never seene , for the dissolution of Parliaments he hath been already answeared , but the vntruth , which he hath added , whether more ridiculous , or abominable may not passe vnobserved , which is , that these dissolutions were after they had graunted more money , then would have bought the Turke out af Morea , and set free all the greekes . And yet the Parliament gave more to the Scotts for invading England . Doth this grosse Mountebanque thinke , that the value of a subsidie in England , & the number of them , that were graunted to the King are soe vnknowne , what owles , and buzzards doth he thinke would cast their eyes on his papers ? surely , if they be saleable , it is for sport , or scorne , and he might aswell have said , it was enough to subvert the Turkish Empire .

He sayes the King tooke Councell , how he might subdue them to his will . The reason of this pretence is to excuse their Rebellious conspiracie to subdue him to their will .

The designe of German horse is a bugbeare long since derided . Billetting of Souldiers in all parts . Which were raysed , and imployed in that warr , which the Parliament advised , shewes that impudence it selfe is bankerupt in pretences for their villany .

That the pulpitts resounded all propertie to the King , and passive obedience to the subject . Propertie they medled not with , but it was their dutie to God , to preach the kings soveraignitie , & the peoples passive obedience , and what affinitie hath such preaching with Councells , and preparations for a Civill warr .

His mention of exactions cannot be omitted , though false , & impertinent . Disarming of Trayned bands is not done by vsing some of their Armes in the publique service , and it was farr from preparation to a Civill warr , to vse Armes against a stranger , but what is this , that was done soe many yeares before ?

The frained bands he sayes were the most proper strength of a free nation . And yet they are not permitted in some Republiques , though instituted , and improved by our Kings .

That Ammunition was ingrossed , and kept in the Tower was farr from the designe of a Civil warr on the kings part , it being a right of his prerogative , but a signe of their conspiracie , and intention of Rebellion , that were troubled at the kings care for overseeing the Ammunition of his Kingdome , and preventing the misimployment either at home , or abroade .

The not buying without licence , when noe man was denyed to buy cannot be interpreted a restraint , and the high rate could not imply any designe of warr , it might be of benifit . But were not all the places of England not only allowed , but commaunded to have their full stores for their trained bands , and had not all shipps their full proportions of Ammunition ? These are potgun preparations for a Civill warr .

But sayes the Libeller , these were his Councells , either to a Civil warr , if it should happen , or to subdue without a warr , which is all one . Noe doubt it s all one in the Authors Judgment , for he esteemes the meanes to preserve obedience a sufficient ground for Rebellion . But if the King provided against a Civill warr , if it should happen , is that a reason in subjects to make it ? And doe not they begin the hostilitie , by whome this warr happens , and if the Kings preparations were , if a Civill warr should happen , must not this Civill warr happen by others , not him , who prepared only to prevent , and defend :

Thus farr he hath left the first Act of hostilitie vpon his Masters , and now he comes to the raysing of two Armies against the Scotts , which were both disbanded before this warr begun , and who was the defendent the word well knowes .

But he sayes the latter of them was raised to the most perfidious breaking of a solemne pacification . His rayling signifes his owne impietie , and want of matter that insteede of declaring the fact of the first English hostilitie seekes for scandalls from a Scotch Treatie , and would make the King perfidious in his defence , because they are Traytours in their assault .

He comes now to the beginning of this Parliament , and talkes of bringing vp the Armies , and his often decanted Irish Papists , and french Army , that never struke blow to be Councells for beginning a Civill warr , but these apparitions were vanisht long before the warr begun . The letters to the King of Denmarke have been sufficiently cleered from being Councells , or preparations to make a Civill warr , and the Libeller cannot fix any preparations vpon the king , but in case a warr should be made vpon him , which was then plotted , and evident to all knowing men .

He sayes these , and many other were his Councells towards a Civill warr . If the king should have taken noe Conncell to have resisted the violence , not only prepared , but begun against him , it had been vnkingly , and vnnaturall , knowing how maliciously , and perfidiously the conspiratours had called in the Scots , bribed them with vast summs of money racked from the people vpon pretence of the kings service , how they had treacherously corrupted diverse officers , and souldiers of the kings army , how they had dispersed false reports of him , and his Actions to disaffect the people , how they had given licence to all lewde persons to preach heresie , and Treason in the pulpits , how they had endeavoured to weaken the bonds of Government by punishing men for observing the lawes , by commending , and rewardinge malefactours , how they had affronted the king , and stirred vp the rabble to threaten violence to him , if he refused their demaunds , and must he not now prepare for his defence , or submit his judgment ?

His refusing to disband that Irish Army shewes noe intention of his to a Civill warr , but the Rebells earnest sollicitation for the disbanding of that Army , and the English Army , likewise leaving the Scots vndisbanded shewes their false pretentions , and malicious preparations by disarminge the king of all Armies to subdue him to their wil. These Rebells , that seized the Tower to strengthen themselves for making a warr would have it beleived , that the Kings keeping it , which had allwayes been in his possession , was a preparation to make a warr , and while they affronted him in his Court every day would have his guard preparations to make a warr .

These waggons of ammunition to be prepared by the King in that low condition , and want of all things for warr , which he then was in , are somewhat strange , although necessary for him against the continued Acts of violence vsed by the Tumults , and avowed by the faction in Parliament , and their continuall preparations for a warr , and it is a demonstration of the Libellers impudence , that would have such contemptible preparations in respect of the Rebells force by land , and sea , and possession of the forts , Navy , and Citie of London , and Magazins of the Kingdome , should be for the making of a warr vpon them , which was in all reason soe vnable to withstand them .

The appearance of some hundreds of horse at Kingston , shewes how greedy they are of pretences , that make such a scare crow a cause of their Rebellion .

And the Queenes buying of Armes , and the forces raysed in yorke shire were much lesse then needed , when the Rebells had assumed the Militia of the Kingdome vnder their owne Commaund . And their petitioning the King for peace ( which the Libeller mentions to be that while ) was that the King would submit to their Government , and doe what they required , and with what face now could any ingenuous man deny , that the cheife designe of the warr was either to destroy his person , or force his judgment .

As to act of hostilitie , it is not much materiall , in whome it first begun after such Councells , and preparations . It is materiall to the truth of the fact , whatever the Councells were , but he hath not named a Councell , or preparation for warr but succeeding the designe of Rebellion , and violence begun , against their rage , all that he supposes on the Kings part , that looked towards a warr being only defensive , and on the part of the Rebells plainely oppressive ,

But he sayes in the Act alsoe the King will be found to have had the preceedenice , if not at London by the assault of his armed Court vpon the naked people , and his attempt vpon the house of Commons , yet certainly at Hull , first by his close practices on that Towne , next by his seidge . Was the Kings going with his guard to the house of Commons a proper army to make a warr , they heeretofore called it a breach of priviledge , and is it now growne soe big with time to be called a warr ? And must that , which continued not an hower be defended with an Army raysed many moneths after ? And is his Iron flaile , and the Parliaments Clients , that were soe terrible to make lawes by force become a naked people , & the ragged Regiment a formidable Army ? But if these doe not prove the King to have done the first act , for it seemes he doubted it would not , yet at Hull he is sure , and if the King had fortified all , or any of the Townes of his Kingdome , is that the act of warr ? Is not the law evident , that he may doe it , and hath it not been the approved practice of all ages ? And if he beseidged Hull , who began the warr , they that surprized it , or he that would recover it ? And yet the Libeller gravely concludes from this fardle , that the King is truly charged with beginning the warr , though the particulars themselves evince the contrary .

He sayes that at the Isle of weight , he charged it vpon himselfe at the publique Treatie . What he did at that Treatie is well knowne to be in order to the procuring of peace , and though they , that treated with him would have an Act to acquitt them for their securitie , yet that could not alter the fact , and the King tooke nothing on himselfe by consenting to passe an act , if the Treatie tooke effect , which act by law , to whose interpretation only it was subject , could not be expounded to charge the king with the beginning of that warr , but so mainfest is the vntruth of their pretence , that they would aide their cause by inferences from an Act of their owne importunitie , and violence for their owne securitie .

He sayes the securing of Hull was noe surprisal , but a timely prevention . But was it not allwayes in the Kings power , and Custodie before , and what they did to Hull , they did to his other Castles , and is it noe surprizall to dispossesse those , that are in possession ?

He sayes it were folly beyound ridiculous to count our selves a free nation , if the King against the Parliament might appropriate to himselfe the strength of a whole nation , as his proper goods . And is it lesse ridiculous to count themselves a free nation , if the Parliament may appropriate to themselves all the strength of the kingdome , as their owne proper goods against al the people , are they more a free nation , because they have many Masters ? Our nation justly accounted it selfe a free nation , and yet a king had all the strength of the kingdome appropriated to him , as his owne proper goods , and they have seene how their libertie was preserved by that constitution , & how it hath been lost by vsurpation of this right in the name of Parliament .

The Parliament had never the life , and death of lawes in their power , and the people never thought it for their Securitie , that they should , and the Libeller may with as good reason call succeeding acts preventions aswell , as this taking of Hull a Securing . Are not the taking of Townes Acts of hostilitie vnder what name soever , had not the taking of Hull been an Act of hostilitie in an Enemy ? And is it lesse in a Rebell ? The question is now of an act of hostilitie , not the right of it , and that the taking af a Towne is not an act of hostilitie wil be incredible to the meanest capacitie , and noe lesse , that the Parliament have a power of hostilitie against the king .

He sayes the law of the land is at best but the reason of Parliament . And the reason of Parliament is noe reason if it differ from the opinion of Sectaries , witnes his censure of voting the kings concessions a ground for peace : & it were as dissonant from law , as reason , that a kingly Government should be subject to the reason of a Major part in Parliament .

The King sayes , they knew his cheifest Armes left him were those only , which the ancient Christians were wont to vse against their persecutors , prayers , and teares . At this the Libeller makes an exclamation , O Sacred reverence of God , respect , and shame of men , whither were ye fled , when these hipocrisies were vttered ? Was the Kingdome at all that cost of blood to remove prayers , and teares . Shakespeare could not have framed a fitter exclamation for Rich. 3. Doubtles reverence of God , respect , and shame of men are fled from this man , that makes this vaine , & prophane outcry . Doth it follow , that because the King got strength , therefore he was possest of it , when they rebelled against him ? doth not he reproach him , that all his adherents hardly amounted to the making , vp of one ragged Regiment strong enough to assault the vnarmed house of Commons ? And can he thinke there is a God , that cryes out sacred reverence of God , vpon occasion of these words of his Majest was ever king more destitute of aide , and might more truly vse that expression then he . Those thousands of Cavileers , whose number he soe often despised , and now advances are a conviction of his contempt of God , and men , and his prophanes is more abominable , then any oaths , curses , and carouses he supposes . And the numbers mustred on He worth Moore were a sufficient proofe of the Kings want of Armes to make a warr , as they were then the matter of the Rebells scorne , & were not the Libeller as vaine , as wicked , he would not have mentioned the sale of the Crowne Iewells , to buy Armes for a ground of his exclamation , when nothing could shame him more , were he capable of it , for may not a man justly say , that the cheifest Armes left a King were prayers , & teares , when all his visible meanes to procure Armes were the Jewells of his Crowne ? & those guns , which were bought with the Jewells , he calls deadly instruments of warr , but the instruments of Rebells are harmeles and vnkilling . Men of corrupt consciences thinke they may prophane the name of God at their pleasure by making their lewde constructions of words , and Actions . And although this libeller jeere at the Kings weakenes in the beginning of this warr , which was visible to all the world , & the strength he found was vnexpected by his Enemies , and that all men judged prayers , and teares his cheifest Armes , yet because strength came to him , the Libeller calls Ammunition , Regiments , and Brigades , prayers , and teares , his ordinary Armes being slander , vntruth , and prophanes .

In his next words he sayes , they , who fought for the Commonwealth have by the helpe of better prayers vanquished . It seemes he holds not their prayers their cheifest Armes , who trusted more in other Armes , then their prayers , and might thence have reasonably concluded , that their succes was not given to their prayers , but permitted for the sins , & scourge of the nation .

The King reckons not the want of the Militia in reference to his owne protection , as his peoples . Not consideringe sayes the Libeller , how ill for seventeene yeares he had protected them , and the miseries are like a forked Arrow , it cannot be drawne out without incision of more flesh . He hath told vs , that those miseries of seventeene yeares were peace , and plentie , which those merciles Phisitians will cure by an endles warr , letting out the blood , and tearing the flesh of the afflicted people , and wee now descerne what Phisike they intended for the Kingdome . Sawes to dismember them , swords to lance them , and famine to pine them , till they were sufficiently purged of their former prosperitie , and he neede not have vsed soe many shifts to deny the beginning of the warr , when he sayes the cure of the Kingdome was to be made with incisions . What want of protection appeared in those seventeene yeares , never people were more secure ? But the man mistakes the scene of his exclamation , as his Sermonizers there notes , & tell the people of suffring that knew none among them .

He sayes the wings of faith may be mistaken for the wings of presumption , Presumptuous men are mistaken of the wings of faith , and this Libeller hath sufficiently exprest himselfe one of them , and may feare by his presumption to fall head long .

The King sayes , that the Parliament have hung the Majest of King-shipp in an airy imagination of Regalitie betweene the priviledges of both houses , like the tombe of Mahomett . To this sayes the Libeller , he knew not that he was prophesying the death , and buriall of a turkish Tyrany , that spurned downe those lawes , which gave it life , and being , soe strong , as it endured to be a regulated Monarchy , he was not prophesying , but relating a plaine story how a just Monarchy was opprest by a Turkish imposture , and Tyrany , and and Empire sett vp in an Army of Janizaries , that spurned downe al law , and Religion , and as the Turkish doctrine of propogating their superstition by blood , and warr was preached vnto the people , as their dutie to doe the like for their new hereticall fancies , soe their deceites in making the King a fantastique supposition , and his authoritie nothing els , but the opinions of the two houses was as grosse , and lewde , as the imaginary Miracle of Mahometts Tombe .

From the Kings words touching the vse of the Militia , that he would but defend himselfe soe farr , as to defend his good subjects from these mens violence , who perswade the world , that none but wolves are fitt to be trusted with the Custody of the sheepeheard , and his flocke . The Libeller would inferr this a cleere confession from his owne mouth , that if the Parliament had left him the sole power of the Militia , he would have vsed it to the destruction of them , and their friends . And is an vse for defence against wrong , and fraude , an vse to destruction ? And if the faction called Parliament be not permitted to destroy the sheepeheard , and his flocke , is it a destruction to them ? But they knew themselves wolves , and could not be secure , while any power was out of their hands , & therefore would perswade , that they were fittest to be trusted with that , which was the sole defence against their rapacitie .

He sayes the King hath been often told , that he had noe more power over the sword , then the law . But who told him soe ? Never any but knowne Rebells Parliaments have allwayes said the contrary , and the practice of it in all times was never questioned . Though Kings cannot be ordinary Judges , yet all Justice flowes from them , and by their Commissions , and because their condition , and place requires , that Justice be administred by their deputies according to the Custome of all Governments , therefore they have not power to vse the Militia , which is most proper to their place , and cannot be seperated from their person , could not be told by reasonable men .

The pretended feare of Rebells , that he may by this power controll the law they will not extend to their owne power of the militia , and may not their Rebell generall controll all lawes by the power of his Army ? And doth he not ? The subjects of England vnderstood the securitie of their lawes to rest in their King , whose interest they knew it was to preserve them . Tyrany , and breach of lawes would make his Estate vnsecure , and dangerous , and therefore they fought to defend him against such , as would destroy their lawes , and him . But in this clamour of the Libeller he only seekes to vilifie Monarchicall Government , and to perswade all people , that live vnder Kings , that they are not free , and vnderstand not what is libertie , as is in other formes of Government the people were not Commaunded , and might chuse their owne lawes , and order their warrs . There is frequent experience in the Roman Commonwealth of the Rebellion of the people vnder ptetence of libertie , and seditious inclinations will assoone take occasion to object Tyrany to senates , & Parliaments , as kings What state can those Rebells frame , that may not degenerate into a Tyrany , but they only seeke pretences for their Rebellion against the present Government to transferr it to themselves .

The King is contented to resigne his power for his owne time . And sayes the Libeller he is carefull , wee should be slaves to his posteritie , and leaue vs the legaice of another warr about it . There is noe doubt , but the Rebells desired the Militia to enslave the people , and destroy the king , and they would rather be devills then subjects . This Libeller makes noe difference betweene a subject , and a slave , and though they pretended the setling of the Militia in respect of present danger , yet they are soe impudent to reject the kings offer to settle it for his owne time .

He sayes the King calls the Parliament a many headed Hydra of Government , and not more eyes them mouths , which he falsely recites , for the King sayes , As this many headed Hydra of Government makes a shew to the people to have more eyes to see , soe they will finde it to have more mouths too to be satisfied , and heere the Libeller according to his custome answeares sense with non sense , for he sayes , surely not more mouths , nor soe wide , as the dissolute rabble of his Courtiers both hee s , and shee s , if there were any males among them . Doth he make a question , whether any males , and yet talke of a dissolute rabble ? And are the new senatours commaunded single life to prevent the generation of Traytours ? But the Kingdome findes , that those numbers of leane kine have devoured more in seven yeares , then all the Courtiers in seven hundred .

He sayes to dispute what kinde of Government is best would prove a long Theame , it sufficeth , that his reasons heere for Monarchy are found weake , and inconsiderable . We have the word of a grave Author for it , who hath made long invectives , & yet never handled the Theame , nor answeared any one reason produced for Monarchy , & though it be a long Theame to dispute what Government were best in his judgment , yet he might have made the question shorter by disputing , whether subjects might Rebell to subvert the Monarchy vnder which they live , And he would have Tyrany a ground for Rebellion , and that Tyrany to be Monarchy , and if the dispute be long , the solution wil be very easie .

The King is not our sun , though he would be taken for it . And why did he say , that the sun in all figurative vse , and signification beares allusion to a King , & blames the king for his comparison of the Earle of Strafford , and heere reprehends the allusion to himselfe ? but they wil be the sun , and set the would on fire .

He askes wherefore we should not hope to be governed more happily without a King , when all our miserie hath been by a King , or by our necessary vindication , and defence against him . He may not well hope to be governed happily by those , that have gotten power by wicked Arts. An vnjust power wil seeke to support it selfe by the same meanes it was raysed . It cannot be hoped , that they will governe happily , that seeke the oppression of the greatest part of the people , and that can secure their private fortunes , what ever become of the Kingdome . They cannott hope for Gods blessing , which only can make happy vpon the many wilfull , perjuries , hipocrisies , & cruelties , which they vsed to vsurpe this Government , and the persecution , and murther of their lawfull soveraigne , and they , that pretended miserie they knew not for a ground to change their Government , will finde it by their folly , and madnes .

He sayes the King would be thought enforced to perjury by having graunted the Militia , by which his oath bound him to protect the people . The Libeller askes , if he can be perjured in graunting that , why doth he refuse for no other cause the abolishing of Episcopacie ? The Libeller himselfe hath exprest other causes of his refusall to abolish Episcopacie , but why may not one be perjured in both , being equally bound by his oath . If the Libeller have a sense in this , it s very misticall , vnles he meane , that a man neede not feare many perjuries , that committed one .

The protection of Delinquents was no part of his oath , but of the innocent , and that he ought to doe against popular fury , and any vsurpt authoritie vnder what name soever .

That he was to protect by such hands , as the Parliament should advise him , was noe part of his oath , and he could poorely protect , that must expect such hands , as others should allow him , that were an oath to as litle vse , as the power it supposed .

He may not hold a violent , and incommunicable sword over vs vnder the shew of protection . And must there not be a sword of protection , because it may be turned to violence , this is Rebells Logicke , that would have no Judges , because they may be corrupt ? & these , that terrifie the people with the dangers of violence vnder lawfull Governours vse power most Tyranically , but wherefore incommunicable , he thinkes it a thundering word to startle the people like Arbitrary Government , and fundamentall lawes . Is the sword of the supreame power communicable , if it be in many hands , what if they fight one with another , which is the sword then to protect the people , and how will they fight for their Liberties ?

The King sayes , that his yeilding the Militia was from the love of publique peace , and assurance of Gods protection . The Libeller askes , wherefore this assurance of Gods protection came not till the Militia was wrung out of his hands . Whence can he conclude , that it came not till then ? But the wringing of the Militia out of his hands shewes how impudently these men pretend right , or truth for their Actions , must a man give vp his strength , when it is demaunded , because he hath an assurance of Gods protection , and because he sees some reason to part with it , as the king did for love of publique peace , must he not therefore have an assurance of Gods protection ? his holding it fast was his dutie , and the wringing it from him hath open injustice both in the Act , and intention . And the Libellers prophanes in jeering at the kings saying , that God was able abundantly to compensate him , as he did to Iob whatever honour , power , or libertie Chaldeans , sabeans , or the Devill himselfe deprived him of saying Iob vsed noe Militia , nor Magazine at Hull . Is not vnlike the Apostates scoffing at the Christians patience , and suffering .

The King sayes , Although they take all from him , yet can they not obstruct his way to heaven . The libeller sayes , t is noe handsome occasion to tell vs whither he was going . And hath it been an vnhandsome occasion in the saints of God to take occasion from their afflictions to declare their resolutions ? But these are his common censures .

He sayes private prayers in publique aske something of whome they aske not . But prayers vpon a publique occasion lose not their reward for being publique .

Vpon the NINETEENE PROPOSITIONS .

THE King vses plausibilitie of large , and indefinite words to defend himselfe at such distance , as may hinder the eye of Common Iudgment from all distinct view , and examination of his reasoning . It is the Libellers labour to keepe his reasoning from Common view , and therefore seekes to divert the readers by Chimericall suppositions , and invectives against Monarchy , and repeated common places of misgovernment . Vpon examination the Kings plaine , and distinct reasoning will appeare convincing to every right judgment .

The Libeller sayes . The king shewes not , how it can happen , that the peace of a people should be inconsistent with the conscience , and honour of a King . And doth this man hold , that the King ought to sacrifise Religion , Justice , and pietie for the peace of his people ? Shall he destroy innocent men , and persecute Christians to procure peace ? Or are these things consistent with honour , & conscience ? and may not such things be desired by a wicked people in order to peace ? And therefore the Libeller vainely presses , that nothing is more agreeable to the conscience , and honour of a King , then to preserve his subjects in peace .

And is there any thing more contrary to the conscience , & dutie of subjects , then to procure a Civill warr , by demaunding concessions of their King , which in honour , and conscience he cannot grannt , & which being graunted would be noe ground for a lasting peace , though it avoyded a present warr .

The Libeller askes which of the propositions were obtruded on him with the point of the sword , till he with the point of the sword thrust from him both propositions , and propounders . A strange question in this Libeller , that hath soe often obtruded the feares , and terrours raysed in the King by the Tumults , and Iron flaile , seizing of the Magazins , and not leaving him a sword , that had a point to thrust , but this Theame is too much soyled by soe often repetition , and yet he proceedes to talke of merciles obtrusions , which for almost twentie yeares the King had been forcing vpon tender consciences by all sorts of persecutions . And these tender consciences he will allow to be preferred before the peace of the Kingdome . Truly these are not large , and indefinite words , but apparent absurdities to the eye of every Common judgment , that the pretended conscience of every hipocriticall sectarie must be preferred to the peace of a Kingdome , and the King must be allowed none , but lose life , and Kingdome , or prostitute his conscience . The Libellers examination of the Kings booke , it seemes was noe other , then of his owne writings , that huddles vp contradictions , and absurdities soe obvious to the first sight . His labour to declaime against persecution is not matter of fact , and the impertinencie of it hath been already sufficiently detected .

The king sayes Many things are required of him , nothing offred in requitall . And the Libeller demaunds . What could satiate the desires of this man , who being King of England , and Master of almost two millions yearely was still in want . And yet the Masters in the new state affirme in their declaration , that the constant Revenue of the Crowne exceeded not a hundred thousand pound a yeare , And why should not the King expect contributions from his subjects , aswell as al his Predecessours still had ? And why will this man deny him supplies , that soe often obtrudes his wants , and he will have the King content with Rebells Charitie , and allowes them to take al from him , when they list , as the subjects money , this is the supreame honour , and Revenue , that the king ought to content himselfe with .

It was for honours sake , that they put the King vpon the giving part , not that it belonged to him of right , for he sayes all lawes are in the hands of the Parliament , and King-shipp it selfe . He sayes it , and yet we must beleive him , that England was a Monarchy , if the Majestie were not in the king , how was it other , then a republique , and it was for honours sake , that they have been subjects these many hundred yeares , wherefore would he have the world beleive warrs were made betweene competitours for the Crowne of England , was it only to be a king in a play , but we finde , that what Rebells can attaine by power , they will assert for right , and they , which have had soe many denialls , and have professed conscientious , subjection at last come to say , it was for honours sake , and of forme , not necessitie , that they were subjects .

The Libeller proceedes to shew , that Monarchy cannot permit the requisites necessary to societie . That the will of one man in Government is contrary to freedome . And why not the will of five hundred to the freedome of the rest , as much as that one ? These men thinke that their clamour against the power of one man hes a greate influence vpon the ignorant people , which might have had some beleife before they had tryed their new Masters . If we looke vpon the most ancient stories of the world , we finde the people both in peace , and warr commaunded by one man , nature teaching the necessitie of one generall in an Army , and the Government , which God himselfe appointed to his people was by one man , and as moyses was at first , soe were his successours , and the kings after Saul , and David , and this Libeller can speake nothing of this power of one man , but must censure , and vilifie Gods owne institution , he offers nothing against Monarchy but what hes equall opposition to Parliament , and all formes of Government , for the peoples good , for which he sayes the king hath his rights , will assoone become a pretence for Rebellion against any Rulers , as kings .

His denyall , that the King is not greater then his Parliament , is only opposinge his bare word to all sense , and reason , for doth the greater petition the lesse , and yet the Parliament constantly petition the king .

He sayes the King can doe noe wrong . And have not they then , that pretend he had done wrong committed disobedience , and wrong ?

The King can doe noe right but in his Courts . And if they be his Courts , and his deputies , and doe all in his name , doth it not follow , that it is his doing ? And though the kings sitt not ordinarily in their Courts , yet they have often sate in severall Courts , and in Parliament the King himselfe gives orders , as appeares by the Presidents of all times , and wherefore did the Parliament preferre their petition of right to the King , and importuned his answeare , if he had noe power to doe right , but by his Courts ? But what concernes the administration of Justice by deputies is not peculiar to England , but to all other Kingdomes .

Without his Courts he is noe King . And yet they are his Courts , and cannot sitt , but by his graunt .

If the King doe wrong in the highest degree , he must doe it , as a Tyrant , not as a King of England . But he is still King of England , though a Tyrant , and if subjects may judge their King , the ordinary acts of soveraigntie wil be wrong in the highest degree .

If he cannot , as one greater , give oft to the Parliament , as the Libeller supposes , and that it may be termed the Courtesie of England to aske any thing of the King . They would not have importuned the Acts , that have passed this Parliament , nor have vsed their Iron flaile to obteine them , and by his rule subjection is noe more the Courtesie of England , then all other Countreyes ,

We never forced him to part with his conscience , but it is he , that would have forced vs to part with ours , and doth he that refuses the demaund of another , force his conscience , that demaunds ? Doth the Kings denyall force his subjects consciences , because they force themselves to Rebell ? and enforce him to say what they will have him .

The Authors descant vpon the Kings words of the incommunicable Iewell of his conscience discovers , how he hath exposed his owne to the flatterie , and slaverie of his Masters , and had he thoughts of conscience he would not have valued it at the basest price .

The breeding of Most kings hath ever been sensuall , and most humoured . He speakes it of his owne sense , and inclination to such base offices . Kings have greatest cause to avoyde such breeding , and persons of such condition .

The kings dissent from his whole kingdome is a supposition of that , which never was , and were impossible ever to happen , but should it happen , they that are governed must submitt to the governour , and that by all the Rules of divine , and humane law .

The Libeller saying the king preferrs his love of truth before the love of his people the Kings words are , the love I have of my peoples place hath greate influence vpon me , but the love of truth , and inward peace hath more . And who thinkes not , that it ought to have soe ? For his search of truth , he had gone amisse , if he had rested on those propounders , which the Libeller prescribes him . And that vnaccountable Prerogative , which the Libeller sayes is the truth he loves , would have been judged a truth by the Libeller , if he had reteined either feare of God , or love to his Countrey .

It is our ill hap , that three kingdomes should be pestred with one conscience , which scrupled to graunt what the Parliament advised him . But it was the miserie of the three kingdomes , that a faction of depraved men , that had cast away conscience should oversway the Parliament , and demaund graunts for their owne ambition against the kingdome .

These scruples to many he sayes seeme pretended , to others vpon as good grounds may seeme reall . And to this it seemes the Libeller inclines , for noe reason wil permitt , that he should suffer soe much vpon a pretence of conscience .

It was the just judgment of God , that he , who was soe cruell , and remorseles to other mens consciences , should have a conscience soe cruell to himselfe . And were not they , that were soe cruell to his conscience , condemned by their owne being heerein the instruments of hell to afflict the consciences of others , but these miscreants can sport themselves with their owne sins , and others sufferings . Hath he made asmuch as a pretence of the Kings crueltie to any mans innocencie .

The Libeller recites , that the King said he thought fit to deny some things in honour , & Policie , though he could approve them , which is not at al said by the King , but that some things , which a King might approve , yet in honour , & Policie might be denyed at some time to some men . And who doubts it , can there be a want of such considerations in a King ?

Good Princes thought it their happines to be allwayes graunting . How could that be , if it be true , which he sayes they had nothing to graunt ? But good subjects never demaunded that , which should make their King vnable to graunt any more .

He remembers himselfe now , that good things were to be graunted for the things sake , indifferent things for the peoples sake , and he hath made it his continued Theame , that the King could graunt nothing in favour , but all was necessary in Justice , and it is apparent , that the kings large concessions invited these ingratefull Rebells to make those shameles demaunds , which themselves knew noe king in honour , Policie , and Justice could graunt .

Vndoubtedly his Coronation oath bindes him to a generall , and implicite consent to whatever the Parliament desired . And then vndoubtedly the king must be in worse condition then any subject , for noe man but he is bound to such a blinde obedience , and it is a strange blindenes in this man to offer such a thing to be beleived , which himselfe holds incredible , for he sayes , the Kings oath cannot binde him against necessary reformation . And can it then binde him to make wicked lawes , which must be reformed ? Is the Parliament infallible , & may they not make ill lawes ? What is the reason , that the Libeller , and his Sectaries would not give obedience to Acts of Parliament vpon pretence of conscience , & ought the king to consent to such lawes , as the subjects ought not to obey ?

The King ought not to vie wisedome with the Parliament , and why then doe the Libeller , and his Sectaries vie wisedome with all former Parliaments ?

Any of the Parliament may as farr excell him in the guift of wisedome , as he them in place , and dignitie . But it s very vnlike , and neere to impossible , especially , if we looke to the experience of all times , and it is often found , that a King is wiser , then all his Councell ; And though the libeller say sure it was not he , meaning the King : as wise men , as any of his Councell , or Parliament thought it was he , & never good subjects contended with their King for that comparison .

The king sayes , that that were , as if Sampson should have consented to put out his eyes , that the Philistins might with more safetie mocke , and abuse him . And this sayes the Libeller out of an vnwise , or pretended feare of scorne for yeilding to his Parliament , he gives cause of suspition , that he made a scorne of his Regall oath . Could any man suspect , that his Regall oath bound him to such a dispicable slavery , that a king should be in greater bondage to his Parliament , then any vassall to a Lord , a king might justly scorne such an oath , that would make him scorned by all , when he had taken it , but the Libeller had noe better answeare , and therefore retreates to his Common refuge of insignificant repetition .

The King sayes to exclude him-from all power of denyall seemes an arrogance , The Libeller adds in the Parliament he meanes , and askes , what in him then to deny against the Parliament . It is no arrogance to deny in him , that is asked , but arrogance in him , that askes , to receive noe denyall .

The king sayes its least of all becomminge those , that make their addresses in a humble , and loyall way of petitioning , who by that confesse their inferioritie , which oblidgeth them to rest , if not satisfied , yet quieted with such an answeare , as the will , and reason of the superiour thinkes fitt to give . To this the Libeller sayes , petitioning in better English is noe more then requesting , or requiring . And is it not good English to call our prayers pititions , and is it better English to say wee require , when we pray , and is requesting , and requiring the same in good English ? Is the petitioning of his new Masters requesting or requiring ?

Men require not favours only , but their due , and that not only from superiours , but equalls , and inferiours . It s the first time , that such requiring of favours was heard of , and a sorry inference , that because men require of equalls , they may of superiours , and that there is noe difference betweene superioritie of Government , and superioritie in fortune , or Title .

It was called , petitio consulatus , when the noblest Romans went about , and begged that dignitie of the meanest plebeians naming them man by man . But might not those , to whome they went , deny their petition ? Could they require their election , as due , and was their begging , requiring ? He would willingly make badd English out of good Lattyn , though good Lattin may be noe good manners from a subject to his king , and it is absurd in Government for any to pray , that ought to commaund ? & the Libeller seemes distracted that would have petitioning requiring , and prove it by the signification it hath of begging .

They petitioned not , because all of them were inferiour , but because he was superiour to any of them . But why then doe they petition in their politique Capacitie as a Parliament ? He tells vs at last , it was for fashions sake more then dutie . But why then did they professe it to be their dutie ? He tells vs the Misteries of their Religion , their professions , and promises are Ceremonies , their submissions for fashion , this is the doctrine of cut throates .

By plaine law cited before , the Parliament is his superiour . And why had he not brought in petitio principy , as well as petitio consulatus vsing it soe often , and that in good English is begging the question . Doubtles he thinkes , that some beleive it is plaine law , because he saith soe , but such , as reade his booke finde he vnderstands not law , nor reason , and will not speake the truth , he vnderstands

It were a mad law , that would subject reason to supcrioritie of place . And doth not himselfe say it , that the Parliament is superiour , and therefore the kings reason must be subject to it ? and is not he mad , or senseles ?

He returnes againe to his invective against Monarchy , and one mans will , and soe its only the kings Cryme , that he was a Monarch , and if the King be not bound in a blinde obedience to all , that the Parliament requires , we must all be slaves , a proper inference , and vpon this he concludes , that petitioning was but forme , because he doth not like the Kingly Government .

It cannot be soe absurd to binde the King to a blinde obedience as to confine the Parliaments reason to the will of one man . Much more absurd to bind the King , and leave subjects vnconfined .

That the King did nothing , but what was opposite to his professed interest , cannot be supposed , but in his concessions to the late Parliament , and we finde by sad experience , that nothing is more ruinous to the Kingdome , then a power in the Parliament over the King , and they have been soe farr from a power to confine the exorbitancie of Kings , that those illegall conventions , which acted the Tragedies of some Kings were but the stales to vsurpers , and moulded to their will .

That the King called them young statesmen he imputes to arrogance . Doubtles the King might have said much more , then what he did , that most part of these propounders were young statesmen , Is there a man in England , that doubts it , if he regard either age , or experience , how they have governed themselves , and the Kingdome all men see , who from soe greate tranquilitie have turned it into a lamentable combustion , and despised the Kingdomes interest both at home , and abroade , that Phaetons miscarriage was never soe answeared by the practice of any rash , and precipitate medlers in affaires of state , as these vsurpers , and as they drove furiously with Iehu , soe they practized his hipocrisie , that loved the Kingdome better then the commaunds of God , and departed not from the sins of Jeroboam , though he pretended Zeale for the Lord , and that omen of confusion from such fury , and madnes , his Majest prayed God to divert , but the Libeller is pleased with his owne prognostickes , and makes augury a warrant for any villany , though the wickednes of his Masters may give just occasion to thinke , their vengeance fleepes not .

He comes now to dictate law , and tumbling of his repetitions , that the Parliament sit not , as subjects , but superiours , called not by him , but by the law . And doth not this man know the Parliament sayes all this is false , and that they are his subjects , and called by his writ . Surely this Libeller takes pleasure in outfacing all truth , otherwise he would not vse such absurd , and palpable falsities , and that after himselfe had said the king was trusted with the summoning , and dissolving of Parliaments .

Vnreasonable desires might be vnexpected by the king , and denyed . Wee may see , that Iehues fury , and Phaetons rashnes were not ill remembred to these men , that held the enforcing of old lawes , repairing of injuries , moderate desires of reformation , soe contemptible , that nothing , but the rooting vp of the foundation of Government could be a remedie for the kingdome , whose greate prosperitie was their greatest greivance , and all those good lawes , which he commends were vseles , and to noe purpose .

That they , which came to the Parliament had no authoritie to redresse greivances , but to desire the redresse , was acknowledged a truth by the late Parliament , befor their insolēce was confirmed by the kings concessions .

That their Fathers made as vast alterations to free themselves from ancient Popery is much mistaken , for whoever lookes into the reformation of Religion in England shall finde , that it moved from the head , and that the Parliament conformed themselves vnto the Counsells taken by the king , and made not the alterations the Libeller supposes . Alterations were made , where corruptions had entred into doctrine , or practice , but it was very farr from esteeming the primitive Church , a time of superstition , and plucking vp by the rootes , what ever was planted in the first ages of the Church . Sectaries are not to be judges of what varies from Scripture , their opinions arising from disobedience , must needes be full of errour , and schisme , and his Majest had good reason to preferre the doctrine , and practice of the primitive Church before any moderne opinion of reformation , and as all the pregnant , and solid reasons of the Churches beyound the seas wrought lesse with the faction in Parliament , then the Tumults , and rabbles , soe farr lesse with this Libeller , that defends a schisime from them all vnder the divided Conventicles of Independancy , and a crew of ignorant , and irreligious Hobgoblins that eate the fat of robbery , and oppression . And he heere pretends the example of all the reformed Churches against Episcopacie , and afterwards confesses the Lutherans , who are the greater part of a contrary practice .

The falshood , & giddines of their oracles are more ridiculous , then ever were the superstitious pilgramages of blinde votaries . he , that thus reprehends the kings opposition to the change of Church Government , while he strives for innovation exclaimes against it , as a Cryme , for he sayes they would vindicate the Government of the Church , innovated , & corrupted , he should have shewed from what time it was corrupted .

The king sayes , such , as were looked vpon before as factious in the state , & Schismaticall in the Church demaunded not only tollerations for themselves in their vanitie , noveltie , and confusion , but alsoe an extirpation of that Government , whose rights they had a minde to invade . And the Libeller askes , was this man ever likely to be advised , who setts himselfe against his chosen Councellours , and censures the Government of other protestant Churches as bad , as any Papist . Certainly such Councellours were very vnfitt to advise , that were soe ill qualified , such as the lawe judges offenders are incapable to judge of law , & that such were these demaunders is evident to al men , that know the lawes , and Government of England . There are noe Protestant Churches , that thinke their Government censured , if others differ from it , in any particular , but they will hold it a Schismaticall insolence in any to endeavour to alter a Government well setled vpon pretence to introduce another against the will of the king . It imports not any contempt of the kingdome , if such , as they chose be found either defective , or false , and to engage the kingdome in all the impieties , that men act , which are chose by them is as absurd , as vainely pretended by the Libeller who will make a faction prevalent by Tumults , and sedition to be the kingdome , and the king should have had his kingdome in greate contempt , if he had taken such a faction for the kingdome .

He drawes an Argument from the penaltie of being a Christian vnder the heathens , and a Protestant vnder Papists . And surely had they sought to introduce their Religion with the destruction of the Civill state , such a fact would have merited the name of treason , but their course was contrary to these Sectaries , who sought only to enjoy the libertie of their conscience , not to enforce others .

That our saviour comming to reforme his Church was accused of an intent to invade Caesars right , as good a right , as ever the Prelate Bishopps had , the one being gotten by force , the other by spirituall vsurpation . Helpes not the Sectaries , for our saviour was innocent of that false accusation , declaring his kingdome not to be of this world , & acknowledged Caesars right , bidding the people to give vnto Cesar the things , that were Cesars , but this mans prophanes would have the accusation true , and lawfull to invade Cesars right from the false accusation of our saviours , and blasphemously avowes invading of the Bishopps rights , because one better then cesars , for to what other purpose doth he compare the rights of Cesar , and the Bishopps , vnlesse to justifie their dealinge with the Bishopps . And accuse our saviour for intending the lyke to Caesar ?

The right of the Prelate Bishopps was gotten by spirituall vsurpation Could any Jew , Turke , or Pagan speake more reproach fully against Christiaintie , that the calling of those men , who were soe eminent for suffering , and Martidome , and gathering the Christian Church throughout the world was a spirituall vsurpation ?

The objection or to his Majest repeating the arguments from law , antiquitie , Ancestours , prosperitie , and the like was very improper from him , whose repititions of Tyrany , slavery , single voyce , consent of the kingdome , and such like have blotted soe greate a part of his booke , and he , that would binde the king to follow the Example of other Churches will exclude antiquitie , and the primitive Church , and authorise the schisme of innovating Sectaries , because Papists have vsed Arguments against them .

The king sayes , had he two houses sued out their livery from the wardship of Tumults , he could sooner have beleived them . But sayes the Libeller it concerned them first to sue out their livery from his encroaching Prerogative , The law allowes noe livery from Royall Prerogative , but judges them Rebells that seeke it .

The Character sett on them , that hunt after faction with their hounds the Tumults , the Libeller hath justified by his defence .

It s noe shame for a King to be a pupill to the Bishopps , whose calling it is to give him spirituall Councell , but it were madnes to be a laquay to such men , who take vpon them to judge of the callings in the Church of God , which have noe calling to it , much more to a rabble , whome the Libeller himselfe holds extravagant .

That nimrod was the first , that hunted after faction could never be told by the Bishopps , much lesse , that he was the first , that founded Monarchy . The Bishopps could have named a more ancient foundation in Adam , and Noah . They finde the hunters after faction by Tumults of a latter dale , Corah , and his Company , that Rebelled against Moses , and Sheba , that spake to the Tumults , what part have we in David , or portion in the sonne of Jesse ? and they finde them in the cursed Jewes , that hunted by the Tumults against our Saviour . In Demetrious , and his Craftsmen against the Apostles , and in Alexander the Copper Smith against St. Paul , and that s the game , which Rebells in all times hollowed to , and the Mungrell sort never faile them , and these , that hunt with such hounds preserve beasts of prey to devoure the quiett , & profitable .

Certainly Parliaments made lawes before Kings were in being , which must have better authoritie then his reason to prove ; We finde kings making lawes before ever we reade of Parliaments , & in Commonwealths we finde their law makers were single men , as Licurgus , Solon , and diverse others .

The kings holding his Crowne by law , doth not imply another law maker then the king , who first made that law , wherevnto the whole people were subject , but he , that soe lately blamed repetitions vnseasonably falls into his old rode of disputing against Monarchy , which he pretends to decline .

It hath been anciently interpreted the presaging signe of a future Tyrant to dreame of copulation with his Mother . Heere is a conceite pluckt in by head , and shoulders . Whereof was it a signe in Junious Brutus , that was directed by the oracle to kisse his Mother , his succeeding act was the expulsion of the kings , and change of the Government , was that lesse then Tyrany , or not soe presaged by the oracle , aswel as a dreame ? Parliaments can be noe Mothers to kings , that are created by kings . The king is by the law of England Father of the Countrey , & the life , and soule of the law , but the Libeller will finde out a step Mother an Athalia to destroy the seede Royall , and sett her meestuous broode vpon the throne , for these dreames were the delusions of some prime Rebells , and could not allude vnto just Title , but conceites are growne low , when such dreames must be fetcht in for reasons .

And from his dreames , it is not strange , he should fancie allusions ( which himselfe sayes are ordinary of the King to the sun ) of force to swell vp Caligula to thinke himselfe a God . And because these Rebells can not be Gods , they will be Devills .

The King sayes , these propositions are not the joint , and free desires of both houses , next that the choise of many members was carried by faction . He sayes Charles the fifth against the Protestants in Germany laid the fault vpon some few . And what is that to the faction in England ? If they be not the joint desires of both houses , as it was not , ought the King to take it for the advice of Parliament , and forbeare to shew the fraude , because Charles the fifth said the like vpon another occasion .

The Court was wont to tamper with Elections , and he sayes noe faction was then more potent . And yet he affirmes they prevayled not , where then was their potencie ?

Because the king sayes , he cannot swallow such Camells of sacriledge , and Injustice , as others doe , The Libeller sayes , he is the Pharisee , up , and downe , is not as other men are . Is it Pharisaisme to professe with the Prophett David the dislike of them , that follow superstitious vainties . Because the Pharisee swallowed Camells , be such men Pharisees , that professe they will not ? & because the Sectaries pretended conscience of Ceremonies like the Pharisees washing , the outside , while they devoure the Estates of other men without remorse , are they not Pharisees ? and are they only , that professe they cannot swallow such Camells Pharisees ? this is a new found Pharisee .

The three Realmes all most perished for want of Parliaments . Wee have seene how neere perishing they are by a Parliament , which hath committed more Injustice since it began , then all our stories have remembred for five hundred yeares before .

The Libeller hath found out a new kinde of sacriledge , for he endures not to have Church robbing called sacriledge , and that is to bereave a Christian conscience of libertie for the narrownes of his owne conscience . And by what Engine is this sacriledge committed , doth he , that abstaines for conscience sake bereave another mans conscienc of libertie ?

He thinkes to take away superfluous wealth from the Clergie is not sacriledge for that serves , as an excuse for their theft in taking from others what they pretend ill vsed , & wee may see the love these Sectaries have vnto the goods of the Church , that extenuate their impietie by pretending , that such men most oppose that wickednes , whose righteousnes , in other matters hath been least observed . And these are noe Pharisees , that traduce the opposers of their sacriledge for want of righteousnes in other matters , this is their new righteousnes , that allowes none holy , but their owne gang , and nothing vnholy , that they practise , and therefore they will not see the Kings vertues , least they be driven to confesse their owne wicked Actions against him .

Vpon the REBELLION IN IRELAND .

IT Could not possibly be soe secrett from whence it sprung , as the contriver supposed . And if he knew the contrivers , perhaps he might know , whether they supposed it would be secrett , for they that pretended to be the principall contrivers avowed it openly . It cannot be imaginable , that the Irish guided by soe many subtill , and Italian heads should soe farr have lost the vse of reason , and Common sense , as not supported by other strength then their owne , to begin a warr soe desperate against England , and Scotland . And truly it may seeme , that they , who thought themselves wiser then Italian heads had lost reason , & Common sense , who letting lose , or rather cutting asunder the Reynes of Government , which held in that kingdome to a people naturally disaffected to those , vnto whome they were subject , invited them to that Rebellion , first in a popular fury cutting of the Ld. Lieutenant , to gratifie them , & then leaving the Kingdome without a successour , and preparing the way to a Civill warr in England , stirring vp jealosies against the King , and weakning his Authoritie , and composing Apologies for Rebellion , which would serve the Iris he pretences , aswell as the diferences in England their designes , and those Italian heads saw as much advantage from our broyles , as want of aide from other nations , who were busied to the vtmost in their owne most necessary concernements ; And therefore the libeller vainely inferrs authoritie for assistance promised from England , vnles it were from the faction in the houses , there being noe visible strength then in any other , & there neede not , nor could be any private assurance vnto the Irish Rebells from any other , but that faction , and it is most apparent , that they neglected all meanes to remedie that mischeife , busying themselves wholy in laying the ground worke of the Rebellion in England , which they held their most necessary concernment , & this was ground enough for Italian heads to stirr vp that Rebellion .

The libeller proceedes vpon his suppositions , as if they were graunted truths , & he would insinnate an equivocation in what the King sayes , That the sea of blood is enough to drowne any man ineternall both infamy , and miserie , whome God shall finde the malitious Author , or instigatour of that effusion . Because he sayes the Rebells themselves wil not confesse , that any blood was shed by them maliciously , but for the Catholique cause , or Common libertie . Therein they differ not from the Libeller , and his English Rebells , for they wil not confesse any of the blood they shed to be maliciously , but for Religion , and Common libertie , and thence the Libeller learnes his skill to cast suspitions vpon the plainest expressions of others , he well descerned , that the King vsed the word malicious for aggravation , not restriction , & his observation was captious , when he read in the following Period , that the King affirmes , nothing could be more abhorred of him being soe full of sin against God , disloyaltie to himselfe , and destructive to his subjects , and calls God to wittnes , that as he could with truth wash his hands in innocencie , as to any guilt in that Rebellion , soe he might wash them in his teares , as to the sadd apprehension he had to see it spredd so far , & make such waste . And the Libeller himselfe after soe impertinent , and malitious an insinuation confesses he denies , it both heere , and elswhere .

But he sayes there is in it no such wide disagreemēt from the scope of his former Counsells , we are sure there could not be agreement with the scope of his former Counsells . It was agreeable to the Counsells of Rebells to defame the King with this aspersion , & it is not strange , that vntruths may be affirmed in three Kingdomes in reguard of the contrivers , that soe industriously spred them . But let vs heare his reasons or reports . It s most certaine , that the King was ever friendly to the Irish Papists . And its certaine , that what he sayes is falfe , but what s that to their Rebellion against himselfe , or destroying his Kingdome ?

But his certaintie is , that the King in his third yeare against the plaine advice of Parliament , like a kinde of Pope sold them many indulgences for money . And was he a kinde of Pope to take their penalties of them , which the law enacted for their recusancy , was that Pope like ? That the King might not receive the penalties , which the law gave him , or take compositions , where the whole could not be had was never against the advice of Parliament , but this is a very long stride from his third yeare to the beginning of the Rebellion , but how does he hang this togeather .

The advancing the Popish partie he sayes , but instances in noe particular , nor for negotiating vnderhand by Priests , which were as impertinent to an inference of the Kings friend-ship , or causing the Rebellion , as the vse of such persons by Ministers of State , though of different Religion .

He engaged the Irish Papists in a warr against the Scotch protestants , there was never popish engagement against the Scotts for the King , if in the kings Army raysed in that kingdome , there were Papists , it was without the engagement of their partie , but their engagement by alleagiance to their King , and whence doth it follow , that because the King raysed an Army in Ireland he must therefore rayse the Rebellion in Ireland ? and as it s well knowne , that the keeping vp of that Army would probably have prevented the Rebellion of Ireland , & that it was disbanded long before that Rebellion brake foorth ; so they , which complained so much of that Army , and importuned to have it disbanded , thereby prepared the way to their owne Rebellion as groundlesse , and cruell , as that of the Irish .

The summer before that dismall October a Committee of active Papists , all since in the head of the Rebellion , ( yet Sr. Hardresse waller was one of them ) were in greate favour at whitehall , and admitted to private consultations of the King , and Queene . Then all Companies of Traytours are Committees from the example of the late Parliament . But he was loath to say , they were a Committee ( as they were ) from the lower house of Parliament in Ireland , which kept correspondence with the faction of the English Parliament , and made addresses to them , and were encouraged by them in their proceedings with the King , and their comming over was wholy to serve the designe of the faction in England .

But noe meane matters were the subject of these conferences , for he gave away his peculiar right to more then five Irish Counties for an inconsiderable Rent . But it was not his right of soveraigntie , neither was this , which he calls noe meane matter a conference about the Rebellion , and this peculiar right , which this Libeller accuses the King for parting with not to Papists peculiarly , but subjects in generall , the accusers of the Earle of Strafford charged him for asserting to the King , and that inconsiderable Rent was in their judgment excessive , these are the colours of Justice , and truth , which these Rebells put on their Calumnies .

They departed not till within two moneths before the Rebellion . Rebells ordinarly disgiuse their intentions , and therefore such might frequent the Court , as the faction in Parliament pretended affection , and dutie , while they plotted to destroy the King , and now the Libeller resorts to his Scotch Author , who he sayes declares . What should move the King to those close meetings , he , that beleives Sanders , Carries , and other Papists in their virulent forgeries against Queene Elizabeth , may likely give credit to the Libeller , and his friend the Scotchman , and take vp infamous Libells for true stories .

The Libeller flies from hence to one of his common haunts , the designe of bringing vp the English , and Scotch Army , and thinkes it noe repetition , which he had soe often obtruded , and he inferrs , that because the King could not prevayle with them , he betakes himselfe to the Irish , who had in readines an Army of eight thousand Papists , and a Committee heere of the same Religion . But what to doe to kill one another ? If the King sought to make vse of the Irish , that rebelled , he might more advantagiously have done it , then by cutting one anothers throates , and had they intended him assistance , they would not have consumed themselves against his subjects there , and how could he transport that Army from Ireland , that was disbanded before ever the Rebellion brake foorth , and the Committee departed two moneths before .

He tells vs from his friend the Scotchman , that there were they , who thought now was the time to doe service for the Church of Rome against the Puritant Parliament . It s very likely there were they , who thought the Puritan faction in Parliament had done more to the advantage of the Church of Rome by the embroyling of England , then ever had been done since the reformation , and they might well thinke it a fit time to attempt any designe against the Kingdome . And did not the Libeller thinke , that there are among the vulgar such capacities , as receive legends , and Romanses for true stories , he would not soe grossely produce such discourses of five Counties given to the Irish , and fower offred to the Scotch , And of like stuffe is his mention of the Kings attempt to pervert the Scotch Army from their way homeward , and the plot , which he hath taken from his Scotch Colleague to remove out of the way such , as were most likely to withstand , or not further his defignes . With this libertie of invention doe theis Traytours seeke to maske their villany

That a Commission vnder the greate seale of Scotland commaunded this Rebellion . Was taken vp after the pretence of the greate seale of England was detected of falsitie , and as this greate seale of Scotland hath asmuch vntruth , soe it hath noe more colour , there being noe possibilitie for the King to vse that seale , not at all in his power to such a Commission .

The sending of the Ld. Dillon is of the same stampe , what the Irish did is easily graunted , but the falshoods of this Libeller , and his friend the scotchman are no misteries of iniquitie , but open , and detected cheates . & one quotes the authoritie of the other , as if they were strangers mett by chance , and make Libelling their worke to distract the people , and yet from these devices the Libeller will conclude , that the King cannot be doubted to be Author , or instigatour of that Rebellion . It had been ridiculous to cite a gazett , but a branded stigmaticke , infamous . If his reason be moved by such Arguments , t is the lesse wonder , that his language , and practice is soe corrupt , and he may reckon himselfe among that rabble of the vulgar , he soe much despises .

These Testimonies likelyhoods , evidences , and apparent Actions , which he mentions in the declaration of July 1643. Are of as litle credit , as his friend the Scotchman . And there is not a more evident conviction of malefactours , then their declarations against the king are of the guilt of those , that contrived them , setting foorth their dutie , which the dissembled , and condemning their actions , which they disavowed .

It is not credible , that the Irish Rebells would be soe farr from humanitie , as to slander him being soe well received by him at Oxford . If a man had wanted an proofe of the Libellers absurditie , he might heere be furnished by himselfe , that drawes an Argument from the humanitie of the Irish , whose barbaritie , and Treacherie is soe greate a part of his accusation against the king . They who were received at Oxford vpon offer of submission , were very farr from pretence of such a Commission , and it may be aswell concluded they had a Commission at Oxford , as before , because they were there , and aswell concluded , that they never Rebelled , as that they made noe salfe pretences of their Rebellion .

The king neede not bring proofes against a groundles accusation , that containes not any evidence of fact , and a single denyall by al lawes is preferred before such a charge , and it is as likely , that the Rebells in Ireland should pretend his Seale , as those in England his authoritie , & noe man doubts of the invaliditie of a Rebells pretence .

This Chapter is not without witnes of his good affection to the Rebells , which he collects from that the king sayes , they were lesse in fault , then the Scotts , from whome they might alledge to have fetched their imitation , making no difference , sayes the Libeller , betweene men , that rose necessarily to defend themselves , which noe Protestant Doctrine ever disallowed against them , who threatned warr , and those who began a voluntary , & causeles Rebellion . If the Irish made warr not to be restrained from their Religion , had they not the same cause , & the same pretence of defending themselves , as the other pretended for refusing the Common prayer booke , and expelling Bishopps ? Where lies the odds ? Is it Protestant Doctrine , that they may defend themselves , and Papists may not , and that Protestants may Rebell for Religion , Papists may not ? That were very much to the credit of Religion , but the Libeller will not acknowledge the protestants , nor their Doctrine , who maintaine it to be vnlawful for subjects to defend themselves against the supreame power , though Tyranically abused , and there is noe neede to fly to the Parliaments authoritie , if subjects may take Armes against their king vpon pretence of defending themselves .

The Libeller well knowes the just indignation the Protestants abroade have expressed for this scandall , the king names not the Scotts , but thinkes , that their blame must needes be greater , whose Actions the Irish had to alledge for their imitation , by how much protestant principles are more against Rebellion , then those of Papists such , as inferre good affection to the Irish from such premises will easily make vaine , or malitious rumours strong proofes .

The King sayes , he hath the greatest share of dishonour , and losse , by what is committed . The Libeller , as before makes this noe Argument , because every one , that offends God , or his neighbour hath the greatest share of losse and dishonour in the end , and have they not worldly ends , in offending God , and if these ends were not sought by them , they would not offend God ?

He pretended before , that this was a politique contrivance of the King , and now he would have it an act without designe . Doth he thinke , that the malitious reports of him , and his Scotchman are of weight to make a man suspected of an act directly tending to his owne vndoing , and would the King instigate the Irish Rebellion for his owne ends to have the assistance of the Irish , which by such engagement could not assist him . Though presumptions are noe convincing proofes , yet they are more credible , then suspitions , or reports . It is a strong Argument for the peoples confidence in their King more then in other men , because his interest lies cheifely in the common welfare of his subjects , and it is hard to beleive , that a King will knowingly doe any thing against that interest , and to his owne losse , and dishonour , and whenever any have offended in that kinde , the proofe of it hath been more apparent , then the authoritie of rumours , and Libells , but heere the act it selfe cannot have any possibilitie of concurrence to the Kings ends .

It too notoriously appeares in another section , which he Mangles , but shall heere have it whole . The King sayes , t is thought by many wise men , that the preposterous rigour , and vnreasonable severitie , which some men carryed before them in England was not the least incentive , that kindled , and blew vp into those horrid flames the sparkes of discontent , which wanted not predisposed fewell for Rebellion in Ireland . The Libeller sayes that these some men are the Parliament . And if the Rebells had feed an Advocate , he could hardly have dazled better . Truly the Libellers too notoriously doth not amount to a dazling of any eyes from descerning his vaine confidence . Does any thing heerein excuse a Rebellion , that speakes only of what succeded it ? And if the kings censure of the proceedings of such , as managed the busines against the Rebells , shew an affection to the Rebells then certainely most Princes , that have had warrs in Ireland were very guiltie of that affection , that vsed like censures , but what the king sayes heere was spoken in Parliament by diverse members , who disadvised the preposterous severitie , that was propounded , and afterward proceeded in , and it will rest an indelible blemish of a rash , and vnadvised Councell in those men , that in the beginning of a Rebellion would put a whole nation into despaire , and feare of extirpation .

That their wonted oppressions , as they conceived should rather have made them against the King , then the Parliament is easily beleived , for it s knowne to all the world they did rise against the king vpon pretence of regaining their nationall liberties from the English oppression , as they called it , and since the Libeller seeth soe apparent an Argument of their rising against the king , its blinde madnes to suspect their rising for the king . The Parliament then pretended to act for the king , and that the Rebellion was against him , not themselves , but the man deserts his Arguments , and falls to his old common place , and will suspect the king , because he vsed the Prelaticall Religion , and to force it vpon others made Episcopall , Ceremoniall , and common prayer booke warrs . Such men , as made warrs , and raysed Rebellion to take away the order of Bishopps , Ceremonies , and booke of Common prayer established by lawes in the Raignes of best Princes with the advice of the most eminent confessours , and Martyrs of the age , wherein they lived conformable to the Scripture , and purest times of the Church , declare to the whole world , that they have neither shame , truth , nor Religion , and are justly stigmatized for making not only Episcopall , Ceremoniall , and common prayer booke warrs , but Antichristian , and Diabolicall Rebellion .

That the Papists knew these warrs were their warrs may easily be beleived , for they must needes apprehend advantage from the Rebellion But it s well knowne , that the Papists are more jealous of Episcopacie , Ceremonies , and booke of common prayer , as they stand reformed in the Church of England , then of the Directory , Extemporall devotions , independent , or Presbiterall platformes , that have noe foundation in the Scripture , or the doctrine , or practice of the ancient Church , but what is this to the preposterous rigour , and vncharitable fury , that he would justifie ? Does he meane , that the extirpation of the Irish was the sole way to suppresse open Idolatry , and is this what we may doe Evangecally to be their Reformers ? Is blood , & massacre Evangelicall reformation , & is kill , and reforme the same thinge ? As that rigour observed by his Majest was altogeather vnpolitique , soe if it were intended in order to Religion , it was most abominable , such Massacres being the designes of irreligious persecutours , not Evangelicall Reformers , who though they feare not their adversaries , yet will not give them cause of scandall , nor desperation , and such , as make destruction their Reformation , shew they feare men , whome they seeke to kill , not God , whome presumptuously , and hipocritically they pretend to serve .

His instance of King James is as impertinent , as scurrilous , that after the powder plot King Iames durst never doe other , then equivoiate , and collegue with the Pope , & bis adherents . Doth this viper beleive , the Pope , or his adherents had any such thoughts ? Was the writing against the the Pope a Colloguinge ? The many invectives of Popish writers against him signifie the plaine contrary ; besides the lawes made by him against Popish recusants shew , that the Author was in one of his lunatique transes , when he dreamt of that heckticke trembling .

The retarding , and delayes of releife to Ireland against that Rebellion , were soe apparently discovered to proceede from the faction in Parliament , that there rests not the least colour to charge it vpon the King . They converted the subjects money , and other preparations for the releife of Ireland to the raysing of the Rebellion in England , and they hindred the going over of a new governour into that kingdome , because they would vse his helpe to their designes at home .

They were diffident to trust the King with an army , and therefore refused his offer to goe in person against the Rebells . It seemes they had litle compassion on that people , that preferred their jealosies before their pittie , & it is a plaine Treason , and encouragement to that Rebellion to pretend distrust of their King , and shewes they sought their owne personall securitie before the remedie of that Rebellion , & the safetie of the kingdome . His Majest might justly finde fault with those , who threatned all extreamitie to the Rebells , and they , that exclude all mercy to every single person , where multitudes are involved , and such , as followed Absolom with a simple heart , shew neither humanitie , nor Christianitie , when Fathers Brothers , Wives , and Children were destroyed by such an occasion , neither is Magistracie , and warr vnder the gospell giuded by such passions , but by the rules of Christian pittie , and such as give themselves the licence of vniversall Massacres , will not abstaine from embruing their hands in the blood of their Fathers , Brothers , Wives , and Children , sparing neither ancient , nor suckling , King , nor Priest , defacing , all Monuments of Christianitie , and turning Religion into the discourses of their hirelings , and all devotion into squint eyes , and disfigured faces , and erect an Empire in themselves with the slaughter of all , that submitt not to them .

The repetition of making the warr by the King in England , is his Catholicon against all exceptions , and Gewgawes of the Crowne , and Copes , and surplisses , and such trinketts , he thinkes are names to sublimate his braine sicke Sectaries into their frenetique fitt , and make them cry out greate are the Calves of their vnknowne Religion , whither they contemne the wisedome of God vnder the law , & his mercy vnder the gospel , and will rather wade through the blood of their Country , then endure power in the King , or decencie in the Church .

There is greate difference betweene the instances of the destruction of the sichemites , and the disciples calling , for fire from heaven against the Citie , that denyed lodging , and this of a nation by just warr , & execution to slay whole famelies of them , who had staine whole families before . But where lies the odds , there was asmuch threatned to the Irish , as was done to the sichemites ? Though there were a difference betweene the sins of some , there was noe difference betweene the innocence of many , and there is noe difference betweene them , that will destroy promiscuously without mercy , where all are not guiltie in the one case , and the other . But why doth not the Libeller state his case right , and insteede of families sett downe the whole nation , as the truth was ? Did he shrinke at the expression of the truth at large , and name families to diminish the guilt ?

That , which was done against the Benjamites , was by Gods revealed will in that particular Case , and yet there was a remnant reserved of them ; that escaped the present stroake of the warr , and they returned againe to their possessions .

The Libeller sayes , he speakes not this , that such measure should be meated to all the Irish , or as remembring , that the Parliament ever soe decreed . But if they did soe , then this shall serve for their justification , for to what end els is it , that he offers excuses ?

To shew , that this homily , ( meaning it seemes the Kings discourse ) hath more of craft , and affectation , then sound doctrine . But either it is sound doctrine , or else the Libeller must justifie the contrary , to which he sayes that which he speakes is not intended , and that , which he hath brought shewes , that the homily he intends is found Doctrine , and his intended opposition signifies nothing , but his owne corruption .

The King would have some punished , which he sayes were of least vse , and must of necessitie have been sacrifised to his reputation . And can he thinke , that the king caused the Rebellion , and yet would punish any for his reputation , might they not then produce it ? and how then could he sacrifise them to his reputation , which would be more wounded by the punishing of one , then the sparing of all .

The king sayes , some were to be pretected vpon their submission from the fury of those , who would soone drowne them , if they refused to swim downe the popular streame with them . The Libeller sayes that fury is applyed to the Parliament . If such were their condition , it s not misapplyed .

The Libeller sayes , he remembers not they had soe decreed , & if not , how could it be applyed to them ? And wherefore doth he except to the soundnes of the doctrine , if it concerned them not ?

Those , who would not swim downe the streame are Papists , Prelates , and their faction . He meanes not English Prelates , for they have not yet been charged with the Irish Rebellion , and if he meane the Romish Prelates , it were superfluous , having named Papists before , and why doth he say , that he speakes not , that such measure should be meated to all the Irish , when he would have the king esteemed a favourer of the Jrish Rebellion , if he protected any Irish Papists vpon their submission ? For he sayes , by this , who sees not , that he , and the Irish Rebells had but one aime . And whoever thinkes he sees it by this hath neither sight , nor reason , and there is nothing to be seene in the Libellers inference , but excessive impudence , and falshood .

The King sayes , some kinde of zeale is not seldome more greedy to kill the Beare for his skin , then for any harme he hath done . This the Libeller renders our zeale , and would inferre from thence , that the Parliamentis more bloody in the prosecution of their Iustice , then the Rebells in their crueltie . And by what construction can he make that good ? may there not be by ends in a judge , & yet his sentence not soe bloody , as a malefactours Cryme , & he , that charges a Magistrate with a wrong end in giving a Just sentence , doth not diminish the Cryme of the malefactour . Can any rationall soule conclude vpon the Kings dislike of irregular proceedings against the Irish , that he excused their Cryme ? This is chaffe to cast in the eyes of his bleerde Sectaries , for none else are soe purblinde , and there neede noe dispute , that the King perfectly hated the Irish Rebellion , & justly censured the proceeding in that vnseasonable threatning of destruction . The instance of the beares skin was made by a member of the lower house at the time , when they debated that busines , and yet they then thought it noe favour to the Irish , nor censure of their owne proceedings .

The cessation , which the King made was in favour of the Irish , and without the advice of Parliament , to whome he had committed the managing of that warr . The King plainely descerned , that the designe of the faction in Parliament in managing the Irish warrs was only to draw money from the people vnder that pretence to subdue England , and destroy him by taking away al assistance from him , and thence proceedes their Calumnie vpon the cessation ; and their willfull neglect , and diversion of succours amidst the reiterated Cryes of the protestants in that Kingdome , the importunitie of the Lords Justices , and the visible growth of the Enemy shewes the advantage they made of that Rebellion , & the King was bound in Justice , and honour to preserve that Kingdome , and in Christian pittie to releive his distressed subjects , which he could not doe without resuminge the managing of that warr , which had been soe Treacherously miscarried by those he trusted , & as he made that cessation by the advice , & intreatie of his protestant subjects there , soe they were sufficient wittnesses of the low condition themselves were in , and the power of the Rebells .

But the Libeller would prove , that the Protestants there were on the winning hand , because they kept their owne not withstanding the misse of those forces , which were landed in walls , and Cheshire , who without difficultie Mastered a greate part of these Countreyes . The Protestants keeping of their owne was by the benifitt of that cessation , without which they hoped not to keepe it , and those Countreyes of walls , and Cheshire were not mastered by those forces , as the Libeller supposes , but protected by them against the Tyrany of the Rebellion then entring vpon them .

The Declaration , which he vouches for proofe is an infamy to the Authors , conteyning neither colour of proofe , nor soundnes of Argument , and of as litle creditt , as his owne assertions . In the meane time those forces of the Protestants , which the king gott by that cessation declare to the world , that the Irish Rebellion crossed his ends , and advanced those of the English Rebells .

The way-laying of provisions was contradicted by such apparent proofes in his Majest answeares , that vntill they make some reply to those particulars , their clamours will signifie nothing but want of matter .

The forces he called over stood him in noe small steede against our maine forces . That noe way hinders , but that they might be termed handfulls in respect of the numerous Rebells both in Ireland , & England . The reasons of the cessation , besides the knowne evidence of truth , and weight have an addition of Authoritie from the Libellers calling them false , and frivolous without the least shew of reason , it being his custome to stile truth , and reason by such Titles .

He reprehends the king for likening his punishments to Iobs Tryalls , before he saw them have Iobs endings . And vpon the same reason he will not allow the Tryalls of the Martirs to have a likenes to Jobs , because the end in respect of Temporall felicitie was not the same .

The king sayes , he hath not leisure to make prolix Apologies , from whence the libeller concludes those long declarations , and Remonstrances , which he calls Pamphletts set out in his name were none of his . And is not on of the cruell designes of the Traytours had noe leisure to make prolix Apologies , therefore the declarations , and Remonstrances published by him , while he was at libertie were none of his . The king hath given sufficient Testimony to stopp the mouth af a destractour , that noe writings , published in his name were above his abilitie . If his declarations were weightie , and just , why are they Pamphletts ? if not why , will not the Libeller believe him the Author whome he seeks to vilifie , but the world knowes the declarations in the name of Parliament were none of theirs , but voted vpon the word of a junto by such as had not capacitie , to vnderstand them .

That though the Common saying , that it is Kingly to doe well , and heare ill be sometimes true , yet more frequently to doe ill , and heare well by the multitude of flatterers , that deifie the name of Kings . It can hardly be proved , that ever evill king had soe many flatterers , as the best kings have detractours , and himselfe produces instances , how the multitude deified Simon Mountford , and such popular brovillions against their kings .

For the peace in Ireland , the Justice of it is now apparent , and he , that pardons Rebells to save the effusion of the blood of his good subjects , shewes greater tendernes to the good , then they , that by endeavouring to exclude all from mercy , expose them promiscuously to mutuall slaughter , and may justly be judged to looke vpon both with an indifferent eye , and that neither Justice , nor pittie , but greedy , and rapacious disires carry them to that crueltie .

The King prayes at large for the Irish Rebells . It seemes Charitie for Enemies is held a sin by these miscreants , otherwise he would not have censured a prayer soe becoming a Christian , that God would not give over the whole stocke of that seduced nation to the wrath of those , whose covetuousnes makes them cruell , nor to their anger , which is too feirce , and therefore justly cursed . The King deprecates the Rebellion of Ireland , and in his prayer concludes his innocence , and that if he had not studied the composing of the differences sayes , let thy hand be vpon me , & my fathers house . And this the Libeller calls a solemne Curse , which is his judgment of the Cryme , and the assertion of his innocence . Though God afflict his servants , his hand is not against them in wrath , as this wretch presumes to say , and lookes not on that curse , which God denounces against bloody , and deceitefull men , that pretend his service in the destruction of his servants .

Vpon the calling in of the SCOTTS , and their COMMINGE .

HE , that observes how greate a part of this Libellers booke his invectives against Monarchy take vp , & how frequently , and impertinently he offers his exceptions against Kingly Government in excuse of falshood , and Rebellion , may well wonder at his exceptions to pretended repetitions , in the Kings booke he enters vpon this Chapter with his opinion of the originall of Kings to be servants of the publique . And yet the people were subjects to them , and how farr Kings mistake the nature of their office , that thinke they are Masters of the people . And yet God gave nations to serve them . Though their power is for publique good , yet they have a peculiar proprietie in that power , and Estate , as private men in their private fortunes , & its more for the peoples good to be subject , though to an evill King , then to fall to confusion . And if rulers may not retaine their power , because factious multitudes say , that they are but intrusted for the peoples good , & that it is for the peoples good , that they yeilde vp the sword , they bare it in vaine . Such a wooden sword have the Rebells provided for all Rulers , but themselves , for when they get power by their swords of steele , or mines of powder the people may not thinke , that they shall finde such Lords of straw , as they pretend governours of the people ought to be . We are taught by Scripture , that the people are commaunded to hearken , and obey , not teach , & commaund , and though his supposition , that Government is in the people , and that they ordained Kings be vaine , and false by the examples of Scripture , and of most Authenticke histories , yet were it admitted , that a King came in by the peoples consent , they are not after such submission Judges of their owne obedience , or their Kings power .

It were vaine to follow the Libeller in his exceptions to the words of favour , and gratification , as sounding pride , and Lordly vsurpation , as if kings only had nothing in their power to oblidge men with all , these are the spleenetique vapours of Rebellious distemper .

For the Kings concessions to the Scotts , either touching Episcopacie , or the Militia , wee shall heare his answeare in due time , howsoever the king was not bound to the same Actions , where Circumstances varied , nor after a fuller vnderstanding of the nature , and consequence of the things graunted , and as his Majest professed a cleerer information after these Actions had passed him , soe he evidently saw , that they were more against his subjects good , then his owne , and that insteede of preventing an Arbitrary power , it would have introduced an arbitrary licence , and confusion into the Kingdome , and such men , as preferre the bondage of popular confusion , or the licentious insolence of many Lords , are eyther inchanted with a witch craft of Rebellion , or stupidly benummed with a senseles Lethargy .

With what Zeale the Libeller reproves the abuse of Scripture , when he exclaimes , as if it offended his conscience , we may perceive by the allusion he makes saying . Ireland was as Ephraim , the strength of his head , meaning the Kings , Scotland , as Iudah was his law giver , but over England , as over Edom he meant to cast his shooe . Hath this man reverence to Scripture , or the Author of it ?

He comes againe to accuse the King for persecuting the consciences of Religious men , a knowne vntruth , yet soe much beloved by the Libeller , as he seemes impatient to misse the repetition of it , and with this he joynes his reproving the Kings profession of being an Enemy of those , that forced the conscience because he had made a warr , and lost all , rather then not vphold the Bishopps . It is an Argument , that he esteemed his conscience , that lost all for it . But the Libeller sayes , they were persecuting Bishopps . The King vpholding Bishopps , vpholds not persecution , or abuse , and the Libellers confounding the office , & ill exercise of it makes knowne his want of Argument . The falshood of their Calumnies against the Bishopps is sufficiently manifested to the world , that after soe many vehement outcryes they have not proved on such act of persecution done by any one of them , & not the presons but the office , & lawe were the persecution in this mans judgment .

The King obtruded new Ceremonies vpon vs , vpon the Scotts a new Liturgie There were noe new Ceremonies obtruded by him in England , and this horrid Rebellion to take away the Ceremonies , and Government legally established , and continually practised , vnder the name of innovations , detects both the fraude , and outrage of their proceedings . The new leiturgie offred the Scots by advice of their Bishopps , and Clergie , was an act befitting the care of a King , and noe man will beleive , that it was an offence to their consciences , who made noe conscience of blood , and Rebellion vpon pretence of their conscience , which the world sees was an hipocriticall straining at a straw , and swallowing a Camell , and these tender conscience men have written their tendernes of conscience with the blood of their brethren ; which will remaine a memoriall of their dissembled sanctitie .

What hinderance of the search of truth , he meanes is not vnderstood , vnles he would have the dreames of mad sectaries confirmed by authoritie .

He would have the penalties of lawes thought persecution of the conscience , and sectaries the Judges , and sayes , if himselfe ( meaning the King ) and his learned Churchmen were the obstinate part , should Reformation suffer them to sit Lording like the greate whore ? And are sectaries Libells convictions of Kings , and learned Churchmen , and the clamours of malefactours a sentence against the Judge ? Such is the Government , that must now rule the world , and Reformation must be an Idoll in the hands of a seditious sectarie , whereto the people must fall downe , and such vnstable multitudes carried about with every winde of doctrine are likely to be those many waters , on which the greate whore sits , which hath for corruption , and crueltie a greate resemblance vnto those false prophetts , that now seduce the people .

These Clergimen were not to bedriven like sheepe , but driven out like wolves . But they are theeves , and wolves , that enter into the sheepefold by violence , and stealth , and the ambition , and greedines of these wolves will finde occasion to sucke the blood , and devoure the flesh of the sheepe .

The king sayes , that he beleives the Presbiterie , though proved to be the only institution of Iesus Christ , were not by the sword to be set vp without his consent , which is contrary saith the Libeller , both to the doctrine , and knowne practice of all Protestant Churches , if his sword threaten those , who of their owne accord imbrace it . But then it , cannot be sett vp by the sword , vnles his sword threaten those , that imbrace it ; And this jugler denies , what the king sayes , and yet in effect professes it , and while he enrages the Tumults to sett vp their Presbiterie with the sword produces Arguments only for defence . The reformed Churches professe to follow the ancients in suffering , not associate themselves to bloody Sectaries in Rebelling . And his next words impert that private men may not contend with Magistrates , nor vse force against them .

Though Christ , and his Apostles being to Civill affaires but private men contended not with Magistrates , yet when Magistrates themselves , and especially Parliament come to know Religion they ought to defend it against any King , or Tyrant . What is defence to the question in hand of setting vp Religion by the sword without the kings consent ? May an inferiour Christian Magistrate take Armes against his superiour a Pagan to sett vp Religion . Is he not as much a private man as our Saviour , and his Apostles , where the Civill power hath not given him a right ? And as a Civill right is not imaginable , soe the pretence of a power from Religion is execrable , and false which will not permitt an vsurpation vpon the Civill right . There may be a King , where there is noe Parliament , and it is noe more lawfull for an inferiour Migistrate , or to Parliament , who are but private men in regard of the Prince , whose deputies they are to take the sword to sett vp Religion against the King their soveraigne , then for any private men , and were not the libeller distracted betweene evidence of truth , and his owne corrupt inclinations , he would not instance in the name of Magistrates , and Parliament , that but the line before pretended the power of the people to doe the same thing by the doctrine , and practice of all Protestant Churches , and would make them more publique persons , then their Saviour , and his Apostles , he thinkes his reviling language of Tyrany , and bloody Bishopps , and the King their pupill are irrefragable Arguments in the judgment of his pubills .

There is a large difference betweene forcing men by the sword to turne Presbiterians , and defending them , who willingly are soe . But then it is impious to force ment to be soe , what those wretches did to the King for not being soe , and for not consenting to impose it , vpon the kingdome by a law , the world knowes , and the world is wittnes , and they have robbed men of their possessions by the sword to sett vp this new Religion .

His charging Covetuousnes , and ambition to be the events of Episcopacy , is schismaticall malice , for Episcopacie in the beginning of the Church was attended with povertie , and persecution , but the libeller will make Martirdome their ambition , and wants their Covetuousnes .

He will have , that English Episcopacie hath markes of schisme , whether we looke at Apostolicke times , or reformed Churches , if he had shewed wherein , it had deserved an answeare , but we see what Apostolicke times he meanes , that will not allow any Church of the world from the time of the Apostles til the present age , & because the Church of England is not vniversall , therefore all Sectaries may pretend themselves the Church .

For the authoritie of Scripture , he needed not take paines to prove it . The Church of England claimes not power over other Churches , but to correct Schismatickes within her selfe . The exposition of Scripture may not be received from arrogant Sectaries against the judgment of the vniversall Church , & the King might very well reject such reasons , as they , which offered them , had soe lately before disavowed , and pretended themselves scandalized with the imputation of such opinions . The greatest number of these pretended Reformers professed detestation of the opinion of lawfullnes in taking Armes against their Prince , of the opinion of the vnlawfullnes of Episcopacy , booke of Common prayer , and Ceremonies , and who now would dispute with such men maintaining these renounced opinions with such bloody vehemencie .

It is not for the King to defend the Church otherwise then the Church would be defended . And what is the Church in the libellers sense , nothing but the crew of John of Leydons saints , and must the King follow them against the Church , these are the Divills factours to sett vp an Idoll Religion .

These deceivers talke of the power of the keyes , in whose power holy things are , as if the keyes , that Christ gave to his Disciples are transmitted to this distempered crew , that pretend a power of their owne giving .

Their Blasphemous pretence of enthusiasmes hath been the wonder , and scorne of wise men , and that s the spirit which must not be fettered with a negative voyce ? But may it not be fettered by the Parliaments negative voyce , and why is it more fettered by the kings then theirs ? That which he calls Tyranicall , and presumptuous in the king , wich the same breath justifies in the Parliament , and yet complaines of Tyrany vpon the conscience . Such consciences are senseles of Tyrany , aswell , as of sin having given themselves vp to the Empire of hell .

The kings negative voyce could impose nothing , yet these desperate hipocrites say , they were compelled to implore the aide of Parliament to remove it from their consciences . And if the ground of their warr were to take away his negative voyce , their pretence of defensive force appeares noe other then violence , and persecution , which they soe hipocritically complaine of , & such tender consciences , as feele not falshoods , and Rebellion must be mercilesse destroyers of Religion , and Government , as these have proved .

The King had cause to seeke aide against Rebellion , and oppression , but that s noe warrant for Traytours to linke themselves by conspiracies to performe it , and the King might justly wonder at their confident boasting of Gods assistance , as if they had the certaintie of some Revelation , and flying to the Scotts succours , while they were soe furnisht with provisions for warr . And now after all the Libellers rayling at Episcopacie Copes , & surplisses , he will not permitt . Arch Presbiterie Classicall , Provinciall , and diocesine Presbitery claiming Lordly power , and superintendencie to be imposed vpon them . Heeres Babell confounded , and they , that were linkt in disloyaltie must part for Presbitery , and independencie , and will not see the evill spiritt , that first combined them in Rebellion , and now divides them to fight one against another .

A Determination by the best divines in Christendome in a full , and free synod is he sayes an improbable way , and every true Church hath wherewithall from heaven to be compleate , and perfect within it selfe . And why doth he tell vs , that no Church denominated by a particular name bindes our faith , or obedience , and hath any Romanist affirmed more for their infallibilitie , then he ascribes to every one of his Parlours , and wherefore is English protestant a Schismaticall name , as he affirmes , and that the whole nation is not to be thought soe raw , as to neede the helpe of other nations . But what is the whole nation to every conventicle , are theis seperaists the whole nation ? And why would he bind the Kinge to other reformed Churches ?

If the primitive Christians had been of his opinion , Generall Councells had been of litle vse , & the Disciples at Antioch needed not have sent to Jerusalem for advice in a question . But these men thus shuffle , and pretend the sufficiencie of a nation , intend only the perfection of their Parlour congregations , and allow noe sufficiencie in Church , or nation , that submits not to their insolent prescriptions .

He sayes the King accuses pietie with want of loyaltie , because he sayes in vaine doe men hope to builde their pietie on the ruines of loyaltie . The King rightly determines , that pietie is but pretended , where loyaltie is despised , as such doe that thinke it safe to renounce all fidelitie to their lawfull King , and his family , and depend on the faith of perjured villaines vpon pretence of pietie , as he perswades the Scotts to doe .

Vpon the COVENANT .

HE seemes desirous to be short in this Argument , being a point , which he is loath to touch , till he see the successe of some attempts , and he would not willingly be out of hope of the Scotts , nor venture to displease them by his glosses .

To the mention of the Bishopps possession heere since the first plantation of Christianitie in this Island , and vniversall prescription since the Apostles till this last centurie he sayes , But what availes the most primitive antiquitie against the plaine sense of Scripture , which if the last Centurie have best followed , it ought in our esteeme to be the first . But where is the plaine sense of Scripture against antiquitie ? It s very plaine , that these Sectaries noe more esteeme the present century , then the ancient , nor more the scripture then either of them , but take a libertie to vent their owne fanaticall , and arrogant fancies for Scripture , and reject all ordinary meanes vpon pretence of a lying spiritt . His Majest meant not to oppose antiquitie to Scripture , but where the practice of antiquitie is consonant to Scripture . It s impious to reject the Communion of the first age . All helpes of interpretation are fetters to the proud Schismatickes , and this Libeller , that so lately obtruded the Example of the reformed Churches in the case of Epicopacie , quickely scornes the Classicall , Provinciall , and diocesine Presbiterie , and the last Century hath only seene the ascent of these Locusts , and he only likes that part of the last Century , wherein they crept soorth , and they would willingly have the credit to be a part of other Churches , though they are in truth Enemies to them all . We may with farr better reason beleive the interpretations , and practice of the primitive Church , then any moderne Reformers , and there were never any , but those Sectaries soe shamelesse to deny the Authoritie of antiquitie , or charge it in this particular with an aberration from Scripture , and many learned men living vnder Presbitery acknowledge the dignitie of Bishopps above Presbiters in the times of the Apostles . The Libeller likes any limitations in the Covenant , dangerous to the king , & soe much of the Covenant as concernes the casting out of Bishopps but he will sweare , and forsweare comformitie to the Church of Scotland , or any other .

That this Covevant had former practice , vnles in the french League cannot be shewne . The Libeller would have the Israelites entring a new into a Covenant with Asa their King to be a new Covenant , when it was only a renewing of their promise of obedience to God , noe Articles of their owne devising , and as that was with the King soe he hath found one without a King , for the Jewes , after the captivitee tooke solemne oath to walke in the Commaundements of God without consent demaunded of that King , who was then their Master , and they had the Authoritie of that King . But did they take an oath to vse violence against that King , if he consented not to them , or was the Covenent to walke in Gods Commaundements a new Covenant ? This is like their pulpitt proofes .

That Protestant Churches have made Leagues , or Covenant against their King .

Or imposed their confessions with Civill penalties vpon refusers without their Prince is a notorious slander , for the protestation , it was confined to established law , the Covenant to destroy law , and what was established by it , the protestation to defend the Doctrine , the Covenant to destroy the Government , which is comprehended in the Doctrine , and this the Libeller holds needes noe reconcitement . There is noe doubt , but the Examples of Asa , and Esra were approved by Scripture , but they are farr from the Examples of the present Covenant , and if the Libeller approve the taking of the Covenant , how doth he satisfie himselfe in the breach of it ? he hath found out away , for he may aswell breake that , as his oath to his King , and obligation to former lawes , which he sayes are Conditionall , and that condition to be expounded by every man at his pleasure .

He proceedes to shew the strength of the Covenant , and yet he will keepe it one way , and his brethren of another name , and sect another way . If he Covenant oblidge to contrary courses , it cannot be a Rule of Reformation , and as it clashes with former oaths to God , and the king rightly vnderstood , soe the clashing of these , that devised it , shewes , that the spiritt of peace was not desired by the contrivers , of that Covenant .

That the Kings booke is replenished with Popish Arguments must be spoken in a Corner , not publiquely with any modestie , for the Protestants throughout the world know the contrary , and will disavow this Covenanting power to be a part of their Religion .

The salvoes , cautions , and reservations vsed in taking the Covenant were the arts of the deceitefull composers , and it s well knowne it was an artifice vsed to perswade men to take it , that they might vse the libertie of their owne sense , and the Libeller willing to say some thing in detraction of the King vpon every occasion , as if it were a sin to vse truth , and ingenuitie , transposes words of the Kings , which were vsed in reproofe to additions of his owne , as if the King approved these shuffling cautions , who he well knowes detested both the Covenant , and them , and shewed the inniquitie of these deceites , and we have seene , that these Cautions have made Covenanter , and anticovenanter , Presbiterian , and independent Rebell .

The Libeller likes well the povertie of the Ministers of the gospell . And although the primitive povertie of Churchmen was very glorious , yet the Christian Laitie were never soe sordid to thinke a liberall patrimony vnfit for them , and Religion hath litle power , where the Clergie are trencher chaplaines to gluttons feasts .

These men , that judge povertie a curse to themselves hold it Christs legacie to the Ministers . If there were any legacie , povertie was to all Christians , aswell , as Clergie , but we see , that notwithstanding these professions , their Levites now hold more pluralities without remorse , then ever were knowne , and shame not to contradict their former declamations , but it is the calamitie of the Church , that greedy doggs devoure her patrimony , and barking detractours traduce her Clergie .

Vpon the many JEALOSIES &c.

TO wipe of Iealosies , and scandalls the best way had been by cleere actions ; or till Actions could be cleered by evident reasons . Cleere Actions , nor evident reasons will stopp the mouth of malicious slanderers , nor abate the industrie of conspiratours in raising jealosies , But these , which his Majest complained of were tempered only to vulgar capacitie , and were long since hist at by all knowing men , who saw apparently they were not the opinions of the devisers , but artifices of deceite , and the progresse of this Rebellion hath cleered al mistakes , and taken away al credit from these fopperies . It is very late for the Libeller to call to his aide the petitions , and addresses composed by the faction in Parliament , when himselfe accuses them for want of wisedome , and integritie , and whoever reades these addresses will easily finde not only cause to suspect the truth of what they say , but plaine proofe of falshood , and hipocrisie .

That the whole Parliament conspired against the King , he never said , and the author well knowes , that it was a potent faction only , to whome the King imputes this injurie , though their being elected to that place is no exemption from a possibilitie of errour , & Cryme , and we have seene it beyound doubt , that this faction conspired to blow vp the peoples affections towards him , and batter downe their loyaltie by the Engnies of fowle aspersions , and have acted what the powder plot intended . The King offers not to purge himselfe by any other Arguments , then such , whose proofe is visible to all the world , and the silliest people see , how they were cheated by factious Artists . The Kings Arguments are not only demonstrable to the best but obvious to common vnderstandings , and it cannot be expected , that such , as are resolute in wicked courses will aske forgivenes , or have it . The world knowes the King , when he wrote this , expected the Rebells crueltie , but feared it not , and there was not cause to vse insinuations , which were not to be divulged , till his death . Tyrants , and vsurpers are forced to flatter , but it s a wicked slander to charge him with flatterie , that is feareles of crueltie .

This Libeller prophanely descants on Scripture , as he doth apparently vpon the Kings misfortunes , for vpon the Kings saying , that he could willingly be the Ionah for restoring his peoples tranquillitie , if he did not foresee , that by the divided interests of their , and his Enemies , as by contrary windes , the storme of their miseries would rather be encreased then allayed . The Libeller sayes these mindes were never heard of in the compasse . And it s very likely never regarded by those , who never guided themselves by other compasse , then sea robbers , that make prey only their compasse . But were not these divided mindes heard of , when he spake of Arch presbitery , and other subdivisions ? And these windes he sayes were pretended to be foreseene least he should be taken at his word . The King foresaw their intended murther , and though he feared it not , his word never was to be taken to make himselfe accessory to his Enemies impietie . But that controversie , he sayes , divine lot hath ended . Suffering , and Martirdome hath been the lot of the righteous , but Gods controversie with their persecutors is not thereby ended , and the Libeller reckons too soone , the end of his controversie , that entitles God with such Actions .

The Kings knowledge is sufficiently evident , and he hath distinguished the venerable gray haires of ancient Religion from the old scurfe of superstition , and the vertigo of novell prophanes . And the wholesome heate of his well governing shewes his judgment in state Phisike , and while Emperickes , and horse leaches tooke vpon them to amend the body , they turned the equall temper of it into the feaverous rage of Tyranizing . There neede noe oracle to tell , who heated the furnace of this obloquy , it is sufficiently confessed , and they , that endured Nobuchadnezars furnace might have warned this Libeller to have abstained from that allusion , for if the oracle of truth , God himselfe commaunded the Jewes to be subject to Nebuchadnezar notwithstanding his golden Image , and madnes .

The libeller might see his litle with ill applyed in making the question , who deserved to be throwne in Nebuchadnezar , or his three Kingdomes ? And this high conceite of his deserves the fierie furnace , that would perswade three Kingdomes , they might cast in their King .

If his greate seale were not sufficient without the Parliament to create Lords , his parole must be vnable to create learned , and Religious men . Surely this man doth not see what he sayes , for it is a confessed truth , that the kings greate seale without Parliament was sufficient to create Lords , and though his judgment could not create men , yet by the choise he made , men are satisfied , he descerned them better , then they , that would vndertake to point them out .

The opposition proceeded from heads farr wiser , and spiritts of a nobler straine , then popular preachers . And are not their buffe , and sword preachers popular preachers ? And are those wiser heads , and nobler spiritts the Creatours of preachers ? And hath the tub overturned the pulpitt ?

The Priest led herodians with their blinde guides , are in the ditch already . These are the constant Testimonies of the Libellers reverence to Scripture , and things sacred , what s become now of the advice of the Parliament , and three Kingdomes ? He was very much overseene , that would have divided interests such vnknowne windes , and heere blowes away his brother Presbiterian for a Priest-led herodian , and blinde guide , travelling as he thought to sion , but moor'd in the Isle of weight , And we see , that these , who began first with the Bishopps will at last have noe Presbiters at all , but pretend with the Rebells against Moses , that all the congregation is holy , and will sayle by the winde of their owne braines without Card , or Compasse . Factions are not only like Mathematicall Lines allwayes divisible , but perpetually dividing . The Kingdome of England cannot acknowledge the wisedome of those heads , from whome the designe of destroying King , and Kingdome proceeded , men willfull for mischeife are farr from wise heads , nor is insolence , or inhumanitie a Testimony of noble spirits . Popular preachers now see they were deceived in their owne judgments , and abilities to governe , aswell as of the goodnes of the lawes they were governed by , and the persons , to whome they owed subjection , and that their planting of disaffection to the Church of England in the people could not attract reverence to them , but an attendance vpon vsurpers , who made vse of such preaching to improve the peoples disobedience to their lawfull Rulers , and they may now see , that aversion to the Church is a false measure of sinceritie , and that their followers after the shaking of their lawfull governours , call them , by whose ill principles they were misledd , blinde guides , and while this Libeller would seeme to be a Christian , he not only seekes to make the name a reproach , but the miseries thereof a scorne , whence comes his allusion of Priest-led herodians , but from the passage touching the place of our saviours nativitie enquired of the Priests by herod . & travelling to sion is not the subjects of common pasquils .

The Kings letter to the Pope imports nothing to his purpose , and all men now see , that Religion is not at all in their thoughts , and that these repetitions are vulgar scare crowes .

The innovations alledged by professed schismatickes , that innovate at vnquestionably demonstrate their owne confutation .

His vsing the assistance of some Papists in setling protestantisme was vnseemely , and suspicious . But the vse of them against such , as would vnsetle the Civill Government , and destroy the King vnder pretence of vnsetling the Religion established , is just , and necessary , and it inferrs not , that the most part of Protestants were against him , because an active faction had surprized the strength of the Kingdome , and necessitated him to seeke succours , where he might have them , the King never obtruded setlement of any thing new , but defence against violence of what was established , and Papists may fight for their King , though Traytours pretend to the Protestant Religion , for the ground of their quarrell .

That noe man ever thought , that the King had learned that difference of perswasion in Religious matters may fall out , where there is the samenes of dutie , Alleagiance , and subjection , And the Libeller askes , wherefore then such compulsion to the Puritans , and Scotland about conformitie to the Leiturgie ? Doth the King say , that those of different perswasions ought not to be better informed , and sought to be gained to a right vnderstanding ? though there may be the samenes of alleagiance , ought he not to seeke the samenes of perswasion in points of difference ? This is his common logicke , and he askes , wherefore then noe Bishopp , noe King ? He might have answeared himselfe , that there may not be the samenes of opinion touching alleagiance in differences of Religion , though there may be , and it s now plaine , though formerly not beleived , that such , as would have noe Bishopps , would have noe King , and had not the samenes of intention , though the same dutie , and obligation of alleagiance to their King , as those of the contrary perswasion , and that Episcopacy is agreeable to Monarchy , the contrary not , but Rebells catch at every shaddow , and offer every dreame for a truth , and are as light in obtrudinge pretences , as resolute to act their villanies either with , or without them .

How diversified sects , can be all protestants , must be shewed by some doctrines , that protestants yet vnderstand not , and the medly of Papists , and protestants in a religious cause is noe more disproportioninge of Religions , then the mixing of those diversified sects , which are noe more protestants , then Papists . Maskes , and disguises were the foreprophesied garments of Sectaries , and it is a sure signe , that their errours are willfull , not weake , sparing noe falshoods , whereby they may get power , and confating their pretences by their practice They heretofore professed greate opposition to Papists for doctrines of Rebellion , now they preach the same doctrines , & are angry , that there are papists , that disclaime them . The ancient Christians held it a Religious cause to defend their King , & Countrey , & were mixed with Pagans in that cause , and soe of late the protestants of France , and they held it vnchristian to forsake that Religious cause vnder pretence of Religion , and those pretences taken from Religion , the letter to the Pope , and evill Councellours , are apparent to be nothing , but vulgar cheates to enforce the King to consent to the Rebells demaunds , and wrest his scepter from him .

The sharpe afflictions of the Kingdome shew they were not inveterate diseases of Government , but a suddaine pestilence , and such , as can beleive , that the Tyrany , of the present Masters are the lawes of Parliament , deserve to be governed by a whip , not by a scepter . The Libellers reproofe of the peoples levitie , prayse of popularitie are inconsistēt , and his argument of reproach from dissenting to what the Parliament advised , and his charging the Parliament for want of wisedome , and integritie turne all his arguments to his owne shame , and shew , that it is not right , but Rebellion he pleades for , and that he esteemes neither Civill , nor Philosophicall libertie which are confined to Government , but confusion , and licence without limitts .

If this Libeller would be subject to a Magistrate , and in the Iames , as he professes , why doth he Rebell against the Magistrate , and the lawes , and why doth he pretend the Parliaments Authoritie , if he may breake that authoritie ? As indeede he doth alow , that noe obligations of Government can hold him , and by the same rule he pretends injury to be restrained in one thing , he may in every thing , and these Rebells like Lucifer vsurpe above all spheares .

Though men ought not to speake evill of diginties , which are just , yet nothing hinders to speake evill of those , who in their dignities doe evill as oft , as it is the truth . Then the Scripture vnnecessarily forbad to speake evil of dignities , for we may not speake vntruth of any person , & if the Scripture meant noe more then not to slander , in commaunding not to speake evill of the Ruler of the people , St. Paul needelessely retracted his words of the high Priest . If shewes how neere the spiritt of Lucifer , these men are , that pretend a right to practice whatever our Saviour , or such , as were inspired of God , forbad vpon pretence of actions done by power extraordinary , and yet there is no example of this speaking evill of dignities , as the Libeller imagines , nor of publique reproaches . Though Kings were reproved , it was by such , as had particular directions from God , not by every wandring levite , and they did not defame them to others . And as his Maj: we beleive was heard of God in mercy , so he might without injury to the Prerogative of Christ pray to be made the head stone of the conrer according to that subordination , which he held vnder God , and Christ in ruling his people .

Vpon the ORDINANCE against the booke of COMMON PRAYER .

INnovations are generally more dangerous , then old errours by how much peace is more desireable , then broyles , and combustions . We have noe warrant to beleive such a condition in the Church of God , that should allwayes be reforminge , nor that the Christian Church had never lawfull Pastours , nor any thing practised according to Christs institution , till the present Sectaries revealed it to the world . We have found by experience , that there is noe dotage equall to that men have vpon their owne opinions , nor any greater errours , nor mischeifes more dangerous ; then such ; which are introduced by pragmaticall Reformers , who would conforme the world to their fancies , and innovation is oftner obtruded vnder the name of reformation , then reformation is censured , and opposed vnder the name of innovation .

The King sayes not , that the removing of the Leiturgie was a thing plausible to the people , as he falsely relates , but sayes , that after popular contempts offred to the booke , and those , that vsed it , it must be crucified by an ordinance . His Majest likens not the rejection of the booke to the crucifying of our Saviour , but the carriage of the rejecters to the cursed Jewes , who crucified our Saviour , and these men , that rejected the booke shewed as litle reverence to him , that was to be prayed to by the formes in that booke , as to the booke it selfe .

King Edw. 6. confesses to the Cornish Rebells , it was noe other , then the old masse booke done into English some few words expung'd , which is very false , though al , that is in the old masse booke is not therefore to be rejected , and these men may aswell make an Argument they may not pray at all , because the Masse booke prescribed prayer , aswell as reject formes of Devotion , because they were in the masse booke .

It was the Carnall feare of divines , and Politicians , that modelled the Leiturgie , noe further of from the old masse , least they should incense the people . This hath been the conceite of Schismaticall Politicians , though the lightnes of it be very apparent , for it cannot be thought , that the people would be more incensed by an alteration of the prayer , then an alteration of the language , and the taking away of the externall superstitions was more likely to incense the people , as it did , then any alteration of the Leiturgie , and it had been very easie to have made any alteration in the Matter , when the language was changed , and in the time of Queene Elizabeth , when no such feare could be pretended , the demaunds of the schismatickes for abolishing the leiturgie were held frivolous , and seditious .

The Libeller sayes good desires rightly conceived in the heart , wholesome words will follow of themselves . But wholesome words will beget good desires , and how publique prayer in the congregation can be vsed , vnles a leiturgie be admitted noe true Christian can finde a way .

That the prescription of a Leiturgie was not imposed , nor practised by the first founders of the Church , is an apparent falshood , The Lords prayer , and the prescriptions of the Apostles to make prayers for all men , for Kings , & al in authoritie , that we might leade a quiet life in all godlines , and honestie , and the many leiturgies yet extant convince all , but willfull gainsayers , and it had been in vaine for the Apostle to commaund the people to obey such , as had the oversight of them , if they had noe authoritie to prescribe things lawfull , and honest , and this Libeller , that hath been florishing with authoritie of the reformed Churches , heere condemnes them all , who , none excepted , vse Leiturgies .

Without whose ( meaning the first founders of the Church ) precept , and example , how constantly the Priest puts on his gowne , and surplisses , soe constantly doth his prayer put on a servile yoke of Leiturgie . It seemes the mention of gowne , and surplesse are instede of Arguments to his well principled men , and soe is yoke of Leiturgie , though by his owne confession , that yoke is not in the Leiturgie it selfe , but only for the supposed want of precept , or example , for if there had been either of them , as both are apparent , there had been noe yoke in his judgment , neither can that be a yoke in Religion , which is not sinfull , and sin there cannot be without breach of a law , and if the Libeller could reduce Leiturgies within that compasse , he neede not vse those beggerly negatives , and if the vsing of Leiturgie by the Priest be a yoke , doe not the peoples prayers , that put on the Priests extemporary words , put on a yoke of Leiturgie ? For are not his words asmuch yoke to them , as the publique Leiturgie of the Church to him ? And it is evident , that they , who vse noe set formes in publique prayer , direct them more to the hearers , then to God , studying for expressions of their owne parts , while others , that vse set formes have their affections more enlarged , and not yoked to the search of words .

Set formes are not rigorously forbidden to any mans private infirmitie . But they are rigorously forbidden , if they are thrust out of the Church , and every mans prayers , and spirit imprisoned in the pinfold of set words , hastily shuffled togeather by a man often times as defective in wholesome words , as found Devotion , whose doses of vnprepared words , and matter leade the people into imprecations , rather then prayers , & these men , that would confine all publique devotions to the sudden raptures of every vnlearned Levite , seeke to shutt heaven at their pleasure , though their hands are as short , as their vnderstanding , and the spiritt of vtterance , as it respects our prayers , is not exercised in words , but in the affections , which are vtterances to God .

What we may doe in the same forme of words is not soe much the question , as whether Leiturgie may be forced , as he forced it . And why doth he say forced it , meaning the King , when it was established by his Predecessours with consent of Parliament , which the Libeller soe much pretends to reverence ? And he may easily answeare his question , that would have the forme of words vsed by every Minister to be forced vpon all congregations , and we may justly vse the same words allwayes , that containe pititions of all things necessary .

The Leiturgie comprehends not all truth . And doth he thinke , that all truth should be comprehended in prayer , or that any benifitt , or vse of sacred expressions is denyed vs , vnles all the expressions of Scripture are conteined in publique prayer . We have the full benifit of all sacred expressions , if our necessities are fully represented , but his spirit of vtterance is the vse of varietie in expression , as if there were a necessitie to vse all expressions to the same sense , and he would have ws beleive , that the benifitt of sacred expressions is barralled vp in the new tub men whose prayers not only want salt , but are besmeared with prophanes .

Though God raigne downe new expressions into our hearts , yet it is not fitt for the whole Church , to be yoaked to the fancies of every Levite , who often mistake , Satanicall injection for the dew of heaven , and he is much mistaken in his comparison of retaining the forme of wholesome words to reserved Manna , but the loathers of this Manna of wholesome words are the true offspring of these murmerers , that loathed the Celestiall Manna , and bread of Angles , because they had it allwayes , accounting it a light foode in regard of their sensuall appetite , as these men now thinke the formes of the Church light in regard of the ordinary vse , & of their owne parts , which they would expose to the people , and therefore , if Leiturgies , were Manna it selfe yet if whorded vp , and enjoined they will be found sayes the Libeller like reserved Manna , rather to breede wormes , and stinke .

For the varietie of words , though God have given vs plentie , and that we ought not to be nigardly of them to him alone , yet we finde long prayers , and vaine repetitions condemned by God , and we are commaunded , when we come before him , that our words be few , and the questing of Scripture Phrase in prayers is now found wanting in leiturgies , that was soe lately scorned by the libeller for the lipp worke of every Prelaticall leiturgist . Sectaries prayers , though dressed with varietie of words are accompained with a nigardly devotion , wherein God cheifely requires vs to be copious , & this libeller is copious in blasphemy , that wil have the word of God , if whorded vp , and injoyn'd to breed wormes , & stinke .

The libeller would have his scoffes received for Argument , & to vilifie the vse of sett formes brings in the famine of the seidge of Ierusalem , when the Priests brought still the same loaves of the shewbread , not being able to procure new , & he would give vs stones for bread , the Pharisees still continue their old leaven of hipocrisie , though their words be varyed .

If the Lords prayer had been a warrant for leiturgies , why was neither that , nor other set forme after vsed mentioned by the Apostles , or commēded to our vse . It had been very needelesly prescribed by our saviour , if it had never been vsed afterwards , & it had been disobedience in the Apostles , if they did not vse it , being by our saviour commaunded . It is the common argument of heretickes to accuse God of improvidence , vnles he proportion his revelations to the measure of their fancies , & though the Counsel of God , & supernaturall truths to be beleived were fully revealed , we may not beleive , that nothing was left to Christian prudence in the Church of God , and we cannot pretend want of revelation in this point , where we have such expresse prescription of the Lords prayer , and particular injunctions of the Apostle St. Paul , and if we must expect such revelations , where is it revealed that every congregation must vse only such words , as the Minister thereof extemporally dictates in their prayers .

If God left our words to be putt into vs without premeditation , why then doth the Libeller allow any mans private infirmitie to vse helpes ? will not God help private infirmitie that way , Or is every one in the congregation without infirmitie . How is any assured if the promise be vniversall .

Our saviour encouraged his disciples with promise of assistance without their premeditation , And why doth he object want of Christian diligence to set formes , if it be a fault to vse it , and all must be done without premeditation . And it s like his preachers pray & sermonize without premeditation by the stuffe they vtter , and we see what respect they beare to God , that pressed diligence in their actions touching this life , & Rebellion , & exclude it from devotion & that , which concernes God . what soever the Libeller sayes concerning Gods graces , is nothing to the question , touching the vse of Leiturgies , vnlesse he would have , that in the publique congregation , every person should have his prayer a part , and bring that disorder , which the Scripture forbidds .

Voluntary prayers are lesse subject to formall , and superficiall tempers , then set formes , for in those hee , who prayeth must consult first with his heart , which in all likelihood may stirre vp his affections . But he doth most commonly consult with his braine both for matter , what is most pleasing , and what most proper in expression , and it is incident vnto most to fall into an affectation of their owne conceptions , and abilities in these voluntary prayers , rather then true devotion .

Affections grow lasy in set prayer , and come not vp easily at the call of words . But much more easily , then in the labour for words , and matter , and those words are most emptie of devotion , and prayer , which are the ostentation of the presenters abilities , who is apt to seeke satisfaction in contemplation of his owne parts , and his fervour is greater in looking on himselfe , then God .

Ostentation , and formalitie may taint the best duties . And why not then the best institutions , and if vnpremeditated babling may be restrained without forbidding the spirit of God , which is in his sense his extemporary prayer , why may not lasines , and formalitie be reprehended in such , as vse the publique leiturgie without forbidding the vse of it , but it is , as himselfe sayes the Custome of hipocrites to take advantage at the least abuse of Good things , that vnder that covert , they may remove the goodnes of those things , rather then the abuse .

Constancie attributed to the vse of set formes , he calls the constancie of the Cuckoe to be allwayes vsing the same Leiturgie . And what then are his best reformed Churches ? this shewes him one of those chattring birds , that Abraham drave from his sacrifise , and this wretch trembles not to compare the sett formes appointed by God himselfe in the Scripture to the Cuckoe , and the vse of the Scripture is the constancy of the Cuckoe

The booke for aught we know was composed by men neither learned , nor godly . But they are vngodly , that without knowledge will suppose them neither learned , nor Godly , but was the Martirdome of many of them noe proofe of their Godlines ? And are there noe workes , that prove the learning of those Composers , doth this man thinke vpon the credit of the protestant Religion ?

Noe doubt the spiritt helpes our infirmities , but we have noe promise , that the spiritt shall enable every Christian to compose prayers for the whole congregation , neither doth the Libeller beleive , that all his Ministers of the new Religion are soe endowed , if he doe , he hath few associates .

It is Gods promise , that where two , or three gathered togeather in his name shall agree to aske any thing , it shal be graunted . And how can they agree without a prescript forme , is the agreement , that all must follow the desires of one ? That there was a Leiturgie in the Church , of the Jewes hath not been denyed by any learned man , & its apparent by the Titles of many of Davids Psalmes , that they were vsed by the singers in the ordinary service of the Church . That Christians vsed the Lords prayer , and other sett formes cannot be denyed , and the Libeller is much deceived in his computation of the time , when Leiturgies begun , for the Church never wanted them , and we have seene by experience , that true pietie , followed the vse of Leiturgies , disobedience , and prophanes the rejection of them , & such , as have rejected them , have proved not only Truants , but Apostates to all sanctitie .

What is said of Leiturgie is said of Directorie , and soe farewell Presbiterian . We finde , that none make such presumptuous claime to Ministeriall guifts , as ignorant , and braineles persons , that have noe Title by calling , or endowment .

The King had noe reason to object , that the Common prayer booke was rejected , because it prayed soe oft for him , for large , and laborious prayers were made for him in the pullpits . But it s well knowne , that the Sectaries were neither large , nor laborious in such prayers , and it s justly doubted , not sincere , when they vsed them , but would have men heare their hipocriticall formalitie , not God to graunt what they seemed to pray for , and all men can witnes what prayers were made for him in pulpits after the leiturgie was rejected , al the largenes , and labour appearing in their prayers was to reproach his person , and procure him dishonour , and miserie .

The King in his prayers presumes Leiturgies to be lawfull . What should hinder ? praying that the Church , and he might never want them . And what sayes the Libeller could be worse prayed extempore , he might have answeared himselfe , that Prayer to want them was to call for Desolation vpon the Church .

Of the Differences in point of CHURCH GOVERNMENT .

THe Libeller sayes , the Author in this Chapter discovers more of misterie , and combination betweene Tyrany , and false Religion , then from any other hand would have been credible . T is strange , that soe obvious , a truth should be incredible from any hand . Was not Jeroboams new Religion the foundation of a Tyrany , and have not all vsurpers in the Civill state pretended some false Religion ? Was not Mahometts wicked imposture , and Tyraniall vsurpation bredd togeather , and have not the present Tyrants introduced a false Religion to support their power ? Hath not schisme been joyned with the Rebellion ?

We may have learnt both from sacred story , and times of reformation , that the Kings of this world have ever hated , and instinctively feared the Church of God . It s manifest Sectaries hate King , and Church , malefactours will complaine , that Judges hate them for their vertues . We finde in the ancient Church , that Kings were the greate protectours , and reformers of the Church , and its strange that the Libeller , if he had looked backe at all , had not seene David , Solomon , Hezechiah , Josiah , and others . The Kings of Israell politiquely opposed the true Church , for feare the people should returne to the house of David , and if we looke vpon Pagan Kings , we finde Cyrus , and Artaxerxes helping the establishment of the true Church . This Libeller hath discovered a greate Misterie of Rebellion , that having made such outcryes of Tyrany against his late Maj: heere tells vs the Tyrany was Monarchy , & they would not be subject to the Kings of this world , to such impostors is England now subject , that kill Kings , and make Tyrants , and this blaspheamer stickes not to charge the Church of God , and the Doctrines thereof with opposition to Civill Government , and to commaund the destruction of Kings .

Because the doctrine seemes to favour Libertie , and equalitie . And are there not Republiques that oppose the true Religion ? True Religion presseth obedience , falshood , and imposture allwayes hold foorth licence to the people . Is there through all the booke of God one word in favour of this Rebell , libertie , and equallitie ? And did not God plant his Church at first in an apparent inequallitie , and subjection both in the state Civill , & Ecclesiasticall ? And this broode of Sectaries have heeretofore complained , that the doctrines were traduced as opposite to Monarchy . And neither Libertie , nor equallitie is sought for to the people , but to betray them to the power of these deceivers , who are growne to that impudence to pretend doctrines of confusion , and Rebellion to be the true Religion .

The Church , as ancient prophesies foretold should dissolve all their power , & Dominion . Few sects professing Christ have appeared more Turkish , then these present of England , they fancie an earthly Kingdome for the Church , as Mahomett his Paradise , and then , that themselves are the true Church , and shall have Dominion ever all , and avow their intention to destroy all Kings , and whoever submitt not to them . But certenly Kings vnderstood not any such prophesies , nor feared such pretenders , who make prophesies to agree with their owne wicked Actions , and ambitions desires .

His first instance is in Pharaohs oppressing of the Israelites . And doth he beleive , that Pharaoh knew their doctrines , or prophesies , the man might have learnt more from the Text , that being strangers they might over power him , and thence grew his persecution , not from the libellers imaginary doctrine . He makes a strange leape , that passes by all stories els , and would prove his position by his owne authoritie , and expects , that his libell against the King shall make good his position , that Kings ever feared , and hated the true Church a strong way of disputing , to prove that kings hated , and feared the true Church , because the King did soe , and to prove the King did soe , because kings did soe , this is a stout Champion .

There neede no answeare to his bawling of the kings suspition of men most Religio●s , for time hath tryed , that they were Rebellious , and wicked Traytours vnder the Masque of Religion .

He could not vse violence as Pharaoh did , and therefore chuses a more misticall way of Antichristian fraude , and like Balak to hire against a nation of Prophetts other esteemed Prophetts , and to meare out the Church by a false Ecclasiasticall Policie . The Summe is to supresse Sectaries , and prevent Traytours is this Ecclesiasticall Policie , but where is this Misterie of Kings hating the true Church , is there noe true Church of God where there is Government ? And what proportion hath this supposition of his to the kings proceedings ? Did he erect Bishopps , or was there any Religion established , or publiquely profest , which he opposed , but only false , and hipocriticall factionists , which outwardly professing the established Religion sought for gaine , and pride , secretly to draw disciples after them to the disturbance , & subversion of the Church . There needes not any thing be said to his rayling , his corruption being apparent by objecting it to the calling of Bishopps , and hates it , for the remedy against schisme , which the Church had by them .

The King bestowed livings according to the law , and the Policie was not his , but the ancient constitution of the Church , and this Monster , that reproaches the retaining any thing in Leiturgie , or Government practised by the ancient Church is not ashamed to charge the king with breach of Canons , and the ancient practice of the Church in conferring Ecclesiasticall dignities , and the peoples right in Elections was never pretended in England , and justly , and anciently forbidden in the Church , neither doe any Canons in force support that pretence .

That influence , which the king sayes is necessarie for the Prince to have vpon Churchmen , noe man , that beleives the Scripture will thinke vnfitt , but how can the Libeller make good , that the many Emperours , and Kings , that imbraced the Christian Religion hated , and feared it , for soe they must by his grounds ? And how can he conclude from Pagans hatred to Religion , that it was only from their kings , when as the stories are soe plentifull in setting downe the madd rage of the multitude , the truth is seditious innovatours know , that their hopes , and strength lie to seduce the silly people , and that it is the interest of governours , to prevent their lewde endeavours , and thence proceede their declamations against Rulers , and their proclamations of Libertie , and that , which they cal the Bishopps Tyrany is only their office to take away schisme , and schisme is the way to Rebellion .

The Libellers judgment touching callings founded on Scripture , reformation , or graces of the Bishopps , and others is of the same authoritie , as the determinations of Traytours touching loyaltie , and heretickes touching sound doctrine , and his end never agrees with his beginning , but in rayling , and incongruitie , for but now he made it the Kings Policie to hire the Bishopps , & now it is the Bishopps Policie to worke that perswasion in the King of noe Bishopp , noe King , the man well knowes , that noe Bishopp , noe king was the perswasion , of King James , who found it true by his owne experience without the helpe of Bishopps , and yet soe sottish doth this Libeller presume his readers , that makes the dependence , which Bishopps have only of the king the cause of such perswasions , & yet in their owne subtill sense , they were of another minde , how then could their dependence be a cause of their perswasion , or was their sense subtill , and grossely mistaken . Thus those blattering devills , that in the beginning of the Parliament charged the Bishopps , to be Antimonarchicall thereby to conceale their malice against the king , now make it their Cryme to favour Monarchy .

He hath found a very strong proofe , as he would have it out of the Historie of the Councell of Trent , that Bishopps are most potent , when Princes are weakest , that argues not their dependence vpon Princes , nor that aversion to Bishopps is not aversion to Princes , it was spoken of Bishopps depending on the Pope , not on Princes , and such Clergy men , as have their dependence on Pope , or people wil never wish , that the king should be potent to master their dependencie .

From this the King sett himselfe to the removall of those men , whose doctrine he feared would be the vndoing of Monarchy . And needed he the Councells of Bishopps to provide for his safetie against such men ? And is that the evill interest of Tyrany , and Episcopacie to prevent the designes of Traytours ? Who were Traytours , if they were not , that would vndoe Monarchy ? The doctrine , and designes of the schismatickes are heereby apparent to be against Monarchy , and yet the prevention of such conspiracies is the Tyrany , and the corrupt Councells of Bishopps , which the hipocrites cry out on .

Noe temporall law could touch the innocencie of their lives . And had they innocency , that plotted the vndoing of Monarchy vnder which they lived , and could not the law touch it ? Their disobedience to lawes was a Cryme inconsistent with innocence , and must necessarily be punished by the lawes they disobey , and that , which he calls persecution of their consciences , and laying scandalls before them was only the requiring of their obedience to Acts of Parliament , whose authoritie he soe frequently cryes vp , and the inflicting of just penalties on their bodies , and Estates according to the lawes was the dutie of the Magistrate , to whome the execution of them belonged , although the indulgence they found from his Majest in mitigating the penalties of law was a greate cause of their insolence , and that Calamitie they have brought vpon the kingdome , and if the lives of these men be sought into , their pride , impudence , calumnie , lying , perjurie , covetuousnes , and crueltie declare their lives farr from innocent .

The man now breakes out into a thankesgiving for the successes of their Rebellion , and though these hipocrites despise the thought of a Church , and have noe Communion with any Church , ancient , or moderne , yet the resistance of them is warr against the Church .

Noe Papist could speake more scandalously against reformation , then that Episcopacie was the constant practice of all Christian Churches , till of late yeares Tumult , pride faction , and covetuousnes invented new modells vnder the Title of Christ Government . It neede not be observed againe , how the Libeller is affected to the reformation , that despises all but his owne Babell , and Tumults , factions , pride , and covetuousnes , the causes of some new modells touches not soe many , as he supposes , there being soe many of the reformed Churches , that receive not these new modells , but whoever they be , that obtrude them , as Christs Government , Scepter , and Religion , they will be marked with the same names , that are heere mentioned by the greatest number , if not all of the reformed Churches .

The Apostles were not properly Bishopps , next Bishopps were not Successours of Apostles in the function of Apostleshipp . If the Apostles were not properly Bishopps he should have told , how they were improperly Bishopps , for by his caution properly he admits they were someway Bishopps , and the Bishopps therein their Successours , though not in that part of the Apostleshipp which concerned speciall guifts , and the Testimonie of Christs conversation on earth , whereof they were eye wittnesses ,

If they were Apostles , they could not be precisely Bishopps , and why not precisely , if Bishopps .

They could not be Apostles , his reason is , because that of Apostle was vniversall , extraordinary , and immediate , the other ordinary fixed , and particular charge , and inspection . The calling of the seventie disciples was vniversall , extraordinarie , and immediate , and yet they were noe Apostles , and because callings were at first extraordinary , must not they , whose office it was to provide Successours to themselves , and others in the Church of God , ordaine others into their functions , and is it an Argument , that because , when the Church was gathered , men had particular care of certaine Churches , therefore they were not of the same calling with others , that preceeded them in gathering these Churches , and the latitude of territorie in the exercise of a mans calling doth not make difference in the function .

It is against reason , and Charitie to suppose an ignorance , and deviation of the ancient Church taught by the Apostles in a point , that destroyed the calling of such , as were to reproach the gospell , and the suddennesse is not imaginable in the introduction of Prelacy , vnles by Apostolicall constitution in regard of the vniversalitie , and the Author cannot name any manifest corruption so sudden , and vniversall after the Apostles , though he pretend many .

The Ecclesiasticall Historie proves it cleerely to be false , that noe example since the first age for 1500 yeares can be produced of any setled Church , wherein were many Ministers , and congregations , which had some Bishopps over them . And his proofe is out of Sozomen , who , he sayes , wrote above 1200 yeares agoe , and his Testimony , that in the Churches of Cyprus , and Arabia they had Bishopps in every village , what then ? he sayes what could these be more then Presbiters ? Yes they were Bishopps , for doth any man doubt , that Bishopps , and Presbiters were not distinct in Sozomens time , who soe frequently mentions it , and the Libeller complaines of the corruption of introducing them in the ages foregoing , there are many Councells before Sozomen , which were vniversally received , and in them subordinate of Presbiter to Bishopp is the vndeniable practice of the Church , and the quantitie , or quallitie of Townes , or Territories , wherein Bishopps were placed , noe way proves the lessening of their order , neither can it be collected , because Bishopps were in small villages , that therefore they were noe other then Presbiters , but heerein the Libeller shewes his malicious oppsition to truth in abusing Sozomen , who having said , that Churches had several customes , & instances , that though there were many Citties in Scithia , there was one Bishopp only over all , and in other Countreyes Bishopps were in villages , not every village , & he might aswell conclude noe Presbiters in Scithia , as none , but Presbiters in Arabia , and Cyprus .

The same Author tells the like of other nations , and that Episcopall Churches did not condemne them . Wherefore should they condemne them ? It s like they would , if they had taken vpon them to exercise the calling of Bishopps being but Presbiters , for that was long before condemned by the Canons .

He makes a large leape from sozomen to fower hundred yeares agoe , and the he sayes many westerne Churches in France , Piedmont , and Bohemia admitted not of Episcopacy among them , and yet the doctrine , and practice of these Churches published by themselves is , that they had Bishopps , & continue them stil , & this the libeller might see in their own bookes .

If we might beleive what Papists have written of the Waldenses , he findes in a booke written 400 yeares since , that those Churches in Piedmont held the same doctrine since the time , that Constantine with his mischeivous donations poysened , Thus the exploded forgery of constantines donation is made authenticke to reproach the Church , Sylvester , and the whole Church . This is the Schismaticall Charitie to the first Christian , Emperour , and the whole Church , but the man might have remembred , that Bishopps by his owne confession were long before the time of Constantine , and if we beleive the waldenses themselves , they had Bishopps in their Churches , who held the same doctrine , and Government , and the antiquitie of the waldenses proves , that they had Bishopps , otherwise they had been condemned by the ancient Church , as Aerius , was , for if there had been any Churches , differing from vniversal practice in the time of Constantine , it is not imaginable , that they had been vnobserved , & wee finde noe mention of their dissent , but from the Papacie , and that long after .

The famous Testimonie of St. Jerome , whereto he referrs the rest is farr from declaring openly , that Bishopp , and Presbiter are the same thing , but the contrary is manifest in him , for what proofe can there be drawne from saint Jerome , that Bishopps , & Presbiters were the same thing , who saies , that befor schisme by instigatiō of the devil entred into the Church , & that one said I am of Paul , another of Apollo , another of cephas , al things were governed by the common counsel of the Presbiters , and who will thinke , that there were no distinct orders , because things were governed by the common counsel of Presbiters , & when these schismes began , and when things were soe governed , were there not Apostles in the Church , and superiour to Presbiters ?

St. Ierome affirmes , that Bishopps rather by custome , then ordainement of Christ were exalted above Presbiters . St Ierome speakes of priviledges given to Bishopps above Presbiters by custome , but he affirmes the power of ordination belonging to them , and not to Presbiters Though St. Ierome make a difference betwixt the ordainment of Christ , and the practice of the Apostles , neither he , nor any good Christian ever questioned the lawfullnes , & authoritie of such Custome of the Church in the times of the Apostles , and this man , that in this very Chapter said the King produced noe Scripture , and that antiquitie was not of weight against it , now gravely determines that interpretation of St. Ierome in his sense shal be received before intricate● stuffe tatled out of Timothy , and Titus . Thus this prophane hipocrite prostitutes Scripture , where it contradicts their practises , and St. Ierome shal be preferred before Scripture , if he seeme to favour their sense , and vilified beneath Esops falles , if he dissent from them .

If it be farr beyound Court Element what is said by his Majest it is not above his owne , the proper Element of this breaker is prophanes , and impudence , and heere againe he importunately obtrudes the Kings letter to the Pope , which he makes a cheife support of his Trayterous pretences , but the authoritie of a gazet out of which he quotes it , is too meane to rayse a scandall vpon a Prince in the judgment of any reasonable men , and this man well knowes the fraude in publishing that false Copie of the Kings letter , which he willfully passes by , and the satisfaction , which the King gave the Parliament , and whole Kingdome vpon his returne out of Spaine , & the dissolving of those Treaties , which occasioned that letter must stopp the mouth of all detractours to offer it as an argument of his Majest inclination to the Roman Religion ?

The Libeller answeares his Majest argument to prove his sufferings out of conscience , not Policie , because his losses were more considerable then episcopacy with objecting hardning , and blindnes , being himselfe hardned to oppose all light of truth , and shut his eyes against the cleerest demonstrations .

Where hath more faction , and confusion ever been bredd , then vnder the imparitie of his owne Monarchicall Government . The king pretended not , any Government could absolutely shut out faction , but we may be sure those factions are most dangerous to all Governments , whose principles are destructive to it , and these factions were not bredd in the constitution of Monarchy , but among the Enemies af it , and the envious man sowed his tares , while men slept , and as he will not stand powling of the reformed Churches to know their numbers , soe he wil hand over head affirme , that the farr greater part in his Majest three kingdomes desired what they have now done to throw downe Episcopacie , which hath as litle weight as truth . the reformed Churches are not vilified one by another , though each maintaine their severall formes of Government , and his Majest is farr from vilifying those Churches , but the Libeller vilifies himselfe , and them that scoffs at their Arch presbitery classicall , and Diocesine Presbitery , and their Priest-led herodians , blinde guides .

None but Lutherans retained Bishopps , and therein convinces himselfe of his often repeated vntruths , that all the reformed Churches rejected Episcopacy for the Novations , Montanists having noe other Bishopps , then such , as were in every village is another of his falsities in adding the word every , and it doth not prove , that these heretickes had not Bishopps , and Presbiters , which Christians may have , though they live in Caves , and deserts , and its evident in story those heretickes had Bishopps . That the Aerians were condemned for heretickes the Libeler well knowes , and the King naming them soe meddles not with their particular heresies , and it is too obscure to be seene , that the King fastens that opinion touching Bishopps , and Presbiters for their heresie . Though the Clergie ought to minister the gospell , if the people supply them not , yet such temutie , and contempt quickely becomes a Carkase indeede . The Sectaries , that place their greatenes in being the ringleaders of faction turne all Religion into a fantasme , and knowing they could never by any judicious choise obtaine preferment in the Church professe the dislike of them , and seeke their fortunes in seducing the multitude .

It s easily beleived , that wealth may breede vices in the Clergie , as well , as others , but must they therefore be made poore , and others rich by the robbery of them ? the Kings choise of Bishopps will convince the clamours of the Schismatickes , and gives just cause to expect the evill consequences the King foretells of their removall . That the function of Bishopps , and Presbiters was not tyed to place , though the exercise of it was by Ecclesiasticall constitution , he hath been already told , and that it was necessary the Apostolique power for the Government of the Church must descend to Bishopps , there being noe others , that ever pretended to it .

How the Church florisht vnder Episcopacie , the extent of the Christian Religion over soe greate a part of the world doth sufficiently testifie , & the corruption of many in that order doth not take away the benifitt of it , which acrewed vnto the Church by the labours of others , and all ages have recorded persons of greate learning , and holines of life in that order .

He talkes againe of the Kings Coronation oath to give vs such lawes , as our selves should chuse , when he knoweth , that the clause , which he pretends to be in that oath imports noe such thing , nor was that oath , wherein the clause in pretended ever ministred to the King , nor diverse other Kings , nor ordeined to be soe .

In likelihood they were neerer amendment , that sought a stricter forme of Church discipline , then that of Episcopacie . But they that sought to remove Episcopacy would have the Church discipline in their owne hands , that it might be loose , and in likelyhood they would not be strict to themselves , his boasting of what the Scotts could worke by power , shewes , that he regards nothing right , but power , and soe he can prevayle , despises all Justice , and conscience .

Vpon the VXBRIDGE TREATIE .

THat men may treate like beasts , aswell , as fight , noe way opposes his Majest Aphorisme , which affirmes Treaties , a retiring from fighting like beasts to agreeing like men , Treaties being managed only by the vse of reason , fighting by force , and his Majest spake of the nature of Treaties , not the abuses of men in them , and though some fighting may be manlike yet the Act is common to beasts , rationall Treaties cannot

The Kings march , and fight at Brainford , the Libeller would make a thirst of warr though in the rigour of Marshall law , it might have been excused in a naturall Enemy that makes a trade of warr . And may as justly be defended in the King , whome that faction , which proferred a Treatie to him at Cole-brooke intended to surprize him , having disposed their forces in such places , as must have effected it , if he had not speedily prevented it by that onset . What he intimates touching Oxford , Bristow , and scarborrow naming noe particulars , he can expect no answeare , & whoever lookes over the memoriall , of passages touching Treaties will finde that the Kings offers were soe large , as nothing , but desire of peace could have moved him to it , and nothing but guiltines , and ambition could be the cause of their refusall .

That the faction in Parliament would have compelled him to part with his honour as a King , the Libeller denyes not , but askes what honour he had , but the peoples guift , & yet he seekes to defend the Actions of theis villaines , as defending themselves , and resorts to his common principles that Kings are but the servants , of the people , who may dispose of their Kings , and their honour as they thinke best . And by his doctrine the King , and people must be the prey of every powerfull Traytour . It neede not be repeated , that the peoples welfare consists in supporting the rights of their King , and that it is their miserie to deprive themselves of him , and turne into confusion , and slavery to vsurpers , And it is Monstrous , that a kings highest Court sitting by his regall authoritie should bandie themselves against their soveraigne , and like vipers eate out the bowells of their parent , fighting against that power , which gives them being , and by an vnnaturall malice of the members to the head cast the whole body into and incureable consumption . This insolence , and presumption of the pretended Parliament hath brought the loose rabble , and lawles Army to despise the representation , which they soe much magnifie , and doe that vnto them , which they did vnto their king . It cannot be doubted , that subjects cannot with dutie treate on equal termes with their king , and the practice of all times makes it manifest , that none but Traytours attempted it , and it was a sufficient proofe of the kings desire of peace , that he sought a Treatie , where a submission was due to him .

The Kings instructions were to bribe their Commissioners with promise of securitie rewards , and places . How he proves such instructions he tells vs not , but we are sure , that the demaunds of their Commissioners were securitie , rewards , and places , for they would have all in their power .

There were but three heads of the Treatie , Ireland , Episcopacie , and the Militia , the first was forestalled by a peace , that the King might pretend hu word against the Parliaments Arguments . And if there had not been a peace made , it was a most detestable Rebellion , and blood thirstie crueltie to continue an intestine warr against the King , and his people of England , vnles a few Tribunes might have the management of that warr in Ireland , and exclude the King from any interest in that kingdome , and yet this must be a defensive warr on the Rebells part .

The King bids the Queene be confident , he will never quit Episcopacy , which informes vs by what patronage it stood . And how could that informe you , even as well , as the Kings telling her , that Religion was the sole difference betweene them , informes you , that the Queene directed him in matters of Religion .

The sword he resolves , sayes the Libeller to clutch as fast , as if God with his owne hand had put it into his . And there is noe doubt but he had , and it was a Rebellious wickednes in that faction , which sought to wrest it from him in despite of Gods ordinance , and their owne sworne subjection . In all these the King had reason , honour , and conscience on his side , and his pretence , that the Queene was Regent in all these is farr from credible , when causes to the contrary are soe obvious to every vnderstanding . The Libeller himselfe professes their intentions to take away the Kings right , and would suggest to the world , that it was only the Queenes Councell , that he would preserve his Crowne ,

Wise men could judge the composure likely to be more miserable , then happy , But these wise men were taught by their guilt never to thinke themselves secure , and to preferre their power before their conscience , and the Kingdomes peace .

The English were called Rebells during the Treatie . And why not ? till the Treatie had made an abolition of their offence , for did they forbeare any of their reproachfull termes , or Rebellious actions against the king , and his partie during the Treatie ?

The Irish were called good , and Catholique subjects . And that some of them might be , though the Libeller cannot produce the instance of it .

The Parliament was called a Parliament for fashions sake , and in the Counsell bookes enrolled noe Parliament . That it was no Parliament all knowing men agree , and the enrolling of their opinions , that held it noe Parliament was noe injury to the Treatie , and the Kings appellation of them a Parliament , because they would not be treated with otherwise gives them noe right , nor shutts vp him from that opinion of their condition , which was true , and reall . Christians treate with the Turke by those appellations , he will be called by , though they doe not acknowledge them belonging to him .

It was a divellish fraude , that the King in his owne esteeme had been absolved from performance , as having treated with Rebells , and noe Parliament , and they insteede of an expected happines brought vnder the hatchett . Who now doth not fee , that force , and guilt were the continuers of this horrid Rebellion , and blood , and that these Traytours perferred their private securitie before publique peace ? But whence is this collection of a divellish fraude by a divellish interpreter ? If the King thought not the appellation due to them , which he gave them , doth it follow , that he must esteeme himselfe absolved of performance of his promises therefore ? These are dreames from divellish infusions , not reasonable suppositions , the titles of treating parties having noe influence vpon the performance of the things promised , and they of the other side might have said , they were absolved from performance , because they treated with the Kings Commissioners vnder other Titles then they had , or were knowne by , but they would perswade the people , that they cannot be safe vnlesse the master Rebells rule .

May not that bratt superstition be justly laid to their charge , that impose for the Scepter of Christs Kingdome a yesterdayes invention of congregationall consistories , and make it Religion , and truth of God to roote out Prelates of the Church of God ?

For the meritt of the Treaties , and where the blame lay of their breach , the world hath long since full satisfaction , and that the Rebells came but vnwillingly to Treaties , and with reserves allwayes to breake it of , never mittigating the rigour of any proposition in the least degree , and though the Libeller , and others spitt Sulphur , and cast foorth their cloudes of lying , and slander , yet the evidence of the facts dissolve , and consume their venome , and confidence , and the meanest capacitie descernes the falshood , and crueltie of their proceedings both , in warr , and Treaties .

Vpon the VARIOUS EVENTS Of the warr .

IT is noe new , or vnwonted thing for bad men to claime as much part in God , as his best Servants . And all men looke vpon the Rebells in England , as the vnparalleld prodigies of this hipocrisy , their claimes vnto Gods service , and favour , the vsurpation of those appellations , that belong to the Godly , their ostentations of fastings , prayers , and thankesgivings , and severe censures of the persons , and manners of others , are a sufficient demonstration of this presumption of men hardned in wickednes , and resolved to prosecute ambitious disignes .

He is yet to learne what good vse the King made of these various events , neither will he acknowledge , though he see the vse of insolence , & crueltie , which the Rebells have made of their successes against him .

Those numbers , which the King grew to from small beginnings , came not out of love , but fled to be protected from the feare of reformation . A jolly conceite , what feare of reformation was there , or appeares yet ? It was necessary dutie to oppose Rebells , and confusion , and that was then knowne vnto the silliest people , but such , as were poysened by the contagious doctrines of Rebellious Sectaries .

Such a snow ball might easily gather through those cold , and darke provinces of ignorance , and lewdenesse . And can he thinke , that any Provinces are soe ignorant , and lewde , as these sinkes , and Kenells , whence the Rebells raked the rabble of rascallitie , which they armed against the king ? The libeller could not be ignorant of what al his partie acknowledge , the greate disproportion in qualitie both for place , and education , that was in the Kings partie above their owne .

The Libeller would have Gods long suffering sometimes to harden , and be the beginning of a severer punishment . But he over lookes that sensible obduration , which successes have brought vpon the Rebells , and as they are a severe punishment vpon the nation , soe we may conceive by their wickednes , that their prosperitie bindes them over to greater judgment .

He would convince the King of breaking lawes , and that he had not the sword by law , not soe much , as to vnsheath against a forraigne Enemy . And by soe palpable an vntruth , it being knowne vnto the whole world , that Leagues , and warrs with forraigne nations were made by the King alone we may conclude , he hath quitted shame , & is resolved to sticke to his false assertions , and tottering Arguments , though never soe contrary to his owne Judgment , & knowledge , & heere againe he repeates his jaded discourse of a free nation , body of Parliament , and sword in a single hand so often spurred vp , and downe since the beginning of his booke . The libeller , if the would have vsed Arguments should have expressed wherein his pretences differ from other Rebells , for all pretend Tyrany in their Rulers , & fighting for libertie , but he will have fighting lawful to make a new Republique , and to take the sword to destroy the old , & insteede of making the King guiltie of the breach of lawes , justifies the Rebellion , because lawes were executed . Whatever he objects for a reason of Rebellion against a King is as possible to any other Government , for are al Republiques of one Religion , & may the subjects of different Religion from what is established in any state Rebel , & say it is vnreasonable , that rulers must be obeyed , when they wil not conforme to the opinions of a sect , & so severall opinions must decide their Religion by the sword . If such Rebells die Martirs we have been much deceived of malefactours , and noe Traytours will want a saint-shipp .

This opinion of his touching the holines of Rebellion , he sayes , is not the opinion , but full beleife of farr holyer , and wiser men , then Parasiticke preachers , For holy , and wise men the Libeller seemes to be litle acquainted with , and vnles they be the scandall of preachers , and basest of Parasites none can be soe vile to maintaine such odious assertions . It s well knowne the Crim catching sermonizers to these Rebells have confidence enough to speake what they know not , & men hired to act a false part will blush at nothing ; and therefore , though never King was established by Parliament , nor could be , because they depended on him , and were called by him : though Parliaments never acted in law , Civill oaths , nor Religion but by the Kings assent , and the oath which he calls the Kings , and hath soe often mentioned , was never establisht by Parliament , yet against all evidence this libeller , & his Mates will affirme , that nothing was thought to be established , which that house declares to be abolished . It s like he meanes the house of Commons , which never till these blacke times pretended a power to give an oath , much lesse make a law , and such , as make these vast vntruths outgoe Parasiticke preachers , and all knights of the Post , that are yet discovered .

It were absurd to give the Parliament a legistative power , and vpbraide them for transgressing old Establishment . Whoever thought them to have a legislative power ? Is not the King the Legislatour , and they his Counsell , and is it not absurd to give the Legislative power to them , that are to advise the Legislatour , and when the two houses desire the King , that it may be made a law by the King with their consent , is it not absurd , that one house should say all the Legislative power is in them ? But there neede noe proofe of their transgressing old establishments , when they confesse it . It s like the Rebells thinke their heaven heere , and they doe not much value the losse of the other , and noe man is troubled with his censure , to whome Charitie , and truth are alike despicable .

The Libeller , that scoffes at the seeking of heaven in forma pauperis shewes his value of heaven , and seekes none but that , which is to be found in forma proditoris . He thinkes to take of the horror of their death , that dyed in willfull perjury , and Rebellion against the king by raving against the kings partie , who he sayes died most frequently with oaths , and other damning words in their mouths , And is soe impotent to hope , that the Calumnies of a perjured wretch will finde creditt , for were he not distempered by hellish delusion , or sottishly drunken , he would not soe stupidly affirme , that it was notorious , that they , who were hottest in his cause , the most part of them were men oftner drunke , then by their good will sober , it being a knowne truth , that men of most eminent sobrietie were hottest in the kings cause , & theis traytours never forbare any wickednes by their will but for their ends . The king neede not a discovery to the state of their consciences , more then by their Actions , that fought against him , and he might justly beleive they had never the better of him in their owne consciences , where they were more affraid to encounter those many reasons from law , alleagiance , and Christian grounds , then in a desperate bravery to sight . And is it to presume more then a Pope to say this ? But he that will not sticke at open falsification will not sticke to slander thoughts , and offer conjectures for convertions , such as were most zealous in his Majest cause had a sobrietie vnblemishable by a Traytours malice , and were not only free from druken distemper , but brutish insolence , and brazen impudence , which the Rebells rather affect , then repent of . And is there not a just cause , that the consciences of many should grow suspitious , and corrected by the pretentions of the misnamed Parliament , now proved false , and vnintended ? What s become of their making a glorious King , lawes of the land , priviledges of Parliament ? Doth not every man see they are all in the dirt among the Libellers Ceremonies .

But they never pretended to establish his Throne without our Libertie , and Religion , nor Religion without the word of God , nor to judge of lawes by their being established , but to establish them by their being Good , and necessary . They never pretended , that his throne was inconsistent with libertie , or Religion , nor to judge of lawes otherwise , then by being established . But who must be the Dictatours , the Parliament , which is crumbled into a close Committee , and state Counsell , or any rabble , that shall say this , or that law is not good , and therefore to be repealed , though established , he ought to have concluded , that they never pretended priviledge of Parliament further then the subterranean junto , or the Tumults should judge necessary .

To pray , and not to governe is for a Monke not a King . But is prayer inconsistent with Government ? Those men will accuse the King for being a Christian , and have as litle love to prayer , as obedience , a monke will better governe , then such a man pray , who is constant to malice , & falshood , and this man that sayes to governe by Parliament justifies his Rebellion to take away Kinglie Government .

His legislative Parliament , and oppressed lawes cannot be admitted , where other answeare is wanting , but the Libeller hath long since thrust the force of them out of doores by his many prevarications , confining them all in the Cabinet of his owne braine , which must determine whether they be good , and necessary .

He is constant to Iohn of Leidens principles , that must take away other mens goods for doubt of ill vsing them , and because the King sayes , he feared the temptation of an absolute Conquest , therefore it was pious , and friendly in the Parliament to resist him . Their pietie , and friendshipp were much alike , and the Libellers Riligion might come in for a share . It s very probable , that this warr had never been , if the Act for continuance of the Parliament had not been consented to by the King , and that Act might stopp the mouth of any reasonable man , from saying there was such a power in the two houses , as the Libeller dreames of , that desired that Act from the King , and it was never heard in our story , that ever Parliaments made warr against Kings , as Tyrants , or otherwise , for how could they make awarr , that neither could , nor ever did pretend to sit longer , then their King pleased , & the immodestie , & ingratitude of the present Rebells have farr exceeded the worst Examples .

He is obstinate to his principles , and feares to attribute any thing to the Kings concessions , or denyall , and had he graunted lesse in all probabilitie himselfe , and the Kingdome had suffred lesse .

It cannot be doubted , but the Libeller will invert whatever the King sayes , and it is a greate adventure , that he sayes the sins of their lives not seldome fought against them , and wee have greate cause to beleive their prosperitie did noe lesse , that continue hardned in soe execrable a cause .

The King sayes he desires not any man should be further subject to him , then all of vs should be subject to God . And this Mountebanke holds this a sacriledge worse , then Bishopps lands , for he sayes he desires asmuch subjection , as is due to God , and so desires , noe lesse then to be a god . And is subjection to Princes in the , Lord subjection to them as God ? And doth the King desire otherwise , that would have them noe otherwise obey him , then that they might obey God , renouncing all obedience , that consists not with obeying God , but sale worke must be slight , and the Libeller would not exceede his hire .

The Rebells desiring the Kings acquittall of them for the blood of the warr confirmes their guilt , not their innocence . Though God impute not to any man the blood shedd in a just cause in respect of the ground , and reason of doing it , yet there may be temptations vnto naturall infirmitie in acting a just cause , and the King was not without a sense of such danger , therefore the Libeller wretchedly beggs an argument of his guilt from his prayer not to have blood imputed to him .

Vpon the REFORMATION Of the Times .

NOveltie , and perturbation are justly condemned not only by Christians , but morall men , and it is a noveltie taken vp only by Sectaries , that would confine all Religion to their owne frensy , and reject the vniversall consent of all times , and places , and not only boasting of the truth of their owne delusions , but obtruding them vpon the world , threatning fire , and sword to gainsayers , and yet they will pretend the example of our Saviours publishing his gospell , and pretend like reason for their fanaticke conceites , as for his divine revelations , and miraculous Testimonies , and because reformation may be necessary , therefore they conclude it must be as often , as these , that are carried about with every winde of doctrine shall thinke fitt , & they would reduce Christianitie to a cloud without water tossed to , & fro with the breath of private opinion .

The first reformers in the time of Pope Adrian pretended not a reformation of the vniversall Church , and a rejection of whatever was received by the primitive , as those men now , neither did they presume to enforce others to their perswasion , and though noveltie , and perturbation were objected to them , yet they still deprecated that guilt , and it is a most vnchristian , and prophane disposition to desregard lawes established , and Religion setled vpon presumption of private opinions , and these of men neither learned , discreete , nor honest . There is greate difference betweene a clamour , and an vndeniable truth , and we may not thinke , that popular compliance , dissolution of all order , and Government in the Church , schisme , vndecencies , confusions , sacrilegious invasions , contempt of the Clergy , and their Leiturgie , and diminution of Princes are lesse odious , because Papists objected them , or that any pretended reformation introduced by these detestable practices can be acted , or approved by Christians , All men are wittnes , that the present Sectaries are guiltie of all these , The former reformers did not give occasion for such aspersions , that desired only the libertie of their owne consciences from the practice , and beleife of errours newly enjoyned , and anciently rejected in the Church , or els followed the orderly reformations which Princes , and states authorised in their owne Dominiōs , but these new reformers obtrude their dictates vpon all the world , and will dispose of all Kingdomes with the Divill , as in their donation .

Let it be produced , what good hath been done by synods since the reformation . It s like not the good he meanes to authorise all manner of Lewde sects , and Lunaticke opinions . But synods are customary , and have their set times in all the reformed Churches , and if there be fraude , and packing in synods , as he sayes , whence come Parliaments , that are of like constitution to be free ? Is there a priviledge of Parliament to change nature , and that the members cannot be guiltie of fraude , faction , and Treason ? There is not only fraude , and packing by insinuations , conspiracies , and corruptions of the vulgar , but violence , and confusion to Church , and state by tumultuary reformations , and what is this doctrine of rejecting synods , but the justifying of all licentious violence , and Lewde Rebellion to introduce mens private opinions .

The pulling downe of Church windowes , and Crosses , which were but Civill not Religious markes , defacing the Monuments , and inscriptions of the dead , mentioned by the King are the effects of a popular , and deceitefull reformation in the account of all true protestants .

That Protestants were accused by Papists , as these are charged by the King will not parallell guilt , nor hide the present Actions of these Traytours from view , and detestation .

The Libeller doth very preposterously produce the Example of Iob , whose sinceritie was accused to God , as a protection for the hipocrisie of Sectaries , while himselfe acts the part of him , that accused Job to God , and omits not the traducing of all proofes of pietie , Religion , and Justice in the late King .

But the infirmities of best men , and scandalls of hipocrites in times of reforming can lay noe just blemissi vpon the integritie of others , nor purpose of reformation . Noe man sayes it did , but if the Reformation it selfe be a noveltie pretending not the consent of any times , but their owne opinions of places of Scripture different from all others , if that , which is offred in the name of reformation be in it selfe confusion , and scandalous imputing Antichristianisme to all the Churches of God , that were before them , and that the way of introducing it be with presumption , blood , and Rebellion , we cannot thinke , that any promoters of such an vnchristian deformitie can have any integritie , or Religion , and they are not blemished , with the Crymes of others , but their owne . They , that have no publique place , nor authoritie to reforme the Church cannot be excused of presumption , if they meddle with it , and such busy bodies are moved with Carnall selfe seeking , and private ambition , not sense of dutie .

If any thing grew worse , and worse in the Church of England , it was the encrease of Sectaries , who would cover their hipocrisie with censure of superiours , and lawes . These Reformers pretend to reforme lawes , not corruptions , for though they talke of the time of the Kings Raigne , they pretend to reforme nothing , that was particularly worse in his time , then before , and he might aswell have asked , why Queene , Elizabeth in her fortie yeares raigne had not reformed , as peevishly talke , that his Majest should not reforme in twentie yeares , when it was held strange , that the Schismatickes should be soe distempered to pretend a necessity of reformation , there being greater neede of strengthning what was established . It is a Diabolicall Method to change the order of the Church by destruction of the Civill state , & just reformation never opposes lawfull authoritie in setting vp a Government over others . Though Christians might reforme themselves , they allwayes judged it an abomination to impose their Religion vpon the state they lived in . Private reformations are of Christian right , but publique are the prerogative of supreame power , and though Princes ought to serve God in the first place , the people are not to destroy Princes in the first place , they may worshipp God , though they be persecuted , they cannot truly , if they take the sword to subdue them , that are in authoritie , and they feare not God , that feare not their King , our feare of God bindes vs to vse noe violence against our King , nor vpon others , our Alleagiance to our King being a part of our dutie to God , and as the Apostle convinces those , that hate their brother , not to love God , soe in vaine doe they pretend to feare God ; that offer violence to their King . Can a Christian breake all the lawes of the second table vpon pretence of keeping the first ? And did not he , that Commaunded to have noe other Gods , but him , commaund the honour of Father , & Mother ? May a private Christian robb , and kill , because persons are not of his Religion . The scripture sajes , he that is guiltie of the breach of one commaundement , is guiltie of all , and though Christians may not obey Commaunds contrary to the commaund of God , they may not vse violence , & force , but these are the Pharisees , that teach men by making a vow vpon pretence of Gods service to disobey Parents , which our Saviour soe much condemnes . Christs Kingdome is spiritual in the hearts of the faithful , not in a papall consistory , nor a congregationall pullpitt , they were best Christians , that obeyed not wicked commaunds , but detested by all Christians , that vsed violence against their Pagan Governours , and the reformed Churches may see what Communion can be had with those , that professe those best Christians , that were least subject to their King .

The King of Spaine may professe to have his Kingdome from Christ , whatever his Religion be , he hath a just Civill right , which none ever doubted to acknowledge , but these hell bred Sectaries , that allow noe right , but what is founded on their will , & his repetition of the Letter to the Pope vpon this occasion shewes he is vnder a famine of reason , that makes the Kings constācy to the doctrine of the Church of England to proceede from his letter to the Pope , calling it enmitie to the true Church , are any soe madd to thinke , that the Pope was pleased with the doctrine of the Church of England ? Did the Libeller thinke there were a God , would he write soe willfully against his owne vnderstanding , that the King engaged himselfe to hazard life , & Estate for the Roman Religion , he would then thinke , that God were neere him , & writt downe those words , which he will one day require an account of .

The King prayed against his hipocrisie , and Pharisaicall washings , whose prayer is , thou , who must give truth for hipocrisie suffer vs not to be miserably deluded by Pharisaicall washings . Poeticall licence will not wash away willfull slander , and malicious falsification , but this man makes hipocrisie , and Pharisaicall washings his cheife study , and hates the prayers of others for his conversion from such wickednes .

Vpon his LETTERS taken , and DIVULGED .

THE Publication of the Kings Letters had quite contrary effects to these , which the publishers intended , and insteede of discovering matter to their advantage , cast shame on their false aspersions , whereby they sought to withdraw the affections of his people from him , they sett foorth both his judgment , and affections opposite to Poperie , & the Irish Rebells , and the peace made with them not out of favour , but necessitie to divert the finall destruction of the Protestant partie there . The endeavours to be assisted with forraigne forces , when soe horrid a Rebellion had taken deepe roote was neither against any former professions , nor any rules of Justice , and pietie , but naming of Papists , and forraigne forces were the bugbeares , wherewith the faction affrighted the silly people , and vnder pretence of revenging the blood of Ireland , sought to draw men inclinable to assist the King , or vnwilling to fight against him into that imployment , that he might be more exposed to their power , and they might have the better meanes to weaken him , and support their owne Rebellion . These Letters have discovered their grosse impostures in representing the King wholy Governed by the Queene , or others , shewing cleerely , that his owne judgment cheifely steered his owne affaires , and it s like the faction long since saw their owne rashnes in that Publication , and that the world tooke notice , that they were soe farr from doubting the Kings affection to Popery , that their designe was cheifely to declare his aversenes to it , that they might prevent his succours from Princes of that Religion .

That it was done by them without honour , & Civilitie , no man boubts , vnles infected with Schismaticall , or Rebellious malice , and betweene King , and subjects matters can never be 〈◊〉 that condition , that his honour , and their dutie are trifling , and superficall vanities , and with whome they are soe we may not wonder at any brutish , and inhumane Barbaritie , when was there an example of such a Treason against nature , and humanitie to divulge the Letters betweene man , and wife touching conjugall privacie ? And honour , and Civilitie being taken , as he would have it for discretion , honestie , prudence , and plaine truth , the publishers of these Letters not only stand guiltie of the breach of those vertues , but appeare the venemous , and vnnaturall Traytours to mankinde .

To cover this base Act the Libeller sayes , that such courses are familiar with none more then Kings , and produces , and Example out of Commines relating the discovery of a Latter by Lewes the eleventh written to him from the Dutchesse of Burgundy , which he sayes the Historian doth not charge with incivilitie , or dishonour . And is that the case of publishing Letters , that passed betweene man , and wife , and may subjects doe to their King , what Enemies may one to another ? The Libeller will say yes , for he holds noe subordination , though the publishers professed the contrary , and would not be thought to have abjured their Alleagiance , or that they tooke their King for their Enemy , but their practices were noe more consistent , then the Libellers Arguments ,

The injury offred to the Kings Mother was too well knowne to be a fained suspition or jealosie in him , and if they had not been guiltie of that base aspersion , they would have acquitted themselves some other way , then by the publication , and frequent repetition . The Libeller appeares to glory more in recitall of it , then in the argument , which he can draw from pretence of faining a suspition , and he , that suckes any imputations vpon the King out of those letters must be a Beetle , not a Bee , and they , that from placing constancy to his wife , before the mention of Religion , and law will spin a webb of determination for the prioritie of affection , have more of the spiders venom , then the Bees sweetenes .

They which esteemed their King , though one man the breath of their nostrills , thought the nation could not be happy without him , And the late Parliament , whereon the Libeller buildes his faith affirmed in their declarations , the happines of the Kingdome did soe mainely depend on his Majest and the Royall branches of that roote , as in an ordinary way of providence , they would not except it from any other fountaine , or streame . And are they therefore a nation of Ideots , and miserable , as he sayes .

The happines of a nation consists in true Religion , pietie , Iustice , prudence temperance , fortitude , contempt of avarice , and ambition . And how shall these be preserved in a nation , by the rule of the rabble ? And bandying the Government with a racket betweene opposite factions , but these Rebells with the madd men of Munster will introduce new Ierusalem with the destruction of their Kings , and Rulers , and the Libeller its like lookes to be a greate saint in this terrestriall Paradise , who sayes they , in whomesoever these vertues dwell eminently neede not Kings , but are the Architects of their owne happines , and whether to themselves , or others are not lesse then Kings . The world hath been well acquainted with these Architects of Treason , and shall never want pretenders to those vertues , whose practice shewes them the builders of Babell , that place their happines in their power , and other mens confusion , the King appeares eminent in these vertues , not only by his constant actions , but in his houshold , which was admired for itts order amongst strangers above other Courts , though by the Libeller traduced , as all laudable things are .

To make reconciliation desperate , the Libeller holds reasonable , and askes , why they should feare it , and such , as intend not reconciliation with God , thinke they have noe neede to be reconciled to men .

Their fact is not parallell to Chams revealing his fathers nakednes , for the King at that time could not be esteemed the father of his Countrey , nor had ever merited that Title . And might not Cham have said soe to his father , aswell , as doe what he did ? But they , who acknowledged that Title due to him , as the Parliament did , and gave it him as their King , cannot excuse themselves from a sin parallell to Chams , nor from the merit of this curse .

The Libeller professes aversenes to all reconciliation vpon pretence of Justice to the lives of them , that dyed for the freedome of their Countrey , and yet he will not professe to want Charitie , and why then is it mockery with God for the King to pray , that God will judge his cause , and that the evill they intended returne on their owne heads , that they may be ashamed , and covered with their owne confusion , as with a cloake the King forgave his Enemies , but still prayed vnto God for the vindication of his innocencie by the conviction of those false accusers , and this is not to wish them that evill , which hinders Charitie , but prayer for that favour of God , which protects innocencie , and that livery of detraction , and confusion the Libeller will rather weare , then exchange it for the robe of righteousries , whose malice to the living , not Justice to the dead drawes theis hipocriticall pretences from him .

Vpon his GOING to the SCOTTS .

IT was not an excuse , but a reall intelligence , that the King had of their consultations at London , designing mischeife to his person , if he came there The junto did not vse to proclaime their Councells , neither was it pretended they did , and though necessitie Counselled the King to adventure vpon their loyaltie , who first begun his troubles , yet the rigour of the English Rebells drew on that necessitie , and the Kings comming to the Scotts might worke , if there were any remainders of loyaltie to devide those , who were only joyned by an vnlawfull , and dissembled confederacie , and it had not been an Act of malice , but prudence to resolve vpon such an hope , for friends they could not be , that are contemned for an hireling Army , paid not in Scotch come , but English silver jeered with their Brotherly assistance , and monthly pay , and a right vnderstanding of the disaffection to the English Rebells towards them , might recall them to their dutie to the king , and withdraw them from their disloyall combination .

The scotts needed not armies to defend their libertie , & consciences , which were never invaded , & the charges were not out of charity to them , but for the necessitie of those , who sent for the scotch assistance , he il pretēds a cause for the scotts mistrust of the king in that case , where a ground of suspitiō could not be imagined , & judges others by his own obduratiō , that loyaltie once broken is rather tempted to a finall shipwracke , then preserved by an opportunitie to recover it .

Providence doubtles is never cousened , but deceivers , though they falsifie their faith to others must expect , that as their falshood was permitted , soe it will receive its detection , and demeritts .

The man thinkes much , that their profest loyaltie , who fought against their King should be called a riddle , and as it was a very darke one to generall vnderstanding , soe if they had preserved the Kings person being in their power , they had given some solution doing what they said of their loyaltie , not what their former Actions imported . And doth not the Libeller say , its ridiculous , that they , whose profest loyaltie led them to direct armes against the Kings person , should thinke him violated by their murther of him , which he calls Justice , & who vnderstands not , that so necessitous may be the state of Princes , that their greatest danger may be in their supposed safetie , and their safetie in their supposed danger . But he would have , that the only way for the Kings preservation was to sacrifise his reason honour , & conscience , & not to have run such hazards , though his Majest left his force , he resolved not to leave his conscience , and change an outward for an intestine warr , and Rebells desist not from their violence , whether he strive or yeilde . If he contend , he is bloody , if he yeilde , he is wily , if he offer reason , he is obstinate , If he acknowledge , he is guilty , and thus the players of a Rebell game , having irrecoverably lost honour , & conscience play on still to gaine power , & increase guilt .

The words of a King are full of power by the law , and that law is not like the Nazarites locke of sampson , but an anointing they have from God , which is inseperable , though Rebells like the faithles harlot cut of his force , and Armies , yet the right of his power is inseperable , and if these Traytours had looked to precept , or Example , they might have found , that a Kings word had power , and their persons reverence without respect to the merit of their Actions . David pretended not , that Saul had not authoritie of law ; when he persecuted him without a cause , & when Sauls life was in his power . The King appeales not vnto Libellers , and common pasquills to judge of his reason , & such ' , as are offended at the name , or estimation of reason , are likely to have a small part in it .

Monuments of his reason appeare as thinly in his Actions , and writting , as could be expected from the meanest parts , bred vp in the middest of soe many wayes extarordinary to know something . Surely the Monuments of the Libellers irrationall assertions appeare very thicke in this whole discourse , and men may be amazed at his folly , that makes him run into soe many absurdities to avoyde the confession of truth , how often hath he objected to the King , that his breeding could not enable him to judge of matters , and heere would advance his breeding to abase his parts , but such , as reade the Kings booke , and his will see Monuments enough of his Majest reason , and the Libellers absurditie , and impudence .

The Kings deliberations touching his leaving Oxford , though mature , yet foreseene to be of doubtfull event , and therefore vainely observed by the Libeller to contradict his prayer . Though I know not what to doe , yet mine eyes are towards thee . Wicked men contemne Princes , and God causeth them to wander in the wildernes , where their is noe way . The punishments vpon Princes are most frequent for the wickednes of the people , whereby they come to confusion , and have many rulers , but it was a willfull falsification of the Libellers to cite a Text as spoken of Princes , that was altogeather applyed to the people . Psalme 107.

Vpon the SCOTTS Delivering the KING to the ENGLISH .

THis objecting of selling the King by the Scotts is soe fowle an infamy , as befists none to vindicate , but themselves . In the meane time the Libeller thinkes , he may say with the high Priests to Judas confessing his sin of betraying our saviour , what is that to vs , and he would have the infamy only rest on the seller , none on the buyer , and its like will , as he professes disagree with the King to the worlds end , and will out babble all law , truth , and reason , that such as fought to change the Government , & destroy the lawes , fought for them , and he may babble to the worlds end , and not be beleived against the evidence of the fact , and that miror , before his face , wherein he sees all that acted , which he denies , renders him not only a denyer of principles , but common sense , & the Traytours decree of non addresses was what they ever intended , though they had not a confidence to act it presently , and from that example of disloyaltie , the Libeller , & others made a change of principles to sute with such monstrous productions . It s probable the Libeller would be ever answearing fruiteles repetitions , for his answeares are noe other , and yet he thinkes himselfe not liable to censure for his stall repetition in the lines before of the kings being vnalterable in his will , would have been our Lord , averse from Parliament , and reformation .

If the Libeller retained any estimation of Davids heart , he would not soe often have reproached the vse of Davids words , And we have good reason to beleive , that he , that suffred Davids troubles , was supported with a measure of Davids spirit , while his persecuters exercised on him the malice of Davids Enemies ; And were not this Libeller possessed with an evil spirit , he would not borrow matter of sport from stealing Davids spirit , nor reproach , and slander from Pamelaes prayer . which may be vsed more warrantably then reproved , but he is drawne very dry that make such vse of a scoffe .

Vpon the DENYING him the attendance of his CHAPPLAINES .

A Chapplaine is a thing diminitive , and inconsiderable . And the man would be ignorantly witty vppon the name , as vnknowne . That a King should not desire the assistance of such persons of the Clergie , as were his Domestickes , & acquainted with his conscience , or that such persons should not have a place in the families of Kings , may seeme a strange supposition in these men , that soe much magnifie preaching , as the shopps of Mechannickes are turned to pulpitts , and every Cooper growne a reverend Predicant .

The Scripture ownes noe such function , not of Presbiter , for what els are Chapplaines , if he had looked for the names of his independent congregations , he had not found them in Scripture . But they , that know noe places dedicated to the service of God , know noe persons attending that service .

The Church not avowing them , they are left to such further examination , as the Sons of Sceva the Iew mett with . And itts like they meete with such examiners , as the Sons of Sceva mett with , such vncleane spiritts , as professed to know Jesus , and Paul , but hated both , and were the intelligencers of the Prince of Darkenes , and the Libeller in their Phrase sayes , Bishopps , or Presbiters we know , and Deacons we know , but who are Chapplaines ? He could not have chosen an Example more proper for his imitation , that hates the namē , and function of Bishopps , and Presbiters , as those wicked spiritts the name of Jesus , and Paul , & thence it is , that he hath gathered the Cobwebs of the stage to cast vpon them , calling the Ministers of the gospell sewers , and yooman vshers of devotion , and implements of the Court Cup'board , this is the devotion of these reformers .

Their sending to the King Ministers , and others , whose excesse of corrupt affections were become venom , and fury against all loyaltie , was to render his condition more afflicted being only allowed to live among scorpions , and have his habitation with Dragons , who were not only insolent Traytours , but diminitive , and inconsiderable Creatures for a Religious charge . They denyed him his Chapplaines in affront , and to encrease the measure of his sufferings , and such , as feele not the absence of those Messengers of peace , which God hath appointed to bring glad tidings to his people , discover more prophanes , then Michha superstition , and his ignorance condemnes the presumptuous pretence to knowledge in those Rebells : he lamented the losse of his Levite , in whome , thoug erroneously , he thought himselfe blest in regard of his Tribe , these men thinke Bishopps , and Presbiters of noe more vse , then Micahs Idoll , for the Libeller would not have houshold oraisons officiated by Priests , but where are Priests forbidden that office . These men , that have soe long vsed houshold Conventicles , and had their wandring Levites to officiate , now know noe vse of them .

Kings heeretofore , David , Solomon , and Ichosophat might not touch the Priesthood , yet might pray in publique , while the Priests stood , and heard . And doth it follow from the practice of these particular persons , that publique prayer was not a part of the Priests office , he might aswell conclude from the prayers of the publican , and Pharisee , because they were made in the temple , and the King did vpon good grounds , beleive , a particular blessing on the Priests prayers , as on his sermons , though God admit all men to call vpon him : And the Libeller shewes with what Zeale those Sectaries call vpon God , with whome the Priests prayers are the chewing of Mattins , and yet theis Enemies of God will be called Christians , whose whole language is derision of all devotion Though the King had abilities of knowledge to pray beyound their mimicke levites , yet he would neither vsurpe the Priests office , nor neglect the vse of it in confidence of his owne parts , and the Monsters he mentions , its like would preach repentance for not sinning , and would as easily preach downe true repentance , as preach vp Rebellion , and the King had reason to give such conspiratours the same welcome , that Solomon did to Abiathar , that abetted the Treason of Adoniah , And he could not hope , that Joroboams Priests , who were made of the lowest of the people , and supported the revolt from their lawfull King would teach other doctrine , then what tended to subversion of Church , and state . We have seene , that with the sacriledge of the endowments of the Church , the Rebells have set vp their Images of Priests , and have banisht all devotion , and service of God censuring the saying of amen to a devout prayer for a superstitious responsorie .

The prayers made by the forenamed Kings in the Temple , and by the Apostles , and ancient Christians for above three hundred yeares were in vaine , if the heart cannot safely joyne with another mans extemporall sufficiency . And whence doth it appeare , that any of these prayers , that were made for others to joyne in , were made vpon extemporall sufficiency , the contrary appeares , when the Scripture expressely dictates the words , which the Priest shall vse , whereto the people must say Amen , & there is not any story , from whence the want of Leiturgies in the first age of the Church can be collected , but there are Testimonies of their antiquitie , aswell , as necessitie of their vse . It s a signe of a prophane heart , that makes his mirth , of divinitie , and a very litle witt goes to the conceites of a closett Chapplaine , and a minde wandring after preferment , or his dinner in the time of prayer . Doubtles he esteemes a dinner more , then devotion , that places the summe of his Religion in affected , and scorneful suppositions of other mens intentions .

He askes , what avayles their praying with him . And why should men joyne in prayer at all , is there noe efficacie in such conjuncture ? We may not doubt both of assistance in our prayers , and blessing vpon them by joyning with our spirituall Fathers in that dutie , and he , that hath most oyle in his owne lampe , will seeke encrease of it by those dispensers , which God hath appointed .

The libellers objections are not like those apples of Asphaltis , whereto he compares the Kings discourses , but like those foggs , and Mists , which arise out of a putrified matter , and are offensive to the eyes , whome they would hinder from beholding the sun , and are instantly dispelled with the same heate , that moved them .

Many things were sung in the Kings Chappell , that were not vnderstood . It may be by some men , that would not , but such , as could vnderstand what was read , might vnderstand what was sung in the Kings Chappell , there being neither strange language , nor note to make any thing vnintelligible .

His beleife is , that God is noe more moved with a prayer elaborately penned , then men truly Charitable with the penned speech of a beggar . There is no doubt of it , if there want devotion in him , that vses it , but what difference is there betweene a prayer elaborately penned , and haflily conceived , is God more moved with extemporall , then elaborate expressions , and are not the tunes of their new Levites too neere the sound of Common beggars to be esteemed a fruite of devotion by the hearers ?

Vpon his Penitentiall vowes , AND MEDITATIONS AT HOLMEBY .

HOw long the Sectaries have made the frequent vse of places of Scripture in their prayers , the markes of their devotion neede not be remembred , and now the vse of places of Scripture must be hipocrisie in the King . His devotions must be persecuted as well , as his Estate , and person , and the Libeller had wanted one principle brand of infamy , if he had omitted those censures of the kings pietie vpon pretence of the practice of hipocrites , and wicked men , and he will accuse the Godly , because wicked men have dissembled , & sett parallell the cleerest devotions of the saints of God to the expressions of the most desperate , and execreable sinners , he will prove the King short of true repentance , which is a subject vndiscernable by a man of resolved impenitency , God only knowes the truth of the heart , and such , as turne Charitie into cursing are as farr from a right vnderstanding of others vprightnes , as conscious of their owne hipocrisy .

He produces vpon the Kings imitation , and vse of Davids Psalmes the sayings of Cain , Esau , Pharaoh , Balaam , Saul , Ahab , Iehoram , Iudas , and Simon Magus . That we may not doubt , but the same malice raignes in this rayler , that appeared in these hipocrites , and he might have found , that this course , which he takes in slandring the king was as frequent in former persecuters , as good words in the mouths of hipocrites , the Rebells against Moses charged him with vsurpation , and imposture , saying , will thou putt out the eyes of these men , Davids Enemies cryed fy on thee we saw it with our eyes , Job was charged to drinke downe iniquitie like water , John the Baptist to have a Divell , and our blessed saviour to be a glutton , and a wine bibber . Vertue , nor abilitie never wanted detraction , & a just esteeme of one , or other may not be expected from men , that have neither , for if they had eyther , they would not sett themselves against both , he deales , as the Pharisees to watch the words of our Saviour to gett a word for their accusation of him , and soe the Libeller to cover the shame of his wicked cause , catches at the Kings words to putt of the guilt of their Rebellion , and makes it Gods disposing to that purpose , that the King sayes lett thy anger I beseech thee be against me , and my Fathers house , as for these sheepe , what have they done ? And by this sayes he acquitts the Parliament , and people , and takes the sin on himselfe , as David did . Noe doubt he tooke on him his owne sins , for which God brought on him his affliction , but doth he thereby justifie his bloody persequuters , though he were punisht by a Rebellion , doth he acquitt the Rebells ? Doth he meane wolves , whom he names sheepe ? The King expresses his Fatherly pitty to his innocent subjects , and the Libeller his emptines of defence in assuming soe impertinent an inference , as if David could not acknowledge Gods Justice in the Rebellion of Absolom without the acknowledgment of his wicked Sons righteousnes , nor the King vse Davids confession of Gods Justice vpon occasion of the present punishment of the people by the sword , and his proofe is suteable to his collection , for he sayes in the next line , he accuses the Church it selfe for the Churches Enemy . The next line is , let my suffrings satiate the malice of mine , and the Churches Enemies , sure the man would have his independent brethren the only true Church , that are the Enemies of it , their victories are by Miracle , and what then are the Turkes , which were greater , and more strange then theirs ? And let any man compare the boastings of the Rebells with the Enemies of Gods Church in all times , and there will appeare the greatest likenes , that hath been observed in men driven by Diabolicall instinct , & thence proceedes the Libellers distemper , that having within soe few lines before sought to hide their Rebellion ; cannot retaine the motives of it , and those he expresses to be libertie of schismes , the abolition of Bishepps , establisht lawes , Kingly power , and leiturgy , the oppressing of loyaltie getting all force into the Rebells hands , and to withstand them heerein is Tyrany .

He resembles their sacriledge to Davids eating the shewbread , and Ezechiahs taking the gold , and silver out of the Temple . But did David make a warr to destroy the Priests , that he might eate the shewbread , or Hezechiah seeke to destroy the Temple , that he might take away the silver , and gold ? And the primitive Church sold their sacred vtensills to preserve their Priests , & Bishopps , not sought to take them away , that they might convert the sacred vtensills to their private avarice , and the Bishopps sold those sacred vtensills , neither Princes , nor people durst lay their hands on them .

The Libeller will not endure any glory to be given to God , but by the medly Sectaries , nor any restitution of the King , to his cheife Cittie , but with the spilling of his blood , and those that were faithfull to him . In the beginning of Christianitie men had to doe with Pagans , who opposed Religion directly , and in this age wee have to doe with men , that would betray it to Pagans , by obtruding such doctrines , and practice for Christian , which may make it odious to morall heathens , who could only heeretofore question the truth of our beleife , but may by theis new reformers take occasion to accuse our Religion of impietie , for these wretches represent it contrary to all the principles of Common honestie . The Rebells cannot beleive a pardon , they-know their demeritts soe execrable , and therefore he will suppose the King would finde meanes to punish , though he promised pardon . They know the falshood of their owne hearts , and thence is their suspition . This libeller is not to be disputed with vpon principles of Religion , that receives noe Maximes , but of Rebellion , and Tyrany , God graunts not allwayes deliverance to his Servants from temporall evills , though they pray for them , and this prophane Libeller concludes their prayers to be fained , because not graunted , his words are fitt for detestation , and therefore to be observed by al , that they may abhorre the blacke misteries of this sect , for he sayes , God having cut him of without graunting any of those mercyes , it followes , that his resolutions were as fained , as his vowes frustrate . What Turke , Jew , or devill could say more against suffring Christians .

Vpon the ARMIES surprisall of the KING at HOLMBY .

THe lowde noyse , that the Libeller hath made hitherto of the greate obstinacy of the King in not hearkning to the advice of Parliament is ended , and the Parliament become a Councell of scribes , and Pharisees , and they had been elder Brothers long enough , and it was now time , that the younger should have his turne , and the new modell must dictate to the doting Parliament , and there must not be a prevalence in the house of Commons to discard those men of invincible valour without their due reward , and though they may murder the King , having taken away his sword , they may not thinke to deale soe with them , that have the sword in their hands . The virulence of some false Ministers , which the King must not name without reverence , and their seditious tongues more Zealous against schisme , then Simony , or pluralities might in likelyhood have done mischeife betweene theis Brethren , but it was prevented , and in despight of the Parliament , and these old warriours , and Zealous Ministers , the new modell seize the King their Captive , and this is the law , Religion , Reformation , Libertie , and Parliament , which the king withstood , and the man after all his law determines , that irregular motions may be necessary on earth sometimes aswell , as in heaven . Greate worthyes by disobeying law oft times have saved the Commonwealth , and the law afterward approved that vnblameable exorbitancie . But wherefore hath he all this time made breach of lawes soe hainous , it had been ingenuous in him to have distinguished betweene the blameable , and vnblameable exorbitancy , & then he would not have found Coate , & Conduct-money , and the rest of his particulars rise soe high , as the vnblameable exorbitancies he now magnifies . But though Divine lawes could not regulate the mans motions , as they doe Celestiall bodyes , yet the obstinacy in his evil courses makes him goe retrograde , and fight for law , and against law , for Parliament , and against Parliament , and trust , and Elections in Parliament are become scarecrowes to fright Children , not Conquerours .

Though the Presbiterian be supplanted , he shall finde a better portion , then vncircumcised Prelates . It s like the Jewish brethren seeke to bring into bondage such , as receive not their Antichristian Markes , and professe the beleife of revived heresies , eating the sacrifices of the dead . The story could not certifie the King , that there was division of tongues , or hands in the builders of Ierusalem , but it told him , that they , which built had the Kings Commission , and God may in mercy to the nation remove theis bloody brethren , that will destroy Jerusalem rather then quit their Tyrany over it . We may very well see the judgment of God vpon the nation in this bloody warr , and though it begun with the house of God , we may expect , that such men will not escape , that have been the firebrands of this dissention , and wrought soe greate misery vpon the nation , and though the Moabites , Ammonites , and Edomites gloried in the Jewes Captivitie , as theis Rebells in the Conquest , and Captivitie of their King , and Sanballat , and Tobiah , and these other Enemies of the Church despised the weakenes of the Jewes in rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem , and in scorne said , that a fox going on it would overthrow it speaking with the same insolencie , as the Libeller now vses , yet they may be assured , that God will remember his Church , and the Enemies thereof , as he did Edom in the day of Jerusalem .

The Libeller is a good witnes against himselfe , saying to counterfeite the hand of God is the boldest of all forgeries , and he , who without warrant , but his owne fantastique surmise takes vpon him perpetually to vnfold the secret , and vnsearchable misterie of high providence , it likely for the most part to mistake , and slander them , and approaches to the madnes of those reprobate thoughts , that would wrest the sword of Iustice out of Gods owne hand , and apply it more justly in his conceite , and himselfe makes the application , that vsurpes the hand of God in the successes , and victories of Rebells to the approbation of their impietie , and avow , the wresting of the sword of Justice out of the hand of Gods vicegerent to imploy it more justly in their owne conceite , and dares stander the misteries of high providence by binding them to their owne fantastique surmises ; What could he have spoken more appositely to his owne condemnation ? All men , that behold the dealings of the Army with that mocke Parliament , doe judge a very greate proportion in that retalliation of the injuries , they had offred the King , & they , that would lay hands on the Militia are brought vnder the Dominion of those forces , which themselves had raysed for that vsurpation , and heere againe the Libeller would finde somewhat to succour his feeble conceites of the beginning of the warr from the Kings confession , which sayes , noe man is soe blinde , as not to fee herein the hand of divine Iustice , they , that by Tumults first occasioned the raysing of Armes , must now be Chastened with their owne Army for new Tumults . And what now is the Libellers extraction from hence , that because Tumults were the first occasion of raysing Armes , by consequence he himselfe raysed them first against these Tumults . It s a cripled cause , that stands on such crutches . Though Tumults might be the first occasion , yet this was not the whole occasion , for these Tumults were seconded by seizing the forts , and Navy , & raysing an Army by those , that raysed the Tumults , and their guilt in raysing Tumults , sought protection from a formed , Army , and this Method of divine Justice , sober men observe with reverence , while irrationall , and obstinate Traytours attribute nothing , but their owne successes to the hand of God in favour , which is in wrath to themselves , and others .

These were new Tumults , for which the Citie was chastened , and cannot be referred to another farr fetcht cause soe many yeares before . But the Cittie , that raysed Tumults for the Parliament many yeares before , is now punisht for Tumults , for that same pretended Parliament by that Army raysed out of them , and is it not evident heere that the first inventers of mischeife , are scourged with the whipps themselves had prepared for others .

The fact of Manlius defending the Capitoll against the Gaules , and afterward throwne headlong from the Capitoll for sedition , might restraine the Libellers wicked application of their murdering the King at the gate of whitehall to the merit of his actions done there ; but the Cittie suffred by an Action , which they had done for them , who now punish them for it , and they ; that did a wickednes with applause , are punisht for it by those that applauded it , the Actions of Manlius were opposite one to another , heere the same .

It was a mercy they had a victorious Army soe neere to fly to . But it was a judgment , that Tumults , which they had vsed to drive away the King , should drive away them , and the Libellers Logickes serves him to as litle purpose , as his historie , He would have , that the latter were reall Tumults , the first but pretended , and why will he beleive the Parliament for the first , and not for the latter ? And why doth he call them those few of both houses , that withdrew from the first tumults , and those many from the latter , when it is most apparent , that they , which withdrew at first were three times the number of them , that forsoake at last .

It is not the place , but the end , and cause , that makes a Parliament . And then all they , that say they have a good cause , and a good end are a Parliament , and what neede is there then of a writ , or Elections ? And Tumults are as good , as Parliaments , and the end , and the cause make them Tumults , and noe Tumults , Parliament and noe Parliament , and an Assembly at the beare garden is as good , as the house of Commons , he hath found the event to salve all , for they returned soone to their places , that fled from these latter Tumults , and that is the finall decision of all controversie .

The King brings in an inconvenient , and obnoxious Comparision of vengeance , as the Mice , and Ratts overtooke a german Bishopp . And the inconvenience is , that the Libeller will from the name of Bishopp wish the same evill to all Bishopps , that befell , that evill Bishopp . Is the comparision obnoxious , because he is impertinent in following his owne shaddow , and cursing those , that are innocent . Is it obnoxious , that the King supporting the order of Bishopps should produce the Example of an evill Bishopp followed by divine vengeance ? Is not the Libellers mentioning the seditious tongues of his false preachers more obnoxious , then the naming of the German Bishopp ? And is it not as easy to wish the Ratts , and mice had pursued theis false , and seditious preachers till they had driven them out of the land , as the Bishopps ?

Sorrow , and pittie in an overmastred Enemy are looked vpon , as the ashes of his revenge burnt out vpon it selfe . An over mastred Enemy may be more , then Conquerour , and may have cause , and affection to pittie the victor , and they most neede pittie , that least feele the want . The Triumphs of Rebells are vnnaturall Prodigies , and the dances of devills . The pittie of innocent Martirs , which they expressed for proud persecutours was lookt on , as the Kings by these villaines , and the wicked Jewes despised our saviours bidding them not weepe for him , but for themselves , and for their Children . Although the Libeller soe lately justified chastning of the Parliament , yet he will have it an injury in the King to perswade men against the Parliament , and soe he ties the end , and the cause to what he pleases , and as long , as he can bring noe better evidence , then the successe of vsurpation , he washes not of any guilt from himselfe , nor his rowte .

The just prayses of an Enemy are esteemed honourable , & knowne truths cannot proceede from Craft , being soe obvious to all , and it were neerer to madnes , then reason to suppose , that there were not among those , which acted against the king , such as knew not what they did , and had as greate ignorance , as the Libeller impudence , that censures the Charitie of a prayer for such persons .

Intitled to the PRINCE OF WALES .

THe Libeller vndertakes to shew , that although the King had been reinstalled to his desire , or his sonne admitted should observe all his fathers precepts , yet that would be soe farr from conducing to our happines , that it would inevitably throw vs backe againe into all our past , and fulfilled miseries . There is noe doubt , but Traytours will tell the people soe , and that there is noe happines , but vnder their vsurpation , and though they engage them in endles warrs , which the rebelling against just right must produce , yet they perswade the people , that the condition of warr , and blood is more eligible , then those blessings of peace the Kingdome enjoyed vnder all their Princes . By our happines he intends doubtles his Rebell partie , whose happines is to raigne , and Tyranize over the people , and that cannot continue with reinstalling the King . But the people of England expect not any end of their miserie , but by restoring the just rights of their lawfull King , and they now descerne , that the successe of a wicked cause was a judgment of God vpon the nation , whose vnthankefullnes , for their long prosperitie had justly provoked his wrath .

He goes on to his proofes , that the king beares wittnes in his owne words , that the corrupt education of his youth was not vntruly charged vpon him , or his Sonne , and that he gathers from these words of the Kings , Court delights are prone either to roote vp all true vertue , and honour , or to be contented only with some leaves , and withering formalities of them without any reall fruites tending to the publique good . And is it a proofe , that because Court delights are prone to produce such fruites therefore all , that live in Princes Courts must necessarily have a corrupt education , & might not this Libeller have cleerely observed , that his Majest was free from such a corrupt education , that had soe cleere a sight of the ill consequences of Court delights . Though there be these pleasures at the Court , it is not the education of Princes , whose youth is seasoned by instruction against the corruption of these baites . There are dangers to mens manners from abundance , and high places , and thence the Libeller would inferr , that there must neither be wealth , nor power , but in the hands of his Pharisaicall Sectaries , who never complaine of such corruption . The desperate hipocrisie of these traytours is laid open by their owne words , and Actions , and the Libeller from the Kings caution to his Sonne by the example of Rehoboam frames an expression , as if the King affirmed it to be his owne case , with such faithlesse dealing he addresses himselfe to his heedeles readers , and tells all that he sayes , is the Kings confession . There are doubtles men , that can relate the Kings life , & will ; but that neede not in opposition to the slanders of Rebells , whose cause is supported by the lewdenes of detraction . The long peace of the Kings Raigne , in the midst of warrs round about vs , shewes , he was not idle in performance of the Kingly office , and the warr and miserie , that since brake out , was the effect of greate prosperitie , which , as it corrupts the Court of Princes , soe the mindes of the people , and makes way for the designes of seditious Traytours , we had been sure to have heard slander enough vpon the Kings personall behaviour , if he had been obnoxious to any suspition , or tainted with Court delights . The best Governments are subject to repinings , and the greate prosperietie of Solomons Raigne , when silver for the plentie was not esteemed , drew after it popular Complaints of heavy burdens , and whatever Rehoboam threatned , Jeroboam really performed , the madnes of the people finding all wayes their murmurings repayed with greater sufferings . The disobedience , and contempt of just authoritie , and of those principles of Government and Religion , which the King teaches his Son have been the occasion of al our miseries , there being nothing like miserie , or suffring before this horrid Rebellion .

And now the Libeller will have the breeding op of his Majest now living in the rugged , and boysterous licence of vndisciplined Camps , and garrisons noe better , then the effeminacies of the Court , and yet he will perswade vs , that Rebells nursed vp in that boysterous , and vnnaturall disobedience are fittest instruments of our happines . Those principles , which the King had learnt in his education , and which endured the Tryall of a fierie adversitie are received for sound by all such , as have not renounced reverence to Religion . Those principles , which the prosecution of a bloody Rebellion , and the continuall exercise of rapine , falshood , & oppression , have fixed in the hearts of Rebells must necessarily make the words of the wise , & the wayes of the inst matter only of contempt , and derision , and such , as have once broken the bounds of modestie , thinke it dishonour to have shame , and repentance , and will advance their confusions insteede of order , their Blasphemies for zeale , their sacriledge for reformation , their Tyrany for law , and all the hell they feare is the losse of their vsurped power , and the restoring of just right , and their jealosies of loosing their owne greatenes provokes them still to an increase of their lewdenes , making truth , and right the object of their spite , and persecution . These debaucht Rebells proclaime , that there is noe good but Rebellion , noe worke of God ; but submission to it , and repentance for opposing it .

If the Church of England be Antipapall , how comes it to bo a schisme ? And why hath the libeller so continually made vp his discourses with inclinations to Popery ? Independencie knowes noe schisme , for if it allow every meeting its libertie , where is the schisme ?

It s a Rule , that noe Scripture , nor ancient Creede bindes our faith to any Church denominated by a particular name . But he rejects , what was received by the vniversall Church . What doth that contradict the Kings advice to his Son of his esteeme of the Church of England , if he beleive , as he did vpon good ground , that it was agreeable in doctrine to the word of God ? It is apparent , that these Sectaries are seperated from all Churches of the world , and that Government , which they call Catholique had neither precept , nor practice in any Church , being newly crept out of hell to persecute the Church .

Noe man was ever bid to be subject to the Church of Cornith , Rome , or Asia , but to the Church without addition . And why doth he deny to be subject to the Church without addition , was there never Church before this day ? heere we have the builders of Babell , none vnderstand what another sayes , were not those that lived in those Churches of Corinth , Rome , & Asia commaunded to be subject to the Governours of those Churches ? Is it not the Apostles Commaund to obey those , that have the oversight of them , and may every man despise their new independent congregations , & seeke for a Church without addition , and where then will he finde him ? We may imagine what manner of state such Church reformers will erect , and what it is they call reformation , that looke vpon all Churches , as schismes , because not rent into as many parts , as particular persons . These schismatickes pretend the Church of England allmost growne Popish , and yet nothing altered from the first reformation , & while they disguise their meaning by pretending popery to gett the vulgar vnawares to favour their dissembled zeale , they demaund to have the Reformation vnestablished . And the restraint of their Rebellion is Pharaohs prohibition to the Israelites , that sought leave tosacrifise to God . It was a greate testimony of the Kings zeale to the Church of God , that he forewarned his Sonne to suppresse errours , & schismes , his owne experience having taught him , that these doggs , and evill workers are the greatest evills to Church , and state , and these destroyers , that are the reproaches of Religion , the Scabbs , and biles to be Church , allow noe protestant Churches to be communicated with , that are not tainted with the same putrifaction , that hath corrupted them .

For the Civill state the kings precepts tend to the preservation of Civill libertie , and it was farr from our Fathers to thinke , that any humane lawes were immutable , but further , that lawes should be altered at the will of a mutable multitude , and that their King should be excluded from the judgment of the reasons for a change . He falls from the question touchinge repeale of lawes , and talkes of saving the Kingdome , we may better trust the King with saving the Kingdome , then any number of men we can picke out , whose private fortunes may be saved , though the kingdome be lost .

The Turkes , Iawes , and Moores enjoy vnder the Turkish Government , what their industrie , and labour have made their owne . If that be true the Libeller is much out of the way to thinke it a reproach to Civill Government to compare it to the Turkes ; what Civill libertie doth the freest nation claime more , and what doe these Masters of the new Republique pretend to allow more ? Doe they not plainely tell the people , they ought to have noe more , then they will give them ? Thus he will defend the Turke , Jew , and Moore rather then be an Englishman .

There is noe doubt , but the libertie of the subject depends on the Regall power in the first place . There is noe libertie without Government , and where the Government is regall , the subject must maintaine it , or be a Traytour , and give vp his libertie for a prey to ravenous vsurpers .

That the King suffred it to be preached in his owne hearing , that the subject had noe propertie of his goods , but all was the Kings right . Is a mainfest vntruth , yet they , which make advantage of such inventions practise what they reproach , for doth not that thing they call a Parliament , consisting of a few contemptible persons professe , that all the goods of the subjects are at their disposing . By the lawes of England noe act can be a law without the king , though both houses propounded it , and in that negative voyce of the kings , the people reposed their libertie , which they would not wholly intrust to a Major part of one , or both houses .

The power of the whole nation is vertually in the Parliament . But there is noe vertue in it without the king . And is it vertually in such a part of the Parliament , as either the Army , or the Tumults shall picke out ? The Libeller hath borne wittnes for the kings Martirdome , though he intended the contrary , and while he names the Rebells war in their owne defence , cannot avoyde to tell the world , the Rebellion was to take away the Kings negative voyce , and establish lawes at their owne will . Every man will beare wittnes , that it is Martirdome to die , rather then burne incense to Idolls , or Devills , and he that refuses to introduce schisme , and disorder into the Church , and committ sacrilegious pillage of Church goods , and is persecuted to death for his refusall , is noe lesse a Martir , then he , that suffers for denying an Idolatrous worshipp , and this is not to die for Religion , because establisht , but that establishment , which we ought to preserve , and all the painting , & dawbing of these Artisans of Rebellion will not deface that Martirdome , which their owne wicked hands have testified . There are no reformed Churches , that have abolisht the Decalogue , & so long a king , that dies by a wicked Rebellion for not consenting to Trayterours demaunds is judged a Martir by the best reformed Churches , but he does not looke before he leape , that brings in the Romish Priests executed for that , which had been established , for he might have knowne they were executed by lawes in force , and for doing what noe law in force allowed , and there is a great deale of difference betweene heretickes dying for errours against vniversall truths , and Martirs dying for vniversally received truths .

The legislative Parliament , and law of Coronation , and obstinacie of one man his soe often chewed Rhetorique will not aide him to overcome so apparent truth , and noe Parliament could have been soe ridiculous , and contemptible a thing , as they , which abuse the name have now made it , spurning it too , and fro like a footeball at the will of the multitude , and noe men are more markes for slaves , then such , as are destined to such a vassallage vnder such Masters .

Noe tolleration can please schismatickes , that is bounded with any lawes , and vnles they have a libertie to treade downe all law , and Religion , they account it not freedome , and such tolleration , which other Churches account themselves happy in , these Sectaries account despicable , that will have it not beneath the honour of a Parliament , and free nation to receive a Schismaticall pretended Religion , devised by a junto of Mechannickes .

His suspitions of palliation are of the same stuffe with his positions , and we may well thinke vpon his owne grounds , that the Kings advice to his Son to be tender of the people , was sincere , whose destruction would be his vndoing . Which might justly move a Prince to that tendernes . Powerfull Rebells are noe lesse infamous , then greate , and these , who place the hopes of immortall prayse in the excesse of villanies , only erect the Monuments of their impieties the higher , that they may be seene by posteritie , though they avoyded for the present the heigth of Hamans Gallowes , and we may not thinke such men looke to be remembred in mercy with God , who shewed none to men . They thinke with Cain their sin greater , then can be forgiven .

Although the King Exhort his Son not to study revenge , yet they beleive , that he , or at least they about him intend not to follow that exhortation , and that he sayes was seene lately at the Hague . It s like he intends , the killing of Doristans their Rebell Agent . Is that an Argument of studying revenge after Reconciliation , that a profest villaine was staine in the heate of indignation , comming in Triumph with the blood of the Murthred King , as his Trophey ? The Libeller would willingly perswade the multitude , that it concernes them asmuch , as th●●e impious projectours of Rebellion to feare such revenge , and therefore they may not repent , but like himselfe maintaine Treason to be the better cause , and to returne to loyaltie were ficklenes , and instabilitie .

He cannot endure the Government by Bishopps , for he sayes , it is away to subdue the consciences of vulgar men to slavish doctrine . The doctrine he meanes is order , an obedience , and he would have a compendious way to schisme , and Rebellion , and that s the grudge , which Traytours have at this Government , and their profest quarrell .

He will not admit , that Parliaments can have freedome , if the King may deny any thing , which a Major part propounds , as if they had noe freedome , vnles the prevailing partie were absolute Lords , and yet their freedome is preserved , though the Army picke out a few to be the Parliament , and send packing the rest , and this is the foundation of the English freedome , as he would have it , and that this Conventicle must have the name of Parliament , and not of a faction . The conclusion , that the Libeller would have is , that the Parliament should consist of a few Trayterous designers , to whose voyce the rest must be only an Eecho , and the found of a Parliament must be noe other , then a bagpipe , yeilding only such noates , as the breath , and stopps of the prime Masters allow it . We have seene those tapistry Parliaments , which he mentions , which stay , and remove at the pleasure of those Masters of the houshould ; And should not the King have a power to stopp the extravagant motions of these impetuous Commaunders , which blasted all such , whose wisedome , and gravitie offred wholesome Counsells for publique safetie , and ordered their mutes , and noughts to signifie their pleasure The Kingdome would be sure of miserie , as often , as they see a Parliament , and the people see they must seeke their preservation in vnitie , which is Resident in the head , not in those broken fractions the subject of division , and such , as seeke vents , and ouletts from the supreame Government are the whirle windes of misery , and confusion , but Traytours would have lawes as easily broken , as the spiders webb . And this Parliament , to which the King must be subject , himselfe will allow noe more freedome , then to sit in the noose of their Military generall , which when he pleases to draw to geather with one twitch , not only with his negative , but positive Command , shall throtile the whole nation to the wish of Caligula in one necke , and this the Kings negative was farr from , and if the Libeller stitch togeather all the quibbles of pasquills , & satirs , they will agree vnto his Rebell Masters , but lose their propertie by his application to lawfull Government . Where they have placed the Militia the Kingdome now feele , who vnderstood not the word , when they were at first hoodminckt by it to seeke they knew not what .

The deliverance , which these men boast of is the deprivation of just Government , and the substitution of lawles will , and the people see , that they are foe farr from a deliverance that they are delivered over to a languishing miserie vnder the sharpest servitude , and they now finde their Idolizing a Parliament hath drawne them from their loyaltie to him , whome God had set over them , and cast them vnder the hard bondage of these Masters , and like them , which rejected the sonns of Gideon , and tooke the sonne of his servant to raigne over them , they feele a fire of division kindled among them to devoure one another .

This Libeller allowes not any thoughts of revenge in his Majest now living for the murder of his father , and yet reproacheth him for making peace with the Irish , and not seeking their totall extirpation , and the peace with them he calls a sordid , dishonourable , and irreligious seeking of his Crowne . But the man is vnwilling he should have any wāyes at al , and would perswade his Sectaries , for none els will beleive him , that the King may not make peace with a Rebell submitting to oppose a Rebell persevering .

That the Presbiter Scott , which woes the King now living is put of proceedes from his termes , not from his qualitië . Should not the people of England seeke the restitution of their King , and legall Government , whereof they have been cheated with the adulterate ostentations of libertie , and redresse of greivances , they would appeare arrant beasts , that cryed out , and below'd by the instinct of their drivers , fighting like brutes , till they ran into the pinfold , where they are reserved for servitude , and slaughter by those Masters , who allured them with foode to put the yoake on their neckes .

The Libeller dislikes the kings conclusion , that Religion to God , and loyaltie to the King cannot be parted without the sinne , & infelicitie of a people And sayes its contrary to the teaching of Christ , that noe man can serve two Masters . These are fit Judges of our dutie to God , or man , and fit reformers of Church , and state , that will have the service of a Master , or obedience to a father the serving of another Master , then God , and the spirit of God speaking by St. Peter , feare God , and honour the King must contradict the teaching of Christ , such Church makers doe we now live with . Such as served heathen Masters , may not leave their service , though they serve not their heathen Gods at their Commaund , and if they did desert their earthly Masters for that reason , they did not serve their Master in heaven , who will be served by their subjection to their earthly Masters , but he that will serve himselfe cannot serve God , and that selfe service is the whole worke of these Rebells , who pretend to put God in the first place , that they may leave him noe place , and such , as desert their King vpon pretence of Gods service , desert God to serve themselves , and they will only enjoy their power , and wealth , and ease for Gods sake , but suffer for him they will not , that kinde of testimony to the truth of Religion , they account among the corruptions of the first ages of the Church , and they have found a more accurate , and pleasant way to serve God .

Intitled MEDITATIONS VPON DEATH .

BEcause the King affordes time to inveigh bitterly against that murder , but in the Libellers language Iustice done on him , it will be as he sayes needefull to say something in defence of those proceedings . Doubtles all , that witt , or impudence can offer in defence of Barbarisme is farr short of a colourable excuse . He is courting of apocripha , and makes a Prologue out of Esdras , and Josephus , Authors in his judgment , not lesse beleived , then any vnder sacred , & brings forth the story of the three wise questions , and zorobabells determination for women , and truth . Quorsum haec ? Though he be not asked , nor in a nation , that gives such rewards to wisedome . ( his Masters have not that bountie to restore the King , that he may fitt next him , their gratitude being of the same Stampe with their loyaltie ) he shall pronounce his sentence somewhat different , that eyther truth , and Iustice are all one , or els that Iustice by his office is to put forth more strength in the affaires of mankinde . To what purpose doth he soe solemnely produce this peice of Apocripha , and pronounce his sentence different ? Iustice is a vertue of the minde , and putts forth noe more strength in the affaires of mankinde then truth , but he talkes of justice , and truth , as if they were members of the house of Commons . The sensuall appetite of some is too strong for their vnderstanding , and thence proceeded the conclusions for the strength of wine , and women . In others the vnderstanding and reason are stronger , and there truth is strongest , but we may be assured , that in this Libeller , and his Masters , ambition , crueltie , and falshood are strongest , and thence their Actions are an oppression , and defiance of truth , and Iustice , and they are growne soe absurd , as from the Titles of strength given to vertues , and passions , this triflinge Libeller would haue them non resident , and to act without a subject . If Zorobabell had made truth a fantastical person , as this man strives to have justice vnderstood , he had surely lost his reward , as well , as the opinion of his wisedome . This man would have Iustice vnderstood , as shee is painted in a peice of Tapistry .

Iustice had a sword putt into her hand to vse against all violence , & oppression in the earth . By whome was this sword putt into her hand ? Doe theis Traytours beleive , that their magnifying of Iustice makes any man looke on their Barbarous Actions with lesse detestation , or that justice is any part of their end , or Actions ? Justice teaches Rulers how to vse the sword put into their hands , but is armelesse against any violence , and oppression without the power of the Ruler . If the Magistrate doe injustice , there is noe justice committed to others against him . The wise man by the spirit of God tells vs , that he beheld wrong , and injustice , and the cryes of the oppressed , and there was noe deliverer , and where then was the Libellers justice ? was not violence there stronger then justice ? Though divine justice cannot be avoyded , humane justice often fayles , and cannot reach the offender .

Shee is most truly , who accepts no person , and exempts none from the severitie of her stroake . Though by the Rules of justice , there is no accepting nor exempting of persons , yet the Magistrate , to whome alone the Rule belongs is confined to persons , and places , justice forbidding all vsurpation , and striking is oppression , where lawfull power gives not the sword .

Shee never suffers injury to prevayle , but when falshood first prevailes over truth , and that is a kinde of justice done on them , who are soe deluded . And is not falshood an injury ? why should justice suffer falshood to prevayle more then other injuries , and why should deluded , and deceived persons be deprived of Justice . And is it Justice to suffer deceived persons to be injured ? This man sees the horrid Injustices acted by his Masters , and that must be a kinde of justice , because ( in his sense ) vpon deceived men .

Though wicked Kings , and Tyrants counterfeite the sword , yet shee communicates not her power to any , but such , as are just , or at least will doe Iustice . Doth justice communicate her power to every just man , or that will doe justice , and are they not Tyrants , that take the sword , which is not given them by the Libellers owne judgment . He would needes make justice a Goddesse , and Poeticall fancies , realities , and Bellona must leade an Army without a Generall . Kings have their power from God , and God gives the sword ye even to wicked Kings , and because the power is given them for justice , it is called the sword of justice , though they vse it oft-times to Injustice , and though there are soe many instances of wicked Rulers , who yet had their power from God , yet this impudent Blaspheamour sayes . It were extreame partialitie , & Injustice , the flat denyal , & overthrow of her slefe to put her owne Authenticke sword into the hand of an vnjust , and wicked man , or soe farr to accept , and exalt one mortall person above his equalls , that he alone shall have the punishment of all other men transgressinge , & not receive like punishment from men , when he himselfe shal be found the highest Transgressour . He beleives not the Scripture tellinge vs Gods advancement of diverse Kings above their equalls , & to that condition of impunitie ; And must it not necessarily follow from his principles , that God is vnjust , and partiall in soe doinge ? And if all men be not punisht equally in this life for the same offences ? Can there be a greater Blaspheamy ? Were it not the height of Injustice , if the governed should judge , and punish the Governour ? Were it possible for mankinde to subsist in such a state , or can there be a possibilitie of any right , or Justice in such confusion ? The Scripture forbids vs to judge another mans servant , but this man will have the father punisht by the childe , the Master by the servant , the Prince by the people .

Iustice is , and ought to be strongest . The strength of publique Justice is the Magistrate . Though Justice ought to be strong in our affections , and Actions , yet all men are not obliged , nor permitted to doe all Acts of Justice . The execution of Civill Justice is the Magistrates office , it is the strength of Injustice to vsurpe the calling of others . From this Lunaticke discourse of the strength of Justice , he concludes . That if by sentence thus written , it were my happines to set free the mindes of Englishmen from longing to returne poorely vnder that Captivitie of Kings , from which the strength , and supreame sword of Iustice hath delivered them , I shall have done a worke , not much inferious to that of Zorobabell . The sentence of this braine sicke Libeller is very weake to worke on any opinion , but the hath set free some Englishmen from the Captivitie of a received errour , for they were made beleive they fought for their King , and this man tells them it was to shake of Kings , and surely his vainities , and deceites , and his Masters Tyrany will perswade the Englishmen to seeke their returne vnder the free , and glorious Government of Kings from the Captivitie of theis Tyrants , & vsurpers , that have enslaved them ; And that horrid murder of the King vnder the shamelesse pretence of justice , must necessarily worke detestation of the fact , and a longing to be delivered from the Dominion of such Monsters . Noe doubt this Libeller would thinke it an happines to be secure in his stolen power , but he must expresse more reason , and lesse impietie to effect such a worke , & he may be assured , that as long , as there are men soe ingenuous to acknowledge Justice , that they must detest his cause , and him . And though Kings be vnaccountable to men for their Actions , it is noe way contrary to the wisedome of Zorobabell , who names not Justice , and if he had given that strength to Justice , which he did to truth , it had been in the same sense , vnderstanding the force of Justice , as of other vertues . The strength of the King is over the persons , that of truth , and Justice over the minde . But if the King be accountable to men , are not they , to whome he is accountable by the libellers Argument not only stronger then the King , but stronger then Justice ? And soe Justice is not strongest , vnles the sword be putt into a madd mans hand , and the giddy multitude , from whome nothinge , but Injustice can be expected may punish their Rulers . To what end were Governments ordained , if justice be only in the Governed ? Were ever like Tyranies , and Injustices committed by single Rulers , as by the vnbridled multitude , and yet justice must have noe strength in the mouth of a King , and the word of Rebells only must be the strength of justice , and this Champion , that bindes justice to Rebell power , and excludes it from Kings , hopes to be a Zorobabell to the Englishmen for his wise sentence .

That noe law of God , or man gives the subjects any power of Iudicature without or against the King , he will prove most vntrue , and by that most ancient , and vniversall law , he that sheddeth mans blood , by man shall his blood be shedd , and heere he sayes is noe exception of a King . Though it be plaine , that he , to whome the power of shedding the blod of the offender , is committed , must necessarily be excepted , vnles they will suppose he must kill himselfe , doth the Libeller imagine , that by this law , all men were judges , or that the subject may judge the soveraigne , who is not permitted by any law to judge an Equall ? As the divine law appointed punishments , soe likewise Rulers , and if people may judge their Rulers , it anulls all the Commaunds of obedience to superiours , all subordination in humane societie , and all decision of Controversie , while every one may pretend his owne opinion the Rule of justice .

Next he hath found the place in numbers . Ye shall take noe satisfaction for the life of a Murderer . But judges , to whome the law was given , were appointed to declare , who was guiltie of Murder , and we may easily see , who had beene the Murderers , if every man were to judge a superiour , or the multitude their Rulers , and this the Libeller might have found in the same booke where the people charge Moses , and Aron with killing the people of the Lord , and Moses sayes , they were ready to stone him . And the Libeller may with his Anabaptisticall brethren vpon better grounds abolish Magnistracie , then make every man a Magistrate , as by this reason he would . Though the law appointed noe satisfaction for the life of a murderer , yet we finde David pardoned the murder of his son Absolom , and Civill punishments are not of immutable law , and it had been murder to take away his life , whome the king had pardoned , and we finde , that though Jacob curst the rage of his two sons , yet he put them not to death for the murder of the Sichemites .

A law must be founded in vnrighteousnes , if the people doe not punish their Rulers , as the Rulers them . And such a law is contrary to those Rules of righteousnes God hath prescribed , and is the destruction of mankinde , not any law at tall , and this man feares not to charge God with vnrighteousnes , that forbidds evill speakinge of their Rulers though wicked , and vnjust , and scoffes at his ordinance calling anointinge a Charme . Can any man of Common reason imagine , that a people wil be obedient vnto any , whome they have power to punish , or that subjection can consist with such a condition ?

The anointinge of Abiathar to be a Priest did not exempt him from the power of the King . And can any reasonable man thinke , that any , but the King could have vsed that power vpon Abiathar , or that because the King , who was anointed to that office over the Priest , was subject to the like from his people , or any private man , as this Atheist will have it ?

David , as a private man , and in his owne cause feared to lift vp his hand against the Lords anointed , but this Cannot forbidd the law , nor disarme Iustice from havinge legall power against any King . This sheweth , that divine law forbadd all men to take the Armes of justice without , or against the King , who is referred to Gods justice , and justice hath noe Armes , but his power . What David feared , he judged all others had cause to feare , who can touch the Lords anointed , and be innocent ? If David were a private man , being anointed King ; who was a publique man ? But what David feared , these wretches despise , and Count this forbearance of David a ceremony , which he might have forborne . If David feared in his owne cause to lift vp his hand against the Lords anointed , the Libeller is his owne judge , and must be his tormenter , that makes an impious defence of those , that lifted vp their hand against the Lords anointed in their owne cause , and were by his owne confession but private men , and he would have their exorbitance , and disobedience to law vnblameable . Was David a more private man , then they ? All supreame Counsells in other formes of Government , that have not at Monarch , claime this priviledge of exemptiō from their subjects Judicature , but those gracelesse Rebells hold nothinge sacred , the place of Gods vicegerent they wil have to be an enormous priviledge , and blow away Religion , & justice like Chaffe with the blast of their fancie , though they pretend the strength of it Abo●●●…iat of Kings .

He hath done with Scripture , he descends now to saint Ambrose excommunicatinge Theodosius , & he will allow the Bishopp to be a saint for this fact , though his calling were Prelaticall , and vnlawfull in his judgment . But what is spirituall excommunication to the puttinge of a King to death ? This fact of saint Ambrose is noe Rule . Though Christian Bishopps refused to give the holy misteries to Princes in cases of fins , they did not presume to make a Civill seperation betweene them , and their people , and will the Libeller allow the Bishopps to be more publique persons , then Christ , and his Apostles , and to doe what they would not ? He , that makes such out cryes against Popery heere takes vp the most scandalous doctrine , that any of them maintaine , and which the most sober disclaime , and takes vp those Arguments , which the Jesuites vse for the Clergies , and Popes power over Princes , & yet the man would be accounted a zealous Protestant . The examples of excommunication by the brittish Bishopps , saint Germaine Oudeceus , & the clergy of Morcant might be al true , but nothing to the purpose , nor are their excommunications Rules for Christian practice , neither can there be any inference of deposing , or murderinge Kings from such Actions .

But for the greater Credit he sayes the facts of theis Brittish Bishopps were before we had Communion with the Church of Rome . And may not he looke on himselfe , and his crew with horrour for vilyfying , and reproaching the calling of Bishopps , as Papell , and Antichristian , and yet confesse it to be before we had any Communion with the Church of Rome ?

What power of deposinge Kings , and consequently of putting them to death was assumed , and practised by the Canon law , he sayes , he omitts , as a thing generally knowne . Why would he not tell , by whome it was practised , would that discredit the Authoritie ? What power the Popes practised in deposinge Kings is generally knowne , and detested by all good men being Actions contrary to all lawes , but of their owne making . But did the people of England expect , that all the promises of Reformation made by the late Parliament would end only in approvinge the Tyrany , and vsurpation of the Pope over Kings , and justifying of the powder plot , and are all the complaints of the Protestant Divines against the practice of the Popes become impertinent Clamours ? But such a defence is suteable to the cause .

Whole Councells have decreed , that a Counsell is above the Pope , though by them not denyed the vicar of Christ , and wee may be ashamed in our cleerer light not to descerne further , that a Parliament is above a King . It were a shame to vs , if we should not descerne the difference betweene the independent power of Kings , and the vsurped power of the Pope , and this breaker wants shame , that pretends cleerer light , and opposition to Rome , and yet begg Examples from it . Such , as preferred the authoritie of Counsells above the Pope , had their warrant from the ancient Counsells , which knew not the vicarshipp of the Pope different from his brethren ; And had these Counsells thought him Christs vicar , and infallible , as the Romanists now maintaine , their conclusion of the Counsells superioritie could not consist with their premisses ; being much alike this Authors ordinary Arguments . But what resemblance has a Counsell of the whole Church to the Parliament , or Counsell of a particular kingdome ? By the lawes of some kingdomes there are noe Parliaments at all , and in Counsells they are not subjects , but brethren to 〈◊〉 the Pope , as they anciently stiled themselves , and they anciently convened , and departed without any leave from him , but in the English Parliament , they are all subjects to the king , and their places were by his institution , and the kings calling any convention for advice , doth not alter the qualitie of subjection .

He comes now to humane lawes , and by them he will prove a divine truth . The judgment given against Orestes , either at Athens , whose king he was not , or in any other Countrey , where he was but a Titular , proves nothing , though he story were Authenticke , and the proceedings legall , but popular furies , though occasioned by their Governours Crymes are not Examples of imitation . Solons lawes belonged not to kingly Government , neither were the kings of Sparta Monarchs , nor Licurgus a King indeede , though he had a Title , the constitution of that State being a Republique , and their King noe other , then a Consul of Rome , or a Duke of venice .

The Decree in Rome is farr wide from the matter , and what the Senate did against Nero , was in vindication of their ancient power , not acknowledging the Justice of his soveraigntie . Though Theodosius decreed the law to be above the Emperour , yet he decreed not any person to have power over the Emperour . The law was above him in reguard it was his Rule , but could not make any person , or societie above him . The law is the directive power to Kings , but subject them not to any , and it is a senseles deduction from the superioritie of the Rule to imagine an inferioritie of the Rulers to the people , or a communitie in power by the Rule .

That Bracton , or Cleta say the King is inferiour to the Court of Parliament , is a manifest vntruth , and Bracton sayes expressely , the King hath not a superiour on earth to punish him , and that only God is the avenger of his Actions , soe farr were theis men from affirminge , that he stands as liable to receive Iustice , as the meanest of his subjects . But this man thinkes , that some of his Readers will beleive , that the name of an Author is sufficient Authoritie , though the speake contrary to what he alleadges .

It is said in an ancient booke , the King ought to be subject to the law by his oath . Though the King be bound to performe the law by his oath , is there any to judge him , when all are his subjects , and derive their power from him , or is he subject to any person ? And who can judge another , that is not subject to him ? Because Kings bound themselves to doe Justice , therefore did they give other men power over them ?

That the king permitted questions of his right to ordinary Iudicature is an vse of Counsell , not subjection , all Courts being his Counsells , for decision of controversies , but it s a sorry inference , that Counsellours in his affaires should have power over his person . As the Parliaments right is circumscribed by lawes in regarde of the subject , soe it cannot be imagined absolute over the King . By what the Libeller hath said , he might well conclude , that kings are oblidged to doe justice , but that the people , or particular persons may judge their king by any law divine , or humane , he hath not offred a colour , soe barren is he in an Argument , which he calls over copious .

Who should better vnderstand their owne lawes , and when they are transgresed , then they , who are governed by them , and whose consent at first made them . Certenly he might very wel have answeared himselfe , that they , which governed by such lawes , and whose consent at first made them better vnderstand them , and when they are transgressed , then they , that are governed , and it is a course very agreable to these mens confusion , that the suiter should teach the judge .

The Libeller askes , who have more right to take knowledge of things done within a free nation , then they within themselves . And surely they will not be free long from destroying one another , where that s the libertie , for there wil be as many Transgressours , and as many lawes , as there are opinions .

He goes about to answeare the taking the oath of Alleagiance , and supreamacy . And to this his answeare is very ready , that these oaths were to his person invested with his Authoritie , and his Authoritie was by the people given him conditionally vnder law , and oath . And if his Authoritie had been conditionall , their oaths could not be absolute , as they are . This guift , and condition they imagine were engraven in Seths Pillars , and they have been long enquiringe for a Cabballisticke Rabbyn to finde out the Characters . How the kings hereditary succession is become a conditionall guift , must have better evidence then Aphorismes of confusion , never law contained either the guift , or condition , nor was there ever such impudence before theis Traytours , that avowed , because they swore faith to their kings person invested with his Authoritie , they might take away his Authoritie , and not breake their oath , And it were a prophane oath , aswell , as vaine , that should be voyde at the will of the taker . The kings oath added nothing to his right , being only an obligation of his conscience , noe condition annexed to his right , and if he never tooke the oath , his subjects obedience is noe whit diminished , and a king by inheritance needes not admittance , the death of his predecessour puts him in possession , & this is the knowne law of England . The Couquerour tooke on oath at his Crowninge , and other times , that made noe condition to his Government . There is not only reason , but absolute necessitie for the avoyding of confusion , & ruine of mankinde , that the subject be bound to the king , though the kinge faile in his dutie , for the destruction of Government is more sinfull , and inconvenient to humane societie , then any evill , that can come by a kings misgovernment .

He proceedes to answeare objections touchinge the Covenant , wherein we shall not much insist , but to detect the shifts of Malefactours to elude the evidence of truth . They were accused by the King , and his partie to pretend libertie , and reformation , but to have noe other end , then to make themselves greate , and to destroy his person , and Authoritie , for which reason sayes the Libeller , they added the third Article to preserve the Kings person , and Authoritie in defence of Religion , priviledge of Parliament , and liberties of the Kingdome . And to shew with what ingenuitie he dealt , in seeking to avoyde that just accusation , the Libeller tells vs , that they added that cause for a shew only , and they intended not to preserve the Kings person further , then it might consist with their opinions touchinge Reformation , extirpatinge of Prelacy , preservinge liberties of Parliament , and Kingdome , and in this very clause they called the world to be wittnes with their consciences of their loyaltie , and yet made the preservation of their Kings person , and Authoritie , arbitrary by their owne opinions , and while this Libeller would have their Rebellion a defensive warr , he forbeares not to tell the world , that they resolved the Kings destruction to attaine their ends .

The sixth Article gives asmuch preservation , and defence to all , that enter into the league , as to him . And it seemes more , for they have dealt with none of them , as with him , and he sayes , if the Covenant were made absolute without respect to these superiour things , it was an vnlawfull vow , and not to be kept . It is agreed , that vnlawfull vowes are not to be made , nor kept , but it is an vnlawfull vow to destroy the Kinge in order to his supposed ends , yet they feare not to vow the destruction of any , that oppose them , though the honour , and innocence of the persons were without the reach of lawes , and they will exempt neither callings , nor integritie from their lawles Injustice , and that appeared by his glosse vpon the fourth Article of the Covenant to bring persons offending to tryall , and condigne punishment , all that should be found guiltie of such Crymes , and delinquencies , whereof the King by his letters , and proofes afterward was found guiltie in what they thought him at the taking of the Covenant , to be over ruled only by evill Counsellours . And had not he avowed all , that ever his letters conteyned in his former declarations , and hath the Libeller forgotten , that the imputation of Crymes to evill Counsellours was but a Ceremony , and are not his foregoinge words , that their ends , reformation , and extirpatinge Prelacy were to be preferred before the preservation of the Kings person and authoritie . This last age hath produced a generation , that pretend they doe God service , when they scorne all his lawes , and Religion , and hold forth their execrable villanies to the world , as gratefull , and well pleasinge sacrifices to God , and make ostentations of their perjuries , and Blaspheamies , as services to him . The nullities , and vsurpation of those Monster judges , that made themselves cut-throates of the King , needed not the Kings exceptions to avoyde their illegallitie being soe apparent , & what the King did , or said to of them wil remaine to his honour , and the Libellers infamy , that glories in the misfortunes of Princes , sayinge it was learnt from his graund-mother .

It s a sad fate to haue his Enemies both accusers , parties , and Iudges . The Libeller sayes , what malefactour might not pleade the like , if his Crymes have made all men his Enemies . But there were hardly ever such malefactours , vnles , they , who tooke vpon them to judge the Kinge . He , that is an Enemy before judgment , cannot be a judge of the Cryme , and he , that is an Enemy to a Malefactour vncondemned is not fit to condemne him , and such , as are Enemies to Government , and are common destroyers cannot be judges ,

That they of the powder plot might have pleaded the same , when their judges knew not their persons , nor their guilt till tryall , and conviction is a supposition like himselfe , but the powder plot is outdone by theis miscreants , that have destroyed king , and Parliament , and that , which the powder plotters were ashamed to owne , these villaines recount to their honour , like these Giants represented by Poetts , that made warr against heaven , and thence this Libeller dares scoffe at the accusation of their Injustice with this lewde Blasphemy , that at the resurrection , it may be aswell pleaded , that the saints , when they shall judge the world are both Enemies , judges , parties , and accusers . Such are the thoughts of those wicked Atheists touching God , and his saints , and it is not at all strange , that such prophane persons exercise their cursed speaking against Kings , and all in Authoritie , that spare not God himselfe , and it is a small thing with them to vilifie those , whome God hath anointed , & because God by his Prophetts complained against the evills of some Kings , these men take on them to destroy all by that Authoritie , and say the earth hath long groaned vnder burdens of their disorder , Injustice , and irreligion . God gives Testimonies to Kings in Scripture , that they were his Servants , that he would by them restore , and preserve his Church , declared it the greatest earthly favour to sett such , as he loved on the kingly Throne , bestowed his owne Titles on them , and yet this Libeller referrs his readers to Scripture for proofe of Rebellion against kings , and would perswade the reformed Churches , he is their Advocate in saying . To binde their Kings in Chaines , and their nobles linkes of Iron is an honour belonging to the saints . Such blasphemous expositers of Scripture are these Reformers . God gave that honour to the Israelites to binde the kings of the Amorites , their Enemies in Chaines , and their nobles in linkes of Iron . Theis darlings of the Devill wil be the only saints , & make it their honour to destroy the powers , that God hath ordeyned and there must be neither kings , nor Nobles , but theis evill spiritts , whome noe Irons , nor Chaines will restraine , and perjury , robbery , murder , and Rebellion are the honour of theise saints .

The building of Babell was not Nimrods worke , ( whome by asserted vntruth he calls the first king ) that worke was a popular vndertakinge , because the people would erect a Republique of confusion , & not trust God to protect them , and the Libeller could not have fallen vpon an instance more like his present madnes , for as those builders faind confusion in pretending to prevent it , soe there Rebells pretend to preserve the Kingdome by turninge it into popular confusion , and therefore those saints must destroy Babell , especially that spirituall Babell , and first overcome those European Kings , which receive their power not from God , but from the Beast . Doth he meane the Beast with many heads ? It is his principall Argument , that Kings receive their power from the people , and if soe , then are they this beast . What Kings of Europe receive their Kingdomes from his Beast ? But there Sectaries are drunken with their owne prophanes , & pride , and have a strong delusion to beleive the lies of their owne invention .

Those Kings are counted noe better , then his ten hornes . Noe better , but by what proofe , are they the same by such frenetique dreames , as he produces ? They shall hate the whore , and yet the saints must destroy them , and shall burne her with fire , and yet be overcome first themselves . But they shall at last joyne their Armyes with the Beast after they have destroyed the whore . And this is the Babilonish Creede , a bundle of contradictions to carry their Giddy followers into attempts as wicked , as their conceites are irrationall . We see the grounds of their cause , an hellish impulsion against Government , and hatred of Kings , there having not been imposters of equall impudence since Mahomett , that professe a Religion to destroy all Kings , and those Blasphemies , that were abhorred in former Sectaries , and Entheusiasts are the Creed of those miscreants .

T is true , there be a sort of moody , hott brain'd , and allwayes vnedified consciences apt to engage their leaders past retirement , and then vpon a sudden qualme , and Swimminge of their conscience to betray them basely in the middest of what was cheifely vndertaken for their sakes . Seducers cannot thinke to be vndiscovered forever , but such , as are not resolute villaines have a moody conscience in this mans judgment , the tender conscience is become moody , and hott brain'd , and certenly such were many in this Rebellion , or it could never have proceeded soe farr . Let such men never meete with any faithfull Parliament to hazard for them . And let never Parliament thinke to be better rewarded , that follow a faction to betray their King , then to be subject to those base multitudes , whome they suborned to attempts against their loyaltie , and become slaves .

He findes others , in whose consciences gaine hath sprung a sudden leake , and these are they that cry out of the Covenant broken . Thus the builders of Babell are scattered , while they make conscience , and Religion their propertie , and in the meane time , nothing is more the subject of their scorne . And if God were mocked in pretending the Covenant in Scotland , and Vlster , he was much more in England by crying out the King , Religion , lawes , and libertie , and the Libeller might have found such men , whose prosperitie was sinne , that Triumpht in the afflictions of him , whome they persecuted , and said tush God hath forsaken him , let vs smite him , that he rise noe more . The sinne of Ahas , that transgressed more in the tyme of his affliction hath noe resemblance to a vertuous Prince afflicted by Traytours , whose crueltie encreased , while they oppressed him , and exceeded the inhumanitie of the cursed Moabites , that burnt the bones of the King of Edom into lime .

The Kings Charatie in forgivinge his Enemies , will finde a right construction with all true Christians , but malice , and detraction of all Acts of pittie cannot meete , with lesse , then detestation in all men any way quallified with Religion , or reason .

Hipocrites Almes , are not more odious , then hipocrites censures , the crueltie of Hipocrites will receive a greater condemnation , then their Almes .

Prayers for Gods Compassion , are not to share victory with Gods Compassion . But such , as strive to slander mens prayers to God are as malicious to Gods victory , as the devotions of those , that pray vnto him . Such as reade this impudent Libell may rightly call it the Rebells Image , conteyninge precepts , and positions of violence against Government , confusion of States , doctrines of falshood , and hipocrisie , prayses of insolence , and crueltie , prophaninge of Gods name , and word , scoffes at things sacred , dissolution of all bonds morall , Civill , and Religious , of all orders , and degrees among men . And it must be hatred to God , and a Diabolicall impulsion , that drives on such persons to fill vp the measure of their wickednes .