THE
Preface
Examined
.
HIS
First
words
are
.
To
descant
on
the
misfortunes
of
a
person
fallen
from
so
high
a
digintie
,
who
hath
also
paid
his
finall
debt
to
nature
,
and
his
faults
,
is
neither
of
it selfe
a
thing
commendable
,
nor
the
intention
of
this
Discourse
.
That
it
is
not
a
thing
commendable
is
a
greed
by
all
,
and
that
it
is
the
intention
of
this
Authors
Discourse
all
men
discerne
by
this
very
expression
,
and
in
every
Period
he
insolently
,
and
scorne
fully
speakes
of
the
person
of
his
late
Majest:
as
fallen
into
that
misfortune
,
and
his
whole
booke
is
a
continued
Confutation
of
this
false
assertion
.
base
natures
delight
in
the
misfortunes
of
persons
in
highest
place
:
It
is
hatefull
in
any
to
descant
on
the
misfortunes
,
of
Princes
,
but
in
such
,
as
have
relation
vnto
them
by
service
,
or
Subiection
as
this
libeller
to
the
late
king
is
the
Compendium
of
all
vnworthynes
,
and
vnnaturall
insolence
.
Could
he
say
his
Majest:
had
paid
his
debt
to
his
faults
without
descant
on
his
misfortunes
?
But
he
giues
timely
warning
,
what
is
to
be
expected
in
his
booke
,
where
like
a
shameles
theife
taken
in
the
fact
he
denies
what
he
openly
acts
.
He
saies
it
is
not
to
get
a
name
,
for
no
man
ever
got
honour
by
writing
against
a
King
,
being
strong
in
Legions
,
weake
in
Arguments
.
Some
men
have
desired
a
name
for
Brutish
arrogance
against
Princes
,
and
that
may
be
the
Authors
ambition
,
but
however
it
have
fared
with
others
,
that
have
spitt
their
venom
in
the
faces
of
Kings
,
its
certaine
he
hath
lighted
vpon
the
prediction
of
his
owne
successe
,
for
he
will
gaine
only
in
famy
by
this
vndertaking
.
Never
man
found
honour
by
raking
in
the
ashes
of
dead
Princes
,
but
vnnatural
crueltie
seekes
to
Surfeit
vpon
the
grave
.
This
Author
doth
not
only
digg
vp
the
bones
of
the
dead
King
,
but
seekes
to
bring
Destruction
on
al
Kings
,
and
bury
them
in
the
ruines
of
their
Authoritie
.
depraved
natures
account
the
greatest
wickednes
the
greatest
glory
,
&
more
honour
to
subvert
humane
Societie
,
then
destroy
a
Single
person
.
The
first
step
,
where
by
he
mounts
to
Triumph
over
his
sacred
Majest:
is
for
that
he
was
a
King
,
and
that
is
vrged
as
proofe
Sufficient
,
that
he
was
weake
at
Arguments
,
Kings
(
he
saies
)
being
accustomed
from
the
Cradle
to
vse
their
will
only
,
as
their
right
hand
,
their
Reason
alwayes
,
as
their
left
.
Soe
desperate
is
the
wickednes
of
these
men
,
that
must
vilifie
the
Ordinances
of
God
for
their
defence
.
Had
they
matter
of
just
exceptiō
to
his
late
Majest:
they
needed
not
,
they
would
not
draw
matter
of
Reproach
from
his
Office
,
and
had
they
any
feare
of
God
,
or
reverence
to
man
,
they
would
not
thus
Lewdly
traduce
this
greate
Institution
of
God
for
the
governing
of
mankinde
the
Kingly
Office
.
God
him selfe
saies
the
Kings
heart
is
in
the
hand
of
the
Lord
,
and
he
turneth
it
as
Rivers
of
water
.
That
a
wise
Sentence
is
in
the
heart
of
the
King
,
and
yet
this
man
pretends
to
expect
beleife
in
his
Calumnies
vpon
the
late
King
,
when
hee
affirmes
the
kingly
Office
to
bee
a
cause
of
weakenes
of
judgment
,
and
insufficiencie
,
turning
all
the
promises
of
God
in
Scripture
for
assistance
of
Kings
with
his
spiritt
to
meere
Compliment
,
and
wretchedly
belying
the
many
Monarchs
of
the
world
,
that
have
beene
as
farr
above
others
in
Wisedome
,
as
they
have
beene
in
power
.
Wee
have
lived
to
see
that
sore
evill
,
which
the
Scripture
by
the
pen
of
a
King
,
and
the
wisest
of
men
complained
of
,
to
see
Princes
on
foote
,
&
Servants
on
horsebacke
,
when
the
Licentious
insolence
of
the
meanest
tramples
vpon
the
Soveraigntie
of
the
highest
,
and
the
basest
of
the
people
revile
their
King
.
He
saies
for
their
sakes
,
that
have
not
more
Seriously
considered
Kings
,
then
in
the
gawdy
name
of
Majestie
,
and
admired
them
,
&
their
doings
,
as
if
they
breathed
not
the
same
breath
with
other
men
he
will
(
for
it
seemes
,
he
saies
,
a
Challenge
both
of
him
,
and
his
partie
)
take
vp
the
gantlet
(
though
a
Kings
)
in
the
behalfe
of
libertie
,
and
the
common
wealth
.
Loyaltie
hath
no
friends
,
that
so
admire
Princes
,
as
if
they
breathed
not
common
breath
of
nature
,
they
wel
know
who
hath
said
of
Kings
,
I
have
said
you
are
Gods
&
the
guilt
of
their
sin
,
that
disobey
,
or
revile
thē
,
yet
non
are
ignorant
,
that
their
breath
is
in
their
nosthrils
,
&
that
they
shall
dye
,
as
others
.
They
,
that
are
best
instructed
,
&
most
considerate
give
most
reverence
to
Kings
.
They
vnderstand
,
that
Princes
have
greater
promises
of
wisedome
frō
God
,
&
greater
meanes
to
attaine
it
then
others
,
&
that
by
obeying
them
humane
societie
is
maintained
,
though
they
breath
the
same
breath
with
them
.
When
Saul
was
made
King
of
Israel
,
there
were
wicked
men
,
that
said
,
how
shall
this
man
save
us
,
contemning
his
Authoritie
,
because
he
was
taken
from
among
them selves
,
&
in
our
dayes
there
is
a
Confluence
of
all
the
Rebellious
inclinations
,
that
troubled
the
world
,
pride
of
base
people
,
and
disdaine
of
all
Authoritie
.
Because
Kings
are
men
,
must
they
not
therefore
Rule
?
Must
Gods
vicegerents
be
despysed
,
because
they
are
men
?
And
because
we
know
Kings
to
be
men
,
must
wee
beleive
,
that
seditious
slanderers
are
more
then
men
,
which
are
carryed
,
as
naturall
brute
Beasts
?
The
Archangell
disputing
with
the
Devill
durst
not
bring
against
him
a
rayling
accusation
,
and
such
,
as
take
vp
Rayling
accusations
against
Princes
partake
of
the
wickednes
of
the
evill
,
and
hate
the
holynes
of
the
blessed
Angell
.
When
the
woman
told
David
,
he
was
as
an
Angell
of
God
,
did
shee
thinke
he
breathed
not
the
same
breath
with
others
?
This
Author
by
pretending
to
rectifie
an
errour
,
that
never
was
of
admiring
Kings
,
as
if
they
breathed
not
the
common
breath
of
men
would
perswade
men
to
scorne
,
&
despise
kings
,
and
Rebell
against
the
king
of
kings
God
himselfe
,
who
wil
be
called
king
,
and
to
style
that
Title
a
gaudy
name
expresseth
rather
a
scoffing
Atheist
,
then
a
profest
Christian
.
Ambitious
Rebells
,
that
sow
the
seedes
of
disaffection
to
their
king
among
the
people
,
begin
with
a
plausible
trueth
,
that
kings
are
men
,
that
they
may
erre
,
that
they
may
be
wicked
,
thence
they
come
to
application
of
particular
Actions
of
their
king
,
represented
as
deceitefully
,
as
falshood
can
frame
to
the
vnwary
hearers
,
&
because
it
may
be
so
,
therefore
in
their
logicke
it
must
be
so
,
and
experience
it selfe
hath
made
apparent
,
how
few
,
or
none
admire
Kings
,
as
if
they
breathed
not
the
common
breath
of
men
,
and
how
many
forgett
their
dutie
to
them
,
that
in
Scripture
are
called
Gods
.
the
prevalence
of
corrupt
nature
is
so
farr
above
reason
,
that
men
are
sooner
infatuated
by
the
plausible
discourses
of
ambitious
aspirers
to
beleive
absurdities
making
way
for
Rebellion
,
then
mistaken
of
the
nature
of
Kings
by
their
sacred
Title
,
or
dignitie
,
for
wee
have
seene
men
seduced
to
beleive
they
might
make
warr
against
the
King
,
so
as
they
said
it
was
aganist
his
evill
Councellours
,
and
for
King
,
and
Parliament
,
that
because
the
two
houses
sate
by
the
Kings
authoritie
,
therefore
him selfe
had
none
.
That
they
made
warr
in
their
owne
defence
against
the
King
,
and
yet
said
they
fought
for
King
,
and
Parlament
,
and
contrary
to
the
knowledge
of
the
whole
world
traduced
his
Majest:
Government
,
which
was
the
time
,
if
ever
,
when
his
three
Kingdomes
attained
the
height
of
honour
,
strength
,
and
wealth
above
their
neighbours
.
As
the
Arts
of
those
seedes-men
of
sathan
were
〈◊〉
by
their
Master
to
the
ruine
of
mankinde
:
so
how
farr
they
have
effected
it
in
his
Majest:
three
kingdomes
by
this
logicke
of
the
Devill
all
men
are
wittnesses
.
All
boundaries
of
right
,
and
wrong
broken
downe
,
and
any
wickednes
acted
by
authoritie
,
that
serves
to
secure
the
Tyranicall
power
,
&
will
of
the
Rebell
Masters
.
What
flouds
of
Christian
blood
,
what
starving
,
&
pininge
to
death
of
poore
Captives
have
our
dayes
been
wittnes
of
in
England
?
what
jmpudent
pretences
of
justice
for
publique
Murthers
,
scenes
of
Iudicature
,
and
theaters
of
slaughter
?
honour
,
and
vertue
prostituted
to
the
Common
Executioner
,
so
as
the
miseries
of
former
times
were
but
an
Epitome
of
those
numerous
evills
,
that
have
been
brought
vpon
his
Majest:
Dominions
in
these
sew
yeares
,
&
the
facts
would
seeme
incredible
in
after
ages
,
did
not
such
,
as
this
Author
undauntedly
boast
of
the
insolencies
they
have
committed
,
no
historie
yeilding
on
example
of
the
like
,
whether
we
reguard
the
impudence
,
crueltie
,
insolence
,
and
hipocrisie
of
the
contrivers
,
deceite
imposture
&
profannes
of
preachers
,
or
credulitie
,
and
precipitation
,
of
the
vulgar
.
The
author
might
have
done
well
to
shew
,
why
his
Majest:
booke
seemed
a
Challenge
,
it
provokes
no
answeare
,
nor
handles
any
thing
by
way
of
controversie
but
his
very
devotions
,
and
instructions
to
his
son
seeme
a
Challenge
,
Evidence
of
worth
in
the
sufferer
torments
the
persecutour
,
and
they
cannot
rest
,
while
the
vertues
live
,
though
the
bodies
are
laid
in
the
dust
by
their
wicked
hands
.
But
he
wil
take
vp
the
gantlet
(
that
no
man
threw
downe
)
though
a
Kings
.
He
lately
said
Kings
were
puny
Antagomists
,
and
no
honour
to
begotten
by
writing
against
them
and
now
he
will
take
vp
the
gantlet
,
though
a
Kings
,
it
seemes
he
reckons
it
a
condescention
to
stoope
to
take
vp
a
Kings
gantlet
,
those
todes
,
that
thus
swell
wil
breake
with
their
owne
venom
.
This
Authors
pen
shewes
what
libertie
he
loves
,
to
endure
,
no
justice
towards
the
living
,
or
Charitie
to
the
dead
,
and
to
breake
those
fetters
of
modestie
,
and
truth
,
wherein
a
Christians
libertie
consists
.
Those
pests
of
Government
allwayes
talke
of
libertie
,
but
it
s
only
a
licence
to
exercise
their
own
inperious
Tyrany
over
the
people
,
and
when
fire
breakes
out
of
the
bramble
to
consume
the
Cedars
,
nothing
can
be
expected
,
but
insolence
,
and
crueltie
wee
have
seene
the
libertie
vnder
the
Rebells
in
England
,
which
is
to
rayle
,
and
Rebell
against
the
King
,
and
destroy
such
,
as
are
loyall
.
He
saies
its
the
drift
of
a
factious
,
and
defeated
partie
to
make
the
same
advantage
of
his
booke
,
as
before
of
his
name
,
&
authoritie
and
intend
not
so
much
the
defence
of
his
former
Actions
,
as
promoting
future
designes
.
Those
,
whome
he
calls
a
defeated
partie
in
so
great
contempt
are
never
the
neerer
a
faction
for
the
successe
,
that
confessed
Rebells
have
gained
over
them
.
Though
Armyes
have
been
defeated
,
a
good
cause
can
never
,
and
though
he
would
have
his
Trayterous
faction
believe
them
,
that
followed
the
king
a
defeated
partie
yet
it
seemes
by
his
jealosie
him selfe
doth
not
.
Tyrants
cannot
sleepe
,
while
lawfull
heires
survive
,
and
the
guilt
of
their
consciences
,
and
vsurped
power
make
their
Enemies
as
terrible
after
they
have
lost
Armyes
,
as
before
.
When
Rebells
prevaile
they
declaime
against
Treason
,
and
in
contempt
of
God
,
and
their
consciences
reproach
such
with
their
Crymes
,
that
most
oppose
them
in
their
first
Actions
,
they
made
vse
of
the
Kings
name
,
and
authoritie
,
their
declarations
cannot
be
retracted
,
wherein
they
profest
to
be
for
King
and
Parliament
,
that
they
fought
not
against
the
king
,
but
his
evil
councell
.
The
Cryme
offighting
against
the
king
,
was
a
Treason
so
knowne
,
that
shame
,
as
well
,
as
feare
would
have
lessened
their
partie
,
had
they
not
made
vse
of
the
kings
name
,
&
pretended
his
authoritie
,
and
vnles
they
thinke
,
that
their
assertions
of
apparent
vntruths
will
have
the
same
power
over
the
reasons
of
men
,
as
their
Armes
have
gotten
〈◊〉
their
persons
they
would
not
patch
vp
discourses
〈◊〉
such
incongruities
,
objecting
,
that
the
kings
partie
〈◊〉
his
name
,
and
authoritie
,
which
vndoudtedly
they
〈◊〉
and
which
those
men
professe
to
destroy
,
and
which
had
been
vseles
to
any
,
had
it
not
been
the
acknowledged
power
of
the
kingdome
,
and
a
confessed
Cryme
to
oppose
it
,
and
which
those
Traytours
would
never
have
pretended
,
had
not
the
evidence
of
its
right
been
so
apparent
,
nor
have
destroyed
after
so
much
vse
of
it
,
had
they
not
exceeded
all
former
Traytours
,
as
farr
,
as
he
did
his
Predecessours
,
of
whom
the
spirit
of
God
saies
,
there
was
none
like
him
,
that
sold
himselfe
to
worke
wickednes
.
It
s
the
drift
of
the
Rebell
partie
to
confirme
,
and
continue
their
power
by
the
same
Arts
they
have
gained
it
,
&
deny
justice
to
the
memory
of
his
Majest:
as
before
obedience
to
his
Government
.
Those
whose
power
hath
been
gottē
by
the
peoples
credulitie
would
willingly
deprive
them
of
reason
,
whereby
they
might
see
their
errour
,
which
is
the
cause
,
that
the
Rebells
having
misled
many
into
the
present
mischeyfe
by
Calumnies
of
insufficiencie
in
his
Majest:
and
disaffection
to
the
established
Religion
,
account
anyproofe
published
to
the
contrary
the
plot
of
a
faction
against
their
Rebell
Common-wealth
,
and
although
their
often
accesses
to
him
,
and
debates
with
him
during
his
restraint
,
and
the
observation
of
his
devotion
gave
such
proofe
of
both
,
as
diverse
of
their
followers
were
vndeceived
both
in
him
,
and
the
cause
they
had
prosecuted
,
yet
this
they
would
have
an
effect
of
faction
,
&
any
relation
of
his
Maj:
afflictions
a
designe
.
His
Maj:
actions
neede
no
defence
,
the
Rebells
impious
actions
against
him
are
incapable
of
any
,
&
this
Author
hath
some
reason
to
coniecture
,
that
all
mention
of
the
sufferings
of
his
late
Maj:
tends
to
the
ruine
of
the
Rebell
power
.
True
narrations
of
the
horrid
Actions
of
Traytours
,
though
they
recount
the
greatenes
,
&
glory
of
theyr
triumphs
,
sting
them
with
an
expectation
of
vengeance
,
&
destruction
of
their
power
.
There
are
a
great
number
,
that
since
they
have
seene
that
booke
thinke
it
had
been
a
great
losse
to
the
world
,
if
it
had
perished
,
&
yet
they
are
farr
from
designe
by
it
,
and
if
it
were
published
with
any
designe
,
it
was
an
innocent
one
to
publish
what
a
murthered
King
,
had
left
written
of
himselfe
for
the
reason
of
his
Actions
,
and
cleering
of
mistakes
.
The
designe
is
now
the
third
time
to
corrupt
the
people
to
the
dishonour
of
the
present
Government
,
&
retarde
a
generall
peace
so
needeful
to
this
afflicted
nation
.
They
cannot
say
any
were
corrupted
,
that
followed
their
King
,
vnles
the
lawes
,
their
legall
oaths
,
and
Scripture
it selfe
corrupted
them
,
for
theis
were
the
guides
they
followed
,
and
the
Rebells
may
rest
assured
,
that
if
there
were
not
these
bonds
vpon
the
loyall
English
,
humane
Treatises
,
though
never
so
excellent
would
little
move
them
to
the
losse
of
life
,
and
fortunes
.
For
the
dishonour
of
that
,
which
he
calls
the
present
Government
themselves
have
written
enough
,
though
the
King
,
and
his
partie
were
silent
.
Their
power
was
gotten
by
often
repeated
propositions
,
&
protestations
,
of
affection
,
and
loyaltie
to
his
late
Majest:
which
they
never
meant
to
performe
,
many
false
pretences
to
the
people
to
defend
the
King
,
and
established
lawes
,
and
Religion
,
breach
of
oaths
,
murther
of
the
King
,
and
of
theis
nothing
can
be
denyed
by
themselves
,
and
there
is
nothing
can
be
said
of
any
to
dishonour
beyound
swearing
,
and
fore
swearing
,
Treason
,
and
Murther
.
And
can
they
thinke
their
peace
is
retarded
by
the
Kings
,
partie
,
when
themselves
have
so
often
sworne
by
the
name
af
God
in
hipocrisie
to
deceive
,
made
Religion
the
Maske
of
sacriledge
,
and
murther
,
and
pretend
pittie
to
the
afflicted
nation
,
while
they
afflict
it
&
continue
the
same
wickednes
,
where
by
they
brought
the
miserie
vpon
it
?
They
may
be
sure
,
though
they
destroy
the
King
,
and
his
partie
,
God
will
raise
them
Enemies
they
thinke
not
of
,
and
prepare
destroyers
they
feare
not
.
It
s
a
Good
deede
(
he
sajes
)
to
the
living
by
remembring
men
of
the
truth
of
what
they
know
to
he
misaffirmed
to
keepe
them
from
entring
into
warr
.
But
it
is
wickednes
to
oppose
truth
,
and
offer
that
to
be
beleived
by
men
which
they
know
to
be
false
.
If
this
Author
would
remember
men
only
of
truth
,
he
would
finde
no
adversary
,
and
if
his
partie
would
act
according
ly
,
there
would
be
no
neede
of
a
new
warr
,
for
then
they
would
restore
King
,
and
lawes
,
but
this
Author
by
falsifying
of
Actions
,
att
corrupting
of
principles
endeavours
to
draw
men
into
a
state
of
Rebellion
against
God
,
and
their
King
,
and
make
the
warr
endles
,
&
the
people
helpeles
,
and
his
pretended
Charitie
is
more
odious
,
then
the
Hipocrites
Almes
,
this
respecting
only
selfe
glory
,
that
of
this
Author
a
snare
to
destroy
others
.
As
to
moment
of
soliditie
(
he
sayes
)
in
the
booke
it selfe
stuft
with
nought
els
,
but
the
Common
grounds
of
Tyranny
,
and
Poperie
,
suguered
a
little
over
,
or
any
neede
of
answearing
in
respect
of
stayed
,
and
well
principled
men
,
I
take
it
on
me
,
as
a
worke
assigned
rather
then
by
me
chosen
,
or
affected
.
He
would
have
it
thought
there
was
no
moment
of
soliditie
,
because
he
hath
none
in
this
Iconoclastes
stuft
full
of
the
common
grounds
of
Rebellion
,
&
confusion
,
which
are
only
of
Moment
to
the
support
of
vsurpation
,
the
measure
of
his
well
principeld
men
to
whome
a
rayling
libell
is
more
convincing
,
then
a
Logicall
Argument
.
That
the
booke
is
stuft
with
nought
els
,
but
grounds
of
Tyrany
,
and
Popery
,
when
the
most
part
of
his
exceptions
comprehended
not
those
heads
is
an
Hiperbole
vnbefitting
any
,
but
such
,
as
had
sacrificed
shame
,
and
conscience
to
a
wicked
cause
.
If
the
publishing
of
his
Majest:
booke
as
(
he
sajes
)
conteyning
nothing
but
grounds
of
Tyrany
,
and
Popery
were
a
designe
of
his
partie
,
surely
it
must
concurre
with
the
Authors
ends
,
for
the
cheife
Calumnies
,
whereby
the
Rebells
sought
to
draw
the
peoples
affections
from
his
Majest:
were
,
that
he
would
introduce
Tyrany
,
and
Popery
and
the
publishing
of
such
a
booke
in
his
Majest:
name
was
most
effectuall
to
make
good
,
what
was
obiected
.
And
the
man
,
that
thinkes
the
Kings
partie
so
voyde
of
sense
,
may
thinke
them
well
principeld
men
,
that
swallow
such
crudities
,
as
he
hath
provided
for
them
,
and
they
may
be
excused
,
if
they
be
not
moved
with
his
Majest:
booke
,
for
it
cannot
be
expected
they
should
vnderstand
,
and
receive
reason
,
and
for
those
doubtles
the
Author
writt
his
booke
,
for
it
could
not
be
hoped
,
that
they
,
who
had
any
dram
of
reason
,
and
had
not
resolved
to
continue
in
Rebellious
vndertakings
against
all
the
light
of
Religion
,
and
reason
would
be
fit
readers
of
such
incoherent
Barbarismes
.
Grounds
of
Tyrany
,
and
Popery
are
not
so
subtile
to
escape
all
the
world
without
the
helpe
of
this
authors
finger
to
point
att
it
,
and
had
the
booke
conteyned
any
such
matter
,
he
would
have
vsed
lesse
rayling
,
and
more
reason
,
heate
,
&
fowle
language
proceede
from
impotencie
of
defence
,
and
thence
is
the
greate
noyse
of
words
,
and
insignificant
matter
of
Iconoclastes
.
Common
angers
disorder
reason
,
but
vnnaturall
furious
distempers
destroy
it
.
The
present
Traytours
att
least
as
many
of
them
,
as
sate
in
the
beginning
of
his
late
Majest:
Parliament
,
where
this
Rebellion
was
hatcht
protested
before
God
to
defend
with
their
lives
,
and
fortunes
the
doctrine
established
in
the
Church
of
England
,
and
that
must
conteyne
the
grounds
of
Popery
,
or
the
author
will
finde
none
in
that
booke
,
but
in
the
sence
of
Traytours
:
Church
is
Popery
,
&
King
,
is
Tyrany
.
If
they
,
that
assigned
this
worke
on
the
Author
differed
not
in
judgment
from
him
touching
moment
of
soliditie
in
his
Majest:
booke
,
they
shewed
a
very
slight
esteeme
of
a
Champion
so
confident
of
his
parts
,
but
they
knew
his
malice
,
not
his
soliditie
,
And
they
knew
it
was
in
vaine
for
them
to
seeke
to
answeare
his
Majest:
booke
with
soliditie
,
falsities
,
and
detractions
being
all
their
hopes
,
and
they
knew
not
a
man
els
,
whose
credit
they
could
more
easily
prostitute
,
nor
any
man
more
greedy
of
so
base
ane
imployment
.
He
sajes
if
the
late
King
,
had
thought
sufficient
those
answeares
,
and
defences
made
for
him
in
his
life
time
,
they
who
on
the
other
side
accused
his
ilGovernment
,
judging
enough
had
been
replied
,
the
heate
of
this
controversie
was
in
likelihood
drawing
to
an
end
,
and
the
farther
mention
of
his
deedes
,
not
so
much
vnfortunate
,
as
faultie
had
in
tendernes
of
his
late
sufferings
been
willingly
forborne
,
and
perhaps
for
the
present
age
have
slept
,
while
his
adversaries
calmed
with
succes
had
been
lesse
vnfavourable
to
his
Memory
:
The
late
King
,
thought
those
answeares
,
and
defences
made
for
him
in
his
life
time
a
bundantly
sufficient
,
and
so
did
all
indifferent
men
,
and
it
was
not
any
thought
of
defect
in
theis
,
that
moved
him
to
write
on
particular
occurrents
of
most
moment
in
the
time
of
his
troubles
,
and
as
his
memory
will
not
stand
,
orfall
att
the
Rebells
courtesie
,
so
their
aspersions
will
rather
increase
,
then
diminish
it
.
This
Author
thinckes
,
that
men
are
daunted
with
his
Contumelies
,
and
that
if
the
King
,
had
knowne
what
words
he
would
have
written
against
his
booke
,
he
would
not
have
adventured
vpon
such
pikes
,
but
as
the
Kingly
Prophet
David
sang
to
his
harpe
,
and
wrote
his
Divine
meditations
,
while
his
Enemies
sent
foorth
their
sharpe
Arrowes
,
bitter
words
against
him
,
and
that
of
so
much
venom
,
as
he
sajes
,
the
poyson
of
Aspes
was
vnder
their
lipps
:
so
his
late
Majest:
composed
those
his
meditations
,
while
his
Enemies
compassed
him
on
every
side
,
and
ceased
not
to
persecute
him
with
their
Tongues
set
on
fire
of
Hell
,
and
though
his
person
suffered
by
them
,
his
cause
,
and
innocencie
was
a
bove
their
reach
.
His
Majest:
expected
the
vtmost
of
their
malice
after
death
vpon
his
name
,
as
he
had
felt
it
in
his
life
,
and
it
was
so
farr
from
his
desire
,
that
mention
of
his
deedes
should
be
forborne
,
especially
those
his
Enemies
excepted
to
,
that
his
endeavours
were
cheifely
bent
to
make
them
manifest
to
the
world
with
all
the
obiections
,
and
invectives
,
that
had
been
made
against
them
,
and
time
hath
tought
this
Author
,
and
others
of
his
crew
,
that
many
have
been
convinced
of
the
wickednes
of
theyr
Rebellion
,
by
the
declarations
,
and
replies
they
made
against
his
late
Majest:
Truth
feares
nothing
,
but
to
be
hidden
,
&
his
late
Majest:
needed
noe
other
Advocate
,
then
the
cleere
discoverie
of
his
deedes
,
that
he
was
vnfortunate
was
the
greate
wrath
of
God
vpon
the
nation
,
where
so
many
in
the
middest
of
so
great
blessings
of
peace
,
and
plentie
,
as
they
enioyed
vnder
his
Raigne
,
continued
murmuring
,
and
vnthankefull
,
and
it
is
not
the
least
signe
of
the
heavines
of
his
displeasure
,
that
makes
the
people
executioners
of
it
,
one
vpon
another
,
and
that
they
should
act
such
execrable
wickednes
by
words
,
and
Actions
against
that
King
,
who
was
freest
from
personall
vices
,
and
publique
pressures
of
all
his
Predecessours
,
that
had
Raigned
so
long
,
as
he
had
done
.
The
present
age
must
nedes
have
a
deepe
sense
of
his
losse
,
and
posteritie
,
aswell
,
as
strangers
will
wonder
,
when
they
reade
his
story
,
and
finde
such
groundles
slanders
,
and
barbarous
cruelties
acted
against
so
eminent
vertue
,
and
the
confidence
in
obtruding
such
grosse
absurdities
,
for
reasons
,
as
are
vsed
by
this
Author
and
others
,
wil
be
the
infamy
of
the
present
age
,
when
such
evident
folly
,
and
wickednes
finde
credit
.
Can
any
man
be
so
stupid
to
thinke
,
that
such
wretches
,
as
boast
of
their
destroying
the
innocent
,
will
cease
to
defame
their
memory
?
and
that
such
,
as
had
no
mercie
on
their
lives
,
will
have
a
tendernes
of
their
sufferings
?
That
they
,
which
suborned
detractours
,
and
raysed
lewde
reports
to
give
colour
to
their
crueltie
,
would
have
a
tendernes
to
him
they
had
tormented
,
and
expresse
no
tendernes
for
their
owne
villanies
?
It
had
been
contrary
to
his
Majest:
wisedome
to
have
expected
tendernes
to
himselfe
,
from
such
Monsters
,
and
contrary
to
the
nature
of
such
savage
beasts
,
to
have
their
blood
thirstines
slakt
,
or
their
crueltie
calmed
with
any
successes
.
But
since
himselfe
hath
left
this
booke
,
as
the
best
Advocate
,
and
interpreter
of
his
Actions
,
and
his
friends
by
publishing
&c.
and
almost
adoring
it
,
seeme
to
place
therein
the
strength
of
their
cause
,
it
would
argue
doubtfullnes
,
and
deficiencie
of
the
other
partie
,
not
to
meete
his
reason
in
any
field
,
the
force
of
whose
Armes
they
have
so
often
mett
victoriously
.
This
libell
more
evidently
proves
the
deficiencie
of
the
Rebell
partie
,
then
the
omission
of
an
answeare
could
have
argued
,
and
all
men
see
,
they
are
not
doubtfull
,
but
convinced
by
their
owne
reason
of
the
lewdenes
of
their
Actions
.
It
might
be
exepcted
from
the
libellers
mention
of
the
esteeme
his
Majest:
booke
hath
amongst
his
friends
,
that
his
answeare
should
be
of
equall
account
with
his
Masters
,
and
thereby
the
world
may
be
informed
how
their
cause
hath
been
maintained
.
They
pretend
to
meete
reason
in
any
field
,
but
are
resolved
to
contradict
it
,
and
the
Author
will
reproach
,
and
despise
truth
,
and
reason
,
as
his
Masters
have
fought
against
it
,
and
since
their
impietie
cannot
be
denyed
,
it
must
be
avowed
.
They
glory
in
their
victories
in
the
field
,
as
theeves
in
their
booties
,
and
boast
,
that
they
can
doe
mischeife
,
their
victories
being
no
other
,
then
the
poysons
and
knives
of
Assassins
,
that
have
destroyed
Princes
,
and
successe
is
the
evidence
of
their
faith
,
and
reason
.
He
proceedes
to
say
,
that
he
who
at
the
Barr
stood
excepting
against
the
forme
,
and
manner
of
his
Iudicature
,
and
complained
,
that
he
was
not
heard
,
neither
he
,
nor
his
friends
shall
have
that
cause
now
to
finde
fault
being
mett
,
and
debated
with
in
this
Monumentall
Court
of
his
owne
erectinge
,
and
not
only
heard
,
but
answeared
.
But
still
he
is
vnwillingly
heard
,
and
they
,
which
tooke
his
blood
without
hearing
,
are
loath
to
heare
the
cry
of
it
and
they
endeavoured
the
same
course
with
his
booke
,
they
had
taken
with
him
,
to
condemne
it
vnheard
,
and
as
this
worke
was
not
chosen
,
nor
affected
by
Iconoclastes
,
so
was
not
the
occasion
acceptable
to
his
Masters
.
It
hath
been
reported
of
some
high
way
robbers
,
that
they
vse
a
forme
of
Judicature
vpon
the
Traveller
,
when
they
take
him
,
and
condemne
him
solemnely
to
lose
his
purse
,
and
Iconoclastes
holds
it
strange
,
he
should
stand
excepting
at
the
forme
,
and
manner
of
their
Judicature
.
It
was
the
prodigie
of
insolence
,
that
Rebells
presumed
to
bring
their
King
to
the
Barr
,
and
the
Prodigie
of
impudence
in
this
libeller
,
that
imagines
an
expectation
of
the
Kings
submission
to
a
Tribunall
of
Traytours
.
But
with
Traytours
,
where
strength
can
act
,
right
,
and
Justice
,
are
ridiculous
considerations
,
otherwise
those
Monsters
,
that
made
themselves
Judges
without
the
least
colour
of
authoritie
(
the
lower
howse
being
not
able
to
punish
a
wandring
Rogue
,
which
the
law
allowes
a
Conestable
)
would
not
so
presumptuously
sit
in
Judgment
vpon
a
King
,
and
not
only
their
own
but
of
another
Kingdome
;
and
professe
wonder
,
that
any
should
thinke
,
that
they
cannot
bring
any
King
,
to
the
blocke
,
that
they
get
into
their
hands
.
Who
may
not
defend
the
●…s
of
intemperance
to
satisfie
lust
,
aswell
,
as
those
of
crueltie
to
satisfic
ambition
,
and
why
might
not
Ric:
3
:
defame
his
mother
,
and
Kill
his
nephewes
to
secure
his
Tyrany
,
aswell
,
as
theis
men
reproach
,
and
Kill
their
King
?
doe
outward
solemnities
legitimate
Murthers
,
and
is
a
profest
villanie
innocent
,
&
a
secret
only
Cryminall
?
Though
those
Murtherers
,
before
whome
he
stood
at
the
Barr
excepting
,
had
resolved
,
that
neither
feare
of
God
,
nor
reverence
to
their
lawfull
king
,
nor
importunitie
,
that
moves
such
,
as
the
other
respects
doe
not
,
should
prevaile
with
them
,
yet
he
promises
afaire
debate
,
though
he
justifies
them
,
and
performes
it
with
the
same
falshood
,
offring
clamorous
reproaches
and
shamles
vntruths
,
instead
of
answeares
,
erecting
a
Monument
for
him selfe
,
wherein
the
defence
of
impietie
,
and
scorne
of
truth
have
engraven
his
infamy
in
everlasting
Characters
.
Which
he
sajes
to
do
effectually
,
if
it
be
necessary
that
to
his
booke
,
nothing
the
more
respect
be
had
for
being
his
,
they
of
his
owne
partie
,
can
have
no
just
reason
to
exclaime
.
Truly
his
owne
partie
had
reason
to
expect
,
that
from
resolved
Traytours
,
his
booke
would
have
lesse
respect
for
being
his
,
for
having
suffered
greater
crueltie
in
his
person
for
being
a
King
,
could
they
thinke
his
booke
would
have
more
respect
for
being
his
?
The
Rebells
themselves
have
published
it
a
rule
,
that
a
man
borne
in
Scotland
,
while
the
Kingdomes
stood
divided
,
was
not
subject
to
their
Judicature
,
and
therefore
they
vrged
against
Duke
Hamilton
,
that
he
was
naturalized
,
and
yet
they
subjected
the
King
to
their
will
,
whome
they
could
not
pretend
to
have
had
that
Ceremony
,
and
by
the
law
of
these
miscreants
,
the
King
must
be
more
subject
to
them
then
any
of
his
subjects
of
that
nation
,
and
the
Author
might
have
spared
the
paines
to
seeke
a
reason
for
his
impudent
language
,
for
his
Majest:
partic
know
,
it
was
for
the
interest
of
his
Trayterous
cause
,
and
a
necessary
effect
of
a
Rebellious
disposition
.
The
booke
of
any
Author
ought
to
finde
respect
according
to
its
owne
merit
,
and
its
folly
,
or
injury
to
sleight
,
or
reproach
it
for
the
Authors
sake
,
and
the
like
of
a
person
for
his
office
sake
,
but
they
,
that
reproach
an
office
instituted
by
God
,
or
the
person
,
that
beares
that
office
for
the
office
sake
,
will
hate
a
booke
for
the
good
,
that
it
conteynes
,
and
the
Kings
partie
will
never
exclaime
for
the
Authors
detraction
of
the
booke
,
which
they
expected
from
him
,
but
they
have
just
reason
to
detest
his
insolent
language
,
and
impious
assertions
.
It
were
too
vnreasonable
,
that
he
because
dead
should
have
libertie
to
speake
all
evill
of
the
Parliament
,
and
they
,
because
living
,
or
any
for
them
have
lesse
Freedome
.
It
s
too
vnreasonable
to
bely
the
dead
,
and
to
affirme
his
Majest:
to
speake
all
evill
of
the
Parliament
,
when
he
well
knowes
,
that
his
Majest:
speakes
nothing
of
them
,
but
what
this
breaker
confesses
to
be
true
,
and
if
his
Majest:
had
spoken
evill
of
a
faction
in
Parliament
,
it
s
too
vnreasonable
for
him
to
censure
it
,
who
not
only
speakes
evill
of
a
faction
in
Parliament
,
but
is
the
Advocate
of
those
,
that
not
only
speake
evill
of
them
,
but
have
destroyed
them
.
What
if
his
Majest:
had
spoken
evill
of
the
Lords
house
,
have
this
Authors
Masters
done
lesse
,
that
have
taken
it
away
?
What
if
he
had
spoken
evill
of
a
part
of
the
lower
house
,
have
they
done
lesse
,
that
have
imprisoned
,
&
expelled
the
Members
?
And
if
the
King
reprehend
,
or
reprove
his
subjects
in
the
capacitie
of
Parliament
,
or
otherwise
,
it
is
not
only
vnreasonable
,
but
damnable
for
them
to
censure
,
and
reproach
him
,
and
most
detestable
for
every
licentious
Pamphletter
to
traduce
,
&
vilifie
him
.
Rebells
vse
not
only
feirce
arrogancie
,
but
impudent
petulancie
,
and
it
makes
for
their
designe
,
that
the
scum
of
the
people
cast
of
all
reverence
,
and
mention
of
superiours
.
Have
not
the
present
Traytours
reproacht
,
and
condemned
the
Parliament
for
their
professions
of
loyaltie
,
and
dutie
to
the
King
?
Have
they
not
made
that
the
highest
Cryme
,
which
the
Parliament
judged
their
necessary
dutie
to
serve
their
King
?
And
may
not
the
King
complaine
of
their
dealing
with
him
,
as
well
,
as
this
Author
with
his
new
Masters
?
can
Iconoclastes
reprove
the
Parliaments
vote
,
that
it
was
Treason
for
the
Army
to
overaw
the
Parliament
,
which
he
doth
in
being
Advocate
for
the
Army
against
them
,
And
is
it
a
Cryme
in
his
Majest:
to
represent
their
evill
Actions
against
him
?
The
Parliament
voted
a
Treatie
with
the
King
,
and
voted
his
concessions
to
be
a
sufficient
ground
for
peace
,
the
libeller
taxes
that
vote
for
folly
,
and
falshood
.
The
Army
remove
that
Parliament
,
and
call
some
Creatures
of
their
owne
the
Parliament
,
and
they
together
take
the
person
of
the
King
,
and
murther
him
notwithstanding
this
Treatie
,
and
vote
of
Parliament
.
If
it
were
the
Parliament
,
that
voted
the
Treatie
,
and
the
concessions
to
be
a
sufficient
ground
for
peace
,
they
must
be
Traytours
by
the
Parliaments
Judgment
,
that
dissolved
them
,
and
placed
the
name
of
Parliament
vpon
others
,
and
this
Author
must
speake
more
evill
of
them
,
then
his
Majest:
doth
,
or
more
of
his
Masters
,
and
might
with
farr
more
reason
take
on
him
the
defence
of
the
Tumults
,
as
afterwards
he
doth
,
then
the
Parliament
,
for
if
the
Parliament
,
may
be
modelled
by
Tumults
,
and
are
no
longer
a
Parliament
,
then
the
leaders
of
the
rabble
,
judge
well
of
their
Actions
,
then
the
King
,
in
speaking
any
thing
against
the
Parliament
,
doth
no
more
,
then
this
Author
confesseth
the
Tumults
may
doe
,
and
himselfe
too
.
He
might
have
claimed
a
priviledge
to
speake
for
the
dead
,
aswell
,
as
write
against
the
King
,
being
dead
,
for
his
Masters
murthered
it
,
with
the
King
,
and
its
like
he
hath
leave
from
his
new
Masters
to
name
it
yet
,
for
it
will
not
stand
well
heereafter
with
their
Government
to
name
a
Parliament
,
which
may
continue
the
memory
of
King
,
and
Lords
,
and
the
new
Representatives
will
,
when
the
Masters
are
ready
for
it
,
make
the
name
of
Parliament
,
like
an
old
Almanacke
,
and
the
Author
wil
be
forbidden
to
name
it
,
as
reason
now
forbidds
the
defence
of
their
Actions
against
his
Majest:
As
he
to
acquitt
himselfe
hath
not
spared
his
adversaries
,
so
to
him
in
his
booke
no
more
Court●…pp
wil
be
vsed
,
then
he
vses
,
but
what
is
properly
his
owne
guilt
,
not
imputed
any
more
to
his
evill
Councellours
(
a
Ceremony
vsed
longer
by
the
Parliament
,
then
he
desired
)
shal
be
laid
heere
without
Circumlocutions
at
his
owne
doore
.
Courtship
,
nor
Civilitie
could
be
expected
from
any
,
that
tooke
on
them
the
defence
of
such
a
cause
,
as
this
Author
hath
done
,
and
his
Majest:
moderation
in
speaking
of
his
adversaries
,
stigmatizeth
this
Author
for
his
vnprovoked
insolence
,
and
malitious
falshood
,
and
the
cause
he
maintaynes
,
that
could
not
stand
,
but
by
●…ayling
,
and
slander
.
In
laying
the
ground
worke
of
this
horrid
Rebellion
,
the
Master
worke
men
saw
,
that
people
are
to
be
debaucht
by
degrees
,
and
they
cannot
suddenly
beleive
absurdities
,
till
their
passions
by
Custome
be
made
Master
of
their
reason
,
and
confirmed
in
the
pursuite
of
what
was
propounded
to
them
,
vnder
pretence
of
their
good
.
The
people
then
held
it
a
sin
to
offer
violence
to
the
person
of
their
King
,
They
thought
they
could
not
cut
of
the
lappe
ofhis
garment
.
They
held
it
odious
to
reproach
his
person
,
and
the
Parliament
had
so
often
declared
,
that
kings
,
can
doe
no
wrong
,
and
that
the
law
for
bidds
the
speaking
of
it
,
that
though
the
wickednes
of
some
were
enough
confirmed
to
wish
his
destruction
,
they
durst
not
say
it
,
but
pretend
desire
of
Justice
against
other
persons
,
and
they
resolved
,
as
Assassines
to
stabb
him
,
while
they
kneeled
to
him
,
and
to
betray
him
professing
dutie
,
and
loyaltie
,
vndermininge
his
authoritie
,
with
aspersions
on
his
evill
Councellours
,
as
they
called
them
.
And
as
then
they
laid
faults
vpon
his
Councellours
,
that
never
acted
,
so
now
this
slanderer
will
make
the
King
guiltie
of
Actions
,
that
were
never
done
by
him
and
vnder
pretence
of
not
sparing
him
in
laying
the
guilt
on
him
,
that
was
properly
his
,
seekes
to
lay
all
mens
faults
on
him
,
and
is
as
disloyall
to
truth
,
as
Loyaltie
.
To
acquit
himselfe
his
Majest:
needed
to
be
very
carefull
,
for
his
adversaries
by
their
declarations
have
done
it
,
and
they
have
acquitted
his
Councellours
of
these
very
Crymes
they
objected
to
them
,
for
this
Author
wil
have
the
faults
they
were
charged
with
to
be
the
Kings
,
and
it
is
in
his
Language
a
Ceremonie
to
accuse
men
falsely
,
&
by
forged
Calumnies
to
seduce
the
people
to
the
spending
of
their
blood
,
and
hazard
of
their
soules
.
This
Author
is
the
first
,
that
sought
to
be
beleived
in
an
Apologie
for
falshood
,
and
to
defend
the
Parliament
,
and
yet
contradict
it
,
sayes
theise
deceites
,
and
lies
were
in
Ceremonie
.
It
s
certaine
the
King
endeavoured
to
vndeceive
the
people
,
that
they
might
have
knowne
,
that
the
malice
of
these
Traytours
was
to
himselfe
,
whatever
they
pretended
against
his
evill
Councellours
,
&
this
Author
makes
traynes
of
Treason
,
framed
of
knowne
vntruths
to
be
only
Ceremonies
,
and
rankes
the
fifth
,
&
ninth
Commaundement
in
the
Ceremoniall
law
,
&
as
many
of
the
rest
,
as
the
breach
may
be
made
serviceable
to
their
deceites
.
If
the
reproofe
of
evill
speaking
against
Kings
in
Scripture
be
a
Ceremonie
,
if
dutie
,
and
loyaltie
be
a
Ceremonie
,
if
veracitie
be
a
Ceremonie
,
what
is
morall
in
this
Authors
judgment
?
Those
,
whome
he
calls
the
Parliament
vsed
those
impostures
,
vntill
they
had
drawne
the
people
to
establish
their
owne
slavery
,
and
the
Empire
of
those
miscreants
over
them
,
and
now
they
laugh
at
these
miserable
people
,
that
thus
beleived
them
,
as
they
doe
at
the
finesse
of
their
fraudes
,
and
despise
the
power
of
God
,
as
they
doe
his
Precepts
.
It
is
sufficiently
evident
to
the
world
,
what
promises
,
&
professions
those
the
Author
calls
the
Parliament
vented
to
make
his
late
Majest:
a
glorious
King
,
&
besides
their
legall
oaths
,
they
devised
new
protestations
of
loyaltie
,
and
this
the
Author
calls
a
Ceremonie
to
make
the
world
beleive
they
were
loyall
to
their
King
,
for
the
Actions
they
intended
needed
strong
Charmes
to
delude
the
people
,
&
make
them
beleive
those
men
loyall
to
the
King
,
that
raysed
a
warr
against
him
.
The
Parliament
in
one
of
their
declarations
told
the
King
,
that
if
they
should
say
,
that
the
evill
Acts
they
complained
of
were
done
by
his
Maj:
they
should
speake
contrary
to
the
law
,
and
the
Testimonie
of
their
owne
hearts
.
In
another
,
that
they
were
ready
to
lay
downe
their
lives
,
and
fortunes
,
and
spend
the
last
dropp
of
their
blood
to
maintaine
his
Crowne
,
and
Royall
person
in
greatenes
,
and
glory
,
and
cast
themselves
downe
at
his
Royall
feete
.
What
would
he
have
the
world
thinke
of
this
so
stoutly
acted
vehemence
only
a
Ceremonie
?
Certainly
one
of
the
most
pernitious
,
that
ever
was
practised
,
and
an
impudent
defence
suites
well
with
a
discovered
falshood
.
They
professe
themselves
Enemies
to
stage
playes
,
but
it
is
,
that
they
might
engrosse
the
trade
to
themselves
,
for
their
Pulpits
,
aswell
,
as
Pamphlets
sound
principally
this
representation
of
passion
,
&
stage
devotion
,
but
it
is
a
sollesisme
in
so
greate
an
actor
,
as
this
Author
,
that
speakes
alowde
,
that
all
is
but
a
Ceremonie
,
for
he
thereby
gives
the
world
to
vnderstand
,
that
he
intends
the
same
falshood
in
his
slanders
,
then
the
faction
in
Parliament
vsed
in
their
professions
of
dutie
,
and
loyaltie
.
This
course
of
his
in
laying
the
faults
on
the
King
he
sayes
is
,
that
they
,
who
from
the
beginning
,
or
but
now
of
late
by
what
vnhappines
he
knowes
not
are
so
much
infatuated
not
with
his
person
only
but
with
his
palpable
faults
,
&
dote
vpon
his
deformities
,
may
have
none
to
blame
,
but
their
owne
folly
,
if
they
live
,
and
die
in
such
a
strok'n
blindnes
,
as
next
to
that
of
Sodom
hath
not
happened
to
any
sort
of
men
more
grosse
,
or
more
misleadinge
.
Wee
have
found
many
by
hellish
impulsion
hating
his
Majest:
person
,
and
authoritie
,
and
seeme
not
to
thinke
,
that
God
hath
given
them
vp
to
a
reprobate
sense
,
and
strong
delusion
,
&
would
be
thought
to
beleive
all
those
,
that
love
,
or
honour
their
King
infatuated
,
and
thence
it
is
,
that
the
Author
knowes
not
by
what
vnhappines
it
is
,
that
men
are
so
infatuated
,
for
he
would
have
it
beleived
a
greate
happines
to
hate
,
and
detest
his
King
,
to
reproach
not
only
his
person
,
but
his
office
Persecutors
endeavour
to
make
them
vnhappy
,
on
whome
they
exercise
their
cruelties
,
and
they
wonder
at
those
,
that
run
not
with
them
to
the
same
degree
of
wickednes
,
&
this
Author
makes
it
an
vnknowne
vnhappines
,
that
men
runnot
from
their
protested
,
and
sworne
Allegiance
,
and
loyaltie
into
so
disperate
a
Rebellion
,
as
he
maintaines
,
he
may
well
say
he
knowes
not
by
what
vnhappines
it
comes
,
but
it
is
an
vnhappines
of
greater
wonder
,
that
soe
many
should
renounce
the
very
names
of
loyaltie
,
and
obedience
,
make
Rebellion
the
most
renowned
vertue
,
and
this
after
soe
many
vowes
,
and
oaths
to
the
contrary
,
that
men
,
who
some
few
yeares
since
professed
the
greatest
hatred
of
a
Traytour
to
their
King
,
should
now
thinke
no
man
soe
prayse
worthy
,
nor
any
blindnes
soe
neere
to
that
miraculous
stroke
of
the
men
of
Sodom
,
as
that
of
the
opinion
of
loyaltie
.
If
his
Majest:
faults
had
been
,
as
palpable
,
as
this
Authors
falshood
,
it
could
not
diminish
his
subjects
dutie
,
nor
excuse
the
Rebells
impietie
,
nor
the
taunting
scurrilitie
of
this
Author
,
but
his
vertue
being
soe
eminent
,
calls
for
vengeance
on
the
heads
of
those
,
that
call
good
evill
,
and
evill
good
,
this
prodigious
blindnes
is
a
beginning
of
his
punishment
,
that
finding
noe
man
abroade
,
or
at
home
of
learning
,
Religion
,
or
sobrietie
,
that
detest
not
the
courses
,
which
he
seekes
to
defend
,
and
this
soe
knowne
to
him
,
yet
he
objects
blindnes
to
them
all
,
and
as
those
negroes
,
that
paint
the
Devill
white
will
have
none
free
from
blindnes
,
but
such
,
as
Rebell
against
him
,
that
sent
that
blindnes
vpon
the
men
of
Sodom
,
while
they
inhumanely
pursued
their
wikednes
,
and
while
these
men
with
fury
breake
downe
the
fences
of
humane
societie
,
and
seeke
to
turne
men
into
beasts
,
the
spirit
,
that
rules
in
the
children
of
disobedience
hath
blinded
their
eyes
,
and
taken
possession
of
their
soules
confirming
their
sin
not
only
without
remorse
,
but
with
augmented
impudence
,
their
writings
being
composed
of
language
to
outface
truth
,
and
jeere
at
pietie
.
If
this
Author
had
intended
a
right
information
of
men
,
as
he
pretends
,
he
would
not
have
played
the
painter
in
every
period
,
as
he
hath
done
in
making
Chimeraes
,
and
goblins
to
affright
men
.
Can
he
hope
,
that
any
reading
his
booke
,
will
conceive
him
rightly
relating
Actions
,
or
cases
that
tells
men
they
are
blinde
,
infatuated
with
the
palpable
faults
of
their
Murthered
King
,
and
doting
vpon
his
deformities
?
Doe
not
men
see
he
bends
his
strength
to
misleade
those
,
that
see
,
&
reteyne
those
in
blindnes
,
that
were
like
to
recover
.
Some
men
have
by
Policie
accomplished
after
death
that
revenge
vpon
their
Enemies
,
which
in
life
they
were
not
able
,
and
instances
,
that
the
will
,
and
legacies
of
Caesar
,
being
read
,
wrought
more
in
the
vulgar
to
the
avenging
of
his
death
,
then
all
the
art
he
could
vse
to
win
their
favour
in
his
life
.
It
s
true
,
that
the
vertue
,
and
worth
of
many
injured
persons
,
hath
appeared
more
evidently
after
their
death
,
and
hath
caused
greife
,
and
repentance
in
their
Enemies
moving
revenge
in
those
,
that
were
seduced
to
destroy
them
,
and
the
cruelties
exercised
on
his
late
Majest:
and
his
eminent
vertues
in
his
sufferings
have
manifested
vnto
many
,
how
vnhappily
they
were
mislead
to
the
destruction
of
a
King
,
of
so
greate
goodnes
,
and
to
place
their
confidence
in
such
false
,
and
bloody
hipocrites
.
But
he
sajes
those
Apologies
,
and
meditations
are
over
late
.
It
s
true
they
cannot
prevent
the
evill
past
,
and
the
Author
holds
their
strength
invincible
,
though
he
be
not
confident
of
mens
inclinations
without
the
efficacie
of
his
pen.
But
would
those
Apologies
,
and
meditations
have
been
more
powerfull
,
if
sooner
knowne
?
Truth
will
wrest
some
thing
from
him
vnawares
,
for
he
must
confesse
,
if
men
,
that
were
drawne
into
this
Rebellion
against
his
late
Majest:
by
slanders
,
had
vnderstood
what
now
they
doe
by
this
booke
,
they
had
stayed
long
before
,
and
it
wil
be
a
greate
vnhappines
to
the
poore
people
of
his
Majest:
Dominions
,
if
they
be
soe
over
late
vndeceived
,
that
they
be
not
able
to
revenge
his
blood
,
nor
redeemce
themselves
from
the
yoke
of
those
Traytours
,
vnder
whome
they
serue
.
This
intent
he
sajes
appeares
by
the
conceited
portraiture
before
his
booke
drawne
out
to
the
full
measure
of
a
masking
seene
,
and
set
there
to
catch
fooles
,
and
sily
gazers
.
And
are
Portraitures
of
the
condition
of
persons
,
and
their
sufferings
only
to
catch
fooles
,
and
silly
gazers
,
to
what
end
then
is
the
portraict
of
the
house
of
Commons
with
the
speaker
in
his
Eminence
,
and
the
rest
set
in
a
serious
posture
soe
frequently
published
?
And
are
the
portraitures
in
MR.
ffoxes
booke
of
the
Acts
,
and
monuments
of
Martirs
only
to
catch
fooles
,
and
silly
gazers
?
The
Authors
catching
at
flies
shewes
the
impotencie
of
his
malice
,
and
disorder
in
his
vnderstanding
.
Next
this
intent
appeares
by
the
latine
wordes
.
Vota
dabunt
,
quae
bella
negarunt
.
Intimating
that
what
he
could
not
compasse
by
warr
,
he
should
atcheive
by
his
meditations
,
for
in
wordes
,
which
admit
of
various
sense
,
the
libertie
is
ours
he
sa●es
to
chuse
that
,
may
best
minde
vs
of
what
our
restles
Enemies
endeavour
.
In
words
of
various
sence
that
interpretation
is
to
be
chosen
,
which
is
most
probable
to
be
the
Authors
meaninge
,
an
interpretation
for
politique
ends
is
vninge●…uous
,
and
iniurious
,
and
when
it
is
against
the
apparent
signification
odious
,
and
the
Author
shewes
with
what
candor
he
deales
,
that
makes
constructions
to
serve
his
turne
,
&
least
the
truths
conteyned
in
his
Majest:
booke
should
prevaile
with
any
,
he
will
make
such
a
sense
,
as
may
prevent
the
right
vnderstanding
of
them
.
His
Majest:
prayers
,
and
desires
through
his
whole
booke
,
whereto
the
latine
words
are
referred
were
directed
to
God
for
blessings
vpon
his
Kingdomes
,
and
restoring
right
,
and
Justice
to
them
,
and
all
men
may
hope
they
will
have
a
gracious
acceptance
,
and
returne
from
the
Almightie
,
though
the
warrs
procured
it
not
,
but
this
Author
will
referr
these
wordes
to
the
publishing
of
the
booke
,
because
it
best
mindes
them
to
prevent
what
their
Enemies
end●…avour
,
and
because
it
may
vsher
in
a
conceite
,
which
he
makes
much
of
.
For
he
sayes
heere
may
be
well
observed
the
loose
,
and
negligent
curiositie
of
those
,
who
tooke
vpon
them
to
adorne
the
setting
foorth
of
this
booke
,
for
though
the
picture
in
the
front
would
Martir
him
,
and
saint
him
to
befoole
the
people
,
the
lattine
Motto
,
which
they
vnderstand
not
leaves
him
as
it
were
a
politique
contriver
.
The
lattine
being
taken
in
the
right
sense
,
what
roome
had
there
been
for
this
curious
observation
?
And
if
they
,
which
set
foorth
his
Majest:
booke
had
been
curiously
,
or
stupidly
negligent
,
the
Author
had
detracted
nothing
from
his
Majest:
It
is
not
the
picture
but
the
crueltie
exercised
vpon
him
,
that
made
him
a
Martir
,
and
these
miscreants
are
enraged
to
see
their
owne
Actions
in
picture
,
which
they
shamed
not
to
commit
in
the
face
of
the
world
.
The
picture
is
farr
short
of
the
measure
of
his
Majest:
pietie
,
and
sufferings
,
and
wee
may
expect
hard
measure
vpon
the
booke
,
when
a
picture
in
the
front
cannot
escape
the
Image
breaker
.
This
Author
its
likely
wrote
from
them
,
that
vnderstood
not
lattine
,
that
seekes
to
make
the
front
,
and
lattine
in
the
end
so
different
,
when
the
front
hath
a
picture
in
the
posture
of
prayer
,
and
the
lattine
in
the
end
is
applied
to
the
efficacy
of
prayer
.
If
he
had
expected
to
worke
on
such
,
as
vnderstood
lattine
,
he
would
not
have
obtruded
such
an
insignificant
observation
of
misconstrued
lattine
.
Doth
the
commendatious
of
a
mans
devotions
shew
him
a
politique
contriver
?
They
that
published
his
Majest:
booke
are
heerein
free
from
that
negligent
curiositie
,
the
Author
would
have
seene
by
contriving
a
sense
,
which
himselfe
will
not
affirme
to
be
theirs
,
which
vsed
the
words
,
but
his
owne
by
a
libertie
of
choice
,
where
are
different
senses
to
be
made
,
but
the
Author
shewes
himfelfe
,
an
vnpolitique
contriver
of
detraction
,
when
he
inserts
the
detection
of
it
in
the
relation
.
Quaint
Emblems
,
and
devices
begg'd
from
the
old
Pageantry
of
fome
twelf
nights
entertainment
at
white
hall
will
doe
but
ill
to
make
a
saint
,
or
Martir
.
The
Traytours
are
loath
to
see
the
Emblems
of
their
owne
inhumane
crueltie
,
and
how
insteed
of
harmeles
Pageantry
they
erected
the
Theatre
,
of
their
Barbarous
villanie
at
white
hall
.
The
wickednes
of
those
,
that
Martired
his
Majest:
may
be
shadowed
by
Emblems
,
but
neither
art
,
nor
wit
can
fully
expresse
it
.
Bloody
Massacres
are
the
Pageantry
of
Tyrants
,
and
the
scritches
of
Martirs
their
Musique
.
If
the
people
resolve
to
take
him
sainted
at
the
rate
of
such
a
Cannonizing
,
I
shall
he
sayes
suspect
their
Calender
more
,
then
the
Gregorian
.
He
is
very
Kinde
,
that
will
suspect
their
Calender
no
more
then
the
Gregorian
,
for
that
Calender
which
hath
nothing
peculiar
,
or
notable
,
but
the
new
account
of
the
yeare
is
received
by
a
greate
part
of
the
world
for
the
truest
,
and
if
the
Author
have
no
greater
aversion
from
the
Calender
he
supposes
,
he
is
likely
very
neere
the
beleife
of
it
,
but
it
seemes
he
had
a
minde
to
make
a
conceite
from
the
word
Calender
&
therefore
produceth
the
Gregorian
Calender
of
computation
,
insteed
of
the
Calender
of
saints
.
The
Authors
Pageantry
playing
with
a
picture
is
not
the
way
to
vncannoinze
a
saint
.
The
peoples
opinion
of
his
Majest:
sanctitie
is
not
wrought
by
a
picture
,
and
if
they
have
any
esteeme
of
such
representations
of
his
sufferings
their
just
passion
condemnes
this
Authors
malitious
detractions
.
The
Memoriall
of
the
just
shal
be
blessed
in
despight
of
the
malice
,
and
scorne
of
men
.
God
lookes
on
their
sufferings
,
puts
all
their
teares
into
his
bottle
,
and
their
death
is
right
deare
in
his
sight
.
And
if
we
looke
vpon
the
eminencie
of
the
Sufferer
,
the
pride
,
and
crueltie
of
the
persecutors
,
the
true
causes
on
the
part
of
the
sufferer
,
or
the
pretended
causes
of
suffering
on
the
part
of
the
persecutors
,
we
shall
finde
few
Parallells
in
Calenders
among
saints
to
that
of
his
late
Majest:
and
its
memorable
in
his
story
,
that
his
persecutors
their
expressions
so
much
resemble
the
cursed
Jewes
,
that
crucified
our
blessed
saviour
.
This
man
would
make
his
Majest:
after
death
a
politique
contriver
,
the
Jewes
our
blessed
saviour
adeceiver
.
This
Author
pretends
a
plot
to
worke
by
this
booke
published
after
his
Majest:
death
that
revenge
,
which
he
could
not
obteine
in
his
life
,
the
cursed
Jewes
pretended
the
beleife
of
our
saviours
resurrection
of
greater
danger
,
then
his
Miracles
in
his
life
time
.
Such
as
preserve
the
Memory
of
the
sufferings
of
holy
men
in
Calenders
have
Zeale
for
their
warrant
,
and
it
was
an
ancient
practice
in
the
Church
of
God
,
and
such
,
as
deride
that
Custome
to
cast
reproach
vpon
the
persons
,
they
have
persecuted
,
will
have
their
memories
rott
,
as
they
have
their
faces
hardned
,
and
their
consciences
seared
.
We
may
see
what
answeare
this
Author
intends
to
his
Majest:
booke
,
that
makes
such
observations
vpon
the
Claspe
,
&
frontispice
.
Is
it
the
way
to
confute
a
booke
to
revile
the
printer
.
Iconoclastes
hath
an
indignation
at
any
holy
meditations
in
his
Majest:
booke
,
and
tells
men
there
is
danger
of
a
Designe
,
and
to
keepe
men
from
reading
it
gives
Caveatts
against
the
outside
.
In
one
thing
he
must
commend
his
opennesse
,
who
gave
the
Title
to
this
booke
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
that
is
to
say
the
Kings
Image
,
&
by
the
shrine
he
dresses
out
for
him
,
certeinly
would
have
the
people
come
,
and
worshipp
.
Was
man
made
to
be
worshipt
,
because
the
Scripture
tells
vs
,
he
was
created
in
the
Image
of
god
.
And
is
this
author
so
greate
a
stranger
to
the
expressions
of
such
,
as
writ
the
lives
,
&
Actions
of
woorthy
persons
,
who
terme
some
men
patternes
,
or
Images
of
Kings
,
Captaines
,
Judges
,
and
the
like
?
and
when
his
Majest:
booke
conteyned
such
Kingly
meditations
was
it
improperly
named
Icon-basilice
.
Such
sorry
Jests
shew
more
will
,
then
witt
to
speake
fome
what
,
and
the
confidence
of
his
slanders
are
the
same
with
his
conceites
,
that
binds
this
trivial
scoffe
with
a
certenly
.
For
which
reason
this
answeare
is
intitled
I
conoclastes
the
famous
surname
of
many
Greeke
Emperours
,
who
in
their
zeale
to
the
commaund
of
god
after
long
tradition
of
Idolatrie
in
the
Church
tooke
courage
,
&
brake
al
supperstitious
Images
to
peices
.
And
the
end
of
this
answeare
is
to
breake
all
good
Emperours
,
aswell
,
as
Kings
to
peices
,
and
the
Author
made
an
improper
choice
,
of
the
famous
surname
of
good
Emperours
,
that
reproaches
their
calling
,
and
justifies
the
violence
done
them
for
that
very
worthy
Act
of
theirs
in
breaking
superstitious
Images
,
for
if
the
people
may
judge
their
Kings
for
their
Actions
in
Church
,
or
State
,
how
will
this
Author
exempt
the
good
Emperour
Leo
from
the
Jus●…ice
of
the
peoples
violence
against
him
for
breaking
downe
of
Images
,
for
he
must
confesse
their
power
to
vse
violence
,
if
he
will
erect
a
Tribunall
in
the
people
over
their
Kings
,
as
he
doth
over
his
owne
.
Poets
have
fancied
transformations
,
and
men
turned
into
Beasts
,
&
noe
age
hath
produced
more
Monsters
in
opinion
touching
Religion
,
and
moralitie
,
then
this
of
ours
,
that
glory
in
their
defacing
of
the
Image
of
God
in
man
by
Creation
,
and
in
Kings
,
and
governours
by
institution
,
and
if
every
man
may
vse
violence
against
his
King
vpon
his
owne
authoritie
,
and
the
murther
of
Kings
be
an
Act
of
Justice
,
whereto
must
mankinde
be
reduced
,
but
to
be
Tigers
,
or
Devills
in
destroying
one
another
?
And
they
cannot
deny
,
but
what
may
be
done
to
a
King
,
may
be
done
to
any
other
,
schisme
and
Rebellion
are
inseperable
Companions
,
and
as
this
Author
defames
the
Kingly
Government
,
so
the
Church
may
not
escape
his
fury
,
for
rather
,
then
it
shall
have
any
estimation
,
he
will
have
a
long
tradition
of
Idolatry
before
those
good
Emperours
,
but
if
he
had
vouchsafed
to
reade
the
story
,
and
depended
not
vpon
his
spirits
,
he
would
have
found
,
that
not
tradition
,
but
an
impious
Rebellion
stirred
vp
against
a
good
Emperour
brought
the
●…perstitious
Images
into
the
Church
,
and
that
the
good
Emperour
with
stood
the
bringing
in
of
them
,
not
brake
them
downe
after
long
Tradition
,
and
thence
he
might
have
told
vs
what
kinde
of
reformation
must
be
expected
from
popular
fury
,
and
that
as
then
by
Tumultuous
violence
superstition
was
established
,
so
now
in
England
confusion
,
and
prophanenes
.
This
Image
breaker
thinkes
he
may
aswell
vsurpe
an
Emperours
surname
,
as
his
Masters
their
Kings
power
,
and
Estate
,
and
while
he
magnifies
the
good
Emperours
corrects
himselfe
,
least
the
people
thence
thinke
on
their
reverence
to
their
King
.
For
he
sayes
the
people
exorbitant
,
and
excessive
in
all
their
motions
are
prone
oft
times
not
to
a
Religious
only
,
but
to
a
Civill
kinde
of
Idolatrie
in
Idolizinge
their
Kings
,
though
never
more
mistaken
in
the
object
of
their
worshipp
,
heeretofore
being
wont
to
repute
for
saints
those
faithfull
,
and
caragious
Barons
,
who
lost
their
lives
in
the
field
making
glorious
warrs
against
Tyrants
for
the
common
libertie
.
Never
time
can
better
witnes
this
truth
,
then
the
present
,
that
the
people
are
exorbitant
,
and
excessive
in
all
their
motions
,
nor
ever
man
,
that
put
pen
to
paper
could
more
improperly
lay
it
on
their
score
,
then
this
Author
,
that
takes
on
him
to
defend
the
most
exorbitant
,
and
excessive
motions
of
the
people
,
that
any
Kingdome
hath
felt
,
the
power
of
his
Masters
being
founded
on
those
motions
,
and
if
the
people
yet
see
not
their
errour
,
they
cannot
longer
be
deceived
having
such
a
Testimonie
,
as
this
Author
a
man
without
exception
in
that
point
,
and
its
likely
they
begun
to
see
,
how
they
were
made
instruments
of
their
owne
slavery
,
that
this
Author
gives
so
severe
a
Character
of
the
people
.
If
they
be
prone
to
a
Religious
Idolatric
,
as
the
Author
sayes
they
are
,
they
are
very
vnfit
Reformers
of
the
Church
,
and
for
that
Civill
kinde
of
Idolatrie
in
Idolizing
their
Kings
,
that
is
in
an
eminent
degree
of
obedience
,
for
such
appeares
his
meanings
,
it
wil
never
prove
sin
to
them
,
and
the
contrary
vice
Rebellion
is
more
frequent
,
and
more
dangerous
to
their
salvation
,
and
many
will
goe
to
heaven
with
this
Civill
kinde
of
Idolatrie
,
when
Rebells
,
and
despisers
of
Dominion
wil
be
excluded
.
The
Author
should
have
done
well
to
tell
,
what
this
Civill
kinde
of
Idolatrie
is
,
if
it
differs
from
true
,
obedience
,
and
whether
it
may
not
be
given
to
others
,
aswell
,
as
Kings
.
I
beleive
if
there
be
such
a
Civill
kinde
of
Idolatrie
,
the
worst
degree
of
it
is
in
the
reverence
borne
to
King
killers
,
and
common
destroyers
of
their
Countrey
,
as
the
stories
of
all
times
testifie
.
Rebells
never
wanted
pretentions
,
but
libertie
,
and
Justice
were
the
common
Maske
of
such
Monsters
,
so
this
man
wil
have
the
world
beleive
the
pretences
of
Rebells
,
and
that
Rebellion
was
allwayes
the
lawfull
side
,
and
thence
those
faithfull
,
and
couragious
Barons
,
that
had
broken
their
faith
,
and
Alleagiance
to
their
King
,
Trayterously
armed
the
multitude
for
private
revenge
,
and
ambition
must
be
sainted
,
&
those
whome
the
cleere
evidence
of
law
judged
Traytours
,
and
their
warrs
Rebellion
must
be
the
patrons
of
common
libertie
.
I
thinke
the
Author
will
hardly
finde
a
Calender
of
such
saints
,
if
he
receive
a
Connonization
at
such
a
rate
,
it
will
deserve
farlesse
credit
,
then
the
Gregorian
Calender
,
but
he
is
not
like
to
finde
a
Calender
of
saints
for
his
purpose
,
vnles
it
be
filled
with
such
faithles
Traytours
.
It
hath
been
said
of
Politicians
,
that
they
love
the
Treason
,
and
hate
the
Traytour
,
but
these
new
Masters
saint
the
Traytours
,
&
make
Treason
the
Canon
of
their
Religion
.
Some
men
have
pitied
men
of
parts
,
whose
passions
have
carried
them
into
vnwarrantable
Actions
,
but
never
till
this
age
did
Christians
adore
such
saints
.
Rebellion
is
dearer
to
this
Author
,
then
Religion
,
and
he
will
rather
commend
superstitious
Actions
of
a
blinde
age
,
and
the
very
dreggs
of
Popery
against
which
he
professeth
so
greate
Zeale
,
then
want
an
ingredient
to
the
varnish
of
that
horrid
sin
,
and
rather
then
that
shal
be
discountenanced
,
Popery
,
and
Judaisme
it selfe
shal
be
admitted
.
There
were
a
people
,
that
Idolized
Todes
,
and
vipers
and
all
venemous
creatures
,
and
these
men
have
resumed
that
Idolatry
,
that
will
have
the
most
cruell
,
and
destructive
impieties
to
make
men
saints
.
He
instances
in
two
particulars
Simon
de
Montfort
Earle
of
Leicester
against
Hen.
3.
and
Thomas
Plantagenet
Earle
of
Lancaster
against
Edward
2.
For
the
first
of
these
,
he
was
by
the
Testimony
of
the
stories
of
that
age
the
most
ingrate
full
Rebell
,
that
any
state
hath
harboured
,
a
man
overloaden
with
his
Masters
favours
,
matcht
to
his
sister
,
instrusted
with
his
secretts
,
and
his
forces
,
yet
this
man
,
whome
neither
benifitts
,
affection
,
nor
trust
could
oblidge
,
nor
keepe
from
thrusting
the
King
from
his
Throne
,
&
assuminge
the
Government
to
himselfe
for
the
common
libertie
,
as
the
Author
will
have
it
,
is
enrolled
for
a
saint
.
If
there
were
any
so
exorbitant
,
and
excessive
in
their
motions
to
saint
such
a
faithlesse
wretch
,
the
Author
will
hardly
finde
any
so
much
mistaken
in
his
Civill
Kinde
of
Idolatry
to
their
Kings
,
but
whence
comes
Hen:
3
:
to
be
a
Tyrant
,
of
whome
the
stories
report
so
much
mildnes
,
and
hardly
so
greate
an
errour
,
as
the
vnadvised
advancement
of
that
Rebell
Montfort
?
But
it
is
very
vsuall
with
these
men
,
that
wherever
they
finde
an
Example
of
Rebellion
there
the
King
is
a
Tyrant
,
and
all
such
Presidents
,
as
were
conveyed
to
our
times
to
shew
vs
the
mischeife
,
and
wickednes
of
Rebellion
are
produced
,
as
authorities
for
the
committing
of
it
,
and
Garnetts
straw
wil
be
a
Miracle
,
and
he
a
saint
,
&
the
Assassins
of
Kings
glorious
Champions
for
common
libertie
.
For
the
secound
,
the
stories
are
very
silent
of
any
common
libertie
pretended
by
the
Earle
of
Lancaster
,
or
any
Tyrany
against
that
King
,
but
it
matters
not
what
truth
there
be
in
an
assertion
so
a
King
be
made
the
Criminall
,
and
though
the
mistake
of
such
,
as
held
the
Earle
of
Lancaster
for
some
time
a
saint
,
were
ridiculous
to
that
very
age
,
yet
this
Author
will
have
it
a
lesse
errour
,
then
the
keeping
of
the
fifth
Commaundement
,
and
the
people
,
that
vsed
a
Civill
Kinde
of
Idolatry
to
their
good
Emperour
,
that
had
the
famous
surname
of
Iconoclastes
more
mistaken
in
the
object
of
their
worshipp
,
then
such
,
as
Idolized
the
superstitious
Images
he
had
broken
,
for
the
Author
sayes
they
were
never
more
mistaken
in
the
object
of
their
worshipp
,
then
in
the
Civill
Kinde
of
Idolatrie
in
Idolizing
their
Kings
.
It
s
apparent
in
the
stories
of
our
nation
,
that
superstitious
Churchmen
had
their
hands
in
those
Rebellions
the
Author
mentions
,
&
therefore
might
induce
the
ignorant
rabble
to
adore
the
Calves
they
had
set
vp
,
&
in
our
dayes
wee
finde
they
have
successours
,
that
teach
the
people
doctrines
of
Devills
and
seduce
them
from
obedience
to
those
,
that
had
the
rule
over
them
.
Now
with
a
besotted
,
and
degenerate
basenesse
of
spirit
,
ex
,
cept
some
few
,
who
yet
reteine
in
them
the
old
English
fortitude
,
and
love
of
freedome
,
and
have
testified
it
by
their
matchles
deedes
,
the
rest
embastardized
from
the
ancient
noblenes
of
their
Aucestours
are
ready
to
fall
flat
,
and
give
adoration
to
the
Image
,
and
memory
of
this
man
,
who
hath
offred
at
more
cunning
fetches
to
vndermine
our
libertie
,
and
put
Tyrany
into
an
Act
,
then
any
Brittish
King
before
him
.
It
s
very
strange
,
that
all
except
some
few
are
so
besotted
,
as
not
to
love
libertie
so
naturall
to
man
,
and
those
,
that
have
so
contended
for
it
,
as
the
English
nation
,
but
if
it
were
possible
for
Iconoclastes
to
deale
faithfully
,
wee
might
have
expected
,
that
he
would
have
told
vs
,
what
that
libertie
was
the
people
loved
not
,
which
is
the
libertie
of
those
ambitious
Traytours
,
that
now
lord
it
over
them
,
which
are
those
few
he
mentions
,
whose
matchlesse
villanies
have
wasted
more
English
blood
in
these
few
yeares
,
then
all
our
Kings
in
their
victorious
warrs
since
the
conquest
.
The
people
doubtles
love
libertie
,
but
they
finde
themselves
cheated
of
their
just
libertie
vnder
a
lawfull
King
,
and
brought
vnder
the
slavery
of
many
Tyrants
who
perswaded
the
poore
people
it
was
libertie
to
be
without
a
King
,
though
subject
to
the
licentious
will
of
vpstart
vsurpers
,
and
why
is
it
degnerate
basenes
of
spirit
to
vindicate
their
lawes
,
&
liberties
against
Tyrants
,
that
have
vsurped
it
,
and
revenge
the
fraude
,
&
iniury
done
them
by
deceivers
,
that
vnder
pretence
of
law
,
and
libertie
bereft
them
of
both
.
The
best
of
the
Rebells
pretence
,
which
this
Author
defends
is
to
fight
for
libertie
,
and
if
the
people
finde
their
libertie
taken
away
,
is
it
vnlawfull
to
resume
it
from
Tyrants
,
and
vsurpers
,
which
this
Author
holds
lawfullKings
?
It
s
true
men
were
besotted
with
the
name
of
libertie
,
and
those
Mountebanques
infused
the
principles
of
Rebellion
into
the
people
by
telling
there
could
be
no
libertie
vnder
Monarchy
,
as
if
the
nature
of
Governments
were
vnknowne
till
our
time
,
and
thence
this
Author
writes
,
as
if
none
,
but
besotted
people
should
reade
him
.
If
these
vipers
had
professed
in
the
beginninge
of
their
Rebellion
,
that
Simon
Monford
,
&
Thomas
Earle
of
Lancaster
had
been
saints
,
and
that
they
intended
to
follow
the
Example
of
such
Traytours
,
the
people
would
not
have
been
so
besotted
,
the
miseries
brought
on
the
Kingdome
by
such
seducers
being
so
largely
delivred
in
story
,
but
the
people
have
now
found
by
sad
experience
,
that
the
leaders
of
the
present
disorders
are
the
Progenie
of
those
cursed
Rebels
,
whose
Actions
made
them
odious
to
all
posteritie
,
and
dishonoured
the
times
wherein
they
lived
,
and
this
Author
would
brand
the
whole
nation
making
Rebellion
their
fortitude
,
and
love
offreedome
,
when
its
plaine
to
all
readers
,
that
those
Rebellions
were
the
scourge
of
the
nation
,
which
langiushed
vnder
the
burthens
,
that
were
encreased
by
those
,
whome
they
followed
against
their
kings
.
How
the
people
have
been
Idolized
by
those
Rebells
,
Tumults
defended
,
and
the
power
over
their
king
pretended
for
the
justification
of
this
odious
Rebellion
,
besides
the
declaration
of
those
they
call
a
Parliament
,
this
Author
frequently
tells
vs
in
this
answeare
,
&
yet
is
soe
carelesse
of
truth
,
or
shame
,
as
heere
their
reason
,
and
affection
are
as
contemptible
,
as
their
right
in
Government
,
and
some
few
must
raigne
over
them
.
The
greatest
vnhappines
of
the
English
nation
hath
been
in
the
misfortunes
of
their
kings
,
&
the
greatest
dishonour
in
the
prevalcne
of
insolent
,
and
sly
Rebells
,
the
noble
blood
of
the
most
renowned
persons
being
wasted
in
those
disorders
,
and
Civilitie
for
many
yeares
destroyed
.
If
we
place
vertue
in
the
insolent
attempts
of
Rebells
against
lawfull
Princes
,
not
only
Christian
fortitude
,
but
morall
vertue
grow
contemptible
,
&
rage
,
and
venom
will
sooner
get
a
saint-shipp
,
then
Justice
or
innocence
.
If
so
many
are
so
ready
to
fall
flat
to
the
Image
,
and
memory
of
his
late
Majefl
:
as
the
Author
sayes
,
his
Masterts
have
cause
to
vse
new
principles
,
and
as
they
fought
against
their
king
by
faining
a
power
in
the
people
,
so
they
must
now
lay
fetters
on
them
,
and
cast
away
the
maske
a
Ceremony
to
be
vsed
no
longer
.
It
was
not
a
part
of
our
liberties
to
be
deprived
of
our
king
,
nor
to
Rebell
against
him
,
such
acts
being
contradictions
not
only
to
Christian
,
but
English
libertie
,
and
such
,
as
take
that
libertie
to
themselves
,
robb
others
of
their
just
,
&
lawfull
liberties
.
Doe
the
present
,
or
did
ever
Traytours
give
libertie
to
any
,
but
their
faction
?
And
doe
they
allow
them
any
more
,
then
libertie
at
the
will
of
the
Commaunder
?
And
if
libertie
be
so
precious
to
these
men
,
why
should
John
lilborne
bemore
restrained
,
then
Iconoclastes
?
And
why
should
any
be
more
Cryminall
,
that
write
,
or
speacke
against
an
vsurped
power
,
then
they
,
that
wrote
against
the
knowne
legall
authoritie
?
Prisoners
in
Gayles
hire
persons
of
strong
voyces
to
begg
for
them
att
the
grate
,
and
the
Rebells
have
found
this
Authors
rancour
,
and
impudence
so
sublimated
,
as
his
falsities
,
and
slanders
were
probable
to
infect
the
world
,
though
to
knowing
,
and
honest
men
they
sound
the
voyce
of
a
Beast
,
and
not
a
man
;
what
one
libertie
of
the
English
Nation
is
there
now
left
?
Doe
not
all
men
see
,
that
their
ridiculous
howse
,
and
state
Councell
act
at
the
will
of
their
sword
Master
,
by
whose
act
those
Cyphers
are
disposed
of
to
signifie
what
he
pleaseth
?
Doe
not
all
men
see
,
that
the
vse
of
the
name
libertie
signifieth
nothing
,
but
a
sound
to
fill
the
peoples
eares
,
and
deceive
their
vnderstandinge
?
That
Tyranny
should
be
objected
to
the
best
King
,
in
whose
time
fewer
men
suffred
death
,
then
in
any
time
of
like
extent
throughout
all
our
Kings
,
shewes
hellish
rage
,
not
common
impudence
.
In
his
Raigne
of
sixteene
yeares
,
vntill
this
abominable
Parliament
,
one
only
Peere
of
the
Kingdome
suffered
death
,
&
that
not
for
any
provocation
,
or
offence
against
the
Kings
person
,
but
for
Crymes
of
another
nature
,
a
raritie
in
the
stories
of
the
best
Kings
,
and
yet
so
brutish
is
this
man
to
say
,
that
he
hath
offred
at
more
cunning
fetches
to
vndermine
our
liberties
,
and
put
Tyrany
into
an
art
,
then
any
brittish
King
before
him
.
Wherein
should
Tirany
appeare
,
was
there
any
violence
vsed
in
taking
away
mens
Estates
?
Can
they
object
Covetuousnes
,
or
luxury
to
his
late
Majest:
they
have
not
yet
pretended
it
,
but
they
would
make
Tyrany
by
imagination
,
&
that
Government
which
stands
in
their
way
must
be
called
Tyrany
,
and
the
want
of
instances
of
Tyrany
makes
them
thus
giddily
stagger
from
side
to
side
,
and
talke
of
offring
at
more
cunninge
fetches
,
what
doth
this
signifie
?
Doth
this
Author
thinke
,
that
he
wil
be
beleived
in
his
slanders
of
Tyrany
,
when
all
is
resolved
into
offers
,
&
offers
at
cunning
fetches
,
and
all
is
only
their
malicious
,
&
inconsequent
inferences
?
This
Author
well
knowes
this
assertion
of
his
,
is
so
farr
from
truth
,
that
he
cannot
name
one
Act
of
his
Maj:
wherevnto
he
,
or
his
Masters
have
excepted
,
that
wants
Example
of
his
best
Predecessours
,
so
wide
hath
he
opened
his
mouth
in
saying
more
then
any
Brittish
King
before
him
.
And
his
late
Majest:
tooke
not
such
Examples
,
as
those
men
,
that
make
Acts
of
violence
,
and
Rebellion
Examples
,
but
such
Actions
,
as
were
by
Councell
,
and
in
the
way
of
law
,
and
Iustice
.
But
this
Author
having
so
lately
mentioned
the
old
English
fortitude
,
how
falls
he
to
name
the
Brittish
Kings
?
If
he
intend
the
Kings
,
which
the
Romans
found
at
their
comming
,
or
which
succeeded
their
departure
,
his
comparison
is
not
of
any
large
signification
,
for
the
Catalogue
is
very
short
,
and
the
Actions
lesse
,
but
perhapps
he
meanes
to
make
Authenticke
the
story
of
Geoffry
of
Monmouth
,
where
the
Catalogue
hath
as
litle
truth
,
as
the
persons
Actions
,
he
doth
not
meane
the
Saxons
to
be
Brittish
Kings
?
If
he
doe
,
he
will
finde
among
them
not
only
offers
at
fetches
,
but
open
rapines
,
and
homicides
,
which
when
he
thinkes
on
,
what
he
hath
written
might
shame
him
,
if
he
could
shame
at
any
thing
,
and
if
he
thought
knowing
readers
would
have
the
patience
to
pervse
so
much
scurrilous
language
,
and
impudent
vntruth
,
as
he
hath
packt
togeather
in
this
booke
,
he
would
expect
just
reproach
for
offering
at
such
a
Comparison
so
impertinent
,
if
he
intended
such
Kings
only
,
as
were
properly
termed
Brittish
in
regard
of
discent
,
whose
persons
,
and
Actions
are
so
inconsiderable
,
and
so
lewdely
false
.
If
he
intend
all
others
,
that
have
Raigned
in
England
,
whose
stories
conteine
so
evident
a
refutation
of
his
vntruth
.
In
the
first
Parliament
of
King
James
,
there
was
a
debate
touching
the
Kings
Title
,
which
he
desired
to
have
of
greate
Brittaigne
in
reguard
of
his
Dominion
over
the
whole
Island
,
the
lower
howse
then
reputed
wise
,
much
opposed
it
,
and
would
reteine
the
name
of
England
,
vnder
which
name
they
said
their
Ancestours
had
been
famous
.
These
men
tell
vs
noe
contentions
are
infallible
,
but
the
present
,
and
they
are
in
love
with
the
name
of
Brittish
Kings
,
of
whome
they
know
nothing
,
that
the
people
may
forget
their
English
Kings
,
that
made
them
famous
.
Wee
reade
of
some
in
Scripture
,
that
wrought
mischeife
by
a
law
,
and
this
Author
,
that
talkes
of
making
Tyrany
an
art
,
strives
to
make
Rebellion
a
law
,
and
all
Government
a
Tyrany
,
and
having
vndermined
Monarchy
with
cantinge
termes
of
Libertie
,
seekes
to
suppresse
all
Libertie
by
lawlesse
power
.
He
doth
not
wonder
,
though
he
pretend
it
at
the
change
in
the
people
,
for
the
many
odious
lyes
,
and
slanders
his
Masters
have
vsed
of
the
King
,
the
many
promises
they
have
falsified
to
the
people
,
the
cōtinual
oppressions
they
exercise
over
them
justly
provoke
hatred
to
such
Tyrants
,
vnles
the
people
were
condemned
to
perpetuall
stupiditie
with
their
present
slavery
.
The
Rebells
,
whome
this
Author
reports
to
be
Sainted
,
though
they
objected
misgovernment
to
their
Kings
,
never
were
so
impudent
to
pretend
their
lawes
slavery
,
but
the
present
Traytours
have
improved
all
the
impieties
of
former
ages
to
extreamitie
,
and
they
call
all
the
Government
of
England
,
for
many
hundreds
of
yeares
Norman
slavery
,
and
will
imagine
a
libertie
that
perisht
by
the
flood
,
which
they
now
resume
.
Their
pretence
of
lawes
is
turned
into
sickely
fancies
of
distempered
braines
,
&
though
the
leaders
are
hardened
by
their
confirmed
corruptions
,
the
people
begin
to
recover
their
vnderstanding
,
and
see
the
cunning
fetches
,
whereby
they
were
vndermined
,
and
the
Art
,
which
Traytours
vsed
to
betray
them
.
Which
low
dejection
,
and
debasement
of
minde
in
the
people
,
he
cannot
willingly
ascribe
to
the
naturall
disposition
of
an
Englishman
,
but
rather
to
two
other
causes
.
And
is
it
a
low
dejection
,
and
debasement
of
minde
to
restue
a
mans
selfe
from
a
common
cheate
,
or
a
malicious
oppressour
?
Is
it
not
dejection
,
and
debasement
of
spirit
to
follow
detected
villaines
,
and
common
theeves
?
Is
it
the
naturall
disposition
of
an
Englishman
to
betray
,
and
kill
his
King
,
&
put
his
necke
vnder
the
yoke
of
his
inferiours
?
Is
the
English
disposition
so
base
,
as
to
leave
a
King
,
and
be
subject
to
a
Iacke
straw
?
And
is
stupiditie
the
English
disposition
,
that
can
swallow
any
deceites
,
and
abuses
,
though
never
so
palpaple
?
Doubtles
whoever
lookes
,
what
Government
was
heeretofor
lived
vnder
,
&
what
now
,
must
needes
conclude
,
that
such
,
as
willingly
forsooke
the
on
,
and
submitted
to
the
other
,
expessed
as
low
dejection
,
and
debasement
of
minde
,
as
ever
the
English
nation
shewed
fortitude
and
the
many
s●…fferes
for
refusing
their
submission
to
this
vsurpation
,
and
the
few
,
which
the
Author
sayes
retaine
the
old
English
fortitude
shewes
,
that
it
is
not
the
disposition
of
an
Englishman
,
but
the
vnnaturall
,
and
degenerate
inclinations
of
some
,
that
assuminge
the
English
name
have
sought
to
dishonour
the
nation
,
and
transferre
the
infamy
of
their
Actions
on
the
naturall
disposition
,
stiling
the
greatest
Traytours
the
best
Englishmen
.
The
first
of
his
causes
,
whereto
he
ascribes
this
low
dejection
,
he
sayes
is
to
the
Prelates
,
and
their
fellow
teachers
,
though
of
another
name
,
and
sect
,
whose
pulpitt
stuffe
both
first
,
and
last
hath
been
the
doctrine
,
and
perpetuall
infusion
of
servilitie
,
and
wretchednes
to
all
the
hearers
.
Could
the
Prelates
,
and
their
fellow
teacher
,
against
whome
not
preachinge
was
cheifely
objected
by
these
Hipocrites
,
worke
such
Miracles
by
their
pulpitt
stuffe
.
And
could
those
,
whome
they
have
excluded
pulpits
,
for
soe
many
yeares
cause
this
new
degeneration
,
of
whose
causes
he
seemes
soe
inquisitive
.
Pulpitt
stuffe
was
a
Terme
only
proper
to
their
s●…uffling
Levites
,
which
was
an
infusion
of
contempt
of
the
persons
,
and
detraction
of
the
authoritie
of
their
Rulers
.
How
full
were
pulpitts
,
and
Tubbs
of
these
froggs
,
and
vermin
,
Emissaries
of
hell
,
who
decryed
Christian
patience
,
and
allowed
noe
fortitude
,
but
what
resisted
Authoritie
.
The
preaching
of
the
Prelates
in
England
will
remaine
to
their
honour
,
and
the
infamy
of
these
hipocriticall
Rebells
,
and
their
workes
follow
them
,
which
schismaticall
Lunacie
vainely
rages
to
defame
,
and
all
men
can
wittnes
,
that
the
ridiculous
,
and
impertinent
repetitions
,
vaine
,
and
senselesse
inferences
,
the
common
pulpitt
stuffe
of
puritan
Sectaries
made
preaching
to
many
,
as
Elies
sons
made
the
offerings
of
the
Lord
;
And
the
Rebellion
,
perjury
,
and
Atheisme
,
that
hath
followed
such
sermonizers
,
shewes
what
spirit
they
are
of
,
and
that
they
waite
on
Ieroboams
Calves
,
least
men
should
returne
to
God
,
and
their
lawfull
King
,
but
this
rayling
at
the
Prelates
is
growne
stale
.
The
servilitie
,
and
wretchednes
he
meanes
,
wee
shall
know
more
plainely
heereafter
,
for
obedience
,
&
sufferinge
are
the
servilitie
and
wretchednes
,
which
he
calls
the
pulpit
stuffe
of
the
Prelates
.
Wee
may
shortly
expect
,
that
as
theis
miscreants
have
altered
state
,
&
Church
,
soe
they
will
compose
an
Index
expurgatorius
of
the
Bible
,
for
it
cannot
be
imagined
,
that
they
will
object
this
hainous
Cryme
of
preaching
passive
obedience
to
the
Prelates
,
and
leave
soe
many
places
in
the
Gospell
,
which
commaund
it
,
&
themselves
neede
not
the
Gospell
to
make
men
obedient
,
they
have
the
sword
,
and
this
Ceremony
of
Religion
is
abolished
.
But
what
are
these
fellow
teachers
of
the
Prelates
of
another
name
,
and
sect
?
why
did
he
not
speake
out
,
and
name
the
Presbiterian
?
was
it
not
as
easie
to
name
him
,
as
describe
him
?
such
termes
are
long
in
comming
foorth
,
that
carry
with
them
the
reproach
of
the
speaker
.
The
common
guilt
,
wherein
theise
sects
,
and
parties
were
involved
appeares
in
their
division
,
and
how
they
deceived
the
people
,
and
one
another
.
It
s
happy
,
if
any
men
,
that
have
gone
farr
in
an
evill
way
stopp
,
and
returne
to
the
right
path
.
St.
Paul
gloried
,
that
men
said
of
him
,
that
he
now
preacht
the
faith
,
which
before
he
destroyed
,
&
if
there
be
any
,
though
of
another
name
,
and
sect
in
the
sense
of
this
author
,
that
preach
loyaltie
,
which
before
they
destroyed
,
Its
Gods
greate
mercy
to
them
,
and
that
they
reduce
others
from
the
errours
of
their
way
.
These
Presbiterians
may
hence
observe
,
how
vnhappily
they
were
engaged
against
the
Prelates
,
and
with
this
other
sect
in
settinge
foorth
contumelious
,
&
scoffing
libells
,
that
now
have
the
same
language
cast
on
themselves
by
theise
brethren
in
evill
.
Schisme
,
&
Rebellion
have
noe
meane
,
and
he
is
much
deceived
,
that
thinkes
to
retaine
either
of
them
in
any
bounds
without
force
,
and
this
the
Pers●…iterian
now
findes
to
his
losse
,
who
is
growne
as
contemptible
to
those
he
meant
to
rule
,
as
he
endeavoured
to
make
the
Prelates
.
Besides
their
pulpit
stuffe
he
sayes
their
lives
the
Tipe
of
all
worldlines
,
and
hipocrisie
without
the
least
true
patterne
of
vertue
,
righteousnes
,
or
selfe
denyall
in
their
whole
practice
.
Of
those
Markes
,
which
the
Scripture
gives
for
the
Tryall
of
Hipocrites
,
what
one
doe
these
Rebells
want
,
their
pride
in
assuming
holines
to
themselves
,
&
denying
it
to
others
,
is
held
foorth
by
them
on
all
occasions
.
Stand
further
from
me
,
I
am
holier
,
then
thou
,
was
the
old
Jew
,
and
Lord
I
thanke
thee
I
am
not
,
as
other
men
,
nor
as
this
Publican
was
the
reformed
Pharisee
,
&
how
impiously
these
Traytours
appropriate
to
themselves
righteousnes
,
and
selfe
denyall
,
as
if
none
,
but
Traytours
could
attaine
the
kuowledge
of
such
graces
?
If
righteousnes
consist
in
Blaspheming
God
,
contempt
of
his
ordinances
,
and
scorning
the
doctrine
,
and
practice
of
his
saints
,
these
men
may
lay
some
claime
to
it
,
And
if
such
,
as
deny
not
themselves
the
lives
,
and
Estates
of
others
,
that
deny
not
themselves
any
power
,
or
pleasure
they
like
,
be
the
true
selfe
denyers
,
we
cannot
exclude
this
Author
,
and
his
Masters
from
attaining
it
?
Doe
these
men
imagine
,
that
vsing
the
termes
of
righteousnes
,
and
selfe
denyall
,
which
they
have
made
much
in
fashion
,
induces
any
man
to
thinke
they
esteeme
it
,
whose
whole
endeavours
are
selfe
seeking
?
Can
they
perswade
any
man
,
that
when
our
blessed
saviour
would
pay
Tribute
,
though
not
due
from
him
,
that
he
might
not
give
offence
,
that
the
righteousnes
,
which
he
commended
to
his
servants
was
not
only
to
deny
Tribute
,
but
to
fight
against
those
to
whome
it
was
due
?
Are
they
greater
practisers
of
selfe
deniall
,
that
preach
warr
,
and
blood
rather
,
then
obey
,
then
those
,
that
preach
passive
obedience
,
and
suffering
rather
then
violence
?
Certenly
the
Alcaron
Religion
of
these
men
,
cannot
entitle
them
to
that
Evangelycall
vertue
of
selfe
deniall
,
and
their
Actions
being
soe
opposite
to
it
,
theit
frequent
vse
of
the
word
proves
their
confirmed
hipocrisie
,
&
resolved
impenitencie
.
He
may
well
wonder
,
if
such
pulpit
stuffe
,
and
such
lives
,
as
he
mentions
should
attract
soe
many
from
his
old
English
fortitude
.
If
he
would
have
assigned
a
cause
for
such
an
eminent
change
,
as
he
supposes
,
it
should
have
been
some
way
proportionable
to
the
effect
,
and
his
best
way
had
been
to
have
advanced
the
knowledge
,
and
subtile
behaviour
of
the
Prelates
,
and
their
fellow
teachers
,
but
madd
men
only
will
beleive
him
,
when
he
sayes
men
grosse
in
their
doctrines
,
and
offenfive
in
their
lives
perswaded
the
most
part
from
the
olde
English
fortitude
,
this
shewes
only
a
will
to
rayle
,
not
ane
Argument
to
prove
.
It
wil
be
an
hard
taske
for
him
to
prove
men
the
Tipe
of
worldlines
,
whome
his
Masters
have
stript
of
all
worldly
meanes
of
living
,
and
exposed
them
,
and
their
families
to
begg
,
or
starve
.
Was
there
ever
a
time
in
any
one
Kingdome
,
when
soe
many
have
endured
the
spoyling
of
their
goods
,
&
vndergone
soe
greate
povertie
from
plentie
,
rather
then
renounce
their
faith
,
&
former
profession
,
as
the
Prelates
of
England
,
and
their
follow
tachers
?
hipocrisie
,
and
worldlines
consist
not
with
that
condition
,
and
in
this
Estate
they
cannot
charge
the
Prelates
with
rayling
,
&
virulent
language
against
their
persecutors
,
as
the
Rebell
Ministers
vsed
against
their
Governours
.
The
people
now
discerne
the
difference
betweene
the
Prelates
humilitie
,
and
the
pride
of
their
present
Imposters
,
and
that
pride
is
lesse
incident
to
just
Titles
,
then
vsurpations
,
and
that
popular
insinuations
never
want
ambition
,
and
arrogance
.
The
Bishopps
eminent
vertues
,
and
sufferings
are
soe
conspicuous
to
all
men
,
as
cannot
be
obscured
by
malicious
detraction
.
But
such
,
as
make
it
their
sin
to
preach
passive
obedience
will
judge
Martirdome
hipocrisie
,
and
patience
worldlinesse
.
His
next
cause
he
attributes
to
the
factious
inclination
of
most
men
divided
from
the
publique
by
serveral
ends
,
and
humours
of
their
owne
.
Factious
inclinations
carry
men
to
Rebellion
,
and
disobedience
,
and
private
ends
divided
from
the
publique
are
excentrique
to
lawfull
Government
.
All
changes
proceede
from
these
ends
,
and
humours
,
and
submission
to
Rulers
is
inconsistent
with
them
.
But
the
Author
will
have
the
resistance
of
parricide
,
and
Rebellion
an
effect
of
factious
inclination
,
as
patience
,
and
passive
obedience
to
be
a
worldly
doctrine
;
By
his
account
Rebells
only
have
care
of
the
publique
,
and
all
that
oppose
them
have
ends
divided
from
it
.
This
humour
of
seditious
Traytours
hath
been
anciently
discovered
,
and
yet
by
the
peoples
vnhappy
credulitie
never
prevented
,
&
thence
it
comes
,
that
they
complaine
of
faction
,
and
innovation
,
while
they
are
busie
in
contrivinge
it
.
And
it
is
noe
wonder
,
that
they
,
that
have
found
soe
many
deceived
by
their
dissembled
passions
,
will
offer
such
palpable
absurdities
to
the
people
,
that
men
oppose
them
for
private
ends
,
&
that
themselves
seeke
only
the
publique
,
whē
by
blood
,
and
rapine
they
have
got
possession
of
all
the
wealth
,
&
power
of
the
Kingdome
,
and
treade
all
vnder
foote
,
that
had
right
to
rule
They
say
truly
they
seeke
the
publique
,
but
all
men
see
it
is
for
their
private
ends
,
and
ambition
.
At
sirst
noe
man
lesse
beloved
,
noe
man
more
generally
condemned
,
then
was
the
King
from
the
time
,
that
it
became
his
Custome
to
breake
Parliaments
at
home
,
and
eyther
willfully
,
or
weakely
betray
protestants
abroade
to
the
beginninge
of
those
●…ombustions
.
He
would
prove
the
people
inconstant
,
who
doubts
it
?
there
hath
been
proofe
enough
of
it
in
their
wretched
levitie
tossed
to
,
and
fro
by
these
Rebells
.
Bene
facere
,
male
audire
Regium
est
,
will
not
be
denyed
by
Iconoclastes
to
be
a
knowne
truth
,
and
that
it
is
the
common
lot
of
good
Princes
to
be
misreported
.
That
his
late
Majest:
suffered
by
the
privy
whispes
of
ambitious
seducers
to
the
credulous
vulgar
is
easily
graunted
,
but
it
was
their
ingratitude
,
not
his
merit
,
and
the
Authors
lesse
beloved
and
more
generally
condemned
is
a
supposition
voyde
,
of
truth
,
as
the
Act
it selfe
was
voyde
of
dutie
,
the
causes
he
would
have
to
be
his
Custome
in
breaking
Parliaments
,
and
betraying
Protestants
.
Let
vs
examine
what
ground
there
was
,
for
this
aversion
from
the
King
vpon
either
of
theis
.
There
were
in
the
time
of
King
James
,
men
,
that
made
ill
vse
of
Parliaments
,
and
insteede
of
amending
what
was
amisse
strived
to
make
the
people
beleive
things
were
out
of
order
,
which
they
felt
not
,
and
to
create
discontents
at
the
Government
.
This
caused
the
breach
of
some
Parliaments
in
that
Kings
time
,
his
late
Majest:
finding
the
people
possest
with
greate
jealosies
of
his
match
with
spaine
,
&
greate
desires
to
breake
the
peace
with
that
nation
in
order
to
the
recovery
of
the
Palatinate
became
the
instrument
of
setling
a
right
vnderstandinge
betweene
the
King
,
and
his
Parliament
in
the
21.
th
.
Yeare
of
his
Raigne
.
Then
was
the
Treatie
of
the
match
,
and
peace
broken
,
the
session
of
Parliament
concluded
to
the
greate
joy
of
the
people
,
and
with
their
greate
professions
of
affection
to
his
late
Majest:
for
soe
happy
a
worke
.
King
James
was
noe
sooner
dead
,
and
his
late
Majest:
by
the
Councell
of
the
Parliament
engaged
in
a
dangerous
warr
,
but
the
seditious
contrivers
,
that
had
pretended
such
Zeale
for
the
regaininge
of
the
●…alatinate
,
cast
about
how
they
might
ruine
his
Majest:
by
that
vndertaking
,
and
in
his
first
Parliament
without
respect
to
their
owne
promises
,
his
Majest:
merit
from
them
in
procuringe
their
desires
,
or
the
publique
necessities
ingratefully
withdrew
their
assistance
from
him
,
and
spread
abroade
rumours
against
his
Government
,
and
when
he
called
a
Parliament
,
the
private
annimosities
,
&
personall
thirst
of
revenge
in
some
men
were
entertained
in
the
house
of
Commons
,
to
exclude
the
consideration
of
the
pressing
necessities
of
his
Majest:
affaires
,
and
forreigne
agents
had
their
fingers
with
these
leaders
in
Parliament
,
to
divert
all
supplies
from
his
Majest:
that
both
Protestants
,
and
all
other
his
allies
might
be
disappointed
,
and
which
by
that
meanes
was
effected
.
It
s
well
knowne
with
what
industrie
,
&
difficultie
his
Majest:
in
the
middest
of
his
necessities
advanct
releife
to
the
Protestants
,
and
if
they
were
betrayed
,
the
Treason
must
lie
on
the
Parliaments
credulitie
to
those
vnderminers
,
that
forsooke
their
King
in
the
prosecution
of
that
worke
.
To
betray
Protestants
,
theis
Traytours
know
signifies
much
to
the
people
,
&
therefore
they
make
it
a
reproach
to
their
King
against
the
knowne
evidence
of
the
fact
,
and
all
sense
,
and
though
they
hipocritically
pretend
affection
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
world
knowes
,
they
doe
not
asmuch
,
as
give
it
a
toleration
,
for
the
Protestants
doe
not
account
Iohn
of
Leidon
,
and
the
mad
men
of
Munsters
Protestants
,
&
there
is
noe
Religion
,
but
theirs
,
now
current
in
England
.
This
Author
sees
the
cleerenes
of
the
proofe
against
their
malitious
allegations
of
betraying
Protestants
,
and
therefore
descends
a
little
in
his
termes
,
and
sayes
either
wilfully
,
or
weakely
.
Could
he
betray
them
by
impotencie
of
force
,
or
Councell
?
that
's
a
new
found
Treason
,
that
the
minde
intends
not
,
but
it
s
too
much
respect
to
such
an
absurd
Calumnie
to
give
it
an
answeare
.
He
goes
on
,
all
men
inveighed
against
him
,
all
men
except
Court
vassalls
opposed
him
,
and
his
Tyranicall
proceedings
.
Inveighinge
against
the
King
was
vnknowne
in
England
before
such
Monsters
,
as
this
Author
were
hatcht
by
Rebellion
,
and
made
their
words
accord
with
their
Actions
,
when
their
lying
,
and
hipocrisie
could
noe
longer
serve
turne
.
Before
this
time
malecontents
muttered
their
censures
of
Government
,
and
people
that
beleived
them
,
thought
it
their
sin
,
and
shame
to
inveigh
against
their
King
.
Though
discontents
were
nourisht
among
many
,
few
,
or
none
were
soe
impudent
to
inveigh
.
There
is
noe
Courtier
,
whose
observance
to
his
Prince
,
or
his
flatterie
of
him
can
binde
him
to
like
vassallage
,
as
he
is
,
that
serves
Rebells
by
false
,
and
impudent
detractions
of
Rulers
.
Noe
slave
soe
base
,
as
he
,
that
wil
be
hired
to
murther
the
fame
,
and
honour
of
others
.
There
are
some
Courtiers
among
his
new
Masters
,
whose
falshood
to
their
true
Master
,
and
base
observance
of
the
Traytours
to
him
entitles
them
to
the
worst
of
vassallage
.
This
Author
goes
an
ill
way
to
prove
Tyranicall
proceedings
,
when
he
sayes
they
were
soe
opposed
.
It
s
strange
a
Tyrant
should
suffer
himselfe
to
be
opposed
,
and
how
were
those
Tyranicall
proceedings
opposed
?
he
will
say
by
disputes
in
Courts
of
Justice
,
&
was
this
Tyrany
to
admit
contestations
in
ordinary
Courts
?
There
was
never
time
,
wherein
there
were
not
questions
of
right
betweene
King
,
and
subject
,
&
is
it
Tyrany
in
a
Prince
to
be
a
partie
in
a
Proces
?
And
doth
this
Author
hold
malicious
reports
,
and
rumours
notes
of
disgrace
vpon
King
,
or
any
other
Magistrate
?
good
Princes
lives
confute
detraetours
,
and
though
the
people
for
a
time
may
be
deluded
,
they
will
come
to
know
a
good
King
in
his
losse
.
Rebellious
humours
are
an
Epidemicall
pestilence
,
whose
violence
cannot
continue
.
This
full
Parliament
was
at
first
vnanimous
in
their
dislike
,
and
protestation
against
his
evill
Government
.
This
hath
not
the
least
colour
of
truth
,
and
as
there
was
never
time
,
wherien
somethinge
was
not
to
be
amended
,
soe
in
the
beginninge
of
this
Parliament
,
there
were
things
of
that
nature
,
but
not
such
,
as
laid
Cryme
vpon
his
Majest:
Government
,
nor
did
the
Parliament
judge
soe
,
but
all
corruptions
of
Courts
,
Errours
of
Councell
,
ill
successes
of
Actions
are
charged
by
this
Author
,
as
his
Majest:
ill
Government
,
and
every
judgment
of
Parliament
in
a
particular
case
made
a
protestation
against
it
.
This
Author
cannot
,
but
know
,
that
the
most
vnamimous
protestation
,
that
ever
the
Parliament
made
was
to
defend
the
Kings
person
,
honour
,
and
Estate
,
and
they
,
that
made
this
protestation
could
not
be
vnanimous
in
protesting
against
his
evill
Government
,
nor
in
destroying
both
him
,
and
it
.
They
protested
to
defend
the
lawes
of
the
land
,
one
of
which
they
declared
to
be
,
that
the
King
could
doe
noe
wrong
,
and
that
if
they
should
say
his
late
Majest:
did
,
they
should
speake
against
the
law
,
&
the
affection
of
their
owne
hearts
.
Can
this
Author
finde
any
roome
heere
for
an
vnanimous
protestation
of
the
Parliament
against
the
Kings
ill
Government
.
And
yet
these
were
made
long
after
the
beginninge
of
the
Parliament
,
but
they
,
that
have
noe
conscience
of
speaking
truth
,
have
noe
shame
to
be
convinced
of
falshood
.
But
when
they
,
who
sought
themselves
,
and
not
the
publique
began
to
doubt
,
that
all
of
them
could
not
by
one
,
and
the
same
way
attaine
to
their
ambitious
purposes
,
then
was
the
King
,
or
his
name
at
least
,
as
a
fit
propertie
first
made
vse
of
,
his
doings
made
the
best
of
,
and
by
degrees
justified
.
He
is
very
industrious
to
finde
out
causes
,
why
soe
many
would
not
be
Traytours
,
why
could
he
not
fall
into
the
consideration
of
the
oaths
of
Alleagiance
,
&
supremacie
,
that
all
members
of
Parliament
take
at
their
entrance
?
why
could
he
not
thinke
on
the
protestation
themselves
contrived
to
defend
the
King
?
how
did
he
forget
the
Commaunds
of
obedience
from
God
?
If
himselfe
,
and
his
Masters
had
not
preferred
their
ambitious
ends
before
their
dutie
to
God
,
or
man
,
if
they
had
not
thought
all
oaths
,
and
vowes
of
noe
obligation
against
their
ends
,
they
would
never
have
attributed
other
mens
desertion
of
their
courses
to
proceede
from
ambitious
ends
,
Could
men
,
that
saw
these
Traytours
making
such
oaths
,
and
protestations
of
loyaltie
with
a
resolution
to
breake
them
,
run
without
remorse
with
them
?
Could
any
,
that
retained
any
sparke
of
Religion
,
or
morall
honestie
concurr
with
such
persons
in
their
lewde
courses
?
But
all
could
not
attaine
their
ambitious
ends
by
the
same
way
.
What
way
?
by
destroying
the
King
?
wee
are
sure
some
have
attained
their
ambitious
ends
that
way
.
And
doth
this
Author
thinke
,
that
any
men
had
higher
ends
of
ambition
,
then
they
,
that
now
have
attained
theirs
?
if
he
doe
,
he
hath
very
few
of
his
minde
,
how
ever
there
was
a
way
to
ambitious
ends
,
but
it
was
not
wide
enough
for
all
,
and
who
had
these
ambitious
ends
they
,
that
tooke
the
way
,
or
they
,
that
left
it
.
They
that
had
obligations
of
honour
,
and
conscience
for
their
wayes
are
vncharitably
charged
with
ambitious
ends
,
and
they
,
that
brake
the
bounds
of
dutie
,
and
oaths
to
attaine
their
ends
,
are
sottishly
pretended
to
seeke
the
publique
.
How
the
Kings
name
,
and
office
hath
been
made
a
propertie
,
and
all
dutie
,
and
oaths
to
him
a
Ceremony
by
the
Traytours
is
knowne
to
the
world
.
They
have
not
spared
any
thing
Religious
,
or
Civill
.
They
have
made
a
propertie
of
the
very
name
of
God
,
of
fasts
,
of
thankesgiving
,
of
prayers
,
of
preaching
.
They
have
made
a
propertie
of
Justice
,
of
Delinquents
,
evill
Councellours
?
how
often
have
they
made
the
lords
house
a
propertie
calling
it
the
Kings
hereditary
Councell
?
how
often
of
loyaltie
?
And
how
frequently
in
this
very
libell
doth
he
make
a
propertie
of
the
name
of
Parliament
.
All
men
see
there
hath
been
nothing
reall
with
them
,
but
their
ambition
,
and
crueltie
.
Which
begate
him
such
a
partie
,
as
after
many
wiles
,
and
struglings
with
his
inward
feares
imboldened
him
at
length
to
set
vp
his
standard
against
the
Parliament
.
After
many
Messages
to
the
Traytours
,
that
possest
both
houses
of
Parliament
.
After
many
offers
to
relinquish
his
just
rights
to
take
away
all
jealosies
,
and
feares
of
his
power
,
which
were
then
pretended
.
After
many
Remostrances
,
of
the
Calamities
,
that
attend
Civill
distractions
.
After
the
vndutiful
rejections
of
al
his
motions
for
peace
.
After
the
discovery
of
the
vnsatiable
ambition
,
and
blood
thirstie
malice
of
the
prevailing
partie
.
After
the
violation
of
all
priviledges
of
Parliament
.
After
the
compulsion
of
the
better
part
of
both
houses
to
desert
them
.
After
the
seizing
of
his
Majest:
forts
,
and
Navy
,
and
assuminge
the
Militia
.
After
the
longest
,
and
most
provokt
patience
,
that
ever
King
reteined
,
his
Majest:
set
vp
his
standard
against
those
Rebells
,
that
tooke
the
name
of
Parliament
.
But
Iconoclastes
remember
,
you
have
heere
vpbraided
feares
to
the
King
,
when
you
come
to
deny
he
had
any
.
What
wiles
were
vsed
to
seduce
the
people
,
what
jealosies
,
&
ridiculous
feares
were
blowne
vp
to
disorder
them
is
yet
fresh
in
Memory
,
and
he
well
observes
the
Kings
standard
at
length
set
vp
,
for
there
was
just
cause
to
have
done
it
long
before
,
and
much
disadvantage
to
his
Majest:
by
the
delay
.
When
as
before
that
time
,
all
his
adherents
consistinge
most
of
dissolute
swordmen
,
and
suburb
roysters
hardly
amounted
to
the
making
vp
of
one
ragged
Regiment
strong
enough
to
assault
the
vnarmed
house
of
Commons
.
What
time
doth
he
meane
the
setting
vp
of
the
standard
?
If
his
Majest:
had
sooner
declared
against
the
Traytours
,
he
had
not
wanted
a
greater
Regiment
.
And
if
he
had
intended
to
assault
the
house
of
Commons
,
those
he
had
with
him
were
enough
to
have
done
it
,
though
those
,
that
then
sate
had
been
armed
,
otherwise
those
members
would
not
have
been
absent
,
when
he
eame
.
For
the
qualitie
of
the
Kings
adherents
,
as
he
Phrases
it
,
the
persons
,
that
then
waited
on
him
were
for
the
most
part
of
better
qualitie
,
then
their
Rebell
Generall
,
whome
now
they
adore
.
It
was
the
art
of
one
of
the
guides
of
this
Treason
at
that
time
to
stile
such
,
as
were
about
the
King
Cavileers
,
as
a
name
vnagreeable
to
the
prickeard
Puritan
,
whose
supersilious
demurenes
made
wry
faces
at
such
a
name
,
it
being
the
Custome
of
false
Traytours
to
lay
claime
to
those
behaviours
,
that
may
hide
their
inward
wolvish
disposition
,
and
defame
others
to
ge●…
reputation
to
themselves
,
and
thence
suburb
Roysters
,
and
dissolute
swordmen
became
names
for
such
,
as
followed
the
King
to
add
terrour
to
the
citizens
of
London
,
who
have
found
more
pride
,
crueltie
,
&
robbery
among
their
schismaticall
pretenders
to
pietie
,
then
any
such
danger
,
as
was
threatned
them
from
such
,
as
followed
the
King
.
Though
this
breaker
would
destroy
the
reason
,
and
sense
of
his
readers
,
yet
its
impossible
by
such
incoherent
Arguments
,
as
he
produceth
.
Can
he
hope
any
man
will
beleive
him
,
that
such
,
as
followed
the
King
at
that
time
to
the
lower
house
,
were
all
,
that
tooke
offence
at
the
proceedings
in
Parliament
,
and
that
none
els
were
resolved
to
assist
the
King
against
the
inivries
offred
him
?
That
were
too
vnreasonable
considering
the
Actions
both
then
,
and
succeedinge
,
and
because
he
had
not
endeavoured
to
get
more
strength
,
therefore
he
could
not
?
But
if
the
number
of
them
,
that
had
a
right
vnderstanding
of
the
Kings
affaires
were
very
small
,
doth
it
follow
,
that
the
contrary
was
the
better
because
numerous
?
The
Author
refutes
it
himselfe
in
his
next
words
,
and
surely
the
Argument
is
more
strong
against
the
cause
he
maintaines
,
that
the
people
,
that
at
first
followed
them
have
now
left
them
,
then
the
motions
of
the
people
carryed
by
rumours
against
their
King
in
the
beginning
were
of
any
Tyrany
,
or
ill
Government
in
him
,
for
a
people
are
easier
stirred
vp
to
follow
an
evill
cause
,
then
reduced
after
they
have
begun
,
and
the
qualitie
,
&
number
of
such
persons
,
who
have
lost
their
lives
,
and
fortunes
in
maintaining
the
Kings
cause
in
regard
of
Estate
,
honour
,
and
integritie
,
&
in
Comparison
of
such
,
as
Rebelled
against
him
,
might
justly
have
withheld
this
Authors
hand
from
objecting
against
their
condition
,
for
his
owne
partie
must
admire
his
impudence
having
such
evidence
of
the
fact
.
After
which
attempt
seconded
by
a
tedious
,
and
bloody
warr
on
his
subjects
,
wherein
he
hath
soe
farr
exceeded
those
his
arbitrary
violences
in
time
of
peace
,
they
,
who
before
hated
him
for
his
misgovernment
,
nay
fought
against
him
with
displayed
Banners
in
the
field
,
now
applaud
him
,
&
extoll
him
for
the
wisest
,
and
most
Religious
Prince
,
that
lived
.
And
let
Iconoclastes
shew
other
reason
of
this
change
,
then
the
evidence
of
their
former
mistake
.
Could
it
be
ambitious
ends
,
that
made
men
extoll
him
,
whome
they
had
offended
,
and
that
after
his
imprisonment
,
and
murther
.
After
the
defeate
of
his
forces
,
&
noe
expectation
,
but
of
oppression
vpon
all
such
,
as
expressed
a
good
opinion
of
him
?
surely
he
hath
abundantly
requited
his
scornefull
expression
of
his
late
Majest:
ragged
Regiment
in
the
beginning
,
that
heere
tells
vs
after
all
his
losses
,
and
lowest
condition
,
nay
after
death
his
very
Enemies
changed
their
thoughts
of
him
.
Repentance
is
a
greate
reproach
among
those
Rebells
,
the
preaching
of
that
doctrine
is
worse
to
them
,
then
passive
obedience
.
That
there
were
some
,
that
hated
his
Majest:
may
be
beleived
,
their
tongues
,
and
pens
set
on
fire
of
hell
have
published
it
to
the
world
.
They
that
hate
Christian
vertues
,
hate
such
,
as
have
them
.
They
,
that
hate
the
ordinances
of
God
,
hate
such
,
as
are
appointed
to
exercise
them
,
But
it
was
only
in
some
fiery
schismatickes
;
whose
pride
disguised
with
profession
of
humilitie
,
at
first
appeared
in
their
petulancy
against
their
teachers
,
and
at
last
came
to
exalt
it selfe
above
all
,
that
is
called
God
.
These
men
perfectly
hated
the
King
,
that
hated
all
Government
,
and
by
this
measure
Iconoclastes
would
comprehend
all
such
,
as
through
credulitie
,
or
errour
at
first
fell
into
this
misfortune
to
beare
Armes
against
their
King
.
Doubtles
,
they
,
that
after
this
tedious
,
and
bloody
warr
became
more
affectionate
to
his
Majest:
descerned
not
such
excesses
on
his
Majest:
part
,
as
this
Author
supposes
,
for
that
had
not
been
an
Argument
for
a
change
.
It
s
manifest
to
all
,
that
his
Majest:
Actions
in
this
warr
were
noe
other
,
then
such
,
as
the
necessitie
of
that
condition
drawes
with
it
,
and
which
the
noblest
Enemies
vse
,
&
his
Enemies
cannot
produce
one
Act
done
by
him
,
which
themselves
did
not
avow
,
and
yet
he
sayes
in
the
warr
he
exceeded
his
Arbitrary
violences
in
time
of
peace
,
and
if
wee
take
the
word
of
Iconoclastes
,
they
were
not
irregular
,
that
the
necessary
Actions
of
warr
did
exceede
,
and
by
the
way
neither
Iconoclastes
,
nor
his
Masters
for
their
justification
have
produced
one
Act
of
Arbitrary
violence
against
his
late
Majest:
though
they
make
outcryes
of
Tyrany
,
and
violence
to
hide
the
vglines
of
their
villany
.
By
soe
strange
a
Method
amongst
the
madd
multitude
is
a
sudden
reputation
won
of
wisedome
by
willfullnes
,
and
subtill
shifts
.
Of
goodnes
by
multiplying
evill
.
Of
pietie
by
endeavouring
to
roote
out
true
Religion
.
But
is
it
only
the
multitude
he
meanes
,
in
whome
this
strange
change
is
?
that
cannot
be
,
for
the
severe
proceedings
of
his
Masters
against
eminent
persons
for
deserting
their
side
,
their
purging
the
Parliament
,
as
they
call
it
,
&
this
Authors
succeeding
discourse
denote
others
,
besides
the
madd
multitude
.
It
s
a
strange
Method
,
that
the
madd
multitude
should
be
moved
to
honour
suffering
vertue
,
which
themselves
had
persecuted
,
were
not
the
evidences
without
exception
?
And
it
s
not
strange
,
that
such
,
as
knew
not
the
King
,
but
by
the
sly
insinuations
of
seducers
,
should
come
to
the
knowledge
of
their
Errours
by
his
eminent
vertues
in
his
sufferings
.
The
Method
,
that
Iconoclastes
calls
strange
,
is
certainely
as
strange
,
as
the
Method
he
takes
to
be
beleived
,
for
will
any
man
give
him
credit
,
that
after
such
an
aversion
,
as
he
mentions
in
the
people
from
the
King
vpon
the
pretence
of
his
imprudence
,
and
vnsoundnes
in
Religion
,
the
people
should
be
drawne
to
an
opinion
of
his
wisedome
by
willfullnes
.
Of
goodnes
by
multiplying
evill
.
Of
pietie
by
endeavouring
to
roote
out
true
Religion
.
Though
the
people
were
deceived
in
his
late
Majest:
yet
take
them
at
the
worst
,
if
they
had
hated
him
,
because
they
thought
him
evill
,
they
would
not
be
drawne
to
love
him
,
because
they
found
him
soe
.
It
s
not
strange
,
that
the
multitude
finding
themselves
cheated
should
be
ashamed
of
their
errour
,
and
among
other
seducements
,
that
cry
of
rooting
out
Religion
made
lowdest
noyse
in
the
beginning
of
this
Rebellion
,
and
this
Author
,
and
his
fellowes
have
vndeceived
the
people
,
for
they
have
rooted
out
all
Religion
,
and
left
nothing
,
that
hath
the
face
of
it
.
Did
the
people
expect
,
that
all
the
cry
,
that
was
made
of
Religion
was
to
bring
in
Arrianisme
,
Anabaptisme
,
Socinianisme
,
&
such
sects
,
as
they
never
heard
of
?
was
this
the
Religion
they
intended
to
fight
for
?
It
s
not
strange
at
all
,
that
the
mad
multitude
,
who
were
inflamed
with
the
reputation
,
and
Authoritie
of
the
Parliament
comminge
to
see
,
that
the
orders
,
votes
,
&
other
Trumperie
,
with
which
they
were
led
on
,
were
only
the
contrivance
of
a
factious
crew
,
should
abhorre
them
.
That
comminge
to
see
the
abolition
of
Parliaments
,
and
scorne
of
the
peoples
Power
,
which
at
first
was
preached
to
them
over
their
King
,
they
should
bewayle
their
owne
miserie
,
that
was
soe
vnhappily
brought
on
them
by
their
owne
precipitation
.
The
proofes
of
his
late
Majest:
wisedome
,
goodnes
,
and
pietie
are
obvious
to
the
meanest
capacitie
,
and
the
sublimest
vnderstandings
have
made
his
vertues
,
aswell
,
as
his
misfortunes
their
wonder
,
and
though
wee
have
lived
in
an
age
,
where
prodigies
of
villany
are
every
day
acted
,
this
Author
is
a
wonder
to
wisemen
,
that
makes
a
Method
of
lying
,
and
dissimulation
:
But
as
the
Government
of
hell
is
confusion
,
soe
are
the
Arts
and
Method
of
the
Ministers
of
that
Enemy
of
mankinde
,
which
confound
reason
,
and
sobrietie
,
and
soe
,
as
they
may
contradict
truth
,
care
not
to
contradict
themselves
.
But
it
is
evident
,
that
the
cheife
of
his
adherents
,
never
loved
him
,
never
honoured
him
,
nor
his
cause
,
but
as
they
tooke
him
to
sett
a
face
vpon
their
owne
malignant
designes
,
nor
bemoane
,
his
losse
at
all
,
but
the
losse
of
their
owne
aspiring
hopes
.
It
s
evident
the
Author
sayes
it
,
and
evident
,
that
it
is
without
ground
,
or
colour
of
truth
.
would
men
,
that
never
loved
him
,
never
honoured
him
,
nor
his
cause
,
not
only
hazard
,
but
loose
thier
lyues
,
&
fortunes
in
defence
of
him
,
and
his
cause
,
and
that
when
the
best
successes
they
could
hope
for
,
could
not
equall
the
perils
they
ran
?
If
there
be
either
honour
,
or
gallantry
in
any
of
those
,
that
call
themselves
souldiers
,
&
Enemies
to
their
King
,
and
that
Rebeilion
hath
not
vnnaturalized
them
,
they
would
hate
such
an
impudent
Parasite
,
that
seekes
to
please
them
with
such
impotent
Calumines
of
persons
(
whose
worth
,
and
honour
they
have
soe
often
tryed
)
because
they
were
Enemies
to
his
partie
.
What
Malignant
designes
would
he
have
imagined
,
such
,
as
noe
man
ever
dreamt
of
?
Doth
not
this
man
beleive
,
that
his
readers
see
,
he
followes
the
common
places
of
detraction
without
respect
to
the
proprietie
of
persons
,
or
Actions
?
May
not
this
language
,
that
he
vsed
of
any
persons
,
that
follow
a
partie
?
was
there
ever
in
the
world
an
Example
of
a
cause
prosecuted
vpon
more
disadvantage
on
behalfe
of
the
Kings
partie
?
When
a
King
is
prosecuted
by
his
subjects
,
Iconoclastes
tells
vs
they
that
adheare
to
him
doe
it
for
malignant
designes
.
It
s
certaine
the
Rebells
had
noe
other
,
but
wicked
,
and
malignant
designes
,
and
whence
came
malignant
designes
in
such
,
as
opposed
them
?
Because
they
Rebelled
,
other
men
had
malignant
designes
,
and
if
any
had
malignant
Designes
,
&
secrett
disaffections
to
the
King
,
or
his
cause
,
doth
he
thinke
it
adds
any
weight
to
his
slanders
against
the
King
?
will
he
lay
on
him
the
faults
of
his
partie
?
It
seemes
he
thought
some
madder
,
then
the
multitude
would
reade
his
booke
,
otherwise
such
trash
would
not
have
been
worth
his
binding
vp
,
but
he
tooke
this
to
make
vse
of
his
Greeke
,
how
the
Captive
women
seemed
to
lament
Patroclus
,
though
in
truth
their
owne
condition
,
and
that
's
the
best
of
his
evidence
for
this
assertion
,
and
therefore
he
notes
the
booke
,
where
it
is
.
It
must
needes
be
ridiculous
to
any
judgement
vninthrald
,
that
they
,
who
in
other
matters
expresse
soe
little
feare
either
of
God
,
or
man
,
should
in
this
one
particular
outstrip
all
Precisianisme
with
their
Scruples
,
&
fill
mens
eares
continually
with
the
noyse
of
conscientious
loyaltie
,
and
Alleagiance
to
the
King
,
Rebells
in
the
meane
while
to
God
in
all
their
Actions
besides
.
It
is
ridiculous
to
any
judgement
vnin
thrald
,
that
such
,
as
Rebell
against
their
King
should
pretend
they
are
not
Rebells
to
God
,
and
that
such
,
as
professe
Precisianisme
in
crying
downe
dances
,
and
May-games
should
expect
to
be
beleived
,
that
they
feare
God
,
or
man
,
when
in
the
meanetime
they
violate
all
oaths
.
,
and
duty
to
God
,
and
man
.
Have
not
this
generatiō
shewed
to
the
world
,
that
all
their
outward
formalities
were
noe
other
,
then
the
washing
cleane
of
the
outside
of
the
vessell
?
Are
such
fitt
judges
of
conscience
,
that
pretended
this
Precisianisme
he
mentions
,
who
made
greate
scruples
,
and
cases
touching
Ceremonies
,
and
make
noe
bones
of
robbery
,
murther
,
and
Rebellion
?
It
was
our
saviours
judgement
,
that
they
which
neglected
the
greater
matters
of
the
law
were
most
properly
Hipocrites
.
Notwithstanding
their
Precisianisme
,
that
all
men
of
any
partie
,
or
societie
should
be
free
from
scandalous
offences
,
where
there
are
multitudes
is
without
Example
,
and
it
could
not
be
hoped
in
the
best
,
and
cleerest
cause
,
that
all
,
that
followed
it
should
have
sincere
ends
,
but
none
could
have
lesse
feare
of
God
,
or
man
,
then
he
,
that
would
make
all
guiltie
of
the
Crymes
of
some
,
that
for
particular
crymes
of
men
will
take
the
Devills
office
to
accuse
all
their
Actions
.
He
makes
it
not
in
among
the
number
of
scruples
,
&
cases
,
whether
Rebellion
be
a
sin
,
but
holds
it
a
cleere
case
to
be
none
?
And
then
why
not
Idolatry
,
adulterie
,
and
what
not
?
It
s
possible
,
&
probable
to
any
judgment
vninthrald
,
that
some
men
may
make
scruples
of
some
sins
,
&
are
peccant
in
diverse
others
,
and
it
s
farr
from
ridiculous
,
that
mē
have
greatest
remorse
of
sins
,
the
greatnes
of
whose
guilt
it
most
evident
to
their
consciences
.
But
this
Author
doth
not
love
the
noyse
of
consciencious
loyaltie
,
&
had
rather
noe
conscience
then
any
loyaltie
.
The
particular
Crymes
of
some
,
that
followed
his
Majest:
cause
,
and
made
warr
against
him
by
their
sins
have
been
lamented
,
and
reproved
out
of
Christian
zeale
,
not
hipocriticall
austeritie
,
nor
can
any
judgement
from
thence
draw
any
conclusion
against
the
cause
they
have
followed
,
nor
convince
them
of
sinister
ends
in
following
it
.
But
is
not
a
Rebell
to
his
King
a
Rebell
to
God
?
The
preachers
among
those
Rebells
have
had
a
long
heart
rising
against
their
Rulers
,
&
to
take
men
of
from
being
tender
in
Rebellion
against
their
King
,
when
ever
they
reproved
any
sin
that
terme
of
Rebellion
against
God
came
with
it
,
insinuating
a
distinction
of
Rebellion
against
Princes
,
from
Rebellion
against
God
,
yet
Rebellion
against
Princes
is
a
sin
against
God
,
&
they
cannot
free
themselves
of
the
greatest
guilt
of
sin
,
that
seduce
men
into
it
,
&
handle
the
word
of
God
deceitefullie
,
&
such
,
as
open
a
gate
to
Rebellion
against
Princes
by
transferring
the
Terme
from
the
most
ordinary
signification
,
and
applying
it
wholy
to
the
borrowed
sense
,
seeke
to
get
slaves
to
hell
,
not
saints
to
heaven
:
These
were
the
infusions
of
their
ordinary
lecturers
,
and
serves
aptly
for
the
Rebell
Politiques
.
Much
lesse
,
that
they
,
whose
professed
loyaltie
,
and
Alleagiance
led
them
to
direct
Armes
against
the
kings
person
,
&
thought
him
nothing
violated
by
the
sword
of
hostilitie
drawne
by
them
against
him
,
should
now
in
earnest
thinke
him
violated
by
the
vnsparing
sword
of
Iustice
.
What
meanes
he
in
this
?
Is
it
much
lesse
ridiculous
in
these
latter
,
then
the
former
?
The
forme
of
his
Period
went
,
as
if
he
meant
to
make
a
gradation
to
the
greater
,
and
I
thinke
he
intended
it
,
and
an
errour
of
the
presse
;
for
sure
nothing
is
more
ridiculous
,
then
to
thinke
the
King
nothing
violated
by
the
sword
of
hostilitie
,
whome
he
meanes
wee
must
guesse
,
for
he
cannot
name
them
,
but
by
circumlocution
.
There
is
a
greate
difference
betweene
the
sword
of
Rebellion
,
and
the
sword
of
hostilitie
,
&
betweene
the
sword
of
lawles
violence
,
&
the
sword
of
justice
,
&
Christians
never
thought
,
that
any
sword
drawne
by
subjects
against
their
King
did
not
violate
their
loyaltie
,
&
Alleagiance
,
much
lesse
,
that
their
professed
loyaltie
,
and
Alleagiance
led
them
to
direct
Armes
against
the
Kings
person
:
If
loyaltie
leade
to
hostilitie
,
it
were
an
ill
foundation
of
obedience
.
Truth
is
not
lesse
wounded
by
lying
,
then
loyaltie
by
Armes
against
the
King
.
Some
doubtles
foresaw
not
the
consequents
of
their
beginnings
,
and
being
deceived
by
wrong
principles
fel
into
vnhappy
conclusions
,
which
they
suspected
not
to
follow
from
their
premisses
,
but
as
they
are
deceived
,
that
wil
sever
absurd
conclusions
from
erroneous
premisses
,
so
are
they
,
that
wil
hope
to
avoyde
desperate
consequents
from
ill
grounded
Actions
.
Doth
Iconoclastes
hold
it
necessary
,
that
al
they
,
that
have
fallen
into
an
impietie
,
must
be
impenitent
,
and
because
they
have
been
sinners
,
must
they
become
Blasphemers
,
and
Apostats
?
There
have
beene
Examples
of
many
Rebells
,
that
yet
abhord
the
shedding
of
their
Kings
blood
.
But
Iconoclastes
holds
it
a
dishonour
to
be
a
smal
villaine
,
&
he
that
wil
be
wicked
must
act
Crymes
of
the
highest
degree
,
&
if
he
faile
in
the
last
Act
,
he
must
be
thrust
from
the
stage
.
The
more
impious
the
Actions
of
Traytours
are
,
the
more
evident
the
guilt
of
them
,
the
greater
prayses
they
give
them
,
and
most
magnifie
that
,
which
is
most
abominable
,
&
they
stile
their
most
outragious
crueltie
vnsparing
Iustice
.
As
they
will
spare
noe
mans
blood
to
passe
to
their
ends
;
soe
they
wil
not
be
sparing
in
the
Titles
of
their
villanies
;
If
this
shameles
man
had
not
been
sensible
of
the
vinversall
detestation
of
the
fact
,
he
mentions
,
&
that
it
was
acted
in
defiance
of
Religion
,
law
,
&
Justice
,
he
would
never
have
chosē
this
expressiō
of
the
vnsparing
sword
of
Iustice
.
If
Rebels
may
judge
of
Justice
,
the
cleerest
Justice
wil
become
the
fowlest
Cryme
,
&
the
Justice
that
inflicts
punishment
on
their
Rebellion
the
greatest
Tyrany
;
Lawes
are
oppression
,
where
Malefactours
have
got
the
Tribunall
.
The
vnsparing
sword
of
Rebellion
will
noe
more
appeare
the
sword
of
Justice
,
then
the
vnsparinge
virulency
of
a
lewde
tongue
appeare
a
legall
condemnation
of
a
lawfull
Magistrate
.
Is
it
vnsparing
Iustice
,
that
gives
the
sword
into
every
hand
,
that
would
kill
,
and
reproachfull
language
into
every
false
tongue
?
If
there
be
offenders
,
they
,
that
without
authoritie
take
one
them
to
punish
,
are
more
guiltie
,
then
the
offender
:
But
wee
may
be
assured
,
where
Rebels
,
&
vsurpers
are
Judges
,
innocence
wil
be
the
greatest
Cryme
,
and
horrid
Murthers
vnsparing
Justice
.
But
he
proceedes
to
say
,
which
vndoubtedly
soe
much
the
lesse
in
vaine
shee
beares
among
men
,
by
how
much
greater
,
and
in
highest
place
the
offender
.
This
neede
explication
.
He
spake
but
now
of
the
sword
of
Iustice
,
and
now
sayes
shee
beares
,
this
is
fome
new
speculation
.
St.
Paul
sayes
the
Magistrate
beares
not
the
sword
in
vaine
,
and
this
man
would
have
every
man
the
Magistrate
,
and
the
sword
borne
without
an
hand
to
strike
with
it
,
&
Justice
executed
by
a
Metaphor
.
He
makes
Iustice
some
wandring
spirit
,
that
invisibly
carries
a
sword
.
Whence
comes
the
sentence
of
this
Iustice
from
the
mouth
of
the
Cryminall
,
or
the
Judge
?
for
by
those
motions
both
may
lay
equall
claime
to
it
,
&
because
justice
ought
to
be
administrated
impartially
,
such
,
as
are
in
highest
place
,
&
from
whome
alone
the
administration
of
Justice
is
derived
to
all
others
must
be
murthered
by
those
that
are
subject
to
them
?
Justice
hath
noe
sword
,
but
the
power
of
the
lawfull
Magistrate
,
which
is
called
the
sword
of
Justice
from
the
Magistrates
duty
,
&
becomes
the
sword
of
violence
,
&
murther
in
the
hands
of
another
,
but
the
is
men
thinke
they
may
vse
the
sword
without
a
calling
as
preach
,
and
administer
the
Sacraments
vncalled
.
Would
Iconoclastes
be
content
,
that
the
Bayliffe
of
westminster
should
draw
the
impartiall
sword
of
Justice
against
his
new
Masters
,
that
are
in
highest
place
?
Els
Iustice
,
whether
morall
,
or
politicall
were
not
Iustice
,
but
a
false
counterfeite
of
that
impartiall
,
and
godlike
vertue
.
Iustice
cannot
become
noe
Iustice
,
but
the
Acts
of
men
may
be
just
,
or
vnjust
,
as
they
follow
,
or
forsake
the
Rules
of
Iustice
.
And
what
greater
contempt
of
Justice
,
then
to
pretend
it
for
the
ruine
of
mankinde
?
What
grater
reproach
to
that
God-like
vertue
,
then
to
prostitute
it
to
all
the
execrable
Parricides
of
the
world
?
Doth
the
Image
breaker
thinke
,
that
having
called
it
a
Godlike
vertue
,
he
hath
well
defined
it
by
King
killing
,
for
that
is
the
sense
of
his
highest
place
?
It
s
a
part
of
his
Method
to
insinuate
an
opinion
of
his
esteeme
of
Justice
by
the
prayse
of
it
,
&
that
such
,
as
he
opposes
were
lesse
Zealous
of
it
,
but
his
context
shewes
,
that
Iustice
is
defyed
by
him
,
and
he
seekes
to
wash
the
bloody
hands
of
the
worst
of
Traytours
by
casting
their
odious
acts
on
his
imaginary
Iustice
.
But
whēce
comes
I
conoclastes
to
assume
the
expressiō
of
a
Godlike
vertue
,
and
is
soe
angry
with
Iconbasilice
?
Is
there
more
warrant
for
his
Godlike
vertue
of
Justice
,
then
for
the
Godlike
office
of
Kings
?
And
he
is
as
much
Iconoclastes
of
the
one
,
as
the
other
,
for
they
,
that
will
wrest
the
sword
out
of
the
hands
of
Gods
vicegerents
will
not
sticke
to
wrest
that
Godlike
vertue
to
their
owne
impieties
The
only
greife
is
,
that
the
head
was
not
strucke
of
to
the
best
advantage
,
and
commoditie
of
them
that
held
it
by
the
haire
.
Doubtles
they
,
that
struke
it
of
did
it
for
their
owne
advantage
,
and
commoditie
without
respect
to
Justice
,
or
feare
of
God
,
and
sure
if
some
were
greived
,
that
it
was
not
strucke
of
to
their
advantage
,
they
,
that
strucke
it
of
did
it
to
that
purpose
,
and
to
the
fatisfiction
of
their
owne
crueltie
,
and
laying
the
foundation
of
their
Tyrany
,
this
followes
from
Iconoclastes
for
that
commoditie
,
which
some
had
,
and
others
missed
caused
the
Murther
.
They
,
that
hold
it
by
the
haire
,
and
they
,
that
strucke
it
of
have
cause
of
greife
,
though
Iconoclastes
,
and
his
Masters
,
that
have
,
as
they
thinke
the
advantage
,
and
Commoditie
of
it
,
now
laugh
at
their
partners
,
whome
they
put
by
,
and
at
the
wickednes
they
acted
,
and
himselfe
gives
stronger
evidence
,
that
the
ring-leaders
of
this
horrid
Rebellion
sought
their
owne
commoditie
,
and
advantage
,
then
can
be
supposed
of
Malignant
designes
in
any
of
his
Majest:
partie
.
Which
observation
,
though
made
by
a
common
Enemy
,
may
for
the
truth
of
it
heereafter
become
a
proverbe
.
Wicked
Actions
are
not
the
lesse
odious
for
Companie
,
and
the
observation
,
which
it
seemes
he
intends
,
that
some
of
their
partie
,
that
now
forsake
them
,
were
equally
guiltie
with
them
of
the
Kings
death
,
will
noe
way
excuse
them
,
that
proceeded
to
that
high
degree
of
impietie
.
But
why
is
the
observator
called
a
common
Enemy
?
Why
is
he
more
an
Enemy
,
then
they
,
that
reproach
the
present
Murtherers
,
as
much
,
as
he
?
Their
Enemies
are
now
all
man
kinde
,
and
such
,
as
beleived
not
their
intentions
,
nor
Actions
cannot
be
deceived
of
them
now
they
are
defended
by
this
Author
.
If
that
observation
become
a
proverbe
,
will
not
the
wickednes
of
theis
Murtherers
become
a
Proverbe
to
denote
the
greatest
degree
of
villany
?
But
as
to
the
Author
of
those
soliloquies
,
where
it
were
the
late
King
,
as
is
vulgarly
beleived
,
or
any
secret
Coadiutor
,
and
some
sticke
not
to
name
him
,
it
can
add
nothing
,
nor
shall
take
from
the
weight
(
if
any
be
)
of
reason
,
which
he
brings
.
How
the
Champion
traverses
his
ground
.
At
first
he
looked
with
greate
scorne
to
have
such
an
Antagonist
,
as
a
King
,
then
he
condescends
to
take
vp
the
gantlet
,
then
as
an
induction
to
his
Trayterous
reproaches
craves
excuse
for
not
vsing
Courts
hip
,
&
now
he
makes
a
doubt
,
whether
the
King
,
or
some
coadiutor
be
Author
of
those
soliloquies
,
and
he
sayes
some
sticke
not
to
name
him
.
Truly
it
s
noe
secret
,
or
strange
thing
,
that
there
be
not
men
wanting
,
that
would
not
sticke
at
any
Action
,
or
word
against
the
King
.
Is
it
the
neerer
truth
,
when
some
sticke
not
to
name
the
man
,
when
Iconoclastes
stickes
not
at
soe
many
vntruths
?
He
,
that
reades
this
Authors
booke
will
rest
assured
,
that
he
will
sticke
at
the
affirmation
of
nothing
,
that
may
dishonour
his
late
Majest:
But
its
strange
he
thought
his
insinuation
of
any
weight
,
that
some
sticke
not
to
name
him
,
when
all
men
see
the
licence
taken
by
so
many
lewde
persons
,
&
noe
restraint
from
saying
any
thing
against
the
King
,
whereat
should
they
sticke
,
their
impudence
is
commended
,
and
rewarded
?
Would
they
sticke
at
truth
,
that
's
out
of
fashion
in
the
new
state
?
But
perhapps
they
sticke
to
name
a
man
,
least
they
have
a
conviction
from
him
,
or
some
els
,
that
could
discover
the
Circumstances
about
it
.
But
since
he
makes
a
scruple
,
if
there
be
not
reason
in
the
booke
,
why
is
he
soe
vnwilling
to
admit
the
King
to
be
the
Author
,
surely
it
were
for
his
advantage
to
make
the
King
author
of
such
a
booke
,
and
if
they
were
a
Coadiutors
,
why
doth
he
lay
his
weakenes
,
or
errours
,
as
he
pretends
vpon
the
King
.
The
Author
doth
not
add
,
nor
take
away
from
the
reason
in
the
booke
,
but
the
booke
commends
the
Author
,
and
shames
the
answeare
.
But
allegations
,
not
reasons
are
the
maine
contents
of
this
booke
,
and
neede
noe
more
,
then
other
contrary
allegations
to
lay
the
question
before
all
men
in
an
even
ballance
.
The
allegations
in
his
Majest:
booke
are
either
such
,
as
are
only
knowne
to
himselfe
,
or
such
,
as
were
evident
to
all
men
by
the
light
of
reason
,
or
notorietie
of
Actions
.
And
Iconoclastes
vainely
flatters
himselfe
,
that
his
contrary
allegations
wil
be
of
any
weight
to
move
the
scale
.
Sober
men
take
his
ostentation
of
confidence
rather
as
an
effect
of
frensy
,
then
a
perswasion
of
reason
,
But
through
his
whole
booke
he
offers
allegations
against
apparent
rea●…ous
.
Though
it
were
supposed
,
that
the
Testimony
of
one
man
in
his
owne
case
affirminge
,
could
be
of
any
Moment
to
bring
in
doubt
,
the
authoritie
of
a
Parliament
denying
a
contrary
allegation
against
this
,
would
weigh
downe
the
ballance
in
most
mens
judgment
.
The
periuries
,
impostures
,
cruelties
,
&
devastations
of
those
he
calls
the
Parliament
are
soe
knowne
,
&
common
abroade
,
that
the
mention
of
them
is
a
name
of
infamy
,
and
takes
away
all
credit
from
their
Actions
.
Their
owne
journalls
tell
the
world
,
that
they
never
speake
truth
,
but
for
their
advantage
,
and
omit
noe
falshood
,
that
will
serve
their
turne
.
But
doth
Iconoclastes
thinke
any
Parliament
infallible
,
or
that
all
men
condemned
by
Parliament
had
Justice
done
them
?
He
wil
then
finde
,
that
they
condemne
one
another
,
and
for
this
last
misnamed
Parliament
,
their
bloody
executions
have
such
apparent
markes
of
Injustice
,
and
crueltie
,
as
themselves
cannot
deny
it
,
vnles
they
will
deny
the
records
themselves
have
made
,
&
the
Testimony
of
former
Parliaments
.
There
are
in
his
Majest:
booke
many
particulars
,
that
the
Parliament
neither
did
,
nor
could
deny
,
and
through
the
whole
booke
the
Author
hath
produced
few
,
or
none
of
their
denyalls
.
There
hath
been
much
vse
made
of
the
name
of
Parliament
,
but
the
Author
must
thinke
he
hath
an
inchanting
pen
,
if
after
the
murther
of
the
king
,
abolishing
the
Lords
house
,
plucking
out
the
members
from
the
lower
house
,
prostituting
the
very
constitution
of
Parliament
to
the
lawlesse
multitude
,
and
packing
the
Roome
with
a
few
meane
persons
,
eyther
terrified
by
power
,
or
flattered
by
promises
,
he
can
perswade
any
,
that
such
a
Company
sitting
on
the
vsuall
seates
of
the
lower
house
be
the
Parliament
,
he
may
as
well
give
the
name
of
Parliament
to
a
Parish
vestry
,
as
that
Convention
,
all
the
odds
is
the
place
of
their
meetinge
.
But
if
these
his
faire
spoken
words
shal
be
heere
fairly
confronted
,
and
laid
parallell
to
his
owne
farr
differing
deedes
manifest
,
&
visible
to
the
whole
nation
,
then
&c.
His
Majest:
words
he
sayes
are
faire
spoken
,
and
will
appeare
sincere
against
al
the
fowle
spokē
words
of
this
author
to
confront
them
;
And
his
actions
are
soe
wel
knowne
to
the
whole
nation
,
as
he
doth
in
vaine
appeale
to
them
,
as
witnesses
of
the
truth
of
those
false
,
and
incongruous
Calumnies
,
that
he
hath
produced
.
His
Majest:
Actions
being
laid
parallell
to
this
Authors
different
expressions
shew
the
lewdnes
of
the
Libellers
impudence
,
that
will
appeale
for
the
truth
of
what
he
sayes
to
those
,
that
best
know
the
contrary
,
and
in
a
case
,
where
the
evidence
of
the
fact
excludes
all
appeale
.
The
Author
concludes
,
that
wee
may
looke
on
them
,
who
notwithstandinge
shall
persist
to
give
to
bare
words
more
credit
,
then
to
open
Actions
,
as
men
,
whose
judgment
was
not
rationally
evinced
,
&
perswaded
,
but
fatally
stupified
,
&
bewitched
into
such
a
blinde
,
and
obstinate
beleife
,
for
whose
cure
he
sayes
it
may
be
doubted
,
not
whether
any
charme
,
though
never
soe
wisely
murmured
,
but
whether
any
prayer
can
be
availeable
.
If
after
the
reading
of
this
Authors
booke
any
man
thinke
him
a
modest
man
,
that
he
hath
dealt
ingeniously
with
his
Majest:
booke
,
or
person
,
he
may
be
sure
,
that
such
a
person
were
not
rationally
evinced
,
but
eyther
maliciously
prepossest
,
or
stupidly
infatuated
,
and
neither
vnderstood
words
,
nor
Actions
,
And
this
Author
meanes
not
to
cure
,
but
to
charme
expressing
his
delight
in
the
terme
of
murmuringe
,
which
was
the
Custome
of
witches
in
their
Charmes
,
never
vsed
by
servants
of
God
,
though
wicked
men
are
compared
to
the
deafe
adder
,
whose
eare
is
stopped
to
the
murmuring
Charmer
,
as
theirs
to
the
holy
advice
.
But
Iconoclastes
may
aswell
hope
to
turne
men
into
ftones
by
his
absurd
assertions
,
or
into
serpents
by
his
lewde
reproaches
,
as
perswade
men
of
his
reason
,
or
honestie
.
We
know
the
prayers
of
the
wicked
are
abominable
,
aswell
,
as
their
wilfull
falhood
,
and
slander
,
&
while
he
seekes
to
place
those
,
that
will
not
be
led
by
him
,
among
those
that
Charmes
,
cannot
cure
,
nor
prayers
profit
,
declares
his
prayers
,
noe
other
,
then
Charmes
,
and
himselfe
a
man
,
that
can
neither
cure
,
nor
pray
,
and
sets
prayer
among
those
things
he
scoffes
at
,
aswell
,
as
the
Titles
of
him
,
that
is
only
to
be
prayed
to
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Vpon
the
KINGS
Calling
this
last
PARLIAMENT
.
THat
,
which
the
King
lajes
downe
,
as
his
foundation
,
that
he
called
this
last
Parliament
not
more
by
others
advice
,
and
the
necessitie
of
his
affaires
,
then
by
his
owne
choice
,
and
inclination
,
is
to
all
knowing
men
so
apparently
vntrue
,
that
a
more
inauspicious
Sentence
could
hardly
have
come
into
his
minde
.
That
his
Majest:
intention
could
be
apparent
to
all
knowing
men
,
must
have
better
Authoritie
,
then
this
Authors
word
to
be
beleived
.
His
Majest
best
knew
his
own
intentions
,
and
ought
to
be
credited
against
the
Malicious
conjectures
of
such
,
as
seeke
matter
of
slander
against
him
to
shelter
their
owne
impieties
,
never
King
of
England
shewed
greater
affection
to
Parliaments
,
then
his
Majest:
and
never
King
found
greater
ingratitude
.
His
frequent
coming
to
Parliaments
in
his
Fathers
Raigne
.
His
many
good
offices
done
the
houses
,
and
the
larg
acknowledgments
of
their
obligations
to
him
are
vpon
the
Records
of
both
houses
.
Vpon
the
death
of
his
Father
he
instantly
called
a
Parliament
,
seeking
to
continue
the
same
vnderstanding
betweene
him
,
and
his
houses
,
as
there
had
been
in
the
time
of
his
Father
.
He
had
then
entred
into
a
dangerous
warr
with
Spaine
vpon
the
Parliaments
Councell
,
was
in
preparation
of
a
greate
fleete
,
stood
charged
with
a
greate
debt
left
on
him
by
his
Father
,
besides
deepe
engagements
to
his
Allies
abroade
,
the
supplies
the
then
Parliament
gave
him
were
two
Subsidies
,
he
then
desired
an
addition
only
of
fortie
thousand
pound
,
which
was
refused
him
.
If
any
man
shall
say
now
,
that
the
King
called
not
that
Parliament
of
his
owne
inclination
,
because
he
was
discontented
to
be
so
dealt
with
by
them
,
knowing
men
wil
hardly
beleive
him
,
&
such
men
,
as
are
justly
displeased
with
factions
in
Parliament
,
might
truly
affect
them
,
when
they
are
rightly
disposed
,
and
this
Sentence
,
which
I
conoclastes
holds
so
inauspicious
imports
not
that
,
which
his
false
Augurie
Prognosticates
,
for
though
his
Majest:
received
provocations
,
and
causes
of
dislike
from
severall
Parliaments
,
it
followes
not
,
that
he
could
have
no
intention
to
call
one
,
when
there
was
a
probabilitie
of
removing
the
causes
of
former
disorders
,
which
his
Majest:
expresses
in
his
ensuing
discourse
.
The
inclination
of
a
Prince
is
best
knowne
by
those
next
about
him
,
or
by
the
current
of
his
Actions
.
These
neerest
this
King
were
Courtiers
,
and
Prelates
,
and
it
was
their
Continuall
exercise
to
dispute
,
and
preach
against
them
.
For
the
Actions
of
others
Iconoclastes
would
thinke
them
a
weake
proofe
of
his
intentions
,
though
the
persons
were
very
neere
him
,
and
though
there
were
preaching
,
and
disputes
against
the
proceedings
of
some
Parliaments
,
it
s
no
proofe
of
the
Kings
intentions
,
nor
theirs
,
that
vsed
them
against
the
right
vse
of
Parliaments
,
and
the
proceedings
of
some
Parliaments
might
give
just
occasion
to
men
to
say
the
King
(
they
hoped
)
would
have
no
more
neede
of
them
and
it
is
a
very
greate
happinesse
of
any
state
not
to
neede
them
,
the
necessitie
of
them
proceeding
from
want
,
and
danger
,
and
there
was
a
time
,
when
people
held
Parliaments
a
burthen
to
hem
,
and
those
in
Parliament
claimed
it
,
that
they
were
not
bound
to
attend
the
Parliament
above
fortie
dayes
,
and
our
owne
stories
tells
vs
of
an
indoctum
Parliamentum
,
and
insanum
Parliamentum
.
And
doth
Iconoclastes
thinke
,
that
all
such
,
as
were
out
of
love
with
such
Parlaments
had
no
affection
to
any
.
This
was
(
he
sajes
)
but
the
Coppy
,
which
his
Parasites
had
industriously
taken
from
his
owne
words
,
and
Actions
,
who
never
called
a
Parliament
,
but
to
supply
his
necessities
.
Such
,
as
have
observed
the
inclinations
of
persons
neere
his
Majest:
finde
non
greater
Parasites
,
then
such
,
as
proved
Traytours
to
him
,
and
Parasites
are
not
wanting
to
other
powers
,
as
wel
,
as
Kings
,
for
we
finde
by
this
Author
what
men
will
do
to
please
their
Masters
eyther
by
offitiousnes
to
their
persons
,
or
the
performance
of
villanie
against
others
.
This
Author
spends
his
mouth
in
vaine
following
his
common
place
of
Parafites
,
and
Courtiers
,
when
the
Actions
he
mentions
are
so
farr
from
reflecting
vpon
his
Majest:
as
they
leave
the
blemish
vpon
the
Relatour
.
That
his
Majest:
had
necessities
,
when
he
called
a
Parliament
is
knowne
to
all
,
&
the
causes
of
them
,
but
that
he
was
ready
all
wayes
to
heare
,
and
redresse
the
just
greivances
of
his
people
could
never
yet
be
contradicted
by
the
experience
in
any
Parliament
,
al
though
the
Author
say
,
having
Supplied
these
,
he
suddenly
,
and
nominiously
dissolved
it
without
redressing
any
one
greivance
of
the
people
.
But
if
the
Parliaments
never
presented
to
him
on
greivance
to
be
redressed
,
which
he
denyed
,
where
lies
the
ignominie
?
It
seemes
the
Author
takes
not
the
petition
of
right
to
be
of
that
nature
,
for
that
was
graunted
by
the
King
,
and
that
concession
of
his
was
then
judged
as
greate
an
Act
to
the
redresse
of
greivances
,
as
ever
King
of
England
graunted
his
people
.
His
Majest:
summoned
three
Parliaments
before
the
short
Parliament
at
the
beginning
of
these
troubles
,
and
in
non
of
these
were
there
any
greivances
presented
by
the
Parliament
to
the
King
to
be
redressed
,
but
that
petition
of
right
,
vnles
a
Remonstrance
against
the
Duke
of
Buckingham
be
reckned
in
that
number
,
and
if
the
people
,
had
just
greivances
to
be
redressed
,
they
had
just
cause
of
complaint
against
those
Conventions
,
and
of
late
repentance
for
their
credulitie
,
that
depended
so
much
on
them
,
that
so
little
regarded
their
Sufferings
.
If
we
looke
vpon
the
length
of
time
,
wherein
these
Parliaments
sate
,
wee
shal
finde
sessions
concluded
,
&
diverse
good
lawes
made
in
the
like
space
of
time
in
the
Raignes
of
former
Kings
,
and
whoever
lookes
to
the
journalls
of
the
houses
in
these
Parliaments
of
his
late
Majest:
or
whoever
was
present
in
them
must
confesse
,
that
those
,
that
governed
in
the
lower
house
minded
nothing
lesse
,
then
the
redresse
of
greivances
,
or
making
of
lawes
,
which
were
formally
talked
of
to
entertaine
time
,
while
private
annimosities
,
and
personall
revenges
were
made
the
sole
busines
of
importance
,
&
in
the
space
of
fower
moneths
no
one
greivance
was
prepared
to
be
presented
to
his
Majest:
and
Iconoclastes
heapes
vp
vntruths
without
respect
to
the
apparence
of
their
detection
,
for
this
first
Parliament
was
so
far
from
being
suddenly
dissolved
after
the
King
was
supplyed
,
that
the
greate
Plague
not
permitting
them
to
sit
longer
at
west
minster
,
his
Majest:
adiourned
them
to
Oxford
,
and
in
ano●…her
Parliament
after
the
supply
given
him
,
there
was
a
second
meeting
,
which
might
have
had
a
longer
continuance
,
if
it
had
insisted
on
the
redresse
of
greivances
,
but
whence
takes
he
the
occasion
to
say
Ignominiously
dissolved
.
Where
was
the
Ignominie
?
Had
not
his
Majest:
a
legall
right
to
do
it
?
And
if
the
houses
would
not
agree
in
the
redresse
of
greivances
,
and
supply
of
the
necessities
of
the
Kingdome
,
their
continuance
would
prove
ignominious
,
not
their
dissolving
.
Sometimes
chusing
rather
to
misse
of
his
subfidies
or
to
rayse
them
by
illegall
courses
,
then
that
the
people
should
not
still
misse
of
their
hopes
to
be
releived
by
Parliaments
.
Iconoclastes
in
his
Preface
talked
of
laying
parallel
actions
to
words
,
and
heere
he
vses
words
of
actions
,
that
never
were
,
for
among
those
Parliaments
of
his
late
Majest:
where
can
he
finde
a
number
to
make
vp
his
Sometimes
,
vsing
a
language
,
as
if
the
King
had
called
as
many
Parliaments
,
as
he
had
raigned
yeares
?
And
where
can
he
finde
,
that
the
King
chose
to
misse
his
subsidies
,
that
the
people
should
not
be
releived
by
Parliaments
.
Two
of
the
Parliaments
are
already
mentioned
.
In
the
third
,
where
he
had
non
,
he
was
so
farr
from
chusing
to
misse
of
his
subsidies
,
if
he
might
have
had
them
,
that
his
reiterated
Messages
to
the
then
house
of
Commons
to
prepare
their
greivances
,
that
he
migh●…
apply
just
remedies
to
them
,
sufficiently
prove
,
that
nothing
was
wanting
of
his
part
to
have
received
the
subsidies
,
and
releived
the
people
;
It
s
well
knowne
,
that
his
Majest:
had
at
that
time
a
warr
with
Spaine
,
and
France
,
and
that
nothing
,
but
inevitable
necessitie
on
his
part
,
could
have
made
him
decline
the
obtainnig
of
subsidies
from
that
Parliament
.
And
after
the
house
of
Commons
had
declared
,
that
they
would
supply
him
in
such
a
way
,
and
in
so
ample
a
measure
,
as
should
make
him
safe
at
home
,
and
feared
abroade
,
they
agreed
vpon
the
number
of
subsidies
,
but
voted
,
that
the
Bill
should
not
come
into
the
house
,
till
their
greivances
were
answeared
.
His
Majest:
sent
them
there
vpon
severall
Messages
to
hasten
them
to
present
the
greivances
,
which
nothing
wrought
on
them
,
but
without
any
reason
after
long
expectatiō
,
they
denyed
to
have
the
bil
of
subsidies
brought
into
the
house
.
It
s
wel
known
,
that
no
Kingdome
had
lesse
greivances
,
then
that
of
England
vnder
his
late
Majest:
And
the
people
were
perswaded
into
an
opinion
of
greivances
,
not
by
sence
of
Suffering
,
but
the
disputes
of
Pragmaticall
Incendiaries
,
and
they
would
have
rested
quiet
,
had
they
not
been
seduced
by
such
Craftsmen
,
and
there
is
no
on
thing
,
that
this
breaker
can
name
for
a
greivance
,
which
his
Masters
,
that
now
Lord
it
,
do
not
encrease
.
The
first
he
broke
of
at
his
coming
to
the
Crowne
for
no
other
cause
,
then
to
protect
the
Duke
of
Buckingham
against
them
,
who
had
accused
him
,
besides
other
hainous
Crymes
,
of
no
lesse
,
then
poysoning
the
deceased
King
his
Father
.
This
Author
takes
himselfe
not
concerned
in
speaking
Truth
,
for
the
publike
Records
of
the
Kingdome
,
and
some
late
declarations
of
the
pretended
Parliament
would
have
held
his
hand
from
this
false
assertion
,
if
he
had
valued
Truth
at
the
rate
of
perusing
them
,
for
the
Duke
of
Buckingham
was
not
at
all
accused
by
the
first
Parliament
of
the
King
,
nor
in
any
Parliament
for
poysoning
the
deceased
King
.
He
might
have
found
,
that
in
the
second
Parliament
of
the
King
,
Among
other
Articles
against
the
Duke
of
Buckingham
,
he
was
accused
for
a
Transcendent
Presumption
,
and
of
dangerous
consequence
touching
Phisicke
applyed
to
the
deceased
King
,
but
the
malice
of
such
,
as
hated
the
Duke
of
Duckingham
did
not
extend
to
an
accusation
of
poysoning
the
deceased
King
,
yet
the
venome
of
Treason
in
this
Author
makes
him
madd
,
and
say
,
that
a
fact
of
presumption
,
and
of
dangerous
consequence
was
a
poysoning
.
If
such
were
the
wisedome
of
a
house
of
Parliament
to
call
poysoning
of
a
King
,
a
presumption
of
dangerous
consequence
neither
King
nor
people
neede
be
troubled
to
want
their
Councell
.
This
is
the
first
instance
,
though
not
the
first
falshood
of
Iconoclastes
,
but
to
the
matter
of
what
he
sajes
in
that
second
Parliament
,
wherein
the
Duke
of
Buckingham
was
accused
,
his
Majest:
by
Message
to
the
lower
house
told
them
,
he
was
well
pleased
they
should
proceede
against
the
Duke
of
Buckingham
they
did
accordingly
give
vp
their
Articles
to
the
Lords
,
the
Duke
of
Buckingham
made
his
answeare
,
which
was
sent
down
to
the
Commons
,
who
being
vnable
to
reply
to
it
,
such
,
as
then
swayed
the
house
contrary
to
the
Councell
of
a
greate
number
of
the
most
experienced
amongst
them
resolved
to
hinder
al
proceedings
,
and
necessitate
the
King
to
a
Dissolution
of
the
Parliament
.
This
is
no
secret
,
the
journall
bookes
of
that
house
sufficiently
●…vince
it
.
Still
the
latter
breaking
was
with
more
affront
,
and
indignitie
put
vpon
the
house
and
her
worthyest
members
,
then
the
former
.
This
appeares
not
by
his
subsequent
reason
,
but
if
this
breaker
had
thought
either
the
dissolving
of
Parliaments
,
or
indignitie
,
and
affront
to
members
any
offence
,
why
does
he
take
on
him
the
defence
of
those
,
that
have
Ignominiously
excluded
the
whole
house
of
Lords
,
and
so
many
of
the
Commons
,
and
among
them
some
,
whome
he
termes
the
worthiest
persons
in
the
Parliament
he
speakes
of
,
but
his
reasons
,
and
narrations
are
of
the
same
stuffe
;
And
if
any
man
compare
the
affronts
,
and
indiginties
offered
his
Majest:
by
some
persons
in
parliament
,
and
his
proceedings
against
them
,
he
will
judge
,
that
their
provacations
exceeded
his
passion
,
and
their
owne
sufferings
.
In
so
much
,
that
in
the
fifth
yeare
of
his
Raigne
in
a
Proclamation
he
seemes
offended
at
the
very
Rumour
of
a
Parliament
divulg'd
among
the
people
,
as
if
he
had
taken
it
for
a
kinde
of
slander
,
that
men
should
thinke
him
that
way
exorable
much
lesse
inclined
.
What
strawes
this
man
pickes
vp
.
If
the
King
did
seeme
offended
at
a
factious
Rumour
,
doth
it
follow
,
that
he
held
it
a
Scandall
to
act
that
,
which
was
Rumoured
.
Because
a
King
doth
forbid
Rumours
of
his
intended
Actions
,
doth
he
not
therefore
intend
them
?
And
must
his
Councells
be
the
subject
of
common
Rumour
?
It
is
a
factious
practice
to
spreade
a
Rumour
of
a
parliament
,
before
the
King
please
to
declare
it
,
and
tends
to
the
precipitation
of
his
Councells
by
sedition
.
But
as
his
premisses
are
(
he
seemes
)
so
his
conclusions
are
(
as
if
)
and
men
may
as
well
beleive
him
on
his
bare
word
,
as
such
inferences
he
appearing
inexorable
to
speake
Truth
,
or
forbeare
slander
.
And
forbidds
it
,
as
a
presumption
to
prescribe
him
any
time
for
Parliaments
that
is
to
say
,
eyther
by
perswasion
or
petition
,
or
so
much
,
as
the
reporting
of
such
a
Rumour
,
for
other
manner
of
Prescribing
was
at
that
time
not
suspected
.
His
Majest:
therein
forbad
no
more
then
the
law
forbidds
,
and
accounts
it
a
presumption
to
Prescribe
him
any
time
for
Parliaments
.
But
such
,
as
have
destroyed
King
,
and
Parliament
would
have
it
esteemed
strange
,
that
they
should
not
prescribe
what
they
list
,
and
the
breaker
,
that
would
have
the
King
Prescribed
will
allow
non
to
Prescribe
his
now
masters
.
His
explanation
signifies
nothing
,
for
doth
he
thinke
,
that
the
King
ought
to
be
petitioned
,
or
perswaded
by
every
on
,
that
will
,
or
that
the
spreading
of
a
Rumour
is
a
fit
mea●…es
to
induce
him
to
call
a
Parliament
?
He
endeavours
to
defame
the
King
for
restrayning
popular
licence
,
and
Sedition
,
and
when
he
seekes
to
confirme
the
Tyranny
of
his
Masters
,
he
reproaches
the
people
with
Levitie
,
and
violence
;
And
the
wayes
of
Prescribing
by
him
mentioned
were
vnorderly
,
and
by
him
particularised
as
Plausible
,
not
sound
,
other
manner
of
Prescribing
was
then
not
Suspected
,
he
intends
the
force
of
a
scotts
Army
,
and
though
he
commend
that
way
of
Prescribing
,
and
attribute
the
calling
of
the
Parliament
to
it
,
and
accuse
the
King
for
resisting
it
,
yet
he
will
charge
the
King
with
beginning
the
warr
.
By
which
feirce
Edict
,
the
people
forbidden
to
complaine
,
as
well
,
as
forced
to
suffer
began
from
thence
foorth
to
despaire
of
Parliaments
.
The
people
have
now
greater
cause
to
dispaire
of
Parliaments
then
ever
they
had
in
the
time
of
his
late
Majest:
for
if
these
men
prevaile
,
they
are
sure
never
to
have
more
,
for
they
professe
to
introduce
a
new
form
of
Government
which
hath
nothing
of
the
Parliament
of
England
&
however
the
people
by
seditious
practices
,
or
false
apprehensions
despaired
of
Parliaments
,
that
proves
nothing
of
his
Majest:
inclination
,
or
aversenes
to
Parliaments
.
How
an
edict
can
be
called
feirce
,
where
no
punishment
of
the
breach
of
it
appeares
to
be
denounced
,
nor
any
severitie
ensuing
it
,
cannot
be
imagined
,
but
it
s
well
knowne
what
Titles
this
Author
wil
give
to
any
of
his
Majest:
Actions
respecting
only
the
reproachfullnes
of
the
Termes
,
not
their
proportion
,
or
〈◊〉
to
what
they
are
applyed
,
and
whoever
lookes
on
the
time
,
while
Parliaments
were
intermitted
,
the
sufferings
of
the
people
were
lesse
,
then
when
Parliaments
were
frequent
,
&
they
neede
not
be
forbidden
to
complaine
,
when
their
peace
,
&
plentie
were
a
reason
strong
enough
to
restraine
them
,
however
querulous
murmurings
wrought
by
seditious
contrivers
,
may
happē
,
&
ought
to
be
forbiddē
in
al
just
Governments
.
Where
vpon
such
illegall
Actions
,
and
especially
to
get
vast
summs
of
mony
were
put
in
Practice
by
the
King
,
and
his
new
Officers
,
as
Monopolies
,
compulsive
knighthoods
,
Coate
,
Conduct
,
and
Shipmony
,
the
seezing
not
of
on
Nabaoths
Vineyard
,
but
of
whole
inheritances
,
vnder
the
pretence
of
forrest
,
or
Crowne
lands
,
Corruption
,
&
bribery
compounded
for
with
impunities
graunted
for
the
future
,
as
gave
evident
proofe
,
that
the
King
never
meant
,
nor
could
it
stand
with
the
Reason
of
his
affaires
ever
to
recall
Parliaments
.
All
the
pretences
of
Tyranny
,
and
oppression
,
wherewith
the
Rebells
have
sought
to
maske
their
disloyaltie
are
reduced
to
this
on
summe
to
get
money
.
That
Princes
must
have
supplies
from
their
people
for
support
of
the
Kingdome
cannot
be
doubted
,
and
where
the
lawes
have
given
the
King
a
richt
to
demaund
money
of
particular
persons
in
certanie
cases
,
or
of
the
whole
people
,
theis
are
no
illegall
exactions
,
but
due
debts
.
The
King
of
England
is
entitled
by
law
to
diverse
dues
from
his
subjects
,
and
of
such
things
his
learned
Councell
,
and
his
Judges
have
the
care
,
that
he
loose
not
his
rights
,
and
they
are
bound
by
oath
to
preserve
them
,
&
if
in
any
cases
they
saile
in
their
judgment
,
their
King
cannot
be
guiltie
of
illegall
exactions
in
following
their
Councell
,
and
of
such
nature
are
the
particulars
he
mentions
,
vnles
Coate
,
and
Conduct
money
,
which
had
been
disbursed
by
the
Counties
for
the
present
,
where
souldiers
were
raysed
,
and
was
of
inconsiderable
value
and
to
be
repayed
,
and
only
of
practice
in
case
of
warr
when
necessitie
requires
greater
contributions
,
and
such
Actions
,
as
theis
the
best
Governments
could
never
avoyde
,
and
those
formes
of
Government
,
which
theis
Rebells
Preferr
before
Monarchy
ordinairly
practis
,
but
they
must
supply
with
exclamations
,
what
they
want
of
matter
,
and
having
broken
all
bounds
of
dutie
,
Justice
,
and
humanitie
,
they
seeke
to
make
the
common
meanes
,
which
necessitie
compells
Governnours
to
vse
for
publique
support
,
the
height
of
oppression
,
and
Tyranny
.
The
vast
summs
received
by
all
the
wayes
were
farr
short
of
that
greate
charge
,
which
the
Kingdome
required
,
and
of
what
former
Kings
had
received
in
the
like
space
,
but
inconsiderable
in
regard
of
the
present
exactions
.
He
resembles
the
legal
proceedings
in
cases
of
civil
right
to
Nabaoths
vineyard
;
so
as
al
suites
for
recovery
of
deteined
rights
is
the
getting
of
Nabaoths
vineyard
,
but
they
that
by
the
blood
of
many
Naboaths
have
gotten
their
inheritances
would
have
Civill
Controversies
,
not
bloody
murther
the
sin
of
Ahab
.
Corruption
,
and
bribery
compounded
for
with
impunitie
for
the
future
is
a
denomination
,
which
cannot
be
fixt
to
any
Actions
of
Majest:
That
his
Majest:
hath
a
power
to
pardon
was
never
denyed
,
and
therefore
no
act
of
grace
in
that
kinde
can
be
illegall
,
but
this
,
which
they
call
corruption
,
and
bribery
was
no
other
,
then
the
fees
,
which
some
officers
received
,
and
were
questioned
to
be
above
their
due
,
&
had
they
been
convict
,
their
mulct
was
pecuniary
,
and
due
to
the
King
.
They
vrged
long
Custome
in
their
defence
,
and
in
a
case
of
that
nature
,
where
only
errour
,
not
corruption
,
or
bribery
can
be
admitted
,
it
was
neerer
to
justice
,
then
favour
to
forbeare
prosecution
;
And
as
the
fact
was
not
illegal
,
so
had
it
been
,
it
was
only
theirs
,
by
whose
Councell
it
was
done
,
and
theis
men
,
that
professe
such
zeale
against
corruption
,
and
bribery
,
pretend
,
that
it
was
necessary
to
take
away
the
starr
chamber
,
where
such
Crymes
were
punisht
,
and
from
whence
comes
it
,
that
it
could
not
stand
with
his
majest:
affaires
te
recall
Parliaments
,
when
his
Majest:
desired
to
continue
nothing
,
but
what
was
necessary
for
the
Kingdome
?
Having
brought
by
theis
irregular
courses
the
peoples
interest
,
and
his
owne
〈◊〉
so
direct
an
opposition
,
that
he
might
foresee
plainely
,
if
nothing
,
but
a
Parliament
could
save
the
people
,
it
must
necessarily
be
his
vndoing
.
The
King
had
no
interest
,
but
that
,
which
was
common
to
the
people
with
him
,
and
nothing
,
that
was
their
interest
could
be
opposite
to
his
.
The
people
were
very
farr
from
any
such
apprehensions
of
being
Destroyed
,
or
that
they
might
not
be
saved
without
the
Kings
vndoing
;
And
wherein
could
the
King
foresee
his
vndoing
by
Parliament
,
must
he
necessarily
foresee
,
that
a
Parliament
would
follow
Traytours
against
him
?
Or
must
he
necessarily
foresee
that
a
Parliament
would
vndertake
an
illegall
,
and
vn
just
power
?
Must
he
necessarily
foresee
,
that
a
Parliament
would
produce
a
Rebellion
,
when
no
Action
was
desired
to
be
continued
by
him
,
which
was
not
according
to
law
,
nor
any
greivance
duely
proved
vnredressed
?
But
because
in
the
Parliament
,
which
he
called
a
faction
destroyed
him
,
and
hath
vndone
the
Kingdome
,
therefore
Iconoclastes
would
have
it
plainely
to
be
foreseene
.
Such
,
as
know
the
difference
of
the
last
from
former
Parliaments
,
know
likewise
,
that
it
was
not
from
the
condition
of
the
Parliament
,
but
the
conjuncture
of
affaires
at
the
time
of
calling
it
,
that
produced
those
wicked
effects
filling
the
mindes
of
many
with
ambitious
thoughts
,
and
desire
to
lay
the
foundation
of
their
private
greatenes
in
the
publique
ruines
.
It
is
impossible
,
that
the
interest
of
a
King
can
have
an
opposition
to
that
of
his
people
which
is
vainely
fancied
hy
him
,
or
that
any
thing
by
him
alledged
should
worke
such
opposition
.
And
although
there
have
been
disputes
in
Courts
,
and
Parliaments
touching
the
profitts
,
and
rights
of
the
Crowne
,
yet
before
this
Rebell
generation
,
non
were
so
shameles
to
pretend
them
causes
of
the
subjects
violence
,
and
necessarily
destructive
to
the
King
,
or
people
,
which
had
the
people
imagined
would
have
been
the
issue
of
a
Parliament
,
they
would
have
had
a
greater
aversion
to
it
,
then
Iconoclastes
supposes
in
his
late
Mejest
:
And
as
the
preservation
of
the
people
is
the
Kings
,
interest
,
so
his
preservation
is
theirs
,
which
the
people
now
finde
to
late
,
and
could
not
foresee
,
that
such
,
as
made
vse
of
the
pretence
of
their
interest
,
minded
it
least
.
Till
eight
,
or
nine
yeares
after
proceeding
with
a
high
hand
in
these
enormities
,
&
having
the
second
time
levied
an
injurious
warr
against
his
native
countrey
Scotland
,
and
finding
all
those
other
shifts
of
raysing
money
,
which
bore
out
his
first
expedition
now
to
faile
him
,
not
of
his
own
choice
,
and
inclination
,
as
any
childe
may
see
,
but
vrged
by
strong
necessities
,
and
the
very
pangs
of
State
which
his
owne
violent
proceedings
had
brought
him
to
,
he
calls
a
Parliament
.
Iconoclastes
is
very
industrious
to
shew
,
that
he
can
expresse
the
malice
of
his
heart
with
his
pen
,
and
can
give
false
denominations
to
Actions
with
greater
confidence
,
then
true
,
where
it
may
advantag
his
Masters
.
The
gentle
hand
wherewith
his
Majest
governed
during
the
nine
yeares
he
mentions
,
brands
that
high
hand
of
slander
,
and
de●…action
,
which
this
breaker
stretches
out
against
him
,
and
it
will
fill
posteritie
with
amazement
at
the
folly
of
the
present
age
,
that
should
take
such
things
for
enormities
,
as
fines
for
knighthood
,
Coate
,
conduct
,
and
shipmony
,
whereof
some
of
them
were
scarce
felt
,
or
observed
,
and
the
rest
easily
borne
;
And
submit
themselves
to
contributions
,
excises
,
loanes
,
and
taxes
,
to
which
those
,
which
he
calls
enormities
hold
no
proportion
.
But
not
contented
with
the
false
appellations
of
his
Majest:
Civill
Actions
,
he
proceedes
to
defy
,
and
reproach
his
Actions
for
preservation
,
and
defence
of
his
Kingdome
,
and
calls
it
an
injurious
warr
to
resist
an
invading
Enemy
.
That
the
Scotts
were
entred
neere
a
hundred
mile
into
the
Kingdome
,
at
the
time
he
mentions
,
he
cannot
be
ignorant
,
and
to
call
the
warr
injurious
on
his
Majest:
part
cannot
come
from
any
,
that
thinkes
any
thing
injurious
,
that
Rebells
commit
,
or
any
thing
just
that
Governours
commaund
.
When
any
Actions
are
rehearsed
of
his
Majest:
against
the
Scotts
,
the
Traytours
call
them
vnjust
,
and
amplifie
their
slander
with
the
Circumstance
of
his
native
Countrey
.
When
the
Scotts
offer
obedience
to
the
King
,
or
he
concurr
with
them
,
they
decry
such
Actions
,
in
respect
they
are
of
his
native
Countrey
,
thus
shifting
,
saying
,
and
gainsaying
to
deceive
the
people
.
If
there
any
yet
remaine
,
that
will
trust
such
common
Cheates
.
His
collection
,
that
necessitie
,
and
not
choice
brought
the
King
to
call
a
Parliament
followes
not
from
any
of
his
premisses
.
His
Majest:
doth
not
exclude
the
necessitie
of
his
affaires
from
moving
him
to
call
the
Parliament
:
When
he
sayes
,
that
be
called
the
Parliament
not
more
by
necessitie
,
then
his
owne
choice
,
doth
he
exclude
necessitie
,
or
affirme
his
owne
choice
only
without
consideration
of
Circumstances
.
Parliaments
ought
not
to
be
called
,
but
vpon
greate
occasions
,
and
their
too
often
Convention
is
a
burthen
,
not
an
ease
to
the
people
,
and
such
was
the
judgment
of
the
late
Parliament
at
the
beginning
.
It
is
not
new
,
that
necessities
,
have
caused
Kings
to
call
Parliaments
,
which
yet
was
never
made
an
Argument
to
prove
their
owne
vninclination
to
call
a
Parliament
.
His
descant
vpon
strong
necessities
,
and
pangs
of
state
layes
open
the
Treason
of
these
conspiratours
,
that
plotted
how
their
Country
might
pine
,
and
languish
,
that
so
vnnaturall
Emperickes
might
exercise
their
bloody
practice
,
and
a
mercilesse
Tyrany
could
only
be
exspected
from
such
,
as
sought
their
power
by
their
Countreyes
sufferings
:
And
if
his
Majest:
proceedings
had
been
violent
,
they
had
not
produced
that
necessitie
.
First
in
Ireland
,
which
only
was
to
give
him
four
subsidies
,
and
so
to
expire
,
then
in
England
,
where
his
first
demaund
was
but
twelue
subsidies
to
maintaine
a
Scotch
warr
condemned
,
and
abominated
by
the
whole
Kingdome
,
promising
their
greivances
should
be
considered
af●…erwards
.
The
Parliament
in
Ireland
he
might
have
knowne
was
not
the
first
,
that
was
,
called
in
the
nine
yeares
he
mentions
,
but
falshood
are
so
common
,
that
mistakes
are
not
worth
the
observation
,
and
if
the
King
had
called
that
Parliament
in
Ireland
to
obtaine
●…ower
subsidies
,
where
had
been
the
fault
:
May
not
a
King
call
a
Parliament
to
be
supplyed
?
But
if
Iconoclastes
had
patience
to
know
truth
,
or
speake
it
,
he
might
ea●…ily
have
found
a
greate
number
of
good
lawes
made
in
that
Parlia●…ent
,
to
worke
a
conformitie
of
that
nation
to
England
,
and
he
vnseasonably
produced
this
instance
of
the
Parliament
of
Ireland
,
which
so
mainely
contradicts
his
assertion
,
for
the
necessities
alone
he
supposes
could
not
worke
the
calling
of
that
Parliament
,
where
Parliaments
had
been
so
frequent
before
.
In
England
,
where
he
sayes
his
Majest:
first
demaund
was
,
but
twelue
subsidies
,
he
hath
lost
his
expectation
,
and
his
Ironicall
but
hath
lost
its
mirth
for
he
cannot
thinke
,
that
the
people
now
apprehend
twelue
subsidies
so
greate
a
demaund
by
the
King
,
when
they
see
a
farr
greater
proportion
given
the
Scotch
for
invading
the
Kingdome
,
and
aftersuch
an
execrable
warr
,
and
barbarous
prodigalitie
their
greivance
is
increast
,
and
all
,
that
is
effected
,
or
pretended
to
be
done
for
them
is
the
Destruction
of
King
,
and
Church
,
and
dividing
the
Estates
of
both
among
the
Master
Rebells
,
vpon
whose
Arbitrary
,
and
vnlimited
power
they
must
now
depend
.
That
those
twelue
subsidies
were
demaunded
to
maintaine
Scotch
warr
hath
no
colour
of
truth
,
it
being
not
at
al
propounded
;
And
as
it
had
been
a
sottish
,
and
perverse
disposition
to
have
condemned
the
warr
against
the
Scotts
,
when
they
were
in
preparation
to
invade
England
,
so
it
is
as
shamelesly
said
by
Iconoclastes
,
that
it
was
condemned
and
abominated
by
the
whole
people
.
Himselfe
if
a
wicked
obduration
had
not
made
him
love
lying
,
must
have
conffessed
,
that
the
late
Earle
of
Essex
,
though
afterward
in
Rebellion
against
the
King
,
with
greate
demonstrations
of
Zeale
,
and
affection
to
his
Majest:
went
a
Commaunder
in
that
expedition
;
And
if
we
respect
the
qualitie
,
or
number
of
noble
,
&
worthy
persons
that
engaged
themselves
in
that
first
warr
,
our
stories
have
rarely
remembred
an
Army
,
that
went
into
Scotland
of
greater
number
of
eminent
persons
,
so
as
Iconoclastes
hath
just
cause
to
condemne
,
and
abominate
himselfe
for
the
Lewdenes
,
and
evidence
of
this
vntruth
,
and
if
the
then
Parliament
had
not
been
abused
by
some
representing
his
Majest:
desires
,
the
designes
of
such
,
as
meant
to
make
advantage
of
the
breach
of
that
Parliament
had
been
disappointed
,
and
the
Calamities
ensuing
had
been
prevented
;
And
as
there
were
no
greivances
then
in
the
Kingdome
,
but
might
admit
longer
delay
of
redresse
,
then
the
publique
necessities
of
supply
,
so
his
Majest:
might
justly
demaund
subsidies
in
the
first
place
with
promise
to
redresle
their
greivances
afterwards
;
And
Iconoclastes
too
late
observes
the
order
of
that
demaund
of
his
late
Majest:
to
be
amisse
,
when
the
late
Parliament
graunted
so
many
subsidies
for
the
Scotts
without
expectation
of
any
such
promise
.
Which
when
the
Parliament
,
who
judged
that
warr
it selfe
on
of
their
maine
greivances
,
made
no
haste
to
graunt
,
not
enduring
the
delay
of
his
impatient
will
,
or
els
fearing
the
conditions
of
their
graunt
,
he
breakes
of
the
whole
session
and
dismisses
them
,
and
their
greivances
with
scorne
and
frustration
.
That
the
Parliament
judged
that
warr
any
of
their
greivances
,
that
never
mentioned
it
in
their
debates
,
or
resolutions
is
fit
for
the
affirmation
of
this
Author
only
.
But
if
the
Parliament
had
judged
that
warr
one
of
their
maine
greivances
,
the
rest
,
whereof
so
greate
noyse
hath
been
made
,
will
hardly
be
thought
weightie
.
This
warr
was
then
newly
begun
,
the
King
had
received
no
fupply
from
the
people
for
the
charge
past
,
and
could
this
be
a
maine
greivance
?
Wee
see
at
what
rate
this
man
makes
greivances
,
and
to
what
ordinary
accidents
he
applies
his
exorbitant
expressions
.
The
then
Parliament
would
not
have
been
slow
in
his
Majest:
supply
,
if
some
false
Ministers
had
not
interposed
,
and
some
seditious
persons
had
not
plotted
to
impose
a
necessitie
vpon
his
Majest:
to
dissolue
the
Parliament
.
They
had
not
presented
him
any
greivances
and
therefore
there
could
be
no
such
dismission
with
scorne
and
frustration
,
as
he
Phrases
it
.
There
were
evident
tokens
of
greife
,
and
discontent
in
his
late
Majest:
that
he
was
necessitated
to
that
act
,
but
there
was
reioycing
,
and
insolence
amongst
the
turbulent
Sectaries
for
it
.
Much
lesse
therefore
did
he
call
this
last
Parliament
by
his
owne
choice
,
and
inclination
,
but
having
first
tryed
in
vaine
all
vndue
wayes
to
procure
mony
,
his
Army
of
their
owne
accord
being
beaten
in
the
north
,
the
Lords
petitioning
,
and
the
generall
voyce
of
the
people
all
most
hissing
him
,
and
his
ill
acted
Regalitie
of
the
Stage
,
compelled
,
at
length
both
by
his
want
,
and
by
his
feares
,
vpon
meere
extreamitie
he
summoned
this
last
Parliament
.
This
man
acts
the
part
of
a
Lord
of
misrule
to
stirre
the
passions
of
the
people
with
taunts
,
and
abuses
,
and
for
his
over
acted
petulant
scurrilitie
fitt
to
be
whipped
of
the
stage
.
If
he
had
ever
given
proofe
of
his
owne
courage
,
hee
would
not
thus
barbarously
reproach
his
late
Majest:
with
feares
,
who
was
so
well
knowne
to
have
hazarded
his
person
in
so
many
perills
,
and
these
Phrases
are
the
froth
of
a
base
insultation
,
not
the
censure
of
a
just
Ennemy
.
But
why
for
feare
should
the
King
summon
a
Parliament
if
he
fore
saw
,
as
the
libeller
sayes
it
would
be
his
vndoing
?
Could
he
have
greater
feares
,
then
that
?
He
hath
not
instanced
one
vndue
way
of
his
late
Majest:
to
get
money
for
the
warr
against
Scotland
,
&
therefore
his
repetitions
import
his
impertinence
,
as
well
,
as
his
malice
but
gaine
no
credit
by
their
frequency
.
The
peoples
hissing
,
which
the
Traytours
desired
,
had
been
as
inconsiderable
,
and
vndutifull
,
as
his
assertions
are
false
,
but
as
it
no
way
contradicts
,
what
his
Majest:
sayes
,
if
the
allaying
of
popular
discontents
,
&
rectifying
mistakes
were
one
end
of
calling
the
Parliament
,
so
the
petitioning
of
the
Lords
instructs
all
reasonable
men
to
thinke
,
that
feares
and
wants
were
not
the
sole
cause
of
summoning
that
Parliament
and
that
his
Majest:
choice
was
not
excluded
.
And
as
the
beating
of
his
Majest:
Army
had
not
so
disabled
him
,
but
that
they
were
in
number
,
and
courage
superiour
to
their
Enemies
,
so
if
his
Majest:
choice
had
not
guided
him
,
he
might
with
lesse
hazard
in
common
appearance
have
tryed
the
successe
of
a
battell
at
that
time
,
then
he
did
at
diverse
tymes
afterwards
.
That
,
which
he
sayes
of
the
Armyes
,
being
beaten
of
their
owne
accord
is
little
to
their
honour
,
if
it
were
true
,
but
infamous
to
this
Author
being
false
,
&
if
there
were
any
so
perfidious
to
betray
their
own
,
and
their
nations
honour
vnto
strangers
,
they
could
not
be
many
,
for
its
a
knowne
truth
,
that
the
most
eminent
persons
in
that
service
,
and
the
greatest
number
of
common
souldiers
served
his
Majest:
afterward
in
his
warrs
,
not
only
against
the
English
Rebells
,
but
the
Scotts
.
And
how
is
it
possible
,
that
he
should
willingly
incline
to
Parliaments
,
who
never
was
perceived
to
call
them
,
but
for
the
greedy
hopes
of
a
whole
nationall
bribe
,
his
subsidies
,
and
never
loved
,
never
fulfilled
,
never
promoted
the
true
ends
of
Parliaments
,
the
redresse
of
greivances
,
but
still
putt
them
of
,
and
prolonged
them
,
whether
,
gratifyed
,
or
not
gratifyed
,
and
was
indeede
the
Author
of
all
those
greivances
.
It
hath
been
already
shewed
,
how
his
Majest:
was
perceived
to
call
Parliaments
out
of
his
owne
choice
,
and
inclination
,
and
it
was
not
only
in
his
Majest:
time
,
but
in
the
time
of
Queene
Elisabeth
,
that
Parliaments
were
said
to
be
only
called
to
give
subsidies
,
there
never
wanting
malecontents
,
and
slanderers
of
the
Actions
of
Princes
,
and
the
case
may
be
such
,
that
subsidies
may
be
the
cheife
motive
,
to
call
Parliaments
,
considering
the
sufficiency
of
the
lawes
in
force
,
and
the
small
number
of
greivances
complained
of
.
Malitious
detraction
is
accompanied
with
absurditie
,
and
Iconoclastes
becoming
a
Champion
of
Rebellion
reckons
Tributes
,
and
supplies
of
the
soveraigne
by
subjects
,
which
is
their
duty
among
the
number
of
scandalous
sins
,
and
that
which
was
practised
by
our
saviour
,
and
commaunded
by
his
Apostles
he
calls
nationall
bribes
.
This
braine
sicke
,
and
prophane
Libelling
can
be
acceptable
to
none
,
but
such
,
as
are
delighted
with
the
vnhappy
distempers
of
Bedlam
.
He
hath
not
so
much
passion
to
have
greivances
redrest
,
as
love
to
the
word
,
because
,
as
he
thinkes
,
it
imports
matter
displeasing
to
the
people
,
who
yet
are
now
satisfied
,
that
those
,
which
abused
them
by
the
frequent
vse
of
the
word
greivances
,
never
intended
the
remedy
,
but
by
multiplying
complaints
sought
to
leade
them
into
discontents
against
the
Government
,
whereby
they
might
become
Captive
to
ambitious
vsurpers
.
That
,
which
he
sayeth
is
the
true
end
of
Parliaments
to
reforme
greivances
justly
condemnes
those
,
he
now
calls
a
Parliament
,
who
,
he
well
knowes
sitt
to
no
other
end
,
but
to
encrease
greivances
,
and
in
eight
yeares
time
never
redressed
one
.
Though
Kings
take
notice
of
greivances
in
Parliament
,
and
take
,
order
to
redresse
them
,
yet
that
cannot
be
called
the
true
end
of
calling
Parliaments
for
there
are
often
occasions
of
calling
Parliaments
in
respect
of
publique
safetie
against
Enemies
,
and
conspiratours
,
addition
,
&
alteration
of
lawes
,
publique
supplyes
,
the
redresse
of
greivances
is
accidentall
to
the
Parliament
,
and
the
pretence
of
greivances
hath
proved
the
greatest
greivance
,
that
ever
the
people
suffered
,
and
his
scurrilous
objection
of
greedy
hope
to
his
late
Majest:
on
whome
malice
it selfe
hath
not
yet
layd
such
a
Cryme
encreaseth
the
Libellers
infamy
,
not
the
weight
of
his
charge
.
To
say
therefore
,
that
he
called
this
Parliament
of
his
owne
choice
,
and
inclination
argues
how
little
truth
,
wee
can
expect
from
the
sequell
of
this
booke
,
which
ventures
in
the
very
first
period
to
affront
more
,
then
one
nation
,
with
an
vntruth
so
remarkeable
.
If
the
venturing
vpon
an
vntruth
in
the
first
period
be
an
argument
to
expect
little
in
the
sequell
of
the
booke
,
what
may
we
expect
of
this
Author
,
whose
whole
booke
is
a
confutation
of
his
first
period
,
not
to
descant
on
the
Kings
misfortunes
?
That
in
seeking
to
disprove
this
first
period
adventured
on
so
many
palpable
vntruths
,
and
stickes
not
to
pervert
the
very
period
it selfe
,
and
affront
not
only
more
,
then
one
nation
,
but
all
indifferent
men
?
For
if
his
Majest:
had
been
necessitated
either
through
the
disorder
of
persons
to
dissolve
Parliaments
,
or
for
beare
them
,
he
might
yet
call
a
Parliament
by
his
owne
choice
,
considering
,
that
not
the
condition
of
Parliament
,
but
the
male
volence
of
some
persons
were
cause
both
of
the
dissolution
,
&
forbearance
.
The
often
Parliaments
in
Ireland
,
&
the
precedent
Parliaments
in
England
to
that
,
which
he
mentions
,
maintaine
the
truth
of
that
first
period
against
the
many
remarkeable
falsities
of
this
Image
breaker
.
And
presumes
a
more
implicit
faith
in
the
people
of
England
,
then
the
Pope
ever
commaunded
from
the
Romish
laitie
,
or
els
a
naturall
sottishnes
fitt
to
be
abused
,
and
ridden
.
Kings
may
expect
credit
to
their
words
from
their
people
,
Rebells
cannot
though
experience
hath
confirmed
that
if
a
greate
part
of
the
people
of
England
had
not
followed
them
with
a
more
blinde
,
and
obstinate
beleife
,
then
ever
Romish
laitie
did
their
Pope
,
they
could
never
have
been
ridden
,
and
jaded
,
as
now
they
are
.
And
Iconoclastes
could
never
presume
the
beleife
of
his
extravagant
assertions
,
if
he
thought
not
his
readers
of
worse
,
then
naturall
sottishnes
to
be
abused
,
for
while
they
lye
groveling
vnder
the
Tyrany
of
their
present
oppressours
,
and
lament
the
losse
of
their
happines
vnder
the
Kingly
Government
,
this
man
will
perswade
them
out
of
their
sense
,
and
memory
.
While
in
the
judgment
of
wisemen
by
laying
the
foundation
of
his
defence
on
the
avouchment
of
that
,
which
is
so
manifestly
vntrue
,
he
hath
given
a
worse
foyle
to
his
own
cause
,
then
when
his
whole
sorces
were
at
any
time
overthrowne
.
Surely
there
wisemē
shewed
as
little
reason
,
in
judging
an
assertion
,
as
knowledge
in
military
affaires
,
that
made
by
comparison
of
this
period
to
the
defeat
of
an
army
.
If
his
Maj:
have
given
so
greate
a
foyle
to
his
cause
by
the
first
period
of
his
booke
whence
comes
the
danger
,
that
Iconoclastes
would
prevent
?
Was
this
first
period
vnintelligible
without
his
comment
,
and
what
is
it
to
the
Kings
,
cause
,
whether
he
called
the
Parliament
of
his
owne
choice
,
or
not
.
It
s
very
likely
his
wife
men
heere
are
the
same
with
his
wel
principled
men
he
mentioned
els
where
,
&
their
principles
,
or
impiety
being
the
same
with
his
,
their
judgment
is
as
corrupt
,
as
their
conscience
,
and
as
farr
from
wisedome
,
as
the
libeller
from
modestie
,
and
if
any
had
such
a
judgment
,
they
might
soone
finde
their
errour
,
which
all
others
descerne
,
and
such
a
judgment
were
a
greater
foyle
to
their
wisedome
,
then
to
his
Majest:
cause
.
They
therefore
,
who
thinke
such
greate
service
done
to
the
Kings
affaires
in
publishing
this
booke
will
finde
themselves
in
the
end
mistaken
,
of
sense
,
&
right
minde
,
or
but
any
mediocritie
of
knowledge
,
and
remembrance
hath
not
quite
forsaken
men
.
They
will
finde
themselves
no
whit
mistaken
if
sense
,
right
mi●…de
,
and
mediocritie
of
knowledge
,
and
remembrance
have
not
quite
forsaken
men
,
but
the
libeller
,
will
finde
himselfe
very
much
mistaken
,
if
he
expect
,
that
his
sense
shal
be
so
received
against
apparent
truth
,
as
to
give
a
greater
foyle
,
then
the
defeate
of
Arimes
,
and
vnderstanding
must
have
left
the
world
,
where
the
Author
of
such
a
comparison
findes
credit
.
He
comes
now
to
prosecute
his
Majest:
discourse
in
pursucance
of
that
period
,
and
first
to
what
his
Majest:
affirmes
of
Parliaments
to
have
allwayes
thought
the
right
way
of
them
most
safe
to
his
Crowne
,
and
best
pleasing
to
his
people
,
he
sayes
we
felt
from
his
Actions
what
he
thought
of
Parliaments
,
or
of
pleasing
his
people
.
The
people
feele
now
,
that
,
which
makes
them
confesse
,
that
they
had
just
cause
by
what
they
felt
from
his
Majest:
Actions
to
be
well
pleased
with
them
,
&
to
beleive
,
what
he
affirmes
heere
to
be
his
judgment
of
Parliaments
,
and
if
any
people
were
pleased
with
the
ill
way
of
Parliaments
,
they
have
seene
their
errour
by
the
evill
consequents
,
and
now
thinke
the
right
way
of
them
only
most
safe
for
the
Crowne
,
&
them
,
and
that
nothing
,
but
ruine
to
the
Kingdome
can
be
expected
from
disorderly
Parliaments
.
He
goes
on
to
that
,
which
his
Majest:
adds
,
that
the
cause
of
forbearing
to
Conveene
Parliaments
was
the
sparkes
,
which
some
mens
distempers
there
studied
to
kindle
.
To
this
the
libeller
sayes
,
they
were
not
temperd
to
his
temper
,
for
it
neither
was
the
law
,
nor
Rule
,
by
which
all
other
tempers
were
to
be
tryed
,
but
they
were
chosen
for
sittest
men
in
their
Counties
to
quench
those
distampers
,
which
his
inordinate
doings
had
inflamed
.
Is
the
choice
in
Counties
the
law
,
and
rule
whereby
rempers
are
to
be
tryed
?
And
would
the
libeller
have
it
beleived
,
that
all
such
,
as
are
chosen
in
the
Counties
,
are
of
better
temper
,
then
the
King
.
If
choice
be
the
law
of
temper
,
why
doth
he
justifie
those
men
,
which
have
affronted
,
scorn'd
,
and
punished
such
,
as
have
been
chosen
by
the
Counties
?
If
all
a●…e
so
well
temperd
,
why
are
some
so
ill
handled
,
and
excluded
?
And
if
there
may
be
distempers
,
as
he
must
confesse
in
despight
of
impudence
,
why
was
it
not
a
just
reason
of
his
Majest:
fo●…ebearance
,
if
he
found
it
?
We
know
what
fires
small
sparkes
kindle
in
greate
Assemblies
,
and
we
have
felt
the
flame
of
them
like
the
sudden
eruption
of
burning
Mountaines
,
when
all
was
quiet
,
and
there
were
men
,
that
studyed
to
turne
the
Parliament
into
confusion
having
not
the
temper
to
quench
,
but
to
enflame
.
Were
these
men
,
that
were
of
the
two
Parliaments
in
the
first
yeare
of
his
Majest:
Raigne
;
The
first
called
within
two
moneths
after
he
begun
,
the
second
within
twelue
,
chosen
to
allay
those
distempers
,
which
his
inordinate
doings
had
inflamed
,
what
were
these
inordinate
doings
,
that
could
inflame
so
suddenly
?
We
neede
not
argue
this
Authors
credit
from
one
vntruth
,
but
he
would
obtaine
some
credit
,
if
one
entire
truth
could
be
found
in
him
.
If
that
were
his
refusing
to
conveene
till
those
men
had
been
quallified
to
his
will
,
wee
may
easily
conjecture
what
hope
there
was
of
Parliaments
,
had
not
feare
,
and
his
insatiate
povertie
in
the
middest
of
his
excessive
wealth
constrained
him
.
His
Majest:
might
with
reason
exspect
,
that
many
,
who
through
errour
had
caused
distempers
,
might
returne
to
a
right
minde
seeing
his
temper
,
and
their
little
reason
to
desire
such
Parliaments
,
as
make
it
their
whole
worke
to
divide
the
peoples
affections
from
the
King
,
and
follow
the
Councells
of
such
,
as
are
malecontents
for
want
of
preferment
,
and
if
men
had
been
quallified
to
his
Majest:
will
,
Parliaments
would
have
had
happier
,
successe
,
and
the
people
pleased
with
their
agreement
,
that
now
groane
vnder
the
miseries
of
their
division
.
But
whence
his
insatiate
povertie
in
the
middest
of
his
excessive
wealth
should
constraine
him
is
not
vnderstood
,
wants
,
and
wealth
are
inconsistent
.
This
libeller
hath
greate
povertie
of
sense
in
the
middest
of
his
excessive
expressions
.
He
goes
an
ill
way
to
prove
that
the
King
was
so
vninclined
to
Parliaments
,
and
that
povertie
compelled
him
,
if
he
had
wealth
certainly
that
would
have
kept
him
from
hazarding
a
course
so
disliked
.
He
shal
be
rich
,
and
poore
,
that
some
may
contemne
his
povertie
,
others
may
grudge
his
wealth
.
The
King
hoped
by
his
Freedome
,
and
their
moderation
to
prevent
misvnderstandings
.
To
this
sayes
Iconoclastes
,
wherefore
not
by
their
Freedome
,
and
his
moderation
.
The
Champion
cannot
suffer
a
King
to
passe
without
signifying
to
him
,
that
there
is
no
difference
betweene
King
,
and
subject
.
The
King
had
resolved
to
vse
Freedome
in
his
concessions
,
and
hoped
they
would
vse
moderation
in
their
demaunds
.
This
man
would
have
him
say
,
that
they
should
vse
Freedome
in
their
demaunds
&
he
would
vse
moderation
in
his
concessions
,
hath
he
not
made
it
a
proper
speech
?
Will
his
wise
,
and
well
principled
men
thinke
him
a
fit
Champion
to
breake
Bell
,
&
the
Dragon
?
But
he
gives
a
reason
,
why
the
King
would
speake
sense
,
for
he
thought
sayes
he
Freedome
to
high
a
word
for
them
,
and
moderation
to●…
meane
for
himselfe
,
and
he
concludes
,
this
was
not
the
way
to
prevent
misvnderstanding
.
It
s
sure
this
man
tooke
the
way
to
make
misvnderstandings
,
that
would
have
Freedome
applyed
to
the
people
,
what
ever
the
subject
be
,
that
is
spoken
of
,
and
its
like
he
would
be
well
pleased
,
that
they
had
Freedome
from
law
,
prosperitie
,
loyaltie
,
and
obedience
,
which
might
be
as
well
spoken
,
as
the
sense
he
hath
framed
to
prevent
mis-vnderstandings
.
He
sayes
the
King
still
feared
passion
,
and
prejudice
in
other
men
,
not
in
himselfe
,
and
doubted
not
by
the
weight
of
his
owne
reason
to
counterpoise
any
faction
,
it
being
so
easie
for
him
,
and
so
frequent
to
call
his
obstinacie
reason
,
and
other
mens
reason
faction
.
He
had
greate
reason
to
feare
passion
,
and
prejudice
in
others
,
which
he
had
so
often
tryed
,
and
which
they
,
that
then
feared
not
have
since
found
true
,
and
the
concessions
the
King
purposed
,
and
performed
might
make
him
confident
to
counterpoyse
any
faction
,
but
the
libeller
will
have
it
beleived
,
that
he
,
which
graunted
more
,
then
any
of
his
Predecessours
was
obstinate
,
and
they
,
that
demaunded
what
former
Parliaments
thought
vnreasonable
,
and
impious
,
had
reason
.
But
the
King
was
deceived
,
that
had
to
doe
with
Monsters
,
not
reasonable
men
.
We
in
the
meane
while
must
beleive
,
that
wisedome
,
and
all
reason
came
to
him
by
Title
with
his
Crowne
:
Passion
,
prejudice
,
and
faction
to
others
by
being
subjects
.
Kings
have
advantages
above
others
for
wisedome
,
and
reason
,
they
are
assisted
with
diverse
Councells
,
and
in
publique
affaires
reason
must
be
presumed
in
Kings
,
and
faction
feared
in
subjects
,
nature
being
averse
to
submit
,
and
interests
,
and
partialities
incident
to
all
greate
Assemblyes
,
and
the
detraction
from
the
wisedome
of
Rulers
in
the
Rebells
foundation
,
and
a
sure
signe
of
corrupt
intentions
.
He
was
sorry
to
heare
with
what
popular
heate
elections
were
carryed
in
many
places
.
To
these
words
of
the
Kings
he
sayes
sorry
rather
,
that
Court
,
letter
,
and
intimations
prevailed
no
more
to
divert
,
or
to
deterre
the
people
from
their
free
election
of
those
men
,
whome
they
thought
best
affected
to
Religion
,
&
their
Countryes
libertie
,
both
at
that
time
in
danger
to
be
lost
.
They
were
in
danger
to
be
lost
by
a
Trayterous
conspiracie
with
an
invading
enemy
,
but
no
other
danger
imaginable
to
any
.
There
was
never
lesse
cause
to
complaine
of
Court
letters
,
and
intimations
,
nor
ever
greater
mistakes
of
persons
chosen
,
the
Countryes
affections
to
Religion
,
and
libertie
making
way
for
the
insinuations
of
Hypocriticall
seducers
,
and
had
the
Countryes
knowne
the
dispositions
of
the
men
they
chose
,
as
their
Actions
have
since
discovered
,
they
would
not
have
trusted
them
with
their
Religion
,
and
libertie
,
which
they
have
betrayed
.
This
Image
breaker
declaimes
against
the
violence
,
&
levitie
of
the
people
,
and
heere
calumniates
his
Majest:
for
observing
the
popular
heate
,
whereby
elections
were
carryed
in
some
places
,
it
being
a
most
knowne
truth
,
that
popular
,
heate
is
as
frequent
vpon
such
occasions
,
as
any
other
,
witnes
the
long
annimosities
between
families
,
and
the
greate
contentions
,
that
arise
from
such
Elections
.
Among
the
many
clamours
in
the
late
Parliament
,
where
malice
was
as
busie
,
as
this
Author
is
now
to
finde
out
Court
letters
to
divert
,
or
deterre
the
people
from
free
Elections
,
there
was
not
one
instance
produced
of
such
letters
or
intimations
.
How
wickedly
industrious
many
were
to
blow
abroade
jealosie
,
&
suspition
of
the
danger
of
Religion
,
&
libertie
,
&
how
causelessely
the
people
in
many
places
were
drawne
into
passion
by
vaine
surmises
,
is
too
well
knowne
,
and
it
is
too
late
,
for
the
Image
breaker
to
seeke
to
reduce
the
people
into
those
misopinions
,
which
they
have
detected
by
too
deare
bought
experience
,
for
they
well
see
,
that
there
was
no
way
so
certaine
to
endanger
Religion
,
and
libertie
,
as
that
they
were
seduced
into
,
vpon
pretence
to
preserve
them
.
And
such
men
they
were
,
as
by
the
Kingdome
were
sent
to
advise
him
,
not
sent
to
be
Cavilled
at
,
because
elected
,
or
to
be
entertained
by
him
with
an
vndervalue
,
and
misprision
of
their
temper
,
judgment
,
or
affection
.
Though
such
,
as
were
elected
,
were
not
sent
by
the
Kingdome
,
but
by
the
respective
places
,
one
not
intermedling
with
another
,
yet
if
Iconoclastes
had
not
been
more
forward
to
expresse
his
impotencie
,
then
warry
in
producing
reason
,
he
would
not
have
spokē
of
being
Cavilled
at
,
whereof
he
had
not
montioned
the
least
colour
,
and
if
he
hold
the
persons
of
men
elected
so
sacred
,
&
the
King
faultie
for
not
esteeming
them
,
as
he
ought
,
what
is
the
reason
,
that
he
defends
the
Tumults
,
that
reproacht
,
and
assaulted
them●…
What
is
the
reason
he
professes
so
much
honour
to
those
Masters
,
that
plucked
them
out
of
the
house
,
&
kicked
them
into
prisons
?
Kings
send
for
their
subjects
to
advise
with
them
,
and
Iconoclastes
might
finde
by
the
Elections
of
members
of
the
lower
house
,
that
they
were
sent
to
doe
,
&
consent
to
such
things
,
as
should
be
ordained
with
the
common
Councell
of
the
Kingdome
,
and
therefore
mistakes
their
directions
,
that
sayes
they
were
sent
to
advise
him
,
&
with
what
childish
levitie
doth
he
insult
on
his
soveraigne
,
for
vndervaluing
of
the
temper
,
judgment
,
or
affection
of
persons
chosen
,
as
if
their
Elections
refined
their
natures
,
&
sublimated
their
tempers
,
as
this
mans
Rebellion
hath
inflamed
,
and
besotted
him
.
In
vaine
was
a
Parliament
thought
fittest
,
by
the
knowne
lawes
of
our
nation
to
advise
,
and
regulate
vnruly
Kings
,
if
they
insteede
of
hearkning
to
advice
,
should
be
permitted
to
turne
it
of
,
and
refuse
it
by
vilifying
,
and
traducing
their
advisers
,
or
by
accusing
of
a
popular
heate
,
those
that
lawfully
elected
them
.
If
a
Parliament
were
thought
fittest
by
the
knowne
lawes
of
our
Kingdome
,
to
regulate
vnruly
Kings
,
it
was
certainly
in
vaine
,
for
such
Kings
,
as
stories
report
most
irregular
,
were
least
regulated
by
Parliaments
,
but
on
the
contrary
the
Parliaments
concurd
to
their
desires
,
and
in
such
extravagant
Actions
,
as
were
the
greatest
blemishes
of
their
Government
,
&
●…conoclastes
doth
well
to
make
a
supposition
of
knowne
lawes
,
for
he
knowes
not
any
,
that
thought
his
supposition
true
,
for
the
knowne
,
lawes
will
not
suppose
an
vnruly
King
,
and
therefore
cannot
thinke
,
of
a
way
to
regulate
what
they
will
not
suppose
,
but
were
it
supposed
,
that
a
Parliament
were
the
fittest
way
to
regulate
vnruly
Kings
,
doth
it
follow
,
that
there
wil
be
no
heate
in
elections
,
nor
noe
misadvice
in
persons
elected
?
Must
the
King
take
all
for
truth
,
and
reason
,
that
any
of
these
advisers
will
tell
him
?
Or
is
a
Major
part
of
them
so
infallible
,
as
the
whole
Kingdome
must
stand
,
or
perish
by
the
advantage
of
a
few
voyces
,
&
perhaps
one
onely
?
But
this
breaker
hath
broken
out
into
this
vnnaturall
heate
,
vpon
the
alone
mention
of
heate
in
Elections
,
a
matter
not
only
of
possibilitie
,
but
knowne
truth
.
His
owne
,
&
his
Childrens
interest
oblidged
him
to
seeke
,
&
preserve
the
love
,
and
welfare
of
his
subjects
.
To
this
of
his
Majest:
he
sayes
.
Who
doubts
it
,
but
the
same
interest
common
to
all
Kings
,
was
never
yet
availeable
to
make
them
all
seeke
that
,
which
was
indeede
best
for
themselves
,
&
their
posteritie
.
But
if
it
be
the
interest
of
Kings
to
preserve
the
love
,
and
welfare
of
their
subjects
,
in
vaine
doth
Iconoclastes
from
the
transgressions
of
particular
persons
defame
the
sacred
office
of
Kings
,
and
endeavour
to
set
vp
vsurpers
,
whose
interest
cannot
so
much
oblidge
them
to
the
love
,
&
welfare
of
the
people
.
He
sayes
all
men
are
oblidged
by
their
interest
to
honestie
,
and
Iustice
,
but
that
consideration
workes
litle
in
private
men
.
It
seemes
by
his
writing
,
it
workes
litle
in
him
,
that
so
litle
regards
honestie
,
and
Iustice
.
But
his
interest
is
not
to
regard
it
,
for
the
interest
of
his
profitt
;
and
esteeme
with
his
Masters
cannot
be
maintained
by
honestie
,
and
Iustice
,
and
that
interest
is
more
prevalent
with
him
,
then
the
interest
of
a
good
conscience
,
or
heaven
it selfe
.
He
might
well
have
descerned
,
that
his
Majest:
argued
from
the
Humane
,
or
Civill
interest
,
which
men
are
apt
to
judge
strongest
,
and
the
breaker
impertinently
diverts
the
sense
to
talke
of
mens
fayling
in
the
exercise
of
vertue
,
when
their
temporall
interests
are
the
cause
of
their
miscarriage
,
and
therefore
his
Majest:
reason
was
strong
,
that
since
his
interest
,
as
well
,
as
right
carried
him
to
the
inclination
he
mentioned
,
it
might
be
more
probable
to
others
.
But
the
Image
breaker
admits
no
reasons
,
nor
gives
any
,
but
magisterially
layes
downe
his
position
,
that
Kings
have
lesse
consideration
of
honestie
,
&
Iustice
then
other
men
.
It
were
an
injury
to
that
high
calling
to
offer
an
answeare
to
such
a
barking
detractour
against
the
most
approved
,
most
ancient
,
and
most
sacred
office
for
the
preservation
of
Humane
societie
,
that
will
deprave
that
,
which
God
hath
sanctified
,
and
will
make
those
,
by
whome
God
dispenseth
the
blessings
of
peace
vnto
men
,
the
greatest
Enemies
to
God
,
and
goodnes
.
He
intended
to
oblidge
both
friends
,
&
Enemies
,
and
to
exceede
their
desires
,
did
they
but
pretend
to
any
modest
,
and
sober
sense
.
To
this
he
sayes
mistaking
the
whole
busines
of
a
Parliament
,
which
meete
not
to
receive
from
him
obligations
,
but
Iustice
,
nor
he
to
expect
from
them
their
modestie
,
but
their
grave
advice
vttered
with
Freedome
in
the
publique
cause
.
This
man
mistakes
the
whole
busines
of
a
Parliament
,
that
would
exclude
modestie
from
the
advice
,
and
libertie
from
the
advised
.
The
freedome
,
that
the
libeller
intends
is
inconsistent
with
modestie
,
aswell
,
as
Monarchy
,
Trayterous
dispositions
having
an
Antipathy
to
morall
vertues
.
How
often
have
Parliaments
made
petitions
to
their
King
for
graces
,
&
were
they
not
oblidged
,
when
they
were
graunted
?
But
it
cannot
be
expected
,
that
such
,
as
despi●…e
dutie
should
willingly
acknowledge
the
right
of
those
,
to
whome
it
belongs
,
and
such
,
as
vse
no
modestie
will
acknowledge
no
gratitude
,
or
obligation
.
If
their
advice
had
been
grave
,
their
behaviour
would
have
been
modest
,
and
they
whose
dutie
was
only
to
advise
,
had
no
pretence
to
Commaund
,
and
dictate
,
nor
they
,
that
were
to
receive
Justice
from
their
King
,
to
snatch
what
they
desired
,
and
become
judges
of
their
owne
demaunds
.
Such
as
wil
not
be
oblidged
by
lawes
,
nor
oaths
cannot
by
benefites
,
&
favours
,
and
such
,
as
have
robbed
a
King
of
his
power
,
grow
quickely
to
that
heigth
of
impudence
to
deny
he
had
ever
any
,
as
this
Author
,
that
is
so
Brutish
to
affirme
,
that
Kings
cannot
oblidge
their
subjects
,
&
thence
it
followes
,
that
they
owe
no
thankes
to
God
for
a
good
King
,
as
they
professe
to
owe
him
none
for
his
good
Government
.
His
talke
of
modestie
in
their
desires
of
the
common
welfare
argues
him
not
much
to
have
vnderstood
,
what
he
had
to
graunt
,
who
misconceived
so
much
the
nature
of
what
they
had
to
desire
.
His
excepting
at
the
talke
of
modestie
shewes
how
little
he
vnderstands
other
modestie
,
or
the
right
,
or
practice
of
Parliament
.
Is
not
humilitie
a
word
of
larger
signification
,
then
modestie
,
and
yet
this
breaker
will
make
modestie
contrary
to
the
nature
of
the
Parliaments
desires
,
and
the
Kings
graunts
,
when
humilitie
is
the
common
expression
of
the
Parliaments
petitions
to
the
King
.
And
he
might
well
have
said
the
King
vnderstood
not
,
what
he
had
to
graunt
,
if
he
had
not
expected
his
subjects
desires
to
have
a
modest
,
and
sober
sense
.
Can
there
be
desires
of
the
common-welfare
,
that
exclude
modest
,
&
sober
sense
?
But
the
truth
is
the
desires
of
the
late
faction
in
the
name
of
Parliament
had
neither
modest
,
nor
sober
sense
,
and
thence
the
libeller
would
inferr
it
vnnecessary
,
and
it
was
very
farr
from
the
nature
of
what
they
had
to
desire
to
demaund
their
Kings
Crowne
.
And
for
sober
sense
the
expression
was
too
meane
,
and
recoiles
with
as
much
dishonour
vpon
himselfe
to
be
a
King
,
where
sober
sense
could
possible
be
so
wanting
in
a
Parliament
.
And
must
it
be
the
Kings
dishonour
,
if
an
Assembly
of
Parliament
want
sober
sense
,
how
does
that
recoile
vpon
him
,
can
he
make
them
otherwise
?
Iconoclastes
lately
reprehended
his
mention
of
heate
in
Elections
,
and
now
it
s
the
Kings
dishonour
,
if
the
Parliament
want
sober
sense
,
was
there
never
experience
of
a
Parliament
,
that
wanted
sober
sense
,
or
was
any
man
so
savage
,
as
to
hold
sober
sense
too
meane
for
a
greate
Councell
?
Wee
have
seene
not
only
sober
sense
,
but
al
Religion
,
reason
,
law
,
&
Justice
,
wanting
in
a
Parliament
,
being
taken
for
the
prevalent
partie
,
and
Histories
record
it
to
have
happened
,
more
,
then
once
.
Kings
have
been
vnhappy
in
such
Parliaments
,
but
the
dishonour
,
and
infamy
rests
vpon
such
Assemblyes
,
and
these
Apologists
are
the
Trumpetts
of
their
shame
,
not
the
covers
of
their
nakednes
.
The
odium
,
and
offences
,
which
some
mens
rigour
,
or
remissenes
in
Church
,
&
state
had
contracted
vpon
his
Government
,
he
resolved
to
have
expiated
with
better
lawes
,
and
regulations
.
To
this
he
sayes
the
worst
misdemeanours
of
rigour
or
remissenes
he
hath
taken
vpon
himselfe
,
as
often
as
the
Clergy
,
or
any
other
of
his
Ministers
felt
themselves
over-burthened
with
the
peoples
hatred
.
He
instances
in
the
superstitious
rigour
of
his
sundayes
Chappell
,
remissenes
of
his
sundayes
Theatre
,
that
reverend
statute
for
Dominicall
Iiggs
,
&
Maypoles
derived
from
the
Example
of
his
Father
Iames
,
which
testifies
,
that
all
superstition
,
and
remissenes
in
Religion
issued
from
his
authoritie
,
and
the
generall
miscarriages
in
state
imputed
cheifely
to
himselfe
.
That
the
remissenes
and
rigour
of
some
men
may
contract
odium
,
and
offence
in
the
best
Governments
was
never
doubted
,
but
that
this
libeller
would
take
occasion
from
his
Majest:
intention
to
expiate
them
with
better
lawes
,
to
cast
them
on
his
Majest:
shewes
that
this
Rebellion
arose
not
from
offences
in
Government
,
but
wicked
inclinations
of
ambition
,
&
Covetuousnes
,
and
that
amendments
were
not
desired
but
confusion
.
It
was
just
,
&
honourable
,
that
the
King
should
take
on
him
the
defence
of
his
lawes
against
Sectaries
,
and
the
protection
of
officers
,
in
the
exercise
of
just
authoritie
,
against
the
hatred
of
frenitique
persons
.
The
hipocrisie
of
the
schismaticall
partie
,
that
professed
greate
tendernes
of
conscience
,
and
greife
to
see
Children
whipp
a
top
on
a
sunday
,
was
ridiculous
to
al
sober
men
,
yet
theis
are
the
motives
to
embroyle
a
state
.
That
,
which
he
calls
the
superstitious
rigour
of
his
sundayes
Chappell
is
noe
other
,
then
observation
of
the
order
of
the
Church
of
England
,
which
none
,
but
the
Bedlam
Brownists
ever
called
superstitious
.
His
Majest:
Chappell
had
nothing
in
the
exercise
of
Devotion
,
but
what
the
lawes
of
his
Predecessours
had
appointed
,
and
this
must
be
his
rigour
.
That
,
which
he
calls
his
sundayes
Theatre
it
seemes
are
recreations
vpon
sundayes
,
and
to
that
he
prophanely
,
and
scurrilously
adds
his
Dominicall
Jiggs
.
Can
a
Christian
,
that
hath
respect
to
the
day
,
make
Dominicall
the
matter
of
his
jest
,
but
having
abused
sacred
titles
to
impious
Actions
,
they
proceede
to
scoffe
with
them
.
He
intimates
a
booke
published
touching
recreations
,
wherein
his
Majest:
followed
the
example
of
his
Royall
father
,
and
the
advice
of
the
most
learned
Divines
.
Judaisme
,
and
ridiculous
superstition
of
the
hipocriticall
sectaries
cheifely
occasioned
that
booke
both
in
the
time
of
his
Majest:
and
King
James
.
Permission
of
sunday
recreations
is
more
agreeable
to
the
doctrine
,
&
practice
of
other
Churches
,
then
the
prohibition
,
&
the
pretended
tendernes
of
conscience
in
the
Sectaries
,
appeares
as
false
,
as
frivolous
,
and
these
Sectaries
,
that
make
this
imaginary
rigour
,
and
remissenes
a
foundation
to
overthrow
a
Kingdome
allow
noe
limits
to
their
owne
rigour
,
and
remissenes
,
taking
all
libertie
to
themselves
,
&
denying
any
to
others
.
Why
are
theis
doughty
objections
made
against
his
Majest:
when
all
know
it
touches
not
him
particularly
(
if
it
were
considerable
)
but
his
Father
,
&
queene
Elizabeth
,
in
whose
times
recreations
on
sundayes
were
more
practised
,
then
in
the
time
of
his
Majest:
&
by
the
way
we
may
take
notice
of
his
scornefull
appellation
of
his
Father
James
.
And
for
the
miscarriages
in
state
,
wee
may
expect
,
that
as
the
Actions
will
be
by
this
Author
vnfaithfully
related
,
soe
they
will
appeare
of
as
litle
weight
for
a
ground
to
those
Calumnies
,
which
he
frames
vpon
them
.
His
Majest:
disavowed
none
of
these
acts
,
till
this
Parliament
,
and
heere
seekes
to
wipe
of
the
envy
of
his
evill
Government
vpon
his
substitutes
.
His
Majest:
allwayes
disavowed
illegall
Acts
,
and
whatever
other
mens
rigour
,
or
remissenes
had
contracted
.
And
must
a
King
satisfie
the
curiositie
,
&
malice
of
all
,
that
cast
envy
on
his
Government●…
And
was
there
ever
a
Parliament
,
wherein
lawes
were
not
made
to
expiate
the
odium
contracted
.
When
his
Majest:
seekes
to
take
away
the
occasions
of
evill
in
his
substitutes
,
he
deserves
the
love
,
and
thankes
of
his
people
,
but
it
is
the
practice
of
Rebells
to
cast
the
rigour
,
and
remissenes
of
the
substitutes
vpon
the
Government
.
His
Majest:
ought
not
to
beare
the
evill
of
other
mens
Actions
,
and
his
Government
wil
be
glorious
to
posteritie
,
as
it
was
happy
to
them
,
that
enjoyed
it
in
despight
of
envy
,
and
his
Author
,
and
such
,
as
seeke
to
wipe
of
the
guilt
of
this
lewde
Rebellion
,
by
pretences
of
evill
Government
,
which
can
noe
more
justifie
their
fact
,
then
provocation
a
private
Duell
,
sufficiently
cleere
his
Majest:
of
their
reproaches
by
the
lightnes
of
these
objections
,
and
by
offering
vulgar
envy
,
as
a
reason
to
destroy
the
Kingdome
.
He
goes
on
jeering
the
Kings
promises
,
for
reforminge
Religion
,
as
too
late
,
and
because
popular
confusions
had
overtopt
reason
,
therefore
he
concludes
their
Justice
in
working
mischeife
,
and
breaking
all
the
bonds
of
faith
,
and
Religion
.
The
purposes
,
which
his
Majest:
had
for
reforminge
Religion
,
could
not
by
him
be
expressed
artificiallie
to
gaine
abatement
of
that
violence
,
vnder
which
he
suffered
,
for
they
are
noe
other
,
then
what
he
had
often
proposed
in
the
beginninge
of
the
Parliament
,
and
the
workes
of
the
dead
King
lose
not
their
weight
,
because
they
declare
to
the
world
the
vnjust
vsurpation
of
his
authoritie
.
All
his
vndertakings
heeretofore
declared
him
to
have
little
,
or
no
judgment
in
that
worke
of
Religion
.
This
libellers
booke
declares
him
to
have
little
conscience
of
Religion
,
&
no
wonder
,
if
schismatickes
are
so
shamles
in
the
contempt
of
the
greatest
judgments
,
that
differ
from
them
,
when
they
acknowledge
the
authoritie
of
no
person
over
them
,
and
that
,
which
Iconoclastes
pronounces
heere
of
the
King
,
he
will
not
sticke
to
determine
of
all
the
world
besides
,
that
agree
not
with
his
sect
.
Sectaries
are
no
lesse
insolent
,
and
cruell
,
then
false
,
and
fantastique
,
there
being
not
any
like
excesse
in
such
,
as
attaine
to
highest
preferments
in
Church
,
or
state
by
ordinary
wayes
,
as
in
those
popular
seducers
,
presumption
being
of
more
force
,
then
truth
with
vulgar
spirits
,
and
thence
this
Champion
of
schismatickes
not
only
vilifies
his
Majest:
judgment
in
Religion
,
but
tells
the
world
,
That
his
breeding
,
or
course
of
life
could
not
acquaint
him
with
a
thing
so
spirituall
.
The
breeding
,
and
course
of
life
of
this
generation
of
sectaries
is
not
vnknowne
,
and
they
seeke
to
supply
with
impudence
,
what
they
want
of
abilitie
.
It
were
a
fault
to
mention
heere
his
Majest:
parts
,
learning
,
and
pietie
,
and
the
Scripture
,
which
directs
vs
to
try
the
spirits
hath
given
vs
such
markes
of
the
false
,
and
lying
spirits
,
as
wee
should
be
much
wanting
to
ourselves
,
if
wee
could
not
judge
those
men
,
that
are
proud-boasters
,
despisers
of
Parents
,
despisers
of
Dominion
,
Traytours
,
faith-breakers
to
be
such
,
as
descerne
not
the
things
of
the
spirit
,
though
they
pretend
to
them
.
The
Reformation
,
they
could
expect
from
him
must
be
some
politique
forme
of
an
imposed
Religion
,
or
perpetuall
vexation
to
such
,
as
comply
not
with
that
forme
And
let
all
the
Churches
,
that
professe
the
name
of
Christ
through
the
world
be
produced
,
and
there
is
none
of
them
,
but
have
a
forme
of
Religion
which
this
libeller
heere
calls
politicke
,
and
an
imposed
Religion
,
and
the
observation
of
such
formes
are
in
all
Churches
exacted
with
some
penalties
,
and
heereby
all
men
may
see
,
that
wee
have
not
to
doe
with
a
confined
Rebell
,
that
hath
only
disaffection
to
the
Government
of
the
place
,
where
he
lives
,
but
one
,
that
accuses
all
Churches
,
but
his
owne
Conventicle
to
have
litle
,
ore
no
judgment
in
Religion
,
and
not
acquainted
with
a
thing
so
spirituall
,
for
the
ground
of
this
reproach
is
from
his
Majest:
resolution
to
vse
formes
in
the
publique
duties
of
Religion
in
the
Church
.
The
like
amendment
,
he
sayes
,
he
promises
in
state
,
not
a
step
further
,
then
his
reason
,
and
conscience
told
him
was
fitt
to
be
desired
,
wishing
he
had
kept
with
in
those
bounds
,
and
not
suffered
his
owne
judgment
to
have
been
overborne
in
some
things
,
And
this
he
sayes
is
to
set
vp
an
Arbitrary
Government
,
&
all
Brittany
to
be
chained
to
the
conscience
,
judgment
,
and
reason
of
one
man
,
as
if
those
guifts
were
entayled
vpon
him
,
with
his
Fortune
to
be
a
King
.
Wee
know
not
the
Misteri●…s
of
this
mans
Religion
,
otherwise
we
might
demaund
of
him
,
why
the
King
should
goe
further
,
then
his
reason
,
and
conscience
directed
him
,
and
why
the
libeller
,
&
his
Mates
should
hould
it
lawfull
for
them
to
spurne
at
al
lawes
both
in
Church
,
and
state
vpon
pretence
of
their
reason
,
and
conscience
against
them
,
he
cannot
deny
to
have
●…oue
this
,
&
they
should
doe
well
to
shew
,
how
the
King
may
goe
against
his
reason
,
&
conscience
.
Is
it
intayled
vpon
him
with
his
Fortune
,
as
a
King
to
have
lesse
priviledge
,
then
they
?
&
must
he
renounce
his
owne
reason
,
and
conscience
to
the
advice
of
a
Parliament
?
And
must
they
controll
him
,
and
the
Parliament
?
Surely
the
King
must
give
an
account
to
God
for
the
Talents
,
he
hath
lent
him
.
But
how
can
the
breaker
conclude
,
from
the
Kings
forhearance
of
Acts
,
wherein
he
is
vnsatisfied
in
his
conscience
,
that
is
to
set
vp
an
Arbitrary
Government
when
as
nothing
is
introduced
?
And
why
must
not
all
Brittaine
be
chained
to
the
judgment
,
reason
,
and
conscience
of
the
King
,
as
well
,
as
all
Israell
,
Gods
owne
peouliar
people
,
and
not
only
all
Brittaine
,
but
the
whole
world
are
Chained
to
the
reason
,
judgment
,
and
conscience
of
their
Rulers
be
they
one
,
or
many
,
And
the
seducers
would
perswade
vs
,
that
Brittaine
could
not
be
happy
,
vnles
it
were
reduced
to
its
〈◊〉
,
and
governed
by
a
multitude
of
Kings
,
&
Religions
.
God
had
promised
peculiar
assistance
to
Kings
,
and
Commaunds
the
peoples
obedience
to
them
,
&
the
miseries
of
the
Kingdome
many
be
imputed
in
a
greate
part
to
what
his
Majest:
observed
,
that
he
had
suffered
his
owne
judgment
to
be
overborne
in
some
things
.
A
Tyrant
may
make
this
pretense
,
and
it
were
in
vaine
for
any
Parliament
to
have
reason
,
judgment
,
or
conscience
,
if
it
th●…arted
the
Kings
will
.
It
were
much
more
tollerable
for
a
Tyrant
,
to
pretend
conscience
in
governing
,
then
for
a
people
to
pretend
conscience
in
rebelling
,
and
this
libeller
hath
reprehended
the
peoples
levitie
,
and
violence
so
sharpely
,
as
he
cannot
if
he
pretend
reason
,
subject
the
reason
,
judgment
,
and
conscience
of
the
Rulers
to
the
controll
of
the
subjects
.
Because
Tyrants
may
pretend
conscience
,
therefore
by
good
logicque
no
King
may
vse
it
,
and
because
some
Kings
may
not
rightly
governe
,
therefore
he
will
have
the
right
judgment
in
the
people
,
which
he
so
much
despises
,
and
which
,
as
it
hath
been
the
meanes
of
the
Rebells
present
power
,
so
it
hath
been
in
all
ages
the
cause
of
confusion
,
and
miserie
to
states
,
and
Kingdomes
.
The
reason
,
judgment
,
and
conscience
of
a
Parliament
is
not
therefore
in
vaine
,
because
not
infallible
,
it
is
most
probable
,
that
a
King
will
follow
the
best
Councell
,
but
it
cannot
be
presumed
that
in
Parliaments
,
the
greater
part
will
continue
subjects
,
if
they
may
be
Kings
by
saying
they
wil
be
,
and
it
was
the
wisedome
of
our
Ancestours
,
that
would
have
no
lawes
made
without
the
will
of
their
King
,
and
they
never
trusted
such
,
as
they
chose
further
,
then
to
present
their
desires
,
and
offer
their
Councell
vnto
him
,
and
consent
to
what
should
be
ordeyned
by
him
with
advice
of
the
Lords
,
&
it
were
in
vaine
to
have
a
King
,
if
he
were
not
impowred
to
judge
of
Councells
,
or
if
lawes
might
be
obtruded
vpon
him
,
and
the
people
without
him
.
The
present
Calamities
testifie
how
vnhappily
,
and
absurdly
a
Parliament
seekes
to
Commaund
,
whose
office
is
to
Councell
,
and
pretend
Councell
vseles
,
vnles
they
may
deprive
him
,
whome
they
advise
of
the
benifit
of
Councell
,
taking
away
his
power
to
vse
it
.
To
what
end
doe
they
Councell
,
if
there
be
none
to
be
Councelled
,
but
all
to
be
commaunded
?
That
thus
these
promises
made
vpon
experience
of
hard
sufferings
,
and
his
most
mortified
retirements
being
thorowly
sifted
,
containe
nothing
much
different
from
his
former
practices
.
His
Majest:
expressions
being
thorowly
sifted
containe
nothing
in
them
,
but
pious
,
and
Princely
considerations
,
and
from
this
libellers
owne
mouth
all
men
may
see
,
that
his
Majest:
practices
,
against
which
they
maliciously
exclaime
were
consonant
to
Religion
,
and
Justice
,
and
only
opposite
to
Trayterous
,
and
schismaticall
licence
.
It
was
the
libellers
profession
to
parrallell
his
Majest:
faire
spoken
words
,
as
he
calls
them
to
his
owne
farr
different
Actions
,
and
now
his
words
,
and
deedes
being
sifted
by
malice
it selfe
are
not
much
different
,
the
libeller
is
some
what
ingenuous
to
discover
his
owne
vanitie
,
and
falshood
.
He
leaves
it
to
prudent
foresight
,
what
fruites
in
likelyhood
his
Majest:
restorement
would
have
produced
.
We
have
seene
already
the
fruites
of
the
inhumane
cruelties
exercised
vpon
him
,
and
the
continuance
,
and
encrease
of
those
abominable
impieties
,
that
attend
such
Actions
,
where
of
the
libeller
makes
a
large
profession
,
who
confidently
obtrudes
lavish
lyes
,
for
knowne
truths
,
petulant
insolence
,
for
sober
sense
,
&
maximes
of
villany
,
for
sound
Arguments
,
which
are
the
bitter
fruites
of
disobedience
,
and
Rebellion
.
To
that
part
of
the
section
,
which
he
calls
the
devout
of
it
,
and
modelled
into
the
forme
of
a
private
Psalter
,
he
objects
nothing
,
but
his
spleene
,
that
it
is
not
to
be
admired
,
more
then
the
Arch-Bishopps
late
Breviary
,
and
other
manualls
,
and
handmaides
of
Devotion
,
and
these
he
calls
the
lip
worke
of
every
Prelaticall
leiturgist
,
quilted
out
of
Scripture
Phrase
,
with
as
much
ease
,
and
as
litle
neede
of
Christian
diligence
,
or
judgment
,
as
belongs
to
the
compiling
of
any
ordinary
,
&
saleable
peece
of
English
Divinitie
,
that
the
shopps
value
.
The
Authors
of
leiturgies
,
and
helpes
to
devotion
,
have
their
memory
blessed
by
the
benefit
,
which
many
devout
soules
have
acknowledged
to
have
received
from
their
labours
,
and
the
crueltie
,
which
bloody
Rebells
exercised
on
the
person
of
the
late
Arch-bishopp
,
and
their
other
barbarismes
,
towards
the
Prelates
,
to
please
that
kennell
by
whome
they
acted
their
Rebellion
,
hath
satisfied
the
world
of
the
nature
of
Sectaries
,
of
whose
bloody
disposition
,
many
by
sheepes-clothing
were
much
deceived
.
Quilting
of
Scripture
Phrase
was
wont
,
to
be
the
prayse
of
their
long
winded
Lecturers
,
who
vsed
it
more
for
sound
then
sense
,
but
it
seemes
their
spirit
is
changed
.
The
libeller
will
hardly
gett
credit
,
vnles
with
those
,
for
whose
sake
he
doth
not
professe
to
write
,
that
is
his
wise
,
and
well
principled
men
the
Sectaries
,
if
he
affirme
,
that
there
is
more
neede
of
Christian
diligence
in
the
bold
,
and
extempore
bablinge
of
their
senseles
zealots
,
then
the
compiling
of
those
Leiturgies
,
and
Manualls
,
he
mentions
.
And
such
,
as
have
observed
the
presumption
of
this
rabble
in
their
prayers
,
will
beleive
they
hate
diligence
,
as
much
,
as
they
want
judgment
.
Why
English
,
or
saleable
should
dininish
the
esteeme
of
Divinitie
is
not
vnderstood
,
but
because
they
are
common
termes
,
he
would
have
his
readers
vnderstand
,
that
they
signifie
nothing
,
but
common
matter
,
and
he
expects
,
that
some
will
thinke
English
,
and
saleable
Divinitie
of
no
regard
,
though
they
vnderstand
no
other
.
But
he
proceedes
such
a
kinde
of
Psalmastry
,
or
other
verball
devotion
,
without
suteable
deedes
,
cannot
perswade
any
of
Zeale
,
and
righteousnes
in
the
person
.
But
such
,
as
make
Psalmastrie
a
word
of
contempt
,
relish
not
the
Zeale
of
the
sweete
singer
of
Israell
,
and
their
deedes
are
odious
to
all
good
men
,
that
seeke
matter
of
reproach
vpon
the
devotions
of
others
,
and
make
their
malitious
surmises
positive
truths
.
The
instances
of
Tyrants
counterfeiting
Religion
are
frequent
,
and
that
hipocrisie
is
inseperable
from
Tyrants
,
by
vsurpation
such
as
this
libellers
Masters
,
whose
want
of
right
,
seekes
protection
from
dissembled
vertue
,
but
this
seldome
happens
to
Kings
by
just
Title
,
whose
power
wants
not
that
support
.
His
comparing
his
late
Majest:
to
knowne
vsurpers
,
that
confirmed
their
Crownes
,
gained
by
robbery
,
and
kept
with
falshood
,
&
blood
shewes
his
odious
shamelessnes
in
the
dissimititude
,
&
whoever
observes
the
prophane
assumption
of
the
Titles
of
pietie
,
by
these
Monsters
,
&
their
hipocriticall
professions
,
to
maske
their
wicked
ends
,
shall
finde
,
that
Andronicus
Comnenus
;
and
our
English
Rich.
3.
Came
short
of
them
,
not
only
in
counterfeiting
Religion
,
and
conscience
,
but
in
falshood
,
and
crueltie
.
Insteede
of
shake
speares
scene
of
Rich.
3.
The
libeller
may
take
the
Parliaments
declaration
of
the
29.
May
,
where
their
words
are
.
The
providing
for
the
publique
peace
,
and
prosperitie
of
his
Majest:
and
all
his
Realmes
,
we
protest
in
the
presence
of
the
all-seeing
Deitie
to
have
been
,
and
still
to
be
,
the
only
end
of
all
our
Councells
,
&
endeavours
,
wherein
wee
have
resolved
to
continue
freed
,
and
enlarged
from
all
private
aimes
,
personall
respects
,
or
passions
whatsoever
,
and
againe
in
their
petition
of
the
second
of
June
,
they
tell
him
,
that
they
have
nothing
in
their
thoughts
,
and
desires
more
pretious
,
and
of
higher
esteeme
next
to
the
honour
,
and
immediate
service
of
God
,
then
the
just
,
and
faithfull
performance
of
their
dutie
to
his
Majest:
and
the
libeller
will
not
finde
in
historie
,
or
poet
words
of
a
deeper
hipo●…risie
in
the
mouth
of
a
villaine
,
nor
more
contradicted
by
their
Actions
.
That
which
he
adds
from
his
Testimony
out
of
shakespeare
of
the
imagined
vehemence
of
Rich.
the
3.
In
his
dissembled
professions
,
holds
noe
proportion
with
,
theis
hipocrisies
,
really
acted
,
not
fancyed
by
a
poet
,
and
this
libeller
hath
learnt
to
act
a
part
out
of
shakespeare
,
and
with
Rich.
3.
accusing
loyaltie
,
and
innocency
for
high
Crymes
,
and
crying
out
against
their
wickednes
,
that
sought
to
restore
the
disposessed
heires
of
the
Crowne
to
their
right
,
and
amplifying
their
offence
,
as
the
highest
against
God
,
and
man
,
and
wherein
comes
the
libeller
short
of
his
patterne
in
this
scene
.
He
sayes
heerein
the
worst
of
Kings
professing
Christianisme
have
by
far●…
exceeded
him
,
and
he
gives
his
reason
,
for
that
the
King
hath
,
as
it
were
vnhallowed
,
and
vnchristned
by
borrowing
to
a
Christian
vse
prayers
offred
to
a
heathen
God
.
And
doth
saint
Paul
exceede
the
worst
of
Kings
professing
Christianisme
by
borrowing
to
a
Christian
vse
the
words
of
an
heathen
Philosopher
,
and
poet
,
did
he
thereby
vnhallow
,
and
vnchristen
Scripture
?
His
meaning
is
,
as
followes
afterward
,
that
the
King
vsed
a
prayer
taken
out
of
S.
Philip
Sydnies
Arcadia
.
After
the
first
Edition
of
his
Majest:
booke
,
the
Printers
finding
the
greate
vent
of
them
,
in
the
following
Editions
Printed
prayers
,
and
other
things
in
the
Kings
name
,
not
belonging
to
the
booke
.
Among
these
prayers
,
there
is
a
prayer
taken
out
of
the
Arcadia
.
That
prayer
is
neither
made
by
a
heathen
,
woman
,
nor
to
a
heathen
God
,
but
is
composed
by
the
Author
a
Christian
without
reference
to
any
heathen
Deitie
,
and
the
Author
is
not
thought
to
vnchristen
prayer
by
it
,
the
libeller
himselfe
saying
the
booke
in
its
kinde
is
full
of
worth
,
and
wit
,
but
as
his
outcry
hath
noe
cause
from
the
matter
,
so
heere
is
no
evidence
of
the
fact
,
that
his
Majest:
made
vse
of
that
prayer
,
or
popt
into
the
Bishopps
hands
as
a
relique
of
his
exercise
,
though
he
might
warrantably
have
vsed
it
and
professed
it
.
But
he
goes
on
to
shew
what
he
can
say
vpon
this
occasion
.
Who
would
have
imagined
so
litle
feare
in
him
of
the
true
alseeing
Deitie
,
so
litle
reverence
of
the
holy
Ghost
,
whose
office
is
to
dictate
,
and
present
our
Christian
prayers
,
so
litle
care
of
truth
in
his
last
words
,
or
honour
to
himselfe
,
or
to
his
friends
,
or
sense
of
his
afflictions
,
or
of
that
sad
hower
,
which
was
vpon
him
,
as
immediately
before
his
death
to
pop
into
the
hand
of
that
grave
Bishopps
,
who
attended
him
,
as
a
speciall
relique
of
his
saintly
exercises
a
prayer
stolne
,
&c.
All
men
,
that
have
observed
this
Authors
practice
hitherto
rest
assured
,
that
he
hath
so
litle
feare
,
or
reverence
of
the
allseeing
Deitie
,
so
litle
care
of
truth
,
or
honour
,
as
he
stickes
not
to
charge
his
Majest:
with
facts
neverdone
,
and
innocent
Actions
,
with
transcendent
guilt
.
If
his
Majest:
had
vsed
the
prayer
,
or
delivered
it
,
as
he
imagines
,
no
man
of
Christian
sobrietie
could
charge
the
fact
with
Cryme
,
what
one
word
,
or
sentence
is
there
in
that
prayer
,
which
a
Christian
may
not
vse
,
but
the
Image
breaker
hath
a
greate
quarrel
to
al
formes
of
prayer
,
and
by
the
reason
he
produces
,
that
the
office
of
the
holy
Ghost
is
to
dictate
,
and
present
our
Christian
prayers
,
all
set
prayers
want
reverence
to
the
holy
Ghost
,
so
tender
is
he
of
the
best
reformed
Churchs
,
of
whome
he
so
often
makes
a
propertie
.
And
whence
concludes
he
no
care
of
truth
in
his
last
words
,
when
the
King
never
spake
of
it
.
He
aggravates
this
fact
by
the
person
of
the
grave
Bishopp
,
who
had
been
a
Prelaticall
leiturgist
,
had
it
not
been
to
paint
a
slander
.
The
laughter
,
which
he
conceives
is
caused
by
the
thought
of
this
,
that
he
,
which
acted
so
Tragically
should
have
such
a
ridiculous
exit
might
rather
strike
horrour
in
the
libeller
,
for
his
malitious
opposition
to
truth
,
that
will
so
contrary
to
his
owne
knowledge
charge
him
to
act
tragically
,
that
had
governed
so
mildly
,
and
to
have
a
ridiculons
exit
,
that
left
the
world
with
so
greate
pietie
,
and
such
vniversall
greife
of
the
people
for
his
sufferings
,
but
desperate
wretches
laugh
at
the
wickednes
they
act
.
His
Majest:
friends
have
had
good
experience
,
that
his
Enemies
,
who
have
spared
no
paines
to
traduce
him
,
would
not
forbeare
any
occasion
of
detraction
.
His
Majest:
enduring
afflictions
with
admired
patience
,
his
suffering
death
with
Christian
fortitude
,
his
vertuous
life
,
&
holy
Martyrdome
,
cannot
be
blasted
by
an
Atheists
scorne
,
nor
a
Rebells
malice
.
His
conclusion
in
the
begging
of
the
question
,
that
it
is
cleere
the
King
was
not
induced
,
but
constrained
to
call
the
last
Parliament
,
which
by
his
owne
shewing
is
apparently
false
,
for
if
there
had
been
such
a
constraint
,
the
Lords
in
vaine
petitioned
,
and
all
the
necessities
,
that
he
hath
supposed
may
concurr
with
the
Kings
inclination
to
call
a
Parliament
,
and
if
necessitie
had
constrained
him
to
call
a
Parliament
,
what
should
hinder
,
but
he
might
avouch
in
the
eares
of
God
,
that
he
did
it
with
an
vpright
intention
to
his
glory
,
and
his
peoples
good
.
If
necessitie
of
his
peoples
preservation
,
or
welfare
cause
him
to
call
a
Parliament
,
may
he
not
vse
these
words
;
Whence
would
the
Image
breaker
have
it
a
cause
of
trembling
,
more
,
then
any
thing
spoken
in
the
presence
of
God
.
The
permitting
mans
wickednes
is
no
approbation
of
it
,
nor
a
token
of
his
hatred
to
those
,
that
are
afflicted
by
it
.
There
are
some
,
whome
God
hath
given
over
to
delusion
,
and
of
that
the
libeller
appeares
to
have
a
greate
measure
,
who
not
only
beleives
lies
,
but
is
the
Author
of
them
,
making
the
names
of
Religion
,
and
conscience
,
and
the
feare
of
God
baites
to
dec●…ive
,
and
venom
to
reproach
Vpon
the
EARLE
of
STRAFFORDS
DEATH
.
THis
chapter
he
sayes
is
a
penitent
confession
of
the
King
,
and
the
strangest
,
if
it
be
well
weigbed
,
that
ever
was
auricular
,
for
he
repents
heere
of
giving
his
consent
,
though
most
vnwillingly
to
the
most
seasonable
,
and
solemne
peice
of
Iustice
,
that
had
been
done
of
many
yeares
in
the
land
:
But
his
sole
conscience
thought
the
contrary
.
Impieties
that
were
strange
heeretofore
,
are
common
with
this
libeller
,
and
it
is
vnheard
of
that
repentance
of
an
act
conceiveded
sinfull
by
the
athour
,
was
reproached
by
any
before
this
Atheist
,
he
never
weighed
neither
repentance
,
nor
confession
,
if
he
had
,
he
would
never
have
thought
it
strange
,
that
his
Majest:
should
confesse
,
that
he
sinned
in
following
a
multitude
to
doe
evill
,
and
if
the
murther
of
the
Earle
of
strafford
had
been
Justice
,
is
it
strange
,
that
such
,
as
had
acted
in
it
without
sufficient
satisfaction
to
their
conscienc
,
should
confesse
their
sin
in
concurring
to
such
an
Action
?
Was
it
not
an
injustice
,
that
was
done
vnwillingly
,
and
ought
it
not
to
be
repented
of
?
If
his
Majest:
sole
conscience
thought
the
contrary
,
was
it
not
sin
in
him
to
consent
to
the
fact
,
and
is
it
without
experience
,
that
a
single
man
in
an
Assembly
hath
judged
the
right
,
and
the
rest
proceeded
in
the
wrong
,
but
he
applies
himselfe
to
readers
,
whose
affections
,
and
capacities
,
are
proportioned
to
his
expressions
,
and
therefore
his
Majest:
confession
is
the
strangest
,
that
ever
was
auricular
.
He
would
have
them
beleive
,
that
his
Majest:
discourse
in
this
Chapter
was
popish
auricular
confession
,
els
his
Jnigly
of
auricular
,
had
no
congruitie
with
a
written
confession
.
For
the
merit
of
that
,
which
he
calls
solemne
piece
of
Justice
,
no
age
had
produced
such
a
solemne
,
and
formall
peice
of
villany
,
which
is
by
so
much
more
odious
,
as
it
had
the
figures
of
law
,
and
Justice
.
And
thus
was
the
welfare
,
the
safetie
,
and
within
a
litle
the
vnannimous
demaund
of
three
populous
nations
,
to
have
attended
still
on
the
Singularitie
of
one
mans
opinionated
conscience
,
if
men
had
allwayes
been
so
tame
,
and
spiritles
,
and
had
not
vnexpectedly
found
the
grace
to
vnderstand
,
that
if
his
conscience
were
so
narrow
,
and
peculiar
to
it selfe
,
it
was
not
fit
,
his
authoritie
should
be
so
ample
,
and
vinversall
over
others
,
for
certainly
a
private
conscience
,
sortes
not
with
a
publique
calling
.
The
welfare
,
and
safetie
of
these
three
populous
Kingdomes
,
had
been
probably
preserved
,
if
they
had
attended
on
his
Maj:
conscience
,
and
what
hath
been
the
consequence
of
that
spirit
,
and
grace
,
which
he
sayes
they
found
,
and
was
indeede
the
infusion
of
impious
inclinations
into
many
by
the
spirit
of
errour
,
&
disobedience
,
but
the
most
desperate
,
&
languishing
miserie
,
&
danger
,
that
ever
lay
vpon
the
Kingdome
.
And
these
graceles
miscreants
sport
at
the
nam
af
grace
,
&
prophane
the
profession
of
it
.
He
would
be
vnderstood
a
litle
modest
in
adding
with
in
a
litle
to
vnannimous
,
but
being
weighed
,
his
impudence
wil
appeare
litle
lesse
in
this
,
then
former
passages
.
If
the
three
Kingdomes
be
considered
in
comparison
to
that
small
number
,
that
vnderstood
the
case
of
the
Earle
of
Strafford
,
it
was
a
very
litle
part
of
the
Kingdomes
,
that
made
the
demaund
he
mentions
,
&
if
he
would
advantage
his
cause
by
the
cryes
of
those
,
that
were
stirred
vp
by
the
Seditious
Seducers
,
to
cry
Justice
,
their
giddy
wilfullnes
,
aswel
,
as
ignorance
,
&
lewdenes
,
wil
add
litle
to
the
weight
,
though
it
encreas
the
number
of
these
demaunders
.
But
this
man
thinkes
conscience
vnfitt
for
a
King
,
&
therefore
would
not
have
so
narrow
a
conscience
have
so
large
an
authority
,
for
he
sayes
a
private
conscience
sorts
not
with
a
publique
calling
,
&
declares
that
person
rather
meant
by
nature
for
a
private
fortune
.
The
must
profest
Atheists
,
&
loose
debauches
,
never
avowed
a
greater
scorne
of
Christianitie
,
neither
is
there
an
Author
extant
,
that
hath
adventured
so
farr
vpon
the
reasons
of
men
,
as
to
complaine
vpon
a
King
for
Tyrany
,
and
errours
in
Religion
,
&
with
the
same
breath
,
charging
him
with
vnfitnes
to
be
a
King
,
for
want
of
a
wide
conscience
.
These
mē
are
true
to
their
principles
,
to
make
vehement
professions
of
Religion
,
though
they
hate
it
,
and
in
the
middest
of
their
prophane
fasts
,
&
presumptuous
thankes
giving
,
they
jeere
at
al
Religion
,
&
conscience
,
&
professe
to
the
world
,
that
a
publique
conscience
ought
not
to
be
narrow
,
nor
sticke
at
any
thing
,
&
as
their
conscience
is
,
so
is
their
practice
,
&
they
,
that
made
no
conscienc
of
their
loyalty
,
mak
no
conscienc
of
exercising
their
power
.
He
,
whose
conscience
thinkes
it
sin
,
to
putt
to
death
a
Capitall
offender
,
will
as
oft
thinke
it
meritorious
,
to
kill
a
righteous
person
.
If
his
Majest:
had
thought
the
Earle
of
Strafford
,
a
Capital
offender
,
he
had
made
no
conscience
of
his
death
,
and
this
libeller
vainely
supposes
conscience
of
sin
,
to
put
to
death
a
Capital
offender
,
which
cannot
consist
,
with
a
conscience
so
informed
,
neither
doth
an
erroneous
conscience
in
sparing
blood
,
as
oft
thinke
it
meritorious
to
kill
vndeservedly
,
though
it
be
nothing
to
the
present
purpose
,
for
he
can
fasten
neither
vpon
his
Majest:
conscience
of
sparing
a
Capitall
offender
,
or
killing
a
righteous
person
.
But
in
this
whereof
he
repents
.
That
the
sin
of
signing
the
Bill
of
straffords
execution
,
he
would
not
have
matter
to
trouble
the
Kings
conscience
,
and
his
reasons
are
,
That
all
men
looked
vpon
him
,
as
one
of
the
most
impetuous
instruments
to
advance
any
illegall
designe
.
The
Earle
of
strafford
was
a
man
,
that
the
Seditious
disturbers
of
the
state
hated
,
and
feared
,
and
sought
,
vnderhand
to
rayse
the
malevolence
of
others
against
him
.
If
any
men
have
so
farr
lost
reason
,
as
to
measure
the
Ministers
of
Kings
by
the
libells
of
Traytours
,
they
are
likely
to
take
the
best
men
for
most
guiltie
,
and
if
a
King
should
sacrifice
his
faithfull
Servants
,
because
they
are
not
looked
vpon
with
a
good
eye
by
the
multitude
,
he
may
not
expect
to
be
served
by
men
of
fidelitie
,
or
merit
,
and
we
have
seene
,
how
the
peoples
lookes
have
been
won
,
and
lost
.
That
he
had
rul'd
Ireland
,
&
some
part
of
England
in
an
Arbitrary
manner
.
The
word
.
Arbitrary
in
the
beginning
of
the
late
Parliament
was
vsed
to
scare
the
people
,
and
made
to
signifie
greate
affrightments
to
them
,
but
that
bugbeare
is
now
growne
rediculous
to
children
,
for
all
men
see
,
that
in
all
places
of
Government
much
is
left
Arbitrary
to
the
Governour
,
and
it
was
evident
to
the
world
,
that
the
Earle
of
strafford
did
nothing
in
an
Arbitrary
manner
,
without
President
of
his
Predecessours
,
and
the
Judges
in
Courts
of
equitie
,
might
be
aswell
made
Cryminall
for
proceeding
in
an
Arbitrary
manner
as
he
.
That
he
had
endeavoured
to
subvert
fundamentall
lawes
was
a
supposition
,
not
a
fact
,
and
if
the
Image
breaker
looke
over
the
Articles
,
where
with
he
was
charged
at
his
Tryall
,
he
will
finde
nothing
of
such
a
Cryme
.
To
subvert
Parliaments
,
and
incense
the
King
,
against
them
was
not
as
much
,
as
vrged
against
him
at
his
Tryall
,
that
Article
being
declined
by
his
accusers
in
regard
of
knowne
falshood
,
and
that
the
Earle
of
strafford
advised
the
King
,
to
call
the
former
Parliament
.
That
he
had
endeavoured
to
make
histolitie
betweene
England
,
and
scotland
was
a
legend
devised
for
vulgar
temper
,
not
rationall
consideration
,
for
both
Kingdomes
being
vnder
one
King
,
they
must
be
Rebells
in
either
Kingdome
,
that
make
warr
against
one
another
without
him
,
and
what
dreamer
can
fancy
that
any
Minister
of
state
,
that
were
affected
to
the
Kings
designes
,
as
this
libeller
supposes
the
Earle
of
strafford
to
be
,
would
stirr
vp
hostilitie
betweene
the
nations
.
They
have
not
yet
adventured
to
charge
the
Earle
of
strafford
with
stirring
vp
the
scotch
hostilitie
,
and
if
he
endeavoured
to
refist
them
,
is
that
to
make
hostolitie
be
tweene
the
nations
,
It
hath
been
the
practice
of
these
Rebells
to
stile
men
incendiaries
,
and
malignants
,
that
opposed
their
Rebellion
,
and
such
evill
Counsellours
that
advised
any
course
to
prevent
their
attemps
,
and
the
following
confusion
but
though
this
vaine
delusion
were
cast
abroade
among
the
people
,
it
was
never
offred
,
as
a
charge
against
the
Earle
.
That
he
had
councelled
the
King
,
to
call
over
that
Irish
Army
of
Papists
,
which
he
had
cunningly
raysed
to
reduce
England
,
as
appeared
by
good
Testimony
then
present
at
the
consultation
,
is
vnseasonably
remembred
by
the
libeller
after
those
Rebells
,
whome
he
serves
,
have
severall
times
drawne
in
forraigne
Armies
into
England
,
reduced
the
nation
to
serve
an
vsurped
power
,
set
vp
an
Arbitrary
Government
,
subverted
the
fundamentall
lawes
,
and
destroyed
both
King
,
and
Parliament
.
It
may
astonish
Knowing
men
to
reade
this
Author
,
objecting
Capitall
offences
to
the
Earle
of
strafford
,
and
numbring
vp
for
instance
the
same
Actions
himselfe
defends
:
soe
as
it
cannot
be
an
humane
errour
,
but
hellish-fury
,
that
hurles
him
into
such
mad
contradictions
,
and
its
worth
the
observing
,
that
to
this
particular
he
adds
,
as
appeared
by
good
Testimony
then
present
at
the
consultation
,
well
Knowing
,
that
the
Testimony
was
not
only
single
,
but
subject
to
most
just
,
and
apparent
exception
in
regard
of
knowne
enmitie
,
and
former
prevarication
in
severall
examinations
vpon
oath
,
and
it
no
way
helpes
a
false
Testimonie
,
that
he
knew
the
truth
,
or
that
he
was
present
at
a
fact
,
whereof
he
makes
an
vntrue
relation
,
and
if
the
Earle
of
strafford
had
councelled
the
King
to
make
vse
of
the
Jrish
Army
in
either
Kingdome
in
case
of
Rebellion
,
how
comes
that
to
be
an
offence
,
though
that
was
not
the
truth
,
that
he
spake
of
England
,
nor
the
Army
raysed
against
England
,
and
is
it
a
commendable
cunning
,
to
rayse
an
Army
against
a
Rebellion
.
His
reference
to
28
Articles
directs
vs
how
to
know
,
that
he
trusts
on
number
more
then
weight
,
and
those
Articles
remaine
a
Testimonie
to
posteritie
of
the
ridiculous
pretences
which
effected
such
mischeife
.
He
sayth
the
Commons
by
farr
the
greater
number
cast
him
,
and
yet
is
so
absurdly
impudent
to
charge
the
King
with
singularitc
of
conscience
,
and
alledge
presently
a
part
of
the
lower
house
of
the
same
opinion
.
The
Lords
,
he
sayth
,
after
they
had
been
satisfied
in
a
full
discourse
by
the
Kings
solicitour
,
and
the
opinions
of
many
Iudges
delivered
in
their
house
agreed
likewise
to
the
sentence
of
Treason
.
Those
Lords
,
that
condemned
the
Earle
of
strafford
,
might
be
satisfied
by
terrour
of
the
Tumults
,
and
their
owne
corrupt
passions
,
never
by
law
,
nor
reason
.
It
s
well
knowne
,
that
the
Lords
,
and
Commons
were
assaulted
,
and
threatned
by
the
vnruly
rabble
of
the
Citie
,
and
Suburbs
,
if
they
condemned
him
not
,
they
had
not
freedome
in
their
coming
,
or
going
to
the
house
,
or
sitting
there
.
There
was
no
one
judge
,
that
gave
his
opinion
for
the
sentence
against
him
,
and
the
Sollicitours
discourse
was
very
strong
against
the
present
Rebells
,
wholy
impertinent
to
the
case
of
the
Earle
of
strafford
,
and
shewed
his
owne
deceite
,
and
the
sottishnes
of
them
,
that
relyed
on
what
they
vnderstood
not
.
Diverse
lords
for
sooke
the
house
having
not
libertie
to
be
present
,
soe
farr
were
the
lords
from
being
satisfied
.
That
which
he
calls
a
sentence
of
Treason
,
was
an
act
of
power
,
it
being
a
Bill
to
take
away
his
life
,
but
an
exception
of
all
men
els
,
from
being
proceeded
against
for
the
same
matters
,
in
ordinary
Justice
,
and
this
very
Action
,
soe
scandalous
in
it selfe
,
and
soe
greivous
to
many
,
that
consented
to
it
,
must
be
drest
out
with
a
shamelesse
commendation
,
to
accuse
the
King
,
for
his
repentance
of
a
fact
,
which
soe
much
afflicted
him
.
That
the
people
vniversally
cryed
for
justice
is
noe
wonder
,
if
we
consider
former
examples
,
and
they
had
a
President
in
the
people
of
the
Iewes
,
that
cryed
Crucifie
.
If
we
believe
this
libeller
,
telling
vs
how
light
,
and
violent
,
they
are
in
their
motions
,
or
if
we
looke
vpon
the
acts
of
a
powerfull
faction
,
then
prevayling
with
them
,
that
could
easily
make
them
cry
,
what
was
put
in
their
mouth
,
we
may
easily
judge
the
injustice
of
their
cry
,
and
their
ignorance
of
the
cause
,
and
a
sober
author
would
have
hated
,
to
borrow
an
Argument
of
Justice
,
from
popular
outcryes
,
which
are
the
most
evident
proofe
of
injustice
,
and
oppression
of
innocence
.
He
sayes
none
were
his
friends
,
but
Courtiers
,
and
Clergimen
,
the
worst
at
that
time
,
and
most
corrupted
sort
of
men
,
&
Court
ladies
,
not
the
best
of
women
.
His
fer
friends
,
and
many
Enemies
,
render
the
proceedings
against
him
more
,
then
suspected
,
and
men
may
easily
beleive
,
that
in
such
a
condition
furie
was
the
accuser
,
and
malice
,
and
cowardise
the
judge
.
The
confining
his
friends
to
Court
,
and
Church
,
is
the
effect
of
the
libellers
engagement
to
schisme
,
and
Rebellion
,
who
holds
such
loyaltie
,
and
affection
to
the
King
,
and
conscientious
reverence
to
the
Church
,
for
the
markes
of
greate
offenders
.
If
multitude
of
Ennemies
be
a
Testimony
of
guilt
,
the
best
men
will
become
the
worst
of
sinners
.
But
having
noe
friends
,
as
he
sayes
,
it
adds
much
to
the
right
of
his
cause
,
that
soe
many
who
were
neither
Courtiers
,
nor
Clergymen
,
nor
any
way
obliged
by
him
,
or
the
Court
,
should
in
discharge
of
their
conscienc
declare
their
dissent
to
that
bloody
law
,
though
they
were
thereby
objected
to
popular
fury
.
His
impertinent
rayling
at
Courtiers
,
and
Clergymen
argues
his
malice
,
not
Cryme
in
them
.
His
mention
of
Court
ladies
was
for
want
of
matter
,
and
their
activitie
in
state
affaires
belongs
not
to
this
occasion
.
The
King
declared
to
both
houses
,
that
noe
feares
,
or
respects
what
so
ever
,
should
make
him
alter
that
resolution
,
founded
vpon
his
conscience
,
and
sayes
either
then
his
resolution
,
was
not
founded
vpon
his
conscience
,
or
his
conscience
recieved
better
information
,
or
both
strucke
sayle
,
for
within
few
dayes
after
,
fower
of
his
Bishopps
pickt
the
thorne
out
of
his
conscience
,
and
he
was
perswaded
to
figne
the
Bill
.
Men
,
that
are
sincere
often
fall
,
but
such
never
have
consciencie
,
nor
sinceritie
,
that
jeere
at
it
,
and
make
the
falls
of
men
,
and
their
wounds
of
conscience
matter
of
their
mirth
.
Though
his
Majest:
did
that
,
which
he
had
formerly
professed
to
be
against
his
conscience
,
could
he
not
repent
of
that
frailetie
of
falling
from
his
resolution
?
Or
might
he
not
afterwards
discover
the
errours
of
those
reasons
,
that
induced
him
to
it
?
If
feares
were
any
motive
to
what
he
did
,
the
curse
lies
on
them
,
that
caused
it
,
and
on
them
,
that
reproach
him
with
it
.
Poets
have
not
fancied
a
higher
degree
of
wickednes
in
fends
of
hel
,
then
in
their
malitious
glory
of
compelling
others
to
sin
,
and
reproaching
their
repentance
for
sin
.
Experience
hath
represented
his
Majest:
fortitude
,
and
that
not
his
personall
feares
,
but
his
apprehension
of
the
Kingdomes
miserie
wrought
most
on
his
passion
,
and
wee
cannot
finde
Parallell
expressions
to
those
of
this
libeller
in
his
Scoffes
at
conscience
,
and
picking
the
thorne
out
of
it
,
vnles
amongst
those
desperate
,
and
prophane
Atheists
,
that
make
it
the
highest
pitch
of
wit
to
render
things
sacred
most
ridiculous
.
Perhapps
,
it
wrung
his
conscience
to
condemne
the
Earle
,
not
because
he
thought
him
guiltles
,
had
halfe
these
Crymes
been
committed
against
his
personall
interest
,
as
appeared
by
his
charge
against
the
six
members
,
but
because
he
was
principall
,
and
the
Earle
but
accessory
,
and
thought
nothing
Treason
against
the
Common
wealth
,
but
against
himselfe
only
.
Playing
with
conscience
he
cannot
part
with
,
whose
owne
is
insensible
.
In
those
particulars
he
hath
rehearsed
against
the
Earle
of
Strafford
,
no
one
of
them
could
be
charged
vpon
the
King
,
and
the
nature
of
most
of
the
Articles
coud
not
admit
a
supposition
of
the
Kings
activitie
in
them
.
The
charge
against
the
six
members
conteyned
matter
of
direct
Treason
against
knowne
lawes
,
&
his
Majest:
cannot
be
supposed
to
thinke
the
Earle
of
Strafford
guiltie
,
because
he
charged
the
six
members
,
with
some
offences
laid
to
the
charge
of
the
Earle
of
Strafford
,
but
never
proved
,
yet
it
was
an
infamous
injustice
of
them
that
so
violently
proceeded
against
the
Earle
of
Strafford
,
and
would
not
admitt
an
accusation
for
the
same
offences
against
others
.
If
his
Majest:
thought
,
that
noe
Treason
could
be
committed
,
but
against
himselfe
,
he
thought
no
otherwise
then
the
law
hath
provided
,
&
the
accusers
of
the
Earle
of
Strafford
maintained
at
his
Tryall
.
And
the
libeller
must
checke
himsefle
for
his
imagination
of
Treason
against
the
Common
wealth
,
which
had
not
a
being
,
vnles
he
wil
make
a
Treason
by
Prophesie
,
&
antedate
his
ordinance
.
He
well
knowes
England
was
a
Monarchy
,
and
that
his
Masters
professe
the
change
of
it
into
a
supposed
free
state
.
Theis
Traytours
,
that
would
imagine
some
Treason
against
the
King
are
come
to
affirme
,
that
there
are
no
Treasons
against
the
King
,
for
they
are
sure
they
have
committed
all
,
that
concerne
his
person
.
His
impertinency
is
very
tedious
in
demaunding
,
why
the
King
should
seeme
satisfied
to
signe
the
Bill
by
those
Iudges
,
and
Ghostly
Fathers
,
as
he
calls
them
,
of
his
owne
chusing
,
and
now
pretend
,
that
it
was
the
importunities
of
some
,
and
feare
of
others
made
him
signe
.
He
does
not
produce
any
Testimony
,
that
the
King
professed
himselfe
satisfied
,
or
had
he
been
satisfied
,
it
was
no
barr
to
his
future
information
,
&
repentance
,
but
an
instance
can
hardly
be
produced
,
that
ever
any
mans
repentance
of
a
knowne
fact
was
traduced
,
or
scorn'd
by
any
,
before
this
libeller
,
&
he
might
aswel
jeere
at
many
famous
saints
,
and
Martyrs
,
that
fell
from
their
resolutions
,
and
after
recovered
,
as
at
his
Majest:
And
the
picking
out
of
his
thorne
,
striking
sayle
to
his
feare
,
and
a
fleeting
conscience
,
may
vpon
the
same
grounds
be
the
most
eminent
penitents
in
the
Church
of
God
.
To
make
his
Calumnies
sticke
,
he
sayes
.
That
his
Majest:
ensuing
Actions
declare
he
could
dissemble
satisfaction
,
for
that
he
had
the
cheife
hand
in
a
conspiracie
against
the
Parliament
,
and
Kingdome
.
How
the
King
could
conspire
against
his
Kingdome
,
or
what
should
be
his
end
is
not
intelligible
,
&
when
a
King
is
traduced
by
Rebells
for
a
conspiracy
against
the
Parliament
,
and
Kingdome
,
no
men
of
common
reason
can
receive
such
a
palpable
fiction
,
but
this
greate
conspiracy
,
which
he
sayes
came
to
light
by
the
examinations
of
Percy
,
Goring
,
and
others
was
to
rescue
the
Earle
of
Strafford
by
seizing
the
tower
of
Londen
,
to
bring
up
the
English
Army
from
the
north
,
joynd
with
eight
thousand
Irish
Papists
rays'd
by
Strafford
,
&
a
french
Army
to
be
landed
at
Portsmouth
against
the
Parliament
,
and
their
friends
.
And
where
is
the
offence
in
all
this
,
if
it
were
true
,
and
a
powerfull
faction
assume
the
name
of
Parliament
?
No
wise
man
will
blame
the
King
,
if
he
had
done
such
an
Action
to
prevent
the
miseries
,
which
he
foresaw
,
and
the
Designes
,
that
were
plotted
against
him
,
but
this
story
is
now
stale
,
though
it
then
served
the
turne
to
distemper
the
people
.
The
examinations
,
which
he
speakes
of
,
doe
not
yet
charge
the
King
with
the
knowledge
of
this
designe
,
but
the
readers
of
Iconoclastes
must
be
of
miraculous
stupiditie
,
if
they
thinke
it
a
Cryme
in
the
King
to
intend
the
bringing
vp
of
his
Army
from
the
north
,
or
any
other
force
,
and
thinke
it
lawfull
for
the
Rebells
against
him
to
bring
vp
their
Army
against
the
Parliament
,
and
plucke
them
out
of
the
house
.
Was
not
the
Tower
of
London
allwayes
in
the
Kings
possession
,
and
might
he
not
make
it
good
against
Traytours
.
For
which
purpose
he
sayes
the
King
though
requested
by
both
houses
refused
to
disband
those
Irish
Papists
.
Though
there
were
many
reasons
,
why
his
Majest:
refused
to
disband
the
Irish
,
and
the
request
of
the
houses
were
a
vote
constrained
by
Tumults
,
not
the
result
of
a
free
debate
,
yet
had
it
been
so
,
that
his
Majest:
had
refused
to
disband
them
to
prevent
the
plots
of
the
Trayterous
faction
in
Parliament
,
he
had
just
reason
to
doe
it
.
And
as
the
Religion
men
professe
,
though
true
,
doth
not
priviledge
them
from
offending
,
though
they
are
thereby
a
scandall
to
their
profession
:
So
Irish
Papists
,
or
any
others
of
contrary
Religion
may
be
imployed
against
such
,
as
have
stained
their
profession
by
such
Actions
.
These
Rebels
sought
shelter
from
their
Religion
for
their
Treason
,
&
perswaded
the
people
of
their
sinceritie
,
because
Papists
fought
against
them
,
but
it
was
in
truth
their
infamy
,
that
gave
the
reason
,
and
the
frequent
repetition
of
Irish
Papists
shewes
,
that
it
is
a
stale
to
misleade
the
weakest
capacities
,
that
can
only
suspect
,
not
prove
,
nor
descerne
.
He
concludes
the
King
as
Criminous
,
as
the
Earle
,
and
therefore
he
sayes
,
insteed
of
detesting
his
ambition
,
evill
Councell
,
violence
,
and
oppression
of
the
people
,
he
falls
to
prayse
his
greate
a
bilities
.
It
had
been
a
Kinde
of
slander
to
forbeare
the
due
commendation
of
such
abilities
,
as
all
men
admired
,
and
an
vnexcusable
injustice
to
reproach
the
memory
of
the
innocent
with
the
false
accusations
of
malicious
Enemyes
.
If
his
Majest:
had
recounted
any
faults
of
the
Earle
,
it
had
byn
no
satisfaction
to
his
conscience
for
consenting
to
his
death
,
but
it
had
been
a
signe
of
an
vnsound
minde
to
seeke
matter
of
excuse
for
an
illegall
sentence
from
the
disposition
of
the
suffering
partie
,
and
such
Actions
,
as
the
law
had
not
made
the
merit
of
such
a
sentence
.
The
world
is
well
informed
now
,
that
those
Rebells
account
the
due
performance
of
just
authoritie
violence
,
and
oppression
,
and
that
their
cheife
hatred
against
the
Earle
of
Strafford
was
for
his
fidelitie
to
king
,
and
Kingdome
,
and
his
opposition
of
Rebellion
his
evill
Councell
.
That
beneath
the
decency
of
a
King
,
he
compares
him
to
the
sun
which
in
all
figurative
vse
beares
allusion
to
a
King
,
not
to
a
subject
.
If
such
be
the
Kingly
Prerogative
,
that
the
sun
beares
allusion
only
to
Kings
,
not
to
subjects
,
then
must
this
libeller
confesse
himselfe
to
be
of
that
sordid
generation
,
which
by
that
influence
are
raysed
out
of
sinkes
,
and
puddles
to
obscure
that
gloryous
luster
,
and
his
observation
of
this
allusion
might
justly
make
him
reflect
vpon
himselfe
with
detestation
contending
against
such
cleere
light
,
and
s●…andring
truth
it selfe
.
But
vertue
in
other
persons
besides
Kings
hath
been
set
foorth
by
allusion
to
the
sun
,
and
his
triviall
exception
at
the
decency
of
that
allusion
shewes
him
as
insignificant
,
as
will
full
.
He
hath
a
conceite
,
that
the
King
Knitts
contradictions
as
close
,
as
words
can
lie
togeather
,
not
approving
in
his
judgment
,
and
yet
approving
in
his
subsequent
reason
,
all
that
Stafford
did
,
as
driven
by
the
necessitie
of
times
,
and
the
temper
of
that
people
The
Kings
words
are
,
I
cannot
in
my
judgment
approve
all
he
did
,
driven
it
may
be
by
the
necessitie
of
times
&c.
And
let
the
reader
judge
,
whether
this
libellers
falsification
be
not
Knit
,
as
close
,
as
words
can
lie
togeather
,
and
its
like
he
knew
it
by
his
impertinent
vse
of
the
Phrase
close
Knit
to
his
supposed
contradictions
.
Though
the
King
justly
excused
some
things
,
which
he
could
not
approve
,
doth
he
therefore
approve
all
,
and
doth
the
libeller
thinke
,
that
what
a
man
cannot
approve
,
he
must
thinke
inexcusable
,
and
that
Circumstances
doe
not
alter
the
qualitie
of
Actions
?
But
he
sayes
it
is
the
marvell
,
and
may
be
the
astonishment
of
all
,
that
have
a
conscience
,
how
he
durst
with
the
same
words
of
contrition
,
wherewith
David
repented
the
murthering
of
Vriah
,
repent
his
lawfull
compliance
to
that
just
Act.
It
is
noe
marvell
to
men
,
that
know
theis
Rebells
,
though
heeretofore
it
might
have
been
the
astonishment
of
all
,
that
such
should
offer
to
perswade
others
of
their
esteeme
of
conscience
,
that
make
it
their
common
scoffe
,
and
while
this
libeller
,
charges
the
King
with
no
lesse
then
murder
in
consenting
vnwillingly
,
and
consequently
in
him
to
an
vnjust
sentence
,
makes
an
exclamation
,
why
he
should
repent
in
Davids
words
for
the
like
Cryme
.
The
libeller
well
knowes
,
that
if
it
had
been
to
a
lawfull
sentence
of
condemnation
,
yet
blood
guiltines
lies
,
where
consent
with
the
tongue
,
had
not
the
perswasion
of
the
heart
,
&
when
the
King
,
thought
blood
lay
on
him
,
should
he
thinke
to
hide
his
sin
from
God
?
&
this
prophane
Sectary
wonders
a
sinner
durst
repent
.
These
miscreants
are
loath
to
behold
their
murders
in
those
bloody
colours
,
which
the
truth
of
God
gives
them
,
&
therefore
they
wil
call
that
Act
just
against
the
cry
of
their
Consciences
,
as
they
stirred
vp
the
people
to
cry
justice
without
knowledge
of
the
fact
.
It
would
have
taken
much
from
the
heavines
of
his
sin
to
have
told
God
in
his
confession
,
how
he
laboured
,
what
darke
plots
he
had
contrived
,
into
what
a
League
entred
,
and
with
what
conspiratours
against
his
Parliament
,
&
Kingdome
to
rescue
so
notable
an
instrument
,
&c.
Doubtles
the
King
would
have
taken
that
course
,
if
he
could
have
charg'd
himselfe
with
any
sinfull
labour
in
that
kinde
.
That
he
ought
to
have
vsed
all
his
power
,
and
skill
to
have
rescued
that
Earle
,
was
his
dutie
to
God
,
and
a
person
so
cruelly
,
&
shamelessely
oppressed
;
And
all
men
know
what
false
feares
were
pretended
,
what
ridiculous
plots
were
imagined
to
disorder
the
people
,
and
when
there
is
such
apparent
discovery
of
Trayterous
plots
,
and
such
avowing
of
Trayterous
Actions
,
there
can
be
none
so
infatuated
to
beleive
,
that
all
necessary
prevention
of
such
wicked
designes
was
not
to
withstand
the
ruine
of
the
Parliament
,
and
Kingdome
.
It
was
feare
,
which
made
him
fayne
both
the
scruple
,
and
the
satisfaction
.
And
what
feare
could
make
him
fayne
a
scruple
,
whome
could
he
feare
,
if
he
had
not
scrupled
,
but
God
only
?
and
where
doth
it
appeare
,
that
he
fayned
satisfaction
,
but
it
s
the
libellers
want
of
the
fear
of
God
,
and
men
,
that
makes
him
thus
feareles
of
slandering
,
and
contradicting
.
Repentance
came
not
on
him
,
till
a
long
time
after
,
when
he
saw
,
he
could
have
suffred
nothing
more
,
though
he
had
denyed
the
Bill
.
Though
the
King
say
,
he
could
have
suffred
nothing
more
,
though
he
had
●…ed
the
Bill
,
he
never
finds
,
that
repentance
came
not
from
him
till
long
after
,
but
knew
very
well
,
his
repentance
followed
the
fact
close
at
the
heeles
.
He
askes
a
question
,
how
he
could
vnderstandingly
repent
of
letting
that
be
Treason
,
which
the
Parliament
,
and
whole
nation
so
judged
.
He
hath
already
told
vs
it
was
al
thost
the
whole
nation
,
and
the
greater
part
of
the
Parliament
,
but
he
finds
now
,
that
any
diminution
induces
doubt
,
and
it
must
be
the
Parliament
,
and
whole
nation
.
May
not
a
man
vnderstandingly
repent
,
because
the
whole
nation
was
in
the
same
fault
?
how
many
Acts
of
Parliament
have
been
made
,
whereof
it
had
been
happy
for
King
,
and
people
,
they
had
repented
?
there
neede
not
an
cnumeration
in
so
Knowne
a
truth
.
It
was
a
worldly
repentance
,
not
a
consciencious
,
or
els
a
strange
Tyrany
,
which
his
conscience
had
got
over
him
to
vex
him
like
an
evill
spirit
for
doing
one
act
of
Iustice
to
fortefie
his
resolution
from
ever
doing
so
any
more
.
We
may
see
what
account
this
man
makes
of
sin
,
or
conscience
,
that
thus
derides
the
terrours
of
conscience
.
We
may
beleive
their
consciences
cauterized
,
that
are
such
strangers
to
vexations
of
conscience
,
and
that
sin
,
and
Rebellion
have
got
a
strange
Mastery
of
them
,
that
fortifies
their
resolutions
against
all
repentance
,
and
the
approbation
of
it
in
others
.
This
libeller
cannot
perswade
himselfe
,
that
when
he
calls
murther
Justice
,
and
Rebellion
loyaltie
,
that
he
is
beleived
,
though
he
professe
admiration
,
that
men
disrelish
those
his
prime
qualities
,
and
makes
the
execration
of
such
wickednes
to
be
strange
infatuation
,
and
hardnes
of
heart
,
and
so
calls
the
Kings
vnwilling
,
and
forced
consent
to
an
act
,
he
judged
evill
,
the
tasting
of
a
just
deede
,
and
his
repentance
for
it
,
he
calls
spattring
at
it
.
The
Devills
are
tormented
with
the
repentance
of
others
,
and
their
Agents
blasphemously
deride
it
,
and
its
doubtfull
,
whether
the
pittie
,
or
detestation
ought
to
be
greater
to
wards
such
desperate
persons
,
that
call
the
consent
to
an
execrable
murder
,
tasting
of
one
good
deede
,
and
the
resolution
against
the
like
spattring
at
it
,
no
doubt
this
man
spatters
at
conscience
,
&
direlishes
all
repentance
,
nothing
being
so
naturall
to
him
,
as
the
opposition
to
pietie
.
That
wo
is
denounced
to
the
Scribes
,
and
Pharisees
for
straining
at
a
gnat
,
and
swallowing
a
Cammell
.
We
scarcely
finde
so
greate
a
Cammel
swallowed
by
the
Scribes
,
and
Pharisees
,
as
many
,
that
are
greedily
devoured
by
this
libeller
.
His
prophane
,
and
malitious
scornes
,
and
reproaches
of
repentance
in
this
very
section
,
and
magnifying
an
execrable
Murther
are
Cammells
in
the
Judgment
of
true
Christians
,
though
it
seeme
not
so
to
that
sense
,
which
is
wholy
reprobate
,
the
straining
at
gnats
,
and
swallowing
Cammels
was
never
more
apparent
in
any
sect
of
men
,
then
this
libeller
,
and
his
crew
,
and
if
the
ruine
of
three
Kingdomes
be
soe
big
,
&
bulky
,
as
he
confesses
,
and
would
falsely
have
to
be
the
deedes
of
his
late
Majest:
and
that
a
wo
belongs
to
them
,
what
may
this
libeller
,
&
his
Complices
expect
,
that
have
strained
at
formes
,
and
Ceremonies
,
&
swallowed
downe
not
only
periuries
,
and
Murthers
,
the
desence
of
odious
sins
,
and
the
reproaching
of
Christian
duties
,
but
have
vndoubtedly
brought
this
ruine
vpon
his
Majest:
three
Kingdomes
.
He
followes
his
common
place
of
reproaching
his
Majest:
conscience
,
and
sayes
,
if
it
were
come
to
that
vnnaturall
di●…rasie
to
digest
poyson
,
it
was
not
for
his
Parliament
,
and
Kingdomes
to
feede
with
him
any
longer
.
This
Chapter
the
libeller
hath
composed
for
a
satyre
against
conscience
to
make
it
more
a
bhord
by
his
crew
of
Caniballs
,
with
whome
none
can
feede
,
but
blood
thirstie
savages
.
Could
he
name
a
greater
discrasie
then
what
he
commends
,
that
consines
conscience
to
shed
blood
,
exludes
it
from
sparing
.
These
Traytours
had
made
falshood
,
and
disobedience
unnaturall
to
them
,
and
thereby
they
caused
such
,
as
sought
to
preserve
themselves
from
that
pestilence
,
to
avoyde
them
,
&
those
venemous
persons
according
to
their
malitious
qualitie
sought
to
infect
with
their
disposition
,
or
destroy
by
their
rage
all
that
came
neere
them
,
or
restrained
their
Company
.
That
the
King
would
perswade
vs
,
that
the
Parliament
escaped
not
some
touches
of
remorse
for
putting
Strafford
to
death
in
forbidding
it
to
be
a
President
for
the
future
;
but
he
sayes
in
faire
construction
that
act
implyed
rather
a
desire
to
pacifie
the
Kings
minde
,
not
imagining
,
that
this
after
Act
should
be
retorted
on
them
,
whether
it
were
made
a
President
,
or
not
,
no
more
then
the
want
of
a
President
for
this
.
It
s
some
what
strange
,
that
the
Image
breaker
finding
his
rigour
only
to
rayle
would
medle
with
this
Argument
,
but
it
seemes
he
apprehended
the
hope
of
a
fallacie
in
the
word
after
,
&
would
insinuate
,
that
this
Act
was
made
after
the
murther
,
which
was
made
to
authorise
it
,
and
in
a
faire
construction
it
hath
not
the
least
shadow
of
a
desire
to
pacifie
the
King
,
for
it
did
not
diminish
any
of
their
power
,
or
purposes
,
that
contrived
that
Act
,
but
only
to
exclude
this
fact
from
ordinary
Justice
,
which
in
a
faire
construction
implyes
,
that
it
was
not
law
,
but
will
,
and
power
,
whereby
they
proceeded
.
The
truth
was
themselves
saw
,
that
by
the
consequence
of
that
fact
of
theirs
,
all
mens
lives
,
and
fortunes
were
exposed
to
danger
,
and
ruine
,
and
no
Magistrate
,
or
officer
,
but
might
be
drawne
within
the
compasse
of
Treason
,
by
the
Rules
they
had
held
with
the
Earle
of
Strafford
,
&
all
they
,
that
were
present
at
the
debates
of
that
busnies
know
well
,
that
their
proper
feares
caused
that
provision
in
the
Act
,
and
though
themselves
were
not
bound
to
Presidents
,
they
were
affraid
,
that
others
would
follow
their
Presidents
,
as
in
truth
they
ought
,
if
this
President
had
been
according
to
law
.
He
would
not
have
,
that
this
Act
argued
in
the
Parliament
,
their
least
repenting
,
when
it
argued
so
litle
in
the
King
,
who
accused
the
six
members
for
the
same
Crymes
,
which
he
would
not
thinke
treasonable
in
the
Earle
.
The
accusation
of
those
six
members
was
of
other
,
and
higher
Crymes
,
besides
some
of
those
objected
to
the
Earle
of
Strafford
,
and
vpon
better
grounds
,
and
if
it
had
been
only
those
it
shewes
apparently
,
that
they
,
that
would
not
proceede
vpon
that
accusation
,
repented
of
what
they
had
done
against
the
Earle
of
Strafford
,
or
had
no
conscience
at
all
,
but
were
only
guided
by
corrupt
respects
of
person
,
and
interest
,
and
his
Majest:
might
try
what
they
would
doe
against
persons
evidently
guiltie
of
that
,
which
they
had
judged
so
high
a
Cryme
in
another
.
For
the
discovery
of
their
former
false
proceedings
;
that
the
King
held
nothing
Treason
,
but
against
himselfe
.
He
hath
been
already
told
,
was
the
judgment
of
the
accusers
of
the
Earle
of
Strafford
,
and
he
might
have
knowne
it
to
be
so
farr
from
a
Tyranicall
principle
,
as
he
calls
it
,
that
it
is
the
rule
of
law
,
and
Government
,
for
have
not
his
Masters
changed
the
stile
of
proceedings
against
offenders
,
which
the
law
formerly
vsed
in
regard
of
their
change
of
Government
,
and
devised
one
according
to
their
new
modell
?
It
s
possible
they
,
that
devised
that
clause
in
the
Act
,
did
not
expect
,
it
would
be
retorted
vpon
them
,
they
were
blinded
with
their
fury
,
and
precipitation
.
But
the
Image
breaker
might
have
observed
,
that
a
greater
evidence
of
their
injustice
could
not
have
been
provided
.
He
that
is
so
shamelesse
to
insinuate
the
Kings
instigation
to
that
clause
in
the
Act
for
the
death
of
the
Earle
Strafford
,
which
were
a
madnes
in
any
man
to
suppose
,
may
aswell
pretend
it
for
his
death
.
The
six
members
must
stand
condemned
,
if
he
acquit
them
,
for
the
contrary
of
what
he
affirmes
is
constantly
true
.
And
it
were
folly
to
aske
him
,
why
he
should
conclude
the
six
members
guiltles
,
that
never
were
tryed
,
when
they
were
accused
of
such
facts
,
as
he
himselfe
sayes
were
Treason
in
others
,
for
he
will
certainly
say
it
,
though
he
thinke
it
not
.
He
concludes
against
the
Kings
conscience
in
saying
,
that
he
bare
that
touch
of
conscience
with
greater
regret
then
any
other
,
in
regard
of
the
proditory
aide
(
he
supposes
)
sent
to
Rochell
,
and
Religion
abroade
,
and
a
Prodigalitie
of
shedding
blood
at
home
(
as
he
phrases
it
.
)
There
cannot
be
a
greater
evidence
of
the
Kings
innocence
,
and
the
Rebels
lewdenes
then
their
absurd
accusations
of
him
who
after
their
barbarous
reproaches
,
and
crueltie
make
his
greatest
Cryme
the
resistance
of
their
Rebellion
,
and
the
misfortune
of
an
expedition
in
favour
of
Rochell
,
and
Religion
.
No
man
is
so
senseles
to
beleive
that
Rochell
could
have
defended
it selfe
without
other
aide
,
then
their
owne
,
&
if
the
King
had
not
intended
their
releife
,
he
needed
not
have
vndertaken
such
chrageable
,
and
dangerous
expeditions
,
&
whence
can
any
reasonable
man
,
collect
that
the
Kings
assistance
to
them
could
beproditory
,
when
they
were
not
their
by
hindred
to
vse
their
vtmost
endeavours
,
besides
the
English
succours
,
and
heereby
wee
may
see
how
miserably
the
people
of
England
have
been
misled
by
hipocriticall
Traytours
who
while
they
made
profession
of
conscience
and
Religion
,
acted
the
greatest
villanies
against
Religion
and
conscience
that
the
worst
of
Atheists
ever
attempted
,
and
shame
not
at
such
assertions
of
falshood
as
common
States
blush
to
be
detected
of
.
The
reason
he
sayes
is
worth
the
notinge
,
why
the
King
would
have
notice
taken
of
so
much
tendernes
,
which
is
,
he
hoped
,
it
would
be
some
evidence
before
God
,
and
man
to
all
posteritie
,
that
he
was
farr
from
bearing
that
vast
loade
,
and
guilt
of
blood
laid
vpon
him
by
others
,
which
hath
(
he
sayes
)
the
likenes
of
a
subtill
dissimulation
.
When
the
Prophet
David
humbled
himselfe
,
and
put
on
sackcloth
even
that
was
turned
to
his
reproach
,
and
his
Majest:
teares
,
and
afflictions
of
soule
are
no
lesse
reproached
by
theis
vipers
,
then
the
greatest
sins
,
that
could
be
repented
of
.
Cursed
shimi
will
call
David
a
man
of
blood
,
and
his
repentance
for
the
murther
of
one
man
with
bitternes
of
soule
shal
be
counted
a
dissimulation
,
rather
then
the
wretch
will
allow
it
any
evidence
,
that
he
was
innocent
of
that
blood
,
he
would
lay
to
his
charge
.
This
was
not
the
first
time
his
Majest:
charged
himselfe
with
that
innocent
blood
,
the
Rebells
published
his
Cabinet
,
wherein
they
found
it
,
and
he
might
well
hope
,
that
God
would
cleere
his
innocence
,
as
the
light
,
and
his
righteousnes
,
as
the
noone
day
.
Prayers
may
be
made
for
mercy
to
a
mans
name
,
and
a
penitent
may
piously
hope
God
will
make
his
repentance
evident
to
men
,
and
his
sorrowes
for
one
sin
,
an
evidence
he
was
not
guiltie
of
many
of
the
same
Kinde
.
His
Majest:
hopes
not
,
that
his
expressions
heere
wil
be
evidence
,
but
that
his
regretts
,
which
were
Knowne
not
only
to
God
,
but
men
could
be
evidence
,
how
farr
he
was
from
the
guilt
of
what
his
Enemies
charged
him
with
,
and
to
declare
a
hope
of
the
benifit
of
repentance
is
no
more
like
a
dissimulation
,
then
repentance
is
like
a
justification
.
If
his
Majest:
had
shed
the
blood
of
thousands
,
whome
he
counted
Rebells
,
as
this
Author
mentions
,
he
could
not
suffer
regretts
of
conscience
,
though
he
had
a
sorrow
of
heart
,
his
vnderstanding
being
satisfied
of
the
Justice
,
and
necessitie
of
the
fact
.
But
those
horrid
Traytours
,
that
imbrewed
themselves
in
the
blood
of
that
innocent
King
,
were
hardned
against
the
sparing
of
multitudes
,
and
would
secure
their
consciences
by
reproaching
his
Majest:
repentance
,
and
transferring
the
blood
of
warr
vpon
him
,
which
their
Rebellion
,
and
crueltie
had
spilt
.
This
libeller
in
this
very
page
within
few
lines
told
vs
,
that
strafford
was
by
him
put
to
death
vnwillingly
and
presently
concludes
,
thus
by
dipping
voluntarily
the
tipp
of
his
finger
in
the
blood
of
strafford
whereof
all
men
cleere
him
,
he
thinkes
to
escape
that
sea
of
blood
,
wherein
his
owne
guilt
hath
plunged
him
.
And
may
not
a
mans
owne
conscience
strike
him
for
that
,
which
all
men
cleere
him
of
?
but
that
himselfe
hath
related
to
be
otherwise
in
this
case
,
where
so
many
concurred
in
Judgment
against
the
death
of
the
Earle
of
Strafford
,
and
when
so
many
have
made
confession
of
their
owne
vnhappines
in
the
consent
to
that
Action
,
and
so
few
at
present
,
that
doe
not
abhorre
it
,
and
thinke
it
a
greate
cause
of
Gods
displeasure
against
the
nation
,
it
is
farr
from
truth
,
that
all
men
cleere
him
.
The
Libeller
holds
a
single
murther
,
but
dipping
the
tip
of
the
finger
in
blood
,
&
gives
just
cause
to
conclude
,
that
his
conscience
is
not
toucht
with
shedding
a●…ea
of
blood
.
Al
men
must
confesse
,
it
a
cause
of
greater
regret
to
have
his
hand
in
the
blood
of
one
man
against
the
perswasion
of
his
conscience
,
then
erroneously
to
enter
into
a
warr
,
where
many
are
distroyed
vpon
the
opinion
of
Justice
,
but
the
knowne
Justice
of
his
Majest:
cause
,
layes
the
blood
of
this
warr
at
the
Rebells
doores
,
whose
malice
,
and
Treason
,
not
ignorance
,
or
errour
drew
vpon
them
the
guilt
of
that
blood
of
Strafford
,
&
those
thousands
,
which
the
warr
hath
devoured
.
If
the
King
had
never
published
his
repentance
for
the
blood
of
Strafford
,
all
knowing
men
would
have
judged
he
had
cause
to
doe
it
,
and
if
he
had
never
gone
about
to
purge
himselfe
of
that
blood
which
the
warr
had
shed
,
all
men
would
have
cleered
him
of
it
.
Vpon
his
going
to
the
HOUSE
OF
COMMONS
.
COncerning
his
vnexcusable
,
and
hostile
march
from
the
Court
to
the
house
of
Commons
,
there
needs
not
much
be
said
.
There
neede
litle
to
be
said
for
his
Majest:
defence
in
going
to
the
house
of
Commons
,
who
had
so
high
a
provocation
to
make
an
hostile
March
,
and
tooke
the
way
of
so
milde
,
and
peaceable
a
comming
to
it
,
but
this
Authors
impudence
in
calling
it
vnexcusable
after
the
many
violences
,
and
hostile
Marches
of
his
Masters
vnto
that
house
,
and
their
taking
out
,
and
driving
away
the
members
will
never
be
excused
.
How
shameles
is
this
man
to
call
his
Majest:
going
to
the
house
of
Commons
with
an
ordinary
guard
without
Pike
,
or
Muskett
an
hostile
March
,
after
the
March
of
a
compleate
Army
led
by
his
Rebell
Masters
against
that
house
.
But
he
vrges
for
proofe
,
that
his
Majest:
confesses
it
to
be
an
Act
,
which
most
men
cryed
shame
vpon
,
which
his
Majest:
sayes
not
at
all
,
but
that
his
Enemies
loaded
it
with
obloquy
,
indifferent
men
grew
jealous
of
,
&
fearefull
,
and
many
of
his
friends
resented
,
as
a
motion
rising
rather
from
passion
,
then
reason
.
The
cryes
of
his
Enemies
prove
nothing
,
but
their
owne
passion
,
&
partialitie
,
and
the
jealosies
of
men
are
oftner
resolved
into
their
owne
mistakes
,
then
the
truth
of
Actions
.
The
opinion
of
his
Majest:
friends
condemned
not
the
Action
as
injurious
,
though
they
might
thinke
it
passionate
,
and
if
this
Author
could
set
aside
the
malice
,
and
corruption
of
his
heart
,
he
might
justly
learne
from
his
Majest:
cleerenes
in
stating
his
owne
Actions
,
with
observing
all
the
Circumstances
of
them
that
make
to
his
disadvantage
,
to
forbeare
these
fayned
discourses
of
every
Action
he
writes
of
.
That
in
one
of
his
answeares
to
both
houses
,
he
made
profession
,
that
he
was
convinced
that
it
was
a
plaine
breach
of
the
priviledge
,
it
was
greater
satisfaction
,
then
ever
King
gave
his
houses
of
Parliament
,
and
it
must
have
been
an
inexcusable
disloyaltie
in
them
,
to
presse
him
after
such
a
profession
,
and
make
it
matter
of
complaint
.
T
is
true
his
Majest:
denyed
any
intention
to
breake
their
Priviledges
in
that
Act.
But
no
man
yet
could
assigne
a
reason
to
exclude
the
King
from
any
of
his
Courts
,
or
Counsells
,
and
why
he
might
not
aswell
come
to
the
lower
house
as
to
the
higher
,
and
speake
to
the
Commons
in
their
owne
,
aswell
,
as
send
for
them
to
the
higher
house
,
or
els
where
,
as
was
both
law
,
&
Custome
.
And
as
no
priviledge
of
Parliament
doth
extend
to
Treason
,
but
that
a
Conestable
may
apprehend
any
member
of
that
house
being
accused
of
that
Cryme
,
so
why
the
King
should
be
forbidden
to
come
to
the
house
to
cause
Traytours
to
be
apprehended
,
none
but
Traytours
,
will
finde
a
cause
,
but
heere
he
sayes
he
represents
it
fraudulently
.
We
have
found
already
it
hath
been
fraudulently
expressed
by
the
libeller
.
He
sayes
the
King
would
make
some
benificall
vse
of
his
worst
Actions
And
surely
his
Actions
,
which
were
most
charged
with
guilt
appeare
just
,
and
shame
his
accusers
.
These
men
meaning
his
friends
knew
not
the
just
motives
,
and
pregnant
grounds
with
which
I
thought
my selfe
furnished
.
To
these
words
of
his
Majest:
which
he
hath
interlaced
with
meaning
his
friends
,
he
sayes
,
his
best
friends
knew
not
,
nor
ever
could
know
,
and
it
would
have
tended
to
his
justifying
to
have
named
them
in
this
place
,
and
to
shew
his
owne
impertinence
the
next
words
he
cites
of
his
Majest:
are
,
that
,
he
had
discovered
,
as
he
thought
vnlawfull
Correspondencies
,
which
they
had
vsed
,
and
engagements
to
imbroyle
his
Kingdomes
.
What
more
would
he
have
had
in
this
place
?
But
he
sayes
suppose
them
reall
,
and
knowne
,
what
was
this
to
that
violation
,
and
dishonour
pu●…t
vpon
the
whole
house
,
whose
doore
was
forcibly
kept
open
,
&
all
passages
neere
it
besett
with
swords
,
&
pistolls
cockt
,
&
menc'd
in
the
hands
of
about
three
hundred
swaggerers
,
and
Ruffians
,
who
but
expected
,
nay
audibly
called
for
the
word
of
onse●…t
to
begin
a
slaughter
.
But
suppose
them
reall
,
was
it
not
a
matter
of
more
importance
to
apprehend
such
conspiratours
,
then
to
omitt
the
opening
the
doore
of
the
house
of
Commons
?
Is
it
a
dishonour
to
have
Traytours
taken
from
them
.
There
neede
not
any
answeare
to
his
pretended
tendernes
of
the
house
,
that
approves
such
open
violence
against
them
with
Pikes
,
and
Musketts
,
but
reproves
swords
,
and
Pistolls
.
Doth
not
he
thinke
,
that
all
men
looke
vpon
him
,
as
a
common
prostitute
,
that
vses
such
aggravations
of
a
cause
,
which
himselfe
defends
,
though
accompanied
with
outrage
,
and
violence
.
A
word
of
onset
to
begin
a
slaughter
could
never
be
expected
by
such
an
inconsiderable
number
,
armed
only
with
swords
,
and
pistolls
,
a
strange
preparation
for
a
Massacre
,
but
there
are
men
apt
to
be
disordred
by
any
rumours
of
danger
,
and
some
are
willing
to
have
a
pretence
for
vnwarrantable
Actions
,
&
thence
proceede
these
onsets
in
the
ayre
.
He
would
willingly
perswade
the
Rebell
rowte
,
that
whatever
the
King
may
doe
for
the
securing
of
himselfe
,
&
Kingdome
,
Rebells
may
doe
to
destroy
him
,
and
vsurpe
his
Kingdome
,
and
therefore
to
that
,
which
his
Majest:
sayes
of
the
correspondencies
and
engagements
,
which
the
accused
members
vsed
to
imbroyl
his
Kingdomes
,
the
Libeller
answeares
,
that
he
remembers
not
his
owne
conspiracies
with
the
Irish
,
and.
French
,
English
and
scotch
Army
to
come
against
the
Parliament
,
the
least
of
which
attempts
by
whomesoever
he
sayes
was
no
lesse
,
then
manifest
Treason
against
the
Common
whealth
.
To
imagine
a
Monarchy
,
and
Commonwealth
,
or
Republique
in
the
same
state
can
enter
into
none
,
that
vnderstand
eyther
,
nor
that
a
King
can
commit
Treason
with
his
subjects
,
or
against
them
.
Kings
have
been
charged
with
Tyrany
,
never
with
Treason
,
till
those
brutish
vndertakers
.
If
there
had
been
any
law
to
make
such
a
Treason
,
this
libeller
would
never
have
added
the
word
manifest
,
for
t
is
a
sure
Rule
with
him
to
add
most
vehement
asseverations
,
where
he
knowes
there
is
no
colour
of
truth
.
He
well
knowes
how
carefull
the
people
of
England
were
,
that
Treason
should
not
be
made
Arbitrary
,
and
therefore
they
were
confined
into
one
positive
law
,
and
in
that
law
this
Author
findes
not
his
fantasticall
Treason
.
Can
any
,
but
mad
men
dreame
,
that
when
the
priviledge
of
Parliament
extends
not
to
Treason
,
that
they
cannot
committ
Treason
.
It
s
Treason
by
the
law
to
leavy
warr
against
the
King
,
and
that
this
libellers
Masters
have
acknowledged
,
and
can
he
finde
it
consistent
in
the
same
Government
,
that
there
can
be
Treason
in
the
King
to
leavy
warr
against
the
Parliament
,
and
because
a
King
may
have
confederations
,
and
Alliances
with
Forraigne
Princes
can
subjects
have
so
too
?
These
are
not
the
opinions
,
but
the
Stratagems
of
Rebels
.
The
people
of
England
are
bound
to
assist
their
King
against
any
without
distinction
,
and
the
law
hath
provided
for
their
indemnitie
,
though
the
King
miscarry
,
but
lawes
are
chaffe
,
when
Rebells
Raigne
.
The
particulars
he
mentions
,
if
they
had
been
reall
on
his
Majest:
part
,
as
they
are
only
imaginary
,
the
Actions
of
the
Rebells
have
given
Testimonie
to
their
Justice
,
and
necessitie
.
To
demaund
Iustice
against
the
five
members
,
there
needed
not
so
rough
assistance
.
But
the
successe
tells
vs
there
needed
more
,
for
these
members
were
guarded
with
an
Army
,
and
a
fleete
,
and
insteed
of
being
committed
on
such
an
accusation
,
which
themselves
resolved
could
,
not
be
denyed
by
law
,
they
protected
them
against
law
.
If
he
had
resolved
,
meaning
the
King
,
to
beare
that
repulse
with
patience
,
wherefore
did
he
provide
against
it
with
such
an
armed
,
and
vnusuall
force
.
Is
a
Kings
guard
any
vnusuall
force
,
and
though
he
resolved
to
beare
a
repulse
with
patience
,
he
could
not
resolve
to
tempt
the
malice
,
and
insolence
of
those
,
that
wayted
,
but
opportunitie
to
destroy
him
.
But
had
he
provided
any
force
to
secure
himselfe
against
insolence
,
does
that
condradict
his
bearing
the
repulse
with
patience
,
and
heere
the
libeller
casts
away
his
Argument
,
that
he
may
vse
his
scurrilitie
,
that
the
Kings
heart
served
him
not
for
such
a
desperate
Scuffle
.
Soe
the
greate
hostilitie
,
and
provisions
for
a
Massacre
is
come
to
noe
more
,
then
to
have
hazarded
a
desperate
Scuffle
with
the
vnarmed
house
of
Commons
.
The
Kings
heart
served
him
for
the
highest
hazards
,
where
he
held
his
courses
just
,
and
honourable
,
but
it
never
served
him
to
act
such
violences
,
as
these
Rebells
have
fayned
,
he
intended
.
There
were
two
statutes
,
that
declared
he
ought
first
to
have
acquainted
the
Parliament
,
who
were
the
accusers
.
These
statutes
this
Author
,
nor
any
man
els
ever
read
,
and
if
there
had
been
such
statutes
,
that
men
ought
not
to
be
accused
,
before
the
Parliament
be
acquainted
,
who
were
the
Accusers
,
they
were
much
to
blame
that
committed
so
many
for
Treason
without
any
Accusers
,
and
that
these
two
statutes
should
never
be
practised
,
or
knowne
before
now
?
How
comes
it
,
that
the
King
,
nor
his
Attorney
generall
can
accuse
a
man
of
high
Treason
,
when
the
meanest
subject
of
the
Kingdome
may
doe
it
?
It
s
well
knowne
,
that
the
house
of
Commons
vpon
the
word
of
MR.
Pym
,
without
the
least
knowledge
of
the
fact
,
or
any
accuser
,
or
witnes
,
charged
the
●…arle
of
Strafford
of
high
Treason
,
where
were
these
lawes
then
?
His
Majest
still
professing
to
governe
by
law
,
as
he
sayes
,
did
no
way
breake
it
,
and
he
was
noe
way
oblidged
to
name
any
accusers
,
especially
to
the
Parliament
,
where
a
Rebellious
,
and
potent
faction
vnited
themselves
to
the
Accused
members
,
that
had
contrary
to
their
owne
Rules
denyed
that
proceeding
,
which
they
declared
just
,
and
according
to
law
.
The
faire
tr●…all
,
which
was
offred
,
was
noe
other
,
then
to
take
opportunitie
for
justifying
those
members
,
what
ever
the
proofe
were
.
Had
it
been
thinkes
he
a
prudent
Act
in
the
King
to
have
accused
Traytours
,
and
made
a
Commission
to
their
fellowes
to
judge
of
the
fact
.
He
could
not
doubt
of
the
same
Justice
from
these
men
,
which
he
found
in
many
other
occurrents
.
Could
he
suppose
,
that
they
would
condemne
a
Traytour
,
that
had
combined
to
prosecute
the
Treason
,
and
it
was
not
for
want
of
just
matter
,
but
the
forefight
of
injustice
,
that
caused
his
Majest:
to
lett
fall
his
proceedings
.
When
Rebells
are
protected
by
open
force
,
when
the
power
,
and
impetuositie
of
Tumults
are
boasted
of
by
this
Author
,
when
the
inclination
of
the
potent
faction
vnto
the
members
is
confessed
,
he
would
yet
have
the
King
chuse
such
a
Tryall
.
He
would
have
it
a
thirst
of
revenge
in
the
King
against
the
members
for
opposition
against
his
Tyranous
proceedings
.
If
their
innocence
of
the
Treason
had
been
as
evident
,
as
his
Majest:
of
Tyranous
proceedings
,
they
had
never
been
accused
,
and
if
they
had
not
been
conscious
of
their
guilt
,
they
would
never
have
sought
Tumultuary
protection
,
and
if
his
Majest:
had
thirsted
for
revenge
,
he
needed
not
have
gone
to
the
house
of
Commons
to
have
satisfied
it
,
but
Malefactours
count
legall
pcoceedings
the
malice
of
Enemies
,
and
effects
of
displeasure
.
To
that
the
King
(
sayes
he
)
missed
but
litle
to
have
produced
writings
vnder
some
mens
hands
,
the
libeller
sayes
he
missed
,
though
their
chambers
trunkes
,
and
studies
were
sealed
vp
,
and
searched
,
which
though
altogeather
false
,
there
might
be
such
writings
,
and
its
like
there
were
,
which
caused
the
house
of
Commons
to
be
soe
jealous
,
least
their
chambers
,
should
have
been
searched
,
that
they
made
an
order
to
vse
violence
against
any
,
that
should
search
,
a
very
grave
vote
,
and
a
sure
signe
of
good
Justice
,
if
the
fact
had
been
brought
before
them
that
would
prevent
the
discovery
,
and
deny
a
search
of
persons
accused
for
Treason
.
The
King
sayes
Gods
providence
would
have
it
soe
,
and
to
that
the
Libeller
joynes
,
that
curbes
the
raging
of
proud
Monarchs
,
aswell
,
as
of
madd
multitudes
.
Is
it
the
curbing
of
proud
Monarchs
,
when
the
misse
of
evidence
against
Traytours
?
If
the
King
had
produced
this
writing
,
he
mentions
,
had
that
been
a
Monarchs
rage
?
But
why
doth
he
joyne
the
madd
multitudes
,
whose
rage
was
then
soe
feirce
,
he
may
beleive
,
as
he
sayes
,
that
God
will
set
bounds
vnto
it
,
and
turne
them
against
their
misleaders
.
Why
pregnant
grounds
,
and
probabilities
,
may
not
both
concurr
in
one
cause
noe
man
vnderstands
,
though
this
Author
would
have
probabilities
a
diminution
after
pregnant
grounds
had
been
vsed
.
His
resemblance
of
Queene
Maries
cushion
,
whereto
he
likens
the
Kings
proofes
,
would
have
suted
with
the
clout
,
and
pistoll
,
the
stables
vnder
ground
,
the
Danish
fleete
,
and
their
many
other
ridiculous
devised
Conspiracies
,
the
bringing
vp
of
the
northerne
Army
,
the
landing
of
the
french
at
Portsmouth
,
cutting
throates
by
the
Papists
,
and
the
disignes
of
the
spanish
fleete
,
fitt
only
for
the
story
of
the
knight
of
the
Son
,
or
the
wandring
Jew
.
As
Kings
goe
now
,
what
shadowy
conceite
,
or
groundl●…s
toy
will
not
create
a
jealosie
.
And
was
his
Majest:
jealosie
created
by
a
toy
,
when
those
persons
have
acted
that
,
which
he
was
then
jealous
of
.
Can
this
breaker
accuse
him
of
causeles
jealosie
,
when
he
defends
the
fact
?
And
is
it
a
shadowie
conceite
,
if
Kings
ar
jealous
of
such
Rebellious
inclinations
,
as
this
Rebell
vaunts
of
?
And
if
these
Rebells
might
have
their
will
,
there
should
not
be
a
King
left
to
be
jealous
,
and
while
they
professe
their
purposes
,
accuse
Kings
of
vnjust
jealosie
,
and
if
subjects
goe
now
in
other
places
,
as
in
England
,
the
world
will
have
cause
to
know
,
that
al
the
jealosies
of
Kings
were
necessary
to
the
preservation
of
mankinde
,
&
that
there
is
no
jealosie
of
any
King
so
causles
,
as
the
attempts
of
ambitious
Reformers
.
That
his
Majest:
denies
,
he
hath
design'd
to
assault
the
house
of
Commons
,
is
not
contradicted
by
his
answeare
to
the
Citie
,
that
any
course
of
violence
had
been
very
justifiable
,
The
libeller
guesses
,
it
was
not
farr
from
his
designe
,
because
it
might
be
soe
,
and
concludes
as
senselesly
,
that
because
his
Majest:
forbare
an
act
,
which
he
held
justifiable
,
it
discovered
in
him
an
excessive
eagernes
to
be
aveng'd
on
them
,
that
crossed
him
,
and
that
to
have
his
will
,
he
stood
not
to
d●…e
things
never
soe
much
below
him
.
Soe
eager
is
the
man
to
rayle
himselfe
out
of
reason
.
If
he
had
an
eagernes
to
be
revenged
,
he
would
have
done
high
things
,
and
not
below
him
.
It
was
no
becomming
sight
to
see
the
King
of
England
so
affronted
,
and
abused
by
his
owne
subjects
,
many
beholding
disobedience
,
and
vulger
insolence
with
sad
hearts
,
and
greiving
at
the
ruine
of
Government
,
and
that
his
Majest:
was
constrained
to
call
for
Justice
,
and
be
denyed
it
.
Such
as
lament
the
misfortunes
of
Princes
,
cannot
but
abhorr
the
Rebellion
of
subjects
,
and
this
vnbecoming
sight
to
see
the
King
of
England
one
while
in
the
house
of
Commons
,
by
,
and
by
in
the
guild-hall
among
the
Liveries
this
libeller
doth
not
remember
out
of
affection
to
the
Kings
person
,
or
office
,
but
out
of
joy
,
that
he
was
enforct
to
such
extreamitie
.
If
he
had
had
any
sense
of
duty
,
or
regret
at
any
Action
ill
becomming
a
King
in
reguard
of
his
place
,
or
dignitie
,
he
would
not
so
scurrilously
descant
on
his
misfortunes
,
with
the
termes
of
Sollicitor
,
pursivant
,
apparitor
for
that
prosecution
,
and
it
is
a
plaine
Testimony
of
the
Rebellion
then
begun
,
when
the
King
was
driven
to
Actions
beneath
his
Majest:
&
this
libeller
wil
hardly
allow
a
King
more
,
then
such
offices
,
for
he
sayes
the
Kings
office
is
to
execute
the
Parliaments
Commaund
,
and
eyther
in
that
he
beleived
not
what
he
said
,
as
is
most
certen
he
did
not
,
or
els
he
vainely
objects
the
doing
of
Actions
beneath
him
,
but
it
appeares
his
desires
are
to
reduce
all
Kings
to
the
lowest
of
the
people
.
That
though
the
King
in
his
answeares
to
the
Parliament
said
,
that
as
he
once
concieved
he
had
ground
enough
to
accuse
them
,
so
at
length
,
that
he
found
as
good
cause
to
desert
any
prosecution
of
them
,
yet
heere
he
seemes
to
reverse
all
.
He
seemes
soe
to
none
,
though
some
out
of
willfull
malice
would
have
it
seeme
soe
,
'
The
King
found
,
that
he
had
good
cause
to
desert
the
prosecution
in
regard
of
the
injustice
,
and
violence
of
the
Rebell
faction
,
And
is
there
any
thing
said
heere
to
the
contrary
of
it
?
Could
the
King
finde
any
cause
to
continue
the
prosecution
vpon
the
cleer●…t
evidence
,
that
could
be
produced
?
It
is
the
Method
of
the
false
Sectaries
to
insinuate
an
opinion
of
their
vertue
by
rigid
censures
of
others
,
whereby
they
draw
men
from
observation
of
their
owne
lewdenes
,
&
they
seeme
very
sharpe
against
sins
of
most
common
obloquy
,
&
offensive
to
sobrietie
,
and
thence
the
libeller
calls
his
Majest:
guard
the
spawne
,
and
shipwracke
of
Tavernes
.
Such
,
as
were
of
his
Majest:
guard
may
not
thinke
to
escape
these
false
tongues
,
when
their
King
hath
tasted
soe
largely
of
them
,
and
these
hipocrites
thinke
to
hide
their
blood
guiltines
,
pride
,
robbery
,
perjury
,
&
oppression
by
reproaching
their
Enemies
with
Stewes
,
and
Tavernes
.
The
principall
zealotts
of
this
Rebellion
were
the
tags
,
and
raggs
of
the
people
,
who
were
glad
to
heare
voluptuous
living
,
and
riott
objected
to
the
Kings
partie
,
that
they
might
compare
their
beggery
,
and
base
condition
before
other
mens
vices
,
whether
true
,
or
fayned
.
If
the
house
of
Commons
declar'd
,
that
the
comming
of
those
Souldiers
,
Papists
,
and
others
with
the
King
was
to
take
away
some
of
their
members
,
and
in
case
of
opposition
,
or
denyall
to
have
falne
vpon
the
house
in
a
hostile
manner
,
they
shewed
themselves
men
of
as
litle
creditt
,
as
this
Author
,
for
the
world
knowes
,
that
they
neither
had
,
nor
pretended
proofe
of
such
a
purpose
,
&
their
declarations
in
that
kinde
are
no
truer
,
then
their
professions
of
loyaltie
.
If
the
house
had
denyed
their
members
,
and
opposed
,
was
it
●…esse
then
Treason
?
He
inferrs
from
the
Kings
profession
,
if
he
purposed
any
violence
,
or
oppression
against
the
innocent
,
then
let
the
Enemy
persecute
my
soule
,
&
treade
my
life
to
the
ground
,
&
lay
my
honour
in
the
dust
,
that
God
hath
judged
,
and
done
according
to
the
verdict
of
his
owne
mouth
.
The
king
well
knew
his
Enemy
persecuted
his
soule
,
when
he
wrote
this
,
and
that
he
was
in
the
hands
of
those
,
that
would
take
away
his
life
,
but
assassination
was
noe
proofe
of
his
guilt
,
nor
of
Gods
judgment
of
his
cause
,
and
these
word●…
vsed
by
the
prophett
,
and
him
are
not
an
imprecation
for
tryall
,
but
a
deprecation
of
the
offence
,
and
it
was
not
to
satisfie
men
,
but
to
acknowledge
his
judgment
of
the
Cryme
to
God
.
The
kings
partie
are
assured
,
that
the
proceedings
against
him
were
odious
to
God
,
&
man
,
and
this
Action
touching
the
members
was
noe
other
,
then
necessary
Justice
,
and
there
appeares
not
any
purpose
of
violence
,
or
oppression
of
the
innocent
,
and
in
vaine
doe
murderers
seeke
to
shelter
themselves
from
the
guilt
of
their
impieties
by
pretending
Gods
secret
Counsells
,
The
sinceritie
of
his
Majest:
heart
is
noe
lesse
manifest
,
because
he
fell
into
the
hands
of
wicked
men
,
who
cannott
treade
his
honour
in
the
dust
,
which
outluies
their
fury
,
and
though
they
murthered
him
,
his
life
is
with
the
Lord
,
and
their
infamy
endles
.
God
wi●…l
bring
their
wickednes
vpon
their
owne
heads
in
his
due
time
.
The
Kings
admirers
may
see
their
madnes
to
mistake
this
booke
;
But
all
men
see
his
madnes
to
traduce
the
booke
,
and
to
prophane
,
and
prostitute
all
things
sacred
to
his
lewde
detractions
,
who
sayes
it
is
his
doomesday
booke
not
like
that
of
William
the
Norman
his
Predecessour
.
Thus
making
the
common
appellation
of
the
greate
day
of
the
Lord
an
inducement
to
vilifie
the
kingly
office
,
which
must
be
a
day
of
wrath
to
such
mockers
,
as
aske
,
where
is
the
promise
of
his
comminge
,
which
did
theis
Traytours
expect
,
they
would
not
proceede
soe
presumptuously
in
their
wickednes
,
and
compile
a
booke
of
it
against
that
day
.
The
Admirers
of
the
kings
booke
are
noe
white
mistaken
,
but
they
see
the
breaker
very
much
mistaken
in
his
confidence
,
that
thinkes
all
men
madd
,
because
himselfe
is
soe
,
and
they
were
madd
indeede
,
if
they
received
his
sense
,
or
saw
not
,
that
only
rage
att
the
excellency
of
the
kings
Booke
,
not
right
vnderstanding
made
him
seeke
these
silly
objections
,
and
face
them
with
such
ostentation
.
Vpon
the
INSOLENCIE
Of
the
TUMULTS
.
HE
must
confesse
to
have
heere
a
neate
,
and
well
couch'd
invective
against
Tumults
,
which
surely
ought
not
to
be
answeared
with
a
impudent
defence
of
them
.
The
misfortunes
of
Princes
are
the
mirth
of
Rebells
,
and
therefore
he
sayes
Rehoboam
the
son
of
Solomon
could
not
have
composed
a
better
.
It
was
not
only
the
son
of
Solomon
,
but
his
Father
David
,
and
himselfe
too
,
that
felt
the
fury
,
and
danger
of
Rebells
,
and
Rehoboams
misfortune
doth
not
mittigate
the
sinfull
Revolt
of
the
ten
Tribes
,
which
the
Scripture
calls
Rebellion
,
and
this
Author
scoffing
at
his
haste
to
escape
their
fury
shewes
how
affectionate
:
he
is
to
Rebelliaon
.
That
the
Tumults
at
whitehall
were
not
soe
dangerous
,
as
these
at
sechem
he
cannot
affirme
,
for
those
Tumults
at
whitehall
have
produced
greater
impieties
,
and
Calamities
,
then
those
at
sechem
,
and
those
Tumults
have
since
,
felt
the
scourge
of
their
violence
,
as
those
at
sechem
soone
did
;
their
revolt
being
punisht
by
God
,
who
gave
them
a
King
in
his
rage
,
that
brought
in
Idolatry
with
their
Rebellion
,
which
after
many
sore
afflictions
at
last
rooted
them
out
of
their
land
,
and
they
ceased
to
be
a
people
.
He
would
insinuate
,
that
because
this
is
a
neate
invective
,
therefore
the
Kings
Houshold
Rhetorician
made
it
,
but
this
hath
as
litle
credit
,
as
his
exceptions
have
truth
,
or
weight
.
That
the
matter
considerable
is
,
whether
these
were
Tumults
,
or
noe
,
next
,
if
they
were
,
whether
the
King
himselfe
did
not
cause
them
.
Doubtles
he
would
not
have
it
beleived
,
that
there
could
be
any
Tumults
,
nor
any
Rebellion
against
him
,
for
if
there
could
be
any
,
he
knowes
themselves
have
committed
it
.
The
knowne
lawes
allow
noe
causes
of
Tumults
from
provocation
,
for
if
soe
,
tumults
may
judge
of
lawes
,
and
law
makers
,
as
these
defended
tumults
presumed
to
doe
.
His
first
cause
is
the
Kings
vnwillingnes
to
call
the
Parliament
,
but
theis
tumults
were
after
a
parliament
called
;
His
not
enduring
to
be
overswayed
by
them
.
Were
this
a
cause
of
Tumult
,
or
Rebelliō
,
ther
would
never
be
cause
wanting
of
such
disorders
in
any
kingdome
,
or
state
,
when
the
Councells
of
kings
must
be
subject
to
vulgar
appeales
,
&
Tumults
must
reforme
the
kings
Judgment
.
His
often
repeated
imposture
of
the
Kings
tempting
the
English
,
or
scotch
Armyes
is
grossely
introduced
for
a
cause
of
the
Tumults
,
when
the
Tumults
preceded
these
suppositions
,
and
we
may
see
what
causes
this
man
will
have
of
Tumults
,
that
will
make
subsequent
Actions
the
grounds
of
them
.
The
profering
the
fower
northerne
Counties
to
the
scotts
was
an
invention
as
ridiculous
,
as
the
Authors
commendation
of
an
honest
discovery
of
a
thing
never
acted
.
He
formerly
spake
of
Timpanies
,
and
Queene
Maries
cushion
,
which
might
have
caused
him
to
have
forborne
such
a
grosse
,
and
exploded
a
forgery
.
That
the
Parliament
,
or
people
descerned
a
malignant
partie
was
no
other
,
then
the
artifice
of
the
conspiratours
in
Parliament
to
devise
names
,
which
the
people
vnderstood
not
,
and
suggest
terrours
to
them
from
things
,
that
had
not
entred
into
their
thoughts
,
and
of
that
nature
was
this
name
of
malignant-faction
brought
foorth
by
the
Junto
to
amuse
the
people
,
but
he
might
well
remember
,
that
not
as
much
,
as
the
name
of
malignant
partie
was
hatch'd
,
when
the
Tumults
begun
.
The
Rebellion
in
Ireland
was
then
broken
out
,
which
was
not
till
neere
fix
moneths
after
the
insolence
of
the
Tumults
began
,
and
that
Rebellion
in
all
probabilitie
tooke
example
,
and
encouragement
from
these
Tumults
The
imaginary
conspiracie
of
Scotland
while
the
King
was
there
is
not
of
a
peece
,
the
tumults
having
preceeded
the
Kings
journey
thither
,
&
that
conspiracie
he
knowes
vanisht
into
ayre
,
&
could
give
noe
more
occasion
of
Tumults
,
then
of
this
Authors
remembrance
.
That
greate
numbers
of
vnknowne
persons
resorted
to
the
Citie
was
as
vnknowne
to
such
,
as
were
then
there
;
as
the
persons
to
this
Author
,
and
as
such
resort
is
knowne
to
be
noe
cause
of
such
Tumults
.
The
King
being
returned
from
Scotland
dismisses
that
guard
,
which
the
Parliament
thought
necessary
in
the
middest
of
soe
many
dangers
to
have
about
them
.
It
s
true
the
conspiratours
in
Parliament
eyther
from
the
guilt
of
their
consciences
,
or
advantage
to
their
plots
pretended
apprehension
of
danger
,
that
they
might
have
a
guard
,
which
they
might
make
vse
of
to
execute
their
designes
,
and
affront
the
members
of
the
house
●…hat
refused
to
cuncurr
to
their
plotts
,
and
therefore
noe
guard
pleased
them
,
but
such
,
as
were
composed
cheifely
of
such
persons
,
as
made
vp
the
Tumults
.
The
King
dismissed
the
guard
,
which
the
Parliament
thought
necessary
,
&
put
in
another
contrary
to
the
priviledge
of
that
high
Court
,
and
by
such
a
one
commaunded
as
made
them
noe
lesse
doubtfull
of
the
guard
it selfe
.
It
s
very
likely
,
that
they
had
as
litle
doubt
of
danger
,
from
any
other
,
as
from
the
guard
,
for
they
sought
to
create
dangers
to
others
,
feared
none
to
themselves
,
but
from
their
owne
guilt
.
It
s
well
knowne
there
was
not
the
least
appearance
of
danger
,
but
from
what
that
faction
intended
,
and
such
desire
of
a
guard
was
noe
lesse
vnknowne
,
then
ridiculous
to
all
former
Parliaments
,
and
it
was
soe
farr
from
being
a
priviledge
to
that
high
Court
,
that
the
leaders
of
the
faction
in
the
lower
house
procured
a
vote
to
desire
it
of
the
king
.
And
how
could
it
be
contrary
to
the
priviledge
of
that
high
Court
for
him
to
change
the
guards
,
that
had
first
placed
them
?
The
guard
,
which
the
king
appointed
was
commaunded
by
the
cheife
officer
of
that
guard
,
and
because
he
gave
commaund
to
keepe
of
the
Tumults
,
therefore
the
Rebell
faction
,
concluded
their
busnies
could
not
be
done
by
such
a
guard
,
nor
such
a
Commaunder
.
Which
they
therefore
sayes
he
discharge
,
deeming
it
more
safe
to
sitt
free
,
though
without
a
guard
in
open
danger
,
then
enclosed
with
a
suspected
safetie
.
And
in
what
safetie
sate
they
,
that
were
threatned
,
and
abused
by
those
Tumults
every
day
.
The
visible
cause
of
a
guard
was
the
Tumults
,
but
the
cause
,
why
guards
were
desired
was
to
act
the
same
for
which
the
Tumults
were
raysed
,
and
the
danger
pretended
was
a
deceite
,
for
they
,
that
desired
a
guard
would
rather
be
without
one
,
then
not
have
a
Commaunder
of
their
owne
faction
,
and
the
houses
found
noe
inconvenience
in
the
want
of
a
guard
,
but
in
the
insolencie
of
the
Tumults
,
which
the
seditious
faction
invited
,
&
would
not
have
them
hindred
by
any
guards
.
The
people
therefore
least
their
worthyest
,
and
most
faithfull
Patriotts
,
who
had
exposed
themselves
for
the
publique
,
and
whome
they
saw
now
left
naked
,
should
want
aide
,
or
be
deserted
in
the
middest
of
these
dangers
,
came
in
multitudes
,
though
vnarm'd
to
wittnes
their
fidelitie
,
and
readines
in
case
of
any
violence
offred
to
the
Parliament
.
It
hath
been
aldeady
observed
,
that
these
Tumults
preceded
the
desire
of
guards
,
and
they
were
soe
farr
from
being
acceptable
to
the
Parliament
,
that
the
house
of
Lords
desired
their
restraint
,
and
invited
the
lower
house
to
concurre
with
them
to
suppresse
these
Tumults
,
and
though
the
factious
partie
withstood
the
motion
,
yet
it
was
thought
necessary
by
a
greate
part
of
that
house
to
joyne
with
the
Lords
in
that
desire
.
And
how
could
they
wittnes
their
fidelitie
to
the
Parliament
,
when
soe
greate
a
part
thought
them
a
greivance
?
And
why
did
they
menace
,
and
assault
the
members
of
both
houses
?
Why
did
they
prescribe
resolutions
to
the
Parliament
,
and
in
case
their
demaunds
were
not
graunted
,
denounce
terrour
to
the
opposers
?
Is
this
fidelitie
to
the
Parliament
?
This
Author
neede
not
seeke
such
blinde
excuses
for
Tumults
,
that
justifies
open
Treason
,
noe
doubt
those
his
faithfull
Patriots
well
vnderstood
,
that
their
greatest
danger
was
from
the
law
,
which
they
had
violated
,
and
they
would
be
secure
by
subverting
it
,
and
engaging
,
multitudes
in
their
owne
guilt
.
The
king
had
reason
to
send
into
the
Citie
to
forbid
such
resorts
,
and
nothing
,
but
sedition
could
encourage
,
or
permitt
them
.
The
supposition
of
the
kings
envying
to
see
the
peoples
love
devolved
on
another
object
,
shewes
,
that
Rebellious
inclinations
were
the
desire
,
and
strength
of
the
leaders
in
the
lower
house
,
&
the
envying
may
be
properly
changed
into
indignation
,
that
subjects
should
breake
their
dutie
,
and
become
workers
of
their
owne
miserie
such
Tnmultuous
licence
had
not
soe
much
probabilitie
to
hinder
any
action
of
the
King
towards
the
Parliament
,
as
to
ruine
the
Parliament
,
&
kingdome
.
The
faction
feared
not
any
action
of
his
Majest:
but
endeavoured
to
promote
their
owne
designes
against
him
.
He
is
now
come
to
tells
vs
some
reasons
,
why
the
Parliament
petitioned
the
king
for
a
guard
after
they
were
content
to
sit
without
one
,
and
while
be
maintanies
a
power
in
his
imaginary
Parliament
to
murther
the
king
,
he
presents
them
petitioning
the
king
for
a
guard
,
and
their
words
,
which
he
will
not
take
notice
of
are
worth
observing
.
The
Knights
Cittizens
,
and
Burgesses
of
the
house
of
Commons
,
your
faithfull
,
and
loyall
subjects
,
who
are
ready
to
lay
downe
their
lives
,
and
fortunes
,
and
spend
the
last
dropp
of
their
blood
to
maintaine
your
Crowne
,
and
royall
person
in
greatnes
,
and
glory
,
doe
cast
themselves
downe
at
your
Royall
feete
,
with
such
elaborate
deceites
did
they
hope
to
perswade
the
king
to
give
them
a
guard
to
oppresse
himselfe
.
Their
subsequent
actions
have
been
a
full
Comment
vpon
theise
wicked
dissimulations
,
and
theis
false
professions
convince
the
present
shamelesse
challenges
of
power
in
theis
,
that
thus
addresse
themselves
.
That
blood
was
drawne
in
a
fray
,
or
two
at
the
Court
gate
,
and
even
at
their
owne
gate
in
Westminster
hall
.
Are
not
these
proper
motives
for
a
Parliament
to
call
for
guards
?
A
Constable
of
a
Parish
might
more
reasonably
set
a
guard
about
his
house
after
the
parting
of
a
fray
,
then
the
Parliament
seeke
for
an
armed
guard
vpon
such
an
occasion
.
If
the
tumults
were
soe
seditious
,
as
to
shew
their
insolencie
at
the
gate
of
white
hall
,
or
Westminster
hall
,
and
any
of
them
were
wounded
in
such
disorderly
resorts
,
it
had
been
just
,
and
necessary
to
forbid
their
comming
in
such
numbers
,
and
provoking
such
danger
,
and
their
continuance
is
a
mainfest
signe
,
that
these
tumults
were
not
the
voluntary
motion
of
the
people
,
but
the
instigation
of
the
factious
partie
in
Parliament
.
That
it
was
reasonable
,
and
just
for
the
Parliament
to
make
choise
of
their
owne
guards
,
and
Commaunder
will
only
appeare
to
such
,
as
had
trayterous
plotts
against
the
King
,
and
the
choice
,
that
they
made
of
the
Earle
of
Essex
shewes
by
their
after
imployment
,
and
his
ensuing
Actions
,
that
the
King
had
just
reason
for
the
refusall
,
and
though
this
Author
thinke
,
that
he
hath
said
somewhat
by
naming
him
the
Kings
owne
Chamberlaine
,
yet
all
men
see
,
that
these
obligations
,
which
the
King
had
put
vpon
that
Earle
,
could
not
with
hold
him
from
being
a
leader
to
the
mad
multitude
against
King
,
and
Kingdome
.
It
is
the
right
of
inferiour
Courts
to
make
choice
of
their
owne
guards
,
which
is
vtterly
false
,
but
can
he
tell
,
that
ever
an
inferiour
Court
vndertooke
to
be
guarded
by
a
Militia
,
or
that
ever
they
had
other
guards
,
then
from
Constables
,
and
inferiour
officers
,
whome
they
might
require
to
keepe
the
peace
,
and
doe
their
dutie
,
and
noe
Court
could
ever
make
choice
of
any
guard
either
for
number
,
or
Commaunder
.
He
sayes
,
that
why
the
King
refused
the
guard
desired
,
the
next
day
made
mainfest
,
for
then
he
came
to
blocke
vp
,
or
assault
the
house
of
Commons
.
It
soone
appeared
,
wherefore
they
desired
a
guard
,
to
protect
Traytours
,
&
destroy
the
King
.
That
the
King
came
to
blocke
vp
,
or
assault
,
the
libeller
hath
already
confessed
to
be
false
,
for
he
did
it
not
,
when
it
was
in
his
power
,
&
if
he
had
refused
a
guard
for
that
reason
,
he
would
have
performed
it
,
&
it
s
impertinently
alleadged
for
the
cause
of
those
tumults
,
when
he
hath
shewed
,
that
those
tumults
were
begun
long
before
,
for
he
lately
told
vs
of
the
blood
drawne
at
the
gate
of
white
hall
,
and
Westminster
hall
,
which
himselfe
knowes
was
in
the
tumults
.
He
proceedes
to
say
,
that
he
had
begun
to
fortifie
his
Court
,
and
entertained
armed
me●…
.
How
absurdly
doth
he
produce
any
acts
of
his
Majest:
which
were
occasioned
by
the
tumults
to
be
causes
of
the
tumults
?
fortifying
his
Court
,
and
entertaining
armed
men
,
there
was
good
cause
for
,
and
what
could
it
signifie
,
that
the
King
fortified
his
owne
house
?
B●…t
an
app●…hension
of
danger
.
And
how
could
it
offend
any
,
vnles
such
,
〈◊〉
were
disaffected
to
his
safetie
?
He
sayes
these
men
soe
entertained
standing
at
his
Pallace
gate
reviled
,
and
with
drawne
swords
wonnded
many
of
the
people
,
as
they
passed
by
in
a
peaceable
manner
,
whereof
some
died
.
His
owne
relation
makes
it
more
then
probable
,
that
such
,
as
were
wounded
gave
the
occasion
of
the
hurt
they
had
,
for
they
were
not
drawne
to
the
Palace
gate
,
and
might
have
quietly
passed
by
though
any
of
his
Maj:
Servants
stood
at
the
gate
,
&
the
truth
is
they
dayly
provoked
his
Maj:
with
insolent
,
&
menacinge
words
,
&
Actions
,
&
enforced
such
,
as
guarded
the
Court
to
repel
them
with
force
,
&
if
they
were
reviled
,
they
gave
the
provocation
by
their
seditious
carriage
,
&
these
armed
men
are
now
come
to
drawne
swords
there
being
no
armes
found
by
this
Author
,
but
swords
,
wherewith
the
persons
vsually
walked
,
&
which
were
necessarily
drawne
against
that
rowt
.
The
passing
by
of
a
multitude
,
though
neither
to
St.
Georges
feast
,
nor
to
a
tilting
of
it selfe
was
no
Tumult
.
The
expression
of
their
loyaltie
,
and
stedfastnes
to
the
Parliament
,
whose
lives
they
doubted
to
be
in
danger
was
noe
Tumult
.
but
wherefore
should
such
a
multitude
resort
,
that
had
nothing
to
see
,
vnles
they
were
tumults
?
If
a
multitude
,
of
people
either
at
St.
Georges
feast
,
or
a
tilting
should
threaten
the
King
,
or
with
violence
presse
into
his
Court
,
and
reproach
,
and
assault
such
,
as
they
found
there
,
this
would
be
a
tumult
,
&
somewhat
more
,
but
this
was
not
al
these
tumults
acted
,
they
assaulted
the
members
of
both
houses
neere
their
doores
,
they
threatned
them
,
that
consented
not
to
what
they
would
have
,
they
prescribed
to
the
King
,
and
both
houses
,
what
they
should
doe
,
&
doth
this
triviall
discourser
make
no
difference
betweene
such
Actions
,
that
are
the
most
pernitious
disorders
in
states
,
&
the
comming
of
a
multitude
to
see
a
tilting
.
If
the
purpose
of
such
multitudes
had
been
preservation
of
the
lives
,
or
safeties
of
any
members
in
Parliament
,
it
was
very
vnsuteable
to
their
pretence
to
enquire
into
the
proceedings
of
the
houses
,
&
assault
,
&
menace
the
members
.
The
loyaltie
,
which
he
sayes
they
bare
to
the
Parliament
was
il
exprest
by
breaking
the
priviledges
,
&
wronging
the
members
,
their
loyaltie
was
due
to
their
King
in
the
first
place
,
&
they
owed
nothing
to
the
Parliament
,
but
as
their
Kings
Court
,
&
Councel
,
but
the
Author
thinkes
fit
they
should
breake
their
sworne
loyaltie
to
their
King
to
maintaine
a
faction
against
him
.
If
it
grew
to
be
so
,
the
cause
was
in
the
King
,
&
his
retinue
,
who
by
hostile
preparations
,
and
actuall
assailing
the
people
gave
just
cause
to
defend
themselves
.
can
himselfe
beleive
this
dreame
of
his
,
when
he
reades
it
over
,
that
the
kings
preparations
against
the
tumults
after
a
long
continved
insolence
against
him
,
should
more
excuse
them
for
encreasing
their
violence
,
then
justifie
their
first
attempts
?
Neede
they
come
to
white
hall
,
or
Westminster
to
defend
themselves
,
but
theis
disorderly
,
&
absurd
pretences
are
fit
Apologies
for
a
tumultuous
rowt
.
These
petitioning
people
needed
not
have
been
so
formidable
to
any
,
but
to
such
,
whose
consciences
misgave
them
,
how
il
they
had
deserved
of
the
people
,
and
doe
non
forbid
such
petitioning
people
but
those
,
wose
consciences
misgave
them
,
how
il
they
had
deserved
of
the
people
?
why
then
were
the
kentish
petitioners
,
and
others
soe
roughly
handled
comming
vnarmed
,
&
more
peaceably
,
then
these
Tumults
?
And
doe
the
libellers
Masters
permitt
such
petitioning
people
at
present
,
vnles
it
be
some
of
their
owne
suborning
?
And
are
the
people
,
which
he
soe
lately
described
to
to
be
exorbitant
,
and
excessive
in
their
motions
become
such
exact
judges
of
al
mens
meritt
,
and
determine
of
punishment
without
respect
to
their
Rulers
.
If
the
libeller
would
have
shewen
what
these
Tumults
wanted
to
make
them
Cryminall
,
and
wherefore
other
Tumults
were
condemned
,
he
would
have
found
meanes
to
have
come
to
himselfe
,
&
have
sayd
,
that
Tumults
,
were
necessary
,
Preparations
to
Rebellion
.
That
the
King
was
soe
Empha●…icall
,
and
elaborate
on
this
Theame
will
redound
lesse
perhaps
then
he
was
aware
to
the
commendation
of
h●…
Government
,
for
in
good
Governments
they
happen
seldomest
,
and
rise
not
without
cause
.
It
is
more
then
perhapps
,
that
this
libellers
commendation
of
the
Tumults
will
condemne
his
defence
.
If
Tumults
never
happen
without
cause
,
we
must
accuse
the
best
Governments
of
giving
that
cause
,
we
are
sure
Davids
Government
wanted
them
not
,
but
Absolon
,
and
Sheba
shall
condemne
the
man
after
Gods
owne
heart
.
Did
this
libeller
thinke
any
truth
in
scripture
,
or
was
he
at
all
acquainted
with
it
,
that
will
have
a
just
cause
for
all
Tumul
,
s
,
when
we
reade
soe
many
against
Moyses
by
the
children
of
Israell
?
And
if
he
had
pleased
to
have
perused
the
Roman
story
,
he
must
acknowledge
many
causses
Tumults
in
that
state
.
It
s
like
he
holds
,
that
Demetrius
,
and
his
Craftsmen
had
a
cause
for
their
Tumults
,
and
surely
it
was
not
soe
violent
,
as
the
Tumult
he
defends
.
And
if
all
Tumults
,
and
Rebellions
be
caused
by
ill
Government
,
we
may
reasonably
conclude
,
that
the
people
needed
not
Governours
,
that
knew
soe
well
how
to
governe
themselves
,
and
did
never
judge
a
misse
of
the
Actions
,
or
Councells
of
their
Governours
.
The
libeller
at
first
said
he
tooke
vp
the
gantlet
for
libertie
,
and
the
Commonwealth
,
which
he
hath
now
expounded
to
be
for
destruction
of
libertie
,
and
Kingdome
by
Tumults
.
If
they
prove
extreame
,
&
pernicious
(
that
is
the
Tumults
)
they
were
never
counted
so
to
Monarchy
,
but
to
Monarchical
Tyrany
.
Who
doubts
,
but
Rebels
wil
pretend
Tyrany
,
&
oppression
.
Did
ever
reasonable
man
befor
this
vnreasonable
creature
pretend
,
that
Tumults
were
not
pernicious
to
all
governments
,
&
can
any
mā
conceive
,
that
they
wil
not
grow
extream
,
if
not
prevented
,
but
left
to
their
owne
violence
?
what
is
become
now
of
his
judgment
of
the
peoples
excessive
,
and
extravagant
motions
,
are
there
none
in
Tumults
?
Can
any
Rebellion
want
a
pretence
,
if
the
extreamitie
of
it
be
a
proofe
of
Tyrany
in
the
Rulers
?
There
can
hardly
be
supposed
an
assertion
more
vo●…de
of
truth
,
&
modestie
.
What
publique
wickednes
was
there
ever
acted
to
the
subversion
of
Kingdomes
,
but
by
Tumults
?
How
many
vsurpations
,
how
many
murthers
of
most
vertuous
Princes
have
been
acted
by
Tumults
?
But
this
libellet
glories
in
those
exploites
of
the
rabble
,
and
makes
the
Calamities
they
have
brought
on
others
the
matter
of
his
mirth
.
Extreames
he
sayes
are
at
most
Antipathy
.
If
then
the
King
soe
extreamely
stood
in
feare
of
Tumults
,
the
inference
will
endanger
him
to
be
the
olliert
extreame
.
Where
doth
he
finde
in
his
learning
,
that
Tumults
,
and
Tyrany
are
at
any
Antipathy
,
which
are
but
one
,
and
the
same
thing
,
for
was
there
ever
greater
Tyrany
exercised
,
then
by
Tumults
?
And
are
not
the
lawes
of
all
states
most
severe
against
Tumults
?
And
can
there
be
any
inference
from
thence
,
that
the
Government
is
Tyrany
,
are
not
Government
,
and
Tumults
at
most
Antipathy
?
It
s
a
certen
Rule
,
that
all
watchfull
Governours
wil
feare
Tu●…ults
.
The
King
had
just
cause
to
fea●…e
the
Calamities
ensuing
the
violence
of
Tumults
,
and
this
trifler
vainely
infers
his
fancied
extreames
from
a
prudent
foresight
,
and
if
there
were
noe
other
example
of
causeles
,
and
mischeivous
Tumults
then
those
the
King
complained
of
,
they
only
were
sufficient
to
instruct
the
world
vpon
what
mistaken
rumours
they
are
raysed
,
and
vnto
what
desperate
impieties
they
proceede
.
He
never
thought
any
thing
more
to
presage
the
mischeifes
,
that
ensued
,
then
those
Tumults
.
To
this
sayes
the
libeller
.
Those
Tumults
were
but
the
milde
effects
of
an
evill
,
and
injurious
Raigne
.
Tumults
the
prodigious
,
and
pestilentiall
raignes
get
vp
in
a
milde
,
and
gracious
Government
,
wherein
seditious
,
and
trayterous
factionists
take
libertie
to
defuse
their
venom
among
the
people
,
and
milde
tumults
,
and
loyall
Rebellion
are
phrases
agreable
to
this
mans
modestie
.
Those
signes
were
to
be
read
more
apparent
in
his
rage
,
and
purposed
revenge
of
those
clamours
of
the
people
.
That
those
tumults
might
overcome
the
patience
of
any
King
,
the
severitie
vsed
vpon
lesse
provocations
by
others
is
a
full
evidence
,
but
his
Majest:
moderation
was
constant
,
rage
,
and
revenge
being
only
legible
in
his
Enemies
.
That
tumults
did
presage
the
mischeifes
ensuing
,
al
knowing
men
concurr
with
his
Majest:
and
descerne
the
libellers
servile
defence
of
popular
clamours
.
Not
any
thing
portends
more
Gods
displeasure
against
a
nation
,
then
when
be
suffers
the
clamours
of
the
vulgar
to
passe
all
bounds
of
law
,
and
reverence
to
Authoritie
,
to
this
he
sayes
,
it
portends
rather
his
displeasure
against
a
Tyranous
King
.
As
God
sometimes
gives
an
evilKing
to
a
people
,
soe
whenever
he
destroyes
that
King
by
the
contemptible
vulgar
,
it
is
a
signe
of
the
encrease
of
his
displeasure
,
and
seldome
,
or
never
was
any
King
good
,
or
evill
soe
destroyed
,
but
the
peoples
sufferings
were
encreased
.
That
those
,
whome
he
calls
a
supplicating
people
,
and
that
did
noe
hurt
to
law
,
or
authoritie
,
but
stood
for
it
in
the
Parliament
were
a
Rebell
rabble
cannot
be
doubted
,
since
the
libeller
defends
them
,
and
he
cannot
be
beleived
they
did
noe
hurt
to
law
in
as
much
,
as
he
defends
the
subversion
of
law
,
and
the
attempts
of
this
supplicating
people
,
that
were
in
order
to
that
end
.
This
supplicating
is
one
of
his
abolisht
Ceremonies
,
The
libeller
tells
,
that
they
ought
to
have
stood
for
law
,
the
world
knownes
they
did
the
contrary
,
and
he
is
wittnes
both
of
their
guilt
,
and
his
owne
falshood
.
That
they
invaded
the
honour
,
and
freedome
of
the
two
houses
.
To
this
he
sayes
,
It
is
his
officious
accusation
,
not
seconded
by
the
Parliament
,
who
,
had
they
seene
cause
,
were
best
able
to
complaine
.
And
how
were
they
able
,
when
they
were
threatned
,
if
they
did
complaine
,
and
because
the
Parliament
is
overawed
by
Tumults
,
that
they
cannot
complaine
,
therefore
their
fredome
is
not
invaded
.
But
how
shamelesly
he
charges
the
King
with
the
officious
accusation
,
he
tells
vs
in
the
next
words
,
for
he
sayes
,
if
they
strucke
,
or
menaced
any
,
as
the
King
said
,
they
were
such
,
as
had
more
relation
to
the
Court
,
then
to
the
Common
wealth
,
Enemies
,
not
Patrons
of
the
people
.
Is
not
the
honour
,
and
freedome
of
the
two
housce
invaded
,
when
their
members
ar
strucke
,
and
menaced
?
And
is
it
an
officious
accusation
to
say
soe
?
Can
this
man
pretend
the
name
of
Parliament
,
when
he
will
allow
the
base
rabble
to
abuse
them
at
pleasure
?
And
could
any
man
but
he
tell
the
King
,
that
persons
elected
were
not
sent
to
be
Cavelled
at
by
him
,
or
entertained
with
an
vndervalue
of
their
temper
,
judgment
,
or
affection
,
and
heere
defend
the
rascallitie
in
striking
,
and
menacing
the
members
,
and
not
only
vndervaluing
their
temper
,
judgment
,
and
affection
,
but
handling
them
,
as
cullions
.
Never
was
libeller
more
passionately
malicious
,
more
blindly
absurd
,
more
wilfully
false
,
yet
he
thinkes
he
hath
a
reserve
against
all
opposition
,
for
he
sayes
,
if
their
petitioning
vnarmed
were
an
invasion
of
both
houses
,
what
was
his
besetting
it
with
armed
men
.
Is
striking
,
and
menacing
soe
quickly
returned
to
petitioning
,
Is
it
a
way
of
answeare
not
to
speake
to
the
question
?
Did
ever
Kings
of
England
come
without
an
armed
guard
to
the
Parliament
,
and
doe
they
beset
the
house
,
when
the
guard
is
at
the
doore
?
And
can
he
say
,
that
the
Kings
comming
with
his
guard
to
the
house
is
a
greater
invasion
of
the
honour
,
&
freedome
of
the
houses
,
then
the
striking
,
and
menacing
the
members
by
the
Tumults
?
Doubtles
he
had
consulted
better
to
his
credit
to
have
said
nothing
,
then
that
,
which
was
soe
different
from
the
case
himselfe
had
stated
,
and
his
repetition
of
petitioning
,
and
supplicating
people
is
noe
other
,
then
the
noyse
of
the
Ephesian
Rabble
,
that
greate
is
Diana
of
the
Ephesians
.
The
King
sayes
,
They
forbore
not
rude
deportments
,
contemptuous
words
,
and
Actions
to
himselfe
,
and
his
Court.
And
to
this
the
libeller
sayes
.
It
was
noe
wonder
,
having
heard
what
treacherous
hostilitie
he
had
designed
against
the
Citie
,
and
his
whole
Kingdome
,
that
they
forbore
to
handle
him
,
as
people
in
their
rage
have
handled
Tyrants
heere
to
fore
for
lesse
offences
.
The
supplicating
,
and
petitioning
people
may
vse
rude
deportments
,
contemptuous
words
,
and
actions
.
To
what
purpose
hath
he
minced
his
Tumults
into
supplicating
,
&
petitioning
people
,
when
he
defends
their
highest
violence
?
The
King
design'd
Treacherous
hostilitie
against
the
Cittie
,
and
Kingdome
.
The
last
thoughts
,
that
madd
men
had
before
their
destraction
run
most
in
their
fancie
in
the
time
of
their
frensie
,
and
these
Traytours
having
lost
all
reason
inculcate
still
those
ridiculous
fraudes
wherewith
at
first
they
seduced
the
people
.
The
designes
of
Treacherous
hostilitie
was
one
of
the
Ceremonies
,
which
its
now
time
to
give
over
.
Who
but
an
I
diot
can
beleive
,
that
the
King
can
have
Treacherous
designes
against
his
Kingdome
,
whereof
shal
he
be
King
,
&
whome
shall
he
have
to
execate
hostilitie
against
his
owne
Kingdome
?
but
these
dreames
of
the
blowing
vp
of
Thames
,
and
tales
of
winde
mills
,
and
fiery
Dragons
are
over
,
and
it
s
become
the
peoples
sorrow
,
and
shame
to
looke
backe
vpon
the
cheates
,
whereby
they
were
deluded
.
He
cannot
name
any
Tyrant
ill
handled
by
tumults
vpon
such
pretences
,
as
he
makes
,
&
the
most
wicked
Tyrant
was
not
soe
guiltie
,
as
that
people
,
which
exercised
their
rage
vpon
him
,
yet
the
libeller
determines
,
that
the
tumults
fury
is
as
justifiable
,
as
the
Parliaments
order
,
for
he
ascribes
noe
more
to
the
one
,
then
the
other
.
They
were
not
a
short
ague
,
but
a
feiree
quotidian
feaver
.
And
the
libeller
sayes
he
may
best
say
it
who
most
felt
it
.
He
will
rather
boast
of
the
greatenes
of
their
villany
,
then
reprove
the
impietie
of
it
,
and
therefore
he
sports
himselfe
with
the
injuries
of
it
,
after
his
appellations
of
mildnes
,
and
supplicating
people
,
and
extolls
the
highest
of
their
violence
,
as
a
feirce
quotidian
feaver
,
and
he
is
soe
Lunatique
,
that
out
of
his
malice
to
the
King
,
he
calls
them
milde
,
&
out
of
his
insolence
confesses
them
violent
,
and
deadly
.
The
King
would
perswade
vs
,
that
men
scared
themselves
,
&
others
without
cause
.
And
al
men
are
now
satisfied
of
the
truth
of
it
,
the
fraudes
being
soe
apparent
,
and
confessed
by
this
breaker
.
Wise
feare
,
and
suspition
would
finde
weapons
.
And
we
have
found
by
experience
,
that
Rebells
by
suggesting
vaine
feares
,
and
suspitions
have
gotten
weapons
,
and
armed
the
people
to
their
owne
destruction
.
Vpon
the
Kings
repeating
the
mischeifes
done
by
the
tumults
,
that
they
first
petitioned
,
then
protected
,
dictate
next
,
and
lastly
overaw
the
Parliament
.
They
removed
obstructions
,
they
purged
the
houses
,
cast
out
rotten
members
.
He
sayes
,
if
there
were
a
man
of
Iron
such
as
Talus
by
our
poet
spencer
,
is
fain'd
to
be
the
Page
of
Iustice
,
who
with
his
Iron
flaile
could
doe
all
this
,
and
expedititiously
without
those
deceitefull
formes
,
and
Circumstances
of
law
worse
,
then
Ceremonies
in
Religion
,
I
say
God
send
it
done
,
whether
by
one
Talus
,
or
by
a
thousand
.
Religion
,
&
lawes
are
lesse
then
Ceremonies
in
this
Authors
account
,
and
when
Pages
follow
not
,
nor
acknowledge
,
Masters
Justice
wil
be
ill
waited
on
,
such
cut-throates
are
not
the
Pages
of
Justice
,
but
the
furies
of
hell
,
and
theis
this
libeller
prayes
to
God
for
;
what
will
not
such
call
Justice
to
satisfie
their
ambition
,
and
crueltie
?
Poets
are
short
in
their
fancies
of
what
the
English
Rebells
have
acted
.
Their
Gyants
were
Pigmyes
to
theise
Monsters
,
and
their
Hidra
too
few
heads
,
&
too
litle
venom
for
the
service
of
these
Enemies
of
mankinde
.
What
a
silly
propertie
does
this
libeller
make
Parliament
,
and
lawes
,
that
subjects
them
to
Tumults
,
and
how
barbarous
are
their
proceedings
,
that
made
endeavour
to
subvert
fundamentall
lawes
a
Capitall
Cryme
,
and
heere
he
commends
the
fact
,
&
calls
them
deceitefull
formes
,
and
Circumstances
of
law
.
Might
he
not
better
have
said
,
they
would
make
good
their
villanies
by
the
sword
,
then
prevaricate
,
and
say
,
and
vnsay
,
and
pretend
Religion
,
and
yet
pray
God
to
send
Tumults
,
and
Confusions
to
breake
all
lawes
in
order
to
their
designes
?
The
King
sayes
,
they
subdued
the
men
of
conscience
in
Parliament
,
backed
,
and
abetted
all
seditious
,
&
schismaticall
proposalls
against
Government
Ecclesiasticall
,
and
Civill
.
To
this
he
sayes
.
That
it
was
not
the
Kings
grace
,
but
this
Iron
flaile
,
the
people
,
that
drove
the
Bishopps
out
of
their
Baronies
,
Cathedralls
,
Lords
house
,
Coopes
,
surplisses
,
papisticall
innovations
,
threw
downe
high
Commission
,
starr
chamber
,
gave
vs
a
trienniall
Parliament
,
and
what
we
most
desired
.
And
is
not
this
brave
?
Is
it
a
credit
to
a
Church
to
be
thus
reformed
?
Is
this
the
Christian
Religion
to
glory
in
oppression
,
robery
,
and
Rebellion
?
There
is
noe
doubt
,
but
many
things
graunted
by
his
Majest:
in
the
late
Parliament
,
were
Acts
of
grace
in
respect
of
his
compliance
with
importunitie
,
in
hope
thereby
to
preserve
the
people
from
a
Civill
warr
,
not
in
respect
of
the
nature
of
the
things
graunted
.
The
libeller
might
have
remembred
,
that
the
King
never
consented
to
drive
the
Bishopps
out
of
their
Baronies
,
or
Cathedralls
,
and
his
Trienniall
Parliament
,
which
he
soe
much
commends
is
repealed
by
his
new
Masters
,
for
the
people
must
not
looke
for
the
execution
of
any
such
law
.
And
this
Iron
slaile
,
the
rashnes
,
and
crueltie
of
a
disordered
multitude
hath
thresht
,
and
broken
the
bones
,
&
sinewes
of
the
people
,
and
made
them
know
the
difference
betweene
a
golden
Scepter
,
and
an
Iron
flaile
.
In
revenge
whereof
he
sayes
he
now
soe
bitterly
inveighs
against
them
.
And
how
can
the
libeller
thinke
it
bitter
,
when
their
Actions
,
which
he
confesses
exceede
in
impietie
the
greatest
Crymes
,
that
ever
were
inveighed
against
?
And
if
we
could
wonder
at
any
thing
,
we
might
wonder
at
his
mention
of
Schismaticall
proposalls
consented
to
by
the
King
,
when
he
wel
knowes
,
noe
one
thing
by
him
mentioned
of
Cathedralls
,
or
Ceremonies
was
consented
to
by
the
King
,
&
noe
lesse
strange
is
it
,
that
the
other
particulars
are
by
him
recited
,
as
intended
by
the
King
to
be
the
Sedi●…ious
proposalls
,
though
all
of
them
are
not
free
from
that
name
,
when
as
there
were
soe
many
seditious
,
and
Trayterous
proposalls
besides
these
.
That
these
Tumults
played
the
hastie
midwives
,
and
would
not
stay
the
ripening
,
but
went
streight
to
ripping
vp
,
and
forcibly
cut
out
abortive
votes
,
to
this
he
opposes
,
that
the
Parliament
complained
not
,
and
therefore
those
confluxes
were
not
by
them
thought
Tumultuous
.
And
were
they
not
thought
Tumultuous
by
such
,
as
they
had
expelled
,
and
driven
away
from
the
Parliament
?
And
did
he
but
in
his
last
words
call
them
an
Iron
flaile
,
and
recount
the
wonders
,
which
they
wrought
,
and
now
would
not
allow
them
to
be
Tumults
?
We
may
besure
the
seditious
faction
in
Parliament
stirred
them
vp
,
and
such
,
as
differed
in
judgment
,
or
affection
from
them
,
were
enforced
eyther
to
be
absent
,
or
silent
,
But
what
good
man
had
not
rather
want
,
any
thing
the
most
desired
for
the
publique
good
,
then
attaine
it
by
such
vnlawfull
,
and
irreligious
meanes
,
which
is
sayes
the
libeller
had
not
rather
sit
still
,
and
let
his
Contrey
be
Tyranized
,
then
like
men
demaund
their
rights
,
and
liberties
,
And
that
is
the
people
ought
,
when
they
thinke
fit
to
Rebell
against
their
Governours
,
and
say
their
lawes
are
deceitefull
,
and
their
Government
Tyranicall
.
This
is
the
artificiallest
peice
of
finenes
to
perswade
men
to
be
slaves
,
that
the
Court
could
have
invented
.
Is
it
not
Scripture
,
that
we
may
not
doe
evill
,
that
good
may
come
of
it
,
And
what
other
thing
doth
the
King
say
,
or
this
libeller
make
the
artificialest
finenes
of
the
Court
,
Traytours
perswade
men
,
that
they
demaund
their
right
,
while
they
seeke
only
to
oppresse
the
right
of
all
men
by
a
lawles
vsurpation
,
and
noe
man
can
doubt
,
but
such
,
as
Rebell
will
make
pretences
,
and
not
spare
the
lawes
of
God
by
prophane
interpretations
,
nor
the
Actions
of
their
Rulers
by
false
representations
.
The
morall
of
this
lesson
would
better
serve
the
teacher
,
and
it
is
the
libellers
sense
.
What
good
man
had
not
rather
want
a
boundles
,
and
arbitrary
power
,
and
those
fine
flowers
of
the
Crowne
called
Prerogatives
,
then
for
them
to
vse
force
,
and
perpetuall
vexation
to
his
faithfull
subjects
,
nay
to
wade
for
them
through
blood
,
and
Civill
warr
.
And
have
not
these
Rebells
waded
through
blood
,
and
Civill
warr
to
place
theise
Prerogatives
,
&
flowers
of
the
Crowne
vpon
themselves
,
and
continue
force
,
and
perpetuall
vexation
vpon
the
people
of
England
to
set
vp
a
boundles
,
&
arbitrary
power
.
The
Kings
just
Prerogatives
,
and
flowers
of
his
Crowne
were
of
absolute
necessitie
for
his
peoples
safetie
,
&
they
could
be
a
vexation
to
noe
faithfull
subjects
This
libeller
hath
inherited
Cains
lurce
,
a
restles
motion
,
and
discord
within
himselfe
,
that
heere
talkes
of
faithfull
subjects
,
and
by
,
and
by
will
allow
none
to
be
subjects
,
nor
faithfull
,
but
the
King
is
their
officer
,
and
noe
oaths
binde
them
to
him
.
The
King
sayes
,
who
were
the
chiefe
Demagogues
to
send
for
those
Tumults
,
some
alive
are
not
ignorant
,
he
sayes
the
King
cannot
coine
English
as
he
could
money
,
&
t
is
beleived
this
wording
was
above
his
knowne
stile
,
and
ortography
,
and
accuses
the
whole
composure
to
be
conscious
of
some
other
author
.
And
this
learned
observation
vpon
the
word
Demagogue
deserves
the
Laurell
.
Why
is
demagogue
amore
hobgoblin
word
,
then
Pedagogue
?
And
why
should
the
one
be
above
the
kings
knowne
stile
,
&
ortography
more
then
the
other
?
And
why
may
not
the
king
make
an
English
word
current
,
as
well
as
another
,
There
are
very
many
whose
knowne
stile
,
and
ortography
is
beneath
the
Kings
,
that
could
have
transcribed
Demagogue
out
of
many
English
Authors
without
offending
against
ortography
.
If
these
Demagogues
were
men
of
reputation
with
the
rabble
,
it
adds
not
to
their
reputation
with
knowing
men
,
nor
lessens
the
guilt
,
nor
danger
of
those
tumults
,
but
rather
made
them
more
mischeivous
;
&
the
baser
sort
of
people
have
such
most
in
reputation
,
as
are
neerest
to
their
owne
condition
being
strangers
to
vertue
,
and
true
worth
.
The
King
sayes
complaints
were
made
,
yet
noe
redresse
could
be
obtained
.
To
this
he
returnes
the
Parliaments
complaint
of
danger
,
and
that
it
cheered
them
to
see
some
flore
of
their
friends
,
and
in
the
Roman
,
not
pettifogging
sense
,
their
Clients
soe
neere
about
them
.
Though
he
sometimes
vse
the
names
of
Justice
,
and
Patriotts
,
and
love
of
Countrey
,
yet
he
affects
nothing
more
,
nor
prayses
any
thing
soe
much
,
as
seditious
contrivances
,
and
exploits
,
and
to
defend
the
Tumults
,
while
he
would
deny
there
were
any
,
and
the
seditious
Gracchy
,
Catilnie
,
and
other
conspiratours
against
the
Roman
Senate
shal
be
commended
,
for
what
were
these
Clients
in
the
Roman
sense
,
but
a
powerfull
number
of
such
persons
,
as
were
readie
to
fire
the
state
at
the
commaund
of
their
Patron
.
The
Senate
never
made
vse
of
such
Clients
,
but
the
power
of
private
men
by
them
became
the
ruine
of
that
state
,
and
he
hath
given
himselfe
a
full
answeare
,
why
the
Parliament
complained
not
of
the
Tumults
,
when
he
boasts
,
that
they
were
cheered
to
see
them
.
The
Parliament
,
and
people
demaunded
Iustice
for
those
assaults
,
if
not
murthers
,
meaning
those
pretended
brawles
at
the
Court
gate
.
If
any
had
demaunded
Justice
they
might
have
had
it
,
for
what
should
hinder
?
the
procedings
of
noe
Court
were
shutt
but
by
the
Rebells
.
And
it
is
not
Poeticall
fury
,
but
Bedlam
distraction
to
compare
the
hurts
done
in
a
fray
,
ptrovoked
by
an
vnruly
rabble
to
the
sheddinge
of
the
blood
of
Nabaoth
,
and
the
murther
of
the
king
to
the
revenge
of
Nabaoths
blood
.
Their
choise
of
the
place
for
that
execrable
Act
before
the
kings
Pallace
gate
is
only
an
evidence
of
the
pride
,
and
malice
of
their
hearts
,
and
of
their selfe
condemning
consciences
,
that
contrived
Circumstances
to
disguise
their
crueltie
with
a
counterfaite
of
Justice
.
The
king
complaines
,
that
he
found
noe
declarations
of
the
Bishopps
could
take
place
against
the
Tumults
.
To
this
he
askes
,
was
that
worth
his
considering
,
that
foolish
,
and
selfe
vndoing
declaration
of
twelue
Cypher
Bishopps
,
who
were
immediately
appeacht
of
Treason
for
that
audacious
declaring
?
Surely
it
was
worth
the
considering
in
reguard
of
the
Justice
of
the
declaration
,
and
the
Injustice
towards
those
Bishopps
,
and
there
can
hardly
be
produced
a
more
impudent
Act
by
an
assembly
of
men
,
that
would
allow
tumults
to
offer
violence
to
their
members
,
and
charge
their
members
for
complaining
of
the
injury
with
Treason
.
And
as
they
proceeded
without
shame
,
or
truth
,
soe
they
make
it
their
mirth
,
that
they
could
by
such
a
ridiculous
meanes
,
effect
soe
greate
a
villanie
.
That
declaration
,
which
he
calls
foolish
,
and
self
vndoing
will
stand
a
perpetuall
Monument
of
the
vertue
,
and
courage
of
these
Bishopps
,
and
the
infamy
of
those
Cipher
Lords
,
that
committed
them
.
And
if
the
Bishopps
were
pulled
by
their
Rochetts
,
as
he
admitts
,
was
not
this
a
just
cause
in
feare
in
his
Majest
?
And
doth
this
pulling
by
the
Rochetts
amount
to
nothing
but
petitioning
?
This
libeller
sayes
,
the
Bishopps
deserved
another
kinde
of
pulling
.
And
noe
doubt
he
would
have
justified
their
murther
in
the
streetes
,
as
well
,
as
the
Kings
since
,
and
that
must
not
have
been
the
blood
of
Nabaoth
.
He
would
inferr
,
that
the
King
had
noe
cause
of
feare
,
because
he
came
the
next
day
after
his
going
to
the
house
of
Commons
into
the
Citie
without
a
guard
.
The
King
beleived
at
that
time
the
Citie
was
not
soe
totally
debaucht
,
but
that
he
might
finde
some
,
that
would
guard
him
against
the
disloyaltie
of
others
,
and
those
humble
demeanours
,
which
he
mentions
are
well
knowne
to
be
most
insolent
provocations
of
base
people
,
and
though
at
that
time
the
infection
was
not
soe
venemous
,
as
it
grew
afterwards
,
yet
the
king
found
disloyaltie
very
apparent
.
Though
the
King
might
have
feared
in
reguard
of
his
owne
guiltines
,
yet
he
knew
the
people
soe
full
of
awe
,
and
reverence
to
his
person
,
as
he
dared
to
committ
himselfe
single
among
them
.
If
the
King
had
knowne
guiltines
in
himselfe
,
he
could
not
have
hoped
for
that
awe
,
and
reverence
,
but
his
going
single
at
such
a
time
,
and
after
soe
many
affronts
shewes
the
audacious
scurrilitie
of
this
Author
,
that
hath
taunted
at
him
soe
often
for
seares
,
and
terrours
,
and
now
sayes
he
dared
goe
single
among
such
outragious
tumults
.
And
if
awe
,
and
reverence
to
his
person
were
a
commendation
to
the
people
,
as
this
libeller
would
have
it
,
it
must
be
the
brand
of
infamy
vpon
him
,
and
his
Rebellious
packe
,
that
have
troden
awe
,
and
reverence
vnderfoote
,
and
wickedly
despised
,
and
murthered
him
.
He
would
prove
,
that
the
King
had
no
feares
after
all
the
reproachfull
scoffing
at
his
feares
,
because
he
went
into
Scotland
after
the
Bishopps
had
been
worse
handled
,
then
in
England
,
and
after
two
Armies
had
entred
England
against
him
,
and
this
he
sayes
argues
first
,
that
he
was
a
stranger
to
England
,
and
full
of
diffidence
.
To
the
Scotts
only
a
native
King
in
his
confidence
,
though
not
in
his
dealing
,
next
he
sayes
,
which
shewes
beyound
doubting
,
that
all
his
feare
of
Tumults
was
but
a
pretence
.
Wee
cannot
boubt
,
that
this
Authors
braine
is
as
Giddy
,
as
the
Tumults
,
for
to
prove
,
that
the
King
had
noe
feare
of
the
Tumults
,
he
affirmes
him
diffident
to
the
English
confident
of
the
Scotts
,
and
labours
much
to
make
periods
of
non
sense
,
that
he
may
vse
words
of
Calumnie
.
Might
not
the
King
have
cause
to
feare
in
reguard
of
their
malice
,
though
not
his
personall
suffering
?
And
doth
not
his
libeller
shew
his
vaine
falshood
,
that
heere
makes
the
king
feareles
,
and
soe
lately
made
mirth
of
the
terrours
of
the
Tumults
.
The
libeller
doubted
he
should
not
finde
credit
to
his
many
contradictions
touching
the
tumults
,
&
therefore
turnes
about
to
another
theame
of
the
Kings
relation
to
the
scotts
,
and
is
so
voyde
of
sense
,
as
having
affirmed
within
ten
lines
before
,
that
the
king
was
confident
of
the
awe
,
and
reverence
of
the
people
of
England
to
his
person
,
heere
sayes
he
was
full
of
diffidence
.
But
he
sayes
he
tooke
occasion
from
the
Tumults
of
absence
from
the
Parliament
,
to
turne
his
disorderly
bickerings
to
an
orderly
invadinge
.
That
the
King
might
be
absent
without
shewing
a
reason
why
,
from
his
Parliament
,
noe
man
of
knowledge
,
or
common
reason
ever
doubted
,
and
he
might
,
as
well
goe
to
Yorke
,
as
into
Scotland
.
But
he
must
be
persecuted
by
disorderly
Tumults
,
if
he
stay
,
and
followed
with
a
formed
Army
,
if
he
depart
,
and
they
,
that
sought
Colours
,
and
disgiuses
for
the
Tumults
grow
soe
impudent
to
rayse
an
Army
for
the
King
to
fight
against
him
.
The
King
sayes
he
would
not
have
weakened
himselfe
by
soe
many
former
,
and
after
Acts
,
if
he
had
meditated
warr
,
as
some
suspected
,
when
he
left
white
hall
.
The
libeller
sayes
his
former
Acts
did
not
weaken
him
,
&
it
might
come
into
his
minde
after
passing
these
Acts.
That
which
strengthened
the
Rebells
must
weaken
him
,
and
was
the
Act
for
continuance
of
the
Parliament
,
without
which
they
could
not
have
sate
,
nor
acted
,
nor
deluded
the
people
,
nor
part
of
their
strength
,
nor
the
Kings
weakenes
?
But
he
that
objects
cunning
fetches
,
and
evill
Councellours
to
the
king
now
allowes
him
nothing
,
but
improvidence
,
and
feare
.
The
King
doubted
not
,
but
all
had
gone
well
,
if
the
Parliament
had
sate
still
free
,
as
it
was
in
its
first
election
,
and
sayes
the
libeller
,
his
not
doubting
was
all
good
mens
greatest
doubt
.
And
theis
are
the
good
men
,
that
could
not
endure
a
free
Parliament
,
and
the
libellers
Parliament
,
that
must
governe
is
a
new
modell
,
not
a
free
Parliament
,
as
it
was
at
first
elected
;
that
stood
not
with
their
Rebellious
disignes
,
and
his
good
men
doubted
,
that
all
would
not
soe
well
with
them
,
if
that
sate
still
free
,
&
therefore
the
Iron
flaile
must
thrust
the
Bishopps
out
of
the
Lords
house
,
and
purge
the
lower
house
,
and
yet
it
is
still
Tyrany
,
and
obstinacie
in
the
King
by
this
mans
judgment
not
to
accept
all
the
Dictates
of
this
ridiculous
packe
,
and
he
hath
a
narrow
conscience
,
and
not
fitt
for
the
publique
,
that
follows
not
the
cry
of
this
kennell
.
To
the
Kings
resolution
to
heare
reason
,
and
consent
,
as
farr
,
as
he
could
comprehend
.
The
libeller
askes
,
what
if
his
reason
comprehend
nothing
,
but
his
owne
advantages
,
was
this
a
reason
to
be
trusted
with
the
common
good
of
three
nations
?
Yes
truly
,
and
it
is
noe
Paradox
,
that
if
the
King
comprehend
his
owne
advantages
,
it
is
sufficient
for
the
common
good
of
the
three
nations
,
for
whatever
is
their
common
good
is
his
advantage
,
and
whatever
is
his
advantage
is
their
Common
good
,
but
all
his
Patriotts
for
whome
the
libeller
is
soe
Zealous
have
advantages
of
their
owne
,
that
are
opposite
to
the
Common
good
of
the
three
nations
.
The
King
sayes
,
as
swine
are
to
gardens
,
soe
are
Tumults
to
Parliaments
To
this
sayes
the
libeller
.
The
Parliament
could
best
have
told
vs
,
had
they
found
it
so
.
And
doubtles
such
of
the
Parliament
,
as
found
it
not
,
may
be
accounted
among
the
number
of
these
swine
,
or
the
herdsmē
of
them
.
But
he
sayes
one
greate
hogge
may
doe
as
much
mischiefe
in
a
garden
,
as
many
litle
swine
.
And
it
seemes
,
that
the
like
evill
spirit
,
as
entred
into
the
heard
of
swine
hath
possest
this
libeller
,
and
driven
him
on
head
long
in
his
Rebellious
impudence
.
The
King
sayes
,
he
was
some
times
prone
to
thinke
,
that
had
he
called
this
last
Pa●liament
to
any
other
place
in
England
,
the
sad
consequences
might
have
been
prevented
.
To
shew
,
that
the
place
could
have
made
noe
change
,
the
libeller
instances
in
his
Majest:
first
Parliament
at
oxford
,
which
was
dissolved
.
What
doth
that
prove
to
contradict
what
his
Majest:
sayes
,
that
if
he
had
called
the
Parliament
at
another
place
,
these
sad
consequences
might
have
been
prevented
?
Does
the
libeller
thinke
,
that
because
there
was
misvnderstanding
betweene
the
King
,
and
some
of
his
Parliaments
,
that
they
would
therefore
have
run
to
the
same
extreamities
,
that
the
faction
in
this
last
did
,
or
that
these
factionists
could
have
brought
this
mischeife
vpon
the
kingdome
,
by
like
Tumults
in
another
place
.
He
goes
on
to
say
,
that
the
King
called
his
last
Parliament
at
Oxford
a
Mungrell
Parliament
consisting
all
of
his
friends
.
Noe
doubt
there
were
in
that
Parliament
many
loyally
affected
to
his
Majest:
but
it
cannot
be
denyed
,
for
time
hath
tryed
it
,
that
there
were
many
among
them
,
that
were
spyes
,
and
disturbers
corrupted
by
the
Rebell
faction
at
Westminster
,
and
their
owne
base
inclinations
,
who
sought
to
disorder
all
Councells
,
and
consultations
.
The
libeller
would
comprehend
the
whole
people
of
England
within
the
Tumults
,
&
interprett
the
Kings
prayer
against
the
tumults
to
be
a
prayer
against
his
people
.
Is
it
not
God
,
that
stilleth
the
raging
of
the
sea
,
&
madnes
of
the
people
?
And
is
not
a
prayer
for
the
people
to
pray
they
may
be
delivered
from
such
madnes
,
and
yet
this
libeller
sayes
,
that
the
king
praying
to
be
delivered
from
the
Tumults
prayeth
to
be
delivered
from
the
people
,
and
blasphemously
concludes
,
God
save
the
people
from
such
intercessours
.
And
we
cannot
beleive
,
that
God
is
in
his
thoughts
,
whose
mouth
soe
often
abuseth
his
name
.
Vpon
the
Bill
for
TRIENNIALL
PARLIAMENTS
,
and
for
setling
this
,
&c.
HE
sayes
the
Bill
for
Trienniall
Parliaments
was
a
good
Bill
,
and
the
other
for
setling
this
at
that
time
very
expedient
.
And
this
he
sayes
in
the
kings
owne
words
was
noe
more
then
what
the
world
was
fully
confirmed
he
might
in
Iustice
,
reason
,
honour
,
and
conscience
graunt
them
,
for
to
that
end
he
affirmes
to
have
done
it
.
This
man
hath
a
confirmed
enmitie
against
truth
,
&
cannot
make
a
right
recitall
.
The
kings
words
are
,
that
the
world
might
be
fully
confirmed
,
in
my
purposes
at
first
to
contribute
what
in
Iustice
,
reason
,
honour
,
and
conscience
I
could
to
the
happy
succes
of
this
Parliament
,
I
willingly
past
the
Bill
for
Trienniall
Parliaments
.
The
greatenes
of
the
trust
,
which
his
Majest:
put
vpon
the
people
by
passing
that
Bill
was
a
strong
Argument
,
that
he
would
deny
nothing
,
which
in
Justice
,
reason
,
honour
,
and
conscience
he
might
graunt
,
not
that
the
world
was
confirmed
he
might
graunt
that
Bill
in
reason
,
honour
,
and
conscience
in
respect
of
the
matter
of
it
,
for
a
greate
part
of
the
world
was
of
opinion
,
he
might
with
better
reason
have
denyed
it
,
had
not
his
desire
to
shew
his
purposes
of
contributing
what
he
could
to
the
happy
successe
of
the
Parliament
moved
him
.
And
they
might
be
confirmed
thereby
of
his
purposes
to
deny
nothing
,
which
in
Justice
,
reason
,
honour
,
and
conscience
he
could
contribute
to
the
happy
successe
of
the
Parliament
.
It
is
the
Kings
manner
to
make
vertues
of
his
necessities
,
and
that
neither
prayse
,
nor
thankes
are
due
to
him
for
these
beneficiall
Acts.
It
cannot
be
expected
,
that
Rebells
will
retaine
gratitude
,
that
have
cast
of
loyaltie
,
but
let
vs
looke
on
his
reasons
,
and
the
first
is
,
that
this
first
Bill
graunts
much
lesse
,
then
two
former
statutes
yet
in
force
by
Edw.
the
3.
that
a
Parliament
should
be
called
every
yeare
,
or
oftner
,
if
neede
were
.
Either
the
libeller
is
vaine
in
producing
this
instance
,
or
in
commending
the
Bill
,
that
gave
much
lesse
,
then
two
former
lawes
in
force
,
and
he
must
make
the
Parliament
very
inconsiderate
,
that
would
soe
much
importune
a
law
soe
farr
short
,
of
what
former
lawes
had
enacted
.
His
ancient
law
booke
called
the
mirror
,
and
his
late
Treatise
,
that
Parliaments
by
our
old
lawes
were
to
be
twice
a
yeare
at
London
,
carry
as
litle
Authoritie
,
as
cleerenes
,
what
those
Parliaments
were
they
mention
,
but
neither
the
statutes
,
nor
law
bookes
did
ever
affirme
the
right
of
calling
Parliaments
in
any
other
then
the
King
,
or
that
he
might
not
deferr
the
calling
of
them
,
if
he
saw
cause
,
and
these
statutes
were
made
to
declare
the
subjects
dutie
to
attend
the
King
in
his
Parliament
once
a
yeare
,
or
oftner
,
if
neede
were
,
and
there
was
noe
reason
why
oftner
should
have
been
inserted
into
the
law
,
if
any
obligation
were
intended
thereby
vpon
the
King
.
And
its
contrary
vnto
the
writt
,
whereby
Parliaments
are
called
,
that
the
time
of
Parliaments
should
be
defined
,
for
it
is
recited
to
be
an
Act
of
Councell
to
call
a
Parliament
,
which
needed
not
,
if
it
were
necessary
at
a
prefixed
time
.
The
second
Bill
he
sayes
was
soe
necessary
,
that
nothing
in
the
power
of
man
more
seemed
to
be
the
stay
of
all
things
from
ruine
,
then
that
Act.
We
are
sure
,
that
nothing
did
more
confirme
the
designes
of
the
Traytours
nor
hasten
that
ruine
of
the
Kingdome
they
have
wrought
,
then
that
Act.
All
men
descerne
the
fraudulent
artifices
vsed
to
gaine
that
Bill
by
pretending
publique
debts
,
which
seditious
faction
had
contracted
,
and
intended
to
encrease
for
the
carrying
on
of
their
Rebellion
,
and
his
Majest:
in
graunting
that
Bill
hoped
to
take
of
those
occasions
of
it
?
the
Reports
,
which
they
cast
out
among
the
people
of
his
vnwillingnes
to
rayse
money
for
discharge
of
the
Armyes
.
These
charges
were
occasioned
by
the
Kings
ill
stewardshipp
,
but
the
world
is
satisfied
,
it
was
from
a
trayterous
conspiracie
of
the
guides
of
this
Rebellion
.
He
alleadges
his
needeles
raysing
of
two
Armies
to
withstand
the
Scotts
,
which
noe
man
,
but
a
profest
Rebell
can
soe
call
,
for
should
he
have
raysed
noe
Army
,
but
left
all
to
the
mercy
of
the
invader
?
next
he
had
beggerd
both
himselfe
,
&
the
publique
.
When
by
this
libellers
owne
confession
the
King
had
received
noe
supplies
from
the
publique
for
raysing
those
Armies
,
and
these
shameles
Traytours
blush
not
to
talke
of
the
Kings
beggering
of
the
people
,
when
the
greate
plentie
his
Government
had
enriched
them
with
,
is
soe
visible
in
those
vast
leavies
,
which
the
Rebells
have
since
made
vpon
them
.
The
King
left
vs
vpon
the
score
of
his
needy
Enemies
.
If
they
had
not
been
too
much
friends
to
the
traytours
of
England
,
there
had
been
noe
score
to
them
,
for
all
men
know
whatever
they
received
from
England
was
by
the
contrivance
of
the
Trayterous
faction
in
Parliament
to
accomplish
their
ends
.
To
diseng
age
him
greate
summs
were
borrowed
.
Which
its
well
knowne
was
not
to
disengage
the
King
,
but
to
advance
the
designes
of
the
Traytours
,
who
dealt
vnder
hand
with
some
of
the
Scotts
to
protract
the
Treatie
,
that
the
charges
might
be
encreast
.
The
errours
of
his
Government
had
brought
the
Kingdomes
to
such
,
extreames
,
as
were
incapable
of
recovery
without
the
absolute
continuance
of
this
Parliament
.
They
never
did
one
act
after
that
Bill
,
but
in
order
to
the
Kingdomes
confusion
,
and
all
men
saw
there
were
noe
extreames
to
be
recovered
at
the
time
of
passing
that
Bill
,
but
the
returne
of
the
Scotts
,
and
the
disbanding
the
faction
in
Parliament
,
and
the
only
recovery
had
been
by
setting
an
end
to
the
Parliament
,
which
they
,
that
made
it
their
propertie
could
not
endure
.
The
King
past
these
Acts
vn●…illingly
.
It
cannot
be
doubted
,
but
the
King
foresaw
the
danger
of
both
,
and
the
libeller
might
have
seene
in
the
first
section
of
this
Chapter
,
that
his
Maj:
was
not
without
doubt
,
that
what
he
intended
for
a
remedy
might
prove
a
disease
beyound
all
remedy
,
and
though
to
avoyde
a
Civill
warr
he
made
some
concessions
in
hope
to
bring
the
people
to
see
their
owne
good
,
which
might
turne
to
his
,
and
their
greater
mischeife
,
if
by
them
ill
applyed
,
yet
his
Majest:
deserves
prayse
,
and
thankes
for
such
Acts
of
grace
,
and
the
necessitie
,
which
this
libeller
soe
impudently
vrges
to
take
of
his
Majest:
just
thankes
.
was
the
danger
of
a
Civill
warr
,
which
his
Majest:
sought
by
these
Acts
to
prevent
,
and
might
have
entred
into
with
lesse
hazard
before
the
passing
of
these
Bills
,
then
after
.
The
libeller
only
encreases
the
infamy
of
the
Rebells
ingratitude
,
and
his
owne
impudence
by
obt●…ding
necessities
to
take
of
the
Kings
grace
in
passing
those
Bills
,
and
it
had
not
the
shape
of
a
Masterly
brow
,
but
gracious
aspect
in
his
Majest:
saying
the
greatnes
of
the
obligation
above
their
deserts
,
that
he
had
put
vpon
them
by
passing
the
first
Bill
,
and
the
Masterly
brow
suites
not
with
the
following
scurrilous
conceite
,
that
the
kings
recital
of
the
obligation
he
had
putt
vpon
them
by
that
Act
was
,
as
if
he
had
beggd
an
office
to
a
sort
of
his
desertles
groomes
,
and
these
desertles
groomes
now
Rule
the
new
Republique
,
there
being
none
,
that
had
the
least
desert
that
would
accept
such
a
Traytorous
office
.
That
the
King
passed
the
latter
Bill
to
prevent
the
oncroase
of
the
present
disorders
,
not
out
of
consideration
of
the
fittnes
of
that
Bill
,
he
neede
not
spend
time
to
prove
,
and
his
consent
was
moved
from
the
reason
of
the
time
,
not
the
matter
,
and
the
●…ller
hath
well
observed
,
that
they
had
offended
him
much
more
after
the
passing
of
the
former
Bill
,
which
is
not
to
their
creditt
,
but
shame
.
It
was
feare
made
him
passe
the
Bill
,
least
the
Parliament
,
and
people
●…neenfed
by
his
conspiracies
should
resent
his
doings
,
if
he
had
added
the
de●…all
of
this
only
meanes
to
secure
themselves
.
Either
his
memory
is
short
,
or
his
absurditie
vnnaturall
that
soe
lately
said
the
kings
feares
were
pretences
,
and
does
he
thinke
,
that
his
Majest:
could
feare
their
resenting
more
at
that
time
,
then
afterward
,
besides
his
supposed
fantasticall
conspiracies
were
not
as
much
,
as
named
,
or
spoken
of
to
Parliament
,
or
people
at
the
time
of
passing
that
Bill
,
and
there
cannot
be
imagined
any
cause
of
his
Majest:
passing
that
Bill
,
but
his
earnest
desire
to
avoyde
a
Civil
warr
,
and
assure
his
people
of
his
purpose
by
committing
so
greate
a
trust
vnto
them
,
neither
can
there
be
imagined
other
cause
,
why
the
passing
of
that
Bill
was
soe
much
importun'd
by
the
Rebells
,
but
to
secure
themselves
,
for
being
conscious
of
their
owne
guilt
they
knew
themselves
vnsecure
,
vnles
they
gained
a
power
over
King
,
and
lawes
.
The
libeller
cannot
excuse
neither
the
ingratitude
,
nor
disloyaltie
of
the
Rebel
partie
in
Parliament
,
from
the
Kings
consent
to
these
lawes
to
present
disorders
,
and
mischeifes
,
which
in
themselves
had
not
been
fitt
,
for
his
consent
at
another
time
,
and
their
insolence
in
binding
him
first
of
all
his
Predecessours
,
shewes
their
corruption
,
and
guilt
,
that
would
vse
soe
much
violence
,
&
difloyalite
to
a
Prince
whose
,
gratious
Government
had
least
of
all
his
Predecessours
provoked
it
.
The
King
taxes
them
with
vndoing
what
they
found
well
done
.
The
libeller
sayes
.
They
vndid
nothing
in
the
Church
,
but
Lord
Bishopps
,
Liturgies
Ceremonies
,
high
Commission
judged
worthy
by
all
true
Protestants
to
be
throwne
out
of
the
Church
.
These
Protestants
,
which
are
true
only
to
him
will
judge
the
like
of
all
Kings
,
and
Rulers
of
State
,
and
all
orders
of
the
Church
,
that
are
not
of
their
Bedlem
patterne
.
These
false
Sectaries
talke
of
Church
,
&
true
Protestants
just
as
they
doe
of
Parliament
,
as
long
,
as
it
consists
of
their
owne
limbs
,
it
must
be
obeyed
,
but
if
it
dissent
from
their
Commaunds
,
then
they
are
worse
,
then
Ceremonies
in
Religion
.
Doubtles
al
true
Protestants
abhorre
this
den
of
Schismatickes
,
that
boast
of
their
Rebellious
defacing
of
the
Church
,
and
hate
their
societie
,
there
having
not
been
yet
any
true
Protestant
,
Church
,
that
ever
pretended
,
that
Lord
Bishopps
,
Leiturgies
,
Ceremonies
,
or
high
Commission
were
worthy
to
be
throwne
out
of
the
Church
the
greatest
part
of
Protestants
retaining
the
like
.
They
vndid
nothing
in
the
state
,
but
irregular
,
and
grinding
Courts
.
The
Courts
they
tooke
away
were
judged
by
al
wisemen
to
have
been
profitable
to
the
Kingdome
,
and
fitt
to
be
continved
,
and
the
best
Governours
sometimes
graunt
that
to
the
peoples
irregularities
thereby
to
preserve
them
from
proceeding
to
their
owne
ruine
,
which
were
sitt
to
deny
at
another
time
,
&
it
s
their
Zeale
to
publique
safetie
,
not
feare
,
and
dissimulation
,
as
the
libeller
calls
it
.
It
was
a
greater
confidence
of
the
people
to
put
into
one
mans
hand
a
power
to
Summon
,
and
dissolve
Parliaments
,
then
the
King
put
in
the
people
by
the
Act
of
continuance
of
the
Parliament
.
And
if
the
libeller
could
shew
the
Act
,
whereby
the
people
put
that
power
in
the
King
,
he
had
said
some
thing
.
But
how
had
they
put
it
into
his
hands
,
or
what
confidence
was
it
,
if
they
might
take
it
away
,
when
they
list
?
This
man
cannot
see
truth
through
his
owne
contradictions
,
&
while
he
acknowledges
the
Kingly
power
to
Summon
,
and
dissolve
Parliaments
forthwith
adds
,
that
Kings
could
not
dissolve
Parliaments
till
all
greivances
were
redressed
;
and
then
where
was
the
kings
power
to
dissolve
,
or
the
peoples
confidence
?
This
is
he
sayes
not
only
the
assertion
of
this
Parliament
,
a
strong
proofe
,
but
of
our
ancient
lawe
bookes
,
that
noe
man
ever
read
,
which
averr
it
to
be
an
vnwritten
law
of
Common
right
soe
engraven
in
the
hearts
of
our
Ancestours
,
and
by
them
soe
constantly
enjoyed
,
and
claimed
,
as
that
it
needed
not
enrolling
.
this
is
pretty
poetry
,
that
because
a
law
is
no
where
to
be
found
,
therefore
it
was
engraven
in
the
hearts
of
our
Ancestours
,
where
are
those
law
bookes
?
But
how
many
hundred
yeares
since
was
this
engraving
worne
out
,
surely
if
there
had
been
either
such
an
vnwritten
law
,
and
soe
constantly
enjoyed
,
and
claimed
,
it
would
have
been
often
enrolled
ere
now
,
but
the
libeller
expected
applause
for
his
conceite
,
not
creditt
to
his
assertion
.
If
the
Scotts
could
charge
the
King
with
breach
of
their
lawes
for
breaking
vp
that
Parliament
without
their
consent
,
it
were
vnreasonable
,
that
the
wisedome
of
England
should
be
soe
wanting
to
it selfe
,
as
not
to
provide
against
the
not
calling
,
or
arbitrary
dissolving
of
Parliaments
.
If
they
had
provided
against
it
,
where
was
the
confidence
he
talked
of
?
It
followes
not
,
that
because
the
Scotts
charged
the
King
with
breaking
of
the
Parliament
without
their
consent
,
that
therefore
the
King
offended
in
it
,
neither
was
the
wisedome
of
the
English
nation
wanting
to
it selfe
in
leaving
the
calling
,
and
dissolving
of
Parliaments
Arbitrary
to
the
King
,
it
being
a
power
essentiall
to
Monarchy
,
and
we
have
seene
,
that
the
taking
away
of
that
power
dissolves
the
Government
,
and
drawes
confusion
,
and
miserie
vpon
the
state
,
and
it
cannot
be
avoyded
,
but
that
from
a
power
erected
to
affront
the
soveraigntie
,
there
must
follow
sedition
,
and
Civill
discord
.
People
must
depend
vpon
their
Kings
grace
,
and
goodnes
for
redresse
of
their
greivances
,
whose
power
,
and
safetie
consists
in
their
welfare
,
not
seeke
by
violence
to
be
their
owne
Carvers
,
and
the
people
never
found
soe
greate
suffering
by
submission
to
their
,
Kings
,
as
by
seeking
wayes
to
oppose
them
.
It
appeares
,
that
if
this
Bill
of
not
dissolving
were
an
vnparalleld
act
,
i●…
was
a
knowne
,
and
Common
right
.
That
it
was
an
vnparalleld
Act
he
doth
not
deny
,
that
it
was
a
Common
right
noe
where
appeares
,
and
how
can
that
be
an
vnparalleld
Act
,
that
is
a
Common
right
?
He
sayes
it
s
not
enrolled
,
and
how
then
shall
it
appeare
to
be
Common
right
?
What
needed
written
Acts
,
when
as
it
was
anciently
esteemed
part
of
his
Crowne
oath
.
His
Crowne
oath
is
well
knowne
,
and
may
not
be
tryed
by
estimation
,
but
inspection
.
The
libellers
estimation
hath
as
litle
proofe
,
as
authoritie
.
He
referrs
the
lawerlie
mooting
of
this
point
to
a
booke
called
the
rights
of
the
Kingdome
written
it
seemes
by
some
Author
of
as
much
fidelitie
in
his
quotations
,
as
this
libeller
in
his
narrations
,
and
to
other
law
Tracts
being
neither
his
Element
,
nor
proper
worke
,
since
the
booke
,
which
he
hath
to
answeare
pretends
to
reason
,
not
to
Authoritie
.
And
he
holds
reason
to
be
the
best
Arbitratour
,
and
the
law
of
law
it selfe
.
And
it
appeares
by
his
writings
,
that
reason
is
neither
his
Element
,
nor
worke
heere
,
for
had
he
vse
of
reason
,
he
would
not
referr
vs
to
bookes
,
that
are
onely
of
Authoritie
to
prove
the
ignorance
,
and
boldnes
of
the
writer
,
neither
could
reason
judge
it
a
law
,
that
a
king
should
not
dissolve
a
Parliament
,
till
all
particular
greivances
were
considered
,
though
the
setting
of
it
might
prove
an
incurable
greivance
,
but
his
reason
would
have
the
Parliament
defend
the
Kingdome
with
their
votes
,
as
the
Roman
Senatours
their
Capitall
with
their
robes
against
the
Gaules
.
The
King
must
not
be
at
such
distance
from
the
people
in
judging
what
is
better
,
and
what
worse
.
That
the
people
are
not
the
best
judges
of
what
is
better
,
and
what
is
worse
the
libeller
himselfe
acknowledges
,
saying
they
are
excessive
in
all
their
motions
,
and
is
it
not
reason
,
that
the
King
then
should
be
at
such
distance
in
judging
,
but
the
libeller
seekes
to
be
at
greate
distance
with
truth
,
that
sayes
the
Kings
owne
words
condemned
him
,
that
he
had
not
knowne
as
well
with
moderation
to
vse
as
with
earnestnes
to
desire
his
owne
advantages
.
Where
as
the
King
spake
not
of
himselfe
,
but
others
,
his
words
were
,
If
some
men
had
knowne
as
well
with
moderation
to
vse
,
as
with
earnestnes
to
desire
advantages
of
doing
good
,
or
evill
.
Doth
this
man
thinke
reason
the
law
of
law
,
or
falshood
the
Master
of
both
law
,
and
reason
,
that
soe
palpably
belyes
the
booke
before
him
.
The
King
sayes
a
continuael
Parliament
,
he
thought
would
keepe
the
Commonwealth
in
tune
.
To
this
sayes
the
Libeller
.
Iudge
Commonwealth
,
what
proofes
he
gave
,
that
this
boasted
profession
was
ever
in
his
thought
.
The
king
doubtles
thought
not
,
that
every
Parliament
would
keepe
the
Commonwealth
in
tune
,
but
a
Parliament
,
that
preferred
publique
good
before
private
faction
.
The
King
saith
,
as
he
relates
him
,
some
gave
out
,
that
I
repented
me
of
that
setling
Act.
The
Libeller
sayes
,
his
owne
Actions
gave
it
out
beyound
all
supposition
,
for
he
went
about
soe
soone
after
to
abrogate
it
by
the
sword
.
Heere
the
Libeller
omitts
a
materiall
word
,
which
the
King
vsed
,
which
was
soone
,
for
the
Kings
words
are
,
that
I
soone
repented
.
It
is
well
knowne
that
the
wicked
vse
,
which
the
Traytours
made
of
that
setling
Act
,
might
give
the
king
just
cause
to
repent
him
of
it
,
but
as
the
king
vsed
not
the
sword
till
many
Moneths
after
the
passing
of
that
Bill
,
soe
the
cause
of
his
Armes
were
the
violent
,
and
Trayterous
Actions
of
a
faction
,
not
the
abrogation
of
that
Bill
.
The
King
calls
those
Acts
,
which
he
confesses
tended
to
their
good
noe
more
Princely
,
then
friendly
contributions
,
as
if
sayes
the
Libeller
to
doe
his
dutie
were
of
Courtesie
,
and
the
giving
backe
of
our
Liberties
stood
at
the
mercy
of
his
contribution
.
He
would
have
it
beleived
,
that
Parents
can
doe
nothing
for
their
childrens
good
out
of
favour
,
all
is
of
dutie
,
and
noe
thankes
belongs
to
them
from
their
children
,
nor
any
from
subjects
to
their
Soveraignes
,
or
rulers
,
for
the
greatest
benefitts
they
receive
by
good
Government
,
and
all
the
vigilance
,
watchfullnes
,
&
pietie
of
Princes
for
the
peoples
good
is
not
at
all
thankes
worthy
,
theis
are
the
Maximes
of
Rebells
,
and
if
Kings
will
not
yeelde
vp
their
power
,
they
may
be
compelled
,
and
the
quitting
of
Government
,
for
which
Kings
must
give
account
to
God
,
is
by
theis
mens
Divinitie
the
giving
backe
of
liberties
,
being
noe
other
,
then
to
give
licence
to
all
wickednes
,
and
beare
the
sword
in
vaine
.
The
kings
sayes
he
doubts
not
,
but
the
affections
of
his
people
will
compensate
his
sufferings
for
those
Acts
of
confidence
.
To
this
sayes
the
libeller
,
not
his
confidence
,
but
his
distrust
brought
him
to
his
sufferings
,
and
he
trusted
nere
the
sooner
,
for
what
he
tells
of
their
pietie
,
and
Religious
strictnes
,
but
rather
hated
them
as
Puritans
,
whome
he
allwayes
sought
to
extirpate
.
The
libeller
himselfe
cannot
deny
,
but
that
if
the
king
had
not
had
confidence
that
those
Acts
of
his
would
not
have
beē
abused
,
he
would
not
have
graunted
them
,
for
if
he
had
not
been
so
confident
,
it
had
been
much
more
eligible
for
him
to
hav
run
the
peril
of
a
war
without
graunting
them
,
and
wee
have
seene
by
experience
,
that
many
as
well
as
the
king
were
deceived
in
those
,
that
profest
pietie
,
and
Religious
strictnes
,
and
though
the
king
had
just
cause
to
hate
the
faction
of
the
hipocriticall
Puritan
,
yet
he
thought
,
that
there
could
not
soe
much
impietie
lurke
in
many
vnder
such
profession
of
pietie
,
and
Religious
strictnes
,
as
hath
since
exceeded
the
most
blasphemous
Atheist
,
and
had
the
king
sooner
distrusted
,
he
had
in
humane
reason
prevented
much
of
the
Calamitie
,
that
hath
befallen
himselfe
,
and
his
kingdome
.
That
those
Acts
of
the
Kings
did
not
argue
,
that
he
meant
peace
knowing
,
that
what
he
graunted
out
of
feare
,
he
might
assoone
repeale
by
force
.
It
is
noe
argument
,
that
he
would
doe
it
,
because
he
might
doe
it
,
but
it
is
one
of
the
libellers
vsuall
Arguments
to
conclude
from
the
possibilitie
to
the
being
,
and
there
cannot
be
a
greater
Argument
of
a
mans
desire
of
peace
,
then
to
part
with
his
right
to
prevent
a
warr
,
and
by
this
rule
of
the
libeller
there
must
never
be
peace
,
nor
end
of
Rebellion
but
by
the
destruction
of
the
king
,
because
their
guilt
is
still
vnsecure
.
That
the
Tumults
threatned
to
abuse
all
acts
of
grace
,
and
turne
them
into
wantonesse
.
This
sayes
the
libeller
is
abusing
of
Scripture
not
becomming
such
a
saint
to
adulterate
sacred
words
from
the
grace
of
God
to
the
acts
of
his
owne
grace
.
And
is
it
an
abuse
of
Scripture
to
say
the
King
did
Acts
of
grace
?
and
whence
then
comes
it
to
be
an
abuse
of
Scripture
to
say
the
people
abused
the
Kings
grace
,
or
turned
it
into
wantonesse
?
was
it
not
a
sin
of
wantonesse
in
the
people
and
may
it
not
be
soe
exprest
without
any
abuse
of
Scripture
.
Scripture
is
abused
,
when
it
is
applyed
to
a
prophane
,
&
ludicrous
sense
,
but
the
words
heere
are
not
transferred
from
a
right
signification
.
There
are
diverse
words
,
that
signifie
both
divine
,
and
humane
Actions
,
&
there
is
noe
abuse
of
them
in
either
sense
And
the
libeller
having
excepted
to
the
vse
of
an
expression
of
Scripture
,
presently
makes
bold
with
Scripture
saying
,
that
Herod
was
eaten
vp
with
wormes
for
suffering
others
to
compare
his
voyce
to
the
voyce
of
God
.
when
as
the
Scripture
sayes
,
he
was
eaten
vp
of
wormes
,
because
he
gave
not
God
the
glory
.
And
is
not
this
to
adulterate
Scripture
but
nothing
is
sacred
to
Rebells
.
That
the
King
by
this
Phrase
gives
jealosie
,
that
he
likens
his
owne
Acts
of
grace
to
the
Acts
of
Gods
grace
cannot
be
vnderstood
,
noe
more
then
the
vse
of
the
name
of
mercy
,
or
justice
should
give
jealosie
of
likening
humane
vertues
to
divine
Attributes
,
though
there
be
a
difference
betweene
resembling
,
and
comparing
,
The
libeller
sayes
from
prophanes
he
scarce
comes
of
with
perfect
sense
,
To
prove
,
that
he
shewes
himselfe
senseles
.
The
Kings
words
are
,
that
being
not
in
a
Capacitie
to
have
taken
r●…ge
in
a
hostile
way
,
he
could
not
have
given
his
Enemies
a
more
desired
advantage
,
then
by
soe
vnprincely
inconstancie
,
to
have
assaulted
them
with
Armes
,
thereby
to
scatter
them
,
whome
but
lately
he
had
solemnely
setled
.
And
where
is
the
libellers
exception
?
he
sayes
what
place
could
there
be
for
his
inconstancie
to
doe
a
thing
,
wherein
he
was
in
noe
capacitie
?
There
was
place
for
inconstancie
,
if
he
had
endeavoured
to
vndoe
that
,
which
he
had
done
,
though
he
were
not
in
a
capacitie
to
have
effected
it
,
and
if
the
libeller
had
sense
he
would
not
have
missed
it
&
come
of
without
it
.
He
would
not
have
,
that
considerations
of
hazard
,
and
dishonour
,
with-held
the
King
from
that
course
,
and
that
he
would
prove
,
because
he
made
a
warr
,
&
yet
objects
feares
to
him
for
the
cause
of
all
his
Actions
,
and
●…om
then●…
might
well
conclude
that
nothing
but
extreamitie
caused
him
to
defend
himselfe
by
warr
.
The
king
sayes
his
letting
some
men
goe
vp
to
the
Pinnacle
of
the
Temple
was
a
temptation
to
them
to
cast
him
downe
headlong
.
By
this
sayes
the
libeller
,
he
compares
himselfe
to
Christ
who
is
not
at
al
named
.
The
Parliament
to
the
Devill
,
which
is
not
neither
,
and
that
●●●ling
Act
his
letting
them
goe
vp
to
the
Pinnacle
of
the
Temple
.
The
libeller
sayes
its
a
goodly
vse
of
Scripture
.
Similitudes
of
Actions
imply
noe
Comparisons
of
persons
,
but
the
congruitie
of
the
allusion
made
the
libeller
angry
,
and
yet
he
may
not
be
beleived
,
that
the
Actions
of
some
Traytours
,
and
particularly
his
Masters
may
not
be
resembled
to
that
of
Judas
without
comparing
the
person
betrayed
to
Christ
.
He
sayes
,
it
was
noe
Pinnacle
of
the
Temple
,
but
a
Nabucadnezars
Pallace
,
from
〈◊〉
and
Monarchy
fell
headlong
togeather
.
Those
Rebells
have
robbed
,
and
ruined
the
Temple
,
as
Nebucadnezar
did
,
and
they
,
that
glory
in
casting
king
,
and
Monarchy
headlong
have
the
spiritt
of
that
tempter
,
which
perswaded
our
saviour
to
cast
himselfe
downe
.
The
people
now
,
as
theis
of
old
finde
it
the
extreamitie
of
desolation
to
be
without
King
,
and
Church
,
and
it
is
an
horrour
to
them
,
that
the
vncleane
spiritts
of
Rebellion
inhabite
the
Kings
Pallaces
.
The
King
sayes
All
the
Kingdomes
of
the
world
are
not
worth
gaining
by
wayes
of
sin
,
which
hazard
the
soule
.
And
sayes
the
Libeller
,
he
left
nothing
vnhazarded
to
●…pe
three
.
He
hazarded
nothing
,
but
what
he
was
bound
to
God
,
and
his
people
for
the
preservation
of
his
Kingdomes
,
and
these
Rebells
left
noe
wickednes
vnattempted
to
gett
them
.
The
Act
of
setling
was
noe
sin
of
his
will
,
and
the
Libeller
sayes
,
It
was
a
sin
of
his
vnwillingnes
.
But
his
fals
hood
is
proved
willfull
in
this
,
as
in
most
of
his
assertions
.
The
King
confesses
the
ill
consequence
of
that
Act
,
but
he
sayes
it
was
not
a
sin
of
his
will
,
because
it
proceeded
from
other
mens
malice
,
and
though
he
willingly
past
the
Act
,
yet
he
judged
the
Evill
ensuing
,
not
the
Act
of
his
will
,
and
it
was
a
sin
of
the
Libellers
will
,
that
soe
knowingly
perverted
his
meaninge
.
The
Libeller
sayes
,
that
at
his
prayers
,
he
had
before
him
the
sad
presage
of
his
ill
succes
.
And
is
it
his
fault
to
descerne
his
Enemies
crueltie
,
and
his
owne
afflicted
condition
?
But
he
sayes
his
prayer
books
noe
sooner
shutt
,
but
other
hopes
flattered
him
,
and
that
was
his
destruction
.
It
s
not
impossible
,
but
he
might
have
hopes
,
but
his
misfortunes
will
be
the
guilt
,
and
destruction
of
them
,
that
caused
it
without
Gods
greate
mercie
which
they
yet
despise
.
Vpon
his
RETIREMENT
FROM
WESTMINSTER
.
THe
King
sayes
,
I
staid
at
white
hall
till
I
was
driven
away
by
shame
more
then
feare
.
And
sayes
the
Libeller
in
his
Messages
,
and
declarations
and
in
the
whole
Chapter
next
but
one
before
this
he
aff●…rmes
,
that
the
danger
,
wherein
his
wife
,
children
,
and
his
●…e
person
were
by
those
Tumults
,
was
the
maine
cause
,
that
drove
him
from
white
hall
,
and
affirmes
heere
,
it
was
shame
more
then
feare
,
from
whence
,
and
the
Ld.
Digbies
speech
to
the
same
purpose
,
he
sayes
,
wee
may
descerne
,
what
false
,
and
frivolous
excuses
are
avowed
for
truth
.
We
may
see
,
how
willfully
,
and
absurdly
this
Libeller
will
contradict
truth
,
and
himselfe
,
that
not
only
in
one
Chapter
,
but
in
every
Chapter
past
vpbraids
his
Majest:
with
feares
,
boasts
,
that
by
feares
he
was
compelled
to
consent
to
the
death
of
the
Earle
of
Strafford
,
and
to
passe
those
Acts
,
for
which
he
deserved
noe
thankes
,
because
he
did
them
for
feare
of
the
Tumults
,
and
is
now
soe
shameles
to
call
them
false
,
and
frivolous
excuses
.
The
King
formerly
exprest
,
that
valour
is
not
to
be
questioned
,
for
not
scufling
with
the
sea
,
or
an
vndisciplined
rabble
.
And
though
he
had
not
a
base
feare
he
could
not
be
vnapprehensive
of
violence
intended
by
that
rabble
,
and
it
cannot
be
doubted
,
but
that
a
King
must
have
a
greater
measure
of
shame
then
feare
to
see
such
insolencies
,
and
if
this
libeller
had
any
shame
,
he
would
not
have
argued
from
that
expression
of
his
Majest:
a
contradiction
of
what
he
said
of
danger
from
these
Tumults
.
But
he
thinkes
his
readers
have
a
short
memory
,
as
well
as
sense
,
and
therefore
he
reguards
not
the
repugnancie
of
his
owne
Periods
.
He
magnifies
the
courage
,
and
severitie
of
Zeale
to
Iustice
in
Rebells
of
former
times
,
and
calls
them
our
fore
Fathers
,
and
that
their
folly
,
&
wickednes
may
have
some
excuse
in
following
subtile
conspiratours
against
their
King
,
he
calls
it
courage
,
and
severitie
of
Zeale
,
and
that
he
may
authorize
their
lewdnes
,
he
sayes
their
courage
was
against
the
proud
contempt
,
and
misrule
of
their
Kings
.
He
sayes
,
that
when
Rich.
the
2.
departed
,
but
from
a
Committee
of
Lords
,
who
sate
preparing
matter
for
the
Parliament
,
not
yet
assembled
to
the
removal
of
his
evill
Councellours
,
they
first
vanquished
,
and
put
to
flight
Robert
de
Vere
,
his
cheife
favorite
,
and
then
comming
vp
to
London
with
a
huge
Army
required
the
King
,
then
withdrawne
for
feare
,
but
noe
further
of
then
the
Tower
to
come
to
Westminster
,
which
he
refusing
they
told
him
flatly
,
that
vnles
he
came
they
would
chuse
another
.
And
who
can
reade
this
relation
,
but
must
judge
,
that
it
was
a
Trayterous
conspiracie
of
these
Lords
,
and
a
giddy
,
wicked
Rebellion
in
the
people
?
By
what
law
was
the
king
bound
to
attend
these
Lords
,
or
what
authoritie
had
they
to
prepare
matter
for
the
Parliament
,
more
then
any
others
of
the
Kingdome
?
Is
it
not
a
knowne
Treason
to
endeavour
to
depose
the
King
,
and
did
not
the
late
Parliament
professe
to
abhorre
the
thought
of
it
?
And
how
comes
it
to
passe
,
that
these
Lords
have
a
power
to
threaten
the
King
with
deposing
him
?
What
Rebells
can
be
convicted
by
any
law
,
if
this
Action
be
not
Treason
?
The
libeller
getts
nothing
by
this
example
,
but
an
evidence
against
his
Masters
,
for
these
Lords
,
and
their
assistants
had
their
pardon
for
that
Rebellion
.
And
wherein
did
this
Rebellion
of
these
Lords
differ
from
that
of
Jach
straw
,
and
other
Traytours
mentioned
by
Mr.
Sollicitour
against
the
Earle
of
Strafford
.
His
folly
in
seeking
to
draw
an
Argument
from
the
Actions
of
Rebells
,
to
prove
a
Cryme
in
the
King
is
ridiculous
to
any
reasonable
man
,
and
it
s
not
imaginable
,
that
the
king
should
be
bound
to
attend
any
meeting
of
his
Peeres
,
and
Councellours
,
which
did
tend
towards
a
Parliament
,
for
by
that
Rule
he
must
attend
in
as
many
places
,
as
there
are
factions
noe
sober
time
ever
pretended
,
that
the
king
was
bound
to
attend
the
Parliament
,
which
was
to
be
called
,
and
dissolved
by
him
,
and
our
Ancestours
would
be
esteemed
as
voyde
of
reason
,
as
loyaltie
,
if
their
Parliaments
were
governed
by
a
Tumultuous
rabble
,
and
the
king
were
oblidged
to
doe
what
they
would
have
,
though
the
whole
kingdome
were
bleeding
to
death
of
those
wounds
,
which
their
impious
,
and
inconsiderate
violence
,
and
fury
had
inflicted
.
The
king
sayes
the
shame
was
to
see
the
barbarous
Rudenes
of
those
Tumulte
to
demaund
any
thing
.
And
this
the
libeller
believes
was
the
truest
cause
of
his
deserting
the
Parliament
.
And
was
it
not
a
just
cause
for
him
to
desert
the
Parliament
,
or
faction
in
it
,
when
either
they
could
not
,
or
would
not
restrayne
that
barbarous
rudenes
.
The
worst
,
and
strangest
of
that
any
thing
they
demaunded
was
but
the
vnlording
of
Bishopps
,
and
expelling
them
the
house
,
and
the
reducing
of
Church
discipline
to
a
conformitie
with
other
Protestant
.
Churches
.
And
this
the
libeller
would
have
noe
Barbarisme
.
What
did
the
Parliament
there
,
if
the
Tumults
may
demaund
the
alteration
of
the
Government
of
Church
,
or
state
?
Can
it
be
presumed
,
that
a
rowte
of
Mechannicks
could
determine
what
,
was
conformitie
to
other
Protestant
Churches
.
The
libeller
at
first
remembred
Mr.
Solicitours
discourse
against
the
Earle
of
Strafford
,
there
he
might
have
found
,
that
it
was
Treason
to
goe
about
,
&
assemble
a
multitude
to
alter
the
Government
of
Church
,
or
state
;
And
to
seeke
the
vnlording
of
Bishopps
by
force
,
in
that
manner
they
did
was
Treason
by
the
law
,
and
we
have
seene
,
that
this
desperate
rabble
,
whose
demaunds
the
libeller
sayes
were
but
the
vnlording
of
Bishopps
,
and
the
like
thinke
the
murther
of
the
king
,
and
destruction
of
his
family
noe
other
then
a
but.
They
were
demaunded
by
the
Parliament
,
which
is
vntrue
,
but
they
were
demaunded
by
a
factton
,
who
suborned
these
Tumults
to
overaw
,
and
drive
away
the
greatest
part
of
the
members
of
both
houses
.
The
King
in
a
most
tempestuous
season
forsooke
the
helme
,
and
steerage
of
the
Common
wealth
.
He
withdrew
himselfe
from
that
storme
,
which
the
Traytours
had
raysed
against
him
,
and
admitted
not
any
steerage
,
when
all
was
whirled
by
tempestuous
Tumults
.
The
libeller
would
willingly
mince
the
causes
of
his
Majest:
departure
,
and
therefore
he
catches
hold
of
the
mention
of
shame
to
exclude
feare
,
&
from
the
barbarous
rudenes
of
the
Tumults
to
demaund
any
thing
,
he
would
conclude
;
there
were
only
demaunds
,
&
noe
barbarous
rudenes
,
and
would
make
the
last
word
to
exclude
all
,
that
went
before
.
To
be
importuned
the
removing
of
evill
Councellours
,
and
other
greivances
was
to
him
an
intollerable
oppression
.
To
offer
violence
to
him
for
his
protection
of
faithful
Councellours
,
&
the
support
of
Government
in
Church
,
and
state
was
intollerable
,
and
though
the
libeller
doe
commend
the
violence
of
the
Tumults
,
yet
heere
he
calls
it
only
importunitie
,
and
the
Kings
denyall
of
the
impetuous
demaunds
of
a
rabble
to
change
the
Government
in
Church
,
and
state
denyall
,
and
delay
of
Justice
.
If
violence
be
lawful
,
as
he
oftē
affirmes
,
why
doth
he
mince
his
defence
,
and
soe
often
fly
to
these
termes
of
importunitie
,
and
petitioning
?
The
advice
of
his
Parliament
was
esteemed
a
bondage
,
because
the
the
King
sayes
of
them
,
whose
agreeing
votes
were
not
by
any
law
conclusive
to
his
judgment
,
for
sayes
the
libeller
,
the
law
ordaines
a
Parliament
to
advise
him
in
his
greate
affaires
,
but
if
it
ordaine
also
,
that
the
single
judgment
of
a
King
shall
outballance
all
the
wisedome
of
his
Parliament
,
it
ordaines
that
,
which
frustrates
the
end
of
its
owne
ordaining
.
There
is
no
doubt
,
but
in
a
Monarchy
the
dependence
of
the
people
is
vpon
the
King
the
greatenes
of
whose
interest
in
the
prosperitie
of
the
Kingdome
is
more
likely
to
oblidge
him
to
their
preservation
,
then
any
number
of
private
men
can
be
encleined
to
,
and
as
the
law
ordained
a
Parliament
to
advise
him
,
soe
it
forbidds
them
to
commaund
,
or
prescribe
him
,
though
the
Major
part
of
Parliament
involve
the
whole
,
It
s
against
all
reason
to
include
the
King
,
who
is
allwayes
furnisht
by
law
with
his
other
Councells
,
&
may
see
good
reason
to
preferr
the
Counsell
of
the
smaller
number
,
and
that
law
,
which
ordained
the
Parliament
to
be
called
,
and
dissolved
by
the
King
had
destroyed
what
it
ordained
,
if
the
King
had
been
bound
to
consent
to
all
advices
given
him
by
the
Parliament
.
Such
a
restraint
vpon
the
King
not
only
makes
voyde
,
and
vseles
those
select
Councells
,
which
by
law
are
continually
to
advise
him
,
but
destroyes
the
Government
of
Monarchy
,
which
the
law
cannot
intend
,
and
gives
the
Parliament
the
absolute
soveraigntie
,
which
the
people
would
not
live
vnder
being
contrary
to
their
desires
,
and
dispositions
,
&
the
trust
reposed
in
such
,
as
they
elected
.
The
Kings
judgment
may
dissent
,
he
sayes
,
to
the
destruction
of
himselfe
,
and
Kingdome
,
And
soe
doubtles
may
the
judgment
of
a
major
part
in
Parliament
,
and
we
have
found
by
long
experience
,
that
Parliaments
have
produced
Acts
to
the
preiudice
of
the
state
,
and
corruption
of
Religion
,
but
this
libeller
holds
all
meanes
frustraneous
,
that
beget
not
Rebellion
,
and
as
in
his
affection
he
preferrs
the
judgment
of
the
Parliament
,
before
the
Kings
;
soe
any
Company
,
or
committee
of
Lords
,
that
conspire
against
him
,
as
appeares
by
his
late
remembred
instance
against
Rich:
the
2
:
And
what
power
he
would
have
in
the
Parliament
over
the
King
,
he
would
place
in
the
Tumults
,
his
admired
Iron
flaile
over
the
Parliament
,
and
prayes
vnto
God
to
send
them
,
that
they
may
purge
the
Parliament
,
and
prescribe
lawes
both
to
the
King
,
and
them
,
and
therefore
he
judges
,
that
it
is
vnlawlike
,
that
a
remedy
soe
slender
should
be
the
vtmost
meanes
of
publique
safetie
.
And
we
are
sure
,
that
Rebellion
,
the
only
remedy
,
which
he
approves
,
is
the
destruction
of
al
publique
safetie
,
and
shewes
the
Libeller
as
vnable
to
judge
of
law
,
as
vnwilling
to
obey
any
.
He
concludes
,
that
the
Kings
negative
voyce
was
never
a
law
,
but
a
reasonles
Custome
growne
vp
from
flattery
,
or
vsurpation
.
And
how
shall
wee
judge
,
that
soe
long
a
Custome
without
contradiction
was
noe
law
?
&
that
the
contrary
was
an
vnwritten
law
,
and
constantly
enjoyed
,
&
claimed
.
Can
he
thinke
,
that
because
the
support
of
Rebellion
is
a
subversion
of
law
,
that
therefore
Rebells
reasons
are
the
rule
of
law
?
And
yet
he
is
confident
,
it
is
better
evidence
,
then
Rolls
,
and
records
,
&
as
they
deale
with
law
,
soe
with
Scripture
making
their
fantasticke
dreames
,
&
Diabolicall
infusions
the
Canon
of
their
Religion
.
And
the
Monarchy
of
David
,
and
his
successours
ordeined
by
God
,
and
that
had
both
a
negative
,
and
affirmative
voyce
,
was
a
reasonlesse
Custome
from
flattery
,
or
vsurpation
.
He
proceedes
to
shew
the
strength
of
his
Argument
.
Because
the
negative
voyce
is
claimed
to
one
man
,
not
as
a
wise
,
or
good
man
,
but
as
a
King
.
And
how
doth
he
claime
the
power
of
the
Parliament
as
to
wise
,
or
good
men
,
or
as
to
elected
men
?
And
it
may
be
easily
supposed
,
that
the
Major
part
of
the
Parliament
may
not
be
soe
wise
,
and
good
,
as
their
King
,
especially
soe
assisted
by
other
Councells
,
as
kings
are
,
and
it
were
noe
abusive
thing
to
Summon
Parliaments
,
though
the
King
doe
take
their
advices
by
weight
,
&
not
by
number
,
but
it
were
an
abusive
thing
,
that
such
,
as
were
called
to
advise
,
should
take
vpon
them
to
determine
.
The
King
sayes
.
The
whole
Parliament
represents
not
him
in
any
kinde
.
To
this
sayes
the
Libeller
.
If
the
Parliament
represent
the
whole
kingdome
,
the
king
represents
only
himselfe
,
and
a
king
without
his
kingdome
in
a
Civill
sense
is
nothing
,
nor
without
,
nor
against
the
representative
,
and
soe
his
negative
as
good
,
as
nothing
,
and
though
we
should
allow
him
something
,
yet
not
equall
to
the
whole
kingdome
,
nor
them
,
that
represent
it
.
But
what
answeare
is
this
to
the
King
,
that
being
not
represented
,
cannot
be
bound
by
the
votes
of
them
,
that
represent
him
not
?
Is
the
Libellers
making
him
nothing
,
or
not
equall
to
the
representative
any
reason
why
he
should
be
bound
by
their
votes
?
The
King
is
by
law
,
&
reason
the
representative
of
the
Kingdome
,
&
as
this
sottish
libeller
cannot
deny
it
out
of
Parliament
,
so
he
might
well
see
,
that
the
election
of
persons
to
advise
him
,
doth
not
take
away
that
supream
representation
,
which
the
law
hath
given
him
.
there
can
be
nothing
more
absurd
,
then
that
an
elected
company
representing
subjects
to
their
King
,
should
take
away
the
Kingly
representation
,
&
it
is
a
ridiculous
sophistrie
,
that
because
the
king
is
not
the
subject
,
therefore
he
is
without
his
kingdome
.
The
people
in
Parliament
are
represented
petitioning
,
and
consenting
,
not
commaunding
,
and
revolting
,
&
it
is
repugnant
to
their
condition
to
be
equall
,
or
not
inferiour
to
their
King
,
which
were
to
destroy
the
relation
of
king
,
&
subject
.
The
king
maintaines
to
be
no
further
bound
to
agree
with
the
votes
of
both
houses
,
then
he
sees
them
to
agree
with
the
will
of
God
,
with
his
just
rights
,
as
a
King
,
and
the
generall
good
of
the
people
.
The
Libeller
would
allow
him
freedome
with
due
bounds
,
but
not
,
that
he
should
have
a
negative
,
vpon
that
,
which
is
agreed
by
the
whole
Parliament
.
Where
are
his
bounds
now
?
for
if
he
have
noe
freedome
,
where
they
agree
he
hath
none
at
al
,
for
if
they
doe
not
agree
,
he
can
neither
consent
,
nor
dissent
,
but
such
poore
sophismes
are
the
reason
of
these
popular
Tribuns
,
and
they
will
have
both
affirmative
,
and
negative
in
the
Tumults
,
but
not
in
the
King
.
To
know
the
will
of
God
better
then
his
whole
Kingdome
,
whence
should
he
have
it
?
The
Libeller
doubtles
will
,
affirme
,
that
himselfe
knowes
the
will
of
God
better
,
then
many
whole
Kingdomes
,
and
why
will
he
deny
that
possible
to
a
King
?
I
may
aske
him
,
why
he
should
call
the
judgment
of
the
Parliament
,
or
a
Major
part
of
it
,
the
judgment
of
the
whole
Kingdome
,
when
the
Major
part
of
the
Kingdome
be
of
another
minde
,
if
because
they
represent
it
,
then
why
may
not
the
Kings
judgment
in
the
highest
representation
be
preferred
before
theirs
?
If
the
Libeller
were
put
to
tell
whenever
such
an
Action
had
happened
,
that
the
king
dissented
from
his
whole
kingdome
,
he
would
hardly
finde
it
,
when
people
have
in
greatest
multitudes
opposed
their
king
,
they
were
rarely
,
or
never
in
the
right
.
To
know
the
will
of
God
better
,
then
his
whole
kingdome
,
he
askes
,
whence
should
he
have
it
?
Court
breeding
,
he
sayes
,
and
conversation
of
flatterers
was
a
bad
schole
.
But
conversation
with
Sectaries
,
&
Rebels
was
worst
of
al
,
kings
may
be
presumed
to
have
better
breeding
,
then
any
others
,
and
the
Libeller
in
another
place
argues
from
the
kings
breeding
a
greater
expectation
of
abilitie
.
Flatterers
are
most
hatefull
to
kings
,
and
their
principall
breeding
is
to
avoyde
the
insinuations
of
such
deceivers
,
but
the
present
faction
have
outdone
all
Court
flatterers
in
falshood
.
The
king
could
not
judge
of
his
owne
rights
,
but
he
had
a
right
to
keepe
them
,
when
they
were
judged
.
He
sayes
the
king
had
noe
right
by
law
to
judge
in
any
Court.
And
yet
he
judged
in
all
Courts
,
all
judgments
being
in
his
name
,
and
we
are
sure
,
that
the
lower
house
could
never
judge
of
the
smallest
cases
,
nor
the
higher
,
but
in
respect
of
the
kings
presence
among
them
,
because
the
king
judges
by
his
delegates
doth
he
not
judge
,
or
can
they
judge
his
Crowne
to
themselves
.
That
the
king
cannot
judge
of
Treason
,
&
fellony
because
he
is
held
a
partie
.
And
why
did
he
then
exclaime
,
that
the
king
should
hold
noe
Treasons
,
but
against
himselfe
,
but
if
that
were
the
reason
his
Judges
were
incompetent
,
aswell
as
he
,
but
it
is
necessary
that
in
a
learned
profession
,
as
the
law
,
the
king
should
judge
by
others
.
The
kings
rights
,
he
sayes
,
must
give
place
to
generall
good
.
But
it
is
generall
evill
to
take
away
his
rights
.
He
may
not
yeilde
to
Traytours
,
that
desire
him
to
part
with
them
for
their
owne
advantages
.
It
is
noe
arrogance
in
a
king
to
suppose
a
cleerer
insight
of
the
generall
good
,
then
others
,
though
chosen
for
the
Parliament
,
whose
breeding
,
and
condition
could
not
quallifie
them
for
such
a
descerninge
,
and
it
is
a
fond
imagination
in
the
Libeller
to
suppose
the
Parliament
the
kings
Councell
,
and
suppose
the
king
voyde
of
Judgment
to
descerne
the
soundnes
of
their
advice
.
They
have
most
authoritie
to
judge
of
the
publique
good
,
who
for
that
purpose
are
chosen
out
,
and
sent
by
the
people
to
advise
him
.
But
it
necessarily
followes
,
that
he
hath
most
authoritie
,
whome
they
are
sent
to
advise
,
their
authoritie
being
to
advise
,
his
to
determine
,
and
being
sent
to
advise
they
destroy
their
owne
authoritie
,
and
office
,
when
they
Commaund
.
If
the
King
see
oft
the
major
part
of
them
not
in
the
right
,
it
had
been
more
his
modestie
to
have
doubted
their
seeing
him
more
oft
in
the
wrong
.
The
libeller
prescribes
modestie
to
the
king
,
insolence
,
&
impudence
to
subjects
,
that
the
Rule
of
their
Rebellion
.
If
the
king
had
not
governed
his
Actions
by
good
advice
,
nor
seene
the
often
Levitie
,
and
precipitation
of
a
Major
part
,
he
should
have
doubted
of
their
seeing
him
in
the
wrong
,
however
they
owne
him
dutie
,
as
their
king
,
he
no
submission
to
them
.
That
the
King
ought
to
graunt
the
peoples
rights
,
and
liberties
,
because
of
right
demaunded
,
it
being
his
dutie
,
not
his
bountie
to
graunt
these
things
.
But
it
is
the
subjects
miserie
,
aswell
as
their
madnes
to
demaund
the
kings
rights
,
as
their
owne
,
and
we
know
,
that
the
demaunds
of
Rebells
are
for
themselves
,
and
to
take
away
the
peoples
rights
,
aswell
as
loyaltie
,
and
wee
finde
,
that
there
were
such
,
as
the
king
mentions
,
whome
noe
fountaine
of
Royall
bountie
was
able
to
overcome
,
and
for
whome
the
comparision
of
hidropike
thirst
was
very
favourable
being
more
insatiate
then
gusters
in
a
wine
sellar
,
and
neerer
the
nature
of
horse
leaches
,
and
swine
.
The
King
confesses
a
rationall
soveraigntie
of
soule
,
and
freedome
of
within
every
man
,
and
yet
with
an
implicite
repugnancie
would
make
vseles
that
freedome
of
will
in
all
other
men
but
himselfe
.
That
cannot
be
by
vsing
the
libertie
of
his
negative
voyce
,
for
are
the
wills
of
other
men
captivated
because
they
cannot
doe
as
they
will
,
&
because
the
king
will
not
doe
what
they
will
have
him
,
and
because
men
are
subject
to
Government
is
freedome
of
will
denyed
them
?
Them
,
that
yeilde
him
the
obedience
meaning
the
king
,
he
pronounces
worthy
to
be
slaves
,
which
he
inferrs
from
these
words
of
the
King
,
the
he
deserves
to
be
a
slave
,
who
captivates
the
rationall
soveraignetie
of
soule
,
and
libertie
of
his
will
to
compulsion
.
And
how
can
the
libeller
draw
any
such
conclusion
from
these
words
?
Lawes
,
that
restraine
Actions
doe
not
cap●…te
the
will
,
nor
doth
he
consent
to
have
his
will
captivated
,
that
snbmitts
to
Government
.
But
he
captivates
his
will
,
that
Acts
what
another
directs
him
,
though
he
judge
it
evill
,
and
in
such
case
a
law
may
not
be
obeyed
,
though
violence
may
not
be
vsed
against
the
law-maker
.
What
that
Freedome
is
which
cannot
be
denyed
him
as
a
King
,
because
it
belongs
to
him
as
a
man
,
&
a
Christian
the
Libeller
sayes
,
he
vnderstands
not
,
if
it
be
his
negative
voyce
,
it
concludes
all
men
,
who
have
not
such
a
negative
,
as
his
against
the
whole
Parliament
,
to
be
neither
men
,
nor
Christians
.
And
aswell
he
might
have
said
,
that
because
every
man
ought
to
have
freedome
in
giving
his
vote
in
Parliament
,
therefore
every
man
ought
to
be
there
.
The
Libeller
neede
not
be
ashamed
to
confesse
ignorance
,
that
blushes
not
at
such
fooleries
.
The
king
argues
,
that
he
could
not
be
debarred
of
that
,
as
a
king
,
which
belonged
to
him
as
a
man
,
and
a
Christian
,
which
was
libertie
of
will
in
giving
his
vote
,
and
by
what
Logicque
could
the
Libeller
thence
conclude
,
that
all
,
that
have
not
a
negative
voyce
to
what
the
Parliament
propounds
are
noe
men
,
nor
Christians
?
If
the
king
have
not
a
negative
voyce
,
he
hath
noe
voyce
,
&
every
members
of
Parliament
hath
a
voyce
affirmative
,
&
negative
,
and
they
deny
that
to
the
king
in
denying
his
negative
voyce
,
which
they
allow
all
,
that
have
any
voyce
.
He
demaunds
what
was
he
himselfe
all
this
while
,
that
we
denyed
it
him
,
as
a
King
.
He
had
the
freedome
of
his
will
,
when
he
gave
noe
vote
against
it
,
but
all
the
world
sayes
that
you
were
Traytours
in
the
deniall
.
His
naturall
libertie
of
will
was
not
taken
from
him
by
your
Trayterous
violence
,
though
his
right
to
vse
it
in
his
kingly
office
were
Rebelliously
withstood
.
If
a
King
be
prohibited
the
vse
of
his
reason
in
his
Government
,
he
is
denied
that
,
which
belongs
to
him
as
a
man
,
and
a
Christian
,
and
these
impudent
Traytours
are
soe
cauterized
,
that
they
scoffe
at
their
Lewde
villany
asking
whether
he
did
not
enjoy
the
libertie
of
his
will
,
when
they
had
imprisoned
,
and
deposed
him
.
He
askes
,
might
not
the
King
have
enjoyed
both
reason
,
and
conscience
governinge
vs
as
free
men
,
by
what
lawes
we
our selves
would
be
governed
?
And
how
could
he
governe
,
if
you
make
the
lawes
,
he
might
be
governed
?
And
who
shall
governe
,
when
every
man
is
a
law-maker
,
and
he
could
not
enjoy
reason
,
nor
conscience
governing
by
lawes
he
approved
not
.
It
was
not
the
inward
vse
of
his
reason
,
and
conscience
,
that
would
content
him
.
Doubtles
it
ought
not
being
a
King
,
but
sayes
he
to
vse
them
both
as
a
law
over
all
his
subjects
in
whatsoever
he
declared
as
a
King
to
like
,
or
dislike
.
The
King
were
noe
King
,
if
his
subjects
might
make
lawes
without
him
,
and
his
reason
,
and
conscience
ought
to
be
his
lawes
in
governing
,
and
he
justly
said
.
It
were
better
to
be
without
the
Title
of
King
,
if
it
should
carry
with
it
such
a
vassallage
,
as
not
to
suffer
him
to
vse
his
reason
,
and
conscience
in
what
he
declared
as
a
King
to
like
,
or
dislike
which
vse
of
reason
sayes
the
libeller
most
reasonles
,
and
vnconscionable
is
the
vtmost
,
that
any
Tyrant
ever
pretended
over
his
vassalls
.
Tyrants
were
never
esteemed
by
their
pretences
,
but
by
their
Actions
,
&
it
shewes
that
these
men
knew
not
,
what
Tyrany
was
,
who
make
a
just
right
of
all
Governours
,
the
vse
of
reason
Tyrany
,
and
that
,
which
never
king
was
thought
fitt
to
be
denyed
,
though
Tyrants
abused
it
.
Tyrany
is
in
the
abuse
of
power
,
not
in
the
rule
of
Government
.
In
all
wise
nations
the
Legislative
power
,
and
the
judiciall
execution
of
that
power
have
been
distinct
.
But
never
devided
being
allwayes
subordinate
one
to
the
other
,
the
judiciall
execution
depending
on
the
Legislative
.
He
makes
an
assumption
,
If
then
the
king
be
only
sett
vp
to
execute
the
law
he
ought
noe
more
to
make
,
or
forbidd
the
making
of
any
law
,
then
other
inferiour
Iudges
.
But
if
the
king
be
set
vp
to
make
law
by
the
advice
of
his
Councell
the
Parliament
,
can
they
make
lawes
without
him
,
but
this
Libeller
,
that
would
be
thought
soe
strong
at
Arguments
,
talkes
himselfe
into
contradictions
,
and
allowes
the
king
,
neither
the
one
power
,
nor
the
other
,
for
he
affirmes
the
king
cannot
judge
,
and
make
lawes
he
must
not
,
and
what
will
he
conclude
,
sure
,
that
his
owne
nation
is
not
wise
,
nor
himselfe
honest
,
or
rationall
.
He
cannot
reject
a
law
offred
him
by
the
Commons
,
no
more
then
make
a
law
,
which
they
reject
.
And
hath
it
sense
,
that
because
a
man
cannot
doe
an
Act
without
the
advice
of
another
,
therefore
he
must
doe
what
that
other
advises
?
The
man
dictates
,
and
would
be
beleived
,
though
the
Commons
never
did
,
nor
could
offer
a
law
to
the
king
,
for
he
wel
knowes
it
must
passe
the
Lords
before
it
come
to
the
king
,
but
he
was
loath
to
mention
the
Lords
,
least
it
should
cry
downe
the
noyse
he
hath
made
of
the
kings
single
judgment
,
for
the
Lords
house
may
not
have
a
negative
in
his
judgment
,
notwithstanding
their
number
.
But
why
is
it
offred
the
king
,
if
he
may
not
reject
it
,
and
whence
hath
it
been
,
that
so
many
Bils
have
been
rejected
in
al
ages
,
without
any
complaint
.
When
Kings
come
soe
low
as
to
fall
vpon
Philosophy
,
which
before
he
neither
valued
,
nor
vnderstood
is
a
signe
they
are
then
put
to
their
last
trump
.
If
the
king
had
not
valued
nor
vnderstood
Philosophy
,
he
could
not
have
made
soe
pertinent
vse
of
it
,
and
if
the
Libeller
had
vnderstood
Philosophy
,
or
valued
truth
,
he
would
have
given
better
signes
of
it
.
Could
not
his
Majest:
discourse
of
his
reason
,
and
will
,
but
it
must
be
out
of
the
way
,
or
above
his
abilitie
.
But
why
is
this
a
signe
,
that
kings
are
then
put
to
their
trump
,
why
the
vse
of
Philosophy
more
then
other
,
learning
?
Though
kings
come
low
,
Rebells
will
come
to
seeke
corners
to
hide
themselves
.
He
shewes
not
how
Philosophy
breakes
the
necke
of
their
cause
,
or
how
he
hath
made
advantage
of
Philosophy
against
the
king
,
but
we
finde
how
his
elaborate
contradictions
,
have
broken
the
necke
of
his
owne
cause
through
out
all
his
discourses
.
The
king
sayes
he
cannot
thinke
the
Majest:
of
the
Crowne
of
England
to
be
bound
by
any
Coronation
oath
in
a
blinde
,
and
brutish
formalitie
to
consent
to
whatever
its
subjects
in
Parliament
shall
require
.
And
sayes
the
Libeller
,
What
Tyrant
could
presume
to
say
more
.
And
the
law
it selfe
,
Religion
,
and
reason
never
said
lesse
.
It
cannot
but
be
yeilded
,
that
the
oath
,
which
bindes
him
to
performance
of
his
trust
,
ought
in
reason
to
containe
the
summe
of
what
his
cheife
trust
,
and
office
is
.
But
what
if
it
doe
not
,
is
there
an
argument
to
be
drawne
from
what
the
oath
ought
to
be
,
but
is
not
?
The
oath
may
containe
the
generall
dutie
of
Justice
,
&
right
,
but
it
neither
did
,
nor
could
comprehend
all
the
wayes
of
effecting
it
.
The
libeller
sayes
,
that
the
Kings
negative
voyce
is
not
contained
in
that
oath
.
But
that
oath
oblidges
him
to
governe
by
just
lawes
,
which
comprehends
a
negative
to
all
vnjust
lawes
,
and
can
it
impose
an
obligation
vpon
the
king
of
doing
Justice
,
and
not
give
him
a
libertie
of
judging
what
is
just
,
or
vnjust
?
The
Libeller
sayes
,
that
his
oath
requires
only
his
assent
to
those
lawes
,
which
the
people
have
already
chosen
,
or
shall
chuse
,
there
is
noe
such
word
in
that
oath
,
and
his
mention
of
the
Lattine
,
and
old
English
of
that
oath
are
of
another
sense
,
&
that
the
libeller
was
conscious
of
,
&
therefore
he
sayes
.
All
reason
admits
,
that
the
people
should
not
loose
vnder
a
new
king
what
freedome
they
had
before
.
but
their
freedome
consists
not
in
an
exemption
from
soveraigne
power
.
It
is
the
custome
of
Rebels
to
contradict
,
&
corrupt
al
lawes
vpō
pretence
of
their
private
reason
,
&
allow
no
reason
but
what
concludes
against
just
authoritie
,
he
wel
knew
there
was
not
that
double
sense
he
assignes
,
but
we
wil
make
his
sens
the
kings
oath
?
if
the
peoples
choise
be
referred
to
the
time
past
,
it
implies
not
,
that
their
choise
was
or
ought
to
be
a
law
,
though
they
had
a
choise
in
the
laws
made
,
as
stil
they
have
,
&
they
could
not
loose
what
they
never
had
,
&
the
Parliament
,
which
at
first
mētioned
the
kings
oath
acknowledged
,
that
as
they
did
not
determine
the
questiō
how
far
foorth
the
king
is
obliged
,
to
follow
the
judgmēt
of
his
parliament
,
so
as
to
conclude
that
a
new
law
might
be
mad
without
his
consent
.
so
they
acknowledge
that
the
contrary
may
be
truly
inferred
out
of
al
they
had
said
.
That
if
the
King
deny
what
the
Parliament
hath
chosen
,
he
makes
himselfe
superiour
to
his
whole
Kingdome
.
And
who
doubts
but
he
is
?
doe
not
they
which
take
the
oath
of
supreamacie
acknowledge
it
?
The
libeller
sayes
the
generall
maximes
of
Policie
gainsay
it
.
The
general
maximes
of
Rebellion
doe
,
but
Policy
cannot
.
It
is
impossible
in
Policy
,
that
he
to
whome
every
soule
must
be
subject
,
should
not
be
superiour
to
them
all
.
Our
owne
standing
lawes
gainsay
it
,
as
hath
been
cited
in
Remonstrances
that
the
King
hath
two
superiours
,
the
law
,
and
his
Court
of
Parliament
.
The
merit
of
those
remonstrances
are
neere
the
rate
of
this
libell
,
though
as
yet
they
never
mentioned
such
standing
lawes
,
&
if
there
had
been
such
standing
,
lawes
the
Author
would
have
found
them
enrolled
,
but
that
he
doth
not
,
&
how
absurdly
such
a
pretence
is
obtruded
,
whē
the
superiotie
of
persōs
,
&
places
is
in
quesstiō
to
name
the
superiority
of
law
,
which
holds
comparisō
with
sciences
,
not
with
persōs
,
&
that
the
Parliament
should
be
above
the
king
,
who
is
the
head
of
the
Parliament
,
without
whom
a
Parliament
hath
no
being
is
as
Monstrous
to
reasō
,
as
law
,
&
it
is
impossible
that
the
law
cā
say
,
that
the
king
hath
no
superiour
but
God
,
&
say
,
that
the
Parliament
is
his
superiour
,
&
the
king
might
wel
say
,
that
this
was
blinde
,
&
brutish
formalitie
,
and
no
part
of
the
law
,
his
oath
,
or
dutie
,
but
such
brutish
formalities
Rebells
vse
to
blinde
the
people
.
The
King
,
and
Peeraes
represent
only
themselves
,
the
Commons
are
the
whole
Kingdome
.
Which
is
as
apparently
false
,
as
that
the
Common
Councell
,
of
London
are
the
whole
kingdome
,
&
the
commons
in
Parliament
have
no
power
from
the
people
,
to
doe
any
thing
without
the
king
,
&
Lords
.
Infinite
mischeifes
may
grow
while
our
safetie
shall
depend
vpon
the
over
weening
reason
of
one
man
.
And
we
finde
by
experience
,
that
desperate
ruine
inevitably
followes
,
when
our
safetie
depends
vpon
the
agreement
of
a
multitude
.
It
is
the
nature
of
sectaries
to
be
wise
in
their
owne
conceite
,
and
thence
come
arrogance
,
and
contempt
of
Government
,
&
it
is
a
principall
in
their
schisme
to
improve
this
naturall
insolence
,
and
contemne
all
Estates
,
and
abilities
of
men
dissenting
from
them
,
&
though
his
Majest:
were
of
most
eminent
natural
endowments
this
libeller
cals
him
a
man
neither
by
nature
,
nor
nurture
wise
.
Which
shewes
he
vnderstood
not
wisedome
in
others
,
nor
was
sensible
of
his
owne
folly
soe
apparent
to
all
his
readers
.
That
a
King
should
want
breeding
to
make
him
wise
,
is
strange
in
the
libellers
owne
judgment
,
and
that
the
experience
,
&
breeding
of
the
King
was
eminently
extraordinary
the
world
well
knowes
.
He
calls
the
Kings
negative
his
will
,
&
the
Parliaments
demaunds
advice
.
May
not
their
demaunds
be
willfull
,
and
his
negative
advised
?
The
nature
,
and
nurture
of
this
libeller
is
disobedience
,
and
therefore
will
have
the
Kings
wisedome
to
be
will
,
&
the
Rebells
rashnes
wisedome
,
and
it
is
impossible
,
that
men
,
who
have
sucked
in
such
principles
should
ever
be
obedient
to
any
Government
,
studying
only
how
they
may
disaffect
subjects
to
it
.
He
sayes
the
Kings
errour
was
imperious
,
and
force
was
vsed
not
to
dispell
errour
out
of
his
head
,
but
to
drive
it
from
of
our
neckes
.
These
Rebells
sought
to
be
imperious
,
&
put
the
yoke
vpon
the
neckes
of
the
people
,
and
that
,
which
restrained
them
from
an
absolute
arbitrary
power
,
which
was
the
Kings
negative
,
they
would
take
away
by
force
,
and
place
negative
,
and
affirmative
in
themselves
.
The
libeller
sayes
well
that
force
was
not
vsed
to
dispell
errour
,
which
was
vsed
to
enforce
consent
,
and
to
make
errour
,
and
shewes
their
wickednes
,
that
tooke
that
course
.
The
King
sayes
the
vprightnes
of
his
intention
will
excuse
the
possible
failings
of
his
vnderstanding
,
who
seriously
endeavours
to
see
the
best
reason
,
&
faithfully
followes
it
.
This
the
libeller
sayes
is
a
position
false
in
law
,
&
Divinitie
.
But
for
that
we
must
take
his
word
against
all
law
,
&
Divinitie
.
But
he
sayes
its
contrary
to
the
Kings
owne
better
principles
,
who
affirmes
the
goodnes
of
a
mans
intention
will
not
excuse
the
scandall
,
and
contagion
of
his
Example
.
And
doth
it
contradict
what
the
king
had
said
,
of
the
excuse
of
errour
in
judgment
,
by
the
vprightnes
of
the
intention
,
because
a
man
cannot
excuse
an
evill
Action
by
the
intending
a
good
end
,
where
there
was
noe
errour
of
the
fact
,
but
a
knowne
evill
.
His
not
knowing
through
corruption
of
flattery
,
&
Court
principles
will
not
excuse
him
.
But
we
are
sure
,
that
this
libellers
willfull
falshoods
,
corrupt
,
and
Rebellious
principles
condemne
him
,
and
make
him
odious
to
God
,
and
man
,
and
he
is
not
like
a
Pilot
mi'sled
by
a
wandring
starr
,
that
may
be
possible
,
but
like
a
Pilot
,
that
will
not
be
giuded
by
starrs
,
but
maliciously
destroyes
the
ship
,
and
men
,
and
this
Author
might
sooner
excuse
a
drunken
Pilot
,
then
a
savage
Piratte
,
and
such
are
they
,
who
willfully
practise
doceites
,
and
cruelties
vnder
the
name
of
nationall
rights
.
They
vsed
force
to
acqiut
their
owne
reason
,
and
conscience
from
force
That
is
they
vsed
force
to
Domineere
over
king
,
and
people
,
and
establish
their
owne
will
for
law
.
And
to
rebell
against
their
king
is
to
arqiut
their
reason
and
conscience
.
The
king
sayes
never
thing
pleased
him
more
,
then
when
his
judgment
concurd
with
theirs
.
The
libeller
to
this
sayes
.
That
was
to
the
applause
of
his
owne
judgment
,
and
would
aswell
have
pleased
any
selfe
conceited
man
.
But
could
the
king
despise
the
judgment
of
the
Parliament
,
as
this
addle
headed
libeller
continually
exclaimes
,
and
make
it
matter
of
applause
to
himselfe
,
that
his
judgment
concurd
with
theirs
?
Could
he
sleight
their
judgment
,
and
conceite
his
owne
credited
by
their
concurrence
?
If
he
had
noe
other
esteeme
of
their
judgment
,
then
the
libeller
would
have
beleived
,
doubtles
he
might
have
suspected
his
owne
Judgment
,
for
concurring
with
theirs
;
And
whence
comes
itt
,
that
a
selfe
conceited
man
would
be
soe
well
pleased
with
such
a
concurrence
?
A
selfe
conceited
man
scornes
the
concurrence
of
other
mens
judgments
,
and
preferrs
his
owne
against
all
others
,
but
reason
cannot
be
expected
from
this
man
being
vse
les
to
his
vndertaking
.
The
king
sayes
in
many
things
he
chose
rather
to
deny
himselfe
then
them
.
And
sayes
the
libeller
.
That
is
to
say
Trifles
,
for
of
his
owne
interests
,
and
personall
rights
he
conceives
himselfe
Master
.
And
who
can
deny
itt
,
but
he
is
Master
of
them
,
and
yet
he
hath
parted
with
these
,
land
could
he
part
with
any
thing
wereof
he
was
not
Master
?
And
were
all
these
lawes
,
which
the
libeller
commends
,
trifles
?
To
part
with
if
he
please
saith
the
Libeller
,
not
to
contest
for
against
the
Kingdome
,
which
is
greater
then
hee
,
whose
rights
are
all
subordinate
to
the
Kingdomes
good
.
If
he
may
not
contest
for
them
,
he
must
part
with
them
,
though
he
please
,
or
not
please
,
but
being
for
the
Kingdomes
good
,
he
is
bound
to
contest
for
them
,
and
it
is
to
ruine
the
Kingdome
,
when
subjects
contest
to
take
them
away
from
the
King
.
Those
rights
are
in
compatible
with
subjects
,
and
inseperable
from
Governours
,
and
are
noe
more
subordinate
to
the
peoples
good
,
then
Justice
,
or
law
are
,
but
they
are
the
peoples
good
,
and
the
people
are
subordinate
to
their
Rulers
in
judging
what
is
their
good
.
But
he
must
part
with
them
because
the
Kingdome
is
greater
then
he
,
as
the
Libeller
sayes
,
That
is
noe
reason
,
but
it
is
according
to
the
Rebells
principles
,
that
there
is
no
right
,
but
force
,
&
the
weaker
may
not
contest
against
the
stronger
.
The
libeller
is
very
copious
in
his
declamations
against
Monarchy
,
and
it
would
be
tedious
to
follow
him
in
his
verbofitie
,
he
excepts
to
these
words
of
the
King
.
In
what
concernes
truth
&
Iústice
,
the
right
of
Church
,
or
his
Crouwne
,
noe
man
shall
gaine
his
consent
against
his
minde
.
And
sayes
the
libeller
.
What
can
be
left
then
for
a
Parliament
,
but
to
sit
like
Images
,
whilest
he
assumes
the
best
abilitie
of
judging
,
or
restraynes
all
men
from
enjoyment
of
any
good
,
which
his
judgment
thinkes
not
fit
to
graunt
them
.
And
what
were
a
King
but
an
Image
,
if
he
were
bound
to
graunt
,
whatsoever
his
subjects
in
Parliament
demaund
of
him
,
and
to
what
end
doe
they
take
an
oath
of
Alleagiance
,
if
he
were
bound
to
quit
it
,
when
they
aske
it
?
And
are
there
any
soe
sunke
in
vnderstanding
,
as
to
beleive
,
that
it
is
the
office
of
a
King
to
judge
of
nothing
,
and
the
right
of
subjects
in
Parliament
to
commaund
al
things
.
But
this
man
is
of
Achitophells
minde
,
that
if
his
Councell
be
not
followed
,
he
will
goe
home
,
&
hang
himselse
.
Advice
from
subjects
to
a
King
is
ordained
by
law
,
but
the
subjection
of
a
King
to
advise
is
monstrous
,
and
vnsupposable
.
The
Authors
repetitions
of
rayling
Epithites
vpon
what
concernes
the
King
,
or
his
Actions
,
&
commendation
of
the
wicked
Actions
against
him
,
will
not
alter
the
nature
of
one
or
other
,
and
his
vehement
asseveration
,
that
the
law
,
and
Coronall
oath
require
the
Kings
vndeniable
assent
to
what
lawes
the
Parliament
agree
vpon
,
is
not
out
of
opinion
of
truth
,
but
the
strength
of
his
language
himselfe
shewing
the
contrary
aswell
as
the
Parliament
.
The
King
sayes
he
had
rather
weare
a
Crowne
of
thornes
with
our
saviour
,
then
to
exchange
that
of
gold
for
one
of
lead
,
whose
imbast
flexiblenes
shal
be
forced
to
binde
,
and
comply
to
the
various
,
&
oft
contrary
Dictates
of
any
faction
,
when
insteede
of
reason
,
&
publique
concernement
they
obtrude
nothing
,
but
what
makes
for
the
interest
of
parties
,
and
flowes
from
the
partialitie
of
private
●…ills
,
&
passions
.
The
libeller
sayes
many
would
be
all
one
with
our
saviour
,
whome
he
will
not
know
.
They
who
governe
ill
those
Kingdomes
,
which
they
have
right
to
,
have
to
our
saviours
Crowne
of
thornes
noe
right
at
all
.
Such
as
are
Rebells
to
lawfull
Princes
,
&
vsurpe
Kingdomes
,
will
never
weare
a
Crowne
of
thornes
with
their
saviour
,
nor
can
hope
to
be
knowne
by
him
,
while
they
sucke
the
blood
of
his
anointed
,
and
Tyranize
over
kingdomes
soe
wickedly
gotten
.
That
Crowne
of
thornes
,
which
this
libellers
savage
souldiers
,
and
others
set
vpon
the
last
king
,
is
now
his
Crowne
of
rejoycing
in
heaven
,
&
honour
among
men
,
&
the
infamy
of
these
hellish
miscreants
.
The
libeller
twists
thornes
,
and
snares
for
himselfe
by
his
shameles
Calumnies
,
seeking
to
make
the
assassination
of
a
gracious
king
his
owne
demeritts
.
A
Crowne
of
gold
is
not
due
to
him
,
who
cannot
first
weare
a
Crowne
of
lead
,
not
only
for
the
weight
of
that
greate
office
,
but
for
the
compliance
with
them
,
who
are
to
Councell
him
.
A
leaden
Crowne
may
well
expresse
stupiditie
,
and
basenes
,
and
the
Crowne
of
gold
better
agrees
with
sound
Councell
,
which
is
compared
to
apples
of
gold
in
pictures
of
silver
,
then
lead
which
shewes
only
that
imbast
flexiblenes
to
the
various
,
and
oft
contrary
Dictates
of
any
faction
,
and
is
only
a
weight
of
punishment
,
not
of
office
,
which
the
gold
represents
,
but
Traytours
cannot
endure
a
Crowne
of
gold
vpon
the
head
of
their
king
,
they
will
only
allow
him
a
Crowne
of
thornes
,
or
lead
.
The
libeller
taxes
the
king
for
want
of
modestie
,
in
imputing
want
of
reason
,
and
neglect
of
the
publique
,
rather
to
the
faction
then
to
himselfe
,
because
the
faction
was
the
Parliament
.
And
he
must
be
a
man
voyde
of
all
modestie
,
that
doth
not
judge
such
Actions
as
the
king
complayned
of
to
proceede
from
want
of
reason
,
&
neglect
of
the
publique
,
interest
of
parties
,
&
partialities
of
private
will
,
and
passion
.
The
sectaries
were
wont
to
deprecate
all
accusations
of
irreverence
to
their
King
,
and
complaine
,
that
they
were
wronged
,
but
the
question
is
now
changed
,
&
contempt
of
the
King
is
their
greate
vertue
.
The
libeller
throughout
this
whole
discourse
rejects
the
consideration
of
the
Kings
conscience
,
&
heereto
these
words
of
the
Kings
I
know
noe
resolutions
more
worthy
a
Christian
King
,
then
to
preferre
his
conscience
before
,
his
Kingdomes
,
sayes
the
sentence
is
faire
in
seeming
,
but
fallacious
,
for
the
conscience
may
be
ill
edifred
.
And
because
it
may
be
soe
,
is
it
fallacious
,
that
conscience
must
be
preferred
before
Kingdomes
?
These
hipocrites
,
that
pretend
to
Rebell
for
their
conscience
,
accuse
the
king
for
refusing
to
passe
a
law
,
in
regard
of
the
contrary
perswasion
of
his
conscience
,
and
it
must
be
an
ill
edified
conscience
in
him
to
forbeare
an
act
,
&
a
rightly
informed
conscience
in
them
,
that
commit
an
act
so
bloody
,
&
scandalous
to
the
whole
world
,
&
so
dangerous
to
the
soules
of
many
,
that
were
drawne
headlong
into
that
sin
,
the
Kings
conscience
cannot
be
preserved
without
his
negative
voyce
,
and
therefore
he
might
justly
assert
it
to
be
his
right
by
law
,
&
when
the
libeller
can
perswade
men
,
that
Parliaments
are
infallible
,
and
free
from
faction
,
&
that
Rebells
are
best
judges
,
of
what
is
for
the
Kingdomes
good
,
he
may
hope
to
be
beleived
,
that
the
king
denyed
that
,
which
law
,
his
oath
,
and
office
bid
him
graunt
.
And
all
men
see
,
that
vnder
the
name
of
the
advice
of
Parliament
,
Rebels
have
introduced
their
owne
wils
for
lawes
.
Vpon
the
QUEENES
DEPARTURE
.
WHat
concernes
it
vs
heere
to
heare
a
husband
divulge
his
houshold
privacies
,
extolling
to
others
the
vertues
of
his
wife
,
an
infirmitie
not
seldome
incident
to
those
,
who
have
least
cause
,
Just
Testimony
to
vertue
is
never
an
infirmitie
,
but
necessary
from
the
husband
,
where
conjugall
affection
hath
derived
the
hatred
of
his
Enemies
to
his
wife
.
If
the
divulging
of
houshold
privacies
concerned
him
not
,
it
is
his
lewdenes
to
take
occasions
of
derision
,
&
base
language
from
it
.
Treasons
to
the
minde
are
as
pestilence
to
the
body
,
that
turnes
all
diseases
into
its
owne
malignant
humour
,
for
this
Libeller
cannot
forbeare
despite
to
the
King
for
speaking
that
,
which
he
saith
doth
not
concerne
others
,
nor
to
the
Queene
for
being
named
.
How
good
a
wife
shee
was
to
himselfe
,
how
bad
a
subject
is
not
much
disputed
,
And
to
whome
was
shee
a
subject
,
to
the
Rebells
?
Those
that
acknowledge
themselves
subjects
to
the
King
,
wil
have
the
Queene
esteemed
a
bad
subject
for
her
Zeale
to
his
State
,
and
safetie
,
these
evill
spiritts
,
that
possesse
the
Rebells
perswade
men
,
that
it
is
a
fault
to
be
bad
subjects
,
and
yet
will
allow
none
to
be
subjects
,
but
the
King
,
his
wife
,
and
children
.
It
neede
be
made
noe
wonder
,
though
shee
left
a
Protestant
Kingdome
with
as
li●…le
honour
,
as
her
mother
left
a
Popish
.
This
mention
of
her
mother
shewer
the
extension
of
a
Trayterous
malice
,
that
spares
noe
relations
,
nor
conditions
though
vnconcerned
.
Those
,
that
compelled
the
Queenes
departure
did
more
contribute
to
the
dishonour
of
a
Protestant
Kingdome
,
&
the
Protestant
Religion
,
whereof
they
take
the
name
without
the
truth
,
then
the
greatest
Enemy
to
the
Protestant
Religion
could
have
effected
,
what
the
case
of
her
mother
was
wee
enquire
not
,
but
the
world
sees
,
that
theis
injuries
to
her
Majest:
exceeded
example
,
&
Rebells
injustice
fixes
noe
dishonour
,
but
on
themselves
.
The
king
sayes
this
is
the
first
example
of
any
Protestant
subjects
,
that
have
taken
vp
Armes
against
their
King
a
Protestant
.
The
Libeller
sayes
it
can
be
to
Protestants
noe
dishonour
,
when
it
shal
be
heard
,
that
he
first
leavied
warr
on
them
,
and
to
the
interest
of
Papists
more
then
of
Protestants
.
But
then
it
is
dishonour
,
if
he
first
leavied
not
warr
vpon
them
?
And
all
that
reade
his
booke
must
conclude
,
that
they
first
leavyed
warr
vpon
him
,
what
els
doth
he
meane
by
defending
the
Tumults
,
seizing
the
forts
,
and
Militia
,
raysing
an
Army
,
&
vpbraiding
the
king
with
feares
to
hazard
such
a
scuffle
.
But
were
it
otherwise
,
the
Protestants
have
disclaimed
his
Trayterous
pretence
of
taking
Armes
against
the
King
vnder
colour
of
Religion
,
or
otherwise
,
&
hold
it
dishonour
to
their
Religion
,
that
such
Rebellious
principles
should
be
charged
vpon
them
,
and
nothing
could
be
more
for
the
interest
of
Papists
,
then
that
Protestants
should
maintaine
,
and
practice
that
doctrine
of
Rebellion
.
The
world
is
satisfied
,
how
disloyally
the
King
was
prosecuted
by
Armes
,
and
had
it
been
otherwise
,
subjects
ought
to
petition
not
returne
violence
,
and
in
all
the
excuses
that
these
Traytours
have
vsed
,
they
never
mention
any
offer
of
satisfaction
to
the
King
,
or
desire
to
lay
downe
his
Armes
,
but
require
his
submission
,
and
giving
vp
his
rights
,
or
otherwise
they
would
take
it
by
force
.
The
precedence
of
the
Scotts
warr
will
not
take
of
the
dishonour
.
He
sayes
,
It
s
a
groundles
,
and
dissembled
feare
,
that
shee
,
that
was
for
many
yeares
averse
to
her
husbands
Religion
should
be
now
the
more
alienated
,
&
can
the
Libeller
deny
,
but
that
the
aversion
of
any
may
be
encreast
,
and
confirmed
by
the
wickednes
of
the
persons
of
the
contrary
Religion
,
how
groundles
then
,
and
shameles
is
his
exception
?
If
the
feare
of
her
delinquencie
,
and
Iustice
demaunded
on
her
,
was
any
cause
of
her
alienating
the
more
,
to
have
gained
her
by
indirect
meanes
,
had
been
no
advantage
to
Religion
.
As
the
King
observed
,
that
this
was
the
first
example
of
Protestant
subjects
,
that
tooke
Armes
against
their
king
:
soe
this
of
charging
the
Queene
with
Delinquencie
was
the
first
example
in
that
kinde
,
that
trayterous
impudence
had
produced
,
&
when
it
shal
be
heard
,
that
a
compaine
of
such
vile
persons
charge
the
Queene
with
Crymes
for
assisting
her
husband
,
they
wil
be
assured
,
that
not
feare
of
Delinquencie
,
but
their
barbarous
crueltie
might
more
alienate
her
,
&
disadvantage
Religion
.
Them
,
who
accused
her
he
sayes
well
enough
knowne
to
be
the
Parliament
,
the
King
censures
,
for
men
yet
to
seeke
their
Religion
,
whether
doctrine
,
discipline
,
or
good
manners
.
And
soe
doth
the
whole
world
,
whatever
name
the
Libeller
give
such
men
,
who
are
well
enough
knowne
to
be
a
Trayterous
faction
.
The
name
of
true
English
Protestants
is
a
meere
schismaticall
name
.
And
why
?
Are
there
not
severall
confessions
in
the
Protestant
Churches
,
&
doe
they
hold
one
another
Schismatickes
for
that
reason
?
How
often
hath
this
Libeller
named
the
best
reformed
Churches
,
is
not
that
as
much
a
name
of
schisme
?
he
is
ignorant
in
the
nature
of
schisme
,
though
he
be
soe
well
practised
in
it
,
and
its
strange
he
would
observe
a
Schismaticall
name
from
the
title
of
a
nation
,
and
not
from
his
title
of
Independencie
,
that
produceth
as
many
titles
,
and
distinctions
,
as
there
be
Parishes
,
or
Parlours
.
The
King
ascribes
rudenes
,
and
barbaritie
worse
then
Indian
to
the
English
Parliament
.
To
the
Libellers
Parliament
he
very
well
may
.
He
sayes
the
King
ascribes
all
vertues
to
his
wife
vndervaluing
the
greate
Councell
of
his
Kingdome
in
comparison
of
one
woman
.
And
not
only
he
,
but
all
good
men
abominate
that
wicked
Councell
,
which
vsed
such
rudenes
,
and
barbaritie
towards
her
,
and
from
hence
the
Libeller
tells
vs
there
are
examples
of
mischiefe
vnder
vxorious
Magistrates
,
and
Feminine
vsurpation
.
And
must
Magistrates
therefore
have
noe
wives
,
or
noe
affections
to
them
?
And
the
examples
of
feminine
vsurpation
are
more
frequent
in
Republican
Tribunes
then
Monarchs
.
The
king
sayes
,
her
tarrying
heere
he
could
not
thinke
safe
among
them
,
who
were
shaking
hands
with
Allegiance
to
lay
faster
hold
on
Religion
.
The
Libeller
sayes
that
he
taxes
them
of
a
dutie
rather
then
a
Cryme
,
it
being
just
to
obey
God
rather
then
man
.
And
is
periury
,
and
the
breach
of
Alleagiance
obedience
to
God
,
and
doe
men
obey
God
,
that
breake
one
Commaundement
vpon
pretence
to
keepe
another
.
The
Scripture
tells
vs
he
that
breakes
one
Commaundement
is
guiltie
of
all
,
but
these
are
they
that
say
they
love
God
,
and
yet
hate
their
brother
,
hate
and
kill
their
King
Gods
vicegerent
.
The
libeller
sayes
it
was
the
fault
of
their
courage
,
that
they
had
not
quite
shaken
of
,
what
they
stood
shaking
hands
with
.
It
s
like
their
conscience
,
and
Religion
were
not
the
cause
they
did
not
,
but
the
Libeller
was
not
of
their
Councell
,
for
the
time
required
they
should
keepe
their
maske
longer
.
He
is
offended
at
the
Kings
prayer
,
that
the
disloyaltie
of
his
protestant
subjects
may
not
be
a
hindrance
to
her
love
of
the
true
Religion
,
and
sayes
that
he
never
prayes
,
that
the
dissolutenes
of
his
Court
,
the
Scandalls
of
his
Clergie
,
vnsoundnes
of
his
owne
judgment
,
Lukewarmenes
of
his
life
,
letter
o●…
compliance
to
the
Pope
,
permitting
his
nuntio
heere
,
may
not
be
found
farr
greater
hindrances
.
All
these
put
togeather
are
farr
short
of
the
scandall
of
the
disloyaltie
of
his
subjects
.
The
Court
dissolutenes
is
made
a
common
place
of
scandall
,
not
veritie
in
respect
of
the
application
,
there
being
not
such
excesses
in
his
Majest:
Court
,
that
deserved
a
speciall
observation
,
and
the
restraint
of
dissolutenes
was
more
observable
,
then
the
Cryme
.
As
to
the
scandalls
of
his
Clergie
,
though
we
must
beleive
,
that
offences
wil
come
,
yet
the
scandall
of
the
present
disloyaltie
was
more
offensive
to
those
of
different
Religion
,
then
any
disorders
in
Civil
conversation
,
and
the
injustice
of
the
Rebells
towards
the
Clergie
,
hath
shewed
the
vntruth
of
the
scandalls
,
that
were
cast
vpon
them
,
&
though
their
malice
traduced
,
&
persecuted
them
,
their
proofes
could
not
convict
them
of
the
scandall
supposed
.
His
Majest:
owne
judgment
cannot
be
overcast
by
a
Rebells
malice
,
and
his
examplary
life
cannot
be
stained
by
a
Libellers
pen.
His
letter
to
the
Pope
was
noe
complaince
,
nor
could
it
give
offence
to
protestant
or
hope
to
Papist
,
&
these
Rebells
,
that
comply
with
Turkes
,
and
infidells
least
of
all
thinke
it
a
compliance
.
The
Libeller
well
knowes
there
was
noe
nuntio
in
England
,
and
if
the
King
should
have
denyed
the
Queene
the
exercise
of
her
Religion
,
whereto
he
was
bound
by
the
Articles
vpon
the
match
,
he
had
given
greater
scandall
by
breaking
the
Articles
,
then
by
permitting
her
the
repaire
of
persons
in
matters
of
her
Religion
.
But
sayes
the
Libeller
,
they
must
not
sit
still
,
that
is
not
Rebell
,
and
see
their
Religion
snatcht
away
But
they
have
Rebelled
to
snatch
away
Religion
.
He
sayes
,
It
s
knowne
,
that
her
Religion
wrought
more
vpon
him
,
then
his
vpon
her
,
and
his
favouring
of
Papists
,
and
hatred
of
Puritans
,
made
men
suspect
shee
had
perverted
him
.
Noe
doubt
suspitions
were
industriously
raysed
,
and
carrefully
nourisht
against
the
King
,
though
they
beleived
them
not
,
that
made
vse
of
them
.
The
King
was
not
bound
to
destroy
all
Papists
,
and
could
not
deny
them
the
protection
of
a
King
,
&
he
had
just
reason
to
suspect
those
bloody
Puritans
,
whose
inclinations
he
descerned
to
that
wickednes
they
have
since
avowed
.
From
his
suppositions
he
ascends
to
his
exclamations
.
What
is
it
,
that
the
blindenes
of
hipocrisie
dare
not
doe
?
It
dares
pray
,
and
thinke
to
hide
that
from
the
eyes
of
God
,
which
it
cannot
from
the
open
view
of
men
.
We
finde
this
very
frequent
in
this
Author
,
and
in
this
very
Period
,
that
in
contempt
of
God
,
&
men
,
charges
the
King
with
Crymes
he
not
only
knew
false
but
which
are
soe
knowne
vnto
the
whole
world
,
and
conclude
against
'
his
owne
narrations
,
and
others
view
.
Vpon
his
repulse
AT
HULL
,
and
the
fate
of
the
HOTHAMS
.
HE
makes
an
introduction
,
that
Hull
was
the
Magazine
of
Armes
,
which
the
king
had
bought
with
money
illegally
extorted
from
his
subjects
.
He
thinkes
,
that
if
goods
be
ill
gotten
,
its
lawfull
for
him
,
and
his
Sectaries
to
rob
him
,
that
possesses
them
,
els
to
what
vse
is
it
mentioned
with
what
money
the
King
bought
these
Armes
?
But
had
the
king
noe
meanes
to
procure
Armes
but
by
illegall
exaction
?
sure
that
will
conduce
litle
to
the
Apollogy
of
this
breaker
,
that
Galumniates
the
King
soe
much
for
seeking
meanes
from
his
subjects
for
publique
safetie
.
Next
he
sayes
these
Armes
were
bought
to
be
vsed
in
a
causeles
,
and
most
vnjust
Civill
warr
against
Scotland
.
What
was
the
warr
in
Scotland
to
Hothams
taking
of
Hull
,
or
seizing
the
Magazine
,
when
the
warr
was
ended
?
Rayling
will
neither
make
the
warr
vnjust
,
nor
the
mention
of
it
heere
any
way
extenuate
the
vsurpation
,
but
shewes
the
barrennes
of
his
matter
by
his
repeated
insignificant
falshoods
.
The
Queene
he
sayes
was
gone
to
Holland
to
sett
to
sale
the
Crowne
Iewells
a
Cryme
heeretofore
counted
Treasonable
in
Kings
.
It
s
like
such
a
Treason
,
as
he
makes
to
buy
a
Magazine
of
Armes
to
resist
an
invader
,
he
should
have
done
well
to
have
told
,
when
this
heeretofore
was
.
It
s
likely
they
that
held
it
Treason
in
Kings
to
have
sold
Jewells
of
the
Crowne
would
have
made
it
some
Cryme
to
have
bought
Jewells
for
the
Crowne
,
and
it
is
noe
Treason
now
to
sell
the
Crowne
,
Jewells
,
and
all
by
his
cut
throate
crew
.
The
Parliament
was
not
ignorant
to
what
in●…ent
these
summs
were
raysed
.
their
owne
actions
told
all
the
world
they
were
necessary
to
be
raysed
.
The
Kings
refusing
to
settle
the
military
power
in
trustie
hands
vpon
their
petitions
,
and
doubting
he
would
possesse
himselfe
of
Hull
,
they
were
necessitated
by
the
turbulence
,
and
danger
of
the
times
of
their
owne
authoritie
,
to
put●…
the
Kingdome
into
a
posture
of
defence
,
and
to
send
Sr.
Iohn
Hotham
to
take
Hull
into
his
possession
.
How
many
lewde
lyes
have
they
sent
abroade
into
the
world
,
that
the
King
made
warr
vpon
them
,
and
it
was
the
Libellers
owne
pretence
in
the
beginning
of
the
last
Chapter
,
&
now
plainly
tells
they
seized
Hull
,
because
they
suspected
the
King
intended
it
,
and
because
he
would
not
settle
the
militia
,
as
they
desired
.
If
he
had
no
power
over
the
Militia
,
why
did
they
petition
him
?
If
the
Parliament
be
his
superiour
why
did
they
petition
at
all
?
Doe
superiours
petition
inferiours
?
But
what
was
that
turbulence
,
&
danger
of
the
Kingdome
,
was
there
any
more
,
then
what
themselves
had
made
by
rumours
,
and
Tumults
,
and
is
not
the
seizing
of
a
fort
an
Act
of
warr
?
The
King
had
attempted
the
same
before
.
And
was
that
any
cause
for
them
,
because
the
King
sends
to
his
Castles
,
or
forts
,
must
they
therefore
take
them
from
him
?
And
he
sayes
letters
of
the
Lord
Digb●…
were
intercepted
,
wiss●…ing
the
King
to
retire
to
some
safe
place
.
And
therefore
these
Rebells
would
provide
he
should
be
safe
in
noe
place
.
The
King
offred
to
g●…e
in
person
into
Ireland
,
and
that
he
would
Arme
his
guard
from
his
Magazine
of
Hull
.
The
Parliament
he
sayes
foreseeing
the
kings
drift
petition
him
,
that
they
might
have
leave
to
remove
the
Magazine
of
Hull
to
the
Tower
of
London
.
Soe
carefull
they
were
to
have
the
Rebellion
in
Ireland
proceede
,
that
they
desired
his
Majest:
to
forbeare
his
going
into
Ireland
out
of
consideration
of
danger
to
his
person
,
when
as
they
intended
to
destroy
him
at
home
,
and
the
true
cause
was
,
that
they
would
deteine
theis
Armes
to
make
warr
against
him
,
if
he
would
not
submitt
to
be
deposed
,
and
to
keepe
the
money
given
for
Ireland
to
drive
on
the
warr
heere
.
The
King
afterward
going
to
Hull
required
the
Governour
to
deliver
him
the
Towne
,
whereof
the
Governour
humbly
desired
to
be
excused
,
till
he
could
s●…nd
to
the
Parliament
.
It
seemes
the
libeller
would
not
have
that
a
denyall
.
The
King
proclaimed
Hotham
Tray●…our
before
the
Towne
●…lls
And
noe
man
dobuted
,
but
he
was
soe
.
The
King
gave
order
to
stopp
all
passages
betweene
him
,
and
the
Parliament
.
And
had
he
not
reason
to
prevent
supplies
,
and
intelligences
to
a
Traytour
?
Yet
sayes
the
Libeller
he
demaunded
Iustice
,
as
vpon
a
Traytour
,
vsing
a
strange
iniquitie
to
require
Iustice
vpon
him
,
whome
he
had
debarred
from
his
apparence
.
Traytours
must
be
apprehended
before
their
apparence
,
and
it
was
a
strange
iniquitie
in
them
,
that
would
not
apprehend
a
Traytour
,
as
in
Justice
they
ought
,
but
a
most
execrable
impietie
in
such
as
pretend
Justice
,
to
cleere
a
malefactour
without
hearing
both
parties
,
as
the
libeller
sayes
the
Parliament
did
Sr.
Iohn
Hotham
,
for
he
sayes
the
Parliament
noe
sooner
vnderstood
what
had
passed
,
they
declare
Sr.
Iohn
Hotham
had
done
noe
more
,
then
was
his
dutie
.
They
meant
noe
doubt
his
dutie
to
them
,
as
fellow
Traytours
,
not
to
his
king
,
and
soveraigne
.
That
this
proves
that
to
be
false
,
which
is
heere
affirmed
by
the
King
,
that
his
greatest
Enemies
had
scarce
confidence
enough
to
abett
,
or
owne
it
.
And
such
,
as
knew
the
manner
of
their
proceedings
at
that
time
,
know
the
truth
of
what
the
King
affirmes
,
and
though
the
necessitie
of
their
engagement
made
them
owne
it
,
yet
there
were
very
few
,
or
none
,
that
esteemed
it
an
act
of
Justice
in
them
,
but
of
Policie
for
their
owne
securitie
.
The
king
sayes
it
affected
him
more
with
sorrow
for
others
,
then
anger
for
himselfe
,
nor
did
the
affront
trouble
him
soe
much
,
as
their
sin
.
The
libeller
sayes
,
there
is
vse
of
this
booke
to
shew
vs
what
a
deluded
thing
the
creature
is
,
which
is
called
the
vulgar
,
who
will
beleive
such
vaine
glories
as
these
.
And
surely
we
cannot
beleive
any
creature
soe
deluded
,
as
those
,
for
whose
capacitie
the
libeller
writes
,
that
makes
the
deluded
vulgar
judges
of
lawes
,
and
kings
,
yet
heere
spurnes
it
as
a
despised
creature
.
The
strangenes
of
beleife
that
he
imagines
,
as
that
the
King
proclaimed
him
Traytour
without
due
proces
of
law
.
If
he
could
have
told
what
the
due
proces
of
law
was
,
no
doubt
he
would
.
If
a
theife
,
or
murtherer
be
taken
in
the
Act
,
or
escape
,
must
there
not
be
a
proclamation
for
his
apprehension
?
If
Traytours
be
in
Armes
against
their
King
,
is
it
choler
,
or
rashnes
to
proclaime
them
Traytours
?
The
King
had
lately
been
convinced
of
his
illegallitie
with
the
five
members
.
He
was
injuriously
denyed
Justice
against
them
,
which
produced
the
second
insolence
of
Hotham
.
The
Kings
relation
declares
his
anger
to
be
incensed
,
as
he
had
,
but
doth
it
follow
from
thence
,
that
he
was
not
more
sorry
for
others
,
then
angry
?
May
not
a
fathers
sorrow
for
his
sons
disobedience
,
exceede
his
anger
,
and
may
not
a
King
desire
the
punishment
of
a
Malefactour
,
because
he
pitties
his
person
,
&
greives
for
the
ill
consequence
of
his
offence
?
Yet
this
trifling
Libeller
,
would
inferr
,
that
the
king
could
not
be
more
sorry
,
then
angry
,
because
his
words
testifie
impatience
of
delay
till
Hotham
be
punished
.
It
s
a
strange
operation
of
sorrow
,
that
stirred
him
soe
vehemently
to
have
Hotham
punished
,
and
not
to
have
him
rep●…nt
.
But
this
exception
is
more
strange
,
that
a
man
may
not
be
vehement
for
the
punishment
of
one
,
for
whose
offence
he
is
greived
,
and
there
may
be
just
cause
of
sorrow
,
for
an
Act
,
which
the
repentance
of
the
Actour
cannott
remedy
.
He
knowes
well
how
litle
his
Majest:
was
likely
to
worke
vpon
Hotham
at
that
time
obstinate
,
but
it
was
a
necessitie
vpon
his
Majest:
to
endeavour
,
that
he
should
be
proceeded
against
injustice
.
There
hath
not
been
observed
in
the
King
a
sorrow
for
his
owne
sins
,
nor
for
such
sins
of
others
,
as
cannot
be
supposed
a
direct
injury
to
himselfe
.
This
man
will
not
have
the
Kings
sorrow
for
his
sins
observed
,
nor
acknowledged
,
wee
have
seene
his
malicious
detractions
of
the
Kings
sorrow
for
his
consent
to
the
death
of
the
Earle
of
Strafford
,
and
it
cannot
be
expected
from
such
men
,
that
they
will
give
Testimony
to
any
truth
,
that
deny
all
evidence
of
it
.
The
Kings
labour
to
have
the
sinner
only
punished
wil
be
c●…ed
revenge
.
And
why
?
They
pretended
justice
,
not
revenge
that
after
cut
of
Sr.
John
Hothams
head
.
May
not
a
King
doe
justice
without
revenge
?
The
injustice
in
abettinge
,
&
protecting
Sr.
John
Hotham
at
that
time
was
the
ground
worke
of
the
succeeding
evills
,
and
the
same
men
,
that
denyed
justice
at
his
Maj:
desire
tooke
reveng
of
the
same
insolencie
afterward
.
Hull
was
not
the
Kings
owne
towne
,
but
the
Kingdomes
.
And
how
became
they
a
Towne
,
have
they
not
all
their
liberties
,
and
graunts
from
the
King
?
He
might
have
said
that
Townes
vnder
a
popular
Government
were
the
peoples
,
but
in
a
Kingdome
,
it
is
a
fantasticall
dreame
,
&
the
lawes
deny
a
possibilitie
of
any
such
propertie
having
placed
the
soveraigntie
of
the
Kingdome
in
the
King
,
&
such
a
conclusion
of
right
is
inconsistent
with
a
kingdome
.
The
Armes
he
sayes
were
publique
Armes
bought
with
publique
money
,
or
not
his
owne
.
If
the
king
have
money
from
the
publique
may
they
take
it
away
againe
,
to
what
end
then
doe
they
give
him
subsidies
,
if
the
money
be
stil
their
owne
,
and
they
may
take
away
what
is
bought
with
it
.
Had
they
been
his
owne
,
as
much
as
the
private
house
,
and
Armes
of
any
man
are
his
owne
the
law
permitts
not
to
vse
them
in
away
not
private
,
but
suspitious
to
the
Commonwealth
.
If
vulgar
suspition
may
checke
publique
imployment
,
he
may
not
looke
long
to
vse
any
thing
.
And
is
it
a
cryme
in
the
kinge
to
vse
his
private
wealth
in
a
publique
warr
?
No
doubt
,
but
his
Majest:
propertie
is
asmuch
,
as
any
private
mans
,
els
his
kingly
office
had
little
honour
,
or
strength
,
and
he
is
not
accountable
for
the
vse
,
which
he
makes
of
his
Estate
either
private
,
or
publique
,
and
there
was
noe
feare
of
the
vse
,
that
the
king
would
make
,
but
from
Traytours
,
that
would
prevent
his
defence
.
The
King
by
his
overtalking
seemes
to
doubt
of
beleife
touching
his
patience
at
H●…ll
.
He
expected
not
,
nor
valued
the
beleife
of
Traytours
,
but
such
as
soberly
consider
what
he
sayes
,
will
not
judge
him
over
talking
,
but
modestly
expressing
his
owne
temper
,
which
endured
soe
high
a
provocation
.
The
king
sayes
he
could
not
,
but
observe
,
how
God
not
long
after
pleaded
,
and
avenged
his
cause
.
The
Libeller
sayes
most
men
,
and
commonly
the
worst
are
apt
to
interpret
the
judgments
of
God
to
the
justifying
of
their
owne
cause
.
It
s
possible
the
worst
men
may
doe
soe
,
but
we
see
it
very
frequent
with
the
best
.
The
Prophet
David
often
takes
notice
of
Gods
dealing
with
his
Enemies
,
&
wicked
men
.
The
Libeller
might
hence
observe
his
Masters
,
the
worst
of
men
,
that
interpret
,
and
expound
the
Judgments
of
God
,
and
the
event
of
providence
to
the
justifing
of
their
Rebellion
how
often
hath
he
in
this
Libell
taken
vp
that
Argument
,
and
in
this
very
Chapter
makes
an
observation
of
Gods
Judgment
vpon
the
King
,
from
their
murther
of
him
before
his
owne
Pallace
gate
.
And
how
frequent
are
their
successes
produced
as
profes
of
the
goodnes
of
their
cause
,
but
his
Majest:
observation
is
not
grounded
vpon
the
event
,
but
the
evident
Cryme
of
Hotham
,
which
all
men
held
Treason
,
but
such
,
as
would
allow
nothing
to
be
Treason
against
the
King
.
Although
we
know
not
the
reasons
of
Gods
ptoceedings
,
who
often
leaves
good
men
to
suffer
,
and
wicked
men
prosper
,
yet
when
we
see
the
prime
instrument
of
a
wicked
designe
perish
by
the
hands
of
those
,
whome
he
served
in
his
vnlawfull
enterprize
,
we
may
justly
take
notice
of
the
proportion
betweene
the
sin
,
and
the
punishment
.
His
comparing
Sauls
conjecture
of
an
advantage
God
had
sent
him
in
Davids
being
at
Keilah
,
hath
no●…
resemblance
to
the
taking
away
of
Hothams
life
,
Saul
being
not
only
deceived
in
the
advantage
,
but
conscious
of
Gods
disfavour
.
Hotham
was
safe
,
and
successefull
,
while
be
continued
true
to
the
Parliament
.
But
the
guilt
of
his
conscience
made
him
vnquiet
.
If
God
had
purposed
such
an
end
for
his
opposition
to
the
King
,
he
would
not
have
deferred
to
puinsh
him
till
of
an
Enemy
be
was
made
the
Kings
friend
,
nor
have
made
his
repentance
the
occasion
of
his
ruine
.
These
presumptuous
Rebells
dare
sit
in
judgment
vpon
Gods
wayes
,
and
prescribe
a
rule
sor
his
proceedings
.
It
s
true
,
because
judgment
is
not
executed
speedily
,
the
hearts
of
the
children
of
men
are
set
vpon
evill
,
&
the
Libeller
judges
,
that
if
the
judgments
of
God
be
not
apparent
in
his
time
,
that
is
foorth
with
,
they
are
none
at
all
.
God
brought
his
judgment
vpon
the
son
of
Ahab
,
and
not
vpon
himselfe
,
because
he
humbled
himselfe
,
and
God
punisht
the
sins
of
David
vpon
his
posteritie
,
though
he
forgave
him
,
and
we
may
conceive
the
judgment
of
God
vpon
a
wicked
Act
,
not
the
repentance
of
it
,
though
it
come
after
in
time
.
Strafford
Duke
of
Buckingham
was
an
active
assistant
to
Rich:
the
3
:
in
his
vsurpation
,
and
after
revolting
from
him
perisht
by
that
power
he
had
raysed
,
which
all
men
looke
on
as
a
judgment
vpon
his
first
compliance
with
that
Tyrant
,
and
the
sate
of
Hotham
,
and
that
Duke
hold
greate
proportion
in
regard
of
their
Actions
,
and
sufferings
.
Glorious
deedes
done
to
ambitious
ends
finde
a
reward
sutable
.
And
that
the
Libeller
might
justly
apply
vnto
Sr.
Iohn
Hotham
,
who
made
popular
applause
the
end
of
his
Treason
,
and
perisht
by
popular
fury
.
Mē
may
heere
take
notice
what
thākes
he
had
from
the
king
for
revolting
to
his
cause
.
Repenting
Traytours
may
have
mercy
,
but
they
deserve
not
thankes
,
&
though
his
punishment
may
be
remitted
,
the
infamy
of
his
Act
will
survive
.
Because
God
judges
not
by
humane
fancie
,
therefore
sayes
he
such
events
,
as
are
obvious
to
every
fancie
,
are
most
like
to
be
erroneous
.
And
then
such
Acts
of
providence
,
as
make
men
say
surely
there
is
a
God
,
that
judgeth
the
earth
are
most
likely
to
be
mistaken
.
Although
Common
fancies
are
likely
to
be
deceived
,
it
is
a
sorry
inference
from
thence
,
that
what
is
obvious
to
every
fancie
weake
,
and
wise
,
should
be
more
likely
to
be
erroneous
.
The
king
soe
farr
pittied
Hotham
,
as
he
thought
he
at
first
acted
more
against
the
light
of
his
conscience
,
then
many
other
men
,
in
the
same
cause
.
To
this
the
Libeller
sayes
.
They
who
act
against
conscience
are
least
of
all
to
be
pittied
either
at
the
Barr
of
humane
,
or
divine
Iustice
.
Desperate
sinners
,
as
most
miserable
,
are
most
to
be
pittied
in
Christian
Charitie
,
though
justice
proceede
more
severely
against
them
,
pitties
are
part
of
justice
,
the
Libeller
is
acquainted
only
with
the
operations
of
malice
,
not
of
pittie
,
whereof
his
whole
discourse
shewes
him
destitute
,
otherwise
the
kings
pittie
could
not
argue
him
destitute
of
the
Common
grounds
of
nature
,
as
the
Libeller
inferrs
,
and
shewes
that
he
esteemes
the
common
grounds
of
nature
,
Acts
of
Tyrany
,
and
insultation
vpon
others
,
ruine
,
hatred
,
and
scorne
being
all
the
Charitie
,
that
Sectaries
practise
.
He
sayes
the
king
jerkes
at
some
mens
reforming
to
modells
of
Religion
,
and
that
they
thinke
,
all
is
gold
of
pietie
,
that
doth
but
glister
with
a
shew
of
zeale
.
To
this
sayes
the
Libeller
.
The
pietie
of
his
Prelacie
modell
,
glistered
more
vpon
the
posts
,
and
pillars
,
which
their
Zeale
,
and
fervencie
guilded
over
,
then
in
true
workes
of
spirituall
edification
.
The
repairing
,
and
beautifying
of
the
houses
of
God
was
the
highest
commendation
of
many
of
his
faithfull
Servants
,
and
the
Scripture
gives
that
for
the
high
commendation
of
the
famous
Jehojada
,
and
we
may
expect
spirituall
edification
from
those
,
whose
zeale
,
&
fervencie
carries
them
to
bestow
their
goods
on
such
Actions
,
nothing
but
destruction
of
Church
,
&
pietie
from
those
,
that
decry
such
commendable
,
and
necessary
workes
,
&
we
have
found
,
that
such
men
,
as
have
pretended
to
spirituall
edification
,
by
traducing
other
mens
zeale
in
the
outward
service
of
God
,
have
proved
at
last
rotten
Carkasses
guilded
over
,
and
painted
sepulchers
.
He
is
sorry
,
that
Hotham
felt
the
Iustice
of
others
,
and
fell
not
rather
in
to
the
hands
of
his
mercy
.
The
libeller
sayes
he
should
have
shewed
,
what
mercie
he
had
vsed
to
such
as
fell
into
his
hands
.
He
needed
not
shew
that
,
whereof
there
are
soe
many
Examples
.
But
sayes
the
Libeller
,
whathever
one
man
might
have
expected
,
the
whole
nation
found
none
,
but
had
been
swallowed
vp
in
blood
,
had
not
his
power
failed
.
What
neede
the
King
produce
Examples
of
his
mercy
,
when
his
most
ma●…icious
Enemies
offred
nothing
to
the
contrary
,
but
the
warr
,
which
they
had
necessitated
him
to
make
.
There
cannot
be
an
Argument
more
convincing
of
the
want
of
all
justification
in
these
Rebells
,
then
their
perpetuall
recourse
to
an
incredible
assertion
,
that
the
King
caused
the
warr
,
which
besides
the
falsenes
of
the
allegation
is
not
of
weight
to
argue
want
of
mercy
,
when
as
Princes
,
and
states
may
casually
be
engaged
in
a
warr
,
and
yet
be
farr
from
crueltie
,
or
designes
of
revenge
,
and
his
Majest:
knowne
backwardnes
to
a
warr
,
and
moderation
in
it
,
shew
his
compassion
as
eminent
to
the
publique
,
as
particular
persons
.
The
King
sayes
Clemencie
is
a
deb●…
,
which
he
ought
to
pay
to
those
,
that
crave
it
,
since
we
pay
not
any
thing
to
God
for
his
mercies
,
but
prayers
,
&
prayses
.
This
sayes
the
Libeller
hath
sound
of
gravitie
,
but
the
significance
of
nothing
pertinent
.
And
yet
it
signifies
,
that
we
are
to
forgive
others
,
because
God
forgives
vs
.
But
sayes
the
Libeller
we
ought
by
this
reason
as
freely
to
pay
all
things
to
all
men
.
Wee
ought
noe
doubt
freely
to
pay
what
is
due
to
all
men
,
but
the
Scripture
more
particularly
requires
Clemencie
,
and
forgivenes
from
vs
in
regard
our selves
have
most
neede
of
it
from
God
,
and
the
Libeller
shewes
a
greate
emptines
of
reason
,
that
calls
this
an
emptie
sentence
,
and
vpon
this
occasion
to
repeate
the
payment
of
the
kings
dutie
to
the
kingdome
,
when
as
he
declares
,
that
nothing
,
but
the
giving
vp
of
his
Crowne
could
be
a
discharge
of
his
dutie
,
soe
grave
a
judge
is
he
of
debts
,
and
duties
.
The
King
pitties
Hotham
,
but
aggravates
rather
then
lessens
,
or
concealos
his
fault
.
Conceale
,
or
lessen
it
,
he
could
not
,
aggravate
he
doth
not
,
&
being
a
King
his
pittie
ought
not
to
destroy
his
judgment
,
nor
deceive
him
in
the
offence
of
those
he
pardons
.
If
a
reiterating
judge
be
worse
then
a
Tormenter
,
a
reiterating
standerer
deserves
Torment
.
The
mention
of
a
malefactours
offence
,
or
repetition
of
a
publique
transgression
is
farr
from
a
Triumph
,
and
as
this
Act
of
Hotham
was
a
groundworke
of
infinite
miserie
:
soe
his
Majest:
deepe
sense
of
the
mischeife
of
that
fact
,
might
reflect
on
it
with
serious
observation
,
and
pittie
without
any
Triumph
.
He
is
angry
that
the
king
sayes
after
times
will
dispute
,
whether
Hotham
were
more
infamous
at
Hull
,
or
at
Tower
hill
.
And
sayes
what
knew
he
of
after
times
,
and
while
he
sits
judging
the
fate
of
that
vnhappy
father
,
and
son
,
knew
not
,
that
the
like
attended
him
before
his
owne
Pallace
gate
,
and
as
litle
knew
,
whether
after
times
doe
not
reserve
a
greater
infamy
to
the
story
of
his
life
,
and
Raigne
.
The
libeller
well
knew
by
the
booke
he
seekes
to
answeare
,
that
his
Majest:
well
knew
the
power
,
&
malice
of
his
Enemies
,
while
he
wrote
this
,
and
that
he
expected
they
would
shew
their
vtmost
crueltie
to
his
honour
,
aswell
,
as
his
life
,
but
he
was
well
assured
their
injustice
,
&
disloyaltie
could
not
effect
what
their
impietie
designed
,
and
as
long
as
Religion
,
or
reason
inhabite
the
world
,
his
story
cannot
be
blotted
in
after
times
,
but
it
seemes
the
libeller
is
apprehensive
of
future
infamy
,
though
he
thinke
himselfe
assured
of
present
power
.
He
would
seeme
an
Enemy
to
vaine
repetitions
in
prayers
,
but
its
only
of
such
things
,
as
Traytours
will
not
pray
for
,
otherwise
there
is
large
experience
of
the
vaine
babling
of
sectaries
in
their
prayers
.
He
sayes
its
too
presumptious
in
a
written
,
and
published
prayer
to
take
it
as
a
favour
from
God
before
he
knew
it
was
intended
him
.
He
knew
God
had
brought
a
severe
punishment
vpon
a
knowne
offence
,
and
how
could
this
be
presumption
to
mention
it
,
in
a
published
prayer
,
but
how
can
the
libeller
call
it
the
sacrisie
named
by
Eeclesiastes
,
that
practises
such
particular
thankesgivings
for
successes
,
when
as
the
cause
he
maintaines
,
and
prosecutes
is
soe
notoriously
wicked
.
The
King
sayes
Let
not
thy
Iustice
prevent
the
objects
,
and
opportunities
of
my
mercy
The
Libeller
sayes
.
To
folly
,
or
Blasphemy
,
or
both
shall
wee
impute
this
,
shall
the
Iustice
of
God
give
place
,
&
serve
the
mercies
of
a
man
?
all
other
men
,
who
know
what
they
aske
desire
of
God
,
that
their
doings
may
tend
to
his
glory
.
And
doth
not
he
,
that
prayes
he
may
be
able
to
shew
mercy
to
his
Enemies
,
pray
,
that
his
Actions
may
tend
to
Gods
glory
,
Is
not
God
glorified
in
the
mercies
of
men
?
Is
not
mercy
in
men
a
guift
of
God
,
and
can
this
tri●…ler
pretend
sin
in
that
prayer
?
which
desires
of
God
,
that
his
Justice
may
not
prevent
their
mercie
to
their
Enemies
,
May
not
men
pray
for
their
Enemies
,
pray
to
have
judgments
diverted
from
them
,
pray
to
have
an
occasion
to
shew
them
mercy
?
But
this
libeller
,
that
esteemes
soe
litle
to
Blaspheame
is
careles
how
falsely
he
charge
it
on
others
.
Vpon
the
listing
,
AND
RAYSING
ARMIES
.
HE
begins
with
the
Kings
mention
of
Tumults
,
the
demonstrations
he
calls
them
of
the
peoples
love
,
&
loyaltie
to
the
Parliament
.
Which
in
their
nature
more
then
the
kings
denomination
were
demonstrations
of
disobedience
to
law
,
hatred
of
Government
,
&
disloyaltie
to
the
king
.
Their
petitioning
was
in
the
Authors
owne
judgment
the
height
of
violence
,
&
Barbarisme
,
which
he
compares
to
the
Iron
flaile
,
&
those
Armes
which
he
cals
defensive
were
so
apparently
a
Trayterous
histolitie
,
that
the
ends
,
which
he
assignes
for
them
admit
not
the
least
colour
for
the
appellation
of
defensive
.
The
King
takes
noe
notice
,
that
those
listed
about
him
were
the
beginners
of
these
Tumults
.
Neither
could
he
of
soe
strange
an
imagination
.
The
king
sayes
his
recesse
gave
them
confidence
,
that
he
might
be
conquered
.
The
Libeller
sayes
,
other
men
supposed
both
that
,
and
all
things
els
,
who
knew
him
neither
by
nature
warlike
,
nor
experienced
,
nor
fortunate
,
yet
such
sayes
he
are
readiest
to
imbroyle
others
.
How
well
he
performes
the
first
period
of
his
booke
not
to
descant
on
the
kings
misfortunes
his
readers
may
heere
see
,
that
makes
the
kings
misfortune
his
reproach
,
and
a
ground
of
their
wicked
confidence
to
Rebell
against
him
,
but
that
such
men
are
readiest
to
imbroyle
others
is
not
soe
certaine
,
but
vndoubted
they
are
not
readiest
to
imbroyle
themselves
,
and
noe
valour
,
nor
experience
,
whereof
his
Majest:
is
wel
knowne
to
have
had
a
greate
measure
can
stopp
a
slandrous
tongue
.
The
mischeifes
brought
vpon
his
Majest:
kingdomes
sprung
from
such
persons
,
as
sought
their
advantage
by
such
broyles
,
which
all
men
see
the
King
could
never
expect
.
The
King
sayes
he
had
a
soule
invincible
.
And
the
Libeller
sayes
,
what
prayse
is
that
?
the
vnteachable
man
hath
a
soule
to
all
reason
invincible
.
And
is
an
invincible
courage
noe
prayse
?
He
seekes
to
shew
his
witt
by
applying
invincible
to
vnteachable
,
when
as
if
he
had
cited
the
Kings
next
words
,
as
he
ought
,
he
had
lost
his
jest
,
for
the
King
sayes
,
he
had
a
soule
invincible
through
Gods
grace
enabling
him
,
but
he
breaketh
sentences
,
and
truth
,
least
he
should
breake
for
want
of
matter
.
That
the
King
labours
to
have
it
thought
,
that
his
fearing
God
more
then
man
was
the
ground
of
his
sufferings
.
The
Libeller
sayes
,
he
pretended
to
feare
God
more
then
the
Parliament
,
who
never
vrged
him
to
doe
otherwise
.
And
did
they
not
vrge
him
to
doe
otherwise
,
when
they
vrged
him
to
doe
that
,
which
was
against
his
conscience
?
But
there
neede
not
more
be
spoken
of
this
,
for
the
Libeller
calls
that
a
narrow
conscience
,
which
will
not
follow
a
multitude
against
its
owne
perswasion
.
He
shewes
his
levitie
beyound
that
Creature
he
calls
the
vulgar
,
who
now
affirmes
the
King
was
drawne
by
his
Courtiers
,
and
Bishopps
,
and
yet
in
the
beginning
of
his
booke
he
sayes
,
that
the
discourses
,
and
preachings
of
Courtiers
,
and
Prelates
against
the
Parliament
was
but
a
Copy
taken
from
his
owne
words
,
and
Actions
,
that
all
remissenes
in
Religion
issued
originally
from
his
owne
authoritie
,
all
miscarriages
in
state
may
be
imputed
to
noe
other
person
cheifely
then
to
himselfe
.
He
goes
on
to
compare
the
words
of
Saul
,
that
he
had
performed
the
Commaundement
of
God
to
the
Kings
mention
of
his
fearing
God
,
&
the
kings
vpholding
the
Prelates
,
against
the
advice
of
the
Parliament
,
&
example
of
al
reformations
,
is
not
much
vnlike
,
if
not
much
worse
,
noe
neerer
like
,
then
this
Authors
writings
to
modestie
,
&
loyaltie
.
Is
the
advice
of
the
Parliament
,
and
the
example
of
all
reformations
equall
to
the
expresse
Commaund
of
God
?
The
examples
of
all
Reformations
,
himselfe
tells
afterward
are
not
concurrent
in
the
matter
he
mentions
,
and
if
they
were
soe
,
are
all
points
of
reformation
equally
necessary
,
and
of
the
same
obligation
with
the
commaund
of
God
?
and
was
the
Reformation
of
the
Church
of
England
noe
reformation
?
Why
then
doth
he
say
all
Reformation
?
And
is
not
the
Church
of
England
equall
,
if
not
superiour
to
any
part
of
the
world
,
that
hath
reformed
?
But
we
see
what
account
these
hipocrites
make
of
the
Example
of
all
Reformation
,
that
have
set
vp
schismaticall
confusions
of
Religion
in
contempt
of
all
Reformation
.
His
Majest:
did
noe
more
in
vpholding
the
Prelates
,
then
what
the
example
of
the
most
primitive
times
,
Godly
Emperours
,
&
holy
martyrs
instructed
him
in
,
which
noe
Reformation
ever
contradicted
,
and
he
had
no
reason
to
hearken
to
the
advice
of
such
,
as
then
called
themselves
a
Parliament
,
who
had
broken
all
the
lawes
,
and
priviledges
of
Parliament
,
expelled
the
members
,
and
were
governed
by
Tumults
,
&
a
company
of
Bedlam
Sectaries
against
the
doctrine
,
and
practice
of
the
vinversall
Church
.
The
practice
of
Saul
in
persecuting
David
wel
sutes
with
the
course
of
these
Rebells
,
but
they
have
gone
beyound
him
in
malice
,
and
disobedience
in
the
matter
both
of
David
,
and
alsoe
the
Amalekites
,
he
brake
the
Commaundement
of
God
in
sparing
Amaleke
,
these
traytours
presumptuously
breake
the
Commaund
of
God
in
destroying
their
King
,
&
Church
.
And
this
man
exceedes
Sauls
presumption
,
that
makes
the
preservation
of
an
order
continued
in
the
Church
in
all
ages
as
bad
,
or
worse
,
then
the
sin
of
Saul
.
He
sayes
acts
of
grace
are
proud
,
vnselfe
knowing
words
in
the
mouth
of
any
King
,
who
affects
not
to
be
a
God
.
Certainly
this
Libellers
words
shew
him
not
only
in
affection
,
but
in
Act
a
proud
vnselfe
knowing
man
.
Are
there
noe
Acts
of
favour
,
noe
Acts
of
mercy
in
Kings
,
but
all
of
necessitie
,
but
enough
hath
been
said
to
these
brainesicke
dreames
.
Never
King
was
lesse
in
danger
of
violence
from
his
subjects
,
till
he
vnsheathed
his
sword
,
nay
long
after
,
when
he
had
spilt
the
blood
of
thousands
,
they
had
still
his
person
in
a
foolish
veneratiō
.
Should
a
Christian
cal
that
,
which
God
Commaunded
,
&
David
practised
foolish
veneration
,
but
they
whose
wisedome
is
Rebellion
,
hold
Divine
wisedome
foolishnes
.
And
was
he
in
so
litle
danger
from
those
,
that
held
that
veneration
foolish
,
were
there
none
,
that
held
soe
,
when
they
affronted
him
,
and
threatned
him
every
day
?
To
what
end
should
multitudes
come
about
his
Pallace
,
and
cry
Justice
,
when
they
sought
murder
?
What
would
they
have
done
if
he
had
denyed
their
demaunds
,
shall
we
beleive
they
intended
noe
violence
,
or
shall
wee
beleive
,
that
they
,
who
had
seised
the
forts
,
and
navy
,
and
vsurpt
the
Government
would
have
vsed
noe
violence
to
his
person
,
when
they
had
him
,
if
he
plyed
not
with
them
?
It
s
true
many
were
not
wholy
vnshamed
at
the
first
,
but
the
malice
,
and
ambition
of
others
was
sufficiently
confirmed
,
and
the
multitude
easily
falls
by
Example
.
The
King
complaines
,
that
Civill
warr
must
be
the
fruites
of
his
seventeene
yeares
raigning
with
such
a
measure
of
Iustice
,
peace
plentie
,
and
Religion
as
all
nations
either
admired
or
envyed
.
The
Libeller
sayes
for
Iustice
let
the
Councell
table
,
starr
Chamber
,
and
high
Commission
speake
the
prayse
of
it
.
Wee
may
be
assured
that
malefactours
will
never
prayse
Court
of
justice
,
we
know
Sectaries
,
and
seducers
hated
the
high
Commission
,
and
seditious
Libellers
the
starr
chamber
,
&
conspiratours
,
&
incendiaries
the
councells
of
Kings
,
and
there
were
noe
Acts
past
in
these
places
of
such
exception
,
as
the
measure
of
justice
,
which
he
enjoyed
was
not
admired
,
or
envyed
by
all
nations
.
His
mention
of
abolishing
Parliaments
detracts
not
from
the
measure
of
justice
,
peace
,
plentie
,
and
Religion
,
&
we
have
found
what
injustice
hath
succeeded
.
The
displacing
of
honest
Iudges
he
hath
misplaced
to
detract
from
the
justice
of
his
Majest:
Goverment
,
and
as
the
placing
of
judges
was
in
his
Majest:
choise
,
soe
he
might
take
notice
,
whether
their
places
might
not
be
better
supplyed
by
others
,
and
the
change
of
two
judges
,
for
that
's
the
number
in
seventeene
yeares
,
is
beneath
an
exception
,
his
rayling
declamation
against
corrupt
Government
being
only
in
generall
deserves
not
an
answeare
,
and
the
knowne
prosperitie
,
peace
,
and
plentie
of
the
Kingdome
,
are
a
sufficient
confutation
of
such
imaginary
oppressions
.
He
sayes
what
peace
was
that
,
which
drew
out
the
English
to
a
needeles
,
and
dishonourable
voyage
against
the
spaniards
at
Cades
.
It
was
that
peace
the
Parliament
desired
,
and
if
the
voyage
proved
successels
his
Majest:
by
preventing
further
danger
,
and
preserving
peace
notwithstanding
the
miscarriage
(
which
must
be
the
dishonour
only
of
the
managers
)
sufficiently
testifies
how
wel
he
deserved
of
his
people
for
the
continuance
of
their
peace
,
and
safetie
.
He
askes
next
what
that
was
,
which
lent
our
shipping
to
a
Treacherous
,
and
Antichristian
warr
against
the
poore
Protestants
of
Rochell
.
What
is
this
against
our
peace
at
home
,
and
though
there
were
shipps
of
ours
vsed
against
Rochel
,
t
is
sufficiently
knowne
they
were
not
lent
against
Rochell
,
and
the
Dutch
shipps
,
which
were
vsed
,
as
ours
were
not
lent
to
a
Treacherous
,
and
Antichristian
warr
.
He
askes
what
peace
was
that
,
which
fell
to
robb
the
french
by
sea
to
the
imbarring
all
our
marchants
in
that
Kingdome
.
Is
not
this
man
madd
,
that
will
charge
the
vse
of
the
shipping
against
Rochell
for
a
Cryme
,
and
call
it
a
Treacherous
,
and
Antichristian
warr
,
and
presently
charge
the
King
for
making
warr
against
the
french
,
vpon
the
ground
of
vsing
his
shipps
against
Rochell
,
and
call
it
a
robbing
of
the
french
by
sea
,
and
is
it
possible
to
avoyde
the
losse
of
Marchants
in
case
of
hostilitie
?
He
proceedes
to
cry
out
on
that
vnblest
expedition
to
the
Isle
of
Ree
doubtfull
whether
more
calamitous
in
the
succes
,
or
designe
.
Was
not
the
designe
in
the
favour
of
Rochell
,
did
they
not
desire
it
?
and
yet
he
calls
the
ill
successe
of
that
Action
the
betraying
all
the
flower
of
our
military
youth
,
and
best
Commaunders
to
a
shamefull
surprisall
,
all
,
and
execution
.
And
who
betrayed
them
,
and
to
what
purpose
,
what
advantage
could
his
Majest:
have
by
such
a
losse
?
And
was
the
warr
against
Rochell
Treacherous
,
and
Antichristian
,
and
the
releife
too
?
But
this
Libeller
is
resolute
to
defie
sence
,
and
reason
,
&
now
he
hath
spoken
against
the
peace
we
enjoyed
,
whereto
doth
it
amount
,
was
there
any
interruption
of
our
peace
at
home
,
and
was
there
not
cause
for
these
expeditions
abroade
,
If
there
were
not
the
Parliament
failed
in
their
Councell
to
the
King
in
advising
the
warr
with
spaine
,
and
complaining
of
the
french
for
the
misimployment
of
the
shipps
against
Rochell
?
If
peace
were
intended
vs
at
home
,
what
meant
these
billetted
souldiers
in
all
parts
of
the
Kingdome
.
Dot
noth
he
know
the
meaning
,
that
mentions
Cades
,
and
the
Isle
of
Ree
,
where
they
were
imployed
,
surely
he
is
soe
intent
on
words
,
as
he
looses
his
Memory
,
aswell
as
his
other
faculties
.
But
he
hath
found
out
a
designe
of
German
horse
to
subdue
vs
in
our
peacefull
houses
.
These
German
horse
have
made
much
noyse
,
&
yet
were
never
discovered
,
and
the
King
,
who
was
advised
to
make
a
warr
in
Germany
,
and
other
places
by
the
Parliament
could
not
vse
German
horse
,
but
against
England
.
But
what
is
all
this
to
the
greate
measure
of
peace
we
enjoyed
above
other
nations
.
Can
any
man
,
that
reades
this
Libellers
willfull
impertinency
judge
other
,
then
that
he
fights
blindfold
,
who
would
extend
these
forraigne
voyages
,
which
had
not
the
face
of
warr
at
home
,
and
continved
not
beyound
the
fower
first
yeares
of
his
Majest:
Raigne
,
to
diminish
the
measure
of
our
peace
soe
long
enjoyed
,
and
that
in
the
middest
of
soe
many
miscarriages
,
and
conspiracies
both
at
home
,
and
abroade
.
For
our
Religion
he
sayes
,
where
was
there
a
more
ignorant
,
prophane
,
and
vitious
Clergie
learned
only
in
the
antiquitie
of
their
pride
.
The
pride
of
these
Sectaries
contemnes
all
learning
,
&
antiquitie
,
which
condemnes
their
fantasticall
,
&
presumptuous
novelezing
.
The
learning
of
the
English
Clergie
is
too
well
knowne
to
the
world
to
receive
any
disreput
from
the
Streechinge
of
night
oules
,
and
of
Kats
.
Noe
wise
man
could
see
,
what
was
left
for
other
nations
to
admire
or
envie
,
but
to
pittie
.
Other
nations
saw
who
had
enough
to
cause
them
to
admire
our
happines
,
not
to
pittie
our
condition
,
and
of
this
there
is
a
large
Testimony
.
But
sayes
the
libeller
,
wealth
,
and
plentie
in
a
land
,
where
Iustice
Raignes
not
is
no
Argument
of
a
florishing
state
,
but
of
neerenes
rather
to
ruine
,
&
commotion
.
The
blessings
of
God
,
peace
,
and
plentie
are
often
turned
into
wantonnesse
,
and
wickednes
by
the
people
,
and
are
often
a
signe
by
the
peoples
abuse
of
ensuing
ruine
,
or
commotion
,
and
of
this
the
present
condition
of
England
is
a
greate
Testimonie
,
but
it
was
never
denyed
,
to
be
the
florishing
state
of
any
nation
,
and
he
will
finde
litle
creditt
to
his
supposition
,
that
Justice
Raignes
not
,
where
there
is
wealth
,
and
plentie
in
a
land
.
There
were
not
some
miscarriages
only
of
Government
,
which
might
escape
.
And
of
that
nature
are
all
the
particulars
gathred
by
him
,
if
they
had
been
true
,
but
an
viniversall
distemper
,
and
reducement
to
arbitrary
Government
.
There
was
a
distemper
,
and
disaffection
to
Government
in
many
seditious
seducers
,
but
an
viniversall
distemper
,
and
reducement
to
Arbitrary
Government
could
not
consist
with
the
oppression
of
that
tranquillitie
,
and
securitie
of
the
people
,
which
was
visible
to
all
men
,
the
losse
whereof
brought
on
by
these
Rebells
is
too
late
lamemted
.
That
his
Majeest
:
owned
the
Actions
,
and
protected
the
persons
of
men
in
highest
favour
with
him
is
noe
argument
of
this
vinversall
distemper
,
no
more
then
the
vulgar
cryes
against
rulers
is
an
Argument
of
their
miscarriage
,
or
the
peoples
moderation
,
who
will
have
persons
removed
from
Government
,
and
yet
not
agree
,
who
shall
succeede
them
.
It
was
an
Argument
of
greate
distemper
in
a
people
,
that
cryed
out
against
the
Kings
evill
Councellours
,
that
could
not
judge
of
their
Actions
,
but
of
noe
vinversall
distemper
in
the
Government
,
neither
could
the
king
with
pietie
,
&
justice
leave
his
Ministers
to
the
malice
of
conspiratours
and
barbaritie
of
Tumults
.
The
king
sayes
,
whose
innocent
blood
hath
he
shedd
,
what
widdowes
,
or
orphans
teares
can
wittnes
against
him
?
The
Libeller
thinkes
he
hath
given
an
answeare
by
saying
the
suspected
poysonnig
of
his
Father
not
enquired
into
,
and
he
advanced
,
who
was
aceused
by
Parliament
to
be
Author
of
the
fact
,
and
many
yeares
of
cruell
warr
on
his
people
in
three
Kingdomes
.
It
is
a
wonder
to
amazement
,
that
such
,
whose
language
hath
noe
Limits
of
truth
,
or
modestie
should
not
be
able
to
forge
a
probable
Calumnie
,
the
Records
of
the
Parliament
shew
,
that
noe
man
was
accused
for
the
poysoninge
of
the
kings
Father
,
nor
poysoninge
named
,
ct
the
fact
was
fully
enquired
into
,
and
all
wittnesses
examined
,
that
had
any
knowledge
of
Circumstances
touching
it
,
and
must
this
be
the
particular
to
prove
the
king
guiltie
,
of
shedding
blood
?
We
may
see
vpon
what
grounds
they
will
draw
blood
,
that
offer
such
pretences
for
taking
the
blood
of
their
king
.
Is
it
possible
,
that
a
Tyrant
in
seventeene
yeares
Raigne
could
not
be
proved
guiltie
of
the
blood
of
one
man
?
And
can
a
Rebellion
be
more
apparently
convinced
,
then
by
the
seeking
a
cause
for
it
from
the
resistance
,
that
is
made
against
it
,
and
the
endeavour
to
suppresse
it
?
Was
ever
a
cause
soe
barren
of
excuse
,
that
had
nothing
,
but
it
s
owne
guilt
for
defence
?
But
he
hath
found
out
a
scotchman
,
not
vnacquainted
he
sayes
with
the
affaires
,
who
affirmes
,
that
there
hath
been
more
Christian
blood
shed
by
the
Commission
,
approbation
,
and
connivance
of
King
Charles
,
and
his
Father
Iames
,
in
the
latter
end
of
their
Raigne
,
then
in
the
ten
Roman
Persecutions
.
And
is
not
this
a
doughtie
authoritie
,
what
could
he
say
more
to
prove
himselfe
a
false
varlett
?
Whoever
saw
,
or
heard
of
this
shedding
of
Christian
blood
,
is
it
possible
,
that
soe
much
blood
should
be
shed
,
and
noe
man
know
it
,
but
this
Scotchman
?
Was
all
the
world
soe
negligent
to
take
notice
of
it
,
and
did
the
Scotchman
,
and
this
Author
thinke
,
that
the
blood
of
the
late
warr
made
vp
this
number
,
they
may
then
expect
vengeance
vpon
themselves
,
and
their
bloody
crew
for
it
,
either
heere
,
or
heereafter
.
They
value
such
,
as
suffred
in
the
ten
persecutions
at
the
same
rate
they
doe
their
King
,
and
their
conscience
,
and
if
they
thought
persecution
odious
,
why
doe
they
exercise
a
persecution
vppon
Christians
as
cruell
,
as
these
persecuting
Emperours
?
He
sayes
not
to
speake
of
those
many
whippings
,
and
other
corporall
inflictions
,
wherewith
his
Raigne
alsoe
before
this
warr
was
not
vnbloody
.
And
is
a
Raigne
bloody
by
inflicting
death
vpon
robbers
,
and
murtherers
,
or
whipping
,
and
the
Pillory
vpon
,
Cheates
Infamous
Libellers
,
and
seditious
disturbers
of
Government
,
but
of
these
latter
the
number
was
very
small
not
exceeding
fower
in
seventeene
yeares
,
and
these
merited
the
punishment
they
had
,
&
an
higher
had
not
exceeded
their
crymes
.
Is
the
execution
of
law
a
bloody
Raigne
,
he
findes
none
,
that
suffred
banishment
,
nor
any
that
died
in
prison
,
but
such
as
were
restrained
by
ordinary
Justice
.
He
cannot
pretend
an
arbitrary
power
in
any
of
this
,
that
the
King
infested
the
true
Church
is
noe
other
language
,
then
what
good
Princes
allwayes
received
from
Sectaries
,
who
accuse
allwayes
for
their
restraint
,
infesting
the
true
Church
,
but
all
men
now
see
they
are
the
malignant
Compamy
that
infest
the
true
Church
,
&
the
seducers
of
simple
soules
.
But
he
hath
a
proofe
of
blood
above
exception
,
where
no
blood
was
drawne
,
and
that
is
the
six
members
,
whome
all
men
judged
to
have
escaped
no
lesse
then
Capitall
danger
.
Doubtles
they
had
merited
Capitall
punishment
in
the
judgment
of
all
knowing
men
.
That
a
just
King
may
be
offended
for
the
escape
of
malefactours
is
easily
beleived
,
but
that
saying
the
birds
are
flowne
argues
much
trouble
is
a
secret
to
all
men
,
and
a
proverbe
as
often
applyed
in
jest
,
as
earnest
.
The
libeller
sayes
,
that
if
some
vulter
in
the
mountaines
could
have
spake
,
he
could
not
have
vttered
fitter
words
at
the
losse
of
his
prey
.
The
excesses
in
blood
,
and
crueltie
of
theis
Rebells
cannot
be
expressed
to
the
full
,
by
the
savage
nature
of
any
Creature
.
The
grinning
of
doggs
howling
of
wolves
,
and
hissing
of
Serpents
are
not
more
hideous
to
nature
,
then
the
petulence
of
vile
persons
against
kings
are
abominable
to
Religion
,
and
pietie
.
Because
Nero
was
vnwilling
to
sett
his
hand
to
the
execution
of
a
Common
Malefactour
,
and
wishing
he
had
not
knowne
letters
he
would
prove
the
King
prosecuting
Traytours
to
have
noe
greate
aversation
to
blood
,
but
it
strongly
proves
a
bloody
conspiracie
,
when
the
contrivers
are
held
innocent
,
and
the
King
made
the
offender
for
seeking
just
punishment
,
and
the
Triumphs
of
such
,
as
protected
those
persons
,
and
their
impudent
braving
the
King
at
his
very
doores
argued
their
haste
to
the
shedding
of
that
blood
,
which
since
hath
covered
the
Land
.
Touching
the
cause
of
the
warr
,
the
King
sayes
,
It
was
not
my
withdrawing
from
whitehall
,
for
noe
account
in
reason
could
be
given
of
those
Tumults
,
where
an
orderly
guard
was
graunted
.
The
libeller
sayes
,
that
if
it
be
a
most
certaine
truth
,
that
the
Parliament
could
never
obtaine
any
guard
fit
to
be
confided
in
,
then
some
account
of
these
pretended
Tumults
may
in
reason
be
given
.
But
if
they
be
not
only
pretended
,
but
apparently
Tumults
,
there
can
be
noe
account
given
of
them
,
at
least
the
libeller
vndertakes
it
not
,
and
that
they
could
not
obtaine
a
guard
fit
to
be
confided
in
,
is
false
,
for
they
had
a
guard
,
and
Commaunder
of
their
owne
nomination
,
though
not
the
Earle
of
Essex
.
The
King
askes
,
whome
did
he
protect
against
the
Iustice
of
Parliament
.
The
Libeller
sayes
he
endeavoured
to
rescue
Strafford
,
that
was
from
their
injustice
,
if
he
had
done
soe
.
But
sayes
the
Libeller
he
endeavoured
it
,
though
with
the
destruction
of
them
,
and
the
Cittie
,
commaunding
admittance
of
new
souldiers
into
the
Tower
.
And
is
it
a
necessary
consequent
,
that
the
admittance
of
new
souldiers
into
the
Tower
were
to
the
destruction
of
Parliament
,
and
Citie
.
But
did
not
such
,
as
like
blood
hounds
,
&
wolves
hunted
the
Earle
of
Strafford
,
that
they
might
not
loose
their
prey
,
and
the
sweetenes
of
their
revenge
in
drinking
his
blood
,
stirr
vp
the
Tumults
to
the
destruction
of
King
,
Parliament
,
and
Kingdome
?
What
can
be
disputed
with
such
a
King
,
in
whose
mouth
,
&
opinion
the
Parliament
it selfe
was
never
but
a
faction
,
and
their
Iustice
noe
Iustice
,
but
the
Dictates
,
and
overswaying
insolence
of
Tumults
,
and
rabbles
.
The
Parliament
was
never
a
faction
in
the
Kings
mouth
,
but
it
is
in
every
mans
mouth
,
that
the
Parliament
hath
been
overswayed
by
a
faction
,
and
a
faction
have
called
themselves
the
Parliament
.
And
how
can
the
Libeller
define
a
Parliament
,
but
he
must
acknowledge
that
those
,
whome
the
King
calls
a
faction
were
noe
Parliament
,
and
that
their
Actions
were
noe
Justice
,
but
the
Dictates
,
and
overswaying
insolence
of
Tumults
,
and
rabbles
?
himselfe
prooves
it
by
the
commendation
he
gives
the
Tumults
,
for
effecting
these
Acts
,
which
he
now
calls
the
Justice
of
the
Parliament
,
&
noe
wise
man
could
thinke
such
a
rabble
fit
to
Judge
of
Delinquents
,
or
that
such
men
,
who
fled
from
their
fury
were
thereby
culpable
of
the
Crymes
objected
,
and
the
fairest
Tyrall
would
sooner
have
condemned
to
death
,
these
Tumultuous
accusers
then
the
parties
accused
.
But
who
can
talke
with
such
a
man
,
as
this
breaker
,
that
reputes
Monarchy
Tyrany
,
order
in
the
Church
an
imposed
Religion
,
and
lawes
worse
then
Ceremonies
in
Religion
.
He
compares
the
avoyding
of
his
madd
Iudicature
to
Catilnies
flight
,
and
excepting
to
the
Roman
Senate
,
and
Cesars
injecting
scrupulous
demurrs
against
the
Decres
of
the
senate
vpon
Lentulus
,
and
Cethegus
.
But
did
either
of
them
object
,
that
the
power
of
Tumults
overswayed
the
senate
,
or
that
the
senate
wanted
freedome
,
and
had
oppressed
the
members
of
it
?
If
Catiline
had
set
vp
a
senate
as
Caesar
did
afterward
,
and
these
Rebells
have
in
England
,
&
oppressed
the
legal
Government
,
the
exceptions
had
been
very
just
,
but
exceptions
against
particular
senatours
for
private
animosities
cannot
derogate
from
the
judgment
of
the
whole
being
free
.
That
such
reasons
were
vrged
for
Strafford
,
was
never
heard
at
his
Tryall
,
or
other
proceedings
against
him
,
the
cases
being
contrary
,
for
Lentulus
,
and
the
rest
were
accused
for
conspiring
against
the
state
,
&
Strafford
was
accused
by
those
,
that
conspired
against
the
state
,
and
sought
to
take
him
away
for
a
cleerer
passage
to
their
designe
.
The
King
vouchsafes
,
to
the
Reformation
,
which
both
Kingdomes
intended
noe
better
name
then
innovation
,
and
ruine
both
to
Church
,
and
state
,
and
the
expelling
of
Bishopps
out
of
the
Church
,
ruine
to
the
Church
,
and
out
of
the
house
of
Peeres
ruine
to
the
state
.
And
he
askes
how
happy
the
nation
could
be
in
such
a
governour
,
who
counted
that
their
ruine
,
which
they
thought
their
deliverance
.
It
cannot
be
doubted
,
but
the
abolition
of
the
order
,
and
Government
of
Church
and
state
,
is
an
innovation
,
&
performed
by
force
against
the
King
,
execrable
Rebellion
,
and
the
King
never
doubted
to
say
,
that
such
disorderly
innovations
were
the
ruine
of
Church
,
and
state
,
and
the
innovations
,
and
ruines
mentioned
by
the
King
to
be
agitated
by
some
men
are
not
restrained
to
the
cause
of
the
Bishopps
,
though
that
alone
,
and
the
manner
of
proceeding
in
regard
of
the
injustice
,
violence
,
and
the
dangerous
consequences
,
that
attend
it
,
threatned
ruine
to
Church
,
and
state
.
It
is
strange
,
that
a
people
may
mistake
their
ruine
for
their
deliverance
,
&
that
a
wise
Prince
by
denying
them
their
wil
may
keepe
them
from
perishing
,
which
their
owne
errours
would
cast
them
into
,
but
such
,
as
knew
how
small
a
part
of
the
people
,
&
how
contemptible
,
affected
those
innovations
,
and
how
they
were
cherisht
by
the
leaders
of
Rebellion
to
strengthen
their
partie
,
and
how
others
were
drawne
in
by
hopes
,
and
feares
,
to
comply
with
a
potent
faction
for
their
profit
,
or
safetie
,
and
how
greate
a
partie
both
for
number
,
&
qualitie
detested
these
innovations
may
well
conclude
that
neither
the
nation
thought
it
their
deliverance
,
nor
the
Kings
refusall
other
,
then
a
just
care
,
and
providence
for
their
good
.
It
is
not
likely
,
that
the
house
of
Peeres
gave
hardly
their
consent
to
the
Bills
against
the
Bishopps
,
that
soe
easily
gave
it
to
attach
them
of
high
Treason
.
But
it
is
apparent
they
hardly
gave
their
consent
to
those
Bills
,
for
they
had
often
rejected
them
,
and
therefore
his
presumption
is
of
noe
weight
against
plaine
proofe
.
If
their
rights
,
and
priviledges
were
thought
so
vndoubted
in
that
house
,
then
was
that
protestation
noe
Treason
,
and
the
house
will
become
liable
to
a
just
construction
either
of
injustice
for
soe
consenting
,
or
of
vsurpation
to
expect
,
that
their
voting
,
or
not
voting
should
obstruct
the
Commons
.
The
priviledges
of
the
Bishopps
had
they
not
been
vndoubted
,
they
needed
not
,
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
nor
soe
many
Acts
of
violence
to
take
them
away
,
neither
can
the
Commons
pretend
to
greater
right
for
their
sitting
in
the
one
house
,
then
the
Bishopps
in
the
other
,
and
the
Libeller
hath
rightly
concluded
,
that
their
protestation
was
noe
Treason
,
but
that
their
accusation
by
the
house
of
Commons
was
a
false
,
and
vngrounded
Clamour
,
and
their
commitment
by
the
Lords
house
an
odious
injustice
,
but
it
could
be
noe
vsurpation
to
expect
,
that
their
voting
,
or
not
voting
was
conclusive
to
the
Commons
.
To
what
end
did
the
Commons
offer
their
accusation
to
the
Lords
,
if
their
voting
,
or
not
voting
were
not
considerable
.
Is
it
Justice
,
when
they
concurre
,
&
vsurpation
when
they
dissent
?
But
Lords
house
,
&
Commons
house
are
vsurpers
,
when
they
obstruct
the
Dictates
,
and
overswaying
insolence
of
rabbles
,
and
Tumults
.
The
Commons
were
not
to
de●…st
for
five
repulses
of
the
Lords
,
noe
not
for
fiftie
from
what
in
the
name
of
the
Kingdome
they
had
demaunded
,
soe
long
as
those
Lords
were
none
of
our
Lords
,
and
what
if
they
had
been
your
Lords
,
were
they
then
to
desist
,
if
so
,
it
was
more
then
they
would
doe
to
their
King
,
but
our
,
or
not
our
makes
noe
difference
to
resolute
Traytours
.
The
Lords
were
soe
farr
their
Lords
,
as
they
were
not
to
persist
by
the
power
,
wherewith
they
were
intrusted
for
the
kingdome
in
their
demaund
after
the
Lords
refusall
,
for
to
what
end
hath
the
law
ordained
a
Lords
house
,
and
the
Commons
soe
long
practised
their
addresses
to
them
,
if
they
may
doe
what
they
please
without
them
?
Doth
the
vse
of
the
name
of
the
kingdome
add
any
right
to
them
,
that
have
not
the
power
of
the
kingdome
,
and
demaund
things
to
the
destruction
of
the
kingdome
?
The
king
allowes
not
such
a
faction
the
name
of
a
Parliament
,
which
hath
nothing
of
either
house
,
but
some
members
,
that
assume
the
name
without
the
priviledges
,
and
authoritie
,
that
constituted
it
.
Though
the
Bill
against
roote
,
and
branch
passed
not
till
many
of
the
Lords
with
some
few
of
the
Commons
,
either
enticed
away
by
the
king
,
or
overawed
by
the
sense
of
their
owne
malignitie
deserted
the
Parliament
,
that
was
noe
warrant
for
them
,
who
remained
being
farr
the
greater
number
to
lay
aside
the
Bill
.
He
well
knowes
they
,
that
remained
of
the
Lords
house
were
an
inconsiderable
number
,
and
such
,
as
deserted
the
Commons
house
wanted
not
many
of
the
number
of
them
,
that
remained
,
and
of
them
,
that
remained
many
were
overawad
by
force
,
and
diverse
plainely
dissented
to
that
Bill
.
The
injustice
of
them
,
that
remained
was
intolerable
that
refused
all
reparation
,
or
securitie
to
such
,
as
were
injured
by
the
Tumults
,
and
it
was
a
most
perfidious
Act
in
them
to
enforce
their
members
to
desert
the
house
,
that
they
might
exercise
their
Arbitrary
power
over
the
kingdome
,
the
injury
was
so
apparent
,
&
the
pretēce
of
malignancie
so
ridiculous
against
the
deserting
members
,
that
noe
sober
man
can
imagnie
enticement
,
or
overawing
to
be
the
cause
of
their
withdrawing
,
and
these
remaining
members
ought
to
have
forborne
by
their
dutie
to
the
kingdome
,
the
passing
of
such
a
Bil
in
the
absence
of
soe
many
members
,
but
they
,
that
will
forbeare
noe
degree
of
treason
cannot
probably
abstaine
from
breakes
of
priviledge
,
and
lesse
injuries
.
He
sayes
this
degrading
of
the
Bishopps
was
orthodoxall
in
the
Church
ancient
,
and
reformed
.
What
will
not
this
man
say
?
Wee
neede
not
wonder
at
his
other
impudencies
,
that
will
affirme
the
taking
away
the
order
of
Bishopps
orthodoxall
in
the
ancient
Church
,
which
never
wanted
them
.
The
King
sayes
he
was
bound
besides
his
judgment
by
a
most
strict
,
and
vndispensable
oath
to
preserve
that
order
,
and
the
rights
of
the
Church
.
And
sayes
the
Libeller
.
If
the
letter
of
that
oath
be
not
interpreted
by
equitie
,
reformation
,
or
better
knowledge
,
then
was
the
King
bound
to
graunt
the
Clergie
all
priviledges
graunted
to
them
by
Edward
the
Confessour
,
and
so
bring
in
Popery
.
Equitie
must
be
admitted
in
all
interpretations
of
oaths
,
and
soe
must
better
knowledges
,
but
the
knowledge
of
other
men
is
noe
exposition
to
him
,
that
takes
an
oath
,
if
his
owne
knowledge
be
not
convinced
.
The
King
hath
sworne
to
preserve
the
priviledges
of
the
Church
,
to
be
a
protectour
of
the
Bishopps
,
and
by
what
equitie
,
reformation
,
or
better
knowledge
would
this
libeller
induce
the
King
to
breake
this
oath
?
If
Sectaries
say
the
calling
is
vnlawful
against
the
judgment
of
the
vniversall
Church
,
must
the
king
beleive
this
,
&
thinke
himselfe
absolved
of
his
oath
?
The
King
never
doubted
,
that
his
oath
could
not
binde
him
to
sin
,
but
he
was
assured
,
that
it
was
a
sin
to
breake
his
oath
,
when
it
was
no
sin
to
keepe
it
,
and
while
his
conscience
was
not
informed
of
any
vnlawfulnes
in
the
matter
of
his
oath
,
his
sin
must
be
the
more
hainous
to
act
against
his
oath
,
aswell
as
his
knowledge
.
The
Libeller
talkes
of
lawes
of
God
,
and
truth
of
the
Gospell
.
But
his
schismaticall
fancies
must
over
rule
lawes
,
and
oath
,
&
though
the
German
Emperours
,
or
other
Kings
had
noe
cause
to
leavy
warrs
vpon
Protestant
subjects
vnder
colour
of
a
blinde
,
and
literall
observance
to
an
oath
,
it
had
been
a
wickednes
in
their
subjects
to
make
a
warr
on
them
to
compell
them
to
breake
that
oath
.
It
is
not
to
be
imagined
,
if
what
shal
be
established
come
in
question
,
but
that
the
Parliament
should
oversway
the
King
,
and
not
the
King
the
Parliament
.
Neither
can
it
be
imagined
that
he
,
which
is
to
be
overswayed
by
the
Parliament
is
a
King
.
By
all
law
,
and
reason
,
that
which
the
Parliament
will
not
,
is
no●…
more
established
in
this
Kingdome
,
neither
is
the
king
bound
to
vphold
it
,
as
a
thing
established
.
Certainly
lawes
are
very
vainely
said
to
be
made
by
the
King
,
if
he
have
no
voyce
in
the
making
of
them
,
and
if
they
may
be
vnestablished
without
him
,
and
it
was
a
wickednes
,
aswell
,
as
weakenes
to
binde
him
to
vphold
lawes
,
and
to
governe
his
people
justly
,
that
had
not
soe
much
as
voyce
in
the
making
of
their
lawes
,
&
that
was
bound
to
governe
by
wicked
lawes
,
if
the
Parliament
would
have
them
,
such
Imaginary
powers
cannot
consist
with
Religion
,
law
,
nor
reason
in
the
Government
of
England
.
The
King
sayes
had
he
gratified
,
he
thinkes
,
their
Antiepisconall
faction
with
his
consent
,
and
sacrifised
the
Church
Government
,
and
Revenues
to
the
fury
of
their
Covetuousnes
,
they
would
then
have
found
noe
colourable
necessitie
of
raysing
an
Army
.
The
Libeller
to
this
sayes
.
It
was
the
fury
of
his
owne
hatred
to
the
professours
of
the
true
Religion
,
which
incited
him
to
persecute
them
with
the
sword
of
warr
,
when
whipps
pillories
,
exiles
,
and
imprisonments
were
not
thought
sufficient
.
It
s
certen
such
a
generation
of
Traytours
,
as
have
persecuted
the
King
with
a
warr
,
justly
merited
to
be
whipt
out
of
all
Kingdomes
,
and
while
this
Libeller
frequently
sports
at
the
Kings
necessities
,
he
is
not
ashamed
presently
to
call
the
warr
voluntary
on
his
part
.
If
the
Kings
fury
incited
him
to
a
warr
,
he
would
not
soe
often
have
sought
peace
,
nor
been
denyed
peace
without
the
sacrifice
of
the
Church
.
But
the
Libeller
sayes
to
colour
this
warr
the
K̄ing
cannot
finde
wherewith
all
,
but
that
stale
pretence
of
Charles
the
fifth
,
and
other
Popish
Kings
,
that
the
Protestants
had
only
an
intent
to
lay
hands
on
the
Church
Revenues
.
The
King
neede
not
a
colour
for
making
a
warr
,
whereto
necessitie
enforced
him
.
It
is
apparent
,
that
the
sectaries
in
England
intended
to
devoure
these
Revenues
,
and
have
effected
it
,
and
they
professe
to
seeke
it
by
the
sword
,
because
they
could
not
have
it
otherwise
.
But
the
Libeller
sayes
,
it
was
never
in
the
thoughts
of
the
Parliament
till
exhausted
by
warr
,
their
necessitie
seized
on
that
for
the
Commonwealth
,
which
the
Luxury
of
the
Prelates
had
abused
to
Common
mischeife
.
They
neede
not
have
been
exhausted
,
if
reason
,
Justice
,
or
Religion
could
have
contented
them
.
They
will
make
a
warr
,
and
robb
,
and
steale
from
other
men
to
maintaine
it
.
Did
not
their
pretended
necessitie
come
from
their
warr
to
take
away
Episcopacy
,
and
is
not
the
necessitie
of
their
owne
making
to
get
these
Revenues
?
What
if
goods
dedicated
to
Gods
service
were
abused
to
luxury
,
were
there
none
els
in
the
Kingdome
soe
abused
?
Must
they
make
choise
of
the
Patrimony
of
the
Church
for
a
sacrifice
to
their
Covetuousnes
,
that
they
may
spare
their
private
?
That
the
King
consented
to
the
vnlording
of
Bishopps
at
Canterbury
the
cheife
seate
of
their
pride
,
for
God
would
have
it
soe
.
And
can
he
tax
the
King
for
his
allusions
vpon
the
fate
of
Hotham
,
and
obserring
the
course
of
Gods
judgments
,
and
himselfe
make
such
an
observation
from
the
Kings
passing
the
Bill
at
Canterbury
?
May
it
not
be
an
aggravation
of
the
offence
in
passing
the
Bill
there
,
rather
then
a
punishment
vpon
those
,
that
were
wronged
by
it
,
but
Canterbury
had
not
relation
to
their
peace
in
Parliament
,
but
in
Church
,
and
therefore
his
scene
is
mislayed
.
The
King
sayes
his
consent
to
that
Bill
of
putting
Bishopps
out
of
the
house
of
Peeres
was
from
his
firme
perswasion
of
their
contentednes
to
suffer
a
present
diminution
of
their
rights
.
The
Libeller
from
hence
argues
the
pure
mockery
of
a
Royall
assent
to
delude
for
the
present
.
May
not
sober
times
revoke
what
distempered
madnes
had
necessitated
,
and
●…ad
not
the
King
just
cause
to
thinke
,
that
after
times
would
see
the
obliquitie
of
that
Bill
?
The
Libellers
consequence
is
that
we
may
hence
perceive
the
wisedome
,
and
integritie
of
those
votes
,
which
voted
his
consessions
at
the
Isle
of
weig●…t
for
grounds
of
a
lasting
peace
.
And
why
might
they
not
be
soe
,
though
some
of
them
might
not
be
thought
fitt
to
last
long
?
And
that
by
the
judgment
of
both
King
,
and
houses
?
But
what
were
they
,
that
voted
,
were
they
not
the
Libellers
Parliament
,
in
whose
behalfe
he
hath
soe
often
expressed
his
anger
for
the
Kings
disesteeme
of
them
,
and
calling
them
a
faction
,
and
now
will
have
neither
wisedome
,
nor
integritie
in
them
?
He
sayes
from
the
kings
pr●…fefsing
the
continuance
of
his
judgment
touching
Episcopacy
,
there
is
a
faire
justification
of
the
Parliament
,
who
notwithstanding
his
obstinate
minde
omitted
not
meanes
,
and
patience
to
have
gained
him
.
They
omitted
not
reproach
,
and
violence
,
but
other
meanes
,
or
patience
they
vsed
not
,
and
the
Libeller
hath
contrived
a
conviction
of
his
Parliament
,
that
their
not
gaining
his
consent
to
their
demaunds
was
the
cause
of
their
warr
,
which
he
hold
justified
by
the
Kings
continued
aversion
.
The
King
sayes
a
greate
shew
of
delinquents
was
made
,
which
we●…e
but
consequences
of
his
,
and
others
withdrawing
,
or
defence
.
This
sayes
the
Libeller
is
a
prettie
shift
to
mince
the
name
of
a
delinquent
into
a
necessary
consequent
.
It
is
injustice
to
make
the
name
of
delinquent
a
propertie
,
and
snare
for
innocence
.
It
s
plaine
,
that
the
faction
would
have
all
,
that
adheared
not
to
them
,
or
left
them
delinquents
,
and
if
such
an
extension
be
not
minced
,
the
law
it selfe
will
be
,
whose
Rules
will
not
define
delinquents
,
but
the
observation
of
them
become
delinquencie
.
He
sayes
a
Traytour
is
the
consequent
of
his
Treason
,
and
a
Rebell
of
his
Rebellion
.
And
such
are
certainly
delinquents
,
but
forsaking
their
societie
is
not
a
Cryme
to
denominate
a
delinquent
,
and
such
only
were
by
the
faction
called
delinquents
.
The
London
Tumults
was
the
Kings
over●…orne
Theame
,
and
stuffing
of
all
his
discourses
.
Which
was
not
at
all
mentioned
in
this
place
,
but
t
is
a
Theame
of
difficultie
to
the
Libeller
,
and
wherefore
,
he
would
stopp
the
beleife
of
it
by
his
threed
bare
repetitions
of
the
blood
of
the
warr
,
delinquents
,
Tyrany
,
and
Popery
,
which
are
become
as
vaine
,
as
the
taunts
of
children
.
He
turnes
to
the
Scotts
,
and
Covenanters
,
whome
he
calls
misobservers
of
the
Covenant
,
and
askes
how
they
will
reconci●…e
the
preservation
of
Religion
,
&c.
With
the
Kings
resolution
,
that
esteemes
all
the
Zeale
of
their
prostituted
Covenant
noe
better
then
a
noyse
,
and
shew
of
pietie
,
&c.
For
the
Covenanters
,
and
misobservers
of
the
Covenant
we
leave
to
debate
their
owne
controversies
,
but
noe
man
knowes
what
he
supposes
,
that
by
those
principles
the
King
might
at
length
come
to
take
the
Covenant
,
and
that
then
all
had
ended
in
a
happy
peace
,
which
he
hates
vpon
any
conditions
,
but
his
owne
.
He
makes
an
opposition
betweene
the
Kings
t●…lling
God
,
that
his
Enemies
are
many
,
and
telling
the
people
they
are
but
a
faction
of
some
few
prevayling
over
his
Major
part
of
both
houses
.
Might
not
his
Enemies
be
many
,
though
a
faction
of
a
few
prevailed
over
the
Major
part
of
both
houses
,
and
wherein
doth
the
King
misappl●…
David
,
or
David
accuse
him
?
But
the
Libeller
stickes
not
at
misapplication
,
nor
false
accusations
.
The
King
sayes
he
had
noe
passion
,
designe
,
or
preparation
to
imbroyle
his
Kingdome
in
a
Civill
warr
.
The
Libeller
sayes
,
true
,
&
yet
formerly
said
,
that
his
fury
incited
him
to
prosecute
them
with
the
sword
of
warr
.
How
doth
he
handle
his
outworne
Theame
?
But
he
gives
a
reason
,
for
that
the
King
thought
his
Kingdome
to
be
Issachar
,
that
would
have
couched
downe
betweene
two
burthens
of
Prelaticall
superstition
,
and
Civill
Tyrany
.
As
his
Majest:
subjects
had
peace
without
burthens
,
soe
the
rest
of
Issachar
was
more
eligible
,
then
the
blood
,
and
Treacherie
of
Simeon
,
and
Levi
,
whose
rage
,
and
crueltie
their
Father
cursed
vpon
his
death
bedd
,
but
such
attempts
the
libeller
likes
better
then
Issachars
ease
.
He
sayes
the
King
had
made
preparation
by
terrour
,
and
preventive
force
.
The
fury
of
a
warr
is
come
to
terrour
,
and
preventive
force
.
It
s
certaine
the
Rebells
had
vsed
all
meanes
to
prevent
his
defence
,
&
his
terrour
must
be
litle
,
whose
force
they
had
surprised
.
The
King
sayes
God
will
finde
out
bloody
,
and
deceitefull
men
,
many
of
whome
have
not
lived
out
halfe
their
dayes
.
The
Libeller
sayes
,
It
behoved
him
to
have
been
more
cautious
,
how
he
tempted
God
til
his
owne
yeares
had
been
further
spent
.
Is
it
temptation
to
rely
on
the
truth
of
Gods
word
?
And
may
not
innocent
persons
,
whose
lives
are
ready
to
be
taken
away
by
blood
thirstie
Tyrants
reflect
vpon
Gods
word
touching
wicked
mens
being
cut
of
,
though
they
see
their
owne
life
expiring
?
The
King
in
his
prayer
sayes
,
that
God
knew
the
cheife
designe
of
this
warr
was
either
to
destroy
his
reason
,
or
force
his
judgment
.
The
Libeller
sayes
This
is
hideous
rashnes
accusing
God
before
men
to
know
that
for
truth
,
which
all
men
know
to
be
false
.
And
is
it
not
horrid
presumption
in
the
Libeller
to
say
all
men
know
that
to
be
false
,
which
himselfe
confesses
true
.
And
we
must
expect
,
that
the
wickednes
of
these
Rebels
,
which
accuse
veritie
of
vntruth
will
reproach
the
sinceritie
of
his
Majest:
in
praying
for
his
Enemies
with
hipocrisie
,
their
owne
corruption
excluding
confession
of
others
integritie
.
Vpon
their
seizing
the
MAGAZINS
,
AND
FORTS
.
THe
beginning
of
all
warr
may
be
descerned
by
the
Councells
,
and
preparations
foregoing
,
not
only
by
the
first
Act
of
hostilitie
.
And
by
Councells
,
and
preparations
foregoing
,
such
as
were
the
alteration
of
the
Government
,
which
this
breaker
confesses
to
be
their
cheife
end
,
and
without
which
noe
peace
could
be
graunted
,
we
may
easily
conclude
,
who
made
the
first
Act
of
hostilitie
,
for
these
pretences
,
which
he
musters
vp
have
neither
the
nature
of
Councells
,
nor
preparations
for
the
warr
,
but
are
made
excuses
for
Acts
of
hostilitie
,
which
they
would
not
have
pretended
,
had
they
not
begun
the
warr
.
The
particulars
neede
not
examination
,
but
shall
only
be
named
to
lay
open
the
nakednes
of
their
pretences
.
And
first
he
sayes
noe
King
had
ever
more
love
at
his
first
comming
to
the
Crowne
.
It
s
true
,
but
that
moved
envy
in
the
seditious
faction
,
who
sought
to
infuse
contrary
inclinations
into
the
people
.
He
sayes
never
people
were
worse
requited
first
by
his
mistrust
,
that
their
liberties
were
the
impairing
of
his
Regall
power
.
He
had
soone
cause
to
mistrust
,
that
the
conspiratours
plotted
to
vndermine
his
Regall
power
,
vpon
pretence
of
the
peoples
rights
,
&
to
that
purpose
raysed
jealosies
among
them
,
the
originall
of
all
Rebellion
.
Next
by
his
hatred
to
all
those
,
who
were
esteemed
Religious
,
doubting
,
that
their
principles
too
much
asserted
libertie
.
His
Majest:
profession
,
and
practice
sufficiently
vindicate
him
from
this
aspersion
to
hate
those
,
that
were
esteemed
Religious
,
but
his
pietie
permitted
him
not
to
esteeme
hipocriticall
sectaries
Religious
,
and
his
prudence
instructed
him
,
that
these
schismatickes
,
which
this
Libeller
calls
Religious
maintained
principles
destructive
to
Government
,
which
they
then
abiured
,
but
now
avow
.
That
this
was
seene
by
his
persecuting
,
which
was
never
seene
,
for
the
dissolution
of
Parliaments
he
hath
been
already
answeared
,
but
the
vntruth
,
which
he
hath
added
,
whether
more
ridiculous
,
or
abominable
may
not
passe
vnobserved
,
which
is
,
that
these
dissolutions
were
after
they
had
graunted
more
money
,
then
would
have
bought
the
Turke
out
af
Morea
,
and
set
free
all
the
greekes
.
And
yet
the
Parliament
gave
more
to
the
Scotts
for
invading
England
.
Doth
this
grosse
Mountebanque
thinke
,
that
the
value
of
a
subsidie
in
England
,
&
the
number
of
them
,
that
were
graunted
to
the
King
are
soe
vnknowne
,
what
owles
,
and
buzzards
doth
he
thinke
would
cast
their
eyes
on
his
papers
?
surely
,
if
they
be
saleable
,
it
is
for
sport
,
or
scorne
,
and
he
might
aswell
have
said
,
it
was
enough
to
subvert
the
Turkish
Empire
.
He
sayes
the
King
tooke
Councell
,
how
he
might
subdue
them
to
his
will
.
The
reason
of
this
pretence
is
to
excuse
their
Rebellious
conspiracie
to
subdue
him
to
their
will
.
The
designe
of
German
horse
is
a
bugbeare
long
since
derided
.
Billetting
of
Souldiers
in
all
parts
.
Which
were
raysed
,
and
imployed
in
that
warr
,
which
the
Parliament
advised
,
shewes
that
impudence
it selfe
is
bankerupt
in
pretences
for
their
villany
.
That
the
pulpitts
resounded
all
propertie
to
the
King
,
and
passive
obedience
to
the
subject
.
Propertie
they
medled
not
with
,
but
it
was
their
dutie
to
God
,
to
preach
the
kings
soveraignitie
,
&
the
peoples
passive
obedience
,
and
what
affinitie
hath
such
preaching
with
Councells
,
and
preparations
for
a
Civill
warr
.
His
mention
of
exactions
cannot
be
omitted
,
though
false
,
&
impertinent
.
Disarming
of
Trayned
bands
is
not
done
by
vsing
some
of
their
Armes
in
the
publique
service
,
and
it
was
farr
from
preparation
to
a
Civill
warr
,
to
vse
Armes
against
a
stranger
,
but
what
is
this
,
that
was
done
soe
many
yeares
before
?
The
frained
bands
he
sayes
were
the
most
proper
strength
of
a
free
nation
.
And
yet
they
are
not
permitted
in
some
Republiques
,
though
instituted
,
and
improved
by
our
Kings
.
That
Ammunition
was
ingrossed
,
and
kept
in
the
Tower
was
farr
from
the
designe
of
a
Civil
warr
on
the
kings
part
,
it
being
a
right
of
his
prerogative
,
but
a
signe
of
their
conspiracie
,
and
intention
of
Rebellion
,
that
were
troubled
at
the
kings
care
for
overseeing
the
Ammunition
of
his
Kingdome
,
and
preventing
the
misimployment
either
at
home
,
or
abroade
.
The
not
buying
without
licence
,
when
noe
man
was
denyed
to
buy
cannot
be
interpreted
a
restraint
,
and
the
high
rate
could
not
imply
any
designe
of
warr
,
it
might
be
of
benif●…t
.
But
were
not
all
the
places
of
England
not
only
allowed
,
but
commaunded
to
have
their
full
stores
for
their
trained
bands
,
and
had
not
all
shipps
their
full
proportions
of
Ammunition
?
These
are
potgun
preparations
for
a
Civill
warr
.
But
sayes
the
Libeller
,
these
were
his
Councells
,
either
to
a
Civill
warr
,
if
it
should
happen
,
or
to
subdue
without
a
warr
,
which
is
all
one
.
Noe
doubt
it
s
all
one
in
the
Authors
Judgment
,
for
he
esteemes
the
meanes
to
preserve
obedience
a
sufficient
ground
for
Rebellion
.
But
if
the
King
provided
against
a
Civill
warr
,
if
it
should
happen
,
is
that
a
reason
in
subjects
to
make
it
?
And
doe
not
they
begin
the
hostilitie
,
by
whome
this
warr
happens
,
and
if
the
Kings
preparations
were
,
if
a
Civill
warr
should
happen
,
must
not
this
Civill
warr
happen
by
others
,
not
him
,
who
prepared
only
to
prevent
,
and
defend
:
Thus
farr
he
hath
left
the
first
Act
of
hostilitie
vpon
his
Masters
,
and
now
he
comes
to
the
raysing
of
two
Armies
against
the
Scotss
,
which
were
both
disbanded
before
this
warr
begun
,
and
who
was
the
defendent
the
world
well
knowes
.
But
he
sayes
the
latter
of
them
was
raised
to
the
most
perfidious
breaking
of
a
solemne
pacification
.
His
rayling
signifes
his
owne
impietie
,
and
want
of
matter
that
insteede
of
declaring
the
fact
of
the
first
English
hostilitie
seekes
for
scandalls
from
a
Scotch
Treatie
,
and
would
make
the
King
persidious
in
his
defence
,
because
they
are
Traytours
in
their
assault
.
He
comes
now
to
the
beginning
of
this
Parliament
,
and
talkes
of
bringing
vp
the
Armies
,
and
his
often
decanted
Irish
Papists
,
and
french
Army
,
that
never
struke
blow
to
be
Councells
for
beginning
a
Civill
warr
,
but
these
apparitions
were
vanisht
long
before
the
warr
begun
.
The
letters
to
the
King
of
Denmarke
have
been
sufficiently
cleered
from
being
Councells
,
or
preparations
to
make
a
Civill
warr
,
and
the
Libeller
cannot
fix
any
preparations
vpon
the
king
,
but
in
case
a
warr
should
be
made
vpon
him
,
which
was
then
plotted
,
and
evident
to
all
knowing
men
.
He
sayes
these
,
and
many
other
were
his
Councells
towards
a
Civill
warr
.
If
the
king
should
have
taken
noe
Conncell
to
have
resisted
the
violence
,
not
only
prepared
,
but
begun
against
him
,
it
had
been
vnkingly
,
and
vnnaturall
,
knowing
how
maliciously
,
and
perficiously
the
conspiratours
had
called
in
the
Scots
,
bribed
them
with
vast
summs
of
money
racked
from
the
people
vpon
pretence
of
the
kings
service
,
how
they
had
treacherously
corrupted
diverse
officers
,
and
souldiers
of
the
kings
army
,
how
they
had
dispersed
false
reports
of
him
,
and
his
A●…tions
to
disaffect
the
people
,
how
they
had
given
licence
to
all
lewde
persons
to
preach
heresie
,
and
Treason
in
the
pulpits
,
how
they
had
endeavoured
to
weaken
the
bonds
of
Government
by
punishing
men
for
observing
the
lawes
,
by
commending
,
and
rewardinge
malefactours
,
how
they
had
affronted
the
king
,
and
stirred
vp
the
rabble
to
threaten
violence
to
him
,
if
he
refused
their
demaunds
,
and
must
he
not
now
prepare
for
his
defence
,
or
submit
his
judgment
?
His
refusing
to
disband
that
Irish
Army
shewes
noe
intention
of
his
to
a
Civill
warr
,
but
the
Rebells
earnest
sollicitation
for
the
disbanding
of
that
Army
,
and
the
English
Army
,
likewise
leaving
the
Scots
vndisbanded
shewes
their
false
pretentions
,
and
malicious
preparations
by
disarminge
the
king
of
all
Armies
to
subdue
him
to
their
wil.
These
Rebells
,
that
seized
the
Tower
to
strengthen
themselves
for
making
a
warr
would
have
it
beleived
,
that
the
Kings
keeping
it
,
which
had
allwayes
been
in
his
possession
,
was
a
preparation
to
make
a
warr
,
and
while
they
affronted
him
in
his
Court
every
day
would
have
his
guard
preparations
to
make
a
warr
.
These
waggons
of
ammunition
to
be
prepared
by
the
King
in
that
low
condition
,
and
want
of
all
things
for
warr
,
which
he
then
was
in
,
are
somewhat
strange
,
although
necessary
for
him
against
the
continued
Acts
of
violence
vsed
by
the
Tumults
,
and
avowed
by
the
saction
in
Parliament
,
and
their
continuall
preparations
for
a
warr
,
and
it
is
a
demonstration
of
the
Libellers
impudence
,
that
would
have
such
contemptible
preparations
in
respect
of
the
Rebells
force
by
land
,
and
sea
,
and
possession
of
the
forts
,
Navy
,
and
Citie
of
London
,
and
Magazins
of
the
Kingdome
,
should
be
for
the
making
of
a
warr
vpon
them
,
which
was
in
all
reason
soe
vnable
to
withstand
them
.
The
appearance
of
some
hundreds
of
horse
at
Kingston
,
shewes
how
greedy
they
are
of
pretences
,
that
make
such
a
scare
crow
a
cause
of
their
Rebellion
.
And
the
Queenes
buying
of
Armes
,
and
the
forces
raysed
in
yorke
shire
were
much
lesse
then
needed
,
when
the
Rebells
had
assumed
the
Militia
of
the
Kingdome
vnder
their
owne
Commaund
.
And
their
petitioning
the
King
for
peace
(
which
the
Libeller
mentions
to
be
that
while
)
was
that
the
King
would
submit
to
their
Government
,
and
doe
what
they
required
,
and
with
what
face
now
could
any
ingenuous
man
deny
,
that
the
cheife
designe
of
the
warr
was
either
to
destroy
his
person
,
or
force
his
judgment
.
As
to
act
of
hostilitie
,
it
is
not
much
materiall
,
in
whome
it
first
begun
after
such
Counoells
,
and
preparations
.
It
is
materiall
to
the
truth
of
the
fact
,
whatever
the
Councells
were
,
but
he
hath
not
named
a
Councell
,
or
preparation
for
warr
but
succeeding
the
designe
of
Rebellion
,
and
violence
begun
,
against
their
rage
,
all
that
he
supposes
on
the
Kings
part
,
that
looked
towards
a
warr
being
only
defensive
,
and
on
the
part
of
the
Rebells
plainely
oppressive
,
But
he
sayes
in
the
Act
alsoe
the
King
will
be
found
to
have
had
the
preceedenice
,
if
not
at
London
by
the
assault
of
his
armed
Court
vpon
the
naked
people
,
and
his
attempt
vpon
the
house
of
Commons
,
yet
certainly
at
Hull
,
first
by
his
close
practices
on
that
Towne
,
next
by
his
seidge
.
Was
the
Kings
going
with
his
guard
to
the
house
of
Commons
a
proper
army
to
make
a
wa●…
,
they
heeretofore
called
it
a
breach
of
priviledge
,
and
is
it
now
growne
soe
big
with
time
to
be
called
a
warr
?
And
must
that
,
which
continued
not
an
hower
be
defended
with
an
Army
raysed
many
moneths
after
?
And
is
his
Iron
flaile
,
and
the
Parliaments
Clients
,
that
were
soe
terrible
to
make
lawes
by
force
become
a
naked
people
,
&
the
ragged
Regiment
a
formidable
Army
?
But
if
these
doe
not
prove
the
King
to
have
done
the
first
act
,
for
it
seemes
he
doubted
it
would
not
,
yet
at
Hull
he
is
sure
,
and
if
the
King
had
fortified
all
,
or
any
of
the
Townes
of
his
Kingdome
,
is
that
the
act
of
warr
?
Is
not
the
law
evident
,
that
he
may
doe
it
,
and
hath
it
not
been
the
approved
practice
of
all
ages
?
And
if
he
beseidged
Hull
,
who
began
the
warr
,
they
that
surprized
it
,
or
he
that
would
recover
it
?
And
yet
the
Libeller
gravely
concludes
from
this
fardle
,
that
the
King
is
truly
charged
with
beginning
the
warr
,
though
the
particulars
themselves
evince
the
contrary
.
He
sayes
that
at
the
Isle
of
weight
,
he
charged
it
vpon
himselfe
at
the
publique
Treatie
.
What
he
did
at
that
Treatie
is
well
knowne
to
be
in
order
to
the
procuring
of
peace
,
and
though
they
,
that
treated
with
him
would
have
an
Act
to
acquitt
them
for
their
securitie
,
yet
that
could
not
alter
the
fact
,
and
the
King
tooke
nothing
on
himselfe
by
consenting
to
passe
an
act
,
if
the
Treatie
tooke
effect
,
which
act
by
law
,
to
whose
interpretation
only
it
was
subject
,
could
not
be
expounded
to
charge
the
king
with
the
beginning
of
that
warr
,
but
so
mainfest
is
the
vntruth
of
their
pretence
,
that
they
would
aide
their
cause
by
inferences
from
an
Act
of
their
owne
importunitie
,
and
violence
for
their
owne
securitie
.
He
sayes
the
securing
of
Hull
was
noe
su●…prifal
,
but
a
timely
prevention
.
But
was
it
not
allwayes
in
the
Kings
power
,
and
Custodie
before
,
and
what
they
did
to
Hull
,
they
did
to
his
other
Castles
,
and
is
it
noe
surprizall
to
dispossesse
those
,
that
are
in
possession
?
He
sayes
it
were
folly
beyound
ridiculous
to
count
our selves
a
free
nation
,
if
the
King
against
the
Parliament
might
appropriate
to
himselfe
the
strength
of
a
whole
nation
,
as
his
proper
goods
.
And
is
it
lesse
ridiculous
to
count
themselves
a
free
nation
,
if
the
Parliament
may
appropriate
to
themselves
all
the
strength
of
the
kingdome
,
as
their
owne
proper
goods
against
al
the
people
,
are
they
more
a
free
nation
,
because
they
have
many
Masters
?
Our
nation
justly
accounted
it selfe
a
free
nation
,
and
yet
a
king
had
all
the
strength
of
the
kingdome
appropriated
to
him
,
as
his
owne
proper
goods
,
and
they
have
seene
how
their
libertie
was
preserved
by
that
constitution
,
&
how
it
hath
been
lost
by
vsurpation
of
this
right
in
the
name
of
Parliament
.
The
Parliament
had
never
the
life
;
and
death
of
lawes
in
their
power
,
and
the
people
never
thought
it
for
their
Securitie
,
that
they
should
,
and
the
Libeller
may
with
as
good
reason
call
succeeding
acts
preventions
aswell
,
as
this
taking
of
Hull
a
Securing
.
Are
not
the
taking
of
Townes
Acts
of
hostilitie
vnder
what
name
soever
,
had
not
the
taking
of
Hull
been
an
Act
of
hostilitie
in
an
Enemy
?
And
is
it
lesse
in
a
Rebell
?
The
question
is
now
of
an
act
of
hostilitie
,
not
the
right
of
it
,
and
that
the
taking
of
a
Towne
is
not
an
act
of
hostilitie
wil
be
incredible
to
the
meanest
capacitie
,
and
noe
lesse
,
that
the
Parliament
have
a
power
of
hostilitie
against
the
king
.
He
sayes
the
law
of
the
land
is
at
best
but
the
reason
of
Parliament
.
And
the
reason
of
Parliament
is
noe
reason
if
it
differ
from
the
opinion
of
Sectaries
,
witnes
his
censure
of
voting
the
kings
concessions
a
ground
for
peace
:
&
it
were
as
dissonant
from
law
,
as
reason
,
that
a
kingly
Government
should
be
subject
to
the
reason
of
a
Major
part
in
Parliament
.
The
king
sayes
,
they
knew
his
cheifest
Armes
left
him
were
those
only
,
which
the
ancient
Christians
were
wont
to
vse
against
their
persecutors
,
prayers
,
and
teares
.
At
this
the
Libeller
makes
an
exclamation
,
O
Sacred
reverence
of
God
,
respect
,
and
shame
of
men
,
whither
were
ye
fled
,
when
these
hipocrisies
were
●…ttered
?
Was
the
Kingdome
at
all
that
cost
of
blood
to
remove
prayers
,
and
teares
.
Shakespeare
could
not
have
framed
a
fitter
exclamation
for
Rich.
3.
Doubtles
reverence
of
God
,
respect
,
and
shame
of
men
are
fled
from
this
man
,
that
makes
this
vaine
,
&
prophane
outcry
.
Doth
it
follow
,
that
because
the
King
got
strength
,
therefore
he
was
possest
of
it
,
when
they
rebelled
against
him
?
doth
not
he
reproach
him
,
that
all
his
adherents
hardly
amounted
to
the
making
,
vp
of
one
ragged
Regiment
strong
enough
to
assault
the
vnarmed
house
of
Commons
?
And
can
he
thinke
there
is
a
God
,
that
cryes
out
sacred
reverence
of
God
,
vpon
occasion
of
these
words
of
his
Majest:
was
ever
king
more
destitute
of
aide
,
and
might
more
truly
vse
that
expression
then
he
.
Those
thousands
of
Cavileers
,
whose
number
he
soe
often
despised
,
and
now
advances
are
a
conviction
of
his
contempt
of
God
,
and
men
,
and
his
prophanes
is
more
abominable
,
then
any
oaths
,
curses
,
and
carouses
he
supposes
.
And
the
numbers
mustred
on
Heworth
Moore
were
a
sufficient
proofe
of
the
Kings
want
of
Armes
to
make
a
warr
,
as
they
were
then
the
matter
of
the
Rebells
scorne
,
&
were
not
the
Libeller
as
vaine
,
as
wicked
,
he
would
not
have
mentioned
the
sale
of
the
Crowne
Iewells
,
to
buy
Armes
for
a
ground
of
his
exclamation
,
when
nothing
could
shame
him
more
,
were
he
capable
of
it
,
for
may
not
a
man
justly
say
,
that
the
cheisest
Armes
left
a
King
were
prayers
,
&
teares
,
when
all
his
visible
meanes
to
procure
Armes
were
the
Jewells
of
his
Crowne
?
&
those
guns
,
which
were
bought
with
the
Jewells
,
he
calls
deadly
instruments
of
warr
,
but
the
instruments
of
Rebells
are
harmeles
,
and
vnkilling
.
Men
of
corrupt
consciences
thinke
they
may
prophane
the
name
of
God
at
their
pleasure
by
making
their
lewde
constructions
of
words
,
and
Actions
.
And
although
this
libeller
jeere
at
the
Kings
weakenes
in
the
beginning
of
this
warr
,
which
was
visible
to
all
the
world
,
&
the
strength
he
found
was
vnexpected
by
his
Enemies
,
and
that
all
men
judged
prayers
,
and
teares
his
cheifest
Armes
,
yet
because
strength
came
to
him
,
the
Libeller
calls
Ammunition
,
Regiments
,
and
Brigades
,
prayers
,
and
reares
,
his
ordinary
Armes
being
slander
,
vntruth
,
and
prophanes
.
In
his
next
words
he
sayes
,
they
,
who
fought
for
the
Commonwealth
have
by
the
helpe
of
better
prayers
vanquished
.
It
seemes
he
holds
not
their
prayers
their
cheifest
Armes
,
who
trusted
more
in
other
Armes
,
then
their
prayers
,
and
might
thence
have
reasonably
concluded
,
that
their
succes
was
not
given
to
their
prayers
,
but
permitted
for
the
sins
,
&
scourge
of
the
nation
.
The
King
reckons
not
the
want
of
the
Militia
in
reference
to
his
owne
protection
,
as
his
peoples
.
Not
consideringe
sayes
the
Libeller
,
how
ill
for
seventeene
yeares
he
had
protected
them
,
and
the
miseries
are
like
a
forked
Arrow
,
it
cannot
be
drawne
out
without
incision
of
more
flesh
.
He
hath
told
vs
,
that
those
miseries
of
seventeene
yeares
were
peace
,
and
plentie
,
which
those
merciles
Phisitians
will
cure
by
an
endles
warr
,
letting
out
the
blood
,
and
tearing
the
flesh
of
the
afflicted
people
,
and
wee
now
descerne
what
Phisike
they
intended
for
the
Kingdome
.
Sawes
to
dismember
them
,
swords
to
lance
them
,
and
famine
to
pine
them
,
till
they
were
sufficiently
purged
of
their
former
prosperitie
,
and
he
neede
not
have
vsed
soe
many
shifts
to
deny
the
beginning
of
the
warr
,
when
he
sayes
the
cure
of
the
Kingdome
was
to
be
made
with
incisions
.
What
want
of
protection
appeared
in
those
seventeene
yeares
,
never
people
were
more
secure
?
But
the
man
mistakes
the
scene
of
his
exclamation
,
as
his
Sermonizers
there
notes
,
&
tell
the
people
of
suffring
that
knew
none
among
them
.
He
sayes
the
wings
of
faith
may
be
mistaken
for
the
wings
of
presumption
,
Presumptuous
men
are
mistaken
of
the
wings
of
faith
,
and
this
Libeller
hath
sufficiently
exprest
himselfe
one
of
them
,
and
may
feare
by
his
presumption
to
fall
head
long
.
The
King
sayes
,
that
the
Parliament
have
hung
the
Majest:
of
King-shipp
in
an
airy
imagination
of
Regalitie
betweene
the
priviledges
of
both
houses
,
like
the
tombe
of
Mahomett
.
To
this
sayes
the
Libeller
,
he
knew
not
that
he
was
prophesying
the
death
,
and
buriall
of
a
turkish
Tyrany
,
that
spurned
downe
those
lawes
,
which
gave
it
life
,
and
being
,
soe
strong
,
as
it
endured
to
be
a
regulated
Monarchy
,
he
was
not
prophesying
,
but
relating
a
plaine
story
how
a
just
Monarchy
was
opprest
by
a
Turkish
imposture
,
and
Tyrany
,
and
an
Empire
sett
vp
in
an
Army
of
Janizaries
,
that
spurned
downe
al
law
,
and
Religion
,
and
as
the
Turkish
doctrine
of
propogating
their
superstition
by
blood
,
and
warr
was
preached
vnto
the
people
,
as
their
dutie
to
doe
the
like
for
their
new
hereticall
fancies
,
soe
their
deceites
in
making
the
King
a
fantastique
supposition
,
and
his
authoritie
nothing
els
,
but
the
opinions
of
the
two
houses
was
as
grosse
,
and
lewde
,
as
the
imaginary
Miracle
of
Mahometts
Tombe
.
From
the
Kings
words
touching
the
vse
of
the
Militia
,
that
he
would
but
defend
himselfe
soe
farr
,
as
to
defend
his
good
subjects
from
these
mens
violence
,
who
perswade
the
world
,
that
none
but
wolves
are
fitt
to
be
trusted
with
the
Custody
of
the
sheepeheard
,
and
his
flocke
.
The
Libeller
would
inferr
this
a
cleere
confession
from
his
owne
mouth
,
that
if
the
Parliament
had
left
him
the
sole
power
of
the
Militia
,
he
would
have
vsed
it
to
the
destruction
of
them
,
and
their
friends
.
And
is
an
vse
for
defence
against
wrong
,
and
fraude
,
an
vse
to
destruction
?
And
if
the
faction
called
Parliament
be
not
permitted
to
destroy
the
sheepeheard
,
and
his
flocke
,
is
it
a
destruction
to
them
?
But
they
knew
themselves
wolves
,
and
could
not
be
secure
,
while
any
power
was
out
of
their
hands
,
&
therefore
would
perswade
,
that
they
were
fittest
to
be
trusted
with
that
,
which
was
the
sole
defence
against
their
rapacitic
.
He
sayes
the
King
hath
been
often
told
,
that
he
had
noe
more
power
over
the
sword
,
then
the
law
.
But
who
told
him
soe
?
Never
any
but
knowne
Rebells
Parliaments
have
allwayes
said
the
contrary
,
and
the
practice
of
it
in
all
times
was
never
questioned
.
Though
Kings
cannot
be
ordinary
Judges
,
yet
all
Justice
slowes
from
them
,
and
by
their
Commissions
,
and
because
their
condition
,
and
place
requires
,
that
Justice
be
administred
by
their
deputies
according
to
the
Custome
of
all
Governments
,
therefore
they
have
not
power
to
vse
the
Militia
,
which
is
most
proper
to
their
place
,
and
cannot
be
seperated
from
their
person
,
could
not
be
told
by
reasonable
men
.
The
pretended
feare
of
Rebells
,
that
he
may
by
this
power
controll
the
law
they
will
not
extend
to
their
owne
power
of
the
militia
,
and
may
not
their
Rebell
generall
controll
all
lawes
by
the
power
of
his
Army
?
And
doth
he
not
?
The
subjects
of
England
vnderstood
the
securitie
of
their
lawes
to
rest
in
their
King
,
whose
interest
they
knew
it
was
to
preserve
them
.
Tyrany
,
and
breach
of
lawes
would
make
his
Estate
vnsecure
,
and
dangerous
,
and
therefore
they
fought
to
defend
him
against
such
,
as
would
destroy
their
lawes
,
and
him
.
But
in
this
clamour
of
the
Libeller
he
only
seekes
to
vilifie
Monarchicall
Government
,
and
to
perswade
all
people
,
that
live
vnder
Kings
,
that
they
are
not
free
,
and
vnderstand
not
what
is
libertie
,
as
is
in
other
formes
of
Government
the
people
were
not
Commaunded
,
and
might
chuse
their
owne
lawes
,
and
order
their
warrs
.
There
is
frequent
experience
in
the
Roman
Commonwealth
of
the
Rebellion
of
the
people
vnder
ptetence
of
libertie
,
and
seditious
inclinations
will
assoone
take
occasion
to
object
Tyrany
to
senates
,
&
Parliaments
,
as
kings
What
state
can
those
Rebells
frame
,
that
may
not
degenerate
into
a
Tyrany
,
but
they
only
feeke
pretences
for
their
Rebellion
against
the
present
Government
to
transferr
it
to
themselves
.
The
King
is
contented
to
resigne
his
power
for
his
owne
time
.
And
sayes
the
Libeller
he
is
carefull
,
wee
should
be
slaves
to
his
posteritie
,
and
leaue
vs
the
legaice
of
another
warr
about
it
.
There
is
noe
doubt
,
but
the
Rebells
desired
the
Militia
to
enslave
the
people
,
and
destroy
the
king
,
and
they
would
rather
be
devills
then
subjects
.
This
Libeller
makes
noe
difference
betweene
a
subject
,
and
a
slave
,
and
though
they
pretended
the
setling
of
the
Militia
in
respect
of
present
danger
,
yet
they
are
soe
impudent
to
reject
the
kings
offer
to
settle
it
for
his
owne
time
.
He
sayes
the
King
calls
the
Parliament
a
many
headed
Hydra
of
Government
,
and
not
more
eyes
then
mouths
,
which
he
falsely
recites
,
for
the
King
sayes
,
As
this
many
headed
Hydra
of
Government
makes
a
shew
to
the
people
to
have
more
eyes
to
see
,
soe
they
will
finde
it
to
have
more
mouths
too
to
be
satisfied
,
and
heere
the
Libeller
according
to
his
custome
answeares
sense
with
non
sense
,
for
he
sayes
,
surely
not
more
mouths
,
nor
soe
wide
,
as
the
dissolute
rabble
of
his
Courtiers
both
hee
s
,
and
shee
s
,
if
there
were
any
males
among
them
.
Doth
he
make
a
question
,
whether
any
males
,
and
yet
talke
of
a
dissolute
rabble
?
And
are
the
new
senatours
commaunded
single
life
to
prevent
the
generation
of
Traytours
?
But
the
Kingdome
findes
,
that
those
numbers
of
leane
kine
have
devoured
more
in
seven
yeares
,
then
all
the
Courtiers
in
seven
hundred
.
He
sayes
to
dispute
what
kinde
of
Government
is
best
would
prove
a
long
Theame
,
it
sufficeth
,
that
his
reasons
heere
for
Monarchy
are
found
weake
,
and
inconsiderable
.
We
have
the
word
of
a
grave
Author
for
it
,
who
hath
made
long
invectives
,
&
yet
never
handled
the
Theame
,
nor
answeared
any
one
reason
produced
for
Monarchy
,
&
though
it
be
a
long
Theame
to
dispute
what
Government
were
best
in
his
judgment
,
yet
he
might
have
made
the
question
shorter
by
disputing
,
whether
subjects
might
Rebell
to
subvert
the
Monarchy
vnder
which
they
live
,
And
he
would
have
Tyrany
a
ground
for
Rebellion
,
and
that
Tyrany
to
be
Monarchy
,
aud
if
the
dispute
be
long
,
the
solution
wil
be
very
easie
.
The
King
is
not
our
sun
,
though
he
would
be
taken
for
it
.
And
why
did
he
say
,
that
the
sun
in
all
figurative
vse
,
and
signification
beares
allusion
to
a
King
,
&
blames
the
king
for
his
comparison
of
the
Earle
of
Strafford
,
and
heere
reprehends
the
allusion
to
himselfe
?
but
they
wil
be
the
sun
,
and
set
the
world
on
fire
.
He
askes
wherefore
we
should
not
hope
to
be
governed
more
happily
without
a
King
,
when
all
our
miserie
hath
been
by
a
King
,
or
by
our
necessary
vindication
,
and
defence
against
him
.
He
may
not
well
hope
to
be
governed
happily
by
those
,
that
have
gotten
power
by
wicked
Arts.
An
vnjust
power
wil
seeke
to
support
it selfe
by
the
same
meanes
it
was
raysed
.
It
cannot
be
hoped
,
that
they
will
governe
happily
,
that
seeke
the
oppression
of
the
greatest
part
of
the
people
,
and
that
can
secure
their
private
fortunes
,
what
ever
become
of
the
Kingdome
.
They
cannott
hope
for
Gods
blessing
,
which
only
can
make
happy
vpon
the
many
wilfull
,
per●…uries
,
hipocrisies
,
&
cruelties
,
which
they
vsed
to
vsurpe
this
Government
,
and
the
persecution
,
and
murther
of
their
lawfull
soveraigne
,
and
they
,
that
pretēded
miserie
they
knew
not
for
a
ground
to
change
their
Government
,
will
finde
it
by
their
folly
,
and
madnes
.
He
sayes
the
King
would
be
thought
enforced
to
perjury
by
having
graunted
the
Militia
,
by
which
his
oath
bound
him
to
protect
the
people
.
The
Libeller
askes
,
if
he
can
be
perjured
in
graunting
that
,
why
doth
he
refuse
for
no
other
cause
the
abolishing
of
Episcopacie
?
The
Libeller
himselfe
hath
exprest
other
causes
of
his
refusall
to
abolish
Episcopacie
,
but
why
may
not
one
be
perjured
in
both
,
being
equally
bound
by
his
oath
.
If
the
Libeller
have
a
sense
in
this
,
it
s
very
misticall
,
vnles
he
meane
,
that
a
man
neede
not
feare
many
perjuries
,
that
committed
one
.
The
protection
of
Delinquents
was
no
part
of
his
oath
,
but
of
the
innocent
,
and
that
he
ought
to
doe
against
popular
fury
,
and
any
vsurpt
authoritie
vnder
what
name
soever
.
That
he
was
to
protect
by
such
hands
,
as
the
Parliament
should
advise
him
,
was
noe
part
of
his
oath
,
and
he
could
poorely
protect
,
that
must
expect
such
hands
,
as
others
should
allow
him
,
that
were
an
oath
to
as
litle
vse
,
as
the
power
it
supposed
.
He
may
not
hold
a
violent
,
and
incommunicable
sword
over
vs
vnder
the
shew
of
protection
.
And
must
there
not
be
a
sword
of
protection
,
because
it
may
be
turned
to
violence
,
this
is
Rebells
Logicke
,
that
would
have
no
Judges
,
because
they
may
be
corrupt
?
&
these
,
that
terrifie
the
people
with
the
dangers
of
violence
vnder
lawfull
Governours
vse
power
most
Tyranically
,
but
wherefore
incommunicable
,
he
thinkes
it
a
thundering
word
to
startle
the
people
like
Arbitrary
Government
,
and
fundamentall
lawes
.
Is
the
sword
of
the
supreame
power
communicable
,
if
it
be
in
many
hands
,
what
if
they
fight
one
with
another
,
which
is
the
sword
then
to
protect
the
people
,
and
how
will
they
fight
for
their
Liberties
?
The
King
sayes
,
that
his
yeilding
the
Militia
was
from
the
love
of
publique
peace
,
and
assurance
of
Gods
protection
.
The
Libeller
askes
,
wherefore
this
assurance
of
Gods
protection
came
not
till
the
Militia
was
wrung
out
of
his
hands
.
Whence
can
he
conclude
,
that
it
came
not
till
then
?
But
the
wringing
of
the
Militia
out
of
his
hands
shewes
how
impudently
these
men
pretend
right
,
or
truth
for
their
Actions
,
must
a
man
give
vp
his
strength
,
when
it
is
demaunded
,
because
he
hath
an
assurance
of
Gods
protection
,
and
because
he
sees
some
reason
to
part
with
it
,
as
the
king
did
for
love
of
publique
peace
,
must
he
not
therefore
have
an
assurance
of
Gods
protection
?
his
holding
it
fast
was
his
dutie
,
and
the
wringing
it
from
him
hath
open
injustice
both
in
the
Act
,
and
intention
.
And
the
Libellers
prophanes
in
jeering
at
the
kings
saying
,
that
God
was
able
abundantly
to
compensate
him
,
as
he
did
to
Iob
whatever
honour
,
power
,
or
libertie
Chaldeans
,
sabeans
,
or
the
Devill
himselfe
deprived
him
of
saying
Iob
vsed
noe
Militia
,
nor
Magazine
at
Hull
.
Is
not
vnlike
the
Apostates
scoffing
at
the
Christians
patience
,
and
suffering
.
The
King
sayes
,
Although
they
take
all
from
him
,
yet
can
they
not
obstruct
his
way
to
heaven
.
The
libeller
sayes
,
t
is
noe
handsome
occasion
to
tell
vs
whither
he
was
going
.
And
hath
it
been
an
vnhandsome
occasion
in
the
saints
of
God
to
take
occasion
from
their
afflictions
to
declare
their
resolutions
?
But
these
are
his
common
censures
.
He
sayes
private
prayers
in
publique
aske
something
of
whome
they
aske
not
.
But
prayers
vpon
a
publique
occasion
lose
not
their
reward
for
being
publique
.
Vpon
the
NINETEENE
PROPOSITIONS
.
THE
King
vses
plausibilitie
of
large
,
and
indefinite
words
to
defend
himfelfe
at
such
distance
,
as
may
hinder
the
eye
of
Common
Iudgment
from
all
distinct
view
,
and
examination
of
his
reasoning
.
It
is
the
Libellers
labour
to
keepe
his
reasoning
from
Common
view
,
and
therefore
seekes
to
divert
the
readers
by
Chimericall
suppositions
,
and
invectives
against
Monarchy
,
and
repeated
common
places
of
misgovernment
.
Vpon
examination
the
Kings
plaine
,
and
distinct
reasoning
will
appeare
convincing
to
every
right
judgment
.
The
Libeller
sayes
.
The
king
shewes
not
,
how
it
can
happen
,
that
the
peace
of
a
people
should
be
inconsistent
with
the
conscience
,
and
honour
of
a
King
.
And
doth
this
man
hold
,
that
the
King
ought
to
sacrifise
Religion
,
Justice
,
and
pietie
for
the
peace
of
his
people
?
Shall
he
destroy
innocent
men
,
and
persecute
Christians
to
procure
peace
?
Or
are
these
things
consistent
with
honour
,
&
conscience
?
and
may
not
such
things
be
desired
by
a
wicked
people
in
order
to
peace
?
And
therefore
the
Libeller
vainely
presses
,
that
nothing
is
more
agreeable
to
the
conscience
,
and
honour
of
a
King
,
then
to
preserve
his
subjects
in
peace
.
And
is
there
anything
more
contrary
to
the
conscience
,
&
dutie
of
subjects
,
then
to
procure
a
Civill
warr
,
by
demaunding
concessions
of
their
King
,
which
in
honour
,
and
conscience
he
cannot
grannt
,
&
which
being
graunted
would
be
noe
ground
for
a
lasting
peace
,
though
it
avoyded
a
present
warr
.
The
Libeller
askes
which
of
the
propositions
were
obtruded
on
him
with
the
point
of
the
sword
,
till
he
with
the
point
of
the
sword
thrust
from
him
both
propositions
,
and
propounders
.
A
strange
question
in
this
Libeller
,
that
hath
soe
often
obtruded
the
feares
,
and
terrours
raysed
in
the
King
by
the
Tumults
,
and
Iron
flaile
,
seizing
of
the
Magazins
,
and
not
leaving
him
a
sword
,
that
had
a
point
to
thrust
,
but
this
Theame
is
too
much
soyled
by
soe
often
repetition
,
and
yet
he
proceedes
to
talke
of
merciles
obtrusions
,
which
for
almost
twentie
yeares
the
King
had
been
forcing
vpon
tender
consciences
by
all
sorts
of
persecutions
.
And
these
tender
consciences
he
will
allow
to
be
preferred
before
the
peace
of
the
Kingdome
.
Truly
these
are
not
large
,
and
indefinite
words
,
but
apparent
absurdities
to
the
eye
of
every
Common
judgment
,
that
the
pretended
conscience
of
every
hipocriticall
sectarie
must
be
preferred
to
the
peace
of
a
King
dome
,
and
the
King
must
be
allowed
none
,
but
lose
life
,
and
Kingdome
,
or
prostitute
his
conscience
.
The
Libellers
examination
of
the
Kings
booke
,
it
seemes
was
noe
other
,
then
of
his
owne
writings
,
that
huddles
vp
contradictions
,
and
absurdities
soe
obvious
to
the
first
sight
.
His
labour
to
declaime
against
persecution
is
not
matter
of
fa●…t
,
and
the
impertinencie
of
it
hath
been
already
sufficiently
detected
.
The
king
sayes
Many
things
are
required
of
him
,
nothing
offred
in
requit
all
.
And
the
Libeller
demaunds
.
What
could
satiate
the
desires
of
this
man
,
who
being
King
of
England
,
and
Master
of
almost
two
millions
yearely
was
still
in
want
.
And
yet
the
Masters
in
the
new
state
affirme
in
their
declaration
,
that
the
constant
Revenue
of
the
Crowne
exceeded
not
a
hundred
thousand
pound
a
yeare
,
And
why
should
not
the
King
expect
contributions
from
his
subiects
,
aswell
as
al
his
Predecessours
still
had
?
And
why
will
this
man
deny
him
supplies
,
that
soe
often
obtrudes
his
wants
,
and
he
will
have
the
King
content
with
Rebells
Charitie
,
and
allowes
them
to
take
al
from
him
,
when
they
list
,
as
the
subjects
money
,
this
is
the
supreame
honour
,
and
Revenue
,
that
the
king
ought
to
content
himselfe
with
.
It
was
for
honours
sake
,
that
they
put
the
King
vpon
the
giving
part
,
not
that
it
belonged
to
him
of
right
,
for
he
sayes
all
lawes
are
in
the
hands
of
the
Parliament
,
and
King-shipp
it selfe
.
He
sayes
it
,
and
yet
we
must
beleive
him
,
that
England
was
a
Monarchy
,
if
the
Majestie
were
not
in
the
king
,
how
was
it
other
,
then
a
republique
,
and
it
was
for
honours
sake
,
that
they
have
been
subjects
these
many
hundred
yeares
,
wherefore
would
he
have
the
world
beleive
warrs
were
made
betweene
compe●…tours
for
the
Crowne
of
England
;
was
it
only
to
be
a
king
in
a
play
,
but
we
finde
,
that
what
Rebells
can
attaine
by
power
,
they
will
assert
for
right
,
and
they
,
which
have
had
soe
many
denialls
,
and
have
professed
conscientious
,
subjection
at
last
come
to
say
,
it
was
for
honours
sake
,
and
of
forme
,
not
necessitie
,
that
they
were
subjects
.
The
Libeller
proceedes
to
shew
,
that
Monarchy
cannot
permit
the
requisites
necessary
to
societie
.
That
the
will
of
one
man
in
Government
is
contrary
to
freedome
.
And
why
not
the
will
of
five
hundred
to
the
freedome
of
the
rest
,
as
much
as
that
one
?
These
men
thinke
that
their
clamour
against
the
power
of
one
man
hes
a
greate
influence
vpon
the
ignorant
people
,
which
might
have
had
some
beleife
before
they
had
tryed
their
new
Masters
.
If
we
looke
vpon
the
most
ancient
stories
of
the
world
,
we
finde
the
people
both
in
peace
,
and
warr
commaunded
by
one
man
,
nature
teaching
the
necessitie
of
one
generall
in
an
Army
,
and
the
Government
,
which
God
himselfe
appointed
to
his
people
was
by
one
man
,
and
as
moyses
was
at
first
,
soe
were
his
successours
,
and
the
kings
after
Saul
,
and
David
,
and
this
Libeller
can
speake
nothing
of
this
power
of
one
man
,
but
must
censure
,
and
vilifie
Gods
owne
institution
,
he
offers
nothing
against
Monarchy
but
what
hes
equall
opposition
to
Parliament
,
and
all
formes
of
Government
,
for
the
peoples
good
,
for
which
he
sayes
the
king
hath
his
rights
,
will
assoone
become
a
pretence
for
Rebellion
against
any
Rulers
,
as
kings
.
His
denyall
,
that
the
King
is
not
greater
then
his
Parliament
,
is
only
opposinge
his
bare
word
to
all
sense
,
and
reason
,
for
doth
the
greater
petition
the
lesse
,
and
yet
the
Parliament
constantly
petition
the
king
.
He
sayes
the
King
can
doe
noe
wrong
.
And
have
not
they
then
,
that
pretend
he
had
done
wrong
committed
disobedience
,
and
wrong
?
The
King
can
doe
noe
right
but
in
his
Courts
.
And
if
they
be
his
Courts
,
and
his
deputies
,
and
doe
all
in
his
name
,
doth
it
not
follow
,
that
it
is
his
doing
?
And
though
the
kings
sitt
not
ordinarily
in
their
Courts
,
yet
they
have
often
sate
in
severall
Courts
,
and
in
Parliament
the
King
himselfe
gives
orders
,
as
appeares
by
the
Presidents
of
all
times
,
and
wherefore
did
the
Parliament
preferre
their
petition
of
right
to
the
King
,
and
importuned
his
answeare
,
if
he
had
noe
power
to
doe
right
,
but
by
his
Courts
?
But
what
concernes
the
administration
of
Justice
by
deputies
is
not
peculiar
to
England
,
but
to
all
other
Kingdomes
.
Without
his
Courts
he
is
noe
King
.
And
yet
they
are
his
Courts
,
and
cannot
sitt
,
but
by
his
graunt
.
If
the
King
doe
wrong
in
the
highest
degree
,
he
must
doe
it
,
as
a
Tyrant
,
not
as
a
King
of
England
.
But
he
is
still
King
of
England
,
though
a
T●…rant
,
and
if
subjects
may
judge
their
King
,
the
ordinary
acts
of
soveraigntie
wil
be
wrong
in
the
highest
degree
.
If
he
cannot
,
as
one
greater
,
give
oft
to
the
Parliament
,
as
the
Libeller
supposes
,
and
that
it
may
be
termed
the
Courtesie
of
England
to
aske
any
thing
of
the
King
.
They
would
not
have
importuned
the
Acts
,
that
have
passed
this
Parliament
,
nor
have
vsed
their
Iron
flaile
to
obteine
them
,
and
by
his
rule
subjection
is
noe
more
the
Courtesie
of
England
,
then
all
other
Countreyes
,
We
never
forced
him
to
part
with
his
conscience
,
but
it
is
he
,
that
would
have
forced
vs
to
part
with
ours
,
and
doth
he
that
refuses
the
demaund
of
another
,
force
his
conscience
,
that
demaunds
?
Doth
the
Kings
denyall
force
his
subjects
consciences
,
because
they
force
themselves
to
Rebell
?
and
enforce
him
to
say
what
they
will
have
him
.
The
Authors
descant
vpon
the
Kings
words
of
the
incommunicable
Iewell
of
his
conscience
discovers
,
how
he
hath
exposed
his
owne
to
the
flatterie
,
and
slaverie
of
his
Masters
,
and
had
he
thoughts
of
conscience
he
would
not
have
valued
it
at
the
basest
price
.
The
breeding
of
Most
kings
hath
ever
been
sensuall
,
and
most
humoured
.
He
speakes
it
of
his
owne
sense
,
and
inclination
to
such
base
offices
.
Kings
have
greatest
cause
to
avoyde
such
breeding
,
and
persons
of
such
condition
.
The
kings
dissent
from
his
whole
kingdome
is
a
supposition
of
that
,
which
never
was
,
and
were
impossible
ever
to
happen
,
but
should
it
happen
,
they
that
are
governed
must
submitt
to
the
governour
,
and
that
by
all
the
Rules
of
divine
,
and
humane
law
.
The
Libeller
saying
the
king
preferrs
his
love
of
truth
before
the
love
of
his
people
the
Kings
words
are
,
the
love
I
have
of
my
peoples
place
hath
greate
influence
vpon
me
,
but
the
love
of
truth
,
and
inward
peace
hath
more
.
And
who
thinkes
not
,
that
it
ought
to
have
soe
?
For
his
search
of
truth
,
he
had
gone
amisse
,
if
he
had
rested
on
those
propounders
,
which
the
Libeller
prescribes
him
.
And
that
vnaccountable
Prerogative
,
which
the
Libeller
sayes
is
the
truth
he
loves
,
would
have
been
judged
a
truth
by
the
Libeller
,
if
he
had
reteined
either
feare
of
God
,
or
love
to
his
Countrey
.
It
is
our
ill
hap
,
that
three
kingdomes
should
be
pestred
with
one
conscience
,
which
scrupled
to
graunt
what
the
Parliament
advised
him
.
But
it
was
the
miserie
of
the
three
kingdomes
,
that
a
faction
of
depraved
men
,
that
had
cast
away
conscience
should
oversway
the
Parliament
,
and
demaund
graunts
for
their
owne
ambition
against
the
kingdome
.
These
scruples
to
many
he
sayes
seeme
pretended
,
to
others
vpon
as
good
grounds
may
seeme
reall
.
And
to
this
it
seemes
the
Libeller
inclines
,
for
noe
reason
wil
permitt
,
that
he
should
suffer
soe
much
vpon
a
pretence
of
conscience
.
It
was
the
just
judgment
of
God
,
that
he
,
who
was
soe
cruell
,
and
remorseles
to
other
mens
consciences
,
should
have
a
conscience
soe
cruell
to
himselfe
.
And
were
not
they
,
that
were
soe
cruell
to
his
conscience
,
condemned
by
their
owne
being
heerein
the
instruments
of
hell
to
afflict
the
consciences
of
others
,
but
these
miscreants
can
sport
themselves
with
their
owne
si●…s
,
and
others
,
sufferings
.
Hath
he
made
asmuch
as
a
pretence
of
the
Kings
crueltie
to
any
mans
innocencie
.
The
Libeller
recites
,
that
the
King
said
he
thought
fit
to
deny
some
things
in
honour
,
&
Policie
,
though
he
could
approve
them
,
which
is
not
at
al
said
by
the
King
,
but
that
some
things
,
which
a
King
might
approve
,
yet
in
honour
,
&
Policie
might
be
denyed
at
some
time
to
some
men
.
And
who
doubts
it
,
can
there
be
a
want
of
such
considerations
in
a
King
?
Good
Princes
thought
it
their
happines
to
be
allwayes
graunting
.
How
could
that
be
,
if
it
be
true
,
which
he
sayes
they
had
nothing
to
graunt
?
But
good
subjects
never
demaunded
that
,
which
should
make
their
King
vnable
to
graunt
any
more
.
He
remembers
himselfe
now
,
that
good
things
were
to
be
graunted
for
the
things
sake
,
indifferent
things
for
the
peoples
sake
,
and
he
hath
made
it
his
continued
Theame
,
that
the
King
could
graunt
nothing
in
favour
,
but
all
was
necessary
in
Justice
,
and
it
is
apparent
,
that
the
kings
large
concessions
invited
these
ingratefull
Rebells
to
make
those
shameles
demaunds
,
which
themselves
knew
noe
king
in
honour
,
Policie
,
and
Justice
could
graunt
.
Vndoubtedly
his
Coronation
oath
bindes
him
to
a
generall
,
and
implicite
consent
to
whatever
the
Parliament
desired
.
And
then
vndoubtedly
the
king
must
be
in
worse
condition
then
any
subject
,
for
noe
man
but
he
is
bound
to
such
a
blinde
obedience
,
and
it
is
a
strange
blindenes
in
this
man
to
offer
such
a
thing
to
be
beleived
,
which
himselfe
holds
incredible
,
for
he
sayes
,
the
Kings
oath
cannot
binde
him
against
necessary
reformation
.
And
can
it
then
binde
him
to
make
wicked
lawes
,
which
must
be
reformed
?
Is
the
Parliament
infallible
,
&
may
they
not
make
ill
lawes
?
What
is
the
reason
,
that
the
Libeller
,
and
his
Sectaries
would
not
give
obedience
to
Acts
of
Parliament
vpon
pretence
of
conscience
,
&
ought
the
king
to
consent
to
such
lawes
,
as
the
subjects
ought
not
to
obey
?
The
King
ought
not
to
vie
wisedome
with
the
Parliament
,
and
why
then
doe
the
Libeller
,
and
his
Sectaries
vie
wisedome
with
all
former
Parliaments
?
Any
of
the
Parliament
may
as
farr
excell
him
in
the
guift
of
wisedome
,
as
he
them
in
place
,
and
dignitie
.
But
it
s
very
vnlike
,
and
neere
to
impossible
,
especially
,
if
we
looke
to
the
experience
of
all
times
,
and
it
is
often
found
,
that
a
King
is
wiser
,
then
all
his
Councell
;
And
though
the
libeller
say
sure
it
was
not
he
,
meaning
the
King
:
as
wise
men
,
as
any
of
his
Councell
,
or
Parliament
thought
it
was
he
,
&
never
good
subjects
contended
with
their
King
for
that
comparison
.
The
king
sayes
,
that
that
were
,
as
if
Sampson
should
have
consented
to
put
out
his
eyes
,
that
the
Philistins
might
with
more
safetie
mocke
,
and
abuse
him
.
And
this
sayes
the
Libeller
out
of
an
vnwise
,
or
pretended
feare
of
scorne
for
yeilding
to
his
Parliament
,
he
gives
cause
of
suspition
,
that
he
made
a
scorne
of
his
Regall
oath
.
Could
any
man
suspect
,
that
his
Regall
oath
bound
him
to
such
a
dispicable
slavery
,
that
a
king
should
be
in
greater
bondage
to
his
Parliament
,
then
any
vassall
to
a
Lord
,
a
king
might
justly
scorne
such
an
oath
,
that
would
make
him
scorned
by
all
,
when
he
had
taken
it
,
but
the
Libeller
had
noe
better
answeare
,
and
therefore
retreates
to
his
Common
refuge
of
insignificant
repetition
.
The
King
sayes
to
exclude
him
from
all
power
of
denyall
seemes
an
arrogance
,
The
Libeller
adds
in
the
Parliament
he
meanes
,
and
askes
,
what
in
him
then
to
deny
against
the
Parliament
.
It
is
no
arrogance
to
deny
in
him
,
that
is
asked
,
but
arrogance
in
him
,
that
askes
,
to
receive
noe
denyall
.
The
king
sayes
its
least
of
all
becomminge
those
,
that
make
their
addresses
in
a
humble
,
and
loyall
way
of
petitioning
,
who
by
that
confesse
their
inferioritie
,
which
oblidgeth
them
to
rest
,
if
not
satisfied
,
yet
quieted
with
such
an
answeare
,
as
the
will
,
and
reason
of
the
superiour
thinkes
fitt
to
give
.
To
this
the
Libeller
sayes
,
petitioning
in
better
English
is
noe
more
then
requesting
,
or
requiring
.
And
is
it
not
good
English
to
call
our
prayers
pititions
,
and
is
it
better
English
to
say
wee
require
,
when
we
pray
,
and
is
requesting
,
and
requiring
the
same
in
good
English
?
Is
the
petitioning
of
his
new
Masters
requesting
,
or
requiring
?
Men
require
not
favours
only
,
but
their
due
,
and
that
not
only
from
superiours
,
but
equalls
,
and
inferiours
.
It
s
the
first
time
,
that
such
requiring
of
favours
was
heard
of
,
and
a
sorry
inference
,
that
because
men
require
of
●…qualls
,
they
may
of
superiours
,
and
that
there
is
noe
difference
betweene
superioritie
of
Government
,
and
superioritie
in
fortune
,
or
Title
.
It
was
called
,
petitio
consulatus
,
when
the
noblest
Romans
went
about
,
and
begged
that
dignitie
of
the
meanest
plebeians
naming
them
man
by
man
.
But
might
not
those
,
to
whome
they
went
,
deny
their
petition
?
Could
they
require
their
election
,
as
due
,
and
was
their
begging
,
requiring
?
He
would
willingly
make
badd
English
out
of
good
Lattyn
,
though
good
Lattin
may
be
noe
good
manners
from
a
subject
to
his
king
,
and
it
is
absurd
in
Government
for
any
to
pray
,
that
ought
to
commaund
?
&
the
Libeller
seemes
distracted
that
would
have
petitioning
requiring
,
and
prove
it
by
the
signification
it
hath
of
begging
.
They
petitioned
not
,
because
all
of
them
were
inferiour
,
but
because
he
was
superiour
to
any
of
them
.
But
why
then
doe
they
petition
in
their
politique
Capacitie
as
a
Parliament
?
He
tells
vs
at
last
,
it
was
for
fashions
sake
more
then
dutie
.
But
why
then
did
they
professe
it
to
be
their
dutie
?
He
tell●…
vs
the
Misteries
of
their
Religion
,
their
professions
,
and
promises
are
Ceremonies
,
their
submissions
for
fashion
,
this
is
the
doctrine
of
cut
throates
.
By
plaine
law
cited
before
,
the
Parliament
is
his
superiour
.
And
why
had
he
not
brought
in
petitio
principy
,
as
well
as
petitio
consulatus
vsing
it
soe
often
,
and
that
in
good
English
is
begging
the
question
.
Doubtles
he
thinkes
,
that
some
believe
it
is
plaine
law
,
because
he
saith
soe
,
but
such
,
as
reade
his
booke
finde
he
vnderstands
not
law
,
nor
reason
,
and
will
not
speake
the
truth
,
he
vnderstands
It
were
a
mad
law
,
that
would
subject
reason
to
supcrioritie
of
place
.
And
doth
not
himselfe
say
it
,
that
the
Parliament
is
superiour
,
and
therefore
the
kings
reason
must
be
subject
to
it
?
and
is
not
he
mad
,
or
senseles
?
He
returnes
againe
to
his
invective
against
Monarchy
,
and
one
mans
will
,
and
soe
its
only
the
kings
Cryme
,
that
he
was
a
Monarch
,
and
if
the
King
be
not
bound
in
a
blinde
obedience
to
all
,
that
the
Parliament
requires
,
we
must
all
be
slaves
,
a
proper
inference
,
and
vpon
this
he
concludes
,
that
petitioning
was
but
forme
,
because
he
doth
not
like
the
Kingly
Government
.
It
cannot
be
soe
absurd
to
binde
the
King
to
a
blinde
obedience
as
to
confine
the
Parliaments
reason
to
the
will
of
one
man
.
Much
more
absurd
to
bind
the
King
,
and
leave
subjects
vnconfined
.
That
the
King
did
notbing
,
but
what
was
opposite
to
his
professed
interest
,
cannot
be
supposed
,
but
in
his
concessions
to
the
late
Parliament
,
and
we
finde
by
sad
experience
,
that
nothing
is
more
ruinous
to
the
Kingdome
,
then
a
power
in
the
Parliament
over
the
King
,
and
they
have
been
soe
farr
from
a
power
to
confine
the
exorbitancie
of
Kings
,
that
those
illegall
conventions
,
which
acted
the
Tragedies
of
some
Kings
were
but
the
stales
to
vsurpers
,
and
moulded
to
their
will
.
That
the
King
called
them
young
statesmen
he
imputes
to
arrogance
.
Doubtles
the
King
might
have
said
much
more
,
then
what
he
did
,
that
most
part
of
these
propounders
were
young
statesmen
,
Is
there
a
man
in
England
,
that
doubts
it
,
if
he
regard
either
age
,
or
experience
,
how
they
have
governed
themselves
,
and
the
Kingdome
all
men
see
,
who
from
soe
greate
tranquilitie
have
turned
it
into
a
lamentable
combustion
,
and
despised
the
Kingdomes
interest
both
at
home
,
and
abroade
,
that
Phaetons
miscarriage
was
never
soe
answeared
by
the
practice
of
any
rash
,
and
precipitate
medlers
in
affaires
of
state
,
as
these
vsurpers
,
and
as
they
drove
furiously
with
Iehu
,
soe
they
practized
his
hipocrisie
,
that
loved
the
Kingdome
better
then
the
commaunds
of
God
,
and
departed
not
from
the
sins
of
Jeroboam
,
though
he
pretended
Zeale
for
the
Lord
,
and
that
omen
of
confusion
from
such
fury
,
and
madnes
,
his
Majest:
prayed
God
to
divert
,
but
the
Libeller
is
pleased
with
his
owne
prognostickes
,
and
makes
augury
a
warrant
for
any
villany
,
though
the
wickednes
of
his
Masters
may
give
just
occasion
to
thinke
,
their
vengeance
sleepes
not
.
He
comes
now
to
dictate
law
,
and
tumbling
of
his
repetitions
,
that
the
Parliament
sit
not
,
as
subjects
,
but
superiours
,
called
not
by
him
,
but
by
the
law
.
And
doth
not
this
man
know
the
Parliament
sayes
all
this
is
false
,
and
that
they
are
his
subjects
,
and
called
by
his
writ
.
Surely
this
Libeller
takes
pleasure
in
outfacing
all
truth
,
otherwise
he
would
not
vse
such
absurd
,
and
palpable
falsities
,
and
that
after
himselfe
had
said
the
king
was
trusted
with
the
summoning
,
and
dissolving
of
Parliaments
.
Vnreasonable
desires
might
be
vnexpected
by
the
king
,
and
denyed
.
Wee
may
see
,
that
Iehues
fury
,
and
Phaetons
rashnes
were
not
ill
remembred
to
these
men
,
that
held
the
enforcing
of
old
lawes
,
repairing
of
injuries
,
moderate
desires
of
reformation
,
soe
contemptible
,
that
nothing
,
but
the
rooting
vp
of
the
foundation
of
Government
could
be
a
remedie
for
the
kingdome
,
whose
greate
prosperitie
was
their
greatest
greivance
,
and
all
those
good
lawes
,
which
he
commends
were
vseles
,
and
to
noe
purpose
.
That
they
,
which
came
to
the
Parliament
had
no
authoritie
to
redresse
greivances
,
but
to
desire
the
redresse
,
was
acknowledged
a
truth
by
the
late
Parliamēt
,
befor
their
insolēce
was
confirmed
by
the
kings
concessions
.
That
their
Fathers
made
as
vast
alterations
to
free
themselves
from
ancient
Popery
is
much
mistaken
,
for
whoever
lookes
into
the
reformation
of
Religion
in
England
shall
finde
,
that
it
moved
from
the
head
,
and
that
the
Parliament
conformed
themselves
vnto
the
Counsells
taken
by
the
king
,
and
made
not
the
alterations
the
Libeller
supposes
.
Alterations
were
made
,
where
corruptions
had
entred
into
doctrine
,
or
practice
,
but
it
was
very
farr
from
esteeming
the
primitive
Church
,
a
time
of
superstition
,
and
plucking
vp
by
the
rootes
,
what
ever
was
planted
in
the
first
ages
of
the
Church
.
Sectaries
are
not
to
be
judges
of
what
varies
from
Scripture
,
their
opinions
arising
from
disobedience
,
must
needes
be
full
of
errour
,
and
schisme
,
and
his
Majest:
had
good
reason
to
preferre
the
doctrine
,
and
practice
of
the
primitive
Church
before
any
moderne
opinion
of
reformation
,
and
as
all
the
pregnant
,
and
solid
reasons
of
the
Chnrches
beyound
the
seas
wrought
lesse
with
the
faction
in
Parliament
,
then
the
Tumults
,
and
rabbles
,
soe
farr
lesse
with
this
Libeller
,
that
defends
a
schisme
from
them
all
vnder
the
divided
Conventicles
of
Independancy
,
and
a
crew
of
ignorant
,
and
irreligious
Hobgoblins
that
eate
the
fat
of
robbery
,
and
oppression
.
And
he
heere
pretends
the
example
of
all
the
reformed
Churches
against
Episcopacie
,
and
afterwards
confesses
the
Lutherans
,
who
are
the
greater
part
of
a
contrary
practice
.
The
falshood
,
&
giddines
of
their
oracles
are
more
ridiculous
,
thē
ever
were
the
superstitious
pilgramages
of
blinde
votaries
.
he
,
that
thus
reprehends
the
kings
oppositiō
to
the
change
of
Church
Government
,
while
he
strives
for
innovation
exclaimes
against
it
,
as
a
Cryme
,
for
he
sayes
they
would
vindicate
the
Government
of
the
Church
,
innovated
,
&
corrupted
,
he
should
have
shewed
from
what
time
it
was
corrupted
.
The
king
sayes
,
such
,
as
were
looked
vpon
before
as
factious
in
the
state
,
&
Schismatieall
in
the
Church
demaunded
not
only
tollerations
for
themselves
in
their
vanitie
,
noveltie
,
and
confusion
,
but
alsoe
an
extirpatiou
of
that
Government
,
whose
rights
they
had
a
minde
to
invade
.
And
the
Libeller
askes
,
was
this
man
ever
likely
to
be
advised
,
who
setts
himselfe
against
his
chosen
Councellours
,
and
censures
the
Government
of
other
protestant
Churches
as
bad
,
as
any
Papist
.
Certainly
such
Councellours
were
very
vnfitt
to
advise
,
that
were
soe
ill
qualified
,
such
as
the
lawe
judges
offenders
are
incapable
to
judge
of
law
,
&
that
such
were
these
demaunders
is
evident
to
al
men
,
that
know
the
lawes
,
and
Government
of
England
.
There
are
noe
Protestant
Churches
,
that
thinke
their
Government
censured
,
if
others
differ
from
it
,
in
any
particular
,
but
they
will
hold
it
a
Schismaticall
insolence
in
any
to
endeavour
to
alter
a
Government
well
setled
vpon
pretence
to
introduce
another
against
the
will
of
the
king
.
It
imports
not
any
contempt
of
the
kingdome
,
if
such
,
as
they
chose
be
found
either
defective
,
or
false
,
and
to
engage
the
kingdome
in
all
the
impieties
,
that
men
act
,
which
are
chosen
by
them
is
as
absurd
,
as
vainely
pretended
by
the
Libeller
who
will
make
a
faction
prevalent
by
Tumults
,
and
sedition
to
be
the
kingdome
,
and
the
king
should
have
had
his
kingdome
in
greate
contempt
,
if
he
had
taken
such
a
faction
for
the
kingdome
.
He
drawes
an
Argument
from
the
penaltie
of
being
a
Christian
vnder
the
heathens
,
and
a
Protestant
vnder
Papists
.
And
surely
had
they
sought
to
introduce
their
Religion
with
the
destruction
of
the
Civill
state
,
such
a
fact
would
have
merited
the
name
of
treason
,
but
their
course
was
contrary
to
these
Sectaries
,
who
sought
only
to
enjoy
the
libertie
of
their
conscience
,
not
to
enforce
others
.
That
our
saviour
comming
to
reforme
his
Church
was
accused
of
an
intent
to
invade
Caesars
right
,
as
good
a
right
,
as
ever
the
Prelate
Bishopps
had
,
the
one
being
gotten
by
force
,
the
other
by
spirituall
vsurpation
.
Helpes
not
the
Sectaries
,
for
our
saviour
was
innocent
of
that
false
accusation
,
declaring
his
kingdome
not
to
be
of
this
world
,
&
acknowledged
Caesars
right
,
bidding
the
people
to
give
vnto
Cesar
the
things
,
that
were
Cesars
,
but
this
mans
prophanes
would
have
the
accusation
true
,
and
lawfull
to
invade
Cesars
right
from
the
false
accusation
of
our
saviours
,
and
blasphemously
avowes
invading
of
the
Bishopps
rights
,
because
one
better
then
cesars
,
for
to
what
other
purpose
doth
he
compare
the
rights
of
Cesar
,
and
the
Bishopps
,
vnlesse
to
justifie
their
dealinge
with
the
Bishopps
.
And
accuse
our
saviour
for
intending
the
lyke
to
Caesar
?
The
right
of
the
Prelate
Bishopps
was
gotten
by
spirituall
vsurpation
.
Could
any
Jew
,
Turke
,
or
Pagan
speake
more
reproach
fully
against
Christiaintie
,
that
the
calling
of
those
men
,
who
were
soe
eminent
for
suffering
,
and
Martidome
,
and
gathering
the
Christian
Church
throughout
the
world
was
a
spirituall
vsurpation
?
The
objection
or
to
his
Majest:
repeating
the
arguments
from
law
,
antiquitie
,
Ancestours
,
prosperitie
,
and
the
like
was
very
improper
from
him
,
whose
repititions
of
Tyrany
,
slavery
,
single
voyce
,
consent
of
the
kingdome
,
and
such
like
have
blotted
soe
greate
a
part
of
his
booke
,
and
he
,
that
would
binde
the
king
to
follow
the
Example
of
other
Churches
will
exclude
antiquitie
,
and
the
primitive
Church
,
and
authorise
the
schisme
of
innovating
Sectaries
,
because
Papists
have
vsed
Arguments
against
them
.
The
king
sayes
,
had
he
two
houses
sued
out
their
livery
from
the
wardship
of
Tumults
,
he
could
sooner
have
beleived
them
.
But
sayes
the
Libeller
it
concerned
them
first
to
sue
out
their
livery
from
his
encroaching
Prerogative
,
The
law
allowes
noe
livery
from
Royall
Prerogative
,
but
judges
them
Rebells
that
seeke
it
.
The
Character
sett
on
them
,
that
hunt
after
faction
with
their
hounds
the
Tumults
,
the
Libeller
hath
justified
by
his
defence
.
It
s
noe
shame
for
a
King
to
be
a
pupill
to
the
Bishopps
,
whose
calling
it
is
to
give
him
spirituall
Councell
,
but
it
were
madnes
to
be
a
laquay
to
such
mē
,
who
take
vpon
them
to
judge
of
the
callings
in
the
Church
of
God
,
which
have
noe
calling
to
it
,
much
more
to
a
rabble
,
whome
the
Libeller
himselfe
holds
extravagant
.
That
nimrod
was
the
first
,
that
hunted
after
faction
could
never
be
told
by
the
Bishopps
,
much
lesse
,
that
he
was
the
first
,
that
founded
Monarchy
.
The
Bishopps
could
have
named
a
more
ancient
foundation
in
Adam
,
and
Noah
.
They
finde
the
hunters
after
faction
by
Tumults
of
a
latter
dale
,
Corah
,
and
his
Company
,
that
Rebelled
against
Moses
,
and
Sheba
,
that
spake
to
the
Tumults
,
what
part
have
we
in
David
,
or
portion
in
the
sonne
of
Jesse
?
and
they
finde
them
in
the
cursed
Jewes
,
that
hunted
by
the
Tumults
against
our
Saviour
.
In
Demetrious
,
and
his
Craftsmen
against
the
Apostles
,
and
in
Alexander
the
Copper
Smith
against
St.
Paul
,
and
that
's
the
game
,
which
Rebells
in
all
times
hollowed
to
,
and
the
Mungrell
sort
never
faile
them
,
and
these
,
that
hunt
with
such
hounds
preserve
beasts
of
prey
to
devoure
the
quiett
,
&
profitable
.
Certainly
Parliaments
made
lawes
before
Kings
were
in
being
,
which
must
have
better
authoritie
then
his
reason
to
prove
;
We
finde
kings
making
lawes
before
ever
we
reade
of
Parliaments
,
&
in
Commonwealths
we
finde
their
law
makers
were
single
men
,
as
Licurgus
,
Solon
,
and
diverse
others
.
The
kings
holding
his
Crowne
by
law
,
doth
not
imply
another
law
maker
then
the
king
,
who
first
made
that
law
,
wherevnto
the
whole
people
were
subject
,
but
he
,
that
soe
lately
blamed
repetitions
vnseasonably
falls
into
his
old
rode
of
disputing
against
Monarchy
,
which
he
pretends
to
decline
.
It
hath
been
anciently
interpreted
the
presaging
signe
of
a
future
Tyrant
to
dreame
of
copulation
with
his
Mother
.
Heere
is
a
conceite
pluckt
in
by
head
,
and
shoulders
.
Whereof
was
it
a
signe
in
Junious
Brutus
,
that
was
directed
by
the
oracle
to
kisse
his
Mother
,
his
succeeding
act
was
the
expulsion
of
the
kings
,
and
change
of
the
Government
,
was
that
lesse
then
Tyrany
,
or
not
soe
presaged
by
the
oracle
,
as
wel
as
a
dreame
?
Parliaments
can
be
noe
Mothers
to
kings
,
that
are
created
by
kings
.
The
king
is
by
the
law
of
England
Father
of
the
Countrey
,
&
the
life
,
and
soule
of
the
law
,
but
the
Libeller
will
finde
out
a
step
Mother
an
Athalia
to
destroy
the
seede
Royall
,
and
sett
her
meestuous
broode
vpon
the
throne
,
for
these
dreames
were
the
delusions
of
some
prime
Rebells
,
and
could
not
allude
vnto
just
Title
,
but
conceites
are
growne
low
,
when
such
dreames
must
be
fetcht
in
for
reasons
.
And
from
his
dreames
,
it
is
not
strange
,
he
should
fancie
allusions
(
which
himselfe
sayes
are
ordinary
of
the
King
to
the
sun
)
of
force
to
swell
vp
Caligula
to
thinke
himselfe
a
God
.
And
because
these
Rebells
can
not
be
Gods
,
they
will
be
Devills
.
The
King
sayes
,
these
propositions
are
not
the
joint
,
and
free
desires
of
both
houses
,
next
that
the
choise
of
many
members
was
carried
by
faction
.
He
sayes
Charles
the
fifth
against
the
Protestants
in
Germany
laid
the
fault
vpon
some
few
.
And
what
is
that
to
the
faction
in
England
?
If
they
be
not
the
joint
desires
of
both
houses
,
as
it
was
not
,
ought
the
King
to
take
it
for
the
advice
of
Parliament
,
and
forbeare
to
shew
the
fraude
,
because
Charles
the
fifth
said
the
like
vpon
another
occasion
.
The
Court
was
wont
to
tamper
with
Elections
,
and
he
sayes
noe
faction
was
then
more
potent
.
And
yet
he
affirmes
they
prevayled
not
,
where
then
was
their
potencie
?
Because
the
king
sayes
,
he
cannot
swallow
such
Camells
of
sacriledge
,
and
Injustice
,
as
others
doe
,
The
Libeller
sayes
,
he
is
the
Pharisee
,
vp
,
and
downe
,
is
not
as
other
men
are
.
Is
it
Pharisaisme
to
professe
with
the
Prophett
David
the
dislike
of
them
,
that
follow
superstitious
vainties
.
Because
the
Pharisee
swallowed
Camells
,
be
such
men
Pharisees
,
that
professe
they
will
not
?
&
because
the
Sectaries
pretended
conscience
of
Ceremonies
like
the
Pharisees
washing
,
the
outside
,
while
they
devoure
the
Estates
of
other
men
without
remorse
,
are
they
not
Pharisees
?
and
are
they
only
,
that
professe
they
cannot
swallow
such
Camells
Pharifees
?
this
is
a
new
found
Pharisee
.
The
three
Realmes
all
most
perished
for
want
of
Parliaments
.
Wee
have
seene
how
neere
perishing
they
are
by
a
Parliament
,
which
hath
committed
more
Injustice
since
it
began
,
then
all
our
stories
have
remembred
for
five
hundred
yeares
before
.
The
Libeller
hath
found
out
a
new
kinde
of
sacriledge
,
for
he
endures
not
to
have
Church
robbing
called
sa●…riledge
,
and
that
is
to
bereave
a
Christi
in
conscience
of
libertie
for
the
narroumes
of
his
owne
conscience
.
And
by
what
Engine
is
this
sacriledge
committed
,
doth
he
,
that
abstaines
for
conscience
sake
bereave
another
mans
conscienc
of
libertie
?
He
thinkes
to
take
away
superfluous
wealth
from
the
Clergie
is
not
sacriledge
for
that
serves
,
as
an
excuse
for
their
theft
in
taking
from
others
what
they
pretend
ill
vsed
,
&
wee
may
see
the
love
these
Sectaries
have
vnto
the
goods
of
the
Church
,
that
extenuate
their
impietie
by
pretending
,
that
such
men
most
oppose
that
wickednes
,
whose
righteousnes
,
in
other
matters
hath
been
least
observed
.
And
these
are
noe
Pharisees
,
that
traduce
the
opposers
of
their
sacriledge
for
want
of
righteousnes
in
other
matters
,
this
is
their
new
righteousnes
,
that
allowes
none
holy
,
but
their
owne
gang
,
and
nothing
vnholy
,
that
they
practise
,
and
therefore
they
will
not
see
the
Kings
vertues
,
least
they
be
driven
to
confesse
their
owne
wicked
Actions
against
him
.
Vpon
the
REBELLION
IN
IRELAND
.
IT
Could
not
possibly
be
soe
secrett
from
whence
it
sprung
,
as
the
contriver
supposed
.
And
if
he
knew
the
contrivers
,
perhaps
he
might
know
,
whether
they
supposed
it
would
be
secrett
,
for
they
that
pretended
to
be
the
principall
contrivers
avowed
it
openly
.
It
cannot
be
imaginable
,
that
the
Irish
guided
by
soe
many
subtill
,
and
Italian
heads
should
soe
farr
have
lost
the
vse
of
reason
,
and
Common
sense
,
as
not
supported
by
other
strength
then
their
owne
,
to
begin
a
warr
soe
desperate
against
England
,
and
Scotland
.
And
truly
it
may
seeme
,
that
they
,
who
thought
themselves
wiser
then
Italian
heads
had
lost
reason
,
&
Common
sense
,
who
letting
lose
,
or
rather
cutting
asunder
the
Reynes
of
Government
,
which
held
in
that
kingdome
to
a
people
naturally
disaffected
to
those
,
vnto
whome
they
were
subject
,
invited
them
to
that
Rebellion
,
first
in
a
popular
fury
cutting
of
the
Ld.
Lieutenant
,
to
gratifie
them
,
&
then
leaving
the
Kingdome
without
a
successour
,
and
preparing
the
way
to
a
Civill
warr
in
England
,
stirring
vp
jealosies
against
the
King
,
and
weakning
his
Authoritie
,
and
composing
Apologies
for
Rebellion
,
which
would
serve
the
Irishe
pretences
,
aswell
as
the
diferences
in
England
their
designes
,
and
those
Italian
heads
saw
as
much
advantage
from
our
broyles
,
as
want
of
aide
from
other
nations
,
who
were
busied
to
the
vtmost
in
their
owne
most
necessary
concernements
;
And
therefore
the
libeller
vainely
inferrs
authoritie
for
assistance
promised
from
England
,
vnles
it
were
from
the
faction
in
the
houses
,
there
being
noe
visible
strength
then
in
any
other
,
&
there
neede
not
,
nor
could
be
any
private
assurance
vnto
the
Irish
Rebells
from
any
other
,
but
that
faction
,
and
it
is
most
apparent
,
that
they
neglected
all
meanes
to
remedie
that
mischeife
,
busying
themselves
wholy
in
laying
the
ground
worke
of
the
Rebellion
in
England
,
which
they
held
their
most
necessary
concernement
,
&
this
was
ground
enough
for
Italian
heads
to
stirr
vp
that
Rebellion
.
The
libeller
proceedes
vpon
his
suppositions
,
as
if
they
were
graunted
truths
,
&
he
would
insinnate
an
equivocation
in
what
the
King
sayes
,
That
the
sea
of
blood
is
enough
to
drowne
any
man
ineternall
both
infamy
,
and
miserie
,
whome
God
shall
finde
the
malitious
Author
,
or
instigatour
of
that
effusion
.
Because
he
sayes
the
Rebells
themselves
wil
not
confesse
,
that
any
blood
was
shed
by
them
maliciously
,
bu●…
for
the
Catholique
cause
,
or
Common
libertie
.
Therein
they
differ
not
from
the
Libeller
,
and
his
English
Rebells
,
for
they
wil
not
confesse
any
of
the
blood
they
shed
to
be
maliciously
,
but
for
Religion
,
and
Common
libertie
,
and
thence
the
Libeller
learnes
his
skill
to
cast
suspitions
vpon
the
plainest
expressions
of
others
,
he
well
descerned
,
that
the
King
vsed
the
word
malicious
for
aggravation
,
not
restriction
,
&
his
observation
was
captious
,
when
he
read
in
the
following
Period
,
that
the
King
affirmes
,
nothing
could
be
more
abhorred
of
him
being
soe
full
of
sin
against
God
,
disloyaltie
to
himselfe
,
and
destructive
to
his
subjects
,
and
calls
God
to
wittnes
,
that
as
he
could
with
truth
wash
his
hands
in
innocencie
,
as
to
any
guilt
in
that
Rebellion
,
soe
he
might
wash
them
in
his
te●…res
,
as
to
the
sadd
apprehension
he
had
to
see
it
spredd
so
far
,
&
make
such
waste
.
And
the
Libeller
himselfe
after
soe
impertinent
,
and
malitious
an
insinuation
confesses
he
denies
,
it
both
heere
,
and
elswhere
.
But
he
sayes
there
is
in
it
no
such
wide
disagreemēt
from
the
scope
of
his
former
Counsells
,
we
are
sure
there
could
not
be
agreement
with
the
scope
of
his
former
Counsells
.
It
was
agreeable
to
the
Counsells
of
Rebells
to
defame
the
King
with
this
aspersion
,
&
it
is
not
strange
,
that
vntruths
may
be
affirmed
in
three
Kingdomes
in
reguard
of
the
contrivers
,
that
soe
industriously
spred
them
.
But
let
vs
heare
his
reasons
or
reports
.
It
s
most
certaine
,
that
the
King
was
ever
friendly
to
the
Irish
Papists
.
And
its
certaine
,
that
what
he
sayes
is
salfe
,
but
what
's
that
to
their
Rebellion
against
himselfe
,
or
destroying
his
Kingdome
?
But
his
certaintie
is
,
that
the
King
in
his
third
yeare
against
the
plaine
advice
of
Parliament
,
like
a
kinde
of
Pope
sold
them
many
indulgences
for
money
.
And
was
he
a
kinde
of
Pope
to
take
their
penalties
of
them
,
which
the
law
enacted
for
their
recusancy
,
was
that
Pope
like
?
That
the
King
might
not
receive
the
penalties
,
which
the
law
gave
him
,
or
take
compositions
,
where
the
whole
could
not
be
had
was
never
against
the
advice
of
Parliament
,
but
this
is
a
very
long
stride
from
his
third
yeare
to
the
beginning
of
the
Rebellion
,
but
how
does
he
hang
this
togeather
.
The
advancing
the
Popish
partie
he
sayes
,
but
instances
in
noe
particular
,
nor
for
negotiating
vnderhand
by
Priests
,
which
were
as
impertinent
to
an
inference
of
the
Kings
friend-ship
,
or
causing
the
Rebellion
,
as
the
vse
of
such
persons
by
Ministers
of
State
,
though
of
different
Religion
.
He
engaged
the
Irish
Papists
in
a
warr
against
the
Scotch
protestants
,
there
was
never
popish
engagement
against
the
Scotts
for
the
King
,
if
in
the
kings
Army
raysed
in
that
kingdome
,
there
were
Papists
,
it
was
without
the
engagement
of
their
partie
,
but
their
engagement
by
alleagiance
to
their
King
,
and
whence
doth
it
follow
,
that
because
the
King
raysed
an
Army
in
Ireland
he
must
therefore
rayse
the
Rebellion
in
Ireland
?
and
as
it
s
well
knowne
,
that
the
keeping
vp
of
that
Army
would
probably
have
prevented
the
Rebellion
of
Ireland
,
&
that
it
was
disbanded
long
before
that
Rebelliō
brake
foorth
;
so
they
,
which
complained
so
much
of
that
Army
,
and
importuned
to
have
it
disbanded
,
thereby
prepared
the
way
to
their
owne
Rebellion
as
groundlesse
,
and
cruell
,
as
that
of
the
Irish.
The
summer
before
that
dismall
October
a
Committee
of
active
Papists
,
all
since
in
the
head
of
the
Rebelliō
,
(
yet
Sr.
Hardresse
waller
was
one
of
them
)
were
in
greate
favour
at
whitehall
,
and
admitted
to
private
consultations
of
the
King
,
and
Queene
.
Then
all
Companies
of
Traytours
are
Committees
from
the
example
of
the
late
Parliament
.
But
he
was
loath
to
say
,
they
were
a
Committee
(
as
they
were
)
from
the
lower
house
of
Parliament
in
Ireland
,
which
kept
correspondence
with
the
faction
of
the
English
Parliament
,
and
made
addresses
to
them
,
and
were
encouraged
by
them
in
their
proceedings
with
the
King
,
and
their
comming
over
was
wholy
to
serve
the
designe
of
the
faction
in
England
.
But
noe
meane
matters
were
the
subject
of
these
conferences
,
for
he
gave
away
his
peculiar
right
to
more
then
five
Irish
Counties
for
an
inconsiderable
Rent
.
But
it
was
not
his
right
of
soveraigntie
,
neither
was
this
,
which
he
calls
noe
meane
matter
a
conference
about
the
Rebellion
,
and
this
peculiar
right
,
which
this
Libeiler
accuses
the
King
for
parting
with
not
to
Papists
peculiarly
,
but
subjects
in
generall
,
the
accusers
of
the
Earle
of
Strafford
charged
him
for
asserting
to
the
King
,
and
that
inconsiderable
Rent
was
in
their
judgment
excessive
,
these
are
the
colours
of
Justice
,
and
truth
,
which
these
Rebells
put
on
their
Calumnies
.
They
departed
not
till
within
two
moneths
before
the
Rebellion
.
Rebells
ordinarly
disgiuse
their
intentions
,
and
therefore
such
might
frequent
the
Court
,
as
the
faction
in
Parliament
pretended
affection
,
and
dutie
,
while
they
plotted
to
destroy
the
King
,
and
now
the
Libeller
resorts
to
his
Scotch
Author
,
who
he
sayes
declares
.
What
should
move
the
King
to
those
close
meetings
,
he
that
beleives
Sanders
,
Carries
,
and
other
Papists
in
their
virulent
forgeries
against
Queene
Elizabeth
,
may
likely
give
credit
to
the
Libeller
,
and
his
friend
the
Scotchman
,
and
take
vp
infamous
Libells
for
true
stories
.
The
Libeller
flies
from
hence
to
one
of
his
common
haunts
,
the
designe
of
bringing
vp
the
English
,
and
Scotch
Army
,
and
thinkes
it
noe
repetition
,
which
he
had
soe
often
obtruded
,
and
he
inferrs
,
that
because
the
King
could
not
prevayle
with
them
,
he
betakes
himselfe
to
the
Irish
,
who
had
in
readines
an
Army
of
eight
thousand
Papists
,
and
a
Committee
heere
of
the
same
Religion
.
But
what
to
doe
to
kill
one
another
?
If
the
King
sought
to
make
vse
of
the
Irish
,
that
rebelled
,
he
might
more
advantagiously
have
done
it
,
then
by
cutting
one
anothers
throates
,
and
had
they
intended
him
assistance
,
they
would
not
have
consumed
themselves
against
his
subjects
there
,
and
how
could
he
transport
that
Army
from
Ireland
,
that
was
disbanded
before
ever
the
Rebellion
brake
foorth
,
and
the
Committee
departed
two
moneths
before
.
He
tells
vs
from
his
friend
the
Scotchman
,
that
there
were
they
,
who
thought
now
was
the
time
to
doe
service
for
the
Church
of
Rome
against
the
Puritant
Parliament
.
It
s
very
likely
there
were
they
,
who
thought
the
Puritan
faction
in
Parliament
had
done
more
to
the
advantage
of
the
Church
of
Rome
by
the
embroyling
of
England
,
then
ever
had
been
done
since
the
reformation
,
and
they
might
well
thinke
it
a
fit
time
to
attempt
any
designe
against
the
Kingdome
.
And
did
not
the
Libeller
thinke
,
that
there
are
among
the
vulgar
such
capacities
,
as
receive
legends
,
and
Romanses
for
true
stories
,
he
would
not
soe
grossely
produce
such
discourses
of
five
Counties
given
to
the
Irish
,
and
fower
offred
to
the
Scotch
,
And
of
like
stuffe
is
his
mention
of
the
Kings
attempt
to
pervert
the
Scotch
Army
from
their
way
homeward
,
and
the
plot
,
which
he
hath
taken
from
his
Scotch
Colleague
to
remove
out
of
the
way
such
,
as
were
most
likely
to
withstand
,
or
not
further
his
designes
.
With
this
libertie
of
invention
doe
theis
Traytours
seeke
to
maske
their
villany
That
a
Commission
vnder
the
greate
seale
of
Scotland
commaunded
this
Rebellion
.
Was
taken
vp
after
the
pretence
of
the
greate
seale
of
England
was
detected
of
falsitie
,
and
as
this
greate
seale
of
Scotland
hath
asmuch
vntruth
,
soe
it
hath
noe
more
colour
,
there
being
noe
possibilitie
for
the
King
to
vse
that
seale
,
not
at
all
in
his
power
to
such
a
Commission
.
The
sending
of
the
Ld.
Dillon
is
of
the
same
stampe
,
what
the
Irish
did
is
easily
graunted
,
but
the
falshoods
of
this
Libeller
,
and
his
friend
the
scotchman
are
no
misteries
of
iniquitie
,
but
open
,
and
detected
cheates
,
&
one
quotes
the
authoritie
of
the
other
,
as
if
they
were
strangers
mett
by
chance
,
and
make
Libelling
their
worke
to
distract
the
people
,
and
yet
from
these
devices
the
Libeller
will
conclude
,
that
the
King
cannot
be
doubted
to
be
Author
,
or
instigatour
of
that
Rebellion
.
It
had
been
ridiculous
to
cite
a
gazett
,
but
a
branded
stigmaticke
,
infamous
.
If
his
reason
be
moved
by
such
Arguments
,
t
is
the
lesse
wonder
,
that
his
language
,
and
practice
is
foe
corrupt
,
and
he
may
reckon
himselfe
among
that
rabble
of
the
vulgar
,
he
soe
much
despises
.
These
Testimonies
likelyhoods
,
evidences
,
and
apparent
Actions
,
which
he
mentions
in
the
declaration
of
July
1643.
Are
of
as
litle
credit
,
as
his
friend
the
Scot●…hman
.
And
there
is
not
a
more
evident
conviction
of
malefactours
,
then
their
declarations
against
the
king
are
of
the
guilt
of
those
,
that
contrived
them
,
setting
foorth
their
dutie
,
which
they
dissembled
,
and
condemning
their
actions
,
which
they
disavowed
.
It
is
not
credible
,
that
the
Irish
Rebells
would
be
foe
farr
from
humanitie
,
as
to
stander
him
being
soe
well
received
by
him
at
Oxford
.
If
a
man
had
wanted
an
proofe
of
the
Libellers
absurditie
,
he
might
heere
be
furnished
by
himselfe
,
that
drawes
an
Argument
from
the
humanitie
of
the
Irish
,
whose
barbaritie
,
and
Treacherie
is
soe
greate
a
part
of
his
accusation
against
the
king
.
They
who
were
received
at
Oxford
vpon
offer
of
submission
,
were
very
farr
from
pretence
of
such
a
Commission
,
and
it
may
be
aswell
concluded
they
had
a
Commission
at
Oxford
,
as
before
,
because
they
were
there
,
and
aswell
concluded
,
that
th●…y
never
Rebelled
,
as
that
they
made
noe
salfe
pretences
of
their
Rebellion
.
The
king
neede
not
bring
proofes
against
a
groundles
accusation
,
that
containes
not
any
evidence
of
fact
,
and
a
single
denyall
by
al
lawes
is
preferred
before
such
a
charge
,
and
it
is
as
likely
,
that
the
Rebells
in
Ireland
should
pretend
his
Seale
,
as
those
in
England
his
authoritie
,
&
noe
man
doubts
of
the
invaliditie
of
a
Rebells
pretence
.
This
Chapter
is
not
without
witnes
of
his
good
affection
to
the
Rebells
,
which
he
collects
from
tha●…
the
king
sayes
,
they
were
lesse
in
fault
,
then
the
Scotts
,
from
whome
they
might
alledge
to
have
fetched
their
imitation
,
making
no
difference
,
sayes
the
Libeller
,
be●…eene
men
,
that
rose
necessarily
to
defend
themselves
,
which
noe
Protestant
Doctrine
ever
disallowed
against
them
,
who
threatned
warr
,
and
those
who
began
a
voluntary
,
&
caus●…les
Rebellion
.
If
the
Irish
made
warr
not
to
be
restrained
from
their
Religion
,
had
they
not
the
same
cause
,
&
the
same
pretence
of
defending
themselves
,
as
the
other
pretended
for
refusing
the
Common
prayer
booke
,
and
expelling
Bishopps
?
Where
lies
the
odds
?
Is
it
Protestant
Doctrine
,
that
they
may
defend
themselves
,
and
Papists
may
not
,
and
that
Protestants
may
Rebell
for
Religion
,
Papists
may
not
?
That
were
very
much
to
the
credit
of
Religion
,
but
the
Libeller
will
not
acknowledge
the
protestants
,
nor
their
Doctrine
,
who
maintaine
it
to
be
vnlawful
for
subjects
to
defend
themselves
against
the
supreame
power
,
though
Tyranically
abused
,
and
there
is
noe
neede
to
fly
to
the
Parliaments
autho●…itie
,
if
subjects
may
take
Armes
against
their
king
vpon
pretence
of
defending
themselves
.
The
Libeller
well
knowes
the
just
indignation
the
Protestants
abroade
have
expressed
for
this
scandall
,
the
king
names
not
the
Scotts
,
but
thinkes
,
that
their
blame
must
needes
be
greater
,
whose
Actions
the
Irish
had
to
alledge
for
their
imitation
,
by
how
much
protestant
principles
are
more
against
Rebellion
,
then
those
of
Papists
such
,
as
inferre
good
affection
to
the
Irish
from
such
premises
will
easily
make
vaine
,
or
malitious
rumours
strong
proofes
.
The
King
sayes
,
he
hath
the
greatest
share
of
dishonour
,
and
losse
,
by
what
is
committed
.
The
Libeller
,
as
before
makes
this
noe
Argument
,
because
every
one
,
that
offends
God
,
or
his
neighbour
hath
the
greatest
share
of
losse
and
dishonour
in
the
end
,
and
have
they
not
worldly
ends
,
in
offending
God
,
and
if
these
ends
were
not
sought
by
them
,
they
would
not
offend
God
?
He
pretended
before
,
that
this
was
a
politique
contrivance
of
the
King
,
and
now
he
would
have
it
an
act
without
designe
.
Doth
he
thinke
,
that
the
malitious
reports
of
him
,
and
his
Scotchman
are
of
weight
to
make
a
man
suspected
of
an
act
directly
tending
to
his
owne
vndoing
,
and
would
the
King
instigate
the
Irish
Rebellion
for
his
owne
ends
to
have
the
assistance
of
the
Irish
,
which
by
such
engagement
could
not
assist
him
.
Though
presumptions
are
noe
convincing
proofes
,
yet
they
are
more
credible
,
then
suspitions
,
or
reports
.
It
is
a
strong
Argument
for
the
peoples
confidence
in
their
King
more
then
in
other
men
,
because
his
interest
lies
cheifely
in
the
common
welfare
of
his
subjects
,
and
it
is
hard
to
beleive
,
that
a
King
will
knowingly
doe
any
thing
against
that
interest
,
and
to
his
owne
losse
,
and
dishonour
,
and
whenever
any
have
offended
in
that
kinde
,
the
proofe
of
it
hath
been
more
apparent
,
then
the
authoritie
of
rumours
,
and
Libells
,
but
heere
the
act
it selfe
cannot
have
any
possibilitie
of
concurrence
to
the
Kings
ends
.
It
too
notoriously
appeares
in
another
section
,
which
he
Mangles
,
but
shall
heere
have
it
whole
.
The
King
sayes
,
t
is
thought
by
many
wise
men
,
that
the
preposterous
rigour
,
and
vnreasonable
severitie
,
which
some
men
carryed
before
them
in
England
was
not
the
least
incentive
,
that
kindled
,
and
blew
vp
into
those
horrid
flames
the
sparkes
of
discontent
,
which
wanted
not
predisposed
fewell
for
Rebellion
in
Ireland
.
The
Libeller
sayes
that
these
some
men
are
the
Parliament
.
And
if
the
Rebells
had
feed
an
Advocate
,
he
could
hardly
have
dazled
better
.
Truly
the
Libellers
too
notoriously
doth
not
amount
to
a
dazling
of
any
eyes
from
descerning
his
vaine
confidence
.
Does
any
thing
heerein
excuse
a
Rebellion
,
that
speakes
only
of
what
succeded
it
?
And
if
the
kings
censure
of
the
proceedings
of
such
,
as
managed
the
busines
against
the
Rebells
,
shew
an
affection
to
the
Rebells
then
certainely
most
Princes
,
that
have
had
warrs
in
Ireland
were
very
guiltie
of
that
affection
,
that
vsed
like
censures
,
but
what
the
king
sayes
heere
was
spoken
in
Parliament
by
diverse
members
,
who
disadvised
the
preposterous
severitie
,
that
was
propounded
,
and
afterward
proceeded
in
,
and
it
will
rest
an
indelible
blemish
of
a
rash
,
and
vnadvised
Councell
in
those
men
,
that
in
the
beginning
of
a
Rebellion
would
put
a
whole
nation
into
despaire
,
and
feare
of
extirpation
.
That
their
wonted
oppressions
,
as
they
conceived
should
rather
have
made
them
against
the
King
,
then
the
Parliament
is
easily
beleived
,
for
it
s
knowne
to
all
the
world
they
did
rise
against
the
king
vpon
pretence
of
regaining
their
nationall
liberties
from
the
English
oppression
,
as
they
called
it
,
and
since
the
Libeller
seeth
soe
apparent
an
Argument
of
their
rising
against
the
king
,
its
blinde
madnes
to
suspect
their
rising
for
the
king
.
The
Parliament
then
pretended
to
act
for
the
king
,
and
that
the
Rebellion
was
against
him
,
not
themselves
,
but
the
man
deserts
his
Arguments
,
and
falls
to
his
old
common
place
,
and
will
suspect
the
king
,
because
he
vsed
the
Prelaticall
Religion
,
and
to
force
it
vpon
others
made
Episcopall
,
Ceremoniall
,
and
common
prayer
booke
warrs
.
Such
men
,
as
made
warrs
,
and
raysed
Rebellion
to
take
away
the
order
of
Bishopps
,
Ceremonies
,
and
booke
of
Common
prayer
established
by
lawes
in
the
Raignes
of
best
Princes
with
the
advice
of
the
most
eminent
confessours
,
and
Martyrs
of
the
age
,
wherein
they
lived
conformable
to
the
Scripture
,
and
purest
times
of
the
Church
,
declare
to
the
whole
world
,
that
they
have
neither
shame
,
truth
,
nor
Religion
,
and
are
justly
stigmatized
for
making
not
only
Episcopall
,
Ceremoniall
,
and
common
prayer
booke
warrs
,
but
Antichristian
,
and
Diabolicall
Rebellion
.
That
the
Papists
knew
these
warrs
were
their
warrs
may
easily
be
beleived
,
for
they
must
needes
apprehend
advantage
from
the
Rebellion
But
it
s
well
knowne
,
that
the
Papists
are
more
jealous
of
Episcopacie
,
Ceremonies
,
and
booke
of
common
prayer
,
as
they
stand
r●…formed
in
the
Church
of
England
,
then
of
the
Directory
,
Extemporall
devotions
,
independent
,
or
Pres
biterall
platformes
,
that
have
noe
foundation
in
the
Scripture
,
or
the
doctrine
,
or
practice
of
the
ancient
Church
,
but
what
is
this
to
the
preposterous
rigour
,
and
vncharitable
fury
,
that
he
would
justifie
?
Does
he
meane
,
that
the
extirpation
of
the
Irish
was
the
sole
way
to
suppresse
open
Idolatry
,
and
is
this
what
we
may
doe
Evangecally
to
be
their
Reformers
?
Is
blood
,
&
massacre
Evangelicall
reformation
,
&
is
kill
,
and
reforme
the
same
thinge
?
As
that
rigour
observed
by
his
Majest:
was
altogeather
vnpolitique
,
soe
if
it
were
intended
in
order
to
Religion
,
it
was
most
abominable
,
such
Massacres
being
the
designes
of
irreligious
persecutours
,
not
Evangelicall
Reformers
,
who
though
they
feare
not
their
adversaries
,
yet
will
not
give
them
cause
of
scandall
,
nor
desperation
,
and
such
,
as
make
destruction
their
Reformation
,
shew
they
feare
men
,
whome
they
seeke
to
kill
,
not
God
,
whome
presumptuously
,
and
hipocritically
they
pretend
to
serve
.
His
instance
of
King
James
is
as
impertinent
,
as
scurrilous
,
that
after
the
powder
plot
King
Iames
durst
never
doe
other
,
then
equivoiate
,
and
collegue
with
the
Pope
,
&
his
adherents
.
Doth
this
viper
beleive
,
the
Pope
,
or
his
adherents
had
any
such
thoughts
?
Was
the
writing
against
the
the
Pope
a
Colloguinge
?
The
many
invectives
of
Popish
writers
against
him
signifie
the
plaine
contrary
;
besides
the
lawes
made
by
him
against
Popish
recusants
shew
,
that
the
Author
was
in
one
of
his
lunatique
transes
,
when
he
dreamt
of
that
heckticke
trembling
.
The
retarding
,
and
delayes
of
releife
to
Ireland
against
that
Rebellion
,
were
soe
apparently
discovered
to
proceede
from
the
faction
in
Parliament
,
that
there
rests
not
the
least
colour
to
charge
it
vpon
the
King
.
They
converted
the
subjects
money
,
and
other
preparations
for
the
releife
of
Ireland
to
the
raysing
of
the
Rebellion
in
England
,
and
they
hindred
the
going
over
of
a
new
governour
into
that
kingdome
,
because
they
would
vse
his
helpe
to
their
designes
at
home
.
They
were
diffident
to
trust
the
King
with
an
army
,
and
therefore
refused
his
offer
to
goe
in
person
against
the
Rebells
.
It
seemes
they
had
litle
compassion
on
that
people
,
that
preferred
their
jealosies
before
their
pittie
,
&
it
is
a
plaine
Treason
,
and
encouragement
to
that
Rebellion
to
pretend
distrust
of
their
King
,
and
shewes
they
sought
their
owne
personall
securitie
before
the
remedie
of
that
Rebellion
,
&
the
safetie
of
the
kingdome
.
His
Majest:
might
justly
finde
fault
with
those
,
who
threatned
all
extreamitie
to
the
Rebells
,
and
they
,
that
exclude
all
mercy
to
every
single
person
,
where
multitudes
are
involved
,
and
such
,
as
followed
Absolom
with
a
simple
heart
,
shew
neither
humanitie
,
nor
Christianitie
,
when
Fathers
Brothers
,
Wives
,
and
Children
were
destroyed
by
such
an
occasion
,
neither
is
Magistracie
,
and
warr
vnder
the
gospell
giuded
by
such
passions
,
but
by
the
rules
of
Christian
pittie
,
and
such
as
give
themselves
the
licence
of
vniversall
Massacres
,
will
not
abstaine
from
embruing
their
hands
in
the
blood
of
their
Fathers
,
Brothers
,
Wives
,
and
Children
,
sparing
neither
ancient
,
nor
suckling
,
King
,
nor
Priest
,
defacing
,
all
Monuments
of
Christianitie
,
and
turning
Religion
into
the
discourses
of
their
hirelings
,
and
all
devotion
into
squint
eyes
,
and
disfigured
faces
,
and
erect
an
Empire
in
themselves
with
the
slaughter
of
all
,
that
submitt
not
to
them
.
The
repetition
of
making
the
warr
by
the
King
in
England
,
is
his
Catholicon
against
all
exceptions
,
and
Gewgawes
of
the
Crowne
,
and
Copes
,
and
an●…●…lisses
,
and
such
trinketts
,
he
thinkes
are
names
to
sublimate
his
braine
sicke
Sectaries
into
their
frenetique
fitt
,
and
make
them
cry
out
greate
are
the
Calves
of
their
vnknowne
Religion
,
whither
they
contemne
the
wisedome
of
God
vnder
the
law
,
&
his
mercy
vnder
the
gospel
,
and
will
rather
wade
through
the
blood
of
their
Country
,
then
endure
power
in
the
King
,
or
decencie
in
the
Church
.
There
is
greate
difference
betweene
the
instances
of
the
destruction
of
the
sichemites
,
and
the
disciples
calling
,
for
fire
from
heaven
against
the
Citie
,
that
denyed
lodging
,
and
this
of
a
nation
by
just
warr
,
&
execution
to
slay
whole
famelies
of
them
,
who
had
slaine
whole
families
before
.
But
where
lies
the
odds
,
there
was
asmuch
threatned
to
the
Irish
,
as
was
done
to
the
sichemites
?
Though
there
were
a
difference
betweene
the
sins
of
some
,
there
was
noe
difference
betweene
the
innocence
of
many
,
and
there
is
noe
difference
betweene
them
,
that
will
destroy
promiscuously
without
mercy
,
where
all
are
not
guiltie
in
the
one
case
,
and
the
other
.
But
why
doth
not
the
Libeller
state
his
case
right
,
and
insteede
of
families
sett
downe
the
whole
nation
,
as
the
truth
was
?
Did
he
shrinke
at
the
expression
of
the
truth
at
large
,
and
name
families
to
diminish
the
guilt
?
That
,
which
was
done
against
the
Benjamites
,
was
by
Gods
revealed
will
in
that
particular
Case
,
and
yet
there
was
a
remnant
reserved
of
them
,
that
escaped
the
present
stroake
of
the
warr
,
and
they
returned
againe
to
their
possessions
.
The
Libeller
sayes
,
he
speakes
not
this
,
that
such
measure
should
be
meated
to
all
the
Irish
,
or
as
remembring
,
that
the
Parliament
ever
soe
decreed
.
But
if
they
did
soe
,
then
this
shall
serve
for
their
justification
,
for
to
what
end
els
is
it
,
that
he
offers
excuses
?
To
shew
,
that
this
homily
,
(
meaning
it
seemes
the
Kings
discourse
)
hath
more
of
craft
,
and
affectation
,
then
sound
doctrine
.
But
either
it
is
sound
doctrine
,
or
else
the
Libeller
must
justifie
the
contrary
,
to
which
he
sayes
that
which
he
speakes
is
not
intended
,
and
that
,
which
he
hath
brought
shewes
,
that
the
homily
he
intends
is
sound
Doctrine
,
and
his
intended
opposition
signifies
nothing
,
but
his
owne
corruption
.
The
King
would
have
some
punished
,
which
he
sayes
were
of
least
vse
,
and
must
of
necessitie
have
been
sacrifised
to
his
reputation
.
And
can
he
thinke
,
that
the
king
caused
the
Rebellion
,
and
yet
would
punish
any
for
his
reputation
,
might
they
not
then
produce
it
?
and
how
then
could
he
sacrifise
them
to
his
reputation
,
which
would
be
more
wounded
by
the
punishing
of
one
,
then
the
sparing
of
all
.
The
king
sayes
,
some
were
to
be
pretected
vpon
their
submission
from
the
fury
of
those
,
who
would
soone
drowne
them
,
if
they
refused
to
swim
downe
the
popular
streame
with
them
.
The
Libeller
sayes
that
fury
is
applyed
to
the
Parliament
.
If
such
were
their
condition
,
it
s
not
misapplyed
.
The
Libeller
sayes
,
he
remembers
not
they
had
soe
decreed
,
&
if
not
,
how
could
it
be
applyed
to
them
?
And
wherefore
doth
he
except
to
the
soundnes
of
the
doctrine
,
if
it
concerned
them
not
?
Those
,
who
would
not
swim
downe
the
streame
are
Papists
,
Prelates
,
and
their
faction
.
He
meanes
not
English
Prelates
,
for
they
have
not
yet
been
charged
with
the
Irish
Rebellion
,
and
if
he
meane
the
Romish
Prelates
,
it
were
superfluous
,
having
named
Papists
before
,
and
why
doth
he
say
,
that
he
speakes
not
,
that
such
measure
should
be
meated
to
all
the
Irish
,
when
he
would
have
the
king
esteemed
a
favourer
of
the
Jrish
Rebellion
,
if
he
protected
any
Irish
Papists
vpon
their
submission
?
For
he
sayes
,
by
this
,
who
sees
not
,
that
he
,
and
the
Irish
Rebells
had
but
one
aime
.
And
whoever
thinkes
he
sees
it
by
this
hath
neither
sight
,
nor
reason
,
and
there
is
nothing
to
be
seene
in
the
Libellers
inference
,
but
excessive
impudence
,
and
falshood
.
The
King
sayes
,
some
kinde
of
zeale
is
not
seldome
more
greedy
to
kill
the
Beare
for
his
skin
,
then
for
any
harme
he
hath
done
.
This
the
Libeller
renders
our
zeale
,
and
would
inferre
from
thence
,
that
the
Parliament
is
more
bloody
in
the
prosecution
of
their
Iustice
,
then
the
Rebells
in
their
crueltie
.
And
by
what
construction
can
he
make
that
good
?
may
there
not
be
by
ends
in
a
judge
,
&
yet
his
sentence
not
soe
bloody
,
as
a
malefactours
Cryme
,
&
he
,
that
charges
a
Magistrate
with
a
wrong
end
in
giving
a
Just
sentence
,
doth
not
diminish
the
Cryme
of
the
malefactour
.
Can
any
rationall
soule
conclude
vpon
the
Kings
dislike
of
irregular
proceedings
against
the
Irish
,
that
he
excused
their
Cryme
?
This
is
chaffe
to
cast
in
the
eyes
of
his
bleerde
Sectaries
,
for
none
else
are
soe
purblinde
,
and
there
neede
noe
dispute
,
that
the
King
perfectly
hated
the
Irish
Rebellion
,
&
justly
censured
the
proceeding
in
that
vnseasonable
threatning
of
destruction
.
The
instance
of
the
beares
skin
was
made
by
a
member
of
the
lower
house
at
the
time
,
when
they
debated
that
busines
,
and
yet
they
then
thought
it
noe
favour
to
the
Irish
,
nor
censure
of
their
owne
proceedings
.
The
cessation
,
which
the
King
made
was
in
favour
of
the
Irish
,
and
without
the
advice
of
Parliament
,
to
whome
he
had
committed
the
managing
of
that
warr
.
The
King
plainely
descerned
,
that
the
designe
of
the
faction
in
Parliament
in
managing
the
Irish
warrs
was
only
to
draw
money
from
the
people
vnder
that
pretence
to
subdue
England
,
and
destroy
him
by
taking
away
al
assistance
from
him
,
and
thence
proceedes
their
Calumnie
vpon
the
cessation
;
and
their
willfull
neglect
,
and
diversion
of
succours
amidst
the
reiterated
Cryes
of
the
protestants
in
that
Kingdome
,
the
importunitie
of
the
Lords
Justices
,
and
the
visible
growth
of
the
Enemy
shewes
the
advantage
they
made
of
that
Rebellion
,
&
the
King
was
bound
in
Justice
,
and
honour
to
preserve
that
Kingdome
,
and
in
Christian
pittie
to
releive
his
distressed
subjects
,
which
he
could
not
doe
without
resuminge
the
managing
of
that
warr
,
which
had
been
soe
Treacherously
miscarried
by
those
he
trusted
,
&
as
he
made
that
cessation
by
the
advice
,
&
intreatie
of
his
protestant
subjects
there
,
soe
they
were
sufficient
wittnesses
of
the
low
condition
themselves
were
in
,
and
the
power
of
the
Rebells
.
But
the
Libeller
would
prove
,
that
the
Protestants
there
were
on
the
winning
hand
,
because
they
kept
their
owne
notwithstanding
the
misse
of
those
forces
,
which
were
landed
in
wales
,
and
Cheshire
,
who
without
difficultie
Mastered
a
greate
part
of
these
Countreyes
.
The
Protestants
keeping
of
their
owne
was
by
the
benifitt
of
that
cessation
,
without
which
they
hoped
not
to
keepe
it
,
and
those
Countreyes
of
wales
,
and
Cheshire
were
not
mastered
by
those
forces
,
as
the
Libeller
supposes
,
but
protected
by
them
against
the
Tyrany
of
the
Rebellion
then
ontring
vpon
them
.
The
Declaration
,
which
he
vouches
for
proofe
is
an
infamy
to
the
Authors
,
conteyning
neither
colour
of
proofe
,
nor
soundnes
of
Argument
,
and
of
as
litle
creditt
,
as
his
owne
assertions
.
In
the
meane
time
those
forces
of
the
Protestants
,
which
the
king
gott
by
that
cessation
declare
to
the
world
,
that
the
Irish
Rebellion
crossed
his
ends
,
and
advanced
those
of
the
English
Rebells
.
The
way-laying
of
provisions
was
contradicted
by
such
apparent
proofes
in
his
Majest:
answeares
,
that
vntill
they
make
some
reply
to
those
particulars
,
their
clamours
will
signifie
nothing
but
want
of
matter
.
The
forces
he
called
over
stood
him
in
noe
small
steede
against
our
maine
forces
.
That
noe
way
hinders
,
but
that
they
might
be
termed
handfulls
in
respect
of
the
numerous
Rebells
both
in
Ireland
,
&
England
.
The
reasons
of
the
cessation
,
besides
the
knowne
evidence
of
truth
,
and
weight
have
an
addition
of
Authoritie
from
the
Libellers
calling
them
false
,
and
frivolous
without
the
least
shew
of
reason
,
it
being
his
custome
to
stile
truth
,
and
reason
by
such
Titles
.
He
reprehends
the
king
for
likening
his
punishments
to
Iobs
Tryalls
,
before
he
saw
them
have
Iobs
endings
.
And
vpon
the
same
reason
he
will
not
allow
the
Tryalls
of
the
Martirs
to
have
a
likenes
to
Jobs
,
because
the
end
in
respect
of
Temporall
felicitie
was
not
the
same
.
The
king
sayes
,
he
hath
not
leisure
to
make
prolix
Apologies
,
from
whence
the
libeller
concludes
those
long
declarations
,
and
Remonstrances
,
which
he
calls
Pamphletts
set
out
in
his
name
were
none
of
his
.
And
is
not
this
a
tidy
inference
,
because
the
king
in
prison
expecting
the
execution
of
the
cruell
designes
of
the
Traytours
had
noe
leisure
to
make
prolix
Apologies
,
therefore
the
declarations
,
and
Remonstrances
published
by
him
,
while
he
was
at
libertie
were
none
of
his
.
The
king
hath
given
sufficient
Testimony
to
stopp
the
mouth
af
a
destractour
,
that
noe
writings
,
published
in
his
name
were
above
his
abilitie
.
If
his
declarations
were
weightie
,
and
just
,
why
are
they
Pamphletts
?
if
not
why
,
will
not
the
Libeller
believe
him
the
Author
whome
he
seeks
to
vilifie
,
but
the
world
knowes
the
declarations
in
the
name
of
Parliament
were
none
of
theirs
,
but
voted
vpon
the
word
of
a
junto
by
such
as
had
not
capacitie
,
to
vnderstand
them
.
That
though
the
Common
saying
,
that
it
is
Kingly
to
doe
well
,
and
heare
ill
be
sometimes
true
,
yet
more
frequently
to
doe
ill
,
and
heare
well
by
the
multitude
of
flatterers
,
that
deifie
the
name
of
Kings
.
It
can
hardly
be
proved
,
that
ever
evill
king
had
soe
many
flatterers
,
as
the
best
kings
have
detractours
,
and
himselfe
produces
instances
,
how
the
multitude
deified
Simon
Mountford
,
and
such
popular
brovillions
against
their
kings
.
For
the
peace
in
Ireland
,
the
Justice
of
it
is
now
apparent
,
and
he
,
that
pardons
Rebells
to
save
the
effusion
of
the
blood
of
his
good
subjects
,
shewes
greater
tendernes
to
the
good
,
then
they
,
that
by
endeavouring
to
exclude
all
from
mercy
,
expose
them
promiscuously
to
mutuall
slaughter
,
and
may
justly
be
judged
to
looke
vpón
both
with
an
indifferent
eye
,
and
that
neither
Justice
,
nor
pittie
,
but
greedy
,
and
rapacious
desires
carry
them
to
that
crueltie
.
The
King
prayes
at
large
for
the
Irish
Rebells
.
It
seemes
Charitie
for
Enemies
is
held
a
sin
by
these
miscreants
,
otherwise
he
would
not
have
censured
a
prayer
soe
becoming
a
Christian
,
that
God
would
not
give
over
the
whole
stocke
of
that
seduced
nation
to
the
wrath
of
those
,
whose
covetuousnes
makes
them
cruell
,
nor
to
their
anger
,
which
is
too
feirce
,
and
therefore
justly
cursed
.
The
King
deprecates
the
Rebellion
of
Ireland
,
and
in
his
prayer
concludes
his
innocence
,
and
that
if
he
had
not
studied
the
composing
of
the
differences
sayes
,
let
thy
hand
be
vpon
me
,
&
my
fathers
house
.
And
this
the
Libeller
calls
a
solemne
Curse
,
which
is
his
judgment
of
the
Cryme
,
and
the
assertion
of
his
innocence
.
Though
God
aff●…ict
his
servants
,
his
hand
is
not
against
them
in
wrath
,
as
this
wretch
presumes
to
say
,
and
lookes
not
on
that
curse
,
which
God
denounces
against
bloody
,
and
deceitefull
men
,
that
pretend
his
service
in
the
destruction
of
his
servants
.
Vpon
the
calling
in
of
the
SCOTTS
,
and
their
COMMINGE
.
HE
,
that
observes
how
greate
a
part
of
this
Libellers
booke
his
invectives
against
Monarchy
take
vp
,
&
how
frequently
,
and
impertinently
he
offers
his
exceptions
against
Kingly
Government
in
excuse
of
falshood
,
and
Rebellion
,
may
well
wonder
at
his
exceptions
to
pretended
repetitions
,
in
the
Kings
booke
he
enters
vpon
this
Chapter
with
his
opinion
of
the
originall
of
Kings
to
be
servants
of
the
publique
.
And
yet
the
people
were
subjects
to
them
,
and
how
farr
Kings
mistake
the
nature
of
their
office
,
that
thinke
they
are
Masters
of
the
people
.
And
yet
God
gave
nations
to
serve
them
.
Though
their
power
is
for
publique
good
,
yet
they
have
a
peculiar
proprietie
in
that
power
,
and
Estate
,
as
private
men
in
their
private
fortunes
,
&
its
more
for
the
peoples
good
to
be
subject
,
though
to
an
evill
King
,
then
to
fall
to
confusion
.
And
if
rulers
may
not
retaine
their
power
,
because
factious
multitudes
say
,
that
they
are
but
intrusted
for
the
peoples
good
,
&
that
it
is
for
the
peoples
good
,
that
they
yeilde
vp
the
sword
,
they
bare
it
in
vaine
.
Such
a
wooden
sword
have
the
Rebells
provided
for
all
Rulers
,
but
themselves
,
for
when
they
get
power
by
their
swords
of
steele
,
or
mines
of
powder
the
people
may
not
thinke
,
that
they
shall
finde
such
Lords
of
straw
,
as
they
pretend
governours
of
the
people
ought
to
be
.
We
are
taught
by
Scripture
,
that
the
people
are
commaunded
to
hearken
,
and
obey
,
not
teach
,
&
commaund
,
and
though
his
supposition
,
that
Government
is
in
the
people
,
and
that
they
ordained
Kings
be
vaine
,
and
false
by
the
examples
of
Scripture
,
and
of
most
Authenticke
histories
,
yet
were
it
admitted
,
that
a
King
came
in
by
the
peoples
consent
,
they
are
not
after
such
submission
Judges
of
their
owne
obedience
,
or
their
Kings
power
.
It
were
vaine
to
follow
the
Libeller
in
his
exceptions
to
the
words
of
favour
,
and
gratification
,
as
sounding
pride
,
and
Lordly
vsurpation
,
as
if
kings
only
had
nothing
in
their
power
to
oblidge
men
with
all
,
these
are
the
spleenetique
vapours
of
Rebellious
distemper
.
For
the
Kings
concessions
to
the
Scotts
,
either
touching
Episcopacie
,
or
the
Militia
,
wee
shall
heare
his
answeare
in
due
time
,
howsoever
the
king
was
not
bound
to
the
same
Actions
,
where
Circumstances
varied
,
nor
after
a
fuller
vnderstanding
of
the
nature
,
and
consequence
of
the
things
graunted
,
and
as
his
Majest:
professed
a
cleerer
information
after
these
Actions
had
passed
him
,
soe
he
evidently
saw
,
that
they
were
more
against
his
subjects
good
,
then
his
owne
,
and
that
insteede
of
preventing
an
Arbitrary
power
,
it
would
have
introduced
an
arbitrary
licence
,
and
confusion
into
the
Kingdome
,
and
such
men
,
as
preferre
the
bondage
of
popular
confusion
,
or
the
licentious
insolence
of
many
Lords
,
are
eyther
inchanted
with
a
witch
craft
of
Rebellion
,
or
stupidly
benummed
with
a
senseles
Lethargy
.
With
what
Zeale
the
Libeller
reproves
the
abuse
of
Scripture
,
when
he
exclaimes
,
as
if
it
offended
his
conscience
,
we
may
perceive
by
the
allusion
he
makes
saying
.
Ireland
was
as
Ephraim
,
the
strength
of
his
head
,
meaning
the
Kings
,
Scotland
,
as
Iudah
was
his
law
giver
,
but
over
England
,
as
over
Edom
he
meant
to
cast
his
shooe
.
Hath
this
man
reverence
to
Scripture
,
or
the
Author
of
it
?
He
comes
againe
to
accuse
the
King
for
persecuting
the
consciences
of
Religious
men
,
a
knowne
vntruth
,
yet
soe
much
beloved
by
the
Libeller
,
as
he
seemes
impatient
to
misse
the
repetition
of
it
,
and
with
this
he
joynes
his
reproving
the
Kings
profession
of
being
an
Enemy
of
those
,
that
forced
the
conscience
because
he
had
made
a
warr
,
and
lost
all
,
rather
then
not
vphold
the
Bishopps
.
It
is
an
Argument
,
that
he
esteemed
his
conscience
,
that
lost
all
for
it
.
But
the
Libeller
sayes
,
they
were
persecuting
Bishopps
.
The
King
vpholding
Bishopps
,
vpholds
not
persecution
,
or
abuse
,
and
th
e
Libellers
confounding
the
office
,
&
ill
exercise
of
it
makes
knowne
his
want
of
Argument
.
The
falshood
of
their
Calumnies
against
the
Bishopps
is
sufficiently
manifested
to
the
world
,
that
after
soe
many
vehement
outcryes
they
have
not
proved
on
such
act
of
persecution
done
by
any
one
of
them
,
&
not
the
presons
but
the
office
,
&
lawe
were
the
persecution
in
this
mans
judgment
.
The
King
obtruded
new
Ceremonies
vpon
vs
,
vpon
the
Scotts
a
new
Liturgie
There
were
noe
new
Ceremonies
obtruded
by
him
in
England
,
and
this
horrid
Rebellion
to
take
away
the
Ceremonies
,
and
Government
legally
established
,
and
continually
practised
,
vnder
the
name
of
innovations
,
detects
both
the
fraude
,
and
outrage
of
their
proceedings
.
The
new
leiturgie
offred
the
Scots
by
advice
of
their
Bishopps
,
and
Clergie
,
was
an
act
befitting
the
care
of
a
King
,
and
noe
man
will
beleive
,
that
it
was
an
offence
to
their
consciences
,
who
made
noe
conscience
of
blood
,
and
Rebellion
vpon
pretence
of
their
conscience
,
which
the
world
sees
was
an
hipocriticall
straining
at
a
straw
,
and
swallowing
a
Camell
,
and
these
tender
conscience
men
have
written
their
tendernes
of
conscience
with
the
blood
of
their
brethren
;
which
will
remaine
a
memoriall
of
their
dissembled
sanctitie
.
What
hinderance
of
the
search
of
truth
,
he
meanes
is
not
vnderstood
,
vnles
he
would
have
the
dreames
of
mad
sectaries
confirmed
by
authoritie
.
He
would
have
the
penalties
of
lawes
thought
persecution
of
the
conscience
,
and
sectaries
the
Judges
,
and
sayes
,
if
himselfe
(
meaning
the
King
)
and
his
learned
Churchmen
were
the
obstinate
part
,
should
Reformation
suffer
them
to
sit
Lording
like
the
greate
whore
?
And
are
sectaries
Libells
convictions
of
Kings
,
and
learned
Churchmen
,
and
the
clamours
of
malefactours
a
sentence
against
the
Judge
?
Such
is
the
Government
,
that
must
now
rule
the
world
,
and
Reformation
must
be
an
Idoll
in
the
hands
of
a
seditious
sectarie
,
whereto
the
people
must
fall
downe
,
and
such
vnstable
multitudes
carried
about
with
every
winde
of
doctrine
are
likely
to
be
those
many
waters
,
on
which
the
greate
whore
sits
,
which
hath
for
corruption
,
and
crueltie
a
greate
resemblance
vnto
those
false
prophetts
,
that
now
seduce
the
people
.
These
Clergimen
were
not
to
bedriven
like
sheepe
,
but
driven
out
like
wolves
.
But
they
are
theeves
,
and
wolves
,
that
enter
into
the
sheepefold
by
violence
,
and
stealth
,
and
the
ambition
,
and
greedines
of
these
wolves
will
finde
occasion
to
sucke
the
blood
,
and
devoure
the
flesh
of
the
sheepe
.
The
king
sayes
,
that
he
beleives
the
Presbiterie
,
though
proved
to
be
the
only
institution
of
Iesus
Christ
,
were
not
by
the
sword
to
be
set
vp
without
his
conjent
,
which
is
contrary
saith
the
Libeller
,
both
to
the
doctrine
,
and
knowne
practice
of
all
Protestant
Churches
,
if
his
sword
threaten
those
,
who
of
their
owne
accord
imbrace
it
.
But
then
it
,
cannot
be
sett
vp
by
the
sword
,
vnles
his
sword
threaten
those
,
that
imbrace
it
;
And
this
jugler
denies
,
what
the
king
sayes
,
and
yet
in
effect
professes
it
,
and
while
he
enrages
the
Tumults
to
sett
vp
their
Presbiterie
with
the
sword
produces
Arguments
only
for
defence
.
The
reformed
Churches
professe
to
follow
the
ancients
in
suffering
,
not
associate
themselves
to
bloody
Sectaries
in
Rebelling
.
And
his
next
words
impert
that
private
men
may
not
contend
with
Magistrates
,
nor
vse
force
against
them
.
Though
Christ
,
and
his
Apostles
being
to
Civill
affaires
but
private
men
contended
not
with
Magistrates
,
yet
when
Magistrates
themselves
,
and
especially
Parliament
come
to
know
Religion
,
they
ought
to
defend
it
against
any
King
,
or
Tyrant
.
What
is
defence
to
the
question
in
hand
of
setting
vp
Religion
by
the
sword
without
the
kings
consent
?
May
an
inferiour
Christian
Magistrate
take
Armes
against
his
superior
a
Pagan
to
sett
vp
Religion
.
Is
he
not
as
much
a
private
man
as
our
Saviour
,
and
his
Apostles
,
where
the
Civill
power
hath
not
given
him
a
right
?
And
as
a
Civill
right
is
not
imaginable
,
soe
the
pretence
of
a
power
from
Religion
is
execrable
,
and
false
which
will
not
permitt
an
vsurpation
vpon
the
Civill
right
.
There
may
be
a
King
,
where
there
is
noe
Parliament
,
and
it
is
noe
more
lawfull
for
an
inferiour
Migistrate
,
or
to
Parliament
,
who
are
but
private
men
in
regard
of
the
Prince
,
whose
deputies
they
are
to
take
the
sword
to
sett
vp
Religion
against
the
King
their
soveraigne
,
then
for
any
private
men
,
and
were
not
the
libeller
distracted
betweene
evidence
of
truth
,
and
his
owne
corrupt
inclinations
,
he
would
not
instance
in
the
name
of
Magistrates
,
and
Parliament
,
that
but
the
line
before
pretended
the
power
of
the
people
to
doe
the
same
thing
by
the
doctrine
,
and
practice
of
all
Protestant
Churches
,
and
would
make
them
more
publique
persons
,
then
their
Saviour
,
and
his
Apostles
,
he
thinkes
his
reviling
language
of
Tyrany
,
and
bloody
Bishopps
,
and
the
King
their
pupill
are
irrefragable
Arguments
in
the
judgment
of
his
pupills
.
There
is
a
large
difference
betweene
forcing
men
by
the
sword
to
turne
Presbiterians
,
and
defending
them
,
who
willingly
are
soe
.
But
then
it
is
impious
to
force
men
to
be
soe
,
what
those
wretches
did
to
the
King
for
not
being
soe
,
and
for
not
consenting
to
impose
it
,
vpon
the
kingdome
by
a
law
,
the
world
knowes
,
and
the
world
is
wittnes
,
and
they
have
robbed
men
of
their
possessions
by
the
sword
to
sett
vp
this
new
Religion
.
His
charging
Covetuousnes
,
and
ambition
to
be
the
events
of
Episcopacy
,
is
schismaticall
malice
,
for
Episcopacie
in
the
beginning
of
the
Church
was
attended
with
povertie
,
and
persecution
,
but
the
libeller
will
make
Martirdome
their
ambition
,
and
wants
their
Covetuousnes
.
He
will
have
,
that
English
Episcopacie
hath
markes
of
schisme
,
whether
we
looke
at
Apostolicke
times
,
or
reformed
Churches
,
if
he
had
shewed
wherein
,
it
had
deserved
an
answeare
,
but
we
see
what
Apostolicke
times
he
meanes
,
that
will
not
allow
any
Church
of
the
world
from
the
time
of
the
Apostles
til
the
present
age
,
&
because
the
Church
of
England
is
not
vniversall
,
therefore
all
Sectaries
may
pretend
themselves
the
Church
.
For
the
authoritie
of
Scripture
,
he
neede
not
take
paines
to
prove
it
.
The
Church
of
England
claimes
not
power
over
other
Churches
,
but
to
correct
Schismatickes
within
her selfe
.
The
exposition
of
Scripture
may
not
be
received
from
arrogant
Sectaries
against
the
judgment
of
the
vniversall
Church
,
&
the
King
might
very
well
reject
such
reasons
,
as
they
,
which
offered
them
,
had
soe
lately
before
disavowed
,
and
pretended
themselves
scandalized
with
the
imputation
of
such
opinions
.
The
greatest
number
of
these
pretended
Reformers
professed
detestation
of
the
opinion
of
lawfullnes
in
taking
Armes
against
their
Prince
,
of
the
opinion
of
the
vnlawfullnes
of
Episcopacy
,
booke
of
Common
prayer
,
and
Ceremonies
,
and
who
now
would
dispute
with
such
men
maintaining
these
renounced
opinions
with
such
bloody
vehemencie
.
It
is
not
for
the
King
to
defend
the
Church
otherwise
then
the
Church
would
be
defended
.
And
what
is
the
Church
in
the
libellers
sense
,
nothing
but
the
crew
of
John
of
Leydons
saints
,
and
must
the
King
follow
them
against
the
Church
,
these
are
the
Divills
factours
to
sett
vp
an
Idoll
Religion
.
These
deceivers
talke
of
the
power
of
the
keyes
,
in
whose
power
holy
things
are
,
as
if
the
keyes
,
that
Christ
gave
to
his
Disciples
are
transmitted
to
this
distempered
crew
,
that
pretend
a
power
of
their
owne
giving
.
Their
Blasphemous
pretence
of
enthusiasmes
hath
been
the
wonder
,
and
scorne
of
wise
men
,
and
that
's
the
spirit
which
must
not
be
fettered
with
a
negative
voyce
?
But
may
it
not
be
fettered
by
the
Parliaments
negative
voyce
,
and
why
is
it
more
fettered
by
the
kings
then
theirs
?
That
which
he
calls
Tyranicall
,
and
presumptuous
in
the
king
,
with
the
same
breath
justifies
in
the
Parliament
,
and
yet
complaines
of
Tyrany
vpon
the
conscience
.
Such
consciences
are
senseles
of
Tyrany
,
aswell
,
as
of
sin
having
given
themselves
vp
to
the
Empire
of
hell
.
The
kings
negative
voyce
could
impose
nothing
,
yet
these
desperate
hipocrites
say
,
they
were
compelled
to
implore
the
aide
of
Parliament
to
remove
it
from
their
consciences
.
And
if
the
ground
of
their
warr
were
to
take
away
his
negative
voyce
,
their
pretence
of
defensive
force
appeares
noe
other
then
violence
,
and
persecution
,
which
they
soe
hipocritically
complaine
of
,
&
such
tender
consciences
,
as
feele
not
salshoods
,
and
Rebellion
must
be
mercilesse
destroyers
of
Religion
,
and
Government
,
as
these
have
proved
.
The
King
had
cause
to
seeke
aide
against
Rebellion
,
and
oppression
,
but
that
's
noe
warrant
for
Traytours
to
linke
themselves
by
conspira●…ies
to
performe
it
,
and
the
King
might
justly
wonder
at
their
confident
boasting
of
Gods
assistance
,
as
if
they
had
the
certaintie
of
some
Revelation
,
and
flying
to
the
Scotts
succours
,
while
they
were
soe
furnisht
with
provisions
for
warr
.
And
now
after
all
the
Libellers
rayling
at
Episcopacie
Copes
,
&
surplisses
,
he
will
not
permitt
.
Arch
Presbiterie
Classicall
,
Provinciall
,
and
diocesine
Presbitery
claiming
Lordly
power
,
and
superintendencie
to
be
imposed
vpon
them
.
He●…res
Babell
confounded
,
and
they
,
that
were
linkt
in
disloyaltie
must
part
for
Presbitery
,
and
independencie
,
and
will
not
see
the
evill
spiritt
,
that
first
combined
them
in
Rebellion
,
and
now
divides
them
to
fight
one
against
another
.
A
Determination
by
the
best
divines
in
Christendome
in
a
full
,
and
free
synod
is
he
sayes
an
improbable
way
,
and
every
true
Church
hath
wherewithall
from
heaven
to
be
compleate
,
and
perfect
within
it selfe
.
And
why
doth
he
tell
vs
,
that
no
Church
denominated
by
a
particular
name
bindes
our
faith
,
or
obedience
,
and
hath
any
Romanist
affirmed
more
for
their
infallibilitie
,
then
he
ascribes
to
every
one
of
his
Parlours
,
and
wherefore
is
English
protestant
a
Schismaticall
name
,
as
he
affirmes
,
and
that
the
whole
nation
is
not
to
be
thought
soe
raw
,
as
to
neede
the
helpe
of
other
nations
.
But
what
is
the
whole
nation
to
every
conventicle
,
are
theis
seperaists
the
whole
nation
?
And
why
would
he
bind
the
Kinge
to
other
reformed
Churches
?
If
the
primitive
Christians
had
been
of
his
opinion
,
Generall
Councells
had
been
of
litle
vse
,
&
the
Disciples
at
Antioch
needed
not
have
sent
to
Jerusalem
for
advice
in
a
question
.
But
these
men
thus
shuffle
,
and
pretend
the
sufficiencie
of
a
nation
,
intend
only
the
perfection
of
their
Parlour
congregations
,
and
allow
noe
sufficiencie
in
Church
,
or
nation
,
that
submits
not
to
their
insolent
prescriptions
.
He
sayes
the
King
accuses
pietie
with
want
of
loyaltie
,
because
he
sayes
in
vaine
doe
men
hope
to
builde
their
pietie
on
the
ruines
of
loyaltie
.
The
King
rightly
determines
,
that
pietie
is
but
pretended
,
where
loyaltie
is
despised
,
as
such
doe
that
thinke
it
safe
to
renounce
all
fidelitie
to
their
lawfull
King
,
and
his
family
,
and
depend
on
the
faith
of
perjured
villaines
vpon
pretence
of
pietie
,
as
he
perswades
the
Scotts
to
doe
.
Vpon
the
COVENANT
.
HE
seemes
desirous
to
be
short
in
this
Argument
,
being
a
point
,
which
he
is
loath
to
touch
,
till
he
see
the
successe
of
some
attempts
,
and
he
would
not
willingly
be
out
of
hope
of
the
Scotts
,
nor
venture
to
displease
them
by
his
glosses
.
To
the
mention
of
the
Bishopps
possession
heere
since
the
first
plantation
of
Christianitie
in
this
I
stand
,
and
vniversall
prescription
since
the
Apostles
till
this
last
centurie
he
sayes
,
But
what
availes
the
most
primitive
antiquitie
against
the
plaine
sense
of
Scripture
,
which
if
the
last
Centurie
have
best
followed
,
it
ought
in
our
esteeme
to
be
the
first
.
But
where
is
the
plaine
sense
of
Scripture
against
antiquitie
?
It
s
very
plaine
,
that
these
Sectaries
noe
more
esteeme
the
present
century
,
then
the
ancient
,
nor
more
the
scripture
then
either
of
them
,
but
take
a
libertie
to
vent
their
owne
fanaticall
,
and
arrogant
fancies
for
Scripture
,
and
reject
all
ordinary
meanes
vpon
pretence
of
a
lying
spiritt
.
His
Majest:
meant
not
to
oppose
antiquitie
to
Scripture
,
but
where
the
practice
of
antiquitie
is
consonant
to
Scripture
.
It
s
impious
to
reject
the
Communion
of
the
first
age
.
All
helpes
of
interpretation
are
fetters
to
the
proud
Schismatickes
,
and
this
Libeller
,
that
so
lately
obtruded
the
Example
of
the
reformed
Churches
in
the
case
of
Episcopacie
,
quickely
scornes
the
Classicall
,
Provinciall
,
and
diocesine
Presbiterie
,
and
the
last
Century
hath
only
seene
the
ascent
of
these
Locusts
,
and
he
only
likes
that
part
of
the
last
Century
,
wherein
they
crept
foorth
,
and
they
would
willingly
have
the
credit
to
be
a
part
of
other
Churches
,
though
they
are
in
truth
Enemies
to
them
all
.
We
may
with
farr
better
reason
beleive
the
interpretations
,
and
practice
of
the
primitive
Church
,
then
any
moderne
Reformers
,
and
there
were
never
any
,
but
those
Sectaries
soe
shamelesse
to
deny
the
authoritie
of
antiquitie
,
or
charge
it
in
this
particular
with
an
aberration
from
Scripture
,
and
many
learned
men
living
vnder
Presbitery
acknowledge
the
dignitie
of
Bishopps
above
Presbiters
in
the
times
of
the
Apostles
.
The
Libeller
likes
any
limitations
in
the
Covenant
,
dangerous
to
the
king
,
&
soe
much
of
the
Covenant
as
concernes
the
casting
out
of
Bishoppsbut
he
will
sweare
,
and
forsweare
comformitie
to
the
Church
of
Scotland
,
or
any
other
.
That
this
Covevant
had
former
practice
,
vnles
in
the
french
League
cannot
be
shewne
.
The
Libeller
would
have
the
Israelites
entring
a
new
into
a
Covenant
with
Asa
their
King
to
be
a
new
Covenant
,
when
it
was
only
a
renewing
of
their
promise
of
obedience
to
God
,
noe
Articles
of
their
owne
devising
,
and
as
that
was
with
the
King
soe
he
hath
found
one
without
a
King
,
for
the
Jewes
,
after
the
captivitee
tooke
solemne
oath
to
walke
in
the
Commaundements
of
God
without
consent
demaunded
of
that
King
,
who
was
then
their
Master
,
and
they
had
the
Authoritie
of
that
King
.
But
did
they
take
an
oath
to
vse
violence
against
that
King
,
if
he
consented
not
to
them
,
or
was
the
Covenent
to
walke
in
Gods
Commaundements
a
new
Covenant
?
This
is
like
their
pulpitt
proofes
.
That
Protestant
Churches
have
made
Leagues
,
or
Covenant
against
their
King
.
Or
imposed
their
confessions
with
Civill
penalties
vpon
refusers
without
their
Prince
is
a
notorious
●…ander
,
for
the
protestation
,
it
was
confined
to
established
law
,
the
Covenant
to
destroy
law
,
and
what
was
established
by
it
,
the
protestation
to
defend
the
Doctrine
,
the
Covenant
to
destroy
the
Government
,
which
is
comprehended
in
the
Doctrine
,
and
this
the
Libeller
holds
needes
noe
reconcitement
.
There
is
noe
doubt
,
but
the
Examples
of
Asa
,
and
Esra
were
approved
by
Scripture
,
but
they
are
farr
from
the
Examples
of
the
present
Covenant
,
and
if
the
Libeller
approve
the
taking
of
the
Covenant
,
how
doth
he
satisfie
himselfe
in
the
breach
of
it
?
he
hath
found
out
away
,
for
he
may
aswell
breake
that
,
as
his
oath
to
his
King
,
and
obligation
to
former
lawes
,
which
he
sayes
are
Conditionall
,
and
that
condition
to
be
expounded
by
every
man
at
his
pleasure
.
He
proceedes
to
shew
the
strength
of
the
Covenant
,
and
yet
he
will
keepe
it
one
way
,
and
his
brethren
of
another
name
,
and
sect
another
way
.
If
he
Covenant
oblidge
to
contrary
courses
,
it
cannot
be
a
Rule
of
Reformation
,
and
as
it
clashes
with
former
oaths
to
God
,
and
the
king
rightly
vnderstood
,
soe
the
clashing
of
these
,
that
devised
it
,
shewes
,
that
the
spiritt
of
peace
was
not
desired
by
the
contrivers
,
of
that
Covenant
.
That
the
Kings
booke
is
replenished
with
Popish
Arguments
must
be
spoken
in
a
Corner
,
not
publiquely
with
any
modestie
,
for
the
Protestants
throughout
the
world
know
the
contrary
,
and
will
disavow
this
Covenanting
power
to
be
a
part
of
their
Religion
.
The
salvoes
,
cautions
,
and
reservations
vsed
in
taking
the
Covenant
were
the
arts
of
the
deceitefull
composers
,
and
it
s
well
knowne
it
was
an
artifice
vsed
to
perswade
men
to
take
it
,
that
they
might
vse
the
libertie
of
their
owne
sense
,
and
the
Libeller
willing
to
say
some
thing
in
detraction
of
the
King
vpon
every
occasion
,
as
if
it
were
a
sin
to
vse
truth
,
and
ingenuitie
,
transposes
words
of
the
Kings
,
which
were
vsed
in
reproofe
to
additions
of
his
owne
,
as
if
the
King
approved
these
shuffling
cautions
,
who
he
well
knowes
detested
both
the
Covenant
,
and
them
,
and
shewed
the
inniquitie
of
these
deceites
,
and
we
have
seene
,
that
these
Cautions
have
made
Covenanter
,
and
anticovenanter
,
Presbiterian
,
and
independent
Rebell
.
The
Libeller
likes
well
the
povertie
of
the
Ministers
of
the
gospell
.
And
although
the
primitive
povertie
of
Churchmen
was
very
glorious
,
yet
the
Christian
Laitie
were
never
soe
sordid
to
thinke
a
liberall
patrimony
vnfit
for
them
,
and
Religion
hath
litle
power
,
where
the
Clergie
are
trencher
chaplaines
to
gluttons
feasts
.
These
men
,
that
judge
povertie
a
curse
to
themselves
hold
it
Christs
legacie
to
the
Ministers
.
If
there
were
any
legacie
,
povertie
was
to
all
Christians
,
aswell
,
as
Clergie
,
but
we
see
,
that
notwithstanding
these
professions
,
their
Levites
now
hold
more
pluralities
without
remorse
,
then
ever
were
knowne
,
and
shame
not
to
contradict
their
former
declamations
,
but
it
is
the
calamitie
of
the
Church
,
that
greedy
doggs
devo●…re
her
patrimony
,
and
barking
detractours
tr●…duce
her
Clergie
.
Vpon
the
many
JEALOSIES
&c.
TO
wipe
of
Iealosies
,
and
scandalls
the
best
way
had
been
by
cleere
actions
,
or
till
Actions
could
be
cleered
by
evident
reasons
.
Cleere
Actions
,
nor
evident
reasons
will
stopp
the
mouth
of
malicious
slanderers
,
nor
abate
the
industrie
of
conspiratours
in
raising
jealosies
,
But
these
,
which
his
Majest:
complained
of
were
tempered
only
to
vulgar
capacitie
,
and
were
long
since
hist
at
by
all
knowing
men
,
who
saw
apparently
they
were
not
the
opinions
of
the
devisers
,
but
artifices
of
deceite
,
and
the
progresse
of
this
Rebellion
hath
cleered
al
mistakes
,
and
taken
away
al
credit
from
these
fopperies
.
It
is
very
late
for
the
Libeller
to
call
to
his
aide
the
petitions
,
and
addresses
composed
by
the
faction
in
Parliament
,
when
himselfe
accuses
them
for
want
of
wisedome
,
and
integritie
,
and
whoever
reades
these
addresses
will
easily
finde
not
only
cause
to
suspect
the
truth
of
what
they
say
,
but
plaine
proofe
of
fals
hood
,
and
hipocrisie
.
That
the
whole
Parliament
conspired
against
the
King
,
he
never
said
,
and
the
author
well
knowes
,
that
it
was
a
potent
faction
only
,
to
whome
the
King
imputes
this
injurie
,
though
their
being
elected
to
that
place
is
no
exemption
from
a
possibilitie
of
errour
,
&
Cryme
,
and
we
have
seene
it
beyound
doubt
,
that
this
faction
conspired
to
blow
vp
the
peoples
aff●…ions
towards
him
,
and
batter
downe
their
loyaltie
by
the
Engnies
of
fowle
aspersions
,
and
have
acted
what
the
powder
plot
intended
.
The
King
offers
not
to
purge
himselfe
by
any
other
Arguments
,
then
such
,
whose
proofe
is
visible
to
all
the
world
,
and
the
silliest
people
see
,
how
they
were
cheated
by
factious
Artists
.
The
Kings
Arguments
are
not
only
demonstrable
to
the
best
but
obvious
to
common
vnderstandings
,
and
it
cannot
be
expected
,
that
such
,
as
are
resolute
in
wicked
courses
will
aske
forgivenes
,
or
have
it
.
The
world
knowes
the
King
,
when
he
wrote
this
,
expected
the
Rebells
crueltie
,
but
feared
it
not
,
and
there
was
not
cause
to
vse
insinuations
,
which
were
not
to
be
divulged
,
till
his
death
.
Tyrants
,
and
vsurpers
are
forced
to
flatter
,
but
it
s
a
wicked
slander
to
charge
him
with
flatterie
,
that
is
feareles
of
crueltie
.
This
Libeller
prophanely
descants
on
Scripture
,
as
he
doth
apparently
vpon
the
Kings
misfortunes
,
for
●…pon
the
Kings
saying
,
that
he
could
willingly
be
the
●…nah
for
restoring
his
peoples
〈◊〉
,
if
he
did
not
foresee
,
that
by
the
di●…erests
of
their
,
and
his
Enemies
,
as
by
contrary
windes
,
the
storme
of
th●…ir
miseries
would
rather
be
encreased
then
allayed
.
The
Libeller
sayes
these
windes
were
ne●…heard
heard
of
in
the
compasse
.
And
it
s
very
likely
never
regarded
by
those
,
who
never
guided
themselves
by
other
compasse
,
then
sea
robbers
,
that
make
prey
only
their
compasse
.
But
were
not
these
divided
mind●…
heard
of
,
when
he
spake
of
Arch
presbitery
,
and
other
subdivisions
?
And
these
windes
he
sayes
were
pretended
to
be
foreseene
〈◊〉
he
should
be
taken
at
his
〈◊〉
.
The
King
foresaw
their
intended
murther
,
and
though
he
feared
it
not
,
his
word
never
was
to
be
taken
to
make
himselfe
accessory
to
his
Enemies
impietie
.
But
that
controversie
,
he
sayes
,
divine
lot
hath
ended
.
Suffering
and
Martirdome
hath
been
the
lot
of
the
righteous
,
but
Gods
controversie
with
their
persecutors
is
not
thereby
ended
,
and
the
Libeller
r●…kons
too
soone
,
the
end
of
his
controversie
,
that
entitles
God
with
such
Actions
.
The
Kings
knowledge
is
sufficiently
evident
,
and
he
hath
distinguished
the
venerable
gray
h●…ires
of
ancient
Religion
from
the
old
scurfe
of
superstition
,
and
the
vertigo
of
novell
prophanes
.
And
the
whole
some
heate
of
his
well
governing
shewes
his
judgment
in
state
Phisike
,
and
while
Emperickes
,
and
horse
leaches
tooke
vpon
them
to
amend
the
body
,
they
turned
the
equall
temper
of
it
into
the
feaverous
rage
of
T●…ing
.
There
neede
noe
oracle
to
tell
,
who
heated
the
furnace
of
this
obloquy
,
it
is
sufficiently
confessed
,
and
they
,
that
endured
Nobuchadnezars
furnace
might
have
warned
this
Libeller
to
have
abstained
from
that
allusion
,
for
if
the
oracle
of
truth
,
God
himselfe
commaunded
the
Jewes
to
be
subject
to
Nebuchadnezar
notwithstanding
his
golden
Image
,
and
madnes
.
The
libeller
might
see
his
litle
witt
ill
applyed
in
making
the
question
,
who
deserved
to
be
throwne
in
Nebuchadnezar
,
or
his
three
Kingdomes
?
And
this
high
conceite
of
his
deserves
the
fieric
furnace
,
that
would
perswade
three
Kingdomes
,
they
might
cast
in
their
King
.
If
his
greate
seale
were
not
sufficient
without
the
Parliament
to
create
Lords
,
his
parole
must
be
vnable
to
create
learned
,
and
Religious
men
.
Surely
this
man
doth
not
see
what
he
sayes
,
for
it
is
a
confessed
truth
,
that
the
kings
greate
seale
without
Parliament
was
sufficient
to
create
Lords
,
and
though
his
judgment
could
not
create
men
,
yet
by
the
choise
he
made
,
men
are
satisfied
,
he
descerned
them
better
,
then
they
,
that
would
vndertake
to
point
them
out
.
The
opposition
proceeded
from
heads
farr
wiser
,
and
spiritts
of
a
nobler
straine
,
then
●…pular
preachers
.
And
are
not
their
buffe
,
and
sword
preachers
popular
preachers
?
And
are
those
wiser
heads
and
nobler
spiritts
the
Creatours
of
preachers
?
And
hath
the
tub
overturned
the
pulpitt
?
The
Priest
led
herodians
with
their
blinde
guides
,
are
in
the
ditch
already
.
These
are
the
constant
Testimonies
of
the
Libelle●…
reverence
to
Scripture
,
and
things
sacred
,
what
's
become
now
of
the
advice
of
the
Parliament
,
and
three
Kingdomes
?
He
was
very
much
●…verseene
,
that
would
have
divided
interests
such
vnknowne
windes
,
and
heere
blowes
away
his
brother
Presbiterian
for
a
Priest-led
herodian
,
and
blinde
guide
,
travelling
as
he
thought
to
sion
,
but
moor'd
in
the
Isle
of
weight
,
And
we
see
,
that
these
,
who
began
first
with
the
Bishopps
will
at
last
have
noe
Presbiters
at
all
,
but
pretend
with
the
Rebells
against
Moses
,
that
all
the
congregation
is
holy
,
and
will
sayle
by
the
winde
of
their
owne
braines
without
Card
,
or
Compasse
.
Factions
are
not
only
like
Mathematicall
Lines
allwayes
divisible
,
but
perpetually
dividing
.
The
Kingdome
of
England
cannot
acknowledge
the
wisedome
of
those
heads
,
from
whome
the
designe
of
destroying
King
,
and
Kingdome
proceeded
,
men
willfull
for
mischeife
are
farr
from
wise
heads
,
nor
is
insolence
,
or
inhumanitie
a
Testimony
of
noble
spirits
.
Popular
preachers
now
see
they
were
deceived
in
their
owne
judgments
,
and
abilities
to
governe
,
aswell
as
of
the
goodnes
of
the
lawes
they
were
governed
by
,
and
the
persons
,
to
whome
they
owed
subjection
,
and
that
their
planting
of
disaffection
to
the
Church
of
England
in
the
people
could
not
attract
reverence
to
them
,
but
an
attendance
vpon
vsurpers
,
who
made
vse
of
such
preaching
to
improve
the
peoples
disobedience
to
their
lawfull
Rulers
,
and
they
may
now
see
,
that
aversion
to
the
Church
is
a
false
measure
of
sinceritie
,
and
that
their
followers
after
the
shaking
of
their
lawfull
governours
,
call
them
,
by
whose
ill
principles
they
were
misledd
,
blinde
guides
,
and
while
this
Libeller
would
seeme
to
be
a
Christian
,
he
not
only
seekes
to
make
the
name
a
reproach
,
but
the
miseries
thereof
a
scorne
,
whence
comes
his
allusion
of
Priest-led
herodians
,
but
from
the
passage
touching
the
place
of
our
saviours
nativitie
enquired
of
the
Priests
by
herod
.
&
travelling
to
sion
is
not
the
subjects
of
common
pasquils
.
The
Kings
letter
to
the
Pope
imports
nothing
to
his
purpose
,
and
all
men
now
see
,
that
Religion
is
not
at
all
in
their
thoughts
,
and
that
these
repetitions
are
vulgar
scare
crowes
.
The
innovations
alledged
by
professed
schismatickes
,
that
innovate
at
vnquestionably
demonstrate
their
owne
confutation
.
His
vsing
the
assistance
of
some
Papists
in
setling
protestantisme
was
vnseemely
,
and
suspicious
.
But
the
vse
of
them
against
such
,
as
would
vnsetle
the
Civill
Government
,
and
destroy
the
King
vnder
pretence
of
vnsetling
the
Religion
established
,
is
just
,
and
necessary
,
and
it
inferrs
not
,
that
the
most
part
of
Protestants
were
against
him
,
because
an
active
faction
had
surprized
the
strength
of
the
Kingdome
,
and
necessitated
him
to
seeke
succours
,
where
he
might
have
them
,
the
King
never
obtruded
setlement
of
any
thing
new
,
but
defence
against
violence
of
what
was
established
,
and
Papists
may
fight
for
their
King
,
though
Traytours
pretend
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
for
the
ground
of
their
quarrell
.
That
noe
man
ever
thought
,
that
the
King
had
learned
that
difference
of
perswasion
in
Religious
matters
may
fall
out
,
where
there
is
the
samenes
of
dutie
,
Alleagiance
,
and
subjection
,
And
the
Libeller
askes
,
wherefore
then
such
compulsion
to
the
Puritans
,
and
Scotland
about
conformitie
to
the
Leiturgie
?
Doth
the
King
say
,
that
those
of
different
perswasions
ought
not
to
be
better
informed
,
and
sought
to
be
gained
to
a
right
vnderstanding
?
though
there
may
be
the
samenes
of
alleagiance
,
ought
he
not
to
seeke
the
samenes
of
perswasion
in
points
of
difference
?
This
is
his
common
logicke
,
and
he
askes
,
wherefore
then
noe
Bishopp
,
noe
King
?
He
might
have
answeared
himselfe
,
that
there
may
not
be
the
samenes
of
opinion
touching
alleagiance
in
differences
of
Religion
,
though
there
may
be
,
and
it
s
now
plaine
,
though
formerly
not
believed
,
that
such
,
as
would
have
noe
Bishopps
,
would
have
noe
King
,
and
had
not
the
samenes
of
intention
,
though
the
same
dutie
,
and
obligation
of
alleagiance
to
their
King
,
as
those
of
the
contrary
perswasion
,
and
that
Episcopacy
is
agreeable
to
Monarchy
,
the
contrary
not
,
but
Rebells
catch
at
every
shaddow
,
and
offer
●…very
dreame
for
a
truth
,
and
are
as
light
in
obtrudinge
pretences
,
as
resolute
to
act
their
villanies
either
with
,
or
without
them
.
How
diversified
sects
,
can
be
all
protestants
,
must
be
shewed
by
some
doctrines
,
that
protestants
yet
vnderstand
not
,
and
the
medly
of
Papists
,
and
protestants
in
a
religious
cause
is
noe
more
disproportioninge
of
Religions
,
then
the
mixing
of
those
diversified
sects
,
which
are
noe
more
protestants
,
then
Papists
.
Maskes
,
and
disguises
were
the
foreprophesied
garments
of
Sectaries
,
and
it
is
a
sure
signe
,
that
their
errours
are
willfull
,
not
weake
,
sparing
noe
falshoods
,
whereby
they
may
get
power
,
and
confating
their
pretences
by
their
practice
They
heretofore
professed
greate
opposition
to
Papists
for
doctrines
of
Rebellion
,
now
they
preach
the
same
doctrines
,
&
are
angry
,
that
there
are
papists
,
that
disclaime
them
.
The
ancient
Christians
held
it
a
Religious
cause
to
defend
their
King
,
&
Countrey
,
&
were
mixed
with
Pagans
in
that
cause
,
and
soe
of
late
the
protestants
of
France
,
and
they
held
it
vnchristian
to
forsake
that
Religious
cause
vnder
pretence
of
Religion
,
and
those
pretences
taken
from
Religion
,
the
letter
to
the
Pope
,
and
evill
Councellours
,
are
apparent
to
be
nothing
,
but
vulgar
cheates
to
enforce
the
King
to
consent
to
the
Rebells
demaunds
,
and
wrest
hisscepter
from
him
.
The
sharpe
afflictions
of
the
Kingdome
shew
they
were
not
inveterate
diseases
of
Government
,
but
a
suddaine
pestilence
,
and
such
,
as
can
beleive
,
that
the
Tyrany
,
of
the
present
Masters
are
the
lawes
of
Parliament
,
deserve
to
be
governed
by
a
whip
,
not
by
a
scepter
.
The
Libellers
reproofe
of
the
peoples
levitie
,
prayse
of
popularitie
are
inconsistēt
,
and
his
argument
of
reproach
from
dissenting
to
what
the
Parlian●…
advised
,
and
his
charging
the
Parliament
for
want
of
wisedome
,
and
integritie
turne
all
his
arguments
to
his
owne
shame
,
and
shew
,
that
it
is
not
right
,
but
Rebellion
he
pleades
for
,
and
that
he
esteemes
neither
Civill
,
nor
Philosophicall
libertie
which
are
confined
to
Government
,
but
confusion
,
and
licence
without
limitts
.
If
this
Libeller
would
be
subject
〈◊〉
Magistrate
,
and
in
the
lawes
,
as
he
professes
,
why
doth
he
Rebell
against
the
Magistrate
,
and
the
lawes
,
and
why
doth
he
pretend
the
Parliaments
Authoritie
,
if
he
may
breake
that
authoritie
?
As
indeede
he
doth
alow
,
that
noe
obligations
of
Government
can
hold
him
,
and
by
the
same
rule
he
pretends
injury
to
be
restrained
in
one
thing
,
he
may
in
every
thing
,
and
these
Rebells
like
L●…r
vsurpe
above
all
〈◊〉
.
Though
men
ought
not
to
speake
evill
of
diginties
,
which
are
just
,
yet
nothing
hinders
to
speake
evill
of
those
,
who
in
their
dignities
doe
evill
as
oft
,
as
it
is
the
truth
.
Thē
the
Scripture
vnnecessarily
forbad
to
speake
evil
of
dignities
,
for
we
may
not
speake
vntruth
of
any
person
,
&
if
the
Scripture
meant
noe
more
then
not
to
slander
,
in
commaunding
not
to
speake
evill
of
the
Ruler
of
the
people
,
St.
Paul
needlessely
retracted
his
words
of
the
high
Priest
.
It
shewes
how
neere
the
spiritt
of
Lucifer
,
these
men
are
,
that
pretend
a
right
to
practice
whatever
our
Saviour
,
or
such
,
as
were
inspired
of
God
,
forbad
vpon
pretence
of
actions
done
by
power
extraordinary
,
and
yet
there
is
no
example
of
this
speaking
evill
of
dignities
,
as
the
Libeller
imagines
,
nor
of
publique
reproaches
.
Though
Kings
were
reproved
,
i●
was
by
such
,
as
had
particular
directions
from
God
,
not
by
every
wandring
●evite
,
and
they
did
not
defame
them
to
others
.
And
as
his
Maj:
we
beleive
was
heard
of
God
in
mercy
,
so
he
might
without
injury
to
the
Prerogative
of
Christ
pray
to
be
made
the
head
stone
of
the
conrer
according
to
that
subordination
,
which
he
held
vnder
God
,
and
Christ
in
ruling
his
people
.
Vpon
the
ORDINANCE
against
the
booke
of
COMMON
PRAYER
.
INnovations
are
generally
more
dangerous
,
then
old
errours
by
how
much
peace
is
more
desireable
,
then
broyles
,
and
combustions
.
We
have
noe
warrant
to
beleive
such
a
condition
in
the
Church
of
God
,
that
should
allwayes
be
reforminge
,
nor
that
the
Christian
Church
had
never
lawfull
Pastours
,
nor
any
thing
practised
according
to
Christs
institution
,
till
the
present
Sectaries
revealed
it
to
the
wo●…ld
.
We
have
found
by
experience
,
that
there
is
noe
dotage
equall
to
tha●…
men
have
vpon
their
owne
opinions
,
nor
any
greater
errours
,
nor
mischeifes
more
dangerous
,
then
such
,
which
are
introduced
by
pragmaticall
Reformers
,
who
would
conforme
the
world
to
their
fancies
,
and
innovation
is
oftner
obtruded
vnder
the
name
of
reformation
,
then
reformation
is
censured
,
and
opposed
vnder
the
name
of
innovation
.
The
King
sayes
not
,
that
the
removing
of
the
Leiturgie
was
a
thing
plausible
to
the
people
,
as
he
falsely
relates
,
but
sayes
,
that
after
popular
contempts
offred
to
the
booke
,
and
those
,
that
vsed
it
,
it
must
be
crucified
by
an
ordinance
.
His
Majest:
likens
not
the
rejection
of
the
booke
to
the
crucifying
of
our
Saviour
,
but
the
carriage
of
the
rejecters
to
the
cursed
Jewes
,
who
crucified
our
Saviour
,
and
these
men
,
that
rejected
the
booke
shewed
as
litle
reverence
to
him
,
that
was
to
be
prayed
to
by
the
formes
in
that
booke
,
as
to
the
booke
it selfe
.
King
Edw.
6.
confesses
to
the
Cornish
Rebells
,
it
was
noe
other
,
then
the
old
masse
booke
done
into
English
some
few
words
expung'd
,
which
is
very
false
,
though
al
,
that
is
in
the
old
masse
booke
is
not
therefore
to
be
rejected
,
and
these
men
may
aswell
make
an
Argument
they
may
not
pray
at
all
,
because
the
Masse
booke
prescribed
prayer
,
aswell
as
reject
formes
of
Devotion
,
because
they
were
in
the
masse
booke
.
It
was
the
Carnall
feare
of
divines
,
and
Politicians
,
that
modelled
the
Leiturgie
,
noe
further
of
from
the
old
masse
,
least
they
should
incense
the
people
.
This
hath
been
the
conceite
of
Schismaticall
Politicians
,
though
the
lightnes
of
it
be
very
apparent
,
for
it
cannot
be
thought
,
that
the
people
would
be
more
incensed
by
an
alteration
of
the
prayer
,
then
an
alteration
of
the
language
,
and
the
taking
away
of
the
externall
superstitions
was
more
likely
to
incense
the
people
,
as
it
did
,
then
any
alteration
of
the
Leiturgie
,
and
it
had
been
very
easie
to
have
made
any
alteration
in
the
Matter
,
when
the
language
was
changed
,
and
in
the
time
of
Queene
Elizabeth
,
when
no
such
feare
could
be
pretended
,
the
demaunds
of
the
schismatickes
for
abolishing
the
leiturgie
were
held
frivolous
and
seditious
.
The
Libeller
sayes
good
desires
rightly
conceived
in
the
heart
,
wholesome
words
will
follow
of
themselves
.
But
wholesome
words
will
beget
good
desires
,
and
how
publique
prayer
in
the
congregation
can
be
vsed
,
vnles
a
leiturgie
be
admitted
noe
true
Christian
can
finde
a
way
.
That
the
prescription
of
a
Leiturgie
was
not
imposed
,
nor
practised
by
the
first
founders
of
the
Church
,
is
an
apparent
falshood
,
The
Lords
prayer
,
and
the
prescriptions
of
the
Apostles
to
make
prayers
for
all
men
,
for
Kings
,
&
al
in
authoritie
,
that
we
might
leade
a
quiet
life
in
all
godlines
,
and
honestie
,
and
the
many
leiturgies
yet
extant
convince
all
,
but
willfull
gainsayers
,
and
it
had
been
in
vaine
for
the
Apo●…le
to
commaund
the
people
to
obey
such
,
as
had
the
oversight
of
them
,
if
they
had
noe
authoritie
to
prescribe
things
lawfull
,
and
honest
,
and
this
Libeller
,
that
hath
been
florishing
with
autho●…tie
of
the
reformed
Churches
,
h●…re
condemnes
them
all
,
who
,
none
excepted
,
vse
Leiturgies
.
Without
whose
(
meaning
the
first
founders
of
the
Church
)
precept
,
and
example
,
how
constantly
the
Priest
puts
on
his
gowne
,
and
surplisses
,
soe
constantly
doth
his
prayer
put
on
a
servile
yoke
of
Leiturgie
.
It
seemes
the
mention
of
gowne
,
and
surplesse
are
instede
of
Arguments
to
his
well
principled
men
,
and
soe
is
yoke
of
Leiturgie
,
though
by
his
owne
confession
,
that
yoke
is
not
in
the
Leiturgie
it selfe
,
but
only
for
the
supposed
want
of
precept
,
or
example
,
for
if
there
had
been
either
of
them
,
as
both
are
apparent
,
there
had
been
noe
yoke
in
his
judgment
,
neither
can
that
be
a
yoke
in
Religion
,
which
is
not
sinfull
,
and
sin
there
cannot
be
without
breach
of
a
law
,
and
if
the
Libeller
could
reduce
Leiturgies
within
that
compasse
,
he
neede
not
vse
those
beggerly
negatives
,
and
if
the
vsing
of
Leiturgie
by
the
Priest
be
a
yoke
,
doe
not
the
peoples
prayers
,
that
put
on
the
Priests
extemporary
words
,
put
on
a
yoke
of
Leiturgie
?
For
are
not
his
words
asmuch
yoke
to
them
,
as
the
publique
Leiturgie
of
the
Church
to
him
?
And
it
is
evident
,
that
they
,
who
vse
noe
set
formes
in
publique
prayer
,
direct
them
more
to
the
hearers
,
then
to
God
,
studying
for
expressions
of
their
owne
parts
,
while
others
,
that
vse
set
formes
have
their
affections
more
enlarged
,
and
not
yoked
to
the
search
of
words
.
Set
formes
are
not
rigorously
forbidden
to
any
mans
private
infirmitie
.
But
they
are
rigorously
forbidden
,
if
they
are
thrust
out
of
the
Church
,
and
every
mans
prayers
,
and
spirit
imprisoned
in
the
pinfold
of
set
words
,
hastily
shuffled
togeather
by
a
man
often
times
as
defective
in
wholesome
words
,
as
sound
Devotion
,
whose
doses
of
vnprepared
words
,
and
matter
leade
the
people
into
imprecations
,
rather
then
prayers
,
&
these
men
,
that
would
confine
all
publique
devotions
to
the
sudden
raptures
of
every
vnlearned
Levite
,
seeke
to
shutt
heaven
at
their
pleasure
,
though
their
hands
are
as
short
,
as
their
vnderstanding
,
and
the
spiri●…t
of
vtterance
,
as
it
respects
our
prayers
,
is
not
exercised
in
words
,
but
in
the
affections
,
which
are
vtterances
to
God
.
What
we
may
doe
in
the
same
forme
of
words
is
not
soe
much
the
question
,
as
whether
Leiturgie
may
be
forced
,
as
he
forced
it
.
And
why
doth
he
say
forced
it
,
meaning
the
King
,
when
it
was
established
by
his
Predecessours
with
consent
of
Parliament
,
which
the
Libeller
soe
much
pretends
to
reverence
?
And
he
may
easily
answeare
his
question
,
that
would
have
the
forme
of
words
vsed
by
every
Minister
to
be
forced
vpon
all
congregations
,
and
we
may
justly
vse
the
same
words
allwayes
,
that
containe
pititions
of
all
things
necessary
.
The
Leiturgie
comprehends
not
all
truth
.
And
doth
he
thinke
,
that
all
truth
should
be
comprehended
in
prayer
,
or
that
any
benifitt
,
or
vse
of
sacred
expressions
is
de●…ed
vs
,
vnles
all
the
expressions
of
Scripture
are
conteined
in
publique
prayer
.
We
have
the
full
benifit
of
all
sacred
expressions
,
if
our
nece●…ties
are
fully
represented
,
but
his
spirit
of
vtterance
is
the
vse
of
varietie
in
expression
,
as
if
there
were
a
necessitie
to
vse
all
expressions
to
the
same
sense
,
and
he
would
have
ws
beleive
,
that
the
benifitt
of
sacred
expressions
is
barralled
vp
in
the
new
tub
men
whose
prayers
not
only
want
salt
,
but
are
besmeared
with
prophanes
.
Though
God
raigne
downe
new
expressions
into
our
hearts
,
yet
it
is
not
fitt
for
the
whole
Church
,
to
be
yoaked
to
the
fancies
of
every
Levite
,
who
often
mistake
,
Satanicall
injection
for
the
dew
of
heaven
,
and
he
is
much
mistakē
in
his
comparison
of
retaining
the
forme
of
wholesome
words
to
reserved
Manna
,
but
the
loathers
of
this
Manna
of
wholesome
words
are
the
true
offspring
of
these
murmerers
,
that
loathed
the
Celestiall
Manna
,
and
bread
of
Angles
,
because
they
had
it
all
wayes
,
accounting
it
a
light
foode
in
regard
of
their
sensuall
appetite
,
as
these
men
now
thinke
the
formes
of
the
Church
light
in
regard
of
the
ordinary
vse
,
&
of
their
owne
parts
,
which
they
would
expose
to
the
people
,
and
therefore
,
if
Leiturgies
,
were
Manna
it selfe
yet
if
whorded
vp
,
and
enjoined
they
will
be
found
sayes
the
Libeller
like
reserved
Manna
,
rather
to
breede
wormes
,
and
stinke
.
For
the
varietie
of
words
,
though
God
have
given
vs
plentie
,
and
that
we
ought
not
to
be
nigardly
of
them
to
him
alone
,
yet
we
finde
long
prayers
,
and
vaine
repetitions
condemned
by
God
,
and
we
are
commaunded
,
when
we
come
before
him
,
that
our
words
be
few
,
and
the
questing
of
Scripture
Phrase
in
prayers
is
now
found
wanting
in
leiturgies
,
that
was
soe
lately
scorned
by
the
libeller
for
the
lipp
worke
of
every
Prelaticall
leiturgist
.
Sectaries
prayers
,
though
dressed
with
varietie
of
words
are
accompained
with
a
nigardly
devotion
,
wherein
God
cheifely
requires
vs
to
be
copious
,
&
this
libeller
is
copious
in
blasphemy
,
that
wil
have
the
word
of
God
,
if
whorded
vp
,
and
injoyn'd
to
breed
wormes
,
&
stinke
.
The
libeller
would
have
his
scoffes
received
for
Argument
,
&
to
vilifie
the
vse
of
sett
formes
brings
in
the
famine
of
the
seidge
of
Ierusalem
,
whē
the
Priests
brought
still
the
same
loaves
of
the
shewbread
,
not
being
able
to
procure
new
,
&
he
would
give
vs
stones
for
bread
,
the
Pharisees
still
continue
their
old
leaven
of
hipocrisie
,
though
their
words
be
varyed
.
If
the
Lords
prayer
had
been
a
warrant
for
leiturgies
,
why
was
neither
that
,
nor
other
set
forme
after
vsed
mentioned
by
the
Apostles
,
or
commēded
to
our
vse
.
It
had
beē
very
needelesly
prescribed
by
our
saviour
,
if
it
had
never
beē
vsed
afterwards
,
&
it
had
been
disobedience
in
the
Apostles
,
if
they
did
not
vse
it
,
being
by
our
saviour
commaunded
.
It
is
the
commō
argumēt
of
heretickes
to
accuse
God
of
improvidence
,
vnles
he
proportiō
his
revelations
to
the
measure
of
their
fancies
,
&
though
the
Counsel
of
God
,
&
supernaturall
truths
to
be
beleived
were
fully
revealed
,
w●…
may
not
beleive
,
that
nothing
was
left
to
Christian
prudence
in
the
Church
of
God
,
and
we
cannot
pretend
want
of
revelation
in
this
point
,
where
we
have
such
expresse
prescription
of
the
Lords
prayer
,
and
particular
injunctions
of
the
Apostle
St.
Paul
,
and
if
we
m●…st
expect
such
revelations
,
where
is
it
revealed
that
every
congre●…
must
vse
only
such
words
,
as
the
Minister
thereof
extemporally
dictates
in
their
prayers
.
If
God
left
our
words
to
be
putt
into
vs
without
premeditation
,
why
then
doth
the
Libeller
allow
any
mans
private
infirmitie
to
vse
helpes
?
will
not
God
help
private
infirmitie
that
way
,
Or
is
every
one
in
the
congregation
without
infirmitie
.
How
is
any
assured
if
the
promise
be
vniversall
.
Our
saviour
encouraged
his
disciples
with
promise
of
assistance
without
their
premeditation
,
And
why
doth
he
object
want
of
Christian
diligence
to
set
formes
,
if
it
be
a
fault
to
vse
it
,
and
all
must
be
done
without
premeditation
.
And
it
s
like
his
preachers
pray
&
sermonize
without
premeditation
by
the
stuffe
they
vtter
,
and
we
see
what
respect
they
beare
to
God
,
that
pressed
diligence
in
their
actions
touching
this
life
,
&
Rebellion
,
&
exclude
it
from
devotion
&
that
,
which
concernes
God
.
what
soever
the
Libeller
sayes
concerning
Gods
graces
,
is
nothing
to
the
question
,
touching
the
vse
of
Leiturgies
,
vnlesse
he
would
have
,
that
in
the
publique
congregation
,
every
person
should
have
his
prayer
a
part
,
and
bring
that
disorder
,
which
the
Scripture
forbidds
.
Voluntary
prayers
are
lesse
subject
to
formall
,
and
superficiall
tempers
,
then
set
formes
,
for
in
those
hee
,
who
prayeth
must
consult
first
with
his
heart
,
which
in
all
likelihood
may
stirre
vp
his
affections
.
But
he
doth
most
commonly
consult
with
his
braine
both
for
matter
,
what
is
most
pleasing
,
and
what
most
proper
in
expression
,
and
it
is
incident
vnto
most
to
fall
into
an
affection
of
their
owne
conceptions
,
and
abilities
in
these
voluntary
prayers
,
rather
then
true
devotion
.
Affections
grow
lasy
in
set
prayer
,
and
come
not
vp
easily
at
the
call
of
words
.
But
much
more
easily
,
then
in
the
labour
for
words
,
and
matter
,
and
those
words
are
most
emptie
of
devotion
,
and
prayer
,
which
are
the
ostentation
of
the
presenters
abilities
,
who
is
apt
to
seeke
satisfaction
in
contemplation
of
his
owne
parts
,
and
his
fervour
is
greater
in
looking
on
himselfe
,
then
God
.
Ostentation
,
and
formalitie
may
taint
the
best
duties
.
And
why
not
then
the
best
institutions
,
and
if
vnpremeditated
babling
may
be
restrained
without
forbidding
the
spirit
of
God
,
which
is
in
his
sense
his
extemporary
prayer
,
why
may
not
lasines
,
and
formalitie
be
reprehended
in
such
,
as
vse
the
publique
leiturgie
without
forbidding
the
vse
of
it
,
but
it
is
,
as
himselfe
sayes
the
Custome
of
hipocrites
to
take
advantage
at
the
least
abuse
of
Good
●…gs
,
that
vnder
that
covert
,
they
may
remove
the
goodnes
of
those
things
,
●…her
then
the
abuse
.
Constancie
attributed
to
the
vse
of
set
formes
,
he
calls
the
constancie
of
the
C●…oe
to
be
allwayes
vsing
the
same
Leiturgie
.
And
what
then
are
his
best
reformed
Churches
?
this
shewes
him
one
of
those
chattring
birds
,
that
Abraham
drave
from
his
sacrifise
,
and
this
wretch
trembles
not
to
compare
the
sett
formes
appointed
by
God
himselfe
in
the
Scripture
to
the
Cuckoe
,
and
t●…e
vse
of
the
Scripture
is
the
constancy
of
the
Cuckoe
The
booke
for
aught
we
know
was
composed
by
men
neither
learned
,
nor
godly
.
But
they
are
vngodly
,
that
without
knowledge
will
suppose
them
neither
learned
,
nor
Godly
,
but
was
the
Martirdome
of
many
of
them
noe
proofe
of
their
Godlines
?
And
are
there
noe
workes
,
that
prove
the
learning
of
those
Composers
,
doth
this
man
thinke
vpon
the
credit
of
the
protestant
Religion
?
Noe
doubt
the
spiritt
helpes
our
infirmities
,
but
we
have
noe
promise
,
that
the
spiritt
shall
enable
every
Christian
to
compose
prayers
for
the
whole
congregation
,
neither
doth
the
Libeller
beleive
,
that
all
his
Ministers
of
the
new
Religion
are
soe
endowed
,
if
he
doe
,
he
hath
few
associates
.
It
is
Gods
promise
,
that
where
two
,
or
three
gathered
together
in
his
name
shall
agree
to
aske
any
thing
,
it
shable
graunted
.
And
how
can
they
agree
without
a
prescript
forme
,
is
the
agreement
,
that
all
must
follow
the
desires
of
one
?
That
there
was
a
Leiturgie
in
the
Chuch
,
of
the
Jewes
hath
not
been
denyed
by
any
learned
man
,
&
its
apparent
by
the
Titles
of
many
of
Davids
Psalmes
,
that
they
were
vsed
by
the
singers
in
the
ordinary
service
of
the
Church
.
That
Christians
vsed
the
Lords
prayer
,
and
other
sett
formes
cannot
be
denyed
,
and
the
Libeller
is
much
deceived
in
his
computation
of
the
time
,
when
Leiturgies
begun
,
for
the
Church
never
wanted
them
,
and
we
have
seene
by
experience
,
that
true
pietie
,
followed
the
vse
of
Leiturgies
,
disobedience
,
and
prophanes
the
rejection
of
them
,
&
such
,
as
have
rejected
them
,
have
proved
not
only
Truants
,
but
Apostates
to
all
sanctitie
.
What
is
said
of
Leiturgie
is
said
of
Directorie
,
and
soe
farewell
Presbiterian
.
We
finde
,
that
none
make
such
presumptuous
claime
to
Ministeriall
guifts
,
as
ignorant
,
and
braineles
persons
,
that
have
noe
Title
by
calling
,
or
endowment
.
The
King
had
noe
reason
to
object
,
that
the
Common
prayer
booke
was
〈◊〉
,
because
it
prayed
soe
oft
for
him
,
for
large
,
and
laborious
prayers
were
made
for
him
in
the
pullpits
.
But
it
s
well
knowne
,
that
the
Sectaries
were
neither
large
,
nor
laborious
in
such
prayers
,
and
it
s
justly
doubted
,
not
sincere
,
when
they
vsed
them
,
but
would
have
men
heare
their
hipocriticall
formalitie
,
not
God
to
graunt
what
they
seemed
to
pray
for
,
and
all
men
can
witnes
what
prayers
were
made
for
him
in
pulpits
after
the
leiturgie
was
rejected
,
al
the
largenes
,
and
labour
appearing
in
their
prayers
was
to
reproach
his
person
,
and
procure
him
dishonour
,
and
miserie
.
The
King
in
his
prayers
presumes
Leiturgies
to
be
lawfull
.
What
should
hinder
?
praying
that
the
Church
,
and
he
might
never
want
them
.
And
what
sayes
the
Libeller
could
be
worse
prayed
extempore
,
he
might
have
answeared
himselfe
,
that
Prayer
to
want
them
was
to
call
for
Desolation
vpon
the
Church
.
Of
the
Differences
in
point
of
CHURCH
GOVERNMENT
.
THe
Libeller
sayes
,
the
Author
in
this
Chapter
discovers
more
of
misterie
,
and
combination
betweene
Tyrany
,
and
false
Religion
,
then
from
any
other
hand
would
have
been
credible
.
T
is
strange
,
that
soe
obvious
,
a
truth
should
be
incredible
from
any
hand
.
Was
not
Jeroboams
new
Religion
the
foundation
of
a
Tyrany
,
and
have
not
all
vsurpers
in
the
Civill
state
pretended
some
false
Religion
?
Was
not
Mahometts
wicked
imposture
,
and
Tyraniall
vsurpation
bredd
togeather
,
and
have
not
the
present
Tyrants
introduced
a
false
Religion
to
support
their
power
?
Hath
not
schisme
been
joyned
with
the
Rebellion
?
We
may
have
learnt
both
from
sacred
story
,
and
times
of
reformation
,
that
the
Kings
of
this
world
have
ever
hated
,
and
instinctively
feared
the
Church
of
God
.
It
s
manifest
Sectaries
hate
King
,
and
Church
,
malefactours
will
compliane
,
that
Judges
hate
them
for
their
vertues
.
We
finde
in
the
ancient
Church
,
that
Kings
were
the
greate
protectours
,
and
reformers
of
the
Church
,
and
its
strange
that
the
Libeller
,
if
he
had
looked
backe
at
all
,
had
not
seene
David
,
Solomon
,
Hezechiah
,
Josiah
,
and
others
.
The
Kings
of
Israell
politiquely
opposed
the
true
Church
,
for
feare
the
people
should
returne
to
the
house
of
David
,
and
if
we
looke
vpon
Pagan
Kings
,
we
finde
Cyrus
,
and
Artaxerxes
helping
the
establishment
of
the
true
Church
.
This
Libeller
hath
discovered
a
greate
Misterie
of
Rebellion
,
that
having
made
such
outcryes
of
Tyrany
against
his
late
Maj:
heere
tells
vs
the
Tyrany
was
Monarchy
,
&
they
would
not
be
subject
to
the
Kings
of
this
world
,
to
such
impostors
is
England
now
subject
,
that
kill
Kings
,
and
make
Tyrants
,
and
this
blaspheamer
stickes
not
to
charge
the
Church
of
God
,
and
the
Doctrines
thereof
with
opposition
to
Civill
Government
,
and
to
commaund
the
destruction
of
Kings
.
Because
the
doctrine
seemes
to
favour
Libertie
,
and
equalitie
.
And
are
there
not
Republiques
that
oppose
the
true
Religion
?
True
Religion
presseth
obedience
,
fa●…hood
,
and
imposture
allwayes
hold
foorth
licence
to
the
people
.
Is
there
through
all
the
booke
of
God
one
word
in
favour
of
this
Rebell
,
libertie
,
and
equallitie
?
And
did
not
God
plant
his
Church
at
first
in
an
apparent
inequallitie
,
and
subjection
both
in
the
state
Civill
,
&
Ecclesiasticall
?
And
this
broode
of
Sectaries
have
heeretofore
complained
,
that
their
doctrines
were
traduced
as
opposite
to
Monarchy
.
And
neither
Libertie
,
nor
equallitie
is
sought
for
to
the
people
,
but
to
betray
them
to
the
power
of
these
deceivers
,
who
are
growne
to
that
impudence
to
pretend
doctrines
of
confusion
,
and
Rebellion
to
be
the
true
Religion
.
The
Church
,
as
ancient
prophesies
foretold
should
dissolve
all
their
power
,
&
Dominion
.
Few
sects
professing
Christ
have
appeared
more
Turkish
,
then
these
present
of
England
,
they
fancie
an
earthly
Kingdome
for
the
Church
,
as
Mahomett
his
Paradise
,
and
then
,
that
themselves
are
the
true
Church
,
and
shall
have
Dominion
over
all
,
and
avow
their
intention
to
destroy
all
Kings
,
and
whoever
submitt
not
to
them
.
But
certenly
Kings
vnderstood
not
any
such
prophesies
,
nor
feared
such
pretenders
,
who
make
prophesies
to
agree
with
their
owne
wicked
Actions
,
and
ambitious
desires
.
His
first
instance
is
in
Pharaohs
oppressing
of
the
Israelites
.
And
doth
he
beleive
,
that
Pharaoh
knew
their
doctrines
,
or
prophesies
,
the
man
might
have
learnt
more
from
the
Text
,
that
being
strangers
they
might
over
power
him
,
and
thence
grew
his
persecution
,
not
from
the
libellers
imaginary
doctrine
.
He
makes
a
strange
leape
,
that
passes
by
all
stories
els
,
and
would
prove
his
position
by
his
owne
authoritie
,
and
expects
,
that
his
libell
against
the
King
shall
make
good
his
position
,
that
Kings
ever
feared
,
and
hated
the
true
Church
a
strong
way
of
disputing
,
to
prove
that
kings
hated
,
and
feared
the
true
Church
,
because
the
King
did
soe
,
and
to
prove
the
King
did
soe
,
because
kings
did
soe
,
this
is
a
stout
Champion
.
There
neede
no
answeare
to
his
bawling
of
the
kings
suspition
of
men
most
Religious
,
for
time
hath
tryed
,
that
they
were
Rebellious
,
and
wicked
Traytours
vnder
the
Masque
of
Religion
.
He
could
not
vse
violence
as
Pharaoh
did
,
and
therefore
chuses
a
more
misticall
way
of
Antichristian
fraude
,
and
like
Balak
to
hire
against
a
nation
of
Prophetts
other
esteemed
Prophe●…s
,
and
to
weare
out
the
Church
by
a
false
Ecclasiasticall
Policie
.
The
Summe
is
to
supresse
Sectaries
,
and
prevent
Traytours
is
this
Ecclesiasticall
Policie
,
but
where
is
this
Mist●…
of
Kings
hating
the
true
Church
,
is
there
noe
true
Church
of
God
where
there
is
Government
?
And
what
proportion
hath
this
supposition
of
his
to
the
kings
proceedings
?
Did
he
erect
Bishopps
,
or
was
there
any
Religion
established
,
or
publiquely
profest
,
which
he
opposed
,
but
only
false
,
and
hipocriticall
factionists
,
which
outwa●…lly
professing
the
established
Religion
sought
for
gaine
,
and
pride
,
se●…retly
to
draw
disciples
after
them
to
the
disturbance
,
&
subversion
of
the
Church
.
There
needes
not
any
thing
be
said
to
his
rayling
,
his
corruption
being
apparent
by
objecting
it
to
the
calling
of
Bishopps
,
and
hates
it
,
for
the
remedy
against
schisme
,
which
the
Church
had
by
them
.
The
King
bestowed
livings
according
to
the
law
,
and
the
Policie
was
not
his
,
but
the
ancient
constitution
of
the
Church
,
and
this
Monster
,
that
reproaches
the
retaining
any
thing
in
Leiturgie
,
or
Government
practised
by
the
ancient
Church
is
not
ashamed
to
charge
the
king
with
breach
of
Canons
,
and
the
ancient
practice
of
the
Church
in
conferring
Ecclesiasticall
dignities
,
and
the
peoples
right
in
Elections
was
never
pretended
in
England
,
and
justly
,
and
anciently
forbidden
in
the
Church
,
neither
doe
any
Canons
in
force
support
that
pretence
.
That
influence
,
which
the
king
sayes
is
necessarie
for
the
Prince
to
have
vpon
Churchmen
,
noe
man
,
that
beleives
the
Scripture
will
thinke
vnfitt
,
but
how
can
the
Libeller
make
good
,
that
the
many
Emperours
,
and
Kings
,
that
imbraced
the
Christian
Religion
hated
,
and
feared
it
,
for
soe
they
must
by
his
grounds
?
And
how
can
he
conclude
from
Pagans
hatred
to
Religion
,
that
it
was
only
from
their
kings
,
when
as
the
stories
are
soe
plentifull
in
setting
downe
the
madd
rage
of
the
multitude
,
the
truth
is
seditious
innovatours
know
,
that
their
hopes
,
and
strength
lie
to
seduce
the
silly
people
,
and
that
it
is
the
interest
of
governours
,
to
prevent
their
lewde
endeavours
,
and
thence
proceede
their
declamations
against
Rulers
,
and
their
proclamations
of
Libertie
,
and
that
,
which
they
cal
the
Bishopps
Tyrany
is
only
their
office
to
take
away
schisme
,
and
schisme
is
the
way
to
Rebellion
.
The
Libellers
judgment
touching
callings
founded
on
Scripture
,
reformation
,
or
graces
of
the
Bishopps
,
and
others
is
of
the
same
authoritie
,
as
the
determinations
of
Traytours
touching
loyaltie
,
and
heretickes
touching
sound
doctrine
,
and
his
end
never
agrees
with
his
beginning
,
but
in
rayling
,
and
incongruitie
,
for
but
now
he
made
it
the
Kings
Policie
to
hire
the
Bishopps
,
&
now
it
is
the
Bishopps
Policie
to
worke
that
perswasion
in
the
King
of
noe
Bishopp
,
noe
King
,
the
man
well
knowes
,
that
noe
Bishopp
,
noe
king
was
the
perswasion
,
of
King
James
,
who
found
it
true
by
his
owne
experience
without
the
helpe
of
Bishopps
,
and
yet
soe
sottish
doth
this
Libeller
presume
his
readers
,
that
makes
the
dependence
,
which
Bishopps
have
only
of
the
king
the
cause
of
such
perswasions
,
&
yet
in
their
owne
subtill
sense
,
they
were
of
another
minde
,
how
thē
could
their
dependence
be
a
cause
of
their
perswasion
,
or
was
their
sense
subtill
,
and
grossely
mistaken
.
Thus
those
blattering
devills
,
that
in
the
beginning
of
the
Parliament
charged
the
Bishopps
,
to
be
Antimonarchicall
thereby
to
conceale
their
malice
against
the
king
,
now
make
it
their
Cryme
to
favour
Monarchy
.
He
hath
found
a
very
strong
proofe
,
as
he
would
have
it
out
of
the
Historie
of
the
Councell
of
Trent
,
that
Bishopps
are
most
potent
,
when
Princes
are
weakest
,
that
argues
not
their
dependence
vpon
Princes
,
nor
that
aversion
to
Bishopps
is
not
aversion
to
Princes
,
it
was
spoken
of
Bishopps
depending
on
the
Pope
,
not
on
Princes
,
and
such
Clergy
men
,
as
have
their
dependence
on
Pope
,
or
people
wil
never
wish
,
that
the
king
should
be
potent
to
master
their
dependencie
.
From
this
the
King
sett
himselfe
to
the
removall
of
those
men
,
whose
doctrine
he
feared
would
be
the
vndoing
of
Monarchy
.
And
needed
he
the
Councells
of
Bishopps
to
provide
for
his
safetie
against
such
men
?
And
is
that
the
evill
interest
of
Tyrany
,
and
Episcopacie
to
prevent
the
designes
of
Traytours
?
Who
were
Traytours
,
if
they
were
not
,
that
would
vndoe
Monarchy
?
The
doctrine
,
and
designes
of
the
schismatickes
are
heereby
apparent
to
be
against
Monarchy
,
and
yet
the
prevention
of
such
conspiracies
is
the
Tyrany
,
and
the
corrupt
Councells
of
Bishopps
,
which
the
hipocrites
cry
out
on
.
Noe
temporall
law
could
touch
the
innocencie
of
their
lives
.
And
had
they
innocency
,
that
plotted
the
vndoing
of
Monarchy
vnder
which
they
lived
,
and
could
not
the
law
touch
it
?
Their
disobedience
to
lawes
was
a
Cryme
inconsistent
with
innocence
,
and
must
necessarily
be
punished
by
the
lawes
they
disobey
,
and
that
,
which
he
calls
persecution
of
their
consciences
,
and
laying
scandalls
before
them
was
only
the
requiring
of
their
obedience
to
Acts
of
Parliament
,
whose
authoritie
he
soe
frequently
cryes
vp
,
and
the
inflicting
of
just
penalties
on
their
bodies
,
and
Estates
according
to
the
lawes
was
the
dutie
of
the
Magistrate
,
to
whome
the
execution
of
them
belonged
,
although
the
indulgence
they
found
from
his
Majest:
in
mitigating
the
penalties
of
law
was
a
greate
cause
of
their
insolence
,
and
that
Calamitie
they
have
brought
vpon
the
kingdome
,
and
if
the
lives
of
these
men
be
sought
into
,
their
pride
,
impudence
,
calumnie
,
lying
,
perjurie
,
covetuousnes
,
and
crueltie
declare
their
lives
farr
from
innocent
.
The
man
now
breakes
out
into
a
thankesgiving
for
the
successes
of
their
Rebellion
,
and
though
these
hipocrites
despise
the
thought
of
a
Church
,
and
have
noe
Communion
with
any
Church
,
ancient
,
or
moderne
,
yet
the
resistance
of
them
is
warr
against
the
Church
.
Noe
Papist
could
speake
more
scandalously
against
reformation
,
then
that
Episcopacie
was
the
constant
practice
of
all
Christian
Churches
,
till
of
late
yeares
Tumult
,
pride
faction
,
and
covetuousnes
invented
new
modells
vnder
the
Title
of
Christs
Government
.
It
neede
not
be
observed
againe
,
how
the
Libeller
is
affected
to
the
reformation
,
that
despises
all
but
his
owne
Babell
,
and
Tumults
,
factions
,
pride
,
and
covetuousnes
,
the
causes
of
some
new
modells
touches
not
soe
many
,
as
he
supposes
,
there
being
soe
many
of
the
reformed
Churches
,
that
receive
not
these
new
modells
,
but
whoever
they
be
,
that
obtrude
them
,
as
Christs
Government
,
Scepter
,
and
Religion
,
they
will
be
marked
with
the
same
names
,
that
are
heere
mentioned
by
the
greatest
number
,
if
not
all
of
the
reformed
Churches
.
The
Apostles
were
not
properly
Bishopps
,
next
Bishopps
were
not
Successours
of
Apostles
in
the
function
of
Apostleshipp
.
If
the
Apostles
were
not
properly
Bishopps
he
should
have
told
,
how
they
were
improperly
Bishopps
,
for
by
his
caution
properly
he
admits
they
were
someway
Bishopps
,
and
the
Bishopps
therein
their
Successours
,
though
not
in
that
part
of
the
Apostleshipp
which
concerned
speciall
guifts
,
and
the
Testimonie
of
Christs
conversation
on
earth
,
whereof
they
were
eye
wittnesses
,
If
they
were
Apostles
,
they
could
not
be
precisely
Bishopps
,
and
why
not
precisely
,
if
Bishopps
.
They
could
not
be
Apostles
,
his
reason
is
,
because
that
of
Apostle
was
vniversall
,
extraordinary
,
and
immediate
,
the
other
ordinary
fixed
,
and
particular
charge
,
and
inspection
.
The
calling
of
the
seventie
disciples
was
vniversall
,
extraordinarie
,
and
immediate
,
and
yet
they
were
noe
Apostles
,
and
because
callings
were
at
first
extraordinary
,
must
not
they
,
whose
office
it
was
to
provide
Successours
to
themselves
,
and
others
in
the
Church
of
God
,
ordaine
others
into
their
functions
,
and
is
it
an
Argument
,
that
because
,
when
the
Church
was
gathered
,
men
had
particular
care
of
certaine
Churches
,
therefore
they
were
not
of
the
same
calling
with
others
,
that
preceeded
them
in
gathering
these
Churches
,
and
the
latitude
of
territorie
in
the
exercise
of
a
mans
calling
doth
not
make
difference
in
the
function
.
It
is
against
reason
,
and
Charitie
to
suppose
an
ignorance
,
and
deviation
of
the
ancient
Church
taught
by
the
Apostles
in
a
point
,
that
destroyed
the
calling
of
such
,
as
were
to
reproach
the
gospell
,
and
the
suddennesse
is
not
imaginable
in
the
introduction
of
Prelacy
,
vnles
by
Apostolicall
constitution
in
regard
of
the
vniversalitie
,
and
the
Author
cannot
name
any
manifest
corruption
so
sudden
,
and
vniversall
after
the
Apostles
,
though
he
pretend
many
.
The
Ecclesiasticall
Historie
proves
it
cleerely
to
be
false
,
that
noe
example
since
the
first
age
for
1500
yeares
can
be
produced
of
any
setled
Church
,
wherein
were
many
Ministers
,
and
congregations
,
which
had
some
Bishopps
over
them
.
And
his
proofe
is
out
of
Sozomen
,
who
,
he
sayes
,
wrote
above
1200
yeares
agoe
,
and
his
Testimony
,
that
in
the
Churches
of
Cyprus
,
and
Arabia
they
had
Bishopps
in
every
village
,
what
then
?
he
sayes
what
could
these
be
more
then
Presbiters
?
Yes
they
were
Bishopps
,
for
doth
any
man
doubt
,
that
Bishopps
,
and
Presbiters
were
not
distinct
in
Sozomens
time
,
who
soe
frequently
mentions
it
,
and
the
Libeller
complaines
of
the
corruption
of
introducing
them
in
the
ages
foregoing
,
there
are
many
Councells
before
Sozomen
,
which
were
vniversally
received
,
and
in
them
subordinate
of
Presbiter
to
Bishopp
is
the
vndeniable
practice
of
the
Church
,
and
the
quantitie
,
or
quallitie
of
Townes
,
or
Territories
,
wherein
Bishopps
were
placed
,
noe
way
proves
the
lessening
of
their
order
,
neither
can
it
be
collected
,
because
Bishopps
were
in
small
villages
,
that
therefore
they
were
noe
other
then
Presbiters
,
but
heerein
the
Libeller
shewes
his
malicious
opposition
to
truth
in
abusing
Sozomen
,
who
having
said
,
that
Churches
had
several
customes
,
&
instances
,
that
though
there
were
many
Citties
in
Scithia
,
there
was
one
Bishopp
only
over
all
,
and
in
other
Countreyes
Bishopps
were
in
villages
,
not
every
village
,
&
he
might
aswell
conclude
noe
Presbiters
in
Scithia
,
as
none
,
but
Presbiters
in
Arabia
,
and
Cyprus
.
The
same
Author
tells
the
like
of
other
nations
,
and
that
Episcopall
Churches
did
not
condemne
them
.
Wherefore
should
they
condemne
them
?
It
s
like
they
would
,
if
they
had
taken
vpon
them
to
exercise
the
calling
of
Bishopps
being
but
Presbiters
,
for
that
was
long
before
condemned
by
the
Canons
.
He
makes
a
large
leape
from
sozomen
to
fower
hundred
yeares
agoe
,
and
then
he
sayes
many
westerne
Churches
in
France
,
Piedmont
,
and
Bohemia
admitted
not
of
Episcopacy
among
them
,
and
yet
the
doctrine
,
and
practice
of
these
Churches
published
by
themselves
is
,
that
they
had
Bishopps
,
&
continue
them
stil
,
&
this
the
libeller
might
see
in
their
own
bookes
.
If
we
might
beleive
what
Papists
have
written
of
the
Waldenses
,
he
findes
in
a
booke
written
400
yeares
since
,
that
those
Churches
in
Piedmont
held
the
same
doctrine
since
the
time
,
that
Constantine
with
his
mischeivous
donations
poysened
,
Thus
the
exploded
forgery
of
constantines
donation
is
made
authenticke
to
reproach
the
Church
,
Sylvester
,
and
the
whole
Church
.
This
is
the
Schismaticall
Charitie
to
the
first
Christian
,
Emperour
,
and
the
whole
Church
,
but
the
man
might
have
remembred
,
that
Bishopps
by
his
owne
confession
were
long
before
the
time
of
Constantine
,
and
if
we
beleive
the
waldenses
themselves
,
they
had
Bishopps
in
their
Churches
,
who
held
the
same
doctrine
,
and
Government
,
and
the
antiquitie
of
the
waldenses
proves
,
that
they
had
Bishopps
,
otherwise
they
had
beē
condemned
by
the
ancient
Church
,
as
Aerius
,
was
,
for
if
there
had
been
any
Churches
,
differing
from
vniversal
practice
in
the
time
of
Constantine
,
it
is
not
imaginable
,
that
they
had
been
vnobserved
,
&
wee
finde
noe
mention
of
their
dissent
,
but
from
the
Papacie
,
and
that
long
after
.
The
famous
Testimonie
of
St.
Jerome
,
whereto
he
reserrs
the
rest
is
farr
from
declaring
openly
,
that
Bishopp
,
and
Presbiter
are
the
same
thing
,
but
the
contrary
is
manifest
in
him
,
sor
what
proose
can
there
be
drawne
from
saint
Jerome
,
that
Bishopps
,
&
Presbiters
were
the
same
thing
,
who
sajes
,
that
befor
schisme
by
instigatiō
of
the
devil
entred
into
the
Church
,
&
that
one
said
I
am
of
Paul
,
another
of
Apollo
,
another
of
cephas
,
al
things
were
governed
by
the
common
counsel
of
the
Presbiters
,
and
who
will
thinke
,
that
there
were
no
dis●…t
orders
,
because
things
were
governed
by
the
commō
counsel
of
Presbiters
,
&
whē
these
schismes
began
,
and
when
things
were
soe
gove●…ed
,
were
there
not
Apostles
in
the
Church
,
and
superiour
to
Presbi●…ers
?
St.
Ierome
affirmes
,
that
Bishopps
rather
by
custome
,
then
ordainement
of
Christ
were
exalted
above
Presbiters
.
St
Ierome
speakes
of
priviledges
given
to
Bishopps
above
Presbiters
by
custome
,
but
he
affirmes
the
power
of
ordination
belonging
to
them
,
and
not
to
Presbiters
Though
St.
Ierome
make
a
difference
betwixt
the
ordainment
of
Christ
,
and
the
practice
of
the
Apostles
,
neither
he
,
nor
any
good
Christian
ever
questioned
the
lawfullnes
,
&
authoritie
of
such
Custome
of
the
Church
in
the
times
of
the
Apostles
,
and
this
man
,
that
in
this
very
Chapter
said
the
King
produced
noe
Scripture
,
and
that
antiquitie
was
not
of
weight
against
it
,
now
gravely
determines
that
interpretation
of
St.
Ierome
in
his
sense
shal
be
received
before
intric●…
stuffe
tatled
out
of
Timothy
,
and
Titus
.
Thus
this
prophane
hipocrite
prostitutes
Scripture
,
where
it
contradicts
their
practises
,
and
St.
Ierome
shal
be
preferred
before
Scripture
,
if
he
seeme
to
favour
their
sense
,
and
vilified
beneath
Esops
falles
,
if
he
dissent
from
them
.
If
it
be
farr
beyound
Court
Element
what
is
said
by
his
Majest:
it
is
not
above
his
owne
,
the
proper
Element
of
this
breaker
is
prophanes
,
and
impudence
,
and
heere
againe
he
importunately
obtrudes
the
Kings
letter
to
the
Pope
,
which
he
makes
a
chiefe
support
of
his
Trayterous
pretences
,
but
the
authoritie
of
a
gazet
out
of
which
he
quotes
it
,
is
too
meane
to
rayse
a
scandall
vpon
a
Prince
in
the
judgment
of
any
reasonable
men
,
and
this
man
well
knowes
th●…
fraude
in
publishing
that
false
Copie
of
the
Kings
letter
,
which
he
willfully
passes
by
,
and
the
satisfaction
,
which
the
King
gave
the
Parliament
,
and
whole
Kingdome
vpon
his
returne
out
of
Spaine
,
&
the
dissolving
of
those
Treaties
,
which
occasioned
that
letter
must
stopp
the
mouth
of
all
detractours
to
offer
it
as
an
argument
of
his
Majest:
inclination
to
the
Roman
Religion
?
The
Libeller
answeares
his
Majest:
argument
to
prove
his
sufferings
out
of
conscience
,
not
Policie
,
because
his
losses
were
more
considerable
then
episcopacy
with
objecting
hardning
,
and
blindnes
,
being
himselfe
hardned
to
oppose
all
light
of
truth
,
and
shut
his
eyes
against
the
cleerest
demonstrations
.
Where
hath
more
faction
,
and
confusion
ever
been
bredd
,
then
vnder
the
imparitie
of
his
owne
Monarchicall
Government
.
The
king
pretended
not
,
any
Government
could
absolutely
shut
out
faction
,
but
we
may
be
sure
those
factions
are
most
dangerous
to
all
Governments
,
whose
principles
are
destructive
to
it
,
and
these
factions
were
not
bredd
in
the
constitution
of
Monarchy
,
but
among
the
Enemies
af
it
,
and
the
envious
man
sowed
his
tares
,
while
men
slept
,
and
as
he
will
not
stand
powling
of
the
reformed
Churches
to
know
their
numbers
,
soe
he
wil
hand
over
head
affirme
,
that
the
farr
greater
part
in
his
Majest:
three
kingdomes
desired
what
they
have
now
done
to
throw
downe
Episcopacie
,
which
hath
as
litle
weight
as
truth
the
reformed
Churches
are
not
vilified
one
by
another
,
though
each
maintaine
their
severall
formes
of
Government
,
and
his
Majest:
is
farr
from
vilifying
those
Churches
,
but
the
Libeller
vilifies
himselfe
,
and
them
that
scoffs
it
their
Archpresbitery
classicall
,
and
Diocesine
Presbitery
,
and
their
Priest-led
herodians
,
blinde
guides
.
None
but
Lutherans
retained
Bishopps
,
and
therein
convinces
himselfe
of
his
often
repeated
vntruths
,
that
all
the
reformed
Churches
rejected
Episcopacy
for
the
Novations
,
Montanists
having
noe
other
Bishopps
,
then
such
,
as
were
in
every
village
is
another
of
his
falsities
in
adding
the
word
every
,
and
it
doth
not
prove
,
that
these
heretickes
had
not
Bishopps
,
and
Presbiters
,
which
Christians
may
have
,
though
they
live
in
Caves
,
and
deserts
,
and
its
evident
in
story
those
heretickes
had
Bishopps
.
That
the
Aerians
were
condemned
for
heretickes
the
Libeler
well
knowes
,
and
the
King
naming
them
soe
meddles
not
with
their
particular
heresies
,
and
it
is
too
obscure
to
be
seene
,
that
the
King
fastens
that
opinion
touching
Bishopps
,
and
Presbiters
for
their
heresie
.
Though
the
Clergie
ought
to
minister
the
gospell
,
if
the
people
supply
them
not
,
yet
such
temutie
,
and
contempt
quickely
becomes
a
Carkase
indeede
.
The
Sectaries
,
that
place
their
greatenes
in
being
the
ringleaders
of
faction
turne
all
Religion
into
a
fantasme
,
and
knowing
they
could
never
by
any
judicious
choise
obtaine
preferment
in
the
Church
professe
the
dislike
of
them
,
and
seeke
their
fortunes
in
seducing
the
multitude
.
It
s
easily
beleived
,
that
wealth
may
breede
vices
in
the
Clergie
,
aswell
,
as
others
,
but
must
they
therefore
be
made
poore
,
and
others
rich
by
the
robbery
of
them
?
the
Kings
choise
of
Bishopps
will
convince
the
clamours
of
the
Schismatickes
,
and
gives
just
cause
to
expect
the
evill
consequences
the
King
foretells
of
their
removall
.
That
the
function
of
Bishopps
,
and
Presbiters
was
not
tyed
to
place
,
though
the
exercise
of
it
was
by
Ecclesiasticall
constitution
,
he
hath
been
already
told
,
and
that
it
was
necessary
the
Apostolique
power
for
the
Government
of
the
Church
must
descend
to
Bishopps
,
there
being
noe
others
,
that
ever
pretended
to
it
.
How
the
Church
florisht
vnder
Episcopacie
,
the
extent
of
the
Christian
Religion
over
soe
greate
a
part
of
the
world
doth
sufficiently
testifie
,
&
the
corruption
of
many
in
that
order
doth
not
take
away
the
benifitt
of
it
,
which
acrewed
vnto
the
Church
by
the
labours
of
others
,
and
all
ages
have
recorded
persons
of
greate
learning
,
and
holines
of
life
in
that
order
.
He
talkes
againe
of
the
Kings
Coronation
oath
to
give
vs
such
lawes
,
as
our selves
should
chuse
,
when
he
knoweth
,
that
the
clause
,
which
he
pretends
to
be
in
that
oath
imports
noe
such
thing
,
nor
was
that
oath
,
wherein
the
clause
is
pretended
ever
ministred
to
the
King
,
nor
diverse
other
Kings
,
nor
ordeined
to
be
soe
.
In
likelihood
they
were
neerer
amendment
,
that
sought
a
stricter
forme
of
Church
discipline
,
then
that
of
Episcopacie
.
But
they
that
sought
to
remove
Episcopacy
would
have
the
Church
discipline
in
their
owne
hands
,
that
it
might
be
loose
,
and
in
likelyhood
they
would
not
be
strict
to
themselves
,
his
boasting
of
what
the
Scotts
could
worke
by
power
,
shewes
,
that
he
regards
nothing
right
,
but
power
,
and
soe
he
can
prevayle
,
despises
all
Justice
,
and
conscience
.
Vpon
the
VXBRIDGE
TREATIE
.
THat
men
may
treate
like
beasts
,
aswell
,
as
fight
,
noe
way
opposes
his
Majest:
Aphorisme
,
which
affirmes
Treaties
,
a
retiring
from
fighting
like
beasts
to
agreeing
like
men
,
Treaties
being
managed
only
by
the
vse
of
reason
,
fighting
by
force
,
and
his
Majest:
spake
of
the
nature
of
Treaties
,
not
the
abuses
of
men
in
them
,
and
though
some
fighting
may
be
manlike
yet
the
Act
is
common
to
beasts
,
rationall
Treaties
cannot
The
Kings
march
,
and
fight
at
Brainford
,
the
Libeller
would
make
a
thirst
of
warr
though
in
the
rigour
of
Marshall
law
,
it
might
have
been
excused
in
a
naturall
Enemy
that
makes
a
trade
of
warr
.
And
may
as
justly
be
defended
in
the
King
,
whome
that
faction
,
which
proferred
a
Treatie
to
him
at
Cole-brooke
intended
to
surprize
him
,
having
disposed
their
forces
in
such
places
,
as
must
have
effected
it
,
if
he
had
not
speedily
prevented
it
by
that
onset
.
What
he
intimates
touching
Oxford
,
Bristow
,
and
scarborrow
naming
noe
particulars
,
he
can
expect
no
answeare
,
&
whoever
lookes
over
the
memoriall
,
of
passages
touching
Treaties
will
finde
that
the
Kings
offers
were
soe
large
,
as
nothing
,
but
desire
of
peace
could
have
moved
him
to
it
,
and
nothing
but
guiltines
,
and
ambition
could
be
the
cause
of
their
refusall
.
That
the
faction
in
Parliament
would
have
compelled
him
to
part
with
his
honour
as
a
King
,
the
Libeller
denyes
not
,
but
askes
what
honour
he
had
,
but
the
peoples
guift
,
&
yet
he
seekes
to
defend
the
Actions
of
theis
villaines
,
as
defending
themselves
,
and
resorts
to
his
common
principles
that
Kings
are
but
the
servants
of
the
people
,
who
may
dispose
of
their
Kings
,
and
their
honour
as
they
thinke
best
.
And
by
his
doctrine
the
King
,
and
people
must
be
the
prey
of
every
powerfull
Traytour
.
It
neede
not
be
repeated
,
that
the
peoples
welfare
consists
in
supporting
the
rights
of
their
King
,
and
that
it
is
their
miserie
to
deprive
themselves
of
him
,
and
turne
into
confusion
,
and
slavery
to
vsurpers
,
And
it
is
Monstrous
,
that
a
kings
highest
Court
sitting
by
his
regall
authoritie
should
bandie
themselves
against
their
soveraigne
,
and
like
vipers
eate
out
the
bowells
of
their
parent
,
fighting
against
that
power
,
which
gives
them
being
,
and
by
an
vnnaturall
malice
of
the
members
to
the
head
cast
the
whole
body
into
an
incureable
consumption
.
This
insolence
,
and
presumption
of
the
pretended
Parliament
hath
brought
the
loose
rabble
,
and
lawles
Army
to
despise
the
representation
,
which
they
soe
much
magnifie
,
and
doe
that
vnto
them
,
which
they
did
vnto
their
king
.
It
cannot
be
doubted
,
that
subjects
cannot
with
dutie
treate
on
equal
termes
with
their
king
,
and
the
practice
of
all
times
makes
it
manifest
,
that
none
but
Traytours
attempted
it
,
and
it
was
a
sufficient
proofe
of
the
kings
desire
of
peace
,
that
he
sought
a
Treatie
,
where
a
submission
was
due
to
him
.
The
Kings
instructions
were
to
bribe
their
Commissioners
with
promise
of
securitie
rewards
,
and
places
.
How
he
proves
such
instructions
he
tells
vs
not
,
but
we
are
sure
,
that
the
demaunds
of
their
Commissioners
were
securitie
,
rewards
,
and
places
,
for
they
would
have
all
in
their
power
.
There
were
but
three
heads
of
the
Treatie
,
Ireland
,
Episcopacie
,
and
the
Militia
,
the
first
was
forestalled
by
a
peace
,
that
the
King
might
pretend
〈◊〉
word
against
the
Parliaments
Arguments
.
And
if
there
had
not
been
a
peace
made
,
it
was
a
most
detestable
Rebellion
,
and
blood
thirstie
crueltie
to
continue
an
intestine
warr
against
the
King
,
and
his
people
of
England
,
vnles
a
few
Tribunes
might
have
the
management
of
that
warr
in
Ireland
,
and
exclude
the
King
from
any
interest
in
that
kingdome
,
and
yet
this
must
be
a
defensive
warr
on
the
Rebells
part
.
The
King
bids
the
Queene
be
confident
,
he
will
never
quit
Episcopacy
,
which
informes
vs
by
what
patronage
it
stood
.
And
how
could
that
informe
you
,
even
as
well
,
as
the
Kings
telling
her
,
that
Religion
was
the
sole
difference
betweene
them
,
informes
you
,
that
the
Queene
directed
him
in
matters
of
Religion
.
The
sword
he
resolves
,
sayes
the
Libeller
to
clutch
as
fast
,
as
if
God
with
his
owne
hand
had
put
it
into
his
.
And
there
is
noe
doubt
but
he
had
,
and
it
was
a
Rebellious
wickednes
in
that
faction
,
which
sought
to
wrest
it
from
him
in
despite
of
Gods
ordinance
,
and
their
owne
sworne
subjection
.
In
all
these
the
King
had
reason
,
honour
,
and
conscience
on
his
side
,
and
his
pretence
,
that
the
Queene
was
Regent
in
all
these
is
farr
from
credible
,
when
causes
to
the
contrary
are
soe
obvious
to
every
vnderstanding
.
The
Libeller
himselfe
professes
their
intentions
to
take
away
the
Kings
right
,
and
would
suggest
to
the
world
,
that
it
was
only
the
Queenes
Councell
,
that
he
would
preserve
his
Crowne
,
Wise
men
could
judge
the
composure
likely
to
be
more
miserable
,
then
happy
.
But
these
wise
men
were
taught
by
their
guilt
never
to
thinke
themselves
secure
,
and
to
preferre
their
power
before
their
conscience
,
and
the
Kingdomes
peace
.
The
English
were
called
Rebells
during
the
Treatie
.
And
why
not
?
till
the
Treatie
had
made
an
abolition
of
their
offence
,
for
did
they
forbe
are
any
of
their
reproachfull
termes
,
or
Rebellious
actions
against
the
king
,
and
his
partie
during
the
Treatie
?
The
Irish
were
called
good
,
and
Catholique
subjects
.
And
that
some
of
them
might
be
,
though
the
Libeller
cannot
produce
the
instance
of
it
.
The
Parliament
was
called
a
Parliament
for
fashions
〈◊〉
,
and
in
the
Counsell
bookes
enrolled
noe
Parliament
.
That
it
was
no
Parliament
all
knowing
men
agree
,
and
the
enrolling
of
their
opinions
,
that
held
it
noe
Parliament
was
noe
injury
to
the
Treatie
,
and
the
Kings
appellation
of
them
a
Parliament
,
because
they
would
not
be
treated
with
otherwise
gives
them
noe
right
,
nor
shutts
vp
him
from
that
opinion
of
their
condition
,
which
was
true
,
and
reall
.
Christians
treate
with
the
Turke
by
those
appellations
,
he
will
be
called
by
,
though
they
doe
not
acknowledge
them
belonging
to
him
.
It
was
a
divellish
fraude
,
that
the
King
in
his
owne
esteeme
had
been
absolved
from
performance
,
as
having
treated
with
Rebells
,
and
noe
Parliament
,
and
they
insteede
of
an
expected
happines
brought
vnder
the
hatchett
.
Who
now
doth
not
see
,
that
force
,
and
guilt
were
the
continuers
of
this
horrid
Rebellion
,
and
blood
,
and
that
these
Traytours
perferred
their
private
securitie
before
publique
peace
?
But
whence
is
this
collection
of
a
divellish
fraude
by
a
divellish
interpreter
?
If
the
King
thought
not
the
appellation
due
to
them
,
which
he
gave
them
,
doth
it
follow
,
that
he
must
esteeme
himselfe
absolved
of
performance
of
his
promises
therefore
?
These
are
dreames
from
divellish
infusions
,
not
reasonable
suppositions
,
the
titles
of
treating
parties
having
noe
influence
vpon
the
performance
of
the
things
promised
,
and
they
of
the
other
side
might
have
said
,
they
were
absolved
from
performance
,
because
they
treated
with
the
Kings
Commissioners
vnder
other
Titles
then
they
had
,
or
were
knowne
by
,
but
they
would
perswade
the
people
,
that
they
cannot
be
safe
vnlesse
the
master
Rebells
rule
.
May
not
that
bratt
superstition
be
justly
laid
to
their
charge
,
that
impose
for
the
Scepter
of
Christs
Kingdome
a
yesterdayes
invention
of
congregationall
consistories
,
and
make
it
Religion
,
and
truth
of
God
to
roote
out
Prelates
of
the
Church
of
God
?
For
the
meritt
of
the
Treaties
,
and
where
the
blame
lay
of
their
breach
,
the
world
hath
long
since
full
satisfaction
,
and
that
the
Rebells
came
but
vnwillingly
to
Treaties
,
and
with
reserves
allwayes
to
breake
it
of
,
never
mittigating
the
rigour
of
any
proposition
in
the
least
degree
,
and
though
the
Libeller
,
and
others
spitt
Sulphur
,
and
cast
foorth
their
cloudes
of
lying
,
and
slander
,
yet
the
evidence
of
the
facts
dissolve
,
and
consume
their
venome
,
and
confidence
,
and
the
meanest
capacitie
descernes
the
falshood
,
and
crueltie
of
their
proceedings
both
in
warr
,
and
Treaties
.
Vpon
the
VARIOUS
EVENTS
Of
the
warr
.
IT
is
noe
new
,
or
vnwonted
thing
for
bad
men
to
claime
as
much
part
in
God
,
as
his
best
Servants
.
And
all
men
looke
vpon
the
Rebells
in
England
,
as
the
vnparalleld
prodigies
of
this
hipocrisy
,
their
claimes
vnto
Gods
service
,
and
favour
,
the
vsurpation
of
those
appellations
,
that
belong
to
the
Godly
,
their
ostentations
of
fastings
,
prayers
,
and
thankes
givings
,
and
severe
censures
of
the
persons
,
and
manners
of
others
,
are
a
sufficient
demonstration
of
this
presumption
of
men
hardned
in
wickednes
,
and
resolved
to
prosecute
ambitious
disignes
.
He
is
yet
to
learne
what
good
vse
the
King
made
of
these
various
events
,
neither
will
he
acknowledge
,
though
he
see
the
vse
of
insolence
,
&
crueltie
,
which
the
Rebells
have
made
of
their
successes
against
him
.
Those
numbers
,
which
the
King
grew
to
from
small
beginnings
,
came
not
out
of
love
,
but
fled
to
be
protected
from
the
feare
of
reformation
.
A
jolly
conceite
,
what
feare
of
reformation
was
there
,
or
appeares
yet
?
It
was
necessary
dutie
to
oppose
Rebells
,
and
confusion
,
and
that
was
then
knowne
vnto
the
silliest
people
,
but
such
,
as
were
poysened
by
the
contagious
doctrines
of
Rebellious
Sectaries
.
Such
a
snow
ball
might
easily
gather
through
those
cold
,
and
darke
provinces
of
ignorance
,
and
lewdenesse
.
And
can
he
thinke
,
that
any
Provinces
are
soe
ignorant
,
and
lewde
,
as
these
sinkes
,
and
Kenells
,
whence
the
Rebells
raked
the
rabble
of
rascallitie
,
which
they
armed
against
the
king
?
The
libeller
could
not
be
ignorant
of
what
al
his
partie
acknowledge
,
the
greate
disproportion
in
qualitie
both
for
place
,
and
education
,
that
was
in
the
Kings
partie
above
their
owne
.
The
Libeller
would
have
Gods
long
suffering
sometimes
to
harden
,
and
be
the
beginning
of
a
severer
punishment
.
But
he
overlookes
that
sensible
obduration
,
which
successes
have
brought
vpon
the
Rebells
,
and
as
they
are
a
severe
punishment
vpon
the
nation
,
soe
we
may
conceive
by
their
wickednes
,
that
their
prosperitie
bindes
them
over
to
greater
judgment
.
He
would
convince
the
King
of
breaking
lawes
,
and
that
he
had
not
the
sword
by
law
,
not
soe
much
,
as
to
vnsheath
against
a
forraigne
Enemy
.
And
by
soe
palpable
an
vntruth
,
it
being
knowne
vnto
the
whole
world
,
that
Leagues
,
and
warrs
with
forraigne
nations
were
made
by
the
King
alone
we
may
conclude
,
he
hath
quitted
shame
,
&
is
resolved
to
sticke
to
his
false
assertions
,
and
tottering
Arguments
,
though
never
soe
contrary
to
his
owne
Judgment
,
&
knowledge
,
&
heere
againe
he
repeates
his
jaded
discourse
of
a
free
nation
,
body
of
Parliament
,
and
sword
in
a
single
hand
so
often
spurred
vp
,
and
downe
since
the
beginning
of
his
booke
.
The
libeller
,
if
he
would
have
vsed
Arguments
should
have
expressed
wherein
his
pretences
differ
from
other
Rebells
,
for
all
pretend
Tyrany
in
their
Rulers
,
&
fighting
for
libertie
,
but
he
will
have
fighting
lawful
to
make
a
new
Republique
,
and
to
take
the
sword
to
destroy
the
old
,
&
insteede
of
making
the
King
guiltie
of
the
breach
of
lawes
,
justifies
the
Rebelliō
,
because
lawes
were
executed
.
Whatever
he
objects
for
a
reason
of
Rebellion
against
a
King
is
as
possible
to
any
other
Government
,
for
are
al
Republiques
of
one
Religion
,
&
may
the
subjects
of
different
Religion
from
what
is
established
in
any
state
Rebel
,
&
say
it
is
vnreasonable
,
that
rulers
must
be
obeyed
,
when
they
wil
not
conforme
to
the
opinions
of
a
sect
,
&
so
severall
opinions
must
decide
their
Religion
by
the
sword
.
If
such
Rebells
die
Martirs
we
have
been
much
deceived
of
malefactours
,
and
noe
Traytours
will
want
a
saint-shipp
.
This
opinion
of
his
touching
the
holines
of
Rebellion
,
he
sayes
,
is
not
the
opinion
,
but
full
beleise
of
farr
holyer
,
and
wiser
men
,
then
Parasuicke
preachers
,
For
holy
,
and
wise
men
the
Libeller
seemes
to
be
litle
acquainted
with
,
and
vnles
they
be
the
scandall
of
preachers
,
and
basest
of
Parasites
none
can
be
soe
vile
to
maintaine
such
odious
assertions
.
It
s
well
knowne
the
Crim
catching
sermonizers
to
these
Rebells
have
confidence
enough
to
speake
what
they
know
not
,
&
men
hired
to
act
a
false
part
will
blush
at
nothing
;
and
therefore
,
though
never
King
was
established
by
parliament
,
nor
could
be
,
because
they
depended
on
him
,
and
were
called
by
him
:
though
Parliaments
never
acted
in
law
,
C●…vill
oaths
,
nor
Religion
but
by
the
Kings
assent
,
and
the
oath
which
he
calls
the
Kings
,
and
hath
soe
often
mentioned
,
was
never
establisht
by
Parliament
,
yet
against
all
evidence
this
libeller
,
&
his
Mates
will
affirme
,
that
nothing
was
thought
to
be
established
,
which
that
house
declares
to
be
abolished
.
It
s
like
he
meanes
the
house
of
Commons
,
which
never
till
these
blacke
times
pretended
a
power
to
give
an
oath
,
much
●…esse
make
a
law
,
and
such
,
as
make
these
vast
vntruths
outgoe
Parasiticke
preachers
,
and
all
knights
of
the
Post
,
that
are
yet
discovered
.
It
were
absurd
to
give
the
Parliament
a
legislative
power
,
and
vpbraide
them
for
transgressing
old
Establishment
.
Whoever
thought
them
to
have
a
legislative
power
?
Is
not
the
King
the
Legislatour
,
and
they
his
Counsell
,
and
is
it
not
absurd
to
give
the
Legislative
power
to
them
,
that
are
to
advise
the
Legislatour
,
and
when
the
two
houses
desire
the
King
,
that
it
may
be
made
a
law
by
the
King
with
their
consent
,
is
it
not
absurd
,
that
one
house
should
say
all
the
Legislative
power
is
in
them
?
But
there
neede
noe
proofe
of
their
transgressing
old
establishments
,
when
they
confesse
it
.
It
s
like
the
Rebells
thinke
their
heaven
heere
,
and
they
doe
not
much
value
the
losse
of
the
other
,
and
noe
man
is
troubled
with
his
censure
,
to
whome
Charitie
,
and
truth
are
alike
despicable
.
The
Libeller
,
that
scoffes
at
the
seeking
of
heaven
in
forma
pauperis
shewes
his
value
of
heaven
,
and
seekes
none
but
that
,
which
is
to
be
found
in
forma
proditoris
.
He
thinkes
to
take
of
the
horror
of
their
death
,
that
dyed
in
willfull
perjury
,
and
Rebellion
against
the
king
by
raving
against
the
kings
partie
,
who
he
sayes
died
most
frequently
with
oaths
,
and
other
damning
words
in
their
mouths
,
And
is
soe
impotent
to
hope
,
that
the
Calumnies
of
a
perjured
wretch
will
finde
creditt
,
for
were
he
not
distempered
by
hellish
delusion
,
or
sottishly
drunken
,
he
would
not
soe
stupidly
affirme
,
that
it
was
notorious
,
that
they
,
who
were
hottest
in
his
cause
,
the
most
part
of
them
were
men
oftner
drunke
,
then
by
their
good
will
sober
,
it
being
a
knowne
truth
,
that
men
of
most
eminent
sobrietie
were
hottest
in
the
kings
cause
,
&
theis
traytours
never
forbare
any
wickednes
by
their
will
but
for
their
ends
.
The
king
neede
not
a
discovery
to
the
state
of
their
consciences
,
more
then
by
their
Actions
,
that
fought
against
him
,
and
he
might
justly
beleive
they
had
never
the
better
of
him
in
their
owne
consciences
,
where
they
were
more
affraid
to
encounter
those
many
reasons
from
law
,
alleagiance
,
and
Christian
grounds
,
then
in
a
desperate
bravery
to
fight
.
And
is
it
to
presume
more
then
a
Pope
to
say
this
?
But
he
that
will
not
sticke
at
open
falsification
will
not
sticke
to
slander
thoughts
,
and
offer
conjectures
for
convertions
,
such
as
were
most
zealous
in
his
Majest:
cause
had
a
sobrietie
vnblemishable
by
a
Traytours
malice
,
and
were
not
only
free
from
druken
distemper
,
but
brutish
insolence
,
and
brazen
impudence
,
which
the
Rebells
rather
affect
,
then
repent
of
.
And
is
there
not
a
just
cause
,
that
the
consciences
of
many
should
grow
suspitious
,
and
corrected
by
the
pretentions
of
the
misnamed
Parliament
,
now
proved
false
,
and
vnintended
?
What
's
become
of
their
making
a
glorious
King
,
lawes
of
the
land
,
priviledges
of
Parliament
?
Doth
not
every
man
see
they
are
all
in
the
dirt
among
the
Libellers
Ceremonies
.
But
they
never
pretended
to
establish
his
Throne
without
our
Libertie
,
and
Religion
,
nor
Religion
without
the
word
of
God
,
●…or
to
judge
of
lawes
by
their
being
established
,
but
to
establish
them
by
their
being
Good
,
and
necessary
.
They
never
pretended
,
that
his
throne
was
inconsistent
with
libertie
,
or
Religion
,
nor
to
judge
of
lawes
otherwise
,
then
by
being
established
.
But
who
must
be
the
Dictatours
,
the
Parliament
,
which
is
crumbled
into
a
close
Committee
,
and
state
Counsell
,
or
any
rabble
,
that
shall
say
this
,
or
that
law
is
not
good
,
and
therefore
to
be
repealed
,
though
established
,
he
ought
to
have
concluded
,
that
they
never
pretended
priviledge
of
Parliament
further
then
the
subterranean
junto
,
or
the
Tumults
should
judge
necessary
.
To
pray
,
and
not
to
governe
is
for
a
Monke
not
a
King
.
But
is
prayer
inconsistent
with
Government
?
Those
men
will
accuse
the
King
for
being
a
Christian
,
and
have
as
litle
love
to
prayer
,
as
obedience
,
a
monke
will
better
governe
,
then
such
a
man
pray
,
who
is
constant
to
malice
,
&
falshood
,
and
this
man
that
sayes
to
governe
by
Parliament
justisies
his
Rebellion
to
take
away
Kinglie
Government
.
His
legislative
Parliament
,
and
oppressed
lawes
cannot
be
admitted
,
where
other
answeare
is
wanting
,
but
the
Libeller
hath
long
since
thrust
the
force
of
them
out
of
doores
by
his
many
prevarications
,
confining
them
all
in
the
Cabinet
of
his
owne
braine
,
which
must
determine
whether
they
be
good
,
and
necessary
.
He
is
constant
to
Iohn
of
Leidens
principles
,
that
must
take
away
other
mens
goods
for
doubt
of
ill
vsing
them
,
and
because
the
King
sayes
,
he
feared
the
temptation
of
an
absolute
Conquest
,
therefore
it
was
pious
,
and
friendly
in
the
Parliament
to
resist
him
.
Their
pietie
,
and
friendshipp
were
much
alike
,
and
the
Libellers
Riligion
might
come
in
for
a
share
.
It
s
very
probable
,
that
this
warr
had
never
been
,
if
the
Act
for
continuance
of
the
Parliament
had
not
been
consented
to
by
the
King
,
and
that
Act
might
stopp
the
mouth
of
any
reasonable
man
,
from
saying
there
was
such
a
power
in
the
two
houses
,
as
the
Libeller
dreames
of
,
that
desired
that
Act
from
the
King
,
and
it
was
never
heard
in
our
story
,
that
ever
Parliaments
made
warr
against
Kings
,
as
Tyrants
,
or
otherwise
,
for
how
could
they
make
awarr
,
that
neither
could
,
nor
ever
did
pretēd
to
sit
longer
,
then
their
King
pleased
,
&
the
immodestie
,
&
ingratitude
of
the
present
Rebells
have
farr
exceeded
the
worst
Examples
.
He
is
obstinate
to
his
principles
,
and
feares
to
attribute
anything
to
the
Kings
concessions
,
or
denyall
,
and
had
he
graunted
lesse
in
all
probabilitie
himselfe
,
and
the
Kingdome
had
suffred
lesse
.
It
cannot
be
doubted
,
but
the
Libeller
will
invert
whatever
the
King
sayes
,
and
it
is
a
greate
adventure
,
that
he
sayes
the
sins
of
their
lives
not
seldome
fought
against
them
,
and
wee
have
greate
cause
to
beleive
their
prosperitie
did
noe
lesse
,
that
continue
hardned
in
soe
execrable
a
cause
.
The
King
sayes
he
desires
not
any
man
should
be
further
subject
to
him
,
then
all
of
vs
should
be
subject
to
God
.
And
this
Mountebanke
holds
this
a
sacriledge
worse
,
then
Bishopps
lands
,
for
he
sayes
he
desires
asmuch
subjection
,
as
is
due
to
God
,
and
so
desires
noe
lesse
then
to
be
a
god
.
And
is
subjection
to
Princes
in
the
,
Lord
subjection
to
them
as
God
?
And
doth
the
King
desire
otherwise
,
that
would
have
them
noe
otherwise
obey
him
,
then
that
they
might
obey
God
,
renouncing
all
obedience
,
that
consists
not
with
obeying
God
,
but
sale
worke
must
be
slight
,
and
the
Libeller
would
not
exceede
his
hire
.
The
Rebells
desiring
the
Kings
acquittall
of
them
for
the
blood
of
the
warr
confirmes
their
guilt
,
not
their
innocence
.
Though
God
impute
not
to
any
man
the
blood
shedd
in
a
just
cause
in
respect
of
the
ground
,
and
reason
of
doing
it
,
yet
there
may
be
temptations
vnto
naturall
infirmitie
in
acting
a
just
cause
,
and
the
King
was
not
without
a
sense
of
such
danger
,
therefore
the
Libeller
wretchedly
beggs
an
argument
of
his
guilt
from
his
prayer
not
to
have
blood
imputed
to
him
.
Vpon
the
REFORMATION
Of
the
Times
.
Noveltie
,
and
perturbation
are
justly
condemned
not
only
by
Christians
,
but
morall
men
,
and
it
is
a
noveltie
taken
vp
only
by
Sectaries
,
that
would
confine
all
Religion
to
their
owne
frensy
,
and
reject
the
vniversall
consent
of
all
times
,
and
places
,
and
not
only
boasting
of
the
truth
of
their
owne
delusions
,
but
obtruding
them
vpon
the
world
,
threatning
fire
,
and
sword
to
gainsayers
,
and
yet
they
will
pretend
the
example
of
our
Saviours
publishing
his
gospell
,
and
pretend
like
reason
for
their
fanaticke
conceites
,
as
for
his
divine
revelations
,
and
miraculous
Testimonies
,
and
because
reformation
may
be
necessary
,
therefore
they
conclude
it
must
be
as
often
,
as
these
,
that
are
carried
about
with
every
winde
of
doctrine
shall
thinke
fitt
,
&
they
would
reduce
Christianitie
to
a
cloud
without
water
tossed
to
,
&
fro
with
the
breath
of
private
opinion
.
The
first
reformers
in
the
time
of
Pope
Adrian
pretended
not
a
reformation
of
the
vniversall
Church
,
and
a
rejection
of
whatever
was
received
by
the
primitive
,
as
those
men
now
,
neither
did
they
presume
to
enforce
others
to
their
perswasion
,
and
though
noveltie
,
and
perturbation
were
objected
to
them
,
yet
they
still
deprecated
that
guilt
,
and
it
is
a
most
vnchristian
,
and
prophane
disposition
to
desregard
lawes
established
,
and
Religion
setled
vpon
presumption
of
private
opinions
,
and
these
of
men
neither
learned
,
discreete
,
nor
honest
.
There
is
greate
difference
betweene
a
clamour
,
and
an
vndeniable
truth
,
and
we
may
not
thinke
,
that
popular
compliance
,
dissolution
of
all
order
,
and
Government
in
the
Church
,
schisme
,
vndecencies
,
confusions
,
sacrilegious
invasions
,
contempt
of
the
Clergy
,
and
their
Leiturgie
,
and
diminution
of
Princes
are
lesse
odious
,
because
Papists
objected
them
,
or
that
any
pretended
reformation
introduced
by
these
detestable
practices
can
be
acted
,
or
approved
by
Christians
,
All
men
are
wittnes
,
that
the
present
Sectaries
are
guiltie
of
all
these
,
The
former
reformers
did
not
give
occasion
for
such
aspersions
,
that
desired
only
the
libertie
of
their
owne
consciences
from
the
practice
,
and
beleife
of
errours
newly
enjoyned
,
and
anciently
rejected
in
the
Church
,
or
els
followed
the
orderly
reformations
which
Princes
,
and
states
authorised
in
their
owne
Dominiōs
,
but
these
new
reformers
obtrude
their
dictates
vpon
all
the
world
,
and
will
dispose
of
all
Kingdomes
with
the
Divill
,
as
in
their
donation
.
Let
it
be
produced
,
what
good
hath
been
done
by
synods
since
the
reformation
.
It
s
like
not
the
good
he
meanes
to
authorise
all
manner
of
Lewde
sects
,
and
Lunaticke
opinions
.
But
synods
are
customary
,
and
have
their
set
times
in
all
the
reformed
Churches
,
and
if
there
be
fraude
,
and
packing
in
synods
,
as
he
sayes
,
whence
come
Parliaments
,
that
are
of
like
constitution
to
be
free
?
Is
there
a
priviledge
of
Parliament
to
change
nature
,
and
that
the
members
cannot
be
guiltie
of
fraude
,
faction
,
and
Treason
?
There
is
not
only
fraude
,
and
packing
by
insinuations
,
conspiracies
,
and
corruptions
of
the
vulgar
,
but
violence
,
and
confusion
to
Church
,
and
state
by
tumultuary
reformations
,
and
what
is
this
doctrine
of
rejecting
synods
,
but
the
justifying
of
all
licentious
violence
,
and
Lewde
Rebellion
to
introduce
mens
private
opinions
.
The
pulling
downe
of
Church
windowes
,
and
Crosses
,
which
were
but
Civill
not
Religious
markes
,
defacing
the
Monuments
,
and
inscriptions
of
the
dead
,
mentioned
by
the
King
are
the
effects
of
a
popular
,
and
deceitefull
reformation
in
the
account
of
all
true
protestants
.
That
Protestants
were
accused
by
Papists
,
as
these
are
charged
by
the
King
will
not
parallell
guilt
,
nor
hide
the
present
Actions
of
these
Traytours
from
view
,
and
detestation
.
The
Libeller
doth
very
preposterously
produce
the
Example
of
Iob
,
whose
sinceritie
was
accused
to
God
,
as
a
protection
for
the
hipocrisie
of
Sectaries
,
while
himselfe
acts
the
part
of
him
,
that
accused
Job
to
God
,
and
omits
not
the
traducing
of
all
proofes
of
pietie
,
Religion
,
and
Justice
in
the
late
King
.
But
the
infirmities
of
best
men
,
and
scandalls
of
hipocrites
in
times
of
reforming
can
lay
noe
just
blemish
vpon
the
integritie
of
others
,
nor
purpose
of
reformation
.
Noe
man
sayes
it
did
,
but
if
the
Reformation
it selfe
be
a
noveltie
pretending
not
the
consent
of
any
times
,
but
their
owne
opinions
of
places
of
Scripture
different
from
all
others
,
if
that
,
which
is
offred
in
the
name
of
reformation
be
in
it selfe
confusion
,
and
scandalous
imputing
Antichristianisme
to
all
the
Churches
of
God
,
that
were
before
them
,
and
that
the
way
of
introducing
it
be
with
presumption
,
blood
,
and
Rebellion
,
we
cannot
thinke
,
that
any
promoters
of
such
an
vnchristian
deformitie
can
have
any
integritie
,
or
Religion
,
and
they
are
not
blemished
,
with
the
Crymes
of
others
,
but
their
owne
.
They
,
that
have
no
publique
place
,
nor
authoritie
to
reforme
the
Church
cannot
be
excused
of
presumption
,
if
they
(
meddle
with
it
,
and
such
bu-sy
bodies
are
moved
with
Carnall
selfe
seeking
,
and
private
ambition
,
not
sense
of
dutie
.
If
any
thing
grew
worse
,
and
worse
in
the
Church
of
England
,
it
was
the
encrease
of
Sectaries
,
who
would
cover
their
hipocrisie
with
censure
of
superiours
,
and
lawes
.
These
Reformers
pretend
to
reforme
lawes
,
not
corruptions
,
for
though
they
talke
of
the
time
of
the
Kings
Raigne
,
they
pretend
to
reforme
nothing
,
that
was
particularly
worse
in
his
time
,
then
before
,
and
he
might
as
well
have
asked
,
why
Queene
,
Elizabeth
in
her
fortie
yeares
raigne
had
not
reformed
,
as
peevishly
talke
,
that
his
Majest:
should
not
reforme
in
twentie
yeares
,
when
it
was
held
strange
,
that
the
Schismatickes
should
be
soe
distempered
to
pretend
a
necessity
of
reformatiō
,
there
being
greater
neede
of
strengthning
what
was
established
.
It
is
a
Diabolicall
Method
to
change
the
order
of
the
Church
by
destruction
of
the
Civill
state
,
&
just
reformation
never
opposes
lawful
authoritie
in
setting
vp
a
Governmēt
over
others
.
Though
Christians
might
reforme
themselves
,
they
allwayes
judged
it
an
abomination
to
impose
their
Religion
vpō
the
state
they
lived
in
.
Private
reformations
are
of
Christian
right
,
but
publique
are
the
prerogative
of
supreame
power
,
and
though
Princes
ought
to
serve
God
in
the
first
place
,
the
people
are
not
to
destroy
Princes
in
the
first
place
,
they
may
worshipp
God
,
though
they
be
persecuted
,
they
cannot
truly
,
if
they
take
the
sword
to
subdue
them
,
that
are
in
authoritie
,
and
they
feare
not
God
,
that
feare
not
their
King
,
our
feare
of
God
bindes
vs
to
vse
noe
violence
against
our
King
,
nor
vpon
others
,
our
Allegiance
to
our
King
being
a
part
of
our
dutie
to
God
,
and
as
the
Apostle
convinces
those
,
that
hate
their
brother
,
not
to
love
God
,
soe
in
vaine
doe
they
pretend
to
feare
God
,
that
offer
violence
to
their
King
.
Can
a
Christian
breake
all
the
lawes
of
the
second
table
vpon
pretence
of
keeping
the
first
?
And
did
not
he
,
that
Commaunded
to
have
noe
other
Gods
,
but
him
,
commaund
the
honour
of
Father
,
&
Mother
?
May
a
private
Christian
robb
,
and
kill
,
because
persons
are
not
of
his
Religion
.
The
scripture
sajes
,
he
that
is
guiltie
of
the
breach
of
one
commaundement
,
is
guiltie
of
all
,
and
though
Christians
may
not
obey
Commaunds
contrary
to
the
commaund
of
God
,
they
may
not
vse
violence
,
&
force
,
but
these
are
the
Pharisees
,
that
teach
men
by
making
a
vow
vpon
pretence
of
Gods
service
to
disobey
Parents
,
which
our
Saviour
soe
much
condemnes
.
Christs
Kingdome
is
spiritual
in
the
hearts
of
the
faithful
,
not
in
a
papall
consistory
,
nor
a
congregationall
pullpitt
,
they
were
best
Christians
,
that
obeyed
not
wicked
commaunds
,
but
detested
by
all
Christians
,
that
vsed
violence
against
their
Pagan
Governours
,
and
the
reformed
Churches
may
see
what
Communion
can
be
had
with
those
,
that
professe
those
best
Christians
,
that
were
least
subject
to
their
King
.
The
King
of
Spaine
may
professe
to
have
his
Kingdome
from
Christ
,
whatever
his
Religion
be
,
he
hath
a
just
Civill
right
,
which
none
ever
doubted
to
acknowledge
,
but
these
hell
bred
Sectaries
,
that
allow
noe
right
,
but
what
is
founded
on
their
will
,
&
his
repetition
of
the
Letter
to
the
Pope
vpon
this
occasiō
shewes
he
is
vnder
a
famine
of
reason
,
that
makes
the
Kings
constācy
to
the
doctrine
of
the
Church
of
England
to
proceede
from
his
letter
to
the
Pope
,
calling
it
enmitie
to
the
true
Church
,
are
any
soe
madd
to
thinke
,
that
the
Pope
was
pleased
with
the
doctrine
of
the
Church
of
England
?
Did
the
Libeller
thinke
there
were
a
God
,
would
he
write
soe
willfully
against
his
owne
vnderstanding
,
that
the
King
engaged
himselfe
to
hazard
life
,
&
Estate
for
the
Roman
Religion
,
he
would
then
thinke
,
that
God
were
neere
him
,
&
writt
downe
those
words
,
which
he
will
one
day
require
an
account
of
.
The
King
prayed
against
his
hipocrisie
,
and
Pharisaicall
washings
,
whose
prayer
is
,
thou
,
who
must
give
truth
for
hipocrisie
suffer
vs
not
to
be
miserably
deluded
by
Pharisaicall
washings
.
Poeticall
licence
will
not
wash
away
willfull
slander
,
and
malicious
falsification
,
but
this
man
makes
hipocrisie
,
and
Pharisaicall
washings
his
cheife
study
,
and
hates
the
prayers
of
others
for
his
conversion
from
such
wickednes
.
Vpon
his
LETTERS
taken
,
and
DIVULGED
.
THE
Publication
of
the
Kings
Letters
had
quite
contrary
effects
to
these
,
which
the
publishers
intended
,
and
insteede
of
discovering
matter
to
their
advantage
,
cast
shame
on
their
false
aspersions
,
whereby
they
sought
to
withdraw
the
affections
of
his
people
from
him
,
they
sett
foorth
both
his
judgment
,
and
affections
opposite
to
Poperie
,
&
the
Irish
Rebells
,
and
the
peace
made
with
them
not
out
of
favour
,
but
necessitie
to
divert
the
finall
destruction
of
the
Protestant
partie
there
.
The
endeavours
to
be
assisted
with
forraigne
forces
,
when
soe
horrid
a
Rebellion
had
taken
deepe
roote
was
neither
against
any
former
professions
,
nor
any
rules
of
Justice
,
and
pietie
,
but
naming
of
Papists
,
and
forraigne
forces
were
the
bugbeares
,
wherewith
the
faction
affrighted
the
silly
people
,
and
vnder
pretence
of
revenging
the
blood
of
Ireland
,
sought
to
draw
men
inclinable
to
assist
the
King
,
or
vnwilling
to
fight
against
him
into
that
imployment
,
that
he
might
be
more
exposed
to
their
power
,
and
they
might
have
the
better
meanes
to
weaken
him
,
and
support
their
owne
Rebellion
.
These
Letters
have
discovered
their
grosse
impostures
in
representing
the
King
wholy
Governed
by
the
Queene
,
or
others
,
shewing
cleerely
,
that
his
owne
judgment
cheifely
steered
his
owne
affaires
,
and
it
s
like
the
faction
long
since
saw
their
owne
rashnes
in
that
Publication
,
and
that
the
world
tooke
notice
,
that
they
were
soe
farr
from
doubting
the
Kings
affection
to
Popery
,
that
their
designe
was
cheifely
to
declare
his
aversenes
to
it
,
that
they
might
prevent
his
succours
from
Princes
of
that
Religion
.
That
it
was
done
by
them
without
honour
,
&
Civilitie
,
no
man
boubts
,
vnles
infected
with
Schismaticall
,
or
Rebellious
malice
,
and
betweene
King
,
and
subjects
matters
can
never
be
in
that
condition
,
that
his
honour
,
and
their
dutie
are
trifling
,
and
superficall
vanities
,
and
with
whome
they
are
soe
we
may
not
wonder
at
any
brutish
,
and
inhumane
Barbaritie
,
when
was
there
an
example
of
such
a
Treason
against
nature
,
and
humanitie
to
divulge
the
Letters
betweene
man
,
and
wife
touching
conjugall
privacie
?
And
honour
,
and
Civilitie
being
taken
,
as
he
would
have
it
for
discretion
,
honestie
,
prudence
,
and
plaine
truth
,
the
publishers
of
these
Letters
not
only
stand
guiltie
of
the
breach
of
those
vertues
,
but
appeare
the
venemous
,
and
vnnaturall
Traytours
to
mankinde
.
To
cover
this
base
Act
the
Libeller
sayes
,
that
such
courses
are
familiar
with
none
more
then
Kings
,
and
produces
,
an
Example
out
of
Commines
relating
the
discovery
of
a
Letter
by
Lewes
the
eleventh
written
to
him
from
the
Dutchesse
of
Burgundy
,
which
he
sayes
the
Historian
doth
not
charge
with
incivili●…ie
,
or
dishonour
.
And
is
that
the
case
of
publishing
Letters
,
that
passed
betweene
man
,
and
wife
,
and
may
subjects
doe
to
their
King
,
what
Enemies
may
one
to
another
?
The
Libeller
will
say
yes
,
for
he
holds
noe
subordination
,
though
the
publishers
professed
the
contrary
,
and
would
not
be
thought
to
have
abjured
their
Alleagiance
,
or
that
they
tooke
their
King
for
their
Enemy
,
but
their
practices
were
noe
more
consistent
,
then
the
Libellers
Arguments
,
The
injury
offred
to
the
Kings
Mother
was
too
well
knowne
to
be
a
fained
suspition
or
jealosie
in
him
,
and
if
they
had
not
been
guiltie
of
that
base
aspersion
,
they
would
have
acquitted
themselves
some
other
way
,
then
by
the
publication
,
and
frequent
repetition
.
The
Libeller
appeares
to
glory
more
in
recitall
of
it
,
then
in
the
argument
,
which
he
can
draw
from
pretence
of
saining
a
suspition
,
and
he
,
that
suckes
any
imputations
vpon
the
King
out
of
those
letters
must
be
a
Beetle
,
not
a
Bee
,
and
they
,
that
from
placing
constancy
to
his
wife
,
before
the
mention
of
Religion
,
and
law
will
spin
a
webb
of
determination
for
the
prioritie
of
affection
,
have
more
of
the
spiders
venom
,
then
the
Bees
sweetenes
.
They
which
esteemed
their
King
,
though
one
man
the
breath
of
their
nostrills
,
thought
the
nation
could
not
be
happy
without
him
,
And
the
late
Parliament
,
whereon
the
Libeller
buildes
his
faith
affirmed
in
their
declarations
,
the
happines
of
the
Kingdome
did
soc
mainely
depend
on
his
Majest:
and
the
Royall
branches
of
that
roote
,
as
in
an
ordinary
way
of
providence
,
they
would
not
except
it
from
any
other
fountaine
,
or
streame
.
And
are
they
therefore
a
nation
of
Ideots
,
and
miserable
,
as
he
sayes
.
The
happines
of
a
nation
consists
in
true
Religion
,
pietie
,
Iustice
,
prudence
temperance
,
fortitude
,
contempt
of
avarice
,
and
ambition
.
And
how
shall
these
be
preserved
in
a
nation
,
by
the
rule
of
the
rabble
?
And
bandying
the
Government
with
a
racket
betweene
opposite
factions
,
but
these
Rebells
with
the
madd
men
of
Munster
will
introduce
new
Ierusalem
with
the
destruction
of
their
Kings
,
and
Rulers
,
and
the
Libeller
its
like
lookes
to
be
a
greate
saint
in
this
terrostriall
Paradise
,
who
sayes
they
,
in
whomesoever
these
vertues
dwell
eminently
neede
not
Kings
,
but
are
the
Architects
of
their
owne
happines
,
and
whether
to
themselves
,
or
others
are
not
lesse
then
Kings
.
The
world
hath
been
well
acquainted
with
these
Architects
of
Treason
,
and
shall
never
want
pretenders
to
those
vertues
,
whose
practice
shewes
them
the
builders
of
Babell
,
that
place
their
happines
in
their
power
,
and
other
mens
confusion
,
the
King
appeares
eminent
in
these
vertues
,
not
only
by
his
constant
actions
,
but
in
his
lious
hold
,
which
was
admired
for
itts
order
amongst
strangers
above
other
Courts
,
though
by
the
Libeller
traduced
,
as
all
laudable
things
are
.
To
make
reconciliation
desperate
,
the
Libeller
holds
reasonable
,
and
askes
,
why
they
should
feare
it
,
and
such
,
as
intend
not
reconciliation
with
God
,
thinke
they
have
noe
neede
to
be
reconciled
to
men
.
Their
fact
is
not
parallell
to
Chams
revealing
his
fathers
nakednes
,
for
the
King
at
that
time
could
not
be
esteemed
the
father
of
his
Countrey
,
nor
had
ever
merited
that
Title
.
And
might
not
Cham
have
said
soe
to
his
father
,
aswell
,
as
doe
what
he
did
?
But
they
,
who
acknowledged
that
Title
due
to
him
,
as
the
Parliament
did
,
and
gave
it
him
as
their
King
,
cannot
excuse
themselves
from
a
sin
parallell
to
Chams
,
nor
from
the
merit
of
his
curse
.
The
Libeller
professes
aversenes
to
all
reconciliation
vpon
pretence
of
Justice
to
the
lives
of
them
,
that
dyed
for
the
freedome
of
their
Countrey
,
and
yet
he
will
not
professe
to
want
Charitie
,
and
why
then
is
it
mockery
with
God
for
the
King
to
pray
,
that
God
will
judge
his
cause
,
and
that
the
evill
they
intended
returne
on
their
owne
heads
,
that
they
may
be
ashamed
,
and
covered
with
their
owne
confusion
,
as
with
a
cloake
the
King
forgave
his
Enemies
,
but
still
prayed
vnto
God
for
the
vindication
of
his
innocencie
by
the
conviction
of
those
false
accusers
,
and
this
is
not
to
wish
them
that
evill
,
which
hinders
Charitie
,
but
prayer
for
that
favour
of
God
,
which
protects
innocencie
,
and
that
livery
of
detraction
,
and
confusion
the
Libeller
will
rather
weare
,
then
exchange
it
for
the
robe
of
righteousnes
,
whose
malice
to
the
living
,
not
Justice
to
the
dead
drawes
theis
hipocriticall
pretences
from
him
.
Vpon
his
GOING
to
the
SCOTTS
.
IT
was
not
an
excuse
,
but
a
reall
intelligence
,
that
the
King
had
of
their
consultations
at
London
,
designing
mischeife
to
his
person
,
if
he
came
there
The
junto
did
not
vse
to
proclaime
their
Councells
,
neither
was
it
pretended
they
did
,
and
though
necessitie
Counselled
the
King
to
adventure
vpon
their
loyaltie
,
who
first
begun
his
troubles
,
yet
the
rigour
of
the
English
Rebells
drew
on
that
necessitie
,
and
the
Kings
comming
to
the
Scotts
might
worke
,
if
there
were
any
remainders
of
loyaltie
to
devide
those
,
who
were
only
joyned
by
an
vnlawfull
,
and
dissembled
confederacie
,
and
it
had
not
been
an
Act
of
malice
,
but
prudence
to
resolve
vpon
such
an
hope
,
for
friends
they
could
not
be
,
that
are
contemned
for
an
hireling
Army
,
paid
not
in
Scotch
coine
,
but
English
silver
jeered
with
their
Brotherly
assistance
,
and
monthly
pay
,
and
a
right
vnderstanding
os
the
disaffection
to
the
English
Rebells
towards
them
,
might
recall
them
to
their
dutie
to
the
king
,
and
withdraw
them
from
their
disloyall
combination
.
The
scotts
needed
not
armies
to
defend
their
libertie
,
&
conscience
,
which
were
never
invaded
,
&
the
charges
were
not
out
of
charity
to
them
,
but
for
the
necessitie
of
those
,
who
sent
for
the
scotch
assist̄ace
,
he
il
pretēds
a
cause
for
the
scotts
mistrust
of
the
king
in
that
case
,
where
a
ground
of
suspitiō
could
not
be
imagined
,
&
judges
others
by
his
own
obduratiō
,
that
loyaltie
once
broken
is
rather
tempted
to
a
finall
shipwracke
,
then
preserved
by
an
opportunitie
to
recover
it
.
Providence
doubtles
is
never
cousened
,
but
deceivers
,
though
they
falsifie
their
faith
to
others
must
expect
,
that
as
their
falshood
was
permitted
,
soe
it
will
receive
its
detection
,
and
demeritts
.
The
man
thinkes
much
,
that
their
profest
loyaltie
,
who
fought
against
their
King
should
be
called
a
riddle
,
and
as
it
was
a
very
darke
one
to
generall
vnderstanding
,
soe
if
they
had
preserved
the
Kings
person
being
in
their
power
,
they
had
given
some
solution
doing
what
they
said
of
their
loyaltie
,
not
what
their
former
Actions
imported
.
And
doth
not
the
Libeller
say
,
its
ridiculous
,
that
they
,
whose
profest
loyaltie
led
them
to
direct
armes
against
the
Kings
person
,
should
thinke
him
violated
by
their
murther
of
him
,
which
he
calls
Justice
,
&
who
vnderstands
not
,
that
so
necessitous
may
be
the
state
of
Princes
,
that
their
greatest
danger
may
be
in
their
supposed
safetie
,
and
their
safetie
in
their
supposed
danger
.
But
he
would
have
,
that
the
only
way
for
the
Kings
preservation
was
to
sacrifise
his
reason
honour
,
&
conscience
,
&
not
to
have
run
such
hazards
,
though
his
Majest:
left
his
force
,
he
resolved
not
to
leave
his
conscience
,
and
change
an
outward
for
an
intestine
warr
,
and
Rebells
desist
not
from
their
violence
,
whether
he
strive
or
yeilde
.
If
he
contend
,
he
is
bloody
,
if
he
yeilde
,
he
is
wily
,
if
he
offer
reason
,
he
is
obstinate
,
If
he
acknowledge
,
he
is
guilty
,
and
thus
the
players
of
a
Rebell
game
,
having
irrecoverably
lost
honour
,
&
conscience
play
on
still
to
gaine
power
,
&
increase
guilt
.
The
words
of
a
King
are
full
of
power
by
the
law
,
and
that
law
is
not
like
the
Nazarites
locke
of
sampson
,
but
an
anointing
they
have
from
God
,
which
is
inseperable
,
though
Rebells
like
the
faithles
harlot
cut
of
his
force
,
and
Armies
,
yet
the
right
of
his
power
is
inseperable
,
and
if
these
Traytours
had
looked
to
precept
,
or
Example
,
they
might
have
found
,
that
a
Kings
word
had
power
,
and
their
persons
reverence
without
respect
to
the
merit
of
their
Actions
.
David
pretended
not
,
that
Saul
had
not
authoritie
of
law
,
when
he
persecuted
him
without
a
cause
,
&
when
Sauls
life
was
in
his
power
.
The
King
appeales
not
vnto
Libellers
,
and
common
pasquills
to
judge
of
his
reason
,
&
such
'
,
as
are
offended
at
the
name
,
or
estimation
of
reason
,
are
likely
to
have
a
small
part
in
it
.
Monuments
of
his
reason
appeare
as
thinly
in
his
Actions
,
and
writting
,
as
could
be
expected
from
the
meanest
parts
,
bred
vp
in
the
middest
of
soe
many
wayes
extarordinary
to
know
something
.
Surely
the
Monuments
of
the
Libellers
irrationall
assertions
appeare
very
thicke
in
this
whole
discourse
,
and
men
may
be
amazed
at
his
folly
,
that
makes
him
run
into
soe
many
absurdities
to
avoyde
the
confession
of
truth
,
how
often
hath
he
objected
to
the
King
,
that
his
breeding
could
not
enable
him
to
judge
of
matters
,
and
heere
would
advance
his
breeding
to
abase
his
parts
,
but
such
,
as
reade
the
Kings
booke
,
and
his
will
see
Monuments
enough
of
his
Majest:
reason
,
and
the
Libellers
absurditie
,
and
impudence
.
The
Kings
deliberations
touching
his
leaving
Oxford
,
though
mature
,
yet
foreseene
to
be
of
doubtfull
event
,
and
therefore
vainely
observed
by
the
Libeller
to
contradict
his
prayer
.
Though
I
know
not
what
to
doe
,
yet
mine
eyes
are
towards
thee
.
Wicked
men
contemne
Princes
,
and
God
causeth
them
to
wander
in
the
wildernes
,
where
their
is
noe
way
.
The
punishments
vpon
Princes
are
most
frequent
for
the
wickednes
of
the
people
,
whereby
they
come
to
confusion
,
and
have
many
rulers
,
but
it
was
a
willfull
falsification
of
the
Libellers
to
cite
a
Text
as
spoken
of
Princes
,
that
was
altogeather
applyed
to
the
people
.
Psalme
107.
Vpon
the
SCOTTS
Delivering
the
KING
to
the
ENGLISH
.
THis
objecting
of
selling
the
King
by
the
Scotts
is
soe
fowle
an
infamy
,
as
befitts
none
to
vindicate
,
but
themselves
.
In
the
meane
time
the
Libeller
thinkes
,
he
may
say
with
the
high
Priests
to
Judas
confessing
his
sin
of
betraying
our
saviour
,
what
is
that
to
vs
,
and
he
would
have
the
infamy
only
rest
on
the
seller
,
none
on
the
buyer
,
and
its
like
will
,
as
he
professes
disagree
with
the
King
to
the
worlds
end
,
and
will
out
babble
all
law
,
truth
,
and
reason
,
that
such
as
fought
to
change
the
Government
,
&
destroy
the
lawes
,
fought
for
them
,
and
he
may
babble
to
the
worlds
end
,
and
not
be
beleived
against
the
evidence
of
the
fact
,
and
that
miror
before
his
face
,
wherein
he
sees
all
that
acted
,
which
he
denies
,
renders
him
not
only
a
denyer
of
principles
,
but
common
sense
,
&
the
Traytours
decree
of
non
addresses
was
what
they
ever
intended
,
though
they
had
not
a
confidence
to
act
it
presently
,
and
from
that
example
of
disloyaltie
,
the
Libeller
,
&
others
made
a
change
of
principles
to
sute
with
such
monstrous
productions
.
It
s
probable
the
Libeller
would
be
ever
answearing
fruiteles
repetitions
,
for
his
answeares
are
noe
other
,
and
yet
he
thinkes
himselfe
not
liable
to
censure
for
his
stall
repetition
in
the
lines
before
of
the
kings
being
vnalterable
in
his
will
,
would
have
been
our
Lord
,
averse
from
Parliament
,
and
reformation
.
If
the
Libeller
retained
any
estimation
of
Davids
heart
,
he
would
not
soe
often
have
reproached
the
vse
of
Davids
words
,
And
we
have
good
reason
to
beleive
,
that
he
,
that
suffred
Davids
troubles
,
was
supported
with
a
measure
of
Davids
spirit
,
while
his
pe●…secuters
exercised
on
him
the
malice
of
Davids
Enemies
;
And
were
not
this
Libeller
possessed
with
an
evil
spirit
,
he
would
not
borrow
matter
of
sport
from
stealing
Davids
spirit
,
nor
reproach
,
and
slander
from
Pamelaes
prayer
.
which
may
be
vsed
more
warrantably
then
reproved
,
but
he
is
drawne
very
dry
that
make
such
vse
of
a
scoffe
.
Vpon
the
DENYING
him
the
attendance
of
his
CHAPPLAINES
.
A
Chapplaine
is
a
thing
diminitive
,
and
inconsiderable
.
And
the
man
would
be
ignorantly
witty
vppon
the
name
,
as
vnknowne
.
That
a
King
should
not
desire
the
assistance
of
such
persons
of
the
Clergie
,
as
were
his
Domestickes
,
&
acquainted
with
his
conscience
,
or
that
such
persons
should
not
have
a
place
in
the
families
of
Kings
,
may
seeme
a
strange
supposition
in
these
men
,
that
soe
much
magnifie
preaching
,
as
the
shopps
of
Mechannickes
are
turned
to
pulpitts
,
and
every
Cooper
growne
a
reverend
Predicant
.
The
Scripture
ownes
noe
such
function
,
not
of
Presbiter
,
for
what
els
are
Chapplaines
,
if
he
had
looked
for
the
names
of
his
independent
congregations
,
he
had
not
found
them
in
Scripture
.
But
they
,
that
know
noe
places
dedicated
to
the
service
of
God
,
know
noe
persons
attending
that
service
.
The
Church
not
avowing
them
,
they
are
left
to
such
further
examination
,
as
the
Sons
of
Sceva
the
Iew
mett
with
.
And
itts
like
they
meete
with
such
examiners
,
as
the
Sons
of
Sceva
mett
with
,
such
vncleane
spiritts
,
as
professed
to
know
Jesus
,
and
Paul
,
but
hated
both
,
and
were
the
intelligencers
of
the
Prince
of
Darkenes
,
and
the
Libeller
in
their
Phrase
sayes
,
Bishopps
,
or
Presbiters
we
know
,
and
Deacons
we
know
,
but
who
are
Chapplaines
?
He
could
not
have
chosen
an
Example
more
proper
for
his
imitation
,
that
hates
the
name
,
and
function
of
Bishopps
,
and
Presbiter
,
as
those
wicked
spiritts
the
name
of
Jesus
,
and
Paul
,
&
thence
it
is
,
that
he
hath
gathered
the
Cobwebs
of
the
stage
to
cast
vpon
them
,
calling
the
Ministers
of
the
gospell
sewers
,
and
yooman
vs●…ers
of
devotion
,
and
implements
of
the
Court
Cup'board
,
this
is
the
devotion
of
these
reformers
.
Their
sending
to
the
King
Ministers
,
and
others
,
whose
excesse
of
corrupt
affections
were
become
venom
,
and
fury
against
all
loyaltie
,
was
to
render
his
condition
more
afflicted
being
only
allowed
to
live
among
scorpions
,
and
have
his
habitation
with
Dragons
,
who
were
not
only
insolent
Traytours
,
but
diminitive
,
and
inconsiderable
Creatures
for
a
Religious
charge
.
They
denyed
him
his
Chapplaines
in
affront
,
and
to
encrease
the
measure
of
his
sufferings
,
and
such
,
as
feele
not
the
absence
of
those
Messengers
of
peace
,
which
God
hath
appointed
to
bring
glad
tidings
to
his
people
,
discover
more
prophanes
,
then
Michha
superstition
,
and
his
ignorance
condemnes
the
presumptuous
pretence
to
knowledge
in
those
Rebells
:
he
lamented
the
losse
of
his
Levite
,
in
whome
,
thoug
erroneously
,
he
thought
himselfe
blest
in
regard
of
his
Tribe
,
these
men
thinke
Bishopps
,
and
Presbiters
of
noe
more
vse
,
then
Micahs
Idoll
,
for
the
Libeller
would
not
have
houshold
oraisons
officiated
by
Priests
,
but
where
are
Priests
forbidden
that
office
.
These
men
,
that
have
soe
long
vsed
houshold
Conventicles
,
and
had
their
wandring
Levites
to
officiate
,
now
know
noe
vse
of
them
.
Kings
heeretofore
,
David
,
Solomon
,
and
Ichosophat
might
not
touch
the
Priesthood
,
yet
might
pray
in
publique
,
while
the
Priests
stood
,
and
heard
.
And
doth
it
follow
from
the
practice
of
these
particular
persons
,
that
publique
prayer
was
not
a
part
of
the
Priests
office
,
he
might
aswell
conclude
from
the
prayers
of
the
publican
,
and
Pharisee
,
because
they
were
made
in
the
temple
,
and
the
King
did
vpon
good
grounds
,
beleive
,
a
particular
blessing
on
the
Priests
prayers
,
as
on
his
sermons
,
though
God
admit
all
men
to
call
vpon
him
:
And
the
Libeller
shewes
with
what
Zeale
those
Sectaries
call
vpon
God
,
with
whome
the
Priests
prayers
are
the
chewing
of
Mattins
,
and
yet
theis
Enemies
of
God
will
be
called
Christians
,
whose
whole
language
is
the
derision
of
all
devotion
Though
the
King
had
abilities
of
knowledge
to
pray
beyound
their
mimicke
levites
,
yet
he
would
neither
vsurpe
the
Priests
office
,
nor
neglect
the
vse
of
it
in
confidence
of
his
owne
parts
,
and
the
Monsters
he
mentions
,
its
like
would
preach
repentance
for
not
sinning
,
and
would
as
easily
preach
downe
true
repentance
,
as
preach
vp
Rebellion
,
and
the
King
had
reason
to
give
such
conspiratours
the
same
welcome
,
that
Solomon
did
to
Abiathar
,
that
abetted
the
Treason
of
Adoniah
,
And
he
could
not
hope
,
that
Joroboams
Priests
,
who
were
made
of
the
lowest
of
the
people
,
and
supported
the
revolt
from
their
lawfull
King
would
teach
other
doctrine
,
then
what
tended
to
subversion
of
Church
,
and
state
.
We
have
seene
,
that
with
the
sacriledge
of
the
endowments
of
the
Church
,
the
Rebells
have
set
vp
their
Images
of
Priests
,
and
have
banisht
all
devotion
,
and
service
of
God
censuring
the
saying
of
amen
to
a
devout
prayer
for
a
superstitious
responsorie
.
The
prayers
made
by
the
forenamed
Kings
in
the
Temple
,
and
by
the
Apostles
,
and
ancient
Christians
for
above
three
hundred
yeares
were
in
vaine
,
if
the
heart
cannot
safely
joyne
with
another
mans
extemporall
sufficiency
.
And
whence
doth
it
appeare
,
that
any
of
these
prayers
,
that
were
made
for
others
to
joyne
in
,
were
made
vpon
extemporall
sufficiency
,
the
contrary
appeares
,
when
the
Scripture
expressely
dictates
the
words
,
which
the
Priest
shall
vse
,
whereto
the
people
must
say
Amen
,
&
there
is
not
any
story
,
from
whence
the
want
of
Leiturgies
in
the
first
age
of
the
Church
can
be
collected
,
but
there
are
Testimonies
of
their
antiquitie
,
aswell
,
as
necessitie
of
their
vse
.
It
s
a
signe
of
a
proph●…ne
heart
,
that
makes
his
mirth
,
of
divinitie
,
and
a
very
litle
witt
goes
to
the
conceites
of
a
closett
Chapplaine
,
and
a
minde
wandring
after
preferment
,
or
his
dinner
in
the
time
of
prayer
.
Doubtles
he
esteemes
a
dinner
more
,
then
devotion
,
that
places
the
summe
of
his
Religion
in
affected
,
and
scorneful
suppositions
of
other
mens
intentions
.
He
askes
,
what
avayles
their
praying
with
him
.
And
why
should
men
joyne
in
prayer
at
all
,
is
there
noe
efficacie
in
such
conjuncture
?
We
may
not
doubt
both
of
assistance
in
our
prayers
,
and
blessing
vpon
them
by
joyning
with
our
spirituall
Fathers
in
that
dutie
,
and
he
,
that
hath
most
oyle
in
his
owne
lampe
,
will
seeke
encrease
of
it
by
those
dispensers
,
which
God
hath
appointed
.
The
libellers
objections
are
not
like
those
apples
of
Asphaltis
,
whereto
he
compares
the
Kings
discourses
,
but
like
those
foggs
,
and
Mists
,
which
arise
out
of
a
putrified
matter
,
and
are
offensive
to
the
eyes
,
whome
they
would
hinder
from
beholding
the
sun
,
and
are
instantly
dispelled
with
the
same
heate
,
that
moved
them
.
Many
things
were
sung
in
the
Kings
Chappell
,
that
were
not
vnderstood
.
It
may
be
by
some
men
,
that
would
not
,
but
such
,
as
could
vnderstand
what
was
read
,
might
vnderstand
what
was
sung
in
the
Kings
Chappell
,
there
being
neither
strange
language
,
nor
note
to
make
any
thing
vnintelligible
.
His
beleife
is
,
that
God
is
noe
more
moved
with
a
prayer
elaborately
penned
,
then
men
truly
Charitable
with
the
penned
speech
of
a
beggar
.
There
is
no
doubt
of
it
,
if
there
want
devotion
in
him
,
that
vses
it
,
but
what
difference
is
there
betweene
a
prayer
elaborately
penned
,
and
hastily
conceived
,
is
God
more
moved
with
extemporall
,
then
elaborate
expressions
,
and
are
not
the
tunes
of
their
new
Levites
too
neere
the
sound
of
Common
beggars
to
be
esteemed
a
fruite
of
devotion
by
the
hearers
?
Vpon
his
Penitentiall
vowes
,
AND
MEDITATIONS
AT
HOLMEBY
.
HOw
long
the
Sectaries
have
made
the
frequent
vse
of
places
of
Scripture
in
their
prayers
,
the
markes
of
their
devotion
neede
not
be
remembred
,
and
now
the
vse
of
places
of
Scripture
must
be
hipocrisie
in
the
King
.
His
devotions
must
be
persecuted
aswell
,
as
his
Estate
,
and
person
,
and
the
Libeller
had
wanted
one
principle
brand
of
infamy
,
if
he
had
omitted
those
censures
of
the
kings
pietie
vpon
pretence
of
the
practice
of
hipocrites
,
and
wicked
men
,
and
he
will
accuse
the
Godly
,
because
wicked
men
have
dissembled
,
&
sett
parallell
the
cleerest
devotions
of
the
saints
of
God
to
the
expressions
of
the
most
desperate
,
and
execreable
sinners
,
he
will
prove
the
King
short
of
true
repentance
,
which
is
a
subject
vndiscernable
by
a
man
of
resolved
impenitency
,
God
only
knowes
the
truth
of
the
heart
,
and
such
,
as
turne
Charitie
into
cursing
are
as
farr
from
a
right
vnderstanding
of
others
vprightnes
,
as
conscious
of
their
owne
hipocrisy
.
He
produces
vpon
the
Kings
imitation
,
and
vse
of
Davids
Psalmes
the
sayings
of
Cain
,
Esau
,
Pharaoh
,
Balaam
,
Saul
,
Ahab
,
Iehoram
,
Iudas
,
and
Simon
Magus
.
That
we
may
not
doubt
,
but
the
same
malice
raignes
in
this
rayler
,
that
appeared
in
these
hipocrites
,
and
he
might
have
found
,
that
this
course
,
which
he
takes
in
standring
the
king
was
as
frequent
in
former
persecuters
,
as
good
words
in
the
mouths
of
hipocrites
,
the
Rebells
against
Moses
charged
him
with
vsurpation
,
and
imposture
,
saying
,
will
thou
putt
out
the
eyes
of
these
men
,
Davids
Enemies
cryed
fy
on
thee
we
faw
it
with
our
eyes
,
Job
was
charged
to
drinke
downe
iniquitie
like
water
,
John
the
Baptist
to
have
a
Divell
,
and
our
blessed
saviour
to
be
a
glutton
,
and
a
wine
bibber
.
Vertue
,
nor
abilitie
never
wanted
detraction
,
&
a
just
esteeme
of
one
,
or
other
may
not
be
expected
from
men
,
that
have
neither
,
for
if
they
had
eyther
,
they
would
not
sett
themselves
against
both
,
he
deales
,
as
the
Pharisees
to
watch
the
words
of
our
Saviour
to
gett
a
word
for
their
accusation
of
him
,
and
soe
the
Libeller
to
cover
the
shame
of
his
wicked
cause
,
catches
at
the
Kings
words
to
putt
of
the
guilt
of
their
Rebellion
,
and
makes
it
Gods
disposing
to
that
purpose
,
that
the
King
sayes
lett
thy
anger
I
beseech
thee
be
against
me
,
and
my
Fathers
house
,
as
for
these
sheepe
,
what
have
they
done
?
And
by
this
sayes
he
acquitts
the
Parliament
,
and
people
,
and
takes
the
sin
on
himselfe
,
as
David
did
.
Noe
doubt
he
tooke
on
him
his
owne
sins
,
for
which
God
brought
on
him
his
affliction
,
but
doth
he
thereby
justifie
his
bloody
persequuters
,
though
he
were
punish●…
by
a
Rebellion
,
doth
he
acquitt
the
Rebells
?
Doth
he
meane
wolves
,
whē
he
names
sheepe
?
The
King
expresses
his
Fatherly
pitty
to
his
innocent
subjects
,
and
the
Libeller
his
emptines
of
defence
in
assuming
soe
impertinent
an
inference
,
as
if
David
could
not
acknowledge
Gods
Justice
in
the
Rebellion
of
Absolom
without
the
acknowledgment
of
his
wicked
Sons
righteousnes
,
nor
the
King
vse
Davids
confession
fo
Gods
Justice
vpon
occasion
of
the
present
punishment
of
the
people
by
the
sword
,
and
his
proofe
is
suteable
to
his
collection
,
for
he
sayes
in
the
next
line
,
he
accuses
the
Church
it selfe
for
the
Churches
Enemy
.
The
next
line
is
,
let
my
suffrings
satiate
the
malice
of
mine
,
and
the
Churches
Enemies
,
sure
the
man
would
have
his
independent
brethren
the
only
true
Church
,
that
are
the
Enemies
of
it
,
their
victories
are
by
Miracle
,
and
what
then
are
the
Turkes
,
which
were
greater
,
and
more
strange
then
theirs
?
And
let
any
man
compare
the
boastings
of
the
Rebells
with
the
Enemies
of
Gods
Church
in
all
times
,
and
there
will
appeare
the
greatest
likenes
,
that
hath
been
observed
in
men
driven
by
Diabolicall
instinct
,
&
thence
proceedes
the
Libellers
distemper
,
that
having
within
soe
few
lines
before
sought
to
hide
their
Rebellion
,
cannot
retaine
the
motives
of
it
,
and
those
he
expresses
to
be
libertie
of
schismes
,
the
abolition
of
Bishepps
,
establisht
lawes
,
Kingly
power
,
and
leiturgy
,
the
oppressing
of
loyaltie
getting
all
force
into
the
Rebells
hands
,
and
to
withstand
them
heerein
is
Tyrany
.
He
resembles
their
sacriledge
to
Davids
eating
the
shewbread
,
and
Ezechiahs
taking
the
gold
,
and
silver
out
of
the
Temple
.
But
did
David
make
a
warr
to
destroy
the
Priests
,
that
he
might
eate
the
shewbread
,
or
Hezechiah
seeke
to
destroy
the
Temple
,
that
he
might
take
away
the
silver
,
and
gold
?
And
the
primitive
Church
sold
their
sacred
vtensills
to
preserve
their
Priests
,
&
Bishopps
,
not
sought
to
take
them
away
,
that
they
might
convert
the
sacred
vtensills
to
their
private
avarice
,
and
the
Bishopps
sold
those
sacred
vtensills
,
neither
Princes
,
nor
people
durst
lay
their
hands
on
them
.
The
Libeller
will
not
endure
any
glory
to
be
given
to
God
,
but
by
the
medly
of
Sectaries
,
nor
any
restitution
of
the
King
,
to
his
cheife
Cittie
,
but
with
the
spilling
of
his
blood
,
and
those
that
were
faithfull
to
him
.
In
the
beginning
of
Christianitie
men
had
to
doe
with
Pagans
,
who
opposed
Religion
directly
,
and
in
this
age
wee
have
to
doe
with
men
,
that
would
betray
it
to
Pagans
,
by
obtruding
such
doctrines
,
and
practice
for
Christian
,
which
may
make
it
odious
to
morall
heathens
,
who
could
only
heeretofore
question
the
truth
of
our
beleife
,
but
may
by
theis
new
reformers
take
occasion
to
accuse
our
Religion
of
impietie
,
for
these
wretches
represent
it
contrary
to
all
the
principles
of
Common
honestie
.
The
Rebells
cannot
beleive
a
pardon
,
they
know
their
demeritts
soe
execrable
,
and
therefore
he
will
suppose
the
King
would
finde
meanes
to
punish
,
though
he
promised
pardon
.
They
know
the
falshood
of
their
owne
hearts
,
and
thence
is
their
suspition
.
This
libeller
is
not
to
be
disputed
with
vpon
principles
of
Religion
,
that
receives
noe
Maximes
,
but
of
Rebellion
,
and
Tyrany
,
God
graunts
not
allwayes
deliverance
to
his
Servants
from
temporall
evills
,
though
they
pray
for
them
,
and
this
prophane
Libeller
concludes
their
prayers
to
be
fained
,
because
not
graunted
,
his
words
are
fitt
for
detestation
,
and
therefore
to
be
observed
by
al
,
that
they
may
abhorre
the
blacke
misteries
of
this
sect
,
for
he
sayes
,
God
having
cut
him
of
without
graunting
any
of
those
mercyes
,
it
followes
,
that
his
resolutions
were
as
fained
,
as
his
vowes
frustrate
.
What
Turke
,
Jew
,
or
devill
could
say
more
against
suffring
Christians
.
Vpon
the
ARMIES
surprisall
of
the
KING
at
HOLMBY
.
THe
lowde
noyse
,
that
the
Libeller
hath
made
hitherto
of
the
greate
obstinacy
of
the
King
in
not
hearkning
to
the
advice
of
Parliament
is
ended
,
and
the
Parliament
become
a
Councell
of
scribes
,
and
Pharisees
,
and
they
had
been
elder
Brothers
long
enough
,
and
it
was
now
time
,
that
the
younger
should
have
his
turne
,
and
the
new
modell
must
dictate
to
the
doting
Parliament
,
and
there
must
not
be
a
prevalence
in
the
house
of
Commons
to
discard
those
men
of
invincible
valour
without
their
due
reward
,
and
though
they
may
murder
the
King
,
having
taken
away
his
sword
,
they
may
not
thinke
to
deale
soe
with
them
,
that
have
the
sword
in
their
hands
.
The
virulence
of
some
false
Ministers
,
which
the
King
must
not
name
without
reverence
,
and
their
seditious
tongues
more
zealous
against
schisme
,
then
Simony
,
or
pluralities
might
in
likelyhood
have
done
mischiefe
betweene
theis
Brethren
,
but
it
was
prevented
,
and
in
despight
of
the
Parliament
,
and
these
old
warriours
,
and
Zealous
Ministers
,
the
new
modell
seize
the
King
their
Captive
,
and
this
is
the
law
,
Religion
,
Reformation
,
Libertie
,
and
Parliament
,
which
the
king
withstood
,
and
the
man
after
all
his
law
determines
,
that
irregular
motions
may
be
necessary
on
earth
sometimes
as
well
,
as
in
heaven
.
Greate
worthyes
by
disobeying
law
oft
times
have
saved
the
Commonwealth
,
and
the
law
afterward
approved
that
vnblameable
exorbitancie
.
But
wherefore
hath
he
all
this
time
made
breach
of
lawes
soe
hainous
,
it
had
been
ingenuous
in
him
to
have
distinguished
betweene
the
blameable
,
and
vnblameable
exorbitancy
,
&
then
he
would
not
have
found
Coate
,
&
Conduct-money
,
and
the
rest
of
his
particulars
rise
soe
high
,
as
the
vnblameable
exorbitancies
he
now
magnifies
.
But
though
Divine
lawes
could
not
regulate
the
mans
motions
,
as
they
doe
Celestiall
bodyes
,
yet
the
obstinacy
in
his
evil
courses
makes
him
goe
retrograde
,
and
fight
for
law
,
and
against
law
,
for
Parliament
,
and
against
Parliament
,
and
trust
,
and
Elections
in
Parliament
are
become
scarecrowes
to
fright
Children
,
not
Conquerours
.
Though
the
Presbiterian
be
supplanted
,
he
shall
finde
a
better
portion
,
then
vncircumcised
Prelates
.
It
s
like
the
Jewish
brethren
seeke
to
bring
into
bondage
such
,
as
receive
not
their
Antichristian
Markes
,
and
professe
the
beleife
of
revived
heresies
,
eating
the
sacrifices
of
the
dead
.
The
story
could
not
certifie
the
King
,
that
there
was
division
of
tongues
,
or
hands
in
the
builders
of
Ierusalem
,
but
it
told
him
,
that
they
,
which
built
had
the
Kings
Commission
,
and
God
may
in
mercy
to
the
nation
remove
theis
bloody
brethren
,
that
will
destroy
Jerusalem
rather
then
quit
their
Tyrany
over
it
.
We
may
very
well
see
the
judgment
of
God
vpon
the
nation
in
this
bloody
warr
,
and
though
it
begun
with
the
house
of
God
,
we
may
expect
,
that
such
men
will
not
escape
,
that
have
been
the
firebrands
of
this
dissention
,
and
wrought
soe
greate
misery
vpon
the
nation
,
and
though
the
Moabites
,
Ammonites
,
and
Edomites
gloried
in
the
Jewes
Captivitie
,
as
theis
Rebells
in
the
Conquest
,
and
Captivitie
of
their
King
,
and
Sanballat
,
and
Tobiah
,
and
these
other
Enemies
of
the
Church
despised
the
weakenes
of
the
Jewes
in
rebuilding
the
wall
of
Jerusalem
,
and
in
scorne
said
,
that
a
fox
going
on
it
would
overthrow
it
speaking
with
the
same
insolencie
,
as
the
Libeller
now
vses
,
yet
they
may
be
assured
,
that
God
will
remember
his
Church
,
and
the
Enemies
thereof
,
as
he
did
Edom
in
the
day
of
Jerusalem
.
The
Libeller
is
a
good
witnes
against
himselfe
,
saying
to
counterfeite
the
hand
of
God
is
the
boldest
of
all
forgeries
,
and
he
,
who
without
warrant
,
but
his
owne
fantastique
surmise
takes
vpon
him
perpetually
to
vnfold
the
secret
,
and
vnsearchable
misterie
of
high
providence
,
is
likely
for
the
most
part
to
mistake
,
and
slander
them
,
and
approaches
to
the
madnes
of
those
reprobate
thoughts
,
that
would
wrest
the
sword
of
Iustice
out
of
Gods
owne
hand
,
and
apply
it
more
justly
in
his
conceite
,
and
himselfe
makes
the
application
,
that
vsurpes
the
hand
of
God
in
the
successes
,
and
victories
of
Rebells
to
the
approbation
of
their
impietie
,
and
avow
,
the
wresting
of
the
sword
of
Justice
out
of
the
hand
of
Gods
vicegerent
to
imploy
it
more
justly
in
their
owne
conceite
,
and
dares
slander
the
misteries
of
high
providence
by
binding
them
to
their
owne
fantastique
surmises
;
What
could
he
have
spoken
more
appositely
to
his
owne
condemnation
?
All
men
,
that
behold
the
dealings
of
the
Army
with
that
mocke
Parliament
,
doe
judge
a
very
greate
proportion
in
that
retalliation
of
the
injuries
,
they
had
offred
the
King
,
&
they
,
that
would
lay
hands
on
the
Militia
are
brought
vnder
the
Dominion
of
those
forces
,
which
themselves
had
raysed
for
that
vsurpation
,
and
heere
againe
the
Libeller
would
finde
somewhat
to
succour
his
feeble
conceites
of
the
beginning
of
the
warr
from
the
Kings
confession
,
which
sayes
,
noe
man
is
soe
blinde
,
as
not
to
see
herein
the
hand
of
divine
Iustice
,
they
,
that
by
Tumults
first
occasioned
the
raysing
of
Armes
,
must
now
be
Chastened
with
their
owne
Army
for
new
Tumults
.
And
what
now
is
the
Libellers
extraction
from
hence
,
that
because
Tumults
were
the
first
occasion
of
raysing
Armes
,
by
consequence
he
himselfe
raysed
them
first
against
these
Tumults
.
It
s
a
cripled
cause
,
that
stands
on
such
crutches
.
Though
Tumults
might
be
the
first
occasion
,
yet
this
was
not
the
whole
occasion
,
for
these
Tumults
were
seconded
by
seizing
the
forts
,
and
Navy
,
&
raysing
an
Army
by
those
,
that
raysed
the
Tumults
,
and
their
guilt
in
raysing
Tumults
,
sought
protection
from
a
formed
Army
,
and
this
Method
of
divine
Justice
,
sober
men
observe
with
reverence
,
while
irrationall
,
and
obstinate
Traytours
attribute
nothing
,
but
their
owne
successes
to
the
hād
of
God
in
favour
,
which
is
in
wrath
to
themselves
,
and
others
.
These
were
new
Tumults
,
for
which
the
Citie
was
chastened
,
and
cannot
be
referred
to
another
farr
fetcht
cause
soe
many
yeares
before
.
But
the
Cittie
,
that
raysed
Tumults
for
the
Parliament
many
yeares
before
,
is
now
punisht
for
Tumults
,
for
that
same
pretended
Parliament
by
that
Army
raysed
out
of
them
,
and
is
it
not
evident
heere
that
the
first
inventers
of
mischeife
,
are
scourged
with
the
whipps
themselves
had
prepared
for
others
.
The
fact
of
Manlius
defending
the
Capitoll
against
the
Gaules
,
and
afterward
throwne
headlong
from
the
Capitoll
for
sedition
,
might
restraine
the
Libellers
wicked
application
of
their
murdering
the
King
at
the
gate
of
whitehall
to
the
merit
of
his
actions
done
there
,
but
the
Cittie
suffred
by
an
Action
,
which
they
had
done
for
them
,
who
now
punish
them
for
it
,
and
they
,
that
did
a
wickednes
with
applause
,
are
punisht
for
it
by
those
that
applauded
it
,
the
Actions
of
Manlius
were
opposite
one
to
another
,
heere
the
same
.
It
was
a
mercy
they
had
a
victorious
Army
soe
neere
to
fly
to
.
But
it
was
a
judgment
,
that
Tumults
,
which
they
had
vsed
to
drive
away
the
King
,
should
drive
away
them
,
and
the
Libellers
Logickes
serves
him
to
as
litle
purpose
,
as
his
historie
,
He
would
have
,
that
the
latter
were
reall
Tumults
,
the
first
but
pretended
,
and
why
will
he
beleive
the
Parliament
for
the
first
,
and
not
for
the
latter
?
And
why
doth
he
call
them
those
few
of
both
houses
,
that
withdrew
from
the
first
tumults
,
and
those
many
from
the
latter
,
when
it
is
most
apparent
,
that
they
,
which
withdrew
at
first
were
three
times
the
number
of
them
,
that
forsoake
at
last
.
It
is
not
the
place
,
but
the
end
,
and
cause
,
that
makes
a
Parliament
.
And
then
all
they
,
that
say
they
have
a
good
cause
,
and
a
good
end
are
a
Parliament
,
and
what
neede
is
there
then
of
a
writ
,
or
Elections
?
And
Tumults
are
as
good
,
as
Parliaments
,
and
the
end
,
and
the
cause
make
them
Tumults
,
and
noe
Tumults
,
Parliament
and
noe
Parliament
,
and
an
Assembly
at
the
beare
garden
is
as
good
,
as
the
house
of
Commons
,
he
hath
found
the
event
to
salve
all
,
for
they
returned
soone
to
their
places
,
that
fled
from
these
latter
Tumults
,
and
that
is
the
finall
decision
of
all
controversie
.
The
King
brings
in
an
inconvenient
,
and
obnoxious
Comparision
of
vengeance
,
as
the
Mice
,
and
Ratts
overtooke
a
german
Bishopp
.
And
the
inconvenience
is
,
that
the
Libeller
will
from
the
name
of
Bishopp
wish
the
same
evill
to
all
Bishopps
,
that
befell
,
that
evill
Bishopp
.
Is
the
comparision
obnoxious
,
because
he
is
impertinent
in
following
his
owne
●…haddow
,
and
cursing
those
,
that
are
innocent
.
Is
it
obnoxious
,
that
the
King
supporting
the
order
of
Bishopps
should
produce
the
Example
of
an
evill
Bishopp
followed
by
divine
vengeance
?
Is
not
the
Libellers
mentioning
the
seditious
tongues
of
his
false
preachers
more
obnoxious
,
then
the
naming
of
the
German
Bishopp
?
And
is
it
not
as
easy
to
wish
the
Ratts
,
and
mice
had
pursued
theis
false
,
and
seditious
preachers
till
they
had
driven
them
out
of
the
land
,
as
the
Bishopps
?
Sorrow
,
and
pittie
in
an
overmastred
Enemy
are
looked
vpon
,
as
the
ashes
of
his
revenge
burnt
out
vpon
it selfe
.
An
over
mastred
Enemy
may
be
more
,
then
Conquerour
,
and
may
have
cause
,
and
affection
to
pittie
the
victor
,
and
they
most
neede
pittie
,
that
least
feele
the
want
.
The
Triump●…s
of
Rebells
are
vnnaturall
Prodigies
,
and
the
dances
of
devills
.
The
pittie
of
innocent
Martirs
,
which
they
expressed
for
proud
persecutours
was
lookt
on
,
as
the
Kings
by
these
villaines
,
and
the
wicked
Jewes
despised
our
saviours
bidding
them
not
weepe
for
him
,
but
for
themselves
,
and
for
their
Children
.
Although
the
Libeller
soe
lately
justified
chastning
of
the
Parliament
,
yet
he
will
have
it
an
injury
in
the
King
to
perswade
men
against
the
Parliament
,
and
soe
he
ties
the
end
,
and
the
cause
to
what
he
pleases
,
and
as
long
,
as
he
can
bring
noe
better
evidence
,
then
the
successe
of
vsurpation
,
he
washes
not
of
any
guilt
from
himselfe
,
nor
his
rowte
.
The
just
prayses
of
an
Enemy
are
esteemed
honourable
,
&
knowne
truths
cannot
proceede
from
Craft
,
being
soe
obvious
to
all
,
and
it
were
neerer
to
madnes
,
then
reason
to
suppose
,
that
there
were
not
among
those
,
which
acted
against
the
king
,
such
as
knew
not
what
they
did
,
and
had
as
greate
ignorance
,
as
the
Libeller
impudence
,
that
censures
the
Charitie
of
a
prayer
for
such
persons
.
Intitled
to
the
PRINCE
OF
VVALES
.
THe
Libeller
vndertakes
to
shew
,
that
although
the
King
had
been
reinstalled
to
his
desire
,
or
his
sonne
admitted
should
observe
all
his
fathers
precepts
,
yet
that
would
be
soe
farr
from
conducing
to
our
happines
,
that
it
would
inevitably
throw
vs
backe
againe
into
all
our
past
,
and
fulfilled
miseries
.
There
is
noe
doubt
,
but
Traytours
will
tell
the
people
soe
,
and
that
there
is
noe
happines
,
but
vnder
their
vsurpation
,
and
though
they
engage
them
in
endles
warrs
,
which
the
rebelling
against
just
right
must
produce
,
yet
they
perswade
the
people
,
that
the
condition
of
warr
,
and
blood
is
more
eligible
,
then
those
blessings
of
peace
the
Kingdome
enjoyed
vnder
all
their
Princes
.
By
our
happines
he
intends
doubtles
his
Rebell
partie
,
whose
happines
is
to
raigne
,
and
Tyranize
over
the
people
,
and
that
cannot
continue
with
reinstalling
the
King
.
But
the
people
of
England
expect
not
any
end
of
their
miserie
,
but
by
restoring
the
just
rights
of
their
lawfull
King
,
and
they
now
descerne
,
that
the
successe
of
a
wicked
cause
was
a
judgment
of
God
vpon
the
nation
,
whose
vnthankefullnes
,
for
their
long
prosperitie
had
justly
provoked
his
wrath
.
He
goes
on
to
his
proofes
,
that
the
king
beares
wittnes
in
his
owne
words
,
that
the
corrupt
education
of
his
youth
was
not
vntruly
charged
vpon
him
,
or
his
Sonne
,
and
that
he
gathers
from
these
words
of
the
Kings
,
Court
delights
are
prone
either
to
roote
vp
all
true
vertue
,
and
honour
,
or
to
be
contented
only
with
some
leaves
,
and
withering
formalities
of
them
without
any
reall
fruites
tending
to
the
publique
good
.
And
is
it
a
proofe
,
that
because
Court
delights
are
prone
to
produce
such
fruites
therefore
all
,
that
live
in
Princes
Courts
must
necessarily
have
a
corrupt
education
,
&
might
not
this
Libeller
have
cleerely
observed
,
that
his
Majest:
was
free
from
such
a
corrupt
education
,
that
had
soe
cleere
a
sight
of
the
ill
consequences
of
Court
delights
.
Though
there
be
these
pleasures
at
the
Court
,
it
is
not
the
education
of
Princes
,
whose
youth
is
seasoned
by
instruction
against
the
corruption
of
these
baites
.
There
are
dangers
to
mens
manners
from
abundance
,
and
high
places
,
and
thence
the
Libeller
would
inferr
,
that
there
must
neither
be
wealth
,
nor
power
,
but
in
the
hands
of
his
Pharisaicall
Sectaries
,
who
never
complaine
of
such
corruption
.
The
desperate
hipocrisie
of
these
traytours
is
laid
opē
by
their
owne
words
,
and
Actions
,
and
the
Libeller
from
the
Kings
caution
to
his
Sonne
by
the
example
of
Rehoboam
frames
an
expression
,
as
if
the
King
affirmed
it
to
be
his
owne
case
,
with
such
faithlesse
dealing
he
addresses
himselfe
to
his
heedeles
readers
,
and
tells
all
that
he
sayes
,
is
the
Kings
confession
.
There
are
doubtles
men
,
that
can
relate
the
Kings
life
,
&
will
,
but
that
neede
not
in
opposition
to
the
slanders
of
Rebells
,
whose
cause
is
supported
by
the
lewdenes
of
detraction
.
The
long
peace
of
the
Kings
Raigne
,
in
the
midst
of
warrs
round
about
vs
,
shewes
,
he
was
not
idle
in
performance
of
the
Kingly
office
,
and
the
warr
,
and
miserie
,
that
since
brake
out
,
was
the
effect
of
greate
prosperitie
,
which
,
as
it
corrupts
the
Court
of
Princes
,
soe
the
mindes
of
the
people
,
and
makes
way
for
the
designes
of
seditious
Traytours
,
we
had
been
sure
to
have
heard
slander
enough
vpon
the
Kings
personall
behaviour
,
if
he
had
been
obnoxious
to
any
suspition
,
or
tainted
with
Court
delights
.
The
best
Governments
are
subject
to
repinings
,
and
the
greate
prosperietie
of
Solomons
Raigne
,
when
silver
for
the
plentie
was
not
esteemed
,
drew
after
it
popular
Complaints
of
heavy
burdens
,
and
whatever
Rehoboam
threatned
,
Jeroboam
really
performed
,
the
madnes
of
the
people
finding
allwayes
their
murmurings
repayed
with
greater
sufferings
.
The
disobedience
,
and
contempt
of
just
authoritie
,
and
of
those
principles
of
Government
,
and
Religion
,
which
the
King
teaches
his
Son
have
been
the
occasion
of
al
our
miseries
,
there
being
nothing
like
miserie
,
or
suffring
before
this
horrid
Rebellion
.
And
now
the
Libeller
will
have
the
breeding
op
of
his
Majest:
now
li●…ng
in
the
rugged
,
and
boysterous
licence
of
vndisciplined
Camps
,
and
garriso●…s
noe
better
,
then
the
effeminacies
of
the
Court
,
and
yet
he
will
perswade
vs
,
that
Rebells
nursed
vp
in
that
boysterous
,
and
vnnaturall
disobedience
are
fittest
instruments
of
our
happines
.
Those
principles
,
which
the
King
had
learnt
in
his
education
,
and
which
endured
the
Tryall
of
a
fierie
adversitie
are
received
for
sound
by
all
such
,
as
have
not
renounced
reverence
to
Religion
.
Those
principles
,
which
the
prosecution
of
a
bloody
Rebellion
,
and
the
continuall
exercise
,
of
rapine
,
falshood
,
&
oppression
,
have
fixed
in
the
hearts
of
Rebells
must
necessarily
make
the
words
of
the
wise
,
&
the
wayes
of
the
just
,
matter
only
of
contempt
,
and
derision
,
and
such
,
as
have
once
broken
the
bounds
of
modestie
,
thinke
it
dishonour
to
have
shame
,
and
repentance
,
and
will
advance
their
confusions
insteede
of
order
,
their
Blasphemies
for
zeale
,
their
sacriledge
for
reformation
,
their
Tyrany
for
law
,
and
all
the
hell
they
feare
is
the
losse
of
their
vsurped
power
,
and
the
restoring
of
just
right
,
and
their
jealosies
of
loosing
their
owne
greatenes
provokes
them
still
to
an
increase
of
their
lewdenes
,
making
truth
,
and
right
the
object
of
their
spite
,
and
persecution
.
These
debaucht
Rebells
proclaime
,
that
there
is
noe
good
but
Rebellion
,
noe
worke
of
God
,
but
submission
to
it
,
and
repentance
for
opposing
it
.
If
the
Church
of
England
be
Antipapall
,
how
comes
it
to
be
a
schisme
?
And
why
hath
the
libeller
so
continually
made
vp
his
discourses
with
inclinations
to
Popery
?
Independencie
knowes
noe
schisme
,
for
if
it
allow
every
meeting
its
libertie
,
where
is
the
schisme
?
It
s
a
Rule
,
that
noe
Scripture
,
nor
ancient
Creede
bindes
our
faith
to
any
Church
denominated
by
a
particular
name
.
But
he
rejects
,
what
was
received
by
the
vniversall
Church
.
What
doth
that
contradict
the
Kings
advice
to
his
Son
of
his
esteeme
of
the
Church
of
England
,
if
he
beleive
,
as
he
did
vpon
good
ground
,
that
it
was
agreeable
in
doctrine
to
the
word
of
God
?
It
is
apparent
,
that
these
Sectaries
are
seperated
from
all
Churches
of
the
world
,
and
that
Government
,
which
they
call
Catholique
had
neither
precept
,
nor
practice
in
any
Church
,
being
newly
crept
out
of
hell
to
persecute
the
Church
.
Noe
man
was
ever
bid
to
be
subject
to
the
Church
of
Cornith
,
Rome
,
or
Asia
,
but
to
the
Church
without
addition
.
And
why
doth
he
deny
to
be
subject
to
the
Church
without
addition
,
was
there
never
Church
before
this
day
?
heere
we
have
the
builders
of
Babell
,
none
vnderstand
what
another
sayes
,
were
not
those
that
lived
in
those
Churches
of
Corinth
,
Rome
,
&
Asia
commaunded
to
be
subject
to
the
Governours
of
those
Churches
?
Is
it
not
the
Apostles
Commaund
to
obey
those
,
that
have
the
oversight
of
them
,
and
may
every
man
despise
their
new
independent
congregations
,
&
seeke
for
a
Church
without
addition
,
and
where
then
will
he
finde
him
?
We
may
imagine
what
manner
of
state
such
Church
reformers
will
erect
,
and
what
it
is
they
call
reformation
,
that
looke
vpon
all
Churches
,
as
schismes
,
because
not
rent
into
as
many
parts
,
as
particular
persons
.
These
schismatickes
pretend
the
Church
of
England
allmost
growne
Popish
,
and
yet
nothing
altered
from
the
first
reformation
,
&
while
they
disguise
their
meaning
by
pretending
popery
to
gett
the
vulgar
vnawares
to
favour
their
dissembled
zeale
,
they
demaund
to
have
the
Reformation
vnestablished
.
And
the
restraint
of
their
Rebellion
is
Pharaohs
prohibition
to
the
Israelites
,
that
sought
leave
tosacrifise
to
God
.
It
was
a
greate●…
testimony
of
the
Kings
zeale
to
the
Church
of
God
,
that
he
forewarned
his
Sonne
to
suppresse
errours
,
&
schismes
,
his
owne
experience
having
taught
him
,
that
these
doggs
,
and
evill
workers
are
the
greatest
evills
to
Church
,
and
state
,
and
these
destroyers
,
that
are
the
reproaches
of
Religion
,
the
Scabbs
,
and
biles
to
the
Church
,
allow
noe
protestant
Churches
to
be
communicated
with
,
that
are
not
tainted
with
the
same
putrifaction
,
that
hath
corrupted
them
.
For
the
Civill
state
the
kings
precepts
tend
to
the
preservation
of
Civill
libertie
,
and
it
was
farr
from
our
Fathers
to
thinke
,
that
any
humane
lawes
were
immutable
,
but
further
,
that
lawes
should
be
altered
at
the
will
of
a
mutable
multitude
,
and
that
their
King
should
be
excluded
from
the
judgment
of
the
reasons
for
a
change
.
He
falls
from
the
question
touchinge
repeale
of
lawes
,
and
talkes
of
saving
the
Kingdome
,
we
may
better
trust
the
King
with
saving
the
Kingdome
,
then
any
number
of
men
we
can
picke
out
,
whose
private
fortunes
may
be
saved
,
though
the
kingdome
be
lost
.
The
Turkes
,
Iewes
,
and
Moores
enjoy
vnder
the
Turkish
Government
,
what
their
industrie
,
and
labour
have
made
their
owne
.
If
that
be
true
the
Libeller
is
much
out
of
the
way
to
thinke
it
a
reproach
to
Civill
Government
to
compare
it
to
the
Turkes
;
what
Civill
libertie
doth
the
freest
nation
claime
more
,
and
what
doe
these
Masters
of
the
new
Republique
pretend
to
allow
more
?
Doe
they
not
plainely
tell
the
people
,
they
ought
to
have
noe
more
,
then
they
will
give
them
?
Thus
he
will
defend
the
Turke
,
Jew
,
and
Moore
rather
then
be
an
Englishman
.
There
is
noe
doubt
,
but
the
libertie
of
the
subject
depends
on
the
Regall
power
in
the
first
place
.
There
is
noe
libertie
without
Government
,
and
where
the
Government
is
regall
,
the
subject
must
maintaine
it
,
or
be
a
Traytour
,
and
give
vp
his
libertie
for
a
prey
to
ravenous
vsurpers
.
That
the
King
suffred
it
to
be
preached
in
his
owne
hearing
,
that
the
subject
had
noe
propertie
of
his
goods
,
but
all
was
the
Kings
right
.
Is
a
mainfest
vntruth
,
yet
they
,
which
make
advantage
of
such
inventions
practise
what
they
reproach
,
for
doth
not
that
thing
they
call
a
Parliament
,
consisting
of
a
few
contemptible
persons
professe
,
that
all
the
goods
of
the
subjects
are
at
their
disposing
.
By
the
lawes
of
England
noe
act
can
be
a
law
without
the
king
,
though
both
houses
propounded
it
,
and
in
that
negative
voyce
of
the
kings
,
the
people
reposed
their
libertie
,
which
they
would
not
wholly
intrust
to
a
Major
part
of
one
,
or
both
houses
.
The
power
of
the
whole
nation
is
vertually
in
the
Parliament
.
But
there
is
noe
vertue
in
it
without
the
king
.
And
is
it
vertually
in
such
a
part
of
the
Parliament
,
as
either
the
Army
,
or
the
Tumults
shall
picke
out
?
The
Libeller
hath
borne
wittnes
for
the
kings
Martirdome
,
though
he
intended
the
contrary
,
and
while
he
names
the
Rebells
war
in
their
owne
defence
,
cannot
avoyde
to
tell
the
world
,
the
Rebellion
was
to
take
away
the
Kings
negative
voyce
,
and
establish
lawes
at
their
owne
will
.
Every
man
will
beare
wittnes
,
that
it
is
Martirdome
to
die
,
rather
then
burne
incense
to
Idolls
,
or
Devills
,
and
he
that
refuses
to
introduce
schisme
,
and
disorder
into
the
Church
,
and
committ
sacrilegious
pillage
of
Church
goods
,
and
is
persecuted
to
death
for
his
refusall
,
is
noe
lesse
a
Martir
,
then
he
,
that
suffers
for
denying
an
Idolatrous
worshipp
,
and
this
is
not
to
die
for
Religion
,
because
establisht
,
but
that
establishment
,
which
we
ought
to
preserve
,
and
all
the
painting
,
&
dawbing
of
these
Artisans
of
Rebellion
will
not
deface
that
Martirdome
,
which
their
owne
wicked
hands
have
testified
.
There
are
no
reformed
Churches
,
that
have
abolisht
the
Decalogue
,
&
so
long
a
king
,
that
dies
by
a
wicked
Rebellion
for
not
consenting
to
Trayterours
demaunds
is
judged
a
Martir
by
the
best
reformed
Churches
,
but
he
does
not
looke
before
he
leape
,
that
brings
in
the
Romish
Priests
executed
for
that
,
which
had
been
established
,
for
he
might
have
knowne
they
were
executed
by
lawes
in
force
,
and
for
doing
what
noe
law
in
force
allowed
,
and
there
is
a
great
deale
of
difference
betweene
heretickes
dying
for
errours
against
vniversall
truths
,
and
Martirs
dying
for
vniversally
received
truths
.
The
legislative
Parliament
,
and
law
of
Coronation
,
and
obstinacie
of
one
man
his
soe
often
chewed
Rhetorique
will
not
aide
him
to
overcome
so
apparent
truth
,
and
noe
Parliament
could
have
been
soe
ridiculous
,
and
contemptible
a
thing
,
as
they
,
which
abuse
the
name
have
now
made
it
,
spurning
it
too
,
and
fro
like
a
footeball
at
the
will
of
the
multitude
,
and
noe
men
are
more
markes
for
slaves
,
then
such
,
as
are
destined
to
such
a
vassallage
vnder
such
Masters
.
Noe
tolleration
can
please
schismatickes
,
that
is
bounded
with
any
lawes
,
and
vnles
they
have
a
libertie
to
treade
downe
all
law
,
and
Religion
,
they
account
it
not
freedome
,
and
such
tolleration
,
which
other
Churches
account
themselves
happy
in
,
these
Sectaries
account
despicable
,
that
will
have
it
not
beneath
the
honour
of
a
Parliament
,
and
free
nation
to
receive
a
Schismaticall
pretended
Religion
,
devised
by
a
junto
of
Mechannickes
.
His
suspitions
of
palliation
are
of
the
same
stuffe
with
his
positions
,
and
we
may
well
thinke
vpon
his
owne
grounds
,
that
the
Kings
advice
to
his
Son
to
be
tender
of
the
people
,
was
sincere
,
whose
destruction
would
be
his
vndoing
.
Which
might
justly
move
a
Prince
to
that
tendernes
.
Powerfull
Rebells
are
noe
lesse
infamous
,
then
greate
,
and
these
,
who
place
the
hopes
of
immortall
prayse
in
the
excesse
of
villanies
,
only
erect
the
Monuments
of
their
impieties
the
higher
,
that
they
may
be
seene
by
posteritie
,
though
they
avoyded
for
the
present
the
heigth
of
Hamans
Gallowes
,
and
we
may
not
thinke
such
men
looke
to
be
remembred
in
mercy
with
God
,
who
shewed
none
to
men
.
They
thinke
with
Cain
their
sin
greater
,
then
can
be
forgiven
.
Although
the
King
Exhort
his
Son
not
to
study
revenge
,
yet
they
beleive
,
that
he
,
or
at
least
they
about
him
intend
not
to
follow
that
exhortation
,
and
that
he
sayes
was
seene
lately
at
the
Hague
.
It
s
like
he
intends
,
the
killing
of
Dorislans
their
Rebell
Agent
.
Is
that
an
Argument
of
studying
revenge
after
Reconciliation
,
that
a
profest
villaine
was
slaine
in
the
heate
of
indignation
,
comming
in
Triumph
with
the
blood
of
the
Murthred
King
,
as
his
Trophey
?
The
Libeller
would
willingly
perswade
the
multitude
,
that
it
concernes
them
asmuch
,
as
those
impious
projectours
of
Rebellion
to
feare
such
revenge
,
and
therefore
they
may
not
repent
,
but
like
himselfe
maintaine
Treason
to
be
the
better
cause
,
and
to
returne
to
loyaltie
were
ficklenes
,
and
instabilitie
.
He
cannot
endure
the
Government
by
Bishopps
,
for
he
sayes
,
it
is
away
to
subdue
the
consciences
of
vulgar
men
to
slavish
doctrine
.
The
doctrine
he
meanes
is
order
,
and
obedience
,
and
he
would
have
a
compendious
way
to
schisme
,
and
Rebellion
,
and
that
's
the
grudge
,
which
Traytours
have
at
this
Government
,
and
their
profest
quarrell
.
He
will
not
admit
,
that
Parliaments
can
have
freedome
,
if
the
King
may
deny
any
thing
,
which
a
Major
part
propounds
,
as
if
they
had
noe
freedome
,
vnles
the
prevailing
partie
were
absolute
Lords
,
and
yet
their
freedome
is
preserved
,
though
the
Army
picke
out
a
few
to
be
the
Parliament
,
and
send
packing
the
rest
,
and
this
is
the
foundation
of
the
English
freedome
,
as
he
would
have
it
,
and
that
this
Conventicle
must
have
the
name
of
Parliament
,
and
not
of
a
faction
.
The
conclusion
,
that
the
Libeller
would
have
is
,
that
the
Parliament
should
consist
of
a
few
Trayterous
designers
,
to
whose
voyce
the
rest
must
be
only
an
Eecho
,
and
the
sound
of
a
Parliament
must
be
noe
other
,
then
a
bagpipe
,
yeilding
only
such
noates
,
as
the
breath
,
and
stopps
of
the
prime
Masters
allow
it
.
We
have
seene
those
tapistry
Parliaments
,
which
he
mentions
,
which
stay
,
and
remove
at
the
pleasure
of
those
Masters
of
the
houshold
;
And
should
not
the
King
have
a
power
to
stopp
the
extravagant
motions
of
these
impetuous
Commaunders
,
which
blasted
all
such
,
whose
wisedome
,
and
gravitie
offred
wholesome
Counsells
for
publique
safetie
,
and
ordered
their
mutes
,
and
noughts
to
signifie
their
pleasure
The
Kingdome
would
be
sure
of
miserie
,
as
often
,
as
they
see
a
Parliament
,
and
the
people
see
they
must
seeke
their
preservation
in
vnitie
,
which
is
Resident
in
the
head
,
not
in
those
broken
fractions
the
subject
of
division
,
and
such
,
as
seeke
vents
,
and
ouletts
from
the
supreame
Government
are
the
whirle
windes
of
misery
,
and
confusion
,
but
Traytours
would
have
lawes
as
easily
broken
,
as
the
spiders
webb
.
And
this
Parliament
,
to
which
the
King
must
be
subject
,
himselfe
will
allow
noe
more
freedome
,
then
to
sit
in
the
noose
of
their
Military
generall
,
which
when
he
pleases
to
draw
to
geather
with
one
twitch
,
not
only
with
his
negative
,
but
positive
Commaud
,
shall
throttle
the
whole
nation
to
the
wish
of
Caligula
in
one
necke
,
and
this
the
Kings
negative
was
farr
from
,
and
if
the
Libeller
stitch
togeather
all
the
quibbles
of
pasquills
,
&
satirs
,
they
will
agree
vnto
his
Rebell
Masters
,
but
lose
their
propertie
by
his
application
to
lawfull
Government
.
Where
they
have
placed
the
Militia
the
Kingdome
now
feele
,
who
vnderstood
not
the
word
,
when
they
were
at
first
hoodminckt
by
it
to
seeke
they
knew
not
what
.
The
deliverance
,
which
these
men
boast
of
is
the
deprivation
of
just
Government
,
and
the
substitution
of
lawles
will
,
and
the
people
see
,
that
they
are
soe
farr
from
a
deliverance
,
that
they
are
delivered
over
to
a
languishing
miserie
vnder
the
sharpest
servitude
,
and
they
now
finde
their
Idolizing
a
Parliament
hath
drawne
them
from
their
loyaltie
to
him
,
whome
God
had
set
over
them
,
and
cast
them
vnder
the
hard
bondage
of
these
Masters
,
and
like
them
,
which
rejected
the
sonns
of
Gideon
,
and
tooke
the
sonne
of
his
servant
to
raigne
over
them
,
they
feele
a
fire
of
division
kindled
among
them
to
devoure
one
another
.
This
Libeller
allowes
not
any
thoughts
of
revenge
in
his
Majest:
now
living
for
the
murder
of
his
father
,
and
yet
reproacheth
him
for
making
peace
with
the
Irish
,
and
not
seeking
their
totall
extirpation
,
and
the
peace
with
them
he
calls
a
sordid
,
dishonourable
,
and
irreligious
seeking
of
his
Crowne
.
But
the
man
is
vnwilling
he
should
have
any
wayes
at
al
,
and
would
perswade
his
Sectaries
,
for
none
els
will
beleive
him
,
that
the
King
may
not
make
peace
with
a
Rebell
submitting
to
oppose
a
Rebell
persevering
.
That
the
Presbiter
Scott
,
which
woes
the
King
now
living
is
put
of
proceedes
from
his
termes
,
not
from
his
qualitie
.
Should
not
the
people
of
England
seeke
the
restitution
of
their
King
,
and
legall
Government
,
whereof
they
have
been
cheated
with
the
adulterate
ostentations
of
libertie
,
and
redresse
of
greivances
,
they
would
appeare
arrant
beasts
,
that
cryed
out
,
and
below'd
by
the
instinct
of
their
drivers
,
fighting
like
brutes
,
till
they
ran
into
the
pinfold
,
where
they
are
reserved
for
servitude
,
and
slaughter
by
those
Masters
,
who
allured
them
with
foode
to
put
the
yoake
on
their
neckes
.
The
Libeller
dislikes
the
kings
conclusion
,
that
Religion
to
God
,
and
loyaltie
to
the
King
cannot
be
parted
without
the
sinne
,
&
infelicitie
of
a
people
And
sayes
its
contrary
to
the
teaching
of
Christ
,
that
noe
man
can
serve
two
Masters
.
These
are
fit
Judges
of
our
dutie
to
God
,
or
man
,
and
fit
reformers
of
Church
,
and
state
,
that
will
have
the
service
of
a
Master
,
or
obedience
to
a
father
the
serving
of
another
Master
,
then
God
,
and
the
spirit
of
God
speaking
by
St.
Peter
,
feare
God
,
and
honour
the
King
must
contradict
the
teaching
of
Christ
,
such
Church
makers
doe
we
now
live
with
.
Such
,
as
served
heathen
Masters
,
may
not
leave
their
service
,
though
they
serve
not
their
heathen
Gods
at
their
Commaund
,
and
if
they
did
desert
their
earthly
Masters
for
that
reason
,
they
did
not
serve
their
Master
in
heaven
,
who
will
be
served
by
their
subjection
to
their
earthly
Masters
,
but
he
,
that
will
serve
himselfe
cannot
serve
God
,
and
that
selfe
service
is
the
whole
worke
of
these
Rebells
,
who
pretend
to
put
God
in
the
first
place
,
that
they
may
leave
him
noe
place
,
and
such
,
as
desert
their
King
vpon
pretence
of
Gods
service
,
desert
God
to
serve
themselves
,
and
they
will
only
enjoy
their
power
,
and
wealth
,
and
ease
for
Gods
sake
,
but
suffer
for
him
they
will
not
,
that
kinde
of
testimony
to
the
truth
of
Religion
,
they
account
among
the
corruptions
of
the
first
ages
of
the
Church
,
and
they
have
found
a
more
accurate
,
and
pleasant
way
to
serve
God
.
Intitled
MEDITATIONS
VPON
DEATH
.
BEcause
the
King
affordes
time
to
inveigh
bitterly
against
that
murder
,
but
in
the
Libellers
language
Iustice
done
on
him
,
it
will
be
as
he
sayes
needefull
to
say
something
in
defence
of
those
proceedings
.
Doubtles
all
,
that
witt
,
or
impudence
can
offer
in
defence
of
that
Barbarisme
is
farr
short
of
a
colourable
excuse
.
He
is
courting
of
apocripha
,
and
makes
a
Prologue
out
of
Esdras
,
and
Josephus
,
Authors
in
his
judgment
,
not
lesse
beleived
,
then
any
vnder
sacred
,
&
brings
forth
the
story
of
the
three
wise
questions
,
and
zorobabells
determination
for
women
,
and
truth
.
Quorsum
haec
?
Though
he
be
not
asked
,
nor
in
a
nation
,
that
gives
such
rewards
to
wisedome
.
(
his
Masters
have
not
that
bountie
to
restore
the
King
,
that
he
may
sitt
next
him
,
their
gratitude
being
of
the
same
Stampe
with
their
loyaltie
)
he
shall
pronounce
his
sentence
somewhat
different
,
that
eyther
truth
,
and
Iustice
are
all
one
,
or
els
that
Iustice
by
his
office
is
to
put
forth
more
strength
in
the
affaires
of
mankinde
.
To
what
purpose
doth
he
soe
solemnely
produce
this
peice
of
Apocripha
,
and
pronounce
his
sentence
different
?
Iustice
is
a
vertue
of
the
minde
,
and
putts
forth
noe
more
strength
in
the
affaires
of
mankinde
then
truth
,
but
he
talkes
of
justice
,
and
truth
,
as
if
they
were
members
of
the
house
of
Commons
.
The
sensuall
appetite
of
some
is
too
strong
for
their
vnderstanding
,
and
thence
proceeded
the
conclusions
for
the
strength
of
wine
,
and
women
.
In
others
the
vnderstanding
and
reason
are
stronger
,
and
there
truth
is
strongest
,
but
we
may
be
assured
,
that
in
this
Libeller
,
and
his
Masters
,
ambition
,
crueltie
,
and
falshood
are
strongest
,
and
thence
their
Actions
are
an
oppression
,
and
defiance
of
truth
,
and
Iustice
,
and
they
are
growne
soe
absurd
,
as
from
the
Titles
of
strength
given
to
vertues
,
and
passions
,
this
triflinge
Libeller
would
haue
them
non
resident
,
and
to
act
without
a
subject
.
If
Zorobabell
had
made
truth
a
fantastical
person
,
as
this
man
strives
to
have
justice
vnderstood
,
he
had
surely
lost
his
reward
,
as
well
,
as
the
opinion
of
his
wisedome
.
This
man
would
have
Iustice
vnderstood
,
as
shee
is
painted
in
a
peice
of
Tapistry
.
Iustice
had
a
sword
putt
into
her
hand
to
vse
against
all
violence
,
&
oppression
in
the
earth
.
By
whome
was
this
sword
putt
into
her
hand
?
Doe
theis
Traytours
beleive
,
that
their
magnifying
of
Iustice
makes
any
man
looke
on
their
Barbarous
Actions
with
lesse
detestation
,
or
that
justice
is
any
part
of
their
end
,
or
Actions
?
Justice
teaches
Rulers
how
to
vse
the
sword
put
into
their
hands
,
but
is
armelesse
against
any
violence
,
and
oppression
without
the
power
of
the
Ruler
.
If
the
Magistrate
doe
injustice
,
there
is
noe
justice
committed
to
others
against
him
.
The
wise
man
by
the
spirit
of
God
tells
vs
,
that
he
beheld
wrong
,
and
injustice
,
and
the
cryes
of
the
oppressed
,
and
there
was
noe
deliverer
,
and
where
then
was
the
Libellers
justice
?
was
not
violence
there
stronger
then
justice
?
Though
divine
justice
cannot
be
avoyded
,
humane
justice
often
fayles
,
and
cannot
reach
the
offender
.
Shee
is
most
truly
,
who
accepts
no
person
,
and
exempts
none
from
the
severitie
of
her
stroake
.
Though
by
the
Rules
of
justice
,
there
is
no
accepting
nor
exempting
of
persons
,
yet
the
Magistrate
,
to
whome
alone
the
Rule
belongs
is
confined
to
persons
,
and
places
,
justice
forbidding
all
vsurpation
,
and
striking
is
oppression
,
where
lawfull
power
gives
not
the
sword
.
Shee
never
suffers
injury
to
prevayle
,
but
when
falshood
first
prevailes
over
truth
,
and
that
is
a
kinde
of
justice
done
on
them
,
who
are
soe
deluded
.
And
is
not
falshood
an
injury
?
why
should
justice
suffer
falshood
to
prevayle
more
then
other
injuries
,
and
why
should
deluded
,
and
deceived
persons
be
deprived
of
Justice
.
And
is
it
Justice
to
suffer
deceived
persons
to
be
injured
?
This
man
sees
the
horrid
Injustices
acted
by
his
Masters
,
and
that
must
be
a
kinde
of
justice
,
because
(
in
his
sense
)
vpon
deceived
men
.
Though
wicked
Kings
,
and
Tyrants
counterfeite
the
sword
,
yet
shee
communicates
not
her
power
to
any
,
but
such
,
as
are
just
,
or
at
least
will
doe
Iustice
.
Doth
justice
communicate
her
power
to
every
just
man
,
or
that
will
doe
justice
,
and
are
they
not
Tyrants
,
that
take
the
sword
,
which
is
not
given
them
by
the
Libellers
owne
judgment
.
He
would
needes
make
justice
a
Goddesse
,
and
Poeticall
fancies
,
realities
,
and
Bellona
must
leade
an
Army
without
a
Generall
.
Kings
have
their
power
from
God
,
and
God
gives
the
sword
ye
even
to
wicked
Kings
;
and
because
the
power
is
given
them
for
justice
,
it
is
called
the
sword
of
justice
,
though
they
vse
it
oft-times
to
Injustice
,
and
though
there
are
soe
many
instances
of
wicked
Rulers
,
who
yet
had
their
power
from
God
,
yet
this
impudent
Blaspheamour
sayes
.
It
were
extreame
partialitie
,
&
Injustice
,
the
flat
denyal
,
&
overthrow
of
her selfe
to
put
her
owne
Authenticke
sword
into
the
hand
of
an
vnjust
,
and
wicked
man
,
or
soe
farr
to
accept
,
and
exalt
one
mortall
person
above
his
equalls
,
that
he
alone
shall
have
the
punishment
of
all
other
men
transgressinge
,
&
not
receive
like
punishment
from
men
,
when
he
himselfe
shal
be
found
the
highest
Transgressour
.
He
beleives
not
the
Scripture
tellinge
vs
Gods
advancement
of
diverse
Kings
above
their
equalls
,
&
to
that
condition
of
impunitie
;
And
must
it
not
necessarily
follow
from
his
principles
,
that
God
is
vnjust
,
and
partiall
in
soe
doinge
?
And
if
all
men
be
not
punisht
equally
in
this
life
for
the
same
offences
?
Can
there
be
a
greater
Blaspheamy
?
Were
it
not
the
height
of
Injustice
,
if
the
governed
should
judge
,
and
punish
the
Governour
?
Were
it
possible
for
mankinde
to
subsist
in
such
a
state
,
or
can
there
be
a
possibilitie
of
any
right
,
or
Justice
in
such
confusion
?
The
Scripture
forbids
vs
to
judge
another
mans
servant
,
but
this
man
will
have
the
father
punisht
by
the
childe
,
the
Master
by
the
servant
,
the
Prince
by
the
people
.
Iustice
is
,
and
ought
to
be
strongest
.
The
strength
of
publique
Justice
is
the
Magistrate
.
Though
Justice
ought
to
be
strong
in
our
affections
,
and
Actions
,
yet
all
men
are
not
obliged
,
nor
permitted
to
doe
all
Acts
of
Justice
.
The
execution
of
Civill
Justice
is
the
Magistrates
office
,
it
is
the
strength
of
Injustice
to
vsurpe
the
calling
of
others
.
From
this
Lunaticke
discourse
of
the
strength
of
Justice
,
he
concludes
.
That
if
by
sentence
thus
written
,
it
were
my
happines
to
set
free
the
mindes
of
Englishmen
from
longing
to
returne
poorelyvnder
that
Captivitie
of
Kings
,
from
which
the
strength
,
and
supreame
sword
of
Iustice
hath
delivered
them
,
I
shall
have
done
a
worke
,
not
much
inferiour
to
that
of
Zorobabell
.
The
sentence
of
this
braine
sicke
Libeller
is
very
weake
to
worke
on
any
opinion
,
but
the
hath
set
free
some
Englishmen
from
the
Captivitie
of
a
received
errour
,
for
they
were
made
beleive
they
fought
for
their
King
,
and
this
man
tells
them
it
was
to
shake
of
Kings
,
and
surely
his
vainities
,
and
deceites
,
and
his
Masters
Tyrany
will
perswade
the
Englishmen
to
seeke
their
returne
vnder
the
free
,
and
glorious
Government
of
Kings
from
the
Captivitie
of
theis
Tyrants
,
&
vsurpers
,
that
have
enslaved
them
;
And
that
horrid
murder
of
the
King
vnder
the
shamelesse
pretence
of
justice
,
must
necessarily
worke
detestation
of
the
fact
,
and
a
longing
to
be
delivered
from
the
Dominion
of
such
Monsters
.
Noe
doubt
this
Libeller
would
thinke
it
an
happines
to
be
secure
in
his
stolen
power
,
but
he
must
expresse
more
reason
,
and
lesse
impietie
to
effect
such
a
worke
,
&
he
may
be
assured
,
that
as
long
,
as
there
are
men
soe
ingenuous
to
acknowledge
Justice
,
that
they
must
detest
his
cause
,
and
him
.
And
though
Kings
be
vnaccountable
to
men
for
their
Actions
,
it
is
noe
way
contrary
to
the
wisedome
of
Zorobabell
,
who
names
not
Justice
,
and
if
he
had
given
that
strength
to
Justice
,
which
he
did
to
truth
,
it
had
been
in
the
same
sense
,
vnderstanding
the
force
of
Justice
,
as
of
other
vertues
.
The
strength
of
the
King
is
over
the
persons
,
that
of
truth
,
and
Justice
over
the
minde
.
But
if
the
King
be
accountable
to
men
,
are
not
they
,
to
whome
he
is
accountable
by
the
libellers
Argument
not
only
stronger
then
the
King
,
but
stronger
then
Justice
?
And
soe
Justice
is
not
strongest
,
vnles
the
sword
be
putt
into
a
madd
mans
hand
,
and
the
giddy
multitude
,
from
whome
nothinge
,
but
Injustice
can
be
expected
may
punish
their
Rulers
.
To
what
end
were
Governments
ordained
,
if
justice
be
only
in
the
Governed
?
Were
ever
like
Tyranies
,
and
Injustices
committed
by
single
Rulers
,
as
by
the
vnbridled
multitude
,
and
yet
justice
must
have
noe
strength
in
the
mouth
of
a
King
,
and
the
word
of
Rebells
only
must
be
the
strength
of
justice
,
and
this
Champion
,
that
bindes
justice
to
Rebell
power
,
and
excludes
it
from
Kings
,
hopes
to
be
a
Zorobabell
to
the
Englishmen
for
his
wise
sentence
.
That
noe
law
of
God
,
or
man
gives
the
subjects
any
power
of
Iudicature
without
or
against
the
King
,
he
will
prove
most
vntrue
,
and
by
that
most
ancient
,
and
vniversall
law
,
he
that
sheddeth
mans
blood
,
by
man
shall
his
blood
be
shedd
,
and
heere
he
sayes
is
noe
exception
of
a
King
.
Though
it
be
plaine
,
that
he
,
to
whome
the
power
of
shedding
the
blod
of
the
offender
,
is
committed
,
must
necessarily
be
excepted
,
vnles
they
will
suppose
he
must
kill
himselfe
,
doth
the
Libeller
imagine
,
that
by
this
law
,
all
men
were
judges
,
or
that
the
subject
may
judge
the
soveraigne
,
who
is
not
permitted
by
any
law
to
judge
an
Equall
?
As
the
divine
law
appointed
punishments
,
soe
likewise
Rulers
,
and
if
people
may
judge
their
Rulers
,
it
anulls
all
the
Commaunds
of
obedience
to
superiours
,
all
subordination
in
humane
societie
,
and
all
decision
of
Controversie
,
while
every
one
may
pretend
his
owne
opinion
the
Rule
of
justice
.
Next
he
hath
found
the
place
in
numbers
.
Ye
shall
take
noe
satisfaction
for
the
life
of
a
Murderer
.
But
judges
,
to
whome
the
law
was
given
,
were
appointed
to
declare
,
who
was
guiltie
of
Murder
,
and
we
may
easily
see
,
who
had
beene
the
Murderers
,
if
every
man
were
to
judge
a
superiour
,
or
the
multitude
their
Rulers
,
and
this
the
Libeller
might
have
found
in
the
same
booke
where
the
people
charge
Moses
,
and
Aron
with
killing
the
people
of
the
Lord
,
and
Moses
sayes
,
they
were
ready
to
stone
him
.
And
the
Libeller
may
with
his
Anabaptisticall
brethren
vpon
better
grounds
abolish
Magistracie
,
then
make
every
man
a
Magistrate
,
as
by
this
reason
he
would
.
Though
the
law
appointed
noe
satisfaction
for
the
life
of
a
murderer
,
yet
we
finde
David
pardoned
the
murder
of
his
son
Absolom
,
and
Civill
punishments
are
not
of
immutable
law
,
and
it
had
been
murder
to
take
away
his
life
,
whome
the
king
had
pardoned
,
and
we
finde
,
that
though
Jacob
curst
the
rage
of
his
two
sons
,
yet
he
put
them
not
to
death
for
the
murder
of
the
Sichemites
.
A
law
must
be
founded
in
vnrighteousnes
,
if
the
people
doe
not
punish
their
Rulers
,
as
the
Rulers
them
.
And
such
a
law
is
contrary
to
those
Rules
of
righteousnes
God
hath
prescribed
,
and
is
the
destruction
of
mankinde
,
not
any
law
at
tall
,
and
this
man
feares
not
to
charge
God
with
vnrighteousnes
,
that
forbidds
evill
speakinge
of
their
Rulers
though
wicked
,
and
vnjust
,
and
scoffes
at
his
ordinance
calling
anointinge
a
Charme
.
Can
any
man
of
Common
reason
imagine
,
that
a
people
wil
be
obedient
vnto
any
,
whome
they
have
power
to
punish
,
or
that
subjection
can
consist
with
such
a
condition
?
The
anointinge
of
Abiathar
to
be
a
Priest
did
not
exempt
him
from
the
power
of
the
King
.
And
can
any
reasonable
man
thinke
,
that
any
,
but
the
King
could
have
vsed
that
power
vpon
Abiathar
,
or
that
because
the
King
,
who
was
anointed
to
that
office
over
the
Priest
,
was
subject
to
the
like
from
his
people
,
or
any
private
man
,
as
this
Atheist
will
have
it
?
David
,
as
a
private
man
,
and
in
his
owne
cause
feared
to
lift
vp
his
hand
against
the
Lords
anointed
,
but
this
Cannot
forbidd
the
law
,
nor
disarme
Iustice
from
havinge
legall
power
against
any
King
.
This
sheweth
,
that
divine
law
forbadd
all
men
to
take
the
Armes
of
justice
without
,
or
against
the
King
,
who
is
referred
to
Gods
justice
,
and
justice
hath
noe
Armes
,
but
his
power
.
What
David
feared
,
he
judged
all
others
had
cause
to
feare
,
who
can
touch
the
Lords
anointed
,
and
be
innocent
?
If
David
were
a
private
man
,
being
anointed
King
,
who
was
a
publique
man
?
But
what
David
feared
,
these
wretches
despise
,
and
Count
this
forbearance
of
David
a
ceremony
,
which
he
might
have
forborne
.
If
David
feared
in
his
owne
cause
to
lift
vp
his
hand
against
the
Lords
anointed
,
the
Libeller
is
his
owne
judge
,
and
must
be
his
tormenter
,
that
makes
an
impious
defence
of
those
,
that
lifted
vp
their
hand
against
the
Lords
anointed
in
their
owne
cause
,
and
were
by
his
owne
confession
but
private
men
,
and
he
would
have
their
exorbitance
,
and
disobedience
to
law
vnblameable
.
Was
David
a
more
private
man
,
then
they
?
All
supreame
Counsells
in
other
formes
of
Government
,
that
have
not
a
Monarch
,
claime
this
priviledge
of
exemptiō
from
their
subjects
Judicature
,
b●…t
those
gracelesse
Rebells
hold
nothinge
sacred
,
the
place
of
Gods
vicegerent
they
wil
have
to
be
an
enormous
priviledge
,
and
blow
away
Religion
,
&
justice
like
Chaffe
with
the
blast
of
their
fancie
,
though
they
pretend
the
strength
of
it
above
that
of
Kings
.
He
hath
done
with
Scripture
,
he
descends
now
to
saint
Ambrose
excommunicatinge
Theodosius
,
&
he
will
allow
the
Bishopp
to
be
a
saint
for
this
fact
,
though
his
calling
were
Prelaticall
,
and
vnlawfull
in
his
judgment
.
But
what
is
spirituall
excommunication
to
the
puttinge
of
a
King
to
death
?
This
fact
of
saint
Ambrose
is
noe
Rule
.
Though
Christian
Bishopps
refused
to
give
the
holy
misteries
to
Princes
in
cases
of
sins
,
they
did
not
presume
to
make
a
Civill
seperation
betweene
them
,
and
their
people
,
and
will
the
Libeller
allow
the
Bishopps
to
be
more
publique
persons
,
then
Christ
,
and
his
Apostles
,
and
to
doe
what
they
would
not
?
He
,
that
makes
such
outcryes
against
Popery
heere
takes
vp
the
most
scandalous
doctrine
,
that
any
of
them
maintaine
,
and
which
the
most
sober
disclaime
,
and
takes
vp
those
Arguments
,
which
the
Jesuites
vse
for
the
Clergies
,
and
Popes
power
over
Princes
,
&
yet
the
man
would
be
accounted
a
zealous
Protestant
.
The
examples
of
excommunication
by
the
brittish
Bishopps
,
saint
Germaine
Oudeceus
,
&
the
clergy
of
Morcant
might
be
al
true
,
but
nothing
to
the
purpose
,
nor
are
their
excommunications
Rules
for
Christian
practice
,
neither
can
there
be
any
inference
of
deposing
,
or
murderinge
Kings
from
such
Actions
.
But
sor
the
greater
Credit
he
sayes
the
facts
of
theis
Brittish
Bishopps
were
before
we
had
Communion
with
the
Church
of
Rome
.
And
may
not
he
looke
on
himselfe
,
and
his
crew
with
horrour
for
vilysying
,
and
reproaching
the
calling
of
Bishopps
,
as
Papell
,
and
Antichristian
,
and
yet
confesse
it
to
be
before
we
had
any
Communion
with
the
Church
of
Rome
?
What
power
of
deposinge
Kings
,
and
consequently
of
putting
them
to
death
was
assumed
,
and
practised
by
the
Canon
law
,
he
sayes
,
he
omitts
,
as
a
thing
generally
knowne
.
Why
would
he
not
tell
,
by
whome
it
was
practised
,
would
that
discredit
the
Authoritie
?
What
power
the
Popes
practised
in
deposinge
Kings
is
generally
knowne
,
and
detested
by
all
good
men
being
Actions
contrary
to
all
lawes
,
but
of
their
owne
making
.
But
did
the
people
of
England
expect
,
that
all
the
promises
of
Reformation
made
by
the
late
Parliament
would
end
only
in
approvinge
the
Tyrany
,
and
vsurpation
of
the
Pope
over
Kings
,
and
justifying
of
the
powder
plot
,
and
are
all
the
complaints
of
the
Protestant
Divines
against
the
practice
of
the
Popes
become
impertinent
Clamours
?
But
such
a
defence
is
suteable
to
the
cause
.
Whole
Councells
have
decreed
,
that
a
Counsell
is
above
the
Pope
,
though
by
them
not
denyed
the
vicar
of
Christ
,
and
wee
may
be
ashamed
in
our
cleerer
light
not
to
descerne
further
,
that
a
Parliament
is
above
a
King
.
It
were
a
shame
to
vs
,
if
we
should
not
descerne
the
difference
betweene
the
independent
power
of
Kings
,
and
the
vsurped
power
of
the
Pope
,
and
this
breaker
wants
shame
,
that
pretends
cleerer
light
,
and
opposition
to
Rome
,
and
yet
begg
Examples
from
it
.
Such
,
as
preferred
the
authoritie
of
Counsells
above
the
Pope
,
had
their
warrant
from
the
ancient
Counsells
,
which
knew
not
the
vicarshipp
of
the
Pope
different
from
his
brethren
;
And
had
these
Counsells
thought
him
Christs
vicar
,
and
infallible
,
as
the
Romanists
now
maintaine
,
their
conclusion
of
the
Counsells
superioritie
could
not
consist
with
their
premisses
,
being
much
alike
this
Authors
ordinary
Arguments
.
But
what
resemblance
has
a
Counsell
of
the
whole
Church
to
the
Parliament
,
or
Counsell
of
a
particular
kingdome
?
By
the
lawes
of
some
kingdomes
there
are
noe
Parliaments
at
all
,
and
in
Counsells
they
are
not
subjects
,
but
brethren
to
to
the
Pope
,
as
they
anciently
stiled
themselves
,
and
they
anciently
convened
,
and
departed
without
any
leave
from
him
,
but
in
the
English
Parliament
,
they
are
all
subjects
to
the
king
,
and
their
places
were
by
his
institution
,
and
the
kings
calling
any
convention
for
advice
,
doth
not
alter
the
qualitie
of
subjection
.
He
comes
now
to
humane
lawes
,
and
by
them
he
will
prove
a
divine
truth
.
The
judgment
given
against
Orestes
,
either
at
Athens
,
whose
king
he
was
not
,
or
in
any
other
Countrey
,
where
he
was
but
a
Titular
,
proves
nothing
,
though
the
story
were
Authenticke
,
and
the
proceedings
legall
,
but
popular
furies
,
though
occasioned
by
their
Governours
Crymes
are
not
Examples
of
imitation
.
Solons
lawes
belonged
not
to
kingly
Government
,
neither
were
the
kings
of
Sparta
Monarchs
,
nor
Licurgus
a
King
indeede
,
though
he
had
a
Title
,
the
constitution
of
that
State
being
a
Republique
,
and
their
King
noe
other
,
then
a
Consul
of
Rome
,
or
a
Duke
of
venice
.
The
Decree
in
Rome
is
farr
wide
from
the
matter
,
and
what
the
Senate
did
against
Nero
,
was
in
vindication
of
their
ancient
power
,
not
acknowledging
the
Justice
of
his
soveraigntie
.
Though
Theodosius
decreed
the
law
to
be
above
the
Emperour
,
yet
he
decreed
not
any
person
to
have
power
over
the
Emperour
.
The
law
was
above
him
in
reguard
it
was
his
Rule
,
but
could
not
make
any
person
,
or
societie
above
him
.
The
law
is
the
directive
power
to
Kings
,
but
subject
them
not
to
any
,
and
it
is
a
senseles
deduction
from
the
superioritie
of
the
Rule
to
imagine
an
inferioritie
of
the
Rulers
to
the
people
,
or
a
communitie
in
power
by
the
Rule
.
That
Bracton
,
or
Cleta
say
the
King
is
inferiour
to
the
Court
of
Parliament
,
is
a
manifest
vntruth
,
and
Bracton
sayes
expressely
,
the
King
hath
not
a
superiour
on
earth
to
punish
him
,
and
that
only
God
is
the
avenger
of
his
Actions
,
soe
farr
were
theis
men
from
affirminge
,
that
he
stands
as
liable
to
receive
Iustice
,
as
the
meanest
of
his
subjects
.
But
this
man
thinkes
,
that
some
of
his
Readers
will
believe
,
that
the
name
of
an
Author
is
sufficient
Authoritie
,
though
he
speake
contrary
to
what
he
alleadges
.
It
is
said
in
an
ancient
booke
,
the
King
ought
to
be
subject
to
the
law
by
his
oath
.
Though
the
King
be
bound
to
performe
the
law
by
his
oath
,
is
there
any
to
judge
him
,
when
all
are
his
subjects
,
and
derive
their
power
from
him
,
or
is
he
subject
to
any
person
?
And
who
can
judge
another
,
that
is
not
subject
to
him
?
Because
Kings
bound
themselves
to
doe
Justice
,
therefore
did
they
give
other
men
power
over
them
?
That
the
king
permitted
questions
of
his
right
to
ordinary
Iudicature
is
an
vse
of
Counsell
,
not
subjection
,
all
Courts
being
his
Counsells
,
for
decision
of
controversies
,
but
it
s
a
sorry
inference
,
that
Counsellours
in
his
affaires
should
have
power
over
his
person
.
As
the
Parliaments
right
is
circumscribed
by
lawes
in
regarde
of
the
subject
,
soe
it
cannot
be
imagined
absolute
over
the
king
.
By
what
the
Libeller
hath
said
,
he
might
well
conclude
,
that
kings
are
oblidged
to
doe
justice
,
but
that
the
people
,
or
particular
persons
may
judge
their
king
by
any
law
divine
,
or
humane
,
he
hath
not
offred
a
colour
,
soe
barren
is
he
in
an
Argument
,
which
he
calls
over
copious
.
Who
should
better
vnderstand
their
owne
lawes
,
and
when
they
are
transgressed
,
then
they
,
who
are
governed
by
them
,
and
whose
consent
at
first
made
them
.
Certenly
he
might
very
wel
have
answeared
himselfe
,
that
they
,
which
governed
by
such
lawes
,
and
whose
consent
at
first
made
them
better
vnderstand
them
,
and
when
they
are
transgressed
,
then
they
,
that
are
governed
,
and
it
is
a
course
very
agreable
to
these
mens
confusion
,
that
the
suiter
should
teach
the
judge
.
The
Libeller
askes
,
who
have
more
right
to
take
knowledge
of
things
done
within
a
free
nation
,
then
they
within
themselves
.
And
surely
they
will
not
be
free
long
from
destroying
one
another
,
where
that
's
the
libertie
,
for
there
wil
be
as
many
Transgressours
,
and
as
many
lawes
,
as
there
are
opinions
.
He
goes
about
to
answeare
the
taking
the
oath
of
Alleagiance
,
and
supreamacy
.
And
to
this
his
answeare
is
very
ready
,
that
these
oaths
were
to
his
person
invested
with
his
Authoritie
,
and
his
Authoritie
was
by
the
people
given
him
conditionally
vnder
law
,
and
oath
.
And
if
his
Authoritie
had
been
conditionall
,
their
oaths
could
not
be
absolute
,
as
they
are
.
This
guift
,
and
condition
they
imagine
were
engraven
in
Seths
Pillars
,
and
they
have
been
long
enquiringe
for
a
Cabballisticke
Rabbyn
to
finde
out
the
Characters
.
How
the
kings
hereditary
succession
is
become
a
conditionall
guift
,
must
have
better
evidence
then
Aphorismes
of
confusion
,
never
law
contained
either
the
guift
,
or
condition
,
nor
was
there
ever
such
impudence
before
theis
Traytours
,
that
avowed
,
because
they
swore
faith
to
their
kings
person
invested
with
his
Authoritie
,
they
might
take
away
his
Authoritie
,
and
not
breake
their
oath
,
And
it
were
a
prophane
oath
,
aswell
,
as
vaine
,
that
should
be
voyde
at
the
will
of
the
taker
.
The
kings
oath
added
nothing
to
his
right
,
being
only
an
obligation
of
his
conscience
,
noe
condition
annexed
to
his
right
,
and
if
he
never
tooke
the
oath
,
his
subjects
obedience
is
noe
whit
diminished
,
and
a
king
by
inheritance
needes
not
admittance
,
the
death
of
his
predecessour
puts
him
in
possession
,
&
this
is
the
knowne
law
of
England
.
The
Couquerour
tooke
on
oath
at
his
Crowninge
,
and
other
times
,
that
made
noe
condition
to
his
Government
.
There
is
not
only
reason
,
but
absolute
necessitie
for
the
avoyding
of
confusion
,
&
ruine
of
mankinde
,
that
the
subject
be
bound
to
the
king
,
though
the
kinge
faile
in
his
dutie
,
for
the
destruction
of
Government
is
more
sinfull
,
and
inconvenient
to
humane
societie
,
then
any
evill
,
that
can
come
by
a
kings
misgovernment
.
He
proceedes
to
answeare
objections
touchinge
the
Covenant
,
wherein
we
shall
not
much
insist
,
but
to
detect
the
shifts
of
Malefactours
to
elude
the
evidence
of
truth
.
They
were
accused
by
the
King
,
and
his
partie
to
pretend
libertie
,
and
reformation
,
but
to
have
noe
other
end
,
then
to
make
themselves
greate
,
and
to
destroy
his
person
,
and
Authoritie
,
for
which
reason
sayes
the
Libeller
,
they
added
the
third
Article
to
preserve
the
Kings
person
,
and
Authoritie
in
defence
of
Religion
,
priviledge
of
Parliament
,
and
liberties
of
the
Kingdome
.
And
to
shew
with
what
ingenuitie
he
dealt
,
in
seeking
to
avoyde
that
just
accusation
,
the
Libeller
tells
vs
,
that
they
added
that
cause
for
a
shew
only
,
and
they
intended
not
to
preserve
the
Kings
person
further
,
then
it
might
consist
with
their
opinions
touchinge
Reformation
,
extirpatinge
of
Prelacy
,
preservinge
liberties
of
Parliament
,
and
Kingdome
,
and
in
this
very
clause
they
called
the
world
to
be
wittnes
with
their
consciences
of
their
loyaltie
,
and
yet
made
the
preservation
of
their
Kings
person
,
and
Authoritie
,
arbitrary
by
their
owne
opinions
,
and
while
this
Libeller
would
have
their
Rebellion
a
defensive
warr
,
he
forbeares
not
to
tell
the
world
,
that
they
resolved
the
Kings
destruction
to
attaine
their
ends
.
The
sixth
Article
gives
asmuch
preservation
,
and
defence
to
all
,
that
enter
into
the
league
,
as
to
him
.
And
it
seemes
more
,
for
they
have
dealt
with
none
of
them
,
as
with
him
,
and
he
sayes
,
if
the
Covenant
were
made
absolute
without
respect
to
these
superiour
things
,
it
was
an
vnlawfull
vow
,
and
not
to
be
kept
.
It
is
agreed
,
that
vnlawfull
vowes
are
not
to
be
made
,
nor
kept
,
but
it
is
an
vnlawfull
vow
to
destroy
the
Kinge
in
order
to
his
supposed
ends
,
yet
they
feare
not
to
vow
the
destruction
of
any
,
that
oppose
them
,
though
the
honour
,
and
innocence
of
the
persons
were
without
the
reach
of
lawes
,
and
they
will
exempt
neither
callings
,
nor
integritie
from
their
lawles
Injustice
,
and
that
appeared
by
his
glosse
vpon
the
fourth
Article
of
the
Covenant
to
bring
persons
offending
to
tryall
,
and
condigne
punishment
,
all
that
should
be
found
guiltie
of
such
Crymes
,
and
delinquencies
,
whereof
the
King
by
his
letters
,
and
proofes
afterward
was
found
guil●…
in
what
they
thought
him
at
the
taking
of
the
Covenant
,
to
be
over
ruled
only
by
evill
Counsellours
.
And
had
not
he
avowed
all
,
that
ever
his
letters
conteyned
in
his
former
declarations
,
and
hath
the
Libeller
forgotten
,
that
the
imputation
of
Crymes
to
evill
Counsellours
was
but
a
Ceremony
,
and
are
not
his
foregoinge
words
,
that
their
ends
,
reformation
,
and
extirpatinge
Prelacy
were
to
be
preferred
before
the
preservation
of
the
Kings
personand
authoritie
.
This
last
age
hath
produced
a
generation
,
that
pretend
they
doe
God
service
,
when
they
scorne
all
his
lawes
,
and
Religion
,
and
hold
forth
their
execrable
villanies
to
the
world
,
as
gratefull
,
and
well
pleasinge
sacrifices
to
God
,
and
make
ostentations
of
their
perjuries
,
and
Blaspheamies
,
as
services
to
him
.
The
nullities
,
and
vsurpation
of
those
Monster
judges
,
that
made
themselves
cut-throates
of
the
King
,
needed
not
the
Kings
exceptions
to
avoyde
their
illegallitie
being
soe
apparent
,
&
what
the
King
did
,
or
said
to
of
them
wil
remaine
to
his
honour
,
and
the
Libellers
infamy
,
that
glories
in
the
misfortunes
of
Princes
,
sayinge
it
was
learnt
from
his
graund-mother
.
It
s
a
sad
fate
to
haue
his
Enemies
both
accusers
,
parties
,
and
Iudges
.
The
Libeller
sayes
,
what
malefactour
might
not
pleade
the
like
,
if
his
Crymes
have
made
all
men
his
Enemies
.
But
there
were
hardly
ever
such
malefactours
,
vnles
,
they
,
who
tooke
vpon
them
to
judge
the
Kinge
.
He
,
that
is
an
Enemy
before
judgment
,
cannot
be
a
judge
of
the
Cryme
,
and
he
,
that
is
an
Enemy
to
a
Malefactour
vncondemned
is
not
fit
to
condemne
him
,
and
such
,
as
are
Enemies
to
Government
,
and
are
common
destroyers
cannot
be
judges
,
That
they
of
the
powder
plot
might
have
pleaded
the
same
,
when
their
judges
knew
not
their
persons
,
nor
their
guilt
till
tryall
,
and
conviction
is
a
suppo●…ition
like
himselfe
,
but
the
powder
plot
is
outdone
by
theis
miscreants
,
that
have
destroyed
king
,
and
Parliament
,
and
that
,
which
the
powder
plotters
were
ashamed
to
owne
,
these
villaines
recount
to
their
honour
,
like
these
Giants
represented
by
Poetts
,
that
made
warr
against
heaven
,
and
thence
this
Libeller
dares
scoffe
at
the
accusation
of
their
Injustice
with
this
lewde
Blasphemy
,
that
at
the
resurrection
,
it
may
be
as
well
pleaded
,
that
the
saints
,
when
they
shall
judge
the
world
are
both
Enemies
,
judges
,
parties
,
and
accusers
.
Such
are
the
thoughts
of
those
wicked
Atheists
touching
God
,
and
his
saints
,
and
it
is
not
at
all
strange
,
that
such
prophane
persons
exercise
their
cursed
speaking
against
Kings
,
and
all
in
Authoritie
,
that
spare
not
God
himselfe
,
and
it
is
a
small
thing
with
them
to
vilifie
those
,
whome
God
hath
anointed
,
&
because
God
by
his
Prophetts
complained
against
the
evills
of
some
Kings
,
these
men
take
on
them
to
destroy
all
by
that
Authoritie
,
and
say
the
earth
hath
long
groaned
vnder
burdens
of
their
disorder
,
Injustice
,
and
irreligion
.
God
gives
Testimonies
to
Kings
in
Scripture
,
that
they
were
his
Servants
,
that
he
would
by
them
restore
,
and
preserve
his
Church
,
declared
it
the
greatest
earthly
favour
to
sett
such
,
as
he
loved
on
the
kingly
Throne
,
bestowed
his
owne
Titles
on
them
,
and
yet
this
Libeller
referrs
his
readers
to
Scripture
for
proofe
of
Rebellion
against
kings
,
and
would
perswade
the
reformed
Churches
,
he
is
their
Advocate
in
saying
.
To
binde
their
Kings
in
Chaines
,
and
their
nobles
in
linkes
of
Iron
is
an
honour
belonging
to
the
saints
.
Such
blasphemous
expositers
of
Scripture
are
these
Reformers
.
God
gave
that
honour
to
the
Israelites
to
binde
the
kings
of
the
Amorites
,
their
Enemies
in
Chaines
,
and
their
nobles
in
linkes
of
Iron
.
Theis
darlings
of
the
Devill
wil
be
the
only
saints
,
&
make
it
their
honour
to
destroy
the
powers
,
that
God
hath
ordeyned
and
there
must
be
neither
kings
,
nor
Nobles
,
but
theis
evill
spiritts
,
whome
noe
Irons
,
nor
Chaines
will
restraine
,
and
perjury
,
robbery
,
murder
,
and
Rebellion
are
the
honour
of
theise
saints
.
The
building
of
Babell
was
not
Nimrods
worke
,
(
whome
by
asserted
vntruth
he
calls
the
first
king
)
that
worke
was
a
popular
vndertakinge
,
because
the
people
would
erect
a
Republique
of
confusion
,
&
not
trust
God
to
protest
them
,
and
the
Libeller
could
not
have
fallen
vpon
an
instance
more
like
his
present
madnes
,
for
as
those
builders
faind
confusion
in
pretending
to
prevent
it
,
soe
there
Rebells
pretend
to
preserve
the
Kingdome
by
turninge
it
into
popular
confusion
,
and
therefore
those
saints
must
destroy
Babell
,
especially
that
spirituall
Babell
,
and
first
overcome
those
European
Kings
,
which
receive
their
power
not
from
God
,
but
from
the
Beast
.
Doth
he
meane
the
Beast
with
many
heads
?
It
is
his
principall
Argument
,
that
Kings
receive
their
power
from
the
people
,
and
if
soe
,
then
are
they
this
beast
.
What
Kings
of
Europe
receive
their
Kingdomes
from
his
Beast
?
But
there
Sectaries
are
drunken
with
their
owne
prophanes
,
&
pride
,
and
have
a
strong
delusion
to
beleive
the
lies
of
their
owne
invention
.
Those
Kings
are
counted
noe
better
,
then
his
ten
hornes
.
Noe
better
,
but
by
what
proofe
,
are
they
the
same
by
such
frenetique
dreames
,
as
he
produces
?
They
shall
hate
the
whore
,
and
yet
the
saints
must
destroy
them
,
and
shall
burne
her
with
sire
,
and
yet
be
overcome
first
themselves
.
But
they
shall
at
last
joyne
their
Armyes
with
the
Beast
after
they
have
destroyed
the
whore
.
And
this
is
the
Babilonish
Creede
,
a
bundle
of
contradictions
to
carry
their
Giddy
followers
into
attempts
as
wicked
,
as
their
conceites
are
irrationall
.
We
see
the
grounds
of
their
cause
,
an
hellish
impulsion
against
Government
,
and
hatred
of
Kings
,
there
having
not
been
imposters
of
equall
impudence
since
Mahomett
,
that
professe
a
Religion
to
destroy
all
Kings
,
and
those
Blasphemies
,
that
were
abhorred
in
former
Sectaries
,
and
Entheusiasts
are
the
Creed
of
those
miscreants
.
T
is
true
,
there
be
a
sort
of
moody
,
hott
brain'd
,
and
allwayes
vnedified
consciences
apt
to
engage
their
leaders
past
retirement
,
and
then
vpon
a
sudden
qualme
,
and
Swimminge
of
their
conscience
to
betray
them
basely
in
the
middest
of
what
was
chiefely
vndertaken
for
their
sakes
.
Seducers
cannot
thinke
to
be
vndiscovered
forever
,
but
such
,
as
are
not
resolute
villaines
have
a
moody
conscience
in
this
mans
judgment
,
the
tender
conscience
is
become
moody
,
and
hott
brain'd
,
and
certenly
such
were
many
in
this
Rebellion
,
or
it
could
never
have
proceeded
soe
farr
.
Let
such
men
never
meete
with
any
faithfull
Parliament
to
hazard
for
them
.
And
let
never
Parliament
thinke
to
be
better
rewarded
,
that
follow
a
faction
to
betray
their
King
,
then
to
be
subject
to
those
base
multitudes
,
whome
they
suborned
to
attempts
against
their
loyaltie
,
and
become
slaves
.
He
findes
others
,
in
whose
consciences
gaine
hath
sprung
a
sudden
leake
,
and
these
are
they
,
that
cry
out
of
the
Covenant
broken
.
Thus
the
builders
of
Babell
are
scattered
,
while
they
make
conscience
,
and
Religion
their
propertie
,
and
in
the
meane
time
,
nothing
is
more
the
subject
of
their
scorne
.
And
if
God
were
mocked
in
pretending
the
Covenant
in
Scotland
,
and
Vlster
,
he
was
much
more
in
England
by
crying
out
the
King
,
Religion
,
lawes
,
and
libertie
,
and
the
Libeller
might
have
found
such
men
,
whose
prosperitie
was
sinne
,
that
Triumpht
in
the
afflictions
of
him
,
whome
they
persecuted
,
and
said
tush
God
hath
forsaken
him
,
let
vs
smite
him
,
that
he
rise
noe
more
.
The
sinne
of
Ahas
,
that
transgressed
more
in
the
tyme
of
his
affliction
hath
noe
resemblance
to
a
vertuous
Prince
afflicted
by
Traytours
,
whose
crueltie
encreased
,
while
they
oppressed
him
,
and
exceeded
the
inhumanitie
of
the
cursed
Moabites
,
that
burnt
the
bones
of
the
King
of
Edom
into
lime
.
The
Kings
Charatie
in
forgivinge
his
Enemies
,
will
finde
a
right
construction
with
all
true
Christians
,
but
malice
,
and
detraction
of
all
Acts
of
pittie
cannot
meete
,
with
lesse
,
then
detestation
in
all
men
any
way
quallified
with
Religion
,
or
reason
.
Hipocrites
Almes
,
are
not
more
odious
,
then
hipocrites
censures
,
the
crueltie
of
Hipocrites
will
receive
a
greater
condemnation
,
then
their
Almes
.
Prayers
for
Gods
Compassion
,
are
not
to
share
victory
with
Gods
Compassion
.
But
such
,
as
strive
to
slander
mens
prayers
to
God
are
as
malicious
to
Gods
victory
,
as
the
devotions
of
those
,
that
pray
vnto
him
.
Such
as
reade
this
impudent
Libell
may
rightly
call
it
the
Rebells
Image
,
conteyninge
precepts
,
and
positions
of
violence
against
Government
,
confusion
of
States
,
doctrines
of
falshood
,
and
hipocrisie
,
prayses
of
insolence
,
and
crueltie
,
prophaninge
of
Gods
name
,
and
word
,
scoffes
at
things
sacred
,
dissolution
of
all
bonds
morall
,
Civill
,
and
Religious
,
of
all
orders
,
and
degrees
among
men
.
And
it
must
be
hatred
to
God
,
and
a
Diabolicall
impulsion
,
that
drives
on
such
persons
to
fill
vp
the
measure
of
their
wickednes
.
FINIS
.