Politica
Sacra
&
Civilis
:
Or
,
A
Model
of
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
GOVERNMENT
.
WHEREIN
,
Besides
the
positive
Doctrine
concerning
STATE
and
CHVRCH
in
general
,
Are
debated
the
principal
Controversies
of
the
TIMES
concerning
the
CONSTITUTION
OF
THE
State
and
Church
OF
ENGLAND
,
Tending
to
Righteousness
,
Truth
,
and
Peace
.
By
GEORGE
LAWSON
,
Rector
of
More
in
the
County
of
Salop.
The
Second
Edition
.
LONDON
,
Printed
for
J.S.
and
are
to
be
Sold
by
T.
Goodwin
at
the
Maidenhead
over
against
St.
Dustans
Church
in
Fleet-street
.
1689.
THE
EPISTLE
TO
THE
READER
.
Reader
,
IN
the
time
of
our
divisions
,
and
the
execution
of
God's
Judgments
upon
the
three
Nations
,
I
set
my self
to
inquire
into
the
causes
of
our
sad
and
woful
condition
,
and
to
think
of
some
Remedies
to
prevent
our
Ruine
.
Whilst
I
was
busie
in
this
search
;
I
easily
understood
,
that
the
Subject
of
our
Differences
was
,
not
only
the
State
but
the
Church
.
This
gave
occasion
to
peruse
such
Authors
as
write
of
Government
,
and
to
study
the
Political
part
of
the
Holy
Scriptures
,
wherein
I
found
many
things
concerning
the
Constitution
,
the
Administration
,
the
Corruption
,
the
Conversion
and
Subversion
of
Civil
States
and
Kingdoms
,
with
much
of
Church-Discipline
.
There
I
observed
certain
Rules
of
Government
in
general
,
and
some
special
,
and
proper
to
Civil
,
or
else
to
Ecclesiastical
Polities
.
All
these
,
according
to
my
poor
Ability
I
reduced
to
Method
,
and
applyed
them
to
our
own
Church
and
State
severally
.
I
further
took
notice
of
our
principal
differences
both
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
,
and
did
freely
deliver
mine
own
Judgment
concerning
the
particular
parties
,
and
their
Opinions
,
yet
so
that
I
endavoured
to
be
of
no
Party
,
as
a
Party
.
And
tho'
in
some
things
I
differ
from
them
,
yet
it
was
not
out
of
singularity
,
or
an
humour
of
opposition
,
but
out
of
an
unfeigned
desire
of
Truth
;
which
in
many
things
I
found
so
evident
,
that
whosoever
should
not
acknowledge
it
,
must
needs
be
wilful
,
and
blinded
with
partiality
or
prejudice
.
Whilst
I
go
on
in
this
work
,
I
easily
perceived
,
that
as
our
sins
and
impenitency
brought
God's
Judgments
upon
us
,
so
our
ignorance
and
errours
in
matters
of
Government
,
with
prejudice
,
partiality
,
pride
,
obstinacy
and
want
of
charity
were
the
causes
of
our
divisions
,
which
gave
great
advantage
to
our
Enemies
and
Foreign
Polititians
:
who
,
as
formerly
,
so
now
especially
at
this
time
,
fear
our
union
and
agreement
more
than
ever
,
because
we
are
become
a
Warlike
Nation
,
and
furnished
with
Gallant
Men
both
by
Sea
and
Land
,
therefore
their
great
Work
is
to
continue
our
Differences
amongst
our selves
,
as
subservient
to
their
Interest
.
These
causes
once
discovered
,
the
Remedies
were
obvious
,
if
men
were
in
any
capacity
to
make
use
of
them
.
For
,
sincere
repentance
,
and
a
real
reformation
private
and
publick
,
with
the
punishment
of
crying
sins
,
are
very
effectual
to
avert
God's
Judgments
:
And
to
renounce
our
Errours
,
to
be
informed
in
the
Truth
;
to
lay
aside
all
pride
,
partiality
,
prejudice
,
obstinacy
,
self-interest
;
to
put
on
humility
and
charity
,
which
is
the
bond
of
perfection
,
and
to
let
the
peace
of
God
rule
in
our
hearts
,
are
the
only
way
to
quench
the
fire
of
Contention
,
and
firmly
to
cement
us
together
.
Yet
,
though
good
men
may
propose
clear
truths
,
dispel
the
mists
of
Errour
,
perswade
to
repentance
,
and
pray
,
yet
there
seems
to
be
little
hope
of
peace
and
settlement
.
For
,
after
so
many
fearful
Judgments
executed
upon
us
,
and
severe
admonitions
given
us
from
Heaven
,
pride
,
covetousness
,
injustice
,
oppression
,
malice
,
cruelty
,
and
abominable
hypocrisie
continue
,
and
nothing
is
reformed
.
This
is
the
reason
,
why
God's
hand
is
stretched
out
still
:
many
persons
have
suffered
,
many
great
Families
have
been
ruined
,
many
feel
God's
heavy
hand
to
this
day
:
but
who
shall
suffer
most
and
last
no
man
knows
.
Men
of
the
same
English
Blood
,
and
of
the
same
Protestant
Profession
continue
obstinate
in
their
Errors
,
rigid
and
high
in
their
Opinions
,
resolved
in
their
different
Designs
,
admire
their
own
Models
of
Government
in
Church
and
State
,
will
not
abate
of
their
Confidence
,
and
refuse
to
recede
from
their
supposed
Principles
.
Some
are
for
a
boundless
Liberty
,
and
will
not
be
confined
by
the
rules
and
dictates
of
Reason
or
the
common
Faith
revealed
from
Heaven
;
these
have
no
Principles
,
but
seem
to
have
abandoned
not
only
Christianity
,
but
their
own
reason
.
Some
are
for
Peace
,
yet
only
upon
their
own
terms
,
though
not
so
reasonable
at
they
should
be
.
Some
complain
they
are
wrong'd
,
and
must
be
satisfied
:
Others
are
very
high
and
must
be
revenged
.
Every
party
must
reign
,
or
else
they
will
be
Enemies
.
Many
men
of
great
Estates
and
excellent
Parts
,
who
as
yet
have
suffered
little
or
nothing
,
look
on
as
Strangers
,
and
will
do
nothing
,
whilst
Church
and
State
lye
a
Bleeding
,
ready
to
breathe
out
their
last
.
And
what
can
be
the
issue
,
but
that
either
we
shall
be
brought
very
low
,
made
a
poor
and
base
people
,
and
willing
of
peace
upon
very
hard
terms
,
and
yet
hardly
obtain
it
;
or
we
shall
be
made
a
scorn
and
derision
to
the
Nations
round
about
us
,
a
prey
unto
our
Enemies
,
and
they
,
who
hate
us
,
shall
rule
over
us
.
To
prevent
so
sad
a
condition
,
my
humble
request
to
all
true
hearted
English
Protestants
,
is
,
seriously
to
consider
,
1.
What
our
Condition
was
before
the
Scots
first
entered
England
with
an
Army
.
2.
What
those
things
were
,
which
then
the
best
and
wisest
desired
to
be
reformed
both
in
Church
and
State.
3.
What
Reformation
we
are
capable
of
at
this
present
time
.
4.
Where
the
guilt
of
so
much
blood
as
hath
been
shed
,
especially
in
Ireland
,
doth
principally
lye
.
5.
What
our
duty
is
as
we
are
English
,
as
we
are
Christians
,
as
we
are
Protestants
,
which
amongst
other
things
is
to
deliver
the
Gospel
to
our
Posterity
,
as
we
received
it
from
our
Fathers
.
6.
What
may
be
the
most
effectual
means
according
to
the
rules
of
Reason
and
Divine
Revelation
,
to
promote
the
publick
good
without
respect
of
Persons
or
Parties
,
that
so
no
wicked
men
,
but
onely
such
as
fear
God
,
may
have
cause
to
rejoyce
.
This
is
all
I
thought
good
by
this
Epistle
to
signifie
unto
thee
at
the
present
,
for
the
rest
referring
thee
to
the
Book
,
and
remaining
Thine
,
to
serve
in
the
Lord
,
George
Lawson
.
In
opus
politicum
viri
clarissimi
Georgi
Lawsonii
,
popularis
mei
.
QVis
tandem
augustas
regnandi
digerit
artes
,
Et
solidam
sceptris
commodat
Author
opem
?
Instituit
magnas
subtilis
pagina
Gentes
,
Dat
populis
pacem
,
principibusque
fidem
.
Publica
privatâ
sudantur
munia
dextrâ
,
Quod
multi
curant
,
unius
ecce
labor
.
Tam
benè
regna
locat
,
potuit
regnâsse
videri
,
Heu
!
major
cathedrâ
quàm
fuit
ille
suâ
!
Stant
secura
brevi
subnixa
Palatia
chartâ
,
Nec
facilè
amoto
cardine
,
regna
labant
:
Vendicat
haec
populis
leges
,
vim
legibus
:
armat
Te
Themi
;
quae
debes
plectere
,
sola
potes
.
Nil
metuas
,
neque
jam
metuaris
,
Regule
;
demptum
est
Posse
nocere
aliis
,
velle
nocere
tibi
.
Haec
succurrisset
nascenti
pagina
Romae
,
Ne
vacet
Egeriam
consuluisse
Numae
.
Nôsset
Sparta
isthaec
,
duro
formata
Lycurgo
,
Secula
mansisset
,
quot
stetit
illa
dies
:
Nec
tibi
Parthenope
,
gemino
quater
amplius
anno
[
](A49800-e700-b)*
*
vid.
Comin.
de
bell
.
Neap.
lib.
5.
Mutâsset
dominos
plebs
malefida
suos
.
Nec
sibi
foedâsset
fastos
tam
turpiter
Anglus
,
Mille
per
incertas
mobilis
usque
vices
.
Quam
bene
Lawsoni
!
magni
dignissimus
haeres
Nominis
,
ille
salo
jura
dat
;
ipse
solo
.
Qui
regnare
doces
&
qui
parere
,
libenter
Imperium
calami
cedimus
ecce
tibi
.
Te
tantum
genuit
vicus
brevis
,
angulus
orbis
Langcliff
,
nascenti
conscia
terra
mihi
.
Eborac
invideant
,
vel
Athenae
;
debeo
plura
Jam
pro
te
patriae
,
pro
patriâque
tibi
.
J.
Carr
,
M.
D.
The
Arguments
of
the
several
Chapters
.
CHAP.
I.
THE
Propriety
of
God
acquired
by
Creation
,
and
continued
by
Preservation
,
the
ground
of
God's
Supream
Dominion
and
Power
,
which
is
Vniversal
over
all
Creatures
,
more
particular
and
special
over
Men
and
Angels
;
who
are
capable
of
Laws
,
Rewards
,
Punishments
,
not
only
Temporal
but
Eternal
:
The
exercise
of
this
Power
over
men
immediate
,
or
mediate
.
Mediate
in
his
Government
by
men
,
over
men
,
is
either
Temporal
and
Civil
,
or
Spiritual
and
Ecclesiastical
.
Of
the
Government
Spiriritual
before
Christ's
incarnation
,
and
after
his
Session
at
the
right
hand
of
God.
Of
the
Church
Christian
,
Triumphant
,
Militant
,
Mystical
,
Visible
,
Vniversal
,
Particular
.
The
particular
parts
of
the
Vniversal
Church
,
as
visible
,
the
principal
subject
of
the
following
Discourse
.
Of
our
Differences
and
the
Causes
thereof
:
of
hope
of
better
times
,
and
the
Author's
disposition
and
intention
.
CHAP.
II.
Of
a
Community
Civil
.
What
Politica
is
,
what
a
Common-wealth
,
the
subject
of
Politica
:
What
the
parts
of
a
Common-wealth
:
what
a
Community
in
general
,
which
is
the
subject
of
a
Common-wealth
;
the
name
and
nature
of
it
.
Of
a
Community
Civil
,
the
matter
and
the
form
thereof
,
the
Original
of
Civil
Communities
;
the
members
both
natural
and
naturalized
,
whether
they
be
imperfectly
,
or
formally
,
or
eminently
such
.
The
capacity
of
this
Association
to
receive
the
form
of
a
Civil
Government
.
Liberty
,
Equality
,
Propriety
,
Adjuncts
to
this
Community
.
CHAP.
III.
Of
an
Ecclesiastical
Community
.
The
Definition
of
it
;
the
explication
of
the
Definition
.
The
distinction
of
the
Members
,
less
or
more
perfectly
such
:
the
manner
of
Incorporation
;
Liberty
,
Equality
,
and
aptitude
to
receive
a
form
of
Discipline
.
Proprieties
of
this
Society
.
Where
,
something
concerning
Children
born
of
Christian
Parents
,
whether
they
be
members
of
the
Church
,
or
no.
CHAP.
IV.
Of
Power
Civil
.
The
parts
of
Politica
,
Constitution
and
Administration
:
what
Constitution
is
,
and
what
the
parts
of
a
Common-wealth
both
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
,
which
are
two
:
1.
Soveraign
.
2.
Subjects
.
What
Power
in
general
,
what
Power
Civil
,
what
Supream
Power
or
Majesty
Civil
;
the
Branches
thereof
,
which
are
called
Jura
Majestatis
;
the
multitude
of
them
reduced
to
order
by
several
Writers
,
and
by
the
Author
.
The
Properties
of
Majesty
,
which
is
real
or
personal
.
What
Soveraign
real
and
personal
may
do
.
The
subject
of
Real
Majesty
in
England
;
the
personal
Majesty
of
the
Parliament
,
and
of
the
King.
CHAP.
V.
Of
the
Acquisition
of
Civil
Power
,
and
the
Amission
thereof
.
Civil
Power
,
not
essential
,
but
accidental
to
any
Person
.
It
's
acquired
in
an
extrordinary
,
or
ordinary
way
.
In
an
ordinary
way
by
consent
or
Conquest
;
justly
or
unjustly
,
as
by
Vsurpation
.
Vsurpation
no
good
Title
.
The
Person
Vsurping
Power
at
the
first
,
by
subsequent
consent
may
acquire
a
good
Title
.
Succession
,
and
the
several
ways
of
Succession
.
Amission
of
Power
by
violence
,
or
voluntary
consent
,
or
death
.
Whether
any
can
be
made
Soveraign
by
condition
?
Whether
Soveraign
Power
once
acquired
may
be
forfeited
:
how
,
and
to
whom
the
forfeiture
may
be
made
.
CHAP.
VI.
Of
Power
Ecclesiastical
.
The
Power
is
Spiritual
,
not
Civil
.
Why
it
's
called
the
Power
of
the
Keys
,
as
different
from
that
of
the
Sword.
Binding
and
loosing
,
the
same
with
shutting
and
opening
:
and
both
belong
chiefly
to
Legislation
and
Jurisdiction
.
This
Power
is
Supream
and
Independent
in
every
particular
Church
constituted
aright
according
to
the
Rules
of
the
Gospel
.
The
Branches
and
several
Acts
of
it
:
as
,
making
of
Canons
,
the
constitution
of
Officers
,
Jurisdiction
,
disposing
of
the
Churches
goods
.
Of
the
extent
,
and
also
the
bounds
of
the
Power
.
Certain
distinctions
of
Spiritual
Government
,
as
Internal
,
External
,
Vniversal
,
Particular
,
Formal
,
Material
,
or
Objective
.
CHAP.
VII
.
Of
acquiring
or
losing
Ecclesiastical
Power
.
The
just
acquisition
of
this
Power
extraordinary
in
the
highest
measure
,
as
in
Christ
,
or
in
an
inferiour
degree
,
as
in
the
Apostles
.
How
ordinary
Churches
derive
it
from
Christ
by
the
Gospel-Charter
in
an
ordinary
way
.
The
Power
of
the
Church
,
and
Church-Officers
unequal
.
The
several
ways
of
Vsurping
,
and
also
of
losing
this
Power
.
CHAP.
VIII
.
Of
the
disposition
of
Power
Civil
,
from
the
several
manners
of
which
arise
the
several
forms
of
Government
.
General
Observations
premised
.
The
several
ways
of
disposing
Majesty
,
or
Supream
Power
in
a
State.
Pure
Forms
.
Monarchies
,
Despotical
and
Regal
.
Pure
Aristocracies
and
Democracies
.
Mixt
Governments
,
when
the
Power
is
placed
in
the
several
States
joyntly
.
The
Constitution
of
England
.
Our
Kings
and
their
Title
.
Peers
,
Commons
,
Parliaments
,
and
the
limits
of
their
Power
.
The
limits
of
the
King
's
personal
Majesty
.
Our
late
divisions
and
confusions
.
Whether
King
or
Parliament
as
separate
,
could
be
justified
by
the
fundamental
constitution
of
England
.
By
what
Rule
the
Controversie
must
be
tried
.
Whether
Party
at
the
first
was
more
faithful
to
the
English
Protestant
interest
.
How
the
state
of
the
Controversie
▪
altered
.
The
high
and
extraordinary
actings
of
all
Parties
.
The
good
that
God
hath
brought
out
of
our
Disorders
and
Confusions
.
Whom
God
hath
hitherto
most
punished
.
What
is
to
be
done
,
if
we
intend
a
Settlement
of
State
and
Church
.
CHAP.
IX
.
Of
the
Disposition
of
Power
Ecclesiastical
,
and
whether
the
Bishop
of
Rome
be
the
first
Subject
of
it
under
Christ
.
The
many
and
great
differences
about
the
first
subject
of
the
Power
of
the
Keys
:
The
Pope
,
the
Prince
,
the
Prelate
,
the
Presbyter
,
the
People
challenge
it
as
due
unto
them
by
a
Divine
Right
.
Their
several
pretended
Titles
examined
.
Whether
that
of
the
Bishop
of
Rome
be
good
or
valid
.
His
greatness
,
state
,
and
pomp
.
The
opinions
of
some
Authors
concerning
him
.
The
power
he
challengeth
is
Transcendent
.
The
reasons
to
prove
his
title
taken
from
Politicks
:
Ancient
Writers
,
the
Scriptures
.
The
insufficiency
of
them
:
though
some
may
seem
to
prove
the
possession
,
yet
none
make
good
the
Title
.
CHAP.
X.
Whether
Civil
Soveraigns
have
any
right
unto
the
power
of
the
Keys
.
Their
power
and
advantage
to
assume
and
exercise
this
power
.
Their
power
not
spiritual
,
but
temporal
.
The
power
of
ordering
Matters
of
Religion
,
what
it
is
,
and
how
it
differs
from
the
power
of
the
Keyes
,
Jus
Religionis
ordinandae
,
rightly
understood
,
belongs
to
all
higher
Powers
.
The
Kings
and
Queens
of
England
,
though
acknowledged
over
all
persons
,
in
all
causes
,
both
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
,
supream
Governours
,
yet
had
not
the
power
of
the
Keys
.
What
meant
by
those
words
of
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
.
Erastians
worthy
of
no
answer
,
because
they
mistake
the
state
of
the
Question
,
and
do
not
distinguish
between
the
power
of
the
Sword
,
and
the
power
of
the
Keyes
.
CHAP.
XI
.
Whether
Bishops
be
the
primary
subject
of
the
power
of
the
Keys
.
The
different
Opinions
concerning
the
Definition
and
Essence
of
a
Bishop
,
as
also
concerning
the
first
Institution
of
Episcopacy
.
St.
Hierom's
opinion
in
this
point
.
Spalatensis
his
Arguments
to
prove
the
divine
Right
of
Bishops
,
as
invested
with
the
Power
of
Ordination
and
Jurisdiction
examined
and
answered
.
Dr.
Andrew's
judgment
in
this
point
.
After
the
primitive
and
also
the
Hierarchical
Bishop
,
which
differ
much
,
the
English
Episcopacy
different
from
both
the
former
;
in
some
things
proper
to
its
self
is
examined
.
Though
some
Episcopacy
be
grounded
upon
a
divine
general
Precept
;
yet
it
's
not
the
primary
subject
of
the
power
of
the
Keys
;
neither
is
Episcopal
Government
proved
to
be
necessary
by
any
special
Evangelical
Precept
of
universal
,
and
perpetual
Obligation
.
CHAP.
XII
.
Whether
Presbytery
be
the
primary
Subject
of
the
power
of
the
Keys
.
The
abolition
of
Episcopacy
and
Surrogation
of
Presbytery
in
several
reformed
Churches
.
The
nature
,
institution
and
distinction
of
Ecclesiastical
Presbyters
.
The
places
of
Scripture
,
whereon
the
Divine
Right
of
Law
,
or
Rulong
Elders
is
grounded
,
examined
.
The
Reasons
why
Presbyters
cannot
be
the
primary
Subject
of
this
Power
.
The
Arguments
of
the
Authors
of
Jus
Divinum
,
Ecclesiastici
Regiminis
insufficient
to
prove
it
.
The
English
Presbytery
,
as
intended
and
modelled
by
the
Parliament
,
with
the
Advice
of
the
Assembly
of
Divines
inquired
into
;
the
perfections
and
imperfections
of
the
same
,
as
modelled
by
the
Parliament
without
the
King.
Certain
reasons
which
may
be
imagined
,
why
the
Parliament
would
not
trust
the
Ministers
alone
with
this
power
.
CHAP.
XIII
.
Whether
the
power
of
the
Keys
be
primarily
in
the
People
.
The
Opinion
of
Morellius
and
the
Brownists
,
of
Blondel
,
of
Parker
,
and
his
mistake
in
Politicks
,
applyed
to
the
Church
to
make
it
a
mixt
Government
.
The
judgment
of
the
Author
concerning
the
Power
of
the
Keys
to
be
primarily
under
Christ
in
the
whole
Church
,
exercised
by
the
best
and
fittest
for
that
work
.
The
explication
of
his
meaning
concerning
the
Power
,
the
Subject
of
the
power
,
and
the
manner
how
this
power
is
disposed
in
this
Subject
.
The
Confirmation
of
the
Proposition
;
that
the
power
of
the
Keys
is
in
the
whole
Church
,
both
by
the
institution
and
exercise
of
this
power
.
Where
is
premised
a
confutation
of
Mr.
Parker's
Opinion
,
grounded
upon
two
several
places
,
as
he
understands
them
.
The
principal
places
of
Scripture
concerning
Church-Government
in
foro
exteriori
explicated
,
to
find
out
where
this
power
is
by
institution
,
for
Legislation
,
Jurisdiction
,
and
making
of
Officers
.
CHAP.
XIV
.
Concerning
the
extent
of
a
particular
Church
.
The
several
extensions
of
the
Church
in
excess
,
according
to
the
opinions
of
such
as
subject
all
Churches
particular
to
that
one
Church
of
Rome
:
of
such
as
subject
all
to
a
general
Council
.
Whether
Mr.
Hudson
is
justly
charged
by
Mr.
Hooker
and
Mr.
Ellis
,
and
divers
others
,
as
guilty
of
Popery
,
in
asserting
the
Vnity
of
the
universal
Church
.
The
Congregational
extent
:
what
Congregations
are
?
How
they
are
gathered
?
Whether
the
primary
subject
of
an
Independent
power
.
The
Arguments
of
Mr.
Parker
and
the
Dissenting
Brethren
from
Scripture
and
Politicks
,
answered
.
A
National
extent
examined
.
What
means
to
be
used
for
to
compose
our
differences
,
and
to
settle
peace
amongst
us
.
CHAP.
XV.
Of
Subjection
Civil
.
What
Subjection
in
general
is
,
the
degrees
of
it
.
What
a
subject
in
a
Civil
State
is
:
the
definition
explained
.
What
the
duties
of
Subjects
be
.
What
offences
are
contrary
to
this
subjection
;
what
Rebellion
and
Treason
:
the
several
degrees
of
Treason
.
What
Vsurpation
is
;
whether
any
subjection
be
due
to
usurped
Powers
.
When
a
power
is
dissolved
.
How
far
the
Oaths
of
Supremacy
and
Allegiance
bound
the
English
subject
.
Whether
the
Civil
War
did
dissolve
the
Government
.
Whether
the
late
Warlike
Resistance
made
against
the
King's
party
and
his
Commissions
was
Rebellion
,
or
no
?
Something
of
the
Question
.
Whether
upon
any
cause
it
be
lawful
for
the
Subjects
to
resist
,
or
take
up
Arms
against
their
lawful
Soveraign
?
as
it
's
handled
by
Arnisaeus
.
Whether
after
the
War
said
to
be
between
King
and
Parliament
was
commenced
,
there
was
any
ordinary
Legal
power
which
could
induce
an
Obligation
to
subjection
?
Whether
the
Act
of
alteration
,
or
any
other
Form
since
proposed
,
could
introduce
an
Obligation
.
Whether
it
be
lawful
to
submit
unto
an
extraordinary
power
,
when
no
Legal
power
according
to
the
Fundamental
Constitution
can
be
had
.
The
distinction
,
division
,
and
education
of
Subjects
.
CHAP
XVI
.
Of
Subjection
Ecclesiastical
.
What
Ecclesiastical
Subjection
is
.
The
distinction
of
Ecclesiastical
Subjects
.
The
qualification
of
a
Church-member
.
Something
of
separation
from
a
Church
.
The
alterations
,
divisions
made
,
and
the
Errors
,
Blasphemies
professed
in
the
Church
of
England
in
these
late
times
.
The
manner
of
admission
of
Church-Members
.
The
ancient
and
also
the
modern
division
of
Ecclesiastical
Subjects
,
and
their
subordination
.
The
Hierarchical
Order
.
The
Education
of
Church-members
.
LIB.
I.
CHAP.
I.
Of
Government
in
General
,
and
the
Original
thereof
.
section
1
PRropriety
is
the
ground
of
Power
,
and
Power
of
Government
;
and
as
there
are
many
degrees
of
Propriety
,
so
there
are
of
Power
:
Yet
as
there
is
but
one
Universal
and
absolute
Propriety
,
so
there
is
but
one
supream
and
universal
Power
,
which
the
most
glorious
,
blessed
,
and
eternal
God
can
only
challenge
as
his
due
.
For
he
contrived
all
things
by
his
wisdom
,
decreed
them
by
his
will
,
and
produced
them
by
his
Power
,
and
to
this
Day
worketh
all
things
according
to
the
counsel
of
his
will
,
Ephes.
1.11
.
In
this
respect
he
is
worthy
to
receive
Glory
,
and
Honour
,
and
Power
,
because
he
hath
created
all
things
,
and
for
his
pleasure
they
are
,
and
were
created
,
Rev.
4.11
.
By
Creation
he
began
,
by
Conservation
he
continued
to
be
actually
the
Proprietary
of
all
things
:
for
he
made
them
of
nothing
,
and
gave
them
being
and
existence
,
so
that
they
wholly
always
depend
upon
him
,
and
are
absolutely
his
.
Therefore
he
hath
power
to
dispose
of
them
as
he
pleaseth
,
and
to
order
them
to
those
ends
he
created
them
.
This
ordination
of
them
,
which
began
immediately
upon
Creation
,
continueth
and
shall
continue
to
the
end
,
and
is
either
General
of
all
things
,
or
Special
,
of
some
special
,
more
noble
and
more
excellent
Creatures
:
Such
are
Men
and
Angels
,
endued
with
understanding
and
Free-will
,
and
capable
of
Laws
,
rewards
and
punshments
,
both
Temporal
and
Eternal
.
The
ordination
of
these
is
more
properly
and
strictly
called
Government
,
which
is
a
part
of
divine
Providence
:
The
Government
of
Angels
no
doubt
is
excellent
and
wonderful
,
though
we
know
little
of
it
,
because
not
revealed
.
section
2
That
of
men
is
more
fully
manifested
to
us
as
men
,
in
that
Book
of
books
,
we
call
the
holy
Scriptures
,
the
principal
subject
whereof
is
the
Government
of
man
,
as
ordered
to
his
final
and
eternal
Estate
.
This
Government
is
two-fold
,
1.
That
of
strict
Justice
,
2.
That
of
sweet
mercy
in
Christ
;
For
it
pleased
the
Eternal
Sovereign
to
bring
Man
fallen
back
again
,
and
raise
him
up
to
an
Estate
of
eternal
Glory
;
this
was
his
great
design
,
wherein
he
most
gloriously
manifested
his
divine
perfections
of
Wisdom
,
Justice
,
Power
,
and
especially
of
free
Mercy
;
this
man
we
find
in
a
two-fold
capacity
;
the
first
is
temporal
,
confined
to
this
mortal
life
,
the
second
is
spiritual
,
and
in
both
he
is
subject
to
his
Maker
and
Eternal
King
,
who
doth
not
always
exercise
his
Power
himself
immediately
,
either
in
the
constitution
or
administration
of
these
earthly
States
,
but
as
he
useth
the
ministry
of
Angels
,
so
he
makes
men
his
Deputies
and
Vicegerents
,
these
are
called
Higher
Powers
ordained
of
God
,
who
are
trusted
with
,
and
bear
the
Sword
to
protect
the
good
,
and
punish
the
bad
,
according
to
certain
Laws
and
Rules
of
Wisdom
and
Justice
.
This
power
may
reach
the
Persons
and
the
goods
of
mortal
man
,
but
not
the
Soul
and
Conscience
,
which
are
exempted
and
reserved
to
the
Tribunal
of
God
,
who
cannot
only
kill
the
Body
,
but
cast
both
Body
and
Soul
into
Hell
,
and
reward
Men
with
Spiritual
and
Eternal
Rewards
,
which
the
Powers
of
the
World
cannot
do
.
Of
this
Government
by
the
temporal
Sword
something
shall
be
said
in
the
following
discourse
,
but
with
some
reference
to
that
which
is
Spiritual
,
that
the
generals
wherein
they
do
agree
,
the
particulars
wherein
they
differ
,
the
subordination
of
the
one
unto
the
other
may
be
the
better
known
.
All
men
should
be
of
this
spiritual
Society
,
but
are
not
many
excluded
through
their
own
fault
and
just
Judgment
of
God
?
This
separation
was
made
betimes
,
for
we
read
of
Cain
cast
out
of
God's
presence
,
and
excommunicate
;
of
the
Sons
of
God
,
and
the
Sons
of
Men
before
the
Flood
;
of
Jews
and
Gentiles
,
after
that
the
World
was
peopled
by
the
Sons
of
Noah
,
and
the
Family
of
Abraham
,
Isaac
and
Jacob
singled
out
of
all
other
Nations
,
and
this
before
the
Incarnation
and
the
Glorification
of
the
Messias
.
And
since
then
we
may
observe
that
there
are
Christians
opposed
to
Pagans
and
Idolaters
,
which
do
not
acknowledge
one
only
God
;
to
Mahometans
,
who
acknowledge
the
true
God
,
who
made
Heaven
and
Earth
,
but
not
God
Redeemer
by
Jesus
Christ
;
to
Jews
,
who
confess
God
the
Creator
,
and
Jesus
Christ
in
general
,
but
as
yet
to
come
;
to
Apostates
,
who
first
professed
the
Truth
,
but
afterwards
denying
it
;
are
Excommunicated
by
a
Sentence
and
Decree
of
Heaven
:
Though
these
be
many
,
and
of
several
and
different
sorts
,
yet
they
are
reducible
to
two
Societies
or
Cities
,
the
one
of
God
,
the
other
of
the
Devil
,
as
the
learned
Austin
did
well
observe
in
his
excellent
Treatise
of
the
City
of
God
;
this
Spiritual
Society
was
governed
by
God
,
as
sole
Monarch
from
the
beginning
,
without
any
Vicar
or
Deputy
universal
,
till
such
time
,
as
Christ
having
finished
the
great
work
of
expectation
,
was
set
at
the
right
hand
of
God
,
and
made
the
Administrator
general
of
the
Church
Christian
,
for
now
that
is
the
name
of
this
Spiritual
Society
.
This
Church
,
and
especially
as
Christian
,
may
be
considered
under
several
Notions
,
and
distinguished
into
that
which
now
triumphs
in
Heaven
,
and
is
secure
of
everlasting
Bliss
,
and
that
which
is
militant
aiming
at
a
final
Victory
,
and
expecting
a
perpetual
Peace
.
2.
This
militant
Church
may
be
conceived
to
be
either
as
mystical
,
consisting
only
of
real
Saints
,
and
such
as
by
a
lively
Faith
have
Fellowship
with
Christ
,
and
are
living
members
of
his
Body
;
or
visible
,
of
such
as
acknowledge
and
profess
their
Faith
in
God
,
and
in
his
Son
Jesus
Christ
already
exhibited
;
and
set
at
the
Right
hand
of
God
;
and
because
the
sincerity
of
this
Profession
is
known
certainly
to
God
alone
,
therefore
in
this
visible
Society
we
find
Judas
amongst
the
Apostles
;
Simon
Magus
amongst
Christians
;
Pharisees
and
Saduces
,
though
a
generation
of
Vipers
,
amongst
the
Disciples
of
John
Baptist
,
yet
these
are
but
Chaff
,
upon
the
Floor
mingled
with
the
Wheat
,
and
by
the
Fan
in
Christ's
hand
to
be
separated
,
and
burned
with
unquenchable
fire
.
section
3
This
Visible
Church
militant
may
be
considered
either
as
Universal
or
Particular
.
The
Universal
is
the
number
of
all
Christians
living
on
Earth
,
who
by
their
profession
of
Faith
in
Christ
already
come
,
signifie
that
subjection
to
Christ
,
and
their
relation
one
to
another
as
Brethren
.
In
this
respect
the
Government
of
the
Church
is
Monarchical
under
one
Head
Jesus
Christ
,
who
never
appointed
any
one
Vicar
Universal
,
or
supream
Independent
Judicatory
visible
on
Earth
,
with
plenitude
of
Power
over
all
Christians
of
all
Nations
.
The
Word
,
Sacraments
,
Ministry
and
the
outward
means
of
Conversion
belonging
to
this
Church
,
as
considered
under
this
notion
;
and
every
particular
person
therein
is
first
admitted
into
this
Society
,
and
made
a
Member
thereof
before
he
can
be
a
Member
of
any
particular
Church
;
Though
one
baptized
in
a
particular
Church
under
a
form
of
externel
Government
may
be
solemnly
received
both
as
a
member
of
the
universal
,
and
also
that
particular
Body
at
one
and
the
same
time
;
yet
in
order
of
nature
he
must
be
conceived
as
a
member
of
the
universal
,
before
a
Member
of
that
particular
;
For
we
are
first
Christians
,
and
subject
to
Christ
,
before
we
can
be
subject
to
the
Power
of
any
particular
Church
.
For
we
are
baptized
into
one
Body
Universal
,
and
in
the
Name
of
God
the
Father
,
Son
,
and
Holy
Ghost
,
not
into
the
Church
of
Rome
,
Corinth
,
Ephesus
,
Jerusalem
,
or
into
the
Name
of
any
of
the
Governours
or
Officers
of
these
Churches
:
particular
visible
Churches
are
parts
of
the
universal
,
and
are
first
so
many
several
Communities
denominated
usually
from
some
place
,
and
after
that
by
association
and
consent
receive
a
form
of
Government
visible
and
external
.
This
kind
of
spiritual
visible
policy
,
Scope
of
the
Work.
and
the
Government
thereof
is
the
principal
subject
of
the
ensuing
discourse
,
wherein
I
aim
at
Peace
and
Truth
,
desiring
not
to
kindle
,
but
to
quench
,
or
at
least
abate
the
flames
of
dissention
,
which
so
long
and
so
violently
have
raged
amongst
us
.
section
4
The
Government
of
these
particular
Churches
at
this
present
time
is
the
subject
of
so
many
Disputes
amongst
us
,
that
some
doubt
whether
there
be
any
such
thing
or
no
;
some
presuppose
it
,
but
know
not
what
it
is
;
some
make
it
to
be
the
same
with
Civil
Government
,
and
put
all
the
Power
in
the
Civil
Magistrates
hands
,
and
only
except
the
Word
and
Sacraments
,
which
they
grant
to
Ministers
;
some
take
those
from
the
Ministers
,
and
make
this
administration
common
to
others
with
them
;
and
because
there
is
no
certain
order
established
amongst
us
,
therefore
many
are
our
divisions
,
and
fanatick
Sects
are
multiplyed
.
Some
are
subtil
and
politick
agents
,
and
divide
the
Church
that
they
may
disturb
the
State
;
these
care
not
much
what
the
Doctrine
is
,
so
they
can
separate
those
which
should
be
united
.
Some
desire
to
propagate
their
own
Opinions
,
though
false
,
unprofitable
,
blasphemous
,
and
their
design
is
to
draw
Disciples
after
them
.
These
prevail
the
more
,
because
they
find
the
minds
of
many
so
ready
to
receive
any
impression
.
For
some
have
itching
ears
,
and
every
new
and
strange
opinion
doth
affect
and
much
take
with
them
:
Few
are
well
grounded
in
the
principles
of
Christian
saving
truth
,
Means
to
prevent
Errors
.
so
as
to
have
a
distinct
,
methodical
knowledge
of
them
,
with
an
upright
humble
heart
disposed
to
practise
what
they
know
;
for
a
distinct
knowledge
of
Fundamentals
,
with
a
sincere
desire
and
intention
to
practise
and
live
accordingly
,
are
excellent
means
to
avoid
Errors
,
for
such
God
will
guide
in
his
truth
;
some
aim
at
an
higher
perfection
than
this
life
can
reach
,
and
boasting
of
their
high
attainments
insolently
censure
others
,
or
look
upon
them
with
scorn
and
contempt
,
as
far
below
them
.
Some
design
to
make
Men
Scepticks
in
all
matters
of
Religion
,
that
then
their
minds
being
like
Matter
ready
to
receive
any
form
,
they
may
more
easily
imprint
upon
them
what
they
please
;
yet
in
the
issue
many
of
them
prove
Atheists
and
enemies
to
all
Religion
.
The
grand
Politicians
and
chief
Agents
,
who
do
least
appear
,
animate
the
Design
,
take
all
advantages
,
watch
all
opportunities
,
single
out
the
fittest
persons
,
and
make
men
even
of
contrary
Judgments
,
and
of
a
temper
quite
different
from
themselves
,
instrumental
and
efficient
to
their
own
Ruine
;
yet
I
hope
that
God
in
the
end
will
not
only
discover
,
but
disappoint
them
.
All
these
bandy
together
,
and
do
conspire
to
destroy
the
Protestant
English
interest
,
and
it
's
a
sad
thing
,
that
Orthodox
Christians
take
little
notice
of
these
things
,
but
fearfully
wrangle
about
matters
of
less
moment
,
to
the
great
prejudice
of
the
necessaries
and
substantials
of
Religion
.
section
5
All
this
is
come
upon
us
for
our
neglect
and
abuse
of
a
long
continued
Peace
,
and
the
light
of
the
Gospel
shining
so
gloriously
amongst
us
.
We
are
guilty
,
but
God
is
just
,
and
also
merciful
and
wonderfully
wise
.
For
he
is
trying
of
us
to
purge
away
the
Tin
and
dross
;
and
he
expects
that
we
should
search
more
accurately
,
pray
more
fervently
,
and
more
humbly
depend
upon
him
,
whose
wisdom
is
such
as
that
he
can
and
will
bring
light
out
of
darkness
;
good
out
of
evil
;
and
a
far
more
excellent
Order
out
of
our
confusions
.
The
prayers
of
the
upright
for
this
end
are
made
and
heard
in
heaven
already
,
and
what
we
desire
in
due
time
shall
be
effected
:
For
he
will
comfort
Sion
,
he
will
comfort
all
her
waste
places
,
and
he
will
make
her
Wilderness
like
Eden
,
and
her
Desart
like
the
Garden
of
the
Lord
.
This
indeed
is
a
work
to
which
man
contributes
little
,
hinders
much
,
retards
long
,
that
Gods
hand
and
Wisdom
may
the
more
appear
,
and
that
he
may
have
the
glory
.
In
the
mean
time
Christ
takes
care
of
the
universal
Church
,
and
the
parts
thereof
,
converting
some
,
confirming
others
,
and
directing
all
true
believers
to
eternal
Glory
;
and
though
a
storm
be
raised
,
and
the
same
very
terrible
,
yet
it
's
nothing
,
but
we
may
be
confident
,
when
we
consider
the
skill
and
miraculous
power
of
our
Heavenly
Pilot.
section
6
My
intention
is
not
to
instruct
the
learned
,
who
are
more
fit
to
be
my
Masters
,
yet
to
these
endued
with
far
more
excellent
gifts
I
would
give
occasion
,
and
also
make
a
motion
to
exercise
their
improved
parts
and
learning
in
this
Subject
,
and
do
this
poor
distracted
Church
of
ours
,
a
part
of
the
universal
,
some
far
more
glorious
service
.
God
may
make
me
,
though
very
unworthy
,
an
instrument
of
his
Wisdom
to
inform
the
ignorant
,
and
remove
their
Errors
,
and
correct
their
mistakes
.
It
may
also
through
God's
Blessing
contribute
something
unto
Peace
,
by
uniting
well
affected
minds
:
I
am
enemy
to
no
man
,
yet
professedly
bent
against
errors
;
and
that
not
only
in
others
,
but
also
in
my self
,
if
once
I
know
them
.
I
am
not
pre-engaged
to
any
Party
,
but
a
servant
unto
truth
,
and
devoted
unto
Peace
.
I
wish
I
may
not
be
prejudicate
,
or
partial
,
or
precipitate
as
many
do
,
who
contend
to
maintain
a
Party
or
a
Faction
,
but
do
not
care
to
search
out
the
truth
;
these
do
not
close
up
,
but
open
the
breaches
amongst
us
,
and
make
them
wider
,
and
leave
others
unsatisfied
.
Our
differences
be
so
many
,
and
so
great
,
that
we
seem
to
be
uncapable
of
any
Peace
;
yet
God
can
do
wonders
,
and
we
may
trust
in
him
,
who
in
his
time
will
give
us
Peace
,
if
not
on
Earth
;
yet
certainly
in
Heaven
,
the
place
of
our
Eternal
Rest.
CHAP.
II.
Of
Government
in
general
,
and
of
a
Community
Civil
.
CHurch-Government
presupposeth
the
Rules
of
Government
in
general
,
Sect.
1.
The
reason
of
differences
in
Church-Affairs
.
therefore
he
that
will
know
the
latter
,
must
understand
the
former
:
For
he
that
is
ignorant
of
Government
,
must
needs
be
ignorant
of
Church-Government
;
and
this
is
the
very
case
of
many
in
our
days
,
and
this
is
one
cause
of
many
differences
amongst
us
at
this
time
;
to
give
some
light
in
this
particular
,
I
will
say
something
of
Government
in
General
,
the
Government
of
God
,
whereby
he
more
immediately
orders
man
to
his
final
and
immortal
estate
;
I
have
according
to
my
poor
ability
declared
in
my
Theopolitica
,
or
Divine
Politicks
,
therefore
I
will
confine
my
discourse
to
the
Government
of
man
by
man
,
or
rather
the
Government
of
God
by
men
set
over
men
.
For
God
communicates
some
measure
of
his
Power
to
mortal
men
;
and
such
as
are
entrusted
with
it
,
become
his
Vicegerents
and
bear
his
name
,
according
to
that
of
the
Psalmist
,
I
have
said
ye
are
Gods
,
Psal.
82.6
.
My
design
in
this
Treatise
is
not
to
deliver
an
exact
Systeme
of
Politicks
,
yet
I
will
make
use
of
those
rules
I
find
in
political
writers
of
better
rank
,
but
with
a
reservation
of
a
liberty
to
my self
to
vary
from
them
,
as
I
shall
see
just
cause
.
To
pass
by
the
distinction
of
Government
Monastical
and
Oeconomical
,
I
will
pitch
upon
that
which
is
Political
.
The
subject
whereof
is
a
Community
and
Society
larger
than
that
of
a
Family
,
and
may
be
sufficient
to
receive
the
form
of
a
Common-wealth
.
section
2
To
this
end
we
must
observe
what
(
Politica
)
which
some
call
the
rule
of
Government
of
a
Politie
is
.
2.
What
a
Politie
or
Common-wealth
.
3.
What
the
parts
of
(
Politica
)
be
.
Politica
,
or
Politicks
is
the
act
of
well
ordering
a
Common-wealth
.
A
Common-wealth
is
the
order
of
Superiority
and
Subjection
in
a
Community
for
the
Publick
Good.
Of
Politicks
there
be
two
parts
,
What
a
Common-wealth
in
general
is
.
the
-
constitution
-
administation
of
a
Common-wealth
.
These
Rules
are
the
foundation
of
the
following
Discourse
,
Foundation
of
the
Work.
and
inform
us
that
(
Politica
)
is
an
act
,
that
is
a
rule
of
Divine
Wisdom
to
direct
some
operations
of
the
Creature
:
for
so
I
understand
it
here
.
2.
That
the
Object
of
this
rule
is
a
Common-wealth
.
3.
That
the
proper
act
is
to
direct
how
to
order
a
Common-wealth
aright
,
so
that
it
may
attain
its
proper
end
.
4.
That
the
subject
matter
of
a
Common-wealth
is
a
Community
or
common
and
publick
Society
of
Men.
5.
That
the
Form
is
an
order
of
Superiority
and
Subjection
established
in
this
Community
.
6.
That
the
end
of
this
order
is
the
common
good
or
benefit
of
the
whole
and
every
part
.
7.
That
seeing
a
Common-wealth
must
first
be
made
by
establishing
the
order
of
Superiority
and
Subjection
,
and
being
once
made
,
must
act
according
to
the
order
determined
;
therefore
Politica
must
have
two
parts
,
the
first
must
be
the
Rule
of
the
Constitution
,
the
second
the
Rule
of
Administration
.
For
the
more
orderly
proceeding
in
this
particular
,
I
will
begin
with
the
Constitution
,
which
will
take
up
the
first
Book
of
this
Treatise
;
then
I
will
proceed
to
the
Administration
,
the
Subject
of
the
Second
Book
.
section
3
The
Constitution
is
the
setling
of
an
order
of
Superiority
and
Subjection
in
a
Community
,
whereby
it
becomes
a
Common-wealth
.
Constitution
.
And
we
may
be
allowed
to
say
,
that
a
Community
is
the
matter
of
a
Common-wealth
;
and
a
Common-wealth
,
as
some
understand
it
,
the
form
of
a
Community
.
These
two
,
1.
a
Community
,
2.
a
Common-wealth
,
are
chiefly
to
be
handled
in
this
first
Part.
A
Community
may
be
considered
in
-
General
.
-
Special
.
In
General
I
will
examine
the
-
name
.
-
nature
.
Community
in
general
.
The
name
in
Hebrew
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
Greek
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
that
may
come
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
because
the
matter
of
a
Community
is
a
multitude
,
in
Latine
,
Civitas
,
Populus
,
and
here
observe
,
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Populus
,
Publicus
,
seem
to
have
some
affinity
;
yet
we
must
distinguish
between
Civitas
and
Vrbs.
For
the
former
signifies
the
People
,
the
latter
the
Place
,
Buildings
,
Habitations
of
the
People
.
The
Romans
promised
the
Carthaginians
not
to
destroy
Civitatem
Carthaginis
,
to
make
good
their
word
,
they
brought
out
the
People
,
which
was
Civitas
,
and
then
ruined
Vrbem
,
the
Place
,
Buildings
,
Walls
,
Houses
;
though
Plebs
and
Populus
,
as
Civitas
and
Respublica
,
are
sometimes
taken
for
the
same
,
yet
more
properly
Plebs
signifies
the
meaner
and
inferiour
part
of
the
People
,
and
Populus
the
whole
Body
,
both
the
highest
and
the
lowest
.
Civitas
also
differs
from
Respublica
,
as
the
Matter
from
the
Form
,
the
Body
from
the
Soul
in
many
Writers
of
Politicks
.
The
Hebrew
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
turned
by
the
Septuagint
most
frequently
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Populus
,
the
People
;
yet
sometimes
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
a
Nation
,
sometimes
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
a
confused
multitude
,
sometimes
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
a
Congregation
,
sometimes
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
a
multitude
,
sometimes
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
a
Generation
;
all
these
signifie
a
multitude
of
Persons
,
some
ways
united
and
combined
together
,
which
agrees
always
unto
a
Community
.
Forsterus
tells
us
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
a
multitude
of
People
or
Society
,
which
being
joyned
together
,
have
the
same
Name
,
Language
,
Laws
,
Religion
,
Politie
.
Though
this
is
true
sometimes
,
yet
it
is
not
always
so
;
and
to
have
the
same
Politie
,
is
not
only
to
be
a
Community
,
but
a
Common-wealth
.
It
's
true
,
that
Israel
,
not
long
after
their
coming
out
of
Egypt
,
had
the
same
Name
,
Language
,
Laws
,
Religion
,
Politie
,
both
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
.
section
4
This
is
the
Name
,
the
Nature
follows
,
De
C.
D.
lib.
19.
Cap.
21.
Cap.
22.
and
we
may
learn
it
out
of
Austine
,
as
he
did
from
the
Roman
Oratour
,
according
to
both
these
,
Respublica
est
res
Populi
.
Populus
est
coetus
multitudinis
juris
consensu
&
utilitatis
communione
sociatus
,
in
another
place
,
Populus
est
coetus
multitudinis
rationalis
,
rerum
quas
diligit
,
concordi
communione
sociatus
.
Arnisaeus
out
of
Aristotle
describes
it
to
be
a
perfect
Society
of
Vicinities
,
having
all
things
necessary
to
an
happy
Life
;
yet
because
these
definitions
are
not
perfect
,
I
will
first
enquire
further
into
the
nature
of
a
Community
,
as
it
is
the
subject
of
a
Common-wealth
.
2.
Discover
the
Original
of
Communities
,
3.
Declare
who
are
Members
of
a
Community
.
A
Community
is
a
Society
of
Persons
immediately
capable
of
a
Common-wealth
;
or
it
is
a
Society
fit
to
receive
a
Form
of
Publick
Government
:
This
is
the
general
nature
of
a
Community
,
which
may
be
considered
under
a
Civil
or
Ecclesiastical
notion
.
section
5
A
Community
Civil
is
a
Society
of
Families
and
Vicinities
fitted
for
,
What
Community
Civil
is
.
and
capable
of
a
Common-wealth
Civil
.
And
here
I
will
take
ocasion
more
distinctly
to
explain
what
is
a
Community
in
general
.
2.
What
this
Community
Civil
is
.
In
a
Community
there
are
Men
;
for
the
matter
of
it
is
rational
,
not
irrational
Creatures
.
2.
There
must
be
a
multitude
of
them
.
3.
This
must
be
a
multitude
of
Families
and
Vicinities
to
distinguish
it
from
a
Colledge
,
an
University
,
an
Armie
,
and
other
occasioned
Multitudes
.
4.
These
must
Associate
and
be
United
together
;
for
they
make
up
this
body
,
not
as
severally
considered
,
but
as
joyned
together
in
one
;
for
the
Genus
is
a
Society
.
This
Society
presupposeth
Union
,
and
is
a
Communion
,
whereby
they
Communicate
in
something
common
to
the
whole
;
as
in
an
Organical
Body
,
there
are
many
Members
.
2.
These
are
united
to
make
one
whole
body
of
many
parts
.
3.
From
this
Union
ariseth
a
Communion
and
Participation
in
some
things
which
agree
and
belong
unto
the
whole
body
as
a
body
.
This
Union
doth
,
not
arise
meerly
from
some
accident
or
cohabitation
,
or
natural
instinct
,
but
from
a
rational
and
just
consent
,
ex
juris
Consensu
,
saith
Cicero
;
for
till
they
be
thus
united
,
they
cannot
be
immedately
capable
of
,
or
in
proxima
potentia
to
a
Common-wealth
,
therefore
,
this
union
must
be
rational
,
according
to
that
of
Austine
,
Populus
est
coetus
multitudinis
rationalis
.
2.
It
must
be
free
and
voluntary
,
for
it
is
by
consent
.
3.
Because
Thieves
,
Pirates
,
Conspirators
,
Murtherers
,
Seditious
Persons
,
yea
Devils
may
be
united
by
a
rational
consent
,
and
yet
cannot
make
a
Common-wealth
,
neither
can
be
any
fit
subject
thereof
:
it
must
be
just
,
for
so
the
learned
Father
understands
the
words
of
the
great
Orator
,
ex
juris
consensus
,
though
all
multitudes
of
men
by
the
light
of
Nature
,
or
by
the
Laws
of
God
revealed
,
if
they
enjoy
divine
Revelations
,
are
bound
to
associate
and
unite
so
far
as
God
shall
direct
and
enable
them
,
yet
they
cannot
associate
unjustly
.
For
they
are
bound
to
associate
and
unite
so
far
as
God
shall
direct
and
enable
them
,
yet
they
cannot
associate
unjustly
.
For
they
are
bound
to
observe
certain
Rules
of
eternal
Justice
,
so
that
both
the
things
wherein
they
unite
,
and
the
manner
of
uniting
must
be
just
;
and
the
more
just
the
association
,
the
more
excellent
and
perfect
the
Common-wealth
and
Ordination
may
be
.
From
this
union
ariseth
a
communion
or
common
union
;
or
as
they
are
one
common
union
;
for
as
they
are
one
common
body
,
so
they
have
some
things
,
Acts
,
Rights
,
which
are
common
;
wherein
all
jointly
have
a
share
or
part
:
for
a
Community
is
one
person
morally
considered
,
and
whatsoever
is
not
private
is
publick
and
common
.
These
common
things
may
be
few
or
many
:
and
as
the
Persons
united
have
one
common
Reason
,
Will
,
and
Power
,
so
they
all
communicate
in
these
things
,
and
do
certain
common
Acts
as
a
Society
,
which
are
acts
not
of
a
part
but
of
the
whole
.
Yet
these
things
,
Acts
,
Rights
,
Priviledges
,
Interests
,
differ
from
those
which
are
common
either
unto
other
Creatures
,
or
Mankind
in
General
.
This
Society
was
ordained
of
God
for
the
benefit
of
mankind
,
and
tends
much
unto
their
good
and
happiness
,
temporal
at
least
.
For
God
saw
at
the
first
Creation
,
that
it
was
not
good
for
man
to
be
alone
,
therefore
he
created
Woman
,
who
together
with
Man
,
was
the
root
and
Original
of
all
Humane
Societies
;
Gen.
2.18
.
Two
saith
the
Preacher
are
better
than
one
,
and
woe
be
to
him
that
is
alone
,
Eccles.
4.9
,
10.
where
his
principal
intention
is
to
shew
the
excellency
and
benefit
of
Society
,
yet
he
presupposeth
Love
,
Humanity
,
and
a
nearer
affection
to
those
of
one
and
the
same
Society
,
than
to
all
mankind
in
general
;
and
in
this
Civil
Society
there
must
be
Families
to
distinguish
it
from
single
Persons
,
and
Vicinities
to
difference
it
from
Families
,
and
2.
An
association
both
rational
and
just
,
so
3.
There
must
be
in
them
thus
associated
an
immediate
capacity
and
fitness
,
to
receive
a
Common-wealth
or
form
of
Government
.
For
though
this
association
conduceth
much
unto
their
safety
,
help
,
comfort
,
and
furnisheth
them
with
many
things
not
only
necessary
,
but
convenient
,
which
without
association
they
could
not
so
easily
enjoy
,
yet
without
a
form
of
Government
,
these
advantages
could
not
be
so
firm
and
lasting
.
This
fitness
,
capacity
,
and
immediate
disposition
to
a
form
of
civil
Government
doth
not
arise
so
much
from
the
multitude
of
the
persons
,
or
extent
and
goodness
of
the
place
of
their
habitation
,
as
from
their
good
affections
one
towards
another
,
and
the
number
of
just
,
wise
and
eminent
persons
amongst
them
,
who
are
fit
,
not
only
to
be
the
matter
of
a
state
,
but
to
model
it
,
and
order
it
once
constituted
;
experience
hereof
sufficient
we
have
at
this
day
in
this
Nation
;
for
so
many
and
great
are
our
differences
both
in
judgment
and
affections
,
and
our
several
interests
so
contrary
,
that
the
same
Language
,
Laws
,
Religion
,
common
Country
cannot
firmly
unite
us
together
;
but
we
are
ready
every
moment
to
fly
asunder
and
break
in
pieces
,
if
we
were
not
kept
together
rather
by
the
sword
of
an
Army
,
than
by
any
civil
Power
and
Policy
,
or
good
affection
;
this
is
a
sad
condition
,
and
a
just
judgment
upon
us
for
our
sins
.
section
6
This
is
the
first
thing
whereof
I
thought
to
inform
the
Reader
,
that
he
might
the
better
understand
the
nature
of
a
Community
,
before
I
said
any
thing
of
the
original
thereof
,
which
is
the
next
in
order
.
The
original
is
either
natural
or
accidental
.
Original
of
community
.
The
natural
source
is
that
which
hath
some
principles
in
the
Creation
of
man
,
who
though
fallen
retains
something
of
Creation
,
whereby
he
continues
not
only
a
reasonable
creature
,
but
also
sociable
.
For
man
by
nature
,
as
the
Philosopher
observed
is
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
a
sociable
creature
,
because
he
hath
not
only
reason
,
but
speech
,
without
both
which
there
can
be
no
human
Society
,
as
humane
amongst
us
.
This
natural
propension
to
Society
presupposeth
mankind
actually
existing
and
multiplyed
;
therefore
it
pleased
God
at
the
first
to
make
man
and
Woman
the
foundation
of
a
Family
,
and
Families
of
Vicinities
;
this
is
the
reason
why
the
Authors
of
Politicks
,
following
the
Philosopher
,
speak
so
much
of
oeconomical
relations
,
as
the
foundation
of
a
Community
.
The
first
Relation
is
of
Man
and
Wife
,
the
second
of
Parents
and
Children
,
the
third
of
Masters
and
Servants
;
God
at
the
beginning
did
give
men
not
only
reason
and
language
,
but
a
power
of
Generation
,
with
a
blessing
,
so
that
one
man
and
one
woman
joined
in
the
sacred
bond
of
Matrimony
became
husband
and
wife
first
,
and
then
Parents
of
children
and
of
Childrens
children
,
till
they
multiply
to
a
numerous
Posterity
.
Thus
God
blessed
our
first
Parents
before
,
and
Noah's
Family
after
the
Flood
,
that
they
replenished
and
peopled
the
Earth
,
and
became
not
one
,
but
many
Communities
.
And
it
was
a
strange
providence
and
wonder
,
to
divide
the
multiplyed
Posterity
of
Noah
,
by
diving
the
Language
,
into
several
companies
,
and
disperse
them
into
several
parts
of
the
Earth
;
and
hence
the
many
Societies
of
the
World
,
and
their
different
Communities
God
Promised
Abraham
to
make
him
a
Father
of
many
Nations
;
that
is
,
not
only
of
many
civil
,
but
spiritual
Societies
,
Gen.
17.5
.
and
he
said
to
Rebekah
,
two
Nations
are
in
thy
womb
,
Gen.
25.23
.
Thus
Jacob's
Family
multiplyed
in
Egypt
to
a
great
Community
;
so
that
the
original
of
Societies
civil
are
from
God
,
the
cause
of
all
things
,
1.
As
making
men
,
and
enduing
them
with
reason
and
speech
.
2.
As
multiplying
and
blessing
them
.
3.
As
dividing
them
into
several
parts
and
portions
of
the
Earth
,
where
they
may
cohabit
and
have
communion
one
with
another
.
4.
Besides
all
these
,
he
so
creates
them
,
and
orders
them
in
the
very
first
molding
of
them
,
when
they
are
multiplyed
,
that
they
have
need
one
of
another
,
and
one
may
be
beneficial
and
helpful
unto
another
,
so
that
their
subsistence
and
their
well-being
depends
upon
Society
,
for
as
he
hath
made
the
Body
to
consist
of
many
members
,
so
that
they
have
their
several
offices
and
ministrations
,
all
useful
one
for
another
,
so
that
the
body
cannot
be
a
body
without
many
members
,
nor
subsist
without
some
necessary
parts
,
nor
well
continue
or
be
perfect
and
intire
without
all
and
every
one
,
so
in
like
manner
hath
he
composed
these
great
Bodies
and
Communities
;
some
by
his
providence
are
Rich
,
some
are
poor
,
some
wise
,
some
ignorant
,
some
strong
,
some
weak
,
some
bold
,
some
timorous
,
some
fit
for
learning
and
more
noble
place
,
some
of
inferiour
quality
;
some
fit
for
husbandry
,
some
for
trade
;
and
some
fit
for
one
trade
,
some
fit
for
another
:
Though
we
,
who
have
our
houses
,
Stocks
,
Trades
,
Fairs
,
Markets
,
Towns
,
Cities
,
Villages
,
do
not
understand
this
so
well
;
yet
they
,
who
make
new
discoveries
,
and
begin
new
Plantations
,
are
very
sensible
of
the
necessity
and
benefit
of
Society
civil
.
This
was
made
evident
by
that
policy
of
the
Philistins
,
who
by
taking
away
from
Israel
their
Smiths
,
and
depriving
them
but
of
one
trade
,
disarmed
the
great
body
of
that
Nation
;
for
we
read
there
was
no
Smith
found
in
all
the
Land
of
Israel
,
so
that
it
came
to
pass
in
the
day
of
battel
,
that
there
was
neither
Sword
nor
Spear
found
in
the
hand
of
any
of
the
people
that
were
with
Saul
and
Jonathan
;
and
when
God
intended
to
ruine
not
only
the
State
,
but
the
Community
of
Judah
;
he
threatens
to
take
away
not
only
the
mighty
man
,
the
man
of
War
,
the
Judge
,
the
Prophet
,
and
the
Prudent
,
and
the
Ancient
,
the
Captain
of
Fifty
,
and
the
honourable
man
,
and
the
Counsellor
,
but
the
cunning
Artificer
,
and
the
eloquent
Oratour
,
Esa.
3.2
,
3.
Though
God
alone
can
be
fully
happy
by
himself
alone
,
without
Man
or
Angel
,
or
any
company
,
yet
man
cannot
.
Man
solitary
is
very
imperfect
,
and
like
a
Body
which
wants
some
necessary
parts
:
God
knows
this
full
well
,
therefore
he
so
orders
Multitudes
of
Vicinities
,
that
he
inclines
them
by
their
very
constitution
to
Society
;
for
by
it
they
are
not
only
stronger
and
more
able
to
defend
themselves
,
and
provide
for
their
safety
,
but
also
they
are
better
supplyed
with
necessaries
,
and
commodities
;
what
one
hath
not
,
another
hath
;
what
one
cannot
do
,
another
can
;
what
few
are
not
able
to
effect
,
many
may
,
and
all
much
more
.
But
that
whereby
God
is
the
immediate
cause
of
Society
is
voluntary
consent
,
to
which
he
inclines
their
hearts
,
when
he
hath
once
multiplied
them
and
cast
them
together
.
This
consent
whether
tacit
or
express
is
grounded
upon
Love
and
good
Affection
,
with
an
intention
to
do
good
and
just
things
one
for
another
,
according
to
the
work
of
the
eternal
Law
written
in
their
hearts
.
The
accidental
original
is
when
by
divine
Providence
many
from
several
Countries
are
cast
together
in
one
Place
or
part
of
the
Earth
,
and
that
upon
several
occasions
,
or
for
several
causes
;
these
in
time
grow
familiar
and
acquainted
one
with
another
,
and
for
mutual
Help
,
Safety
,
Benefit
,
cement
into
one
Body
,
and
according
to
the
dictate
of
natural
Reason
,
join
in
one
common
Interest
;
this
,
some
say
,
was
the
original
of
the
State
of
Venice
at
the
first
.
Thus
the
several
distinct
Communities
upon
the
division
of
Languages
at
Babel
had
their
beginning
.
Thus
one
part
of
a
Community
seeking
some
new
place
for
their
habitation
,
becomes
a
distinct
Community
of
themselves
.
section
7
The
Third
thing
to
be
considered
is
,
who
are
Members
of
a
Community
.
Members
of
a
Community
.
To
say
nothing
of
Municipal
Societies
,
Colonies
,
Plantations
,
Provinces
,
Titular
Members
,
who
are
only
Cives
honorarii
,
this
is
a
general
Rule
,
that
after
a
form
of
Government
once
introduced
,
whosoever
are
Subjects
,
are
Cives
,
Members
of
that
Community
,
and
continue
such
,
though
the
form
of
Government
be
altered
or
dissolved
:
For
there
are
degrees
of
them
;
for
some
are
virtualiter
&
diminutè
,
some
formaliter
&
plenè
,
some
eminenter
Cives
,
Members
of
a
Community
,
that
is
,
they
are
either
imperfectly
or
perfectly
such
.
The
lowest
rank
is
of
such
as
are
not
sui
juris
sed
sub
potestate
alienâ
,
free
and
in
their
own
Power
.
To
this
form
are
reduced
Women
,
Children
,
Servants
,
Strangers
,
whether
sojourning
,
or
inhabiting
out
of
their
own
Common-wealth
;
some
kind
of
Tenants
or
Vassals
do
so
much
depend
upon
others
;
that
they
are
not
competent
Members
;
all
these
are
virtually
included
in
others
upon
whom
they
depend
.
Formally
and
fully
Members
are
all
such
,
as
being
Males
of
full
Age
,
Free
,
Independant
,
have
the
use
of
Reason
,
and
some
competent
Estate
;
such
Freeholders
seem
to
be
with
us
.
These
become
such
by
-
Birth
,
-
Election
,
-
Manumission
.
Or
they
are
-
Natural
,
-
Naturalized
.
Being
once
such
,
they
have
Jus
suffragii
in
publicis
,
as
our
Freeholders
have
a
Vote
in
chusing
their
Knights
for
the
Parliament
,
and
they
virtually
give
their
suffrage
in
that
Assembly
by
their
Representatives
.
Eminenter
Cives
are
such
,
who
by
reason
of
their
Descent
,
Estates
,
Parts
,
Noble
Acts
,
are
not
once
Members
,
but
somewhat
more
,
as
being
fit
for
Honour
,
Offices
and
Places
of
Power
,
if
once
a
Common-wealth
be
constructed
.
section
8
There
be
amongst
others
three
inseparable
adjuncts
of
a
Community
;
as
a
Community
,
Propriety
of
Goods
,
Liberty
of
Persons
,
Equality
of
the
Members
;
Propriety
there
must
needs
be
,
and
the
same
Absolute
and
Independent
:
the
reason
hereof
is
,
because
,
what
a
Man
hath
justly
acquired
,
is
his
own
by
the
Law
of
Nature
,
which
a
Community
doth
not
take
away
;
and
further
,
there
is
no
dominium
eminens
,
as
in
a
Common-wealth
there
must
necessarily
be
.
Liberty
of
Persons
there
is
,
because
every
compleat
Member
is
sui
juris
,
and
no
ways
bound
by
the
Rules
of
a
Civil
supream
Power
;
and
this
is
more
than
can
be
in
a
State
once
constituted
,
wherein
this
Liberty
is
bounded
by
Allegiance
and
Laws
:
there
is
Equality
,
for
there
is
no
Superiour
or
Inferiour
in
respect
of
Government
,
because
there
is
no
Government
,
no
Sovereign
,
no
Subject
,
all
are
fellows
,
Et
socii
quatenus
socii
sunt
aequales
;
inequality
of
Superiour
and
Inferiour
Civil
ariseth
from
a
form
of
Government
,
which
is
sometimes
Despotical
,
that
it
is
destructive
both
of
Liberty
and
Propriety
.
This
inequality
is
consistent
with
an
imparity
of
Birth
,
Parts
,
Estate
;
for
Age
:
for
this
is
from
Nature
or
Providence
;
these
Civil
Societies
may
be
less
or
greater
both
in
respect
of
the
number
of
Persons
,
and
extent
of
Place
:
Neither
can
the
certain
number
of
Persons
,
nor
the
particular
bounds
of
Place
be
well
determined
.
If
it
be
be
too
large
,
it
cannot
so
well
unite
,
if
too
little
,
it
's
insufficient
to
protect
or
provide
for
it self
,
and
so
falls
under
the
protection
of
others
.
section
9
This
Community
Civil
considered
abstractively
and
antecedently
to
a
form
of
Government
not
yet
introduced
,
or
upon
a
dissolution
of
a
former
model
,
or
upon
a
failure
of
Succession
in
a
time
doth
virtually
contain
a
Supreme
Power
,
and
hath
a
Liberty
and
Right
to
determine
upon
what
Form
they
please
,
so
that
it
be
good
;
though
it
's
true
,
that
this
Power
may
be
taken
from
them
by
a
Potent
Invader
,
or
some
other
way
;
and
here
it
is
to
be
noted
,
that
when
a
Form
of
Government
is
altered
or
dissolved
,
any
Community
may
remain
,
nay
,
under
a
Government
it
retains
the
nature
of
a
Community
,
as
the
matter
and
subject
of
the
Common-wealth
,
wherein
every
Subject
must
be
considered
,
first
,
as
Civis
,
a
Member
of
the
Community
,
before
he
can
be
conceived
as
subditus
,
a
Member
of
the
Common-wealth
.
This
stricter
Association
of
a
Multitude
,
to
make
a
particular
Community
,
doth
no
way
hinder
their
Society
or
Communion
with
other
Communities
,
or
with
all
Mankind
upon
the
Earth
so
far
as
is
possible
,
in
things
which
may
add
unto
their
Happiness
.
CHAP.
III.
Of
an
Ecclesiastical
Community
.
section
1
Ecclesiast.
Community
.
HItherto
of
a
Community
in
general
,
and
of
a
Community
Civil
,
that
which
we
call
Ecclesiastical
follows
:
this
in
opposition
to
that
which
we
call
Temporal
and
Civil
is
Spiritual
,
and
is
such
in
respect
of
Religion
;
for
as
there
are
matters
of
this
life
,
which
concern
us
as
mortals
with
relation
one
unto
another
,
so
there
are
matters
of
God
,
spiritual
,
divine
,
and
of
a
far
higher
allay
;
there
is
no
Nation
or
People
,
though
rude
and
barbarous
,
but
profess
some
Religion
,
by
the
observation
whereof
they
acknowledge
their
dependance
upon
a
superiour
Power
and
Providence
far
above
that
of
mortal
man
;
yet
many
,
contrary
to
the
very
light
of
Nature
,
either
worshipped
that
which
was
not
truly
God
,
or
with
the
true
God
a
false
Deity
;
or
the
true
God
alone
,
without
any
certain
rule
and
direction
from
Heaven
,
after
the
invention
of
men
,
or
the
suggestion
of
the
Devil
,
of
these
there
have
been
many
Communities
,
which
I
will
no
further
mention
;
for
these
were
never
called
Churches
,
or
the
people
of
the
living
God
;
for
the
true
Church
is
a
Community
of
such
as
worship
the
true
and
living
God
,
according
to
certain
rules
of
Truth
revealed
from
Heaven
,
and
now
contained
in
the
holy
Scriptures
.
And
these
direct
us
to
worship
God
,
not
only
as
Creator
,
but
as
Redeemer
by
Christ
:
Such
a
kind
of
Society
there
hath
been
ever
since
the
Fall
of
Adam
,
and
the
first
promise
of
Christ
;
and
all
these
Societies
of
all
places
and
all
times
might
be
called
Christians
,
because
all
the
members
thereof
professed
Faith
in
Christ
,
either
as
to
come
,
or
already
come
;
yet
because
these
Believers
and
Worshippers
of
God
the
Redeemer
began
to
be
called
Christians
after
Christ's
Exaltation
at
the
right
hand
of
God
in
the
Apostles
times
;
I
intend
principally
to
speak
of
this
Community
Christian
in
the
times
of
the
New
Testament
;
therefore
to
pass
by
the
Churches
before
the
Floud
,
and
after
till
the
time
of
Christ's
exaltation
,
I
will
confine
my self
unto
the
Communities
Christian
in
the
latter
and
stricter
sense
.
section
2
These
things
premised
,
a
Community
Ecclesiastical
is
a
Society
of
Christians
in
an
immediate
capacity
to
receive
a
form
of
spiritual
external
Government
.
The
principal
parts
of
this
Chapter
shall
be
,
1.
The
explication
of
the
Definition
.
2.
A
Declaration
of
the
manner
how
we
become
members
of
this
Society
.
3.
The
Determination
of
the
several
and
distinct
degrees
of
these
members
.
The
first
thing
in
the
Definition
is
the
matter
,
and
that
as
Christians
:
and
especially
in
the
stricter
sense
.
I
do
not
say
it
's
a
Society
of
Families
,
as
formerly
was
expressed
in
the
Definition
of
a
Civil
Community
.
For
though
the
Churches
of
Jerusalem
,
Antioch
,
Rome
,
Corinth
,
Ephesus
,
and
other
places
,
might
in
their
several
divisions
and
precincts
contain
some
whole
Families
,
and
perhaps
Vicinities
Christian
;
or
because
their
habitation
was
in
the
same
City
or
place
,
they
might
be
called
Vicinities
,
in
which
sence
all
particular
Churches
should
be
Vicinities
:
yet
our
Saviour
tells
us
,
that
upon
the
preaching
of
the
Gospel
,
there
should
follow
such
a
division
in
Religion
,
even
in
the
same
Family
:
That
there
should
be
five
in
one
house
divided
,
three
against
two
,
and
two
against
three
,
Luke
12.52
.
So
that
there
might
be
several
Religions
professed
and
exercised
in
one
Family
,
and
the
persons
of
several
Societies
.
Thus
it
is
with
us
since
our
unhappy
divisions
:
for
the
Husband
sometimes
is
of
one
Church
,
the
Wise
of
a
second
,
the
Children
of
a
third
or
fourth
.
Yet
sometimes
a
whole
Family
might
come
in
together
:
as
the
Nobleman
or
Ruler
of
Capernaum
believed
and
his
whole
house
,
John
4.53
.
Lydia
and
her
whole
Houshold
were
baptized
at
one
time
.
The
Jaylor
and
his
whole
House
believed
,
and
was
baptized
the
same
night
,
Acts
16.33
,
34.
As
in
Families
,
so
much
more
in
Vicinities
,
not
only
several
,
but
also
contrary
Religions
have
been
practised
.
So
that
the
first
thing
to
be
considered
in
the
Definition
,
is
persons
as
Christians
.
And
here
I
might
take
occasion
to
enquire
,
Whether
a
Parish
may
be
a
Congregation
Christian
,
and
a
multitude
of
Parishes
in
the
same
Vicinity
may
be
a
Community
Spiritual
,
Mr.
Hooker
gives
occasion
of
this
enquiry
.
A
Parish
may
be
considered
under
a
Civil
or
Ecclesiastical
Notion
:
Under
a
Civil
,
as
first
made
by
a
Power
Civil
,
and
also
a
civil
Society
as
a
part
of
an
allotment
for
civil
ends
,
and
under
civil
Officers
.
In
an
Ecclesiastical
action
it
's
a
Society
and
Body
Politick
Spiritual
,
appointed
for
Worship
and
Discipline
.
In
which
respect
it
consists
as
a
Vicinity
of
such
persons
as
within
the
precincts
thereof
profess
the
same
Religion
,
and
joyn
in
the
same
worship
,
have
one
and
the
same
Pastour
or
Pastours
,
and
usually
frequent
the
same
religious
Assemblies
.
In
this
respect
,
if
either
Jews
,
or
Heathens
,
or
Mahometans
,
or
Hereticks
,
or
Pagans
died
within
the
same
Precinct
,
they
are
not
of
the
same
Society
,
yet
are
bound
to
pay
their
Tythes
for
the
maintenance
of
God's
worship
in
that
place
.
And
these
Tythes
,
as
determined
by
the
civil
Magistrate
,
to
be
payed
in
that
place
,
and
to
be
recovered
by
civil
Laws
,
may
be
called
a
Lay-fee
:
but
as
they
are
due
to
Christ
for
to
maintain
the
Gospel
and
divine
Worship
,
they
come
under
another
notion
.
Further
,
though
the
Pastour
of
such
a
Parish
may
,
as
opportunity
is
offered
and
occasion
requires
,
do
Christ
service
in
other
places
,
yet
he
is
in
a
special
manner
bound
to
that
place
,
and
not
only
to
edifie
the
converted
,
but
to
convert
the
unconverted
in
that
place
.
section
3
Because
any
kind
of
persons
are
not
fit
to
be
of
this
Society
,
therefore
these
persons
must
be
Christians
,
and
such
as
profess
their
Faith
in
Christ
,
and
in
Christ
already
exhibited
and
reigning
in
Heaven
.
If
they
be
adult
,
they
must
not
believe
,
but
profess
in
their
own
persons
.
And
this
profession
must
be
such
as
a
rational
Christian
may
judge
to
be
serious
,
as
being
unable
clearly
to
prove
the
contrary
.
The
inward
Faith
should
be
sincere
,
and
the
outward
profession
should
agree
with
it
,
yet
it
proves
often
otherwise
.
Therefore
we
find
a
Judas
in
the
Colledge
of
Apostles
,
a
Simon
Magus
,
a
Demas
amongst
Christians
:
for
there
hath
been
and
will
be
tares
amongst
the
wheat
,
and
chaff
on
Christ's
floor
,
which
none
can
separate
but
he
that
hath
his
Fan
in
his
Hand
.
And
let
no
man
doubt
,
but
that
such
as
Christ
and
his
Apostles
admitted
and
retained
in
the
visible
Church
till
they
were
openly
discovered
,
that
man
might
judge
of
them
,
such
we
must
admit
and
retain
,
and
may
do
it
.
section
4
1.
As
they
must
be
Christians
,
they
must
be
a
Society
of
Christians
,
not
single
persons
by
themselves
.
This
implies
there
must
be
a
multitude
.
2.
An
union
of
this
multitude
.
3.
A
communion
.
Yet
as
the
multitude
must
be
Christian
,
so
the
union
and
communion
must
be
even
in
holy
and
spiritual
things
.
1.
They
they
must
be
a
multitude
,
yet
not
a
little
number
or
a
few
,
as
will
appear
afterwards
.
The
power
and
right
of
a
Colledge
may
be
preserved
in
one
,
and
exercised
in
three
;
and
a
small
number
may
make
a
Family-society
,
yet
here
in
this
particular
it
is
not
so
.
As
there
must
be
a
multitude
:
so
,
2.
They
must
be
united
in
a
sacred
bond
of
Christian
Religion
.
For
,
as
in
a
natural
,
so
in
a
spiritual
political
body
,
there
must
be
not
only
many
members
,
but
they
must
be
all
united
in
one
to
make
up
the
body
.
This
union
as
the
civil
,
is
not
meerly
from
Vicinity
of
place
,
but
from
voluntary
and
free
consent
directed
,
not
only
by
reason
,
but
the
rules
of
God's
Word
;
for
that
must
be
united
not
meerly
as
men
,
but
as
Christians
.
This
consent
may
be
tacit
or
express
,
and
must
make
them
one
,
not
only
when
they
make
and
assemble
in
one
place
,
but
when
they
are
parted
asunder
.
For
by
reason
of
this
bound
,
a
Fraternity
spiritual
continues
amongst
them
.
And
the
more
solemn
,
serious
,
regular
,
deliberate
and
agreeable
to
the
Gospel
it
shall
be
,
the
more
effectual
,
comfortable
,
and
lasting
it
will
prove
.
This
union
is
not
made
either
by
Baptism
or
profession
,
but
it
presupposeth
both
.
And
though
it
may
be
made
by
a
free
and
voluntary
consent
,
yet
all
Vicinities
of
Christians
,
who
by
Divine
Providence
have
an
opportunity
to
associate
,
are
by
a
Divine
Precept
bound
to
unite
and
consent
to
such
an
Union
.
And
this
Union
is
so
firm
,
not
because
of
Man's
Consent
,
but
God's
Precept
and
Institution
,
to
which
it
shall
be
conformable
.
From
this
a
multitude
of
Christians
become
morally
one
Person
spiritual
:
and
as
such
,
may
act
and
do
many
things
.
And
every
particular
Member
of
this
Body
is
bound
to
seek
the
good
of
the
whole
and
every
part
,
and
the
good
of
this
particular
Society
,
more
than
of
any
other
,
though
he
must
endeavour
the
good
of
all
,
so
far
as
God
shall
enable
him
.
Upon
this
Union
therefore
follows
a
Communion
.
For
as
they
all
partake
in
all
things
and
priviledges
,
and
rights
,
which
are
common
to
all
,
so
they
must
communicate
their
Gifts
,
Cares
,
Labours
,
for
the
promoting
of
the
general
good
of
all
,
and
particular
good
of
every
one
.
As
by
this
Union
they
become
one
Person
,
so
they
receive
a
Power
and
Ability
to
act
as
one
Person
for
the
special
good
of
themselves
.
Yet
it
doth
not
give
them
power
to
separate
either
from
the
Universal
Church
,
or
from
other
Communities
in
any
thing
God
hath
made
Common
,
either
to
the
Universal
Church
,
or
other
particular
Communities
.
section
5
By
this
time
you
understand
that
a
Community
Christian
is
a
society
of
Christians
,
yet
this
is
not
all
:
it
must
be
a
Society
of
Christians
fitted
for
and
immediately
capable
of
an
external
form
of
Government
Spiritual
,
and
the
same
Independent
.
For
in
a
Common-wealth
of
necessity
there
must
be
a
Supreme
and
Independent
Power
,
otherwise
it
hath
not
the
Essence
and
Being
of
a
Common-wealth
.
Therefore
in
Politicks
both
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
,
we
speak
of
a
Community
as
it
is
actually
the
Subject
of
a
form
of
Government
,
or
fitted
immediately
to
be
such
,
otherwise
we
shall
be
haeterogeneous
,
or
at
least
exorbitant
.
Take
notice
therefore
that
this
Community
is
not
a
Civil
Society
,
nor
the
Society
of
all
Christians
living
at
the
same
time
on
the
Earth
,
which
make
up
the
Body
of
the
Church
Universal
or
Visible
,
as
subject
to
Christ
,
nor
of
a
Family
,
or
Congregational
,
or
any
petty
Christian
Society
,
but
of
such
a
Society
Christian
as
is
immediately
capable
of
an
Independent
Discipline
.
2.
Though
some
Acts
of
Discipline
may
by
a
Paternal
Spiritual
Power
be
performed
,
and
so
likewise
in
a
Congregation
some
degrees
of
Power
Ecclesiastical
may
reside
and
be
exercised
,
yet
this
is
not
sufficient
to
make
them
such
a
Society
as
we
speak
of
.
3.
In
this
Community
and
Independent
Power
of
Discipline
is
virtually
contained
.
4.
This
cannot
be
except
it
consist
of
such
Members
as
are
fit
both
to
model
a
Common-wealth
,
and
manage
a
supreme
Power
of
the
Keyes
.
5.
This
Community
,
before
a
form
of
Government
be
introduced
,
is
but
like
a
homogeneal
or
similar
Body
,
and
then
becomes
Organical
,
when
it
's
the
actual
subject
of
a
Common-wealth
,
and
a
formal
visible
Polity
.
And
besides
the
consent
required
to
the
constitution
of
a
Community
,
there
must
be
another
consent
to
make
it
a
Politie
:
and
the
latter
is
distinct
and
really
different
from
the
former
.
For
a
multitude
of
Christians
as
such
,
are
not
the
immediate
matter
of
a
Spiritual
Visible
State
,
but
a
Community
,
and
a
sufficient
Community
,
as
such
,
is
the
subject
of
this
Political
Form.
6.
That
Company
of
Christians
which
is
not
sufficiently
furnished
with
Men
of
Gifts
and
Parts
,
and
yet
presumes
to
set
up
an
Independent
Judicature
,
must
needs
offend
.
For
where
God
gives
not
sufficient
Ability
,
he
gives
not
Authority
.
That
every
petty
Congregation
,
which
enjoys
Word
,
Sacraments
,
Ministry
have
an
entire
,
Intensive
,
Independent
,
Judicative
Power
in
it self
,
and
therefore
may
refuse
to
associate
with
others
,
is
the
opinion
of
some
,
which
can
hardly
be
proved
out
of
the
Word
of
God.
section
6
Thus
I
have
explained
the
Definition
,
and
in
the
next
place
proceed
to
shew
the
Original
of
this
Community
,
and
how
particular
Persons
become
Members
of
the
same
.
Whether
any
are
incorporated
by
Election
or
Birth
,
yet
both
the
Matter
and
Form
of
this
Society
is
from
God.
For
we
read
in
the
Books
of
the
New
Testament
,
that
the
first
Original
of
Societies
of
Christians
was
this
,
1.
The
Apostles
endued
with
the
Holy
Ghost
from
above
,
preached
,
That
Jesus
of
Nazareth
was
crucified
at
Jerusalem
for
our
Sins
,
rose
again
,
was
made
Lord
and
King
,
and
that
Remission
of
Sins
and
Eternal
Life
was
granted
to
all
such
as
should
repent
and
believe
in
him
.
Such
as
heard
the
Doctrine
,
believed
it
,
professed
their
Faith
,
and
promised
to
live
accordingly
,
were
baptized
,
and
so
admitted
as
visible
Subjects
of
Christ's
Kingdom
.
So
they
were
made
Christians
,
and
remote
materials
of
this
Community
.
2.
When
they
were
once
multiplied
so
as
to
make
several
Congregations
for
Worship
,
and
there
were
found
fit
Men
to
be
Pastours
,
Pastours
were
ordained
and
set
over
the
Flocks
:
and
these
became
Societies
for
Christian
Worship
.
3.
When
there
was
a
competent
number
of
such
in
a
Vicinity
as
were
able
to
manage
a
Supreme
Independent
Power
,
they
associated
and
combined
together
in
one
Body
for
to
introduce
a
form
of
external
Government
.
If
any
after
,
they
became
a
Community
or
a
Politie
,
were
converted
within
their
precincts
,
and
did
manifest
his
conversion
so
far
as
man
might
judge
of
it
,
he
was
Baptized
,
and
was
admitted
a
Member
of
their
Community
.
This
was
the
manner
of
entring
into
and
being
incorporated
into
this
Body
.
And
now
if
any
Pagans
,
Jews
,
Mahometans
,
by
the
Doctrine
of
the
Gospel
be
reduced
to
the
Christian
Faith
,
then
they
must
enter
,
in
this
manner
they
must
be
admitted
.
This
Association
and
Incorporation
is
not
from
the
Laws
,
Decrees
,
and
meer
consent
of
Men
,
but
from
the
Power
or
Commandment
and
Institution
of
God
,
who
requires
that
such
as
are
once
made
Christians
,
should
Associate
,
and
that
others
in
whose
Power
it
is
,
should
admit
them
.
These
are
like
Branches
ingrafted
,
not
Natural
,
but
are
made
Members
by
Election
.
And
whosoever
is
thus
incorporated
,
he
is
first
made
a
Member
of
the
Universal
Church
,
and
a
Subject
to
God
the
Father
,
Son
,
and
Holy
Ghost
,
before
he
can
be
a
Member
of
any
particular
Society
.
For
he
must
of
necessity
be
first
a
Christian
before
he
can
be
a
Member
of
a
Christian
Society
;
for
the
matter
is
before
the
form
.
If
his
Profession
be
sincere
,
presently
upon
his
conversion
he
is
made
a
living
member
of
Christ
,
and
an
heir
of
Glory
,
far
greater
priviledges
,
than
to
be
a
visible
member
of
any
visible
spiritual
polity
.
And
though
there
is
a
certain
priority
of
Order
,
yet
one
and
the
same
person
may
be
made
a
living
member
of
Christ
,
a
member
of
a
Christian
Community
,
and
of
a
visible
spiritual
polity
at
one
and
the
same
time
.
section
7
As
there
be
ingrafted
,
A
good
ground
of
Childrens
right
to
Baptisme
.
so
there
be
natural
branches
of
these
Communities
,
as
well
as
of
the
great
and
Universal
Society
,
for
such
there
have
been
,
and
that
by
divine
Ordination
;
and
never
any
yet
could
evidently
prove
out
of
Scripture
,
that
this
Law
and
Ordinance
,
which
made
the
Children
part
of
the
Parents
,
and
one
Person
with
them
in
matter
of
Religion
,
was
abrogated
or
reversed
to
this
day
.
Therefore
Children
born
of
Christian
Parents
,
who
were
Members
both
of
the
universal
and
particular
Communities
,
and
not
disfranchised
,
are
members
of
a
Christian
Community
by
birth
at
least
in
Charity
;
and
they
must
needs
be
presumptuous
Dictatours
,
who
exclude
them
.
It
's
true
,
that
Infants
born
of
men
as
men
,
are
men
;
of
such
as
are
free
,
are
free
;
of
such
as
are
noble
,
are
noble
.
And
so
such
as
are
born
of
Mahometans
,
are
Mahometans
;
and
such
as
are
born
of
Jews
,
are
Jews
;
such
as
are
born
of
Heathens
are
by
their
birth
Heathens
,
and
aliens
to
the
Common-wealth
of
the
Christian
Israel
,
and
strangers
from
the
Covenants
of
Promise
,
Eph.
2.12
.
And
shall
not
such
as
are
born
of
Christians
be
Christians
?
That
Covenant
which
God
made
with
Abraham
,
though
accidentally
different
,
is
essentially
the
same
with
that
of
the
Gospel
,
as
appears
,
Rom.
4.
and
Gal.
3.
yet
in
that
Covenant
,
God
promised
to
be
a
God
to
him
and
his
seed
after
him
,
and
this
part
of
it
which
includes
the
Children
with
their
Parents
,
must
needs
remain
in
force
,
if
there
be
no
clause
of
exception
in
the
new
Testament
.
If
there
be
,
Where
is
it
?
As
for
the
example
and
instance
from
the
Apostles
baptizing
only
such
as
professed
their
Faith.
1.
It
doth
not
follow
that
only
such
persons
were
baptised
,
because
that
none
but
such
are
expresly
named
.
2.
When
it
s
written
,
that
whole
Houses
were
baptized
,
no
wit
of
man
can
prove
that
none
of
these
were
Infants
.
3.
Those
expresly
mentioned
were
adult
,
&
sui
juris
,
such
are
not
Children
:
and
their
Baptism
was
but
Matter
of
Fact
,
not
of
Law
:
shall
the
children
be
first
seminally
and
virtually
in
their
Parents
,
then
after
extraction
by
Birth
part
of
their
Parents
,
and
one
person
with
them
both
by
the
Laws
of
God
and
Men
,
even
so
far
as
they
may
be
punished
for
the
sins
of
their
Parents
;
and
shall
their
Parents
be
bound
for
them
,
and
they
bound
in
their
parents
in
matter
of
Religion
?
And
shall
not
Gods
promise
extend
so
far
as
their
Obligation
?
surely
it
must
.
This
manner
of
Incorporation
by
birth
is
from
God
,
who
,
1.
by
his
Divine
providence
brings
them
forth
into
the
light
of
the
World
within
the
bosom
of
the
Church
,
so
that
they
are
born
of
Christian
Parents
,
who
are
members
of
a
Community
Christian
;
and
2.
From
his
Institution
.
For
though
an
Infant
should
be
born
of
Christian
Parents
,
Members
of
a
Christian
Community
,
yet
he
could
not
be
a
Christian
,
and
have
any
priviledge
spiritual
,
except
it
had
been
God's
will
and
pleasure
to
account
and
judge
him
to
be
such
.
For
its
the
Decree
,
the
Promise
,
the
Covenant
of
God
that
makes
him
a
Christian
.
For
as
born
of
his
immediate
Parents
,
or
by
them
of
Adam
,
or
of
them
as
godly
or
ungodly
,
he
cannot
be
a
Member
of
the
Church
.
And
to
be
so
,
is
not
to
have
actual
Faith
,
or
to
be
justified
and
sanctified
as
believers
at
age
,
but
to
have
a
right
unto
the
promise
,
which
no
Heathen
or
any
other
born
out
of
the
Church
can
have
.
And
as
part
of
his
Parents
and
included
in
the
Covenant
by
the
will
of
God
,
he
hath
this
priviledge
.
The
Promise
(
saith
Peter
)
is
to
you
and
your
Children
,
and
to
all
afar
off
,
even
to
as
many
as
the
Lord
our
God
shall
call
,
Acts
2.39
.
where
observe
,
that
the
promise
was
not
only
to
them
at
age
,
but
also
to
their
Children
.
Again
,
You
are
the
Children
of
the
Prophets
,
and
of
the
Covenant
,
which
God
made
with
our
fathers
,
saying
unto
Abraham
,
In
thy
seed
shall
all
the
Nations
of
the
earth
be
blessed
,
Acts
3.25
.
Where
note
:
1.
That
the
Covenant
was
concerning
everlasting
bliss
by
Christ
the
seed
of
Abraham
.
2.
That
this
Covenant
includes
all
Nations
,
not
only
Jews
but
Gentiles
.
3.
That
this
is
the
Covenant
of
the
Gospel
for
substance
.
4.
That
the
present
Jews
were
within
this
Covenant
by
birth
,
and
that
both
for
the
obligation
to
duty
,
and
the
right
unto
the
promise
.
For
they
were
the
children
of
the
Prophets
and
of
the
Covenant
,
which
neither
the
Heathens
,
nor
their
children
could
be
before
they
were
called
,
and
their
children
in
them
.
From
all
this
it
appears
,
how
the
Original
of
these
Communities
are
from
God
;
for
He
1.
makes
them
Christians
.
2.
Multiplies
them
in
the
same
Vicinity
.
3.
Inclines
their
hearts
to
associate
,
and
stirs
up
some
eminent
persons
to
motion
and
endeavour
the
association
.
4.
By
his
Divine
providence
brings
some
into
the
world
in
the
bosom
of
the
Church
,
and
includes
by
his
gracious
Covenant
Infants
with
their
Parents
in
this
spiritual
Society
.
section
8
After
the
Explication
of
the
Definition
,
the
Declaration
of
the
Original
of
these
Societies
,
it
remains
we
consider
the
degrees
and
distinction
of
the
members
.
For
though
the
Community
,
in
respect
of
a
Form
of
outward
Government
,
be
an
homogenical
body
,
yet
considered
in
it self
,
and
in
the
qualities
of
the
several
members
,
there
is
an
imparity
,
and
something
organical
in
it
.
For
they
are
so
qualified
,
and
the
gifts
of
God
so
variously
disposed
in
them
,
that
they
are
several
ways
disposed
for
to
contribute
according
to
their
several
graces
,
something
to
the
benefit
of
the
whole
and
one
another
.
This
the
Apostle
makes
clear
,
1
Cor.
12.
and
14.
Chap.
These
distinctions
and
degrees
are
like
those
in
the
members
of
civil
Society
.
For
,
1.
Some
are
virtualiter
&
diminute
cives
,
incompleat
members
,
as
women
,
children
,
and
many
weak
Christians
.
2.
Some
are
so
gifted
and
qualified
,
as
they
are
fit
to
act
and
give
suffrage
in
business
which
concerns
the
whole
.
These
are
formaliter
cives
,
compleat
members
.
3.
Some
are
endued
with
more
than
ordinary
knowledge
,
wisdom
,
grace
above
the
rest
,
and
most
fit
to
introduce
a
form
of
Government
,
and
act
in
the
highest
businesses
of
Administration
.
These
are
eminenter
cives
,
eminently
members
.
Such
as
being
members
of
another
Church
,
and
yet
sojourn
or
inhabit
in
a
Community
distant
from
their
own
,
before
they
are
incorporate
,
though
upon
Certificate
and
Letters
communicatory
,
they
may
partake
in
sacris
,
yet
they
are
but
diminute
cives
,
members
incompleat
and
for
a
time
.
For
,
as
such
,
they
can
have
no
vote
or
suffrage
of
any
power
in
things
publick
.
They
may
indeed
advise
and
declare
their
mind
,
and
their
counsel
may
be
liked
and
accepted
.
section
9
This
Community
Ecclesiastical
hath
the
same
inseparable
adjuncts
with
the
civil
,
except
propriety
of
goods
,
which
they
have
in
another
respect
.
For
the
members
have
liberty
and
equality
,
and
an
immediate
capacity
of
a
form
of
Government
.
For
,
1.
They
are
free
from
any
subjection
either
to
any
other
Communities
,
or
one
unto
another
,
till
a
form
of
Government
and
Discipline
be
setled
.
Yet
they
are
subject
to
Christ
as
the
Head
of
the
universal
Church
visible
:
subject
to
God
as
supream
Lord
;
subject
to
their
Pastours
,
if
they
have
any
.
For
they
are
commanded
to
obey
them
,
who
rule
over
them
,
and
to
submit
unto
them
,
&c.
Heb.
13.17
.
For
Ministers
are
Officers
and
Representatives
of
Christ
,
and
therefore
must
needs
have
power
in
foro
interiori
&
conscientiae
,
as
the
Schoolmen
speak
.
Yet
Ministers
,
as
Ministers
,
have
no
power
of
the
Keys
in
foro
exteriori
:
they
are
only
eminent
members
of
the
Community
,
otherwise
the
Government
external
of
the
several
Congregations
in
one
Community
should
be
purely
Aristocratical
in
them
,
and
Monarchical
in
a
single
Congregation
.
2.
They
are
equal
as
members
of
a
Community
in
respect
of
Power
and
Government
,
which
is
not
yet
introduced
,
or
at
least
considered
as
not
actually
brought
in
,
they
cannot
command
or
judge
one
another
:
neither
can
the
whole
sentence
any
single
member
.
For
that
were
to
act
as
a
Common-wealth
,
which
as
yet
is
not
.
3.
The
whole
is
in
an
immediate
capacity
to
form
a
Government
,
as
you
heard
before
.
This
may
be
done
immediately
by
the
eminent
and
compleat
members
,
or
by
a
delegation
of
a
power
of
modelling
the
Government
by
a
few
of
the
principal
,
and
fit
for
such
a
work
,
and
afterwards
approved
and
ratified
by
all
.
And
though
the
general
Rules
of
Discipline
are
plainly
delivered
in
the
Scriptures
;
yet
few
will
understand
them
,
or
apply
them
right
,
and
it
's
an
hard
thing
to
abolish
the
corruptions
of
former
Governments
;
so
that
many
times
a
Discipline
is
setled
and
perfected
only
by
degrees
and
in
a
long
time
:
What
hinders
Reformation
.
Not
only
the
constitution
,
but
a
reformation
of
a
Church
meets
with
many
difficulties
.
One
reason
is
,
there
is
so
little
of
Christianity
in
many
,
and
none
in
some
,
that
yet
profess
their
Faith
in
Christ
,
which
either
they
do
not
understand
,
or
refuse
to
practise
.
This
hath
given
occasion
to
some
to
gather
Churches
out
of
Churches
,
and
to
separate
.
How
justly
or
wisely
this
hath
been
done
,
something
may
be
said
hereafter
.
CHAP.
IV.
Of
a
Common-wealth
in
general
,
and
Power
Civil
.
section
1
THE
subject
of
a
Common-wealth
being
a
Community
,
which
is
twofold
,
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
.
It
remains
,
and
order
requireth
,
that
I
say
something
of
a
Common-wealth
.
You
heard
before
that
the
subject
adequate
of
Politicks
,
was
a
State
or
Common-wealth
,
and
that
the
parts
of
this
Act
are
two
:
1.
The
Constitution
.
2.
The
Administration
.
The
Constitution
,
as
you
may
remember
,
is
the
first
part
of
Politicks
,
whereby
an
order
of
Superiority
and
Subjection
is
setled
in
a
Community
;
wherein
three
things
were
principally
to
be
examined
:
1.
What
a
Community
in
general
.
2.
What
a
Community
civil
.
3.
What
a
Community
Ecclesiastical
is
:
and
all
this
is
done
.
Therefore
to
proceed
,
observe
,
that
a
Community
is
like
a
matter
without
form
in
respect
of
something
that
it
must
receive
,
yet
a
matter
and
a
subject
disposed
and
in
proxima
potentia
to
receive
a
form
to
perfect
it
:
A
Community
formed
is
a
Commonwealth
.
and
this
form
is
that
we
call
a
Common-wealth
,
a
Polity
,
a
State
,
wherein
we
may
observe
four
things
.
1.
That
it
is
an
order
.
2.
An
order
of
superiority
and
subjection
:
this
is
the
general
nature
of
it
.
3.
An
order
of
superiority
and
subjection
in
a
Community
.
4.
Such
an
order
tending
to
the
peace
and
happiness
of
a
Community
.
1.
It
's
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
an
Order
,
or
as
some
understand
the
Philosopher
(
an
Ordination
)
which
is
a
disposing
of
things
in
their
proper
place
.
For
as
the
learned
Father
observes
,
De
C.
D.
Lib.
19.
cap.
13.
Ordo
est
parium
dispariumque
rerum
sui
cuique
loca
tribuens
dispositio
.
It
's
inter
plura
,
which
may
be
equal
or
unequal
.
For
there
may
be
an
order
of
Priority
and
Posteriority
in
time
or
place
amongst
equals
.
Therefore
,
2.
It
's
an
order
of
Superiority
and
Subjection
in
respect
of
Power
.
Yet
,
3.
Because
there
is
a
superiority
and
subjection
in
a
Family
,
a
Colledge
,
a
Corporation
,
therefore
it
's
an
order
of
superiority
and
subjection
in
a
Community
,
whether
civil
or
Ecclesiastical
.
4.
Because
there
may
be
such
an
order
in
a
Community
of
wicked
men
and
Devils
,
if
that
might
be
called
a
Community
,
where
the
Association
is
unjust
,
as
properly
it
cannot
;
therefore
it
must
be
such
an
order
as
tends
and
conduceth
directly
to
the
peace
and
happiness
of
the
Community
.
This
an
unjust
order
cannot
do
.
To
understand
this
the
better
,
you
must
know
that
all
Communities
spiritual
and
temporal
are
grounded
upon
that
Commandment
of
God
,
Neighbour
a
notion
of
Society
.
Love
thy
Neighbour
as
thy self
:
where
that
word
Neighbour
may
signifie
indeed
a
single
person
,
yet
it
includes
a
notion
of
society
:
and
the
Hebrew
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
signifies
Socius
.
This
Neighbour
therefore
is
either
a
single
person
,
yet
as
a
Society
,
or
collective
as
in
a
Family
,
Kindred
,
Congregation
,
Corporation
,
Community
.
This
Love
is
the
true
cause
of
all
association
,
and
is
the
special
duty
of
all
parties
associated
.
A
Common-wealth
is
grounded
upon
a
branch
of
that
great
Love
,
the
fifth
Commandment
,
which
presupposing
superiority
and
subjection
,
in
respect
of
power
,
requires
certain
duties
of
the
parties
superior
and
subject
both
in
a
greater
and
lesser
society
.
And
because
these
duties
cannot
be
performed
in
great
Societies
,
except
this
Order
be
setled
,
therefore
by
that
Commandment
all
Communities
are
bound
,
so
far
as
they
are
able
,
to
erect
a
form
of
Government
.
In
which
respect
Politicks
are
from
God
,
not
only
allowing
and
approving
them
,
nor
meerly
as
enabling
men
,
but
commanding
them
enabled
to
establish
and
preserve
them
established
,
for
the
better
manifestation
of
his
glory
and
their
own
greater
good
temporal
and
spiritual
.
From
hence
it
's
evident
,
that
Politicks
both
civil
and
Ecclesiastical
belong
unto
Theology
,
and
are
but
a
branch
of
the
same
.
section
2
In
this
Common-wealth
two
things
are
most
worthy
our
consideration
.
1.
The
Superiority
.
2.
Subjection
:
for
it
consists
of
two
parts
,
Which
are
-
Imperans
-
Subditus
the
-
Soveraign
-
Subject
.
And
because
the
Soveraign
is
-
Civil
,
-
Ecclesiastical
I
will
begin
with
the
Civil
,
and
so
proceed
to
the
Ecclesiastical
.
And
seeing
that
Imperans
the
Soveraign
,
is
a
concrete
▪
and
therefore
signifies
the
-
Power
,
-
Subject
of
this
Power
.
I
will
first
speak
of
Power
,
then
of
the
Subject
of
this
Power
.
The
Power
must
be
considered
what
it
is
in
-
General
,
-
Special
.
In
respect
of
the
Subject
,
I
will
declare
the
manner
how
it
is
-
acquired
,
-
disposed
.
This
is
the
Method
which
I
intend
to
observe
,
and
wherewith
I
acquaint
the
Reader
.
My
observation
of
it
will
make
the
Discourse
more
clear
and
distinct
.
The
Readers
knowledge
of
it
will
help
both
his
understanding
and
his
memory
.
Pars
imperans
,
the
Soveraign
civil
,
which
is
the
first
part
of
a
Common-wealth
,
is
one
invested
with
Majesty
civil
.
Where
observe
,
1.
That
it
is
a
part
of
a
Politie
,
and
that
's
the
general
nature
of
it
:
and
is
an
essential
or
integral
part
,
which
together
with
the
Subject
gives
essence
to
the
State
,
and
constitutes
it
in
being
and
existence
.
2.
It
s
the
first
part
:
for
though
as
superiority
and
subjection
,
and
so
Soveraign
and
Subjects
are
Relates
,
and
in
that
respect
simultaneous
;
yet
the
Soveraign
is
not
only
the
first
in
dignity
,
but
in
some
sort
by
origination
,
if
not
as
a
cause
.
For
as
paternity
in
some
respect
is
before
filiation
,
so
it
is
in
this
particular
.
For
subjection
doth
rather
follow
upon
Soveraignty
,
than
the
contrary
.
And
therefore
in
molding
a
State
,
they
first
determine
upon
a
Soveraign
,
whereupon
instantly
and
at
the
same
time
follows
without
any
thing
intervening
,
subjection
.
3.
This
party
that
is
Soveraign
is
invested
with
Majesty
Civil
.
Where
we
have
two
things
.
1.
Majesty
an
adjunct
.
2.
The
subjection
invested
with
it
.
And
as
Power
is
the
very
essence
of
a
Superiour
,
so
Majesty
is
of
a
Soveraign
.
section
4
Majestas
est
maxima
in
civitate
potestas
;
Majesty
is
the
greatest
power
in
a
Community
.
1.
It
s
potestas
,
Power
.
2.
Maxima
in
civitate
,
Potestas
est
Jus
Imperandi
,
Power
is
a
right
to
govern
.
It
's
Jus
a
Right
,
and
in
it self
is
always
just
,
and
is
from
some
propriety
,
and
as
the
absolute
propriety
,
so
the
absolute
power
of
all
things
is
from
God
,
and
there
is
no
power
but
derived
from
him
.
It
's
not
Physical
but
Moral
,
and
so
nomen
juris
,
and
may
be
considered
as
a
faculty
or
habit
,
which
qualifies
the
Subject
to
do
something
which
one
that
hath
no
power
cannot
do
.
The
proper
act
of
it
is
to
Govern
,
and
in
Governing
to
Command
,
so
as
to
bind
the
party
subject
to
obedience
,
or
punishment
.
This
Imperium
or
Command
is
an
act
of
the
Will
,
and
presupposeth
some
act
of
the
Understanding
,
and
must
needs
be
ineffectual
,
and
in
vain
without
a
sufficient
coactive
force
.
And
because
the
Understanding
may
be
ignorant
or
erroneous
,
the
Will
unjust
,
the
coactive
force
act
accordingly
:
therefore
the
understanding
of
a
Superiour
as
such
,
ought
to
be
directed
by
Wisdom
,
his
commanding
Will
by
Justice
,
and
his
Executive
force
by
both
.
And
that
act
of
Power
which
is
not
thus
directed
is
not
properly
an
act
of
Power
,
nor
any
such
Command
of
the
Jewish
Rulers
,
when
it
was
devoid
both
of
Wisdom
and
Justice
,
and
it
was
so
much
the
more
invalid
,
because
contrary
to
an
express
command
of
a
Superiour
Lord
and
Master
even
Jesus
Christ
.
This
Power
is
an
Excellency
,
and
makes
the
party
invested
with
it
like
unto
God
:
and
the
greater
it
is
,
the
greater
the
excellency
of
him
that
hath
it
;
Though
it
is
in
it self
good
and
just
,
as
being
from
God
;
or
rather
the
power
of
God
in
the
creature
intellectual
,
yet
it
may
be
exercised
either
too
little
or
too
much
.
For
one
that
is
invested
with
it
may
do
less
or
more
than
his
power
doth
warrant
him
;
nay
,
he
may
act
contrary
to
the
Rules
of
divine
Wisdom
and
Justice
.
And
such
is
the
imperfection
of
man
,
that
there
is
no
perfect
Government
in
the
world
,
but
that
God
doth
supply
all
defects
and
aberrations
.
For
the
Judge
of
all
the
World
will
do
right
;
and
in
the
final
Judgment
will
compleat
all
Justice
,
and
reward
every
man
according
to
his
works
,
so
that
nothing
in
any
person
,
Man
or
Angel
,
but
shall
be
judged
.
section
5
This
is
Power
in
general
,
and
may
be
distinguished
many
ways
,
as
into
the
Power
of
God
,
or
Angels
,
or
of
men
.
Here
we
speak
of
the
power
of
men
,
which
is
the
power
of
a
Father
,
or
a
Master
,
or
an
Officer
of
peace
or
war
by
Sea
or
Land
.
Again
,
It
's
Civil
,
Ecclesiastical
,
and
both
supream
or
subordinate
.
The
subject
now
in
hand
is
Majesty
Civil
,
which
is
the
greatest
power
in
a
Civil
Community
;
the
power
of
a
Soveraign
,
whereby
he
is
able
to
bind
the
whole
Community
and
every
Member
thereof
.
It
's
an
act
of
the
publick
and
universal
Will
,
directed
by
the
universal
Judgment
,
made
effectual
by
the
universal
and
general
coactive
force
:
and
all
this
is
done
according
to
the
Rules
of
Justice
and
Wisdom
.
And
that
the
best
,
wisest
and
most
just
,
are
most
fit
to
govern
.
To
know
it
the
better
,
we
must
consider
,
1.
The
principal
and
several
kinds
of
acts
.
2.
The
qualities
of
it
:
the
particular
acts
of
this
power
in
one
Community
are
numberless
,
yet
all
reducible
to
one
.
And
that
is
the
wise
and
just
Government
and
ordering
of
the
Community
:
yet
this
is
divided
and
subdivided
by
the
Authors
of
Politicks
.
And
the
several
Branches
of
this
Power
,
are
called
Jura
Majestatis
,
Praerogativa
,
Regalia
,
&c.
The
distinction
of
these
Rights
,
are
made
according
to
the
several
acts
of
Majesty
conversant
about
several
different
Objects
,
and
according
to
the
diversification
of
the
Objects
,
is
the
diversity
and
difference
of
these
Rights
.
I
might
here
relate
both
the
number
and
the
method
of
these
Rights
of
Majesty
,
as
delivered
by
Angelicus
,
Bodin
,
Clapmarius
,
Grotius
,
Bisoldus
,
Arnisaeus
,
and
others
,
if
it
were
either
needful
or
useful
.
The
Civilians
,
and
sometimes
,
though
seldom
,
the
Casuists
mention
them
.
Yet
hardly
two
of
them
agree
either
in
the
method
,
or
the
number
,
or
the
particular
names
of
them
.
section
6
Yet
not
to
neglect
them
all
,
attend
how
handsomly
and
briefly
Grotius
reduceth
them
to
a
certain
Order
.
Qui
regit
civitatem
eam
regit
per
-
se
circa
-
universalia
in
legibus
-
condendis
-
abolendis
-
singularia
-
alios
-
magistratus
-
publica
circa
-
actiones
-
Belli
-
pacis
-
res
-
vectigalia
-
dominium
-
eminens
.
-
Privata
ad
publicum
ordinata
,
quae
sunt
res
inter
privatas
quas
dirimi
oportet
propter
pacem
.
-
Curatores
—
Yet
this
is
far
short
of
some
others
,
and
indeed
no
ways
accurate
.
The
Civilians
,
some
of
them
reduce
them
into
Order
,
according
to
the
several
acts
of
this
power
,
which
are
acts
of
-
Grace
.
-
Justice
.
Bisoldus
doth
distinguish
of
Majesty
,
and
informs
us
,
that
it
's
-
Real
-
Personal
.
Majesty
in
the
People
really
,
&c.
Real
in
the
People
,
personally
in
the
Prince
;
He
understands
by
the
People
the
Community
:
and
under
God
,
that
is
the
primary
subject
of
it
,
wherein
it
virtually
resides
,
and
out
of
which
by
the
constitution
it
is
educed
.
It
hath
power
to
form
a
State
,
where
there
is
none
,
and
if
after
a
form
once
introduced
,
the
Order
be
not
good
,
they
may
alter
it
:
What
the
Rights
of
personal
Majesty
is
,
he
tells
us
,
but
what
those
of
real
Soveraignty
be
,
he
saith
nothing
:
Majesty
so
naturally
belongs
unto
the
Community
,
that
upon
a
failer
of
succession
,
or
a
dissolution
it
divolves
to
them
:
and
that
People
is
not
wise
,
which
parts
wholly
with
it
,
and
absolutely
alienates
it
,
as
the
Romans
are
said
Lege
Regiâ
to
have
done
,
if
necessity
or
some
very
weighty
cause
required
it
not
.
section
7
We
might
in
this
particular
expect
much
from
Arnisaeus
,
who
hath
composed
a
whole
Treatise
of
this
subject
,
in
which
he
informs
,
1.
Of
the
name
.
2.
Of
the
nature
of
Majesty
.
For
1.
The
name
may
be
given
to
such
as
have
nothing
of
the
thing
,
and
so
be
a
meer
Title
.
2.
It
may
signifie
Dignity
or
Honour
without
any
Power
.
The
nature
of
it
consists
in
Power
,
which
hath
several
branches
,
concerning
which
he
relates
the
Opinion
and
Judgment
of
the
Philosopher
of
Historians
,
of
the
writers
of
Politicks
,
of
Lawyers
,
and
in
the
end
delivers
his
own
mind
,
and
reduced
them
to
certain
Heads
:
in
this
manner
.
Iura
majestatis
sunt
-
Majora
-
Defensionis
-
Gubernationis
in
-
Minora
de
aerario
colligendo
-
Legibus
condendis
-
Magistratibus
constituendis
.
The
first
division
is
taken
from
the
inequality
of
these
Prerogatives
and
Rights
.
The
second
he
seems
to
ground
upon
these
words
—
That
our
King
may
judge
us
,
and
go
out
before
us
,
and
fight
our
Battels
,
1
Sam.
8.20
.
Where
to
Judge
,
seems
to
signifie
to
Govern
by
Law
,
and
Officers
:
to
go
out
before
us
and
fight
our
Battels
,
presupposeth
in
his
Judgment
the
power
of
the
Militia
.
To
these
he
adds
other
two
,
concerning
the
ordering
of
Religion
,
and
Coining
of
Money
.
Under
these
general
Heads
,
he
reduceth
many
other
particulars
:
and
so
proceeds
to
handle
,
1.
the
greater
,
2.
The
less
Prerogatives
severally
,
and
that
largely
.
This
,
with
the
salving
of
some
doubts
,
and
confuting
some
Errours
,
is
the
Scheme
and
substance
of
the
whole
Treatise
,
divided
into
three
several
Books
.
section
8
Leaving
every
one
to
his
own
method
,
I
will
,
with
submission
to
better
Judgment
,
make
bold
to
deliver
my
own
.
Majestas
est
-
Realis
,
quae
potest
rempublicam
-
Constituere
-
abolere
-
mutare
-
reformare
-
Personalis
quae
agit
cum
-
exteris
-
De
-
Bello
-
Pace
-
Per
-
Foedera
-
Legationes
-
suis
circa
-
divina
religionem
ordinando
-
humanae
leges
-
ferendo
-
exequendo
This
,
though
not
exact
,
may
serve
the
turn
,
and
in
some
measure
declare
the
several
branches
of
this
great
Power
,
which
in
it self
is
but
one
,
yet
hath
many
acts
,
and
the
same
different
,
in
respect
of
several
and
different
Objects
and
Subjects
.
I
only
mention
the
chief
Heads
,
to
which
the
rest
may
be
reduced
,
for
the
better
and
more
distinct
understanding
of
it
:
I
will
more
particularly
explain
my self
.
1.
Therefore
Majesty
is
-
Reall
-
Personal
.
Real
is
in
the
Community
,
Real
Majesty
greater
than
Personal
.
and
is
greater
than
Personal
,
which
is
the
power
of
a
Common-wealth
already
constituted
.
For
,
as
you
have
heard
before
,
this
form
of
a
Common-wealth
is
virtually
in
it
before
it
be
constituted
,
and
their
consent
is
the
very
foundation
of
it
.
And
this
consent
whether
mediate
or
immediate
,
tacit
or
express
,
is
so
necessary
,
that
though
a
people
be
conquered
,
yet
the
Victor
cannot
govern
them
as
men
without
their
consent
:
Nay
more
,
when
God
designed
immediately
,
first
Saul
,
then
David
,
yet
the
election
and
consent
of
the
people
did
concur
with
and
follow
upon
the
Divine
Designation
.
As
this
Real
Majesty
is
a
Power
to
model
a
State
,
so
it
s
always
inherent
and
can
never
be
separated
;
insomuch
,
that
when
a
form
of
Government
is
dissolved
,
or
there
shall
be
a
failer
of
Succession
,
the
Power
of
the
Soveraign
doth
divolve
unto
them
by
the
law
of
nature
,
or
rather
it
was
always
in
the
people
.
As
this
Community
hath
the
power
of
constitution
,
so
it
hath
of
dissolution
,
when
there
shall
be
a
just
and
necessary
cause
.
Hence
appears
the
mistake
of
Junius
,
Brutus
,
The
mistake
of
Junius
,
Brutus
,
Buchanon
Heno
.
Buchanon
,
Heno
,
and
others
:
when
they
say
,
Ejus
est
destituere
,
Cujus
est
constituere
,
if
they
meant
it
of
the
multitude
and
body
of
the
Subjects
,
as
Subjects
under
a
form
of
Government
,
it
can
only
be
true
of
a
Community
where
they
have
just
and
necessary
cause
.
Subjects
as
Subjects
cannot
do
it
,
because
of
their
Subjection
and
Obligation
,
whereas
the
Community
as
a
Community
is
free
from
any
Obligation
to
any
particular
Form
,
either
from
the
Laws
of
God
,
Natural
or
Positive
,
or
from
their
own
Consent
or
Oaths
:
And
though
the
People
in
this
consideration
are
bound
both
by
the
Natural
and
Positive
Laws
of
God
to
constitute
a
Government
,
if
they
can
,
yet
they
are
not
bound
to
this
Form
or
that
.
Another
Act
of
this
Majesty
in
the
Community
is
,
when
they
see
it
necessary
and
just
,
and
they
have
not
only
Power
but
Opportunity
to
do
it
,
to
alter
the
Form
of
the
Government
:
this
Act
as
with
us
,
is
above
the
Power
of
a
Parliament
,
which
may
have
Personal
,
yet
cannot
have
this
Real
Majesty
.
For
a
Parliament
doth
necessarily
presuppose
a
Form
of
Government
already
agreed
upon
,
A
Parliament
cannot
alter
a
form
of
Government
.
whereby
they
are
made
the
Subject
of
Personal
Soveraignity
.
Therefore
they
cannot
alter
or
take
away
the
cause
whereby
they
have
their
being
,
nor
can
they
meddle
with
the
fundamental
Laws
of
the
Constitution
,
which
if
it
once
cease
,
they
cease
to
be
a
Parliament
.
If
the
Government
be
dissolved
,
and
the
Community
yet
remains
united
,
the
People
may
make
use
of
such
an
Assembly
as
a
Parliament
,
to
alter
the
former
Government
,
and
constitute
a
new
;
but
this
they
cannot
do
as
a
Parliament
,
but
considered
under
another
Notion
,
as
an
immediate
Representative
of
a
Community
,
not
of
a
Common-wealth
.
And
thus
considered
,
the
Assembly
may
constitute
a
Government
,
which
as
a
Parliament
cannot
do
,
which
always
presupposing
the
Constitution
,
as
such
,
can
act
only
in
and
for
the
administration
.
That
Community
is
wise
which
doth
,
A
happy
Community
.
and
happy
which
can
keep
their
Majesty
so
due
unto
them
,
as
to
limit
their
personal
Soveraigns
,
so
as
not
to
suffer
them
to
take
it
from
them
,
and
assume
it
to
themselves
.
section
9
Majesty
Personal
.
As
there
is
a
real
,
so
there
is
a
personal
Majesty
,
so
called
,
because
it
's
fixed
in
some
Persons
who
are
trusted
with
the
exercise
of
it
,
and
may
,
and
many
times
do
forfeit
to
God
,
and
in
some
cases
forfeit
to
the
Community
or
the
People
;
for
when
it
is
said
it
may
be
forfeited
to
the
People
:
we
must
understand
,
that
the
People
is
not
Plebs
,
the
meanest
and
the
lowest
rank
,
and
but
a
part
of
the
Community
,
but
the
whole
Community
it self
as
a
Community
,
otherwise
,
we
may
lay
the
Foundation
of
all
kinds
of
Tumults
,
Confusions
,
Seditions
,
and
Rebellions
.
The
Person
or
Persons
trusted
with
the
Majesty
and
Power
,
are
bound
to
seek
the
good
of
the
whole
People
,
and
for
that
end
they
are
trusted
with
it
,
and
no
otherwise
.
Hence
the
saying
,
Suprema
lex
salus
populi
esto
.
Acts
of
Personal
Majesty
.
1.
Without
.
The
Acts
of
this
Power
,
which
it
hath
a
right
to
exercise
,
are
many
,
and
that
in
respect
of
those
without
,
or
those
within
the
Common-wealth
.
For
agit
cum
exteris
,
it
dealeth
and
acteth
with
those
without
.
This
is
not
the
first
,
but
rather
the
last
kind
of
acting
.
It
ariseth
from
the
relation
which
it
hath
to
other
States
,
with
which
it
may
have
some
society
,
though
it
hath
no
dependance
upon
it
.
The
Rules
of
this
Acting
,
as
it
respects
themselves
and
the
States
with
whom
they
deal
,
are
the
Laws
of
Nations
.
Yet
the
particular
Laws
of
every
several
State
may
determine
the
Rules
,
according
to
which
it
will
act
with
,
or
against
another
State.
Because
one
State
may
wrong
,
or
benefit
,
or
strengthen
and
help
another
:
hence
it
comes
to
pass
that
sometimes
there
is
a
cause
of
War
.
For
when
by
Ambassadours
or
other
Agents
,
the
State
wronged
demands
satisfaction
or
Justice
,
and
cannot
be
heard
,
then
there
remains
no
way
but
to
hazard
a
War
,
and
defer
the
cause
to
God
to
decide
it
by
the
Issue
,
which
he
shall
give
.
Sometimes
a
State
may
be
unjustly
invaded
,
in
which
case
there
is
no
remedy
but
a
defensive
War
.
1.
To
judge
and
determine
of
this
War
,
whether
offensive
or
defensive
,
to
have
the
chief
Command
,
to
grant
Commissions
,
to
Press
Men
,
provide
for
Arms
and
Money
;
to
denounce
and
proclaim
the
War
by
Heralds
,
belongs
unto
the
Soveraign
,
who
is
trusted
with
this
Militia
,
not
only
against
foreign
States
,
but
against
Seditious
and
Rebellious
Subjects
.
2.
After
a
War
begun
and
continued
,
a
Peace
may
be
concluded
,
and
this
is
another
Act
of
Majesty
Personal
.
3.
Because
one
State
may
strengthen
,
help
,
and
benefit
another
,
hence
Leagues
of
Peace
and
Amity
;
and
also
for
mutual
offence
or
defence
,
or
for
Protection
,
or
for
Commerce
.
Yet
none
of
these
are
valid
by
the
very
Law
of
Nations
,
but
as
made
,
concluded
,
continued
by
the
supream
Powers
Personal
.
4.
The
Soveraigns
of
several
States
cannot
in
their
own
Persons
,
except
very
rarely
,
meet
together
and
act
personally
face
to
face
one
with
another
,
neither
is
it
convenient
or
expedient
so
to
do
.
Therefore
a
way
and
means
dictated
by
the
light
of
Nature
hath
been
invented
to
act
by
others
,
who
are
their
Deputies
and
Representatives
,
and
these
are
called
Ambassadours
.
To
send
these
,
whether
ordinary
or
extraordinary
,
and
to
give
them
Power
and
Commissions
,
with
Instructions
and
Letters
Credential
,
that
their
Acts
may
be
valid
,
is
the
right
of
Majesty
Personal
.
To
this
Head
may
be
referred
the
sending
of
Heralds
and
Agents
or
Envoyes
.
section
10
This
personal
Majesty
and
Soveraignty
acts
within
the
Common-wealth
,
and
with
the
Subjects
as
Subjects
.
Within
.
With
these
it
acts
,
1.
In
matters
of
Religion
.
For
Magistratus
est
custos
utriusque
tabulae
,
where
by
Magistrate
,
we
must
not
understand
Officers
,
but
supream
Governours
,
as
the
word
is
taken
largely
by
many
Authors
,
especially
such
as
profess
Theology
.
For
it
is
the
Duty
,
Soveraigns
must
order
Matters
of
Religion
.
as
it
is
the
Right
of
Civil
Soveraigns
to
order
matters
of
Religion
,
and
that
in
the
first
place
,
so
far
as
it
tends
unto
or
concerns
the
peace
and
happiness
of
a
State
,
which
depends
much
upon
the
establishment
,
profession
and
practice
thereof
.
As
they
must
order
it
,
so
they
must
not
only
constantly
and
sincerely
profess
,
practise
it
themselves
,
but
as
Soveraigns
protect
and
defend
their
Subjects
in
the
profession
and
exercise
of
the
same
,
so
far
as
their
coactive-force
and
Sword
may
justly
do
it
.
This
should
be
their
first
and
principal
Work
,
which
they
should
do
,
not
onely
for
the
good
of
the
people
,
but
their
own
happiness
,
success
and
establishment
in
the
Throne
.
They
are
not
to
associate
as
Priests
or
Presbyters
,
nor
arrogate
the
power
of
making
Canons
,
Ordination
,
Excommunication
,
Absolution
,
and
such
like
Acts
,
which
are
purely
spiritual
,
yet
they
may
make
Civil
Laws
concerning
those
things
,
and
execute
the
same
,
and
also
ratifie
by
Civil
Acts
the
Ecclesiastical
Canons
;
and
punish
such
as
shall
violate
the
same
.
Yet
this
right
doth
presuppose
the
Religion
,
which
they
establish
and
maintain
to
be
true
and
instituted
from
Heaven
.
It
's
true
,
that
the
consciences
of
men
are
subject
only
unto
God
,
and
to
him
alone
are
they
answerable
for
their
secret
thoughts
and
opinions
,
which
men
can
have
no
certain
cognisance
of
.
Yet
if
they
broach
errours
in
Religion
,
and
blasphemies
,
and
seek
by
communicating
them
by
word
,
or
writing
to
seduce
,
pervert
,
infect
others
,
they
disturb
the
peace
of
the
State
,
offend
God
,
and
bring
Gods
Judgements
from
Heaven
upon
themselves
,
who
are
guilty
of
such
sins
,
and
upon
the
Soveraign
and
the
subject
of
that
State
where
they
live
.
And
in
this
case
,
though
the
consciences
cannot
be
forced
,
yet
their
estates
,
persons
,
lives
,
are
liable
to
the
sword
,
and
,
in
that
respect
they
may
and
ought
to
be
punished
by
the
sword
of
Justice
.
This
is
so
a
Right
of
Civil
Soveraigns
,
that
we
never
read
of
any
State
of
civilized
people
without
Lawes
concerning
Religion
and
the
worship
of
a
Deity
.
I
confess
,
this
branch
of
civil
Power
is
not
rightly
placed
,
nor
is
the
method
exact
,
because
it
comes
in
under
the
Heads
of
Legislation
and
Jurisdiction
,
the
matter
of
both
which
are
Religion
,
mens
,
persons
,
estates
,
and
lives
.
section
11
After
matters
of
Religion
,
which
are
more
spiritual
and
divine
,
follow
such
as
are
temporal
and
humane
.
Civil
matters
.
Concerning
these
we
have
two
acts
of
Majestie
.
1.
Legislation
.
2.
Execution
of
Laws
made
,
hence
these
two
,
Jura
Majestatis
.
1.
A
right
to
make
Laws
.
2.
A
right
to
execute
them
.
This
Power
of
making
Laws
is
the
principal
and
most
necessary
,
and
doth
inseparably
adhere
unto
the
Soveraign
once
constituted
.
It
was
Jethro's
counsel
to
Moses
,
which
with
Gods
approbation
,
he
followed
,
to
teach
the
people
Laws
,
that
all
Subjects
and
Officers
might
know
their
work
and
duty
,
and
the
Rule
which
must
direct
them
in
all
actions
of
Officers
and
subjects
as
such
,
this
was
Gods
order
.
For
,
after
that
he
became
their
Soveraign
,
and
the
people
of
Israel
his
subjects
,
he
proceeds
to
make
Lawes
Moral
,
Ceremonial
,
Judicial
,
yet
the
personal
Soveraign
hath
no
power
to
make
fundamental
Laws
concerning
the
constitution
,
but
only
for
the
administration
.
This
our
Parliaments
,
if
rightly
constituted
and
duly
acting
for
the
publick
good
,
I
honour
as
much
as
any
man
,
may
take
notice
of
.
Yet
I
may
not
presume
to
teach
them
,
much
less
correct
them
.
This
Power
is
given
by
the
consent
of
the
people
in
the
constitution
,
who
upon
their
submission
become
their
Soveraigns
subjects
,
and
are
bound
thereupon
,
either
to
obey
his
Lawes
once
made
,
or
suffer
.
This
is
not
meerly
a
Power
to
teach
and
direct
them
,
but
to
bind
them
.
To
this
Head
,
are
brought
the
Power
of
repealing
,
interpreting
,
altering
Lawes
,
with
Dispensations
,
Reservations
,
naturalizing
,
granting
Priviledges
,
conferring
Honours
,
founding
Colledges
and
Corporations
,
Legitimation
,
restoring
the
blood
tainted
,
and
all
acts
of
Grace
,
as
giving
immunities
,
exemptions
,
tolerations
,
indulgences
,
acts
of
oblivion
.
section
12
After
Legislation
follows
Execution
,
which
in
this
place
is
not
the
execution
of
the
Judges
Sentence
,
for
that
follows
as
a
distinct
act
of
Jurisdiction
.
This
right
of
Majesty
is
of
far
greater
latitude
,
and
reacheth
all
acts
that
tend
to
the
execution
of
the
Laws
,
which
are
in
vain
,
if
not
put
in
execution
.
And
because
this
cannot
be
done
without
Officers
and
Judgment
,
therefore
this
comprehends
under
it
The
right
of
-
making
Officers
.
-
administration
of
Justice
.
The
making
of
Officers
,
as
without
which
the
Laws
cannot
be
put
in
execution
,
is
the
first
of
these
two
.
By
Officers
,
I
understand
all
such
as
are
used
by
the
Soveraign
,
for
to
put
in
practice
the
Law
,
and
perform
any
publick
act
.
These
may
be
either
ordinary
or
extraordinary
,
temporary
,
or
standing
;
for
Peace
or
War
,
for
to
deal
with
forriegn
States
.
Such
are
all
Dictatours
,
Viceroyes
,
Regents
,
Treasurers
,
Counsellours
,
Judges
,
Sheriffs
,
Constables
,
Captains
and
Commanders
by
sea
or
land
,
in
time
of
Peace
or
Warre
.
To
these
may
be
referred
Heralds
,
Ambassadours
,
publick
Agents
,
with
the
rest
,
which
shall
be
mentioned
in
the
second
Book
of
this
Treatise
.
And
because
he
is
no
Officer
,
which
hath
not
some
publick
power
,
and
this
he
cannot
have
of
and
from
himself
,
therefore
all
Officers
are
made
such
by
the
Soveraign
;
who
by
granting
Commissions
,
and
other
wayes
derives
their
power
unto
them
.
And
as
he
gives
them
power
,
so
he
may
remove
them
,
and
revoke
their
power
,
or
translate
them
,
or
call
them
to
account
.
To
chuse
,
nominate
,
propose
them
,
may
be
an
act
of
the
people
or
some
of
them
,
yet
to
constitute
them
and
give
them
their
political
being
,
is
an
act
of
Majestie
,
either
mediate
or
immediate
.
And
because
the
personal
Soveraign
and
his
Officers
cannot
do
their
duty
and
discharge
their
places
without
sufficient
maintenance
,
therefore
in
this
respect
,
there
is
a
right
to
command
the
purse
.
For
,
as
they
say
,
he
that
bears
the
sword
,
must
have
the
purse
.
And
,
if
there
be
not
a
sufficient
standing
Revenue
and
Treasury
determined
in
the
constitution
,
the
Soveraign
must
have
a
power
to
raise
monies
to
defray
the
publick
necessary
charges
.
Hence
,
that
Vniversale
&
eminens
dominium
of
Majesty
in
every
State
,
so
much
mentioned
in
the
Authors
of
Politicks
.
The
reason
of
this
is
clear
in
the
very
light
of
nature
,
that
the
people
maintain
their
Governours
,
because
the
benefit
of
the
Government
redounds
unto
them
,
according
to
that
of
the
Apostle
,
For
this
cause
pay
you
tribute
also
,
for
they
are
Gods
Ministers
,
attending
continually
upon
this
very
thing
.
Render
therefore
to
all
their
dues
,
tribute
to
whom
tribute
is
due
,
custom
to
whom
custom
,
Rom.
13.6
,
7.
It
's
true
,
that
Soveraigns
may
have
their
private
purse
:
therefore
some
distinguish
,
inter
aerarium
&
fiscum
.
Aerarium
is
the
publick
Treasury
,
which
is
maintained
by
Tribute
,
Custom
and
other
Impositions
:
and
this
is
to
be
raised
and
disposed
of
by
the
supream
for
the
preservation
of
the
publick
.
Fiscus
,
as
some
tell
,
is
the
Soveraigns
private
purse
,
whereof
he
may
dispose
at
will
and
pleasure
.
This
publick
propriety
presupposeth
every
mans
several
propriety
,
and
no
wayes
prejudice
it
.
This
right
is
reckoned
by
some
amongst
the
lesser
Prerogatives
,
but
there
can
be
no
minora
Jura
Majestatis
in
proper
sense
.
For
,
because
Majestas
is
Maxima
potestas
,
therefore
all
the
essential
parts
and
rights
are
so
too
.
section
13
The
last
is
the
Power
of
Jurisdiction
,
whereby
Justice
is
administred
:
and
it
's
over
all
persons
in
all
causes
both
Military
,
Civil
,
and
Ecclesiastical
,
so
far
as
they
fall
under
the
Soveraigns
cognisance
.
Under
this
Head
I
comprehend
,
not
only
the
power
of
those
acts
of
Judgement
,
more
strictly
so
called
,
as
Convention
,
Discussion
,
Decision
of
the
cause
upon
evidence
of
the
merit
or
demerit
,
but
the
Execution
.
To
which
last
,
may
be
referred
all
penalties
as
well
capital
as
not
capital
,
with
Dispensations
in
Judgement
,
suspension
of
Execution
,
pardons
.
To
this
of
Jurisdiction
also
belongs
all
reservations
of
certain
causes
:
the
receiving
last
appeals
,
the
final
determinations
,
and
irrevocable
sentences
.
By
vertue
of
this
Power
,
Commissions
for
judicial
proceedings
,
Courts
,
the
order
of
trial
from
first
to
last
,
all
calling
of
Assemblies
general
and
provincial
,
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
,
are
determined
.
From
all
this
it
's
evident
,
that
all
Jurae
Majestatis
may
be
reduced
to
the
Legislative
,
Judicial
,
and
Executive
Power
,
if
we
understand
Judicial
,
and
Executive
in
a
larger
sense
,
than
they
are
commonly
taken
.
And
here
it
's
to
be
noted
,
that
Majesty
Real
is
before
and
above
all
Majesty
personal
.
And
by
personal
Majesty
or
personal
Soveraign
,
I
do
not
mean
only
one
single
▪
person
as
a
Monarch
,
but
all
Aristocratical
and
Polyarchical
Soveraigns
,
who
are
many
Physically
,
but
considered
as
one
person
morally
,
as
joyntly
invested
with
one
Power
Soveraign
.
section
14
Thus
far
concerning
the
nature
of
Majesty
,
after
which
follow
some
Epithets
given
to
Majesty
by
Authors
,
Properties
of
Majesty
.
to
signifie
the
properties
thereof
.
These
are
either
included
in
the
essence
,
or
flow
from
it
.
For
1.
It
's
absolute
and
so
Arbitrary
,
Absolute
,
soluta
legibus
.
It
cannot
be
bound
by
any
Lawes
,
nor
judged
,
because
the
Soveraign
is
the
Lawgiver
himself
,
and
the
Fountain
of
Jurisdiction
.
He
may
bind
himself
by
Oath
to
govern
,
and
judge
according
to
the
Lawes
,
not
to
be
governed
or
judged
by
the
Lawes
.
Yet
no
Soveraign
personal
is
free
from
the
Obligation
of
the
natural
and
positive
Lawes
of
God
in
force
:
and
how
far
he
is
inferiour
to
the
real
Soveraign
,
who
is
subject
to
the
same
Lawes
;
I
will
not
here
discuss
.
2.
It
's
universal
,
not
only
in
respect
of
all
acts
of
Government
,
but
of
all
persons
within
that
Territory
.
For
it
must
be
coadequate
to
the
whole
body
,
which
it
must
act
and
animate
,
it
's
neither
greater
nor
less
.
No
persons
,
things
or
actions
within
,
can
be
exempted
from
this
Power
,
nor
can
it
extend
to
any
thing
,
person
,
action
without
,
but
per
Accidens
.
3.
It
s
supream
,
not
in
respect
of
God
,
nor
of
the
power
of
other
States
,
but
in
respect
of
the
power
of
Fathers
,
Masters
,
Officers
,
Corporations
,
and
Societies
within
every
several
State.
For
by
vertue
of
Majesty
it
is
that
Soveraigns
are
equal
in
respect
of
themselves
,
superiours
in
respect
of
their
Subjects
;
and
inferiours
unto
God
,
whose
servants
and
subjects
they
are
,
trusted
with
a
particle
of
his
power
,
and
accountable
unto
him
.
4.
It
's
Independent
(
yet
not
in
respect
of
God
)
upon
whom
all
Soveraigns
do
not
only
chiefly
but
wholly
depend
,
but
in
respect
of
all
subordinate
Powers
within
,
but
coadequate
to
them
without
.
For
all
power
civil
within
the
Territory
is
derived
from
Majesty
.
Fiduciary
Princes
therefore
as
such
are
not
Soveraigns
,
though
they
may
have
the
title
of
Soveraignty
;
yet
a
Soveraign
may
be
fiduciary
for
some
part
of
a
Country
within
,
and
part
of
the
Dominions
of
another
Soveraign
.
Neither
can
the
chief
Magistrate
of
a
Commonwealth
,
trusted
at
certain
times
with
the
general
exercise
of
the
Power
be
such
.
Protection
and
Vassalage
are
conceived
by
some
not
to
destroy
Independency
,
neither
doth
confederation
.
For
though
the
League
between
several
States
,
as
in
Switzerland
,
and
the
united
Netherlands
Provinces
may
be
strict
,
and
Commissioners
may
be
made
and
trusted
with
great
power
in
things
,
which
concern
the
several
States
jointly
(
such
the
states-General
of
the
Low-Countries
be
)
yet
this
is
thought
to
be
no
diminution
of
Majesty
.
For
it
remains
entire
in
the
several
Republicks
:
5.
It
s
indivisible
,
for
though
it
hath
several
branches
,
which
may
be
distinguished
,
yet
they
cannot
be
separated
.
For
if
you
take
away
but
one
,
much
more
if
you
take
away
more
,
you
make
it
imperfect
and
essentially
defective
,
and
insufficient
to
Govern
.
For
as
in
Philosophy
,
Essentia
est
indivisibilis
:
so
in
Politicks
,
Majestas
est
indivisibilis
&
sic
Majestatis
Jura
sunt
inseparabilia
.
As
these
Rights
are
indivisible
in
respect
of
themselves
,
so
they
are
in
respect
of
the
Subject
.
For
divide
and
separate
some
of
them
,
even
but
one
from
the
Soveraign
,
he
is
an
imperfect
Soveraign
,
take
away
all
he
ceaseth
to
be
a
Soveraign
.
Again
the
Subject
of
Majesty
and
of
all
the
rights
and
parts
thereof
must
be
only
one
,
either
Physically
or
Morally
:
If
you
divide
the
Subject
,
you
destroy
them
.
For
if
in
this
Common-wealth
we
give
part
of
these
to
the
King
,
part
to
the
Peers
,
part
to
the
Commons
,
we
make
it
a
Babel
,
and
destructive
of
it self
.
For
,
suppose
the
King
have
the
Militia
to
himself
,
he
may
command
the
Purse
,
make
void
the
Laws
,
revoke
Judgments
,
reject
Parliaments
,
and
none
can
hinder
him
,
because
neither
Peers
nor
Commons
have
any
right
to
the
Sword
whereby
to
defend
themselves
.
Therefore
little
heed
is
to
be
given
to
that
Book
,
or
bitter
Invective
entitled
,
Elenchus
motuum
nuperorum
,
which
informs
from
the
Lawyers
,
if
we
may
believe
him
,
that
these
Soveraign
Rights
were
thus
divided
.
6.
From
this
,
that
it
's
Indivisible
follows
it
,
that
it
's
incommunicable
.
For
to
whomsoever
they
are
,
communicated
,
they
cease
to
be
Subjects
,
and
the
Soveraign
to
be
a
compleat
Soveraign
,
and
this
Communication
tends
to
the
dissolution
of
the
Government
.
7.
It
's
perpetual
,
that
is
,
fixed
in
a
certain
subject
,
to
continue
in
the
same
according
to
the
fundamental
Laws
of
Constitution
.
Therefore
the
Temporary
or
occasional
power
,
though
very
great
of
a
Dictatour
,
or
Regent
,
or
Protectour
,
who
are
but
trusted
with
it
for
a
time
in
extraordinary
cases
,
and
upon
occasion
,
cannot
be
Majesty
when
there
is
an
Interregnum
,
or
suspension
of
the
Government
,
by
reason
of
Sedition
,
Faction
,
Rebellion
,
Civil
War
,
or
some
other
cause
,
it
's
good
and
expedient
for
the
safety
of
a
State
,
to
set
up
some
extraordinary
Governour
or
Governours
,
trusted
for
a
time
with
transcendent
Power
,
till
the
State
disturbed
and
not
capable
of
any
Union
be
setled
,
which
done
,
that
Power
doth
cease
,
and
Majesty
is
fixed
in
his
proper
,
primary
,
and
constant
subject
,
that
the
Government
may
run
in
the
old
Channel
,
except
they
intend
to
make
an
alteration
of
the
Constitution
.
section
15
There
is
another
kind
of
personal
Majesty
inferiour
to
and
different
from
the
former
.
We
find
it
in
some
Princes
of
Europe
,
as
in
the
Emperour
of
Germany
,
the
Kings
of
Denmark
,
Sweden
,
Poland
,
and
England
.
For
our
Kings
had
not
only
the
title
of
Majesty
,
but
some
power
with
the
title
.
For
in
the
intervals
of
Parliament
,
he
was
Soveraign
alone
,
and
all
and
every
one
,
yea
the
greatest
were
his
subjects
.
He
called
and
summoned
Parliaments
,
made
all
Officers
by
sea
and
land
,
sent
and
received
Ambassadours
,
conferred
all
Honours
,
the
subjects
sware
Allegiance
to
him
.
His
Dignity
was
eminent
,
his
State
great
,
and
so
many
advantages
he
had
,
that
if
he
should
have
used
them
all
,
he
might
easily
have
undone
his
subjects
,
and
so
have
undone
himself
.
Yet
he
had
not
the
power
of
the
purse
:
He
was
sworn
to
corroborate
the
just
Laws
and
Customs
,
which
the
people
had
chosen
.
In
the
Parliament
he
made
a
third
party
,
yet
so
,
that
neither
in
acts
of
Lawes
or
Judgement
,
could
he
do
any
thing
without
the
Peers
and
Commons
,
and
as
Sir
Roger
Owen
in
his
Manuscript
observes
together
with
them
,
he
was
greater
than
himself
.
Yet
,
as
Kings
have
sometimes
curbed
Parliaments
,
so
Parliaments
have
Kings
,
and
disposed
of
the
Militia
,
the
Navy
,
the
Ports
,
the
chief
Offices
;
Nay
,
they
have
sometimes
judged
Kings
,
accusing
them
of
acting
against
the
fundamental
Constitution
,
and
challenging
such
Power
as
tended
to
the
dissolution
of
the
same
,
and
have
deposed
them
.
But
of
this
particular
something
may
be
said
hereafter
;
these
kinds
of
Soveraigns
have
so
much
power
,
whether
more
or
less
as
the
Constitution
gives
them
,
yet
it
will
be
a
difficult
thing
to
keep
them
within
their
bounds
.
CHAP.
V.
Of
the
manner
how
Civil
Power
is
acquired
.
WHat
the
Nature
of
Power
in
general
,
and
Majesty
Civil
is
,
hath
been
declared
.
The
next
thing
to
be
considered
,
is
the
Subject
,
who
from
it
is
denominated
a
Soveraign
,
and
we
must
enquire
first
,
how
this
Power
is
acquired
.
2.
How
disposed
in
a
certain
Subject
.
As
for
the
acquisition
it
's
certain
,
Man
as
Man
,
or
as
a
Member
of
a
Community
,
cannot
have
it
from
himself
,
but
it
must
be
communicated
to
him
from
God
,
who
being
the
Universal
Soveraign
,
is
the
Fountain
and
Original
of
it
,
and
derives
some
part
of
it
unto
Man
,
and
a
greater
measure
unto
Mortal
Soveraigns
than
other
Men.
Yet
he
doth
not
this
immediately
,
but
mediately
for
the
most
part
.
It
's
extrinsecal
,
and
comes
aliunde
,
not
only
unto
Men
but
Angels
.
A
Paternal
Power
,
which
is
more
Natural
,
is
acquired
by
Generation
,
though
sometimes
by
Adoption
.
This
Generation
from
divine
Benediction
is
the
seminary
of
all
Societies
,
which
as
Societies
and
Communities
may
be
so
disposed
and
compleat
,
as
virtually
to
contain
in
them
a
Power
of
a
Common-wealth
,
and
by
a
general
consent
constitute
an
actual
Soveraign
.
The
Soveraign
before
he
was
made
such
was
not
invested
with
Majesty
,
but
it
was
extrinsecal
unto
him
.
And
here
that
distinction
between
the
Power
it self
,
the
Designation
of
the
Persons
Governing
,
and
the
Form
of
Government
is
worthy
taking
notice
of
.
The
Designation
of
the
Persons
,
and
the
Form
of
Government
is
from
God
,
leaving
Man
at
Liberty
,
but
not
so
the
Power
,
which
is
more
from
him
than
the
other
two
.
Though
the
parties
justly
possessed
of
power
may
be
thought
to
have
the
propriety
of
it
,
yet
they
have
not
any
:
for
let
it
be
never
so
firmly
conveyed
upon
them
by
designation
and
submission
,
yet
they
are
but
trusted
with
it
.
Princes
tell
us
they
hold
their
Crowns
and
Kingdoms
per
Deum
&
Gladium
.
If
they
mean
that
they
derive
their
power
from
God
,
so
as
that
they
neither
receive
,
nor
hold
it
from
the
Bishops
of
Rome
,
or
the
Emperour
,
or
any
other
Mortals
;
it
may
be
true
;
yet
they
have
their
power
so
from
God
,
that
they
are
invested
with
it
by
Humane
Designation
.
And
as
for
their
Sword
,
it
may
by
a
Conquest
make
way
for
a
Government
,
but
it
cannot
constitute
it
.
The
fundamental
Charter
of
all
Civil
Majesty
,
Fundamental
Charter
of
Civil
Majesty
.
is
the
fifth
Commandment
,
taken
in
a
large
sence
,
and
understood
by
other
Scriptures
,
which
speak
more
expresly
and
distinctly
of
Civil
Government
.
In
this
Commandment
including
much
more
by
Analogy
than
is
expressed
,
we
may
observe
,
that
there
is
a
power
of
Superiority
and
Excellency
,
as
in
Fathers
,
so
in
the
Princes
and
Rulers
of
the
World
,
and
that
from
God
,
who
made
them
Men
,
Fathers
,
Princes
.
2.
That
all
Government
should
be
Paternal
.
Not
that
the
first-born
of
the
most
ancient
Family
in
every
Tribe
,
Kinred
,
Nation
,
should
be
a
Soveraign
;
for
that
we
seldom
find
,
but
that
they
should
as
Fathers
love
their
Subjects
,
and
seek
their
Good
,
and
tender
them
as
Fathers
do
their
Children
.
3.
That
by
virtue
of
Gods
Command
,
so
soon
as
they
are
actually
Governours
,
Honour
and
Subjection
are
due
unto
them
.
4.
That
all
Vicinities
,
as
far
as
they
are
able
,
ought
first
to
associate
,
and
then
establish
an
order
of
Government
,
and
observe
it
,
that
their
days
may
be
long
in
the
Land
,
wherein
God
hath
placed
them
,
and
that
it
may
go
well
with
them
.
section
2
But
to
return
to
the
acquisition
of
Power
,
the
designation
of
Persons
,
Power
how
got
.
as
it
is
from
Man
,
so
it
is
from
God
,
who
ruleth
in
the
Kingdoms
of
the
World
,
and
sets
up
one
,
and
puts
down
another
,
so
that
this
Power
may
be
communicated
from
him
,
and
so
acquired
by
Man
,
that
it
may
be
taken
away
,
and
lost
again
.
The
Method
of
the
Discourse
following
is
this
,
Majestas
.
-
acquiritur
-
juste
&
modo
-
extraordinario
&
divina
designatione
.
-
ordinario
&
-
inchoitur
quae
it
continuatur
succesione
per
electionem
vel
-
libera
,
election●
vi
&
armis
.
indeterminat●m
-
astrictam
familiae
ubi
-
mares
tantum
-
jure
quasi
hereditario
,
quast
jure
succedant
.
-
foemina
quoque
-
jure
quasi
hereditario
,
quast
jure
succedant
.
-
injuste
usurpata
vel
-
dolo
malo
,
-
pecuniae
,
-
homicidio
-
alio
modo
-
Amittitur
modo
-
ordinato
-
naturaliter
-
morte
imperantis
.
-
defectu
successionis
.
-
moraeliter
-
voluntaria
imperantis
-
resignatione
.
-
desertione
.
-
violenta
invasione
vel
ab
-
intra
.
-
extra
.
-
inordinato
-
injusta
dissolatione
-
mala
administratione
,
eujus
summus
grad●s
Tyrannus
.
1.
Acquiritur
justo
modo
extraordinario
ut
divina
designatione
&
unctione
.
Power
may
first
be
acquired
,
and
that
several
ways
,
Justly
got
extraordinary
.
as
justly
or
unjustly
,
in
an
extraordinary
or
ordinary
manner
.
This
extraordinary
way
,
and
more
immediate
from
God
we
find
in
Scripture
.
For
thus
Moses
,
Joshua
,
many
of
the
Judges
,
Saul
,
David
,
Jeroboam
,
Jehu
,
were
designed
to
their
places
of
Government
Some
of
those
,
as
Saul
,
David
,
Jehu
,
were
anointed
by
Gods
appointment
,
and
the
Scepter
entailed
upon
David's
Family
in
the
Kingdom
of
Judah
.
Yet
two
things
are
remarkable
in
the
designation
of
Saul
and
David
.
1.
That
after
the
Divine
Unction
the
People
assemble
,
and
in
a
general
Assembly
by
their
Votes
,
freely
chose
them
,
and
voluntarily
submit
,
and
without
Election
they
could
not
actually
and
effectually
Reign
.
This
doth
signify
that
there
can
be
no
orderly
or
lasting
Government
without
consent
,
tacit
or
express
of
the
People
:
For
Men
must
be
Governed
as
rational
and
free
,
for
such
they
are
as
Men.
This
was
the
manner
of
investing
the
Kings
of
England
.
For
at
the
Coronation
,
amongst
other
things
,
this
is
done
:
The
King
being
before
them
,
one
doth
ask
the
People
,
Will
you
have
this
Man
to
be
King
,
or
Reign
over
you
?
This
is
more
fully
expressed
in
the
Form
of
Coronation
,
which
at
present
I
have
not
by
me
,
and
doth
signifie
,
that
they
should
have
the
voluntary
consent
of
the
People
.
2.
That
if
we
may
believe
Fortescue
,
the
Kings
of
England
had
not
Regiam
potestatem
,
sed
politicam
a
populo
effluxam
.
3.
That
they
did
not
derive
that
Power
from
the
first
Investiture
as
Hereditary
,
but
in
another
way
.
The
second
thing
to
be
noted
is
,
How
Kings
must
govern
.
That
those
Kings
thus
designed
of
God
,
were
bound
to
govern
according
to
the
moral
,
judicial
,
ceremonial
Laws
of
God.
This
implies
that
no
Princes
should
govern
by
an
arbitrary
Power
,
but
according
to
Laws
,
and
them
so
wise
,
so
just
,
as
that
they
may
be
truly
said
,
to
be
rather
the
Laws
of
God
than
of
Men.
Acquiritur
modo
ordinario
inchoative
in
constitutione
per
—
liberam
electionem
,
vim
armorum
ex
causa
justa
.
section
3
God
doth
seldom
use
this
extraordinary
and
more
immediate
designation
;
Ordinarily
.
for
his
usual
way
is
by
ordinary
providence
,
and
that
first
in
the
beginning
and
Constitution
of
a
Government
,
the
Foundation
whereof
may
be
laid
in
Peace
or
War
.
In
Peace
,
By
Election
.
power
is
acquired
by
a
free
election
of
a
Sovereign
,
and
singling
out
some
person
or
persons
,
to
whom
they
will
submit
themselves
.
Sometimes
it
is
determined
,
that
all
jointly
should
be
Sovereign
,
and
every
single
person
a
subject
.
This
is
the
best
,
Best
Government
.
most
just
,
and
the
wisest
way
,
and
most
agreeable
to
man
,
as
a
rational
Creature
.
The
parties
,
whether
one
or
more
,
before
their
designation
had
no
civil
power
at
all
,
but
upon
the
designation
,
when
they
are
once
agreed
upon
,
declared
and
submitted
unto
,
they
must
by
divine
institution
of
necessity
have
so
much
power
as
is
necessary
for
the
Government
,
and
general
good
of
the
People
.
This
Power
which
is
now
acquired
,
is
Majestas
,
and
is
more
from
God
than
Man
;
because
it
is
a
Power
to
do
such
things
as
God
commands
,
or
such
as
are
not
contrary
to
his
Will
.
In
the
first
modelling
of
a
State
,
they
may
either
compose
one
of
their
own
invention
,
or
take
example
from
some
other
Common-wealth
,
and
take
the
whole
or
some
part
and
make
it
their
own
.
Thus
the
foundation
of
the
Roman
State
was
first
laid
by
Romulus
,
who
in
this
work
followed
the
Greeks
in
many
things
,
as
Halicarnassaeus
tells
us
,
Antiq.
Rom.
lib.
2.
In
this
case
,
whatsoever
kind
of
State
is
constituted
,
there
must
be
some
invested
with
Majesty
personal
,
which
by
the
free
Election
,
and
voluntary
Submission
of
the
parties
who
are
free
,
and
have
power
to
make
this
Election
and
Submission
,
it
is
communicated
,
and
so
acquired
.
But
if
upon
a
Victory
obtained
by
a
just
and
necessary
War
,
By
Conquest
.
a
people
is
reduced
under
the
power
of
the
party
conquering
,
and
they
upon
certain
terms
submit
,
the
power
is
acquired
by
the
Sword
,
and
their
voluntary
Submission
,
which
they
would
not
have
made
,
if
they
had
not
been
Conquered
.
And
they
who
formerly
were
a
free
people
,
and
would
have
chosen
another
,
or
continued
under
their
own
personal
Sovereign
,
if
before
the
War
they
were
under
a
form
of
Government
,
do
submit
,
because
neither
they
nor
their
Sovereign
can
protect
them
.
And
if
they
be
brought
so
low
that
they
must
either
subject
themselves
or
do
worse
,
or
perish
,
they
willingly
come
under
the
protection
of
the
Conqueror
,
if
he
be
willing
to
protect
them
,
and
take
them
as
his
Subjects
:
Majesty
acquired
in
this
manner
for
the
most
part
,
is
more
despotical
and
absolute
.
And
that
Princes
are
divested
of
Majesty
and
People
of
Liberty
,
and
fall
under
the
power
of
Strangers
,
it
's
from
the
just
Judgment
of
God
,
punishing
them
for
their
Crimes
.
And
this
is
a
most
common
title
of
most
Sovereigns
in
the
World.
Yet
it
may
be
said
,
that
the
inward
motives
of
the
Conquerors
of
the
Earth
are
Ambition
,
or
Covetousness
,
or
Cruelty
,
therefore
this
kind
of
Title
is
not
good
.
The
answer
is
,
That
,
in
respect
of
any
one
,
or
more
of
all
these
motives
it
's
unjust
.
Yet
,
if
we
consider
this
Title
,
as
given
by
God
,
in
making
them
Victorious
,
and
rewarding
them
for
the
execution
of
Justice
,
which
they
seldom
think
upon
,
and
also
the
consent
of
the
people
and
their
submission
,
When
they
can
do
no
better
,
it
's
certainly
just
;
What
strange
Instincts
from
Heaven
,
what
Commands
from
God
,
what
suggestions
from
Angels
or
God's
Messengers
,
or
Prophets
,
Conquerors
might
have
,
we
know
not
.
Jehu
was
anointed
and
designed
by
God
to
cut
off
Ahab's
Family
,
and
had
a
promise
afterward
.
Judah
also
and
many
Nations
were
perswaded
,
and
in
some
sort
commanded
by
the
Prophet
Jeremy
,
as
sent
from
God
,
to
submit
unto
the
King
of
Babylon
,
and
come
under
his
protection
.
section
Majestas
continuatur
successione
per
electionem
-
liberam
&
indeterminatam
-
astrictam
familiae
ubi
-
mares
solum
foeminae
quoque
-
jure
quasi
haereditario
succedant
.
After
a
Title
is
once
established
by
the
Fundamental
Charter
,
and
the
first
investiture
,
care
is
taken
how
this
Title
may
be
continued
,
that
so
not
only
the
present
,
but
the
future
Sovereign
and
subject
of
personal
Majesty
may
be
determined
,
and
not
only
the
State
,
but
the
Sovereign
thereof
may
become
perpetual
and
immortal
.
This
can
no
ways
be
done
but
by
Succession
,
and
this
depends
upon
Election
at
least
of
the
first
Constitutors
of
the
State
,
which
determines
the
successive
Sovereigns
to
acquire
their
Title
by
Election
,
or
Birth
,
or
both
.
If
by
Election
only
,
that
many
times
is
left
free
to
the
Electors
,
to
chuse
out
of
what
Family
or
Country
they
please
.
Thus
the
Roman
and
also
the
German
Emperors
and
the
Kings
of
Poland
,
acquire
and
receive
their
Power
.
Sometimes
the
Election
is
confined
to
a
Family
or
Line
.
In
this
respect
the
Title
is
said
to
be
Hereditary
,
which
is
not
to
be
understood
,
as
though
the
personal
Sovereigns
were
absolute
proprietaries
of
the
Crown
,
or
had
power
of
alienation
;
but
because
they
are
like
those
,
who
in
civil
Law
are
called
,
Haeredes
sui
,
Heirs
natural
,
by
Law
and
Birth
,
who
succeed
into
,
and
by
Birth
acquire
the
right
which
their
Predecessors
justly
had
.
This
Succession
is
sometimes
tyed
to
the
Males
,
as
in
France
;
sometimes
is
indifferent
to
Male
or
Female
Children
.
Thus
it
is
in
England
,
where
the
Kings
and
Queens
are
said
to
have
their
Heirs
:
which
,
if
we
may
believe
the
great
Lawyer
Sir
Edward
Coke
upon
Magna
Charta
,
are
nothing
but
the
Successors
:
For
Heirs
,
saith
he
,
are
Successors
:
Yet
surely
he
means
Successors
not
only
by
Election
,
but
Blood.
In
this
kind
of
Succession
,
sometimes
the
present
Sovereigns
,
if
they
have
Children
,
may
determine
and
declare
,
which
of
them
shall
succeed
them
.
Thus
David
chose
Solomon
.
Sometimes
it
's
otherwise
,
because
by
the
Constitution
it
's
entailed
upon
the
first-born
or
next
of
Blood.
This
seems
to
be
the
ancient
right
and
custom
of
this
Nation
.
This
may
be
the
reason
,
why
King
Henry
VIII
.
though
he
took
upon
him
much
of
an
absolute
Prince
,
would
not
presume
of
himself
to
define
his
Successor
,
but
desires
an
act
to
be
made
in
Parliament
for
to
enable
him
by
Will
to
dispose
of
the
Crown
.
Yet
such
an
act
could
not
make
void
the
Election
used
at
the
Coronation
,
which
hath
something
of
the
Constitution
in
it
,
though
it
was
made
a
meer
formality
.
section
5
Injuste
usurpata
-
dolo
malo
,
-
pecunia
,
-
homicidio
,
-
alio
modo
.
As
Power
may
be
justly
so
it
may
be
unjustly
acquired
,
and
this
is
usually
called
Usurpation
,
Vsurpation
.
which
is
the
taking
and
keeping
possession
of
that
which
is
not
our
own
,
or
which
we
have
no
Right
unto
.
It
's
true
,
that
in
Civil
Law
it
's
defined
to
be
praepossessio
juris
controversi
.
Yet
in
this
manner
of
Usurpation
,
that
Right
is
seldom
doubtful
,
but
for
the
most
part
clear
enough
.
The
Power
is
always
good
,
because
from
God
,
and
the
act
thereof
,
which
is
Government
,
is
good
;
yet
the
manner
of
acquiring
may
be
bad
.
And
it
's
observable
,
that
many
who
have
ill
acquired
,
have
well
used
their
Power
.
It
's
generally
held
,
That
usurped
Right
and
Power
is
no
Right
or
Power
,
because
it
's
not
in
his
proper
subject
.
Therefore
it
's
conceived
,
that
Tyrannus
in
titulo
(
such
every
Usurper
is
said
to
be
)
cannot
command
and
bind
the
people
,
nor
do
any
acts
of
Government
which
is
valid
,
and
may
justly
be
removed
before
the
people
acknowledge
him
,
or
swear
fealty
to
him
.
And
many
think
it
unlawful
to
submit
unto
,
or
act
under
an
usurped
Power
.
Sometimes
it
may
be
so
,
yet
there
are
cases
,
when
we
may
,
nay
we
must
submit
and
act
too
.
If
Christians
under
the
Heathen
Emperors
had
stood
upon
such
terms
as
some
do
in
our
days
,
their
condition
had
been
far
worse
than
it
was
.
For
,
though
they
liked
not
Usurpation
,
and
the
cursed
means
whereby
many
acquired
their
power
,
yet
this
was
their
principle
;
Non
multum
interest
sub
quorum
imperio
vivit
homo
cito
moriturus
,
si
qui
imperant
ad
impia
vel
iniqua
nos
non
cogant
,
Aust.
de
L.D.
Blood
,
Bribery
,
Treason
,
Rebellion
,
unjust
Invasions
,
they
abhorred
as
abominable
,
and
detested
them
as
unfit
means
to
ascend
an
Imperial
Throne
.
Yet
it
was
not
in
their
power
to
dispossess
them
once
possessed
,
and
to
establish
better
.
They
knew
God
had
reserved
this
unto
himself
.
Neither
did
they
think
that
by
submitting
unto
their
power
,
though
unjustly
gotten
,
yet
justly
exercised
,
that
they
were
guilty
of
their
sinful
and
unjust
manner
of
Usurpation
.
Concerning
this
unjust
Acquisition
of
personal
Majesty
,
many
things
may
be
observed
:
1.
There
are
few
titles
now
,
especially
such
as
are
successive
in
a
Line
,
which
did
not
at
first
begin
in
Usurpation
.
2.
That
the
power
it self
with
the
just
exercise
thereof
,
is
a
different
thing
from
the
manner
of
acquiring
it
.
3.
That
one
that
hath
the
right
in
reversion
may
unjustly
prepossess
it
:
and
with
us
,
as
the
Lawyer
tells
us
,
if
the
Heir
apparent
by
murther
or
some
other
way
remove
the
present
just
Soveraign
;
yet
so
soon
as
he
is
possessed
of
the
Crown
,
he
cannot
be
questioned
,
and
indemnity
presently
follows
upon
the
possession
.
Richard
the
Third
is
called
an
usurper
,
and
was
so
at
the
first
;
yet
his
Laws
and
Judgments
,
and
other
Acts
of
Government
were
,
and
are
judged
valid
,
after
the
Parliaments
received
him
.
Henry
VII
.
cannot
be
acquitted
from
usurpation
till
the
Parliament
acknowledged
him
.
Neither
his
Victory
nor
Marriage
with
the
right
Heir
could
give
him
a
good
Title
:
though
this
might
conduce
to
his
quiet
possession
:
He
did
never
stand
upon
that
Marriage
as
the
foundation
of
his
right
unto
the
Crown
;
for
he
knew
well
enough
,
that
if
that
had
been
his
best
and
only
Title
,
that
though
it
might
make
the
Power
good
unto
his
Children
,
yet
while
she
was
living
he
must
hold
the
Crown
in
her
Right
,
not
in
his
own
,
and
if
she
died
before
him
,
it
was
lost
.
4.
Many
Princes
have
invented
Oaths
for
to
secure
not
only
the
form
of
Government
,
but
the
Crown
unto
their
own
Posterity
and
Family
.
And
here
it
is
to
be
considered
,
whether
these
Oaths
do
not
necessarily
presuppose
an
higher
Obligation
of
fidelity
,
not
only
unto
God
,
but
their
own
native
Country
,
to
which
they
are
bound
to
be
faithful
under
any
form
of
Government
or
personal
Sovereign
whatsoever
.
If
their
present
Allegiance
cannot
stand
with
the
universal
good
,
it
's
surely
unlawful
and
unjust
.
For
the
good
of
the
whole
is
to
be
preferred
before
the
good
of
a
part
:
and
we
are
bound
to
love
the
whole
body
of
the
Community
more
than
any
Family
,
or
some
particular
persons
.
Again
,
it
may
prove
sometimes
impossible
to
be
actually
faithful
and
perform
our
Oaths
,
either
to
the
persons
to
whom
they
are
taken
,
or
their
heirs
and
successors
,
and
then
it
will
be
unreasonable
.
5.
We
must
distinguish
between
the
humane
positive
Laws
and
Constitutions
,
and
the
Laws
and
Rules
of
divine
Providence
;
for
that
may
be
usurpation
in
respect
of
the
former
,
which
is
a
just
possession
in
respect
of
the
latter
.
6.
As
for
removing
an
Usurper
,
or
refusing
to
submit
unto
him
,
or
act
under
him
,
we
must
consider
,
1.
How
far
God
hath
any
hand
in
dispossessing
one
and
giving
possession
to
another
,
least
we
be
found
to
resist
God.
2.
What
means
we
resolve
upon
to
remove
and
reject
the
Usurper
,
and
whether
the
Remedy
will
not
be
worse
than
the
Disease
.
3.
What
may
be
the
bad
and
miserable
consequences
of
this
refusal
of
submission
and
acting
:
yet
some
will
say
,
we
will
live
peaceably
and
not
meddle
,
neither
will
we
own
the
present
Power
nor
act
against
it
.
But
do
such
think
,
that
any
person
or
persons
,
who
have
the
Sword
in
their
hands
,
to
which
their
Lives
and
Estates
are
subject
,
will
suffer
men
within
the
bowels
of
the
State
to
be
Neuters
,
and
yet
give
them
protection
?
7.
Such
as
justly
acquire
their
power
at
the
first
may
be
the
greatest
Usurpers
,
because
they
will
challenge
more
power
,
than
either
God
will
,
or
man
can
give
:
or
more
than
by
Constitution
is
due
,
or
the
necessity
of
the
State
and
publick
good
require
.
8.
God
may
justly
give
to
Nebuchadnezzar
,
Alexander
,
that
power
,
which
they
did
unjustly
seek
,
and
this
for
reasons
best
known
unto
himself
;
as
for
executing
his
Judgments
upon
other
Nations
for
their
sins
:
when
he
hath
once
given
,
the
possession
continued
is
lawful
.
9.
It
's
an
heavy
Judgment
upon
a
people
,
when
the
title
to
personal
Majesty
is
doubtful
and
liable
to
usurpation
,
as
it
often
falls
out
upon
a
dissolution
:
civil
War
's
a
failure
of
succession
,
which
is
certain
and
clear
,
or
in
other
cases
.
And
happy
is
that
People
,
whose
Nobles
shall
be
of
themselves
,
and
their
Governours
shall
proceed
out
of
the
midst
of
them
,
Jer.
30.21
.
And
also
when
these
Governours
enter
quietly
,
according
to
the
Laws
of
God
and
the
just
constitution
of
men
.
Amittitur
modo
-
ordinato
-
naturali
-
section
6
morte
imperantis
,
-
defectu
successionis
,
-
morali
-
voluntaria
-
resignatione
-
desertione
,
-
violenta
invasione
.
As
Power
may
be
acquired
,
and
one
that
had
it
not
may
have
it
;
so
it
may
be
lost
,
and
he
that
was
possessed
of
it
may
be
dispossessed
.
For
,
it
's
no
inseparable
adjunct
to
any
person
or
persons
.
And
it's
Gods
will
it
should
be
so
.
Therefore
Crowns
and
Sceptres
with
Imperial
Power
,
cannot
be
so
entailed
,
or
any
ways
made
sure
by
any
constitutions
of
man
as
not
to
be
cut
off
from
any
Families
or
Persons
.
They
are
like
unto
Estates
,
which
for
want
of
Heirs
,
or
the
extinction
of
Families
,
or
some
other
ways
may
pass
to
strangers
.
It
may
be
lost
in
a
way
which
is
orderly
and
not
from
any
unjust
cause
.
And
that
first
naturally
upon
the
death
of
the
Sovereign
or
a
failure
of
Succession
.
For
all
Sovereigns
,
especially
personal
,
are
mortal
,
and
as
they
live
and
reign
so
they
die
and
lay
aside
their
Majesty
,
and
leave
it
unto
others
.
This
is
a
common
and
an
usual
way
.
And
let
no
man
take
up
a
Crown
but
with
a
purpose
to
lay
it
down
,
when
it
shall
please
God
to
require
it
:
only
the
Crown
of
Heavenly
Glory
shall
abide
upon
our
heads
for
ever
.
Death
it self
shall
never
be
able
to
shake
it
off
,
it
sits
too
close
.
Therefore
it
were
wisdom
for
to
aim
at
an
Eternal
Kingdom
;
for
that
's
God's
command
,
as
it
is
his
promise
to
give
it
to
them
that
seek
it
.
Ambition
is
base
and
far
below
the
excellency
of
that
noble
Creature
,
which
was
made
and
redeemed
for
eternity
.
Yet
there
is
old
catching
at
these
earthly
Crowns
,
which
are
a
bait
wherewith
the
most
noble
spirits
are
taken
.
This
was
Satan's
reserve
and
last
temptation
,
wherewith
he
thought
to
overcome
our
Saviour
.
As
persons
so
families
may
fail
,
and
the
supreme
Power
may
return
unto
a
Community
,
which
then
hath
liberty
either
to
alter
the
form
of
Government
,
or
if
they
retain
the
former
model
,
to
design
another
Sovereign
,
and
the
same
eligible
either
at
random
with
a
latitude
,
or
in
a
certain
Family
.
section
7
This
is
a
natural
way
of
losing
this
Power
,
though
always
directed
by
a
divine
special
Providence
.
There
is
another
way
,
and
the
same
moral
,
and
voluntary
,
as
by
-
Resignation
,
-
Desertion
.
For
in
some
cases
a
Sovereign
may
resign
his
power
to
another
even
in
his
life-time
.
Thus
Charles
the
fifth
,
resigned
his
hereditary
Dominions
unto
Philip
the
first
of
Spain
,
and
others
have
done
the
like
.
Some
desert
the
Charge
either
to
take
a
better
or
a
greater
,
as
the
Duke
of
Anjou
deserted
Poland
to
succeed
his
Brother
in
the
Kingdom
of
France
,
or
out
of
discontent
,
or
upon
some
other
cause
.
And
usually
in
a
vacancy
,
either
upon
the
Issue
failing
,
or
a
desertion
there
follows
a
competition
amongst
pretenders
.
For
as
they
say
,
no
man
that
hath
an
Estate
can
want
Heirs
:
so
in
this
case
there
will
be
pretenders
,
and
many
times
Competitors
.
Thus
it
fell
out
in
Portugal
upon
the
death
of
Sebastian
and
Henry
the
Cardinal
his
Uncle
.
For
Anthony's
Legitimation
could
do
him
little
good
,
his
Sword
was
not
long
enough
;
the
King
of
Spain's
was
.
Therefore
his
Title
,
though
not
the
best
,
was
yet
the
strongest
and
most
effectual
.
As
this
Power
may
be
lost
,
or
rather
voluntarily
laid
aside
,
so
it
may
be
violently
invaded
by
a
just
War
,
either
of
the
People
defending
themselves
,
Subjects
may
defend
their
Rights
.
and
their
Rights
unjustly
denied
them
or
taken
from
them
,
which
according
to
the
fundamental
Constitution
,
they
may
and
ought
to
maintain
even
against
a
personal
Sovereign
,
though
not
as
their
Sovereign
,
but
as
one
that
usurps
greater
Power
than
is
due
unto
him
,
and
doing
the
People
wrong
.
For
some
tell
us
,
that
is
no
Right
which
may
not
be
defended
.
The
final
issue
of
such
a
War
may
be
the
overthrow
of
the
Sovereign
and
his
Party
,
and
a
Deposing
of
him
,
or
a
rejection
,
or
death
,
with
the
Exclusion
of
his
Family
.
Whether
these
things
be
done
justly
or
no
,
must
be
known
by
the
Laws
of
God
written
or
natural
,
and
the
Law
of
the
Constitution
of
that
State
,
where
any
such
thing
is
done
.
Some
of
our
Barons
Wars
seem
to
be
reducible
to
this
case
:
as
likewise
the
late
difference
between
King
and
Parliament
,
and
the
civil
War
following
thereupon
.
Yet
even
in
that
difference
,
if
the
Lords
and
Commons
have
,
partem
imperii
,
and
participate
the
Power
jointly
with
the
King
,
then
they
seem
to
have
the
advantage
:
because
,
according
to
their
own
profession
,
the
War
being
undertaken
by
them
in
their
own
just
and
necessary
defence
,
and
ending
in
a
clear
Conquest
of
the
King
,
this
not
only
preserved
their
own
rights
,
but
if
we
may
believe
Grotius
,
and
the
case
be
as
he
puts
it
,
or
the
same
with
his
,
the
King
plainly
lost
his
right
.
Yet
if
it
was
a
War
between
Sovereign
and
Subject
as
such
,
it
was
a
Rebellion
on
the
Subjects
part
,
and
so
the
King
could
lose
no
right
.
But
the
War
was
said
to
be
,
as
some
express
it
,
between
the
King
and
Parliament
:
Yet
the
Parliament
declared
they
fought
for
King
and
Parliament
.
And
so
the
King
as
King
was
not
the
enemy
,
yet
it
fell
out
that
the
person
who
was
King
was
Conquered
and
confined
,
and
in
the
end
put
to
death
.
But
in
these
difficult
points
,
it
's
not
easie
either
to
have
true
and
perfect
information
,
or
if
we
had
,
to
meet
with
an
impartial
Judge
.
Sovereignty
may
be
taken
away
by
a
foreign
Invasion
,
upon
a
just
War
,
whether
Defensive
or
Offensive
.
For
,
if
the
unjust
party
be
conquered
,
the
right
of
Sovereignty
is
lost
,
and
this
is
an
usual
case
.
Amittitur
modo
inordinato
:
ut
-
section
8
dissolutione
,
-
mala
administratione
.
The
dissolution
of
a
State
,
must
needs
destroy
and
take
away
all
personal
Majesty
.
And
except
this
dissolution
be
from
a
mutual
consent
of
all
parties
,
Sovereign
and
Subject
,
for
to
erect
a
better
frame
;
it
must
needs
be
inordinate
or
disorderly
.
And
if
the
personal
Sovereign
be
the
cause
and
begin
this
dissolution
without
just
reason
,
he
must
needs
forfeit
.
What
destroys
Personal
Majesty
.
For
whosoever
holds
any
power
from
the
Constitution
,
and
yet
acts
against
it
,
he
must
needs
lose
.
And
if
he
once
lose
his
power
,
and
through
his
own
default
,
his
Subjects
are
freed
from
their
Allegiance
.
This
was
the
reason
why
the
Parliament
passed
so
high
a
judgment
upon
the
King.
For
,
upon
his
withdrawing
from
Parliament
,
refusing
to
return
,
and
setting
up
his
Standard
,
both
the
Houses
proceeded
jointly
together
in
adjudging
it
Treason
against
the
State
,
or
Kingdom
,
in
deserting
his
Parliament
,
betraying
his
Trust
and
People
,
setting
up
his
Standard
,
and
levying
War
against
the
Parliament
and
Kingdom
;
that
is
,
against
his
own
Peace
,
Crown
and
Dignity
.
Thus
the
Author
of
the
rights
of
the
Kingdom
.
This
he
takes
to
be
a
peremptory
sentence
,
and
that
the
latter
General
's
Commission
for
to
take
the
King
was
a
strong
Capias
ut
legatum
.
These
things
are
out
of
and
beyond
my
sphear
.
Yet
it
's
certain
,
that
so
far
as
the
Kings
proceedings
were
against
the
Fundamental
Constitution
,
so
far
they
tended
to
a
dissolution
and
a
forfeit
of
the
power
Regal
.
And
when
the
Militia
and
the
Array
did
so
fearfully
clash
and
dash
the
people
in
pieces
,
there
was
a
plain
dissolution
of
the
Government
for
the
present
.
And
upon
a
Victory
followed
an
Act
of
Alteration
,
and
not
only
the
present
Sovereign
was
dispossessed
,
1.
By
a
Judgment
,
then
by
Death
,
but
his
Family
disinherited
,
and
continues
so
to
this
day
.
Whatsoever
Men
in
this
particular
have
done
,
yet
God
hath
judged
justly
.
And
it
deeply
concerns
that
Family
seriously
to
consider
what
the
guilt
is
,
for
which
God
hath
so
severely
punished
them
.
There
is
another
cause
whereby
,
and
for
which
Soveraignty
is
often
lost
;
and
that
is
male
administratum
.
For
as
Wisdom
,
Justice
,
Judgment
,
are
the
establishment
of
the
Throne
,
and
that
by
virtue
of
Gods
institution
and
promise
:
so
is
negligence
,
imprudence
,
injustice
,
oppression
,
and
other
such
like
sins
,
a
cause
of
dethroning
and
divesting
the
Governours
and
Princes
of
the
World.
For
these
offend
God
,
abuse
the
Power
wherewith
they
are
but
trusted
,
provoke
the
people
:
Therefore
God
either
stirs
up
their
own
people
against
them
,
or
makes
use
of
foreign
power
to
invade
them
,
and
delivers
them
into
their
hands
.
The
highest
degree
of
this
ill
Administration
is
called
Tyranny
,
and
such
wicked
Governours
are
said
to
be
Tyranni
in
exercitio
.
For
though
their
Title
may
be
good
,
yet
their
power
is
so
abused
,
as
that
they
for
the
most
part
are
worse
and
more
wicked
than
Usurpers
.
These
in
their
administration
violate
both
the
written
and
natural
Laws
of
God
,
the
Law
of
Nations
,
the
Law
of
the
Constitution
of
that
State
where
they
govern
,
and
the
Laws
of
Justice
and
Equity
;
the
violation
of
all
which
tend
directly
to
the
ruine
of
the
Common-wealth
.
Arnisaeus
,
who
together
with
Bodin
,
is
so
much
for
absolute
Princes
,
doth
confess
that
such
a
Tyrant
doth
Excidere
jure
suo
etsi
haereditario
.
And
there
is
great
reason
for
it
:
because
his
manner
of
administration
is
against
the
very
fundamental
Rules
,
and
the
very
end
of
all
Government
.
For
God
never
did
,
Man
never
can
give
any
power
to
be
unjust
.
section
9
Before
I
conclude
this
Chapter
,
the
Reader
must
know
,
that
the
scheme
of
Acquisition
and
Amission
of
Power
is
not
exact
.
For
there
may
be
more
ways
both
of
acquiring
and
keeping
,
as
also
of
losing
power
:
and
to
this
Head
may
be
reduced
those
arcana
imperii
&
dominationis
,
handled
more
at
large
by
Clapmarius
and
Angelius
,
whereof
some
are
prudential
Rules
for
the
acquisition
,
and
conservation
of
the
form
of
Government
,
and
also
for
the
continuance
of
power
in
the
hands
of
the
Persons
or
Families
possessed
of
it
.
Some
of
them
are
but
Sophisms
of
State
,
used
too
much
by
many
Statesmen
in
these
days
,
who
separate
Religion
and
Policy
to
their
own
ruine
.
For
as
the
learned
Fitz-h●rbert
hath
made
it
evident
,
God
will
never
prosper
such
courses
.
Hitherto
also
might
be
referred
the
causes
of
corruption
,
conversion
and
subversion
of
States
.
Whereof
something
shall
be
said
in
the
Chapter
of
Disposition
.
2.
The
right
may
be
lost
,
and
the
possession
continue
,
or
the
possession
may
be
lost
,
and
the
right
may
remain
for
a
time
.
3.
That
a
bare
title
is
no
power
.
For
as
the
sword
in
possession
without
Wisdom
and
Justice
is
insufficient
,
so
Wisdom
and
Justice
,
with
a
Title
,
without
the
Sword
cannot
actually
govern
:
because
it
cannot
protect
and
punish
.
4.
No
man
can
acquire
and
receive
any
power
except
God
give
it
,
nor
keep
it
any
longer
than
God
is
willing
to
continue
it
.
For
he
hath
reserved
it
in
his
own
hands
to
dispose
of
it
to
whom
,
and
how
long
,
and
in
what
measure
and
manner
he
pleaseth
:
yet
he
seldom
doth
communicate
it
immediately
,
or
in
an
extraordinary
way
.
He
gives
it
for
the
most
part
mediately
by
man
to
man
.
Therefore
that
Sovereigns
hold
their
Crowns
from
God
,
and
that
they
are
supream
next
under
God
admits
of
some
limitation
and
explication
,
otherwise
it
may
prove
an
error
.
For
I
am
sure
few
of
them
receive
their
Sovereignty
immediately
from
God
as
Saul
and
David
did
.
The
immediate
foundation
of
it
is
some
humane
constitution
and
agreement
made
,
not
immediately
by
God
,
but
Men.
This
,
to
such
as
understand
the
fundamental
Laws
of
States
,
is
clear
enough
.
5.
The
greatest
Power
of
any
mortal
man
is
but
very
little
,
and
he
is
but
trusted
with
it
for
a
while
:
and
such
is
his
frailty
,
that
he
cannot
well
manage
that
little
which
is
committed
to
him
.
Therefore
all
defects
of
humane
Government
are
supplied
by
the
universal
and
eternal
King
,
who
punisheth
all
offences
,
not
punished
by
man
,
and
rights
all
wrongs
,
not
righted
and
rightly
judged
by
the
Rulers
of
the
World.
And
he
makes
use
of
Angels
,
Men
,
Armies
,
all
Creatures
to
execute
his
righteous
Judgments
.
6.
Majesty
hangs
very
loosely
upon
such
as
do
possess
it
,
they
have
no
strong
hold
of
it
.
It
's
easily
separable
from
man
,
and
man
from
it
,
and
it
's
more
easily
lost
than
acquired
,
and
acquired
many
times
more
easily
than
kept
.
Therefore
it
is
that
a
Scepter
is
so
easily
turned
to
a
spade
,
and
a
spade
unto
a
Scepter
.
7.
Here
is
the
proper
place
to
examine
,
1.
Whether
Majesty
can
be
conferred
upon
any
person
or
persons
upon
condition
.
2.
Whether
once
conferred
and
received
,
it
can
be
forfeited
?
Not
to
be
conditionally
given
and
received
;
not
to
be
liable
to
forfeiture
,
are
not
Jura
Majestatis
,
as
Mr.
Hobbs
improperly
calls
them
;
but
if
they
any
ways
agree
to
Majesty
(
as
it
will
be
hard
to
prove
they
do
)
they
are
rather
adjuncts
than
any
thing
else
.
For
the
first
,
Whether
they
be
given
upon
condition
or
no
,
cannot
be
well
determined
,
except
we
distinguish
of
this
Power
as
given
by
God
,
and
as
given
by
Man
.
2.
Between
Majesty
real
and
personal
.
3.
Between
personal
of
the
first
,
and
of
the
second
degree
.
4.
Between
the
Sovereign
,
materially
and
formally
considered
.
1.
God
never
gave
any
Power
or
Majesty
Real
or
Personal
but
upon
condition
,
1.
That
the
receiver
use
it
well
.
2.
That
he
may
take
it
away
at
will
and
pleasure
.
2.
Real
Majesty
cannot
by
Man
be
given
upon
condition
to
a
Community
as
free
,
and
such
in
proper
sense
.
3.
A
Community
may
give
personal
Majesty
upon
condition
:
and
by
the
Laws
of
God
cannot
give
it
otherwise
.
And
the
Condition
is
,
that
they
use
it
well
and
for
the
good
of
the
people
,
according
to
the
eternal
Laws
of
divine
Wisdom
and
Justice
;
for
that
very
end
for
which
God
ordained
all
higher
Powers
and
civil
Government
.
And
no
good
Sovereign
will
desire
it
upon
any
other
terms
.
Hence
the
Oaths
solemnly
administred
to
the
Sovereigns
of
the
World
;
which
the
people
impose
upon
them
,
not
as
Subjects
,
but
as
members
of
a
Free
Community
,
and
this
imposing
referrs
to
the
first
Constitution
and
the
fundamental
Law
of
Government
.
This
is
clear
enough
in
the
first
institution
of
a
King
in
England
,
as
the
Myrrour
tells
us
.
The
Conqueror
received
the
Crown
upon
the
same
terms
.
And
some
good
Lawyers
inform
us
,
that
before
the
King
had
taken
his
Oath
to
the
people
,
he
could
not
require
an
Oath
of
Allegiance
from
them
.
Therefore
Sir
Edward
Coke
must
be
warily
understood
,
when
he
makes
the
Coronation
but
a
formality
.
For
though
the
setting
of
the
Crown
upon
their
Heads
,
which
is
but
a
sign
of
Dignity
and
Honour
,
be
but
a
Ceremony
,
yet
the
matter
of
his
Oath
is
essential
to
the
making
of
him
King
;
and
if
that
,
being
the
substance
of
the
fundamental
Contract
,
be
not
presupposed
,
as
first
consented
unto
,
he
cannot
be
a
King.
Bracton
,
who
advanceth
our
Kings
,
as
high
as
any
antient
Lawyer
,
saith
,
Ipse
autem
Rex
non
debet
esse
sub
homine
,
Bracton
.
sed
sub
Deo
&
Lege
quia
lex
facit
Regem
.
Attribuat
igitur
Rex
Legi
,
quod
lex
attribuit
ei
,
videlicet
dominationem
&
potestatem
.
Non
enim
est
Rex
ubi
dominatur
voluntas
,
non
lex
,
l.
1.
c.
8.
And
here
he
seems
to
understand
,
not
only
the
Law
of
constitution
but
administration
.
That
he
means
the
latter
is
plain
,
when
he
saith
,
Non
debet
esse
major
eo
in
Regno
suo
in
exhibitione
juris
.
He
formerly
asserted
that
Rex
non
habet
param
in
Regno
suo
,
which
is
true
in
respect
of
every
single
person
,
otherwise
we
know
the
King
may
be
judged
.
With
this
agrees
that
of
the
Myrrour
,
That
it
was
the
great
abusion
of
all
,
to
say
,
the
King
was
above
the
Laws
,
to
which
he
ought
to
be
subject
.
And
we
know
who
makes
these
Laws
.
Arnisaeus
,
who
is
so
zealous
for
absolute
Monarchs
,
confesseth
with
the
Philosopher
,
that
ubi
leges
dominantur
,
the
King
cannot
be
absolute
.
He
observeth
three
kinds
of
Oaths
which
Princes
take
:
The
1.
Is
to
maintain
Religion
;
The
2.
To
do
their
Duty
;
Kings
duty
.
The
3.
Whereby
they
subject
themselves
to
the
Laws
.
Such
are
the
Oaths
to
be
taken
by
the
Kings
of
Poland
,
Swethland
,
Denmark
and
England
,
whose
Coronation-Oath
includes
all
the
three
.
Yet
this
very
man
having
no
better
Author
than
Holinshed
,
is
bold
to
affirm
,
that
our
Kings
were
absolute
hereditary
Monarchs
.
Bodin
and
Bisoldus
seem
to
be
of
the
same
mind
.
And
if
they
be
such
,
then
saith
Arnisaeus
,
they
are
Kings
before
they
take
their
Oaths
,
and
hereditary
too
.
But
,
who
told
him
so
?
How
will
he
prove
it
?
We
know
for
certain
it
's
otherwise
,
and
our
Antiquaries
in
Law
will
say
that
he
is
very
ignorant
,
and
yet
very
bold
,
if
not
an
impudent
flatterer
.
That
Bodin
with
him
and
others
,
should
make
the
King
of
France
absolute
,
there
may
be
some
colour
,
if
we
look
upon
their
practice
,
for
they
act
very
highly
as
absolute
Princes
.
Yet
if
Hottoman
,
a
better
Lawyer
,
and
a
far
greater
Antiquary
than
either
Bodin
or
Arnisaeus
,
be
true
,
the
Kings
of
France
are
made
Kings
and
receive
their
Crowns
from
the
first
investiture
,
and
that
upon
conditions
?
Neither
is
there
any
Government
,
which
hath
a
rational
and
just
constitution
,
which
may
be
known
by
ancient
Records
or
unwritten
constant
Customs
,
but
will
manifest
that
the
Sovereigns
thereof
receive
their
Crowns
,
and
keep
them
upon
certain
conditions
,
different
from
the
written
and
natural
Laws
of
God.
And
it
's
remarkable
,
that
no
Constitution
can
be
good
or
allowable
,
which
is
not
agreeable
to
those
Laws
.
It
's
true
,
that
if
a
people
design
one
or
more
Persons
to
be
their
Sovereign
,
and
promise
absolutely
to
acknowledge
them
,
by
that
designation
and
promise
,
they
are
bound
to
grant
him
or
them
all
the
power
whereby
he
or
they
may
be
absolute
Sovereigns
:
and
if
they
will
keep
their
promise
,
they
must
not
,
they
cannot
put
any
conditions
upon
him
or
them
,
which
may
tend
to
the
diminution
of
the
Power
already
given
.
And
they
may
give
it
so
,
as
that
he
may
as
absolutely
transmit
it
and
derive
it
to
his
Posterity
.
Yet
if
any
shall
do
thus
and
set
up
such
an
absolute
Sovereign
;
that
very
Person
or
his
Successor
may
be
considered
materially
as
such
,
or
such
men
,
or
formally
as
such
Sovereigns
.
Materially
considered
,
especially
as
such
as
not
yet
invested
,
they
may
be
bound
to
such
conditions
as
upon
the
non-performance
of
them
,
they
may
forfeit
.
But
,
consider
them
as
actually
and
absolutely
invested
,
there
can
be
no
such
Obligation
:
neither
can
any
Conditions
or
Oaths
be
imposed
upon
them
,
except
they
be
willing
to
accept
of
them
.
Yet
,
if
any
people
constitute
such
a
Soveraignty
,
it
's
to
be
examined
how
justly
and
wisely
they
have
done
,
and
whether
they
have
not
enslaved
both
themselves
and
their
posterity
,
and
laid
the
foundation
of
their
own
misery
and
ruine
.
Binds
not
posterity
.
And
if
this
Constitution
be
neither
just
nor
wise
,
I
cannot
see
how
it
should
bind
posterity
.
And
I
would
gladly
know
,
whether
those
Authors
,
who
are
so
zealous
for
absolute
hereditary
Powers
,
can
give
us
an
instance
of
any
wise
and
just
people
,
that
at
the
first
constitution
did
give
their
free
and
full
consent
to
such
a
Government
.
They
never
did
,
nor
I
think
ever
can
instance
in
this
particular
.
section
10
The
second
Question
is
,
Whether
Majesty
acquired
can
be
forfeited
?
Majesty
when
forfeited
.
Where
you
must
note
,
that
to
forfeit
any
thing
is
to
lose
the
right
unto
it
.
For
,
it
's
one
thing
to
lose
the
right
,
another
to
lose
the
possession
.
For
as
before
,
one
may
lose
his
right
and
retain
the
possession
,
and
lose
his
possession
,
and
yet
retain
his
right
.
Therefore
the
Question
is
not
de
possessionis
sed
de
juris
amissione
.
2.
The
Question
is
not
,
Whether
they
may
forfeit
to
God
,
for
that
they
undoubtedly
may
;
but
whether
they
may
forfeit
unto
men
.
3.
Who
those
Men
are
,
to
whom
it
may
be
so
forfeited
,
so
as
they
may
take
the
forfeit
and
that
justly
.
For
solution
of
this
Question
.
1.
This
I
take
as
a
certain
rule
,
that
whatsoever
is
given
and
held
upon
condition
,
that
may
be
lost
and
forfeited
.
2.
A
right
once
forfeited
falls
to
the
party
who
gave
it
,
and
set
down
the
conditions
.
3.
They
,
who
from
God
give
Majesty
to
any
person
or
family
at
the
first
,
before
they
had
any
right
unto
it
,
are
the
people
and
community
to
be
governed
.
4.
There
is
no
rational
and
intelligent
people
in
the
World
will
bind
themselves
to
subjection
,
but
upon
condition
of
a
just
protection
.
No
,
a
people
conquered
will
not
yield
to
be
the
subjects
of
the
Conqueror
,
but
upon
this
condition
.
And
,
though
his
Sword
may
take
away
their
lives
,
yet
it
cannot
make
them
his
Subjects
without
their
voluntary
submission
.
5.
No
wise
people
,
if
they
can
do
otherwise
,
will
so
submit
themselves
as
to
lose
the
propriety
of
their
goods
,
the
liberty
of
their
persons
,
the
enjoyment
of
their
Religion
,
or
to
be
governed
by
an
Arbitrary
Power
without
just
Laws
.
6.
Princes
,
Kings
and
Conquerors
,
may
either
by
themselves
or
their
Ministers
of
State
,
insensibly
encroach
and
usurp
,
yet
these
encroachments
and
usurpations
,
cannot
constitute
a
Right
contrary
to
the
fundamental
Laws
.
And
there
can
hardly
be
found
any
other
way
,
whereby
many
becom
absolute
and
arbitrary
Lords
,
but
this
way
.
7.
The
party
to
which
the
forfeiture
is
made
,
is
not
the
Subjects
,
as
Subjects
,
but
the
people
and
community
who
only
can
invest
one
or
more
with
Majesty
,
and
constitute
a
Government
.
Neither
can
Magistrates
,
as
Magistrates
,
nor
any
Officers
,
as
such
,
take
the
forfeiture
,
Neither
can
Parliaments
,
except
such
as
participate
in
the
personal
Majesty
,
do
any
such
thing
.
Yet
,
if
the
Soveraign
once
forfeit
,
When
Subjection
ceases
.
the
Subjects
cease
to
be
Subjects
.
Nor
can
a
great
multitude
of
these
,
if
they
make
not
the
whole
body
either
actually
or
mutually
,
though
they
cease
to
be
Subjects
,
challenge
the
forfeiture
.
By
this
you
may
easily
understand
how
loosely
the
Question
between
Arnisaeus
and
his
party
,
and
Buchanan
,
Arthusius
,
Heno
,
Junius
,
Brutus
and
their
adherents
,
is
handled
.
8.
It
's
certain
,
that
Soveraigns
by
Law
,
who
have
not
the
Legislative
power
in
themselves
solely
,
and
are
bound
by
Oath
to
govern
according
to
Laws
,
which
they
themselves
cannot
make
,
may
forfeit
.
9.
Such
personal
Soveraigns
,
as
constantly
act
,
not
only
against
the
Laws
of
God
and
nature
,
but
against
the
fundamental
Laws
,
by
which
they
receive
and
hold
their
power
,
may
and
do
forfeit
.
And
this
is
one
reason
why
all
Tyrants
in
exercise
do
excidere
jure
suo
etsi
haereditario
,
which
Arnisaeus
himself
affirms
.
Yet
as
he
wisely
observes
,
it
's
not
safe
always
to
take
the
forfeiture
.
For
it
is
better
by
petitions
,
prayers
to
God
,
or
patient
suffering
for
a
while
(
so
that
they
suffer
not
the
State
in
the
mean
time
to
come
to
ruine
)
to
seek
and
expect
a
redress
,
than
suddenly
to
involve
the
people
in
blood
,
and
hazard
the
Common-wealth
,
and
put
it
in
such
a
condition
,
as
that
it
shall
not
be
able
in
any
due
time
to
settle
.
Yet
a
real
necessity
of
defence
doth
alter
the
case
.
Hitherto
concerning
the
manner
how
Majesty
may
be
acquired
or
lost
.
CHAP.
VI.
Of
Power
Ecclesiastical
.
section
1
THE
former
Rules
may
easily
be
applied
to
a
particular
Church
,
for
it
's
a
Spiritual
Commonwealth
,
and
must
as
such
,
have
Governors
,
and
them
invested
with
a
Supreme
Power
,
yet
such
and
of
the
same
nature
as
the
Church
is
;
that
is
,
Spiritual
and
Ecclesiastical
.
This
Power
,
as
all
other
in
Civil
States
,
is
derivative
from
Heaven
,
and
of
a
very
narrow
scantling
.
And
,
that
I
may
be
more
perspicuous
,
and
direct
the
Reader
by
some
line
or
thred
of
method
,
I
will
say
something
of
the
Power
,
1.
As
it
is
Spiritual
.
2.
As
Supreme
.
3.
As
divisible
into
several
Branches
.
section
2
In
the
first
place
it's
Spiritual
,
and
that
in
many
respects
,
as
the
Authors
of
Jus
Divinum
Ecclesiastici
Regiminis
have
sufficiently
demonstrated
.
For
the
persons
rule
,
actions
and
end
are
to
be
considered
,
not
under
a
Civil
,
but
a
Spiritual
notion
.
As
stiled
by
Divines
,
and
that
according
to
the
Spirit
's
language
,
and
the
phrase
of
Holy
Writ
,
to
be
Potestas
Clavium
.
And
the
acts
thereof
are
opening
,
shutting
;
or
which
are
the
same
,
binding
,
loosing
.
These
are
Metaphorical
terms
,
taken
out
of
the
Old
into
the
New
Testament
.
For
our
Saviour
did
love
to
use
the
Spirit
's
words
.
The
first
and
chief
place
where
we
read
these
words
in
a
Political
sense
with
reference
to
Government
,
is
that
of
the
Evangelical
Prophet
.
[
](A49800-e10860-b)a
a
Isa.
22.2
.
And
the
Key
of
the
House
of
David
will
I
lay
upon
his
shoulder
,
so
he
shall
open
and
none
shall
shut
,
and
he
shall
shut
and
none
shall
open
.
Where
by
Key
is
meant
Dominatio
,
or
Potestas
gubernandi
.
So
Fererius
,
Schindler
,
Mollerus
,
according
to
the
former
use
do
understand
it
.
For
there
it
's
said
,
Vers.
21.
I
will
commit
thy
Government
into
his
hand
.
section
3
It
's
not
material
to
enquire
,
whether
the
Power
or
Key
of
the
House
of
David
was
a
Power
over
the
Family
,
or
of
the
Family
over
the
Kingdom
;
nor
whether
Eliakim
was
a
Priest
or
a
Prince
over
the
Palace
or
the
Temple
.
It
's
certain
,
David
was
a
type
of
Christ
;
his
House
and
Kingdom
of
the
Church
,
and
his
Regal
Power
of
Christ's
Regal
Supremacy
.
[
](A49800-e11020-b)b
b
Rev.
1.18
.
For
he
hath
the
Keys
of
Hell
and
Death
,
even
that
Key
of
David
which
bindeth
the
soul
and
conscience
,
and
disposeth
of
mans
spiritual
and
eternal
estate
,
and
that
by
an
irrevocable
sentence
.
1
Cor.
3.7
.
This
Power
signified
by
Key
or
Keys
is
not
Civil
,
but
that
of
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
,
which
he
[
](A49800-e11070-b)d
d
Mat.
16.29
.
promised
first
,
and
[
](A49800-e11090-b)e
e
Joh.
20.22
,
23.
conveyed
afterward
upon
the
Apostles
.
As
for
the
acts
of
these
Keys
being
exercised
,
they
are
said
to
be
sometimes
shutting
and
opening
:
sometimes
binding
and
loosing
.
And
though
these
seem
to
differ
,
yet
they
are
the
same
,
and
are
acts
of
Government
.
For
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
open
is
to
loose
,
as
Psal.
102.20
.
where
it
's
turned
by
the
Seventy
two
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
not
only
there
,
but
in
other
places
,
which
I
forbear
to
mention
.
And
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
bind
,
is
sometimes
to
govern
or
exercise
the
acts
of
coercive
power
.
So
Psal.
105.22
.
to
bind
his
Princes
,
compared
with
Psal.
2.3
.
where
bands
and
cords
are
the
Laws
and
Edicts
of
Christ
.
And
the
same
word
in
the
Chaldee
,
is
obligavit
ad
obedientiam
aut
poenam
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Dan.
6.7
,
8
,
9.
is
Translated
by
the
Seventy
two
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
a
Decree
,
obligatio
,
interdictum
.
It
's
also
remarkable
,
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
shut
up
,
signifieth
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
deliver
into
the
hand
of
enemies
,
or
to
destruction
,
Job
16.11
.
Psal.
78.48
.
Hence
that
phrase
of
delivering
up
to
Satan
,
1
Cor.
5.5
.
1
Tim.
1.20
.
and
also
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
separate
or
exclude
Lepers
out
of
the
holy
Camp
,
as
Numb.
12.14
,
15.
and
in
other
places
:
which
was
a
Typical
adumbration
of
that
act
of
Jurisdiction
,
which
we
call
Excommunication
.
section
4
This
Power
of
the
Keys
is
spiritual
,
because
exercised
within
a
Spiritual
Community
.
Do
[
](A49800-e11330-b)f
f
1
Cor.
5.12
.
not
ye
judge
them
that
are
within
,
saith
the
Apostle
:
I
have
nothing
to
do
to
judge
them
without
.
For
[
](A49800-e11370-b)g
g
Ibid.
what
have
I
to
do
to
judge
them
also
that
are
without
?
God
hath
reserved
them
to
his
own
Tribunal
.
But
[
](A49800-e11410-b)h
h
Ibid.
13.
them
that
are
without
God
judgeth
.
Yet
those
without
the
pale
of
the
Church
,
are
not
exempted
from
the
Civil
Jurisdiction
of
the
Christian
Magistrate
,
if
within
his
Territories
.
The
Power
of
Hell
and
Death
is
not
the
power
of
the
Sword.
The
power
given
to
the
Church
was
not
given
to
the
State.
The
power
of
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
is
not
the
power
of
the
Kingdom
of
the
Earth
.
The
power
promised
unto
,
and
conferred
upon
the
Apostles
,
was
not
estated
upon
the
Civil
Magistrate
,
though
Christian
.
This
power
opens
and
shuts
the
Gates
of
Heaven
:
binds
and
loosens
sinners
as
lyable
to
eternal
punishments
,
which
no
Civil
Sword
can
do
.
Therefore
it
's
spiritual
.
section
5
As
it
is
Spiritual
,
so
it
's
Supreme
:
for
a
particular
Church
being
a
Commonwealth
or
Spiritual
state
,
must
needs
have
a
Spiritual
Tribunal
independent
within
it self
:
except
we
will
divest
it
of
the
very
Essence
and
soul
,
wherewith
it
's
animated
.
Yet
it
cannot
be
such
in
respect
of
him
,
whose
Throne
is
Heaven
,
whose
Footstool
is
the
Earth
.
Or
,
if
by
the
Divine
prospective
of
Faith
,
we
pierce
into
the
Heaven
of
Heavens
,
and
approach
that
sparkling
Throne
,
where
Christ
sits
at
the
right
Hand
of
God
possessed
of
an
universal
and
eternal
Kingdom
;
every
particular
and
all
particular
Churches
must
bow
and
wave
the
title
of
independent
.
In
a
word
,
in
all
imperial
Rights
which
God
and
Christ
have
reserved
,
and
not
derived
by
the
fundamental
Charter
of
the
Scripture
,
all
particular
Churches
,
with
all
their
Members
,
nay
,
all
their
Officers
,
even
Ministers
,
are
but
subjects
governed
,
in
no
wise
governing
.
Supreme
therefore
it
is
,
both
in
respect
of
its
own
Members
within
,
and
also
of
other
Churches
,
enjoying
equal
power
within
themselves
:
and
are
not
Queens
and
Mothers
,
but
Sisters
in
a
parity
of
jurisdiction
with
it
,
but
no
superiority
of
Command
over
it
.
For
the
parity
of
them
without
,
is
not
destructive
of
her
Soveraignty
over
her
own
within
.
The
universal
Vicaridge
and
plenitude
of
Monarchical
power
,
arrogated
by
the
Patriarch
of
Rome
,
cannot
justly
depress
or
take
away
the
Rights
of
any
particular
Church
.
This
Power
was
first
challenged
,
then
usurped
,
after
that
in
a
great
measure
possessed
,
exercised
and
pleaded
for
.
The
pretended
right
and
title
was
invented
after
they
had
possession
,
and
with
a
fair
colour
did
for
a
long
time
gull
the
world
:
which
at
length
awaked
out
of
an
universal
slumber
,
and
found
it
to
be
a
dream
.
section
6
As
this
Power
is
,
1.
Spiritual
.
2.
Supreme
:
so
,
3.
It
's
divisible
,
and
may
be
branched
into
divers
particular
jura
or
rights
:
which
are
four
,
1.
Of
making
Canons
.
2.
Of
Constituting
Officers
.
3.
Of
Jurisdiction
;
and
,
4.
Of
receiving
and
dispensing
of
Church-goods
.
Thus
they
may
be
methodized
.
Jus
Ecclesiasticum
duplex
-
1.
leges
-
ferendi
-
exequendi
per
-
-
Rectorum
constitutionem
,
jurisdictionis
exercitium
.
-
2.
bona
Ecclesiastica
dispensandi
.
There
may
be
other
petty
Jura
,
yet
easily
reducible
unto
these
.
And
this
division
,
though
grounded
evidently
upon
Scripture
,
and
will
by
the
ingenious
be
easily
granted
,
yet
it
may
seem
new
to
some
,
upon
whose
understanding
the
old
perhaps
hath
made
too
deep
an
impression
.
For
I
find
the
old
distinction
of
this
power
into
two
parts
.
The
1.
Of
Order
.
The
2.
Of
Jurisdiction
to
be
retained
by
many
unto
this
day
.
Yet
they
do
not
unanimously
define
what
this
Clavis
or
potestas
ordinis
is
.
Some
will
have
it
to
be
the
same
with
Clavis
Scientiae
,
which
the
Schoolmen
understood
of
that
juridical
knowledge
,
which
was
antecedaneous
and
subordinate
unto
the
Decree
or
definitive
sentence
.
Others
say
,
it
is
the
power
of
Ordination
and
making
of
Ministers
.
Others
take
it
to
be
the
power
of
a
Minister
ordained
to
preach
the
Word
,
and
administer
the
Sacraments
.
In
which
respect
it
cannot
belong
to
the
external
Government
of
independant
Churches
.
For
a
Minister
,
as
such
,
is
so
a
Deputy
of
Christ
,
as
that
in
the
due
execution
of
his
Office
he
is
above
any
particular
Church
,
and
above
the
Angels
.
And
his
power
in
this
regard
is
rather
moral
than
political
.
As
under
this
notion
,
some
give
him
jurisdiction
in
foro
interiori
,
which
the
Papists
call
forum
poenitentiale
.
But
in
foro
exteriori
he
cannot
challenge
it
as
a
Minister
:
For
then
it
could
not
be
communicated
to
any
other
with
him
,
as
to
ruling
Elders
representing
the
people
.
This
the
Bishops
formerly
assumed
to
themselves
,
with
a
power
to
delegate
the
same
to
others
.
section
7
These
Keys
or
Powers
in
the
root
,
are
but
one
and
the
same
power
supernatural
,
which
is
a
principle
of
supernatural
acts
;
the
first
branch
whereof
is
the
Legislative
.
This
ever
was
,
and
doth
still
continue
in
the
Church
,
and
is
most
necessary
for
to
regulate
,
and
determine
the
acts
both
of
Government
and
subjection
.
For
without
a
certain
directive
and
binding
Rule
,
no
State
could
ever
long
continue
.
And
God
himself
(
whose
Power
is
absolutely
supreme
)
did
limit
himself
by
a
certain
Law
,
before
he
began
to
require
obedience
from
his
Creatures
,
and
exercise
his
power
ad
extra
.
For
it
's
his
will
and
pleasure
,
that
neither
men
nor
Angels
should
be
subject
unto
him
,
but
according
to
a
certain
Rule
.
This
the
Apostles
,
Elders
and
Brethren
put
in
practice
,
Act.
15.
And
the
jus
Canonicum
Novi
Testamenti
issued
from
this
Power
.
Unto
this
Head
are
reduced
the
forms
of
Confession
for
Doctrine
,
Liturgies
for
Worship
,
Catechisms
for
instruction
in
the
Principles
of
Religion
,
and
Canons
for
Discipline
in
every
well
constituted
Church
.
In
this
Legislation
Ecclesiastical
,
they
either
do
declare
what
God
before
hath
determined
,
or
determine
in
things
which
God
hath
left
indifferent
,
what
is
profitable
and
expedient
aecording
to
the
general
Rules
of
order
,
decency
,
unity
and
edification
:
according
to
that
distinction
of
Laws
into
declarative
and
constitutive
.
section
8
After
Laws
are
made
and
established
,
they
must
be
put
in
execution
:
otherwise
,
though
they
be
both
wisely
and
justly
enacted
,
and
in
themselves
very
excellent
,
yet
they
are
in
vain
and
to
no
purpose
.
This
cannot
be
done
without
Officers
:
therefore
there
must
needs
be
a
power
of
making
Church-Rulers
.
Under
this
Head
,
we
must
comprehend
Election
,
Examination
,
Ordination
,
Suspension
,
Degradation
,
and
whatsoever
concerns
the
making
,
reforming
,
or
disposing
of
Offices
.
When
Canons
are
made
,
Officers
with
power
of
jurisdiction
be
constituted
:
yet
all
is
to
no
purpose
except
they
proceed
to
hear
,
and
finally
determine
all
Causes
and
Controversies
within
their
Spiritual
jurisdiction
.
Therefore
there
must
be
Jus
jurisdictionis
cum
ultima
provocatione
.
Hitherto
appertain
all
Ecclesiastical
Tribunals
,
Judges
,
judicial
proceedings
,
the
discussion
of
all
causes
within
their
Cognisance
,
sentences
of
Authoritative
admonition
,
Suspension
,
Excommunication
,
Absolution
and
Execution
of
all
.
Besides
all
these
,
because
the
Church
,
whilest
on
Pilgrimage
towards
her
Heavenly
City
,
hath
need
of
these
earthly
and
temporal
goods
;
neither
can
the
publick
Worship
of
God
,
or
her
Officers
be
maintained
,
nor
her
poor
Saints
relieved
without
them
,
therefore
every
particular
Church
should
be
furnished
with
a
Revenue
,
and
have
a
kind
of
publicum
aerarium
of
her
own
;
which
is
not
to
be
disposed
of
according
to
the
will
and
pleasure
of
any
private
person
or
persons
.
But
there
must
be
a
power
,
as
to
make
Officers
for
other
things
,
so
for
this
particular
to
receive
,
keep
and
dispense
the
Church's
Treasure
;
this
of
themselves
without
publick
consent
they
cannot
do
.
Therefore
,
though
the
making
of
Deacons
belong
unto
the
second
part
of
this
Independant
power
,
yet
jus
dispensandi
bona
Ecclesiae
publica
,
is
a
distinct
power
of
it self
.
Christ
and
his
Apostles
had
a
common
purse
,
Joh.
13.29
.
so
had
the
Church
,
Act.
6.1
,
2
,
3
,
&c.
For
this
end
they
had
their
Collections
at
set
times
,
1
Cor.
16.1
,
2.
This
Treasury
belonged
to
the
Church
,
not
to
the
State
,
and
did
arise
from
the
free
gifts
of
such
as
were
of
ability
,
and
well
disposed
,
before
there
was
any
Tenure
in
Franke
Almoigne
,
as
afterwards
there
was
.
section
9
Before
I
conclude
this
Point
concerning
power
(
lest
instead
of
a
well-composed
body
,
I
make
an
indigested
lump
of
heterogeneous
stuff
)
I
will
enquire
how
far
it
doth
extend
,
what
be
the
limits
wherewith
it
's
bounded
,
what
measure
and
degrees
thereof
a
particular
Church
,
as
such
,
by
Scripture-Charter
may
challenge
.
For
this
purpose
we
may
take
notice
of
the
subject
of
Power
,
which
is
primary
or
secondary
.
In
the
primary
,
it
's
primitive
,
total
,
supreme
▪
In
the
secondary
,
it
's
derivative
,
partial
and
subordinate
.
The
power
in
both
is
the
same
essentially
;
yet
in
the
one
as
in
the
Fountain
,
in
the
other
as
in
several
Channels
.
This
seems
to
be
intimated
by
that
submission
required
by
the
Apostle
unto
the
King
as
supreme
,
or
unto
Governours
sent
by
him
,
1
Pet.
2.13
,
14.
The
King
is
Emperour
,
who
was
the
immediate
subject
of
Supremacy
;
Governours
were
Presidents
,
and
Vicarii
Magistratus
,
who
are
the
instruments
of
the
supreme
as
principal
in
government
.
Coincident
with
this
seems
to
be
that
distinction
(
so
frequent
with
Mr.
Parker
)
inter
statum
&
exercitium
.
According
to
which
he
defines
the
government
of
the
Church
quoad
statum
,
to
be
Democratical
,
because
the
power
of
the
Keys
is
in
the
whole
Church
(
which
with
him
is
a
Congregation
)
as
in
the
primary
subject
.
But
quoad
exercitium
to
be
Aristocratical
in
the
Rulers
who
derive
their
power
from
Christ
by
the
Church
.
This
shall
be
examined
hereafter
.
This
difference
of
the
primary
and
secondary
subject
is
to
be
observed
,
lest
we
make
every
one
who
hath
power
,
and
is
trusted
with
the
exercise
thereof
,
the
prime
and
immediate
receptacle
of
Church-power
from
Christ
,
which
is
not
to
be
done
.
section
10
In
the
second
place
we
must
repeat
a
distinction
,
taken
up
in
the
beginning
of
this
Treatise
,
which
may
briefly
be
contracted
in
this
manner
:
Ecclesiae
Regimen
est
-
Internum
-
Externum
-
Vniversale
-
Particulare
-
formale
-
Objectivum
.
The
Internal
is
Gods.
The
external
Universal
,
as
such
,
Christ
doth
justly
challenge
.
The
external
particular
formally
and
properly
Ecclesiastical
is
committed
to
particular
Churches
.
The
external
particular
materially
considered
,
is
the
Christian
Magistrate's
due
:
because
the
matters
of
the
Church
in
this
respect
are
an
object
of
his
Civil
Power
.
That
distinction
of
Cameracensis
,
potestas
est
ordinis
aut
Regiminis
,
11
Quaest.
in
vesperiis
Dib.
4.
dist.
8.
the
same
with
that
of
Biel
,
and
many
other
Schoolmen
,
hath
some
affinity
with
this
.
Quaest.
2.
For
,
the
power
of
Order
with
them
is
the
power
of
a
Minister
,
as
an
Officer
under
Christ
of
the
Universal
Church
,
and
is
exercised
in
foro
poenitentiali
,
or
interiori
.
The
power
of
Government
and
Prelation
(
which
Defensor
pacis
saith
,
the
Bishops
had
per
accidens
)
is
the
same
with
this
external
Government
of
the
Church
,
as
exercised
in
foro
exteriori
,
Mat.
18.
1
Cor.
5.
Rev.
2.2
.
or
judiciali
,
as
they
term
it
.
All
the
power
of
a
particular
Church
,
is
confined
to
matters
Ecclesiastical
,
as
such
in
that
particular
community
,
and
is
exercised
only
in
foro
exteriori
.
This
must
needs
be
so
,
because
the
internal
Government
of
the
Church
,
which
by
the
Word
and
Spirit
immediately
rules
the
conscience
,
so
,
as
to
cast
the
impenitent
both
soul
and
body
into
Hell
,
belongs
to
God
as
God.
The
external
government
of
the
Universal
Church
as
Universal
,
is
purely
Monarchical
under
Christ
;
in
which
respect
all
particular
Churches
are
meerly
subjects
;
and
no
ways
independant
,
no
nor
governing
.
section
11
Yet
in
the
third
place
,
if
this
be
not
so
manifest
and
satisfactory
,
the
point
may
be
illustrated
,
if
we
parallel
the
Government
of
the
Church
with
that
of
Israel
.
As
that
was
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
so
it
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
In
the
Theocratie
of
Israel
,
God
was
pars
imperans
,
and
the
absolute
Monarch
,
and
reserved
to
himself
the
jura
Majestatis
.
For
he
made
their
Laws
,
appointed
their
chief
Officers
,
Generals
,
Judges
:
he
anointed
their
Kings
,
proclaimed
their
Wars
,
concluded
Peace
,
and
received
last
Appeals
.
Yet
in
many
petty
causes
and
matters
of
State
,
and
that
often
,
he
trusted
their
Elders
,
Officers
and
Princes
,
and
committed
to
them
exercise
of
power
and
actual
government
.
And
their
Kings
were
but
a
kind
of
Vicarii
Magistratus
under
him
.
So
Christ
hath
retained
to
himself
the
government
of
the
universal
Church
as
such
:
as
also
the
Legislative
power
of
particular
Churches
in
all
Essentials
and
Necessaries
,
and
hath
enacted
general
Statutes
for
Accidentals
and
Circumstantials
.
He
hath
the
principal
power
of
making
Officers
,
for
he
determines
how
many
kinds
of
necessary
Officers
there
should
be
:
limits
their
power
,
prescribes
their
qualification
,
sets
down
their
duty
,
and
gives
them
their
Commission
.
Their
judicial
proceedings
run
in
his
name
,
and
their
sentence
is
so
far
valid
on
earth
,
as
he
shall
ratifie
it
in
Heaven
.
Yet
in
making
of
Canons
they
have
power
so
far
,
as
to
declare
in
Essentials
,
to
bind
in
positive
Laws
and
in
Circumstantials
.
In
ordaining
of
Officers
the
designation
of
the
persons
is
theirs
.
In
Jurisdiction
,
they
have
power
to
hear
,
examine
,
take
witnesses
,
apply
the
controversie
or
cause
to
the
Canon
,
determine
and
see
the
sentence
executed
,
and
all
this
in
a
Soveraign
and
independant
manner
within
the
circuit
of
their
own
Church
.
And
,
whereas
it
may
be
said
,
all
this
power
amounts
but
to
a
little
,
and
is
confined
to
a
narrow
compass
;
It
's
true
,
it
's
but
a
particle
:
Yet
the
Church
is
more
happy
,
and
the
Government
more
excellent
,
because
it
depends
so
little
on
man
,
so
much
on
Christ
.
And
this
power
,
though
diminutive
,
yet
through
God's
blessing
is
effectual
,
and
tendeth
much
unto
the
preservation
of
purity
,
piety
,
unity
and
edification
:
and
if
well
managed
,
is
an
excellent
means
to
enlarge
Christ's
Kingdom
,
and
further
our
eternal
Salvation
.
The
result
of
all
is
this
,
that
particular
Churches
are
not
supreme
,
but
subordinate
,
both
in
respect
of
the
internal
Government
which
is
purely
divine
,
and
also
in
respect
of
the
external
universal
,
which
is
purely
Monarchical
under
Christ
.
The
Church
of
Rome
doting
upon
her
universal
Head
and
Vicar-general
,
presupposed
and
took
for
granted
,
that
the
community
of
all
Christians
in
the
world
were
but
one
visible
Church
under
,
and
subject
unto
one
and
the
same
supreme
independant
Judicatory
.
This
no
question
is
an
error
.
For
,
though
there
be
an
universal
visible
Church
,
yet
it
's
subject
only
unto
one
supreme
Consistory
in
Heaven
,
but
not
on
earth
,
either
in
a
Monarchical
,
or
Aristocratical
,
or
Democratical
form
,
as
shall
be
hinted
hereafter
.
And
,
suppose
the
Pope
had
been
an
Ecclesiastical
Monarch
,
because
the
Patriarch
of
the
first
See
in
the
Imperial
City
:
yet
he
could
not
be
universal
,
but
only
in
respect
of
the
Church
within
the
confines
of
the
Empire
,
which
did
enclose
all
the
other
Patriarchates
,
and
was
but
a
little
parcel
of
the
world
.
CHAP.
VII
.
Of
the
manner
of
acquiring
Ecclesiastical
Power
.
section
1
HAving
manifested
,
what
Ecclesiastical
Power
of
Discipline
is
,
I
must
search
how
it
's
acquired
:
for
this
as
well
as
civil
is
derivative
,
and
that
from
Heaven
,
and
in
a
more
special
manner
.
It
's
not
natural
but
acquired
.
It
's
also
continued
by
Succession
,
not
Hereditary
but
Elective
;
not
in
a
Line
,
as
the
Sacerdotal
power
confined
to
the
Family
of
Aaron
.
It
's
first
in
God
the
Fountain
of
all
power
,
and
from
him
derived
to
Christ
as
man
and
Administrator-general
.
For
so
after
his
resurrection
,
he
said
unto
his
Disciples
,
All
power
in
heaven
and
earth
is
given
me
:
some
measure
of
this
he
by
Commission
delegates
unto
the
Apostles
.
Yet
that
power
of
theirs
as
extraordinary
,
was
not
successive
,
or
to
be
derived
to
those
who
followed
them
as
ordinary
Officers
of
the
Church
;
for
it
expired
with
them
.
Yet
there
was
an
ordinary
power
of
Discipline
derived
to
them
,
and
they
never
,
except
in
ordinary
cases
,
did
exercise
,
it
but
with
the
Church
.
This
,
some
say
was
acquired
,
by
those
words
of
Christ
to
Peter
,
To
thee
will
I
give
the
Keys
of
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
,
&c.
Mat.
16.19
.
This
power
was
given
to
Peter
,
many
of
the
Ancients
say
,
as
representing
the
Church
;
others
think
it
was
given
him
as
Head
of
the
Church
;
others
as
representing
the
Apostles
,
from
whom
it
was
derived
to
the
Bishops
;
or
else
,
as
others
tell
us
,
to
the
Elders
of
the
Church
.
But
of
this
hereafter
:
But
whatsoever
power
the
Apostles
might
have
either
severally
or
jointly
considered
;
it
's
certain
,
that
Christ
derived
it
to
the
Church
,
whereof
the
Apostles
were
Members
,
yet
extraordinary
Officers
.
The
Church
acquired
it
,
therefore
by
free
donation
from
Christ
,
when
he
said
,
tell
the
Church
,
and
afterwards
,
whatsoever
ye
bind
on
earth
shall
be
bound
in
Heaven
,
Mat.
18.17
,
18.
By
this
Church
is
meant
no
Vtopian
,
aerial
or
notional
body
,
but
such
a
society
of
Christians
brought
under
a
form
of
Government
,
as
may
and
can
exercise
this
power
,
as
the
Church
of
Corinth
,
Ephesus
,
Antioch
,
Jerusalem
,
or
any
of
the
Churches
of
Asia
.
section
2
But
,
though
I
intend
in
this
to
be
brief
,
yet
I
will
observe
some
order
,
and
this
in
particular
it
is
,
Power
Ecclesiastical
is
-
acquired
by
lost
-
immediate
designation
of
-
Christ
,
-
Apostles
.
-
mediate
institution
,
and
that
-
justly
,
-
unjustly
Seeing
none
hath
this
spiritual
power
,
except
given
from
God
,
therefore
it
must
needs
be
acquired
as
it
's
derived
:
It
's
derived
immediately
to
Christ
as
man
,
the
Apostles
as
his
delegates
.
Christ
as
man
by
his
humiliation
unto
death
,
the
death
of
the
Cross
,
acquired
an
universal
power
over
all
persons
in
all
causes
spiritual
.
And
he
received
it
upon
his
Resurrection
,
and
upon
his
Ascension
,
being
solemnly
invested
and
confirmed
,
began
to
exercise
the
same
.
The
Apostles
being
extraordinary
Officers
under
Christ
,
received
their
extraordinary
power
,
which
was
both
intensively
and
extensively
great
,
from
Christ
.
And
,
1.
For
the
lost
sheep
of
Israel
before
Christs
death
.
2.
For
all
Nations
after
the
Resurrection
.
3.
More
fully
and
solemnly
invested
after
Christs
Ascension
,
they
began
to
act
:
and
that
both
in
an
ordinary
and
extraordinary
way
,
and
that
in
Discipline
,
as
shall
appear
hereafter
.
As
they
were
extraordinary
,
they
could
not
,
as
ordinary
they
might
have
successors
.
section
3
As
the
power
is
derived
in
an
ordinary
way
,
so
it
's
acquired
by
the
Church
mediately
.
This
Church
did
first
consist
of
the
Apostles
,
the
seventy
Disciples
,
and
other
believers
of
the
Jews
.
After
that
we
find
several
Churches
consisting
of
Jews
and
Gentiles
.
After
that
a
Church
,
as
taken
from
a
Christian
Community
,
is
once
made
up
of
persons
,
a
multitude
of
persons
associated
,
and
endued
with
a
sufficient
ability
to
manage
the
power
of
the
Keys
,
in
that
visible
body
politick
,
presently
it
acquires
this
power
by
virtue
of
Christ's
Institution
in
these
words
:
Tell
the
Church
,
&c.
as
before
.
For
in
that
very
Rule
,
he
gives
to
direct
us
how
to
deal
from
first
to
last
with
an
offending
brother
,
he
institutes
the
external
government
of
the
Church
,
and
both
erects
and
also
establisheth
an
independant
tribunal
.
After
a
Church
is
once
constituted
,
and
this
power
acquired
it
's
exercised
either
by
a
general
Representative
,
or
by
Officers
:
both
these
must
be
invested
with
power
before
they
can
act
.
And
these
acquire
their
power
by
delegation
,
or
by
being
constituted
Officers
.
By
these
means
the
power
may
be
acquired
justly
.
section
4
Yet
it
may
be
possessed
or
exercised
unjustly
.
It
's
usurped
when
any
arrogate
it
,
or
take
upon
them
to
exercise
it
without
just
warrant
from
the
Gospel
.
Therefore
,
1.
When
a
multitude
of
Christians
,
who
have
no
ability
to
manage
it
,
shall
erect
an
independant
judicatory
,
they
are
Usurpers
.
2.
When
one
Church
challengeth
power
over
another
.
3.
When
Presbyters
alone
,
or
Bishops
alone
engross
the
whole
power
Ecclesiastical
,
both
of
making
Canons
,
and
of
Jurisdiction
and
constituting
Officers
.
4.
Magistrates
,
who
as
such
,
take
upon
them
spiritual
power
.
5.
But
the
greatest
Usurper
is
the
Pope
,
who
usurpeth
a
power
both
intensively
and
extensively
far
greater
than
is
due
.
section
5
As
the
Power
may
be
acquired
,
so
it
may
be
lost
.
For
,
1.
When
a
Church
is
so
far
decayed
,
as
not
to
be
able
to
exercise
an
independant
jurisdiction
or
order
as
their
association
;
so
their
power
is
so
much
abated
.
2.
When
a
Church
doth
wholly
cease
to
be
a
Church
,
then
their
power
is
wholly
lost
.
Yet
when
it
's
hindred
either
by
the
Magistrate
,
or
by
schisms
and
rents
in
it self
,
so
that
it
cannot
exercise
it
,
yet
it
's
vertually
in
them
.
And
many
times
such
is
the
neglect
of
Christians
,
that
they
will
not
associate
nor
reduce
themselves
into
Order
when
they
might
do
it
;
this
is
a
great
sin
.
3.
When
Representatives
turn
into
a
faction
and
betray
their
trust
,
they
lose
their
power
as
Representatives
.
4.
All
Officers
are
divested
when
for
some
just
cause
,
they
are
deposed
or
degraded
,
but
this
belongs
not
to
this
part
.
CHAP.
VIII
.
Of
the
disposition
of
Power
Civil
,
and
the
several
forms
of
Government
.
section
1
AFter
the
acquisition
both
of
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
power
,
follows
the
disposition
of
both
,
which
will
take
up
a
great
part
of
this
first
Book
.
And
1.
Of
the
manner
of
disposing
Civil
Power
.
This
Disposition
seems
to
be
the
same
with
acquisition
,
because
it
cannot
be
acquired
but
by
a
certain
subject
,
neither
can
it
be
said
properly
to
be
actually
acquired
,
but
at
the
very
same
time
,
and
by
this
very
Act
it
's
placed
in
that
subject
.
Yet
because
Power
Civil
may
be
so
communicated
and
acquired
,
that
it
may
be
disposed
of
several
ways
:
and
from
these
several
ways
of
disposing
,
arise
several
distinctions
and
differences
of
Common-Wealths
.
I
thought
good
to
make
Disposition
a
distinct
thing
from
Acquisition
,
and
so
handle
it
for
the
better
understanding
of
this
particular
.
I
will
1.
premise
some
general
Observations
.
2.
Briefly
declare
the
several
ways
of
disposing
Majesty
,
and
the
several
forms
of
Governments
.
3.
Inquire
into
the
Constitution
of
the
Common-Wealth
of
England
.
4.
Deliver
some
things
concerning
our
condition
in
these
late
times
.
section
2
The
Observations
are
these
:
The
1.
which
belongs
unto
that
of
Acquisition
,
is
,
That
no
power
can
be
fully
acquired
,
till
it
be
accepted
of
as
well
as
communicated
.
For
,
no
man
can
be
bound
to
be
a
Sovereign
against
his
will
.
2.
That
Majesty
is
then
disposed
,
when
it
is
placed
and
ordered
in
a
certain
constant
subject
,
which
thereby
may
be
enabled
and
bound
to
protect
and
govern
.
3.
That
to
be
disposed
in
this
or
that
subject
,
in
this
or
that
manner
,
is
accidental
to
Majesty
,
though
to
be
disposed
is
essential
to
a
Common-Wealth
.
4.
From
the
different
ways
of
disposing
this
Power
arise
the
different
kinds
(
as
they
call
them
)
of
Common-Wealths
.
For
from
the
placing
of
it
in
one
or
more
,
arise
Monarchical
,
Aristocratical
and
popular
States
.
5.
Majesty
being
the
same
in
general
in
all
States
,
it
may
be
disposed
several
ways
and
in
several
degrees
,
in
one
or
more
.
Hence
arise
the
difference
of
one
Monarchy
from
another
:
one
Aristocracy
from
another
:
one
popular
State
from
another
.
6.
Though
it
may
be
a
Question
,
whether
the
disposing
of
Power
in
one
or
more
can
make
a
specifical
difference
,
yet
Monarchy
and
Polyarchy
are
taken
for
different
species
of
Common-Wealths
essentially
different
.
Majestas
disponitur
.
-
pure
in
-
uno
-
despotice
-
hinc
imperium
-
section
3
Despoticum
-
Regale
-
monarchicum
-
section
3
Despoticum
-
Regale
-
regaliter
-
pluribus
-
optimatibus
hinc
-
Aristocratia
-
Democratia
-
plebe
hinc
-
Aristocratia
-
Democratia
-
miste
in
-
pluribus
hinc
Status
popularis
.
-
omnibus
hinc
Status
popularis
.
The
knowledge
of
this
Scheme
depends
upon
the
difference
and
distinction
of
the
parts
and
members
of
a
Community
.
For
besides
those
which
are
but
vertually
members
,
there
are
such
as
are
sui
juris
,
independant
upon
others
:
and
these
are
divided
into
three
Ranks
.
As
1.
Such
as
are
only
free
.
2.
Such
as
are
of
the
Nobility
.
3.
Some
that
are
super-eminent
.
The
two
former
are
called
in
Latin
,
Plebs
&
optimates
.
And
amongst
these
optimates
there
may
be
very
great
difference
:
as
we
find
a
Pompey
or
a
Caesar
amongst
the
Romans
:
a
Duke
of
Briganza
amongst
the
Portugals
,
who
inherited
a
vast
Estate
in
Lands
.
These
are
called
the
Tres
ordines
,
the
three
States
or
Ranks
of
the
whole
Body
of
the
People
,
with
us
,
King
,
Peers
and
Commons
.
The
super-eminent
are
few
,
the
Peers
more
in
number
,
yet
not
very
many
:
the
Commons
are
the
greatest
multitude
by
far
,
and
make
up
the
main
body
of
the
Society
.
Yet
with
us
,
of
these
there
be
several
degrees
and
subdivisions
.
Amongst
the
Commons
,
we
find
the
Freeholders
and
the
Gentry
,
and
a
great
disparity
in
both
.
Amongst
the
Peers
there
is
a
difference
,
1.
In
respect
of
the
manner
of
acquiring
of
this
Dignity
:
and
so
some
of
them
are
such
by
ancient
tenure
,
amounting
to
so
many
Knights-fees
:
some
by
Writ
,
some
by
Patent
.
These
are
called
in
Latin
Barones
Feudatarii
,
rescriptitii
,
diplomatici
.
There
is
another
distinction
with
us
of
Lords
;
for
some
are
Temporal
,
some
Spiritual
.
The
highest
of
these
amongst
us
are
those
of
Royal
Extraction
:
In
France
the
Princes
of
the
Blood.
In
some
Countries
,
as
in
Denmark
,
and
some
say
in
Poland
,
there
be
Peers
and
Lords
,
which
hold
in
Allodio
,
and
these
are
independant
upon
the
King
in
divers
respects
:
such
also
the
Princes
of
Germany
be
for
the
most
part
.
And
in
those
States
where
such
are
found
,
the
Government
usually
is
Aristocratical
.
These
Kings
,
Dukes
and
Monarchs
became
such
at
first
,
either
for
the
antiquity
of
their
Family
and
their
greate
Estates
,
or
for
their
super-eminent
wisdom
and
vertue
,
or
for
their
rare
exploits
in
War
or
Peace
.
For
such
as
are
Generals
and
great
Commanders
in
wars
,
prudent
and
successful
,
much
beloved
by
Souldiers
,
may
do
much
;
dethrone
Princes
,
set
up
themselves
,
and
if
it
will
not
be
fairly
given
,
they
will
forcibly
take
the
Crown
:
and
sometimes
they
may
deserve
it
,
and
prove
the
fittest
to
wear
it
.
These
are
the
three
Ranks
and
Orders
of
the
People
.
section
4
These
being
known
well
,
will
give
some
light
to
that
which
follows
,
concerning
the
disposing
of
Majesty
whether
real
or
personal
,
though
all
Majesty
actually
ruling
,
must
be
in
some
sense
personal
.
First
this
super-eminent
power
may
be
placed
-
Purely
in
one
,
-
Purely
in
more
.
in
one
,
and
then
that
the
State
is
called
a
Monarchy
.
Yet
it
may
be
disposed
in
more
than
one
,
several
ways
.
1.
More
absolutely
.
2.
More
strictly
limitted
.
An
absolute
Monarch
,
whether
Elective
or
Hereditary
is
such
,
as
hath
a
full
power
over
his
subjects
goods
and
persons
as
his
own
:
so
that
the
people
have
neither
propriety
in
their
goods
,
nor
liberty
of
their
persons
.
They
are
but
his
servants
and
little
better
than
slaves
:
such
Pharaoh's
Subjects
,
when
Joseph
had
purchased
their
stocks
,
their
Lands
,
their
persons
for
the
Crown
,
seem
to
have
been
.
This
Government
is
absolutum
dominium
,
and
therefore
termed
Despoticum
&
herile
Imperium
.
And
such
a
Monarch
seems
to
be
that
which
by
Aristotle
is
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
There
be
Princes
invested
with
Majesty
,
who
challenge
the
Legislative
power
unto
themselves
,
will
by
a
Proclamation
or
Edict
command
the
goods
of
their
Subjects
,
and
imprison
their
persons
at
will
and
pleasure
.
These
though
they
be
limited
by
the
fundamental
Constitution
,
and
their
Oaths
,
are
in
the
exercise
of
their
power
as
absolute
as
the
former
.
This
kind
of
Government
may
do
well
where
the
Subjects
are
turbulent
,
insolent
and
unruly
,
or
of
a
base
and
servile
spirit
,
or
rude
and
savage
.
But
where
the
people
are
ingenuous
,
tractable
,
and
of
a
better
disposition
,
it
's
very
unreasonable
:
for
,
it
will
either
cause
Rebellions
,
and
Seditions
,
or
much
debase
their
spirits
.
This
kind
of
Monarchy
is
apt
to
degenerate
into
a
Tyranny
of
one
person
.
Yet
if
this
kind
of
Sovereign
be
wise
,
just
and
vertuous
,
the
people
may
live
happily
under
his
protection
.
Yet
such
a
power
,
and
so
unlimited
is
not
fit
to
be
trusted
in
the
hands
of
every
one
.
And
if
it
be
hereditary
,
woe
to
the
people
that
live
under
it
.
Yet
this
power
may
be
trusted
in
the
hands
of
one
,
yet
so
as
that
it
may
be
allayed
,
limited
,
and
justly
and
wisely
poised
,
and
the
Sovereign
as
a
King.
The
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
Hebrew
signifies
a
Governor
in
general
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
Greek
is
a
word
of
great
latitude
,
and
so
is
Rex
in
Latin
,
and
also
Sultan
,
in
the
Arabick
and
Mauritanian
Language
.
Yet
some
are
such
imperious
Dictators
and
Masters
of
words
,
that
the
word
King
must
needs
signifie
an
absolute
Monarch
.
That
it
often
signifies
a
Monarch
and
one
that
hath
the
title
of
Majesty
,
there
is
no
doubt
.
But
the
bare
word
or
title
not
distinctly
inform
us
of
the
power
,
or
the
manifold
differences
of
Kings
;
which
must
be
known
another
way
,
as
by
the
constitution
of
those
particular
States
,
where
the
chief
and
most
eminent
Governours
have
that
title
.
For
there
is
a
great
difference
and
that
in
respect
of
power
,
between
the
Kings
of
Spain
and
France
,
and
the
Kings
of
Poland
,
Swethland
and
Denmark
.
Neither
doth
the
King
of
England
in
this
respect
exactly
agree
with
any
of
them
.
But
if
the
word
cannot
,
the
definition
surely
of
a
King
should
determine
his
power
.
Yet
neither
will
the
common
usual
definition
do
it
.
For
thus
he
is
commonly
defined
.
A
King
is
a
Monarch
,
What
a
King
is
.
who
governeth
free
men
justly
according
to
the
Laws
,
to
the
good
of
the
Common-wealth
.
The
Genus
is
,
that
he
is
a
Monarch
.
And
if
such
in
strict
senc●
,
as
such
,
he
can
have
neither
Superiour
nor
Peer
in
his
Kingdom
.
The
specifical
difference
is
taken
from
the
Subject
,
the
rule
,
the
end
of
his
Government
.
For
his
proper
act
is
Regere
to
govern
.
The
subjects
of
his
Government
are
Freemen
.
The
Rule
is
just
Laws
.
The
end
the
publick
good
.
Abstract
the
specifical
difference
,
and
lay
the
word
King
and
Monarch
aside
,
and
it
agrees
to
all
Governours
Civil
whatsoever
.
For
Civil
government
being
grounded
upon
the
eternal
moral
Law
,
Love
thy
Neighbour
as
thy self
,
and
more
particularly
upon
the
fifth
Commandment
,
no
person
or
persons
invested
with
Sovereign
power
can
be
defined
any
other
way
;
and
neither
their
power
nor
the
exercise
thereof
is
good
,
further
than
it
agrees
,
with
this
definition
.
And
the
more
their
government
swerves
from
this
Rule
,
the
more
of
the
Tyrant
is
in
them
:
and
if
the
violation
of
it
be
more
than
their
observation
,
and
that
habitually
too
,
then
they
are
really
Tyrants
,
in
exercitio
.
For
denominatio
fit
a
parte
praedominante
.
But
I
have
wondred
,
why
Authors
have
made
this
the
specifical
difference
of
a
King
,
which
certainly
it
cannot
be
.
Yet
this
definition
leaves
many
things
doubtful
.
For
,
it
determines
not
what
liberty
is
,
and
whether
it
can
be
perfect
without
propriety
.
Nor
doth
it
tell
us
,
what
these
Laws
are
according
to
which
he
must
govern
:
whether
the
Laws
of
God
only
,
or
the
Laws
also
of
men
:
and
if
of
men
,
whether
the
Laws
of
constitution
or
administration
;
if
of
administration
,
whether
they
must
be
made
by
himself
alone
,
or
by
some
others
without
him
,
or
with
him
.
For
,
if
the
Laws
be
made
by
him
alone
,
he
is
an
absolute
Despotical
Sovereign
;
if
by
others
,
either
with
him
or
without
him
,
he
is
not
such
.
For
there
may
be
a
King
,
at
least
in
name
above
Law
,
and
a
King
by
Law
,
and
such
as
cannot
command
or
bind
the
meanest
Subject
,
nor
judge
him
,
but
according
to
Law.
Such
a
King
is
not
a
pure
Monarch
,
which
I
now
treat
of
.
Therefore
a
King
that
is
a
pure
Monarch
differs
from
a
Despotical
Sovereign
in
respect
of
his
Subjects
,
and
the
measure
of
his
power
,
and
according
to
this
definition
in
the
exercise
of
it
.
The
Subjects
of
the
one
are
free
,
and
have
propriety
of
person
and
goods
,
the
Subjects
of
the
other
have
neither
.
The
power
of
the
one
is
more
absolute
,
and
of
larger
extent
,
or
rather
more
intensive
.
The
exercise
of
the
power
of
the
one
is
bounded
by
just
Laws
;
the
power
of
the
other
is
not
limitted
or
directed
by
Laws
;
and
so
tends
not
so
much
to
advance
the
weal
of
his
Subjects
as
his
own
greatness
;
and
in
this
respect
can
be
no
lawful
and
good
Governour
;
if
he
act
according
to
his
absolute
and
arbitrary
power
,
which
God
never
gave
him
.
And
Despotical
Sovereigns
,
if
wise
and
just
,
will
do
as
Trajan
did
,
that
is
,
act
according
to
the
Rule
of
Justice
and
of
a
limitted
power
,
though
they
be
not
bound
by
man
to
do
so
.
section
6
An
absolute
and
pure
Monarchy
is
a
very
dangerous
form
of
Government
,
and
very
inclinable
and
propense
to
Tyranny
;
and
such
a
Sovereign
,
as
is
invested
with
such
transcendent
power
,
degenerates
and
turns
Tyrant
.
Experience
in
all
times
and
places
makes
this
evident
,
Monarchy
indeed
in
some
respects
is
the
best
Government
.
Yet
such
is
the
imperfection
and
corruption
of
man
that
it
proves
not
to
be
so
.
If
Monarchs
were
like
God
,
or
Saints
and
Angels
,
it
might
be
better
.
But
in
a
succession
,
whether
elective
or
hereditary
,
we
find
in
tract
of
time
few
good
,
many
bad
,
and
very
wicked
.
In
Israel
the
first
King
was
not
right
,
the
fourth
too
bad
;
and
after
the
Kingdom
was
divided
into
the
Tribe
of
Israel
and
Judah
,
in
Judah
we
find
few
like
David
,
many
very
wicked
:
in
the
Kingdom
of
Israel
not
one
good
.
Yet
the
Laws
both
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
were
made
to
their
hands
,
and
that
by
God
himself
.
Sovereign
power
is
a
weighty
burthen
,
and
requires
much
strength
,
and
excellent
abilities
.
Moses
himself
cannot
bear
it
alone
:
he
hath
need
of
one
hundred
and
Seventy
Elders
,
and
the
same
endued
with
the
spirit
of
government
to
be
his
assistants
.
If
a
Sovereign
be
imprudent
,
or
weak
of
understanding
,
not
able
to
judge
of
good
counsel
,
or
negligent
,
or
timorous
,
or
wilful
,
or
destitute
of
good
Agents
,
and
Instruments
for
Administrations
,
the
Government
begins
to
decline
even
in
most
peaceable
times
,
and
the
Subjects
become
suddenly
unhappy
.
But
if
he
be
Wicked
,
Vitious
,
Insolent
,
Impetuous
,
Cruel
,
he
instantly
becomes
a
Tyrant
,
and
then
both
Church
and
State
begin
to
suffer
much
:
Religion
is
corrupted
or
suppressed
and
persecuted
,
the
Wicked
are
predominant
,
and
the
best
under
Hatches
.
Yea
,
though
the
Prince
may
be
of
a
good
Disposition
,
yet
facile
and
flexible
,
devoid
of
Wisdom
and
Courage
,
and
also
destitute
of
good
and
faithful
Counsellors
,
and
beset
with
wicked
Men
,
how
easily
is
he
misled
,
involved
in
many
Troubles
,
and
in
the
end
brought
to
Ruine
.
Sometimes
a
few
cunning
Politicians
act
him
as
a
●hild
,
drive
on
their
own
Interest
,
and
neglect
,
yea
,
pervert
the
publick
Good.
How
much
more
if
the
Monarchs
be
Children
,
or
Ideots
,
as
some
be
?
If
in
such
a
model
God
raise
up
a
David
,
a
Solomon
,
a
Jehosaphat
,
an
Ezekiah
,
a
Josiah
,
the
People
may
be
happy
,
and
have
great
Cause
to
be
thankful
for
so
great
a
Blessing
.
There
is
another
way
of
disposing
Majesty
than
the
former
,
and
that
is
,
when
it
's
fixed
section
7
Purely
in
more
than
one
,
And
that
is
twofold
,
in
-
obtimatibus
,
-
plebe
.
When
it
is
disposed
in
few
,
and
the
same
more
eminent
,
it
's
called
an
Aristocraty
,
so
called
from
the
quality
of
the
persons
who
govern
.
For
they
are
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
optimates
,
primores
,
praecipui
,
the
most
eminent
in
the
Community
,
and
above
the
common
Sort
or
Plebean
Rank
;
for
they
are
not
only
formaliter
,
but
eminenter
cives
,
as
you
heard
before
.
Their
eminency
ariseth
from
their
noble
Extraction
,
as
being
descended
from
noble
and
ancient
Families
,
or
from
their
great
Estates
,
or
from
both
,
or
from
their
excellent
Vertues
.
And
such
,
as
in
whom
all
these
concurr
,
are
the
fittest
for
Government
.
Amongst
the
Romans
these
were
called
Patricii
.
This
Order
of
Peers
,
which
may
be
so
called
,
in
relation
of
one
unto
another
amongst
themselves
,
is
sometimes
confined
to
certain
Families
,
as
they
say
it
is
in
the
Rhagusian
and
Venetian
States
,
and
with
a
permission
or
prohibition
to
marry
in
inferior
Families
,
or
there
may
be
way
made
open
for
the
Adoption
of
other
persons
for
their
eminent
Vertues
,
though
of
meaner
Rank
.
For
virtus
vera
nobilitas
.
Such
were
the
Patricii
minorum
Gentium
amongst
the
Romans
.
And
though
political
Vertues
,
as
Wisdom
and
Justice
do
best
qualifie
them
for
the
place
,
yet
it
's
requisite
they
have
good
Estates
,
or
sufficient
Allowance
,
otherwise
they
will
oppress
the
people
,
or
be
unfit
to
attend
the
publick
Service
.
Yet
such
as
are
born
of
noble
and
ancient
Families
have
some
advantage
,
because
they
many
times
inherit
great
Estates
,
are
more
honoured
by
the
People
,
have
the
benefit
of
the
best
Education
,
sometimes
participate
some
measure
of
the
noble
Spirit
of
their
Ancestors
,
whose
rare
Examples
may
do
something
too
.
These
,
though
physically
many
,
yet
morally
,
are
but
one
person
collective
.
They
may
have
a
president
,
and
such
as
the
Duke
of
Venice
:
And
his
Privileges
,
Honour
,
State
and
Dignity
may
be
Paramount
,
and
he
may
have
the
precedency
,
yet
no
negative
Voice
nor
Power
above
the
rest
.
For
the
Power
,
and
all
the
particular
Rights
of
Majesty
are
in
them
all
jointly
:
And
when
they
in
any
business
of
State
do
differ
,
the
major
part
carries
it
,
and
the
rest
submit
.
This
may
be
an
excellent
Government
,
when
all
or
the
greater
and
predominant
party
are
Wise
and
Just
,
and
follow
some
certain
Rules
of
the
Constitution
,
and
seek
the
publick
good
,
as
all
other
Sovereigns
should
do
.
If
there
be
not
care
taken
in
the
Succession
,
that
the
best
may
succeed
the
best
,
the
body
will
corrupt
and
degenerate
into
an
Oligarchy
,
which
is
then
done
,
when
either
they
agree
to
advance
their
own
private
Interest
,
to
the
neglect
of
the
publick
;
or
if
they
be
divided
,
one
party
bears
down
another
,
and
a
few
prevailing
engross
the
Power
,
and
Usurp
far
more
than
is
due
,
and
oppress
the
People
,
and
so
prove
a
number
of
Tyrants
.
When
the
richest
engross
the
power
to
themselves
,
it
's
called
a
Timocraty
.
If
the
Succession
into
places
vacant
,
either
by
death
,
or
some
other
way
be
by
Election
,
an
excellent
qualification
prerequired
,
some
strict
order
for
the
admission
should
be
observed
,
least
unworthy
persons
enter
by
Favour
,
Money
or
some
Indirect
way
.
And
in
this
particular
the
State
of
Venice
seems
to
excel
.
Neither
must
any
of
them
be
suffered
to
swell
and
rise
above
the
rest
,
as
many
ways
they
may
do
;
especially
if
they
be
Men
of
excellent
parts
and
successful
,
and
be
trusted
with
too
great
a
command
in
the
Administration
.
For
some
wise
Men
have
observed
,
That
the
unlimitted
Commission
granted
Pompey
at
the
first
,
for
the
Pyratick
War
,
laid
the
Foundation
of
those
bloody
Civil
Wars
which
followed
.
Majestas
pure
disponitur
in
Plebe
.
section
8
This
is
the
last
and
basest
kind
of
the
pure
Models
.
For
Plebs
signifies
the
inferior
rank
of
People
,
which
for
number
far
exceed
the
rest
.
Among
these
,
besides
Artificers
,
Husband-men
,
and
such
as
are
for
Trade
and
Traffick
,
there
may
be
some
Merchants
of
great
Estates
,
some
of
more
noble
Descent
and
competent
Revenue
,
yet
far
short
of
such
Eminency
as
is
required
in
Peers
or
Princes
;
which
this
kind
of
Government
cannot
brook
.
Yet
it
may
be
so
ordered
,
as
that
the
exercise
of
the
Power
may
be
trusted
in
hands
of
some
just
,
wise
and
experienced
Persons
,
which
either
must
govern
by
course
,
or
be
removed
,
least
trusted
too
long
,
they
engross
the
power
to
themselves
,
or
to
some
few
Families
,
or
to
a
Faction
predominant
.
For
this
kind
of
Government
is
very
subject
to
Faction
,
Disorder
and
Tumults
.
The
name
of
it
is
a
Democraty
;
in
which
there
is
the
greatest
Liberty
,
not
only
because
they
are
free
from
Peers
and
Princes
,
but
because
every
one
may
be
a
Magistrate
,
and
proceed
in
such
a
way
as
opens
to
that
end
.
Yet
because
in
such
a
State
there
be
few
Men
of
Learning
,
Wisdom
,
Experience
in
matters
of
State
,
most
of
mean
Education
,
and
many
so
taken
up
with
their
own
private
Affairs
,
it
can
hardly
continue
long
without
some
Alteration
,
if
not
Ruine
.
It
presently
degenerates
into
an
Ochlocraty
,
and
when
such
,
there
it
cannot
stay
long
before
it
become
an
Anarchy
.
It
's
a
Curse
and
heavy
Judgment
of
God
to
live
in
such
a
Government
,
according
to
that
in
the
Prophet
.
And
the
People
shall
be
oppressed
,
every
one
by
another
,
and
every
one
by
his
Neighbour
:
the
Child
shall
behave
himself
proudly
against
the
ancient
,
and
the
base
against
the
honourable
,
Esa.
iij.
5
.
The
Philosopher
reckons
up
four
several
kinds
of
this
Democratical
Form
:
and
there
may
be
many
more
,
some
better
,
some
worse
.
Of
the
Tumults
and
Intestine
Dissentions
amongst
these
Plebeans
,
Histories
tell
us
much
.
But
this
is
a
subject
which
is
not
very
profitable
,
and
I
list
not
to
enlarge
upon
it
.
Majestas
disponitur
mixte
in
-
pluribus
,
-
section
9
omnibus
.
There
is
another
kind
of
disposition
different
from
the
former
,
and
it
's
called
a
mixt
Government
.
The
reason
of
the
name
few
know
,
because
they
little
understand
the
thing
.
It
's
not
called
so
,
as
many
think
,
because
the
Jura
Majestatis
are
divided
and
given
some
to
the
Peers
,
some
to
the
people
,
and
some
in
some
States
to
the
Prince
.
For
this
tends
to
confusion
,
and
doth
not
well
suit
with
the
Nature
of
Sovereign
Power
.
Therefore
it
's
the
cause
of
many
Quarrels
and
Dissentions
.
But
it
's
called
mixt
,
because
either
three
or
at
least
two
of
the
States
are
mixt
together
,
so
as
that
the
Sovereignty
is
jointly
in
them
all
,
and
in
the
whole
;
and
of
these
there
are
two
Sorts
.
For
some
time
there
is
no
Prince
in
the
Administration
,
and
then
it
's
in
the
Commons
and
the
Peers
;
not
in
Peers
and
in
Commons
severally
;
but
in
both
jointly
.
Sometimes
it
's
in
omnibus
,
in
Prince
,
Peers
,
Commons
.
Yet
these
in
the
Administration
may
have
their
several
parts
and
different
manners
of
acting
.
Therefore
we
must
not
judge
of
States
according
to
the
manner
of
Administration
,
though
the
Administration
will
give
great
light
and
help
us
to
understand
the
Constitution
.
This
kind
of
Government
is
called
a
Free
State
,
a
popular
State
,
a
Republick
,
or
the
Republick
,
and
may
be
the
best
State
of
all
others
,
where
Majestas
is
tota
in
toto
,
yet
there
may
be
several
kinds
of
this
manner
of
Government
,
which
by
the
Philosopher
,
as
some
think
,
is
called
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
The
Polity
.
Machiavel
informs
us
,
That
Experience
of
the
Inconveniencies
of
pure
States
put
men
on
work
to
find
out
this
,
and
for
the
most
part
it
may
be
so
.
If
either
of
the
two
,
or
any
of
the
three
States
be
predominant
in
the
Administration
,
the
State
is
denominated
from
the
prevailing
part
.
For
where
the
Prince
hath
the
Title
of
King
,
and
is
predominant
in
the
Exercise
of
the
Power
,
it
's
called
a
Kingdom
,
or
Monarchy
;
where
the
Peers
,
it
's
an
Aristocraty
;
where
the
Commons
,
a
Democraty
;
and
yet
if
it
be
a
right
mixture
,
it
can
be
none
of
these
:
And
in
this
particular
many
are
deceived
.
For
where
the
whole
Power
is
wholly
in
the
whole
,
there
Populus
,
that
is
,
King
,
Peers
and
Commons
,
are
the
proper
subject
of
Majesty
in
the
Constitution
;
by
and
in
which
,
if
any
be
predominant
,
it
cannot
be
a
Free
State.
Such
a
Government
the
German
Empire
and
the
State
of
Venice
seem
to
be
.
Yet
in
this
latter
,
the
great
Council
,
which
,
some
tell
us
,
consists
of
Peers
,
is
counted
and
judged
to
have
the
supream
Power
.
Yet
,
if
we
may
believe
Machiavel
,
the
Families
out
of
which
they
are
chosen
,
were
,
at
the
first
Constitution
,
the
whole
People
.
The
Lacedaemonian
State
is
thought
by
many
to
be
mixt
,
and
some
say
the
mixture
was
ex
Democratia
praedominante
&
Aristocratia
diminuta
,
yet
this
is
very
improper
and
cannot
be
true
.
The
State
of
Rome
seems
in
the
time
of
the
Kings
to
be
a
Monarchy
:
After
that
an
Aristocraty
in
the
Senate
,
and
the
Patricii
.
But
when
Plebs
did
jubere
Leges
,
then
it
was
a
Democraty
in
the
judgment
of
many
.
Yet
upon
diligent
search
it
will
be
found
otherwise
.
For
though
the
King
was
the
chief
Pontiff
,
and
did
call
the
Assemblies
,
had
the
chief
and
sole
command
in
War
(
for
they
gave
him
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
yet
Halicarnassaeus
lets
us
know
,
That
this
Form
was
taken
from
the
Lacedaemonians
,
where
the
Kings
had
not
absolute
Power
,
they
were
not
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
but
were
limitted
by
their
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
or
great
Council
,
and
amongst
the
Romans
by
their
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
is
,
their
Senate
.
They
must
not
do
what
they
will
,
but
what
the
Senate
did
determine
.
Yet
we
shall
often
find
this
mixture
very
imperfect
or
very
much
altered
in
tract
of
time
from
what
it
was
at
first
.
To
say
nothing
of
Platonick
and
Vtopian
Commonwealths
,
which
are
not
practicable
,
nor
people
capable
of
them
,
the
summ
of
all
this
Head
is
this
,
That
God
hath
given
to
Men
in
their
several
Communities
,
a
power
to
protect
the
Just
,
and
punish
Offenders
according
to
wise
Laws
and
just
Judgment
,
and
also
a
power
to
preserve
themselves
,
and
justly
maintain
their
own
Right
against
all
Enemies
and
Invaders
.
Yet
he
hath
left
them
at
Liberty
to
dispose
of
it
several
ways
,
and
trust
it
in
the
hands
of
one
or
more
,
who
,
if
they
once
take
it
upon
them
,
must
exercise
it
and
be
just
.
For
he
that
ruleth
over
men
must
be
just
,
ruling
in
the
fear
of
God
,
2
Sam.
xxxiij
.
3
.
section
10
After
,
1.
The
generals
premised
.
2.
The
several
ways
and
manners
of
disposing
Majesty
in
a
certain
subject
handled
,
I
proceed
to
say
something
of
the
Constitution
of
the
State
of
England
,
which
hath
long
been
governed
by
Kings
and
Parliaments
.
There
was
indeed
a
time
,
even
after
the
Saxons
were
setled
in
this
Nation
,
when
there
was
no
King
,
but
Forty
Lords
,
who
at
length
chose
a
King
,
which
should
have
no
Peer
:
And
there
was
a
time
when
there
were
many
Kings
.
And
after
that
we
find
one
King
and
Parliaments
,
and
this
before
the
Conquest
.
For
this
model
of
ours
began
in
the
time
of
the
Saxon
Kings
,
and
was
brought
to
perfection
,
some
say
before
;
some
say
in
Edward
the
Confessor's
time
.
What
the
power
of
these
Parliaments
,
and
of
these
Kings
were
,
is
the
great
Question
.
For
that
once
known
,
the
Constitution
will
be
evident
.
There
was
a
Power
of
Kings
,
and
also
of
Parliaments
severally
,
and
a
power
of
them
jointly
considered
,
we
find
the
real
Majesty
in
the
People
,
and
personal
Majesty
in
King
and
Parliament
jointly
;
and
a
secondary
personal
Majesty
,
sometimes
greater
,
sometimes
less
in
the
Kings
,
in
the
intervals
of
Parliament
.
But
to
observe
a
method
,
and
proceed
more
distinctly
,
I
will
,
1.
Presuppose
some
things
.
2.
I
will
say
something
of
the
Kings
.
3.
Something
of
the
Parliaments
severally
.
4.
Something
of
them
both
jointly
.
1.
Therefore
I
will
suppose
the
Government
of
England
to
have
been
by
King
and
Parliament
before
the
Conquest
,
and
to
have
continued
so
till
our
days
:
And
whosoever
will
not
grant
this
,
must
either
be
very
ignorant
,
or
very
partial
.
2.
I
will
take
for
granted
,
That
there
have
been
extraordinary
cases
,
wherein
the
Rules
of
the
Constitution
either
have
not
,
or
could
not
be
observed
.
3.
This
is
also
true
,
that
sometimes
when
they
might
have
been
followed
,
yet
either
the
constitution
of
the
Parliament
,
or
the
carriage
of
the
Kings
was
such
,
as
that
they
have
violated
the
same
.
4.
Wise
and
intelligent
men
will
not
deny
,
but
that
in
our
days
the
Government
was
so
altered
and
corrupted
,
that
the
first
constitution
was
hardly
known
,
and
it
was
a
difficult
thing
either
to
reform
it
,
or
reduce
it
to
the
ancient
form
.
section
11
These
things
supposed
in
the
second
place
,
I
will
examine
,
1.
How
the
King
acquires
his
power
.
2.
What
his
power
acquired
is
.
3.
How
far
it
's
short
of
a
plenary
personal
Majesty
.
1.
The
manner
of
acquiring
this
Power
and
Title
,
is
either
by
deriving
it
from
the
first
investiture
,
or
by
inheritance
,
or
election
.
For
the
first
investiture
,
I
find
none
to
insist
upon
it
,
though
the
rule
of
investing
,
if
there
be
any
,
should
be
sought
in
the
fundamental
Charter
.
If
the
Crown
be
hereditary
to
the
Kings
,
and
they
have
it
as
their
own
Fee
,
they
may
dispose
of
it
,
and
of
themselves
,
appoint
their
Successor
whom
they
please
;
and
King
Henry
8.
might
without
any
Act
of
Parliament
,
have
designed
by
will
which
of
his
Children
should
succeed
him
.
And
Queen
Elizabeth
might
have
nominated
either
the
King
of
Scots
,
or
any
other
besides
him
for
her
Successor
.
Some
may
demand
,
what
right
she
had
to
nominate
,
or
any
other
after
her
death
to
proclaim
her
Successor
.
One
answer
to
this
demand
may
be
,
That
her
wise
Council
did
forsee
,
that
this
was
an
effectual
,
if
not
the
only
way
to
prevent
greater
mischiefs
and
effusion
of
blood
,
which
in
all
probability
might
have
followed
,
if
this
course
had
not
been
taken
.
And
in
an
extraordinary
case
,
some
extraordinary
thing
,
tending
to
the
publick
good
,
may
lawfully
be
done
.
Yet
this
is
not
to
be
made
an
ordinary
rule
,
and
followed
as
an
ordinary
Example
.
A
third
way
of
acquisition
is
by
election
and
consent
of
the
people
.
Thus
the
first
King
,
as
the
Mirrour
tells
us
in
express
words
,
was
elected
.
So
were
the
Saxon
Kings
till
Edward
the
Confessor
,
the
last
King
of
the
Saxon
Race
.
So
was
William
the
second
,
Henry
the
first
,
Stephen
,
John.
The
manner
and
form
of
the
Coronation
,
which
contains
in
a
few
words
much
of
the
Constitution
,
determines
the
Succession
to
be
by
Election
.
Those
words
of
Fortescue
to
the
Prince
,
Non
habes
potestatem
regiam
,
sed
a
populo
effluxam
,
imply
so
much
.
The
Conqueror
himself
,
who
,
as
a
Bastard
could
not
inherit
the
Crown
,
confesseth
,
that
he
possessed
not
the
Crown
Jure
haereditario
.
To
this
purpose
the
old
book
of
Caen
is
alledged
.
These
things
are
above
me
and
out
of
my
element
,
therefore
to
be
judged
of
by
the
learned
Antiquaries
in
Law.
But
suppose
it
be
granted
to
be
elective
,
yet
it
's
elective
in
a
certain
line
;
for
such
hath
been
the
practice
for
a
long
time
,
which
is
conceived
to
be
more
convenient
.
Yet
the
Author
of
the
due
Rights
of
the
Kingdom
,
saith
,
That
if
a
King
had
such
Children
so
qualified
,
and
so
educated
,
that
they
were
above
others
in
virtue
,
wisdom
,
and
true
worth
(
or
at
least
caeteris
pares
)
they
were
the
most
likely
Candidates
for
the
Crown
.
section
12
But
let
the
manner
of
acquiring
this
regal
Power
be
either
by
and
from
the
first
investiture
;
or
by
inheritance
,
or
by
election
,
the
second
point
,
and
the
same
of
more
importance
is
,
to
know
what
this
power
once
acquired
and
possessed
is
.
For
the
Roman
Emperors
acquired
their
power
by
election
,
and
yet
it
was
absolute
,
as
is
pretended
and
very
great
.
And
here
I
do
not
intend
to
say
any
thing
of
his
excellent
Dignity
;
his
Scepter
,
Sword
,
Throne
,
Crown
,
Robe
,
Titles
,
the
Honour
due
unto
them
;
for
these
are
not
so
material
as
the
Prerogatives
of
the
King
of
England
.
Prerogatives
,
saith
Sir
Roger
Owen
,
are
the
Flowers
,
which
by
time
immemorial
the
Commons
of
this
Realm
have
granted
the
Kings
thereof
.
If
this
be
true
,
he
hath
no
Prerogatives
,
but
such
as
are
granted
him
,
and
that
by
the
Commons
of
England
.
But
Judge
Crook
is
no
flatterer
,
he
speaks
plainly
,
and
saith
,
he
knows
no
Prerogatives
the
King
hath
but
this
,
that
he
cannot
do
wrong
.
This
may
be
understood
either
as
it
agrees
to
all
Sovereigns
,
or
as
to
the
Kings
of
England
in
a
more
special
manner
.
It
's
true
,
that
no
Sovereign
,
though
absolute
and
Despotical
can
do
wrong
.
For
,
Id
quisque
potest
,
quod
jure
potest
.
The
meaning
is
,
they
ought
not
to
do
wrong
;
for
to
do
wrong
is
contrary
to
the
Laws
of
God
,
whereby
they
hold
their
Crowns
;
and
also
to
the
very
end
,
for
which
God
instituted
civil
Government
.
Yet
there
is
a
more
special
reason
why
the
Kings
of
England
can
do
no
wrong
,
because
they
are
Kings
by
Law
;
they
cannot
bind
by
their
personal
commands
,
but
by
their
Regal
,
which
are
not
Regal
,
if
not
Legal
.
Again
,
he
doth
all
things
like
an
Infant
in
his
minority
by
his
Ministers
of
State
,
to
whom
he
can
grant
no
Power
or
Commission
to
act
but
according
to
Law.
Therefore
if
any
wrong
be
done
,
as
much
is
,
it
's
done
by
them
,
and
they
,
not
the
King
,
are
chargeable
with
it
,
and
questionable
for
it
.
Yet
he
hath
power
,
and
great
power
,
and
it
's
not
the
less
,
but
rather
the
greater
and
more
like
unto
Gods
,
because
it
's
limitted
by
Law.
He
Summons
Parliaments
,
makes
Officers
,
conferrs
Honours
,
sends
and
receives
Embassadors
,
and
gives
them
answer
,
makes
Leagues
with
other
States
,
and
other
things
formerly
mentioned
,
when
I
spake
of
the
second
king
of
personal
Majesty
.
Yet
,
if
we
may
believe
Bracton
,
he
hath
all
this
from
the
Law.
For
Lex
facit
Regem
,
and
he
is
but
trusted
with
the
exercise
of
it
for
the
protection
of
the
people
,
and
the
execution
of
the
Laws
:
in
which
respect
it
seems
to
follow
,
that
if
the
Law
be
above
him
,
they
who
make
the
Laws
must
needs
be
above
him
.
section
13
But
in
the
third
place
,
though
the
King
hath
great
power
,
yet
there
is
some
power
in
the
Kingdom
,
which
he
hath
not
.
For
he
cannot
abolish
Parliaments
,
What
the
King
cannot
do
.
he
cannot
refuse
to
call
them
,
either
when
the
Laws
,
or
the
ardua
Regni
require
them
,
he
cannot
exercise
the
Militia
but
according
to
the
Laws
,
neither
can
he
make
or
repeal
Laws
without
the
Parliament
;
he
cannot
command
the
Purse
,
he
cannot
alienate
the
Crown
or
the
Crown-Revenue
,
nor
dispose
of
the
Crown
as
his
own
hereditary
Fee
;
divers
other
things
there
are
above
his
power
.
Yet
the
Kings
of
England
have
challenged
and
exercised
far
greater
power
,
than
the
Laws
and
Constitution
gives
them
.
But
that
was
matter
of
fact
and
cannot
found
a
Right
.
We
read
that
King
Richard
the
second
was
charged
,
as
with
other
things
,
so
with
these
two
:
1.
That
he
said
the
Laws
were
in
his
head
and
his
breast
:
that
is
,
he
had
the
Legislative
power
solely
to
himself
.
2.
That
he
denied
to
approve
the
Laws
made
by
the
Parliament
,
that
is
,
he
challenged
a
negative
Voice
.
In
both
these
,
Arnisaeus
undertakes
to
maintain
his
cause
as
just
,
and
that
he
did
but
challenge
his
due
.
Lib
,
de
authoritate
principum
in
populum
semper
inviolabili
,
Cap.
4.
Yet
all
his
whole
answer
is
but
petitio
principii
.
For
presupposing
the
King
of
England
to
be
an
absolute
Monarch
,
which
we
know
he
is
not
,
he
takes
upon
him
to
answer
the
whole
charge
,
which
he
might
easily
do
,
if
he
take
for
granted
,
that
which
he
can
never
prove
,
nor
English
Men
,
especially
Antiquaries
in
Law
,
will
never
grant
him
;
that
he
wrote
against
Rebellion
and
Treason
,
and
maintained
the
just
and
lawful
authority
of
Princes
,
he
did
well
,
but
that
he
should
write
as
a
Pensioner
to
the
King
,
and
so
presumtuously
judge
of
the
Constitution
of
a
Foreign
State
,
whereof
he
was
sufficiently
ignorant
,
we
English
Men
cannot
well
brook
.
So
Bodin
being
informed
by
Dellus
(
who
I
think
,
was
Sir
Thomas
Dale
,
a
prudent
and
experienced
Statesman
,
and
far
better
acquainted
with
the
Government
of
his
own
Country
than
he
was
)
that
the
Kings
of
England
could
not
make
or
repeal
a
Law
without
,
but
only
by
the
Parliament
,
he
wondred
,
and
notwithstanding
his
Information
,
he
presumptuously
determines
the
Kings
of
England
to
be
absolute
Monarchs
.
So
much
he
doated
upon
his
imperfect
notion
of
Majesty
and
absolute
Power
.
Mr.
Cambden
,
though
a
learned
Antiquary
,
yet
not
in
the
common
Law
,
speaks
doubtfully
in
this
point
,
and
doth
not
well
,
though
perhaps
prudently
express
himself
.
His
words
are
,
Quod
Rex
habet
supremam
potestatem
&
merum
imperium
apud
nos
.
Yet
afterwards
,
speaking
of
our
Courts
,
he
gives
to
the
Parliament
the
supreme
and
sacred
power
,
in
making
,
conferring
,
repealing
and
interpreting
the
Laws
,
and
in
all
other
things
,
which
concern
the
good
of
the
State.
If
he
meant
that
the
King
had
it
jointly
with
the
two
Houses
,
it
's
tolerable
;
yet
if
so
,
1.
His
former
expression
was
not
good
.
2.
Neither
is
that
latter
assertion
of
his
,
when
he
saith
,
the
Parliament
is
summon'd
ad
arbitrium
Regis
,
when
the
King
pleaseth
.
section
14
But
let
's
go
to
the
Parliament
,
where
we
shall
find
the
King
again
:
and
when
we
come
there
,
we
must
consider
,
1.
What
it
is
.
2.
What
power
it
hath
.
3.
What
power
it
hath
not
.
1.
To
give
a
perfect
definition
of
it
is
above
my
skill
,
neither
is
it
within
the
sphear
of
my
profession
:
ancient
Parliament-men
,
and
especially
learned
Antiquaries
in
the
common
Law
know
it
best
.
Mr.
Cambden
gives
a
tolerable
description
of
it
.
It
's
a
Representative
of
all
England
,
invested
with
the
highest
power
of
Legislation
,
and
all
other
acts
that
concern
the
common
good
.
This
is
the
substance
of
the
matter
,
though
not
given
in
his
express
terms
.
And
here
I
will
not
say
any
thing
of
their
Election
,
Incorporation
,
manner
of
proceeding
after
it
's
once
constituted
,
and
begins
as
a
formal
Parliament
to
act
.
Some
have
conceived
it
to
be
one
of
the
most
orderly
Assemblies
in
the
World
,
Parliament
best
Assembly
.
which
is
an
argument
of
the
great
wisdom
of
our
Ancestors
,
who
first
molded
it
,
and
brought
it
to
perfection
,
yet
it
may
be
corrupted
and
ill
constituted
,
and
then
Corruptio
optimi
est
pessima
.
The
Election
in
our
times
is
not
well
ordered
;
for
if
it
were
,
the
very
quintessence
of
the
wisdom
and
virtues
of
all
England
might
be
extracted
,
united
,
and
act
in
that
Convention
.
But
men
are
ready
through
want
of
understanding
to
undo
themselves
,
by
choosing
insufficient
and
unworthy
persons
.
Parliament
Members
qualified
.
The
first
constitution
certainly
required
a
qualification
in
the
persons
to
be
Elected
.
For
we
trust
them
much
,
even
with
our
Estates
,
Liberty
,
Lives
and
Religion
for
the
outward
profession
.
It
's
not
fit
to
trust
these
in
the
hands
of
any
sort
of
Men
,
but
such
as
shall
be
wise
,
faithful
,
just
and
sincerely
affecting
the
publick
good
.
Wittena
Gemote
.
The
Saxon
name
Wittena
Gemote
implies
this
;
for
it
signifies
the
meeting
of
wise
men
,
and
is
the
abridgement
of
all
the
Folk-motes
in
England
,
and
of
the
wisdom
of
all
England
:
and
now
of
all
England
,
Wales
,
Scotland
,
Ireland
.
If
they
should
be
wise
men
,
wisdom
includes
all
virtues
.
If
we
consider
this
great
body
as
distinct
from
the
King
,
it
's
said
to
consist
of
two
Houses
;
which
some
call
the
upper
and
the
lower
.
This
the
Commons
did
not
like
,
did
not
acknowledge
.
The
two
Houses
,
or
the
House
of
Commons
,
and
the
House
of
Peers
may
be
tolerable
:
and
I
do
not
know
they
ever
excepted
against
the
expressions
.
Many
ungrateful
and
unworthy
persons
,
to
their
own
wrong
and
prejudice
,
What
the
House
of
Commons
is
.
have
much
depressed
the
House
of
Commons
,
and
are
not
ashamed
to
say
,
such
is
their
ignorance
,
that
it
is
but
of
late
standing
.
Yet
it
's
the
chief
part
,
and
almost
the
whole
Representative
:
the
Peers
to
them
are
but
inconsiderable
.
Whatsoever
is
concluded
there
doth
most
concern
them
,
and
the
heaviest
burden
lies
on
them
.
And
though
by
Commons
,
some
may
understand
only
the
Plebeian
Rank
,
yet
there
we
find
in
that
House
men
of
as
good
Birth
,
Estates
,
and
as
eminent
vertues
,
as
many
of
the
Lords
be
.
What
the
House
of
Commons
is
may
be
more
easily
known
,
but
the
nature
of
the
House
of
Lords
is
somewhat
hidden
.
For
in
it
we
find
Lords
Spiritual
,
as
Abbots
,
Bishops
,
and
these
by
Tenure
;
we
find
in
it
also
Lords
Temporal
,
as
Dukes
,
Marquesses
,
Earls
,
Viscounts
,
Barons
.
And
all
these
under
the
name
of
Lords
,
Peers
,
Barons
,
though
Bárones
,
Proceres
,
Nobiles
,
do
sometimes
signifie
other
persons
.
For
we
read
of
the
Barons
of
the
Cinque-ports
,
Barons
of
the
Exchequer
,
the
eight
Barons
of
Cheshire
,
and
the
Barons
of
Burford
in
Shropshire
.
We
find
Peers
sometimes
taken
in
another
sence
:
and
to
include
the
Commons
.
And
the
truth
is
,
if
the
whole
assembly
be
considered
as
one
Representative
,
they
are
all
Peers
,
and
in
all
acts
should
be
taken
so
to
be
.
These
Peers
become
such
three
ways
,
as
I
observed
in
my
answer
to
Mr.
Hobb's
.
For
they
are
aut
Foedales
,
aut
rescriptitii
,
aut
diplomatici
,
Barons
by
Tenure
and
ancient
prescription
since
the
time
of
William
the
Elder
,
or
by
Writ
,
or
by
Patent
.
It
is
not
for
me
to
debate
,
much
less
to
determine
the
Controversies
about
these
Lords
,
as
,
1.
Whether
they
be
essential
parts
in
a
distinct
House
from
the
Commons
of
the
Parliament
,
or
no
:
seeing
Acts
and
Ordinances
,
and
the
same
valid
,
are
said
to
be
made
without
these
Lords
.
not
any
by
the
Lords
without
the
Commons
.
The
End
of
calling
the
House
of
Lords
.
2.
What
these
Lords
may
do
,
or
for
what
end
they
are
called
.
For
some
say
,
they
sit
there
as
Judges
of
the
King
together
with
the
Commons
.
For
though
the
King
in
his
Politick
capacity
cannot
do
wrong
,
yet
in
his
Personal
he
may
.
This
Horne
and
Bracton
,
with
other
of
the
old
Lawyers
,
will
tell
us
:
in
whom
we
may
read
of
the
Torts
and
wrongs
done
by
the
King
,
and
of
judging
him
,
as
also
the
Queen
and
the
Prince
.
3.
Seeing
by
the
Writ
of
Summons
they
are
called
to
deliberate
and
consult
,
Consilium
impensuri
,
not
ad
faciendum
&
consentiendum
,
as
the
Commons
are
,
whether
they
be
there
only
as
the
King's
Counsellors
.
4.
Suppose
them
to
be
the
King's
Counsellors
,
whether
they
be
such
without
or
with
the
Commons
.
5.
Whether
they
have
any
share
in
the
Legislative
power
,
or
if
they
have
,
whether
in
the
same
House
,
or
in
a
distinct
House
and
Body
with
a
negative
to
the
Commons
,
or
not
.
6.
When
this
transmitting
of
Bills
to
the
House
of
Lords
began
,
which
some
say
,
to
be
after
the
Barons
Wars
.
For
it
was
not
so
from
the
beginning
.
7.
Whether
the
Lords
and
not
the
Commons
have
power
to
administer
an
Oath
.
What
Barons
called
to
Parliament
.
We
read
in
Sir
H.
Spelman's
Glossary
,
in
the
word
Baro
,
that
no
Barons
were
called
to
the
Parliament
,
but
such
as
held
of
the
King
in
Capite
.
2.
That
all
these
were
not
called
,
but
the
chief
of
them
,
as
Earls
who
possessed
twenty
Knights
Fees
,
and
Barons
which
had
to
the
value
of
thirteen
Knights
Fees
,
and
a
third
part
of
one
.
3.
That
because
these
were
too
many
,
some
of
them
were
call'd
to
Parliament
,
some
omitted
:
and
only
such
as
were
called
were
counted
Barons
,
the
rest
not
.
4.
This
being
taken
ill
,
the
Barons
caused
King
John
adigere
,
to
covenant
under
the
Broad
Seal
,
to
summon
severally
by
so
many
Writs
,
the
Arch-Bishops
,
Abbots
,
Earls
,
and
the
greater
Barons
of
the
Kingdom
.
5.
Yet
Henry
the
Third
so
little
regarded
that
compact
,
that
he
called
and
kept
a
Parliament
,
with
an
hundred
and
twenty
Spiritual
,
and
only
twenty
five
Temporal
Lords
,
though
he
had
numbred
two
hundred
and
fifty
Baronies
in
England
.
6.
Edward
the
First
omitted
divers
of
those
,
whom
Henry
the
Third
had
summoned
.
So
that
it
will
be
a
very
difficult
thing
to
rectifie
or
reduce
unto
the
first
institution
this
House
,
as
distinct
from
that
of
the
Commons
.
For
it
should
be
known
,
1.
What
kind
of
persons
must
constitute
this
other
House
.
2.
What
their
Priviledges
be
.
3.
What
they
must
do
,
which
the
House
of
Commons
may
not
,
must
not
do
.
section
15
Power
of
Parliament
without
the
King.
By
all
this
,
something
of
the
nature
of
the
Parliament
may
be
known
.
But
then
what
is
the
power
of
this
assembly
,
either
severally
considered
without
the
King
,
or
jointly
with
the
King
?
And
that
they
may
make
Orders
and
Ordinances
pro
tempore
will
be
granted
,
and
also
,
which
is
far
more
,
if
the
King
have
no
Negative
voice
,
the
Legislative
and
Judicial
power
is
in
them
,
and
their
ultimate
Resolves
and
Dictates
in
all
matters
of
Counsel
must
stand
.
And
if
so
,
then
reason
will
conclude
;
that
if
the
King
refuse
to
be
personally
or
virtually
present
,
and
to
act
with
them
,
they
may
do
any
thing
for
the
good
of
the
Kingdom
without
him
,
which
they
may
do
jointly
with
him
.
Yet
because
Laws
and
Judgment
are
ineffectual
without
execution
,
therefore
the
King
,
being
trusted
with
the
execution
,
was
required
to
give
his
consent
,
Why
Kings
Consent
required
.
that
he
might
take
care
of
the
Execution
.
For
to
that
end
was
he
trusted
with
the
Sword
of
Justice
and
War
,
that
he
might
protect
the
people
,
and
see
that
Laws
and
Judgments
be
executed
.
If
we
consider
the
Parliament
as
consisting
of
King
,
Peers
and
Commons
jointly
,
it
is
the
first
subject
of
Personal
Majesty
,
and
to
it
,
First
subject
of
Personal
Majesty
.
and
it
alone
belongs
all
the
Jura
Majestatis
personalis
.
They
have
the
power
Legislative
,
Judicial
,
Executive
,
to
exercise
it
in
the
highest
degree
;
and
may
perform
all
acts
of
administration
as
distinct
from
the
Constitution
.
They
are
the
highest
assembly
for
Legislation
,
the
highest
Counsel
for
advice
,
the
highest
Court
for
Judicature
.
section
16
This
is
the
power
of
the
Parliament
,
which
can
do
many
and
great
things
,
yet
some
things
they
cannot
do
:
for
they
are
limitted
not
only
by
the
Laws
of
God
,
but
also
by
the
Laws
of
the
Constitution
.
Sir
Roger
Owen
tells
,
That
the
Parliament
cannot
do
all
things
.
For
,
What
the
Parliament
cannot
do
.
1.
Many
Acts
are
Voted
for
errors
in
matter
of
fact
,
and
for
contrariety
in
words
,
and
sometimes
they
have
idle
and
flattering
proviso's
.
2.
A
Parliament
hath
not
power
to
ordain
that
a
Law
shall
not
be
abrogated
for
the
space
of
twenty
years
,
for
a
latter
Parliament
may
repeal
their
Acts.
3.
That
a
Parliament
cannot
Enact
,
that
,
if
there
were
no
Heir
to
the
Crown
,
that
the
people
should
not
be
able
to
chuse
a
new
King.
4.
It
cannot
change
the
form
of
our
Policy
from
a
Monarchy
to
a
Democraty
.
5.
It
cannot
take
away
divers
Prerogatives
annexed
to
the
Crown
of
England
,
or
that
the
King
should
not
be
able
to
dissolve
the
Parliament
at
will
and
pleasure
;
yet
in
another
place
he
tells
us
,
that
he
cannot
dissolve
the
Parliament
at
will
and
pleasure
;
and
again
,
he
is
not
above
the
Parliament
,
because
he
cannot
be
above
himself
;
and
in
Parliament
he
is
Maxime
Rex
.
He
further
informs
us
,
that
the
common
Law
is
the
King's
Inheritance
,
and
how
the
Parliament
may
wither
away
the
Flowers
of
the
Crown
.
The
true
reason
,
why
the
Parliament
cannot
do
some
of
these
things
,
nor
others
not
mentioned
by
him
,
is
,
because
they
have
not
real
but
personal
Majesty
.
They
cannot
alter
the
Government
,
nor
take
away
divers
things
belonging
to
the
Crown
,
because
they
did
not
give
the
Prerogatives
of
the
Crown
at
the
first
;
Who
gave
Crown
Prerogatives
,
and
Parliament-being
.
the
Commons
of
the
Realm
gave
them
,
as
he
confesseth
.
The
form
of
Government
was
first
constituted
by
the
Community
of
England
,
not
by
the
Parliament
.
For
the
Community
and
people
of
England
gave
both
King
and
Parliament
their
being
:
and
if
they
meddle
with
the
Constitution
to
alter
it
,
they
destroy
themselves
,
because
they
destroy
that
whereby
they
subsist
.
The
Community
indeed
may
give
a
Parliament
this
power
,
to
take
away
the
former
Constitution
,
and
to
frame
and
model
another
,
but
then
they
cannot
do
this
as
a
Parliament
,
but
as
trusted
by
the
people
for
such
a
business
and
work
:
nay
,
they
may
appoint
another
assembly
of
fewer
or
more
to
do
such
a
work
without
them
.
They
may
set
up
a
Consilium
sapientum
,
which
may
determine
what
matters
are
fit
to
be
proposed
to
the
Parliament
,
and
in
what
order
,
and
also
contrive
a
Juncto
for
all
businesses
,
which
require
expedition
and
secrecy
,
which
may
act
without
them
:
whether
the
Parliament
it self
can
do
such
things
or
no
,
may
justly
be
doubted
?
What
may
be
done
in
extraordinary
cases
is
one
thing
,
what
may
be
done
in
an
ordinary
way
another
.
When
he
saith
,
that
the
Parliament
cannot
change
the
form
of
Policy
from
a
Monarchy
,
he
presupposeth
our
State
of
England
to
be
a
Monarchy
,
yet
if
he
distinguish
not
between
the
Constitution
and
the
administration
,
he
may
be
guilty
of
an
error
.
For
it
's
not
a
Monarchy
,
but
only
in
respect
of
the
Executive
part
in
the
Intervals
of
Parliaments
.
Our
Ancestors
abhorred
absolute
and
arbitrary
Monarchs
:
therefore
before
they
did
establish
a
King
,
they
made
a
bridle
to
keep
him
in
,
and
put
it
upon
him
.
This
is
plain
from
Bracton
,
Fortescue
,
the
Coronation
Oath
,
and
the
Mirror
.
section
17
From
all
this
we
may
conjecture
what
the
Constitution
of
England
was
.
Kings
of
England
no
absolute
Monarchs
.
It
was
no
absolute
Monarchy
,
that
's
plain
enough
.
Neither
was
it
a
State
of
pure
disposition
but
mixt
.
Neither
were
the
Jura
Majestatis
divided
,
some
to
the
King
,
some
to
the
Lords
,
some
to
the
Commons
,
it
was
of
a
far
better
mould
.
The
personal
Majesty
primary
was
in
King
,
Peers
and
Commons
jointly
:
in
the
whole
assembly
as
one
body
.
this
may
appear
several
ways
.
as
1.
From
this
,
that
it
was
a
Representative
of
the
whole
Nation
,
and
as
it
was
a
general
Representative
of
all
England
and
no
ways
else
,
was
it
invested
with
this
personal
Sovereignty
.
It
must
represent
the
whole
Community
,
all
the
Members
thereof
,
of
what
rank
or
condition
soever
,
not
only
the
Laity
but
the
Clergy
too
:
these
are
words
used
in
our
Laws
,
and
good
enough
,
though
disliked
by
many
.
The
Clergy
and
Ministry
of
England
were
never
represented
by
the
Knights
of
the
Counties
before
our
times
:
neither
could
the
Parliament
,
without
the
personal
presence
of
some
of
themselves
impose
Subsidies
,
much
less
Ecclesiastical
Canons
upon
them
.
They
are
as
free
English
men
as
any
other
,
and
by
the
Laws
of
the
Land
have
their
privileges
and
immunities
distinct
from
those
of
other
mens
,
which
are
now
taken
from
them
:
and
it
's
an
hard
case
that
they
may
have
none
of
their
own
faculty
and
capacity
,
as
their
proper
Representatives
to
maintain
them
and
speak
reason
for
them
.
They
are
willing
enough
to
part
with
any
thing
formerly
they
had
,
if
not
agreeable
to
Scripture
.
2.
To
prove
this
mixture
,
the
King's
Coronation
Oath
might
be
alledged
:
for
he
swears
to
corroborate
the
just
Laws
and
Customs
,
quas
vulgus
elegerit
,
where
two
words
require
some
explication
.
1.
Vulgus
.
2.
Corroborare
.
That
we
may
know
what
they
mean.
Vulgus
some
think
doth
signifie
the
Commons
,
and
then
the
Lords
,
as
of
a
distinct
House
,
can
have
no
share
in
the
Legislation
,
except
as
some
tell
us
they
were
represented
by
the
Knights
of
the
Counties
,
whom
with
the
rest
of
the
Free-Holders
they
did
anciently
elect
,
and
contribute
to
their
Charges
whilst
they
sat
in
Parliament
.
Vulgus
in
Latin
is
the
same
that
Folk
in
Saxon
,
and
now
remains
in
English
;
from
whence
Folk-mote
the
City
or
Shire-meeting
,
as
the
Parliament
is
the
great
meeting
of
all
the
Counties
in
England
.
In
this
place
it
must
be
the
Representative
of
the
whole
Community
of
England
in
one
body
,
all
the
members
of
the
Wittena
Gemote
,
as
united
,
and
distinct
from
the
King.
The
word
Corroborare
doth
not
signifie
to
give
the
essence
to
the
Law
,
as
though
it
were
not
a
Law
before
,
or
not
a
Custom
;
but
it
signifies
to
guard
,
keep
,
defend
,
observe
the
just
Laws
and
Customs
in
the
administration
,
and
to
see
them
executed
according
to
judgment
.
It
may
be
the
same
with
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
Greek
;
which
doth
not
give
the
being
to
a
Will
and
Testament
,
for
it
must
be
a
Will
before
it
be
confirmed
and
so
made
effectual
;
Confirmation
is
extrinsecal
and
accidental
,
not
essential
to
the
Will
or
Testament
.
The
reason
why
the
Kings
did
swear
to
corroborate
the
just
Laws
and
Customs
made
,
approved
,
chosen
by
the
people
,
was
because
that
upon
the
dissolution
of
the
Parliament
,
the
sword
remained
in
his
hands
for
to
see
the
Laws
executed
,
which
were
ineffectual
,
would
lie
dead
,
be
in
vain
without
execution
.
These
words
explained
,
the
matter
to
be
observed
is
,
that
if
by
Laws
and
Customs
we
understand
the
rules
of
administration
,
not
only
as
including
a
binding
force
,
but
also
as
to
be
made
effectual
,
then
it
follows
by
the
tenour
of
that
Oath
,
that
the
Legislative
power
,
which
is
the
foundation
and
rule
of
all
acts
of
administration
,
was
in
King
,
Peers
and
Commons
jointly
:
this
is
a
mixture
,
and
a
free
State.
3.
This
mixture
will
farther
appear
from
the
manner
of
enacting
for
that
was
the
manner
in
our
days
.
Be
it
therefore
enacted
by
the
King
's
most
excellent
Majesty
,
by
and
with
the
assent
and
consent
of
the
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
and
the
Commons
in
this
present
Parliament
Assembled
,
and
by
authority
of
the
same
.
Neither
is
this
new
;
for
the
substance
of
it
is
ancient
,
as
Sir
Edward
Coke
doth
manifest
in
the
cause
of
the
Prince
,
as
Duke
of
Cornwall
.
The
Collection
of
the
Statutes
will
manifest
it
for
four
hundred
years
.
For
what
if
other
terms
were
used
,
yet
they
were
in
sense
the
same
.
Neither
did
this
begin
in
the
Reign
of
Richard
the
Second
,
or
Henry
the
Third
.
King
Edward
the
Confessor's
Modus
tenendi
Parliamentum
will
confirm
the
same
,
to
which
my
Lord
Chief
Justice
Coke
tells
us
,
the
Conqueror
bound
himself
.
Though
Sir
Roger
Owen
thinks
this
book
but
a
Pamphlet
,
yet
my
Lord
Coke
,
as
good
a
Lawyer
,
and
Sir
Henry
Spelman
as
good
an
Antiquary
as
he
,
were
of
another
mind
,
and
thought
better
of
it
.
Nay
,
it
's
not
only
thus
in
making
Laws
,
but
also
in
judgments
which
pass
into
an
act
.
And
this
kind
of
Judgment
is
the
highest
,
from
which
there
lies
no
appeal
.
This
is
the
nature
of
the
Constitution
so
far
as
my
poor
understanding
is
able
to
judge
.
section
18
It
remains
,
I
add
something
of
our
present
condition
since
the
times
of
our
sad
divisions
.
After
a
long
continued
peace
,
the
light
of
the
glorious
Gospel
,
many
blessings
and
great
deliverances
from
Heaven
;
such
was
our
unthankfulness
,
so
great
the
corruptions
of
Church
and
State
,
that
when
God
expected
better
fruits
,
our
sins
were
ripe
for
vengeance
;
so
that
some
fearful
judgment
,
if
not
the
ruine
of
the
three
Nations
,
did
seem
to
approach
;
or
rather
to
be
fatal
and
unavoidable
.
And
some
of
our
Teachers
and
Watchmen
,
seriously
considering
the
eternal
rules
of
providence
and
divine
proceedings
with
the
World
in
former
times
,
and
knowing
our
present
distempers
,
did
foresee
this
,
and
gave
us
warning
from
those
words
of
our
Saviour
,
Except
ye
repent
,
ye
shall
all
likewise
perish
,
Luke
13.3
.
Yet
no
warning
given
either
by
our
watchmen
from
the
Scriptures
,
Cause
of
England
's
Miseries
.
or
the
judgments
of
God
upon
Germany
and
the
neighbour
Nations
round
about
us
,
whom
from
our
own
shores
we
might
behold
wallowing
in
their
own
blood
,
would
be
taken
.
And
even
then
when
there
was
no
danger
from
any
enemy
without
,
and
we
were
secure
,
as
enjoying
the
sweetest
and
most
happy
peace
that
could
be
expected
on
earth
;
God
looked
down
from
Heaven
with
indignation
,
and
as
though
he
had
sworn
to
be
avenged
on
such
a
Nation
,
and
so
ungrateful
a
people
,
he
sent
a
spirit
of
giddiness
amongst
us
,
and
set
the
Egyptians
against
the
Egyptians
,
and
made
us
Executioners
of
his
own
Judgment
upon
our selves
:
for
from
our selves
our
miseries
did
arise
.
For
after
a
first
and
second
pacification
between
England
and
Scotland
,
the
long
continued
Parliament
began
to
reform
both
Church
and
State
,
but
found
the
corruptions
so
generally
diffused
and
deeply
rooted
in
the
whole
body
,
that
there
was
a
greater
fear
of
ruin
,
than
hope
of
Reformation
;
and
this
some
of
our
wise
Statists
had
formerly
observed
,
was
likely
to
be
the
issue
.
They
acted
vigorously
at
the
first
,
but
,
as
some
wise
men
thought
,
too
hastily
and
too
high
,
and
seemed
somewhat
to
encline
to
an
extreme
.
In
the
mean
time
no
man
suspecting
,
no
man
fearing
it
,
brake
out
that
bloody
barbarous
massacre
in
Ireland
,
wherein
two
hundred
thousand
English
Protestants
are
said
to
be
murthered
in
one
month
.
In
this
the
actors
were
Irish
Papists
,
and
the
sufferers
English
Protestants
.
This
could
not
quench
the
fire
of
dissention
in
England
,
which
began
to
manifest
it self
in
the
Parliaments
Militia
opposed
to
the
King's
Array
,
which
proceeded
to
a
bloody
battel
at
or
near
Keinton
;
which
continued
till
the
King's
party
was
wholly
subdued
in
England
,
himself
put
to
death
,
his
posterity
dispossessed
of
the
Crown
,
Ireland
reduced
with
the
ruin
of
almost
all
the
chief
and
ancient
Families
of
the
same
,
and
Scotland
vanquished
.
In
all
our
sad
divisions
which
happened
from
first
to
last
,
and
are
not
wholly
yet
ended
to
this
day
.
Two
things
are
worthy
the
serious
consideration
of
wiser
men
than
I
am
.
1.
What
party
for
time
past
hath
been
most
faithful
to
the
English
interest
.
What
observable
in
our
sad
Divisions
.
2.
What
course
is
to
be
taken
for
to
setle
us
more
firmly
for
time
to
come
.
For
the
first
we
must
understand
what
the
English
interest
is
.
The
interest
of
England
is
twofold
,
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
:
for
we
are
English
men
and
Christians
.
The
Civil
interest
is
salus
populi
Anglicani
,
there
is
no
doubt
of
that
,
for
the
peace
,
safety
,
liberty
,
happiness
of
our
dear
Country
is
the
end
,
whereat
we
are
all
bound
both
by
the
written
and
natural
Laws
of
God
to
aim
.
The
interest
Ecclesiastical
is
the
Protestant
Religion
and
the
perservation
of
the
substance
thereof
.
Prelacy
,
Presbytery
,
Independency
,
much
less
Antipaedobaptism
and
other
Sects
,
are
not
essential
,
but
accidental
to
it
.
This
being
the
interest
of
England
,
How
to
judge
of
our
Divisions
.
we
cannot
judge
of
the
faithfulness
either
of
the
King
's
or
Parliaments
party
by
the
quality
of
the
persons
of
either
side
.
For
there
were
both
good
and
bad
on
both
sides
,
who
had
their
several
grounds
of
adhering
to
this
or
that
party
,
and
their
several
ends
.
and
neither
their
grounds
nor
ends
good
.
Nor
can
any
man
justifie
all
proceedings
and
actings
of
either
side
both
had
their
errours
.
Nor
must
we
judge
of
them
according
to
their
protestation
,
for
both
could
not
by
such
contrary
means
attain
the
same
end
;
as
both
sides
protested
to
maintain
,
the
King
,
the
Parliament
,
the
liberty
of
the
Subject
,
the
Laws
and
the
Protestant
Religion
.
Neither
in
this
particular
must
the
Laws
of
the
English
Constitution
and
Administration
be
the
rule
:
for
both
acted
not
only
above
the
Laws
,
but
contrary
to
the
latter
of
them
at
least
.
For
no
Laws
could
warrant
the
Parliament
to
act
without
the
King
,
or
the
King
without
the
Parliament
:
much
less
was
it
justifiable
that
there
should
be
in
one
Kingdom
two
,
not
only
different
,
but
contrary
commands
supreme
,
and
from
different
heads
and
persons
.
This
was
directly
against
the
very
nature
of
all
Common-Wealths
,
which
have
only
one
first
mover
,
and
one
indivisible
supreme
power
to
animate
and
act
them
.
section
19
The
Rule
therefore
must
be
the
Laws
of
God
as
above
the
Laws
of
Men
,
and
we
must
consider
according
to
these
divine
Rules
,
what
was
the
state
of
the
Controversie
,
the
justice
and
equity
of
the
cause
made
evident
,
and
the
just
necessity
of
doing
that
which
was
done
.
Neither
must
we
look
at
the
cause
only
,
as
just
in
it self
,
but
also
how
it
's
justly
or
unjustly
maintained
.
For
men
may
use
such
means
as
shall
never
reach
the
just
end
intended
,
but
also
such
as
may
be
destructive
of
the
cause
it self
,
and
raze
the
very
foundation
of
it
.
Besides
all
this
,
before
a
perfect
judgment
can
be
made
,
the
secret
counsels
,
contrivances
,
designs
,
hidden
actings
of
the
chief
Actors
should
be
known
,
yet
these
many
times
lie
hid
and
are
not
known
,
or
if
known
,
yet
to
very
few
,
and
some
of
these
few
cannot
found
the
bottom
.
What
charged
on
the
King.
Many
things
are
charged
upon
the
King
,
as
acting
against
the
English
interest
as
Civil
,
as
that
he
dissolves
Parliaments
without
just
and
sufficient
cause
;
that
he
intermits
Parliaments
for
sixteen
years
together
;
that
having
signed
the
Petition
of
Right
,
he
acts
contrary
to
it
,
imposeth
Ship-money
,
calls
a
Parliament
,
signs
the
Act
of
Continuance
,
deserts
it
,
calls
the
Members
from
it
,
calls
another
Parliament
at
Oxford
,
challengeth
a
negative
Voice
to
both
the
Houses
,
raiseth
a
War
against
it
,
though
he
was
informed
,
that
this
tended
to
the
dissolution
of
the
Government
,
that
whosoever
should
serve
to
assist
him
in
such
Wars
,
are
Traitors
by
the
fundamental
Laws
of
this
Kingdom
,
and
have
been
so
adjudged
in
two
Acts
of
Parliament
,
11
Richard
2.
and
1
Henry
4.
And
that
such
persons
ought
to
suffer
as
Traitors
.
These
with
other
particulars
charged
upon
him
,
seem
directly
contrary
unto
the
civil
Interest
of
the
Kingdom
.
Again
,
to
Marry
a
Popish
Lady
,
upon
Articles
directly
contrary
to
the
Laws
of
England
,
and
the
Protestant
Religion
established
by
Law
,
to
entertain
Twenty
eight
Popish
Priests
with
a
Bishop
,
to
tolerate
Mass
in
the
Court
,
to
receive
Three
Agents
from
the
Pope
one
after
another
,
Pisano
,
Con
,
Rosetti
,
to
maintain
the
Queen-mother
,
to
engage
the
generality
of
the
People
of
England
,
to
retard
the
relieving
of
Ireland
,
to
admit
divers
of
the
Popish
Irish
Murtherers
and
Rebels
into
his
Army
,
to
call
our
English
Forces
,
sent
to
relieve
the
poor
distressed
Protestants
of
Ireland
,
out
of
that
Nation
,
and
employ
them
against
the
Parliament
of
England
,
to
suffer
some
of
the
Heads
of
the
Irish
Rebels
to
be
so
near
his
Person
,
to
endeavour
to
bring
in
the
Duke
of
Lorrain
with
his
Forces
into
this
Nation
,
to
contract
with
the
Irish
Rebels
upon
condition
to
enjoy
their
Religion
,
to
furnish
him
with
Ten
thousand
Irish
Rebels
,
to
strengthen
his
party
in
England
,
with
divers
other
acts
,
like
unto
these
,
is
conceived
to
be
,
not
only
inconsistent
with
,
but
plainly
destructive
of
the
English
Protestant
Interest
.
And
if
this
be
true
,
it
must
needs
be
so
.
Yet
it
might
be
said
,
that
the
King
endeavoured
to
maintain
his
own
regal
Power
,
the
Episcopacy
and
Liturgy
established
by
Law
,
and
that
he
did
not
oppose
the
Parliament
,
but
a
seditious
party
in
the
Parliament
and
other
Sectaries
,
whose
principles
were
destructive
both
of
all
civil
and
also
Ecclesiastical
Government
;
and
without
the
judgment
of
able
Lawyers
and
learned
Divines
,
he
did
not
undertake
the
War
,
either
against
Scotland
or
England
,
or
any
other
.
It
's
true
,
that
of
those
who
adhered
to
the
King
,
and
liked
not
the
Parliaments
proceeding
,
there
were
some
consciencious
persons
,
who
judged
the
King
an
absolute
Monarch
,
and
did
not
like
many
things
done
by
that
party
,
yet
they
thought
it
the
Duty
of
Subjects
to
suffer
,
and
that
it
was
no
ways
lawful
to
resist
.
But
the
Casuists
say
,
That
Ignorantia
excusat
a
tanto
non
a
toto
,
their
Ignorance
might
make
their
Crime
less
,
yet
no
ways
free
them
from
all
Guilt
.
It
was
not
Invincible
;
they
might
easily
have
known
that
the
King
of
Enland
was
no
absolute
Monarch
,
seeing
he
could
not
impose
any
Subsidy
upon
the
Subject
,
nor
make
or
repeal
a
Law
without
the
Parliament
;
neither
could
he
by
his
Letters
or
personal
Command
revoke
the
Judgment
of
any
Court.
And
though
they
might
be
Civilians
,
or
read
Foreign
Writers
,
which
take
our
Kings
for
absolute
Sovereigns
,
yet
no
ancient
Lawyers
,
no
Parliaments
did
declare
them
to
be
such
.
Nay
,
they
might
have
known
,
that
they
themselves
,
obeying
the
King
's
personal
Commands
,
disobeyed
him
as
King
,
and
that
serving
him
in
the
Wars
,
they
were
guilty
of
High
Treason
against
the
Kingdom
,
and
against
the
King's
Crown
and
Dignity
.
Of
these
Royalists
,
some
have
been
high
and
cruel
against
their
Brethren
the
Parliamenteers
,
and
have
censured
them
,
and
do
yet
condemn
them
both
in
Words
and
Writings
,
as
guilty
of
most
horrible
Treason
and
Rebellion
,
which
others
will
undertake
to
prove
the
censurers
themselves
deeply
guilty
of
.
Wise
and
learned
Men
,
no
whit
inferior
to
them
,
do
certainly
know
,
that
as
they
could
not
maintain
their
cause
by
dint
of
Sword
,
so
neither
can
they
make
it
good
by
dint
of
Argument
.
One
of
their
learned
Casuists
delivers
this
as
a
positive
truth
;
Disobedience
to
King
unlawful
.
That
to
disobey
a
lawful
Sovereign
is
such
an
act
,
as
that
no
circumstances
can
make
it
lawful
,
no
not
the
Glory
of
God
,
nor
the
saving
of
many
Souls
,
nor
preventing
the
Ruine
of
a
Nation
.
This
is
high
.
Divers
,
who
read
this
in
his
Books
,
conceive
,
that
in
this
he
toucheth
the
Cause
and
Controversie
between
King
and
Parliament
:
I
cannot
charge
him
with
any
such
thing
.
But
let
his
Application
be
what
it
will
,
I
will
consider
his
Proposition
in
it self
,
and
will
suppose
it
to
be
grounded
upon
that
divine
Maxime
,
We
must
not
do
evil
that
good
may
come
.
For
that
which
God
hath
made
sin
,
nothing
can
make
lawful
.
But
then
the
Question
is
,
What
he
means
by
Sovereign
,
what
by
disobedience
to
a
lawful
Sovereign
?
If
he
mean
by
Sovereign
one
invested
with
supream
Power
,
and
an
absolute
Monarch
,
it
's
clear
enough
the
Kings
of
England
were
not
such
.
For
,
1.
They
had
no
Legislative
Power
,
which
is
the
greatest
without
this
Parliament
.
2.
That
his
personal
Commands
bound
no
Man
:
for
he
could
command
nothing
but
according
to
the
just
Laws
and
Customs
,
quas
vulgus
elegerat
.
3.
The
late
King
himself
,
in
his
Answer
to
the
Nineteen
Propositions
,
confessed
,
That
the
Parliament
had
a
share
in
the
Legislative
Power
.
It
's
true
,
they
had
the
Title
of
Sovereign
and
Majesty
,
but
in
another
sence
than
many
take
it
.
As
for
the
second
Term
,
Disobedience
,
it
might
be
twofold
:
1.
In
respect
of
absolute
Sovereigns
.
2.
In
respect
of
the
Kings
of
England
.
In
respect
of
the
former
,
a
lawful
Sovereign
may
command
unlawful
things
,
and
contrary
to
the
Laws
of
God
;
and
in
this
case
,
their
Commands
may
,
nay
,
must
be
disobeyed
.
1.
If
they
command
things
lawful
in
themselves
,
yet
they
may
command
them
so
as
to
be
unlawful
.
A
man
is
bound
to
love
Father
and
Mother
by
the
Law
of
God
,
and
to
do
so
is
not
only
lawful
but
necessary
.
Yet
if
this
love
come
in
competition
with
the
love
of
Christ
,
it
's
plainly
unlawful
.
Therefore
I
will
be
so
charitable
as
to
think
,
he
understood
the
proposition
of
disobedience
to
lawful
Commands
of
lawful
Sovereigns
,
otherwise
he
saith
nothing
,
but
his
proposition
is
false
.
2.
In
respect
of
the
Kings
of
England
,
their
Commands
are
personal
or
legal
:
His
legal
Commands
,
if
agreeable
to
the
Laws
of
God
,
ought
to
be
obeyed
,
and
his
Subjects
are
bound
to
submit
unto
his
legal
Power
;
for
other
Power
,
as
King
,
he
hath
none
.
But
as
for
his
personal
Commands
,
they
bind
no
Subject
,
as
a
Subject
;
and
if
they
be
contrary
to
the
Law
,
in
obeying
them
,
we
may
be
guilty
of
Disobedience
to
the
Law
;
nay
of
Disobedience
to
the
King
,
as
King
;
nay
,
guilty
of
Treason
against
the
Kingdom
,
and
the
Kings
Crown
and
Dignity
.
And
methinks
such
learned
Men
should
not
be
ignorant
of
these
things
.
section
20
As
for
the
Parliament
,
Parliament
accused
.
it
was
charged
with
taking
upon
them
the
Militia
,
seising
upon
the
Navy
,
securing
the
Ports
,
making
of
a
new
Broad
Seal
,
creating
of
Officers
,
abolishing
of
Episcopacy
and
Liturgy
established
by
Law
,
by
which
they
lost
many
of
their
Subjects
,
calling
in
the
Scots
,
proposing
a
Covenant
to
the
people
upon
high
terms
,
and
many
other
things
,
and
all
these
without
the
King
,
nay
contrary
to
the
King's
Command
,
who
had
so
graciously
condescended
unto
them
,
in
granting
many
things
unto
them
prejudicial
,
as
he
thought
,
acquitted
.
to
his
Prerogatives
and
the
ancient
Rights
of
his
Predecessours
,
especially
the
Acts
of
continuance
and
of
the
Triennial
Parliament
.
1.
For
the
Militia
,
it
was
alledged
,
The
King
promised
it
,
and
the
Lawyers
and
learned
Counsel
informed
them
,
That
if
the
King
in
such
a
time
should
neglect
it
,
they
might
take
it
,
and
exercise
it
themselves
without
him
;
and
it
's
reported
,
that
the
very
same
parties
,
who
had
given
this
Advise
to
the
Parliament
,
after
they
were
come
unto
the
King
,
did
counsel
him
to
set
on
foot
the
Commission
of
Array
in
opposition
to
the
Parliament's
Militia
.
2.
For
seizing
the
Navy
,
Ports
,
and
creating
of
Officers
,
in
a
Declaration
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
upon
the
Treaty
at
Oxford
,
is
shewed
the
necessity
of
doing
so
,
and
the
antiquity
of
that
practice
:
for
they
instance
in
many
Parliaments
,
which
have
done
the
like
and
more
too
.
It
was
no
new
thing
.
And
though
his
Majesty
affirmed
these
things
were
his
by
Law
,
yet
it
was
not
his
but
by
way
of
trust
,
for
the
defence
,
not
the
destruction
of
the
Kingdom
.
3.
For
the
Broad
Seal
,
there
was
a
necessity
of
making
a
new
one
,
seeing
that
the
former
was
surreptitiously
against
Law
and
Right
,
carried
and
conveyed
away
.
Neither
had
the
King
,
as
separate
and
divided
from
the
Parliament
,
any
right
unto
it
.
4.
The
abolishing
of
Episcopacy
and
Liturgy
,
is
conceived
,
might
be
justly
charged
upon
the
Scots
,
who
when
the
King
and
so
many
great
Ones
had
deserted
the
Parliament
,
would
not
firmly
adhere
unto
them
,
but
upon
such
terms
.
Otherwise
the
reformation
of
Bishops
and
Book
of
Common-prayer
was
far
more
for
the
Protestant
interest
than
Presbytery
,
which
was
rather
inconsistent
with
it
.
5.
The
calling
of
the
Scots
was
said
to
be
done
in
extremity
,
and
grounded
upon
the
National
League
,
according
to
which
they
were
bound
of
themselves
to
have
assisted
the
Parliament
,
as
some
thought
and
judged
.
6.
The
Covenant
is
said
to
be
more
from
the
Scot
than
the
English
:
and
what
the
design
of
the
first
Contrivers
in
it
might
be
,
was
known
to
few
who
took
it
.
It
proved
to
be
of
bad
consequence
(
whether
in
respect
of
the
nature
of
the
Covenant
,
or
some
other
cause
may
be
doubted
)
for
the
Parliament
of
Scotland
thought
it
a
sufficient
ground
for
Duke
Hambleton
to
invade
England
,
and
the
English
House
of
Commons
judged
them
Rebels
and
Traitors
,
who
should
joyn
with
him
or
assist
.
Such
is
the
frailty
,
inconstancy
and
pravity
of
men
.
7.
As
for
the
high
demands
of
the
Parliament
,
it
's
alledged
,
No
King
ever
did
such
things
,
or
gave
occasion
to
make
such
demands
,
and
he
did
but
grant
that
which
was
reasonable
,
and
necessary
for
the
time
,
and
less
than
former
Laws
required
;
so
that
except
,
as
separated
from
the
Parliament
,
he
was
an
absolute
Monarch
,
his
denial
of
their
demands
was
not
consistent
with
the
Constitution
of
the
Kingdom
.
section
21
But
after
that
the
Royal
party
was
totally
subdued
,
there
falls
out
a
subdivision
amongst
the
Anti-Royalists
.
For
they
who
could
agree
against
a
third
Party
,
could
not
agree
amongst
themselves
.
For
they
began
to
play
Scotch
and
English
first
,
and
then
the
Presbyterian
(
who
much
,
though
not
in
all
things
inclined
to
the
Scot
)
and
the
Independent
began
to
clash
.
So
the
state
of
the
controversie
seemed
to
be
altered
.
For
both
these
Parties
at
the
first
professed
themselves
enemies
only
to
Popery
and
arbitrary
Government
,
The
cause
changed
.
which
all
true
English
Protestants
were
bound
to
oppose
,
and
by
the
Laws
of
the
Land
might
justly
do
it
.
But
neither
Presbytery
nor
Independency
could
be
for
our
true
interest
,
but
rather
against
it
.
The
truth
is
,
they
were
not
unanimously
resolved
what
they
should
build
up
,
though
they
agreed
well
enough
in
pulling
down
.
And
surely
it
's
not
wisdom
to
pull
down
and
raze
to
the
ground
an
old
House
,
which
being
repaired
might
serve
the
turn
,
before
they
had
a
new
one
,
and
the
same
better
,
ready
to
set
up
,
or
rather
finished
to
their
hands
.
Yet
this
was
not
all
the
difference
between
the
Parties
:
but
after
the
Conquest
of
Hambleton
,
and
all
the
Royal
party
rising
and
ready
to
joyn
with
him
,
yet
some
of
them
,
who
were
real
and
cordial
,
and
did
really
joyn
together
,
laying
aside
for
the
time
the
difference
of
Presbytery
and
Independency
in
subduing
the
Adversary
,
were
willing
to
joyn
with
the
King
upon
certain
terms
in
the
Isle
of
Wight
.
Treaty
at
the
Isle
of
Wight
.
They
thought
that
such
an
agreement
,
if
it
might
be
made
,
was
the
only
way
to
settle
us
in
peace
.
Others
conceived
,
that
such
an
agreement
,
if
once
made
,
was
destructive
of
all
former
designs
and
proceedings
:
and
that
if
the
King
was
guilty
of
so
much
blood
,
and
other
crying
sins
,
as
the
Parliament
,
and
especially
the
Kirk
of
Scotland
had
charged
them
withal
,
then
to
agree
with
him
,
was
to
destroy
the
English
interest
,
and
bring
innocent
blood
upon
themselves
and
the
Nation
.
Therefore
in
an
order
for
a
solemn
Thanksgiving
made
by
the
Kirk
,
one
particular
mercy
to
be
remembred
in
that
Service
,
was
,
that
the
Treaty
with
the
King
in
the
Isle
of
Wight
did
not
take
effect
.
From
this
fearful
guilt
,
if
justly
charged
upon
the
King
and
his
party
,
some
would
dare
to
conclude
,
That
they
who
attempted
to
make
an
agreement
with
the
Enemy
so
guilty
,
could
not
be
so
faithful
as
those
,
who
refused
all
such
reconciliation
,
and
endeavoured
to
take
away
all
causes
of
future
danger
.
Yet
if
these
latter
,
after
a
full
and
final
ruine
of
the
malignant
party
,
as
they
called
them
,
should
not
proceed
impartially
to
reduce
the
Government
to
the
primitive
Constitution
,
and
labour
to
settle
the
Protestant
Religion
for
the
substance
,
and
the
good
Laws
of
the
Common-wealth
,
they
might
prove
more
faithful
in
destroying
,
than
in
building
and
laying
the
Foundation
of
our
future
happiness
.
For
to
pull
down
one
arbitrary
Power
to
erect
another
,
and
neglecting
the
substance
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
to
protect
Sectaries
,
and
erect
new
models
of
their
own
brain
,
can
be
no
act
of
fidelity
.
I
will
not
enter
upon
particulars
,
nor
reflect
upon
any
person
or
persons
:
for
my
intelligence
is
not
so
perfect
,
as
to
know
the
secret
designs
and
hidden
motions
of
several
parties
;
which
if
I
did
know
,
I
might
the
better
regulate
mine
own
judgment
in
this
point
,
though
I
could
not
satisfie
others
.
Therefore
I
will
leave
all
to
the
judgment
of
the
Eternal
God
,
and
pray
for
future
peace
,
and
humbly
request
him
for
to
bless
and
prosper
all
such
as
with
an
upright
heart
have
endeavoured
,
and
do
still
labour
to
establish
a
wise
and
just
Government
.
And
I
further
desire
all
those
,
whom
God
hath
preserved
and
blessed
with
great
success
,
to
make
a
right
use
of
God's
mercies
,
lest
in
the
end
they
suffer
the
same
or
like
judgments
,
as
God
by
them
hath
executed
upon
others
for
their
sins
.
Though
it
be
material
to
know
who
have
been
most
faithful
,
and
by
whose
means
under
God
for
the
present
we
enjoy
peace
and
the
Gospel
,
yet
it
may
be
of
more
moment
,
and
also
more
useful
,
to
take
notice
of
the
errours
,
mistakes
and
miscarriages
both
of
Parliament
and
Army
from
first
to
last
.
For
by
the
knowledge
hereof
we
gain
some
advantage
,
and
wise
men
may
easily
understand
how
to
avoid
the
like
,
and
to
prevent
such
miseries
for
time
to
come
as
we
have
suffered
in
time
past
.
2.
To
observe
God's
proceedings
,
and
the
order
which
he
hath
observed
in
all
our
confusions
,
and
the
end
,
whereat
he
aims
,
and
the
duties
he
expects
after
so
many
judgments
executed
.
3.
To
consider
what
Families
and
persons
God
hath
punished
in
these
sad
times
,
and
for
what
sins
:
and
if
we
after
so
great
success
fall
into
the
same
sins
,
we
must
expect
the
like
punishments
.
4.
Not
to
mention
the
great
alterations
in
the
Dominions
of
Spain
,
Turkey
,
China
of
late
days
,
let
's
consider
in
brief
the
strange
works
and
proceedings
of
the
Almighty
with
us
in
this
corner
of
the
world
.
The
〈◊〉
works
〈◊〉
God
among
us
.
To
this
end
,
let
us
take
a
short
view
of
the
Wars
.
2.
The
Parliaments
.
3.
The
King.
4.
The
Civil
Government
.
5.
The
Church
.
6.
Our
present
condition
.
1.
The
Wars
are
Civil
or
Foreign
:
Civil
in
England
,
Ireland
,
Scotland
The
Royal
Standard
of
England
marcheth
into
Scotland
,
where
an
Army
is
ready
to
oppose
.
Yet
no
blow
given
;
no
blood
shed
.
After
this
,
we
see
two
potent
Armies
in
England
,
and
only
a
little
skirmish
at
the
first
,
a
pacification
is
made
,
the
National
League
concluded
,
both
the
Armies
disbanded
.
But
after
this
,
no
man
fearing
it
,
a
bloody
massacre
of
two
hundred
thousand
in
the
space
of
one
month
,
besides
many
thousand
slain
and
butchered
,
afterwards
begins
the
Tragedy
in
Ireland
;
Forces
are
sent
to
revenge
that
blood
,
and
thousands
of
the
bloody
Irish
are
sacrificed
to
expiate
the
former
murthers
.
At
length
a
Civil
War
is
commenced
in
England
,
the
same
very
bloody
,
continues
long
,
many
thousands
are
slain
,
the
Sword
rageth
in
every
corner
,
the
cry
goes
up
to
Heaven
.
The
Parliament
desiring
not
only
to
defend
it self
,
but
to
relieve
bleeding
Ireland
,
is
brought
very
low
,
is
ready
to
submit
,
calls
in
the
Scot
,
recovers
,
prevails
,
beats
the
King's
party
in
the
field
,
reduceth
all
their
Garrisons
,
and
obtains
a
total
Victory
in
England
.
Ireland
almost
lost
is
recovered
again
,
first
in
field-battel
,
then
by
reducing
all
their
Garrisons
.
And
in
that
Kingdom
from
first
to
last
,
millions
are
slain
,
the
ancient
great
Families
cut
off
,
and
the
Land
for
the
greatest
part
made
desolate
;
which
was
a
dreadful
judgment
of
the
most
just
Judge
of
Heaven
and
Earth
.
Scotland
,
where
the
fire
began
to
smoke
at
first
,
scaped
long
,
at
last
felt
the
bottoms
and
cruelty
of
a
bloody
War
managed
against
them
by
Montross
,
who
at
first
was
one
of
their
Covenantiers
.
Yet
this
fire
is
quenched
.
They
invade
England
twice
,
and
are
twice
scornfully
foiled
and
shattered
to
pieces
in
England
,
and
at
length
wholly
subdued
by
our
English
Forces
in
Scotland
,
and
remain
subject
to
our
Power
to
this
very
day
.
Never
so
many
fearful
Judgments
executed
,
never
so
many
bloody
Wars
in
so
short
a
time
can
we
read
of
in
all
our
former
Histories
.
Before
these
Wars
are
ended
,
they
beat
the
Netherlanders
,
the
most
potent
people
by
Sea
in
the
World.
2.
Parliaments
,
which
are
the
great
Bulwark
of
the
Kingdom
,
had
been
intermitted
for
sixteen
years
;
at
length
,
when
no
man
did
expect
,
one
is
called
,
but
suddenly
dissolved
.
Yet
the
Scots
entred
with
a
puissant
Army
into
the
Kingdom
,
made
a
necessity
of
calling
a
second
,
which
is
summoned
,
confirmed
by
an
act
of
continuance
,
acts
high
,
makes
great
demands
,
continues
long
.
Yet
it
's
deserted
by
the
King
and
many
of
the
Members
,
opposed
by
an
Army
,
defends
it self
,
undertakes
the
King
in
England
,
Scotland
,
Ireland
.
It
maker
a
new
broad
Seal
,
having
formerly
seized
upon
the
Navy
and
the
Ports
,
recruits
it self
by
new
Elections
.
Then
they
fall
out
with
the
Army
,
after
that
they
are
divided
amongst
themselves
.
In
the
end
follows
the
seclusion
of
many
of
the
Members
,
and
the
remnant
act
,
and
by
the
Army
and
the
Navy
doth
great
things
,
but
at
last
even
this
remnant
by
this
Army
is
totally
routed
and
dissolved
.
This
is
that
long-sitting
Parliament
,
which
some
say
,
might
have
been
good
Physick
,
but
proved
bad
Diet.
Never
Parliament
of
England
varied
more
,
never
any
more
opposed
;
never
any
suffered
more
,
never
any
acted
higher
,
never
any
effected
greater
things
.
It
made
an
end
of
Kings
,
and
new
model'd
the
Government
.
3.
The
King
deserting
the
Parliament
,
set
up
his
Royal
Standard
,
and
is
opposed
,
fought
,
beaten
,
finally
and
totally
conquered
,
delivered
by
the
Scots
into
the
Parliaments
hands
,
is
confined
,
secured
as
a
guilty
person
,
tried
,
judged
,
condemned
to
death
,
executed
.
His
Family
and
Children
banished
,
and
disinherited
of
the
Crown
,
wander
in
foreign
Countries
,
and
many
great
Ones
suffered
and
fell
with
him
.
Many
foreign
States
stood
amazed
,
when
they
saw
the
potent
Prince
and
Monarch
of
three
Kingdoms
,
reigning
in
greater
power
and
splendour
than
ever
any
of
his
Predecessours
,
cast
down
so
suddenly
from
the
heighth
of
his
excellency
,
laid
in
the
dust
,
and
brought
to
nothing
.
4.
The
Civil
Government
was
much
changed
from
the
primitive
Constitution
,
neither
could
the
Petition
of
Right
help
much
,
because
the
King
and
Ministers
of
State
would
not
observe
it
,
but
acted
contrary
unto
it
.
So
that
it
was
arrived
almost
at
the
height
of
an
absolute
Monarchy
.
But
as
the
winding
of
a
string
too
high
is
the
breaking
of
it
,
so
it
fell
out
with
Monarchy
.
1.
The
Parliament
first
require
an
explication
of
that
Act
for
Liberty
,
afterwards
limit
the
Regal
Power
,
curb
it
,
assume
it
,
exercise
it
,
and
in
the
end
take
it
wholly
away
.
Some
indeed
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
declare
,
That
they
had
no
intention
to
change
the
fundamental
Government
,
by
King
,
Peers
and
Commons
,
and
perhaps
really
intended
what
they
spake
,
yet
they
could
not
perform
:
for
that
very
frame
was
taken
asunder
and
abolished
.
Upon
which
followed
three
several
models
one
after
another
.
The
1.
By
the
act
of
alteration
.
The
2.
By
the
new
instrument
.
The
3.
and
last
by
the
humble
petition
of
advice
,
and
yet
we
are
not
well
setled
.
So
difficult
it
is
after
that
a
Constitution
is
once
dissolved
,
to
establish
a
new
frame
.
So
that
it
may
be
truely
said
,
that
never
King
acted
so
much
against
a
Parliament
,
never
Parliament
prevailed
so
much
against
a
King.
Some
were
for
the
State
of
Venice
:
and
that
form
of
Government
as
the
most
perfect
model
for
England
.
Some
intend
levelling
;
some
did
judge
it
best
,
that
the
General
should
have
continued
onely
General
for
a
while
,
and
to
head
onely
the
godly
party
:
a
strange
fancy
and
conceit
.
5.
As
for
the
Church
,
many
of
the
English
began
to
look
towards
Rome
,
many
came
home
unto
the
Church
and
turned
Papists
.
Innovasions
were
daily
made
in
Doctrine
and
Discipline
,
and
Prelacy
seemed
to
advance
with
the
Royal
Power
.
But
this
great
Parliament
puts
a
stay
to
all
;
begins
to
reform
,
and
in
reforming
incline
to
an
extream
.
They
take
away
Episcopacy
Root
and
Branch
,
abrogate
the
Liturgy
,
make
some
alterations
in
the
Doctrine
;
compose
a
new
Confession
of
Faith
,
a
Directory
for
worship
,
and
begin
to
settle
a
Presbyterian
Discipline
.
Yet
that
in
the
very
rise
was
opposed
by
the
Dissenting
Brethren
,
and
never
could
be
fully
and
universally
so
imposed
,
as
to
be
received
.
Hereupon
,
contrary
to
promise
,
the
Golden
Reins
of
Discipline
were
loosed
,
a
general
Liberty
taken
,
and
swarms
of
Sects
appear
,
profess
,
and
Separate
.
Errors
,
Heresies
,
Blasphemies
do
almost
darken
this
Church
,
and
overspread
the
same
.
Never
from
the
first
receiving
of
Christianity
in
this
Nation
,
was
there
so
great
a
change
in
Religion
known
to
be
made
in
so
short
a
time
.
6.
Yet
,
after
all
these
bloody
Wars
,
and
greatest
Alterations
in
Church
and
State
,
the
substance
of
the
Protestant
Religion
continues
;
the
Universities
stand
,
Schools
remain
,
Learning
flourisheth
,
Sabbaths
are
observed
,
Ministers
maintain'd
;
never
better
Sermons
,
never
better
Books
.
The
Orthodox
Christian
is
confirmed
.
Matters
in
Religion
are
not
so
much
taken
upon
trust
and
tradition
,
as
formerly
.
Arts
and
Languages
advance
,
the
light
of
the
Gospel
shines
.
The
Laws
abide
in
force
,
Justice
is
administred
,
peace
enjoyed
,
the
Protestant
Interest
in
forraign
parts
maintain'd
.
England
is
become
a
warlike
Nation
,
furnished
with
gallant
Men
both
by
Sea
and
Land
,
is
courted
by
great
Princes
,
is
a
terrour
to
our
Enemies
,
a
protection
to
our
Friends
▪
and
if
we
could
agree
amongst
our selves
,
it
is
an
happy
Nation
.
Yet
all
this
is
from
the
wonderful
wisdom
of
our
God
,
who
knows
how
to
bring
Light
out
of
darkness
,
good
out
of
Evil
,
and
from
his
Exceeding
mercy
who
hath
heard
the
Prayers
of
a
remnant
of
his
people
in
behalf
of
this
Nation
,
to
which
he
intends
good
,
if
our
sins
do
not
hinder
.
And
for
my
part
I
will
not
cease
to
Honour
,
and
to
pray
for
such
,
as
from
their
hearts
have
endeavoured
our
good
,
and
especially
for
such
,
which
God
hath
made
so
eminently
instrumental
for
our
present
happiness
.
Such
as
are
trusted
with
great
power
,
and
employed
in
great
business
,
are
many
times
perplexed
with
great
difficulties
,
and
especially
in
distracted
times
.
And
if
they
do
something
amiss
,
we
should
not
harshly
Censure
,
much
less
envy
them
,
but
rather
pity
them
and
pray
for
them
:
and
remember
our
own
frailty
,
and
that
if
we
had
been
in
their
place
,
we
might
have
done
worse
.
But
to
draw
unto
a
Conclusion
of
this
long
Chapter
,
Sect.
22.
What
may
be
the
best
way
of
settlement
.
and
not
to
offend
the
Reader
;
let
's
consider
what
may
be
done
to
finish
and
perfect
any
thing
begun
tending
to
our
settlement
.
Far
be
it
from
me
to
presume
to
prescribe
any
thing
to
wiser
men
,
who
have
seriously
considered
of
this
very
thing
already
.
Yet
I
may
be
bold
to
deliver
mine
own
Opinon
with
humble
submission
to
my
betters
:
and
if
I
err
,
I
may
have
the
greater
hope
of
pardon
,
because
I
shall
speak
as
one
unbiassed
,
and
aiming
with
a
sincere
heart
at
the
publick
good
of
the
English
Church
and
State
,
which
,
though
fearfully
shaken
and
shattered
,
are
not
yet
destroyed
▪
And
1.
This
is
certain
,
that
there
are
but
two
reasons
of
our
unsettlement
:
-
1.
Ignorance
.
-
2.
Wilfulness
.
For
we
either
know
not
how
to
settle
,
and
what
the
best
means
are
,
which
most
effeually
conduce
to
that
end
.
Or
else
we
are
wilfully
divided
,
and
no
way
will
serve
the
turn
but
our
own
.
The
first
is
the
cause
of
our
difference
in
Judgement
,
the
second
of
our
disaffection
:
and
without
an
unity
of
the
whole
,
or
at
least
of
the
major
part
,
the
business
will
hardly
be
effected
.
For
,
we
are
not
in
any
immediate
capacity
of
a
general
Unity
,
till
time
hath
wasted
and
consumed
some
of
our
divisions
,
and
also
the
bitter
enmity
and
rancour
,
which
continues
in
the
Spirits
of
many
to
this
day
.
Therefore
our
settlement
must
begin
in
generals
,
and
necessaries
,
and
proceed
by
degrees
.
2.
The
Foundation
to
be
laid
,
is
,
first
to
find
out
the
ancient
Constitution
before
it
was
corrupted
too
much
,
and
understand
the
great
Wisdom
of
our
Ancestors
,
gained
by
long
experience
in
the
constitution
of
this
our
State.
This
may
be
done
by
some
experienced
Statesmen
,
and
Antiquaries
in
Law
,
and
that
as
well
,
if
not
better
out
of
Parliament
,
than
in
Parliament
.
For
a
Parliament
it self
must
have
some
Foundation
and
certain
Rule
of
their
very
being
,
before
they
can
act
steadily
and
regularly
,
and
not
spend
their
time
of
every
sev●●al
Parliament
in
molding
their
Government
a
new
.
It
's
a
vain
and
presumptuous
imagination
,
to
think
that
we
have
attained
to
a
greater
measure
of
Wisdom
than
our
Ancestors
attained
unto
.
And
let
us
not
undo
what
is
already
done
,
if
it
be
consistent
with
the
best
model
.
3.
Let
no
man
think
that
the
publick
interest
,
either
Ecclesiastical
or
Civil
,
of
England
,
is
the
interest
of
any
one
person
or
Family
,
or
any
few
persons
or
Families
,
much
less
of
any
Sect
,
Party
,
Faction
.
It
cannot
be
denied
,
but
whilst
the
Succession
of
our
Kings
was
limited
to
a
Family
,
the
succession
was
more
certain
.
For
so
the
next
successour
was
more
easily
known
,
and
competition
,
which
in
this
case
is
so
dangerous
,
was
more
easily
avoided
.
Yet
even
this
could
not
prevent
the
difference
between
the
Houses
of
York
and
Lancaster
.
And
when
the
issue
of
Henry
8
failed
,
we
had
been
in
greater
danger
,
if
the
King
of
Scots
had
not
been
a
Protestant
,
and
one
who
was
conceived
would
prove
firm
to
the
English
Protestant
Interest
.
But
when
this
limited
succession
shall
prove
(
as
it
may
do
)
inconsistent
with
the
publick
interest
,
it
s
not
so
much
to
be
regarded
.
For
,
why
should
the
honour
or
priviledge
of
one
Family
,
prejudice
the
universal
safety
of
a
Nation
.
We
know
that
vast
Empires
and
Kingdoms
have
by
an
unlimited
Election
continued
long
.
And
that
which
might
help
much
in
this
Case
,
is
that
policy
of
the
German
Empire
in
the
Interregnum
to
have
an
administrator
General
.
4.
In
modelling
the
Government
,
we
must
have
a
special
eye
unto
the
Constitution
,
that
it
be
such
,
as
that
it
may
,
not
only
be
consistent
with
,
but
effectually
conduce
to
the
promoting
of
peace
and
righteousness
in
the
administration
of
the
State
,
and
also
to
the
advancement
of
the
Christian
Religion
in
the
Church
.
And
I
conceive
our
ancient
Government
for
these
ends
was
excellent
:
and
did
also
preserve
and
regulate
the
liberty
of
the
people
,
and
also
wisely
limit
the
supream
Magistrate
.
5.
The
Parliament
being
a
general
Representative
of
the
whole
Nation
,
and
now
of
three
,
and
trusted
with
our
liberty
,
estates
,
lives
,
Qualification
of
Parliament
members
.
and
in
some
measure
with
the
Religion
we
profess
,
should
consist
,
and
be
made
up
of
eminent
and
wise
men
.
Therefore
the
Election
of
them
for
the
manner
,
should
be
more
regular
and
orderly
in
respect
of
the
Electors
,
and
better
limited
and
more
strictly
tied
to
a
right
Qualification
of
the
Persons
elected
,
which
should
neither
be
unworthy
nor
unfit
.
It
may
indeed
fall
so
out
,
that
in
these
irregular
,
and
sometimes
tumultuous
Elections
,
some
wise
and
eminent
persons
may
be
chosen
,
and
the
same
may
prove
predominant
and
leading
Members
in
that
great
Assembly
;
but
this
is
but
a
chance
,
and
no
certainty
nor
use
of
right
reason
in
it
.
6
When
a
Parliament
is
once
assembled
and
begins
to
act
,
What
to
be
looked
into
by
a
Parliament
first
.
if
there
be
any
thing
that
concerns
the
preservation
and
continuance
,
either
of
the
being
of
the
State
,
or
of
the
Substance
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
that
must
be
first
dispatched
,
and
the
next
the
punishment
of
crying
Sins
,
which
are
the
Ruines
of
States
.
7
As
for
Religion
,
so
far
as
it
concerns
the
State
;
it
's
fit
that
there
be
some
general
Rule
both
of
our
Profession
and
Worship
:
but
the
Rule
of
profession
must
be
brief
,
and
grounded
upon
plain
Scriptures
,
and
so
near
to
ancient
Confessions
,
as
that
no
rational
Christian
,
who
acknowledged
the
Scriptures
to
be
the
Word
of
God
,
could
or
would
scruple
.
The
Rule
of
Worship
also
must
be
plain
and
Clear.
Let
nothing
be
imposed
upon
all
,
which
any
rational
Christian
,
as
such
,
may
not
recive
without
scruple
.
As
for
Discipline
,
as
I
have
begun
,
so
I
will
go
on
in
the
next
Chapter
.
But
these
things
have
been
,
and
will
be
considered
by
far
wiser
men
,
therefore
I
will
not
enlarge
.
section
23
I
might
have
said
something
more
of
the
manner
of
disposing
Soveraign
power
,
and
with
Besoldus
have
observed
,
that
as
there
may
be
two
persons
who
make
but
one
Monarch
,
so
there
may
be
one
King
of
two
,
or
more
distinct
and
several
Kingdoms
.
This
latter
disposal
was
debated
much
in
Calvin's
case
by
the
Sage
Judges
of
the
land
:
in
which
debate
,
some
of
them
,
especially
Chancellour
Egerton
,
did
little
less
than
make
the
King
an
absolute
Monarch
,
and
the
two
Kingdoms
in
effect
one
:
but
the
Parliament
was
of
another
mind
.
And
the
matter
was
far
above
their
Courts
and
Cognizance
;
the
union
could
not
be
determined
,
but
by
the
Parliaments
of
both
Kingdoms
,
neither
could
this
be
done
by
them
,
if
the
union
made
any
alteration
in
the
Constitution
of
either
Kingdom
.
In
respect
of
mine
intention
,
this
Chapter
is
very
large
,
in
respect
of
the
matter
very
brief
:
and
my
desire
is
,
that
others
would
more
seriously
and
impartially
enquire
into
this
subject
,
so
far
as
it
concerns
our
own
Constitution
,
which
no
doubt
may
be
found
out
,
and
if
it
prove
defective
may
be
perfected
,
if
men
were
peaceable
,
and
sought
the
publick
good
.
CHAP.
IX
.
Of
the
disposition
of
Ecclesiastical
Power
:
and
first
,
whether
it
be
due
unto
the
Bishop
of
Rome
.
section
1
THe
most
difficult
point
in
Politicks
,
is
,
that
of
the
Jura
Majestatis
,
and
the
right
disposal
of
them
in
a
fit
subject
:
and
concerning
the
nature
of
Civil
power
,
the
manner
of
acquiring
and
disposing
of
it
,
I
have
already
spoken
;
and
also
of
Ecclesiastical
power
and
the
acquisition
thereof
:
now
it
remains
,
I
say
something
of
the
manner
of
disposing
the
power
of
the
Keys
in
the
right
subject
.
This
is
a
matter
of
great
dispute
in
these
our
times
.
Therefore
,
when
I
expected
to
find
all
clear
,
because
a
Jus
divinum
,
grounded
on
the
Scriptures
,
was
pretended
on
all
hands
,
I
found
it
otherwise
.
As
,
when
one
of
our
Worthies
had
disemboked
the
Megellanick
straits
,
and
was
entred
into
that
sea
,
they
call
Pacificum
,
he
found
the
word
Pacifick
really
contradicted
by
violent
storms
:
so
it
falls
out
here
,
I
hoped
to
have
landed
in
a
Region
of
perpetual
peace
,
but
I
was
found
in
a
Terra
del
Fuego
,
a
land
of
fire
and
smoak
;
like
unto
Palma
,
one
of
the
seven
Canary
Islands
,
where
,
in
September
1646
,
or
thereabouts
,
a
fire
first
raged
fearfully
in
the
bowels
of
the
earth
,
and
at
length
brake
out
,
and
ran
in
five
several
fiery
,
sulphurious
streams
into
the
main
:
In
like
manner
,
this
power
of
the
Keys
runs
in
five
several
Channels
,
but
very
turbulently
and
impetuously
.
For
the
Pope
,
the
Prince
,
the
Prelate
,
the
Presbyter
,
the
Plebean
rank
,
do
every
one
of
them
severally
challenge
it
;
and
nothing
under
a
Jus
divinum
will
serve
the
turn
.
Therefore
I
will
,
1.
Examine
their
several
Titles
.
2.
Deliver
mine
own
judgement
.
3.
Add
something
of
the
extent
of
a
particular
Church
.
section
2
And
this
shall
be
my
Method
,
and
the
several
Heads
of
my
ensuing
Treatise
,
before
I
enter
upon
the
second
part
of
the
Constitution
of
a
Common-wealth
,
which
is
Pars
subdita
.
The
first
title
is
,
that
of
the
great
Roman
Pontiffe
,
who
perhaps
will
storm
,
and
that
with
indignation
against
any
,
who
shall
presume
to
examine
it
.
This
Bishop
is
the
greatest
Prelate
and
Clergy-man
in
the
world
.
And
as
old
Rome
from
a
poor
beginning
,
and
a
few
people
,
became
the
Imperial
City
of
the
world
;
so
this
Prelate
,
from
a
poor
pesecuted
Minister
of
the
Gospel
,
attained
to
this
pitch
of
glory
;
and
contrary
to
the
example
of
Christ
and
his
Apostles
,
lives
in
so
great
splendour
,
pomp
and
State
terrene
,
that
the
Princes
of
the
world
cannot
parallel
him
:
and
for
the
power
,
which
he
doth
exercise
and
challange
,
he
his
far
above
them
.
His
Court
is
very
magnificent
,
and
cannot
be
maintained
without
a
vast
Revenue
.
Some
say
,
that
he
is
that
second
beast
which
came
out
of
the
earth
,
and
had
two
horns
of
a
Lamb
,
but
spake
as
a
Dragon
,
and
exerciseth
all
the
power
of
the
first
beast
before
him
,
&c.
Rev.
13.11
,
12.
His
name
is
Satanos
,
his
number
25.
He
assumed
the
title
of
Universal
Bishop
about
the
year
of
our
Lord
,
666.
So
that
his
number
in
the
name
,
in
the
radical
sum
,
and
in
the
time
of
his
appearance
,
is
666.
And
for
orders
sake
,
I
might
,
1.
Observe
the
power
.
2.
Relate
the
several
reasons
,
whereby
the
title
to
this
power
is
confirmed
.
3.
Examine
whether
they
be
sufficient
or
no
?
1.
The
power
,
which
is
challenged
,
is
transcendent
and
very
great
,
and
that
not
only
extensively
,
but
intensively
too
,
it
's
such
as
men
never
had
,
and
therefore
could
never
give
.
And
therefore
,
though
he
came
out
of
the
earth
,
yet
he
derives
it
from
Heaven
.
To
be
the
first
Patriarch
of
the
Imperial
See
will
not
serve
the
turn
:
neither
will
he
be
content
to
be
a
man
and
fallible
,
he
must
be
infallible
.
Neither
will
this
satisfie
him
,
he
must
be
the
visible
Head
of
the
Universal
Church
,
universal
Bishop
and
Monarch
over
all
persons
,
all
Churches
,
in
all
Causes
Ecclesiastical
.
Nay
,
this
Power
is
so
extensive
,
that
he
must
have
something
to
do
in
Heaven
,
and
much
to
do
in
Hell.
He
must
be
above
all
General
Councils
.
They
cannot
Assemble
,
Conclude
,
Dissolve
without
his
power
.
He
must
be
President
;
all
Canons
and
Judgments
which
they
pass
without
him
,
are
of
no
force
,
and
only
what
he
approves
is
valid
.
His
very
Letters
must
be
Laws
,
and
if
he
please
of
Universal
Obligation
.
His
Reservations
and
Dispensations
are
very
high
,
his
judgments
irreversible
;
he
receives
last
appeals
from
all
Churches
in
the
World
;
he
Judgeth
all
,
is
Judged
of
none
.
His
power
to
execute
is
strange
,
and
his
policy
wonderful
.
He
hath
plenitude
of
power
Ecclesiastical
.
Yet
this
will
not
suffice
him
;
he
hath
acquired
temporal
Dominions
,
and
is
a
secular
Prince
.
And
because
his
Territories
are
not
large
,
he
hath
found
out
a
way
to
possess
himself
of
the
Sword
,
and
all
temporal
power
in
ordine
ad
spiritualia
,
must
be
his
.
section
3
But
what
are
the
reasons
,
whereupon
this
vast
power
is
grounded
?
Surely
they
do
build
upon
a
rock
,
and
not
upon
the
sand
.
Their
reasons
are
taken
from
Politicks
,
from
the
ancient
Writers
,
and
from
Scriptures
too
.
1.
From
Politicks
,
they
take
this
for
granted
that
amongst
humane
Governments
,
Monarchy
is
the
best
.
2.
That
amongst
Monarchies
Despotical
excels
:
this
they
dare
not
expresly
affirm
,
yet
the
papal
power
which
is
challenged
,
is
such
.
3.
That
if
Monarchy
be
the
best
,
then
surely
the
Government
of
the
Church
is
Monarchical
,
for
that
being
instituted
from
Heaven
,
must
needs
be
the
most
perfect
.
4.
That
the
first
Monarch
visible
of
the
Church
was
Peter
.
5.
That
Peter
was
made
such
by
Christ
,
and
received
a
power
to
transmit
it
to
others
,
and
appoint
his
Successours
.
6.
That
he
fixed
his
See
at
Rome
,
and
made
the
Bishop
of
that
City
his
Heir
,
so
that
he
is
haeres
ex
asse
.
7.
That
so
soon
as
any
person
is
legally
elected
Bishop
of
that
See
,
he
is
ipso
facto
,
the
Universal
Monarch
,
and
the
proper
subject
of
plenitude
of
all
Ecclesiastical
power
.
2.
The
Epithetes
,
the
Elogies
,
the
Encomiums
of
the
Bishop
and
the
See
of
Rome
,
are
collected
out
of
ancient
Writers
,
and
marshalled
in
order
,
and
they
make
a
goodly
show
:
and
who
dare
say
any
thing
against
them
.
3.
Yet
because
these
are
not
of
divine
Authority
,
therefore
they
search
the
holy
Scriptures
,
and
find
it
written
that
Peter
was
the
only
person
and
Apostle
,
to
whom
Christ
gave
the
Keys
of
Heaven's
Kingdom
,
and
he
must
bind
and
loose
on
earth
;
and
what
he
shall
so
do
on
earth
,
shall
be
made
good
in
Heaven
.
If
this
will
not
serve
the
turn
,
Christ
saith
to
Peter
,
and
to
no
other
Apostles
,
If
thou
love
me
,
feed
my
Flock
,
my
Lambs
,
my
Sheep
,
and
to
feed
is
to
govern
,
and
the
Flock
,
Lambs
,
and
Sheep
,
are
the
Church
.
section
4
Yet
notwithstanding
all
these
reasons
,
many
rational
men
think
,
and
they
have
reason
for
it
,
that
this
power
is
so
great
,
that
it
's
intolerable
presumption
for
any
person
to
challenge
it
,
impossible
for
any
man
duly
to
manage
it
,
but
only
Jesus
Christ
,
who
knew
no
sin
,
and
was
not
only
man
,
but
the
Son
of
the
living
God.
Besides
,
wise
men
do
certainly
know
that
the
power
was
usurped
and
possessed
by
degrees
first
,
and
afterwards
the
greatest
Wits
were
set
on
work
to
invent
a
title
:
the
usual
way
of
all
unjust
Usurpers
.
1.
As
for
their
Politicks
,
they
help
them
little
:
for
in
that
reason
from
Government
,
they
presuppose
all
,
and
prove
nothing
from
first
to
last
,
neither
can
any
wit
of
man
prove
any
of
their
supposals
;
yet
all
must
be
proved
,
and
that
demonstratively
,
and
every
one
of
them
made
evident
,
otherwise
the
vast
mighty
Fabrick
falls
to
the
ground
.
Many
of
themselves
know
in
their
Conscience
the
invalidity
and
weakness
of
every
one
of
them
.
2.
As
for
these
passages
of
ancient
Writers
,
which
seem
so
much
to
honour
and
advance
that
Church
above
others
,
many
of
them
are
Hyperbolical
and
Rhetorical
strains
,
and
far
from
being
any
ground
either
of
Logical
or
Theological
proofs
.
2.
Such
as
were
proper
might
agree
to
that
Church
for
that
time
,
when
it
was
honoured
with
persons
of
eminent
piety
and
learning
,
which
were
found
in
it
as
being
the
seat
of
the
Empire
.
And
such
things
might
be
true
of
that
Church
then
,
which
do
not
agree
unto
it
now
.
3.
It
's
found
by
the
searching
of
the
ancient
Manuscripts
,
that
some
things
have
been
foisted
into
the
Books
of
these
ancient
Authors
in
favour
of
that
Church
.
For
they
,
who
could
(
even
before
the
fourth
Century
was
ended
)
corrupt
the
Copy
,
if
not
the
Latine
Original
of
the
Nicene
Council
,
and
put
in
a
Canon
for
to
warrant
receiving
appeals
from
Africk
,
which
was
not
found
in
the
Greek
Original
,
are
not
much
to
be
trusted
.
4.
Suppose
many
or
all
of
those
ancient
commendations
,
which
were
proper
should
be
true
,
yet
they
will
not
amount
to
that
plenitude
of
power
which
in
after
times
was
exercised
,
and
to
this
day
is
challenged
by
the
Bishops
of
that
See.
5.
None
of
those
honourable
testimonies
are
of
Divine
authority
,
or
firmly
grounded
upon
the
Scriptures
.
And
what
the
Scriptures
give
them
,
that
we
will
not
deny
them
.
3.
As
for
their
arguments
from
Scriptures
,
I
have
wondred
that
any
rational
man
should
ever
use
them
,
as
they
are
by
them
applied
to
the
Pope
.
To
argue
,
That
because
Christ
said
to
Peter
,
to
thee
I
give
the
Keys
of
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
,
and
if
thou
lovest
me
,
feed
my
Sheep
:
therefore
the
present
Bishop
of
Rome
is
the
Head
and
absolute
Monarch
of
the
Universal
Church
,
and
invested
with
plenitude
of
power
,
is
very
irrational
.
There
is
such
a
vast
distance
between
these
Scriptures
and
the
conclusion
,
and
so
many
mediums
to
be
used
before
they
can
come
at
it
,
and
the
same
so
uncertain
,
that
no
man
,
that
will
make
use
of
his
reason
,
can
assent
unto
the
conclusion
;
when
all
is
said
,
that
can
be
said
,
in
behalf
of
this
Universal
Vicar
from
these
Texts
.
If
we
should
maintain
our
cause
against
them
by
such
arguments
,
they
would
reject
us
with
scorn
and
indignation
.
Let
his
party
plead
and
plead
again
,
for
his
Universal
and
transcendent
power
,
I
am
sure
of
one
thing
,
that
if
he
loved
Christ
as
Peter
professed
he
did
,
and
had
a
mind
sincerely
bent
to
feed
his
Flock
,
he
would
never
challenge
,
much
less
exercise
such
vast
power
.
That
Christ
left
a
power
sufficient
to
the
Church
,
we
verily
believe
,
but
that
he
delegated
so
great
a
power
,
or
delegated
it
unto
him
,
we
utterly
deny
,
and
have
great
reason
for
it
.
Yet
,
because
we
will
not
submit
unto
his
papal
Majesty
,
we
must
be
condemned
as
Schismaticks
and
Hereticks
,
deprived
of
all
hope
of
Salvation
,
as
having
no
Communion
with
that
Church
,
whereof
he
is
Head
,
and
lodged
in
Hell
,
the
lowest
Hell.
And
all
this
is
done
upon
the
weakest
grounds
that
ever
rational
man
did
use
.
But
we
appeal
to
Heaven
,
where
Christ
will
be
our
Advocate
,
and
plead
our
cause
,
and
carry
it
too
.
If
it
were
needful
,
I
would
single
out
the
chiefest
arguments
used
by
them
of
Rome
to
maintain
this
Title
,
and
answer
them
distinctly
.
But
this
is
done
already
by
many
worthy
and
learned
men
.
Therefore
I
will
take
it
for
granted
,
as
that
which
hath
been
made
good
and
evident
,
that
the
Pope
is
not
the
first
and
proper
subject
of
the
power
of
the
Keys
.
CHAP.
X.
Whether
the
Civil
State
have
any
good
Title
to
the
Power
of
the
Keys
.
section
1
YET
if
the
Pope
cannot
have
and
hold
this
power
,
yet
the
Princes
,
Soveraigns
,
and
civil
States
,
especially
Christian
,
will
assume
it
,
and
they
have
the
strongest
,
and
the
surest
way
of
all
others
,
if
they
once
get
possession
for
to
keep
it
,
and
that
's
the
Sword.
King
Henry
8.
did
not
only
refuse
to
submit
unto
the
Roman
supremacy
,
but
took
it
to
himself
,
and
became
within
his
own
Dominions
,
over
all
persons
,
in
all
causes
,
as
well
Ecclesiastical
as
Civil
,
supream
Head
and
Governour
.
So
the
Priest
by
the
Prince
was
divested
of
a
considerable
part
both
of
his
power
and
also
his
Revenue
.
But
whether
he
could
be
the
proper
subject
of
this
spiritual
Power
,
or
make
good
his
Title
to
it
,
was
much
doubted
,
and
that
by
many
.
As
King
,
he
was
but
caput
regni
non
Ecclesiae
:
and
as
such
,
he
might
have
some
Civil
,
but
no
Ecclesiastical
Power
at
all
.
Yet
though
it
was
called
Ecclesiastical
yet
it
was
not
such
,
Grammatice
sed
Rhetorice
,
not
properly
,
but
by
a
Trope
,
a
Metonymie
of
the
adjunct
for
the
Subject
circa
quod
.
For
the
power
of
a
State
Temporal
is
only
Civil
,
if
properly
and
formally
considered
;
yet
the
Civil
Soveraign
had
always
something
to
do
in
matters
of
Religion
,
concerning
which
it
may
make
Laws
,
pass
Judgment
,
and
execute
the
same
;
yet
the
Laws
,
the
Judgments
,
the
Execution
were
Civil
,
not
strictly
Ecclesiastical
.
Therefore
such
as
maintained
the
Regal
Supremacy
in
Ecclesiasticals
,
were
so
wise
as
to
say
,
that
it
was
[
](A49800-e19050-b)*
*
Non
assumit
Rex
vel
jus
clavium
vel
censurae
,
sed
quae
exterioris
politiae
.
Tort.
Torti
.
pag.
318.
Rex
qua
Rex
,
habet
primatum
Ecclesiasticum
objective
,
qua
Christianus
effective
:
qua
Rex
actu
primo
,
qua
Christianus
secundo
Mason
.
de
Minist.
Angl.
l.
3.
pag.
312.
but
materially
and
objectively
in
the
Crown
.
In
which
sense
it
was
always
due
to
Civil
Powers
,
as
Civil
,
as
appears
from
Deut.
13.
and
many
other
places
of
Scripture
:
as
also
from
many
Examples
,
not
only
of
the
Kings
of
Judah
,
but
of
Ninivy
,
Babylon
,
and
Persia.
That
many
of
these
Heathen
Princes
,
and
also
of
the
Kings
of
Israel
did
abuse
this
power
,
for
the
establishment
or
exercise
of
a
false
Religion
,
and
Idolatry
,
is
no
argument
to
prove
they
had
it
not
,
but
that
they
did
not
use
it
aright
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
circa
sacra
,
did
always
belong
,
and
that
by
divine
institution
to
the
Civil
Higher
Powers
.
section
2
For
the
better
understanding
of
this
point
,
several
things
are
to
be
observed
,
1.
That
as
there
is
no
people
so
barbarous
but
profess
and
practise
some
Religion
,
so
there
is
no
State
or
orderly
Government
,
but
acknowledgeth
some
Deity
or
Divine
Power
,
upon
which
they
conceive
their
publick
Peace
,
Safety
,
Prosperity
,
and
good
Success
doth
depend
:
as
we
may
by
the
very
Scriptures
,
and
also
by
other
Histories
be
informed
.
For
every
Nation
had
their
publick
gods
,
besides
their
Family-tutelar
Deities
.
It
's
true
,
though
by
the
light
of
Nature
,
considering
the
Glorious
works
of
Heaven
and
Earth
,
they
might
have
known
the
true
God
,
yet
they
changed
the
Glory
of
God
into
a
Lye
,
or
false
God
,
and
conceived
that
to
be
a
God
which
was
no
such
thing
.
2.
The
supream
Governours
of
these
States
had
a
special
care
to
order
the
matters
of
that
Religion
which
they
publickly
received
.
They
made
Laws
,
appointed
Priests
for
the
Service
and
Worship
of
their
Gods.
This
is
also
evident
from
Scripture
,
and
from
other
Histories
too
.
This
ordering
of
Religion
as
publick
,
was
always
held
a
right
of
the
publick
Power
.
3.
Yet
they
had
no
power
to
establish
,
or
observe
any
Religion
or
Worship
,
but
that
which
God
had
instituted
according
to
the
Laws
of
Nature
,
or
divine
Revelation
;
if
they
did
,
they
abused
their
Power
.
For
that
very
power
,
as
from
God
,
was
nothing
but
jus
ad
recte
agendum
,
a
right
to
do
right
in
matters
of
Religion
.
If
they
did
otherwise
,
they
abused
their
power
,
they
lost
it
not
.
And
if
an
Heathen
Prince
or
State
should
become
Christian
,
they
acquire
no
new
Right
,
but
are
further
engaged
to
exercise
their
power
in
abolishing
Idolatry
,
and
establishing
the
true
Worship
of
the
true
God.
This
may
be
signified
by
the
Titles
of
Nursing-Fathers
of
the
Church
,
Defenders
of
the
Faith
,
Most
Christian
,
Most
Catholick
King.
All
which
,
as
they
signified
their
Right
,
so
they
also
pointed
at
their
Duty
,
which
was
to
protect
the
true
Church
,
and
maintain
the
True
,
Christian
,
Catholick
Faith.
4.
Though
Regal
and
Sacerdotal
power
were
always
distinct
and
different
in
themselves
,
yet
they
were
often
disposed
and
united
in
one
Person
.
Thus
Melchisedeck
was
both
King
and
Priest
,
Thus
Romulus
was
Prince
,
and
the
chief
Pontiffe
.
For
he
is
said
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Halicar.
Antiqu.
Rom.
lib.
2.
The
succeeding
Kings
took
the
same
place
.
After
the
Regal
power
was
abolished
,
it
was
an
high
Office.
When
Rome
became
Imperial
,
the
Emperours
took
the
Title
of
Supream
Pontiffe
,
and
some
of
them
,
after
they
became
Christian
,
retained
it
.
Yet
still
as
the
Powers
,
so
the
Acts
were
distinct
.
For
Melchisedeck
as
King
,
ruled
his
People
in
Righteousness
and
Peace
;
as
Priest
officiated
,
received
Tithes
,
and
blessed
Abraham
.
As
they
were
sometimes
united
,
so
they
were
divided
.
For
God
entailed
the
Sacerdotal
power
upon
the
house
of
Aaron
,
and
afterwards
,
the
Regal
power
upon
the
family
of
David
.
Neither
did
Christ
or
his
Apostles
think
it
fit
to
make
the
Ministers
Magistrates
,
or
the
Magistrates
Ministers
.
Yet
in
this
Union
or
Division
you
must
know
,
that
this
Sacerdotal
and
Ministerial
power
was
not
this
Civil
power
of
Religion
,
which
always
belonged
to
the
Civil
Governours
,
even
then
,
when
these
two
powers
were
divided
.
5.
If
Civil
powers
stablish
Religion
and
that
by
Law
,
call
Synods
,
order
them
,
ratifie
their
Canons
,
divest
spiritual
and
Ecclesiastical
persons
of
their
temporal
priviledges
,
or
restore
them
,
yet
they
do
all
this
by
their
civil
power
,
by
which
they
cannot
excommunicate
,
absolve
,
suspend
,
much
less
officiate
and
preach
,
and
administer
Sacraments
.
In
this
respect
,
if
the
civil
power
make
a
civil
Law
against
Idolatry
,
Blasphemy
,
Heresie
,
or
other
scandal
,
they
may
by
the
same
power
justly
punish
the
offenders
by
the
sword
,
and
the
Church
censure
them
by
the
power
of
the
Keyes
.
6.
This
jus
Religionis
ordinandae
,
this
power
of
ordering
matters
of
Religion
,
is
not
the
power
of
the
Church
,
but
of
the
State
;
not
of
the
Keyes
,
but
of
the
sword
.
The
Church
hath
nothing
to
do
with
the
sword
,
nor
the
State
with
the
Keyes
.
Christ
did
not
say
,
tell
the
State
,
and
whatsoever
ye
bind
on
earth
shall
be
bound
in
Heaven
,
&c.
Neither
did
he
say
of
the
Church
,
that
she
beareth
not
the
sword
in
vain
.
Therefore
,
he
must
needs
be
very
ignorant
or
very
partial
,
that
shall
conceive
that
the
State
is
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
of
the
power
of
the
Keyes
.
section
3
These
things
premised
,
give
occasion
to
consider
,
how
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
is
to
be
understood
,
especially
in
these
words
,
wherein
the
Kings
or
Queens
of
England
were
acknowledged
(
over
all
persons
,
in
causes
as
well
Ecclesiastical
as
Civil
all
,
supream
head
)
and
because
that
word
Head
was
so
offensive
,
it
was
changed
into
Governour
.
For
the
clearing
hereof
,
it
's
to
be
observed
,
1.
That
by
these
words
,
it
was
intended
to
exclude
all
foreign
Power
both
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
,
especially
that
which
the
Bishops
of
Rome
did
challenge
,
and
also
exercise
within
the
Dominions
of
the
Crown
of
England
.
2.
That
the
Kings
and
Queens
of
Enland
,
had
no
power
supream
in
making
Laws
and
passing
judgements
without
the
Parliament
.
Therefore
by
supream
Governour
,
was
meant
supream
Administratour
,
for
the
execution
of
the
Laws
in
the
intervals
of
Parliament
.
In
this
respect
,
the
Canons
and
injunctions
made
by
the
Clergy
,
though
confirmed
by
royal
assent
,
without
the
Parliament
,
have
been
judged
of
no
force
.
3.
That
by
Ecclesiastical
causes
,
are
meant
such
causes
as
are
materially
Ecclesiastical
,
yet
properly
civil
,
as
before
.
For
matters
of
Religion
,
in
respect
of
the
outward
profession
and
practice
,
and
the
Parties
professing
and
practising
,
are
subject
to
the
civil
power
.
For
by
the
outward
part
the
State
may
be
disturbed
,
put
in
danger
of
Gods
judgements
,
and
the
persons
are
punishable
by
the
sword
,
even
for
those
crimes
.
Yet
neither
can
the
sword
reach
the
soul
,
nor
rectifie
the
conscience
,
except
per
accidens
.
That
by
Ecclesiastical
,
is
not
meant
spiritual
in
proper
sense
,
is
clear
,
because
the
Kings
of
England
never
took
upon
them
to
excommunicate
or
absolve
,
neither
had
those
Chancellours
,
that
were
only
Civilians
,
and
not
Divines
,
power
to
perform
such
acts
.
Yet
they
received
their
power
from
the
Bishops
,
and
it
was
counted
Ecclesiastical
.
4.
In
respect
of
these
Titles
,
those
Courts
which
were
called
Spiritual
and
Ecclesiastical
,
derived
their
power
from
the
Crown
.
And
the
Bishops
did
correct
and
punish
,
disquiet
,
disobedient
criminous
persons
within
their
Diocess
,
according
to
such
authority
as
they
had
by
Gods
word
,
and
as
to
them
was
committed
by
the
authority
of
this
Realm
.
These
are
the
words
of
the
Book
of
Ordination
in
the
consecration
of
Bishops
.
The
words
seem
to
imply
,
that
they
had
a
mixt
,
or
at
least
a
twofold
power
:
one
by
the
word
,
as
trusted
with
the
power
of
the
Keyes
;
the
other
from
the
Magistrate
or
Crown
,
and
that
was
civil
.
Such
a
mixt
power
they
had
indeed
in
the
high
Commission
.
Yet
though
this
may
be
implyed
,
yet
it
may
be
,
they
understood
that
their
power
by
the
word
of
God
,
and
from
the
Crown
were
the
same
.
The
act
of
restoring
the
ancient
jurisdiction
to
the
Crown
.
1
Eliz.
1.
doth
make
this
further
evident
.
For
it
's
an
act
of
restoring
the
ancient
jurisdiction
in
Ecclesiasticals
especially
,
to
the
Crown
;
for
that
's
the
Title
.
Where
it
must
be
observed
,
that
the
power
was
such
,
as
the
Parliament
did
give
.
2.
That
they
did
not
give
it
anew
,
but
restore
it
.
3.
They
could
not
,
had
no
power
to
give
it
,
if
it
belonged
to
the
Crown
by
the
Constitution
,
but
to
declare
it
to
be
due
;
upon
which
Declaration
the
Queen
might
resume
,
that
which
the
Pope
had
usurped
and
exercised
.
4.
It
's
remarkable
,
that
not
the
Queen
,
but
the
Parliament
,
by
that
act
did
restore
it
:
as
the
act
of
the
Oath
of
supremacy
was
made
by
a
Parliament
,
which
by
that
act
could
not
give
the
King
any
power
at
all
,
which
was
not
formerly
due
.
In
respect
of
Testaments
,
temporal
jurisdiction
,
Dignities
,
Priviledges
,
Titles
as
due
unto
the
Church
by
humane
Constitution
and
donation
,
all
Ecclesiastical
causes
concerning
these
,
were
determinable
by
a
civil
power
.
How
tithes
are
a
lay-fee
or
divine
right
,
hath
been
declared
formerly
.
Hence
it
doth
appear
,
that
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
was
not
so
easily
understood
,
as
it
was
easily
taken
by
many
:
and
the
Oxford
Convocation
,
I
believe
,
but
that
they
had
already
sworn
,
could
have
found
as
many
reasons
against
it
as
against
the
Covenant
,
especially
if
it
had
been
new
,
as
the
Covenant
was
.
Many
wise
men
at
the
first
did
scruple
it
,
and
some
suffered
death
for
refusal
.
Amongst
the
rest
Sir
Thomas
Moor
,
a
learned
and
a
very
prudent
man
,
could
not
digest
it
;
and
though
he
might
have
an
high
conceit
of
the
Papal
Supremacy
,
yet
that
might
not
be
the
only
reason
of
his
refusal
,
but
this
,
because
he
knew
the
Crown
had
no
Ecclesiastical
power
properly
so
called
.
Though
this
was
not
thought
to
be
the
true
,
but
only
the
pretended
cause
of
his
death
:
For
in
his
Vtopia
,
he
seems
to
dislike
the
Indisputable
Prerogative
,
which
was
a
Noli
me
tangere
,
and
to
touch
it
so
roughly
,
as
he
did
,
might
cost
dear
,
as
it
did
.
Yet
I
have
taken
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
in
that
sense
as
our
Divines
did
understand
it
;
and
I
was
,
and
am
willing
to
give
to
Caesar
the
things
that
are
Caesar's
.
section
4
That
which
hath
been
said
in
this
point
in
brief
is
this
:
That
though
the
Civil
Powers
have
a
right
to
order
matters
of
Religion
in
respect
of
the
outward
part
,
and
so
far
as
the
Sword
may
reach
it
according
to
Divine
Law
,
yet
they
have
no
power
of
the
Keys
,
which
Christ
committed
to
the
Church
.
For
if
we
consider
all
the
power
exercised
in
matter
of
Religion
by
David
,
Solomon
,
and
the
pious
Kings
of
Judah
:
by
the
Christian
Emperours
and
Princes
;
by
the
Kings
of
France
and
England
,
it
was
but
civil
.
Neither
is
the
power
of
our
Parliaments
any
other
.
For
though
they
make
Acts
concerning
the
publick
Doctrine
and
Discipline
,
yet
these
are
but
civil
.
They
are
not
Representatives
of
the
Church
,
but
of
the
State
,
whether
the
Convocation
was
an
essential
part
of
the
Parliament
,
or
a
full
representative
of
the
Church
,
I
will
not
here
debate
.
I
find
some
great
Lawyers
which
deny
both
.
And
if
their
denial
be
true
,
then
England
had
no
general
Representative
of
the
Church
in
latter
times
.
As
for
Erastians
,
and
such
as
do
give
all
Ecclesiastical
power
of
Discipline
to
the
State
,
and
deny
all
power
to
the
Ministers
,
but
that
of
dispensing
Word
and
Sacraments
:
it
's
plain
,
they
never
understood
the
state
of
the
Question
;
and
though
a
Minister
,
as
a
Minister
have
no
power
but
that
of
Word
and
Sacraments
:
yet
from
thence
it
will
not
follow
,
that
the
Church
hath
not
a
power
spiritual
,
distinct
from
that
of
the
State
in
matters
of
Religion
.
CHAP.
XI
.
Whether
Episcopacy
be
the
primary
subject
of
the
Power
of
the
Keys
.
section
1
THE
Prelate
presumes
that
the
power
of
the
Keys
is
his
,
and
he
thinks
his
title
very
good
,
and
so
good
,
that
though
he
could
not
prove
the
institution
,
yet
prescription
will
bear
him
out
.
For
he
hath
had
possession
for
a
long
time
:
and
Universality
and
Antiquity
seem
to
favour
him
very
much
.
Yet
I
hope
his
title
may
be
examined
;
and
if
upon
examination
it
prove
good
,
he
hath
no
cause
to
be
offended
,
except
with
this
,
that
I
of
all
others
should
meddle
with
it
.
But
before
any
thing
can
be
said
to
purpose
,
we
must
first
know
the
nature
and
institution
of
a
Bishop
,
which
is
the
subject
of
the
Question
.
Secondly
,
Put
the
Reader
in
mind
,
that
the
Question
is
not
in
this
place
,
whether
a
Bishop
be
an
Officer
of
the
Church
,
either
by
some
special
,
or
some
general
Divine
Precept
,
but
whether
he
be
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
the
primary
subject
of
the
power
of
the
Keys
.
For
he
may
be
an
Officer
,
and
yet
no
such
subject
.
Concerning
a
Bishop
,
the
subject
of
the
Question
,
two
things
are
worthy
our
consideration
.
1.
What
he
is
.
2.
How
instituted
at
the
first
.
The
Definition
and
Institution
,
seem
rather
to
belong
unto
the
second
part
of
Ecclesiastical
Politicks
,
where
I
shall
entreat
of
Ecclesiastical
Officers
;
and
the
constitution
of
them
.
Yet
I
will
here
say
something
of
both
in
order
to
the
Question
,
though
I
be
the
briefer
afterward
.
section
2
What
a
Bishop
is
may
be
difficult
to
know
,
except
we
do
distinguish
,
before
we
do
define
.
For
we
find
several
sorts
of
Bishops
in
the
Church
Christian.
There
is
a
Primitive
,
a
Prelatical
or
Hierarchical
,
and
an
English
Bishop
,
distinct
and
different
in
some
things
from
both
the
former
:
for
whom
I
reserve
a
place
in
the
end
of
this
Chapter
.
Primitive
Bishop
.
The
Primitive
Bishop
is
twofold
.
-
1.
A
Presbyter
.
-
2.
A
President
or
Superintendent
.
1.
A
Presbyter
in
the
New
Testament
is
a
Bishop
.
For
the
Elders
of
Ephesus
,
were
made
by
the
Holy
Ghost
Bishops
or
Superintendents
over
God's
flock
,
Acts
20.28
.
And
the
qualification
of
a
Bishop
,
1
Tim.
3.1
,
2
,
3
,
&c.
is
the
qualification
of
an
Elder
,
Tit.
1.5
,
6
,
7
,
&c.
For
whatsoever
some
of
late
have
said
to
the
contrary
,
yet
Presbyter
and
Bishop
were
only
two
different
words
signifying
the
same
Officer
.
And
this
is
confessed
by
divers
of
the
Ancients
,
who
tell
us
,
that
the
word
Bishop
was
appropriated
to
one
,
who
was
more
than
a
Presbyter
,
in
after-times
.
2.
A
Bishop
signified
one
that
was
above
a
Presbyter
in
some
respects
,
as
a
Moderatour
of
a
Classis
,
or
President
of
a
Synod
.
But
such
a
Presbyter
might
be
only
pro
tempore
for
the
time
of
the
Session
;
and
after
the
Assembly
dissolved
,
he
might
return
to
be
a
bare
Presbyter
again
.
For
to
be
a
Moderatour
or
President
,
was
no
constant
place
.
The
word
in
this
sense
we
find
seldom
used
,
if
at
all
.
2.
A
President
was
a
kind
of
Superintendent
,
with
a
care
and
inspection
,
not
only
over
the
people
,
but
the
Presbyters
too
within
a
certain
precinct
:
and
this
was
a
constant
place
,
and
the
party
called
a
Bishop
,
and
by
Ambrose
and
Austine
,
with
divers
others
,
called
primus
Presbyterorum
,
and
these
were
such
as
had
no
power
,
but
with
the
Presbytery
joyntly
,
His
Power
.
and
that
without
a
negative
voice
.
And
the
Presbytery
might
be
a
Representative
,
not
only
of
the
Presbyters
strictly
taken
,
but
of
the
people
too
.
For
we
may
read
in
Cyprian
and
other
Authours
,
that
these
Bishops
in
more
weighty
matters
of
publick
concernment
,
did
nothing
without
the
counsel
and
consent
,
not
only
of
the
Presbyters
,
but
the
people
.
This
I
call
a
primitive
Bishop
,
not
only
because
he
is
ancient
,
but
also
because
the
place
or
office
is
agreeable
to
the
rules
of
Reason
,
of
Government
,
and
the
general
Rules
of
the
Apostles
concerning
Order
,
Decency
,
Edification
.
Hierarchical
B.
B.
There
is
also
an
Hierarchical
Bishop
,
who
may
be
only
a
Bishop
,
or
an
Archbishop
,
and
Metropolitan
or
a
Patriarch
;
and
these
challenge
the
power
of
Ordination
and
Jurisdiction
:
and
in
Jurisdiction
,
include
and
engross
the
power
of
making
Canons
.
This
kind
of
Episcopacy
is
ancient
as
the
former
.
This
last
Bishop
is
he
,
upon
whom
Spalatensis
and
many
others
do
fix
:
and
though
they
grant
that
he
should
do
nothing
without
the
Counsel
of
the
Presbytery
,
His
Power
.
yet
they
give
him
full
power
without
the
Presbytery
,
which
they
joyn
with
him
only
for
advice
.
The
English
Bishop
is
in
something
different
from
all
these
,
as
shall
be
made
evident
hereafter
.
From
these
distinctions
it
's
apparent
,
that
the
word
Bishop
is
equivocal
,
and
must
be
defined
several
ways
according
to
the
several
significations
,
which
is
easily
done
by
that
which
hath
been
said
already
.
section
3
For
the
first
institution
of
Episcopacy
,
there
is
as
great
difference
in
that
,
as
in
the
former
,
and
that
not
only
in
respect
of
the
time
when
it
was
instituted
,
but
also
of
the
Author
of
the
institution
.
Those
that
are
zealous
for
Episcopacy
,
must
needs
have
the
institution
to
be
Divine
;
whosoever
the
Author
may
be
,
whether
Christ
or
his
Apostles
.
Some
learned
and
pious
men
make
Christ
the
immediate
Author
in
that
mission
.
1.
Of
the
twelve
Apostles
.
2.
Of
the
seventy
Disciples
.
In
which
mission
,
they
observe
,
1.
An
imparity
between
the
twelve
and
the
seventy
,
which
imparity
they
say
,
continued
in
the
Bishops
succeeding
the
Apostles
,
and
the
Presbyters
succeeding
the
Disciples
:
but
these
will
satisfie
no
considerate
man
.
For
though
it
be
granted
,
that
there
was
some
imparity
,
yet
,
1.
The
mission
of
both
was
immediately
from
Christ
.
2.
It
was
for
the
same
work
to
preach
the
Gospel
,
and
do
Miracles
in
confirmation
of
the
same
.
3.
They
were
limited
and
confined
to
the
Jew
.
4.
There
was
no
imparity
of
power
and
jurisdiction
of
the
one
over
the
other
:
both
were
immediately
subject
to
Christ
.
5.
That
some
of
the
Ancients
say
,
the
Bishops
succeeded
the
Apostles
,
and
Presbyters
,
the
seventy
Disciples
can
hardly
be
true
,
or
any
ways
made
good
.
Seeing
therefore
this
mission
of
both
was
immediate
,
and
for
Doctrine
,
and
not
for
Discipline
,
it
cannot
reach
the
power
challenged
&
grounded
upon
it
.
The
School
of
Sorbonne
was
of
this
mind
,
and
say
,
it
was
a
ground
of
the
Hierarchy
.
But
if
it
was
a
ground
,
Hierarch
.
Jure
Humano
.
it
was
but
very
infirm
,
for
the
Hierarchy
was
but
introduced
jure
humano
non
divino
,
as
may
and
will
be
made
evident
.
Others
wave
this
,
and
make
the
institution
Apostolical
;
yet
in
this
they
differ
.
For
some
say
it
was
from
the
Apostles
as
Apostles
,
and
immediately
inspired
,
and
in
this
particular
,
and
then
it
is
Divine
indeed
.
Others
tell
us
,
it
was
from
them
,
as
acting
by
an
ordinary
and
Ecclesiastical
power
.
Again
,
it
may
be
grounded
upon
some
Apostolick
Precept
of
Divine
,
Universal
,
and
perpetual
Obligation
,
or
upon
their
Practice
and
Example
.
The
former
,
the
Convocation
at
Oxford
in
their
Scruples
against
taking
the
Covenant
,
dare
not
affirm
;
and
indeed
no
such
Precept
doth
appear
.
Again
,
the
Precepts
of
the
Apostles
were
either
General
or
Special
.
And
if
there
be
not
some
special
divine
Precept
for
this
institution
,
it
cannot
be
of
perpetual
Obligation
,
nor
necessary
.
Epiphanius
confuting
the
Heresie
of
Aerius
,
if
he
be
consistent
with
himself
,
must
needs
be
of
this
mind
,
because
he
affirms
,
that
the
businesses
of
the
Church
,
may
be
fully
dispatched
and
performed
by
Presbyters
and
Deacons
without
a
Bishop
.
Hierome
makes
Episcopacy
an
humane
Constitution
,
and
not
Divine
.
In
this
,
some
excuse
him
:
but
Spalatensis
saith
,
he
cannot
be
excused
:
Medina
chargeth
him
,
and
other
of
the
Fathers
with
the
Aerian
Heresie
.
As
for
those
words
of
his
:
Quid
facit
Episcopus
excepta
ordinatione
,
quod
non
faciat
Presbyter
;
they
may
seem
to
reserve
a
power
of
Ordination
as
proper
to
the
Bishop
;
and
in
this
Respect
,
Episcopacy
may
be
of
a
divine
Constitution
.
Yet
Marsilius
understands
by
Ordination
,
the
constitution
of
the
Church
,
not
the
ordination
of
Ministers
.
And
there
is
great
reason
to
think
so
,
because
otherwise
his
words
are
directly
false
,
and
known
to
be
so
,
if
meant
of
Ordination
of
Presbyters
by
imposition
of
hands
:
for
long
before
his
time
,
the
Bishops
did
many
things
,
which
a
Presbyter
could
not
do
:
neither
could
a
Bishop
Ordain
without
Presbyters
.
If
they
had
this
Power
to
themselves
alone
,
and
that
by
divine
Donation
,
Hierome
must
plainly
contradict
himself
.
If
Hierome
meant
the
Hierarchical
Episcopacy
,
which
then
in
many
places
was
the
only
Episcopacy
,
then
it
's
most
certain
,
that
that
was
not
from
God
,
but
man
;
not
from
divine
,
but
humane
Constitution
.
And
the
Hierarchical
subordination
,
seems
to
be
ordained
directly
to
avoid
Schism
,
which
that
learned
man
saith
,
was
the
Occasion
of
that
Episcopacy
.
section
4
Though
it
would
take
up
a
full
Volume
,
to
answer
in
Particular
all
those
who
have
asserted
,
and
endeavoured
to
prove
the
Divine
right
of
this
Hierarchical
Prelate
,
invested
with
the
Power
of
Ordination
and
Jurisdiction
:
and
therefore
here
I
might
be
silent
,
yet
,
seeing
the
substance
of
all
the
rest
may
be
read
in
Spalatensis
,
therefore
I
will
single
him
out
,
and
consider
the
force
of
his
Reasons
,
which
are
insisted
upon
by
others
to
this
day
.
And
here
we
must
observe
,
1.
That
the
Bishop
which
he
maintaineth
is
Hierarchical
,
and
one
invested
with
the
Power
of
Ordination
and
Jurisdiction
.
2.
That
his
intention
and
design
,
is
to
prove
him
to
be
of
Divine
Institution
.
3.
To
this
purpose
he
alledgeth
several
Scriptures
,
and
he
seems
to
find
the
fundamental
Charter
in
these
words
of
our
Saviour
:
As
my
Father
sent
me
,
so
I
send
you
,
&c.
John
20.21
,
22.
Where
I
will
observe
,
1.
His
interpretation
of
the
words
.
2.
His
supposition
of
imparity
between
the
twelve
Apostles
and
seventy
Disciples
.
3.
Examine
whether
the
Texts
antecedent
or
consequent
,
or
the
words
themselves
do
favour
him
.
1.
Therefore
he
determines
the
agreement
betwen
his
Fathers
mission
of
him
,
and
his
Mission
of
them
to
be
this
.
[
](A49800-e20420-b)*
*
De
Repub.
Eccles.
lib.
2.
c.
3.
sect.
7
,
8
,
9.
That
as
his
Father
gave
him
power
to
ordain
,
and
constitute
them
in
a
superior
rank
of
power
and
Jurisdiction
,
and
the
seventy
Disciples
of
an
inferior
Order
:
so
he
gave
them
Power
likewise
to
appoint
their
successors
in
a
twofold
rank
.
1.
Bishops
with
a
full
Apostolical
ordinary
power
.
2.
Presbyters
,
without
any
such
power
of
Ordination
and
Jurisdiction
,
for
so
he
means
.
2.
In
this
Exposition
,
he
presupposeth
an
imparity
of
power
,
but
very
absurdly
.
For
he
gives
the
Power
of
Ordination
and
Jurisdiction
to
the
Bishops
alone
,
but
none
at
all
to
the
Presbyters
.
And
whereas
imparity
is
a
difference
only
in
degrees
,
he
makes
the
difference
of
the
Bishops
and
Presbyters
to
be
essential
and
specifical
.
But
of
this
before
:
and
if
any
desire
to
see
more
,
let
them
read
the
Doctors
of
Sorbonne
concerning
this
particular
in
their
tract
,
De
Ecclesiastica
&
Politica
potestate
.
Thus
you
have
heard
,
-
1.
His
Exposition
.
-
2.
His
Supposition
.
Now
it
follows
we
enquire
,
Whether
either
of
them
have
any
warrant
,
or
so
much
as
colour
from
the
Context
,
Antecedent
,
or
Consequent
.
The
Antecedent
favours
him
not
:
For
ver.
19.
it
's
said
,
not
that
the
Apostles
,
but
Disciples
were
together
:
and
the
Seventy
are
called
Disciples
,
and
some
of
them
might
be
there
,
and
his
words
directed
to
them
;
and
if
this
be
so
,
the
very
foundation
of
the
argument
from
this
place
is
rased
.
Neither
doth
the
words
following
help
him
,
but
are
point-blank
against
him
.
For
verses
22
,
23.
it
's
said
,
He
breathed
upon
them
,
and
saith
unto
them
,
Receive
ye
the
Holy
Ghost
,
whosoever
sins
ye
remit
,
they
are
remitted
,
&c.
Where
,
1.
Many
by
the
Holy
Ghost
,
understand
spiritual
power
,
or
power
of
and
from
the
Spirit
.
2
This
power
is
not
a
power
of
Ordination
,
or
Jurisdiction
in
foro
exteriori
,
but
a
power
of
Remission
and
Retention
of
sins
,
in
foro
interiori
&
poenitentiali
,
as
the
Schoolmen
and
Casuists
speak
.
3.
They
remit
and
retain
sins
by
the
Word
and
Sacraments
.
Therefore
in
the
ordination
of
Presbyters
,
both
in
the
Pontifical
of
Rome
and
our
Ordination-book
,
these
words
are
used
,
and
after
them
are
added
with
some
ceremony
,
this
passage
,
Be
thou
a
faithful
dispenser
of
the
Word
of
God
,
and
his
holy
Sacraments
.
And
again
,
the
Bible
delivered
into
the
hands
of
the
party
ordained
,
Take
thou
authority
to
preach
the
Word
of
God
,
and
to
administer
the
Holy
Sacraments
.
4.
This
is
the
power
of
the
Keys
promised
,
Matthew
16.19
.
which
place
he
himself
understands
of
Conversion
by
the
Word
.
5.
This
is
the
essential
power
of
a
Presbyter
,
as
a
Presbyter
.
section
6
In
the
third
place
,
as
neither
the
context
,
antecedent
,
nor
consequent
help
him
,
so
neither
do
the
words
themselves
.
For
except
the
similitude
and
agreement
between
his
Fathers
Mission
and
his
be
Universal
and
adequate
,
or
some
ways
specifically
determined
unto
this
particular
imparity
of
the
twelve
and
seventy
,
and
also
of
Bishops
and
Presbyters
,
his
Exposition
can
never
be
made
good
.
That
it
is
not
Universal
is
evident
,
and
that
by
his
own
Confession
,
who
tells
us
,
that
the
Father
sent
Christ
to
redeem
,
but
Christ
never
sent
the
Apostles
to
do
any
such
thing
.
As
and
So
,
are
notes
of
similitude
indeed
:
and
therefore
his
Fathers
Mission
of
him
,
and
his
Mission
of
the
Apostles
,
must
agree
in
something
.
And
so
they
do
,
1.
He
was
sent
,
so
were
they
.
2.
He
received
the
Spirit
,
so
did
they
.
3.
He
was
sent
to
preach
and
do
miracles
,
so
were
they
.
4.
His
Mission
was
extraordinary
,
so
was
theirs
,
Sicut
est
nota
similitudinis
,
and
(
as
a
Lapide
saith
)
may
signifie
similitudinem
Officii
,
principii
,
finis
,
miraculorum
&
amoris
;
yet
none
of
these
can
serve
his
turn
.
Therefore
,
saith
Grotius
,
and
that
truly
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
aliquam
,
non
omnimodam
similitudinem
significat
.
Gerrard
upon
the
same
words
,
as
used
by
our
Saviour
,
Joh.
17.18
.
multiplies
the
analogy
,
and
makes
these
two
missions
agree
in
fifteen
particulars
:
yet
he
never
thought
of
this
.
Christ
,
as
he
observes
,
was
sent
:
1.
To
redeem
.
2.
To
preach
the
Gospel
;
so
they
were
sent
not
to
redeem
,
but
to
preach
,
and
did
succeed
him
,
not
in
his
sacerdotal
,
but
prophetical
Office
,
by
the
Word
and
Sacraments
to
apply
the
Redemption
,
not
as
Priests
to
expiate
sins
.
Seeing
therefore
the
analogy
is
not
universal
,
nor
any
ways
by
the
Context
,
antecedent
or
consequent
,
or
the
Text
it self
determined
to
this
particular
,
but
to
another
,
as
is
apparent
;
therefore
his
Exposition
is
frivolous
,
his
Supposition
false
,
and
the
Text
no
ground
of
an
Hierarchical
Episcopacy
.
Yet
he
proceeds
to
prove
this
imparity
from
examples
:
Sect.
7.
1.
[
](A49800-e20840-b)*
*
Act.
8.14
.
Of
Peter
and
John
sent
to
Samaria
,
that
by
imposition
of
hands
,
as
of
Bishops
,
they
whom
Philip
had
converted
,
as
a
meer
Presbyter
,
might
receive
the
Holy
Ghost
.
2.
From
Barnabas
,
sent
as
a
Bishop
,
as
he
takes
for
granted
,
to
Antioch
,
to
confirm
the
believing
Jews
,
converted
by
the
dispersed
Saints
,
in
that
Faith
they
had
received
.
But
will
it
follow
,
that
Peter
,
and
John
,
and
Barnabas
were
Bishops
invested
with
the
power
of
ordination
and
jurisdiction
,
because
they
were
sent
by
the
Church
of
Jerusalem
,
not
to
ordain
or
make
Canons
,
or
censure
,
but
by
imposition
of
hands
and
prayer
,
give
the
Holy
Ghost
,
and
confirm
the
new
Converts
of
Samaria
and
Antioch
?
how
irrational
and
absurd
is
this
?
3.
He
instanceth
in
Timothy
,
left
by
Paul
at
Ephesus
,
and
Titus
left
by
him
at
Creet
to
ordain
Elders
,
and
order
other
matters
of
those
Churches
,
not
fully
constituted
and
perfected
for
Doctrine
,
Worship
and
Discipline
.
But
let
it
be
granted
,
that
they
had
power
of
Ordination
and
Jurisdiction
;
yet
1.
It
will
not
follow
from
hence
,
that
because
they
had
it
,
therefore
Presbyters
had
it
not
.
Nor
2.
That
they
had
it
without
Presbyters
,
where
Presbyters
might
be
had
.
Nor
3.
That
they
had
it
as
Bishops
,
which
is
the
very
thing
to
be
proved
.
4.
The
plain
truth
is
,
that
they
had
it
in
those
places
,
and
for
that
time
,
as
commissioned
and
trusted
by
the
Apostle
,
to
do
many
things
in
that
Church
,
according
to
the
Canons
sent
them
by
the
Apostles
,
which
they
had
no
power
to
make
themselves
.
Dr.
Andrews
taking
all
Apostolical
power
to
be
divine
;
affirms
Episcopacy
to
be
a
distinct
order
,
and
of
divine
institution
,
and
grounds
himself
upon
the
testimony
of
Irenaeus
,
Tertullian
,
Eusebius
,
Hierome
,
Ambrose
,
Chrysostome
,
Epiphanius
,
and
Theodoret
:
who
all
write
,
that
Ignatius
,
Polycarpus
,
Timothy
,
Titus
,
and
others
were
made
Bishops
,
and
of
a
distinct
Order
above
Presbyters
by
the
Apostles
themselves
.
Yet
1.
If
he
mean
by
Apostolical
,
whatsoever
is
done
by
the
Apostles
,
then
many
things
Apostolical
are
not
Divine
,
much
less
of
Divine
Institution
and
Obligation
.
For
many
things
were
done
by
them
in
matters
of
the
Church
by
a
meer
ordinary
power
.
2.
The
testimony
of
all
these
Fathers
is
but
humane
:
and
according
to
his
own
rule
cannot
be
believed
,
but
with
an
humane
and
fallible
Faith
;
Et
quod
fide
divina
non
credendum
,
fide
divina
non
agendum
.
3.
If
he
meant
,
that
those
had
power
of
Ordination
and
Jurisdiction
as
Bishops
,
he
contradicts
himself
,
affirming
,
that
this
power
of
the
Keyes
,
was
given
immediately
by
Christ
not
to
Peter
,
not
to
the
Apostles
,
but
to
the
Church
,
and
the
Church
had
it
,
to
the
Church
it
was
ratified
,
the
Church
doth
exercise
it
,
and
transfer
it
upon
one
or
more
,
qui
ejus
post
vel
exercendae
vel
denunciandae
facultatem
habeant
,
Tortura
Torti
▪
p.
42.
So
that
none
can
have
it
,
but
as
delegates
of
the
Church
,
not
as
Bishops
or
Officers
.
section
4
The
last
instance
from
Scriptures
,
is
in
the
Angels
of
the
seven
Churches
of
Asia
:
and
he
affirms
these
were
Bishops
.
But
1.
So
they
might
be
and
yet
only
Presbyters
.
2.
Suppose
they
were
more
then
Presbyters
,
and
super-intendents
at
least
,
it
doth
not
follow
they
were
Hierarchical
Bishops
:
For
if
they
were
,
it
must
appear
from
some
divine
Record
,
or
else
how
can
I
certainly
believe
it
.
3.
Let
them
be
Hierarchical
Prelates
,
yet
it
must
be
made
evident
by
what
warrant
and
institution
,
they
became
such
.
The
institution
must
be
grounded
,
either
upon
the
practise
or
precepts
of
Christ
or
his
Apostles
:
yet
all
these
grounds
have
been
formerly
examined
.
But
4.
Doth
any
man
think
that
these
Letters
and
Messages
were
sent
only
to
seven
Persons
,
who
were
Bishops
?
It
s
evident
and
clear
as
the
Sun
,
they
were
directed
to
the
whole
Churches
to
the
Ministers
,
which
are
called
by
the
name
of
Angels
,
and
to
the
people
.
For
the
whole
Church
of
Ephesus
,
of
Smyrna
,
and
of
the
rest
is
commended
,
or
reproved
and
charged
with
divers
sins
,
and
threatned
with
such
punishments
as
must
fall
upon
all
.
After
all
these
proofs
from
Scripture
,
recourse
is
had
to
Antiquity
and
Universality
,
as
sufficient
grounds
of
a
prescription
,
which
is
a
good
kind
of
title
.
But
1.
In
divine
things
,
especially
such
as
are
of
ordinary
and
universal
obligation
,
Antiquity
and
Universality
without
a
Divine
Institution
will
not
serve
the
turn
.
2.
The
Hierarchy
prescribes
as
much
,
and
as
high
as
Episcopacy
,
invested
with
power
of
Ordination
and
Jurisdiction
,
as
proper
to
it self
,
yet
it
s
confessed
to
be
only
of
humane
institution
.
3.
What
is
it
,
how
is
it
defined
?
What
Divine
Institution
can
be
made
evident
of
that
,
which
they
say
is
so
universal
and
ancient
?
4.
Who
are
the
witnesses
,
by
whose
testimony
this
Antiquity
and
Universality
is
proved
?
They
are
,
besides
some
of
later
times
,
but
few
,
and
all
within
the
Roman
Empire
,
many
of
them
Bishops
themselves
,
and
some
of
them
bitter
Enemies
one
against
another
.
They
are
not
one
of
an
hundred
amongst
the
Bishops
,
not
one
of
a
thousand
amongst
others
.
Yet
the
Church
in
the
Apostles
times
,
was
enlarged
to
the
ends
of
the
Earth
.
And
as
then
,
so
now
,
there
were
in
every
Century
thousands
that
did
never
write
,
or
if
they
did
,
they
wrote
not
of
Episcopacy
;
and
many
of
them
might
be
as
great
Schollars
,
as
those
whose
books
are
extant
.
5.
There
was
a
special
reason
,
why
there
might
be
Bishops
and
the
same
Hierarchical
in
the
principal
parts
of
the
Roman
Teritory
,
as
shall
be
touched
hereafter
.
6.
Suppose
these
Bishops
to
have
the
power
of
Ordination
and
Jurisdiction
,
yea
,
the
whole
power
of
the
Keyes
,
which
includes
the
Legislative
in
making
Canons
,
can
any
man
prove
,
that
they
had
it
always
in
all
places
:
and
if
so
,
that
they
had
it
severally
in
their
several
precincts
,
and
not
joyntly
with
their
fellow
Bishops
,
as
Representatives
in
Counsels
,
and
also
with
Presbyters
and
others
too
.
It
s
well
enough
known
,
that
other
besides
Bishops
had
their
suffrage
in
Synods
.
[
](A49800-e21190-b)*
*
Ludovicus
,
Arabelensis
.
Lewis
,
Arch-Bishop
of
Arles
,
President
in
the
Council
of
Basil.
Arles
,
President
of
the
Council
of
Basil
,
proves
stoutly
that
Presbyters
have
their
Votes
;
and
without
them
he
could
not
have
carried
the
cause
against
Panormitan
and
his
faction
.
section
8
After
the
primitive
and
the
Hierarchical
Episcopacy
comes
in
the
English
,
which
hath
something
singular
.
He
that
will
understand
the
nature
of
it
more
fully
,
must
read
Dr.
Zouch
,
Dr.
Mucket
,
Dr.
Cosens
the
Civilian
his
Tables
,
with
him
(
who
calls
himself
Didoclavius
)
upon
him
.
By
all
whom
we
may
understand
,
English
Bishops
.
1.
It
was
not
the
primitive
Episcopacy
.
2.
It
was
clearly
Hierarchical
;
for
we
had
Bishops
,
and
two
Arch-Bishops
of
York
and
Canterbury
,
the
one
the
Metropolitan
of
England
,
the
other
of
all
England
.
The
Bishops
took
their
Oath
of
obedience
to
the
Arch-Bishops
,
as
appeareth
by
the
book
of
ordination
.
They
did
arrogate
the
power
of
ordination
to
themselves
,
though
Presbyters
did
in
the
ordination
impose
hands
with
them
,
and
some
of
them
confessed
,
they
had
it
only
with
the
Presbyter
joyntly
.
Yet
we
know
how
that
by
others
is
eluded
.
3.
Not
to
say
any
thing
of
their
Titles
,
Dignity
,
Revenue
,
Baronies
annexed
to
their
Sea
;
their
place
in
the
house
of
the
Peers
in
Parliament
,
and
their
priviledges
,
they
had
cast
off
in
effect
,
not
only
the
people
,
but
Presbytery
.
For
though
the
Presbytery
had
their
Clerks
,
both
in
the
Convocation
of
York
,
and
also
at
London
,
if
the
Parliament
sat
there
;
yet
they
took
upon
them
in
the
end
to
nominate
these
Clerks
,
and
deprive
the
Ministers
of
their
right
of
Election
.
What
Dean
and
Chapters
were
.
As
for
the
Deanes
and
Chapters
,
which
should
have
been
eminent
Persons
,
and
chosen
by
the
Presbytery
in
every
Diocess
to
represent
them
,
they
were
degenerate
from
their
original
Institution
;
and
the
Bishops
,
who
should
have
done
nothing
but
joyntly
with
them
,
did
all
things
without
them
.
They
in
effect
,
though
unjustly
engrossed
the
whole
power
of
Administration
.
4.
Yet
this
is
observable
:
that
1.
They
could
make
no
Canons
but
joyntly
in
one
Assembly
.
2.
That
joyntly
amongst
themselves
,
without
the
Presbytery
,
they
had
not
this
power
.
3.
That
no
Canons
were
valid
without
the
Royal
Assent
.
4.
Neither
by
the
Constitution
was
the
Royal
Assent
sufficient
without
the
Parliament
.
5.
That
they
derived
much
of
their
Ecclesiastical
power
from
the
Crown
.
For
by
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
is
declared
,
that
the
King
of
England
is
over
all
persons
,
even
in
Ecclesiastical
causes
Supream
Governour
,
In
which
respect
,
all
their
secular
Power
,
Revenue
,
Dignity
,
and
also
their
nomination
and
confirmation
with
their
investiture
is
from
him
.
He
calls
Synods
,
confirms
their
Canons
,
grants
Commissions
to
exercise
Jurisdiction
purely
Ecclesiastical
.
In
the
first
year
of
King
Edward
the
sixth
,
by
a
Statute
they
were
bound
to
use
the
Kings
name
,
not
their
own
,
even
in
their
Citations
:
and
as
before
,
they
must
correct
and
punish
offenders
according
to
such
Authority
as
they
had
by
the
Word
of
God
,
and
as
to
them
should
be
committed
by
the
ordinance
of
this
Realm
:
So
,
that
if
the
Popish
Bishops
derive
their
power
from
the
Pope
,
and
the
English
from
the
King
,
English
Bishops
not
Jure
Divino
.
neither
of
them
could
be
jure
divino
.
And
by
this
,
the
title
of
most
Bishops
in
Europe
is
meerly
humane
,
and
that
in
two
respects
:
1.
Because
its
Hierarchial
.
2.
Derived
either
from
an
higher
Ecclesiastical
or
an
higher
secular
power
.
section
9
Thus
far
I
have
enquired
,
though
briefly
and
according
to
my
poor
ability
,
into
the
definition
and
institution
of
a
Bishop
,
the
subject
of
the
Question
,
which
is
this
,
Whether
a
Bishop
or
Bishops
be
the
primary
subject
of
the
Keyes
?
The
meaning
whereof
is
,
1.
Whether
they
be
the
primary
and
adequate
sole
subject
of
the
whole
power
of
the
Keyes
,
whereof
the
principal
,
though
not
all
the
branches
,
are
making
Canons
,
and
receiving
last
appeals
,
without
any
provocation
from
them
?
For
they
may
be
subjects
,
and
not
primary
,
they
may
be
subjects
of
some
part
,
and
not
of
the
whole
power
?
2.
Whether
they
be
such
subjects
of
this
power
in
foro
exteriori
.
For
in
foro
interiori
,
the
Presbyters
have
as
much
as
they
.
3.
Whether
they
be
such
subjects
of
such
power
in
foro
exteriori
,
quatenus
Episcopi
reduplicative
?
4.
Whether
as
such
,
they
be
such
a
subject
by
Divine
Institution
?
For
solution
hereof
,
it
s
to
be
considered
:
1.
That
except
there
be
an
Universal
consent
,
and
the
same
clearly
grounded
upon
Scripture
,
both
what
a
Bishop
is
,
and
,
2.
That
made
evident
,
that
his
Title
is
of
Divine
Institution
,
the
affirmative
cannot
be
proved
,
2.
That
though
a
Bishop
could
be
clearly
proved
to
have
the
power
of
Ordination
and
Jurisdiction
,
yet
it
will
not
follow
from
thence
,
that
he
is
the
primary
subject
of
that
power
.
For
the
negative
,
many
things
may
be
said
:
1.
Neither
the
papal
,
nor
the
English
Bishop
,
so
far
as
the
one
derives
his
power
from
the
Pope
,
and
the
other
from
the
Crown
,
can
be
the
primary
subject
of
this
power
;
the
secondary
they
may
be
.
2.
For
such
as
derive
not
their
power
from
Pope
or
Prince
,
if
they
be
the
primary
subject
,
they
must
be
such
,
either
severally
every
one
in
his
several
Diocess
,
or
joyntly
in
a
Synod
.
If
severally
,
then
every
one
is
a
Monarch
in
his
Diocess
,
and
so
the
government
of
the
Church
is
Monarchical
:
and
every
several
Bishop
supream
and
independent
.
And
if
so
,
where
are
our
Arch-Bishops
,
Metropolitans
and
Patriarchs
?
And
,
why
do
we
dispute
against
the
Monarchical
Government
,
and
not
grant
to
Bellarmine
and
others
,
that
it
is
Monarchical
in
general
,
though
we
deny
the
Pope
to
be
the
sole
Monarch
.
If
joyntly
in
a
Synod
,
or
Council
provincial
,
or
national
of
one
Nation
and
several
Provinces
,
or
several
Nations
,
or
general
:
then
they
are
not
such
as
Bishops
,
but
either
as
members
of
the
Synod
,
or
as
delegates
.
If
as
members
of
the
Synod
,
and
none
can
be
members
but
Bishops
,
as
Bishops
;
then
the
government
of
the
Church
is
purely
Aristocratical
,
and
then
it
s
worse
then
a
pure
Monarchy
,
where
there
can
be
but
one
Tyrant
;
whereas
,
in
a
pure
Aristocracy
,
there
are
usually
many
Tyrants
,
or
at
least
it
proves
an
Oligarchy
.
And
in
this
respect
,
neither
can
a
provincial
Council
be
subject
to
a
antional
,
nor
a
national
to
a
general
.
If
as
Delegates
they
have
this
power
,
as
in
general
Councils
they
are
,
then
they
cannot
be
the
primary
subject
.
And
all
these
,
if
they
will
make
their
cause
good
,
they
must
prove
,
which
they
can
never
do
,
that
none
but
Bishops
have
right
of
suffrage
in
Councils
.
3.
If
their
title
be
good
it
must
be
grounded
either
upon
Scripture
,
or
universal
and
perpetual
custom
:
but
from
neither
of
these
can
it
be
proved
,
as
shall
appear
hereafter
.
For
by
Scripture
its
evident
,
that
the
Church
was
made
by
Christs
institution
the
immediate
and
primary
subject
;
and
so
confessed
by
Bishops
,
by
many
great
Schollars
,
and
by
general
Councils
too
.
The
first
Church
,
which
was
made
such
a
subject
,
included
the
Apostles
,
who
,
in
their
ordinary
capacity
,
were
but
parts
and
members
,
though
eminent
members
of
the
same
.
4.
If
any
shall
say
,
that
Bishops
as
Officers
of
the
Church
,
are
the
primary
subject
of
this
power
,
that
implies
a
contradiction
,
because
if
the
power
of
all
Officers
,
as
Officers
is
derivative
,
and
as
the
Apostles
being
Officers
of
Christ
,
derived
their
Apostolical
Power
from
Christ
;
so
if
Bishops
be
Officers
of
the
Church
,
they
derive
their
Power
from
the
Church
,
which
is
the
primitive
subject
.
section
10
Though
both
the
Definition
,
and
the
Institution
of
a
Bishop
be
uncertain
,
and
there
is
no
Universal
consent
in
respect
of
either
:
yet
I
think
,
a
constant
Superintendent
trusted
with
an
Inspection
,
not
only
over
the
People
,
but
the
Presbyters
within
a
reasonable
Precinct
;
if
he
be
duly
qualified
,
and
rightly
chosen
,
may
be
lawful
,
and
the
place
agreeable
to
Scripture
;
yet
,
I
do
not
conceive
that
this
kind
of
Episcopacy
is
grounded
upon
any
divine
special
Precept
of
Universal
Obligation
,
making
it
necessary
for
the
being
of
a
Church
,
or
Essential
Constitution
of
Presbyters
.
Neither
is
there
any
Scripture
which
determines
the
Form
,
how
such
a
Bishop
,
or
any
other
may
be
made
.
Yet
it
may
be
grounded
upon
general
Precepts
of
Scripture
concerning
Decency
,
Unity
,
Order
,
and
Edification
;
but
so
,
that
Order
,
and
Decency
may
be
observed
by
another
way
,
and
Unity
,
and
Edification
obtained
by
other
means
.
But
there
are
many
in
these
our
days
,
which
make
Episcopacy
invested
with
power
of
Ordination
at
least
,
of
that
necessity
,
that
if
Ministers
be
not
ordained
by
them
,
they
are
no
Ministers
.
They
make
the
being
of
the
Ministry
,
and
the
power
of
the
Sacraments
to
depend
on
them
:
and
they
further
add
,
that
without
a
succession
of
these
Bishops
,
we
cannot
maintain
our
Ministry
against
the
Church
of
Rome
.
But
,
1.
Where
do
they
find
in
Scripture
any
special
Precept
of
universal
and
perpetual
Obligation
,
which
doth
determine
that
imposition
of
Hands
of
the
Presbytery
,
doth
essentially
constitute
a
Presbyter
;
and
that
the
imposition
of
Hands
,
if
it
did
so
,
was
invalid
without
an
Hierarchical
Bishop
,
or
a
certain
constant
superintendent
with
them
.
And
if
they
will
have
their
Doctrine
to
stand
good
,
such
a
Precept
they
must
produce
,
which
they
have
not
done
,
which
I
am
confident
they
cannot
do
.
2.
As
for
Succession
of
such
Bishops
,
after
so
long
a
time
,
so
many
Persecutions
,
and
so
great
Alterations
in
the
Churches
of
all
Nations
,
its
impossible
to
make
it
clear
:
Eusebius
himself
,
doth
so
preface
unto
his
Catalogue
of
Bishops
,
that
no
rational
man
can
so
much
as
yield
a
probable
assent
unto
him
in
that
particular
:
But
suppose
it
had
been
far
clearer
,
yet
it
could
not
merit
the
force
of
a
divine
Testimony
;
it
would
have
been
only
humane
,
and
could
not
have
been
believed
but
with
a
probable
Faith.
Nay
,
[
](A49800-e21610-b)*
*
Lib.
3.
c.
3
,
4.
Tit.
de
praescript
.
adversus
haereticos
.
Irenaeus
,
Tertullian
,
Eusebius
,
and
others
,
do
not
agree
in
the
first
and
immediate
Successors
of
the
Apostles
,
no
not
of
the
Roman
Church
.
For
Irenaeus
makes
Clemens
the
third
,
whom
Tertullian
determines
to
be
the
first
from
the
Apostles
.
Yet
they
all
agree
in
this
,
that
the
Succession
of
Persons
,
without
Succession
of
the
same
Doctrine
was
nothing
.
Tertullian
confesseth
,
that
there
were
many
Churches
which
could
not
shew
the
Succession
of
Persons
,
but
of
Doctrine
from
the
Apostles
,
and
that
was
sufficient
.
And
the
Succession
of
Persons
is
so
uncertain
,
that
whosoever
shall
make
either
the
being
of
a
Church
,
or
the
Ministry
,
or
the
power
of
the
Sacraments
depend
upon
it
,
shall
so
offend
Christ's
little
ones
,
and
be
guilty
of
such
a
scandal
,
as
it
were
better
for
him
,
that
a
Mill-stone
were
hanged
about
his
neck
,
and
he
cast
into
the
Sea
.
The
power
of
saving
mens
Souls
depends
not
upon
Succession
of
Persons
according
to
humane
Institutions
,
but
upon
the
Apostolical
Doctrine
,
accompanied
by
the
divine
Spirit
.
If
upon
the
exercise
of
their
Ministerial
Power
men
are
converted
,
find
Comfort
in
their
Doctrine
,
and
the
Sacraments
,
and
at
their
end
deliver
up
their
Souls
unto
God
their
Redeemer
,
and
that
with
unspeakable
Joy
,
this
is
a
divine
confirmation
of
their
Ministry
,
and
the
same
more
real
and
manifest
than
any
Personal
Succession
.
To
maintain
the
Ministry
of
England
from
their
Ordination
by
Bishops
,
and
the
Bishops
by
their
Consecration
according
to
the
Canons
of
the
Council
of
Carthage
,
was
a
good
Argument
ad
hominem
;
yet
it
should
be
made
good
(
as
it
may
be
)
by
far
better
Arguments
,
and
such
as
will
serve
the
Interest
of
other
Protestant
and
reformed
Churches
,
who
have
sufficiently
proved
their
Ministry
legal
,
and
by
Experience
,
through
God's
Blessing
upon
their
Labours
,
have
found
it
effectual
.
But
suppose
the
Succession
of
our
English
Episcopacy
could
be
made
good
since
the
Reformation
,
it
's
to
little
purpose
,
except
you
can
justifie
the
Popish
Succession
up
to
the
time
of
the
Apostles
,
which
few
will
undertake
,
none
(
I
fear
)
will
perform
.
Divers
reasons
perswade
me
to
believe
they
cannot
do
any
thing
in
this
particular
to
purpose
,
but
amongst
the
rest
this
doth
much
sway
with
me
,
that
there
can
be
no
Succession
without
some
distinct
and
determinate
form
of
Consecration
and
Ordination
,
and
except
this
form
be
determined
by
a
special
precept
of
Scripture
,
it
cannot
be
of
divine
Obligation
.
But
any
such
special
precept
,
which
should
prescribe
the
distinct
forms
of
Consecration
and
Ordination
we
find
not
at
all
.
We
have
some
examples
of
constituting
Church-Officers
by
Election
,
with
the
imposition
of
Hands
and
Prayer
;
yet
this
was
common
to
all
,
even
to
Deacons
.
So
that
the
very
forms
of
making
Bishops
and
Presbyters
,
as
we
find
them
,
both
in
the
English
Book
of
Ordination
,
and
the
Pontifical
of
Rome
are
meerly
Arbitrary
,
as
having
no
particular
ground
,
but
at
the
best
only
a
general
Rule
in
Scripture
,
which
leaves
a
liberty
for
several
distinct
Forms
.
If
any
,
notwithstanding
all
this
,
out
of
an
high
conceit
of
Episcopacy
,
will
refuse
Communion
with
such
Churches
,
which
have
no
Bishops
,
and
yet
are
Orthodox
,
or
will
account
those
no
Ministers
,
who
are
ordained
by
Presbyters
without
a
Bishop
;
let
such
take
heed
,
least
they
prove
guilty
of
Schisms
.
The
substance
of
all
this
is
,
That
Bishops
are
not
the
primary
subject
of
the
power
of
the
Keys
.
CHAP.
XII
.
Whether
Presbytery
,
or
Presbyters
be
the
Primary
Subject
of
the
Power
of
the
Keyes
.
section
1
IN
divers
parts
of
Europe
,
where
Episcopacy
hath
been
abolished
,
Presbytery
did
succeed
;
and
that
(
as
it
is
asserted
by
many
)
upon
such
grounds
as
will
prove
it
as
pure
an
Aristocracy
as
that
of
Episcopacy
was
.
The
parties
indeed
have
been
changed
,
and
instead
of
Bishops
we
have
Presbyters
;
and
though
the
former
imparity
be
taken
away
,
yet
the
form
of
Government
,
which
is
Aristocratical
,
remains
.
I
have
formerly
heard
many
complain
,
that
the
Bishops
had
cast
off
the
Presbyters
:
and
now
some
do
not
like
it
well
,
that
the
Presbyters
have
cast
off
the
Bishops
,
yet
both
do
seem
to
agree
to
exclude
the
people
,
as
distinct
from
the
Clergy
,
engrossing
the
whole
Power
to
themselves
.
These
pure
Aristocratical
Forms
have
for
the
most
part
proved
dangerous
,
especially
in
the
Church
,
because
they
do
much
incline
unto
Oligarchy
,
and
usually
degenerate
into
the
same
.
section
2
But
to
observe
some
Order
;
I
will
,
1.
Examine
what
these
Presbyters
are
.
2.
Whether
these
being
known
,
can
according
to
Christ's
Institution
be
the
Primary
Subject
of
this
power
.
3.
Add
something
concerning
our
English
Presbytery
.
1.
These
Presbyters
are
of
two
sorts
.
1.
Some
are
preaching
.
2.
Some
are
not
preaching
,
but
only
ruling
Presbyters
or
Elders
.
The
former
are
trusted
with
the
Dispensation
of
the
Word
and
Sacraments
,
the
latter
are
not
.
Both
have
the
same
Name
,
and
are
Elders
,
yet
differ
much
in
respect
of
their
Ecclesiastical
being
.
Of
the
preaching
Elder
,
I
shall
speak
more
at
large
in
the
second
Book
in
the
Chapter
of
Ecclesiastical
Officers
.
This
word
Elder
,
we
do
not
find
used
either
in
the
Old
or
New
Testament
in
an
Ecclesiastical
sense
,
before
we
read
it
in
the
Acts
:
and
after
that
we
find
it
used
about
fifteen
times
in
that
kind
of
Notion
.
The
first
place
is
Acts
11.30
.
the
last
,
1
Pet.
5.1
.
Except
we
add
that
of
2
John
1.
In
many
of
these
places
,
the
word
doth
signifie
a
preaching
Elder
and
Minister
of
the
Gospel
,
and
that
most
clearly
and
evidently
;
and
if
in
any
place
it
doth
signifie
some
other
Elder
,
it
will
be
most
difficult
,
if
not
impossible
to
define
what
he
should
be
.
Yet
this
Elder
which
is
presupposed
to
be
distinct
from
the
Minister
of
the
Gospel
,
is
said
to
be
an
Officer
of
the
Church
;
which
together
with
the
preaching
Presbyter
hath
power
of
Jurisdiction
in
Eccesiastical
Causes
.
To
prove
that
there
is
such
an
Elder
,
and
that
of
Divine
Institution
,
three
places
are
principally
insisted
upon
;
and
these
I
find
discussed
,
and
expounded
.
1.
In
the
London
Divines
.
2.
Before
them
in
Gillaspec
.
3.
Before
him
in
Gersome
,
Bucerus
,
and
they
all
go
one
way
.
The
first
of
these
we
read
,
Rom.
12.8
.
He
that
ruleth
with
diligence
,
that
is
,
let
him
that
ruleth
,
rule
with
diligence
;
where
,
he
that
ruleth
must
be
a
ruling
Elder
distinct
from
the
preaching
.
But
,
1.
The
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
doth
not
properly
signifie
a
Governour
,
or
Ruler
invested
with
power
of
Command
and
Jurisdiction
,
but
a
prime
person
set
above
,
before
,
over
others
for
inspection
,
guidance
,
and
due
ordering
of
Persons
,
Things
,
or
Actions
.
2.
Suppose
in
this
place
it
should
signifie
one
invested
with
Jurisdiction
;
how
doth
it
appear
that
it
is
such
a
Ruler
Ecclesiastical
,
as
is
distinct
from
a
preaching
Elder
?
There
is
nothing
in
the
place
to
evince
it
.
3.
Seeing
a
Minister
of
the
Gospel
is
a
Ruler
in
Discipline
,
as
is
by
themselves
confessed
,
how
may
it
be
proved
that
the
person
here
meant
is
not
the
preaching
Elder
,
though
not
as
a
preaching
Elder
,
but
a
Pastor
over
a
Flock
?
For
it
must
signifie
him
alone
,
or
him
joyntly
with
that
other
kind
of
Elder
.
For
if
both
be
Rulers
,
both
must
rule
well
.
4.
It
cannot
be
demonstrated
,
that
the
place
speaks
of
Discipline
at
all
.
For
the
place
speaks
of
Gifts
,
whereof
one
person
may
have
many
,
and
his
Duty
is
to
exercise
them
all
for
the
Edification
of
the
Church
.
section
3
The
second
place
is
,
1
Cor.
12.28
.
Where
the
word
translated
Governments
,
must
signifie
this
Ruling
Officer
,
distinct
from
the
preaching
Elder
.
But
first
,
We
find
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
taken
for
to
signifie
a
Pilot
,
Acts
27.11
.
and
the
same
word
in
the
Septuagint
used
in
the
same
signification
,
Ezek.
27.28
,
29.
and
Jonah
1.6
.
when
the
Hebrew
word
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Chobel
.
In
them
also
I
find
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Tachbuloth
six
several
times
to
signifie
Counsels
or
Wisdom
,
and
translated
in
four
of
these
places
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Job
37.12
Prov.
c.
12.5
.
as
Prov.
1.5
.
c.
11.14
.
c.
20.21
.
c.
24.6
.
And
though
it
be
true
,
that
Wisdom
and
Counsel
are
necessarily
required
in
a
good
Governour
invested
with
Power
,
yet
always
they
are
essential
to
a
good
Counsellor
,
and
without
them
he
cannot
give
good
direction
.
But
2.
If
we
parallel
the
28.29
,
30.
verses
,
with
the
8.9
,
10.
verse
of
the
same
Chapter
,
we
shall
find
that
Governments
signifie
such
as
have
the
gift
of
Wisdom
.
2.
Let
Governments
be
Governours
,
and
the
same
Ecclesiastical
,
will
it
follow
that
they
were
ruling
Elders
distinct
from
preaching
and
ruling
Elders
?
Are
there
none
other
kind
of
Governours
but
these
?
3.
This
place
doth
not
speak
of
external
Government
and
Discipline
,
but
of
the
Gifts
of
the
Spirit
,
given
for
the
good
of
the
Church
.
And
I
never
knew
rational
and
impartial
Schollars
ground
so
great
an
Office
upon
so
weak
a
Foundation
,
and
argue
from
such
an
obscure
place
in
respect
of
this
Eldership
.
It
s
far
from
proving
any
Divine
Institution
of
such
an
Office
,
as
it
doth
not
so
much
as
imply
it
.
section
4
The
third
place
is
,
1
Tim.
5.17
.
Let
the
Elders
that
rule
well
,
be
counted
worthy
of
double
honour
,
especially
those
who
labour
in
the
Word
,
and
Doctrine
.
From
hence
they
infer
that
there
are
ruling
Elders
,
which
labour
in
the
Word
and
Doctrine
,
and
others
which
do
not
.
This
presupposeth
,
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
turned
especially
is
taken
here
partitively
.
Yet
that
cannot
be
proved
.
For
it
may
be
added
rather
to
signifie
the
reason
why
,
then
the
persons
to
whom
,
as
distinct
from
other
ruling
Elders
,
double
honour
is
due
.
For
in
the
Assembly
it
was
alledged
,
that
the
participle
in
the
Original
here
,
as
in
other
places
includes
the
Cause
.
And
then
the
Sense
is
,
Let
the
Elders
that
rule
well
,
be
counted
worthy
of
double
honour
,
especially
because
they
labour
in
the
Word
and
Doctrine
,
which
seems
to
be
the
genuine
sense
:
and
agrees
with
that
,
Esteem
them
very
highly
in
Love
for
their
Works
sake
,
1
Thes.
5.13
.
2.
Double
Honour
,
which
is
Maintenance
,
is
not
due
to
ruling
Elders
,
who
preach
not
the
Gospel
.
For
the
Lord
Ordained
,
that
they
which
preach
the
Gospel
,
should
live
of
the
Gospel
;
they
which
do
,
not
they
which
do
not
preach
the
Gospel
,
1
Cor.
9.14
.
3.
Suppose
it
could
be
proved
from
this
place
,
that
there
were
ruling
Elders
distinct
from
such
as
preach
,
How
will
it
appear
from
hence
,
what
their
place
was
in
the
Church
,
and
what
their
Power
,
and
what
their
Work
?
Yet
put
all
these
places
together
,
they
cannot
prove
the
Divine
Institution
of
such
an
Office
,
with
the
power
of
Jurisdiction
in
Causes
Ecclesiastical
,
for
we
do
not
find
any
special
precept
making
this
Office
universally
and
perpetually
necessary
,
binding
all
Christian
Churches
to
observe
it
.
section
5
But
let
us
suppose
such
an
Officer
,
the
Question
is
,
Whether
the
Elder
with
the
preaching
Presbyters
be
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
of
the
power
of
the
Keyes
inforo
exteriori
.
That
they
are
not
the
immediate
subject
,
is
evident
.
1.
From
the
same
reason
why
Bishops
are
not
.
For
Christ
gave
the
power
to
the
Church
,
the
whole
Church
,
as
shall
be
manifest
hereafter
;
but
the
Elders
are
not
the
whole
Church
.
2.
If
they
be
the
primary
subject
,
then
they
are
such
as
Officers
or
Representatives
;
but
neither
of
these
ways
can
they
be
such
a
subject
.
The
disjunction
is
good
,
except
they
can
give
us
another
consideration
,
according
to
which
they
may
have
this
power
in
this
manner
.
The
Minor
,
which
is
,
that
neither
as
Officers
,
nor
as
Representatives
can
they
be
the
primary
subject
,
is
thus
proved
:
1.
Not
as
Officers
.
For
the
power
of
an
Officer
,
though
Universal
,
as
these
are
but
Elders
of
particular
Congregations
,
is
always
derivative
,
and
therefore
he
cannot
be
the
first
subject
of
that
power
,
which
is
derived
from
an
higher
Cause
.
Upon
this
ground
,
Mr.
Hooker
takes
his
advantage
against
Mr.
Rutherford
,
and
the
seven
dissenting
Brethren
against
the
Assembly
.
As
for
Mr.
Hooker
,
he
seems
to
take
for
granted
,
as
he
endeavours
to
prove
,
that
Jurisdiction
belongs
unto
an
Officer
as
an
Officer
.
But
this
cannot
be
true
,
1.
Because
there
are
Officers
who
have
no
Jurisdiction
,
as
Censors
,
Sheriffs
,
Constables
,
and
many
other
in
the
State
,
and
Deacons
in
the
Church
.
2.
Suppose
some
Officers
have
Jurisdiction
,
yet
they
are
not
the
first
subject
of
it
.
3.
He
supposeth
,
as
the
Dissenting
Brethren
do
,
that
every
Officer
is
fixed
in
,
and
related
only
unto
a
single
Congregation
,
whereas
its
evident
,
and
Mr.
Parker
confesseth
it
,
that
there
may
be
Officers
,
which
joyntly
take
the
charge
of
several
Congregations
both
for
Worship
and
Discipline
,
as
in
the
Netherlands
,
and
this
agreeable
to
the
Word
of
God.
Yet
even
these
,
much
more
such
as
are
fixed
to
several
particular
Congregations
,
can
have
no
power
out
of
those
Congregations
,
whereof
they
take
charge
,
whether
severally
of
one
,
or
joyntly
of
many
.
In
this
respect
his
Argument
is
good
against
such
as
affirm
,
that
power
of
Jurisdiction
belongs
to
Officers
as
Officers
,
and
in
particular
to
Elders
as
Elders
.
Yet
both
the
Assembly
and
Dissenting
Brethren
confound
,
and
that
in
the
arguing
the
power
of
the
Ministry
,
with
the
power
of
outward
Discipline
,
which
ought
not
to
be
done
.
But
the
principal
thing
is
,
that
Officers
,
as
such
,
cannot
be
the
primary
subject
of
power
,
for
that
belongs
to
them
who
make
them
Officers
.
section
6
As
they
cannot
have
it
as
Officers
,
so
they
cannot
have
it
primarily
as
Representatives
.
They
may
have
power
as
Officers
,
they
may
have
it
as
Representatives
,
yet
not
in
this
high
manner
or
degree
.
For
all
Representatives
derive
their
power
from
the
Body
represented
.
To
clear
this
point
,
we
must
observe
,
1.
That
many
several
Congregations
,
which
in
respect
of
Worship
,
are
so
many
several
bodies
distinct
,
may
associate
and
become
one
for
Discipline
.
When
they
are
thus
associate
,
the
power
is
first
in
the
whole
,
and
derived
from
the
whole
unto
the
parts
,
and
from
the
parts
unto
the
whole
;
as
in
a
single
Congregation
,
the
power
is
in
the
whole
,
and
every
single
Member
,
even
the
Officers
are
subject
to
the
whole
,
which
makes
Officers
,
and
gives
them
their
Power
.
3.
That
in
this
Association
of
many
Congregations
,
when
they
Act
in
a
Synod
,
or
Representative
,
the
parties
which
make
up
the
Representative
,
do
not
act
as
Officers
,
though
they
be
Officers
in
the
several
Congregations
but
as
Representatives
.
Neither
as
Representatives
of
several
Congregations
,
severally
considered
,
but
as
joyntly
united
in
one
body
to
represent
the
whole
.
As
in
a
Parliament
many
Members
are
Officers
,
yet
do
not
act
as
Officers
,
but
all
joyntly
act
as
one
Representative
of
the
whole
body
.
4.
When
many
Congregations
united
in
one
body
,
for
to
set
up
one
Independent
Judicatory
,
do
act
by
a
Representative
,
the
whole
body
of
these
Congregations
,
not
the
several
Congregations
are
Ecclesia
prima
,
and
the
Representative
,
or
Synod
is
the
Ecclésiae
orta
.
5.
That
the
power
of
Discipline
doth
not
issue
from
the
power
of
Teaching
and
Administration
of
the
Sacraments
.
For
then
none
but
Ministers
should
have
the
power
of
the
Keyes
,
and
not
any
could
be
joyned
with
them
,
because
they
have
their
power
by
Vertue
of
the
Ministerial
Office.
section
7
Yet
the
Authors
of
Jus
Divinum
Regiminis
Ecclesiastici
do
affirm
,
that
the
ruling
and
preaching
Elders
are
the
primary
subject
of
this
power
,
and
endeavour
to
prove
it
,
and
that
by
several
Arguments
;
all
which
may
be
answered
by
the
very
stating
of
the
Question
.
For
they
seem
to
me
,
for
to
confound
Ecclesiam
constituendam
&
constitutam
,
Officers
ordinary
and
extraordinary
;
calling
immediate
and
mediate
;
the
Government
of
the
Universal
Church
,
and
particular
Churches
,
forum
interius
&
exterius
;
Statum
&
exercitium
.
Though
the
matter
is
clear
enough
,
yet
I
will
examine
two
of
their
Arguments
.
The
first
is
this
:
All
those
that
have
Ecclesiastical
Power
,
and
the
Exercise
thereof
immediately
committed
to
them
from
Jesus
Christ
,
are
the
immediate
subject
or
Receptacle
of
that
Power
.
But
the
Church
Guides
have
Ecclesiastical
Power
,
and
the
Exercise
thereof
immediately
committed
unto
them
from
Jesus
Christ
.
Therefore
they
are
the
immediate
Subject
,
or
Receptacle
of
that
Power
.
For
Answer
hereunto
,
we
must
understand
,
1.
What
this
Power
Ecclesiastical
in
the
Question
is
.
2.
What
kind
of
Subject
is
here
meant
.
3.
What
these
Church-guides
are
.
4.
What
immediate
Commission
from
Christ
may
be
;
for
that
's
the
medium
or
third
Argument
.
1.
This
Ecclesiastical
Power
is
not
that
Universal
and
Supream
Power
which
is
in
Christ
;
nor
the
extraordinary
Power
of
extraordinary
Officers
,
as
Apostles
and
others
.
It
's
an
ordinary
Power
of
a
particular
Church
,
and
the
same
as
Universal
and
Independent
in
respect
of
such
a
Church
.
It
's
a
Power
in
foro
exteriori
for
outward
Government
.
It
's
a
Power
supream
of
making
Canons
,
constituting
Officers
,
and
passing
Judgment
without
Appeal
,
or
from
which
there
lies
no
Appeal
.
2.
The
Question
is
concerning
the
Subject
of
this
Power
,
which
Subject
may
be
primary
,
or
secondary
;
here
the
primary
must
be
understood
.
3.
Church-guides
,
as
they
understand
them
,
are
ruling
and
preaching
Elders
.
4.
Immediate
Commission
from
Christ
is
,
when
Christ
immediately
gives
power
to
any
person
,
and
by
that
Donation
designs
him
without
any
act
of
Man
intervening
.
Thus
Paul
was
designed
[
](A49800-e22540-b)*
*
Gal.
1.1
.
an
Apostle
,
not
of
Man
,
not
by
Man
,
but
by
Jesus
Christ
;
this
immediate
Commission
is
extraordinary
.
These
things
premised
make
it
evident
.
1.
That
the
Terms
of
the
Syllogism
are
more
then
three
;
because
the
words
are
so
Ambiguous
.
2.
Suppose
the
words
to
be
clear
,
and
the
terms
but
three
,
yet
the
Minor
is
denied
.
1.
Because
by
Church-guides
are
meant
Elders
,
who
are
ordinary
Officers
of
particular
Congregations
,
and
therefore
can
have
no
immediate
Commission
in
proper
sense
.
2.
Though
they
should
be
immediately
commissioned
,
as
they
are
not
,
yet
the
premises
are
insufficient
to
infer
the
conclusion
.
Their
drift
and
design
is
,
to
prove
that
they
have
all
their
power
from
Christ
alone
,
and
not
from
the
Church
.
But
they
must
know
,
that
as
they
have
their
Office
,
so
they
have
their
Power
.
They
have
their
Office
from
the
Church
immediately
,
from
Christ
mediante
Ecclesia
.
For
they
are
chosen
,
tryed
,
approved
by
the
Church
,
and
so
designed
to
such
an
Office
by
the
Church
,
and
can
exercise
the
power
of
Discipline
as
Officers
in
no
Church
,
but
where
they
are
Officers
.
Again
,
the
conclusion
it self
might
be
granted
,
if
by
Ecclesiastical
power
they
meant
Official
power
,
and
yet
nothing
to
purpose
,
because
the
thing
in
question
is
not
proved
,
nor
so
much
as
mentioned
in
the
conclusion
.
Yet
they
endeavour
to
prove
the
Minor
from
2
Cor.
10.8
.
where
the
Apostle
speaks
of
the
Authority
which
the
Lord
had
given
them
.
But
1.
What
Authority
was
this
?
Interpreters
say
,
it
was
Apostolical
,
and
so
extraordinary
.
2.
Whether
Apostolical
or
not
,
yet
it
was
their
Authority
to
Preach
the
Gospel
,
as
appears
verse
,
16.
This
is
not
the
power
of
Discipline
,
the
thing
in
question
.
The
rest
of
the
Scriptures
alledged
to
prove
the
Minor
,
speak
either
of
the
power
of
Officers
and
power
extraordinary
,
or
of
the
power
as
Ministers
.
Only
Matthew
18.17
,
18.
is
to
be
understood
of
the
power
of
Discipline
,
yet
that
place
determines
the
Church
,
not
the
Elders
to
be
the
primary
subject
;
and
this
is
directly
against
them
,
as
shall
be
shewed
hereafter
.
section
8
A
second
argument
is
this
:
All
those
,
whose
Ecclesiastical
Officers
for
Church-Govenment
under
the
new
Testament
,
are
instituted
by
Christ
before
any
formal
visible
Christian
Church
was
gathered
or
constituted
,
they
are
the
first
and
immediate
subject
of
the
power
of
the
Keyes
from
Jesus
Christ
.
But
the
Ecclesiastical
Offices
of
Christs
own
Officers
were
so
instituted
.
Therefore
they
are
the
first
subject
of
the
Keyes
.
Cap.
11.
p.
183.
of
the
second
Edition
.
Answer
.
1.
I
find
in
this
Syllogism
four
terms
.
For
in
the
Major
according
to
their
own
exposition
,
the
Officers
were
such
,
as
that
not
only
their
Offices
were
instituted
,
but
that
at
the
same
instant
made
Officers
by
Christ
,
before
any
Christian
Church
had
being
or
existence
.
These
Offices
and
Officers
were
extraordinary
,
p.
184.
In
the
Minor
,
they
include
not
only
these
Offices
and
Officers
,
but
those
of
future
times
,
which
were
not
extraordinary
.
2.
If
they
rectifie
the
Syllogism
,
and
understand
the
Minor
only
of
such
Officers
,
as
were
actually
in
Office
before
there
was
any
Christian
Church
,
and
then
they
argue
a
specie
ad
genus
,
and
infer
a
general
from
a
particular
.
3.
How
will
they
prove
that
ruling
Elders
,
distinct
from
preaching
Presbyters
,
were
instituted
by
Christ
or
the
Apostles
,
by
vertue
of
a
special
precept
of
universal
Obligation
.
4.
The
Question
is
,
not
of
Official
Power
,
either
Ordinary
or
Extraordinary
.
5.
Upon
perusal
of
the
Scriptures
alledged
to
make
good
this
argument
,
it
will
appear
,
they
confound
Officers
and
power
Extraordinary
and
Ordinary
,
the
Church
in
fieri
&
facto
,
power
universal
and
particular
.
section
9
Hitherto
I
have
enquired
into
the
nature
of
Presbytery
,
and
examined
,
whether
it
can
be
the
primary
subject
of
Church-power
in
foro
exteriori
;
it
remains
I
say
something
of
the
English
Presbytery
,
which
was
1.
Intended
.
2.
Upon
the
advice
of
the
Assembly
modelled
.
3.
Now
in
some
parts
of
the
Nation
practised
according
to
the
book
of
Discipline
.
For
this
end
we
must
observe
.
1.
The
Nation
was
formerly
,
and
of
old
for
civil
Government
divided
into
Counties
,
and
the
same
division
now
retained
for
Discipline
.
For
the
Parliament
thought
it
not
good
to
follow
the
division
of
Provinces
and
Diocesses
.
The
Knights
of
the
several
Counties
chose
certain
Ministers
for
the
Assembly
,
who
with
some
Members
of
both
Houses
give
their
advice
in
matters
of
Doctrine
,
Worship
and
Discipline
:
which
was
so
far
effectual
as
the
Parliament
should
approve
.
The
discipline
approved
is
made
probationer
for
three
years
,
declared
and
published
in
nine
Ordinances
.
The
first
whereof
was
agreed
upon
,
about
Aug.
28.
1644
,
The
last
,
Aug.
28.
1646.
2.
Before
this
model
could
be
finished
,
there
was
much
debate
and
contention
,
especially
between
the
dissenting
brethren
and
the
Assembly
.
For
though
by
the
Covenant
the
Discipline
ought
to
be
reformed
according
to
the
Word
of
God
,
and
the
best
reformed
Churches
,
yet
there
was
not
the
agreement
which
ought
to
have
been
.
For
both
parties
pretended
to
make
the
Word
of
God
the
Rule
;
yet
some
thought
the
government
of
the
Kirk
of
Scotland
,
some
that
of
New-England
to
be
the
best
and
nearest
to
the
Word
,
and
most
conformable
to
that
infallible
Rule
:
So
that
,
though
at
the
instance
of
our
English
Commissioners
,
that
clause
(
according
to
the
Word
of
God
)
was
inserted
,
yet
it
proved
not
effectual
to
determine
the
Controversie
,
because
their
judgments
were
so
different
.
3.
In
this
Model
,
the
first
work
is
to
make
Officers
,
and
determine
their
power
.
4.
The
first
Offices
were
called
Tryers
,
who
(
upon
the
division
of
several
Counties
into
a
certain
number
of
Precincts
called
Classes
;
which
consisted
of
certain
secular
and
Ecclesiastical
persons
,
whose
names
were
certified
to
the
Parliament
)
by
the
Parliament
were
allowed
,
and
from
the
Parliament
received
their
power
.
5.
These
were
Extraordinary
Officers
,
and
their
first
,
and
chiefest
work
was
upon
Election
,
Examination
,
and
Approbation
to
constitute
Congregational
Eldership
.
6.
These
once
constituted
,
were
invested
with
power
;
for
the
exercise
whereof
,
the
Parliament
determines
.
1.
Their
Courts
.
2.
The
parties
subject
to
their
power
.
3.
The
causes
belonging
to
their
Cognisance
.
4.
The
manner
of
proceeding
.
5.
The
Acts
of
Jurisdiction
.
7.
As
for
their
Courts
,
they
1.
Make
them
to
be
Congregational
,
Classical
,
Provincial
,
National
.
2.
Define
the
number
of
the
persons
,
how
many
must
be
of
the
Quorum
.
3.
They
subordinate
the
Inferiour
to
the
Superiour
,
and
all
to
the
Supream
,
which
was
the
Parliament
.
4.
They
determine
the
times
of
their
Sessions
,
which
of
the
Inferiour
Courts
were
more
frequent
,
of
the
Superiour
more
seldom
.
5.
The
order
of
Appeals
is
from
the
Inferiour
to
the
Superiour
.
8.
The
parties
subject
to
their
Jurisdiction
,
were
all
in
their
several
precincts
.
9.
The
Causes
were
not
Civil
or
Capital
,
but
Ecclesiastical
,
especially
ignorance
and
scandal
.
10.
Their
manner
of
proceeding
was
upon
Information
,
Summons
,
Confession
,
Conviction
by
Witnesses
.
11.
The
Acts
of
Jurisdiction
were
Suspention
,
removal
from
Office
or
Sacraments
,
receiving
and
restoring
.
The
matter
and
substance
of
these
Ordinances
,
was
enlarged
and
more
distinctly
and
orderly
declared
in
the
Book
of
Discipline
,
one
thousand
six
hundred
forty
eight
.
section
10
This
Model
,
though
imperfect
,
had
something
of
the
ancient
primitive
Discipline
;
in
many
things
was
agreeable
to
the
general
rules
of
Scripture
;
and
if
exercised
constantly
by
wise
and
pious
Men
might
have
done
much
good
,
especially
in
preventing
ignorance
and
scandal
for
time
to
come
.
Yet
it
had
many
enemies
,
as
the
Prelatical
and
Episcopal
party
,
because
it
was
not
a
Reformation
,
but
an
abolition
of
Episcopacy
.
The
dissenting
Brethren
liked
it
not
,
because
it
extended
so
far
beyond
the
Congregational
bounds
,
took
in
whole
Parishes
,
did
not
require
a
sufficient
qualification
of
the
Members
,
and
subordinated
Congregations
,
and
Inferiour
Assemblies
to
the
Superiour
and
Greater
.
The
prophane
and
ignorant
were
against
it
,
because
it
called
them
to
account
,
and
required
knowledge
and
a
stricter
kind
of
life
:
and
this
was
a
commendation
of
it
.
Some
approved
it
not
,
because
it
was
so
like
unto
,
and
almost
the
same
with
the
Kirk
Discipline
of
Scotland
.
Many
were
offended
with
it
,
because
of
the
ruling
and
lay-Elders
,
as
some
call
them
.
Besides
,
it
was
set
up
in
the
time
of
the
bloody
War
,
and
without
the
Kings
consent
,
who
was
a
great
enemy
unto
it
.
Neither
were
the
Statutes
of
the
former
Discipline
repealed
.
Though
some
did
but
assert
the
Jus
Divinum
of
it
,
yet
that
was
not
made
so
clear
as
to
satisfie
many
,
no
not
the
Parliament
it self
.
Though
the
Ordinances
and
the
book
of
Discipline
require
it
to
be
generally
put
in
practice
,
yet
no
man
was
eligible
for
an
Officer
that
had
not
taken
the
national
Covenant
,
yet
that
was
not
generally
imposed
or
taken
:
nor
could
any
but
a
Covenanter
have
any
Vote
in
the
Election
.
As
the
institution
of
it
was
an
Act
of
the
Civil
Power
in
the
Parliament
without
the
being
,
so
,
it
reserved
the
chiefest
power
unto
it self
,
and
to
future
Parliaments
:
and
it
would
not
trust
the
Ministery
or
the
Elders
with
it
.
And
there
might
be
several
reasons
for
it
:
1.
First
,
after
Reformation
began
,
end
ever
since
our
separation
from
Rome
,
the
Ecclesiastical
power
was
restored
to
the
Crown
.
2.
In
times
of
Popery
the
Church
,
and
especially
the
Pope
and
Clergy
,
had
encroached
and
entred
too
far
upon
the
Civil
Power
.
3.
The
general
Assemblies
of
Scotland
were
thought
too
much
independent
upon
the
Crown
,
and
to
have
too
great
an
influence
upon
the
State.
4.
That
seeing
the
Church
required
the
assistance
of
the
State
,
it
was
judged
necessary
,
that
it
should
so
far
depend
upon
the
State
as
it
required
the
help
of
the
State.
Yet
,
if
the
Discipline
had
been
the
pure
and
simple
form
instituted
by
Christ
and
his
Apostles
,
there
had
been
no
cause
of
these
jealousies
;
no
need
of
these
policies
.
By
all
this
its
evident
,
that
the
Presbytery
of
England
could
not
be
the
primary
subject
of
the
power
of
the
Keyes
,
because
they
received
their
institution
from
the
Parliament
,
which
reserved
the
chiefest
power
unto
it self
.
It
s
true
,
that
there
was
something
Ecclesiastical
in
it
,
yet
even
that
depended
upon
the
Civil
Power
more
than
upon
an
Ecclesiastical
Assembly
,
or
representative
,
though
general
.
CHAP.
XIII
.
That
the
Government
of
the
Church
is
not
purely
Democratical
,
but
like
that
of
a
free
State
,
wherein
the
Power
is
in
the
whole
,
not
in
any
part
,
which
is
the
Authors
judgement
.
section
1
THat
the
power
of
the
Keyes
is
not
primarily
in
the
Pope
,
nor
in
the
Civil
Soveraign
;
nor
in
the
Prelate
;
nor
in
the
Presbyter
;
not
in
both
joyntly
as
in
a
pure
Aristocracy
,
hath
been
formerly
declared
.
It
remains
,
we
examine
the
peoples
title
as
distinct
from
that
of
the
Bishop
and
the
Presbyter
,
as
they
are
formaliter
&
eminenter
▪
cives
Ecclesiae
,
parts
of
a
Christian
Community
,
The
people
and
number
of
Believers
thus
considered
,
are
rather
Plebs
,
than
Populus
.
To
understand
this
it
s
to
be
considered
that
in
a
Christian
Community
there
are
neither
Optimates
properly
,
not
Plebs
.
There
may
be
and
are
,
as
you
heard
before
,
such
as
are
incompleat
and
virtual
members
,
as
Women
,
Children
and
other
weak
Christians
,
who
are
not
fit
to
have
any
Vote
in
the
Publick
Affairs
of
the
Church
,
much
more
unfit
to
exercise
and
mannage
the
power
of
the
Keyes
.
There
are
also
compleat
members
,
and
amongst
these
some
more
eminent
than
the
rest
.
To
place
the
power
in
the
inferiour
rank
,
or
to
make
that
party
predominant
,
is
to
make
the
government
Democratical
.
And
this
opinion
is
not
worth
the
confutation
,
because
it
s
not
only
disagreeing
with
plain
Scripture
,
but
with
the
rules
of
right
reason
.
In
this
regard
they
are
generally
rejected
.
Some
charge
Morellius
and
the
Brownists
with
this
errour
,
but
I
have
not
seen
their
Books
.
The
Learned
Blondel
may
seem
to
be
of
this
mind
,
because
he
placeth
the
power
in
Plebe
Ecclesiastica
.
But
upon
due
examination
,
it
will
be
found
otherwise
.
Mr.
Parker
,
who
asserts
the
Government
in
some
respect
to
be
Democratical
,
rejects
Morellius
,
yet
he
himself
cannot
be
altogether
excused
.
For
he
will
have
the
Government
to
be
mixt
,
and
partly
Democratical
in
the
People
,
partly
Aristocratical
in
the
Officers
or
Governours
.
He
further
explains
himself
,
and
saith
,
its
Democraticum
quoad
Statum
for
the
Constitution
,
Aristocraticum
quoad
exercitium
for
the
Administration
and
Exercise
of
the
Power
.
[
](A49800-e23260-b)*
*
De.
polit.
Ecclesiastica
.
l.
3.
c.
7.
p.
26.
For
he
distinguisheth
between
the
Power
,
which
is
in
the
whole
Church
,
and
the
Dispensation
or
Exercise
thereof
,
which
is
in
the
Governours
or
Officers
:
who
he
saith
,
have
not
all
the
power
of
dispensation
,
because
the
Church
reserves
so
much
as
is
convenient
,
and
belonging
to
her
Dignity
,
Authority
,
and
Liberty
given
her
of
Christ
.
But
this
is
a
mistake
in
Politicks
and
the
general
Rules
of
Government
.
For
a
State
is
mixt
or
pure
in
respect
of
the
Constitution
,
not
the
Administration
:
and
the
Question
is
not
concerning
the
secondary
,
but
the
primary
subject
of
power
,
which
the
Officers
deriving
the
power
from
the
whole
Church
cannot
be
,
for
they
have
it
only
at
the
second
hand
:
as
he
himself
confesseth
.
I
will
not
examine
his
many
arguments
,
because
there
is
none
of
them
ad
idem
,
and
to
the
purpose
or
point
in
hand
:
and
they
all
and
every
one
,
as
he
misapplies
them
,
presuppose
an
errour
.
For
they
all
should
be
limited
to
the
Fundamental
Power
in
Constitution
,
but
here
Power
of
Constitution
,
and
of
Administration
are
confounded
;
as
also
the
power
of
the
Church
with
the
power
of
Officers
.
section
2
After
the
examination
of
all
these
Titles
,
I
proceed
to
deliver
mine
own
judgment
,
and
to
make
good
the
Title
of
my
Mother
the
Church
.
For
I
believe
this
to
be
the
truth
in
this
point
,
That
the
primary
subject
of
the
Power
of
the
Keyes
is
the
whole
Church
.
For
order
sake
I
will
.
1.
Explain
the
proposition
.
2.
Confirm
the
same
.
In
the
Explication
I
will
inform
the
Reader
.
1.
What
I
mean
by
the
power
of
Keyes
.
2.
What
by
the
whole
Church
.
3.
How
,
and
in
what
manner
I
understand
the
whole
Church
to
be
the
primary
subject
of
this
power
.
1.
This
power
is
not
the
power
of
Civil
Soveraigns
,
nor
of
Officers
,
as
Officers
,
Civil
or
Ecclesiastical
in
foro
exteriori
,
or
of
Ministers
,
as
Ministers
,
nor
the
Universal
Power
of
Christ
,
nor
the
Extraordinary
power
of
Apostles
,
or
any
other
Extraordinary
Officers
,
but
it
is
an
Ordinary
power
of
making
Canons
,
of
constituting
Officers
,
of
Jurisdiction
and
other
Acts
,
which
are
necessary
for
the
outward
Government
of
an
Ecclesiastical
Community
,
committed
unto
,
and
conveyed
upon
the
Church
by
Christ
.
2.
By
the
whole
Church
,
is
not
to
be
understood
the
Universal
Church
militant
and
triumphant
,
nor
the
whole
Church
mystical
,
nor
the
whole
Church
militant
and
visible
of
all
times
,
nor
of
the
visible
Church
of
all
Nations
,
existent
in
one
time
,
but
a
whole
particular
Church
visible
in
some
certain
place
and
Vicinity
,
that
shall
be
fit
to
manage
the
power
of
the
Keyes
independently
:
as
the
Church
of
Jerusalem
,
of
Antioch
,
of
Corinth
,
of
Ephesus
,
of
Smyrna
,
&c.
Those
,
who
determine
the
Series
or
order
of
appeals
to
ascend
from
a
Congregation
,
to
a
Classis
,
from
a
Classis
to
a
Provincial
Synod
,
from
a
Provincial
to
a
National
,
of
one
Nation
to
a
National
of
several
Nations
,
or
from
that
unto
an
Oecomenical
or
General
Council
,
extend
the
whole
Church
far
further
than
I
do
.
As
for
the
Papal
party
,
they
presuppose
all
particular
Churches
to
make
but
one
visible
Church
,
not
only
for
Doctrine
and
Worship
,
but
for
outward
Discipline
too
:
and
the
Church
of
Rome
must
be
the
Mother
and
Queen
of
all
other
Churches
in
the
World
:
yet
they
differ
about
the
primary
subject
of
the
power
of
the
Keyes
.
Some
determine
the
Pope
as
Peters
Successour
,
to
be
the
visible
Head
and
Universal
Monarch
of
this
Church
.
Others
,
as
the
Councils
of
Constance
and
Basil
,
Cameracensis
,
Gerson
,
and
the
faculty
of
Paris
,
give
this
power
to
the
whole
Church
to
be
exercised
in
general
Councils
.
Mr.
Ellis
doth
charge
some
of
our
own
who
affirmed
this
power
to
be
in
the
Universal
Church
with
Popery
:
and
Mr.
Hooker
conceives
he
hath
demonstrated
Learned
and
Judicious
Mr.
Hudson
to
be
guilty
of
the
same
,
but
he
is
mistaken
,
as
since
is
made
evident
.
These
two
cannot
possibly
be
reconciled
whilest
they
proceed
upon
contrary
principles
.
Mr.
Hooker
of
New-England
understands
by
a
visible
Church
,
such
a
Church
as
is
under
a
form
of
external
Discipline
,
and
subject
unto
one
independent
Judicatory
;
but
neither
Mr.
Hudson
,
nor
others
of
his
mind
understand
any
such
thing
.
There
is
an
Universal
visible
Militant
Church
on
Earth
:
this
Church
is
truly
Totum
integrale
,
and
also
an
Organical
body
;
the
Head
and
Monarch
is
Christ
;
all
Ministers
Officers
,
all
Believers
Subjects
:
the
Word
and
Sacrament
priviledges
,
and
every
Christian
either
by
Birth
or
Baptism
according
to
Divine
Institution
,
is
first
in
order
of
nature
a
Member
of
this
Universal
or
Organical
Body
,
before
he
be
a
Member
of
any
particular
Church
or
Congregation
,
and
is
so
to
be
considered
.
And
many
,
if
not
all
the
places
of
Scripture
alledged
by
Mr.
Hudson
,
are
truly
understood
to
speak
of
this
Universal
Church
:
though
some
of
them
seem
to
be
affirmed
only
of
the
Church
mystical
,
as
such
,
yet
so
that
in
divers
respects
they
may
agree
to
both
.
This
cannot
be
Popery
,
neither
doth
it
presuppose
any
point
of
Popery
or
other
errour
.
The
grand
errour
of
the
Papist
in
this
particular
,
is
,
to
affirm
that
one
Church
particular
is
above
all
Churches
in
the
World
,
not
only
in
dignity
but
in
power
,
so
that
all
particular
Churches
must
be
subject
unto
her
,
and
her
Bishop
invested
with
universal
Jurisdiction
.
To
subject
the
Universal
Church
Militant
in
one
body
to
Christ
,
can
have
no
affinity
with
this
.
And
to
subject
every
particular
Church
to
the
Universal
,
exercising
her
power
in
a
Representative
,
is
no
such
errour
,
nor
so
dangerous
as
that
of
the
Soveraignty
of
Rome
.
And
though
there
be
no
such
thing
,
because
the
distance
is
so
great
,
that
the
Association
is
impossible
,
yet
the
Pope
and
his
party
did
abhor
to
think
of
it
.
That
Question
about
visible
and
invisible
is
but
a
toy
to
this
.
The
Church
therefore
,
which
is
the
subject
of
the
Question
is
,
a
Church
,
a
particular
Church
,
a
whole
particular
Church
.
Yet
there
is
a
particular
Church
primary
and
secundary
:
primary
is
the
Church
considered
as
a
community
,
and
a
secondary
Church
by
way
of
Representation
.
The
primary
is
the
proper
subject
of
real
power
,
the
Representative
of
personal
.
Whether
this
Church
be
Congregational
,
or
of
larger
extent
shall
be
examined
hereafter
.
3.
Thus
you
have
heard
.
1.
What
the
power
is
.
2.
What
the
subject
is
.
Now
3.
We
must
consider
in
what
manner
this
power
is
in
this
primary
subject
.
It
s
not
in
it
Monarchically
,
nor
Aristocratically
,
nor
Democratically
,
or
any
pure
way
of
Disposition
,
but
in
the
whole
,
after
the
manner
of
a
free
State
or
Polity
.
For
there
Universi
praesunt
singulis
,
singuli
subduntur
universis
,
so
it
s
here
.
All
joyntly
and
the
whole
doth
rule
,
every
several
person
,
though
Officer
,
though
Minister
,
though
Bishop
,
if
there
be
any
such
,
is
subject
to
the
whole
,
and
to
all
joyntly
.
And
in
this
Model
the
power
is
derived
from
the
whole
to
the
parts
,
not
from
the
parts
to
the
whole
,
though
this
Community
should
consist
of
ten
thousand
Congregations
.
This
power
is
exercised
in
the
highest
degree
by
a
Representative
general
,
in
an
inferiour
degree
by
Officers
or
inferiour
Assemblies
:
Upon
this
principle
,
though
in
another
manner
,
the
Councils
of
Basil
and
Constance
did
proceed
against
the
Pope
,
as
being
but
a
part
,
though
an
eminent
part
,
as
the
times
were
then
of
the
Church
.
Yet
this
proposition
is
not
so
to
be
understood
,
as
though
this
Church
were
the
first
Fountain
and
Original
of
this
power
,
for
she
is
not
;
she
derives
and
receives
it
from
Christ
,
as
Christ
from
God.
But
she
is
the
primary
subject
in
respect
of
her
parts
and
members
.
section
3
For
the
confirmation
of
this
Proposition
,
I
will
,
1.
Examine
two
places
alledged
by
Mr.
Parker
and
many
others
,
for
to
manifest
the
Original
of
Church-discipline
,
which
I
conceive
are
not
so
pertinent
.
2.
I
will
most
of
all
insist
upon
the
words
of
Institution
.
3.
I
will
enlarge
upon
those
places
which
speak
of
the
exercise
of
this
power
;
that
from
the
manner
of
administration
we
may
understand
the
constitution
.
The
two
places
are
,
Matthew
16.19
.
and
John
20.22
,
23.
The
first
is
concerning
the
promise
,
the
second
concerning
the
donation
of
the
power
of
the
Keyes
,
as
they
are
by
many
expounded
.
The
words
of
the
promise
are
these
,
I
will
give
unto
thee
the
Keyes
of
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
,
&c.
Many
and
different
are
the
interpretations
of
this
place
,
as
given
by
Writers
,
both
Ancient
and
Modern
;
Popish
and
Protestant
.
The
difference
is
in
two
things
especially
.
1.
What
this
power
should
be
.
2.
To
whom
it
was
to
be
given
.
The
power
with
many
is
the
power
of
Discipline
in
foro
exteriori
,
with
others
the
power
of
a
Minister
,
as
a
Minister
.
2.
The
person
to
whom
this
power
is
here
promised
no
doubt
is
Peter
;
but
under
what
notion
Peter
must
be
considered
,
is
here
the
Question
.
Some
will
have
it
to
be
Peter
as
a
Monarch
and
Prince
above
the
rest
of
the
Apostles
,
including
his
Successours
,
the
Monarchical
Bishop
of
Rome
.
Some
will
have
Peter
here
considered
as
the
mouth
and
representative
of
the
Apostles
,
and
in
them
,
of
all
Aristocratical
Bishops
as
their
Successours
.
Some
will
have
him
to
represent
the
Ministers
,
some
the
Elders
;
some
the
Church
it self
.
And
these
again
divide
,
and
cannot
agree
,
whether
this
Church
here
meant
be
the
Universal
Church
,
or
a
particular
;
if
Universal
,
whether
Universal
mystical
,
or
visible
;
if
visible
,
whether
this
be
the
Church
it self
,
or
a
Representative
of
the
same
;
if
Representative
,
whether
it
must
be
represented
by
Bishops
only
;
or
by
Bishops
and
Presbyters
;
or
by
Presbyters
alone
;
or
by
Bishops
,
Presbyters
and
People
.
If
a
particular
Church
,
whether
it
be
Congregational
,
or
Diocesan
,
or
some
other
:
so
that
from
this
pronoun
THEE
,
we
have
Chymical
extractions
of
all
sorts
of
Governments
,
Ecclesiastical
,
pure
and
mixt
,
Monarchical
,
Aristocratical
,
Democratical
:
of
all
kind
of
Churches
,
as
Universal
,
National
,
Congregational
:
of
all
kind
of
Governours
,
as
Popes
,
Bishops
,
Presbyters
,
the
People
.
Yet
I
conceive
this
place
is
not
meant
of
Discipline
,
but
rather
of
Doctrine
.
The
Church
is
the
Universal
,
against
which
the
gates
of
Hell
shall
not
prevail
;
the
Keyes
are
the
Word
and
Sacraments
,
accompanied
with
the
power
of
the
Spirit
.
As
building
is
conversion
and
edification
,
so
binding
and
loosing
admission
into
,
or
exclusion
out
of
this
Church
.
The
Architect
and
chief
Master
builder
is
Christ
,
as
he
is
the
principal
Agent
in
binding
and
loosing
.
His
Servants
and
co-workers
are
Apostles
and
Ministers
of
the
Gospel
,
amongst
whom
Peter
was
most
eminent
amongst
the
Jews
,
Paul
amongst
the
Gentiles
.
For
Christ
used
Peter
first
to
convert
the
Jews
,
Acts
2.
then
to
convert
the
Gentiles
,
Act.
10.
And
Paul
laboured
more
abundantly
than
them
all
.
The
binding
and
loosing
in
Heaven
,
was
the
making
of
their
Ministry
by
the
power
of
the
Divine
Spirit
to
be
effectual
.
To
this
purpose
D.
Reynolds
,
Spalatensis
,
Causabon
,
Cameron
,
Grotius
with
divers
of
the
Ancient
,
and
Mr.
Parker
himself
,
who
notwithstanding
applies
this
,
to
the
power
of
Discipline
,
intending
thereby
to
prove
the
power
of
the
Keyes
to
be
Democratically
in
a
Congretional
Church
.
Yet
let
it
be
supposed
that
Peter
,
as
receiving
the
Keyes
,
doth
represent
the
community
of
Believers
:
Or
if
as
such
he
represent
them
,
how
will
it
appear
that
this
Church
or
community
is
a
single
Congregation
?
Or
,
if
it
be
such
a
single
Congregation
,
how
will
it
follow
from
hence
that
the
power
is
in
this
Congregation
Democratically
?
Mr.
Parker
should
have
considered
that
there
is
a
great
difference
.
1.
Between
Peter
,
as
professing
that
Christ
was
the
Son
of
the
living
God
(
for
as
such
he
was
only
a
Disciple
admitted
by
Christ
into
his
Kingdom
)
and
Peter
receiving
the
Keyes
(
for
as
such
he
was
above
a
Disciple
,
and
hath
power
to
admit
others
into
this
Kingdom
)
not
as
a
Disciple
,
but
as
a
Minister
of
the
Gospel
.
section
4
The
place
for
actual
donation
and
performance
of
the
former
promise
,
is
said
to
be
that
of
John
20.22
,
23.
The
words
of
Christ
,
the
Donour
are
these
,
Receive
ye
the
Holy
Ghost
,
whosoever
sins
ye
remit
,
they
are
remitted
unto
them
,
and
whosoever
sins
ye
retain
,
they
are
retained
.
These
have
been
alledged
,
as
by
him
,
so
by
others
to
prove
.
1.
The
power
of
the
Keyes
in
foro
exteriori
.
2.
That
this
power
is
in
the
Bishops
alone
.
3.
That
the
Priests
have
power
upon
auricular
confession
to
absolve
:
and
here
they
ground
their
Sacrament
of
Penance
,
and
their
sacerdotal
power
in
foro
poenitentiali
.
From
hence
some
of
ours
have
endeavoured
to
prove
the
parity
of
Apostles
,
and
so
of
Bishops
against
the
Popes
Supremacy
:
for
here
they
find
the
power
promised
only
to
Peter
by
name
,
given
to
all
the
Apostles
.
For
to
understand
these
words
the
better
,
we
must
observe
in
them
Donation
,
and
in
it
the
Donour
,
the
Donee
,
the
Power
,
the
Acts
of
the
Power
,
the
ratification
of
these
Acts.
The
Donour
or
Person
giving
is
Christ
:
the
parties
receiving
this
power
immediately
are
Apostles
,
as
Extraordinary
Servants
and
Officers
:
the
thing
given
and
received
was
the
Holy
Ghost
,
that
is
,
Ability
and
Authority
,
Divine
and
Spiritual
,
necessary
and
requisite
for
the
place
:
the
Acts
were
remitting
and
retaining
,
the
same
with
binding
and
loosing
,
Mat.
16.19
.
The
ratification
of
these
Acts
,
was
the
making
them
effectual
by
the
concurrence
of
the
Divine
Spirit
.
For
these
Acts
could
not
be
Spiritual
and
Divine
,
and
so
powerful
upon
the
Immortal
Souls
of
Men
,
nor
the
Apostles
so
much
as
Ministerial
and
Instrumental
Agents
in
this
work
without
a
Divine
Power
and
Confirmation
of
the
Supream
Judge
,
making
their
Sentence
valid
and
executing
the
same
.
Hence
that
sweetest
Joy
and
admirable
Comfort
of
those
who
are
Remitted
,
and
the
Terrours
and
Torments
of
those
that
are
Condemned
.
These
Acts
are
performed
by
the
Word
and
Sacraments
,
and
the
Application
of
the
Promises
or
Communications
to
particular
Persons
;
which
Application
is
made
either
more
at
large
to
a
Multitude
at
one
time
,
or
to
single
Persons
upon
some
Evidence
of
their
Qualification
;
and
it
may
be
made
infallibly
so
far
as
God
shall
direct
infallibly
,
or
fallibly
,
for
want
of
clear
Evidence
,
in
which
Case
the
Sentence
must
be
passed
conditionally
by
Man
,
though
absolutely
by
God.
All
this
is
nothing
to
external
Discipline
,
or
if
it
should
extend
so
far
,
the
party
remitting
and
retaining
are
not
the
Church
;
but
the
Officers
of
the
Church
,
and
the
Officers
of
a
Church
not
under
a
form
of
outward
Government
,
but
under
another
Consideration
.
An
Ecclesiastical
external
Common-wealth
doth
presuppose
an
Ecclesiastical
Community
,
and
the
same
consisting
of
Believers
,
and
the
same
united
and
associated
for
Worship
and
Divine
performances
tending
to
Eternal
Salvation
:
and
those
thus
Associated
may
have
Communion
in
Divine
Things
and
Actions
,
and
their
Pastors
with
their
Flocks
,
before
any
form
of
Discipline
be
introduced
or
setled
,
and
these
Believers
may
by
Word
and
Sacraments
receive
Heavenly
Comfort
,
and
attain
Eternal
Life
without
such
Discipline
,
and
before
it
can
be
established
amongst
them
,
and
so
I
hope
it
is
at
this
time
in
this
Nation
,
with
many
a
faithful
servant
of
God
,
who
by
the
benefit
of
a
good
Ministry
,
with
God's
Blessing
upon
their
Labours
,
are
truely
converted
,
and
continue
,
and
go
on
in
a
state
of
Salvation
as
happily
,
as
many
who
are
under
a
form
of
Government
.
And
here
it
is
to
be
observed
,
1.
That
though
the
Apostles
were
extraordinary
Officers
infallibly
directed
by
the
Holy
Ghost
,
which
Christ
gave
them
,
yet
ordinary
Ministers
lawfully
called
and
succeeding
them
,
if
they
preach
their
Doctrine
truly
,
have
a
promise
to
convert
and
save
the
Souls
of
sinful
Men.
2.
That
the
Work
of
these
ordinary
Ministers
is
not
only
to
feed
the
Flock
of
Christ
already
gathered
,
but
to
convert
and
gather
Sinners
unto
Christ
;
and
this
not
by
the
Rod
of
Discipline
,
but
the
Word
of
God
,
which
is
the
Power
of
God
unto
Salvation
.
3.
This
gaining
Souls
to
Christ
is
not
the
gathering
of
Churches
out
of
Churches
,
and
Christians
out
of
Christians
to
make
a
party
of
their
own
,
under
pretence
of
a
purer
Reformation
,
but
it
's
a
far
more
excellent
Work
and
of
another
kind
,
tending
directly
to
an
higher
end
.
4.
After
a
Minister
becomes
a
Pastour
of
a
Flock
,
and
hath
relation
unto
them
as
his
Flock
,
and
they
to
him
as
his
People
,
he
must
needs
have
some
Power
over
them
,
and
they
must
be
subject
unto
him
,
and
obey
him
in
the
Lord
,
and
he
hath
power
to
remit
Sins
;
to
shut
and
open
,
and
what
he
doth
in
this
kind
,
according
to
his
Commission
,
will
be
made
good
in
Heaven
.
Yet
these
Acts
of
his
are
not
Acts
of
External
Discipline
,
but
of
his
Ministerial
Office
,
as
he
is
a
Servant
to
Jesus
Christ
.
This
I
speak
not
against
Discipline
,
which
if
agreeable
to
the
word
of
God
is
a
great
Blessing
;
but
against
all
such
,
who
under
pretence
of
this
or
that
form
of
Church-Government
,
disturb
the
Church
,
and
discomfort
and
discourage
many
a
precious
Saint
of
God.
The
end
of
this
is
to
manifest
,
that
these
places
of
Scripture
,
Mat.
16.19
.
John
20.22
,
23.
are
no
grounds
whereon
to
build
Church-Government
.
section
5
Because
former
places
are
not
so
pertinent
,
I
proceed
in
the
next
place
to
the
Words
of
Institution
of
Church-discipline
,
you
may
read
them
,
Mat.
18.17
,
18.
[
](A49800-e24030-b)*
*
Tort
,
Tor.
p.
41.
De
exteriori
foro
ibi
agitur
,
Exterioris
fori
jurisdictio
illo
,
nec
alio
loco
,
fundata
est
.
That
's
the
only
place
for
the
Institution
and
no
other
saith
Dr.
Andrews
,
in
that
most
learned
and
exact
piece
far
above
his
other
Works
.
To
understand
this
place
we
must
observe
,
1.
The
Parties
subject
to
this
Tribunal
.
2.
The
Causes
proper
to
that
Court.
3.
In
what
manner
and
order
Causes
are
brought
in
and
prepared
for
Judgment
.
4.
The
Judge
.
5.
The
Acts
of
Judgment
upon
Evidence
of
the
Cause
.
6.
The
Ratification
of
these
Acts
,
and
so
of
the
Power
.
7.
How
this
Ratification
is
obtained
,
and
the
Judgment
made
effectual
.
1.
The
party
subject
to
this
Tribunal
is
a
Brother
.
If
thy
Brother
offend
thee
,
verse
15.
This
may
be
explained
from
1
Cor.
5.11
.
But
,
now
I
have
written
unto
you
,
not
to
keep
company
,
if
any
man
that
is
called
a
brother
be
a
fornicator
,
or
covetous
,
or
an
idolater
,
&c.
There
are
covetous
Persons
and
Idolaters
of
the
World
,
verse
10.
and
Fornicators
and
Idolaters
which
are
called
Brethren
:
The
former
are
without
,
the
latter
within
the
Church
.
The
former
are
subject
to
the
Judgment
of
God
,
but
not
of
the
Church
,
the
latter
are
subject
to
the
Judgment
of
the
Church
,
Do
not
thou
judge
them
that
are
within
.
So
that
the
Subjects
in
this
Common-wealth
are
Brethren
,
Disciples
,
such
as
profess
their
Faith
in
Christ
.
2.
The
Causes
are
Spiritual
and
Ecclesiastical
,
and
must
be
considered
under
that
Notion
.
For
it
's
a
Trespass
,
an
Offence
committed
by
a
Brother
,
as
a
Brother
,
against
a
Brother
as
a
Brother
;
whether
it
be
a
wrong
against
a
Brother
,
or
a
sin
,
whereby
a
Brother
is
offended
,
grieved
,
displeased
.
For
,
if
a
Brother
be
a
Fornicator
,
or
Idolater
,
&c.
he
must
tell
the
Church
and
not
the
State
;
he
must
be
made
as
an
Heathen
or
Publican
,
if
he
will
not
hear
the
Church
,
this
is
no
Sentence
of
the
State
or
Civil
Judge
,
it
's
made
good
in
Heaven
,
so
is
not
the
Judgment
of
the
Civil
Magistrate
;
It
must
be
the
Judgment
of
a
Brother
as
a
Brother
within
the
Church
,
which
the
Church
,
as
a
Church
,
must
judge
,
and
in
the
name
of
Christ
,
not
of
the
Civil
Soveraign
,
and
the
Party
offending
must
be
delivered
up
to
Satan
,
not
to
the
Sword.
Yet
one
and
the
same
Crime
may
make
a
person
obnoxious
,
both
to
the
temporal
Sword
of
the
Magistrate
,
and
the
spiritual
Censure
of
the
Church
,
and
may
be
justly
punishable
and
punished
by
both
,
though
some
of
our
English
Lawyers
have
delivered
the
contrary
,
who
might
ground
their
Opinion
upon
Ecclesiastical
Supremacy
of
the
King
,
For
tho'
the
Laws
of
England
might
determine
so
,
yet
the
Laws
of
God
and
Christ
do
not
.
3.
The
manner
and
order
of
proceeding
,
is
,
1.
Privately
to
admonish
;
and
if
that
take
effect
,
to
proceed
no
further
.
2.
If
upon
this
the
party
will
not
reform
,
he
must
be
charged
,
and
convinced
before
two
or
three
Witnesses
;
and
if
he
shall
persist
impenitent
,
then
he
must
be
convented
before
the
Ecclesiastical
Tribunal
upon
Information
and
Accusation
;
and
the
same
once
made
good
,
and
evident
,
the
Cause
is
ripe
&
prepared
for
Judgment
.
section
6
The
Judge
in
the
fourth
place
is
the
Church
;
Tell
the
Church
,
where
we
must
know
,
what
this
Church
is
.
The
word
in
the
Greek
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
we
find
it
used
in
the
Old
Testament
about
seventy
times
by
the
Septuagint
,
who
so
often
turn
the
Hebrew
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
by
that
name
.
Upon
perusal
of
the
places
we
shall
find
that
it
signifies
Assemblies
,
and
of
many
kinds
,
as
good
,
bad
,
holy
,
prophane
,
greater
,
less
,
festival
,
civil
,
military
,
Ecclesiastical
and
Religious
,
occasional
,
standing
,
orderly
,
confused
,
ordinary
,
extraordinary
.
It
's
observable
,
that
very
seldome
(
some
say
but
once
,
as
Psal.
26.5
.
)
it
signifies
a
wicked
and
prophane
Society
.
Sometimes
,
not
often
,
it
's
a
Military
body
.
But
most
of
all
by
far
(
a
few
Texts
excepted
)
it
notes
an
holy
and
religious
Convention
or
Assembly
.
For
sometimes
it
's
a
National
Polity
of
Israel
under
a
sacred
Notion
;
and
very
often
a
religious
Assembly
for
Prayer
,
Fasting
,
Dedications
,
renewing
their
Covenant
with
God
,
Praises
,
Thanksgivings
,
and
such
like
Acts
of
Worship
,
so
that
the
word
seems
to
be
appropriate
unto
Religious
Assemblies
;
and
though
it
signifie
other
Societies
,
yet
these
most
frequently
and
principally
.
And
this
is
confirmed
from
the
New
Testament
,
where
it
s
used
a
hundred
and
eleven
times
at
least
,
and
in
all
these
places
signifies
an
Assembly
or
Society
Religious
,
except
in
Acts
19.32
,
39
,
41.
where
it
signifies
both
a
tumultuous
,
and
also
an
orderly
Assembly
,
or
Society
,
or
Convention
,
as
a
civil
Court
of
Judgment
,
which
signification
is
here
applied
by
our
Saviour
to
a
Spiritual
Judicatory
for
Spiritual
Causes
.
Though
this
be
a
special
signification
,
yet
it
signifies
the
number
and
Society
of
Believers
and
Disciples
,
who
profess
their
Faith
in
Christ
exhibited
,
and
this
is
this
Church-Christian
,
and
the
People
of
God.
Yet
it
signifies
this
People
under
several
Notions
,
as
sometimes
the
Church
of
the
Jews
,
sometimes
of
the
Gentiles
,
sometimes
the
Universal
Church
,
sometimes
particular
Churches
,
sometimes
the
Militant
Church
,
either
as
visible
or
mystical
,
sometimes
the
Church
Triumphant
,
sometimes
a
Church
before
any
form
of
Government
be
introduced
,
sometimes
under
a
form
of
Government
;
so
it
's
taken
and
supposed
by
our
Saviour
here
.
Grotius
his
Conceit
,
that
our
Saviour
in
these
words
alludes
to
the
manner
of
several
Sects
&
Professions
,
as
of
Pharisees
,
Sadduces
,
Essenes
,
who
had
their
Rules
of
Discipline
,
and
their
Assemblies
and
Convention
for
the
practice
of
them
,
may
be
probable
.
Yet
without
any
such
Allusion
the
place
is
plain
enough
from
the
context
and
other
Scriptures
.
Erastus
upon
the
place
is
intollerable
,
and
most
wofully
wrests
it
;
so
doth
Bishop
Bilson
in
his
Church-Government
,
and
is
point-blank
contrary
to
D.
Andrews
,
who
in
his
Tortura
Torti
,
doth
most
accurately
examine
,
interpret
,
and
apply
the
words
,
and
most
effectually
from
thence
confute
Bellarmine
.
One
may
truly
say
of
that
Book
,
as
he
himself
said
of
Austin's
Treatise
De
Civitate
Dei
,
it
was
opus
palmarum
.
For
Civil
,
Common
,
Canon-Law
,
Politicks
,
History
,
School
Learning
,
the
Doctrine
of
the
Casuists
Divinity
,
and
other
Arts
,
whereof
he
makes
use
,
it
is
one
of
the
most
learned
and
accurate
of
any
put
forth
in
our
times
.
By
his
Exposition
of
this
Text
,
he
utterly
overthrows
the
immediate
Jus
Divinum
of
Episcopacy
in
matters
of
Discipline
,
and
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
.
He
plainly
and
expresly
makes
the
whole
Church
the
primary
subject
of
the
Power
of
the
Keys
,
in
foro
exteriori
.
Therefore
suppose
the
Bishops
were
Officers
by
a
Divine
Right
,
as
he
endeavours
to
prove
(
tho'
weakly
)
in
his
Letters
to
Du
Moulin
,
yet
at
best
they
can
be
but
the
Churches
Delegates
,
for
the
exercise
of
that
Power
.
And
it
is
observable
,
that
divers
of
our
Champions
,
when
they
oppose
Bellarmine's
Monarchical
Government
of
the
Church
,
peremptorily
affirm
the
Power
of
the
Keyes
to
be
in
the
whole
Church
,
as
the
most
effectual
way
to
confute
him
,
yet
when
they
wrote
against
the
Presbyterian
,
and
the
Antiprelatical
party
,
they
change
their
Tone
,
and
Tune
.
But
to
return
unto
the
words
of
Institution
,
1.
The
word
Church
here
signifies
an
Assembly
.
2.
This
Assembly
is
an
Assembly
for
Religion
.
3.
The
Religion
is
Christian.
4.
This
Assembly
is
under
a
form
of
External
Government
.
5.
This
Government
presupposeth
a
Community
,
and
Laws
and
Officers
Ecclesiastical
.
These
presupposed
,
it
's
a
juridical
Assembly
,
or
a
Court.
6.
Because
Courts
are
Inferiour
,
Superiour
,
and
Supream
,
it
signifies
all
,
especially
Supream
.
7.
It
determines
no
kind
of
Government
but
that
of
a
free
State
,
as
shall
more
appear
hereafter
.
8.
Christ
doth
not
say
,
Dic
Regi
,
tell
the
Prince
or
State
;
nor
Dic
Petro
,
tell
Peter
or
the
Pope
,
as
though
the
Government
should
be
Monarchical
,
either
Civil
or
Ecclesiastical
;
nor
Dic
Presbytero
,
tell
the
Elders
;
nor
Dic
Apostolis
&
Episcopis
aut
Archiopiscopis
,
that
the
Government
should
be
purely
Aristocratical
;
nor
Dic
Plebi
,
that
the
Government
should
be
purely
Democratical
;
nor
Dic
Synodo
,
tell
the
Council
general
or
particular
.
But
it
saith
,
tell
the
Church
,
wherein
there
may
be
Bishops
,
Presbyters
,
some
Eminent
Persons
neither
Bishops
nor
Presbyters
:
There
may
be
Synods
,
and
all
these
either
as
Officers
,
or
Representatives
of
the
Church
;
and
we
may
tell
these
,
and
these
may
judge
,
yet
they
hear
and
judge
by
a
power
derived
and
delegated
from
the
Church
,
and
the
Church
by
them
,
as
by
her
Instruments
,
doth
exercise
her
Power
.
As
the
body
▪
sees
by
her
eye
,
and
hears
by
the
ear
,
so
it
is
in
this
particular
,
but
so
,
that
the
similitude
doth
not
run
on
four
feet
,
nor
must
be
stretched
too
far
.
This
being
the
genuine
Sense
favours
no
Faction
,
yet
admits
any
kind
of
Order
,
which
observed
may
reach
the
main
end
.
For
this
we
must
know
,
and
take
special
notice
of
,
that
Christ
will
never
stand
upon
Formalities
,
but
requires
the
thing
,
which
he
commands
,
to
be
done
in
an
orderly
way
.
Yet
it
's
necessary
,
and
his
Institution
doth
tend
unto
it
,
to
reserve
the
chief
Power
in
the
whole
Body
,
otherwise
if
any
party
,
as
Bishops
,
or
Presbyters
,
or
any
other
part
of
the
Church
be
trusted
with
the
power
alone
to
themselves
,
they
will
so
engross
it
,
as
that
there
will
be
no
means
,
nor
ordinary
jurisdiction
to
reform
them
.
Of
this
we
have
plain
Experience
in
the
Bishops
of
Rome
,
who
being
trusted
at
first
with
too
much
Power
,
did
at
length
arrogate
as
their
own
,
and
no
ways
derived
from
the
Church
,
and
so
refused
to
be
judged
.
For
if
the
Church
once
make
any
party
the
primary
subject
of
this
power
,
then
they
cannot
use
it
to
reduce
them
.
Therefore
,
as
it
is
a
point
of
Wisdom
in
any
State
to
reserve
the
chief
power
in
the
whole
Community
,
and
single
out
the
best
and
wisest
to
exercise
it
,
so
as
,
if
the
Trustees
do
abuse
their
power
,
they
may
remove
them
or
reform
them
;
so
it
should
be
done
in
the
Church
.
If
any
begin
to
challenge
either
the
whole
,
or
the
Supream
power
as
Officers
,
many
of
these
,
nay
the
greater
part
of
them
may
be
unworthy
or
corrupted
,
and
then
the
Church
is
brought
to
straits
,
and
must
needs
suffer
.
Some
tell
us
,
that
the
King
of
England
by
the
first
Constitution
was
only
the
Supream
and
Universal
Magistrate
of
the
Kingdom
,
trusted
with
a
sufficient
power
to
govern
and
administer
the
State
according
to
the
Laws
:
and
his
chief
work
was
to
see
the
Laws
executed
.
Yet
in
tract
of
time
they
did
challenge
the
power
to
themselves
as
their
own
,
and
refused
to
be
judged
.
Yet
in
this
Institution
,
if
Peter
,
if
Paul
,
tho'
Apostles
do
offend
,
much
more
if
Patriarchs
,
Metropolitans
,
Bishops
,
Presbyters
,
do
trespass
,
we
must
tell
,
not
Peter
,
not
Paul
,
not
an
Apostle
,
not
a
Bishop
,
not
any
other
but
the
Church
.
No
wit
of
Men
or
Angels
could
have
imagined
a
better
way
,
nor
given
a
better
expression
to
settle
that
which
is
good
and
just
,
and
prevent
all
parties
and
factions
,
and
yet
leave
a
sufficient
latitude
for
several
orderly
ways
to
attain
the
chief
end
.
section
7
The
Judge
being
known
,
the
Judicial
Acts
of
this
Judge
must
be
enquired
into
in
the
fifth
place
,
and
these
are
two
:
the
first
is
binding
,
the
second
loosing
.
For
all
Judgment
passed
upon
any
person
is
either
against
him
,
and
that
is
binding
,
or
for
him
,
and
that
is
loosing
.
The
former
is
called
binding
,
because
it
more
strictly
doth
bind
him
to
suffer
that
punishment
,
to
which
he
was
liable
upon
the
Transgression
of
the
Law.
There
was
an
Obligation
upon
him
,
1.
To
Obedience
.
2.
Upon
Disobedience
there
follows
a
Guilt
,
which
is
an
Obligation
,
to
Punishment
.
3.
Judgment
doth
continue
this
Obligation
,
and
makes
the
Punishment
unavoidable
:
The
latter
is
a
loosing
,
because
upon
some
condition
performed
,
it
frees
him
from
the
punishment
,
and
the
bond
of
guilt
.
Of
this
binding
there
be
several
degrees
.
For
as
in
a
Civil
Government
,
there
be
several
degrees
of
punishment
,
according
to
the
several
degrees
of
the
offences
,
so
it
's
in
the
Church
.
One
of
the
highest
punishments
and
degrees
of
binding
,
is
to
make
one
as
an
Heathen
and
a
Publican
.
These
words
are
differently
understood
,
and
expounded
.
Grotius
thinks
,
that
our
Saviour
in
them
did
not
intend
Excommunication
.
Many
take
it
for
granted
,
that
to
be
censured
and
judged
an
Heathen
and
Publican
,
is
to
be
cast
out
of
the
Church
and
excommunicated
.
And
from
these
two
words
Heathen
and
Publican
,
divers
,
and
amongst
the
rest
[
](A49800-e24640-b)*
*
Vignierus
de
excommunicatine
venatorum
.
Quinquecclesiensis
,
and
D.
Andrews
do
observe
a
twofold
Excommunication
.
The
one
is
the
greater
,
and
that
is
to
be
as
an
Heathen
;
the
other
the
less
,
which
is
to
be
as
a
Publican
.
The
Heathen
was
out
of
the
Church
,
the
Publican
was
not
.
The
Heathen
might
not
,
the
Publican
might
come
into
the
Temple
;
the
Heathen
were
strangers
to
the
Common-wealth
of
the
Israel
,
and
were
Loammi
the
Publican
,
being
a
Jew
,
was
in
the
Church
,
but
like
a
scandalous
Brother
.
Whether
this
distinction
be
here
intended
or
no
,
it
's
certain
,
1.
That
there
are
degrees
of
Ecclesiastical
as
well
as
Civil
Penalties
.
2.
That
by
this
being
as
an
Heathen
and
Publican
,
is
meant
an
Ecclesiastical
not
a
civil
punishment
,
in
matter
of
Religion
.
3.
Both
were
deprived
of
Ecclesiastical
Communion
.
In
the
text
,
If
he
will
not
hear
the
Church
,
let
him
be
to
thee
as
an
Heathen
and
a
Publican
:
Three
things
are
to
be
observed
,
1.
The
Penalty
and
the
Execution
.
2.
The
Sentence
to
be
Executed
.
3.
The
Crime
or
Cause
.
The
Execution
is
to
account
him
as
an
Heathen
and
a
Publican
,
which
is
not
to
take
away
his
House
,
Lands
,
Goods
,
Civil
Liberty
,
Life
:
but
to
separate
from
him
,
and
have
no
Communion
with
him
in
matter
of
Religion
and
Spiritual
Society
,
and
to
testifie
their
dislike
of
him
by
shunning
his
company
.
2.
The
sentence
is
the
judgement
of
the
Church
,
whereupon
this
Separation
and
Non-communion
is
grounded
.
For
,
the
Church
must
judge
and
pass
the
sentence
,
before
we
can
have
any
sufficient
warrant
for
refusal
of
society
.
3.
The
crime
or
cause
must
be
made
evident
before
the
Judge
pass
Sentence
:
and
it
is
not
only
the
trespass
or
offence
,
but
impenitence
manifested
to
the
Ecclesiastical
Judge
.
Not
to
hear
the
Church
is
for
the
guilty
Brother
;
not
to
confess
and
reform
upon
the
Churches
publick
admonition
.
This
puts
him
in
an
immediate
capacity
of
condemnation
and
punishment
.
But
more
of
Ecclesiastical
censures
in
the
second
Book
.
section
8
The
Ratification
of
this
sentence
of
the
Church
,
which
is
the
sixth
thing
,
followeth
in
these
words
,
Whatsoever
ye
shall
bind
on
earth
,
shall
be
bound
in
Heaven
,
&c.
which
are
added
,
as
Hillary
saith
well
,
in
terrorem
metus
maximi
,
to
strike
a
terrour
into
the
hearts
of
all
such
as
shall
make
themselves
liable
to
the
censures
of
the
Church
.
Yet
they
are
not
only
for
terrour
,
but
for
the
sweetest
consolation
of
the
penitent
absolved
by
the
Church
;
and
so
also
for
the
encouragement
of
the
Church
to
proceed
in
Discipline
against
the
greatest
.
For
though
she
hath
not
the
sword
,
nor
any
coactive
force
to
imprison
,
fine
,
banish
,
put
to
death
,
and
the
prophane
and
worldly
wretches
do
not
fear
her
censures
,
yet
her
censures
shall
be
executed
from
Heaven
,
and
be
more
terrible
than
any
punishments
inflicted
by
sword
of
civil
Sovereigns
.
This
Ratification
includes
two
things
:
1.
That
when
this
judgment
is
once
past
according
to
the
Rules
of
Christ
,
the
supream
Judge
doth
approve
and
decree
it
to
be
irrecoveverable
.
2.
That
he
will
by
a
Divine
and
never
failing
power
execute
it
;
so
that
neither
can
any
appeal
,
or
complaint
of
a
nullity
make
it
void
,
nor
any
contrary
strength
or
force
hinder
the
execution
.
In
this
respect
,
Hillary
saith
,
its
Judicium
immobile
,
and
cannot
be
reversed
;
Hierom
,
that
it
s
corroborated
and
cannot
be
infringed
.
Tertullian
,
that
its
Prejudicium
ultimi
judicii
,
and
stands
good
,
as
that
ever
shall
.
section
9
The
means
whereby
this
Ratification
is
obtained
,
and
the
manner
how
it
is
effected
,
come
in
the
last
place
to
be
observed
.
The
means
is
their
consent
and
prayer
.
For
if
two
of
them
shall
agree
on
earth
,
as
touching
any
thing
that
they
shall
ask
,
it
shall
be
done
for
them
by
my
Father
which
is
in
Heaven
;
which
words
do
signifie
that
they
should
agree
upon
the
sentence
,
and
pass
the
same
with
prayer
.
The
manner
how
it
comes
to
pass
to
be
effected
is
,
that
when
two
or
three
of
them
are
gathered
together
in
Christs
name
,
he
will
be
in
the
midst
of
them
,
ver.
20.
For
it
s
not
to
be
done
in
their
own
name
,
or
by
their
own
power
:
but
they
must
assemble
and
proceed
in
Christs
name
,
and
in
his
name
give
the
definitive
sentence
.
According
to
this
Law
the
Apostle
gave
direction
in
Christs
name
to
gather
together
,
and
with
the
power
of
Jesus
Christ
to
deliver
the
scandalous
person
to
Satan
,
1
Cor.
5.4
.
So
that
Christ
will
be
present
with
them
,
direct
them
,
and
assist
them
,
and
the
work
shall
be
more
his
,
than
theirs
.
section
10
Having
1.
Examined
two
places
not
pertinent
.
2.
Enlarged
upon
the
words
of
the
Institution
;
I
will
thirdly
confirm
the
proposition
from
such
places
as
treat
of
the
exercise
of
this
power
.
1.
These
are
such
as
speak
of
Legislation
.
2.
Of
making
Officers
.
3.
Of
Jurisdiction
.
The
first
of
Legislation
and
making
of
Canons
concerning
matters
controverted
:
As
for
Canons
,
concerning
things
not
controverted
,
we
find
single
Apostles
(
especially
Paul
,
and
he
most
of
all
in
his
first
Epistle
to
Timothy
)
declaring
and
delivering
them
without
any
other
joyned
with
them
.
The
exercise
of
this
Legislative
power
,
we
find
in
that
famous
Synod
held
at
Jerusalem
,
Acts
15.
The
difference
of
the
interpretations
of
this
text
is
no
less
than
of
the
former
.
For
some
question
,
whether
it
was
a
formal
Synod
,
having
power
to
bind
,
or
only
an
Assembly
for
advice
.
Some
make
it
,
not
only
a
Synod
invested
with
a
binding
force
,
but
judge
it
to
be
a
most
excellent
pattern
for
all
Synodical
Assemblies
in
time
to
come
:
yet
these
are
not
certain
,
whether
it
was
general
in
respect
of
all
Churches
then
extant
.
But
let
it
be
a
Synod
,
having
a
binding
force
,
it
s
doubted
how
the
Canons
could
bind
other
Churches
,
who
sent
no
delegates
to
represent
them
and
Act
for
them
?
Whether
did
they
bind
,
because
it
was
a
general
Council
in
some
consideration
,
or
because
the
Apostles
were
in
it
,
and
acted
as
Extraordinary
Ministers
of
Christ
invested
with
an
Universal
power
over
all
Churches
:
or
because
they
were
received
afterwards
in
every
particular
Church
:
or
because
the
matter
was
determined
in
Scripture
,
and
out
of
it
declared
to
be
the
mind
of
God
,
which
seems
to
be
implied
in
these
words
,
It
seemed
good
to
the
Holy
Ghost
and
us
,
ver.
28.
For
all
Canons
should
be
so
made
as
to
be
clearly
grounded
upon
some
special
or
general
precepts
of
Scripture
,
which
were
revealed
by
the
Holy
Ghost
:
for
they
should
bind
more
in
respect
of
the
matter
,
and
the
reason
upon
which
they
are
grounded
,
than
in
respect
of
the
multitude
of
Votes
.
For
one
good
reason
from
the
Scriptures
is
more
binding
than
the
consent
of
all
general
Councils
in
the
World.
Another
Query
there
is
,
why
this
Controversie
should
be
determined
at
Jerusalem
,
and
not
at
Antioch
,
or
any
where
else
:
whether
it
was
,
because
that
was
the
Mother-Church
,
or
because
the
Apostles
were
there
at
that
time
resident
,
or
because
other
Churches
were
not
so
fully
constituted
:
or
because
there
might
be
there
representatives
from
all
other
Churches
:
or
because
they
,
who
sprang
the
Controversie
at
Antioch
,
came
from
Jerusalem
,
and
pretended
the
Authority
of
the
Apostles
,
and
of
that
Church
;
and
because
it
was
agreed
at
Antioch
to
refer
the
cause
to
the
Apostles
and
Elders
at
Jerusalem
?
Besides
all
these
,
there
is
another
doubt
concerning
the
Members
,
which
did
constitute
this
Synod
,
whether
the
Apostles
only
,
or
the
Apostles
with
the
Elders
,
or
besides
these
the
Brethren
as
distinct
from
them
:
or
whether
if
all
these
were
of
the
Synod
,
the
Elders
,
and
Brethren
had
any
decisive
voice
or
no
?
But
to
leave
these
doubts
;
It
s
certain
out
of
the
Text.
1.
That
upon
a
controversie
raised
at
Antioch
by
some
,
who
came
from
Jerusalem
,
it
could
not
be
after
much
disputation
there
ended
.
2.
That
it
was
agreed
that
Paul
and
Barnabas
with
others
of
them
should
go
unto
Jerusalem
,
to
the
Apostles
and
Elders
about
this
Question
.
3.
When
these
Delegates
came
to
Jerusalem
,
they
were
received
of
the
Church
,
the
Apostles
and
Elders
.
4.
Upon
this
,
and
them
acquainted
with
the
controversie
,
the
Apostles
and
Elders
came
together
to
consider
of
this
matter
.
5.
In
this
Assembly
,
after
much
disputation
,
both
Peter
and
James
gave
strong
reasons
,
why
Circumcision
and
the
Ceremonies
of
the
Law
should
not
be
imposed
upon
the
believing
Gentiles
.
6.
Upon
these
convincing
reasons
it
pleased
the
Apostles
and
Elders
and
the
whole
Church
to
send
special
Messengers
and
Letters
concerning
the
definitive
sentence
of
the
Councel
unto
Antioch
.
7.
The
Synodical
Letters
,
were
written
in
the
name
of
the
Apostles
,
Elders
and
Brethren
in
this
stile
,
It
pleased
us
,
and
seemed
good
unto
us
.
Divers
particulars
are
here
observable
:
as
1.
That
we
do
not
read
that
Paul
acted
any
thing
as
a
Judge
in
this
controversie
joyntly
with
the
rest
of
the
Synod
,
and
perhaps
the
reason
might
be
,
because
he
was
considered
as
a
party
:
for
no
man
,
not
an
Apostle
should
be
judge
and
party
in
the
same
cause
.
2.
That
the
Apostles
did
not
act
as
immediately
inspired
in
this
particular
,
and
according
to
any
extraordinary
,
but
an
ordinary
Ecclesiastical
power
;
for
there
was
much
disputation
.
3.
They
did
not
suddenly
and
instantly
proceed
to
vote
the
matter
:
but
they
met
to
consider
of
it
,
and
debated
and
disputed
much
before
they
determined
.
4.
The
determination
was
not
grounded
upon
the
multitude
of
Votes
,
but
upon
Divine
Revelation
and
Scripture
,
though
not
expresly
,
yet
by
way
of
consequence
,
as
appears
both
from
the
words
of
Peter
and
of
James
.
5.
That
which
is
the
principal
thing
for
which
this
Text
is
alledged
,
is
this
,
that
the
controversie
is
not
refered
to
one
Apostle
,
as
to
Paul
alone
,
or
Peter
alone
,
or
James
alone
,
but
to
the
Apostles
joyntly
:
and
not
to
them
alone
,
but
to
the
Elders
,
nor
to
them
and
the
Elders
alone
,
but
to
them
with
the
Bretheren
,
and
the
whole
Church
.
6.
That
all
these
gave
their
consent
;
for
it
pleased
the
Apostles
and
Elders
,
and
the
whole
Church
.
If
Peter
alone
had
been
made
Judge
,
then
the
Pope
,
if
only
the
Apostles
,
then
the
Bishops
;
if
the
Elders
alone
,
then
the
Presbytery
;
if
the
Bretheren
alone
,
then
the
People
would
have
challenged
every
one
severally
the
Legislative
power
in
Synods
to
themselves
alone
.
Lastly
,
by
this
we
learn
upon
what
occasion
,
such
great
Assemblies
are
requisite
,
if
not
necessary
;
we
might
add
,
that
they
convened
by
the
permission
,
not
commission
of
the
Civil
Power
.
section
11
By
this
you
understand
,
how
and
by
whom
the
Legislative
Power
was
exercised
.
Of
the
exercise
of
the
second
branch
of
power
in
making
Officers
we
read
,
Acts
1.15
.
For
,
1.
Upon
the
death
of
Judas
,
one
of
the
sacred
Colledge
of
the
Apostles
,
a
place
was
void
.
This
was
the
occasion
.
2.
Peter
conceives
,
that
another
must
be
surrogated
and
succeed
him
in
that
place
.
3.
In
an
Assembly
of
an
hundred
and
twenty
,
as
a
Chair-man
he
proposeth
the
matter
.
4.
Acquaints
them
with
the
occasion
of
a
new
Election
,
and
lets
them
understand
the
necessity
of
it
,
saying
,
There
must
one
be
Ordained
as
a
Witness
with
us
of
Christ's
Resurrection
.
The
reason
he
concludes
from
these
words
of
Psal.
119.8
.
His
Office
,
Charge
,
or
Bishoprick
let
another
take
.
By
which
words
God
signifies
and
commands
that
upon
the
death
of
Judas
,
another
must
take
the
Charge
with
the
rest
of
the
Apostles
.
5.
Upon
this
the
Assembly
proceeds
without
any
Conge-disler
,
or
Lience
from
any
other
,
to
the
Election
,
and
propose
two
,
Justus
and
Matthias
,
both
well
qualified
,
and
in
that
equality
,
that
they
knew
not
whether
to
prefer
.
6.
Because
they
could
not
determine
whether
was
the
fitter
,
nor
upon
a
Determination
give
a
Commission
to
make
an
Apostle
;
therefore
by
prayer
and
lot
they
refer
and
commit
the
cause
to
God
,
who
chuseth
Matthias
.
In
this
Election
divers
things
are
considerable
,
1.
That
if
Matthias
and
Justus
were
of
the
number
of
the
seventy
Disciples
,
as
it
's
very
probable
,
if
not
certain
,
there
was
an
imparity
between
the
twelve
Apostles
and
seventy
Disciples
in
respect
of
their
place
;
yet
what
this
imparity
was
,
and
whether
it
should
continue
in
the
ordinary
Officers
of
the
Church
succeeding
them
,
is
not
here
expressed
.
2.
That
the
Election
of
the
highest
Officer
in
the
Church
,
even
of
an
Apostle
was
committed
to
this
Assembly
,
as
fit
to
judge
of
his
Qualifications
.
3.
That
none
should
take
upon
them
to
elect
a
Minister
or
Officer
of
the
Church
,
who
is
not
able
to
judge
of
his
fitness
for
the
place
.
4.
That
God
gives
none
any
power
to
elect
or
ordain
,
and
constitute
any
a
Minister
,
Officer
,
or
Representative
of
the
Church
,
who
is
not
duly
qualified
for
to
do
the
work
of
the
place
,
for
which
he
was
elected
.
Justus
and
Matthias
must
be
able
with
the
Apostles
to
bear
witness
of
the
Resurrection
of
Christ
.
5.
The
principal
thing
for
the
point
in
hand
to
be
observed
,
is
,
that
neither
Peter
,
nor
any
of
the
eleven
,
do
take
upon
them
to
elect
or
design
any
person
,
or
persons
by
themselves
alone
,
but
commit
it
to
the
whole
Assembly
:
and
the
whole
Assembly
elected
,
prayed
,
cast
losts
.
6.
That
though
these
persons
very
eminent
and
full
of
the
Spirit
,
could
and
might
design
the
persons
,
but
not
give
the
power
of
Apostleship
.
To
this
Head
belongs
the
constitution
of
Decons
,
Acts
6.
Where
we
read
of
the
occasion
,
and
in
some
sort
of
the
necessity
of
this
Office.
For
1.
The
Apostles
knew
there
was
a
kind
of
necessity
of
such
an
Officer
as
a
Deacon
,
and
it
was
no
ways
fit
to
distract
themselves
in
serving
of
tables
,
and
neglect
the
great
business
of
word
and
prayer
.
2.
That
they
call
the
multitude
together
.
3.
They
propose
the
matter
unto
them
,
and
signifie
what
manner
of
persons
Deacons
should
be
,
and
commit
the
election
of
persons
amongst
them
rightly
qualified
to
them
.
4.
They
elect
persons
fit
for
the
place
.
5.
They
present
these
persons
.
6.
The
Apostles
pray
and
lay
hands
on
them
.
Whether
they
used
any
form
of
words
in
this
imposition
of
Hands
we
do
not
read
.
The
thing
principally
to
be
considered
in
this
business
,
is
,
that
the
Apostles
themselves
alone
do
not
take
upon
them
to
chuse
and
constitute
these
Deacons
.
To
this
may
be
added
,
that
Paul
doth
not
take
upon
him
to
send
the
charity
and
benevolence
of
the
Corinthians
,
collected
for
the
poor
Saints
at
Jerusalem
,
but
refers
it
to
themselves
,
to
approve
by
Letters
such
as
they
would
use
as
their
Messengers
,
1
Cor.
16.3
.
section
12
The
third
branch
of
the
power
of
the
Keyes
is
,
that
of
Jurisdiction
,
which
we
find
exercised
in
the
Church
of
Corinth
,
or
rather
a
command
of
the
Apostles
binding
them
,
as
having
that
power
to
exercise
it
,
reproving
them
in
that
they
had
not
done
it
already
in
a
particular
case
,
and
giving
directions
how
it
should
be
done
.
Out
of
the
Apostles
directions
,
1
Cor.
5.
we
might
pick
a
model
of
Church-government
:
for
there
we
have
an
Ecclesiastical
community
under
a
form
of
Government
,
and
that
is
the
whole
Church
of
Corinth
.
2.
We
have
the
members
of
this
community
,
and
they
are
the
sanctified
in
Christ
Jesus
,
and
such
are
called
to
be
Saints
.
3.
We
have
the
relation
of
these
one
to
another
,
they
are
Brethren
,
yet
every
particular
brother
subject
to
the
whole
Church
.
4.
We
have
the
power
of
Jurisdiction
,
and
the
same
in
the
whole
body
.
5.
We
have
the
power
of
Excommunication
,
and
by
consequence
of
absolution
and
other
Ecclesiastical
censures
,
and
these
in
the
whole
Church
,
which
is
reproved
,
because
they
do
not
exercise
it
upon
so
great
an
occasion
,
and
for
so
great
a
cause
.
They
are
commanded
to
purge
out
the
old
leaven
,
and
to
cast
out
and
put
from
amongst
them
that
wicked
person
,
because
they
had
power
to
judge
.
6.
The
persons
subject
to
this
Jurisdiction
,
is
every
one
that
is
a
brother
of
that
Church
.
7.
We
have
the
causes
,
which
make
these
persons
and
brethren
of
that
Church
,
liable
to
censure
,
and
they
are
scandals
,
whereof
we
have
a
catalogue
,
whereby
we
may
understand
by
analogy
others
not
expressed
.
8.
We
have
the
form
of
the
sentence
of
Excommunication
,
which
must
be
solemnly
passed
in
a
publick
Assembly
convened
,
proceeding
and
passing
Judgement
in
the
Name
of
Christ
.
9.
In
this
Judgement
we
have
the
Apostle
passing
and
giving
his
vote
by
Writing
with
the
rest
of
that
Church
.
10.
We
find
that
neither
the
Apostle
,
nor
they
can
judge
them
that
are
without
,
but
they
are
reserved
to
Gods
Judgement
.
11.
We
have
the
end
of
Excommunication
which
here
is
twofold
:
1.
In
respect
of
the
party
Excommunicated
.
2.
Of
the
Church
and
his
fellow-members
.
In
respect
of
the
person
Excommunicated
,
the
destruction
of
the
Flesh
by
some
punishment
for
a
time
,
that
the
spirit
may
be
saved
in
the
day
of
the
Lord
.
In
respect
of
the
Body
of
the
Church
,
the
preservation
of
the
same
from
infection
of
the
old
leaven
of
malice
and
wickedness
,
that
so
,
not
only
single
persons
,
but
the
whole
Society
may
be
continued
pure
.
This
is
the
rule
of
Excommunication
;
the
rules
of
absolution
we
find
,
2
Cor.
2.
where
we
may
observe
,
first
the
person
capable
of
it
;
and
it
is
such
an
one
,
as
having
been
punished
by
many
,
and
the
punishment
proves
sufficient
,
because
by
it
he
is
grieved
,
humbled
for
his
sin
,
in
danger
to
be
swallowed
up
with
over
much
sorrow
,
and
by
Satan
to
be
tempted
to
despair
:
in
a
word
,
when
the
party
is
penitent
,
and
he
appears
really
to
be
so
.
2.
The
nature
of
Absolution
,
which
is
to
forgive
,
and
confirm
our
love
unto
him
.
3.
This
sentence
of
Remission
and
Reconciliation
must
be
pronounced
in
the
Person
of
Christ
.
4.
The
Persons
who
must
pass
this
Sentence
and
see
it
executed
,
are
the
same
who
Excommunicated
him
:
who
here
were
Paul
and
the
Church
of
Corinth
.
5.
The
end
of
this
Act
of
Judgement
,
which
is
to
comfort
and
restore
the
party
Penitent
;
yet
in
this
you
must
conceive
all
this
is
to
be
done
in
an
orderly
,
and
not
in
a
confused
and
tumultuous
manner
both
for
the
Time
,
the
Place
,
the
Order
of
Proceeding
,
and
the
Persons
who
manage
the
Business
,
and
denounce
the
Sentence
.
For
these
things
must
be
committed
to
some
eminent
Persons
,
who
are
fit
for
such
a
work
.
For
though
all
must
agree
,
yet
some
must
exercise
the
Power
in
the
Person
of
the
Church
.
We
might
further
Instance
in
the
seven
Churches
of
Asia
.
For
Ephesus
,
though
reproved
for
her
falling
from
her
first
love
,
yet
is
commended
for
her
severity
against
the
Nicolaitans
,
Rev.
2.6
.
The
Church
of
Pergamos
is
blamed
for
suffering
such
amongst
them
as
taught
the
Doctrine
of
Baalam
,
and
the
Nicolaitans
:
so
is
the
Church
of
Thyatira
,
because
she
suffered
that
woman
Jezabel
,
who
called
her self
a
Prophetess
,
to
teach
and
seduce
Christs
Servants
to
commit
Fornication
,
and
to
eat
things
Sacrificed
to
Idols
.
This
was
the
remisness
of
Discipline
and
neglect
of
the
exercise
of
the
Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction
;
wherewith
not
only
(
though
perhaps
principally
)
▪
the
Angels
but
the
whole
Churches
are
charged
.
section
13
The
total
Summ
of
all
these
particulars
is
this
:
That
the
Primary
Subject
of
the
Power
of
the
Keyes
,
The
Church
the
Subject
of
the
Keyes
.
is
the
whole
Church
:
This
appears
,
From
the
-
Institution
acording
to
which
we
must
-
Tell
the
Church
.
-
The
Church
must
bind
and
loose
.
-
3.
Her
Judgment
shall
be
ratified
in
Heaven
.
-
Exercise
thereof
in
-
Legislation
.
by
the
whole
Church
.
-
Constitution
of
Officers
.
by
the
whole
Church
.
-
Jurisdiction
.
by
the
whole
Church
.
If
any
shall
say
,
that
the
power
is
in
the
Apostles
or
Bishops
,
or
Superintendants
lawfully
constituted
,
its
true
:
if
that
its
in
the
Presbyters
,
it
s
so
:
if
that
its
in
the
Brethren
or
People
,
it
cannot
be
denied
.
Yet
if
any
will
argue
from
these
places
,
that
its
in
the
Bishops
alone
,
or
in
the
Presbyters
alone
;
or
in
the
Brethren
alone
;
or
in
the
Officers
or
Representatives
of
the
whole
Church
primarily
,
it
cannot
be
true
.
If
any
say
its
in
the
whole
Church
primarily
,
in
the
Officers
and
Representatives
secondarily
for
Exercise
,
that
's
the
undoubted
Truth
,
and
must
needs
be
granted
.
In
all
the
former
examples
of
the
exercise
of
this
power
,
it
s
very
remarkable
,
and
specially
to
be
noted
,
that
where
there
was
a
Church
,
with
which
the
Apostles
(
who
were
far
,
and
very
far
above
all
others
who
did
succeed
them
)
might
act
,
they
would
not
act
alone
,
but
joyntly
with
the
Elders
,
Multitude
,
Brethren
;
and
the
reasons
hereof
are
obvious
.
1.
Because
they
would
follow
and
observe
Christs
Institution
.
2.
Give
example
for
future
times
.
3.
They
know
that
,
as
they
,
when
their
Faith
was
weak
,
did
strive
amongst
themselves
for
priority
and
superiority
,
so
there
would
many
come
after
them
,
who
would
contend
what
person
,
or
persons
,
or
party
should
be
greatest
.
Yet
notwithstanding
all
this
its
certain
,
that
where
the
Government
of
a
Church
is
not
regular
,
or
a
form
of
Discipline
is
not
setled
,
God
in
his
infinite
mercy
supplies
these
defects
by
an
Orthodox
,
Pious
,
Faithful
,
Painful
Ministry
,
As
in
the
Fundamental
Office
of
Christ
.
which
is
the
Fundamental
Office
of
Christ
,
and
the
means
of
Conversion
and
Salvation
of
Mens
Souls
.
And
though
we
have
certain
clear
Rules
for
the
generals
and
necessaries
of
Discipline
;
yet
,
as
in
extraordinary
cases
the
Apostles
did
not
observe
them
:
so
neither
in
the
like
cases
are
we
strictly
bound
to
do
otherwise
.
If
any
desire
the
Testimony
of
former
times
and
the
practice
of
Ancient
days
,
Fathers
,
Councils
,
Histories
might
be
alledged
,
as
they
have
been
by
many
Learned
Men
of
Latter
times
;
but
of
any
one
Person
Blondel
hath
done
most
.
Dr.
Andrews
is
punctual
and
peremptory
in
this
right
disposal
of
this
power
in
the
proper
subject
.
For
,
after
that
he
had
spoken
first
of
the
Institution
,
then
of
the
Exercise
,
he
thus
concludes
,
and
that
most
pithily
,
Res
ipsa
,
rei
ipsius
promissio
,
ratihabitio
,
usus
denique
Ecclesiae
datur
,
ab
Ecclesia
habetur
&
confertur
in
sive
unum
,
sive
plures
,
qui
ejus
post
vel
exercenda
vel
denunciandae
facultatem
habeant
.
For
this
also
he
alledgeth
the
Council
of
Constance
,
Cameracensis
,
Cusanus
,
Gersom
,
and
the
School
of
Sorbone
.
Tortura
Torti
,
pag.
42.
The
Congregational
party
must
needs
acknowledge
this
in
general
.
For
this
is
it
which
Mr.
Parker
,
which
Mr.
Hooker
of
New-England
go
about
to
prove
;
but
their
way
is
certainly
too
Democratical
,
though
Mr.
Parker
grants
,
that
their
Government
in
respect
of
the
Exercise
is
Aristocratical
:
yet
that
expression
is
no
ways
good
.
For
if
in
proper
sence
any
State
Ecclesiastical
or
Civil
,
be
Aristocratical
,
then
the
Optimates
,
or
such
as
answer
unto
them
must
needs
be
the
primary
Subject
,
and
the
rest
,
even
Officers
,
are
Subjects
,
and
derive
their
power
from
the
Aristocratical
party
.
But
perhaps
he
means
,
that
the
whole
Church
,
which
he
considers
as
Democratical
,
singles
out
the
best
and
fittest
to
be
Governors
,
and
trusts
them
with
the
exercise
of
the
power
,
and
from
them
the
Government
is
denominated
Aristocratical
.
But
in
this
sence
all
States
should
be
Aristocratical
.
section
14
For
the
more
full
and
perfect
understanding
of
this
Government
and
Discipline
Ecclesiastical
,
we
must
know
and
remember
it
,
1.
That
there
are
certain
general
Rules
of
Government
,
which
God
himself
observes
in
his
Government
,
both
temporal
and
spiritual
of
the
World
,
and
especially
in
the
ordering
of
Men
and
Angels
.
2.
These
general
Rules
are
observed
by
all
well
ordered
States
in
the
World
,
and
in
the
Constitution
and
Administration
of
them
we
may
easily
find
them
,
and
without
them
we
cannot
well
or
fully
understand
their
Model
.
3.
All
those
are
found
in
many
places
of
the
Scriptures
,
neither
without
them
can
the
Scriptures
be
well
understood
.
4.
Besides
the
fundamental
and
essential
Rules
of
Government
,
there
are
many
Accidentals
,
according
to
which
all
particular
Polities
may
differ
one
from
another
.
Church-government
what
.
5.
Church-Government
,
as
here
handled
,
is
nothing
else
but
the
application
of
these
general
and
essential
Rules
to
a
particular
Community
and
Society
of
Christians
,
whereby
they
may
be
continued
in
Unity
,
Piety
,
and
Peace
,
and
mutually
further
one
another
in
the
Way
to
Heaven
.
6.
These
ends
may
be
attained
by
a
fathful
godly
diligent
Ministry
,
without
any
form
of
outward
Discipline
.
7.
Yet
a
form
of
Discipline
established
will
much
further
,
help
and
strengthen
the
Ministery
in
this
Work
,
and
effectually
conduce
to
the
attaining
of
these
ends
,
keep
Christian
Societies
closer
together
,
and
make
them
far
more
permanent
,
firm
and
powerful
.
8.
Every
Christian
in
any
Society
Ecclesiastical
is
bound
by
his
very
Baptism
,
without
any
further
Federation
,
to
submit
unto
these
general
and
essential
Rules
once
applied
.
9.
That
in
erecting
a
Church-discipline
,
there
must
be
a
special
care
taken
of
two
things
chiefly
:
1.
Of
the
Constitution
,
that
it
be
agreeable
,
especially
in
essentials
,
to
Christ's
Institution
,
otherwise
men
may
refuse
,
and
that
justly
to
submit
unto
it
.
2.
Of
the
Administration
that
it
be
committed
to
the
wisest
and
the
best
,
who
are
most
fit
to
manage
it
.
10.
Because
many
of
the
Ministers
are
not
qualified
for
this
business
,
and
there
are
many
,
no
Ministers
of
eminent
piety
,
learning
and
wisdom
,
I
see
no
reason
why
onely
the
Clergy
or
Ministery
,
and
every
one
of
that
Profession
,
should
alone
be
trusted
with
the
power
of
Administration
,
and
these
eminent
persons
excluded
.
Where
do
we
find
the
Spirit
promised
only
unto
Ministers
and
Bishops
?
Do
we
not
know
,
and
by
experience
,
that
excellent
Gifts
,
and
amongst
others
the
Spirit
of
Wisdom
and
Government
are
given
to
others
,
as
well
as
to
some
of
them
?
Nay
,
how
many
unworthy
and
unfit
persons
do
we
find
entred
into
the
Ministery
?
And
with
us
,
besides
others
,
the
causes
thereof
are
,
because
Presentations
and
Admissions
are
granted
for
carnal
relations
,
favour
,
gifts
,
good
turns
;
and
also
because
that
Parishes
are
not
fitly
united
and
divided
,
and
the
maintenance
in
many
places
of
great
charge
is
very
poor
.
Otherwise
I
know
no
reason
why
the
Congregational
Party
should
so
much
exclaim
against
Parishes
.
For
the
work
of
Ministers
is
not
only
to
edifie
Believers
,
but
also
to
endeavour
the
conversion
of
Heathens
and
Publicans
,
especially
in
their
particular
Assignations
.
For
,
if
these
division
parochal
were
duly
made
,
Parishes
might
be
very
fit
Assignations
for
the
work
and
maintenance
of
the
several
Ministers
,
and
the
same
agreeable
to
the
general
Rule
of
Decency
and
Order
.
11.
In
the
Constitution
and
Administration
of
particular
Churches
,
neither
the
practise
of
Christ
nor
his
Apostles
,
much
less
of
the
Primitives
times
can
be
any
binding
Rule
.
For
1.
Christ
and
the
Apostles
did
many
extraordinary
things
,
which
we
neither
may
,
nor
can
do
.
2.
Divine
Precepts
,
either
general
or
special
,
are
the
only
Rule
which
we
are
bound
to
follow
.
3.
They
did
many
things
as
the
present
times
,
and
the
condition
of
persons
and
places
required
,
which
may
not
be
done
by
us
or
any
other
,
except
we
have
the
same
power
,
and
in
the
like
case
.
12.
In
the
Constitution
of
a
Church
,
or
in
the
Reformation
of
the
same
,
much
and
dangerously
corrupted
,
many
things
may
be
lawfully
done
,
which
under
a
well-setled
Government
will
prove
very
unlawful
.
For
though
,
where
there
is
no
outward
form
of
ordinary
Vocation
and
Ordination
established
,
that
which
Volkelius
maintains
against
Swinglius
,
for
one
that
is
vitae
inculpatae
&
idoneus
ad
docendum
,
to
take
upon
him
the
charge
of
a
Minister
,
and
do
Christ
what
service
he
is
able
,
may
be
lawful
.
Yet
to
do
so
,
where
there
is
an
Eutaxie
in
a
setled
Church
must
be
unjust
,
because
amongst
other
things
,
such
an
one
shall
trangress
the
Rule
of
Decency
and
Order
.
14.
Though
Christ
and
his
Apostles
did
deliver
unto
us
all
the
essential
and
fundamental
Rules
of
Church-Government
,
and
we
find
them
in
the
Scripture
,
yet
many
accidentals
were
left
to
sanctied
reason
to
be
directed
to
the
general
Rules
.
And
in
this
respect
,
we
must
make
use
of
our
Christian
prudence
,
both
in
modelling
and
reforming
of
Christian
Churches
.
But
if
we
stand
upon
these
Rules
of
prudence
in
accidentals
and
circumstantials
,
as
of
Divine
Institution
and
Obligation
,
we
cannot
be
excused
.
15.
Though
there
may
be
several
orderly
ways
and
means
to
attain
the
chief
end
of
Church-discipline
,
yet
those
are
the
best
,
which
most
observe
the
essentials
of
Government
,
and
the
general
Rules
,
and
are
most
effectually
conducing
to
that
end
.
16.
Seeing
therefore
there
may
be
several
and
different
means
in
respect
of
accidentals
,
and
they
severally
may
attain
and
reach
the
end
,
it
's
the
duty
of
us
all
,
1.
To
unite
our selves
in
the
bond
of
Charity
.
2.
Observe
the
fundamental
and
essential
Rules
of
Government
,
which
are
clearly
known
.
3.
With
a
meek
,
humble
and
pure
heart
seek
out
such
particulars
,
as
are
not
yet
made
clear
unto
us
,
and
wherein
we
may
differ
for
the
present
,
till
at
length
we
may
satisfie
one
another
.
CHAP.
XIV
.
Of
the
extent
of
a
Particular
Church
.
section
1
AFter
the
examination
of
the
several
Titles
of
such
as
challenge
the
supream
Power
of
the
Keys
,
and
the
declaration
of
mine
own
Judgment
,
the
third
thing
proposed
was
the
Extent
of
a
particular
Church
.
That
there
is
a
supream
power
of
the
Keys
;
that
there
is
a
primary
subject
of
this
power
,
that
this
power
is
in
the
Church
;
that
it
's
disposed
in
this
Church
in
a
certain
order
and
manner
in
one
or
more
,
purely
or
mixtly
,
few
,
if
any
,
will
deny
.
But
that
it
is
disposed
in
the
whole
Church
,
after
the
manner
of
a
free
State
,
so
that
every
particular
Christian
Community
,
is
the
primary
subject
of
it
,
is
not
so
easily
granted
,
though
I
conceive
it
,
as
many
other
worthy
and
excellent
men
do
,
to
be
truth
delivered
unto
us
by
Christ
and
his
Apostles
.
Yet
let
this
be
agreed
upon
,
yet
there
is
another
difference
concerning
the
bounds
and
extent
of
this
Church
.
This
is
not
the
proper
place
,
I
confess
,
to
handle
this
particular
.
For
extent
presupposeth
a
Church
constituted
and
in
being
,
and
it
's
an
accident
of
the
same
:
therefore
pars
subdita
,
which
is
the
second
integral
part
,
as
of
a
State
,
so
of
a
Church
,
should
first
have
been
spoken
of
.
In
this
point
I
find
a
threefold
difference
:
for
some
extend
this
Church
,
which
is
the
primary
subject
of
the
power
of
the
Keys
,
very
far
,
and
make
it
to
be
the
universal
Church
of
all
Nations
:
Others
confine
it
to
be
a
single
Congregation
:
A
third
party
will
admit
of
a
Diocess
,
or
a
Province
,
or
a
Nation
,
and
be
contented
to
stay
there
.
This
Question
,
if
we
understand
it
,
presupposeth
Union
and
Communion
.
There
is
an
Union
and
also
a
Communion
in
Profession
and
Worship
,
an
Union
Mystical
,
an
Union
in
Government
external
,
which
we
call
Discipline
.
An
Union
in
Profession
and
Worship
there
is
and
ought
to
be
of
all
Orthodox
Christians
in
the
World.
For
they
all
profess
the
same
Faith
,
and
worship
the
same
God
in
Christ
,
hear
the
same
Word
,
celebrate
the
same
Sacraments
.
It
's
true
,
they
do
not
,
neither
can
they
so
meet
in
one
place
,
as
to
partake
of
the
same
individual
Ordinances
;
for
there
is
no
necessity
of
any
such
thing
.
Yet
,
whosoever
shall
refuse
to
joyn
in
the
same
individual
Worship
of
the
same
God
in
Christ
,
according
to
the
Gospel
,
when
it
may
be
done
,
as
when
one
converseth
with
Christians
in
some
remote
parts
,
he
cannot
be
free
from
Schism
.
For
all
refusal
of
Communion
with
Christ's
Saints
and
Servants
,
Who
guilty
of
Schism
.
without
just
and
sufficient
cause
is
a
Schism
.
So
if
any
party
or
persons
shal
not
admit
of
other
Christians
only
upon
this
account
,
because
they
agree
not
with
them
in
some
accidentals
,
which
are
neither
necessary
,
nor
in
themselves
considered
,
conducing
to
Salvation
,
they
must
needs
be
Schismaticks
.
For
any
Separation
,
Who
Schismaticks
.
which
hath
not
sufficient
and
evident
warrant
from
some
Divine
Precept
,
is
unlawful
.
There
is
a
mystical
Union
of
all
true
Believers
;
for
,
there
is
one
body
,
one
spirit
,
one
hope
of
calling
,
one
Lord
,
one
faith
,
one
baptism
,
one
God
and
Father
of
all
,
who
is
above
all
,
through
all
,
in
all
,
Ephes.
4.4
,
5
,
6.
There
is
an
Union
for
Government
external
,
of
this
the
question
is
to
be
understood
.
And
this
Union
is
so
necessary
in
every
Common-wealth
,
whether
Civil
or
Ecclesiastical
,
that
it
's
no
Common-wealth
,
if
it
be
not
one
,
and
so
one
,
that
every
particular
person
,
especially
in
a
Church
,
be
subject
to
one
and
the
same
supream
independent
Judicatory
.
Concerning
the
universal
Extent
there
are
,
as
you
heard
before
,
two
Opinions
:
They
first
make
one
Church
,
the
Church
of
Rome
,
to
have
power
over
all
other
Churches
,
and
invests
the
Bishop
of
that
Church
with
an
universal
power
of
Legislation
and
Jurisdiction
,
this
is
a
Popish
Errour
indeed
.
The
second
Opinion
subjects
all
particular
Churches
to
the
universal
,
whereof
they
are
but
parts
:
this
is
no
Popery
,
nor
do
the
present
Popes
and
Church
of
Rome
like
it
.
This
universal
Church
cannot
act
but
by
a
general
Representative
,
and
such
a
general
Representative
there
yet
never
was
,
since
the
Church
was
enlarged
from
Sea
to
Sea
,
and
from
the
River
unto
the
World's
end
.
Such
a
general
Council
and
Court
either
standing
,
or
occasional
,
few
,
I
think
,
do
expect
.
As
for
the
Councils
of
Nice
,
Chalcedon
,
Ephesus
,
Constantinople
,
they
were
no
such
Councils
,
nor
general
in
proper
sence
;
they
were
confined
within
the
Roman
Empire
;
and
,
if
well
examined
,
they
left
out
several
parts
of
that
too
.
The
meaning
therefore
of
some
,
who
submit
particular
Churches
to
the
universal
,
is
this
:
That
so
many
several
parts
and
particular
Churches
,
as
can
combine
in
one
Synod
,
may
in
some
extraordinary
cases
,
and
difficulties
,
especially
if
they
be
of
general
concernment
,
submit
unto
such
a
Synod
,
as
being
of
greater
authority
and
ability
,
if
rightly
constituted
.
Yet
,
if
these
particular
Churches
have
their
proper
independent
Judicatories
,
this
submission
is
but
a
voluntary
act
,
and
rather
like
a
Reference
or
Transaction
,
than
any
Appeal
.
When
,
and
in
what
cases
such
References
are
fit
to
be
made
,
I
will
not
here
enquire
.
Besides
these
Universalists
,
if
we
may
so
call
them
,
who
extend
the
bounds
of
this
Church
too
far
,
there
are
others
who
confine
it
to
a
too
narrow
compass
,
as
many
do
conceive
;
they
determine
it
to
be
a
Congregation
:
Of
this
judgment
was
Mr.
Parker
,
a
learned
man
in
the
Raign
of
King
James
;
in
our
times
the
dissenting
Brethren
,
and
their
party
,
which
follow
their
Principles
,
and
put
them
in
practise
to
this
day
.
They
were
called
the
dissenting
Brethren
,
because
in
the
Assembly
of
Divines
for
Advice
,
they
dissented
from
the
Presbyterian
party
:
Afterward
,
they
were
called
Congregationals
,
because
they
confined
the
Church
to
a
Congregation
;
and
Independents
,
because
in
their
single
Congregations
they
erected
an
independent
Judicatory
,
and
challenged
an
independent
power
of
the
Keys
,
as
due
by
the
Institution
of
Christ
,
to
every
single
Congregation
gathered
by
them
.
But
let
their
names
be
what
they
will
,
and
the
reason
of
their
names
what
they
shall
please
,
le
ts
consider
the
thing
it self
.
And
before
the
Question
can
be
discussed
to
purpose
,
we
must
enquire
,
1.
What
their
Congregation
is
.
2.
How
they
are
gathered
.
3.
Whether
this
narrow
compass
be
grounded
upon
Scripture
or
no
?
For
the
nature
of
a
Congregation
,
as
they
seem
to
take
it
,
Mr.
Parker
gives
in
a
clear
account
.
For
with
him
,
1.
A
Congregation
is
a
Multitude
of
Christians
,
which
may
ordinarily
and
conveniently
assemble
in
one
place
to
communicate
in
the
Ordinances
of
God.
2.
He
confesseth
that
the
Essence
thereof
doth
not
consist
in
the
act
of
assembling
:
for
then
upon
every
dissolution
and
parting
of
the
Company
assembled
,
it
would
cease
to
be
a
Church
.
Yet
Mr.
Hooker
prevents
this
caution
as
needless
,
for
he
makes
those
,
whom
Mr.
Parker
calls
Christians
,
and
himself
visible
Saints
,
to
be
the
matter
and
confederation
,
either
explicit
or
implicit
to
be
the
form
:
and
this
federation
ties
them
together
,
not
only
when
they
assemble
,
but
at
other
times
too
.
This
is
that
which
Mr.
Parker
calls
Union
by
Convention
.
Yet
,
3.
He
adds
,
that
though
they
ought
to
be
no
more
numerous
,
than
may
ordinarily
assemble
in
one
place
,
yet
they
may
and
sometimes
do
meet
severally
,
and
have
several
Ministers
,
who
severally
officiate
in
several
Assemblies
,
and
take
charge
of
the
whole
Church
in
common
.
But
4.
They
have
but
one
Consistory
.
He
instanceth
for
this
last
in
the
German
Churches
,
and
the
Cities
of
Holland
,
Polit.
Eccles.
lib.
3.
sect.
1.
2.
Whether
this
be
the
notion
of
a
Church
with
the
present
Congregational
party
or
no
,
I
know
not
.
I
have
much
desired
to
have
seen
something
,
wherein
all
that
party
agrees
in
,
made
publick
,
to
satisfie
such
as
desire
to
know
their
minds
.
By
this
Definition
,
they
exclude
Parishes
or
parochial
Churches
,
which
are
united
under
one
Minister
;
Diocesan
Churches
united
under
one
Bishop
;
Provincial
Churches
united
under
one
Arch-bishop
and
Metropolitan
:
Yet
both
of
them
Mr.
Parker
,
and
Mr.
Hooker
might
easily
have
known
,
1.
That
neither
the
Parochial
,
nor
Diocesan
,
nor
Provincial
Church
was
accounted
the
primary
subject
of
the
power
of
the
Keys
,
Parish
no
Congregation
Christian
.
as
they
affirm
their
Congregation
to
be
.
2.
That
a
Parish
is
not
now
,
nor
with
understanding
men
ever
was
taken
for
a
Congregation
Christian
,
as
a
Parish
in
a
civil
notion
.
For
therein
may
be
Heathens
,
Jews
,
Mahumetans
,
Schismaticks
,
Hereticks
,
Apostates
.
But
,
it
's
called
a
Church
or
Congregation
Ecclesiastical
in
respect
of
the
Minister
,
What
Church
the
primary
subject
of
the
Keys
.
and
those
Christians
of
that
Precinct
,
who
ordinarily
assemble
to
perform
the
acts
of
Divine
Worship
.
3.
If
the
name
Church
may
be
given
to
a
few
Christians
in
one
Family
and
House
,
as
it
is
,
Philem.
2.
Col.
4.15
.
I
know
no
reason
but
it
may
be
given
to
a
number
and
society
of
Christians
in
one
Parish
;
where
,
by
reason
of
Vicinity
and
Co-habitation
,
they
may
ordinarily
and
conveniently
meet
together
for
divine
Service
,
which
some
of
their
Congregations
cannot
do
.
section
2
The
manner
of
gathering
these
Congregations
is
not
in
the
same
Vicinity
,
or
elsewhere
to
convert
Heathens
,
or
Jews
,
or
Mahumetans
,
or
Papists
to
make
them
Christians
.
Though
no
doubt
some
of
them
,
being
pious
and
learned
men
,
if
providence
give
them
occasion
,
would
indeavour
to
do
it
.
But
they
gather
Christians
,
Protestant
Christians
from
amongst
Christians
,
and
such
as
they
find
fitted
to
their
own
hand
without
any
pains
of
theirs
,
but
by
the
sweat
,
and
labour
,
and
care
,
and
prayers
of
some
other
faithful
Pastours
and
Ministers
of
Christ
,
under
whose
hands
they
formerly
have
been
,
to
whose
charge
they
have
been
committed
,
and
under
whose
Ministery
God
hath
prospered
them
.
These
amongst
others
,
they
either
perswade
to
be
of
their
Congregations
,
or
if
they
offer
themselves
voluntarily
,
they
admit
them
,
and
this
to
the
great
grief
of
their
own
faithful
Pastours
.
When
they
accept
of
these
,
they
neither
teach
them
any
new
Article
of
Faith
,
which
formerly
they
professed
not
;
nor
press
upon
them
any
new
Duty
according
to
the
Commandments
of
Christ
,
which
is
either
necessary
or
conducing
to
Salvation
.
There
is
no
essential
of
Christianity
which
they
can
superadd
to
what
they
had
before
:
Only
,
if
ceasing
to
be
Episcopal
,
or
Presbyterian
,
or
Parochial
,
they
are
willing
to
confederate
with
them
,
to
walk
after
their
manner
,
and
be
of
their
party
,
they
are
willing
to
receive
them
.
If
this
be
their
manner
of
gathering
Churches
,
as
it
's
well
known
it
is
with
some
,
I
dare
say
they
have
no
Example
,
much
less
any
Precept
in
the
Scripture
for
it
.
They
admit
indeed
of
some
,
which
are
very
unworthy
,
and
such
as
many
Presbyterians
would
not
accept
,
with
hope
that
upon
their
solemn
covenanting
they
will
prove
better
.
I
do
not
write
this
out
of
partiality
,
or
prejudice
;
for
some
of
that
party
are
my
special
Friends
,
and
I
dearly
love
them
;
some
are
pious
,
prudent
,
and
learned
,
and
I
honour
them
much
:
Yet
I
desire
them
seriously
to
consider
what
they
do
,
and
also
so
far
as
they
can
to
forecast
,
what
is
likely
to
be
the
issue
,
if
they
do
not
unite
more
firmly
amongst
themselves
,
and
combine
with
other
pious
Ministers
,
and
people
of
God
,
both
in
Worship
and
Discipline
.
For
they
may
make
perhaps
five
hundred
,
or
encrease
to
a
thousand
independent
Congregations
;
and
can
any
wise
man
imagine
that
these
can
continue
long
without
some
Subordination
,
and
certain
Rules
of
a
former
Union
?
And
can
this
be
consistent
with
the
interest
of
any
Christian
Civil
State
?
If
they
be
searching
out
some
better
way
,
according
to
the
Rules
of
Christ
,
with
a
sincere
resolution
to
fix
upon
it
,
when
it
's
once
found
,
as
some
of
them
do
intimate
they
are
,
their
proceedings
are
more
tolerable
.
God
hath
fearfully
punished
divers
of
their
Congregations
,
and
they
have
been
divided
amongst
themselves
,
and
some
of
their
Members
fallen
off
,
and
have
proved
far
worse
than
ever
they
were
,
whilest
they
continued
under
their
own
pious
Ministers
.
section
3
But
to
come
to
the
principal
thing
,
which
is
their
Congregational
Extent
,
for
to
that
narrow
compass
they
confine
that
Church
,
which
must
be
the
primary
subject
of
this
power
.
The
Question
is
not
,
whether
some
Congregations
,
in
some
cases
,
may
be
the
subject
of
this
power
in
this
degree
;
nor
,
whether
every
well
constituted
Congregation
may
not
have
and
exercise
Discipline
within
themselves
,
for
some
particulars
?
For
this
will
be
granted
them
.
For
both
the
Presbyterian
,
and
also
the
Parochial
Congregations
and
Vestries
did
so
under
the
Bishops
.
But
,
whether
their
Congregations
gathered
in
their
manner
be
this
primary
Subject
,
and
this
according
to
any
precept
of
Christ
?
Or
,
if
we
leave
out
that
restriction
of
being
gathered
in
their
manner
,
whether
by
any
Institution
and
precept
of
Christ
the
independent
power
of
Discipline
doth
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
primarily
belong
unto
a
Congregation
?
For
if
it
do
,
then
it
belongs
in
this
manner
to
them
,
and
them
alone
as
single
Congregations
,
and
to
no
other
Association
of
Christians
.
And
if
any
other
Association
do
assume
it
,
they
transgress
a
precept
of
Christ
,
which
is
of
universal
and
perpetual
Obligation
.
For
to
prove
the
affirmative
,
Mr.
Parker
makes
use
of
the
words
Synagoga
and
Ecclesia
,
as
most
commonly
taken
in
Scripture
.
And
the
dissenting
Brethren
instance
in
the
first
Apostolical
Churches
.
Mr.
Parker's
first
Argument
is
taken
from
the
signification
of
the
words
Ecclesia
and
Synagoga
in
Scripture
:
And
,
1.
He
presupposeth
that
these
signifie
a
Congregation
.
2.
That
a
Congregation
is
an
Assembly
meeting
in
one
place
.
3.
Hence
he
infers
,
that
nulla
Ecclesia
prima
,
quae
non
Congregatio
.
His
meaning
is
,
that
if
the
people
of
any
Precinct
,
as
of
a
Diocess
,
or
Province
,
exceed
the
bounds
of
a
Congregation
,
so
that
they
cannot
conveniently
and
ordinarily
meet
in
one
place
,
they
are
not
that
first
Church
to
which
the
power
of
the
Keys
doth
primarily
and
originally
agree
.
And
he
alledgeth
for
this
purpose
Dr.
Reynolds
,
saying
,
That
in
every
place
of
the
Old
and
New
Testament
,
Synagoga
Ecclesia
est
,
and
as
well
Synagoga
as
Ecclesia
,
when
they
are
said
to
speak
of
a
Congregation
political
,
signifie
only
an
Assembly
meeting
in
one
place
,
Polit.
Eccles.
lib.
3.
sect.
3.
For
answer
hereunto
,
it
will
be
sufficient
to
examine
the
signification
of
these
words
,
as
used
in
the
Scripture
;
and
by
that
we
shall
see
whether
the
Argument
from
the
signification
of
the
word
be
good
or
no.
To
this
end
it
may
be
observed
,
that
the
word
Synagoga
is
used
by
the
Septuagint
a
hundred
seventy
times
,
if
not
above
,
in
the
Old
Testament
,
under
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
we
find
it
an
hundred
and
twenty
times
;
and
in
the
first
eight
places
,
it
signifies
the
Congregation
of
all
Israel
,
which
consisted
of
six
hundred
thousand
fighting
men
,
besides
women
and
children
,
as
Exod.
12.3
,
6
,
19
,
47
verse
,
and
chap.
16.1
,
2
,
9
,
10.
Judges
20.12
.
It
's
an
Assembly
of
four
hundred
thousand
at
least
.
The
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
37
turned
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
a
Congregation
;
and
in
the
three
first
places
an
Assembly
or
Congregation
of
Nations
;
as
Gen.
29.3.35.11.48.4
.
Cyrus
his
Army
gathered
out
of
many
Nations
,
is
,
Kahal
Synagoga
,
Jeremy
50.9
.
So
the
vast
Army
of
Gog
and
Magog
is
,
Synagoga
,
a
Congregation
,
Ezek.
38.4
.
Again
,
as
Synagoga
may
signifie
a
Congregation
of
many
thousands
,
and
a
far
greater
number
than
Mr.
Parker's
Congregation
,
so
the
word
Ecclesia
is
used
under
the
word
Kahal
seventy
times
,
as
formerly
upon
another
occasion
was
noted
:
and
in
the
first
place
it
signifies
the
Congregation
of
all
Israel
,
both
in
Levit.
8.3
.
and
also
Deut.
18.16
.
It
many
times
signifies
the
Assembly
of
Israel
,
sometimes
a
general
Representative
.
In
the
New
Testament
,
Heb.
12.23
.
it
's
the
general
Assembly
of
the
first-born
,
which
are
written
in
Heaven
.
Eph.
4.22
.
it
's
that
body
,
whereof
Christ
is
Head
;
and
Chap.
2.20
.
that
building
,
whereof
the
Apostles
and
Prophets
are
the
foundation
,
and
Christ
the
chief
corner-stone
.
From
all
this
it
's
clear
,
that
the
words
Ecclesia
and
Synagoga
signifie
,
besides
Civil
and
Military
,
Ecclesiastical
Assemblies
,
and
the
same
either
political
or
local
;
and
the
place
is
either
particular
,
or
special
,
or
general
;
in
which
sence
a
whole
Region
and
vast
Country
may
be
one
place
.
So
that
one
fallacy
,
1.
is
in
the
word
place
;
2.
another
in
the
word
Assembly
meeting
in
one
place
:
For
,
1.
The
Assembly
and
Meeting
may
be
rare
and
extraordinary
,
as
the
words
do
divers
times
signifie
,
as
is
evident
,
and
this
cannot
agree
to
Mr.
Parker's
ordinary
and
convenient
Meeting
.
2.
They
signifie
Assemblies
meeting
in
far
greater
numbers
than
in
his
Congregation
.
For
,
the
number
of
persons
which
made
up
divers
of
these
Assemblies
,
were
thousands
,
nay
hundreds
of
thousands
;
as
four
hundred
thousand
,
five
hundred
thousand
,
nay
millions
and
whole
Nations
.
And
if
so
,
then
they
who
stand
for
a
National
Church
,
will
desire
no
more
;
the
Provincial
and
Diocesan
party
will
be
content
with
fewer
.
Again
,
the
words
sometimes
signify
a
political
Society
,
consisting
of
such
persons
,
as
shall
never
meet
together
in
one
place
,
except
at
Christ's
right
hand
,
and
in
the
place
of
Glory
.
So
that
if
the
former
distinction
used
in
stating
the
question
,
be
remembred
,
and
the
question
be
understood
thus
,
That
some
Congregations
,
such
as
Mr.
Parker
describes
the
Church
to
be
,
may
sometimes
in
some
respect
be
the
subject
of
an
independent
power
of
the
Keys
,
then
these
places
are
not
much
against
him
.
But
if
he
understand
it
so
,
that
if
any
Church
exceed
the
bounds
of
his
Congregation
,
of
so
many
as
may
ordinarily
and
conveniently
meet
together
,
it
's
not
of
Christ's
Institution
,
nor
can
be
the
primary
Subject
of
this
power
,
then
his
Argument
a
nomine
ad
rem
,
from
the
word
to
the
thing
,
is
no
Argument
.
But
,
suppose
the
words
should
always
signify
one
Congregation
,
which
may
ordinarily
meet
in
one
place
,
which
yet
they
do
not
,
how
will
it
follow
from
any
of
those
places
,
that
such
a
Congregation
,
and
none
other
is
this
primary
subject
.
section
5
His
second
Argument
is
taken
from
the
description
of
the
Church
as
represented
to
John
the
Divine
,
Rev.
4.
For
he
takes
it
for
granted
,
that
the
Church
there
mentioned
,
consisting
of
twenty
four
Elders
,
and
the
four
Beasts
,
was
a
congregational
Church
;
or
rather
that
the
Church
there
was
a
Congregation
in
his
sence
.
Answ.
But
,
1.
Let
it
be
granted
that
there
is
a
description
of
a
Church
,
and
the
same
Christian
visible
,
yet
it
will
no
ways
agree
to
his
Congregation
.
For
,
1.
There
is
an
allusion
made
to
the
Congregation
of
Israel
,
pitching
in
four
Squadrons
under
four
several
Ensigns
,
as
the
Ensign
of
Judah
was
a
Lion
,
and
three
Tribes
under
every
Ensign
,
with
the
Priest
and
Levites
,
encamping
next
the
Ark
between
it
and
the
Squadrons
.
This
was
a
Congregation
,
as
you
heard
before
of
600
—
000
Men
,
besides
Women
and
Children
.
2.
This
Congregation
of
the
four
Beasts
,
and
twenty
four
Elders
,
sing
a
Song
of
praise
unto
the
Lamb
Christ
,
and
acknowledge
that
he
was
slain
,
and
had
redeemed
them
to
God
by
his
blood
,
out
of
every
kindred
,
and
tongue
,
and
people
,
and
nation
,
Rev.
5.8
,
9.
This
is
a
Congregation
gathered
out
of
every
Nation
.
This
can
be
none
of
Mr.
Parker's
Congregation
.
section
6
His
third
Argument
is
taken
from
Matthew
17.18
.
and
from
1
Cor.
5.
In
the
first
place
.
1.
Christ
saith
,
Tell
the
Church
.
2.
This
Church
is
the
primary
subject
of
the
power
of
the
Keys
.
But
3.
He
doth
not
say
,
this
Church
is
Congregational
in
his
sense
,
neither
can
any
wit
of
man
prove
it
out
of
that
place
.
4.
The
word
Church
in
that
place
is
indefinite
,
and
signifies
first
a
Christian
community
without
any
determination
of
the
number
of
persons
,
greater
or
less
.
5.
Though
this
Community
and
whole
Body
be
principally
meant
,
yet
it
s
here
signified
as
exercising
her
judicial
power
by
her
Representatives
,
who
may
easily
meet
in
one
place
,
when
the
whole
Body
cannot
,
and
that
place
may
be
capacious
enough
to
receive
them
,
yet
far
too
narrow
to
contain
the
whole
Church
and
all
the
Members
,
and
every
one
of
them
represented
in
that
place
.
As
for
1
Cor.
5.4
.
which
is
the
second
place
quoted
by
him
,
he
argues
from
these
words
,
when
ye
are
gathered
together
,
that
a
Church
is
a
Congregation
,
consisting
of
so
many
as
ordinarily
meet
in
one
place
.
Answ.
1.
It
's
granted
,
that
according
to
the
Apostles
directions
,
the
incestuous
person
must
be
Excommunicated
in
a
publick
Assembly
of
persons
meeting
in
one
place
.
But
2.
The
Church
may
assemble
personally
or
virtually
in
their
own
persons
,
or
by
and
in
their
Representatives
.
That
this
Church
did
meet
virtually
in
her
Representatives
,
at
least
no
Man
can
doubt
;
but
that
all
,
and
every
one
of
that
Church
were
personally
present
in
that
Assembly
,
no
man
can
prove
;
for
,
it
was
a
meeting
,
as
he
confesseth
,
for
the
Exercise
of
power
of
Jurisdiction
.
3.
Suppose
all
the
Church
of
Corinth
could
and
did
meet
in
that
Assembly
,
how
will
it
follow
,
that
every
other
Church
,
as
that
of
Jerusalem
,
could
do
so
to
:
or
that
if
any
Church
was
so
numerous
,
that
they
could
not
ordinarily
meet
but
in
several
places
:
will
it
follow
,
that
therefore
it
could
not
be
the
primary
subject
of
this
power
.
But
something
more
to
this
hereafter
.
section
7
To
reserve
his
fourth
Argument
to
the
last
,
I
proceed
unto
his
fifth
:
which
is
drawn
from
Communion
in
Word
,
Prayer
,
Sacraments
,
and
his
sixth
in
watching
one
over
another
.
In
that
of
Communion
he
confounds
Worship
,
and
the
Exercise
of
Discipline
,
which
are
two
very
different
things
,
and
also
he
grosly
equivocates
in
the
matter
of
identity
,
which
even
fresh-men
know
to
be
three-fold
,
in
genere
,
specie
,
numero
.
For
he
conceives
there
can
be
no
Communion
but
amongst
those
,
who
meet
in
one
place
to
exercise
those
heavenly
duties
.
Answ.
1.
It
's
true
,
that
if
the
number
of
persons
in
one
Church
exceed
,
they
cannot
all
be
edified
and
enjoy
a
sufficient
Communion
in
Worship
by
one
man
,
Officiating
at
one
time
in
one
place
,
where
they
cannot
all
assemble
.
But
what
's
this
to
purpose
?
It
's
nothing
to
Government
.
Communion
in
Worship
is
one
thing
,
in
Government
another
.
The
Communion
of
one
particular
Church
in
this
latter
respect
is
political
,
and
consists
in
this
,
that
they
have
the
same
Supream
and
Independent
Judicatory
according
to
certain
Laws
,
as
they
are
subject
to
the
same
independent
Judicatory
in
the
same
Precinct
.
Communion
in
Word
,
Prayer
and
Sacraments
is
rather
Moral
then
Political
,
and
may
be
had
,
and
is
enjoyed
many
times
,
in
many
places
,
where
there
is
no
external
Discipline
setled
or
exercised
.
The
end
of
Word
and
Prayer
is
first
to
make
Christians
,
and
then
to
edify
them
,
and
these
are
no
sooner
made
and
multiplied
,
but
they
must
hear
,
pray
,
participate
the
Sacraments
,
before
any
Form
of
Discipline
be
instituted
;
and
if
every
one
would
constantly
do
his
duty
in
these
things
both
privately
and
publickly
,
there
would
be
no
need
of
Discipline
.
2.
Whereas
he
conceiveth
,
that
there
can
be
no
such
Communion
and
Edification
,
but
one
and
the
same
individual
Assembly
,
he
is
much
mistaken
,
and
besides
his
words
are
very
ambiguous
.
For
the
better
understanding
hereof
,
we
must
know
that
the
end
of
Communion
in
Word
,
Prayer
,
Sacraments
,
is
Conversion
and
Edification
,
as
before
.
2.
These
ends
may
be
attained
,
as
well
in
several
Congregations
under
one
Supream
Judicatory
for
Discipline
,
as
in
one
Congregation
Independent
,
or
several
Congregations
having
their
several
Supream
Judicatories
:
for
both
of
them
depend
upon
the
Ministry
as
Instrumental
,
and
upon
the
Spirit
as
the
principal
Agent
,
which
caeteris
paribus
may
be
as
effectual
in
several
Congregations
not
Independent
,
and
every
one
of
them
severally
,
as
in
one
,
though
Independent
,
and
at
the
same
time
.
And
though
Discipline
may
further
Edification
in
a
Congregation
,
yet
it
may
be
furthered
as
much
,
when
it
s
Exercised
by
one
Independent
Power
over
several
Congregations
,
as
when
it
's
Exercised
by
one
Supream
Power
of
one
Congregation
over
it self
.
Experience
doth
clearly
evince
this
,
and
might
satisfie
us
.
But
I
have
wondred
at
the
design
of
some
men
,
who
go
about
to
bind
Men
to
the
individual
participation
in
the
same
Ordinances
,
if
they
will
be
of
the
same
Church
,
as
though
that
could
be
no
Church
,
where
all
the
Members
could
not
,
or
did
not
thus
individually
participate
.
For
few
of
their
own
Congregations
are
so
ordered
,
as
that
all
the
Members
Communicate
at
one
time
,
but
some
at
one
time
before
the
rest
,
some
at
another
after
the
rest
.
That
which
is
required
of
all
Christians
is
no
such
thing
,
but
that
they
all
Worship
God
both
in
private
and
publick
,
according
to
the
same
general
rules
of
the
Gospel
.
As
for
mutual
watching
one
over
another
,
that
's
the
duty
of
all
Christians
,
as
Christians
,
and
as
fellow
Subjects
and
Brethren
under
the
same
God
and
Lord
Jesus
Christ
,
though
there
never
were
any
Discipline
setled
.
And
this
is
done
far
better
by
them
,
who
cohabit
,
and
constantly
,
or
for
the
most
part
converse
one
with
another
,
then
by
them
who
live
ten
,
twenty
,
thirty
miles
distant
one
from
another
,
as
some
of
the
Congregationals
do
:
nay
Members
of
one
and
the
same
Congregation
bound
to
this
watching
one
over
another
,
live
one
at
London
,
another
at
York
;
one
in
Ireland
,
another
in
Scotland
,
and
their
Pastour
and
most
of
their
Brethren
in
England
.
section
8
To
return
unto
his
fourth
Argument
from
the
form
of
Apostolical
Churches
;
as
of
Jerusalem
,
Antioch
,
Ephesus
,
Corinth
,
&c.
which
is
the
same
which
the
dissenting
Brethren
insisted
upon
in
the
Assembly
,
I
might
refer
him
and
them
to
what
the
Assembly
hath
Learnedly
answered
.
The
Argument
is
to
this
purpose
,
The
first
Apostolical
Churches
were
only
Congregational
,
yet
the
primary
subject
of
the
power
of
the
Keys
.
Therefore
all
other
Churches
should
be
Congregational
,
and
as
such
they
are
the
primary
subject
of
the
power
of
the
Keys
.
Whether
this
be
that
which
is
intended
,
let
every
one
judge
,
who
is
acquainted
with
the
Controversie
.
The
Argument
is
that
of
induction
taken
from
example
;
That
which
they
assume
,
as
clear
out
of
Scripture
to
them
is
,
that
all
and
every
one
of
the
first
Apostolical
Churches
were
Congregational
and
only
Congregational
,
and
none
of
them
Parochial
,
or
Classical
,
or
Synodical
,
or
Diocesan
,
or
National
,
or
had
any
Presbytery
above
a
Presbyter
.
That
which
they
would
hence
infer
is
,
that
only
a
Congregational
is
the
first
Church
agreeable
to
the
first
institution
,
and
the
first
subject
of
the
power
of
the
Keys
.
The
Argument
in
form
may
be
this
.
All
rightly
constituted
Churches
ought
to
be
like
the
first
Apostolical
Churches
;
But
all
the
first
Apostolical
Churches
were
Congregational
.
Therefore
all
rightly
constituted
Churches
are
Congregational
.
The
Major
is
very
doubtful
and
admits
of
many
restrictions
.
The
Minor
is
denied
.
The
conclusion
as
inferred
from
these
premises
is
not
to
purpose
.
1.
The
Major
presupposeth
that
all
good
examples
are
to
be
followed
,
and
that
they
are
equivalent
to
a
binding
precept
.
But
this
is
certain
,
whatsoever
they
or
others
may
say
,
that
examples
,
as
examples
,
though
good
,
do
not
bind
to
imitation
:
for
they
only
bind
by
vertue
of
some
Precept
or
Divine
Institution
.
The
Apostles
in
the
first
plantation
of
Churches
did
many
good
things
,
which
we
cannot
imitate
,
and
if
we
could
,
yet
,
if
their
practice
in
those
things
was
not
grounded
upon
a
precept
of
universal
and
perpetual
obligation
,
it
doth
not
bind
us
.
They
did
many
things
by
vertue
of
some
particular
precept
binding
them
as
Apostles
,
and
no
ways
else
;
and
some
things
in
extraordinary
Cases
,
upon
extraordinary
Occasions
.
In
this
respect
the
first
Churches
planted
by
them
,
might
differ
in
many
things
from
all
other
Churches
in
future
times
.
Therefore
,
if
the
Major
should
be
to
purpose
,
it
must
be
understood
so
,
that
all
Churches
rightly
constituted
,
are
bound
and
that
by
some
Divine
Precept
of
Universal
Obligation
,
and
perpetual
force
to
be
like
unto
the
Apostolical
first
Churches
in
all
things
,
and
especially
in
this
,
that
they
were
Congregational
.
How
they
will
prove
this
I
know
not
:
and
if
they
prove
it
not
clearly
they
do
nothing
to
purpose
.
2.
The
Minor
is
denied
both
by
the
Episcopal
and
Presbyterian
,
and
in
particular
by
the
Divines
of
the
Assembly
,
who
more
particularly
and
distinctly
answer
all
the
proofs
brought
by
them
to
affirm
it
.
Their
proof
is
by
way
of
Induction
:
as
the
Church
of
Jerusalem
,
Samaria
,
Damascus
,
Antioch
,
and
so
of
the
rest
were
Congregational
.
Where
1.
The
term
Congregational
must
be
understood
.
2.
We
must
enquire
,
whether
the
induction
be
sufficient
or
no.
1.
A
Church
may
be
said
to
be
Congregational
in
respect
of
Worship
or
Discipline
.
In
respect
of
Worship
two
ways
:
1.
Of
Prayer
and
Word
.
2.
Of
the
Administration
of
the
Sacraments
,
either
of
Baptism
or
the
Lords
Supper
,
as
the
Assembly
doth
well
distinguish
.
Now
,
how
will
they
prove
,
that
the
whole
Church
of
Jerusalem
with
all
the
Members
thereof
,
did
constantly
meet
in
one
place
to
administer
and
receive
the
Lords
Supper
?
where
is
the
Text
that
expresly
or
by
consequence
saith
any
such
thing
.
Again
,
a
Congregational
Church
may
be
in
respect
of
Discipline
,
and
that
several
ways
.
For
1.
A
Congregation
may
signifie
a
Community
of
Christians
as
the
primary
subject
of
the
power
of
the
Keyes
.
2.
This
Community
exercising
in
this
power
,
and
that
either
by
a
Representative
of
the
whole
or
some
part
.
If
they
understand
them
to
be
Congregational
in
respect
of
the
exercise
of
Discipline
,
so
that
their
Representatives
of
part
,
or
the
whole
,
might
all
of
them
congregate
and
meet
at
one
time
in
one
place
,
as
ordinary
or
extraordinary
occasion
should
require
;
in
this
sense
it
will
be
granted
,
that
even
the
Church
of
Jerusalem
,
in
its
greatest
extent
,
was
Congregational
;
but
this
is
not
their
sense
.
For
,
they
mean
by
Congregational
,
such
a
Community
and
Vicinity
of
Christians
,
as
that
all
and
every
one
of
the
Members
may
ordinarily
and
conveniently
meet
at
one
and
the
same
time
,
in
one
and
the
same
place
,
not
only
for
Discipline
,
but
Worship
:
and
so
,
that
if
any
multitude
of
Christians
exceed
this
proportion
,
they
must
divide
and
erect
a
new
Independent
Judicatory
,
and
they
were
bound
so
to
do
,
if
they
did
not
,
they
ceased
to
be
such
Churches
as
Christ
did
institute
,
and
could
not
be
the
primary
subject
of
the
power
of
Discipline
.
How
they
should
prove
the
Minor
in
this
sense
,
I
do
not
understand
.
The
supposed
end
of
the
Congregational
notion
.
They
,
who
first
took
up
this
Congregational
Notion
,
perhaps
had
a
design
to
overthrow
Diocesan
Bishops
:
and
this
was
thought
an
effectual
means
for
that
end
:
and
if
this
conceit
had
not
first
possessed
their
minds
,
they
would
never
have
imagined
any
such
thing
to
be
so
much
as
implied
in
these
examples
.
But
suppose
some
such
thing
to
be
implied
at
least
,
for
expressed
it
is
not
in
these
places
,
the
Induction
may
be
said
to
be
imperfect
.
For
there
were
many
Churches
planted
by
the
Apostles
,
and
far
more
than
are
mentioned
in
the
Acts
of
the
Apostles
.
For
Paul
upon
his
Conversion
went
into
Arabia
,
and
then
returned
again
to
Damascus
,
Gal.
1.17
.
Other
of
the
Apostles
no
doubt
went
into
Aegypt
,
Aethiopia
,
India
,
Persia
,
Armenia
,
Spain
,
France
,
Germany
:
Yet
none
of
these
Churches
are
mentioned
in
the
Scripture-History
.
Therefore
it
might
be
said
,
there
is
not
a
sufficient
enumeration
of
particulars
to
make
up
a
general
.
But
suppose
these
Churches
to
have
been
Congregational
at
first
;
it
's
certain
,
they
enlarged
and
multiplied
to
far
great
numbers
in
after
times
:
and
though
this
be
certain
,
yet
it
's
no
ways
certain
that
upon
this
multiplication
,
they
did
divide
into
independent
Congregations
,
and
erected
independent
Judicatories
in
every
particular
Congregation
,
and
were
bound
so
to
do
,
and
that
by
a
Divine
Precept
.
And
I
wonder
much
at
Mr.
Parker
that
he
should
argue
so
much
against
a
Diocesan
Church
,
and
yet
grant
,
that
all
Israel
,
consisting
,
as
he
himself
confesseth
,
of
many
Myriades
,
should
be
but
one
Congregation
,
which
was
of
a
far
greater
extent
than
a
Diocess
.
Whether
this
Congregation
was
as
now
it
is
by
many
managed
amongst
us
,
be
not
formally
Schism
,
as
it
is
charged
by
some
Learned
Men
,
I
will
not
here
debate
.
But
this
I
must
needs
say
,
that
such
Congregationals
,
as
by
this
notion
,
go
about
to
unchurch
all
other
Churches
,
which
are
not
cast
in
the
same
mold
,
must
needs
be
guilty
of
some
such
crime
.
It
was
first
set
up
to
oppose
Diocesan
Churches
,
and
now
to
oppose
Presbyterian
Classes
.
But
there
is
another
thing
,
which
I
wish
all
Wise
and
Judicious
Men
to
consider
,
whether
this
doth
not
tend
unto
,
or
at
least
give
occasion
of
Schism
,
and
also
to
inform
themselves
,
what
effects
it
hath
had
hitherto
,
yet
so
as
to
distinguish
between
these
effects
of
it
,
which
are
per
se
,
and
flow
from
the
nature
of
it
,
and
such
as
are
per
accidens
.
Yet
in
the
mean
time
,
Charity
,
Meekness
,
Humility
,
Pity
of
weak
Brethren
becomes
us
all
,
who
profess
our selves
Christians
;
and
we
ought
to
stand
well
affected
towards
all
,
who
seem
to
us
to
look
towards
Heaven
.
Let
us
further
consider
how
far
rational
and
pious
men
agree
,
and
according
to
those
things
,
let
us
keep
communion
and
heartily
serve
our
God
,
humbly
imploring
his
Divine
Majesty
in
the
name
of
Christ
to
open
our
eyes
,
and
sanctifie
our
hearts
,
that
at
length
we
may
be
united
in
the
same
Judgement
and
Affection
,
and
with
one
Mind
,
and
with
one
Mouth
glorifie
God
even
the
Father
of
our
Lord
Jesus
Christ
.
section
8
After
the
consideration
of
a
Congregational
extent
as
too
narrow
,
and
of
an
Universal
,
as
too
large
,
I
proceed
to
say
something
of
a
National
extent
as
a
man
between
.
The
Congregationalist
will
censure
it
as
too
great
by
far
;
the
Universalist
as
too
little
by
much
.
Yet
I
shall
willingly
,
as
in
other
things
,
refer
my self
to
the
Judgement
of
Moderate
,
Pious
,
Judicious
,
Impartial
Men
:
Let
them
condemn
me
or
acquit
me
,
as
they
shall
see
just
cause
.
First
it
must
be
remembred
,
The
subject
of
the
whole
Treatise
.
that
the
subject
of
this
whole
Treatise
,
is
the
Government
of
men
by
men
,
under
God
and
Jesus
Christ
our
Blessed
Saviour
.
Of
Gods
more
immediate
Government
I
have
spoken
in
my
Divine
Politicks
:
where
I
shew
it
's
Monarchical
,
Supream
,
Universal
,
and
cannot
be
bounded
to
any
part
of
the
whole
Universe
.
For
he
being
immense
,
and
not
only
virtually
,
but
actually
present
in
all
places
,
at
all
times
,
is
only
fit
to
govern
all
Nations
,
and
the
whole
World
as
the
Universal
Soveraign
;
but
this
is
far
above
the
power
not
only
of
Men
but
of
Angels
.
Therefore
,
whatsoever
he
doth
in
Heaven
,
we
know
,
that
when
through
his
blessing
mankind
was
multipled
,
and
especially
after
the
Flood
,
and
had
replenished
the
Earth
,
they
were
divided
into
several
Societies
,
and
were
subject
to
several
independent
Tribunals
.
We
never
find
them
under
one
:
neither
do
we
in
his
word
or
works
read
of
a
Catholick
King
over
all
Nations
,
nor
of
an
Universal
Bishop
over
all
Churches
.
Howsoever
some
have
pretended
such
a
Title
,
yet
they
could
never
shew
their
Patent
subscribed
by
the
Hand
of
Heaven
.
But
,
suppose
they
could
have
acquired
the
possession
of
the
whole
earth
,
which
never
any
did
,
yet
no
one
Man
,
no
one
Council
,
no
one
Consistory
had
been
able
sufficiently
to
manage
so
vast
a
power
,
and
in
any
tolerable
manner
to
govern
all
mankind
at
one
time
living
upon
Earth
.
It
seemed
good
indeed
,
to
our
wise
God
,
both
in
former
and
latter
times
to
enlarge
the
power
of
some
States
,
and
especially
that
of
the
Romans
.
Yet
that
very
Empire
of
so
large
extent
,
took
in
but
a
little
part
of
the
whole
Earth
:
and
this
appears
plainly
now
since
by
Navigation
,
some
of
the
remote
parts
of
the
Globe
,
and
both
the
Hemispheres
thereof
have
been
discovered
.
Yet
in
the
greatest
extent
it
was
thought
by
some
of
their
wisest
Princes
the
best
Policy
Cogere
terminos
Imperii
,
to
limit
and
bound
it
,
because
they
thought
the
body
of
too
big
a
bulk
,
to
be
well
ordered
either
by
Prince
or
Senate
,
or
People
,
or
by
all
together
.
But
to
return
to
the
matter
in
hand
:
the
Question
is
,
Whether
a
national
Community
of
Christians
may
not
lawfully
be
subjected
to
one
supream
Judicatory
Ecclesiastical
?
To
understand
the
Question
the
better
,
it
's
to
be
observed
.
1.
That
a
Community
of
Christians
may
be
said
to
be
national
several
ways
,
or
in
several
respects
:
as
,
1.
When
all
the
Christians
of
one
and
the
same
Nation
,
do
associate
and
unite
in
one
body
.
2.
When
these
Christians
are
the
major
part
of
the
people
.
3.
When
the
whole
Nation
,
or
the
generality
thereof
have
received
,
and
do
profess
the
same
Christian
Faith.
I
will
here
suppose
the
major
part
or
generality
to
be
Christians
,
and
the
association
and
incorporation
to
be
made
by
a
tacit
or
explicit
consent
,
which
sometimes
may
be
confirmed
by
the
Laws
of
the
Supream
Power
.
Yet
this
generality
may
be
so
understood
,
as
that
there
may
in
the
same
Nation
,
be
found
Turks
or
Mahumetans
,
Pagans
,
Atheists
,
Jewes
,
which
cannot
be
of
this
body
;
and
that
also
there
may
be
some
Schisms
and
Separatitions
amongst
such
as
profess
themselves
Christians
,
and
sometimes
they
may
be
none
.
This
in
my
sense
is
a
national
Community
of
Christians
,
and
a
Church-confident
before
any
form
of
external
Discipline
be
introduced
.
2.
When
I
speak
of
subjection
,
I
do
not
say
,
that
they
are
always
in
all
Nations
bound
by
any
Divine
Precept
to
be
so
,
but
that
they
may
,
and
that
lawfully
according
unto
the
Scriptures
.
3.
I
understand
that
this
subjection
,
so
as
that
every
several
member
be
subject
not
to
one
man
,
or
one
party
,
but
to
the
whole
,
and
that
either
properly
taken
or
virtually
for
a
Representative
of
the
whole
,
which
shall
have
power
in
the
name
of
the
whole
body
to
make
Canons
,
and
in
Judgement
to
receive
last
Appeals
.
4.
I
understand
the
Question
of
Nations
indefinitely
taken
,
for
if
any
be
of
so
vast
extent
,
as
that
one
independent
Court
may
be
either
insufficient
or
inconvenient
,
I
rather
exclude
then
include
such
.
For
,
suppose
all
Tartary
should
be
counted
one
Nation
,
or
all
Chinae
,
I
conceive
,
they
are
too
large
.
5.
I
mention
only
a
national
Community
;
for
if
that
be
granted
,
the
Classical
and
Provincial
must
needs
come
in
.
The
Congregational
party
,
I
know
,
holds
the
Negative
.
And
here
upon
the
by
,
I
will
take
the
liberty
for
to
answer
Mr.
Parker's
seventh
argument
,
for
his
Congregational
way
.
It
's
taken
from
Politicks
,
and
to
this
purpose
;
That
as
little
States
are
more
easily
and
better
governed
then
great
ones
,
so
is
a
Congregational
Church
,
which
is
but
of
a
narrow
compass
,
than
a
Classical
,
Diocesan
,
or
Provincial
,
or
National
,
which
is
far
greater
.
Answ.
Though
less
Communities
may
be
better
governed
,
than
one
too
great
,
yet
a
great
one
of
moderate
extent
may
be
better
governed
and
defended
than
one
that
is
too
little
.
For
Gods
one
peculiar
People
and
Nation
,
which
was
first
under
Judges
,
then
under
Kings
,
was
subject
to
one
Supream
Tribunal
for
a
long
time
,
above
five
hundred
Years
;
and
afterwards
it
was
divided
into
two
.
Yet
it
was
better
governed
under
one
,
than
under
two
;
when
subject
to
one
individual
Tribunal
,
than
when
to
two
;
but
of
this
more
hereafter
.
section
9
For
the
confirmation
of
this
,
we
must
note
.
1.
That
there
is
no
Divine
Precept
in
the
New
Testament
,
which
particularly
determines
either
the
extent
of
place
or
number
of
persons
,
to
which
a
particular
independent
Church
is
confined
:
we
do
not
find
their
either
the
minimum
or
maximum
quod
sic
.
Therefore
some
Latitude
must
needs
be
granted
.
2.
That
the
History
of
the
New
Testament
doth
not
reach
those
times
,
wherein
it
pleased
God
to
fulfil
those
Prophesies
,
which
promised
,
[
](A49800-e27700-b)*
*
Isa.
49.23
.
That
Kings
should
become
Nursing-fathers
,
and
Queens
Nursing-mothers
of
the
Church
,
and
she
should
suck
the
breasts
of
Kings
,
who
should
come
unto
her
light
.
2.
When
one
should
become
a
thousand
,
and
a
small
one
a
strong
Nation
;
I
(
saith
the
Lord
)
will
hasten
it
in
its
time
:
Chap.
60.16
,
22.
Where
,
one
saith
,
he
alludes
to
the
Creation
,
which
he
finished
in
six
days
,
hastening
,
and
could
not
rest
and
keep
his
Sabbath
till
all
was
ended
,
and
man
was
made
.
3.
[
](A49800-e27740-b)*
*
Chap.
55.34
.
When
Nations
,
who
knew
not
Christ
,
should
come
unto
him
.
These
,
I
say
,
were
not
fulfilled
in
the
Apostles
times
.
4.
Many
of
the
Primitive
Christians
,
after
their
conversion
continued
for
a
certain
time
without
any
set-form
of
external
Government
,
or
perfect
Rules
of
New-Testament-worship
,
except
to
Word
and
Prayer
,
were
setled
.
Hence
those
words
of
the
Apostle
,
[
](A49800-e27760-b)*
*
1
Cor.
11.34
.
The
rest
will
I
set
in
order
when
I
come
.
4.
Even
within
the
compass
of
that
time
which
the
Scripture-History
reacheth
,
there
was
a
great
inequality
in
the
Apostolical
Churches
for
the
number
of
the
persons
,
which
was
far
greater
in
one
Church
than
in
another
,
and
in
the
same
Church
fewer
at
the
plantation
,
and
far
more
numerous
afterward
.
For
the
Kingdom
of
God
was
like
leaven
,
which
did
spread
and
diffuse
it self
,
and
to
a
grain
of
Mustard-seed
,
which
did
grow
mightily
.
5.
After
many
of
these
became
formal
Polities
,
they
encreased
so
much
that
without
divisions
and
subdivisions
they
could
not
be
well
ordered
;
so
as
that
every
part
should
be
subjected
to
the
whole
.
This
Ecclesiastical
History
testifies
.
6.
Seeing
,
1.
That
the
inequality
of
the
first
Churches
,
planted
by
the
Apostles
,
was
so
great
in
the
former
respects
.
2.
That
some
of
them
were
incompleat
,
not
fully
formed
,
not
grown
up
to
their
full
stature
.
3.
That
most
of
them
did
mightily
encrease
and
enlarge
afterwards
.
4.
That
the
Prophesies
of
the
glorious
Enlargement
of
the
Church
began
but
to
be
fulfilled
in
the
times
of
the
Apostles
,
therefore
those
first
Churches
,
as
in
the
Apostles
times
,
could
be
no
obligatory
examples
to
us
for
matter
of
extent
,
except
with
admission
of
some
great
latitude
.
From
all
this
it
follows
,
that
the
Rules
,
whereby
this
Controversie
must
be
decided
,
must
be
the
generals
of
decency
and
order
,
so
far
as
they
may
prove
most
efficaciously
conducent
unto
the
preservation
and
edification
of
the
Body
.
Yet
we
must
have
a
special
care
to
observe
the
Institution
and
the
Examples
agreeable
thereunto
.
And
that
Church
,
which
is
ordered
according
to
these
Rules
,
and
most
effectually
tends
unto
these
ends
,
is
the
best
and
most
approved
of
Christ
.
He
doth
not
respect
and
value
Churches
as
they
are
Congregational
,
Presbyterian
,
or
Episcopal
,
nor
as
of
more
narrow
and
larger
compass
;
nor
as
of
less
or
greater
number
,
but
as
so
ordered
,
as
to
discover
false
Brethren
,
reject
Hereticks
,
purge
out
the
old
Leaven
,
cast
out
scandalous
persons
,
free
from
the
Doctrine
of
Nicolaitans
and
Jezabel
,
and
keep
themselves
in
Unity
and
Purity
.
And
surely
,
as
our
Christian
Profession
is
disgraced
,
so
is
God
highly
displeased
;
because
we
so
miserably
distract
God's
people
,
and
urge
upon
them
such
accidentals
with
so
great
importunity
,
though
they
be
neither
essential
,
nor
necessary
to
good
Government
.
section
10
I
might
instance
,
1.
In
the
Church
of
Israel
,
which
no
doubt
was
National
from
the
times
of
Moses
till
the
Raign
of
Jeroboam
;
all
which
time
it
continued
entire
in
one
body
,
adequate
to
the
State
,
and
was
never
divided
into
independent
Congregations
.
This
example
is
not
to
be
slighted
,
as
it
is
by
some
:
For
this
Church
was
modeled
,
enlarged
,
and
confined
by
God
himself
:
neither
was
it
in
this
particular
any
Type
or
Shadow
of
something
to
come
,
which
upon
the
coming
of
Christ
,
and
the
Revelation
of
the
Gospel
was
to
vanish
.
And
this
at
least
will
prove
,
that
a
National
Church
under
one
supream
Judicatory
is
not
unlawful
in
it self
.
2.
I
might
add
,
that
it
's
no
where
prohibited
in
the
New
Testament
.
3.
That
it
's
agreeable
to
the
Rules
of
Decency
and
Order
.
4.
That
it
's
not
contrary
to
the
Institution
.
5.
If
the
State
be
Christian
,
it
may
have
much
help
,
and
many
advantages
from
the
State
,
especially
when
the
divisions
of
Church
and
State
are
the
same
.
But
,
6.
If
a
Congregational
Church
may
be
lawful
,
then
a
National
may
be
so
too
.
And
the
reason
of
the
consequence
is
,
because
a
National
may
be
as
easily
and
as
well
,
nay
,
more
easily
and
better
governed
than
a
single
Congregation
,
much
more
than
thousands
of
independent
Congregations
in
one
and
the
same
State.
That
the
multitude
of
Christians
in
one
Nation
associating
and
uniting
in
one
body
,
and
subjecting
it self
to
one
supreme
Judicatory
,
may
be
better
ordered
than
many
independent
Congregations
in
the
same
Nation
,
is
evident
,
For
1.
they
may
be
far
more
firmly
united
,
and
far
more
free
from
Schisms
and
Separations
.
2.
Order
,
which
is
the
life
of
Government
,
may
far
more
easily
be
established
and
observed
.
3.
It
will
be
far
stronger
to
preserve
it self
from
all
opposition
both
within
and
without
.
4.
It
will
be
furnished
with
far
more
excellent
persons
,
endued
with
excellent
qualities
for
to
make
Officers
and
Representatives
.
5.
It
will
be
of
far
more
Authority
.
6.
It
will
be
far
more
able
to
reform
and
reduce
into
order
the
greater
Multitudes
,
and
whole
Congregations
,
and
the
greatest
persons
.
7.
It
will
be
far
more
able
to
receive
Appeals
,
to
make
Canons
,
give
Advice
,
hear
and
determine
the
most
difficult
Causes
,
and
to
execute
their
highest
Judgments
.
One
reason
of
all
this
is
,
because
so
many
Gifts
of
the
Spirit
may
be
united
in
one
.
To
clear
this
more
fully
,
we
may
consider
a
difference
,
1.
Between
a
single
Congregation
independent
,
and
a
national
Community
under
one
and
the
same
power
of
the
Keys
.
2.
Between
a
multitude
of
these
independent
Congregations
,
supposing
all
the
Christians
of
a
Nation
made
up
their
several
Polities
,
and
all
the
Congregations
of
a
Nation
united
severally
for
Worship
,
and
some
acts
of
Discipline
,
yet
all
subject
to
one
supreme
Judicatory
Ecclesiastical
.
For
the
first
difference
,
it
's
two-fold
:
1.
In
the
number
of
persons
.
2.
In
the
distance
of
place
,
in
respect
of
the
parts
and
members
of
these
Bodies
;
both
which
,
if
they
be
too
great
,
are
thought
to
be
impediments
of
Government
.
As
for
the
number
of
persons
:
1.
They
must
not
be
too
many
,
as
they
ought
not
to
be
too
few
.
2.
They
are
far
more
for
number
in
a
National
than
in
a
Congregational
Church
.
3.
As
for
this
great
multitude
of
a
Nation
,
if
not
too
vast
,
reason
,
and
the
same
confirmed
by
experience
,
will
tell
us
,
that
by
distinction
,
and
a
wise
division
,
with
a
co-ordination
of
parts
equal
,
and
a
subordination
of
the
less
to
the
greater
,
and
all
the
several
parts
unto
the
whole
,
a
multitude
,
though
of
millions
,
may
be
united
into
one
organical
Body
,
and
governed
as
one
Man
.
And
by
the
way
,
we
may
take
notice
of
a
mistake
in
Mr.
Hooker
of
New
England
,
who
thinks
that
a
Church
or
Community
of
Christians
cannot
be
an
organical
Body
till
Officers
be
made
;
whereas
the
making
of
Officers
is
an
act
of
Administration
,
and
presupposeth
the
Constitution
,
whereby
it
's
properly
and
formally
organical
,
before
any
act
of
Administration
.
But
to
return
,
that
whereby
so
many
are
made
one
is
order
,
which
unites
Heaven
and
Earth
,
and
all
things
therein
in
one
Body
:
much
more
a
petty
multitude
of
Christians
of
one
Nation
.
This
is
apparent
in
all
Bodies
Politick
;
as
Universities
,
Corporations
,
Counties
,
Armies
,
and
Common-wealths
.
This
is
God's
way
of
Government
,
which
the
wisest
Governours
did
always
imitate
.
Thus
Moses
chose
able
men
out
of
all
Israel
,
and
made
them
Rulers
over
the
People
,
Rulers
of
thousands
,
Rulers
of
hundreds
,
Rulers
of
fifties
,
and
Rulers
of
tens
.
And
they
judged
the
people
at
all
seasons
:
the
hard
causes
they
brought
to
Moses
,
but
every
small
matter
they
judged
themselves
,
Exod.
18.25
,
26.
In
this
Text
considered
with
the
antecedent
,
many
things
as
proper
to
Government
are
observable
:
1.
There
must
be
Laws
.
2.
Officers
.
3.
Courts
according
to
the
tria
Jura
Majestatis
of
Legislation
,
making
Officers
and
Jurisdiction
.
These
presuppose
a
Community
,
and
a
Constitution
:
1.
There
must
be
a
power
of
making
Laws
,
that
belongs
to
the
Soveraign
.
2.
Laws
by
this
power
must
be
made
for
Administration
,
which
without
them
must
needs
be
arbitrary
and
irregular
.
3.
Those
Laws
once
enacted
must
be
promulgated
,
that
they
may
be
known
.
4.
Once
known
,
they
must
regulate
both
the
peoples
obedience
,
and
the
acts
of
Officers
,
and
judgment
of
the
Judges
.
After
Laws
once
established
,
they
must
be
executed
;
and
that
cannot
be
orderly
and
effectually
done
without
a
division
of
the
people
.
For
1.
they
must
be
numbred
,
divided
into
tens
,
fifties
,
hundreds
,
thousands
,
tribes
.
2.
They
must
be
co-ordinate
and
equally
poised
,
tens
with
tens
,
fifties
with
fifties
,
hundreds
with
hundreds
,
thousands
with
thousands
.
3.
They
must
be
subordinate
,
ten
to
fifty
,
fifty
to
an
hundred
,
and
hundreds
to
thousands
,
and
all
unto
the
whole
.
When
this
is
done
,
Officers
,
by
whom
these
Laws
must
be
executed
,
must
be
made
.
These
must
first
be
well
qualified
.
2.
The
people
must
chuse
them
,
Deut.
1.13
.
3.
Moses
must
appoint
them
their
places
,
assign
them
their
circuits
,
give
them
their
charge
.
4.
They
must
have
their
Courts
and
Sessions
,
judge
,
execute
the
Laws
,
and
be
subordinate
,
the
lesser
Courts
to
the
superiour
,
and
all
to
the
Supream
:
For
their
Causes
,
especially
if
difficult
,
must
ascend
till
they
came
to
Moses
,
and
he
brought
them
to
God
,
who
was
their
Soveraign
;
this
was
extraordinary
.
But
afterwards
they
had
their
Sanhedrim
and
Court
of
Appeals
.
This
subordination
seems
to
be
implied
in
those
words
of
our
Saviour
,
Matth.
5.22
.
But
I
say
unto
you
,
that
whosoever
is
angry
with
his
brother
without
a
cause
,
shall
be
in
danger
of
the
judgement
;
and
whosoever
shall
say
unto
his
brother
Racha
,
shall
be
in
danger
of
the
council
,
but
whosoever
shall
say
,
Thou
Fool
,
shall
be
in
danger
of
hell
fire
.
One
thing
in
all
this
is
considerable
,
That
Moses
did
not
make
every
Division
,
nor
every
Court
severally
independent
,
but
subordinated
all
unto
one
supream
Consistory
.
A
Multitude
,
though
National
,
therefore
is
no
impediment
to
good
Government
,
especially
when
they
are
numbred
,
divided
,
co-ordinated
,
and
subordinated
,
and
so
by
a
certain
and
fixed
order
made
one
.
section
11
As
a
Multitude
is
no
hinderance
,
so
neither
is
a
national
distance
of
parts
:
For
if
we
should
enquire
into
the
Constitution
of
the
Chaldean
,
or
the
Persian
Empires
,
of
both
which
we
might
learn
much
out
of
the
Holy
Scriptures
,
especially
in
the
Books
of
Ezra
,
both
first
and
second
(
called
Nehemiah
)
and
Ester
and
Daniel
most
of
all
;
we
should
find
,
1.
That
the
extent
of
them
was
far
more
than
National
,
and
the
distance
of
the
parts
far
greater
.
2.
That
these
were
divided
,
subordinated
,
not
only
in
the
parts
less
to
the
greater
,
but
also
in
their
Officers
both
for
War
and
Peace
,
the
Revenue
,
and
the
Administration
of
Justice
,
and
so
by
order
united
under
one
Head.
The
Empire
of
Rome
,
(
the
parts
whereof
were
severed
at
a
very
great
distance
,
as
from
the
River
Euphrates
in
the
East
,
to
the
Ocean
upon
the
West
of
France
,
and
from
Aegypt
Southward
,
to
the
North
of
the
Lesser
Asia
)
was
according
to
their
principles
of
Policy
,
as
well
governed
as
any
European
petty
State
at
this
time
is
.
The
Turkish
Seigniory
,
tho'
of
great
extent
,
is
as
well
ordered
as
divers
several
Kingdoms
Christian
,
confined
to
a
far
more
narrow
compass
.
Their
order
is
good
,
their
strength
great
,
their
Counsel
,
which
doth
manage
it
,
politick
,
their
Laws
for
administration
of
Justice
certain
,
their
divisions
,
from
matters
of
Religion
,
few
or
none
;
and
their
internal
strength
must
needs
be
firm
,
and
the
continuance
of
their
Dominion
hath
been
long
.
Some
attribute
the
excellency
of
their
Government
to
their
severity
in
punishments
,
and
their
bounty
in
rewards
:
yet
though
these
add
something
,
yet
these
are
but
the
least
part
.
The
Dominions
of
Spain
are
many
,
and
scattered
at
a
very
great
distance
round
about
the
Globe
on
both
sides
the
Line
,
within
and
without
the
Tropicks
,
yet
all
these
are
subjected
to
one
supream
Judicatory
,
and
are
tolerably
governed
,
and
by
a
great
deal
of
policy
have
been
kept
together
till
of
late
.
France
indeed
is
stronger
,
because
divided
into
thirty
Provinces
,
it
's
united
in
one
Vicinity
,
and
subject
to
one
Monarch
:
Yet
in
these
vast
Dominions
,
and
great
Empires
,
the
union
of
their
many
parts
so
distant
did
depend
,
not
only
upon
ordinary
means
,
but
some
extraordinary
acts
of
Divine
Providence
.
From
all
this
it
's
evident
,
that
by
division
,
co-ordination
,
subordination
,
the
supream
power
of
one
Nation
,
nay
of
many
Nations
,
may
be
diffused
through
the
whole
Body
,
so
as
to
animate
it
,
and
reach
every
part
,
even
the
remotest
.
section
12
Yet
it
may
be
objected
,
that
all
the
Members
of
a
National
Church
can
never
meet
together
in
one
place
and
Assembly
.
It
's
true
,
they
cannot
,
neither
is
it
needful
.
Joshua
called
and
assembled
all
Israel
,
when
yet
none
but
their
Elders
,
their
Heads
,
their
Officers
,
their
Judges
were
called
and
convented
,
Josh.
23.2
.
Upon
which
place
Masius
thus
comments
:
Cum
dictum
esset
omnem
Israelem
fuisse
convocatum
,
ipsa
deinde
universitas
ad
eos
deducitur
,
qui
populum
omnem
repraesentabant
.
So
that
all
Israel
met
in
their
Representative
.
Thus
David
,
thus
Solomon
did
use
to
convocate
all
Israel
.
As
our
State
hath
its
Wittena
Gemot
,
the
Parliament
,
which
Cambden
calls
Pananglium
,
so
a
National
Church
may
have
a
general
Assembly
to
represent
the
whole
.
And
this
may
be
so
composed
,
as
to
be
an
abridgement
,
and
contraction
of
the
quintessence
of
the
wisdom
,
piety
and
learning
of
a
National
Church
:
This
is
a
most
excellent
way
for
a
Community
to
act
by
.
This
may
be
both
the
terminus
à
quo
&
ad
quem
,
of
all
these
publick
acts
,
which
are
of
weight
and
general
concernment
.
By
this
the
Nomothetical
Power
is
exercised
;
to
this
,
by
Appeal
,
the
highest
causes
are
brought
,
and
finally
determined
;
yet
here
it
's
to
be
observed
,
that
a
Representative
of
the
whole
,
is
not
the
whole
properly
,
but
synecdochically
,
and
an
Instrument
whereby
the
whole
doth
so
act
;
yet
if
any
thing
be
done
amiss
in
a
former
particular
Assembly
,
the
whole
may
correct
it
by
a
latter
.
2.
That
if
the
Constitution
of
a
general
Representative
be
right
,
and
the
Members
thereof
duly
qualified
,
and
act
according
to
their
qualification
,
there
will
be
so
much
reason
and
wisdom
in
their
Determinations
,
as
that
they
will
bind
more
by
vertue
of
the
matter
,
than
the
authority
and
votes
of
their
persons
.
We
might
add
,
that
in
these
Independent
Congregations
,
there
is
neither
any
conveniency
,
or
necessity
,
that
all
the
Members
should
meet
either
for
Juridical
or
Legislative
Acts
,
though
it
be
expedient
that
all
should
know
what
is
done
.
They
call
women
and
children
together
for
Worship
,
but
not
for
matters
of
Judgement
and
Discipline
:
It
's
sufficient
if
such
as
are
rational
and
judicious
have
suffrage
in
the
same
matters
.
Marsilius
in
his
Defensor
Pacis
determines
the
Power
of
Legislation
to
be
in
Populo
,
aut
civium
universitate
.
Yet
he
grants
that
the
Laws
may
be
made
Per
valentiorem
partem
,
or
their
Trustees
;
and
that
what
is
so
done
by
them
,
is
done
by
all
.
But
in
this
particular
he
excludes
women
,
children
,
servants
,
strangers
,
though
inhabitants
,
if
not
incorporated
;
likewise
Mr.
Parker
,
who
gives
the
whole
and
independent
Power
of
the
Keys
into
a
Congregation
under
a
Democratical
form
,
yet
will
have
the
exercise
of
this
power
in
the
Officers
in
an
Aristocratical
mode
.
Seeing
therefore
that
neither
multitude
of
persons
,
nor
distance
of
place
,
nor
impossibility
of
a
vertual
and
sufficient
Convention
of
all
the
Members
,
being
the
differences
between
a
National
and
Congregational
Church
,
and
conceived
to
be
the
impediments
of
good
Government
,
are
no
impediments
;
I
know
no
reason
but
that
all
the
Christians
of
a
Nation
may
be
as
well
governed
by
a
subjection
to
one
supream
Judicatory
,
as
a
Congregation
independent
.
section
13
But
let
us
oppose
this
National
Community
under
one
supream
Tribunal
,
to
a
thousand
or
more
Independent
Congregations
,
as
hitherto
we
have
compared
it
with
one
single
Congregation
;
and
then
that
which
was
affirmed
will
be
more
apparent
;
For
1.
a
National
Community
Christian
may
have
the
same
Members
,
the
same
gifted
Men
,
the
same
Officers
,
and
the
like
Assemblies
for
Worship
,
as
subjected
unto
one
Tribunal
,
which
the
same
number
of
Christians
in
the
same
nature
,
divided
into
a
thousand
or
more
Independent
Polities
may
have
;
And
the
same
gifted
Men
and
Officers
may
act
more
effectually
for
the
good
of
the
whole
;
when
they
are
thus
united
,
then
when
scattered
and
divided
like
the
vital
Spirits
in
so
many
several
Bodies
,
For
vis
unita
fortior
,
and
the
being
more
firmly
,
orderly
,
and
regularly
united
,
may
more
easily
animate
and
effectually
move
and
direct
one
body
,
though
great
,
then
so
many
bodies
independent
one
upon
another
and
severed
,
though
little
.
2.
Again
,
in
this
National
Body
every
Congregation
,
Classis
,
Province
may
act
,
order
,
hear
and
determine
matters
belonging
to
their
Cognisance
,
and
within
their
Precincts
,
without
troubling
any
general
Representative
,
except
in
the
highest
,
most
difficult
businesses
of
general
concernment
,
which
with
all
extraordinary
matters
are
reserved
for
that
highest
Assembly
:
And
all
this
is
done
according
to
the
Rules
of
Government
allowed
by
God
,
and
practised
by
the
best
Polities
in
the
World.
3.
The
Congregationals
grant
,
that
any
of
their
single
Congregations
independent
,
in
a
difficult
point
,
or
business
may
take
the
advice
of
twenty
,
thirty
,
forty
other
Congregations
or
more
;
yet
if
the
Major
part
of
them
,
or
all
should
agree
and
give
their
judgment
,
that
one
Congregation
shall
not
be
bound
by
their
advice
,
but
shall
have
power
to
judge
against
it
,
or
subscribe
unto
it
;
seeing
in
this
case
no
Scripture
binds
this
or
other
Congregations
to
be
independent
,
or
perhaps
allow
any
such
thing
,
except
in
some
extraordinary
cases
,
it
were
worth
the
serious
consideration
of
wise
men
,
whether
it
be
more
agreeable
to
the
Rules
of
good
Government
,
and
the
general
Precepts
of
Church-discipline
,
that
one
of
these
Congregations
alone
should
have
the
power
to
determine
,
and
that
finally
,
this
difficult
cause
,
and
all
the
rest
only
to
advise
,
then
that
joyntly
with
this
one
,
all
the
rest
and
most
of
them
as
good
,
and
some
perhaps
better
,
should
have
power
,
not
only
to
advise
,
but
determine
:
And
whether
this
determination
of
all
joyntly
were
not
likely
to
prove
better
,
and
more
effectual
,
and
more
conducing
to
the
end
of
Discipline
,
than
that
Determination
of
one
.
But
against
this
two
things
may
be
said
,
1.
That
all
those
other
Congregations
may
err
,
but
this
is
but
to
suppose
,
and
to
suppose
a
thing
both
unlikely
and
extraordinary
,
that
forty
well
constituted
Churches
may
err
,
and
that
one
be
free
from
errour
.
2.
By
this
it
seems
to
follow
,
that
in
some
difficult
cases
one
National
Church
may
not
only
take
the
advice
of
many
others
,
but
subject
themselves
unto
them
.
But
1.
we
are
bound
only
to
submit
unto
the
Word
of
God
made
clear
unto
us
,
though
it
be
very
likely
that
many
seeking
God
,
and
making
right
use
of
the
means
,
are
more
likely
to
find
out
truth
,
and
understand
the
Word
of
God
better
than
one
.
2.
I
staid
at
a
National
Church
,
and
did
not
expatiate
further
,
because
experience
hath
taught
us
how
prejudicial
it
hath
been
even
to
this
State
,
to
suffer
Appeals
to
be
made
,
either
unto
Forreign
Churches
or
States
.
Neither
is
it
fit
,
in
respect
of
the
Civil
Soveraign
Christian
,
that
the
Church
within
this
State
should
any
ways
depend
upon
any
other
Church
whatsoever
.
section
14
I
had
said
before
,
that
a
national
Multitude
of
Christians
associated
into
one
Body
,
and
subjected
to
one
supream
Power
of
the
Keys
,
may
be
as
easily
and
as
well
governed
and
edified
,
as
if
they
were
divided
into
many
several
Communities
and
independent
Congregations
:
Now
I
add
,
that
in
divers
cases
they
may
be
more
easily
and
better
governed
and
edified
.
This
might
be
made
manifest
,
1.
From
the
many
conveniences
,
which
will
follow
from
the
Multiplication
of
Independencies
in
a
national
Church
,
and
Christian
State
,
all
which
by
an
internal
connexion
and
subordination
may
be
avoided
.
Histories
,
read
with
attention
and
understanding
,
will
manifest
this
,
and
the
experience
of
these
times
in
our
Church
and
Nation
.
2.
From
the
disproportion
,
and
also
the
difference
between
the
Church
and
State
,
in
respect
of
the
extent
,
and
the
multitude
of
independent
Polities
Ecclesiastical
,
within
the
bowels
of
one
entire
Civil
Common-wealth
Christian.
I
do
not
mean
,
that
the
Constitution
of
the
Church
and
State
should
be
the
same
,
so
that
if
the
State
be
Monarchical
,
the
Church
should
be
such
too
;
or
if
Aristocratical
,
it
should
be
Aristocratical
.
For
,
though
God
hath
determined
the
model
of
the
Church
,
yet
he
hath
not
so
particularly
defined
the
Constitution
of
the
State.
Neither
do
I
affirm
,
that
the
Church
by
any
Divine
Precept
is
bound
to
be
co-adequate
to
the
State
;
only
this
I
say
,
it
will
be
convenient
,
advantagious
to
the
Church
,
and
agreeable
to
the
general
Rules
of
Decency
and
Order
.
1.
That
it
be
co-adequate
to
the
State.
2.
That
there
be
but
one
independent
Church
in
in
one
national
State
,
except
there
be
some
special
impediment
.
But
not
to
insist
so
much
upon
these
,
a
third
and
greater
reason
to
prove
this
,
is
taken
from
the
insufficiency
of
a
Congregation
to
govern
and
order
it self
in
divers
cases
,
not
so
incident
to
a
national
Church
well
ordered
.
Amongst
others
,
there
be
four
acknowledged
and
reckoned
up
by
Mr.
Parker
himself
.
The
first
is
,
when
one
and
the
same
Cause
may
concern
,
not
only
one
single
Congregation
,
but
divers
several
other
neighbouring
Churches
.
The
second
is
,
the
Inability
of
the
Eldership
of
an
independent
Congregation
.
The
third
is
,
Male
administration
.
The
fourth
is
,
Appeal
upon
Male-administration
presumed
.
Concerning
these
four
Cases
,
I
observe
,
1.
That
no
single
Congregation
doth
continue
long
,
but
some
of
these
Cases
,
if
not
all
,
will
fall
out
.
2.
That
in
these
cases
there
can
hardly
be
any
Redress
.
3.
That
a
national
Church
is
ordinarily
furnished
with
sufficient
Remedies
against
these
Evils
.
Upon
all
this
it
follows
,
that
in
some
cases
a
national
Church
is
of
a
better
constitution
,
than
a
Congregational
.
Whereas
Mr.
Parker
,
in
the
case
of
Male-administration
grants
Appeals
,
in
that
very
concession
he
divests
his
Congregation
of
her
independent
Power
,
and
makes
it
to
be
no
Politie
at
all
.
For
,
if
(
as
he
saith
)
a
congregational
Church
be
,
and
that
by
divine
Institution
,
the
primary
Subject
of
the
Power
of
the
Keys
,
how
can
it
be
subject
to
another
Church
or
Churches
,
as
if
it
Appeal
,
it
must
needs
be
:
Par
in
parem
non
habet
potestatem
is
a
certain
Rule
.
For
,
obligatio
ex
delicto
will
not
here
take
place
.
To
be
independent
and
dependent
,
cannot
agree
to
the
same
Church
at
the
same
time
.
And
is
it
likely
that
Christ
denieth
the
power
of
the
Keys
to
that
Church
,
which
in
all
the
forementioned
cases
was
sufficiently
furnished
with
effectual
means
of
redress
,
and
give
it
to
that
which
is
in
it self
insufficient
?
There
be
several
kinds
and
degrees
of
Communion
between
particular
Churches
independent
,
and
that
for
mutual
help
and
edification
:
yet
all
those
kinds
and
degrees
of
Communion
are
but
extrinsecal
,
and
the
Communion
is
but
like
that
of
Leagues
and
Friendship
between
State
and
State
,
which
can
no
ways
reach
Appeals
.
And
as
it
is
in
several
distinct
States
,
so
it
's
in
several
distinct
Churches
.
That
of
[
](A49800-e28530-b)*
*
In
his
Book
of
the
Church
.
c.
8.
p.
63.
Dr.
Jackson
is
very
remarkable
,
and
worthy
consideration
.
That
the
best
Union
that
can
be
expected
between
visible
Churches
,
seated
in
several
Kingdoms
or
Commonweals
independent
one
upon
another
,
is
the
Unity
of
League
or
Friendship
;
and
this
Union
may
be
as
strict
as
it
shall
please
such
Common-weals
and
Churches
to
make
it
,
and
to
subject
such
a
Church
in
such
a
case
unto
another
,
is
to
build
a
Babel
,
or
seat
for
Antichrist
.
This
implies
that
a
Church
may
be
National
,
and
he
gives
a
good
reason
why
it
should
be
no
more
.
And
according
to
this
Rule
,
Mr.
Parker
,
by
granting
in
this
case
Appeals
,
doth
no
better
than
build
a
Babel
,
and
so
I
fear
many
others
do
by
making
every
Congregation
independent
.
section
15
But
to
say
no
more
in
this
place
of
Appeals
(
the
power
of
receiving
whereof
is
a
branch
of
Majesty
,
and
the
exercise
of
this
power
belongs
to
Administration
,
and
comes
under
the
head
of
Jurisdiction
,
where
they
are
to
be
handled
at
large
.
)
I
further
do
conceive
,
that
the
condition
of
these
independent
Congregations
,
is
no
better
than
that
of
petty
States
,
as
those
of
the
Netherlands
,
and
the
Cantons
of
Switzerland
.
These
cannot
subsist
without
a
strift
Confederation
,
or
a
foreign
Protection
:
and
both
are
dangerous
,
and
sometimes
,
if
not
often
,
prove
prejudicial
.
Though
the
States-General
of
the
Low-Countries
have
their
Commission
from
the
several
Republicks
,
and
with
this
Clause
,
Salva
cujusque
populi
Majestate
;
yet
they
are
ready
many
times
to
usurpe
and
exercise
more
power
than
is
due
unto
them
.
But
foreign
Protection
sometimes
proves
a
supreme
Power
:
But
the
danger
of
our
independent
Churches
,
as
with
us
,
is
far
greater
:
because
they
are
so
petty
,
and
far
less
bodies
,
and
no
ways
by
any
certain
Rules
firmly
united
.
From
all
this
Discourse
a
rational
Reader
will
conceive
,
that
a
national
Church
in
my
sence
is
far
more
agreeable
to
the
Rules
of
Government
,
which
we
find
in
Scripture
,
than
so
many
independent
Polities
Ecclesiastical
in
one
Nation
.
Some
still
do
conceive
,
and
they
have
reason
for
it
,
that
as
this
Nation
of
an
independent
Congregation
was
at
first
invented
to
oppose
the
Diocesan
Bishop
;
so
the
dissenting
Brethren
pitched
upon
it
in
opposition
to
the
Scottish
Kirk
,
and
the
English
Scotified
Presbyterian
.
And
as
in
the
Reign
of
Queen
Elizabeth
,
some
great
ones
,
and
Counsellours
of
State
protected
the
new
Conformist
,
and
made
use
of
him
to
poise
the
Bishop
;
so
in
our
days
there
were
Statists
,
who
knew
how
to
make
the
Congregational
party
subservient
to
their
civil
interest
,
not
only
to
poise
,
but
to
beat
down
the
Presbyterian
,
and
which
they
far
more
aimed
at
,
their
party
both
in
England
,
in
the
Parliament
and
Army
,
and
also
in
Scotland
,
which
in
the
end
was
done
to
some
purpose
.
For
at
last
the
Independent
became
predominant
,
had
great
Friends
was
much
favoured
,
obtained
good
maintenance
,
and
some
of
them
were
put
in
the
best
places
,
and
enjoyed
the
best
preferments
in
the
City
,
Universities
and
Country
.
Nay
,
some
of
them
do
not
scruple
plurality
of
places
,
as
though
the
word
Pluralist
were
only
unlawful
,
and
Plurality
,
the
thing
it self
legal
and
just
enough
.
Some
of
them
do
much
mislike
the
Parochial
divisions
,
yet
like
Parochial
Benefices
well
enough
,
and
are
unwilling
,
once
possessed
of
them
,
to
part
with
them
;
yet
this
power
and
profit
is
made
not
only
by
them
,
but
others
,
the
great
interest
;
few
seek
a
real
Reformation
with
sincerity
of
heart
.
section
16
To
draw
near
a
conclusion
,
not
only
of
this
Chapter
,
but
of
this
discourse
of
the
party
supreamly
Governing
in
Church
and
State
;
Best
means
to
reform
and
unite
a
Church
Divided
.
it
s
the
duty
of
us
all
in
the
best
manner
,
and
by
the
best
means
to
endeavour
,
and
make
it
our
chief
design
,
to
reform
and
unite
this
divided
and
distracted
Church
of
ours
.
For
this
end
,
we
should
first
lay
aside
our
Divisions
,
as
they
proceed
either
from
ignorance
or
errour
,
or
disaffection
;
and
let
us
see
and
try
how
far
we
may
agree
in
the
general
and
clear
truths
of
Scripture
,
revealed
for
to
direct
us
in
the
right
ordering
of
a
Christian
Society
,
and
put
on
charity
,
which
is
the
bond
of
perfection
,
and
let
the
peace
of
God
rule
in
our
hearts
,
to
which
we
are
called
in
one
body
,
Col.
3.14
,
15.
For
if
we
do
not
hold
the
Truth
in
love
,
Eph.
4.15
:
no
good
thing
will
be
done
.
These
are
the
only
and
effectual
means
,
whereby
the
Foundation
of
our
Church-happiness
can
be
laid
.
2.
Let
no
person
or
party
assume
any
power
,
but
what
Christ
hath
given
him
or
them
upon
a
clear
title
.
3.
Let
us
give
every
one
their
due
:
As
for
the
Pope
,
we
must
leave
him
to
God
,
who
will
in
his
due
time
take
order
with
him
.
Let
civil
Soveraigns
have
their
right
in
matters
of
Religion
.
Let
the
Bishop
be
reduced
to
his
Ancient
Superintendency
and
Inspection
.
Let
the
Pretbyters
be
contented
to
be
Officers
,
or
at
the
best
Representatives
,
and
not
challenge
to
themselves
alone
the
Original
power
of
the
Keys
.
Let
the
People
not
be
wronged
,
or
any
ways
deprived
of
that
right
,
which
is
theirs
by
the
Rules
of
the
Gospel
.
4.
Let
us
make
our
Christian
associations
,
neither
greater
nor
less
than
Christ
allows
us
,
and
which
may
be
fittest
for
a
good
administration
.
5.
Let
's
not
impose
upon
others
any
form
or
model
of
Church
Government
,
which
is
not
agreeable
to
Christs
Institution
;
nor
assert
those
things
to
be
of
Divine
Authority
,
which
are
not
clearly
grounded
upon
some
Divine
Precept
.
6.
In
things
not
necessary
,
either
to
Salvation
,
or
the
good
of
the
Church
,
or
not
plainly
conducing
to
the
edification
thereof
,
le
ts
grant
a
latitude
.
And
in
such
things
,
though
we
may
differ
in
judgment
,
yet
le
ts
agree
in
affection
,
and
in
charity
bear
one
with
another
,
till
we
be
better
informed
.
7.
Let
the
Nation
continue
divided
into
Counties
as
it
is
,
and
the
Divisions
of
the
Church
be
made
accordingly
,
or
some
other
way
,
if
any
better
may
be
found
out
.
8.
Let
the
primary
subject
of
the
power
of
the
Keys
to
be
the
whole
,
and
exercised
by
the
best
in
every
Precinct
:
but
let
the
highest
causes
and
the
most
difficult
cases
,
with
the
Nomothetical
part
be
reserved
for
the
general
Representative
.
In
all
this
the
assistance
of
the
State
is
to
be
implored
:
and
we
must
do
nothing
to
the
prejudice
of
their
just
power
,
nor
give
them
any
causes
of
jealousies
or
suspitions
.
9.
Some
special
care
must
be
taken
,
not
only
for
the
edification
of
the
more
knowing
and
professing
Christians
,
but
also
for
the
instruction
of
the
ignorant
,
and
reformation
of
the
prophane
and
scandalous
;
and
this
latter
is
the
more
difficult
work
.
This
cannot
be
done
so
well
by
Itinerants
,
as
by
fit
persons
fixed
in
their
several
charges
.
What
's
the
chief
interest
of
a
Nation
,
as
Christian.
10.
The
chief
interest
of
the
Nation
,
as
Christian
,
is
,
as
you
formerly
heard
,
the
substance
of
the
Protestant
religion
:
which
consists
not
in
Episcopacy
,
or
Presbytery
,
or
Independency
,
nor
meerly
in
a
separation
from
the
Church
of
Rome
as
corrupt
,
and
parted
from
the
purity
and
simplicity
of
the
Gospel
(
for
this
is
but
negative
)
,
but
in
certain
positives
of
Doctrine
,
Worship
and
Discipline
clearly
agreeable
to
the
Gospel
.
Neither
need
we
go
to
lay
a
new
Foundation
,
but
consider
what
the
former
Doctrine
,
Worship
,
and
Discipline
was
,
and
retain
the
best
,
reject
the
superfluous
,
rectifie
that
which
was
amiss
,
and
supply
and
perfect
the
defects
.
When
all
this
is
done
,
it
were
good
that
some
forms
of
these
established
by
Authority
may
be
made
publick
,
yet
so
,
that
all
these
may
be
plain
and
clear
and
consonant
to
the
Gospel
.
By
doing
thus
we
might
testify
to
the
world
,
that
we
continue
Protestants
and
reformed
Christians
,
and
that
our
design
was
reformation
and
not
confusion
and
abolition
of
saving
truth
amongst
us
.
The
summ
of
this
Discourse
is
,
Christ
hath
given
the
power
of
the
Keys
,
the
Church
to
which
it
's
given
is
the
primary
subject
,
and
is
bound
to
exercise
it
by
her
Officers
and
Representatives
for
the
Churches
good
.
For
as
the
Apostolical
,
so
this
power
was
given
for
edification
,
not
destruction
,
2
Cor.
10.8
.
CHAP.
XV.
Of
subjection
in
general
,
and
the
subjects
of
a
Civil
State.
section
1
IN
the
former
part
I
have
,
according
to
my
poor
ability
,
declared
.
1.
What
the
Act
of
Government
is
.
2.
That
the
subject
of
it
being
a
Common-wealth
both
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
,
it
hath
two
parts
:
1.
The
Constitution
.
2.
The
Administration
of
the
same
.
3.
That
the
matter
of
a
Common-wealth
is
the
Community
,
and
the
Form
,
and
Order
of
Superiority
and
Subjection
.
4.
That
there
are
two
integral
parts
of
a
Common-wealth
.
1.
Pars
imperans
,
the
Soverain
.
2.
Pars
subdita
,
the
Subject
.
5.
What
the
power
of
a
Soveraign
is
,
how
it
is
acquired
,
how
disposed
,
and
that
both
in
a
Civil
State
and
Church
.
Now
according
to
order
comes
in
Pars
subdita
,
to
be
considered
both
in
a
Civil
and
an
Ecclesiastical
notion
.
What
a
Subject
in
a
Civil
State
is
cannot
be
known
in
particular
,
except
we
know
the
nature
of
subjection
in
general
.
The
word
in
Greek
,
which
signifies
to
be
subject
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
be
subordinate
.
For
subjection
presupposeth
order
,
not
physical
and
local
,
but
moral
of
Superior
and
Inferiour
.
That
which
makes
a
Superiour
is
power
,
and
power
over
another
,
which
is
not
invested
with
it
;
in
which
respect
he
is
inferiour
in
relation
to
him
that
hath
power
over
him
.
And
so
soon
as
God
hath
made
one
Superiour
to
another
instantly
,
the
party
inferiour
is
bound
to
subjection
,
which
is
a
thing
due
unto
this
Superiour
.
God
hath
set
him
in
a
place
under
,
not
above
,
nor
in
the
same
rank
;
and
by
this
very
placing
of
him
,
he
is
made
a
subject
by
Divine
Ordination
.
And
this
is
the
first
degree
of
subjection
,
from
which
follows
an
obligation
to
active
and
voluntary
submission
.
And
this
obligation
ariseth
not
only
from
this
,
that
the
power
over
him
is
Gods
,
not
as
he
is
Creatour
meerly
and
the
Author
of
Nature
,
as
Suarez
doth
express
it
,
nor
only
as
he
is
a
Supream
Lord
by
Creation
and
Preservation
,
committing
some
measure
of
his
Power
to
man
,
but
also
from
this
,
that
he
commandeth
man
to
submit
.
Actual
subjection
is
an
acknowledgment
of
this
power
in
such
a
person
,
and
a
voluntary
submission
.
This
voluntary
submission
is
a
duty
,
and
that
which
God
requires
in
the
word
honour
in
the
fifth
Commandment
,
and
the
Apostle
from
God
,
when
he
saith
,
Let
every
soul
be
subject
to
the
higher
powers
.
This
submission
is
.
1.
A
resigning
up
of
their
own
understanding
,
will
and
power
unto
the
understanding
will
and
power
of
his
Superiour
,
so
far
as
God
hath
made
him
Superiour
.
By
this
submission
he
becomes
his
Vassal
and
Servant
,
and
renounceth
other
Lords
and
Masters
in
that
kind
.
Upon
this
submission
follows
either
an
obligation
to
obey
just
commands
,
or
to
suffer
upon
disobedience
.
There
are
several
kinds
and
also
degrees
of
this
objection
:
there
is
a
subjection
of
Children
to
Parents
,
Servants
to
Masters
,
Wives
to
Husbands
,
Schollars
to
their
Teachers
,
Souldiers
to
their
Commanders
,
People
unto
their
Soveraigns
,
and
of
all
unto
God.
And
because
he
is
Supream
,
and
we
are
wholly
both
in
his
power
and
under
it
alone
,
therefore
subjection
in
the
highest
degree
,
and
a
total
and
an
absolute
resignation
of
our selves
unto
him
,
and
him
alone
is
due
.
And
the
truth
is
,
no
submission
or
subjection
is
due
to
any
other
,
but
all
to
him
.
For
,
when
we
submit
to
other
higher
and
lower
lawful
powers
,
we
submit
unto
him
in
them
,
who
participate
some
portion
of
his
power
,
not
of
their
own
.
For
,
there
is
no
power
but
of
God
,
nay
,
there
is
no
power
but
which
is
Gods.
This
subjection
is
not
meerly
to
be
under
the
predominant
force
and
strength
,
but
also
under
the
directing
Wisdom
,
and
the
justly
commanding
will
of
another
.
Thus
far
of
subjection
in
general
.
section
2
The
subjection
in
this
place
is
subjection
to
a
publick
power
,
and
the
same
is
.
1.
Civil
.
2.
Ecclesiastical
.
1.
Civil
subjection
will
be
best
known
,
if
I
first
define
a
subject
.
2.
Consider
how
many
degrees
and
distinctions
of
Subjects
there
be
.
Bodin
taking
Civis
and
Subditus
for
the
same
,
saith
that
Civis
est
liber
homo
,
qui
summae
alterius
potestati
obligatur
.
De
Rep.
lib.
1.
c.
6.
Arnisaeus
is
more
exact
,
for
thus
he
defines
Subjects
;
Sabditi
sunt
partes
Reipublicae
,
quae
summae
potestati
,
quoad
omnia
,
obligantur
,
pro
quo
omnibus
juribus
,
&
privilegiis
fruuntur
,
Constit.
Pol.
cap.
12.
As
for
Bodin
,
he
mistakes
much
by
confounding
Civis
&
subditus
.
For
though
every
Subject
be
Civis
,
yet
every
Civis
is
not
a
Subject
.
A
person
is
said
to
be
Civis
as
a
Member
of
a
Community
,
before
any
form
of
Government
be
introduced
.
A
Subject
presupposeth
a
Supream
power
determined
,
and
thereupon
being
under
that
power
becomes
a
Subject
.
The
one
is
a
Member
of
a
Community
,
the
other
of
a
Common-Wealth
.
In
the
latter
Definition
we
may
observe
.
1.
The
General
.
2.
The
special
Nature
and
Difference
of
a
Subject
.
The
general
nature
is
,
That
Subjects
are
a
part
of
the
Common-Wealth
.
For
,
as
you
heard
before
,
a
Common-Wealth
hath
two
parts
:
1.
The
Soveraign
.
2.
The
Subject
.
By
parts
,
are
meant
Members
or
integral
parts
,
which
united
,
constitute
and
make
up
the
Body
of
a
State
:
wherein
none
can
be
found
,
but
they
are
either
Subjects
or
Soveraign
.
In
this
that
they
are
parts
,
they
differ
not
from
the
Soveraign
,
who
is
also
a
part
,
though
the
most
eminent
and
principal
.
In
the
special
nature
thereof
we
may
observe
two
things
:
1.
The
duty
of
a
Subject
.
2.
The
benefit
.
The
duty
is
implied
in
the
Obligation
,
the
benefit
in
the
Enjoyment
of
some
advantages
.
In
the
duty
we
may
observe
three
things
:
1.
An
Obligation
.
2.
The
party
to
whom
Subjects
are
obliged
.
3.
The
measure
of
their
Obligation
.
The
Obligation
,
as
I
said
formerly
,
follows
upon
a
subjection
,
and
the
subjection
upon
the
designing
of
a
Soveraign
.
For
in
a
designation
of
a
Soveraign
by
a
general
consent
,
according
to
reason
and
Gods
Ordination
,
men
deprive
themselves
of
that
unlimited
liberty
,
which
they
had
as
Members
of
a
Community
,
and
bind
themselves
to
a
certain
rule
and
order
of
inferiority
:
they
divest
themselves
of
some
power
,
and
take
a
lower
place
,
and
resign
themselves
up
unto
a
Superiour
will
.
Upon
this
resignation
,
and
from
it
they
become
subject
,
and
by
their
very
place
are
bound
to
submit
.
So
that
this
Obligation
follows
a
kind
of
former
subjection
.
But
neither
of
the
former
Authors
tell
us
,
what
the
Act
or
thing
is
,
to
which
they
stand
obliged
,
though
both
of
them
do
imply
it
.
And
it
is
a
constant
submission
and
fidelity
,
and
both
voluntary
.
And
though
they
may
perhaps
refuse
to
give
this
submission
and
fidelity
,
yet
they
are
bound
to
yeild
it
.
This
is
the
Obligation
.
2.
The
party
to
whom
they
are
bound
is
the
Soveraign
,
and
they
mean
the
Civil
Soveraign
.
And
because
they
are
bound
unto
this
Soveraign
in
respect
of
his
power
,
they
express
the
power
,
and
imply
the
party
invested
with
this
power
,
and
he
cannot
be
a
Soveraign
,
except
his
power
be
Supream
and
Universal
in
respect
of
the
whole
body
of
the
Community
;
therefore
they
say
Subjects
are
bound
to
the
Supream
Power
;
for
though
they
are
under
the
power
of
Officers
and
Inferiour
Rulers
,
yet
the
power
of
such
is
but
the
power
of
the
Soveraign
trusted
in
their
hands
for
the
exercise
thereof
.
This
Soveraign
,
Soveraign
real
.
as
you
heard
before
,
may
be
either
as
the
whole
Community
,
reserving
the
chief
and
radical
power
to
themselves
;
or
personal
,
as
a
general
representative
,
or
a
chief
and
universal
Magistrate
.
3.
The
measure
is
quoad
omnia
,
Personal
Measure
of
subjection
rightly
bounded
.
in
respect
of
all
things
,
as
their
Goods
,
Persons
,
Lives
,
Actions
in
reference
to
the
Publick
good
.
Yet
this
Obligation
must
be
legal
as
the
Power
is
legal
,
regular
and
rightly
bounded
:
For
absolute
submission
is
due
to
God
alone
,
according
to
the
first
Commandment
of
the
first
Table
,
a
limited
submission
is
only
due
to
man
according
to
the
first
Commandment
of
the
second
Table
:
For
man
is
first
bound
to
God
,
and
then
to
man
in
an
inferiour
degree
;
and
every
Subject
as
bound
to
man
,
is
first
bound
to
real
Majesty
,
and
to
seek
the
good
of
the
whole
,
then
to
personal
Majesty
,
so
far
as
it
extends
to
the
benefit
of
the
whole
,
and
no
further
:
for
as
Salus
populi
,
the
good
of
the
People
is
the
chief
end
whereat
all
power
should
aim
,
so
it
's
also
the
chief
end
of
subjection
.
And
according
to
the
measure
of
the
power
is
the
measure
of
subjection
:
they
must
be
Commensurable
and
Coadequate
,
neither
less
nor
greater
.
As
power
must
be
just
and
conformable
to
the
Laws
of
God
,
so
subjection
must
be
too
,
and
we
cannot
be
bound
to
submit
in
any
thing
that
is
unjust
and
unreasonable
,
neither
ought
we
,
neither
is
it
wisdom
to
give
too
great
,
or
an
absolute
power
unto
any
,
so
as
to
destroy
our
propriety
and
just
liberty
.
This
is
the
duty
.
section
3
The
benefit
follows
,
for
no
subjection
but
should
aim
at
some
good
,
and
it
's
either
unjust
,
or
vain
,
if
no
benefit
redound
from
it
.
The
benefits
here
mentioned
,
are
Rights
and
Priviledges
.
In
every
well
constituted
and
well
ordered
State
,
there
are
certain
general
Rights
,
and
also
Priviledges
both
real
and
personal
,
which
are
not
due
unto
Strangers
.
No
rational
people
will
subject
themselves
but
upon
condition
of
Protection
both
from
wrongs
within
the
State
,
and
from
violence
of
Foreigners
,
and
so
to
better
their
Estate
:
For
power
being
ordained
of
God
,
was
intended
for
the
good
of
the
parties
to
be
governed
;
For
the
Sword
is
put
by
God
into
the
hands
of
higher
powers
,
for
to
punish
the
Unjust
,
and
protect
the
Just
in
their
rights
and
due
.
As
for
Priviledges
,
he
understands
them
in
an
unusual
sence
;
For
Priviledges
being
reckoned
amongst
Laws
,
which
were
favourable
,
as
opposed
to
such
are
called
odious
,
and
bring
grievances
,
and
charges
upon
the
Subject
,
are
usually
made
for
the
benefit
of
some
single
persons
:
For
if
they
were
general
,
as
here
they
are
taken
,
they
were
not
priviledges
properly
,
except
in
respect
of
Strangers
of
other
States
,
which
in
that
particular
State
none
but
the
Subjects
could
enjoy
.
From
this
subjection
it
follows
,
that
if
the
Soveraign
require
Fealty
and
Homage
,
he
acknowledging
his
power
must
solemnly
testifie
it
;
and
if
it
be
demanded
,
confirm
it
by
oath
.
For
as
Princes
and
personal
Soveraigns
swear
to
the
people
,
so
the
people
are
bound
to
engage
themselves
to
them
again
.
And
by
this
Oath
of
Fealty
they
renounce
all
other
powers
,
not
only
Forreign
but
Domestick
too
.
For
upon
what
reason
can
protection
be
due
,
if
the
persons
protected
be
not
Faithful
,
and
Loyal
according
to
the
constitution
of
the
State.
By
this
subjection
,
if
the
Soveraign
make
Laws
,
the
Subject
is
bound
to
obey
or
suffer
.
And
if
the
command
be
unjust
,
he
is
not
bound
to
obey
,
because
he
subjected
himself
according
to
the
Laws
of
Wisdome
and
Justice
:
Yet
in
such
cases
he
being
a
subject
,
as
a
Subject
,
must
be
willing
to
suffer
and
not
resist
the
power
;
for
though
the
power
be
just
,
and
we
are
bound
to
submit
,
yet
we
are
not
bound
to
obey
the
unjust
Laws
of
a
just
power
.
The
Apostles
would
not
obey
the
unjust
commands
of
their
Rulers
,
yet
they
did
not
resist
their
power
,
but
rather
suffered
,
though
unjustly
persecuted
.
By
this
subjection
,
the
Subject
is
bound
to
maintain
their
higher
Powers
for
the
publick
good
and
safety
.
For
this
cause
therefore
(
saith
the
Apostle
)
pay
you
Tribute
also
,
for
they
are
Gods
Ministers
,
attending
continually
upon
this
thing
,
Rom.
13.6
.
By
this
Subjection
he
is
further
bound
to
hazard
,
not
only
his
Estate
,
but
his
Life
and
Person
for
the
Soveraign
,
and
the
State
in
a
time
of
publick
danger
.
And
all
this
must
be
done
not
for
fear
but
Conscience
sake
.
For
subjection
is
a
duty
required
by
the
Moral
Law
of
God
,
and
must
be
performed
out
of
love
,
and
in
obedience
unto
God
:
and
cannot
be
performed
by
any
so
fully
as
by
a
sincere
Christian.
And
though
we
must
pray
for
all
men
,
yet
especially
must
we
pray
for
them
,
1
Tim.
2.1
.
And
in
praying
for
them
,
we
pray
for
our selves
,
and
for
our
own
peace
.
Honour
also
is
due
from
Subjects
to
their
Soveraigns
by
reason
of
their
eminent
Dignity
,
which
ariseth
from
their
power
.
Contrary
to
these
are
dishonouring
,
reviling
,
or
vilifying
the
Higher
Power
,
disobedience
to
their
just
Laws
,
denying
of
Tribute
and
other
dues
;
refusing
to
hazzard
Person
or
Estate
for
the
Publick
safety
;
revolting
and
infidelity
,
keeping
Intelligence
with
Enemies
;
open
Rebellion
and
Resistance
of
their
Power
;
secret
Treasons
and
Conspiracies
against
their
Person
,
or
other
ways
directly
or
indirectly
.
And
the
greatest
Treason
and
Rebellion
,
and
Infidelity
is
that
against
the
State
it self
and
real
Majesty
;
the
next
is
that
against
personal
Majesty
in
the
general
Representative
of
the
whole
Community
;
the
next
to
that
,
is
that
against
the
person
or
persons
,
upon
whose
safety
the
Peace
and
Happiness
of
the
People
much
depends
.
And
that
which
is
against
Government
in
general
,
is
far
greater
than
that
which
is
only
against
this
,
or
that
form
in
particular
.
Treason
against
Laws
is
more
hainous
than
Treason
against
persons
:
and
Treason
against
the
Fundamental
Laws
,
than
Treason
against
Laws
for
Administration
.
This
Treason
against
the
Fundamentals
was
charged
upon
the
Earl
of
Strafford
;
and
the
personal
Commands
of
the
King
could
no
ways
excuse
him
.
Yet
it
was
not
thought
fit
that
the
Judgment
past
upon
him
,
should
be
made
a
Precedent
for
Inferiour
Courts
;
because
none
but
a
Parliament
could
judge
of
and
declare
the
Constitution
,
and
what
was
against
it
,
and
what
not
.
section
4
And
here
I
might
take
occasion
to
speak
of
Subjection
unto
Usurped
Power
,
and
acting
under
it
,
of
the
continuance
of
this
Obligation
unto
Subjection
,
and
the
dissolution
of
it
,
of
the
Obligation
,
of
the
Oaths
of
Supremacy
and
Allegiance
,
the
Protestation
,
the
Covenant
and
Engagement
in
respect
of
such
as
have
taken
them
.
Of
the
Civil
Wars
of
late
,
how
far
they
tended
unto
the
Dissolution
of
the
Government
,
and
how
far
they
did
actually
dissolve
it
.
Whether
the
warlike
resistance
made
by
the
Parliament
against
the
King's
Commissions
and
his
party
was
Rebellion
:
and
whether
there
was
any
legal
certain
Power
that
could
justly
challenge
Subjection
,
or
induce
an
obligation
to
it
,
since
the
commencement
of
the
War
:
or
whether
the
Power
continued
in
the
Parliament
till
the
Members
thereof
were
secluded
:
whether
the
Act
of
Alteration
was
a
sufficient
ground
of
Obligation
:
or
whether
any
of
the
Alterations
made
since
,
can
be
sufficient
for
that
purpose
.
But
the
distinct
discussion
hereof
would
require
a
great
Volume
,
which
I
intend
not
.
Neither
if
I
should
presume
to
deliver
my
judgment
in
these
particulars
,
is
there
any
probable
hope
of
giving
satisfaction
,
seeing
so
many
men
of
Eminent
Parts
and
Learning
do
so
much
differ
in
them
.
I
can
,
and
I
shall
pray
that
God
would
open
our
Eyes
to
see
the
Truth
,
and
unite
our
Hearts
in
Love
one
towards
another
.
1.
For
Usurpation
,
few
do
distinguish
between
the
Usurpation
and
manner
of
Acquisition
,
and
the
power
itself
.
For
Power
is
Gods
,
and
is
always
just
,
though
it
may
be
both
acquired
and
exercised
unjustly
.
There
are
also
several
kinds
o●
Usurpation
,
whereof
some
may
be
apparently
unjust
,
and
some
doubtful
:
And
there
is
scarcely
any
power
now
in
the
Kingdoms
and
States
of
this
World
but
were
Usurped
,
either
by
the
present
Possessors
,
or
some
of
their
Predecessors
.
Neither
can
the
tract
of
time
make
them
lawful
without
some
rational
consent
either
tacit
or
express
,
and
something
of
Divine
Providence
besides
.
For
supream
power
personal
cannot
be
usurped
and
possessed
by
any
man
without
the
Will
of
God
,
not
only
permitting
,
but
acting
and
giving
it
too
:
not
that
he
approves
mans
sin
,
or
can
do
any
thing
unjust
,
but
for
Reasons
just
and
good
,
known
many
times
only
to
himself
and
not
to
us
.
For
God
hath
made
use
of
Usurpers
for
to
execute
his
judgements
,
and
to
do
as
much
Justice
as
many
lawful
Successors
or
Possessors
,
and
may
bless
them
temporally
for
their
good
service
,
and
yet
punish
them
for
their
Ambition
and
unjust
manner
of
seeking
Power
.
By
this
he
no
ways
doth
warrant
or
encourage
,
or
give
the
least
liberty
to
any
one
to
usurpe
power
unlawfully
.
We
must
in
this
point
put
a
great
difference
between
those
Usurpations
which
are
contrary
to
the
Moral
Laws
of
God
,
and
such
as
are
only
disagreeing
with
humane
Institutions
,
which
many
times
may
be
unjust
.
Suppose
we
desire
to
have
an
Usurper
,
or
Usurpers
removed
,
yet
we
must
consider
,
whether
removal
may
not
do
a
far
greater
mischief
than
our
submission
can
possibly
do
.
When
we
do
submit
,
we
must
not
so
much
look
upon
the
unjust
manner
of
acquiring
the
power
,
as
at
the
power
itself
,
which
is
from
God
;
and
we
must
consider
the
necessity
which
Divine
Providence
hath
brought
us
into
,
seeing
he
gives
us
no
power
,
or
opportunity
to
right
our selves
in
respect
of
humane
Titles
,
or
free
our selves
from
such
as
we
conceive
Usurpers
,
under
whom
he
many
times
enjoys
Protection
,
Peace
,
Justice
,
and
the
Gospel
.
It
's
no
Wisdom
to
be
so
ready
and
rash
as
to
call
every
one
Usurper
,
which
did
not
obtain
his
power
according
to
the
Fancies
and
Idea's
of
our
own
Brain
,
and
to
deny
all
power
,
when
as
they
know
,
that
if
there
should
not
be
power
,
and
in
the
hands
of
some
,
and
the
same
exercised
too
,
all
would
come
to
ruin
,
and
they
themselves
could
not
escape
.
It
may
be
observed
,
that
the
greatest
Usurpers
themselves
are
readiest
to
charge
those
with
Usurpation
which
have
justly
dispossessed
them
.
Yet
for
all
this
we
must
not
justifie
Usurpation
that
is
truly
and
really
Usurpation
,
neither
must
we
swallow
Gudgeons
,
comply
with
every
party
,
and
sail
with
every
wind
,
as
some
are
ready
to
do
.
Yet
on
the
other
hand
,
we
must
not
be
too
scrupulous
and
pretend
Conscience
,
and
yet
make
our
Fancy
or
some
humane
Constitutions
our
Rule
,
and
adhere
unto
them
,
as
though
they
were
Divine
Institutions
.
For
some
whilst
they
refuse
either
to
submit
or
act
under
a
power
in
their
conceit
usurped
,
they
become
guilty
of
more
hainous
Sin
,
and
when
they
presume
they
are
faithful
to
some
personal
Majesty
,
they
prove
unfaithful
to
Real
,
and
their
own
dear
Country
,
preferring
the
Interest
of
some
Person
,
or
Family
,
or
persons
before
the
good
of
the
whole
body
of
the
people
,
to
whom
they
owe
more
than
to
any
other
.
And
whosoever
will
not
be
faithful
unto
his
own
Country
,
cannot
be
faithful
to
any
form
of
Government
,
or
personal
Governours
.
Yet
,
whosoever
will
handle
this
point
accurately
,
must
first
define
what
Usurpation
in
general
is
.
2.
How
many
kinds
and
differences
of
Usurpation
there
be
:
and
3.
What
the
particular
Usurpation
is
against
which
he
argues
;
and
4.
State
the
particular
Case
with
all
the
Circumstances
.
section
5
The
continuance
and
dissolution
of
a
Legal
Power
is
also
to
be
observed
.
As
for
real
Majesty
it
always
continues
,
whilest
the
Community
remains
a
Community
;
and
subjection
to
this
is
due
till
it
be
destroyed
.
Subjection
to
personal
Majesty
in
a
Representative
cannot
in
just
things
be
denied
,
till
a
latter
Representative
make
their
power
void
.
The
personal
Majesty
of
a
King
with
us
requires
subjection
,
whilst
he
lives
,
and
governeth
according
to
Law
,
but
upon
his
Death
,
or
upon
Tyranny
likewise
,
or
acting
to
the
dissolution
of
the
Fundamental
Constitution
,
he
ceaseth
to
be
a
Soveraign
,
and
the
Obligation
as
to
him
ceaseth
.
A
Parliament
turning
into
a
Faction
,
acting
above
their
Sphere
,
wronging
King
or
People
,
cannot
justly
require
,
nor
rationally
expect
for
Subjection
:
And
though
private
persons
cannot
,
yet
the
people
by
a
latter
and
well
ordered
Parliament
may
both
judge
them
,
and
call
the
Exorbitant
Members
to
account
.
When
a
personal
Soveraign
cannot
protect
his
Subjects
,
because
their
Lives
,
Persons
,
and
Estates
,
are
in
the
power
of
another
,
he
cannot
rationally
require
subjection
,
but
for
the
time
at
least
he
should
be
willing
to
free
them
from
Allegiance
:
and
to
let
them
make
the
best
terms
they
can
for
themselves
.
But
voluntary
Revolt
or
Rebellion
cannot
free
them
from
this
Obligation
to
their
lawful
Soveraign
.
In
a
word
,
so
many
ways
as
Majesty
and
Soveraignty
may
be
lost
,
so
many
ways
this
Obligation
may
be
dissolved
.
Yet
in
all
these
Dissolutions
Subjects
must
remember
,
that
their
Obligation
to
God
and
their
Country
doth
continue
,
when
not
only
Personal
Soveraigns
,
but
also
the
Forms
of
Government
are
altered
.
There
are
just
Causes
and
Reasons
of
the
Dissolution
of
this
Obligation
,
and
there
are
also
unjust
pretences
and
grounds
of
denying
Subjection
.
If
any
one
of
an
innovating
humour
or
desire
of
alteration
,
or
discontent
with
their
present
Governours
,
or
conceits
of
false
Titles
,
or
an
intention
to
advance
some
of
their
own
party
,
or
a
belief
that
any
forraign
Prince
or
Priest
can
absolve
them
from
their
Allegiance
;
or
that
their
Soveraigns
are
wicked
,
or
do
not
administer
justly
,
or
are
Tyrants
,
when
they
are
not
,
or
in
any
such
like
case
,
shall
seek
to
cast
off
the
Yoke
,
and
think
themselves
free
,
they
must
needs
be
guilty
,
and
cannot
be
excused
.
Those
are
the
greatest
Offenders
,
who
are
Enemies
to
Government
it self
under
pretence
of
liberty
,
or
impunity
in
their
Crimes
,
vailed
under
the
notion
of
self-preservation
,
or
a
reformation
of
some
things
amiss
.
section
6
The
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
could
alter
nothing
in
the
Constitution
;
and
both
did
presuppose
our
Allegiance
due
to
England
,
according
to
the
fundamental
Laws
,
and
could
neither
take
it
away
nor
add
any
thing
unto
it
.
The
Parliament
by
them
might
declare
what
was
the
Duty
of
every
Subject
.
The
occasion
of
them
both
are
well
known
;
the
end
was
to
exclude
all
forraign
Power
in
matter
of
Religion
and
civil
Right
,
in
both
which
the
Pope
had
usurped
formerly
,
and
might
do
so
for
future
times
,
especially
,
seeing
many
Subjects
did
incline
so
much
unto
the
Sea
of
Rome
.
They
seemed
to
bind
the
Subjects
,
taking
them
not
only
to
the
present
Kings
or
Queens
,
but
their
Heirs
and
Successors
.
For
the
King
might
have
Heirs
and
Successors
;
and
he
might
have
no
Heirs
,
and
yet
have
Successors
.
For
Queen
Elizabeth
had
no
Heir
or
Heirs
,
but
a
Successor
she
had
.
Yet
,
because
the
Crown
is
not
entailed
by
common
Law
,
and
the
fundamental
Rule
,
as
some
tell
us
,
therefore
none
is
a
Successor
till
he
be
designed
,
and
actually
invested
and
acknowledged
,
and
till
then
the
Oaths
were
not
administred
to
be
taken
by
any
particular
subject
.
The
Oath
taken
to
the
former
Prince
,
if
once
removed
by
Death
or
some
other
way
,
though
it
expressed
Heirs
and
Successors
,
was
not
thought
sufficient
:
it
must
be
taken
anew
unto
the
present
Successor
by
Name
.
Yet
,
if
the
Crown
had
been
entailed
,
or
the
King
's
proper
Fee
by
Inheritance
,
this
seems
to
be
needless
.
One
reason
of
these
words
inserted
seems
to
be
this
,
that
seeing
Succession
and
Election
was
usually
in
a
Line
,
it
was
intended
by
them
to
exclude
Pretenders
,
and
all
Power
of
the
Pope
,
or
any
other
to
dispose
of
the
Crown
when
the
former
Possessor
was
removed
or
deceased
:
yet
they
did
not
so
tye
us
to
be
faithful
unto
the
Power
of
England
,
to
be
exercised
by
King
,
Peers
,
and
Commons
:
as
that
it
were
unlawful
to
be
true
and
faithful
unto
the
Community
of
England
,
though
under
another
form
.
The
Obligation
to
our
Country
was
far
higher
,
and
fidelity
to
it
was
due
by
the
Laws
of
God
and
Nature
,
so
that
we
must
seek
the
good
thereof
,
though
the
Government
was
altered
.
Fidelity
unto
the
Community
is
first
due
;
Fidelity
to
it
under
some
form
of
Government
was
the
second
;
Fidelity
unto
it
as
under
that
form
by
King
,
Peers
,
and
Commons
was
the
third
;
Fidelity
unto
the
person
of
the
King
is
the
last
,
and
presupposeth
the
former
:
whosoever
understands
and
takes
them
otherwise
,
perverts
the
true
meaning
,
and
makes
them
unlawful
.
The
Protestation
and
Covenant
were
made
in
a
time
of
danger
and
distraction
,
and
did
include
or
presuppose
the
former
Obligations
:
yet
the
Protestation
superadded
something
concerning
the
Protestant
Doctrine
of
the
Church
of
England
to
be
maintain'd
,
and
the
Covenant
something
of
Discipline
as
to
be
performed
,
and
both
extended
to
the
preservation
of
the
peace
and
union
of
the
three
Kingdoms
:
Neither
of
them
did
allow
any
unlawful
means
to
compass
these
ends
:
Neither
of
them
could
take
away
our
Obligation
to
our
Country
,
and
destroy
our
English
Primary
Interest
,
but
it
remains
entire
:
and
since
all
the
alterations
made
afterwards
,
we
are
as
much
as
ever
bound
to
seek
and
promote
the
same
;
and
whosoever
will
refuse
to
do
so
,
upon
pretence
of
these
Oathes
,
the
Protestation
and
the
Covenant
,
he
is
Traytor
to
the
common
good
of
the
Nation
.
For
as
there
is
a
positive
,
so
there
is
a
negative
Infidelity
.
For
though
such
did
not
use
any
means
positive
to
destroy
it
,
yet
they
neglect
it
,
and
if
every
one
should
do
as
they
do
,
sit
still
and
look
on
,
and
do
nothing
,
it
would
certainly
come
to
ruin
,
and
fall
into
the
hands
of
those
who
are
their
Mortal
Enemies
.
section
7
The
late
Civil
Wars
in
England
did
not
only
tend
unto
the
Dissolution
of
the
Government
,
but
actually
for
that
time
dissolve
it
.
For
if
the
first
Supream
Power
personally
was
in
King
,
Peers
,
and
Commons
joyntly
,
then
it
follows
,
that
when
the
King
forsook
the
Parliament
,
and
refused
to
act
joyntly
with
them
,
it
was
dissolved
,
much
more
when
he
set
up
his
Standard
,
and
granted
the
Commission
of
Array
and
fought
against
them
.
For
then
there
were
two
contrary
Powers
and
Supream
Commands
,
and
the
Subjects
in
strict
sense
were
not
bound
to
obey
either
.
And
the
Parliament
did
declare
,
that
whensoever
the
King
should
make
War
upon
them
,
it
was
a
breach
of
the
trust
reposed
in
him
by
his
People
,
contrary
to
his
Oath
,
and
tended
to
the
Dissolution
of
the
Government
.
If
the
Government
was
dissolved
,
it
will
follow
that
the
Subjects
were
freed
from
their
Allegiance
,
yet
the
Allegiance
due
to
the
Community
of
England
did
continue
;
and
every
one
was
bound
to
adhere
to
the
just
party
according
to
the
Laws
of
God
,
though
in
doing
so
,
they
could
not
observe
the
Laws
of
men
.
And
whosoever
did
oppose
that
just
party
,
did
render
themselves
for
ever
uncapable
of
the
benefit
of
the
English
protection
,
and
were
ipso
facto
Enemies
to
their
own
Country
,
their
own
peace
and
safety
.
Yet
the
Parliament
did
not
declare
,
that
upon
a
War
made
upon
them
,
the
Government
was
actually
dissolved
;
because
though
that
War
tended
to
the
dissolution
thereof
,
yet
they
conceiv'd
that
the
form
did
remain
still
in
King
,
Peers
,
and
Commons
;
and
a
considerable
party
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
remained
in
the
place
,
whither
they
were
summon'd
by
the
King
,
and
by
vertue
of
the
Act
of
Continuance
continued
a
Parliament
,
and
that
the
King's
power
was
virtually
in
the
two
Houses
:
Yet
in
this
they
passed
above
the
Letter
of
the
Law
,
and
followed
the
Rules
of
Equity
and
Reason
;
and
perhaps
they
had
some
hopes
of
rectifying
the
King
,
and
had
no
intention
to
alter
the
form
,
if
they
could
preserve
it
,
and
keep
it
up
.
But
all
their
Wisdom
and
Endeavours
could
not
prevent
the
Judgment
,
that
God
intended
to
execute
.
section
8
Whether
the
warlike
resistance
made
by
the
Parliament
against
the
King
,
against
his
Commissions
,
against
his
party
was
a
Rebellion
?
The
King
did
declare
it
to
be
Rebellion
,
and
proclaimed
the
Parliament-party
Rebels
and
Traytors
,
yet
he
did
not
declare
the
Parliament
to
be
Rebellious
:
For
so
to
have
done
had
been
offensive
to
his
own
party
,
and
he
had
a
considerable
party
perhaps
in
both
the
Houses
:
and
if
he
did
acknowledge
it
to
be
a
Parliament
,
in
condemning
them
he
must
have
condemned
himself
,
because
he
was
an
essential
Member
of
the
same
.
Neither
did
the
Parliament
profess
they
fought
against
,
but
for
the
King.
Yet
,
if
they
fought
against
such
as
were
commissioned
by
the
King
,
they
fought
against
the
King
,
and
,
if
the
King
declared
the
Parliaments
party
to
be
Rebels
and
Traytors
,
he
must
needs
judge
the
Parliament
guilty
;
because
as
he
in
his
War
was
the
principal
Agent
,
so
they
on
their
side
were
too
.
This
gave
occasion
of
curious
distinctions
.
For
men
did
distinguish
between
Charles
Stewart
and
the
King
,
betwen
his
regal
and
his
personal
Capacity
:
and
on
the
other
side
,
between
the
Parliament
and
a
party
in
the
Parliament
,
though
the
whole
Parliament
did
Commission
and
Arm.
Thus
they
found
a
difference
between
the
King
and
himself
,
and
the
Parliament
and
itself
.
These
distinctions
were
not
altogether
false
:
yet
though
Charles
Stewart
and
the
King
,
and
so
the
Parliament
,
and
a
party
in
the
Parliament
might
be
distinguished
,
yet
they
could
not
be
separated
.
And
woe
unto
the
people
that
is
brought
into
such
straights
and
perplexities
.
For
if
they
kill
Charles
Stewart
,
they
kill
the
King
;
and
if
the
King
destroy
that
party
in
the
Parliament
,
he
destroys
the
Parliament
.
But
to
return
unto
the
Question
;
it
's
one
thing
to
be
Rebellion
,
another
to
be
judged
Rebellion
.
For
that
may
be
judged
Rebellion
,
which
is
not
such
,
and
the
same
thing
may
be
justified
by
one
and
condemned
by
another
.
Arnisaeus
handles
this
matter
at
large
,
and
makes
the
Question
in
general
to
be
this
:
Whether
upon
any
Cause
whatsoever
,
it
is
lawful
for
the
Subjects
to
resist
,
or
take
up
Arms
against
their
lawful
Soveraign
?
When
he
hath
stated
the
Question
,
he
determines
upon
the
Negative
,
and
proves
it
.
In
stating
the
Question
,
he
seems
to
define
a
Subject
to
be
one
,
who
hath
given
his
Allegiance
to
his
lawful
Prince
.
But
what
he
means
per
fidem
datam
,
is
not
made
so
clear
.
Then
he
distinguisheth
of
Princes
.
For
,
1.
There
are
Regna
pactionata
,
where
Princes
are
made
upon
condition
.
2.
There
are
Regna
absoluta
,
where
the
Princes
are
absolute
.
3.
There
are
Tyrants
,
and
that
of
two
sorts
:
1.
In
Title
,
as
Usurpers
.
2.
In
Exercise
.
These
distinctions
being
made
,
he
grants
,
That
Princes
upon
condition
may
be
resisted
for
their
ill
Administration
.
2.
That
Tyrants
in
Title
,
before
the
Subjects
bind
themselves
unto
them
,
may
be
opposed
.
3.
That
Tyrants
in
Exercise
may
be
deposed
,
and
that
by
their
Tyranny
,
excidunt
jure
suo
etsi
haereditario
,
divests
themselves
of
their
power
,
though
hereditary
.
4.
That
absolute
Soveraigns
who
have
potestatem
non
delegatam
,
sed
transfusam
,
cannot
be
resisted
lawfully
,
though
they
be
vicious
,
and
their
Administrations
impious
and
unjust
,
if
it
reach
not
Tyranny
,
which
is
directly
against
the
Laws
and
Rules
of
Government
,
and
tends
to
the
destruction
of
the
Common-wealth
.
But
in
all
this
Discourse
he
doth
not
produce
any
Authentical
Record
,
Fundamental
Charter
for
these
absolute
Soveraigns
,
which
have
omnem
&
omnimodam
potestatem
à
populo
transfusam
.
As
for
that
Roman
transfusion
of
power
upon
the
Emperours
,
it
's
an
uncertain
thing
:
Lex
Regia
doth
no
where
appear
,
it
's
doubted
of
many
,
as
it
is
denied
by
many
.
And
suppose
that
people
should
be
so
unwise
,
what
's
that
to
others
?
He
seems
to
contradict
his
own
Definition
of
a
subject
,
which
I
formerly
explained
,
he
mistakes
most
grosly
the
Constitution
of
some
States
,
wherein
he
instanceth
,
Whosoever
will
determine
this
Controversie
,
or
debate
it
to
purpose
,
he
must
,
1.
Define
Subjection
,
and
declare
the
several
degrees
of
it
,
according
to
the
several
Constitutions
of
Common-wealt
.
2.
If
he
instance
in
a
particular
State
,
he
must
certainly
know
the
Fundamental
Laws
thereof
,
and
truly
express
them
.
3.
He
must
put
the
case
aright
,
and
state
the
Question
,
hic
&
nunc
&
rebus
sic
stantibus
.
This
resistance
,
if
Rebellion
must
be
an
act
of
a
Subject
,
as
a
Subject
;
and
that
cannot
be
but
against
his
Soveraign
,
as
his
lawful
Soveraign
according
to
the
Laws
of
God
and
just
Laws
of
Men.
And
no
man
is
able
to
justifie
the
Resistance
of
a
Subject
,
as
a
Subject
.
The
Question
is
therefore
,
Whether
he
that
is
a
Soveraign
may
not
be
in
some
case
resisted
by
the
people
,
and
if
he
may
,
in
what
case
a
resistance
is
lawful
and
free
from
the
guilt
of
Rebellion
?
Our
Case
in
England
is
extraordinary
,
and
not
easily
known
by
many
of
our
own
,
much
less
by
strangers
not
acquainted
with
our
Government
.
The
Resistance
in
the
late
Wars
,
was
not
the
first
that
was
made
against
the
Kings
of
England
,
by
the
people
of
England
,
though
it
differed
from
all
the
former
.
The
difference
was
between
the
King
and
Parliament
,
whereof
he
was
a
part
,
yet
severing
himself
from
the
whole
body
.
And
the
Parliament
was
no
Subject
,
considered
as
a
Parliament
,
for
then
the
King
himself
being
an
essential
part
thereof
should
be
a
Subject
.
As
he
was
divided
willingly
or
wilfully
from
it
,
he
could
be
no
King
,
no
Soveraign
.
For
if
the
power
was
in
the
King
and
Parliament
joyntly
,
it
could
not
be
in
him
alone
.
Besides
,
when
there
is
no
Parliament
,
we
know
he
is
a
King
by
Law
,
and
the
Kingdom
is
Regnum
pactionatum
non
absolutum
.
If
he
make
himself
absolute
,
by
that
very
act
he
makes
himself
no
King
of
England
.
For
the
common
and
fundamental
Law
knows
no
such
King.
Yet
this
was
all
either
he
or
his
party
could
say
to
justifie
themselves
.
If
he
say
the
Militia
was
his
,
the
Parliament
will
say
it
's
theirs
as
well
as
his
,
and
except
he
be
absolute
,
it
must
needs
be
so
.
For
if
the
supream
power
be
in
King
,
Peers
,
and
Commons
joyntly
,
the
Militia
,
which
is
an
essential
part
of
this
power
,
could
not
be
his
alone
.
The
Parliament
conceived
that
when
he
left
them
he
left
his
power
with
them
,
&
if
that
could
be
made
good
by
the
Fundamental
Constitution
,
then
all
England
was
bound
to
subject
to
them
for
the
time
,
and
obey
their
just
Commands
.
And
,
if
it
were
not
so
,
how
could
all
such
as
took
up
Arms
with
the
King
against
them
be
adjudged
Traytors
,
as
they
were
.
If
these
things
be
so
,
there
could
be
no
Rebellion
upon
the
Parliaments
side
,
because
according
to
the
Rules
the
Parliament
was
no
Subject
,
the
King
then
,
separated
from
the
Parliament
,
refusing
to
Act
with
them
,
Acting
and
Warring
against
them
,
was
no
Soveraign
.
The
Question
in
the
time
of
those
bloody
and
unnatural
Dissentions
,
was
stated
several
ways
:
as
,
Whether
it
was
Rebellion
in
Subjects
Commissioned
by
the
Parliament
to
resist
evil
Counsellours
,
Agents
,
Ministers
of
State
,
and
Delinquents
,
sheltring
themselves
under
the
King
as
divided
from
the
Parliament
,
and
acting
against
the
Laws
by
his
Commissions
?
or
,
Whether
the
Parliament
of
England
lawfully
Assembled
,
where
the
King
virtually
is
,
may
by
Arms
defend
the
Religion
established
by
the
same
Power
,
together
with
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
Nation
,
against
Delinquents
,
detaining
with
them
the
Kings
seduced
person
?
or
,
Whether
the
Parliament
might
not
grant
a
Commission
to
the
Earl
of
Essex
by
a
force
to
apprehend
Delinquents
about
the
King
to
bring
them
to
a
due
Tryal
,
and
this
even
against
the
personal
will
of
the
King
?
Or
,
whether
after
the
Parliament
had
passed
a
Judgment
against
the
King
,
they
might
not
lawfully
give
Commission
to
General
Fairfaxe
,
to
apprehend
the
Kings
person
,
and
bring
him
to
the
Parliament
?
or
,
Supposing
the
King
to
be
an
Absolute
Monarch
,
whether
any
of
these
things
could
be
done
by
any
Commission
from
the
Parliament
,
as
the
Condition
of
the
Kingdom
stood
at
that
time
?
Thus
and
several
ways
was
the
Question
then
stated
and
debated
.
But
the
Truth
is
,
that
if
the
Fundamental
Government
be
by
King
,
Peers
,
and
Commons
joyntly
,
and
that
neither
the
Parliament
,
consisting
of
these
three
States
,
nor
the
Parliament
as
distinct
from
the
King
,
nor
the
King
as
divided
from
the
Parliament
could
alter
this
Constitution
,
nor
lawfully
act
any
thing
contrary
unto
it
,
then
so
soon
as
the
Commission
of
Array
on
one
side
,
and
of
the
Militia
on
the
other
were
issued
out
,
and
were
put
in
Execution
,
the
Subjects
in
strict
sense
were
freed
from
their
Allegiance
.
And
if
they
acted
upon
either
side
,
their
actings
were
just
or
unjust
,
as
they
were
agreeable
or
disagreeable
to
the
Fundamental
Laws
,
and
the
general
and
principal
end
of
Government
.
For
even
then
their
subjection
to
the
Laws
of
God
,
and
Fundamental
Constitution
of
the
Kingdom
did
continue
:
and
they
were
even
then
most
of
all
bound
to
endeavour
with
all
their
power
the
good
and
preservation
of
their
Country
bleeding
,
and
conflicting
with
the
pangs
of
Death
.
And
in
that
cause
no
man
was
bound
too
scrupulously
to
observe
the
petty
Rules
of
our
ordinary
administration
,
which
were
proper
for
a
time
of
Peace
,
which
could
not
help
but
hinder
her
recovery
.
In
such
an
extraordinary
case
,
many
extraordinary
things
,
if
not
in
themselves
unjust
,
might
have
been
done
to
prevent
her
ruine
.
And
if
the
Parliament
had
gone
at
first
far
higher
than
they
did
,
they
had
prevented
the
ruin
of
the
King
,
the
dis-inherison
of
His
Children
,
and
very
much
effusion
of
blood
which
followed
afterwards
.
The
business
then
was
easie
,
which
afterwards
became
difficult
and
could
not
be
effected
but
with
the
loss
of
many
thousands
,
and
the
hazard
of
themselves
:
for
their
Cause
at
first
was
well
resented
and
had
many
advantages
,
but
was
much
prejudicial
by
too
much
intermedling
with
Religion
,
and
making
some
alterations
in
the
Church
before
the
time
.
section
9
The
next
Question
is
,
whether
since
the
Commencement
of
the
War
,
there
was
any
certain
ordinary
legal
Power
,
which
could
induce
an
Obligation
,
or
there
was
any
such
Power
after
the
Wars
was
begun
,
it
continued
after
the
War
was
ended
till
the
secluding
of
the
Members
,
and
upon
that
seclusion
ceased
.
The
answer
unto
these
two
Questions
seems
not
to
be
difficult
.
For
there
neither
was
,
nor
could
be
any
such
certain
ordinary
legal
Power
,
which
could
in
the
strict
letter
of
the
Law
bind
all
English
Subjects
to
subjection
.
For
,
during
a
Parliament
,
this
binding
power
is
in
King
,
Peers
,
and
Commons
joyntly
:
in
the
Intervals
of
Parliament
,
it
s
in
the
King
acting
according
to
the
Laws
of
Administration
.
But
all
this
while
,
nay
to
this
day
,
there
is
no
such
Parliament
,
no
such
King.
And
both
in
the
time
of
the
Wars
and
after
,
both
King
and
Parliament
acted
not
only
above
but
contrary
to
many
of
our
Laws
,
which
in
the
time
of
Peace
are
ordinarily
observed
.
Neither
of
them
could
give
us
any
Precedent
for
many
things
done
by
them
:
and
those
few
Precedents
alledged
for
some
of
their
Actions
were
extraordinary
,
and
Acts
of
extraordinary
times
.
If
the
Counties
and
People
of
England
had
not
been
ignorant
and
divided
,
the
division
of
King
and
Parliament
did
give
them
far
greater
power
than
they
,
or
their
Forefathers
had
for
many
years
.
But
it
did
not
seem
good
to
the
Eternal
Wise
and
Just
Providence
to
make
them
so
happy
.
Punished
we
must
be
,
that
was
his
sentence
,
and
punished
we
have
been
,
yet
few
of
us
receive
correction
,
or
return
to
him
that
Smote
us
.
Some
think
an
ordinary
power
continued
on
foot
till
the
Members
were
secluded
,
yet
there
was
no
such
thing
;
for
the
two
Houses
could
not
according
to
ordinary
Rules
exercise
the
Ordinary
power
of
the
King
,
though
they
might
use
his
name
,
and
did
so
contrary
unto
his
consent
.
If
they
should
alledge
that
his
power
was
forfeited
and
did
divolve
upon
them
,
that
would
be
hard
to
prove
.
We
know
well
enough
,
if
it
be
not
in
him
,
where
it
is
:
it
could
no
ways
be
in
them
but
for
the
exercise
,
and
in
them
for
that
end
it
was
an
extraordinary
way
.
Some
would
say
,
that
if
the
King
was
dead
either
naturally
or
in
Law
,
a
Parliament
must
instantly
dissolve
and
be
no
Parliament
,
because
there
was
wanting
an
essential
part
.
The
act
of
continuance
could
not
help
them
in
this
case
,
for
it
presupposed
all
the
three
essential
parts
.
Neither
could
any
particular
Parliament
enact
,
that
there
should
be
a
Parliament
without
all
the
three
essential
members
.
If
they
should
make
any
such
Act
,
by
a
following
Parliament
it
may
be
repealed
,
and
the
parties
in
the
name
of
the
People
of
England
,
called
to
account
for
altering
the
Fundamental
Government
.
For
we
must
not
favour
on
particular
Parliament
,
so
as
to
wrong
all
England
,
or
suffer
any
ill
example
to
be
given
.
Yet
,
if
ever
any
Parliament
did
deserve
not
only
to
be
pardoned
,
if
they
did
some
things
amiss
,
but
to
be
rewarded
for
their
service
,
surely
this
Parliament
did
:
for
never
any
suffered
more
even
from
him
who
summoned
them
,
and
from
them
who
chose
the
particular
Members
:
Never
any
was
brought
into
the
like
straits
:
I
mean
,
that
this
respect
was
to
be
had
to
the
upright
party
.
But
,
if
there
was
no
ordinary
power
,
what
must
the
people
do
in
such
a
case
and
distracted
condition
?
In
this
I
will
give
mine
opinion
in
that
which
follows
.
section
10
Whether
could
the
Act
of
alteration
,
which
required
the
ingagement
or
any
of
the
alterations
,
which
followed
,
introduce
an
Obligation
to
Subjection
?
The
answer
is
,
they
could
not
in
any
ordinary
way
do
any
such
thing
.
For
if
the
constitution
was
dissolved
,
and
the
personal
Majesty
forfeited
,
it
must
devolve
unto
the
people
,
and
no
Parliament
,
nor
part
of
a
Parliament
,
or
any
other
person
but
the
people
could
either
alter
the
former
Government
nor
Model
a
new
one
:
For
according
to
the
general
principles
of
Government
,
the
right
of
Constitution
,
Alteration
,
Abolition
,
Reformation
is
the
right
of
real
Majesty
;
if
it
be
not
their
right
,
then
the
people
may
be
bound
to
Subjection
without
their
consent
.
A
Parliament
may
declare
it
,
but
some
make
it
a
Question
whether
their
Declaration
be
binding
?
If
they
who
required
the
engagement
did
intend
to
exclude
a
King
,
who
should
separate
from
them
,
or
refuse
to
act
with
them
,
or
challenge
an
Absolute
power
.
2.
To
abolish
the
House
of
Lords
,
as
distinct
from
that
of
the
Commons
with
a
Negative
Voyce
in
Legislation
,
and
of
such
Lords
as
were
Lords
by
Writ
or
Patent
only
.
3.
To
declare
that
upon
a
dissolution
the
power
was
devolved
to
the
people
,
it
was
the
more
tolerable
,
Yet
who
gave
them
power
to
do
this
,
or
declare
this
?
When
I
mention
the
people
of
England
as
the
primary
subject
of
Power
,
and
the
heir
of
real
Majesty
,
I
mean
the
rational
judicial
party
;
for
no
consent
of
people
,
that
is
not
rational
and
agreeable
to
the
Laws
of
God
,
is
of
any
force
.
And
I
exclude
not
only
such
as
are
barely
Members
virtually
,
but
all
Rebels
,
The
rational
part
of
a
people
the
heir
of
real
Majesty
.
Traytors
,
and
malignant
persons
.
For
in
the
midst
of
these
Bloody
distractions
,
and
perplexity
of
minds
,
there
was
a
Sanior
pars
,
a
rational
judicious
party
that
unfeignedly
desired
the
Peace
,
Welfare
,
and
happiness
of
England
.
And
,
when
many
Members
of
a
Community
are
insufficient
of
themselves
to
judge
,
what
is
just
and
good
,
&
many
of
them
perverted
,
the
power
remains
in
parte
saniore
,
aut
in
parte
hujus
partis
valentiore
;
and
in
those
,
who
upon
right
information
shall
consent
with
them
.
For
many
who
are
not
able
of
themselves
to
judge
,
yet
when
they
are
rightly
informed
,
are
willing
to
consent
.
But
to
return
unto
the
former
Question
,
seeing
there
was
no
ordinary
power
,
which
could
introduce
any
strict
Obligation
,
what
must
the
People
do
in
such
a
Case
?
What
's
their
duty
?
The
Answer
is
,
That
though
there
was
no
Ordinary
,
yet
there
was
an
Extraordinary
Power
ever
since
the
Wars
were
ended
to
this
day
,
which
they
were
bound
to
obey
.
For
,
1.
Seeing
the
Community
of
England
did
remain
,
and
in
the
same
better
party
,
Real
Majesty
did
continue
.
2.
The
Fundamental
Government
could
not
be
dissolved
by
one
King
and
one
Parliament
,
though
they
both
had
agreed
to
do
it
.
For
,
though
as
to
them
it
was
actually
dissolved
,
yet
the
right
might
remain
virtually
in
the
Community
;
I
mean
,
a
right
to
continue
it
,
if
they
pleased
.
3.
As
the
Case
now
is
,
and
was
since
the
Wars
were
ended
,
this
Fundamental
Government
could
not
be
so
restored
as
to
Act.
4.
All
parties
did
agree
that
there
should
be
a
Government
and
a
Power
for
Protection
,
and
Administration
of
Justice
;
but
the
difference
was
,
what
the
Model
should
be
and
most
of
all
,
who
should
Exercise
this
Power
.
Some
did
challenge
and
seek
it
for
themselves
,
some
for
their
Friends
,
whom
they
conceived
to
favour
their
party
and
interest
.
For
many
of
the
Royalists
were
for
the
late
Kings
Eldest
Son
,
not
so
much
for
the
Publick
good
,
as
for
the
private
interest
:
and
many
other
parties
were
guilty
of
the
very
same
crime
.
5.
Government
it self
for
the
substance
is
more
material
,
than
this
or
that
form
,
and
the
Exercise
of
Power
,
than
the
Exercise
by
such
or
such
particular
Persons
.
For
,
if
there
be
not
a
Governing
Power
,
and
some
to
Exercise
it
,
and
the
rest
to
submit
,
there
can
be
no
protection
from
Enemies
,
no
Justice
,
no
Order
,
but
a
meer
Anarchy
,
upon
which
a
ruin
instantly
and
unavoidably
will
follow
.
For
prevention
whereof
much
may
be
done
,
which
in
a
time
of
safety
would
be
utterly
unlawful
.
The
people
may
submit
to
any
,
whom
they
shall
conceive
shall
be
able
to
protect
them
,
and
willing
to
preserve
the
Laws
for
Administration
of
Justice
.
They
need
not
stand
upon
doubtful
Titles
,
nor
Quiddities
in
Law
,
but
may
do
what
they
can
do
,
so
that
it
be
not
unjust
by
the
moral
Laws
of
God.
6.
Seeing
some
particular
Government
was
necessary
,
and
all
rational
men
did
agree
in
this
,
therefore
there
was
an
obligation
to
subjection
,
and
every
particular
person
was
bound
to
submit
unto
the
present
power
,
under
which
they
enjoyed
the
benefit
of
the
Laws
,
and
protection
both
from
publick
Enemies
and
private
Injustice
.
This
is
not
so
to
be
understood
,
as
though
every
one
or
any
ought
to
rest
in
this
extraordinary
condition
,
but
to
desire
and
endeavour
to
restore
the
first
constitution
freed
from
corruption
,
or
some
part
or
degrees
of
it
,
and
proceed
by
little
and
little
,
as
God
in
divine
providence
shall
prepare
the
people
for
it
,
and
enable
us
to
introduce
it
and
settle
it
.
But
still
we
must
prefer
the
publick
good
before
any
particular
form
of
Government
,
and
seriously
consider
what
is
best
to
be
done
for
the
present
.
For
,
when
we
cannot
do
what
we
will
,
we
must
be
willing
to
do
what
we
can
;
whosoever
will
not
submit
in
such
a
case
,
nay
,
and
act
too
for
the
publick
good
and
interest
of
his
dear
Country
,
must
needs
be
guilty
before
God
,
as
not
loving
God
,
and
his
publick
Neighbour
as
they
are
bound
to
do
.
It
was
a
just
resolution
and
profession
of
some
,
who
returned
to
act
in
Parliament
,
after
the
Members
were
secluded
,
and
the
King
put
to
death
,
and
said
though
they
did
not
like
and
approve
of
some
things
already
done
,
yet
they
would
joyn
cordially
with
the
rest
to
promote
the
publick
good
for
future
times
.
So
likewise
the
Judges
,
after
another
great
alteration
was
made
,
debating
what
to
do
,
they
unanimously
agreed
to
act
,
because
there
was
a
necessity
that
Justice
should
be
administred
unto
the
people
,
and
the
Laws
kept
in
force
.
They
did
not
think
it
fit
to
demur
and
delay
till
the
names
of
King
and
Parliament
should
be
put
in
their
Commission
:
they
knew
they
were
not
essential
to
Justice
,
or
necessary
,
or
so
much
as
conducing
to
the
administration
thereof
,
as
the
case
then
was
.
Neither
did
they
scruple
to
undertake
the
work
,
because
of
the
former
Oaths
,
Protestation
,
Covenant
,
Engagement
:
for
,
if
these
did
tye
their
hands
from
doing
God
and
their
Country
service
,
they
knew
they
must
be
vincula
iniquitatis
,
but
so
they
did
not
understand
them
.
The
sum
is
,
there
was
an
extraordinary
power
,
besides
the
Allegiance
due
unto
God
and
our
Country
,
and
therefore
subjection
was
due
from
all
English
men
.
Let
us
suppose
an
Inter-regnum
,
as
there
hath
been
,
is
and
in
part
will
be
till
we
be
more
fully
settled
,
and
the
power
ordinary
brought
into
a
constant
channel
,
will
any
man
doubt
or
fear
to
submit
and
act
,
because
he
conceives
things
are
not
ordered
according
to
his
mind
?
And
shall
there
be
no
Government
,
no
submission
till
he
be
satisfied
,
and
his
Idea
established
?
Suppose
all
should
do
so
,
especially
such
as
are
of
parts
and
ability
,
what
will
become
of
us
all
?
Let
wise
men
consider
what
would
be
the
consequents
thereof
.
It
's
true
,
no
party
should
engross
the
power
to
the
prejudice
of
our
Liberty
and
the
publick
good
;
yet
we
must
stay
God's
time
,
and
use
such
means
as
may
stand
with
the
publick
safety
.
Some
kind
of
remedies
may
at
some
times
help
,
which
at
another
may
do
mischief
,
not
cure
,
but
kill
.
We
should
remember
that
it
's
not
committed
to
man
but
reserved
by
God
unto
himself
to
dispose
of
the
Kingdoms
and
States
of
the
World.
It
's
not
in
our
power
to
have
and
chuse
what
Government
and
Governours
we
will
.
That
we
,
after
such
bloody
Wars
and
bitter
Dissentions
have
not
a
settled
State
,
it
's
God's
Judgments
upon
us
for
our
sins
;
that
for
the
present
we
enjoy
peace
and
the
Gospel
,
it
's
his
unspeakable
mercy
:
Let
every
soul
therefore
be
subject
to
the
higher
powers
,
for
there
is
no
power
but
of
God
:
the
powers
that
be
,
are
ordained
of
God.
Let
us
submit
our selves
to
every
ordinance
of
man
for
the
Lord's
sake
,
whether
to
the
king
as
supream
,
or
unto
governours
,
as
unto
them
who
are
sent
by
him
for
the
punishment
of
evil-doers
,
and
the
praise
of
them
that
do
well
.
Where
,
amongst
other
things
,
these
are
observable
,
That
Governours
,
and
Government
are
of
God.
2.
That
the
end
of
Government
is
the
punishment
of
Evil-doers
,
and
the
praise
and
protection
of
them
that
do
well
.
3.
That
Governnours
are
supreme
and
subordinate
.
For
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
turned
ordinance
of
man
,
is
meant
,
Civil
Government
molded
by
man
,
and
Governours
designed
and
created
by
man
to
rule
over
man
.
4.
That
subjection
to
these
is
due
by
Divine
Law
and
Ordination
.
These
things
I
thought
good
to
deliver
,
and
to
express
my
mind
briefly
in
the
matter
of
subjection
,
and
do
humbly
in
this
(
as
in
all
the
rest
)
submit
to
wiser
men
;
and
my
intention
is
peace
,
and
my
end
the
publick
good
;
which
I
with
a
single
heart
desire
to
promote
,
without
any
inclination
to
a
Faction
or
Party
.
The
Authors
of
Politicks
speak
of
the
distinction
,
division
,
and
education
of
subjects
;
and
though
some
of
these
belong
to
a
Community
,
or
are
presupposed
before
a
Community
can
be
compleat
,
some
of
them
are
reduceable
to
administration
,
the
second
part
of
this
Art
:
yet
I
will
briefly
handle
them
in
this
place
,
because
they
are
accidents
to
pars
subdita
.
2.
Because
they
prepare
the
Subject
for
Government
,
and
so
facilitate
Administration
.
The
method
is
this
:
Subditi
,
-
distinguuntur
in
eos
qui
tales
-
imperfecte
ut
-
peregrini
Ecclesiastici
,
-
incolae
utrique
Ecclesiastici
,
-
perfecte
-
nati
utrique
Ecclesiastici
,
-
nobiles
-
plebai
-
facti
utrique
Saeculares
.
-
Dividuntur
,
in
partes
.
-
1.
-
majores
-
Provincias
,
-
Comitatus
,
-
minores
,
-
Centurias
-
Decurias
.
-
2.
-
Aequales
,
quae
co-ordinantur
-
In
aequales
,
quae
subordinantur
,
-
Minores
majoribus
,
singulae
toti
,
-
Educantur
modo
-
nobiliori
in
-
Scholis
-
Collegiis
-
Academiis
studii
generalis
-
Philosophiae
,
-
Jurisprudentiae
,
-
Medicinae
,
-
Theologiae
.
-
Minus
nobili
ad
Rempublicam
-
conservandam
-
hinc
-
agricultura
,
-
opificium
quod
-
melius
ordinatur
per
-
Collegiae
,
-
Vniversitates
-
defendendum
,
hinc
ars
militatis
,
-
ditandam
&
ornandam
,
hinc
Mercatura
.
This
,
though
not
so
accurate
,
is
sufficient
for
my
design
,
seeing
the
principal
subject
of
my
discourse
is
Ecclesiastical
Government
,
and
for
the
more
particular
and
distinct
knowledge
hereof
,
I
refer
the
Reader
to
other
Authors
,
who
have
written
more
at
large
concerning
these
particulars
.
Yet
not
to
be
altogether
silent
,
let
us
speak
first
of
strangers
:
then
secondly
,
of
compleat
subjects
.
Incomplete
&
imperfecte
subditi
sunt
-
peregrini
-
incolae
.
Strangers
are
such
as
either
only
sojourn
,
or
such
as
fix
their
Habitation
in
another
Common-Wealth
,
where
they
are
neither
perfect
Members
of
the
Community
,
nor
compleat
Subjects
of
the
Common-Wealth
.
Such
as
only
sojourn
or
travel
out
of
their
own
state
,
are
called
Peregrini
,
in
the
Greek
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
sometimes
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
In
Hebrew
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
this
is
their
name
when
they
are
in
another
Common-Wealth
.
There
may
be
many
Reasons
and
Causes
sojourning
and
peregrination
.
Abraham
by
Gods
special
command
forsook
his
own
Country
,
and
sojourned
in
the
Land
of
Canaan
,
so
did
Isaac
and
Jacob.
Some
are
persecuted
and
fly
from
their
own
Country
for
safety
and
shelter
;
some
guilty
persons
fly
for
to
avoid
punishment
;
some
sojourn
for
succour
in
a
time
of
Famine
,
as
Israel
in
Aegypt
;
some
live
in
Forraign
Nations
for
Traffick
;
some
for
to
improve
their
Knowledge
and
gain
Experience
in
several
kinds
of
Professions
.
To
such
we
owe
much
of
our
skill
in
Trades
,
several
Workmanships
,
in
Learning
,
in
Geography
,
in
the
nature
of
their
Soyl
,
Buildings
,
Military
Art
;
the
Manners
and
Customs
of
several
Nations
,
the
Disposition
and
Nature
of
the
Inhabitants
,
in
the
Model
of
States
,
in
the
manner
of
Administrations
.
Some
converse
in
other
States
to
learn
Fashions
,
or
Wickedness
;
some
as
Spies
and
Intelligencers
.
The
ends
and
the
events
are
therefore
several
.
Some
are
good
and
benificial
to
themselves
,
to
their
Country
,
to
other
Nations
.
The
Issue
of
some
mens
Travel
is
Vanity
,
or
Vice
,
or
Mischief
.
There
are
Strangers
,
who
do
not
meerly
Travel
and
Sojourn
,
but
also
fix
their
Habitation
in
other
States
;
these
are
called
Advenae
incolae
,
and
in
Greek
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
in
Hebrew
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
though
the
word
be
used
for
Pilgrims
and
Sojourners
.
Neither
of
these
are
properly
Subjects
of
that
State
where
they
live
,
yet
they
ought
to
carry
themselves
fairly
,
and
not
do
any
thing
to
the
prejudice
of
the
Laws
or
Government
of
the
places
where
they
do
converse
:
and
according
to
their
good
carriage
they
are
to
be
used
civilly
.
It
was
Gods
charge
to
Israel
to
use
Strangers
well
,
because
they
themselves
had
been
Strangers
in
the
Land
of
Aegypt
.
For
Strangers
are
used
strangely
,
and
in
Forraign
Countries
exposed
to
many
abuses
and
dangers
.
But
special
kindness
is
to
be
shewed
to
such
as
are
miserable
,
and
fly
for
Religion
,
or
for
protection
.
The
Magistrate
of
every
Common-Wealth
should
have
a
special
eye
upon
these
Strangers
,
and
enquire
into
their
carriage
and
their
practice
.
To
receive
too
great
multitudes
of
them
,
may
be
dangerous
,
and
some
may
do
mischief
,
either
by
corrupting
the
Subjects
,
or
seeking
to
betray
the
State.
Neither
is
it
safe
to
naturalize
many
of
them
,
much
less
to
advance
them
to
places
of
Power
and
Trust
,
which
must
needs
offend
the
Subjects
and
and
Natives
,
especially
when
these
are
favoured
and
prefered
,
and
the
other
are
neglected
.
The
Judgment
of
God
upon
the
Jew
in
this
respect
is
very
heavy
;
for
they
are
commonly
hated
in
all
places
,
and
not
suffered
to
inhabite
in
any
Nations
,
and
where
they
are
permitted
to
dwell
and
trade
,
hard
terms
are
put
upon
them
.
Perfecte
&
plene
subditi
sunt
-
nati
.
-
section
12
facti
.
There
are
besides
Strangers
,
such
as
are
properly
and
compleatly
subjects
,
who
according
to
their
subjection
enjoy
the
benefit
of
protection
,
the
rights
and
priviledges
of
Subjects
.
Yet
there
is
a
great
difference
amongst
these
,
according
to
the
several
constitutions
of
States
.
For
,
some
are
far
more
free
and
enjoy
far
greater
priviledges
,
as
the
Roman
Subjects
did
,
as
is
evident
in
Paul
,
who
said
to
the
Centurion
,
Is
it
lawful
for
you
to
scourge
a
man
that
is
a
Roman
and
uncondemned
?
Acts
22.25
.
For
a
Roman
could
neither
be
condemned
unheard
,
nor
scourged
,
if
not
condemned
.
These
had
divers
other
priviledges
,
which
the
Provincial
Subjects
had
not
before
they
were
infranchised
.
The
Subjects
of
England
,
if
they
enjoy
their
right
,
are
more
free
then
the
Subjects
of
France
or
Spain
,
and
divers
other
Countries
.
Some
are
little
better
than
Slaves
,
especially
such
as
live
under
Despotical
Soveraigns
.
The
right
and
priviledges
of
Subjects
are
acquired
several
ways
,
which
may
be
reduced
to
two
.
For
some
are
such
by
birth
,
which
are
called
Cives
originarii
,
some
by
allection
.
This
distinction
is
the
same
with
natural
and
naturalized
,
as
you
heard
in
the
Doctrine
of
a
Community
.
This
distinction
is
implied
in
these
words
of
the
chief
Captain
Lysias
,
saying
,
With
a
great
summ
obtained
I
this
freedom
;
and
of
Paul
,
who
answered
,
but
I
was
free
born
,
Acts
22.28
.
The
seas
Subjects
were
essentially
the
same
,
and
if
either
should
as
such
be
perferred
,
the
native
Subject
caeteris
paribus
had
the
priority
.
Subjects
also
as
Subjects
are
equal
,
though
in
divers
other
respects
accidental
unto
them
,
they
may
be
very
unequal
;
some
may
have
special
priviledges
;
some
may
be
Officers
,
and
by
vertue
of
their
Office
have
their
priviledges
.
Here
some
take
occasion
to
speak
of
the
multitude
and
paucity
of
Subjects
in
the
same
Territory
and
State.
If
they
be
few
,
they
may
receive
Fugitives
and
adopt
Strangers
,
as
Romulus
did
.
If
they
be
too
many
,
they
may
send
out
Colonies
,
and
make
new
Plantations
.
If
the
multitude
be
not
too
great
,
it
's
the
honour
of
the
Soveraign
and
safety
of
the
State
;
if
too
few
,
it
's
the
weakness
of
a
Nation
,
and
a
danger
of
destruction
.
For
,
in
the
multitude
of
people
is
the
King's
honour
,
but
in
the
want
of
people
is
the
destruction
of
the
Prince
,
Prov.
14.28
.
Yet
this
is
to
be
understood
of
a
multitude
well
qualified
and
ordered
by
a
good
Prince
.
For
,
Tyrants
and
Oppressours
waste
and
destroy
their
people
to
their
own
ruin
.
section
13
There
is
another
distinction
of
Subjects
,
for
they
are
-
Ecclesiastici
,
-
Saeculares
.
By
Ecclesiastical
persons
are
understood
,
such
as
are
indeed
Subjects
,
yet
their
Office
and
Work
is
in
matters
of
Religion
;
they
act
between
God
and
Man
,
as
Messengers
and
Mediators
between
them
.
They
deliver
God's
mind
to
men
,
and
offer
mens
Prayers
and
Gifts
to
God.
They
officiate
in
Divine
Services
,
and
that
's
their
chiefest
Work.
They
are
singled
out
from
amongst
men
to
direct
others
unto
eternal
Life
.
These
anciently
were
called
Priests
,
and
their
place
was
honourable
:
yet
there
was
an
imparity
amongst
themselves
.
In
the
New
Testament
,
these
Ecclesiastical
persons
never
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Priests
,
but
Ministers
of
the
Gospel
,
or
Presbyters
:
under
which
words
are
signified
all
Apostles
,
Prophets
,
Evangelists
,
Pastours
and
Teachers
.
So
that
the
word
Priest
was
only
given
to
Christ
or
Melchisedeck
;
or
the
Levitical
Pontiffs
and
Ministers
,
or
some
Heathenish
Sacrificer
.
Yet
in
after-times
,
because
the
Sacrament
of
the
Eucharist
was
a
Commemoration
of
the
Sacrifice
of
Christ
,
The
Sacrament
what
therefore
in
respect
thereof
the
Table
was
called
an
Altar
,
and
the
Minister
a
Priest.
At
length
,
the
Church
of
Rome
turned
the
Sacrament
into
a
Sacrifice
,
properly
so
called
,
and
the
Minister
into
a
Priest.
And
this
was
the
original
of
the
Mass.
This
Ecclesiastical
Function
was
instituted
by
God
,
and
very
honourable
both
in
that
respect
,
and
also
because
their
work
is
so
excellent
and
necessary
:
for
upon
it
under
God
,
Religion
and
the
benefits
of
Religion
both
private
and
publick
,
temporal
and
eternal
do
much
depend
.
To
these
by
divine
Commands
Maintenance
is
due
from
the
people
,
and
they
have
been
much
honoured
in
well
constituted
States
with
many
priviledges
and
immunities
.
But
their
own
unworthiness
,
and
the
prophaneness
of
the
people
have
much
debased
them
.
Yet
,
good
Ministers
with
good
people
will
be
much
esteemed
to
the
World's
end
:
and
when
the
chief
Shepheard
shall
appear
,
They
shall
receive
a
crown
of
glory
,
which
fadeth
not
away
,
1
Pet.
5.4
.
These
were
accounted
as
a
distinct
and
eminent
Order
of
Subjects
,
as
they
were
solemnly
ordained
.
The
rest
of
the
subjects
and
the
Soveraign
,
in
respect
of
these
,
have
the
name
of
Seculars
,
and
the
Subjects
are
called
Laicks
,
or
Lay-people
.
This
distinction
is
not
so
to
be
understood
,
as
though
the
rest
of
the
people
had
nothing
to
do
with
Religion
.
For
they
are
bound
to
serve
their
God
,
and
seek
Eternal
Life
,
which
that
they
might
attain
,
this
spiritual
Office
was
ordained
from
Heaven
.
And
every
sanctified
person
is
a
Priest
to
offer
spiritual
Sacrifice
to
God.
Yet
,
this
doth
not
make
any
such
person
a
Minister
and
publick
Officer
of
Christ
,
who
must
sequester
himself
from
worldly
business
more
than
other
men
to
tend
his
Calling
,
to
which
he
is
consecrated
and
solemnly
devoted
.
With
this
distinction
agrees
that
of
the
Clergy
and
Laity
.
Whence
the
name
Clerus
,
the
Clergy
for
the
Ministry
,
should
have
its
original
,
is
uncertain
.
The
people
of
Israel
sanctified
and
consecrated
unto
God
,
were
call'd
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
Lot
or
Inheritance
of
God
,
and
the
Priests
and
Ministers
were
the
eminent
party
of
this
Lot
and
people
.
For
the
people
as
distinct
from
the
Pastours
are
called
the
Clergy
,
Lot
,
or
Heritage
of
God
,
1
Pet.
5.3
.
in
which
it
cannot
be
proper
to
the
Ministers
.
It
's
true
,
that
the
first
Officer
made
by
the
Church
after
that
Christ
was
glorified
,
was
made
by
Lot
,
For
the
Lot
,
that
is
(
Cleros
)
fell
upon
Matthias
,
Acts
1.26
.
From
whence
some
think
the
system
of
Presbyters
and
Deacons
,
were
called
the
Clergy
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
signify
one
made
and
an
Officer
by
Lot.
As
for
Laity
,
we
find
often
in
the
Old
Testament
,
the
people
as
distinct
from
the
Priests
and
Levites
,
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
Laity
.
The
Apostle
and
seventy
Disciples
were
distinguished
from
the
rest
of
the
Disciples
and
Believers
.
The
Apostles
,
Prophets
,
Evangelists
,
Pastours
and
Teachers
,
were
different
orders
from
the
rest
of
the
Church
.
The
twenty
four
Elders
,
which
signifie
the
Priests
and
Levites
divided
into
orders
by
Lot
,
were
distinct
from
the
four
Beasts
,
that
is
the
main
body
of
the
Church
:
but
these
are
days
of
confusion
and
disorder
.
Every
one
will
be
a
Prophet
and
a
Teacher
,
either
presuming
upon
their
gifts
,
yet
scorning
to
engage
themselves
for
the
service
of
Christ
in
the
poor
and
much
despised
Ministery
;
or
pretending
blasphemously
to
the
Spirit
,
which
God
never
gave
them
.
There
is
another
distinction
of
Subjects
—
in
-
Nobiles
,
-
Plebaeos
.
Some
are
Noble
,
some
of
a
lower
Form
and
Rank
,
Nobilis
is
any
Gentleman
well
descended
:
Yet
there
is
a
difference
inter
Nobilem
&
Generosum
:
for
though
Omnis
Generosus
sit
Nobilis
,
yet
Omnis
nobilis
non
est
Generosus
,
because
Generosus
is
not
only
one
well
born
,
but
also
one
vertuous
.
In
this
respect
,
the
word
of
a
Gentleman
is
more
than
the
word
of
a
Nobleman
,
nay
,
than
the
word
of
a
King
:
yet
Nobility
with
us
is
taken
more
strictly
,
and
is
given
to
none
under
a
Baron
and
Peer
of
the
Kingdom
,
which
hath
right
of
suffrage
in
Parliament
,
as
one
of
the
House
of
Lords
.
The
ancient
Nobility
of
England
is
much
diminished
and
decayed
,
and
many
of
their
Estates
alienated
;
and
the
late
Barons
created
by
Patent
,
do
much
obscure
them
:
and
if
these
as
Barons
have
their
suffrage
in
the
House
of
Lords
by
vertue
of
their
Honour
,
and
not
their
Vertue
and
Wisdom
,
I
do
not
see
how
the
Parliament
should
be
Wittena
Gemott
;
the
Meeting
of
Wise
Men.
It
were
wisdom
by
some
strict
Law
to
limit
Jus
Nobilitandi
,
unto
Vertue
and
Wisdom
.
For
,
Honours
should
be
conferred
rarely
,
and
upon
merit
and
worth
;
for
they
have
great
priviledges
,
which
should
not
be
made
so
common
and
prostituted
to
the
Lust
and
Ambition
of
every
one
that
can
pay
for
them
.
The
subjects
of
lower
Rank
,
if
Freeholders
,
have
also
their
priviledges
,
and
one
principal
,
is
a
power
to
Elect
the
Knights
of
the
County
to
represent
in
Parliaments
.
There
be
other
accidental
differences
of
less
moment
,
which
I
pass
by
.
section
14
After
these
distinctions
,
follows
a
division
of
the
whole
body
of
the
Subjects
into
parts
:
and
this
is
necessary
,
especially
in
respect
of
the
Administration
.
For
without
an
orderly
division
the
subjects
cannot
be
well
governed
.
Israel
was
divided
into
Tribes
;
Tribes
into
Families
;
Families
into
Housholds
;
Housholds
into
Persons
:
Thus
they
were
divided
,
and
according
to
this
order
Achan
was
discovered
,
Josh.
7.16
,
17
,
18.
and
they
had
their
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Heads
of
their
Tribes
;
and
their
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Heads
of
their
Hundreds
;
as
Masius
upon
the
place
observes
.
The
Romans
were
also
divided
,
in
Tribus
,
&
Tribus
in
Curias
;
and
after
these
we
read
of
Centurias
and
Decurias
.
We
read
that
Alfred
divided
England
into
Counties
;
Counties
into
Hundreds
;
the
Hundreds
into
Allotments
.
In
some
Counties
we
find
Ridings
and
Wapentakes
;
yet
Sir
Henry
Spelman
under
the
word
Hundreds
,
understands
by
Wapentake
an
Hundred
,
which
in
the
Welsh
is
called
Cantreda
,
where
he
adds
,
that
the
Counties
were
divided
into
Tithings
,
Rapes
,
and
Laths
:
and
Hundreds
were
divided
into
Tithings
and
Friberges
.
Upon
this
division
made
,
it
's
said
,
that
Justice
was
administred
with
that
ease
,
exactness
,
and
severity
,
that
any
man's
goods
might
at
any
time
be
secure
in
any
place
:
Yea
,
they
might
hang
golden
Bracelets
in
the
High-way-side
,
and
in
open
view
,
and
none
durst
meddle
with
them
.
To
this
head
belongs
the
numbring
the
people
by
pole
,
enrowling
their
Names
and
Estates
,
without
which
Taxations
cannot
be
justly
imposed
.
The
end
of
this
distribution
was
to
reduce
the
people
into
a
certain
order
,
according
to
which
the
equal
parts
were
to
co-ordinate
one
with
another
,
as
Counties
with
Counties
,
Hundreds
with
Hundreds
,
so
that
one
had
no
Jurisdiction
over
another
.
The
unequal
were
less
or
greater
,
and
were
subordinate
the
less
to
the
greater
,
which
had
Jurisdiction
over
the
less
,
and
all
the
parts
were
subject
to
the
whole
.
This
was
necessary
for
Judicial
proceedings
,
that
Actions
in
Law
might
proceed
according
to
the
subordination
of
Courts
.
For
anciently
with
us
Actions
did
commence
in
the
Courts
held
by
the
Lords
of
the
Mannors
:
if
the
cause
were
too
high
,
or
could
not
there
be
determined
,
or
Justice
had
,
Appeal
was
made
to
the
Hundred
Court
,
from
thence
to
the
County
Court
,
from
thence
to
the
King's
Court.
In
the
word
Comitatus
,
Sir
Henry
Spelman
observes
,
this
was
the
ancient
Order
,
and
thinks
it
an
abuse
and
great
disorder
,
that
in
our
days
,
every
petty
Business
and
Cause
is
brought
into
the
King's
Court
at
Westminster
.
What
the
Division
of
this
Nation
was
under
the
Romans
,
is
not
so
well
known
,
except
we
may
conjecture
of
it
by
the
ancient
Division
of
the
Provinces
,
and
the
Cathedral
Seas
and
Diocesses
,
which
much
differ
from
these
of
latter
times
.
Cambden
finds
some
divisions
of
England
in
the
time
of
the
Romans
,
yet
they
are
not
clear
and
certain
.
Under
the
Saxons
he
finds
several
divisisions
,
1.
Some
according
to
certain
proportions
of
Lands
.
2.
He
makes
the
Heptarchy
an
argument
that
it
was
divided
into
seven
parts
.
At
length
he
concludes
his
political
Division
with
that
of
Counties
,
which
he
,
as
Sir
Henry
Spelman
,
ascribes
to
the
King
Alfred
.
But
I
have
read
,
that
it
was
thus
divided
before
his
time
,
and
this
is
more
probable
,
because
the
Myrrour
informs
us
of
Counties
,
and
of
Counties
before
there
were
any
Saxon
Kings
:
Vt
subditi
-
section
15
distinguuntur
-
sic
distincti
-
dividuntur
-
educantur
modo
-
nobiliori
,
-
minus
nobili
.
After
the
division
and
distinction
of
Subjects
,
follows
Education
;
and
in
the
very
Constitution
of
a
State
,
some
special
care
must
be
taken
of
this
.
There
is
some
Education
in
a
Family
,
Education
.
but
more
perfect
in
a
Community
,
but
the
best
and
most
perfect
is
found
in
a
well
constituted
and
ordered
State
,
which
in
laying
the
very
Foundation
,
provides
for
the
better
Institution
of
the
Subjects
.
The
end
hereof
is
the
good
of
the
people
,
and
preparing
for
the
preservation
of
the
Community
,
and
the
better
and
more
easie
administration
and
Government
of
the
Common-wealth
.
There
are
few
,
to
whom
God
in
the
Creation
of
their
immortal
Souls
,
and
their
mortal
Bodies
,
hath
not
given
some
special
power
,
disposition
,
and
propension
to
something
more
than
another
.
The
work
of
Education
is
to
improve
those
principles
and
powers
,
so
as
to
bring
them
to
a
greater
perfection
.
And
for
such
as
have
the
care
of
Education
,
it
's
an
excellent
piece
of
Wisdom
,
to
discover
what
the
Genius
and
Disposition
even
of
Children
is
,
and
what
they
seem
to
be
made
for
:
and
so
by
instruction
and
example
,
draw
it
to
the
height
and
utmost
pitch
it
's
capable
of
.
How
many
excellent
sparks
are
raked
up
in
the
ashes
of
Sloth
and
Negligence
,
or
else
utterly
quenched
,
or
at
least
made
useless
by
a
diversion
of
them
to
other
things
,
to
which
God
did
not
dispose
.
Great
is
the
ignorance
,
imprudence
and
negligence
of
Parents
,
Masters
,
and
others
in
this
particular
.
This
Education
is
either
more
noble
and
excellent
,
or
less
and
inferiour
:
The
more
noble
is
that
which
improves
mens
knowledge
either
in
Humane
or
Divine
Learning
.
Humane
Learning
,
both
in
Arts
and
Languages
is
useful
for
the
State
,
and
beneficial
to
the
Church
.
By
reason
man
excels
a
beast
,
and
by
learning
he
excels
other
men
,
and
by
divine
Learning
he
is
made
like
unto
Angels
,
and
to
God
his
Creator
.
For
this
end
wise
and
good
men
,
being
of
a
publick
spirit
,
and
intending
the
general
good
,
erect
Schools
,
Colledges
and
Universities
,
and
endow
them
with
competent
Maintenance
,
for
to
encourage
such
as
shall
take
the
care
of
them
.
Of
the
original
and
progress
of
these
Societies
,
we
may
read
in
Hospinian
.
Yet
,
much
more
we
may
find
,
then
he
hath
written
of
them
.
Schools
strictly
taken
as
with
us
,
are
only
for
the
entering
of
Children
,
and
teaching
the
Rudiments
of
some
Arts
and
some
Languages
.
Colledges
and
Universities
serve
for
higher
improvement
,
neither
are
they
limited
to
some
particular
Arts
or
Languages
,
but
according
to
the
Clause
in
their
Charter
,
Licentia
generalis
Studii
;
They
may
enlarge
to
all
Learning
,
all
Languages
.
Yet
,
this
general
Study
is
usually
confined
to
Philosophy
,
Law
,
Medicine
,
Theology
.
The
principal
design
of
them
should
be
to
breed
Gentlemen
for
the
State
,
and
Ministers
for
the
Church
:
But
,
there
is
not
any
due
care
taken
to
furnish
the
Nation
with
either
of
these
.
Some
by
their
constant
and
diligent
pains
do
much
improve
themselves
.
Such
as
are
idle
and
negligent
lose
the
opportunity
,
their
time
,
and
their
very
School-learning
,
mispend
their
days
in
vanity
,
and
learn
iniquity
;
and
the
sons
of
the
Nobility
,
Gentry
,
and
Rich-men
,
are
much
guilty
in
this
Respect
.
It
's
pitty
that
such
noble
Foundations
should
thro'
our
ignorance
be
so
little
beneficial
:
and
it
's
a
great
sin
,
which
God
will
punish
,
that
they
are
so
much
abused
.
These
places
for
Learning
are
great
blessings
of
God
,
if
we
would
make
right
use
of
them
,
we
should
find
it
to
be
so
.
But
it
is
a
sad
thing
to
consider
how
both
Instruction
is
neglected
,
and
Discipline
remitted
.
In
this
kind
of
Education
the
Jesuites
are
said
to
excel
,
and
to
single
out
the
best
capacities
to
direct
them
orderly
in
learning
both
Languages
and
Arts
,
till
they
have
made
them
general
Schollars
,
teaching
them
how
to
make
use
of
their
Learning
:
And
their
Discipline
is
strict
,
but
it
's
pitty
,
that
all
this
improvement
should
be
made
subservient
to
a
wrong
end
.
There
is
hardly
any
intelligent
People
or
State
,
that
doth
not
provide
some
,
that
should
be
skilful
in
Religion
,
and
know
how
to
officiate
in
Religious
Services
;
and
for
these
they
provided
a
sufficient
Maintenance
.
These
were
anciently
Priests
,
and
many
of
them
great
Schollars
,
and
such
as
did
instruct
others
,
who
should
succeed
them
,
and
direct
the
people
in
the
Worship
of
a
Deity
,
upon
whose
favour
they
conceived
,
the
publick
Weal
and
Happiness
did
much
depend
.
Yet
many
of
the
Heathen
Priests
had
familiarity
with
the
Devil
,
and
were
great
Magicians
.
There
is
an
inferiour
kind
of
Education
,
yet
in
reference
,
and
that
ad
Rempublicam
-
Conservandam
-
section
16
Defendendam
-
Ditandam
:
The
first
is
for
the
preservation
of
the
Common-wealth
,
without
which
the
subjects
cannot
live
,
or
the
Common-wealth
subsist
:
Husbandry
,
and
Trade
,
and
Manufactures
tend
to
this
end
.
And
though
this
may
seem
to
be
an
institution
proper
to
Families
,
yet
Familes
make
a
Common-wealth
;
and
the
Governours
should
take
special
care
of
ordering
these
aright
,
that
so
the
State
may
have
sufficient
Commodities
both
of
Growth
and
Manufacture
,
not
only
for
it self
,
but
for
Exportation
to
bring
in
what
the
Country
wants
most
.
Under
Husbandry
,
we
may
comprize
not
only
the
Tillage
and
manuring
of
the
Ground
,
but
also
the
ordering
of
Cattel
.
These
were
the
first
professions
in
the
World
:
for
Adam
brought
up
his
Children
to
this
purpose
.
Abel
was
a
Keeper
of
Cattel
,
and
Cain
a
Tiller
of
the
Ground
,
Gen.
4.2
.
And
Noah
planted
a
Vineyard
:
for
he
began
after
the
Flood
to
be
an
Husbandman
,
and
planted
a
Vineyard
,
Gen.
9.20
.
These
are
so
generally
necessary
,
that
the
wise
man
saith
,
The
profit
of
the
earth
is
for
all
,
the
king
himself
is
saved
by
the
field
,
Eccles.
5.9
.
There
are
certain
manual
Trades
without
which
a
people
cannot
well
subsist
,
as
Cloathing
,
and
all
such
works
as
belong
thereunto
,
which
are
many
.
Next
,
are
such
as
are
for
building
,
as
Masons
and
Carpenters
;
For
a
man
must
have
House
and
Harbour
;
for
this
end
also
such
,
as
Tubal-Cain
,
who
work
in
Iron
and
Brass
,
are
useful
,
and
are
subservient
to
many
other
professions
.
Amongst
these
some
are
for
curious
Workmanship
,
as
Bezaleel
;
some
professions
are
not
much
useful
,
and
rather
hurtful
than
beneficial
for
a
State
;
as
being
subservient
only
to
vanities
,
pride
,
and
unlawful
pleasures
.
Therefore
the
Magistrates
should
have
a
special
care
to
order
these
,
to
cast
out
all
idle
people
,
all
lazy
beggars
,
and
set
the
poor
on
work
.
None
that
can
work
should
be
idle
,
but
take
upon
them
some
honest
profession
,
and
no
professions
or
persons
should
be
suffered
,
who
bring
detriment
into
the
Common-wealth
.
section
17
These
professions
of
Husbandry
,
keeping
of
Cattel
,
Manufactures
,
and
mechanick
Trades
,
if
well
ordered
,
tend
much
unto
the
preservation
of
the
State
,
for
without
them
it
cannot
well
subsist
.
Yet
there
is
another
institution
,
and
the
same
noble
and
necessary
to
the
defence
:
for
there
may
be
raised
Rebellions
,
and
Seditions
within
,
and
there
may
be
Invasions
from
without
.
From
both
these
there
is
great
danger
to
the
Common-wealth
;
therefore
as
every
thing
is
armed
with
some
power
to
defend
it self
,
so
a
sufficient
strength
is
required
in
every
political
Body
for
to
continue
the
safety
thereof
.
And
this
is
a
Sword
,
not
only
of
Justice
but
of
War
.
This
Sword
of
War
especially
cannot
be
well
managed
without
a
sufficient
skill
,
which
cannot
be
had
without
instruction
,
exercise
and
experience
.
Hence
the
Art
Military
is
not
only
useful
but
necessary
in
every
well
ordered
State.
One
thing
especially
requisite
in
this
profession
,
is
to
have
good
Commanders
,
men
of
valour
and
prudence
,
able
to
lead
and
instruct
others
.
God
himself
would
have
Israel
his
own
people
a
Warlike
Nation
.
Therefore
,
after
that
he
had
given
them
possession
of
the
Land
of
Canaan
,
he
left
some
certain
Nations
unsubdued
,
only
that
the
Generations
of
the
Children
of
Israel
,
might
know
how
to
teach
them
War
,
at
least
,
such
as
knew
nothing
before
of
it
,
Judg.
3.1
,
2.
Those
who
lived
in
the
times
of
Joshua
were
well
experienced
,
but
the
Generation
following
had
no
experience
,
neither
could
they
learn
any
without
some
Enemies
constantly
to
exercise
them
.
Therefore
,
though
Wars
be
heavy
Judgements
,
yet
it
's
the
will
of
God
,
there
should
be
warlike
dissentions
,
and
that
for
many
ends
:
1.
To
punish
the
wickedness
of
the
World.
2.
To
let
men
know
,
how
sweet
a
blessing
Peace
is
.
3.
To
be
a
Nursery
and
School
of
breeding
gallant
men
,
especially
when
he
by
them
intends
to
do
some
great
work
.
In
consideration
of
these
things
,
its
good
that
any
State
in
time
of
peace
,
not
only
chuse
Captains
,
train
Souldiers
,
provide
Arms
:
but
also
send
some
into
forraign
Wars
to
learn
experience
.
Of
this
part
of
Institution
,
as
also
of
that
of
Learning
,
you
may
read
at
large
in
Contzen
.
Polit.
lib.
4.
&
lib.
10.
Of
the
Laws
of
War
Grotius
may
be
consulted
.
That
some
Wars
are
lawful
,
especially
such
as
are
necessary
and
undertaken
for
our
defence
,
there
's
no
doubt
:
and
not
only
defensive
but
offensive
arms
may
be
justified
out
of
the
Holy
Scriptures
,
and
from
the
Example
of
Abraham
,
Joshua
,
many
of
the
Judges
,
and
David
,
who
were
excellent
Commanders
,
under
whom
many
gallant
men
served
:
when
God
intended
to
ruin
Judah
,
he
threatens
to
take
away
the
mighty
Man
,
Esay
3.2
.
It
's
a
sad
presage
,
when
the
Gentry
and
Nobility
of
a
Nation
become
vicious
and
effeminate
:
and
this
was
one
cause
of
that
heavy
Judgment
of
God
which
many
of
them
suffered
in
the
late
Wars
:
Wherein
England
gained
great
skill
and
experience
both
by
Sea
and
Land
,
yet
with
the
woful
expence
of
much
of
her
own
blood
.
And
how
happy
had
we
been
,
if
so
much
valour
had
been
manifested
in
the
ruine
of
the
Enemies
of
Christ
and
his
Gospel
.
Whosoever
desires
to
understand
more
of
this
Subject
,
as
belonging
to
Politicks
,
let
him
read
Military
Books
.
If
this
be
so
necessary
for
the
defence
and
safety
of
an
earthly
State
;
how
much
more
is
the
spiritual
Militia
necessary
for
the
defence
of
our
Souls
?
section
18
There
is
another
profession
,
and
the
same
useful
for
many
things
,
but
in
particular
,
for
to
enrich
the
State
;
it
s
that
of
Merchandise
and
Traffick
.
These
Merchants
are
of
several
sorts
:
some
deal
in
petty
Commodities
,
and
sell
by
parcels
;
some
are
for
whole
sale
;
but
the
chiefest
are
such
as
are
great
Adventurers
,
and
Trade
by
Sea
,
and
Traffick
with
all
Nations
.
These
are
the
great
Monyed
Men
of
the
World
,
who
have
great
Princes
and
whole
States
their
Debtors
.
These
furnish
us
with
Rarities
and
Varieties
of
the
Earth
,
and
enrich
us
with
the
Commodities
of
East
and
West
,
South
and
North
,
and
the
remotest
parts
of
the
World.
These
make
new
discoveries
,
and
might
furnish
us
with
many
rare
inventions
,
Books
and
Arts
,
but
most
intend
rather
private
gain
than
publick
good
.
It
were
to
be
wished
,
that
our
luxurious
and
wicked
expences
were
turned
another
and
better
way
,
to
maintain
Schollars
in
those
Countries
,
where
they
maintain
Factours
,
for
the
improvement
of
Learning
and
the
propagation
of
Religion
.
The
King
of
Spain
,
and
the
Jesuites
are
the
only
Politicians
in
this
kind
:
though
it
be
a
Question
,
whether
this
profession
be
not
derogatory
to
Nobility
.
Yet
King
Solomon
and
Jehosaphat
were
Adventurers
in
Corporations
,
and
great
Cities
,
these
Tradesmen
and
Merchants
have
their
several
Companies
and
their
Orders
,
and
are
called
by
some
Systemes
,
which
cannot
be
well
regulated
,
without
some
Laws
of
the
Soveraign
power
CHAP.
XVI
.
Of
Subjects
in
an
Ecclesiastical
Politie
.
section
1
OF
subjection
in
general
,
and
subjection
to
a
Civil
Power
,
I
have
spoken
;
and
because
there
is
an
Ecclesiastical
power
and
subjection
due
unto
it
,
therefore
order
requires
,
that
I
conclude
the
first
part
of
Politicks
,
with
the
explication
of
the
nature
of
spiritual
subjection
and
subjects
.
This
spiritual
relation
and
duty
arising
from
it
,
presupposeth
subjection
.
1.
Absolute
to
God
as
Creatour
and
Preserver
.
2.
To
him
as
Redeemer
.
3.
To
Christ
as
Head
and
Universal
Administratour
of
the
Church
:
and
to
him
as
having
instituted
an
Ecclesiastical
Discipline
,
and
promising
to
every
particular
Church
,
using
the
Keys
aright
in
their
judical
proceedings
,
to
be
with
them
so
,
as
to
make
their
judgment
effectual
:
and
that
what
they
bind
on
earth
shall
be
bound
in
Heaven
,
and
what
they
loose
on
Earth
shall
be
loosed
in
Heaven
.
So
that
this
subjection
is
due
to
the
power
of
Christ
in
every
particular
visible
Church
.
For
,
when
a
multitude
of
Christians
associate
,
and
according
to
the
Rules
of
Christ
erect
an
independent
Judicatory
,
it
s
the
duty
of
every
one
in
that
Association
to
submit
unto
it
,
if
he
will
be
a
Member
of
the
same
and
enjoy
the
benefit
of
that
external
Government
:
and
by
the
very
institution
of
Christ
,
though
there
be
no
solemn
Confederation
,
they
are
bound
so
to
do
.
This
subjection
is
different
from
that
,
which
is
due
from
the
people
to
their
proper
Pastours
.
The
power
external
of
the
Keys
,
as
you
heard
,
is
,
1.
In
the
whole
Church
particular
,
according
to
the
extent
,
as
the
primary
subject
of
the
same
.
2.
In
the
Representative
exercising
this
power
.
3.
In
the
Officers
.
The
Representative
is
either
general
,
to
which
every
particular
person
must
submit
,
or
particular
,
to
which
the
particular
Members
of
that
Association
and
Division
are
bound
to
submit
,
and
none
else
.
Submission
is
due
unto
the
Officers
according
to
their
intensive
and
extensive
power
,
and
no
further
.
The
Rule
and
Measure
of
this
subjection
,
are
the
special
or
general
precepts
of
Christ
and
his
Apostles
,
and
if
a
Church
,
or
its
Representatives
,
or
Officers
transgress
these
precepts
,
they
cannot
justly
challenge
any
submission
as
due
unto
them
.
In
this
respect
its
necessary
,
there
should
be
Canons
to
regulate
both
the
fundamental
,
and
also
the
derivative
power
,
and
the
same
agreeable
to
the
Gospel
.
The
want
of
these
and
the
observation
thereof
may
be
an
occasion
,
if
not
a
cause
of
separation
,
whereof
the
Church
it self
may
be
guilty
,
and
will
prove
so
to
be
.
This
subjection
ariseth
from
this
,
that
they
are
Members
of
such
a
Church
:
for
every
single
Member
is
subject
to
the
whole
.
Here
is
no
exemption
of
any
,
though
they
should
be
Bishops
,
Metropolitans
,
Patriarchs
.
The
Patriarchs
of
Rome
may
challenge
a
transcendent
power
to
be
above
all
Laws
,
and
all
Judgments
:
he
will
command
all
;
judge
all
,
will
be
commanded
,
will
be
judged
by
none
.
But
all
this
is
but
an
unjust
and
insolent
Usurpation
.
For
Christs
Institution
in
those
words
,
Tell
the
Church
,
excludes
such
powers
,
dethrones
such
persons
.
He
that
will
sit
in
the
Church
of
God
,
as
God
,
must
needs
be
the
Son
of
Perdition
.
From
this
subjection
ariseth
an
Obligation
to
acknowledge
the
just
power
of
the
Church
to
be
faithful
unto
it
,
and
by
all
means
to
seek
the
good
thereof
,
to
obey
the
Laws
,
and
submit
unto
the
just
Judgment
of
the
same
.
section
2
This
being
the
brief
Explication
of
subjection
,
whence
a
Christian
is
denominated
a
subject
of
a
particular
Church
under
a
form
of
Government
;
the
next
thing
to
be
done
is
,
to
enquire
who
are
subjects
,
how
they
may
be
distinguished
:
and
how
they
may
be
divided
,
and
how
educated
.
Subditi
enim
Ecclesiae
-
distinguuntur
-
distincti
—
-
dividuntur
-
educantur
.
1.
They
are
distinguished
both
from
others
,
and
also
among
themselves
;
from
others
they
are
differenced
;
for
some
are
within
,
some
without
,
some
are
Brethren
,
some
are
not
:
This
is
implied
by
the
Apostle
,
when
he
saith
,
If
any
man
that
is
called
a
Brother
;
and
what
have
I
to
do
to
judge
them
that
are
without
?
Do
not
ye
judge
them
that
are
within
?
1
Cor.
5.11
,
12.
Therefore
there
are
such
as
are
not
Brethren
,
such
as
are
without
and
cannot
be
judged
by
the
Church
;
these
are
no
Subjects
.
There
are
Brethren
,
such
as
are
within
,
and
may
be
judged
;
these
are
Subjects
.
By
this
distinction
,
Mahumetans
,
Pagans
,
unbelieving
Jews
are
excluded
:
For
none
can
be
a
Member
of
a
Church
Christian
,
but
a
Christian
,
who
by
Baptism
is
solemnly
admitted
to
be
a
Subject
of
God
the
Father
,
Son
,
and
Holy
Ghost
,
and
a
Member
of
the
Universal
Church
:
And
whosoever
shall
be
such
,
may
be
a
Member
,
and
so
a
Subject
of
a
particular
visible
Church
.
Yet
one
may
be
a
Member
of
one
particular
Church
,
and
not
of
another
;
for
as
in
civil
politicks
none
can
be
a
subject
of
two
several
States
civil
at
one
time
;
so
in
Ecclesiastical
Government
,
no
person
can
be
a
subject
of
two
particular
Independent
Churches
at
the
same
time
.
Therefore
,
when
the
Apostle
saith
,
Do
not
ye
judge
them
within
?
is
to
be
understood
of
the
Members
of
that
particular
Church
of
Corinth
.
For
they
could
not
judge
them
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
of
Ephesus
,
of
Jerusalem
or
any
other
but
their
own
:
yet
here
is
to
be
observed
,
that
manifest
Apostates
,
though
they
have
been
Christians
,
cannot
be
received
into
a
Christian
Church
;
nor
such
as
have
been
Members
of
an
Heretical
,
Superstitious
,
Idolatrous
Church
,
till
they
have
renounced
their
Heresie
,
Superstition
,
Idolatry
.
Neither
must
any
subject
himself
to
any
such
Church
,
nor
continue
in
it
,
if
formerly
he
hath
been
a
Member
;
for
all
sinful
Communion
is
unlawful
.
Yet
,
wherein
there
is
no
such
thing
,
and
God
in
his
Providence
casts
him
upon
another
Church
,
he
may
subject
and
also
continue
.
As
in
a
civil
State
there
are
sojourners
and
strangers
,
and
also
plenary
subjects
,
so
there
may
be
in
a
particular
Church
.
For
all
such
as
are
Members
and
Subjects
of
one
Church
,
and
yet
either
sojourn
or
inhabit
in
another
for
less
or
longer
time
,
they
are
not
Subjects
till
they
be
incorporate
,
yet
they
are
Subjects
of
the
Catholick
Church
in
any
part
of
the
World.
And
upon
Letters
Testimonial
,
or
any
other
sufficient
Information
,
they
may
be
admitted
to
Communion
in
Word
,
Prayer
,
and
Sacraments
:
for
these
are
priviledges
of
the
Universal
Church
,
and
common
to
all
Christians
of
Age
,
as
Christians
.
But
these
doth
not
render
them
Members
of
that
particular
Church
,
for
Discipline
without
Submission
and
Admission
.
Only
,
if
they
do
offend
against
the
just
Canons
of
that
Church
where
they
are
Strangers
:
The
Rule
of
delictum
in
alieno
territorio
,
&c.
holds
good
,
and
they
may
be
censured
,
where
the
Offence
is
committed
,
and
where
the
Scandal
is
committed
.
Of
plenary
subjects
,
some
are
such
by
Birth
,
some
by
Election
.
Those
by
Birth
are
like
the
native
Jew
;
those
by
Election
are
like
the
Proselite
.
Yet
this
is
to
be
observed
,
that
as
one
who
was
an
Heathen
,
might
be
made
both
a
Proselite
and
a
Member
of
that
Church
of
Israel
at
the
same
time
,
and
the
same
Act
,
so
one
that
was
of
no
Church
,
as
being
no
Christian
,
may
be
made
a
Christian
,
and
a
Member
of
a
particular
Church
visible
at
once
.
Therefore
we
must
distinguish
of
such
as
are
incorporated
into
a
Church
;
for
as
Ephes.
2.11
,
12.
There
were
such
who
were
Gentiles
,
and
so
none
of
God's
people
,
and
aliens
from
the
Common-wealth
of
Israel
,
and
strangers
to
the
Covenants
of
Promise
,
who
afterwards
,
ver.
19.
were
no
more
Strangers
and
Forraigners
,
but
fellow
Citizens
with
the
Saints
,
and
of
the
Houshould
of
God
,
and
so
of
no
people
made
a
people
,
and
more
,
of
no
Christians
made
Christians
.
There
be
others
who
formerly
were
Christians
,
and
that
which
is
more
,
Subjects
of
some
one
particular
Church
,
which
are
made
Subjects
of
another
.
This
is
so
to
be
understood
,
as
that
to
be
a
Christian
,
or
a
Member
of
a
particular
Church
is
not
meerly
from
Birth
,
but
from
birth
of
Christian
Parents
,
who
are
Members
of
the
Church
Universal
,
and
sometimes
,
nay
often
of
a
particular
Church
under
a
form
of
Government
.
Neither
doth
this
Birth
without
Divine
Ordination
incorporate
us
into
the
one
or
other
.
What
makes
a
Church-Member
.
For
to
be
a
Christian
is
not
from
Nature
,
but
from
God's
gracious
Ordination
;
which
requires
that
even
those
who
are
born
in
the
Bosom
of
the
Church
,
and
baptized
too
,
should
,
when
they
come
to
Age
be
instructed
in
the
Covenant
,
and
also
own
their
Baptism
by
profession
of
their
Faith
,
and
promise
for
to
keep
the
Covenant
.
The
neglect
of
this
is
the
cause
why
many
Congregations
have
such
unworthy
Members
:
Yet
it
's
not
necessary
by
any
Divine
Precept
that
all
should
be
excluded
,
whom
we
do
not
certainly
know
to
be
real
Saints
.
And
here
I
will
take
occasion
to
debate
of
two
things
much
controverted
in
these
times
:
1.
Of
the
qualification
of
a
Member
of
the
Church
.
2.
Of
separation
from
a
Church
.
section
3
For
the
qualification
of
the
Church-member
it
's
agreed
,
that
visible
Saints
,
though
not
real
may
be
Members
of
a
Church
.
Who
a
Visible
Saint
.
But
the
Question
is
,
what
a
visible
Saint
is
?
By
visible
,
the
Congregational
party
,
in
particular
Mr.
Hooker
of
New
England
understands
,
one
that
shall
appear
to
such
,
as
should
admit
him
to
be
a
Saint
.
This
Saintship
is
,
as
he
informs
us
,
in
knowledge
and
practise
;
and
he
grants
a
latitude
in
both
.
This
visibility
is
that
,
whereby
they
appear
to
us
to
be
Saints
in
respect
of
their
knowledge
and
practise
.
And
thus
they
appear
and
may
be
represented
to
us
,
either
immediately
by
examination
of
their
knowledge
,
and
knowledge
of
their
practise
,
either
from
our
own
sight
,
or
their
expressions
mediately
by
the
testimony
of
others
who
are
judged
by
us
to
be
credible
.
By
this
,
the
grosly
ignorant
,
and
such
as
trade
and
constantly
live
in
sin
,
and
are
obstinate
and
refuse
to
be
reformed
,
are
excluded
.
To
these
must
be
added
,
such
as
are
grosly
erroneous
,
and
blasphemers
,
and
such
as
deny
plain
and
saving
truth
with
divers
others
.
For
all
these
may
have
sufficient
knowledge
,
and
for
their
lives
may
be
blameless
,
and
for
their
outward
carriage
eminently
just
,
honest
,
holy
.
But
that
which
makes
the
Question
difficult
is
,
the
difference
between
such
as
never
were
born
in
the
Church
,
nor
baptized
,
nor
admitted
for
Christians
and
those
who
have
been
either
born
in
the
Church
,
baptized
,
lived
,
and
continued
Christians
by
profession
,
or
such
as
upon
their
profession
and
promise
,
when
they
were
at
age
were
baptized
and
admitted
.
Shall
their
Birth
give
them
right
to
Baptism
,
and
their
Baptism
right
to
Membership
,
and
the
gross
ignorance
of
them
born
in
the
Church
and
baptized
make
them
no
Members
,
or
deprive
them
of
their
native
and
baptismal
Right
?
Or
shall
it
not
?
But
suppose
they
have
some
knowledge
of
Christ
,
and
the
principles
of
Christianity
,
and
yet
be
Idolaters
,
Covetous
,
Drunkards
,
Railers
,
Incestuous
Persons
:
for
one
that
is
called
a
Brother
,
and
a
real
Member
of
a
particular
Church
may
be
such
,
as
is
evident
,
from
1
Cor.
5.11
,
12.
Besides
,
such
a
Brother
may
deny
to
hear
the
Church
,
as
is
implied
,
Mat.
18.17
.
Yet
these
may
own
their
Baptism
,
profess
their
Faith
in
Christ
,
and
utterly
renounce
all
other
Religions
.
The
Question
therefore
is
,
Whether
these
and
such
like
are
not
Members
of
a
Church
Christian
?
If
they
be
not
,
how
can
the
Church
censure
,
judge
them
,
and
cast
them
out
?
Yet
such
owning
their
Baptism
,
and
the
Faith
whereinto
they
were
baptized
may
be
censured
,
and
if
they
will
not
hear
the
Church
,
may
be
cast
out
.
These
are
neither
Pagans
,
nor
Mahumetans
,
nor
unbelieving
Jews
,
they
will
abhor
them
,
God
will
judge
them
as
Christians
,
as
being
baptized
,
as
having
heard
the
Gospel
,
as
owning
Christ
,
and
professing
their
hope
to
be
saved
by
him
;
though
he
will
say
unto
them
,
Depart
from
me
ye
workers
of
iniquity
.
These
,
if
cast
forth
,
do
not
cease
to
be
Brethren
,
till
they
renounce
Christianity
.
These
associate
with
Christians
,
frequent
Christian
Assemblies
for
Divine
Worship
,
and
usually
are
under
the
Ministry
,
and
if
there
be
any
External
Government
,
by
their
very
Baptism
owned
are
Subjects
to
the
Power
of
the
Keys
.
Many
as
bad
as
these
and
some
worse
were
in
the
Church
of
the
Jews
,
and
yet
not
Loammi
,
but
reckoned
amongst
the
people
of
God
,
till
God
took
away
both
his
Word
and
Spirit
from
them
.
The
Nicolaitans
and
the
Disciples
of
Jezabel
were
as
bad
as
these
,
yet
they
were
Members
of
the
Churches
where
they
lived
:
how
else
could
they
be
cast
out
,
as
Christ
commands
.
The
Valentinians
,
and
many
of
the
Gnosticks
were
worse
than
these
,
and
yet
many
of
them
were
in
and
of
some
Christian
Church
visible
.
These
must
be
either
without
or
within
,
except
we
can
find
a
third
place
for
them
,
as
they
of
the
Church
of
Rome
have
invented
Purgatory
for
such
as
were
not
good
enough
for
Heaven
,
or
bad
enough
for
Hell.
They
,
as
I
conceive
,
do
far
better
,
who
inclose
them
within
the
pale
of
the
visible
Church
,
and
seek
to
reform
them
,
then
they
who
place
them
in
the
outward
Court
,
and
leave
them
amongst
the
Gentiles
.
It
were
but
reasonable
,
that
they
who
are
so
pure
and
strict
in
their
new
invented
way
,
would
declare
in
proper
terms
their
minimum
quod
sic
,
and
make
the
same
evident
out
of
the
Scriptures
.
But
this
they
have
not
done
;
they
seem
to
us
,
whatsoever
they
are
amongst
themselves
,
to
be
Scepticks
.
section
4
As
there
is
a
Controversie
about
Qualification
,
so
there
is
about
Separation
.
Separation
presupposeth
Union
and
Communion
Ecclesiastical
:
For
as
in
Nature
there
can
be
no
Separation
but
of
things
some
ways
joyned
and
united
,
so
it
is
in
Government
both
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
.
For
there
cannot
in
proper
sense
be
any
Separation
from
the
Church
,
but
of
such
as
have
been
in
a
Church
,
Members
of
a
Christian
Community
,
or
Subjects
of
an
Ecclesiastical
visible
Polity
.
This
Communion
is
either
with
the
whole
as
the
party
governing
,
or
with
the
Members
amongst
themselves
as
fellow-subjects
,
if
a
Discipline
be
setled
,
and
it
is
in
Doctrine
and
Profession
,
or
in
Worship
,
or
in
Discipline
,
or
in
some
of
these
,
or
all
.
But
the
Communion
with
the
Church
in
general
,
and
with
God
the
Father
,
and
Jesus
Christ
the
Son
is
of
an
higher
kind
.
Communion
presupposeth
this
Separation
is
either
passive
,
or
active
and
voluntary
.
Passive
is
,
when
any
is
separated
either
justly
or
unjustly
from
a
Christian
Society
,
and
this
may
be
negative
or
positive
.
Negative
is
a
non-admission
after
they
had
been
formerly
admitted
:
and
this
may
be
done
upon
sufficient
reason
,
or
without
any
just
and
sufficient
cause
.
Positive
is
a
plain
ejection
of
such
as
are
in
the
Church
.
Separation
active
,
is
that
which
is
voluntary
:
and
as
the
former
,
so
this
may
be
just
or
unjust
,
and
may
admit
of
several
degrees
,
according
as
the
Union
and
Communion
is
.
For
some
separation
may
be
total
,
some
partial
,
and
of
partial
,
some
may
be
greater
,
some
less
.
The
reason
why
I
take
occasion
to
speak
of
this
subject
is
,
because
these
are
times
of
separation
:
and
it
were
good
to
know
,
what
may
be
justly
done
,
what
not
,
either
in
seperating
others
by
non-admission
,
or
ejection
,
or
in
separating
our selves
.
And
this
is
a
certain
rule
,
that
all
Union
and
Communion
instituted
,
commanded
,
or
approved
of
God
,
ought
to
be
observed
:
and
whosoever
shall
violate
this
must
needs
be
guilty
,
there
can
be
no
just
or
sufficient
cause
to
do
so
.
The
Church
of
England
was
formerly
a
true
Protestant
and
Reformed
Church
,
and
had
the
same
publick
Doctrine
,
the
same
Form
of
publick
Worship
,
the
same
publick
Discipline
.
Yet
,
because
the
first
Reformation
was
judged
imperfect
,
and
many
Abuses
and
Corruptions
entered
in
afterward
,
which
did
alter
it
for
the
worst
,
therefore
a
further
and
a
new
Reformation
was
thought
to
be
at
least
expedient
,
if
not
necessary
.
That
the
first
Reformation
in
respect
of
Discipline
was
imperfect
is
evident
,
first
from
the
book
of
Common-Prayer
in
the
Rubrick
of
the
Communion
,
which
plainly
implies
,
that
the
ancient
Discipline
was
not
,
and
it
seems
could
not
,
at
that
time
be
restored
,
and
till
the
restoring
of
it
the
Commination
must
be
used
.
Yet
it
was
never
restored
,
neither
did
any
seem
to
seek
it
.
Again
,
the
imperfection
thereof
appears
by
that
Book
made
by
the
Commissioners
in
the
latter
end
of
the
Reign
of
Edward
the
Sixth
,
which
is
called
Reformatio
legum
Ecclesiasticarum
.
Yet
,
that
though
imperfect
,
was
never
established
,
nor
by
the
Bishops
put
in
practice
.
The
latter
Abuses
,
Innovasions
,
Superstitions
brought
in
by
the
Bishops
,
and
as
some
say
,
at
the
King's
command
,
and
that
without
Law
and
Authority
of
Parliament
,
were
confessed
by
many
,
and
exclaimed
against
generally
:
and
divers
charged
the
Bishops
as
guilty
of
Usurpation
:
And
how
could
they
be
less
,
when
they
imposed
the
reading
of
the
Book
of
Sports
and
Recreations
on
the
Lord's
Day
,
and
punished
divers
Ministers
refusing
to
read
it
;
and
,
which
was
not
tolerable
,
the
Rule
of
their
Proceedings
in
the
Exercise
of
their
Power
were
Canons
never
allowed
by
Parliament
,
besides
the
business
of
Altars
,
and
bowing
towards
them
,
which
had
no
colour
of
Law.
Many
began
to
set
up
Images
in
their
Churches
,
and
innovate
in
Doctrine
.
In
consideration
of
all
these
things
,
a
Reformation
,
if
it
might
be
had
,
was
thought
necessary
,
not
only
for
the
perfection
of
the
first
,
but
also
for
to
cut
off
the
late
introduced
Corruptions
,
and
prevent
the
like
for
the
future
.
An
opportunity
seemed
to
be
put
into
the
hands
of
a
Parliament
with
an
Assembly
of
Divines
for
Advice
to
do
this
.
A
Reformation
they
promise
,
begin
to
act
in
the
way
,
and
the
expectation
was
great
.
But
,
instead
of
perfecting
the
former
Reformation
,
they
cause
a
new
Confession
of
Faith
,
and
new
Catechisms
to
be
made
,
instead
of
the
former
Litany
and
Set-form
of
Worship
,
a
new
Directory
is
composed
and
allowed
;
for
Discipline
the
Episcopal
Power
is
abolished
,
and
the
former
Government
dissolved
,
the
Presbyterian
way
,
and
that
very
near
to
that
of
Scotland
,
is
agreed
upon
.
So
,
that
whatsoever
was
formerly
determined
by
Law
,
is
null
and
void
.
In
the
end
,
all
that
was
done
in
Doctrine
,
Worship
,
and
Discipline
,
in
a
time
of
War
,
without
,
and
against
the
mind
of
the
King
,
did
vanish
,
was
rejected
by
many
,
and
received
by
few
,
and
such
an
Indulgence
under
pretence
of
favouring
tender
Consciences
,
was
granted
,
that
every
one
seemed
to
be
left
at
liberty
.
Hence
sprang
so
many
Separations
and
Divisions
,
that
England
,
since
she
became
Christian
,
never
saw
the
like
.
There
were
Divisions
in
Doctrine
so
many
as
could
not
be
numbred
,
and
men
were
in
their
judgments
not
only
different
,
but
contrary
.
And
the
former
Errours
pretended
to
be
great
,
were
few
in
number
,
far
less
noxious
in
quality
to
these
latter
,
which
were
very
many
,
and
some
of
them
blasphemous
and
abominable
.
All
the
old
damned
Heresies
seemed
to
be
revived
and
raked
out
of
Hell
,
and
the
more
vain
and
blasphemous
the
Opinion
was
,
it
was
by
some
the
more
admired
.
For
Worship
instead
of
some
Ceremonies
or
Superstitions
,
at
the
worst
all
kind
of
Abominations
brake
out
of
the
bottomless
Pit.
Some
professed
high
Attainments
and
Dispensations
to
the
contempt
of
Sabbaths
,
Sacraments
,
and
Scripture
it self
.
Some
turned
Ranters
,
as
though
the
old
abominable
Gnosticks
had
been
conjured
up
from
Hell.
Some
become
Seekers
,
till
they
lost
all
Religion
.
Some
were
Quakers
,
and
most
rude
,
uncivil
,
inhumane
Wretches
,
deadly
Enemies
of
the
Ministery
,
and
most
violent
Opposers
of
the
Truth
;
and
some
no
ways
ill
affected
,
but
otherwise
well
disposed
people
seemed
to
be
suddenly
bewitched
,
as
the
Galatians
were
,
and
could
give
no
Reason
nor
Scripture
for
the
Separation
and
Alterations
.
To
be
Anabaptists
seemed
to
be
no
Offence
in
comparison
of
the
former
.
For
Discipline
,
some
adhered
to
the
Prelatical
Form
,
and
refused
Communion
with
the
Presbyterian
Party
,
who
,
with
the
Scottish
Kirk
,
thought
their
way
to
be
the
pattern
in
the
Mount.
The
Congregational
was
of
another
mind
,
and
stood
at
as
far
a
distance
from
them
on
one
hand
,
as
the
rigid
Prelatical
Party
did
on
another
.
Yet
in
all
this
God
preserved
an
Orthodox
Party
,
who
retained
the
substance
of
the
Protestant
Religion
with
moderation
,
and
these
are
they
whom
God
will
bless
and
make
victorious
in
the
end
.
For
,
all
these
came
to
pass
and
were
ordered
by
Divine
Providence
,
to
discover
the
Frailty
of
all
,
the
Wickedness
of
some
,
the
Hypocrisie
of
others
,
to
mainifest
the
Approved
,
to
confirm
the
Sincere
,
and
let
men
know
what
a
blessing
Order
and
Government
in
Church
and
State
must
needs
be
.
Here
are
many
Separations
,
some
passive
,
but
many
active
.
As
for
the
Quakers
,
Seekers
,
Above-Ordinance-Men
,
Ranters
,
their
Separation
under
pretence
of
greater
Purity
,
is
abominable
:
The
Antipedobaptists
and
the
Catabaptists
cannot
justify
themselves
:
and
in
the
end
it
will
appear
.
The
Dissenting
Bretheren
,
and
Congregational
Party
,
after
they
began
to
gather
Churches
,
with
the
rigid
Prelatists
and
Presbyterians
,
cannot
be
excused
.
They
,
who
actually
concurred
to
procure
a
Liberty
and
Indulgence
,
especially
the
Zealots
in
that
work
,
who
had
a
design
to
promote
their
own
way
,
have
much
to
answer
for
,
and
their
account
will
be
heavy
.
And
surely
they
are
no
ways
innocent
,
who
took
away
the
former
Laws
and
Government
before
they
had
a
better
,
and
in
their
own
power
,
effectually
to
establish
them
.
And
,
whosoever
departed
from
the
former
legal
Doctrine
,
Worship
,
and
Discipline
in
any
thing
,
wherein
it
was
agreeable
to
the
Word
of
God
,
must
needs
be
worthy
of
blame
;
as
also
those
who
took
an
ill
course
to
introduce
that
which
was
better
.
They
,
who
will
not
Communicate
with
others
,
or
refuse
to
admit
unto
Communion
with
themselves
in
all
parts
of
Worship
,
such
as
are
Orthodox
and
not
changeable
with
Scandal
,
are
Offenders
,
and
cannot
be
free
from
Schism
in
some
degree
.
The
Usurpations
of
the
Bishops
,
and
the
Innovations
made
by
them
and
their
Party
,
together
with
their
Negligence
and
Remisness
in
the
more
material
parts
of
Discipline
,
gave
no
little
cause
of
Divisions
and
Separations
.
To
be
hasty
,
high
,
rigid
in
Reformation
,
is
a
cause
of
many
and
great
Mischiefs
.
This
Church
of
England
,
upon
the
first
Reformation
within
a
few
Years
brought
forth
to
God
,
even
under
that
imperfect
Reformation
many
precious
Saints
and
glorious
Martyrs
.
And
after
the
Persecution
,
how
did
she
multiply
,
and
yield
as
many
able
and
godly
Ministers
and
gracious
Servants
of
God
,
as
any
Church
in
the
World
of
that
compass
.
And
all
those
good
Children
were
begotten
,
nursed
,
and
encreased
,
whilst
under
one
supreme
independent
national
Judicatory
.
And
though
the
first
Reformation
was
imperfect
,
and
the
Church
in
some
things
corrupted
,
and
many
Members
of
the
same
without
sufficient
cause
persecuted
by
some
of
the
ungodly
and
unworthy
Bishops
:
yet
,
for
any
of
the
Subjects
and
Members
to
separate
from
her
without
some
weighty
cause
,
must
needs
be
a
sin
.
A
Reformation
might
have
been
made
without
pulling
down
the
whole
Frame
,
and
opening
a
way
to
the
ensuing
Divisions
.
Imperfection
is
no
sufficient
cause
to
separate
from
that
Church
,
wherein
any
person
receives
his
Christian
being
,
or
continuance
,
or
growth
of
that
being
;
neither
is
every
kind
of
Corruption
.
No
Church
but
hath
some
defects
,
but
hath
some
corruptions
,
and
no
man
should
depart
from
any
Christian
Society
,
further
than
that
Society
is
departed
from
God.
To
depart
and
divide
upon
conceits
of
greater
purity
and
perfection
,
or
out
of
a
spirit
of
Innovation
,
or
in
any
thing
which
is
approved
of
God
,
and
not
contrary
to
his
Word
,
cannot
be
lawful
.
Let
every
one
therefore
reflect
upon
the
former
Divisions
,
and
consider
the
present
distractions
,
and
examine
himself
how
far
he
either
is
,
or
hath
been
guilty
,
and
confess
his
sin
to
God
,
desiring
pardon
,
and
for
time
to
come
endeavour
peace
,
and
supply
the
defects
of
understanding
,
which
in
some
things
is
the
cause
of
difference
in
judgment
with
the
greater
measure
of
Charity
.
For
,
though
we
had
less
knowledge
then
we
have
,
and
yet
more
charity
,
the
breaches
of
the
Church
might
easily
be
made
up
.
Thus
far
I
have
digressed
,
and
enlarged
upon
this
Subject
,
out
of
a
desire
to
perswade
every
Member
of
a
particular
Church
to
submit
unto
the
lawful
Power
thereof
,
and
continue
united
in
the
same
Body
,
till
God
shall
give
a
Command
and
Commission
to
come
out
or
separate
.
section
5
The
end
of
this
Discourse
concerning
the
distinction
of
the
subjects
of
the
same
Church
,
is
,
to
shew
the
nature
and
measure
of
subjection
,
and
the
manner
how
we
become
subjects
,
and
what
the
Duties
of
Subjects
are
.
Something
might
be
added
concerning
the
manner
of
Admission
,
which
Mr.
Parker
,
and
so
many
of
the
Congregational
Way
,
do
think
was
not
good
and
allowable
.
His
,
and
their
Exceptions
I
will
not
here
mention
,
but
will
with
them
confess
,
1.
That
as
they
be
born
in
such
a
Parish
,
or
forced
by
the
Magistrate
,
they
could
not
be
Members
of
the
Church
.
2.
That
Baptism
,
without
instruction
of
such
as
are
capable
,
is
not
sufficient
.
3.
That
it
's
fit
that
every
one
when
they
are
instructed
,
so
as
to
understand
the
substance
of
the
Covenant
,
should
publickly
in
their
own
persons
profess
their
Faith
,
and
make
their
Vow
.
4.
That
when
this
is
done
,
some
care
should
be
taken
of
their
lives
,
that
it
may
be
known
,
whether
they
walk
according
to
their
Profession
and
their
Promise
.
Yet
this
may
be
said
,
that
by
good
Ministers
something
to
this
purpose
was
done
,
though
by
others
it
was
neglected
.
And
the
Church
even
from
the
first
Reformation
required
and
intended
this
in
the
strict
command
of
Catechising
,
and
in
Confirmation
.
For
though
Confirmation
was
no
Sacrament
,
nor
proper
to
a
Diocesan
Bishop
,
by
Divine
Institution
,
yet
the
end
was
good
,
and
the
effect
might
have
been
happy
,
if
it
had
been
duly
observed
.
For
,
it
would
have
so
qualified
the
Members
of
the
Church
,
that
we
should
not
have
had
so
many
ignorant
,
so
many
scandalous
in
every
Parochial
Precinct
.
But
it
was
either
neglected
or
abused
.
But
because
to
be
a
right
qualified
Member
of
a
visible
Church
is
not
sufficient
,
let
every
one
remember
,
that
it
's
his
duty
to
be
a
Citizen
and
Subject
of
Heaven
,
and
to
live
accordingly
.
For
,
as
the
Apostle
saith
,
Phil.
3.20
.
Our
conversation
is
in
heaven
;
so
we
turn
it
,
though
there
may
be
more
in
the
Original
.
For
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
may
be
turned
,
Jus
municipum
,
aut
civium
,
aut
municipatus
;
as
Hierome
,
Tertullian
,
and
Sidonius
understands
it
,
with
Beza
à
Lapide
,
Musculus
,
Heinsius
.
The
sence
is
,
that
we
are
Burgesses
,
Denisons
,
and
Subjects
of
Heaven
,
and
incorporated
into
an
Heavenly
Politie
:
therefore
let
our
life
be
holy
and
heavenly
,
and
let
us
converse
most
and
chiefly
with
God
,
and
remember
that
we
are
but
Pilgrims
and
Strangers
upon
Earth
,
and
by
the
observation
of
the
Laws
of
this
heavenly
Kingdom
,
we
tend
to
our
abiding
Mansions
above
.
And
if
our
lives
and
carriage
be
such
,
though
men
may
persecute
us
,
cast
us
out
,
separate
from
us
,
refuse
to
admit
us
,
yet
we
know
our
God
approves
us
,
we
have
fellowship
with
him
,
and
with
Jesus
Christ
his
Son
,
whilst
we
walk
in
the
Light
,
as
he
is
Light
,
and
in
the
end
we
shall
be
happy
,
and
our
Joy
will
be
full
.
section
6
As
the
Subjects
must
be
divided
and
subordinated
in
a
Civil
State
,
so
must
they
be
in
a
Church
.
The
people
of
Israel
were
three
times
numbred
and
divided
:
the
first
numbring
was
by
tens
,
hundreds
,
and
thousands
,
that
Moses
might
make
Officers
and
Judges
for
the
civil
Government
,
Exod.
18.
The
second
which
was
most
exact
and
purely
Ecclesiastical
,
as
you
may
read
in
the
four
first
Chapters
of
the
Book
of
Numbers
,
which
was
so
entitled
by
the
Septuagint
,
because
of
this
Numeration
and
Division
of
the
People
.
They
were
also
numbred
the
third
time
,
Numb
.
26.
The
end
of
the
second
numbring
was
,
that
they
might
,
according
to
an
excellent
order
,
encamp
about
the
Tabernacle
,
and
also
march
in
order
before
and
after
it
.
The
first
division
upon
the
numeration
was
of
the
Body
of
Israel
into
two
parts
:
1.
That
of
the
Levites
,
which
was
subdivided
into
four
parts
:
The
second
of
the
other
twelve
Tribes
in
one
body
first
separated
from
the
Levites
,
and
this
was
subdivided
into
four
Squadrons
,
and
in
every
Squadron
three
Tribes
,
which
acccording
to
their
Ensigns
quartered
at
a
distance
,
East
,
West
,
North
,
South
of
the
Tabernacle
,
the
Levites
being
within
them
.
The
Description
of
the
Universal
Church
,
Revel.
4.
as
learned
Men
have
observed
,
alludes
to
this
order
.
And
both
these
Scriptures
teach
us
,
that
without
numeration
,
division
,
and
subordination
,
there
can
be
no
order
in
the
Worship
of
God
,
or
the
Government
of
the
Church
.
And
the
first
thing
done
upon
this
division
,
according
to
God's
command
,
was
the
removing
of
the
Lepers
and
Unclean
out
of
the
Camp
,
which
was
the
more
orderly
and
easily
done
upon
the
former
division
,
and
doth
teach
what
must
be
in
the
constitution
of
a
Church
,
and
exercise
of
Discipline
.
section
7
Of
the
division
either
of
particular
Churches
of
one
City
,
and
the
territories
thereunto
belonging
,
or
of
several
Churches
in
one
Province
,
according
to
the
Cities
of
the
several
Provinces
,
we
read
nothing
at
all
in
the
Scripture
.
Neither
can
any
such
thing
be
evidently
and
certainly
proved
from
the
seven
Angels
of
the
seven
Churches
of
Asia
the
less
,
now
called
Natolia
.
As
for
the
divisions
made
afterwards
in
the
Roman
Empire
,
I
shall
say
something
anon
.
The
Church
of
England
,
if
we
may
believe
Mr.
Brerewood
,
was
anciently
divided
into
three
Provinces
,
according
to
the
three
Provincial
Cities
,
York
,
London
,
Cacruske
in
Monmouth-shire
;
though
after
that
we
find
Valentia
and
Flavia
Caesariensis
added
to
make
five
:
of
which
divisions
we
find
something
in
Cambden
.
Yet
afterwards
we
find
another
division
of
the
whole
Island
into
two
Provinces
,
York
and
Canterbury
.
These
were
divided
into
several
Diocesses
,
the
Diocesses
into
Archdeaconries
,
the
Archdeaconries
into
so
many
Rural
Deanries
,
the
Rural
Deanries
into
Parishes
.
This
was
an
orderly
way
and
did
facilitate
Government
much
.
The
Church
of
Scotland
was
divided
into
Provinces
and
Shires
,
and
upon
the
Reformation
,
as
some
tell
us
,
these
Shires
into
Classical
Presbyteries
:
but
afterwards
reduced
in
our
times
under
a
certain
number
of
Bishops
.
Yet
Arch-Bishop
Spoteswood
inform
us
out
of
their
publick
Records
,
that
from
the
first
Reformation
they
had
Superintendents
.
In
the
Reformation
intended
in
England
,
when
Episcopacy
was
taken
out
of
the
way
,
and
the
Presbytery
introduced
,
they
divided
the
Church
according
to
the
Counties
,
the
Counties
into
Classes
,
the
Classes
into
Congregations
.
The
Subordination
was
of
Congregations
to
a
Classis
,
of
the
Classis
to
a
Provincial
Synod
of
a
County
;
of
these
Provincial
Synods
to
a
general
Assembly
.
section
8
Of
the
division
of
the
Church
within
the
Roman
Empire
,
we
may
read
in
several
Histories
both
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
,
and
in
the
Acts
and
Canons
of
several
Councils
.
And
from
this
division
Hierarchy
,
which
is
Ancient
derives
its
Original
.
To
understand
this
you
must
know
,
that
Hierarchy
presupposeth
Episcopacy
:
For
before
there
were
Bishops
there
could
be
no
Subordination
of
Inferiour
or
Superiour
Bishops
.
What
these
Bishops
were
,
and
how
they
did
first
arise
,
and
what
their
power
was
,
the
Scripture
saith
nothing
,
much
less
gives
any
Divine
precept
special
for
the
Institution
of
them
,
or
the
manner
of
their
Consecration
.
That
of
Timothy
,
Titus
,
and
the
Angels
of
the
Churches
,
will
not
evince
any
such
thing
,
as
hath
been
said
before
.
That
there
were
Bishops
anciently
and
betimes
in
the
Christian
Church
within
the
Roman
Empire
cannot
be
doubted
,
if
humane
story
be
of
any
force
.
After
these
Bishops
(
whom
the
general
rule
of
decency
and
order
,
together
with
the
light
of
reason
might
manifest
to
be
convenient
)
were
multiplied
according
to
the
number
of
the
Cities
,
wherein
Christian
Churches
were
planted
,
set
up
in
these
Cities
,
and
these
Cities
Subordinated
unto
others
in
the
same
Province
,
these
Bishops
began
to
be
Subordinate
to
the
Arch-Bishops
.
For
,
as
a
Bishop
is
one
above
a
multitude
of
Presbyters
,
so
,
an
Arch-Bishop
is
one
above
a
multitude
of
Bishops
.
The
Bishop
of
the
chief
City
and
Metropolis
in
a
Province
was
called
a
Metropolitan
.
The
Bishop
of
the
chief
City
of
a
Diocess
of
the
Roman
Empire
was
called
a
Primate
,
or
Patriarch
.
By
Diocess
,
you
must
not
understand
an
Episopal
Diocess
,
but
a
far
greater
compass
.
For
the
Roman
Empire
was
first
divided
into
Diocesses
,
the
principal
whereof
were
three
:
one
in
Asia
,
another
in
Africk
,
as
now
we
understand
it
,
another
in
Europe
.
These
greater
circuits
were
divided
into
Provinces
,
as
:
we
read
the
Empire
of
Persia
was
parted
into
an
hundrd
twenty
seven
Provinces
in
the
Reign
of
Abasuerus
.
And
some
tell
us
,
that
the
Provinces
of
the
Roman
Empire
were
at
first
an
120.
The
chief
City
of
the
Asian
Diocess
was
Antioch
,
of
the
Aegyptian
and
African
,
Alexandria
,
of
the
European
,
Rome
.
According
to
these
three
Cities
,
where
the
great
Officers
of
the
Empire
kept
their
Residence
,
were
set
up
three
Patriarchs
;
one
of
Rome
,
one
of
Alexandria
,
one
of
Antioch
,
and
all
the
City
Bishops
and
Provincial
Metropolitans
were
under
these
,
if
they
were
within
that
division
,
as
there
were
several
Provinces
out
of
these
Diocesses
;
as
that
of
Carthage
in
Africk
,
of
York
in
Britain
,
Justiana
Prima
in
Dacia
.
To
the
three
Patriarchates
in
after-time
were
added
other
two
;
as
that
of
Constantinople
,
Division
Subordination
of
that
Church
when
.
or
New
Rome
,
and
that
of
Jerusalem
.
The
first
division
and
subordination
of
the
Church
was
made
about
the
time
of
the
second
Century
,
and
followed
the
division
of
the
Empire
that
then
was
,
and
as
then
divided
.
Yet
it
did
not
reach
the
whole
Empire
,
though
there
might
be
Christians
in
all
the
parts
thereof
,
and
many
more
far
beyond
the
bounds
thereof
.
That
there
was
such
an
Hierarchical
Order
before
the
great
Council
of
Nice
,
is
evident
from
divers
Canons
of
the
same
,
and
continued
after
,
as
appears
by
the
Council
of
Chalcedon
,
and
Constantinople
,
and
others
.
What
the
limits
and
bounds
of
the
first
three
Patriarchates
were
,
we
may
read
in
some
Authors
.
But
you
must
know
,
that
this
division
of
the
Empire
was
several
times
altered
by
divers
of
the
Emperours
,
even
by
Constantine
himself
,
so
that
the
Ecclesiastical
Division
and
Model
could
not
be
always
exactly
conformable
unto
it
.
Of
this
model
Spalatensis
saith
but
little
,
Mr.
Brerewood
a
little
more
,
Dr.
Reynolds
is
very
brief
,
Dr.
Usher
is
a
little
more
large
in
his
Lydian
or
Proconsular
Asia
.
Yet
far
more
might
be
discovered
of
these
particulars
,
both
out
of
Humane
and
also
Ecclesiastical
Histories
.
section
9
This
little
may
give
us
some
light
in
the
matter
of
the
Ecclesiastical
Hierarchy
.
Observe
therefore
first
,
That
supposing
Bishops
some
ways
in
a
large
sence
to
be
jure
divino
above
Presbyters
;
yet
as
Spalatensis
affirmeth
,
they
by
divine
Law
are
equal
amongst
themselves
.
For
,
if
they
succeed
the
Apostles
,
though
some
grant
primatum
ordinis
,
yet
there
is
no
Primacy
of
Jurisdiction
of
one
above
another
.
For
Peter's
Supremacy
,
asserted
by
the
Romans
,
can
have
no
sufficient
ground
in
Scripture
.
Ignatius
in
his
Palma
Christiana
,
doth
maintain
the
title
of
Arch-bishop
,
and
goes
about
,
though
very
weakly
,
to
prove
even
out
of
the
Scriptures
,
that
Primates
are
jure
divino
,
yet
he
seems
to
understand
by
Primacy
,
that
only
of
order
;
but
he
is
hardly
worth
the
taking
notice
of
.
2.
That
yet
before
the
Nicene
Council
,
there
was
an
Hierarchy
of
the
Church
in
some
parts
of
the
Roman
Empire
:
for
there
were
Bishops
,
Metropolitans
,
Patriarchs
.
3.
This
Hierarchy
was
a
conforming
of
the
Church
in
division
and
subordination
to
the
Civil
State
of
the
Empire
.
For
,
as
the
State
was
divided
first
into
greater
parts
,
called
Diocesses
;
and
the
Diocesses
into
Provinces
,
and
the
Provinces
into
Cities
,
and
their
Territories
;
so
the
Church
was
divided
.
As
the
Cities
&
their
Officers
were
subordinate
to
the
Provincial
Officer
,
who
did
reside
in
the
Metropolis
of
the
Province
,
and
the
Officers
provincial
were
under
the
power
of
the
chief
Officer
,
who
kept
his
residence
in
the
chief
City
of
the
Diocess
;
so
the
City
Bishops
were
subject
to
the
Metropolitan
of
the
Province
,
and
the
Metropolitans
of
the
Provinces
to
the
Patriarch
,
residing
in
his
Patriarchal
City
.
Subordination
of
Bishops
prudential
.
4.
Tho'
this
was
a
prudential
Order
,
and
good
for
Administration
,
yet
it
was
but
humane
in
the
State
,
and
also
humane
in
the
Church
.
For
in
neither
was
it
of
divine
Institution
.
For
,
if
it
had
been
such
,
they
could
not
justly
have
altered
it
,
as
they
did
afterwards
in
several
places
.
5.
That
therefore
the
Episcopal
Hierarchy
,
though
ancient
and
of
long
continuance
,
Episcopal
Hierarchy
not
of
Divine
Authority
.
yet
is
not
of
divine
Authority
;
neither
do
we
find
any
divine
Ordination
for
it
.
6.
Therefore
,
the
Argument
from
Episcopacy
to
Hierarchy
,
is
gross
.
For
a
Bishop
was
before
a
Metropolitan
or
Patriarch
:
and
though
some
kind
of
Bishop
should
be
of
divine
Institution
,
yet
an
Hierarchical
Bishop
may
be
,
and
is
an
humane
invention
.
7.
It
was
not
thought
good
to
erect
one
supreme
independent
Judicatory
Ecclesiastical
in
the
whole
Roman
Empire
.
For
they
made
three
Patriarchs
independent
one
upon
another
;
and
if
they
had
all
been
put
in
one
,
yet
many
parts
of
that
Empire
,
and
of
the
Church
within
it
had
been
without
those
bounds
.
8.
Whether
the
Patriarchs
at
first
had
Jurisdiction
over
the
Metropolitans
,
Bishops
over
Presbyters
uncertain
.
and
the
Metropolitans
over
the
Bishops
,
and
they
over
the
Presbyters
,
is
very
uncertain
.
And
,
if
they
had
no
Jurisdiction
according
to
this
subordination
,
there
could
lie
no
Appeal
from
the
Bishop
to
the
Metropolitan
,
nor
from
the
Metropolitan
to
the
Patriarch
.
It
's
likely
that
the
power
was
in
Synods
,
and
men
might
Appeal
from
an
inferiour
to
a
provincial
Synod
,
and
from
the
Provincial
to
the
Patriarchal
,
which
was
the
highest
Court
,
except
the
Christian
Emperours
call
a
General
Council
.
And
,
that
was
said
to
be
a
General
Council
,
which
extended
beyond
the
bounds
of
one
Patriarchate
,
especially
if
it
included
all
.
9.
After
these
Patriarchates
began
to
be
such
eminent
places
,
many
ambitiously
sought
them
,
and
there
was
great
contention
amongst
themselves
,
who
should
be
greatest
and
have
the
precedency
.
Neither
could
General
Councils
by
their
determinations
prevent
them
for
time
to
come
.
10.
The
Patriarch
of
Rome
,
though
but
at
the
first
one
of
the
three
,
and
afterwards
of
the
five
,
and
according
to
some
,
of
the
seven
,
if
you
take
in
Justiniana
Prima
with
Carthage
,
did
challenge
the
precedency
and
preeminency
of
them
all
.
And
though
the
Council
of
Chalcedon
gave
the
Constantinopolitan
See
equal
priviledges
with
his
,
yet
he
would
not
stand
to
their
determination
,
but
afterward
challenged
greater
power
then
was
due
,
began
to
receive
Appeals
from
Transmarine
parts
beyond
the
bounds
of
his
Diocess
,
and
to
colour
his
Usurpation
,
alledged
a
Canon
of
the
Nicene
Council
,
which
was
not
found
in
the
Greek
Original
.
He
will
be
President
in
all
General
Councils
;
no
Canons
must
be
valid
without
his
Approbation
.
His
Ambition
aspires
higher
,
when
the
title
of
Universal
Bishop
had
been
denied
the
Patriarch
of
Constantinople
by
Gregory
the
Great
,
Boniface
his
Successour
assumes
it
.
And
by
degrees
,
they
who
follow
him
,
usurpe
the
Power
,
and
at
length
the
civil
Supremacy
is
arrogated
,
and
the
Roman
Pontiffe
must
dispose
of
Kingdoms
and
Empires
,
and
will
depose
and
advance
whom
he
pleaseth
.
The
Pope
the
Man
of
Sin
,
&c.
And
is
not
he
the
Man
of
Sin
,
and
the
Son
of
Perdition
,
who
opposeth
and
exalteth
himself
above
all
that
is
called
God
,
or
that
is
worshipped
,
so
that
he
as
God
sitteth
in
the
temple
of
God
,
shewing
himself
that
he
is
God
?
2
Thes.
2.3
,
4.
From
all
which
words
,
he
that
goes
under
the
name
of
M.
Camillas
,
defines
Antichrist
in
this
manner
:
Antichristus
est
Pontifex
maximus
,
Elatione
,
vicariatu
,
assimulatione
Christo
oppositus
,
lib.
1.
c.
3.
de
Antichristo
.
As
the
Roman
State
subdued
and
subjected
unto
themselves
the
former
Empires
and
Monarchies
of
the
World
,
and
this
in
themselves
,
after
that
became
Vassals
and
Servants
unto
one
Absolute
Imperial
Monarch
,
and
by
him
Rome-Heathen
raigned
over
the
Kings
of
the
Earth
,
Revel.
17.18
.
So
in
tract
of
time
,
Rome-Christian
usurped
Jurisdiction
Ecclesiastical
over
all
Churches
,
and
her
Patriarch
swallowing
up
all
the
power
of
the
former
Patriarchs
,
became
Universal
Monarch
and
Visible
Head
of
the
Universal
Church
.
The
occasions
,
true
causes
of
this
Usurpation
,
and
the
means
whereby
he
by
degrees
aspired
to
this
transcendent
power
are
well
enough
known
.
Some
will
tell
us
,
that
Episcopacy
,
or
rather
Prelacy
was
the
occasion
at
least
of
the
Hierarchy
,
Prelacy
the
occasion
of
Hierarchy
,
and
that
of
Papacy
.
and
the
Hierarchy
of
the
Papacy
.
For
,
if
there
had
not
been
a
Bishop
invested
with
power
in
himself
,
and
a
provincial
Jurisdiction
given
to
one
Metropolitan
,
and
many
Metropolitans
subjected
to
one
Patriarch
,
the
Bishop
of
Rome
could
have
had
no
advantage
nor
colour
for
his
Usurpation
.
This
makes
many
prudent
men
jealous
of
Episcopacy
,
especially
as
many
understand
a
Bishop
to
be
one
invested
with
the
power
of
Ordination
and
Jurisdiction
,
and
that
by
divine
Law
without
the
Presbytery
.
Division
and
Subordination
,
which
are
essential
to
Government
,
could
be
no
proper
cause
of
the
Papal
Supremacy
.
But
,
the
trusting
of
power
Ecclesiastical
in
one
man
,
extending
and
enlarging
the
bounds
of
one
particular
Church
and
independent
Judicatory
too
far
,
and
subordinating
the
People
and
Presbyters
to
the
Monarchical
Jurisdiction
of
one
Bishop
,
the
several
Bishops
to
one
Metropolitan
,
the
several
Metropolitans
to
one
Patriarch
,
and
several
Patriarchs
to
one
Roman
Pontiffe
,
did
much
promote
,
and
effectually
conduce
to
the
advancement
of
one
man
to
the
Universal
Vicarage
.
At
the
first
institution
of
the
Hierarchy
,
neither
the
people
nor
Presbytery
were
excluded
;
the
Patriarchates
were
of
a
reasonable
extent
,
the
Patriarchs
independent
one
upon
another
,
and
the
end
intended
was
Unity
,
and
the
prevention
of
Schism
;
and
the
subordination
seemed
to
be
made
out
of
mature
deliberation
.
Yet
humane
Wisdom
,
though
never
so
profound
,
if
it
swerve
from
the
Rules
of
divine
Institution
,
proves
Folly
in
the
end
.
Let
not
all
this
discourage
any
Ecclesiastical
Community
,
or
disswade
them
from
division
,
co-ordination
,
subordination
,
if
so
be
they
keep
the
power
in
themselves
as
in
the
primary
Subject
,
and
reserve
it
to
the
whole
,
and
not
communicate
it
to
a
part
,
and
keep
themselves
within
a
reasonable
compass
.
From
all
this
we
may
conclude
,
that
a
Secession
from
Rome
,
and
the
rejection
of
his
Ecclesiastical
Supremacy
,
if
so
be
we
retain
the
true
Doctrine
and
pure
Worship
of
God
,
is
no
Schism
,
especially
in
England
.
For
1.
there
were
many
Provinces
out
of
the
great
Patriarchate
,
and
no
ways
subject
to
any
of
them
,
but
they
had
their
own
proper
Primates
and
Superindendents
.
Amonst
these
England
was
one
,
and
by
the
Canon
of
Nice
had
her
own
Jurisdiction
,
and
was
under
no
Patriarch
,
but
a
Primate
of
her
own
.
England
under
no
foreign
Primate
.
2.
The
Bishop
of
Rome
was
at
first
confined
to
that
City
,
and
after
he
was
made
Patriarch
,
he
had
but
the
ten
Suburbicarian
Provinces
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Provinces
of
Italy
had
Milan
for
their
Metropolis
.
3.
That
after
the
Conversion
of
the
Saxons
,
that
that
Bishop
should
exercise
any
power
in
England
,
was
a
meer
Usurpation
.
And
to
cast
off
an
usurped
power
,
and
the
same
Tyrannical
,
could
be
no
Schism
at
all
.
There
is
a
Book
printed
at
Oxford
,
in
the
year
1641
,
wherein
we
find
several
parcels
of
several
Authors
bound
up
in
one
:
The
first
Author
is
Dr.
Andrews
,
the
second
Bucer
,
the
third
Dr.
Reynolds
,
the
fourth
Bishop
Usher
,
the
fifth
Mr.
Brerewood
,
the
sixth
Mr.
Dury
,
the
seventh
Mr.
Francis
Mason
.
The
design
of
the
whole
is
to
maintain
Episcopacy
,
and
in
part
to
prove
the
Hierarchy
.
1.
Some
of
the
formentioned
Authors
do
grant
with
Hierome
,
that
the
Church
was
first
governed
by
the
common
advice
of
Presbyters
,
though
this
position
in
strict
sence
is
not
true
,
as
hath
been
formerly
proved
.
What
a
Bishop
was
at
first
.
2.
Some
grant
,
that
at
the
first
Institution
of
Bishops
,
a
Bishop
was
nothing
else
but
a
President
or
Moderator
in
Presbyterial
Meetings
.
3.
That
afterwards
these
were
constant
and
standing
,
with
a
power
of
Suderintendency
,
not
only
over
the
people
,
but
the
Presbyters
within
a
City
and
the
Territory
thereof
.
4.
That
when
a
Church
was
extended
to
a
Province
,
in
the
Metropolis
thereof
,
they
placed
a
chief
Bishop
,
called
a
Metropolitan
,
who
had
the
precedency
of
all
the
other
City
Bishops
.
5.
That
these
Bishops
could
do
no
common
act
,
binding
the
whole
circuit
without
the
Presbytery
.
6.
That
there
were
such
Bishops
and
Metropolitans
in
the
Apostles
times
;
thus
Dr.
Usher
doth
affirm
,
and
he
quotes
Ignatius
to
this
purpose
.
7.
That
there
was
an
imparity
both
in
the
State
and
Church
of
Israel
under
the
Old
Testament
,
and
so
likewise
of
the
Ministers
in
the
Church
of
the
New
Testament
.
Thus
Dr.
Andrews
.
8.
That
most
Reformed
Churches
have
Bishops
,
or
Superintendents
,
and
something
answerable
to
Bishops
.
The
design
of
all
this
seems
to
be
this
,
to
prove
that
Episcopacy
and
Hierarchy
are
Apostolical
and
Universal
.
Yet
none
of
these
produce
any
clear
divine
Testimony
for
this
,
No
Divine
Testimony
for
Bishops
.
much
less
any
divine
Precept
to
make
this
Regiment
to
be
of
perpetual
and
universal
Obligation
.
Neither
doth
any
of
them
all
tell
us
distinctly
what
the
power
of
Bishops
,
of
Metropolitans
,
of
Patriarchs
was
:
nor
whether
they
exercised
their
power
as
Officers
,
or
Representatives
,
or
by
an
immediate
Jus
divinum
derived
from
Christ
unto
them
.
All
that
can
be
made
clear
is
,
that
some
kind
of
Bishops
may
be
lawful
,
and
have
been
ancient
,
and
of
good
use
,
Bishops
of
good
use
,
not
of
necessity
.
tho'
of
no
necessity
.
As
for
the
Hierarchy
,
it
's
meerly
Humane
,
and
being
at
first
intended
for
Unity
,
was
in
the
end
the
cause
of
the
most
bloody
Schisms
that
ever
were
in
the
Church
;
and
an
occasion
of
intolerable
Ambition
,
Emulation
and
Contention
.
section
10
Subjects
Ecclesiastical
being
distinguished
and
divided
must
be
educated
;
and
so
I
come
to
Education
and
Institution
.
Tho'
spiritual
Education
be
far
more
useful
and
necessary
,
yet
we
find
most
men
more
careful
to
improve
their
Children
for
this
World
than
the
World
to
come
.
The
reason
is
,
they
seek
these
earthly
things
more
than
God's
Kingdom
,
love
the
World
more
than
God
,
and
prefer
their
Bodies
before
their
Souls
:
we
should
provide
for
both
,
yet
for
the
one
far
more
than
the
other
.
For
,
what
will
it
avail
us
to
be
temporally
rich
,
and
spiritually
poor
:
to
gain
the
World
and
lose
our
Souls
?
This
therefore
is
a
special
work
of
the
Church
to
educate
her
Children
,
and
nurse
them
up
for
Heaven
:
and
the
Magistrate
Christian
is
bound
to
further
her
in
this
work
.
Adam
,
tho'
Lord
of
the
whole
Earth
,
and
one
who
might
give
his
Chrildren
far
greater
Estates
in
Land
than
any
man
ever
could
,
yet
brought
them
up
not
in
idleness
,
but
honest
labour
.
But
his
principal
care
was
to
teach
them
how
to
serve
their
God
,
and
when
they
were
at
age
,
to
bring
their
Offerings
before
him
.
God
saith
of
Abraham
,
I
know
him
,
that
he
will
command
his
children
and
his
houshold
after
him
,
and
they
shall
keep
the
way
of
the
Lord
to
do
justice
and
judgment
:
that
the
Lord
may
bring
upon
Abraham
,
that
which
he
hath
spoken
of
him
,
Gen.
18.19
.
Joshua
saith
,
As
for
me
and
mine
house
we
will
serve
the
Lord
,
Josh.
24.15
.
It
was
the
command
of
God
,
that
Israel
should
diligently
teach
their
Childrin
the
words
of
God
,
and
talk
of
them
when
they
sit
in
their
houses
,
and
when
they
went
abroad
,
and
at
their
lying
down
and
rising
up
,
Deut.
6.7
.
How
often
doth
Solomon
exhort
to
this
duty
,
and
earnestly
perswade
all
,
especially
Children
,
to
hearken
unto
,
understand
,
remember
,
and
constantly
follow
the
Instruction
of
their
Parents
and
their
Teachers
?
This
was
the
care
of
Moses
,
of
Joshua
,
the
Judges
and
good
Kings
of
Judah
.
For
this
end
the
Priests
,
Levites
,
and
Scribes
were
ordained
of
God
,
and
the
Schools
of
the
Prophets
were
erected
for
this
work
.
This
was
one
prime
work
of
the
Levite
,
A
special
Work
of
the
Levite
.
to
teach
Jacob
God's
Judgments
,
and
Israel
his
Laws
,
Deut.
33.10
.
This
same
commandment
of
spiritual
Education
is
repeated
in
the
New
Testament
.
Parents
must
bring
up
their
Children
in
the
nurture
and
admonition
of
the
Lord
.
This
was
the
great
work
of
Apostles
,
Prophets
,
Evangelists
,
Pastours
and
Teachers
.
For
,
they
must
not
only
pray
,
but
teach
,
and
labour
,
not
only
for
conversion
,
but
the
edification
of
the
Churches
children
.
Every
Christian
should
help
and
further
one
another
in
this
work
.
As
Parents
in
their
Families
should
have
knowledge
,
and
be
able
to
instruct
their
Children
,
so
all
Schools
should
have
a
care
to
inctruct
the
Schollars
,
not
only
in
Languages
and
humane
Learning
,
but
also
in
the
saving
Doctrine
of
Salvation
.
This
was
the
reason
,
why
by
the
Canons
of
the
Church
they
were
bound
to
Catechise
the
Children
committed
to
their
charge
.
The
Universities
and
Colledges
were
bound
to
this
likewise
,
and
were
Seminaries
,
not
only
for
Lawyers
,
Philosophers
and
Physitians
,
but
especially
for
Divines
,
who
,
though
they
improved
their
knowledge
in
Arts
and
Languages
,
yet
it
was
in
subordination
to
their
diviner
and
more
excellent
Profession
.
To
this
Head
belongs
correction
,
good
example
,
and
prayer
.
For
the
principal
Teacher
is
the
Spirit
,
who
must
write
God's
truth
in
the
heart
,
and
make
all
means
of
Education
effectual
.
The
publick
and
principal
Officers
,
trusted
by
Christ
with
this
work
,
are
the
Ministers
of
the
Gospel
:
whose
work
is
not
meerly
and
onely
to
preach
and
expound
,
but
to
catechise
.
In
these
works
we
are
either
very
negligent
or
imprudent
.
For
,
we
should
plant
and
water
,
and
pray
to
God
for
the
encrease
:
we
should
lay
the
foundation
and
build
thereon
;
yet
some
will
do
neither
,
some
will
preposterously
water
before
they
plant
,
and
build
before
they
lay
the
foundation
,
and
so
do
Christ
little
service
,
and
the
Church
little
good
.
Some
●ake
upon
them
the
Charge
,
and
are
insufficient
.
Men
may
teach
by
word
or
writing
:
By
word
first
,
the
principle
should
be
methodically
according
to
the
ancient
Creeds
and
Confessions
be
taught
:
this
is
the
foundation
.
Without
this
Sermons
,
Expositions
,
reading
of
Scriptures
,
and
Books
of
Piety
will
not
be
so
profitable
,
and
edifying
as
they
might
be
.
People
should
be
taught
to
believe
the
saving
and
necessary
truths
of
the
Gospel
,
obey
his
commands
,
pray
for
all
blessings
and
mercies
,
and
especially
for
the
Spirit
,
that
their
faith
may
be
effectual
,
their
obedience
sincere
,
and
also
to
receive
the
Sacrament
aright
,
and
make
right
use
of
their
Baptism
.
Expositions
should
be
plain
and
clear
,
that
the
people
may
not
only
hear
,
but
understand
,
and
be
moved
by
the
truth
understood
.
Sermons
should
be
so
ordered
,
as
that
the
Texts
proposed
,
and
the
Doctrines
and
divine
Axiomes
thereof
may
be
cleared
,
understood
according
to
the
drift
and
scope
of
the
Spirit
.
And
the
application
should
be
pertinent
,
to
inform
the
understanding
with
the
truth
,
and
remove
errours
,
and
when
that
is
done
,
to
work
effectually
upon
the
heart
,
and
make
it
sensible
of
sin
past
,
and
pertinent
by
the
precepts
,
the
comminations
and
the
promises
,
to
comfort
and
raise
up
the
soul
dejected
,
and
this
especially
by
the
promises
of
the
Gospel
,
and
upon
motives
to
exhort
to
duty
,
and
upon
reasons
restrain
from
sin
.
This
Ordinance
and
means
of
divine
institution
is
much
abused
many
ways
,
by
instilling
of
erroneous
and
novel
opinions
,
with
which
the
people
are
much
taken
,
if
delivered
with
good
language
by
impertinencies
,
digressions
,
quaint
terms
and
formalities
.
But
of
these
things
I
have
spoken
in
my
Divine
Politicks
.
This
institution
is
so
necessary
,
that
without
it
the
Church
cannot
subsist
,
nor
the
Government
thereof
be
effectual
.
section
11
Thus
you
have
heard
,
that
the
subject
,
or
as
some
call
it
,
the
object
of
Politicks
is
a
Common-wealth
,
the
subject
whereof
is
a
Community
,
and
the
parts
the
Soveraign
and
the
Subject
.
According
to
this
method
,
though
mine
ability
be
not
much
,
I
have
spoken
of
a
Community
both
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
,
and
of
a
Common-wealth
,
1.
Civil
,
then
2.
Ecclesiastical
.
In
both
the
first
part
is
the
Soveraign
,
where
I
enquire
,
1.
Into
his
power
civil
,
and
then
into
the
spiritual
power
of
the
Keys
in
the
Church
.
2.
I
proceed
to
declare
how
the
Civil
Soveraign
acquires
,
or
loseth
his
power
,
and
how
the
Church
derives
her
power
,
or
is
deprived
of
it
.
3.
The
next
thing
is
,
the
several
ways
of
disposing
the
power
civil
in
a
certain
subject
,
whence
arise
the
several
forms
of
Government
civil
,
and
the
disposal
of
the
power
of
the
Keys
;
the
primary
subject
whereof
is
not
the
Pope
,
or
Prince
,
or
Prelate
,
or
Presbyter
,
or
People
,
as
distinct
from
Presbyters
,
but
the
whole
particular
Church
,
which
hath
it
in
the
manner
of
a
free
State.
Here
something
is
said
of
the
extent
of
the
Church
.
After
all
this
comes
in
pars
subdita
,
both
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
,
where
I
speak
of
the
nature
of
subjection
,
and
of
the
distinction
,
division
and
education
of
the
Subjects
,
both
of
the
State
and
Church
.
All
this
is
done
with
some
special
reference
both
to
the
State
and
Church
of
England
,
desiring
Peace
and
Reformation
.
If
any
require
a
reason
,
why
I
do
not
handle
Ecclesiastical
Government
and
Civil
distinctly
by
themselves
without
this
mixture
,
the
reasons
are
especially
two
:
1.
That
it
might
be
known
,
that
the
general
Rules
of
Government
are
the
same
both
in
Church
and
State
:
for
both
have
the
same
common
principles
,
which
by
the
light
of
Reason
,
Observation
and
Experience
,
may
be
easily
known
,
but
especially
by
the
Scriptures
,
from
which
an
intelligent
Reader
may
easily
collect
them
.
Therefore
,
it
's
in
vain
to
write
of
Church-Government
,
without
the
knowledge
of
the
Rules
of
Government
in
general
,
and
the
same
orderly
digested
.
The
ignorance
of
these
is
the
cause
why
so
many
write
at
random
of
Discipline
,
and
neither
satisfie
others
,
nor
bring
the
Controversies
concerning
the
same
unto
an
issue
.
2.
By
this
joynt
handling
of
them
,
the
difference
between
Church
and
State
,
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
Government
;
the
power
of
the
Sword
and
Keys
is
,
more
clearly
,
as
being
laid
together
,
apparent
:
For
this
is
the
nature
of
Dissentanies
,
Quod
juxta
posita
clarius
elucescunt
.
This
is
against
Erastus
,
and
such
as
cannot
distinguish
between
the
power
of
ordering
Religion
for
the
external
part
,
which
belongs
unto
the
civil
Soveraigns
of
all
States
,
and
the
power
of
the
Keys
,
which
is
proper
to
the
Church
,
as
a
Church
.
Yet
,
if
these
two
Reasons
will
not
satisfie
,
and
some
Reader
may
desire
and
wish
they
had
been
handled
dictinctly
,
he
may
read
them
as
dictinct
and
several
even
in
this
Book
.
I
my self
had
some
debate
within
my self
,
what
way
I
should
handle
them
,
yet
upon
these
reasons
I
resolved
to
do
as
I
have
done
.
section
12
A
Common-wealth
once
constituted
is
not
immortal
,
but
is
subject
to
corruptions
,
conversion
and
subversion
.
The
Authors
of
Politicks
following
the
Philosopher
,
make
these
accidents
the
last
part
of
their
Political
Systems
:
and
some
speak
of
them
more
briefly
,
some
at
large
:
and
declare
the
causes
,
and
prescribe
the
Remedies
,
both
for
prevention
and
recovery
.
Corruption
is
from
the
bad
constitution
,
or
male-administration
;
and
both
Soveraign
and
Subject
may
be
,
and
many
times
are
guilty
.
The
conversion
and
woful
changes
,
and
also
the
subversion
and
ruine
is
from
God
as
the
supream
Governour
and
just
Judge
of
Mankind
,
who
punisheth
not
only
single
and
private
Persons
and
Families
,
but
whole
Nations
and
Common-wealths
.
Of
these
things
the
Scripture
,
humane
Stories
,
and
our
own
experience
do
fully
inform
us
.
But
of
them
,
if
it
may
be
useful
,
I
shall
speak
more
particularly
and
fully
in
the
second
Book
:
the
subject
whereof
in
general
,
is
,
Administration
;
in
particular
,
Laws
and
Canons
;
Officers
of
the
State
and
of
the
Church
,
and
Jurisdiction
both
Civil
and
Ecclesiastical
.
The
reasons
why
I
desire
to
publish
this
first
,
and
severally
from
the
latter
part
,
are
partly
,
because
,
though
the
first
draught
of
that
latter
part
was
finished
above
half
a
Year
ago
,
yet
I
intend
to
enlarge
upon
the
particulars
:
partly
because
I
desire
to
know
,
what
entertainment
this
first
part
may
meet
withal
:
for
if
it
be
good
,
I
shall
be
the
more
encouraged
to
go
forward
:
but
chiefly
,
because
the
most
material
Heads
and
Controversies
are
handled
in
this
,
which
is
far
more
difficult
.
The
latter
will
be
more
easie
,
yet
profitable
and
useful
,
especially
if
some
of
greater
ability
would
undertake
it
.
The
God
of
Truth
and
Peace
give
us
Humility
,
Patience
,
Charity
and
the
Knowledge
of
his
Truth
;
that
holding
the
Truth
in
Love
,
we
may
grow
up
unto
him
in
all
things
,
which
is
the
Head
,
even
Christ
,
to
whom
be
Honour
,
Glory
and
Thanks
for
ever
.
Amen
.
FINIS
.
Notes, typically marginal, from the original text
Notes for div A49800-e410
Notes for div A49800-e1760
Notes for div A49800-e2240
Notes for div A49800-e3800
Notes for div A49800-e4680
Notes for div A49800-e7650
Notes for div A49800-e10760
Notes for div A49800-e12930
Notes for div A49800-e18930
Notes for div A49800-e19720
Notes for div A49800-e21730
Notes for div A49800-e23080
Notes for div A49800-e25970
Notes for div A49800-e28970
Notes for div A49800-e33150